Epigraphia Indica Vol 24

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032578/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXIV (1937-38)
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृष्ण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1984

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXIV.
जन्नसमावश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
NEW DELHI
1984

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Reprinted 1984
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price: Rs. 80.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area,
New Delhi-110015

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
Vol. XXIV. 1937-38.
EDITED BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D.,
GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA.
PUBLISHED BY THE MANAGER OF PUBLICATIONS, DELHI PAINTED BY TH MANAGER, GOVERNMENT OF INDIA PRESS, CALONTE
1960

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ALTEKAR, A. S., M.A., D. LITT.
No. 33. Allahabad Municipal Museum Yupa Inscription
34. Fourth Maukhari Yupa Inscription from Badva
17
BOSE, SUSHIL K., M.A.
No. 10. Indore Plates of Pravarasena II.
CHAKRAVARTI, N. P., M.A., PH.D.
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically.
29
No. 30. Bhopal Plates of the Mahakumara Harichamdradeva
42. Lucknow Museum Plate of Jayachchandradeva; V. S. 1237 CHHABRA, B.CH., M.A., M.O.L., PH.D.
No. 17. Svalpa-Velura grant of Ganga Anantavarman
32. Ranipur Jharial Inscriptions
"1
DEVA, KRISHNA, M.A.
No. 35. Kosam Inscription of Bhadramagha's reign: the year 81 GHOSH, A.. M.A.
No. 5. An Inscribed Brick from Nalanda of the year 197. 40. Two Maukhari Seals from Nalanda
GHOSH, JOGENDRA CHANDRA
CONTENTS.
"
No. 8. Notes on the Irda Copper-plate Grant of King Nayapaladeva.
16. Notes on the Nandapur Copper-plate of the Gupta year 169 GOPALACHARI, K., M.A.
No. 39. Epigraphic Notes (see also Nilakanta Sastri, K.A.).
GOSWAMI, KUNJA GOVINDA, M.A.
No. 25. Gautami Plates of Ganga Indravarman: year 4
39
28. Kosam Inscription of (the reign of) Kanishka: the year 2 KRISHNAMACHARLU, C. R., B.A.
No. 4. The Jurada Grant of Nettabhanjadeva.
,, 18. 19. ,, 31.
No.
33
Chura Grant of Pallava Vijaya-Vishnugopavarman Siroda plates of Devaraja
Sasanakota Plates of Ganga Madhavavarman; 1st year 43. Vilavatti Grant of Pallava Simhavarman
KRISHNARAO, B. V., M.A., B.L.
No. 38. Masulipatarı Plates of Ammaraja II LÜDERS, H.
No. 27. Seven Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura and its vicinity MAJUMDAR, N. G., M.A.
The Bajaur Casket of the reign of Menander
2. Inscriptions on two Relic-caskets from Charsadda
20. Kosam Inscription of the Reign of Maharaja Vaisravana of the year 107 21. Cuttack Museum Plates of Madhavavarman
MIRASHI, V. V., M.A.
No. 3. Pauni Stone Inscription of the Bhara King Bhagadatta.
13. Rewah Stone Inscription of the time of Karna: the [Chedi] year 800
"P
PAGE.
༔ སྙངྒེ་ཐ་སྒ⌘ཧྲིༀ ིི༞ པཎྜ ཻ ༞ཟླ་ཌཎྜིའི⌘ཟླ✖
245
201
129
230
194
1 8
146
148
11
101

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
.
PAGE.
116 176 260 329
.
.
.
.
MBASHI, V. V., M. A.-contd.
No. 14. The epoch of the Kalsohuri-Chedi era . , 24. A Noto on the Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Jayabhata (IIIT) .
37. Two Incomplete Grants of Pravarasena II .
. 45. Kaman Stone Inscription . . . . . . . . NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A.
No. 39. Epigraphic Notes (see also Gopalachari, K., M.A.) . . . . . PANCHAMUKEL, R. S., M.A.
No. 26. Three Inscriptions of Vaidumba- Maharaja Gandatrinetra . . . PANIGBAHI, KRISHNA CHANDRA, M.A.
No. 23. Komanda Copper-plates of Nettabhanja . . . . . . RAMANATHA ATTAR, A. S., B.A.
No. 12. Srirangam Inscription of Garudavahana-Bhatta: Baka 1415 .
41. Srirangam Inscription of Achyutaraya : Saka 1461. . BANKALIA, H. D., M.A., LL.B., Ph.D.
No. 29. Dohad Stone Inscription of Mahamuda (Begarha): V. S. 1645, Saka 1410 BESKADRI SABTRI, P.
No. 36. Dharanikota Dharmachakra Pillar Inscription . . . . SRINIVASARAO, G. V., B.A.
No. 9. Siripuram Plates of Anantavarman, Lord of Kalinga . . . . . STAPEL, F. W., LT. D.
No. 18. A Dutch Memorial slab in India . . . . . . SUBRAHMANYA ALYBR, K, V., B.A.
No. 7. Regulations of the Babha from two Uttaramallur Inscriptions . .
22. Tinnevelly Inscription of Maravarman Bundara-Pandys II . . . VENEATASUBBA AIYAR, V., B.A.
No. 8. Bendamangalam Inscription of Manavalapperumal : 5th year . . VYAS, AKSHAYA KEERTY, M.A., SAMSKRITI PT.
No. 11. Jagannatharaya Temple Inscriptions at Udaipur. .
44. First and Third Slabs of Kumbhalgarb Inpeription : V: 8. 1617 . . INDEX.-By M. Venkataramayya, M.A. . . . . . . . . . . Title Pago, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections . . . . .
.
.
.
.
66
.
804 897
.

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LIST OF PLATES.
55
147
No. 1. The Bajaur Casket of the Retgn of Menander (I) . . . . . between pages 6 & 7
to face page
7 3. Inscriptions on two Relio caskets from Charsadda . .
between pages 10 & 11 4. Pauni Stone Inscription of the Bhara king Bhagadatta .
to face page 8. The Jurada Grant of Nettabhanjadeva and An Inscribed Brick from Nalanda of the year 197 . . . . . . .
between pages 18 & 19 6. Siripuram Plates of Anantavarman, Lord of Kalinga . . .
to face page
51 7. Indore Plates of Pravarasena II . . . . . 8. Rewa Stone Inscription of the time of Karna: the Chedi year 800 .
110 9. Svalpa-Velura Grant of Ganga Anantavarman . .
135 10. Chura Grant of Pallava Vijaya-Vishnugopavarman.
between pages 142 & 143 11. Siroda Plates of Devaraja . . . . .
. to face page
145 12. Kosam Inscription of the Reign of Maharaja Vaiaravana of the year 107 13. Cuttack Museum Plates of Madhavavarman . .
between pages 152 & 153 14. Komanda Copper-plates of Nettabhanja . . . . . . to face page
174 16. Gautami Plates of Ganga Indravarman : the year 4.
181 16. Three Inscriptions of Vaidumba Maharaja Gandatrinetra.
between pages 190 & 191 17. Seven Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura and its vicinity.
194 &195 18. Sculptures from Mathura Museum . . .
to face page
199 19.
206 20. Kosam Inscription of Kanishka : the year 2 . .
212 21. Bhopal Plates of the Mahakumara Harichamdradeva
232 22. Sabanakota Plates of Ganga Madhavavarman : 1st year .
between pages 238 & 239 23. Allahabad Municipal Museum Yupa Inscription .
. to face page .. 24. Fourth Maukhari Yupa Inscription from Badva .
253 25. Kosam Inscription of Bhadramagha's reign : the year 81 and Bantia Plates of Dharasena II: (Valabhi-] Samvat 254, Plate II
. . between pages 256 & 257 26. Dharanikota Dharmachakra Pillar Inscription . . . . . . to face page
259 27. Two Incomplete Grants of Pravarasena 11—(Set A). -(Set B). . . .
266 29. Masulipatam Plates of Ammaraja II-(I) . .
275 30.
276 31. Two Inscriptions from Karla. . .
282 32. Two Maukhari Seals from Nalanda . .
. . between pages 284 & 285 83. Lucknow Museum Plate of Jayachchandradeva : V. 8. 1237
. . to face page
294 34. Seals of Three Pallava Copper-Plate Grants
297 35. Vilavatti Grant of Pallava Simhavarman
. . between pages 302 & 303 36. Kamen Stone Inscription . . . . . . to face page
334
250
264
28.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 8, para. 7, 1. 1.- For Kharoshthi reud Kharoshthi.
12, f. n. 1.-For Deotēk read Deotēk. » 13, para. 1, 1. 16.-For Aptoryāma read Aptoryäma.
16, f. n. 3.-For Ranabhañja read Ranabhaốja. 23, para, 4, 1. 6.-For Rajarajā read Rajarāja. 24, f. n. 8.-For Elisaimõgan read Elisaimogan. 25, 1. 2.- For Silăvati read Silavati. 27, text l. 3.-For (Vä]nilaikandiburamudaiya read (Vāļņilaikandiduramudaiya, 35, para. 5, L. 2.- Por Tanjai read Tañjai. 37, f. n. 16, 1. 4.-For Chaturvēdinangalam read Chaturvēdimangalam. 39, para. 2, 1. 18.-For has to be connected read have to be connected. 46, f. n. 1, 1. 4.-For Irda read Irda. 53, 1. 24.- Por Duduia read Dudis. 57, para. 2, 1. 1-2.- For dip-thongs read diphthongs. 66, text 1. 11. -For water read rice. 66, text I. 11.-For arrito read retreut. 70, text I. 46.- Por read . 73, text I. 12.-For forgete read uuele 74, text I. 24.- For and read her. 76, text 1. 41.-For wear read wget. 79, text I. 14.-For rent read areerd. 81, text I. 26.-For (ET) read (r). 90, para. 3, 1. 4.-For first fortnight and read first fortnight of the month of Rishabha
and. 90, para. 4, 1. 3.-For a new read anew. 95, para. 1, 1. 1.-For Vaidyaril read Vaijyaril. 95, para. 2, 1. 11.-For Singanna read Singanna. 108, end of para. 1.-Add the following :
“On re-examining the inked impressions of the Rewa Stone in.
scription of Karna of the Chodi year 800, I find that the second of the two missing aksharas before namna in l. 31 is ra. The name of the oyolio year was, therefore, Khara. This corroborates my reading of the date of this inscription. For the cyclio year corresponding to the expired Chēdi year 800 (A.D. 1048-49) was Khara according to the Northern luni
solar system." (V. V. M.) . 110, 1. 7.--For Målwa read Mälwå.
120, para. 2, 1. 1.- For Pendrābandh read Pandråbandh. 120, para. 2, 1. 1.- For Vol. XXII read Vol. XXIII. 133, para, 1, 1. 2.-For characters read charters. (B. C. C.) 140, para. 1, 1. 2.-For Uruvupalli plates of Sinhbavarman read Uruvupalli grant of
Simhavarman. 154, para. 3, 1. 8.- Por Udaiyān Küttäduvấn read Udaiyan Küttiduvån.
154, para. 3, I. 21.-Poron which varagu,' read on which elfu, varagu! , 154, peca. 4, 1. 2.- For and borne crops read and had borne crops.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
Page 162, 1. 26.--For friendly relation read friendly relations.
166, text 1. 1.-For Pü-malar-tirnvu[m] read Pumalar-tiruvu[m]. , 175, text l. 37.-For māmmāyā read Māmmāyā.
176, para. 3, 1. 1.-Por Kaira read Kairā. 176, para. 3,1. 1. -For Sankhēda read Särkhēda.
179, para. 5, 1. 13.-For Valabhi read Valabhi. , 184, para. 4, 1. 7.
-For Velungagunta read Velumgugumta. 191, para. 1, 1. 4. 185, £. n. 2.-For No. 453 of 1906 real No. 543 of 1906. 185, f. n. 8.-- For Arakatavēmula real Arakata vēmula. 188, para. 1, 1. 11.-For Kibbena halli' read Aralaguppe. 189 f. ns. 1, 2 and 4.-For No. 309 of 1923 real No. 309 of 1922 and for No. 310 of
1923 read No. 310 of 1922. 211, para. 5, 1. 5. -For thier read their.
213, f. n. 6, 1. 4.- For Champaner real Champāner. , 213, f. n. 7, 1. 5.-For goddless real goddess. , 214, para. 1,1.1.-For Muslim historians) and real Muslim historians (and. .. 215, f. n. 7, 1. 1. -For ta l-tëcsasya road tal-dešasya.
217, f. n. 4, L. 2.-For verse 21 real verse 22. ,, 218, para. 5.- In this para. Dr. Sankalia describes Jayadeva as the lord of Bågüla and
seems to hold the view that by Bāgüla the name of a country is indicated. But by the form Bāgüla a race or clan of Rathods seems to be referred to. The origin of the name Bågula and its application to a race or clan are explained in Rishfraudhavamsamahākāvya of Rudrakavi (1596 A. D.) vide:
Canto II vv. 27 ff. (M. V. R.).] 218, para. 6, 1. 2.-For Saka 1401 real Saka 1410. 221, text I. 9.-For a real (H) 1. 225, f. n. 1. -For punayan read punya. 233, text I. 15.--For vishay-Opahbhögah read vishay-opabocah. 239, f. n. 10,-For Ma'arij 1-8vu-mükl-ājiaptyi read Mahārāja-8071-mukh-ajsaptyú. 212, corrected text I. 1.-For Ente" real gath . 219, para. 1, 1. 3.-For Kaubidarikā read Kaubilārikā. 256, 1. 8 from bottom 257, para. 3,1. 2. - For Dharanikoța real Dbaraņikota. 239, II. 3-4. 301, para. 2, 1. 10.-For gotra read gotra. 263, f. n. 7, 1. 2.- For Bēloră real Bēlora. 261, text1.2.-For विहवस गीवस्य सम्राट' real विणवहसगीवस्य सबाट'. 279, para, 1, 1. 4.-For pillar by the wife read pillar by Reti, the wife. 286, f. n. 4, verse l. 1.-For a real wang. 295, f. n. 4, verse 1. 3.-For 19 read 9. 286, f. n. 4, verse l. 11,-For ** T read af . 289, f. n. 5, verse l. 1.--For Atur read het. 299, f. n. 2.-For Uruvupalli plates read Uruvupalli grant.
302, f. n. 7, 1. 1.-For at the first instance read in the first instance.. # 313, text I. 8.-For ut atat read at.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XXIV.
No. 1.-THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER.
By N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALOUTTA. The inscriptions edited here occur on a steatite casket which comes from Shinkot in Bajaur territory. The place is about twenty miles to the north-west of the confluence of the Panjkora and Swat rivers, beyond the borders of the North-West Frontier Province, where the casket was discovered by some tribal people while digging the foundations of a new fort. The territory of Bajaur, representing a part of the ancient province of Udyāna, is practically an unexplored country, and the present find is therefore of unusual interest. The only other mentionable object discovered in this region is the seal of Theodamas which was first published by Senart. The steatite casket is said to have encased a casket of silver, which in turn contained a gold reliquary and some ashes, but the silver and gold articles are no longer traceable. The outer casket together with some fragments of its lid has been recovered through the efforts of Mian Afzal Shah, son of Khan Bahadur Mian Rahim Shah, C.I.E., of Ziarat Kaka Sahib in Peshawar District. At the request of Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, Director General of Archæology in India, Mian Afzal Shah has very generously presented the casket to the Archaeological Department and it has been lent for exhibition to the Indian Museum, Archaeological Section, Calcutta. I am deeply obliged to Rao Bahadur Dikshit for having permitted me to edit the inscriptions and also for the help I have received from him in manifold ways.
The casket is a flat, bowl-shaped vessel of dark steatite having a flanged base all round, 1.3" in width. The diameter of the casket at the mouth is 8.8" and at the base 11.3", and the diameter of the lid is also, 11.3." The depth of the bowl is 1.9", and the casket including the lid measures 3-3" in height. Excepting a few indented lines in the form of concentric rings encircling the body of the casket and its lid at six different places, it bears no other decoration.
The characters appearing on the casket are Kharoshthi, as may be expected in the locality from which it comes. The inscriptions are engraved along the rim of the lid (A), around its centre (A and C) and on its inner face (A'), also in the concave portion of the casket (B and D) and on its back (E). The longest one of the inscriptions is marked D, the lines of which are disposed of in the form of a spiral, as in the case of the Relic Casket of the year 303 from Charsadda." As only a few fragments of the lid have been recovered it has not been possible to restore the entire text of Inscriptions A, A+, A. and C. The rest of the inscriptions, however, have been completely made out, as the bowl of the casket, although slightly cracked, is in a fair state of preservation.
The engraving of letters has not been carried out in the same uniform style throughout, and from this point of view the inscriptions may be classified under two distinct groups In A, A', A and B the letters are formed by bold and deeply incised strokes, while in C, D and Ethe
1 Journal Asiatique, VIII, xiii (1889), pp. 364 ff; and Konow, C. 1. 1., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 6. . See pp. 8 ff. below

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2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
writing is shallow, the letters are comparatively small and the strokes in many places no better than superficial scratches. A similar example of superficial engraving of Kharōshṭhi letters is afforded by the Charsadda Casket inscription of the year 303.
n
The grouping of inscriptions as suggested above can be justified also on grounds of paleography. Inscriptions A-B have in all the instances with a rounded head, but in C-E it shows definitely an acute angle. In the former inscriptions n has a long sweep in its top curve, resembling the letter in the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra Edicts of Asoka. In the latter inscriptions this curve has taken an angular or hook-like appearance, akin to the type occurring in the inscriptions of the Kushan period. Significant also are the varying shapes of the letter s which in A-B is generally of the closed type as in the Asokan inscriptions and Indo-Greek coins, while in C-E it shows in all cases a definite gap at the upper left side of the crowning loop, although in the majority of examples its lower vertical slightly extends upward, beyond the point where it meets the loop. The latter feature is characteristic of the s as found in the inscriptions of the Saka period, while the upward extension of the vertical is absent in the letter occurring in the Kushan inscriptions. While, therefore, Inscriptions C-E are referable to the period of the Saka Satraps of Taxila and Mathura, Inscriptions A-B must be referred to a somewhat earlier date. This date is suggested by Inscription A which refers itself to the reign of Maharaja Minadra, i.e., the Greek King Menander, who ruled sometime in the 2nd century B. C. To the same date must also be assigned Inscriptions A1, A and B which exhibit palæographic features identical with those of Inscription A. The difference in age between the two sets of inscriptions was probably a little more than fifty years, so that we may suppose that the additional inscriptions C, D and E were engraved sometime in the 1st century B. C.
Apart from the evidence of paleography and the technique of engraving, there is another point in favour of the assumption that some of the inscriptions were incised at a later date. The position of Inscriptions A1 and C on the casket shows that A1 existed already when C was engraved. Had it not been so the engraver of C would have commenced his writing from a point further to the right. Similarly, Inscription B must have existed prior to D; otherwise there would be no need for the engraver of D to leave so much space between lines 1 and 2, just where Inscription B occurs on the casket. This spacing was evidently intended to avoid overlapping of the inscriptions.
The language of the inscriptions is the North-Western variety of Prakrit as in the postAsokan Kharoshṭhi documents. Linguistically, the earlier group of inscriptions on the casket cannot be differentiated altogether from the later group; the only mentionable difference is in the case of the word Sakyamuni which is rendered as Sakamuni in Inscription A3. The word appears in this form in the Taxila plate of Patika, Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions and the Tirath Foot-print inscription. It occurs also in a Jauli inscription which, according to Konow, is a copy of an older record. In the Kurram and Wardak Vase inscriptions the name is Sanskritized as Sakyamuni. It is spelt, however, as Sakimunis in Inscription D. Such a difference in the spelling of the all-important word denoting the Buddha's name cannot be without significance and must be attributed to the circumstance that Inscription D was composed by a different man at a date later than Inscription A. Other points concerning the language will be noted where each individual text is discussed.
1 Majumdar, Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1928-29, p. 171.
* C. I. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 28, 48 and 9.
Ibid., p. 97, No. 12.
Ibid., pp. 155 and 170.
> The letter mu in A3 is also of an earlier form as compared with that in D.

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No. 1.]
THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER.
The question arises why these two sets of inscriptions were engraved on one and the same casket, but at two different dates. This can be answered after we have considered the purpose of the inscriptions and also analysed their individual contents. The earlier portion of the record represented by A, A', A and B refers to the establishment or consecration of the corporeal relic) of the Buddha in the reign of Mahārāja Minadra, on the 14th day of the month of Kārttika of a certain year which is lost. The donor of the casket was a person named Viyakamitra. The later portion of the record represented by Inscriptions C-D also refers to the establishment of the corporeal relic of the Buddha, and of the bowl, but by & person named Vijayamitra, on the 25th day of Vaisakha of the 5th regnal year. Inscription E of this later group mentions the name of the scribe Viśpila Further details of the inscriptions will be clear from our analysis of the contents as given below.
A.-This inscription must have opened with a mention of the year of consecration.of the casket The portion specifying the year is lost. So also is the concluding portion of the text which probably contained a reference to sarira after the word pruna-sameda. As mentioned already, the inscription refers itself to the reign of King Menander whose name is spelt here as Minadra, allied to the Pāli form Milinda. The Pali text Milindapanho, or The Questions of King Menander', contains a number of imaginary dialogues between this king and the Buddhist sage Nägasēna. The king's name appears as Menadra on his coins, while on a relief from Gandhāra the name of its donor, who is also a Menander, is spelt as Minamdra. In the present record the title maharaja occurs after the name of the king. Similar instances are found also on some of his coins, the Kharoshthi legend on which reads as Menadrasa maharajara tratarasa. The word katiasa is equivalent to Sanskrit Karttikasya. The change of rt into occurs also in the Prākrit of Asokan inscriptions. The day of the month of Kärttika is expressed as 4 4 411, i.e., 14. This notation is rather unusual, since the customary way to express the number 14 would be to write 10 4. The third digit, viz., 4, which is engraved below the line, appears to have been added later.
The words prana-sameda, i.e., prūna-samēta, which occur twice, in A and in A!, seem to have been used in reference to the sarira, i.e., the corporeal relic of the Buddha. The Buddhist conception regarding his corporeal relic is thus explained in the Mahāvansa : " If we behold the relics we behold the Conqueror " i.e., the Buddha. Regarding the deposit of his relics in the Thũpărāma-chetiya in Ceylon the Buddha is supposed to have observed : "If my pure relics, filling a dona-measure, are laid............, they shall take the form of the Buddha, and rising and floating in the air, they shall take their place after having wrought the miracle of the double appearances." Thus in regard to the relic consecrated in the Thüpārāma-chetiya it is stated that when it was brought to the place on the back of an elephant and was being watched by the people from every side, it "rose up in the air from the elephant's back, and floating in the air plain to view, at the height of seven tālas, throwing the people into amazement, it wrought that miracle of the double appearances, that caused the hair (of the beholders) to stand on end, even as (did) the Buddha under the Gandamba-tree". In view of such powers attributed to
10. 1. 1., Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 134.
Smith. Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, Vol. I, p. 26, No. 77.
• The second symbol for 1 is longer than the first. A similar example occurs in the Fatehjang inscription of the year 69 (C. I. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, Plate IV, 1).
Geiger's Mahavirus (Translation, P. T. 8.), p. 116. . Ibid., p. 120. . Ibid., p. 119-120.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XXIV.
the corporeal relic of the Buddha the significance of the expression, präna-samēta, i.e., endow. ed with life', becomes clear. The relic was no doubt looked upon as a living organism, as animated as the body of the Buddha before Nirvāņa. As in the Mahāvunsa, the donor here also must have been actuated by the same belief: "By these relics of his body the Master of the World, being already passed into nibbāņa, truly bestowed salvation and bliss in abundance on mankind."1
A'.-The text here consists of remnants of two letters followed by a ta. Traces of a horizontal line are discernible in the first two, which enable us to restore the word as thavita, the complete word being pratithavita, i.e., established'. This must have reference to the deposit of the relic in a stūpa.
A'.--There are wide gaps here between the words which were probably four in all and arranged in a circle. The first and the last are clear, viz., prana-sameda......... ...... Sakamunisa. Before Sakamunisa there is just a trace of the letter torr. If it is t, as is more likely, we are per. haps justified in restoring the missing word here as bhagavato. The entire inscription would then read: prana-sameda sarira bhagarato Sakamuniso, i.e., the corporeal relic of the bhagavat sākyamuni, which is full of life'.
B.-There is no difficulty about the reading of B which runs as Viyakamitrasa apracha-rajasa. It should be noted here that the two dental sibilants are of the later semi-open type, although technically speaking the inscription should be assigned to the date of Inscription A, that is the reign of King Menander. As our analysis shows, in the earlier group the closed type of s predominates, while in the later group the predominant form is of the semi-open variety. The first part of the name Viyakamitra may represent Viryaka, or Vijjaka which appears as a personal name in later times. The title apracha-raja perhaps corresponds to a-pratyag-raja, i.e., one who has no royal adversary. It may be compared with such phrases qualifying the king's name as apadihata on the Indo-Greek coins and apratihata-chaka on those of the Indo-Parthian king Gondo
pheres. The genitive case ending in t'iyakamitrasa, which has no complementary word after -it, shows that here the word dana has to be supplied, that is to say a gift of Viyakamitra is to be understood. Similar examples are well known from early Indian inscriptions. The gift was no doubt the casket itself containing the relics. Viyakamitra, who must have been a vassal chief under King Menander on the North-Western Frontier of India, is not known from any other sources.
C.-It records the name of Vijayamitra in the first line. The second linc reads as pate pradi. tharide; the word pate no doubt stands for pătra, i.e., the bowl, referring to the steatite casket. How much of the inscription is missing cannot be guessed from the fragmentary condition of the lid.
D. - This is the principal record that was engraved subsequent to A.B. The opening words ime sarira are familiar to us from other Kharoshthi inscriptions, but there is no analogy clsewhere of what follows. The words paluga-bhudao correspond to Pāli palugga-bhato, meaning which has broken or has been shattered.' The words following, wa sakare atrita, may be tuken to represent va satkārë adrita. The verbal form sariat(r)i may correspond to Sanskrit siryati, ali sarafı from the root fri, meaning, 'to be worn out, to decay', etc. The subscript stroke in the last
Geiger's Maharansa (Translation, P. T. S.) p. 121 * The additional stroke at the foot of the letter sa in Viyakamitrasa cannot be explained. • Pali-English Dictionary (P. T. S.), •. t. palugga.
* Cf. the expressions püjeni radaru worshipped with zeal' and nuk kiruthana, place of worabip' used reference to the Buddha's relie. Geiger, Sahararea (Text), 31. 29 au 31. 62.
in

Page #16

No. 1.]
THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER.
letter is superfluous but might have a phonetic significance. It appears several times in this inscription in places where it is not at all expected, e.g., in grinayat(r)i, Ves(r)akh(r)asa, pamchavis(r)aye, prat(r)ithavit(r)e and bhag(r)avatu. Similar examples frequently occur in the Mathura Lion Captial Inscriptions. The word kalad(r)e may stand for kalataḥ, in course of time,' and sadhro for sraddhaḥ, venerated'. The word pimdoyakeyi would correspond to pind-odakaiḥ, i.e., with alms and water,' and pitri grinayat(r)i would correspond to pitrin grahayati, i.e., makes the ancestors or manes accept,' or 'propitiates the ancestors'. The inscription means to say that as the relic was damaged, it was no longer zealously worshiped. In course of time it had begun to decay and was not venerated, and the distribution of alms and water for the propitiation of the dead ancestors was no longer taking place. It is further stated that even the receptacle of the sarira (tasa ye patre) was apomua, i.e., apamuktaḥ or abandoned'. The offering of pindodaka to the ancestors was no doubt the usual practice even among the Buddhist laity. The regular offering of petadakkhina, i.e., gifts to dead ancestors,' is enjoined in the Anguttara-Nikaya as one of the principal duties of a house-holder. Offerings to pubha-petas are referred to also in the Milindapañho and in the Petavatthu. In the present case the idea probably is that these offerings used to take place so long as the corporeal relic together with the casket which contained it was deposited in a stupa in an undisturbed condition. But subsequently before Inscription D was written, the relic and the casket had become desecrated and unfit for worship. The inscription goes on to say that in the fifth (regnal) year the same relic was established (in a stupa) by Vijayamitra, who has the title apracha-raja like his predecessor Viyakamitra of Inscription B. Vijayamitra appears to have belonged to the same family and to have re-consecrated the relic, a record of which he was naturally anxious to perpetuate on the casket itself. A similar example of the re-establishment of a corporeal relic of the Buddha occurs in the Taxila copper-plate of Patika (apratiṭhavita bhagavata Sakamunisa sariram pratithaveti).
5
E. Finally, on the back of the casket is recorded the fact that the writing (that is of C and D) was carried out by one Vispila. The word anamkatena qualifying Vispilena corresponds to anakritena, i.e., ajñākritēna, who was ordered'. It refers of course to his having executed the work under the orders of Vijayamitra. In Central Asian Kharoshṭhi documents an anusvāra is often substituted for a long vowel, e.g., in vimñavayammi for vijñāpayāmi. In these documents ana regularly stands for ajña. In the Shahbazgarhi recension of Asoka's edicts jn, is rendered by the lingual, as in literary Prakrit. The compound sp in Vispila represents Sanskrit év. A similar name Vespasi occurs in the Manikiāla inscription of the reign of Kanishka.
From Inscription D of Vijayamitra we can understand why the two sets of inscriptions came to be incised on one and the same casket at two different dates. The relic casket was conecrated twice: the original consecration was done by Viyakamitra in the time of King Menander and the re-consecration was carried out later by Vijayamitra, who, as the title shows, must have been a descendant of Viyakamitra. Inscription A, which gives the date, the 14th day
1 C. I. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 33-34.
B. C. Law, The Buddist Conception of Spirits, 1936, pp. 8-9.
Ed. by Trenckner (Royal Asiatic Society's Reprint, London, 1928), p. 294.
Ed. by Minayeff, e.g., I. 4, I. 5.
The year no doubt refers to the reign of Vijayamitra.
Kharosthi Inscriptions, p. 250, No. 663 and p. 300.
7 Hultzsch, C. I. I., Vol. I, p. lxxxviii. C. I. I., Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 148.

Page #17

6
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
of Kärttika of some year, refers no doubt to the original consecration, while the 25th day of Vaisakha of the fifth (regnal) year mentioned in Inscription D represents the date on which the re-consecration took place. Both the months Kärttika and Vaisakha are auspicious from the Buddhistic point of view. As pointed out by Fleet, the Sarvästivadins held that the Buddha attained Parinirvana in the month of Kärttika. On the other hand, according to the Ceylonese tradition, the event happened in the month of Vaisakha. The former view, which is based on a statement of Yuan Chwang, perhaps represents an earlier tradition. In any case it would be quite natural for a Buddhist to consecrate the corporeal relics of the Great Master on the anniversary of his demise.
As mentioned already, Viyakamitra must have been a ruling prince under Menander. The latter, who belonged to the house of Euthydemus, had his capital at Sakala as stated in the Milindapañho. Sakala is said to have been situated in the country of the Yonakas and is usually identified with Sialkot in the Punjab between the rivers Chenab and Ravi. According to the Milindapañho Menander was born in Alasanda, identified with the district of Alexandriaunder-the-Caucasus between the Panjshir and the Kabul rivers. From the finds of his coins, which are distributed over a very large area, from the Kabul Valley to the United Provinces, there remains no doubt that his empire was an extensive one. According to some scholars the passage in the Mahabhashya of Patanjali regarding the siege of Saketa (in the United Provinces) and Madhyamika (in Rajputana) by a Yavana king refers to an invasion of Menander. The discovery of the present record in Bajaur proves conclusively that it was included within his territory and was under the governorship of Viyakamitra, who, as the name shows, must have been a prince of local origin.
As regards Vijayamitra, Rao Bahadur-Dikshit has kindly drawn my attention to a number of coins discovered in the Saka-Palhava City of Sirkap in Taxila during the excavations of 1931. These are rectangular copper pieces bearing the legend Vijayamitrasa, written in Brahmi on one side and Kharoshṭhi on the other, along with the svastika, triratna, hill and other symbols. The Brahmi legend, which is the clearer of the two, shows characters of the 1st century B. C. There is another coin in the British Museum ascribed to Vijayamitra's son' (Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, 3rd series, Vol. X, 1890, p. 127; and Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins in the Panjab Museum, Vol. I, p. 168 and Pl. XVII, iii). It is an imitation of the Indo-Parthian type (King on horse-back and standing deity), the Kharöshṭhi legend on which reads Vijayamitra(sa) apacha....... The lower portions of the letters apacha........ are cut away. It is probable that these are the remnants of the legend apracha-rajasa. This coin, however, must be attributed to the middle of the first century A. D.
Vijayamitra of the Taxila coins may be identified with Vijayamitra of the present casket. His connection with the North-West Frontier is thus independently attested by numismatic
1 J. R. A. 8., 1909, p. 14.
On Menander see Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, pp. 549-552.
In the Buddhavarea (P. T. S.), p. 68, v. 8, the bowl relic (patra) of the Buddha is supposed to have been deposited at a place called Vajira. This name might be identical with Bajaur and it is not impossible that the author of the text had actually heard of the story of the consecration of a bowl or relic casket like the present one in a stapa in that country. Its capital might have been Vajravati in Uttarapatha' mentioned in the Bodhisattv-vadana-kalpalata (B. C. Law, Geographical Essays, 1937, Vol. I, p. 46).
Along with the coins of Vijayamitra was found a rectangular, bilingual copper piece of an identical type, which belongs to a king named Virayasas. The Brahmi characters of this coin also are assignable to the first century B. C. This king should be identified with he Kulita Virayasas who is known from a round copper coin in the British Museum (Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, 1936, p. 158), found by Cunningham in the Northern Punjab beyond Lahore.

Page #18

THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER(I).
a. Relic Casket from Bajaur.
SCALE: THREE-SEVENTHS. b. The same showing Inscription E on back.
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #19

Part of lid showing Inscription A2 on the inner face.
Part of lid showing Inscriptions A, 11 and C.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.

Page #20


Page #21

THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER(II).
Inside view showing Inscriptions B and D.
75. u464
SCALE: ONE HALF
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

Page #22

No. 1.)
THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER.
evidence. The British Museum coin must belong to a later prince, most probably of the same dynasty, as appears from the continuity of the epithet apacka-(rajasa).
TEXT.
A. Rim of Lid. ..... Minadrasai maharajasa Katiasa divasa 4 4 4 11 pra[a]-[sa]mo[da]........
A. Centre of Lid. .....(prati)[thavi]ta
A. Inner face of Lid. prana-same[ da)................ (to) Sakamunisa.
B. Inside of Casket. Viyakamitrasa apracha-rajasa
C. Centre of Lid. 1 Vijaya[mit]ra ....... 2 pate pradithavide
D. Inside of Casket. 1 Ime sarira paluga-bhud(r)ao na sa kare atrita [*] sa sariat(r)i kalad(r)ena sadbro na pimdoya
keyi pitri griņayat(r)i [l*) 2 tasa ye patre apomua [l*] vashaye parchamayo 4 1 Vob(r)akh(r)asa masasa
divasa-parchavib(r)ayo iyo 3 prat(r)ithavit(r)e Vijayamitrona apracha-rajena Bhag(r)avatu Sakimupisa samasa[m]budhasa sarira [l*]
E. Back of Casket. Vispilena anamkatena likhit(r)e [*]
TRANSLATION.
A. On the 14th day of Kärttika, in the reign) of Mahārāja Minadra, (in the year .. ..), (the corporeal relic of the Buddha), which is endowed with life......
A. ..... has been established.
(The corporeal relic) of Sakamuni (i.e., Säkyamuni), which is endowed with life ....
B. (The gift) of Viyakamitra, who has no king as his adversary'.
1 There is a scratch looking like the e stroke in n, which seems to have been due to a flaw in the stone. * For . proposed restoration see above p. 4.
The superfluous stroke has been put within brackets in every case. The word wbudhana is quite clear in the original.

Page #23

8
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
C.
Vijayamitra........the bowl has been established.
[VOL. XXIV.
D.
This corporeal relic having been broken is not held in worship with zeal. It is decaying in course of time, (and) is not honoured; (and here) by the offering of alms and water ancestors are no longer propitiated; (and) the receptacle of that (relic) has been cast aside. (Now) in the fifth year and on the twenty-fifth day of the month of Vaisakha, this has been established by Vijayamitra, who has no king as his adversary',- (namely) the corporeal relic of the lord Sakimuņi (i.e., Sakyamuni), the one who is truly enlightened.
6
E.
Written by Vispila under orders.
No. 2.-INSCRIPTIONS ON TWO RELIC-CASKETS FROM CHARSADDA.
BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA.
The two caskets (marked respectively I and II) on which the subjoined inscriptions are engraved were acquired by Mr. Dilawar Khan, Curator, Peshawar Museum in April, 1935, from man of Charsadda in Peshawar District. The latter had discovered them some time ago in an ancient mound called Kula-dheri near Charsadda, while removing earth for the manure for his fields. The contents of the caskets are however lost, and from the vague reports that reached Mr. Khan he was not able to ascertain the exact nature of the deposits. In May, 1935, the caskets were sent for examination to the Director General of Archaeology in India who kindly placed them at my disposal for study and permitted me to edit the inscriptions in the Epigraphia Indica.
The caskets are of blue schist and on the whole well preserved, each bearing a Kharoshthi inscription. The letters, which are made by superficial scratches, often show irregular shapes, due partly to careless engraving, but to a greater extent to the cursive nature of the script itself. The letters being extremely shallow it has not been possible to take estampages. The accompanying plates are based on photographs taken of the caskets in the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
1.-Inscription of the year 303 on Relic-Casket I.
The casket on which this inscription is engraved has a diameter of 5.1" and is 1-5" high, with a circular cavity in the centre 7" deep. The writing is disposed of throughout in circular lines according to the shape of the casket. It begins on the rim and is continued inside, covering the base of the hollow, from where again it is carried on to the outer face of the wall of the casket.
The characters are Kharōghthi of the Kushan period. Some remarks are called for regarding the forms of individual letters. The letter t in pradithareti and rahatana is distinguished from r by the shortness of its stem. In thubao the letter b is angular and does not present the top curve. Similar examples of b occur also in the Jaulia inscriptions1 and in the Loriyan Tangai inscription" of the year 318. The sign for letter r in sagharam" which more resembles a b is rather unusual, although the reading is certain. The ligature read as ts in sabatsa (i.e., sambatsara) is exactly similar to the sign occurring in the Päjä inscription. Sten Konow prefers to read it as t which
1 C. I. I., Vol. II, Part 1, Pl. XVIII.
Ibid., Pl. XXI, 1.
Ibid., Pl. XIII, 1.

Page #24

No. 2.)
INSCRIPTIONS ON TWO RELIC-CASKETS FROM CHARSADDA.
9
he finds also in the Kharðshthi documents from Chinese Turkestan. But this reading has not been generally accepted. The letter y in this inscription is in most cases distinguished from 6 by the curvilinear slanting stroke it shows on the left-hand side; also the head of y is more or less conical while that of 4 is rectangular. In one instance at least (pracha-Bulhana puyae) there is a slanting top bar added to the two nprights of y.
The language is a form of Präkrit as found generally in the Indian Kharðshthi inscriptions of the Kushān period. The word dala in the expression etck-eta-mite corresponds to Pāli ettaika, meaning so much' (cf. Prakrit ettia, ettiya and ettika). The same form elaka is well known from the Asokan inscriptions. In rahatana, which stands for arahatana, a is elided as a result of enphony. The verbal form sthapapema represents Sanskrit sthāpayāmah (cf. Pāli thapāpeto)." The use of nominative singular for accusative singular in thubao (thubako) is irregular (for which cf. dhramo for dhraman in Asöka's Rock-edict XII at Shahbazgarhi). Attention may be drawn to a dialectic peculiarity which the language of this inscription bears in common with that of the Kharoshthi Dhammapada as preserved in the Dutreuil de Rhins Manuscript. This is the u termination in sagharamu sanghārāmam) that has its parallels in such forms as magu for maggo, dhamu for dhammam and so on of the Dhammapada. The Dutreuil de Rhins Ms. has been referred by Senart to the second century A. D., but probably is of a somewhat later age. It may be suggested that the Charsadda casket inscription also belongs to this period. The words se yema may be taken to represent tad yad-idam, meaning 'as follows'. The three letters following yema I read as naviga(navaka, 'a Buddhist novice '). In Saravaranasi we have evidently an example of the locative singular with -asi.
The inscription records the consecration of a reliquary or casket (dona, i.e., dróna) in a place called Saravarana. Another place Avasaura is also mentioned in the locative case (Avasaürami) in connection with the donation. The former was probably the name of the particular locality where the gift was made and the latter that of the town of which it formed part. Tbe casket is stated to have been deposited by the novice Vesa, who for this pur pose also erected a stūpa and a sanghārāma.
The concluding portion of the inscription mentions a personage named Avakhajhada to whom honour (puja) is shown. He is described as chhatrava (kshatrapa), and also as grama. svami (grāma-svämin), i.e., 'the lord of villages,' serving under & maharaya (mahärāja), that is an independent ruler. The town Avabatirs must have been included within the jurisdiction of Avakhajhada. The inscription is, dated in the year 303 of an era which is not specified. Probably it should be referred to the same reckoning to which the year 318 of the Loriyan Tangai inscription must be attributed. If referred to the Mälava era of 58 B. C. the year 303 corresponds to A. D. 245, a date that agrees well with the language and palæography of the inscription.
I now place below the text and translation of the record. It should be noted, however, that my transcript of the portion following the date, which occurs on the rim of the casket, is not entirely free from doubt. But at present I am unable to offer a better reading.
1 Kharoth Inscriptions, Part III, Oxford 1929, p. 314. • Pali-English Dictionary (P. T. 8.), s. .
Senart, Journal Asiatique, 1897; also revised edition by Bards and Mitra, Prakrit Dhammapada, Calcutta University, 1921.
• Pali-English Dictionary (P. T. 8.), s. v. navaka.
Dröna is a veseel or measure of capacity; cf. dopadhatu cited in Childers, Pali-English Dictionary, from the Mahapana. The expression sattadonani dhátúnan, .e., seven dronas full of relics,' occurs in Madrassa, 31.22. Tbin in the special sense in which dona is used in the prosent inscription.
• The official title gåmasämiko is mentioned in the Milindapanho (Roy. As. Soc. reprint), p. 147, 1. 12.

Page #25

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. xxiv.
TEXT.
On rim. Sabatua 111 100 111 [l*) otak-eta-mite tu dona sthapapema [1] se yema naviga Vena Baravarapast (sa)-thuba[0]" sagharamu pradithaveti
On inner side, outer circle. Avatatrami mada pidu paya[et] sarya-Budhaņa puyae sa
On inner side, inner circle. Ive Pracha[ga*)-Budhana puyde sarve-rabataņa puya[e*]
Along outer face of wall. putra-darasa puyae mitra-ñadi-salohidaņa puya[e*] Avakhajhadasa puyae Chhatravasa
maharayasa
gramasamisa
TRANSLATION The year 303. And in such and such (year) as here specified a reliquary is caused to be consecrated by us. Thus the novice Vesa, establishes a sanghārāma, together with a stupa, at Saravarapa in Avasara, in honour of parents, in honour of all Buddhas, in honour of all Pratyöka-Buddhas, in honour of all Arhats, in honour of wife and son (or sons), in honour of friends, kinsmen and blood-relations, and in honour of the Mahārāja's village-lord, the Satrap Ava hajhada.
2.-Inscription on Rolic-Casket II. This casket is 2.9" in diameter, 1.1' in height and its central cavity is '6" in depth. It bears only one line of inscription in Kharðshthi characters, engraved along the outer side. The lotters are formed by shallow trucision as on Casket I. As regards the forms of individual letters, the only point to note is that the letter y in puyae has the top bar as in 6. The two caskets are mimibar in shape and execution and palæographically there is no difference between this and the foregoing record.
The inscription records the deposit of a corporeal relic (sarira) by a person named Trami.
TEXT. Tramina dañamu[kho*) ime harira presthevida
Budhana puyae
TRANSLATION. This corporeal relic is deposited in honour of the Buddhas.
The gift of Trami.
* The letter na was omitted at first and added later above the line. * At first the latter ha was engraved, which was later changed to o. • The first and an additional flourish below, which may have been an attempt to write sa.
the stable wra probably standa for pura. C4. ateura for antab pura in the Mathura Lion Capital inscrip. tion No. A. 9.

Page #26

INSCRIPTIONS ON TWO RELIC-CASKETS FROM CHARSADDA.
Casket I (Rim and inner side).
Casket II.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTL.
SCALE : ACTUAL SIZE.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #27

Casket I (Outer side)

Page #28

No. 3.] PAUNI STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE BHARA KING BHAGADATTA.
11
No. 3.-PAUNI STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE BHARA KING BHAGADATTA. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
8
Pauni is an old town situated on the right bank of the Wainganga about thirty-two miles south of Bhaṇḍārā, the headquarters of the Bhandara District of the Central Provinces. The ancient name of the town is said to be Padmavati. The town is surrounded on three sides by a moat and a mud-wall, covered in some places with stone battlements, and on the fourth by the river Wainganga. A mound on the south, outside the most, which was dug some years ago for building a temple, is said to have yielded a stone-box containing some relics and small images, but none of them can now be traced. The present inscription was brought to my notice by Mr. Ichchha puri Goswami, a retired teacher of Pauni, while I was halting with some friends for a short time at the place on our way to see the inscribed slab at Deotek, in October 1985. The slab on which the present inscription is incised is now lying in a pit two or three furlongs to the west of the main gate of the town. We were told that it was originally lying flat on the ground, but some years ago some persons dug under it in search of the treasure which they thought was buried under it. They made a large pit, in which the slab is lying now with one end of it stuck into the ground. We could not then take out the massive slab, but we were informed that the underground end of it contained no inscribed letters. At a short distance from the place we found a mound, which, being situated in the midst of a plain, appeared to be artificial.
As already stated, the present inscription is incised on a massive slab. The inscribed portion measures 3' 1" by 4", and consists of a single line containing fifteen aksharas. The size of letters varies from 21" to 3". They were deeply incised, but parts of them have now become worn, being exposed to weather for several centuries. For instance, the lower portion of the vertical of ra1 and the upper one of ya in rayasa and the middle horizontal stroke of j in pajuga- have left only faint traces. Some other letters, again, like d in Bhagadata, pa and the medial i of pați show partial effacement. The characters belong to the early Brahmi alphabet. They exhibit an admixture of earlier and later signs. The medial long i of fi in pati, for instance, occurs exactly in this form in a Girnar rock-edict of Asōka, but in other respects the letters show a marked development over the Asokan alphabet. The broadened forms of bh, g and t, the form of 8 in which the right prong of its fork is raised to the same height as the left one, the angular p with a shortened left limb and the sign for the medial u in ju-all these denote a later age. The letters are not, however, so broad or angular as those of the Kushan inscriptions, nor even as those of the Nasik inscription of Ushavadāta. I would, therefore, refer the inscription to the beginning of the Christian era. The language is early Prakrit. Double consonants are entirely absent. There is also no elision of inter-vocalic mutes except in -rayasa where we have ya-éruti. In pājugā (for Sanskrit pādu kā) we see two changes: the substitution of the palatalj for the dental d, ef. the Saurasēni chitthadi for tishthati, and the softening of k into g, cf. mugha for mukha in No. 1217 of Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions.
The object of the inscription is to record the dedication of a slab with foot-prints (pājugā pați) by Bhagadata (Bhagadatta) king of the Bhāra (clan). The slab on which the inscription
1 The akshara cannot be read as då, for the existing vertical stroke is too long to be the upper portion of de Compare the form of the letter in Bhagadatasa. I, therefore, read it as ra, its lower portion. being effaced like the vertical of the next akshara ya. In the present record there are several instances of partial effacement of letters owing to exposure to weather.
See Table II, IX, 18 in Bühler's Indische Palaeographie.

Page #29

12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
is incised contains, however, no carving of foot-prints, which suggests that it was put up at a shrine where a slab with foot-prints was installed. If this conjecture is correct, the adjoining mound may contain ruins of that shrine. We have an analogous instance in the Deotek slab, the later of the two inscriptions on which was intended to record the construction of a temple (dharmasthanam) at Chikambari, near Deotek, by Rudrasena I, a Vākāṭaka king1. The word dānam which usually occurs in connection with the dedication of foot-print slabs is again missing in the present record. Its absence can, however, be accounted for on the ground that the present inscription is not a votive tablet recording the gift of a private individual such as would have necessitated the use of the word dänam. Bhagadatta, as became his royal position, must have erected a magnificent shrine over the foot-print slab. It must have, therefore, been thought unnecessary to record that it was a gift made by him. It was sufficient to mention his name in connection with it. The wording of the Väkäṭaka inscription on the Deotek slab, which is similar, would also support this conjecture.
We are not told whose foot-prints were carved on the slab, the dedication of which is recorded in the present inscription. Prima facie they must have been those of the Buddha. But we must not forget that it was also the custom to install slabs with foot-prints of Hindu deities. We have, for instance, in the Paṭṭan plates of the Vakaṭaka king Pravarasena II, and the Poḍagad stone inscriptions of the Nala king Bhagadatta, clear evidence of the worship of the foot-prints (padamula) of Vishnu. It is true that these inscriptions belong to a later age, but the custom they evidence may go back to earlier times. The question as to whose foot-prints are referred to in the present inscription cannot, therefore, be definitely answered in the absence of further proof. But the Prakrit language of the dedicatory inscription, the general prevalence of the custom of dedicating slabs with the foot-prints of the Buddha in the period to which the present inscription can be referred on palæographic grounds and above all, the discovery of a relic stone-box in a mound at Pauni, to which a reference has already been made, point to the conclusion that the foot-prints were probably intended to symbolize the Buddha.
Another question, which presents itself in connection with the inscription is whether the Bhara clan to which Bhagadatta belonged, was identical with the Bharasivas whose glorious achievements are recorded in Vākāṭaka inscriptions. The identification prima facie may appear unlikely; for the Bhārasivas, as their name signifies, were devotees of Siva. In Vākāṭaka inscriptions their royal family is said to have been created by Siva who was pleased by their carrying the Siva-linga on their shoulders. On the other hand Bhagadatta the king of the Bhara clan was
1 See my article 'New Light On Deotek Inscriptions' (Proceedings and Transactions of the Eighth Oriental Conference, pp. 613 ff.).
2 See Nos. 1209, 1217, 1219, 1225 and 1286 in Lüders' List of Brähmi Inscriptions.
Compare the wording of the Vākātaka inscription [ वाकाटक *] वंश [जा* ] तस्येदं रुद्रसेनरा[ज] धर्मस्थानं with that of the present record भाररायस भगदतस पाजुगापटी.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 85 ff. The words wafuftenfan: megeng ... in the Riddhapur plates of Pravarasena II indicate that the shrine on Ramagiri (modern Ramtek near Nagpur) also contained foot-print of Vishnu. Cf. also Kalidasa's Meghadüta (v. 12) av: get gufauxfed with reference to [1 Ramagiri.
...
Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 156.
[In this connection attention may be drawn to Prof. Bhandarkar's remarks in Rp. Ind., Vol. XXII, pp. 202f.-Ed.]

Page #30

No. 3. 1 PAUNI STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE BHARA KING BHAGADATTA.
13
probably a Buddhist as shown above. Besides, according to the researches of the late Dr. Jayagwali the Bhārasivas, who belonged to the Nāgavamsa, had their home in the North. It was only when they were pressed by the Kushāns that they migrated to the Central Provinces, where they ruled for half a century before the expansion of their power in the North. It would, therefore, seem that the Bhāras mentioned in the present record were different from those that became known in later history as Bbärasivas.
Such a conclusion does not, however, appear to be convincing ; for, the possibility of the Bhāra clan changing its religion in later times is not altogether excluded. When the Bhāras became staunch devotees of Siva, whose linga they always carried like modern Vira-Saivas (Lingayats), they may have become known by the name of Bhāra-Sivas. It is not again definitely proved that the Bhārasivas belonged to North India. Dr. Jayaswal's theory that there was a confederacy of Nāga states under the leadership of the Bhārasivas rests on a slender basis. For, though it is known from epigraphic records that there were several Nāga families ruling in North India before the rise of the Guptas, they are nowhere distinctly said to have been united under the leadership of the Bhārasivas. From the Väkätaka inscriptions in which alone the name and achievements of the Bhärativas are specifically mentioned we know, of course, that they were crowned with the water of the Ganges which they obtained by their valour and performed ten Asvamēdhas, but this description itself suggests that they were a southern power that successfully raided the North for obtaining the water of the Ganges. for their coronation. As for their ten Afvamēdhas, they appear to have been performed in the South; for, it is only the southern Andhra, Pallava, Ikshvāku, Vákätaka and Vishnukundin kings that are known to have performed several Vedic sacrifices such as the Agnishtöma, Vājapeya, Asvamëdha, Aptoryāma, U kthya, etc., in the early. centuries of the Christian era. It may again be noted that in the Gupta records Samudragupta is said to have revived the Asramēdha sacrifice which had long been in abeyance, evidently in North India. If the ten Asvamëdhas of the Bhārasivas had been performed in the North, the palpable falsehood of such a boast would not have escaped notice even in a prasasti. The relationship of the Bharasivas and the Vākāțakas also suggests that the former had, like the latter, their home in the South. That the Vākāțakas were by origin a southern power can be easily shown. All their early inscriptions' ere found to the south of the Narmadā. From the Puranas we learn that Vindhyasakti and Pravira who has been rightly identified with Pravarasena I, ruled from two capitals Purikā and Chanaka. The latter has not been satisfactorily identified, but from the Harivansa? we learn that Purika, was situated at the foot of the Rikshavat (modern Sātpura) mountain. Again the phraseology of the formal part of the Vākātaka grants bears a striking resemblance to that of
1 History of India 150 A.D. to 350 A. D., pp. 16, 29, 40, etc.
* In this connection attention may be drawn to the somewhat analogous instance of Gangaikonda Rājēndra Chols I.
* The statement in the Vakataka inscriptions does not substantiate Jayaswal's view that the Advamedhas were celebrated on the bank of the Ganges (See llistory of India, etc., p. 5). The wording in the Vikātaka grants is f or effufamtia Teatatuf89177 Emm elfs e, etc.
See Bilsad Stone Inscription of Kumaragupta, c. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 42ff. A similar statement may have occurred in the Mathură fragmentary stone inscription as shown by Fleet, ibid., p. 27.
The inscriptions at Nachna and Ganja of a feudatory of the Vakatakas has been referred on palæographic grounds to the reign of Prithivishēņa II, by Prof. Dubreuil and Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit. I have corroborated this view elsewhere. (Above, Vol. XXIII, pp.172 f.).
. See History of India, etc., p. 16 n. 3.
Harimsa, Vishnuparuan, adhyāya 38, vr, 21-22. Jayaswal identific# Purika with Hosbanga il in the Central Provinces, History of India, etc., p. 40.

Page #31

14
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
the early Pallava records1 and this is no matter for surprise, since an inscription of a Vakaṭaka householder has been discovered on a pillar at Amaravati in the Andhra country. It may again be noted that the earliest Väkäṭaka inscription known so far was discovered at Deotek which lies only about twenty miles south-east of Pauni. The proximity of that inscription to the present one accords well with the close relationship which we know from epigraphic records to have existed between the Bhārasivas and the Vākāṭakas. It seems probable, therefore, that the Bhāras mentioned in the present inscription belonged to the same clan which came to be known in later times as Bhārasivas when its members became staunch followers of Saivism.
TRANSCRIPT.
भाररायस भगदतस पालुगापटो
Remarks.
[VOL. XXIV.
(1) The dots over bha and sa and the curve on ga are due to faults in the stone. Similarly the curve which seems to join the two lower limbs of ta, thus making the letter look like va is due to an accidental depression in the stone. (2) The right limb of pa appears to be lengthened by an accidental scratch. Near the top of the left vertical of pa in pați there is a round hole in the surface of the stone, which in some estampages gives the letter the appearance of pa. Similarly the hori. zontal scratch near the top of its right hand curve which makes the letter look like ha is unintentional.
TRANSLATION.
A slab with foot-prints of (i.e., dedicated by) Bhagadata (Bhagadatta), the king of the Bhāras.
The usual technical name for a slab with foot-prints is paduka-pata (Sanskrit padukā-paṭṭa). See Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1217. For paduka (Sanskrit paduka) the variants patuka and patuka are also met with in Amaravati inscriptions. The pajuga-pați of the present inscription corresponds to Sanskrit paduka-patți. In an inscription at Nagarjunikonda we have patipada, evidently in the sense of foot-prints on a slab, which Dr. Vogel traces to Sanskrit pratipada. But the latter word nowhere conveys that sense. It must evidently be taken to correspond to Sanskrit patti-pada (foot-prints on a slab). In pati-pada, where one would expect pațipada there is a dental letter used for the corresponding lingual as in anuthitam for anuthitam in another inscription (No. H. 1. 14) at Nagarjunikoṇḍa.
1 In this connection attention may be drawn to the following points of similarity: (1) Like the Pallava grants Vākāṭaka plates begin with drishtam. (2) In the beginning of both there is an enumeration of the Vedio sacrifices performed by the donor or his ancestor. (3) There is a close similarity in their phraseology. Compare, for instance, the following Präkrit expressions in the formal parts of Pallava grants (above, Vol. I, pp. 5-6 and Vol. VI, p. 87) with their Sanskrit counterparts noticed in the Vākāṭaka grants (above, Vol. XXII, p. 173) via., appana kula-gottasa dham-ayu-bala-yaso-vadhanike with dharmm-ayur-bbala-vijay-aibvaryya-vivriddhaye; a-dudha-dadhi-gahanam and a-harita ka-saka-pupha-gahanam with a-pushpa-kshira-sandohaḥ; a-loma-gulachchhobham with a-lavana-klinna-kreni-khanakah; aparampara-balivadda-gahanam with apărampara-go-balivardab, etc., Notice also the close similarity between amha-pesana-ppayutte samcharantaka-bhada-manusana with asmat-santakaḥ sarvädhyaksha-niyoga-niyuktaḥ äjä-sanchari-kulaputr-adhikrita bhatas-chhatras-cha; and also between sayam-anatam and ajna svayam (contrary to the construction I have proposed, above, Vol: XXII, p. 174). The draftsman of the Väkätaks records has evidently borrowed some expressions from the Pallava grants as the writer of the latter had done from earlier Satavahana inscriptions. (See Nasik inscriptions Nos. 3 and 4 and Karle inscription No. 19.)
Above, Vol. XV, p. 260.
From the original stone and ink-impressions. Above, Vol. XX, p. 37.

Page #32

PAUNI STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE BHARA KING BHAGADATTA.
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI Reg. No. 1515 E'37. 275.

Page #33


Page #34

No. 4.]
THE JURADA GRANT OF NETTABHANJADEVA.
No. 4.-THE JURADA GRANT OF NETTABHANJADEVA.
BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS. The subjoined inscription was first brought to light in December 1927 when a resident of Phulsara, a village in the Athagada taluk of the Ganjām District, while digging for the foundations of a kitchen-room for the Svapnēsvara temple at the neighbouring hamlet of Deula-Pēdi, discovered a pot containing two sets of copper-plates, each containing three plates strung together on a ring of the same metal. The plates were subsequently preserved in the local temple of Chandrasēkhara. They were obtained on loan from their owner Sjt. Madhava Patro by Pandit Gopabandhu Vidyabhushana, a teacher of the Raja's Sanskrit College at Parlakimedi and published by him in the monthly journal called Vaisya-Vāni of the same district. Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru subsequently examined the two sets and published an article on them giving only the text of one of them under the caption The Phulasa ra copper-plate grant of Kirtirājadēva'. Subsequently Sri Lakshminarayana Harichandan Jagadeb, Rajah of Tekkali, edited the present grant giving the text in a rather indifferent manner. This article is not accompanied by any facsimiles and thus provides no basis for verifying either his transcript or his conclusions. I, therefore, requested the Collector of Vizagapatam to secure both the sets for my examination. At his instance the Deputy Tahsildar of Kodala, Ganjām District, forwarded the two sets to me in December 1934. They have been included and reviewed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year ending 31st March 1935, as Nos. 15 and 16 of Appendix A. The purpose of the present article is mainly to deal with the latter. My reading of the inscription is based on an examination of the original plates and their ink-impressions which have been prepared in my office. As there are also some inaccuracies in the readings of the other grant published by Mr. Rajaguru (No. 15 of App. A), I shall deal with it in a separate article.
The set under review consists of three plates measuring 6" by 27" with slightly raised rims. A thin copper ring, about 31" in diameter, holding the plates together, passes through a ring-hole of about 1" in diameter at the left hand margin. The ends of the ring are pressed together loosely into the tubular bottom of a circular seal 11" in diameter. On the surface of the seal is carved in high relief the figure of an amrita-kalasa which Sri Jagadeb takes to be a pürna-kumbha. The plates with the ring and the seal weigh 79 tolas.
The paleography and orthography of the plates do not call for any special remarks. Mistakes in the latter are corrected in the foot-notes accompanying the text. The following points may, however, be observed : & is used for $ as in sankha and sabda in line 4, etc., kusalinah (1.8), sri for śri (11. 4, 6 and 7), etc. and ó for & in samasta, in 1. 9. V is employed instead of b as in vrimhita in 1. 6; prativaddha in 1. 8. The inscription employs the forms amura (1. 11) and tāntura (11. 19 and 34) for Skt. āmra and tāmra. The consonant following ris generally doubled as in carlier inscriptions, e.g., varijita (1. 11), arkka (1. 13), etc. The use of the form paurnarīsi (probably colloquial) for paurnamāsi in 1. 19 and of nyipti for nsipati (twice in l. 21) deserves notice.
The inscription belongs to the king Mahāmaņdalëśtara Nēțţabhañjadēva (not Nētsibhanjadeva as has hitherto been read by several scholars) and registers the gift, by the king, of the
1 Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol. III, p. 30. * Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 109.
* Loc. cit., p. 111. It may be recalled here that one of the earlier Bhanja kinge bears the surname or title Kalyäpakalaba', see above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 293 and 295 ff. and Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions, No. 1497. Vidyadharabbanija of this dynasty bore the title Amoghakalala' (ibid., No. 1500).

Page #35

16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
village Jurāļa in Gada-vishaya, which was & subdivision of Khithjali-mandala to Pātra sriVappanna, who was the son of Bhatta Gubē vara and grandson of Bhatta' Santosha of the Vigvāmitra-gotra, the Kanva-säkha and the Yajur vēda and who was an immigrant from Ganga. vadi. The donee is undoubtedly identical with Väpanna, the donee of the grant of Kirtirajadēva, which mentions him, however, without the title Pātra. The latter grant refers also to the tryār. sheya-pravara and the pafcharshey-ānupravara of the donee which are omitted in our grant. The identity of the donee suggests that Nēttabhañjadēva and Kirtirājadēva were either contemporaries ruling over adjacent principalities or one of them succeeded the other to the throne of the same principality."
The king's genealogy is given thus :
Mahamandaltóvara Nettabbasjadēva (1)
Rapabhañjadėva
Mahamandalstvara Néttabhaijadēva (II) (king) m. Santősha-Madhavi
Räyabhanja (Yuvarāja)
The king is described as a parama-vaishnava and appropriately enough the grant commences with an invocation to god Nārāyaṇa, who is stated to be the family deity (kula-dēvatā) of the Bhañja kings. He is also mentioned in very respectful terms by the addition of the honorifio affis pādah to his name, which is also the case with Kirtiraja of the other grant. The charter was issued from Kumārapura and was addressed to the sāmanti (corrupt form of sāmanta), samavāji (corrupt form of sämājika or sāmavāyika) and all the residents of the concerned country (or district). Samanta must refer to the feudal lord of the territory and sāmājikas to his councillors. The gift was made with the knowledge and cognizance (äparijñāna) of the chief queen (mahadevi) ári-Santosha-Madhavi, the crown-prince (yuvarāja) bri-Rāyabhañja, the minister (patra) sri-Yabā. dhara, the akshapatala śri-Ajānanda, the pratihāra sri-Bhāvilla and the vāguni sri-Rānikāvāsa. The inscription was engraved on the copper(-plates) by the merchant (vanik) Malaka or Kamalaka The two expressions rājaki-pralayā rupyā and khandapāla-munda-mola-rupyā are not intelligible. They probably refer to the amount of silver coins meant to be paid (annually) into the royal treasury and to the local (police ?) officers respectively. The symbol or ligature following the expression rupyā is perhaps meant as an abbreviation for rupyā.
The record is not dated but the occasion of the gift was Phälguna full-moon, and lunar eclipse (sőma-grahana), which fact alone is not helpful for determining the exact period of the inscription.
The king Nēttabhañja of the present inscription evidently belongs to a later period, as evidenced by its paleography which resembles closely that of the Antirigam plates of Yababhañjadēva
1 In Kirtiraja's grant Santosha is styled Bhattaputra.
* Bri Jagadeb thinks that Nottabbañja conquered Kirtiraja and succeeded him; J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VII. p. 110.
• Other Bhanja kings of the Vaishnava persuasion are mentioned in Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions, Nos. 1491 (Satrubba Bja), 1492 (Ranabbaõja) and 1493 (Räpaka Ranabhanja).
[800 p. 20 n. 1 below.-Ed.] . Above, Vol. XVII, pl. opposite p. 298.

Page #36

No. 4.]
THE JURADA GRANT OF NETTABHANJADEVA.
17
and the Antirigam plates of Jayabhañjadēva. He undoubtedly comes of the Vaishṇava branch of the Bhañjas who were mostly lords of the Khiñjali- or Ubhaya-Khiñjali-mandala and issued the earlier grants from Dhritipura. A close study of the genealogy of the family would suggest that Nēttabhañja alias Kalyanakalaba of Nos. 1497 to 1499 of Bhandarkar's List, who was the son of Ranabbañja and grandson of Satrubhañja is identical with Nettabhañja I of our grant." Néttabhañja, son of Vidyadharabhañjadēva, the donor of the Dasa palla grant (called also Chakradharpur plates, see J. B. O. R. S., Vol. VI, p. 266) is styled Mahārāja and parama-vaishnava. The latter epithet might suggest a possible identity of Nettabhañja I of our plates (who calls himself, a parama-vaishnava but only a Mahamandalesvara) with Nettabhañja of Bhandarkar's List, No. 1502. But the title Mahārāja borne by the latter precludes this identity.
In attempting a satisfactory genealogy of the several kings of the family the chief factor to be borne in mind is that the various branches had a special lāñchhana or seal, viz., a lion in certain cases, a bull in others and a kalasa in still others. We may therefore tentatively look upon the kings of the present record as belonging to a junior branch on account of the absence of sovereign titles. The expression Matta-mayūra-turya, etc., occurring in the eulogy of the kings of our grant seems very strongly to connect the origin of the Mayūra-Bhañja family with this branch. I shall, under the circumstances, suggest the following tentative genealogy for the present and await future discoveries for its confirmation.
Maharaja Ranabhanja
Digbhaõjaděya
Silābhažjadēva
Maharaja Vidyadharabhaõjadēva alias Amoghakalasa or Ava[r]yakalasa (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1500
and 1501; Ep. Rep. for 1917-18, p. 136).
Ranaka Satrubhañja (Bhandarkar's List,
Nos. 1490 and 1491).
Ranaka Ranabhañja (same List, Nos. 1492
to 1495 and 2055.)
Maharaja Nēttabhañja alias Kalyanakalasa ; worshipper of Vishnu (same List, No. 1602).
Néttabhañja (same List, Nos. 1497 to 1499) (probably identical with Mahamandalesvara Netta.
bhañja I of this grant].
Ranabhañja Mahamandalesvara Nēţtabhañjadēva (donor of this
grant) m. Santosha-Madhavi
Rāyabbañja (Yuvarāja).
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pl. facing p. 44. : Vide Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1490 to 1495 and 2055.
. He would appear to be a solitary devotee of Mahēsvara in this branch. It should be noted that his grants were issued from Vanjulvaka and not from Dhritipurs. The change in faith might have been caused by some unknown political causes which also must account for the shifting of his capital from the family city Dhritipura to Vanjulvaka. Similar change of faith from Saivism to Vaishnavism is suggested in the case of Jayabhañjadeva of the Antirigam plates (see above, Vol. XIX, p. 43, text, verse 3).
* See Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1917-18, p. 136, para. 12.
. With the materials at our disposal it is almost impossible to arrive at a definite conclusion about the genealogy and the chronological position of the different Bhañja families. See An. Bhand. Or. Res. Ins., Vol. XII, pp. 231 ff., R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, pp. 161 ff, and Bbandarkar's Genealogical Lists in p. 379 of the List of Inscriptions of Northern India.-Ed.)

Page #37

18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Though I had tentatively suggested in my Report for 1934-35 the identity of Mahamandaletuara Nattabhanja I of the present inscription with Neṭṭabhañja alias Kalyanakalasa of the above table, on further consideration of the reasons given above, I herein suggest the alternative identity shown in the above table.
The reading Natribhañja' has till recently been adopted in almost all publications dealing with this dynasty. In the Ganjam plates the reading is clearly Netta- and not Nētribhañja as wrongly adopted. That the second letter in the name is not tri. (cf. tri in pitri of line 11 of the grant) but is #ta will be clear from a comparison of this letter with a in bhatta of line 24 of the grant. Thus in all cases it will be seen that the original reads only Netta. Even in the imperfect lithograph of the Gumsur plates of Nattabhauja the reading Netribhañja' cannot strictly be justified. In his article on the Two Bhanja grants from Dasa palla," Mr. Binoytosh Bhattacharya, however, suggests that the king's name might be Netabhañja or Näṭṭabbañja. But he is not definite. Dr. Bhandarkar, in his List of Northern Inscriptions adopts the several forms indifferently." But from a close study of all the concerned grants it will be seen that Nettabhanja is the correct name and not Nētribhanja or Nēṭabhañja. Pandit. Binayak Misra, however, read the name correctly.
The names of the akshapatalin and pratihara respectively read as Ajñā and Bhāviņņa by Sri Jagadeb must be correctly read as Ajananda and Bhāvilla.
[VOL. XXIV.
Kumarapura, the place from which the charter was issued, must be identical with the village of that name in the Berhampur taluk of the Ganjam District. Khinjali-mandala is already known from other records of this dynasty. Gada-vishaya in which the gift village Juraḍā was situated is evidently identical with the Khiñjaliya-Gada-vishaya of the Antirigam plates of Jayabhañjadeva. Jurada may be identical with Jaraḍa, a Zamindari village in the Kodola taluk of the Ganjām District.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 Siddham [*] Yasmach-chakra-gad-asi-sankha-dhanushaḥ
Srivatsa-tärkshav=api|1odyōntē
ye
2 Ditiadhinatha-vanita-vaidhavya-diksha-kritaḥ [*] so-yam bhakta-janä[ya*] mōksha
Expressed by a symbol.
10 Donde unneccmmary, 11 Read dystante Ditij-adhi".
pha[la*]-da[*]
3 śri-Bhanja-va[ths-o]dbhavan päyäd-yaḥ kula-dēvata pratidinam Nārāyaṇo bhūbhujaḥ||
4 Sva(Sva)sti [1] Sri(ári)-Kumarapurät parama-vaishnava[ḥ*] sa(sa)nkh-aika-savd(sabd)abhinandita
Ep. Rep. for 1917-18, p. 135 and above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 283 f.
See above, Vol. XVIII, plate facing p. 292.
J. A. 8. B., Vol. VI, p. 660.
J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. VI, p. 266.
Nos. 1487 to 1499 and 1502.
See J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVII, pp. 104 ff.
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 42,
It is also possible that Surada, the headquarters of a taluk of that name in the Ganjam District represents the Jurids of the inscription.

Page #38

THE JURADA GRANT OF NETTABHANJADEVA.
7qম্ভাষণ৷াবা হেস্ত সঃ গম্রাগ্রেস্ত | (২ (১৭ (৪১| (7দি|G4=
7
S pঠ সম্বিৎ 075ঐ [েভুগ[|[২৭, ২াগিri৷৷ এ ২। ফ্রি হযjষা২১াধে সর্ষেণঠS |T S j SjS & ছাযৗহ ১৪ , ৪ ৭ ৪া হল টে| সুস ১১ সে $3?সো । | ST=36&vাওঠা চাছs /ফাস্থানুেভহ (JS। ৪ মঙ্গল হবে (তৃg Syভাএয়াসে। ঠাণাস্তা২৪]৮১২[S ,গান (কাঠ[[f9.৯৮||
iia.
10 গ্রহ ১৭৯১/৯{Sাস?|ঙ্গা শjং এর।
&|চোখ৭ '। (ট ভূ খ্রষ্টt (S ]৮ (CTঙ্গ প্রভু!ST} (চাচী।সোমগ্রীষ্ঠ স্থায়ীঠাঙা ও সমাহা.fCT।
সহj১াই ২১ঠুম্বকাংখিSS):১াষাততঃ।। 26 এস্থিঘিঈড়ষ্যাংগ্রেস ?।
SCALE: NINE TENTHS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REa. No. 1620 E*87-286.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #39

2
4
6
8
10
12
14
28
30
iii.
34
उ
ভব গতকা পূ িম ? ঘাইয়া गान (
32 गान
घान ( धान ।
লম্ব ঘোলকা ঘ॥॥বলস লারা
Spacion
Popu
ちなみ
Ha oler
AN INSCRIBED BRICK FROM NALANDA OF THE YEAR 197.
Pop w
(From a photograph).
teningny
লতি
602
মাে
SCALE: ABOUT ONE-THIRD.

Page #40

No. 4.)
THE JURADA GRANT OF NETTABHANJADEVA.
19
8 matta-mayūra-türya-rav-[t*]krasi(si)t-ārāti-chakra-Bhañj-āmala-kula-ti6 laka-Mahamandalesvara-bri(Gri)mad-vri(bri)[**]hita-Nottabhatijadovasya naptri(ptā)
sri(sri)ma7 d-Rapabhanjadovasy=ātmajaḥ Mahamandalēsya(sva)ra-sri(brī)man-Nőttabhaħjadiva
pådā[b] & kusa(ga)linah Khifjali-mandala-prativa/ba)ddha-Gada-vishayiya-Jurada grimě sa
manti-imavāji-pramukha-saniasta(sta)-nivāsino janapadan samājñāpa
Second Plate; First Side. 10 yantı viditam=astu bhavatām grāmõ=yam chatuh-sām(sim)-avachchhinna[h*] sa-jala-sta
(stha)la[h] sa-vi11 tapa-lata-sa-padr-aranya[h*) -amvtamta)-madhu[b*] Sa-mina-stõ(to)ya[h*) sa[r*]vv.
Õpadrava-varjjita12 þ (1) achatta-bhatta-pravēsa(bah) bhavishyat-kara-rahitaḥ bhūmi-[ch*]chhidra-pi(vi)dhāna.
nyayēna 18 chandr-a(ā)rkka-paryantam mátä-pitror=stma[na*]s-cha sarvva-va[nnā rņņā)nāṁ (puh.
nya-yako-bhivri14 ddhayē Gangavādi-vinirggata-Vibvāmitra-gõtra-pañch-ärisha-(ärshēya)-prava15 ra-Yasju]rvvēd-adhyayana-Ka[nva)(pva)-sä(sā)kha-Bhatta-Santosha-pautrảya Bha16 tta-Guhēśvarasy=ātmaja-Pátra-sri-Va{ppannāya || Mahādēvi sri-Santosha17 Madhavil yuvarăja[h] Sri-Rayabhañja[h*]! Pătra[h*) sri-Yasodhara[h] || Akshapata.
Second Plate; Second Side. 18 li(li) sri-A[ja]nanda{hl*) Pratihāra[b] fri-Bhāvilla[b ] | Väguni' sri(Gri)-Ränikāyā[80=tr=]PR 19 rijbane Phulgapa(e)-paurppavd(mk)syim söma-grahaņē udaka-pūrvakan
tämvta(tra-Bä(kā) sa'ni20 Eritya pradatto-ama(a)bbih Asmad-gauravat punya-yako-bhivsiddhayē a(a)gāmi(mi)-nri21 pti(pati)bhiḥ paripäłaniyah Asmad-vatsa(vamsa) parikshīmē yah kes(kas)-chi(n*]=nripti
(pati)r=bhavēt (1) 22 tasy=alā)ham pāda-slagnő]=smi mama (da*]tt-anup[@]lanāt (*) Bhūmi[m] yah pratigri
hnafhņā). 28 ti yas(8)=cha bhūmi[m*) prayachchhati abhau tau punya(nya).karmānau niyatam svagga
(rgga)-gå- - 24 minau (Asphöțayanti ritaraḥ prava[lga]nti pitämahāh bhūmi-jä(dā)tā kulē 26 jätab s tina(na)strată bhavishyati [11] Va(Ba)hubhir-yvasudha datta rajabhiḥ Sagar
adibhiḥ (I) 26 yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam) [*] Mā bhūd=Rpbala-sa(sa)ňka vah |
Third Plate. 27 para-datt-8[ti*] pārthivah sva-dattät-phalam-anantya[m*] para-datt-anupälaně Hatatë 28 hārayatēlyēd) bhūmi[m*) manda-yu(bu)ddhis-tamo-bhri(vči)tah sa va(ba)ddho Väruvaih
păsais-testi)ryag-yo
The w-nign in indicated more like the one for r; cf. also gu in 1, 18 below, [We may have to read Vagulia Vangulika of the Ganjam plates of Vidyadharabbanje.--Ed.) Deudas unnootuary.

Page #41

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
29 nishu jāyatë 1(1) Sva-dattām para-dattām=vā yo harëd(ta) vasundharām sa vishthayam 30 krimir-bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saha pachyatē || Tam(Ta)dāgānām sahasrēna Väja31 pēya-batēna cha (1) gavām köti-pradānēna bhūmi-ha[r*]ttā na [śuldhyati II* 32 Gām=ēkām suva(sva)rņņam=ēkam cha bhūmēr=apy=arddham=angulam(lam)[] haran=
narakam=ā(i)pnoti 33 yāvad=āhți(bhū)ta-sam(plava]m || Rājaki-pralaya [ru]pyä!
khaņdapā. 34 la-munda-mõla-rupyā || | Vaņika(g)-Malakēnas tāmvra(mrē) likhitam ||
No. 5.-AN INSCRIBED BRICK FROM NALANDA OF THE YEAR 197.
By A. GHOSH, M.A., PATNA.
The brick containing the present inscription was found in 1936-37 from the core of a votive stūpa attached to the Main Stūpa of Nālandā (Site No. 3). It was recovered in fragments which have been pieced together, but a portion of the upper right corner of the brick is missing. The size of the complete brick is 18" x 10" x 11".
The inscription is on one side of the brick and runs to 15 lines. The letters were evidently engraved with a stylus when the brick was still wet, so that the clay thus displaced adhered to the surface of the brick and hardened when the brick was burnt. Palæographically, the inscription may be referred to the sixth century A. D. The letters are in the cursive style and present much the same features as the other brick inscriptions of Nālandā, two of which have already been published by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti. Some points of difference, however, may be noted here. The vowel i (1. 14) does not consist of three dots, but of two dots placed one above the other and of a third member resembling the letter d. The triangle representing < (11. 7 and 13) has its apex pointed to the left. The letter k shows the earlier unlooped form when it is an independent member: but both looped and unlooped forms occur indiscriminately when the letter is the second member of a ligature, cf. 1. 9, where sařskāra occurs twice. Y is tripartite with an additional curve to the left hanging downwards, but occasionally, e.g. ayam in l. 13, the curve turns inwards, thus producing the more common form. An important feature is that, unlike those of the published brick, both sh and 8 of the present record are of the looped variety, which since Hoernle's time has come to be known as the eastern variety.
As regards orthography, the use of anusvāra for the final n in bhagavāṁ (1.2), asmin (1.4), etc., and the doubling of m in dharmma (1. 3 et passim) may be noted. Rules of sandhi have not been regularly observed. Two punctuation marks are found, the first consisting of a short hori. zontal line (11. 4, 9, and 13) and the other of two vertical lines (11. 8 and 15).
1 [Reading seems to be -pratyaya rupya. The symbol after "rupya ' in this line and the next appears to represent a numerical sign and may have to be read as 70.-Ed.]
* There is a symbol between the two pairs of dandas. • This might also be emended as Vapik-Kamalakēna. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 194 ff.
Hoernle, Bower Manuscript, pp. xxvii ff. ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 30 ff. For criticisms see Altekar J. B.O.R. 8., Vol. XIV, pp. 405 ff.; D. R. Bhandarkar, above, Vol. XXI, pp. 1 ff. A very early example of looped
occurs in . Sabeth Maheth brick inscription containing the word pawarikasya (An. Rep. A. 9. 1., 1910-11, pl. xia)]. The roundish shape of p and v shows the priority of the inscription to the angular development of the Kushāna period.

Page #42

No. 5.]
AN INSCRIBED BRICK FROM NALANDA OF THE YEAR 197.
A unique interest is attached to the inscription in view of the fact that it is dated in the year 197, which its palæography allows to be referred only to the Gupta era, thus bringing its date to A. D. 516-17. This fact leads to some important conclusions about the date of the Main Stupa at Nālandā. In its present form the monument is the result of seven successive accumulations, each integument being placed upon the ruins of the earlier one, with the result that each time the size of the Stupå greatly increased both horizontally and vertically. The stupa of the fifth period, with its four corner-towers and eastern façade decorated with rows of niches containing well-modelled stucco figures of Buddha and the Bodhisattvas1 was more carefully constructed, or, at any rate, is better preserved now, than any other. The votive stupa from the core of which the present record has been found belonged to this period of the Stupa and was subsequently covered up by the eastern outer wall of the sixth period. It appears, therefore, that we can now ascribe the fifth period of the Stupa occupation to circa A. D. 500 with much greater certainty than was possible with the help of the images mentioned above."
The inscription gives the text of the Nidanasutra or the Pratityasamutpada-sutra together with the nirodha portion, called here the achaya and apachaya of dharmma. Except the two bricks published by Dr. Chakravarti, which give the sutra together with its vibhanga, every brick inscription of Nalanda gives either this sutra (with or without the nirodha) or the famous creed ye dharma, etc., which no doubt refers to this sutra. One brick recovered in two pieces (Site No. 3, Reg. Nos. 230 and 236) repeats the sutra and nirodha thrice; each time the sutra finishes with the sentence iyam mithya-prakritiḥ samskrita-vartini and the nirodha with iyam samyak-prakri tir-asamskrita-niyām-āvakkrāntiḥ. The same votive stupa which yielded the present record contained another brick (Reg. No. 278B), elliptical in shape, rather carelessly inscribed with five lines of the text of the sutra. For some reason or other the record was never completed. The following text is transcribed from the original which is now preserved in the Nālandā Museum :
TEXT.
21
1 Namaḥ [*] Evam-maya śrutam-e[ka]sm[i]n-samayë Bhagavāṁ(ñ)-chChhrāvastyām viharati [sma] [Jētavane Anatha*]-5
2 pindadasy-ārāme [*] Tatra Bhagavāṁ(n) bhikshūņ=ā[ma]mtrayatē s[ma]....vō bhikshava ...." [dēśa*]-5
3 yishyamy-apachayam cha [*] Tach-[chhṛin]uta sadhu [cha*] sushthu cha manasi kuru[ta bhashishy[e] dha[rmmāṇām-āchayah katamaḥ *
4 Yad-ut-asmim(n) sat-īdam bhavaty=a[s]y=[ö]tpa[d]ād=idam-utpadyatē | Yad-ut-avidyapratyayaḥ samska[rāḥ saṁskāra-pratyayaṁ vijñānam vijñāna*]
5 pratyayam nama-rupaṁ nama-rupa-pratyaya[m] shaḍ-ayatanam shad-ayatana-pratyayāḥ sparkah [sparia-pratyayā vēdanā**
1 For illustrations see An. Rep. A. S. I., 1925-26, pl. xlix; 1926-27, pls. vii and viii.
* These images are referred to the 7th or 8th century A. D., An. Rep. A. 8. I., 1925-26, p. 103.
This all-important sutra occurs in many Pali and Sanskrit Buddhist texts. For references see Chakravarti, loc. cit., p. 195, n. 2.
[The text of the sutra here is the same as that found in the Kasia copper plate and the inscribed brick from Gopalpur. See An. Rep. A. S. I., 1910-11, pp. 76 f and Proc. A. S. B., 1896, pp. 99 ff.-Ed.]
5 This portion of the text is lost.
Same as the text of B published by Dr. Chakravarti. The correction to bhikshun-amantrayatë now appears to be better than bhikshūņām-āmantrayate, as the letter mă could not have been inadvertently left out in both
cases.
''The lacuna may be filled up as dharmmāṇām vō bhikshava achayam cha diba". There is no doubt that the word is in the plural.

Page #43

22
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
6 vēdana-pratyaya trishna trishna-pratyayam-upādānam [u]pa[da]na-pratyayo bhavaḥ bhavapratyaya [jatib jati-pratyaya
7jjar marana-ka-parideva-duḥkha-daurmma(nasy-8]päyäsäḥ [samh]bhavanti [1] Evamasya k[evalasya mahato duḥkha*].1
8 [skandhasya samudayō bhavati [*] Ayam-uchyate dharmmānām-achayaḥ [||] Dharmmapam-apachayaḥ [katamaḥ | Yad-ut-asmin*]1
9 sat-ida(dam) na bhavaty asya nirodhad-idam nirudhyatě Yad-ut-[a]vidya-nirōdha[t-samskata-nirödhaḥ samskara-[nirödhād-vijñāna-nirōdhaḥ*]1
10 vijana-nirödhan-nama-rupa-nirōdhaḥ
nirodhaḥ shad-ayatana-[nirödhat-sparsa-ni Prodhaḥ
11 sparsa-nirodhad-vēdana-nirodhaḥ vēdana-[n]irodhat-trishna-[ni]rōdhaḥ trishna-nirödhād= upāḍāna-nirodhaḥ upādāna-nirōdhad-bhava
12 nirodhaḥ bhava-nirödhaj-jāti-nirōdhaḥ jāti-nirōdhaj-jara-maraṇa-sōka-paridēva-duḥkha
daurmmanasy-õpāyāsāḥ
13 nirudhyante Evam-asya kevala[sya*] mahato duḥkha-ska[ndhasya] ni[rōdhō] bhavati [*] Ayam-uchyate [dharmmanam-apachayaḥ *] Dharmmäṇām vō bhikshava
nama-ripanirodhach-chha(t-aha)]d-yatana
14 achayam cha desayishyamy-apachayam ch-eti iti [me] yad-uktam-[i]dam=ē[tat*] pratyuktam [*] Idam avōchad-Bhagavan-atta
15 manasas-te cha bhikshavo Bhagavatō bhashitam-abhyanandan || sa 100 90 7 Magha di 20 5.
No. 6. SENDAMANGALAM INSCRIPTION OF MANAVALAPPERUMAL; 5TH YEAR.
BY V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
The subjoined inscription is engraved on the south base of the mandapa in front of the central shrine in the Apatsahayesvara temple at Sendamangalam' in the Tindivanam taluk of the South Arcot District. Though exposed to weather, the record is in a fairly good state of preservation.
It is engraved in the Tamil language and script of the 13th century A.D. with a slight admixture of Grantha letters at the beginning and end. In incising the record, certain scribe's mistakes have crept in and these have been corrected in the text given below. The text of the record has been published in South-Indian Inscriptions."
The orthography of the inscription does not call for any special remark. The word vanilai 1. 3) requires some explanation. In the Tamil classical work Purapporul venbāmālai of Ayyan Aritanar, vanilai forms the subject matter of one of the twenty-one divisions in the chapter Vanjippadalam. It is there explained as referring to the act of sending in advance, at an auspicious moment, the sword of a king who intends to march against his enemies. This is described under
This portion of the text is lost.
Read jară.
Between to and na intervenes the ka of the ligature ska of the previous line.
These three letters had originally been dropped out by the scribe, who subsequently corrected the omission by putting a cross above the letter shnd and inscribing the necessary letters below the line, slightly to the left of
ini.
No. 73 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
This village must be distinguished from the village of the same name in the Tirukköyülür taluk of the same district.
Vol. VIII, No. 350.

Page #44

No. 6.]
SENDAMANGALAM INSCRIPTION OF MANAVALAPPERUMAL.
the name vanmangalam1 in the Folkäppiyam. The historical implications of this word and its bearing on our inscription will be discussed in the sequel.
28
The present inscription is dated in the 5th year of Sakalabhuvanachchakravarttigal Manavajan-perumal and it registers a gift, by this chief, of the village Moganär Märanär, as a tax-free tirunamattukkāņi, for conducting the service called Elisaimogan-sandi newly instituted by him, for celebrating a festival in the month of Puraṭṭādi (September-October) and for burning ten perpetual lamps in the temple of the god Vänilaikandisuram-udaiya-Nayaṇar set up by him at Sendamangalam after converting it into a military camp.
The importance of this record to South Indian history has not so far been recognised. It is the only record, so far known, issued by Manavalan-perumal under this name as an independent chief. Who this chief was and what his position was in South India, when he assumed independence and how long he continued to be in power are points which have not been satisfactorily explained till now. An attempt is now made to elucidate them.
For this enquiry, the present record gives a good start by stating that Manavalaṇ-perumāļ garrisoned his forces at Sendamangalam and thus made it an important centre. From the Tiruvendipuram inscription3 and the records of Jaṭavarman Sundara-Pandya I (A.D. 1251-71) commencing with the words pumalar valar', etc., we know that this place was the stronghold of the later Pallava chief Kōpperuñjingadeva II. A record from Vriddhachalam in the South Arcot District mentions our chief in the 28th year of Kulottunga-Chōla III. It further states that he was a native of Kūḍal in Kilāmur-nādu, a sub-division of Tirumuṇaippadi in Mēṛkā-nāḍu which was a sub-division of Virudarajabhayankara-valanādu.
This inscription gives Maṇavalap-perumal the following titles:
1 Elisaimōgan Maṇavälap-perumāļ,
2 Vāṇilaikaṇḍa-perumāļ and
3 Rājarājak-Kāḍavarājaṇ.
The first name indicates that Elisaimōgan was the father of Maṇavāļap-perumāļ. This would explain why Manavalap-perumal instituted a service called Elisaimogan-sandi. The god Vanilaikandisuram-udaiya-Nayanar consecrated by Manavalap-perumal at Sendamangalam must have been so called after the second name. In this case it may be said that Maṇavalan-perumal of our inscription is identical with Vāņilaikaṇḍa-perumal. The third appellation was probably assumed about the 28th year of Kulottunga-Chōla III after the name of the crown-prince Rājarājā.
This chief also figures in a record of the 29th year of Kulottunga-Chōla III at Tiruvadi as donor with the additional title Achalakulöttaman. Further it may be inferred that he had also the title Alagiya-Pallavan,' because the deity in the Perumal temple at Tiruveņņainallur constructed by his wife was named Alagiya-Pallava-Vinnagar-Emberuman. It will thus be clear that Manavalap-perumal alias Vāņilaikanda-perumal was a Kaḍava chief belonging to Kūḍal in Tirumunaippadi, that his capital was Sendamangalam and that he was a subordinate of the Chōla king Kulottunga-Chola III about the latter's 29th year, i.e., A.D. 1207.
1 See also Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. I, pp. 115-16.
* Porul-adhikaram, Purattinaiyiyal, sūtra 68.
Above, Vel. VII, pp. 160 ff.
8. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 146.
S. I. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 317.
• Achalakulittaman would indicate his connection with the Malaiyaman chiefs. Achalakulötbhavan was also
a title of the Rashtrakuta king Kannaradeva (No. 281 of 1936-37 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection). No. 484 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

Page #45

EPIGRAPHIA INDIC.A.
[VOL. XXIV.
No regular genealogy of the Kādava chiefs in the Tamil country has so far been attempted, but from a few records available, a tentative one can be drawn up, at least for a period of a century and half commencing from the second half of the 12th century A.D.
Two lithic records from Vriddhāchalam’ and Tiruveņņainallürwhich contain the same text furnish the following genealogy except No. (6) :
(a)
(1) Vaļandāņdār alias Kādavarāyar.
(2) Atkolliyár alias Kādavarāyar (A. D. 1158).
(3) Elisaimõgan Kādavarāyan, who conquered the four quarters" (A.D. 1152).
(4) Arašanārāyanan Kachchiyarāyan
alias Kädavarayan.
(6) Elisaimõgan alias Jananātha
Kachchiyarāyan (A.D. 1184).
(5) Alappirandân Virasēkhara alias Kada
varayan, 'who destroyed Kudal belonging
to Karkatakamārāyaṇ and Adiyama-nādu '.? Three other records give the following genealogies :
(6)
Kada! (Elisaimogan) Alappirandān alias Kädavarāyar.
Pallavandär alias Kädavarāyar or Virar Virag Kādavariyar, ' Conqueror of Tondaimandalam'.
(c)
(Flisaimõgan) Manavalap-perumál.
Kādavarāyar.
[A genealogy of these chiefs has been given by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri on p. 161 of Vol. II of The Colas which was issued after this article was sent to the press.--Ed.)
No. 74 of 1918 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
No. 463 of 1921, ibid. * No. 486 of 1921, ibid. No. 423 of 1921, ibid. Nos. 254 of 1919 and 467 of 1921, ibid. ? 6. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 121.
. Nos. 413 of 1909 and 157 of 1906, of the Madras Epigraphical Collection; also 8. I. I., Vol. III, No. 85. Elisaimõgan No. (6) was another son of Arasanäräyanan Kachchiyariyan.
No. 296 of 1912 and 178 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 10 No. 494 of 1921, ibid.

Page #46

No. 6.)
SENDAMANGALAM INSCRIPTION OF MANAVALAPPERUMAL.
(d) Jiyamahipati m. Silavati.
Maharajasimha (i.e., Köpperußjinga) of Kadal. One point connecting the four sets given above is that all the members belonged to Kūdal Pallavāņdār alias Kādavarāyar mentioned in the second set is said to have been the son of Kudal Elisaimõgan Āļappirandan in two inscriptions from Tirukkalukkunram and Atti'. There aro two persons with the name Elisaimögan in the first set given above, one the elder brother of Arašanārāyaṇa who flourished about A.D 1152' and the other, his son who figures in inscriptions of about A.D. 1184. Considering the proximity of the latter date to the period of Rajaraja III, the Elisaimõgan mentioned in that year seems to have been the father of Pallavāņdār mentioned in the Atti record. The conquest of Tondaimaņdalam claimed by Pallavāņdār could not have been an independent achievement, for then he would have issued records in his own name in this region; it, therefore, seems probable that this conquest was undertaken on behalf of his overlord Kulottunga-Chola III. But since Conjeeveram, the capital of Tondaimandalam was under the Chõlas in the time of Kulõttunga-Chāļa 1, Vikrama-Chola,' Rājarāja II' and Rājādhirāja II', we must presume that it must have been lost to the Chöļas during the later portion of the reign of Rājādhirāja II or during the beginning of the reign of Kulõttunga-Chola III, for the latter says, in a record of his 19th year, that he entered Kachchi ' after prostrating to the ground the kings of the North'. The conquest of Kachchi is definitely included in his record from Tirukkoyilūr," dated in the 24th year. Just as another feudatory chief of Kulöttunga-Choļa III, viz., Ammaiyappan alias Rājarāja Sambuvariyan styled himself the conqueror of the Pandya country'" for assisting the Chola king in his Pandya war, Pallavāndār must have called himself the conqueror of Tondaimandalam' for a similar help rendered to his overlord in the Tondaimaņdalam region.
The third genealogy noted above helps us further in the identification of Pallavāņdār. It has been pointed out that Manavālap-perumal, a native of Kudal in Kilämūr-nādu, was a subordinate of Kulõttunga-Chöļa III about the latter's 28th" or 29th year, i.e., 1206 A.D. He was called Alagiya-Pallavan and had also the name Vănilaikanda-perumal. Since the word vänilai refers to the despatch of arms in advance of an invading army, evidently under a trusted officer, the name Vānilaikanda-perumāļ assumed by this chief would indicate his service to his overlord. Since Manavālap-perumā! (i.e. Alagiya-Pallavan), was an important Kādava chief under Kulottunga-Chola III till about the latter's 35th years, we may identify him with Pallavāņdār the conqueror of Tondaimandalam of the second set. This identification receives further support
1 No. 202 of 1905, ibid. No. 187 of 1932-33, ibid. No. 296 of 1912, ibid. • Nos. 166 and 170 of 1900, ibid.
No. 413 of 1909, ibid. .8. . I., Vol. IV, No. 813 and Vol. II, No. 68.
Ibid., Vol. III, No. 80. . Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 822.
Ibid., No. 820. 10 Ibid., Vol. III, p. 217; also No. 164 of Pudukkottai Inscription. dated in the 31st year of Tribhuvanavire dēva, i.e., Kulottunga-Chöļa III.
11 No. 2 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 11 Nov. 167 and 178 of 1918, ibid. 10 8. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 146. 18. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 317. 1. Noo. 63 of 1919 and 487 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
from the fact that Pallavändär, like Maņavālap-perumā), is said to have been the son of Kudal Elisaimágan Alappirandān.
We have seen that Manavālap-perumal of the third set was known as Alagiya-Pallavan and since Köpperuñjingadēva was also called Alagiya-Pallavan, the identification of Manavălapperumal and Pallavāņdār the conqueror of Tondaimandalam' with Jiyamahipati of the fourth spt is easily established. The whole genealogy can, therefore, be tentatively given thus :
(1) Valandāndär alias Kādavariyar.
(2) Atkolliyår alias Kadavariyar (A. D. 1158).
(3) Elitsimogen Kädavarayan, who conquered
the four quarters' (A. D. 1162).
(4) Arasanårāyanan Kachchiyariyan alias
Kädavariyan of Kadal (A. D. 1185).
(5) Kadal Alappirandap Virasēkhara alias Kadaveriyan, who destroyed Kudal belonging to Karkatakamārāyan and the country of
Adigaiman" (A.D. 1186).
(6) Elisaimogan alias Jananātha Kachchi
yariyap' (A, D. 1184).
(7) Pallavändár alias Kādavarāyar& conqueror of Tondaimaņdalam also known 49 Elisaimogan Manavālap-perumă]," Vänilaikanda-perumāļ, Alagiya-Pallavan, Jiyanahipati, Köpperuõjioga I (highest regnal year so far known is 11 probably
corresponding to A. D. 1243).
(8) Köpperuñjinga II (aoon. A.D. 1243).
Manavālap-perumal, whom we have identified with Jiyamahipati of the Tripurantakam inscription, was a subordinate under Kulõttunga-Chola III till about A.D. 1211. He strengthened his position in the country and gradually made Šēndamangalam in the South Arcot District his capital, garrisoned it with forces and declared his independence by issuing records in his own name. The Chāļa king Rājarāja III was captured and imprisoned in this place and was released only when the Hoysala forces marched against this city threatening destruction. An unpublished record from Villiyanür in the French territory near Pondicherry, dated in the 6th year of KÕpperuñjingadēva II, refers to an audit of temple accounts from the 37th year of Tribhuvanavīradēva, i.e.,
1 No. 187 of 1932-33, ibid. The name Elisaimogan Maņavālap-perumal means Manavālap-perumil, son of Elkaimogan.
Nos. 423 of 1921; 166 and 170 of 1906 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Nos. 391 and 467 of 1921, ibid. • No. 463 of 1921. It cannot be stated definitely which of the two brothers Nos. (5) and (6) was the elder. .No. 413 of 1909, ibid. .No. 496 of 1912.
8. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 350. .No. 203 of 1906 of the Madrw Epigraphical Collection. No. 63 of 1919, ibid.

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No. 6.]
SENDAMANGALAM INSCRIPTION OF MANAVALAPPERUMAL.
Kulõttunga-Chöļa III to the 11th year of Alagiyasiyar Köpperuñjingadēva (I). Probably 11 was the last regnal year of Kopperuăjingadova I, i.e., Mapavālap-perumal, because we know that he made an attempt to supplant the Chola power by imprisoning Rājarāja III at Sēndamangalam in A.D. 1232 and that Köpperuñjingadēva II came to the throne in A.D. 1243. He was & quasi independent chief roughly from the 37th year of Kulottunga-Chola III to A.D. 1232 when he assumed the role of an independent ruler and continued to be in power till the accession of his son in A.D. 1243. He assumed the title "Sakalabhuvanachchakravarttigal which was exclusively adopted in inscriptions by his son Kõpperuñjingadēva II. Some of his records are found at Vailūr, Chidambaram and Tiruvannamalai. Manavāļan-perumā), the signstory to the present record, may be identified with the chief himself in whose regime this inscription was issued.
Of the geographical names occurring in the record, Söndamangalam is identical with the village of the same name where the present inscription is found. Gedilam is the river that rises in the Kallakurchi taluk of the South Arcot District and flows into the Bay of Bengal under the ruined bastions of Fort St. David near Cuddalore in the same district.
TEXT, 1 Svasti' sri* (1) *Sakalabhuvapachcha[kkara]vattiga! Sri-Maņavāļan-perumal
Udaiyår[kku] 2 yandı anchāvadu Śēndamangalattu ùrum padaividu sely*]du U[daiyār] 3 [Vä]ạilaikar disuram-udaiya-Nāyaṇāraiyum elundaru?ap-pa[n]ni in-näyanarkku năm
kanda Eisaimõgap-sandikkum Puratttādi(Purattādi) tirun[āļu*]kkum tirinundāvilakku pattukkum Geţilattu[k]ku vada[k]ku kurukāl-vaļikku mēkku Mogapār
Māraṇārs nān. 4 [g-e]llaikku utpatta nañjai puñjai ullitta payiru marrum eppërpatta anaittayamum utpada
tirunāmattukkāni iraiyiliyāga tandöm[*] ippadikku Chandiradittavar sella ivür nângellaiyilum natta[t*]tilu[m] tiruchchūla-täpane[m)
1 This is No. 186 of 1938-37 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. The relevant portion of the record roads :1. Svasti ért [ll] Sakalabuvapachchakkaravattigal Sri Ayaniklappirandär Köpperufjingadövarkku yandu
B-vadu .. 2. pavadu .
muppaduvattattu-kkaniadaiya tiveppiramane4. röm tittukkuhatta parikkvadu[lo] in-plynar köyil Tirubuvansviradova kku muppattēļa vadu mudal
Alagiyabiyar Körperuõjingadóvarkku padipopriva. 5. du varai 1-köyil nikki nilai kitam nellum adam mädum Aplivadu Tai(ymádattu Udaiyar Peruman
galam udaiyar Udaiya6. pperumalaya Katuvettigal kapakku kettu .
This record confirms the view expressed in the Madras Epigraphical Report as early as 1906 as to the existence of two chiefs of the name Kopporuñjingadēva. But Mr. 8. R. Balasubrahmanyam has laboured in vain to refuto this theory in the Journal of the Mactras University, Vol. IX, No. 3, pp. 293ff.
* Above, Vol. VII, p. 168. • Engraved in Grantha.
The letters Sabalabhu are in Grantha.
• The length of sd is indicated, undeocrearity, by 5 wocondary sign. It to poweible that the letter was intended to be engrared.

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6 paoni kal[li*]lum sembilum vetti[k*]kolga [1] isvai] B Mapavā[la*]n-pe[ru*]mā! eluttu (1) panmägēbura raiksha (rakshai) [! *]
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-4) Hail! Prosperity! (In) the Afth year (of our reign), (we) Sakalabhuvapachobakkaravattigal, the prosperous Maņavālap-perumal-Udaiyar, made the village Söndamangalam & military camp, installed (therein) god Vāpilaikandisuram-udaiya-Nayapar, (and, for conducting in this shrine), the service called) Elisaimogap-sandi (which) we (have) instituted to this god, (for celebrating the) Purattādi festival, (and for maintaining) ten sacred perpetual lamps, endowed, as a tax-free tirunāmattukkāņi, (lands) within the four boundaries of (the village) Mogapār Mārapăr (situated) to the north of the river) Gedilam (and) to the west of the kurukāl-vali (pathway marked by kurukäl trees), together with all the) wet and dry crops and other incomes.
(LI. 4-6) Let the (stones bearing the emblem of the sacred trident be fixed in the four boundaries of this village (including) dwelling sites, and (the deed) engraved on stone and copper, so that the gift) may continue in this wise (as long as) the moon and the sun (last). This is) the signature (of) Manavalan-perumāļ.
(This shall be under) the protection of all Mähèsvaras.
No. 7.-REGULATIONS OF THE SABHA FROM TWO UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTIONS.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE.
The early inscriptions of Uttaram allur in the Chengleput District are found to start from the time of the Pallava king Dantivarman and cover the reigns of this king and of his successors, bit., Nandivarman,' Nřipatunga, Kampavarman and Aparajita and of the Chöļa kings Parantaka I. and Rajakesarivarman Aditya who is reported to have captured the Pallava country and extended his dominions into Tondaimandalam after defeating and killing its last king Aparā. jita. The sabhā of the place is referred to in almost all the inscriptions of these kings. And as six records earlier than the time of Parāntaka I., viz., one of Dantivarman,' one of Nripatunga,
1 The letters raikaha are in Grantha.
* They are dated in the 7th, 9th, 10th and 21st years of his reign. See Nos. 368, 359, 334 and 344 of 8.1.1. (Texts), Vol. VI.
Ibid., No. 358 which is dated in the 24th year of reign. This record was written by Vistuvidyamayap Nakkap, son of Karlsvara. No. 333 is in praise of a renowned architect named Paraměsvara, a carpenter of Padagam. The palæography of this record resembles that of an inscription of Paramēsvaravarman II at Mahabalipuram which shows that it might be earlier than the time of Dantivarman. The mention of Paramotvara-vadi made in some of the earliest inscriptions of this place would carry the antiquity of Uttaramallar to the time of the Pallava king Paramébvaravarman II. A Viatuvidyamayap figures as signatory in a rooord registering a grant made by a certain Malliyan Karapai. The latter figures in an inscription of Kampavarman dated in the 8th year of reign. It is worthy of noto also that another record of the same date is said to have been written by Padagattu Peruntachchan Mulläran.
• There are 4 inscriptions of Nripatunga dated in the 16th, 25th and the 26th years of his reign. Ibid., Nos. 346, 368, 367 and 388.
No less than 13 epigraphs belong to Kampavarman's reign. They range in date from the 6th to the 20th year of his reign. Ibid., Nos. 347, 288, 287, 288, 370, 290, 294, 314, 326, 375, 348, 371 and 389.
A grant made in the 14th year of a Rajamarttapdan alias Aparăjita is referred to in No. 850.
Ibid., No. 369, dated in the 9th year of his reign. • Ibid., No. 346.

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No. 7.) REGULATIONS OF SABHA FROM TWO UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTIONS. 29
three of Kampavarman and one of Rājakësarivarman-make specific mention of Committees there is certainty that the sabha and its committees were functioning in the place during the reigns of at least six kings prior to the accession of Parantaka I. in A.D. 907, in whose 12th and 14th years of reign the regulations relating to the constitution of committees (published in the Archæological Survey Report for 1904-05, pp. 131 ff.), came to be incised. By any modest computation the existence of the sabha of Uttaramallúr and its committees through which it performed its various functions may be taken to at least a hundred and fifty years prior to the mid promulgation of the regulations regarding the constitution of the committees. In all fairness, therefore, it may be said that there must have been some kind of regulation to guide the people in their elections and the sabha in discharging its onerous duties, during this long period of 150 years, though at this distant date, we are left entirely in the dark as to what that regulation was And this is just our position in the case of sabhäs of all other places also where, according to information supplied by inscriptions, that constitutional body and its committees were functioning. We have every reason to think that the fundamental principles of the working of the sabha as well as other regularly constituted bodies must have been the same, though in details, there might have been some variations suiting the time, place, experience and attainments of the people. It is here enough for our purpose to note that the sabha and some of the committees were in 61istence at Uttaramallär long before the publicity given in Parantaka's time of the committes regulations.
The two inscriptions edited below are engraved on the south wall of the Vaikuntha-Perumal temple at Uttaramallar and they register regulations made by the sabha (village assembly) of the place, one of the time of the Chola king Parāntaka I, relating to settlement of boundaries, and the other dated in the reign of the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III, regarding the procedure to be observed in the recovery of fines imposed by the assembly. The texts of these records in Tamil are published in South Indian Inscriptions (Texts)."
A.- Inscription of Dantivarman (circa A. D. 782) detailing Boundary Sottlement
Regulation. The first of these inscriptions was copied in 1898. Only five lines of this record are published in the South Indian Inscriptions (Texts) with the remark that the rest of the inscription is not traceable. To judge only from the penal clauses occurring at the end of the inscription the regulation which it registers seems to be a very important one. It is unfortunate that the epigraph is not fully available but what is missing does not appear to be much.
The inscription under notice is dated in the 21st year of the reign of the Pallava Iding Dantivarman, and may, therefore, be assigned to the last quarter of the 8th century A.D. According to my scheme of chronology the date would be A.D. 782
The record is engraved in the Tamil language and alphabet. A few Grantha letters are however used, viz., svasti trī, Dantivikra, mmma, sabhai, vyavasthai, bhù in bhumi and să in sämantu in line 1; să and ntu in sämantu and bhù in bhūmi in lines 2 and 3 ; samvatsa in line 4; and gra and ddhyastha in line 5. The use of the word agampadi meaning within' is worthy of note. It
1 Ibid., Noe. 294, 348 and 369. * Ibid., No. 360. • Vol. VI, p. 161, No. 344 and p. 168, No. 362, • No. 61 of 1898 of the Madran Epigraphical Collection. * Above, Vol. XX, p. 60.

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stands for agattu or ullaga and its antonym would be purambadi. Both purambadi and uļļālai (same as agampadi) are used in Tanjore inscriptions in the sense of an outer and inner quarter of a village. The phrase milga-varil may be construed to mean if one returns to redeem'. The proper form of the initial part is mitka.
The wording of the inscription is not quite satisfactory. There is first the indifferent use of the singular and plural, e.g., bhümiyudaiya kuḍiga! (1. 1), kudipalavum (1. 2), ponniḍādār (1. 2), bhumiyudaiyan (1. 2), avan (1. 2) and udaiyan (1. 3). Secondly Ur and Sabha are used to denote the same body and this is plain by the employment of the first personal termination &m in Sabhaiyim (1. 1) and Uromey (1. 2). Coupled with these, there is the difficulty of making out the sense implied by the term Samantu-sey, which though for all appearance is Tamil, is hardly met with in any Tamil work or Lexicon. For the just appreciation of the regulation contained in this epigraph, a correct interpretation of this obsolete phrase is essential and to this we shall give our attention. The initial part of the compound Samantu-sey suggests that it is a partial Tamil rendering of a Sanskrit original. If this is so, it is easy to say that the Sanskrit form of Samantu-beydal must be Samanta-karana. In this, the ordinary meaning of Samanta, viz., a chief or lord' will hardly suit, applied as it is in connection with a land transaction. The word Samanta occurs in dharmasastras in connection with settlements of disputes of lands and villages, and in connection with transfers of properties. Manu says that witnesses in cases of boundary disputes must be examined in the presence of the contending parties and the Gramiyaka-kula; and the settlement thus made must be recorded in writing with the names of the witnesses entered. Gramiyaka-kula is explained by Kulluka-Bhaṭṭa as gramika-janasamuha which may be taken to mean the assembly of the village. Brihaspati declares that witnesses in cases of boundary disputes are to furnish evidence as to how the lands in question were acquired, their extent, the period of their enjoyment, their names and nature. In connection with the settlement of boundaries of fields, wells, tanks, gardens situated in a single village, with which our inscription is concerned, Manu rules :--
Kshetra-kupa-tadāgānām-aramasya grihasya cha | Samanta-pratyayō jñēyaḥ sīmā-sētu-vinirṇayalı ||
It is noteworthy that the testimony of the Samantas determined the boundaries; and there is no doubt that the Samantas were well acquainted with them. In cases where there is doubt or suspicion as regards boundaries of villages owing to the removal or absence of boundary marks, evidences of witnesses, says Manu, must be considered primarily the deciding factor: and in the absence of such witnesses, adds Yajnavalkya, Samantas, the residents of adjoining villages,-four, eight or ten--may fix the boundaries. Manu limits the number of Samantas to four and says that the settlement must be made in the presence of the king (raja-sannidhau). The word Samanta, it may be noted, is explained in the Manvartha-muktavali thus:-chatur-disum samantad bhavaḥ samantaḥ. The Mitakshara also gives the derivation samantad-bhavaḥ samantāḥ chu
1 The difficulty of this promiscuous use of singular and plural may be got over to some extent by replacing av-avan and avv-avudaiyan for avan and udaiyan.
Manusmriti (Nirnayasagara ed.), ch. VIII, v. 254.
Ibid., vv. 255 and 261.
This is cited in the commentary of Mitakshara under v. 152 of ch. II of Yajnavalkyasmriti (Nirnayasagara ed. pp. 233 f.).
Manusmriti, ch. VIII, v. 262.
Yajñanvalkyasmriti (Nirnayasagara ed.), Vyaraharadhyaya, v. 152.
See the commentary under v. 258 of ch. VIII.

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No. 7.] REGULATIONS OF SABHA FROM TWO UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTIONS. 31
tasrishu dikshv-anantara-gram-adayas-te cha pratisimam vyavasthitaḥ. According to Katyayana 'grāma' here means the Samantas of the village". The same authority has
Samsaktās tu Samantas-tat-samsaktas-tath-öttaraḥ | samsakta-sakta-samsaktaḥ padmakāraḥ prakirtitāḥ ||
Samantu-seydal, i.e., the action of the Samantas, to which our inscription refers, is actually found described in the text of Yajnavalkya3 thus :--
Simno vivādē kshetrasya samantaḥ sthaviradayaḥ |
nayeyur-ētē sīmānam sthal-angāra-tusha-drumaiḥ | sētu-valmika-nimn-asthi-chaity-adyair-upalakshitam ||
and as such, we may take the phrase to mean the "settlement or marking out of boundaries of lands, villages, etc., made in the presence of the village assembly, by witnesses, Samantas (i.e., neighbouring land owners) and others". The text of Yajnavalkya and the note of Vijñānēévara cited above show that in respect of every boundary line there used to be appointed or nominated some persons styled Samantas on account of their being owners of adjacent fields, who had an intimate knowledge of all boundary marks set up in the line whether they be hidden from or open to public view; and whenever any disputes arose, these Samantas were requisitioned to give evidence and to determine the boundaries in accordance with such original marks. It is not unlikely that the Samantas were furnished in writing with a detailed description of boundary marks, such as are found in the Tiruvalangadu, Leiden and other grants.
It is said that in cases where no Samantas or Maulas are available to give evidence as to the boundaries in dispute, the evidence of others have to be sought. By Maulas are meant the lineal
1 Vyavahärädhyaya, commentary on v. 151. Vijääneévers quotes the verse
Grāmō grāmasya samantab kahetras kahetrasya kirtitah
griham grihasya nirdishtah samantat-parirabaya hi
and notes gråmadi-babdena tat-thab purushab lakshyante. (Nirpayasagara ed. of Yajnavalkyasmṛiti, p. 232)
• Vyavaharadhyaya, vv. 154-5.
4 The following verses of Manu name most of the objects used as boundary marks and these are found in many of the land grants :
Sima-vrikshahé cha kurvita nyagrödh-äévattha-kirhénkin | éälmalin-sala-tälämhé-cha kahiripa-ch-aiva pädapan || Gulman vēnāmé cha vividhäñ-chhamivalli-sthalani cha saran-kubjaka-gulmämhé-cha yatha sima na naéyati || Tadagany=udapānāni väpyaḥ praaravanani cha |
sima-sandhishu käryäni dévat-ayatanani cha | Ch. VIII, vv. 245-245. Upachchhannani ch-anyäni simä-lingāni kärayēt
sima-jñānē nriņām vikshya nityam lõke viparyayam || Aémano-sthini gövälärns-tushän-bhasma-kapälikäḥ |
karisham-ishtak-āngāra-sarkarā-välnkās tatha ||
Yani ch-aivamh-prakäräpi käläd-bhüimir-na bhakehayet: täni sandhishu simāyām-aprakāśāni kärayet || These are stated by Manu to be:
Vyädhäntäkunikān-gōpan-kaivartan-malakḥātakan | vyälagrähän=ufichhavrittin-anya cha vanagōcharan ||
Ibid., vv. 249-232.
Ibid., v. 260.

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descendants of such persons as had been originally Sämantas but had since emigrated from the place. Regarding them the following text of Katyāyana may be noted:
Nishpadyamānam yair-dřishtam tat-käryam tad-gun-anvitaiḥ vriddhā vā yadi v=āvriddhăstē tu vriddhāḥ prakirtitah 11 Yē tatra pūrvam sāmantāḥ paschăd=dēsāntaraṁ gataḥ tan-mülatvātutu tē maulā rishibhih parikirtitāh II Upaśravaņa-sambhoga-käry-ākhyān-opachihnitāḥ I
uddharanti punar=yasmādaddhritās=tē tataḥ smpitāḥ || We shall now note how the instructions contained in the dharmaśāstras had been faithfully carried out in practice as evidenced by epigraphical records.
We learn from inscriptions that in several corners of lands it was usual to set up stones bear ing different marks such as pulladi (Skt. harsa-pāda), i.e., the mark of interlineation, süla, i.e., a trident, chakra, i.e., the discus, plough (mēli or chitra-mēli), especially when the lands or any portion thereof had to be sold, assigned or otherwise dealt with. The planting of stones or other distinguishing marks is expressly stated to be one of the observances to precede the actual drawing up of deeds of sale, gift, or assignment and it was used to be done in the presence of many people, the chief among them being the assembly of the village. Invariably in all cases of grants of lands or villages made by kings, we find a royal order issued to the assemblies of the division in which the gift property was situated and the villages under it requiring them (1) to go round the boundaries accompanying & she-elephant, (2) to point out clearly the boundaries and mark them with stone and milk-bush and (3) to draw up and give the deed of gift to the donee. The faithful carrying out of the above order, as we find it described in numerous inscriptions with such minute details that are intended to avoid future troubles, shows clearly the rules followed in all cases of transfers of property. Besides, the village assemblies made the necessary changes in the revenue registers through the village karanattan or madhyastha. The point that calls for special attention is that even when the king made a grant, the cognition of it by the village assembly was considered essential. Secondly, it is seen that due publicity was given to the grant by the members of the assembly not only of the village in which the property lay but also of all surrounding villages, walking round the boundaries and attesting the document drawn up. The third essential was the pointing out of the boundaries and marking them with stones and milkbush in the presence of assemblies of that and all the surrounding villages. This shows that the cognition by the neighbours was considered essential for the transfer and gift. The long description of the boundaries indicate that there must have been persons whose duty was to be acquainted with the boundary marks of the lands in the village, to point them out when required and to plant fresh ones in missing places; and this presupposes the maintenance of registers to guide them. In fact we learn from the Larger Leiden plates that in the ceremony of walking round the boundaries of the village of Anaimangalam, preceding its grant to the Buddhist vihāra at Negapatam, two persons of the village went with the procession, and one of them, & vellala rode on the back of an elephant and pointed out the various boundaries; and that the assemblies of no less than 27 villages which lay next to the one that was granted, took part in the settlement of the boundaries. From the Kāśākudi plates of Nandivarman Pallavamalla we learn that the person who actually pointed out the boundaries in the ceremony of karini-bhramana was called viyavan. Evuvān, vayavan and valichchelvan are synonyms of viyavan. In the case of
1 Boo Nos. 496, 618 and 1290 of 8. I. 1. (Texta), Vol. V. . Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 237 f.
. The words used here (8. I. I., Vol. II, II. 110 f.) are naffu-viyavan folliya ellai poy padagai valastecheydn kallu-halliyum adhikboduttadarklu.

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No. 7.) REGULATIONS OF SABHA FROM TWO UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTIONS. 33
the grant registered in the Tiruvälangadu plates, the assemblies of 3 villages that adjoined the gift property took part in settling the boundaries and recording them. Sometimes even Divisional assemblies took part in determining boundaries and getting them marked by stones and the planting of milk-bush. The whole procedure described in these charters, viz., the gathering together of the neighbours, walking through the boundaries, marking them with stones and milk. bush inclusive of drawing up a schedule of boundaries and attesting it may be said to be Samantuseydal or Sämanta-karana in the case of big villages. We have already stated that in the case of lands situated within a single village, the testimony of the owners of the neighbouring lands given in the presence of the village assembly of the place and recorded in writing was considered to be a final settlement of boundaries. It may be of interest to note here that the procedure recorded in inscriptions and noticed above is quite in accordance with the injuction laid in a text of dharmaśāstra relating to the formalities to be observed in the transfers of immoveable properties.
Sva-grama-jñati-samanta-dāyād-anumatēna cha
nirany-õdaka-dānēna shadbhir=gachchati mēdini |
It seems that grāma here means 'the village assembly and Sämanta 'the neighbouring land owners'. The Mitāksharā which cites the above text adds “Grām-ānumatih vyuvahāra-prakā. san-artham=ēr=apēkshyate", and "Sānant-ānumatis=tu simā-vipratipatti-nirāsāya " thus making it clear that the assent of both the grāma and the Sāmuntas was necessary, the one for giving due publicity and the other for the removal of all doubts and trouble regarding boundaries. The use of the word Sämanta is particularly worthy of note and also its connection with simā. It seems pretty certain that by Samantar are meant only the neighbouring land owners.
Having made clear what is meant by bhumikku samantu-seyya, ana shown also how it was observed in land grants registered in copper plates and stone inscriptions, we may note the further interesting information which our inscription furnishes. It tells us :
(i) that settlement of boundaries of lands used to be taken up by village assemblies on
applications made by owners of lands; (ii) that the party applying for it had to pay a fee in gold when the settlement was made, (iii) that this fee, if not paid by the party, was to be met by the village assembly (sabha
or ür); (iv) that the fee became a charge on the land and was recoverable by the sale of such
portions as would cover it; (v) that the sale effected in this connection was subject to confirmation only on the ex
piry of the third year, within which period the defaulting land-owner was given the option of redeeming his land by paying the amount justly adjudged to be due ; this amount perhaps included the original fee plus such other charges as would have been incurred in bringing about the sale of the land: hence the use of the phrase "niyāyattal kolla-udaiya ponellām" instead of "sämantu-seyya vanda
pon. '; (vi) that after the expiry of the third year the sale is to be ratified and the proceeds uti
lized for the benefit of the village tank; and
18. 1. I., Vol. III, pp. 437 f.
• We read in 8. 1. I., Vol. II, p. 386 Wipparibu naffai-kküffi nila-nadappittu=kkallun-kafliyu[m] di *** daanan-cheyvittu-kluduttan".

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(vii) that if any (future) member directed the return of the land, acting contrary to this
(the last-mentioned clause), he was to be treated as a traitor to the village and his entire property sold and the amount realised formed into a fund for the improve
ment of the said tank. Here it may be noted that the Sabhā looked on the transgression of its regulation by its own members and its officials as more heinous than that of the owner of the land in his failure to pay the fee. The offending member was treated as grāma-kantaka and was ordered to be deprived of his immoveable property. The power which the assembly expressly provided itself with to punish any future member that might transgress the regulation herein made, and which is contained in the last clause, it may be observed, is made in conformity with the ancient rule of practice noticed in the text of Kätyāyana " mukhya-dandane samühasyair-ūdhikāraḥ ". To provide against the contingency of the assembly's inability to punish such members, some inscriptions go further and insert a clause to the effect that the transgressing member or members could be taken before the dharmāsana, i.e., the Royal Court, or the then reigning king (anrāl-ko) by certain persons empowered on that behalf and be made to pay a fixed fine or what the empowered persons may deem fit and that, after the payment of such fines, the members and the assembly may be enforced to observe the terms of the assembly regulation. Insertion of such clauses is done in accordance with the laws pertaining to bodies as laid down in the dharmaśāstras. The punishment to be meted out to the madhyastha, who carried out the order of the offending member, is expressed in the phrase "vettippöga iduradagavum". Though rettippõga may denote capital punishment, I think it may simply mean dismissal from office', for this phrase, in common parlance, implies striking off or cancelling'. Even in Sanskrit, it may be noted, the lexicographers give pravävana, parāsana, nishüdana and nikiri sana as the equivalents of the synony. mous term vadha..
TEXT. 1 Svasti sri [11] Dantivikramaparmmarkku yandu irubattoprávadu nā! nurru
irubattu irandu Uttaramoru-chaturvēdimangalattu sabhaiyōm sevda vyavasthai [*] Emm-ür bhūmi-udaiya kudigal bhūmi simantu-sevga coru
vandana eppērppattana2 viim samantn)-seyya vanda bhūmiy-udaiyān mun-ningu ponn-idādar bhumikku
Hämantu . . m ponn-ida-māçtı[da] kudi palavum nickkamättādu põnamaiyil Ürömêy ponn-ittu avan bhūmıyll . . poppukku vēndum-aļavu emm-ir Vaiyi.
rame3 ga-tatakattukku bhūmiy-aga samantu-beydu virru-kkuduttu mandayattu kallile elutru
vettuvad igavum [1] ipparibèy Vayiraméga-taţäkettukku virra bhūmi mū vandin
agampadi uậdiyāņ mīlga-varil niyāyattal # koļla-udaiya pon ellām koņdu vittu-kkuduppadägavum [*] mūnru sariivatsaramum
kalindal i-bbhūmiy-i-Vayiramēgattukke afa-virru attuvad-agavum [18] ipparis-apri ärāgilum mila-ppanippar-ularăgil avan bhūmiyum Vayyiramena (Vayiramēga). tațākattukke mudalāga virru aţtuvadāgavum [lo] ivan grāmakantakan ivanagavum M idu mila-Ppapi-kēţta maddhyasthan-ulanäyil avanai vettippöga iduvadagavum f1 i-pparibu beydu mila-ppaniy
1 Manuemriti, oh. VNI, v. 41. Aloo Brihaspati, Mukhyaisasaha samihanan riantado yuda Wartenda vich radikan apayrolla tox
. The rest of the incription is not traceable.

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No 7..] REGULATIONS OF SABHA FROM TWO UTTARAMALLIR INSCRIPTIONS. 35
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity! In the twenty-first year and one hundred and twenty-second day of the reign of) Dantivikramavarman, we. (the members of the Suha of Uttaramēruchaturvēdimangalam made this regulation (ryanstha) :--
Whereas all classes of ryots who own lands in our village had come up to have the boundaries of their lands settled, (Samantu-seyga) and when the boundaries had been settled, several of the owners had left the village, without coming forward and paying the amount of gold due (i.c., incurred on their behalf), and whereas we, (the members of the Or (i.c., the village assembly), had to pay the gold, it had been ruled that in such cases), we should sell so much extent of the (defaulter's) land as would be required to cover the amount of) gold (expended by us), and yive (the land) to the Vaviramėga-tațāka of our village, determining the boundaries of the portions sold, and have the transcution) engraved on stone in the mandapa (of the temple); that, if any owner of the lands, sold in this manner to the Vayiramnīga-tatāka, should come within three years to redeem the land, it should be returned to him. on receiving from him (the amount of) gold justly adjudged to be due: tisat after the expiry of three years, the lands should remain permanently sold to the Vayiraméga-tatāka, i.e., the sale effected before should be confirmed): that, in contravention of this if there should be any ember) that order the return of the land alter three years), his lands should also be sold and given to the said Vayiramēga-tațāka as its fund; and he (i.e., the member) should be treated as a traitor to the village (grāma-kantaka); and that if any madhyastha carried out such an order of returning the land after three years, he should be removed from office.
.
B.--Inscription of Kannaradēva (A.D. 964) detailing Fine-recovery Regulation.
The second inscription is in a fairly good state of preservation. It ccatairs nine lines of writing very neatly executed without many tiaws of grammar, language or idioni.
The inscription is mainly in the Tamil language and alphabet. A few Grantha letters are. however, found used in writing words of Sanskrit origin. They are Svasti Sri (1.1), chatururèor saturvvé (11. 1 and 9), sabhai (11. 1, 3 to 6, and 8), mahasabhai (1.2), dushịa and vyavastai (1.2), grūma-kārya (1l. 2 f., 5 and 6 f.), pursha (1 4), madhyastha (l. 4, 9), nyāya (1. 8) and Siradūsu and "lāditya (1. 9). The word danda is sometimes written in Tamil (11.5, 6, 7) and sometimes with the initial letter alone in Grantha.
The date of the inscription is the 25th year of the reign of Kannradēva who took Kachchi i.e., Conjeevaram and Tanjai or Tanjore, both of which places were, at the time of the re. cord, important cities belonging to the Chājas. The identity of this Kannaradēva with the Rashtrakūta king Krishna HII is fairly well established. His rule lasted from A.D. 939 to 966-967, and the 25th year of his reign, to which the subjoined inscription belongs, must correspond to A.D. 964.
The opening sentence of the inscription states that the Perunkuri-Mahasabha of Uttarameruchaturvēdimangalam, assembled during day time, in the terri of the pērambalan of their village, and (agreeing) among themselves (emmir-cheyda), made the regulation (vyavasthui), which forms the subject matter of the record. Before noticing the cla 1948 of the regulation, it is necessary to say a few words on the terms employed in this introductory sentence and what they lead us to infer.
* It was copied in 1898 and registered as No. 77 of the Appendix to the An. Rep. on Epigraphy, Madras, for that yoar. The text of it in Tamil is given in 8. I. 1. (Texts), Vol. VI, p. 168, No. 362.
* See above, Vol. XXI, pp. 261-62.

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The words Sabhā, Mahasabha and Perunkuri-Mahāsabhā occur in a large number of inscriptions of the Tamil country and denote the class of assemblies that were functioning there, and not a few of these epigraphs mention by name the persons that composed them. Judging from their names alone, which have prefixed to them, the golras to which they belonged such as BhaTadvaja, Kābyapa, Harita, Vatsa, etc., and the suffixes Kramavid, Sõmayāji, Vāja pēyayāji, Sarvakratu-Vajapēyayāji, Shadangavid, Bhatta, Bhatta-Sõmavāji, Dvivēdi, Trivēdi, Chaturvēdi, etc., it may be said that the members that took part in the deliberations of these organizations were Brāhmans. This fact proves that the qualifications for membership to the Sabha, laid down in the two Uttaramallur inscriptions published in the Archaeological Survey Report, and a fer other records of a similar nature, were strictly observed all the time the Sabha lasted. That this class of assemblies had under them several offices and services which were open to other castes of people is quite evident from the numerous inscriptions that register the transactions made by them; and the varied nature of their activities also required their enlistment. In spite of the presence of the people of other castes for carrying out the duties undertaken by the assemblies. there is nothing to doubt that the deliberative body was purely Brahmanical in this case. Similarly also the examination of the transactions of the assembly of the Ur recorded in a number of epigraphs shows that the deliberative body of that institution was purely non-Brahmanical though in the execution of its functions Brahmans may have been employed for some of the offices and services. The duties discharged by both the classes of organisations were in most cases identical. It seems that the locality and the occupation of the people determined the class of organisation that functioned in the place. A point that is worthy of note in our inscription is that the Perunikuri-Mahāsabhā referred to in the first person in the headline is later on spoken of as Sabha and Mahasabhā. The Sabhā is explained in Mancarthamu ktārali as grāma-Nagar-ādau niyatam jana-samüha-sthānam the place of meeting of the assembly of a village or town'.
The statement that the assembly met together generally during day time finds an echo in other epigraphs as well' and is suggestive of the fact that, if occasion required it, the body could also meet during nights. It is interesting to find this suggestion proved by an inscription dated in the 40th year of the reign of Parantaka I. discovered at Kūram which states that the Sabhā of the place met together during night in the küda of the Tiruvāypadi temple in the village. Unfortunately the inscription is so badly damaged that we are not able to understand clearly from what Tamains of it, the occasion that necessitated the convening of the body in the night. If the fragment in the same script published as a footnote to the inscription is connected with the record in question, this much may be gathered that the misbehaviour of an Accountant of the organization in making wrongful entries in the books which led the assembly to the payment of unnecessary taxes on lands that were lying waste, was the occasion for their meeting in the night. The assembly seems to have decided in this case that no member should render to, or receive from, the guilty accountant any kind of help and that if any one acted contrary to this decision he should be taken by the Sraddhāmantas before the dharmāsana and a penalty of 108 kanann of gold be obtained from him. Two other inscriptions, one of the time of Rajendradēva? and the other
18. 1. 1. (Texts), Vol. V, No. 1003. * A. 8. I., An. Rep. for 1904-05, pp. 131 ff.
[For a different view see above, Vol. XXII, p. 206.-Ed.)
.8. 1. 1. (Texta), Vol. VII, No. 412 of the time of Rajaraja I. (PeJrunguri-sabhaiyom innāļal pagal nammur brahmasthanattu chaturalai Rajarajanilēy niramba perunguri kūdi-yirundu; and No. 549 of 8. I. I. (Texta), Vol. IV, dated in the 6th year of Rajakesarivarman : pagal ivvur tiruchchitrakudattey dharmi-beydu perunguri katta kuraivara kkadi-yirundu and Xos. 414 and 423 of 8.1.1. (Texte), Vol. VII. Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 35.
Ibid., p. 15. No. 180 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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No. 7.] REGULATIONS OF SABHA FROM TWO UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTIONS. 37
dated in the reign of Kulõttunga-Chöļa 1, also bear evidence on the practice of holding night sessions of assemblies. The former speaks of a settlement made that nobody except the residentiary Veļļāļas of Vākür should levy or pay any kind of dues within the village and that those who do so will be considered to have transgressed the Law'. The latter speaks of an alteration of classification of land'.
About the meeting place of the assembly we may also say a word. This inscription states that the assembly met in the terri in front of the perambalam of the village. Though the word terri generally means a platform close to the front wall of a house on one or both sides of the entrance', it seems to stand here for a 'hall'. Attached to temples there were put up in ancient times several kinds of halls and pavilions, large and small, befitting the accommodation available and they were perhaps according to their shape and form, variously called küdam or chitra-küdam', chatursälai," or chaturälai, ambalam? or perambalam and mandapam. Besides these, there were also spacious paved courtyards (tirumurram), covered enclosures running all round the main structure (tiruveduttukkatti), 11 as well as sabha or tiruvolakka-mandapa and brahmasthāna," in most of which places the assemblies used to hold their meetings. The Tamil Nighantu makes ambalam, manram, podi, podu and sabhai synonymous, and equates terri-ambalam with chittiraküdam (chitra-küta). Sometimes the members also assembled under trees and water shods." Ambalam or pērambaian as well as chatutsälai are described in inscriptions as forming part of or being built in front of a brahmasthāna.16
The body framing the regulation is called in the first instance by the term Perunkuri-Mahā. sabhā (1. 1). It is subsequently referred to once by the term Mahasabha (1.2), and several times by the term Sabha (11. 3 to 6 and 8). That all these three terms denoted one and the same body is made certain by the terms having the first personal termination Om. Though it would thus appear that there was no distinction in the use of the three terms as found in this inscription, yet the qualifying terms mahā and perurikuri cannot but be said to carry with them some kind of
No. 186 of 1919 of the same Collection. · The Tamil Saduragaradi gives as aynonyms for terri both chilltirakudam and linnai. 'S. II. (Texts), Vol. VII, No. 35. • Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 549. 5 Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 440, 1, 17. • Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 412.
S.I.I., Vol. III, No. 150.
.8. I. I. (Texta), Vol. VII, No. 811. Perambalam occurs in the Periyapurana, v. 8, Sêyavan-riru-pperam. balam seyya tiya-ponnani Solay nidali pär-Aya-sir-Anapayap-arab-avai.'
S.I. I. (Texte), Vol. VI. No. 297 has periyamanda pattēy; Xo. 32 of Vol. VII has mukimandapalle. No. 1003 of Vol. V has peru mandapattu. No. 496 of Vol. VII has tirumandapati.
1. Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 414, 498, 499, 34 and 1036. 11 Ibid., No. 1034. 11 Ibid., No. 423 ; 8. 1. I., Vol. III, No. 116 ; and No. 988 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. V. 19 See v. 49 of Idappeyarftogudi.
16 In No. 57 of 8. 1. I., Vol. VI the sembly is said to have met under the mango tree in front of the Vishnu temple at Mannargudi, and in No. 600 of Vol. VII, under pun mai tree.
118. I. 1. (Texts), Vol. VI, No. 287.
Mummadisola-chaturvedimangalattw-Peruskuri-perumakkalom vol brahmasthanam Rajendrabola. ptrambalattéy peru nguri-mahasabhaiyom kira-kurai-sara-kkudiyirundu occurs in No. 988 of 8.1.1., Vol. V. Xo. 12 of 8. 1. I., Vol. VI refers to the construction of an ambalam in the brahmasthana of the village of Chandralekha Chaturvådimangalam and register a tax-free grant of land by the Perunkuri. Mahasabha for expounding the Bharata. Nammir brahmasta mattu chaturdlai ndjardjanilly niramba Perunkuri kudiyirundu ooours in No. 412 of 8. I. I.. Vol. VII.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
differentiation and this is clear from a study of numerous inscriptions some of which speak exclu sively of the Sabha, while others refer to the Mahasabha and Perunkuri-Mahasabha. The term Sabha is used in inscriptions to mean the administrative assembly of a class of villages known as brahmadeyas. The Larger Leiden Plates mention as many as nine brahmadiya villages and their assemblies and without any exception these assemblies are called by the term Sabha. As found in every association or corporate body in the present day, the ordinary meetings of the Sabha. held to dispose of matters of routine nature. seem to have consisted of a limited number of members; and that when subjects of wider interest came up for discussion and disposal, a larger callection of members was considered necessary and that such a larger gathering-still confined to the members alone was termed Mahasabha Besides these two classes of meetings of the assembly, which were confined to the members, there appear to have been other extraordinary gatherings in which were present not only the members but also the people of the village including the young and the old (sa-bala-vriddhar). These facts could casily be gleaned from the large number of inscriptions which record the transactions of the village assemblies (Sabha). It is further learnt from these epigraphs that notice or intimation of assembly-meetings used to be given by some special signal which, it might be said, was weil understood at the time both by the people and the members. The blowing of trumpets was one such device (kālam udi or divichchu) Sometimes the inscriptions use the phrase dharmi udi or eludi or dharmi seydus in place of kalam udi. Though we cannot be certain about the interpretation of this phrase, there is no doubt that it must have reference to the proclamation of the meetings of the village assemblies. The use of the word eludi (writing) in some places and udi (blowing) in others, with the object dharmi, seems to show that the announcement of a coming gathering of the assembly was sometimes made by the blowing of an instrument and sometimes by the issue of a written notification. Dharni seems to be connected with dharma, and to have reference to the transaction of the assembly. At any rate. it is certain that there was an individual whose duty was to announce the meetings of the assemblies by either of the methods noted above. In this connection it is worth pointing out some specific references to such an official. An inscription of the Chōla king Parakesarivarman (probably, Uttama-Chōla), dated in the 16th year of his reign, found at Tirukkalavar states that the great nien of the Mulaparudai of the village received money from the temple and sold to it, free of taxes, some lands of theirs which were termed enga! sabhai-küllüvā-nilam' and 'engal irandu māvum' and in doing so they also state that the lands were previously tax-free. Here the phrasesengalsabhai-kultura-silam" and "engal irandu mavum" show that the village assemblies sometimes set apart some of their own lands for the maintenance of the person whose duty was to announce the meetings of the assemblies. The Madras Museum Plates of Uttama-Chōla' refer to an official designated goshthi-seydän which is but another form of "sabhai-kuttuvan" and this is used immediately after parushai-nāyanmar. Here we are informed that a provision of one tuni and one padakku of rice was made for the goshthi-seydän, i.e., the convener of the parishat (assembly). An inscription of Rajaraja I. of A.D. 1001 states that the members of the village assembly were called together by the blowing of a trumpet and that the herald was entitled to get daily 2 soru from the village. The Uttaramallur election regulatious show that the convening of the meeting
1 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 237 and 1. 234 (Text).
28. 1. 1. (Texts), Vol. V, No. 1003 and Uttaramallar inscription, A. S. I. An. Rep., 1904-1905. 8. I. I., (Texts),
Vol. VI. No. 345.
Trav. Archl. Rep. for 1920, pp. 41 and 49; and No. 156 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1919.
8. 1. I., Vol. VI, No. 57. Dhanmi eludi in No. 458 of 8. I. 1., Vol. V.
8. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 499; Nos. 445 and 549 of 8. I. I., Vol. IV. No. 440 of S. I. I., Vol. VI.
8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 259.
T Ibid., p. 271, text-line 106.
An. Rep. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1919, p. 95, para. 15.

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was done through a madhyasha. The clause relating to it runs thus: Vāriyant-cheyyaningrai aparādai-kandapõdu aranai (singular for avargalai) olittuvad-agavum | ivarga! Olinda asantaran =idum tūriyangalum pannirandu sēriyilum dhanmakrityan-kadaikkanum vāriyarë madhyastharai --kkondu kuri-küti kuduppārāgavum meaning “when any transgression is noticed among the members functioning in the committees, such persons shall be removed and after these have vacated, the members of the committee superintending the dispensing of justice in the twelve chéris shall cause the madhyastha to have a meeting of the assembly convened and fresh persons chosen (in their places)". It thus appears that at the direction of the madhyastha the herald announced the meeting.
The phrase emmir-cheyda vyavasthai " the regulation made among ourselves" may be taken, as the words indicate, that the regulation concerned only the members of the assembly and not others; that is to say, it determined or fixed the duty of a certain section of the assembly on the one hand and the general assembly on the other with regard to the realisation of fines. As the terms of the regulation show, there is absolutely no doubt that the regulation was brought about to define the course of action to be followed by the members in collecting fines. But we may point out that there are a few instances in inscriptions, which record regulations and transactions of a similar nature, where we find the use of the very phrase emmir-ckeyda with the addition of the word othu or isnindu (meaning agreeing) inserted after emmil and before keyda. It may be that the word vittu or isaindu has to be taken as being understood in our inscription also as in the others. In this case. it would mean that the regulation was passed unanimously by the members of the assembly.
Three other words that are used in this inscription are worthy of note. They are adikkilnispār, rāriyam and perumakkaļ. Adikkilnispār literally means those that stand at the feet'. This is a rare Tamil expression for servants or attendants'. It is worth pointing out that the Tamil classical work Puranänúru ubes the word adiyurai and the commentator has rendered it into adikkil. The employment of the word väriyam in the two Uttaramallür inscriptions that record the election regulations leave no doubt as to its sense being a body of men chosen to form & committee'. As such, I think it must be connected with the Sanskrit root vri to choose'. In this connection it may also be noted that the Sanskrit word vīra means ntultitude. More interesting is the etymology of the word perumakkal. The Sanskrit word pramukha assumes the form pamukha in Pāli, and occurs as parumakha in a number of cave inscriptions of the pre-Christian centuries found in Ceylon. In a few of these inscriptions we also find it so employed as to denote the title of persons who, in all probability, were members of corporate bodies. As such, one can easily recognise this word in the Tamil perumakan (pl. perumakka!) used in hundreds of inscriptions of the Tamil country along with the words sabhai, nadu or vāriyam to denote the members of the respective bodies. Thus then the pramukhas mentioned in Sanskrit charters, perumakkal used in Tamil inscriptions, pamukha of Pāli, and parumakha found in Ceylon epigraphe, have the same bearing and indicate the title of persons connected with the assemblies of villages and divisions of countries (vishaya, răshtra or nādu). With the word pramukha has to be connected the forms peruman or perumānār and emperuman or em perumānār (which are used with or without the suffix adigal corresponding to the Sanskrit pādāh) to denote persons of rank, kings and gods. The form ma-paru nakha, used in Ceylon epigraphs as referring to the king, would even suggest that the Tamil prefix em or nam in em perumānār or nam perumānār is the same as ma (for Skt. mē or mama) in maparumakha and it is worthy of note that they all indicate the first personal pronoun. In this connection, it is worth remembering that the dharmacostras, in referring to heads or chiefs of
1 Ep. Zeyl., Vol. III, p. 122.

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corporate bodies, employ the word mukhya as in mukhyais=saha samūhārām risarādo yadā bhavēt in Brihaspati,' and mukhya-dandane samühasy=aiva adhikarah".
The present inscription tells us (1) that the Mahāsabhā had the power to form committees by appointing the members therefor (vāriyapperumakka!); this, it may be noted, is quite in accordance with what is recorded in the Uttaramallūr inscriptions, regarding the election of members to the conmittees; (2) that the officials adikkil-nispār, madhyasthas and padi-kāppār were carrying out the behests of the assembly and (3) that all these persons as well as individual members taking part in the discussions of the assembly could be fined (whenever they misbehaved) by the assembly as a whole.
The subject of the regulation is to determine the method of collecting and realising the fine imposed by the Sabhā on the three classes of persons noticed in the previous paragraph and on the dushtas. The regulation provides that the great men elected annually for carrying out the business of the village (avv-are-andu grāma-kāryam seyyum perumakka!) should obtain from the assembly the fines that had been paid.
The Uttaramallur constitution does not mention separately a group or committee for conducting the grāma-karya for each year. But it does mention & committee called samvatsara-rāriyaperumakkaļ the members of which, as the name of the committee indicates, must have been chosen each year, and it is not unlikely that the body was in charge of the grāma-karya. Like tõltaväriyam ēri-variyam, etc., grāma-karya indicates the chief function of this body and saniratsaravāriya indicates the tenure of office. Both the tenure of office and the function of this body are brought out in the name sametsara-grāma-kāryam seluttukira kutta-pperumakkal used in an inscription of the 4th year of Kulottunga-Chõla.
Though the grāma-kārya-perumakkal are clearly made responsible for obtaining the fines, the regulation gives them no independent action in the matter of this collection as it explicitly states that the collection must be effected only by or through the Sabha. It will be perceived that there is an element of easy and successful realisation in thus leaving the responsibility of collecting the fines with the Sabhā that imposed them. At the same time the arrangement must have contributed to the disposal, without delay, of the cases in which fines had been imposed and must have prevented further complications and fresh actions that would sometimes have arisen had the collection been left in other hands than those that imposed them. The regulation provides at the end that, if the grāma-karya-perumakkaļ fail to act in the said manner regarding the realisation of the fines, the Sabhā could levy on, and get from each one of the grāma-kärya-perumakkal a fine of 124 kānam (of gold), and see also to the non-recurrence of such a predicament in the future. Here. again, it may be observed that the Sabhā had the power to fine the grāma-kārya-perumakkal, just as they could the dushtas, as well as the members of the several committees (vāriyam) and the (public) servants carrying out their orders.
The employment of the word dushta in this inscription calls to mind the use of the phrase 'dushtar keffu fishtar (or vitishțar) varddhittiduvadāga (or vardhippadāga)' in the two famous Uttaramallür inscriptions embodying the rules to be followed in the election of members to village committees. Though all institutions like the Sabhā, meant for the maintenance of dharma (law
1 See 8. B. E., Vol. XXXIII, p. 349, V. 20. • Ser framitródaya (Jivananda Vidyasagar's Edn.), p. 428. .8. 1. 1., Vol. VIII, No. 265. • 4. 8. 1. An. Rep. for 1904-5, pp. 131 ff.

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No. 7.) REGULATIONS OF SABHA FROM TWO UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTIONS. 41
and order), must have the above object as their aim, it is worth noting that Manu defines fishta (among Brāhmans) in the following terms! :
Dharmēn-adhigato yaistu Vēdaḥ sa-paribsimhanah
të kishtā brāhmaṇā jõēyāḥ śruti-pratyaksha-hētavaḥ 11 and that Kullūka-Bhatta gives the following gloss on it :
Brahmachary-idy-ukta-dharmēņa yair-anga-mimamsa-dharmaśāstra-puran-ady-upabrimhito Vēdo-dhigatas-tē Brāhmaṇāḥ śrutēḥ pratyakshikaraņē hētavaḥ,
yē srutim pathitvā tad-artham=upadisanti të bishțā vijñēyāḥ Indeed the few inscriptions that lay down the requisite qualifications for membership to the Sabhā, an institution that was functioning only in Brahminical villages, and the titles expressive of the attainments of the members that actually graced the Sabhās at different tirnes and at different places such as Bhatta, Shadangavid, Kramavid, Somayajin, Våjapēyayajin, Chaturvēdin, Trivēdin, etc., show that the above was actually observed and that only fishtas were elected as members.
This inscription bears at the end the signature of the madhyastha Sivadasan Mangalādityap. who is said to have written the document at the bidding of the Sabhā. Almost all transactions of assemblies are generally committed to writing by persons bearing one or the other of the official designations madhyasthan, karanattan, karanattan-madhyasthan, vētkova, etc., who affixed their signatures to the written document and in doing so they sometimes stated that, being present in the assembly and having been directed by the Sabhai-Tiruvadi or the members, they executed the task. It may perhaps be of interest to note that in ancient times there were karanattan and madhyastha appointed not only for the village assembly but also for every village, temple, divisional assembly and guild of merchants: and it was one among them that was employed by the respective bodies to perform for them the duty of the scribe or secretary. In the inscriptions of the Malayalam country, the term madhyastha figures in the form Poduväl which is but a rendering of the Sanskrit word.
TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [II] Kachchiyun-Tañjaiyun-konda (Kan]paradövarkku yandu 25-vadu
Uttaramöru-chatu[r*]vodimangalattu=pperunkuri-sabhaiyom emm-ir-ppēr-amba
lattu 2 munbir=terriyilē pagar-kūdiy=irundu emmir=cheyda vyavastaiy-āvadu [l*] na[**]m-ür
mahā-sabhaiyömäl dandippunda dushtarga! daņdamo-ittana ullana dandam' avv-av. ändu grāma
1 Manusmriti, Ch. XII, v. 109.
See the qualifications mentioned in (1) the two Uttaramallúr inscriptions, (2) the Maxûr inscription (above, Vol. XXII, pp. 9-10) and others: Mantrabrahmaram vallan oduvitt-arivanai, Vidattilum bistrattilum biryattilum wipunar-ennappaffiruppdrai of (1); Mantrabrahmaram vallar nosittardy iruppdrai of (2); Mantrabrahmanam pallarèy vriyasi-cheyudragavum sabhamarra-cholluvaragavum : Nos. 240 and 241 of 1922.
• Above, Vol. XX, p. 237.
No. 268 of 8. I. I. (Texts), Vol. VI makes the madhyastha of a ghafiled subject to the orders of the Sabhd. For references to ir madhyasthay see Noe. 537 and 547 of 8. I. I., Vol. IV, 289 of Vol. VI, and Nos. 34 and 41 of Vol. VII: the sir-madhyastha wrote the inscription No. 289 of Vol. VI at the command of the Sabha. Naffw-madhyaatha figures in No. 489, and madhyastha of a Chaturvödimangalam in Nos. 618, 1002 and 1049 of Vol. V and in No. 180 of Vol. VI.
Here and in line 6, dandam iffana ufland stands for dandam ift-wljana. After dandam, the word iffa is omitted to be engraved : Seo line 5 where it is supplied.

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42
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
3 karyañe(ñ-che)yyuma perumakkalē sabhaiyōmai-kkoṇḍu tirvär ägavum [*] tirkka-māṭṭādaga sabbaiyömaiyé kondu dapdangal-iruttu-kkuḍuppür-agavum[*] sabhaiyil"]-ninga sabha-marram pēśi-ppa
4 pitta tani-parsharaiyam sabhaiyom papiyal seyda väriya-pperumakkalaiyum adikki). mrppärsiyam madhyasthargalsiyum pidi-käppärgalaiyum ullitta sabhai-ppani-se
5 ydar epperppaṭṭäraiyun-dandam-ittans ullana dandam-itta av[v-av-indugal grümakiryan-cheyyam perumakkaley sabhaiyömai-kkondu tirvär-ägavu
6 in [*] tīrv-uradana sabhaiyōmaiye kondu dandam iruttu kuḍuppār-agavum [*] i-pparisu seyyärgil dandam-itta a[v]v-av-kodugal grama
124-ñ-cheydu-kāṇan-daṇḍam-iḍa-pperuvär-āgavum
7 käryyañ=che[y]darai mey-vēru-vagai [*] i-ddandappaṭṭu ivv-a
8 nyāyam
Uttaramēru-ssa(cha)tu[r]vvedimangalattu
vārāmai-ttirttu-kkuḍuppōmānōm
[VOL. XXIV.
sabhaiyōm [*] idu sabhai[yar]
9 paņikka eludinën madhyasthan Sivadasan Mangaladityanēṇ [*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail! Prosperity! In the 25th year of (the reign of) Kannaradēva, who took Kachchi (Conjeevaram) and Tañjai (Tanjore), we, (the members of the) Perunkuri-Mahasabha, having assembled during day-time, in the terri (i.e., raised platform) in front of the big hall of our village, made the following vyavastha (regulation), agreeing among ourselves :
The great men conducting the business of the village for each year shall alone collect, through us (i.e., the Perunkuri-Mahasabha), the fines that have been paid out of the fines imposed on the guilty by us (i.e., the members of) the Mahasabha. Such fines as are not realised, they (i.e., the greatmen conducting the business of the village for the year) shall get only through us (ie., the Perunkuri-Mahasabha) and pay.
Further, the fines that have been paid by every kind of persons engaged in carrying out the transactions of the Sabha,-including individual members that are present in the assembly (Sabha), partaking in the assembly-discussions (sabhä-mäṛram) and giving their opinions; the great men of the Committees (Variya-pperumakkal) that have been formed by an order of us (comprising) the Sabha; those that stand at our feet (i.e., the servants of the assembly), the madhyasthas and those that watch our village, the great men conducting the business of the village of the year in which (these) fines have been levied, shall collect them, through us (i.e., the assembly of) the Sabha: such fines as have not been realised (in these cases also), they (i.e., the great men conducting the annual business of the village) shall get only through us and pay.
1 Read purusharaiyum. Delete =t.
Failing to act in this wise, the great men conducting the business of the village for the year in which the fines are levied shall individually be liable to a penalty of 124 current kāṇam. Imposing this penalty (on them), we, the Sabha of Uttaramēru-chaturvedimangalam, shall see that the miscarriage does not recur.
Being ordered by the members of the assembly, I, the madhyastha Sivadasan Mangaladityan, wrote this (vyavasthā).

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No. 8.)
IRDA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KING NAYAPALADEVA.
No. 8.-NOTES ON THE IRDA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KING NAYAPALADEVA.
BY JOGENDRA CHANDRA GHOSH. Mr. N. G. Majumdar has published the above grant in the Epigraphia Indica (Vol. XXII, pp. 150-9). It is very important, inasmuch as it throws interesting light into the political and other conditions of Bengal, in the tenth century.
The charter discloses the names of three kings and a queen, viz., Paramgaaugata Maharājā. dhiraja-Paramèsvara-Paramabhatļāraka Räjyapāladēva, his queen Bhagyadovi. their son king Nārāyanapaladēva, and his younger brother Paramėsvara-Paramabhatļāraka-Mahārājādhiraja Nayapāla, the donor. It records the grant to a Brāhman, of some land in the Dandabhuktimandala of the Varddhamana-bhukti. It was issued from the capital of Priyangu, founded by the king Rajyapala. The bhukti of Varddhamana is in Uttara-Radha and the capital of Priyangu, we shall see, lay in Dakshiņa-Rādha, in Bengal. So it is clear that this family of the Palas ruled in Radha.
Mr. Majumdar thinks that these kings belonged to a Kamboja dynasty, and were different from the Palan of Bengal. But there exist some very striking similarities between the two dynasties, which can hardly be explained away as mere accidents. Both of them were Buddhists, and have used the Buddhist Dharmachakra device in their seals. And both have got the dynastic name of Pala. These are not all. Like Rajyapāla of the present grant, there was a Räjyapāla among the Palas of Bengal. Both had a queen named Bhagyadēvi, and both were styled Paramasaugata and Mahārājādhirāja. Both the Rajyapālas were great temple-builders. Verse 7 of the Bāngarh, Amgāchhi' and Manahali* charters of the descendants of the Rajyapāla of Bengal describe him as having constructed many temples with lofty halls. The opening verse of the present plate also says that Priyangu, the capital, where flourished Rajyapala, was decorated with temples reaching up to the distant firmament. We shall presently see that the times of both also coincide.
All these raised a great suspicion in our mind, whether Mr. Majumdar has arrived at the right conclusion. In fact the similarities are so very overwhelming that even Mr. Majumdar was inclined to identify the two Rājyapālas as one. But the epithet of the Rajyapāla of the present plate, Kamboja-vansa-tilakah, as read by him, stood in his way. Our suspicion led us to examine this reading very carefully. The first word Kamboja is all right, but the reading of vansa-tilakah seems doubtful. What has been read as va seems to us to be nothing but dha. If this is conoeded, the next syllable cannot be risa, for dharśa is meaningless. It cannot be a mistake for dhvansa, as that will spoil the metre. Of the next word tilakaḥ, ti and the visarga attached to the last syllable are there, but the two syllables after ti are altogether lost. Mr. Majumdar says that he has found the right-hand flourish of k before the visarga, in the original, but we find no indication of it, in the facsimile. We read the epithet as Kamboja-Dhangu-atiparah, i.e. 'an
1 The Bengali monthly Bharatavarsha, śrävana and Akvina B. S. 1344, pp. 96841. and 648-50. : Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 326ff. * Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 295ff.
J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIX, Pt. I, pp. 68ff. . He has since modified his opinion. (Modern Revier, September, 1937, pp. 323f.)
• I am inclined to think that the letter after Kamuombo)ja should be read as a though at first sight it appears liko dha. So far as I can see, it has only a triangular top as in certain other cases (e.g. ta in jishyatuiti iol. 13 and ka in kalyari in 1. 14) instead of the ordinary top stroke, while in dha no top stroke is found. The next conjunct letter I would prefer to read as tea following Mr. Majumdar and would point out that in oonjunct letters the subscript va is clearly represented everywhere in this inscription. The next two signs that are visible are ti in 1. 5 and only the visarga in I. 6.-Ed.)

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44
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
inveterate foe (atiparah) of Kamboja and Dhangu'. If our reading be correct, the chief difficulty of identifying the two Räjyapālas vanishes at once.
Xow who could have been this Dhangu, an inveterate foe of this Rajyapāla of Radha ? We think that he is no other than the king Dhanga of the Chandēllas. The Bengali tendency of changing a-endings of personal names into u, such as Rāma to Rāmu, Vanka to Vanku, etc., seems to be responsible for the slight change in the name of Dhanga. This identification of Dhangu with the king Dhanga is not based on the similarity of names only. It is supported by the historical evidence also. This king of the Chandēllas, in his Khajuraho inscription of V. S. 1059 (1002 A.D.)1 boasts of having thrown into prison the wives of the kings of Kanchi, Andhra, Radha and Anga. This shows that he had, among others, invaded the kingdom of Rādha. We have already seen that Räjyapāla of the present plate was ruling in Rādha. So it is very natural for him to declare Dhanga as an inveterate foe of his. But were both Räjyapälas contemporaries of Dhanga ? Mr. Majumdar on palæographical grounds assigned this charter of Nayapāla to the latter part of the tenth century. Räjyapala was succeeded by his son Nārāyana päla, who again was succeeded by his younger brother Nayapāla. So Räjyapala can be assumed to have ruled in the first part of the tenth century. But what was the time of Dhanga ? The latest known inscription of this king is the one of V. S. 1059 (A. D. 1002) mentioned above. It is stated therein that he lived over hundred years. So he was born sometime about A. D. 900. It is clear from this evidence that Dhanga and Rajyapāla of the present inscription were contemporaries.
It now remains to be seen that the other Räjyapăla, father of Göpaladēva II., also flourished in the first part of the tenth century. We have shown elsewhere that king Mahipala I. ascended the throne in A. D. 981. His father Vigrahapāla II. ruled at least 26 years, and his grandfather Gõpäladēva II. at least 15 years. So the commencement of the latter's reign cannot be later than A. D. 942. The recently published Jäjilpärä сharter of Göpäladēva II. was issued in the sixth year of his reign, on the 11th day of the bright half (i.e. sukla ēkādasi) of Pausha, on the occasion of Uttarāyana-sarkrānti. The only date, nearer to A. D. 942 satisfying the above data, is A. D. 931. So his first year must be A. D. 925. This should, in the ordinary circumstances, be also the last year of his father Räjyapala's reign. Räjyapāla ruled at least 24 years. So the period of his reign also falls in the first part of the tenth century, and, therefore, he was contemporaneous with the other Räjya pala and Dhanga.
Now the difficult question arises that if the two Rajyapälas were identical, why Dhanga calls him the king of Rādha only, and not of Gauda and Magadha ? A very satisfactory solution of this is possible. The known dates of the Pratihāra Mahendrapala I. are 893-907 A. D. His inscriptions of the years 4 and 19 have been found in the Patna District, of 8 and 9 in the Gaya District, and of 5 in Pāhārpur in the Rājshāhi District of Bengal. These show that Rajyapāla was ousted from Gauda and Magadha The Dighwa-Dubauli (Saran district) inscription of V. S. 955 shows that he lost Tirabhukti also". From these circumstances, R. D. Banerji rightly came to the conclusion that Rajyapāla must have succeeded to a very small principality, either in Radha or in Vanga'. This plate fully corroborates his view, which was considered at the time no better
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 140. Ind. Cult., Vol. I, p. 291.
• Bendall, Cat. of Sans. Mss. in the British Museum, p. 232; J. R. A. 8., 1910, p. 151; Banerji, The Palas of Bengal (Memoirs A. 8. B., Vol. V), p. 67.
J. R. A. 8., 1910, pp. 150-51 ; The Palas of Bengal, p. 65. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, p. 110.
Above, Vols. I, p. 173 and IX, pp. 4f. A. 8. I.. An. Rep., 1923-4, p. 102 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, p. 110; The Palas of Bengal, 11. 61 ; 1'he Insfrated London News, Jan. 29, 1927, p. 160.
.J.R. 4. 8., 1004, pp. 642ff. The Palas of Bengal, p. 03.

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No. 8.)
IRDA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KING NAYAPALADEVA.
than a mere surmise. This Pratihāra occupation of the Pāla dominions does not appear to have lasted long. It must have come to an end with the death of Mahendra pāla I. It appears from the BargÃon (Patna District) inscription of the time of Rājyapāla that he must have recovered at least Magadha on or before the 24th year of his reign. This clearly explains why Rādha bas been mentioned as a separate entity by Dhanga. After Rādha, Dhanga names Anga, which shows that Anga also was an independent country at the time. He makes no mention of Magadha, which country he must have had to pass through, to return to his kingdom. This probably shows that he was friendly with the Pratihāras, who occupied that province.
The two Rājyapālas being one, ho had at least three sons, viz., Nārāyanapāla, Nayapāla and Gopāla II. Both the first and the third claim to have succeeded their father directly. Both the statements may be true, if we take that Rajyapāla divided his kingdom between Närāyanapala and Gopāla, giving Rādha to the former, and Magadha to the latter to rule independently. About the other provinces we have no information if they were recovered in the life-time of Rajyäpāla. The Jājilpārā inscription shows that Göpāla was in possession of Gauda, at least in the sixth year of his reign. An inscription of the first year of his reign has been discovered in Bargāon! Another solution may be that Gopāla usurped the throne of Nayapāla. As this was not a peaceful succession, he did not mention the names of his brothers. It is not likely that Göpāla's throno was usurped by either of his brothers. If at all, it must have been for a time only, for we find that he was succeeded by his son, Vigrahapāla II. We are in favour of the first view, for that explains why Nayapāla traces his descent from Rajyapāla, and not from Gopāla, the founder of the dynasty. Rādha, no doubt, was a feudatory state under the Palas, but it was Rajyapāla who raised it to an independent kingdom and built his capital there. So he was the founder, and Nayapala, inheriting that kingdom only, traces his descent from Räjyapala! Göpäla II., who inherited Magadha, a country ruled by his forefathers directly, names his forefathers from Göpäls I., like others of the main line.
We think, we have been able to solve satisfactorily all doubts that could be raised against the identification of the two Rajyapälas as one. Now we shall devote our attention to find out, if we can, who this Kamboja, another inveterate foe of Rajyapāla, was. We have seen that the Pratihāras conquered all the important provinces of his forefathers. So who could have been more inveterate enemy than these Pratihāras ? Nay, they were hereditary enemies of the Pāla dynasty from the time of Dharmapala. We find also that Rajyapäla came into direct conflict with them when he reconquered Magadha, on or before the 24th year of his reign. Can these Pratihāras be the Kambojas? Let us see. Kamboja, according to Pāṇini, meant a king or a Kshatriys of the country of Kamboja. Now where was this Kamboja country? According to the earlier authorities, it was in the north-west of India. But some later works as the Mārkandēya-Purāna and the Brihatsamhitā place a Kamboja country in the south-west, along with Sindhu, Sauvira and, Ānarta. Garuda Purana, a still later work, mentions it side by side with Lāta, in the south-west. This Kamboja might be the same as the Stambha-tirtha about the Narbadā, mentioned in the Kurma-Purāņa", and the niodern Cambay, on the gulf of that name. It might have derived its name from this Stambha or Khamba-tirtha. It, no doubt, formed part of the Pratihāra empire. According to some authorities, the Pratibāras were Gurjaras. We find this Kamboja
1J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. IV, p. 105.
Mr. Majumdar entertains the last view (Modern Review, September 1937). It appears from the Tirumalai insoription that a Pāla king of the name of Dharmapāla ruled in Dandabhukti till the reign of Mahipals I. H. was probably a grandson of Nayapāla of this plate. So the question of usurpation on either side does not arise.
Nark. P., ch. 58, v. 30; Brihat-s., ch. 14, v. 17. Garuda.P., Pt. I, ch, 55, v. 15. Karma-P., Pt. II., ch. 39, vv. 40 & 50.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
was also in Gujarat. It may be that these Pratihāras coming to live in Kamboja of Gujarāt, before they rose into power, came to be known as Kamboja. It is for this reason, we think, they have been styled as Kamboja' in the present platel. It must be noted here that the Pratiháras came into contact with the Palas long before they became established in Kanauj.
Now having said all that we have to say in justification of our differed reading, let us turn our attention to what geographical information we can gather from this plate, about Rādhu in the tenth century. The golden rampart walls of the city of Priyangu have been described as resplendent as fire (v. 3). This leads us to think that they were built of the red laterite stone. So the capital must have been at a place, where or in the vicinity of which, these stones abound. The district of Midnapur, in Dakshina-Rādha, lies on the border of the Balasore District, from where the plate has been obtained. It contains laterite soil, and some forts are still to be found here built of laterite stone. It is not, therefore, unlikely that the seat of the kingdom was here. There are two places in this district, which come nearer to the name of Priyangu. One is thānā Pingla, and the other is the village of Pingbani, in thand Garbeta, with ancient remains. The latter seems more likely. The soil here is lateriferous,
The donated village of Bfihat.Chatttvannā is described as adjoining to Kanti, Sari māsa and Bädakhanda, within the Danda-bhukti-mandala, belonging to the Varddhamana-bhukti (UttaraRādha). Mr. Majumdar identifies this village with Chhatina, near Belyabera and Nayabashan, on the Suvarnarēkhå. It is probably in thana Gopibellabhpur. There is & village named Chatina, in thāna Balbani. Besides, there are three villages of the name of Chatna, in thānā Daspur. The donated village is sid to have contained salt-mines (lavan-ākara), which probably means that some part of it was a saline tract, where salt used to be manufactured. This discloses contiguity to 8ea-coast. Salt is still manufactured in the district. Kaņţi may be the modern Contai, which is on the sea-coast. There are, however, two villages of the name Kantichak in thānā Danton, and Kanthi in thānā Gopiballabhpur. As we find both Chhatina and Kanthi in thānā Gopiballabhpur, lying on the western part of the district, Chhatina suggested by Mr. Majumdar may be the donated village. The existence of madhuka trees in the donated land also supports this view, as they grow in the western part of the district. But this village must have extended up to the sea-coast of Balasore, along the Suvarnarēkhā, for we have already seen that a portion of it was a saline tract. This also shows that the village was a very big one, which the prefix Brihat also suggests.
Chhatna is the name of a Jungle Mahal. We do not know, if the donated village Chhatina has anything to do with the name of this Jungle Mahal. Belyabera or Beliaberia is also a Jungle estate, owned by a family of Praharāja Chaudhuri of the Midnapur District. The plate belongs to a Praharaja Chaudhuri of Irdā, in the neighbouring district of Balasore. It is possible that both belonged to the same family, with their original home in Chhatina. It is not known how the plate was acquired by the present owner. It may be that the Praharāja family was in some way connected with the donee, or it might have been found somewhere within their Zamindari.
We do not know anything about the origin of the name of Danda-bhukti. It seems that ori. ginally a village of the name of Danda was the headquarters of the bhukti, which ultimately gave this name to it. There are two names connected with the word Danda, in the Midnapur District : (1) A village of the name of Bhõgadaņda in thānā Sabang. It is the seat of the Madhyafreni Brāhmaṇs of the district. This might be the original village of Danda. (2) A temple of Siva,
1 Mr. Majumdat has since changed his opinion. He is now almost oertain that the two Rajyapālas are identical. 6, therefore, holds that the Palas of Bengal were Kambojas (Modern Review, September, 1937). But there.
W e other evidence to support this, beyond his own reading of the epithet of Rajyapāla as " Kambojavana-tilalbal". [If tha Pratihbras are referred to as Kambojas in the Irda plate, it is rather strange that the latter designation for them is not to be met with in any other record so far known.-Ed.)

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No. 9.)
SIRIPURAM PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, LORD OF KALINGA.
named Dandēsvara, in Karnagarh, six miles to the north of the Midnapur town, with remains of a fort and several temples. Danda, though originally a bhukti, is found as a mandala under the Varddhamāna-bhukti in the present plate, and also as a kingdom under a king named Dharmapāla, in the Tirumalai inscription of the first quarter of the eleventh century. This Dharma pāla might be a descendant of Nayapāla of the present grant. If so, this Pāla dynasty of Radha continued for about a century and a quarter at least.
Narayanagarh is a village in the sadar sub-division of the Midnapur District, containing the remains of a ruined fort, and some very fine old tanks. The Raj family of this place is said to have had possession of it from the time of the great Pāla kings of Bengal'. It is not unlikely that Nārāyaṇapāla of this plate founded it.
The present charter is also of great interest as depicting the religious condition of Radha, in the tenth century. The Pāla kings of Bengal were well-known Buddhists. But they were not antagonistic to Brahmanism. All their charters record grants to Brāhmans, which bespeaks their liberality to Brāhmans and regard for Brahmanism. Their grants are sealed with the Buddhist Dharma-chakra-mudrā and begin with praises to the Buddha. With the exception of the three earliest and the present one, all were granted in the name of the Buddhabhattāraka. The present king spoke of his father as a Paramasaugata and sealed the plate with the dynastic Dharma-chakra device. But unlike others, he has begun it with salutation to the Brahmanic god Siva and granted it in the name of that god. This clearly shows how the Buddhist population were being slowly and gradually merged into Brahmanism. The elder brother of this prince, the king Nārāyanapāla, is described as a devotee of Väsudēva. This conversion of the royal family of Rādha reflects no little credit on the Brāhmans of Rādha.
In conclusion, we would like to make some remarks about the reading of the date of the plate. Nr. Majumdar read it as "Samvat 13 Kārttika-dine 2". He found no other numeral sign after 2. Dr. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist, however, notices two digits and reads them as "18". We too find two signs, but read them as su 9'. It appears that the engraver through mistake was repeating the preceding syllable nē, but found out his mistake before he could finish and rectified it, by clumsily converting it to su, indicating sukla. The subscript u of su here is comparable to subscript w of su of the word sukritinah (1. 47). The date of issue of the charter, therefore, is the same as the date of the actual gift..
No. 9.-SIRIPURAM PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, LORD OF KALINGA.
By G. V. SRINIVASA RAO, B.A., MADRAS. These plates were secured for examination by the Superintendent for Epigraphy from Mr. Manda Narasimham Pantulu of Arasavilli, teacher, Board High School at Chicacole in the Viza. gapatam District. They are stated to have been discovered while digging a tank at Siripuram, a village near Chicacole. They have since been purchased by the Government Museum, Madras. Mr. Narasimham has published the inscription on the plates in the Telugu Monthly Journal Bhärati for September 1931, and has also reviewed its contents in Vol. VIII of the Journal of the Andhra Il istorical Research Society (p. 153), but the interpretation of the record by him leaves much to be desired. It is now re-edited here from ink-impressions of the plates kindly supplied
1 Midnapur District Gazetteer, p. 197. Above, Vol. IX, p. 232. Midnapur Distt. Gaz., p. 216.
+ [I am not convinced of the correctness of the reading suggested here and have no reason to change my views about the date.--Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
to me by the Superintendent for Epigraphy. In his article in this Journal on the Srungavarapukota Plates of the same king, Dr. R. C. Mazumdar has also considered this inscription,
The grant should have consisted of three oblong copper plates of which the last is now missing. They measure 6 4" in length and 21" in breadth, and have their rims slightly raised all round to protect the writing which is incised on the inner side of the first plate and on both sides of the second. They are strung together by a ring about 4" in diameter which passes through a hole about 1' in diameter near the proper right margin of the plates. The ends of this ring are soldered into the bottom of an oval seal of which the rim bears on one side a slight projection. The surface of the soal which measures 11 by lt' is completely worn out, so that the emblem or legend that should have been engraved thereon is lost, but judging from the seal of the Srungavarapukota Plates, we may suppose that it should have contained the figure in relief of a conch. The two plates with the ring and the seal weigh 70 tolas.
The alphabet of the inscription belongs to the same type as that of the Kōmarti Plates of Chandavarman and the Chicacole Plates of Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman. It bears a close resemblance to the writing in the Rāmatirtham Plates of the Vishņukundin king Indravarman who has been assigned to the second quarter of the 6th century A. D.", and, except for one or two lotters which look slightly more developed, to that of the Jirjingi Plates of the Eastern Ganga king Indravarman dated in the 39th year of the Ganga era". It also shows a general likeness to the characters of the Pikira grant of the Pallava king Simhavarman, son of Yuvamahārāja Vishnugopa? This Simhavarman has been placed by Prof. J. Dubreuil in the beginning of the 6th century A.D.'
The language of the grant is simple Sanskrit and similar in style to that adopted in the Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman', the Komarti Plates of Chandavarman and the Köröshanda Plates of Visakhavarman'
The orthography of the inscription calls for a few remarks. Except in the case of the two words vinirgatam and ā-chandr-arka-kala in 1.15, the consonants are invariably doubled after the Tēpha. Other consonants are also doubled, incorrectly in such words as samppadasya (1. 3), dak. shiny-Olssäha (1.6), Tontāparēssamavētān (11.8 & 9), tēbhya ēva 88a idānim (1. 10), and vidhivassampradattah (1. 16), and in place of the anusvāra in the words sappanno (1.6) and savratsare (1.13). Anusvāra is used in place of the nasal consonant n in the expressions omár-mahārāja (1.5) and vetän kutumbinah (1.9); and both anusvāra and nasal are used together in Ananntavammmā (1.8) and vinirgatamn-cha (1.15). Upadhmāniya is used in place of the visarga in the words bhūh prajā (1.7) and pariharaih parihsitya (1. 14) and redundantly in the case of the words karahprada (1. 10), dänah-pratigraha (1. 11), kalah-pratishtham (1. 15) and vachanah-prèshana (1.17). The final is found in vibhrat (1.2).
The grant was issued in the year Mah-Asvayuja, on the day of full moon in the month of Mágha. This method of dating the record in the Twelve-Year Cycle of Jupiter, according to which the year commences on the day when Jupiter, after its conjunction with the Sun, rises beliacally at mean sunrise in a particular nakshatra after which it is named", is said to have been in vogue to a limited extent only in the 5th and 6th centuries of the Christian era, and found used 1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 56 ff.
* Above, Vol. VIII, p. 161. 1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 144.
. Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 68. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 49.
Above, Vol. XII, p. 5. . Above, Vol. XII, p. 134.
10 lbid., Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. II, p. 167.
11 Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 24. • Ibid., Vol. III, p. 51.
u Above, Vol. VIII, p. 280.

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No. 9.]
SIRIPURAM PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, LORD OF KALINGA.
49
so far only in a few inscriptions ranging between A.D. 475 and 5281. In the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1931-32, Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu taking the Ganga Era to start with A.D. 493 assigns the Achyutapuram Plates of Indravarman' dated in the 87th year of the era to A.D. 580, and assuming the present record to be about half a century anterior to it gives it the provisional date A.D. 528-9 which was the year in which the Mah-Asvayuja occurred. It may be stated, however, that the years A.D. 516 and, before that, A.D. 504 are equally possible for the record.
The inscription registers an order of king Anantavarman issued from Dēvapura confirming the grant of the village Tõnţāpara as a tax-free agrahāra to be enjoyed by eight (?) members of the Ātrēya-gotra who were already in possession of it and were paying tax hitherto thereon, after separating it from the sub-division known as Kharapuri-madambat to which it had belonged and also from the bigger division Pattana-bhöga.
Anantavarman is called the 'Lord of Kalinga' possessed of many virtues and a great Ma. hēšvara. He is stated to have been the son of Mahārāja Prabhajjana(Prabhañjana)varman and the grandson of Mahārāja Gunavarman who is described as the Full Moon in the great and spotless (firmament viz., the) Väsishtha (family). This epithet is however applied to Prabhanjanavarman in the Srungavarapuköţa Plates, while Gunavarman is styled the Lord of Dēvarashtra' and is credited with victories in many battles. Anantavarman is said to have acquired the Earth by the strength of his own arms.
Other kings of this region who also called themselves Kalingadhipati were Saktivarman, Umavarman', Chandavarman and Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman'. Another king of the same region, who might have been a Kalingadhipati though he does not specifically style himself as such was Vilākhavarman who issued the Köröshands grant10 mentioned above, from Sripura". Four new copper-plate grants of the Kalinga kings have been found recently and are reviewed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1934-35. Of these one is the Srungavarapukota Plates mentioned above, of king Anantavarman of our grant. The others are the Tiritthāņa grant of Chandavarman12 issued from Singhapura, in which the king calls himself a Kalingādhipati, the Tekkali Plates of Umavarmanı issued from Vardhamanapura", and the Madras Museum
1 Fleet, C. 1. I., Vol. III, Introduction, p. 105. - Above, Vol. III, pp. 128 f.
* This seems to be borne out by the writing in the Jirjingi Plates dated in the 39th year of the Ganga Era, which, as stated above, bears similarity to the alphabet of the present grant.
• Madamba is thus defined in Sivataltvaratnakara, Kallolu 6, Taranga 1, verse 14: Yuklam=ēkādaśa-grāmaira madambam=parikirttitam.
Cf. Vonkhāra-bhöga of the Jirjingi Plates (J. 4. H. R. S., Vol. III, p. 51) and Mahendra-bhöga of the DhaValapēta Plates (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. X., p. 146). Tho name of the division is evidently derived from Pattana which is perhaps an abbreviated form of Kalinga-Pattana (Kalinga patam) a sea-coast town about 20 miles from Chicacole. The ancient Kalinga capital Kalinga-nagari mentioned in the Hathigumph. inscription of Khāravels has been identified with this town (above, Vol. XX, p. 77).
• Above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff. * Ibid., pp. 4 ff. . Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 48 ff. 10 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 23 ff.
11 This has been identified with Siripuram in the Palkonda taluk of the Vizagapatam District. It is possible that it may refer to Siripuram the find-spot of the plates under publication.
11 C. P. No. 12 of 1934-35.
11 C, P. No. 13 of 1934-35. In the An. Rep. for this year these two kings have been taken to be different from their namesakes who issued the Komarti plates and the Brihatproshtha grant.
14 This has been identified with Vadama in the Palkonda taluk of the Vizagapatam Distriot (4n. Erp. on South Indian Epigraphy, 1934-36, Part II, para. 2).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Plates of Ananta-Saktivarman, issued from Singhapura1. The Dhavalapeta copper-plates of Umavarman issued from Sunagara' complete the list of these kings.
From the provenance of all these records and the places mentioned therein, it may be surmised that their territory extended in the north to the southern portion of the Ganjam District and in the south to the northern portion of the Godavari District. It is not, however, possible to state whether it was held intact throughout their rule by this line of kings. The plates of king AnantaSaktivarman record the gift of a village in Baraha(Varaha)vartani division to two Brahmans". This division which should have comprised portions of the present Vizagapatam District round about Chicacole is mentioned in the Narasingapalli Plates of the Eastern Ganga king Hastivarman' dated in the Ganga year 79 as having been included in his territory. Sometime later, Pishtapura situated in the southern portion of their territory had passed into the hands of a certain PrithiviMahārāja, probably a subordinate chief under the Vishnukundins, who issued his Tandivada grant from that places, and then to the Chalukyas under Pulikesin II. It may therefore be concluded that this dynasty of kings calling themselves Kalingadhipati should have disappeared before the close of the 6th century A.D. The lower limit may of course be taken to be the middle of the 4th century A.D., when Samudragupta invaded the south and subjugated along with others king Mahendra of Pishṭapura and Kubera of Devarashtra.
[VOL. XXIV.
The relationship of the several kings mentioned above to one another is still obscure, the information contained in their grants being too meagre to throw any light on this point. Simila rity in the alphabet or phraseology employed in their different grants, in the epithets applied to the kings and in names of officers occurring in them is our only guide in attempting any genealogy or chronology of these kings, but it seems to be unsafe to make any suggestions on this slender basis.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Devapura from where the king issued his grant, may be identified with one of the two Zamindari villages-one named Devada in the Srungavarapukota taluk and the other named Deväḍi in the Chicacole taluk. Toptapara, the village granted, perhaps has its representative in the modern Zamindari village Tōṭāda in the Chicacole taluk. It is not possible to identify Kharapuri after which the sub-division was named.
TEXT.'
First Plate.
1 Om Svasti [*] Vijaya-Devapurad-Vasishtha-vipul-amala-sakala-chandramasō
2 vibhrat-bhu-hiranya-go-sahasr-ady-aneka-dana-dharmm-abhiratasya sakti-tray-ō
3 panata-rajya-sathppadasya atyutamala11-sarach-chandra-chandrik-āvadāt-ōru
4 yadasah artmaji Mahirkja-Gupavarmmapah Atmajanmand-aka-guna-gap-ā
1 C. P. No. 24 of 1934-35.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. X, pp. 143 ff.
An. Rep on 8. I. E., for 1934-35, Part II, para. 3.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 63.
Ibid., pp. 88 ff.
Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 11.
C. P. No. 1 of 1931-32.
Expressed by a symbol.
Road bibhrad-bhu-hiranya-. The letter nya of hiranya is written in smaller size below the line, evidently as a correction of an omission indicated by a small cross above.
10 Read sampadaḥ. 11 Read atyant-amala..
11 Road briman..

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No. 9.]
SIRIPURAM PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN, LORD OF KALINGA.
61
3 bhyalaksitasya sriman - Mahārāja-'Prabhajjanavarmmaṇaḥ sūnur=nnanna)ya-vinays6 satya-bauch-achāra-tyāg-audāryya-dāksbiņy-ötssāha -sātva(sattva)-sappanno sva-bhuja
Second Plate ; First Side. 7 vikram-õpārjjita-bhūh prajā-hita-rato paramamāhēsvara(ro) mātā-pi8 tri-pädanudhyāto sri-Kalingādhipatir-Anam(na)ntavarmma Tonta[pa]rēs (Tõnțāparë)
sama9 vētäm' kutumbinas-samajñāpayasty=a*) sty=éshah(sha) pürvvam-vwägraharah Kharapurl. 10 madamba-sāmānyahe karah(kara)-pradah tēbhya ēvas=sa idānim=asmābhiḥ puny-ayur
yye11 shasām1=abhivsiddhayē yajana-yājana".yājan-adhyayan-[a*]dhyapana-dänah (dana)
prati12 graba-niratēbhyõ(bhya) (Ātrā}"-gotra-charaņēbhyo brāhmaņēbhyaḥ ashtāásaka(ashtāmsaka l). sa m[khyē]bhya[b]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 Mah-Abvayujē savvatsarēis Māgha-māsa-paurņņamāsyä[m*)= udaka-pūrvvam kritvā 14 sarvva-kara-pariharaih parihsitya Kharapurisha (puri)-madamba-vinirggatam 15 Pattana-bhoga-vinirgatamñ(gatan)-cha kritvāk &-chandr-arka-kālab(kāla)-pratishțnam
agra16 hkram kritvā vidhiva 18-sampradattah ity-avagamya grāma-phalam-u. 17 paniya sarvv-ādarēņa vachanab(vachana)-prēshan-opasthānam karttavyam=iti :18 ajñā apy=uttara-kāla-bhävi-rājabhis-cha dharmma-dānasy=ānupālanē
TRANSLATION. Om. Hail! From the victorious (city of) Dēvapura, the glorious Anantavarman, lord of Kalinga, who is endowed with wisdom, refinement and truthfulness, with purity of life and good conduct, liberality and magnanimity, and with courtesy, heroism and strength; who has acquired the earth by the strength of his own arms; who is (ever) devoted to the welfare of (his) subjects ; who is a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara ; and who meditates on the feet of (his) parents ;
who is the son of the glorious Mahārāja Prabha janavarman richly adorned with a multitude of (good) qualities, the son of the glorious Mahārāja Gunavarman who was a Full Moon in the broad and spotless (firmament viz., the family of) Väsishtha, who took great delight in the performance of the several kinds of gifts like the earth, gold and a thousand cows, who secured the
1 Read friman.
. Read natal. * Read Prabhai jana.
• Read odhyata). . Read taaha.
Read dlan. . Read .sampannah.
Cf. the expression shat-trimbad-agrahara-admanya of the Brihatproshtha grant. Read dva sa. * Read pumayur-gabaemer. 11 The word gājana is engraved twice by mistake. 11 Evidently the word Atri or Atreya is intended. * Read aanvataard. 14 Ct. the expression Dantayavagu-bhopäd=uddhritya of the Bethatprophtha grant 1. Read vidhivatsam 1 The continuation is lost.

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52
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
prosperity of his kingdom with the threefold regal power and who possessed great fame which was as pure as the light of the exceedingly clear autumnal moon,
(thue) commands (all) the farmers assembled in Toptāpara: This (village which) has been already an agrahāra enjoying the privileges (applicable to the group of villages included) in Khara. puri-madamba and paying tax (hitherto), is now given by Us with (due) rites preceded by (libations of water for the increase of (Our) merit, longevity and fame, on the day of full moon in the month of Māgha in the year Mah-Asvayuja, to the same Brāhmaṇas, eight share-holders in number () of the Atri-götra and charana, who are engaged in performing and helping others to perform sacrifices, in study and in teaching, and in making and receiving gifts,--after having completely exempted (the village) from all kinds of taxes and having made it separate from the Kharapuri-madamba (sub-division) and the Pattana-bhoga (division ?), and conferred it as an agrahāra to last as long as the moon and the sun.
Having understood this (it behoves that you) should bring the yield of the village (to these Brähmanas), and with all (due) respect carry out the behests issued by them). (This) command (should be respected) by the kings who are to come in future as well, in protecting this meri. torious gift.
No. 10.-INDORE PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
BY SUSHIL K. BOSE, M.A., Calcutta UNIVERSITY. The plates which are edited here were in the possession of Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, who kindly placed them at my disposal for the present purpose. They were originally in the possession of the late Wamanrao Islampurkar Sastri of the Indore State along with the grants of Mahārāja Svámidasa and Mahārāja Bhulunda edited by Dr. R. C. Majumdar in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XV, pp. 286ff.
These are three well preserved copper-plates each of which measures 7" long by 34 broad. They are quite smooth and their edges not raised or fashioned thicker. About 2" distant from the middle of the proper right margin each plate bas a hole about to in diameter, obviously for a ring with which the plates were strung. Originally, the grant consisted of four plates. The first plate together with the ring and the seal is now missing. From a comparison with the other grants of the same king it would appear that roughly about seven lines of writing are lost. The first plate, therefore, as one would expect, was inscribed on one side only. The first and the second of the remaining three plates that we now possess, that is to say, the second and the third of the original grant, are inscribed on both the sides while the last one is written on one side only. The writing throughout is in an excellent state of preservation. The size of the letters is about *. The characters belong to the southern class of alphabet and are fine specimens of tbe "box-headed' variety of the Central Indian script, which is well illustrated in the copper plates of the kings of Sarabhapura as well as in those of Tivaradēva, king of Maha-Kõsalal. The script resembles closely that of the Dudia and Siwani plates, as also of the recently published Tirodi plates of Mahārāja Pravarasēna II.
From the standpoint of paleography these plates have some peculiarities which are worthy of note. As in the Siwani plates, the letter b in this grant occurs in two distinct forms. One is the usual type of this alphabet and the other consists of a square and is more archaic. It seems that the scribe was familiar with both and had freely used the two forms, though the usual type
10.1.1., Vol. III, pp. 191 ff. and 291 ff.
Abon, Vol. XXII, pp. 171 f.

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No. 10.)
INDORE PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
occurs in larger number. For the former type see Kobidarikā (1. 12), balivardda (1. 21), and pibati (1. 33) and for the latter see brāhmanair- (1. 27) and bāhula (1. 33). Both the lingual and the dental n occur in different varieties. As regards the dental n, it may be noted that, though different forms are discernible, the larger number is of the looped type; see for instance, n in Rudrasēnasya süno[h*] (1.1). For a different kind of n see Rudrasēna (1.6). Likewise, differences exist in the types of n; see for instance, Prithivishēnasya and Chakrapānē (1. 5), and guna (1. 3). A very peculiar form of the letter occurs in pautriņa (1. 4). Then of Göndāryyāya (1. 15) is also worthy of note. The letter v, in general, has a much smaller rectangle than that of ch, even then they could hardly be distinguished in many places, but for the context; see in prabhavi (1. 30) and compare it with cha in chandr-āditya (1. 24). Of the ligatures the two forms tna and nta deserve special notice. Referring to his tables (plate vii, 43, X) Bühler says, “We meet repeatedly with the looped ta and the na without the loop?." The ligature to which he has referred has been taken by him to be nta. But exactly the same ligature occurs in this plate where the reading is clearly tna (sa[n]chitnana, 1. 28 for sañchintana). By mistake the scribe put the t first and then the subscript na. So Bühler's reading of the same ligature as nta cannot stand. We have a clear example of nia in atyanta (1.2), santāna (1. 4) and santikās= (1.9). Incidentally it may be noted here that the subscript t in the first of these words shows some peculiarity. The letter dh is of the usual square type except, however, in Yudhishthira (1.4), where it is definitely roundish in shape. Similarly the letter t which is generally of an angular character, has one excep tion in ajñāpayitavyā[h*] (1. 10) where it is round. As regards the letter l, it might be noted that the real box-headed type, which is met with in the Siwani plates, does not occur in this inscription, There is, however, a single instance where the box-headed l appears here, in āyurullala (1. 11), if it is not to be read as =blala for=bbala. With regard to this particular letter l our inscription tallies well with the Tirodi, Chammak and Duduia plates of the same king. Lastly we might note that a is denoted in different ways. Usually a slanting stroke attached to the head of the consonant indicates the medial ā; see Vākāțakānām= (1. 8). For a different way of indicating it see kaliyah (1. 24).
The language is Sanskrit and except the usual imprecatory verse, ascribed to Vyasa, in the fourth plate, the inscription is in prose. The composition is not at all satisfactory and shows that the writer's knowledge of Sanskrit left much to be desired. As regards orthography the most prominent features are: (1) the use of u padhmāniya in 11. 25, 31 and 33; (2) frequent nonobservance of the rules of external sandhi ; (3) carelessness in the writing of a (medial), ń and h; (4) the doubling of v after anusvāra as in para-dattām uvā (1. 32); (5) the doubling of consonant after r as in sārgge (1.8), etc., and (6) the interchange between yi and ri in some cases, e.g., in Prithivi (1.5) and htiyābhi[l*] (1.25). The inscription contains several words whose meaning and grammar are not clear. It seems that the official who was entrusted with the drawing up of the record was responsible for these solecisms. Some of the mistakes, however, are no doubt due to the inadvertence of the engraver.
The inscription is one of the Vakātaka Mahārāja Pravarasēna II and is dated (1. 33) the Afth lunar day of the dark half of the month of Vaišākha in the twenty-third year (of his reign). Its object is to record the grant of a village (1. 12). The situation of the village is described as being to the north of Ārāmaka, east of Köbidárika, south of Kosambaka and west of Añjanavāțaka (II. 12-14). The donees are said to be. (11. 15-17) Göndaryya, son of Visakhāryya of the Vaji-Kausika gotra and resident of Ārāmaka, his son Manorathāryya, Goväryya, Dēväryya, Bäppäryya, Kumārāryya and Drõņāryya. It has been noted (1. 20) that half of the
Bühler, Ind. Paleo. (English version), p. 6.8. [From the details given it is not clear whether the objeot granted is a villago.--Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
village was purchased by a merchant named Chandra from the Brahmins. Beyond this our inscription furnishes no such information as has not already been supplied by the Dudia plates written in the same year as this record as well as by the Chammak and Siwani plates which were issued in the eighteenth year of the reign of this Mahārāja Pravarasēna II. But the similarity of the Tirodi plates with the present record is striking. Both these grants were issued in the same year and their language is also very much similar. As a matter of fact some of the terms and words in this inscription can be properly understood only when compared with the Tirōḍi plates. Mistakes due to the engraver are very numerous in this inscription and many of them have been corrected with the help of the Tirōdi plates.
Like his other inscriptions the present one also supplies us with the stereotyped genealogy of Pravarasēna II. But the first plate being lost the genealogy from Gautamiputra only survives. After the genealogy the details of the grant are given. The inscription ends with the date and the name of the writer.
In one point our inscription offers information which makes it of great interest to students of administrative history. Unlike the other plates of the Vākāṭaka kings this record was written by one Kōṭṭadeva who styles himself as Rajuka. This is the first time we meet with the term Rajuka in so late a period. Rajuka is primarily a term to indicate an officer whose undoubted existence in the 3rd century B.C. is proved by the inscriptions of Asoka.. Up till the middle of the second century A.D. South India1 at least kept up the use of this official. The reference to Mahāmātras, Rajjukas and Sancharins indicates that the old tradition was kept up in Southern India. When the Vakatakas came to the forefront, on the decline of the Kushaņas, they probably made an endeavour to revive the old institutions. The Guptas, who were mainly a North-Indian power, were greatly influenced by the Kushanas and adopted many foreign features in their administrative machinery. The Vākāṭakas were more in the south and so could retain the earlier official terms. For this reason we find that in most of the records of this Vākāṭaka king occur certain revenue terms which have not been found in any other copper-plate and of which no satisfactory explanation can yet be offered. It is clear from the record that the Rajuka was still an officer mainly concerned with land and revenue. It is strange that in no other records of this period do we meet with this term. The reason seems to be that though all land transactions were negotiated under his jurisdiction, only in very important cases the Rajuka himself used to participate, the rest being done by subordinate officers. The date of the record being given in regnal years cannot be verified. None of the places mentioned in this inscription can be identified.
TEXT."
Second Plate; First Side.
1 aulbitraaya Gautamiputrasya putrasya Väkiṭak[A]nām-mahāra(cā)ja-4rī-Rudrasinasyo ==[h*]
2 atyanta-ma(mā) hēśvarasya saty-ärjjava-kāruṇya-sauryya-vikrama-naya-vinaya-māhātmya. 3 dhimatva patragatabhaktitva-dharmmavijayitva manönairmmaly-adi-gupa-samuditasya
4 varsha-satam-abha(bhi)varddhamāna-kōsa-daṇḍa-sādhana-santana-putra-pautriņa[b*] Yu
dhishthira
1 See Epi. Car. Vol. VII, p. 251, where a Chufu kul-ananda Satakarni commands his Rajjuka.
From the original plates.
• Read dhimativa.

Page #78


Page #79

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Page #80

No. 10.)
INDORE PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
8 vrittër=Vākāțakānä[m*)-mahārāja-sri-Pri(Pri)thivishēnasya süņa(noh bhagavata Chakra
pāņē[h*] 6 prasād-lõpārjjita-sri-samudayasya Vākāțakānā[m*]-mahārāja-sri-Rudrasēna
Second Plate ; Second Side. 7 sya sūnõ[h*] mahārājādbirāja-sri(sri)-Dēvagupta-sutäyä[m*] Prabhāvatiguptāyām=utpanna 8 aya Vākāțakānām=mahārāja-sri-Pravarasēnasya Vachanā[t*] Gēpuraka-mărggė asma9 t-santikās =sarv väddhyaksha-niyoga-niyuktāb ajñksamchari-kulaputr-adhikrită bhafð10 bho-chhatras-cha vyushita-purvva-may-ajñay=ājñåpayitavyä[b ] Viditam=astu vah 11 yays=ēh=āsmübhiritmano d hdharmm-āyur-blala-gvaryya-vivriddhiya ih-amutra-hi
t-arttham 12 vaijayikē dharmma-sthānē Ārāmakasya uttara-párávē Köbidärikäyā[b*) pūrvv&13 pārsvē mala datām=iti? :
Third Plate; First Side. 14 Kösan.bakasya dakshiņa-p[@]rsv[7] Añjaņav[ā]takasya apara-pārsvē Visākhāryya-vägaku15 .sya [A]rāmaka-v[a]stavya-Vāji-Kausika-sagötra-Visakhāryya-putra-Gonda16 ryyāya Gond(ā]ryya-putra-Man[o]rathāryyāya Gövāryyāya Dēväryyāya 17 Bäppäryyāya cha Kumārāryyāya Drõņāryyāya cha pū[r]vva-dattā iti kritvā 18 yato=sma(smā)bhish*] sāsana-nibandham1=kpitaḥ apūrvva-dattä(ttyā) udaka-pūrvvam-]
atisfishțāḥ[*] 19 uchitā[m*]s=ch=āsya pūrvva-raj-anumatā[n*] Chaturvvaidya-grāma-maryyādām-paribau
vita. 20 ramah[**] Atra văţā(ta)k-ārddhar vāņijaka-Chandrēna kraya-kritam brāhma[pē*]bhyo
Bhagavat-pada[ni 1*]**
Third Plate ; Second Side, 21 Tad-yathā a-kara-dāyi a-bhata-chchhatra-prāvēsyal 8-pārāmpara-tõ(80)-balivardda[b] 22 a-pushpa-kshi(kshi)ra-sa[m*]dõhah a-chāra(1-ā) sana-chami(rm-a)ngāra[b*] a-lavapa-klitva
(nna)-krēņi-khanaka[b]
The formation of medial o in do is noteworthy. It consists of an d-matra on the top and an -ward added to the lower left side of d.
* Read santakās as in other Väkātaka records. . Read bhatás * Read visrutu-parvouy- as in the Siwant and Chammak platos.
Read yuth. * Read dharmm-üyur-bbal-aitvaryya-vivriddhayć. * Read maya dattam=iti. [These six syllables seem to be out of place here, and their sonse not neer.Pd.)
. It is tempting to identify this place with the village of Kodambakhanda mentioned in the Tirodi platos of the same king.
[From the impression it can be read as Boppdryyāya.-Ed.) 10 [The reading may be nibandha l-kritah.-Ed.] 11 Read .uryyadi-puriharan as in the Tirodi plates. 11 I am indebted to the Editor for this reading.
11 Read a bhur-chchlitrepraveny); the word chhila seon to be wonlow connected with the toru Mls of other inscriptions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
23 uruva-vishţi-parihara-parihri(hri/taḥ sa-tidhis-s-ópatithih Ba-kli"(kli)pt-opakli”(kli)
ptaḥ. 24 &-chandr-āditya-kälīyaḥ putra-pautr-ānugāmi bhuñjatā[m*) na kēnachi[d*] 28 vyāghātana k arttavyas-sarvva-kriyābhi sa[m*]rakshitavyab-parivarddhayitavyas
chall*l yas-cha26 smach-chhäsanam-agani(pa)yamānā(nah) svalpām=api paribädhätku(=ku)ryät=kårs
ghina vão 37 tasya brāhmaṇair=vvēvi(di)tasya sa-dsņda-nigraham kuryyāmah(mal) Asmis-cha dharmm
[a]dhi
Fourth plate; First Side. 28 karaņēt atīt-ánēka-rāja-dattā(tta)-sañchitnanta)na-paripālans[m*] krita-puny-änuki(lt)29 rttana-parihar-arttha[m] na kirttayāmaḥ samkalp-ábhidyodha parakrama(m-8)paja
(ji)tān=vattha(rtta)30 ghātā(mānā)n=ājñāpayāmaḥ ëshyatato-kāla-prabhavish[n]ām-gauravād=bhavishād"
vijñā31 payāmah [*] Vyāsa-gitas-cb=ātra slokah-pramāṇikarttavyaḥ - Sva-dattä[mo] 32 paradattä[m] vvä(vā) yo harēta vasundhara[m *] gavā[m] bata-sahasrasya hantu33 Epibati dushkritam(tam) [1] Samvatsarē trayövimsi Vaisakha-bāhula-pamohamyam (l*1 34 Ajñā svayam (1) RAJUKA-Kottadēvēna likhitam [1*]
No. 11.-JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
BY SAMSKRITI PT. AKSHAYA KEERTY VYis, M.A., UDAIPUR. The inscriptions under consideration are fixed on both the sides of the passage leading into the Sabha-mandapa of the Jagannatharaya temple at Udaipur. They are in a fair state of preservation but the engraved letters have been filled up with lime in course of the annual repairs to the temple. At places, the original engraving itself is very shallow. Although Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Ojhā has utilized these inscriptions in writing his history of Rajputana (Rajaputans
Read sa-nidhis-s-6panidhin.
[What has been taken as the sign for medial i here is perhaps & mere scratch. Moreover, the form of the rubeoript character in this syllablo diffe. much from that of the subscript l in klinna in the previous line. In view of these considerations it seems probable that we have in this inscription the correct reading aa-kliptOpallipta.-Ed.]
• Read vyāghatan. .Read kriyabhih.
Read kdrayed-va. . Read aominht-cha (The annavdra meant for smith seems to have been plaoed on cha. Ed.]
* The Siwani and Tirodi platos have also dharmmadhikarane while the Chammak, Dudia and Riddhapur platon bave dharmm-adara-karane.
Read bhiyoga ; the Riddhapur plates have ardhiyoga and the Dudia plates abhidyodha. . Read Tahyat-bila. 1. Read vishnu. 11 Road bhavishyne 11 The stop is indicated by a horizontal stroke. 11 Instead of pidetí generally the word harati oooun in this impreostory vorio. * Metre: bloka (Awwapbh).

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No. 11.)
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
57
kā Itihāsa) they still remain unpublished", and I edit them here at the instance of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India.
These inscriptions are engraved on four big slabs of black stone, which we shall call, from left to right on both sides, A, B, C, and D respectively, for the sake of convenience. A measures 2' 6" broad by 3'2" high, B2' 10" by 2' 10", C 2' 6" by 3' 0" and D 3' 2" by 3' 2", and contain sixty, forty-six, fifty-seven and forty-nine lines of writing respectively. It may be pointed out that D is made up of as many as ten pieces of stone of different size, shape and variety, and seems to have been engraved after fixation. The writing appears to have been done by different hands as is chiefly perceptible from the upper part of D. Carelessness in engraving is particularly visible in the lower part of D.
The characters are Nāgari in their modern form and the medial vowels (particularly the dipthongs) which are joined to the consonants are throughout represented by siro-mātrās, the only example of the use of prishtha-mātrā being in dēvā (1. 25, A). The forms of y and p are often indistinguishable, not only when the former is joined to a preceding consonant, but also when it occurs independently.
As regards orthography we find that in many cases 6 has been distinguished from v, while in some cases b has been used for v as in kabacha-chh(chchh)ēttā (1. 11, A). Chh is used in place of chchh throughout with a few exceptions particularly noticed in C. T is almost everywhere reduplicated after a preceding r. The sign for avagraha has been employed only twice in vairibhyo priyamanau (11. 16-17, C) and in dēbē="khile (1. 17, D).
The language of the inscriptions is Sanskrit except the sentence Sri Jagannātharāyaji påta padharāyā at the end of C which is in the dialect of Mewar. The verses contain many paronymous words and thus many of them convey two senses. Considering the length of the inscriptions, the historical information they contain is very meagre. The poet has spared no pains in trying to please his patron, the ruling prince, and his work is meant to be more a literary study than history. The composition is, on the whole, free from errors, most of the mistakes appearing in the records being due to the engraver. The first line of each slab is in prose wherein five or six gods and goddesses have been adored. In addition to this, portions of 11. 2 in B, 50-51 and 56-57 in C and 2 and 47-48 in D are in prose. The rest of the epigraphs is in verse.
Before considering the actual contents of the records, let us determine whether all the four slabs contain one single inscription or more than one. From the intended plan of writing and the method of presenting the subject matter, it will appear that three inscriptions have been incised on these four slabs. A and B together form what may rightly be called the Jagatsinha inscription, for the numbering of the verses in B is in continuation of that in A' and the subjectmatter also is connected with Jagatsimha. C and D on the other hand, appear to be two different inscriptions with independently numbered verses, intended by the author to pertain to Rājasimha and the temple of Jagannatharāya respectively. That D, although intended to look like an independent epigraph, is but a supplement to A and B is evidenced by a close study of its contents; all these three together, therefore, should properly be regarded to form one inscription. The main object of the inscription engraved on these three slabs is to record the installation of the image of Jagannatharāya in the temple by Mahārāņā Jagatsinha, on Thursday, the 15th day of the bright half of Vaišākha (Madhava) in V. S. 1709 (1. 18, D).
1 An imperfect and uncritical transcript of the records was first printed in the Vira-vinoda (Part II, pp. 384-99).
1 Below the line containing the last verse in A, there are three more lines given to the description of the masons, where the verses are separately numbered. The same procedure of numbering the conoluding verses. separately is followed in the other slabs also.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
( VOL. XXIV.
Now we may consider the nature and the date of the fourth slab which we have called C. It may be pointed out that this slab, as a matter of fact, contains an inscription of the opening years of the reign of Rajasimha, the son of Jagatsimha, and has no date of its own. Its object is to record the erection of the four small corner-temples outside the main shrine. That the temple was to be one of the Vishnu-Panchayatana type seems to have originally been contemplated by Jagatsimha himself, an indication of which we find in v. 48 of A and v. 12 of D. It is not improbable that the actual work of erecting these smaller temples was set afoot by this ruler but could not be completed by the time of the installation of the Jagannātharaya image when Jagatsimha was alive, and was brought to completion later on by his son Rājasimha. It is not, however, certain when this epigraph was fixed in the temple. The date given at the end, viz., “Thursday, the 15th of the bright half of the second Vaisakha in the Vikrama year 1708" is really the date of the installation of Jagannatharāyaji as explicitly mentioned beyond it in a sentence in Mewari tongue; and the purpose of mentioning it here can only be to show that the epigraph, although belonging to a later period, was to be taken in continuation of the earlier event of installation. It may be noticed here that the year 1708 recorded at the end of this slab as the year of the installation is at variance with that given in l. 18 of D, which is 1709. This can only be explained by regarding the former as Srāvanādi (as is the custom prevailing in the Udaipur State even now) which would be equivalent to Chaitrādi 1709, for it was only in the latter year that there was a second Vaisakha with Thursday on the 15th of its bright half.! Rai Bahadur Ojbā has accepted this date given at the end of C as the date of all the four slabs which in his opinion contain one single inscription. But as I have already pointed out, this could not have been the date of the slab C, although it may have been that of the remaining three. The date of C cannot be earlier than the 13th of the dark fortnight of Märgaśīrsha of V. S. 1710, when Rajasimha is stated to have given eighty maidens (in marriage) which is the latest date found in this slab (v. 38). It is possible that the record was put up soon after that date. It may, however, be noted that the authorship of both these inscriptions goes to one and the same person.
With regard to the contents of A we find that it opens with three invocatory and benedictory verses in praise of Karindranana, Bhava and Durgā; in the fourth verse the poet declares his intention of producing what he calls the Jagatsimha Prasasti. Then he attempts at giving a genealogy, chiefly of the Rāņās of Mewar, which begins from Rāma, the celebrated hero of the Rāmāyana from whom the rulers of Mewar claim their descent. In the family of Rāma were born Vijayabhupa and his son Padmaditya. The latter went towards the south leaving his ancestral capital Ayodhya. Later on in that family was born Bāpā who had the title of Rāral and who was a native of South India and thence called to rule over Mewar. Then in his family were born: Rāhappa (bearing the title of Rāņā for the first time), Narapati, Dinakara, Jasakarņa, Nāgapala, Pūrnapāla, Prithvimalla, Bhuvanasimha, Bhimasimha, Jayasimha, Lakshmaṇasimha, Arasi, Hamira, Kshētrasimha, Lakshasimha, Mökala, Kumbhakarņa, Rajamalla, Sanga (Sanga), Udaya, Pratäpasimha, Amarasimhe, Karnasimha and Jagatsinha.
It may be noticed here that Vijayabhūpa and Padmāditya here mentioned are also included in the big list of princes, beginning with Sumitra and ending with Bāpā, given in cantos II and III of the Räja-prasasti of V. S. 1732 (=A. D. 1675). As this list seems to be based on the bardic accounts with no chronological truth, Pandit Ojhā has rejected it as unauthentic. .
Bāpā indeed is a historical figure but his description as given here clearly seems to be based on the legendary stories prevalent among people even to-day, according to which his family came
Bhavnagar Inscriptione, pp. 146-54.
Rajapulāne ka Itihasa, Faec. II, p. 831, n. 1.
Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 397, n.l.

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No. 11.)
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
59
to Mewar from Surashtra and Valabhi. Col. Tod has closely followed this tradition in his work." but Rai Bahadur Ojha is of opinion that the family of Bäpä had no connection whatsoever with South India, and has discussed in details the invalidity of the legends.
The names of the Rāņās as given here next are to be met with in some other records also such as the Ekalinga-māhātmya, the Rāja-prasasti, etc., with certain variations. The only point of importance worthy of note with regard to these princes is that till before the time of Hammira they were the rulers of the small estate of Sesodā and were contemporary to the princes of the Rāval branch of the family ruling over Chitor. It is a mistake to take them as having ruled over Mewar with Chitor as their capital in direct succession to the Rävals, as has been done chiefly in the chronicles of the bards, which have in their turn been relied upon by most of the inscriptions. It is from the Ekalinga-māhātmya first of all that we learn of the division of this family into two branches in the reign of Rāval Ranasimha or Karnasimha' at the beginning of the twelfth century of the Vikrama era. The first of the Rāņās to govern the territory of Mewar as & whole was Hammira who regained his ancestral citadel of Chitor in about A.D. 1326 from the Muhammadans by establishing matrimonial alliance with Mäldeo Sonagarā to whom was entrusted the famous fort by Khizr Khan, the son of Ala-ud-din Khalji.
The list of the Rāņās which is given here is almost in chronological succession except the omission of Ajayasimha after Lakshmanasimha and of Ratnasimha, Vikramaditya and Banabira after Sängā. Lakshmanasimha's successor as here recorded is Arasi, his eldest son, but in truth he never succeeded his father, for he together with his father had died in the dreadful sack of Chitor in A.D. 1303. His younger brother Ajayasimha, who somehow escaped from the battle-field, became the next Rāņā. He was afterwards succeeded by his nephew Hammira, the son of Arasi.
The description of these princes found here is more poetical than historical. Kumbhakarna is first of all said to have built the fort of Kumbhalgarh.
Record of some tangible historical value is, however, found first in connection with Sänga. He is described to have conquered the Sultans of Mālwā and Gujarāt, although the author has confused their names with relation to both these countries. Here we find a reference to the victory of Rana Sängā over Mahamud Khalji II of Mālwā when the latter attacked Bhimakarna, the viceroy of Mēdini Rai at Gāgrūn in A.H. 925 (=A.D. 1519). The intelligence of this attack of Mahamud having reached Sänga, he at once led a large army against him on account of his friendship with Mēdini Rai, and a dreadful battle was fought in which, after great bloodshed, the Muhammadan army was utterly defeated and Mahamūd, receiving several wounds, ultimately became & prisoner in the hands of the Rāņā. The latter took his royal prisoner to Chitor, treated him with utmost care and after three months' nominal captivity, honourably sent him back to Man ļū.'
The other reference is to Ränä Sänga's victory over Muzaffar Shah II, the Sultan of Gujarat. with whose army he had to fight more than once. The cause of one of his fights with Muzaffar was his partiality for Rai Mal, the legitimate heir to the state of Idar, whose rights were usurped during his minority by his uncle Bhima whom the governor of Gujarat favoured. When Bhima
1 Toil, Rajasthan (W. Crooke's ed.), Vol. I, pp. 247-71. . Raj. Itihs., Fasc. 1, pp. 374-90. • Ibid., pp. 446-7.
• Raj. Itihs., Faso. I, p. 512. According to the text (v. 38, A) Mudaphara (Muzaffar II) was the governor of the fort of Mandava (Minda Malwil) and Mahamumda Khana (Mahamad Khalji IT) that of Gujarat. The poet has here evidently con. fused both these names and the positions they held.
Bayley, History of Gujarat, p. 203 And Briggs' Firishti, Vol. IV. Pp. 200.1. Bayley, loc. cit., p. 26

Page #85

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
died, his son Bhāra Mal (Bihar Mal, according to Bayley) ascended the throne of Idar, but with the help of Räņā Sängā, Räi Mal ousted him and took possession of the land of Idar. This led the Sultan to send Nizam-ul-mulk, the jägirdär of Ahmadnagar, for driving Rai Mal out of Idar and re-establishing Bhära Mal. A series of skirmishes followed and Räi Mal tactfully faced the royal forces, sometimes victorious and sometimes incurring defeat. The state of Idar was ultimately entrusted to one Malik Hussain Bahmani entitled as Nizam-ul-mulk, who was a foreigner and was a man of stern temperament. People were not satisfied with him and wished him to be dismissed from office. One day in A.H. 926 (=A.D. 1520) he rebuked Rāņā Sāngā using very improper words for his patronage of Räi Mal. The news of this insult having reached his ears through a bard, Sāngā at once started with an army of 40,000 cavalry to avenge himself. Nizam-ul-mulk fled and took shelter in the fort of Ahmadnagar, but Sänga persistently followed him and the former was ultimately defeated in a battle with a great loss of life and property. The town of Ahmadnagar was sacked and that of Bisalnagar plundered. Rāņā Sāngā, thus successfully avenging the insult and firmly establishing Rai Mal on the throne of Idar, went back to Chitor.
Sāngā had to face the Sultan of Gujarat, Muzaffar II, a second time also when the latter bimself took the initiative to avenge Sänga's recent ravages wrought in the country of Gujarāt. In A.H. 927 (=A.D. 1520) he despatched two large armies, one under Malik Alāz, the governor of the district of Sõrath and the other under Kiwām-ul-mulk to attack the Rāņā. Both these armies reached Mandasor through Dungarpur and Bānswārā, laying waste the countries through which they passed. Rāņā Sāngā, having heard of this, himself set off with a considerable army and encamped at the village of Nadēsi, twelve kos distant from Mandasor. Mahamud Khalji of Mālwā, too, came to join the Gujarat forces under Malik Alāz", probably to avail himself of the good occasion of taking vengeance for his previous defeat at the hands of Sānga. All these enormous armies assembled, but this time no genuine warfare could take place and Malik Aiäz agreed to make peace with the Räņa, the reason for which is attributed by the Muslim historians to the ill feeling entertained against him by Kiwam-ul-mulk and other amirs which broke down the unity of their aim. But the argument of Rai Bahadur Ojhà to the effect that Malik Aiäz had to make peace after having been actually defeated by Rāņā Sāngā, seems to be quite sound.?
The next important historical information that we derive from A is with regard to the result and the time of commencement of the well-known battle of Haldighăți where Rāņā Pratāpa and the imperial army of Akbar under the command of Mānasimha fought a desperate battle. According to the account of this battle given by Badāyāni who was present in the battle-field, the victory was achieved by the royal forces and Rāņā Pratāpa was defeated; while the present inscription records the retreat of the Muhammadan army, evidently when defeated by Pratápa in the field of battle. Thus, each of the conflicting parties claims victory for itself and makes it difficult to arrive at the truth. Rāņā Pratāpa, as a matter of fact, was insignificant as compared to the mighty Emperor Akbar, who had already annexed much of the fertile portion of the former's territory to his own empire, and it is possible that this powerful ruler might have achieved material victory. But to quote Rai Bahadur Ojhā, the unfailing zeal, the pride, the dauntless bravery and the sense of perfect freedom which Rāņā Pratāpa faithfully cherished-particularly at the time when everything around him was leading to disappointment- and which caused a sense of terror in the hearts of his enemies, and also the sudden vicissitudes in which he cast the great Imperial
1 Bayley, loc. cit., p. 264. .: Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 661, para. 2. * Bayley, loc. cit., p. 273. - Raj. Itiha., Fasc. II, p. 670, para. 1.
? Ibid. • Bayley, loc. cit., pp. 269-70. • Ibid., p. 274.

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army often and often, all these go to assign the real conquest to him. As regards the time when the battle actually began, wbat we find from the Akbar-nama of Abul-Fazl is that it commenced after the first prahara (eighth part) of the day, while the epigraph under consideration clearly speaks of it as having begun early in the morning (pragė, v. 41, A). The time as recorded here seems to be probable for, it was mid-summer of V. S. 1633 ( A.D. 1576) when this celebrated battle took place, and it would be impossible to indulge in fighting at about mid-day.
The next historical information to be met with here pertains to Karnasirha, grandson of Pratāpa and son of Amarasimha, who is said to have burnt the town of Siromja (Sironj) which was like the heart of the lord of Delhi. Karnasimha really could not have done this rebellious deed after being enthroned as the Rāņā of Mewär, for then he was bound to the terms of the treaty which his father made with the Mughal emperor Jahangir. This, therefore, was an exploit of Karnasirha when he was only a crown-prince and his father was in regular warfare with the emperor. This event was contemporaneous with the period in which Jahangir, himself coming over up to Ajmer, had thence sent his son, prince Khurram with large foroes to attack Mewar and reduce the Ränā. That Sironj was a town in Malwa and was an object of Karnasimha's wrath, together with another town named Dhindhörā is, however, known from v. 59, canto V of the Räja-prasasti. It may be noted here that almost all Persian chronicles are silent on this point.
Karnasimha was succeeded by his virtuous son Jagatsimha to whose reign this inscription belongs. It is customary in Mewar to seat the next Rāņā on the throne in an informal manner, the very day on which the death of his immediate predecessor takes place. This being so, J&gatsimha's informal accession took place in the month of Phālguna of the Vikrama year 1684
=A.D. 1627) on the day of his father's demise. But his coronation, with all its pomp and splendour, was celebrated on the fifth of the bright half of Vaisakha of V. S. 1684 as recorded in the present inscription (v. 49, A). Now if this year be regarded as Chaitrādi as usual, the date of Jagatsinha's coronation would fall before that of his father's death. It is therefore evident that the year is to be regarded as Srāvanādi which would be Chaitrādi 1685. Thus, Jagatsimha's coronation took place on the fifth of the bright half of Vaisakha in V. S. 1685 (=Monday, 28th April, A.D. 1628). The only political event of his reign recorded here is the sending of his minister with a big army to subjugate his contemporary ruler of Dungarpur, Punjarāja, better known as Raval Punjā (v. 54, A). This officer, having defeated Punjā who fled to the hills, completely ravaged the city of Düngarpur by plundering and setting fire to it. The cause of this inroad was that the rulers of Dungarpur had ceased to acknowledge the supremacy of the Rāņās of Udaipur since the time of Pratāpasimba and had submitted themselves to the imperial throne of Delhi', an act which the Rāņās of Udaipur were naturally disposed to resent. Jagatsimha, at last, thus avenged the disregard which the Rāvals of Dungarpur had shown towards him and his predecessors. The name of the minister to whom was entrusted the subjugation of Punja is, however, not known from this record. But the event is recorded with more clarity in vv. 18199, canto V of the Rāja-prasasti, where the name of the minister occurs as Akhērāja (Akshayarāja).
Turning our attention to the contents of B we find that it is a mere continuation of A, vividly describing Räņā Jagatsimha's pilgrimage to the Mändhātri-tirtha, the holy seat of the God Omkärapätha, and mentioning his acts of munificence which formed the most outstanding 1 Raj. Itins., Fasc. II, pp. 749-55.
• Ibid., p. 748, n. 2. • Ibid., p. 803, n. 1.
Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 830, n. 1. • V'fra-vinoda, part II, p. 290.
• Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 883. Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 833, n. 1.

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character of his personality. In consultation with his family priest Ramarājat, he, at the be. ginning of V. S. 1704, set out of the city in a big procession, for his projected pilgrimage to Omkaranātha in the Central Provinces. That day he halted on the bank of the Udayasāgara, a big artificial lake six miles east of Udaipur, constructed by Rāņā Udayasimha in the period between A.D. 1559 and 1564", and passed the night in his own palace there. Thence he directed his camp on the following auspicious day towards Avantikā (Ujjain), the abode of the God Mahākāla. Having bathed in the holy Siprā and having visited Avantikā disregarding her ruler, he reached his destination, the bank of the Narmadā with the tirtha of Māndhātā in the neighbourhood. His most distinguished deed of piety here, among others, was his weighing against gold on the occasion of the solar eclipse which fell on the fifteenth of the dark half of Jy shtha in V. S. 1704 (=A.D. 1647, Tuesday the 22nd June), and distributing the precious metal among the people (v. 85). He erected a Tulā-stambha there to commemorate this event, which even now stands there. An inscription dated in V. S. 1704, the 15th of the bright half of Ashādha (=A.D. 1647, Tuesday the 6th July), located outside the Omkaranātha temple, also records this pilgrimage and the allied charities of Jagatsimha.. While returning he seems to have entered into some quarrel with the then viceroy of Mālwā as indicated by the text (1. 36, B). We know that by this time Malwa had been annexed to the kingdom of Delhi and was governed by the viceroys deputed by the Moghul emperors. The name of this particular governor of Mālwă with whom Rāņā Jagatsimha had an imbroglio is, however, pot known.
Jagatsimha performed the charity of a very costly Kalpa-vrikshas on the third of the bright half of Bhadrapada of V. S. 1705 (A.D. 1648, Saturday the 26th August), the anniversary of his birthday. It had five branches below which were placed the images of the gods of the Hindu Trinity together with that of Ratipati (the Cupid), which was the fourth. On his birthday anniversary in V. S. 1707 (=A.D. 1650), he performed the Sapta-sāgara charity. On the same auspicious day of V. S. 1708 (=A.D. 1651) he gave in charity a Visva-chakra or (a gold replica of) the globe of earth. He also gratified many Brāhmaṇas of Kasi (Benares) with presents of
gold.
In D which is but a sequel to A and B, the poet chiefly describes in detail the beauty and grandeur of the Jagannātharaya temple erected by Rāņā Jagatsimha. The only important event here recorded is the installation of the image of Jagannatharāya in the temple, which was styled as such by Jagatsimha after his own name. It took place on Thursday, the fifteenth of the bright half of Vaisakha (Madhava) in the Vikrama year 1709. As it was Thursday on the 15th of the bright half of the second Vaišākha in that year, the date corresponds to A.D. 1652, Thursday the 13th May. Rāņā Jagatsimha gave charities of a golden horse, a Kalpa-lata of gold, a thousand cows, five fertile villages together with pieces of cloth, raw food and jewels
1 The first known predecessor of Ramaraja was one Sarasala, a Palliväla Brāhmaşa of Sänderão in Marwar. He came to Mewar in the reign of Rāņā Rāhappa who made him his priest as desired by the ascetic under whose treatment the Rani is said to have been cured of his disease of leprosy (Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 510). His present descendant is Amaralál and is called bada-purðhita or a high priest.
! Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 311.
• Ibid., Faso. II, p. 839. [The date given in this record is Samvat 1704, Tuesday in the dark half of Ashidha, Ravi-parran and corresponds to Tuesday, 22nd June, A.D. 1647 when there was a solar eclipse. Therefore Suchi in v. 85, B has to be taken as meaning the month of Ashidha and the month as Púrpimants -Ed.]
[The sense here seems to be the same as indicated in v. 76, i.e., he did not pay any heed to the ruler of. Malwa through whose territory he passed. The context does not appear to indicate any conflict with the viceroy at Mālwā.--Ed.)
A full description of this and such other charities is to be met with in the Puranas such as the Linga, Matsya, Padma, etc.

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on this occasion to the Brahmanas. He used to perform such charities every year in company of his brothers Garibadāsa and Satrusimha and his sons Rājasimha and Arisinha.
He built a palace called Jagamandira with a beautiful garden attached to it, in the lake at Udaipur. The erection of this palace was first started by Karnasimha, his father, but was brought to completion by him and called after his own name. He also built the Mōhanamandira in Karnasågara, which is a part of the lake at Udaipur. This palace was styled after his natural son Möhanasinha. The eight carved Tulā-stambhas that are to be seen on the left, inside the Badi-Pola gate, the main entrance to the palaces at Udaipur, appear from this epigraph to have been raised by this ruler to commemorate the tulā ceremonies (1. 28, D) which he performed annually for some time. He also constructed Rūpa-sågara, an artificial lake in the vicinity of Ahād. The author has, in course of his description, also touched upon the palaces built by his father Karnasimha and grandfather Amarasimha. He, again, briefly mentions the temple of Sri Ekalingaji and a kēli-mandira built there by Jagatsiṁha, the temple of the goddess Rātāsēnā on the top of a hill in the neighbourhood of Eklingji, the Udaya-sāgara, the goddess Ambika in the village of Jawar and the silver mines there. The temple of Ekalingaji is here believed to have been built by Mokala, but we know from the Sringi-rishi inscription that it was only the rampart round its site that was built by this prince and not the temple itself.
With regard to C it has already been stated that it is an independent epigraph belonging to the early years of the reign of Räjasimha, the son of Jagatsimha, and was fixed in the temple at a later date. As an independent inscription it opens with the genealogy of the Rāņās of Mewar very little beyond whose names has been mentioned here. It begins with Bāpā and ends with Rājasimha, the intervening princes being the same as mentioned in A.
Rājasimha's coronation took place on the second day of the dark half of Phälguna in V. S. 1709 (=A. D. 1652, Monday the 1st March), although he informally ascended the throne, as usual, on the fourth day of the dark half of Kärttika (=Wednesday the 24th November) of the same year, the date of his father's demise. Soon after his informal accession he went te Eklingji on the fifth day of the bright half of Märgaśīrsha and weighed himself against gold and jewels. This weighing of the body against jewels is regarded by Rai Bahadur Ojhā to be the only example of its kind ever recorded in the whole of India. Another fragmentary inscription recording Rajasimha's weighing against jewels at Eklingji was found there by Ojhā which is now preserved in the Victoria Hall Museum at Udaipur. When he was only a crown-prince, he weighed himself against gold on the 15th day of the bright half of Vaisakha in V. S. 1705 (=A.D. 1648, Thursday the 27th April) at the holy site of Sukara-kshētra on the bank of the Ganges. In the Vikrama year 1707 (=A. D. 1650) he, as a crown-prince, built & palace for himself near the lake, which was decorated with fine paintings. No trace of this kaumāra-saudha or prince's palace is visible now for, on that very site was erected the modern Sambhu-nivāsa palace by Mabārānā Sambhusinha (A. D. 1861-74). The only remnant of the former is a small old building nearby, called kunvarpadon ki chhatri. On the thirteenth day of the dark fortnight of Märgasirsha in V. S. 1710 (=A. D. 1653, Thursday the 22nd December), he gave away eighty maidens in marriage. He also set up a lovely garden and erected a beautiful palace which is now identified with the Sabarata-vilāsa (Sarvartu-vilāsa), situated in the south-east corner of the city. He brought to completion the erection of the four small temples dedicated to Siva, Ganapati, Sürya and Sakti situated outside the main Jagannatharaya temple. The inscription under description
1 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 838, n. 5. • Ráj. Itihe., Fasc. II, p. 842.
* Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 234 ft. • Ibid. n. 2.

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mainly stands to record the erection of these four temples which were not apparently ready at the time of the consecration of the main shrine.
The poet who composed these epigraphs and his family, the masons who built the temple of Jagannātharaya also called here Ratna-sIrsha, and the overseer under whose superintendence it Was erected, find mention in the concluding lines of these records. We know from them that the name of the poet was Lakshminátha, better known as Bābū Bhatta. He was a Tailanga Brāhmaṇa and the designation of his lineage was Kathaundi after his original home in the village of that name. His genealogical tree for eight generations from these epigraphs is as follows: Bhāskara, his son Madhava, his son Ramachandra, his son Sarvēśvara, his son Lakshminátha, his son Ramachandra, his son Krishnabhatta, his son Lakshminātha or Bābū, the author.
From B we find that the author's great-grandfather Lakshminātha was a contemporary of Rani Udayasimba as well as of Amarasimha, his grandson, both of whom bestowed upon him, wa token of favour, the villages named Bharavada and Holl respectively. Krishnabhatta the father of the author, received a costly horse named Mpigarāja from Mahārāņā Jagatsimha which was exchanged by the prince for Rs. 4,000. On his birth-day anniversary, the third of the bright balf of Bhadrapada in V. 8. 1706 (=A. D. 1649, Thursday the 13th September), Rāņā Jagatsinha performed the golden earth" charity and donated the village named Bhainsadai near Chitor, to the same person. On the same day of V. S. 1709 (=A. D. 1652, Friday the 10th September), he performed the charity of Ratna-dhënu. He also gave to Madhusudana Sarmā a piece of land measuring two halast in the village of Ahada (Aghätapura or Atapura of inscriptions) bordering on the city of Udaipur. The recipient of this land also appears to belong to the family of our poet and seems to be the father of Ranachböda Bhatta, the author of the Rājaprasasti, who also was a Tailanga Brāhmaṇa and belonged to the same lineage, Kathaundi.
The masons who erected the temple of Jagannatharäys were sutradhāra Mukanda (Mukunda) and his younger brother Bhadhara', sons of Bhänā or Bhāņā and grandsons of Raja. They belonged to the family of the masons known as Bhangöra or Bhangöra. Rāņā Jagatsimha gave a gold and a silver yard to Mukunda and Bhūdhara respectively, in appreciation of their work, and a village named Dēvadaha (modern Dēvadā) in the vicinity of Chitor. The inscription on C was engraved by Vā(Ba)ghā, son of Mukunda.
The superintendent or the overseer in charge of the construction of the temple was one Arjuna, Pancholi by caste, whose family designation was Gughāvata. The names of his father and grand father were Kala and Achala respectively.
It may be pointed out here that according to Rai Bahadur Ojha, the author of these inscriptions was Krishṇabhatta, but as we have already seen, his son Bābū, otherwise known as Lakshminātha was the real author. Similarly, he regards Bhana and his elder son Mukunda to be the chief masons who erected the temple, but in reality Mukunda and his younger brother Bhūdhara were the chief architects. He also reads the name of Arjuna's father as Kamala', which is
This is also mentioned in the Rajaprabasti Malakivya, Canto V.-Ed.) A hala is a measure of land and is said to comprise fifty bighas (Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 837, n. 4).
[According to Rajaprakasti (Canto XIX) Madhusůdans was another son of Ramachandra and therefore the paternal uncle of Lakshminatha.-Ed.]
The ancestors of these masons came in Mewar from Anhilwara Pattan in Gujarat in the reign of Rana Lakh (Laksha) in about V.8. 1445, and were the chief architects of the rulers of Mewar since then, as evidenced by the rooord preserved by their present descendant, Bhanvaraläl. This family produced the well-known Misodana who built the great Tower of Victory at Chitor and was the author of the Rajarallabha and many other original treatises on arohitecture. . Raj. Itike., P . II, p. 838.
• Ibid., p. 837.
* Ibid.

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distinctly Kalā. This may be due to his reliance on the imperfect transcript of the records alluded to by me on p. 57, n. 1, above.
Lastly, a word regarding the geographical places mentioned in the inscriptions will not be out of place. In 1.16 of B, Rāņā Jagatsimha and his company are described to have bathed in the confluence of Rēvā and Kāvēri. This is not possible for Kávēri is in far south. The villages of Bhaimsada and Dāvadaha are known from the very text to be near Chitor, and those of Bhüravādā and Holi are in Rājanagar and Girvā districts respectively.
TEXT..
1 ॥ श्रीमहागणपतये नमः ॥ ॥ श्रीएकलिंगजीप्रसादात् ॥॥ श्रीजग(ग)बाथरायजीप्रसा
दात् ॥ ॥ श्रीभवान्यै नमः ॥ ॥ श्रीविश्वकर्मणे नमः ॥ 2 ॥ गुणगुरुगोरोसिंहाद्यस्माहौता दिशां करिण: ॥ तमपि व्यथयनवरवैः कोपि करी
द्राननः पायात् ॥१॥ भवानीभयभृगुजंगभजनामृतः ॥ भवतो भवतो भूयान3 व्यं भव्यं भवे भवे ॥२॥" अतीव्रतेजोद्युपतींद्रपूज्यं व्रतौखरैः सप्तशतीभिरय(म्) ।
रतोशजीवातुगतिं दधानं प्रतीतदीहिमतीव वंदे ॥३॥' राणाश्रीमज्जगसिंह
प्रशस्तिः क4 षण सूनुना ॥ कठौंडीग्रामतैलंगलक्ष्मीनाथन तन्यते ॥४॥" स जयति रघुकुलतिलकः
श्रीरामः कीर्तिमुक्ताक्तः ॥ काश्या मुक्त्यै मंत्रं यस्य मुदा शंकरो दत्ते ॥५॥
तइंश नृपमुकुटस्थायि5 पदो विजयभूपपृथ्वींद्रः ॥ पद्मादित्यम्तमूस्त्यत्का(वा)योध्यां व(ब)भूव दक्षिणगः ॥६॥
वा(बा)पाभिधोथोजनि मैदपाटे तस्यान्ववाये शिवदत्तराज्य: ॥ संग्रामभूमौ पट
सिंहरावं लातीत्यतो राव. 6 ल इत्यभाणि ॥७° वातौति यस्मात्तिजगत्म नित्यं वाशब्द(ब्द वाच्यः किल तेन
वायुः ॥ तं प्राणवायं जगतीतले म्मिन् यत्पाति वापा इति तिन जातः ॥८॥ आगछ(च्छ)शब्दे किल्ल दक्षिणस्यां राश
राव
1 [The place where Jagatsiilia bathed is apparently the confluence of two rivers not far from the temple of Omkarjl, one of which is the Narmadi and the other locally known as the Kiviri.-2.]
* Transcribed from the original slabs and compared with the impressions. • Occasionally lines begin and end with one or two dawns which are superfluous. • In this inscription the half verse bas often been indicated by two duwas instead of one •Metre: Upagili.
Metre: Anushtubh. 7 Metre: Upendravairit.
Metre: Citi. • Metre: Indrarajra.

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7 ब्द एव क्रियते जनेन' ॥ बलेति संबुद्धमहाबलिष्ठं [बापानृपं तं किल दाधि.
णात्य (त्यम्) ॥६॥ राज्यं प्रदातुं पटु मैदपाटे यद्रावलेत्यायदेकलिंग: ॥ ततः
प्रभृत्यस्य नृपस्य वंश्या दधुस्तदा8 ख्यां भुवि रावलेति ॥१०॥ राहप्परागोजनि तस्य वंश राणेति शब्द प्रथयन्
पृथिव्यां(व्याम्) ॥ रणो हि धातुः खलु शब्द(ब्द)वाची तं कास्यत्येष रिपून्दुता
नि ॥११॥ वर्वाचौ यत्प्रमिडो रशब्दो(ब्दो) धा9 तुबास्ते जीवनार्थे घणस्तु ॥ यनरग्नेर्जीवनादप्यजसं राण: शब्दस्तेषु भूपेषु
वित्तः ॥१२॥ राणाभवबरपति: पटुनामधेयो भूभारदूरकरणाय नरावतारः ॥
यस्याभि10 मन्युरहतोपि इत: कथंचिचंचकृपादिगुरुणाथ सुयोधनेन ॥१३॥ राणादिनकरोपूर्वः
समंजस्तेजसैव यः ॥ छायया संगतस्थापि न मंदः कोप्यभूत्मतः ॥१४॥ अ
भूतपूर्वः 11 कर्णाभूजसकर्णाभिधः प्रभुः । परषां कब(व)चछे(च्छे)त्ता न राधियोपि योभ
वत् ॥१५॥ नागपालोभवत्पृथ्वी विकृत्य भुजयैकया । दिग्ना(शा)गशेषनागानां
पालनात्मार्थकावयः ॥१६॥ अन्ये 12 क्षीणस्य पाताग: पूर्ण पाल स्वभूप्रभुः ॥ धनाध्यक्षादिपूर्णानां पालनासार्थकाइयः ॥१७॥
यं वौच्च स्तंभसक्तं सकलमपि जगद्यत्पदाधारपोठी नत्त्यो(त्यु)बत्त्या(स्था)पि
वि(बि)चत्पथुलम13 णिशिला संगतं वै पदांतः । पृथ्वोत्यं मनरूपा भवति नरपती यत्र यस्मान
पाल: पृथ्वीमत्यभिख्यो [नरपतिमुकुटालकतिस्तेन जातः ॥१८॥ यत्रैव स्थीयते
तत्तु सिं14 हेनान्येन रक्ष्यते ॥ अयं भुवनसिंहोभूद्रक्षितुं भुवनत्रय(यम्) ॥१॥ भीमसिंहो
हरिस्पहीं शिवोभूकरजश्रिया ॥ व(ब)लिप्रसादभिझोके हिरण्यकशिपुक्षमः ॥२०॥
एक16 लिंगप्रभावन' जयसिंहः क्षमाधरः ॥ कत्खगोरक्षकस्तस्था रजः संमार्जनं दधौ ॥२१॥
अस्माभिर्गहने गतं बहुविधः लशोपि सोढः परं शत्रुश्चेविहतः प्लवंगनिव
[Telugu rå means 'come'. This shows how fanciful the derivation is. It may be noted that the poet himself was a Telugu Brahmin.Ed.] Metre: Upajati.
• Metre: Salini. Motre: Vasantalilaba.
• Metre : Anushubh. • Ba was engraved first which was changed to na afterwards. Ga was first engraved and then corrected into pa.
• Metre: Sragdhara. • Read grabhävēna.

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JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
16 है: कैश्चिहिनै रावणः ॥ देवनाशु नखेन सिंहवपुषा तत्रैव महतस्तस्मानण
सिंह एष किमभूहिजः स रामानुजः ॥२२॥ पा(च)कारवाचो भवतौर
विष्णुस्त17 स्वार्चने यमुचिरं प्रवृत्त: ॥ गुणबुधिभूमिपतीखरो महान् राणा सतोभूदरसौति
वित्तः ॥२३॥ हकारवाच्थे किल कोपवौ सा खेछ(च्छ)जातिः खलु मौरवाचा ॥
प्रवेश्य द18 ग्धेति मौरनामा व(ब)भूव राणा जगतीशिरोमणिः ॥२४॥ परक्षेचौतापि स्व
क्षेत्रनिरतः शुचिः ॥ क्षेत्रेषु क्षेत्रदाता' यक्षेत्रसिंहस्ततोभवत् ॥२५॥ बोछा(च्चा)
म्लेछ(च्छ)प19 तिं वृणस्व पुरुष छत्वान्यभूभृमृगान् विद्राव्य चितिमंडले हिजगणान् क्षेत्राण्य
भोक्तुं ददुः । ज्ञात्वा तान्यवनाविध वषिकान् स क्षेत्रभूपः क्रुधा क्षेत्राणि
खवणानि ता20 नि दयया कि न द्विजेभ्यो ददौ ॥१॥ प्रत्यहं सति सिंहवाहिनी मां
विलोक्य वृषवाहन हरे(रम्) ॥ मां धरिष्यति सदैव मूर्ययं लक्षसिंह
मिति किं वृष व्यधात् ॥२७॥" 21 पुत्रवत्समहासेना' दुर्गा कत्वैव पृष्ठतः ॥ लक्षसिंहो हिषचंडमंडछे(च्छे)त्ताङ्गतं स्वयं
(यम्) ॥२८ युग्म ॥ मकारवाचो विधिरेष विष्णुस्त्वकारवाच्चोथ शिवी
धुकारः ॥ क22 लास्त्रयाणमिह मंति यस्मात्तस्मादभूमोकलनामभृपः ॥ ॥२८॥ श्रीकुंभोगवमेव भूमिवलये
श्रीकुंभकर्ण नृपं गत्यां धौरगजेंद्रमंदगमहो सहाडवा23 नि(ग्नि) मृधे ॥ भौमं च स्मृतिमानयन् रिपुगणो भुक्ति निनाय क्षयं नो
चित्रं तदिहास्ति यत्स्वयमपि प्राप्तः क्षणानस्मता ताम) ॥३०॥' कांत कम जगन्मृद्धि यत्सुवर्णांतरं
1 Metre: Sirdalavikridita.
IMetre: Upajati. * There is a superfluous danda after da.
• Metro: Anushfubh. Abhöktuur daduh is used here for na bhoktuih daduh, the root da meaning here to allow'. .Metre: Rathoddhala. * The anusrára is very faint.
This word seems to have been used here to show that the preceding two verses have got the unity of des cription, and not that they form one grammatical sentence. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
10 Metre: Upendravajra.

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68
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
'
24 विधिः ॥ व्यधात्तस्थांतरा भूयाकिं कोइ (च्) मुखदर्शनं (नम् ) ॥२१४ दिने दिने हढोभूतं घोतलाचलचेतसि ॥ खेहं पाकोजवः कुंभो जडं व्यस्का (का) न किं दधे ॥३२॥ मेरो
[VOL. XXIV.
25 देवा न रच्या सुररिपुभयतः कुंभमेदं सुदुर्गं कृत्वा यः कुंभराजो हरिरिव विबभावप्सरः सत्कुलेन ॥ सांतानं सकव्यागमद जितमहोपारिजातमवाख्यं नीयानं नंदनं किं स्वयमिह तव (वा) सोभिषितं च कुंभः ॥२२॥ - चुम्नेछां(छ) धकूपांतरविलविलसजोवनग्राहियेगालोके कुंभराजत्कुलमतुलर सं27 सबो (घम् कालेमिक का प्रतिपचचपले कुंभयंचे निधाय विचाणि वर्ष ) ॥ क्षेत्राणि क्षेमवृत्तान् द्दिजकुलमतुलं जीवयामास वेधाः ॥ ३४ ॥ नेत्रे मौनं च कूर्मं प
28 दकमलयुगे पांडुको चमायां सिंहं मध्ये प्रकोष्ठे गुरुजननमने वामनं संगरेन्धमूर्ध्नि कणं भुवि नरदवने बुद्धमन्यं शकति पद्मा नाघाव
(न्यम् ॥ तारं जग
29 ति जयति को राजमक्षं नृमल्लः ॥ ३५॥ सर्वेपि संतः सुखिनो भवत्विति' न वारिराशीन् चपयन् चमातः ॥ मिष्टाननताम्यवशबुधीन् परान्कुंभोद्भवोप्यद्भुतमा भूत्वानंग: कृष्णपुत्रोपि सांगो राज्यं नापत्तेन भूपोत्र भूत्वा ॥ कृत्वा वश्यं शंबरं राज्यमापहमें मोक्षे चार्थकामे रतिं च ॥३७॥ सोयं
30 ततान ॥ ३६ ॥
मांगम होपतिः स्मरत
31 : चीमांडवावालसर्गे
यवनेश्वर मुदकर व (ब) ध्वा (ड्डा) त्यसप
व (ब)
(डाघो महदखानमतुलं कोका(च्छा) धिपं शंबरं जिल्ला दुर्जयगूर्जरेश्वरमतः कोर्ष्याभि
32 षिक्तो भवत् ॥ ३८ ॥ स शूरः पश्चिमादुद्यन् क्रामन्रकबरः चितिं (तिम् ) ॥ न किं
॥२८॥
होनकरी भूयायाप्योदयमीत (तम् वारुणीं जहौ ॥ भवत्यक बरध्वां
सदोदयोद्भवो भाखान् प्रतापो
1 Metre : Anushtubh.
1 In connection with kumbha (the jar), achala-chitab should be taken to mean earth or clay, for potters generally dig it out for their purpose from the interior (heart) of mounds; and for that very reason it is also cool (fitala).
Metre: Sragdharā.
• Metre : Upajati.
' To make it historically correct, we may arrange this verse as सीयं सांग महमूदखानमतुलं महा.. । बाथो यवनेश्वरं मुदफरं म्लेच्छाधिपं. noted here that the use of baddhva with reference to Mudaphara (Muzaffar) is mere exaggeration.
• Metre : Sārd alumiridita.
• The word Akabaraḥ may also represent Arkavaraḥ for the implied sense.
The word iti is superfluous considering the metre. • Metre : Salini.
दुर्गेशां It may be
.

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No. 11.]
33 तं न संध्याक्तो न चास्तभा: प्रतापसिंहे समुपागते प्री चरणं परास्नुस्त्रौं ॥४१॥
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
34 प्यनुजेन विष्णुना समाहृता श्रीरिति
[1] ४० ॥ ' कृत्वा करे बहुलतां स्वव (ब) शर्मा सा खंडिता मानवतो दिवचमूः संकोचर्यती मथित्वा -
2
वाहिं
लज्जितः
किमु ॥ भूमौ समेत्येत्यमरेंद्रभू
भृता म्लेछा (च्छा )ब्धिमामथ्य रमा करे कृता ॥४२॥ [ 1 ] सदा क्षमापाः शरि गोधि यस्य करेण सिं
69
35 चंति पदं सुदैव ॥ यं भूपसिंहं नरपालगव्योप्यहो भजंते दयया ब' (व) शौकतं(तम्) ॥४३॥ जातो भूपामरेंद्रााहित गुरुक्क पञ्चापविज्ञचभेत्ता कृष्णोद्दाहो सदासौ द्विज
36 कुलसुगवोः पालयन् (यँ) स्तीर्थसेवी ॥ जातः श्रीमत्कुभद्रांगज इति वनदो वाडवाय मेंद्रान्जि (वि) त्वा स्यामर्जुनादम्यधिक इति पुनः किं नु कर्णोवतीर्णः ॥४४॥ राणाश्रीक
कल
37 र्णसिंह: चितिकुलतिलकः क्षोभयन् [च]ेणिचक्रं सर्वत्रव्य व सैन्यं तुणमिव यन् म्लेछ (च्छ) नाथं मदोग्रं (ग्रम् ) ॥ जित्वा दग्ध्वा सिरोंजाभिधनगरब (व) रं चित्तवहिनिभर्त्तुचक्रे का
न्मृगा (वी) ज
38 ष्ठाः [स]मस्ताः प्रतिरवविल सहुंदुभिध्वानपूर्णाः ॥४५॥ उग्रप्रभावाद्भुवि यत्पदति भूभृमुक्तमदा लुठति ॥ कुलीनभूभृश्चमरीमृगास यं भूपसिंहं चमरैरबी
39 [[न् ] ॥४६॥ जातस्तस्मान्महाराणाजगसिं (सिं) हाभिधः प्रभुः ॥ सौम्योपि सोमभक्तोभूत् युधिष्ठिर इवापरः 189111 भाखां (खा) न् भीमो बलिध्वंसी विनायकः
जगन्माता
40
॥ पू[ज्य]: [श्र]मज्जगत्सिंहः पंचदेवमयः प्रभुः ॥ ४८ ॥ वर्षे वेदाष्टशास्त्रचितिगणनयुते माधवे शुक्लपक्षे पंचम्यां राज्यपीठं कलयति शुभदं श्रोजगसिंहभूपे ॥ दे41 वाः [संतु]ष्टचित्ता दधति सुकवयो ग्रामरत्नाश्वनागान्यांस्तान् संख्यातुमौष्टे दशशतरसनो नैव शेषः कुतोन्यः ॥ ४८ ॥ सद्दशां चित्रकूटे शिरसि विक
1 Metre : Anushtubh.
This verse is cited by Rai Bahadur Ojha. (Raj. Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 753, n. 1)
• Metre : Upajiti.
Cha was incised first which was afterwards turned into ba.
• Metre : Sragdharā.
• The modial was first engraved short which was made long afterwards.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
42 सितबीजगसिंहराजामुदेशकलेक(च्छ)वाही सुजनमणिभृतां मेदपाटाख्यनौकां(काम) ।
वाते देषिष्यधर्म स्थिरयितुमनिशं कर्णधारकलिंगो नौचरेवाक्षिपरिक 43 दृढ[कम]ठशिला मखला शेषनाग(गम्) ॥५०॥ पालाने चित्रकूटे मुक्कतपटुगुणे
(ब)धनीकुंभमेलं दुर्ग कुंभखलं किं कलयति भुवि य: शैलकायोतिदानी ॥
भाख44 [गो]परिस्वध्वजपटमिहिरोनेकपो मैदपाठः श्रीमानुग्रप्रभावात्तमवति न किमु श्री
___ जगसिंहभूपः ॥५१॥' भाखांशधरैर्नृपः परितं सत्कुंभमने ज46 गसिंहेन प्रतिभूषितं बहुयशोमुक्ताफलमैडित(तम्) । सछा(च्छा)यं पुरुषार्थसत्पद
महो धर्यादित्यकृतं मेवाडं मुखपालमाप्य स शिवः शक्रादिवाहास्पृ48 1. [५]२॥' सूर्य स्वर्णवितानमेतदुपरि खेतं वितानं विधुं सहयोपरि सगुणे
नियमयन् कौलाद्रिषणे कली । मेवाडे परदानशालिनि जगसिहं नृपं
स्थापयं47 स्वरका](मा) लेछ(च्छ)मदोत्कटोकटभयं ता भवान्या भवः ॥५३॥ देश वाग
इनामक नरपतिः श्रीपुंजराजोजनि श्रीमडूंगरपूर्व कस्य नगरस्वाधीश्वरो
दुर्जयः ॥ के. 48 नाप्यत्र न निर्जितो व(ब)हुमतिः सत्तोषयासं पुनर्यमंत्री सतवान् परामुखमहो
दन्ध पुरं चाकरोत् ॥५४॥ युधिष्ठिरोयं तेनैव विजयेन महात्मना । दु49 निरौ[२] भवहिषु कुतो लेछ(च्छ)पतिः समः [1]५४॥' शत्रुस्त्रीभिः स्वदेण्या
ग्रहणसमये जलेस्ते प्रदत्तः कीर्त्तिग्रामो महीयान्मुलिखितपठितो लेछ
(छ)वरोष्व
60 पि द्रा[क] ॥ कल्पस्थाय्यस्य सौमा कलयितुमखिलां (ब)भ्रमंस्त्वत्तापः काष्ठा
खद्यापि नित्यं दशसु तवगुणर्मापयांतमेति ॥५६॥ त्वदनंत[गु] जाम्ब(ब)दिथति तदनंतः कथि
1 Metre : Sragdhara.
* Sukha-pala is a kind of palanquin, having obtained which Siva is stated to have no desire for any other conveyances.
Metre: Sardalavikridita, • The medials was first engraved short which was made long afterwards. "The anuoudra is very faint.
This verse is quoted by Rai Bahadur Ojhi. (Raj. Itihe., Fasc. II, p. 833, n. 1) Motre : Anushubh.

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51 [त]:
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
स्व[] भुवा ध्रुवं दधे ॥५७॥ दतोभूवधि
52 रसि ह[रे]बांघ्रिदेशे सवंती ॥ शेषस्याहो शिरस्तु स्फुटमणिमिषतः स्फोटकाः 'प्रादुरासन् भूमौ त्वमौलिलोल चमरजपवनैस्तापत्या हि शांतिः ॥५८॥ खामिवर्मा
" विफलं तदवेच्य शेष' शेषवत्तुरभिभ्रां शेष इति भूपेंद्र त्वप्रतापैः पृथुभिरनुदितं छादितायां त्रिलोक्यामत्यू जो
53 र्गदंभा [न्त ] व गुणनिजरानासुवेलं सुमेरोः संतान्ध स्वर्णसूत्राद्वतरविव (व) लयं भवामयित्वायनाभ्यां (भ्याम्) ॥ वेधाः कत्वांचले हे हिमकरकिर रौप्यस्वैच मध्ये प्रत्यब्द(ब्द)
57
54 कीर्त्तिवस्त्रं वयति नवनवं वेष्टनं वारिराशेः ॥ ५८ ॥ दिक्कालान् दश वोच्च नेत्रदशकं जातं कृतार्थं मुहुः शेषं नेत्रयुगं निरर्थकम होविशेन धात्रा शत(तम्) [i]
55 इत्थं चिंतयता चिरं नृपजगत्सिंहं पुनः
क्रौंच कि (च्छि ) दा ज्ञायते ॥ ६० ॥ स्मृतिस्त्व' लच्चोन्म
करा
71
56 षु साधू व सदसि कवि कोषपूर्ण प्रतिष्यः ( ठः) ॥ संध्याभ्वाजी रसेन द्दिजपतिसचिवौ सद्दिधिचैव यद्दद्दार्त्तासक्तः सुधीष्टाविव जगति जगसिंह जीयाः शतायुः ॥ ६१ ॥ हुंकारण कुरंगराजनि
पश्यता हरवंदं तु तदेव जन्मफलभाक् चक्रप्रेमार्क कृष्णाविव वु (बु) धभिषजौ सुश्रुतावि
58 भंगो [ रा ] ज्ञातिराजातनुजविमलधीः
[व] श्या शा डोपिनो भूदाराः सुरवेण तेपि करिणो हस्तेन ते खजिनः ॥ सेव्योष्टापद संचयैरपि जगत्सिंहस्य तस्याधुना वृहस्यैकतृषस्य वश्वकरणे का या स्तुतिस्तन्यतां (ताम् ) ॥ [*]"
सूत्र[धार]. हि भाणा तत्पुत्रः श्रीमुकं (कुं) दो वशसकलकला (लो) भूधराख्यो द्दितीयः ॥ याभ्यां ग्रामः प्रदत्तो हतरिपुनिकरश्रीजगसिंहभूपैर्दत्ती
1 This word has been repeated by mistake and has to be omitted.
1 Metre : Upajati of Vaitaliya and Au pachchhandasika.
Read ranudinam.
Pra is incised over an engraved éra.
Metre: Sragdhar".
• Read °dambha (m) [s-ta]ra. The word searinärga is used here in the sense of milky way'.
• Metre śārdūlarikridita.
• Read karib. A narrow medial is also to be seen joined to ri.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
59 सौ[व]र्णरौप्यौ [क्रमत] इह कपाख्याप को मापदंडौ ॥१॥ राणाश्रीमज्जगसिंहकारितं
मंदिरं शुभं(भम) ॥ ताभ्यामेव कृतं श्रीमज्जगनाथाभिधपभोः ॥२॥ ताभ्यां श्रीमज्जगत्सिंहा60 हा[मो देवदहाभि]धः ॥ चित्र[कूटां]तिक प्राप्तः प्रतिष्ठायां रमाप[त:
(ते:)] [॥३॥*]
B.
1 ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः ॥ ॥ श्रीएकलिंगजीप्रसादात् ॥ ॥ श्रीजगं(ग) बाथरायजीप्रसादात् ॥
॥श्रीश(स)रस्वत्यै नमः ॥ ॥ श्रीविश्वकर्माण न(न)मः ॥ ॥ श्री श्री ॥ 2 अथ राणाश्रीजगसिंहस्थ मांधात()तीर्थयात्राप्रसंगः ॥ अथैकदा तीर्थवरं सुराब्ध
रेवोपकंठे सकलार्थदायक (कम्) ॥ प्रोकारनामप्रभुशंभुपोठं मांधाटनाम ब्र(ब)
जितं मनो व्यधात् ॥६॥ 3 श्रीरामराजन पुरोहितेन(न) बि(वि)चार्य सहानसमूहतो दिजान् ॥ धनाधिपान्क
मनाः पुरादगात् करणमारुह्य जगत्पतिर्मुदा ॥६४॥' ततोचलन् देवगजोपमा
गजाः पुरः पताकासमलंकताः पुरः ॥ सच्चामरा4 लंकतवनमंडला यांतीव वर्णानुवसंतसक्ताः ॥६५॥ उच्चैरादित्यलास्ताजदुपमितयो
नैव कृष्णं स्वतोन्यं मन्वाना मुक्तिहीनाः सततमवमतस्थापनास्थाः श्रुतीनां
(नाम्) ॥ प्रत्यक्ष स्थापयंत: परमिह न परं किं । पुनर्मत्तताया नात्मज्ञा बौद्धबुद्धिं धरणिधरपतेर्धारयति दिपेंद्राः ॥६६॥ येमो कईम
शायिनस्तृणग्रहे स्त्रीणां रवैर्निष्ठुर्धिष्का(क्का)रं गमिताश्च कूपसलिले म(म)"डतं
कृतोपकमाः ॥ ते6 मी को(कांचनमंचिकोपरि गताः सौधे बुधाः "स्त्रीसखा "राजादत्तकरोंद्रव (ब)हि..
तरवैरानंदितास्ते प्ययुः ॥६७13 ततोचलन् देवहयोपमा या येषां न वेगे
समतां दधर्मगाः । न वायवो नैव मनांसि भास्वतः कुतो 1 हयास्ते पि भवति तादृशाः ॥८॥' भाखंतः सततं मृगांकगतयः सन्मंगला: संततं
सौम्या: स्वामिमतात् सुजीवकविकाः पत्त्याज्ञया मंदगाः [*] सिंहौजा:1 सितकेसरैः क्षणमपि स्थैर्यायुताः के त
IMetre: Sragdhara.
IMetre : Anushtubh. 3 Read Chitra[kāf-am]tikah or -antike.
• Read namah. • Read Srih.
• The syllable is engraved over the top-line. Metre: Upajati.
• The meaning of this compound is not clear. Two letters, viz., svaiga are to be seen engraved here, but are cancelled. 10 Space for one letter is left blank between these two syllables. 11 A cancelled vri is to be seen engraved before stri. . 13 Either dissolve rajna ä (samantat) datta", or regard räjä as the instrumental singular of the base ral. 13 Metre : Sardülavikridita. 16 The visarga sign is faintly visible.

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8 क(ब) पृथ्वीनाथ नवग्रहा इव इयाः संपौडयंति हिवः(षः) ॥६॥ धारयंतः
श्रुतौरुचः शिवं प्र(प्रा)यमहामृगाः । सद्देगस्तिमितखाता हरयो मुनिवद्ययुः
॥७॥ एतादृशान् पुरस्कृत्य तुरंगान् भूपति9 व्रजन् ॥ न वासवं दानीतं कुरुतेन्यं नरं कथं (थम्) ॥७॥ कंपत शत्र
नाथास्तदनु तदव(ब)ला: सागरांता ततोधिः शेषः कूर्मों वराहस्तदनु च
गिरयो दिग्गजेंद्राः सनाथाः [*] किं किं जातं किम10 तद्भवति जगति हान्योन्यपृष्टास्तदोचुमीधातुस्तीर्थराज जि[ग*]मिपुरजनि श्रीजगसिंह
भूपः ॥७२॥ संगत्योदयसागरस्य सविधे सौधे खकीयेते कैलाशा(सा)धिक
कांतिपूरकलिते 11 भूपोवसत्तहिन(नम्) ॥ यचयं नृपति पयोनिधिशयं पनापतस्तं जना जानंति
मा समानमेव सततं श्रोसेवितांघ्रियं(यम) ॥७॥ प्रमानानि समानानि
विमानानोव रेजिरे । शि12 विराणि ततस्तेषु नृपा देवा दवावसन् ॥७४॥ स्थिं (स्थि)वापरषः(धुः) सुदिने
व्रजपवस्तीर्थ महाकालनिकतनं गतः । पतिको मुक्तिददर्शनां तां सेव्या
सुरेंद्रादिगौ(गि)[रौ*]शवंद्यां(द्याम्) ॥७॥ 13 शिप्रा समासाद्य सुपापहंचीं सात्वाथ दत्वा(चा) बहुशी द्विजेभ्यः ॥ दृष्ट्वाप्यवंती
मवमत्य तत्पतिं मार्गादगालोकभयं वितन्वन् ॥७६॥' गतीथ मांधासमोपनर्म 14 दातट कियद्भिः सुदिनम(म)हींद्रः ॥ को वा पृथिव्यां भवतीदृशः परी
मायुद्भवो य: पथि रोधमाचरेत् ॥७७॥ गंगां समानीय सुपापसागरं कुलं पुनाति स्म भगीरथो नृपः ।
15 सेनां तथैवैष जगत्प्रभुनयन् पवित्रयामास सुपापसागरं(रम्) ॥७॥ नर्मदोत्तररोध
स्मु शिविराणि क्षमापतेः ॥ ओंकारेश्वरपर्यतं कावेरीसंगतोभवन् ॥७॥ 16 महाराणाजगसिंहो राजपुत्राश्च सर्वशः ॥ वाकावेरिकासंगे साताः सौख्यं समा.
गताः ॥८॥ इत्यं सर्वो(३)पि संतुष्टाः सात्वा दत्वा(चा)प्यनेकपः ॥ अथ राजा नृपालः स्वैर्भो
IMetre: Sardalavikridita.
* The syllable seems to be engraved over an erasure. • Between these two byllables, there is to be seen engraved an unfinished letter. Probably the engraver first intended to write dya here. Motre: Anushtubh.
• Metre: Sragdhară. • The syllable is engraved over the line.
Metre: Upajati.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
17 जनं कर्तुमागतः ॥८॥ अन्यासक्तीमुंदुभिहरिभौरिव तदा भक्तः ॥ जलतापयोग
पाकात्तप्तैरपि मोददानपरैः ॥२॥ सभाजनैः सुभाजनरनेकवस्तुभिः 18 स्तुतैः ॥ सभाजनैः सुभोजिता हिवारमित्यहर्निशं(शम्) ॥८॥' अथान्येद्युम्तुतीयस्त्रि
न्याम सूर्य ग्रहोदये ॥ महाराणाजगसिंह: कांचनस्य तुलां व्यधात् ॥४॥
बेदव्योममुनींहदे (ब्द) शु19 चौ सूर्यग्रहतुला(लाम्) ॥ महाराणाजगसिंह: कांचनस्व तुलां व्यधात् ॥५॥
ओंकारेशसमीपनार्मदतटे श्रीराणकर्णामभूरारुढं खतुला हिरण्यकशिपुव्यूह
विभज्य ख20 य(यम्) ॥ नैवं पूर्वमकारि तेन सुभगो भूत्वा वृसिंहः पुनः प्रोत्या भूरितया . पलान्यगणयन् द्रदिजेभ्योग्यदात् ॥८६॥' वेगाधारणती भवेदिदमही दाखं
कुलौनस्य तह(१)21 ध्वा() वा(बा)लमथो हिरण्यकशिपं कृत्वा खरष्वा स्थितं(तम्) ॥ वैलोक्यां च रहे
यह तित] इतः संप्रापयन् श्रीपतर्वा(बी)हुस्तंभसमुडवो विजयते श्रीमन्मृसिंह:
प्रभुः ॥८७॥' भास्वान्त्री(छौ)मनग22 सिंहस्तुलामारघ यहाधात् ॥ स्वातिवृष्टिं ततो मुक्ता न स्युजकोछ(छ)वः कथं
(थम) ॥८॥ जगसिंह महाराज चिंतनादधिकप्रद ॥ चिंतनावधिदाता कि
क ते चिंतामणिः समः 23 ॥८गजबभूतपूर्वेयं धनुर्विद्या विराजते ॥ स्वयं लक्षाणि गर्छ(च्छ)ति रह
स्थानपि मार्गणान् ॥८॥ न कि चापलतासक्तो न परान्नखमार्गणः ॥
कदापि न गुणछ(च्छे दौ 24 कौशस्त्वं धनुर्धरः ॥१॥ कन्यासंपदमास्थाय तुलारोही प्रभाकरः [1] शुचेरमा
समासाद्य जगतसिंह महीपतिः ॥८॥ जगसिंह महाराज तुलास्वर्णमिषात्तव ॥ 26 सिंहौजभयतो भानुमन्ये त्वां शरणं गतः ॥2॥ तपनग्रहणे जाते तपनी यातला
न कि(किम) ॥ अकरोत्तेजसा दिक्षु जगसिंहः क्षमापतिः ॥४॥ अथ दृष्टा तुलावेदीं शिलास्त
1Metre: Anushtubh. IMetre: Upagiti.
The medial u in su is represented by a more stroke. • The syllable seems to be engraved over an erasure.
6 Metre: Pramanika. • First tim was engraved which was then corrected into sim. 1 Metre: śārdūlavikridita,
Read grihe. • The expression means Sucheh Jyéshtha-māsasya Aman Ama-tithin the fifteenth of the dark fortnight of Juhthe). on which day Jagatsinha actually ascended the scales; and it also means fuchih grishmasya ramani lakalmith, (the wealth of summor) in correspondence with Kanya-sampal (the wealth of the sixth sign of the zodiao) of the first pida. [See p. 62, n. 3 above.--Ed.]

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28 भायोदिता(ताम्) ॥ देवा नागा मनुखेंद्राचक्रुरुग्रेच मिथः ॥८॥' हा त्वाम
नुरागिणीव व(ब)हुधा रामादिकौतिः सिता भूप त्वत्कृतपांडुरातुलतुलास्तभाय
व्याजतः ॥ नौत्वोच्चै27 सुधातला करयुगं संमेलयंती मिय(घ)स्वामालिंगितमुत्युका प्रतिपलं स्त्रीभावतो
जभते ॥६॥ रेवामथ प्राप्य सुपुखदाबीं बात्वा च दत्वा(वा) व(ब)हुमो हिजेभ्यः ॥ पर्य(स्य) स्तु
28 तिं भूमिपतिळतानीच्छ्रत्वा यदेतत्सकलो विपामा ८७॥ ये दिव्यांव(ब)रधारिणः
समदृशः सौम्यांगनोपासिता यां गंगामपहाय सेवनपरा: श्रीनर्मदायास्तव ॥ 29 तान्दृष्ट(है)व दिगंबरांस्त्रि नयनांचंडीखरान्सांप्रत रूढा मूर्दनि नृत्यति त्रिपथगा
केनाद्य सा वार्यता(ताम्) ॥८॥. उत्या मगरस्तुरंगममनो यापयान्यवे तवाद
30 मरेखरेण कपिलाभियांतिके पा(प्रा)पितं(तम्) [*] तस्यानुश्रितपापसागरकल
तत्रोग्रदृष्ट्या इतं मातर्दक्षिण जाहवि त्वमधुना तस्यान्वयं मोचये: ॥
स्मत्या पातकमारामि न. 31 गतां दृष्ट्या सुरत्व ददे स्पर्शादेव ददामि विष्णुतनुतां स्नानार्थिने किं ददे ॥
रत्यालोच्य महेखरस्य तनया रवाकरस्यांगना यविन व्रजति त्रपाभरवशात्त
बिनगा नर्मदा ॥१.०[*] 32 ततः सुरेंद्रादिममर्चनीयमीकारनामेश्वरमाशु गत्वा ॥ सर्वोपचारै रचयन् महा(ही)पती
रवैः सुवर्ण स्तुतिमप्यगादौत् ॥१०॥' रेवाया' वनमध्यतः परिपतन् भित्वा(चा). [घसंचं गजं कौलाल
33 श कणान्मुहुः परिब(व)मन् पाथोजसकेसरौ ॥ यावधवहो ह्यनंतजठरेन
प्रापयमा प्रभो सोमस्त क्रपया कुरंगमपि मां तावबयखांतरे ॥१०॥ दिनांतरप्येवममुं प्रपूं(पू)ज्य सात्वा पुरावस्सुमनो
1 Metre: Anushtubh. * The syllable is engraved over the line. .Metre: Sardalavikridita. .Metre: Indravajri. * Read m-aho. • There is an erased vertical line before dra
Metre : Upajais. . This syllable seems to be engraved over an erasuro.

Page #101

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VoL.XXIV.
AN
34 महींद्रः ॥ दवा(खा) सुवर्षानि पुरोहिताय गा वर्णनीयाच बुराधिपायः [*]
१०॥ देवदेशोजवं भव्यं गजाखवसनादिक(कम्) [1*] विष्णुप्रोत्या ददौ भूप
स्तत्संख्याता सहमहक् ॥१.४॥ इत्यं वितौर्य मनसेप्सित(त)मर्थजातं भू36 पोचलत्खदियमेव भयानमः ॥ मार्गेपि हश्मितुला तपनौयसंघेस्तन्वन्मुपाचततिबु
प्रमदेन सः १. गामथीभयमुखी पथिमध्ये यां ददौ हिजवराय सुवर्ण: । वर्णनां कथमहो रसनका
36 बसनोति मनुजो किवींद्र १. वं कियति सुदिन: चिती, सभा
खवीषिपतर्विमस्य ।दखा(खा) पदं मूर्षि रिपोः समागाद्देशं पुरं हयं
वर धनाब(बम्) ॥१७' माता प्राणमिव प्रिया दृशमिव घो31 पोखरा नाथमोटारो यमवयना जनक[*]()ष्टा(वा) नृपं चागत(तम्) ॥ देश
ग्रामपुरेषु यः प्रतिगई जाती महानुत्सवः कस्तं ब(वर्णयितुं चमः सुरपते.
राचार्यतोन्यः पुमान् ॥१०॥ अथ हिजाग्रान्बहुकाशिवासि38 वस्त्र उदीय कतार्थतां नयन् ॥ सुखासुराज्यं परिपालयबभादसतचित्तो
रघुनाथवभु १. स्फाटिक्यां वेदिकायर्या कलयति भुवि यो मूलदेश
सुनौलं मस्तके द्राक् तदनु 88 गुरुगुणाब(न्) होरकान्सांधकेषु । मौलिस्थे मासिकाग्रे मरकतमतुलं बाहमा
पनवौधान् मुक्तागुच्छाबरलीगजायमणिगोसत्फल: पंचशाखः ॥११॥° बना
रद्रोपि विस्तदन रतिपतिः खा40 पिता यस्य नौ: सीयं सत्वापाचोपरतरुसहितः बीजगसिंहहस्तात ॥ वा(वा)
सध्यो(व्यो)मर्षिचंद्रः समुदितशरदि वेतभातें बतौयां प्राप्य प्राप्तो दिजानां
सहयामनि रम्यहाणि कुर्वन् ॥१११[*]° खदेहव्य-1 41 यतोपुणामितिवान् कल्पद्रुमा प्रसौ । जगसिंहकरस्मात् कि च(च)दनगुणं
दधौ ११२॥ भास्करमामाधवपुषत्रीरामचंद्रोहः । सर्वेश्वरस्तदंगावजीनाथः कठौठोडौति ॥११॥ बोरामोदयसिंह स्तो
1 Metro: Upajati. • Metro: Vasamlatilakd. . Read kahitindrab.
Metre: Indrapajra. • Read prabhu. 11 There is a cancelled anwendra over oya.
** Roadstuhai.
Metre: Anushtubh.
Metre: Sudgatd. • Va is engraved below the line. • Moto: Sardalawirdita. "Motre: Bragdhara. nMetry: Upagsti.

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No. 11.]
42 ग्रामो हि भूरवाडा ख्यः । लक्ष्मीनाथसुतो रामचंद्रः यं चर्य (यम्) ।.११४॥ चतुःसहस यन्मूल्यं दत्वा (स्वा) दह
43 इथार्थ (वम् ॥ महाराणाजगसिंहैः समो नाति कुतीधिकः
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
दत्तोमुझे ग्रामो होलीनामाप्यमरसिंह नृपैः कृष्णस्तु तब्बुतः ॥ पदान्तसो जगसिंहो
[*]११41[1*]*
वर्षे मात्रवियन्नदुर्गाचित भाद्रे तृतीयातियो के जन्मदिन निज रूपजगसिंह: ऊपाया निधिः । दत्वा (वा) कांचनमेदिनीं सजल
44 श्री चित्रकूटांतिक ग्रामं कृष्णबुधाय समुपनिधिः श्रीमेसा ददौ ॥११७॥ राणाश्रीमज्जगसिंहो मधुसूदनशर्मणे । प्रददावाहडग्रामे हलइयमितां भुवं (वम् ) ॥११८॥ एकां लक्ष्मीमटा'
.
45 तदपि सुरपतिः कुत्तेन भूमी भूत्वा' स्वेच्छासिमाधौ सुगजसुरतरून् मा विजेभ्यः प्रदाय ॥ कोसीं कामहे इयमथिममर्स में सडाचामर्चितारणं दवा (वा) प्रोभिर्जगति विजयते योजग किंड विष्णुः
D
drawn.
77
46 ।। ११८ [ ॥ *] ऋषिव्योमसुनइन्दे जगसिंहमहीपतिः । भाद्रवतीयायां सप्ताद(दा) तृ सप्तसागरान् ||१२|| गजव्योम मुनींन्दे जगसिंचः चमापतिः ॥ भाद्रयज्ञतृतीयायां विश्वचक्त (क्र ) ददौ प्रभुः ॥१२१॥
१२०॥
॥११४॥
मृगराजा
1 Metro : Giti. The fourth pāda is short by one syllabic instant.
Metre: Anushtubh.
[F] Metre : Sardalavikridita.
1 ॥ श्रोमहागणपतये नमः ॥ श्रीजगवावरायलीप्रसादात् ॥ श्रीएकलिंगजीप्रसादात् ॥ श्रीभवान्यै नमः 11 ॥ श्रीविश्वकर्मणे नमः ॥ श्रीसरस्वत्यै नमः ॥
2 ॥ अथ श्रीराणा जगसिंहकारित श्री जगन्नाथराय मंदिरादिवर्णनं (नम्) ॥ श्रीकृष्णभक्त्याथ जगत्सु जगा व देवालयं श्रीकमिसुध (धा) का ये वारवार" सुरनागमा "म (न)वा विले (लो)
The stroke on the ellipse of ha is absent.
The medial à seems to have been engraved later on, and hence is indicated by a very small stroke narrowly
The locative has been used instead of the dative.
+ Metre: Sragdhara.
This word which was at first omitted is written below the line.
This slab should rightly follow B. It may be noted here again that it is composed of ten different pieces of stone and is very carelessly engraved. Many of the letters are either obliterated or are not properly engraved.
10 The syllable is engraved over the top-line.
11 Varavārain is ungrammatical. It is used here for varasi vārath.
14 The medial à is not joined to the top-line.
as The mātrā on le is inverted.

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78
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
3 का चित्रलिखिता इवाभवन् ||१|| यस्यापि देवा' भुवि वर्णनां मुहुः कर्त्तुं न शक्ताः कुत एव मानवाः ॥ तस्य स्वशक्त्या वितनोति वर्णनां श्रीकृष्णभट्टामज एष बाबू ॥२॥ गं
4 गातुयुतः कपईघटभाक् भालाचिरत्नाकरः । ' कांत्यावेष्टित [कं]थकः सुरस' हव्याजेन वैराग्यभाक् । हृद्याधाय हरिं तपस्यति हरस्तत्किं दृषं स्वेर्गु चैर्व (ब) ध्वा (चा) भक्तमहाषित (ति) यशोमंडेन ना
6 पोषयत् ||३|| पुण्यं प्राप्य तदेकलिंगविषये श्रोमेदपाटस्थलं ब्रह्मा भूपमणे[च]तु मुखलदेवालयव्याजतः 1 वेदाध्यायिजनथनः किमपठदान् यदेकाग्रत कमलोपभोग हृदया: किं राजहं
7
6 सा चिता ॥४॥ मतृका (कार्य कियते नृपस्य यशसेत्युत्पयवेराग्यतः कला सहं शिलामयवपुर्दे वालयव्याजतः । त्वतः स हरिं पठडिनर (बु) भ दध (ध) त् । पृ (पू) र्णाभ्यासवश' खिरे" पठति किं वे
8 व
दान् दिजेंद्रो विधुः ॥५॥
चारावातिगभीरनीरधि (धि) जलादेन्य स्वचितं चिरादिष्यो नैव विमुंचति चितिपतिः कृत्वा महामंदि[रं ] (रम्) [*] [ल]ोकानामवन्लोकनाय कृपया तची [ते] निर्मले स्निग्धे पौरहदी."
11
[VOL. XXIV.
किं प्रतिकृतिं श्रीभर्तुरास्थापयत् ॥4॥ श्रीभ (म) दानिशिरोमणिर्नृपज गसिंही महोमंडले व्याप्तं यद्यशसा व ( ब ) भौ त्रिजगतीहंट सुधांशुप्रभं (भम् ) ॥ प्रासादं जगदोम्वरस्य रचितं म
12
9 त्वामुना स्वर्गता: " दृष्ट्वा चेतसि विस्मिता इव मिजं त्यक्का (शा) निमेषं स्थिता: ॥०॥ कर्षसिंहाधिसंभूती जगसिंचः ।' सुधाकरः ।" यस्य मृदुकरा
प्रजा तापवत्यभूत् ।[1] [1*]"
1 Metre: Upajati.
There is an anusvära over va which is redundant.
● Metre: Indravarisa. The fourth pāda is short by one syllable.
• This danda is superfluous.
This sa resembles ya as it naturally does when written hastily.
• The r over gu is very faint.
* Metre : Sārdūlavikridita.
s The stroke on the ellipse of ha is absent.
This omission of visarga is grammatical.
10 [Read sthirah.
11 The syllable seems to be engraved over an erasure.
is Read svargata.
11 First an anuevara was engraved which was then corrected into the sign for medial ¿.
14 This danda is furnished with a top-line.
as Metro : Anushtubh.

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No. 11.]
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
10 भूपस्वीचतविष्णुप्रकलमव्याजाद्दिवस्थानसो ज्ञातुं मार्गमो रथस्य तरसा ठपादुषं पदं (दम् ) ॥ स्थित्वेवाच जगत्प्र (प्र) काशमधु (धु) ना कुर्या मुदेति स्थितस्तेन त्वामरुचो हिसारधिरयं को
12
11 पोभवत् संचितः ॥८॥ खनामाच्या जगवाधराय इत्यभिधां [1] कल्पयन् स्यातकीर्त्तिरमूवि ॥१०॥ पांचूचं हरिमंदिरं नृपलगनि
श्रीजगसिं
यत् कारितं राजद्रनघटं ममेति किमही भारोहिरा चिंतयन् ॥ भूलोके विष्टते भुजेन नृपतेरोषत्च (च) लत्कं (त्कं ) चुकं ॥ वातात् केतुम
79
18 यत् सरब्रमनय मे (बं) हि स्वं शिरः ॥ २१॥ ॥" र्नागराजोतिभौमः कुत्राहं सौ[ख्य] युक्तो 14 कन्वितः संवसेयं (यम् ) ॥ चित्तेस्यागत्य दत्वा (चा) प्रसादार्थ विधायाजत वसति" मी बोजगवाथराय: 15 जगसिंह राचः कयमित्र समागंतुममराः समर्थों भूयाचे सकलजन[ता] 'रचयपरः ॥ जगन्नाथश्वेत्य नृपहृदयभावं विदितवानवा -
नृपमुकुटमणि कर्णसूनुं निजानी
॥ [ १२*]* ॥[१२॥
स्वयें नो भोगभूमिर्जलधिरपि गुरु हरगणप शिवा
अं
16 वा" सी (मी) दचैव खजनकरुणानंदजलधिः (धिः) ॥१२॥ सदनु को(ि) अर्जुन बोच्चक जितघा (घा) संरातनं 17 हरिर्विस्मयैः ॥ सज्जे हारि नं (र) थे स्वसद्ममिषत: स्थित्वा चिरं तयाचाचासीत् तङ्गुणान्नान्शासीत् पुरुषार्थमार्थतुरगान् देशेऽखिले चारिणः ॥१४॥ श्री[:][[*]
धर्मोतयुधि (धि)ष्टि (ठ) व
त[मो] स्त[ब्धो]
18 ॥ १४॥ सन्मुन्मु) इर्त्ते सुतारा ॥ सानुकूले नवग्रहे ॥ निधि (धि) व्योममुनींद्दब्दे ।" पविषे मासि मार्च (ध) [१५] कपचे योगे पूर्णिमा तिथो ।
तथा
13 The mark of punctuation has a top-line.
13 The number is wrongly ropeated.
14 This is a superfluous danda.
1 Aruna here has double entendre, 'red' and the name Aruna' of the charioteer of the sun. The anger of Jagatsimha towards the sun for the latter's having occupied a more exalted position is fancied as Aruna approaching the king for refuge when no longer required by the sun, as he (sun) resolved to illuminate the world from the top of the temple only.
• Metre : śardalavikridita.
After ya there are two small hollow squares indicating the erasure of two letters engraved by mistake. There is a horizontal stroke on top of the numeral.
• Metre : Anushtubh.
• The mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
↑ Sha is represented by three perpendicular strokes only.
This danda is superfluous. Read vasatim-ahō. Metre: Srajdhari.
First på was engraved which was then corrected into tu.
10 This va is superfluous.
11 Metre Sikharini.

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80
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
19 गुरुवार प्रतिष्टा(ष्ठाप्य विष्णु प्रामान्' ददौ प्रभुः ॥ हिरण्याश्व कल्पलता गोसहन'
च दत्तवान् ॥१३(१६) त प्रतिष्टा(ष्ठां) परमेश्वरस्य यथाविघा(धा)नं विरचय्य
भूपतिः ॥' स्तुतिं व्यजा(ता)नो20 नगदीश्वरस्य धुन: पुन: सत्पुलकाकुल: सन् ॥१४(१७)॥ प्रादुर्भूत चतुर्भुज कमल.
दृक् पीतांबरं चक्रभृत् पूर्णब्रह्मविकाशि कौस्तुभमणिश्रीवत्ससंदौपितं (तम्) ।
यबोल जगतां - 21 यस्य जनको विस्माप्य सन्प्रौ(ो)तिदं तद्रूपं गिरिधारिणः कलयतु प्रायेण लोक
प्रिय(यम्) ॥१५(१८)॥ पूतनाशकट'कार्जुनैस्तृणावर्त्तकाघवषभादिकशि हन् [1]
देषिकालियसमझना22 गराष्टकंससूदन इदि त्वमिह स्याः ॥१६(१८) इत्यादिसु(स्तु)तिमाधाय माधवस्य
महामना: ॥ दानं दत्वा(वा) गृहं प्राप्तः पश्यन् मंगलमुत्तम(मम्)
॥१७ (२०) वर्षे नियंव(ब)रर्षिक्षितिगणनयुते 23 माधवे पूर्णिमायां राणाधीकर्णपुत्रः सकलगुणजगत्सिंहभूप: प्रमोदात् ॥ विष्णु
[स] पूज्य चिकः प्रकटतरकपं श्रीजगनाथनाना दानं श्रीकल्पवल्या:(जपा)
कमकायमथो गोमुन्द्र(सह)24 नं च दत्वा(वा) ॥१८(२१) प्रामान् दत्वा(त्त्वा) सगुणान् पंच भूपो वस्र्धान्य
रवमिईिजाग्रान् ॥ संतोष्यायं श्रीजगनाथरायं ध्यात्वा ध्यात्वा तोषमाधत्त
भूपः । १८"(२२)॥ अथ प्रतिष्टा(ठां) प्रविलोक्य 25 कौतकाद्रमापतेस्तविकटे महीपतिः ॥ प्रासादमालोक्य सुरासुरा नरा नागा
अकुर्वन्य(न्म)हति(ती) सुवर्णना(नाम्) ॥२०(२३)° भूप त्वत्कृतविष्णुसद्ममिषती वैकुण्ठलीको ह्ययं । वौच्य त्वतक(क)तमरमदि(द)रगु
1 The syllable is engraved over the top-line. * This and the next half verse may be regarded to constitute one single verse. . Read gő-sahasran. • Metre : Anushubh.
The mark of punctuation has a top-line. •Metre: Upajati.
The medial & in prd is very faint. •Metre: Bardalavikridita. •Ta is only partly engraved. "Metre: Upajati of Rathoddhata and Surigala. 11 There is a horizontal stroke on top of the numeral. 11 The medial sign is only faintly visible. 18 Metre: Sragdhard. 1 Metre: Salini. 1. This danda is superfluoue.

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JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
26 यापूर्व तानेव हि ॥ ता (हार्येव विमूर्हितः स्थिर इति प्रायेण मंदाकिनी लोल केतुमिषाद्दाथाच्चतिकृते तं श्रोतसा सिंचति ॥२१ ( २४ ) ॥ अथालोक्य तदा(स) सभ
27 मणिमयीं शुभां (माम् ) ॥ इत्यमुत्प्रेक्षणं चक्रुः सुरा दिस्मयतो मुहुः ॥ २२ ( २५॥ ॥ ३ लोको' भूपयशः सुधांशुरनिशं प्राकाशयत [द्र] त्यक्ता (का) केतुघटा क्त विष्णुभव नव्या(व्या) जं प्रमा (ता) -
28 पशुमान् ॥ मां वेगादति हिषधि (हि) षमहत्सप्तीन् विमुच्यतिके ताम्बधुं कृतवा न्गुणाकुलतुलास्तंभानने का नृपः ॥ २३ ( २६ ) | श्रीराणामरसिंह कारितमिदं सौघ -
(ध) गु
29 गौघे (घैर्महपस्यास्य
यथोजितो विधुरही मूर्छामवाप्यापतत् ॥ नृपकर्णसिंहरचित शांत हर्म्यव्रजव्याजात् सेवितुमागताः किमुडवः (धि) का विं
30 शतिः ॥ २४ (२७) | सौध मध्येतडागं हृदयमिव सदाराममच्छ महहै विष्णोर्वा साय दूरं जलधिरिति धिया यष्णगसिंह (प्तम् ) [ 1*] काले धर्मादिसेवी नृपतिरयमहं नि
31 त्यनिद्रः स्त्रिया [क्तः ] कर्मत्यागौति लब्जोच
वसति न हरिः किंतु चित्त (त्ते) स्य लीनः ॥२५ ( २८ ) ॥' कृत्वा मोहनमंदिरं मुनिमनोमुत्कर्णसत्सा गरे । कैलासाधि(धि) कमङ्गुतं त्रिजगति ख्या- "
1 Metro : Sardalavikridita.
This danda is superfluous.
• Metre: Anushtubh.
81
32 तं स कर्णात्मजः ॥ रुद्रं नंदयिता न मामिति हरिर्वार्डों रुजा मूर्च्छितः शेषशयने शीतोष्ण वर्षाहतः ॥ ॥ २६ (२८) | अथैकलिंगाख्य
शेतेघा ( द्या) प्यपटेपि दा 33 श्रीमोकलेंद्रेण कृतं च (रा) न्" जा (वा) नंति सु[राः] सर्वे देवदेवमहेशितुः ।
मंदिरं (रम्) देवा: म
Read löke.
The mark of punctuation has a top-line.
long syllable is expected here.
7 Metre: Sragdhara.
The mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
• The medial & is not joined to the top-line.
[1*] ह [ट्वा ] न महातस्थल (लम् ) यथाशक्ति
तह (ड) [ रा ]
सप्ताधि
10 There is a horizontal stroke on top of the numeral.
11 The virama sign here resembles that of the medial . 1s Metre : Upajati.
कैलाश (स) गिरिं न चेतर॥२७ (३० ) ॥ " तत्र (चा) गत्य

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
34 पति स्तुतिं चक्रुरकसिंगमहाप्रभोः ॥२८(३१) गिरिण गिरिप्रमुतनयां समयां
वि(बिभचमेकलिंग जय । गिरितनयासमुदाच[ण]द' चलतः प्रजयदयस्य
॥ २८°(३२)[*] 36 सदकलिंगस्य पदारविद मज़ाम नो याम कदाचिदेव ॥ इत्य विधाय स्तुति.. मस्य देवतः खर्गच चालतये त्वराकुला: ॥३०(३) पथ श्रीमज्जगसिंह
कारितं केलि38 मंदिर(रम्) । तदातौवाहतं मत्वा वैजयंत न मेनिरे ॥११(२४) अथ [a]
महादेवीमत्यच्चशिरिखिता(ताम्)। राठासेनाभिधां वंद्यां जाति सोति द)
वताः ॥ ३२ (३५) पागत्योदयसागरे37 चयजले मिसि प्रायसो गंभौरे सततं वम(स) त्वम(धु)ना पक्षस्य रचा
कृते । राठासनगिरी दजेति सततं मैनाकनामानुजप्रोत्याद्वानरता न चाव
जग तेपायस्त्रिकूटाचलात् 38 [३](B) पथ थाम(श्री)मनसि(
सिंहकारितं रूपसागरं (रम)। विहारस्थलमासोक्य मिनि(नि)दुनिसं सरः ॥[३७॥*] पथ दृष्टोदयसागरमये विस्थाप[क] ना
(णाम्) । श्रीराणोदय सिंह कारितपि(मि)स्य [स्ततिं 39 चक्रुः ॥ ४(१८)अमृताकरप्युदयसिंहकारिते कमलाकरप्युदयसागराभिधे । कमला• पतिः मयितुमुसुकोपि संस्तट एव विस्मित इवावतस्थिवान्॥ [३५](३८)
रुद्रणोदयसा40 गाघु(घ)तिमलं वीच्यानिशं विस्मयस्तब्धे(ब्धेन स्थितमत्र नी गिरिभवः सौख्य
गिरी, विना ॥ तगौरीप्रियकाम्यया नरपतिस्तस्यैष तौरतनोत् कैलामा(मा)धिकनिर्मला(लो)नत्य(बत)म[हो] [भ्यं]
These two syllables are repeated by mistake. • Metre : Anushfubh.
• Although the number of syllabio instants in the latter half of this verse is complete, there is yati-bhanga between the third and the fourth quarters.
*The mark of punotuation has atop-line. .There is a horizontal stroke on top of the numeral.
Metre: Giti. * Metre: Upajati. •Read nach-api naga. . According to the Ekalinga-mahatmya this Trikātachala is somewhere near Eklingt. 10 Metre : Sardalavikridita. 11 The medial a is not joined to the top line. 1. Road simhaih.
"Metro: Upagiti. 14 Tbo medial i is not completely engraved. * Metro: Maljubhdehini.

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No. 11.]
41 सुहयै न किं (किम् ) ॥ ३६ (४० ) ॥ अथ जावराभिधानग्रामे देवी महानुतां देवा ॥ दृ [ष्ट्वां] वि (बि) शाभिधानां नेमुर्यस्याः प्रभावत: सतत (तम् ) ॥३७ (४१) ॥ * मेदपाटमहींद्राणां [ख] सा' न्धे (नौ) रूप्यमयी शुभा । अनि
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
42 खन्यमानापि पूर्णेव भुवि द (ह) श्यते ॥ ३८ (४२ ) ॥ १ वर्षे निध्यंव ( ब ) रर्षिचितिगणनयुते भाद्रशुक्ल द्दितीया' तिष्यां श्रोकर्णसूनुस्त्रिजगति सुयशा श्री [ज][ग] सि(सिं) हभ (भू ) प [ 1 *] दत्व (त्त्वा) श्री
43 रनधेनुं मणिकनकमय कृष्णभट्टाय दुःखादुहर्त्ता पापरूपाहण्वरनरका [ले]ष भूयाचिरायु: ॥ ३८ (४३) ॥ ० भ्राचा गरीव (ब) दासेन शत्रुसिंहेन च प्रभोः " राजसिंहार(रि)सो[घे]" (सिंहे)ति क (कु)[मा"][राभ्यt*] र' नु(पु)
44 रा ततः [ ॥*] ४० (४४)॥ वर्षवर्षांतर (२) णाथ जगत्सि (सिं) हो यमा (दा) तना (नो) त् [*] महादा [ना* ]नि सर्वाणि कल्पद्रुम इव प्रभुः ॥४१ (४५) ॥ जगसिंही महाराजचिंतामणिरिवापरः [1"] पुत्रैः पौत्रः परि[ह] तो जीयादाचंद्रतारकं (कम्) ॥४२(४६)[॥*]® [श्रीम] -
45 कर्णम ही भृदात्मज जगसिंहो (ह) प्रभोराज्ञया प्रासादं शौर्षाह्वयं(यम्) । भ॑गोरप्रथितान्वयौ गुणनिधी मुकुंदभूधर " इति ख्या
46 तौ चिरं चक्रतुः ॥४३ (४७) ॥
श्रीमद्भास्करपुत्रमाधवसुत श्रीरामचंद्रोद्भव श्री सर्वेश्वरभट्ट - सूनुरभ [व* ]त्पूर्वस्य लक्ष्मा (मी) पदः ॥ नाथस्तसुतरामचंद्र [त] नुजश्रीकृष्णभट्टांगभूलक्ष्मी
नाथकता प्र
47 शस्तिरतुला दद्यात्सतां मंगलं (लम् ) ॥४४ ( ४८ ) ॥ इति श्रीमन्महाराजाधिराजभहाराणाश्रीजगत्सिंहजोकारिता कठौंडीग्रामाधिपकृष्णभ[हांगजसे ] लंगलक्ष्मीनाथापरनामबाबूभट्टकता प्रशस्तिः संपू
1 Metre : Sārdūlavikridita.
*Read devim.
• Metre Giti.
4 This syllable is superfluous.
&
● Read anisain.
• Metre : Anushtubh.
Read tritiya though the metre will suffer.
* Read suyasah.
This danda is superfluous.
83
10 Metre : Sragdharā.
11 There is a dash after ghe.
13 This syllable is only partially engraved.
23 Read cha.
14 No sandhi is observed here.
1. The medial à is not joined to the top-line.
किल मेरू (रु) जातिकमिमं श्रीरनभानोस्तन [ज]ोत्तमौ शिल्पोशी स

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
48 णा() ॥ पचल इव प(इवा)चलायति:] कौ• बुद्ध्या त्रिया छिया शत्या[*]
युतथा निजपतिभक्त्या कायस्थेशोचलाख्यातः [१॥*]1 तत्कलकमलदिवाकरतुख्यो
पूर्वार्थहर्षि(वि)भवयुतिः [*] कल्याणका. 49 अकानां कलाभिधानः प्रमालवचाः [॥२॥*] सद्विजादिव वृक्षो कला(ला)भिरति
वर्षमाना(न)बहुशाखः [*] स 'अर्ज(र्जु)नाभिधानोर्जुन [५]व भव्योर्जुन पांडो: ॥[३॥*]°
1 ॥श्रीमहागणपतये नमः ॥ोजगबाथरायजीप्रसादात् । श्रीएकलिंगजीप्रसादात] ॥
॥ श्रीभवान्यै नमः ॥ ॥ श्रीविश्वकर्मणे नमः ॥श्री[:*] । 2 । ब(व)को रवेरपूर्वोयं यता भूरिभूभृतः ॥ अंत: क्षिप्ता रसांभीधि ररस्ताहिप
[]त: ॥१॥ तत्राग्ववाये शिवदत्तराज्यो बापाभिधानोजनि 3 मैदपाटे ॥ संग्रामभूमौ पटुसिंहरावं लातीत्यती रावल इत्यभाणि ॥२॥ राहप्प
राणा भुवि तस्य वंशे राणेति शब्द(ब्द) प्रथयन् पृथ्विव्या(व्याम्) ॥ र4 णो हि धातुः खलु शब्द(ब्द)वाची तं कारयत्येष रिपून् हतार्ता ]न् ॥३॥
तस्माबरपतिराणा दिनकरराणा बभूवाथ ॥ अजनि जसकर्णराणा बभूव त5 माञ्च नागपालाख्यः ॥४॥ श्रीपूर्णपालनामा पृथ्वीमजस्ततो जातः । उदितोय
भुवनसिंहस्तरपुत्री भा"(भी)मसिंहोभूत् ॥ अजनि जयसिंह. 8 राणा जातस्तस्मानष(ख)मसौराण ॥ परसौ सता" हमौरः संजातः क्षेत्रसिंहोस्मात्
॥ तमाशाखामिलोख्यो) राणात्रीमोकलस्तस्मात् ॥ श्रीकुंभ7 कर्ण उदभूद्राणाश्रीरायममोस्मात् ॥७संग्रामसिंहराणा जातो भूपालमौलिमणिः ।
श्रीराणोदयसिंहः प्रतापसिंहस्ततो जातः ॥८॥ अमरस
1 Metre : Arya. . Read Sa-dvijaräd=iva. • Read vrikshah. • Read hy=Arjuna. Read °rjunab.
Metre: Anushtubh. 1. The second quarter of this verse is short of one syllabio instant. 4 Read tato.

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No. 11.)
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
8 मोमरसिंहस्ततो नृपः कर्णसिंहोभूत् ॥ गुणगणहरिस्त तोभूद्राणाचीमज्जगसिंहः ॥६॥
जगत्सिंहमहीभर्तुः कथं चिंतामणिः समः ॥ चिंतनावधिदातायं . 9 चिंतनाधिकदो नृपः ॥१०॥ राणाधीराजसिंहोस्मात्प्रद्युम्न इव कृष्णतः ॥ यस्य
ह(ड)ष्टया कतार्थाभूत्समस्तहिजसंततिः ॥११॥ श्रीमान् रामः प्रजायां यशसि
नलनृपः 10 सत्यसंधासु पार्थो दाने कर्णः प्रताप प्रकटदिनमणिर्धर्मसूनुर्दयायां (याम) ॥ राणा
श्रीराजसिंहः क्षितिकुलतिलक: [श्री]जगसिंहपुत्रो जीयादाचंद्रतारागणरविधर11 णोक्षौरपाथोधिशैल (लम्) ॥१२॥ वर्षे निध्यंबरर्षिक्षितिगणनयुते फाल्गुनस्य हितोया
तिथ्यां कृष्णाख्यपक्षे सकलनृपमणि श्रीजगसिंहपुत्रः ॥ राज्यश्रीचिङ्गभूतं त्रिज12 गति सुष(ख)दं हेमसिंहासनं सत्सजग्नेधिष्टि(ष्ठि)तोभूत्सकलरिपुकुलत्रासदो राजसिंहः
॥१३॥ वर्षे निध्यव(ब)रर्षिक्षितिगणनयुते मार्गशौर्षेपि शुक्ल पंचम्यामकलिंग
कनक13 मणिमयीं सत्तुलां राजताख्यां(ख्याम्) ॥ राणाश्रीराजसिंहः क्षितिपतिनुकुटः श्रीजग
सिंहपुत्रः कत्वा तत्र बि(दि)जाग्रान्सपदि विहितवान् राजराजेंद्रतुल्यान् ॥१४॥
खछ(च्छ)त्वं नोभय14 व प्रभवति मुकुर रोचना निंद्यजन्मा रक्षित्वं श्रोचिये नी तुरगहषभगोहस्तिनो
ज्ञानहीनाः ॥ वति । ालाकरालो जलमयमखिल तीर्थजातं ततोमं राणा
श्रीराजसिंह 16 भजत भजत रे मंगलं मंगलार्थे ॥१५॥ लक्ष्मौचित्तस्थित यहिजपतिसुष(ख)दं
कंटकासंगशोभं फुल्लन्मित्रं समंतादसुर कु*मधुपैने(4)व सव्यं कदापि ॥ शूरी
त्तापप्रदा16 नं जडकुलरहितं श्रीजगत्सिंहपुत्र श्रीराणाराजसिंहाइतपदकमलं राजहंसा भजध्वं.
(ध्वम्)॥१६॥' यो नित्यं दापयंती त्रिदशतरू(रु)फलान्युश्चक: प्रापयित्वा वैरिभ्योऽ 17 प्रीयमाणो समरभुवि गलान्वंतयित्वा विविक्षन् ॥ तिष्ठयोव दत्तः स(ख)यमित
सुफलं यौ सुत्रास्तयोः किं राणाधीराजसिंह त्वदतुलकरयोः कल्पह
IMetre: Upagiti. IMetre: Anushtubh. • The medial a is not joined to the top-line. • Metre: Sragdhara.
Read °nripa-manih. • This danda is superfluous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
18 क्षेण साम्य (म्यम्) ॥१॥ नंता यो हलिन . बिजेंद्ररुचिरं नो रुक्मिणं हेषिणं
जिष्णो दत्तसुभद्रको व(ब)लरतः सत्यात्मनि प्रायशः ॥ शूरोद्भूतमुतः सदा
नरपति श्रीमागधप्रस्तुतः 19 श्रीकृष्णस्तव मस्तको विजयतां चौराजसिंहप्रभो ॥१८॥ राणाश्रीराजसिंह त्वदतुल
विमला दृष्टिर(ख)व गंगा नो चेल्लेशादवाप्ता कथमिह मनुजं पापमुता
विधत्ते ॥ 20 मूळवाप्ता महशं सपदि करतले पद्मगह करोति प्राप्ता चेदंघ्रिदेश कलयति
स[त*]तं तं नरेशं रमेशं(शम्) ॥१॥' म(म)थन् मां किल मंदराग इह यक्ष्मी
ददौ मत्सुतां तस्मै श्या21 मजनार्दनाय तनुजं चंद्र कपर्दश्रिये ॥ भूत्वा भूपकरः समुद्र प्रति रुजूभन्मथ
स्त(अ)व: पद्माः खा(चा)त्मजमृत्यवाडवकर तज' यशोधोनयत् ॥२०॥
राणाधीराजसिं22 हस्य प्रतापी वाडवानलः ॥ देह गेहं वृणप्राय जहज्जीवनमात्रहत् ॥२१॥ राणाधी
राजसिंहोयं राजते भूमिमंडले ॥ यप्रतापासहः सूर्यो गमनेभूत्महस्त (म)
पात् ॥२२॥ 23 राणाधीराजसिंहेंद्र गुणै हो भवान् ध्रुव (वम्) ॥ सहाननीरदो नित्यं व(ब)लिभाजी
नतानतः ॥२३॥ श्रीमन्नगसिंहनवीनभानोः श्रीराजसिंहः प्रतिबिंबरूपः ॥ चित्र
24 गबाणतोयलोलः प्रकाशकत्तापकरों' जडांतः ॥२४॥ अष्टापदतिरस्कारि सदयं
हृदयं प्रभोः ॥ राणाचौराजसिंहस्य हरिवसति तत्सदा ॥२४(५) चित्तोमेष
वृषः 26 सदा समिथुनः कौल प्रतापन सत्कर्को नानि तु सिंह एष हितभूभृत्कन्यकः
सत्तुलः । सत्यालिः सुधनर्मुखे हि मकरः सत्व (क)भिमौनेक्षणो नित्वं हादशराशिसंगत
1 Metre : Sragdhard. • Read nara-patih. • Metre : Sardalavileridila. • Read Padma. •Readlaj-jarn •Matre: Anushtubh. * Better read °tapa-hard. • Metre: Dpajati.

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JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
26 इतो भाखान् नवोनो भवान् ॥ २६ ॥ वर्षे वा (बा) गांव (ब) रर्षिचितिगणनयुते माधवे शुक्लपक्षे पूर्णायां पूर्णकामः कनकमणिमयो सत्तुलां शूकराख्ये ॥ क्षेत्रे गंगातटांते
27 निगणमहिते श्रीजगसिंहपुत्रः कौमारे संविधाय स्वजनपरजनाचाकरोत्किं धनाब्यान् ॥२७॥ अवतारमुनींद्दव्दे (ब्दे) मार्गस्य । सितपक्ष के ॥ त्रयोदश्यामथाशी
28 तं ददौ कन्या महाप्रभुः ॥ २८ ॥ दत्वा (वा) संख्याश्वनागैः
वृचावतारो व्यासेनोक्तं नृ
87
29 न्यगजहयमणिदः कल्पवृक्षस्तदेतन्मिथ्येत्युक्तिं नराणां दलयितुमभवस्त्रां मुनिस्तस पादात् ॥२८॥ मुनिव्योममुनींद्दव्दे (ब्दे) तडागांते स्वमंदिरं ( रम्) । राणाश्रीरा30 जसिंहोयं कौमारे कृतवान्प्रभुः ॥ ३० ॥ शक्रः स्वानुजविष्णुमेत्य यदि चेद्याचेत पछि (च्छिदां नूनं चक्रधरादिहापि जलधौ पक्षस्य रक्षा न तत् ॥ मैनाक: किमु सेवते
राणाश्रोराजसिंह त्वमिह भुवि भवन् कल्पकनकमणियुताशीतिसंख्याः सुकन्याः ॥
31 बहुत रस्नेहाय कौमारतो राणाश्रीयुतराजसिंह भवतः
प्रासादवर्यछ (च्छ) लात् ॥३१॥ (ब्रह्मा वत्सहतौ हरेरिव गुणान् ज्ञातुं तव प्रायशः संप्राप्तञ्चतुरान32 नोपि न गुणप्रांत यदा ज्ञातवान् ॥ वी(व्री) डाजाङ्ययुतस्तदास्थित इह प्रायो गवाक्षाननो राणाश्रीयुत राजसिंह भवतः कौमारसौधच्छलात् ॥ ३२ ॥ मूढा यथ वदंति
33 चित्रमखिलं यचि (चि) त्रचित्रितं तन्मन्ये न कुमारमंदिरमिदं किंत्वङ्गुतं प्रेचितुं ॥ आयातैस्त्रिदिवाधिपादिक सुरेई [ष्ट्वा ] मुहुवि (वि) स्मितवित्रोभूय सदा स्थितं स्थि
34 तमहो पातालदेवैरपि ॥ ३३॥ राणा श्रीराजसिंहोयं वाटी (टि) कामता (तो) व्यधात् ॥ वैजयंतमिव चा(प्रा) त तत्र प्रासादमातनोत् ॥ ३४ ॥ विष्णोश्व ( ख ) क्रमिव प्रताप - दहन: श्रीमेदपा
Metre : Sardilavikridita. Metre : Sragdhara.
35 टप्रभोः सोढुं दुःसह एष मानकलितेर्नम्नानुकंपी परं (रम्) इत्थं चंद्रमसा विचिंत्य सुचिरं श्रीराजसिंहप्रभोरुघा ( द्या) ने स्वऊताद 'सौधमिषतो नूनं निवास: व्रतः ॥ ३५॥
Metre: Anushfubh. Read ava-krit-achchha-.

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88
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
36 राणाश्रीजगदाद्यसिंहर चितं यमंदिरं श्रीपते राणाश्रीधरराजसिंह विहितं पार्श्वष्वतः ॥ शंभुश्रीगणपार्थमाचलतनूजानां सुधांशुच्छविप्रासादाच्छच
प्रा
39 Rare सुपुष्य के स्थितवतः लयानां मिषात्लो (लो) के राणाश्रीयुतरा
37 तुष्टयं कविरिहोप्रोच मकार्षीदिमां (माम्) । ३६ ॥ - राणा श्रीपतिराजसिंह नृपते कौर्त्तिर्नटी स्वैरिणी स्पृ[ष्ट्वा ] मोहमही विधास्यति ततः साई महाविष्णुना ॥ वत्स्यामः 38 किल प(पं) चभिर्भवति यद्युक्तं हि तत्सन्तु (म्मु) खं इंदं स्वैर्भवनैर्ष स ( स ) त्यपि शिवे - भास्येनशैलात्मजाः ॥३७॥' द्रष्टुं देहजमवु (बु) दं हिमवतः श्रीविष्णुसमच्छलात्
[VOL. XXIV.
तस्यैव
श्रीमदपाटे चिरं (रम् ) ॥ राणाश्रीधर राजसिंहऊतसहेवाभिवरचे [[]]देव दधतस्तं तं सुरं तब्सुताः ॥ ३८ ॥
40 जसिंहयशसा व्याप्तत्रिलोकीतले मायेशी हरिदेव नीलरुचितां भुवि ॥ नाध्य [ चा] वयमेतदंगकसुराः स्यामोनुमेया अपि सूर्य गि
41 [रि*]जा ऐशानतस्तत्स्थिताः ॥ ३८ ॥
देवाः सर्वे सहुणैर्बंधमाप्ता गेहान् जत्वा श्रीपतेः पार्श्वतः किं (किम् ) ॥ कृत्वा शैलीं मूर्त्तिमेवात्र तस्थुः श्रीमान्मं (न्)भुः सहजास्येन चंच्यः ॥४०॥ *
धत्ते न चान्धे
प्रायः शंभु गणेश
42 राणाश्रीराजसिंह त्वदतुलवृषतः सहृषैकयेन रुद्रः पृथ्यां दत्ता जोधात् सजलघनरवात्दं (इं) तिवक्को गणेशः | सूर्यस्तत्ते प्रतापात् तव भुजबलतखंडिका शस्त्र43 देवी कृत्वा गेहान् सलज्जा अभिहरिनिलयं पार्श्वतः किं निलीनाः ॥ ४१ ॥ * सिंचेन्मां करशा' (शो) करे: करिमुखो मां दृष्टिकर्त्ता रविर्मेधैरित्यमुभौ गणेशन (त)पनौ किं त्वयता
44 पाकुलौ ॥ सिंचेमां विधुमौलिरंध सुधया मां चंद्रवक्ता शिवा सिंचेदेवमुभौ हरो हिमगिरः पुत्री च [ तो ] संमुखौ ॥४२॥ ' लोके यास्ति प्रतिष्ठा प्रतिदिनमुदय लोकया
1 Metro : Sārdūlavikridita.
• Read sripath.
• Motrer Salini.
• Motre: Sragdhara.
The medial & is not joined to the top-line.
45 चाकदेष चातुं तां किं निमन्य (वय) प्रतिरजनि जले वारिधेः सामसूतः ॥ भूयो लब्नालुरुघ(घ) अनुदिनमवश: प्रायशो याति वेगाद्राणाश्रीराजसिंह चितिपकुल

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No. 11.)
JAGANNATHARAYA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS AT UDAIPUR.
48 मणेः किं प्रतापोपतप्तः ॥४३॥ एकं पुत्रं समुद्रः कलयति इदये वाडवं जीवन:
खैरन्यं ने महशस्तडित इह सुता वारिंदादे)भ्यः प्रदत्ताः ॥ तबिचितो
दि
47 गतान् व्रजति च जवतः प्राप्य दिग्भ्योंब्रिसेवी राणाचौराजसिंहचितिपकुलमणे:
सबतापोपि वः ॥४४॥ राणाौराजसिंह त्वदतुलसुययःसबता48 पाख्यभूषे कर्त(क्त) चंद्रान् सुवहीन् हर बह f[4]धये स्वर्णवा(का)राय दत्वा.
(चा) ॥ पन्द्र(द्र)व्यैर्न कुर्यादिति मनसि भिया तत्परोधार्थमिदोः खर्ड
वधि च तत्तत्सद(ह)शमिह दधत् पातु व49 चंद्रचूडः ॥४॥ राणाश्रीराजसिंहोयं पुषषयविराजितः ॥ भुनेचचयेणेव जीयादा
चंद्रतारक (कम्) ॥४६॥ श्रीमद्भास्करपुषमाधवसुतबोरामचंद्रोडवचौसर्वेख50 [*]भसूनुरभवत्पूर्वस्थलक्ष्मीपतिः ॥ नाथस्तत्सुतरामचंद्र]तनुजश्रीक्वष्णभट्टांगभूलछी
नाथक्वतिः सतां(ता)मधिमुदे भूवा(या)दियं निर्मला ॥४७॥ इति श्रीम
61 बिखिलभूपालमौलिमालामणिमरीचिनौराजितचरणारविंदमहाराजाधिराजमहारा(राणाश्री
[म*]ज्जगत्सिंहस्य पुत्रस्य' राणाचौराजसिंहस्य प्रशस्ती'
52 ॥ राणाशीमज्जगत्सिं है: कप[या] [कयाया हितः ॥ प्रासादेखिन् महाकार्येप्यधि
कारी कत: सुधीः ॥१॥ गुघावतकुली(लो)त्पन्नः पंचोली [च*] कलासुतः ॥
पर्ज()नो नाम पुण्या53 मा भूयात्कार्यकरो हरः ॥२॥ भंगोरातातिराजातनुजविमलधौः सूत्रधारो हि भाणा
[तत्पत्रः श्रीमुक (कु)दो वशम[कल]"कलो भूधराख्यो हितोयः ॥ याभ्यां 54 ग्रामः प्रदत्तो हतरिपुनिकरौजम(ग)सिंहभूपैर्दत्तौ सौवर्णरौप्यौ क्रम[त]
वपाख्यापको मापदंडी [॥श] गणाधीमज्जगसि(सिं)हकारितं मंदिरं शुभ(भम्) [1] ताभ्यां(भ्या)मेव कृतं
1 Metro: Sraydhura. : The medial i is not completely engraved. • The anusvára is very faint. •Metre: Anushtubh. * Read Lakshmi-padah. • Metro Burdilarikridita. ' Better read Jagatsimha-putrasya. • Read prakustih. • Rend kripaya. 10 These two letters are written above the line.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
55 Acuarefugn: [*]*(8) anat on (FT)(WAT ZETT
fara: [11] feweifax: 018: afet(81)at thafar 12 (4) 56 सूचमुक(क)दोजववा(बा)घा अमरौं लिपित्र(म)गमन ॥ संवत् १७.८ वर्षे
fefa(at)gma()(u)feg(9)Cafe Touren T a tra utz 57 RT [11] Heyvarg()*(HAT [11]
No 12.-SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF GARUDAVAHANA-BHATTA : SAKA 1415.
By A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
The Ranganatha temple at Srirangam has been eulogised by several Aļvārs in the beautiful hymns of the Nālāyiraprabandham. It was also the place where many eminent acharyas including the great Rāmánuja and Manavāla-Mahāmuni had sojourned.
The subjoined record (A), which is complete and in a good state of preservation, is engraved on three sides of a well-dressed slab of stone set up in front of the Dhanvantari shrine in the fourth präkära of this temple. The documentary portion of this epigraph consists of one long sentence composed in correct Tamil prose; while here and there a few Sanskrit words, engraved in Grantha characters, add a certain piquancy to the style.
The record does not refer itself to the reign of any king or chieftain, but simply states that it was issued in the reginie of a certain Irandakalamedutta-Perumal alias Kudal Uttamanambi-Pillai. It is dated in Saka 1415, corresponding to the cyclio year Pramādi, on & Monday with panchami-tithi of the first fortnight and Pushya-nakshatra. These details give the English equivalent A. D. 1493, May 20, Monday.
The object of the inscription is to register a gift of 2 vēli of land made by Srinivāsa alias Sriranga-Garudaváhana-Bhatta, son of Alagiyamanavāla-Mangalädarāya, (a member) of the bhaftal-kotlu of the temple, who constructed a new the arogyasälai which had been formerly erected by an ancestor of his by name Garudavāhana-Bhatta in the time of Pratāpachakravartin and had enftered damage during the vānam, and installed therein an image of Dhanvantari-Emberuman. It is stated that this land, which was situated in Pandamangalam,' had been in the enjoyment of the earlier Garudavábana-Bhatta (and his descendants), having been granted to him u pallakku-manyam for having composed a prabandham called the Rangaghoshanai, evidently in praise of god Ranganātha, and that it was now transferred to the temple for conducting worship to the newly installed image of Dhanvantari and for supplying kudinir-amudu to god Perumal (Ranganatha).
1 Metre : Anushubh. 1 Read Ramapatth. • Read asmarin. • The sentence means that Vā(Bā)gha got (the task of) engraving (tha epigraph).
Such as Tirumangai-Alvär, Kulasēkhara, Topdaradippodi, Tiruppāņālvār and all the others exoept Madhu. rakavi.
• The Köyilolugu (Ananda Press, 1909), pp. 39 and 116.
Pandamangalam is a village near Trichinopoly. It is also mentioned in the Srirangam plates of Dåvariya II (above, Vol. XVII, p. 111).
. This work is not extant now, so far as it can be ascertained. •Kudinir is the Tamil word for kashaya and is used in this sense in Tamil medical works.

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No. 12.] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF GARUDAVAHANA-BHATTA: SAKA 1415. 91
The record is important for Sanskrit literary history, as it helps us to identify this Garuḍavahana of A. D. 1493, with the author of the hagiological kavya called the Divyasüricharitam, as will be shewn in the sequel, setting aside its traditional attribution to a contemporary of Ramanuja (12th cent. A. D.), and as it mentions also that the earlier GaruḍavāhanaBhaṭṭa of A. D. 1257 was probably the author of a prabandham named the Rangaghoshanai. Further interest attaches to this epigraph in its reference to the existence of a temple-hospital at Srirangam and to the erection of a shrine for Dhanvantari, which is not found elsewhere in South India.
The construction of the arogyaśālai referred to in this record is mentioned in an incomplete inscription, engraved on another slab set up near this, and dated in the 3rd year of the Hoysala king Pratapachakravartin Vira-Ramanathadēva (corresponding to A. D. 1257). It registers a gift of land by the general [Śi]ngadēva Singanṇa-Dandanayaka to a certain GaruḍavāhanaBhatta for the maintenance of a salai in the temple. The inscription reads thus:
(B)
Srimat-pratapachchakkaravattiga] Sri-Ramanathadevar pradhānaril [§]iñgadēva SingannaDendanayakkanen mūņrāvadu Kattigai-masattu oru-nāļ Śrīranganathan dhanmam-aga Eduttakai-alagiya-Nayaṇär elundaruli-irukkira tiru-ggōpurattukku mēl-arugaga=ttiruna. dai-măligaiyile oru salaiyum samaittu-chchälaippuram-iga-pPändikulisani-valanāṭṭu Vila-nāṭṭup... garam-aṇa Mummuḍisolach-charuppēdimangalattu1 .. nan inda-kkāņikkum iraiyilikkum-äga śribhaṇḍārattu oḍukkiṇa varahan pon ayiratt-oru-nūru [*]i-ppon ayirattu oru-nurrukkum ippadiyal konda nilattil udayankondu vaijya-parichārakarkkum aushadhattukkum chandradityavarai selvadaga Śrīranganathan tandarulina tirumugappadiyum mahāniyögappadiyile i-ddhanmam seyvadāga niśchayit(ta)tu vaijyaril enakkum rakshakaray i-ddharmmam neḍunalpaḍa naḍattikkoṇḍu vanda nāyakaṇ=āṇa Garuḍavāhana-Bhaṭṭarukku ain-guruni nellum paricharakaray kaḍaikkūṭṭāy i-ddharmmam naḍatta Tōlmālaiyalagiyāṛkku mu-kkuruņi ne[1]lum parichārakar iruvarkku tūņi-ppadakku nikki ulladilē nāļ
oṇrukku nūru kāśāl vanda aushadham kondu
The Kōyilolugu, a late Tamil compilation of about the end of the 18th century, purporting to be a chronicle' of the happenings in the Srirangam temple for several centuries, in which, however, several incidents, historical and otherwise, are found somewhat mixed together in a haphazard sequence, also makes mention of the institution of an urōgyasalai in the temple premises and its subsequent repair after its destruction during the Muhammadan raids. The relevant entries are the following:
(i) A disciple of Yatipati (Ramanuja) named Mudaliyandan having inadvertently added some jambu fruits to the curd-rice offering of god Ranganatha, Ramanuja detected signs of indisposition in the face of the image and traced its cause to this injudicious offering. He at once ordered some kashaya to be administered to the deity and
1 There is a village now known as Mummuḍisõlamangalam in the Lalgudi taluk.
* This compilation, part 1 of which has been published (Ananda Press, 1909), takes the history of the temple to Saka 1501, nearly to the end of the 16th century A. D. Further parts are expected to be published. In several places the contents of the inscriptions are seen to have been correctly incorporated.
* In cases where Saka dates are also recorded, this jumbling is not harmful; but in cases where the statements are not set off by dates, their chronological sequence is difficult to determine.

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arranged for the regular supply of this decoction to the god every night, through the agency of his disciple Garudavahana-Pandita.1
(ii) The benefaction of Gangaidevar Singanan-Dandanāyakkar :
The ārōgyaśālai and the tirunaḍaimāligai are the gifts of Gangaidevar SingaṇanDaṇḍanayakkar, one of the agents (kāriyapper) of Pratāpachakravartin.3
(iii) The benefaction of Garudavahana-Paṇḍitar :
The arōgyaśālai and the sirunaḍaimāligai, which had been erected by Gangaidēvar2 alias Singana-Dandanayakar, agent of Pratapachakravartin, and which had been a kainkarya of Uḍaiyavar, having been damaged during the tulukka-vānam, this shrine, gopura, rampart wall (madil), tirumandapam and the frontal muhappu-mandapam are the benefactions of Garuḍavahana-Pandita. The title of Garuḍavahana-Pandita is in use for the Superintendents of the ārōgyaśālai from the time of Uḍaiyavar.4
As in the Köyilolugu a Garuḍavahana-Pandita is stated to have been a disciple of Rāmānuja, who lived (according to the traditional chronograms dhir-labdhā' and ' dharmō nashṭaḥ '5) from A. D. 1017 to 1137, it is not possible to identify him with the Garuḍavahana-Bhaṭṭa, who was installed as superintendent in the salai in the 3rd year of Vira-Ramanatha corresponding to A. D. 1257, more than a century later. The incumbent in the hospital figuring in the present record of A. D. 1493 who lived more than two centuries later than the second Garuḍavāhana mentioned above, had also the same surname of Garudavahana attached to his own personal name of Srinivasa. Thus, as attested to by the Köyilolugu also, the cognomen GaruḍavāhanaPandita appears to have been in the nature of a hereditary title assumed by the successive superintendents of the ārōgyaśālā; and so one has to proceed with caution in the matter of identifying persons having this same title.
Now the Divyasüricharitam, a Sanskrit hagiology composed in the classic kavya style and dealing with the lives of the Alvars and Acharyas (Divyasūris) up to Rāmānuja, is known to be the composition of a Garudavahana-Pandita; and it has been traditionally ascribed to an alleged disciple of Ramanuja of that name. This work contains the following colophons, one in prose and the other in verse, at the end of its first sarga:
(i) Iti Kasyapa-kula-tilakasya Radgädhip-ürügyakälä-vallabhasya Kavi-vaidya-purandarapara-namadheyasya Sriranga1-Garuḍavāhana-Panditasya Śrīnivāsa-kavēḥ kritau Divyasüricharitē mahakavyē prathamas-sargah |
(i) Yan-nathab phaqirāja-bhiga-kayano Rangiévar yat pitä
Saumyasrisakha-Mangalädhipa-vibhuḥ sarvajña-chudamaniḥ |
The Kōyilolugu, p. 43.
This name appears to be a misreading of Singadeva, given in the records.
Loc. cit., p. 12. The inscription uses the word salai simply, but apparently an arogyasälä or 'hospital'
was meant.
Loc. cit., p. 120. In both these cases, the dates are not given; but these extracts assuredly refer to the oon. tents of the two records reviewed in this paper.
History of Srivaishnavas (T. A. G.), pp. 46 and 47.
Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts, Madras, (1918), Vol. XXI, No. 12150.
Ibid. In some printed versions the word 'Sriranga' is omitted.

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No. 12.) SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF GARUDAVAHANA-BHATTA: SAKA 1415. 93
Yan-mätā Bhuvanādhipa Vihagaradváh-abhidha-Srimadaḥ
Kävyē divyati Divyasūricharitē sargö-'yam-ădir=gatah | From them we learn that the author of that kāvya was called Sriranga-Garudavábana-Pandita, that his father's name was Saumyabrisakha-Mangalādhipa,' his mother was called Bhuvanādhipa," that he belonged to the. Kasyapa-gotra, that he bore the title of Kavi-vaidya-purandara, and that he was in charge of the arogyaśālā of god Rangarāja. As the donor figuring in the present record (A) is described as the son of Alagiyamanavāla-Mangalādarayar and was called Srintvāsa alias Sriranga-Garudavähana-Bhatta, we are enabled to identify him with the author of the Divyasüricharitam. As this inscription does not, however, specify the title of Kavi-vaidya-purandara to the Garudavāhana-Bhatta mentioned in it (not called a 'Paņdita' yet ?) in A. D. 1493, we may perhaps infer that this work, whose composition may have earned for its author the title of Kavi' had not been composed yet, and that it may therefore be ascribed to the closing years of the 15th century A. D. i.e.. to about A. D. 1600. The hitherto prevailing idea that it was the work of a contemporary of Rămănuja. may now be given up.
1 In an article on the Divyasüricharitam published in the Journul of Indian History, Vol. XIII, PP. 131 6. seq., the following alternativo verse-colophon is quoted from the Mysoro edition of the work:
Svami Rangapatir-gurur-Varavaradhisai cha yasy-atulo Vädhülő Varadab pitä Varavara-Kahēmēba-Lakshmisakhabi Lokēsā janani tu tasya Garudasrivibana-Srisadab
Kavye divvyati Divysūricharitē sargo='yam adiregatah || From this we learn that author's tutelary deity was .Rangapati'; his spiritual guru was Varavaradhisa; his maternal uncle (yan-mätulo has been taken to be the probable correct reading in place of yasy-tulo, which does not give a clear meaning) was Vädhüls-Varada; his father was vara-Lakshmisakhab (Alagiyamanavalo) Kshēmēśa (Mangaladhipa) (cf. Saumyabrisakha-Mangalādhipah of the other verse); his mother was Lõkēsă (cf. Bhuvanādhipă of the other verse); and that his own name was Garudasrivāhana-Srisadah (cf. Vihagarādváhabhidha-Srisadab of the other verse). These details agree with those given in the other colophon; while two additional names are mentioned in this verse. There is therefore no discrepanoy in the biographical details furnished in the two colophons.
Saumya-erisakha is clearly a Sanskritisation of Alagiya-maņavāla. Another more popular translation was Ramya-jämātri. Bhuvanädhipă appears to be a similar artificial translation of a Tamil name, Bhumiyandal. Ulagudaiyil or some equivalent of it.
In Sarga 17 of this work, the author refers in an impersonal manner to the jambu and dadhyannam incident which led to the founding of the hospital under an earlier Garudavahana-Pandita thus :
Rangekam yatipatir ēkada va-kishyaddaddhyann-&nupada-nivedyamana-jambum Srutva tan-milanavabad-vishatirēkl prabärid=yatitilakas sa Rangibhrityam || (v. 86) Rājñly-opacharana-lälaso Murarau tad-dōsha-pralamam-adipayatkashāyam
Arogy-Opa padam-athrakalayya balam ert-Dhanvantari-haridhama taoh-chakaralı (v. 87)
It is interesting to note that Mr. B. V. Ramanujam, M.A., who has examined the problem from & purely literary view.point has also arrived at the same conclusion. (Journal of Indian History, Vol. XIII, p. 186.)
In his History of Srivaishnavas, (Subrahmanya Ayyar Lectures, 1917), p. 56, Mr. Gopinatha Rao, however, identifies this author with the disciple of Ramanuja and places him before Pimbalagiyaperumal-Jiyar, the author of the Guruparampara in Tamil (c. 14th cent. A. D.)
In this connection it may be mentioned that the Uttamanambivankaprabhāvam (p. 7) states that & Garudavāhana-Pandita Sri-Uttamanambi alias Kavivaidyapurandara Srinivasa-mahakavi lived in Saka 996 (=A. D. 1073) and welcomed Ramanuja on his first arrival at Srirangam. This statement appears to have been based on the usual tradition which connects one Garudaváhana with Ramanuja; and the mention of Srinivasa as his personal name appears to be the result of a promiscuous mixing of different facts. He is enumerated as the 74th in descent from Periyalvår of Kali 46. The list of names of Uttamanambis with their respective you, as tabulated in this pamphlet, cannot stand a critical examination.

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It therefore follows that the three Garuḍavahanas who figure in the above discussion, were different one from the other :
(i) A Garuḍavahana-Pandita, traditionally believed to have been a disciple of Ramanuja, who started an arogyaśālā under instructions from his guru, for which we have only the authority of the Divyasüricharitam and the Kōyilolugu;
(ii) a second Garuḍavahana-Bhaṭṭa, a contemporary of Vira-Ramanatha in A. D. 1257, who received endowments of land for the hospital from the Hoysala general SingannaDandanayaka, and who was probably the author of a prabandham called the Rangaghoshanai1; and
(iii) a third Garudavahana-Bhaṭṭa of A. D. 1493, the hagiographer-author of the Divyasuricharitam, who reconstructed the ärögyaśāla which had fallen into decay owing to the Muhammadan invasions, and installed therein an image of DhavantariEmberumän.
The historical and other facts contained in these two records may now be examined.
(a) As stated already, record (B) of the time of Vira-Ramanatha states that Singanna-Dandanayaka, the pradhana of the Hoysala king, partitioned off a portion of the covered corridor (tirunadaimäligai) to the west of the Eduttakai-alagiya-Nayaṇär-gopura in the fourth präkāra of the Ranganatha temple, and converted it into a hall for conducting a salai (a hospital). He then purchased 16 and odd reli of land in Mummuḍisola-chaturvedimangalam in Vila-nadu, a subdivision of Pandikulasani-valanādu, for 1100 varahan-pon and arranged that, from the produce of this fairly extensive block of land, the doctor in charge of the temple-hospital, namely Garuḍavahana-Bhatta, be paid an allowance of 5 kuruni of paddy per day, his assistant and colleague Tōlmalaiyalagiyar 3 kuruni of paddy, and two men-attendants (vaidya-parichārakar) 1 tuni and 1 padakku each, while medicines to the value of 100 käsu per day were prepared. As this record is incomplete, it is not possible to know if this outpatients' dispensary simply ministered to the health-needs of the servants and others of the temple establishment only, or functioned in the more comprehensive sense of a philanthropic institution for the community at large. The famous hospital inscription of Virarājēndra (A. D. 1069) at Tirumukkudal in the Conjeevaram taluk of the Chingleput District gives us a fairly detailed idea as to how such an institution worked at that time, and what medicines were prepared and kept in stock for the needs of the students of the Vedic seminary attached to the temple there. The present epigraph does not furnish any such illuminating details, but is, however, of topical interest in that it refers to the existence of a templehospital which, in addition perhaps to its usual pharmaceutical activities, also prepared and supplied a kashaya as an offering to god Ranganatha every night, as an item of the temple ritual. Though the explanation offered for the inclusion of this stomachic in the god's dietary may at first sight appear far-fetched, it shows with what royal pomp and reverence god Rangaraja was venerated by his devotees and how the daily routine of worship was regulated with such close adherence to meticulous detail.
1 See also note 7 on page 100 below.
Salai ordinarily means only a hall, a feeding hall '; but as provision was made for a doctor and drugs, an atulabalai is meant. It is actually referred to as an ärögyaśälai in record (A).
•
Kadaikkülfan is the word used in the inscription. It means one who actually carries out a certain duty', a nirvahaka. In Periyavachchan-Pillai's commentary on Tiruppavai (Margali-niraḍal) occurs this sentence: Krishnan idukku kadaikkullan-agarum (niraiverri-vaippavan-agarum) kadavan.
Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 220 ff.
The offering of a medicinal decoction to god at night is understood to be in vogue in one or two other temples in South India, at Madura, for instance.

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No. 12.] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF GARUDAVAHANA-BHATTA: SAKA 1415.95
(6) The expression Vaidyaril enakkum rakshakarāy i-ddharmmam nedunālpada nadattikkondu tanda nāyakan=āna Garudavāhana-Bhatar used in the record (B) in referring to the physician, has perhaps to be understood in the sense that something in the nature of a private hospital was already being conducted by Garudavāhana for a long time and that the Hoysala general Singanna-Dandanayaka who had personally benefited by this doctor's services made this muni. ficent donation of land to the hospital in token of his gratitude.
(c) A certain Singanna-Dandanāyaka, a general in the army of the Hoysala king ViraSomēśvara is stated to have invaded the Tamil country in about A.D. 1240-41, the 25th year of Rajarāja III, for an inscription at Vēdāranyam in the Tanjore District dated in the 30th year of this Chõļa king (A.D. 1246) refers to the effects of this invasion which necessitated the reconsecra. tion of some images in the temple of Kõdikkulagar at that place; while a general of the same name figures in a Tiruvannamalai records dated in the 5th year of Rājēndra-Chola III (A. D. 1250). We have no means of determining their identity with the Singanna of record (B). In another record from Sembāţtur in the Pudukkotah State dated in the 23rd year of ViraSõmēsvara (A. D. 1256-57), a general described as Mahaperiyapradhana Singanna-Dandanāyaka, son of Mahapradhāna Singaradēva-Dandanāyaka is mentioned ; and he was probably identical with this Singanna. It is possible that this Singanna was trampled underfoot by the mast elephant of Jațāvarman Sundara-Pāndya I, as claimed in a record of his at Srirangam, and that this event may have happened by A. D. 1261, as the Pandya king appears to have made his entry into Srirangam at about this time.
(d) Rāmānuja is mentioned in the Köyilolugu' as having been in charge of the Srirangam temple for over 60 years, and as having regularised the respective duties to be performed by the several groups of temple priests and menials and introduced many salutary reforms in its internal administration. Among the ten sections into which he is stated to have classified the superior service of the temple establishment, the bhattāl-kottu is one ; and the duties devolving on the several Brāhman families which were clubbed together into this administrative classification, consisted mainly of chanting the different Vēdas and of expounding the Mimāṁsā and the Sribhäshyam in the temple. To this bhattāl-kottu Sriranga-Garudavāhana of this record belonged ; and being the hereditary physician of the temple, it is but proper that he should have repaired the ārögyaśālā, installed an image of Dhanvantari in it and arranged for the daily supply of kudinir to god Rarganātha of the main temple.
(e) As regards the Dhanvantari-Emberunnan stated to have been consecrated in A. D. 1493, it is not definite if an already extant shrine was only renovated now. The incomplete record (B) of the time of Rāmanātha does not contain any allusion to it or to the provision of kudinir to god Ranganātha. The Köyilolugu, however, suvs that a shrine of this deity which had been in existence even long before the time of Rāmīnuja (purānasiddha) and had become dilapidated, was repaired during his trusteeship of the Srirangam temple and left in charge of his disciple 1 Nayakaw in the sense of the head of the hospital.
An. Rep. 2. S.I., 1909-10, p. 154 and No. 501 of 1904 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. • s. I. 1. (Texts), Vol. VIII, No. 88. The general is called Mahapradhanan Mandalikariyamarājan Singaus. Dannāyakka.
• No. 215 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. • The name Singaradēma appoars to be a mistake for Singadova. •S. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 507. The verse reads :
Ajau Simhanam-unmadasya kariņo datra parartthanstuto
Drishtva Rāma-mahipateh prasamita-kshem-ābhishango bhuvah1 ? Köyilo'ngu, p. 40 cl. seq. * Loc. cit., p. 47. . In another place it is stated that Garudavāhana was included in the Tiruppuliyår class.

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Garudavāhana. The correctness of this statement is not now capable of architectural verification, as the present shrine is the result of a somewhat jumbled reassembling made in A. D. 1493 of stones and pillars from older structures.
The shrine of Dhanvantari-Emberumāņ or the Divine Physician' is quite an appropriate adjunct to a hospital, as he is the patron-deity of the art of healing. Dhanvantari, the father of Indian Medicine, was produced at the churning of the Ocean' and came out with a vessel of nectar in his hands. But according to the Bhāgavatapurāna, Dhanvantari was also one of the twenty-two avatārasof god Vishnu; and appropriately enough he is represented in this shrine as a four-handed image wielding the discus and the conch in the back pair of hands, while one of the frontal pair of hands is in the abhaya pose, and the other carries his special attribute the amrita-kalasa. Shrines to Dhanvantari have not been met with elsewhere in any of the numerous temples of Vishnu in South India, and, as such, this shrine and its deity acquire & special iconographic importance.
(1Similarly also the image of Eduttalai-alagiya-Nāyaṇār or the god beauteous with the uplifted hand' referred to here is of iconographic interest, as it furnishes a rare instance in which an image ensoonced in the gopura of a temple gets the status of separate worship. This stucco image of Narasimha represented with one of his arms raised aloft in the act of striking down Hiranyakaśipu, forms the central figure facing north in the first tier of the northern gópura of the fourth präkära; and a lofty mandapa erected on a high platform in front of it serves the purpose of & shrine for the image. In Vaishnava hagiologies, Alinādan or Tirumangai-Alvar is stated to have built this gopura for the god'; but the ascription of the image and the gopura in their present form to such an early date cannot be substantiated by structural or inscriptional evidence. In literary tradition, this deity is said to have nodded his head in appreciation of Kamba's Rāmāyana, when that poet expounded it to a literary coterie in the mandapa in front of this selfsame gopura; and some verses of that work* eulogising the Narasimha incarnation are believed to have been composed in specific reference to this deity. Be that as it may, this god and the gopura are described in the Srirangarājastara of Parabara-Bhatta (c. A. D. 1150), the son of Srivatsankamisra (Kūrattālvār) and the successor of Rāmānuja on the pontifical seat at Srirangam. The name Eduttakai-alagiya-Nāyaṇār is mentioned in some inscriptions of the temple-of ViraRāmanātha (c. A.D. 1257), of Jaţävarman Sundara-Pandya I (c. A.D. 1269) and of Märavarman Kulasēkhara (c. A. D. 1272).
(9) Irandakalam-edutta-Perumal Kudal Chakravāļanambi alias UttamanambiPillai, who was evidently the sole Trustee of the temple at the time of this record, belonged to the Uttamanambi family, several of whose members are said to have wielded great influence with the contemporary kings of the Vijayanagara dynasty, perhaps as trustees of their munificent benefactions to the Srirangam temple. The Koyilolugu mentions some of them, such as, Valiyadimai. nilaiyitta-Uttamanambi, his brother Uttamanambi-Chakrarāyar (Saka 1337), TirumalaināthaUttamanambi (Saka 1366) and Kpishộarāya-Uttamanambi (Saka 1409).
Loc. cit., p. 43. * T. A. Gopinatha Rao's Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, p. 123.
• Köyilolugu, p. 10. The orthodox date for Tirumangai-Alvår is B. C. 2714, but he could have lived only about A. D. 800.
• Kamba-Ramayanam, Hiranyan-vadai-ppadalam. . Vyåpi rūpam=apigoshpadayitvā bhaktavatsalatay-orjjhita-vélam
Tad-vishantapa-Nrikosari-rūpam gõpur-Opari vijrimbhitam=ido ! (v. 46) Nivasad=upari-bhāge gopura Ranga-dhamnah Kvachana nriparipati väsitam kväpi simham | (v. 47). • Nos. 99, 80 and 23 of 1936-37 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
Loc. cit., pp. 121, 123, 124 and 128.

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No. 12.) SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF GARUDAVAHANA-BHATTA: SAKA 1415. 97
This family which belonged to the Purvasikha community of Brāhmans of the Kabyapagötra, claims to have migrated to Srirangam from Srivilliputtar in the Tinnevelly District along with the Vaishnava saints Periyālvār and his daughter Ködaiyandal (of the 9th century A. D.). The genealogy of some of its members is given in the Sanskrit work called the Lakshmikāvyam' and in a pamphlet entitled Uttamanaṁbivam saprabhāvam. Küdal Chakravā. lanambi of the present record was the brother of Krishộarāya-Uttamanambi according to the Koyilolugu, but the Lakshmikävyam states that its author Tirumalainātha had a brother named Kūdal Saravāla-Nayinār. The Vamsaprabhāvama noted above mentions that he was Tirumalainātha's son and had the other name of Chinna-Kțishộarāyar. This Chakravāļanambi is stated to have purchased a few villages on behalf of the temple and to have repaired the Rajamahēndran-tiruvāśal: which had also been damaged during the Muhammadan raids.
The title Irandakälam-edutta-Peruma!' (he who revived the past) attached to his name does not appear to have been coined after the biruda of any king or chieftain, but may, in all probability, have been bestowed on him by the temple in recognition of his meritorious services in having brought it to its former greatness after its desecration by foreigners. Several instances of similar titles, such as Ellai-nilaiyitta' and 'Rājākka!-perumal' etc., said to have been
granted by the god himself' for such deserving services, have been mentioned in the Köyilolugu.
(h) This record which is dated in Saka 1415, as noted already, does not mention any ruling king. The date falls in the period following the extinction of the first Vijayanagara dynasty and before the accession of Vira-Narasimha of the Tuluva line i.e., during the Sāļuva interregnum. In the Köyiloluquo it is stated that Säluva Tirumalairāja, the local governor of the Tiruchchirappalli-sirmai was succeeded by Kõnēțirāja in about Saka 1393, and the latter who had a partiality for the Šiva temple at Jambukēsvaram imposed certain unauthorised taxes on the Srirangam temple lands and otherwise coerced the Srirangam people. A deputation headed by a certain Kandādai Rāmānujadasa went to Narasā-Nāyaka and appealed to him for relief. Thereupon this general marched against Könētirēja, killed him in a fight and restored order in the temple administration at Srirangam'. It is therefore possible that in this period of confusion when the Vijayanagara throne itself was occupied by an usurper and also because the Uttamanambis were themselves recipients of several honours including the Rāyar-mudrai' from the previous kings' this inscription as well as a few others of this period which were concerned with simple temple transactions omitted the mention of the Sāļuva king's name and were issued with the simple quotation of Saka dates.
(i) As regards the cānam (tulukka-rānam of the Köyilolugu) during whch the ārögyaśālā had suffered damage, the reference is to the anarchy which followed in the wake of the Muhammadan invasions of South India in the first half of the 14th century A. D.
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 139.
* This pamphlet was compiled and published by S. Narasimhachari in 1912. The reason for the title • kudal Säravila given in this book that the Trustee ripped open his entrails (kudal) and measured it out in lieu of the paddy due to the king, is fanciful. • Köyilolugy, p. 125.
Irandakülam-edutta' was a title borne by the later Pandya king Srlvallabha of A. D. 1535 (Trar. Archl. Series, Vol. I, p. 54). Trandakalam-edutta Alagiyamanavaladásan figures as the Warden of the Srirangam temple in a record dated in the eyelie year Saumya, probably corresponding to Saka 1411 (No. 92 of 1936-37 of the Madras Epigraphical collection).
* Loc. cit., p. 129.
• Konētiraja's records dated in $. 1409 and 1412 are found in the Tamil districts (Madras Ep. Rept. for 1912, p. 73).
Koyiloluyu, p. 115 and Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 141. • Nos. 87, 92 and 93 of 1936-37 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
If the Köyilolugu's narrative can be relied on, there were two1 distinct raids during both of which Srirangam appears to have fallen a victim to the invaders' rapacity and iconoclastic zeal. It is stated that as a result of the first raid' the image of Ranganatha was absent from the temple for a period of 59 years, until its restoration in A. D. 1372 by a Chandragiri-prabhu', thus pointing to A. D. 1310-11 coinciding with Malik Käfür's southern campaign, as the date of its occurrence. The date of the second sack of Srirangam is Saka 1249, and as this coincides with the date of the southern campaign undertaken in the reign of Muhammad-bin-Tughlak in A. D. 1327-28, it has been surmised that the Muhammadan army which was sent out from Warangal passed along this route and raided Srirangam. The Ranganatha image which escaped capture by being smuggled out of the temple by Pillai Lōkacharya had, as described in the Köyilolugu, an eventful itinerancy through several places for over forty years, until it was brought back to Srirangam by Gopanarya of Gingee, an officer of the Vijayanagara prince Kampana in Saka 1293 (=A. D. 1372). The heroic part played by these two persons, prince and officer, in defeating the Muhammadans at Madura and in restoring the Ranganatha image to its own habitation, is already known from the Madhuravijayams of Gangadevi and from the two Sanskrit verses engraved on the Dharmavarma's wall in the second präkära of the Srirangam temple. Epigraphical references to these incidents are also found in records copied at Kannanur,' Tiruppattur, Tirukkaļākkudi and several other places.
When Srirangam slowly recovered from the effects of the tulukka-vānam, the work of renovating the fallen gõpuras, präākāra walls and mandapas, appears to have been taken in hand in easy stages, and the turn of the ärōgyaśālā and its annexe the Dhanvantari shrine came when, in Saka 1415 (=A. D. 1493), Sriranga-Garudavahana-Bhatta, the hereditary Physician of the Srirangam temple and the author-to-be of the Divyasüricharitam, came forward to do his little bit in rehabilitating the Srirangam temple to its former state.
98
1 * Svasti Sri [*]* Šakā
2 bdam 1415-n
3
měl sella
4 ninra Pramādi-sa
(A.)
TEXT.
Front Side.
5 mvatsarattu Risha
6 bha-nāyarru pūru
7 va-pakshattu pañcha8 miyum Sömava-10
Loc. cit., pp. 12 and 103 et. seq. There seems to be some duplication in the Köyilolugu's narrative.
These facts are dealt with in Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 138 and in greater detail in S. K. Aiyangar, South India and her Muhammadan Invaders, pp. 113 and 155 ff.
South India etc., p. 158.
Loc. cit., p. 104. Pillai Lōkacharya died on the way at Jyotishkuḍi.
Published by G. Harihara Sastri, Trivandrum.
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 322 ff.
There is some slight vagueness in the Köyilojugu narrative. The first image was brought back through the help of a Chandragiri-prabhu', while the second image was restored by Gopaps of Gingee. Apparently both these images were restituted on the same occasion, which necessitated the discriminative test applied by the temple washerman for their identification (p. 29). The Sanskrit verses referring to the restoration by Gopana do not make specific mention of two images, however.
No. 162 of 1936-37, No. 119 of 1908 and No. 64 of 1916 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
A vadagalai mark (without the central line) flanked by a Chakra and a Sankha are engraved at the top of the inscription.
Many of the Sanskrit words are engraved correctly in Grantha letters.
10 The secondary length of the letter is engraved in the next line.

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No. 12.) SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF GARUDAVAHANA-BHATTA: SAKA 1415. 99
9 ramum perra Pū10 sattu-nā! Tiruvara11 ngan-tiruppati I12 randakālam-edu13 tta-Perumal (Ka)14 dal Chakravāļanam15 bi ana Uttamana16 mbi-Pillai kāla17 ttilē "battāl. 18 kottu Alagiyama19 navāla-Mangala. 20 darāyar putran Śri21 nivåsan äna Śri22 ranga-Garudav[ā)23 hana-Battar ka[yi]24 nkariyam=äga Sri25 [Cha]ntrapushkaraikku
43 nāļtoru44 m Perumā! 45 kudi[ni]rs amudu46 seyd-aruļugi. 47 ra kattalaikku48 m Dhanvantari-E49 mberumā 50 tiruvārādhana-ka51 ttalaikkum nada52 kkumbadi munna53 Garudavāha54 na-Bhattar Perumā. 55 lukku Rangagho56 shaņai praba57 ndham panni 58 Perumā) tiruvu59 llam ugandu ti60 rukkaivalakkam-? 61 āga=ppallakku-ma62 nnisya]m-aga=tti
26 mēlpuram=āga mu27 nnāl Pratāpa28 chakrava[r*]tti kālam 29tudangi ivarudai30 ya pūrvă] Ga31 rudaváhana-Bhatta)32 r nadatti-vanda a33 rögyaśālai 34 vāņattile 35 khilam=ågaiyil 36 ippoludu å37 rögyaśālai.. 38 yum samaippi39 ttu Dhanvantarl-Em40 borumäpaiyum 41 ēri-arulappan
42 nugaiyil Back Side.
63 ruvullam-patrina 64 tirumugappadiyile* 65 anubavittu-va66 nda tenkarai (ti)67 ruvidaiāttam Pa68 ndamangalat69 tu Irājavibhā70 tan nilaŋ iru-ve71 liyum nāladu 72 Perumaļukku 73 viņnappañ74 beydu Dhanvanta75 ri-Emberumāņu76 kku tiruvidaiätta77 m=åga samarppikkai78 yil inda nilam 79 iru-vēliyum Dha80 nvantari-Emberumā81 nukku tiruvārā82 dhana-kkattalaikkum
1 The Tamil letter pa is used instead of bha. . The secondary length of the letter la is engraved in the next line. • Correctly Chandrapushkaripi'. • The letter la is engraved in the next line.
This should be correctly kudinir here as well as in line 83 below. . The secondary length is in the next line.
? Tirukkaivajakkam ordinarily means offerings distributed to devotees oto. Here it implies that the laud had been granted by the god himself.
Räjavibhātan' was the title of some king, after which the measuring-rod was so named. . The letter va is in the next line.

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100
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
| VOL. XXIV.
83 kudinir-amudukku84 m Garndaväha
putra
pau89 tra
param91 parai->
y-äga 93 achå. 94 ndrārkka. 95 sthāyi 96 aga na97 datta-[k*]ka98 davad-a99 gavum [I*] 100 inda 101 dharmmat102 tukku
85 na-Bhattar adhi
86 shthanam-aga Third Side.
103 ahita 104 m ninai105 ttavarga 106 | Gangai 107 kkarai108 yil ka109 vila119 yai va111 $dhaittavar112 gal papa113 ttilē po114 ga-kka115 davarga116 l-agavu. 117 m [l] Subha118 [m]=astu [ll]
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity!
In the (cyclic) year Pramādi which was current after Saka 1415, in the month of Rishabba, on Monday, with panchami (-tithi) of the first fortnight and Pushya (-nakshatra) : in the time of Trandakalam-edutta-Perumal (Kadal Chakravāsanambi alias Uttamanambi-Pillai of the temple of Tiruvarangan-Tiruppati,
Srinivāsan alias Sriranga-Garudavāhana-Bhattar, son of AlagiyamanavalaMangalādarāyar of the bhattāl-kottu, reconstructed the arogyaśālai to the west of the Chandrapushkariņi (-tank), which had been conducted in the past by an ancestor of his named Garudavähana-Bhattar from the time of Pratápachakravartin and which had become dilapidated during the rānam, consecrated (the image of Dhanvantari-Emberuman (therein), and arranged for the service of supplying) daily kudinir-offering to Perumal (god Ranganatha) and for worship to Dhanvantari-Emberumān, in the following manner :
The two vēli of Räjavibhātan-nilan in Pandamangalam, a tiruridaiyatro (rillage) on the southern bank of the river Kāvēri), which had been in the enjoyment of the earlier ?): Garudavähana-Bhatta, having been graciously granted to him through the god's tirumugam as pallakkumanyam, for (his) having composed the prabandham (called) Rungaghoshanai to (ie, in honour of)
1 Kudipir is correctly kudinir. It was intended for being offered to Peruma! (Ranganatha), as specifically mentioned in line 44.
* Adhishthanam means 'under the supervision of '. * The letter ra is engraved in the next line. Read a-chandr-arka. The ai sign is engraved in the previous line. 1.6., land, as measured by the Räjavibhatan measuring.rod.
1 There is a slight vagueness in the wording, which woull also admit of considering the lawaghoshawai as the work of the Garudaváhans of A. D. 1493.
1.e., land granted for the maintenance of a palanquin for his time, as a special honour.

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No. 13.]
REWAH STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNA: [CHEDI] YEAR 800.
101
the god, was on this day made over as tiruvidaiyattam to Dhanvantari-Emberuman after due intimation to Perumā! (Ranganatha). And it was stipulated that this two veli (of land) was to be utilised, as long as the moon and sun last, for providing worship to Dhanvantari-Emberumāṇ and for kudinir-offering (to Perumal), under the supervision of Garuḍavahana-Bhaṭṭa and in his lineal succession of son and grandson.
Those that contemplate evil to this charity shall incur the sin of having killed tawny cows on the banks of the Ganges.
Be it well!
No. 13.-REWAH STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KARNA: THE [CHEDI] YEAR 800.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
This inscription was discovered by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist, at Rewah in 1936. The slab, on which it is inscribed, is now lying in the guard hall of the old palace at Rewah. It is said to have been previously built into a wall of the Zenana Mahal of the same palace, from where it was removed a few years back and preserved in its present place. I edit the inscription here from two excellent impressions kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist.
The record is incised on a large slab. The inscribed surface measures 7'-2" in breadth and 3-11" in height. As shown below, the inscription was originally put up at a temple of Siva and seems to have been brought over to Rewah from somewhere else. The record has suffered considerably on the right and left hand sides and especially in the lower portion comprising lines 23-31, in which in some places only a word here and there can be read with confidence. Even in other parts, where it is better preserved, the mäträs, the anusvära, the sign for the superscript r on the top of letters and the horizontal stroke in the body of sh have in many cases disappeared. The inscription consists of thirty-one lines and falls into two parts which are separated by an ornamental figure in 1. 19. Except for the obeisance to Siva with which it seems to have opened and a few words recording the date at the end, the whole record is in verse. The first part of it, which eulogizes the reigning Kalachuri king Karna and his ancestors, comprises thirty-three verses. As many as twenty-one of these occur in the Goharwa plates of that king. In many cases, therefore, the damaged letters of the present inscription can be easily supplied from the latter record. The second part, comprising verses 34-59, contained a legendary account of the origin of the Kayastha caste as well as the genealogy of the minister of Karna, who founded the temple of Siva at which the present inscription was set up. The mutilation of a considerable portion of the record in this part is very much to be regretted as none of the damaged verses are known to occur anywhere else. We have consequently lost not only an account of the achievements of the minister and his ancestors, but, except in one case, even the names of all of them. Besides, the present record, had it not been so badly mutilated, would have thrown much welcome light on the notions current in the eleventh century A. D. about the caste of the Kayasthas, which has latterly become a subject of keen controversy. As shown below, the mutilated condition of the present record makes its evidence doubtful.
1 This means that the formal permission of the god was obtained for the transaction.
In his report for 1935-36 the Government Epigraphist has conjectured that the slab might have been 'brought from Gurgi like so many other inscriptions and statues which are now kept in the State Treasury or in -the compound of the Prince's Palace'. (A. S. R. for 1935-36, p. 89.)
Above, Vol. XI, pp. 142 ff.

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102
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
The characters belong to the Nāgari alphabet. The size of letters varies from 8" to 1". Medial diphthongs have generally been indicated by prishtha mätrās. Kh has attained its fully developed Nägari form, see nikhäta, 1. 8, but A is still without its dot, see e.g. Vangāla-bhanga-, 1. 6; th has developed a vertical at the top, see luthantu, 1. 3 and pitha, 1. 6; the upper loop of th is closed, see pätho-mashi-, l. 16; its subscript form, however, is not now laid on its side, see sthalë, 1. 16. The left portion of dh is still undeveloped. The letter is, therefore, distinguished from v which it closely resembles by the absence of the horizontal line at the top and in the case of dhā by a horizontal stroke joining the two verticals, see ravaidhavya-vidhāna-, 1. 15. The right hand curve of ph is open and is added at the top of its vertical as in phala-, 1.3, or a little lower down as in sphäl., 1. 13. The curve of $ is joined to its vertical on the right, see sāsana., 1. 18; the letter can in many places be distinguished from s only by its round top. Finally, h shows no tail, see mahati, 1. 4.
The language is Sanskrit. As stated above, except for a few words in the beginning and at the end, the whole record is metrically composed. There are fifty-nine verses in all, of which thirtythree fall in the first and the remaining twenty-six in the second part of the record. In its first part our inscription has as many as twenty-one verses in common with the Goharwa plates of Karna, there being only slight variations in their readings here and there as pointed out in the footnotes to the transcribed text. In two cases (vv. 20 and 26) the order of verses in the present inscription differs from that in the Goharwa plates. The verses consequently refer to different kings in these two recordel; but as they contain mere conventional praise, the change does not affect the historical information. As regards orthography we may note that the consonant following
is doubled in many cases; see e.g. Sambhor=ijatā-mandalam, 1.2; b is throughout denoted by the sign for v, see vaddh-6°, 1.1; mora is used for mra in tamurapattaiḥ, 1. 18. Similarly n is wrongly substituted for anusvāra in pansu, l. 21. In surā-pāņa, 1. 11, we have the change of n to n in accordance with Pāņini's rule VIII, 4, 10.
The record seems to have opened with an obeisance to Siva. This is followed by three man. gala-blokas in praise of Siva, the last of which describes his Ardha-nārisvara form. After two more verses-one in praise of Brahman and the other in that of poets' speech-begins a description of the ancestors of the reigning king Karna of the Kalachuri dynasty. His pedigree is traced to the moon, but the first historical personage, mentioned after such mythical and legendary heroes 88 Budha, Purüravas, Bharata and Haihaya, is Lakshmañarāja, who is evidently identical with the homonymous king mentioned as the son and successor of Yuvarājadēva I in the Bilbāri stone inscription and the Benares plates of Karna. As I have shown elsewhere, bis father Yuvarā. jadēva I was a contemporary of the Rashtrakūta kings Baddiga-Amõghavarsha III and his son Krishna III and may, therefore, have flourished from circa A. D. 915 to 945. Lakshmanaraja has thus to be referred to the period A. D. 945-970. In v. 11 of the present inscription which is also found in the Goharwa plates he is described as one who was clever in routing the king of Bengal, who defeated the Pandya, who was adept in despoiling the king of Lāta, who vanquished the Gürjara king and whose foot-stool was honoured by the heroes of Kāśmira.' There is no corroboration of Lakshmanarāja's raid in Bengal and Kashmir, but as regards his victory in Lata or Gujarat we have the statement in the Bilbāri inscription that Lakshmanarāja, in the course
1 An analogous instance is furnished by the Goharwa plates. The verse Bha-bhara-kehama-drik, eto. employ. ed to describe Yuvarājadēva II in the plates occurs in the culogy of his grandfather, Yuvarājadeva I, in the Benares plates of Karna.
* Above, Vol. I, p. 269. • Ibid., Vol. II, p. 307. • An. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XI, pp. 361 ff.

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No. 13.)
REWAH STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNA: (CHEDI YEAR 800.
103
of his expedition in the west, worshipped the god Sömēsvara, evidently Sömanātha near Verävel in Käthiāwār and dedicated to the deity the effigy of the (Näga) Kaliya wrought with jewels and gold1. His invasion of the Pandya country also seems to be corroborated by a mutilated lines in the contemporary Kārītalãi inscription which mentions his forces encamped on the bank of the Tämraparņi. It seems rather strange that there should be no reference to Lakshmanarāja's victory over the Cholas who, and not the Pandyas, were supreme in the South in the latter half of the tenth century A. D., and who must have been attacked and defeated by Lakshmanarāja, before he could press as far south as the Tamraparņi in the Pandya country. We have, therefore, to suppose that the Cholas had not yet recovered from the attacks of the Rashtrakūta prince Krishna III and that the Pandya king was raising his head and trying to re-establish his power with the help of the Rashtrakūtas) when his country was raided by Lakshmanarāja. The Gürjara king defeated by him must have been one of the weak successors of Mahipala II as pointed out by R. D. Banerji. The same scholar found corroboration of this victory in the statement of the Bilhări inscription that Lakshmanarāja defeated the lord of Kosala'. He further identified this prince with his namesake mentioned at the head of the genealogy in the Kahla plates of Sodhadēva and conjectured that he must have placed one of his sons in charge of the country conquered from the Gurjaras. But these suppositions do not seem to be correct. Lakshmanaraja's victory over the king of Kõsala is mentioned in connection with the despoilment of the lord of Odra. The Kosala appears, therefore, to be Dakshina Kosala or Chhattisgarh and the adjoin. ing states. Further, Lakshmanarāja, who founded the dynasty ruling in the Gorakhpur District, U. P., must have flourished long before the Lakshmanarāja of our record; for, Rājaputra, the next prince mentioned in the Kahla plates, who, however, was not his immediate successor, must be referred to circa A. D. 775, as his third lineal descendant Gunāmbhõdhidēva I was a contemporary of the Pratihāra king Bhõja I (circa A. D. 836-885). Lakshmanarāja of the present inscription cannot, therefore, be identified with the homonymous king mentioned in the Kahla plates.
Our inscription next mentions Yuvarajadēva (II) as the son and successor of Lakshmanarāja. He is evidently the second prince of that name mentioned in the Bilbäri stone inscription and the Benares plates of Kama. The name of his elder brother Sankaragana who is known from the aforementioned two records as well as from the Käritalãi stone inscription' has been omitted here probably because he was a collateral. The description of Yuvarājadēva II and his son and successor Kökalla II given here is quite conventional.
After Kokalla II, his son Gangěyadēva came to the throne. Of the four verses devoted to his description in this record, three (viz. vv. 18, 20 and 21) occur in the Goharwa plates, but one of them (v. 20) is employed there to describe his son Karna. Verse 19 which is not known to occur anywhere else describes in a conventional manner Gängęyadēva's victory near the sea coast. This may refer to his campaign in Orissa which is specifically mentioned in the preceding verse (18).
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 260.
. Only the lower portions of a few letters in the beginning of this line are preserved. The line has been writted in Kielhorn's text. I read the letters as nitaram dalēnu || Tamraparnar-tate.
* Compare Toffiaafu terity of forfara in the Karhad plates of Krishna IJI (above, Vol. IV, p. 285, v. 35). Perhaps the poet's intention was to namo the peoples living on the borders of India, and the Pāņdyas are mentioned here as living in the extreme South.
The Haihayas of Tripuri and their honuments (Vem. 4. 8. 1., No. 23), p. 12. * Above, Vol. I, p. 200. Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 83 ff. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 179.

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104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
The latter gives the following description of Gangēyadēva's achievementsFrom him (ie. Kökalla II) was (born) Gangeyadēva who threw into the cage of a prison the king of Kira, who looked radiant with the mass of wealth of the king of) Anya, who was fond of defeating (the king of) Kuntale in a clever) manner, and who, strong as he was in the action of breaking open the frontal globes of the best of elephants, made his own arm a pillar of victory on the shore of the eastern) ocean after vanquishing the king of) Utkala'. Most of the statements regarding these victories are substantiated by other evidence. We do not of course know if Gangeyadēva succeeded in actually extending his dominions as far as the Kira country which comprised the territory round Baijnath in the east of the Kängrā District; for, references to victories over the king of the Kira country and even a pun on his name are found in other records, which show that such descriptions were more or less conventional. But Gängeyadēva had certainly the Doab under his control. He fixed his residence at the holy city of Prayāga (Allahābād) where he lived to the last. It is not therefore unlikely that he extended his sway in the North-West up to the Kāngrā valley, on the downfall of the Gurjara-Pratihara king Trilochana pāla some time after 1. D. 1027° His victory over the king of Anga seems to be a historical fact; for, from the colophon of a manuscript of the Rāmāyana in the Durbar Library, Nepal', he seems to have established himself in Tirabhukti as early as A. D. 1019 and this country he must have wrested from the contemporary ruler of Anga and Magadha, who was probably Mahipāla I. It seems that there was another expedition against the king of Magadha towards the close of Gangéyadeva's reign. This expedition was led by his son Karna Tibetan tradition tells us that some time before A. D. 1040, which is the approximate date of Atiśa-Dipankara's departure for Tibet, there was an invasion of Navapāla's territory by king Karnya of the West, who is obviously none other than the Kalachuri Karna. As Gangeyadēva was ruling till A. D. 1040, this invasion cannot be placed in the reign of Karna himself. It seems to have taken place towards the end of Gangēyadēva's reign. In that case Karna may have been obliged to patch up a peace with the king of Magadha as his presence was required elsewhere by the approaching end of Gangēyadēva. From the description in v. 18 Gãngéyadēva seems to have exacted a heavy tribute from his vanquished adversary.
Gängéyadeva's victory over the king of Kuntala is also referred to in other records. Both the Khairha and Jabalpur? plates state that wishing to run away in haste from him the king of Kuntala ceased to wield his spear. Kuntala included the Southern Maratha country and
Above, Vol. I, p. 97. 2 See e.y. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 217: above, Vol. II, p. 188. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 33 ff. . Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Durbar Library of Nepal, p. 18.
• Lévi, Le Nepal, Vol. II, p. 189. Babu Sarat Chandra Das gives A. D. 1038 as the clate of Atsa's visit to Tibet. J. 4. S. B., Vol. LX, p. 51. . Above, Vol. XII, p. 211, v. 11.
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 6. CATCH T OH
: wat (W) (v. 11). Kielhorn's reading of the hemistich was incorrect probably owing to the unsatisfactory nature of the impressions supplied to him. The correct reading was first viven by R. B. Hiralal while editing the Khairhã plates. But his translation 'wishing to run away from whom with dishevelled hair (the king of Kuntala) who was deprived of his country came to possess it again' (above, Vol. XII. p. 215) and his conjecture based on it that Gängėyadēva restored the Kuntala country to its king who was defeated (ibid., p. 205), do not seem to be correct. The hemistich apparently means wishing to run away from whom, the Kuntala ceased to be the Kuntala'. This involves contradiction, but it is only apparent, the figure being virõdhabhasa ; for the words really mean wishing to run away suddenly from whom the king of Kuntala ceased to wield his spear. There is a pun on the second word kuntala here, (1) the king of Kuntala and (2) one who wields his spear, kuntan lal-iti. For the second meaning compare a similar derivation of kusala (one who handles kuba) referred to in Mammata's Kavyaprakasa (II, 9). [The term in question is better explained by taking it as a compound of kunta and lata on the analogy of asi-lata.-Ed.] There is therefore no reference here to the deposition or reinstatement of the king of Kuntala.

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No. 13.)
REWAH STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNA: CHEDI] YEAR 800.
105
the adjoining Kanerese districts and was at this time under the rule of the Later Chalukyas. The king of Kuntala, over whom Gängēyadēva is said to have obtained a victory, was probably Jayasimha II who ruled from about A. D. 1015 to 1042. From the Kulenur inscription' it seems that Gangēyadēva had formed a confederacy with the Paramāra Bhöja and the Chola Rājēndra I to attack Jayasimha from three sides. Victory does not appear to have always attended the army of the allies; for, the Kulenur inscription records the defeat of their elephant squadrons by Jayasimha's cousin Kundarāja and the Balagāmve inscription states that Jayasimha searched out, beset, pursued, ground down and put to flight the confederacy of the Mälava.
In his war against the king of Utkala (Orissa) Gängěyadēva was helped by the subordinate branch of the Kalachuri family established at Tummāņa. The Amõdā plates of Pțithvidēva I state that Kamalarāja vanquished the king of Utkala and gave his wealth to his lord Gängēyadēval. The king of Utkala was, it seems, one of the Guptas of Dakshina Kösala, perhaps Mahā-Sivagupta-Yayāti who calls himself the lord of Utkala and Trikalinga. In one of his grants? Yayāti is said to have obtained a victory over the Chaidyas and devastated the Pahala country. The war seems therefore to have continued for some time and victory sometimes leaned to one side and sometimes to the other. If Gang@yadēva was ultimately victorious, he may have assumed the title Trikali ngādhi pati after his success. We know that his son Karna mentions this title in his first grant issued just a year after Gängěya's death®.
Gāngéyadēva's son and successor Karna is next eulogized in as many as twelve verses. Of these, six (viz. 22, 24, 26, 30, 31 and 32) were already known from the Goharwa plates. Of the remaining six, three contain a description of his achievements. The importance of the present inscription lies in this that it provides us for the first time with a contemporary record of some of Karna's victories; for, though two other grants made by the king had already been discovered, they contained mere conventional praise. Our knowledge of his achievements was, therefore, entirely derived from the records of his descendants and his adversaries. Verse 23 states that the ship of the king of the Eastern country, being driven by the storm of unparalleled arrogance, was submerged in the ocean of his (i.e. Karna's) forces, its joints being rent by (dashing against) the promontories of the mountains of his elephants.' Stripped of its metaphor, the verse means that Karna achieved a decisive victory over the king of the Eastern country, who lost his life in the fierce fight. Who was this king of the Eastern country? He could scarcely have been a Pala king, for the kingdom of the Palas, as shown by their own inscriptions and those of their contemporaries, was restricted to parts of Bihär and North-West Bengal. From the Bherā-Ghāt inscription of Alhaņadēvj', on the other hand, we learn that when Karna gave full play to his heroism, the Vanga trembled with the Kalinga. Karna's victory seems, therefore, to have been obtained over the king of Vanga or Eastern Bengal. The tenor of the description suggests that the dynasty of the latter was supplanted and his kingdom was either annexed by Karna or placed in charge of his own nominee. As a matter of fact we find the Varmans supplanting the Chandras in Eastern Bengal in the eleventh century A. D. Srichandra is the last king of the Chandra dynasty known from inscriptions found in Bengal. The name of one more king, viz. Govindachandra, is known from the Tirumalai rock inscription of Rajendra Chola I, which mentions him
1 [If Krishna Sastri's translation of verse 11 of the Khairha plates of Yabahkarnadēva (ubove, Vol. XII, p. viii) is correct, the Kuntala king who was the adversary of Gangēyadēva would be Vikramaditya (V).N. L. R.)
* Above, Vol. XV, p. 330. [It is doubtful if Kundaraja was a scion of the Chalukya family and hence a cousin of Jayasinha II (see Karnatak Historical Review, Vol. II, pp. 37 ff.)-N. L. R.] • Ind. Ant., VoL V, p. 17. Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 79.
.J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 45 f. J.P. 4. S. B. (N. S.), Vol. I (1905), p. 4.
* Above, Vol. II, p. 309. Thid., p. 11.
1. Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 232.

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as the ruler of the Vangāla-déba. He was defeated in circa A. D. 1021 by Rajendra I, the illustrious Chola Emperor (A. D. 1012-44). Either this prince or his successor was on the throne when Karna invaded Eastern Bengal. After the overthrow of the Chandra prince, Karna seems to have placed Vajravarman in charge of the newly acquired territory and given his daughter Virasri to his son Jātavarman to cement the political alliance. The latter seems to have distinguished himself in the Anga country in one of the later campaigns of Karna. The present inscription which is definitely dated shows that the dynastic revolution must have been effected before A. D. 1048-9 and thus furnishes us with a landmark in the medieval history of Bengal.
Verse 25 refers to Karna's conquests in the South. Overrunning the district of Kāñchi he thoroughly enjoyed the Southern direction, in which the fortune of the Kuntala was shaken by forcible seizure and the low Pallavas were destroyed, as though covering the hips of a woman he was ravishing her, the beauty of whose hair was marred by forcible seizure and whose tender lower lip was wounded (in kissing).' The description here is evidently dictated by the poet's penchant for double entendre. The earliest verse of this type is traditionally ascribed to Mayūra and is taken by some scholars to contain references to Harsha's expedition in the South. In later times poets composed such verses containing puns on names of countries to flatter their patrons in utter disregard of historical facts. For instance, three such verses, besides the aforementioned one ascribed to Mayūra, have been collected in the Saduktikarnāmpita of Sridharadāsa. It is, therefore, difficult to say how far the description in v. 25 of the present inscription can be taken to be historically true. Besides, the Pallavas, over whom a decisive victory is claimed for Karna in the present verse, had long before ceased to be supreme in the South, their kingdom having been annexed by the Chõlas in about A. D. 8905. A branch of the Pallavas, no doubt, continued to rule in the Nolambavādi 32000 down to the eleventh century A. D.', but they had no control over the territory round Kāñchi and a victory over them would not have brought much glory to Karna's arms. Besides, Karna's victory over the Pallavas is not referred to in the fairly long lists of his conquests intimated in the records of his descendants. So far as the reference to the Pallavas is concerned, the description in the present verse appears to be more fanciful than real.
The reference to the invasion of the district of Kāñchi is perhaps intended to signify the defeat of the Chõlas; for, though the capital of the Cholas had been removed to Gangāpuri or Gangaikondacholapuram since its foundation by Rajendra Chõla I, Sanskrit poets continued to mention Kāñchi as the Chola capital'. Karna's victory over a Chola king is intimated in a verse in the Karanbēl inscription of Jayasinhadēva'. R. D. Banerji conjecturally identified the Chola king defeated by Karna with Virarajēndra Rājakēšarivarman, who was reigning between A. D. 1062 and 1067'. The reference to the invasion of Kāñchi in v. 25 of the present inscription, if historically true, would show that the victory had already been attained in A. D. 1048-9. Karna's adversary must therefore be identified with Rājādhirāja I, the son and successor of Rajondra Chola I, who ruled from A. D. 1018 to 1054.
IN. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 20.
* See No. 2515 of the Subhashitavalt (Bom. Sk. series), p. 429. See also Kavindra racham-sa muchchaya (Bibl. Ind.), Introd., p. 68. The verse is ascribed to the poetess Vidya in the Saduktikarwamrita (Punj. Or. Series), p. 196.
Ind. His. Quart., Vol. II, pp. 788-89. See p. 197. Two of these are ascribed to the poets Sabdârnava and Jayadeva. 5 K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Coļas, Vol. I, p. 136. . Sewell, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India (ed. S. K. Aiyangar), pp. 371-2.
See, e.g. Bilhana's Vikramankadēvacharita I, 115; III, 76; IV, 28, etc. Bilhana mentions GangaKundapura also as a Chola Capital. Ibid., VI, 21-24.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 217. Prof. K. A. Nilakanto Sustri gives A. D. 1063-1069 as the period of his rule. See The Coas, Vol. I, p. 293.

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The account of Karna's conflict with the king of Kuntala is substantiated by other evidence. As already observed, Kuntala was then under the rule of the Later Chalukyas. Though the Kalachuris and the Later Chālukyas sometimes combined, as they did for instance when they overran the Mālava country some time after Bhõja's death, they frequently came into conflict with each other. Bilhaņa records that Āhavamalla (Sõmēbvara I) utterly destroyed the power of Karna', while an Apabhramsa verse mentions Karna's victory over the mighty Vikrama', evidently Vikramaditya VI, the son of Somēśvara I-Abavamalla. The conflict referred to in the present inscription must have occurred during the early part of Ahavamalla's reign when his son Vikramāditya was too young to take the field against Karna.
Verse 27 of the present inscription states that when Karņa approached (the Gurjara country, toars mixed with collyrium flowed on the cheeks of Gurjara women living in the neighbourhood and colour-marks indicative of thier non-widowhood slipped as it were from their foreheads.' This is, of course, too vague a description to indicate an actual conflict with the king of the Gür jara country, but, unless it is altogether meaningless, it suggests that Karna's relations with the contemporary Gurjara king were already strained. Later on the two kings seem to have combined for the common objective of crushing out of existence the kingdom of Mālwā, but their amicable relations did not last long; for, Hēmachandra records Bhima's defeat of Karna while an Apabhramba verse gives Karņa credit for the extermination of mighty Gürjara forces. These
तमिवासवव(ब) धुतामुपगते राज्ये च कुल्याकुले मनस्वामिनि तस्य व(ब) धुमदयादित्योभवहपतिः । 9719 Arafavica []acaferat af at E c e Verse 32 of the Nagpur prasasti, above,
Vol. II, p. 185. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has recently suggested (see his list of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 291, n. 4) that Karna mentioned in this verse is the Chaulukya Karna and not Kalachuri Karna. He takes the admin in the above verse to be Jayasimba, the son of Bhoja. But the Chaulukya Karna was not a contemporary of Jayasinha; for, his father Bhima was reigning till V. S. 1120 (above, Vol. XXI, p. 172), while Jayasinha was succeeded by Udayāditya some time in V. S. 1116 (aee Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 133 and 134). The later references to Jayasimha are either doubtful (see above, Vol. XXII, p. 56, n. 3) or refer to some other Jayasimha, perhaps the Chaulukya Jayasinha (ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 67, n. 8). The Kalaohuri Karna, on the other hand, was a contemporary of the Paramira Jayasimha. It seems that he invaded Malwa at least twice. The first invasion occurred in circa A. D. 1055 about the time of Bhoja's death. Karna and Bhima attacked Mälwa from the east and the west. Jayasinha, the son of Bhoja, was then obliged to seek Somebvara. Ahavamalla's help to turn back the invaders (see the Vikramankadēvacharita, III, 67). Karna's second inVasion seems to have occurred about five years later. His ally this time was probably Somēsvara II, the elder brother of Vikramaditya VI. Karna achieved greater success this time. Jayasimha was probably killed in battlo and parts of Malwă annexed to the Chalukya and Chedi kingdoms. In the Südi inscription of Saka 996 (A.D. 1075) Sõmēsvara is described as a blazing submarine fire to the ocean, that is, the race of the Malavyas. An Apabhramsa verse in the Pingalarthapradipa to which Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar drew attention long ago (see his Collected Works, Vol. II, p. 339) clearly says that the Kalachuri Karpa had by force uprooted the family of the king of Malwa ( S EO ofauteur Taufe get 1979 eragir
1). Such statements could have been made only if Jayasimha being killed in the battle, there was for somo time no scion of the royal family on the throne of Malw.. Though the Chaulukya Karna also is said to have waged war on the king of Dhara, he is nowhere credited with cradication of the family of the Malava king.
* Bilhana, Vikramankadevacharita, Canto 1, 6l. 102-3. " # wife after 3 3 33
18 Jafar far forfour 93916 4 90 x
# Collected Works of R. G. Bhandarkar, Vol. II, p. 339.
• Above, Vol. II, p. 303. See n. 1 above.

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statements show that the two kings must have measured swords before A. D. 1063 at the latest, each side claiming victory over the other. Verse 27 of the present inscription suggests that the battle may have been fought even before A. D 1048-9.
The object of the present inscription appears to have been to record the construction of a temple of Siva by a minister of Karna, who belonged to the Käyastha caste. Verse 34, with which commences the second part of the record, states that the twice-born caste undertook the work of a minister to augment the mantra-sakti (power of good counsel) of kings who are possessed of the other two powers, viz., the utsäha-śakti (personal energy) and prabhu-sakti (power derived from their royal position). We next get an account of the origin of the Kayastha caste. There was a great sage (mun-indra) named Kachara who derived his holy birth from the threeeyed god Siva. He made the town Kulāñchā an ornament of three worlds. A person of the fourth caste (turiya-janman) respectfully propitiated him on the bank of the heavenly river (ie. Ganges). The next verse, which is partly mutilated, seems to describe the boon granted by the sage apparently to the Sūdra who had been serving him, that he would have a son of well-known and righteous deeds, who having his head sanctified by the dust of earthly gods (i.e. Brāhmaṇas) would become almost like the councillor of the lord of heaven (ie. Bțihaspati). The sage next declared that his caste would thereafter be known by the name of Kayastha, since he had innumerable merits in his kāya (body). Verse 39, which is only partially preserved, refers to the birth of a son apparently to the Sūdra) from whom sprang the caste of the Kāyasthas. We are next told that in his race were born wise, grateful, virtuous and meritorious diplomats, who gave security from fear to (all) beings. Verse 41 describes a personage of matchless prowess, who was distinguished among the rest as the Kaustubha is among all the gems produced from the milky ocean, but unfortunately his name is lost in the damaged portion'. Verse 43 also mentions a person whose name again is illegible, but who was apparently an object of veneration to the illustrious king Lakshmanarāja as Vishnu is to the three worlds. This personage seems to have been eulogized in the next two verses (44 and 45). The preserved portion of v. 46 states that Somēśvara who dedicated himself to the welfare of the people was born from the aforementioned personage. The next verse seems to have described some achievements of his through intelligence and personal prowess. From 1. 26 the record has unfortunately been too much mutilated to yield any useful information. We have consequently lost even the names of the descendants of Sõmēśvara, of whom the last one mentioned in the present inscription seems to have been a minister of Karna. From the description of the white splendour of a temple in v. 54, that it was as it were due to the laughter of Siva who rejoiced to have such an excellent abode, it seems that it was a temple of Siva at which the present inscription was put up. This surmise receives confirmation from the statement in v. 58 that tho person, who had caused the temple of the enemy of Smara' (i.e. Siva) to be constructed, himself composed the present prasasti. The last verse seems to name him as the great poet Kachara, but the reading is not free from doubt. The record closes with the date 800 expressed in numerical figures only. This must evidently be referred to the Kalachuri-Chēdi era and corresponds to A. D. 1048-9. In the absence of the necessary details it does not admit of verification.
As already observed, the present inscription, if it had been in a state of good preservation, would have proved valuable for the history of the Kāyastha caste. Even as it is, it clearly shows that the Kayasthas had crystallized into & caste in the beginning of the eleventh century A. D.; but we have still earlier records which unmistakably prove the existence of the caste two centuries
1 His name ended in kara and may have been Prabhakara. * The first two figures of the date are certain. The third also is cloar in one of the impressions.

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earlier. The fanciful derivation of the caste name Kayastha given here occurs also in the Naishadhiyacharita (Canto XIV, v. 66). The present inscription seems to connect the caste with a sage named Kachara. The tendency to trace the origin of royal families to well-known legendary heroes or sages was widely prevalent in the middle ages, but the name of Kāchara as an eponymous hero occurs nowhere in ancient mythological or legendary literature. It would seem, therefore, that an attempt has been made here to give a legendary explanation of the name of the caste which had become current in the eleventh century A. D. From the introductory verse of the second part of the present record, viz. v. 34, the poet's intention seems to have been to show that the Kāyasthas belonged to the Brāhmaṇa caste. It looks strange, therefore, that he should refer in v. 36 to a Sūdra (turiya-janman) as a Kāyastha and the progenitor of that caste and describe his son as having his head purified by the dust from the feet of earthly gods (i.e. Brāhmaṇas). Owing to the unfortunate mutilation of the lower part of the inscription it is now impossible to say how the Südra origin of the caste referred to in vv. 36-38 was reconciled with the claim to Brähmanahood which seems to have been made in v. 34.
The names of the distinguished members of this Kāyastha family, who seem to have served Kalachuri kings as their ministers, have been lost with the single exception of Sõmēsvara. The latter is eulogized in vv. 46 and 47, as one who had dedicated himself to the welfare of the people and distinguished himself by his prowess as well as by intelligence. The mention of Lakshmanarăja's name in one of the preceding verses suggests the identification of this Sõmēsvars with the homonymous son of Bhākamisra, who was a minister of Lakshmanarāja as stated in the Kāri. talãi stone inscription A careful comparison of the descriptions in the two records would show, however, that the identification cannot be upheld. For, Sõmēsvara of the Kārītalãi inscription was undoubtedly a Brāhmaṇa, as he is called Bhatta therein and is said to have belonged to the Bhāradvāja-gotra'. From the lengthy description of his accomplishments in that record we learn that he was proficient in various arts, but we do not find therein a single reference to his skill in the use of arms. Sõmēsvara of the present inscription, however, was a Kāyastha distinguished as much for personal valour as for intelligence. Besides, he does not seem to have been a contemporary of Lakshmanarāja himself, but of his successor; for from vv. 43-46 we learn that he was the son of a person who was honoured by Lakshmanarāja. He is not, therefore, likely to have been identical with Somēśvara of the Karitalãi inscription.
Of the geographical names occurring in the present record Bargāla, Kāśmira, Kanchi and Himalaya are too well known to need identification. Anga comprised the country round modern
In his article .The Nagar Brahmans and the Bengal Kayasthas' (Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 48) Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has drawn attention to the Sanjän plates of Amoghavarsha I (871 A. D.) and the Gurmba plates of Jayadityadēva II (870 A. D.) as the earliest records mentioning the Kayastha caste.
* In the Ajayagadh inscription of Nana, & minister of the Chandella Bhöjavarman, the origin of the Kayasthus is traced to the sage Kaśyapa (see J. d. 8. B., Vol. VI, p. 882).
*Is Kachara, like Khachara (Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 31), identical with Khazar ?
It is, of course, possible to take turiya-janma in the sense of a Brahmana by dissolving the compound as furiyarthariu (yajäärtham) janma yasya sah, i.e. one who is born for the performance) of a sacrifice, Brahmapa. Both the St. Petersberg Lexicon and the Vachaspatyam give this sense of turiya, citing the Salapatha Brahmana IX, 2, 3, 11, etc. in support of it. But such an explanation would appear forced; since the word does not bear that sense in classical Sanskrit. Halayudha gives turiya-warna in the sense of a Sudra. Note also agra-janman (first born) which means a Brahmana. Besides, the expression yo bhumi-deva-pada-panéu-pavitra-mauli suggests that the son did not belong to the caste of earthly gods or Brahmanas.
Above, Vol. II, p. 174. • Ibid., v. 9.
Ibid., v. 2.
It must, however, be stated that v. 16 of the inscription states that Soundsvara's deeds were praised by bards in the forefront of the battle-field.

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Bhāgalpur and Kira that near Baijnāth in the Kängrā valley. Lăța is generally identified with Central and Southern Gujarat ; but may have included some northern territory also!. Kun. tala has already been shown to be the name of the country under the rule of the Later Chalukyas. Kulāñchā, the town founded by the sage Kāchara is evidently identical with Kölāñcha, Krõdāñchi or Krödāñja met with in the epigraphic records ranging in date from the tenth to the twelfth century A. D. which have been discovered in the modern provinces of U. P., Assam, Bihar, Orissa and Mälwal. From the statements in these records the place seems to have been a stronghold of the Brāhmaṇas of the Sandilya-gotra, most of whom belonged to the Sámavēda. According to the tradition recorded in the Kula-pañjikās of the Rādhi and Vārēndri Brāhmaṇas, five ancestors of these Brāhmaṇas came to Bengal from Kõlāñcha at the invitation of the king Adiśūra for the performance of a Vedic sacrifice. The present inscription shows that the place was also the home of the Kayasthas. In a copper-plate inscription from Assam the village is said to have been situated in Srāvasti. Our inscription seems to indicate that it was situated on the Ganges, but its exact location I am unable to fix.
TEXT
Metres: Vy. 1, 20, 33 and 54 Sragdharā; vv.2, 3, 9, 12, 15, 18, 19, 24, 30 and 31 Sārdülavikridita: vv. 4, 43, 50 and 53(?) Aryā; vv.5, 14, 17, 38, 44, 48, 49, 56 and 57(?) Anvishtubh ; vv. 6, 8, 11, 22, 26, 32, 37, 40, 41, 46, 47,51,52 and 59 Vasantatilakā; v. 7 Pushpitāgrā; vv. 10, 13, 16, 23, 25, 29, 34-36, 39, 45(?), 55 and 58 Upajāti; v.21, Drutavilambita ; v. 27, Indravajra ; v. 28, Mālini ; v. 42 Ruchira.] 1.......[*] --- - -UuuuuU H TUS[] [**@]ACHTIG [
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1 Above, Vol. VII, pp. 85 f.
Mr. J. C. Ghosh mentions six such chartera (sce Ind. Cul., Vol. II, pp. 358-9). To thom I would add the Kahla copper-plate grant of the Kalachuri Södhadēva, above, Vol. VII, pp. 85 ff. In l. 44 Kielhorn doubtfully read Kulandhiya which should be Kulāñchiya (i.e. of Kuläicha). It is noteworthy that the Brāhmana Jālu mentioned therein as hailing from Kulāñcha belongod, like other Brahmanas of that place, to the Sandilya-gotra and the Sāmavēda.
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[मपि स्वमिन्द्रजालोपमम्] [en*] यज्ञाग्नि][धूमैः परितोषितेन्द्रास्तस्मा-"] 6 [दभूवन्ध (ग्ब)हवो मरेन्द्राः ।"] राज्ये न] ये[षां] विरराम [ष्टि]ि पक्षनारी
नयनाम्व(म्बु)वा[१]: ॥१०॥*] (बशालभङ्गानिपुणः परिभूतपाण्याण्डियो) लाटेशलुण्टनपटुर्जितगूर्जरेन्द्रः । काश्मीरवीरमुकुटार्थितषादपीठस्तेषु क्रमादजनि
लक्ष्मण राजदेव:] [११॥*] आसोद्यहिजयप्रयाण[जनित] व्यायामखेदोदयोन्मज-] 7 [सैनिकगात्रसिन्धुरशिर:*][सिन्दूरपूरारुणः । त्वङ्गत्तुङ्गतरङ्गताडितमहाक्षोणीभृदम्भोनिधिः
पूर्णो [वै]रिकठोरकण्ठदलनामृक्सिन्धुपूरैरिव [१२॥*] साहित्यविद्याललनाभुजङ्गो निःशेषधात्रीधरणाय शेषः । ततः स ज[ने] जगदेकवन्धवेदीन्द्रि]
चन्द्रिो युवराजदेवः ॥[१३॥*] [यौवनेन त[नौ] य[स्य प्र-] 8 [तापेनारिमूईसु कुला*][द्रिकुवरिभिस्त्रिभिस्तुल्यं] प[दं] दधे ॥[१४॥*] दिक्वर्य
न्तनिखातयपनिच्चयः मापालचूडामणिस्तस्मादब्तविक्रमः क्रमवशात्कोकलनामा. भवत् । चक्रे य[विजय प्रयाणपणवः स्वाङ्गनासङ्गमारम्भे मङ्गलतूर्य]कार्य]
महितक्षोणीपतीनां रसन्' [१५॥*] यस्मिन्मुखकप्र.] 1 The letters in square brackets marked with an asterisk in 11. 3-18 are supplied from the Goharwa plates of Karma (above, Vol. XI, pp. 142 ff.).
• The Goharwa plates also read श्रीकण्ठशैलोइति:, but the sense requires पीलीज तिः.
• The Goharwa plates also have the name reading as here. Read स्वप्रेन्द्रनालीपमम् as in the unpublished British Museum first plate of Karna.
• The Goharwa plates have a faulty reading in this place, which Dr. Hultzsch proposed to change as कहीरकंठ दलनात्सासिंपूरैरिव. Our reading gives a better sense.
In the corresponding verse in the Goharwa plates Dr. Hultach road WIT H . The akoheras here nquinolour.
The Goharws plates read we (wa).

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(VOL. XXIV.
मी प्रमानात
9 [भवे प्रजाना"] [तेजोनिधौ] चेतसि व]माने । तत्वे(चे) परस्मिविव योगभाजां]
नितान्तमन्तस्तमसा प्रलोनम् [१६] आक्रामद] (ब)याण्डसंघटस्फटि[२] ययः । धत्तं यस्येन्दुमचचताराद्याकारमम्ब(म्बरी ॥१॥*] कारापञ्चररुखकौर
नृपतिर्दीतोङ्गलौचयैस्तस्मात्कुन्तलभङ्गभङ्गिर सिको गा[]य10 [*][वो]भवत् । येनाकारि करीन्द्रकुम्भदलनव्यापारसारात्मना निर्जित्योकलम
धि(ब्धि)सोषि विजयस्तमः स्वकीयो भुजः] ॥ [१८॥"] योनाचरचक्रवालदलिताणालदन्तावलणोशोणित[पं]किलेषु] परितः प्रान्से[५] पायोनिधेः ।
दृप्यहारणदारणोबतम दीन] सल[]रिव [प्रालेयाचलक-] 11 न्दरोदरदरी[छिद्रेषु कण्ठौरवैः] ॥[१८॥ यत्कुन्तप्रोत[त्रुस]तरुधिरसुरापाणमत्तप्रवृत्य
हेतालोत्तालतालारवभरितककुष्चक्रपर्यन्तसौनि । अन्योन्यालक्ष(च्य)वाचा समिति सरभसं दत्तहस्तादि[सं]ज्ञाव्यापारणामरी[णां] वरवरणविधिः क[] मासोन्म[]
म(म्) [२०॥"] अतिमनोरथ] मर्थि]जने 12 [धनं दिशति] या स कल्पतरुस्तरुः । रिपुयश कुमुदाकरभास्करः सुतमसूत स
क[f] नराधिपम् ॥[२९॥*] भानन्दमन्दसुमनःसुमनोवकीर्ण[सं]ग्रामरभुवि भूमिभू[ता] पुरस्तात् । वीरस्य वीरचरितं] नवृत कव(ब)धैर्लक्ष्मीषठग्रहकठोरभुज
स्य यस्य ॥२२॥"] दयेकदुर्वाि]तरयेण नबो गजाद्रि13 -- [वि]दोरणसन्धिः । अन्त[य]दीयस्य व(ब)लाम्बु(म्बु)राण[म]मन पूर्वावनि
राजपोतः ॥ [२३।"] ना[ह] नाथ विपक्षगोत्रवसति[न] त्यक्तपूर्वस्थितिर्यस्याख्यातुमितीव चेदिनृपतेर्दिक्चक्रमाक्रामतः । प्रान्तधान्तवरूथिनीकरिकरास्फालावहे
लोकसत्वाशीलावलिवा(बा)हुदण्डमुदधिच14 [कन्द सान्द्रखनः ॥"] [२४॥"] हठग्रहान्दोलितकुन्तली वि] खरद्यमानाधरपक्षवा च ।
पाक्रान्तकाचौविषयेण येन दिग्दक्षिणा संवु(बु)भुजे प्रकामम् ॥[२॥'] 'पायाजये समदसिन्धुरगन्धरोषावस्त्रोद्यदायतकराः] ककु[भ] करोन्द्राः । पूत्कारमातमिव खेचरनायकस्य चक्र[:] कपोल
1 The Goharwa plates read the second half of the verse as मन्ये यस्येन्दुनचवताराघाकारतां गतं.
In the Goharwa plates thin verse ooours after नाई नाथ विपक्षगीववसतिः (v. 24 below) and therefore describes Karpa.
• The Goharwa places have कलमासी which Dr. Hultzsch proposed to change to ला पासौ. . Here the akaharas are clear except that the horizontal stroke in the square of the superscript sh has been obliterated.
.Restore कुटषु. .The Goharwa plates read वान'.
• In the Goharwa plates this verse is placed before afegu a etc. (v. 16 above) and is, therefore, intended to describe Kokalladeva (II).

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No. 13.]
REWAH STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNA : [CHEDI] YEAR 800.
113
16 [मधुपध्वनिभिनिराशा[:] [२६॥ ] यस्मिन्समासोदति गूजेरौ[णां] गण्डस्थले साचन
वाव्य लेशाः । भालादवैधव्यविधानवाः पर्यन्तभाजां सखलिता इवासन् ॥ [२७॥ हरिभिरनधिग[म्य] यत्सटालोजटालर्य]दप[रिमितख[*] वारणारुण
यत् । विपिनमिव यदीयो दावव[हिस्तदुच्चे]रदह16 - - - - कमेक[:] प्रताप[:] [२८॥*] भूर्जत्वच: सङ्कलितभदानपाथो
मषीव[एर्ण विशेषभाजः । हिमाचले येन वशौकताना भुजिष्यपत्राण्यभवपा[णां] [२८॥*] नौतेषु प्रमदावियोगविधिना द्राग्व(ग्ब्रह्मचारिव[त] सा[] व(ब)न्धुतया गृहस्थपद[वीं] काराग्रह[स्थापनात्] । वानप्रस्थपदं
17 [वनाययवशा.क्षाच्च*] भिक्षो[:] स्थिति] येन[वं] चतुराश्रमैकगुरुता स्पष्टोक्ता शत्रु
[३०॥*] यस्यार्थिव्रजवाञ्छिताधिकफलप्राप्त्यै निशम्यात्मभूः प्रावत्यग्धरणीधरान्तरचरस्कारस्फरदोषणाः । एतबिर्मितमा[:] पुरा परिमि[२] व्र(ब्रह्माण्डम स्मिग्कर्ष संमास्यन्ति] यशान्मि [चे-]
18 [दिनुप*][रित्याकुलो[भूचिरं ॥३१॥"] [किं] तस्य क[ग]]नृपत(ते)बत
वर्णयामो यस्य द्विजातिजनशासनताम्ब पट्टेः । उत्कीर्यमाणनिवि(बि)डानरचक्रवा. लवाचालितब्ब(ब)धिरभावमियाय विश्वम् [२२॥*] यावचन्द्र चन्द्रो [रि]पुतिमिरभिदा [शूर शूरोस्ति याव[द्याव] -- [रिचक्र प्रदहन दहनो या[व]
--~-- । - -- यावदब्धि(ब्धि)[मरुदधिपसमस्कन्ध यावन्मयो
स्तावत्वायख धात्रीमिति पदमजनि व्र(ब्रह्मणामाशिषां] यः ॥[३॥*] उत्साहशक्तिप्रभुशक्तिभाजां] प्रवईनायाखिलमन्वशक्तो[:] । हिजातिर[षा] पृथिवीपतौनाममात्यधर्मस्य] व(ब)भूव हेतुः] [३४॥*] रा
20 - - -- -- [विमलत्रिनेत्रात्पवित्र जन्मा किल काचराख्यः । योसौ विलोकौतिल
कायमानां) पारं] कुलाञ्चामकरोन्मुनीन्द्रः ॥[३५॥*] तमादरादात्मविदां] वरिष्ठमाराधयामाम तुगेयजन्मा [*] स्व[:]सिन्धुकूले किल विश्ववन्धि] ~-~- - - - - [२६ ] .-- - .
- The Goharwa plates hare प्राक्प्रत्यधरणीधरान्तरस्पपरत which Dr. Hultzsch proposed to emend am पीपरान. ररसापारात्
• Read यशसि. • Read तामप:. • Restore दृप्ता
This akshara is superfluone,

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[VOL. XXIV
-- - स्वयश्व मला भविचति दिवसतिमबिवल्या । यो भूमिदेव
पदपान्य'पविष[मौलि[स] ख्यातपुग्यचरित सुतमापतीति ।[२०] संखामतोत्व काय[ससब यचाइयो र । पम[:] काय[ख त्याच्या जातिमात्माभि -
] - - - - - - - - कुले ---प्रधि
a त - - - । [चीजोजगापुचमनन्तति ] कायखगः प्रससार तस्मात् ॥
[२] तसान्वये नयषिदः अधिक छतत्राः सत्यव्रताः बकतिनो गुणिनः क्रमेव । प्रार्षि(क)]भूवुरसमाविभौतसमदत्ताभयाः कमाकर र-~-- ॥[४०॥"] --~- ~-~ -कुलेभिवेकः
28
- [कर इति प्रचितो] व(बभूव । [स] दुबजलशिौसमुन] रखेड कौतुम वानुपमप्रमायः ॥[४१॥"] पुर पुरो विचल्गुणाधिशेषतः सिमचताः] पुरुषवरानिहाय]ये । चकार यः [प्रथितगुणान्पु] '-~-~-~
- ~- ~- [४२॥'] • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
24 . [विभुवनस्वा । बोवन्मभूषण व श्रीशरावदेवस्य Mom"] [गवा] चूत
कवीन्द्राचा) बन्धमिन्द्रपति [सदा] । समारखान्दति बलौर्णिः कार्तिकी] [दावादिका] [४४॥"] [कमल विसलमा जनानुरागः] छतमूलि !] --।मा ---- --~-- [कलंकितकोटि
कूटे ?"] [४ ] --- -
- -- - - - ---- -- .. य[ख तखात् । -- -
[लोकताबकस्व सोम[सरस्व महितस्य वरं च जन्म [४६॥*] [प्रजाव(ब)[लाजवाबोला
--- -- परिव व(बला - -- --- - [प्रवरपरिणतपुखरीका? तश्चम ?] पबपरका] - - - -- ॥[४ ]
1 Road पां-- • Restore urefu. • The name lont here may have been प्रभाकर. • Restone पुररसराम् "I am not oortuin about the motre of this verve.
बमच
If it is
rajan, some akshara, have been dropped before

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No. 13.)
REWAH STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNA : (CHEDI] YEAR 800.
115
26 yyyyu-y, vyuyucuylvyyuu-~, जगतीपाल - [४८॥*] ~
- यच धान्ते yथ भूमिपां । [यो] व(ब)भूव गुणिमामैि मशीलोकवाधिवः] ॥ [४८॥"] . . . . . . . . . . . []त व जातः । धावतारसचिवस्त.
समा[चारिभवः ?] 27 . . [५०॥*] ---~ -~-- -.- - -
- - - - - - - [धर्मः] । [चा]स्वाय यस्य भुजदमबख. [कीतः] - - - - - मिव कालकूटात् ॥५१॥*] - -
-~~~-~~-निपीता स्कौतारिकएरुिधिर]28U -U--I--u-uuu-uu-u-- [MR11*]
(
(
करटेन्दुशेखरस्य ॥[५॥*] लचम्येव स्फाटिकास्तदविगुणतयालिङ्ग[नैः] खैरद[]: स्थानप्राप्तया प्र[मोद] [दधत व भवस्याहासावदातः] । कौ[ति]
द[चो ? त्यसरिया:] पदमिव ~ 29 - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - - ॥[५४॥"] -- -- [8] विराजते ‘पाण]जयन्ती । कपर्दपिनोचिजटाकला[१] - - - -------- [५] [कती कारितवारिका काञ्चननायक ?]
मठः । [जनताकान्तवैकुण्ठ] ~~ 30 - uy (481.*] vvvvv--yyyyyucuy
Tyvyyum-yyyyyucuy![X9m*] (WIA) साराररिति कारयित्वा लता च येनेति महाप्रशस्ति[:] । [महात्मनी] - - - - - - - - - -- महत: [प्रसादात् ?] [५८॥"]
- - 31 - ~ -~ ~ - - - - - - - ~~ ~ - ~
प्रकाण्डात् ।"] विक्र[म ?] - ~ ~ - ~[का ?]रय महाकवि(?) [काचरस्य] [५८॥"] - - [नामा महामाल संवत्सरे] ॥ ८०० ॥
Itwould perhaps be better to read मठम्। The reading appears to be but it would not suit the metre.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
No. 14.-THE EPOCH OF THE KALACHURI-CHEDI ERA.
BY PROF. V V MIRASILI, M.A., NAGPUR.
The first conjecture about the epoch of the Kalachuri or Chēdi era, which was found used in dating several records in the Central Provinces, was made by Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall who, in his article on the Bherā-Ghāt inscription of Alhaņadēvi dated Samvat 907 and the Tēwar inscription of the time of Jayasimhadēva dated Samvat 928, showed that the unspecified era used in the Kalachuri records might have commenced about A. D. 250. Subsequently in 1878 Sir A. Cunningham announced in the Introduction (p. vi) to his A. S. R., Vol. VII, that he had found among the inscriptions collected by his assistant Beglar in the eastern part of the Central Pro. vinces, two, which were specifically dated in the Chēdi Samvatsara, and two others in the Kala. churi Samvat. He identified the two eras, as the princes of Chedi were of the Kalachuri branch of the Haihaya tribe'. He also stated that he had examined some eight verifiable dates of the era and had found by calculation that the era began in A. D. 249, the year 250 being the year 1 of the Chēdi Samvat. The details of these eight dates were given by him together with the corresponding Christian dates in the A. S. R., Vol. IX, p. 111 which showed that only four of them were found to be regular, with the epoch of A. D. 249. But Sir A. Cunningham felt satisfied with the result and stated in his Indian Eras that A. D. 249-0) and A. D. 250-1 was the true starting point of the Chēdi era.
Cunningham's conjecture about the epoch of the era was corroborated by the dates of the Nausāri plates and the odd Kävi plate of the Gurjara king Jayabhata III, which on calculation appeared regular with the epoch of A. D. 249-250. No definite suggestion about the month and the tithi when the era actually commenced was, however, made until Dr. Kielhorn published his article entitled the Epoch of the Kalachuri or Chēdi era ' in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII, pp. 215 ff. In that article Kielhorn showed by an examination of 12 dates of the later Kalachuris and their feudatories and of two dates of the Gurjara king Jayabhata III, that the only equation which yields correct week-days for those Chēdi inscriptions in which the week-day is mentioned is Chēdi-Samvat 0-A. D. 248-249 and Chēdi-Samvat 1-A. D. 249-250; and that, if we wish to work out the dates by a uniform process we must take the Chēdi year to commence with the month Bhadrapada, and must, accordingly, start from July 28, A. D. 249-Bhadrapada bu, di. 1 of the northern Vikrama year 307, current, as the first day of the first current year of the Chēdi era'. In a note Kielhorn remarked that a year beginning with the month Ābvina would suit the dates examined by him as well as that beginning with Bhādrapada but he preferred the latter because
Albērūni does mention a year commencing with the month Bhādrapada'. As regards the arrangement of fortnights Kielhorn found that it was the purnimānta one in which the dark half of a month precedes the light half.
Kielhorn's calculations made on the basis of the epoch of A. D. 248-249 showed that of the fourteen dates examined by him, in none of which the year was qualified either as current or as expired, eleven were found recorded in current years, two in expired years and one in a year, which is to be taken as expired if the Chēdi year commenced on Bhādrapada bu. di. 1, but as current if it began on Abvina su. di. 1. This proportion of current and expired years of the Chēdi era was, however, the reverse of what Kielhorn himself found in the case of other eras, such as the Vik. rama, Saka and Nēwär eras. It was pointed out by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar among others that
1J.A.0. ., Vol. VI (1860), p 501. The article was presented to the Society on October 26, 1869.
$ Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 76-77. The grantor of the Prince of Wales Museum plates of the (Kalaohuri) your 486 (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 147 ff.) is the same as of the Kavi plate. Ho should, however, be taken as Jayabhnta IV and not as Jayabhata III.

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"the Hindus' usual, not invariable, way of expressing a date is not in the year so and so' but after so many years had elapsed since such and such event had taken place"". The case of the Chedi era, which seemed to be an exception to the general rule, was cited by Fleet in support of his view that the years of the Gupta era, which were not qualified as current or expired, should be taken as current. This controversy about the general practice of the Hindus in dating their records in the middle ages led Kielhorn to revise his conclusion about the epoch of the Chedi era. In his article Die Epoche der Cedi-Aera' contributed to the Festgruss an Roth3 and in another on the Bhera-Ghat inscription of Alhanadevi in the Ep. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 7ff. both of which were published in 1893, he expressed his opinion that in conformity with the common usage observed in the case of other eras, the epoch of the Chedi era should be fixed in such a way that all or at least a great majority of the available verifiable dates would be in expired years. He, therefore, proposed A. D. 247-248 as the epoch of the era. As regards the beginning of the Chedi year he drew attention to the following remark in Colebrooke's letter written at Nagpur on the 30th October 1799: The new year begins here with the light fortnight of Asvina; but opening in the midst of Durga's festival, the New Year's day is only celebrated on the 10th lunar day." Kielhorn thought that the Aśvinadi year, which was current down to Colebrooke's time in a part of the country previously included in the Chedi kingdom, might be reminiscent of the Chedi year and, as such a year suited all the twelve Chedi dates known till then, he fixed the 5th September (Asvina su. di. 1) A. D. 248 as the first day of the first current year and the 26th August (Asvina su. di. 1) A. D. 249 as the first day of the first expired year of the Chedi era. He next showed that all the twelve verifiable Chedi dates in the inscriptions of the Later Kalachuris and their feudatories, which were known till then, were, without exception, in expired years. The two early dates, 456 and 486, of the Nausari and Kävi plates, however, presented difficulties which Kielhorn acknowledged in foot-notes to his List of Northern Inscriptions.
64
Three more Chedi dates containing the necessary data for verification were subsequently discovered and were calculated by Kielhorn before his death, viz., (1) the Sarnath fragmentary stone inscription of the time of Karna dated Samvatsare 8]10 Asvina (Asvina) sudi 15 Ravau (corresponding, for the expired Kalachuri year 810, to Sunday, the 4th October 1058); (2) Tahankāpār (first) plate of Pamparaja' dated Samvata(t) 965 Bhadrapade vadi 10 Mriga-ri(ri)kshe [Soma]dine (corresponding, for the current Chedi year 965, to Monday, the 12th August A. D. 1213); and (3) Tahankapar (second) plate of Pamparaja dated Samvat 966. .. Isva(sva)rasamvatsare Kärti(rtti)ka-mäse Chitra-ri(ri)kshe Ravi-dině Sury-oparage (corresponding, for the expired Chedi year 966, to Sunday, the 5th October A. D. 1214). Besides, he found it necessary to change his reading and the corresponding Christian date in the case of one of the previously known twelve Chedi dates, viz., (4) that of the Sheorinäräyan image inscription which he now read as Kalachuri-samvatsare 1898! Asvina-sudi 7 Soma-dine from a photograph supplied by Dr. (then Mr.) D. R. Bhandarkar and found by calculation to correspond, for the current Chedi year 898, to Monday, the 24th September A. D. 1145.
117
1 See Collected Works of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Vol. III, pp. 388-389. The paper was communicated to the Bom. Br. R. A. S. on the 1st August 1889.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX (1891), p. 387.
See pp. 53-56.
See Life of H. T. Colebrooke by Sir T. E. Colebrooke, p. 163.
Above, Vol. V, Appendix p. 57, notes 6 and 7.
A. S. I. An. Rep. for 1906-7, p. 100.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 129-130.
Ibid., p. 129.
Ibid., p. 130.

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Kielhor's final view that the epoch of the Chēdi era is A. D. 247-248 was confirmed by these new dates for while two of them (viz., 1 and 3) might have been taken as current years with the epoch of A. D. 248-249, the other two (viz., 2 and 4), would have appeared irregular according to that epoch. The latter dates again showed that 'Kalachuri years, occasionally and exceptionally, are quoted as current years'.1
Since 1893 scholars have generally accepted Kielhorn's conclusion that the Chēdi era commenced on Āsvina su. di. 1 (corresponding to the 5th September) in A. D. 248. Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit alone, differing from Kielhorn, has suggested that the Chēdi year might have commenced on the first tithi of the dark fortnight of the purnimānta Asvina.
Since Kielhorn's time as many as thirteen new dates of the Chedi era have come to light and though they have been calculated and the corresponding Christian dates have, generally, been given by the scholars who have edited the records in which they occur, none has so far comprehensively dealt with them with a view to see how far they support or go against Kielhorn's view regarding the epoch of the Chēdi era and the beginning of the Chēdi year.
Having recently had to verify all the Chēdi dates I have come to the conclusion that the epoch A. D. 247-248 finally fixed by Kielhorn is correct so far as it concerns the later Kalachuri dates; but taking all the dates into consideration I am convinced that with that epoch the Chēdi year could not have commenced on Asvina su. di. 1 as held by Kielhorn. On the other hand some of the lately discovered dates go to show that the year must have begun on some day between Asvina su. di. 17 and Phälguna va. di. 7. And since we do not know of any Hindu year beginning in any of the months from Märgasirsha to Phälguna as current in any of the provinces under the Kalachuris, I think it probable that, like the Southern Vikrama year, the Chodi year also commenced on Kärttika su. di. 1, especially because the era seems to have originated in Western India, where the Kärttikādi variety was the standard one.
To prove my view I give below nines out of the thirteen lately discovered Chēdi dates together with their corresponding Christian dates according to the epoch of A. D. 247-248. These dates are arranged below under two heads A.-Dates in expired years and B.-Date in current year. As according to my view the Chēdi era commenced on the pürnimänta Kärttika su. di. 1 in
1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 130. "See his History of Indian Astronomy (Marathi) (first published in 1896), Second ed. p. 375.
• Albērünf mentions a year beginning in Margastraha, but from the account he gives of it, it seems to have been current in the north-west of India from Multân to Sindh and Kanauj (see Sachau's Tr., Vol. II, pp. 8-9).
4 Since this article was sent to the press, the Government Epigraphist has, at any request, sent me estampage of the Makundpur stone inscription dated [K.) 772. The existence of this inscription was known to Kielhorn. He has referred to it twice (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 85 and above, Vol. I, p. 354), but had no opportunity to examine ita date. The inscription' refers itself to the reign of the Kalachuri king Gängeyadēva and is dated Samsal 772 Kartlika fu di 12 V (Buldha-dind. This date, falling in the month of Karttika, would have proved invaluable for fixing the later limit for the commencement of the Kalachuri year, but unfortunately the details do not work out satisfactorily. The nearest equivalent is Taesday the 13th October A. D. 1019 when the twelfth tithi of the bright fortnight of Kärttika ended 11 h. after mean sunrise, i.e., there is a mistake of one day. In A. D. 1020 the tithi fell on Monday and in A. D. 1021 on Friday. So neither of these would be more suitable. If we overlook the mistake of one day, this date would show that the Kalachuri year 772 was a current year and that it could not have commenced later than Karttika su. di. 12 If the above supposition is correct, this date and the dates Nos. 5 and 6 given below, p. 121, may be said to furmish the necessary evidence to prove that the Kala. churi era commenced on the purnimanta Kärttika su. di. 1 in A. D. 248.
I omit the following four dates for the reason stated in each case: (1) The Goharwā plates of Karpadova, because they mention no year of the Chēdi era ; (2) the Khairhå plates of Yasabkarpa, because the date is found to be irregular; (3) the Ghotia plates of Prithvidēva II, because the numerals of the dato aro ovidently incorrect and (4) the Amoda plates of Jajallodova (II), because the last figure of the date is unoertain.

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A. D. 248 (corresponding to the expired Saka year 170), to convert a current Chēdi year into an expired Saka year we have to add 169 when the date falls in the bright fortnight of Kärttika or in any of the months from Mārgasirsha to Phālguna and 170 in all other cases. Similarly, to convert an expired Chēdi year into an expired Saka yeat we have to add 170 and 171 respectively in the same circumstances.
A.-Dates in Expired Years. 1. The Rewah stone inscription of the time of Karna (Bhandarkar's List No. 1226) (from an ink-impression with me)-Samvatsata(ra) 812 srimat-Karna-prakāsa(da)-vyavaharanayā navama. samvaisaré Māgha-sudi 10 Gurau, i.e., the year 812, the ninth year of the administration established by Karna, the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Mägha, & Thursday. The corresponding Christian date (for the expired Saka year 812 +170=982) is Thursday the 4th January A. D. 1061 when the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Mägha ended 3 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise.
2. The Sheorinārāyan plates of Ratnadēva II (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. IV, pp. 21ff.) - Sanvata(t) 878 Bhadra-sudi 5 Ravau., i.e., the year 878 the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada, & Sunday. The corresponding Christian date (for the expired Saka year 878+171=1049) is Sunday the 14th August A. D. 1127. On that day the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhādrapada ended 8 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.
3. The Sarkh8 plates of Ratnadēva II (above, Vol. XXII, pp. 159ff.)-Tên=ā8()īty-adhikashta-vatsara-sate jātë dine Gihpatëh Kärttikyām-atha Rohin-ibha-samaye rätrës-cha yāma-traye Srimad-Ratna-narēsvarasya sadasi jyotir-vidām=agrataḥ sarvva-grāsam-anushna-goh pravadatā tirnņā pratijña-nadil(v. 19), i.e., the expired Chēdi year 880 Kärttika su. di. 15, a Thursday with a total eclipse of the moon when she was in the constellation of Röhiņi. The corresponding Christian date (for the expired. Saka year 880 +170=1050) is Thursday the 8th November A. D. 1128. The moon was totally eclipsed in the third quarter of the night. The nakshatra Röhini commenced 13 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise on that day.
4. The Amõdā plates (first set) of Prithvidēva II (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 409ff.) - 1. 24, Chaitre Soma-grahe sati; 1. 33, Saṁvat 900, i.e., the Year 900 with a lunar eclipse in the month of Chaitra. The corresponding Christian date (for the expired Saka year 900+171 1071) is Friday the 25th March A. D. 1149. On that day there occurred a lunar eclipse visible at Ratanpur.
5. The Amõdá plates (second set) of Prithvidēva II (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 412ff.) -Samvat 905 Asvi(dvi)na-sudi 6 Bhaumē, i.e., the year 905, the sixth tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvina, a Tuesday. The corresponding Christian date (for the expired Saka year 905 +171= 1076) is Tuesday, the 14th September A. D. 1154. On that day the sixth tithi of the bright fortnight of Aøvina commenced 1 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise. With the Chēdi year commencing on Abvina bu. di. 1 in A. D. 248, this date should fall in A. D. 1152 if the Chēdi year is taken as current and in A. D. 1153 if it is taken as expired. But in A. D. 1152 the tithi ended 7 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise on Saturday (the 6th September) and in A. D. 1153 it ended 7 h. after mean sunrise on Friday (the 25th September). In either case it would have to be regarded as irregular.
6. The Jubbulpore Kotwali plates of Jayasimha (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 91ff.)-Sarvat 918 Asvina-sudi paurnamāsyām tithau Sa(Sa)ni-dine Tripuryām Soma-grahanë, i.e., the year 918 the fifteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvina, a Saturday, at Tripuri, a lunar eclipse. The corresponding Christian date (for the expired Saka year 918+171-1089) is Saturday, the 30th
For the verification of dates I have us throughout D. B. S. K. Pillai's indispensable work. An Indian Ephemeris.'

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Septeraber A. D. 1167. On that day the full-moon tithi ended 13 h. after mean sunrise and there was a lunar eclipse. With the Chēdi era commencing on Asvina su. di. 1 in A. D. 248, this date should fall in A.D. 1165 if the year is current, and in A. D. 1166 if it is expired. But in A.D. 1165 the tithi fell on Tuesday (the 21st September) and in 1166 it fell on Monday (the 10th October). Again in neither year was there a lunar eclipse on the given tithi.
7. The Rewah plates of the time of Vijayasimha (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 295ff.)-Samvat 944 Bhadrapada-sudi 1 Sukrē, i.e., the year 944 the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhädrapada, a Friday. The corresponding Christian date (for the expired Saka year 944+171=1115) is Friday, the 30th July A. D. 1193. On that day the first tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada ended 22 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise.
8. The Pendrăbandh plates of Pratapamalla (above, Vol. XXII, pp. 1ff.)-1. 26, grāmo Makara-samkrāntau dattah sankalpa purvakah : 1. 35, Sanvata(t) 965 da Palasadā-samāvāsidui (ta-vi)jaya-kațake | Magha-sudi 10 Margala-dine l. As it stands, the date is irregular; for in none of the years 1212-1215 was the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Mägha connected with & Tuesday. If, however, sudi is taken to be a mistake for vadi it corresponds (for the expired Saka year 965 +170=1135) regularly to Tuesday the 7th January A. D. 1214. On that day the tenth tithi of the dark fortnight of the purnimänta Mágba ended 10 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. The Makara-sankranti had taken place about a fortnight earlier on the 25th December, A. D. 1213.
B.-Dato in Current Year. 9. The Amõdā plates of Prithvidēva I (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 78ff.)--)). 27-28, Gha( Phālgunakrishna-saptamyāṁ Ravi-dine; 1. 41 Ched-isa(sa)sya sa 831, i.e., the year 831 the seventh tithi of the dark fortnight of Phälguna, & Sunday. The corresponding date (for the expired Saka year 831+169=1000) is Sunday the 27th January A. D. 1079. On that day the seventh tithi of the dark fortnight of the pūrnimanta Phālguna ended 7 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise.
A careful examination of these nine dates will show that
(1) All these dates can be shown to be regular only according to the epoch of A. D. 247-248 finally fixed by Kielhorn; for though the dates 1-8 might also be explained as dates in current years with the epoch of A. D. 248-249, that epoch will not at all do for the date 9. This date, therefore, clearly proves the correctness of the epoch A. D. 247-248. There were only two such dates in current yearst known to Kielhorn.
(2) The dates 2 and 7 clearly show that with the epoch of A. D. 247-248 the Chēdi year must have begun in some month later than Bhadrapada. There was only one date of this type known to Kielhorn, which rendered his earlier view about the Chēdi year commencing in Bhadrapada impossible when he changed the epoch to A. D. 247-248.
(3) As seen above, an Asvinādi year with the epoch of A. D. 247-248 will not at all suit the dates 5 and 6. For them a year beginning in some month later than Āsvina is required. Now the date 9 shows that the Chēdi year must have commenced before Phälguna va. di. 7. The beginning of the Chēdi year must, therefore, lie between Asvina su. di. 15 (the tithi of the date 6) and Phālguna va. di. 7 (the tithi of the date 9). Though it is not yet possible to settle this question definitely, I think it probable that the era commenced on Kārttika su. di. 1 for reasons already stated.
1 See above, p. 117, the dates 2 and 4. • The date of the Rewah copper-plate insoription of Kirtivarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 219 and 22418.

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(4) Among the nine dates there are only two (viz. the dates 8 and 9) which fall in the dark fortnight. They corroborate Kielhorn's conclusion that the arrangement of fortnights in the Chēdi era was the pūrnimānta one.
(5) The proportion of expired years to current ones is 8: 1, which is in accordance with that observed in the case of the dates of other eras.
A Kärttikadi year will also suit almost all the dates known to Kielhorn. The only dates that require to be specially considered here are those falling in Asvina. Only two such dates were known to Kielhorn, viz., (1) the date of the Sārnāth fragmentary stone inscription of the time of Karnadēva-Samvatsare 810 Atvina-sudi 15 Ravau, the corresponding Christian date being Sunday the 4th October A. D. 1058; and (2) the date of the Sheorinārāyaṇ image inscription-- Kalachuri Samvatsarë | 898 Asvina-sudi 7 Soma-dinė, the corresponding Christian date being Monday the 24th September A. D. 1145. Of these the former presents no difficulty. Only, it will now have to be considered as citing a current year and not an expired one as was supposed by Kielhorn. In regard to the latter it may be noted that its reading has been a matter of controversy for a very long time. Sir R. Jenkins first published it in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. p. 505 as Samvat 898 Ashwin shudh saptami. Cunningham in his 4. S. R., Vol. IX, gave it as in the Kulachuri Samoat in the year 898, Aswin sudi Some on p. 86 and as 898 Asioina sudi 7. Monday on p. 111. Subsequently in his A. S. R., Vol. XVII, plate XX, he published a photozincograph of only part of it which reads Kalachurih samvatsare 898. He again referred to it in his Indian Eras, p. 6 where he remarked A fresh examination has shown the date to be .Aswin su. di. 2 (and not Aswin su. di. 7)'. Kielhorn at first accepted this last statement of Cunningham and on calculation found that the date corresponded to Monday, the 9th September A. D. 1146, on which day the second tithi of the bright fortnight of Āgvina ended 21 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise. As he was then of opinion that the Chēdi year was Bhadrapadādi and the era commenced in A. D. 249, he concluded that the year 898 of this date was a current year. Subsequently in his article on the era in the Festyruss an Roth he confirmed the aforementioned reading from a facsimile and gave the same corresponding date as before, but as he had then come to the conclusion that the Chēdi era commenced on Afvina bu. di. 1 in A. D. 248, he took the year of the date as expired. Dr. (then Mr.) D. R. Bhandarkar next stated in his notice of the inscription in P. R. A. S., W. C. (p. 53) for 1903-4 that the inscription was dated 898 Kalachuri era, Monday, the 7th of the bright half of Akvina. From a photograph of the inscription supplied by him, Kielhorn also finally read the inscription as Kalachuri-samvatsare | 8981 svina-sudi 7 Soma-dine and stated that it regularly corresponded, for the current Kalachuri year 898, to Monday the 24th September A. D. 1145, when the seventh tithi of the bright half of Asvina ended 20 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise. This date seemed to confirm Kielhorn's opinion that the Chēdi year began in Ābvina, for it showed that the month of Ābvina fell, in any case, in the beginning of that year. But the recent discovery of the dates 5 and 6 noticed above, which show that the Chēdi year began in some month later than Ābvina, bas rendered the accuracy of the date of the Sheorinārāyan inscription open to question. There is of course no doubt about the reading of the date. I have satisfied myself that the reading finally adopted by Kielhorn is correct; but with that reading the date appears to be irregular; for, with the Chēdi year commencing in some month later than Ābvina, the seventh tithi of the bright half of Āøvina would, in the current year 898, fall on Saturday (the 14th September 1146) and in the expired Chēdi year 898, on Friday (the 3rd October A. D. 1147). In neither case was the tithi connected with Monday. The question, therefore, arises whether we should take the Chēdi era to be Ābvinādi on the authority of this date and treat the dates 5 and
[The actual reading in No. 8 is sudi.- d.]

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6 as irregular or whether on the authority of these latter dates we should take the Chēdi year to have commenced in some month later than Āśvina (probably in Kärttika). I choose the latter course not only because a larger number of dates would otherwise appear irregular but also because the evidence on which Kielhorn relied for taking the Chēdi year to be Asvinādi is, as shown below, questionable. As for the date of the Sheorinārāyan inscription the conjecture may be hazarded that owing to the similarity in the Nāgari figures 2 and 7 of the twelfth century A. D., the writer or the engraver committed a mistake in recording the tithi and wrote or engraved 7 in place of 2. The confusion in reading the figure of the tithi, which persisted for a long time, shows that such a mistake is not unlikely. The intended date Monday the 2nd tithi of the bright fortnight of Asvins regularly corresponds, for the current Kärttikadi Chedi year 898, to Monday the 9th September A. D. 1146.
Let us next turn to the evidence on which Kielhorn relied for his view that the Chədi year commenced on Asvina su, di. 1. As stated above he found the following statement in a letter written by Colebrooke at Nagpur on the 30th October 1799 : The new year begins here with the light fortnight of Asvina, but opening in the midst of Durga's festival, New Year's Day is only celebrated on the 10th lunar day.' Kielhorn took this usage as reminiscent of the Chēdi year, for according to him the country round Nagpur was previously included in the Chēdi kingdom. But Colebrooke's statement is clearly due to some misunderstanding. He was appointed Resident at the Court of the Bhonsla Rājā of Nagpur and he stayed at Nagpur from the 18th March 1799 to the 19th May 1801. The statement referred to by Kielhorn occurs in the Journal of Occurrences at Nagpur, which Colebrooke privately kept and from which some extracts have been printed in the Life of Colebrooke by his son Sir T. E. Colebrooke. As the context shows, the statement in question refers to the festival of Durgā which is to this day celebrated with great eclat not only in the Central Provinces but in other parts of India also. In the Maharashtra the Dasarā or the Vijaya-daśami, as the 10th day of the festival is called, was celebrated with great pomp and splendour during the Marathā rule, as marking the end of the monsoon and the commencement of the season for military operations. Under the date 30th October 1799, Colebrooke gives in the Journal a graphic description of the Dasarā festival which he attended at the Raja's invitation. He seems to have thought that the festival marked the beginning of the new year, but he was clearly mistaken in this. The era current in the country round Nāgpur during the 18th century was the so-called Salivähana or Saka era. That the Saka year did not then begin in Asvina even at Nagpur tiere can be no possible doubt. Dates of contemporary state papers cannot unfortunately be cited to prove this: for the Bhonslas, like other Maratha chiefs, almost invariably used the Muhammadan year in dating their records. But if proof is needed, it would be furnished by the following date which occurs in two Marathi letterswritten evidently at Nagpur by Raghōji II, the Bhonsla Rajā of Nagpur and by his brother, Kbandôji alias Chimnaji Bapu to record a mutual agreement, viz., Sakė 1701 Vikari nāma savirutsatre miti discina vahvia panchami, Bhrig"-räsare. This date corresponds, for the amänta Isvina, regularly to Friday, the 29th October A. D. 1779. The cyclic year for the Chaitridi Saka year 1701 was Vikarin according to the southern luni-solar system. This date clearly shows that the era current in Nagpur in the time of Colebrooke was the Saka era, its months were amānta and the year commenced in Chaitra and not in Asvina
1 In a note added to the statement the Editor of the Life of Colebrooke remarks: It would appear too from passage in Niebuhr's travels that the reckoning in use at Nagpur was followed in Bombay and Gujerat at the time of the traveller's visit. The year is said by him to begin with the month of Kärttika, evidently referring to the Autumnal Equinox." The Editor is here evidently confounding the Durga festival in Asvina with the Divāli festival in Karttika.
* Scc itihasika Putra-vyavahara (Historical Letters, Marathi, pub, in 1933), pp. 147-48.

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Even supposing that in Colebrooke's time the year began at Nägpur in the month of Asvina it can have no bearing on the question of the commencement of the Chēdi year for the simple reason that the country round Nāgpur was probably never under the rule of the Kalachurist. No inscriptions dated in the Chēdi era have been found in the Marathi-speaking districts of the Central Provinces and Berār. These districts which were evidently comprised in the three Mahārāshtras mentioned in the Aiho!e inscription of Pulakēģin II were successively under the Early Chalukyas, the Răshtrakūtas, the Paramāras, the later Chālukyas and the Yādavas, but never under the Kalachuris of Tripuri or of Ratanpur. In the present Central Provinces the use of that era was confined to the Chhattisgarh and the northern Hindi-speaking districts.
Kielhorn's view that the territory round Nagpur was once included in the Chedi kingdom was evidently due to his wrong identification of the kings Simhana and Ramachandra mentioned in the Rāmțek Lakshmana temple inscription with the homonymous kings of the Raipur branch of the Kalachuri dynasty. The inscription is fragmentary and has not been edited 80 far. Kielhorn's knowledge of the kings mentioned in it was derived from a faint rubbing which he obtained from Fleet. My examination of the inscription has convinced me that it belongs to the Yadava (and not the Kalachuri) dynasty; for 1.4 of it names the royal family as Yadavo vamsah. The kings Simhaņa and Ramachandra mentioned in 11. 14 and 19 are evidently the wellknown kings of the Yadava dynasty. That the rule of the Yādavas extended in the east as far as Lāñji in the Bālāghāt District, about 100 miles north by east of Nāgpur, is clear from & fragmentary stone inscription of the dynasty, found at Lāñji“, which has now been deposited in the Central Museum, Nāgpur.
There is thus not an iota of evidence to prove that the Chēdi era was current in the Nagpur District, nor to show that the Chēdi year commenced in Āsvina. On the other hand the testimony of some of the recently discovered Chēdi dates renders it probable that the Chēdi era commenced on Kārttika śu. di. 1 (the 6th October) in A. D. 248.
No. 15.--A DUTCH MEMORIAL SLAB IN INDIA.
By F. W. STAPEL, LIT. D., UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM. In 1911, Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, at present professor in the Leiden University, and at that time the officiating Director-General of Archæology in India, noticed a memorial slab with a Dutch
Some parts of Berăr may have been under the Early Kalachuri king Krishnarāja as a hoard of his coins was found at Dhamori near Amraoti in Berār, but these coins were used by other dynasties also.
Kielhorn has incidently mentioned this identification at the end of his article on the Khalāri stone inscription of Haribrahmadēva of the (Vikrama) year 1470, above, Vol. II, p. 230. He may also have had in mind the fact that the Kalachuri king Karna made his Benares grant (above, Vol. II, pp. 297 ff.) after bathing in the Veni. Kielhorn at first identified this river with the Waingangā which flows about 40 miles from Nagpur, but later on he corrected himself (see, above, Vol. IV, p. 122 n.) and took it to be a tributary of the Ganges which it joins at Allahābād.
The late Rai Bahadur Hiralal also, following Kielhorn, at first thought that the princes mentioned in the Rāmtek Lakshmana temple inscription belonged to the Haihaya dynasty, but he has not asserted that view in the second ed. of his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, p. 3. That these princes were of the Yadava dynasty is clear also from the fact that the first eight lines of the inscriptions, though much damaged, intimate the victories of these princes over Rudra, Andhra, Chola and perhaps Gurjarēndra also. It is clear that we have hero references to the brilliant exploits of the Yadava kings Jaitugi and Singhaņa. The petty kings of the Raipur branob of the Haihaya dynasty who ruled in the fifteenth century A. D. did not distinguish themselves in this way.
• Sce Hiralal'e Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, (Second ed.) p. 20.

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inscription in the wall of the kachahri (court-house) at Chingleput. He drew the attention of the Government of the province of Madras to it, suggesting at the same time that it should be trans. ferred to the Government Museum in Madras. Evidently this hint was taken, for the stone is now preserved in the aforementioned Museum.
The rectangular stone is well preserved, measures 1.40 m. by 50 c.m. and bears the follow. ing inscription in letters 3 c.m. high.
TEXT. 1 Onder de Hoek van de Flank, hier naast deser Fortificatie, aangelegt 2 door den heer, Coenraad Pieter Keller, lieutenant-dessave, en 3 ingenieur tot Colombo, ten tyde van Joannes Spite, en Philippus 4 Jacobus Dormieux, als opperhoofa, en secunde : is den eersten steen 5 gelegt, door Catharina Elizabeth Dormieux, dogter van gem: 6 Dormieux, en syn hayevrouw, Elizabeth Maria Mestral d'Meserie, 7 op den 14! May a[nn*]o 1749.
TRANSLATION. Under the corner of the flank, next to this fortress, built by Mr. Coenraad Pieter Keller, lieutenant-dessa ve of Colombo, engineer, at the time of Joannes Spits and Philippus Jacobus Dor mieux, chief and assistant, the foundation stone was laid by Catharina Elizabeth Dormieux, daughter of the mentioned Dormieux and his wife, Elizabeth Maria Mestral de Meserie, on the 14th of May Anno 1749.
So far nothing was known about its origin, but a recent search in the records of the NetherlandsEast-India Company has revealed the following facts:
In 1747 and the following years a fierce struggle was going on in the Carnatic Lowlands among the native authorities. Owing to his advanced age, Nabob Annawardi-chan (Nawab Anwar-uddin) wanted to hand over his office to his eldest son, Mahometh Mafus-chan (Mahfuz Khan), but & number of visiadors (governors) strongly opposed this wish. The managers of the Netherlands factory at Sadraspatnam (usually called Sadras for short) situated about 35 miles south of the Madras city, viz., the Under-Merchant Joannes Spits and his assistant or deputy, the book-keeper Philippus Jacobus Dormieux, approached the Netherlands governor of Coromandel, Mr. Librecht Hooreman, who resided in the castle at Negapatnam, asking his permission to build a fortress in order to be able to protect the Company's money and merchandise. The request was granted and in 1749 & small garrison was drafted from Negapatnam into Sadras, consisting of 1 sergeant-major, 2 corporals, 1 oonstable, 6 musketeers and 12 common soldiers, armed with a number of small guns. At the same time an order was placed for the building of a small fortress, which was erected by an engineer, named Coenraad Pieter Keller, "borrowed " for this purpose from the governor of Ceylon. The building was started in 1749, the memorial slab referred to was placed in it and towards the end of the same year the fortress was completed. A report was forwarded to the High Government in Batavia, who sent a message of thanks and satisfaction to Spits, for his tactful action through wbich he had succeeded in obtaining permission from the native ruler to build the fortress, and by way of reward promoted him to the rank of Mercbant. Keller, however, came in for & rebuke, because he had built the fortress in so grand a style that the cost of it stood the Government in over 10,000 gold pagodas.

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No. 15.)
A DUTCH MEMORIAL SLAB IN INDIA.
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The way, in which the memorial slab, placed in the fortress, found its way to Chingleput, is described in pages 35f. in the book, written by Jacob Haafner: Reize van Madras naar Ceilon (Voyage from Madras to Ceylon) published in Haarlem in 1806. Haafner had been employed in the Company's office at Sadras since 1779. We get the following information from this work. Jacob Pieter De Neys was the chief there at the time. In the fortress there was then still a small garrison, not even 20 strong, in charge of a sergeant. Yet this garrison was sufficiently strong to hold it against the Callouris, a predatory tribe living in the Carnatic jungle. On the 17th of June 1781 De Neys had a party of all the qualified (higher) officials and their wives at his house, to celebrate a birthday. At the height of the revels the arrival of a British officer was announced. De Neys asked him to enter and join them. The young officer, however, was the bearer of a very distressing message. The British had received an intimation of a war that had broken out between England and the Dutch Republic. He had been sent by his chief, Captain George Mackay, the Commander of the strong garrison of Chingleput, situated 3 miles north-west of Sodras, who with the whole of his troops had marched to within a mile's distance. Mackay demanded the Dutch fortress and lodge to surrender at discretion. The alarm of the guests may be easily imagined. De Neys immediately held a meeting and all the persons present realised that it would be useless to offer resistance to the British, who outnumbered them ; yet, & surrender at discretion was out of the question. Only if fair conditions of capitulation should be granted, would they open the gates. The assembled company stated their terms: A. the property of the officials and inhabitants should be held in respect; B. fair treatment of the prisoners-of-war should be guaranteed up to the con. clusion of peace or the time of their exchange. Haafner being the only one who could speak English well, was sent to Mackay, who, at first, refused stubbornly and scornfully to sign the condi. tions of capitulation, but in the end proceeded to do so, when the Dutch stuck to their point.
The same evening the British troops marched into the fortress and now that it was in their possession, Mackay did not hold to the conditions he had signed. He had the prisoners takon to Madras without allowing them to take their possessions which they never 88W again. Before their departure they witnessed how Mackay blew up the whole of the fortress. Though Haatner does not say anything about the memorial slab, it is obvious that the British troops took it as a trophy with them to Chingleput, where it was noticed in 1911 by Dr. Vogel.
It is common knowledge that in 1784, at the conclusion of peace in Paris, Sadras and the other conquered places, with the exception of the important settlement of Negapatnam, were restored to the Dutch Company.
In conclusion we are able to give the following information about the persons, whose names are stated on the tablet.
Coenraad Pieter Keller. born in Steynfeld in Germany, sailed for the Indies as a lanspasseat (non-commissioned officer) on board the Watervliet in 1735. In the same year he entered the Civil Service in Batavia as an assistant and in 1737 was appointed assistant-surveyor in the same town. The High Government decided in 1740 upon sending him to Ceylon as an engineer, with the rank of Under-Merchant. He worked for several years in Colombo and in 1746 was appointed lieutenant-dessave (desgave being the title of the Governor of a province in Ceylon). On the 13th of September 1754 he was promoted to the rank of Merchant. Soon afterwards he went to Coromandel, where he took part in building a fortress at Bimlipatnam. In 1765 he got into trouble; the Governor suspended him and afterwards imprisoned him in consequence of an effort made by him to run away. On his trial the public prosecutor demanded that he should be executed, but the Governor not being convinced of his guilt, sent him to Batavia with all the documents bearing on the case. He came up for trial before the Superior Court of Law and finding the charges

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against him not proven, his case was dismissed. On the 27th of March 1767 the Government decided to reinstate him in his former rank on the same salary. Soon after that his death must have taken place, because after 1767 his name does not occur any more in the registers of the Company.
Joannes Spits was born in Negapatnam about 1677, and in 1695 he entered the service of the Company as a soldier. Owing to his clever penmanship he obtained & clerkship and after five years he finally entered the Civil Service as an assistant. In succession he occupied the following Posts: 1705, book-keeper; 1708, senior clerk in the Negapatnam police office ; 1712, Under-Merchant and Secretary in the same place ; 1717, Adigar (Collector) of the suburbs; 1724, Chief in Palliacatta (Pulicat) and in 1725, Chief in Sadras. This last position he held for more than 25 years. In 1750, on the 12th of June, he was promoted to the rank of Merchant. At that time he was over 70 years old and soon afterwards he died. He was in the employ of the Company on the coast of Coromandel for about 55 years.
Philippus Jacobus Dormieuw was born about 1708 in Porto Novo, where his father, who had a large family, was Secretary to the Company. In 1726 Philippus started life as a soldier, was soon given a clerical job, became a provisional assistant in 1728, and assistant in 1732 and a bookkeeper in 1737, in which capacity he was employed in Sadras for many years. He, too, was for a long time, about 50 years, in the service of the Company on the coast of Coromandel. He rose to greater heights than Spits, although in the 18th century promotion was slower than in the 17th century. His record of service reads : 1751, Under-Merchant ; 1754, Merchant ; 1763, Chief in Palliacatta ; 1769, titular rank of Chief-Merchant; 1775, substantive rank of Chief-Merchant, Senior Administrator at Negapatnam and Second in the Coromandel Goveroment. As such his name is mentioned for the last time in 1777, when he was about 70 years old. Soon after that his death must have occurred.
The memorial tablet records the name of his wife : Elizabeth Maria Mestral de Meserie, a name, which is not mentioned in the registers of the Company. Very likely sho was not a Dutch woman, but probably the daughter of one of the many Frenchmen who lived along the coast at that time. For that matter the Dormieux, too, were supposedly of French origin.
No. 16.-NOTES ON THE NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF THE GUPTA YEAR 169.
BY JOGENDRA CHANDRA GHOSH, CALCUTTA. The above grant has appeared in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIII, pp. 52-56. We congratulate Mr. N. G. Majumdar, the editor of the plate, for his fine critical acumen. Although he has not been able to identify the village of Ambila, from where the charter was issued, nor the village of Jangöyikā, in which lay the donated land, the indication he has given of their locality has come very true. He, from a study of the nature of the script, the phraseology used in the Baigram and other contemporary inscriptions discovered in North Bengal, and the standard measuring reed used, came to the conclusion that the land given away must have belonged to North Bengal, although the donee came from Nandapura in the Monghyr District of Bihär.
We find that a village named Ambulia or Ambalia still exists in thānā Rajarampur of the Dinajpur District, in North Bengal. There is also a village named Jangai in thânā Nawabganj of the same district. Baigram is also in this thānā. The village of Jangöyiki seems to be a very ancient one. Kautilya in the Arthaśāstra speaks of a variety of sandal wood, a variety of
Village Directory, Dinajpur (1885).

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No. 16.] NOTES ON THE NANDAPUR COPPER-PLATE OF THE GUPTA YEAR 169. 127
agaru (resin of aloe) and also a kind of taila parnika (leaves producing oil such as Eucalyptus) named Jongaka which might have taken this name from its place of origin. The commentator says that all these are the products of Kamarūpal. We do not know the time of this commentator. He might have flourished in the seventh century, when this part of Bengal was under Kāmarūpa. It is interesting to note that a variety of agaru is named Dongaka, and a variety of taila parnika as Asökagrāmika'. This Dongaka might be the same as the Döngā-grāma in Himavachchhikhara, occurring in the Damodarpur plate No. 4'. The commentator placed Asokagrāma also in Kamarupa, but we find a village of this name in thānā Gangārāmpur of the Dinajpur Districts
We would now like to make some observations on some of the terms used in the first two lines of the plate. For ready reference, we give below the text and the translation by Mr. Majumdar:
TEXT. 1 Svasty=Amvi(mbi)la-grām-ägrahārät=9a-visvasam-adhikaraņām(nam) Jangoyika-grāmē
Bribman-ottarān=samvyavaha2 ry-adi-kuțumvi(mbi)nah kusalam=anuvarnnya bõdhayanti(ti) likhanti(ti) cha[*] Vijñāpayati
nah vishayapati Chhattramahan.
TRANSLATION (Ll. 1-2) Hail! From the (royal) grant (agrahāra) of Ambila village, our Head of the District (Vishayapati) Chhattramaha, with confidence intimates, addresses in writing and informs the Court (Adhikarana), as well as the Brāhmaṇas, the chief officers and others, and also the householders, at the village of Jangöyikā, after having enquired about their well-being :
Agrahāra—This has been translated as '(royal) yrant'. The word, no doubt, ordinarily conveys this meaning. But it is doubtful if it has been used here in the same sense. Charters are usually issued from some headquarters or camps. There appears no reason why the present charter should be issued from a village of royal grant. In the Mallasărul plate of Vijayasena, issued in the third year of the reign of Mahārājādhirāja Gopachandra (c. 508 A. D.), we find the designation of an officer as Agrahārika. In the same plate the grant has been made by adressing Beveral Agrahārina-mahattaras' of the neighbourhood. So it seems that Agrahāra was meant to be the headquarters of a Mahattara, who was also an Agrahārika, or Agrahārin.
Let us see what agrahāra literally means. It is derived from agra=first or prior and hri=to take. Agra here has to be taken in the sense of agra-bhāga, i.e., king's share, because the king has got the priority or the first charge on the produce of land. Agrahara means one who takes or collects king's share'. The Sukraniti has used the words bhāgahara and bhāgagrāhi in this sense? Agrahara, therefore, means the place of business or headquarters of the Agrahara or Agrahārin'.
1 Arthabastra, Bk. II, ch. 11. * Ibid. • Above, Vol. XV, p. 140. • Arthasästra (Ganapati Sastri's ed.), p. 189. - Vill. Diry., Dinajpur. • Bangiya sahitya-Parishat-Patrika (B. S. 1344), pp. 17-21; above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 155 4. * Sukraniti (Venk. Press), ch. II, vv. 120, 419.

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Now we shall try to see how agrahara came to mean a grant made to a Brahmana.' We have seen that in the Mallasarul grant Agraharins were Mahattaras also. The title Mahattara implies a head-man of a village.' When he performs also the function of a revenue-collector,' he is called Agraharina-mahattara. Manu says that the king should appoint a head-man for every village, every ten villages and so on. The head-man of one village will get as his remuneration what food and drink the villagers are to pay to the king every day. The head-man of ten villages will get land which requires six bulls to cultivate, and so on. Kautilya also says that the Adhyakshas or 'Superintendents of departments' should be endowed with lands. The Sukraniti again says gramapo Brāhmaṇo yōjyaḥ i.e., a Brāhmaṇa should be appointed as the headman or Mahattara of a village'. In this way the land granted as maintenance for the Agraharina-mahattaras who were invariably of the Brahmana caste came to be known as agrahāra.
Sa-viśvāsam-This has been translated as in confidence'. No question of confidence comes in here. We think that Dr. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist, has rightly raised the point that after agrahärät some officers should be mentioned. We take Viśvāsa to be the designation of some officer. Sa-karanan', a word similar to sa-viśväsam', is found in the Khalimpur plate of Dharmmapaladēva, as jyështha-kayastha-mahāmahattara-mahattara-dāśagrāmik-adivishaya-vyavahariṇaḥ sa-karanan 's, i.e., the District-Officers such as the Jyeshtha-Kayastha, etc., with their Karanas, i.e., Sub-Departments or the officers constituting their respective SubDepartments. Here it appears that the Mahattara was an officer higher than the Daśagramika or the head of ten villages' and the Jyeshtha-Kayastha was at the head of the Vishaya-Vyavaharins or officers of the district', probably employed in the work of revenue collection. Viśvāsa literally means trust,' hence any officer in charge of some work of trust.' Here it probably refers to the post of revenue-collector of the Ambila agrahara.
6
Let us see if there is any evidence to show that there really existed any post of the name of Viśvāsa. The present-day surnames such as Viśväsa, Niyogi, Bhāndāri, Bisi (Vishayi), Majumdar (correctly Majmuadar), Munshi, etc., are nothing but the names of posts, which were held by some forefathers, probably for some generations, of the present holders of these surnames. Arjuna Misra, the Bengali commentator of the Mahabharata, says that he wrote the Mokshadharmmarthadipika under orders of the Gaudesvara-mahamantri-śrimad-Viśvāsa-raya". Again Ramachandra Guha, the poet of the 4indavananda-Nataka, says that he was the son of Gaudendramahāmātya-kavi-pandita-prāpta-Viśvāsa-sthāna(khāna)-padavika". We find that both Visvāsa-rāya and Viśvāsa-khana held high posts under the king of Gauḍa. Ramachandra clearly states that his father held the post (padavi) of Viśvāsa-khāna. Padavi literally means a situation, a place,' but surnames after the post-designations have become so very common in Bengal that padavi means a surname. The term again is so very popular that surnames such as Banerji, Ghosh, etc., which are not strictly padavis go by the name of padavi. Viśvāsa-rāya and Viśvāsa-khāna seem to be similar to the modern Lord Chancellor of the Exchequer.' After this there cannot be any doubt that Viśväsa in the present plate has been used as the designation of an officer.
[Agraharina of the Mallasarul Plate evidently stands for agraharika and has been formed on the analogy of grāmiņa.-Ed.]
Manu-smriti, ch. VII, vv. 115-19.
Arthabastra, Bk. II, ch. 1.
Sukrraniti, ch. II, v. 420.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 250, text 1. 47.
Notices of Sans. MSS., H. P. Sastri, 2nd. Series, Vol. I, No. 295.
Des. Cat. of Sans. MSS., Tanjore, Vol. VIII, No. 4335.

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No. 17.]
SVALPA-VELURA GRANT OF GANGA ANANTAVARMAN.
Adhikaranam-This has been translated as 'court'. We think it would be more suitable to say department' or officers constituting the department'. Court ordinarily carries the sense of a Court of Justice.' Kautilya has used this word in the sense of a department."1
129
最
2
Brāhmaṇ-öttaran-This has been rendered as the Brahmanas and others.' In the char ters of the Sēna and the Varman kings of Bengal, we have Brāhmaṇān Brahman-ottaran,' which has been translated by Mr. Majumdar as Brahmanas, and the best or chief among Brahmaņas". Again in the Ramapal copper-plate of Srichandra occurs only Brahman-öttaran.' This has also been rendered as the best among Brāhmaṇas.' We think in the first case 'Brāhmaṇ-öttarān' means other than the Brahmanas,' and in the second case as the Brahmaņas and others,' as has been interpreted in the present case. No other rendering will be suitable to the context.
Samvyavahary-adi-kuṭumbinaḥ-This has been translated as the chief officers and the householders'. In the Damodarpur plate No. 3 a distinction has been made between the adhi karana-grāmika-kutumbinaḥ, and the -prakriti-kutumbinaḥ. The first seems to refer to those, who by virtue of their position in society held some office, such as mahattara, etc., while the second are the lay or ordinary householders. In the present plate these householders are not the ordinary householders, but belonged to the first class.
Kusalam-anuvarpnya-This has been interpreted as enquiring about the well-being of'. This is the same as 'kusalam-uktva' of the Damodarpur plate mentioned above. It should, we think, be translated as ' after saying or wishing well-fare' such as subham-astu bhavatām. Manu ordains that kusala should be enquired of the Brahmaņas only, and not of the other varnas. Here in the assembly people other than the Brahmaņas were also present. So enquiring of kusala of all would have been against law and etiquette.
No. 17.-SVALPA-VELURA GRANT OF GANGA ANANTAVARMAN.
BY B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUGD.), OOTACAMUND.
This grant is one of the nine sets of copper-plates which were acquired by Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Superintendent, Archeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, in the year 1935, and seven of which have already been published. Their exact find-spot is not known, but, as stated above, they were unearthed in a village of the Badakhimedi Estate in the Ganjam District.
The charter consists of three copper plates, each measuring about 7" x 24". They were strung on a ring, about 31" in diameter, to which was fixed a seal. This is now badly defaced, but it probably contained the figure of a recumbent bull. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 108 tolas. The first and the last plates are engraved only on the inner face, while the second plate bears writing on both the sides. Their rims are left flat, still the inscription on them is intact. There are altogether thirty lines of writing, each face of the second plate containing eight and the other two seven each.
1 Arthabastra, Bk. II, ch. IX.
N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 24, 66, 78 and 90. Ibid., p. 8.
Above, Vol. XV, p. 136.
Manu-smriti, ch. II, v. 127.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff.; 78 ff.; 141 ff. and 261 ff. Ibid., p. 73.

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The characters belong to the northern variety of alphabet, which is generally found in the Ganga records. The script of the present inscription resembles to a great extent that of the Vishamagiri plates of Indravarmadēva, and, at the same time, appears to be somewhat more archaic than the latter. It is, however, decidedly much later than that of the Dhanantara plates of Samantavarman. With regard to the formation of individual letters, it may be observed that k, dh, p, m, y, r, l, s and h have two signs each, as found in the following examples: Světakand sakala (1. 1); -adhishtha (1. 1) and °dhiraja (1. 7); parika (1. 10) and janapa° (1. 11); māhēśvarō and mātā (1. 6); pralaya (1. 2) and nayaka (1. 10); °dhiraja and parame (1. 7); sakala (1. 1) and kamal- (1. 4); nivāsi° (1. 3) and sāmanta (1. 5); heto (1. 2) and mahe (1. 6). Similarly n is represented by two distinct forms one of which is identical in shape with the same letter in Nagari, while the other looks like Nagari v. Both of them may be compared in nivasina (1. 3). The same word also illustrates the two ways in which the medial i is expressed. The medial long i is likewise denoted in two ways, cf. śri (1. 3 et passim) and kusaliḥ (1. 8). Attention may be called also to śri in 1. 29 the form of which totally differs from the sign of the same word occurring several times in the rest of the inscription. As to the signs for initial vowels, a is met with in 11. 8, 22, 27, i in 11. 24, 26, 29, and u in 11. 18, 29. Here again, two diverse forms of initial i are seen in iti, appearing twice in 1. 29. The sign for final t (11. 15, 23) is equally noteworthy.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and the composition is in prose, except that five of the customary verses occur in 11. 19-26. Concerning orthography the following points are noticed: (1) In certain cases sandhi rules have been disregarded, as in 1. 15. (2) In a few instances the sandhi observed is wrong, as in "rajyo parama- (1. 6). (3) Anusvära has taken the place of a final m, as in phalam (1. 20) and (4) occasionally also of a class nasal, as in Kalimg(1.6), (5) whereas in some cases it appears redundantly before a nasal, as in Gamng- (1.7) and bhavatāṁm=ētad= (1. 13). (6) Visarga is sometimes omitted, as in nivasina (1. 3), (7) while it is wrongly used in kusaliḥ (1. 8). (8) The letter t preceding r in sakti-ttraya (1.4) and in attra (1.27) is reduplicated. (9) A consonant after r is in most cases doubled, as in Gokarnṇ (1. 3), and (10) left single in others, as in -ärka (1. 16). (11) As in many other records of this period, no separate sign for b has been employed in this inscription, it being invariably expressed by the sign for v. The composition of the record also shows a few mistakes such as wrong spellings or incorrect grammar, which have been rectified in the transcribed text.
The document is issued by the illustrious Mahäräjädhiraja-Paramësvara-Paramabhaṭṭāraka Anantavarmadeva from his capital or seat of government (adhishthana) Svētaka. Its object is to record the grant, made by the king himself, of a village called Svalpa-Velura (or SvalpaVēluro), included in the district (vishaya) of Khalgukhanda, to one Bhatta Nanaṭasarman belonging to the Vatsa gōtra, the Vajasaneya charana, and the Kāņva śākkā (of the white Yajurvēda). Mahāsāmanta Asōkadēva acted as the Dutaka for this charter, while it was composed by Mahasandhivigrahika Govindadeva, registered (lañchhita) by the chief queen (Mahadevi) Vasabhaṭṭārikā and engraved by Mahindrabhima. The date of the record, which is given at the end, is the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Phalguna in the nineteenth year which, in all probability, refers to the regnal year of the king.
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 134 #. Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 275 ff.
The donor, M. P. P. Anantavarman, belonged to the Early Ganga dynasty of Kalinga. One of the conventional attributes attached to his name describes him as one who wields the supreme power over the entire Kalinga (country) conquered by the strength and might of his own arms', but this in common with a number of other Ganga grants has no special significance

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No. 17.]
SVALPA-VELURA GRANT OF GANGA ANANTAVARMAN.
131
here. Although several of the Early Ganga kings are known to bear the same name Anantavarman, none of them appears to be identical with the grantor of the present charter. Unfortunately there still prevails a good deal of uncertainty with regard to the chronology of the Early Ganga kings, in spite of the fact that the number of their known records, which was already not a mean one, has during recent years been appreciably augmented by fresh discoveries. From the varied and extensive data available divergent opinions have been formed in respect of the many vexed problems connected with the history of the Gangas, which it will serve no useful purpose to repeat here. Hence a brief and relevant discussion may suffice.
It has been supposed that there were at least five collateral branches of the Early Gangas, ruling over different parts of Kalinga. Even an attempt has been made to fix the genealogy of each of them. A verse appearing in Vajrahasta's grants" has been cited in support of that. There is indeed nothing against such a supposition. In fact, there is an additional piece of evidence in its favour. We know that there were various capitals from where the Ganga records have been issued. This diversity of capitals is better explained by accepting the above view than by assuming, with Mr. T. C. Rath, that the capital was changed from time to time'.
Latterly, it has been suggested that one branch of the Early Gangas had Svētaka as its capital, whence it ruled over the surrounding territory. It may parenthetically be pointed out that Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma asserts that the name of the city has hitherto been 'wrongly read as Světaka' but is really Schetaka'. His assertion is based on his examination of the four grants then available to him. There is no gainsaying that the forms of conjuncts sva and scha are often very similar to and hardly distinguishable from each other in those records, as is the case in many others for the matter of that. Again, the evidence of the Vishamagiri plates, as adduced by Mr. Sarma, even substantiates his alleged reading Schetaka. In spite of all that the latter does not seem to me acceptable. Considering that the names of the other Ganga capitals are purely Sanskrit ones, one would expect in the present instance also a familiar Sanskrit word as Světaka rather than a quasi-Sanskrit term like Schětaka. This in itself, I admit, is not a sufficiently cogent argument for the acceptance of the former reading, but, as we shall presently see, it is strengthened by concrete evidence. As remarked above, Mr. Sarma had only four charters for comparison, whereas we have now six or seven more issued from the self-same capital city. If the sve of Světaka is not clear enough in any of the previously known four grants, it is absolutely clear in at least three of the latter group. It will be seen that the conjuncts éva and scha there have distinct forms. We have, therefore, to treat the reading Schetaka of the Vishamagiri plates as a mistake for Světaka.
Assuming now that the kings who issued charters from Svētaka belonged to a separate branch of the Early Ganga rulers, we find that Anantavarman of the present grant is the only king of that name so far known in that line. The earliest known prince of this family is
1 See above, Vol. III, pp. 17 ff.; Vol. XXIII, pp. 56 ff, J. A. H. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 273 ff. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, p. 38.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 189; Vol. IX, p. 96; Vol. XXIII, p. 71. The verse runs as follows:
पूर्वं भूपतिभिर्विभज्य वसुधा या पञ्चभिः पचधा भुक्ता भूरिपराक्रमो भुजबलातामेक एव स्वयम् ।
एकीकृत्य विजित्य शबुनिवहान् श्रीवज्रहस्त च तु चत्वारिं शतमत्युदारचरितः सर्वामरणीत्समाः ॥
Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 276.
Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. XI, pp. 60 f.
Ibid., p. 59 and n. 9.
Above, Vol. XXIII, plates facing pp. 80, 262 and 287.

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(VOL. XXIV.
Såmantavarman, as would appear from his Dhanantara plates, which are not dated but sro assigned to the seventh century A.D. on the evidence of their more archaic characters. Two points are noteworthy in this last-mentioned record ; firstly Samantavarman does not bear any royal title ; secondly he is described as sva-bhuja-bala-parākram-ākrānta-sakala-Śrētak-adhirajya. This latter epithet, we know, occurs in connection with many other Ganga kings, with the only difference that there it has Kalinga instead of Svētaka. From the above observation we may conclude that Samantavarman must have been a petty chief, ruling over a small territory called Svētaka after the name of the capital city. Incidentally, this last reference further supports the theory of the separateness of the Svētaka branch of the Early Ganga kings of Kalinga. As will be seen below, Samantavarman later on rose from his humble position to considerable power.
Recently, an important discovery has been made in the shape of a copper plate grant. The charter is likewise issued from Svētaka. It is dated and records the gift of a village, named Phērava, to four Brāhmaṇas. The donor is Mahārāja Sāmantavarman who has been rightly identified with Samantavarman of the Dhanantara plates. The identification is vouched mainly by the similarity of the script used in both the records. It may be noticed that in the Phērava grant Samantavarman is styled Mahārāja and bears the more common epithet sva-bhuja-balaparākram-ākrānta-Kaling-ādhirājya, whereas in his Dhanantara plates he bears no such title as Mahārāja and his corresponding epithet there contains Svētaka and not Kalinga. This indicates that, during the interval between the times of the issue of his Dhanantara plates and Phērava grant, Sämantavarman somehow or other managed to have his dominions expanded and thereby to acquire more authority. We have at present no means to ascertain either the exact duration of that interval or the circumstances that led to his success and achievements.
As has already been remarked, the Phêrava grant is dated ; and that is again a point inviting controversy. The dateis expressed only by three numerical symbols which the editor, Mr. Sarma, has read as 185. The first and the last figures no doubt represent 100 and 5 respectively The middle one, however, answers neither to 8 nor to 80, as a comparison of it with the known symbols of those numerals will prove. Mr. Sarma's reading of the date as 185 is thus not warranted. The precise value of the disputed symbol cannot be determined unless we come across the same sign used elsewhere in a Ganga record in a date expressed both in words and in numerical symbols. Tentatively, however, I propose to explain the sign under discussion as representing 6, because it closely resembles the symbol for six occurring in the Komarti Plates of Chandavarman of Kalinga. The date would thus be the year 165 and not 185. No era has been specified in the record, but the year 165 possibly refers itself to the Gangěya era.
According to Mr. Sarma's reading of the date as the year 185 of the Gangēya era, Samantavarman becomes contemporaneous with Gunārņava's son Dēvēndravarman, a Ganga king of Kalinganagara, whose records of the years ranging from 183 to 195 of the same era are known.
1 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 275 ff.
1 This has been edited by Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma in Bharati (Telugu), Vol. XIV, Pt. I, 1937, pp. 223 f. and Plates; and J. O. R., Vol. XI, Pt. I, 1937, pp. 55 ff. (and Plates, ibid., Pt. II).
* The date portion has come out more distinct on the plates accompanying Mr. Sarma's article in Telugu.
For the signs of 8 and 80 see above, Vol. XVII, plate facing p. 333, text I. 23; Vol. III, plate facing p. 129, text l. 23, has the symbol for 80, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, plate facing p. 121, test 1. 20, has that for 8.
Above, Vol. IV, plate facing p. 145, text I. 20. It will be seen that in both the cases the symbol is iden. tical in form with the letter ha of the alphabet used, but that in the case of the Kömarti Plates it has the sign of medial & added to it.
.See Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, Nos. 1478, 1479 and 2048 ; also I. H. Q., Vol. X, p. 301.

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No. 17.)
SVALPA-VELURA GRANT OF GANGA ANANTAVARMAN.
Mr. Sarma is inclined to believe that Samantavarman's subsequent rise was presumably due to a successful invasion by him on Dēvēndravarman's territory. This belief is not tenable in view of the fact that the reading of the date as the year 186 of the Phērava grant is not correct.
Besides Mahārāja Samantavarman and M. P. P. Anantavarman, the following are the names of the other Ganga rulers of the Svētaka branch as known from their respective characters: Mandraja Indravarman;' Mahārāja Prithivivarman, son of Mahindravarman ;' M. P. P. Indravarman, son of Prithivivarman ;Mahārāja Jayavarman;" P. M. P. Ränaka Dånārņava, son of Přithvīvarman ;5 M. P. P. Bhūpēndravarman ;* Rāņaka Jayavarman ;' and Maharaja IndraVarman. Sufficient data are not yet available for determining the chronology of these kings.
As regards the localities mentioned in the present inscription, no satisfactory identifica. tion is forthcoming. Commenting upon śvētaka, Mr. R. Subbarao says: “It would appear from the Sthalapurāņa that the region round about Sri-Kūrmam was called Svētaka Pushkarani (sic); and probably the donor had his capital at Sri-Kūrmam". Mr. Sarma, on the other hand, identifies Svētaka with the modern Chikati Zamindari in the Sompēța taluk of the Ganjam Dis. trict 10 Khalgukhanda vishaya of the present grant is evidently the same as Khalugakhanda vishaya occurring in the charters of Bhūpēndravarman and Rāņaka Jayavarman, but it has not yet been identified. The name of the granted village, Svalpa-Vēlura, suggests that there must have been two villages of the name Vēlura, one svalpa (small) and the other brihat (Large). I am unable to offer any plausible identification of either.
Finally we may consider in brief the significance of the designations of some of the officers figuring in this record, as they illustrate in a way the administrative history of India. The list of officials to whom the charter is addressed is headed by Mahäsämanta and Srisämanta. From the context they appear to be some dignitaries rather than feudatory chiefs' as the term sömanta ordinarily signifies. Moreover, I am inclined to take sri in the latter term 48 40 integral part of the designation and not as merely an honorific prefix. The first of these two ranks appears to be superior to the second one. May be they denote officers in charge of or posted on the frontiers '. Dandanāyakal' is probably the same as Sēnāpati 'army-leader' or general'. Dandapātika
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 134 ff.
Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 198 ff. 3 Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 78 ff.
• Ibid., pp. 261 ff. Ibid., pp. 263 ff.
• Ibid., pp. 265 ff. 7 Ibid., pp. 267 If.
. He is known from a recently discovered copper-plate grant which has not yet been published. As the characters of this record are much earlier in appearance, Maharaja Indravarman of this does not seem to be iden. tioal with either of the two rulers of the same name mentioned in the above list.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, p. 184. 10 J. 0. R., Vol. XI, p. 58. It may be recalled that Mr. Sarma roads Schilaka instead of Svetaka. The latter reading may not upset his identification of the place with Chikati, kve being equally transmutable into che through the supposed intermediary forms &č (which actually occurs in one instanoe, 800 above, Vol. XXIII, p. 268) and che. He observes that "the term Schętaka can be explained philologically to be the same as the modern Chrkati .........., the intervening forme being, Schökats (through metathesis), Chokata Chökats and finally Chrkati in popular parlance." Further on in his essay he also connects Sodā. or Södā-mandala with Sohotaka (op. cit., p. 61).
11 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 266 and 288.
1: Mr. N. G. Majumdar thinks that Dandandyala means '& judge'. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 188. The same term has been rendered by R. G. Basak as 'magistrate'. Above, Vol. XII, p. 43. The title Mahadandanayaka, which denotes a higher rank than that of Dandandiyaka, appears also in the famous Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Sainudragupta, where Fleet takes it for a military title and discusses its significance in detail. C. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 16, n. . Prof. Vogel, however, renders this Mahadandanayaka by profect of polioe' in Antiquities of Chumba, Pt. I, p. 123, where he discusses the title Kumard matya.

Page #159

134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXIV.
may mean an officer entrusted with the punishment of criminals'. The term Antaranga is not of frequent occurrence and has been subjected to much discussion. It possibly signifies '& court physician'. The title Kumārāmātya has been explained as to denote councillor of the crown prince': No satisfactory explanation of the term Uparika has yet been found, though it is met with in many inscriptions and several scholars have discussed it. The office of Uparika seems to have existed even in very olden days, for we find it defined by so ancient an authority as Brihaspati who is quoted by Visvarūpāchārya in his commentary Balakrīdā on the Yājñavalkyasmriti while commenting on the verse 307 in the Rājadharma-prakarana of this works. The definition runs as follows: avikāryo="vikal-endriyah pratāpavān subhagah sumukhô='kripano pramadi daksho dakshinya-chäritra-rakshan-artham-adhikarana-sandigdha-vivēka-kridau parikah sydd, i.e., & man who is resolute, sane, energetic, blissful, personable, generous, vigilant, dextrous and capable of administering justice in legal disputes should be (appointed as) Uparika in order to maintain impartiality and morality'. The office of an Uparika may thus correspond to that of a magistrate'. Vishayapati and Grāmapati are district-officer' and 'village-head' respectively. The meaning of the terms Bhagin and Bhögin is not very clear. They are apparently the same as Bhägika and Bhogika, occurring elsewhere. They possibly denote collectors of revenue'. Explaining the latter designation Mr. Vaidya writes : "the collector of the Bhöga, i.e. the state share of the land produce taken in kind, as a rule, one sixth. The term Bhöga is still in use in Kathiawad for the share usually th which land-holders receive from landoultivating tenants ".? The chātas, bhatas and vallabhas belong to the inferior staff. The first two have often been rendered as irregular soldiers' and regular troops' respectively. Prof. Vogel has, however, shown that the office of chāļa still exists in the Chamba State where the cor. rupt form chăr is used and it means the head of a parganā', while bhafa is taken in the sense of an official subordinate to the head of a parganā '.8 Vallabhas are mentioned also in Kautilya's Arthasāstra where the word is translated as courtiers'
TEXT.10
sakala
First Plate. 1 Omli Svasti [l*] Svētak-ādhishthänād=bhagavatas-char-āchara-gur[7]h
gasänka-bēkhara-dharasya sthity 11.utpatti pralaya-kāraņa-hēto3 Mmahēndr-achala-sikhara-niväsina[h*] Srimad-Gökarnnēsvara-bhattaraka4 sya charana-kamal-ärädhan-āvāpta-punya(nya)-nichayasyal sakti-ttraya
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 264, n. 2; J. Ph. Vogel, op. cit., p. 129.
.N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 183; N. N. Das Gupta, A Note on the Term Anton ranga' in Indian Culture, Vol. I, pp. 684 ff.
•J. Ph. Vogel, op. cit., p. 123. • Ibid. ; N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 183, here also see under Anlaranga.
Yafiavalkyaompiti with the commentary Balakrida edited by T. Ganapati Sastri (Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, No. LXXIV), pp. iv and 184.
• See J. Ph. Vogel, op. cit., p. 130. +0. V. Vaidya, History of Mediaval Hindu India, Vol. I, p. 157. . J. Ph. Vogel, op. cit., pp. 130 ff. .R. Shamasastry's English translation, Kautilya'. Arthasästra (2nd edition), p. 52. 10 From ink-impressions. 11 Expressed by a symbol. 11 The letter 1 in this conjunot appears"to be doubled, but in reality it is single ; of the same in krilya, I. 17. 11 Read -nichayah.

Page #160


Page #161

SVALPA-VELURA GRANT OF GANGA ANANTAVARMAN.
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BCALE: THREE-FOURTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Res. No. 1838 E38-285,

Page #162

No. 17.)
SVALPA-VELURA GRANT OF GANGA ANANTAVARMAN.
186
5 prakarsh-anurañjit-āśēsha-sāmanta-chakra[h*) sva-bhuja-va(ba)la-paråkrama-Gjil6 ta-sakala-Kaling-adhirājyöljyah) paramamāhēsvaro mātä-pitri-pād-anu7 dhyāta(to) Gamng -āmala-kula-tilaka(ko) mā(ma)hārējādhi'rāja-paramēsvara
Second Plate ; First Side. 8 parama[bhaottā]raka-bri- Anantavarmmadāva[b] kusalih Khalgukhanda-visha9 yel. Varttamāna(nan) bhavishyamñcha(shyāms=cha) vrā(brā)hmaņa-purogab(gan)
mä(ma)hāsāmanta-srīsāma10 nta-dandanāyaka-dandapāśik-antaranga-kumărāmāty-oparika-vishaya11 pati-grāmapati-bhē(bhā)gi-bhogy-ādi-vishaya-janapadāʻrn=anyämns(nyām.)-cha chata12 bhata-vallabha-jātīyām(yan) yath-arham? mānayaty=ādidati cha viditam=13 stu bhavatālrm=ētad-vishaya-samvandha(mbaddha)-Svalpa-Võlurð grāmô=yarh cha
tuh-si14 m-opalakshito | Vājasanēsya*)-charaņāya Kāṇva-sākhaya Vachchhaltsa)-gotra15 ya Bhrigu-vatDairda-vat. Chyavana-vat* Jä(Ja)madagni-vat-s pravarāya 1
Second Plate; Second Side. 16 bhāța -Nanatasarmmaņāyat salila-dhārā-purahaarēn"-A-chandr-arka-kshiti-8817 ma-kālam-akariksitya pratipăditēma"=smābhir-yataḥ tāmvra(mra)-sāsana-darba18 näd-dharmma-gauravāchach-cha) na kēnachit-paripanthina bhavitavyah(vyam)
ukta 'rñ=cha didharmma-sastre19 shu Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudhādatā(ttā) rājabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ [l*] yasya yasya 20 yadā bhubhū)mis-tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam) | [118] Má bhu(bhū)d=aphala
sankä vah para
1 Here the anusvira is redundant.
* The letter dh here is in fact single, but it looks doubled as compared with the one in Adhishthandd, I. 1, and aradhan., 1. 4. The form in question may be compared with the same letter in dharasya, above Vol. III, pl. facing p. 18, text l. 3.
Here bha is reversed and is engraved upon a partly erased letter which was perhaps tri, while #a is differently shaped from that in -bhaffaraka, 1. 3.
• Sandhi has not been observed here. . Here visarga is superfluous. Read kubalt. • This danda is unnecessary. + There is a superfluous sign after the letter than.
• The Vatsa götra is known to have the following paich-arshya pravara : Jamadagni-Orva-Apnavana-ChyaVana-Bhrigu (see the Golra pravaranibandhakadamba (Bombay edition), p. 25). In the present instance, while Apnavina has obviously been omitted through inadvertence, Orva is replaced by Dairds which is not a wellknown name. In the case of the donee in the Ganjām plates of Jayavarmadēva (who likewise belongs to the Vājasaněya charana, the Kapva bakha and the Vatsa götra), Apnavāna and Orva are substituted by Vates and Dairdda respectively, as he is described to be Vatsa-vat Dairdda-val Bhrigu-nat Ja(Ja)madagni-val Chyavana-volpancha-pravar-atmaka (see Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XII, plate facing p. 492, text 11. 23-24).
. These dandas are unnecessary. 10 Read bhatta-Nanatakarmmane. 11 Better read -purahaarams. 12 Read pratipadito.. 1. There is a superfluous sign of final after the syllable lah. 14 Here d is redundant. Read dharmma..

Page #163

136
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV,
21 date(tt-Eti parthivaḥ [1] Sva-dånåt=phalamanantyam para-datt-&nupala
nam(nő) [2 1*) Ša(She)shți(shți). 22 m=varsha-sahastaņi gvargë módati bhu(bhū)midaḥ [l*) a(a)kshēptā ch=anumantă
cha tänyre23 va narakam=v[1]ajēt [131] Sva-dattām-para-dattām vā yo harēti(ta) vasurddharām
Third Plate.
24 vishthāyām krimir-bhubhūytvä pitsibhish*] saha pachyata || [41*] Iti kamala-da 28 l-amyu/mbu)-vi(bi)ndu-lolär briyam-anuchintya manushya-ji(i)vita'mn=cha sakalam=i26 dam=udāhfitafiecha vu(bu)ddhvá na hi purushai[h*) para-kirttayo vilõpya(pyāḥ)
[181*) iti! 27 du(dū)tako=ttra mä(ma)hăsămanta-bri(Sri)-Abokadēvaḥ likhitañ=cha mā(ma)ha28 sandhivigrihf(grahi)ka-Govindadēvēns | lam(la)ñchhita[m] mā"(ma)hādēvya sri-Väsa
bhatta29 rikaya iti | utkimnan=cha Sri-Mahindrabhimēna iti [l*] samva. 19 30 Phala'sudi 5
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-8) Om Hail! From the capital) city of Svõtaka, the illustrious MahäräjädhirajaParamèsvara-Paramabhaffäraka Anantavarmadēva, who has a store of religious merit acquired by worshipping the lotus-like feet of the illustrious lord Gokarnesvara-Bhattāraka (i.e., Siva), who is the ones in bringing about the creation, preservation and destruction of the universe) (and) who resides on the summit of the mount Mahēndra, whole has the entire circle of feudatory chiefs loyally attached (to himself) through the excellence of his three-fold power, who has the supremacy over the whole Kalinga (country) conquered by the strength and force of hisle of arms, who is a devout worshipper of Mahesvars (i..., Siva), whole has meditated on the feet of his parents, (and) who is an ornament of the pure family of the Gangas, being in good health,
(11. 8-12) duly honours and commands the present as well as the future officers) of the district and of the country, headed by the Brābmaņas, (namely) Mahasamantal frisämanta, Danda
Read vasundharam. Here the anusvåra is redundant. S M has not been obwerved here.
This id is engraved over an erasure. . Read Onibaguhi
• Rodehot. The sign after namna cannot be read as finally because the form of this letter occurring in the present inscription is altogether different ms may be seen in l. 15 and 1. 23. No doubt the sign in question is to be read as the numer 1, while the next one is the numerical figure 9.
+ This evidently stands for Phalguns. . This refers to Gokarpara-bhaffaraba.
• The order in the original is : preservation, creation and destruction. The same is seen also in the other known Gangs records wherever the phrase in question occars. The proper order, however, should be a given in the translation.
1. This refers to Anantavarmadēvs. 11 The three faktis are prabhu-bakti (majesty), mantra-baldi (good couneel) and wedha-sakti (energy). 11 The significance of this and the following titles has been discussed in the introduction.

Page #164

No. 18.)
CHURA GRANT OF PALLAVA VIJAYA-VISHNUGOPAVARMAN.
137
näyaka, Dandapātika, Antaranga, Kumārāmātya, Uparika, Vishayapati, Grāmapati, Bhagin Bhögin and so forth, as well as others belonging to the class of chätas, bhatas and vallabhas in the district of Khalgukhanda (as follows)
(11. 12-18) "Be it known to you that this village of Svalpa-Võlura (or Svalpa-Vēluro), belonging to this district (of Khalgukhanda), (and) marked by (ite all the) four boundaries, has been donated by Us, after making it rent-free, with libations of water to Bhatta Nānatasarman of the Vâjasanēya charana, the Kāņva säkha, the Vatsa götra (and) the Bhrigu-Urva-Chyavana-Apnaväna-Jamadagni pravara, to last as long as the moon, the sun and the earth (endure); wherefore seeing the copper charter and out of respect for the dharma no one should become an obstacle (to it).
(II. 18-26) "Moreover, it is declared in the dharmaśāstras : [Here follow five of the customary verses.] ”
(11. 27-30) The Dütaka here is the illustrious Jahäsämanta Asokadēva. And (it) is written by Mahāsandhivigrahika Govindadēva (and) registered by the illustrions chief queen Vasabhattārikā. And (it) is engraved by the illustrious Mahindrabhima. The year 19, the 5th day of the bright fortnight of Phālguna.
No. 18.-CHURA GRANT OF PALLAVA VIJAYA-VISHNUGOPAVARMAN.
By C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS. The grant edited below is engraved on three copper-plates strung on a circular ring bearing an oval seal. The plates were forwarded to the late Rao Babadur H. Krishna Sastri, Government Epigraphist for India, by J. N. Roy, Esq., I.C.S., Collector of Guntur, in 1913 and were reviewed in the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for the year 1913-14. Though a set of impressions was forwarded to Professor Hultzsch in October 1913, no article appears to have been contributed by him on the record. I am now editing it for the first time here from the original plates recently borrowed for the purpose and from the impressions preserved in my office.
The plates measure 6 inches by 24 inches each and the ring is 1 inch in thickness and 3 inches in diameter. The seal measures approximately 1 inch by 1 inch. The plates are very much worn out and slightly damaged also. Some holes are visible in the first and the third plates, while a portion in the top margin of the first plate is broken. The ring attached to the plates was not cut when they were first received for examination. The oval seal, into the bottom of which the ends of the ring are fixed, is slightly broken and on its face bears in relief the figure of a couchant bull facing the proper right. The first plate is engraved on one side only, while the second and the third plates are engraved on both the sides. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 31 tolas.
The Revenue Divisional Officer of Narasaraopet, who secured the plates at the first instance, reported that they were brought to him by Mulla Sheik Mirem of Narasaraopet who said that the plates were granted to his ancestor (!) one Mulla Abdul Fateh," as title-deed for some Jaghir in Daggupādu, a village of the Bapatla taluk". It is probable that the plates were originally discovered in Daggupādu itself or its vicinity, since Lagubamru (evidently modern Daggupācu) figures among the boundaries mentioned in the grant.
No. 3 of App. A; vide also page 6, para. 9 and page 82, para. I.

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138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
The inscription is composed in Sanskrit language and the characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets. As remarked by Krishna Sastri, though the record is full of mistakes, it is important enough for supplying information for Pallava genealogy prior to the time of the Simha, vishņu line of Conjeeveram. A few Telugu expressions occurring in the description of the boundaries are noticed below. The mistakes in sandhi, etc., are corrected in foot-notes accompanying the text. The following orthographical pecularities deserve to be noticed :
The anusvāra is often replaced by the class nasal, which is joined on to the following consonant in a conjunct letter: eg, Jitam-bhagavata, (l. 1), Pallavänän-dharmma, (l. 16), paran-danan-na bhutan-na (1. 31), papan-na bhutan-na (L 32), etc. In this respect this resord resembles the Mangaḍür grant of Simhavarman. The letter ja is often miswritten as ja with the central cross-bar elongated. Consonants following r are doubled in certain places (e.g., bal-ärjjit-örjjta, in 1. 2, maryyadasya in 1. 3, varmma in ll. 10, 16, etc. and dharmma in 11. 8, 16, etc.), but not in others (e.g., nidhër-vidhi in 1. 3, nivartana in 1. 25). The word purvva is invariably written as purvva (11. 19, 28) and uttara as utara (1. 22). The following corrupt forms are worthy of notice: Kandavarma (11. 4 f.), ratre (11. 16 f.), sancharantaka (11. 17 f.), grihathtāna-thtita (1. 24), pauvutra (1. 26), etc. The expression naiyavika1 (1. 17) appears to be meant for naiyämika derived from niyama and used for naiyamika or niyamika signifying law officers'. The word kshetra is wrongly used in the masculine form (1. 24) and kshetran for kshetram in 1. 25. The upadhmaniya is employed in yasaḥ-prakāśaḥ (11. 12-13). The use of the Telugu expressions muyuru (r)kutuva (i.e., the meeting-place of three villages) and mēlitapa in 1. 21 are also noteworthy. Melitapa is perhaps used in the sense of a stepped platform to stack ploughs (meli-modern mědi). Muditi-taṭakaḥ (1. 24) is another mixed expression probably meant to indicate an ancient (mudi)
tank.
The inscription records the gift of one hundred and eight. nivartanas of land and a housesite with a garden (väțikā) in the village of Chura in Karmma-rashtra by the Dharmma-mahārāja Vijaya-Vishnugopavarman of the Bharadvaja line and the Pallava family, to the Brahman Chisamisarman, who was the son of Dvedaya-Vriddhasarman and grandson of VishnuBarman and was a resident of Kunduru, who belonged to the Kasyapa-götra and was well-versed in the four Vēdas, as a brahmadeya, exempting it from all obligations or endowing it with all exemptions (parihärair-upēta) on the occasion of the Uttarayana. The gift was made for the increase of the king's life, strength and success.
The record commences with salutation to the Bhagavat as in some other early Pallava copper-plates, and this is followed by the name of the place of issue, viz., Vijaya-PalätkatAdhishthana, i.e., the prosperous capital Palatkata. The genealogy of the king is given thus :
Kandavarman (Skandavarman)
Vishnugopavarman
Simghavarman I
Vijaya-Vishnugopavarman
1 Cf. (1) neyike of the Hirehadagali plates (above, Vol. I, pp. 5 and 8) and (2) naiyogika of the Chendaluru plates of Kumaravishnu II (ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 235).
The village name Dvědaigomapuram occurs in the Tandantöttam plates of Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman : S. I. I., Vol. II, pp. 519 and 532 and in certain Chola inscriptions: 8. I. I., Vol. II, pp. 259 and above, Vol. XXII, p. 54. Dvědai and Dvědaya are perhaps corrupt but radha forms of Dviveda.

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No. 18.]
CHURA GRANT OF PALLAVA VIJAYA-VISHNUGOPAVARMAN.
139
Comparing this table with the list of succession given in allied Pallava grants, the king would appear to be the son of Simhavarman, who issued the Pikira, Māngadür and Uruvupalli grants and also the Origödu grant discovered by me in 1916, although the last is only a copy. Of Vishnugopavarman we have no copper-plate grants known so far besides the one under review which again from its palæography clearly appears to be a copy made some time in the beginning of the seventh century A.D. and has, therefore, some value as such.' A closer comparison of the letters would reveal great affinity between these and the letters of the Kondanagüru grant of the Eastern Chālukya Indravarman and the Ipūru plates of Vishnuvardhana III. It would, therefore, be accurate to assign the writing of the present grant to the early part of the seventh century A.D. Vishnugopavarman, the donor of the present grant, may be designated Vishnugopa HII of the Pallava dynasty.
We are not in a position to guess the actual political or natural causes for the origin of the copies of grants of this king and his father Simhavarman (i.e., the Omgödu grant). It is possible that the intrusion of the Eastern Chāļukyas into the Karmma-rashtra in the first quarter of the 7th century under Kubja-Vishnuvardhana was one of the circumstances that contributed to the loss of the original grants and the subsequent issue of their copies which have been left to us.
Krishna Sastri mentions a difficulty in the identification of Maharaja Vishnugopavarman, the grandfather of Vijaya-Vishnugopavarman of our grant, with Yuvamahārāja Vishnugopa of the Mängadür, Pikira, Uruvupalli and Omgõdu grants. But beyond the differenoe in the title there is no insurmountable difficulty in the understanding of the succession list. We have a similar analogy in the Eastern Chalukya line in the instance of Mangi-Yuvaraja, always being mentioned as a Yuvarāja in the dynastic lists, though we have definite evidence to show that he ruled for 25years under the royal name or title Vijayasiddhi'. Moreover, in the light of the present grant. applying to Vishnugopa the title 'mahārāja', we will have to give up the supposition made by Dr. Hultzsch' that the king never ascended the throne.
The title Dharmar mahārāja applied to the early Pallava", Ganga and Kadambalo kings is. somewhat interesting and seems to call for some remarks. The title ocours also in the form Dharma-mahäräjādhiraja applied to the early Pallava king Sivaskandavarman in his Prakrit Hirehadagali plates and to the early Kadamba king Bivakhadavarmman Härītiputta in his Präkrit Malavalli pillar insoription. The title was borne also by the early Western Ganga king Satyavākya-Konganivarman. This king is also given the title Dharma-mahādhiraja in another.
Above, Vol. XV, p. 262.
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1013-14, page 82, pere. 1. [The Iste Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri while reviewing this grant in the Epigraphical Report assigned it to the 7th century A.D. but held that this Vishnugopevarman was a later member of the Pallava line. Subsequently he modified his opinion and considered that the plates under publication could not be used for the purpose of obtaining a continuous Pallava suncession after Birhavarman I as they were decidedly later by reason of their palæography and were otherwise slao untrustworthy'. (See above, Vol. XVIII, p. 148)Ed.]
Above, Vol. XVIII, No. 1 and plate opposite page 2 Ibid., No. 6 and plate opposite page 60. Madras Ep. Rep. for 1914, page 82, para. 1. • Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 58 ff. 1 Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 160. • Soe n. 2 above. . Above, Vol. XV, p. 252. le Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 265, 269, 270. etc. 11 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 5. 1. Ibid., Vol. X, App. No. 1196. 13 Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 58 and Vol. X, p. 56, 1. n, 2.

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140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
epigraph. The early Kadamba kings Krishnavarman, his son Vishnuvarman, and Ravivarman also bore the title Dharma-mahārāja. Similarly the early Kadamba king Vijaya Siva-Mandhătrivarman is entitled Dharma-mahärājah. The title Dharma-Yuvamahärāja also occurs in some Pallava inscriptions. Dr. Fleet commenting upon the significance of the title Dharmamaharājādhiraja' says that it means 'a mahārājādhiraja by or in respect of religion' or by free translation a pious or righteous mahärājādhiraja'. Asöka is believed to have borne the surname or title Dharmarāja'. But the titles Dharma-mahārāja, Dharma-mahādhirāja or Dharma-mahā. ränadhirāja are not known to have been applied either to him or assumed by any other early king in North or South India besides those noted above. They are not known either to the Epics or the Puranas which deal with the most pious kings. These titles appear, in my opinion, to have been based upon or evolved from the earlier title Dhamma-mahāmata of the Asokan inscriptions." These officials, according to the monarch's own statement, were appointed by him for the first time and they were primarily officials in charge of morality'. It appears to me that the early Pallava, Ganga and Kadamba kings, having succeeded to the sovereignty of the territories over which Aboks might have appointed some of his dhamma-mahamätas (dharma-mahāmatras) assumed the titles dharma-mahärāja or.dharma-mahārājadhirāja as and when their political circumstances permitted. This explanation seems also to be borne out by the context in which the title occurs in the early Kadamba inscription of Siva-Mändbätsivarman in the form Vaijayantyam Dharmamahārājaḥ'; even before the family of the king is introduced. Just as in the Vijayanagara times Vassals or ministers who were originally entitled mahārāja' assumed the paramount title 'maharaya 'when they gained sovereignty, so too the successors of the Asokan Dharma-mahāmātras must have adopted the title Dharma-mahārāja or Dharma-mahārājādhirāja when they became independent kings but were willing or even proud to maintain the earlier traditions of their political power and associations with the great Mauryan emperor's time.
The grant was issued from Vijaya-Palatkațădhishthana, i.e., the victorious capital Palatkata. Palakkada-sthāna was the place of issue of the Uruvupalli plates of Simhavarman, the father of the present king. Whether we can definitely identify Palätkata with Palakkada as suggested by Krishna Sastriu and assumed also by Professor Dubreuil is doubtful, though the possibility of the identity is not altogether precluded. Prof. Dubreuil suggested once personally to me that Palakkada might be identical with the modern village of Peda-Palakaluru in the Guntur taluk. It is also possible that Paluküru in the Kandukur taluk of the Nellore District might be the ancient Palakkada or alternatively Palātkata. From the Postal Directory we see that in the vicinity of Kandukur town are villages of the name Pallava, Pallava-Balagopalapuram and Pallava Bhuvanagiriväri-khandrika. These names definitely point to the association of this tract with the Pallavas.
* Above, Vol. XII, p. 50, Text, 1. 4. • Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 18 and Vol. VIIT, Pp. 30 and 147. • Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 14. • Ind., Ant., Vol. V, p. 51; above, Vol. VI, p. 18, 1. n. 1. . Above, Vol. V, p. 163, f. n. 2. • Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 167.
Hultasch, Inscriptions of Asoka, Gir. V; Kal. V, XII, etc. •B.. Tirumala I.
[There is not sutolerat svidence to support this view.-Ed.) 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, 51. 11 Madras Ep. Rep., 1994, p. 82, para. I. 13 Pallaras, table on p. 73.

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No. 18.]
CHURA GRANT OF PALLAVA VIJAYA-VISHNUGOPAVARMAN.
141
The boundary villages Lagubarru, Päguhůru and Nägolami mentioned in the inscription may be identified respectively with the modern villages Daggupādu, Pāvuluru and Nagalla, all in the Bapatla taluk of the Guntur District. The gift village Churd would therefore be the deserted village shown in the New Atlas sheets between Nägalla and Daggupidu. In the older sheets this is shown as Sūrāväripalem. Eradi-mahapatha cannot be identified. Karmma-răshtra of the inscription is very well known in early Eastern Chalukya inscriptions and in still later epigraphs it is known by the name Kamma-nandu. But attention may be drawn to the fact that it was still earlier known as Kammaka-ratha in the Jaggayyapēta Prakrit inscriptions of the Ikhaku king Sirivira Purisadata.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Jitam-Bhagavātä[ta] [1*] Svasti [l*] Sri-vijāya'-Palatkat-a[dhishţānā]tó-pa2 rama-brahmanyasya sva-bāhu-bal-arjjit-orjjita-kshātra-tapo-ni3 dhë[r*]-vidhi-[vi]hita-sarvva-maryyādasya sthiti-sthista]sy-amitt-ā]tmanī ma4 h[@]rājāsya? pratāp-opanata-rājā-mandalasya śri-Ka. 5 ndavarmanaḥ pra-pautraḥ siddhi-sa[m*]pamna(nna)sya vasudhā-tal-aika-vi. 6 rasya 10mahārājāsya sri-Vashộugópava[r*]mapaḥ pautrash] dēva-dvi7 jä-guru-vridh-apachāyinõu (vivsi]rddha-vanayasya nēkah-go
Second Plate; First Side. 8 hiranya-bhůmy-[a]di-pradānaiḥ pravriddha-dharmma-sañchayasya 9 prajā-pälana-pakshasya's lökapālān[á]m pañchamasya [lokapālasya") satya(ty-a)tma10 no mahārājasya sri-Simgha[va*]rmmaņaḥ putra[h] bhagavatu-bha[kti)-sa11 dbhāva-sadbhā(sambhā)vita-sarvvā(rva)-kalyāṇa-sa[m]doga15 satata-satra12 vrata-dikshito anēka-samara-sahas-avamarddha"? .labdha-vijaya-yasa". 13 b-prakäba[h*) Kali-yuga-dosh-āvasa[nna)-dharmm-oddharana-nitya-sannaddho rāja14 rsha(rshi)-guņa[h*) bhagavat-pad-anudhyāstā] bappa-bhast*]tāraka-pāda-bhakta[h*) pa
Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 1202 to 1204; Hultzsch, above, Vol. IX, p. 60. From the original plates and ink-impressions.
Read Bhagavata. The last letter looks like ta without the top-bar. As it is not small in size it cannot be road as t. It might even be read as On or Siddhan.
• Read vijaya.
Read adhishthandt. • Read-Amit-Amand. * Read mahardjanya. .Read dja-mandalasya. . The original shows an aopidental and superfluous stroke after Ka. 10 Read mahardjaaya Irt- Vishnugopa-.
11 Read doija-guru-uriddh-opachaying. This is the expression adopted in the Uruvupalli grant, while others read vriddhopaadvind (vide above, Vol. XV, p. 254, text, line 10 and f. n. 8).
11 Read vivriddha-vinayasy-andka-. The traces in the impression seem to give vivrirddha. 13 Read dakahasya. 14 Read bhagavad-bhakti. 16 Road sandha. 1. Read -d kahito-nčka.. 11 Read adhas-dvamardda. 16 Read yabas.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
Second Plate; Second Side. 15 rama-bhabhä)gavato Bba(Bhā)radvadvājaḥ szi-nilayānā[r*] anēk-Asvamëdhānā[m] Pa16 Havanan dharmma-mahārājah! &ri-Vijā(ja)ya-Vishnugopavarmma' Karmma-r[a]17 t[](shtrē) Chura-nama-(grāmē*] grāmēyakān=&tr=ādhiḥ(dhi)krita-sarvvē(rvva)
neiyavi(mi)kā[n* sa18 mahasantakä r äjävalabhat-ch=ājñāpayat[y*]-asya gramē(grāmasya) palchime
tah 19 Lagubathru-nāma-grāmatasya pu(pū)rvva-simā papūrva- taţākë purvvata 20 Iradi-mahāpatha-sa[th*lyukta[h*) dakshipata[h*] Paguh[@]r[u)-grāma-simaḥ(mā)21 svarita-muyurur kutuva mēlitāpaḥ paschimata(tó) Nāgājāmi-gr[a]
Third Plate; First Side. 22 ma-sima[b]u[t*]tara-[sīmā] ū(u][*para-tațāka ü(u)[t*]tara[tah] ēva[m] chatur-avadhi
dhri[tah](tam) 28 ashtöst*]tara-sata-nivarttana-kshetrage=[ta]sminn=ēva grāmē madhyama-vața- gr[a]ma24 madhy-topētāla dakshinata grihe-thtana-thtita-kshetraḥ Mudiţi-taţāka[h*] 26 [da]kshiņata(15) vātika-thtäne-thita Eka"-nivartana-kshētra[n]" Kundu26 -vva(vvā)stavyāya [Kajøya(bya pa-gotr[@]ya Vishnusarmmana pauvutra Dvēdaya
"Vpidhasa27 [r*]mmaņa[h*] putrsāya*]chatru-vvēdiya[tēj" Chēsamisarmmapē ütarayana-nimi28 t[] udaka-1?purvvar dettam brahmadēya-16mayyadaya sarvva-pariharai
Third Plate; Second Side, 29 Hu]pētou
ya[r]-bala-vijā (ja)y-abhivșirddhayē vriddhayē)=smin=sampri(mpra)tto yabach (-aitad-a)30 [smaschāsanam(ch-chhāsanam)=atikramēta sa pāpa[h] sārīram daņda[m=arbati] [*]
[Senty-s} 31 pich=ātr=arsha lõkab [l*) Bhūmi-dânāt=paran=[dā]na(m)n=na bhūtan=na bhavi52 shyaty=asy(bhavishyatilasy)=aiva harapāt=pāpan=na bhūtan=na bhavishyati [ll*]
Bhū1 Read maharajah.
* Read parmia. • Read añcharakan rajavallabhans. The Uravupalli grant of Sirhavarman the father of the present king, reads sancharantakab cha as in our grant. The draft for the latter was perhaps adopted from the former. Bacharakas must denote circuit officers'. • Read tatabah.
* Read puruvata. • Read muytir-küdura or kūdika.
7 Read - sima. .Read -sata.
. Read kahelram tasminnsēta. 10 Read Spetani dakalinoltaram griha-shana-sthiti kshetra. 11 Read väfika-sthana-shit-aika ..
11 Rea kshetram. 11 Read Vishnuéarmmanal pardrdya.
1. Read Vriddhasarmmanah. 16 Road chaturvedavatd.
16 Read Uttarayana-nimiltan. 17 Read püruvan.
1. Read maryyādaya. 10 Read =upelan.
20 Read samprattan. 11 Read Slokah. * This verse occurs with a slight variation in the Pikira grant of Sinhavarman : above, Vol. VIII, p. 162.

Page #170

CHURA GRANT OF PALLAVA VIJAYA-VISHNUGOPAVARMAN.
ਤੋਂ ਵੀਰਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ
ਦੇ ਦੀ ਰ ਐ ॥ ਵੀ ਆ (@ਰ ਦੇ ਝੂ ਝਗੜੇ
ਲ ਵ ਪੀ ਨੇ 20 ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਕਰ * ਨੂ ਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਨਾ ਭੇਜੋ 2 ) ਨੇ 64
ਵੀ ਡਾ ਵੀ ਲਾਡਾ ) ਦੀ ਛਾਂ ਛੇ ਹੋ - 6 { ਨੂੰ
ਫਾਂਸੀ ਜੋ ਤੂੰ ਕੂੜ੍ਹ : ਦੇ 6 ਦੇ ਸੀ।
ਉਸ
iia.
8 7 ਤੇ ਖੁਸਤੀ ਦਾ ਕਰ
ਵੇਚ ਤੋਂ
ਦੇ
14.
ਗਰ) ਦਾ
ਹੋ ਜਾਣ ਨੂੰ ,
b.
6 ਵਾਰ ਤਾਂ ਹੋਰ 16 | •gਰੀਤਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਤੂੰ ਨਾ ਟਾਲਾ ਵਹੈ ਤ ਲੂਣ ਜਾਂ 16 1 ] ਡੇਰਾ ਲਾ ਨਾ ਕੁ ਚ ਤ ਆ ਸ ਹ
ਨ: 4 ਗੇ ਜੋ , ਖ ਰ ਡ 1 20 | q c) 3 4 ] · 3: ੧ 1 ਤੋਂ 20
gਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਹੈ ਰੂ ਹੋ ਜੁ ਹਰਾ ਕੇ ਸ੍ਰੀ
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rese No. 1899 E8-295.
SCALE: ACTUAL BIZE.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

Page #171

iiia.
ਤੇ ਕਤਲ ਕਰਨ
ਤੇ ਨੇ ਗਾਇਆ ਵਈ ਜੋ ਭਝ ਣ ੩੦408 ਜੀ ਟੀ ਰਵਾਨ
ਚ ਹਰ ਟਵਨ ਪੰਧ ਹੋਣ ਦਾ ਦਾ ਤੂੰ ਏ ] ॥ 28
iiib.
ਸਬ ਦੇ ਹਰ ਨੂੰ 30 ) : - ਉੱਨ ਓ ਦੇ
ਮੈਂ
ਨੂੰ ਨਾ
: ਕੁੜੀ
ਨੂੰ
ਦ (3

Page #172

No. 19.]
SIRODA PLATES OF DEVARAJA.
143
33 mi-dänat para[n-da]namm(danam)-iha lõke na vidyata [*] yah prayachahhati. [bh]. 34 mim hi sarvvān-kāmān-dad[a]ti sab [*] Bahubhir-vvasuda(dha) datta bahubhi35 6-ch-anupälitä [*] yasya yasya yada bhumi[h] tasya tasya tada phalamh [*]
No. 19. SIRODA PLATES OF DEVARAJA.
By C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS.
The subjoined inscription is engraved on three copper plates strung together on a ring which bears a circular seal fixed on to it. The plates belong to Mr. Gopala Sinai Gudo and they were discovered during casual excavations made at the village of Siroda de Ponda in the Portuguese territory of Goa. They are rectangular in shape and measure about 5" by 14'. The ring passes through a hole near the proper right-hand top corner of the plates and the cir qular seal attached to it has the relief figure of a swan executed in a conventional style and facing our left.
The plates were first brought to my notice by Mr. Panduranga Pissurlencar, M.A., Archmalogist to the Portuguese Government of Goa in August 1933, at the suggestion of Mr. G. V. Acharya, Curator of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. In spite of his best efforts Mr.. Pissurlencar could not obtain a loan of the original plates for my examination but sent me only photographs of the inscribed sides of the plates. The photographs were not quite clear and the ink-impressions which Mr. Pissurlencar supplied later on were also not distinct and therefore not helpful. However, at his urgent request I furnished Mr. Pissurlencar, in March 1934, with a short note on the contents of the grant and a tentative transcript of it so far as it could be made out from the photographs. Mr. Pissurlencar utilised this note and transliteration for a note on the grant published by him in Portuguese language in O Oriente Portugues in 1934. But from the early nature of the grant and its mention of a hitherto unknown dynasty, viz., Gömins, I intended to examine the original plates. With the permission of the Director General of Archeology in India I visited Nova Goa in July 1934 and verified the text of the grant with reference to the plates, but for want of facilities I could not get good ink-impressions of these. Subsequently attempts were made in January 1937 through the Government of India to obtain a loan of the plates from the Portuguese Government but these were of no avail as their owner was unwilling to part with them. So the illustrations accompanying the present article had to be based on photographs only. A brief note on these plates was recently contributed by me to the Ninth All-India Oriental Conference under the caption A New Dynasty of the West Coast.'
The characters of the inscription belong to the archaic variety and from their general shape and style of execution they somewhat resemble the script of the Mayidavõlu Plates of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman1 and more closely that of the Kondamudi Plates of Jayavarman3. There is also a slight resemblance between the characters of this grant and those of the plates of the Pallava kings Vijaya-Skandavarman and Vijaya-Buddhavarman3. All the above charters are written in Präkrit, while the present plates though written in Sanskrit, have some Prakrit ex
1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 84 ff. and Pls.
2 Ibid., pp. 315 ff. and Pls.
Ibid., Vol. VIII, pp. 143 ff. and Pls.

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144
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXIV.
pressions interspersed here and there. On this account the inscription may be assigned to the period following the age to which the Präkrit charters of the Pallavas have been ascribed 1.6. to the period of the mixed Präkrit charters like the Mattepad Plates of king Damodaravarman'. The late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri has, on valid grounds, ascribed these latter to about the 4th century A. D.', to which period may be assigned the present inscription also.
The following Prakrit forms used in the record may be noticed thatthin (1. 12), and tilthati (1.13). Of orthography the use of the jihvāmūliya in the expression, Koffikkayyā (1. 3) and of the upadhmāniya in amätyah-pungdo (1. 5) and okritah-parama- (1. 14) deserve to be noticed.
In his article Mr. Pisgurlencar states that the emblem on the seal is a peacock. But I have to differ from him and suggest that it is only a swan in a very conventionalised style. It is noteworthy that similar objects in tile or wood are adopted as house-top crests or gable-ornaments in Nova Goa even at the present day.
The charter is addressed by (king) Dāvarāja of the Gömins from the prosperous Chandrapura to the future bhogikas, āyuktakas and sthāmyas (?) (11. 1 and 2). The object of the inscription is to record the gift of tolls, etc. (?) in the village) Thanniyarka-Kotikayyā in the country or division of Jiyaya, to two Brāhmans named GovindasvĀmin and Indrasvåmin of the Bhäradvāja-gotra, with the income accruing (?) in the village (pariupitta) and also the income realised on things brought (änita) into it, evidently articles of merchandise, together with a house-site (griha-sthāna) and pasture-land for cows (98-prachära) to each (11. 3 to 7). The charter further enjoins on the proper supply to the donees of the grass from the pasturer and of fuel (kāshtha) (11. 7 and 8).
From the wording of the record it appears as if the king proclaims his ratification or sanction of the above-mentioned gifts made by Prabhu Näga-Bhögtelmätya, for the acquisition of (his own) spiritual salvation (punya) (11. 4f.).
The executor of the grant (or the royal ratification) is the Sarvatanträdhikrita (Superintendent of all Departments) Amarēbvara, who was a very righteous man (parama-dhārmika) and one devoted to truth (satyasandha) (11. 14 and 15).
The charter was written or composed (likhitam) by the Rahasyādhikrita (Private Secretary) Prabhakara (11. 15 and 16).
The inscription is dated in the twelfth year of the victorious and prosperous reign of the king, on the twelfth day (dvādali) of the dark fortnight of the month of Māghe (u. 17 and 18). At the end comes the invocation of prosperity which partly reminds us of the closing expression in the Hirehadagalli Plates of the early Pallava king Siva-Skandavarman".
The king Dēvaraja who is compared to Indrs (Devarāja) is not known from other sources 80 far. The family of the Gömins is also new and may be the one with which the patronymic Glömāyana is connected.
1 Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 327 ff.
Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, 1920, page 95, para 1. See also above, Vol. XVII, p. 328.
. The original reads shamy-adayo which may be a clerical mistake for gramy-adayo cf. gramika (C. I. 1., Vol. II, p. 112n) and gråmeyaka(above, Vol. XVII, p. 327). Or it may be a mistake for sthamyos derived from sthaman meaning 'a seat' or 'place and denote the looal officials'. This may correspond to the standdhikararikas of the later inscriptions (of. above, Vol. II, p. 323) and athanadhikritas (ibid., Vol. VI, p. 186n).
For other early instances of this officer being employed to compone copper plate oharters se above, Vol. I, p. 7 and Vol. VI, p. 13.
. Above, Vol. I, page 7, Text L 52.

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Page #175

2
4
6
10
12
14
16
18
i.
ii. a.
TOPEA
Spy SSC சஜிலு2*1 7AJJ "லைÅைகரி ல சனபயிர நக முக த்தும் முலகிற
ii.b.
iii.
SIRODA PLATES OF DEVARAJA.
அது பர்டிைரை சோ ா (தல் வருசத்துகருதுக
PRO SP&ச வசைபறதத்தம்
ana2085
B
சாமுந்த
[Dகி
YOURDES
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Photo.-Litho. Office, Survey of India.
888787LPAJER
வெகா881 மதுகப்பு கலந்து முர்த்தியதி5ேt9 கம்ற்சரலாÉை9een m93 Sog Beggசிகாத பலரடிட்தரு நவம்: விராத, செர்கள்
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.
SCALE : ACTUAL SIZE.

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No. 19.]
SIRODA PLATES OF DEVARAJA.
The localities mentioned in the inscription are Chandrapura, the town from which the charter was issued, the territorial division Jiyaya and (the village granted) Thänniyarka-Kōṭṭihkayya. It is not possible to identify any of them definitely. Regarding these Mr. Pissurlencar informs me that the places are in Goa, chiefly in Salsette. He is not able to identify or explain Jiyayasu which evidently indicates some local territorial division but thinks that Salsette may represent it. He thinks that Chandrapura is Chandor of Goa and identifies Thanniyarka. Kōṭṭibkayya with Tanem-Kuttal in Salsette.
TEXT.1
First Plate.
1 [Svasti] [*] [Śri-vijaya]-Chandrapurad-Gōmināṁ Dēvarāja-vachanāt
2 bhavishya[d-bhögik]-äyuktaka-athämy-adalyo] vaktavyah [*]
3 Jiya[yā]su Thänniyarka-Köṭṭinkayya-parivṛi
4 ttēna ch=ānīthena yan-nishpadyate [tat*] Prabhu-Nāga
Second Plate; First Side.
5 Bhōgik-āmātyaḥ(tyaih)-puny-opachayāya Bharadvāja-sa
6 gōtrā[bhyam Gō]vi[nda]svām-'Indrasvamibhyāṁ dattam griha-sthāna
7 ñ-cha gō-prachārāv=atatam | Go-prachara-triņa-kasṭh(shth)-adika
8 ñ=cha [su]-prati[ba]ddhavyam || Yo-smat-kul-abhyantarō-nyō vā
Second Plate; Second Side.
9 rāga-dvēsha-lōbha-mōh-abhibūtō hi[m]syat sa pañchabhir=mmaha10 batakair-upapātakais-cha sa[m]yuktaḥ syat | Uktañ-cha || Bahubhi11 r-vvasudha bhuktā rāja bhis-Sagar-ãdibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yada 12 bhumis-tasya tasya tada [pha]lam Shaṭṭhim' varsha-sahasraņi 13 svargge tiṭṭha(shṭha)ti bhumidaḥ [*] achhettä ch-anumantā cha
Third Plate.
14 tany=ēva narakē vrajēd=iti || Sarvvatanträdhikritaḥ-parama15 dharmmikas-satyasandhō-maresvara a[jña]ptiḥ [*] Rahasyadhikritē16 na Prabhakarēņa [Dē]varāja-pratimasyā" [Delvarajasy-ajñaya likhi
17 tā [pa]ṭṭikā [*] Vijaya-pravarddhamana-rajya-samvatsare dvadasamē
18 Magha-bahula-dvādasya[m] [*] Svasty=astu dharaka-vachaka-érōtribhya" iti ||
145
1 From a photograph supplied by Mr. Pissurlencar.
The spiral at the commencement of the line probably stands for Sri'; see above, Vol. XVIII, p. 349, n. 9.
Read inilina.
Read-Indrastāmibhyām.
* Read 'atalau or pracharai-ch-alalaḥ.
•Read pitakairs.
Road Shashtim varsha-sahasrani.
• Read achchhellä or ākshēptā.
• Read vased-iti.
10 The name is Amaresvara.
11 Read -pratimasya.
1 The Hirshadagalli plates have the expression Soasti go-brāhina-lékhaka-vachaka-brötribhya iti; see n. 5. p. 144.

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146
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
No. 20. KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF MAHARAJA VAISRAVANA OF THE
YEAR 107.
BY THE LATE MR. N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., F.R.A.S.B., CALOUTTA. This inscription, which is engraved on a small stone pillar, was discovered in January, 1938, near Kosam (ancient Kausambi) in Allahābād District, where I was camping at the time for conduoting excavation. It was found lying in the house of a Muhammadan Zemindar named Gulzar in the village of Hasanpur or Hajiapur, about & mile and a half to the north-west of the Kosam Pillar. The actual findspot could not, however, be ascertained, although there is little doubt that it came originally from the immediate neighbourhood of the place of discovery. The pillar has now been deposited by me in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, with the consent of the Director General of Archæology in India.
The pillar, which has four faces, is 3' 9" in height, and measures 8" square at the top with a maximum width of 91" at the base. The inscription is engraved on one of the faces, covering & space of about 2' 2" by 7", and the size of the letters generally varies between 1 and 1!". In all there are 16 lines of writing. The pillar is broken into two halves, one containing lines 1 to 12 and the upper part of line 13 and the other containing the rest of the record. A few letters have partially broken off from the beginning and end of line 1, while some of the letters of line 13 are damaged owing to the crack running through its entire length. But there is no difficulty in restoring almost the entire text.
The characters belong to the Northern class of alphabets, which developed in this region out of such forms as those in the Kosam inscription of Kanishka. Palæographically, the present record appears to belong to the same group as the Giñja inscription of Bhimasēna and the Kosam. inscriptions of Bhadramagha, Sivamagha and Bhimavarman, the dates of which range between the years 51 and 139 of some unspecified era. The forms of the letters ma, la, sa and ha of this Tecord are clearly akin to those appearing in the Gupta inscriptions. It contains also the looped form of n together with the more archaic form of the letter in which it has bent base line. The letter & is uniformly of the looped type and h is of the form which is usually taken to be characteristic of the Eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet. Judging from paleography the inscription may be assigned to the fourth contury A.D.
The language of the inscription is a mixture of Sanskrit and Präkrit. The Präkritic forms occurring in it are : fatime for katatamē, grishma for grishma, etāya puruvaya for easyäth puruvā yām, negamasya for naigamasya and Sorathakasya for Saurashtrakasya. The form puruvaya is found also in a few other inscriptions discovered in Kosam. The term negama occurs here probably in the sense of the merchant' and is similarly used, along with a specification of the domicile of the donor', in the Kanheri inscriptions. As regards orthography, it may be noted that the medial a stroke is frequently omitted, e.g. in Badarikarame (ll. 10-11). Such spelling,
See Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. X, pp. 575-76. A good facsimile of the inscription has not yet been published.
Sahni, Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII, pp. 159, 160; df. A. Ghosh, Indian Culture, Calcutta, Vol. I, pp. 715 ff. and Vol. III, pp. 177 ff; G. Chatterji, Jha Commemoration Volume, pp. 101 ff. and above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 247 f. I am informed by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti that a set of inscriptions recently discovered in the Rewah State, which are being edited by him, are dated respectively in the reign of Bhimasēta (year 51), his son Pothasiri (year 86) and grandson Bhadadēva (year 90). These years, as well as those of the Kosam inscriptions, are perhaps to be referred to the same reckoning.
Both fatime and prishma ooour in the inscription of Bhimavarman of the year 130.- Indian Culture, Vol. III, p. 182.
In the present insoription the term Soraphaka, originally denoting an inhabitant of Suriahtra', is used as personal namo. Such instances are not rare.

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Page #179

KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF MAHARAJA VAISKAVANA
OF THE YEAR 107
2°༽ ༡ ཙ༉ ཅ >༩ ཙེ བ ནི ༥a-14 ofQt༥12 ༤། 6 ༠༣ ”མྱ རི༽
ཟླ་ ༡༠མྱན༦
1༠ ཡ༣ 5ལ༩3 nt) o t༢༩ཀཀཀ ༽
བཙུནན པ ༤༤ནས
ནམww.352
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
BURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rཚ, No. 1B67 E•38-295,

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No. 20.) KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF MAHARAJA VAISRAVANA. 147
however, should perhaps be regarded as a linguistic feature and not necessarily an orthographic irregularity. Separate signs are used to denote b and v, e.g. in Buddha in 11. 12 and 15, and the letter v following a superscript r is invariably doubled.
The purpose of the inscription is to record the establishment of an umbrella (i.e. a stone umbrella) in honour of the lord Buddha by the merchant Mägha, son of the merchant Surpaya (Sūrpāya)"and grandson of the merchant Sorathaka (i.e., one who hailed from Surāshtra'), an inhabitant of $uktimati. The donor is described as a frävaka, i.e. a lay hearer. The umbrella was installed within a temple called Pūryvasiddhāyatana in Badarikārāma. The small pillar on which the record is engraved probably represents the staff of the umbrella which is missing. The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Mahārāja Vaigravana and is daten in the year 107, the first day of the 7th fortnight of the summer. The year is expressed in words as well as in symbols.
Mahārāja Vaigravana, obviously one of the rulers of Kausāmbi, is known from this inscrip tion for the first time. The year 107, when he was reigning, is referable, judging from the palæography of the inscription, to the Kalachuri era of 248 A.D. and is thus equivalent to 355-56 A.D. I am unable to identify Suktimatii which was probably in the neighbourhood of Kaubāmbi. Badarikārāma, where the umbrella was dedicater, is mentioned in the introductory portion of the Tittira-Jätaka as a locality situated in the vicinity of Kausāmbi. The first epigraphical reference to this locality occurs in the present inscription. Another ärāma adjoining Kausāmbs was the Ghoshitārāma which is well known from Buddhist literature, being the place where the Buddha spent some time during his sojourn in the Vatsa country.
TEXT.
1 (Ma]b[@]s[á]jasyabri-Vaigrava[pasya)" 2 sarhvatsarē sapt-ottara-sati3 [mē]" 100 7 gri(grī)shma-pakshē sapta4 më 7 divasē prathamē. [1] 5 etāya puruvaya Sukti6 mati-va(va)stavyagya negama7 sya Sorathakasya naptā ne[ga]8 masya? Surpāya-putro vani(ni)ja9 kah aviruddha-śr[ä]vako Măghah 10 Pūrvvasiddh-[A]yatanē Badari11 k[a]r[a]mo bhagavató(tab) Pitāma
1 [Suktimate or Suktisähvaya is mentioned in the Mahabharata as the Chədi capital-Bee Sörensen, Index to the Names in the Mahabharata, eto., p. 221. In PAli literature this city is mentioned as Sotthivati-nagarasee Chetiya-jataka (No. 422).--Ed.)
Fausboll, Jataka Text, Vol. III, p. 64: Kosambiyan nisadya Badarikardme. [Also mentioned in the Tipallatihamiga-játaka (Text, Vol. I, p. 160) and Sanyutla-nikaya (ed. P. T. 8.), pt. iii, p. 126.-Ed.]
There are only traces of the upper portion of the letter ma on the stone. This portion is damaged: only traces of the letter pa and a part of the subscript y are visible. "The lett portion of the last letter is damaged. Umually one should expect here the numeral 1 after prathame. If it originally existed it hoe pooled off.
For the reading of the first two letters I am indebted to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti. • Tho namo porhape represents Sarpaya of uncertain meaning.

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148
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
12 hasya sarmyak--sambuddhasya dasa13 lam(?)=ashțābhijñasya pūjā[rttham) 14 chhattram pratishthāpayati [l*] 15 namamā)=stu sarvva-Buddhēbhya[h*] [*] 16 punyam(nyara) varddhatu [18]
TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1-4) (In the reign) of the Mahārāja Vaisravana, in the year one-hundred-exceed
ed-by-seven, 107, the seventh fortnight of the summer, 7, on the Arst day. (LI. 6-14) On this (date) as aforesaid, the merchant Magha, the unobstructed lay hearer, a son
of the merchant Sorpāya and grandson of the merchant Sorațhaka, who is an inhabitant of Sultimati, consecrates an umbrella in the temple of Pūrvvasiddha in Badarikarama, for the worship of the lord, the pitämaha, i.e., the Buddha, who is per
fectly enlightened ...... and experienced in the Eightfold (Path). (LI. 15-16) Salutation to all the Buddhas ! May virtue increase!
[Postscript: I am obliged to Mr. Krishnadeva, Archeological Scholar, for having drawn my attention to certain Kosam coins which partly preserve the name of Vaisravana (Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India, pp. 156-57). Evidently these are to be attributed to Maharaja Vaisravana of this inscription. Recently his name has been traced also is an inscription discovered in the Rewah State.-N. G. M.]
No. 21.-CUTTACK MUSEUM PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN.
BY THE LATE MR. N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., F.R.A.S.B., CALCUTTA.
The actual provenance of this copper-plate charter, which is edited here for the first time, is not known. It appears to have been for a long time in the custody of the Mohant of Kenduüpādā Math in Cuttack District, Orissa, and was shown in an exhibition held at Banki in the same district in February, 1937. Subsequently it came into the hands of Pandit Artatran Misra, wbo has now presented it to the Provincial Museum, Cuttack. I take this opportunity of thanking the authorities of the Museum for having placed the record at my disposal for publication.
It consists of three sheets of copper each measuring about 8.7" x 4.7'. They are held together by means of a copper ring, to which is affixed a seal, bearing in relief the figure of a seated bull and below it the legend bri-Sainyabhitasya, i.e., of the illustrious (King) Sainyabhita'. Sainyabhita was the biruda of some of the kings of the Sailodbhava dynasty of Köngöda. In the present case it refers to Madhavavarman who, as will be seen below, issued this charter.
Read samyak..
* It is not clear if the reading should be data or dea. There may have been anatber letter at the end of the line where the stone has flaked off. Could the word te Daáalala, a name of the Buddha, and the reading intended Dalabalasy-ashtbhijiasya
[Aviruddha I would take in the sense of free from greed, passion, etc.)'. For an explanation of this term 100 Mahaniddesa (ed. P. T. 8.), p. 239.-Ed.)
The title pitämaha as well as samyak-sambuddha is applied to Buddhs also in a Mathurs inscription of the reign of Kanishka (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 97). Paleographically it is impossible to refer this inscription to Kanishka I, that is to say to the Early Kushån period, as its alphabet shows predominantly Gupta' forme.
[I record with deep regret that Mr. Majumdar had met with his tragic end in his exploration caip at Nai Gad in the Dadu District of Sind before the proof of this article reached him. By his death we have lost A promising soholar and valuable contributor to the pages of this journal.-Ed.]

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No. 21.]
CUTTACK MUSEUM PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN.
149
Two other grants of his, namely the Buguda and Puri plates, have already been published. The inscription consists of 46 lines of writing which is engraved on the inner face of the first and third plates and on both the faces of the second or the middle one. Although a few letters are worn out and damaged here and there, the inscription is on the whole in a good state of preservation.
The characters of the inscription are a variety of the Northern alphabet which are hardly distinguishable from those of the Gañjām plates of Madhavaraja of the Gupta year 300, i.e., A. D. 619-20 and his Khurda plates. Its style of writing, so far as reflected in the engraving, is quite dissimilar to that of the Puri plates of Madhavavarman. In the former letters are formed by continuous lines, while in the latter by sharp and detached strokes. The alphabet of the Puri plates cannot therefore be regarded as quite normal, while in the characters of this record we should recognize the writing typical of Orissa in the first half of the seventh century A. D. Inspite of this difference in style of engraving the characters of the two sets of copper-plates do not reveal any material difference in paleography. In this connection it should be noted that the alphabet of the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman is definitely of a later type, which Kielhorn thought could not be placed earlier than the tenth century A. D. A contrary view is expressed however by Dr. Basak who has edited the Puri plates. According to him the characters are assignable to the seventh or eighth century A. D., and "mostly resemble those used in the Buguḍā plates". Although Kielhorn's opinion is not acceptable, it must be admitted that there is a marked difference in form between some of the important letters occurring in the Buguḍā plates and the two other records. Letters such as n, m, and I, have a decidedly later appearance in the Buguḍa plates. The enigma presented by these plates is to be attributed, however, to a factor not yet taken note of by epigraphists. As pointed out by Kielhorn, the Buguḍā plates originally bore another inscription, the letters of which probably were beaten in to make room' for the inscription which they now bear. It is possible that the original inscription engraved in the reign of Madhavavarman was re-engraved on the same plates in a subsequent period for some reason or other, a practice of which there are several well-known examples. The text of the document, as we find it now, presents many inaccuracies and lapses of the scribe, to which due attention has been drawn by Kielhorn. These presumably might have occurred in the process of re-engraving. If this view be accepted, the apparent incongruity in the palaeography of the three copper-plate grants of Madhavavarman could be satisfactorily explained.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Excepting a few lines of prose it contains as many as twenty-two verses, seven of which (vv. 2, 5, 6, 7, 15, 16 and 22) are quite new. Of the remaining fifteen verses three are the customary donative ones and twelve occur in other land-grants of the Sailōdbhava dynasty. Among those that are common notable textual variations appear in vv. 13, 14, 20 and 21 of the present record. In v. 20 the word lekhita is used in the sense of lethaka, which probably has to be taken as an instance of matvarthiya ach. It is so used also in v. 16 of the Puri plates and in v. 18 of the Buguḍā plates.
Above, Vol. VII, Pls. between pp. 100-101, and Vol. XXIII, Pls. between pp. 128-29. The Purf plates are dated in the regnal year of Madhavavarman which has been doubtfully read as 23 (Basak, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 124). An examination of the original shows that the figures cannot be anything but 13.
Above, Vol. VI, Pls. between pp. 144-45; J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXXIII (1904), Part I, p. 283 and Pl. VI. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 123.
I have not had the occasion to examine the original plates which are kept in the Madras Museum. But judging from a set of excellent photos kindly supplied to me by Mr. T. N. Ramachandran I can definitely endorse the opinion expressed by Kielhorn. (I had an occasion of examining, the original plates. There are certainly a few traces of an earlier inscription and this also seems to have been a Sailōdbhava record.-Ed.]
Mahabhashya, under Papini, 3, 4, 67. [The word is probably lekhitä, the nominative singular form of likhitri.-Ed.]

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150
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIV.
As regards orthography we should note particularly the following: the same sign is used for b and ; consonants following a superscript r are doubled in the majority of cases; the letter t preceding & subscript r is often doubled e.g., in ttrayövirisati, 1.30 ; oocasionally a visarga is omitted e.g., bhavishyata(b) 1.27; the sign of avagraha is never used; before & and ha guttural nasal is used for anusvāra e.g., in vansah, 1.14 and Jayasinhena 1.44; and final is changed into anusvära in vishaye-smim, 1.27. Orthographic irregularities and scribal errors have been duly pointed out in the body of the text.
The document opens with the formula on svasti followed by a verse asking for the benediction of the god Siva in communion with Pārvati. Verse 2 mentions the Mahöndra mountain and the Eastern Ocean, the two prominent topographical features of Kalinga introduced in the next verse (v. 3), which refers to Pulindasēna, an inhabitant of this country. He worshipped the god Svayambhū (v.4), as a result of which was born out of rocks (v.5) the victorious king Sailodbhava (v.6). The dynasty was so called after him (v.7); and in it was born (A)rapabhita (v. 8) whose son was Sainyabbita (v. 9). In the latter's lineage was born King (A)yasobhita (v. 10). Ayabobhita's son Sainyabbita (II) issued the present land-grant. Vv. 11-13 give an eulogistic account of the royal donor, which are, however, not of any historical interest. The following verse (v. 14) states that he was called also Madhavavarman and that he resided in the city of Madhavapura. It may be noted in passing that Mädhavavarman had an additional title
Sriniväsa', which is mentioned in his Puri and Bugudā plates. It is repeated also in the Kondedda and Nivină plates of Dharmaraja,' a later member of the family, but does not occur in the present record.
In vv. 15-16 are addressed the various officers, Brāhmaṇas and others of the Jayapuravishaya. Then begins the formal part of the grant which is in prose (11. 29-36). Herein we are told that the village of Tamatada situated in the Vyāghrapura-bhukti of this vishaya, consisting of twenty-three timpiras of land, was granted by means of this charter to the undermentioned Brahmanas: Skandādityasvämin, Rudrasvămin, Daddasvamin, Vēdasvāmin, Mahendrasvāmin, Khadirādityasvānin, Pradyumnasvāmin, Pāņdaramātfisvāmin, Adityasvāmin, Yajñasvämin, Agrasvāmin, Chharampasvāmin, Kāyavarasvāmin, Sarvvagvāmin, Mātrichandrasvāmin, Vön. tēlvādityagvāmin, Gölasvamin, Madhvasvämin, Mätsichandrasvāmin (II), Dattasvāmin, Dhar. mmasvāmin, Vāmadēvasvämin, Srisvämin and Svāmichandrasvāmin. The prose portion conveying this information is followed by three of the customary stanzas (vv. 17-19). Then in v. 20 are mentioned Guhachandra, & pitvik and upādhyāya, who served as the dutaka, and also Upēndrasimha, son of Kundabhögin, who acted as the scribe or draughtsman of the record. This Upêndraginha, son of Kundabhögin, drafted also the Puri and Buguda plates. V. 21 speaks of the charter (tāmra-patta) as having been engraved by Skandabhögin and heated' by Jayasimha. The two other documents mention that they were lāñchhita, i.e., 'endowed with the lafchhana or emblem '. by Jayasimha. This seems to convey the same idea as that suggested by tapita i.e., heated' occurring in the present charter. The latter evidently refers to the process of soldering the seal containing the royal ertiblem to the ring of the plates, which could be done only by means of heating.
Verse 22 of the record states that the king issuing this charter resided in the city of Sridhara, evidently the same as Madhavapura mentioned in v. 14. It further describes him as a friend of the Lokanátha who had been graciously disposed towards him. By the term lokanátha we are probably to understand the paramount sovereign to whom Mādhavavarman owed allegiance. It
V. 10 and v. Il respectively. Abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 268, v. A, and Vol. XXI, p. 39, v. 10.

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No. 21.)
CUTTACK MUSEUM PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN.
161
is not clear, however, which dynasty at this time held paramount sway over Orissa. The first time that we hear of a Sailodbhava prince ruling over this part is in the Gañjām plates, dated in the Gupta year 300, i.e., A.D. 619, which mention his overlord Mahārājādhiraja Sasanka, undoubtedly the same king who is described as the lord of Gauda' in Bāņa's Harshacharita.
The last line of the charter, immediately after v. 22, specifies the date of the grant the 24th day of Srāvana of the year 60. As already pointed out, the present record paleographically resembles the Gañjām plates of Madhavarāja of A. D. 619-20. I consider this Mädhavarāja and Madhavavarman of the present charter to be identical, and would refer the year 50 to the Harsha era of A. D. 606 which makes the date equivalent to A. D. 656.
In the Khurdã and Gañjām plates Madhavarāja's father is stated to be Ayaśābhīta. This is also the name of Madhavavarman's father as given in the Puri, Bugudā and the present copperplates. The Khurdă plates mention Ayasobhita's father to be Sainyabhita, and the king mentioned immediately before Ayasobhita in the dynastic lists in the Buguda, Puri, Parikud and the present grants is also Sainyabhita, but these records state that Ayasobhīta was born in the lineage of ' Sainyabhita, without specifying further that the relationship between the two was that of father and son. From this circumstance some scholars are disposed to regard Madhavarāja and Madhavavarman as two distinct persons. But it is significant that the three names Sainyabhīta, Ayabobhita and Madhavarāja or Mädbavavarman occur exactly in this order in all the copperplates and the presumption is that this Sainyabhīta was really the father of Ayasobhita and that Madhavavarman and Madhavarāja are identical. It may be added firther that both Madhavarāja and Madhavavarman had the biruda · Sainyabhīta'. As regards the possibility of the name Mādhavavarman appearing as Mādhavarāja, there are similar instances elsewhere, as in the case of the Chalukya kings Vijayavarman and Kirttivarman who in some of their copper-plates are called Vijayaraja and Kirttirāja respectively. I do not therefore think that the identification of Madhavavarman with Madhavarāja of the Khurdã and Gañjām plates involves any real diffi. culty
Jayapura-vishaya may be the same as Jayakataka-vishaya of Köngöda-mandala mentioned in the Dharakota plate of Subhākaradēva.' It may be identified with the present Jeypore estate contiguous to the Gañjām District in Orissa. The rest of the localities mentioned in the grant I am unable to identify.
TEXT. Metres: Vv. 1, 2, 4, 6, Sārdūlavikridita ; vv. 3, 8, 9, 11, 12, 17, Vasantatilaka; vv. 5, 14, 22, Aryā; vv. 7, 15, 16, 18-21, Anushțubh ; v. 10, Indravajrā; v. 13, Sragdharā.]
First Plate 1 Om svasti[*] Indor=dhauta-mțiņāla-tantubhir=iva slishțāḥ karaiḥ kõmalair=vva(bba)ndh
Xhér-arunaiḥ 3 sphurat-phana-maņēr-digdha-prabhäsõ=1(h)śubhiḥ [i*] Pārvvatyå sa-kacha-graha-vyatikara
vyāvsitta-vandhaḥ(bandha)3 slatha Gang-āmbhaḥ-pluti bhinna-bhasma-kaņikāḥ Sambhor=jațāḥ pāntu vaḥ || [1*] Prächy.
ambhõnidhi-ruddha
1 Basak, History of North-eastern India, 1934, p. 171 ; above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 125-126. Soo also R. C. Maj. umdar, Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol. X (1937), p. 3. . Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 252-263.
• B. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kinga, p. 21. • From the original copper-plates.
. Expressed by a symbol

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152
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV
4 sânur-atulaḥ pushya-drum-āli-vritaḥ syandan-nirjjhara-väri-dārita-dari-păta-skhalan
[n]isvanah [*] 5 svāna-ttrasta-patattri-valgu-virutair=āpürit-ântar-guhaḥ śrimãn=Mērur=iv=ödgataḥ kula.
girih 6 khyāto Mahendraḥ kshitau || [2] Pran(n)suremmah-ēbha-kara-pivara-chăru-vā(bā)huḥ kṣi
shņ-āsma. 7 sanchaya-vibhēda-viśāla-vakshāḥ [*] rājiva-komala-dal-ayata-lochan-antaḥ khyāta[h] 8 Kalinga-janatāsu Pulindasəna) || (3) Ten=étthath guninaäpi satva(ttva)-mahată n
ēshtaí bhuvo mandala 9 sakto yaḥ paripālanāya jagataḥ ko nama sa sya(syā)d=iti (1) pratyādishta-vibh-atsavēna
bhagavā10 n=ārāgi(dhi)taḥ sāśvataḥ tach-chitt-anuguņam vidhitsur=adisad=väñchhāṁ Svayambhūr
rapi || [4*] Loka-pratiti11 vä{bā)hyaḥ sakala-silā-samputāt=prasūta iva [i*] dēva-kumār-ānyatumo (Hara)
nirmmāņ[ā]t=tato dfishtaḥ|| [5*] 12 Sõ=py=āscharya-manõbhuv=ādhipatinā Sambhõḥ prasādāt-kshaņań bhit-odbhrānta-savisma[ya)-sthiti
Second Plate : Obverse 13 matā sambhāvya saumyam vapuh [*] bhūt-ananda-karah kritas-cha vijayi śailodbhavaḥ
kshmāpatiḥ śāstā dushpatha14 gāmināṁ suksitinām rūp=Iva dharmmaḥ svayam(yam) || [6*] Sailodbhava iti khyātas-tato
van(m)śaḥ śubhaḥ kshitau [l*] utsav-ā15 tisaya-sthānam=adbhutānām=iv=ādbhutam(tam) || [7*] Sailodbhavasya kulajõ=raṇabhita
asid=ya(yē)n=āsakrit-krita-bhiyam 16 dvishad-anganānām [*] jyotsnä-pravõ(bo)dha-samayē sva-dhiy=aiva sārddham=ākam
pito nayana-pakshma-jalēshu 17 chandraḥ 11 [8*] Tasy=ābhavad=vivu(bu)dhapāla-samasya sūnuḥ sri-Sainyabhita iti bhū
mipatir-gariyān [18] 18 yam=prāpya naika-sata-naga-ghați-vighatta-lav(b)dha-prasāda-vijayam mumudē dharittri
|| [9*] Tasy=āpi 19 van(m)sē=tha yath-ārtha-nāmā jāto=yasőbhita iti ksbitiśaḥ (i*) yēna prarūdho=pi subhai$=
charittrai20 r=mțishtaḥ kalankah Kali-darppaņasya || [10*] Jātas=sa tasya tanayas=sukriti samasta
sīmā(ma)nti21 ni-nayana-shatpada-pundarīkaḥ [*] Sri-Sainyabhita iti bhūmipatir=mmah-ēbha-kumbha
sthali-dalana-durllali22 t-ási-dhāraḥ || [11*] Jātēna yēna kamalākaravat=sva-gottram=unmilitaṁ dinaksit=ēva ma
hõdayēna [*] sankshipta23 mandala-ruchas=cha gatāḥ praņāśam=āšu dvisko graha-gaņā iva yasya di[pt]ya || [18]
Kālēyair-bhūta-dhāttri24 patibhir=upachit-ānēka-pāp-ávatārair=yeshāṁ nitā kath=āpi pralayam-abhimata kirtti. 25 mā(pā)lair-aja[sraṁ) [i*] yajñais-tair-Ašvamēdha-prabhritibhir=asaksit=ma(sa)myag-ishtair
=&kāri sphitāṁ triptim surő(r-au)ghalh*]

Page #186

2
6
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10
12
14
16
18
20
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ལྟ་༡༣མེདཔ༠༥༨ནས། འའ་ ༡ལ་མཚན་པདྨས༨མ0656ཇུ ཀ1 སཧཱ ཐུགའགག པ8རྟེནནཙལ་མ་༥༢༢༠༠༥ནསཿ ༡། ༩ནན@རུ ན་རུལ་པ། ༨༨ciསྔོནx»ཨུ༽[ན ༠༢དྲན་ ཕན་དམཔ་པ། Aཀ འ ཀ ན འ6པསའིད་དག? ཤང་།ནང༞མ%ནས་ཕིབ་གའག་ཅུ།)། ༡༤)ཀྱིསད་ཉན་ལལལལཅན་འཔོ
CUTTACK MUSEUM PLATES OF MADHAVAVARMAN.
ལོད། །ལནན॰ ནགལནཔས་པག་ན་ལ གཔ་བཅུས1ན ངནལམགོནཎསན།ནན། ལྷ འ ག༥ ༢ ག གན པ ན པ ༡༠༣༥དུན་པ༡༥ལོ༢ནཱ ཁུ་6ནས༩༢༧ ས་གང40༥༠1ཀA3V༩༨ན །ས་ལ་ཞེན་གས
13,(t,
ཕུའུ ནལ་ ནལེར་པོ། འ|:/༤ཀན ཀཞའ་ཚུ་སེམསཁ ༥ ༢༤ ན ༣༦༥༣༥༽ཅུ བུ ཤ ཝེ ན ཀ ནི པརི ནི6གརྩ་ནqཞ]6¥ ༣༡།ནན།ནཅུ་ལན18%གཡནྜལ་ན་འཀན རྒྱལ ༢༣༠་ན་ད་་་ROZtn ལ?/ བ་་, ལན།/༢ཞེན་ཅན་ལནན༦ ་་་་{{« ¢ 3}
ད
མ བྲལ པ ༡
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS.
2
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
4
6
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là th
Buồn cerer བར༠ ནས། བརཤུལ བསམན དུ 8ནུན
པར་འཙགསོན༽༦༤ རྟEAN ུད༢༠༠༤མར།༢༠འདྲ 2ཀÇ18 ཐུན|ཉིན་ནིསྐན
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14
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Page #187

ti, b. ললি বাবণ, //qবদবিনাশ বেশি। তার যথf A/নবিথ:কি250 ব যা সবি ভুল &ি / মীরক খান (এএফ' র তা বর ফলক। নববধূ। তবু / বিবিধবথসহিহwখ বল ?
{{এ' যঃন। ধমক এপায় বিয়ষা সুবি, স্ব। হেয়। {{_তি (ং,
থিয/স্থ নবি (বহিফিগাষ ধ্বধিফত Jj,
হই যবহি6াশখি রুঘ্রবরধ্বযি নহিত। বৎ শ<ি/রিং 2 থিম প/xPage #188

No. 22.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 163
Second Plate : Reverse. 26 pratihata-va(ba)lavach-chhattra(ttru)-pakshēņa yena [13] Madhavapura-vihita-sthitire
amv(b)uda-nirmukta-chandra-sita-kirtti) [1] 27 sa sri-Madhavavarmmā ripu-māna-vighattanaḥ kusali || [14] Vishayệ=smim(n) Jayapuri
varttamāna-bhavishyata[h 1*] 28 dvijāti-pūrvvān=nripatin=rājasthāniya-samyutân | [158] Kumārāmātyam=āyuktāt(n)
karan-Ōparikān=api [] 29 tatha janapada sarvvam=arhayaty=ānupūrvyataḥ || [16*] Viditam=astu bhavatām=ētad
vija(sha)ya-samv(b)addha-Vyāghrapura30 bhuktau Tamatada-grāmas-chatuh-simnā ttra(tra)yövii(m)sati-timpira-parimāṇaḥ Skandā
dityasvāmi-Rudra31 svāmi-Daddasvāmi-Vēdasvämi-Mahēndrasvāmi-Khadirādityasvāmi-Pradyumnasvāmi-Panda
ramātri32 svāmy-Adityasvāmi-Yajñasvāmy-Agrasvāmi-Chharampasvāmi-K[@]yavarasvāmi-Sarvvasvāmi
Mātri33 chandrasvāmi-Vöntēlvādityasvami-Gölasyāmi-Madhvasvami-Mätrichandrasvåmi-Dattasvāmi34 Dharmmasvāmi-Va(Vā)madēvasvāmi-Śrīsvāmi-Svāmichandrasvāmibhyo dvijātibhyah mātā.
pittrör=ātmanag=cha 35 puny-abhivriddhayê pratipaditaḥ tad=ētach-chhäsana-darkanād-esham yath-Ochitam tám
vra(mra)-paţta-dānam 36 datvä(ttva) bhuñjānānām dharmma-gauravān=[na] kēnachid=vighātai(tē) varttitavyams
api cha || Vidyud-vilasa37 taralām=avagamya samyag=loka-sthitim yasasi masa)kta-manõbhir=uchchaiḥ [l*] esha dvij-7(ö)paksiti
• Third Plate. 38 mā[ttra]-ratair-bhavadbhir=ddharmm-ánurodhana-parair-anumõditavyaḥ || [17*] Uktan
cha Mänavē dharmma-sästra !! 39 Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudhā dattā va(ba)hubhis=ch=ānupālitā [*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmise
tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || [18] 40 Api (cha] [MĀ) bhūd=aphala-bankā vaḥ para-datt=ēti parthivāḥ [1*] sva-dā[nā]tephalam
ānantyam para-dan-anupā. 41 lanēm(nő) || [19] Abhūd=pitvig=upäddhyāy[7] Guhachandrð=ttra dūtakaḥ [i*] lēkhit =0. 42 pēndrasin(n)has=cha tanayaḥ Kundabhöginah || [20*] Utkirnpas=tāmra-. 43 pattööyam durita-pratighāta-kpit [*] Skandabhögiņāsnā) samyak 44 Jayasin(m)hēna tāpitah || [210] Jayati Jayanta-pratimah prasabha-samakrishta45 ripu-nfipa-Srikaḥ [*] Sridhara-[põ(pau)]raḥ kshitipð varadiksita-lokanātha46 sakhaḥ 1 [22] Samvat 60 Srävapa-dina 20 4
No. 22.--TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II.
By K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A., COIMBATORE
The inscription edited below is engraved on the inside of the north wall of the second prakara of the Nelliyappar temple at Tinnevelly. It was copied by the Epigraphical Depertment in
1 Tbis pada is short by one letter. [I see faint traces of the letter fri at the beginning of this pada.-Ed.)

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164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
1894. A text of it is given, in Tamil, in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume V, pp. 170-171. On account of the important information which it furnishes, it is taken up here for publication. It may be noted also that no inscription of this king with the introduction Pů-malar-tiruvum has yet been edited in the pages of this journal.
The record contains 24 lines of writing and is in Tamil, verse and prose. Here and there a few Sanskrit words are found written in Grantha characters. The verse portion is almost free from mistakes; and the few errors of spelling that are found in the record are corrected in foot-notes. The introductory portion is purely eulogistic and calls for no remark.
The only words of lexical interest are mudal (11. 11 and 14), kar (1. 14) and tiramam (1. 15). Of these mudal is used in the sense of yield ' or 'produce'. This sense is preserved in the usage kandu-mudal which is current in several places of the Tamil districts. Kār is used to denote the paddy harvested in the kär season, s.c., the months of Avani and Purattasi. The word tira. mam is derived from dramma, 'a coin.' The ordinary meaning of po in Tamil is to go'. In lines 7 and 18, its participle, i.e., poy is used with Vēdamum Sastramum meaning learned in the Vedas and Sastras'. This use of it is not common in Tamil. We have the use of the word poy with Vēdamum Sastramum qualified by porutpada in another inscription where the meaning is clearly having learnt, with meaning, the Vēdas and Sastras '.1
The object of the inscription is to register the grant of a brahmadėya village. In the 8th year and 988th day of the reign of the Pandya king Māravarman alias Tribhuvanachakra. vartin Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, when he was seated on Malavarāyan in his palace at Madura on the eastern side of Madakkulam in Madurodaya-valanādu, 224 Chaturvēdi-Bhattas, versed in the Vedas and Sāstras and capable of expounding them, approached him and said that Kudalar in Murappu-nādu and the villages comprised in Kilai-Kudalur-with the exclusion of 4 mā of land forming the pallichchanda (i.e., land granted to Jaina or Buddhist shrines), as well as the old dévadāna and the lands purchased by Udaiyan Küttāduvān alias Villavadaraiyan of Valugur residing in Kulasēkhara-pperunteru at Pattina-Marudūr in Sūranguļi-nādu and given as devadāna to the temple of Ulaguyyavanda-Isvaramudaiyar-might be constituted into a new village called Potala-Vira-Somidēva-chaturvēdimangalam after the name of the king's uncle (māmadi) and given as a brahmadēya, divided into 244 shares, so that the 224 Chaturvēdi-Bhattas mentioned above might have & share each, and 20 shares might be assigned to those that had to do service in the devadāna. As regards the assessment of the lands of this new village, it is stated that the king's uncle had enjoined that the lands should be measured by the rod called Sundara-Pāndiyan-kol of 24 feet length, the kind of crop raised should be examined, and for such of the lands as had yielded produce, tax should be levied at the following rates, on each mä:(1) + kādu for antarāya, viniyoga, achchu, kāriyavāräychchi, vefti-päffam, pafichupili, san
dhivighrahappēru and all other payable dues, and three kalam of paddy for kār; (2) half of this rate shall be charged for lands sown in Tula and crops realised ; (3) 2 tiramam (dramma) shall be paid on lands on which varagu, tipaippul and irurgu had
been harvested ; (4) for pasānam, the above rates should prevail.
One of the most salient rules framed in early days with regard to land revenue is that the assessment should be charged only on lands that had been cultivated and borne crops, and that the charge should be made after inspecting the crops raised, and determining the extent of cultivation by a measuring rod of fixed length. The land-tax was paid both in kind and in money.
18. 1. 1., Vol. V, No. 446, text-lines 6 and 13.

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No. 22.] TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 155
In the case of wet lands on which two crops were generally raised in a year, one in pasān and the other in kär, the assessment appears to have been paid in two instalments, the first in the month of Chittirai when the pasān yield was secured, and the second in the month of Aippasi when the kär crop was harvested. The money payment was made to cover a number of small duties. In the present instance, it is stated that kādu covered the duties of antarāya, viniyoga, achchu, kūriyarārāychchi, cetti-pāttam, pañchu pili, sandhivighrahappēru and all other payable dues. It is learnt from this record that the revenue paid in kind was three kalam of paddy on each mā of land. That this was the prevailing rate is also known from other epigraphs. A Tiruvidaimarudur inscription states that 5 kalam and 3 kuruni of paddy was the assessment (dēvar-kadamai) on one mā and three kani of land. This works out to 3 kalam for each mā. No. 272 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1907 states that for each vēli, the paddy determined to be given was 60 kalam. This also yields three kalam on each mā, since 20 mā equalled one vēli. The fractional terms mā (one-twentieth) and kāni (one-eightieth) are still in use in some of the Tamil districts but their extents vary according to localities as do the kalam and vēli. Therefore, they are not of much value in giving us an idea as to the rate of assessment of lands in ancient times. One of the medieval Pandya inscriptions of Tinnevelly states in clear terms that a ma is the extent of a square field measuring 288 feet in length which works out to nearly one acre and 901 cents. Therefore, the assessment of 3 kalam in paśān and 3 kalam in kar on such a field, paid in kind, and that too when the crops had been raised, could not have caused much hardship to the land owner. Besides, he had no necessity for immediately converting his produce into money to pay off the land revenue.
The present inscription furnishes an instance of the formation of a new village and the grant of it as a brahmadēya to a number of Brāhmaṇas. It is stated that the village of Põsala-ViraSömidēva-chaturvēdimangalam in Murappu-nādu was formed out of the lands which had originally belonged to a number of villages with the exclusion of a small extent that had been previously endowed to temples. In the constitution of the new village, the donees, it is said, desired that the previous owners (mund-udaiyar) of the lands, the old names (palam-peyar) of the villages and their lands, their cultivating ryots (ulavu) and the head of classification (mudal), should be removed ; that all the lands should be clubbed into one single village with a single puravu : that these lands should be divided into the required number of shares, and that with the right to build houses in the nattam fit for residential purposes, specified in writing, the new village should be granted as a brahmadēya. There is no doubt that the procedure herein briefly described should have involved considerable labour and work in the actual carrying out. The removal of the previous owners must necessarily have been followed by providing them with other sites or by awarding adequate compensation after ascertaining the correct extent of their lands and their yield. The division of the lands into equal shares and the entry of the changes of classification in the departmental and village registers could not but have taken some time.
1 See Nos. 438 and 439 of 8. I. 1. (Texts), Vol. V, p. 162.
* No. 130 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1895. We note the words used "nilan oru-mă muk. kaniyum aifijāvada-varai payir-chelav-inriyėy kollaiyāy kidandamaiyil ivan tan svam ittu=ttirutti nivanda ttukku nelain-kalanēy mu-kkuruniyum dēvar-kadamaikku nellu ain-kalanë mu-kkuruniyim=āga nellusppadinkalanēy tüni-ppadakkum attāndu-törum iruppadäga vitta nilam kuli nürrenbatt-aiñchiņāl nilan oru-ma mukkani (S.I. I., Vol. V, No. 694).
* This is an inscription of the time of Vikrama-Cho,a and the text runs as follows :-Tiruvidaimarududaiyar Srt-Köyil-ppurambil periya-tirumurrattu Ekanayakan tiruveduttikkattiyil................ muppettettivada vēli oprukku nellu arupadin kalamaga nichchyitta nella.
. See 8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 411, dated in the 5th year of the reign of Märavarman Kulasēkhara. The words Deed are "padinett-adi-kkolal padinisukku-ppadināsu kondadu oru-mávaga" meaning " land measuring fixteen by sixteen of the rod measuring eighteen feet in length being one ma."

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The whole course of action described here may be compared with the procedure that is being adopted at present in the working of the Act for the acquisition of lands for specific purposes. That the owners of the lands, who were dispossessed of their holdings should have been given other lands in exchange, is made plain by a statement in the Tiruvālangāļu plates', where it is noted that when Palaiyaņūr—which was previously given as a brahmadēya to the members of the assembly (sabhaiyār) of Singaļāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam-was converted into a dēvadāna of the temple of Tiruvälangadu, the sabhaiyār were promised to be given another village in exchange. The same plates may be referred to explain the meaning of the phrase mudal tavirndu occurring in lines 11 and 19. The actual words employed in the Tiruvälangadu plates viz. Savai. yārklu brahmadēgamāy varuginrapadi .... tavirndu vellän-vagaiyil mudalana ... Palaiyanür in one place, and Palaiyanür vēru-mudalay brahmaděyamay varuginrapadi tavirndu veflän-vagaiyáy brahmadēyam-irangi in another place, make it plain that brahmaděyam and tel. län-vagai are two different heads of classification. This sense of the word mudal is not common in modern usage. The other uses of the word mudal in the inscription under publication are found in ivv-andu-mudal (11. 18 and 22) and mudal Virapandiyanál nellu mukkalamum (11. 14 and 22), the former meaning commencing from this year' and the latter the yield of three kalam of paddy as measured by the measure Virapandiyan'.
Different views have been expressed in the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy regarding the identity of Māfavarman Sundara-Pāņdya, whose inscriptions begin with the intro• duction pi-malar-tiruvum. Remarking on the very inscription under publication, the late
Venkayya declared that he must be different from, and later than the Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya of the Tiruppavanam grant which has the introduction pü-maruviya-tirumadandai.. This view was at first adopted by the late Krishna Sastri, who, later on, finding the mention of the seat Majavariyap in his records as in those of Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I, came to the conclusion that the king with the pu-malar-tiruvum introduction must be the same as the one that had the introduction pū-maruviya-tirumadandai, i.e., Märavarthan Sundara-Pandya I. Add to this. it may be noted that some of the signatories that figure in the records of Märavarman SundaraPandya I. figure also in the records of pü-malar-tiruvum. These are reasons sound enough for holding the view expressed by Krishna Sastri. It was accordingly adopted in subsequent Epigraphical Reports and by Swamikkannu Pillai in his Indian Ephemeris. In reviewing certain inscriptions of Märavarman Sundara-Pandya with pü-malar-tiruvum introduction and of the Hoysala king Vira-Somēbvara found at Alagarmalai, in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1929-30, I pointed out some valid objections to this view and showed that Māravarman Sundara-Pandya with pů-malar-tiruvum introduction is the second of that name and different from Märavarman Sundara-Pāņdya I. The paragraph alluded to is extracted hereunder as it decides the question once for all :
“No. 291 (of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1929-30) from Alagarmalai states that, at the request of his mamadi (i.e., uncle) Hoysala Vira-Sõmēsvara, the Pandya king Māravarman Sundara-Pandya ordered the assignment of the revenue of the village of Tirukkottiyur in Kēralasinga-valanādu to the temple of Tirumāliruñjõlai-ninraruliya-Paramasvåmin for conducting the Vira-Somēbvarap-sandi instituted in it by the Hoysala king. This order was issued in
1 The words used viz., "bavaiyarkku brahmadiyamdy paruginea Palaiyapuriy talaimdu ar buduppadaga," may be noted.
Seo text-lines 63-68 on p. 403 of 8. I. I., Vol. II.
Ibid., p. 402, 11.10-19. • An. Rep. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1900, p. 6, paragraph 18.

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the 8th year and 988th day (i.e., the 11th year) of the Pandya king's reign. From a record of Vira-Somesvara himself found in the same temple, we learn that this service was instituted in the 10th year of his reign, i.e., in A.D. 1243-4. As such, the grant made to it by Maravarman Sundara-Pandya in compliance with the Hoysala king's request, must have been a subsequent event. If, as held by Mr. Sastri, the introduction pu-malar-tiruvum belongs to Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. who ascended the throne in A.D. 1216, the date of the Alagarmalai inscription would fall in A.D. 1227, i.e., 16 years prior to the establishment of the service itself. It is thus evident that inscriptions with the introduction pu-malar-tiruvum do not belong to Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I, but are clear records of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II whose accession took place in A.D. 1238. In this case, the date of the epigraph under consideration will be A.D. 1249, which is about five years after the institution of the service. Another decisive proof for saying that the records with the introduction pü-malar-tiruvum are not those of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. is afforded in the omission in them of the conquest of the Chōla country (Sonadu kondaruliya) which is invariably mentioned in inscriptions definitely attributable to him."
The different introductions pu-maruviya-tirumaḍandai and pu-malar-tiruvum which do not in any way recount the same historical facts, and the results of calculation of the details of dates furnished in Pandya inscriptions of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya, having definitely pointed out the existence of two kings bearing the same name, one closely following the other, there is reason for the same officials figuring as signatories in the records of both the kings. The names of seats and halls cannot be made use of to prove the identity of kings, for two kings not far removed from each other in time may occupy them one after the other.
To understand the political situation of the various powers of South India at the time of our record, it is necessary to follow closely the trend of events consequent on the Pandya civil war and the dynastic connection which existed between them. The outstanding political event of the century commencing with the end of the reign of Maravarman II, is the civil war alluded. to above, which, while it lasted, did not confine itself within its own limits, but threw the whole of South India into a restless state and rudely disturbed its peace. Begun at first between two rival parties of the royal house of the Pandyas, it soon made the heads of all the chief kingdoms to range themselves on a side which seems to have been weak but just, while the other was very strong and derived its support chiefly from the foreign country of Ceylon. It exhausted the resources of the Cholas, sowed seeds of discontent among their chieftains and turned them into open rebellion and brought about the destruction of the mighty empire which had been built up by the military genius of the members of the revived Chola line of Vijayalaya and the aid of "the victorious standing army" that won laurels wherever it was sent. The permanent outpost of the Hoysalas in the Tamil country was also an offshoot of this war. In about A.D. 1167 two hostile branches of the Pandya family put forth rival claims to the throne of Madura. At first, the parties were headed by Parakrama-Pandya and Kulasekhara. The Sinhalese chronicle gives indeed a very full description of the help which the Ceylon king Parakramabahu gave to Parakrama-Pandya and his son Vira-Pandya, and recounts the many deeds of valour performed by the Sinhalese army. From this very account, which is naturally one-sided, one does not fail to gather that the cause of Kulasekhara was espoused by other kings of the mainland, principal among them being the Chōla, whose country was threatened with immediate danger. Inscriptions of Rajadhiraja II tell us that the Chola supported the cause of
1 No. 292 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1929-30. Mahavarea (Wijesinha's transl.), Chs.76 and 77.

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Kulasēkhara. The hostility between the parties of Vira-Pāņdya and Kulasēkhara continued in the reign of Rājādhirāja's successor Kulottunga III (A.D. 1178-1217). The position was the same. Vira-Pandya, who was now joined by his son, was supported by the Sinhalese, while VikramaPāņdya, probably the son of Kulasēkhara, applied to and obtained the help of the Chõļas. The earliest mention of this war in the records of Kulõttunga III is dated in the 4th year of his reign,' i.e., in A.D. 1182. It states that the son of Vira-Pāņdya was defeated with the allied forces of the Sinhalese, that he was deprived of his kingdom and crown and forced to flee from the field of battle, that his country and crown were taken by the Chola and given to VikramaPandya, and that a pillar of victory was set up in the Pandya capital Madura. Later records tell us that Vira-Pāņdya, sometime after his first flight, revolted and tried another chance with Kulottunga III but was defeated again at a place called Nettür.8 The treatment meted out to Vira-Pāndya and his son in this war by the Chola king was anything but satisfactory. The Pāņdya queen was made to enter the harem of the Chõļa and when the Pāņdya king himself, along with his ally the Chēra, came, bowed, and sat down at the foot of the Chola throne, the Chola king placed his feet on his head and dismissed him. It is impossible to expect the defeated party to put up with the extreme humiliation and insult meted out to him, for any length of time. Now, if there was a counter-invasion of the Chola country, directed against the very sovereign that behaved in a most remorseless manner in the treatment of a fallen adversary appearing before him with all humility, it would not be difficult to find out who the invader must have been, and what the cause of the invasion was. The invader Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya I, who, in the last years of Kulõttunga III, did unto him and his son all that had been done to the latter's Pandya adversary a few years previously, might in all probability be the unnamed son of Vira-Pāņdya, who, along with his father, was ignominiously treated by Kulõttunga III. In our opinion, it will be extremely unnatural, and impossible to a high degree, that Māravarman Vikrama-Pāņdya, a weakling who owed his very being as a monarch to Kulottunga III, or a son of his, would, without any cause, ever rise against the Chola benefactor. Thus, it will be seen that the civil war begun by Parākrama-Pāņdya in about A.D. 1167 was pursued by his son Vira-Pandya, and pushed to a decisive end by Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya I. The other hostile party counted Kulasēkhara and his son Māravarman Vikrama-Pandya and perhaps one other member. In the account of the Pandyan civil war that has come down to us, both from the Sinhalese source and from South Indian epigraphs, we are able to see very clearly that the side of Parākrama-Pandya,-represented mostly by Vira-Pāndya, his son, and Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I.-was very resourceful, was of undaunted spirit and performed noble deeds of valour, while that of Kulasēkhara, represented by himself and Māravarman Vikrama-Pāndya, was weak to a degree and had to be propped up again and again by the Cholas.
1 Four records of Rajadhiraja II refer to the war of Pandya sucoession. They are dated in the 6th, 8th and 12th years of his reign. While the earlier two state that the Cholas prevented the Pāņdya country from becoming a part of the kingdom of Ceylon by helping Kulasēkhara with men and money, the two others dated in the 12th year are said to add that Kulasēkhare turned inimical to the Chola who deposed him and placed Vira-Pandya on the throne (above, Vol. XXI, p. 186). If this is true the enmity does not seem to have lasted long, for early in the reign of Kulottunga III we find the Cholas supporting this party of Pandyas against the very Vira-Pandya.
18.. 1., Vol. VI, No. 436. The date of this inscription is not given at the beginning as usual. It registers an order to the effect that what was granted in the 4th year may be incised on stone, and generally such records are relegated to the dates specified.
8.1. 1., Vol. III, Nos. 87 and 88.

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Is there anything to suggest or support the view that Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. might be of the line of Kulasekhara and Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya? An inscription of Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. refers to Vikrama-Pandya by the term Periyanayiņār and another of Jaṭavarman Kulasekhara refers to the same king by the term Periyadevar. From these references it has been inferred that both Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. and Jaṭāvarman Kulasekhara I. must have been the sons of Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya, the king that was set up on the Pandya throne by the Chōla Kulōttunga III. The inference, however, lacks support. Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. having ascended the throne in A.D. 1216 and Māravarman Vikrama-Pandya having been set up as ruler nearly 35 years prior to that date, the latter was certainly a senior member and perhaps also one that immediately preceded Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. and Jaṭāvarman Kulasekhara I. As such, it is quite natural that he must be referred to by the term Periyadevar or Periyanayiṇār which in English may be rendered * senior' in age or office. Periyavar with regard to ordinary persons, and Periyadevar or ° nāyinār with regard to kings, may be applied to any elderly person, be he father, elder brother or one that preceded. The term does not exclusively mean a father'. If the relationship of a father were intended definitely, the inscription would have used the term ayyar and if an elder brother annar. To show that the use of Periyadevar or Periyanayinär is indefinite and that of ayyar and annar is definite, the following instances of the employment of the terms in inscriptions may be noted:
i. An inscription dated in the 3rd year and 81st day of the reign of the later Pallava king Peruñjinga refers to gifts of cows made in the 3rd and 4th years of the reign of Periyadevar to Kulottungan-tiru-gōsalai. Here Periyadevar must refer either to Kulottunga III in whose time and under whose name the gōśālā must have been formed or to Rajaraja III who was the predecessor of Peruñjinga and in whose reign some gift of cows might have been made to the said göśālā, but certainly not to any relation, not to say father, of Peruñjinga. Numerous instances may be cited where Periyadevar is used to denote the immediate predecessor of a reigning king, who may happen to stand in the relation of father' to the reigning king; but that the term Periyadevar need not necessarily indicate a father' will be quite evident from the inscription cited above. The use of Periyadevar with reference to Rajaraja II in an inscription of Rajadhiraja II (above, Vol. XXI, p. 189) will bear out this view.
ii. We have a specific instance in an inscription of Virarajendra which shows that when
a reference had to be made to the king's father the term 'ayyar' is used and that when referring to an elder brother annar is employed. In this inscription, Rajendra-Chōla I. is called ayyar" and Rajendradeva is called 'annar's Another inscription of Virarajendra also uses the term ayyar' in referring to his father Rajendra-Chola I.
"
These references are sufficient to show that the allusion to Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya as Periyadevar in the inscriptions of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. and Jaṭavarman Kulasekhara I. does not prove that the latter two were the sons of the former. All that the allusion can indicate is that Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya was a predecessor, a fact which we know from
1 See No. 47 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1926 and No. 83 of the same collection for 1927. 8. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 54. 8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 529. Ibid., text-lines 51 and 172. Ibid., text-lines 189 and 190. No. 110 of 1903.

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the circumstance that Māravarman Sundara-Pāndya I. ascended the throne in A.D. 1216 and that Kulöttunga III snatched from Vira-Pandya his crown and kingdom and set up VikramaPandya as ruler in or before A.D. 1182. As has been shown already, there are good grounds for holding that Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. must be of the line of Vira-Pandys and that the cause of his invasion of the Chola country was to pay its king in his own coin. If Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I be not the unnamed son mentioned in the inscriptions of Kulottunga III, there is a possibility of his being the son of one of the collateral Pandya kings that took up the cause of Vira-Pandya in the war against the Cholas and had a share of the defeat inflicted by Kulõttunga III or his predecessor Rajadhirāja III. For all these considerations, I think the question of the parentage of Māravarman Sundara-Pandys must be regarded as unsettled and must remain open till decisive evidences are forthcoming. The Pandya invasion was a thorough success. The very Chola emperor, who, not long after his accession, deprived ViraPandya of his crown and country and put him to flight, defeated him a second time at Netgūr, and finally gave a public audience at the capital of the enemy and placed his feet on the head of the vanquished monarch when he appeared with all humility, bowed and sat down at the foot of his throne, was now, in his turn, deprived of his crown and country, was forced to run to a forest, his capital cities of Uraiyur and Tanjore being set on fire, his country damaged, and finally, when the victor gave a State audience at Ponnamarāvati, the Chola was bid to attend it on a promise of being restored. On hearing this', says the inscription, the Chola returned with his wife and presenting his son first, himself remaining behind, prostrated before the victorious lion throne of the conqueror and begged.' The Pandya then gave back to the Chõla king's son the crown and an expansive territory. The terms to be abided by the suppliant were embodied in a royal writ bearing the fish-seal which was conferred on him along with the title of Chola pali, which he had formerly lost, as well as his old city and crown. Kulõttunga III did not long outlive these disgraceful proceedings, and his son Rājarāja III, adds the record, did not at first mind remaining submissive under the feet of him who formerly gave him his crown, but subsequently refused to obey his commande, denied him tribute and sent a large army against the Pandya. In dealing with the Tinnevelly inscription of Māravarman Sundara - Pandya I, I had stated that this second encounter between that Pandya king and the Cholashould have taken place in about A.D. 1222 when the Hoysaļa Narasimha II marched on Srirangam and assumed soon after the title of 'establisher of the Chola' which signifies the help rendered by him to the Chola. Siding with the Chola means, in terms of the Pandyan civil war of which this was one of the issues, espousing the cause of Vikrama-Pandya's party against that of Vira-Pandya, i.e., against Märavarman Sundara-Pandya I, who was then representing it. Narasimha's voluntary help to the Chola is suggestive of his prior marriage alliance with Rājarāja III, as much as it is suggestive of his own interest in that party of the Pandyas which was favoured by the Cholas all along and with which he had contracted marriage alliance. Here we may note the dynastic connection that existed among the Hoysalas, Cholas and Pandyas at the time. The inscription under publication shows that Māravarman Sundara-Pandya Il's contemporary and uncle was the Hoysala king Vira-Somē vara who ascended the throne in A.D. 1233 and reigned till A.D. 1255. That the same Hoysala king stood in the relation of uncle to the Chola Rājēndra-Chöja III (A.D. 1246-1267) also, is known from the latter's records. From these it may be gathered that Vira-Sõmēsvara had two sisters one of whom was the mother of
This title is far inferior to "Tribhuvanaohakravartin " which the Cholas usually bore, and is indicative of the position Rajaraja was made to hold as a result of the invasion of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I.
* Above, Vol. XXII, p. 44. .8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 512, where Rajendra-Chola III is called 'Mama-Somesuara-pratikala-kaladanda'.

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Måpavarman Sundara-Pāņdya II and the other was the queen of the Chola king Rājarāja III. The following table shows the dynastic connection of the three families - Pandya.
Hoyxaļa.
Chola. Narasimha II.
Kulöttunga 1II. Mär. Sundara-Pāndya's
father. m. Daughter. Vīra-Sõmėsvara. Daughter m. Rājarāja III. Māravarman Sundara-Pandya II.
Rājēndra-Chõla III. Besides the above dynastic connection, the titles assumed by the Hoysala kings Narasimha II and Vira-Somēsvara and those claimed by the Pallava Peruñjinga bring out the exact position of the various powers of South India at the time of which we are speaking. It has been noted already that Narasimha II styled himself the establisher of the Chola' soon after A.D. 1222 which shows that the political relationship between him and Rājarāja III was one of cordiality. Another of his titles was "the uprooter of the Makara kingdom '.1 The late Prof. Hultzsch was of opinion that this kingdom must be somewhere in the Coimbatore or Salem District. If it could be the same as Magadai, we are to understand that the Hoysala, who sided with the Chola, was hostile to the king or chieftain of Magadai. Since we know from numerous inscriptions that the chieftains of Magadai called themselves Bānas (Vänan in Tamil) and since it was to a Bāņa that Sundara-Pandya I gave the conquered territory of the Cholas in the first instance, it is but natural that the ally of the Pāņdya must figure as an enemy of Narasimha II. Among other enemies of Narasimha II figuring in inscriptions of A.D. 1222-24, is the Kādava by which is no doubt meant the Pallava Peruñjinga, who in several records is said to be of the Kathaka or Kadava family. It goes without saying that the enemies of Narasimha and the Chðlas were the friends and allies of the Pandya Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. It is quite in consonance with this, and expressive also of the attitude of the Pallava Peruñjinga, that he styled himself Karnata-bhupa-mana-mardin, Pandya-mandala-sthapana-sutradhāra and 'the rut elephant to the forest, viz., the Chola': From all that has been said above, it will be clear that the chief powers of South India were divided into two parties one of which counted in its ranks the Chola and Hoysala kings with their generals and chiefs supporting the members of the line of Kulasēkhara-Pāņdya, and the other had in its file the members of the line of Parăkrama-Pandya and Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya I, supported by Pallava and Bāņa chiefs of the mainland and the Sinhalese forces which last, as will be shortly shown, had come to stay in South India till the final issues of the civil war which brought them there, were settled. Though we do not hear much of this Sinhalese army after Kulottunga had succeeded in putting down Vira-Pandya and his son, and though it is expressly stated in the historical introduction of Kulõttunga's records that the Sinhalese soldiers had been driven into the sea with their noses cut off there is clear evidence to show in the Tiruvēndipuram inscription of A.D. 1232-3 that among the forces of the Pandyan ally, the Pallava Peruñjinga, there were four Sinhalese generals of Parakrumabahu whom the generals of the Hoysaļa Narasimha II put to death. After the rise of Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya I, the Pandyan civil war, though it still lingered, was turned into one chiefly between the Pandyas and the Chõlas aided by their respective allies. The principal aim of Narasimha II in establishing a capital in the Tamil country just on the border of the Pandya
Kielhorn's Southern List, No. 434. Above, Vol. VII, pp. 163-4.
. 8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 1342-B. . Above, Vol. VII, pp. 167 f.

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and Chola territories with a powerful prince invested with independent authority stationed there seems mainly to support his two sons-in-law, viz., the Chōla Rajaraja III, and the Pandya who was the father of Märavarman Sundara-Pandya II, both of whom were weak, and not fit to combat their powerful enemy Märavarman Sundara-Pandya I, allied as he was with the Pallava Peruñjinga and other chiefs and the Sinhalese army. Here we may consider and dispose of two apparently contradictory titles assumed by the Hoysala Narasimha II and Vira-Sōmēsvara. Narasimha's claim to the title of a thunderbolt in splitting the rock that was the Pandya ' has to be understood with reference to his action against Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. undertaken in support of his son-in-law, the father of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II, while Vira-Sōmesvara's title Pandya-kula-samuddharana with its variant Pandya-rajya-pratishth-acharya has to be construed with reference to his action in successfully piloting his brother-in-law Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II to the Pandya throne. Thus, it will be seen that both the father and the son, i.e., Narasimha II and Vira-Sōmēšvara, pursued a consistent policy, viz., the lifting up of the family of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II. That Vira-Sōmesvara should have taken part in Narasimha's military campaign in the Tamil country undertaken to establish Rajaraja III in his kingdom, when worsted by both Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I and the Pallava Peruñjinga is evident from the title Chōlarajya-sthapan-acharya which he assumed. The Hoysala general Appaya-Dandanayaka that took a prominent part in the war against Peruñjinga is reported in one of the inscriptions of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II to have invaded Kananādu, an ancient subdivision in the 'Pudukkottai State. It is not unlikely that this invasion was undertaken in aid of the same Hoysala protégé. The existence of inscriptions of Vira-Sōmēsvara in the Pandya country, the institution of the service called Vira-Sōmēśvaran-sandi at Alagarmalai in the Madura District, the grant of the village bearing the name Põsala-Vira-Somideva-chaturvedimangalam in Murappu-nadu in the Tinnevelly District and the implicit obedience paid to his behests by the Pandya king Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II show clearly that that Pandya king acknowledged his overlordship and maintained friendly relation with him."
The aim of the Hoysala Narasimha II to prop up his two sons-in-law, i.e., the waning Chōla lord Rajaraja III and the father of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II, both of whom much needed his support, was only partially successful. In spite of all the efforts made by himself, his son and generals, the decline of the Chōlas could not in any way be prevented. The very Pallava who was daring enough to capture the Chola emperor and confine him at Sendamangalam, though defeated by the Hoysalas in several engagements and brought under subjection almost at the end of the reign of Narasimha II, soon assumed regal powers and proclaimed himself king. ViraSomesvara followed his father's policy of supporting his Pandya relation and Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II was crowned in A.D. 1238, and throughout the major portion of his reign, he was keeping watch and ward. So long as Rajaraja III lived, there was no conflict between the Cholas and the Hoysalas. But, as is apparent from the historical introduction of Rajendra-Chōla's inscriptions, the Chōla nephew of Vira-Someśvara assumed a different attitude and became an open enemy not only of the Pandya but also of the friendly Hoysalas. Without counting his own strength and the weakened state of the empire brought on chiefly by the Chōla subordinates
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 507.
S. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 421. He is called Pandya-rajya-pratishth-acharya in No. 435.
A. R. on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1907, Part II, paragraph 26.
See Nos. 291 and 292 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1929 and the record under publication. Above, Vol. VII, p. 165. The accession of a Perufijinga is placed in A.D. 1243, between 4th February and 30th July.
His Nuggahalli inscription states that his army was encamped on the Tämraparp!. S. I. I., Vol. IV, Nos. 511, 512

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No. 22.] TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 163
who, following the example of Peruñjinga, shook off their allegiance to the Chōla throne and became independent, each in his own region,1 Rajendra-Chola III formed a design to chastise all those that formerly despised the family of the Chōlas. He claims to be a very Rāma in destroying the northern part of Lanka (i.e., Ceylon), which, as we have seen, supplied in the past valiant generals who supported that party of the Pandyas that was opposed to the Chōlas and stood also on the side of Peruñjinga. Rajendra-Chōla boasts of having killed a Rajaraja after making him wear a double crown for three years, and of having subdued the Pandyas and the Kēralas, of having plundered the country of the former, of having taken the Pandyan crown, and of placing his feet on his jewelled crown. He claims to be Death to the Karnata kings and states. that on his legs, Vira Sõmeśvara, the wrestler on hill forts, placed the anklet of heroes. Whatever may be the truth of these high claims, this much may be gathered that Rajendra-Chōla made some sporadic attempts to revive the power of the Chōlas. But his effort was past remedy. The reign of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II is important as being the one in which the Pandyan civil war ended, and as showing how in the final issues of it, the Hoysalas came to play the part which the Chōlas did earlier.
Besides the Chōlas and the Hoysalas, the kings of Kongu were also taking up the side of Kulasekhara-Pandya and were helping him and his descendants in the fight against the members of the family of Parakrama-Päṇḍya. Like the Hoysalas, the Kongu kings were also connected by marriage with the kings of the Kulasekhara line. A regular succession of Kongu kings are known to us from inscriptions for nearly ten generations which include the period of the Pandyan war of succession. To show the connection between the two families, we give hereunder five kings of the Kongu line who regularly succeeded one another and whose period of rule extended from A.D. 1135 to 1263. These are:
Viranarayana (Uttama-Chōla)-A.D. 1135 to 1149.
Kulottunga (Rajakēsari)-A.D. 1149 to 1183.
Vira-Chōla, who ruled the two Kongus --A.D. 1183 to 1206.
Virarajendra (Räjakēsari), who ruled the two Kongus '-A.D. 1206 to 1255. Vikrama-Chōla-A.D. 1255 to 1263.
One of the inscriptions of the Kongu country states that Rajakēsari Kulottunga was the grandson of Vira-Chola. This information is useful in establishing the fact that Viranārāyaṇa was the son of Vira-Chōla and the father of Kulottunga, for the three kings ruled in succession the Kongu country as their dates clearly prove. We learn from a lithic record at Neruvur that the Kongu king Rajakēsarivarman Kulottunga-Chōla, on the eve of setting out on an expedition against Madura to capture it for his sister's son (marumagan) Kulasekhara-Pandya, directed the sabha of the place to make a brahmadeya gift of some lands in Maniyamangalam, which had been the camping ground of the king, as a yātrādāna to his purohita Alvar Śrībalideva. This shows that Kulasekhara-Pandya's father had married the sister of the Kongu king Kulottunga. The Sinhalese chronicle Mahavamsa, besides confirming this, supplements the epigraphical accountby letting us know that Kulottunga had another brother who was ruling over North Kongu, for it is stated that Kulasekhara gathered together the forces of his mother's brothers who were in Ten-Kongu and Vada-Kongu. That this cordial relationship between the Kongu king and
1 Rajanarayana Sambuvaraya in A.D. 1245, and Gardagopala in A.D. 1249. Somewhere about the same time Yadava Narasimha and Magadaipperumā].
S. I. I., Vol. IV, Nos. 511, 512.
No. 336 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1927-28. Wijesinha's Translation, p. 245.

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the Pandyas of the Kulasekhara line which commenced in the days of Kulasekhara's father continued to exist is proved by the presence of Solan Silamban alias Virachōla Lankesvaradeva, a samanta of the next Kongu king Vira-Chōla in the vicinity of Madura, and the interest taken by him in making gifts to the Mulasthānēsvara temple at Tenkarai, a village 15 miles from Madura, in the 3rd year of the reign of Jatavarman Kulasekhara with putala-madandai introduction.1 This samanta continued to live in the reign of Vira-Chōla's successor Virarajendra who, like his predecessor, ruled the two Kongus together and who, in the 25th year of his reign corresponding to Saka 1153 (A.D. 1231) made a gift of land in the Kongu country for conducting a festival in the temple at Tirumaliruñjōlai (i.e., Alagarmalai) in Kil-Iraniyamuṭṭa-nadu, a subdivision of Pandi-mandalam. During Virarajendra's reign a further, and this time a double, marriage alliance was brought about between the Kongu and Pandya kings. Virarajendra, it would appear, had two daughters whom he gave in marriage to Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II and Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya, for both of them call Vikrama-Chōla-who, to judge merely from the dates of these contemporaries, must be no other than the next Kongu Chōla king of that name -their brother-in-law (machchunanar). Vikrama-Chōla's presence in the Pandya country and the influence which he wielded with both the Pandya relations of his are amply evidenced in inscriptions. The position held and the part played by the Hoysala Vira-Somesvara and the Kongu Vikrama-Chōla in the politics of the Pandya country seems to have been quite identical. The names of the Pandys kings that espoused Kongu princesses, viz., the two Kulasekharas and Vikrama Pandya, strongly suggest that the Kongu kings were allied with that party of the Pandyas who were opposed to the members of the Parakrama line. Be this as it may, there is no doubt that Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II was helped both by his uncle the Hoysala Vira-Somesvara and by his brother-in-law the Kongu Vikrama-Chōla.
It may be useful to say a word about the attitude of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I towards the two Kongu contemporaries of his days, one of whom was Virarajendra the father of VikramaChola and the father-in-law of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II. The historical preamble of the inscriptions of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I seems to leave no doubt that he prosecuted a successful war against the two Kongu kings and triumphantly returned to his capital with the vanquished kings taken captive in war, and, receiving their homage, dictated to them the terms to be abided by in future and that on pain of death. The suppliant attitude of the two kings is expressed in unambiguous terms, though the victorious Pandya is described as being more favourably disposed to the South Kongu king. Even here, one cannot but recognise in Maravarman Sundara-Pandya l'a powerful rival and a descendant of Vira-Pandya, up in arms against all those that were ranged on the side of Kulasekhara's party. The end of the rule of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I and the accession of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II helped, as the latter was by the Hoysala and the Kongu kings throughout his reign, seem to mark the final part of the third stage of the civil war in the Pandya country. The following will show at sight the
18. 1. 1., Vol. V, p. 110, No. 296.
No. 106 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
No. 135 of the same collection.
8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 421 and A. R. on 8. I. Epigraphy for 1930, Part II, paragraph 12. The inference that the two Pandya kings must have been benthers is wrong.
• Ibid.
Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 48 f.

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No. 22.] TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 165 several stages of the war of Pandya succession leading up to the accession of Märavarman SundaraPandya II :
First stage.
Parakrama-Pandya and Vira-Pandya supported Kulasekhara-Pandya aided by the Chola by the Sinhalese. Rajadhiraja II and the Kongu king Rajakesari Kulottunga and his brother.
Second stage. Earlier. Vira-Pandya and his son supported by the Sinhalese and the Chera. Later.-Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I
Third stage. Earlier.-Maravarman Sundara-Pandya 1 and Peruñjinga aided by the Sinhalese.
Later.-Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I
Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya aided by the Chōla Kulottunga III. Chōla Kulottunga III.
The Chola Rajaraja III supported by the Hoysala Narasimha II who also backed up the father of Maravarman SundaraPandya II.
Hoysala Vira-Sömesvara and Kongu Virarajendra supporting Märavarman Sundara-Pandya II and his father.
There is a peculiarity in the method of dating of the inscriptions of Maravarman SundaraPandya II. Records belonging to the first four current years of his reign are dated in the ordinary way, as 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th, while those belonging to the years after the completion of the 4th up to the 8th year are dated as 4+1+1st, 4+1110th day, etc., giving prominence to the expired 4th year or rather counting fresh years from the end of the fourth. Similarly, the dates of records falling after the expiry of the 8th up to the 11th year are expressed as 8th year and 215th day, 8+1+1st, 8th year and 988th day, etc., thus counting fresh years after the 8th year," while those later than the 11th year are cited as 11+1st, 11+3rd, etc. It looks as if this systematic counting of fresh regnal years after the expiry of the 4th, 8th and 11th years must have been devised to commemorate some important events that marked those fresh years in particular. What those events are is not stated anywhere. Since we know that the accession of Märavarman Sundara-Pandya II took place in A.D. 1238-9, the end of his 4th, 8th and 11th years correspond to A.D. 1242-3, 1246-7 and 1249-50. Some important events of these years are known to us. They are respectively the years of accession of Peruñjinga, RajendraChola III, and Vijaya-Gandagopala. But it will be interesting to know how they were important with reference to Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II and whether there were other important events in his own reign in these years that singled them out for the special treatment they get. It is not, however, contended that the particular events noted above singled out the years in question, i.e., the commencement of 5th, 9th and 12th years.
Nos. 307 and 312 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1927-28.
8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 734; No. 668 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1916; and Nos. 678 and 679 of the same collection for 1905.
8. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 400, 446 and 448; and Nos. 209 and 211 of the collection for 1924.
No. 560 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1916, No. 35 of the collection for 1924 and No. 594 of
the same for 1911.
In all cases where two years are given connected by the word 'edir' the first expresses completed years and the second the current years.

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The reign of Mayavarman Sundara-Pāņdya II lasted till at least A.D. 1252. There are several inscriptions of his dated in the regnal year 11+1+1st and the details given in one of these take us to A.D. 1251, June 14. But the latest regnal year is furnished in an inscription dated in the 15th year.
The geographical names that occur in the inscription are Kūdalūr and Kilai-Kūdalur in Murappu-nadu which together were constituted as a brahmaděya under the name Põsala-ViraSömidēva-chaturvedimangalam, Muttalankuruchchi alias Rajasingamangalam, Señalür alias Tiruvaranga-chaturvēdimangalam, Tanporunda-āru and Sundara-Pandiyan-Tennāru which formed the boundaries of the new village, and Pattina-Marudur in Sūrankudi-nādu to which the donor of a dévadāna belonged. Murappu-nādu is a village in the Srivaikuntam taluk of the Tinnevelly District, 6 miles east of Palamcottah, and is situated on the right bank of the river Tāmrapani. As the inscriptions in the Vēdanārāyana-Perumal temple of this village call the place by the name Sömidēva-chaturvēdimangalam or Põbala-Vira-Somidēva-chaturvēdimangalam and as it is stated to be a brahmadēya, there is no doubt about its identity with the place mentioned in our inscription as being newly constituted under that name out of the old villages Küdalur and Kilai-Kudalür. The name given to the deity of the temple in its inscriptions, viz., Somidēva-viņņagar-Alvār, suggests that it must have come into existence in the time of Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya II and Vira-Sõmēsvara and called after the latter king just as the village itself was. Muttalankuruchchi still goes by the same name and is in the same taluk. PattinaMarudur and Sarankudi are zamindari villages in the Kovilpatti taluk of the same District. Tanporunda-āru is the name of the river Tämra parni.
TEXTS
1 Svasti tri [IN] Pu-malar-tirnvu[m] poru-Seyal(Jaya)-madandaiyunătămarai-kkuyi.
mulai-beya (jaya)-ppuyat[t-i]ruppa Veda-navil vell-idat-'tämarai-kkädel-mäda kavin-peraattitaifp]p ven-diraiy-udutta [ma]n-dini-[kidak]kai=ttiru-nila-madandaiyi
ufri]maiyir2 kalippa sumaisya]mum nidifyu]n=darumamun=talaippav=imaiyavar (villa-kko[diy-i)
dantorum=edup(pa)-kkarui-Kali-ka[na]l keda-kkadavul-vēdiyar a run-tolil-vēlvie chcben-kanal v alar[p]pa-chchurudiyun-Tamilun=tol-vaļan-kulava poru-tiral-ali pū-talañ=chūlal oru-kaiy=i
1 No. 147 of 1894.
* No. 421 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. Sewell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 313.
«See Nos. 431 to 435 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1906 and the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1907, Part II, paragraphs 26 and 27. In the alphabetical list of villages of the Tinnevelly District two villages are noted bearing the names Murappu-nadu-Köyilpattu and Murappa-nadu-pudugramam.
No. 448 of S. I. I., Vol. V (No. 156 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1894). For obtaining the berrect original of the introductory portion, I have compared the text of this inscription with the readings of two other inscriptions, viz., Nos. 421 and 446 of the same Volume and noted in footnotes the differences. Whenever these numbers occur in subsequent notes they must be taken to refer to 8. 1. I., Vol. V.
Read malar-fl'urun. All the three inscriptions have r which is incorrect. * Read -fa.narai. .8L-vara in the reading in both 421 and 446. Though hila is not incorrect, fül-vara is better.

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*seya(Jaya)-[t]ti[ru][k]korratt-en-disai-yanaiy-eruttam=e[i]-kkanda nad-emad-ena-kkayal kali-kūra Kösalan-Tuluvan-Kudiran-Kuchcharam Pōsala[m*] Maga[da]m
Poppalam
3 ru-sevi
mu-mmada-nar-kött-A[yi]ravata-mudal
Pundaran-Kali[n]-gam-I[la]n-Kaḍāran-Gavudan-Telingañ-Chonagañ-China-mudalā
4 vi[di]-murai tigala ve[v]vēru vagutta mudu-nila-kkilamaiyil mu[di-pu]nai-vendark"= oru-ta[ni]-nayaka[n]-enr-ulag-otta-ttiru-mudi [śu]di-chchen-kōl-ōchchi-kkorra-ttālakkulir-kudai nilar-kil karrai-kkavari ka[va]lar vi[sa] mi[d]ai-kadir-nava-ma[pi] virasimhasa[na]tt-udan
5 muḍi sudiy uyar-kula-t[Tiruv-en-[ppalagaya-ma[la]*-kara[n]-kuvittu=pp[r*ttivar ma[n]gaiyar tirandu vana[n]gun-chen[ni-chchuḍar-oli-mauli chchudar-maņi mēliḍa vida-chchivanda[v-i]"pai-mala[r]-[ch*Jehir-adi-kkamala-madukarañ-ka(mala)m
anugum-U[la]gamuluduḍaily]āroḍum vir[ri]rund-aru
6 lilya] śri-ko-Marapanmar-[a]na Tribhuvanachchakrava[r*]ttigal éri-[Su]ndaraPandiyade[varku yaṇḍu eṭṭu nā] [t]olayiratt-enpa[t]t-ettinal Madurodaiya-valanāṭṭu Māḍakkuļa-kki)-Ma[du]rai-kköyil palliy-arai-kkudattu pallippam Majavariya[i]-el
7 nd-aruļi irundu Vēdamum [S]astramum pōy vyäkhyātākkaläy-irukkum chaturvvadi-Bhattargal pēr iru-narr-rupattu-nil var ieyya-t[ti]ruväymolind-aralina-padi [Vēldamum Sastra[mu]m pōy vyäkhyā[tā]kkalay=irukkum Bhaṭṭargal per iru-nurr-irupa
8 ttu-nälvarkku1s pangu iru-nürr-irupattu-[n]alum devadāna-ppani-sey [vi]rutti pangu irupadum agappangu iru-nurru nar[pa]ttu nälukkum [Mu]ra[p]pu-nāṭṭu-kKüda[lü]rum kilai-Küdalür.ulliṭṭa ürgalukku-kki[l]-ellai Tanporunda-ārṛukku mēr kum tenn-ellai Mut
chaturvvědi
9 tälankuruchchiy-ana Raja[simha]mangalattu ellaikkum Señalur-āṇa Tiruvaranga-chchaturvvēdi[ma]ngalattu ellaikkum [va]ḍakkum mel-ellai i-mMurappunāṭṭu-kkal-āņa Sundara-[P]andi[ya]n-[t]ennarrukku kilakkum vadav-ellai Tanporundaarrukku-tterkum
äga nā.
The reading given in No. 421 is seydi which is wrong. It must be feya-tiru of which the last syllable is omitted to be engraved. In No. 446 these words are wrongly given as seydak.
This word is spelt in the same way in No. 421, but No. 446 has kura with two dots after, which are un. necessary. Both the spellings are admissible.
Metrically the word is required.
Kudiram is omitted in No. 421 but is given in No. 446. Poppalam is also the reading in both Nos. 421 and 446. It seems to be the correct form as it furnishes proper monai.
The reading in No. 421 is Chinaka which is evidently wrong.
Veruvēru is the reading in No. 421. Both are identical in meaning and metrically admissible.
Read vendarkk
The reading given in No. 421 is vide kadir which is an evident mistake. It ought to be vidu-kadir or midai...
kadir.
Read malar-kkaran
10 The reading in No. 421 is chenniyil.
11 Vin-malar is the reading in No. 421 which is incorrect.
11 Kumalam-ent-anugum, the reading furnished in No. 421, is better.
13 Read nälvarkku.
14 Road Kudalurum. This reading is correctly given in 1. 16.

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10 ng-ellaikk=utpatta nir-nilamum karu[]che[y] punchey[yu]m nattamun=tõtta[mu]m
kulamun-kulapparippum utpa[t]ta nilattil pallichchandam(pallan-dēvadāŋamum Sūrankudi-nāttu=pPattina-Marudūr-pal Kulasekarapperunteruvi[1] Valugūrudaiyan
Udaiyan Küttādu vān-ā]na Vi11 llavadarai ya]n vilai-koņ[d-uddaiya[nā]
y ivv-ur Ulaguyyavanda-Isvaramudaiyar de(va]däņam manai to[t]tamum [na]ttamum utpa[da]-chChundara-Pandiyan-kõlal [ni]lam nālu-măvum nikki [nik]ki-ulla nila[m] [m]unn-udaiyarum palam-pörum
ulavum mudalum=tavirttu 12 or-ū[0] oru-purav=ākki=kkudiy-irukkal[a]m nattattilē kudiy-irupp-åga=ppangum
mapaiyum=eļudi [Mu]rappu-n[ät]ţu-pPõsala-Vira-Somidēva-chchaturvvēdimanga[la]m-enru [m]āmadi pe[ya]rāletřāvadiņ=edirăm-ándin=edirām-ā[n]du-mudal brahmadēyan
cheyya-ppera-vēņu13 m-enrum i[vv-ū]r [ru]kkum-idattu irupattu-năl-adiy-āņa Sundara-Pān[di]ya[n]-kõlal
nilam-alandu payir pārttu [vi]lainda nilattukku antarāyamum viniyo[ga]mun= taruvadāņa achchum k[@]riyavā[r]āchchisya]m vetti-pättamum pañchupili sandu
(sandhi)vikkiragappērum 14 ma[i]rum ep[p]eyarp[pa]ttinavum=utpada kärukku māt[t]ālkāšu kālum muda[1]
Virapāņdiyaņāl nellu mu-kkalamum Tulā viraich[chu) vilainda nilattukku
i-vvaribaiyil onru-pădiyum elļu Varagu tinaippull-irungu vilainda nilattukku 15 [ma]ttāl tira[ma]m irandum paśā[na]m i-vvarisaiyum-äga ivv-āņdu-mudal irup
pad-aga irai katta-pperavēņum-enru [mā]madi namakku-chchonnamaiyil Vēdamum
Sastramum poy vyākhyātākkalāy-irukkum chaturvvēdi-Bhattargal peya[r] 16 iru-n[ū]r[r-i]rupattu-nālvarkulppangu iru-nurr-irupattu-nälum dēvadāņa-ppaņisey
virutti pangu irupadum aga=ppangu iru-nürru-nälpattu nälukkum Murappu
nāțţu=kKüdalūrum kilai-kKūda[lū]rum ullitta ürgaļukku=kkil-ellai Tan[po)17 ru[nda]-arrukku mērkum tenn-ellai Muttālankuru[chchi*ly-āņa Rājasimhamanga
lattu ellaikkum Señalür-āņa Tiruvaranga-chchaturvvēdimangalattu ellaikkum [valdakkum mēl-ellai i-[m]Murappu-năţțu=kkāl-āņa [Su]ndara[p]andiyan-tennārru
kku kilakkum vadav-ellai 18 Tanporun[da]-ar[ru]kku t[e]rkum aga nâng-ellaikk-utpatta nir-nilamu[m] karun
che[y*] puncheyyu[m] nattamun=tottamum kulamun=kulapparippum utpatta nilattil palan-dē[va]dānamum pallich[cha]ndamum Sūra[i]kuļi-nättu Pattina-Ma
rudūr-pālo Kulasēkara-pperunteruvil Valugu19 [rudailyān Udaiya[n] Kū[t]tāduvā[n-]na Villavadarai[ys*. vilai-kond-udaiya ivy
úr Ulaguyyavanda-Isvaramudaiyāsku? dēvadāŋam-äņa tõttamum nattamum= utpada Sundarapandisya]p-kõlal nilam nälu-måvum nikki nikki-ulla nilam munn-udaiyarum palla]m-pērumoulavu[m] mudalu
1 Read paffichchandamum. • This is the colloquial form of vifaiths : see 1. 22. • Road naloarkku. . Read närpattu. • This word oocurs in l. 10, above, with the spelling puycheyyum.
• Here and in similar places, the particle pal is used in the sense of 'in or near'. To distinguish particular place from others bearing the same name, it was usual to mention the place near it or in which it was situated and affix to it the particle. The practice is rarely in vogue now.
Read oyarkku.
• The word per occurs in l. 11 also. But the form peyar is wed in eppeyarpattina (II. 14 and 21) and mamadi-peyaral (n. 12 and 20). It seems për denoted number of persons and peyar. the name or kind'.

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No. 22.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 159
20 [n=tavirttu 7]r-ūroru-pura[v]=ākki kudi i[ru]kkal[@]
m na[tta]t[ti]lē kuļi irupp āga=p[pa]ógum manaiyum eludi Murappu-[n]āttu=pPõlalaVira-Somidēva-chcha. turvvēdimangalam-enru mámadi peyarăl ivv-āņdu brahmad yañ=cheyvad-ā[ga]
idugav-enrum ivv-ūrirukkum-idattu irupattu 21 [n]ā[l-a]diy-āņa Sundara-Pāņdiyan-kõlal nilamualandu payir pā[1][t*]tu visainda
nilattukku [a]ntarāyamu[m] viņi[y]őgamum taruvad-āņa achchum kāriyavarachchiyum vetti-pāttamum pañchupīlisandusandhi)vikkiragappērum mar[ru]m
e[p]pesya]rpa[tti]navum utpada kärukku mättal 22 kāśu kälum mudal Virapāņdiyaņāl nellu mu-kkalamum Tulä viraichchu visainda
nilattukku i-vvarisaiyil [o]nru-padiyum el (va]ragu [ti]naippul=i[ru]ógu viļainda nilattukku mättāl tira(majm irandum (pa]säņum-i-vva[rijsaisyu]m-aga ivy
āņdu-mudal iruppa23 d-āga ittu variyilār eļutt-itta ul-variyum nam [lai]yun=tara-chchopnom [1*] kai
kkondu ippadi Chandrădityavat belvad-aga-kka[l*]lilum sembilum vet[ti]-kkolgav-enru tiruvāymo[li]ndarulinār [l*] [v]ai [Tirumalli]-nåttu[t]Tadankanpi-ch
Chirfür-udaiyānn=U 24 [y*lyaninrāduvān [Vī]raśāladēva[n-ā]na Kurukulattaraiyan=eluttu [i*] ivai Sevvi
rukkai-nāţtu Sakkarapāņinal[lū]r Arayan Viradamudittān-ā[na] Palla[varāya]nelu[ttu) [1*]
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-6.) Hail! Prosperity! The goddess Lakshmi (Tiru) (that resides in) the beautiful (lotus) flower and the goddess of Victory (attendant) on war, (now) resting on (his) victorious arms (having the semblance of the lotus-like rounded breast;" the goddess on the tongue of Brahma (Vēda) that loves the white-petalled lotus, gracefully approaching (him) ;' the goddess of the wide Earth with (her) bed of hard ground surrounded by the white-billowed (sea), exulting on becoming (his) queen' (all) creeds, politics and law (luxuriantly) springing up; flags for the festivals of gods being hoisted up in every place; the fire of the dark Kali (age) being extinguished; the fine sacrificial fires accompanied by rare acts performed by saintly Brahmins, rising
1 As an adjective qualifying malar, pů means 'beautiful'.
• There is some difficulty in explaining the passage lamarai-kkuvi-mulai-jeya-ppuyattuiruppa. Here it would be natural to take támaras-kkuvi-mulai' as a single phrase qualifying jaya-bhuja'. If so taken, the meaning would be, as we have adopted in the translation, that both the goddesses Lakskhmf and Victory rested on the arms of the king and the arm is likened to what the combination of the three words tämarai, kuvi and mulai might imply. These words respectively mean 'the lotus', well developed or rounded' and 'breast'. Preserving the order of the words the phrase could be rendered into . lotus-like well developed (or rounded) breast', and if the order of the words could be altered, for which we do not find any good justification, it would mean well shaped breast-like lotus'. Either in this case, or in taking tâmarai' and 'kuvi-mulai' as two separate qualifying terms of jaya-bhuja the sense is not much altered. The comparison of mulai to bhuja seems somewhat far-fetched. It is rather difficult to trace in the passage reference to two different parts of the king's body where the two goddesses rested. If the conjunctum combined with the termination of the seventh case il, i.e., ilum could be taken as understood after mulai and puyam, it may be possible to say that the king's breast and arm became the resting places of Lakshmi and Victory. That these goddesses would naturally resort to the arm is evident for the arm resembled the lotus which is the residence of one, and is the source of victory Also; but the difficulty is the insertion of kuvi-mulas after the word támaras
• The word tilaippa carries the sense coming into close touch' or enjoy • Urimai is used in this sense in many inscriptions On samayı see abovo, Vol. XXII, p. 50, foot-note 7 and Additions and Corrections.

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170
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
up; Sruti and Tamil, exhibiting their ancient greatness ;' (his) powerful war-disc circumventing the entire) expanse of earth ;' (his) fish (emblem), mounted on the necks of the eight powerful and victorious quarter-elephants that are counted in order from the single-trunked, double-eared and four-tusked Airāvata with its triple exudation of ichor," (now) exulting greatly on finding all the visible countries to be their own; the world praising (him) as the single matchless lord of (all) the kings that are invested with crowns in accordance with the established law and practice, in order to have their hereditary right over the different ancient territorial divisions that had been formed, such as Kösalam, Tuļuvam, Kudiram, Kuchcharam, Posalam, Magadam, Poppalam, Pundaram, Kalingam, Tlam, Kadāram, Gaudam, Telingam, Sõnakam and Chinam; wearing the sacred crown and wielding (his) just sceptre, with Chiefs waving fly-whisks under the shade of his täla-parasol; the glorious king Māravarman alias the illustrious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, the emperor of the three worlds, was pleased to be seated on the lion-throne set with the radiant nine gems, along with his queen Ulagamulududaiyār, who was simultaneously invested with a crown, and whose pair of lotus-like feet, being reddened by the rubbing of the gems fastened in the crowns on the heads of the multitudes of royal damsels bowing before her, as they would before the goddess Lakshmi, with their lotus-like palms held together in worshipping attitude, was flocked to by the lotus-frequenting beetles considering them (i.e., the reddened feet) to be lotuses.
(LI. 6-24.) In the eighth year and nine hundred and eighty-eighth day (of his reign) when he was pleased to remain on the reclining seat called Malavarayan in the hall of the bed chamber of his palace at Madura on the eastern side of Māļakkulam in Madurodayavalanādu, just as the two hundred and twenty-four persons (entitled) Chaturvēdi-Bhattas, versed in the Vēdas and Sāstrasls and capable of expounding (them), had been pleased to declare that these (i.e., the aforesaid) two hundred and twenty-four persons (entitled) Chaturvēdi-Bhattas, versed in the Vedas and Sāstras and capable of expounding them, may be given two hundred and
1 With Srutiyum .... kulava, compare mu-vagai-Tamilum muraimaiyil vilanga and nål-vagai-Vedamum navinrudan valara (above, Vol. XXII, p. 45).
# With poru-tiral-ali, etc., compare en-dibaiy-alavu-chakkarai=chella (ibid., p. 45). • Eruttam means pidar. Cf. Yanai-eruttatt-ani-muras=irii (Canto XXIII, 1. 130 of Silappadigaram).
Når-kodu stands for the chatur-danta. The deity of the eastern quarter is Indra and the elephant of this direction is his vehicle Airavata which is here described as having a single trunk, two eats, three kinds of ichor exudation and four tusks. In the Godavari plates of Prithivimüla, Chaturdanta, Kumuda and Supratika are made to represent the countries lying on the respective directions to which these dig-gajas belonged. [The context would show that in these plates chaturdanta has to be taken in the sense of chaturanga-sēna (see above, Vol. XXII, p. 178, f.n. 4).-Ed.]
These are the exudations from the kantha, ka pila and bija. . If the reading kali-kira is adopted, it would mean that the fish expressed its joy.
* The phrase vidi-murai-tigala may preferably be taken as qualifying mudi-punai rather than the immediately following vervēru ragutta.
& Kifamai means urimai or headship. . Made of palm leaves. 10 This is the actual date when the grant was ordered to be made.
11 The geographical description of Madura here given would fix its position at the place where it now is, for Madakkulam is still to its west. In an inscription of Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I. (A.D. 1216-38) Madura is called Mada-Madurai (above, Vol. XXII, p. 48). The same term Māda-Madurai occurs in several places in the ancient Tamil wurk Silappadigaram (Cantos VIII, 1. 3; IX, 1.76; XV, 1.112; XXVII, 1. 61). It is called also mtidur ancient city' (ibid., VIII, 1. 51; XI, 1. 188; XXV, 1. 677; XXVII, 1. 61 and 1. 131), Mā-nagar, ajanpati or Má-Madurai (XI, 1. 188; XXV, 1. 677) and Mada-Kudal or Nān-Māda-Kudal (ibid., XXI, 1.39 and XXIV, pattumadai, 5). That it contained the king's palace is noted in our inscription. There is thus no doubt that the present city and its environments must represent the ancient town.
11 See p. 154, paragraph 2.

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No. 22.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 171
twenty-four shares, with twenty (other) shares as vitti for doing service in the dēvadāna, making a total of two hundred and forty-four shares, (and that for this purpose) Kūdalūr in Murappunādu and the villages comprising Kilai-Kudalur situated within the four boundaries, the eastern boundary being to the west of the river Tan-Porundam, the southern boundary being to the north of the boundary of Muttalan kuruchchi alias Rājasimhamangalam and of Sēñalur alias Tiruvaranga-chaturvēdimangalam, the western boundary being to the east of the channel of this Murappu-nädu named Sundarapāņdiyan-tennāru, and the northern boundary being to the south of the river Tan-Porundam, consisting of wet lands (nir-nilam), karusichey (blacksoil land), punchey (dry lands), nattam, garden lands (tottam), tanks (kulam) and tank-spread (kulapparippu), with the exclusion of the passichchandam (i.e., lands given for Jain or Buddhist shrines), and palandēvadānam (i.e., lands assigned for temples) as well as the lands purchased by Udaiyan Küttāduvān alias Villavadaraiyan of Valugur residing in the street called) Kulasēkharapperunteru at Pattina-Marudūr in Sūrankudi-nādu and given as dēradāna to (the temple of) UlaguyyavandaIsvaramudaiyār of this village which consisted of house (manai), garden and nattam, might be formed into one village and one puravu, after removing their previous owners, (their) old names, cultivation and holding, and be given from the year opposite to the first year opposite to the eighth year as brahmadēya in the name of the mamadi (i.e., uncle) as Pokaļa-Vira-Somidēvachaturvēdimangalam in Murappu-nādu, with the right to inhabit the natlam, fit for habitation, being entered as shares and house-sites; and the māmadi having told us that in respect of payment of taxes of this village, the lands should be measured by Sundara-Pāņdiyan-kol of twenty-four feet length, (the kind of) crop examined, and on lands on which crops had been realised, there should be paid from this year one-fourth kāśu and three kalam of paddy, as measured by Vīra pāņdiyan, on each mā of land for kār, towards antarāya and viniyoga inclusive of achchu, kāriya-vārächchi, vetti-pättam, pañchu pili, sandhivighrahappēru and all other payable dues, that one-half of this rate should be paid on all lands sown in Tula and crops realised, that two tiramam on each mā should be paid on lands on which ellu, varagu, tinaippul and irungu had been harvested, that this (same) rate should be (fixed) for paśānam also, and that this (i.e., the above-mentioned) rate of assessment should be entered in registers; We ordered that for (providing) the two hundred and twenty-four persons (entitled) Chaturvēdi-Bhattas, versed in the Vēdas and Sāstras and capable of expounding them, with two hundred and twenty-four shares, with twenty other shares as vritti for doing service in the dēvadāna, making a total of two hundred and forty-four shares, Kūdalur in Murappu-năļu and the villages comprising Kilai-Kūdalur, situated within the four boundaries (specified hereunder), viz., -the east boundary being to the west of the river Tan-Porundam, the southern boundary being to the north of the boundary of Muttālaňkuruchchi alias Rājasimhamangalam and of Sēñalūr alias Tiruvaranga-chaturvēdimangalam, the western boundary being to the east of the channel of this Murappu-nādu called Sundarapāņdiyan-tennāru, and the northern boundary being to the south of the river Tan. Porundam, consisting of wet lands, karunchey, punchey, nattam, gardens, tank and tank-spread, with the exclusion of the payichchandam and palan-dēvadānam, as well as the lands purchased by Udaiyan Küttaduvan alias Villavadaraiyan of Valugür residing in the street called) Kulabēkharapperunteru at Pattina-Marudör in Sürankudi-nadu and given as devadana to the temple of) Ulaguyyavanda-Isvaramadaiyir of this village, -in all, four mā of land as measured by the (rod) Sundara-Pāņdiyap.kol, -should be formed into one village and one puravu after removing their previous owners, their old names, cultivation and holding and be given from this year as brahmaděya in the name of the mämadi as Pošala-Vira-Somidēva-chaturvēdimangalam in Murappu-nädu, with the right to inhabit the nattam, fit for habitation, being entered as shares and house-sites; and that in respect of payment of taxes of this village, the lands

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
should be measured by Sundara-Pandiyan-kõl of twenty-four feet length, the crops examined, and on lands on which crops had been realised, there shall be paid from this year one-fourth kāśu and three kalam of paddy as measured by the measure) Virapāņdiyan on each mă of land during kār, towards antarāya and viniyoga inclusive of achchu, kāriyavārāchchi, vetti-pātiam, pañchu pili, sandhivighrahappēru and all other payable dues; that one-half of this rate shall be (fixed) on lands sown in Tulā and crops raised; that two tiramam shall be paid on each mā of land on which ellu, varaqu, tinaippul and irungu had been harvested, that this same rate shall also be (fixed) for paśānam; and that a copy of the entry in the tax-register signed by the variyilāre as well as a copy of our order shall be issued. The king had been (further) pleased to say that on receiving these (copies), the same may be entered on stone and copper so that the order) may be carried out as long as the moon and the sun last. This is the signature of Uyyaniprāduvāņ Virasāļadēvan alias Kurukulattaraiyan of Tadarkaņņi-chChirrur in Tirumalli-nädu. This is the signature of Arayan Viradamudittan alias Pallavarayan of Sakkarapāņinallūr in Sevvirukkai-nādu.
No. 23.-KOMANDA COPPER-PLATES OF NETTABHANJA.
BY KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRAHI, M. A.
These copper-plates numbering three were unearthed at the village Komanda in the Nayagarh State, Orissa, by a cultivator, while ploughing a paddy field. Pandit Binayak Misra of the Calcutta University got possession of them and deposited them in the Archeological Museum at Baripada in the Mayurbhanj State. I am very thankful to Pandit Misra and to Mr. P. Acharya, the State Archwologist of the Mayūrbhanj State, for their kindly allowing me to edit these plates.
Each of the plates roughly measures 64"x31' and is strung to the rest on a circular copper ring, the circumference of which is 11" and which passes through a hole of about in diameter cut in the left margin of each plate. The ends of the ring are secured by a lump of copper containing the seal which seems to bear the figure of an animal with a line of writing running just below it. The figure is damaged beyond recognition and of the letters, only one can be read as Ma. Judging from the similarity of the text of these plates to that of other plates of Nēttabbañja it can be inferred that the seal contained in relief the figure of a couchant lion and the legend Bri-
N abhañadovasya. The plates with the ring and the seal weigh about 100 tolas. The first and the last plates are engraved only on one side, while the second is inscribed on both the sides. There are altogether thirty-seven lines of writing, the first three faces containing nine lines each and the fourth ten lines.
The characters used in this grant closely resemble in form those used in the other plates of Nahabhañja" and therefore call for no special remark. The language is Sanskrit, but it contains
number of orthographical errors which will be corrected in their proper places. Only one case may be pointed out here which represents the phonetic peculiarity of the Oriya language : in line 14 vyzvahärin has been written for vyavahārin..
1 The entry in the register was tn recite the royal order and note the changes made in accordance with it. # Varivilar means maintainers of revenue accounts.
These signatories figure in the inscriptions of Märavarman Sundara-Pandya I also (above, Vol. XXII, p. 34).
Above, Vol. XVIIT, PP. 282 ff. Ibid
[See below p. 176 n. 1- -Ed.]

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No. 23.]
KOMANDA COPPER-PLATES OF NETTABHANJA.
173
The text opens with two verses invoking Hara. Then it gives out that the grant has been Issued from the victorious camp Vañjulvaka by Paramamaheśvara śri-Nettabhañjadēva sur. named Kalyapakalasa. He is described as son of Ranabhañjadēva, grandson of Satrubhañjadeva and great-grandson of Silabhañjadeva. It should be noted here that Rai Bahadur Hiralal misread the name of the donor as Netri, though the letters standing for it in the inscription distinctly read as Netta'.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village Karañjāḍu situated in the vishaya of Sāraḍḍā, to a Brahmin named Stambhadēva, belonging to the Kaṇva-śākhā, the Gautama-götra, the Autathya pravara and the Angirasa anupravara, whose father and grandfather were Durgasarman and Harisarman respectively. The dutaka of the grant is Bhatta Sumangala. It has been written by Sandhivigrahin Savara[ja*], incised by Akshasalika Durgadeva and sealed by Mamma which term seems to be a corruption of mahāmāyā or the queen. The names of these officials occur in one of the two Ganjam copper-plate grants of Neṭṭabhañja and the engraver of the second one is also the same Durgadeva3.
The village Karanjaḍu may be identical with Kōmanda, the find-place of these copper-plates or with Karada, a village about sixteen miles north of Kōmaṇḍa, and Săraḍḍā may conveniently be identified with Araḍā about ten miles east of Kōmanda. All these villages are situated in the Nayagarh State from which the copper-plates hail. Vañjulvaka from which the present charter has been issued has not yet been identified.
The donor of the present charter and those of the same name of the two Ganjam copperplate grants and Gumsur copper-plate grant must be identical in view of the facts that these donors not only issue their charters from the same victorious camp Vañjulvaka, but also give the same genealogical account and the names of some officials as occur in this document. But we are faced with difficulties when we attempt to identify Neṭṭabhañja of the grant under discussion with the donors of the same name of the Bod (Baudh) plates and Daspalla plates, firstly, because in one the genealogical account is omitted and in the other it is quite different and secondly, because the officials mentioned in these grants are entirely different?.
Nēṭṭabhañja, unlike other Bhañja rulers, bears in all his copper-plates hitherto discovered, the only title Paramamahēsvara which refers to his religious creed. His grants also do not contain the traditional account relating to the origin of the Bhañjas as other Bhañja records do. The official seals used in his charters are also different from those found on other Bhañja copperplates. All these characteristics of his grants mark him out from other Bhañja rulers who issue their charters from Khijingakōṭṭa or modern Khiching in the Mayurbhanj State. He must, therefore, be taken to belong to a different branch of the Bhañja family. If Satrubhañja and Ranabhañja, represented here as the grandfather and the father of Neṭṭabhañja, be taken as identical with Satrubhañja and Ranabhañja of the Tasapaïkērā grant", the dominions of this branch of the Bhañja family must have comprised the tracts both to the north and to the south of the Mahanadi river, because in the Tasapaikērā grant Ranabhañja describes himself as the
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 282 ff.
Ibid., p. 295.
Ibid., p. 296.
The Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, pp. 146 ff.
J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVII, pp. 104-118.
Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 276 ff.
[The engraver in the Daspalla plates, however, seems to be the same Akshasalin Durgadeva.--Ed J. B. O. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 167 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
lord of the two Khiñjalis, one of which has been identified with Hijjali in Angula to the north of the Mahanadi and the other with Khijaripara in Baudh to the south of the same river1.
As has been shown above, Neṭṭabhañja belongs to a different branch of the Bhañja family. Considerable disagreement prevails among the scholars regarding the origin of this Bhañja family of Orissa. Different interpretations put on the traditional account recorded in some Bhanja copper-plates have led the scholars to arrive at two different views relating to their origin, one connecting it with the Sailōdbhavas of Orissa and the other with the Imperial Mauryas. Whatever may be the views of the scholars about the origin, the fact that it goes back to high antiquity is proved by the recent archeological discoveries at Dengaposhi in the Keonjhar State. Among these important discoveries there is a precious fresco-painting representing a war expedition, which contains a line of writing recording the name of a Bhañja ruler. The paleography of the writing cannot be later than the fourth century A. D. If the dating of the record and the reading Bhamja therein be accepted as correct, we can safely trace back the existence of the Bhanja family at least to the fourth century A. D. Thus it becomes evident that among the known royal families of Orissa, the Bhañja family is only next to the family of Kharavela in point of antiquity.
TEXT.'
[VOL. XXIV.
First Plate.
1 Om svasti [*] Jayati kusumavā(bā)pa-prāņa-vikshōbha-daksham
2 sva-kirana-parivesho(sh-au)rjjitya-jirnn-endu-lēkham(kham) | tri-bhuvana-bhava
3 n-anta[r]-dyota-bhasvat-pradipam kanaka-nikasha-gauram vibhru nē.
4 tram Harasya [1] Sesh-äher-iva ye phaṇaḥ praviralanty*-udbhāsvar-e
5 ndu-tvishaḥ 10 präley-achala-éringa-kōṭṭa(ta)ya iva tvanganti ye-tyu
6 nnataḥ nritt-aṭṭo(to)pa-vighaṭṭita iva bhuja rajanti yē sambhava
7 ste sarvv-agha-vighātinaḥ surasarit-toy-ormmaya[h*] pantu vaḥ | [2] Vija
8 ya-Vañjulvakat [*] Asti jaya-sri-nilayah prakaṭṭa(ta)-guna-grasta-sarvva
9 ripu-garvvah Kalyanakalasa-nāmā rājā nirddh[u]ta-kali-kalu
Second Plate; First Side.
10 ahab [3] Bhañj-amala-kula-tilaka[*] śri-Biläbhañjadēvasya pra[pau]traḥ śri11 Satrubhanjadēvasya napta śri-Ranabhañjadēvasya su(sü)nu[*] Paramamahē
1JB. O. R. 8. Vol. XVII, p. 105.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 290.
Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XIII, pp. 418 ff.
The Modern Review, Vol. LXIII (March 1938), pp. 301 ff.
Read pravilasanty=.
10 Daşda unnecessary.
11 Metre: Sardalavikriḍita.
13 Metre: Arya.
From ink-impressions and the original.
Expressed by a symbol.
[This is the correot reading: vikrita bhrüryasya tad vibhru. It has been wrongly corrected into babhru, above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 293 and 295.-Ed.]
Metre: Malini.

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KOMANDA COPPER PLATES OF NETTABHANJA.
বনের (নালাবেন । 2 সুদ এলএজেন্যেet 2
নগ্নয়নে খাবেন 45ার বদ্রীন:নিবনধ 4
নেত্ৰ শ্ৰমকৈনন-= -ass 6 নন+((((
ওম র ৫
a. 10 ব্রাহকটিমনোভাবেই(Ec. 10
প্রবর্তনহেঞ4y=={ 12 (\nocidাহান:শ্রীপহেঃ 12 (((হাতে(Tায়
ঐত্রীলিম । 14 (2,3(কবি)মেয়ে ভালো i4
rk/নে লেবানন(২২নযg=( মনেনবে=(Gন[৫e@ফরনগুফেককে 16 18 চুদলােলৈহেম লেনোমান এন 18
t,b.
20 এইঙৰ Aগয়নকামী(নাৰণ 22 এফবিনিবনা নাছোনান 29 এর ফনাবানভাগিনত্ব যেন নড়াচাননীষন্ন 24 REASNAनहार काहदिनाटील ২৪ stংইলম হqোরেনহা= 26
৪৫৪,
28 (রহস্য)=(ফলক4}ক্ষত্র | চাহিকতায় 30 Alec [নে মনীয়তাবৰূলধনান্মীয়ে a bলয়নিয়াধানগুলোর নেন।
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Bea. N০, 1971 E৪৪-z7.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #211


Page #212

No. 23.)
KOMANDA COPPER-PLATES OF NETTABHANJA
176
12 svarē mātā-pitri-pād-anudhyāna-rataḥ sri-Nõttabhañjadēva kusa13 li[l*] Sāradda-vishayē rāja-rājanaka-rājaputrä[n*] vishayapati-da14 ndapāśikān yatha-kal-adhyāsino vyē vya)vabāriņot vrä(bra). 15 hmaņā[n*] karana-pū(pu)rögā[n*] nivāsi-janapadā[m*]s=cha yath-arham māna16 yati võ(bo)dhayati samādisati [cha*] sarvvataḥ sivam=asmākam=anya[d*] 17 viditam-astu bhavatām ētad-vishaya-samvandhä(sambaddha)- l' Karanjadu-grāma cha(&
cha)18 tu[h*]sīmā-parichchhinõ(nno)=smābhir=mmātā-pitror=ātma[na*]s=cha puny-āva(bhi).
Second Plate ; Second Side.
19 vşiddhayē Vājasēna(saněya)-charaņāya ? Kaņva-śākh[@]ya Gattu(Gauta)ma-gotrāya 20 Autathya-pravarāya | A(Ā)ngirasa-a(s-a)nupravarāya bhā(bha)tta-Harisarma[ņo*] 21 naptā(tre) bhä(bha)tta-Durgafarmasya(pah) suta(tā)[ya*] bhatta-Stambhadēva(vā)[ya*l
salila-dhārā-pū(pu)22 rahsarēna vidhinā pratipadito-emäbhih 11*1 a(a)chandr-arka-taħrām(täram) yavat 23 a-chätta(ta)-bhatta(ta)-pravēbēna sarvva-vā(bā)dhā-parihärēn=ākaratvēna bhuñja24 dbhir=ddharmma-gauravāt na kēnachid=vyāghātaniyam(yam)['*] Asmat-kula-kramam-ti
25 dāram=udāharadbhir-anyaischa dānam=idam=abhyanumödaniyam(yam)[*] La26 kshmyās=tadit-salila-vudvu(budbu)da-chanchalāyā dānań phalam para-yasa[h*-pari27 pälanañ=cha | [4*]" ū(u)ktañ=cha dharmma-sästrē [l*] Va(Ba)hubhiruvvasudhā dattā rā
Third Plate.
28 jabhish*] Sagar-ādibhi[h*] 1 () yasya yasya yadā bhu(bhūmis-tasya tasya ta29 dā plalam(lam) | [5*] Mā bhu(bhū)d=aphala-sankā vaḥ para-datt=ēti pārthivāḥ | sva-da30 nat=phalam-anantyam para-datt-ānupālanam(nő) [6*]* Sva-dattän para-dattām-vă
(ttām vā) yo 31 har[ējta vasundharām(rām)[*] sa vishthāyām kļimir=bhu(bhūtvä pitfibhiḥ saha pachyatë 1
(7*] 32 Shashţi-varsha-sahasrāņi svargge mödati bhūmidaḥ | a(ā)kshēptā ch=ănu88 mantä сha sa Eva (täny=ēva) narakaṁ vrajēt [1 8*]* Iti kamala-dal-āmva(mbu)-vi(bi)ndu
lolām bri34 yam=anuchintya manushya-jivitañ=cha sakalam=idam=ū(m=u)dābritañ=cha (vūddhā](bu
ddhva) na 35 hi purushai[h*) para-kirttayo vilöpyä[h*] | [9*}* svaya[m]=ādishto rājñā du(dū)tak[7]= 36 tra bhattāstta)-Sumangala[b*) likhitañ=cha sandhivigrahiņā Savarā jēna*7* | utkimpaña
chas 37 kshabalikēna Durggadēvēna ! lañchhita[m] mämmäyä sam 30+1'.
[Reading is correctly vyavahärino.--Ed.] . This mark of prinotuation is superfluous. * Metre: Vasantatilaka. ..Metre : Anushfubh.
Metre : Pushpitãgra. • This name is read as Savaraja in H. Ganjām Plates of Nētribhatijadēva, above, Vol. XVIII. 296. + [I am not certain of the reading of this date.-Ed.]

Page #213

176
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 24.-A NOTE ON THE PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF JAYABHATA (III ?). BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
In his article1 entitled 'A Grant of the Gurjara King Jayabhața III: [Kalachuri] Year 486' Mr. G. V. Acharya has re-arranged the succession of the Early Gurjara princes. As the subject is of importance for the history of Gujarat, I propose to examine his views in the light of the published records of the dynasty.
Until the publication of the Prince of Wales Museum plates by Mr. Acharya in the aforementioned article, seven records of the Early Gurjaras were known to us. The genealogy together with relevant details about the birudas and religious creeds of the princes as mentioned in each is given below :
I and II-Kaira Plates" (K. 380 and 385)
Dadda
Jayabhata-Vitaraga T Dadda-Prasantaraga (Dinakara-charan-archchana-rata)
IV and V-Sankheda Plates (Two sets of K. 392)
Vitaraga
Dadda-Prasantaraga (Dinakara-charan-archchana-rata)
VII-Kävi Plate" (K. 486) Jayabhata
III-Sänkheḍā Plate (K. 391)
Vitaraga 1 Ranagraha (Dinakara-kiran-abhyarchchana-rata)
VI-Nausari Plates (K. 456)
[VOL. XXIV.
Dadda
Jayabhata
Dadda-Bahusahaya (Paramamahēévara)
Jayabhata (Paramamahēévara)
In the Kaira plates of K. 380 and 385 and the Sankheda plates (two sets) of K. 392 the same draft of the eulogistic portion is used with this difference that in the latter the portion descriptive of the donor's ancestors is omitted, the name of the donor's father being known only from the sign-manual at the end. The Sänkheḍā plate of K. 391 being the last plate of its set, contains no genealogical portion, but since it mentions that the grant was written with the permission of the illustrious Dadda who is mentioned separately from the donor Raṇagraha, we may take the latter to be a brothers and feudatory of Dadda-Prasantaraga. In the Nausari plates of K. 456
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 147 ff. Dr. Bhandarkar takes Radlagrafaku
dahaxe Val TI. DD. 19 ff) as it mentions no king. Similarly the of Northern India, p. 161, n. 3. What he proposes to read as Dadda-pad-äntarjääti[na] is really Dadda-påd. antajata[m] which is evidently a mistake for Dadda-pad-anujata[m].

Page #214

No. 24.] NOTE ON PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF JAYABHATA (III ?). 177
an altogether different draft of the eulogistic portion is met with. It has nothing in common with the extant portion of the fragmentary Kävi plate of K. 486.
While editing the Nausāri plates Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji showed for the first time that the first Dadda mentioned in them was identical with Dadda-Prasantaraga on the following grounds. This first Dadda was the great-grandfather of the Jayabhata who issued the plates. Taking 455 as the commencement (of the latter's reign), and calculating backwards at the rate of twenty-five years to a generation, we arrive at 380 as the date of the first Dadda of the Nausāri grant.' He is therefore identical with Dadda-Prasantarāga for whom the two sets of Kairā plates furnish the dates K. 380 and 385. As regards the Jayabhata of the fragmentary Kāvi plate of K. 486, Dr. Bhagwanlal identified him with the donor of the Nausāri plates of K. 456, the interval of thirty years not being too long for one reign. Dr. Bhagwanlal thus gave the following genealogy of the Early Gurjara princes :
Dadda I (circa K. 330)
Jayabhata I. Vītarāga
(circa K. 355)
Dadda II-Prasantarūga
K. 380 and 385
Jayabhata II (circa K. 405)
Dadda III-Bāhusahaya
(circa K. 430)
Jayabhata III K. 456 and 486
This genealogical list was later on adopted in the History of Gujarat in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, p. 114 and has also been included by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar in his List o/ Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 391. The Prince of Wales Museum plates of Jayabhata, dated K. 486, recently edited by Mr. Acharya have, however, slightly affected it. The draft used in these plates closely agrees with that of the Nausāri plates in the eulogy of the first four princes. It carries the genealogy two generations further, mentioning Ahirola as the son and successor of the last Jayabhata mentioned in the Nausāri plates and finally Jayabhata (IV) the son and successor of Ahirola. The concluding eulogistic portion of the grant is identical with that of the fragmentury Kivi plate which is also dated in the same year. The donor of the latter grant must
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 72.
• Ibid., p. 73.

Page #215

178
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
therefore be now called Jayabhata IV and not Jayabhata III. Gurjara princes will, therefore, stand as follows :
Dadda I
therefore be more allod Jayabhasa Te and not Jayabhupa . The genealogical linear the
The genealogical list of the
Jayabhata I-Vitaraga
"Dadda II. Praśāntarăga
K. 380, 385, 391, 392
Jayabhata II
Dadda III-Bāhusahāya
Jayabhata III
K. 456
Ahirola
Jayabhata IV
K. 486 (two grants). Mr. G. V. Acharya, however, has rejected the genealogy proposed by Dr. Bhagwantal and has instead arranged the succession of these princes as follows:
Dadda I. K. 330, 346
Jayabbata I. K. 355
Dadda II-Bāhusahāya. K. 380, 385, 392
Jayabhata II. K. 405, 456
Ahirola
Jayabhata III. K. 486. It may be noted in this connection that Mr. Acharya nowhere mentions the biruda Prasantarāga, but as he assigns the dates K. 380, 385 and 392 of Dadda-Praśāntarāga to Dadda-Bahusehāya we must suppose that he identifies the two Daddas. The dates K. 330, 355 and 405 assigned by him to Dadda I, Jayabhata I and Jayabhata II are conjectural, as no records of these dates have yet been discovered.
In re-arranging the succession of the Gurjara princes in this way Mr. Acharya seems to have assumed that the Nausāri and Prince of Wales Museum plates dated respectively K. 456 and 486
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 149.

Page #216

No. 24.] NOTE ON PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF JAYABHATA (II1 ?). 179
begin their genealogy with the same prince as the two sets of Kaira plates of Dadda-Praśāntarāga dated K. 380 and 385. But this view is open to several objections :--
(1) Till now we have not come across a single instance in which a prince of this Early Gurjara dynasty assumed more than one biruda. In fact, as pointed out by Dr. Bhagwanlal1, the use of the biruda was the expedient resorted to in order to prevent confusion arising from the use of only two names almost throughout the genealogy. Dadda-Praśāntarāga is not therefore likely to be identical with Dadda-Bahusahāya.
(2) Dadda-Praśāntarāga is described in the Kaira and Sankhēḍā plates as Dinakara-charanarchchana-rata devoted to the worship of the rays of the sun', while Dadda-Bahusahaya is called, in the Nausari and Prince of Wales Museum plates, Paramamāhesvara a most devout worshipper of Siva'. We have no evidence to hold that Dadda-Prasantaraga changed his religious creed as we have none to show that he changed his biruda.
(3) Dadda-Praśāntarāga whose known dates range from K. 380 to K. 392 may be supposed to have flourished from K. 375 to K. 400. If he is identified with Dadda-Bahusahāya, his grandfather, viz., the first Dadda mentioned in the Nausari and Prince of Wales Museum plates, must be referred to the period from K. 325 to K. 350 i.e. from about A. D. 575 to A. D. 600. Now this Dadda is said to have given protection to the lord of Valabhi when the latter was attacked by the Paramesvara Harsha who is undoubtedly the great Emperor of that name who ruled at Kanauj (A. D. 606-647). Harsha came to the throne when he was a lad of sixteen years. Even if we suppose that his invasion took place towards the end of Dadda I's reign (A. D. 575-600) he could not have been more than ten years of age at the time! It is needless to add that he was not then Paramesvara (Emperor).
(4) In the proposed succession Mr. Acharya is obliged to assign a reign of more than fifty years to Jayabhața II. Such a long reign is improbable, though not impossible.
If on the other hand we identify the first Dadda, the grandfather of Dadda-Bāhusahāya, mentioned in the Nausari and Prince of Wales Museum plates with Dadda-Praśāntarāga, he becomes a contemporary of Harsha, as his known dates range from K. 380 to K. 392 (i.e. from about A. D. 630 to A. D. 642). Harsha's invasion of Valabhi during which Dadda gave protection to a Maitraka king must have occurred soon before the Harsha-Pulakesin war. Dr. Altekar has adduced cogent reasons to date the latter in the period A. D. 630-34. It may, however, be asked why Dadda-Prasantaraga is silent in all his records about his glorious achievement if he actually gave protection to the ruler of Valabhi against the powerful Emperor of Kanauj. The reason is not difficult to find. In this matter Dadda was evidently acting at the instance of his suzerain, Pulakesin II. From the Aihole inscription we know that he had submitted to the Chalukya Emperor. He knew full well that single-handed he was not strong enough to defy the lord paramount of North India. He could not have claimed credit for the protection of the Valabhi ruler during the life-time of Pulakesin II. As a matter of fact, we find this achievement of Dadda II mentioned for the first time in a record of his great-grandson Jayabhata III. His successors had evidently neither fear nor scruples in giving him credit for defying Harsha.
There would thus be no chronological difficulty in accepting the order of succession first proposed by Dr. Bhagwanlal, with, of course, the addition of the two names which have now been brought to light by the publication of the Prince of Wales Museum plates.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 73.
* See e.g. 1. 4 of the Nausari grant of Jayabhata III (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 77).
Cf. Smith-Early History of India (Fourth Ed.), p. 349. An. Bh. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XIII, pp. 300 ff.

Page #217

180
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
No. 25.-GAUTAMI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN : YEAR 4.
BY KUNJA GOVINDA GOSWAMI, M.A., CALCUTTA. This set' of three copper-plates, which are in a good state of preservation, was discovered in 1937 in the village Gautami in the Badakhimedi Estate of the Ganjam District by a villager, while preparing the site for the construction of a house. Mr. Tumul Krishnamurti of Nuapara obtained the plates from the villager and handed them over to Pandit Nilkantha Das, M.L.A. (Central). Mr. Das again gave the plates to Pandit Binayak Misra, Lecturer in Oriya, Calcutta University, and the latter has very kindly made them over to me for publication. I am extremely grateful to Messrs. Das and Misra for thus providing me with an opportunity of editing these plates in the Epigraphia Indica.
These three plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 95 tolas. Each plate measures 67 inches in length and 47 inches in breadth. The ring is almost round, and is inch in thickness, with its inner diameter of 37 inches. The seal is very small and is 4 inch in diameter. No emblem or legend is any more traceable on it. The plates are strung on the ring passing through the holes which were bored in the middle of the left hand side of each plate. The first and the third plates are inscribed on one side only while the second plate bears writing on both the sides. There are altogether thirty-one lines of writing, the first three sides containing eight lines each and the fourth seven.
The characters belong to the Northern variety showing signs of southern influence at places. Considering its script, the present inscription seems to be one of the early records of the Ganga Kings of Orissa, though not so early as the Dhanantara plates of Samantavarman of the same dynasty. It may be pointed out in passing that the name Padmachandra of the engraver of this latter record happens to be identical with that of the engraver of the present charter. It is, however, extremely doubtful whether one and the same person is meant thereby, as the soripts of the two records exhibit so marked a difference in the style of writing that thay cannot be taken to have been incised by an identical hand; the script of the Dhanantara plates on the whole appears to be earlier than that of the plates under consideration.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the composition is in prose except that two customary verses occur in the concluding portion.
As regards orthography, there are some peculiarities to be noted the consonants after are doubled in some cases while in others there is no such doubling, as in thèlor=mMahendrachala-1.3, and in chaturdasa 11. 1-2. Again followed by r is doubled in fakti-traya, 1.7, ksheltra and goura, l. 15. The spribe does not make any distinction between the signs for medial short i and long i The Sorms of b and u also are not differentiated : everywhere we find the use of v only for both the letters. In ligatures & class nasal is sometimes used, e.g., $aśārka, 1. 2 and sometimes represented by anusvára, e.g., Gamgo, 1. 5. In certain cases a letter or visarga has been wrongly left out. An anuevāra almost invariably takes the place of a finalm, while occasionally it also stands for a final, as in sa-karanán, 1. 12. In l. 16, the sign obviously meant for vant looks more like that for uta. Besides, there are certain other errors which have been duly corrected in the transcribed text.
The first four syllables, containing a name, in l. 17 have been rendered obscure by some scratchings over these letters. It may be the correction made by the original scribe bimself or somebody might have tampered with it subsequently.
Referred to above, p. 133, n. 8. . Above, Vol. XV, pp. 278 . and plates.

Page #218


Page #219

GAUTAMI PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN: THE YEAR 4.
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
BCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REG. No.1885E38-275

Page #220

No. 25.]
GAUTAMI PLATES OF GANGA INDBAVARMAN : YEAR 4.
181
The inscription records the grant of a piece of land in or near the village Salachanikäl of the Hemvakamatamva district (vishaya) by the Ganga Mahārāja Indravarman, who was & devout worshipper of Siva, to Brāhmaṇas, Vināyakasarman and ..barman of the Vajasaněya charana of the Parāśara götra and of the Sakti-Kāņva-Vaśishtha prarara, for the increase of merit of his father, mother and self. The boundaries of the land are specified in the grant. The engraver is Akshasălin Padmachandra. The plates were issued from the victorious residence of Svētaka on the 3rd day of the bright half of the month Phälguna of the yoar 4 which evidently refers to the regnal year of the king and not to any era.
Among the known charters of the Ganga rulers of Svētaka only a few mention a date. Thus Svalpa-Vēlura grant of Ganga Anantavarman is dated in the year 19 which has likewise been taken to refer to the king's regnal year. Rānaka Jayavarmadēva's platese are dated in the year 100 apparently of the Gāngęya era, but as these plates are suspected to be spurious, their date is not reliable. Dhanantara plates of Samantavarman are not dated, but are placed in the seventh eentury A.D. on palæographical grounds, which has been borne out by a later discovery: the Phērava grant (held to be) of the same Samantavarman dated in the year 185 or 1657 which in all probability refers itself to the Gängēya era, the initial point of which is supposed to fall in A.D. 497. As already observed, the Gautami plates are palæographically later than the Dhanantara plates. We may place the former in the eighth century A.D.
As regards the localities mentioned, Svētaka, according to Mr. Tarini Charan Rath, was perhaps the Country adjoining Kalinga to the west. Some other scholars identify it with Chikitio or Chikați" in the Ganjam District. Mahāndrāchala probably refers to the hills of this name in the Ganjam District. I am unable to identify the district or vishaya of Hēmvakamatamva and the village Salachapika,"mentioned in the grant.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Oras svasti [l*] Vijaya-śvētak-adhishthānād=bhagavatas-cha2 turdasa-bhuvan-adhipatē[h*) kakala-babanka bēkhara-dhara3 sya sthity-utpatti-pralaya-karana-hőtör"=mMahöndr-Achala-si4 khara-niväsinanya(nah) sri(Gri)-Gokarpnisvara-sväminas-charaņaB kamal-ārādhanād=avāpta-punya-nichayo Garg-&6 mala-kul-amva(l-ambar-endu[b ] sva-bhuja-va(ba)la-parakram-ākrānta-saka7 la-Kalimg-ādhirajya[by takti-ttraya-prakarsh-anurañjit-ase8 sha-samanta[bo] paramamihăsvarð māti-pitsi-pad
[See below, p. 182, n. 1.-Ed.]
[The Parāśara götra does not have Kanva in its threefold pravara which is Parāśara-Sakti-Vabishtha. Kapva may be the götra of the second donee in the present instance.-Ed.]
. Above, pp. 184 ff. and plate. • Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 267 ff. and plate.
Ibid., p. 268, n. 1. .J. 0. R., Vol. XI, pp. 55 ff.
* Above, p. 132. • This is according to the latest computation by B. V. Krishna Rao in J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI. pp. 19 ff. Before this several scholars have offered different dates for the epoch of the Gangěys era, thus A. D. 483 by C. R. Krishnamacharlu (An. Rep. South Indian Epigraphy, 1931-32, p. 45), A. D. 494 by R. Subba Rao (J. A. A. R. 8., Vol. V, pp. 200 ff.), A. D. 498 by J. C. Ghosh (Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 237) and between A. D. 560 and 857 by R. C. Majumdar (Indian Culture, Vol. IV. p. 179). . Above, Vol. XV, p. 276.
10 1. H. Q., Vol. XIL, PP. 490-91. J.O. R., Vol. XI, p. 58, and above, p. 133, n. 10. 11 From ink-impressions.
1* Expressed by a symbol. 16 The letter 18 has beon engraved below the line.

Page #221

182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
Second Plate; First Side.
9 nudhyata(to) mahārāja-éri(ár-Indravarmmadevah kusalib() [] 10 Hêmvakamatamva-vishaye Salachanikā1- grāmē
11 yatha-kal-adhyasino vyavahāriņa[h*] sa-ka
12 rapām(pan) sa-dandanayaka-pramukhām(khan) nivasi
13 na(no) janapadam(dan) chața-bhata-vallabha-jātinām3 yath-a
14 rha[m] manayati viditam-astu bhavatām esha kha
15 pda-kshēttra[m*] Vajasaneya-charanebhya gōttra-Pārāśa16 ra-Saktivat Vasishthavat Kanvavat Vinaya kasarma-Nārā
Second Plate; Second Side. 17rda]éarmane mätä-pittror-ätmanas-cha puny-abhi18 vridhayeḥ salila-dhara-pura[h*]saram-a-chandr-arka-sa19 ma-kalatvēna datta[m*] [*] pūrvva-disām(si) tūņi välmik-agnēyām
20 taṭāka-si(si)mänta[h*]| dakshina-disām(si) ranya -si(si)manta[h*]! pa
21 schima-disam(si) Kōsamva-taṭaka-si(si)mäntaḥ[*] uta(tta)
22 ra-disām (si) Udaya-taṭaka-si(si)mantaḥ ēvam chaturshy 10-a.
23 pi dikshu nirdishta-spashta-si(si)mantaḥ na kēnachit
24 paripamthina bhavitavyam tatha ch-ōktam dharma-sa[strē]
Third Plate.
25 Va(Ba)hubhir-vasudha datta rajāna" Sagar-ādibhi[h*] [
26 yasya yasya yada bhumita (s-ta)sya tasya tada phala[m*] | [*]
27 Ma bhu-phala1-samka vah*] 18 paradate(tt-e)ti pathi(rthi)va(vah) I sva-da28 tttt) phalam-Anantya[*] paradata(tt-nuplanath(në) I
29 danam murajah*] chatväri14
1
30 utki(tki)rņņam akshaśäli-śri(śrī)-Padmachandrēņa | samvaḥ(vat) 4 31 Phalgu[na*]-sudi 3
[VOL. XXIV.
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-14) Om Hail! The illustrious Mahārāja Indravarman, who has acquired a store of vir tues by worshipping the lotus feet of the illustrious god, Gōkarnesvara, the almighty-who is
[The name of the village may be read also as Salavanika, because the form of in some cases closely resembles that of ch, as in devab, 1. 9.-Ed.]
Read jättyän.
Read état.
Read charanabhyām.
The letter ya is incised almost below the line in smaller size, which shows that it was first omitted and later supplied.
Read farmabhyam; the preceding portion is not clear.
"Read -vriddhaye.
Read -valmikab agneyyam. [The reading appears to be trini välmik-agnēyām which may be corrected as trini valmikiny (or trayö valmikä) ägněyyam.-Ed.]
10 Read chatasrish.
13 Read bhüd-aphala-.
Read aranya.
11 Read rajabhib.
13 This danda is superfluous.
14 Read chatrirah. The meaning of the expression danam muraja chatväri is not clear. Muraja generally means a kind of musical instrument such as drum or tambourine. [Muraja may denote a land measure, the area of the donated land being four murajas.-Ed.] There is a symbol between the two dandas which looks like Nagari 6.

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the lord of the fourteen worlds, who wears on the forehead the crescent, who is the cause of existence, creation and destruction and who resides on the summit of the hill Mahendra,--he a moon in the sky--namely the spotless race of the Gangas, possessing overlordship of the whole of the Kalinga territory by the strength of his arms, endeared to all his vassals by the excellence of his threefold power, a great devotee of Maheśvara (Siva) and meditator upon the feet of his father and mother, being well duly advises from the victorious residence of Svētaka, the existing administrative officers together with the accountant, the Dandanayaka and the like, the inhabiting people of the locality, the officials of the rank of Chata, Bhata and Vallabha-at the village of Salachanika in the vishaya or district of Hemvakamaṭamva :
(Ll. 14-24) "Be it known to you that this piece of land is given along with the offering of water to Vinayakasarman and ... sarman of the Vajasaneya charana, Parasara götra and SaktiVasishtha-Kanva pravara1 to continue as long as the sun and the moon exist for the increase of merit of mother, father and self. (It is bounded) on the east by an ant-hill, which is in the shape of a quiver, on the south-east by the tank, on the south by the forest, on the west by the tank called Kōsaṁva and on the north by the tank named Udaya. Thus on all sides it is marked by fixed and clear boundaries. No body should be opposed (to this grant). Thus it is said in the religious scriptures":
(Ll. 25-28) Here follow the two verses.
(L. 29) Gift of four murajas.
Incised by the illustrious Akshasalin3 Padmachandra; on the 3rd day of the bright half of Phalguna of Samvat 4.
No. 26.-THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF VAIDUMBA-MAHARAJA GANDATRINETRA.
By R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS.
The three subjoined inscriptions which are edited here for the first time were copied by the Office of the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, in 1905, 1906 and 1922 respectively and are noticed in the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy for the respective years. They are called in the sequel A, B and C for the sake of convenience.
A.
The record is engraved on a slab set up in a field west of the village Basinikonda near Madanapalle. The alphabet is Telugu-Kannada of the 9th century A.D. and resembles the script of the Bana and Chola records of the period secured in the Punganur and Cuddapah regions. The language is ancient Kannada.
The inscription records the death of a hero named Kare Punnaņi-māņi in a fight with Nolambi, Dadiga, Rachamalla, Mayindadi and Gundige-gu[la] who had mustered their forces on the occasion of a raid on the fort of Söremați made by Mahārāja (i.e., Gandatrinētra) and
[See above p. 181, n. 2.-Ed.]
[See above p. 182, n. 8.-Ed.]
As regards akshasalin, we find in Kautilya's Arthasüstra a chapter called " Akshasäläyam Suvarnadhyakshak". The Commentator interprets "akshasalayam" as "suvarna-rupy-adi-nirmana-bäläyäm." [The commentary quoted by R. Shamasastry in his translation of Kautilya's Arthabastra (2nd ed., p. 97) runs as follows: Akshatal Eti suvara-adi-parikarm-ävasthanasya samjua, i.e., " Akshaśālā is a name of the chamber in which the artistic work of gold and other metals is carried out."-Ed.] So the term akshasalin here seems to mean one who is in charge of the goldsmith's office'. [See also above, Vol. XXIII, p. 76.-Ed.]
Nos. 295 of 1905, 533 of 1906 and 314 of 1922 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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Banarasa, when Vaidumba-Mahārāja Gandatrinētra was ruling the earth. The chief interest of the record lies in the fact that it furnishes a synchronism which, as shown below, helps in determining the date of the battle and of Gandatrinētra.
B.
This inscription is engraved on a slab standing near the ruined Siva temple in the Yēnugarātimadi field at Peddatippasamudram in the Madanapalle taluk of the Chittoor District. The alphabet is early Telugu-Kannada and resembles that of A. In respect of orthography, it may be noted that the king's name is written as Kandatrinētra instead of Gandatrinētra. The language is Telugu of the archaic type. The nominative singular nru in Chelvunru is a precursor of later ndu. The meaning of the expression Yemmakala is not clear though it appears to have some connection with the Telugu word emmekādu meaning amorous or sportive (vilāsavantuḍu1).
The record belongs to the same Vaidumba king Gandatrinētra and states that Prabhu Chelvunru distinguished himself in the battle that took place between the Mahārāja and Nolarbi at Söremati and died after opposing and piercing the Nolambi army. It adds that the Mahārāja's servant (mänisi) Mutlamale Dochayya also had distinguished himself in a sportive way (?). It is not clear why Dochayya is introduced here. Perhaps Dochayya and Prabhu Chelvunru both started to oppose the Nolamba army and the latter fell in his attempt to destroy the enemy's forces.
C.
This record is written on a slab in a field at Veligallu in the Madanapalle taluk of the Chittoor District. The alphabet is early Telugu-Kannada and resembles the one found in the inscriptions of Bapavidyadhara and Chōla Vikramaditya Satyadityunru. The shape of, however, deserves to be noted (11. 3, 5, 6, etc.). The language of the record is archaic Telugu in lines 1-5 and 14-16 and ancient Kannada in lines 6-14. Orthography and idiom are not uncommon to the period and locality where the inscription is found. Lines 4-5 offer some difficulty in interpretation. The passage has been construed in the following order :-Vaidumba-Mahārāju Chantamana-Dadini vadhisitahina pasi gani, Korja-Desimgambu elina renikin edarayna Gandatrinetrani pa[da]lvelambogiche, according to which Kōra-Desimgambu would be a servant of Chantamana and an enemy of Gandatrinetra. Similarly some of the epithets of Chantamana which are in ancient Kannada are peculiar and archaic in form and do not admit of easy interpretation.
The inscription introduces Gandatrinētra Vaidumba-Mahārāja as ruling over Renanduseven-thousand country and states that Kōra Desingarbu, after seeing the act (pani gani) of the Mahārāja killing Chantamana-Dadi in a conflict at Mudumaḍuvu during the fight with Nolarhbi, struck a blow at or pierced (podiche) the generals of Gandatriņētra who had opposed the king (i.e., Nolamba) who ruled over him. Lines 5-14 extol Chantamana-Dadi as a great valiant with a string of descriptive epithets. Lines 14-16 refer to Kōra-Desinga again and mention vishayasunka and biradaya at Velungagunța (possibly modern Veligallu). The record was written by Srikanthadava-Acharjya (Acharya). Since the grant portion is obscurely worded and badly damaged, the purport of the record is not clear though it appears that Kōra-Desingambu granted these incomes to Chantamana's family in memory of his valour.
From the contents of the records given above, it may be gathered that Vaidumba-Mahārāja Gandatrinētra fought with a Nolamba king at Söremați in the course of which he killed Chantamana-Dadi at Mudumaḍuvu. According to A, the combatants that met at Soremați
* Vide Telugu Dictionary Sabdaratnakaram, p. 111. See Translation below, p. 193.

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were the Mahārāja and Baparasa on the one side, and Nolarbi, Dadiga, Rachamalla, Mayindadi and Gundigegulla (1) on the other. A Bangavādi records of Mahabali Bāņarasa adds that Permånadigal had joined the party of the Mahārāja in a fight with the same enemies at Mändåvuda. According to the Chadalla inscription. Mahabali-Banarasa roBE against Nolamba, Rächamalla and Mayindadi on the battle field of Söremaţi on behalf of Permånadi. Mayindadi's name is substituted by Mayindiramikkirama (Mahēndravikrama) in another inscription of Bangavādi dated in the 24th year of Vijaya Narasimhavikramavarman. The Soremati battle which took place during the reign of Gandatriņētra must have therefore been of great consequence for the history of the south-eastern Dekkan in this early period. An attempt will be made in the sequel to enquire into the causes that led to the meeting of these powers at Söremați and to ascertain the probable date when this important event occurred as also the result of this campaign.
Two of the Vaidumba kings, viz., Manujatriņētra and Gandatriņētra, are stated to be ruling over Rēnāndu-seven-thousand country which, as we know, had been subject to the administration of the Cholas under Vikramaditya Satyadityunju. The Rēnāndu country comprised a major part of Cuddapah and Kurnool Districts along the valley of the Kundēru river. The Mālepādu stone inscription of the Chola king Satyāditya states that Siddhi-one-thousand (Siddhaut country) also formed part of the dominions of the Cholas. Since the inscriptions of these early Cholas are found in the Proddatur taluk of the Cuddapah District, Madanapalle and Punganūr taluks of the Chittoor District, besides Göribidanūr of the Kolar District, Mysore State, it may be sur mised that their territory extended almost over the whole of the Cuddapah and Kurnool Districts, part of Chittoor and the north-western portion of the Kolar Districts. This could not have been held by them intact from the beginning of their political career. For Pulinádu (in Punganūr) was mainly a Bana district and had been occupied by the Cholas in the course of their aggressive cam. paign.' Similarly Göribidanür which was included originally in the Ganga or Nolamba territory had been wrested from them by the Cholas in a similar campaign. The Rashtrakūtas who were engaged in battles with the Gangas, the Eastern Chalukyas and the Pallavas in the 8th and the beginning of the 9th centuries A.D. could not devote their attention to the expansion of their dominion in the south-east of Dekkan, nor could they have done so without subduing the Gangas and the Nolambas who ruled in the intervening province.
The Bāņa (or Brihad-Bâņas;* who were originally settled in the Srisaila country in the 4th century A.D. lingered on and continued to rule in the Gooty province in the 7th-8th centuries A.D. as subordinates of the Chalukyas of Bādāmi. After the decline of the Chāļukyas, one branch appears to have slowly moved down to the south and taken service under the Pallava kings, protecting the north-western frontier of the latter's country. Their inscriptions are found in the
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Mb. 228. * No. 453 of 1906 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
3 Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Mb. 227. . Above, Vol. XI, p. 337. No. 342 of 1922 and Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Bågepalle 69. In the latter, the Kirudore is thentioned as the limit of Rēnāndu. This might be the Kundēru river mentioned below.
Ibid., p. 345, Postacript. • E.... Nos. 466 and 617 of 1906, 307 and 329 of 1922-23, 299 of 1905, 174 of 1931-32, of the Madras Epigraphical Collection; Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Goribidanûr 69, 72-75, etc.
+ Nos. 174 and 183 (probably & Chola record) of 1931-32. The Cholas could not have occupied this district without an encounter with the Bānas.
• Talgunda Pillar inscription of Kakusthavarman (above, Vol. VIII, pp. 24 f.). Perbbanavanla is mentioned in an inscription of Srlvallabha-Maharajadhirkja, from Arakatavemula in the Cuddapah District (No. 474 of 1906). This Suivalabha is most probably Chalukya Vikramaditya I who according to the Gadval grant acquired the title of Srivallabhun after defenting the Pallavan.
Nos. 333 and 343 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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North Arcot and Salem Districts as well as in the Kolar and Chittoor Districts. Būnavidyadhara figures as a subordinate of Pallava Dantivarman and Nandivarman III and prior to him a certain Banarasa who was probably Jayanandivarman or his son Malladēva held a subordinate position under Nandivarman Pallavamalla. Thus the Bāņas bad at this period thrown in their lot with the Pallavas who were waging constant wars with the Rashtrakūtas and Gangas in the north and the Pāņdyas in the south. In the 9th century A.D. their territory extended far beyond their ancestral home. A record of Dhavaleyarasa of the Mahabalikula dated in Saka 807 is found at Pottipadu which would show that the northern boundary of their dominions extended up to the Jammalamadugu taluk; in the west, portions of Goribidanür, Kolar and Muļbāgal were included in their province as their inscriptions are found in that area and in the east Kalahasti formed probably the extreme limit of their province. Their original home, however, lay between Kalahasti and Punganūr to the north of the Pālār which area constituted the Perumbånappādi of the Tamil inscriptions. This must have comprised the Vadugavali-twelve-thousand and Pulinādu-sixty. The occupation of the Cuddapah District as far north as Jammalamadugu must have brought them face to face with the Chõlas of Rênandu. Several Chola records are found in this area, but the king is represented by the general epithet Chõla-mabārāja which does not help us in determining the period of the inscription or of the chief mentioned therein. After a rule of over 200 years, the Chola power was probably not strong enough to resist the invasions of the Baņas who, as stated above, pushed forward their conquests as far north as Jammalamadugu which was purely a Chola country.
This Baņa-Chola conflict must have commenced much earlier. For we find at Chippili & stone record of Punyakumara who in all probability was the donor of the Mälepădu plates, and in the same place is discovered an epigraph of Sri-Malladēva who appears to have been referred to as Bānarasa in the record. If Malladēva is a Båņa chief, he must be identified with the father of Bånavidyadhara who flourished in the first half of the 9th century A.D. This would show that some time after Punyakumāra the Bānas must have subjugated the Cholas and occupied & portion of their territory. This event must have taken place after the time of Vikramāditya Satyadityunru, who ruled over Rēnāņdu-seven-thousand and Siddhi-one-thousand. The Cholas were possibly driven to the north towards Cuddapah, Proddatur and Siddhaut, where, too, their rule was not uninterrupted by the Båņas as evidenced by the Pottipādu record of Dhavaleyarasa. They probably continued as petty chieftains in a portion of Rēnindu awaiting an opportunity to avenge the defeat inflicted on them by the Baņas.
The Nolarbas who had become the faithful servants of the Rashtrakūtas? by about A.D. 770 and whose territory lay adjacent to that of the Bānas could not have remained unaffected by the
1 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1903-04, Part II, para. 28; ibid., for 1906-07, p. 65, and above, Vol. IX, pp. 231 and 233.
* Huien Tulang (cir. A.D. 642) mentions the Cholas as a ruling power in the Cuddapah region. I have shown (above. Vol. XXIII, p. 97) that one branch of the Cholas ruled in the Godavari District in the 6th century A.D. And it is likely that another branch ruled simultaneously in the Rönandu country which was ultimately over thrown by the Banas in the 9th century A.D.
No. 299 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. • Ibid., No. 301.
Recently a record of an early Punyakumara-apparently a Chole--engraved in characters of about the 8th century A.D. has been discovered at Tippalur in the Kamalapuram taluk of the Cuddapah District. This would show that the Chol were the earliest occupants of Rěnádu prior to the Bapm and the Vaidumbas.
No Chola records of the 9-10th century A.D. are found in the Madanapalle region whereas a number of Bapa epigraphs exista in that locality.
Two Challakere inscriptions of Prabhatavarsha Govinda (II) in which Chåruponnēra figures as the king's subordinate.

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aggressive campaigns of the latter. Polalchõra who was a feudatory of Nītimärga Ereganga? (Saks 775) invaded Pulinādu of the Bāņas who under Prabhumēru Vijayāditya occupied as a countermeasure the Gangarusāsira District of the Nolambas. The conflict assumed a serious turn in the time of Mahendra-Nolambādhirāja who was determined to establish his power by exterminating the Bāna race and who accordingly sent a force under the command of Kāduvetti and Maduva to seize Pulinādu. It may be noted that Bāņa Vijayāditya's inscriptions are found in a portion of the Kolar District which comprised the Gangarusāsira of the Nolambas. It is significant to find that the Ganga king Rachamalla I had contracted a marriage alliance with the Nolamba Polalchõra by kiving his daughter Jāabbe to him, so that their dominion in the south might be safeguarded from the attacks of the Pallavas and the Banas. In one of the Budikote inscriptions," Rachamalla II is stated to have carried an expedition against Kāñchi, when Gangapusāsira was under the administration of a Banarasa who was evidently Prabhumēru Vijayāditya. And Mahēndra is described in a Hindupur record to have been ruling the country extending up to Kāñchi. These evento establish clearly the political hostility between the Ganga and the Nolamba on the one side and the Bana and the Pallava on the other in the period under review.
We know that the Ganga throne passed to the line of Vijayaditya, the younger brother of Sivamāra, in supersession of the latter's sons Yuvarāja Mārasimha and Prithvipati I. There are reasons to think that Mārasimha died prior to his father, but Prithvipati I ought to have, when he came of age, succeeded to his father's kingdom though perhaps he was a minor at the time of Sivamāra's death. Prithvipati l's claim was evidently overlooked by his uncle Vijayaditya 'who had received the Ganga kingdom from his brother only as a trust as Bharata had that of Rāma'. Prithvipati had, therefore, out of despair and disappointment, to seek alliance with the opposite party, i.e., the Pallavas by taking service under them and giving hiç daughter Kundavve in marriage to Bāņavidyadhara, the most powerful Bāņa prince who was the servant of Pallava Dantivikramavarman and Nandivarman III. Thus the Bānas end the collateral Gange branch became allies by this marriage under the patronage of the Pallavas who rere the inveterate foes of the Rashtrakūtas, the Gangas and the Nolambas.
The unsettled political condition in the Rēnāņdu country in the 9th century A.D. was favourable for the rise of petty chieftains to power. Some time in the beginning of that century, the Vaidumbas who hailed probably from Vaidumbavrõlu (Madanapalle taluk) tried to measure their strength with the Cholas and other powers of the Dekkan. Their history is not known during the period of Chõla ascendancy. Since at Chippili, the records of Chõla, Bāņa and Vaidumba
No. 588 of 1912 of the Madrs Epigraphical Collection and Madras Epigraphical Report for 1913, Part II, para. 13, p. 91.
Kalakatfär record (Madras Epigraphical Report for 1913, No. 308 of 1912). • Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Bowringpet 86. • No. 588 of 1912 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
. Mārasimha has issued as Yuvarāja the Nelamangala and Alur oopper-plate charters dated respectively in A.D. 797 and A.D. 799. Sivamāra would not have offered the throne to his brother if Marasimha the heir-apparent had been alive. It may be remarked that the view that these two charters are spurious is no longer tenable, since the script employed in them is perfectly regular for the period and closely resembles the writing of the Mappe plates of Rashtrakūta Govinda III (Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Ni. 61). Further, the historical details mentioned in them are now corroborated by several genuine Gangs grants such as the Kudalur plates of Márasimba II and the apparently impossible reference in them to the recrowning of Sivamara II by Govinda III and Pallava Nandiverman III which took place in about A. D. 813 will have to be explained by supposing that the grants actually made by Marasimha when his father was in prison were issued after the liberation and re-coronation of Sivamira in A. D. 813, incorporating the events that had happened in the interval.
.Rice has suggested that Tumba in the North Arcot District might be the original habitat of the family.

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kings are discovered,1 that of the Vaidumbas being paleographically the latest in date, it may be surmised that the Vaidumbas had not yet attained an independent position in the 8th century A.D. and must have consolidated their power only after Malladeva or Banavidyadhara. Accordingly they are found fighting with the Chōlas and the Bāņas at this period from whom they must have wrested Madanapalle and extended their territory on all sides so as to include in it the whole of Rēnandu-seven-thousand province. Their aggressive policy is noticeable in their records found in the Bagepalli taluk of the Kolar District which was included in the Nolamba territory. Finally the Chōla-Mahārājas appear to have been driven away from their country to a corner in the Göribidanur taluk of the Kolar District where, too, they had to fight constantly with the Nolambas under Mahendra."
From the foregoing brief analysis of the political situation in the south-eastern Dekkan in the latter half of the 9th century A.D., it is apparent that the Vaidumbas and the Banas had by their aggressive campaigns created enemies of the Ganga, Nolamba and Chōla kings of the time and were biding an opportunity to give a decisive blow to the three powers. Such an opportunity offered itself in the cause of the Ganga Prithvipati I whose claims to the hereditary throne had been set at naught by Vijayaditya and his son Rachamalla I. Prithvipati appears to have proclaimed himself king, at least temporarily, with the aid of the Banas; for we find him as the reigning sovereign in a few inscriptions of the Punganur taluk which belong to the 9th century A.D. on palæographical grounds. But Prithvipati having been killed in a fight with Pandya Varaguna, the struggle seems to have been continued by Nanniya-Ganga who, as stated in an inscription of Hirebidanur, was the son of Prithvipati of the Ganga family. A record at Kibbenahalli in the Tumkur District informs us that Nanniya-Ganga, evidently the son of Prithvipati I, fought with Satyavakya Rachamalla who must be the second prince of that name. We also learn from an epigraph at Rayakōta (Salem District) that Mahabali Banarasa invaded Manne on behalf of Ganga who could be no other than Nanniya-Ganga. The Bana chief, presumably Prabhumēru Vijayaditya, was victorious in the campaign, as some of his inscriptions represent him as ruling over Manne in addition to Vadugavali-twelve-thousand province. It must be in the course of this fight that Nanniya-Ganga occupied Talakādu, the capital of the Western Gangas, and proclaimed himself king, with the regal epithet Nitimärga as shown by a stone record at Arakalgud." The only Nanniya-Ganga known to the Ganga genealogy is Būtuga II who was, however, a Satyavakya and not Nitimärga. Hence the Nanniya-Ganga Nitimarga of the Arakalgud record must be the son of Prithivipati only, who must have borne the surname Nitimärga as a rightful successor of Satyavakya Rachamalla whom he had ousted. It was on this occasion that Rachamalla II mustered his forces and sought the assistance of
1 Nos. 298-301 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection, see also p. 186, foot-note 4 above. * Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Bagepalli 62.
Nos. 326, 334 and 337 of 1912. Priduvayya-Pilduvipati-Prithivipati of these inscriptions has to be identified with Prithivipati I who sacrificed his life for his friend Aparajita in the battle of Śripurambiyam with Pandya Varaguna, since No. 337 bears an apparent reference to this battle in which the Pandya was one of the contending parties. See also Madras Epigraphical Report, 1913, part II, p. 93. No. 326 describes Pilduvipati as the younger brother of Durvinita. This Durvinita was evidently different from the son of Avinita who flourished in the 6th century A.D. Yuvaraja Marasimhha had apparently borne the surname Durvinita.
Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Gōribidanur 4.
Ibid., Vol. XII, Tp. 55.
8. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 4. The Banas are not known to have been the friends of the Western Gangas of the main line at this period.
Ep Carn., Vol. V, Arakalgud 24.
The pithets Satyavakya and Nitimärga were borne alternately by the Western Ganga kings.

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his relatives, the Nolambas, who were in open hostility with the Bānas and met on different frontal of battle such as Söremați, Mudumaduvu, Tiruvula, Mändāvuda, etc., the Baņas and Permanadi, i.e., Nanniya Ganga who had been joined by the Vaidumbas on account of the common enmity with the Nolambas and the Cholas. Since Satyaväkya Răchamalla and Nanniya Ganga were the rival claimants to the Ganga throne at this period, they both appear to have been called
Permānadi' in the records of their respective subordinates or allies. Thus. Permanadi' of the Kaļakattur record of Noļambadiyarasa apparently refers to Rāchamalla while that occurring in the Bāņa inscriptions such as Bangavādi, Chadalla and Rayaköţa epigraphs mentioned above refers to Nanniya-Ganga, the refugee of the Bāņas who were instrumental in placing him on the Ganga throne at Talakādu. Among the allies that met at Söremați, Răchamalla was evidently Satyavākya Rāchamalla II, Nolambi was Mahēndra and Mayindadi, who was otherwise known as Mayindiramikkirama, was probably identical with the Chola king Mayindamachola-Mahārāja who is referred to as king in an inscription at Hirēbidanūr.. Dadiga was possibly the Dadiga of a Gõribidanūr' record who figures as an ally of (Noļamba) Mahēndra. It is not impossible that this Dadiga was Chantamāna-Dadi who, as stated in inscription C below, fought with Gandatrinētra on behalf of Nolambi. It must be as a preliminary to or in the course of the fateful battle of Söremaţi that Mahēndra sent under the orders of Permānadi, i.e., Rachamalla II, his officers Kāduvetti and Maduva to seize Talakādu which was now, as stated above, in the hands of Nanniya-Ganga and to invade Pulinādu on the way. This intensive fight finally resulted in glorious victory to Mahēndra. Pulinādu of the Bāņas was captured, the city Permāvi was burnt, Nanniya-Ganga was dethroned and Rāchamalla re-occupied Talakādu. The Bāņa who was the principal aggressor in the struggle was routed and finally killed by Mahendra. In the records of Baragür and Dharmapuri 0, Mahendra is described as ruling the country in peace and quiet after having eradicated the Choras and other kinsmen and destroyed root and branch the Mahabali race. The latter is dated in Saka 815 (A.D. 892) by which time the event must have been accomplished. As the event is narrated as a fresh and recent exploit of Mahēndra, the Söremaţi battle which formed only an item in the long struggle must have taken place a few years before the destruction of the Mahābali race. Since Rāchamalla II issued his Biliyūr charter in his 18th year corresponding to Saka 809 (A.D. 887), it may be presumed that the battle was fought in about A.D. 885.11
The battle of Söremati proved fatal to the confederate allies. After Prabhumēru Vijayaditya, the Bānas are thrown into oblivion until the time of Rashtrakūta Krishna III who
1 Nos. 309 and 310 of 1923 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection and inscription C below indicate that these wero fought during the same period. The Lonkulas figure here as the enemies of Vaidumbas whereas in an archaic inscription copied recently at Tsadamu (Punganūr taluk), a certain Lonkuļāditya is represented as administering Sadambu under Vaidumba-Mahārāja. Probably on the eve of the Söremati battle the Lonkuļas availed of the general political chaos, rebelled against their masters and fought against them at Söremati (No. 310 of 1923) apparently on behalf of the Nolamba, etc.
* Inscriptions A and B below; Nos. 513 of 1906 and 310 of 1923 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * Inscription below. • No. 309 of 1923 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Mb. 228. • Ibid., Goribidanur 69.
Ibid., Goribidanår 78. The Nolamba enemy of Gandatrinētra was Mahendra.
Madra. Epigraphical Report for 1913, Part II, para. 13, p. 91. 10 Ep. Carn., Vol. XII, Si. 24 and 38; above, Vol. X, p. 66.
11 Coorg Inariptions, No. 2. See also Arakalgad 24 and 26 the former of which mentions Teddayys MAR officer of king Nitimarga Nanniya-Ganga while the latter, dated in R&chamalla's 19th year (A.D. 888), refers to his desth in a fight.

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190
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
reinstated the last prince of the family, viz., Vikramāditya III' in a part of the Chola territory conquered by him. We find one Sambayya of the Mahabali race as an officer under Iriva-Nolamba in A.D. 961. Nanniya-Ganga himself who was left a destitute after the destruction of the Bāņas had to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Nolambas. For he figures as a subordinate of Nanniga Bira-Nolamba' in an inscription of Hirebidanúr and fights with the Sāntaras on behalf of his master. The Vaidumbas, too, could not have maintained their independence for long after A.D. 885. Though the order of succession and chronology of the several Vaidumba chiefs known to epigraphy cannot be determined for want of sufficient data, their subordination to the Rashtrakūtas and Nolambas in the 10th century A.D. is gathered from the following evidence: A Kilür ingcription of Krishna III refers to Vaidumba-Mahārāja Vikramáditya as a governor of Maladu, Vanagõppādi, Singapuranādu and Venkunrakottam. A Vaidumba chief Vikramadityan Tiruvayyan is represented as an officer under Iriva-Noļamba in the records of Bowringpet and Chintamani, the latter of which is dated in A.D. 951. Chandrabekhara or Sandayan was also's rubordinate of this Nolamba king. It is possible that he was the son of Tiruvayya mentioned above. His son Tiruvayya II was ruling in the South Arcot District under Krishna III in A.D. 961-62. In one of the Gramam inscriptions his son Srikantha is mentioned as an officer under the same king in A.D. 965. Prior to A.D. 951, Vikramaditya who juled in the Chola country, appears to have been driven away from there in consequence of which his:son Tiruvayya I had to take shelter under the Nolambas. This event must have taken place some time before the famous battle of Takkolam in A.D. 948 after which date the Rashtrakūta power was acknowledged in the Tamil land at least for some years to come. Since Kộishna's record of his 5th regnal Yar (AD 944) is found at siddhalingamadam in the South Arcot District, it is posible that he conquopad the Cholas soon after his accession to the throne and appointed the Vaidurhiba chiot Vikramaditya in the newly acquired territory. Not long after, Parantaka I (appears to have recovered the lost province from the Rishtrakūtas as a result of which the
Vaidumba Vikramaditya or his son Tiruvayya had to retreat to the Nolamba territory and take service under them. Krishna III, however, not brooking this reverse, led a huge army against the Cholas An A.D. 947-48 and inflicted crushing defeat on their king at Takkõlam. Parantaka I must have repulsed the Rashtrakūtas from South Arcot within a few years after this event; for he is known to have issued a record in his 48th year (A.D. 955) as far north as Punganur in the Chittoor District. But Krishna did not keep quiet. He again marched to the south and camped at Malpädi on the Pennar in A.D. 96916 with the object of distributing his new acquisitions among his-trusted servants. Accordingly we find Tiruvayya II as ruling over South Arcot in A.D. 96162. From an inscription at Palagiri' which refers to an early Vaidumba Mahārāja under ChalakeNallāta Akālavarsha Kțishna (III), it may be surmised that the main line of the Vaidumbas con
1 Above, Vol. XVII, p. 3. See sloo above, Vol. III, pp. 74 A.
Rp. Varn., Vol. X, Mb. 120.
• Ibid., Goribidanur 4. Nanniga Bira-Nolamba was Ayyapadeva non of Mahendra, who succeeded his uncle Nolipayya sometime after Saka 820, Pingala.
• No. 16 of 1900 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. . Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Bp. 4 and Ct. 49. • Ibid., Mb. 198. See also above, Vol. VII, pp. 142-144. *Above, Vol. VII, pp. 142 ff.
No. 743 of 1905. But another son of bis Sankaraders and grandson Somanatha figure as feudatories of the Chola kings Rajaraja I and Rajendra Chola I in certain Tiruvallam inscriptions.
No. 200 of 1931-32. 10 Abave, Vol. IV, p. 286. 11 No. 323 of 1935-38 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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No. 26.] THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF VAIDUMBA-MAHARAJA GANDATRINETRA. 191
tinued to hold the Cuddapah District in this period. This is supported by a charter of Vaidumba Maharaja Bhuvanatrinētral dated in Saka 893 (A.D. 971) according to which the king was ruling the country from his palace at Pottappi in Päkanāņdu. After the Rashtraküļas, the Vaidumbas were reduced to vassalage by the Chöļas as testified to by a record of Rājarāja I dated in his 14th regnal year (A.D. 958-99) and the Tiruvallam inscription of his 20th year (A.D. 1001-05) in which Nannamaraiyar son of Tukkarai belonging to the Vaidumba family figures as the governor of Ingallūr-nādu, a district in Mahārājavādi (Cuddapah District). The district of Mahārājavādi remained in the hands of the Cholas under Rājādhirāja I also whose officer Rajendrachõļa-Brahmamārāya was governing it in Saka 970 from his capital Valluru in the Cuddapah District. From the Palagiri records of Saka 978 mentioned above, it is learnt that Vaidumba Mahārāja Kaligetri. nētra Bhima-Mahārāja, son of Ma[dhu]ka-Mahārāja did not acknowledge a suzerain power while making the gift which probably indicates that he attempted to declare independence during the troublous period consequent upon the warfare between the Chalukyas and Chõlas in the 11th century A.D. This is the latest known date for the Vaidumba chiefs and the history of the family in the subsequent period remains to be cleared up by future discoveries.
Of the localities mentioned in the records proper, Söremaţi cannot be identified. It must be located in the Nolamba territory adjoining Madanapalle since Vaidumba and Bāņa are stated to have laid siege to it. Mudumaduvu which was one of the scenes of the Söremaţi battle may be identified with Mudimadugu in the Anantapur District. Velungagunta is modern Veligallu in the Chittoor District where the inscription C was found. Rēnāņdu-seventhousand comprised a major part of the modern Cuddapah and Kurnool Districts.
TEXT of A. 1 Svasty-anēka-samarā(ra)-samghattan-o2 palobda(labdha)-jaya-lakshmi-samälimgita-vaksha3 sta(stha)la Gandatre(tri)põtra sri-B(V)aydumba-Ma(Ma)+ hårājar pţii(pri)thivi-rājyam-geye(yye) 3 Mahārājaru[m] Bānarasarum Soremați ko[ttlera(kötte) 6 yittalli Nolambi Dadigam Rachamalla[m] 7 Mayindadi Gundigegu[la] ene-7 8 baru samasta-balam berisi bittoy de go[la]-go[ttu] yitt=plivalli 10 .....yadode vallur{bba]yar-aņisū11... ..Pārvara annark-Kare Punna12 pi-māņi yigidu bildan 1]
TRANSLATION. Lines 1-4) Hail ! when the illustrious Vaidumba-Mahārāja Gandatriņētra whose breast was embraced by the goddess of victory obtained in several conflicts of battles, was ruling the earth,
1 An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy for 1935-36, C. P. No. 7. See also No. 323 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection bearing the date Saka 894 which records the coronation of this chief. Recently a record at Animals (Kamalapuram taluk, Cuddapah District) has been discovered which is dated in Suka 99$ and belongs to Vaidurba Trigāya-Maharaja.
+ Melpädi inscription (8. I. 1., Vol. III, p. 29, No. 19). * 8. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 106. . Above, Vol. V, p. 207.
Xo. 323 of 1:35 34 •From ink impression.
* Real

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192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Ll. 5-9) the Mahārāja and Banarasa having attacked (yidu-to hit) the fort of Söremați, Nolambi, Dadiga, Rachamalla, Mayindadi and Gundige-gu[la]-all these having camped with all their armies,-offered battle (gola-gottu) and destroyed (the enemies), after an attack, (Ll. 10-12) Kare Punnapi-Mäpi elder brother of..... Pārva..... ....pierced (the foes) and fell.
TEXT of B.1
1 Svasti sri(śrī) [*] Svasty-aneka-samara-samga
2 tṭan-öpalabda(bdha)-jaya-lakshmi-sama
3 limgita-vaksha-tala Kandatriņē-"
4 tra Vaydumba-Mahārājula Mu
5 tlamale Dōchayya manisi
6 yemmakala meresi prabhu
7 Chelvungu Mä(Ma)hārājulayu
8 Nolombiyu Söremați
9 kayyambuna meresi prabhu
10 Chelvunru Nolombi-vägü(gu) tā
11 aki(ki) podichi [vira-16]kä..pöye [*]
dumba'-Mahā
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-3) Usual prasasti of Vaidumba chiefs,
(Ll. 4-11) Servant (mänisi) Dochayya of Mutlamale of Vaidumba-Mahārāja Gaṇḍatripētra, distinguished himself sportively (?) (yemmakala) and Prabhu Chelvunru shone off in the battle of Söremati (fought) between the Maharaja and Nolambi; (of these), Prabhu Chelvunru met and attacked the Nolarbi army and went to the world of heroes (i.e., died).
TEXT of C.
1 Svasty-aneka-samara-sangashṭan-öpalabda (bdha)-jaya(ya)-la
2 kshimi(kshmi)-sama(ma)lingita-[vo](va)ksha-stala
Ganda-Tre(tri)pētra [éri]-Baiy
3 ra(rā)ju Rōnāņḍ-ēļu-vēļum(vēlum)-ēļuchu(ēluchu)m Nolambi-tōli kayyambu[na]
Mudumaḍuvuna
4 pötuna Maharaju (Mahārāju) Chantamana-Daḍini vadhimchina pani gani paḍa(dā)lve
5 [la]m-boḍiche Kö[ra]-Desiringarbu(Desingambu) ēļina rēnikin-edarayna GandaTre(tri)ņētrani
6... rapa[mbu] [*] urbbiyol-sakaladol-orbbane gandan śrī-Chantaman-entum=olpi[de]
From ink-impression. Read raksha-sthala.
[VOL. XXIV.
1 From ink-impression.
* Read "sthala.
The meaning of this word is not clear. Can Yemmakala be taken as the name of the servant of Dochayya (Dochayya-mänisi)? In this case it would be this Yemmakala who distinguished himself (in battle) as stated in line 6.
* Read sangha.
• Read Ganda.
"Read sanghattan..
Read Vaidumba.

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No. 26.) THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF VAIDUMBA-MAHARAJA GANDATRINETRA. 193
7 yan Gonti-sutarim-parakraman bal[valde Su(Su)drakan pralaya-dhani mutti ani8 ye[m] kadivomgam chalam-arivomgam [5]lmuvomgam kuḍal-appomgam orbbano (ne) acha
9 rjya(yya)n adarim kaṭṭāl-manusa-ganda mannava-bantana(na)m bilivät [peeyah bella)
10 pa bi(bi)ru[d]-appavara birudan-oddalivon biddha(dda) Ba(Bha)gadatti ani gandhu(ndhu)kada ga
11 ni pokka abba(bbe)ya alma mechchin-al-gandan a[cha]rjya-purusha iri
12 du basam-alilyade] bilvoran-tere(ra) [na] mechchadom pisunara posevo kuthi(ți)13 lam vo..va Iyade fri(iri)ya[de] nanni nuḍiyade Nandi(ndi)dēvamgalissi muyvam-pa14 dedomgara aledom mudaliporn (a)darim Köra Dosingav=e[nta]nisu
ve(vi)shaya
sumkambu Ve
15 [lu]mgugumṭa[18]....[ddi]yu igru i [vi] biraḍ-ayambu vēyuva[na].. mbu dinikki(niki) vakkrambu vachchuva
nararru gaṭṭu Srika[ptha]dēvā(va)
16
Acharjyalyya)-liki(khi)[tam]
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-5) Hail! When the illustrious Vaidumba-Mahārāja Gaṇḍatrinētra (with the usual prasasti) was ruling over Renandu-seven-thousand, having seen the act of the Mahārāja killing Chantamana-Dadi in a conflict (potu) at Mudumaḍuvu during the fight with Nolambi, Kōra-Desingambu attacked the generals (paḍalvelam) of Gandatrinētra who had opposed the king that ruled over him.
(Ll. 6-14) Chantamana (was) the only hero in the whole earth, a receptacle (ideyan) of goodness (olpu), was more valorous than the sons of Gonti (Kunti), a Sudraka in prowess (?) (or in possessing a strong army), was the only acharyya (teacher or master) to one who should steal the front (of battle) after having attacked with great force [lit. raising shouts (dhani) as in deluge ?], who knew (to carry out or stick to) his determination, who would (aspire to) rule and who conferred gifts (upon supplicants). Hence he was the hero among persons of great valour, who defeated (lit. threw down) the hero among the chiefs (mannava-manneya), destroyed (odd-ali) the biruda of titled persons who would stretch their head, i.e., come forward (?) (peḍeyam belapa), was the master to the brave favourites who were the lords of the lady that.
of
the fallen Bhagadatta. (He) was the acharyya-purusha, who did not appreciate the conduct (lit. method) of those that attacked without losing themselves, twisted down (i.e., killed) those that were back-biters (pisuna), . crookedness, and scattered away and mocked at those that obtained reward (muyvam) from (issi ?) Nandidēva, without making gifts, piercing (in battles) and speaking truth.
the income of birāda (Ll. 14-16) Therefore Kōra-Desinga (tax), housetax (?). (accruable) in the village of Velungugupta and whatever (ent-anisu) vishaya-sunka (tax from the district) was available. Whoever comes crookedly to this (gift).
Written by Srikaṇṭhadeva-acharjya(ryya).
1 Read aniyam.
Read acharyya".
Who this Nandideva was cannot be ascertained.

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194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
No. 97.-SEVEN BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA AND ITS VICINITY.
BY PROFESSOR H. LUDERS, BERLIN.
I.-The Mort Well Inscription.
1
Mork is a small village 7 miles west of Mathura City and 2 miles to the north of the road loading from Mathurā to Govardhan. In 1882 General Cunningham discovered there a large inscribed slab which formed part of the terrace of an ancient well. In 1908 Dr. Vogel had the slab removed to the Mathură Museum under supervision of Pandit Radha Krishna. A transcript and a facsimile of the inscription were published by Cunningham, ASR. Vol. XX (1885), p. 49 and Plate V, No. 4. At that time the inscription was already fragmentary, more than half of it having peeled away on the right side, but it has since become much more damaged. It was edited again by Vogel, Cat. Arch. Mus. Mathurā p. 184, No. Q1. His transcript was reprinted, with a photolithograph of the inscription in its present state, by Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI. No. 1 (1919), p. 22, and Plate VI, No. 8, and an attempt to correct the reading of the second line of the inscription was made by the same scholar in MASI. No. 5 (1920), p. 166f. The inscription was carefully engraved in archaio' characters and Cunningham's transcript and facsimile are apparently in the nain correct. The following text is therefore based on them with such corrections as are warranted by a new impression or suggested by general considerations. In the notes I have stated the readings of the impression, of Cunningham's facsimile, of his transcript and of Vogel's transcript. I think that this rather minute treatment is justified by the importance of the inscription.
TEXT. mahakshatrapasa Rajavulasa putrasa svāmi ........... 2 bhagavatāṁ Vpishộinā[] pamchavirāņāṁ pratimā[h] sailadevagri ..... 3 Vals-Toshalyan sailam srimad-gribam-atulam-udadhasamadhårs.. 4 archädesår kailām pamcha jvalsta iva Paramavapusha .............
NOTES. Line 1.
Impression: mahakshat[r]a[pa] C.'s facsimile: mahakshatrapasa Rājūvulasa putra[sa] .. C.'s transcript : Mahakshatrapasa Rajubulasa putrasa Swami Va-(V:) Vogel : Mahak(sha)t(rapasa Rājūvulasa putra)
As regards the name of the mahākshatrapa Cunningham's facsimile is certainly more trustworthy than his transcript. In the facsimile the pu of putrasa shows at the top some strokes which might be taken as the sign for au, but as the u-stroke at the bottom of the letter is quite distinct, putrasa must be considered the correct reading. The last word svāmi is based only on Cunningbam's transcript, the facsimile showing only the subscript va. But svämi is exactly what we should expect. Rājūvula's son was Sodasa, who in the Mathurā inscriptions Nos. 59 and 82 of my List' and in the Mathurā pillar inscription edited below is styled svāmin mahākshatrapa. I have therefore no doubt that Cunningham's transcript is correct as far as svāmi is concerned and that the original reading was svāmisa (or possibly svāmi-) mahakshatrapasa.
1 In Vogel's transcript the portions enclosed within round brackets have been taken from Cunningham's facsimile.
· The nunders of inscriptions quoted in the following pages always refer to my List of Brahmi Inscriptions.

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SEVEN BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA, AND ITS VICINITY.
1.-The Mora Well Inscription.
வைப்பு
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
IV.-Inscription on a sculptured stone slab from Mathura.
Right half.
II.-Inscription on the pedestal of a female
statue from Mora.
Left half.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
III.--Inscription on a sculptured stone slab from Mathura.
XL2420
40L EUX
SCALE: ONE-FIFTH.
BURVEY OF INDLA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 1859 E'38-275.

Page #235

VII.-Inscription on a door-jamb from Mathura.
V.-Inscription on the pedestal of an image from Ganeshra.
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
VI.-Inscription on the base of a male
figure from Mathura.
12
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
SCALE : ONE-FOURTH.

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No. 27.) SEVEN BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA AND ITS VICINITY. 195
Line 2.
Impression : bhagavatán Vri[sh]nin[a].... (cha) C's facsimile : bhagavata Vrishn.nă parchaviränāṁ pratimālhl sailladev. gri C.'s transcript : Bhagavata Vrishnena pancha Vairānām pratimu Saila trwa-(gra) Vogel : Bhagavatā Vri(sh)nena pańcha Virānām pratimā sailatsivagra)
The anusvāra of bhagavatām is perfectly clear in the impression, and so is the i of Vrishninär, although it has a peculiar form. The two strokes denoting the long i are both turned to the left to avoid their running into the ksha hanging down from the first line. Similarly in the next word parchavīrānāṁ the two limbs of the 2-sign are drawn wide asunder on account of the long tailed rā standing in the first line just over the vi. The anusvāra of Vrishnināṁ has not been notioed by Cunningham and is not visible in the impression on account of a fissure in the stone, but it was no doubt originally engraved. The reading bhagavato Vrishneh proposed by Ramaprasad Chanda is impossible. Between pratima, which is quite distinct in the facsimile, and the following word the intervening space is rather large, and the original reading was apparently pratimah. A trace of the lower dot of the visarga is even visible in the facsimile. The last word is not quite distinct in the facsimile, the la lacking the long vertical and the va showing a small appendix at the bottom which makes it look like vu, but as Cunningham in his transcript renders the two letters as la and va and as the third letter clearly is the same as the third letter of the fourth line, the reading sailadevagri is practically certain, and the word is to be restored to bailadevagrihe. Line 3.
Impression: ya . to[shā]yāḥ f[ar]lam [6ri]ma CI's facsimile : yas=toshayā[h] sailar Srimad=griham-atulam-u[da]dhasa (ma]dha C's transcript : Yasto Shāyah Şailam Sri mad graha mätula mudhadesa madhara Vogel : yastoshayā (ai)le (érimadgrahamatula muda-dhasa)
Cunningham's transcript of the first two words is probably correct, although his reading of the second and third aksharas cannot be verified completely from the impression. Instead of the 8 of sto there is at present little more than a square hole, but traces of the hook to the left of the letter are visible, and I consider the reading sto as certain. The sha also is much damaged and the sign of the long ā is indistinct, but, as we shall see later on, the length of the vowel is confirmed by the metre and Cunningham's reading may therefore be taken as correct. The visarga, of which the lower dot only is indicated in the facsimile, is quite distinct in the impression. The next four words are perfectly clear in the facsimile. The facsimile has srimad, but the long i is visible in the impression. The last words are uncertain. I can give only Cunningham's reading with the second and third syllables corrected from the facsimile. Udadhi would seem to be an obvious emendation of dadha, but the word does not fit well into the context. Line 4. Impression : archädešām sailām paincha jvalata [Jva pa[ramavapusha], but the last five
aksharas are only faintly visible. C's facsimile: archädešām sailam pacha jualata iva paramara pushā C.'s transcript : Archa depām Şailām pancha jwalaitā Iva parama Vapesha Vogel : archa dasan sailam pachajvalalta ira parama vapushal
All readings divergent from the text derived from the impression are faulty.
Too much is lost of the text to fill up conjecturally the gaps. The extant words may be translated as follows:

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196
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIY
TRANSLATION. (1) Of the son of mahākshatrapa Rājävula, svämin ..... (2) The images of the holy pañchaviras of the Vfishpis ... the stone shrine .... (3) Who the magnificent matchless stone house of Touha ........ (4) The five objects of adoration made of stone radiant, as it were, with highest beauty.....
REMARKS. As remarked already in the notes on the text, it is most probably the svāmin mahākshatrapa Šodies who was mentioned in the first line, and the record has therefore to be dated in his reign, which perfectly agrees with the palaeography of the inscription. I consider it also probable that the words preserved of the first line belong to the date. It will be noticed that there is a marked contrast between the first line and the rest of the inscription as far as the language is ooncerned. Whereas the first line shows the popular language, the following three lines are apparently in pure Sanskrit. This strange diversity would seem to be best accounted for by assuming that the author of the inscription, even when writing in Sanskrit, for the date used the language customary in the documents of the time.
From the second line it appears that the inscription recorded tho setting up of five images representing the holy pañchaviras of the Vpishộis in a stone temple. Parichavirānām hardly means simply of five heroes', which at any rate in correot Sanskrit would be pañchänām virānām. Panchaviräh would rather seem to denote a fixed group or body. In this sense the word occurs in the Dasakumaracharita, where the meeting or the meeting-house used by a ganikā for her musical performances is called pañchaviragoshtha Kumāramañjaryāh svasa yaviyasi Rāgamañjari nāma pafchaviragoshthe samgitakam anushthäsyati (ed. K. P. Parab, p. 96). In commenting on the passage Kavindra Sarasvati quotes for the meaning of the word the Rosasära : tat pafchaviragoshthan tu yat tu janapadam sadah. Panchavira, therefore, would seem to be the designation of some administrative body, perhaps equivalent to the modern paxchāgat, but, as far as I am aware, no such body is mentioned in the Epic in connection with the Vpishņis. When some time ago I was reading the inscription with Dr. Alsdorf, I asked him if the term might perhaps be found in the Jaina scriptures, and he promptly favoured me with the following note :
"In the canonical writings of the Jainas, there occurs what might be called a statistics of the subiecte ruled by Krishna Vasudeva at Dväravati. In the first chapter of the Antagadadasão it reads as follows: tattha par Bäravainayarie Kanhe naman Vasudeve rāyā parivasaï..... se nam tattha Samuddavijaya pamokkhānan dasaphan Dasarānani, Baladevapamokkhapath panohaphath mahaviranath, Pajjunnapāmokkhānam addhufthamani kumārakodinas, Sambapamolokhānar satthie duddantasäkassinan, Vahäsenapāmokkhānanie chhapannāe balavagasähassinan, Virasenapāmokkhānam egaviske virasākassinan, Uggasena pamokkhanam solasanhan rayasähassinan, Ruppinipāmokkhānan solasanhań devisāhassinam, Anangasenāpāmokkhānam anegānam ganiyāsāhassinan, annesini cha bahunan isarao jāva satthavāhānan Bäravaie nayarie addha-Bharahassa ya samatthassa ahevachchan java viharai.
For those who are not too familiar with Jaina Prakrit, I add the translation of Barnett: In this city of Bäraval dwelt King Vasudeve, hight Kanhe, .... Here he held sway over Samuddavijae and the rest of the ten Dasaras over Baladeve and the rest of the Ave great heroes, over Pajjunne and the cost of the three and a half crores of princes, over Sambe and the
1 Perhaps bhagavatam is to be construed with Vrishninärt. • omit the obscure words udadhasamadhana.
The quotation has given also, without stating its source, in Shvarima's commentary and in the Lagkudipika. • P. L. Vaidya's edition, Poona 1932, p. 4f.

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rest of the 60,000 fighting men, over Mahäsene and the rest of the 56,000 mighty men, over Virasene and the rest of the 21,000 warriors, over Uggasene and the rest of the 16,000 kings, over Ruppiņi and the rest of the 16,000 queens, over Apangasena and the rest of the many thousands of courtesans, and over many kings, princes, barons, (prefects, mayors, bankers, traders, captains, nerchants, and others, over the city of Bäraval and the whole of the southern half of Bhārabe-vāse.'1
In the sixteenth chapter of the Nāyādhammakahão, we are told how King Drupada sends & messenger to Dvåravati and commands him to invite to the svayarivara of his daughter Draupadi "Kanhan Vasudevar, Samuddavijaya pāmokkhe dasa Dasäre, Baladevapāmokkhe pacha mabăvire ...." The list which follows agrees verbatim with that of the Antagadadasão, merely omitting the queens and courtesans, inserting Uggasena between Baladeva and Pajjunna, and inverting the order of Mahāseņa and Virasena. A third version found in the Vanhidasão is also practically identical.
There can hardly be any doubt that the Baladevapāmokkhā pañcha mahāvīrā included in the canonical list are identical with the holy pañchaviras of the Vpishộis mentioned in the Mörä inscription, but sought for in vain in Brahmanical literature.
The question now arises : who are the other four mahāviras besides Baladeva ? The canonical list, though it does not give us their names, yet furnishes at least some negative clue for their identification, because it clearly excludes from their number several of the most prominent Vpishnis known to Jaina tradition, viz., Kpishņa, the ten Daśārbas (including Vasudeva), Pradyumna, Samba, Ugraseda, Mahasena, and Virasena. We must obviously look for four names, other than those just mentioned, which must be equally well known to the Jainas and the Brahmins. Further, considering that Baladeva, the leader of the group, is the eldest son of Vasudeva, the conjecture is perhaps not too far-fetched that the other four mahāvīras might be looked for among the brothers, or half-brothers, of Baladeva. Now the Jaina Harivamsapurāna gives a long list of Yadava princes who, under Kșishna's command, took the field against Jarasandha; the list is found, in almost identical form, in Jinasena's Harivamsapurana (48, 38-74) and in Hemachandra's Trishashtisalākā. purushacharitra (VIII, 7, 155-193). In this list no less than 47 sons of Vasudeva are enumerated. This great number is easily accounted for by the fact that Vasudeva has taken the place of Naravābanadatta in the Jaina version of the Brihatkathā, the so-called Vasudevahindi, which forms also part of the Harivansapurāna. Just like his Brahmanical counterpart, Vasudeva during his "hindi” wins 26 consorts, and the Jainas apparently thought fit that with each, or at least nost of them, he should beget one or more sons. The list of the Harivamsapurāņa accordingly distributes the 47 sons among 23 mothers. Under these circumstances, it stands to reason that most of those 47 names are secondary Jain inventions not likely to be niet with in Brahmanical literature. As a matter of fact, almost all of them are either purely fantastic or, if they do occur in Brahmanical texts, their bearers are certainly no Vpishņis. The only exceptions to this--apart, of course, front Krishna and Baladeve--are four names, viz., Akrūra, Anādhfishti, Sāraṇa, and Vidfiratha. These four are well-known Vpishņi princes expressly denoted as such in the Mahabharata'.
That the Harigamapuräna list of Vasudeva's sons should include, besides Kșishna, Baladeve and neither more por lose than just four younger brothers of his who are recognised as Vrishoi princes in the Mahabharata is no doubt a very remarkable coincidence. It can certainly not be regarded as & cogent evidence, yet I think we may feel justified in assuming that the “ five great
Oriental Transl. Pund, N. 8.-Vol. XVII, p. 13f. · Vide Sörensen's Index to the Names in the Mahabharata

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heroes" of the canonical list, and therefore probably also the five heroes of the Vrishnis' worshipFed in the temple at Mōrā, were Baladeva, Akrüra, Anādhṛshți, Sărapa, and Vidûratha."
In the following lines the stone-house (sailam griham), of course, cannot be anything else but the stone-temple (sailadevagri(ha)) mentioned before, and the archädeśam sailam pamcha must refer to the five images of the Vrishnis. I take archädeśa as a compound of archa 'adoration' and desa as used bere in the sense that in later literature is conveyed by the synonyms aspada, pada, sthana. The lengthening of the initial a before r followed by a consonant found in archa seems to be a peculiarity of the Mathura dialect; compare the frequent spelling ärhat, ärahat, ärahamta, ärahata in Mathura inscriptions of the Kushan period1 and artthasiddhaye, ärttheshu in the manuscript of the Buddhist dramas dating from the same time. That archā was used with special reference to the worship of images is shown by the fact that the word in course of time assumed the meaning image of a god'; cf. dirghanasiky-archa, tunganäsiky-archā, Mahabhashya 2,222,18; Mauryair-hiranyarthibhir-archaḥ prakalpitaḥ, ibid. 2,429,3; abhyam linge=rchitah Sambhur-archāyām bhavatā punaḥ quoted in the commentary on Mankha 138. In the Kosas archa is quoted among the words for image (pratima); Am. 2,10,36; Hal. 1,131, Hem Abh. 1463, An. 2,54; Vaij. 220,1. Grammatically archädeśām sailam pamcha is acc. plur. agreeing with jualataḥ. The spelling with the anuseara instead of n is not only quite common in the Central Asian manuscripts of the canon of the Sarvästivädins, but occurs also in the manuscript of the Buddhist dramas and in the manuscript of the Kalpanamanditikä written in early Gupta script".
Little as is left of the last two lines, the language of this portion of the inscription will strike the reader as being unusual in a donative record. An expression such as jvalata iva paramavapusha sounds like poetry. Now an examination of the two lines shows that both of them begin like a Bhujangavijrimbhita the scheme of which is -
0-0-00-- in the quarter. Even the doubtful word udadhasama dhara conforms to it in Cunningham's reading. That this was really the metre in which the two lines were composed can be shown also in a different way. The writing preserved in line 4 which consists of 19 aksharas fills about 111". A hemistich of 52 aksharas would fill about 2'7", and allowing 3" or 4" for the blank at the beginning and at the end of the line and between the two quarters of the hemistich, we arrive at a total length of 2' 10" or 2' 11" for the writing of one hemistich, which agrees exactly with Dr. Vogel's statement that the width of the slab is 2' 11". It is thus proved that the stanza was engraved in hemistiches. Our inscription is the earliest example of this mode of writing verses which prevailed in the ornamental inscriptions on pillars and slabs until about the middle of the fifth century A.D. and occasionally occurs still in later times. As far as I know, it is never found in copper plates, but it was practised 1 See Nos. 78; 102; 105; 110 of my List of Brahmi Inscriptions. Bruchstücke buddhistischer Dramen, p. 31. The lengthening bears an analogy to the lengthening of the initial a followed by nt in the Mathura inscriptions; see ämteväsi, amteväsini in Nos. 93; 99.
Loc. cit. p. 31: bhaga(va), and even érinvam (for érinvan) pushpā..
Bruchstücke der Kalpanamanditikā, p. 40; asmim hi, jivam hi, mamträn paramarshibhashitām ka-.
Cf. Möharault iron pillar inscription of Chandra (GI. No. 32); Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (GI. No. 1); Eran stone inscription of Samudragupta (GI. No. 2); Udayagiri cave inscription of the time of Chandragupta II. (GI. No. 6); Bilsad pillar inscription of the reign of Kumaragupta I. (GI. No. 10); Bihär pillar the verses partitioned off, while the well inscription dated in V. 589 (GI. No. 35) is written in continuous unes.

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SCULPTURES EROM MATHURA MUSEUM.
E.20
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI
SURVEY OF ISDIA. CALCUTTA.
E. 28

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sometimes also in manuscript writing as proved by a palm-leaf manuscript in Gupta characters unearthed in Eastern Turkestan.
The occurrence of this stanza is of considerable interest for the history of Sanskrit literature. The metre Bhujangavijrimbhita is found also in Kumāralata's Kalpanamanḍitikā, but our inscription is about 200 years earlier than that work, and if here a most artificial metre such as Bhujangavijrimbhita is used for a Sanskrit stanza, it is proved that the Sanskrit Kavya poetry was fully developed in the first century B.C.
There is just enough left of the stanza to show that the first hemistich was mainly devoted to the praise of the stone temple where the five images were set up and that the beauty of the images themselves was extolled in the second half of the stanza. From the epithets conferred on the temple, even if they should be slightly overdrawn, we may infer that it was a remarkably fine building, but there is nothing to show that it was exclusively dedicated to the five Vrishnis. It is far more probable that it was a Bhagavata temple where the five images were established. No trace of this temple has until now turned up at Mōra. When in 1910 Pandit Radha Krishna examined the site, he found only a number of fragments of very large inscribed bricks from which Dr. Vogel was able to make out the legend: jivaputaye rājabharyāye Brahāsvātimita-[dhi]tu Yasamataye karitaṁ. As stated by Dr. Vogel, the characters of that inscription are those of the third or second century B.C., which is the approximate date also of King Bahasatimita who in all probability is identical with the Brahasvätimita of the brick legend. The bricks therefore must have belonged to a much earlier building than the stone temple spoken of in the inscription. The emphatic, twice repeated, statement that the temple was built of stone leads one to think that it was destined to replace the older brick building. We shall see later on that it is not impossible that a detached piece of the temple has been preserved at Mathura in another place.
Although the stone temple has entirely disappeared, I think it very probable that some remnants of the five images have survived on the spot. When visiting the Mōra site, Dr. Vogel noticed some fragments of stone images consisting of two torsos of standing male statues, the pedestal of a standing image of which only the feet remain, and the pedestal and lower half of a standing female statues. All the images are carved in the round. The two torsos are much alike. Both wear a dhoti held to the loins with a girdle and a shawl tied round the legs. The main difference lies in the necklace. One wears a double necklace fastened in front by means of a clasp, the other a heavy single necklace tied in a knot at the back. On the pedestal of the female figure is a fragmentary inscription. The four images were transferred to the Mathura Museum where they bear the numbers E 20-23.
When Dr. Vogel first announced his discovery, he suggested that the sculptures might be connected with the images mentioned in the inscription. Of course, his conjecture that the male figures represent those of the Pandava brothers and the female statue is an image of Draupadi is based on the wrong idea that the term pañchavirāḥ in the inscription refers to the Pandavas, and must be abandoned. The female statue must be left out of consideration altogether, at any rate, at present. We shall see later on in what relation it may possibly stand to the other images and the well inscription. For the rest, Dr. Vogel's suggestion is plausible enough. From the inscription we should expect to find at the site of Mōrā five remarkably fine statues originating from
1 Loc. cit., p. 55.
This is the correct reading, not Brihasvätimita-, as read by Vogel, ASI. AR. 1911-12 [Part II] (1915), p. 128, Plate LVIII, fig. 16.
JRAS. 1911, pp. 151ff.; ASI. AR. 1911-12 [Part II] (1915), p. 127f. The two torsos are figured ibid. Plate LVII, fig. 12-15, the one with the double necklace also in Vogel, La Sculpture de Mathura, Plate XLIII (Ars Asiatica, XV)

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the time of Sodass and representing Baladevs and four of his brothers or companions and therefore being probably much alike in appearance. There are actually found at Mörā images of three maale persons. The torsos of two of them show that they were very similar in attitude and dress and certainly represented not foreigners as, e.g., the three Māt statues, but some Hindu personages. They are, moreover, as far as I can judge from the photographs, of superior workmanship and, being carved in the round, oannot be assigned to a later date than the Kushān period, but may be considerably earlier. The identity of the statues and the patichaviras which thus becomes highly probable, would be finally established, if the fragments had been found in the ruins of the sailadevagriha, where, according to the inscription, the pafchaviras were set up. But, as already remarked above, there is no trace whatever of a stone temple. The images were found lying round about the remains of a building constructed of bricks, but I do not think that for this reason the identity of the statues and the pafichaviras is to be given up. There is no positive evidence that the statues were ever set up within that brick enclosure. It can be easily imagined that at the time when the temple was demolished and its materials were carried away, the statues also were cut up and thrown aside. Dr. Vogel himself seems to have changed his mind. He is now inclined to look at the statues as Yaksha images. In my opinion they have a better claim to be regarded as the images of the Vrishni heroes, although I admit that this view cannot be definitely proved at present.
There is still one point that nequires alucidation, viz., the word Toshāyāḥ in line 3 of the in. scription. I have stated already in the notes on the text that there is no reason to doubt the correctness of the reading. Judging from the context Toshāyā) can hardly be anything else but the genitive of Tosha dependent on the following grihan. At first sight one would obviously understand the house of Tosha' as a shrine dodioatod to a goddess called Toshā, but I am not aware that there ever existed a goddess of that name. Under these circumstances, Toshă can only be taken as the name of the lady who caused the shrine to be built. Just as we find here sailaṁ griham combined with the name of the founder in the genitive case, we have mahārājasya rājātirājasya decaputrasya Huvishlasya share in the Mathura inscription No. 62 of my List, or acharyya - Somatrā tasy=edam Bhagavatpädopayojyam kundam=uparyy-āvasathah kundan ch=āparann in the Tukam rock inscription (GI. No. 67). Toshā does not sound like an Indian name. It is quite probable that Toshā was of Iranian extraction, and there would be nothing strange about the fact that she should have erected a Bhagavata shrine as we know from the Heliodoros inscription at Bēsnagar that foreigners were adherents of the Bhagavata religion. We shall probably find the name of Toshā in a different spelling again in the following inscription.
II.-Insoription on tho pedestal of a female statue from Mörk. The inscription is incised on the pedestal of a standing female figure which was discovered by Dr. Vogel at Mörk together with the remnants of the three statues discussed above. The image is now in the Mathura Museum. The inscription was edited by Vogel, Cat. Arch. Mus. Mathurā, p. 109, No. E 20 It is figured ASI.AR. 1911-12 [Part II], Plate LVIII, fig. 19.
1 Perhaps this statement has to be modified. Mr. V. 8. Agravala writes: " I inspected the Mori sites with 1.30 Bahadur K. N. Dilshit th November 1936.......... Dr. Lüders' remark that there is no positive evidence that the statues were ever set up within the brick enclosure does not seem to be grounded in fact. From actual inspection of the site we found that the images were set up at that very place, since there still exists in situ the abone pedestal in which the frages were om hedded. Mr. Devi Dayal took a photo of this part of the building and also measured the mortise cut into the stone which once received the image." It is not quite clear from this state. nent vhether the five statues were all embedded in one pedestal and whether the measurement of the mortise can be shown to meet one of tho Panchaviru statues or perhape that of the Toshs image.
• Sculpture de Mathura, p. 116.

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TEXT. ........ sya(1) Kan(1)[sh]ka[sya]") ...... [1]*) .............[m]9...
........ ... etasya (1) purvaye M[@]thuri kalavad[8] o[dakh]i().. 3.................. ye Toshye patimā ......t().....
NOTES. (1) Probably to be restored mahārājasya. (2) Vogel : [H]uv[18h]ka[sya]. The first akshara is distinctly ka. The vowel-sign of the second akshara has disappeared, but the mātikā is distinctly na. The sh of shka and the sya are blurred, but certain. (3) Probably to be restored as samoatsare. (4) Of the seven or eight aksharas following [r], only the lower half of ma is distinct. The akshara before ma seems to have contained a subscript ma, so that the original reading may have been something like grishmamāse. (5) Traces of two aksharas before etasya are still visible, but it is impossible to read them. (6) Vogel : mathurikalavadap .. The ā-sign is not quite certain, but probable. The dot distinguishing the dental tha from tha is indistinct. The seventh letter is certainly da as read by Vogel, a similar form occurring in one of the Māt inscriptions, but there appears to be an a-sign attached to the letter. The reading of the last three aksharas is very uncertain. What Vogel reads as pa consists, as far as I see, of two letters. The first letter looks like an initial o, but in the middle of the vertical line of the letter there is a small horizontal stroke which might suggest to take the letter as au ; it is, however, probably only accidental. The second letter, the lower portion of which has disappeared owing to an erosion of the stone, may have been da. The same erosion has destroyed also the body of the last akshara which may have been khi. Possibly one akshara is lost at the end of the line. (7) The last ward also has become illegible on account of the peeling off of the stone with the exception of a subscript ta which must have belonged to the third letter of the word. The word is probably to be restored as patistā pita; cf. pratistapita in No. 45", prattistāpenti in No. 149. The slanting stroke to the left of the ta seems to have been caused by the erosion of the stone.
REMARKS. It is impossibe to offer a connected translation of the inscription, too much of the text being lost to fill up the gaps even conjecturally.
As the date fills half of the text, the numbers of the year, the month and the day were apparently given in words, not in figures. The king's name is distinctly Kanishka.
In the third line the only legible words are Totāye patimă after which probably patistäpitä is to be supplied. The meaning of the words may be either that an image was set up by Tošā or that an image of Tošā was set up. If Tošāye were taken as the name of the donutrix, the object of the donation would here simply be called patimă. However, this would be quite unusual. In no other inscription of this timel pratima alone is used in this way, No. 68, where the second line ends with Jinadāsiye pratima, being apparently incomplete. Everywhere the name of the pornon represented by the statue is added to pratimā, sometimes compounded with it (Nos. 13, 28, 29, 37, 50, 51, 118, 121, perhaps also 72), but oftener in the genitive case (Nos. 18, 24, 26, 34, 43, 45, 454, 47, 694, 71, 110 ; in 74 bhagavato Varddhamānapratimā). Generally the name in the genitive precedes pratimā; a different position of the words occurs only in No. 39 (dānam pra
In later times pratimd alone oooure occasionally, e.g. in the Mathura insoription of G. 113 edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 210, No. 39.

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timă Vadhamanasya), No. 119 (pratima pratishthāpita Vardha)mänasya) and apparently in No. 68 quoted above. It is therefore not only possible, but even more likely that Tošāye patima means the image of Toba'. Unfortunately the upper half of the statue is lost, and what remains of it is not sufficient to determine exactly the character of the person represented. All that can be said is that it is a woman as shown by the anklets and that she wears a folded cloth with one end tucked up in the waist-belt and the other slung over the left arm. This seems to have been the costume of a fashionable lady of that time. Exactly the same dress is worn by the female wor. shippers on a doorjamb in the Mathura Museum (P2); cf. especially the figure in the upper compartment. There is absolutely nothing to show that the statue was meant for a goddess or a Yakshi or a Näga woman. Nor do we know of any goddess of the name of Tobā. Now, oonsidering that the image which according to the inscription probably represents a lady called Tosa has been found together with the remnants of three statues which probably are mentioned in the well inscription as having been set up in the stone house of Toshā, we can hardly reject the idea that Tobā and Toshă refer to the same person. The difference in the spelling of the name cannot be regarded as a serious obstacle to the identification as the name appears to be of foreign origin and, moreover, we have even in Sanskrit külma by the side of küshma, kosha by the side of kosa, etc. There can be no doubt that the well inscription is about a century older than the statue inscription; it shows the archaic' writing that is found in all other records of the time of Sodása, whereas the statue inscription is dated in the reign of Kanishka and written in the typical clumsy characters of that period. As Toba cannot have set up a statue during the reign of Kanishka, if her shrine was already in existence at the time of Sodāsa, the identification of Toáā and Toshi would definitely prove that Tofaye patimă means the image of Toba'. On the other hand, we should be compelled to assume that somebody erected the statue of Tosk at her shrine about a hundred years after her death. Such a posthumous honouring by one of her descendants would not born to be impossible, if we remember that probably a statue of Vima Kadphises was set up at Mat some time after his death, but I admit that the evidence for the identity of Toba and Tosha is not much more than a chain of possibilities or probabilities that requires substantial strengthening before it can be regarded as conclusive.
The second line of the inscription affords no help in this respect. Mäthuri kalavada probably means the wife of the kälavāda ot Mathurā', although the formation of the second word is unusual. In analogy to such derivations as sārthavähini from sārthavāha, we should expect rather külavadini. As will appear from the following two inscriptions, kälavada or kalaväļa was the title of a high official at Mathura. Owing to the large lacuna of the text in the beginning of the third line, it is impossible to decide whether Mathuri kalavadā refers to the person who erected the statue of Tobā or to Tosi herself. Nor can I suggest anything with regard to the meaning of the following three syllables which I have tentatively read odakhi.
III.-Inscription on a sculptured stono-slab from Mathura. This inscription is engraved on a sculptured stone-slab from the Kankal TIA at Mathura, now preserved in the Lucknow Provincial Museum. The slab is figured in V. A. Smith's Jain Stepa at Mathurd (ASI. New Imp. Ser. Vol. XX), Plate XIII. The inscription was edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 396, No. 33, and Plate, and commented on ibid. p. 393f. Ileet made it the subject of a learned paper, JRAS. 1905, pp. 635-655, and R. D. Banerji treated it briefly, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 49.
Vogel, Cat. Arch. Mw. Mathurd, p. 173, and Plate IIb; Soulpture de Mathura, Plate XXIIb.

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The inscription which is written in the script preceding that of the Kushan period was read and translated by Bühler as follows:
"1. [na]mo arahato Vardhamanasya Gotiputrasa Pothayasaka
2. kālavāļasa
3. . . . . . .
Kosikiye Simitraye ayagapato pra.i....
Adoration to the Arbat Vardhamana ! A tablet of homage was set up by Sivamitra (of) the Kausika (family), (wife) of Gotiputra (Gauptiputra), a black serpent for the Pothayas and Sakas."
Gotiputra's epithet was explained by Bühler as referring to his fights with the Pothayas and Sakas, in which he proved to them as destructive as the black cobra is to mankind in general. The Pothayas he identified with the Proshthas, who are mentioned in the Mahabharata as a nation of Southern India. Fleet, although agreeing with Bühler in the reading and the literal translation of the epithet, tried to show at great length that by the Sakas were meant the Buddhists and by the Pothayas the Digambara Jainas and that Gotiputra, who himself was a Svetambara Jaina, was marked in the record as being particularly successful in disputation with adherents of those rival creeds.
Many grave objections may be raised against these interpretations, but I deem it unnecessary to enter into a detailed discussion, as in my opinion they are untenable, or at least highly improbable, already for general reasons. An epithet with the meaning assumed by Bühler and Fleet is against the style of these dedicatory inscriptions, which in a formulary language record facts, but refrain from rhetorical embellishments taken from the language of the Kavyas. Secondly, although metronymics are sometimes used instead of personal names, especially in the case of Buddhist saints, I consider it extremely unlikely that in an inscription like this one a private individual should have been called simply by his metronymic. It is far more probable that just as in innumerable other cases the metronymic was followed by the personal name, and there is no reason why Pothayasaka should not be taken as a name formed by compounding the abbreviated form of the asterism Proshṭhapada and yasas, or rather their Prakrit equivalents, and adding the suffix -ka. Personal names the first member of which is the name of a nakshatra are very common in the period to which the inscription belongs. Potha itself occurs in Pothaghosha in the Mathura inscription No. 59, Poṭhadeva in the Sanchi inscription No. 205 and the hypocoristic form Pothaka in the Sanchi inscription No. 342. For yasas as the second member of a compound name we have in epigraphical records Krishnayasa in the Kanhiara inscription No. 8, Dhamayasa (fem.) in the Sanchi inscription 410, Sivayasa (fem.) and Phaguyasa in the Mathura inscription No. 100 and Bhadrayasa in the Mathura inscription No. 107. As Phagu is a shortened form of Phalguni and Bhadra an abbreviation of Bhadrapada, the last two names are almost exact counterparts of Pothayasaka in our inscription.
If we take Pothayasaka as the name of the husband of Simitra, we are driven to the conclusion that the original reading was Pothayasakasa and that kalavalasa is an independent word characterising Pothayasaka somehow or other. I think that this is fully confirmed by an examination of the outward appearance of the inscription.
The inscription is damaged both at the beginning and at the end. On the left side a piece of the stone is broken off, which has caused the partial loss of the na in the beginning of the upper line and the complete disappearance of three aksharas in the beginning of the lower line. Here
* Read Sivamitraye. * [Bühler: ayagapato (misprint).]
1 Restore bhäryäye. Restore pratishthapito.

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cestainly, as proposed by Bühler, some word like bhāryāye has to be supplied. How much of the text is lost on the right side can be determined from the last word of the last line. There can be no doubt that pra.i is to be restored as pra(t)i(thapito) and that this was the concluding word of the record. The pra stands exactly below the tha of the first line, and as the inscription is very carefully engraved, it may be taken for granted that the tha also was followed by four aksharas, which perfectly agrees with my suggestion that sa has to be supplied after Pothayaśaka. There is another point to prove that the text read Pothayasaka(sa bhāryāye). A glance at the inscrip tion will be sufficient to show that originally it consisted of two lines only and that kālavālasa has been inserted by an afterthought below Pothayasakasa. The word has been engraved in much smaller characters than the rest of the inscription, the kā being only t' high, the vă only 1", whereas the second ka of Kosikiye measures 13" and the va of Vardhamānasya ". And there is another unmistakable sign that it was incised after the other two lines had been finished. It will be noticed that the sa is separated by a considerable space from the preceding letter, which can be accounted for only by the wish of the engraver to avoid the contact of the sa with the i-sign of #standing in the line below.1
I therefore read and translate the inscription as follows:
TEXT. 1 [na]mo sra hato Vardhamanasya Gotiputrasa Pothayata[ka](sa)
kälavālasa 3 (bhiryüye) Kosikiye Simitrāye ayagapato pra(t)i(thäpito)
TRANSLATION Adoration to the Arhat Vardhamana! The tablet of homage has been set up by the Kosiki (Kaubiki) Simitra, (the wife) of the kälavāla Poţhayabaka (Proshthayabaska), the son of a Goti (Gaupti).
REMARKS. The exact meaning of kālavāļa is not known. The word does not seem to have turned up hitherto in literary sources.' Bühler was of opinion that both Simitra and her husband were shown by their family names to be of noble or royal descent. But this conclusion goes too far. The use of metronymics was by no means confined to the Kshatriya caste. Fleet, loc. cit. p. 637ff., has collected a large number of cases where the names of Brahmins also and sometimes of persons who seem to be neither Brahmins nor Kshatriyas are coupled with the same metronymics that we find in connection with the names of princes and noblemen. So much only is certain that a man who attaches the metronymic to his name is a person of high social standing. From the fact that Gotiputra Pothayasaka is called kālavāla we may infer that the word denoted some dignitary or high official. From our inscription it appears that the title was
The photolithograph published in Ep. Ind. has been tampered with. Here the upper portion of the i-siga has been joined to the fa and in this form, which has never existed, the la has been entered on Plate II, XX, 41 of Böbler's Palaography.
The etymology of the name is not clear. Bühler's correction to Sivamitra is hazardous and hardly correct. Nor can the name be traced back to Srimitra as Skt. sri would have to appear as diri.
Kalavāla, of course, cannot be connected with kalyapāla, kallavala (Mahavy. 186, 109), which denotes a distiller or seller of spirits, the modern kalwar or kalal. Possibly kála, which in the Kharoshthi documenta from Eastern Turkestan occurs frequently as a very high title, is an abbreviation of kalavala, but it cannot be proved at present. Professor Thomas, Festschrift H. Jacobi, p. 51, thinks that kála is the same word as kara iu Kujula Kara Kadphises, but this suggestion also is not convincing.

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in use already before the time of the Kushans, and this is confirmed by its occurrence in the inscriptions on the first Stupa at Sanchi. No. 340 of Bühler's collection reads! Vedisa Datasa kalavadasa dänam. There is a second copy (No. 339) which differs only in the writing of the first word: Vedasa Datasa kalavadasa dinam. A third inscription (No. 195) was read by Bühler Datakalivatasa dänam. Bühler identified this inscription with Cunningham's No. 172 which Cunningham himself, in accordance with his facsimile, transcribed Datakulavadasa dānam. There can be little doubt that here, also the true reading is Datakalavadasa. The word is found once more in the Vakala inscription, No. 971 of my List: Kodasa kalavadasa. Kalavada and kalavada are apparently only defective spellings of kalavada, and I therefore feel sure that also in the Mōra inscription kalavada is meant for kālavādā. Additional proof is furnished by the next inscription.
IV. Inscription on a sculptured stone-slab from Mathurā.
The inscription is engraved on a beautifully sculptured slab found in the Kankali Ta at Mathura and now preserved in the Lucknow Provincial Museum. The slab is figured in V. A. Smith's Jain Stupa at Mathurd (ASI. New Imp. Ser. Vol. XX), Plate VIII. The inscription was edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 200, No. 8, together with a photolithograph from which it appears that the inscription has suffered a good deal since the time when the impression used by Bühler was taken. Judging from the impressions before me it seems that in the second half of the inscription the lower portion of the letters has now almost entirely disappeared. My reading of the text therefore depends to a certain extent on the reproduction in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II.
TEXT.
nano arahato(1) Mähävirasa() Mathuraka....lavalas) [sa].. bhayaye(").. vara khitiye yagapato.
NOTES.
(1) There is a cut to the left of the ra which makes it look like na. (2) Bühler: mahavirasa, but the sign of length is attached in the same way as in the ma of the following word. (3) Bühler: Mathuraka... lavadasa, which agrees with the photolithograph in the Ep. Ind., whereas in the impression before me lava is almost illegible and the last sa is strangely distorted. The akshara read da by Bühler shows a distinct hook to the right in the impression and is therefore more probably la. The two words can safely be restored as Mathurakasa kalavalasa. (4) This is Bühler's reading and it is evidently correct, although the letters are far less distinct now in the impressions than in the photolithograph. Restore saha bhayaye. (5) Bühler: . . . . va itaye, where i seems to be a misprint for i. The last four aksharas may be called certain. Instead of ra the reading to would be possible according to the impressions, but the photolithograph shows a plain va. The name is probably to be restored as Sivarakhitaye. (6) Bühler's reading, although enclosed in brackets, is quite distinct in the photolithograph and there can be no doubt that it is correct, but the last three aksharas are illegible in the impressions.
TRANSLATION.
Adoration to the Arhat Mahavira! The tablet of homage (is the gift) of the kalavāļa of Mathura together with his wife Sivarakhita (Sivarakshita).
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 366ff.
Bhilsa Topes, p. 258.

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REMARKS.
For palæographical reasons the inscription must be assigned to the period before Kanishka. The fixing of an early date is also supported by the language which is pure Prakrit and further by the fact that the inscription records the setting up of an ayagapaṭṭa. In the Kushan times the dedication of ayagapattas seems to have gone out of fashion, there being no inscription in Kushan characters on any of the sculptured slabs unearthed at the Kankali Ţilā.
The two words Mathurakasa kālavāļasa, which, though partly restored, may be regarded as perfectly certain, are of special interest, because they give us a hint as to the meaning of the term Mäthuri kalavada used in the Mōra inscription, and at the same time confirm what I have said about the social position of the kalavala. The donor of the slab would hardly have called himself simply by his title, without adding his personal name, if he had not been an official of very high rank.
V.-Inscription on the pedestal of an image from Gapëshrā.
The inscription is on the pedestal of a standing figure of which only the feet remain. It is incised on the top of the pedestal between the feet. The stone was acquired by Pandit Radha Krishna from a Koli who is said to have obtained it from a Brahmin's house in the village of Ganeshra, three miles north-west of Mathura City. It is now in the Mathura Museum. The inscription was edited by Vogel, Cat. Arch. Mus. Mathura, p. 122, No. G42.
TEXT.
1 Maha[damḍa]na[yakasya]() yamasha
2 [heka][y]a() [v]is[v]a[saka]sya(3) Ulānāsya(") paṭimā
NOTES.
(1) Only the first two aksharas are well preserved, the rest of the word is more or less effaced. Vogel reads maha[hi]na[yanasya], but the reading given above is certain with the exception of the anusvära1. (2) This is Vogel's reading. The first akshara is possibly ya, though the a-stroke would be very short. The lower portion of the he and the ka and the subscript ya have disappeared through the breaking off of the stone. The he is doubtful, and instead of ka we may read na. (3) Vogel: [vi]sa[ya]sya. The lower portion of vi and the subscript va are mutilated. There may have been an a-sign attached to the śva, but it is doubtful. The third and fourth aksharas are almost completely effaced, but from the faint traces they can be read with certainty as saka. There seems to have been no i-sign on the top of the sa. (4) Vogel: Ulanasya. The a-sign of la is quite distinct.
TRANSLATION.
The image of the great general, the yamashaheka(?) (and) visvasaka Ulana.
REMARKS.
From the inscription it appears that the statue represented the great general Ulana, who, judging from his name, was certainly a Saka, Ulana being formed with the suffix -āna which is common in the Saka language. What is left of the statue, points into the same direction. The feet are shod with the same wadded boots that are worn by Kanishka in his well-known statue.
1 According to Mr. V. 8. Agrevala the word was correctly read by Days Ram Sahni in the Annual Report Northern Circle, 1921, p. 3, which is not accessible to me.

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SCULPTURES FROM MATHURA MUSEUM.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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As regards Ulāna's titles, mahädandanāyaka occurs again in the Mathurā inscription No. 60 of Sam 74. In my edition of the record I read in 11. 6ff. mahadänddayakasya Vālinasya, but the true reading appears to be Valānasya, and Valāna and Ulāna being evidently only different spellings of the same name, it is quite possible that the general mentioned in that inscription is identical with the person represented by the statue. The title visvasaka is found in slightly different spellings in several Mathurā inscriptions of the Kushān period. Nos. 127, 128 and 141 record gifts of the visvasika or visvasika Vakamibira, No. 1259 a gift of the visvasika Asyala or Susyala. It will be noticed that the title is only borne by persons who by their names are shown to be of foreign descent. Perhaps the correct form of the title is visvāsika. In the Divyāvadāna p. 188 it is said of a certain Brāhmaṇa : sa rājña Prasenajitā Kausalena hastimadhyasy=opari viśvāsikah sthāpitaḥ, but here also visvāsikaḥ is not warranted by the manuscripts which write either visvāsikaḥ or visvāśikah. Yamashaheka, provided the word has been read 'correctly, would seem to be a foreign title or a local designation, though I cannot suggest anything as to its meaning. But whatever his functions may have been the title of mahādandanāyaka certainly shows that Ulāna was a high cfficial, and the present inscription, although it is badly preserved and its original place is not known, is yet of great importance as proving that during the Kushān period not only kings, but also dignitaries of lesser rank were honoured by statues. As shown by the following inscription, the statue of Ulāna is not an isolated case.
VI.-Inscription on the base of a male figure from Mathurā. The inscription, as stated by Vogel, is incised on the base of a male figure, standing, clad in the Indo-Scythian dress : tunic, trousers and boots. He holds a bunch of lotus-flowers in his right hand and an indistinct object in his left. The head is lost. The image was found in a bāghicha on the Brindāban road about 14 miles from Mathură. It is at present in the Mathuri Museum. The inscription is in a very bad state of preservation, and only the date of the year was read by Vogel, Cat. Arch. Mus. Mathurā, p. 110, No. E25. The statue is figured JRAS. 1911, Plate VIII, fig. 2.
TEXT. 1 sa[va]tsarā(4) 70 2(*) h(e) ...... s(e)(*) pratha(me) 2.................... rṇasya(*) pratimā)
NOTES (1) The a-sign of ra is pretty distinct. After rā there is a long vertical stroke, apparently caused by a fissure in the stone. (2) The first figure is not quite distinct. Vogel took it to be 40, but it is more probable that it is 70. The second figure is probably 2. (3) The e-sign of h(e) and 8(e), if they were originally engraved, are entirely obliterated. The word was certainly meant for hemantamise. (4) Before rṇasya about ten aksharas are illegible.
REMARKS Although only one complete word and two numerical signs can be read with tolerable certainty. the inscription, in conjunction with the complementary evidence furnished by the dress of the statue, allows us to affirm that, probably in the year 72 of the Kushān era, in the first month of winter the statue of a foreigner, whose name ended in -rna, was set up at Mathura. The custom of erecting portrait statues seems to have been in vogue among the foreign chiefs at Mathura
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 242.

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during the Kushan period. The Mathura Museum contains no less than six heads of statues1 wearing the high conical hata hich are an essential part of the Scythian dress. In my opinion, these facts give additional weight to the suggestion that the female statue from Mōrā. also represents some lady belonging to a clan of the foreign invaders.
1.[v]..
2 sa[s]ya(1)
3 [vas] (3)
4 [p] [pa] Śiva(3).
VII.-Inscription on a door-jamb from Mathură.
The inscription is engraved on the side of a carved door-jamb dug out of an old well in the Mathura Cantonments in 1913 and is now in the Mathura Museum. The inscription consists of 12 lines, but the first five lines are so much obliterated that only here and there a letter can be made out with more or less certainty. Each line consisted of nine or ten aksharas, of which four or five on the right side are missing. From an examination of the stone Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda came to the conclusion, which undoubtedly is correct, that the epigraph was originally incised on a square pillar which was afterwards cut lengthwise through the inscribed side into two halves and turned into door-jambs. The inscription was first noticed in the Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent, Hindu and Buddhist Monuments, Northern Circle, for the year ending 31st March, 1917, p. 102, and edited by Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI. No. 5, pp. 169-173, and Plates XXV and XXVI.
5 shapu[t]r[e]na Kausi (")
6 Vasuna bhaga[va] (to Vasude)- (5)
[VOL. XXIV.
TEXT.
7 vasya mahasthāna..
. (śai)-(*)
8 lam toranam ve(dika cha prati)-(") 9 shṭhāpito () prito [bha](gavän Väsu)-(*)
10 devaḥ svāmi[sya] (mahakshatra)-(10) 11 pasya Soḍa[sa](sya)
.. (1)
12 samvartayatām(12)
NOTES.
(1) Sasya is distinct, and as we should expect the inscription to begin with the date, the first line is probably to be restored as svamisya mahakshatrapasya Soda-. The subscript va visible in the first line may have belonged to sramisya. (2) The second akshara of this line is sa with an indistinct vowel-sign. The preceding akshara looks like va. Considering that probably the date stood in this line, vas. is possibly to be restored as divase. (3) The reading of the first and third aksharas of this line is by no means certain. (Pra)pautrena would be in keeping with the context, but what is visible of the letters can hardly be reconciled with that reading. The fourth akshara of the line is si followed by an akshara that probably is a va of the same shape as in devah in 1. 10 and samvartayatām in 1. 12, but it may be ma. (4) The first akshara is clearly sha and to the right of it below the line there is a distinct pu, so that at first sight one might read shpu. However, there seems to be no connecting line between sha and pu,
1G 32, Add. 1252 (from the village of Mat), 1519, 1566 (from Påll Khera), 1567, 2122. Two of them are figured in Vogel's Sculpture de Mathura, Plate IV; cf. p. 23; 92.
This report is not accessible to me.

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and I therefore consider it more probable that pu was at first omitted by mistake and afterwards inserted below the line. As the second akshara certainly had a subscript ra and the third akshara is na, the reading shaputrena naturally suggests itself, and although the upper portion of the second akshara is very indistinct, the reading would not seem to be impossible. The fourth akshara of the line is ka with the ordinary o-sign at the top and another very distinct horizontal line to the left. The next akshara is sa. From the reverse of the inscription it appears that of the two strokes visible at the top of the letter the one to the left is accidental, whereas the stroke on the right seems to be the s-sign. Perhaps the two aksharas are to be read Kausi and the word to be restored 88 Kaufikāpatrena. (5) The missing aksharas were restored by Chanda. (6) The missing portion of the compound mahāsthāna .... can hardly be restored with any certainty. At the end of the line I would supply sai. Other possibilities are discussed below. (7) Chanda restores vedikak (which seems to be a misprint for vedikā) prati, but the additional cha is indispensable. (8) The o-sign of to is distinct, but to must be a mistake for either te or tāni. (9) Chanda wrongly restores bhavatu instead of bhagavān. (10) The missing aksharas were restored by Chanda. (11) Something like aišvaryan or ayurbalam is to be supplied at the end of the line. (12) Chanda read at first samvartayatan and afterwards saņvartfelyātam. The third akshara is undoubtedly rta, not rte, the last akshara is tāṁ, and the reverse of the impression shows clearly that the supposed ā-sign of ya is only a flaw in the stone.
TRANSLATION. .. by Vasu, a gateway of stone (?) and the railing was erected at the....of the great temple of bhagavat Vasudeva. May bhagavat Vāsudeva, being pleased, promote (the dominion or the life and strength) of svāmin mahākshatrapa Sodāsa.
REMARKS. Owing to the extreme uncertainty of the reading, the first five lines of the inscription cannot be translated. As stated above, from the few letters legible in the first two lines it becomes probable that the inscription was dated in the reign of svāmin mahākshatrapa Sodāsa, and this is borne out not only by palæography, but also by the benediction pronounced on the mahākshatrapa in the conclusion. The genealogy of the donor is hopelessly fragmentary. Not a single name can be relied upon, and it is not even quite sure whether the dopor's own name was simply Vasu or & compound name ending in -vasu. Only so much seems to be certain that he was not a foreigner, but a Hindu.
The gift consisted of a gateway (torana) and a railing (vedikā) and perhaps a third object the name of which ended in -la. Chanda restored lan as chatuhsālam which is highly improbable As this term never occurs in inscriptions of this time. Possibly lar is the rest of devakulan used here in the sense of a small shrine as in the Jaina inscription No. 78, or, more probably, lam is to be restored as sailar. If the language of the record were quite correct Sanskrit, the predicate would be either pratishthāpitāni or pratishthā pite. The form actually found in 1. 9, (prati)shthāpito, is wrong in any case and therefore of no account for the restoration of the subject of the sentence.
The name of the place where the torana and the vedikā are said to have been erected, is mutilated and cannot be restored, especially because it is doubtful whether one or three syllables are lost after mahästhāna. But whatever the missing syllables may bave been, I cannot follow Chanda in taking the terms the great place of bhagavat Vasudeva ' as meaning a spot that was believed to have been either the birthplace of Krishna or the scene of some notable event in his early career.
1 Chanda translates vedika by's square terrace in the middle of the courtyard', but the meaning 'railing' is absolutely certain.

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Chands himself has pointed out that in the Mathurā inscription No. 85 bhagavato nagendrary Dadhikarunarya stāne means in the temple of the holy lord of the serpents Dadhikarna', and I see no reason why mandsthana should not simply denote a large temple or sanctuary also in the present inseription.
As the pillar, perhaps hundreds of years afterwards, was taken away from the large temple of Vasudeva to be turned into the door-jamb of another building and ultimately to be thrown away into a well, all that can be possibly asserted with regard to the place of that temple is that it stood in Mathura or somewhere in the environs of the City. The inscription moreover shows that that temple was, if not erected, at any rate enlarged or embellished during the reign of the mahakshatrapa Sodasa by a person, who although being a Hindu, seems to have been a high official in the service of the mahakshatrapa', carrying out the work by order or at the desire of his master, since in the benediction the benefit of the donation is attributed to Sodasa alone. The facts that We can thus ascertain with regard to the temple of Vasudeva agree in several respects with what we can infer from the Motã well inscription about the Bhagavata sanctuary at that place. There atso a temple (devagriha) is said to have been adorned with the inages of the pafchaviras of the Vrishnis during the reign of Sodasa. If my suggestion that in line 8 of the present inscription tam is to be restored as bailan should prove correct, this also would be a point of agreement as in the Mörā inscription also the teniple and the images are expressly stated to be of stone (faila). Moreover, as no trace of a stone building has been found at Moră, it appears that the temple was intentionally pulled down at some time and the materials carried away and probably used for some other purposes. Of course, these coincidences are no conclusive evidence, but considering
verything I think it not improbable that the pillar bearing the present inscription hails from the Bhagavate temple at Möră.
No. 48.-ROSAM INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OR) KANISHKA: THE YEAR 2.
By XUNJA GOBINDA GOSWAMI, M.A., CALOUTTA. This inscription is engraved on the pedestal of & big standing figure of a Bodhisattva, which was recovered from the ruins of Kosam (ancient Kaubambi). The image is now kept in the Municipal Museum at Allahabad. In 1934, at the time of a visit to the said museum, I came across the image and deciphered the important portions of the inscription. As no photograph or estampage was available at that time, the inscription was first noticed by me in an issue of the Caloutta daily paper, the Amrita Bazar Patrika and subsequently a tentative reading with translation and notes was published in the Calcutta Review, July, 1934, without any facsimile. It has, however, now been possible for me to make out the full text of the epigraph with the help of a good photograph and a set of estampages, very kindly supplied by Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Superintendent, Archeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, which he received from the Government Epigraphist for India.
The inscription consists of only two lines of writing. The size of the letters varies between 2 and 11". The characters are Brahmi resembling those of the Sarnath and the Sabeth-Mahēth image inscriptions of the time of Kanishka. The type may be termed "early Kushana" after Dr. Vogel, who used this expression in reference to the characters of the Särnäth inscription of the 3rd year of Kanishka. It forms a transition between the script of the Northern Kshatrapa'
According to the inscription No. 82 the treasurer of sodies also was a Brahmapa. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 176.

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epigraphs and that of the later Kushanas. The middle stroke of ya in pratishtha payati is almost equal in length with the side ones. The subscript ya is used here in its full form (e.g. in rajasya). In later Kushana inscriptions, this letter, when used in a conjunct is indicated by a cursive form or a loop attached to the left hand side of the central line. The signs for medial a in rajasya, Buddhamitra and trepitiko, e in cha(m)kame and o in -sattvo are used by horizontal strokes as in the records of earlier period, but e in trepitika and o in bhagavato show a tendency towards the slanting forms to be found in later Kushāņa inscriptions.
The stone is much mutilated and although some letters have disappeared, it is not difficult to fill up the lacunæ by means of the clue supplied by associated letters. The first letter ma of the word maharajasya in line 1, and the last syllable ti of prati in the same line have entirely been obliterated; a portion of the conjunct letter shtha of pratishthapayati (in lines 1-2) has also been effaced.
The epigraph is dated in the second year of Mahārāja Kanishka, the second (month) of Hemanta (winter), the eighth day, and its purpose is the erection of a Bodhisattva statue by the nun, Buddhamitra, well versed in the Tripitaka, at the promenade of the Lord Buddha. So far the records of the 3rd year of Kanishka found at Särnäths were regarded as the earliest epigraphic evidence of his reign, but now we find that the present one is the earliest Brahmi inscription of Kanishka, so far discovered.
The language of the inscription is a form of mixed dialect as found generally in the Brahmi inscriptions of the Kushana period. The genitive case-ending in [Ma]hārājasya is a regular Sanskrit termination, but sa in Kanishkasa and Buddhasa is a Prakrit case-ending.
As I have stated above, the donor of the image is the Buddhist nun Buddhamitra. We come across the same name among the donors of the Sarnath image of the 3rd year of Kanishka. This name again occurs on an inscribed Bodhisattva image from Mathura (now preserved in the Lucknow Museum) of the year 33 of King Huvishka. In all these places she is mentioned as well versed in the Tripitaka, while in the Sarnath and the Mathura inscriptions, we are further told that she was a female pupil of the monk Bala, who knew the Tripitaka. It may be reasonably concluded here that Buddhamitra of all the records mentioned above, is one and the same person. That she was a very well-known lady appears from the fact that the nun Dhanavati, donor of a Bōdhisattva image at Mathura, introduces herself as the sister's daughter of the Trepitika Buddhamitra.
The style of the image bearing this inscription is that of the Mathura school as in the case of the two other Bodhisattva images found at Särnäth' and Srävasti. The material used in each case is the red Agra sand stone. More than three decades ago, Dr. Vogel, while explaining the nature of art of the Sarnath image remarked: "Seemingly this Mathura school created a Bōdhisattva type, specimens of which found thier way to other famous centres of Buddhism." statement of his finds corroboration also in the present sculpture.
This
1 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 199, plate facing page 200, No. 2.
The script used in the inscription of the 5th year of Kanishka's reign is similar to that of the later Kushana records. See above, Vol. I, p. 381, No. 1.
Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 173-179.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 176; D. R. Sahni, Cat. of the Sarnath Museum, pp. 35-36.
Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 181f.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII (1904). pp. 39f.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 182.
"D. R. Sahni, Cat. of the Sarnath Museum, No. B(a)i., plate VII. Above, Vol. VIII, plate facing p. 181.
⚫ Ibid., p. 174.

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[VOL. XXIV.
The image is badly damaged. Its head and right arm are broken and lost. The left hand rests on the hip and holds the upper garment, which leaves the right shoulder bare. The folds of the dress are quite prominent. A double girdle tied round the loins keeps in the lower garment which reaches beneath the knees. Five lotus buds tied together, with a full-bloomed flower at the top, are found between the legs. There is another full-bloomed lotus by the side of the left leg of the image. The difference of this sculpture with the one found at Sarnath is that we find lotuses between the two legs in the former case, while in the latter the same place has been occupied by a lion.
TEXT.
1 [Maharajasya Kan[i]shkasa samva[tsa]r[e] 2 h[e] 2 di 8 Bodhisatvo(ttvam) pra[ti]
2 [shṭhā]payati bhikhuņi Buddhamitra trepit[i]ka bhagavato Buddhasa cha[m]kame
TRANSLATION.
In the year 2, of Mahārāja Kanishka, on the 8th day of the 2nd (month) of Hemanta, (Buddhist) nun Buddhamitra, who is well versed in the Tripitaka, sets up (this image of) Bōdhisattva at the promenade of the Lord Buddha.
No. 29.-DOHAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF MAHAMUDA (BEGARHA): V. S. 1545, SAKA 1410.
BY H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LL.B., PH.D. (LOND.).
This inscription is preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. It is now published for the first time from the stone itself as well as with the help of ink-impressions made available by the courtesy of the Trustees of the said Museum. The editor has also to thank Mr. G. V. Acharya, the Curator of the Archæological Section, and Mr. R. K. Acharya, for assisting in deciphering a few passages of the inscription. The stone on which it is inscribed measures 3′ 3′′ by 1' 7" and is reported to have come from Dohad, the chief town of the Sub-Division Dohad in the District of the Panch Mahāls, Bombay Presidency, 77 miles north-east of Baroda. Besides the two vertical cracks across the stone, it is chipped off at several other places, which has made the deciphering difficult. The difficulty is enhanced by the application of vermilion or some other pigment on the stone. The record contains 22 lines of writing, a few letters of the first line and many of the last two lines being completely effaced. The average size of the letters is ".
The inscription is dated in Vikrama 1545, Saka 1410, Vaisakha sudi 13 (and perhaps also in the Hijra era which might have been mentioned in the first half of line 21, which including the name of the day is now completely chipped off). This corresponds to Thursday, April 24, A.D. 1488 (and to H. 893 Jamada'l awwal). With regard to the date it is to be noted that the inscription records Saka as well as Vikrama era and that this is a feature not only of all the Sanskrit
1 Kern Institute, Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology, Vol. IX (1934), pl. II(c).
Mr. A. Ghosh entertained some doubt about my reading of the year 2, and suggested a symbol for 20, before 2 (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. X, pp. 575-76); but from the photograph and the estampage, it is perfectly clear that his assumption is not correct. The writing immediately preceding the figure 2 is not a symbol for 20, but the last portion of the word samvatsar[e]. Again the last word of the inscription is cha[th]kame and not pakame as read by Mr. Ghosh. In the estampage and the photograph cha is quite clear.
Cf. S. K. Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. V, p. 178.

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KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA: THE YEAR 2.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTTI. Reo. No. 1898 E-38-275.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,
(From an impression).
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS

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No. 29.) DOHAD STONE INSC. OF MAHAMUDA (BEGARHA): V. 8. 1545, SAKA 1410. 213
inscriptions of Mahmud's time found in Gujarāt but also of some other inscriptions of Northern India ;' whereas inscriptions found in Käthiāwār, during this period, use only the Vikrama
era.
The script is Dēvanagari and calls for no remarks.
With regard to orthography also there is nothing particular to note, excepting the frequent use of anusvāra instead of final m and the doubling of consonants after r in some cases, for example, dharmma (11. 4 and 18) and kirtti (1. 8).
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and with the exception of the introductory invocation and the portion after the stanza 26 the entire composition is in verse.
Unfortunately as the last three lines are badly defaced it is not possible to say with certain ty whether the inscription belongs to the reign of Mahmud Begarhā or whether it is his own, that is, ordered to be inscribed by Mahmud himself to record his deeds. From the sense that can be gathered from the last lines it appears that the inscription was engraved after the building of the fort of Dadhipadra (Dohad) by Imidalamulaka. (i.e., Imad-ul-mulk), the chief minister of Mahmud Begarhā, and it incidentally gives the genealogy and the deeds of the Gujarat Sultäns and particularly those of Mahmūd. It is, however, the first inscription of the reign of Mahmūd Begarhā or of his predecessors that gives some details of the deeds, viz., of the wars won and buildings constructed by Mahmūd and his predecessors.
The inscription opens with an invocation to a goddess, who is said to be residing in Kashmir,' after which it mentions one Mudāphara Patasāha, who seems to be no other than Muzaffar I of Gujarāt.
The inscription then gives the following genealogy of the Sultans of Gujarät: (1) Shih Mudāphara ; (2) his son, Mahammada; (3) in his family, Shah Ahammada; (4) his son, Shah Mahammada; (5) in his family, Shah Mahamtda.
Bai Harir's Ins., Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 368 and above, Vol. IV, PP. 2984f; Adalja Väv Ins., Revised List Antiquarian Remains, Bombay Presidency, p. 300.
* See Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, Nos. 723 and 1121; 738 and 1126 ; 737 and 1127 748 and 1128 ; 767 and 1129; 773 and 1130 ; 873 and 1136 ; 901 and 1138; 967 and 1146.
* See Revised List, etc., pp. 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 245, 246, 248-49, 251, 254, 257, 263.
This implies that the catholicityas regards the use of the era, which was noticed in Käthi.wär at the end of the 13th century had disappeared in the subnequent period.
For details see below
• Other inscriptions published 80 far are - Arabic Inscriptions: Revised List, Antiquarian Remains, Bombay Presidency, pp. 303, 306-07 ; one is reported in An. Rep., A. 8. I., 1927-28, p. 146; it is said to give the names of the Sultans of Gujarat who were associated with the completion of the town of Dohad; two from the Halol gate, Champaner, are published in Ep. Indo-Mos., 1929-30, p. 4. Sanskrit Inscriptions : from Adalje, Rev. List, p. 310; Bai Harir's Inscription, Rev. List, p. 300; Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 368 and above, Vol. IV, p. 298. Of all the inscriptions-either of the Muslim rulers themselves or of Hindu kings referring to their Muslim over. lords—till about A.D. 1500, only one record comes very near to the present one, viz., the Inscription of Sadha. rana of V. S. 1373 found at Lädpt in the Jodhpur State. It is in Sanskrit, in verse and though it emanates from & petty chief in Rajputâna it incidentally gives the genealogy of the Muslim emperors of Delhi, from Shihåb-ud-din Ghurt to Ala-ud-din Khalji. For details see above, Vol. XII, pp. 17-27.
1 Other inscriptions of Mahmid's time do not lend us much help in the attempt to identify this goddess. She seems to be Brahmi alias Sarasvati, for a Jain writer, Chandraprabhagüri (A.D. 1278) of Gujarat, uses identical expression devin Kasmiravdoinith in the section on Hēmachandra (Homachandrasdriprabandha), verses 39-46, of his work Prabhavaka-charita (Ed. Hirananda Sharma, Bombay, 1909) for telling us that Hēmachandra worshipped the goddless Brahm of Káémirs and became a Siddhandraspata. [The reference may be to the goddess Durgi-Sarasvati probably of the Sarada shrine of Kashmir which was well known in India even in the 15th and 16th centuries. See Stein, Kalhana's Chronicle of Kashmir, Vol. II, pp. 279 ff.-Ed.)

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This differs from the genealogy given by the Muslim historians) and also accepted by the authors of the Cambridge History of India. in some respects) as considered below.
Firishta and the authors of the Mirät-i-Sikandari," the Mirāt-Ahmadi, and of the Arabic History of Gujarato give the following list -
(1) Muzafar Shāh (Muzaffar I); (2) Ahmad Shah (Ahmad); (3) his son, Muhammad Shāh (Muhammad); (4) his son, Kutub-ud-din (Qutb-ud-din Ahmad Shāh); (5) Daud (Da'ūd) and (6) Mabmdd (Mahmud I), second son of Muhammad Shah.
Thus our inscription leaves out Nos. (4) and (5), viz., Kutub-ud-din, son of Muhammad Shāh, and Daud, a brother of the latter (No. 3) and an uncle of the former (No. 4). But it does take note of Mahammada (called by the Muslim historians "Muhammada ")-& name which was bestowed upon Tätär Khăn by his father Zafar Khăn before the latter proceeded to Delhi. This event, however, took place when Zafar Khan was still a governor under the Delhi emperors and not an independent ruler of Gujarat. Our inscription seems to refer to Mahammada in that capacity when it calls him Mahipati, though it is possible that this title merely recalls the short period of Mahammada's sovereignty referred to above. The latter inference is all the more probable because the inscription besides giving him the epithet Mahipati does not credit him with any conquests.
But it is not in our inscription alone that the names Kutub-ud-din and Daud are omitted. They are not found also in two Arabic inscriptions one of Mahmūd himself and the other from Bãi Harir's well. They are missing also in the legends on the silver coins of Mahmud. Moreover, these inscriptions refer to Muhammad (Tātār Khan), son of Muzaffar Shāh, as Muhammad Shāh, implying thereby that he was one of the independent Sultans of Gujarat.
Two other points in the genealogy of the present record are worth noting. (1) Though Ahammada (No. 3) and Mahamuda (No. 5) were the sons of Nos. 2 and 4 respectively, they are not explicitly called so as Nos. 2 and 4 are called the sons of Nos. 1 and 3 respectively. They are merely introduced with the words "in the family were born...". (2) The names of Kutub-ud-din and Daud are omitted from tbe list. The omission of Daud may be understood because his reign was very brief; moreover, he was not the direct descendant. But Kutub-ud-din was the eldest son of Mahammada and had a glorious, though brief, reign of about 7 years, 12 and the reason for his omission in the epigraphs cannot be easily explained. It is possible that
1 Vol. III, pp. 295 fl. and p. 711.
History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power (Tr. from the Persian by Briggs), Vol. IV, pp. 1 and 9; though on pp. 8-9 Firishta does cite a historian according to whom Muzaffar Shah himself, before proceeding to Delhi, conferred upon his son the title Gheias-cod-Dowla-ood-Deen Mohamed Shah'.
Tr. by Faridi, p. 7: he also says that Zafar Khan had invested Tatar Khan with the title of Nasirudin Muhammad Shah. But this was before Zafar Khăn declared his independence.
• Tr. by Bird, pp. 185, 197, 201-02. • Zafar-ul-Walih bi Muzaffar wa Alih (ed. Ross), pp. 1, 3, 14, 909 (900 Vol. III, Index). . See the authorities cited in notes above.
* Briggs, op. cit., p. 9; Faridi, op. cit., p. 8. Bird, op. cit., p. 179 (according to Firishta, Tatár Khan im Prisoned his father and assumed the title of Mohammed Shah); Ross, op. cit., p. 904 gives his name as Muhammad Khin, and Tatár Khan as his title.
• Ep. Indo-Mos., 1929-30, p. 4.
Ind. And, Vol. IV, p. 367. 10 Ste Catalogue of the Coins in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, Sultans of Gujarat, p. xxi.
110. H. L. Vol. III, pp. 301-303; Brigge, op. cit., pp. 37-44; Faridi, op. cit., p. 41; Ross, op. cit., pp. 14,200. 15).
11 It cannot be that he died in suspicious circumstances, because his father Muhammad also died in similar giroprestanoes (Brigg, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 36), though the Cambridge History of India (Vol. II, p. 301) says that he died of severe illuess.

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the inclusion of Muhammad I and the omission of Kutub-ud-din and Daud in all the epigraphs - Sanskrit and Arabic-of Mahmūd's reign may be with a certain motive which we do not know. But it is difficult to say that all of them derived their information from the same source which was not as exhaustive as those of the historians we know of, because Daud and Kutub-ud-din were the immediate predecessors of Mahmud and thus not so far removed from him that the family records would forget them. On the contrary the family records are likely to possess much more information about them than outsiders should- and that perhaps accounts for the divergent genealogies of the epigraphs and the historians.
Further historical information we can gather from this record is that Muzaffar Shāh is called Mudāphara and Nripaprabhu. This latter epithet perhaps implies the establishment of the independent kingdom of Gujarāt in A.D. 1396 acquired by that Sulţăn by severing his allegiance to the Delhi emperors. The capital of this kingdom was Pattana, the ancient Aņahilapattana of the Chaulukyas of Gujarat (c. 960-1300 A.D.). His previous conquest over Farhatul-Mulk, the disobedient governor of Gujarāt and other kings of the neighbouring provinces, while still a governor under the Delhi Emperor Muhammad Shah seems to be referred to by the words ngipakulam-akhilam yo vijity=ādhitasthau.
Mudāphara's son Mahammada is merely called a Mahipati. In absence of any other details this epithet does not mean much, and in reality Mahammada did not succeed his father, nor many exploits are credited to him by historians, hence the unembellished epithet seems to be justified.
After Mahammada comes Ahammada. He is said to be born to adorn the earth, and one who was omniscient (and knew) the essence of all religions, worldly things and thoughts. Further, not only did he afflict by his prowess and conquer the lord of Malava but took his land as well as wealth. History bears out, to some extent, the truth of these words of praise for Ahmad. As to the other praises, Ahmad may well be called an " ornament of the earth” because he was one of the first great Sultāns of Gujarat and consolidated his dominions and founded the city of Ahmadābād, though, strange to say, there is no reference to this city among his achievements, but it is perhaps referred to only incidentally in verse 20.
Ahammada was really an eyesore to the King of Mālavas, who, we know from the Muslim historians, was Hūshang Shāh. Twice, in 1411 and 1418, he repulsed the invasions of Hūshang on Gujarāt. Not content with this he himself invaded Mälwå in 1419, but was only successful in defeating and compelling Hüshang to take refuge in the fort of Māndū. Once again he invaded Mālwä in 1422 when Hüshang had gone to raid Orissa, but did not succeed in capturing Mandü. The result of these invasions was not very fruitful. Ahmad could only plunder and devastate the outlying territory of Malwa, but not annex it to that of Gujarat. Epigraphical reference to the seizure of the country of Mālava,' therefore remains unconfirmed by other historical sources.
• 1 For details bee O. H. I., Vol. III, pp. 294-95.
* For details see ibid., and Briggs, op. cit., IV, pp. 4-10 and Faridi, op. cit., pp. 5-7; 9-10; Bird, op. cit., p. 177.
See below n. 7. • Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 16, 18; Faridi, op. cit., pp. 13-15; C. H. I., Vol. III, pp. 296-7. . Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 21-22; Faridi. op. cit., pp. 16-17. • Brigus, op. cit., pp. 22-25; Faridi, op. cit., p. 18; 0. H. I., Vol. III, p. 296.
* Expressed by jagraha tad-dela-dhanamh cha paschål; but if this expression is dissolved as lad-décaanya dhanan and not as & Duandva compound : tad-defan cha dhana cha, then it merely means that Ahammada seized the wealth of the country, i.e., plundered the country. For details see Briggs, op. cit., VOL IV, pp. 17, 26, 30 : Faridi, op. cit., pp. 14, 17, 19, 21; Bird, op. cit., p. 188; C.H.I., Vol. III, pp. 296-99. [Reo p. 223, n. 3.--Ed.]

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It is remarkable that the inscription is silent about some of the other warst of Ahmad, particularly with those of the Chūdāsama Chief of Girnar, King Nasir of Khandesh, Rājā of Chămpāner whom he made a vassal in 1422, and the Bahmani king, Ala-ud-din Ahmad of the Deccan.
About Ahammada's son, Mahammada, the inscription has not much to say and rightly so. For though he is credited with victories over Räjä Bir of Idar, Räni Kumbha of Mewär, and Räjä Gangadās of Champaner, some Muhammadan historians describe him as & coward who turned his back when attacked by Sultan Mahmud of Malwa and as a result of his cowardice was poisoned and killed by his wife at the instigation of some officers. Mahammada's one virtue was that he was exceedingly generous, for which he was called “Karim " by the Muslims.
Immediately after Mahammada, we are introduced to Mahamuda, omitting, as mentioned above, his two immediate predecessors. Mahamūda is popularly known as Mahmud Begarba (Gujarati Bēgado). The inscription says that he was nobles in warfare and further speaks something of Gyásaddina, and it is not clear whether it refers to Mahamüda or to some one in his family. If it does refer to Mahamuda then it is surprising to find this title, meaning "the Aid of the Faith” (Ghiyas-ud-din), given to Mahmūd, because the title given to him in his coins and inscriptions is usually Nasir-ud-duniya Wa-ud-din meaning "Defender of the Faith and the World," whereas Muhammad II, son of Ahmad I, alone is called by the epithet "Ghiyās-ud-din " in his coin legends.11
Unfortunately there are some breaches in the lines dealing with his wars, which make it difficult to identify them in all cases. Verse 8 says something about Mahmud's relation with the Lord of the South' and the Chief of Damana (?) and his subjugation of the earth (?) till the Raivata. The first reference seems to be the help that Mahmud gave to Nizam Shah, the King of the Deccan against the two attacks of Mahmud Khilji of Mālwā in 1462 and 1463. The second reference appears to relate to the submission of the King of Pārdi, near Daman, to Mahmud in 1464.13
The mention of Raivata, that is, Mt. Girnar at Junagarh, has reference, perhaps, to the first invasion of that state by Mahmud in 1466, when its chief Rao Māndalik was compelled to pay tribute and to discontinue even the insignia of royalty.14 The next verse says that Mahmud conquered that impregnable fort (!) of Junagarh (Jirpa) and to commemorate this victory, the moun. tain Raivata itself was made a pillar of victory. This implies the final conquest of the Juna
1 See C. H. I., Vol. III, pp. 296-99. * See below, p. 217, n. 4. .C.H.I., Vol. III, pp. 300-01 ; Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 36; Faridi, op. cit., pp. 23-24. See below, p. 217, n. 4.
Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 36; Faridi, op. cit., p. 26 attributes this action to one Sayad. • In Mirdit-j-Silandars, p. 23, it is said that he earned for himself the name of "Gold Giver ".
Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 38, "Kurreem or the Merciful ". Cf. Bird, op. cit., p. 196, "Zir. Baksh". See below, p. 217 and Firishta, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 69-70.
Catalogue, Sultan of Gujarat, p. xil. 1 Ep. Indo-Mos., 1929-30, pp. 3-5; Rer. List, p. 263. u Catalogu., op. cit., p. Ixi.
11.0.H.I., Vol. III, pp. 804-06; Briggs, op. cit., pp. 49-51 ; Faridi, op. cit., pp. 60-62; Bird, op. cit., p. 206 mentions one encounter (1461-2) only; Rosa, op. cit., p. 17.
1Ibid., p. 305; not mentioned in Bird, ibid. ; Briggs, op. cit., p. 51 does not mention Daman but refers to & march between Gujarat and Konksy in 1465; Faridi, op. cit., p. 52 mentions & march against the Barodar mountains and the conquest of rock fortress; Ross, op. cit. p. 18, mention the conquest of Bardu," on hiutop overlooking Daman".
140. H. I. Vol. III, p. 306; Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 52, places the first invasion in 1469: Faridi, op. cit., pp. 63-64 and Bird, op. cit., place it in about 1467; Rom, op. cit., p. 19.

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garh fort, and the annexation of Sorath to Gujarat, in December 1470.1 Muslim historians further tell us that the King of Girnar was compelled to surrender. He then accepted Islam, and was given the title of Khan Jahān. At the foot of the hill Mahmud founded the city of Mustafābäd, which became one of his capitals and also a favourite residence."
Verses 10-12 tell us that Mahmud then took Champaka(padra ?), i.e., modern Chămpaner, conquered the fort of Pāvaka, i.e., Pāvägarh, captured its chief alive and ruled in that city. Here we have an allusion to the principal events in the final conquest of Champāner and its hill fortress Pāvāgarh by Mahmūd. Champāner held a strategic position between Malwi and Gujarat. Its rulers were Rājputs of the Chauhān clan,' and the only Hindu principality near the Gujarat capital. So whenever the King of Malwā wanted to attack Gujarāt he first instigated the Chief of Chămpāner, or when the latter felt aggrieved he himself harassed the Gujarat Sultans by plundering their territory. Skirmishes and even serious battles had often taken place in the past between these two neighbours, but none of the Sultans before Mahmūd could conquer Pāvā. garh and subdue its chiefs for long.
Mahmud was aware of the rebellious deeds of the Champāner chief, who was perhaps Jayasimha, but he did not get a suitable opportunity to attack that kingdom. He got this in 1482 when one of his governors, Malik Sūdha, in charge of the country neighbouring Chămpaner was killed by Patāi, the Rājā of that kingdom. Enraged by this action he invaded Champåner, occupied it and built a mosque there. Patãi thereafter took shelter in Påvägarh, to which Mahmud laid siege. This lasted for 21 months and at the end of which the fort was stormed by & strategy. Betrayed by this the Rajputs who were already reduced to their last straits, performed jauhar burning alive the women (to this a reference seems to have been made by the inscription), and marched forth to give an open battle to the Muslims. It is said that all of them were slain, but Rājā Patāi and a minister named Dungarsi were captured alive. Mahmūd was pleased with their courage and brave defence and after they were cured of their injuries in war, they were asked to embrace Islam. On their refusal to do so Mahmud imprisoned them, and gave them time to think over his offer. But when they persisted in their resolve not to become Muslims,
1 Ibid., pp. 305-06; p. 55; p. 57 and p. 209 in 1472) respectively. * Ibid., pp. 306-07 : p. 56, p. 57, p. 209 and pp. 20, 25, 26 respectively.
• According to an inscription of Jayasimha V. S. 1525, Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 2. See also Rawlinson, Ras Mala, Vol. I, p. 357; Bomb. Gaz., Vol. III, p. 304; Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 66. They are now represented by the rulers of the Chhota Udepur and Devgad Baris States.
• He was ruling at Pāvakadurga (according to the inscription cited in the note above) in V. S. 1525 and was perhaps still the ruler of the place when Mahmud attacked it. In fact verse 21 of our inscription does speak of one Jayadeva, and, I believe, these two are identical kings. For their names tally very closely with Jeysingh' who according to the authors of the Tabakåt-i-Akbari (as cited by Bird, op. cit., p. 212) and Miral-i-Sikandari (Faridi, op. cit., p. 59) was the King of Champāner whom Mahmûd defeated. Moreover, the name of his father and forefathers as mentioned in the inscription and by the Muslim historians aloo tally. Thus: Inscription of Jayasimha of V. S. 1525.
Muslim Historians. : - Virsingh (Tabakat-i-Akbari); perhape contemporary of
Ahmad Shah. Trimbaka bhupa . . . . = Trimbakdās (Mirat-i-Sikandars, pp. 15-17); also contem
porary of Ahmad Shāh. Gangarājēkvara . . . . = Gangadās (Mirat-i-Sikandari, pp. 24 and 30); contem.
porary of Kutb-ud-din. Other chroniclers (for instance, Firishta, Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 66) call him 'Beny Ray'; Faridi, op. cit., PP. 65-67, also calls him Råwål Patāi'; Bird, op. cit., p. 212, calls him Rawal Tuppai'; Bayley, Local Wuhanmadan Dynasties, Gujarat (1896), p. 211, TM Rai Patăi". From this it appears that the chiefs of Champåner were known as Raya, as the kings of other Chahamana or Chauhan families were called 'Patăi' seems to be the contraction, as Watson has rightly said Inl.nl., Vol. VI, p. 2), of the word 'Pāwāpati'or the lord of Pawi.

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[VOL. XXIV.
they were executed at the end of five months.1 And after that Mahmud founded the city of Muhammadābād and a fort around it called Jahan panah.
The purport of verses 13-15 seems to be that Imadala was appointed to govern (?) (this newly acquired) province.
The next few verses continue to speak of Malika Imädala, his conquest of Pallidesa and the construction of a fortress there. A reference to the same fort, built by the orders of Imädala as well as to the excavation of (two) tanks seems to be contained in verse 19. This Pallidesa seems to be, as shown below, some part of the Godhra District and not the famous district of this name in Rajputana.
Verse 20 speaks of a well, apparently caused to be dug by Imādala, at Ahammadapura, which probably refers to Ahmadabad and not to Ahmadnagar.
Verse 21 again tells us that Imadala constructed an excellent fort and an artificial lake [at Champakapura (Champaner) ?] with the consent of (?) Mahamuda Shah. The former perhaps refers to the outer wall and special fortification that Mahmud ordered to be built round Chimpaner.
Verses 22 and 25 mention the lord of Bagula, called Jayadeva in v. 22, and the complete destruction of his forces by Imadala. Verse 23 mentions the conquest of Rayadurga or the fort of the Raya (king),' probably belonging to the same ruler. Verse 24, however, again speaks of the destruction and capture of a fort. Now, it is not quite clear whether all these verses refer to the same conquest of the Pavägarh Chief, whose name was Jayadeva and who is to be identified with the Jayasimhadeva of the Pävägarh inscription, or Jayadeva, the lord of Bāgūla, was a person different from the Chief of Pavägarh. The only point in favour of accepting the first suggestion is the use of the word digvijaya in v. 23. The victory over Pāvāgarh may have been considered a digvijaya (world-conquest), as it was not accomplished so far by any of the Gujarat Sultāns; and it was, further, the last Hindu kingdom which had remained independent so far. It cannot be argued that the conquest of Champakapura has once been referred to, and a further detailed reference is not expected as we find the mention of Pavaka again in v. 25. This question, however, cannot be satisfactorily decided till Bägüla remains unidentified. It may have been another name of the tract over which the Champaner Chief ruled possibly due to a confusion with the name of the adjacent territory known as Vagaḍa or it may be the same as Baglan, which was a petty Rajput State between Gujarat and the Deccan. There is, however, no reference to a victory over Bāgūla' in Muslim chronicles.
Verse 26 which is only partly legible, speaks of the beautiful fort at Dadhipadra, modern Dohad, probably built by Imadala Mulaka in Šaka 1401 and Vikrama 1545. Line 21, however, seems to refer to its repair by Imadala Malika on a particular day, the details of which are obliterated.
1 C. H. I., Vol. III, pp. 309-10; Faridi, op. cit., pp. 66-67; Firishta, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 66-70; Ross, op. cit., pp. 27-31.
For details see p. 221 below. For details see p. 219 below.
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. i, p. 247 and Bird, op. cit., p. 212; Bayley, citing Tabakat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 210. It is strange that there is no reference to this in Mirat-i Sikandari, which is usually followed by the author of Mirat-i-Ahmadi; C. H. I., Vol. III, p. 612 and pl. XXV. A note in Bayley, op. cit., p. 212, says that "this appears to have been an upper citadel; apparently the remains of the upper fort now existing are of Muhammadan construction, and are attributed to Mahmud Bigarha, who is said to have named the citadel Man Mahesh". See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. III, p. 190.
South and perhaps contiguous to the Pallideéa (modern Godhrā tālukā) of the inscription. For details see pp. 220-21 below.

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Verse 26 seems to give us a totally new information. None of the Muslim historians attributes the construction of or repairs to a fort at Dadhipadra (Dohad) to Mahmud or to any of his friends whose deeds are described at length by the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari.1
The inscription, it will be found, records all the important conquests of Mahmud till about A.D. 1490, the date of the record, but omits Mahmud's expeditions to Sind and Jagat (Dwarka) in A.D. 1472 and 1473 respectively."
The inscription, in lines 11, 13, 15-17, 20 and 21, refers to the deeds of a person designated as (1) Imādala, (2) Imādala Malika, (3) "Vira " Imādala, (4) Imādala Mulaka and (5) Imädala Malika respectively.
The context in which the first is mentioned is not clear. He seems to have been entrusted with the protection of a country', probably the newly acquired country of Champaner. The second, Malika Imadala, conquered Pallīdēsa and built a fort there. The third built a fort at Champakapura; whereas Imadala Mulaka, the fourth, made a gift (in connexion with the fort at Dadhipadra). The last, Malika Imädala, repaired the same (?) fort in his possession (malikim?).
From the context it appears that all these deeds were performed by one and the same person, namely, Imadala Mulaka, which are described chronologically in the inscription-from the time of his appointment to protect a country' to his repairing a fort at Dadhipadra in Saka 1410.
This Imadala Mulaka may be identified with Imad-ul-Mulk, which was a designation for the post resembling premiership. During Mahmud's regime there were three such 'Imäd-ulMulks': (1) Imad-ul-Mulk Sha'ban, (2) Imäd-ul-Mulk Haji Sultāni, and (3) his son Buda. It was the first who helped Mahmud to fight the conspiracy at the time of his accession to the throne; while Buda must be the person who assisted Mahmud in his conquest of Champaner, etc., and who built and repaired the fort of Dadhipadra (Dohad), because his father, Haji Sultāni had died just before the invasion of Champaner.
The inscription refers to the following places: Ahammadapura, Champaka (padra), Champakapura, Dadhipadra; (the lords of) Gurjara, Mälavaka, Damana and Bāgüla; the forts of Pävaka and Jirna (?); and the mountain Raivataka.
The context in which Ahammadapura is mentioned is not clear, nevertheless it probably refers to the city of Ahmadabad, founded by Ahmad Shah on the site of the old city of Asawal, and not to Ahmadnagar, (also built by him"), because Mahmud is not credited with the construction of any building at Ahmadnagar, while at the former city he erected a number of splendid edifices and surrounded it with a wall and bastions just after the conquest of Champaner.
Champaka(padra) or Champakapura is the modern Champaner, the ancient splendour of which is vividly described by historians. 10 There are still some ruins of the buildings constructed
1 See Faridi, op. cit., pp. 78-88; Bayley, op. cit., pp. 238 ff. This historian, however, mentions one ' Imäd-ulMulk Malik 'Ain who built 'Ain parah, "one of the most beautiful of the suburbs of Ahmadābād ". But as Dadhipadra is to be definitely identified with Dohad this information does not help us much.
C. H. I., Vol. III, pp. 306-07.
According to the kind suggestion of my friend, Mr. Gyani, of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. See C. H. I., Vol. III, pp. 304 and 309.
See C. H. I., Vol. III, p. 309.
• Ibid., p. 300.
Bird, op. cit., p. 190.
C. H. I., Vol. III, p. 612.
Cf. Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 70, "at this period".
10 Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, pp. 241 and 242.

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by Mahmūd at Chāmpāner. Of these-the walls of the citadel, its bastions and gateways, custom house, mosques and tombs-the finest is the Jāmi Masjid.?
Dadhipadra is identified with Dohad, and literally means a village (padra) on the Dadhi. The latter may be identified with the river Dadhimati, on which Dohad now stands. Dadhipadra is also mentioned in the inscriptions of Jayasimha and Kumārapāla found at Dohad.
Our inscription settles the question regarding the construction of the fort at Dohad, which was left vague by the Muslim historians. The author of the Mirät-i-Ahmadi, for instance, says at one place that Ahmad Shāh built a fort in the market town of Dahmod, among the mountains ;" while at another places the construction of the fortifications at Dohad is credited to Muzaffar II. But it appears from the account of the author of the Mivät-i-Sikandarī that Dahmod and Dohad refers to one and the same place and that the fort at Dohad was built by Ahmad I. while the same was repaired by Muzaffar on his way to Malwa in about 1514.7
From the context in which the fort at Dadhipadra occurs in our inscription it appears that a fort was already there (perhaps built by Ahmad I as shown above), but it was in ruins and was subsequently repaired in the reign of Mahmud I by Malika Imädala.
As I have mentioned before, the country of Bāgūla may be the same as Buglana mentioned by Firishta10 or Bāglāna by Abul Fazl and others.11 According to the former, it was a district contiguous to Surat '; according to the latter, it was a mountainous, well-peopled country between Surat and Nandarbar. These descriptions correspond to one of the subdivisions of the modern Nasik District 12 known as Bäglän. Muslim historians tell us that the chiefs of this place belonged to a Rashtrakūta family, perhaps identical with that of the Rathods of Kanauj; and that their hereditary title was Baharji-which may be the same as Baaurah, a family name of the ruling house of Kanauj, according to Masudi. They also mention that the country had seven forts, two of which, viz., Mulher and Säler, were places of unusual strength.15
From very early times Bäglān was a half-way house between the Deccan and the Gujarat coast. At the end of the 13th century it had given protection to its overlord Karņa, the last Hindu ruler of Gujarat. Later it was always a bone of contention between the Sultāns of Gujarat
For description of this and other buildings see Arch. Sur. West. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 41 and pls. LVI, LVIII, LXI and XIV; and C. H. I., Vol. III, pp. 612-13 and pl. XXV.
+ Mythologically the town was called Dudhipuranagara after the temple of Dudhēsvara Mahādēva on the banks of the river Dadhimatt. The latter was so named in honour of the sage Dadhichi who lived there. As shown above Dadhipadra is the most natural etymology of the name : Dudhipuranagara seems to be a later attempt to show the antiquity of the Siva temple at the place.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 159. • Bird, op. cit., p. 190.
Ibid., p. 222. * Faridi, op. cit.. p. 17. Cf." fortified a thana at Dohad, which was among the hills". * Ibid., p. 96. • Cf. Dadhipadrē ruchirataram durggan rai in l. 19. . Cf. uddharēt in 1. 21. 10 Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 19 and 30.
11 Ain-i-Alari (Gladwin), Vol. II, p. 73 first cited in the Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XVI, p. 188; Vol. VII, p. 65; ibid., p. 189.
1: Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XVI, p. 399.
11 Maasiru-l-omara (Memoirs of the Nobles) cited in Bird, op. cit., p. 122. But its other statement that the Zamindar held the ... country for fourteen hundred years is doubtful.
16 As suggested in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XVI, p. 184, note 8.
15 Many of them exist even now; cf. ibid., p. 400: " Most of the ridges are crowned by perpendicular ledgos of rock, and the tops of many are fortified, the chief being Sāler in Baroda territory in the extreme west and Mulber about 10 miles east of Säler."

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and those of the Deccan, now owned by the former and now by the latter, and at times independent. Our inscription seems to refer to its one of such conquests by the Sultans of Gujarāt (before it was subdued in about 1487 by the brothers Malik Wagi and Malik Ashraf, the governors of Daulatābād), which is not mentioned by Muslim historians.
The context in which Pallidõba is mentioned (1. 13) is not clear. It appears, however, that a fort was built there by Imādala. Now there is a place called Pāli in the Godhrā tālukā,' which seems to preserve the name of the ancient Pallidēša. The reason for identifying with this Pāli and not with the famous place and district of that name in Rājputāna is that the context favours it. In conquering Chāmpāner Mahmud must have conquered the territory now comprised by the modern Godhrā tālukā, (then known as Pallīdēša), while no conquests are credited to Mahmud in Rājputāna, unless it be the proposed invasion of Sanchor and of Jalor in Mārwār, entrusted to Imád-ool-Moolk and Keisur Khān with a view to levying tribute " on the rājās of Julwara and Aboogur." But it is doubtful if this invasion took place at all. Godhrā, on the contrary, is known as a separate province under Mahmud. Its governor was Kowam-ool-Moolk. How ever, the reference to the building of a fort in this country cannot be explained at present.
The Păvakadurga (1.9) is to be identified with the hill fort of Pāvāgarh "about 25 miles south of Godhrã and by road 29 miles east of Baroda,''s in the Panch Mahāls District of the Bombay Presidency. It is also called by this name in an inscription of its rulers mentioned above.
Before Mahmūd, Ahmada Shāh and his son Mahammad Shāh had attempted to take this fort but had failed. After a protracted siege Mahmud succeeded in storming and forcing open its gates in November 1484. It is said that on gaining possession of the hill Mahmud strengthened the defences of the upper and lower forts' and built there a city called Mahmūdābād which was known as Mahmüdābād Champāner. Our inscription perhaps refers to these deeds of Mahmud by merely saying that he ruled in that city.
Jirna(durga) is not to be identified with the modern Junāgarh, but it is to be identified with one of the forts at the place mentioned by the Muhammadan historians and also noticed in other epigraphs. According to these, in the 15th century there were two forts10 and a city. The latter was presumably called Girinagara'l as it was in the past in the 2nd and 8th centuries A.D. respectively. The fort within the city, on the outskirts of the Damodar Ghātu and on the rising slope of the Gimnār (or the mountain Raivata), was known as Jirņadurga' or
See Rev. List, Ant. Rem. Bom. Pres., p. 98.
* In Jodhpur State ; see Rajputana Gazetteer, (Imp. Gaz. of India, Provincial Serios), p. 203. Hēmachandra mentions one Pallidēša in his Duyasraya-mahakavya, sarga XX, v. 33. But, probably, this too, is identical with the country of that name in Rājputāna.
• Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 64; C. H. I., Vol. III, p. 309; Bayley, op. cit., p. 206. • Briggs, op. cit., p. 62. • Bomb. Gaz., Vol. III, p. 185, n. 1. • See above p. 217, notes 3 and 4. ? For a plan of the hill and the fort of Pāvāgad, see Bomb. Gaz., Vol. III, p. 196. • Firishta, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 7; Bird, op. cit., p. 212; Faridi, op. cit., p. 67. C.H.I., Vol. III, p. 310.
Bird, op. cit., p. 212. 10 See Faridi, op. cit., p. 52 and p. 54; Bird, op. cit., p. 208.
11 Cf. Briggs. (Firishta), op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 52-53, "Mahmood Shah........ towards the country of Gir. nal, the capital of which bears the same name."
12 Inscription of Rudradaman, above, Vol. VIII, p. 45. 13 Grant of Jayabhata, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 78, line 19. 14 Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 53.
I Chorwad Ins. of Malladēva, V. S. 1445, Rev. List, Ant. Remains, Bom. Pres., p. 250; abovo, Vol. XXI, Appendix. p. 103, No. 731. Hathaani Ins. of Mēhara chief Thēpaka, Ind. Ant., Vol. Xy, p. 380 ; above, Vol. XIX, Appendix, p. 98, n. 1.

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Jhimjharakõtal or Joonagarh presumably the modern Uparkot. Evidently it was a fortified palace, or a citadel, like the fortresses of the Mughals, probably built under the Chūdāsamā kings of Girnar. The second fort was situated higher up the mountain of which no traces now remain. The transference of the name Girinagara to the mountain (supressing the latter's ancient names Raivata and Urjayat) and that of the citadel Jirnadurga to the city--now known as Junagarh-probably took place after the 15th century.
Raivataka seems to be another name for the mountain Girnar. In one of the inscriptions found from the place the mountain is called Urjayat. Both of these names, however, are mentioned in the inscription of Skandagupta. Fleet identified Raivataka with one of the two hills of Girnar and not with Girnār proper. After this no epigraphical references are found, 80 far, till about 1300 A.D. Henceforward the inscriptions seem to identify Raivata with Ujjayanta.10 In early times therefore Raivata and Urjayanta might have been names of two different hills at Girnar, but in later times they came to be regarded as identical." The Raivataka in the present inscription therefore seems to refer to the hill on which there are temples, etc., and which is now known as Girnar.
TEXT.
Metres : vv. 1, 10, 26 Aryā; vv. 3, 11, 12, 16-18, 20, 22, 23 Anushļubh ; vv. 5, 6 Indravajrā; vy. 4, 13, 14, 15, 25 U pajati; v. 2 Sragdharā; vv. 7-9, 19, 21, 24 Sārdülavikridita.) 1 ........ 118 ... ... ! TEATafat a tear Hifi HET[6]T
PICTI & pfat fan[- _18 YIGHETTI(FTA) 18[w] et
[7] qugrafaat[:*) magRev. List, Ant., Remains, Bom. Pres., p. 361; Ins. No. 35, line 6. * Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 53.
* This is stylistically Ilindu, probably of the 13-14th century or even of an earlier period. See Arch. Sur. West. India, Vol. II, p. 94.
4 Cf. Firishta (Briggs, op. cit., Vol. IV. p. 63), "on a mountain.... the strongest fortress...."
Inscription of Rudradāman, above, Vol. VIII, p. 42. Gupta Inscriptions, C.1.1., Vol. III, p. 60.
* Ibid., p. 64, n. 1, "The hill opposite to Orjayat or Girnär"; whereas in the Bomb. Gaz., Vol. VIII, pp. 441. 42, it is said that Revatachal is the name of the hill iminediately over the Rēvata Kund (and also the Damodar Kund): that the hill was so called after Raja Rēvat, who after marrying his daughter Revati to Baladēva, bro ther of Krishna, came and resided at Girnar from Dwarka. Bhagavata Purana, skandha X, adhyaya 52, mentions part of this story. There Rēvata is called the lord of Anarta'. But it does not say that Révata went to Girnar and stayed there.
. Perhaps after the Giranära Mahatmya. See Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 239.
From Gujarät. Otherwise Raivataks is mentioned in the Jaunpur Stone Inscription of Isvara varman, Gupta Inscriptions, C.1.1., Vol. III, p. 230.
16 See Ins. No. 14 found in the temple of Nēminátha, Rev. List, Ant. Rem., Bom. Pres., p. 355 and Chor. wad Ins. of Malladeva, op. cit., p. 250. In an inscription of a Mardaliks king both of them are mentioned but it is not clear whether they are the same or different. See op. cit., pp. 347-48.
11 Cf. Bomb. Gar., Vol. VIII, p. 441, " The Jains sometimes incorrectly apply the name Revatāchal to the Girnar."
12 Probably there was a symbol at the beginning.
11 The top loop of 6 and the stroke of r are faintly visible on the impression; the word preceding it may have been evaats.
Read Kasmira. 1. Should be sami. The scribe has used the correct form in line 3. 10 The previous two syllables may have contained some wuch verbal form as vakahyl.-Ed.] 17 Only the 4 of Ge is now left.

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2 [यै] कदेश[:] श्रीमान(न्) शौर्यादिसारैर्नुपकुलमखिल(ल) यो विजित्याधि[तस्थौ ।
पश्चात् श्रीपत्तनेस्मिन् प्र[व]रगुण ~ - - रकौतियशस्वी मानी भूपाल
मौलिवरमुकटमणि वौरविख्यातमू3 [तिः ।][1] २[*] श्रीमान् वीरोभवत् शाहिमुदाफरनृपप्रभुः । तत्पुत्रो वौरवि
[ख्या तो महम्मदमहीपतिः ।[1] [[*] तस्यान्वये - ~-प्रसूतः प्रताप
संतापितमालवेशः । वीरः सदा श्रीमदहम्मदेंद्रो 4 राजा महीमंडलमंडनाय [*] [0*] यः सर्वधर्मार्थविचारसारसर्वत्र[शद्धो नृप]वंश
जातः । जित्वा महीं मालवकाधिपस्व जग्राह तद्देश धनं च पश्चात् ।[1].
५[॥*] तस्मात्यु नभूमिपतिः प्रधानवी5 [*] सदा साहमहम्मदोभूत् । दाता जगजीवनजातकौर्ति [र्यस्य प्रभावो) विदितः पृथिव्या(व्याम् ) [*] , [n*] साहश्रीमहमूदवौरवृपतिः श्रोग्यास[दीन]प्रभोविख्यातः
- उदारचरि
6 तो जातोन्वये वीर्यवान् । यो राज्यादधि[क] ~ - पपदवी - - घदामेन वै करणे
विक्रमभूपतिं च जितवान् शास्त्रार्थसारे गुरु[:] [*] [*] राज्यं प्राप्य निर्ज प्रसंव' [वद]
7 नो दातातिवीर्यान्वितः पश्चाद(ह)क्षिणदिक्पतिं खनगरे सं - जित्वा' रिपं ।
[तप्तो वै] (द)मनाधिपस्य सकलं देशं समं भूधरै!त्वा श्रीमहमूदसाहनृपतिबके मतिं
8 [रैवते [*][॥*] तो शुंगनगेंद्रसंगतभटान् वीच्यादरण [स्वयं] युद्धं चाहता
विक्रमं [स कृतवान्] भूप(प:) स्वसेनाजनैः । जित्वा दुर्गमशेषवैरिसहितं यो जीर्ण संसं - कौर्तिस्तंभमि
1 The reading is doubtful. * The r stroke should be on the following letter vi. Read manir-vira. *[The reading is almost clearly tad-vefma dhanan cha.--Ed.] • These three letters are obliterated. [Reading seems to be ava-gunairandara-.-Ed.] .[Intended readings may be dānena and Gurum.-Ed.] • The anusvåra over sa is superfluous; it may be a flaw in the stone.
[Probably we have to restore aadikpateleva-nagark sankhyl sha jitva.--Ed.] · [The reading seems to be correctly tatr-Ottunga.-Ed.]
The letters road sam sam prati, which yields no sense. (Reading seems to be puna(nad).-Ed.]
Jiranasainjaath

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__ है कार बपतिस्तदैवतं पर्वत(तम्) [1][*] चंपक --'पश्चात् सं --
वैरिकलकुदाल:"], जित्वा पावक[दुर्ग] पिचा कई प्रतापतापूर्व (वम्) [*] • [.']
महमूदमहोपालप्रतापनेव पावकं । प्रविमा वालित 10 [सर्व] वैरिवंदं पतंगवत् [][*] जीवंतं तत्पतिं बा ] दुर्ब [नौ]त्वा महा
बलं । चकार तत्पुरे राज्य महमूदमहौखर[] [[1][*] सात्वा गुणे[:]
कर्मभिरप्युदारैरतं कुलीनं नृपवंशजातं । मुख्य चका11 रात्मग्टहे महोगः म सेवके [भ्यो]धिकमान दानः [*]९३[n*] पचादिमि] सेवक[भ]
कवीरमिमादल कार्यकर विदित्वा पा- --- सदातिशूरं सदवाक्य.
-- देशरक्षा(चाम्) [1]१४[*] [पा]12 मौरवंशे नृपतिप्र[धा]न(नः) - - . मोभूदतुलप्रतापः । स-इव या सं(सां ?)
नागरीतं - सूयते - - - चारुकीर्तिः 10"][i] तस्मात् संबस
बोज --- मक्षिस चितो 13 मा(भी) प्रतापवान(न्) वीर(गे) विख्यात[:] पुण्यकर्मणि" [1][i] मह[मूदामही
पालसेवाप्रौढप्रतापवान् ] दानवीरविरं जीयाभलिकोई(१)मादलः ।।"]
१७[*] पनौदेशाधिकारं च पुण्यं पुख्यम14 तिस्तदा दुष्टारिदये राज्य' दुर्मामेनं चकार वे [][0"] [येनादौ] . गर्मिकोलवत पर्व पण्यखलन सर्वे
- - - - - । कासारंदचोद 16 व मनसोबासेन निष्पादितं सोयं वीर इमादलेंद्रिन्टप तिर्दा चवारोत्तम(मम्)
[1] १८[m] महम्मदपुरांतस्थ: कूपो यस्य विराजते । जगजीवनदानेन बधीराविमिवोहान् [*]२. [*] य[:] श्री.
* It may be pallydr or padyith; the former is improbable because place names with the ending palli are not met with in later Gujarkt inscriptions, though in this very inscription Pallocourts complete name of a place, and as will be mentioned in a note on it. Pallidita is also mentioned by Hēmachandra in his Duyafraya-kavya. Even in the case of earlier insoriptiona, a few cases that are available are limited to the Traikitaka, Rashtraküte, Valabbl and Western Chalukya inscriptions. [The reading, however, appears to be Chawpaka-puryyah.-Ed.]
* The sense is not clear and the reading is doubtful.
A superfluous anwendra is seen over má ofna. TOn the impression the reading looks like alba.-Ed.]
[Reading seems to be .. hvaya (samprati sägar-axtarh ya(yad).-Ed.)
• The reading according to Dr. Chhabrain Tamajjausainijant- Jhilaj-kshitas I [layer pratapandna(n) oira(78) vikkyata[J punya-barmmani !!
[The correct reading is ballarla for salyam.-Ed.)
The sense is not clear tow letters of this line are illegible. (Reading may be bdare-drayonidaripa. Ed.]

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16 ममहसूदमाहरूपया श्रोचंपकास्ये पुरे
18
BHOPAL PLATES OF THE MAHAKUMARA HARICHAMDRADEVA.
20
]
17 रोत्तमं (मम्) |[*]११[४] बागूलाधिपतिर्यस्य जयदेवो म ट मिषैर्निन्ये लूषजोवशिर [ : * ] स्वयं (यम् ) |[ । *] २२ [ । * हत्वा दिग्विजयोदयं । रायदुखी समजवत् बोसो वीर ( रावल) बेधनेन सकलं तर तथा
-
21
योन्मूलन' । सानंदेन चकार मानससम प्रमादद्रन्टपति चका
19 पादिदी' [*]२४ [ ॥ *] बागूल*] भूपालवलं पूर्ववि[द्य]भर्त्ता किं वर्ण्यते
22
[1] ..
तत्राशेषा[वि]पून् हत्वा मादलः [[1*]२२ [*]
लि
विमुक्त गोलक
गणैः । गये संहत्य पूर्वी [*] दुर्गा पू[] बलो विजित्य सबल प्रोद्यखतापेन यो धर्मद्दारमिद प्रहारसहितं त
१३
[को]तिविवर्धनं सुविपुलं तापचसत्पुष्करं भूतले सोयं वीर
7
-
-
1 [Probably to be restored as punayan. Ed.]
= Letters effaced.
यः पावके दधिपढ़ें (द्रे) रुचिरतरं दुर्ग वे दुःसह । श्रीमदिमादनमुलको दान
सुंदर
॥२५
[n*] श्रीनृपविक्रमाक्क (मांक) समयातीत संवत् १५४५० वर्षे शाके १४०९०° प्रवर्त्तमाने वैशाष (ख) दि
225
-
प्रह][ [य] प्रच] कभूमीवरकालकर्त्ता । चास्य जयस्य वार्त्ता ॥२५ [ ॥ * ]
शुभ दिने मलिक बोरमादल मलिकिं दु उचरे[त्]® • [ चीरस्तु जे गढ पोलिनी पारी से वंतरी"
तिस
No. 30.-BHOPAL PLATES OF THE MAHAKUMARA HARICHAMDRADEVA.
BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., OOTACAMUND.
The following set of two copper plates was discovered about forty years ago by Dewan Seth Brij Mohon Dass, a leading banker of Bhopal, while digging the foundations of his house in Chowk Bazar, Bhopal, at the time of its re-erection and is in his possession at present. The plates are stated to have been found at a depth of about 20 feet, laid one above the other and nailed to the
3 Sense not clear.
[Reading seems to be tasmai krip-abdhir-dadau.-Ed.]
There appears a cipher between 154 and 5 which is perhaps a scratch in the stone itself.
• The zero before 10 is superfluous.
All these letters are effaced: probably they contained the date in the Hijra era.
8 Should be °m=uddharet.
The construction of this sentence beginning with je and ending with ramtari is identical with the relative clause in the Gujarati language. The letters je and li in polini look like the modern Gujarati letters. The sentence seems to contain a curse, as in many Silahāra and Yadava inscriptions, to the effect that he who would tamper with the fort (gach), would be a witch ( vaitari ) or afflicted by a rahtari, etc.

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ground. Nothing can therefore be said as to the place where they originally came from. Mr. M. Hamid, the Superintendent of Archaeology, Bhopāl State, very kindly sent me a set of excellent enlarged photographs of the plates to whom I also owe the details of the measurement, etc., of the plates and also of their discovery. Mr. Hamid bimself published an exhaustive note on the record in the Hindusthan Times, in its issue of 31st January, 1937. The charter is now edited here with the permission of Mr. Hamid and the consent of the owner of the plates which the former was good enough to get for me.
The plates are 114" long by 71" broad each, with a thickness of about t"at the edges which are fashioned thicker than the inscribed surfaces. The first plate weighs 3 lbs. but the weight of the second plate is only 2 lbs. Each plate has two holes for the passing of two rings with which they were originally held. Both the rings and the seal which was probably attached to one of them, are now missing. The Plates are inscribed on one side only, the obverse of the first and the reverse of the second plate being left blank. The first leaf contains 21 lines of writing and the second only 20. The second plate has the figure of a Garuda, kneeling and facing right, engraved in the middle between lines 8 and 14. The plates are well preserved. A portion at the end of the last line of the first plate was left uninscribed. The commencement of the second plate which apparently contained the götra of one of the donees is also illegible. It is doubtful if this portion also was at all engraved. With the exception of this the text of the whole record can be made out with certainty.
The characters are Nägari as prevalent in Central India and found in the records of the Paramāra rulers of Mālwā. In a few places va can hardly be distinguished from cha, e.g., -lava-chalam (1. 13). The final consonant has been indicated by a short slanting stroke at the bottom of the letters concerned, e.g., tām (1.1), -adin (1.8), pitrin (1. 11) and etat (1. 30). The language is Sanskrit and with the exception of two invocatory verses in ll. 1-3 and seven customary benedictory and imprecatory verses in 11. 15-16, 32-38 and 39-40 the rest of the record is in prose. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) has been denoted by the sign for v throughout; e.g., - savdão (1. 5), samvaddhah (1.7), wāhman (1. 8), etc.; (2) while has been used for & in many places, e.g., sirasā (ll. 1-2), Paramēsvara (11. 3, 4), prasasta (11. 5, 6), etc., & has been wrongly used for 8 only once in saptaman (1. 34); (3) though consonants in conjunction with a subscript r have never been doubled, those in conjunction with a superscript have very often been doubled, e.g., varmma (11. 3, 4, 5), chaturddasa (1.9); purnnimāyām, saruvao, parvuani (1. 10), harttavyā (1. 37), etc., the exceptions being samabhyarchya (1. 11), Gartēsvara (1. 17), pārthive (1.35), etc.; (4) anusvāra has often been used in place of the nasal of the same class, e.g., aindavin (1. 1), -āṁkura, tancamtu, kalpāṁta (1.2), parcha (1.5), mandale, chandra (1.7), etc. In a few places the signs of anusvāra and visarga and even whole syllables have been dropped, evidently due to the fault of the engraver. The writing, however, has on the whole been executed carefully. All the errors occurring in the text have been corrected by me either in the body of the text or in the footnotes accompanying it. Often a mark has been put by the scribe at the end of a line where the last word could not be fitted into it and had to be continued in the next, apparently to draw attention to the continuity.
As in the case of many Paramāra records, the present inscription opens with the phrases Om stasti and Srir=ijayobhyudayas-cha which are followed by two verses in praise of Siva. It then introduces the donor, the Mahākumāra Harichardradāva, who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds (samadhigata-pancha-mahāśabda) and who had acquired the victorious sovereignty through the favour of (prasād-āvāpta-vijay-ādhipaty) the Mahākumāra Trailokya. varmmadēva who had also obtained the privilege of the five great sounds. The latter is said

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to have meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paromi buara, the illustrious Yasovarmmadova, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P., the illustrious Naravarmmadava (11.3-7).
The object of the record is the grant by Harichardradova of the village Didarapedra belonging to Vikhilapadra-twelve and situated in the Mahädyādasaka mandala (L. 7). The village which was given with its suburbs on the east and the south (pürvua-dakshina-lala-dvayOpēta) was divided into 16 shares and given to 19 Brahmins, whose names and götras along with names of their fathers are given in the record. Of these donees, a list of whom is given in the table below, 13 received one share each and 6 half & share each. Two of the donees were related as father and son (Nos. 4 and 8) and the following as brothers : Nos. 3 and 11, 5 and 7, 6 and 12 and 14 and 16. The last two donees mentioned in the list were only pupils (vatuka).
The date of the record is given in words in 11. 9-10 as grimad-Vikrama-kül fitita-chaturddas(6)Adhika-dvādaśa-8a(ka)t-amta[h*]pāti-samvatsarė Känttiko(ka)-sudi pürnpimāyash samjāta-soma-grahana-sarvva-grāsa-parvvani, i.e., on the full moon day of Kärttika of the Vikrama year 1214, on the occasion of a complete eclipse of the moon. It regularly corresponds to Saturday, the 19th October, A. D. 1157 when there was a lunar eclipse. The grant was made by the ruler with the usual ceremonies after bathing in the river Vētrevati and in presence of the god Bhāilasvamin.
If Mukhyādēsa is a proper name, he was the Dütaka of the grant. The record concludes with the sign-manual of the Mahākumāra Harichandradeva.
Of the rulers mentioned in the inscription, the P. M. P. Naravarmmadēva and the P. M. P. Yaśövarmmadēva are the well known Paramāra rulers of Mālwā. For Naravarmmadēva we have the latest date as V. S. 1190 in Ratnasūri's Life of Ammasvāmin. That he died in the same year is certain, as we find his son Yaśõvarman making a grant on V. S. 1191 Kārttika sudi 8 on the occasion of the death anniversary of his father." For Yaśõvarman we have the latest date A: V. S. 1199 if the reading of the date of the Jhālrapätan inscription is correct and if the record belongs to the time of this ruler.
The next two chiefs mentioned in the record under consideration, viz., Trailokyavarman and Harichandra undoubtedly belong to that branch of the Paramaras who call themselves Mahakumāras in their inscriptions. The earliest ruler known in this family is the Mahākumāra Lakshmivarman. In V.S. 1200 we find him confirming a grant made in V. S. 1191 by the M.P. Yaśõver. madēva, on the anniversary of the death of the latter's father Naravarman. Lakshmivarman confirmed this grant for the merit of (his) illustrious father' (srimat-pitsi-frēyörthan)* which shows that he was undoubtedly a son of Yasovarman. We shall discuss later what might have been the reason for re-issuing the grant after a lapse of nearly nine years. According to the Bhopal plates of his grandson t'dayavarman, dated V. S. 1256, Lakshmivarman obtained his kingship through the favour of his sword which he held (?) in his own hand' (nija-kara-krita(dhrita ?)-karavāla-prasād-āvāpta-nij-adhipatya). The Piplianagar platego of Harischandra (V. S. 1236 and 1236), the son of Lakshmivarman, state that the former obtained his rulership through the favour of the last mentioned ruler' (ētasmāt=prishthatama-prabhoh prasādād=avāpta-nij-adhipatya), namely, the P.M.P. Jayavarmadēva, tbe son of the Paramāra Yasővarmadēva of Mälwa. In eonnection with the history of these Mahākumaras, Dr. D. C. Ganguly observes: "According to the Piplianagar
1 Dhar State Gazetteer, p. 159.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 353. .P.R..S., W.C., 1905-06, p. 50, No. 2097 and Bbandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 252. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 352 f. • Ibid., Vol. XVI. pp. 254 ff. and pl. • J. d. 8. B., Vol. VII (1838), pp. 736 ft.

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grant, Hariscandra obtained his dominion through the favour of Jayavarman. The Bhopal grant, on the other hand, expressly states that Hariscandra's father, Lakşmivarman, made himself master of a principality by the force of his sword when the reign of Jayavarman had come to an end. It evidently follows from these two statements that Lakşmivarman and his son Hariscandra ruled over separate territories. This finds strong corroboration in the fact that Udayavarman, the son of Hariscandra, is described by the Bhopal grant as succeeding to the throne of Lakşmivarman without the intervention of Hariscandra, who again excludes his father Lakşmivarman--in the Piplianagar grant-88 8 ruler preceding him. A critical survey of the epigraphic records will show that all these are deliberate representations and not accidental omissions."1 Following the same argument are we to hold that Trailokyavarman and Harichandra of the present record held sway over a third principality- view which would only make the complication in the history of this branch more complicated ? But the state of affairs is not so bad as it is made to look. If Yaśõvarman was still ruling in V. S. 1199 it is almost certain that Jayavarman's rule could not have come to an end before V. S. 1200 when Lakshmivarman was already a Mabākumāra. In fact Dr. Ganguly's conclusion is based on a wrong interpretation of the Bhopal plates. They do not mention that Lakşmivarman became ruler by the force of his arms when the reign of Jayavarman had come to an end. The phrase Jayavarmmadēva-rajye vyatītē in l. 5 of the Bhopal plates has no connection whatsoever with Lakshmivarmmadēva. It qualifies only the concluding portion of the whole sentence Udayavarmmadēvo vijay-odayi in l. 8. There is, moreover, nothing in the Bhopāl plates to prove that Udayavarman succeeded to the throne of Lakshmivarman without the intervention of Harischandra, nor do the Pipliānagar plates show that Lakshmivarman is excluded as a ruler preceding Harischandra. We know that inscriptions do not always give a full genealogy of the ruler to whose reign they refer themselves but may mention the names of one or two or even none of his predecessors.
The real difficulty that presents itself in our record is to establish the identity of the Mahākumāra Harichandradēva and the Mahākumāra Trailökyavarmadēva. In my opinion Harichandra can be no other than Harischandra, the son of Lakshmivarman. It is, however, more difficult to determine the place of Trailökyavarman in the genealogy of these chiefs. That he belonged to the same line is certain from the titles he is given in the inscription. If he is not identical with Lakshmivarman, which seems unlikely, he could only be another son or a brother of Lakshmivar. man, probably the latter. It is not impossible that when Lakshmivarman died, Hariéchandra was very young and his uncle Trailokyavarman acted as the regent during his minority. Trailokyavarman, though only the regent, wielded the full power of a chief and is therefore given all the titles connected with the princes of this line. Had he been a son of Lakshmivarman his name should have been mentioned in some other records of this family. As the Mahākumāras were subordinates of the Paramāra rulers of Mālwā they had to obtain the formal sanction of their overlords at the time of succession. Probably Harischandra took up the reins of government not long before V. S. 1214, the date of the present grant, and that is why he mentions Trailokya. Varman as his predecessor from whom he received the kingdom and to whom he was grateful for managing affairs during his minority. But when he issued his other grant in 1235, when Trailo kyavarman was probably dead, he mentioned only the name of his sovereign ruler, viz., Jayavarman, as the one through whose favour he got his kingdom and Trailökyavarman being a collateral, his name was omitted from this and all the later inscriptions of this family.
Now to understand properly the political situation as revealed by the inscriptions of the Paramira Mahākumāras, it will be necessary to consider the history of the Paramaras of Mālwă from
1 History of the Paramara Dynasty, PP. 179-81. See also Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 212.

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Jayavarman down to Vindhyavarman. According to the Pipliänagar (V. 8. 1267) and the two Bets of Bhopāls plates (V. S. 1270 and 1272) of Arjunavarman, Yabövarman was succeeded by his son Ajayavarman, while in the incomplete) Plates of Jayavarman, the Pipliānagar Plates of the Mahākumāra Harischandra (V. S. 1235 and 1236) and the Bhopal Plates of the Mabākumāra Udayavarman (V. S. 1256), Yalovarman is stated to have been succeeded by Jayavarman. From the information supplied by these records Kielhorn came to the following conclusion: “Yas. varman had three sons, Jayavarman, Ajayavarman, and Lakshmivarman; and he was in the first instance succeeded by Jayavarman. Soon after his succession (and certainly some time between Vikrama 1192 and 1200), Jayavarman was dethroned by Ajayavarman, who and whose succ68sors then became the main branch of the Paramāra family in Mälava, and continued to style them. selves Mahārājas. The third brother, Lakshmivarman, however, did not submit to Ajayavarman; and, as stated in E (i.e., the Bhopal grant of Udayavarman), he succeeded by force of arms in appropriating a portion of Mālava, which he and his son and grandson de facto ruled over as indopendent chiefs. At the same time, Lakshmivarman and, after him, his son and suocessor Harischandrs looked upon Jayavarman, though deposed, as the rightful sovereign of Mälava, and, in my opinion, it is for this reason that Harischandra, in the grant D. (i.e., the Pipliānagar plates), professes to rule by the favour of that prince, and that both Lakshmivarman and Harischandra claim for themselves no higher title than that of Mahākumāra, a title which was handed down to, and adopted by, even Laksbmivarman's grandson Udayavarman.". Though there is nothing definite to show that Kielhorn is wrong in his assumption, I prefer to agree with Dr. Ganguly that Jayavarman and Ajayavarman mentioned in the above inscriptions are identical. The later inscriptions, probably those issued after the re-occupation of Dhārā, call him Ajayavarman while the earlier inscriptions mention him as Jayavarman. Prof. Hall's theory that 'Lakshmivarman sat on the throne with his sire' and was thus the eldest son of Yahovarman cannot be substantiated. When Yasovarman died, Jayavarman as his eldest son must bave succeeded to the throne of Malwă. Sometime before his death Yabōvarman might have placed Lakshmivarman in charge of a small principality which the latter ruled under the title of a Mabākumāra or, he might have wrested & part of the Paramära empire which passed into the hands of enemies and established himself as the ruler. In any case, as he adopted a feudatory title he seems to have ruled only as a subordinate of the main branch. The boast of Lakshmivarman that he obtained his sovereignty by force of arms as found in his Ujjain Plate is, however, not altogether an empty one as borne out by inscrip tions. We find from the Bändā Plate of the Chandēla Madanavarmadēva that this ruler made a gift in V. S. 1190 when he was encamped near Bhailasvämin. As I have shown below, this place was in the Mahadvadasaka mandala mentioned in our grant. What led this Chandēla ruler to encamp at the place cannot be ascertained. But it is not unlikely that he was, at this period, leading a campaign against the Mālava ruler and encroached upon the Paramāra territories soon after. Probably we find & confirmation of this in the verge 11 of the Mau stone inscription of Madanavarman', which says that the ruler of Mälava, full of arrogance, was quickly exterminated' by this ruler. This Mälava ruler was possibly Yasovarman himself. But that the Chandelas
1J. A. 8. B., Vol. V, p. 378. * J.A.0. 8., Vol. VII, pp. 25 ff. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 350 f. .J. A. 8. B., Vol. VII (1838), pp. 736 f.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 254 ff. and pl. • Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 348.
History of the Paramära Dynasty, p. 181. AJ. A. O. S., Vol. VII, p. 36 and Ganguly, op. cit., p. 179, n. 3.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 208 and pl. 10 A hove, Vol. I, pp. 197 ff.

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could not keep this part under them for long is clear from the inscription of Lakshmivarman of V. S. 1200. It appears that the Mahadvadasaka-mandala adjacent to Bhailasvamin passed out of the hands of the Paramara rulers temporarily and was re-conquered by Lakshmivarman sometime before V. S. 1200 and this necessitated the re-issuing of the grant of 1191 of his father. That Lakshmivarman also could not keep this mandala in his hands for long is certain. An inscription dated V. S. 12291 of the reign of the Chaulukya Ajayapaladeva records the gift by Lūņapasaka, an officer of the king at Udayapura which was included in the Bhaillasvami-Mahādvādasakamandala. According to this inscription this part of the country was acquired by the Chaulukya ruler by his own prowess'. Probably it passed under the Chaulukyas even a little earlier during the reign of Kumarapala. A fragmentary inscription of this ruler, in which the date has been restored by Kielhorn as V. S. 1220, has been found at Udayapur3, which calls him Avantinatha.
Though the Paramaras lost most of their territory in Malwa to the Chaulukyas, the Mahākumāra branch still retained at least the southern portion of their principality, as their grants issued in V. S. 1235 and 1256 show. It is, however, possible to deduce from the grant of Udayavarman of V. S. 1256 that Vindhyavarman did not yet succeed in regaining the lost possessions of his ancestors as the expression Jayavarmmadeva-rajye vyatite shows. For, had Vindhyavarman already succeeded in firmly re-establishing himself in Malwa, one would expect his name to be mentioned in the record of Udayavarman, unless Kielhorn is right in his assumption that Lakshmivarman and his successors never accepted the rulers of Malwa from Ajayavarman downwards as their sove reign rulers. But as the former always used the same subordinate titles, and as Devapala, the brother of Udayavarman, seems to have succeeded to the Malwa throne as a matter of course, it is doubtful if there existed any feud between these two families as suggested by Kielhorn. Ää dhars in his Dharmämrita states that when the country of Sapädalaksha was conquered by Sihabud-din (Muhammad Ghüri) he left his native country with his family for Malwa where king Vindbya was ruling. Mahammad Ghuri's conquest took place in A. D. 1192, but if my supposition is correct, Asadhara does not appear to have moved to Dhara for a few years after the Muslim conquest till things really looked bad for him.
[VOL. XXIV.
Udayavarman for whom we have only one inscription of V. 8. 1256, is the last ruler we know of in the Mahākumāra line, If he is identical with Udayaditya of the Bhopal inscriptions dated V. S. 1241 (A.D. 1184) and Saka 1108 (A.D. 1186) respectively, as Dr. Ganguly supposes, he had already a rule of at least 15 years to his credit when the Bhopal Plates were issued. We also know that his brother Devapala ultimately succeeded to the throne of Malwa. As the earliest inscription of Devapala is dated V. S. 12755 and the latest inscription of his predecessor Arjunavarman bears the date V. S. 1272, Devapala probably inherited the Malwa throne shortly before V. S. 1275. It is significant that in his Harsauda inscription, though the subordinate title of the Mahākumāra is replaced by the Imperial one of Paramabhattaraka-Mahārājādhiraja-Parameévara, Devapala still retains a part of his original title, viz., Samasta-prasast-õpeta-samadhigata-pamcha-mahāśabda which is missing in all his later records. As we have no record of Udayavarman's successor it may not be unreasonable to suppose that he also had no male heir and his younger brother Devapala first succeeded him as the Mahākumāra and then ultimately was raised to the throne of Dhara when Arjunavarman also died without a male issue, thus uniting both the houses of the Paramāras.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 347 f. Ibid., p. 343 and n. 9.
See Collected Works of R. G. Bhandarkar, Vol. II, pp. 246 f.
History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 186.
The Harsauda Stone Inscription, Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 310 ff.
The Bhopal plates (second set), J. A. O. S., Vol. VII, pp. 25 ft.

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No. 30.]
Serial No.
Of the localities mentioned in the record Mahādvādasaka-maṇḍala must have comprised Udayapur and Bhilsă in the Gwalior State as far as Raisen1 (Rajasayana) to the south in the Bhopal State. The Udayapur stone inscription of V. S. 1229 calls it the Bhaillasvami-Mahādvadasakamandala. Vētravati is the modern Betwa and the temple of Bhâilasvamin which was situated on the Betwa, must have given rise to the name of the Bhilsa town. According to Dr. Hall, a fragmentary inscription which was originally discovered at Bhilsa, but is now no longer traceable, recorded the erection of a temple of the Sun god, under the name of Bhaillesa on the Vētravati, by one Vachaspati, a minister of Rajā Krishna, who is probably identical with the Paramara Väkpatirāja. I cannot identify the other localities mentioned in the record. Mr. Hamid, the Superintendent of Archæology, Bhopal State, remarks as follows in his note on this inscription, which has been referred to above: The temple of Bhailasvamin was situated on the banks of the Betwa river at Bhilsa in the Gwalior State, 34 miles from Bhopal and 8 miles from Sanchi. The village Dadarapadra is in the Bhopal territory. The name was obviously corrupted into Dharapadra, and later on into Padria, but as there are eleven villages of this name in the various districts of the Bhopal State, Dadarapadra of our inscription was given the name of Padria Raja Dhar to distinguish it from other Padrias."
List of the Brahmin donees of the Bhopal plates of Harichandra.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
BHOPAL PLATES OF THE MAHAKUMARA HARICHAMDRADEVA.
Avasathika Sridhara
Tripathi Gartesvara
Dvivěda Uddharana
Yasodhavala
99
Name of the donee.
Pam Madhusudana
Dvivěda Pähuls
Par Somadeva
Dvivěda Palhaka
Parh Ranapala
Dvivěda Gangadhara
Lakshmidhara Sridhara.
33
Thakura Vachchhuka
Dvivēda Välhuka
•
Agnihotrika Bharadvaja.
Tripathi Nārāyaṇa.
Dviveda Kahlrasvamin
Father's name.
Vatva(tsa?) Avasathika Dēlha
Dvivěda Sile. Avasathika Dělha. Dvivěda Yasodhavala
Pam Dhamadeva.
Dvivěda Sötä
39
"1
Kshirasvamin
Silė.
Thakura Vil[hy]ē Kuladhara
Dvivěda Gōlhe
.
3 P. R. A. 8., W. C., 1913-14, p. 60.
See above, Vol. XIX, p. 239.
I.e., Pandita.
.
•
1 See Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 352, Text, 1. 5. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 397.
Götra.
Sankritya
Bharadvaja
Krishnatreya
Adaväha
Kasyapa
Saunaka
Kasyapa
Adavāha
Gautama
Krishnatreya
Saunaka
Bhāradvāja
Sändilya
Gautama
Share in the village granted.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
231
1
+
+

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
List of the Brahmin donees of the Bhopāl plates of Harichandra-contd.
Serial No.
Name of the donee.
Father's name.
Götra.
Share in the
village granted
:
Thakura Risala . .
Viahpu . . Ahada, a pupil (vapuka) . Mahana . .
. . .
Thakura Kuladhara Pan Söndals Thakura Kusaja].
Vijapala .
Sindilya . Kikyapa. Ksundinya Käsyapa.
. . . .
. .
19
.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti[!] Srir-jjayo=bhyudayas-cha Jayati Vyömakēkõ=sau yah sarggâya vi(bi)
bhartti tām | aimdavi[m] si(i)ra.. 2 să lēkhä[m*] jagad-vij-āṁkur-ākļitima(m) [l** Tanvattu va[h*) Smarärātē[h*)
kalyanam-anisam (Sam) jaţāḥ kalpāmta-samay-oddama-tadi. 3 d-valaya-piņgalāḥ 1 [l*]* Paramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhiraja-Paramēsva(áva)ra-bri-Nara
varmmadova-pādānu[dhyā). 4 ta-Paramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramēsva(sva)ra-bri-Yabðvarmmadēva - pādānu
dhyata-samasta-pra6 sa(ba)st-opēta-samadhigata-pancha-mahāśavd(bd)-alamkāra-viräjamāna - Mahākumāra - Sri
Trau(Trai)10kyavarmmadova-pädā(da)-pra6 sād-āvāpta-vijā(jay)-adhipatyēstyaḥ?) samasta-prasa(sa)st-opēta-samadhigata-pamcha
mahābavd(bd)-alamkära-virājamāna-Mā(Ma)hākumāra-sri-Hari7 charhdradövð Mahadvadafaka-mandale Vikhilapadra-dvādasaka-samva(ba)ddhah(ddha)
Dadarapadra-grāma-nivāsinah pratigrāma-ni8 väsina[6]-cha rajapurusha-vishayika-pattakila-janapad-ādin vra(brä)hmap-ota(tta)rān=
võ(bo)dhayaty=astu vaḥ samviditam ||' ya9 d=iha mayā bri-Bhăilasvămidēva-purasthitēs nal" srimad-Vikrama-kal-atita-chatur
ddas(6)-adhika-dvadasa-sa(ba)t-amta[h*]pāti-samvatsa10 rē Kärttikő(ka)-sudi půrnnimāyām samjāta-soma-grahaņa-sarvva-grāsa
parvvapi Kali-kalusha-hāriņi Vētravati-vāriņi snā11 tvā dēv-arshi-manushya-pitsin saṁtarpya charāchara-gurum bhagavamtam Bhavanīpatin
darp[pJita-danuj-ēmdra-nidrā-haram Harim cha samabhyarchya til-a. 12 nn-äjy-ahuti[bh]ir-Hifra*]nyarētasaṁ hutvā jagad-ananda-dāyinë basi(si)nē argham
vidhāya sa-vatsa-kapilām triḥ pradakshiņīksi13 tya akala[j(y)]ya saṁsāra(sy=ā*]sāratāṁ parilulita-kamala-dala-tala-jala-lava-chalama
alakshya yauvanam yauvana-mada-matta-vāņiFrom photographe. • Expressed by symbol. • There is a mark here to show that the word is continued in the next line. • Metre Anushubh.
Mark of punctuation unnecessary. • The omission of visarga in puras is according to the varttika : kharpart dari rd risarga-lopo raktaryah.

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2
4
6
8
22 11 28
16
18
20
222229
28
30
32
BHOPAL PLATES OF THE MAHAKUMARA HARICHAMDRADEVA.
राम (नगटा
अमदानीत
- गोरा
कायद्यानापततमतिमानकर वाडामानमा दाह बाजी दादरा कमडावदक संवाद या मनियामिनः प्रतियान कविता मन पटादीना
साविक दास्ता
बीजाला माना पूर्तिमा यामाहा मलिक दागबती विवर्तनानी पनि तिर हामिला नागा नदी मान विसका लागि प्रि
साबाट तकन नटलत
वन मनवा
लामा विकाशका चितविलासिनी निवेजित तापमान
महालक गाववादिन
तमाशाच
परमतहारक महार श्रीना
करवा
Erpagt
ड
विद
फटी 170 कटका सुगावा गाव Renatalo da factory राणा
14
BOERERE रा
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
मृत
First Plate.
इल
2018021 नदी
स्वत टकराप समान
स
म
Second Plate.
मेगा स्वीट वायविही
सतता का मदनगृ डल्ला मार
गाड
202611 नाव मवाद का
Jamidaritone ac निता
आ
आयो
श्रीक
जगाला
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
त
न
का नाि
Many Gsming+SURMA BUNJ FranGrainnerast
नाक ३० मुस्
EN
एखाद शितगर मनमानी हादसा.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
21 22 2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
24
26
28
30
32
34
36
38
40

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No. 30.)
BHOPAL PLATES OF THE MAHAKUMARA HARICHAMDRADEVA.
233
14 [n]i-bhrū-bhanga-bhanguram=avalõkya draviņa dravina-kapik-ānusarana-vivasa-visha
vilāsini-chita(tta)-chamchalam-adbigamya jivitam 15 | uktari cha [l*] Vāt-abhra-vibhramam=idam bhuvan-ādhipatyam=āpātamätra-madhurð
vishay-opahbhögaḥ prāņās=třiņ-agra-jala-virdu-samă narāṇām 16 dharmaḥ sakhã param=aho paraloka-yānē | Sä[m]ksitya-gotrāya agnihotrika-bri-Bhäradvāja.
suta-ast-)vasthi sathi)ka-Sridharaya pada 1 Bha17 radvāja-götrāya tripāti(thi)-Nārāyna-suta-tripāti(thi)-Gartēsva(sva)rāya pada 1 Krishņā
trēya-gotrāya dvivēda-Kshirasvāmi-suta-dvi. 18 vēda-U[ddha]raņāya pada 1 Adavāha-gotrāya dvivēda-Vastva(tsa)]-suta-dvivēda-Yaso
(86)dhavalaya pada 1 Käsyasya)pa-gotrāya||* 19 avasthi(sathi)ka-Dēlha-suta-pam-Madhusudanāya pada 1 Saunaka-götrāya-dvivēda-Sile
suta-dvivēda-Pāhulāya pada 1 Kā20 sya(sya)pa-gotrāya avastbi(āvasathi)ka-Dēl[h]a-suta-pam-Somadēvāya pada 1 Adaváha
götrāya dvivēda-Yasödhavala-su. 21 ta-dvivēda-Pā[lha]kāya pada 1 [Gauta]ma-gotrāya pam-Dhāmadēva-suta-pam-Raņapālāya pada 16
Second Plate. 22 ... dvivēda-Sota-suta-dvivēda-Gamgādbarāya pada 1 Krishnätrëya
götrāya dvivēda-Kshira23 svāmi-suta-dvivēda-Lashmi(kshmi)dharāya pada 1 Sau(sau)naka-götrāya dvivēda-Sīle
suta-dvivēda-Srīdharāya (pada*] Bhāradvāja-gos. 24 trāva thakura-Villhv]e-guta-thakura-Väschchhn]kaya pada 1 Sämdi(Sändi)lya-götrāya
thakura-Kuladhara-suta-thakura-Váchchhukāya pada 1 Gõ(Gau)25 tama-gotrāya dvivēda-Gölhe-suta-dvivēda-Vālhukāya pada Sāmdi(Šāņdi)lya-gotrāya
thakura-Kuladhara-suta-thakura-Råsalāya " 26 pada Käsya(sya)pa-gotrāya pam-Sõ[n]dala-suta-thakura-Vishņavē pada Kauņdinya
gotrāya thakura-Kuõja]-suba-vatuka-Ahadaya pada 27 [!] Kāsya(sya)pa-gotrāya thakura-Vijapāla-suta-vațuka-Mabaņāya pada : [l*] tad-ēvam
yathāyatham vrāhmaṇa ēkönna. 28 vimsatinām? pada shodas(6)=amkė pada 16 [l*] tad=amishāṁ vrā(brā)hmaṇānām=upari-li
[khi*]ta-grāmah pūrvva-dakshiņa-tala-dvay-āpēto ni29 dhi-nikshēpa-sahito nada-nadi-kūpa-tadāga-vātikā-ama-samyutas-char-ādy-ay-opētah 30 sarvv-ābhyamtara-siddhy-õdaka-pūrvvakatayā sāsanēsna*) pradattas-tad=ētat(d)
grāma-nivāsibhiḥ karsha31 kais-cha kara-hiraṇya-bhāga-bhög-adika[m=*]ā'jñā-śravaņa-vidběyair-bhūtvå dēva-vra
(brā)hmana-bhu1 Metre : Vasantatilaka. • Mark of punctuation unnecessary. • There is a mark here to show that the word is continued in the next line.
Space for about four letters is left after this. Soven or eight letters, probably specifying the götra, are completely effaced now. • Dando unnecessary.
Read brahmananam=ékonavim sateh. . Read väfik-arāma.
There is a danda after å to show that the word is continued on the right side of rectangle containing the Garuda figure.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
32 kti-varjam sarvvam-amībhyo vră(brā)hmaņēbhyaḥ samupanētavya | yad=uta Va
(Ba)hubhir-vvasudhā bhul. 33 ktā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ | yasya yasya yadă bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) "
Triny11. 34 hur=atidānāni gāvaḥ pristh]vi sarasvati | -fa(sa)ptaman punarhty=ētă dõha-vāha-nivēda35 naih | Sarvväp-ětän-bbävinah pirthiv=ēmdrån bhūyo bhūyo yachatě Rämabhadrah [1]
sāmānyo36 ya dharmma-sēstur*)=nfipāņām kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhih ||* Sva-dattām para-dattam
vā yo haröd=vagum(su)dhä[m*] npipaḥ na tasya pu37 nar-āvsittir=nnarakät-Kumbhipäkä(ka)taḥ [l*j* Dēva-vrā(brā)hmana-dvija -pradatta bhūr=
nna harttavyā nfipai[r*)=yē(ya)tah[l*) kēn=āpi saha vēsy(ky)-ěva na 38 gatā na chiraṁ sthitā| Iti purātana-muni-praņīta-vachana-paripāti-bravaņa-samudbhūta
prabhūta-vivo(vē)k-odayēna mātā." 39 pitrõr=ātmanas-cha punya-yas[7]-bhivriddhayē | Iti jñātvā parair-bhūpair-asmad-va[n]s
(s)-odbhavē(vai)s=tathả dharmmo=yam-iha no 40 lõpyö yaiḥ kõ(kai)schit(d)-[dharmma)-chimtakaiḥ * Duo Mukhyādēsaḥ || sivamaastu!
Mamgala[m] maha-brih| 41 Svahasto-yam Mahākumara-bri-Hariobasladra-divasya || Sri[h]
No. 31. SASANAKOTA PLATES OF GANGA MADHAVAVARMAN ; 1ST YEAR.
BY C. R. KRISHNAMAOBABLU, B.A., MADRAS. The plates on which the subjoined grant is engraved are reported to have been discovered about 4 or 5 years back in the village of Sāsanakota in the Hindupur taluk of the Anantapur District. They were kindly forwarded to me for examination in June 1937 by Khan Bahadur Javad Hussain, Bar-at-Law, Collector of the district, who obtained them from Mr. K. Gopalakrishnamacharlu of his office in whose possession they had previously remained for some time. The plates will be purchased for the Indian Museum, Calcutta, where they will be deposited.
The old village site at Säsanakota was subsequently inspected by me in March 1938. Speci. mens of old pottery and beads and other relics were collected from an extensive mound here. A preliminary note on these antiquities will appear in due course in the Archeological Survey Report of India. The area is full of promise and is expected to be explored by the Archæological Department at an early date.
The set consists of four plates measuring 7' by 2 and about t' in thickness. At the proper right margin in each plate is a ring-hole of about ' in diameter through which passes the copper ring bearing the seal. The ring measures about 2* in diameter. Its ends are soldered into the bottom of the seal which is oval and measures 13' by 1t". On its counter-sunk surface is carved in relief the figure of a standing elephant facing the proper left. On the top and bottom sides
1 There is a mark here to show that the word is continued in the next line. * Metre : Anushfubh. * Metre : Salini. • The word brahmana in this pada is superfluous.
Danda unnecessary. .The loft band stroke of the medial o in wo joined to the preceding ha.

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No. 31.) SASANAKOTA PLATES OF GANGA MADHAVAVARMAN ; 1ST YEAR.
235
of the seal are small projections, of which the one at the bottom side looks like a small knob and bears carved on it a spiral, the significance of which is not apparent. The set with the ring and the seal weighs 60 tolas.
The inscription registers the gift of the village Vēlputtoru in Paru-vishaya as & brahmadeya to the Brihman Dharaśarman of the Vatsa-gotra and Taittiriya-charana by Mahārāja Madhavavarman, son of Kongapivarma-Dharma-mahādhiraja of the Kāņvāyana-götra and the Jahnavdya-kula.
The record is in Sanskrit prose except for the usual imprecatory verses attributed here to Manu as in the Penukonda plates, given in II. 17 to 23.
The script is an early variety of the Southern class of alphabets and is definitely anterior to that of the Penukonda plates of Madhavavarman II (III) of this family discovered in 1914 and published by Mr. Lewis Rice. These plates were then considered to be of special interest as being an admittedly genuine record of the early Ganga kings of Gangavadi, or Mysore. In subsequent years, i.e., during the last quarter of a century, a number of copper-plate grants purporting to belong to the early kings of this dynasty have come to light, mainly in Mysore, and are reviewed in the Mysore Archæological Reports. Some of these will be noticed in the sequel. But it deserves to be mentioned here that the present grant is the earliest genuine copper plate document dis covered so far not only for king Madhava I but also for his family.
The script resembles very much that of the Origodugrant of the early Pallava king Vijaya-Skandavarman II, and is more archaic than that of the Penukonda plates referred to above. The letters of our grant are of a more archaic type than those in the records of the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman whom Dr. Fleet has assigned to a period later than Saka 360.They closely resemble those of the Narsapur plates of Vijaya-Dévavarman, which are in Prakrid prose. Our grant may, therefore, be assigned to a time immediately following the period of Prakrit charters of the Telugu country, i.e., to about the fourth-fifth century A. D. Its characters would appear to be anterior to those of the Pikira grant of Pallava Simhavarman'. In this connection see also Krishna Sastri's remarks on the period of the Pallava kings Simhavarman and his son Skandavarman, respectively contemporaries of Aryavarman and Madhavavarman II (middle of the 4th century A.D.). The letters of the Penukonda plates are more developed and ornate and seem to bear evident influence of the so-called Pallava-Grantha style on the Ganga alphabets. The alphabet of the Kudalur grant of Madhavavarman' resembles that of the latter. This grant says explicitly that Āryavarman and his son Mädhava were crowned respectively by the Pallava kings Simhavarman and Vijaya-Skandavarman. Moreover, as a token of the latter's suzerainty the grant bears, at the top, as preamble, the name of Skandavarman of the Bhäradväja-götra and the Pallava-kula.
The horizontal stroke at the top of several letters is not marked in our grant though a few have it. In this respect our grant resembles the Chendalūru plates of Pallava Kumaravishnu II. It
1 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 331. * Above, Vol. XV, plate between pages 250 and 251.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 23. (But later on he gave up this date (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part ii, p. 291 and f. n. 1).-Ed.)
• Above, Vol. IX, p. 57 and plate. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 158 and plate.
• Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 149. It should be remarked, however, that the statement made bere regarding the crowning of the Ganga king by the Pallava is at variance with the original (vide Ep. Rep. 1914, pt. II, para. 4 and above, Vol. XIV, p. 333). [See correction, above, Vol. XIX, p. vii.-Ed.]
? Mys. Arch. Rep., 1930, p. 259 and pl. XXIV. • Above, Vol. VIII, pl. between pages 234 and 235.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
must be observed that as in the case of the Andhra and the early Pallava inscriptions some space is left after every syntactical group in this inscription (see especially lines 1 to 6). This is noticeable to some extent in the Penukonda plates also. The initial vowel ā is written in two forms: one with the length indicated by a curled loop at the bottom of the letter (almanah in line 11) and the other with the length indicated by a small hook at the right bottom of a which carries a round loop (atma in line 14) The medial short i is not a complete loop as in some early grants but is left open on the left side. In this respect our grant resembles the Uruvupalli grant of Simhavarman, the Chendalūru plates of Pallava Kumāravishnu II, the Rägolu plates of Saktivarman, the Bțihatproshtha grant of Umavarman, and the Omgõdu grant of Vijaya-Skandavarman II referred to above. The jihvämúliya is used in dukkham (I. 22) and the upadhmānīya in adohih-pratta[1] (1. 15). The following mistakes due to oversight in writing may be noticed : daran-äri for dārun-ari (1.3), vakkri for vakti (1. 9) and Manu-gată for Manu-gitā (1. 18).
The anusvāra is replaced by the class nasal of the following consonant in svan-dātun (1. 21) and lithit-ěyan=tāmra-pattikā (1. 24). The employment of a conjunct letter with m and the following consonant is commonly observed in this as in other early grants : e.g., Jitam-Bhagavata (L. 1), spadattām=para (1. 18). The final m is indicated by a miniature sign for ma in dasamyām (1. 13), and palanam (1. 22) as in some early Pallava and other records ; but in other places this is indicated in our grant by a small hook at the right-hand lower corner : vasundharām (1. 18); phalom (L. 21). The letter nā is written in two different ways. In one, the length is marked in the middle on the right side of the letter (vide däran-āri in l. 3) and in the other by a small hook added to the upper right arm of the letter (varmmană in l. 11, kranen-adohih in 1. 15 and farmmana in l. 24). The letter ng is written in two forms, i.e. with a small loop or without it. Both the forms are seen in Padmanabhëna in 1.1, while the latter form is distinctly noticeable in sujana-janapadasya (1.3) and janona (I. 11), eto. As in the other grants of this period the consonant following r is doubled.
Since Rice published the Penukonda plates an earlier grant than these came to light in Mysore in the Kudithiyam plates of the Ganga king Kțishnavarma-Dharmamahādhirāja, son of Mădhavavarma-Mahādhirāja and grandson of Kongaộivarma-Dharmamahādhirāja, who belonged to the Kāņvāyana-götra and the Ganga-kula. This king, known to Rice from later epigraphs, was presumed by him to be identical with Aryavarman (Tamil Ayyavarman) and Harivarman of other grants with the supposed variant and synonymous name Kộishnavarman. It would not generally be justified to assume identities on the mere basis of synonymity in names, because names as names must strictly be applied to the particular individuals to whom they are given. In solving the difficulty we must take into consideration the possible causes for the interference of the Pallavas just about the time of this generation. The Penukonda plates say that the Pallava Simhavarman crowned Aryavarman according to propriety (yathārham). But Kțishnavarman does not admit or lay claim to such a distinction, if it were a distinction at all. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that Krishnavarman of the Bendiganahalli plates and the Kudithiyam grant was a younger brother of Aryavarman who must have, for some unknown reasons, ousted Āryavarman and seized the throne. Aryavarman, thus dispossessed, must have called in the Pallava king Simhavarman for help with which Krishnavarman must have been dispossessed and the result was that Simbavarman crowned Āryavarman. A sort of political overlordship having thus been established by the Pallava over the Ganga king, the practice of the former crowning the latter is continued even
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 60 ff. : Above, Vol. VIII, pl. between pages 234 and 235. * Above, Vol. XII, p. 1.
Above, Vol. XII, pl. between pages 2 and 3. . Mys. Arch. Rep., 1932, p. 124 and pl. XXII.

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No. 31.)
SASANAKOTA PLATES OF GANGA MADHAVAVARMAN; 1ST YEAR.
237
in the next generation and Skandavarman or Vijaya-Skandavarman crowns Mädhavavarman who was surnamed Simhavarman by his father, evidently, as a token of political feudality and personal gratitude also. The fact that Madhava II, son of Aryavarman, claims in the Penukonda plates to have been led up to his ancestral kingship (ma-varsa-kram-āgata-rajya-pranita) also suggests the correctness of this view.
Rice alternatively designates the later Madhavavarman as Mādhava III on the ground that a comparatively later inscription at Nagar, containing several traditional and mythological statements, designates Konkanivarman also & Madhava' and so he calls him Madhava I. Since we have no early epigraphical data designating Konkanivarman as a Madhava we need not confuse issues by creating a Madhava II. It will be clear and precise to consider the latter only as Madhava II and not Madhava III.
Collecting the genealogical information furnished in all the known documents of this family and taking into consideration the probable causes for the Pallava intervention suggested above we may tentatively arrange a revised genealogy as follows:
Konkanivarman
Midhaya I
Aryavarman or Ayyavarman or
Harivarman (Crowned by Pallava
Simhavarman)
Krishnavarman
(Kudithiyam and Bendigāna halli plates)
Madhava II alias Vishnugops
Simhavarman (crowned by Pallava Madhava III Skandavarman or Vijaya-Skanda
Avinita Varman)
Durvinita The names Arivarman and Harivarman occur only in the spurious or later copper-plates ana stone inscriptions of this dynasty (Kielhorn, Southern List Nos. 108 ff.). These names must be given up in favour of "Aryavarman" of the earlier plates. Professor Dubreuil makes Harivarman & different person from, and a younger brother of, Aryavarman. But in the light of the Tanjore plates Hari might be the same as Ari and the latter & colloquial or pet form of Arya. Rice's diffi culty in allocating to Vishnugopa the proper place in the family genealogy is also overcome by adopting the scheme suggested above. His supposition that Vishņugõpa's name was dropped out by mistake in the Penukonda plates requires corroboration.
The inscription is dated not with reference to any era but gives the occasion of the grant as sukla-paksha-dasami in the month of Phālguna in the first year of the king's reign. In determining the dates of the Penukonda plates of the present king's grandson Mädhava II, Fleet has given A.D. 475 as a very good date for it. Shifting back by two generations of 25 years each our plates will have to be assigned to about A.D. 425, which is not improbable in the light of its palaeography which has been fully discussed already.
1 The name is given in this form in the Kadalur grant of Madhavavarman (Mys. Arch. Rep., 1930, p. 259). * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 335, text-line 11. • Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nr. 35. • Above, Vol. XIV, p. 331.

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238
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
The localities mentioned in the grant are Paru-vishaya and the village Valputtoru. The former is evidently the same as Paruvi-vishaya of the Penukonda plates which has been identified by Rice with Parigi, seven miles north of Hindupur in the Anantapur District. The gift village is evidently identical with the modern village Velpumadugu of the Gooty taluk in the same district. The plates must have migrated from Velputtoru to Sasanakōṭa where they were discovered in course of time.
The engraver of the grant was Somasarman. Nothing is stated about his official position or status.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1
4 Jitam Bhagavata gata-ghana-gagan-ābhēna Padmanabhēna [*] śrīma
2 j-Jahnavēya-kul-amala-vyōm-avabhasana-bhaskarasya
3 [sva-bhuja-javaja-jaya-jani]'ta-sujana-janapadasya dāraṇ-ari-gana
Second Plate; First Side.
4 vidaraṇa-ran-ōpalabdha-vraṇa-bhushaṇasya Kāṇvāyana-sagōtrasya
5 śrimat-'Kōnganivarmma-dharmma-mahadhirajasya putrēṇa pitur-anvāga.
6 ta-guņēna sva-bhuja-viry-ötpäṭit-ävagrihit-ari-śrī-yasasa1
7 nānā-śāstrattha11-sad-bhav-adhigama-praṇīta-mati-visēshasya1
[VOL. XXIV.
Second Plate; Second Side.
8 vidvat-kavi-käñchana-nikash-ōpala-bhūtasya1 viseshato-py-ana
9 vaseshasya niti-distrasya yathavad-vakkpit prayöktşi-ku
10 salēna samyak-praja-palana-matr-adhigata-rajya-prayōjanēna
11 su-vibhakta-bhakta-bhritya-janēna śri-Madhavavarmmaņā ātmanaḥ
1 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 331.
1 The term toru or doruvu is synonymous with madugu in Telugu and means a pond.' It would be interesting to note that Velpumadugu is a very ancient settlement. The adjoining isolated round-topped granite hill crowned with a fortification of post-neolithic date yielded a good harvest of celts and other neolithio artifacts' (Bruce Foote, Indian Pre-historic and Proto-historic Antiquities, p. 99).
From the original plates and from ink-impressions prepared in my office.
This symbol is engraved in the margin as in the Penukonda plates and probably stands for Sri or Siddham. In addition to this the Penukonda plates have the expression Svasti in the margin.
At the top of ta is a dot in the original. This is accidental and due to corrosion and need not be mistaken
for an anusvāra which in this record is always marked at the right top corner of the concerned letter.
8 Read därun-ări.
The Penukonda plates have Konkani°.
The Penukonda plates have vyōma-bhasana..
"The portion enclosed within the brackets is engraved on an erasure like a palimpsest. The Penukonda plates read "bhuja-java-jaya..
12 Read -visesheņa.
13 Read -bhútěna.
14 Read vaktri..
10 After this word is a letter like pa engraved and scored out.
11 Read -bastr-ärttha-.

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SASANAKOTA PLATES OF GANGA MADHAVAVARMAN; 1ST YEAR.
จะ 32 ) 11 - 1 - 4 235 23 คน | 18 S 28 29 30 31 ระงal = 4. HEL
)
t, .
+ [ 14 ม ออร่ามา 3) U AUG) 9
ยาก 4s , Gr11 184 18 จาก 1 6 วั8 4 415 24 25
เกศา 500004 (1816342683)
ii, A.
1 2 3 4 (กลอง 4 ราย
612 - 5 3 ปี มา 10 6 (ปSLEE DOW26 (c) (5 (21 (0) SG6 8 10
28-5 25 - 26 6 2 2 5 433 45 :
ii, .
12 (546)
ts & 5 ) 112 ปรา 5 1 ราย เป็น 15 14 / 0ะคร นาน 19 496 688 4
N. P. CHAKRAVARTTI Rea. No. 1897 E'36-295.
SCALE: NINE-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.

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iii.b.
कास REA
D2013718 2010 RED-158
it.a.
20
MARA
22
in.b.
24
LSD
Seal (From a photograph ).

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No. 32.]
RANIPUR JHARIAL INSCRIPTIONS.
Third Plate; First Side.
12 pravarddhamana-vipul-aiśvaryye prathame sava[m]tsaré1 Phalguna-ma
13 se sukla-pakshe tithau dasamyam Vatsa-sagōtraya Taittiriya"
Paru-vishaye
14 charaṇaya Dharaśarmmanē ātmanisreyasē 15 Vēlputtoru-nama-grāmō
brahmadeya-kramen-adbhih-pratta[*]
Third Plate; Second Side.
16 sarvva-parihara-yukta[b] [*] Yo-sya lobhat-pesmā[dä*]d-v-ābhiharttä sa pañcha-mahāpātaka-sa[m]yuktō bhavati [*] Api cha Manu
17
18 gata[*] ślōkāḥ [*] Sva-dattam-para-dattam va yō harēta vasundharam [*]
19 shapṭim(shtim) varsha-sahasraņi ghērē tamasi varttate [*] Bahu
Fourth Plate; First Side.
20 bhir-vvasudha bhuktā rājabhis-Sagar-adhibhi[h] [*] yasya yasya
21 yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam [*] Svan-dātum su-maha'ch-chha
22 kyam dukkham-any-arttha-palanam [*] danaṁ vā pālanaṁ v-ēti dānāch-chhre23 y-önupälana[m] [*] Sva-mahārāja-mukh-äjääptyä" Soma
Fourth Plate; Second Side. [*]
24 sarmmaņa" likhit-eyan-tamra-paṭṭikā
239
No. 32. RANIPUR JHARIAL INSCRIPTIONS.
BY B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUGD.), OOTACAMUND.
Ränipur Jharial, a village about 21 miles west of Titilagarh1 in the Päṭhā State of Orissa, is famous for its numerous old temples, all of which are now deserted and partly dilapidated. They are built on a rocky surface on one side of a big tank close by. The place was first surveyed as early as 1875 by Mr. J. D. Beglar who has left us a vivid description of the buildings and sculptures found at this site.13 About seven years later Sir A. Cunningham also visited this village and examined its antiquities." Lastly, in November
1 Read samvatsare.
The donee in the Penukonda plates also belongs to the same götra and charana.
Read Taittiriya. The Penukonda plates also adopt the form Taittiriya.
Read almanah breyase or atma-nikéryasaya.
The Penukonda plates call it Paruvi-vishaya. [The same Paruvi-vishaya is evidently intended here. The scribe seems to have dropped a vi by way of haplography.-Ed.]
The Penukonda plates read only yo sya hartto
*Read -gitāḥ as in the Penukonda plates. The same three imprecatory verses are cited in the said plates but in a different order.
Read -adibhib.
This ha is written below the line.
10 Read Maharaja-svu-mukh-äjñaplyä.
11 The writer of the Penukonda plates was the goldsmith (savarnakāra) Apāpa.
13 Titilagarh is a railway station on the Raipur-Vizagapatam line of the Bengal Nagpur Railway.
1 Cunningham's A. 8. I. Reports, Vol. XIII, pp. 128-137, plates XI-XVI.
14 Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 64-65.

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20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
1936, I went there, while I was touring in that part of the country, specially in quest of inscriptions. I copied there three epigraphs which form the subject of this article.
A.-Mahldēva Temple Inscription.
This record is engraved on the architrave over the entrance to the sanctum of a stone temple which is the largest of the whole group and is locally known as Mahādēva templel. It has been noticed by Mr Beglar according to whom it is "the only inscription in the whole of the innumerable temples here". Evidently the other two epigraphs treated of here escaped his notice. Nor has Sir Cunningham noticed them. The inscription under discussion consists of six lines of unequal length, the first four lines measuring more or less five feet each and the last two only one foot. The average size of the letters is 14".
The characters of the inscription belong to the Northern script of about the 10th or 11th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit, but the composition is extremely faulty. Nevertheless the contents are fairly intelligible. No orthographical peculiarity is noticesble, except that the consonant after ris occasionally reduplicated, as in vinirggata of 1.1, and that the sign of v is used for both b end o.
Lexically, the usage of the word kirttitam (A. 1. 2) as well as of prakirtitā (B. 1. 4) in the sense of built' is of interest. In the latter record the term kirti is employed as a synonym of kirtana,' meaning & building' or 'a temple'.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of the temple by an acharya, named Gaganabiva, an immigrant from Uttara-Tērambagriha. It is clear from the inscription that the temple contained images of at least four different deities, namely Soma, Svåmin, Siddhēsvara and Lakshmi. The first of these names is obviously a shortened form of Somesvaradēvs .which occurs in l. 1 and refers to Siva, the principal deity of the temple. Svämin is an epithet of Siva's son Kärttikēys. As regards the name Siddhēśvara, it probably stands here for Siddhartha, meaning the Buddha, a figure of whom is found sculptured on the jamb of the entrance of the temple in question. The figure of Lakshmi is found over the entrance. From the presence of relics pertaining to different creeds, Beglar concluded that the temple was first Vaishnavio, next Buddhist, and finally Saivic.” This conclusion is now disproved by the mention of the aforesaid four deities in the inscription itself, which rather shows that they all were installed simultaneously, and that the seeming diversity was the original character of the temple.
It may be pointed out that the inscription was examined both by Mr. Beglar and by Sir A. Cunningham, but their interpretation of it is open to question. For instance, the appellation Somēdvaradēva-Bhattāraka, occurring in the beginning of the record, has been
1 Por ite Buddhistic and Vaishnavie associations compare Mr. Beglar's remarka, loc. cit., p. 130.
The significance of this word has been discussed by Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar in Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 228-229, where he has slao cited certain instances of its usage in the given sense both in literature and in inscriptions.
• The word kirti is found used in the same sense also in the Ghosrawa Buddhist inscription, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 309 (also p. 308 and p. 312, n. 38), and birtti-athana in the Lakkha Mandal prasasti, above Vol. I, p. 14 and p. 18, n. 21. • See above, D. 1.
• Loc. cit., p. 131

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No. 32.)
RANIPUR JHARIAL INSCRIPTIONS.
241
taken by them as referring to a rājā of that name, while, as is clear from the context, it refers in reality to Siva, the main deity of the shrine.
The only information we get from the inscription regarding Gaganaśiva acharya is that he bailed from Uttara-Tērambagriha. In this connection Dr. N. P. Chakravarti has kindly directed my attention to the Mattamayüra school of Saiva ascetics, suggesting thereby that Gaganasiva might have been one of them, as the names of some of them likewise end in siva. This argument receives further support from the identification of Uttara-Tērambagriba with Tērambi as proposed below. Tērambi, it may be pointed out, is known from the Rāņod inscription to be the seat of an earlier Saiva saint of the Mattamayūra line, whose name is not given but who is styled Tērambipala, i.e., 'the protector of Tērambi '.!
The saints of the Mattamayūra sect are known to have founded temples, tanks and monasteries at various places, being highly honoured and favoured with munificent gifts by certain Kalachuri rulers. The Rāņod inscription itself belongs to one such sage, called Vyomasiva, who is stated to have restored to Ranipadrao its past glory and beautified the matha there by building in its vicinity a magnificent tank, a temple, a garden and shrines with images of Siva, Umā, Nātyēsvara and Vināyaka. Of all these, prominence is given to the tank, the construction of which forms the main object of the record and which is glorified in no less than twenty verses (vv. 45-64). The line of disciples given in this record is as follows :' Kadambaguh-adhivāsin, Sankhamathik-adhipati, Tērambipāla, Amardakatirtha-nātha, Purandara, Kachasiva, Sadāśiva, Hșidayēša and Vyömasiva. Of these Purandara is described to have founded two mathas, one at Mattamayūra and the other at Ranipadra. The latter place, it is narrated, was subsequently graced by Sadasiva by doing penance there, while still later, as has already been stated, its grandeur was revived and enhanced by Vyömasiva. From the numerous laudatory verses in praise of Vyömasiva we gather that he was an ascetic of a very high order and a profound scholar, well-versed in the Saiva-siddhāntas as well as in the Nyāya, Vaiśēshika, Mimāmsā and Samkhya sāstras, equally proficient in the Lökäyata, Bauddha and Jaina doctrines, who could easily silence his opponents in a debate, so much so that he is related to be a second omniscient Sankara (i.e., Siva) incarnate.
Now, considering that Vyömasiva, so far as the meaning of the word is concerned, is the same as Gaganasira, one feels suspicious whether the two names refer to one and the game person. And this suspicion is heightened by the fact that. Vyömasiva is variously mentioned in the Rāņod inscription by such equivalent appellations as Gaganēsa (v. 39), Vyömasambhu (v. 41), Vyömēba (v. 50) and Gaganaśasimauli (v. 65). The same will be found in the case of certain other sages. Thus, for example, Hridayēsa of the Rānod inscription
1 The Secretary to the Cabinet, Pātņā State, has kindly placed at my disposal copies of certain manuscripts by the late Mr. Manbodh Sahu, a resident of that State. One of them contains a transcript of the present inscription, with some notes regarding its contents. I find most of the text read by Mr. Sahu to be correct, except that he has, after the Oriya fashion, nised b for v in his transliteration. As regards the contents of the record, while his explanation of it improves little upon that given by Mr. Beglar and Sir Cunningham, he follows them in regard. ing Soměsvaradēva as referring to a royal personage.
* Above, Vol. I, p. 355, v. 9. * See R. D. Banerji's The Haihayae of Tripuri and Their Monuments (A. 8. I. Memoirs, No. 23), pp. 110 ff. .R. D. Banerji wrongly gives it as Ranipadra. • Above, Vol. I, p. 357, v. 29.
• Ibid., p. 359, vv. 43, 44. For a fuller list and a more detailed account the reader is referred to R. D. Banerji's monograph, loc. cit • Compare especially the verses 36-39 of the Rānod inscription.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
is called Hridayasiva in the Bilhari inscription. It is clear from this that with regard to the names of the Mattamayūra sages it was the sense of the word and not the word itself that mattered, so that any synonymous term could be substituted for a personal name, be it though merely to conform to metrical requirements. In view of these considerations, one would naturally conclude that Vyömasiva and Gaganaśiva are, in all probability, but two different names of one and the same person. This conclusion is favoured also by the likelihood of Tērambi being identical with Uttara-Tērambagriha. There is yet another point which would lend support to the identification of Vyömasiva with Gaganasiva, and that is the name Ranipadra. Has this name anything to do with Rānipur Jharial ? Referring to the deserted temples at this latter place, Mr. Beglar points out that they are traditionally ascribed to a Rani, but her name has been forgotten'. But one may as well ask : Can it not be that we have a replica of Ranipadra itself in Ränipur Jhariāl, with its name, tank, temples and all, owing their origin to one and the same personage, viz., Vyömasiva or Gaganasiva?
However plausible the above argument may appear, the whole question has to be left undecided in the absence of more convincing evidence. The verbal likeness between Ranipadra and Rānipur may be as accidental as may the similarity between Vyömasiva and Gaganasita be fortuitous. And when we consider how ill compares the faulty and clumsy construction of the present brief record with the chaste and ornate composition of the copious inscription from Rāņod, the former depicting Gaganabiva as a mediocre abbot and the latter representing Vyömasiva as a great celebrity among the learned and the holy, the possibility of the two being identical becomes remoter still. There is, however, no such obstacle in accepting Tērambi being the same as Uttara-Tērambagriha and Gaganaśiva being connected with the Mattamayūra sect of Saiva saints.
As regards the location of the places referred to above, Ranipadra has been taken to be Riņod itself, an old decayed town in the state of Gwālior, about half way between Jhānsi and Guna. Tērambi, it is suggested, may be identified with Terahi, which is five miles to the south-east of Rāņöd,and which seems also to represent the Uttara-Tērambagriha of the inscription under discussion, unless, as a partial phonetic resemblance between the names would suggest, it be identified with the modern Tarbhā, an important mart in the Sonepur State, lying on the borders of the Pātņā State, some sixty-five miles north-east of Ränipur Jhariāl, which seems less probable.
TEXT.
CORRECTED TEXT.
sä
1 [. . . s FJA: fwatu a t-
मेश्वरदेवभट्टारकपरमेश्वरवरप्रसादीः । Teata morfafawanafaal
T: facere I KATECHET
कपरमेश्वरवरप्रसादियों उत्तरेरम्बग्रहविनिर्मातगगनशिवा
Above, Vol. I, p. 269, v. 54.
Loc. cit., p. 128.
Above, Vol. I, pp. 361 and 353 • Tbid., p. 363.
From ink-impressions. . It onnot be ascertained whether the stone contained any more letters before the conjecturally supplied two syllables Oth na.
+ Sandhi has not been observed here.

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No. 32.]
RANIPUR JHARIAL INSURIPTIONS.
243
2 'अभिधा[.. .. .]चार्येन' इदं स्थानं | भिधानिसिक]चार्येण इदं स्थान कौर्तित
कीर्तितं सर्वे । तीर्थफलसमायोग सर्वतीर्थफलसमायोगं लोकानुग्राहक लोकानुग्राहक पुन्छ । सोमसा मि
पुण्यं सोमवामिसिद्देश्वरसिद्देश्वरं ।
लक्ष्मीचतुर्थकं नाम तीर्थं सात्वा सर्वसर्वपापविमोचनः । श्रोसोमीशना- पापविमोचनम् । श्रीसोमेशनाथ
थस्तव पादयुगले: अराधनकतत्परः] तव पादयुगले'पाराधनकतत्परः 4 प्रणमति गगनशिवं यदि वहो मुक्ति- | प्रणमति गगनशिवः । यदि बहो मुक्तिन्ददासि शहर । मुक्तो वा वन्ध
न्ददासि शहर । मुत्तो वा नसमर्थस्त किन भवति ॥ स्त
बन्धनसमर्थः । 'तपसि किन भवति। वापि खामिनो ज
तवापि स्वामिनो ज5 गत्पतिवन्धवा मोक्षन्ददासि
गत्पतिबन्धं वा मोचन्ददासि 6 गगनैकस्त्वयं प्रभुः शिवः ॥ गगनैकस्त्वयं प्रभुः शिवः ॥
__TRANSLATION. Om. Obeisance to Siva! The acharya (or siddhächārya ?) named Gaganasiva, an immigrant from the glorious Uttara-Tērambagriha, (who has been) favoured with a boon by the Supreme Master, the Lord, the illustrious god Sömēsvara, has built this (holy place which combines in itself the merit of all the holy places, is beneficent for the people, and is sacred, containing (the images of the four gods) namely Soma, Svāmin, Siddhesvara and Lakshmi as the fourth. This holy place delivers (one) of all sins, if (one) bathes (here). O Sri-Sõmēbanātha ! Gaganagiva, being ever full of devotion, bows at your pair of feet. O Sankara ! you bestow salvation (on your devotee), if (he) is in bondage. You are able even to put (one) into bondage, (if one) is freed. What is not possible through penance ? ....the lord of the universe. you give bondage or liberation. But Gagana alone (is?) this lord siva.
B.-Könduvalli Temple Inscription. At a little distance in front of the Mahādēva temple described above, there is another, called Kēnduvalli temple, which is much smaller in size. The face of the rock on which
1Sandhi has not been observed here. • Between pu and nyan tracer are visible of a cancelled letter which seems to bave been a na.
The reading is probably Scami, only the subscript v is not clear. • The usage of this absolute gerund for a conditional clause is unusual. . This is equivalent to sri-Sömēsvaradeva. • This can also be read as stath-api.
From here onwards the sense is not very clear to me. . These names have been discussed in the introduction. • See above, n. 4.
10 See above, n.7.

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244
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
it stands is carved with figures of nava-grahas. The present short inscription is engraved to the left of these carvings. Owing to the exposure, both the drawings and the epigraph are badly weather-worn and can be made out only with diffioulty.
The inscription consists of four short lines, each about a foot and a quarter in length, comprising one stanza in the Anushţubh metre; thus every line containing one quarter of the verse.
The characters are similar to those of the record A. already dealt with. The inscription can thus be assigned roughly to the 10th century A.D., which would also be the date of the temple the erection of which is recorded in it.
The language is Sanskrit, practically without any mistake. In point of orthography the use of s for & in suddho (1.1) may be noted. The significance of the words kirtir= and prakirtitā has been discussed above.
The record simply informs us that one Dēvānanda, son of Jõgēśvara, has raised this shrine in honour of Kțishņa, by which evidently the present Kēnduvalli temple itself is meant.
It cannot be ascertained from the inscription whether the name Kēnduvalli is the same as was originally given to the shrine or whether it came to be attached to it later on. It is, however, only from this epigraph that we learn that the shrine was dedicated to Krishna, as the monument itself in its present condition is totally bereft of its original contents. As is evidenced by this as well as by the previous record, the temples of Rānipur Jhariāl were devoted to various deities. It must, therefore, have been a place of pilgrimage for Hindu devotees of all persuasions.
No information is given regarding Dēvānanda and his father Jõgēsvara so as to determine whether the builder of this Kțishņa temple was also an acharya or simply a layman.
TEXT.
1 Erya: (pat 2 refa faza: 3 तेन कणोपचारेण 4 mfalat gaat
TRANSLATION.
Jõgēśvara (had) a son, well-known as Dēvānanda. This temple is constructed by him in honour of Krishna.
C.-Rākshasa-parvata Inscription.
This inscription is cut on the top of a rocky elevation known as Rakshasa-parvata, lyug opposite the Kēnduvalli temple at a short distance. The inscription is accompanied on the left by a line-drawing, representing a pair of human footprints enclosed within a rayed circle. The engraving of both the drawing and the writing is shallow.
1 See above p. 240.
From ink-impressions. Strictly speaking, it ought to have been Dēvananda iti, but sandhi has been made through the exigenoy of the metre. Or, the name Devānanda is used here aribhaktika, 1.e., without the case-termination.

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No. 33.]
ALLAHABAD MUNICIPAL MUSEUM YUPA INSCRIPTION.
245
The writing consists of three very small lines, each about eight inches long, comprising half a bloka. The characters appear to be somewhat later in date than those of the previous two records, but belong to the same type. The language is Sanskrit. The purport of the record is the consecration of the foot-marks (at the instance of a siddhāchārya ?) which are engraved near by, though the text is rather obscure. The nimbus around the foot-impresses denotes the holiness of the person to whom they belong, but there is nothing to show whether the person is a god or a saint.
TEXT.
1 sv2 [
ft]of 2 [a] fer3 te afrai[l*]
TRANSLATION. Om. Siddhāchārya has declared this footprint to be consecrated.
No. 33.--ALLAHABAD MUNICIPAL MUSEUM YUPA INSCRIPTION.
By Prof. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D.LITT., BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY, While on a visit to Allahābād, Rai Bahadur Braj Mohan Vyas, B.A., LL.B., the devoted founder and maker of the Allahābād Municipal Museum, showed to me an inscribed fragmentary stone pillar, which had been acquired for the museum some months ago. This interesting monument hailed from the neighbourhood of Kosam, ancient Kausambi, in Allahābād District, which was a well-known and flourishing city in ancient India. Rai Bahadur Vyas kindly supplied to me an ink-impression of the inscription on the pillar, after I had read it from the original, and requested me to edit it in the Epigraphia Indica. I am doing so accordingly.
The inscription has been inscribed on a stone pillar, which, in its original form, was obviously intended to be a yüpa. The pillar has been sadly mutilated; only one of its facets along with a small part of the adjoining one on its left, has been recovered. To judge from the angles of these facets, it is clear that the pillar was originally an octagonal one. It thus resembled the main shafts of the yūpas at Isäpur, Badvā and Bijaygadh. For further information about the size, nature and significance of sacrificial pillars, I may refer the reader to my paper on Three Maukhari Inscriptions on Yüpas, Krita year 295' published ante, Vol. XXIII, pp. 42 ff.
As in the case of the Isāpur yüpa, the inscription on this pillar also has been engraved in hori. zontal lines. In this respect it differs from the rather inconvenient arrangement to be seen on the yüpas at Nändsă, Badvă and Bijaygadh, where the records have been inscribed in long vertical lines to be read from the top to the bottom or rice versa. The extant portion of the inscription extends over 16 lines. From its concluding sentence, May Mahēšvara, thus honoured, be pleased over and over again, it is clear that the record ends with the last words of the present last line.
From ink-impressions.
Expressed by a symbol • There are two records on the pillar of Nåndsi containing practically the identical text. One of these is writter in vertical and the other in horizontal lines.-Ed.)

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It may be recalled that the Isāpur yüpa record also ends similarly, May the fires be pleased '. We may therefore confidently conclude that our record did not run into any lower line over a facet which has been destroyed.
The general arrangement of the record and the purport of the lines preserved make it further certain that the present first line was preceded by two earlier ones, which referred to the first two sacrifices in the Sapta-Soma-samstha. This point will be further explained later.
The portion of the inscription that has been inscribed on the completely preserved facet of the pillar and also over a small fraction of the facet on its left, makes it clear that each facet was intended to have one quartrain of the Anushțubh metre. It is thus clear that at least the metrical part of the record was inscribed over the four out of the eight facets of the yūpa. The same probably was the arrangement in the case of the last five lines, which are in prose.
The characters of the inscription, which has been engraved very carefully and beautifully, belong to about the 2nd century of the Christian era. The form of the letters na, na, la, and sa makes it quite clear that the record is much earlier than the Gupta period. It would be instructive to compare its characters with those of the Isāpur, Nändsă and Badvā yūpas, erected respectively in the 24th year of emperor Vāsishka, and 282nd and 295th year of the Krita, i.e., Vikrama era. Unlike in any of the above dated records, in our epigraph, the forms of the medial short and long i are denoted by one and two curvilinear lines respectively, placed over the top of the letter; the later practice of using for this purpose curves turning to the left and right, which we see in Isāpur, Nändsă and Badvā records, is not known to our epigraph. The central stroke of sa is still slanting downwards; this is an archaic characteristic and is not to be seen in any of the above records. Na and ma have only a slight bend in the base line; the former has not yet developed a hook, and the latter shows no tendency to develop any curve at the top. The central bar of ka is still a straight line; it has not become curved as at Nändsă and Badvă. The vertical of la has not yet developed a curve at the top as at Badvă. Ya shows no loop in the left limb as at Nānds, and Badvă. The letter da still retains its archaic form and opens to the left as in the inscriptions of Ushavadāta and Rudradāman. Palæography would therefore show that this yüpa inscription is earlier than the yüpa records, referred to above; we may, therefore, with fair certainty, place it in the first part of the 2nd century A.D., if not even a little earlier.
The language of the record is Sanskrit, but there are the following mistakes in it. Chchh in uchchhritah or samuchchhritah has been throughout represented by chh ; see 11. 1, 2, 7. In 1.7 Ovim te has been wrongly spelt as 'vimśē. In 1. 10 dātvēva is probably a mistake for dattv-aiva. At the end of the 1. 13, there is a sandhi mistake ; instead of tasminnrev=āhani the record reads tasmirnēv-āhani. The last five lines of the record are in prose, but its first 11 lines are in verse, the metre being Anushtubh. The same probably was the case with the first two lines of the record that have now been lost.
Orthography calls for a few remarks only. An anusvāra is indicated by a dot above the letter; it is not changed to the nasal of the class of the letter following ; see 11. 6,8. Va has been changed into ba in the word Kaubidārikā, 1. 12.1 Consonants are not doubled when they are conjoined with a preceding r; cf. chaturthah, 1.2, or-bhokta vyam, 1. 15. The rules of sandhi are usually observed : dbhih charakaio (1. 15) is the only exception. There are no punctuation marks at the end of sentences or verses. At the end of J. 15, there is a small horizontal stroke which was perhaps intended to be a punctuation mark. The verses are numbered at the end. There is a separate numbering for the verses in sections A and B of the record.
[See p. 249, n. 3 below.-Ed.]

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No. 33.]
ALLAHABAD MUNICIPAL MUSEUM YUPA INSCRIPTION.
247
Symbols for all the numerals from 1 to 9 appear in the record. They are similar to those found in the Näsik and Kushana inscriptions of the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D.
As regards the date, it is clear from 1. 7 that the record was inscribed in the 23rd regnal year of a certain king. But as his name is not preserved in the extant part of the inscription, we cannot utilise this information for determining its date. Paleographical evidence therefore affords the only clue; it points to the early part of the 2nd century A.D. as the probable date of the record, as shown already above.
Though the inscription is very fragmentary, its main purpose can be ascertained fairly satisfactorily. It divides itself into three parts, part A consisting of ll. 1-7, Part B of 11. 8-11, and part C of 11. 12-16. Part A commemorates the erection of as many as seven yūpas in connection with the performance of seven Söma sacrifices, technically known as Sapta-Soma-sanstha. The sacrificer was almost certainly Sivadatta, who was a very trusted minister of a certain king, whose name has been lost. That he performed the various sacrifices comprised in the group of seven Soma sacrifices becomes clear from the fact that only seven sacrifices are mentioned, and that to judge from the wording in 11. 3 and 5—they have been counted from Agnishtöma. Line 5 further shows that the 5th sacrifice in the series was Vājapēya. Such actually is the case with the sacrifices in Sapta-Soma-samstha. For the sacrifices included in this group are Agnishtöma, Atyagnishtöma, Ulthya, Shodasin, Vājapëya, Atirātra and Aptoryāma, and they are to be performed in the stated order.
In the Vedic age the Söma sacrifice was very common and its most popular form was Agnishfoma, so called because the last of its twelve chants was called Agnishtöma-sāman. The other six sacrifices included in the Sapta-Söma-samsthā, enumerated in the preceding paragraph, differ from Agnishtöma only in minor details. This group of seven Sõma sacrifices seems to have been very popular when the Vedic religion was in ascendancy, for one Dharmasūtra writer has elevated them to the status of the samskāras.' It is clear that the idea was that these sacrifices should be performed by every householder as regularly as the sacraments like the u panayana and antyēsht. As a matter of fact we sometimes find even the Gțihya sacrifices, which were very numerous, being artificially grouped into a sapta-pākayajña-samsthā on the analogy of the sapta-Somayajñasamstha. This would show how great was the importance that was attached to the seven Soma sacrifices of this group. It is, however, interesting to note that the present is the first case of our having discovered any yüpa referring to their performance. The Bijayagadh yāpa and the yūpas of king Mülavarman of Borneo do not mention the name of the sacrifice in connection with which they were erected. The Isäpur yüpa commemorates the celebration of a Dvādaśa-rātra sacrifice, and the Vändsä yüpa of the Shashţi-rülra, as would appear from the preliminary note published about its inscription by Mr. Haldar. Each of the three Badvā yüpa inscriptions that have so far been published, refers to the Tritātra sacrifice and another from the place, which is published below, commemorates an Aptoryāma sacrifice. The present record is therefore the first one published so far that refers to the celebration of all the seven sacrifices included in the famous Sapta-Somayajña-sansthā.
1 Kätyāyana-Srautasútra, X, 9, 27. In the enumeration of these sacrifices as given in Gautama-Dharmasutra, U kthya, Alyagnishfoma, Shodasin and Atiratra occupy the 2nd, 6th, 3rd and 4th position respectively. * Gautama-Dharmasutra.
Baudhayana-Grihyasútra, 1, 1, 1. * [In one of the inscriptions of Mülavarman, Bahubuvarņaka has been taken by Kern as a synonym of Banuhiranya, a Soma sacrifice.-Ed.)
• Ind. Ant., 1929, p. 53. [The sacrifice mentioned in this record is Bka-shashti-ratra.--Ed.]

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[VOL. XXIV.
Section A of the record, consisting of ll. 1-7, refers to the erection of seven pillars in connection with the seven Soma sacrifices referred to above. The first line of the record, which has been numbered 3 at its end, begins with a fragmentary letter which was clearly t, and which is followed by yo yupa u[ch]chhritaḥ. It is clear that we have to restore the first word as trityo and that the line refers to the erection of the third yupa in connection with the third sacrifice of Sōma group, viz., the Ukthya. Of the first word in 1. 2, which has been numbered 4 at the end, only two letters °rthas-tu have been preserved. It is however clear that we have to restore the word as chaturthas-tu and the line thus refers to the erection of the fourth resplendent yupa. The next line in the inscription, which is numbered 5, refers to the fifth one from Agnishtoma; as the sacrifices in the Sapta-Somayajña-samstha were numbered from Agnishtoma, its first member, the line refers to the erection of the fifth yupa in connection with the Vajapeya sacrifice, which is the fifth one in the series. The next line, which contains the verse numbered 6 in the record, refers to the sixth one from the first sacrifice. Obviously when complete, it described the erection of the 6th yūpa in connection with the Atiratra sacrifice, which is the 6th member in the Soma group. The next line, containing the verse 7, refers to the seventh yupa from Agnishtōma, and obviously must have referred to the Aptöryäma sacrifice, which was the last one in the Sapta-Soma-samsthā group. It would now become clear from this that the original record contained two more lines in the beginning, which have been now completely lost and which must have referred to the erection of two yupas in connection with Agnishtoma and Atyagnishṭoma sacrifices, which were the first and second member respectively in the series of seven Sōma sacrifices.
Though not originally included in the group of Soma sacrifices by the earlier Samhitas, the 5th sacrifice in this series, the Vajapeya, soon assumed very great importance, and became associated with royal coronation. The 6th line of our record [pratha]mad-yajñāt pañchamo Vājapeyikaḥ refers to something connected with this sacrifice, as its concluding adjective would show. As the record is fragmentary, we cannot be sure about the purport of this line. It is, however, permissible to conjecture that the line referred once more to the yupa of the Vajapēya sacrifice, and that it is identical with the one we have discovered. It would appear that though seven yūpas were duly set up by the sacrificer, he decided to select the yupa of Vajapeya sacrifice for the honour of bearing the inscription, commemorating the performance of the seven Sōma sacrifices. Other yupas were probably merely erected but not inscribed. We can now understand how only one of the sacrificial pillars found at Isäpur bears an inscription. When several yupas were erected in connection with a sacrificial sottra, it was customary to inscribe the relevant inscription on only one of them. The yupas at Badva are all inscribed, because they refer to sacrifices performed, no doubt on the same day, but by different sacrificers. Each sacrificer was anxious to commemorate his sacrifice separately.
The 7th line of the record stated the time of the performance of these sacrifices. The date was given not in any era but in the regnal year of a king. Unfortunately for history, the name of this potentate has been lost. The only restoration possible of the first crucial word in the line is [trayo]vimse; the first fragmentary letter may possibly be taken as pā, but it can give no word for a numeral in combination with vimse following. On the other hand it could very well have been a part of the letter yo. In that case the word can be restored as trayōvim(vim) se, as pointed out above. The record therefore was undoubtedly dated in the 23rd year of a king, whose name has now been lost.
Section B of the record, consisting of 11. 8-11, is again in Anushṭubh metre. It was intended to give us information about the honorarium paid to the Brahmaņas, who officiated at these sacrifices. It is almost certain from these lines that the sacrificer was not the king, but a minister of his

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No. 33.]
ALLAHABAD MUNICIPAL MUSEUM YUPA INSCRIPTION.
249
His name Sivadatta appears in l. 8 and he is probably once more referred to in l. 11 as a friend of the king', the form räjamitrab being probably a mistake for rājamitran. The first word of 1. 8 can certainly be restored as grāmam. The line, therefore, mentioned a village given to the minister Sivadatta, obviously by the king. In l. 9 the word grāma occurs as an object of a sentence and 1. 10 refers to the payment of dakshiņā. It would therefore appear that a village, which had been originally given by the king to his minister Sivadatta, was subsequently transferred by him as dakshina to the priests, who officiated in his sacrificial session. Each Sõma sacrifice required 16 priests; if different sets of priests had officiated at each of the seven Söma sacrifices performed by Sivadatta, the total number of persons entitled for the sacrificial fee would have been 112. Though an entire village was thus alienated, each donee probably received only tişth part of its revenues. The total dakshinā, which Sivadatta had to pay on the occasion, undoubtedly constituted a big amount, and it will incidentally remind us of the oftrepeated observation that the Vedic sacrifices represented the religion of rich aristocracy and were beyond the means of ordinary individuals.
Section of the record, consisting of 11. 12-16, is in prose and these lines have not been numbered. As the lines are fragmentary, their purport can only be conjectured. Line 12 describes the homage paid to Kaubidarikā and the first part of l. 13 refers to some merit available in this and the next life. Kövidāra is the name of tree, favourite to Siva like Bilva.' It would appear that Siva was the tutelary deity of the minister Sivadatta and these lines refer to the planting of a Kövidāra grove, Kaubidārikām (vātikām), apparently in the garden of a Siva temple, and the homage paid to it on the occasion. The merit of this religious act was probably described in the greater part of the next line, i.e., 1. 13.
Ll. 14-16, along with the last six letters of l. 13, refer to another gift made on the same day. The last line (1. 16) expresses the hope that Mahēšvara, thus honoured, may be pleased over and over again. It would therefore appear that the donee of this second gift was a Siva temple. L. 15 states that wandering mendicants should be supplied with food. It would appear that this temple of Siva had a sattra attached to it, and that a portion of the donation was reserved for the expenses connected with it. Epigraphs of later days refer to several such sattras maintained by temple authorities, where poor men, wandering mendicants and students were offered free food. L. 14 and a portion of l. 15 describe the gift given. The extant portion of the inscription does not specifically describe the object of this gift, but to judge from the expression sarva-jāta-bhögyam and abhrita-pravēsyan, it is obvious that the gift made was of a village. Whether the donor was the king or his minister Sivadatta we do not know; probably it was the latter.
Though the record is very fragmentary, we can thus ascertain its purport almost completely The loss of the name of the king, whom Sivadatta was serving as a minister, ie, however, an irreparable historical loss. Had his name been preserved, we would probably have been able to date the record and get some welcome information about the contemporary history.
The contents of the record, as made out above, would show that it is a very interesting epigraph. It not only refers to the erection of as many as seven yüpas in connection with the
1 [Probably we have to take Rajamitra here as a proper name as the case termination indicates.-Ed.)
*(We cannot determine if the whole of this portion is in prose. The opening portion of l. 13 appears to be in Anushfubh metre, while the last line decidedly conforms to Vamsasthavila metre.-Ed.]
safari fra Tefafsa: fra:
I am indebted to Pandit Chinnaswami Shastri, Vice-Principal, Oriental College, Benares Hinda University, for drawing my attention to this line. [Köbidárika and Kósambaka, apparently as place names, occur in the Indore Plates of Pravarasēns II (above, p. 55).-Ed.]
• See Ante, Vol. IV, p. 365; Ind. An., Vol. X, pp. 129-31, Vol. V, p. 344; E. C., Vol. I, No. 45.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
performance of the seven Söma sacrifices, but also records a donation made on the same day, and probably by the same donor and of the same value, to'a temple of Siva. The record thus shows how in the everyday life of the second century Hindu community, Vedic and Paurānic religions were harmoniously blended together. The concluding portion of the Isäpur yüpa inscription is
Priyant[@]m-Agnaya[b]', and it is quite appropriate in a record describing a Vedic sacrifice. In our epigraph, however, the concluding sentence expresses the hope that Siva may be pleased. Of course this is probably due to the last recorded donation being in favour of a Siva temple. It would however also attest to the growing hold of the Pauranic religion even on the minds of those who were taking an active part in the revival of the Vedic religion.
TEXT.1
1 [auti bent nu ofen:" [no]zo [n*] 2 [99*]stant Arqu: arga: [*] 8 [1*] 3 [aujat? farrafametnig 1994 [ue] * [u*] 4 [mman osan leaft: En*] & [no] 5 [mm*mmenfaelaTM HAAH [w*] o [n*] 6 (9*** JATOWIRITAT aceroferam: [u*] = [w*) 7 [terloje47a" ang tu agrega:** [v] + [**] 8 (916) fwecara difera (u*] { [**] 9 [**]lofaat A
1 947. [**] [#]
B
1 From the original and ink-impression. * A part of the letter ti can be seen in the ink-impression. * Read uchchkritah. . Read 3. The upper horizontal line in the symbol for 3 has been destroyed. . For the restoration proposed, see the introduction. • Read samuclrhhrilah.
* The first letter ta of this line appears to have the mark of a medial i above it in the ink-impression. It is, however, merely u crevioe in the stone, caused when the pillar was mutilated. There is no clear sign of medial o also on the second letter. This letter is, however, the 6th one in an Anwahiubh quartrain and should therefore be a long one. The reading and restoration lalo seems to be very probable. Compare (tallöneng at the beginning of the next line.
• For the restoration proposed, see the introduction,
Read shashthak 10 The subscript kra of this conjunct has penetrated into the lower line. 11 The right portion of the circle of tha can be seen in the ink-impression.
1. The first fragmentary letter of this line can also be read as på, but when joined to the word time following at cannot combine into any suitable word. It must therefore be taken to be the right hand portion of yo; traya vimse then is the only restoration possible. Read Ovimét.
14 Road samuchchhritah. U A womparison of the remnant of this letter with the letter grå occurring in the next line shows that it could bavo heen nothing else than grå when in undamaged condition.
** This restoration is rendered probable by the word mantrinè occurring in the preceding line.

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ALLAHABAD MUNICIPAL MUSEUM YUPA INSCRIPTION.
2
!
+
:YRIS O
uudyok:64
**Y
12ID
STPFL3 SRP 255 ,
12: ZABLE
20
14
BAY SPORT
: 14538 +RVI
10
3811Sy
10
FYW
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REA. No. 1902 E38-275.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Page #304

No. 34.]
FOURTH MAUKHARI YUPA INSCRIPTION FROM BADVA.
10-तिं दावेव
11 [ यश *] सा राजमिचः श्रिया वृतः [ ॥ * ]
तदाचिणाम् [॥ *]
12 कोबिदारिकां शिरसा प्रतिष्ठा
13
-
२ [* J
C
४ ॥ * 1
फलाः प्रेत्य चेच च [1] तखिने वाइनि सर्वजातभोग्यमभूत प्रवे
हार
15 [आागच्छ* ]द्भि: 1 "चर के र्भोक्तव्यमिति 11
16
कृतः पुनः पुनः प्रौतिमिवामहमार प्रति [1]
251
No. 34.-FOURTH MAUKHARI YUPA INSCRIPTION FROM BADVA.
BY PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., LL.B., D.LITT., BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY.
6
While editing my paper on Three Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas: Krita year 295', I had observed that a fourtà sacrificial pillar should have originally existed in the locality. I had thought that a Sati stone, existing not far from the locality and bearing the letters yaiño in the characters of about the 3rd century A.D., was probably a fragment of the fourth pillar.13 Dr. Mathuralal Sharma, the State Historian, Kotah, however, now reports to me that a fourth yupa, complete in every respect, was discovered in another part of the same village. It bears a general resemblance to the three yupas already discovered, whose photographs were published along with my paper on the inscriptions engraved upon them. The new yupa also
14
1 The letter preceding tim had a medial i mark which can be seen in the impression. It is, however, not possible to restore the word.
*Read dativ-aiva.
* Read -dakshiņām.
The first broken letter was obviously sa; compare it with the form of this letter in ll. 7, 8, 12, 14, etc. The restoration yabasa is therefore very probable, the metrical irregularity not being a serious one. [The proposed restoration is doubtful. According to the rules of prosody the two syllables preceding så in this case should ordinarily be long. In fact there seems to be a sign of medial & attached to the seventh syllable of this pada.Ed.]
The letters phalah are preceded by a fragmentary letter, which looks like ti. Phalah obviously must have formed the concluding part of a compound, but it is difficult to restore it with confidence.
Read tasminn-ev-dhani.
7 Read haram. The word may have been agrahāram.
Village grants usually use the word bhata in this connection; here its original Sanskrit form has been
preferred.
This restoration is conjectural, but it is rendered highly probable by the word charakaih following. 16 Read dbhis charakair=.
11 This stop is indicated by a horizontal stroke. It cannot stand for the numeral 1 here as it does in i. 8.
1 A greater part of the letter sa is visible in the impression.
33 Ante, Vol. XXIII, pp. 42-3.
14 Ibid., plate facing page 53.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
bears an inscription written, as on the other yūpas in this locality, in a long vertical line. Dr. Mathuralal has kindly sent me an ink-impression of the record with a request to edit it in the Epigraphia Indica : I am doing so accordingly.
As in the case of other sacrificial pillars at Badvā, the surface of this pillar also is not properly dressed. Some of the letters of the record have not therefore come out well in engraving. The mason was also not very careful in his work. Thus in ga of gava (1.2), he has engraved a third slanting stroke; nu in Dhanutrāta (1.1) has been tacked on to its preceding letter and the engraving of sya and sra is throughout very shabby. The characters of the record show a close resemblance to those on the other sacrificial pillars from this village, already published. Though the record is not dated, on palæographical grounds it can well be placed with confidence in the third century A.D., to which period the other Maukhari records of the locality belong.
The language of the record is Sanskrit. Unlike the other yüpa records at Badvā, this inscription is composed in poetry. It consists only of a single verse in Anushtubh metre. The record, though short, contains several mistakes, which will be indicated in the foot-notes.
The purport of the record is to announce that the pillar upon which it has been engraved. is a yüpa erected in Aptoryäma sacrifice performed by Dhanutráta, son of Hastin, of the Maukhari clan, and that a sacrificial fee of one thousand cows was paid on the occasion to the officiating Brāhmanas. Unlike other yüpa records at Badvā, this record does not bear any date at its beginning. The name of the sacrificer Dhanutrāta, one proteoted by his bow', and of his father Hastin, Elephant', would suggest that the family was of the Kshatriya stock. Neither the sacrificer nor his father bears any feudatory or military titles like Samanta or Senāpati. It may be that the family of Hastin had not yet risen high in the military or administrative hierarchy like that of Bala, who was a Mahāsënāpati or a commander-in-chief in 239 A.D. Or, it may be that in the short space of a single Anushțubh verse, this information could not be imparted by the versifier. The former seems to have been the probable alternative; had Dhanuträts of his father acquired any feudatory or military rank, the versifier would certainly have been ordered to compose a second verse, announcing this distinction. Another facet of the pillar could have been utilised for this purpose, as has been done in the case of the yüpa of Balasimha from this locality,
The Badvā yüpa records would show that there were several Maukhari families settled in the locality during the 3rd century A.D. They were probably the scions of one and the same stock. Records discovered so far do not establish any blood relationship between the families of Bala and Hastin, apart from the suggestion conveyed by their surname. All the Maukhari families were following the military profession and some of them like that of Bala had risen very high in military hierarchy. Probably several villages, if not Tahsils, in modern Kotah state in the vicinity of Badva and Kotah were assigned to them as military jāgirs.
The sacrifice performed by Dhanutrāta was Aptöryāma. It is a variety of the one day Sõma sacrifice, but occupied, like the Atitātra sacrifice, a whole day and extended through the next night. It marks a further elaboration of the Atiratra sacrifice, inasmuch as it added four extra stotras and sastras to it at the end. It forms the last member of the famous group of seven Soma sacrifices, technically known as Sapta-Soma-samstha. For further information on this point see my paper on Allahābād Municipal Museum Yüpa inscription', ante, pp. 245 ff.
Keith: The Veda of the Black Yajus School, introduction, p. CXVII.

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Page #307

FOURTH MAUKHARI YUPA INSCRIPTION FROM BADVA.
Left Section
Middle Section
Right Section.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVAR
Reg. No. 1901 E'38-285.

Page #308

No. 35.) KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF BHADRAMAGHA'S REIGN : THE YEAR 81.
253
TEXT. Mokharēr=Hasti-puttrasya Dhanuttrt'tasya dhimataḥ [1] Aptö[1]yy[ā]mna[b] kratoh yūpaḥ sahasrð gava-dakshiņā. [1]
TRANSLATION. This is the yüpa of the Aptöryāma sacrifice performed by the wise Dhanuttrāta, son of Hastin, of the Maukhari clan; an honorarium of a thousand cows (was given on the occasion).
No. 35.-KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF BHADRAMAGHA'S REIGN : THE YEAR 81.
BY KRISHNA DEVA, M.A. This inscription which is engraved on a large slab of sand-stone, was discovered early in December 1937 in the course of an exploration of the ancient site of Kosam and its neighbourhood in the district of Allabābād by Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Superintendent, Archæological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta. It was dug out, 2 ft. below surface, from the western bank of an old dried up nālā, once draining into the Jumna, near the village Nauhāi, nearly 11 miles north-west of the well-known Kosam Pillar. I am grateful to Mr. Majumdar for kindly supplying me with an estampage of the inscription and providing me with facilities for editing it.
The epigraph is in an excellent state of preservation. The writing, which is neatly incised in two lines, covers a space of 2' 8" X 4" and is engraved breadthwise at one end of the huge rectangular slab, measuring 7' in length, 2' 9" in width and 6" in thickness. The size of the letters varies in length from 1' to 2".
The characters of the inscription belong to the Brahmi alphabet of the later Kushäņa period. The majority of the letters used are Kushāna while a few like m and h show advanced forms which are rare in the Kushāņa documents but are of common occurrence in the Gupta records. The inscription, however, bears a close resemblance to the Mathurā pedestal inscription of the year 14 of Kanishka with which it also agrees in the use of m, h and s (e.g. maharajasya, 1. 1) of the so. called eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet. The signs used for representing the medial vowelsa and 2 by horizontal side strokes (e.g. asana-patā, 1.2; savatsarë, 1. 1), i by a curve to left on top of the consonant (e.g. divasë, 1. 1), i by a U-shaped sign at the top of the letter (e.g. dvitiya, 1. 1) and si by a line, slanting from the lower right extremity of the consonant towards left (e.g. grishma, 1. 1)-as well as the forms of the letters n and » with curved base-lines (e.g. asana-pattā and frēniya, 1.2), gand & with rounded tops (e.g.grishma-pakshe, 1. 1; frēniya, l. 2), gh, j, p and v with flat angular forms (e.g. Bhadramaghasya, maharajasya, pakshe and savatsarē, 1. 1) and the initial à with the bar denoting its length attached lower down (e.g. āsana-pattā, l. 2)—are typical of the Kushāna writing. The forms of g, t, bh and & show the pre-Gupta type inasmuch as in each case their verticals are of the same length. Similarly noteworthy is the letter sh with unlooped form and archaic round base. Incidentally we may also notice some peculiarities which are evidently due to the engraver's carelesgness; the middle horizontal bar of the first sa in savatsarë (1. 1) is missing
From an ink impression. * Read Hasti. • Owing to the carelessness of the mason, the three letters in dhanuttra have been all joined thgather.
Read lör-yūpah. • Read sahasra-gava-dakshinas . Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 96 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
and the base line of na in äsana-patta (1.2) has on either side been bent so low that it is difficult to distinguish it from ta; compare ēkasite (1.1) for the latter.
The language of the inscription is the usual mixed dialect of the Kushāņa documents. The form grishma for grishma is noteworthy. As regards the expressions maharajasya (1.1) and stha pata (1.2) we are not sure whether the shortening of the long vowels in these is due to a mistake in spelling or to Prakritism. The plural form in asana-patļā (1.2) has a parallel in āyāga-paļā, occurring in one of the Mathura inscriptions.
The object of the inscription is to record the installation of asana-pattas, i.e. seats by & guild of stone-masons in the year 81, second fortnight of the summer and Afth day, during the reign of Mahārāja Bhadramagha. Judging from its shape and enormous size, its well-dressed smooth surface and the position oocupied by the inscribed portion, we may safely conclude that the slab itself is being adverted to as one of the āsana-pattas. It is interesting to note that two more inscriptions from Kosam, referring to the year 87 of Bhadiamagha,' are incised on slabs, similarly labelled as asana-paffas. One of the latter epigraphs explicitly states that the asana-paffa was set up at a tank. The fact that the present inscription has been unearthed from the bank of what looks like an ancient canal confirms that it was customary at the time to set up asana-palgas at the bathing ghits. The inscription furnishes the earliest known date for the reign of Mahārāja Bhadramagha, viz., the year 81. So far only two dates, years 868 and 87, were known for the reign of this king. The inscription, therefore, shows that Mahārāja Bhadramagha had a reign extending over at least seven years.
The record testifies to the existence of a guild of stone-masons in the Kosam region during the early centuries of the Christian era. It is interesting to note in this connection that within two hundred yards of the find spot of the inscription there is a sandstone quarry, popularly known as Pathar Khan, with remains of ancient workings visible on the spot. It is not improbable that this quarry supplied the stone-masons with requisite material for practising their craft.
There is a striking family likeness in point of script, language, style and the peculiar method of dating, giving in order the year, number of fortnight in the season and the day, between this and a series of dated records, coming from the Kosani region. That these inscriptions together with the present one are dated in a continuous, though unfortunately unspecified, reckoning, ranging from the year 52 to the year 130, seems probable. The inscriptions are as follows :
1. Ginja inscription of Mahārāja Bhimasēna--year 52. 2. Kosam inscription of Mahārāja Bhadramagha--year 81. 3. Kosam inscription of Mahārāja Bhadramagha-year 86. 4-5. Two Kosam inscriptions of Mahārāja Bhadramagha--year 87.7 6. Kosam inscription of Mahārāja Sivamagha--year lost." 7. Kosam inscription of Mahārāja Vaisravana-year 107. 8. Kosam inscription of Mahārāja Bhimavarman-year 130.10
-Above, Vol. I, p. 397, No. XXXV. The Commemoration Volume, pp. 101 ff., above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 245 ff.
The year in the Kosam inscription of Bhadramagba, above, Vol. XVIII, p. 160, No. III, is read by Sahni, ita shitor, M 88, whereas Jayaswal takes it to be 80, History of India, 160-360 A. D., p. 230. The latter reading seems to be preferable. Compare also Dr. Sten Konow's remarks above, Vol. XXIII, p. 247.
• Ounningham, A. S. R., Vol. XXI, p. 119, Pl. XXX; and above, Vol. III, Pl. facing p. 306. The present inscription.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 160, No. II. Jha Com. Vol., pp. 101 ff.; above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 245 ff. . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 150, No. II.
See above, pp. 146 ff. 10 Indian Culture, Vol. III, No. 1, pp. 177 ft.

Page #310

No. 35.)
KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF BHADRAMAGHA'S REIGN: THE YEAR 81. 255
The question of the attribution of the above to a known era bristles with difficulties. Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni who edited Nos. 3 and 6 was inclined to refer them to the Gupta era.? Dr. Jayaswal, on the other hand, followed General Cunningham who refers No. 1 to the preGupta period and definitely held that these are to be assigned to the Chēdi era of 248 A. D: This is supported by Mr. Amalananda Ghosh who refers No. 8 to the same reckoning. The editor of Nos. 4-5, however, thinks that these might be attributed to the era of either 78 A. D. or 120 A. D."
Now as the whole controversy mainly hinges on palæographical evidence, it is worth while to examine the exact relationship of the script of our inscriptions to that of the Kushāņa records on the one hand and the Gupta on the other. No. 1 of our list, which bears the earliest date, is palæographically earlier than the remaining Kosam inscriptions and is, in fact, hardly distinguishable from the general body of the imperial Kushāņa documents except for the use of m and h of the Eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet which links it with the Kosam series. It is to be noted that it shows the archaic unlooped type of the dental sibilant which is invariably replaced by the looped type in all the Kosam records save the last, namely No. 8, where both forms appear side by side. At the other extreme is No. 7 of our list, which though not the latest in date, nevertheless, closely approaches the Allahābād inscription of Samudragupta in its comparatively mature and cursive style of writing, in the use of pronounced top-strokes and in the representation of some of the individual letters like n with a loop, with the bent vertical, p with an acute angle, o, d, dh, y and I, besides m, h and 8 which are common with the majority of the Kosam records. While noting the likenesses we should also not ignore the points of disagreement between the two which go to show that No. 7 is not exactly as advanced as and consequently slightly earlier than the Allahābād pillar inscription. To illustrate, while the former uses the older forms of t, g, $, and bh, with equal verticals, in the latter usually the right limb of each of these is longer than the corresponding left; the letter sh in the former is of the archaic unlooped variety while the latter contains the more advanced looped type; n in the latter is invariably indicated by its cursive looped or unlooped form while the former always shows the Kushāna form of the letter with the curved base-line; the medial i in the former as in all the earlier records is represented by a curved stroke at the top of the consonant while in the latter the left limb of the curve is occasionally lengthened below the top line, a feature characteristic of the Gupta script. It will thus be seen that whereas No. 1 appears to be not much posterior to the latest records belonging to the Great Kushānas, No. 7 is perhaps not far removed in time from the Allahābād inscription. Within the limit set by these two may be placed the remaining Kosam records including the present one, which bear affinity to the Gupta characters in the case of a handful of signs and to the Kushāņa in that of a larger number but whose general ductus of hand shows greater maturity than is evident in the Kushāna, without approximating the Gupta in cursiveness. It is, therefore, not unreasonable to assume that the Kosam records, which, as already observed above, present striking family-likeness one to the other, belong to the period of transition between the Kushāna and the Gupta and niay roughly be assigned sometime from the third century to the first half of the fourth century A. D.
This is strikingly corroborated by the stratigraphical evidence of the Bhita sealings of Bhimasēna and Sivamagha, which were discovered little above the Kushāņa level. The remarkable
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 160. • Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. XXI, p. 119.
• History of India, 150-350 A. D., pp. 229-30. • Indian Culture, Vol. III, No. 1, p. 179.
* Jha Com. Vol., pp. 106-07. .C.1.., Vol. III, No. 1. - An. Rep. A. 8. I.. 1911-12, pp. 32 and 51, sealings 26 and 27.

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[VOL. XXIV.
paleographical similarity between these and the Kosam records has led Dr. Jayaswal to convincingly identify Rajan Väsishthiputtra Bhimasēnal, and Mahārāja Gautamiputra Sivamagha of the sealings with Mahārāja Bhimsēna and Mahārāja Sivamagha of Nos. 1 and 6, respectively." The transitional character of the language employed in the Kosam records also points in the same direction. It reveals an unmistakable tendency towards progressive Sanskritisation without altogether eliminating the Prākrit forms and expressions. Lastly, there is no evidence to show that the peculiar method of dating uniformly adopted in the Kosam records was continued in Northern India in the Gupta period. Even in the Kushāna period its use seenus to have been limited. From the foregoing considerations it seems unlikely that our inscriptions should refer themselves to either the Saka or the Gupta era, as one becomes too early and the other too late. We will, therefore, be not far from right if we provisionally assign our inscriptions to the Chodi ora of 248 A. D. which strikes a golden mean between the two extremes. Referred to this reckon. ing the dates on the Kosam series will be equivalent to 300-378 A. D. and that on the present epigraph to 329 A. D. In this connection the possibility of our having to reckon with a local era, current in the Kosam region, as suggested by Mr. Amalananda Ghosh' cannot be overlooked. The final solution of the problem, however, is possible only on the discovery of fresh evidence of a more decisive character.
TEXT. 1 Maharajasya śri-Bhadramaghasya savatsarē ēkasitē 80 1 grishma-paksha
dvitiya(yo) 2 divasē pañchamē 5. 2 ētayē puruvayê Katsa-pastharika-frēniya asana-patřā sthapata.
TRANSLATION In the year eighty-one, 81, (in the reign) of the Mahārāja, the illustrious Bhadramagha in the second, 2, fortnight of the summer, on the fifth, 5, day; on (the date specified as) above the slabBeats were set up by the guild of the stone-masons of Katsa.
No. 36.-DHARANIKOTA DHARMACHAKRA PILLAR INSCRIPTION.
By P. SESHADRI SASTRI, GUNTUR. It has been my privilege to recover within the last two years three inscribed marble pillars at Dharanikõţa in the Guntur District on the information supplied by a local resident. Sub. sequently I brought them to the notice of the authorities of the Archeological Department, who have got them removed to Amaravati where other antiquities of the place are preserved. I edit below one of the three epigraphs at the instance of Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, Director General of Archaeology in India, while the remaining two are dealt with by some other scholars.
The shaft or pillar on which the subjoined inscription is engraved is square at its base and hexagonal above. The base is decorated with some carvings, representing a casket and a floral design in the centre, a hooded Nāga on the left and a railing with a sun-window on the right.
[It may be mentioned here that a recently discovered inscription at Bandhogarh in the Rewah State belong. ing to year 51 of the reign of Maharaja Bhimasēna styles this ruler as Vasithipūta-a fact which makes the identifcation certain.-Ed.
• Hist. of India, 150-350 A. D., pp. 108, 229-30. • Indian Culture, Vol. I, No. 4, p. 716.
Read grishma-pakshe. Read sthäpitäh.

Page #312

KOSAM INSCRIPTION OF BHADRAMAGHA'S REIGN: THE YEAR 81.
Left side.
SASTERA 리즈7.0
굿리
아니
HAL
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Reo. No. 1940E'39-275.
Right side.
7번컵X04:콘스카니32
아니 ᄉ
BCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #313

18
20
22
24
26
28
30
32
Photo.-Litho. Office, Survey of India.
BANTIA PLATES OF DHARASENA II: [VALABHI-] SAMVAT 254.
Plate II. (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXI, pp. 180-181). (From a photograph).
RAM
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
2022 22 22
24

Page #314

No. 36.]
DHARANIKOTA DHARMACHAKRA PILLAR INSCRIPTION.
257
The pillar is called in the inscription Dhamachaka-dhaya (Skt. Dharmachakra-dhvaja) from which it is evident that it originally had a sculptural device of the Dharmachakra on its top. Several Dharmachakra pillars of this type have already been discovered at the ancient site of Amarāvati. From a sculptured slab representing a stupa we get some idea of the position which such posts used to occupy. There two very elaborately carved Dharmachakra columns are shown flanking an entrance to the stūpa."
Unfortunately, a part of the present pillar is broken off at the top and is missing. As a result thereof a considerable portion of the inscription has been lost to us in the beginning which evidently contained the name of the ruler of the locality as well as the date of the record. Some details of the donor's description are also lost in the missing portion. Besides, a few letters in l. 4 have been obliterated and cannot be restored. The rest of the epigraph, though blurred at places, can be made out fairly.
The alphabet is Brahmi of about the second century A.D., and reserables that found in many an early inscription from Amaravati. The language is Prakrit of the same type as is used in most of the Amarāvati records.
The object of the inscription is to record the erection of the Dharmachakra-dhvaja at the eastern gate of the Mahävihāra at Dhanakada," the modern Dharaniköța. The Mahavihāra is stated to have been in possession of the Buddhists of the Purvasailīya school, about whom we shall discuss more below.
The name of the donor or the individual who set up the pillar has apparently been omitted in the record. He is, however, stated to be son of Viraskanda (?) and described as an Agalokaka Atapora minister. As to whose minister he was is not explicit. Nor is the reading of his father's name Virakhada free from doubt. The epithet preceding this name must have referred to the donor, as is obvious from its case-termination in the instrumental. Before this occurs the name Khadanaga (Skandanāga). This person is said to be a householder (köţubika, Skt. kautumbika), but his relation with the donor cannot be ascertained owing to the gap. The meanings of the terms Agalokaka and Atapora are not clear. As both of them are attributes of the donor, they probably refer to his original home and to his place of residence respectively unless they have been used in some technical sense.
Atapora, as already remarked, perhaps indicates the donor's place of residence. A similar instance is furnished by a short votive inscription from Sanchi, which calls the donor there Adhaporika. This term has been explained as 'inhabitant of Adhapura', while the Sanskrit equivalent for Adhapura has been suggested to be Ardhapura. The place has, however, not been identified.
'* CH. Burgess, The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta, Pl. XXXII, 2 ; Pl. XXXVIII, 1 ; Pl. XL, 3, 4; eto.
Thid, Pl. I, the frontispiece. Compare also E. B. Harell's A Study of Indo-Aryan Civilisation, p. 61, PI. XII, fig. A.
The same place is mentioned under its variant names such as Dhannakada, Dhamakata and Dhamakataka in other inscriptions of about the same period; see Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 1205, 1225 and 1271; above, Vol. XV, pp. 262-263, Nos. 4 and 5. See also N. L. Dey's Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Media-va! India, 8.v. Dhanakataka,.where it is stated to be a corruption of Sudhanya kataka. Hiuen Tsiang men. tions T'o-na-kie-tse-kia (Dhanakataka) as the name of a country (Si-yu-ki, transl. by S. Beal, Vol. II, pp. 221 ff.). T. Watters (On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, p. 216) restores the name to Skt. Dhānyakataka on the evidence of the Tibetan rendering of it. In later inscriptions the name of the place is spelt as Dhanyaghagaba and Dhanyan kapura ; see above, Vol. XV, pp. 261-262. Prof. Vogel suggests that “the remains of Nāgärjanikonda can possibly represent the ancient capital of Dhaññakstaka (above, Vol. XX, p. 9).
• See below p. 259, n. 10. . Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 600; above, Vol. II, p. 112, No. 13.

Page #315

258
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXIV.
I would rather restore Adhaporika to Arddha paurika and explain it as ' inhabitant of Riddhapura'. This place seems to be identical with the modern Rithpur which is well known to the Indian archaeologist as the provenance of a copper-plate inscription of the Vakataka queen Prabhävatigupta. It is situated in 21° 14' N. and 77° 51' E. in the district of Amraoti, Berăr, and is reputed to be an old city of importance. It is not unlikely that Atapora of the present record is likewise to be understood as Arddha paura, meaning inhabitant of Riddhapura'.
A pillar inscription from Amaravath reads Chetikiyānam (Skt. Chaityakiyänän) where our inscription has Puvasel[Olyana (Skt. Purvasailiyānām). In explaining the import of the former, Burgess has pointed out that the Stūpa belonged to the Chaitika school, otherwise called the school of the Pirvakailas, a subdivision of the Mahasanghikas'. Mention is made of these ascetios also in a fragmentary Prakrit inscription from Allüru in the Nandigama taluk, Kistna District, the last line of which reads as follows: ayirāna Puraseliy[á]na nigāyasa. In the Pāli chronicles of Ceylon the Pubbaseliya and the Aparaseliya are mentioned among the different sub-sects of the Mahăsămghika school. Dr. W. Geiger, in his translation of the Mahāvarnsa, renders the two terms as the first Seliya.., the other Seliya,' whereas the words pubba and a para of the original evidently refer to east' and 'west rather than to first' and 'other'. In fact, Hiuen Tsiang, while describing the country of Dhanakataka, informs us that to the east of the capital bordering on a mountain is a convent called the Pūrvašilă' and 'to the west of the city leaning against & mountain is a convent called Avarasilā'' In this connection we may cite Prof. Vogel's following remark : " Perhaps it would be preferable to render the names of these two monasteries by Purvasaila and Avarasaila, the Sanskrit word for a mountain being saila, whereas sila means "stone". It becomes thus clear that the two sects Purvasailiya and Aparasailiya were so called after the two congregations of monks, one residing in a monastery on the Eastern Hill and the other dwelling in a convent on the Western Hill.. Among the localities mentioned in the Nägarjunikonda inscription referred to above, we come across the name Purvasela which is clearly a Prakrit form corresponding to Sanskrit Purvasaila' and possibly refers to the very mountain on which the Purvasailiya monastery was situated. As regards the location of the two mounts, Burgess and Fergusson identified the Amaravati tope with the Pūrvasilā and the Aparašilā respectively, but their identification has been questioned.10 There can, however, be little doubt that the situation of the two hills is to be sought in that very neighbourhood.
As has been pointed out above, the record contained a date in the beginning; but its details are mostly lost in the damaged portion. From the preserved letters we gather that it was dated the first day evidently of the sixth fortnight. While the name of the season cannot be restored at all, an attempt has been made with the help of the surviving portions of the words in that connection to read the year conjecturally as panatrisa, i.e., thirty-five. This in all probability referred to the regual year of the king whose name is again missing. In the Dharmachakra pillar ins
Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1706. * See Imperial Gazetteer of India, under Ritpur,
Arch. Suru. Southern India, Vol. I, p. 100. • Ibid., p. 191. See also p. 24 where the name of the school is given as Chaityika and Chaitya saila. • Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1923-24, p. 97 and Pl. Ar. Rep. 4.8.1., for 1923-24, p. 93. • Mahavamsa, V, 12. In the Dipavansa (V, 54) they are referred to as Pubbåparaseliki. *Si-yu-ki, transl. by S. Beal, p. 221. • Above, Vol. XX, p. 9.
Compare The Life of the Buddha by Rockhill, p. 184. See also G. P. Malalasekera's Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, a.v. Aparaseliyi and Pubbmeliyi, where it is stated that according to the Kathāvatthu common tary they belonged to the Andhaka school'.
10 T. Wattori, On Yuan Chwang'. Travels in India, Vol. II, p. 218,

Page #316


Page #317

U
DHARANIKOTA DHARMACHAKRA PILLAR INSCRIPTION.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1915 E'38-275.
(07: 20980
ஆறிர
ED
SCALE : TWO-FIFTH8.
20
FULLY
手就
CONS
8
2 சல
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #318

No. 36.)
DHARANIKOTA DHARMACHAKRA PILLAR INSCRIPTION.
259
cription of Amaravati referred to above, while the date portion is oompletely lost except the only word savachhara, the name of the ruler is fully preserved, and it is the king Väsithiputa (Väsishthiputra) Pulumävi. Judging from the proximity of the two localities Amaravati and Dharaniköta, the resemblance between the scripts of the two records and the high regnal year, it seems very likely that the present record also referred itself to the reign of the very same Andhra king Pulumāvi of the Sātavāhana dynasty. The latest known regnal year of this monarch is twentyfour. If the reading panatrise proposed in the present record be correct, then we have to conclude that Pulumāvi's reign extended over at least thirty-four years. The inscription contains the numerals 1 and 6 in 1. 3 and 1.'2 respectively.
TEXT. 1 .. ... ........... chhara 2 pana .......... 6 divasa 3 prathame 1 ........ 'ka-kotubikasa 4 Khadanagasa a' .. [i]kena Agaloka kena Virkha..sa 5 putena amachena 6 Ataporena Dhanakadasa Mahāvihäre puva-dāre pava7 jitāna bhikhu-saghasa Puvasel[1]yana nigāyasa 8 parigabe dhamachaka-dhayo pațițhapito sava-loka9 satva-hita-Bukhāya11
Sec Rapson's Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, etc., p. XXXVII. • Ibid., p. LXVI, where Puranic lists of Andhra kings are given. It will be seen there that No. 15 Palomavi, according to the Matsyapurana, ruled for 36 years and No. 24 Puloma for 28 years.
From ink impressions.
• Restore the word as savachhara (samvatsara). The preceding portion, comprising about eighteen syllables, is lost. It might have contained the name of the king to whose reign the inscription was referred.
After pana, the lower part of the third syllable is visible, which is most probably & subscript , judging from the formation of pra in the beginning of the next line. We may restore this word as panatrice (paschalrithfa). The following letters, which are now missing, obviously contained the name of the season and then probably such words w paikhe chhathe, as is suggested by the numeral 6 before the word divasa in the end of this line.
The syllable preceding ka, only a lower portion of which is now preserved, may have been ri. The word however, cannot be restored.
* The right-hand portion of this letter is effaced. It has been read as initial a, but the curl at its lower end forma almost a circle, and as such it differs from that found in a of Ayaloka 1. 4 and Alaporena 1. 6.
The reading of this name is doubtful. The letter to shows on its top something like a hook opening to the left. If that is meant to be the sign for medial i, we have to read the syllable as ri and not as ra. Moreover, the impression shows some faint traces of a letter between fiha and es. The last syllablo appears a little below the line, making it difficult to ascertain whether the intervening letter is conjoined with sa or whether it stands independently. The latter is most probably the case, the word is required to be in the genitive. Thus Virakhadasa may have been the intended reading.
• This partial line of writing was inserted later, as is clear from its position. Obviously, the two words con. tained herein were irst left out by the engraver through oversight, who discovered the omission after having inoised the whole record and then could do nothing but apply the omitted matter in the manner he has done. The latter che in amachena was imperfectly formed due to the insertion between the narrow space below the downward our of a in l. 4. Hence it is read as amachena and not amakhena. If we adopt amakhena it would be proper name.
* The reading is probably Ataberena, Atabers being a personal name. 11 There is an ornamental design carved here, which marks the conclusion of the record.

Page #319

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXIV.
TRANSLATION. On the first day 1, (of the sixth fortnight) 6 (of the ... season) in the year (thirtyAvo) (36 of the king .. ., this) shaft (surmounted) with a Dharmachakra has been established at the eastern gate in the Great Monastery of Dhatiakada, (which is) in possession of the school of the Parvafaillyas, the monkish order of ascetics, by ..., the minister, & resident of Atapura, an immigrant from Agaloka son of Viraskanda (?), .... of the householder Skandanaga, for the benefit and happiness of all the beings in the world."
No. 37.-TWO INCOMPLETE GRANTS OF PRAVARASENA II.
By Pror. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. In October 1938 Mr..D. R. Gomkale, M. A., LL. B., Pleader of Nagpur, made over to me for decipherment four copper-plates, which he had obtained through the good offices of Mr. S. S. Dapurkar of Kävli. They were in the possession of Mr. N. H. Jane of Bēlorā, & village in the Arvi tahsil of the Wardhā District, which is situated on the left bank of the Wardha about 6 miles south by east of Mörsi. On examination I found that they fell into two sets of two plates each, called hereafter Set A and Set B. Each set originally consisted of three plates, but the last plate of Set A and the first one of Set B are not forthcoming now. The first plate of Set A is inscribed on one side only and all the other plates on both the sides. The plates of Set A are slightly larger in size and heavier in weight than those of Set B. The former measure 9-9" by 4.99 each and weigh 671 tolas; while the latter measure 9.6" by 4.8" each and weigh 64 tolas. About 2" from the middle of the proper right side of each plate there is a round hole t" in diameter for the ring which originally held together the plates of each set, but neither the rings nor the seals, which must have been connected with them, are now forthcoming. All the plates are in a state of excellent preservation. The letters are deeply cut and some of them show through on the other side, especially in the case of the first plate. When carefully examined, the grants appear to be palimpsests, all the plates showing here and there clear traces of earlier letters, which were beaten in before the present charters were incised on them. These earlier letters were box-headed and of the same type as those which were later engraved in their place. So the earlier charters undoubtedly belonged to the same period. As their letters have been almost everywhere carefully beaten in, it is not now possible to say who issued them, what they recorded and why they were cancelled.
As stated above, both the inscriptions are incomplete. The preserved writing of the first one, which has lost its concluding part, contains 18 lines and that of the second, of which the initial portion is missing, 24 lines. The characters of both are of the box-headed variety and resemble in a general way those of the other grants of Pravarasēna II. They include the numerical symbols for 10, 34 and 1 in 11. 29 and 30 of Set B. The only peculiarity worth noticing here, which is not usually met with in other Vākātaka grants, is the use of the looped t. In both the sets t appears in the looped and unlooped forms; for instances of the former, see yatoin l. 14 of Set A and viditam= in 1. 17 of Set B, and for those of the latter, notice Shodashy
* We expect here the proper name of the person, but it has apparently been left out by the writer of the epigraph, probably through oversight. 1. For discussion about this locality see the introduction.
I am indehted to Dr. B. C. Chhabra, Asistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, for various suggeetions in connection with this article. **The symbol for 3 deserves to be specially noted, as it is not of the usual type. See below p. 267, a. 16.

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No. 37.]
TWO INCOMPLETE GRANTS OF PRAVARASENA II.
261
Atirätra in l. 1 of Set A and atit- in l. 25 of Set B. The subscript t is usually looped and to distinguish it from n its loop is elongated, see e.g. - Aptöryyām- in l. 1 of Set A, but instances of the unlooped subscript i also occur sporadically, see e.g. kārtta-yuga in I. 12 and bhukti in l. 13 of Set A. The use of the looped form of thas led to the confusion of t and n in some cases; see e.g. Pravara-sētasya for Pravarasēnasya in ll. 12-13 of Set B, where n is shaped exactly like an unlooped t. In other respects the characters show the same peculiarities as those of the Tirodi. and Pattan plates of Pravarasēna II.
The language is Sanskrit. The existing portion of Set A is wholly in prose; that of Set B is also in prose except for two benedictive and imprecatory verses in 11. 27-29. The orthography of both the sets shows the same peculiarities, viz., (1) the vowel ti is used for ri and vice versd, see pautyinah and Prithivisēnasya in l. 9 of both the sets. In vishrita l. 16 of Set B, the vowel i is used for r. (2) Similarly li is used for the vowel li in sa-klipt-Opakliplela in . 22 of Set B. (3) The palatal & is used for the dental in Suryya-in l. 14 of Set A. (4) The consonant following , and that preceding r and y are doubled, see e.g. -abhivarddhamana. in l. 8 and sarvväddhyaksha in l. 15 of both the sets and vikkrama in l. 7 of Set A. Besides these, both the sets show such mistakes as the use of the short for the long vowel, ungrammatical forms of words, etc.
Both the sets of plates were granted by Pravarasöna II of the Vākāțaka dynasty. His genealogy is traced here from Pravarasēna I exactly as in his other grants, his maternal grandfather Chandragupta II being called Dévagupta. The plates of Set A were issued from Nandivardhana. The place of issue in the case of those of Set B is unknown owing to the loss of its first plate. The former record the grant of the village Mahalla-Lāta in the Asi-bhukti, which was situated on the road to Sailapura, while the latter register the donation of two villages viz., Dirghadraha in the Päkkaņa-räshtra and Mahallama-Laţa. Of these latter villages, the second is plainly identical with the village Mahalla-Läta of Set A as it is specified exactly like it. The grant recorded in Set B is, therefore, later than that of Set A. The donee of both the grants was the same, namely, Suryasvamin of the Kābyapa-gotra and Taittiriya-sākha, who was a resident of the place Pravarēsvara-shadvimbati-văţaka. Both the grants were again made at the victorious place of religious worship (vaijayikė dharmasthänē) for the increase of religious merit, life, strength, victory and fortune of the donor. The date of the first record is missing, but that of the second is given at the end. The latter was written, while Chitravarman was Sēnāpati, on the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Kärttika in the eleventh regnal year. This is the oarlist known date of Pravarasana II.
Like the Riddhapur grant of Prabhāvatiguptă this second grant was evidently made on the twelfth tithi of the bright fortnight of Kärttiks after observing a fast on the preceding Prabodhini ēkādati. Pravarasēna II was himself a devout worshipper of Mahekvara (Paramamahēšvara), but that he chose to make a grant on the afore-mentioned tithi, which is sacred to Vishnu, shows that he was not a bigoted Saiva. This is also indicated by his authorship of the Präkrit poem Satubandha' which glorifies Rāma, an incarnation of Vishnu.
The Poona platese were issued by Prabhāvatiguptā as regent for her minor son, the yuvarāja Divakarasēna, in the thirteenth year, evidently from the latter's accession. In her Riddhapur
1 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 167 ft.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 81 ff. . Loc. cit., p. 84. .. Above, Vol. XV, pp. 89 8.

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262
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
plates the dowager queen describes herself as the mother of Damodarasena and Pravarasēna". It has been suggested that Divakarasēna, when he came of age, assumed the title of Pravarasēna. In that case the regnal years of Pravarasēna II would have to be reckoned from his accession as boy-prince. The second grant edited here, which is dated in the eleventh regnal year and was made by Pravarasēna himself, clearly shows that he is different from Divakarasōna who had not begun to rule independently even in the thirteenth year since his accession. Pravarasēna evidently succeeded Divakarasēna, but how long the latter continued to reign after the issue of the Poona plates cannot be determined unless fresh records bearing on the point come to light.
As stated above, the second set of plates records the grant of two villages, one of which had already been given by the same king to the same donee by the first set. Why it was found necessary to include the village again in the second grant is not known. Cases of the issue of a fresh charter recording again a previously made gift are indeed not unknown, but in such cases the circumstances which necessitated the issue of a fresh charter such as a foreign invasion or the loss or damage of the earlier charter by fire, etc., are generally specified. No such reasons are given in the present case. In fact both the charters purport to have been granted by the same king and the interval between their dates could not have been more than ten years. This, therefore, raises the question if the second charter, or at least the second plate of it which records the grant of two villages, is a forgery. In favour of such a supposition may be adduced the circumstance that the writing on the second plate of Set B begins and ends with the same words as that on the second plate of Set A, so that the former plate could have been easily substituted for the latter. It may, however, be pointed out that there are no other circumstances suggesting such a forgery. As shown above, both the plates of SB are smaller in size than those of Set A, so that not one but two plates must have been so substituted. But there was apparently no need to replace the third plate of the first grant. Again, the similar formation of letters and the occurrence of the same orthographical peculiarities and grammatical mistakes in both the records make it highly probable that both the grants were written by the same clerk in the Secretariat of the Vākāṭakas. The mention of Chitravarman as Senapati in Set B is another point in favour of the genuineness of that set; for from the Chammak plates of Pravarasena II we learn that Chitravarman held that office till the 18th year at least of Pravarsēna II's reign. The second set does not, therefore, appear to be spurious. The reason why it includes the name of a previously donated village seems to be that the Brahmaņa donee probably made a request to the king to give him a consolidated charter for the two grants.
1 J. P. A. S. B. (N. S.), Vol. XX, pp. 53 ff.
According to the late Dr. K. P. Jayaswal, Pravarasena was another name of Damodarasēna. See his History of India 150-350 A.D., p. 63.
J. R. A. S. (1914), pp. 327 ff. In fairness to Vincent Smith who makes this suggestion, it must be said that he thought it more likely that Diväkarasëna died young and that Pravarasena was his brother.
See e. g. the Barah copper-plate of Bhöjadeva, above, Vol. XIX, p. 18, and the Nidhanpur copper-plates of Bhaskaravarmen ibid., Vol. XII, p. 76. 5 C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 240.
[As the difference in size between the two sets of plates is very little it does not seem impossible to me that three out of the four plates, viz., plates I and II of Set A and plate III of Set B, were meant to form a com plete grant of Pravarasena II. It may be that the grant of two villages in plate II of Set B was found to be wrong on examination and this plate was meant to be replaced by plate II of Set A which was subsequently engraved. This view gains some support from the ornamental work found after atisrishtah in plate II, Set A, which was apparently engraved with a view to stopping any unauthorised addition in the blank space which could not be utilised by the engraver. But even if this surmise is correct, it is not understood why plate II of Set B was not removed before handing over the charter to the donee unless it is to be assumed that the document for some reason or other. did not leave the Secretariat. And as it was not formally issued it was not considered necessary to remove the unwanted plate, or to attach a ring and the royal seal to the document.--Ed.]

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No. 37.)
TWO INCOMPLETE GRANTS OF PRAVARASENA II.
263
As for the localities mentioned in the present grants, Nandivardhana from which the plates of the first set were issued, is probably identical with Nagardhan (also called Nandardhan) near Rāmţēk as has already been suggested by Hiralal. The place is described as a boly tirtha in the Sinduragiri-māhātmya* and retained its ancient name down to the time ci the Bhonslas; for it is mentioned in the Sanskrit play Purañjanacharita of Krishnadatta, which was staged at Nāgpur in the 18th Century. As already stated, both the grants edited here were made at the king's place of religious worship (dharmasthāna), and consequ ntly at the royal capital; for this expression is not found in the Tirodi plates which, as shown elsewhere, register a grant made at a holy tartha outside the capital. It may be noted in this connection that the earlier Poona plates of Prabhävatigupta also were issued from Nandivardhana. This place was, therefore, the earlier capital of the Vakatakas.. Later on Pravarasēna II removed the seat of his gov. ernment to Pravarapura which he seems to have founded and named after bimself. Several subsequent charters of Pravarasēna II granted at the capital were issued from Pravarapura. The earliest of them is the Chammak grant dated in the 18th regnal year. Unfortunately the date of Bet A is missing. Otherwise it would have enabled us to fix the limits between which the Väkäţaka capital was shifted from Nandivardhana to Pravarapura. Mahalla-Lata or Mahallama-Lata which seems to mean the larger Läta may be represented by Ladki or Ghāt Ladki in the Mõrsi tāluka of the Amraoti District, about 18 miles north by west of Bēlērā. Mahalla-Lata lay on the road to Sailapura which may be identical with Salbardi situated in the midst of hills about 15 miles east of Ladki. Asi, the chief town of the bhukti (subdivision) in which Mahalla-Lāța was situated, may be identical with Ashti which lies only 10 miles south-east of Bēlārā. Dirghadraha is probably Dighi on the left bank of the Wardhă about 30 miles south of Ashți. The name of Pravarēsvara-shadvimbati-văţaka which is mentioned in both the grants as the home of the donee seems to indicate that it was the chief village in a group of twenty-six villages. Perhaps it received this name from a shrine of Sivs called Pravarësvara installed by Pravarasēna I and named after himself. This place as well as Pakkana, the headquarters of the răshtra (division) in which Dirghadraha, one of the donated villages, was situated, cannot be traced now.
1 Seo above, Vol. IX, p. 43.
* Sinduragiri is another name of the hill near Ramtök. It was probably the Ramagiri of Kilidiea's Meghadata. See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 84.
• Nandivardhana is also mentioned in the Dooli plates of Křishna III. Soo above, Vol. V, p. 196. • Sardesai Commemoration Volume (Marathi), p. 148. . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 170.
• This suggestion was first made by me while editing the unfinished Vakitaka plate from Drug: see above, Vol. XXII, p. 209. It is corroborated by the present plates. The Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman who belonged to the Nala dynasty were also issued from Nandivardhana, which indicates his temporary occupation of some Vákataka territory. See loc. cit. p. 210.
• There is another and smaller village called Lādegaon on the left bank of Wardha, about 20 miles south of Belora.
• Salbardi is an ancient place containing some old caves and hot springs.
Compare the name Vank-Tummans of the first capital of the Kalachuris in Chhattisgarh (Ind. His. Quart.. Vol. IV. p. 34). It was so called because of the shrine of Vankē vara which it contained.

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964
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
TEXT.1
SET A.
First Plate.
1 द्रिष्टम् [*] सिद्धम् खति [*] ना(न)न्दिवईनादम्निष्टोमाप्तोर्खामोक्थ्यषोडण्यति
राषवाजपेयहहस्पतिसव2 साबरक(ख)चतुरम्य()मेधयाजिन: विशुद्धसगीचस्व सम्राट वाकाटकानामहाराजधि
(ौ)प्रवर3 सेनस्य सूनी[:.] सूनोः अत्यन्तखामिमहाभैरवभत्तास्व सभारसविवेथितथिव
शिजो4 बहनशिवसुपरितुष्टसमुत्पादितराजवंशानाम्पसमाधिगतभागौरख्यमञ्चजल6 मूर्वाभिषिक्तानान्दयाममेधावश्यचातानाधारशिवानामहाराजधि(यो)भवनागदौहिचस्य 6 गौतमीपुत्रस्य पुत्रस्य । वाकाटकानाम्महाराजश्रीरुद्रसेनस्य सूनोरत्यन्तमाहेश्वरस्य
Second Plate; First Side. 7 सत्यार्जवकारखशौर्यविधमनयविनयमाहात्म्यत्रीमत्व धौमत्व"]पाचगतभक्तित्व8 धर्मविजयित्वम[नो] नर्मस्वादिगुणे[:] समुपेतस्य वर्षशतमभिवईमानकोशद. 9 रहसाधनस[न्ता] नपुत्रपौव(वि)ण: बुधिष्वि(ष्ठि)रखत्ते[:] वाक(का)टकानाम्महाराजश्वीप्रिथि
वौसे
10 नस्य' सु(सू)नोभगवतश्चक्रपाण प्रसादोपार्जितश्रीसमुदयस्थ ।' महाराजबीरुद्रसेन11 स्य मु(सू)नोमहाराजाधिराजश्रीदेवगुप्तसुतायाम्प्रभावतिगुप्तायामुत्पत्रस्य शम्भोरप्र12 सादधतिकातयुगस्य वाकाटकानाम्परममाहेश्वरमहाराजश्रौप्रवरसेनस्य
1 From the original plates. • Read हरम् • Here and in many places below, the rules of sandhi have not been observed. • Read समानी . This sign of punctuation is superfluous. • Read श्रीमत्त्व. This word does not occur in other Vakitaka grante. - Read श्रौपृथिवीषेचस्य • The subscript j is incompletely inoised and looks like d. • The mark of punctuation here is superfluous. - Read भूतकालयुगस्य.

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Two INCOMPLETE GRANTS OF PRAVARASENA II—SET A).
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,.
ន ១៨ ១៩ មុន និង Raa 25 A - S
22 22 ១៦៥ ម។ * ១ ម=១៩៩៤ ។ 10 ។ ) ។ N ) \
S a 4 5 ( 9 ) = ៦-១៤៖ 0 , បង | EB = ១១ (១) ឱ| R ។។។ យង 5 A, Aះ ។ 12,58 g'a ។ ឱ, ក | ខ ទ ទី ] 9 / 7 - 8/8 #13 12
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| ) : Rpapa A papage Tea-j8] ២១] 14 5 ) 8:{}) [O ។ , * - ។QQ3] $14
m/1ិ ន មកុក ។ ១២ , 16 :3
១ ៩ ក ត ។ ខ្ញុំបាទ na'ខ្ញុំតខ្ញុំ:/16 ada } អ ខ 3z = ១៤%a + 18 , ១ ១ } ១ ៖ ឱ ។
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SCALE: TWO-FIFTH8.
SURVEY OP INDLA, CALCUTTA,
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI Ra. No. 923 E'99–275,

Page #325


Page #326

No. 37.]
TWO INCOMPLETE GRANTS OF PRAVARSENA II.
265
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 वचनात् [0] शैलपुरमानें प्रसिभुतिमहललाटपाम:(म.) प्रवरखरषपिशववाट14 कवस्तव्याय' । तैत्ति]रियाय' । काश्यपसगोत्रशूर्यस्वामिने दत्त: [*] यतोमात
(न्त)काः सर्बाख्यि 16 चनिया(यो)गनियुताः पान्नासचारि'कुलपुवाधिक्तता भटाहाबाद विश्रुतपूर्वयात्रय
(या). 18 जापयितव्याः [0] विदितमस्तु वः यथेहास्माभिरामनो धमायुबल विजयचार्य17 व(वि)वधये । इहामुत्र हितायमात्मानुग्रहाय ॥' वैजयिक धर्मखाने भपूर्वदत्या--
(या) 18 उदकपूर्वमतिसृष्टः [*]
SET B.
Second Plate ; First Side 7" सत्यानवकारुण्यशौर्यविक्रमनयविनयमाहात्म(त्म्य)धीमत्व(त्व)पावगतभक्तित्वधर्म8 विजयित्वमनोनम(न)स्यादिगुण [*] समुपेतस्य वर्षशतभिवईमानकोशदण्डसा9 धनसन्तानपुत्रपौट(वि)गः युधिष्ठिरवृत्तेर्वाकाटकानामहाराजश्रीप्रिथिविसेनस्व 10 सूनोभ(भ)गवतः चक्रपाणे प्रसादोपार्जितचीसमुदयस्य महाराज श्रीरुद्र1l सेनस्य सूनोर्महाराजाधिराजश्रीदेवगुप्तसुताया "प्रभावतिगुप्तायामुत्पबास्त्र 12 शम्भोरप्रसाव(द)धतिकातसुतस्य " वाकाटकानाम्परममाहेखरमह(हा)राजधौप्रवरसे
1 Read her as in l. 13 of Set B, below.
. In Set B the name of this village occurs in the form मशहमखाटग्राम: • Perhaps प्रवरवरशितिवाटकवास्तव्याय is the correct reading. . The mark of punctuation here is superfluous. . The subscribed t of ti is not completely incised. Read furtara. • Read सूर्यखामिने' Read चाज्ञासचारि• Read बल-- • Tho mark of punctuation is superfluous here. 10 An ornamental figure is incised here.
11 As the first plato, like the others of this Set, must have oontained six lines, I bave numbered the first line on this side as 7.
11 Read श्रीपधिवौषणस्य. 15 This visarga is superfluous. - Read महाराज. " Read सुतायाम्प्रभावति-- " Read धृतकातयुगस्य-- 11 The mark of punctuation here is superfluous.

Page #327

266
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 त(न)स्व वचना["] । पानपराड्डे दोग्धंद्रहवाम' पाम:*] । शैलपुरमा
पसि
भुति
14 महामलाटपामच एवं ग्रामस्य ।' प्रबरबरपरिषतिवाटकवस्तव्य15 तैत्तिरिय काश्वपसमोव[स]बखामिन दत्ताम्] यतोखलन्तकाः सर्ववनियोग16 नियुत्ताः पानासचारिकुलपुनाधिनता: भटाशवार विष(त्रुतपूर्वयात्रामा' 17 पयितव्या विदितमस्तु का [1"] बधि)हामाभिरामनो धन्धाधु सविजय(य)चय
विवषये ।' हा18 सुत्र हितावमात्मानुग्रह(होय वेक अगलाने अपूर्वदत्वा' उदकपूवमति]ष्ट:'" [*]
Third Plate ; Pirst Side. 19 उचितावास्य" पूर्वराजानुमता चातुर्वेषग्राममयादावितराम"स्तद्यथा अकरदायि 20 अभटच्छ (च्छा)चप्रावेश्याम*] अपारम्परगोबसवाः" अपूष्पविर सन्दोह[म्*] प्रचारासनच। मानाम*] प्रसवलियोनिखनक सर्वरिपरिहारपरिहत:" सनिधि" सोप
1 Read दौचंद्रमाम. - Read प्रवर वरवमितिवाटकवातव्य• Read तत्तिरीय-- • The engraver at first inoined and then altered it into सु. Read सूर्यस्खामिने. • Road माध्यच. • Read पूर्वयाजयाज्ञा..
The mark of punctuation is superfluous here. • Road वैजयिक • Read अपूर्वदच्या. 1. This should be woreca 0 m to agree with ward in l. 14 above. 1 Read उचितो चाख. " Read मर्यादा पितराम--
" Read अपारम्परगीपलीवईम. In thia and some expressions below the writer has blindly copied the masculine form from the usual draft, referring to the donation of one village (TA:). Here the nenter form is required non to agree with बामपवनः
" Read पुषचौर.. " Read ऋषिखनकम् - Read सवविष्टिपरिहारपरिणतम्" Read सनिधि

Page #328

Two INCOMPLETE GRANTS OF PRAVARASENA II—(SET B).
i,a.
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Page #330

No. 37.]
TWO INCOMPLETE GRANTS OF PRAVARSENA II.
267
22 निधि:' सक्लिप्तोपक्लिप अचन्द्रादित्वकालीय[ः पुत्रपौवानुगामिकः' भुजता(तो) 23 न केनचियाघात[Kकर्तव्यः सर्वतयामि स्म(म्म)रक्षितव्य पर(रि)वर्षयितव्यश्च । यत्र
(चा)स्पच्छा24 सनमगणयमानः स्वल्यापि परिबाधाकुर्यात्कारयिर वा' अस्य ब्राह्मणैर्वेदितस्य
Third Plate ; Second Side. 25 सदण्डनिग्रह(है) कुयाम ॥ अस्मि(स्मिंश्च धमादरकरणे अतोतानकराजदत्तासचिव
न परिपा28 लन(न) कतपुन्या(ण्या)नुकीर्तनपरिहाराय(त्य) न कीर्तयामः [*] व्यासगौतौ
चात्र सोको प्रमाणी27 कर्तव्यौ । स्वदत्ताम्यरदत्ताब्वा' हरहा वै वसुन्धरा[म् ।*] गवा(वां) शतसहस्रस्य ।।
____ हन्तुई28 रति दुष्कृतम्*ि[१॥*] षष्ठि" वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिद[:*] । आच्छेत्ता
चा29 नुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् [५२॥*]] सवत्सरे एकादशमे १. १ कार्तिक
शुक्लपक्ष30 चयोदश्या १. ३० सेन(नापतौ चित्रवना(मी)णि ना" लिखित म्*"
1 Read सोपनिधि+ Read सक्नुमोपलप्तम् - Read पाचन्द्रादित्वकालीयम्• Read गामिकम्. . The subscript ka is not completely incised, so that the whole akshara appears like mu. • Read सर्वकियाभि-. . Read परिवाधा कुत्किारयेद्य. • Read राजदत्तसञ्चिन्तन• Rend °म्परदत्तो वा. - Read हरयो. 11 The mark of punctuation here is superfluous. 11 Metre of this and the next verse: Anush/ubl. 13 Read afe. * Read सवत्मर एकादरी. " Read वयोदश्या 16 The symbol for 3 is unusual, but there is no doubt about its value, as the tithi is mentioned in words.
11 Perhaps of was intended, but the writer in copying the draft omitted the aksharan rfor by haplo. graphy.
3 There is an ornamental mark after this followed by two daudas and a horizontal stroke.

Page #331

968
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
No. 38.-MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
BY B. V. KRISHNA RAO, M.A., B.L., RAJAHMUNDRY. This interesting record of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty was first noticed by the late Robert Sewell when it was found lying in the record room of the District Court of Kistna at Masulipatam. It is not known where the plates were originally discovered and how and when they reached the District Court of Kistna. Dr. J. F. Fleet,.who examined these plates at the instance of Robert Sewell, described them as follows:
"A set of five copper-plates, each about 111" long by 53' broad with a seal which bears the usual Chalukyan Boar, the motto Sri-Tribhuvanāṁkusa, the moon, the sun, & closed umbrella or an elephant-goad and a floral device ....... .. The whole inscription is very much corroded and very difficult to read."
These plates came to be included in the collection of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, in 1908, and marked as C. P. No. 8 of 1908-09. The late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri described the plates thus: They consist " of five copperplates (with raised rims) of which the two exposed sides are blank. They are strung on a massive ring whose ends are soldered into the bottom of a circular seal which bears in high relief on a countersunk surface the legend Sri-Tribhuvan[äkuóa, the standing boar, the elephant-goad, two fly-whisks, the sun and the moon and the lotus flower. The writing on the plates is much worn out and where it is clear the rust has so firmly settled down in the depths of the letters that even the process of allowing the plate to boil in a thick solution of tamarind and salt has not effectively removed it". I now edit this inscription from the ink impressions and photographs supplied to me by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti. The inscription on these plates is written in the Telugu characters of the tenth century. The letters are beautifully engraved; and the plates used for the purpose of the grant are perhaps the largest ever used for the charters of Ammarāja II. The writing on the plates is for a greater part not well preserved : particularly on plates si-b, iji-b, io-a and iv-6. Some of the characters employed call for a few remarks. Special signs are used for the final n (in māsān, 11. 9, 15 and 17), but no special sign is employed for the final t, which is, however, denoted by the ordinary sign for ta with the sign of virāma above it. Initial vowels a and a (11. 56 and 57), i (11. 32-34 and 42), i (1.60) and 2 (1.17) also appear in the record and they represent the forms of the transitional period. Orthographical mistakes are few and in one or two cases they appear to be due to the scribe. Thus we find in fi byo (1.52) the palatal sibilant used for lingual, and in sadrisau (1. 47) the palatal sibilant used for the dental. Signs for both the pihvāmūliya and the upadhmānīya are found in the present record, the former in l. 11 and the latter in 1. 38.
The inscription is written in Sanskrit, partly in prose and partly in verse ; and there are altogether twenty-one stanzas including the usual imprecatory verges in lines 65-68 at the end. The inscription also contains some archaic Telugu words, e.g., duba (1. 57), paduva (11. 58 and 60), prānta-parti (1. 58) and yisu pakatta (1. 57), the exact meanings of which are not quite clear. These words occur in the description of the boundaries of the village granted.
The inscription consists apparently of two parts; and though it records a charity to the Jains religion, it opens with an invocation to the god Vishnu, the wielder of the fierce śārnga bow which
* List of Inscriptions and Sketches of the Dynasties of South India, Vol. II, p. 13; No. 84.
Ibid. . Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, 1909, pp. 10 and 108.

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No. 38.]
MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
269
protects the three worlds, unlike the Maliyapūndi grant which opens with an invocation to the Jaina religion, being a charity made for the Jaina faith. Lines 2-22 contain the usual prasasti and genealogy of the Eastern Chālukya dynasty, beginning with Kubja-Vishņuvardhana, the younger brother of Satyāśraya Vallabhēndra down to Vijayāditya-Ammarāja II, the donor of the grant. The genealogical portion does not give us any more historical particulars about the kings that preceded Amma II, than we know from the other records of the family. As usual Jayasimhavallabha I is given a period of 33 years, which Dr. Fleet, however, considered to be incompatible with his adjustment of the reigns of the other kings of the dynasty. I do not think that Dr. Fleet was justified in reducing the period of Jayasimhavallabha I from 33 to 30 years ; and his reasons for so doing are not convincing. There is only a single record which gives the king & reign of 30 years while the entire range of the family charters, which number about fifty, are unanimous in giving him a period of 33 years. Dr. Fleet's calculations and computations are made, as I have shown elsewheres, upon certain misconceptions. The only record that gives 30 years' reign to the king is the Padamkalūru grant of Ammarāja IIwhich was composed by Madhavabhatta. The scribe who engraved the charter on the plates must have committed an obvious error in omitting the word trayas before trimsatam, for the edict on the Guņdugolanu plates of the same king, which was also the composition of the self-same poet Madhavabhatta, gives Jayasimhavallabha a reign of 33 years, which is in conformity with the statements of other records. Similarly, Narendramsigarāja-Vijayāditya II is stated to have reigned for 40 years in the present inscription; and this length seems to be the correct period as shown by me in my Revised Chronology of the Eastern Chālukya Kings, as against the period of 44 years which was allotted to him in Dr. Fleet's computation. It is, however, needless to repeat here my reasons for accepting the period of 40 years, which I have stated at length in my Revised Chronology; but I consider it necessary to give a summary of the chronology of the kings as fixed by me--from Kubja Vishnuvardhana to Chāļukya Bhima I, for whose coronation we have a recorded date alongside with Dr. Fleet's scheme of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology for easy reference.
REVISED CHRO
NOLOGY.
DR. FLEET'S
SCHEME.
Order and Names of Kings.
Length of reigns Length of reigns (years) and their (years) and their equivalents in equivalents in years A.D.
years A.D.
1. Kubja-Vishnuvardhana 2. Jayasimhavallabha I 3. Indrabhattāraka . 4. Vishņuvardhana II. 5. Mangi-Yuvarija . 6. Jayasimha II. . 7. Kokkili. . .
. . . .
18: 624-641 33 : 641–673 7 days : 673
9: 673—882 25 : 682—706 13: 706—718
18: 615–633 30 : 633—663 7 days : 663
9 : 663-672 25: 672–696 13: 696—709 6 months : 709
.
.
.
.
.
.
6 months : 718
-719
1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 50 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 10 and 12. 3^ The Revised Chronology of the Eastern Chalukya Kings" in J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IX, Part 4, pp. 17 and 27 and chart on p. 30A. • Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 15 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 248, text, line 7. • Ibid., Vol. XX, pp. 12-13.

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270
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
REVISED CHRO
NOLOGY.
DR. FLERT'S
SCHEME.
Order and Names of Kings.
Length of reigns | Length of reigns (years) and their (years) and their equivalente in equivalente in years A.D. years A.D.
. .
. .
. .
.
8. Vishnuvardhana III . . . . 9. Vijayaditya I or Vijayaditya-Bhattāraka . 10. Vishnuvardhana IV . . . . 11. Vijayaditya II (Narendramrigarāja) . 12. Kali-Vishnuvardhana . . . . 13. Gunaka-Vijayārlitya III . . . 14. Chāļukya-Bhima I . . . .
. . . . .
37: 719—755 18 : 755—772 36 : 772–808 40 : 808-847 11: 847-849 44: 849—892
37 : 709—746 18 : 746—764 36 : 764-799 44 : 799–843 11: 843-844 44: 844-888 30 : 888918
.
.
.
.
.
30: 892_921
Apart from what has been stated already, the above table shows also that Chāļukya-Bhima I's accession could not have taken place in A.D. 888 as stated by Dr. Fleet, for we have a record of the king that gives the date of his coronation as $. 814 (expired), (Mēsha) Charitra ba. dvitiyā, Sasi-dina, when the moon was in the nakshatra Maitra (Anuradhā), which has been equated 'to Monday, 17th April, 892 A.D. Thus the whole scheme of Dr. Fleet's arrangement falls to the ground.'
Vijayāditya (IV) is given the title Kaliyattiganda," the hero who raised the sins of the Kali Age". Dr. Fleet who examined these plates read the term as Kaliyarttiganda. The epithets Kaliyattiganda and Kaliyarttyanka, which occurs in the Idēru plates of Amma 1,have the same meaning, for arka and ankakāra are the Telugu-Kannada synonyms of the Sanskrit word gawia, which means ' a hero,' 'a champion' or ' a warrior'. The clue for the correct interpretation of these terms is found in the phrase ankakāras=sākshāt, which occurs in a passage describing Guņagaor Gunaka-Vijayaditya III in the Kaluchumbarru grant of Amma II.
Of the several enemies whom Chalukya Bhima (II) is said to have conquered or killed before he became king according to the other records of the family, only four, namely, Mallapa, his son, Rājamārtanda and the Rāshtrakūtas are mentioned in the present charter. The inscription states that king Bhima, the son of Mēlambă and Kaliyattiganda-Vijayāditya, who was endowed with truthfulness, liberality, pride and majesty and all other virtues, conquered in battle Räjamärtända, defeated the fierce Mallapa and his son, and then, having dispelled the darkness (that overwhelmed the realm), i.e., the Rashtrakūtas, reigned in glory for twelve years. Till now Rājamārtānda has not been satisfactorily identified. Dr. Hultzsch has suggested that Rājamärtända might be the same as Rājamayya', and the identification may be for the present
C.P. No. 14 of 1917-18: Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1918, App. E, p. 126 ; also see Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. VI, p. 246.
* [But it is not impossible that, though he was actually crowned in A.D. 892, his regnal year was counted from the date of his accession which might have taken place some years earlier. This custom was widely prevalent in South India.-N.L.R.) 38. I. I., Vol. I, No. 36, pp. 36-43, text, line 49.
Above, Vol. VII, p. 180. • Above, Vol. IX, p. 49.

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No. 38.]
MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
271
accepted as correct. Rajamärtanda would appear to be one of the foremost opponents of Chalukya-Bhima II, for he is mentioned in the latter's own Kõlavennu plates1. Rājamārtāṇḍa might be a younger brother of Yuddhamalla II or more probably a son of Vikramaditya II, the younger brother of Kollabhiganda or Kaliyattyanka-Vijayaditya IV, who reigned for eleven months after destroying Tala. If so Rājamārtaṇḍa would be a dayāda of Chalukya-Bhima II, being his cousin in the same degree. Mallapa and his powerful son may be identified with Yuddhamalla II and his eldest son Adhiraja Badapa of the Arumbāka plates.
Vijayaditya-Ammarāja II is said to have conquered several of his own kinsmen (dāyādas) before he became the lord of the country or soon after he had ascended the throne. Verse 6 describes the important event thus: "Having been crowned (as the lord of) the kingdom of Vēngi, having conquered his enemy, the rising and powerful Vijayaditya, who had vanquished on numerous battle fields his own adversaries and whose neck was adorned with the fillet (kanthikadama) (of the dignity of yuvaraja), having defeated the group of his treacherous kinsmen, by the prowess of his arm (or his rays) and having pleased the goddess Lakshmi (or the lotus) by dispelling the darkness viz. his opponents, the sun of the Kshatriya race shines in all splendour ". That Kanthika-Bēta or Kanthika-Vijayaditya, the son of Ammaraja I, was one of the opponents of king Amma II is not known from any of the records hitherto published. It now appears that Bēta or Kanthika-Vijayaditya returned to the country, appeared once more as a claimant to the throne on the death of his father's step-brother, Chalukya-Bhima II, and opposed the accession of the boy king Amma II. Among the other rival claimants whom Amma II had conquered might be the children of Yuddhamalla II, who was driven away into exile by Chalukya-Bhima II. The rest of the passage which describes Ammarāja II (11. 30-35) is merely in panegyrical style and does not contain anything historical. The present record is not dated; it does not also mention the occasion on which it was issued.
The second part of the inscription (11. 39-51) opens with a description of a family of feudatory chieftains, who professed the Jaina religion and who flourished during the reigns of Chāļukya-Bhima II and his son Ammarāja II. There was born in the great family known as Trinayana-kula, a nobleman called Naravahana (I), an officer of the Chalukya kings. He belonged to the gōtra called Grēvya; he enjoyed the privilege and honour of sitting on simhasana or a lion seat' like a crowned prince. Prince Naravahana, like the preceptor of the gods, was a master of the science of Polity. He outshone the glory of Naravahana, the Regent of the Northern quarter (Kubera). His eldest son was Mēlaparāja, who was an embodiment of virtues like liberality, pride and praiseworthy conduct. He, therefore, bore the epithet Manavadeva, 'god amongst men'. He was a worshipper of the lotus feet of the Blessed Lord Jina. His wife was Mēnḍārbā, who was a pativrata (devoted wife) like the epic princess Sita. She was a fervent follower of the teachings of Lord Jina (Jainavrata). To them, Melaparaja and Mēṇḍāmba, were born two sons, Bhima or Rāja-Bhima and Naravahana (II). The former would appear to have been named after Chalukya-Bhima II and the latter after his own grand-father. Both these princes were intelligent and renowned. They were masters of all sastras and skilled in the use of various weapons. They resembled Rama and Lakshmana (in personal charm), Bhima
1 S. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 43ff., text, line 18; see also above, Vol. IX, p. 49.
Compare this passage with Vijayadityam krita-kanthika-pattabandh-abhishekam which occurs both in the Masulipatam plates of Chalukya-Bhima II (above, Vol. V, p. 136) text-lines 15-16 and note 2 on p. 138 and in the Paganavaram grant of Chalukya-Bhima II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 213f, text-line 25).
Above. Vol. VII, pp. 177ff., text, line 41.

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972
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
and Arjuna (in might and prowess), Baladēva and Väsudēva (in strength and wisdom), and equalled Nakula and Sahadēva (in valour and bravery) respectively. They were devoted to the Jaina-dharma. They obtained through the favour of Chāļukya-Bhima, i.e., Chāļukya-Bhima II, the insignia of feudal chieftainship (sāmanta), namely, the bridvära, chhatra (parasol), chämara (fly whisk), peacock's tail, water-jars, horses, and musical instruments like kāhala and others.
The inscription then refers ll. 51-54) to & Jaina pontiff (ächārya), the preceptor of the two noblemen Bhima and Naravāhana II. He was the renowned Jayasēna, who bore the surname Näthasēna and was the disciple of the illustrious Chandrasēna. Jayasēna was a master of all the tastras. He was well versed in the Siddhānta, i.e., Jaina-siddhānta, 'the doctrines of the Jainas'. He was a man of excellent and praiseworthy conduct. He attained proficieny in para-samaya, that is to say, his soul became absorbed in the non-self for the liberation of mankind from bondage. He was honoured by trāvakas, kshapanakas, kshullakas and the ajjakas. For the benefit of the celebrated Jaina pontiff, who was their religious preceptor, Bhima and Naravāhana II, constructed two Jaina temples (Jina-bhavana) at Vijayavātikā; and for that purpose king Ammarāja granted the village of Pedda-Galidiparru having converted it into a dēvabhoga and exempted it from all kinds of burdens and taxation.
Some of the names and terms that occur in the inscription are interesting. The family of the two chiefs is called the great Trinayana-kula', and their gotra-name appears as Grēvya. Both these terms have not been met with before either in the inscriptions of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty or in the literature of the Andhra country. The Trinayana-kula seems to belong to the fourth or Sūdra caste, like the Panta-kula of the Reddis of Andhradėsa, whose birth-place is said to be the Gangā which sprang from the feet of Lord Vishņu. The Grēvya-gotra, too, is not a Brahmanical götra, and this fact supports the above conjecture. Several orders of the Jaina ascetics and lay worshippers are mentioned in the record. The Srāvakas, for instance are Jaina lay. men; the Kshapanakas are Jaina yatis (ascetics) who received proper initiation according to the school of the Digambaras. A Jaina kshullaka is one who is a Srāvaka of a high order belonging to the tenth degree, the eleventh degree being that of Ailaka. These seem to correspond to the dāsas of the Bhagavata-sampradāya. The next higher order of spiritual stage is that of muni or ächārya. The term ajjakā may be a Prākrit form of Sanskrit Āryakā," a female ascetic ", who, according to Jaina doctrines, wears only a white sari. The expression para-samaya which occurs in the passage para-samaya-patuḥ sannut-otkrishta-esittaḥ (1. 53) is apparently used in a highly technical sense here as it rightly belongs to the Jaina philosophical terminology. The Samayasara of Kundakunda Acharya, which is a discourse that gives a knowledge of the Highest Soul, explains the terms para-samaya and sva-samaya as follows:
जौवश्वारिवदर्शनज्ञानस्थितस्तं कि स्वसमयं जानौति । .
पुत्रलकम्योपदेशस्थितं च तं जानीहि परसमयं । “Know that sva-samaya is the soul which is concentrated in right conduct, belief and knowledge and which is self-absorbed. And para-samaya is the soul which stands in the condition determined by the operation of the Karmic matter or bondage and which is absorbed in the Non-self."
1 Compare this passage (lines 49-50) with the passage in the Ranastipindi grant of Vimaliditya : above, Vol. VI, pp. 357, toxt, line 83 : "ht fo @a a arwfcerent faire l' eto.
* No evidence is available to indicate that Bhima and Naraváhana were Sudras. The statement that they belonged to the Trinayana-kula may only show that they were Saivas. The Nolamba-Pallavas are described u born of the Isvara-van ba (I kvara-varhdaja), and the later Pallava chiefs of the Telugu country have the epithet Parama-var-odbhava. It is also not certain that Grēvya is not a Brahminionl götra. Griva is kaown to be the name of a götrarahi.-N. L. R.)
I am indebted to Pandit Ajit Prasad, M.A., LL.B. of Lucknow, for the meaning of these terms. [The term is more likely aijata Skt. Oryaha.-Ed.)

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No. 38.]
MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
273
The edict states that king Ammaraja II issued the command after having assembled, in the usual manner, the Rashtrakutas and kutumbins of the district of Velanaṇḍu and in the immediate presence of several high officials of his government. They are the entire circle of his vassal kings (samasta-samanta), the antaḥpura-mahāmātra, the purohita, the amatya; the śreshthin, the senāpati, the śrikarana, the Dharmadhyaksha and the twelve sthan-adhipatis. In spite of his own faith, like a true Hindu sovereign, king Amma II was tolerant of the other faiths of his kingdom, and particularly of Jainism.
The object of the grant was the gift of the village of Pedda-Galiḍiparru, situated apparently in the Velanandu-vishaya. It is well known in the Andhra country that Velanaṇḍu was the ancient name of the region that is bounded by the sea on the south-east and south, and the Krishņā river on the north-east and north and which is now covered by the modern tālūks of Repalli and Tenāli in the Guntur District. Pedda-Galidiparru had changed its name during the past nine or ten centuries and is called to-day Peda-Gadelavarru. It is situated in the Tenāli tālūk, about three miles to the east of the Tsundūru railway station. The boundaries of the villages are according to the edict (11. 57-61) as follows:-On the east: a duba (probably a mound) in the centre of the tank called Yisupakaṭṭala-cheruvu, on the boundary of the village Mandayūru. On the south-east: (probably) a cluster Büruvu-paduva of silk cotton trees (Eriodendron anfrauctuosum) at the meeting place (muyyalkuttu) of the boundaries of the villages, Alaparti and Chuṇṭūru. On the south: an irrigation tank called Kundaviddi-guntha situated to the north of the ancient village site (pranta-parti) of Chunṭūru. On the south-west: the temple (gudi) of Potyavva or Pōți-avva, the amma (village goddess) of Chunṭūru. On the west . . .
On the north-west: a tank called Garalaguntha on the boundary of the village of Valivēru. On the north: a marshy swamp (paduva) (?) belonging to the village of Tapparāla.. On the north-east: an irrigation tank called Naḍupani-guntha, at the meeting place of the boundaries (muyyalkuttu) of the villages, Kōda-Galiḍiparru, and Valivēru. All the abovementioned localities, viz., Maṇḍayūru, Alaparti, Chūņṭūru, Valivēru, and Kōda-Galiḍiparṛu may be easily identified to-day. Alaparti is known to-day as Alapāḍu, and Chuṇṭūru is changed into Chuṇḍūru. Tapparala had apparently gone out of existence and a new village called Parimi had sprung into existence in that neighbourhood. While all the other village names had not materially changed, the names of Pedda-Galiḍiparru and Koda-Galiḍiparru alone had altered. And that may be explained by the fact that the hard consonant la had merely given place to soft consonant da in the pronunciation during the last nine or ten centuries. KōdaGaliḍiparru is known to-day both as Kōde-Gadelavarru and China-Gadelavarru, the words Kōde and Chinna being synonymous. All the villages mentioned above are situated round about Peda-Gadelavarru.
Among the other localities mentioned in the record, Vijayavāṭikā is clearly identical with the modern town of Bezwada on the Krishna river. The site or sites on which the two Jinabhavanas or Jaina temples once stood cannot be identified; perhaps an extensive exploration of the ancient sites of the locality may help us to discover the spot.
The executor of the charity was the officer known as Katakarāja. From the Maliyapuṇḍi grant, we know that the office of Katakarāja was held during the reign of Amma II by the General Duggaraja, a descendant of the celebrated Pandaranga, the generalissimo of Gunaga-Vijayaditya III. The engraver of the record was Jayantaācharya.

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274
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TEXT.1
1 'व्याक्लष्टरत्नक' चितायतां चापो यच्छेन्द्रकार्मुकविनोलपयोद (ह) न्दम् । निर्भयविव विभा
First Plate.
2 ति कृष्णकान्ति' व्विष्णुशिवन्दिशतु वोवधृतचिलोकः ॥ [१*] स्वस्ति श्रीमतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमा
कौशिकीवरप्रसादलब्धराज्यानाम्माटगणपरिपालितानां
3 नव्यसगोत्राणां हारीतिपुत्राणां
स्वामि
महासेनपादानुध्यातानां भगवन्नारायणप्रसादसमासादितवरवराहलां'च्छनेक्ष
4
5 ण [क्ष ] णवशौकतारातिमण्डलानामश्वमेधावभृथस्नानपवित्रीकृतवपुषां चालुक्यानां कु
6 लमलंकरिष्णोंस्मृत्याश्रयवज्ञभेन्द्रस्य भ्राता कुजविष्णुवर्धनन्टपतिरष्टादशवर्षाणि
7 वेंगीदेशमपालयत् । तदात्मजो जयसिंहस्त्रयस्त्रिंशतम् । तदनुजेन्द्रराजनन्दनो विष्णुवर्धनो न
10
8 व । तत्सृनुगियुवराजः पंचविंशतिम् । तत्पुत्रो जयसिंहस्त्रयोदश । तदवर
9 ज: कोकिलिष्षण्मासान् । तस्य ज्येष्ठो भ्राता विष्णुवर्धनस्त मुञ्चाव्य सप्तत्रिंशतम् । तत्पुचो वि
[VOL. XXIV.
Second Plate; First Side.
10 जयादित्यभट्टारकोष्टादश । तत्सुतो विष्णुवर्धनष्षट्रिंशतम् । नरेन्द्रमृगराजा[ख्यो] सृ11 गराज [पराक्रमः । विजयादित्य [ भूपालः ] चत्वारिं [शसमा] ॥ [2*] त
पुत्र कलिविष्णुवई
12 नो [ ध्यईवर्षम् । तत्सु] तो गुणगविजयादित्यचतुखात्वारिंशतम् । तातुय्यौव्वराज्यो
व्रतमहि
चिदशपतिपदं
1 From ink-impressions and photographs.
• Read खचिता
the sloka.
13 [मभृतो] विक्रमादित्यभूपाज्जातश्चालुक्यभौमस्सकलन्नृपगु[णोत्क् ] ष्टचारित्रपात्रः । दानी रसकर: सार्व्वभौमप्रतापो ।" राज्यं कृत्वा प्र[या ]त:
14
ु
2 Metre : Vasantatilaka.
• Read शार्ङ्गचापो.
• Read of.
• Read निर्भर्भयत्रिव
* Read लाञ्छनेच.
Metre: Anushfubh. The scribe apparently left out the last two syllables of the fourth quarter or påda of
• Metre : Sragdharā.
10 I am unable to make out any sense from the faintly visible letters.
11 Mark of punctuation is unnecessary here.

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MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.-(I).
(From Photographs).
,b.
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Seal.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 38.]
MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
275
16 [विशददा - ~] [३] तब्रुधः कलियत्तिगण्डविजयादित्यष्यण्मासान् ।
तमूनरम्पराजस्म16 [प्त]वर्षाणि । तत्सुतं विजयादित्यं कण्ठिकाक्रमायातपट्टाभिषेकं बालमुचा तालरानी
राज्यम्माम17 [मे]कं [*] चालुक्यभीमसुतो विक्रमादित्यस्तं हत्वा एकादशमासान् । विजयादि
त्यो वेंगीनाथ कलियत्ति18 गण्डनामा धीमा । तस्य 'सति मेळांबा । तज्जवीराजभीमनृपतिरजेयः । 'सत्यत्यागाभिमानाद्यखि
Second Plate ; Second Side. 19 लगुणयुतो राजमार्ताण्डमाजी । जित्वोग्रम्मनपाख्यं ससुतमधिबलं द्रोहिणिो]
प्यन्तकाभो । हिड्भौमो राष्ट्र20 कूटप्रबलबन्ततममहरो हादशाब्दं । राज्यं क्लत्वागमत्सः । प्रणिहित[सुयशो) धर्मसन्तान
वर्गः ॥[४] वि. 21 ष्णोः पद्मेव शंभोरिव गिरितनया यस्य देवी सपट्टा । संशुद्धा [हेहया नाविजकु
लविषये पुण्यला[व]22 ण्यगण्या । लोकांबा तत्सुतोभूदिजितपरबलो वेंगिनाथोम्मराजो । राजद्राजाधिराजो
[जितरिपु] म23 कुटोदृष्टपादारविन्दः ॥[५] वेंगो[राज्याभिषिक्तो] निजरिपुविजयादित्यमुद्यसमर्थ ।
जित्वा[नेकाजिरंग]24 प्रजितपरबलं [कण्ठिकादामकण्ठं ।] दा(दा)यादद्रोहिवानपि सकरबल: क्षत्रि
[या]दिस्वदे25 वो । ध्वस्तारिष्वान्तराशिविलसितकमलस्मप्रतापो विभाति । [4] यविर्मातु
बिमित्तं कृतमिदमखिलं विष्टपं हि 26 त्रिमूर्ते । रात्मानं चात्मनास्मादिह सकलगुण [राजभौमोहहोभू । सेजोगशिः
प्रजानां पतिरधिकब. . 27 [लमप्रतापोष्टमूर्ति । स्मोयन्देवोम्मराजो जनगुणजनकोन[न्य*] राजाग्रचिळ: ॥[*]
स्वयाताः पूर्व
I Rend tentatively: विदशदब्दालमेण[Reading is trim sad-abda-pramanam.-Ed.] *Mark of punctuation is not necessary here.
Read: धीमान। सस्थ. 5 This verse and the following four are in Sragilhará metre. '[Reading in राजद्राजाधिराज परनप.-N. LR.]
Read : सती.

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216
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
Third Plate; First Side. 28 नाथा नलनहुषहरिश्चन्द्रामादयोपि ।' प्रत्यक्षास्त यशोभिर्गुणवपुरचला स्वैरिदानौ29 मदृष्टाः । यस्योच्चैः कौत्ति'रा[शिर्भ]गण इव जगत्यहितीयोदयोस्मिन् । राजद्राजा
धिराजस्म ज30 यति विजयादित्यदेवोम्मराज: n[*] गद्यम् ॥ स जगतोपतिरम्मराजो राजमहेन्द्रभो.
गोन्द्रसह31 सभोगोपहासिदोग्यदक्षिणेकबहसान्द्रितविश्वविखंभराभारः । नारायण 32 इव निरन्तरानन्तभोगास्पदः । विधुरिष सुखविराजितः । पितामह इव कम33 लासनः । गिविरिश'इव धराधरसताराधितः । रबाकर व समस्त34 शरणागतभूभृदाश्रयः । सुवर्णाचल इव सुवर्णोत्तुंगोदयः । हिमाचल 35 इव सिंहासनोलासितचमरीवालव्यजनविराजमानलीलः ॥ स सम36 स्तभुवनाश्यश्वोविजयादित्यमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरम
Third Plate ; Second Side. 37 भधारकः । वेलनाविषयनिवासिनो राष्ट्रकूटप्रमुखान्कु टिबिनसमस्त38 सामन्तान्ति]xपुरमझमात्रपुरोहितामात्वत्रेष्ठिसेनापति त्रिकरणधर्माध्यक्ष 39 हादशस्थान(ना)धिपतीन्समाइयत्तमाञापयति विदितमस्तु वः । श्रीमानुदपा40 दि मा(म)हाविण्यनकुलसाधुर . . . व्याख्यो [1"] गोत्रो(च:) सिंहासनतो । 41 विदितो [न]रवाहनचालुक्ये[शानाम् ॥] [e'] श्रीकरणगुरुरुरिव ।' विबुधगुरु42 स्म[क लग[जसिद्धान्ततः] । नरवाहन रत्यासीश्यकतनरवाह[नः] प्रकाशित
43 यशसा ।।१.] यस्याग्रसुतो गुणवान् । मेलपराजी गुणप्रभिावो दानौ। मानौ मा
1 Mark of punctuation in unnecessary here. • Read: कौर्ति
• Read वा. • Read गिरिश
• Read कुटुंबिन. • Read श्रीकरण.
- Read समाइयत्व • Tho metre of this and the following 8 verses is dryagili.
• The letter meems to read like for there is a loop-like stroke at the bottom. plato, then the name of the chieftain has to be read #99
10[Reading may be pradhand.-Ed.J
If this is borne out by the

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MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II-(II).
(From impressions).
iiia.
s
284 អាង (13 mp3ត្តខាង រស់ និងទានago ១០ មិនដ
ល់មនមានលទ០ ខខ ( ខខខ និ ង
2 កាន់មាន អង់ សង់ទីន
1 ని అమరావతల వాల్యాల నా రాజువు ఆ పని 38ស់ !» ។ លយ * Se S e n° 16 JAY
iii.
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gណារ J8 ឆ្នាំ 39 សា ១៩២២២៩៣ទី២០១៩ 9
eggយo Te =1 នាំ១៩៩៤
៩ b
ងអស់!
40
ម័
44ៅស ចង់មាសបងយដឹងថា
a26
iva.
លង
48
52
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កាងខ្ញុំពmbo4
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea, No. 912 E'3878,
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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No. 38.]
45 व्रता
44 नवचरितो । मानवदेवो जिनेन्द्रपदपथा [र्चको ] ' ॥ [ ११* ] तस्य सतो मेण्डबा ।'
सीतेव पति
निरिता । सत्यवती [वि]नयवती । सतताहारप्रदायिनी gra | [। १२*] तष्णौ
MASULIPATAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
Fourth Plate; First Side.
46 [सु]तौ प्रसिद्धौ । बुद्धिपरौ । सकलशास्त्रशस्त्रविवेकौ । भीमनरवाहनाख्यौ ।" विख्यातौ रा
47 मलक्ष्मणाविव लोके ॥ [ १३* ] यौ भीमार्जुनश (स) यो ।' बलबुतबलदेव वासुदेव[समा]नौ । [न]
48 कुलदेवतुल्यौ ।' तो जातो जेनवनिरतचरित्रौ ॥ [ १४ * ] 'श्रीमतचा लुक्बभौम[चितिपतिकृप] -
50
49
या लब्धसामन्तचिह्नौ ।' श्रीहारौ बरष्ठीवन (?) पद विलसत्वा (चा) मरच्छच[लोलौ ।] रिकस्थौ शिखिरुहपटलच्छाद्यसत्कर्करीको ।" जातौ चालुक्य [चूली] करिहयौ काहलाद्यभ्युपेतौ ॥ [ १५* ] 'जैनाचार्य्यो यदीयो गुरुरखि62 लगुणचन्द्रसेनाख्यशिश्यो' ।' श्शास्त्रज्ञोर्खा (नाथसेनो म्मु (सु) निनुतजयसेनो मुनिद्दचितात्मा ।
51
―
सि
53 चान्तः कलाः परसमयपटुः सबुतोत्कृष्टवृत्त । सत्याचा श्रावका
क्षपणकसु [ज]
54 न शका ( ) वकानाम् ॥ [ १६ ] तो ताभ्यां राजभीमनरवाहणा (ना)भ्यां विजयवाटिकाय
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
55 जिनभवनयुगविप्रितमेतद्यमार्त्यमस्माभिराकारपरिहारं देवभोगौ
56 कृत्य पेef life urruनाम ग्रामो दत्तः [*] अस्वावचयः
277
4 Danda is unnecessary.
• Read श्रीमंशालुका
1 Mark of punctuation is unnecessary here.
[ Reading is पदपद्मालि: N. L. R.]
The word faa is written below the line; obviously the scribe inserted it in revision.
• Metre : Sragdhara.
The letter I am inclined to read the letter as f in preference to fe.
Read ferit.
। पूर्व्वतः मण्डयू -
is written beneath the line; it appears to have been inserted by the scribe during revision

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278
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
=
57 रिपोलगनसुन यिस बाहलवुन मडिमि दूब [0] भाग्नेयतः पालपा til
जूटूरि68 मुयल्गुडुनि] बूक्ख पडुव । दविषत: टूरि प्रान्त[पrti ]युत्तरंतुन कुणि59 विडिडगुण्ड । नर्चस्वतः टूरियमपोचव्वगुडि । [पचिमतः] रेटि[प] डुमटि
दरि । वा60 यव्यत: वलिवेरिपोलगरसुन गारलगुण्ठ । उत्तरत: तप्पराल प[]व । ई. 61 मानतः कोडगाiडिप rti युं विलिवेरियं मय्यस्कुहुन नडुपनिगुण्ठ ॥
तस्य [खे]यादल62 5 शु(ख)चिरमुरुतरं [शास]में राजको । सती(ख)तर्बगिपस्य प्रकटगुणनि
धेरम्मराजस्य पूज्यं । 63 तचेदं मा[स]नं [पालित] जिननिगम' शौर्यभौतान्यनाथबातो[]ौलिमालामशिव(क)मकरिको मति
Fifth Plate. 64 कोशासितांत्रि:(:) [१७] पस्योपरि न केन चिहाधा कर्तव्या यः करोति स
पंचमहापातकसं85 युक्तो भवति । तथाचोक्तं व्यासेन । बहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता बहुभिचानुपालिता ।
यस य. 66 स्व यदा भूमिस्तस्य तख तदा फल [१८] खदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत
वसुन्धरा [0] षष्टिं व87 र्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां जायते समिः [१८] सर्वानेताभाविनः 'प्रायिवेन्द्राभूयो 68 भूयो याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्धोय धर्मसेतुपाणां काले काले पाचनीयो(यो) भवनिः
॥२..] 69 महंगजाः परमहीपतिवंशजा वा पापादपेतमनसो भुवि भाविभूपाः । ये पालय70 ति मम धर्म[मिमं समस्त तेषां मया विरचितीजलिरेष मूर्ध्नि [२१]
पात्रप्ति[:] कटकराजः । जयन्ताचा71 येण लिखितम् ॥
See note 9 on the previous page. - Metre : Sragdhara.
The dot denoting the anusuára on this letter is placed by the scribe at the beginning of the next line. •[Reading is शासन च स्थितनिननिगम-N. L. R.] • Read मकरिका.
'Read पार्थिवेन्द्रा There is an ornamental design after this.

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No. 39.]
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES.
279
No. 39.-EPIGRAPHIC NOTES. BY PROF. K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI AND K. GOPALACHARI, M.A., MADRAS. I. Some Unpublished Amaravati Inscriptions' (above, Vol. XV, pp. 258 f., No. 6). Chanda reads : 'Malamāvuka..yä Retiya thabho', and translates (This) pillar (is the gift) of......Reti, an inhabitant of (wife of ?) Malamāvuka'. The letter after ka is clearly ja. The next letter exhibits the outlines of ya, and in No. 12 jāyāyā occurs. The inscription may then be read, Malamivuka-(jāyā]ya Retiya thabho'i.e., gift of a pillar by the wife of Malamāvuka.'
II. Op. cit. No. 9. Chanda reads : Kamma.. ya Apakuya [tha]bho', and adds, Two letters after Kamma have been broken off' The Editor suggests Perhaps they were bhayā=bhārya. The first letter, though much mutilated, has the backbone and limbs of ja partially visible. So again the word is jā[yā]ya.
III. Op. cit. No. 26. Chanda reads : chachuli sa[m"Jgbaya' and translates ...........to the brotherhood ........chachuli'. The cha at the beginning indicates that more than one person donated the object on which the inscription is incised. What is read as chuli should be read as chula ; for what is taken as the i mark is nothing but the ornamental vertical of la. See li (No. 41). Chula often occurs in Amarāvati inscriptions as part of personal names, and as Samgha (also Hangha) is also a name of frequent occurrence : ........cha Chula-samghaya' is the correct reading. The translation is .........and to Chula-sargha.'
IV. Op. cit. No. 41. Chanda reads : ..........maha govalivu bālikaya', and translates of the great cowherd's daughter'. What is read as li in goralivu is only la (compare li in bālikāya) and as govalava gives sense, and what is taken as the u sign is just a crease on the stone, and as the application of Mahā to a govalava (Skt. görallabha), an officer under the king, is more probable than to a cowherd, govalava would seem to be the correct reading. Meaning of the daughter of the Maha-govallabha'.
The characters resemble those of the inscription of Sivamaka Satakarni.
V. Op.cit. No. 56. What is read as 'Turughura' should be read as Turuļura'; see line 39, Bühler's table III. Turulûra is mentioned in another Amarāvati inscription (Lüders: List of Brahmi Inscrr., No. 1209).
VI. Prakrit Inscriptions from Nāgārjunikonda (above, Vol. XX, p. 24, Inscription H, text I. 11):
Imam chetiyam viharo cha. Dr. J. Ph. Vogel reads imam khaniyam vihāro cha', and explains khaniya by 'Pāli khānu *pillar (Childers, Pali-English Dictionary). The explanation is far from satisfactory. In our epigraphs, & pillar, even a vihāra pillar, is called khanbha (Inscrr. F, B5, C3, etc.). In fact che. tiyan seems to be the correct reading, only the letter che is rather carelessly engraved. The chetiya referred to is probably stūpa No. 6. In inscriptions from Nāgärjunikonda, a chetiya, chetiya-ghara and vihara often occur together.

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980
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
VII. Additional Präkrit Inscriptions from Nāgārjunikonda (above, Vol. XXI, p. 64. Inscription
L, text I. 10): B[o]dhisiri. Dr. Vogel has read it as [E]dhisiriya. The letter read doubtfully as e is probably ba and the name B[o]dhisiri—a name met with in these epigraphs. [The first syllable does not look like Bo to me.-Ed.)
VIII. Op. cit., L, 1.3 and M3, 1.5: Vasasataya. Dr. Vogel read the term as vasasanaya' in inscr. L, and as vasasanaya ' in inscr. M3, and treated it as a term of uncertain meaning. In a footnote the Editor has asked, 'can it be vasasatāya ?'. The difference between the Nāgārjunikonda ta and na is often fairly clear. Though we are not sure of the ta in inser. L, in M3 we have surely ta and not na (compare Mahāvinaseliyānam, 1. 6) - vasasatāya samva 10. The same term occurs in the Chinna Ganjam inscr. of Gotamiputa siri-Yaña Sätakaņi and the Banavāsi inscr. of the time of Håritiputa ViņhukadaChutukulananda Sätakamņi- vasasatāya samvachhara sata[vi] . . mam 20+7' in the former, and vasasatāya savachharam 10+2', in the latter. In our epigraphs also vasasatāya occurs before sanvachhara.
According to Bühler vasasatāya has the same import as the phrases pravardhamana-vijaya - rājya-samvatsara, vijaya-samvatsara, etc., of the Pallava and Chāļukya (and Salankāyana) grants. This seems to be ultimately connected with the Vedic ideal of Pasyäma saradas=satam.
IX. Lüders' List No. 1078. The inscription may be read with great probability :
1 Nādasa Va[dha]nāyasa.
2 Bhogavataga gabho dänar.
The fifth letter in l. 1 is very unlike any other sa in the inscription, and seems to be dha, of which the upper part has peeled off. The present reading is based on a careful examination of the estampage in the office of the Archaeological Superintendent at Poona, and the rather unsatisfactory photozincograph in the Cave Temples of W. India (Vol. IV, Plate XLIV) does not contradict it. The inscription may be translated : 'A cell, the gift of Näda Vadhanāya Bhogavata'.
X. Lüders' List No. 1165: Junnar (ASWI., Vol. IV, p. 97, No. 27 and Pl. L.). The first letter of what is read as nesakaresu and restored as vasakaresu is neither na nor va. It is unlike the three na-s in the same inscription; the open base of the letter makes va equally impossible. Moreover, it is not proper to ignore the e sign over the letter in any emendation of the text. The only possible reading is tesakaresu (the Skt. form is probably tējaskarēshni, polishers) ; Junnar Nos. 24, 25 and 29 have similar ta-s. What is read as pāö is pāu and what is read as pā[do] se[ma] is clearly pāu māse.
So we have
1 Seniye tesakare[su) 2 māse păunaduke
3 kāsä(sa)kāresu seniya(ye) plāju māse meaning: "With the guild of tesakaras, monthly, one and three quarters. With the guild of kāsakāras, monthly, one quarter". [The derivation of tesakara from Skt. tējaskara is extremely doubtful.-Ed.)

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No. 39.)
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES.
281
XI. Luders' List No. 1105: above, Vol. VII, pp. 64 1. (Karla No. 19, text, 1.5,---year 17.)
The unit figure was read as 4 by Bühler and as 8 by Rapson. Senart thinks that it may be any unit number (above, Vol. VII, p. 65). It is certainly not 8 as assumed by Rapson as it is open to the left and not to the right, or 4 as read by Bühler as it is quite unlike the symbol for 4 which occurs in the next line. A study of the inscription from the stone and from a fresh impression (reproduced here) shows that 7 is more probable than any other unit figure. The aquare characters employed in our inscription may account for the angular form of the symbol. It would appear to be a slightly later form, but such late forms are not unknown in the Karla inscriptions; witness symbol for 1 in the last line of this very inscription.
Rapson's historical argument (Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, etc. p. xlix) for the figure being read as 18 is based on the word vijayathasatākhe which is now seen to mean not from victorious camp' but for the sake of victory and prosperity'. (Vide Kondamudi plates, above, Vol. VI, p. 319, n. 7.) XII. The Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman. (Above, Vol. VI, pp. 315 ff., text, 1. 42)
Mahātalavarena. It was long before the discovery of the Nägarjunikonda, Alluru and Rāmareddipalle inscrip-- tions which mention the office of Mahātalavara that Hultzsch read the word as Mahätagivarena and conjecturally translated it as the best of the Mahātagi family'. In his edition of the Nägarjunikonda inscrr. (above, Vol. XX, p. 7, n. 1), Vogel, and following him other writers, have merely remarked that Mahätagivarena' is a mistake of the scribe or engraver for Mahātalavarena'. But the peculiar form of la in the word 'Brihatphalāyana' (1. 4) i.e., the vertical starting from the right arm of the curve, leaves no doubt that the letter read as gi by Hultzsch bas to be read as la and the word is therefore really mahātalavarena in l. 42. XIII. The Kollair plates of Nandivarman II. (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 175 ff., text, 1. 4) :
Videtürapallikā. Fleet's reading is Videnûrapallikā. But in the plates under reference, e.g., lines 1, 3, etc., as also in the Peddavēgi and Kantēru plates, all Sălarkāyana records, the re-ascent in the û sign in nú is to the left of the vertical, whilst in the letter read as nů in the word under discussion, the Te-ascent is to the right as in bhu or bhu. The letter can only be tu. Hence the correct reading Beems to be : Videtürapallikā. . XIV. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 56 ff., the Ellore plates of Devavarman. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. V, pp.
31 f., the Kanteru grant of Nanditarman ; ibid., Vol. I, pp. 92 ff., the Paddavēgi plates of
Nandivarman ; and the Kollair plates (cited in XIII above). Mududa(da ?), Mutuda. The reading of the word is not settled. Burnell read it as Munyada (8. Ind. Pal., p. 14). Fleet was of opinion that for Munyada as a common name no meaning could be found, and that Munyada as a proper name was out of place (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 176 n). Reading it as 'Mutyada' he corrected it to . Amātyādi'. While editing the Ellore Prākrit grant of Dēvavarman, Hultzsch read it as Muluda and remarked :-“The plates of Vijaya-Nandivarman seem to read ..........Munuda; but the apparent nu in the middle of this word may in reality be an obliterated ļu" (p. 59, n. 4). But la has always a short curve attached to it at the right end of its back (the Nägarjunikonda inscrr. and the Mānga!ūr and Chikkulla plates). What is read as la has no such curve. K. V. Lakshmana Rao reads the word in the Sanskrit grants as Munuda.
The word, which occurs in 4 of the 5 grants of the Salankāyanas, can have but one reading. In the Peddavēgi, Kollair and Kantēru plates, the re-ascent in the u sign in the proper nu is to

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282
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
the left of the vertical, whilst in the letter read as nu here, as in Videtürapallikā, the re-ascent is to the right. The letter can only be tu. That the last letter is da and not da, is shown by copper plate No. 2 of 1924-25 (Madras), where the back of da has a notch at the right whilst that of da lacks it. Mutuda being the correct Sanskrit reading, Hultzsch's reading must be abandoned in favour of Mududa which would be the Präkrit form of Mutuda.
XV. The Mattepad plates of Damodaravarman (Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 327 ff., text, ll. 2-3).
Anēka-go-sahasr-anēka-Hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhavasya. Hultzsch has read the word preceding go-sahasra as a[vandhya), and translated; pregnant'. A careful examination of the plates shows that the proper reading of the phrase is as given above.
Hultzsch's translation : "(and) who is the origin of the production (i.e., who has caused the performance) of many Hiranyagarbhas and of (gifts of) thousands of pregnant cows", must be amended into : "(and) who is born of one who was the cause (or one who was born) of several Hiranyagarbhas and of several go-sahasras ", meaning that Dāmõdaravarman's father made these two dānas repeatedly. The play upon the word udbhava has special reference to the nature of the Hiranyagarbha and is untranslatable.
XVI. A Karla Chaitya Pillar Inscription. While all other Chaitya Pillar inscriptions at Karla are incised on octagonal columns having a pot-shaped base, lotus-shaped top, and elephant capital, this inscription is on one of the eight plain octagons in the apse, standing second from the right row. (Marked x on the photograph.)
The letters resemble those on the other pillars. But the cursive ha of our inscription, especially the hi in putahi, is peculiar. Medial o is indicated in bho by two short strokes one going up and the other going down from the horizontal. The e sign in Je is attached to the centre of the letter.
The orthography of the inscription calls for very few remarks. In cognate inscriptions be is used for dvē, e.g., bitiye for dvitiye (Karla No. 22, ASWI., Vol. IV, p. 113 and Näsik No. 2 above, Vol. VIII, p. 60), bitiyika for dvitiyikā (Junnar Nos. 3 and 18 ASWI., Vol. IV, pp. 93 and 95). In one of the Junnar inscriptions (ASWI., Vol. IV, No. 25, pp. 96-7) we have however ve.
The language is Prakrit.
The personal names, Jebubhūti, Mițidasa and Bhayabhūti are names not met with in other records, though the last one may recall to our mind the Bhāya.. ....of a Nānāghat relievo inscription. Dāsa and bhūti enter into the composition of names (Násik No. 8, above, Vol. VIII and ASWI., Vol. V, No. 23, pp. 83 ff.).
TEXT.
1 Dhenukākața Mițidasa-vejasa 2 thabho dāna[m] sahā bhariyāya Jayami3 tãye(ya) sahá ve put[e]hi Bhayabhūtina 4 Jebubhūtinā - cha Vasumit[a]ya cha.
TRANSLATION. Gift of a pillar by the physician (vejasa Skt. vaidyasya) Mițidāsa, of Dhenukākața, with his wifo Jayamita, two sons Bhayabhūti and Jebubhūti' and with Vasumita."
[Reading may be Jabu- or Jambubhati.-Ed.) * She was perhaps a daughter.

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Two INSCRIPTIONS FROM KARLA.
XVI. Karla Chaitya Pillar inscription.
XI.
Karla Inscription of the year 17.
XVI. Karla Chaitya showing the inscribed pillar.
(From photographs).
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 40.]
TWO MAUKHARI SEALS FROM NALANDA.
No. 40.-TWO MAUKHARI SEALS FROM NALANDA.
By A. GHOSH, M.A., PATNA.
The two seals edited here for the first time were discovered at Nalanda in 1927-28 in Monastery Site No. 1, which is the exclusive find-spot of almost all the royal seals found there. Both of them are fragmentary, the upper corner of the right portion of the first and the whole of the upper half of the second one being missing. The legends on them, however, can be restored almost in their entirety by a reference to the already known seals of the dynasty.
The writing on the seals presents much the same paleographical features as the Asirgadh and Nālandā seals of Sarvavarman1 and does not call for any special remarks. As regards orthography, the only point to be noted is the doubling of consonants in words of which the following may be regarded as typical: atikkrānta, kirtti, chakkra, artti, puttra, and Sarvvavarmmā. The word anudhyāta, however, occurs twice on the second seal (11. 4 and 5 of the existing portion) without any such doubling.
A perusal of the texts given below will show that the seals carry the Maukhari genealogy two generations below Sarvavarman, with whom it stops in the Asirgadh and Nālandā seals mentioned above. Seal A belongs to Avantivarman who is distinctly stated to have been the son of Sarvavarman. Avantivarman is already known to historians from his coins and Bana's Harshacharita, wherein he figures as the father of the ill-fated Grahavarman who married Rajyaśrī, the sister of Harsha. Lack of knowledge about the relation between Sarvavarman and Avantivarman led to various conjectures. It was probably Fleet who for the first time inserted Susthitavarman (known from the Aphsaḍ inscription to have been defeated by Mahāsēnagupta) between Sarvavarman and Avantivarman and has been followed by some modern writers on the subject. However, with the discovery of the Nidhanpur copper-plate of Bhaskaravarman of Assam, other scholars have been led to the correct belief that this Susthitavarman was a predecessor of Bhaskaravarman and not a Maukhari prince at all. But the relation between Sarvavarman and Avantivarman was still uncertain. Dr. H. C. Raychaudhuri is doubtful about their exact relationship. And similar uncertainty has been expressed by other recent writers.10
283
The present seals disclose for the first time that Avantivarman was the son of Sarvavarman and his queen Indrabhaṭṭārikā. We have thus a complete genealogy of the Maukharis from Harivarman to Avantivarman, with some doubt about the position of Süryavarman who is mentioned in the Harāhā inscription as a son of Isanavarman." That Suryavarman's name does not appear on the seals of Sarvavarman and his successors does not conclusively prove that he never came to the throne, for such lists are genealogical and not always dynastic. But this, together with the fact that no coin belonging to him has as yet been found, though there are coins of other mahārājādhirājas of the family, makes the incident of his
1 Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 219; above, Vol. XXI, p. 74.
* Harshacharita (ed. Parab), p. 141.
Rapson, Indian Coins, p. Fleet, loc. cit., p. 15.
27.
Raychaudhuri, loc. cit., p. 518.
10 Of. Pires, The Maukharis, p. 104; Tripathi, History of Kanauj, p. 49.
11 Above, Vol. XIV, 115.
p.
5 Ibid., pp. 200 ff.
Cf. Vaidya, History of Mediaval Hindu India, Vol. I, p. 39; Mookerji, Harsha, p. 52. "Above, Vol. XII, pp. 73 ff.
*Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, 4th edition, p. 493; Banerji, J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XIV, pp. 255 ff.

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284
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
accession extremely doubtful. Probably he was a younger brother of Sarvavarman or else predeceased his father at a young age; at any rate, it is entirely unnecessary to postulate a fraternal war after Isänavarman.
Attempts bave been made to identify this Süryavarman with the king of that name mentioned in a Sirpur inscription, in which a Suryavarman figures as a Varman king of Magadha and as the father-in-law of Harshagupta, the nephew of Mahāśiva-Tīvara of Southern Kõsala. But the Maukharis of the line of Harivarman are nowhere mentioned as a characteristically Magadhan dynasty, their capital being Kunauj. Moreover, a detailed palæographical examination of the inscriptions of the Kosaian Pandavas leads us to place Tivara at a date much later than A. D. 554, to which year the Harāhā inscription belongs. That, however, is a different matter and need not detain us here.
Regarding the history of Avantivarman next to nothing is known. In the present seals he is styled mahārājādhirāja, while the D6-Baraņārk inscription calls him paramēsvara. Bāņa describes him as the ornament of the Maukhari race.' He seems to have continued the imperial traditions of bis family.
The second of the present seals introduces us to the son of Avantivarman, only the first two letters of whose name remain and can be read as Suva......or Sucha..... This is a fact which does not readily fit in with the known facts of history. Bāņa unequivocally states that Grahavarman was the eldest son of Avantivarman'; as such he is expected to have come to the throne after Avantivarman. It is usually assumed by historians that when Grahavarman was killed by Dévagupta of Mālwā, the throne of Kanauj fell vacant and was offered to Harsha, who accepted it after some hesitation. This is perhaps stating the complicated course of events too simply. It is possible that the second son of Avantivarman came to the throne after the murder of Grahavarman as the rightful owner before Harsha occupied it in the name of his sister. It is also possible that Grahavarman was still a prince when he was killed and that some time elapsed between that event and Harsha's occupation of Kanauj, so that on the death of Avantivarman his younger son came to the throne and continued to rule till he was deposed by Harsha. This son, the author of the present seul, might have been the progenitor of the later Maukhari dynasty, & scion of which, Bhögavarman, the crest-jewel of the illustrious Varmans of the Maukhari race', married his daughter to a Nepal king in the eighth century. In short, it seems reasonable to hold that there was a legal heir to the Maukhari throne even after the death of Grahavarman; this may explain why Harsha was hesitating to accept the sceptre of Kanauj.10
The text given below is transcribed from the original seals, now in the Archæological Museum at Nālandă.
1 Cf. Pires, loc. cit., p. 97.
Raychaudhuri, loc. cit., p. 512 n. 1; Mirashi, above, Vol. XXII, p. 19; Mirashi and Pandeya, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 115. * Above, Vol. XI, p. 190.
Fleet, loc. cit., p. 213.
Harshacharitu, p. 141. * The reading has been suggested by the Government Epigraphist for India. [It is curious that the Maijuári-müla-kalpa mentions a king Suvra after Graha; see Ganapati Sastri's edition (Triv. Skt. Series), p. 626. See also K. P. Jayaswal, An Imperial History of India, p. 27 519 (c). Jayaswal corrects the last pada of the verse as Graha-Suvrata (a)th=aparah which according to the ordinary rules of Anushtubh would spoil the metre. As the last visible letter on this seal seems to be a part of and as there seems to be a répha sign below it I am tempted to restore the concluding portion as bri-Suchandravarmma Maukharib).-Ed.]
Harshacharita, p. 141: tatrapi tilaka-bhulasy=Avantivarmanah sunur sagrajo Cirahavarma nama.
Bana is silent as to whether Grahavarman ever came to the throne, unless the word déra, used in one place (p. 183), is taken to show his royal position.
• Katmandu inscription of Jayadēva, Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 178 ff. 10 Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I, p. 211.

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Two MAUKHARI SEALS FROM NALANDA.
վի: ԻՀՎԱԾ ԱՂԱԼ )
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

Page #355

Дая

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No. 41.]
SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF ACHYUTARAYA: SAKA 1461.
TEXT.
A.-Seal of Avantivarman (Reg. No. 852). prat[4]p[4]nur[4]g-öpa[nat-knya-räjä(jö)
1 Chatus-samudr-atikkranta-k[i]rtt[i]h äärama-vyavasthapana-pravṛitta").1
2 chakkras-Chakkradhara iva prajanam-artti-haraḥ śrī-[mahārāja-Harivarmmā tasya pattras-tat-pad-änudhyätö Jaya
3 sv[a]mini-bhaṭṭärikä-devyäm-utpannaḥ śri-[mahārāj-Adityavarmma tasya puttras-tat
pid-änudhyatö Harshagupta*]-1
4 bhaṭṭārika-devyām-utpannaḥ śrī-mahārāj-[Esvaravarmmā tasya puttras-tat-pad-ānu
puttras-ta[t-pad
dhyata Upagupta-bhaṭṭärikä*].
5 děvyām-utpann[ö] mahārājādhirālja-śri*]-1 Isanavarmmā tasya
anudhyātō*]1
māhēsvar[ö]
6 Lakshmivati-bhaṭṭārika-ma[hādēvyā]m-utpannō
7 tasya puttras-tat-pad-a[nudhyāta Indra*]-bhaṭṭärikā-mahādēvyām-utpannaḥ parama
8 [mahārā*]jādhiraja-sri-Avantivarmmā Maukhariḥ.
mahārājādhiraja-éri-Sarvvavarmmā
B.-Seal of the son of Avantivarman (Reg. No. 855).
13 ....vyām-utpa[n]na.... 2(4)-děvy&m-utpannah śrī-mahārāj-E.... 3 Upagupta-bhaṭṭārika-devyām-utpannō
285
mahārājādhi......
4t-pad-änudhyātō Lakshmivati-bhaṭṭārika-mahādēvyā....
5 Sarvvavarmmā tasya [pu]ttras-tat-pad-änudbyāta Indra-bhatță....
6 [mahārājādhiraja]-śrī- Avantivarmma tasya pu...... 7 [vati?]-bhaṭṭārika-mahādēvyām-utpannaḥ para...
8 raja[dhi]rāja-śrī-Suva......
varnn
No. 41. SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF ACHYUTARAYA: SAKA 1461.
BY A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
The subjoined inscription is found on the east wall of the second prākāra in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam, the well-known place of pilgrimage in South India, specially sacred to the Vaishnavas. It is dated in the reign of the Vijayanagara king Achyutaraya-Mahārāya in Saka 1461, corresponding to the cyclic year Vikärin, and contains astronomical details which give the English equivalent A. D. 1539, August 26, Tuesday.
1 Restored from the Asirgadh and Nalanda scale of Sarvavarman.
* Restored from the scal B.
The record which is engraved in Tamil and Grantha characters, contains an introductory portion in Tamil which states that on the occasion of the king's performing a tulabhāra ceremony, his rajamahishi Oduva Tirumalaidēvi-Ammanavargal composed two Sanskrit slokas and had them engraved in several holy places, Srirangam being one of them, so that the descendants of prince Chikka.Venkatadri may rule as emperors (sarvabhaumas). Then follow the two verses referred to, and the epigraph closes with an epilogic sentence in Tamil.
Of the existing portion.
[Or Sucha.... See p. 284, note 6 above.
-Ed.1
5 Registered as No. 15 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1938-39.
The lokas refer only to the gift of Anandanidhi and not to the tulabhära; and it is possible that both the ceremonies were performed on the same occasion at Hampi.

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286
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Several records1 copied at different places mention that the senior queen (paṭṭamahishi) of king Achyuta was Varadadevi-Amman and that the crown-prince Venkaṭādri alias Chikkaraya was her son. That the king had another queen named Tirumalamba was known only from the references in the two Telugu works Vijayavilāsam and Raghunathābhyudayam, which also supply the additional information that her sister Murtimamba was given in marriage to China ChevvappaNayaka, along with the governorship of the Tanjore principality as dowry. The present inscription is important in its furnishing epigraphical confirmation as to the existence of this queen Tirumalaidēvi and in enabling us to identify her with Öduva (or Vöduva) Tirumalamba, the composer of the two Sanskrit verses under reference, as also of another verse3 commemorating the king's gift of Svarnamēru to Brahmans at Hampi in Saka 1455. It is possible that the three verses recording the king's celebration of the tulabhāra of pearls at Kanchipuram in Saka 1455. in company with his queen Varadambika and prince China-Venkatadri, were also her composition.
[VOL. XXIV.
A Sanskrit champü-kavya called the Varadambikaparinayam was written by a certain Tirumalamba, who describes herself in its colophon' as the favourite of king Achyuta'. As indicated by its title, the theme of this work is the marriage of Achyuta with Varadāmbika, the younger sister of the two brothers bearing the name of Tirumala, narrated in the usual conventional style. It may have been composed in the reign of Krishnadevaraya himself, and the portions relating to the birth of a son to Achyuta by name Venkatadri and the latter's anointment as yuvarāja at the time of his father's coronation may probably have been added on later by the same authoress." Though of average literary merit, the kavya is interesting because of the quasi-historical nature
1 She is referred to as a patlamahishi in a record dated in Saka 1463 (Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report 1930, p. 245) and in Saka 1464, Subhakrit (No. 330 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1929-30). See also No. 181 of 1922 of Saka 1455.
S. K. Ayyangar, Sources of Vijayanagar History, pp. 255, 285.
No. 9 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1904 and No. 708 of 1922.
These unpublished verses (No. 511 of 1919) may, with advantage, be reproduced here.
शाके भूतशराबुधौन्दुगणिते वर्षे पुनन्दने
मासे श्रावणनामके च विमले पचे रवेर्वासरे । दादश्यां हरिसन्निधौ व्यरचयन्मुक्तातुलापूरुषं
दानं श्रीनरसाच्युतचितिपतिः काञ्चीपुराभ्यन्तरं ॥ मुक्तातुलापूरुषदानविधी विकौन
मुक्तामणीन् समधिकं वरदाविकायाः । दानां पूरपरितान् रयतरसमेत्य रत्नाकरत्वमभजलवणाकरोपि ॥
arrari श्रचिनवेंकटाद्रिमणिना दाने तुलाभारके संप्रस्थारचिते हिजाममभवन्नर्थातिभाराकुलाः । धावौयं कलिकममषादधिगतादुत्शोभारा जनी
चौपालकुमारका (:) तदितर भाराय जाता भुवः ॥
These verses are also found in No. 178 of 1924 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection from Kalahasti, now under publication in S. I. I., Vol. IX.
* विविधविद्याप्रगल्भराजाधिराजाच्युतरायसार्वभौम प्रेमसर्वस्व विश्वासभुवा
fa-(Varadambikaparinaya-
.....
champi edited by Dr. Lakshman Sarup, pp. 179-80).
Sources of Vijayanagar History, p. 170.
The coronation of Achyuta took place towards the end of A. D. 1529, when Venkatadri was also anointed yuvaraja (Achyutarayabhyudayam). The Varadambikäparinayam states that on seeing the prince adorned with. all good qualities, the king made him heir-apparent. So the latter portion may have been supplemented after. A. D. 1530.

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No. 41.]
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287
of its contents and the light it throws on contemporary political and social life. We may infer from it that this poetess Tirumalāmba was identical with Oduva Tirumalaidēvi-Ammap-avarga! (Võduva Tirumalammanavaru), who, originally a 'Reader' (Oduva) at the royal court, subsequently rose to the position of a co-queen (rājamahishi) herself. It may also be noted that she was one of the galaxy of poetesses, royal and otherwise, who attained to literary fame under the patronage of the Vijayanagara kings.
The fervent hope expressed in this inscription by Tirumalambã that the performance of dānas and the engraving of the commemorative verses in holy places would ensure for Verkatādri's descendants the rule of the kingdom as sārvabhaumas, implies that doubts had probably begun to be entertained even at this time, as to whether the prince would be allowed to peacefully succeed his father, if such a contingency arose. The danger that threatened his regal hopes came from two quarters. Towards the end of Achyuta's reign, his ambitious brothersin-law Salakam Pedda-Tirumalarāja and China-Tirumalarāja had usurped much power into their hands and, in the event of the king's death, were even prepared to wrest the kingdom from their helpless nephew, by fair means or foul. Then there was also the party of nobles led by Aliya-Ramariya, the son-in-law of the late king Krishnarāya. This astuto general, by espousing the cause of Sadāsivaraya on the plea of his being the son of an elder brother of Achyuta, schemed to overthrow the power of the Salakam brothers and concentrate it in his own hands. This tussle for power must have already attained definite shape and proportions at the time of the present record in A. D. 1539, for the co-queen to have voiced her devout prayer. It is, however, unfortunate that the cupidity of the younger uncle China-Tirumalarāja proved stronger than the prayer, for he is believed to have strangled his royal nephew in A. D. 1543, when the latter was on the throne only for a few months.'
As regards the two verses quoted in this epigraph which are couched in the Sārdūlavikridita metre, it may be mentioned that more than a dozen copies of them exist in the different scripts of the kingdom, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Grantha and Nagari, and in several places, so far apart as Annigere in the Bombay Presidency and Srirangam in the Madras Presidency; but in none of them is there the additional information furnished by the Srirangam copy. While the Sanskrit verses glorify only the gift of Anandanidhi made by the king in Saka 1461, the Tamil portion refers to the performance of a tulābhāra on the same day. This was also probably celebrated in the
1 The information it gives about Narasa's military achievements is particularly useful. : This is the spelling adopted in the Kannada version of No. 9 of 1904.
See Sources of Vijayanagar History, p. 170, f.n. and also p. 11 of Introduction, Varadambikaparinayachampa.
Gangādēvi, the authoreas of the Madhurāvijayam and the wife of Prince Kampana, was a notable example. There was another named Möbanāngi, who wrote the Marichi parinayam.
For a discussion on these points, ride Dr. N. Venkataramanayya's Studies in the History of the Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, pp. 76 el sej.
Brigg's Firishta, III, p. 83 as quoted in Studies in the History of the Third Vijayanayara dynasty, p. 79. The Mahisiranara pativijayam and copper plate records simply state that after a short reign Venkatadri died. (Mys. Archl. Rept. for 1907, p. 14 and above, vol. IV, p. 14.)
* No. 597 of 1929-30 from Handidi (South Kanara), dated in Subhakrit, mentions that Venkatādriraya was ruling at Vijayanagara.
• Hampi (Nos. 27, 28, 39 and 40 of 1889, and No. 1 of 1904); Anantabayanagudi (Nos. 894 and 685 of 1922); Kamalāpur (Nos. 17 and 20 of 1904); Harihar (Dāvanagere 24); Nirgunda (Holalkere 123); Gadag (B. K. Nos. 7 and 14 of 1926-27); Annigere (B. K. No. 186 of 1928-29).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
Vitthalēsvara temple on the bank of the Tungabhadrã at Bhaskara-kshetra (i.e., Hampi), the venue of the Anandanidhi-däna, mentioned in the following Kannada preamble of the Gadag version.
Svasti Samastabhuvanāšraya sri-prithvi-vallabha Mahārājādhiraja Rajaparamēbvara sri
Virapratāpa Achyutarāya-Mahārāyaru Vijayanagariya nelevidinoļu sukha-samkathāvinodadim rājyar-geyyuttam-ildu Saka 1461 (etc.) punya-kaladolu Bhaskara-kshetra Tungabhadrā-tira Vitthalēgvarana sannidhiyalli-Madhava-prītyarthav-āgi Anandanidhiyemba dānavanu koţtu samasta-bhūsuraranu santosha-badisida prasastiyanu Samskritabhāsha-kavitadalli Sārdūlavikriditavxemba vsittangalanu Gadagina sri-Triyambakadevara sannidhānadalli sila-säsanakke barasida dharmma-kirttiya prasastiya vșittangaļa kramay
entendode || (The two Sanskrit verses follow).
From this it is also clear that Anandanidhi is the name of a particular kind of dāna and that it was performed in the temple of Vitthalēsvara on the bank of the Tungabhadrã at Bhaskarakshētra to propitiate god Madhava and that these laudatory verses were engraved also in the temple of Triyambakadēva at Gadag. The inscriptions engraved at Srirangam and other places must have also been of this nature. According to Hēmadri, who describes this gift in some detail in the Danakhanda of his Chaturvarga-chintāmani, the Anandanidhi-dana consists of presenting to learned Brāhmans, after some ceremonial preliminaries, pots made of the udumbara wood (audumbaram ghatam) and filled with precious stones and coins of gold, silver or copper. The days prescribed for the performance of this dāna are days in the months of Kärttika, Māgha and Madhava (Vaisakha), days of Ayana, Vishu, Manvādi and Yugādi, and days of the lunar and Bolar eclipses ; and the merit accruing from this ceremony is said to be longevity, perfect health and imperial sovereignty. It is no wonder therefore that king Achyuta selected this Ananda
1 No. 7 of the Bombay-Karnatak Epigraphical Collection for 1926-27. * Compare drijan Dhanadayannamõrlayan-Madhavam of the verse.
A similar preamble found in the Annigere copy states that the verses were engraved in the Amrite vara temple at that place under similar circumstances; while the Dāvanagere copy has simply the following sentence :- Sriman-Maharajadhirāja-Rājaparamēsvara-Sri-Virapratapa-Sri-Achyutadēva-Maharaya-krita-Mahānanda. nidhi-prasamsa-padya-dvayam likhyatë!.
• Bibliotheca Indica, No. 34, Chaturvarga-chintamani, Danakhanda, pp. 583-588 ; and Madras Epigraphical Report for 1923, p. 119. ... कारयेत्कार्तिकान्ते वा माया माधवैपि वा ।
अयने विषुवे वापि मन्वादिषु युगादिषु । Teritocrat awerach 1 पिधान राजत तहमध्ये सौवर्णमुजेत् । नानारनवरापूर्ण नानानानाभिराइतम् । हिमराजततायीत्यैः सवितैरपि पूरितम् ।
• performirani urýfa maene i
निव्यानन्दनिधनानित्यानन्दोभिजायते । यः कुर्यात् सीचुतायु:स्थाहीर्षसम्मानमाप्नुयात् ।

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No. 41.]
SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF ACHYUTARAYA: SAKA 1461.
nidhi-dāna for celebration to ensure succession to his son, though unfortunately the actual results completely falsified his expectations.
The final sentence in Tamil states that these verses which were forwarded1 (varakkaṭṭi-arulina) by the king (svami), were arranged to be engraved during the regime (adhikarattil) of Srirangappa-Nayaka, son of Tuļuva Vengala-Nayaka and a subordinate (pädasevai-pannum) of king Achyuta, who was probably wielding some authority in the Tiruchchirappalli region. He figures in another record from Srirangam dated in Saka 1460, wherein he is described as the son of Madura (Maruda)-arasar-padaiviṭṭu Tuluva Vengala-Nayaka'. In Saka 1458, the same officer is stated to have provided for offerings and worship to god Venkatesa at Tirupati, for the merit of Achyutaraya-Mahārāya, his queen Varadāji-Amman and prince Chikka-Venkaidri-daiyar
289
Sriranga-Nārāyanapriyan, the temple-accountant, has affixed his signature at the end, in attestation of the fact that the inscription was engraved in the temple with his full cognisance. This name or rather title was borne by all the accountants of the Srirangam temple in succession, having been bestowed, it is said, from the time of Sriranga-Narayana-Jiyar alias Kura-Narayana-Jiyar, the author of the Sudarsanasatakam, who flourished in the 13th century A.D. and was connected with the administration of the Sriranganatha temple for a long time.
TEXT.
1 Subham-astu [*] Svasti śrī [*] Sakabdam 1461 idanmel selläninga Vikari-samvatsarattu Bhadrapade-masattu pūrva-pakshattu duvadasiyum Mangalavaramum perra Tiruvonanakshatrattu nä] Sriman-Mahārājādhirāja Rājaparamēśvara śri-Virapratāpa śri-ViraAchchyutaraya-Mahārāyar tulabhāra-mahādāņam panni-arulinär [*] idukku Maharayar-udaiya rajamahishiy-ana Oduva Tirumalaidēvi-Ammap-avargal ślōka-dvayam Seydarulinar [*]
2 Inda
dharmmam Srirazhgadi-punnya(pugya)-kshetrazhgalālē chandr-adityavaraiyum prasiddham-aga naḍandal Chikka-Venkataddirirāyar-rudaiya santanattil ullavargal sarvabhaumaray prithuvi-rajyam pannuvargal enru Perumal Sriramganathadevar sannadiyilē sila-sasanam panninapadi || Sake chandra-ras-amarendra-ganite varshē Vikäryy-ahvayê pakshe Bhadrapadasya poshita-vidhau dvadasy-abhikhye tithau [*] varē Bhumisutasya Vishay-adhipatau tarë-chyuta.
3 kahmäpatir ddatv-Ananta(da)nidhirh dvijän [Dhanada lyann-ämödayan-Madhavam [1] Puny-aughaib paripálitasya parita bhût-ali-samviahtitas-sadvarggail-sabakitanya satat-ākrāntā bhujanga-vrajaiḥ [*] praptasy-ati-nava-presastim-adhika-prakhyātasauryy-Achyuta-kshmap-Ananta (da)nidher-pava-pi nidhayab
kin-tě labhantē
tulam || [2] Subha[m=a]stu [*]
1 This implies that Achyutaraya was not present at Srirangam at the time of the record. As stated in another inscription (No. 16 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1938-39), which reads Vijaya-samvatsarattu Ashadha bahula dvadasi-nal Srirangattukku elundaruli,' the king was at Srirangam on July 18, A. D. 1533. This was later than the occasion when, according to the Achyutarayabhyudayam, he stayed here for some time, while his brother-in-law Salakam Tirumala had led the expedition down south against the Tiruvadi king.
No. 91 of 1938-39.
Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report (1930), p. 245.
Kōyilolugu, p. 72.
Many of the Sanskrit words in the Tamil portions are engraved in Grantha characters.
The other copies read Anandanidhim and Anandanidhër-.
Some of the other copies read purato.
The other copies read ava-vasikritasya and this reading has been followed in the translation. • Read nav..

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29.0
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
4 Inda suvāmi varakkatti-aruļina blūkam irandum Achchuta(Achyuta)dēva-Mak(h)ārāyar
udaiya padasēvai pa[n]ņum Tuluva Vengala-Nāyakkar magan SirangappaNāyakkar adikärattil sila-sādanam panpina-padikku kõvil-kkaņakku SriramgaNārāyanapiriyar elutta [ll]
TRANSLATION.
(Line 1) Be it well I Hail ! Prosperity!
In the Saka year 1461 (erpired) corresponding to the (cyclic) year Vikärin, in the inonth of Bhādrapada, on Tuesday, which was a day of the twelfth tithi of the first fortnight, with Sravada-nakshatra--Mahäräjädhirāja Rajaparamē svara Sri-Virapratāpa Sri-Vira-AchyutarāyaMahārāya was pleased to perform the tulabhāra-mahädäna (ceremony). For (i.e., in commemora
tion of) this, the queen (rājamahishi) of the Mahäräya named Oduva TirumalaidoviAmma avargal was pleased to compose two (Sanskrit) slokas.
(Ll. 2-3) (In the hope that) if this dharmma is conducted well, as long as the moon and the sun, in holy places such as Srirangam, Chikka-Venkațädrirdya's descendants will rule the earth as emperors (sārvabhaumas), this epigraph was thus engraved in the shrine of god Sriranganátha.
ln (the) Saka (year) counted by chandra (1), rasa (6) and amarëndra (14), in the cyclic) year Vikärin, on the day of the tithi called dvadasi, in the increasing fortnight of Bhadrapada, which was a Tuesday with the nakshatra presided over by Vishnu (i.e., Sravana) king Achyuta by bestowing (gifts of) Anandanidhi made Brāhmans like Dhanada (Kubēra) and pleased (god)
Madhava.
Though themselves) nana (nine) how can the nidhis (of Kubera) attain equality with the Anandanidhi of king Achyuta of renowned valour, which has earned nava (new) celebrity (or eulogy)- for, while the former are surrounded by hosts of demons and are seized by crowds of serpents, the latter is protected by meritorious deeds and is coveted (only) by the assemblage of the good ?
Be it well!
(L. 4) These two verses which were graciously sent by the stāmi (king), were engraved on stone during the regime of $[r*Jirangappa-Nāyaka, son of Tuļuva Vengala-Nayaka and a subordinate of Achyutadēva-Mahārāya,- in attestation whereof, this is the writing (s.e., signature) of the temple-accountant Sriranga-Nārāyanapriyan.
1 The word idukku is not appropriate, for the verses describe only the Anandanidhi.
* There is some ambiguity bere, for no dharma wm actually made at Srirangam on this boonslon: it appoars to be a shortened form of the dharmma-kirttiya prasasti of the Gadag and Annigere versions.
The word ananta-nidhi means ' inexhaustible treasure, but the more toohnioal Anandanidhi' of Hemadri appears to have been intended.
• Thn idea in the first verse is that the Brihman-recipients of the rioh gifts of Ananda-nidhi were made to resemble Dhanada (Kubera), the possessor of the nine nidhis ; while the second veran Aay that king Achyuta's gitta, however, outrivallei Kubera's nidhis, for specified reasons.
SA pun on nava=nine and nava=new.

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No. 42.) LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OY JAYACHCHANDRADEVA: V. 8. 1237.
291
No. 42.-LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OF JAYACHCHANDRADEVA: V. S. 1237.
BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., OOTACAMUND. The record edited below is found on a single copper-plate now preserved in the Provincial Museum, Lucknow. No information is available as to where it was discovered. According to the information kindly supplied by Rai Bahadur Prayag Dayal, Curator of the Lucknow Museum, it was purchased at Lucknow from Messrs. Mata Prasad Sita Ram of Benares on the 12th October, 1935.
The plate which is inscribed on one side only, measures 1'7" x 1'2". Its edges are fashioned thicker and raised into rims for the protection of the writing. In the upper part of the plate there is a hole for the passing of the ring. Both the ring and the seal which was once affixed to the ring, are now migging. The plate contains 36 lines of writing, the letters being about to z of an inch in height. It weighs about 5021 tolas. A piece in the left hand corner at the bottom of the plate is broker and lost. This has caused damage to the last four lines in each of which five or six letters are lost at the beginning. One letter in l. 13 and two or three letters in 11. 16-17 are also partly damaged. But there is nothing in the plate which cannot be restored from the other known records of the Gähadavālas of Kanauj to which family the grant belongs.
The characters of the inscription are Nagari and the language Sanskrit. There are altogether 26 verses composed in different metres of which one is introductory in praise of Lakshmi and Vishnu found at the commencement of almost all the Gähadavāla grants, 13 are devoted to the descriptions of the different rulers mentioned in the record and the last twelve are imprecatory and benedictory verses. With the exception of these verses the rest of the record is in prose.
The inscription has been carefully written and in respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) B is denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in babhramur= in l. 8, e.g. vāhuvalli-vaṁdho (1.7), -āmvu (1.8), Vali (1. 10), vahala (1. 14), etc. (2) Combinations of consonants and. nasals have been represented by both anusvåra and a nasal of the same class without any discrimination, e.g. akunthorkantha and ärambhë (1.1), - Endrao (1.4), ronkita (1.5), kumbhi, mandala (1.6), -anumantā (1. 29), etc., as against samrambhah (1.1), Mahichandra (1.3), mandalo (1.3), sāṁdt- (1.7), Govindachandra (1.8), -indra (1.11), mantri (1. 20), etc. (3) A consonant in conjunction with a subscript has never been doubled but one following has very often been doubled, e.g. dör. vikramën=ārjjitam (1.4), kirtti, varnnita (1. 10), avatirnna (1. 12), etc., the few exceptions being jayārthan, -arthini (1. 11), nirjhara (1. 14), etc. (4) has been wrongly used for & in anisam (1. 4), gatasas=(1. 5), vasād=(1.7), rāsēh (1.8), etc., and & for s in-olla fitaih (1.5), -asrigo, udbhāśitah (1.7), Librishu (1.8), yasāmsi (1. 11), sahasram (1. 13), etc. (5) Final m is found only in phalam (1. 30), anu svāra being used in other places. (6) For want of sufficient space in a particular line when a part of a word had to be engraved in the next, sometimes one or two vertical strokes have been used at the end of the former to show the continuity, cf., for example the ends of 11. 21 and 33. The record contains a few other mistakes which have been corrected either in the text or in the footnotes accompanying it.
The donor of the grant is the Paramabhatāraka-Mahārājādhiraja-Paramēsvara-Parama māhèsvara Jayachchandradēva, the Gähadavāla ruler of Kanauj and Benares, of whom we have already sixteen records dating from V. S. 1226 to V. S. 1245 (A.D. 1170-89). The present record does not contain any new information with the exception of what is imparted by the grant portion. The genealogy of the donor is given in verses 2-12 and once again in 11. 14-18 wbere the names of the first two members of the family are omitted. The list begins, as in the other
1 See H. C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 636-41.

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records of this family, with Yasovigraha (v. 2) whose son was Mahichandra (v. 3). The latter's son was the P. M. P. Chandradēva, who is stated to have acquired the kingdom of Kanyakubja by the prowess of his arm. He is also said to have protected 'the holy tirthas at Kasi, Kusika, Uttarakobala and Indrasthāna (i.e., Benares, Kanyakubja, Ayodhya and probably Indraprastha or Delhi)- after he had acquired them, and bestowed to Brahmins his weight in gold in hundreds. His successor was his son tbe P. M. P. Madanapala and his son was the P. M. P. Govindachandra wbo by his creeper-like long arms secured the elephant which was the newly acquired) kingdom '(v. 8). Commenting on this verse Kielhorn observed : "Attention may also be drawn to the fact that the sovereignty over Kanyakubja is described as having been newly acquired, even when Govindachandra, the grandson of Chandradēva, was reigning.". But as this verse is found in the Kamauli Plate of V. S. 1171, the earliest known record of this ruler and which is separated by only five years from the last known record of his father Madanapala, it is probable that nava-rajya in the verse refers to the kingdom to which Govindachandra newly succeeded. It was also this ruler who for the first time assumed the birudas a sva pati-gaja pati-nara pati-rajatray-ādhi pati, originally used by the Kalachuri rulers of Tripuri, the use of which was continued by all his successors. It is significant that these epithets appear for the first time in the Bengal Asiatic Society's plate of V. S. 11776 which records the transfer by Govindachandra to one Thakkura Vasishtha of the village Karanda in the Antarāla-pattalā which was originally granted to the Rājaguru Rudrasiva by (the Kalacburi) Yasahkarņa. As these are not found even in the two grants of Govindachandra issued in V. S. 1176 it is obvious tbat shortly before the issue of the grant of V. S. 117? the Gahadavāla ruler wrested a part of the Kalachuri kingdom, probably from Yasahkarna himself, and to mark the occasion assumed the birudas hitherto used by the Kalachuri kings. Govindachandra's Bon was the P.M.P. Vijayachandra whose son was the P.M.P. Jayachchandra. Vijayachandra is stated to have "swept away the affliction of the globe by the streams (of water flowing) from the clouds in shape of the eyes of the wives of Hammira, the abode of wanton destruction to the earth" (v. 10). There is little doubt that this passage contains a reference to some historical incident not known from other sources. As this event is referred to in the Kamauli Plate of Vijayachandra of V. S. 1224,' the earliest record known of this ruler, it must have taken place between this date and V. S. 1211, the last known date of his father Govindachandra, i.e. between A. D. 1154 and A. D. 1167. It is, however, difficult to identify definitely this Hammira. The earliest numismatic reference to this title is found on the coins of Muhammad bin Sám otherwise known as Muhammad Ghūri, whose invasion of India did not take place till a later period. Probably Hammira was a popular designation for the Muslim chiefs in India, and therefore Dr. H. C. Ray may not be wrong in identifying Hammira of these records with Khusrav Malik Täj-ud-Daulah (1160-1186), the last prince of the Yamini dynasty, who was noted for his weakness as a ruler and who might have suffered a defeat at the hands of this Gahadavala ruler.
See Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 8, n. 46. * Ibid., p. 6. • Above, Vol. IV, p. 102 and n. 3. • Viz., the Raban Plate of V. 8. 1166 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 15 ff.).
J.A.S.B., Vol. XXXI, pp. 123-24. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 109 ff. and Vol. XVIII, pp. 218 ff. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 118 #. • Dynastic History of india, Vol. I, pp. 535-36. See also l'he Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, p. 37.
. Major Raverty notices two coins, one of Khusrav Malik and another of his father Khusrav Shih, but the legends on them give them the titles of Sulţün and Badshah respectively. See Tabaquát-i-Nasiri, Transl. (Bibl. Ind.), footnote under p. 114.

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No. 42.]
LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OF JAYACHCHANDRADEVA: V. S. 1237. 293
The date of the record is given both in words and in decimal figures in 11. 22-23 as Sunday, the 7th day of the bright half of Phālguna in the (Vikrama) Saṁvat 1237, when the sun had entered the Mina (sign of the zodiac) and regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 22nd February, A.D. 1181.
The object of the grant is to record the gift of the village Mandara with Kadahr in the Dāhaduāra-pattala by Jayachchandradēva. The recipient of the gift, which was made by the ruler after bathing in the Ganges at Vārāṇasi and performing other ceremonies connected with it, was the Brahmin Pandit Brahmagarman of the Vatsa-gotra and the five prararas, Bhārggava, Chyavana, Apnavāna, Aurva and Jāmadagnya. He was a son of the Pandit Götrā. nanda and grandson of the Pandit Sarvvānanda. In 1.27 of the record, among the taxes to be paid to the donee, is found the phrase yamali-kāmali which is found also in some other records of this ruler in a slightly different form. Its meaning, however, is not clear.
The writer of the plate was the Mahākshapatalika Thakkura Sripati who figures as the writer of most of the copper-plate grants of Jayachchandradēva.
I am unable to identify the gift village and the pattalā in which it was situated.
TEXT.: [Metres : Vv. 1, 3, 15-23, Anushtubh ; vv. 2, 26, Indravajra ; v. 4, 7, 13, Sārdülavikridita ; vv.
5, 6, 8, 11, 12, 25, Vasantatilakā; v. 9, Drutavilambita ; v. 10, Mālini ; v. 14, Sragdharā; v. 24, Salini.)
*
1 Om svasti || Akuņthotkantha-Vaikuntha-kaņțbapitha-luthat-karaḥ saṁrambhaḥ surat
ärambhē sa Sriyaḥ śrēyasērstu vaḥ || (111) Asi(si)d-Asi(d)tadyuti-[vamsa-jā]ta-kshmā.
pāla-[mālāsu) 2 divam gatásu sākshād=Vivasvănriva bhüri-dhămnā nämna Yabovigraha ity=udāraḥ 1
211 Tat-suto=bhün Mahlschandras-chamdradhäma-nibham nijam(jam) yên=¶ma
akūpāra-pārsē vyāpā)3 ritain yabāḥ || [31]* Tasyabhüt-tanayo nay-aika-rasikah kranta-dvishan-mandalo vi.
dhvast-oddhata-dhira-yodha-timiraḥ bri-Charhdradovo nfipaḥ | yên=ödāratara-pratāpa
Samit-abēsha-praj-padrava[m] 4 srimad-Gadhipur-adhirajyam-asama dôr-vvikramēn=ärjjitam(tam) | [411*1 Tirthāni
KL-Kubik-Ottarakösal-Endrasthân yakāni paripālayat-adhigamva(mya) | hēm=
åtma-tulyam=anisam(sam) dadatā dvij[ē)5 bhyo yen=ārkitā vasumati batasa(sa)s=tulābhiḥ il [511*] Tasy=ātmajo Madanapala iti
kshitindra-chüļāmaņir=vvijayatē nija-gotra-chandraḥ | yasy=ābhishēka-kalas-ollasi(si)
taih payõbhiḥ prakshā. " 6 litam kali-rajah-patalam dharitryāḥ li (611*] Yasy=āsid=vijaya-prayāņa-samayē tung-achal.
ochchais-chalan-mādyat-kumbhi-pada-kram-asama-bhara-bhra[6]yan-mahi-mandalē 1
cbüdäratna-vibhina(nna)-tälu-ga7 lita-styān-assi(sri)g-udbhāśi(si)taḥ śēshah pēsha-vasā(sā)d=iva kshanam-asau krõde nilin
änanah | [7*) Tasmād=ajāyata nij-ayata-vā(bā)hu-valli-vam(bam)dh-ävaruddba navarājya-gajo narēndraḥ sāṁdr-ami
1 Probably Kadāhi was a pataka attached to the village of Mandara. * See Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 137 ff. (Nos. H, I, J and K) and above, Vol. IV, p. 129.
• From an impression which I owe to the courtesy of Rai Babadur Prayag Dayal, the Curator of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow.
• Expressed by a symbol.

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[VOL. XXIV.
8 ta-drava-mucham prabhavo gavām yö Govindacharhdra iti chandra ivmāmvu(mbu)
rās()ēħ || (811*] Na katham-apy=alabhanta rana-kshamāms-tif(s)pishu dikshu gaján
atha vajriņa[h] () kakubhi babhramur-Abhramuvallabhaḥ(bha)9 pratibhaţă iva yasva(sya) ghati-gajāḥ || (911*] Ajani Vijayachandrð nāma tasman-[na]
rëndrah Surapatir=iva bhūbhfit-paksha-vichchhēda-dakshah | bhuvana-dalana-hēla-har
mmya-Hamrnirha(ra)-näri-nayana-jala-1 10 da-dhärä-dhauta-bhūlöka tāpaḥ || [1011*) Lõka-tray-akramaņa-köli-vibrimkhalani prakhyāta
kirtti-kavi-varnnita-vaibhavāni yasya Trivikrama-pada-krama-bhämji bhänti projja
(jjsim)bhayanti Va(Ba)li11 rāja-bhayam yaśārbi(si) || (111) Yasmims-chalaty=udadhi-nēmi-mahi-jayārtham mādyat
kar-indra-guru-bhāra-nipidit-ēva | yāti Prajāpati-padam sa(ka)ran-arthini bhūs=tvangat
turanga-nivah-ottha-rajas-chhalēna || [1211*] 12 Tasmād-adbhuta-vikramād-atha Jaya[ch]chamdr-ábhidhanaḥ patir-bhūpānām=&vati
rnna esha bhuvan-oddhārāya Nārāyaṇaḥ dvaidhibhāvam=apasya vigraha-ruchim dhik
kritya sä(sā)nt-asa(sa)yāḥ sēvantē yam=udagra. 13 vam(baṁ)dhana-bhaya-dhvams-arthinaḥ pārthivāḥ [131] Gachchen=mūrchchhām=
atuchchhär na yadı kavalay[ē]ta-kūrmma-prishth-abhighâta-pratyávfitta-sram-artto
namad-akhila-phana-sv(sv)āsa-västyä] -sahasram(sram) | udyogē yasya dbáva. 14 d-dharanidhara-dhuni-nirjhara-sphāra-dhāra-bhrabyad-dana-dvip-ali-va(ba)hala-bhara-galad
dhairya-mudraḥ phanimdraḥ ! [14][*] So=yam samasta-rāja-chakra-samsēvita
charanah [1*] Sa cha Paramabhattaraka-Mahārajā. 15 dhiraja-Paramēgva(sva)ra-Paramamahēsvara-nija-bhuj-õpārjjita-sri-Kanyakuvj(bj)-adhipati
(tya)-bri-Chandradēva-pādā[n udhyata-Paramabhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja. Para mēsva
ra-Paramamāhēsvara-sri-Ma16 da[napalladēva-pădānudhyāta - Paramabhattāraka - Mahārājadhirāja - Paramēbvara - Para
mamahēsvar-āsvapati-gajapati-narapati-rājatray-adhipati-vividba-vidyā . vichara - Vācbas
pati17 sri-[Govim dacharidradēva. pādānudhyāta - Paramabhattāraka - Mahārājadhirāja - Para
mēsvara-Paramamahësvar-āsvapati-gajapati-narapati - rājatray - adhipati . vividha - vidyā.
vichāra-Va18 chaspati - Sri Vijayachandradēva - pädanudhyata - Paramabhattāraka - Mahārājādhiraja
Paramësvara-Paramamāhēsvar-āśvapati - gajapati - narapati - rājatray . adhipati - vividha
vidyā-vicha19 ra-Vāchaspati-erimaj-Jayachchandradēvð vijayil ||Dahaduāra-pattalāyām | Kadahl
saha-Mardară-grāma-nivēsino nikhila-janapadán=upagatān-api cha rāja-rajñi-yuvarāja20 martri-puröhita-pratihära-sēnapati-bhāṁdāgārik-akshapatalika - bhisbag - naimittik - antah
purika-dūta-kari-turaga-pattanákarasthāna-gokulādhikäri-purushān=ājñāpaya21 ti võ(bő)dhayaty=adiśati cha [ll*] Viditam=astu bhavatām yatb-uparilikhita-grāmaḥ sa
jala-sthalaḥ sa-lõha-lavan-ākaraḥ sa-matsy-ākaraḥ sa-gartt-Ösharaḥ sa-giri-gabana-nidbā
naḥ sa. 22 mardhuk-a]mra-vana-vātika vita pa-trina - yūti - gochara - paryantah s - orddh[v1 - adha[6*1=
chatur-āghāța-visu(su)ddhaḥ sva-simā-paryantaḥ sa(sapta-strim]sa(ba)d-adhika-dvadasa(ba)-sata-samvatsarē Phålgunē mäsi
1 There are two dandas here to show that the word is continued in the next line. . This letter is damaged. . There is a mark here to show that the phrase is continued in the next line. • Thare is a superfluous danda here.

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No. 42.]
LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OF JAYACHCHANDRADEVA: V. S. 1237. 295
23 sukla-pakshe saptamyan-tithau Ravi-dine ankato-pi samvat 1237 Phalgunasudi 7 Ravau Mina-gate savitari! ady-ēha' śrimad-Vārāṇasyäṁ Gaṁgāyāṁ snätva vidhivan-mamtra-deva-mu(mu)ni
24 manuja-bhūta-pitriganams-tarppayitva timira-paṭala-patana-paṭu-mahasam-Ushnarōchisham =upasthay-O(Au)shadhipati-sakala-sekharam samabhyarchchya tri-bhuvana-tratur-bhaga
vatō Vasudeva
25 sya pūjām vidhaya prachura-payasena havisha havirbhujam hutvā mātā-pitrōr-atmanaś cha punya-yaso-bhivriddhaye asmabhir-ggōkarppa-kusalata-pūta-karatal-ōdaka-pür
vvakam Vatsa-1
26 gōtrāya Bhārggava-Chyavan-Apnavān-Aurvva-Yā(Jā)madagny-eti-pamcha-pravaraya paṁpamḍita-sri-Gōtrānanda-putrāya paṁdita-sri-Vra(Bra)
dita-sri-Sarvvānanda-pautraya
hmasarmman[ē] vra(bra)hmaṇāya chamdr-a
27 rk[kath] yavach-chhäsanikritya pradatto matva yathādīyamana-bhāga-bhūga-kara-pravapikara-yamali-kamali-prabhriti-niyat-äniyata-samast-idäуän-ājñāvidhëуbhāya disya
28 th=ēti || || Bhavanti ch=ātra ślōkāḥ || Bhūmim yaḥ pratigribņāti yaś-cha bhūmim prayachchhati | ubhau tau punya-karmmāņau niyatam svargga-gaminau || [15||*] Sam (Sam)kham bhadr-asanam chchhatramṁ var-āśvā va
29 ra-varaṇaḥ bhumi-danasva(sya) chihnani phalam-etat-Purandara || [16||*] Shashti[m] varsha-sahasra(sra)ņi svargge vasati bhumidaḥ | achchhetta ch-anumanta cha tany-eva narakē vaset || [17]*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vva
30 sudha bhuktā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalam || [18] Sva-dattam para-dattam va yō harēta vasumdharam sa vishṭhāyām krimir= bhütvā piṭri
31 bhiḥ saha majjati || [19] Vari-hin[e]shv-aranyeshu sushka-kōṭara-vasinaḥ krishnasarppās-cha jāyantē dēva-vra(bra)hma-sva-hariṇaḥ || [20||*] Na visham visham-ity=abur= vra(bra)hma-svam visham-uchyatē visha
32 mē[kā]kinam hanti vra(bra)hma-svam putra-pautrikam(kam) || [21||*] Taḍāgānāṁ sahasrē(srē)ņa Vājapēya-satēna cha gavām kōți-pradānēna bhūmi-harttā na su(éu)dhyati || [22||*] Asmad-vamsa(se) parikshine yaḥ ka
33 [s-chin-nripatir-bha*]vēt | tasy-ahaṁ kara-lagnō-smi sasanaṁ na vyatikramen(t) || [23||*] Sarvvan-ētāna(n)-bhāvinaḥ parthiva(v-e)ndran bhūyō bhūyō yachatē Rāmabhadraḥ | samanyō-yam dha."
34 [rmma-sētur=nripā*]3ņāṁ kālē kālē pālaniyō bhavadbbiḥ || [24||*] Vāt-abhra-vibhramva(ma)m=idam vasudh-adhipatyam-āpāta-mātra-madhura vishay-ōpabbōgāḥ prāṇās-triņagra-jala-vim
35 [du-samā narānām*] dharmmaḥ sakhã param-ahō para-lōka-yānē || [25||*] Yan-iha dattāni pura narendrair-ddānāni dharmm-artha-yaśaskarāņi | nirmmalya-vānta-pratimāni tāni kō | 36 [nāma sādhuḥ punar-adadita | [26||*] Likhitam ch=ēdaṁ tām[ra]-puṭṭakaṁ mahākshapatalika-thakkura-śrī-Śrīpatibhir=iti ||
1 There is a superfluous danda here.
There is a mark here to show that the word is continued in the next line.
The portion within square brackets is lost.
Danda superfluous.

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996
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
No. 43.-VILAVATTI GRANT OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN.
BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS
The plates containing the grant were brought to my notice by Mr. K. Ramakoteswara Rao, B.A., B.L., Editor, " Triveni", Madras, and placed by him in my hands for examination in September 1933. He informed nie that they had originally been lent to him by Sri (now Hon'ble) Bezwada Gopala Reddi, Minister for Local Self-Government to tbe Government of Madras. In reply to my enquiry regarding the history of the discovery of the set Sri Reddigaru informed me that it was discovered at Vavvõru, a village one and a half miles to the west of his native village Buchchireddipalem in the Kövür taluk of the Nellore District, Madras Presidency. The plates were originally unearthed by Satyavēlu Rāmi Reddi of the former village some time about the year 1928 while digging pāțimatti (i.e., earth in the old village-site), at about eight feet below the surface level. Some earthen pots are also reported to have been found along with the plates but as they were broken, they were not preserved. The plates were subsequently purchased by me for the Government Museum, Madras, and are now deposited there.
This inscription has been noticed by me in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1933-34 as No. 1 of App. A and its contents are briefly reviewed in Part II (p. 30) of the same report.
The set consists of five plates, four of which measure 9 inches while the fifth measures only 84 inches in length and all of them measure 24 inches in width. They are held together by a cir. cular ring of the same metal measuring about 3 inches in diameter, which passes througb a ring. hole, measuring inch in diameter, near the left margin of the plates. The ends of the ring are soldered into the bottom of a circular seal measuring roughly one inch in diameter. On its plain surface the seal bears the relief of a couchant bull facing the proper left and seated on a stand which is indicated by a thin horizontal line in relief. Above the bull is a relief carving of a wavy line which may represent the sea, and above it is tbe figure of what appears to be an anchor. The latter seems to be tied on to what looks like a post on the right hand side.
The first and the last plates are inscribed on one side only, while the rest bear writing on both the sides. The ring had been cut and soldered in one place and cut in another place before the plates reached me. There is, however, no report of impressions of the plates having been taken before. The plates with the ring and seal weigh 121 tolas.
The outstanding feature of the document is its elegant execution. The composition is also carefully done observing the rules of sandhi in almost all cases.
The soript of the plates closely resembles that of the Uruvupalli grant of the same king. Most of the letters in both the grants are box-headed, which is a somewhat rare feature in South Indian epigraphs. For example this characteristic is not noticed in the Māngaļür grant of this king wherein the top-strokes (talakattu) of letters are rather thick but not box-shaped.
In our grant some letters are arrow-or nail-headed as they are sometimes called (e.g., ka, cha, ra, va, and bha, in lines 3 ff.). Another point to be noticed is that while the plates of the l'rurupalli, Mangaļūr and Pikira grants are numbered in numerical figures cut on their proper right
I understand that Mr. M. S. Sarma of the Bharali Office, Madras, examined the document before he sent thom to mo at Mr. Ramakoteswara Rao's instance.
Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. V, plate opposite page 50.

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Page #369

SEALS OF THREE PALLAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
B. Chura Grant of Pallava Vijaya-Vishnugopavarinan.
(Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, pp. 137ff.)
A. Vilavatti Grant of Pallava Simhavarman.
(Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV.)
C. Pikira Grant of Simhavarman. (Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 159ff.)
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
From photographs.

Page #370

No. 43.]
VILAVATTI GRANT OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN.
margins, the plates under examination are not numbered so. A third noteworthy point is that while all the known grants of the king begin with the invocation Jitam Bhagavata preceded, in two cases (Mangalür and Pikira grants), by a spiral which has been rendered by Hultzsch as Om', our grant commences with the expression Svasti like the two other known Pallava records, viz., the Omgōḍu grant of Vijaya-Skandavarman' and the Chendalur plates of Kumāravishņu.
297
The emblem on the seal of the Uruvupalli grant was originally made out by Dr. Fleet to be a dog', but from deference to native opinion he later accepted it to be a 'lion'. The illustration accompanying the facsimiles of the grant suggests a wild animal like a dog or a wolf, sitting on its four legs and about to pounce. The short tail of the animal precludes its being taken for a lion which must conventionally have a long and curling tail.
The seal of the Mangalur grant is not described or depicted but the animal on that of the Pikira grant appears from the description given by Venkayya to resemble the one on the seal of the Uruvupalli grant. Unfortunately the Omgōḍu grant carries no seal and consequently the seal of the present set gains importance as being the only well-preserved one of this king known so far. The animal here is clearly a bull, with a prominent hump, seated facing the proper left, and having a pretty heavy dew-lap. Above the bull appears to be what looks like an anchor as already stated or, a boat as assumed by me in my Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1934 (p. 30, para. 4). Attention may be drawn here to a Pallava coin bearing the effigy of a bull on one side and that of a double-masted boat on the other, illustrated by Sir W. Elliot."
In the seal of the Prakrit charter issued by Vijaya-Buddhavarman's queen Charudēvi, the animal had been originally taken to be a deer but a closer examination would reveal it to be a standing bull facing the proper right, the hump rather indistinct. The view taken by me on the first examination of Fleet's facsimile is confirmed by an examination of the better illustration of the seal which appears in the plate published by Dr. Hultzsch.'
A few important orthographical peculiarities may be noticed here. The long i attached to the consonants is distinguished by an inward curl. While in some other records of this king the word jitam in the invocation Jitam-Bhagavata is written with a final m conjoined with the succeeding letter bha, here it is incised with an anusvāra as in the Uruvupalli and the Omgōḍu grants. But the conjunct letter is employed in Lõkapālānām-pañchamasya in 1. 6 and in oyājinām= Pallavānām-Mahārājaḥ in 1. 13. The anusrara is replaced by the class nasal: kshetrañ-cha in 1. 14, śāriran=daṇḍam in 1. 22, paran-dānam in l. 23, ghōran-na in l. 24, etc. Consonants following r are invariably doubled as in all early grants, and as in some other earlier ones the consonants preceding r are also doubled as for example in parakkramo in 1. 10. The forms pādānuddhyātō in 1. 11 and sarvräddhyaksha in 1. 14 may also be noticed. Above all, the employment of the Tamil letter for la in Vilavatti (1. 13) is noteworthy and indicates the influence of Tamil on the composer of this grant though it originated in and related to the Telugu country.
The epithet vaṭṭa in the expression ratta-grāmēyakāḥ (1. 21) meaning the officers of the grouped villages also suggests the influence of Tamil. I understand that in Maharashtra and Hyderabad the expression vaṭṭam-jāghirdär is in vogue.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 161, Text. Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 251 f.
3 Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 234. I. Ant., Vol. V, p. 50. Ibid., Vol. V, p. 154.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 160.
* Coins of Southern India, Plate I, No. 38. Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 101. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 144.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
Several wrong forms, evidently due to oversight, are noticeable : e.g., grama for grāma and gräka for grāsaka in l. 15, sumukhājñāptyā for svamukhao in l. 30 and vasundhärā for vasundharā in l. 25. The expression kshetram in l. 14 appears to be used in the sense of a 'department' or committee' in charge of the village. We may compare in this connection the expression Orgodu-grāmas-cha vaktavyäh used in the Omgõdu grant of Vijaya-Skandavarman.'
The grant was issued from Vijaya-Paddukkar-adhishthana by Mahäräja sri-Simhavarman, son of Yuvamahārāja sri-Vishnugopa, grandson of Sri-Skandavarman and great grandson of bri-Viravarman, who belonged to the Bhäradvāja-götra and the family of the Pallavas that had performed several Asvamēdha sacrifices. It registers the gift of the village Vilavatti in Munda-rashtra together with its hamlet (sa-grāsakah), with the several taxes (specified below) which were the property of the king, to (the Bräbman) Vishnusarman of the Gautamagotra and the Chhandöga(- sākhā).',
The inscription is dated in the tenth year of the king's increasingly victorious reign (samedhamāna-vijaya-rajya), on the fifth tithi) of the bright fortnight of Srāvana (Srävanyan).
The main interest of the record is in the enumeration of the several taxes wbich the king was entitled to collect from the village and which are now given away by him. Attention may be drawn in this connection to the eighteen kinds of parihāras (ashtāda sa-jätibhih parihāraih) mentioned but not enumerated in the Uruvupalli grant. As regards the taxes the king's command runs thus :-" whichever taxes are payable in this village by metal-workers and leather-workers (loha-charmakāra), the shop-keeping cloth-dealers (apana-patta-kāra), licensed spies () going about in loose masks or garments (prāvārañchara'), rope-jugglers or dancers (rajjupratihāra), shops (in general) (āpana)', Ajivikas (a class of Jaina mendicants), the taxes payable by barbarians and outcastes (nähala), mukhadharakas* (mask-actors), water-diviners (kūpa-darsakas'), weavers (tantravāya), taxes on gambling (dyuta), marriage (vivāha) and barbers (nãpita), and the taxes or tithes payable by the artisans enjoying the privileges of sarvaparihara (?) and such other taxes that belong to me, have been given to this (Brāhman) as brahmaděya. The officers of the ratagrāmas shall accordingly do my bidding. Others shall (duly) render and cause the dues to be rendered unto the donee. Whoever transgresses this charter of mine, that sinner will undergo corporal punishement." The order for the gift was issued orally by the king and committed to writing by the Private Secretary (Rahasyādhikrita) Achyuta.
1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 251, Text, 1. 10.
These probably represent the begging budu-bukkis who go about in loose and heavy garments. *If rajju-pratihar-apana be construed as one compound, it would indicate 'booths of rope-jugglers or dancers'.
. Alternatively we might understand this expression to refer to a particular class of self-mortifying devotees known as mukhēnādāyin.
Many of the terms in 11. 18-19 are met with here for the first time and are difficult to explain. It appears to me that tax levied for the maintenance of certain offices is indicated in I. 18. Accordingly, I would prefer to take pattakāra not in the sense of silk-weaver' but in that of patalekhin or writer of official documents. Pra. våraichara is probably the same as Saicharantaka of the Uruvupalli grant and Saichárin of other early records. I am not certain whether rajju is to be taken separately or to be compounded with the preceding or succeeding word. Rajju and chorarajju are found in the Artha sastra as fiscal terms. Rajjuka As an official designation occurs not only in the edicts of Asöka but also in such later records as belonging to the Andhra and Vakataka rulers (see above, p. 54). A pan-ajivika has probably to be taken as one word meaning those who live by shops', i.e., shop keepers in general as distinguished from smiths and leather-workers (loha-charmakar-apana). Kapa-darkaka may be an inspector of wells ',-Ed.]
If vatta is a Präkrit form of ranta the expression would mean bhaga-grāmēyakas, i.e., officers of the sabsidiary villages. Cf. also the Telugu expression Onfudaru.

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No. 43.]
VILAVATTI GRANT OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN.
299
The epithets and eulogies applied in our grant to the several kings are almost the same as those found in the allied grants, viz., the Uruvupalli, Pikira and Omgödu ones with slight interchanges. The phraseology of the Māngaļūr grant is quite distinct from that of the other charters of the king, and its author Nēmi seems to have composed it in an almost independent and original style of his own without borrowing from any of the other grants of the family. The practice in the plates appears to bave been to apply a particular set of attributes to the particular generation irrespective of the actual king concerned. If we compare the text of the Uruvupalli grant with the rest we find that the same set of epithets is applied in all to the great grandfather, the grandfather, the father of the king and the king of the grant, irrespective of any particular king. Thus, epithets applied to Skandavarman I, the first member in the Uruvupalli grant, are applied to Viravarman, the first member in the other grants. But the epithets vasudhā-tal-aika-vīra or prithvi. tal-aika-vira is applied consistently in all to king Viravarman and this one appears to have been particularly his personal attribute. Skandavarman I, his son Viravarman and the latter's son Skandavaraman II of the Uruvupalli grant are mentioned in the earlier Omgodu grant of VijayaSkandavarman II but with quite a different set of attributes. Viravarman is not therein called the sole hero of the world. Some other epithets of the later grants are traceable in the earlier Omgodu grant, viz., anēka-samara-labdha-vijaya-yabah-pratāpat (for prakasa of later grants) and pratāp-Opanata-rāja-mandalah," which are applied to Viravarman. It therefore appears that the ornate eulogy of the several kings was for the first time composed and brought into use in the reign of Vishnugopa and uniformly adopted in all the known grants of his son Simhavarman except in the Māngaļūr grant as already remarked.
In connection with this and the allied grants there exists what we may call the “Simbavarman problem." Dr. Fleet assigned the Uruvupalli plates to Simhavarman, & supposed elder brother of Vishnugopa and made him Simhavarman I of the dynasty. Dr. Hultzsch, while editing the Pikira grant of Simhavarman, bas attempted to solve the difficulty by assuming the nonexistence of an elder brother of Vishnugopa by name Simhavarman and the passing of the succession from Skandavarman II to Simhavarman without Vishnugopa ever having ascended the throne, on the ground that he is entitled only Yuvarāja or Yuvamahārāja. If Vishnugopa did not succeed to the throne there is no meaning in saying that he made a gift' as the Uruyupalli charter states. I think there is not much justification for Dr. Hultzsch's supposition. The assumption of the title Yuvarāja or Yuvamahārāja which appears to have been due to some dynastic convention or exigency does not by itself deny accession to Vishnugopa as it did not in the case of the Eastern Chalukya king Mangi-Yuvarāja. The Mayidavõlu plates were issued by Yuvamahārāja Sivaskandavarman. Professor Dubreuil who has made a special study of the Pallava dynasty accepts that Vishņugõpa did rule, but follows Dr. Fleet in assuming a Simhavarman as the elder brother of Vishnugopa. Hultzsch and Dubreuil are partially right and partially wrong. We need not either suppose with the former that Vishņugõpa did not ascend the throne or agree with the latter and Dr. Fleet that he had an elder brother named Simhavarman. I would suggest that the difficulty can be solved by supposing that the Uruvupalli grant originally made by Vishnugopa was, for some reasons not known, formally issued by his son Simhavarman
1 In the Uruvupalli and other plates this epithet is applied to Viravarman's grandson Vishnugopa.
* In the Uruvupalli plates this epithet is given to Viravarman, but in the other grants of Simhavarman, to his son Skandavarman II. The eulogies applied to the several generations of kings in the Uruvupalli plates are indifferently applied to the kings figuring in the Chendalur plates of Kumaravishnu II (above, Vol. VIII, p. 235).
* Ind. Ant., Vol. V, PP. 50 and 154. Abore, Vol. VIII, p. 160. See my remarks in the article on the Churā grant of Vijaya Vishnugopavarman, above, p 188. • Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 63.

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300
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
The Pallava genealogy for this period would therefore
in the eleventh year of the latter's reign. stand thus -
Kumāravishņu I.
Skandavarman I.
Viravarman s. a. Virakorchavarman.
Skandavarman II.
Vishņugopa II. Simhavarman.
Vijaya-Vishnugopa III. Dubreuil supposes that Skandavarman of the Chendalür plates was the father of Kumāravishnu I of the earlier Omgõdu grant. On the other hand it would be reasonable to identify him with Skandavarman II, son of Viravarman, and grandson of Skandavarman I, because of the epithets applied to him which are mostly the same as those given to him in the Pikira and Omgõdu grants and our present grant, though epithets alone are not sufficient for the identification of kings as the same epithets are applied to different kings, as pointed out by me above. If, how. ever, my identification is correct, we may have, for this period, a tertative genealogy as follows :
Kumāravishņu I.
Skandavarman I.
Kumāravishņu II.
Viravarman.
Buddhavarman
Skandavarman II.
Kumāravishņu III of the Chendalūr plates.
Yuvamahārāja Vishnugopa.
Simhavarman.
This arrangement would not only suit Dr. Hultzsch's argument about the later nature of the characters of the Chendalür plates but also we have a clue herein to suppose that the first Kumāravishnu of these plates was probably named after his grandfather Kumäravishnu of the earlier Omgõdu grant. This would also remove the inconsistency in Prof. Dubreuil's scheme which, while suggesting a palæographical resemblance between the Uruvupalli and the Chendalur charters, places Kumāravishņu II of the latter on a collateral plane with Viravarman, the grandfather of Vishnugopa and the great grandfather (according to Dr. Hultzsch) of Simhavarman of the former. With these arguments kept in our view we will have to designate Kumāravishņu, the donor of the Chendalûr plates as Kumāravishņu III. His father Buddhavarman is stated in the Vēlürpälaiyam plates, to have conquered the Choļas while his grandfather Kumaravishnu had
1 The conjecture seems to be rather far-fetched. On the other hand the position of Vishnugopa seems to have been such that he was not able to issue any document in his own name.-Ed.]
* Loc. cit., pp. 60ff.
Tno genealogical table given on p. 503 of S. 1. 1., Vol. II, drawn up before the discovery of the Omgodu grants, requires modification. Loc. cit., p. 67.
58. 1. 1., Vol. II, p. 502.

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No. 43.]
VILAVATTI GRANT OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN.
301
captured (preferably re-captured) Kanchi which had been the Pallava capital in the earlier genera tions. With sufficient reason are the Chendalür plates issued from Kanchipura and the doneo is, very naturally, a native of a village in its vicinity, the name of which though not read by Dr. Hultzsch, may, I think, be safely read as Pullaļūruand identified with the village of that name situated 9 miles north of Conjeeveram."
Discussing the initial date of Siṁhavarman Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri remarks: "If the initial date derived from the Lokavibhāga for Simhavarman II is to be accepted there must have been in A.D. 440, the fourth year of the king, a solar eclipse in the month of Chaitra. This, however, does not happen to be the fact". I regret, I have to differ from Mr. Sastri and point out that Dr. Schran's Tables of the Eclipses of the Sun in India record an eclipse on the 17th of May in A.D. 440. The month of Chaitra in certain years overlaps the month of May and definitely such is the case in the years in which there is an Adhika and a Nija Chaitra month. So it is quite possible to assume that in the Chaitra of A.D. 440 there was a solar eclipse. Consequently the assumption of A.D. 436 as the initial year for Simhavarman would be fully justifiable. So the date of our grant which is dated in the tenth year of his reign would correspond to A.D. 446.
Munda-rashtra is also mentioned in the Uruvupalli and Pikira grants of Simhavarman. It is evidently identical with the later Munda-nādu or Mundai-nādu of the Nellore Inscriptions." Vilavatti, the gift village may possibly be the village Vavvēru where the plates were discovered or with greater probability it may be the village Vidavalūru, about 12 miles east of it. Both the villages are in the Kövür taluk. Paddukkar-ādhishthăna from which the charter was issued may be identified with the village Padugupādu about 9 miles south by east of Vavvēru in the same taluk. This is now a Railway station a little distance from the northern bank of the river Pennar on the Madras-Calcutta line and within a mile from Kövür.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Svasti[*] Jitam Bhagavatā [*] éri-Vijaya-Paddukkar-ādhishthănā parama-brahma
nyasya sva-ba2 hu-nirjjit-ārjjita-kshatra-tapo-nidhēh vidbi-vihita-sarv va-maryyādā-sthiti-sthita3 sy=āmit-ātmano mahārājasya "prithivi-tal-aika-virasya sri-Viravarmmapaḥ prapau4 trasy=ātyuchchitao-sakti-siddhi-sampannasya pratäp-öpanata-rāja-mandalasya Bhaga
Second Plate ; First Side. 5 vad-bhakti-sad-bhāva-sambhävita-sarvva-kalyāṇasy=änëka-go-hiranya-bbümy-adi-pradānai[b] 6 "pravsitta-dharmma-sañchayasya prajā-pälana-dakshasya Lõkapālānām=pañchamasya!
maha
1 The reading Puttukäka given in Vellore Inscriptions, p. 1421d, must be given up. * Sewell, List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 188. Above, Vol. XV, p. 253.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 51 ff. and above, Vol. VIII, pp. 160 and 163.
Nellore Inscriptions : -See Nellore 19, 31, 61, 71, 72 and 121. The villages mentioned in connection with this nádu would all point to the Kövür taluk of the Nellore District in which the present plates were discovered. The southern portion of the Kandukur taluk also would go into this rashtra.
• From the original plates and ink-impressions prepared in my office. * Read .bal-arijit-orjjitu- as in other plates.
The Uruvupalli and Pikira grants read maryyādasya. The Uruvupalli grant has urusudha.
10 The Pikira grant reads prapautrobhyuchchila.. 11 Read prarsiddha as in the Uruvupalli and Pikira grants. 12 Read lokapalanyn after this as in the above-mentioned grants.

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302
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV
7 tmano mahārājasya sri-Skandava[r*]mmaṇaḥ pautrasya dēva-dvija-guru-vsiddh-opasē.
vinot vi8 vriddha-vinayasy=īnēka-saṁgrāma-sāhas-āvamardd-õpalabdha-vijaya-yabah-prakātasya
Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 ’nirupam-atmano Yuvamahārājasya sri-Vishnugopasya putrah Kali-yuga-dösh-ā10 vasanna-dharmm-oddharaņē nitya-sannaddhaḥ sprihaṇīya-parākkramō rāja[r*]shi-guna-sa11 rvva-sandoha-vijigishuræddharmma-vijigishur-Bhagavat-pādānuddhyāto Bappa-bhatta.
raka-pāda12 bhaktaḥ paramabhāgavató Bhāradvājaḥ sva-vikram-ākrānt-ā[gdya]-sri-nilayo yathāvad
ābsit-à
Third Plate ; First Side. 13 nēkasvamědha-yājinām="Pallavānām=mahārājaḥ bri-Simhavarmma Munda-rashtra
Vilavatti14 grāmē tasymaiva grāmasya kshētrañ=cha sarvvāddhyakshāmg=cha tat-sañcbāriņas-ch
ajñāpayati? d15 ya[m] "gramah sa-grākas=sarvva-parihār-āpētā dēva-bhoga-hala-varjjam=asmad-āyur-bba16 la-vijay-abhivriddhayê samëdhamāna-vijaya-rājyė dasamē samvatsarö Srävanyám
sukla-pa
1 The Uruvupalli grant roads - Opachayino and the Pikira grant has -apachayin). The Orgödu grant reads -pasivind as in the present one.
* The Pikira and Omgodu grants read saty-atmano. The Uruvapalli grant applies the epithets saty-atman and mahatman to Maharaja Skandavarman.
The Uruvupalli and Pikira grants read dharana-nitya-sannaddhasya. The possessive form which has oridently been incorporated from the former into the latter of these grants has been left uncorrected into the nominative, though the appositional expressions putrah (1. 10), paråkkramo (1. 11), oto., are in the latter case : vide above, Vol. VIII, p. 162, text 11. 10 & 11.
Road -anya-ntipa- as in other grants. The other allied grants make this an attribute of the Pallavas and not of this particular king.
The Uruvupalli and Pikira grants read atvamadhanáth while the Omgodu grant has aneka-kratinar Sata. keraldnar (above, Vol. XV. pp. 254 f., text 11. 16 ff.).
• Thu Pikira grant has dharmma-maharaja-fri- while Orgödu has vallabhanah Pallavinah dharmma-mahd. raja-r1-.
* The Uruvupalli grant is addressed to the gråmeyakas at the first instance and then to the dyuklakas, miyökas (probably naiyogikas), rajavallabhas and salicharantakas. The Pikira grant is addressed to the gråmeyakrs, adhi. krita-sarvidhyakshas, vallabhas and säsana-sacharins, almost as in the Mängalur grant.
. Read gramah sa-grasakas.
Dr. Fleet's translation of the expression Vishnuvarmma-senapati-krita Vishalina-devakulaya deva-bhogi, etc., in the Uravupalli grant is inaccurate. The grant is not meant for the family of Vishnuhäradeva which was founded by Vishnuvarman but for the temple (devakula) called Vishnuhara founded by the general of Vishnuvar. map, as a devabhöga. This would thus appear to be one of the early temples of Kandukur founded in Pallava times. A still earlier temple of Pallava times is that of Bhagavan-Narayana mentioned in the Prakrit copper-plato charter of Yuvamahirija Vijaya-Buddhavarman's queen Chārudēvt dated in the reign of Vijaya-Khanavarman (above, Vol. VIII, p. 145) Dr. Fleet's reading devabhäga in text l. 26 of the Mingalar grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 156) in only printer's mistake for dewa-bhoga (vide his translation, ibid., p. 157). But his reading wasad-bhoga (ibid.. p. 136, text I. 29 and p. 167 f.n.) is correctly vasad-bhogya. Dr. Fleet stated that the meaning of rasad-bhogya. maryaday was rather doubtful. It is possible that it corresponds to the kudininga.dēvadana of the Tamil in. acriptions and perhaps means with the tenants' occupancy rights assured

Page #376

VILAVATTI GRANT OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN.
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Page #378

No. 43.]
17
VILAVATTI GRANT OF PALLAVA SIMHAVARMAN.
Third Plate; Second Side.
kshē pañchamyam Gautama-gōtrāya Chhandōgaya Vishnusarmmane dattam(ttaḥ) [] yad-asmin-grāmē
18 1õha-charmmakär-apapa-pajjakära-prävärañchara-rajju-pratihar-Apan-Äjivika-ka
19 rāņi Nahala-Mukhadbaraka-kupa-darśaka1-tantravaya-dyūta-vivāha-napita-dē
20 y-adini cha sarvva-parihara-karu-deyani cha yany-anyani ch-asmad-bhagyāni tany-asmai
303
Fourth Plate; First Side.
21 brahmadēyikritya dattani Vaṭṭa-grāmēyakāḥ [asmad-ājñām*] kurvvantv=itarē pariha[ra*]ntu pariharayantu
22 cha[*] yas-ch-aitad-asmach-chhasanam-atikrāmēt sa papaḥ sariran-dandam-arhati [*] Api ch-a
23 tr=a[r]shāḥ ślōkā bhavanti || O O -Bhumi-danat-paran=dānam=iha lōkē na vidyatē [*] yaḥ praya
24 chchhati bhumi[m*] hi sarvva-kāmān-dadāti saḥ [*] Brahma-svam [hi] visham ghōran-na visham visham-uchayate [*] visham-ēkākinam
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
25 hanti prahma-svam putra-bautrikam || Sva-dattam para-dattam va yo harēta vasundharam [*] gavām sata
26 sahasrasya hantuḥ [pi] bati kilbisham [*] Yatha niröhanty-uptāni kīrņņāni cha mahi27 talē [*] ēvam kāmā virōhanti bhūmi-dāna-samārjjitā[*] || Bahubhir=vvasudha datta ba28 hubis-ch-anupālitā [*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam ||
Fifth Plate.
29 10Asamkhyayani varshāņi svarggē mōdanti bhūmidāḥ [*] akshēptā ch-anumanta cha tany-eva 30 narakē vaset || Prabhōḥ "sumukh-ajñāptyā" rahasyādhikṛitēn-Achyutēna likhitaṁ śāsanam|| 31 Svasta (sti) || ||13
1 [See above, p. 298, n. 5.-Ed.]
This reading is found in the Pikirs and other grants of the king. The Mayidavõlu Prakrit plates read säri. ram såsanam karejamo (above, Vol. VI, p. 87, text, l. 24).
The Uruvupalli and other grants quote this verse in a different form. The Pikira grant which cites the verse reads Bhumidana-saman-dānam.
This verse is not quoted in the other grants of the king.
* Read brahma".
Read -pautrikam.
"Read vasundharam.
The letter pi looks like bi.
This verse does not occur in the other grants of the king.
10 This verse is not quoted in the other grants of the king.
11 Read sva-mukho.
12 Invariably all the earlier grants adopt the form äjiäpti while the later ones, like those of the Eastern Chalukyas, have ajiapti. The former though obsolete seems to be more suitable to the context in the technical sense of the agency that obtains the command (aji-äptih) while ajñaptiḥ would strictly refer to the agency that commands'.
13 There is a symbol between these two sets of dandas.

Page #379

304
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VoL XXIV.
No. 44.--FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION: V. S. 1517
BY SAM SKRITI PT. AKSHAYA KEERTY VYĀS, M.A., UDAIPUR The inscription under description was briefly noticed for the first time by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Ojha in the Annual Report, Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1925-26. It seems to have originally been engraved on five big slabs of stone of which the fifth or the last slab has not yet been discovered. Of the second slab, only a very small piece has been found containing the words Dvitiya-pațfikā on the top to ensure its being a part of that slab. Of the remaining three slabs, the fourth one (which is the best preserved of whatever has so far been found of this inscription) has already been published by R. R. Halder of the Rajputana Muscum, Ajmer. I now take up here, at the instance of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India, the first and the third slabs for edition. Both these slabs were discovered only in fragments and are, therefore, in a very damaged condition. All that has till now been discovered is deposited for preservation in the Victoria Hall Museum at Udaipur.
The inscription belongs to a temple built by Mahārāṇā Kumbhakarna on the fort of Kumbhalgarh, originally called the Kumbhasvāmin temple but now known as that of Mamădēva. The first slab is 3' 10" broad by 3' 7" high with a margin of about 2" on all sides, and contains sixty-eight verses (1-68) with short sentences in prose in fifty lines of writing; and the third slab is 3' 1" by 3' 6" with a margin of about 1}" on all sides containing fifty-nine verses (121-179) with some small prose sentences in forty-nine written lines. Unfortunately the slabs are very much damaged and some of the important portions of their contents have altogether been destroyed.
The characters are Nägari and the medial vowels ē, ai, 0, and au which are joined to the consonants are represented by both siro- and prishtha-mātrās. The letters are nicely cut and are on the average about two-fifths of an inch.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition is, on the whole, free from errors. In the first slab, however, we find sandhi not observed in sri Ekalinga-prabhuh (1.7) and pralaya-kpit-yo (1. 41); and in the third slab in or=abhūt=øri-Jaitra (1. 27). In yadeakāri Mokala-ngipah (11. 29-30, slab I) the error of syntax is obvious. Besides, there are some other minor mistakes chiefly pertaining to engraving which are noticed in dealing with the text.
Regarding orthography we find that t' and bare usually distinguished, the exceptions being Vāghēlāva-varnnanam (11. 28 and 31, slab I) and -Amrāprasāda- (11. 19 and 20. slab III). The dental sibilant is used for the palatal one in samsprisamty=api (1. 20) and sad-dhairya-saurya- (1. 39) of the first and the third slabs respectively. The sound of sh is twice represented in the first slab by the sign for kh, e.g., in -sarramkakhaḥ (1. 47) and kalukh-ādayo ya[ n*1 (1.50). This seems to be based on the analogy of the representation of the sound of th by the sign for sh in many of the inscriptions of this period in Rājputāna. The following other features are also to be noticed the examples for which are here drawn from the first slab only. nusevira is throughout used for nasals. Ņ is almost invariably reduplicated after a superscript by drawing a horizontal stroke across the body of the letter : other consonants are very often doubled, e.g., srarggaPrayāga- (1.12), muktir-jjanair (1. 13), r=rrirair=ddānara- (1. 16), etc., as against wi-rarair= gita (1. 35), garva-sarvamkakh(sh)ah (1. 47). etc. Jihrāmiliya and wpadhmaniya are sometimes lised and represented by a sign which here resembles the sign for sh as in ritamayel halu
Abovo, Vol. XXI, pp. 277-288.

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(1.2), Takshakak-Kali-yuge (1. 6), purngavaih=parityitar (1. 16), etc. The sign for avagraha is used thrice, only in slab I, in sarito='sya[h*] (1. 14), rājate='nyo (1. 18) and ya so='samukhih (1. 28).
Before taking up the actual contents of the slabs under consideration, it ray be mentioned that the present inscription, the Tower of Victory inscription and the Ekalinga-māhātmya have a good number of verses in comnion. We know for certain that all these three records were composed during the reign of Mahārāṇā Kumbhakarna and are, therefore, contemporary records. Now the former two, viz., the Tower of Victory inscription and the present record, besides belonging to two different localities far off from each other, have got the same date in all particulars which is Monday, the fifth of the dark fortnight of Märgasirsha in Samvat 1517 (=A.D.
1460, Monday the 3rd November). It, therefore, seems improbable that anything from the one may have been borrowed in the other, particularly when we consider the amount of difference found in the plan of writing followed in both of them. The text common in both these records, therefore, seems to have a different source altogether in the Ekalinga-māhātyma, the third contemporary record, which seems to have already been compiled borrowing material particularly in its Princes' chapter, from many old inscriptions, viz., the Mahāsati gate inscriptionat Chitor of the time of Rāval Samarasimha dated in V. S. 1331 (=A.D. 1274), the Samādhisvara temple inscription of prince Mökala of V. S. 1485 (=A. D. 1428) and others. That the Ekalinga māhātmya was composed prior to the present record as well as the Tower of Victory inscription, and has an air of originality around it is also evidenced by the fact that the division of the Guhilot family in two branches, viz., the Rāval and the Rāņā, in the reign of Rāval Rañasimha or Karnasimha, is first of all found mentioned only in this work where all other inscriptions, contemporary or otherwise, are silent. Although we do not know much about the Tower of Victory inscription at present, for, all other slabs containing it excepting the two, viz., the first and the last but one* (which also are in a very mutilated condition) are lost; but so far as the present record is concerned, much of what we find in connection with the genealogy of this dynasty in its three slabs till now discovered. is almost a reproduction of the Rāja-varnana of the Ekalinga-māhātmya. Thus, much of the destroyed portion of the slabs under consideration is restorable from the aforesaid work as well as from records prior and posterior to it, as will be done, wherever possible, in dealing with the text.
Taking up the contents of the first slab we find that it mainly describes in poetical manner some important geographical places of Mewar including lakes, hills, sacred spots, people, etc. It opens with the propitiation of Gaņēša, Sarasvati and Ekalinga in three small prose sentences. Then begins the Alih Prakarana covering verses 1-14, benedictory and invocatory in nature, in praise of many a deity such as (Lamboda]ra, Gajamukha, Vindhyavāsini, Ekalinga, Pinäkin, Ina and others. The deity of the first verse is, however, difficult to determine due to the initial portion of the verse being destroyed.
Then begin various descriptions the first of which is the description of Trikāta. With regard to the method of composition followed, it may be remarked here that the whole of the present inscription is distributed in various varnnanas, the commencement and the termination of each of which is indicated by atha and iti respectively. This Trikūța-varnnara covers verses 15-17. Trikūta is a range of hills naturally formed into a triangle within which is situated the temple and the town of Eklingaji.
1 Bhavnagar Skt. and Pr. Inscriptions, pp. 74-78. 1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 410-21 and Bhav. Inscrs., pp. 96-100. * Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. XXIII, plate XX.
Ibid., plate XXI.

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Vv. 18-19 contain the description of a rivulet called Kutila in inscriptions which rises in the Trikūta hill nearby and flows only in the rainy season. Its description as given here is simply hyperbolic.
In vy. 20-22 we have the description of the goddess Vindhyaväsinl whose shrine is situated on the slope of the hill to the north outside the rampart round Ekalingaji's temple.
In vv. 23-24 the poet describes the god Ekalinga. The temple of Ekalingaji is, in popular belief, regarded to have originally been built by Båpå Räval, which, having been damaged in course of a few centuries by the Muslim invaders, was repaired by Mahārānā Mākala who also furnished it with a rampart to ensure its protection. Mahārāṇā Kumbhakarna, the son of Mökala, is also stated in vv. 239-401 in the fourth slab of this very epigraph, to have done something towards reparation to this ancient shrine. The modern structure of the temple, however, is stated to be the work of Mahārāņā Rai Mal who laid fresh foundation and erected the new structure.
Vy. 26-28 give the description of a beautiful tank situated to the east, near Ekalingaji's temple. It is popularly known 88 Indra-sägara, but it is here called Indratirtha-Bhojasara. The tank is said to have been in existence since the time of Indra who is stated in v. 8 to bave meditated on the feet of Bkalinga in Krita-yuga; but it was given its present shape by forming the dam, etc., by Bhõjabhūpa, one of the early predecessors of the Guhila family, and hence called after his own name.
Then come the descriptions of Kamadhenu (vv. 29-30) and Taksbaka (vv. 31-33) who are stated in v. 8 to have attended upon Bkalinga in Trētā and Dvāpara ages respectively. The city of Näga, i.e., Nägdā, the ancient capital of Mewăr, is here stated to have originally been founded by this lord of the serpents.
Vv. 34-35 describe Dhårēbvara whose temple is situated a few paces off the Ekalingaji temple on the base of the western range of the neighbouring hill in front. This small temple with a reservoir attached to it seems from v. 107 of the third slab of this inscription to have been built by Råval Samarasimha as a deed of chartiy.
Next comes the description of Vaidyanatha in vv. 36-37, whose temple must have existed at Eklingaji at the time. No such monument is now popularly known to exist there.
In vv. 38-40 is described another beautiful tank situated to the south of the town of Eklingaji, touching the site of the ancient town of Nagdā, popularly known as Bāghēlā Talāv but here simply called V (Ba)ghalāva. This tank was excavated by prince Mokala in memory of his brother Bāghasimha.
From here the poet takes us to the fort of Chitor and describes in vv. 41-50 the temple of Samadhibvara which is situated a little way to the south-west of Kumbhā's great Tower of Victory. This temple was originally built by Bhojarāja, the Paramāra prince of Mālwā, in the eleventh century when Chitor had already become a Paramāra possession in the reign of his uncle Muñja (Väkpatirāja). It was also called Tribhuvananārāyana temple after his title Tribhuvananārdyana, and Bhojasvāmidēva-jagati'. The temple having been ruined in course of time was repaired by prince Mokala in V. 8. 1485 (=A.D. 1428) on account of which it is now generally called Mokalaji's temple. The present inscription, however, assigns the renovation of the temple to prince Kumbhā (v. 49), but this fact is not corroborated by any other record. The poet here evidently appears to have confused this monument with the temple of Kumbhasvämin on the fort which really was built by Kumbhā. Rai Bahadur Ojhă regards this temple as the second
1 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 286. *An. Rep., Rajputana wawa, Ajmer, 1920-21, p. ..

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ancient monument on the fort, the first being that of Kalika of the seventh or the eighth century, originally dedicated to Surya or the Sun god. But in fact, the temple under description is the third ancient monument on the fort, the second being the temple of Kukkutaévara as will be seen from the next paragraph.
Then we come to the description of Maha-Lakshmi in vv. 51-54. The temple of this goddess is now generally known as that of Annapurna, but what is worshipped here is the same original image of Lakshmi with a lotus flower in her hand and an elephant on each side of her face. This temple was originally built by Mahārānā Hammira (A.D. 1326-1364). These verses also contain the description of Kukkutē vara (Siva) and Gadadhara (Vishnu) whose temples are also situated near the Maha-Lakshmi temple. The temple of Gadadhara is now generally called as that of Charabhuja (Chaturbhuja) The three big reservoirs of water, viz., Mātāji kā kunda, the Kukadēśvara-kunda and a third one, all in the vicinity of these three temples, are also briefly mentioned here. It may be pointed out that the original temple of Kukkutēévara and the adjoining reservoir of the same name date as far back as V. S. 811 (=A.D. 755), an inscription of which date recording the erection and the excavation of the temple and the reservoir respectively was found there by Col. Tod. Later on, the reservoir being damaged was repaired by Mahārānā Kumbha.
In vv. 55-57 we find the description of Kumbhasvamin now popularly known as Kumbhasyamaji, whose temple was erected on the fort of Chitor by Mahārāņa Kumbha in V. S. 1505 (=A.D 1448) and styled after his own name. The temple was originally dedicated to Varaha or the Boar incarnation of Vishņu as mentioned here (v. 56), but nowadays Vishnu in his ordinary form is here worshipped. The temple Kumbhasvamin to which belongs the present inscription, is not to be confused with the monument under description, for, the former was erected not at Chitor but at Kumbhalgarh and was later in date. Kumbha evidently erected two temples dedicated to the same god on both the prominent forts of Mewar.
Vv. 58-68 contain the description of the country of Medapăţa (Mewar), mentioning in general terms its cities, rivers, hills, lakes, gardens, people, etc.
Lastly is mentioned in prose the date of the inscription which is Monday, the fifth day of the dark half of Märgasirsha in Samvat year 151[7] and Saka year 1382, corresponding to A.D. 1460, Monday the third November, taking the month to be Pürņimanta. At the end of the first slab we are asked to consult the second slab for further description.
Of the second slab, we are in possession of a very small fragment as already stated, which is of no avail for our present purpose. It can, however, be concluded that it must have contained. the description of some other important places of Mewar, for we find the central portions of the initial four lines contained in that fragment to be identical with the initial portion of an independent description of Chitrakuța extending over a good number of verses, found in another unpublished inscription from Kumbhalgarh whose first slab is preserved in the Victoria Hall Museum which seems to contain in an abridged form all that is found in the first and the second slabs of the present inscription with the same date. The second slab contained fifty-two verses (69-120).
As to the contents of the third slab we find that it opens with the description of Mahāraula éri-Bapa which extends over six verses (121-126) on this slab. Vv. 121-122 mention Hari tarasi, but much of their text is now lost to us. In v. 122 mention has been made of a person whose surname (apara-namadheya) reads in the mutilated text as [éri].. [ya]ku[bja] who appears to be the father of Häritarasi. What little is, at present, preserved to us of this verse
1 Rajapulane ka Itihasa, Fasc. I, p. 354.
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. III, p. 1823 (W. Crooke's ed.).

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clearly calls Haritaräsi a dvijendra or the best of dvijas. We cannot, however, fully believe in it for the date of the present record, as compared to that of the sage under description, is much later; but we can at least believe that at the time of the composition of the record, he was regarded as of Brahmin origin. Rai Bahadur Ojha's contention that he was an ascetic of the Nätha order does not necessarily contradict the present description, for he, born as a dvijëndra or the best of dvijas, i.e., a Brahmin, might later on have accepted that order.
From v. 123 properly begins the description of Bapa who is there said to be a vipra meditating on the feet of Häritarasi who bestowed upon him the kingdom of Mewar (vv. 124-25), and to have migrated to Mewar from Anandapura. Verse 123 of this slab is also found in Raval Samarsimha's inscription at Chitor of V. S. 1331 (=A.D. 1274) located in the western wall of the northern gate of the Mahasati enclosure. In the Princes' chapter of the Ekalinga-mahatmya we have another verse of the same import composed in a different metre, originally found in the Aṭapura inscriptions of Saktikumāra of V. S. 1034 (=A.D. 977). The only difference between the two verses is that the former mentions Bapa and the latter Guhadatta in precisely the same terms. Now, in the former record of V. S. 1331, Bäpä is mentioned as the Purana-purusha or the progenitor of the family and Guhadatta or Guhila as his son (the same order being followed in almost all other records later to it including the one under consideration); while the latter record of V. S. 1034, which is earlier in date, speaks of Guhadatta as the founder of the family and Bapa as one of bis descendants. This shows that already in the thirteenth century people had forgotten what their predecessors knew a few centuries ago about the genealogy of the ruling family. One point, however, viz. these rulers being described as vipra or mahi-deva, is common to both earlier and later records. Guhadatta's description as mahi-deva in the Aṭapura inscription referred to above led Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, while editing the record, to conclude that Guhadatta was a Nagar Brahmin of Vadnagar in Gujarat and that the Udaipur dynasty had a Brahmanic origin. But instances in inscriptions where the scions of this dynasty are described as Kshatra-kshetra (v. 6 of the same Aṭapura inscription), Kshatriyavamsa-mamdana-mani (v. 5 of the Sringi-rishi inscription), etc., are in no way wanting as Rai Bahadur Ojha rightly points out. The use of such terms as vipra or mahi-deva in their connection seems to have some bearing on their habits which they might have acquired through such association as mentioned in certain bardic chronicles", and not on their blood. There are, again, epigraphs of various dynasties in which the ruling princes are described as born in Brahma-Kshatriya-kula which simply hints at their being possessed of both divine and martial virtues, by habit and blood respectively. So also an inscription of the tenth century from Chaṭasu in the Jaipur state describes prince Bhartripaṭṭa of this very Guhila dynasty as Brahma-Kshatr-ānvita', hinting thereby at the possession of both the virtues mentioned above.
Next is given the account of Raula śri-[Guha]datta (vv. 127-33). He is described as the son of Bäpä and it was after him that the dynasty came to bear the title Guhila. He, as has already been noticed, was really the founder of the dynasty and thus an early predecessor of Bapa. Nothing remarkable of him is mentioned here except that he had a son Lätivinöda10 by name who
1 Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 337. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXIX, p. 191
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 234 ff.
"Muhanota Naipast's Khyata, p. 10. Above, Vol. I, p. 307.
Above, Vol. XII, pp. 13-17.
10 Whether Lätivinoda is a proper name or simply an epithet is also doubtful, yet here it seems to have the plausibility of being the former.
Bhav. Inscre., pp. 74-78.
Ibid., p. 190.
Raj. Itihe., Fasc. I pp. 378-89.

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was called as such due to passing his days in enjoyment with ladies of the Lāța country. No prince of this name has been found mentioned in any of the inscriptions of the dynasty so far discovered. In A.D. 1869 General Cunningham had found some 2,000 silver coins at Agral bearing the legend Sri Guhula which he attributed to Guhadatta.
Then we have the description of Räula sri-Sh(Kh)ummapa (vv. 134-37). He is said to have weighed himself against gold in company of his wife and children, and given away the precious metal in charity. In vv. 136-37 is mentioned his far and wide conquest (dig jaya) of various countries, viz., Anga, Ba(Vanga, Kalinga, Trilinga (Telugu country), Surāshtra, Choda, Dravida and Gauda. This description is not free from exaggeration, but the martial spirit with which the name of Khummāna is associated in Mewar even to this day may point to some truth therein.
It may be mentioned here that the description of the foregoing three princes, viz., Bāpā, Guhadatta and Khummāna as found in this record contains no chronological truth.
We now come to the most important and also the original portion of the whole inscription called Rāja-varnnana. At the very outset it is professed that this portion dealing with the genealogy of the ancient rulers of the family, has been prepared after studying many old prasastis (v. 138). The first thing that draws our attention here is the title Rāja-varnnana which seems to have been borrowed from the Ekalinga-māhātmya where a whole chapter extending over 204 verses is called Räja-varnana. Although much of this Princes' chapter of the Ek. mht. is .contained in the present record as already mentioned above, this particular portion, at least that preceding the description of Raval Samarasimha, seems to be genuine and prepared with solemn effort. Here we have another proof of the priority of the Ek. mht., for, if it had been posterior to the present record as Rai Bahadur Ojhả thinks', that portion of the Rāja-varnnana under consideration which is original, dealing with the ancient rulers of the Guhila family whose chronology was even then regarded doubtful, would have been totally incorporated in the māhātmya being a result of very laborious researches as professed in v. 138 of the present record. On the other hand, it may be assumed that as the genealogy of the early rulers as given in the Ek. mht. was not found to be trustworthy an attempt was made in the record under discussion to make it as authentic as possible.
Now we may take up the contents of this portion. In the family of Guhila was born a prince Bhoja by name. From him were born Mahindra, Näga, Bappa and Aparājita (v. 139).
It may be noted here that the author has already mentioned Bāpā as the very founder of the family but now he takes him as the son of Nāga. Similarly he has described before Guhila or Gubadatta as the son of Bāpā, but here he evidently believes him to be the real progenitor of the family which he calls the Guhila-vaṁsa. This clearly shows the amount of labour bestowed on the present portion. From the Atapura inscription of V. S. 1034 (=A.D. 977) which gives a correct genealogy of the family from Guhila to Saktikumāra, we learn that the son of Nāga or Nägāditya was Sila, and from the Kundēsvara temple inscription of V. S. 718 (=A.D. 661) we find that the father of Aparajita wan Sila, an inscription of whose reign dated in V. S. 703* (=A.D. 616) has been found and is now preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. Thus, we find that the term Bāpā or Bappa which is now universally believed to be not a proper name but simply a title, is either here accepted by the author as the title of Sila, or he may have used it as an independent proper nume, but in either case he has been clearly mistaken. 1A. 8. R., Vol. IV, p. 96.
Raj Itihs., Fasc. II, p. 619, n. 2. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 29-32. Above, Val. XX, p. 99.

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Then came Mahindra (II) and from him was born Kalabhðja. After him came in succession Sh(Kh)ummāpa, Mattata, Bhartripatta and Allata (v. 140).
The chronology as mentioned in this verse omits between the last two princes, the names of some five princes, viz., Simha, Khummāna (II), Mahāyaka, Khummāna (III) and Bhartsipatta (II) mentioned in the inscription of V. S. 1034. This clearly shows that the author did not possess a copy of that inscription at the time of writing this portion. He seems to have studied only some later records such as the Chitor inscription of V. S. 1331, the Rānapura inscription of V. S. 1496, etc., which also he seems not to have studied carefully, for, the names of three princes out of five omitted here are to be found in both these records. It may also be mentioned here that Bāpā as a title is regarded by different scholars as belonging to the first three princes mentioned in this verse. Thus, Kavirāja Shyamaldās takes the first prince of the verse, viz., Mahindra (II), Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, the third prince Khummāņa' and Rai Bahadur Ojhā, the second prince Kālabhöja, to be Bäpă. Col. Tod, however, with the scanty material he had at his disposal, thought long ago that Bāpā was the title of Sila.
Then came Naravāhana and then Salivāhana. After him was born Śaktikumāra and from him Amhv(b)āprasada. Ambāprasāda had three brothers Nfivarmā, Anantavarma and Yasovarmā by name (vv. 141-42).
What is worthy of note here is the name Anantavarmā which is not found in any other record so far discovered. Likewise, the name of Suchivarmā found in some of the other records is omitted here. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, therefore, is inclined to regard the former as identical with the latter". Ambāprasāda is named Amraprasāda in the Chitor inscription of V. S. 1331. Similarly Nțivarmi and Yaśõvarmă are called Naravarmā and Kirtivarmā respectively in other inscriptions. These three brothers of Ambāprasāda mentioned above, also seem to have ascended the throne successively as they are mentioned in order of succession in a few other inscriptions.
Then Yogarāja became the ruler of Mewar whose line did not obtain royalty although he him. self fully enjoyed it (v. 143). This important fact of the deprivation of throne from the progeny of Yögarāja is known from this inscription only and is mentioned nowhere else. Rai Bahadur Ojhà gives the reading of the last quarter of this verse as tach-chha..[no divam) gatäh', with his own omissions and additions and interprets that the line of this prince came to an end during his own lifetime and the throne thus passed on to Vairata. He has omitted one syllable in the first word of this quarter which is distinctly visible on the slab as shā(khā). The intention of the Rai Bahadur in omitting the syllable seems to be to regard the first word as masculine plural ending in ono, presuming that the word might thus mean off-shoots of his family', for which he has also inserted visarga after gatā at the end to make it plural. But the text as visible on the slab, although partially damaged, clearly seems to be tach-chhāsh(kh)ā n=o[chhri(chchhra)yam) gatā (IL. 20-21), which clearly shows that the line of this prince was cut off from the throne evidently due to some internal family feud and the lot finally fell on Vairata, one of the progeny of Allata. The word api in the beginning of this verse also emphasises this conclusion, otherwise there is no justification for its use here.
1 Vira-vinoda, part I, p. 250. ? Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 188. . Raj. Itihs.. Faso. I, p. 404. • Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 270 (W. Crooke's ed.). . See his Lint of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 389. n. 1. • Raj.Itiha.. Fasc. I, p. 440. ? Ibid., p. 443, n. 2.

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Thus Vairata ascended the throne after Yögarāja and was succeeded by Harsapala after whom came Vairisirhha (v. 144). This prince erected & rampart round Aghăța-pattana (v. 145), the modern town of Ahad near the city of Udaipur, also mentioned in inscriptions as Aghățapura or Atapura. He had twenty-two meritorious sons of whom one, a narendra, was the most virtuous (v. 146). Unfortunately we do not find the name of this virtuous narēndra mentioned here who must evidently have succeeded his father Vairisimha. In the Bhēra-ghät inscription of the Chēdi year 907 ( --V. S. 1212 and A.D. 1155) and the mount Abu inscription of V. S. 1342 (=A.D. 1285), the son of Vairisimha and grandson of Hamsa päla is mentioned as Vijayasimha, A copper-plate grant and a stone inscription of whose reign dated in V. S. 1164 and V. 8. 1173 respectively have been found'. Thus, it can easily be understood that the prince who is anony. mously mentioned here in v. 146 is none else than Vijayasimha, and the author, due to his apparent ignorance, has not mentioned this name. In the Ränapura inscription of V. S. 1496, however, the name of Vairisimha's successor is given as Virasiha; and Rai Bahadur Ojhā is inclined to accept hin, and Vairasimha of v. 147 of the present inscription whom he regards as the son of Vairisimha, as being identical with Vijayasinha of the Bhëri-ghät inscription" He does not seem to have given due consideraton to v. 146 of this slab which mentions Vijayasimha in clear terms as narendra though omitting his name, as already shown above. The present inscription appears to speak of Vairasimha not as the son of Vairisimha, but as his grandson unless tasmāt in v. 147 is meant to refer to Vairisimha which from its position and the construction seems improbable. This fact is overlooked also by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar who professes to have taken the names of princes of this dynasty after Salivähana from this record It thus becomes almost settled from this epigraph that Vijayasimha's son was Vairasimha. This is corroborated by a small inscription which I had found engraved on the pedestal of the Hamsupāla image at Padarādā which mentions Virasimha as the son of Vairasimha. The date of that inscription, however, presents some difficulty. I, therefore, leave this point here for further investigation. For the time being, this portion of the chronology has to be regarded as uncertain.
Thus, we find that Vij yasiṁha was probably succeeded by Vairasimha and from him was born Arasimha. His throne was occupied by Chodla (v. 147) Choda had an elder brother named Vikramakõsarl whose son was Rapasimha (v. 148).
Choda is also called Chodasimha in the Rāņapura inscription and nothing more is known of him and his predecessor from any other epigraph. Vikramakēsari is here mentioned as the elder brother of Cboda, but in the Ābu inscription of V. S. 1342 he is mentioned as the son of Choda which seems to be more probable. Nothing is mentioned here about Ranasimha. The Ekalinga māhā. tmya, however, attributes to his reign the splitting up of the ruling family into two divisions, viz., the Rāral (senior) and the Ränä (junior), ruling over Chitor and Sesodā respectively. Although our author has sometimes closely followed the Ek. mht., he has, however, not borrowed the portion dealing with this division, evidently because his object here was to prepare a chronological list of the princes of the main branch who really governed Mewār 88 & whole. He, as a matter of fact, is quite cautious in distinguishing the princes of the one branch from those of the other (48
1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 10-13. • Bhav. Inacre., pp. 84-87; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 347 ff.
Raj. Iliha., Fasc. I, pp. 445-46 : Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 176 and 191. • Bhav. Inscrs., pp. 113-16; An. Rep., A. 8. 1., 1907.08, pp. 214 . . Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 444, n. 3. • List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 388, n. 7 and p. 38A. :- Bhär. Inscrs.. p. 86.

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will be seen later on), which knowledge he appears to have derived from a close study of the Ekalinga-māhātmya.
Ranasimha was succeeded by Kshēmasimha, the younger brother of Mahanasimha who evidently predeceased his father. Then Samantasimha became the ruler of Mewär (v. 149). Nothing beyond the names of these princes is known from the present epigraph.
Sämantasimha was succeeded by his brother Kumārasimha who turned out of Mewār one Kitū who had somehow taken hold of the country (v. 150). He also made Āghitapura his own by acquiring the favour of the ruler of Gujarat.
Kitü whom Kumarasimha had driven out of Mewar was the third son of Ilhanadēva, tbe Chauhan ruler of Nadol in Mārwär. He was brave and ambitious and had acquired the dominion of Jälór from the Paramāras through his own might, and had become an independent prince. He was the founder of the Sonagarā branch of the Chauhan racelIn the inscriptions and the copperplates of the Chauhans, his name is mentioned as Kirtipäla but he was better known as Kitūl in Rajasthān. He seems to have attacked Mewar and taken hold of it in the reign of Samantasimha, tbe predecessor of Kumārasimha, when the former had become weaker owing to being at regular war with the rulers of Gujarat in order to regain his dominions gone in their possession. When Kumārasimha succeeded his elder brother Sämantasimha, he practically seems to have nothing to govern except the fort of Chitor which the latter seems to have regained from the ruler of Gujarat through hard struggle. One of the two princeships' (nripatvë, v. 151) which Kumarasimha is bere stated to have gained was that acquired by expelling Kitu out of Mewar; the other was gained by recovering the ancient capital of Aghātapura which still remained in the possession of the rulers of Gujarat.
Aghātapura was lost to Mewar as early as the first balt of the eleventh century of the Vikrama era, having been attacked by Väkpatirāja (Muñja), the Paramāra ruler of Malwā, in the reign of Saktikumára, as known from v. 10° of the Hastikundi inscription of V. S. 1053 (=A.D. 997). Since then it became a Paramāra dominion along with the famous fort of Chitor which also seems to have been annexed thereto by the same prince, where used to live the celebrated Paramāra prince Bhoja, the son of Sindhurāja and the nephew of Muñja, who built there the great Tribhuvananārāyana temple (now popularly known as that of Samiddhēkvara and Mokalaji), so called after his biruda of Tribhuvananārāyana. This Paramara dominion of Mewar subsequently passed in the hands of the Chaulukya rulers of Gujarat in the reign of Jayasimha Siddharāja, who, after a hard struggle extending over a period of twelve years defeated Naravarman and his son Yaśõvarman, the Paramára rulers of Malwā and brought the Mālwă dominion, including Āghātapura and Chitor, under his own control. The rulers of Gujarat enjoyed an uninterrupted authority over both these important localities of Mewar for a long time, when Sāmantasimha of Mewar, the elder brother of Kumārasimha attacked the ruler of Gujarät who is supposed to be Ajayapāla, to regain his lost citadels. There is no explicit mention of this fight in any of the records so far discovered, but we find an indication of it in the Abu inscription of V. S. 1287 (=A.D. 1230)', where the ruler of Gujarat is stated to have been assisted by Prahladanadēva, the younger brother of Dhårävarsha, the Paramāra ruler of Abu. Through this fight Sämantasimha appears to have acquired the fort of Chitor
Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 452 and Bhandarkar's List, p. 382, n. 8.
Räj. Ilihe., Faso. I, p. 452. .Ibid., p. 461. . Above, Vol. X, p. 20. . Raj. Itihe. Fasc. I, pp. 435-36.
Toid., p. 437. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 211.

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No. 44.] FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION: V. S. 1517 313
from the Chaulukya Ajayapala, but had been unable to take back Aghaṭapura, which task was ultimately carried out by his younger brother Kumarasimha as mentioned here. He was succeeded by Mahanasimha (v. 151) who is mentioned in other inscriptions as Mathanasimha.
Mahanasimha (Mathanasimha) was succeeded by Padmasimha, a prince of great valour whom people even now remember for his manifold merits (v. 152).
Next we come to the description of Raula śrī-Jayasimha, also called Jaitrasimha. Though a fresh title is given to the portion dealing with this ruler it has to be regarded as a sub-division of the Raja-varnnana which is still continued. This prince is stated to have governed the four territorial divisions, viz., Chitrakūta, Aghața, Medapāṭa and Vagaḍa; and no prince on the surface of the earth is said to have ever thought of humbling his pride (v. 154). He held his court at the capital of Nagahrada, the modern Nagda near Eklingaji (v. 155).
Mēdapāța as mentioned here seems to have comprised the rest of Mewar excluding Chitor and Aghaṭapura, both of which are regarded as forming two different divisions. Vägada, which is described here as the fourth division, is the country to the south of Mewar, now forming two different states, viz., Dungarpur and Banswārā.
Raula śri-Tejasimha (vv. 158-159) is spoken of next. Nothing beyond his name and a poetical description of himself is given here. It may be noted that the portion dealing with this ruler has got a new title and a colophon, and has thus been made an independent description although apparently under Raja-varnnana. The poet has evidently not been able to maintain a strict uniformity in the classification of his varnnanas.
The account of Raula śrī-Samarasimha, the son of Tējasimha, which comes next extends over seventeen verses (vv. 160-176). It is worthy of note that the portion covered by these seventeen verses is nothing but a reproduction of the corresponding portion of the Princes' chapter of the Ekalinga-mahatmya, in the same order. It has already been stated by me that the latter had been compiled prior to the composition of the record under consideration, borrowing verses from many old inscriptions and arranging them sometimes without the least discrimination. This being so, the present description of our record (being nothing but a copy from the Ek. mht.) has naturally come to have certain verses (particularly v. 168), which, properly speaking, have no bearing on Samarasimha. Nothing of any historical importance is mentioned here of this prince. Simply his valour, munificence and such other virtues are poetically described. His erection of a small temple dedicated to Siva called Dhārēśvara at Eklingaji, however, finds mention in v. 167. The remaining verses of the sub-section, borrowed as they are from other inscriptions through the Ek. mht., are primarily found in connection with the other princes of this line. In v. 176 which is the last dealing with Samarasimha, he is stated to have gone to heaven having appointed Ratnasimha, his son, for protecting the fort of Chitor.
The last ruler recorded on this slab is Mahārāņā śri-Lash(kh)amasi whose account is continued on the fourth slab. The author here clearly distinguishes Lakhamasi by calling him Mahārānā from the foregoing princes who are styled Raula, and seems to have critically studied the Ek. mht., particularly the portion dealing with the division of the family. He has here deliberately omitted the description of all the Rāņas found just after that of Raval Samarasimha in the Ek. mht., and has taken into account only one of them, viz., Lakhamasi who, although not a crowned prince of Mewar just like others of his branch, was conspicuous by his presence with his seven sons, as a gallant defender of the fort when Chitor was sacked by Ala-ud-din Khalji in A. D. 1303. In v. 177 he is stated to have bravely defended the fort as well as the honour of the family which had been cast in a critical situation when Ratnasimha, the ruling prince, had fled (gate, v. 177) from the field of battle in a cowardly manner (kapurushair-rimuktām, v. 177).

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This inscription does not speak of Ratnasimha as having bravely fought and died in the battlefield, as Rai Bahadur Ojhã thinks. This battle is here stated to have continued for full one year (samvatsaram, v. 179) before the Muhammadans could capture the fort, while the Muslim historians reduce this period to half its length, i.e., six months!. I really could not understand why Rai Bahadur Ojha has omitted the word samvatsaran in his citation of this verse, which is visible on the slab plainly enough.
Lastly, Samvat 1517 is given as the date of the inscription. Other particulars of the date are not given on this slab as on others, probably for want of space.
Nothing can be said definitely with regard to the authorship of the inscription until the last (i.e., the fifth) slab is brought to light. Rai Bahadur Ojha is, however, inclined to regard the author of the Tower of Victory inscription, Mahēsa of Dasapura (Dasörä)-j Aläti to be the author of this inscription also, on the ground of the common text found in both these records. But the occurrence of some common text in two records does not necessarily imply the identity of author ship, for some of the verses common in both these records appear to have been borrowed from other ancient epigraphs.
It hardly needs any mention that the present inscription belongs to the reign of Maharāņa Kumbhakarpa of Mewar whose description has been taken up towards the end of the fourth slab and must have been continued on the fifth. Though the main object which the inscription aims at recording, cannot be definitely ascertained till the last slab is discovered, it stands to reason that it recorded the erection of the Kumbhagvåmin temple at Kumbhalgarh.
TEXT. First Slab.
प्रथमपरिवा। 1 st afer [i) toneretą (1) Hecenthalera (va]fetare
SHER I actuit:Ix") --- WCHATO pat velfuta
सुठवंदारदिशालिमौसिविलसद्रसप्रभादौपिते । सिंदूरारक्षमंडलो दिनमविर्भ2 wa[f]atafofuate lauwwet [E]aturacat q ue [state'][1]:
प्रथयतादतुला मुद यो बासोनुबिंबिततर्नु थपिनं जिवृतः । लब्बो मया
सतमया खलु मोदकोयमिदं ननत गिरिजांगणRaj. Itihe., Faso. I, p. 484. [Mr. Vylie's interpretation soems far-fetched. Gald may mean'having diod'.-Ed.)
* Briggs' Firishta, Vol. I, pp. 353-54. . Raj. Itihs., Faso. I, p. 484, n. 2. • Ibid., Fasc. II, p. 632. . Transcribed from the original stone slabe
• A portion of the tott now missing on these slabe has been restored from other records. We shall, for the wake of convenience, call them in the footnotes by the following abbreviations: the Chaulukya Kumarapala inscrip. tion of V. S. 1207 at Chitor (above, Vol. II, pp. 422-24-A; the first slab of the Chitor inscription of V. 8. 1331 4 Bhau. Inacre., pp. 74-77 and Cunningham, 4. 8. R., Vol. XXI, pl. XXV) B; the Samadhisvar temple inscription of V. 8. 1485 (above, Vol. II, pp. 410-21 and Bhão. Inacra., pp. 98-100) ; the Princes' chapter of the ElbaKinga-Mahatmya of the time of Kumbhi (a fragmentary manuscript oopy of which I have found in my father Sams
pits Vyks Vishnu Ram Bhatrt's collection) D: the first slab of the Tower of Victory inacription (Cunningham, 4.-8. R., Vol. XXIII, pl. XX-E; and the later El, wht, of the time of prince R&i Mal (a manuscript copy Which written in V. S. 1754 I have also found in my father's collection) F. * Indicated by a symbol.
Metre : Sardilapikridita.

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3 रंगभूमौ ॥[२] बैलोक्यातुलरचनकसूत्रधार [कल्यणं प्रथयतु व[ पिनाकपा*]
णिः । यद्भक्तिप्रवणधियो यदीयनामा सर्वार्थान्मनुजगणाः क्षणालभते.
कपोलपोदंचादमधुरतालुब्धमधुपस्फुरहुं4 जागीतिः श्रवण[पुट]तालो गजमुखः। चलत्छु(च्छ)डा[दंडा*] 'कलितकल[कंठः प्रथयता*] -
मुदं बिनसूत्रं त्रिभुवनमहामंडपविधौ ॥[४] कुटिलासरित्समीप त्रिकूटगिरि
गहनभूषिणी नित्यं (त्यम्) [*] वांछितफलप्रदा5 ची देवी श्रीविंध्यवासिनी] जयति ॥५° उद्यदिनद्युति[भासि कि] रोटा तुंग - -
- - . [युक्ता(ताम्) । स्मेरमुखीं वरदांकुशपाशाभौतिकरां प्रभजे
भुवनेशी(शीम) ॥६' जयति जगत्र(च)यनाथो जगतीपतिपूजितस्मदा शंभुः[*] 6 वांछितफलप्रदीय श्रीमानि] त्वेकलिंगाख्यः ॥७ इंद्र[: सर्वसुरेश्वरः [क] [तयुगे भक्त्या
यमाराध']"यचेचायाँ [स]कलाभिलाषफलिनी धनुस्तथा हापरे । नागेशः किल
तक्षक कलियुगे हारीतनामा मुनिस्मीयं सर्वजगहरुर्विजयते श्री एकलिं [गप्रभः ॥॥ जयत्येक[श*] [राघातविदारि[तपुरत्रयः । धनु
ईराणां धौ"]]य: पिनाकी भुवनत्रये ॥ त्रैलोक्यं त्रिपुरांतकोवतु सदा
यौ"लिमूले जटाजूटाचि परिपिंजरे परिगता भात्युच्चकै8 डिवी । कर्पूरामलपट्टिकेव निहिता [जांबूनदे भाज[ने] []मादेदित[व]
------- - - - ॥१०॥ क्वचिदलिपटलाभः काल
कूटामु(नु)वधाक्वचिदमलतराभिभूतिभिः खेतकायः । विमल व जलोधो यामु9 नः स्वाधुनश्च प्रशुदतु दुरितं वो नीलकंठस्य [कंठः ॥११० ज]य देवि जगात:
.. .. .. .. - .. .. । विदधानाननं दिया प्रणतामरसमुनते ॥१२॥ विष्णोरका वनमा स्वात् किम ननु गदितं वर्मसंधेम्निबीनं किं वा चाव्ययं
1 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
* This verse is no. 1 in E. • Metre: Praharshipi. • Text within these brackets is restored from E where the v. is no. 2. Here also the text is much mutilated. • Metre : Sikharipi. .Metre: Gili.
Metre: Dadhaba. .Metre: Aryd. . Text within these brackets is restored from v. 39, Ch. X of F. 10 Sandhi is not observed here. 11 Metre: Sardalavikridita. 11 Text within these brackets is restored from v. 44, Ch. X of F. 14 The visarga seems to have been added later on and hence is very faint. 14 Metre: Anushfubh. 15 The vertical stroke of the au sign in mau is very faint and poems to be a later addition. 16 Metre: Malini.

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10 वा भवति निशि परं किं च रूपं तदा । कि सातत्याभिधायि] स्फुरिति
ननु] प[८] []य[से मे]वका[नां दात[व्यायौ कथं वा वदत मतिमता' कंभकर्याय राजे ॥१३ इनो धिनोतु नो लोनोमीनो धौनी बु(ब)मोपि नो' । विनोदनी मनोधा
11 [न]ोहीनोज्ञानो न नोदनो' ॥१४० इत्याशी:प्रकरणं ॥ अथ [त्रि*] कूटवर्मनं ।
शिखरेषु पुष्पगुरुभिस्तरुभि[स्म]दुपत्यकासु विमलैः सलिलैः । मृदुकंजगंजदलिभिलिभिद्विरदेस्त्रिकूटशिखरौ जयति ॥१५. इंदिरारचितचारुमंदि
मि
12 रा हेमभूमिमवमत्य तामपि । विंध्यवासरुचिरैचिकू[टि]नं स्तौमि कि कि[म]परं
तमुत्तमं(मम्) ॥१६10 यत्र शृंगविहारिहौर हरितारतोत्पलप्रोल्लसत्संसकोत्तरभूरिभाभिर
जनि स्वर्गप्रयागभ्रम: । चित्रं तत्र विलोकयद्भिरमि[तं] चैतं त्रिकूटा13 चले नानायासवतापि दुर्लभतरा मुक्तिजनैराप्यते ॥[१७]12. इति त्रिकूटवर्मनं ॥
अथ कुटिलावर्मनं ॥ पातकविमतविनाशकशंकरतरवारिनिर्मला कुटिला । सुरसरिदिव शिवमुपनतमाराधितुमुपगता जयति ॥१८ कचिल्लीना मौ
1 Better read matimatam as qualifying aëvakanan.
This verse, strictly speaking, should go to prinoe Kumbha's description, but being benedictory in nature it seems to have been included in this prakarana. The solution to the riddle contained in this verse appears to be औरस्तु क्षणदा सदा.
Metre: Sragdhara.
Read nah. The intentional change of visarga to medial o at the end of both the halves of this verse appears to be for the sake of alliteration.
The meaning of this verse appears to be as follows :
विनोदन इति वीनां अश्वानां श्रीबियाणां पक्षिणां वा नोदन: स्खेषु कर्मसु प्रेरक: इन: सूर्यः । मनीधानः सिद्धिदायकत्वेन हर्षयित्वा मनस: पीषक: न: गणेश: । महीनी न हीन इति सर्वेश्वर्यसुभगः, अथवा बह: कालियस्य दून: शास्ता ईन: एर्लभग्राः इनः पतिः कथारूपी विणरित्यर्थः । पज्ञानी न अर्थात् परममानवान, बो नौ मलताथें दृढयतः, एवंभूती धौनः धियां मतौना इनः खामी गौचतिरित्यर्थः । नीदनः जीवनस्य अग्रे प्रापक: बनीपि, अपिः समुच्चयार्थः, बो वायुः नः सकलपाणिभिः स्तुतः, षस्य बचासो नति विशेषणसमासः, सकललोकप्रसाभिरामी जीवनसमेषयिता च वायरित्यर्थः । एष सोपि लीनः पाभिमख्येन वर्तमानः सन् नः अस्मान् अम् झटिति धिनीतु मंगलादिप्रदानेन प्रौणयतु प्रत्यर्थः ।
• Metre: Anushtubh.
* The syllables d-alibhi- which were at first omitted by mistake are later on engraved above the line in smaller lotters.
• The r over ba seems to have been engraved later on in a very narrow space.
Metre: Pramitakshari. 10 Metre : Rathoddhatu.
11 The word htra primarily means 'adiamond', but it is here used in the sense of 'white' whiohit may mean secondarily.
13 Metre: sardalarikridita. 13 Metre: Arya.

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No. 44.] FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION: V. S. 1517. 317
14 ना मकरमहती मध्यजगती पतत्तीरं नौरं तटविट[पिनो वीतविटवाः । अशक्तो संमतों
नति कुटि[लं मध्यनिकटे ततो जाता मन्ये बिदिवसरितोऽस्या कुटिलता ।१८इति कुटिलावर्सनं ॥ अथ विधवासावर्सन ॥ महेशमोहनं
मो.. 16 हतमोनिर्वासनं महः । गंजापुंजकतोत्तंसं वि[ध्य]वासमुपास्महे ॥२० इंद्रनीलकुल
मंजुलद्युति[ील]या दलितदैत्यसंहतिः । सचिकूटभुवि चारुहासिनी चंडिका
जयति विंध्यवासिनी ॥२१ धावद्धौरर्ध(ध)नुर्धरैरपि महाकुंता. 18 सिवित्रासिभिर्बीरहनिवपुंगवै ४ परिवृतं [ग्रा]मरंगोचतं(तम्) । आ[क्रम्याव]टुमंजिला
समदहनोहामशूला[न] लज्वालाभिमहिष जगति सततं सा विंध्यवासावतु ॥२२
इति विंध्यवामावर्मनं ॥ अथ श्रीएकलिंगवर्सनं ॥ श्रीवाटे मेदपाटे 17 परिहतकपटे प्रोच्चकूटे त्रिकूटे हारी हारोतरा[0]रग[णि]ततपसा शंभुराविबभूव ।]
यस्याद्यापि प्रसादादधिगतयशसो बप्पवंशे [न]रेशा निर्वैरं भूमिभारं भुजभुज
गफणामंडलैरुद्द हंति ॥२३ काशीभूमो विकाशौ न भवति न गि18 रो राजते राजतेऽन्यो लंकालंकारभूयं न वहति न गतः शोणिते10 शोणितेपि ।
इत्ये[कैक'] - -- -. -.- रे संजयवादिदिक्षुः प्राप्तप्रौढिस्त्रिकूट
प्रमथपतिरसावेकलिंगायोस्ति ॥२४" इति श्रीएकलिंगवर्सनं ॥ अथ इन्द्र19 तीर्थभोजसरोवर्मन ॥ विराजते तत्र च पूर्व[संचितं सरस्मुरेंद्रस्य शोकसंदर
(रम्)]] श्रीभोज[भूपे]न सुकेतु"मंडितं विधाय यगोजसरः स्फुटीकतं(तम) ॥२५॥
रत्नप्रदानसमये तु मया विषेण संभावितोयमिति भोजतडागर्दभात् । भोतस्त20 रंगचमरैरमरप्रवीरं संवीजयन्ज(ख)लधिरा]विरभूत्किमत्र ॥२६॥ तौरवीरधि मरालबा.
लि[का] मंजरीमधुकमाधुरी]जषः । संस्पस()त्यपि न धूलिधुसरं केसर
सरसि भोजसंजके ॥२७ सरसी सुरेशदिशि शंकर तो विमI Read asakteb (genitive singular).
- Read sansakter-(ablative singular in hetu or cause). * Read sariti'-syah. .Metre: Sikharini. • Metre: Anushubh. •Metre : Rathoddhata.
Metre: Sard alarikridita. • There is a medial stroke on top of the syllable dra, which is superfluous.
Metre: Sragdhard.. 10 This word as qualifying Sonita or Sonitapura (beyond), the city of Banigura, a great devotee of Siva, is used in the indicated sense (lakshyartha) of anurakta meaning devoted'..
11 The word këtu here meang shape' or form'. 11 Metre : l'pajati. 11 Sandhi is not observed here. 14 Metre: Vasantat ilaka. 16 The syllable ra has a superfluous prishtha-målra.

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318
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
21 लैरनष्पकमलैस्सलिलैः
1 मृगना[भि]पत्रमिव भातितरामिह मेदपाटजगतौ[यु][व*]तेः ॥ २८ ' इति इंद्रतीर्थभोज[सरोव]र्सनं ॥ अथ कामधेनुवर्णनं ॥ चक्री are चकार किंकरमतिं वच्ची विशालानतिं रंभारंभमुपासितुं । यस्यां विंध्यगिरित्रिकूट कुहरोदं चच्छि वाराधनस्फीतो (ता) [दा] फलभाजि सा तनुमतो धेनुर्हि [नोतु श्रि ]या ॥ २८ ३ उपास्य गुरुकंदराकुहरसंचरं शंकरं जगाम जगतीतलादिह हि कामधेनुर्हिवं(वम्) । न
98 चेदमणचंद्रिका धवलदुग्धधाराभरैः [स्फु] टैरधिधराधरं कथमभावि विंध्याचले ।[1] ३०' इति कामधेनुवर्त्तनं ॥ अथ तचकवर्णनं ॥ [i]डलमाविभिद्य दाशु त्रिकूटाचले संयम्य स्वमुमापतिं परिगतो भे
सुतला
22 परिणतिं कर्त्तुं विरंचो रुचि (चिम्)
[VOL. XXIV.
24 जे भुजंगाधिपः । तेनालीकित एष ना [ग]नगरं निर्माय विप्राय तद्दत्वा (चा) सविजको [र्त्ति ] कैरवकुले चंद्रायते तचकः ॥३१" शंकरं परिचचार तच्च [क]: स त्रिकूटधरि (र) गौविहारिणं (णम्) । पश्य तत्फलमनेन वचसा चारुहा25 र व सोपि धायते ॥ ३२' स्वर्गसाद[त य]: परीचितं भूपमप्रतिमयत्नरचितं
(तम्) । त [स्य ] शौय्यमथ किं प्रशस्यते तक्षकस्य सुतवैरदारुणं (णम् ॥३३ इति तचक [वर्णनं ] ॥ अथ धारेश्वरवर्णनं ॥ एकलिंगनिलयस्य सन्मु (म्मु
पा
26 शिनो हरिति राजते हरः । संततं त्रि[पथ*][भू] मिगाहिनी वाहिनी शिरसि येन धार्यते ॥ ३४° त्रिकूटगिरिकंदरा कुहरवारिधाराभरेर्जटाघट नलं पटः शिरसि यस्य संभूयते । यतेत मनसा परं परिकलय्य तं शंकरं करोतु
धारेश्वरवर्णनं
॥ अथ
27 सुकतो निजं त्रिदशवशभादुर्लभं (भम् ) [३५ इति * ] वैद्यनाथवर्णनं ॥ योनादिर्ब परासुमुक (झ) ति न वा वैद्येन संसाध्यते वोरुद्दल्कलमूलपचविटपव्रातैरलं योजितैः । [तं] संसारमहागदं तनुमतामा
मूलमु
28 च्छेदयन्मानध्यानमहौषधेन जय [तु श्री* ] वैद्यनाथी हरः ॥ ३६' अधिविंध्यमंध[क] - रिपुर्व्विपुलं यदगापयविजयशोऽध्वमुखीः । तदुपाचरचिदशभूमितलप्रतिवासिनाम
खिलतापरुजं (जम्) |[३] ७' इति वैद्यनाथवर्णनं ॥ अथ वा (बा)
Metre : Pramitakshara.
• The conjunct ch seems to be engraved later on.
• Metre : Sārdūlavikridita.
4 Metre: Prithvi.
• Metre: Rathōddhata.

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No. 44.) FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION : V. S. 1517. 319
29 लाववर्सनं ॥ धौर नौरं कमलम[म]ल मंजुला व[जुला]लौ स्फोतं गौतं सुदु
मधुलिहां वीतशोकाच कोकाः । यत्रागाधे सरसरसितं जुभते सारसानां
काम्यां याम्या दिशमनु सरः शंकरात्तवकास्ति ॥३[ यद]कारि मोकल30 नृपः सीवर ल]सदिंदिरानिल[य] राजिराजितं(तम्) । उपगम्य भालनयनस्तदा[शय
जलकेलये अयति नापरं पयः ॥३८ हरभालभंगुरशशिधुतिभिः कुमुदाकर विकचमुहहति । दिवसे दिनेशविवशेपि सरस्तदुप[चिकूट]
31 मतुलं जयति ॥४. [इति] वा(बा)[]लाववर्मनं ॥ अथ बोसमाधोखरवर्मनं ।
स्था[ष्णू(बू)]नां शकसंघतोभयचयः क्षेत्रेषु काश्यादिषु खैरं भक्तजनालये परिददेभौष्ट समाध्युत्सवै । वत्य किं परिचिंत्य दुर्गमवितं श्रौचित्रकूट
तृपर्यो. 32 ध्यास्ते शकघातिभिः स ज[यताहे"]व: समाधीश्वरः ॥४१ [मौलौ प्रौढो जलौघो
वसति हिमवपुर्वक्रदोषाकरोपि प्रोञ्चस्निग्धः कपर्दः कुटिलगतिपते' फूत्वतिः
सत्फणानां(नाम्) । ज्वालौघो दारदोत्थोधिगलमिति शिवायुक्समेत्या33 प रुद्रो दिण्याइवित्रकूट विभव[म]भयद द्राक् समाधीश[तां] सः ॥४२° तखिन्
देव: [स]र्वलोकैकनाथो वासं प्राप्तः प्रेयसीपौतिष्टः । इष्टे दत्ते भुक्तिमुक्ती द्रुतं यः पुंभ्यो भाति श्रीसमाधीश्वरः सः ॥४३० यस्य ध्वज वीक्ष। पुमान्
मनागप्यवेक्ष* तेसौ महिषध्वजं न । संपूजयेतं []षभध्वज यः प्रपूजयेत्तं गरुडध्वजोपि ॥४४॥
तं दक्षिणेन प्रकटप्रमावा बीजकन्याकलितखभावा । मंदाकिनौति प्रथितास्ति वापी यां सर्वथा पश्यति नैव पापी ॥४५॥ वापी परय मणिकर्मिकेव समा
IMetre: Mandakrāntā.
1 This Passive Voice Aorist form of the verb in the Active Voice construction of the sentence is grammatically incorrect. It may have been used here for the sake of the metre.
• Metre : Maijubhashini. .Metre: Pramitakshard. • This danda being omitted at first was thinly engraved later on. .Metre: Sardalarikridita. ? Read -patah.
. There is a little obscurity in the arrangement of words towards the end of this verso. Apa is to be connooted with Chitrakifars and eamadhibataris, and dilyad with vibhavatin.
Metre: Sragdhara. 10 Metre : Salini. 11 Read vlkshya. 11 There is a medial & stroke on da, which is superfluous. 13 Metre : Upajati. * Metre : Indravajra.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
35 विशंभुः खलु विश्वनाथः । काशी प्रकाशोपि च चित्रकूटः किं न तद्यन
[भ*] वेहिमुक्तये ॥४६ हत्यागध्व()जदर्शनं महंद म्य(स्प)ोमरावासदः पूजा यस्य विमुक्तिदा मुनिवरैर्गीता सनहा कता । यत्रास्ते भगवान् स्वयं स
जगतां भर्ती 36 समिद्देश्खरस्तस्यालं गुणवम ने[न] महिमानुक्तोपि विज्ञायते ॥४७- अस्मिन् ममिह
हरदक्षिणामूर्तिसंस्था झाला(का)रहारि निपतज्जलमजदीशा । मंदाकिनीसरि
दियं सुनिन्नगाभा खानावणामधनुदेस्त्ववलोकनाच ॥४८ यत्र श्री. 37 मति चित्रकूटशिखरे श्रीकुंभभू[मौ]पतिः प्रासादं गिरिजापतेयर[चयोन्दे(ह)वालयाली
वृतं(तम्) । उमौलापताकहमकलशे रनावलौतोरणे यत्रंशः समवाप्य सौख्य. मधिकं धत्ते समाधीशता(ताम्) ॥४८ यत्प्रासादशिगे न्यस्तध्वजहस्तेन
राज38 ते । संध्यतूर्यनादन कलिं निर्भमय विव' ॥५.६ इति श्रीसमाधीश्वर वर्मन ।
अथ महालक्ष्मौवर्मनं ॥ शकापहनृपाविते वसति चित्रकूटे शिवः शिवं प्रभजते
दिशबिति समोच्य लक्ष्मीः किमु । स्थितात्र शकमर्दितस्थलमलं विहाया39 स्तु सा सतां परमुदे द्रुतं स(सु)फलदा [शि]वस्य प्रिया ॥५१ श्रीकुकु(क)
टेश्वरगदाधरयोः पुरस्ताहेव्याः श्रियीपि मधुरांबुधरैः सरोभिः । क्षीरोदधित्वमधिगंतुमिवाप्तभेदः चारोदधिस्त्रिविधमूर्तिरिहाध्युवास ॥५२ सौभाग्यैकमहौष.
धिर्भ40 गवती यस्मिन् भवानी स्वयं जागर्ति [प्रि]यसंनिधानवसतिः सा[ध्वौजनानां
गुरुः । देवस्मोपि समस्तनाकरमणीसंतानदानव्रतप्रयो(श्यो)तन्मकरंदबिंदुसुरभि
प्रस्फारनृत्यांगणः ॥५३ 'पाव(व)तौमुखपदस्थ नेचभ्रमरगोभिनः । 41 प्रबोधहेतवे नमः कुकुरकुटेश्वरभानवे ॥५४' इति महालक्ष्मौवर्मनिं ॥"] प्रथ
कभखामिवर्सनं ॥ सूर्याचंद्रमसौ यत्र दधाते कलशश्रिय(यम्) । प्रासादः कारितः कंभस्वामिनः कु(क)भभूभुजा ॥५५ यस्बैलोक्यजनिस्थितिप्रलयजत्यो
(द्यो) 1 Metre : Upajali.
Metre: Sardalavikridita. • Metre : Vasantatilaka. • This verse is found in 1. 23 of A where the first half of it is destroyed. •Metre: Anushtubh. • Metre: Prithvi.
The syllable va is only partially engraved.
• This verse is no. 70 in where variance in reading is in sastana-dana-praja-. It will be seen that our author has improved the reading.
The sense is namo bhavāmi. 10 Sandhi is not observed here.

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No. 44.] FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION : V. S. 1517. 321
42 दानवेंद्रांतको यो विश्वस्थितये बभार प्राग्रोद्धृतसाद्रिसागरधरो ध्यातच यो वराहाकृतिः ॥५६' सत्यं संति येषां
43 संस्मृतिमात्रमत्र फलदं स्वर्गापवर्गादिन: 1 अस्माकं तु यदा[धि चित्तफलके संकल्पकल्पद्रुमं कुंभस्वामिपदारवि (विं) दमुदितं तेनैव सर्वाप्तयः ॥५७ इति श्रीकुंभखामिवर्णनं ॥ अथ मेदपाटवर्णनं ॥ अथास्ति देशः प्रवरप्रदेश:
44 श्रीमदपाटाभिधया प्रतीतः । स्वर्गोपि यं वोच्य विलच्चभावाद [ल]चभावं
प्रतिपद्य तस्थौ ॥५८' तौथैदरकंदरेरिव मनोद्यैः पुरैः स्वः श्रियो लावण्यैरिव विस्तृतैः सितमणिस्वच्छैः सरोभिच यः । व्योमश्रीकुरैरिव प्रतिपदं
दशधा मूर्त्ति [मु.]नींद्रैर्मु[तां (ताम्) । दं]योगिभिर्विष्णुर्यत्र विराजते म भगवानाद्यो जगच (च) योपरिसरे ते ते सुराधीश्वरा
45 स्फीतो जयत्यंगनासौंदर्य्यं कनिकेतनं जनपदः श्रमेदपाटाभि[ध]: ॥५८ ] उच्चैर्द्देवग्टहैस्सरा(रो)भिरमलैः पुण्यापगाभिर्महावापौभिः शरदिं दुधामधवले अत्तोरणे (ये) मंदिरैः । आरा मैरतुलैर्विचित्रखनिभिवाभ्रंलिहैरद्रिभिर्य्या
46 नूनं हसतीव शक्रवसुधां सवायकालंकृता ॥ ६०] वाहा यत्र [[ब]लोद्भवा व नरा गंधर्वपुत्रा द्रव स्वता इव धेनवच सुदृशो गीर्वाणकन्या दूव | पंचास्या ह्नव शस्त्रिणो मणिरिव स्वच्छं मनो धीमतां देशस्तोयमनर्गलामरपुरश्री47 गर्वसर्वकखः (षः) ॥ ६१' प्रजवितुरगहेषारावमाकर्ण्य यस्यासह नयुव तिलोके प्रयाति । रुचिरवसनहा [रैः ] कंटका (क) ग्रावसक्तैर्धवखदिरपलाशाः मापुः ॥३२ यत्र सत्रप्रपाः पांथसार्थविश्रामभूमयः । प्रति
48 ग्रामं प्रतिपुर' प्रतिपत्तनमाबभुः
॥६ ३० नदीतटस्थास्तरवोध्वचारिणी श्रमं तुर्धा चापहरंति हेलया 1 कुलीनभावात्स्वयमेव देहिनः परोपकारे हि भवंति ॥ ॥६४" सरसा' कवयो यत्र गुरवस्तत्व (च) वेदिनः । बुधाः संति
तत्पराः प्रमाण
Metro : Sardalavikridita.
There is a superfluous anusvära over kë.
• Metre : Upajati.
This verse is no. 6 in B.
5 This verse is no. 7 in B where variance in reading is in marapuri-bri-garea..
This verse is no. 16 in B and belongs to the description of prince Bhoja of the Guhila family.
' Metre : Malini.
This mark of punctuation is incomplete.
• Read purash.
10 Metre : Anushtubh.
11 Metre : Vamsaatha.
[कान] नांसं
कल्पह चत्व

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822
49 शास्तव वर्गतयेः ॥५५' सुधा घ वसुधा चात्र समे विश्वधृता कृते ।
तयोर्वर्णविशेषेण परमेका परमेका विशिष्यते ॥ ६६ मानवा मानवा यच प्रमदाः प्रमदाः सदा । केवलं केवलं प्राप्य तापसास्तापसा न हि ॥६७ ] कलाक' लापप्रधि
50 तात्मभूपा
1 हारीत [रा]शिसु [निपुंगव ] - []
जना न चीनाः कलयापि यत्र । तत्तत्कथातः कलुखा (षा) [भ] योय' तुलामलं कर्तुमुपैति चंद्र: ॥३८ ' एतदनंतरवर्धनं [ द्वितीय * ] 'पट्टिकाया अंकक्रमेण वैदितम् ॥ संवत् १५९ [७] वा १२८२ प्रवर्तमाने मा शीर्ष वदि ५ सोमे प्रशस्तिः [*]
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[स
—
―
-
Third Slab. [परा
[से] [भि]षिष्य [चभूर्यः ॥ १२१
[A] कु[आपरना][मधे
गा
पुरमिला ]खंडकु][र्वदुचे *]: 7
u(1) यमादाग[स्य विप्रचतुरुदधिमन्होवेदि*][निचिप्तयूपी व प्याथ्यो वीतरागचरण*][युगसु]पासीत हारीतराशेः' ॥ [ १२३]" [प्राप्यात] मेक[[]ग[चर]णांभोजप्रसा[दा]त्फ[] [यस्तै ]"
4 [दि]व्यसुवर्ण पादक[टकं हारीतराशिई] दो [ ॥ ( 1 ) बप्पाख्यः ][ स पुरा पुराणपुरुषः *]"
[प्रा][**] [भ]निर्व्वा 'हणातु[स्योत्साह]गु[णो] बभूव
[ज]ग[ति
श्री ] मेदपाटाधिपः
१४ [सदेव *].4
यातपो* ]
2 निधाना[]] दभूद्रिः (1) [हारी Iतराधि नि* ][ ष्कलं] को [२२] जीबाद[1]नंदपू[र्व तदिह [सौंदर्य *][शोभि] [चोणो[पृष्ठ *][स्व[मेव *]] [[चि]द [मपुरमधो (ध)
-
चिरा [य] श्री]
1 Motre: Anushtubh.
There is a superfluous medial & stroke over this ka.
• Read jayo yaṁ.
[VOL. XXIV
• Metre : Upajäti.
Due space for these three syllables is left on the slab.
• Metre : Vasantatilaka.
मादव
Text within these brackets is restored from B where the verse is no. 9.
• Read m=upasishta.
This verse is cited by Rai Bahadur Ojha (Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 380, n. 2).
10 Metre: Sragdhara.
11 Text within these brackets is restored from B and D where the verse is no. 10 and 29 respectively. The difference in reading in the former is in purana-purusha-prarambha- and in the latter in phalam ch-äsmai and babhuva nripalib.
1 First ryd was engraved which was afterwards turned into revă
38 Metre : Sārdūlavikridita.
14 Text within these brackets is restored from B where the verse is no. 11.

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No. 44.] FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION: V. S. 1517. 323
5 सिंचन[धर्म] प्रा[[स] सा[युष्य"][[महोदयम्यI
हारीतराशरसमप्र ]'सादादवाप बच्यो नवरा[ज्य] लक्ष्मीं (क्ष्मीम् ) ॥१२ [५] बप्पे शि[वे] लयमुपे[ युषि ] नीलकंठ[ प्रौढप्र*]-" 6 [सादम ] प [ सा] दमवाप्य त [स्य ] ॥ ( 1 ) [ वंशो ] [ जगत्त्रय *] [प][वित्रचरित्रपात्रमद्याप्यखंड*]-" म[ खिलां] जगतीं प्र [शास्ति ] ॥१[२६] * इति म[हारा][ल] श्रीबापावर्णनं ॥ ॥ अथ राउली(गुद*]
11 तस्यात्मजः
नृप]तिर्गु[[हि][लाभिधानो धर्माच्छशास
7 [त्तव]र्णनं [ स वसुधां मधु*] [जिनभाष: (1) यमारी गुहिलवर्णनया (प्रसिद गोहिय[f][भव] राजगणोत्र जातिं (तिम् ) ॥१ [२७] य" ]
8 [च] नंदपु[२] पूर्व गुड[द]त्ता[भिधो दिन] (1) स लेभि ॥
१२८] [[]]सिधरचिनायोत्तुंगरंग' [प्रतापस्तरुणतरणिरे [ष ला]पयन्बेरिचंद्रान् ॥ ( 1 ) व्यचरद [तिविचि*]-"
[ ] ततं यत्पृथि [ व्या] मदद [रिवष्टौपद्मिनी] [नां सुखानं (खम्)"] [१२८* []] [[स]तशत्रुबंधुः प्रतापसंततिपद्मबंधुः ॥ ( 1 ) [गां] भौर्य [इ] - [दू] रोश[त] सप्तसिंधुर्यशोभर [य]
10 [सिंधु ॥१३० य [स्मा] दभू [४] रितर प्रता] पो [भूपालमो [लि * ]
[i] रघुव[][or rer][स]हो गुहिलान्ववाय: ॥१[३] १ [गुहप्रदाना ] हुह दत्तनामा वंशो[यमुक्तो
11 गुहिल]च केचित् ॥ ( 1 ) स एव गांभीर्य [वाविभर्ति रत्नाकर"] [०१२२] [ला)टोजनेन मधुरखरमीत (के) न पीनस्तनेन रतिकालविचक्षणे ]न (1) साईं विनोदितदिनी [ग
——
..
—
12 ति]मंथरेण लाटीविनोद इति
गुडदत्तवर्धन" ] ॥ ॥ निजतटणी
rimga-.
--
तस्य ब[भूव स्]नु: [ ॥ १३३] [इति राउलीराउल श्रीषु (ख) म्प्राणवर्णनं ॥ ह[र्षा] द्योतोल[य] त्वं कांचनिन प्रा
1 Text within these brackets is restored from B where the verse is no. 11.
2 Metre: Upajati.
s Text within these brackets is restored from D and E where the verse is no. 30 and 7 respectively.
4 Metre : Vasantatilakà.
• Metre: Malini.
# Text within these brackets is restored from B and D where the verse is no. 13 and 17 respectively. The difference in reading in the latter is in Sriman-abhat-sa.
• Metre : Anushtubh.
Better omit the risarga and read ramga-pratapas=.
● Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse no. 18 where the difference in reading is in Etruriga

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324
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXIV.
13 दात्तद्याचकेभ्यः कनकमिति लम[कल्पवृक्षोपमा]नः । कौतिं विस्तारयन्वा तु*
हिनदधिसुधाक्षीरहीरावदातां स श्रीषु(ख)म्माण[नामा] सम]भवदवने यको
भूरिभा[ग्यः । 14 १]३४ विलंघयंती सकलं महोत[लं दिगं[गणं वारि[निधोन् गिरिव्रजं(जम्) ।
घु(खु)*]म्माणग[जन्यशिरोमणेरसावसौ [न]न[ शतकौर्ति नर्तकी ॥१३५ [अंगा:
संप्राप्तभंगा[: सम रभु* 15 वि परं दत्तनागाः कलिंगा [बं(4)गा नष्टाखिलांगा शरततिहतिभिः पाति
सांगा*] स्त्रिलिंगाः ॥(1) सौराष्ट्रात्य(स्त्य)काराष्ट्रा [न]रपतितिलकप्रखितौ दिग्जयार्थ
[चौ]डाः सं[त्य][क्तचूडा* 16 रणरम[पट]वो द्राविडा [नैव गौडा]: १३६ प्राचा] - - ~ - -
[दजगणनो दाक्षिणात्योभवहची वाचमनिंदितां नरपतरौदीचकोप्याददे (0)
प(पा)सात्योपि न [भूषणानि*] 17 [वितरन्याया[त्यभावं दधौ सस्मि]न्दि[ग्विजयोद्यते नरपती*] -- - [त्यंजसा।
॥१३७ । इति राउलीषु(ख)म्माणवर्शनं ।। पथ राजवर्मन । पतः श्री
राजवंशोत्र प्र[व्यक्त]: [प्रोचते*] 18 [धुना] (1) चिरंतनप्र[शस्तौ]नाम[ने]का[नाम[त:(वे)]क्षणा[त् ॥११८ तस्मिन् गुहि
लव भूगोजनामावनीश्वरः ॥(1) तस्मान्म[हींद्रनागाहो' बप्याख्यचापराजितः ॥१३.
महों[द्रभट्ट(ट)सं19 पाला]त्कालभोजस्ततोजनि ॥(1) षु(ख)[म्माणो मत्तटचा सौद्धब(तीपट्टे (घो)]थ° प()
[जटः] ॥१४. नरवाहनसंज्ञश्च शालि[वाह]न[भूप]ति: (0) [जाने गतिकुमा
राख्यस्तस्मादंवा(बा)प्रसादत:" [१४१] 20. [नृवमानतवमा च यशोवा महीपतिः ॥(0) वयो प्यवा(बा)]प्र[सादस्व जनिरे
[चातरोस्य च ॥१४२ ततश्च योगराजोभू[]दपाटे महीपतिः ॥(0) पपि
राज्ये स्थित तस्मिन् तच्छाषा(खा) नो[छ(छोय] 1 Text within those brackets is restored from Dwhere the verse is no. 32. .Metre: Sragdhara. • Text within thene bracketa is restored from D where the verse is no. 33. • Metre: Upajati. * Text within those brackets is restored from D where the verse is no 34. •Read °khilarhgdh.
Motre: Sardalavileridita. .Metre: Anushtubh. . Either read Mahindra-Nag-ahvau or Mahindro Våg-ahoo. 10 Sandhi is not observed here.
" Road -prasddakad " Space for one letter between these two syllables seems to have originally been defective on the slab and hence not used for engraving.
10 Read rajye.

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No. 44.) FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION: V. 8. 1517. 326
21 गता ॥१४॥ पश्चादशटसंताने वैरटोभूविरेश्वरः ॥(0) ततः [ौहंसपालब] वारि]
सिंहो [पापणीः ॥१४४ स्थापितोभि[न*]वो येन बीन(मोदाघाटपत्तने ॥(0)
प्राकारच चतुर्दिक्षु चतुर्गोपुर*]22 भूषितः ॥१४५' हाविंशतिः सुतास्त[स्य] बभूवुः सगु(ड)णालया: ॥0) तेषां मध्ये
बभूवैको नरेंद्रः पुण्यभाजन(नम) [१४६ तस्मात् सुवैरसिंहोभूदरसिंहस्ततोजनि
(1) तत्पट्टे चोडनामा सोह]23 [५] ईराधिपः ॥१४७' चोडस्याप्यग्रजो [जाने बंधुर्विक्रमकेसरी (1) तब्बतो रख
सिंहाख्यो राज्ये रंजितसबनः ॥१४८५ [ौ]महणसिंहकनिष्ट(ठ)भावबौधेमसिंह
स्तत्सूनुः (0) सा[मंतसिंह]24 ना[मा] भूमिपतिर्भूतले जातः १४६' माता कुम(मा)रसिंहोभूत्वराज्यपाहिण
परं(रम्) (i) देशाविका(का)सयामास कौतूसं पं] तु यः ॥१५०
खोक्कतमाघाटपुरं गूर्जरनृपति प्रसा[ध मिश्री"]. 26 [घ(घा)त् ॥) येन] नृपत्वे लब्धे तदनु श्रीमहणसिंहीभूत् १५१ ताता
पञ्चसिंहाख्यपृथ्वीच्या पृथ[विक्रमः ॥ अद्यापि संस्मरंतोह [जनौघा यस्य
सगुणान् ॥१५२' यः सदा शौर्य सौंदर्यगांभी28 यौदार्यमंदिरं(रम्) (1) स श्रीमान् पद्मसिंहोभूबान्यस्तेन समो वृपः ॥ १[५३] प्रथ
राउलोजयसिंहर्मन ॥ तत्पुषस्तु नि[जप्रतापदहनज्वालासुसंधुक्षितः प्रोहाम
प्रतिपक्षिस27 तति]रभूत्वी(च्छौ)जैसिंहो तृपः ॥1) यस्याकारि न [][चित्क्षिति[भुजा के]
नापि भूमंडले नित्यं देशचतुष्टयों विलसतः सन्मा(म्मा)नभगि] मनः ॥१५४
दुर्ग श्रौचित्रकूट समप[रमपरं भीषणं भी28 मदुगै] चाघाट मेदपाटं निखिलमपि वरं वागडं - -- ['श्रीमबाग]
देसी विलसति निजदोदंडसाम येतो यः ख्यातः सोय [जगत्यां चिरमिह जयता(ब्जे)चसिंहो नर(२)द्रः [॥१५॥
1 Metre: Anushubh. * The first and the second quarters are irregular each having a syllabic instant in exceso. .Metre: Aryd. • Omit visarga and read -su-sandhukahita-prödda ma..
Metre: Sardalavikridita. • Metre: Sragdhard.

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326
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
29 [रह हि भवनि]भूवम् भूयो मरा हतक(कि)या ...--- --
कि त म हि पंचता(ताम्) () स्फुटमिति [वचो] धृत्वा चित्ते [चिरं परिभाष्य च स्वहितकरण यन (बो) नित्यं जनाः प्रविधीयता(ताम)] [
30 १५६' नलिनौदलजलतरलं धनयोवान] . . . . . . . [*] . . . . . . .
गण] निजमनसि] चिरं विचिंत्येति ॥१५७॥ ॥ अथ राउलौतेजसिंहवर्मनं ।
धर्मे [य]स्य मतिर्नतिर्गुरु]जाने 31 मोतिः सदा सहुणे दत्तिः पात्रगणे रणे च [निहतिः सद्भिः समं संगतिः ।
नौति*] [लौकिककर्मनर्मसुविधौ नि[कृत]लोभोदतिस्तेज सिंहनरा[धि]पो विज
यतां तां प्राप्य राज्यत्रियं(यम्) ॥१[५८° पद्मा32 तिकर हयः करिकराकारोज[चा] -------- -
[गं नाभिं च रोमावली(लोम्) ॥(1) विस्ती]सी हृदयतुलेलिकतटे सत्कंठ
पाचूचुकात् सुम्माश्मि)श्रुशिराः सुतीक्षण[न33 यनो] भक्त्या] युतो भूपतिः ॥१५८० [ति राउलझौतेजसिंहवर्सनं ॥ अथ
राउ*]लचौसमरसिंहविर्सनं ॥ इह हि समरसिंहस्तस्य पुत्रः [सुवा]हस्त्रिभुवनपरिसंपत्की(सर्पको)र्तिगंगाप्रवाह.] ॥(0) .
34 [धीरति [धरणिभारं कूर्मपृष्टा(ठा)वतारं [निजकरकमलेनास्थापनाय प्रजात:*
[॥१५. अज[नि] समरसिंह: कौस्तुभः चौरसिंधाविव निधिरधिधानामन्ववायेच
भूपः ॥(1) अधिगतपरभागः []ङ35 [रीकाचवचः स्खलप[रि]सरकृत्या प्राप्तिसाम्राज्यलक्ष्मीः*] [॥१६१*] [दुर्गे श्रीचित्रकूटे*]10
[विलसति []पतौ सर्वसामंतचूडारनप्रद्योतितांडावभवदिति मतिर्दृक्कथं संप्रयाति ॥(1) सत्यं कृष्णः स क
1 Metre : Harini.
The metro here seems to be U pagiti but the exact number of syllables (short and long) is difficult of determination.
Read pritih.
Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 52. The difference in reading is in sada sad gurau. Tējahsimha and samprapya rajya-.
• The metre here requires a long syllable. Read Tejabi. .Metre: Sardalavikridita. 1 Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 53. .Metre: Malini. .Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 54. 10 Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 55.

Page #402

No. 44.) FIRST AND THIRD SLABS OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION: V. S. 1517. 327
36 चोभवदुचितमिदं तिवासा: गिवो भूचौतायः प्रत्यहं यत्पतिमतिका
[युक्त मितभार ११ अमरनगरजवं चिपकूट पुरास्मिन भवति समरसिंह(हे)
शासति चोषिपाल(ले) (0) क37 [नककलशहला[प्रस्फुरदश्मिजा लैर्दिनमणिकिरणालीसंप्रकाशानपेच(चम) PIR'जगति
कति न संति प्रार्थितार्थप्रदानप्रकटितनिजपतिव्यताकीर्तिप्रपंचाः ॥(0) परमिह
पर38 [लोकौवशौका[२]सारं [त्रयति] स[मरसिंहो दानमस्ताभिमानः [॥१६४*
[क्वचित्कदाचिदा][] हस्तो वर्षति वा न वा (0) धौमसमरसिंहस्थ
स तु सर्वत्र सर्वदा ॥१५५' कि कीप्यहो समरसिंह 39 [नरेख] रस्य सईयंसौ(शौ)[]नयकौ[
र्तिकलाकलाप(पम्) । संख्यातुमत्र पटुधीभविताथवास्ते तस्मा*दलं लपनपशवलालनन ॥१विद्युविचमचंचल वृता
मायुईनं यौवनं संचिंत्येति चि-40 [२] विशहमनसा [कौतिः परं [स्थायिनौ । चंद्राख्यप्रिययान्वितः खयमय
धारधरः कारितो*]] [लचौर्वदतोष संनिपतता धारभसाबानिप(पम्) १५॥
बैको कमादकलादनुसरति मुद 41 [किं मरालः करालो वाचालिश्चातकाकिं किमिति तमिखासमतोब बकोटः ।
नैषा वर्षाघना*"ली विलसति भुवने किंतु भोजप्रयाणे सर्व नवांतरिचं
चलितहयखुरोबूतधू42 लीपटेन १६८ तरंगलाला*] गजदान[नोरण][वाहयोः संगममुबईती। पस्य प्रयाण
निखिलापि भूमिः*]] प्रयागलक्षी विभरांबभूव ॥१५८ पाकी पनगौगोतं
यस्य बाहुपराक्रम(मम्) (0) शिर43 चालनया शेष[चक्रे कं] [प]र भुवः15 ॥१७० य त्यागेन मनोहरेण तिनः
कर्णोयमाचक्षते यं पार्थ प्रथयंति वै*]रिसुभटाः शौर्यण सवा(पा)धिक (कम)
॥() यं रवाकरमामनंति गुणिनो धैर्येण मर्यादया 1 Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 55. Metre: Sragdhara. • Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 56. Metre: Malini.
Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 57. .Text within these brackets is restored from D, verae 58. Metre: Anushfnbh. • Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 59. Metre: Vasantatilaka. 10 Text within these brackets is restored from D, verre 60. 11 Metre: Sardilavikridila.
11 Text within these bracketa is restored from B and D, where the verse is no. 17 and 61 respectively. It will be seen that in the former it describes prince Bhõja and not Samarasimha.
18 Text within these brackets is restored from B and I), where the verse is no. 34 and 62 respectively. In the former it describes prince Mahayaks.
1 Metre : Upajati. 16 This verse is no. 37 and 63 in B and D respectively. In the former it describes prince Khammapa.
16 Text within these brackets is restored from B and D, where the verse is no. 48 and 64 respectively. The difference in reading in the former where it describes prince Saktikumára is in Tyagen-arthi mand-hantra.

Page #403

328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
44 यं मेदं हि स[मा] श्रये[प] विबुधाः शंसंति सर्वोचतं (तम् ) [ ॥ १७१ ] ] [ भृगुपतिरिव इम: चतसंहारकारी सुरगुरुरिव य*][न्नो(बो) तिमार्गानुसारी द्रव सुरतेषु प्रेयसीचित्तहारो शिबिरिव स बभूव वस्तस
(1)
खार
45 वो वो) पका[रौ] ॥ १७२ यस्य धनुर्गुणकिणवति [विभ्वति विश्वभरी भुजादंडे क्लेशविशेषमशेषं शेषः परिहत्य सु*] दितोस्ति ॥ १७३° योर्थान् पुपोषार्थिजनार्थमेव सव्रीतिदचो व्यसनर्विहीनः ॥ (I) विहीनसं
48 स[प]
[VOL. XXIV
तस्य सतोष्वपि खलु मधुकरस्येव
47 [ चित्र ] कूटाचलर क्षणाय (1) ममपू[जातक व्यवीच [१०] अयं *]हारायाचोलय (ख) मसोवर्धनं सिंहस्तस्मिं 12 गते दुर्गवरं ररच ॥ ( 1 )
संग्रह यता[र्थमासीत् *] [ ॥ १७४] [तस्यामतिरतिरभववधूषु रम्या ] स (1) अन्याय (सु) पुष्पजातिषु जात्यां ॥१७५° स रत्नसिंहं [त]नयं नियुज्य स्वं
॥
कुलस्थि
48 [f] कापुरुवेर्विमुक्तां न जातु धीराः [पुरुषा]] [[स्वति ॥१००*] [शिवा *]-" [स्त्रा]णि श[स्त्रर]थ रथनिकरैर्घातयित्वा रथौघानश्वानश्वेर्निहत्य पातयित्वा गणेष ॥(1) हत्वा योधांव योधेरतिश
प्रबलतरगजान्
इलापतिः स्वर्गपतिर्बभूव *]" (ं) माचवंय " खतुलन
[गरज]: ॥ १७८०
49 कनिधनाकाल कालोपमेयो लच्झोसिंहकारातुलतुसुलम[[]] संग [] वा संख्ये संव[त्सरं नृपः ] ॥ ( 1 ) चित्रकूटाचलं रक्षन् शस्त्रपूतो दिवं ययों" [] १०८ ॥ १५१० ब[जे]] [[[*] सं व[र्षे]]
• Metre : Malini.
• Text within these braoketa is restored from D, verse 66.
1 Metre: Sragdhara.
14 This verse is no. 79 in D.
17 Metre: Anushfubh.
[1] Metro : Sardalavikridita.
● Better omit visarga and read dripta-kshatra.
Text within these brackets is restored from B and D where the verse is no. 50 and 65 respectively. The difference in reading in the former where it describes prince Amraprasāda, is in rati-lola-prēyasi-chitta-chari
Metre: Arya.
' Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 67.
• Metre Upajati.
Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 68. The verse obviously seems to contain a partial description of some royal damsel. It is indiscriminately fitted in both these records successively, having been borrowed from some other record.
10 Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 69.
11. Better read Khummdra-vambyab.
18 Read 8-lasmin.
13 This verse is no. 77 in D.
14 Text within these brackets is restored from D, verse 78.

Page #404

No. 45.)
KAMAN STONE INSCRIPTION.
390
No. 46.-KAMAN STONE INSCRIPTION.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. Kaman, the headquarters of a tahsil of the same name in the State of Bharatpur in Rājputäna, is situated in 27° 39' N. and 77° 16' E. about 35 miles North by West from Bharatpur and about 40 miles from Mathurā. There are several derivations given of the place-name. According to one account the old name of tbe place was Kadambavana from the numerous Kadamba trees found there ; another account traces the present nanie to a mythical Rājā Kāmasēna', while according to Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji it is derived from Kāmavana?. In the middle of the town there is an old fort which contains a mosque called Chaurasi Khambā built with materials from Hindu temples. A Sanskrit inscription on one of the pillars built into the inner side of the court-wall of this mosque has been edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Indian Antiquary. Vol. X, pp. 34 tf. The inscription is undated, but according to the Pandit it can be referred to about the eighth century A.D. It records the building of a temple of Vishnu by a prince of the Sürasēna dynasty.
The present inscription, which is edited here for the first time, was brought to my notice by Mr. V. S. Agrawala, M.A., Curator of the Curzon Museum of Archæology, Muttra, who kindly furnished me with two excellent estampages and a photograph of it. The stone which bears this record is said to have been obtained from a large well situated about half a mile outside Kāman. It is now at Gokul in the possession of Sri Vallabha Lalji Maharaj Gosai who very kindly allowed Mr. Agrawala to copy it. Kāman is one of the twelve holy places of the Vraja Mandal and is also one of the headquarters of Sri Vallabha Lalji Maharaj. The same stone contains another record in Persian embossed letters on the reverse side. I feel deeply grateful to the Gosai Maharaj for permission to edit the present record.
The writing covers a space 2' 2" broad by 1' 81" high. There are twenty-four lines in all, of which the last is only one-third of the rest. The inscription has been very badly mutilated especially in lines 1-12 where only about a dozen aksharas at either end are now legible. Even in the lower half of the record where the writing is better preserved, a few aksharas here and there have been completely damaged, while some others can be read only with patience and perseverance from the faint traces which can still be marked on the back of the impressions. The characters belong to the North Indian alphabet of about the 9th century A.D. They are very beautifully written and skilfully incised, the strokes for medial vowels being ornamentally treated as in the Jhālrāpātan inscriptions. Especially noteworthy are the signs for the medial a, i and i and the diphthongs. These appear in many
* Imperial Gazetteer of India, Rajputana, pp. 338-39. * Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 34.
[This record was copied by me in January, 1937, and has been noticed in the An. Rep., A. S.I., for 193637. The stone, I was told by the Gosai Maharaj himself, came out of the well which was re-excavated at his instance. A number of broken Hindu images also came out of it some of which were seen placed near the well when I visited Kā man. The inscription seems to have been deliberately damaged, probably by the Muslim invaders. Mr. G. Yazdani has kindly sent me the following translation of the Persian record which is incised on the other side of the stone:
"The well was originally excavated some 50 years ago; but was filled up with stone and earth during the governorship of Muhammad Haji. As the scarcity of water was causing trouble to people the well was re-excavated in the month of Ramzān 669 H. (A.D. 1271) during the reign of Ghiyāthud-d-Din Balban, and the government of Nusrat Khan, the fief-holder of Bayāna."
This record is under publication in the Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica.-Ed.] • In. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 180 ff.

Page #405

330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
cases on the top of letters and their flourishes extend to several letters on the right and left, which, owing to the unsatisfactory preservation of the original, cause not a little confusion in decipherment. Some of the letters such as j and r appear more developed here than in the other inscription from Kaman edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji. It may again be noted that the signs for the medial i and i in the latter record do not appear wholly over the top of letters as they do in the present one.
[VOL. XXIV.
The language is Sanskrit. Except for the opening om namaḥ Sivaya and the particulars of the dates here and there, the whole inscription appears to have been metrically composed. The verses are not numbered and in the present damaged condition of the record it is not possible to state their total number. The orthography shows the usual peculiarities such as the use of ri for the vowel ri and vice versa (see tritiyāyāṁ 1. 13 and chatastrimsan= 1. 18), of for b (as in Kamvali 1. 23), and of m for anusvära and sh for visarga (see Samvat 1. 13 and =arikalpatash-pratimasam 11. 16-17), unless the latter is meant to be the sign for upadhmāniya.
The present record is of the same type as the Siyaḍoni1 and Ahar' inscriptions, being a collective public copy of a number of deeds recording donations and endowments made from time to time in favour of a deity, apparently Siva, installed in a temple at Kamyaka. The record itself is not dated but its preserved portion contains seven dates of an unspecified era ranging from the year 180 to 299. The month, fortnight and tithi were stated in each case, but some of these particulars have now become illegible in two cases. As the week-day or the nakshatra has not been specified in connection with any of them, the dates do not admit of verification, but the palæography of the record leaves no doubt that they must be referred. to the Harsha era. It may be noted in this connection that Käman is only about 85 miles south-west of Ahär, the stone inscription of which contains several dates of the Harsha era. If we except the date 563 of the Pañjaur inscription, the year 299 mentioned towards the close of the present record is the latest known date of this era. The dates mentioned here thus range from A.D. 786-87 to 905-06.
The unsatisfactory condition of the inscription does not admit of a detailed and connected account of its contents. It falls into two parts which are separated from each other by an ornamental figure in 1. 123. The first part, which is almost wholly effaced, probably contained a description of the person who built the temple of Siva where the present record was evidently put up and of the Saiva Acharyas who were successively in charge of it, while the second part registers the deeds recording the donations and endowments made to the deity from time to time.
After the customary obeisance to Siva, the record seems to have had two verses invoking blessings of that deity. The third line mentions a Brahmana (Bhatta) named Kakkuka, who lived in a place the name of which appears to be Rōhitaka. He is described as a destroyer of bis enemies. The next line speaks of several sons, apparently of this Kakkuka, who attained noble fame by their excellent qualities. The eldest of them whose name appears to be Untata is described in 1. 6. The next two lines speak of a temple (matha), apparently of Siva, erected by the same person, having realized the transitoriness (of earthly fortune). The following three or four lines (9-12) mentioned some successions of Saiva ascetics, but unfortunately almost all their names are lost".
Above, Vol. I, pp. 162 ff.
There is a similar figure in 1. 11 also.
One Untata is also mentioned in 1. 19.
The name of one of them mentioned in 1. 10 appears to be Gunarasi.
2 Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 52 ff.

Page #406

No. 45.)
KAMAN STONE INSCRIPTION.
1
The second part of the record which begins in line 12 registers the following doonment :
Document No. I (11. 12-13). This is undated. It records that the Goodfhikae (members of the Managing Committee) made a permanent endowment of something, which they had soquired, evidently in favour of the deity.
Document No. II (1. 13). This document is dated in the year 2010 () on the third tilki of of the bright fortnight of some month, now lost. It records some donation of a merchant named Vajrata.
Document No. III (11. 13-17). Tbis is dated in the year #29 on the third tithi of the bright fortnight of Mägha. It records the gift of two plots of land situated inside the kotta (tort) by some one whose name occurring in the beginning of line 16 is now missing. The first of these was bounded on the east by the house of one Krishnaka, on the south by a small well and on the West and north by an old royal road. The second plot of land which was situated in the eastern part of the fort was bounded on the east and the south by & royal road and in the other directions (i.e., the west and the north) by the land of the temple (othana) and a small habitation. These gifts were made in favour of # detty (probably Siva) whose name appears to be Kāmyakēbvara. It is further recorded that a guild of potters living in Kâmyaka, in consideration of a sun of money received in advance, stipulated to pay a permanent ces. Every potter was, without any exception, to pay one pana pet wheel every month.
Document No. IV (11: 17-18). This is dated in the year 232 on some tithi now lost, in the bright fortnight of Vaibákhs. It records that the guild of gardeners living in Kamyaka, in consideration of & sum of money paid in advance, stipulated to supply permanently sixty Ratlands, of which thirty-four were to be delivered at the temple of Vishnu and the remaining (twenty-six) at the shrine of Chamunda.
Document No. V (11. 19-21). This is dated in the your 233 on the 7th tithi of the bright fortnight of Pausha. It records that the guild of artisans living in the place (i.e. in Kämyaka), in consideration of an amount received in advance, made a permanent endowment. Every artisan who worked in the place was to pay one dramma per month.
Document No. VI (11. 19-21). This is dated in the year 220 on the Bth tithi of the bright fortnight of Srāvana. It registers that a man named Untata piously denoted three ploughmeasures of land in his own village, the name of which has not been preserved. The land was previously tilled by the Brahmanas Bahulla, Jajja and others and was, at the time of the gift, cultivated by one Eduvāka.
It is further laid down that whatever would be produced in the case of all these permanent endowments should be added to the capitals; for such is the law (tästra) of endowmente.
Document No. VII (H. 21-22). This is dated in the year 180 on the 3rd lithi of the bright fortnight of Srāvana. It records that two avāris (enclosures), facing the west and situated outside the fort, were donated by a sākhika (a worker on conch-shells) named Bhadra by means of a written deed.
Document No. VIII (11. 22-24). This is dated in the year 2998 on the 2nd tithi of the bright fortnight of Phälguna. It records that some drammas were formerly (pura) made over by
1 Tho third figure of the date is illegible.
The meaning of this is not clear. Perhaps it is intended to provide that if the amount of the endowment or the property increased in value, the benefit of it was to accrue to the doneo.
• Or the three figures of this date I take the last two as denoting 9, though they are dissimilar. Of the two figures in question the second is the usual one for 9; the first also has the same value in L. 21 of the Jodhpur Inscription of Pratthara Bauks (above, Vol. XVIII, plate facing p. 96). In the Chaulukya grant of Trilochanapala (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, plates I and II between pp. 202-203) both the signs are used to denote 9.

Page #407

332
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
Bhojadāva to Pramāparābi, which the latter gave to Chamundāka. After his (i.e., Pramäņarāśi's) death the acharya (i.e., Chamundāka or Chamundākarābi) seems to have paid the amount to the Goshthikas. The latter purchased two āvārikās with those drammas. The vithis or shops in the āvātikās were situated facing the south in the Kambali-hatta, which seems to mean a part of the town where a cattle-market was held. The rent of these eithis was to be utilised by the Goshthikas in meeting the expenses of white-wasbing, vermilion and lights for the temples as long as the sun and the moon would endure.
The preserved portion of the inscription does not state the name of the ruling king. If any was mentioned in the introductory part of the record, it bas been lost. But Bhojadēva named towards the close of the record is plainly identical with the well-known Emperor Bhöja I of the Pratihara dynasty. In the year 299 of the Harsha era (i.e., in A.D. 905-06) Bhoja was dead; for the Uni plates give Valabhi Samvat 574 (i.e., about A.D. 193-94) for his son and successor Mabēndrapāla. Bhöja I was bimself a devotee of Bhagavati and Vishnu as ie evidenced by his Barah plate and the Adivarāha drammas. It is therefore interesting to note that he made over a sum of money to a Saiva acharya for the maintenance of a Saiva temple.
In view of the foregoing identification of Bhõjadēva, it may be asked if Kakkuka deseribed ip line 14 is identical with his namesake who is mentioned in the Gwalior prasasti of Bhoja as the grand-uncle of Bhöja's grandfather Nägabhata II. He is no doubt called here Bhatta, but that does not per se preclude the identification; for according to the Jodhpur and Ghativālāinscriptions the Pratihāras were descended from the Brāhmaṇa Harichandra and an expression in the former record has been taken to refer to the Brāhmaṇa caste of the Pratihāra rulers of Kanauj. The description in 1. 4 that Kakkuka was a destroyer of his foes shows that he was a man of warlike spirit and lends colour to his identification with the aforementioned Pratibāra prince. The damaged condition of the present record, however, makes its evidence doubtful. Besides, the subsequent portion, judging from the few aksharas that are still legible, does not appear to have contained the description of a royal family. I am therefore inclined to think that this Kakkuka did not belong to a royal family. As for the description that he destroyed his foes, it may have been by policy, if not by personal bravery. It is, of course, not unlikely that in that age some members of the priestly caste distinguished themselves on the battlefield, as others preferred the peaceful occupation of a farmer. s i
There is only one legible place-name, viz., Kämyaka, in the lower portion of the record, which is evidently identical with Kāman where the inscribed stone was found. It is now clear that its modern name is not derived from Kadaníbavana, Kāmasena or Kāmavana, but from Kāmvakavana?. As stated above, Käman ha's still an old fort, which is clearly referred to as kotta
1 Kambali means one having a dewlap, a bull. * Abore, Vol. XIX, pp. 17 f. ** Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 95.
Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 279.
See Dr. D. C. Ganguli's article entitled 'Origin of the Pratihära Dynasty'in Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. x, p. 343.
Line 4 of the present inscription mentions a place named Rohitaks. According to the Mahabharata (Sabhäparvan, 33, 4-5), Rohitaka, which lay to the west of Delhi, was inhabited by the Mattamayūras. [Rõhitaka, evidently same as Rauhitaks of the Rajatarangini (1v, 11) and the Lakha Mandal prabanti (above, Vol. I, p. 14), is to be identified with modern Rohtak, 43 miles N. W of Delhi,-Ed.]
*** This Kimyakavana is evidently different from the Kimyakavana of the Mahabharata, where the Pandavas sojourned for a short time during their exile ; for, the latter was situated on the bank of the Sarasvati. See the Mahabharata, Vanaparvan (Bombay recension), adhyaya 6, w. 1-3. Cunningham has identified it with Kämoda near Kurukshetra. See his % 8. R., Vol. XIV, p. 100.

Page #408

No. 45.)
KAMAN STONE INSCRIPTION.
333
in 11. 13 and 15 of the present record. The inscription edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji was on a pillar of a temple dedicated to Vishnu. The present record, on the other hand, seems to have been put up at a temple of Siva under the name Kamyakēsvara, which must have been situated not far from the well outside the fort where the stone was found. There were, besides, two subsidiary shrines dedicated to Vishnu and Chāmundā. These temples were evidently placed in charge of Saiva acharyas of the Pābupata sect, though the actual management of then was carried out by # committee (Goshthi) appointed for the purpose. That the Pasupata sect of Saivism was flourishing in the north-west of India in the time of the Pratihāra Bhāja I is also shown by the Sirsa inscription of his reign, edited by the late Rai Bahadur D.R. Sahni..
Our inscription throws interesting side-light on some transactions of guilds in ancient India. When a donor intended to make a permanent provision for the maintenance of a temple or the supply of materials for the worsbip of a deity, be either invested the necessary amount in landed property or deposited it with a guild. In the latter case the guild sometimes stipulated to pay perpetually a definite amount or a particular rate of interest on the amount deposited with it. Our inscription shows that the guild sometimes did not pay out of its common fund, but levied a small cess on every member of it working in that particular locality. The inscription mentions three such guilds, viz., those of potters, artisans and gardeners. We find that the members of the last guild were to pay in kind, while those of the first two had to pay a small cess probably because the articles manufactured by them were not regularly required for the use of the temple. We notice again that the guilds comprised all the members of their respective professions ; for in two cases our inscription explicitly states that every one who followed the particular profession in Kamyaka was to contribute a fixed amount. We are not told how the investments received by the guilds were utilised. But it would not be wrong to infer that they were expended on some works, religious or secular, such as those enumerated by Brihaspati," which were regarded as useful to all the members of the guild. The guilds had evidently the necessary. sanctions to secure the timely payment of the cess which they levied on their members. From the Brihaspati-smriti (XVII, 13); we learn that they could impose a fine or even exile a member who refused to perform his part of the agreement. Again, both the Arthasāstras and the Dharmaśāstras mention Srēni-bala or the army maintained by guilds, which even kings were not loth to use for their conquests. The guilds could, therefore, be trusted to collect the stipulated amount from their members and pay it regularly to the beneficiary of the endowment....
TEXT. 1 [at Fi]: fuera I ----U- [fa*]an vu-cu-u------ R u uuu ENOT
the Fa: ["] [ ?)1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 294 ff. * See the Brihaspati-omriti, XVII, 11 (8. B. E., Vol. XXXIII, PP 347-48).
Cf. R. C. Majumdar-Corporate Life in Ancient India, pp. 51 ff. See also Katyayana cited in the Smritichas. drika (od. by J. R. Gharpure), p. 226.
Bhatarka the founder of the Maitraka dynasty of Valabhs in, for instance, said to have obtained royal fortune with the help inter alia of the Srini-bala.
From inked impressions.

Page #409

34
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
.
[Vol. XXIV.
१ -पर(वायचकिता दल] - नो -- -- -- - ----
~~ ~-- ---- [*] . . . . . . "वन्तुः शितत
३ ... चितपिरो . . . . . . . . . . महावि[कर जूहको . . . . . .
. . . . किता]: ॥ 4 [रो]होतकंभवः काकोरि]विमईन: [*] . . . . . . . . . च वपुर्यो]
• • • • • . . 'स्पदाः पुचातस्य] बभूवुरत्तमगुणप्रख्यातसवीतयः [n"] . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
... "टका इव ॥ 6 . . [NJहोन?टो ज्येष्ठः सामान्य[प्रग] णोदय: ?]° . . . . . . . . त
विपदरबार
खा] वाभिजावं इति जगति वि[ दोश्यति. . . . . . . . मवेत्य
चलामि8 . . की मठमिदं . . . . . . . . . . . 12मेतत् । प्रवg ............. षिोभव[१] . . . . ते योध्या10 . . [कास्था] गतः । नानाव . . . . . . 8 गुण] राशिस्तथि : सच्च
[रितों व(ब)भूव गु. 11 बराशि: । तषिः . . . . . . . हरिः स्वयं . . . . . . . . ।
प्रेवसौमिव ... . [ता]कीर्तनं मव[तु तावदच10॥
1 Metre : Sragdhara. * Unless stated otherwise, the number of dots approximately represents that of missing akahara. Here about 30 aksharas are gone. Here about Il akharas are gone.
Motre: Antdhtub. • Here about 25 akaharas are gone.
Here about sakaharas are missing. Metre : Sardalavikridita.
Here about 36 aksharas are illegible. 10 Metre : Anushubh. 11 Metre: Malini.
Hot about 44 akaharas are gone. 15 Here about 35 aksharas are lost.
oti Here about 17 akaharas are illegible. MMotto: Rathoddhata.
M

Page #410

*
ঐ
KAMAN STONE INSCRIPTION. 2
১১
এলএ
likash
কৰণ এ খন
বংশে ৪yভযitiz
ক
বিবgp 6 অধস্ত হ৯৯, পৃষ্ঠা: কেকব্যবাদ। ৪৫ . ৪৬
ইংৰ। ৪ নিশীপে
।
10
৪
ক
" Fা
)
l
ii.bkhan5:12.httporbiswas
tn০৮/2)2ndhbirant a * শpk shil৮২২fakkizlure;}**}\sappellath}}hap
11
)|hs20 Rentalshazaatb.এnk
.
গত মন্ত্রণালয় বিষয়কমন্ত্রী 16 সমবয়স পেসক্ষেত্রে যা নোংরুষ ৪ ওলি /
ধর্মঘৰৰ নম্বৰথমবাৰমাহবধ । সব প্রকল্পর্মিসেবেও রেষ্টব্যাকগ্রা 20 বৰ
ল ৰAc« (47vফবয়ধঃযন্বনষ্টকারী :বেলস। 22 সুখ ২৭ কাপ্ত বযবশত্যপ্রশংসদীশান্তাল ত্রিশ মিমিনহীg, a दानगमित रखा। अलावा विधि
l
24
': 24
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1932 E'30-275,
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #411


Page #412

No. 46.]
KAMAN STONE INSCRIPTION.
385
12 . . . . शिता[म !] . . . . नव . . . . . . णम् . , . . . ' मुत
. . . . . 110 सर्थ कारित -- णां [गोष्ठि कर्याः पुगर्जिताः ।
अधुना ताः प्र. 13 - - - [स्तृत ?]येजवनौविका; ए . . . . . . [स][म्ब] [२२]".
. . . . कपि(दातीयायां परिदौ] व[न]टो वणिक् । म २२८
[मा घशदि ३ श्री[काम्यकीयकोटा. 14 [भ्यन्तरे प्रा*]चदिशि] [स्थितं ।"] [खण']इयं भूमिरा][*]र्यव्याघाटा व्यक
[स्थिताः । पूर्वेण वाष्णाकग्र दविणेन तु कूपिका [*] पविमोत्तरयो
स्तस्य राजमार्गचिरन्तनः [*] तथान्यम 15 न ~~~~ यट[सून][ना । का][म्यक खरवा[य भूमि*][ड] निष
दितं [*] पूर्व]स्यां दिशि कोहस्य चतराधाटशोधितं । पूर्वदक्षिणयोस्तस्य
गजमार्गस्तथान्धयोः [*] दिग्भागयो' स्था. 16 [नभूमिस्तथा च] कुटिकापरा [] [*]थैव [कुम्भका*][राणां श्रेण्या] 'काम्यकस्थया
[*] उत्त[म*] मूल्यमादाय प्रदत्ताक्षयनौविका [u*] यचाच चक्रम्बाहयति
तेन तेनाविकल्पतष्पति17 [मासं प्रदातव्यं] [प*]णि(ण)क्वं तु चक्राक100*] [सं*] २३२ वैशाख शुदि ॥
[मा*]लिकानां तथा वैखा जायके वसमा[भ]चा पतीत्वा पुरतो मूर्ख
प्रदत्ता[चयनीविका [*] देया बसममालानां 18 षष्टिः प्रतिदिनं [vभा] । चत[स्तूंशमठे विणोशा[मुण्डायास्तथा[परा]: [*]
सं २३३ पौष शदि ७ तथा[प्रो]षिमया बेण्या स्वपतीनानिहस्थया । ए. हौत्वा पुरती मुख्यं प्रदत्ताचयनी
1A verse of the Anushfubh metre is almost wholly lost here. IMetre from here to the end (except for a hemistich in 1.23 below):Anushtubh. • Read संवत्
The third figure of the date is illegible..
.There is space for four akaharas here and the last akshard looks like sha, so the month may be Märgabsraha ; or it may be Pausha if the name of the month formed part of the following verse.
• The visarga is omitted here in accordance with the Vartika on Panini VIII, 3, 36. * The metre requires an additional akshara like cha to be supplied here. • Road चक्र बाध्यति. • Read तेनाविकल्पतः । प्रति-- "Probably प्रतिचकम् is the intended reading. 11 The figure of the tithi is illegible. "This is incorrect for बसन्या . "Read पसिंगनाठे.

Page #413

388
..EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.A
[VoL. XXIV:
७ विका ] यो यो[च कर्म कुलत खपति[स्तेन] तिन तु [*] बौक्या(ब)
मामदासच्या प्रतीक " सर्वदा [ो सम्बत् २२०. बावण रादि । स्वभु
ज्यमानमाम च उन्तटः अध्यावितः । "पदा[" चिलिं भूमिम[क]
[भिधे ॥ या कष्टा हिज सावादिभिरल पुरा एवाकोना या वायवेव ालिकः ॥ यद
अ
बोत्पात विचित्म-
" स्विक्षिय*][नो]षिषु । धि - योज्यं मधर्म [शास्त्र मेव तत् ।
संवत् १८. "बावर स पंधिमामुखमावार्योंईये लेख्यविशोधित [*]
कोहाब(हि: मोखिकन भी 22 देव - [दित], [सम्बत्] २८८ फाल्गुन [श २] [पु]रा श्रीभोजदेवेन
STATE ये द्रवामप्रसादिताः । प्रमाणरापये तन चामुण्डाकस्य तिप्पिता: ॥ तत
Teamar ॥ ततस्तस्मिन् शिवीभू- 23 पाचार्यों
ना ॥ गोष्ठिकैरपि ते [म्मे] क्रौतमावारिकार्य । कम्ब(ब)लिहडे दक्षिणवा वौथौयुग्म सालम् ॥ सुधासिन्दूरदीपाधैर्यव्यापी
यौप्रभा24 डी -1*] गोडिकोजनीयतावशा यों खि]ति: ॥
R. Read संवत
S ',
a nt * One akshara is missing here. Read perfuafel •What look like two anusrdnas on are probably due to faults in the stone.
Some reading like afrafar is intended here. • Read संवत्
• The intended reading may be refcenfout. The medial vowels of land i can be marked on the back of the impression.
* This is only a hemisticb. Metre : Matrdsamala. See note 6, p. 338, above.

Page #414

INDEX.
BY . M. VENKATARAMAYYA, M.A.
[The figures refer to pages : 1. after a figure refers to footnotes and add. to additions. The following other abbreviations are also used: ca. capital; ch.= chief; ci.= city: Co.=country, con, composer: C. P. Copper plate: chron, chroniclo; di district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty: E. Eastern: ingr.wongraver ep. epithet:f. femalo; feud.feudatory i gen.-general; hal-historical; ins=inscription; in88. inscrip: tions; k. king: 1.-locality: lit. literary; 2..=land-measure ; m.male; minminister; mo.mountains myth. - mythic or mythological; A=name; N.-Northem; off.office or official; g. -queen; rel. - religious ri. -river; S.-Southern; 4.4.same as; out.=surname; t.d.-territorial division; le.estomple; til title i. villago; W.-Western; wk.=work.]. Eu
Adbaporika, a. a. Arddhapaurika, inhabi
tant of Riddhapura', Adhapura, ci., . . .
. adhikarana-pramika-kutumbinah, . adhikaranam, court or department, ...
t 257, 258 . 257
..12 127. 128
adhikrita, off., . . 55, 265, 266, 3021 adhikrita-earvvadhyakshas, off., . . 302 adhirajya, . . .
. 182, 185181 adhishthana, capital', . . . 130, 134.28MA adhishthanam, under the supervision of 100 ads
PAGE. a, initial,
198 and 1., 236, 268 a, initial, its euphonic elision in Kushan
Prakrit, . å, initial, . . .
130, 236,
253, 268 d, medial, . . . 53, 779, 81n., 82 n., 83 #.,
818., 85 n., 88 n., 132 n.,
146, 211, 253, 329 4. endings changed into w, in Bengali, . . 44 wbhaya pose, . . . . . . . 96 Abhimanyu, epic hero, .
. . 66 Abhramuvallabha, Indra's elephant, . . 294 Aboogur, Co. .
. .
221 Abu, Co., Abu ins. of V. 8. 1287.. .. . .
312 Abu ina of V. S. 1342,. ..
311 Abul Fazl, Mualim historian,. . 61, 219... 220 Achala, m...
2 64, 84 Achalakukobhquar, tit., of the Rashtpakate k. Kanparadeva
s 23 , Achalakulóttaman, tit., of the Kidavariya ob. Manavalapperumā),
23 and s. acharya, 80, 92, 193, 200, 240, 241, 241, 272, 277 acharyya-purusha,... achaya of Dharmma :
21, 22 achchu, tax, . . . 154, 155, 168, 169,
171, 172 Achyuta, Pallara off, . .
298, 303 Achyutapuram Plates of Indravarman, Achyularayübhyudayam, lit. wk., . ..
286 1.,
389 1. AchyutarüyaMahārāya, Vijayanagara k. . . . . . . 285, 286 and , 287, 288 and n., 289 and
1., 290 and . Adalja, l
. .. 213. Adalja Vav ins.. .
. . 912 n.
193
Adhyaksha, Superintendent of Departs at la ment off . . .
. $123 Adigaiman, dy. .
26 adigal .. a. padah, honorific suffix,
39 adálkülnirpår, servants', . ., 39, 40, 42 Adibara, k., . . . . . . . 110 Aditya, Rajakesarivarma C hola k.. 28 Adityasvamin, donce,
160, 153 Adityavarman, Maukhari k.,
285 Adivardha drammas, coins . . 333. Adiyama-nādu, t. d., . . .. adiyarai, Agaloka, I., . . . Agalokaka, ep...
257, 259 and . agama, agampadi, 'within', agaru, 'resin of aloe, agattu, . . Agha, myth. demon, Aghata, t. d., . Aghāta-pattana, ci.,
311, 312, 313, 3234 Aghitapura, ci...
. Agnihotrika, lit., Agra, C., .
. , 211, 309 ugra, s. 2. agrubhaga, . agra-bluga, King's share',
127
313, 395

Page #415

338
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXIV.
335
157
27
273
.
.
.
ΡΔΟΣ. Agrahara, one who takes or collecta 'the
King's share', of... . . . . 127 agrahara. . . . . 49, 51, 52, 127, 128 Agradnika, off... .
127 Agraldrin, off., . . . . 127, 128 Agraldrina, .. .. Agraharika,. . . 128 n. Agraharina-mahattara, "headman and
revenue collector of the vi.', 01. . 137, 128 agra-janman, Brahmana, . . . 109 n. Agrusvämin, donee, .
, 160, 163 Abid, a., . .
63, 311 Abade, donce, . . . . . 232, 233 Ahada, 4. a. Aghatapura or Atapurs, ci., 64, 77 Ahammada (Ahmad I), Shah, Sultan of
Gujarti, 213, 214, 218 and 1., 216, 223 Ahammadapura, . a. Ahmadabad, ci., 218, 219,
224 Ahir ins. .
. . . 330 Ahavamalla som kvara I, W. Chalukya k.. . 107 Ahirola, Early Garjarat.
177, 178 Ahmad I, Sultan of Gujarat,. . 216, 220 Ahmad bid, i., .
215, 219 and ». Ahmad(a) Shah, Sultan of Gujardt, 214, 219, 220, 221 Ahmadnagar, ci... .
. 80, 218, 219 ai, medial,. .
.100 ., 304 Atholo ins. of Polakóin. II,. . . 179, 123 Alake, Aindardnanda nafaka, wky.
• 128 don-t-Albari, hist. obron.. . 219 n., 220 . Am Parsh, suburb of Ahtradablid, .
219. Airivate, n. of elephant,
187, 170 and 1. Aitihdaila Patra-yavahana,. .
122. Ajánanda, th, . .
. 16, 18, 19 Ajantainas., .
198 n. Ajayagadh ins. of Nána,
109. Aja yapăla, Chawwkya k. of Gujarat, 312, 313 Ajayapăladova, Chaulukya ch.. . . . 230 Ajayasimha, Mewar k., .
• 69 Ajayavarman, Paramana k. of Maked .
229, 230 Ajirakas, Jaina mendicants,
298, 803 ajjakas, . . . . . . 272 and .., 277 ajjaka female ascetio', . Ajmer, ai.. . . . 61, 304, 308 1., 309 Ajka, wrong for Ajánanda, af-opti, Agenoy that obtain thi command', .
303 n. of hapti, 'exceutor . af tapti, agency that commands:
808 n. Manastcharl, off., . . 65, 265 and n., 288 Akabar, 8. a., Akbar, Mughal emperor, . 68 and n. Akklararaba, sur. of Krishna II, Rashtrabaya k., . .
. . 190 Akbar, Mughal emperor,
.60, 61, 68 and ». Albar-ndma, hist. obron., . . .
. 61 Akhirje (Akshayardja), min., . . . 61
272
PAGE. Akrors, Vrishai prince, . .
197, 198 akahapajala, ofl., . . . . .
16, 19 akshapatalika, off. . . . . 294, 298 akshapatalin, oft., . .
18 Akshabala, . . . . . . 183 n. Akahabalika, off. . . . 173 and >., 175 Akshabalin, oft., .
181, 182, 183 and . akahayantvila, . . . Akshayarijs, min., . .
61 Alagarmalai, vi... . . 186, 187, 162, 164 Alagarmalai ins., . . AlagiyamanavĀM, 8. a. Lakshmiaakhs, m., 93 m. Alagiyamanavals Mangaldaraya, te. off.,. .
. 90, 93 and 1., 99, 100 Alagiya-Pallavan. Kadavardya ch., . . • Alagiya-Pallavan', tit. of the Kadavariya
ch. Manavālapperuma), . . . Alagiya-Pallavag, 8. a. Kopperuăjinga I,
Kadavardya ch.. . . . . 28 Alagiya-Pallava Vinnagar Emberumin, te., Alagiyastyar Kopperuðjingadēva 1,
Kadavaraya ch., . . . Alagiyaltyar Köpperuðjingadóvar,
Kadavaraya ch . . . Alapladu, vin, . ' . Alaparti, vi.. . . .
.
. . 273, 278 Alappirandin Viradékhara alias Kadava
riyan, Kadavardya ch.. Alesanda, birth place of the Greek k.
Menander, . . . . . All-ud-din Ahmad, Bahmani Sultan of the
Deoan, . . . . . . 2:6 All-ud-din Khalji, Sultan of Delhi, 63, 213 n., 313 Alberoni, Muslim historian,
118, 118 n. Alexandria-under-the Caucasiis, 8. a. Alasanda, 6 Alhanadava, k. of Nadol in Mirwr,
312 Albanadávt, Kalachuri q. . . 105, 116, 117 Alin dan. 6.a. Tirumangai-Alvar, saint, 98 Aliya Rama-Raja, Vijayanagara prince, 287 Allahabad, ai.. . 123 ., 146, 210, 245, 253, 255 Alahabad Municipal Museum Yapa ins., 252 Allahabad pillar ins. of Samudragupta, 133 n., 198 n.,
265 Allata, Quhila k. of Mewar.. , 310, 324, 328 Allaru, vi., . . . . . . . 258
ruines.. . . . . . 281 Alphabets :Arohaia variety. . . . . 143, 194 Arrow or nail-headed, . . 206 Box-headed', . . . . 52, 260, 206 Brahmt,.
6 and 1., 11, 141 7., 104 and 1., 198 n., 210, 211, 253, 267 and 1., 279 Devankgart, . . . . . Grantha, . .
28 n., 29, 36, 90, 08 n., 154, 286, 287, 289 n.
24, 26
272
.
18
•
145
i
22, 271..,

Page #416

INDEX.
339
PAGE.
233
296
70
Alphabete-contd.
Gujarati, . . . . . . 225 . Gupta, . . . . . 148 n., 198,
199 Gupta, Eastern variety, , . 146, 263, 265 Kannada,
• 287 and n., 288 Kharòah, I, . . . . 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 ,
6, 8, 9 and n., 10, 204 n. Kushāna, . . . . MarithI, . • •
122 Nägarl, . . .
. 67, 102,
122, 130, 287, 291, 304 Någart, (Central Indian variety), . . 226 Nail-headed, . . . Northern class, . . . . . 130, 146,
149, 180, 240, 329 Pellava-Grantha, . . . Southern class,
62, 138
235 Tamil, . .
22, 29, 35, 286, 287 Telugu, .
. . 268, 287 Telugu-Kannada,
. 183, 184 Aldr copper plates of Yuvarāja Mārasimha, 187 n. Alvārs, . . .
90, 92 Alvår Srbalidēva, donee, .
163 Amd, . 8. Amavasya, . . . 74 and n. amacha, 'minister', . . . .
259 amanta, . . . .
122 Amaralal, priest, Amarasith ha-Räpi, Mewar k.,
58, 61,
83, 84, 89, 77, 81, 85 Amaravati, vi.. . . . . . 14, 266,
267 and 1., 268, 269, 279 Amaravatl ings.,
. Amarivati tope, . .
268 Amardaka-tartha-nitha, Baiva ascetic, . . 241 Amartdata, .a. Indra, gode • .. 76 Amartevars, off.. . . . 144, 145 and . amatya, off.
. . . 273, 276, 281 Amatya-dharma, . . . . . . 113 ambalam, . . . . . . 87 and n. AmbAprasāda, Guhila k. of Merit, 310, 324 Ambiki, goddess, . . . . . 63, 83 Ambila, vi., . . .
. 126, 127, 128 Ambulia or Ambalia, 8. a. Ambila, wi.. . 126 Amgachchi charter,. .
. 43 amirs, . . . . amma, village goddess, . . . 278, 278 Amma or Ammaräja I, E. Chalukya l., 270, 271, 276 Amma II, 4. a. Ammarāja II, E. Chalubya k., 270 Ammaiyappan alias Rājaraja-Sachbuyari yan.
Sashbu araya ch., . . . . 26 Ammarāja II, Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k.,
268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 276, 278 Ammasvămin, Jaina preceptor,, .
227
PAGE. Amodi plates of Jajalladava II,. . .118 . Amodá plates of Prithvidēva I,
105, 120 Amoda plates (first set) of Prithvidēva II, 119 Amodă plates (second set) of Prithvideva II, 119 *Amoghakalasa', tit., of the Bhall ja le., Vidya
dharabhanja, . . . . 15 n., 17 Amoghavarsha L, Rashtrakufa k.
109 n. Amraoti, ci., . . . . . 123 n. Amraoti, di.. .
268, 283 Amrāprasāda, 8. a. Ambaprasida, Guhila k.
of Mewar, . . . 310, 328 *. amrita-kalasa, .
. . . 98 amrita-kalaba, emblem on seal, . . 18 Amritēsvara, te., . . . . . 288. Amva, goddess, . .
804 ana, s. a. Ajia in Central Asian Khirahibe documents, .:.
.
. 6 -ana, sufix of proper names in Saka language, 206 Anādbrishti, Prishni prince, . . 197, 198 Anahilapattana, ca.. .
2 . 218, 223 Anaimangalam, vi... .
.. 32 Anandanidhi, gift, 285 n., 287, 288 and 1., 289
and n., 290 and 1. Anandapura, ci. . 308, 322, 323 Anangasēnā, courtesan, . . . 198, 197 Ananta, 8. a. Sčaha, serpent-lord, ananta-nidhi, inoorrect for Anandanidhi, 290 . Ananatapur, di.. . . . . 234, 238 Ananta-Baktivarman, Kalinga k., . 50 Anantasa yanagudi, vi.. . . . 287 n. Anantavarman, Guhila prince of Mewadr, 310, 324 Anantavarmadåva, E. Ganga k., 180, 131 133, 135,
136 and 1., 181 Anantavarman, Early Kalinga- Ganga royal name,
. . 131 Anantavarman, Kalinga k.,
. . 49, 51 Anantavarman, Maukhari ke. . . . 198 n. Anapiya, Choja . . .
. 37 . Anarta, co.,
. 45, 222 1. Anathapinda, m.
. . . 21 anchor, emblem on seal,
296, 297 Andhaka, Buddhist nohool, . . 258 *. Andhakaripu, 8. a. Siva, god, . . . 318 Andhra, co.,. . .14. 44, 259 and n., 272, 273 Andhra, dy..
13, 236, 281, 298 n. Andhra, k. of Andhra co., . . . 123 n. aneka-samara-labdha-vijaya-yasal-pratapa,
Pallava ep. . . . . 209 anga, . . Anga, co. 14, , 104, 106, 109-10, 111, 112, 309,
324 Angula, t. d., . . . . Anguttara-Nokaya, Buddhist wk., Apbilwira Pattan, ca.. .
• 64 n. Animals, vi.. . . . . . . 191
62.
60
.
.
74

Page #417

340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
PAOZ.
Arahat,
Page Anjania vitaka, I.,
63, 56 ahhka, .
270 Silakara,. ibid
.
270 Annapurna, goddesagt
307 annar, elder brother
,
189 Annawardi-chan, 8. a. Anwar-ud-din Khini - Carnatic Nawab..
.
124 Annigbre, vi., . . . . 287 and 1., 288 n., 290 : Antapadadasdo, Jaina Prakrit wk., ., 196, 197 antabpura-tahimdira, Coff.
, 273, 276 anlalpurila, off., . . . . . 294 Antarila.pattala, t. d., .
292 Astaranga, off... 3 134 and 7., 135, 137 antaraya, tax, . . 154, 155, 168, 169, 171, 172 Antirigam, vi... . . . 16, 17, 18 Antirigata plates of Jayabhanjadéve,
17, 18 Antirigam plates of Yasabhaõjadēva,.
16 and yeahtiy. 03/
27 anupravaras: Angrasa, . . . .
. 173, 175 anusvära. . . . .56 15., 101, 238, n., 246 anwavdra, doubling of consonants after . 53 anutvira, guttúral nasal used for . . 150 annavara, in Brāhml, ..
195 anuevara, omission of
226 anusvära, redundant, .
.
135.. anuwara, replaced by class nasal, 138, 236, 297 anusvara, use of double consonant in place of 48 ahusvara, used for class nasal, 48, 139, 180, 226,
19 ,291, 304 amuspära, used for final m, 130, 180, 213, 291, 297 anuovira, used for final
20, 150, 180 anuevara, unod for long vowel in Central-Asian
Kharoshtbl. anusvära, used for n in plural endings
198 ansvara, used redundantly, before naal, 130, 138.. Anwar-ud-din Khan, Nawab of the Carnatic, 124
30 Apstsahāyékvara, te.,
22 Aphsad ins., . .
283 Apnavána, rishi,
135. Appaya-dandaniyaka, Hoysala gen., . .162 apracha-raja, tit., . : * apracha-raja, legend on Taxila coins, apratihala-chaka, legend on coins of Gon. dophéres, Indo-Parthian k.,
. 4-pratyag-aja, one who has no royal ad.
versary', 3. &. apracha-raja, tit., . . Arabic history of Gujarat, wk., . . Arabic ins. of Mahmûd of Gujarat, . . Arabic ings., .
. . 213 n. Aradā, vi., . . . .
: 173
. .. 205 draharta, form of arhat in Mathuri dialect of Prakrit, . .
198 arahat, form of arhat in Mathură dia
lect of Prakpit, . . . . . 198 arahāta, form of arhat, in Mathurā dia de
lect of Prakrit, . . . . . arama, . . . . .
147 Arāmaka, vi., (A)ranabhita, Sailodbhava k... . . 159, 159 Arašanārāyana, Kadavariya ch.. .
26 Arašanārāyanan Kachchiyarāyan alias
Kādavariyan, Kadavaraya ch., . 24 and x, 28 Arasavilli, vi.,
. 47 Arasl, Mewar k... . . . 58, 59, 67, 84 Arasithiha, k. of Mewar,
311, 325 Arayan Viradamudittān alias Pallavarā. yap, .. .
198 Archa, 'adoration', .
198 archadesa, object of worship', drchádzsánh, 'objects of adoration 194, 195, 198 Arddhapaurs, inhabitant of Riddhapura", 258 Arddhapaurika, inhabitant of Riddhapura, 268 Ardha-närikvara, form of Siva,
102 Ardhapura, vi.. . . . . Arhat, . .
de
10, 203, 204 arhat, form of arhat in Mathurā dialect of Prakrit, . . . . .
160 Ari, form of Arya,
237 Arisitha, Prince of Mewar, Arisitha-Räni, Mewar k., . Arjuna, demon, . . . .
80 Arjuna, epic hero,
79, 89, 84, 272, 277 Arjuna, m., Arjuna Mitra, commentator,
128 Arjunavarman, Paramara k., of Mälud, 229, 230 Arkalgad, vi., di.,
188., 189 . Arkatavēmula, vi. .
. 188 n.
.
169, 172
archa, 'image of a gods
Be or & god',
.
198
298,303
83
apacharaja, 8. a. apracharaja, . .. . ? apachaya of dharmma,
21, 22 apadikata, tit, occurring in Indo-Greek Coins, 4 Apaku, f. . . .604
4 79 apana, shops, .
.
208, 303 dpandjivika, those who live by shops!.. 298 . apana-patta-kara, "shop-keeping cloth dealers', . . . .
. . Apāpa, com, or engr .
239 . Aparajita, Guhila k. of Mewar, . 309, 324 Aparajita, Pallava k., . . 28 and n., 188 n. Aparakaila, Buddhist sect. . : 258 and n. Aparaseliyā, .. 4. Aparasails, Buddhist
sect. . . . . . . . 258 and 1. Aparafila, Aparadila, &. a.. Aparakails, Buddhist &. . 3. 1.
2018 ecct, d-parijñāna, cognisance,
16

Page #418

INDEX.
PAGE. Arigadalai, 'hospital', 90, 91, 92, and 7., 93, 94, and
16., 95, 97, 98, 99, 100
231, 232
Artha,.
.
.
PAGE. Avasathika, tit... Avašaura, ci., . . . .
9. 10 Avinita, Ganga k., . .
188 n., 237 aviruddha, 'free' ! W 147. 149 and dyagapala, tablet of homage', 203 and n., 204, 205,
206,984 Ayana, solstice, . . . . 71, 288 and *. [Alyasõbhita, Sailodbhava k.,
150, 151, 152 'Ayodhya, ca.,
58, 66, 292 ayuktakas, off., . . 144, 145, 153, 302 . Ayyan Aritanár, author, . . . 92 Ayyapadēva, Nolamba ch., . .
190 . ayyar, 'father', . Ayyavarman, 8. a. Āryavarman, Ganga k., 236, 237
Arthalüstra, wk., 126, 127 n., 128 W., 134 and n.,
183 n., 298 n., Anthadastras, . . . . . . 333 Arumbāka plates,
. . . 271 Aruna, charioteer of the sun,. . . 79 and n. Arvi, di. . . .
260 Arya,. . .
237 Aryaka,
. . 272. Aryaka, * female ascetic,
272 Aryavarman, Ganga k..
235, 236, 287 Abadhara, author of Dharmamrita,
230 disana patta, seats
. . 253, 254 Asawal, ci., . . . . . . 219 Ashti, s. 6. Asi, t. d.,
* . 263 Asi-bukti, t. d., :
. 261, 263, 264, 266 Atrgadh seal of Sarvavarman, . .. 283, 285 n. Afoka, Maurya k., 2, 5, 9, 11, 54, 140 and ., 208 . Asökan inss., Asökadēva, dütaka, 1. 130, 136, 137 4bkagramika, Asyamukhi, kinnara, woman, Advapati-gajapati-narapati-rajatrayadhipati,
op. of Kalachuris and Gabadavälas, 292, 204 Advinādi, . . . . 117, 120, 121, 122 Asyala, donor,
. .
207 Ata bers, .. . Atapore, ... Arddhapura, 257, 258, 259 and n. Atapura, I.,
. . . . 260 Atapura, 3. a. Ahad or Aghāta pura, ci
311 Atapura, ci., Ata para ins. of Saktikumára, . 808, 309 Athagada, t. d. t i tu
.15 atiparaḥ, 'inveterate foe', . . .. 44 Atla-Dipankara,. . . . . 104 and Atkollijär alias Kidavarāyar, Kadavaraya.ch
9, 140
А
в 6, . . . 8 (Kharoshthi), 52, 53, 57, 147 6, denoted by v
* 102, 228 8. used for
167, 240, 304 30 bande, use of same sign for
150 Basurah, 8. a. Baharji, tit.
1. 920 Baba Bhatta alias Lakshminátha, poet and
com., . . . - 171464, 78, 83 Baba Bhatta alias Lakshminātha (son of Krishnabhatta), com.,
64, 83, 80 Badakhanda, l.,
48 Badakhimedi, estate,
s . 9129, 180 Badapa, Adhiraja E. Chalukya k., . 271 bada-purohita, 'high priest', . .
82. Badarikārāma, I., . . 147 and n., 148 Badkyünf, Melit historian, Baddigi Amoghavarsha IET, Raskfrabufa k., . 102 Beds-Pole, gate at Udaipur,. . . 83 Badahal, tit. and legend on coins,
292 %. Badra, vi.. . 245, 246, 247, 248, 251, 252 Badvi-yüpa inas.,
247, 252, 253 Bügepalle, D.
186 . BA(Va)ghi, engr.,. . .
64, 90 and 1. Bighasimba, prince of Mewar, . . . 306 Baghela-Talāv, tani,
306 baghicha, . . . .
207 Baglan, Rajput state,
218 Baglan, Baglâna, co.,
220 Bigula, co., . . . 218, 219, 220 Bagumrå plates of Dadds-Praśāntariga, . . 176o. Baharji, tit.. . Bahasatimita, 8. a. Brahāsvätimita, k., . 199 Bahmani, dy.. .
216 Baigram ins. .
.
126 Bai Hartr's ins. . . . . .
213. Bai Hartr's well Arabic ins., . .. 214 Baijnath, ci., .
. 104, 1:0 Bajaur, co....... ..... ...... .... 6 And.
1
Apti, h .. . ..
. .. 26 atlasalai, 'hospital, .
. . 96 . au, medial, .
. 304 autahadham, medicine',
"Hold • . • • • 01 avagraha, sign, . . . . 67, 306 Avakbajada, Kshatrapa,
. .. 9, 10 Avaniālappirandär Kopperusjingadēvar, Kadavaraya ch.. . .
. 27. Avantiki, .. a. Ujjain, ci.. .
62, 73 Avantinátha, tit. of the Chaulukya k. Kumin. pala, . . .
. . . 230 Avantivarman, Maukhari k., 283, 284 and 1., 285
sect, * . 258 duari, 'enclosure', . . . 331, 332, 336 Avåfrlyyakalaia, out. of Vidyadharabhafijadēva,
Bhari ja k.. . . . . . . 17

Page #419

342
PAGE.
Bala, Buddhist monk, Bala, Maukhari ch., Baladeva, Baladeve, Vrishni prince, 196, 197, 198,
211 252
200
222 n., 272, 277
105 123
Baladeva, epic hero, Balagarhve ins., Balaghat, di.,
Balakrids, commentary on Yajnavalkya-smriti,
134 and n. 252 66, 69, 86, 204 151, 283, 284 and n.
Bāna, dy., 161, 183, 184, 185 and n., 186 and n., 187,
188 & n., 189, 190, 191 59
Balasimha, ch.,
Bali, myth. k.,
Bana, Sanskrit author,
Banabira, Mewar k., Banarasa, Bana ch.,
184, 185, 186, 187, 191,
192, 193 317 n. 280 Banavidyadhara, Bāna k., 184, 186, 187, 188 Banda plate of Chanděla Madanavarmmadēva, 229 256 n. 309, 324 109, 111 43 189
Bandhogarh, vi.,
Ba(Va)nga, co.,
Bangala, s. a. Bengal, co.,
Bangarh Charter,
Banasura, myth. k., Banavasi, vi.,
Bangavādi Bana ins.,
Bangavadi ins. of the 24th year of Vijaya.
Narasimhavikramavarman,
Bangavādi record of Mahabali Banarasa, Banki, vi.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
185
185
148
Banswara, state, 60, 313 Bapa, tit., 310 Băpă-Raval, ancestor of the Ranas of Mewar, 58, 59, 63, 65, 66, 84, 306, 307, 308, 309, 322, 323 Bapatla, di., 137, 141 Bappa, 8. a. Bāpā-Raval, Guhila k. of Mewär, 309, 322, 323, 324 141 302
Bappa-bhattaraka-padabhaktaḥ, tit., Bappa-bhattaraka-pädabhaktab, Pallava ep., Bäppäryya, donee,
Bappavaméa, family,.
Barabar Hill cave ins. of Anantavarman,
Baragür, vi.,
Baraha (Varaha)vartani, t. d.,
Barah Copper-plate of Bhojadova,
Baraval, ci.,
Bardu, fort,
Bargaon ins.,
Baripada, vi.,
Baroda, ci.,
.
Baroda, co.,
Baroda, state,
Barodar, mo., Basinikonda, v.,
.
.
"
53, 55
317
193 . 189 50
262 m., 332
196 216 n. 45 172
212
221
220 n.
216 n.
188
Batavia, ca., Baudh, state,
Baudhayana Grihyasutra, Bauka, Pratihāra k.,
Bayana, co.,
be, used for dve,
Begado, a. a. Begarha, sur. of Mahmud
Shah, Sulfan of Gujarat,. Bělōrā, vi.,
[VOL. XXIV.
218
Belyabera or Beliaberia, estate,. Benares, ci.,.
260, 263 and n. 46 291, 292 Benares plate of Karna, 102 and n., 103, 123 n. Bendiganahalli plates, 236, 237 Bengal, 43, 44 and n., 102, 105, 106 and n., 109 n., 111, 127, 128, 129 and n., 133 n., 134 n. Bengal, North,126 Beny Ray', s. a. Jayasimha, ch. of Champâner,
Berhampur, ci.,
Besnagar, ci.,
Bēta, Kanthika, E. Chalukya prince, Betwa, 8. a. Vētravati, ri., bh,
:
Bhadadeva, ch.. Bhadramagha, Mahārāja-, k. of Kausambi,
Bhadrapadādi, bhadrasanam, Bhadrayasa, m..
Bhagadatta, myth. k... Bhagadatta, Nala k., . bhagagrahi,
146, 253, 254, 256
121 295 203
bhaga, kind of income,
295, 233
Bhagadata or Bhagadatta, Bhara k., 11 and n., 12,
14 193 11, 12 127
PAGE.
124, 125 174 247 n. 331 n. .329 n. 282
217 n. 18 200 271 231
11, 253, 255, 296 146 m.
bhāga-grāmēyakas, 'officers of the subsidiary villages', bhagahara, Bhagalpur, di.,
Bhagavata religion,
Bhagavata temple at Mōră, Bhagavatapurana, wk., Bhagavata-sampradaya, Bhagavati, goddess, Bhagika, off.,
Bhagin, off.,
Bhagiratha, myth. hero,
Bhagirathi, s. a. the Ganges, ri., bhagya,
Bhagyadevi, Pala q...
Bhagavan-Narayana, god,
55, 236, 238
Bhagavat, s. a. god Vishnu, Bhagavat, a. a. the Buddha, 4, 7, 21, 22, 147 Bhagavat, 138, 141, 195, 200, 208, 209, 210, 297,
301, 302 200 199, 200, 210 96, 222 n.
272 332 134
134, 135, 137 73
298 . 127 110 302.
264 303 43

Page #420

INDEX.
343
.
.
270
PAGE. Bhailasvami-Mahadvadasaka-mandala, t. d., . 230 Bhailasvamin, god, . . . .227, 231, 232 Bhailasråmin, vi.,. . , 229, 230, 231 Bhaillosa, Sun-god, . . . . . 231 Bhaitsada, vi.. . . . . 64, 00,77 Bh.kamiára, min., . . . . . 109 bhåndagårika, off., . . . . . 294 Bhanja, . . Bhānå or Bhāņā, m.,
64, 71, 83, 89 Bhandarā, ci., . . Bhandari, off., . .
. 128 Bhangöra or Bhangöri, family of
. 64, 71, 83, 89 Bhaja, dy.. 15 n., 16 and 7., 17 and 7., 18, 19,
173, 174 Bhanvaralál, architect, . . . . Bhåra, clan, . .
11, 12, 13, 14 Bhiradvaja, descended from saye Bharadvaja, 302 Bharadvāja, lineage, . . . . 138, 142 Bhāradvāja, m., . .
. . 231, 233 Bhirabe-vase, t.d., . . . . . 196, 197 Bhira Mal (Bihar Mal), ch. of Idar, . . 60 Bhirasiva, slan, . . 12, 13 and n., 14, 264 Bharata, myth. k.,. . . . 102, 111, 187 Bharata, epic,
.
37n. Bharatpur, State, . . . . . 329 Bhartripatta, Gukila k., • 308, 301, 324 Bhāskara-Bhatta, Brahmana, • . 64, 76, 83,79 Bhaskara-kshetra, Bhaskaravarman, k. of Kamarupa,. 262 n., 283 Bhata, . . 55, 134, 135, 137, 182, 183, 265, 266 Bhatarka, Maitraka k... . . . 333 h. Bhatta, tit., 16, 19, 36, 109, 130, 135 and 1., 173,
175, 330, 332, 334 Bhattal-kottu, . .
90, 95, 99, 100 Bhattaputra, tit.. . . . . 16 n. Bhatta-Somayaji. ep., . . . . . 36 Bhauma, dy.,. .
. . 151 h Bhava, 4.a. Siva, god, . . 58, 65, 70, 115 Bhavaniga, Bharativa k. . . 13 7., 264 Bhavant, goddess, . . 65, 70, 72, 77, 84, 320 Bhavanipati, 8.a. Siva, god,.
8.6. Diva, god, . . . . 232 Bhavattavarman, Nala k. .
. .263. Bhāvilla, m., . .
. 16, 18, 19 Bhävinna, wrong reading for Bhävilla, . .. 18 Bhavnagar inss.,. . . . . . 58 n. Bhayabhati, m., .
.. 282 Bherd-Ghåt ins. of Alhapadēvt, 105, 116, 117, 311 bhikhu-sagha, . . . . . . 259 Bhilek, ca., . . . . . . . 231 Bhilsa topes, . . . . . 205 n. Bhima, 8.a. Siva, god, .
. . 69 Bhima, Chalukya k. of Gujarat,
107 and n. Bhima, ch. of Idar, . . . . . 59
PAGE. Bhima, epic hero.
67, 69, 271, 277 Bhima, k. of Anhilwad, . . . . . 107 Bhima II, 6. a. Chāļukya-Bhima II, E.
Chalukya k., . . . . Bhima or Raja-Bhlina, n., 271, 272 and n., 277 Bhimadurga, fort, . . . . . 325 Bhimakarna, off.,. . . . . . . 59 Bhima Maharaja, Vaidumba ch... . 191 Bhimasena, ch., . . . . . 148 and n. Bhimasēna, Maharaja, k. of Kaufämbi, 254, 255,
256_and n. Bhimasēna, Rajan Väsiskthiputtra k. of
Kausdrhbr, . . . . . 256 and n. Bhimasimha, Mewar k., .
58, 68, 8+ Bhimavarman, Maharaja- k. of Kausambi, 146
and 1., 254 bhishag, off.,
. 294 Bhita sealings of Bhimasins and Sivamagha, 255 bhoga,' state share of land produce ', . 134, 233, 295 bhoga, t.d., . . . . . 49 and ., 61, 52 Bhogadanda, vi. . . . . . 46 Bhögavarman, later Maukhari k., .
284 Bhogika, off., .
. . 134, 144, 145 Bhögin, off., . . . . 134, 135, 137 Bhoja, Guhila prince of Mewar,
309, 324 Bhoja, Paramara k., 105, 107, and ., 306, 312 Bhoja I, Pratihara k., . , 103, 1071., 332, 333 Bhỏjabhūpa, Guhila k. of Mewar, 303, 317, 321 1. Bhojadeva, ch., Bhöjadova, 3.a. Bhöja I, Pratihara k., 332, 336 Bhojasara, tank, . . . . 308, 317, 318 Bhojasvåmidēvajagati, te., ..
398 Bhöjatarman, Chandella k., . Bhonsla, dy. . . . . . 122, 263 Bhonso Raja of Nagpar, . . .
122 Bhopal platen of Arjunavarman,
229 Bhopal plates of Harichandra,
231 Bhopal platos of Udayavarman, 227, 228, 229, 230
and r. Bhrigupati, .a. Parasurama, myth. hero, 328 Bhadhara, mason, . . . . 64, 71, 83, 89 bhujiahya-patram, . .
. . 113 bhukti, t. d., 43, 46, 47, 150, 153, 261, 263, 264, 268 Bhulunda, Maharaja-, k. . bhalmichchhidra-vidhana-nyaya, . . . 19 Bhomiyandal, ., a. Bhuvanädhipa, f., 03 . Bhupendravarman, E. Ganga k. of the Svetaka branch, . .
. . 133 Bhdravida, vi... .
. . 64, 65, 77 Bhuti, suffix of personal names,. . 282 Bhuvanadhipa, . . . .
93 and n. Bhuvanasimha, Mewar k., . . . 68, 66, 84 Bhuvanatrinētra, Vaidumba ch., . . 191 Bhuanēsvarl, goddess, . . . . . 315
.
.
52

Page #421

344
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
170 , . 315
.
.
PAGE. Brihatsamhita,
45 and Brindaban, vi.. . . . . . British Museum plato of Karna, . 111, Buchchireddipalom, vi. . Buda, Imad-ul-Mulk under Mahmûd Be.
garhå, . . . Buddha, the 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and ., 10, 12, 21, 47,
68, 147, 148 and 1., 211, 212, 240, 258 . Buddha bhattaraka, 8. a. the Buddha, Buddhamitra, Buddhist nun, . . Buddhavamsa, Buddhist wk., . . Buddhavarman, Pallava k... Buddhism,. . . Buddhist dramas of the Kushän period, 198 and n. Budha, myth. k...
· 102, 111 Badiköte inuas.. .
.. . 187 Budu-buktis, community,
299 . Buglans, co. . .
. . 220 Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, 149 and n.,
150, 151 bull, emblem on seal, . .17, 137, 148, 296, 297
bull, recumbent emblem on deal, Buruna-vaduva, "cluster of silk cotton trees,
129 373, 278 188
Batuga IT, W. Ganga k.,
..
.
PAGE. bigha, I. m., .
64 . Bihar Pillar ins, of the time of Skandagupta, 1981, blja, . .. . Blja, bijakahara', . Hijaygadh, ., . .
245, 247 Bilhana, poel, . . . .
106 1., 107 Bilhári stone ins., . .
102, 103, 242 Biliyur charter of Rachamalla II, Biload pillar ins of the reign of Kumiragupta I,
198 1. Bilbad, stone ins. of Kumāragupta, . ." 13 n. Bilua, n. of tree, . . .
. .
249 and .. Bimlipatam, Dutch port, .
. 125 Btr, Raja of Idar,. .
216 birada, tax,
W
. 193 biruda,
97, 176, 178, 193 *Bisalnagar, ci.. . .
Bik (Vishayi), off., . . boar, emblem on seal, s
. 288 bost, emblem on seal, s
. 297 boat, double-masted emblem on coins, .. . 297 Bod (Baudh) plates, . .
173 Bodhisattvas, ..
. 21 Bodhiate statue, . . Bodhisattviduadang-balpalata, Buddhist wk., 6*. Brajdhinisi 1. .
.280 Boppkryya, dondo . . ..56 *. Borneo . .. . . . 247 Bower Manuscript, 1 . .. . 20.). Brahiavitimita, k. of the third or second ? century B. C.
l.
199 Brahma, got, . .
76, 78, 87, 169 Brahmachariorata, Brahmacharya, .
41 brahmadeya, 38, 138, 142, 154, 155, 156 and th, 163,
166, 168, 169, 172, 236, 230, 208, 203 Brahma Kshatriinvita,
808 Brahma-kshatriya-kula,
. . 808 Brahmanlain, Brahmabarman, donee, . . . . 293, 295 Brahmasthana, . .
. 36 ... 37 and n. Brahmi, & creeper, . .
.
111 Brithmi, .. a. Sarasvati, goddess,
111, 213 7. Brihad. Bkpas, dy..
. .
185 Brihaspati, author, . 30, 34 m., 40, 134, 833 Brihaspati, councillor of the lord of heaven, 108 Brihaspati-omniti, wk..
. 1.333 and 1. Brihlovitimita, incorrect for Brahiaviti mita, .
1. 1991. Brthal .
. . 46, 133 Brihat-Chattivanni, vi., Briathatha, wk., . .
.. . 197 1. Brihalphalayana,
. . 281 Brlhatproshtha grant of Umavarman, . 48, 236
198
226 195
Cambsy, L.,. Carnatio, co.,
. . . 123 Carnatic Lowlands, Co., Casket, emblem on Dharmachakra pillar, Catharina Elizabeth Dormieux, f.,. . Contral-Asian Kharðshtht documents, Central Asian Sarvistivādin manuscripts, Ceylon, . 3, 39, 124, 125, 157, 1581., 163, 259 ch, .
. . . . 53, 1827., 212 , 206 cha, not distinguished from va, Chadalla ins.. . . . Chabamina, d. a. Chauhan, clan of Rajputs, .217 m. Chaid yas, dy....
. . 105 Chaitika, Buddhist school, .
. 238 Chaitrddi, . . . . . . 58, 61. 122 Chaityakaila, Buddhist school, . . .258 . Chaityika, do.
. 258 N. Chakra . . . . .
. 98. chakra, discuss', emblem on boundary stones, 32 Chakradhara, 8. a. Vishnu, . .
87, 285 Chakradharpur plates of Néttabhan jadēra, . a. Dasa palla grant. . . .
. 17 Chakrapani, 6. d. god Vish ,
55, 264, 265 Chakravila, myth. mo..
. 112, 113

Page #422

SILE
Chakravajanahbi, sag Iranda-kalam-edutta-do Perumal Kodal Chakravajanambi alias Uttamanambi-Pillai, mest. Chakri, s. a. Vishnu, god, Chalakenallata, ep. of Krishna III, Rashtra kūta k.,
Challakere ins. of Prabhatavarsha Govinda. (II), Chalukyas, dy.,
Chalukyas, Early-, dy., Chalukyas, Eastern-, dy.,
Chalukyas, Later-, dy.,.
Chalukya-Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., Chalukya-Bhima II,
chamara, fly-whisk', Chamba, state,
•
186
50, 105 ., 107, 151, 179, 191, 224 n., 271, 274, 276, 280 123, 185 139, 141, 185, 268,
269 and n., 272, 299, 303 n. 105 and n., 107, 110, Aos 1123
do.
chamkama, promenade (?),
Chammak plates of Pravarasena II,
Chandor, vi.,
Chandra, Gupta k.,"
Chandra, goddess, .
Chandra, merchant, Chandras, dy.,
270,271 and n., 272, 275, 277
72, 272, 277 .133 n., 134 212 and n. 53, 54, 55 n., 56 n., 262, 263 Champakapadra, 8. a. Champaner, ci., 217, 219, 224 Champakapura, 8. a. Champaner, ci., 218, 219, 224 n.,
225
213 m., 216, 217 and n. 219, 220, 221 286 331, 333, 335 332, 336 13
Champaner, ci., Champaner, co., Champi-kavya, Chamunda, goddess, Chamundakarasi, ascetic, Chanska, Vakataka ca.,
Chandavarman, Kalinga Chandella, dy.,
Chandi or Chandika, s. a. goddess Parvati, Chandiévara, s. a. god Siva,
AINDEX
PAGE..
260, 270, 274, 275
Chandrachuda, s. a. Siva, god,
Chandradova, Gahadavala k. of Kanauj,
97 318
Chandragiri-prabhu, ch.,
Chandragupta II, Gupta k., Chandralekha-chaturvedimangalam, vi.,
190
•
327
54, 55
105, 106
89 202, 293,
294 98 198 m., 261
37 n. 213. 144, 145
.99 and m., 100
100 220 88. 317 75 145
198 .
Chandraprabhasüri, Jain writer,
Chandrapura, ca.,
Chandra-pushkariņi, tank, Chandrasekhara, te., Chandrasekhara, a. a. Sandayan, Vaidumba ch., 190
15
Chandrasena, Jaina preceptor, Chantamana-Dadi, ch.,..
272, 277 184, 189, 192, 193
1945
char, head of a pargana, offs Charabhuja or Chaturbhuja, god, charana, charanas:
PAGE.
134
307
08.
Taittiriya,
51, 52 235, 239 and 4. Vajasáneys, 130, 135 and ., 137, 175, 181, 182, 183 1,3
MON
Charsadda, vi., Charsadda Relic Casket Ins: of the year 303, 1, 2, Charudevi, Pallava q., 297, 302. Charuponnera, Nolamba ch., 186 Chata, off.,
Chatasu, vi., Chatina, vi., chatu bālā,
345
55 ., 134, 135, 137,
182, 183 QUA 308 46
209
36, 37 and n.
87 170. evalo, ages! phliye 329
113 170. 288 and " 36, 41, 142
chaturalai or chaturbalai, Chaturanana, 8. a. Brahma, god, chaturanga-sēnā, Chaturäai Khamh ba, mosque, Chaturăérama, chatur-danta,en Chaturvarga-chintamani, wk., Chaturvedi, ep., Chaturvedi-Bhattas, 151, 167, 168, 170, 171 Chaturvedimangalam, vi., 41. Chauhan, clan of Rajputs, 217 and my 312 Chauluk ya, s. a. Chalukya, dy.,. 107, 230 Chaulukyas (of Gujarat), dy, 215, 312, 318 Chaulukya grant of Trilochanapala, 331 n. Chaulukya Kumarapala ins. of V. S. 1207 atd Chitor, 05. 314 n. Chchhravasti, . a. Sravesti, cell ty 21 Chedi, co., 107n., 113, 116, 117, 122, 123 Chedi, dy 111, 112, 113, 147. Chekata, 133 n. Chekata, 133 n. Chelvunru, hero, 184, 192
brot
Chenab, ri.,
Chera, dy.,
Chera, k. of the Chera co., Cheranma, Chera k., Chesamisarman, donee, Chetiya,. cheliya-ghara, Chetiya Jalaka,..
chh, in Nagari, used for chchh, Chharampasvamin, donee, for Chhatina, vi., Chhatna, n. of a Jungle Mahal, chhatra, chhatra, off., chhatrava, s. a. Kehatrapa, tit.,"
6
Chendalaru plates of Kumaravishnu II, 138n., 235, 297, 299., 300, 301
165 138 103 n. 138, 142 279 279 147 1. 57
tadsde 150, 153 annet BANTAY 46 46
20248,272,277, 295
55 and n., 265, 268
9 40
real
.

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346
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
48
12
281
PAGE. Chhattisgarh, 6. a. Dakshina Kosala, co., 103, 123,
263n. Chhattramshe, off. . . . . . Chhāyā, the consort of the sun, . . . 66 Chhayá, g. of Rāņa Dinakara, k. of Mewar, 66 Chhota Udepur, state, . . . . 217 1. Chicacole, vi., .
. . 47, 48, 49 n. Chicacolo platos of Nanda-Prabhasjavarman, Chidambaram, vi.. . Chikambari, vi.. . Chikati, di., . .
181 Chikati, vi., .
133 n. Chikiti, di,, . .
181 Chikka-Venkatädri, Vijayanagara prince, 285, 289,
290 Chikka-Venkatädri-Udaiyar, 8. a. Venkatádri,
Vijayanagara prince, . . . Chikkulla plates, . . . . Chimnāji Bāpu alias Khandôji, Bhonsla prince of Nagpur,
122 China Chevvappa Nayaka, governor of
Tanjore, . . . . . . 286 China-Gädelavarru, vi. .
273 Chinaka, co., .
. . . 167 n. Chinam, co., . .
167, 170 China-Tirumalaraya, 8. a. Salakam China Tirumalarāya, . .
. . 287 China-Venkatādri, .a. Chikka Venkatädri,
Vijayanagara prince, . . 286 and 1. Chinese Turkestan, co., .
9 Chingleput, di.. .
. 28, 94, 124, 125 Chinna Ganjam ins. of Gotamiputa siri-Yafia
Sätakani, . . Chinna Krishnarayar, 8.a. Kadal Saravala
Nayiņār, m., . . . . . 97 Chintamani, celestial tree of gifta, 74, 83, 86 Chintamani, di. . . . . . 190 Chippili, V., . . . . . 186, 187 Chitor, ci. and fort, 59, 60, 64 and 1., 65, 305, 306,
307, 308, 311, 313, 314 Chitor ins. of V. S. 1331, . . . 310, 3141. chitrakudam, . . . . 367., 37 and . Chitrakata, 8.a. Chitor, ci. and fort, 69, 70, 72 and 1.,
77, 89, 307, 313, 319 and 1., 320,
325, 326,327,328 Chitrariksha, nakshatra, .
. . 177 Chitravarman, Vakutaka senapati, off., 261, 262, 267 Chittoor, di.. . . . 184, 185, 186, 190, 191 Choda, co.. . . . . . 300, 324 (hoda or Chodasimha, k. of Mewar, 311, 326
Ρια. Cholas, dy., 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 35, 38, 98, 103 and 1.,
105, 106 and 1., 138 7., 167, 168 and 7.., 159, 160 and 1., 161, 162, 183, 185, 190
and n., 191, 800 Chöja, dy., 183, 184, 185 and ., 186 and 7., 187, 188,
189 Chola, k. of the Chola co... . . 123. Chöja-Mahārāja, Chola ch., . .
186, 188 Chola pati, tit., . . .
. . 160 Chóla-rajya sthapan-acharya, tit. of Hoysala
k. Virs Sõmēsvara, . . . . Chopagam, co., . . . . .187, 170 Chorarajju, fiscal term, . . . . 298. Choras, e.a. Cholas, dy.. . . . . 189 Chorwad Ins. of Malladeva, . .22) 1., 222, Chudasama kings of Girnăr, dy., . , 216, 222 Chula-samghs, .
. . . 279 Chunduru, vi.. . . .
. . 273 Chùntāru, vi., . . . . 273, 278 Churā, vi., .
. . . 138, 141, 142 Churá grant of Vijaya-Vishnugopavarman, • 299 n. Churudi, s. a. Sruli,. . . . . 166 Chutukulananda Sätakarni, Andhra-bhritya,. 54 n. Conraad Pieter Keller, Dutch engineer, 124, 126 Coimbatore, di., . . . . . 161 Colas, 8. a. Cholas, dy., .
106 n. Collouris,tribe of the Carnatic, . . . 25 Colombo, ci., .
. .
. . . 124, 125 Commander, off- . . . .
125 committees, village- . . conch, . . . . . . . 96 conch, emblem on seal, . . .
48 Conjoeveram, ca., . . . . 125 138, 301 Conjeeveram, di., . .
94 Conqueror, 8. a. the Buddha, . Contai, 3. a. Kanti, vi.. . . Coromandel, . . . . 124, 125, 126 Corporal, off. . . . . . . 124 Cupid,
29
46
. . . . . 246, 2155 Dadara padre, vi., .
227, 231, 232 Dadds I, Early Gurjara k., 176 and ., 177, 178, 179 Dadda II, do..... .
176, 178, 179 Dadda III. do.. . . . . 177, 178 Daddasvāmin, donee, . . . 150, 153 Dadhi, 8. a. Dadhimati, ri.,
. 220 Dadhichi, sage, . . . . . 220. Dadhikarna, lord of serpents, . . . 210 Dadhimati, ri.,
. . 220 and 2). Dadbipadra, 8. a. Iobad, ci. and fort, 213, 218, 219,
220 and 1., 225 aod n.

Page #424

INDEX.
347
PAGE. days, lunar contd. bright fortnight :-contd. 3rd, . . 62, 64, 76, 77, 83, 181, 182, 183,
331, 330, 336 oth, 61, 63, 69, 85, 90, 98, 100, 119, 130,
136, 137, 298, 303, 331, 336
. . 119 7th,.
117, 121, 293, 295, 331, 336 9th,. . 10th,. . 117, 119, 120, 122, 237, 239
8th,.
.
11th,
.
.
1st,
2nd,
10th,
PAGE. Dadiga, ch., . . . 183, 185, 189, 191, 192 Dada, di., . .
. . 148 n. Daggupädu, vi.. . . . . 137, 141 Dihala, co. .
. . . 105 Dabmod, 8. a. Dohad, ci., . . . . 220 Dairds, rishi, . .
. . 136 n. dakshina, .
. . 249, 251 Dakshina-Jähnavi, 8. a. Narmadā, ri.,. . 75 Dakshina-Radha, co.
• 43, 48 Daman, ci.. . .
• 216 and n. Damans, co., . .
. 218, 219, 223 Damodarasēna, Vakataka k., . 262 and 1. Damodaravarman, Anandagótra k. . .144, 282 Damodar Ghät, . .
221 Damodar Kund, mo.. .
. .222 . Damodarpur plate No. 3, .
. 129 Damodarpur plate No. 4,
127 Danakhanda, . .
288 and 1., 290 n. Danarnava (son of Prithvivarman) Ranaka
E. Ganga k. of the Svetaka branch, . Danda, vi.. . . .
. . . 46, 47 danda, ' authority (TM), . . 54, 264, 265 danda, fine' . . . 35, 41 and 7., 42, 56 Dandabhukti, t. d.,. . 43, 45 18., 46 Dandanayaka, off., 33 and 1., 135, 136-7, 182, 183 Dandaparika, off., .
133, 135, 137, 175 Dapdēdvara, god,
. . . 47 Dantivarman, Dantivikramararman, Pallava
k., . . 28 and n., 29, 34, 35, 186, 187 Danton, thana . disas,
272 Dasabala, 6. a. the Buddha, Dalagramika, off., .
128 Dabakumaracharita, kit, wk.,
196 Desapalla, vi.... Dasa palla grant of Nettabhafija, : Dasapura, ci.,. .
314 Dasara, festival,
122 Dasirns, the ten- .
196, 197 Dafirhas, the ten-, *. a. the ten Dasāras, 196, 197 Dababua mëdha, sacrificos,
284 Dasisyah, 8. a. Rāvana, epic hero,
111 Dasörå, 8. a. Dasapura, ci.,
314 Daspalla plates, . . . . 173 and n. Daspur, thånd- . . Datakalavada,.
. . .
205 Dattasvamin, dunee,
150, 153 Daud (Da'ād), Sultan of Gujarat,
214, 215 dayada, . . . . . . 271, 275 daya, lunar :bright fortnight:Ist,. 44, 45, 116, 117, 118 and 1., 119,
120, 121, 122, 123 2nd, . . . . . 121, 122, 331, 336
46
.
.
3,8,7
12th, 118n., 144, 145, 281, 286n., 289, 290 13th, . . . 212, 225, 261, 262, 267 15th (full-moon), 18, 19, 48, 51, 52, 57, 58, 62, 63, 79, 80, 87, 90, 117, 119, 120, 121,
· 227, 232 dark fortnight
. . . . . . 118
. . . 63, 88, 270 4th,
. . .83 5th,
. 63, 56, 122, 306, 307, 322 7th,
. . . . 118, 120
. . . 117, 120 12th,
. . . 289 *. 13th,
. . . 68, 63, 87 15th, (new-moon),
. 62, 74 and . days of the month
2nd, 14th, . . . . . 18th, . . . 24th,
. . 151, 163 25th,
. . 3, 6, 7, 8, 22 days of the reign81st,
159 215th, .
165 . . 154, 157, 165, 167, 170 1110th, . . . . . . 165 days of the seasons 2nd fortnight :
. . . . . . 254, 256 8th,
. . . 211, 212 6th fortnight -
Ist, . . . . . . 259, 260 7th fortnight -
lst, . . . . . . 147, 148 2nd month (1)
8th, . . . . . . 211, 212 days of the week :Sunday,. . .117, 119, 120, 121, 289 ..
293, 295 Monday, . . . 61, 63, 90, 98, 100, 117,
118 n., 120, 121, 122, 270, 305, 307 322
1...
18
48

Page #425

348
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
PAOE.
Dēlha, m.,
.
:
213 n., 214 and 1.,
days of the week :-contd. Tuesday, . . . 62 and 1., 118 1., 119,
120, 285, 289, 290 Wednesday, . .
. . 63, 118 R. Thursday, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64, 80, 119, 212 Friday, . . 64, 118 1., 119, 120, 121, 122
Saturday, . . . 62, 119, 121, 227 Deccan (Dekkan), the, 185, 187, 188, 216, 218, 220,
221 deer (1), emblem on seal, Dehadura-pattala, t. d., . . 293, 294
. 231, 233 Delhi, ci.. . 61, 62, 69, 213 n., 214 and n., 215,
292, 332 7. Delhi Emperors, De Neys, &. a. Pieter De Neys, Dutch officer, 125 Dengaposhi, L., . . Deo-Baraņārk ins..
. 284 Deoli plates of Kțishņa III, . . 263. Deotēk inscriptional slab, . Deotēk ins.,. . .
. . 12 n. desa, synonymous with aspada, . . 198 dessave, Dutch tit., . . . . . 125 Deula-Pēdi, hamlet, . . . . . 15 devabhäga, incorrect for dérabhöga, . 302 n. dēvabhoga, . . . . 272, 277, 302 and n. divabhagahala, .
. . . 302 Dēvāda, vi., . . . . . . 50 Dévadi, vi., . .
. . 64 Dēvadaha, 8. a. Dévadā, vi.. . 64, 65, 72, 90 décadana, . . 154, 156, 166, 167, 168, 171 Dévadi, vi... .
. . 210 Dévagupta, 8. a. Chandragupta II, Gupta k., 55, 261,
264, 265 Dévagupta of Malwā, k., . . . .284 Devananda, m., . . . . 214 and 11. Dēvapāla, Paramāra k.,.
. . . . 230 Dēvapura, ca. . .
• 49, 50 Dēvaputra, Kushan tit., . .
. 200 Dévarishtra, co., . . .
49, 50 Dēvarāja, Cömin k.,
• 144, 145 Dāvarāja, 6. a. Indra, god,
• 144, 145 Devaraya II, Vijayanagara k.,
90 n. devar-kadamai, 'assessment',
155 Déváryya, donee, . . .
53, 55 Dēvavarman, Salankāyana k., . .
. . 281 Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., . Devgad Baria, State, . .
217 n. dh, . . . .
. 53, 130, 135 1., 255 dha, . .
. . . 43 and ». dha, in Nagari,
. . 102 Dhamachaka-dhaya, 8. a. Dharmachakra-dhuaja, 257,
9
PAGE. . . . . 231, 233 Dhamayasa, .. . .
. 203 Dhamma-mahamäta, tit., . . . 140 Dhammapada, Buddhist wk. (in Kharöshthr), 9 and n. Dhammapada, Buddhist wk. (in Prakrit), . . 9 . Dhamiakada, 8. a. Dhafakads, vi.. . 257. Dhamiakata, 6. a. Dhaakada, vi., . . 257 1). Dhamori, vi.. . . . . . 123 n. Dhanada, 8. a. Kubēra, god, . 288 n., 289, 290
and n. Dhabakada, 8. a. Dharanikóta, vi... 257, 259, 260 Dhanakataka, .. a. Dhadakada, vi... 257 1., 258 Dhanantara plates of Samantavarman, 130, 132,
180, 181 Dhanavatr, Buddhist nu,
. . . 211 Dhanga, Chandella k., . . . . 44, 45 Dhaugu, 8. a. Dhanga, Chandella k., . 44 dhani, . . . . . . . . 193 Dhanmi, . .
. . . 38 n. Dhannakataka, 8. a. Dhanakada, vi.. . 257 n. Dhanuttråta, Maukhari ch., . . 252, 253 Dhanvantari te., . . . .90, 91, 93 7., 98 Dhanvantari Emberumān, the Divine physician
90, 94, 95, 96, 99, 100, 101 Dhanyaghataka, 8. a. Dhānyakataka, vi... 267 . Dhânyakataka, 8. a. Dhaakada, vi.. . 257 n. Dhāngankapura, &. a. Dhânyakataka, vi., 257 n. Dhar, state.,. . Dhări, ca., . .
. 229, 230 Dhåri, co.,. .
107. Dharakota plates of Subhākaradēva, . 161 Dharanikota, vi.. . . . . . 256, 259 Dharapacira, 8. a. Dadara padra, vi.. . 231 Dharasaran, donez, . . . . 235, 239 Dharavarsba, Paramara ch. of Abi, Dharesvara, god,. . . 306, 313, 318, 327 dharma, . . . . . 38, 41, 68, 137 dharma, law and order, . . . . 40 Dharmachalra, . . . 257, 258, 260 Dharma-chakra, 'Buddhist wheel of Dharma', emblem on seal. . .
. 43, 47 Dharmachakra-dheaja, . . . . .257 dharm-adara-karana, . . . . 56 n. Dharmādhyaksha, off. . . . . 273, 278 Dharmam, 'law', . . . . . . 166 Dharma-mahadhiraja, tit.. . 139, 140, 236, 238 Dharma-mahámátras, off., . . . . 140 Dharma-maharaja, tit... 138, 139, 140, 142, 236,
238, 302 and 1. Dharma-maharajadhiraja, tit., . 139, 140 Dharmamrita, wk.. . . . . . 230 Dharmapala, Pala k., . . . 45 and ., 47 Dharmapaladēva, Pala k., . . . 128 Dharmapuri, vi.. . .
. . 189 Dharmarija, Sailödbhava k.. . . . 150
227.
deragrika,"temple
.312
......
............

Page #426

INDEX.
349
. 9
.
.
.
.247
PAGE, Dharmaraja, tit., of Maurya k. Asoka, 140 dharmăsana, royal court', . . . 34, 36 dharmasastras, 30, 32, 33, 34, 39, 41, 137, 175, 182,
333 dharmasthana, place of religious worship', 263,
265, 266 dharmasthanam, 'temple', . . .
. 12 Dharmasinu, 8. a. Yudhishthira, epic hero, 85 Dharmasutra, Dharmavarma's wall, . . . . . 98 Dharma-Yuvamaharaja, tit... . . 140 dharmi, . . . . . . . 38 and n. dharmmadhikarana,
. 56 and n. Dharmmasvamin, donde, . . . 150, 153 Dhårtarashtra, . .
. . 79 Dhätā, 8. a. Brahmă, god,
. . . 71 Dhavalapota plates of Umavarman, 49 n., 50 Dhavaleyarasa, ch., . . . . 186
akakata, V.,. . . . . .282 Dhindhors, ci., . . . . . . 61 Dhritipura, Bhanja ca.,. . . 17 and n. Digambaras, Jains sect, . . . . 203, 272 Digbhaõjadēva, Bhanja k., . . . . 17 dig-gajas, . . . . . . 1707. Dighi, 8. a. Dirghadraha, vi., . . . . 263 Dighwa-Dubeuli ins., . . . . . 44 digvijaya, . . .
. . . 219 Dilli, . a. Delhi, ca., . . . . 59 Dinajpur, di. . . 126 and n., 127 and n. Dinakara-charanarchchanarata, ep. of Early
Gurjara k. Dadda Prasantarăga, . . 176, 179 • Dinakara-kiranabhyarchchanarata', ep. of
Early Gurjara k. Ranagraha, . . • 176 Dinakara-Ranā, Mewar k.,
. 58, 86, 84 Dipavamsa, Ceylonese chron., . . . 258 . diphthongs,. . .
. 329 diphthongs, (in Nagarl, represented by kiro
matras, . . dipthongs, medial, (in Nägart), . . 102 Dirghadraha, vi. . . 261, 263, 266 and n. dirghanásiky-archa, image of god,. . .198 discus, weapon of god Vish:10, . . . 96 Divakarasēna, Yuvarāja— Väkälaka prince,
201, 262 and n. Divāli, festival, . . . . . . 122 n. Divaspati, 8. a. Indra, god, . . . . 114 Divisional assemblies, . . . . 33 Divyasraya-mahakavya, wk., . . 221 ., 294 n. Divyasūris, Alvārs and Acharyas', . . 92 Divyasüricharitam, hagiological wk., 91, 92, 93 and
1., 94, 98 Diryaradana, Buddhist wk., . . . . 207 Doab, . . . . . . . . 104 Dôchayya, Mutlamale- m.. 184, 192, and .
PAGE dog, emblem on seal,
. . 297 Dohad, fort, 212, 213 and 1., 218, 219 and n., 220
and .. dona, s. &. drona, reliquary or casket' 9 and 1.., 10 donadhatu, . . . . . . . dona-measure, measure of capacity,. . 3 Dongaka, variety of resin of sloe, . . .127 Dongaka, vi.. . . . . . . 127 Dongågrama, 4. a. Dongaka, vi.. . . . 127 Dormieux, Dutch family of French origin,. . 128 Dormieux, &. a. Philippus Jacobus Dormieux, Dutch officer, .
. . . . 124, 126 doruvu, pond', .
. . 238. dramma, coin, . . 184, 331, 332, 336 Draupadi, epic princess,
. 197, 199 Dravida, co.,. .
. . 309, 324 dröna, veksel or measure of capacity', 9 and n. Drönaryya, donee, . . .
• 53, 55 Drug, vi.. . . . . .
263. Drupada, epic k., . . . . .
. : 197 duba, . .
. . 268, 273, 278 Dudhëkvara Mahadēva, god, . . . 220, Dudhipuranagara, 6. a. Dadhipadra, ci... 220 n. Dudia plates. . . . 52, 53, 54, 56 n. Duggarāja, gen., . . . . . . 273 Dungarpur, ci, and state, . . . 60, 61, 70, 303 Dungarsi, min. of Rajā Patāl of Champāner, .217 Durga, . a. Pärvati, goddess, 58, 66, 67, 122 and . Durgadēva, engr.,. . . 173 and n., 175 Durga-Sarasvati, goddess, . .
213 . Durgabarman, m... .
. . 173, 175 Durga' festival,
. 117, 122 and n. Durvinita, Ganga k.. .
188 n., 237 Durvinita, sur. of Yuvarāja Mārasimha, W. Ganga prince, . .
. 188. Dushta, . .
. 35, 40, 41 düta or dütaka, off., 130, 136, 137, 160, 163, 173,
175, 227, 234, 294 Dutreuil de Rhins Ms., . . . . . 9 Drädasaräsi, the twelve signs of the Zodiac . 88 Dvāpara-Yuga,
• 306, 315 Dvārakā, ci., . . . . . . 222 *. Dvaraka, co., . . . . 219, 222 7. Dväravati, ci. . . . . 196, 197 dve, substituted by be, . . . . .282 Dvēdai, form of Dvicēda,. .
138 n. Dvēdaigomapuram, vi.,. .. . 138 n. Dvedaya, form of Dvivēda, 138 and ., 140, 142 Dvēdaya-Vriddhasarman, m., 138, 142 and n. dvija, Brahman', . . . . 113, 308 dirja-guru-vriddhópachayinah, . 141 and n. Deicēda, tit.. . . . . 138 1., 231, 233 Dvivēdi, ep. . . . . . . . 36 Dwārkai, 8. a. Dväraka, ci.. . . . 222 1.
.
57

Page #427

350
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
PAGE.
78
. 199
Page. eras contd. Kalachuri-Chădi, 8. a. Chēdi, 116 and 7., 117,
118 and 7., 121, 147, 176, 177, 178, 179 and n. Krita (Vikrama), . . . . 215, 251 Kushân, . . . . . . . 207 Málava, . . Nēwar, . . Saka, 68, 90, 91 7., 93 7., 96, 97 and 7., 98, 100,
107-7., 116, 119, 120, 122, 164, 176 n., 186, 187, 189, 190 7., 191 and 1., 212, 218, 219, 225, 230, 235, 256, 270, 285, 286 and 7., 287, 288, 289,
291, 307, 322 Sanavat (Vikrama). 62 n., 90, 305, 306, 307, 309,
309, 310, 311, 312, 314 and 1., 322 unspecified, . . . . . . 116 Valabhi, . .
. . . 332 Vikrama Samvat, 44, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62 and n. 63, 64 and n.,69, 76, 77, 80, 83, 87, 107 n., 123 n., 198 n., 212, 213 and 1., 217 1., 218, 221 n., 225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 246, 291, 292, 293 Vikrama (Northern)
Vikrama (Southern) . . . . . 118 eri-variyam, village committee, . . . 40 Euthydemus, Greek k.,. Evuvan, 8. a. Viyavan, off. . . . . 32
e, medial, . .
• 211, 282 . . . . .
20 e. medial, . .
., 233, 304 Eastern Turkestan, Eastern Turkestan Kharðshthi documents, 204 n. eclipses
lunar, , 16, 19, 119, 120, 227, 232, 288 and 7.
solar, . 62 and n., 74, 117, 288 and 1., 301 [E]dhisiri incorrect for B[o]dhisiri, . . .280
edir', . . . . . . . 165 n. Eduttakai-alagiya-Nayanar, 8. a. Narasitha,
god, . . . . . 91, 94, 96 Eduvāka, m., . . . . . 331, 336 Ekalinga, god,
63, 66, 70, 72, 77, 78, 81, 82, 84, 85, 304, 305, 306, 313, 314, 315, 317, 318, 322,
323 Ekalinga-mahatmya, lit. wk., 59, 82 n., 306, 308,
309, 311, 312, 313, 314 14. Ekanayakap, .,. . .
. . 155 n. Ekavira, . . .
. . 224 Ekavrisha, 8. a. Ekalinga, god. Eklingji, I., . . . . 63, 65, 82, 305, 213 elephant, emblem on seal,
. . . 234 elephant-goad, symbol on seal, . . .268 Elisaimogay, Kadararāya ch... 23, 24 11., 25, 26 n. Elissimogan alias Jananātha Kachchiyariyan.
Kadavaraya ch., . . . . 24, 26 Elišnimugan Kadavariyan, Kadavardya ch., 24, 26 Elisaimögan Manavālap-perumā!, 8. a. Manavāļap
perumal, Kada caraya ch.. . . . . 23 Elisamägan Manavalap-perumal, Kadavardya ch..
26. Elisaimogan-Sandi, Elizabeth Maria Mestral de Meserie, f., 124, 126 • Elai-nilaiyitta', tit.,
. . . 97 Ellore plates of Dévavarman,. . ellu, "sesamem crop", 151 (add.), 168, 169, 171, 172 emberumaş or emberumanar, derived from Pramukha, . . .
. 39 emmekádu, . . . .
. 184 ent-arisu, 'whatever'. . . Epics, . . . . . Eran stone ins. of Samudragupta, . . 198 n. eras Chēdi, 108 (add.), 116, 117, 118 and n., 119, 120,
121, 122, 123, 255, 256, 311 Christian, . . . . . 48, 246, 254 Ganga, . . .
48, 49 and 11., 50 Gangeya,
132, 181 and 1. Gupta, .21, 117, 126, 149, 151, 198 n., 255, 256
151, 330, 332 Hijra, . . . 60, 212, 225 n., 329 ».
Farhat-ul-Malk, governor of Gujarat, . .215 Fatehjang ins. of year 69, . . . . 3*. Firishta, Muslim historian, 59 n., 214 and r., 217 n.,
218 7., 220, 221 r., 222 7., 287 n. fish, emblem,
. . . . 170 fish, emblem on seal, . . . . . 160 fly-whisks, symbol on seal, . . . . 288 fortnights of the seasons :sixth, . . .
. 258, 260 Fort St. David, .
. . . . 27 French, . . . . . . 26, 126
23
281
.
. 193 140, 196
9 . . . . . . 11, 24, 253, 255 g, used for k, in early Prakrit, . . . 11 Gadidhara, 8. a. Vishnu, god. . . 307, 320 Gadag, vi... . . . 287 1., 288, 290 n. Gada-Vishaya, 1. d., . . . . Jailh, fort', .
. . 225 n. Gädhipura, 8. a. Kanyakubja or Kanauj, ci., .
293 Gadval grant, .
. . 185 n. Gaganaśasimauli, Saiva ascetic, . 201 Gaganasiva, do.. . 240, 241, 242, 243 Gaganosa, do. . . .

Page #428

INĐEX.
351
.
59
19 n.
.
226
PAGE. Gigrun, ca.. . Gihadavālas of Kanauj, dy.,
291, 292 Gajamukha, 8. a. Ganesa, god,
305, 315 Gajaya, do. .
. . . . 88 gamasämiko, off., . . . . . Gamga, dy.. . . . . .
181, 183 Gangadhara, donee, . .
231, 233 Ganapati, god,
63, 65, 72, 77, 78, 84, 88 ganda, . . . Gandagöpāla, ch., .
, 163 n. Gandamba-tree,. . Gandatriņētra Vaidumba-Mahārāja, Vai. dumba k.. . 183, 184, 185, 189 and n., 191,
192, 193 Gandbåra, l. . . .
. . 3 Ganesa, god, . , 72, 89, 305, 314, 316 n. Ganeshra, vi, . . . . 206 Ganga, dy...
139, 140, 181, 235 and n.,
236
Gangas, Eastern - dy., 48, 130, 132, 133, 135,
156 and it. Gangas of Kalinga, Early-, dy... . 130, 131 Gangas of Orissa, dy... . . . . 180 Gangas of Svētaka, dy.. . . . . 181 Gangas, Western -, dy.. . 139, 185, 186, 187
and n., 188 and n., 189 Ganga, 8. a. the Ganges, ri., . 73, 75, 78, 86, 87, 100,
151, 224, 272 Gangadás, 8.a. Gangarājēsvara, ch. of Champāner, . .
. .
.216, 217 R. Gangadért, poetes, .
.
. 98, 287. Gangaidēvar alias Singanan-dandanayak
kan, Hoysala min. and gen., . . . 92 Gangaikondacholapuram, Chola ca., . . 106 Gangaikonda-RäjēndraChola I, Chõla k., 13 n. Gangakundapura, 8. Q. Gangaikonda
cholapuram, Chola ca., . . 106 n. Gangapurl, $. a. Gangaikonda-Cholapuram, Chola ca., . . .
. . 106 Gangarājēsvara, ch. of Champaner,
217 . Gangarampur, di.. .
. . . 127 Gangaru-säsira, t. d.. .
. . . 187 Gangavādi, co.. . .
. 16, 19, 235 Gadgdhär stone ins. of the time of
Visvavarman, . . . . . 298 n. Ganges, Ti., . . 13 and n., 63, 101, 108, 110,
123 n., 293, 295 Gang@yadova, Kalachuri k., 103, 104 and s., 103
and n., 112, 118 11. Gaðja, vi... . . . . . 13 n. Gañjām, ci., .
. .18 and n., 19 . Gañjām, di.,
. 15, 18, 50, 129, 133, 151,
180, 181 Gañjām C. P. grants of Nēttabbañjadēra, 173 Gañjām plates of Jayararmadēva, . 135 n.
PAOL. Gañjām plates of Madhavaraja, . 149, 151 Gañjām plates of Nētsibhañadova,
175 . Gañjām plates of Vidyadharabhañja, . Gäralaguntha, tank, .
. . . 273 Garbeta, thana -, . . . . 46 Garibadisa, Mercar prince. . . . 63, 83 Gartesvara, donee, . . . . 231, 233 Garuda, emblem, . . . . Garuda figure, Garuda Purana,. . . 45 and n. Garudaértväbana-Srisada, 8. a. Garudava
bana, author of Divyasiri-charita, . 93 n. Garudaváhans, sur., . . . . . 92 Garudaváhana-Bhatta, author of
Rangaghoshanai, . . . . 90, 99, 100 Garudaváhana-Bhatta of A. D. 1257,
author, . , 91, 92, 937., 94, 95, 99, 100 Garudaváhana-Bhatta of A. D. 1493, 8. a.
Srinivasa alias Sriranga Garudavāhana-Bhatta, author, . 91, 92, 93, 94, 95 and
9., 100 and n., 101 Garudaváhana-pandita, disciple of Rāmā.
nuja, . . . . . 92, 96 Garudaváhana-pandita, tit. or cognomen, Garuda vahana-Pandita, 7., . . .
93 n. Garudavahana-Pandita Sri Uttamanambi
alias Kavivaid yapurandara Srinivāsa.
mahakavi, m., . . . . . 93. Gauda, co., .
44, 45, 128, 151, 309, 324 Gaudēsvara-mahamantri Srimad-Visvasa.
raya, off.. . . . . . . 128 Gauhilyavansa, family, . Gaupti, metronymic, . . . . 203, 204 Gauptfputra, 8. a. Gotiputra, m... . 203, 204 Gaurl, goddess,
65, 82 Gautama-Dharmasutra,
247 n. Gautami, vi.. . . . . .
. 180 Gautant plates, . . . . . . 181 Gautamiputra, Bharativa k., . . • 264 Gautamiputra, Takataka k., .
. 54 Gautamfputtra, metronymic of a Kosam
• 256 Gavudam, co., . .
167, 170 Gaya, di.. . . . Gedilam, ri.
27, 28 George Mackay, Captain - Officer of the East India Company, .
125 Gēpuraka-märgga, . . . .
. 35
• 253 ghafika, . . . .
• 41 n. Ghatiyāla, ci.,
• 332 Ghāt Ladki, vi... .
263 Gbeias-ood-Dowla-ood-Deen Moha.
med Shah, 8. a. Mahammads (son of Muzaffar Shah), Sultan of Gujardt, . 214 n.

Page #429

352
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOL.
XIV.
.
11
PAGE. Ghiyas-ud-din, the aid of the Faith',
• 216 Ghiyathud-d-Din Balban, Sulfan,
319 n. Ghosh, surname,. . .
• 128 Ghoshitārāma, I., .
• 147 Ghoerăwa Buddhist ins.. .
240 1. Ghotia plates of Prithvidēva II, . 118 n. Gingee, ca., .
• 98 and n. Giñja ins., of Bhimasēna, .
. 146, 254 Giranära Mahatmya, wk., .
. . 222 n. Girijā, 8. a. Pärvati, goddess, . . . 88, 314 Girijapati, 8. a. Siva, god, .
. . . 320 Girinagara, ci., . . . 221, 222 Giritanaya, 8. a. Pärvati, goddess,
275 Girnal, . a. Girnar, co., .
221 n. Gimar, mo.. . 216, 217, 221, 222 and n. Girnar Rock-edict of Asoka, . Girvă, di...
. 65 Goa, ci.. . . . . . 143, 145 Gödāvarl, di, . . . . . 50, 186 7. Gödávarl plates of Prithvimala, . . 170 n. Godhra, di.,
. 218 and 1., 221 Goharwā plates of Karnadēva, 101, 102 and n.,
103, 105, 111 n., 112 n., 113 11., 118 n. Gokarnesvara, god, . . . . 181, 182 Gökarnávara-bhattāraka, 8. a. Siva, god, 134, 136
and n. Gokul, vi... . . .
. . . 329 gokuladhikari, off., gofa-gottu, offered battle', .
. 192 Golakagana, . .
225 Gölaavāmin, donee, .
• 150, 153 golden-horse, kind of gift, . . . 62, 80 Gölbě, m.,. . .
• 231, 233 Gomāyana, patronymic,
144 Gomins, dy.,
.
143, 144, 145 Göndāryya, donee, .
. .53, 55 Gondopheres, Indo-Parthian k., Gonti, 8. a. Kunti, f., .
. . 193 Gooty, di... . .
185, 238 Gopachandra, Maharajadhiraja - . . 127 gopah, 'watchman', witness, . . 31 n. Gopāla I, Pala k.,
. 45 Gopaladēva II, do. Gopalpur, ci., . . . . . 21 . Gopaņārya of Gingee, ch., . . . 98 and 1. Gopiballabhpūr, vi., . 60-prachara, pasture-land for cows,' . 144, 145 gopura, . . . . 92, 94, 96 and 1)., 98 gosahasra, gift, . . . . 80 and N., 282 gošala,
. . . 159 goshthi, 'committee', .
. . 33 goshthikas. Members of the Managing Committee', . -
331, 332, 338, 336
ΡΑΟΣ. goshthi-beydan. Convener of the pari.
sharoff.. . . . . . . . 38 Gotamiputa siri-Yaña Sätakani, Andhra
280 Goti, 8. a. Gaupti, metronymic, . .
203, 204 Gotiputra, m., . . . . . 203, 204 Gotiputra, metronymic of Pothayaaka,. 203, 204 Götra pravaranibandhakadamba, wk., . 135 n. gotras Adaväha,. .
. . . 231, 233 Atreya (Atri),.
. 49, 51 and 1., 52 Bhäradvēja, 38, 109, 144, 145, 231, 233, 235,
239, 298, 302 Gautama,
173, 175, 231, 233, 298, 303 Grēvya,. . . . 271, 272 and n., 276 Harita, . . . . . . . 36 Kanvāyana, . . .
235, 236, 238 Käsyapa . . 36, 92, 93, 97, 138, 142, 231,
232, 233, 261, 265, 266 Kaundinya . . . . 232, 233 Krishnātrēya,. . .
. 231, 233 Mänavya, . . . .
274 Parasara,. . . .
181 and 1., 182, 183
110 and 1., 231, 232, 233 Sänksitya
. . . 231, 233 Saunaka,
. . 231, 233 Vāji-Kausika,
. . 53, 55 Vatsa , 36, 130, 135 and 1., 137, 235, 239
and n., 293, 295 Vishnuvriddha,. . . . . . 284
Visvāmitra, . . . . . Götränanda, m...
. . . 293, 295 goralara, B. a. gõcallabha, off. . . 279 görallabha, off., . . . . . . 279 Govardhan, vi., . . . . . • 194 Göväryya, donee, . . . . . 53, 55 Govinda, engr.,
198 . Govinda (II), Prabhūtararsba, Rashtrakata
186 n. Govinda III, Rashtrakata k., . . . *187 n. Govindachandra, Cahadavala k. of Kananj,. . .
. . 292, 294 handra, k. of Vangåla-deća, . 105.6 Govindadēva, com.. . . . 130, 136, 137 Govindasvåmin, donee, . . . . 144, 145 Grabavarman, Maukhari k., . .283, 284 and n. grāka, incorrect for grisaka, hamlet', . 298, 302 grama, village assembly! . . . 33 grama-kantaka, 'traitor to the village, 34, 35 gråma-karya, . . . . 35, 40, 41-2 grâma-karya-perumakkal, . . . . 40 Gråmam in.. . .
. 190 gråmapati, off., . . .
. . 134, 135, 137 grāmaavāmin, lord of villages ', off.. . 9, 10 gråméyaka, . . . . . 144 n., 302 n.
. 292, 294
Govindachandra, k. of Varol

Page #430

INDEX.
353
PAOK. .
Gurjaras, people, . . . . . Gurjara, tribe, Gürjarantipati, King of the Gurjaras', . Görjara-Pratihära, dy., . . . Gürjarēndra, k. of the Gürjara co., . . Gurmba plates of Jayadityadeva,. . Guru, 5. a. Brihaspati, preceptor, . . Guruparampard, Vaishnavite wk., . . Gwalior, state, . . . . . Gwalior prasasti of Bhoja, . . . Gyásaddina, 8. a. Ghiyas-ud-din, the Aid
of the Faith', til., . .
325
104 123 n. 109 n. • 223
. 93 n. 231, 242
332
.
95
216, 223
PAGE. gramika, off., .
144 n. Gramika-jana-da müha, assembly of the
village', . . . gramina, . .
128 n. Gramiya-kula, S. &. Grāmika-jana. samaha,. .
30 gräsaka, hamlet'
• 298, 302 and n. griha-sthāna, 'house-site', . . 144, 145 Grihasthapadavi, . .
. . . 113 Grihya sacrifices, .
. .. 247 grishma, Prākrit form of grishma, • 146 and n., 147 grishma, summer', .
253, 254 Griva, götrarahi,. . .
. . 227 n. gudi, 'temple', . . .
. . . 273 Gughävata, family name, . . . 64, 89 Guhachandra, dutaka, . . . 150, 153 Guhadatta, Rāwalk. of Mewar, 308, 309, 323 Guhēsvara Bhatta, m.,.
. . 16, 19 Guhila, 8. a. Guhadatta, Rāwal k. of Mewar, . . .
. 308, 309, 323 Guhila, dy.,
. 308, 309, 323, 324 Gubila, family, .
306, 321 n. Guhila, tit., . .
. . 308, 323 Guhila, Sri-, legend on coins, . . . 309 Guhilot, family, . . . . . . 305 guild of stone-masons, . . . . 254, 256 Gujarat, co., 46, 59 and 1., 60, 64 n., 102, 110,
122 n., 176, 177, 213 and 1., 214, 215, 216 1., 217, 218, 220, 221,
222 1., 308, 312 Gujarat inss., .
.
. 224 N. Gujarat Sultans, dy., .213 and 1., 214, 215, 216 n.,
217 Gujjararãa, 8. a. Gurjararāja, Gulzar, .,. .
• 146 Gumeur, vi., .
18 Gumsur C. P. grant,
. . . 173 Gumsur plates of Nettabhañjadēva, . Guna, ci., . . Gunaka-Vijayāditya III, E. Chalukya
270, 273, 274 Guņārbhôdhidēva I, k., . . . . 103 Gunarāsi, Saiva ascetir, . . 330., 334 Gunarnava, E. Ganga k., .
. . 132 Gunavarman, Kalinga k., . . 49, 50, 51 Gundugolanu plates of Ammarāja II,
269 Guntur, di., . . . , 137, 140, 256, 273 Gupta, dy... 13, 54, 105, 146, 198, 222 n., 246,
253, 255, 256, 283 n. Gupta inss., Gurgi, vi., •
.. Gurjara, co., 68, 102, 103, 107, 111, 113, 116,
176, 219, 222 Gurjara, Early kings of -, dy.. . 176, 177, 178,
:.
146
107 ..
h,, . . . . . 102, 130, 253, 255 h, looped form, in Gupta alphabet. . . 146 A, substitution of guttural nasal for
anusudra before . . . . . 150 ha, . . .
. . 146 (Gupta), 282 Haafner, . a. Jacob Haafner, Dutch author, 125 Haarlem, ci.. Haihayas, dy..
. . .
103 ... 123 n., 241 th, 275
103 m., 123 n., 241 Haihayas of Raipur, dy., . . 123. Haihaya, myth, k. . . . 102, 111 Haibaya, tribe. . .
. 116 Haihayachakravartin, 6. a. Kärta viryärjuna,
myth. k.,. . Hajiepur, 8. a. Hasanpur, vi., Hāji Sultāni, Imád-ul-Mulk under Mahmad
Begarba, . . . . . . 219 hala, I. m., . . . . 64 and 1., 77, 302 hala, . . . . . . . 302 Haláyudha, Sanskrit author, . . . 109 n. Haldighāti, place of battle,. . . 60 hali, l. m., . . . . . . 386 Hall, 8. a. Balarama, epic hero, . . 86 Halol gate, . . . . . . 213 Hamgha, . . . . . . . 279 Hamira or Hammira-Rāņa, Mewar k.,
58, 59, 67, 84, 307 Hammfra, 8. a. Khusrav Malik Täj-ud
Daulah, Yamini k., . . . . 292, 294 Hammira, legend on coins of Muhammad bin
Sẽm, • • • • • • • 992 Hammira, tit., .
292 Hampi, vi.. . . 285 ., 286, 287, 288 Hamsapāla, k. of Mewar, . . . 311, 325 Handādi, vi., .
287 .. Hara, 8. a. Siva, god, 67, 78, 79, 89, 162, 173, 174,
818, 819 Hasābā ins.,
.
283, 284 Hari, 4. a. Vishnu, god,
66, 68, 71, 74, 81, 87, 88, 89, 282, 286 the
.
.
242
101 .
179

Page #431

354
Hari, form of Ari, Hari, 'the sun, Haribrahmadova, Haihaya-Kalachuri k., Harichandradeva, Mahākumāra
Paramāra ch..
Pratihāras,
Harischandra, myth. k.,.
Harischandra, Paramara ch.,
Harihar, vi.,
Harisarman, M.,
Harischandra, Brahmana ancestor of the
Harita, sage,
Haritarasi, Brahman sage, Hårfti, sage, Häritiputa Viphukada Chutukulananda
Satakarni, Chutu k... Harivaméa, lit. wk., Harivambapurana, Jaina wk.,
Harivarman, Ganga k.,
.
Harivarman, Maukhari k., Harsauda ins. of Devapala,
Harsha, Paramésvara, k. of Kanauj,
Harshacharita, wk.,
Harshagupta, later Gupta k., Harshagupta-Bhattarika, Maukhari q., Hasanpur, vi.,
Hastikundi ins. of V. 8. 1053,
Hastin, Maukhari ch.,
Hēmanta,.
Hemantamasa, month,
226, 227, 228, 232, 234
287 n. 173, 175
hastimadhya,
Hastivarman, E. Ganga k.,
Hathasni ins. of Mahara chief Thapaka,
Hathigumpha ins. of Knäravõla, Heliodoros ins. at Beenagar,. Hemachandra, author,
Hömachandrasiriprabandha, wk.,
Hemadri, author,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
332 276 227, 228, 229 315
307, 308, 317, 322, 323 274
hindi,. Hindu,
Hindupur, di., Hindupur record, .
Hindu Trinity,
hiranya,
Hiranyagarbha, gift,
280 13 and n. 197 236, 237. 283, 284, 285
. 230 and n.
106, 179,
283 and .. 284
151, 283 and m., 284 n.
Hemvakamatamva-Vishaya, t. d.,
Hijjali, t. d.,
hill, coin-symbol,
PAGE.
237
86
123 n.
•
.
284 285 146
312
252, 258 207 50 221 n. 49 n. 200
•
207 181, 182, 183 174 6
Himachala (Himagiri, Himalaya, Himavat), mo., 88, 109, 112, 113, 127 197 117, 118, 134 m., 200, 208, 209, 210, 213 m., 217, 218, 220, 222 n., 244, 250, 273, 283 n., 329 and n. 234, 238 187
62
107, 197, 213 n.,
221., 224 n.
213. 288, 290 ". 211, 212
.
233
282
[VOL. XXIV.
66, 74, 96
Hiranyakasipu, 'golden pillow', Hiranyakaéipu, myth. k., Hiranyan vadhaip-padalam, Hiranyäräti, s. a. Vishnu, god,
96 n. 232 62, 80
Hiranyaśvam, 'golden horse', charity, Hiröbidanur, vi.,
189, 190 Hirehaḍagali plates of Sivaskandavarman, 138n., 139, 144, 145 n. Huien Tsiang, Chinese pilgrim, 186 n., 257 n., 258 Hojalkere, di., 287 n. 64, 65, 77
13 and n.
26, 91, 94, 164, 165 242 241 215
200, 201, 211
Höll, vi., Hoshangabad, s. a. Purikā, Vākāṭaka ca., Hoysala, dy.,
95, 156, 157, 160, 161, 162, Hridayasiva, 8. a. Hridayēsa, Saiva ascetic, Hridayêéa, Saiva ascetic, Hüshang Shah, k. of the Malavas,. Havishka, Kushän prince,
i, initial,
20, 130, 268 82 ..
i, medial,
130, 236, 246, 253, 255, 329, 330 i, medial, not distinguished from long, medial, 5, medial,
Idappeyartogudi,
Idar, co.,
Iděru plates of Amma I,
Ikhāku, dy., Ikshvāku, dy., Ilam, co.,
Ilao plates of Dadda-Prasantaraga, Ilāpati,
Imadala, Muslim gen.,
Imadala, Malika
Sultan Mahmud of Gujarat, Imädala Mulaka, governor,
180
11, 71 3., 130, 180, 195, 246, 253, 297, 329, 330 Ibhasya, s. a. Ganapati, god,
88 37 n. 59, 60, 216 270 141 13 167, 170 176 n. 328 219, 221
.
PAGE. 74
governor under
.
218, 219
218, 219,
225
Imadalamulaka, s. a. Imäd-ul-Mulk, min., 213, 218 Imådalendra-pripati, Imid-ool-Moolk, gen., Imad-ul-Mulk, n. of office,
224 221
219
Imid-ul-Mulk, min. of Mahmud Begarha of
Gujarat,
Imad-ul-Mulk, a. a. Imädala Mulaka, Imad-ul-Mulk Buda, off.,
Imad-ul-Mulk Haji Sultāni, off.. Imäd-ul-Mulk Malik Ain', m., Imad-ul-Mulk Sha'ban, off.,
.
213 210, 225 219 219 219 n. 219

Page #432

INDEX.
355
PAGE.
PAGE
1. .
.
.
.
.
138
104
125
141
137
•
315
Ina, 8. a. the sun, god,
88, 305, 316 and n. Indo-Greek coins, . . . . Indo-Parthian, dy. . Indo-Parthian coin types, . . . Indore plates of Pravarasēna II, . . 249 n. Indra, god,. . . .
.144, 170 n.,
306, 315, 317 Indrabhattáraka, E. Chaľukya k.,. 269, 274 Indrabhattårikā, Maukhari q. . . 283, 285 indrajala,
111 Indraprastha, 8. a. Delhi, ci... . . 292 Indrasāgara, tank,
306 Indrasthana, co.,
. . 292, 293 Indrasvamin, donee, . . 144, 145 and n. Indra-tirtha-Bhojasara, tank, 306, 317, 318 Indravarmadēva, E. Ganga k.. . . 130 Indravarman, E. Chalukya k., . . 139 Indravarman, E. Ganga k., . . 48, 181, 182 Indravarman, E. Ganga k. of the Svētaka
branch, . . . . . . 133 Indravarman, Maharaja E. Ganga
k. of the Svēlaka branch, . . 133 and n. Indravarman, (son of Prithivarman), E.
Ganga k. of the Svētaka branch,. . 133 Indravarman, Kalinga k., . .
49 Indravarman, Vishnukundin k., .
48 Ingallur-nadu, t. d., .
191 Ipuru plates of Vishnuvardhana III, . 139 Irádi-mahấpatha, . .
141, 142 iraiyili, 'tax-free', . .
27,91 Irājavibhatan, 8. a. Räjavibhatan, 1. of land
measuring rod, . . . . . 99 and n. Irandakklam-edutta, tit., . . Irandakalam-odutta Alagiyamanavaladásan,
searden of Srirangam te., . . . 97. • Irandakülam-edutta-Perumal', tit., . Trandakülam-edutta-Perumal alias Kudal
Uttama-nama bi-pilloi, temple off. . 90, 96 Irandakalam-edutta Perumi Kadal Chak
ravasanambi alias Uttamanarhbipillai, truales of Srirangam te., . . . 99, 100 Irdā, vi.. . . . . . . 46 Irda plate, . . . ,
46 n. Irigaya-Mahäräja, Vaidumba ch.,. . .191 n. Iriva-Nolam ba, Nolamba ch..
190 irungu, kind of crop, 154, 168, 169, 171, 172 Isäna, 8. a. Siva, god, . . . Isanavarman, Maukhari k.,. . 283, 284, 285 Isāpār, vi., .
. . 245, 246, 247, 248, 250 Isapur.Yipa ins.. . . . . 246 Islam,. . .
217 Ievane-bamba,
. . . 272 . Isvara varman, Maukhari k.,. . 222., 285
. . . .
208, 209,
253, 255, 330 j. palatal, used for dental d, in early Prikrit, 11 ja, miswritten as ja.. . . Jáabbe, W. Ganga princess .
187 Jabalpur plates, . . . . Jacob Haafner, Dutch author, . . 125 Jacob Pieter De Neys, Dutch officer, . Jagamandira, palace at Udaipur,
63 Jagannatharaya, te., . 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64, 65, 72,
77, 79, 80, 84, 90 Jagat (Dvaraka), co.. . .
. 219 Jagatsitha Prabaddi, . . . . . 58 Jagatsimha Rana, Mewar k., 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65 and n., 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74 and n., 76, 77, 78,
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 88, 89 and 1., 90 Jaggayyapēta, vi.. . . . . .257 . Jaggayyapeta Prakrit inas. of Ikhiku k.
Sirivira Purisadata, . . jaghir, . .
. . . . Jagirdar, off., . . .
60
. . jagirs,
252 Jahin Panāh, fort, . . . .
218 Jahnavāya-kula, . . . . 235, 238 Jähnavi, e. a. Ganges, ri., . . Jahnukanya, & a. Ganges, ri.,
. 319 Jaina, sect, 154, 171, 196, 197, 209, 268, 269, 271,
272, 298 Jain Stape at Mathur, . . Jaipur, slate, .. .
. . 308 Jaitrasimha, 8. a. Jayasimha, k. of Menor,
313, 325 Jaitugi, Yadava k...
. 123 n. Jājalladēva II, k., .
. . 118 n. Jäjilpära Charter of Gopaladeva II, . 44, 45 Jajja, Brahmara,
331, 336 Jalor, ci... .
221, 312 Jälu, Brahmana, .
• 110 . jambu,
91, 93 m. Jambubhati, m.. .
• 282 Jam buktávaram, vi...
• 97 Jämi Masjid,
220 Jananitha Kachchiyariyan alias Elibainad gan, Kadavarāya ch..
24, 26 Janapada, off,
. . . . 232 Janardana, 8. a. Vishnu, pod,
86 Jangai, vi.. . Jangoyikā, vi., . . .
126, 127 Jaradá, d. G. Jurada, vi.. . . . . Jarisandha, epic k., . . . . . 197 Jasakarpa, Mewar k., . . 68, 66, 84 Jataka, . . . . . . . 147. Jätavarman, ch.. . . . . . 108
.
.
202
97 n..
88
126
18

Page #433

356
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
282 61
jauhar, ..
.
.
.
.
PAGE. Jayavarman, Ranaka E. Ganga k. of the Svetaka branch,
133 Jåwar, vi.. . . . . . . 63, 83 Jebubhati, m., . . . . . . Jebångfr, Mughal emperor, . . . . Jētavana, . .
. . . . . 21 Jeypore, state,
. . . . 151 Jeysingh, o, a, Jayasimha, ch. of Champaner, 217 m. Jhälrapatan ins.. .
. . . 227, 329 Jhansi, ci., . .
. . 212 Jhimjharakta, fort, .
222 jihudmaliya, . . . . 144, 236, 268, 304 Jina, Lord .
271, 277 Jina-bharana, Jsina temple, • . 272, 277 Jinadios, . . .
. . 201 Jina-nigama,. . .
278 Jinssona, Jaing author, .
197 Jirjingi plates of the Eastern Ganga k. Indra
varman, . . . . . 48, 49 n. Jirna, fort, . . 219, 221, 222, 223 and . Jirpa, ... Junagarh, fort,. .
216 Jishpa, 6.0, Arjuna, epic hero,
. 86 jivapuuta, .
' .
. .
. . . 109 Jiyamahlpati, Kadavaraya ch., .
25 Jiyamahlpati, .. a. Kopperusjinga I, Kadava
raya ch., . . . . . Jiyaya, di., .
144, 145 jh, in Asokan Kharðatht, . . . Joanne Spita, Dutch oficer, . . 124, 126 Jodhpur ins, of Pratihåra Bauka, . .331 . Jogivars, m., . . . . . . 244 Jóngaks, . . . ,
127 Jubbulpore Kotwali plates of Jayasimha, Julwars, co., . . . . .
221 Jumna, ri.. .
253 Junagarh or Joonagarh, fort, 216, 217, 221, 222 Junnar, vi.. . .
280, 282 Jupiter, planet, . . . . 48 Jupiter, Twelve-year Cycls of . . 48 Juräda, vi.. . . . . . 16, 18, 19 Jylshtha-Kayantha, off., . . . 128 Jyotiahkudi, vi.. . . . . . 98,
•
PAGE. Jatávarman Kulaáékhars, Pandya k... 169 Jatkvarman Kulabókhara (Patalamadandai,
etc., praiasti) Pandya k.. . Jatávarman Sundara-Pipdya, Pandya k., 95, 96 jauhar, . . . . . .
217
. Jaulilins.
. .
. 2,8 Jaunpur stone ins. of Isvaravarman,. .222 1. Jayabhaõjadērs, Bhatija k., . 17 and n., 18 Jayabhata, ch., . .
. 221 n. Jayabhata, Early Gürjara k., .
176, 177 Jayabhata I, Early Gargara k.,
. Jayabhata I, Vitarign, Early Gurjara k., 177, 178 Jayabhata II, Early Garjana k., 177, 178, 179 Jayabhata III, Gürjara k. 116 and 7., 176, 177,
178, 179 and .. Jayabhape IV, Garjara L., .
116 . Jayabhata (IV), Early Girjara k.. . 177, 178 Jayabhata-Vitariga, Early Garjara k.. . 176 Jayachohandradöva, Gahadandia k. of Kanary, 291,
292, 293, 294 Jayadeva, Baguila chy . 217 , 218, 225 Jayadeva, Népal k., . . . . . Jayadeva, pod, . . . .
• 106 .. Jayadeva, ruler of Podgarn, Jayadityadêve, ch., . .
• 109 n. Jayakataka-visha ya, 1. d., .
151 Jayamiti, f. . . .
282 Jayanandivarman, Bana oh., . . . 188 Jayanta, myth. k., . . . . . 153 Jayantacharya, engt. . . 273, 278 Jayspurs-Vishaya, t. d., . . 160, 161, 153 Jayasina, Jaina preceptor, . . . 272, 277 Jayasimha, 'heater' of record, , 150, 153 Jayasimhs, k.,
119 Jaynaithe, chafukya k.,
. 107. Jaguaimha, Chalukya k. of Gujarat, . Jaywaimha, . of Champaner,
217 and 1. Jaymimba, Melodr k., . . 88, 68, 84 Jaywithha, Paramdra k. af Malood, . . 107. Jaguaimhe, unidentified k., . . 107 m. Jayasimba II, E. Chalukya k.. . . 289, 274 Jayasimha II, k. of Kuntala,
105 and 7. Jayasimha, Raula 81, k. of Metodr, . 313, 326 Jayasimhadeva, ch. of Pandgarh, . . . 218 Jaywaith hadeva, Chidi k.,. . . . 106 Jayasimha Siddharăje, Chaulukya k. of Gujardt, . . . . . .
312 Jayasimhavallabha I, E. Chalukya k., 269, 274 Ja yuvimini-bhattarika, Moukhari 9.. . 285 Jayavarmadova, Ganga k. of Kalinga, 135 n. Jayavarmadēva, Paramara ch., 227, 228, 229, 230 Jayavarmadáva, Rapako-, ch., . . . 181 Jayavarman, Brihatphaldyana b . 143, 281 Jayavarman, E. Ganga . of the Sutlaka
branch, . . . . . . . 133
218
119
.
220
к
k,
23, 43 and 11., 130, 201, 246, 296 Kabul, ri., . Kachara, sage, 108, 109 and 1.., 110, 113, 115 Kachasiva, Saiva ascetic, . . . . 241 Kachchi, .. a. Conjeeveram, ci., 25, 35, 41, 42 Kadahl, wi.. . . . . 293 and n., 294 Kadaikkúffan, off., . . . . 91, 94 . Kadamba, dy.. . . . 139, 140, 236 Kadamba, kind of tree,
Lams, kind of tree, . . . . . . 399 Kadaru baguh-adhivasin, Saiva ascetic, . . 241

Page #434

INDEX.
357
1
62,80
lainkarya,
17
PAGE. Kadathavana, 8. a. Kåman, ci.,
329, 332 Kadirm, co., . . . . . 167, 170 Kadava or Kadavariya, dy.. . . 24, 25, 161 Kidavariyar, Kadavaraya ch., . . . 24 Kiduvetti, Nolaba gen., . . 187, 189 Kiduvettigal alias Udaiyap-perumal, ch.. . 277. bahala, musical instrument,
272, 277 Kahaur pillar ins, of the reign of Skanda
gupta,. . . . . . . 198 n. Kahla plates of Sodhadēva, . 103, 110 h. Kailasa, . . . . . . 73, 81, 82
92 Kairi plates of Kalachuri year 380,. 176, 177, 179 Kairi plates of Kalachuri year 385, 176, 177, 179 kaivarlakal, 'fisherman', witness,
. 31. Kakkuka, Brahmana, .
. 330, 332, 334 Kikusthavarman, Kadamba k., . . 185 m., 235 Kala, . . . .
.. . 67 Kali, m., . .
64, 65, 84, 89 Kala, abb. of Kalavala, off.. . . . 204 n. Kala, 4 a. Kara, tit., Kalabhoja, Guhila k. of Medr, . . 310, 324 Kalachuri, dy., 101, 102, 104, 106, 107 and n.,
108, 109, 110 n., 116, 117, 118 and 11., 123 and ... 241,
263. Kalachuris of Raipur, dy., . . . . 123 Kalachuris of Ratanpur, dy.. . . . Kalachuris of Tripurl, dy,
. 123, 292 Kalahasti, vi... .
. 186, 286 . Kalakattar record of Nolam bodiyarasa, 187 n., 189 kalaküta, . . . . . kalam, measure of capacity, . 154, 166 and .,
156, 168, 169, 171, 172 llam, trumpet', . . .
38 halar, . . . . . .
• 204 n. kalala, emblem on soul .
17 Kalavada, Kalaudda, Kalandda, Kalavada or
Kalavala, s. A. Kalandla, off.) . 201, 202, 205 Kalavaja, .. .. Kalavada, off., 202, 203, 204 and
#., 206, 206 Kalhana, chronicler,. . . . . 213. Kali, ape, . 70, 152, 166, 169, 270, 302, 306, 316 Kalidasa, poel, . . . 12., 263, Kaligetrinētra, eur. of Bhima-Maharaja .
Vaidumba ch., . . . . . 191 Kalika, to.. . . .
307 Kalings.co.. .
49 and ., 51, 105, 130, 131, 132, 136, 136, 100, 162, 167,
170, 181, 183, 300, 324 Kalinga, dy.. . . Kalinga, k. of the Kalinga co., . . . 106 Kalingadhipati, tit., . . . . 49, 60, 61 Kalinganagara, ca. . . . . . 132 Kalingapatam, ci., .
PAGE. Kali-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalubys. 270, 274 Kallya, n. of serpent, . . . . . 80, 103 Kaliyarttiganda, s... Kaliyattiganda,. . 270 Kaliyattiganda or Kaliyarttyanka, op. Or E. Chalukya k. Vijayaditya IV,
270, 527 Kallakurchi, di.,.
27 ballavdia, distiller or soller of spirita', , 204 . Kalpa, celestial tree . . . Kalpadruma, Kalpataru, celestial tree of gifts' . .
.
83, 85-6,112 Kalpalata, Kalpavalk, gitt, Kalpanamasdiftid, wk, written taarty
Gupta soript, . .. • 198 and m, 199 Kalpavrikaks, kind of sitt,
82, 76, 87 Kaluohun barru grant of Amnis II.
270 Kaledr, .
. 204 Kalyanakalaka, Bhanja k.
174 Kalyonkalaia, sur. of Bhaija b. Maha
rija Nettabhasija, . .17, 18, 173, 174 Kalyanakalasa, sur, of Nöttabhafija (1),
Kalyanakalass', nur. of a Bhañja ki 16 n. Kalyapala, distiller or seller of spirita',. 204 n. Kama . . . . . . Kamadhenu, celestial cow,. . . 306, 318 Kamala, wrong reading for Kalā, .. . 64-5 Kamalaka or Malaka, 7.,
16. 40 and . Kamalapar, ti.,. .
287 Kamalapuram, di. .
. 186., 191 Kamalarija, k.. . lamali, kind of income,
295 Käman, ci..
829 nad r., 330, 332 Kamarupe, co..
127 Kámasena, myth. t.,
329, 332 Kamauli plate of Vijayachandrs of V. 8. 1224, 292 Kamauli plate of V. 8. 1171,.
. 292 Kamavans, L.,
329, 332 Kambe, author of Tamil Kaming, Kambali, bull',
332 n. Kambali-hatta, L.,
332, 336 Kamba-Ramdyanan, Tamil
96 . Kambojs, Co.,
45, 46 Kamboju, dys . .
43, 46. Kamboja-Dhange-cliparah, ep. Kamboja-arkka-tilabad, op..." Kamma, m.. . ". .
• 279 Kaammaka-ratha, 8. a. Karma-rashtra, I, d.,
141 Kamma-ndada, t. d., . . . . . 141 Kimoda, wi.
. . . . 332. Kampana, Vijayanagara prince, , 98, 287 Kampavarman, Pallava k. .. 28 and ., 29 Kamaa, myth. k., . . . . . 80 Kämyska, .. a. Kiman, ci., 300, 331, 332, 333, 336 Kam yakavana, 4. a. Kiman, ..,. .332 and Kam yakékvara, god, . . . 331, 333, 335 Kana, . a. Karpe, Kalachuri k., . 107.
106
..
98

Page #435

368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
•
41
.
32
-
15+
.
.
148
.
24
PAGE Kanakahaya, 'golden horse', a kind of
gift, . . Karam, mewure of weight or capacity (1), 38, 40, 42 Kaya-nadu, t. d., . .
. . . .
162 Kanara, South di. . . . . 287 n. Kansuj, ci... 46, 118 1., 220, 283 7., 284, 332 Kanchana-medini, .goldenearth', a kind of gift, . .
. . . 64, 77 Kátichi, ca., 44, 108, 109, 112, 187, 286 and 1.., 301 Kandidai Ramanujadāsa, M.,
. . . 97 Kandatrinētra, 8. a. Gandatrinētra,
Vaidumba ch.. . . . . 184, 192 Kandavarman, 3. a. Skandavarman, Pallava k. . .
• 138, 141
. Kandukur, di.. . :
140, 301 1., 302 n. kandu-mudal, . KAngri, di.. .
. . . 104 KÄngri valley, .
. 101, 110 Kaphe, .. a. Vasudeve, epic k., . , 196, 197 Kanberi inss., . Kanhiāra ins., . .
• 203 bani.one-eightieth of véli', 1. m.,. . 91, 155 Kanishka, Kushan k., 5,146, 148 n., 201, 202, 206,
210, 211 and n., 212, 253 Kanishka I, do. . . . 148 n. Kankall Tila, ... . . . 202, 205, 206 Kannanir, ca., . . . . . . 98 Kannaradēva who took Kachchi and
Tajai', . a. Krishna III, Rashtrakufa Kannaradáva, Rashtrakafa k.,
23 7., 41 Kantoru plates of Nandivarman, . . 281 Kanthi, vi., . . . .
. 46 Kanthika-Bēta, 8. . Kanthika-Vijaya
ditya, E. Chalukya prince, . . .271 and n. kanthikadama, . . . . . 271, 275 kapphikapatta, . . . . 271 n. Kanthika-Vijayaditya, E. Chafukya
prince, . . . . .271 and 1., 275 Kanti, .. a. Contai, vi., .
. . . 46 Kantichak, vi., . . .
. . 46 Kanva, aage, . . 181 and 7., 182, 183 Kanyakubja, 8. a. Kanauj, ca., . 292, 294 kapila, . . .
. . 170 . ka pardda, . .
. . 86, 115 Kapila, sage, . . . . . . 75 kår, paddy harvested in the Kår season', 154, 168,
169, 171, 172 Kara, tax, . . . . . 66, 233, 295 Kara tit.. . . . . . . 204 n. Karachuli, 8. a. Kalachuri, dy. . . 107 n. Karada, vi.. . . . . . . 173 karana, off. . . 128, 163, 175, 182, 183 bananatta, vi. off., . . . . 32, 41
PAGE Karanattan-madhyaathan, off. . Karanbel ins. of Jayasimhadēva,.
• 106 Karanda, ui.. . . . .
292 Karaūjadu, vi., . . . . . 173, 175 Kare-Punnani-mini, hero, . 183, 191, 192 Karhad plates of Krishna III, .
103 n. *Karim, tit., of Mahammada, Sultan of
Gujarat, . . . . . 216 and n. Karimukha, 8. a. Ganapati, god,. . 88 Karindranana, 6. a. Ganapati, god, . 58, 65 Karini-bhramana, taking the she
elephant round', ceremony of ficing
land-boundaries, Kärtávara, m.. .
. 28 . Karitalai ins.. .
. 103, 109 Kari-turaga-pattan-akara-sthana-golul
adhikarin, off., . . . . . . 294 kariyapper, agents'. . .
. 92 käriyavarachchi, tax, 154, 155, 168, 169, 171, 172 Karkatamariyan, ch., . . Kärla Chaitya pillar ins.. .
282 Kärle inss., . . .
14 r. Karmma-rashtra, t. d., . , 138, 139, 141, 142 Karna, Chalukya k.. . . . . 107 n. Karna, epic hero, . . . 68, 69, 85, 233, 337 Karna, Kalachuri k., 101, 102 and 1., 103, 104, 105, 106, 107 and W., 108, 111 n., 112 and n., 113, 117,
118 n., 119, 121, 123 n. Karpa, k. of Gujarat, . . . . . 220 Karnagarh, vi., . . Karņaságara, lake at Udaipur,
. 63, 81 Karnasimha-Rápa, Mewdr k., 58, 59, 61, 63, 69, 74,
78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 85 Karnasithha, Råvalk. of Udaipur,
305 Karnata, Chalukya', . . . . 107 n. Karnata-bhupa-mana-mardin', tit. of
Pallava Perufijinga, . . . 161 Karnata kings, dy.. .
. . 163 Kårnya of the West', 8. a. Karna, Kalachuri k., . .
. 104 kar-season,
154, 155 Kārttikädi, . . .
118, 121, 122 Karttikėya, god,. .
. 240 karunichey, black-soil land', . . 168, 171 kasakāras, ' artisans, .
. . . 281 Kasākudi plates of Nandivarman Palla
vamalla, . . . . . Kasalam, co., .
. . 167, 170 kashaya, decoction', . 90 n., 91, 93 r., 94 Kashmir, co., . 102, 213 and n., 222 and N. Kāsi, co., . . . 292, 293, 317, 319, 320 Kasi, 8. a. Bonaros, ci.. .
62, 65, 76 Kasia C. P. . . . . . . 21 n. Kasmira, co., 102, 109, 111, 213 and 1., 222 and n.
.
.
35

Page #436

INDEX.
359
.
101
76
99
PACE. Kasmiraväsint, goddess, . . 213 n., 222 Kāśyapa, sage, . .
109 R. kadu, coin, 91, 94, 154, 155, 108, 109, 171, 172 Kataka, . . .
. . 120 Kafakarāja, off., . . .
. 273, 278 Kathaka, 8. a. Kädava, dy.. Kathaundi, sur. of Lakshminätha, son of
Sarvesvara, . . . . . Kathaundi, vi.. . . . . 64, 65, 76, 83 Kathavatthu, Pāli lit. wk.,
. 268 n. Kathiãwir, co.,
. 103, 134, 213 and 1. Katia, 8. a. Kürttika, month, . . . 3,7 Katmandu ins. of Jayadera, . . .284 n. Katsa, I., . . . .
, 256 kattalai, . . .. . Kätyi yana, author, . . . 31, 32, 31, 333 n. Katyayana-brauta-sutra,
. 247 n. Kaubidárika, . . . . 246, 249, 251 Kaumära-saudha, princes' palace',. 83, 87 Kausala, . . . .
207 Kausambi, ci., . . . . 146, 147, 210, 245 Kausika, family, . . . . 203, 204 Kausiki,. . . . . . . 274 Kausiki-putra, mctronymic, . , 208, 209 Kaustubla, gent' . .
108, 114 Kautilya, author of Arthusastra, 190, 128, 129, 134
and n., 183 n. Kiviri, ri., . . . . . . 100 Kaveri, tributary of ri. Narmada, 65 and 1., 73 Kavi, tit. . . . . . . 93 Kacindra-vachana-samuchchaya, wk... 106 . Kävi plato of Gurjara k. Jayabhata III
(IV) . . . . . . 116 and 8., 117 Kivi piate of Kalachuri year 480, 176, 177, 488 Kaviraidya-purandara, sur. of Garudaváha
na-Panulita alias Srinivasa, author, . . 92, 93 Kävli, ci..
. . . .
. . . .
. . 260 Kūryaprakaba, Sanskrit wk., . . . 104 n. Kayastha, custe, . . $4, 101, 108, 109 and n.,
110, 114 kaya tha, off.. . . . . . . 128 Kivavarasvamin, donee, ,
. 150, 153 Kuwur Khan. geh.. . keli- trdira. .
. . 63, 89 Keller, $. 4. Coenraad Pictor Killer, Dutch oficer, . .
124 Kendüa pädi Math,
148 Kenduvalli, te., . .
243, 244 Kēraļas, dy.. . Keralasinga-vaļanadu, t. d.,
• 156 Kesi, myth. demon, . .
80 ketu, shape or form') .
• 317 n. kh, in Nagari, kh, used for sh,
304 Khachara, 'tribe'. . . . . . 109 n.
PAGE. Khandanaga, 8. a. Skandanaga, m., 257, 259 Khadiradityasvamin, donee,
150, 153 Kbairbi plates of Yásakarnadēva, 104 and 16.,106 N..
118 n. Khajuraho ins., . Khalari stone ins. of Haribrahmadova, 123 . Khalimpur plate of Dharmapaladēva,
128 Khalgukhanda, t. d., . . 130, 133, 135, 137 Khalugakhanda, 8. a. Khalgukhanda, t. d.,. 133 kharbha, pillar', . . . . . 279 Kharbu-tirtha, 6. a. Stamulatirtha, l..
45 khamia, I. m.,. . . . . . 335
khandapila-murda mola-rupya ', . . 16, 2) Khaydoji alias Chiriniji Bapu, Bhonsla
prince of Nagpur, . . . . . 12! Khan Jahan, k. of Girnar. . . . 217 Khūnu, pillar', Kharapuri-malamba, di... . 49, 50, 51,3% Khāravela, Kalinga k.,
. 49 ... 174 Kharushthi documents, . Khazar, tribe, . . Khiching, .. a. Khijingakõtta, Bhaiju cau 173 Khijariparā, t. d., . .
. 174 Khijingakötta, Bhanja ca.. . . • 173 Khinjali, t. d., . . . . .
174 Khinjali-mandala, t. d., . , 16, 17, 18, 19 Khizr Khan, Khalji prince of Delhi, . . J Khummina (11), Guhila I. of Mesûr, 310, 324 Khummana III, Guhila k. of Jespûr,
314 Khummüņa, Paula Sri-Rūreal k. of Me
wür, 309, 310, 323, 324,327 r., 323 and . Khurda plates of Madhararaja, . . 149, 131 Khurram, Mughal prince,. . . . 61 Khuslav Jalik, Sultan. . Khusrav Malik Táj-ud-Daulah, Yamini k.,. 993
and . Khusrav Shah, Sulfan, . . . . 202 Khyuta, chron.,
. .
• 308 . Kibbenahalli, vi., . . . . . 189 Kiladri, mo., . . Kilai-Kudalur, vi.. . . 151, 106, 107, 168, 171 Kilamai, s. a. Urimai, bcad-ship, . . 170 R Kilimar-nādu, l. ll., . . . . . 23, 23 Kil-Iraniyanutta-vu, t. d., . . . 164 Kilūrins. of Kicira III,. . . 190 King.on-hors-back, symbol on Indo-Parthian
coins. . . . . . . . Kira, co., . .
. . 104, 110, 112 kirtana, building or templo', . . . 240 kirli, s. a, kirtana,
. 240 and 1., 244 Kirtigrama, vi. (?), .
70 Kirtindu, vi. (?), . Kirtipäla, 8. a. Kita, Chauhan prince of Mar.
war, . . . . . . . 312
163
102
77

Page #437

360
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
=
60
.
103
97
15
273
95
Kodola, ci..
PAGE. Kirtiräjádéva, Bhanja k.,. . .15, 16 and R. Kirtivarman, ch., . . . . . 120 18., Kirtivarman, 8. a. Yasovarman, Guhila prince of Mewar, . . . .
. . 310 Kirttirija, 8. a. Kirttivarman, Chaľukya k., . 161 kirtti-sthana, . .
. 240 n. kirttitam, built,
. 240, 243 Kirttivarman, Chalukya k..
. 151 Kirudore, ri. . .
185 Kita, Chauhan prince of Marwar,
312, 325 Kiwām-ul-Mulk, gen., Köbidārikā, l., .
53, 55, 249 n. Koda,
205 Köda-Gālidiparru, vii,
273, 278 Kõdaiyaņdal, f.. . Kodala, ci. . . kode, 8. a. chinna, . Köde-Gadelavarru, vi.,
273 Ködikkulagar, god,
18 Kökkalla II, Kalachuri k., 103, 104, 111, 112 11. Kokkili, E. Chalukya k.,. .. . Kolañcha, ci., . . .
. 110 and n. Kolavennu plates of Chalukya-Bhima IT, . 271 Koli,
206 Kollabhiganda sur. of Kaliyarttyanka Vijayaditya IV, E. Chalukya k., .
271 Kollnir plates of Nandivarman II,. . 281 Komanda, vi.
172, 173 Kömarti plates of Chandavarman, 48, 49 7.,
132 and 7. Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman, . 143, 281 Kondanagaru grant of E. Chalukya | Indravarman, Kondedda plates of Dharmarāja, Kõnēti-rāja, ch., Konganivarma Dharma Mahadhiraja, W. Ganga k.. . .
235, 236, 238 Kongoda, co., . .
. 148, 151 Köngöda-mandala, t. d..
.. . 151 Kongu, co.. .
. 163, 164, 165 Kongu kings, dy..
. 163, 164, 165 Kongu, North-, co..
163 Kongu, South-, co., .
164 Kongu Chola, dy. .
. 164 Konkan, co., . .
. . 216 n. Konkanivarman, W. Ganga k... . 237 Konkanivarman surnamed Midbaya, W. Ganga
237 Köpperusjingadēvs, Kadavaraya ch... . 26 Kopperuñjinga, two chiefs of the name of . 27 n. Köpperusjingadēva I, 8. a. Manavalap-peru.
mal, Kädavarāya ch., . .' .
PAGE. Köpperuñjinga I, s. a. Pallavändär alias
Kādavariyar Conqueror of Tondaimandalam', Elisai-mõgan Manavālap perumal, Vāņilaikanda perumāļ, Alagiya-Pallavan
and Jiyamahlpati, Kadavarāya ch... - 26 Kopperuñjingadēva II, Kalavaraya ch., 23, 26, 27 Kora Dësingambu, hero, . . .184, 192, 193 Köröshanda plates of Visakhavarman, . . 49 kos, measure of distance,
• . 60 kõóa, dictionary',
. . . 198 koša, treasury',
. .. 54, 264, 265 Kõgla, co.. Kosala, Dakshina- ca, . 103, 105, 284 Kosalan Pandavas, dy., Kosam, Kosambl, 8. a. Kausambi, ci., 146 and n.,
147 n., 148, 210, 245, 253, 254, 255, 256 Kosam coins, . . . . . . 148 Kouam inss. of Bhadramagha Maharaja, . 146, 254
and n. Kosam ins. of Bhimavarman Mahārāja,. 146, 254 Kosam ins. of Kanishka, . . . 146 Kollam ins. of Sivamagha Mabärāja, . 146, 251 Konam ins. of Vaisravana Mahārāja, . . 254 Kosam inss.. . . . 146 1., 254, 255, 256 Kosambaka, 1., .
. . 53, 55, 249 n. Kosambakhanda, t. d., . . . . . 55 n. Kosam pillar, . . . . . 146, 253 Košarva-tataka, tank, . . . . 182, 183 Kõsasara, lit. wk.,
• 196 Kośiki, 'of the Kausika family' .
203, 204 Kafiki, 8. a. Kausikl, . . .
• 204 Kotah, state, . .. .
251, 252 kolla, 'fort',
. 331, 332, 335, 336 Köttadeva, off. . .
. . 54, 46 kofubika, B. a. kaufunbika, householder', 257, 259 Kovidara, n. of tree, . . . . 249 and n. kovilkanakku, 'temple accountant', . . 290 Kovilpatti, di.. . . . . . . 166 Kövür, di.. . . . . 296,301 and ». Kowam-oolMoolk, governor of Godhra, . 221 Köyilolugu. wk., 90 n., 91, 92 and »., 06 and n., 97
and n., 98 and 1., 298 n. Kramavid, ep., . . . . . 36, 41 Kraunchachchhid, . a. Kumāra, god, . 71 Krishna, 8. a. Krishnabhatta, Brāhmana,
65 Krishna, 8. a. Vishnu, god, 68, 77, 85, 86, 197
209, 222 n., 244, 316 7., 326-7 Krishna, 9. () of Amarasimha, k. of Mewar, 69 Krishna, ri.. . . . . . . . 213 Krishna, 8. a. Draupadi, epic princess, . . 69 Krishna III, Rashtrakufa k., 29, 35, 102, 189
190, 263 n. Krishnabbatts, m., . . . . . 64 Krishna bhatta (-budha), Brāhmana donce, . 84,
77, 78, 83, 89, 90
•
130
97
27

Page #438

INDEX.
361
PAGE.
236,
.
263
Kudithiyam plates of Gangs Krishnavarman,
237
327
PACE. Krishnadatta, author, Krishpadēvariya, Vijayanagara k.. . 286, 287 Kriahpáka, mis
. 331, 335 Krapan, the
.
94 *. Krishnarāja, Kalachuri k., . . 123 n. Krishna Raja, 6. a. Paramára k. Väkpatirkja, . 231 Krishnaraya-Uttamanambi, trustes of Srirangam
te., . . . . . . 96, 97 Krishnavarman, Kadarba k., Krishṇavarman, W. Ganga k., . 236, 237 Krishna Vāgudēva, epic hero,
• 196 Krishnayasa, m., . .
• 203 Krita-yuga,
. 306, 315 Krittivisas, 8. a. Siva, god, . . Kröda nchi, ci.. .
110 Krödäñja. .
110 Kohaparakas, . . . . . 272, 277 Kshatra-kahelra,. . . . . 308 Kahatrapa, tit., . . .
. . 9, 10 Kshatrapa, Northern, dy... . . . 210 Kshatriya, caste,. . 45, 204, 252, 271 Kshatriya-varaa-mandana-mani, ep., . 308 Kshemasitha, k. of Mewar,. . 312, 325 Kshëměsa, 8. a. Mangaladhipa, m.,
93 n. kshetra, . . . . 67, 138, 142 and n. kshetram, 'department or committee', . 298, 302 Kabētrasimha, Mewar k.. . . 58, 67, 84 Kshira.svāmin, M., . . . . 231, 233 kahullakas, . . .
. , 272, 277 Kubera, god, .
288 n., 289, 290 and n. Kuběra, myth. k.. . . . . 271 Kubera of Devarashtra, k., . . . . 60 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I, E. Chalukya k., 139, 269,
274 Kuchcharam, co. . . . . 187, 170 kudal, 'entrails', . . .
. . 97. Kadul, ca., . . . . . 23, 24, 25 Kadal-Chakravilanambi, .. a. Irandakalam.
odutta-Perumā! Kadal Chakravaanambi
alias Uttamanambi-Pillai, M., . . 97 Kadal Elisaimogan Alappirandān, Kadavaraya . ch., . . .
. . . 26 Kadal (Elisaimögen) Alappirandan alias Kādavarayan, Kadaparāya ch.,
24, 25 'Kudal Säravala', tit. . . . . 97 n. Kadal Saravāla Nayinar, m., .
97 Kadalur, vi.. . 164, 166, 167 and 1., 168, 171 Kadalur grant of Madhavavarman, 236, 237 n. Kadalor plates of Mārasitha II,. . küdam, . . . . . . 36, 37 kudininga-doradana, . . . . 302 . kudinir, kashaya or decoction', 90 and 1., 96, 99
and n., 100 and n. ludinir-amudu, 'decoction offering', 90, 99, 100, 101 Kudiram, co., . . . 167 and 1.., 170
On
Kujula Kars Kadphises, Kushan k., 204 n. Kukad svara-lunda, water reservoir,
307 Kukkutevara, te.. .
. 307, 320 Kuladhara, .. . .
231, 232, 233 Knle-dhart, mound, Kulátoba, ci.,
108, 110, 113 Kulándhiya, incorrect for Kulanichiya, 110 n. Kulinja, ci., .
. 113 kula-parljikas, . . . . . . 110 kulapparippu, tank-spread, . . . 168, 171 Kulaputra, ofl., . . . . 66, 266, 266 Kulabökhara, saint, . . . . 901. Kalabakhara-Pandya, Pandya k.. 157, 158
and n., 169, 161, 163, 164, 165 Kulakókharap-perunteru, 1. of street, 154, 168, 171 Kulenur inn.. . . . . . . 105 kufi, l. m., . . . . . . 155 #. Kullaka-Bhatta, author, .
. 30, 41 Kulottuóga III, Chola k., 158 and ., 159, 160,
161, 165 Kulottunga-Chola I, Choja k., . . 25, 37 Kulottunga-Chola III, Chola L., 23, 26 and n.,
26, 27 Kulottunga (Rajakësart), Kongu k.. . 163 Kulottungan-tiru-gðalai,
. . . 159 Kulata, co., . . . . Kumāragupta, Gupla k., . .
13n. Kumäragupta I, do. . . . 198n. Kumāralata, author, . . . . 199
Kumara-mandira, palace', . . . . 87 Kumāramañjari, f., .
. . 196 Kumārāmatya, tit.. . 133n., 134, 136, 137, 163 Kumiramátya, off., .
. . 153 Kumārapala, Chalukya k. of Gujarat, 220, 280 Kumārapura, ca., . . . . 16, 18 Kumārasimba, k. of Merdar, . 312, 313, 325 Kumāravishnu, Pallava k., . . . . 300 Kumāravishnu II, Pallava k., 13871., 236, 236,
297, 299n., 300 Kumäravishnu III, Pallava k.. . . . 300 Kumbha, Rana, k. of Mewar, . . 216 Kumbhakarna, epic hero (?),
. : 67 Kumbhakarņa, Mewar k.,
58, 59, 67, 84, 304, 305, 306, 307, 314 and 1., 316 and
1., 320 Kumbhalgarh, fort, . . 59, 304, 307, 314 Kumbhamēru, 8. a. Kumbhālgarh, fort, 68, 70 Kumbharaja, 6. a. Rāpå Kumbhakarna,
Mewar k., . . . . . . 68 Kuthbhasvamin, te.,
304, 306, 307, 314,
320, 321 Kumbbabyāmaji, 6. a. Kumbhasvamin, te., 307

Page #439

362
Kumbha-yantra,.
Kumbhödbhava, s. a. Agastya, sage, Kumuda, n. of elephant,
Kundabhögin, m.,
Kundakunda Acharya, Jaina teacher,
kundam,
Kundarija, Chalukya prince, Kundaviddi-guntha, tank,
Kundavve, W. Ganga princess, Kundéru, ri.,
Kunde vara te. ins. of V. S. 718
Ku[ñja), m.,
4
kuntala, one who wields the spear", Kuntala, co., 104 and
Kuntala, k. of Kuntala co., Kunti, q. of the epic k. Pandu, Kunvarpadon-ki-chhatri, building, kupa-darsakas, water-diviners', kipa-darbaka, inspector of wells', Káram, vi., Kūra-Narayana Jiyar, a. a. Sriranga
Nārāyaṇa Jiyar, author,
Kürattālvär, saint, Kurma-purana,
Kurram Vase inss.,
Kurreem or the Merciful', tit.,
Kurukshetra, l.,.
kuruni, measure of capacity,
L
PIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE.
68 67, 68 170.
150, 153
272 200
105 and n. 273, 278 187 185 and ".
309 232, 233 104. .. 105 and "., 107, 110, 112
106 193 63
298, 303
298. 36
289 96
45 and n.
2 216. 332n.
Kushan, Kushina, dy.,
91, 94, 155 and n. 2, 8, 9, 11, 13, 20 m., 54, 148., 198, 200, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211 and n., 212, 247, 253, 254, 255, 256 Kushän ines., 2,11 Kusika, co... 293, 293 Kutila, ri., 306, 315, 316, 317, 319 Kutub-ud-din (Qutb-ud-din Ahmad Shah), Sultan of Gujarǎl, Kutunbinsss
214, 215, 217 m. 273, 276
1,
1. subscript, in box-headed Indian script,
1. in Telugu-Kannada,
h
la, in Tamil
ja, changing to da,
Lādegaon, vi.,
Ladki, vi., Lādnů, vi.,
•
.
53 (Central-Indian Box-headed), 130, 146,
149, 246, 255, 281 Central
.
56. 184 297 .99 m. 273 263 . 263
213 m.
"
.
Laghu dipika, commentary on Dasakumaracharita,.
fagubaru, . . Daggupadu, vi.,
Lakha Mandal prasasti, Lakhamast Rana, s. a. LakshmanasimhaRāņā, Mewar k.,
Lakha (Laksha)-Rāņā, Mewar k., Lakshasimha, Mewar k., Lakshmana, epic hero, Lakshmanaraja, Kalachuri k.,
Lakshmanaraja of the Kähla plates, Lakshmanasimha, Mewar k., Lakshmi, goddess,
Arabic,
Bengali,
English, Gujarati,
Hindi, Kannada,
.
Oriya,
Pali,
[VOL. XXIV.
Lakshmidhara, donee, Lakshmikavyam, Sanskrit wk., Lakshminätha (son of Sarvéévara), Brah
mana,
61, 76, 77, 83, 89 Lakshminätha alias Baba Bhatta, poet and
com.
64, 78, 83 Lakshminätha alias Baba Bhatta (son of Krishna bhatta), com., 64 and ., 65, 83, 89 Lakshmisakha, s. a. Alagiyamanavāļa, m., Lakshmisimha, s. a. Lakhamast, Maharāņā,k. of Mewar,
93 m.
Lakshmivarman, Mahākumāra, Paramāra ch., 227, 228, 229, 230 Lakshmivati-Bhattarika, Maukhari q.. Lälgudi, di., Lambödars, god, lanchhana, emblem".
285 91. 305, 314 17, 150
läñohhita, registered or endowed with emblem", 130, 136, 137, 150, 153, 175 languages:Apabhrachás,
Persian, Portuguese,
•
240
84, 313, 328 64 n. . 58, 67, 84
271, 277 102, 103, 108, 109, 111, 114 103 58, 59, 67, 84 86, 115, 169 and "., 170, 240, 243, 271, 291, 307 231, 233 97
·
Malayalam,
Marathi,
Mewar dialect,
Mixed dialect (Prakrit and Sanskrit).
PAGE.
196 n. 137 141, 142 n., 332 n.
.
•
•
107 and ". 213 m., 214, 218 44, 128 125 216, 225 n. 123 105, 183, 184, 287 m., 288 41 118,, 122, 123 57, 58 211, 254 172, 180
3, 4, 9 and n., 21 m., 39,
147 m., 258 and n., 279
61, 329 and n. . 143
328
•

Page #440

Lafiji, vi.,
Lanka, s. a. Ceylon, lanspassaat, Dutch off.,
Baka, Sanskrit,
languages :-contd. Prikrit, . 2, 3 (Asökan), 5, 9 (Kushan) and ., 11, 12, 14 n. (Pallava), 139, 141, 143, 144, 146, 196 (Jaina), 198, 203, 206, 211, 235, 256, 258, 261, 267, 272, 279, 280, 281, 282,, 297, 298 m., 302 206 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 14 and s., 21 n., 30, 34, 39, 41, 48, 53, 57, 90, 91, 92, 93 n. 97, 98 and s., 102, 106, 109 m., 130, 131, 138, 143, 146, 149, 154, 172, 180, 196, 199, 202, 209, 211, 212, 213 and m., 215, 226, 235, 240, 244, 245, 246, 251 m., 252, 257, 258, 281, 263, 268, 270, 272, 279, 280, 282, 285, 296, 287, 288, 289 m., 290, 291, 304, 329, 330 Saurasini, 11 Tamil, 22, 24, 29, 30, 35 and n., 36, 37 and n., 39, 90 and ., 91, 93 m., 97 m., 99, 154, 155, 157, 161, 162, 166, 170 and n., 186, 190, 236, 285, 287, 289 and n., 297, 302 ., 66 n., 132 n., 138, 184 (archaic) and m., 235, 238 n., 268 (archaic), 272 m., 286, 297, 298 n., 309 123 163, 317 125 45, 102, 110, 111, 309, 323
Telugu,
263
Lätivinoda, Rawal k. of Mewär, 308 and л., 323 lavan-akara, salt-mines',
46 31, 32, 38 149, 153 149 n. 261 261
Lata, co.,
Lāta, vi.,
Leiden plates, the Larger lēkhita, s. a. lekhaka, Wkhitri,
li, used for the vowel li,
li, vowel, substituted by li,
Librecht Hooreman, Dutch governor of
Coromandel,
lieutenant-dessave, Dutch off.,
•
Linga-purana,
Lingayate, rel. sect,
lion, emblem on seal,
loha-charmakara, metal and leather
workers', .
Lökeśā, 8. a. Bhuvanidhipă, f. Lokayata, doctrine,
Lonkuladitya, Lonkula ch., Lonkulas, people,
Loriyan Tangai ins., Lupapasaka, officer and donor,
Lökamba, Haihaya princess and q. of E. Chalukya k. Raja-Bhima II,
lokanatha, paramount sovereign',. Lokavibhaga, Jaina wk.,
124 124, 125 62n. 13 17, 172, 297
298, 303
•
.
PAGE.
275 150, 153 301 .93 m.
INDEX.
•
241 189.
189 n. 8,9 230
M
m,
m, final,
m, used for anusvāra,
mä, 'one-twentieth of veli' l. m.,
130, 146, 149, 253, 255
236, 291 . 330 154, 155 & n., 168, 169, 171, 172 nobles',
220. . 164 125
Madeir-ul-omara, memoirs of the hist. chron., machchupanar, brother-in-law', Mackay, s. a. George Mackay, n., Madakkulam, tank, 154, 167, 170 & n. Mada-Madura, s. a. Madura, ci., 170. madamba, t. d., 49 & n. Madanapala, Gahadavala k. of Kanauj, 292, 293, 294 183, 186 m., 189, 191 229 64, 76, 83, 89 235, 237
•
363
Madanapalle, vi.,
Madanavarmadeva, Chandella k., Madhava, Brahmana, Madhava I, W. Ganga k., Madhava II alias Simhavarman, W. Ganga k., . 237 Madhava III, W. Ganga k., . 237 Madhava, or Madhavavarman, W. Ganga k., 235, 237 &#., 238 Madhava or Madhavavarman II, W. Ganga k., 235, 237 Madhava, s. a. Vishnu, god, 80, 288 & n., 289, 290 Madhavabhatta, com., . 269 Madhavapura, ca.,. . 150, 153 Madhavaraja, Sailōdbhana k., 149, 151 Madhavaraja, s. a. Madhavavarman, Sailödbhava k., Madhavavarman, Sailödbhava k.,
·
·
PAGE.
.
Madhavavarman II (III), W. Ganga k., Madhavavarma-Mahadhiraja, W. Ganga k., madhuka, tree,
Ma[dhu]ka Mahārāja, Vaidumba ch., Madhurakavi, saint,
. 151 148, 149 & n., 150, 151, 153
. 235 . 236 46 . 191 90. 98, 287#. 231, 233
Madhuravijayam, Sanskrit wk., Madhusudana, donee, Madhusudana, m.,
Madhusudana Sarma, donee, Madhvasvamin, donee, Madhyamika, ci.,
64. 64, 77 150, 153 6 46
Madhyaéréni, sect of Brahmans, madhyastha, off., 32, 34, 35, 39, 40, 41 and n.,
42
madil, 'rampart wall',
Madras Museum plates of Ananta-Saktivarman, Madras Museum plates of Uttama-Chōla, .
92 50 38 238 The
madugu, 'pond', Madura, ca., 98, 154, 157, 158, 163, 164, 167, 170 & Madura, di.,
Madura (Maruda)-arasarpadaivittu, ep., Madurodaya-valanādu, t. d.,
. 162 289 154, 167, 170

Page #441

364
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXIV.
Рлаа.
PAGE. Maduva, Nolamba gen.,.
. . 187, 189
Mahaperiya pradhana, off., . . . 95 Magadai, co... . . . . 161 Mahapradhana, off.,
.
. . 95 Magadaipperumal, ch., . . . . 163 n. Maharaja, &. a. Mahārāja, tit., Magadam, co., . . . . . 167, 170 Maharaja, tit., 2, 3, 7, 17, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, Magadha, co., . . . . 44, 45, 86, 104, 284 132, 133, 139, 140, 141 and R., 147, 148, 181, 182, Māgadha, people of Magadha co., . . . 86 200, 211, 212, 229, 235, 239 *., 253, 256 and 1 Māgha, merchant, . . . . . 147, 148
264, 297, 298, 301, 302 and 1. Mahabali Banarasa, Bana k.,. . 185, 188 Mabäräja, 8. a. Vaidumba k. Gandatrinētra, Mahabalikula, . . . . . . 186
183, 184, 185, 191, 192, 193 Mahabalipuram, vi.. . . . . 28 n. Maharajadhiraja, tit., 43, 55, 83, 89, 127, 130, 133, Mahabali race, . . . . . 189, 190 135, 136, 140, 151, 185 1., 227, 230, 232, 264, Mahābhairava, god, .
. . 264 265, 283, 284, 285, 288 and n., 289, 290, 291, 292, Mahābhārata, epic, .128, 147 n., 197 and 1., 203,
294 332 n. Mahärājasimha (i. e., Köpperuñjinga) of Kädal, Mahabhashya, . . . . . 149 n., 198
Kadavaraya ch., . . . . . 25 Mahabhashya of Patanjali, Sanskrit grammar, . 6 Mahārājavādi, t. d., .
· 191 Mahädandanayaka, off., . . 133 n., 206, 207 Maharana, tit., 57, 63, 83, 89, 304, 305, 306, 307, Mahādēva, god, . . . . . 240, 243
313, 328 Mahadevi, 'chief queen', . . 130, 136, 137
. . . . 122, 297 Mahādēvi, goddess, . . . . . 82 Maharashtras, the three co., . . .123 mahadevi, tit.. . . . . 16, 17, 19 Maharaula, tit.
.
. . . 307 Mahadvadasaka mandala, t. d., 227, 229, 230, 231, maharaya, tit. . .
140 232 mahasabha, . . . 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42 Maha-govallabha, off., . . . . 279 Mahasamanta, off., .
130, 133, 135, 136 Mabākāla, god of Avanti, 8. a. Sive, . . 62, 73 Mahasanghika, Buddhist achool,
.
• 258 Mahākāla, te., . . . . . . 73 Mahasandhivigrahika, off.,
130, 136, 137 Maha-Köéala, co. .
Mahasat gate ins. . . . . 305, 308 Mahakshapatalika, off., . , 293, 294, 295 Mahäsēna, god, . . . . . 67, 274 Nahakshatrapa, tit.,
194, 196, 208, 209, 210 Mahäsēna, Vrishni prince, . . . 196, 197 Mahākumāra, Paramára tit., 226, 227, 228, 229, Mahäsēnagupta, Laler Grupla ko.. . . . 283
230, 232
Mahäsénapati, off.. . . . . . 252 Mabākumāras, branch of the Paramara chiefs, Mahäsivagupta-Yayati, Gupta k. of Dakshina
227, 228, 230
Kosala, . . . . . . . 105 Maha Lakshmi, goddess, . . . . 307, 320 Mahäsiva-Tivara, k. of Southern KQala, 284 Mahalla (Mahallama) Läta, vi., 261, 263, 264, 265 n., Mahästhana, "great temple', . , 208, 209, 210
266
Mahalagivara, incorrect for Mahátalara, .281 mahamanattara, off.. . . . . . 128
Mahátalarara, off., . . . .
. . 281 Mahamandalesvāra, tit.,.
15, 16, 17, 19 Mahattara, ' headman of the villago', off, 127, 128, Mahämätras, off.,. . . . . . 54
129 mahamälya, off., . . . .
128 Mahāramai, wk, 3 and n., 4 and 1., 97., 157 1., Mahammada, 8. 4. Muhammad I, Sultan of
163, 258 and 1. Gujarat, . . . . 213, 214, 215, 223 Mahāvihara of Dhanakada, . . 257, 259, 260 Mahammada Shah, Sultan of Gujarat, . . 221 Mqhävinaseliya,
. . . . . 280 Kabamüda, . . . . . . 224, 225 Mahāvira, Jaina teacher, . . . . . 205 Mahamuda, Shah, 8. a. Mahmud Shāhi,
Mahāyaka, Guhila k. of Mewur, . 310, 327 n. Bogarhi, Sulfan of Gujarat, 213, 214, 215, 216,
Mahendra, mo.. .
. .
. .
134, 136, 160, 162 217 and n., 218 Mahendra, Nolamba chy. . . 189 & 1., 190 Mahamunda Khána, 8. a., Mahmad Khalji II,
Mahēndra of Pishtapura, k.,
. 60 Suyan of Malwi, . . .59 7., 68 and 1. Mahendra-bhoga, t. d., . . . . 49. Mahana, donce, . . . . 232, 233 Mahendrachala, mo.,
• 180, 181, 183 Mahānadi, ri., . . . . . 173, 174 Mahendra-Nolambādhirāja, Nolamba ch., . 187, 188 Mahanasimha, k. of Mewar, . . 312, 313, 325 Mahendrapala, Pratihara k., .
. 332 Mahāniddesa, Buddhist wk.. . . 148 n. Mahendrapala I, do. . . . 44, 45 mahaniyoga,. . .
. .
. . 911 Mahendraavāmin, donee, . . . 150, 153 mahapatha. . . . . . . 141, 142
Mahēše, cum.. . . .

Page #442

INDEX.
365
28
PAGE. Mahēía, 6. a. Siva, god, .
86, 89, 317, 328 Mabokvars, do. . 17 n., 51, 75, 136, 183,
245, 249, 251, 261 Mahesvara, tit., . . . . 49, 51 Mahesvaras,.. Mahfuz Khan, Prince of the Carnatic, . 124 Mahichandra, Gähadavāla k. of Kanauj, 292, 293 Mahindra (I), Guhila k. of Mewar, 309, 324 and 1. Mahindra (II), Guhila k. of Mewar,. . . 310 Mahindrabhima, engr., . . . 130, 136, 137 Mahindravarman, E. Ganga k. of the Svetaka
branch,. . . . . . . 133 Mahipala, Pala k., . .
. 45 n. Mahipals I, k. of Anga and Magadha, . . 104 Mahipala 1, Pala k., . . . . 44 Mahipala II, Gurjara k.,
. . 103 Mahipati, tit. of Mahammada, Sultan of Gujarat, . .
. 214, 215, 223 Mahisüranarapativijayam, hist. wk., . . 287 n. Mahmood Shah, Sultan of Gujarat,. 221 n. Mahmud, . . . . . . 219, 221 Mahmud, Sultan of Gujarät, . 213 and 1., 220 Mahmud, Suljän of Malwi, . . . . 216 Mahmûd (Mahmud I), Sultan of Gujarat,. . 214 Mahmud I, Sulan of Gujarat, . . . . 220 Mahmûdabad, ci., . . . . . 221 Mahmūdābād-Chămpāner ci., . . . Mahmud Begarha (Bigarh), Sultan of Gujarat,
213 and n., 218 . Mahmud Khalji II, Sultan of Malwa, 69 & 1., 60 Mahmûd Khilji, k. of Malwa,
. . . 216 Mahomedan,
214 n. Mahometh Mafus-Chan, 8. a. Mahfuz Khan, prince of the Carnatic,
. 124 Maināks, myth. mo., . .
. 82, 87 Main Stüpa at Nalanda,
20, 21 Maitraka, dy.. . .
179, 333 . Majmuädär or Majumdar, off.,
. . 161 Maladu, t. d., . . . .
. 190 Malamivuka, 7., .. .
279 Malava, . a. Malwă, co., . 76, 107 & 7., 216, 223,
.221
PAGE. Malika Imádala, . .
. . .220 Malika Imádala, 8. a. Imád-ul-Mulk,
224 Malik Ashraf, gen., . . .
.221 Malik Hussain Bahman, s. a. Nizâm-ul-Mulk,
Governor of Idar, . . . . . 60 Malik Kafur, Muslim gen., . . . . 98 Malik Sūdha, governor under Sultan Mahmad
of Gujarat . . . . . 217 Malik Wagi, gen., . . . . . . 221 Maliyspũndi grant of Ammarāja II, 269, 273 Malladēva, ch., . . . . 221 n., 222 1. Malladéve, Bana ch., . . . . 186, 188 Mallapa, 8. a. Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya
prince, . . . . , 270, 271, 275 Mallasărul plate of Vijayasēna, 127, 128 and ». Malliyan Kārāņai, donor, . . . 28 . Mälwă, fort, . . .
. . 59 s. Mālwā, 8. a. Mälava, co., 59, 60, 61, 62 and 1., 107 & n, 110, 215, 216, 217, 220, 226, 227, 228, 230,
284, 306, 312 Mamádéva, te., . . . . . . 304 mamadi, 'uncle', . 154, 156, 168 and 1., 169, 171 Mā-Madurai, &. a. Madura, ci.,. . . 170 . Mama-Soměávara-pratikūla-kala-danda', tit. of Chöla k. Rajendra-Chöļa III,
160 n. Madalika,. . . .
. 222 n. Mandara, vi.. . . . 293 and 1., 294 Mämma, corruption of mahamäyä or the
queen, . . . . . . 173, 175 Mammata, Sanskrit author, . . . 104 . Mä-nagar, 4. a. Madura, ca.,. . . Manabali charter, . . . . . manai, 'house' (?), . . . . 168, 169, 171 Mānasimha, general of Akbar, . . . 60, 69 Mänava dëra, "god amongst men', ep., 271, 277 Mänava-dharmmatāstra, . . . Manavija-mahāmuni, Vaishnava teacher, 90 Manavalan-perumal, s. a. Manavālap-Perumal,
Kadavaniya ch., . . . , 27, 28 Manavalan-perumal, SakalabhuvanachakraDartigal - Kadavarāya ch., .
23 Mapavalap-perumal, Kadavarāya ch., . . 23, 26 Manavalap-perumal alias Elisaimögan . a.
Köp-perufijinga I, Kadavarāya ch... 26 and n. Manavālap-perumā! alias Vāņilaikanda
perumäl, Kadavaraya ch., . . . Manavalap-perumal, 8. a. Alagiyapallavan, Kadavarāya ch., .
. . . Mapavālap-perumal, 8. a. Jiya-mahipati, Manavalap-perumal (Elisaimogap), Kadavasraya ch.. . . . .
. Manavalap-porumāļ, (son of Elisaimögan),
Kadavaraya ch., . . . . . Manavälap-perumal of Kadal, Kadanaraya
ch., . . . . . . . 25
Makara, co.,.
.
.
229
219
Mälava, k. of Malw.
.
,. .
.
. . . . 105 Málavas, people, . . . . . 216 Mālavaka, co., . . . . . Malavelli pillar ins. . . . . . 139 Malavariyan, n. of royal seat,. 164, 166, 167, 170 Mälav yas, race, . . . . . Maldeo Sonagară, gen., .
. . 59 Malēpādu plates, .
. 186 Malēpädu stone ins. of the Chola k. Satyaditya, . . .
. . . 185 Malik Alaz, Governor of Sörafh, . . . 60
.
.
. 185
lik Aláz, Governor of sörash.'

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366
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ Vol. XXIV.
319
5
Рдав. Manda, 8. a. Sani, planet, . . . 68 Mandakini, celestial tant, . . . 319, 320 Mandakini, 8. a. Ganges, Ti., . . . 81 mandala, t. d., 16, 17, 18, 19, 43, 46, 47, 133 n.,
161, 164, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232 Mandana, architect-author and builder of the
Tower of Victory at Chitor, . . . 64 . mandapa, . . . . . 37, 96, 98 Mandarāga, myth. mo. Mandasor, ca., . .
. . . 60 Mandasor inss., .
. . . 198 n. Mandava 8. a. Mälwi, fort, . 59 and n., 68 Mandāvuda, vi., . . . . 185, 189 Māndayūru, vi., .
. 273, 277-8 Mändhita, myth. k., . . . . . . 62, 73 Mandhatri-tirtha, . . . . 61, 62, 72, 73 Manda, 8. a. Mändava or Malwi, fort, 59 and 1., 215 Mängadür (Mangalar) grant of Sinhavarman, 138,
139, 281, 296, 297, 290, 302 1. Mangaladhipa, 8. c. Kshēmēsa, m., . . 93). Mangala-Slokas, .
:
102 Mangi.Yuvarāja, E. Chalukya k., 139, 269, 274, 299 Manikarniki, pool, . . Māņikiāla, vi., . . . . . Mänikiāla inscription of the reign of
Kanishka, . mänisi, servant', .. . 184, 192 and n. Maniyamangalam, vi.. . . . . 163 Manjutri-müla-kalpa, Buddhist wk... 284. Mankha, wk., . . . . . . 1 *Mân Mahēsh', n. of citadel, .
• 218 . Mannārgudi, vi.. .
• 37 . anata,
• 193 Manne, W. Ganga ca.,
. 188 Manne plates of Rashtrakata Govinda III. 187 n. manneya,. . .
193 Manorathāryya, donee, manram, . . .
37 Mansēhra, vi., . Mänsehra Edicts of Asoka, Mantrabrahmana, .
. 41 n. mantra-sakti, power of good counsel', 108, 113,
136 n. mantri, minister', off., . . . . 294 Manu, law-giver, 30, 31 n., 41, 128, 129, 235, 236,
239 Manujatrinētra, Vaidumba k., . . . 185 Minär ing., . .
. . 41 n. Manu-amriti, wk.. . 30 n., 31 n., 40 , 128 n.,
129. Manvādi,
. 288 and n. Janartha-muktavall, wk.,. . . 30, 36 máyadanda, measuring rod, . . . 72, 89 ma-parumalha, . . . . . 39
6
PAGE. Marasitha, Yuvarāja— W. Ganga prince,. 187
and n., 188 and n. Maratha, people, . . . . . 122 Maratha, co., . . . . . . 104 Māravarman II, Pandya k., . . . 157 Märavarman Kulasēkhara, Pandya k., 96, 155 n. Māravarman-Sundara-Pāndya, Pandya k., 156, 157 Märavarman Sundara-Pandya 1, Pandys k., . 156, 157, 158, 159, 160 and 1., 161, 162
164, 165, 170 n., 172 1. Māravarman Sundara-Pandya of the Tirup
pavanam grant, Pandya k., . . . 156 Märavarman Sundara-Pandya ('plmalar.
tiruvum' etc., prasasti), 3. d. Märavarman
Sundara-Pandya II, Pandya k., . . 156 Maravarman Sundara-Pandyadēva, Pandya k.. . 154, 156, 157, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164,
165, 166, 167, 170 Märavarman Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya k., 158,
159, 164, 165 Märgali-nirädal,
. . 94 n. margana, 'beggar', . . . . , 74 Marichiparinayam, lit.wk.,
. . 287 n. Markandeya-purana, . . • 45 and a. marumagan, sister's son', . . . 163 Marwar, co., . . . . 62 ., 221, 312 Masudi, Muslim historian, . . . . 220 Masulipatam platos of Chāļuk ya-Bhima II, 271 . Mat, vi... -
. . 202, 208 n. Māt inss.,
. . 201 Måt statues, .
. . . 200 Mataji-ka-kunda, water reservoir. . . 307 matha, . .
. 241, 330, 384 Mathanasimha, 8. a. Mahanasimha, k. of Mewar,
313 Mathurõ, ci. . 2, 5, 10 , 13 ., 148 ., 194, 199 and n., 200 n., 201 and n., 202 and n., 205, 206,
207, 208 and n., 211, 253, 329 Mathură image ins. of G. 135, .
198 n. Mathurā inss., 200, 201 7., 203, 207, 211, 254 Mathuri ins. No. 85,. . . . . 210 Mathura inss of the Kushan period, 198 and n.
207 Mathură ins. of the reign of Kanishka, 848 n. Mathurā inse. of Satraps, . . . . 194 Mathuri Lion Capital inss., . . Mathura Lion Capital ins. A-9,
. 10 n. Mathura Museum,
194, 199, 200, 202, 203 Mathură pedestal ins. of Kanishka,
253 Mathurā pillar ins., . .
. 194 Mathurā school of sculpture, . . . 211 matra, . . .
101 Måtrichandrasvāmin, donee, . . 150, 153 Mätrichandrasvāmin (II), donee, . . 150, 153 Mataya purana, . . . . . 627., 259
53, 55
2

Page #444

INDEX.
36 7
.
.
149
PAGE. Mattamaytras, people, .
• 332n. Mattamaytra, achool of Sains ascetica, 241, 242 Matta-mayira-türya, ep. of Bhasja kings, . 17, 19 Mattata, Guhila k. of Mewar, . . .310, 324 Mattopad plates of the Ananda-gotra k. Damodaravarman, . . . .
144, 282 matvarthiya ach, . . .
. Mau ina. of Madanavarman, . Maukhari, clan, . . . 245, 251, 252, 253 Maukhari, dy.,
283 and n. 284 and ., 285 Maula, . . .
. . . 31, 32 Maurys, dy.. .
. . 148, 174, 198 Mayidavõlu plates of Sivaskandavarman, 143, 299,
303n. Mayindadi, ch., . . 183, 185, 189, 191, 192 Mayindadi, . a. Mayindama Chola- Mahirkja,
Chola ch.. . Mayindama Chola Mahārāja, Chola ch., . . 189 Mayindiramikkirama, Chola ch., . . 185 Mayindiramikkirama, 8. d. Mayindama-Chola Mahirkja, Chola ch., . .
189 Mayara, author, . . Mayura-Bhañja, dy., . . Mayurbhaj, State, . . . 172, 173 and R. Mēdapata, 8. a, Mewar, Co., 65, 66, 70, 78, 83, 84,
87, 88, 307, 313, 317, 318, 321, 322, 324, 326
modi,
PAGE Metres :-contd. Arya, 84 11., 110, 151, 174 1., 222, 316 7., 816 .,
325 ..., 328 *., Aryagiti, . . . . . 276 n. Aupachchhandasika, . . . . 71 *. Bhujangavijimbhita, . .
.198, 199 Dodhaka, . .
. . . 310 . Drutavilambita, . . . . 110 n., 293 . . . 65 ., 77 11., 82 n., 83 R.,
316 9., 334 1. Harini,. . .
• 328 . Indravajra, 75 n., 76 h., 84 m., 110, 151, 222, 293,
319 n. Indraramda,.. .
. . . 78 n. Manjubhashini,
. . 82 m. 319 , Malini, 110, 174 *., 293, 315 .., 321 7., 328 *.,
326 1., 327 10., 328 *., 334 . Mandalranta, . . . . .319 . Matrisamaka, . . . . . . 336 n. Praharshini, . . . . . . 315. Pramanika, . .
. . . 74. Pramitakshara,
. .316 ., 318 7., 319 n. Prithe,. .
. . 318., 320 n. Pushpilágra,
. . . 110, 175 1. Rathoddhata, 67 n., 80 n., 316 1., 317 n., 318 n.,
834 . Ruchira, . . .
. . 110 Salini, 66 7., 68 n., 80 m., 88 n., 234 .., 293 n.,
319 n. Särdülavikridita, 67 7., 68 6., 70 m., 71 n.., 72 n.,
73 n., 74 m., 75 n., 76 n., 77 7., 78 ., 79 m., 80 7., 81 1., 82 ., 83 1., 86 ., 87 7., 88 n., 89 n., 110, 151, 174 n., 222, 287, 288, 293, 314 #., 316 r., 316 *., 317 1h., 318 ., 319 ., 320 %, 321 %, 322 %, 324 %, 325 , 326 1,
327 #., 328 1., 334 7. Sikharini, , . 79 ., 315 n., 317 n. Sloka (Anushubh),. . . 56 n., 245 Sragdhard, 66 ... 68 n., 69., 70 n., 71 m., 72 n.,
73 n... 76 n., 77 *., 79 m., 80 7., 81 7., 83 , 85 , 80 , 87 , 88 4, 89 , 110, 101, 222, 274 n., 276 , 277, 278th, 293 th., 316 n., 317 n., 319 9., 322 *., 324 .., 325 h., 327 1.,
328 1., 334. Sudgald, . . . . . 76 ., 80 n. Udgiti,. . .
. . 84 n. Upagiii, 65 n., 74 n., 76 n., 82 7., 84 n., 85 n.,
326 n., 328 n. Upajasi, 66 n., 67*., 68 ., 69 r., 72 n., 73 n.,
75 m., 76 71., 78 7., 80., 81 7., 82 n., 84 1., 86 ., 110, 114 n., 222, 317 1., 319 1.., 320 R.,
821 76., 322 ., 323 ., 324 n., 327 n. Upajati of Rathoddhata and Svagala, 80., Upajati of Vaitaliya and Aupachchhanda.
sika, . . . . . . 71
.
Mēdint Rai, ch., . . . . . . 59 Meghaduta, Sanskrit poem, . . .12 N., 263 n. Mēbara, dy.. . . . . . . 221 N. Mehrault iron pillar ins. of Chandra,
198 n. Mējamba, . of E. Chafukya k. Vijayaditya IV,
270, 275 Mēla paraja, M., Mēji or Chitra-méļi, plough', emblom on
boundary stones, . meli, B. &. medi, .
131 melitapa,. .
138, 142 Malpadi, vi.. .
190 Melpadi ins. .
. 191. Menadra, legend on the coins of Menander,
3 Menadra, 6. a. Menander, Greek k., Menander, Greek k., :
4, 5, 6 and . Mendambi, - . .
• 271, 277 Merchant, Duch rank, . . 124, 125, 126 Mērka-nadu, t. d., .
. . 23 Mēru, myth. mo., . . .68, 80, 83, 142, 358 Metres: Anushfubh, 65 7., 66 n., 67 r., 68 %., 69 n., 70 .,
T2 ., 73 n., 74 n., 75 n., 78 n., 77 n., 78 n., 79 7., 80 7., 81 7., 82 7., 83 1., 84 ., 85 *., 86 ., 87 7., 89 7., 90 n., 110, 151, 175 m., 222, 232 1., 324 m., 244, 246, 248, 249 n., 320 ».., 250, 252,1 267 n., 274 1., 284 m., 293, 316 r., 317 *., 321 1., 322 ., 323 11., 324th, 325 they 327 ., 328 n., 334 9., 335 n.
32

Page #445

368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
Ramzán,
.
.
282
PAGE. months :--lunar-contd. Mägha, 22, 48, 51, 52, 119, 120, 288 and 1., 331,
335 Märgastraha, 58, 63, 85, 87, 118 and 1., 119, 306,
307, 322, 335. Pausba, . . . 44, 331, 335 and . Phälguna, 16, 19, 61, 63, 85, 118, 119, 120, 130, 136 and n., 137, 181, 182, 183, 237, 238,
293, 294, 295, 331, 336 Srāvana, 43 n., 151, 153, 286 +.., 290, 298, 302, 331,
336 Buchi (Ashidha). . . . 62 7., 74 Suchi (Ashadha or Jyëshths),. 74 and Vaisakha, 3, 6, 8, 53, 56, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63,
212, 225, 288 and n., 331, 335 Vaisakha [dvitiya (1) ) . . . . 90 months - Muhammadan (lunar), Jamada'l awwal, . . . . . 212
. . . . . . 329 months olar,
Aippadi, . . . . . . . 166 Avani,
. . . . . 164 Chittirai, . . . . . . 155 Märgali, . . . Mésba, . . .
. 270 Purattādi, . . . 23, 27, 28, 154 Rishabha,
90, 98, 100 Tai,
. . 27. Tula,
. .154, 168, 169, 171, 172 months of seasons
2nd of Hemanta, . . . , 211, 212 months of the year: Hemantamisa,
. . . 207 Mori, vi.194, 198, 199, 200 and n., 208, 208, 210 Mör: Well insi,
. . . 194, 197 Morsi, vi... . . . . . 260, 263 Mrigarājs, n. of horse, . . . . 64, 77 Mriga, nakshatra,
. . . . 117 mu, in Kharöehtht, . mudal, ' yield or produce ', . .154, 158, 168, 169 mudal, "commencing from ' . , 156, 168 mudal, head of classification', . 165, 156, 168 Mudaliyadag, m., . . . . . 91
mudol-tavirndu', . . . . 156, 168 Mudaphars, . a. Muzaffar Shah II, Suljän of
Gujarat, . . . . . 59 n., 68 and . Mudaphara, Shah, a.a. Muzaffar Shah I, Sulfans
of Gujarat, . . . 213, 214, 215, 222, 223 Mudāphara Pätasaha, s.a. Muzaffar I of Guja
.
PAGE. Metres contd.
Upendravajna, . . ... 65 n., 67 . Vaitaliya,
. . . 71 n., Vatsastha or Vardasthavila,. . 249 n. 321 n. Vasantatilaka, 66 n., 76 n., 110, 161, 175 n., 233 n.,
274 1., 293, 315 n., 317 *., 320 n., 322 n., 323 n.,
327 . Movada, 4. a. Mowar, co., . . . . 70 Mewar, 00., 67, 58, 59, 61, 62 n., 63, 64 n., 305, 306,
307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314 mila-varil, . . . . . . 30 Milinda, Pali form of Menander, Gresk k. . 3 Milindapartho, The Questions of King
Menander' Pali wk.. . . . 3, 8, 6, 9 n. Kimdhed, gyetem of Hindu philosophy, 41, 96, 241 Minadrs, Maharajas... Menander, Greek
kay . . . . . . . 1, 2, 3, 4, 7 Mipandra, .. a. Menander, Greek k., . . 3 Mira, a Muhammadan community . . 67 Miral-t-Ahmadi, hist. chron., . . 214, 220 Mirdi-s-Sikandart, hist. chron., 214, 316 r., 217 .,
218 ., 219, 220 Mitakshard, wk.
. . . 30 and n. Mifidans, m., . mifka, . . . Mlachchha, Muhammadan or foreigner', 67, 68, 69,
70, 77, 328 Möganär Miragkr, oi., . .
. . . 28, 27 Mohammed Shah, tit. Of Titár Khan, . .214 . Mohanamandirs, palace,
. . 68,81 Mohanlagt, authores, . . . Möhanasinha, Xerodr prince . . . 63 Mohant, - * . . . . 148 Mökalo, Mabariņa, t. of Metr, 68, 63, 67, 81, 84,
304, 305, 806, 319 Mökalajt, to.. . . . . . 306, 312 Mökhari, 4. a. Maakhari, clan, . . . 253 Miksha,
. . 68 Mkahadharmdrihadipikd, wk. . . 128 Monghye, di, . . .
. 126 months lunar, Anhadha,
62 and 1., 289 Abvina, 49 ., 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122
and th, 123 Bhidrs or Bhadrapada, 62, 64, 76, 77, 83, 116,
117, 119, 120, 289, 290 Chaitra, . . . . .119, 122, 270, 301 Chaitra (Adhika),
. 801 Chaitra (Nije), , . . 301 Jyishtha,
. . 82, 74 ». Kirtti,
. 8, 6, 7, 47, 63, 91, 114, 117, 118 and 1., 119, 122 and .,
123, 227, 232, 261, 288 and . Madhara (Vaibakha), 67, 68, 62, 69, 79, 80, 87,
288 and 1.
30
mudi, 'ancient ', . . . . . Mudimadugu, bi., . . . . mudifitafaka, 'ancient tank', . . Mududa(da ), off.. . . . . Mudumadura, .. a. Mudimadugu, vi...
138, 142 . 191 138, 142 281, 282
191

Page #446

INDEX.
369
286
292
ΡΑΟΣ. Mudumaduvu, vi.. 184, 189, 191, 192, 193 müdür, 'ancient city', ep. of Madura, ci., 170 11. Mughal, dy. . . . 61, 62, 222 Muhammad I, Sultan of Gujarat, . . 216 Muhammad II, Sulfan of Gujarat, . . . 216 Muhammadabad, ci.,.
218 Muhammadan, 59, 60, 91, 97, 98, 122, 146, 218 n.,
314 Muhammad bin Sām, s. a. Muhammad Ghuri,
Sultan, . . . . . . . Muhammad bin-Tughlak, Muslim k., . . 98 Muhammad Ghuri, Suljan,. . . 230, 292 Muhammad Hāji, off... . . . . 329 . Muhammad Khan, 8. a. T&tår Khan, Suljan of
Gujarat, . . . . . .214 n. Muhammad Shah, Dehli Emperor, . 215 Muhammad Shah (Muhammad), Sultan of Gujarat, .
: .
. . .214 and . Muhaņota Nainasi, author,. . . . 308 n. muhappu-mandapam, .
. . 92 Mukanda or Mukunda, mason, 64, 71, 83, 89, 90 mukhadharakas, mask-actors', . . 298, 303 mukhamandapam, . . . . . 37. mukhēnädáyin, class of self-mortifying devo. tees', . . . .
. 298 n. Mukhyādesa, n. of dutaka,. . 227, 234 Muktatuläpūrusha, gift, . Mukundpur stone ins. of (Kalachuri) year 772, 118 n..
PAGE. Murappunādu-Köyilpattu, vi., . . 166 1h. Murappu-Nădupudugramam, vi., . 166 1. Murări, 8. a. Vishnu, god, .
93. Märtiman ba, wife of Chinna Chevvappa Nayaka
of Tanjore, . . . . . . musketeers, off. .
124 Muslim, . . 213 n., 216, 217, 230, 306, 314, 329 Muslim chronicles, . . . . . 218 Muslim Emperors of Dehli, . 213 m., 215 Muslim historians, 60, 214, 215, 216, 217 and the
219, 220, 221 Mustafabad, ci., .
. . .217 Muttalankurichohi alias Rajasingamangalem, vi..
166, 167, 168, 171 Mutlamale, off., (?). . . . . . 192 Mutuda, off., . . . . . 281, 282 Mutyada, incorrect for Mutuda, . . 281 Muyuru(r)-kütuva, 'meeting place of three villages',
138, 142 and 1. muyuam, freward', . .
. . . 193 muyyalluffu, meeting place of three boundaries,
273, 278 Muzaffar II, Sulfan of Gujarat, . . .220 Muzafar Shah, s. a. Muzaffar I, Sulfan of Gujarat, 214 Muzaffar Shah I, Sultan of Gujarat, 213, 214 and 1.,
215 Muzaffar Shāh II, Sultan of Gujarat, 69 and 1., 60,
68 n.
.
. 286.
mülakhataka, witness,
. . 31n. Mülaparudai, . . . . . . 38 Malasthånēbvara, te., . .
. 164 Mülavarman of Borneo, k.,.
247 and 1. Mulbagal, di., .
. . 186 Mulher, fort,
220 and . Mullaran, Padagattu Peruntachchan, scribe, 28 n. Multan, ci.. . . . . . . 118 n. Muļuda, incorrect for Mutuda, off.,. . . 281 Mummudibola-chaturvödimangalam, vi... 37 n. Mummudibolach-charuppėdimangalam, vi., 91, 94 Mummudisõlamangalam, vi., . . . 91 n. Mundai-nadu, t. d., . . . . . 301 Munda-räshfra, t. d.,
298, 301 and n. 302 mani, . . . . .
. .272 munindra, sage', . .
. 108 Muñja, a. a. Vak patirija, Paramdra k. of Malwa,
306, 312 Munn-udaiyar, "previous owners', . 155, 108 Munshi, off., . . . . . . . 128 Munuda, incorrect for Mutuda, . . 281 Munyada, incorrect for Mutuda, off.,
. 281 muraja, I. m. (?) . . .
182 n. uraja, musical instrument,. . . 182. Murappu-nădu, t. d., 154, 155, 162, 166, 167, 168,
169, 171
1, 2 (Kharoshthi), 53 (box-headed), 130, 146 (Gupta),
236, 246, 263, 266, 261, 280 n, final, . . . . . . .20, 268 1, final, changed into anuadra,
. .150 n, changed to , . . . . . . 102
, used for anusvåra or m (+), . . . · 102 1, in Nägart,. . .
102 , 2 (Kharöshtht), 53 (box-headed), 147 n. (Gupta),
149, 246, 263, 255 7, lingual, used for jñ, in Asokan Kharðshthi, . 5 på, . . .
. . 236 na, brjäkshara,
. . 316 . Nachna, vi..
. . 13 . Näda Vadhaniya Bhogavata, donor,
980 Nadesi, vi.. . . . . . . Nadol, ci., . . . . . nádu, t. d., 39, 154, 162, 164, 166, 168, 171, 186,
191, 301 and . Nadupani-gunthe, tank, . . . 273, 278 Naga, . . . . . . . . 103 Naga, people of the serpent-world', . . 75 Någa, tribe or clan, . .
. 13 Näga, hooded, emblem on Dharmachakra pillur, 256 Näga or Nagiditya, Guhila k. of Mewar, 300, 324
and .

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970
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
•
141
13
Någda, ca.
.
138
ΡΑΟΣ. Niga image,.
. 202 Nagabhata II, Pratihdra k., Nigahrada, ca., .
313, 325 Nagulla, vi., . . Naganagara, ci.. .
. . 318 Nagapala, Mendr k., .
. 58, 68, 84 Nagar, ui. .
. .237 Nagaraja. . .
. . . 79 Någar Brihmans, caste, .
109 7., 308 Nagardhan, .. a. Nandardhan, ca.,. . .263 Nagarjunt hill osvo inss of Anantavarman, . 198 . Nagarjunikopda, 1., 14, 257 m., 258, 279, 280, 281 Nägärjanikonda ins., .
. . 281 Nāgasõna, Buddhist sage,. . Naga states, .
. . 13 Nägavamsa,. .
306, 313 Nagölämi,.. a. Nigalle, di,
• 141, 142 Nagpur, ci... 12 m., 107, 117, 122 and n., 123
and n., 260, 263 ndhaka, barbarians and outcastes', 298, 303 Nahusha, myth. k., . . . . . Nai Gaj, i., .
. 148 m. naimitsika, off., . . .
294 Naishadhiyacharita, lit. wk., .
. 109 maiydmika, 8. a. naiyamika, off.
. paigavika, 8. a. naiyamika, off.
138, 142 naiyggika, oif., . . · 138 ., 302 . saiyola, off.,
. 302. nakshatra Bhadra (Bhadrapada).
. . . 203 Maitra, (Anuradha), .
. . 270 Phagu (Phalgund)
• 208 Proalphapada, . . Pushya (Pusam),
90, 99, 100 Rohini, . . . Tiruvanam (Sravana),
• 289, 2900 Naktamoharagrimal,
Ravape, epic hero, Nakula, epic hero,
272, 277 Nala, dy. or tribe, . .
. 12, 263. Nals, epic hero, . .
. . 80, 276 nala, . . . .
. . . . 253 Nålanda, I., . .
. 20, 21, 283, 284 NålandA Main Stapa,
. 20, 21 NÅlandă Seal of Sarvavarman, . 283, 285 1. Nalayiraprabandham, Tamil wk., . . . 90 Näna, Chandella min., . .
• 109 . Ninaghat relievo ins.. .
282 Nånatasarman, donce, . 130, 135 and 1., 137 Nanda-Prabhafijansvarman, Kalinga k... 49 Nandapura ti..
. Nandarbar, co. . . . . . .220 Nandardhan, .. a. Nandivardhana, co.. . 283
PAGE. Nandidēva, chis . . . . . 193 and . Nandigama, di. .
. . 258 Nandivardhana, Vakataka ta., 261, 263 andr., 264 Nandivarman, Pallars k., . . . . 28 Nandivarman II, Salankdyana k., .
. 281 Nandivarman III, Pallava k.,. .186, 187 and . Nandivarman Pallavamalla, Pallava k.. . 32, 186 NÅnds, vi., .
.245 and 1., 246, 247 N&p-Muda Kadal, .. a. Madura, oi., . 170 . Nannamataiyar, Vaidunha ch., . . 191 Nanniga Biro-Nolambs, Nolamba d., .190 and ». Nanniga Btra Nolamba, 4. G. Ayyapadova,
Nofarba ch., . . . . . . 190 . Nanniya-Ganga Nitimarga of the Arkalgad
record, . . . . . 188, 189 ». Nanniya Gatiga, (son of Prithvipati) W.
Ganga k., . . : . 188, 189, 190 Nanniya-Ganga, eur. of W. Ganga . Batuga
11, . . . . . . . . 188 ndpita, barber', .- . . 298, 303 Narapati- Rapi, Merodr k., . . . 68, 68, 84 Naru, Vijayanagara gen. . . 288 , 287 *. Naraslichyata, . a. Achyuta, k. of Vijaya
Nagara, . . . . . . 286 n. Narul Nayaks, ch.. . . . . . 97 Narasimha, god,. . . Narasimha, Yadavardyn ch, . . . 163. Narasimha II, Hoysala k., 160, 161, 162, 166 Narasimhavikramavarman, Vijaya
Pallava I., . . . . . . . 185 Naruingapallo plates of Ganga Haativarman, . 50 Narakhan, Guila L. of Mesede, 310, 324 Naravana, 4. a. Kabera, myth. k., 271, 276 Naravkhans I prines, . . . . 271, 276 Naraylhana II, prince, 271, 272 and R., 277 Naravkhanadatta, legendary hero,. . .197 Nansvarmi. Guhila prince of Medr, . . 810 Naravarmmaclava, Paramara k.,
227, 232 Naravarman, Paramdra L of Maked, . 312 Nariyana, god. . . . 16, 18, 274, 278, 294 Nåriyada, M., . . . . . 231, 233 Nåršyspagarh, vi., . Nirayapapala, Pala k.. . . Når yanapaladava, Pala k.
. 43, 44, 45 Narbads, ri.,. . . . narendra, tit.,
311, 325 Narandramrigarāja-Vijayāditya II, E. Chalukya
. 269 Når. Kodu, "Chatur-danta', . . 187, 170 n. Narmada, ri.. . 13, 62, 66 n., 73, 74, 75 Narsapur plates of Vijaya-Dévavarman,. . 235 nasal consonant, used for annarra,
138, 236 nasal, use of — . . Nasik ins. of Usbaradāta, Nasik ins... . . . . 141, 247
•
110
.
.
. 126
.
180

Page #448

INDEX.
371
PAGE.
.
.
216
• 138
128, 265, 266
.
Nite Shab, kofi
.
00
Nasir, L. of Khandesh, .
. 216 Nasiruddin Muhammad, tit. of Tatar Khan (son of Zafar Khan), .
. 214 . Nasir-ud-duniya Wa-ud-din, 'Defender of
the faith and the world', tit., N&ths, order of ascetics, . . . . . 308 Nathasena, Jaina preceptor, . . , 272, 277 natlam, . . . 156, 168, 169, 171 nätfu-madhyastha, . . . . . 41 n. Nātysvars, god, . . . . . 241 Nauhāi, vi... .
. . . 253 Nausari plates of Jayabhata III, 116, 117, 176, 177,
178, 179 and . nava, 'nine' or 'new', . . 290 n. navagraha, 'the nine planete', . 73, 79, 244 Nayabashan, vi... . . . . * Nayadhammakahdo, Jaina Prikrit wk., 197 Nayagarh, sate, . . . . . 172, 173 Nayapala, Pala k., 43, 44, 45 and ., 47, 104 ndu, nominative singular suffix in Telugu, 184 regama, 'the merchant', . . . . 146, 147 Nega patam, ci., . . . 32, 124, 125, 126 Nelamangala copper-plates of Yuvarāja Márasimha,
. . 187 nelevidu,
288 Nelliyappar, te.. .
153 Ném, com.. . . . .
. 299 Nēminătha, god,
222 Neruvür, vi.. .
. . . . 163 nesakara, incorrect for temalara,
. .280 Nétabhañja, wrong for Nattabbañja. . 18 Netherlands-East India Company, 124, 125, 126 Nětribhasjadēva, borong reading for Nettabhasjadēva, .
.
. . . . 18, 18 Natribhaijadëva, Bhailja k.,. . .175 n. Nőttabhaija, Bhailja k., . . 18, 172, 173, 174 Nettabhafija (son of Vidyadharabhajadova) Bhatija k., .
. . . . 17 Nattabhažja alias Kalyanakalasa, Maharaja
Bhatija k., . . . . 17, 18, 173, 175 Néttabhasjadēva (I), Mahamandalesvara,
Bhanja k., . . . . . 16, 17, 18, 19 Nēttabhafijadova II, Bhanja k., 15, 16, and n., 19 Nettár, place of battle, . . . . 108 neyike, off., . . . . . 138 n. Nidanasūtra, . . . . . 21 Nidhanpur Copper-plates of Bhaskaravarman
of Assam, . . . . . 262 1., 283 Niebuhr's travels, . . . . . 122 n. nigaivërri-vaippavan, off. . Nirgunda, vi.. . . .
287 . nir-nilam, 'wet lands', . . . 168, 171 nirudhaka, off., . . Nirvana of the Buddha,
Pacs. Nitimärga, ep. of W. Ganga kings, 188 and .. Nitimarga Ereganga, W. Ganga k.,. . .187 Nitimarga Nanniya-Gangs, do. . . 189 16. ninarlana, l. m., . . . . . 188, 142 Nivina platos of Dharmarija, . .150 niyal-aniyala-aamast-adāya, . Niydmila or Naiyamika, 'law officer'. niyoga, niyogin, off., . 14*., 68, 128, 265, 266 niyuka, off.. . . . 14 ^., 66, 265, 266 Nizam Shah, k. of the Deccan, . . . . 216 Nizam-ul-Mulk, Jagirdar of Ahmadnagar, . 60 Nizam-ul-Mulk, tit.. . . Nolatba, dy.. 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189 and 11.,
190, 191, 272 . Nolambe, k., . . . 184, 185, 189 Nolah badiyarasa, Nolamba k., . . .189 Nolam bavadi 32,000, t. d., . .
. 106 Nolambi, Nofarba l., 183, 184, 186, 189, 191, 192,
193 Nolambi, 6. a., Mahendra, Nolamba ch... . 189 Nova Goa, ci.. . . . . . . 143 Nrikisart, 6. d. god Narasimhhs,
98 %. Npipaprabhu, tit. of Muzaffar Shah I of
Gujarat, . . . . . . . 215 Nripatunga, Pallava L., . . .'. 28 and n. Nrisimha, god. . . . . . 74 Nrivarmi, Guhila prince of Mewar, 310, 324 nru, nominative singular suffix in Telugu, 184 nta, ligature, in Central Indian "box-headed' script, . .
252 Nuapars, vi.. .
. 180 Nuggahalli ins. of Vira-Somēévara,
162 . Nalipayya, Nolamba ch.,
190. numerals in decimal notation :
90, 108, 115, 226, 336 ..13 225, 296, 322, 328, 336
205, 322, 335, 336 - 225, 296, 322, 335, 338
. . .225 . 225, 322, 328, 336 90, 296, 322, 328, 335
O, 108, 115, 322, 836
136 and 18., 137, 335, 838 numerals - sign or symbol,
3 and 1. (Kharoahthr), 7 (Kharðshtht), 10 (Kharðshthl), 147 n., 176, 247,
250, 256, 259, 260, 267, 281 207, 212 and 1., 247, 250, 256, 280 182, 247, 250 and 1., 251, 200 and ..
267 and . 3 (Kharoahtht), 7 (Khardahtht), 183,
182, 247, 250, 251, 281
of
No
e
94
.

Page #449

372
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
PAGE. numerals :--contd. sign or symbol-contd.
. 22, 132, 136, 137, 247, 250, 256
132, 247, 250, 259 and 1., 260 . 22, 147, 148, 247, 250, 280, 281 . . 132 and 1., 212, 247, 250, 281
. . . . 247, 250
. . 260, 267, 280 . . 22, 153, 212 1., 280 . . . . .175
. 207 . . 153 . . . 132
20 and 1., 207
. 132 and 1., 256 90 . .
. . . 22 100, 10 (Khardahtht), 22, 132, 147, 148 Nusrat Khân, off, . . . . . 829 . Nydya, System of Hindu philosophy,
241
...:...
11
70, 80,
. .
. .
201
PAGE. padamūla, 'foot-printa',
12 and n. padavi, office,
. 128 Paddukkaridhishthana, Pallara ca.. . 298, 301 pädikappar, . .
. . 40, 42 padinelf-adik-kol, rod measuring 18 feet, 155 . Padmachandra, engr., .
180, 181, 182, 183 Padmăditya, myth. ancestor of Mewar kk., 58, 65 Padmanabha, god, . .
. 238 Padma-pirana,. .
. 62. Padmasimha, k. of Mewar,. . . 313, 325 Padmăvati, old name of Paunt, ci., . padra, village', . . . .
• 220 Padria, &. a. Dadarapadra, vi.. . . . 231 Padria Raja Dhar, 8. a. Dādarapadra, vi., Padugupädu, vi.. Padugupadu, D.,
. . . . .
301 padura, swamp (?). . . . 268, 273, 278 Påganavaram grant of Chalukya-Bhima II, 271. pagodas, coins,. . . . . Päguhůru, . a. Pāvuläru, vi.. . . 141, 142 Pibárpur, .. . . . . .
. 44 Påhula, donee, . . . . .
231, 233 Pajā ins... . . . . . Pajjunne, Vrishni prince,. . . 196, 197 pljugapart, 'slab with footprints', . . 11, 14 Pikanāņdu, i.d., Pakkana-rishtra, t.d., .
, 261, 263, 266 Puas of Bengal, dy., 43, 44n., 45 and »., 48 and n.,
47, 105 Palagiri record,. . .
. . 191 Palaiyanür, vi... .
166 and n. Palakkads-sthina, Pallava ca.. . Palamcottab, ci. .
. . . 166 palam-peyar, old names', .
165, 168 Palar, ri... .
196
. . Palasada, co., . .
. 120 Palatkata, Pallava ca.. .'
. . . 138, 140 Palhaka, donce,. . . .
231, 233 Pili, vi., . . .
. . . 221 Pal Khevi, vi, . .
. . . 208. pallaklu-manyam, land tenure, . . 90, 99, 100 Pallava, dy... 13, 14 and 1., 23, 28 and 1, 29, 48,
106, 112, 138, 139 and 7., 140, 142, 143, 144, 159, 161, 162, 163, 185 and 16., 186, 187 and »., 235 and 1., 236, 237, 272 1., 280, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302 and
.
o, initial, in Brahmi, 0, medial, . 65 11., 211 (Kushana Brahmr), 282,
304 6, medial, used for visarga, . .
316 n. Odd-ali, 'destroyed', . . . . 193 Odra, co., . . Odura, 'reader', . . . . . 287 Oduva (Vöduva)-Tirumalaidēvi Amman avargal, q. of k. Achyuta of Vijayanagar,
285, 286, 287, 289, 290 Hlai, 'order', . . . . Olpideyan, 'receptacle of goodness', . . 102-3 Om, represented by spiral sign, . . . 297 Omgodu grant, . . .
. . . 139 Ozgodu grant of Pallava Vijaya-Skandavar.
man II, 235, 236, 297, 298, 299, 300 and 1., 302 . Omkara, 6. a. Siva, .6. Oiva, . . . . .
72, 75 Omkaranátha, do. . . . . . 61, 62 Orkäröivara, do.. . . . . .
73, 74 Om kärji, te., . . .
65. Onfudaru, off., . .
298 N. Orises, co., 103, 105, 110, 148, 149, 151 and ., 172,
174, 180, 215, 239
103
Th.
28.
P. . . . . . 11, 20., 57, 130. 235 pa, in Tamil. . . . . . . 99 n. Pidagam, vi., . . . . . dadaividu, military camp', . . . 27 padakku, measure of capacity. 38, 91, 94, 155 n. padalvelam, generals', . . . . 193 Padat kaluru grant of Ammarija IT, . . 269
Pallava-Balagopalapuram, ti.,
140 Pallava-Bhuvanagiri-Khandrika, vi.,
140 Pallava grants, . . . . . . 14 n. Pallavändar, Kadavardya ch., . . 25 Pallavändár the Conqueror of Tondaimanda
lam, Kadararaya ch.. . . . . 25, 26

Page #450

INDEX
373
PAGE
PAGE. Pallavāndár alias Kādavarāyar Conqueror of
Tondaimandalam', &. a. Elisaimögan Mana. vālap-perumal, Vånilai-Kandaperumal, Alagiya-pallavan, Jiyamahipati, . Kõpperuñjinga I, Kādavaraya ch., . . . 26 Pallavândár alias Kadavarāyar, 8. a. Virar
Viran Kadavarāyar, Kadararaya ch., 24, 25 Palli, n. of place, . . . . . 224 n. Palliacatta, (Pulicat), Dutch port, . . . 126 paļļi-araikkadam, hall of the bed-chamber'. 167 palsichchanda, land granted to Jaina or
Buddhist shrines', . . 154, 168 and 1., 171 Pallidosa, co., 218 and 9., 219, 121 and n., 224 and ». pallippitam, reclining seat', . . . 167 Pallivāla Brāhmaṇa, sect, . . . . 62 n. Paluküru, vi., . . . . . . 140 Pam, 8.a. Pandita, tit., . 231, 232, 233 Pāmiravamsa, dy., .
. . . 224 Pamparaja, Kakaira ch.
. 117 pana, coin,
. . 331, 335 panatrisa, 'thirty-five', . 258, 269 and . Parava, a musical instrument, Panchamahavira, . . . . 196, 197 panichapravara,. .
293, 295 pancharshey-anupravara,
. 16, 19 parcharshëya-pravara,
. . 130n. Pancharira, administrative body', . . 196 Panchaviras, . . 194, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200 Parichaviras of the Vrishộis,
. 210 Panchavira statues,
.200 n. Panchaviragoshtha, . . . . . 196 panchayat,. .
. . 196 Panch Mahāls, di., .
• 212, 221 Pancholi, caste, . .
. . 84, 89 panchupili, tax, 154, 155, 168, 169, 171, 172 Pandamangalam, vi., . 90 and 1., 99, 100 Pāndaramätsisvåmin, donee, . . 150, 153 Pandaranga, E. Chalukya gen. . . . 273 Pandava brothers, epic heroes, Pándikulāsani-valanādu, t. d.,
. . 91, 94 Pandi-mandalam, 1. d., . . . 164 Pandu, epic k., . . . . . 84 Pandya, co.. .
. 25, 103 Pandya, dy., 25, 95, 97., 103 and 1., 154, 155,
156, 157, 158 and n., 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164 and n., 165,
186, 188. Pandya, k., . . . . 102, 111, 1887. • Pandyakula-samuddharana' tit. of Hoysala k.
Vira Sömēsvara, . . . . . 162 • Pandya-mandala-sthapana-sutra-dhara', tit. of
Pallava Peruðjinga, . . . . 161 • Pandya-rajya-pratishth-acharya, tit. of Hoy.
was k. Vira-Somēśvara, . . .162 and 1.
pani,'act',
184, 192 Pāņini, grammarian, . 45, 102, 149 n., 335 n. Pasjaur ins., . .
. 330 Panjkora, ri., . . Panjshir, ri., . . Panta-kula, community,
- 272 Parakösarivarman, Chola k.,
. . 38 Parikramabāhu, k. of Ceylon, Parikrama-Pandya, Pandya k., 157, 158, 161, 163,
164, 165 Paramabhagavata, . . . . . 302 Paramabhafláraka, tit., 43, 130, 133, 135, 136, 227,
230, 232, 276, 291, 292,
294. Paramabrahmanya, . . . . 141, 301 parama-dharmika, . . . . 144, 145 Paramamahesvara, tit., 133, 135, 173, 174-5, 176,
179, 181, 261, 264, 265,
285, 291, 292, 293, 294 Paramara, dy., . 105, 123, 226, 227, 228 and 1., 229
and n., 230 and n., 231, 306, 312 Paramasaugata, tit., . .
. . 43, 47 Paramavaishnava, . . . . 16, 17, 18 Parama-ram-odbhana, Pallava ep. . .272 . Paramosvara, 8.a. Siva, god, Paramēsvara, tit., 43, 130, 133, 135, 136, 179, 227,
230, 232, 276, 284, 291, 292, 294 Paramosvara of Padagam, carpenter and archi
tect, . . . . . . . 28 R. Paramëvara-vadi, .
. . .28. Paramevaravarman II, Pallava k.. . 28 n. Parintaks I, Chola k., .
28, 29, 36, 190 para-samaya, Jaina doctrine, . , 272, 277 Paräsara, sage,. . . 181 and .., 182, 183 Paribara Bhatta, author, .
. . 96 Pärdi, co., . . . . . . Pargana, t. d., . .
. . 134 paricharakar, 'temple servant ', . Parigi, vi., .
238 parihara,. .
• 138, 142, 298 Parijata, celestial tree',
. . 68 Parikshit, myth. k., .
. . 318 Parimi, vi., . . . . . . 273 Parinirvana, . . Paris, ca.,. . .
. . . 125 parishat, ' assembly', . Parlakimedi, ci., . Pärtba, 8.. Arjuna, epic hero,
85, 327 Parthian, dy.. . . Parumakha, form of Pamukha, s.a. Pramukha, 39 parushai-näyanmar, off., . . . . 38 Paru-vishaya, i.d., . . . 235, 238, 239 Paruvi-vishaya, i.d., . . . . 238, 239 n. Pārva, m., . . . . . . . 192
•
91
15

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
.
155
PAGE. Pedda Végi plates of Nandivarman, . 281 Pendrābandh plates of Pratapamalla,. : 120 Pennar, .. . . . . . 190, 301 Penukonda plates of Madhavavarman II (III),
235, 236, 237, 238 and 1.., 239 n. perambalam, . . . 35, 37 and n., 41 Perbbāņavamsa, dy., . . . . . 185 *. Periyadevar, Periyālvår, saint, . . . 93 n., 97 Periya-nyindr, . . . . . . 159 Periyapuranam, Tamil wk., . . . . 37 . periya-lirumurram, .
.
. 155. Periya-vachchan-Pillai, commentator, . Periyavar, . . . Permanadi, &. a. Nanniya-Ganga, W. Ganga k., 189
•
217
Permavi, ci.,
.
.
.
189
PAGE. Pärvati, goddess. . . . 150, 151, 320 pasan, season, . pasanam, kind of crop.
104, 168, 171, 172 Pāśin, 8.a. Varuna, god.
. 318 Padinah, western direction' .
. 318 pastharika-dreni, 'guild of stone-masons', Påbupata, Saira sect, . .
• 333 * Pätai', contraction of Pawapati', . 217 m. Patai, k. of Champūner, påtaka, hamlet',
293 n. påfaka, t. d.,
. 293 1. Patala,
87 Patañjali, Sanskrit grammarian,. .
6 Pätapadhara, . . . . . .
90 Pātasabi, 8. a. Padshah, tit., pate, 8. a. påtna, the bowl', or relic-casket', Pathar Khan, I., .
254 Patika, Satrap, patimd, 'image', . . . . 201, 202 patipada, 8.8. pratipada, slab with foot
printa',. . . . . . . 14 Pätná, state, . . . . 239, 241 n., 242 påtra, bowl or relic casket', . . . 4, ôn. Pátra, 'minister' . . . . . 18, 19 Patakara, 8. a. Paltalēkhin, off.,. . . 298 n. Pattakila, off.,. . . .
. . 232 Pattala, t. d., . .
, 292, 293, 294 Pattalekhin, off.,
. . 298 n. Patfamahiahi, senior queen', . 286 and . Pattan plates of Pravarasēns II,. . 12, 261 Pattana, 4. a. Anahilapattana, ca.
218, 223 Pattana, 8. a. Kalingapattana, . . 49 n. Pattana-bhöga, t. d., . . . 49, 51, 52 Pattanikarasthana, . .
. . 294 paffika, . . . . .
. 304 Pattiņa-marudür, vi... . 154, 168, 168, 171 patti-pada, 'foot-prints on a slab' Pattukākā, incorrect for Pullaldru, ri.,. . 301 n. Pauni, ci.. . . .
. 11, 12, 14 Pauni relic stone box,
12 Pauranic, . . .
. . 250 pauvura, corrupt form of paulra, 138, 142 and n. Pāvägarh, fort,. . 217, 218, 221 and 1. Påvaka, 8, a. Påvägarh, fort, , 218, 219, 225 Pavaka, god of fire, . . . . 224, 225 Påvakadurgu, 8. a. Påvigarh, furt, 217 and 1., 221,
224, 225 Pávuläru, vi., .
. . . 141 Påwå, 8. a. Pāvagarh, fort, . . . 217 n. Peacock, emblem on seal,
• 144 Pedda-Gädelavarru, 8. a. Pedda-Galidiparru, vi.,
273, 277 Peda-Palakaluru, vi., .
.
140 Pedda-Galidiparru, vi. . 272, 273, 277 Pedulatippasamudram, vi., . . . . 184
Permånadi, sur. of Satyaväkya Riohamalla,
W. Ganga k., Permânadigal, W. Ganga k., . . . Persian chronicles, Perumakay, 8. a. Pramukha,. . . . Perumakkal, . . . . . . 39, 42 Porumä), a. a Ranganatha, god,. . 90, 99, 100
and 1., 101 Perumal, te.. . Perumān, derived from Pramukha,
. 39 perumandapam, . . . . . 37 n. Perumbānappadi, 1. d.,
• 186 Perungurimakkal,
. . 37 n.. Peruñjinga, Pallava k., 159, 161, 162 and 1., 165 Perunluri,
. . . . . 37. Perunkuri-mahasabhai, 35, 36 and 7., 37 and ».
38, 42 Perunkuri-nabhai,
. . 41, 42 peta-dakkhina, gifts to dead ancestors', . Pelavatthu, Buddhist wk.. . ph, in Någarl, . . . Phaguyasi, .
203 Phaniraja-bhoga-bayana, 8. a. Ranganatha, god,
92 Phērava, vi.. . . . . . 132, 133 Phērava grant of Samantavarman, 132, 133, 181 Philippus Jacobus Dormieux, Dutch oficer,
124, 126 Phulasara C. P. grant of Kirtirajadēva, . 15 Phulsera, vi.. . . . . . . 15 Pikira, vi., . . . . .
. 48 Pikira grant of Sir havarman, 48, 139, 142 n., 238,
296, 297, 299, 300, 301 and #., 302 ... 303 r. Pilduvipati, 3. a. Prithvipati I, W. Ganga l., 188 n. Pillai Lokācharys, m., . . . . 98 and ». pindoyaka, 8. a. pincodaka, . . . 7 Pināka pånl, 8. a. Siva, god,.
. 315 Pinäkin, 8. a. Siva, god. . . , 305, 316

Page #452

INDEX.
375
•
.
261
PAGE. Pinbalagiyaperumal-Jiyar, author,
93 n. pindodala, . . . . Pingala, thand
46 Pingalarthapradipa, Apabhrasa work, 107. Pingbani, ., . . .
.
46 Pipliānagar plates of Arjunavarman, Pipliinagar plutes of Hariáchandra, 227-8, 220 Pishtapura, Kalinga ca.. . . pisuna, 'back-biter', .
193 Pitamaha, .. a. Brahmi, god, .
276 Pitamaha, tit. of Lord Buddha, . 147-8, 148 n. Podigad Stono ins. of Nela Bhagadatta, . 12
229
50
podi,
37
37
91
39
podu, . . podwraf, s. &. madhyastha, off. . Poļalchóra, Nolamba ch.,
186 . pon, coin', . . Pondicherry, ci.. .
. . 26 Ponnamarivati, wi.. .
. . 160 Poona plates of Prabhivatigupta, 261, 262, 263 Poppalam, Co.. .
167 and 11., 170 Portrait statues, .
. . . 207 Poruladhikaram .
. . 23 N. poru-tiral, war-disc ', .
166, 170 and 1. Pošalam, co.. . . . . 167, 170 Pošala-Vira-Somidēva-Chaturvodimangalam,
si., . 154, 155, 162, 168, 168, 169, 171 Poths, . .
203 Pothasiri, . .
146 . Pothadevi, f. . .
203 Pothaghosha, m., .
203 Pothaka, m., . . . . .
203 Pothayas, tribe,
203 Potha yasaka, m.,
203, 204 Potha yasaka, Prakrit form of Proshtha yasaska,
204 Pottapi, vi.. . . . . . . 101 Pottipadu, vi...
. . 188 poh, 'conflict,
192, 193 Pátyavva or Poti-avr, village deity, 273, 278 poy, learned', . . . 184, 167, 168 Prabajjans (Prabhaxjana) varman, Kalinga k., 49, 51 Prabandham. .
• 90, 91, 94, 90, 100 Prabhākars, com..
. . 144, 145 Prabhakara, M.,
. 108 n. Prabhajans varman, Kalinga k... . . 49, 51 prabhafaka, rent', . .
• 336 Prabharakacharila, wk. .
213. Prabhåvatigupta, Vakdfaka g. 55, 258, 261, 262,
263, 264, 265 prabhu, tit., . . . 144, 145, 184, 192 Prabhumeru Vijayaditya, Bana ch., 187, 188, 189 Prabhu-Naga Bhögikämitys, officer, . 144 145 prabhu-bakti, power derived from royal
position', . . . . 108, 113, 136 7.
PAGE. Prabhutavarsha Govinda (II), Rashtrakaja k., 186 . Prabodhini ekadasi, . . Prachyarbhónidhi, Eastern Ocean', Pradhana, off... . .
. 91, 94 Pradyumna, epic hero, .
85,197 Pradyumnasvāmin, donde, .
150, 153 prahara, 'part of a day', . Praharaja, family, . . Praharaja Chaudhuri, m., . Prahlada, myth. prince, Prahladanadēvs, Paramara Prince of Abw, Prajapati, 8. a. Brahma, god, prakara, * rampart', . . 90, 94, 96, 98, prakirtita, built . . . . . 240, prakriti kutumbinas, . . . . Prikritism, . . . . . Pramanarasi, ascetic, . . Pramukhas, 8. &. Perumakkal, . . prana-lameda (prana-samdia), . prana-aamela, endowed with life', . . 3, 4 pranta-parti, ancient village-site', 268, 273, 278 Prabántaraga, biruda of Early Gürjara kings, 178 prakasti, 'eulogy' . . 13, 89, 107 n., 108,
115, 192, 198 m., 269, 309, 324 Prasąnajit, k.,. . . . . 207 Pratápachakravartin, tit. of Vira Rama
näthadeva, Hoysaja k., 90, 91, 92, 99, 100 Pratapamalla, Kalachuri k. of Ralanpur, 120 Pratäpasimba-Rápa, Metode k., . 58, 60, 61,
68, 69, 84 pratap.Opanata-raja mandalas, Pallava op., 299, 301 pratihara, off., .
• 16, 18, 19, 294 Pratihära, dy., 44, 45, 46 and 1., 103, 831 m.,
332 and ..., 333 Pratilyasamstpdda-slitna, . Pratyčka Buddhas, . . . . . 10 pravanikara, kind of income, . . . 295 prararasAutatby, .
. . 173, 175 Bhargava-Chyavan-Apnavån-Aurva-Jåmadagnya,
293, 295
Bhrigu-Dairda-Chyavana-Jamadagni, . 135 Bhriga-Orva-Chyavana-Apnavina-Jama
dagni, . . . . . . 137 Jamadagni-Orva-Apnavina-Chyavana
Bhrigu, . . . . . 135. Parisara-Sakti-Vabishths, . . 181 m. Sakti-Kāņva-Vasishtha, . . . 181, 182, 183 Vatsa-Dairdda-Bhrigu-Jamadagni
Chyavana, . . . . . 135. pravdrarichara, licensed spice' (*), 208 and n.,
303 Pravarapura, co., . . . Pravarasina I, Vakafaka k.. . 13, 261, 263, 264
283

Page #453

376
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
PAGE.
.
.
19
258.
Pravarasina II, Vākātaka k., . 12 and 1., 52 53, 54, 55 and n., 56 7., 249 n., 260, 261, 262
and n., 263, 264, 265-6 Pravareávara, god, . . . . . 263 Pravartavara-shad-vimsativătaka, vi.. . 261,
263, 265 and 1., 268 and n. Pravira, Vabafaka k., . . . . 13 Prayaga, &. a. Allahabad, ci., . . 104, 327 Ppiduvay ya, 8. a. Prithvipati I, W. Ganga k., 188 . Prince of Wales Museum plates, Prince of Wales Museum plates of Jayabhata
dated Kalachuri 486, . 116 n., 177, 178, 179 prishtha matràs, . . 57, 102, 304, 317 m. Prithivishēna, Vakafaka k., 55, 264 and 1., 265
and . Prithivishēna II, do. .
. 13. Prithivivarman, E. Ganga k. of the Svetaka
branch, . . . . . . 133 Prithvidēva I, Haihaya . . . . 105, 120 Prithvidēva II, Haihaya k., . . 118 ». Prithvimahārāja, Kalinga k., (+), . . 50 Prithvimalla, Mewar k., . . . 58, 68, 84 Prithvimüla, k., . . . . . 170 n. Prithvipati I, W. Ganga k., . . 187, 188
and 1. prithvital-aika-vira, tit., . . . 299, 301 Prithvivallabha, tit., .. Prithviverman, E. Ganga k. of the Svetaka
branch, . . . . . . privileges :
a-bhafa-chchhatra-pravēbya, . 55 and n., 266 a-bhrita-pravēsya,. . . . 249, 251 a-chår-asana-charm-angära, .
55, 266 a-chäffa-bhalla-pravēša, . . . 19, 175 a-dudha-dadhi-gahana, . -harita ka-sá ka-pupha-gahana,
. 14 n. G-kara-dayin, . .
55, 266 a-karátva, . . . . . a-lavana-klinna-krēni-khanaka, . 14 ., 55
266 a-lona-gula-chchhobha, . G-parampara-balivadda-gahana, . 14 n. a-parampara-go-balivarda, 14., 55, 266 and . G-pushpa-kshina-eandoha, . 14 n., 55, 266 bhamishyat-kara-rahita, . nidhi-nikshëpa-sahita, . . . . 233 na-danda-nigraha, 1-garti-Oshara, . .
. . 291 10-piri-gahana-nidhana,.
294 karjala-thala, . . . . 19, 294 sa-lipta, . . . . . 56 and . sa-klipt-Spaklipta, . . . 287 and n. 4a-loha-lavar-akara,
. . . 294 16-madhuk-amra-and-udfikd-vifapa-tripa
gūti-gochara-paryanta, . . . 994
ΡΑΟΣ. privileges conta sa-mata-akara
294 sa-mina-toys,
. 19 3-amra-madiu, ed-nidhi, . . . . 56, 266 and .
-padr-aranys, . sarva-badha-parihara, . . . 175 sarva jäta-bhogya,. . . . 249, 251 sarva-kara-parihara. . . . . 277 aarua-kara-parihara-parihsita,
51 Barna-parihara . . 239, 298, 302, 303 sarva-vishti-parihara-parihita . 58, 266 saru-Opadrava-varjjita, . . . . 19 aa-vitapa-lata, . . . . . 19 8-Opaklipla, . . . . . 56 and 1. --Öpanidhi, . .
. 56, 267 and r. --Orddhu-adhat-chatur.aghafa-visuddha,. . 294
na-oma-paryanta, . . . . . 294 Priyangu, ca., . . . . . 43, 46 Pröshthus, &. a. Pothaya, tribe. . . 203 Proshthayasaska, 3. a. Pothaya aka, M., 204 Pubbā paraseliká, Buddhist sects, Pubbaseliya, . a. Parvasailiya, Buddhist sect,
258 and ». Pulakesin II, Chalukya k.. . 50, 123, 179 Pulicat, Dutch port, . . . . . 126 Pulinadu-sixty, t. d., . 185, 186, 187, 189 Pulindasēna, 11., . . . . 150, 152 pulladi, 8. a. han sapada, 'mark of interlines tion' emblem on boundary stones,
32 Pallaläru, vi. . . . . . 301 Puloma, Andhra k. . . .
259 Pulomavi, Andhra k..
. .
259. Pulumavi, Väsishthiputra Andhra k.. . 259 *Pe-malar firuvum etc., hist. introduction,
154, 156, 157 *Pamalar valar' etc., hist. introduction,
23 Pimaruviya-tirumadandai' etc., Pandya
prasasti, . . . . . . 156, 157 Punganür, di., . 183, 185, 188, 189 n., 190 Punganor, vi.. . . . . . . 186 Punjarija, ch. of Dungarpur, . . 61,70 pusichey, 'dry-lands', . . . 169, 171 Pudaram, co., .
. . 167, 170 Punyakumara, Choh ch., . . 186 and ». purambadi, 'without', . . . . . 30 purarbu, . . . . . . 155 n. Para idara, god,
. . 295 Puranas, . . .
13, 41, 62 n., 140 Purananüru, Tamil classical work, . . 39 Purana-purusha,. .
308 Puranasiddha, 8. G. Ramanuja, Vaishnavite
teacher, Purandara, Saita ascetic, .
• 241 Puranjanacharita, Sanskrit wk.,
• 263
133
175
58
.
95

Page #454

INDEX.
377
ΡΑΟΣ.
Purapporul verbåmålai, Tamil wk., . 22 Purattinaiyiyal, .
. 23 n. Puravu, . .
155, 168, 169, 171 Purika, s. 4. Hoshangābād, Vakataka ca., 13 and ». Purl plates of Madhava varman, 149 and 1., 160,
151 parna kumbha, emblem on seal, . . . 15 Parnapāla, Mewar k., . . . 58, 66, 84 Pürpimanta, . . 62 n., 116, 118 and n., 120,
121, 307 purðhita, off., . . 72, 163, 273, 276, 294 Puräravas, myth. k., . . . . 102, 111 puruvaya, Präkrit form of pürovayam, 146, 147 Purvasailiya, Buddhist sed,. . 257, 258, 260 Purvasela, 4. a. Pārvasaila, Buddhist sect, 268 Parvalikha, community of Brahmans,. . 97 Parvabila, .. a. Purvasaila, Buddhist sect, 258 Pärvvasiddhayatana, te.. .
. . 147, 148 *Patalamadandai' etc., prasasti, . . 164 Puvaseliya, . a. Purvasaillya, Buddhist sect, 269
.
.
. 160
Qutb-ud-din Ahmad Shah, Sultan of Gujarat,
214
PAGE. Rai Mal, Mabarani, k. of Udaipur, 308, 314 n. Rai Patãi, 8. a. Jayasinha, ch. of Champiner, 217 #. Raipur, ci.,.
.
123 and 1., 239 ». Raisen (Rajasayana), co., . . . . 231 Raivata or Raivataka, 8. a. Giruár, mo., 216, 219,
221, 222 and 1., 223, 224 Räjä, m., . . . . . 64, 71, 89 Rajabharyd,. .
. . 193 Raja-Bhima II, s. a. Chalukya-Bhima II, E. Cha
fukya k., . . . . . . 275 Räjä Bir of Idar, ch., . . . . 216 Rajadharma-prakarana,
. .31+ Rājādhiraja I, Chola k.,
108, 191 Rajadhiraja II, do. 25, 157, 158 and n., 159, 165 Rajadhirija III, do. . . Rajadhiraja, tit., . . .
275, 276, 283 n. Rajaguru, . . . . . . . 292 Rajakesart, Kongu k., . . . . . 163 Räjakesart Kulõttunga, do. . . . 163, 165 Rajakesarivarman, Chola k.,. . 29, 38 n. Räjaksarivarman Kulottunga-Chõla, Kongrek., 183
Rajaki-pralayā rupya ', . . . 16, 20 *Rajakkal-Perumal, tid.,
. . 97 Rajamahendra, ci.,
. . . . 276 Rajamahendran-tisuvasal, . .
. 97 . . . 285, 287, 289, 290 Rajamalla, Mewar k.,
ar k.. . . . . . 58, 68, 84 rajamandala,
. . . 141 Rajamartānda, E. Chalukya prince, 270, 271, 275 Rajamärttándan alias Aparajita, Pallava k., 28 . Rajamayya, ch., . . . . . . 270 Rajamitra, m., .
249 and 1., 250 Rajan, tit., . .
. . . 256 Rajan,. .
. 175, 241, 294 Rajanagar, di.,
. . 65 Rájanaka, .
. .175 Rajanārāyana Sambuvarāya, Samburaraya ch., 163 . Rajaparamisvara, tit., . . 288 and 1., 289, 290 Raja-prasasti, hist. chron. of Mewar kk., 58, 59, 61,
64 and n. Rajapudra, prince', . . . 103, 175 Rajapurusha, off.,. . . . . . . 232 Rajaraja, unidentified k., .
. 163 Rajaraja I, Chöļa k., . . 36 ., 38, 190 n. Rajaraja II, do..
. . 25, 189 Rajarāja III, do, 23, 25, 26, 27, 95, 159, 160 and
., 161, 162, 165 Rajarljak-Kädavariyan, tit. of Kadavaraya ch.
Mapavālap-perumal,. . . . . 23 Rajarajanilai, . . . . . 36 . Rajarampur, di.,. . . . . . 126 Rājasayana, co., . .
. 231 Rajasiddhania, 'science of polity', . . 276 Rājasimha, prince of Mewar, . . . . 83
•
4-5
. 8 (Kharoshthi), 130, 296, 330 , doubling of consonants after . 15, 53, 57, 102, 130, 138, 150, 180, 213, 226, 236, 240, 261,
291, 297, 304 r, doubling of consonants before 150, 180, 261,
297 5, subscript, in Kharðshthi with phonetic signi
Geance, Richamalla I, W. Ganga k.,
. . 187, 188 Rachamalla II, do.. . • 183, 185, 187,
188, 189, 191, 192 Radhi, co., . . . . 43, 44, 45, 46, 47 Radheya, 8. a. Karna, epic hero, . . 66 Radhi Brahmanas, sect, .
. . . 110 Ragamañjarl, . . .
. . 196 Raghöjt II, Bhonsla Raja of Nagpur, . 122 Raghu, epic hero, . . . . 65, 323 Raghunatha, .. a. Rama, epic hero, , . 76 Raghunathābhyudayam, Telugu wk., . 286 Raghupati, 8. a. Rama, epic hero, . . 12 . Ragölu plates of Saktivarman, . . . 236 Rähan plate of V. 8. 1166, . . . 292 n. Rahappa-Rána, Mewar k.,. 58, 62 n., 86, 84 Rahasyadhikrita, 'Private Secretary', off., . 144, 145,
298, 303 Rai Mal, ch. of Idar, . . . . 60, 60

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIV.
PAGE. Rajasimha, Udaipur k., .
. . 57, 58 Rājasimha-Ran, Mewar k., 63, 83, 85, 86,87, 88, 89 Rajasingamangalam alias Muttalankuruchchi, vi.,
166, 167, 168, 171 Rajasthaniya, . . . . . Rajatarangini, hist. chron.,
. 332 n. Räjātiraja, tit., . .
. . . 200 Rajavallabha, off.,. . . 142 and 1., 302 7. Rajavallabha, work on architecture, . . 64 1. Raja-varnana, . . . . . 309, 324 Rajavibhātan, tit. and 1. of land measuring rod,
99 and 7., 100 and 1. Rajendra-Chôļa I, Chola k., 105, 106, 159, 190 n. Rajendra-Chola III, do.. 95, 160 and 7., 161,
163, 165 Rajendrachola-Brahmamārāyar, off. . 191 Rajendradēva, Chola k., . . . . 36, 159 Rajendrašolan-perarhbalam, .
. 377. Raj family of Nariyanagarh,. Rajju, fiscal term, . . . . 298 . Raijuka, off.,
. 64 and 1., 298 n. Rajjupratihara, rope-jugglers or dancers', 298, 303 Rajju-pratihar-pana, booths of rope-jugglers or
dancers', . . . . . 298 n. Rajat, . .
. . 294 Rājputa, . .
. . 217 Rajputina, co., 56, 213 1., 218, 221 and 1., 304,
306 ., 307 1., 309, 329 and n. Räjubuls, 8. a. Rajāvula, Satrap, . . .194 Rajuka, off., . . .
. . . 54, 56 Räjävula, Satrap,
. . . 194 Rajyapila, Pala k. .
43, 44, 45, 46 n. Rajyasri, Maukhari q... Rakshasa-parvata,
. . . 244 Rama, epic hera, 58, 65, 67, 75, 85, 163, 187, 261,
271, 276, 277 Råma, k., .
. . 95 n. Rāmabhadra, 8. a. Rāma, epic hero, 234, 278, 295 Ramachandra, Kalachuri k. of Raipur, . . 123 Ramachandra, Yadava k., . . . . 123 Ramachandra (son of Lakshminatha), Brahman,
64 and n., 77, 83, 89 Ramachandra (son of Madhava), Brahmana, 64, 76,
83, 89 Ramachandra Guha, author, . . . . 128 Ramagiri, . a. Rämtēk, . . . 12, 263 n. Rāmanāthadēvar, 8. a. Hoynala k. Vira-Rāms
nātha, . . . . . . 91, 95 Rāmānuja, Vaishnava teacher, 93, 91, 92, 93 and
7., 94, 95, 96 Ramapal C. P. of Srichandra, . . . . 129 Ramāpati, .. a. Vishnu, god, 72, 80, 90 and . Ramarāja, priest, . . . , 62 and 1., 72 Ramatirtbam plates of Vishņukundin Indra
varman, . . . . . . 48
PAGE. Ramayana, epic, . . . . 58, 96, 104 Rambhā, celestial nymph, . . . . 318 Ramėsa, . a. Siva, god, . . .
. 86 Ramireddipalle inss., . . . . . 281 Rämtök, vi..
. . . 263 and n. Rämték Lakshmana temple ins.. . 123 and n. Ramya-jamatri, . a. Alagiya-manavila, m., 93 . Rand, Junior or Sesoda branch of the Guhila
family, . . . . . . 305, 311 Rānā, tit.,
. 58, 59, 66, 84, 216 Rapabhañjadova, Bhanja k., 16 and 15., 17, 19, 173,
174 Rapachhoda Bhatta, author of Rajapra basti, 84 Ranagraha, Early Gurjara k.. . 176 and n. Ranaka, tit., . . . . 16 7., 17, 133, 181 Rånaka Jayavarmadēva's plates, . . . 181 Ranapāla, dones, . . . . . 231, 233 Rånapura ins. of Y. S. 1496, . . . 310, 311 Ranasimha, k. of Menoir, . . 311, 312, 325 Ranasimha, Raval Mesir k., . . 59, 305 Ränis of Mewar or Udaipur, dy., 58, 59, 60, 61, 63 Ranasthipandi grant of Vimaladitya, . 272 n. Rangadhip-arogyakala, . . . . . 92 Rangaghoshanai, lit. wk., 90, 91, 94, 99, 100 and n. Ranganatha, te., .
. 90, 285, 290 Ranganatha, god, 90, 91, 92, 93 and 7., 94, 95, 98,
100 and 1., 101 Rani, f. . . . . . . . 242 Räpikäväsa, m., .
. . . 16, 19 Ranipadra, vi., .
241 and 1., 242 Ranipadra, incorrect for Ranipadra,
241 n. Ranipur Jharial, vi.,. . . 239, 242, 244 Rāņod, vi.. . . . . 241 and 19., 242 Rāņod ins.. .
. . . 241 and 7. Rao Māndalik, ch. of Girnar, . . 216 Risala, donee, . .
. 232, 233 rashtra, t. d., 39, 138, 261, 263, 266, 298, 301 and 7. Rashtrakūta, dy., 102, 103, 23 n., 29, 35, 123, 187 N., 185, 186, 187 and 7., 189, 190, 191, 220, 224 n.,
270, 275 Rashtrakūtas, land-holders' () . 273, 276 Ras Mala, hist. chron... . . . . 217 Ratanpur, ca.,. . . . . . 123 Räthäsēnā, goddess, .
. . 63, 82 Räthods of Kanauj, dy., .
. . 220 Ratipati, or Ratisa, god, . . . 62, 65, 76 Ratnadēva II, Kalachuri k. of Ratanpur, . 119 Rama-dhenu', gift,
. . 64, 83 Ratnaghala, D. of temple, Ratnapur, ci... . .
.
. .
. . . .
119 Ratnasimha, Mewar k., . . 59, 313, 314 Ratnasimha, prince of Mewar, . . . 328 Ratna-Siraha... a. Jagannathariya te., 84, 83 Ratnasari, author, . . . . . 997
.
.
. 283

Page #456

INDEX.
379
PAOE. Rithpur, &. a. Riddhapura, ci., . . . 258 Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman, . .263 n. rituik, . .
. 150, 153 Röhitaka, I., . . . 330, 332 1., 334 Rohitaka, vi... .
. 332. Rohtak, vi.. .
. 332. Rudra, Kakatiya (1) k., . . . . 123 n., Rudra, 8. a. Siva, god. , 76, 81, 82, 88, 319 Rudradāman, Satrap, . 221 ., 222 1., 246 Rudrasēna I, Mahārāja-Väkäfaka k., 12, 54, 264 Rudrasēna II, Mahārāja Vakataka k., 55, 264, 265 Rudrašiva, Rajaguru of the Kalachuri k., . 292 Rudragvāmin, donee, . . . . 150, 153 Rukmiņa, or Rukmi, epic prince, . .
86 Rupa-sagara, lake . . .
. .
. . 63, 82 Ruppini, epic queen, . . . , 198, 197
s
.
PAGE. ratnasva,' a kind of gift', . . . . 69 rätra, corrupt form of råshtra,
138 Rauhitaka, 8. a. Rõhitaka, vi., . . 332 . Räula, til., . . . . 308, 313, 323, 328 Räval, senior or Chitor branch of the Guhila
family,. . . . . . 59, 305, 311 Rävals of Dungarpur, dy., . . .
61 Rävala, tit., . . 58, 65, 66, 84, 225, 305 Räval Puñja, 8. a. Puñjarājs, ch. of Düngar. pur, . . .
61 Råvaņa, epic hero,
67 Ravi, ri., . . .
6 Ravivarman, Kadamba k., .
140 Rawal Patal', .. a. Jayasitha, ch. of Champaner, . .
. . 217 n. Rawal Tuppai', 6. A. Jayasinha, ch. of
Champaner,. . . • 217 . Räya, tit. of the chiefs of Champāner,217 n... 218 Rayabhañja, Bhanja prince,
16, 17, 19 Räyadurga, fort, . .
218, 225 Rayakõta, vi., . . .
188, 189 Råyakota Bana ing., . .
189 Rayamalla, 8. a. Rajamalls-RapĀ, Mesir k.,
Rüyar-mudrai', . . . . Reddis of Andhradēša, dy., Reize Van Madras naar Ceilon, (Voyage from
Madras to Ceylon), Dutch wok., . . . 125 Renandu, 1. d.,. 185 and n., 186 and n., 187 Ronand-ēlu-vēlu, . a. Rēnăndu-seven-thou.
Band, t. d., . . . . . . 192 Rénăndu seven thousand, 1. d., 184, 185, 186, 188,
191, 192, 193 Répalli, di., . . . . . . 273 répha, doubling of consonants after . 48 Reti, f. . . . . . . . 279 Révā, 8. 4. Narmada, ri., . . 65, 70, 72, 73, 75 Révatãohal, mo.. . . . . . 222 . Révats Kund, mo. . . . . . 222 n. Rēvata Räjā, epic prince,. . . 222 n. Rēvati, epic princess, . . . . . 222 n. Rewah, state, . . 101, 146 n., 148, 256 Rewah C. P. ins. of Kirtivarman, . 120 n. Rewah plates of the time of Vijayasinha,. 120 Rewah stone ins. of the time of Karna,
119 ri, substituted by ri, vowel,
- 261 ri, used for vowel ri, . .
330 Ti, substituted by ri,. . ri, used for ri,. . .
261 ri, used for ru, . ,
261 ri and ri, interchanging of Riddhapura, ci.. .
258 Riddhapur plates of Prabhāvatigupta, 121., 56 n.,
261, 262 Rikshavat, .. a. Sātpură, mo.,
13
. . . 2, 4 and n. (Kharðshtht), 11, 20 and
H., 102, 130, 246, 253, 255 8, used for 6. . . . . 15, 226, 244, 291 4, · 9 (Kharðshthi), 10 (Kharðshthi) 102, 146, 246,
253, 255 8, used for a, . . . 15, 226, 281, 291 Sabang, Thand , . . . . 46 Sabarata-vilāsa, 8. a. Sarvartupiläsa,
palace at Udaipur . . . . . 63 Sabdárnavs, poel,
. . 106 . sabha, . . 28, 29, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38,
39, 40, 41 and n., 42, 163 sabhai-kütfuvan, off. . . . . 38 Sabhai-Tiruvadi, . . . . . . 41 Sabhaiydt, members of assembly, 156 and n. sabha-márram, assembly discussions',. 42 sacrifices : Agnishtöma, .
13, 247, 248, 250, 264 A ptöryāma, . . 13, 247 and 1., 248, 252,
253, 261, 264 Advamëdha, 13 and n., 142, 152, 264, 274,
298, 302 and n. Atirätra, . . . 247 and 1., 248, 252, 261 Atyagniahtoma, . . . . 247 and n., 248 Bahubiranya,. . . . . 247. Bahusuvarnaka, . . . . 247 . Brihaspatioasa, . . . .
. 264 Dvadaba-ratra, . . . Ekashashtirdtra, Shashtirira. . .
. . . 247 Shodasin, . . . . . . 247 and n. Shõdady-atiratra, . . . . . 264 Triratra,. .
. . . . 247 Ukthya, . . . . 13, 247 and 1., 264 Vajapēya, . . . 13, 20, 247, 248, 264, 295
330
.
.
.
247
247.
53

Page #457

380
Sadambu, s. a. Taadamu, vi.,. sadar, t. d., .
Sadasiva, Saiva ascetic, Sadasivaraya, Vijayanagara k., sadhana, army' (?), Sadraspatnam, a. a. Sadras, ci., Baduktibarnamrita, wk.,. Saduragaradi, Tamil wk., Sagara, myth. k.,
Sagarakula, 'family of Sagara',
Sahadeva, epic hero,
Sabeth-Maheth brick ins.,
Saheth-Maheth image ins. of the time of
Kanishka,
Sähulla, Brahmana,
Sailadevagriham, stone-temple',
Sailapura, vi.,
Sailätmaja, s. a. Parvati, goddess,
Bainyabhita, son of Sailsdbhava k., Baiva Acharyas, Baiva-siddhantas, Saivism,
210 331, 336
194, 195, 196, 198, 200 261, 263, 265, 266 88
Sailödbhava, eponymous k., 150, 152 Sailödbhavas, dy... 148, 149 and n., 151, 152, 174 Sainyabbits, Sailödbhava k.,
151
Sainyabhite. 8. G.
Madhavavarman,
Sailödbhava k.,
•
189 n.
47 241 287
54, 264, 265
124, 125, 126 106 and n. 37 n. . 239, 75, 135, 175, 182, 234, 239, 295
75
272, 277 20 n.
Sakas, tribe,.
Sakala, ca...
Bakamuni, s. a. Sakyamuni,
Sakalabhuvanachohakravartiigal, tit. of
Köpperufijinga I and II, Baka, foreigners or Muhammadans,
Jy.,.
Sakata, myth. demon,
Sākēta, ci.,
sakhas
Chhandöga,
Kanva,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Sakti, rishi,. Saktis, the three
Saka-Palhava, dy.,
Saka Satraps of Taxila and Mathura,
148, 150, 151, 152 (A)rapabhita,
PAGE.
.
Taittiriya,
Sakimuni, s. a. Sakyamuni, sakkara-thāsa, place of worship', Salbardi, s. a. Sailapura vi., Sakra, s. a. Indra, god, Sakti, goddess,
150, 151, 152 330, 332, 333 241
14, 17., 333
27 and n., 28 319, 320, 328
. 2, 203, 206
6 2, 4, 5, 7, 8
2 80 6
298, 303
16, 19, 130, 135 and n., 137, 173,
175
261, 265, 266 2, 7, 8 4 n. . 263 and n. 70, 87 63
•
181 and n., 182, 183 136 n.
PAGE.
308, 310, 324, 327 . 49, 236 . 31 m. 2, 4, 7, 181, 182, 183
éalai, hospital' (?), 91, 92 and n., 93 n. 94 and n.
Saktikumāra, Guhila k. of Mewar, .
Saktivarman, Kalinga k., sakunika, fowler', witness, Sakyamuni, s. a. The Buddha, Salachanika, vi.,.
[VOL. XXIV.
Salakam China-Tirumalaraya, Vijayanagara off., Salakam Peda-Tirumalaraya, Vijayanagara off..
Salakam Tirumala, Vijayanagara off.. Sälankäyana, dy.,.
Salavanika, s. a. Salachanika, vi., Salbani, thand-, Salem, di., Säler, fort,
·
Samantasimha, k. of Mewär,. Samantavarman, E. Ganga k.,
287 289 n. 280, 281 182. 46
161, 186, 188
220 and n.
310, 311, 324
145
97
97 226
.
Salivahana, Guhila k. of Mewa Salsette, Saluva, dy.,
Samadhisvara,
Sāļuva-Tirumalairäja, off.. Samadhigata-pamcha-mahāsabda, tit., Samadhisambhu, 8. a. god,. 319-20 Samadhiévara, te., 305, 306, 314 m., 319, 320 Samadhiévara te. ins. of Mökala, Samadhiavara te. ins. of V. S. 1485, samaiyam, creed', sāmājika, off., samanta, off., Samanta, tit., Samanta-chihna, edmantas, neighbouring land-owners',
305 314. 166, 169 n. 16 133, 135, 136, 164, 273, 274
252 272, 277 30, 31 and ., 32, 33
287
.
312, 325 130, 132, 133,
Samastabhuvandéraya, tit., Samatrata, n. of preceptor, sāmavāji or aämäjika, or sämavājika, off., samaväyika, off., Samaya-sara, Jaina wk., Samba, Vrishni prince,. Sambala,
Sambara, myth. hero, Sambara, Sultan of Gujarat(?), Sam bayya, ch. of the Mahabali race,
sāmanti or samanta, off., samantakarana,
180, 181 16, 19
samantubeydal,
. 33, 34, 35 . 33, 34, 35 Samarasimha, Raval, k. of Chitor, 305, 306, 308, 309, 313, 326, 327
288 . 200
་་་་ཚོ་་་ྒུ
16, 19
16 272 196, 197 224 68 68
. 190

Page #458

INDEX.
381
.
.
63
Makars, .
.
320
190
312
.
230
PAGE. Sambhu, .. a. Siva, god, 110, 72, 88, 89, 110,
151, 152, 275, 316, 317 Bambhu-nivisa, palace, . . Samhbhusimhs, Maharana Mewar k.,. . 63 Samghs, . . . Samhitas, . .
. . .
248 Bamiddhēkvara, 8. a. Siva, god, . . Bamiddhēsvara, te., . Samkhika,' worker on conch shells, . 331, 336 Samkhya, system of Hindu philosophy, . 241 Bammisa, l.,
. . aaralaras, . . . . . . . 247 Samuddavijas, m.. . . . 196, 197 Samudragupta, Gupta k., 13, 50, 133 n., 198,
255 Samvatsaravariyap-perumakkal, Commi
ttee, . . . . . . . 40 Bamoyavahary-adi kufumbinah. . . 127, 129 samyak-sambuddha, tit. of Lord Buddha, . 148 and . Samyutta-Nikaya, . . . . . . 147. Saricharakas, circuit officers', .
142. Sancharantaka, corrupt form of Saricharalea, . . .
138, 142 and n. Saricharantaka, off. . . . 298 7., 302 . Sancharins, off., . . . . 64, 298 7., 302 Banchi, ci... .
. 231, 257 Sabchi ins., . . . Sachi Stupa inss., .
. . . 205 Sanchor, ci., . . Sandayan, Vaidumba ch.,
. . . 190 Sanderao, L., . . . . . .62. sandhi, mistakes in . . . . 130, 138 aandhi, non-observance of rules of - 20, 53, 130, 135 *., 243 n., 242 1., 243 n., 304, 315 7.,
317 .., 320 n., 324 7. sandhi, obeerved, . . . . 246, 296 sandhivigrahappēru, tax,
154, 155, 168, 169,
171, 172 Sandhivigrahin, off., . . . 173, 175 kandi, service to god in templo, . 156, 162 Banga (Sing&)-Rånā, Mewar k., . . 58, 59, 60,
68 and 1., 84 Sanghåräma. . . . . . . 9, 10 Sangrimasimba Rāņā, 8. a. Sängi, Mesar .
.
.
203
PAGE. Sankhoda plates (I & II) of Kalachuri year 392,
178, 179 sankrantis
. . 120 Santaka, off., .
55 and ., 265, 266 santana, celestial tree', . . . . 68 Säntaras, dy.. . . Santoaba Bhatta, m., . . . 16 and n., 19 Santosha Madhavi, Bharja q..
. 16, 17; 19 Sapädalakeba, co., . Sapta-påkayajria-panatha, Grihya sacri. fices,
. . . 247 Sapta-sigara, gift, . . . .
62, 77 Saptasindhu, .
. . . 323 Sapta-Soma-Bashatha, seven Soma sacrifices, . . .
. 246, 247, 248, 252 Sapla-Somayajña-sanstha, . . . 247, 248 Sarabhapura, ca.. . . . . . . . Sarabhapura kinga, dy.. . . .
. 52 Sarada, goddess, . .
213». Sáradá shrine of Kashmir,
213. Säraddi, l. d., • .
173, 175 Saran, di. . . . Sārana, Vrishni prince, . . . , 197, 198 Sarasala, Brahman, .
62 n. Sarasvati, goddess, . 72, 77, 213 7., 305, 314,
332 n. Saravarana, L., .
. . . 9, 10 barira, the corporal relic of the Buddha', . . . . . . 3, 8, 7, 10
. . 119 Sarnath, c., . . 210, 211 and n., 212 Samith fragmentary ins., of the time of
Karna, . . . . . . 117, 121 Sárnāth inas., . .
. . 211 Sarnath ins of the 3rd year of Kanishka, 210 Sarnga, . .
. . . . 268, 274 Särthaväha, 'morchant'. . . . . 203 Sarthavähini, lady merchant', . . . 202 earuddhyaksha, off.,
14., 55, 265, 266, 297,
302 and n. Sarvajda-Chudamani, sur. of Saumyasri.
sakha-Mangaládbipa, M., . . . . 93 Sarvakratu vajapöyayají, ep. . . . 36 sarvaparihara-karudeya, . . Sarvartu-vilasa, a. a. Sabaratavildea, palace
at Udaipur, . . . . . . 63 Sarvästivādin, Buddhist sect, . Sarvavarman, Maukhari k., 283, 284, 285 and . Sarvēdvara-Bhatta, Brahmana, 84, 76, 83, 89 Sarvvananda Pandit, m., . . . 293, 295 Sarvvasvamin, dones, . . . . 150, 163 Sāsanakota, vi... . .
. 234, 238 sasana-sarichårin, off., .
. . 302.
.
3, 6, 7, 10
Sarkhs platee of Ratnadi
•
303
Sañjän Plates of Amöghavarsha I,. . 109. Sankara, 8. a. Siva, god, . 65, 241, 243, 318 Sankaradēva, Vaidumba ch., . . . 190 n. Sankaragana, Kalachuri k., . . . . 103 Santha,
. 98 n., 295 Sankhamathik-adhipati, Saita ascetic, . . 241 Sankhoda (odd) plate of Kalachuri year 346, .170 n. Sankhoda plates of Kalachuri year 391, 176

Page #459

382
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
17
РАСЕ. Balanka, Gauda k.,
• 151 Satapatha Brahmana,
109 n. Satavahana, dy... . . . 14 n., 259 Satavahana inas...
14 n. Satpuri, mo., . .
. . . 13 Satrap, tit., . . . ,
• 10 Satrubhañja, Bhanja k. .
16 n., 17 Satrubhañjadēva, do...
173, 174 Satrubhañja, Ränaka-do... Satrusimha, prince of Mewar,
63, 83 sattra, . . . . . .
248, 249 Satya, 8. a. Satyabhama, wife of Lord
Krishna, . . . . . Satyaditya, Chola k., . .
. 185 Satyātra ya Vallabhēndra, 8. a. Pulakedin II, W. Chalukya k.,. .
269, 274 Satyavákya, ep. of W. Ganga linge, 188 and n. Satyavákya Konganivarman, W. Ganga
· 139 Satyavākya Rachamalla, 8. a. Rachamalla II, W. Ganga k.,
188, 189 Satyavákya Rāchamalla II, W. Ganga k., 189 Saumya-brisakha, 8. a. Alagiyamanavala,
.
86
93 n.
45
PAGE. Sesha, lord of the serpent world', . 71, 111, 174,
293, 327, 328 Sesoda, ca., . . .
. . . 311 Sesodā, co.,'. Setubandha, Prakrit poem, . . . . 261 Sevvirukkai-nadu, t. d... . . . 169, 172 sh,
. . . . . 20, 253, 255 ah, used for visarga. . . . . . 330 sha, in Năgarl, . Sha'ban, Imad-ul-Mulk under Mahmud Begarh,. . .
. . . 219 Shābhāzgarhl Edicts of Asoka,
. . 2,5 Shābāzgarhi Rock Edict XIT, Shadangavid, ep... Shah Ahammada, 6. a. Ahmad I, Sultan
of Gujarat, . 213, 214, 215 and 11., 216, 217 n., 223 Shah Mahammada, 8. a. Muhammad II,
Sultan of Gujarat, 213, 214 and n., 216, 223 Shah Mahamada, Sulfan of Gujarat, 213, 214,
215, 216, 217 and 1., 218, 223, 224 Shah Mudaphars, Sultan of Gujarat, . 213, 222,
223 Sheorinārāyaṇ image ins., Sheorinārāyan plates of Ratnadēva II,. . 119 Shihab-ud-din Ghüri, Emperor of Delhi, 213 n. Shinkot, vi., . . Sialkot, 8. a. Sakala, ca. Sibi, myth. k., . . .
328 siddhacharya, .
. . . 245 Siddhalingamadam, vi.. . . . . 190 Siddhanta,. . .
. . : 272, 277 Siddhasaravala. .
213 n. Siddhartha, 8. a. the Buddha,
240 Siddhēsvara, god
240, 243 Siddhi one-thousand, 1. d., . . . 185, 188 Siddhout, co.
. . . 185, 186 Sihab-ud-din (Muhammad Ghüri), . . 230 Sila, Guhila k. of Mewar, Silabhañjadēva, Bhanja k.. . . 17, 173, 174 Silahara, dy., . . . . . 225 n. Silappadikáram, Tamil wk., . . .. 170 R. Silastambha, . . .
74 Silavati, Kadavaraya q..
. Srle, m., . . . . . . 231, 233 Simghavarman, Pallava k.
138, 141 Simha, Guhila k. of Mewar, . ;
310 Simhana, Kalachuri k. of Raipur,.
123 Simhana, 8. a. Mahaperiyapradhāni Singanna Dandanayaka, Hoysala gen., . .
95 n. Simhana, Yadava k., . sinhâsana,. .
. . 271, 276 Simhavähini, 8. a. Durgā, goddess, . . Simhavarman, Pallava k., 139, 140, 142 1., 235, 236, 237, 298, 299 and R.,
300, 301, 302
..
.
Saumya-brisakha-Mangaladhipa, m., . 92, 93
and n. Sauvira, co., . . . Savarija, com., .
173, 175 and 1. Savratantradhikrita, "Superintendent of
all departments', off. . . . 144, 145 Sayad, m.,. .
. 216 , Schëtaka, incorrect for Svētaka, E. Ganga ca.,. . .
. 131, 133 n. Scythian, .
. . . 208 seasons of the years Griebma, . 74 n., 146 and ., 147, 148, 253, 254,
256 and n. Hemanta, . . . . . . 211, 212 Kar, . . . . . . 154, 155 Pisan, . .
. . . 155 Sarad, . . .
Suchi (Grishma), . . . . 74 and 1. Seda-mandala, t. d., .
. . 133 . Sem bättür, vi., . .
. . 95 Sena Kings of Bengal, dy. . . . . 129 Señalor alias Tiruvarangachaturvediman
galam, vi.. . . . 166, 167, 168, 171 Sendpati, off. 133, 252, 261, 262, 267, 273, 276,
294 Sendamangalam, vi.. . 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 162 seri, guild ', . . . . 280 fört or cheri,
. . . 39
25
123

Page #460

Simhavarman, sur. of Ganga Madhavavarman,
Simhavarman I, Pallava k., Simhavarman II, do.
Simhavishnu, do. Simhija, horse',
Simhlja, s. a. Rahu, planet,
Simitrā, s. a. Sivamitra, f. donor,
Sindh (Sindhu) co.,
Sindhuraja, Paramāra ch., Sindūragiri, hill,
Sinduragiri-mähätmya, lit. wk.,
Singadeva, Hoysala gen.,
Singadeva, m.
Singadeva Singanna Dandanayakkan,
Hoysala gen.,
Singalantaka-chaturvedimangalam, vi., Singana-Dannayakka, Mahapradhanan Mandalikariyamarajan, Hoysala gen., Singanna, s. a. Mahaperiyapradhana Singanna Dandanayaka, Hoysala gen.,. Singanna-Dandanayaka, Hoysala gen., Singanna-Dandanayaka, Mahaperiyapradhāna, s. a. Singaradeva-Dandanā. yaka, Hoysala gen.,
Singanna-Dandanayaka, s. a. SingadevaSinganna-Dandanayaka, Hoysala gen.,. Singaradeva, wrong for Singadeva,. Singaradeva-Dandanayaka, Hoysala gen., Singapuranadu, t. d.,
Singhapura, Kalinga ca.,
singular and plural, indifferent use of
in Tamil,
Sinhalese,
Siprā, ri., Siripuram, 8, a. Sripura, ci., Sirivira Purisadata, Ikhāku k., Sirkap, Saka-Palhava ca., birmai, t. d.,
Siroda de Ponda, vi., siro-mäträs, in Nagari,
Sirōmja (Sironj), ci, Sirpur ins.,.
Sirsa ins. of the time of Bhōja I, bishtas,
INDEX.
PAGE.
237 139 n., 299 301
138
72 74 203, 204 and ". 45, 118 n., 219, 221 312 263 n. 263 95. 92.
Siva, 8. a. Pärvati, goddess, Sivadasan Mangaladityan, madhyastha,
91, 95 156
95 n.
95 95
95
94, 95 95 and n. 95 and n. 190
49, 50
30 157, 158, 161, 162, 163, 165 62,73 47, 49 n. 141
6
97 143
57, 304
61, 69
284 333 40, 41 271, 277 12, 13, 46,
Sita, epic princess,
Siva, god,.
47, 63, 65, 66, 67, 70 and n. 79, 84, 97, 101, 102, 108, 110 n. 136, 150, 179, 181, 183, 184, 220 n., 226, 240, 241, 242, 243, 249 and n., 250, 263, 317 n., 319, 320, 327, 330, 331, 333 88 41, 42
Sivadatta, min.,
Sivakhadavarman, Häritiputta, Kadamba k., Sivalinga,
Sivamagha, Maharaja
k. of Kausambi,
k.,
Sivamagha, Rajan VasishthiputtraSivamaka Satakarni, Andhra k., Siva-Mändhätrivarman, Kadamba k., Sivamara, W. Ganga k., .
Śivamitra, donor,
Śivamitra, J.,
Sivarakhita, s. a. Sivarakshita, donor, Sivarakshita, donor, Sivarama, commentator,. Sivaskandavarman, Pallava k., Sivaskandavarman, Yuvamahārāja
Pallava k., Šivatattvaratnakara, wk., Sivayasa, f., Siwani plates,
Siyaḍoni ins., Si-yu-ki, wk.,
•
PAGE.
247, 249,
250 139
12, 264 146 254, 255, 256
256 279
140
187 and ".
.
deva, Simanta of Kongu k., Soma, s. a. Söměévaradeva, god,
Somadeva, donee,
Sōmanatha, god,
Somanatha, Vaidumba ch.,
383
203 and ".,
204 and n.
204 n. 205 205 196 .
139, 143, 144
Skandabhögin, engr.,
150, 153
Skandadityasva min, donee, 150, 153 Skandagupta, Gupta k.,. 198 n., 222 Skandanāga, m., 257, 260 Skandavarman, Pallava k., 138, 235, 237, 298, 300, 302 and n. 299, 300
299 49 n. 203
52, 53, 54, 56 n., 330 257 1., 258 n.
55
Skandavarman I, Pallava k., Skandavarman II, s. a. Vijaya-Skandavarman II, Pallava k., 299 and n., 300 Skandavarman, Vijaya, Pallava k., 235, 236, 237 68, 108, 115, 328
Smara, 8. a. Manmatha, 'Cupid', .
Smarārāti s. a. Šiva, god, Smritichandrika, wk.,
232 333 n. 133 n. 194, 196,
Sōda-mandala, s. a. Sēdāmaṇḍala, t. d., Soḍāsa, Satrap,
200, 202, 208, 209, 210 and n. 103 110 n. 37.
: Söḍhadeva, k., Södhadeva, Kalachuri k., Sōlan, k.,
Solan Silamban alias Vira-Chōla Lankesvara
164 240, 243 231, 233
103 190 m.

Page #461

384
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIV.
187
PAGE. 88ma-sacrifices, . .
247 and .,
248, 249, 250, 252 Somatarman, engr.,
. . 238, 239 Somayaj, ep., . .
. . 36, 41 Somian tha, god, . . . 243 Bomédvara, Brahman min., . . 109 and 1. Somédvars, god. . .
.
103 Somöbvara, min., . . . 108, 109, 114 Som kvara I, Ahavamalla, Chalukya k., . 107 and n. Som kvars II.do.. .
. . 107 r. Sömökvaradēva, god. . . . . 240, 242,
243 and 1. Somidova-chaturvedimangalam, vi., . 166 Sompēta, di.,
133 Sonadukondaruliya, ep. of Pandya k., . Sonagari, branch of the Chauhan race,
312 Sondala, 7., .
. . . 232, 233 Sonepur, sate,
242 Sonita, . a. Sõnitapura, ci...
317 and 7. Sorath, Co., . . .
217 Sorath, di.,. . Sdrathaka, one who hails from Surashtra,
merchant, . . . . . . 147, 148 Söremati, fort,
183, 184,
185, 189 and n., 191, 192 boru, food'1, . . . sota, m., . . :
231, 233 Sotthivati-nagara, .. a. Suktimati, ca., . 147 n. Southern luni-solar system, . .
122 spiral, emblem on seal,
235 Spita, 8. a. Joannes Spits, Dutch officer,. 124, 128 *p, used for Sanskrit tv, in Kharoshthi,. Sraddhamanta, off., . Sravaka, lay hearer', .
147, 148,
272, 277 Srdvapadi, . .
. . 58, 61 Sravanti, river',.
71 Srivasti, ci., .
. . 21, 22, 211 Srivasti, Co.,
.
110 brini, guild,
. 253, 256, 335 brëni-bala, army maintained by guilds', 333 and n. breshthin, off(),
273, 276
289
38
PAGE. SH-Kärmam, ci.,. .
133 Srimitri, f... .
204 . Sri-Nattabharijad vasya, legend on neal. 172 Sringi-rishi ins., . .
63, 308 Srinivasa, 11., . . .
93 n. Srinivasa, tit., of Madhavavarman, Sailod bhara k... . . . . .
150 Srinivasa alias Sriranga Garudaváhanabhatta, 4. a. Garudaváhana-bhatta of 1493 A.D., author of Divyasüricharitram, 90, 91,
92, 93, 98, 99, 100 Srpati, .a. Vishnu, god, . . . Srpura, ca.. . . . . . . Brfranga-Garudaváhana Pandita, & a.
Srinivias alias Sriranga-Garudsväbana
bhatte, author, . . . . . 93, 98 Srirangam, ci., 91, 93 ., 95, 96, 97 and 1., 98, 180, 286, 287, 288,
289 and 7., 290 and . Serangam Plates of Devardya II, . . 90 n. Sriranga-Nariyana Jiyar, author, . . Sriranga-Nariyanapriyan, accountant, 289, 290 Sriranganátha, god. . . . . Sriranganátha, te.. Srirangappa Nayaka, ch., . . . Srirangarajastava, wk., . . . . Srisaila, mo.. . . . . St-Saingabhilasya, legend on soal, . . Sriedmanta, off.. . . . 133, 135, 136 Briavamin, donce, BrtTribhuvanamkuba, legend on soa), . 268 Srivaikuntham, di.. . . . . Srivaishnavas, rel. sect, . . . 92 n., 93». Srivallabha, tit., of Chalukya Vikramaditya I, 186 . Srlvallabha of A.D. 1535, Pandya k., . 97. Srivatna, . . . . . . Srvatsånka-miára, 4. a. Koratta vår, saint, 90 Śrvilliputtar, vi., .
. . Srungavarapukota, di., . Srungavarapukota plates of Abantavarman, 48, 49 Sruti, the Veda', . . . 41, 72, 73,
170 and n. Stambhadeva, donee, . . . 173, 175 Stambha-tirtha, I., . Standing deity, symbol on Indo-Parthian
coins, . . Steynfield, vi. in Germany, athala, t. d.,. . .
78 athalapurana. . . athaman, seat or place!
144 n. ahamya, ofl., . . 144 and n., 145 othanabhumi, land of the temple,
331, 335 shanddhikarapika, off.. . . . 144 . shanddhikrita, ofl., . . . . 144 n.
38
50
Tribhandaram, ter
01
95
125
Sribadahyam. . Srichandra, ch., . Śrfohandra, Chandra k. of Eastern Bengal, bridvara, . . Sridhara, donee, . Sridhara, Avasathika d onee, . Sridhara, ci.. . Sridharadaan, author, Srikantha, Vaidumba ch., . Srikanthadeva-Achárjya, com, trikarasa, off., . . Srikaranagutu, off (). . .
129
105 272, 277 231, 233 231, 233 150, 153
106
190 184, 193 273, 276
278
133

Page #462

INDEX.
385
151
PAGE. sthanadhipati, off., .
273, 276 Subhadri, f.,
. Subhadra, wife of Arjuna, the epic hero, Subhakaradeva, Bhauma(?) k., . . Subhashitavali, wk., . . . . 106 n. Sucha(ndravarman), Maukhari k., . . 284 n. Suchivarmā, Guhila prince of Mewar, . 310 Sudarsana atakam, wk.. .
289 Sudhanyakataka, 8. a. Dhanakataka, vi., 257 . Sūdi ins. of $. 996,
. . 1071, Sūdra, caste, . . .
108, 109 and .,
272 and 1. Sükara-kshatra,
63, 87 Sukha-pala, a kind of palanquin',. 70 and Sukranits, wk., . , 127 and n., 128 and 1. Suktimati, vi. . . . 147 and 7., 148 Suktisähvaya, Chēdi ca.
. . 147. füla, 'trident', emblem on boundary stones, 32 Sultan, legend on coins,
. 292 n. Sultans of Gujarat, dy., 59, 60, 218, 220, 221 Sultans of Malwa, dy... . Sumangala, dütaka, . . . 173, 175 Sumēru, myth. mo.. Sumitra, myth. ancestor of the Mewir kk. 58 . Sunagara ', Kalinga ca.,
wegal. . . . .
50 Sundara-Pandya I, Pandya k., . . 161 Sundara-Pandya I, Jafavarman, Pandya k., 24 Sundara-Pandiyan-kol, land-measuring rod, 154, 168,
169, 171, 172 Sundara-Pandiyan Tennāru, n. f channel, 166, 167,
168, 171 Supaparāgara, lake(?),. Supratika, n. of elephant,
170 . Surada, 8. a. Jurādā, vi.. .
18 n. Buraguru, 8. a. Brihaspati, .
328 Suranimnagā, 8. a. Ganges, ri,
320 Särankudi, vi.. . .
166 Sürankudi-nādus, ... . Surapati, s. a. Indra, god,
294 Sürasēna, dy.. . .
329 Surashtra, co. . . .
. 59, 146 n.,
147, 309, 324 Surat, co.. . . . .
220 Saräväripalem, vi.. . . . . 141 bu pays, merchant, . . . 147 and n..
148 sürya-graha,' solar eclipse', . Süryasvāmin, donee, . 261, 265 and 1., 268 Suryavarman, Muukhari k.,.
rman, Muukhari ke.,. . . 283, 284 Susthitavarman, do.. .
283 Sasyala, donor, . . . . . 207 Sutradhara, mason(?),. .
64, 71, 89 Suva (cha)....Maukhari k., . 284, 285 and 3. Suvarnadhyaksha, off., . .
183 n. suvarnakara, goldemith', .
O . . . 239 .
PAGE. Suvarna-raupya, coin,. Suvarnarékha, rig . . suvarna-rupya. . . . . .
183 Suvēla, myth. mo. . . Suvra, Maukhari k., . .
284 *. Suyodhana, epic hero,. . gue-bhuja-bala-parikram-akranta-Kaling
adhirajya, prasasti, . . . . 132, 135 Svs-bhuja-bala-parakramedkranta-sakalaSuitab-Adhirajya, prasasti, . . .
132 svalpa, small', . . .
133
. Svalpa-Valura(o), vi.. . . . 130, 133,
136, 137 Svalpa-Velura grant of Ganga Anantavarman, 181 Svámichandrasvamin, donee,.
150, 153 Svåmidāsa, Maharajek.. . Svåmin, 8. a. Karttikēga, god, . . 240, 243 Svamin, Satrap tit., . . 194, 196, 208, Svapnēsvara, te., . Svarnakara, 'goldsmith', . warnamēru, gift, . . sva-samaya, Jaina doctrine,. . rastiba, coin-symbol, .. . Svayambha, s. a. Brahma, god, , 71, 150, 152 Svayambhu, 1. a. Siva, god,. . . svayamvara, . . . . . 187 Svõtaka, Early E. Ganga ca. and co., 130, 131,
132, 133 and n., 134, 136, 181, 183 Svõtaks branch of the Early Gangas of Kalinga, dy. . . . . .
132, 133 Sultaka-pushkarini, . . . . Svētămbara Jainas, rel. sect, . Swan, emblem on seal, . . . . 143, Swat, ri. . . . . . .
1
168
1, 8 (Kharishthr), 11, 53 (box-headed), 253, 258,
260 (looped), 280 1, doubled after r, . . . . . 57 t. doubled before subscript ,. . 130, 150, 180 1, final, . . . . 48, 130, 135 1., 268 1, subscript,. . 53 (box-headed), 261 (looped) #, in Prikçit used for Sanskrit rt, . . . 3 Tabakat-i-Albari, hist. chron., 217 , 218 n. Tabaquat-s-Nasiri, chron., .
. 292 n. Tadankannich-Chirrur, vi.,
.169, 172 Taddayye, officer, . . . .
189 . Tahankapar (first and second) plates of Pampa
raja,. . . . . . . . 117 Tailanga,. . . . . . 64, 65, 89 Tailanga-Brāhmana, sect, . . . . 64, 65 tailaparnika, leaves producing oil', . . 127
Kolam, 11., . . . . . 190 Takshaka, 'lord of serpents', 306, 316, 318
74

Page #463

886
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. xxiv.
Avarman,.
185
• 91
•
98
PAGE. Täla, E. Chafukya prince, . . 271, 275 Tajakida, W. Ganga ca.,
188, 189 tala-taftu, top-stroke', . Tilganda piller in. of Kituste Tamatada, oi., . . . . . 150, 183 Timraparpl, ., .
. . 103 and 7., 102 108 sod., 162, 168
100 Ramna-patta, . ..
. . 150, 153, 205 Taodantottam plates of Vijaya-Nandivikramavar
138. Tindivido grant of Prithvimahindi
. 50 Tanem-Kuttal, . . . . . Tafijal, .. a. Tanjore, ca. . . 35, 41, 42 Tanjore, Ohjaca., .
. Tanjore inal.. . . . . Tanjore plates, . .
. 237 Thoporunda-áru, . a. Tämraparni, mi., 166, 167,
168, 171 tantrandga,' weavers', . . . . 298, 303 tapita, hosted', . . . . . 150, 153 Tapparila, ., . .
• 273, 278 Tåraka, . . .
. . . 89 Tarbha, ci., .
. . .242 Tasaparkeri grant,
. . . . 173 Tatár Khan, d. a. Mahammada (Muhammada).
Sulfan of Gujarde. . , . .214 and Taxila coins of Vijayamitra,. . . . 6 Taxila plate of Patika, Tējaisha, Raula 88-k. of Mewdr, .
jaskara, polisher . . . . . 280 Tekkali,ci., . . . . Tekkali plates of Umsvarman, . . Telingam, co., . Tepkarai, vi., . Ten-Kongu, co., Terahi, vi.. . .
242 Teraz bagriha, Uttark, L., . 240, 241, 242, 243 Tērambi, I., . .
. . . 241, 242 Tērathbipala, Saiva assetic, T'èrashbipala, . . .
. .
. . . 241 terri, . . . . . 36, 37 and 3., 41, 42 terpi-ambalam, 8. 4. chittira-kGdam (chitrakufa).
37 and . tesabara, artisan' (), .
. . . . 280 th, in Nagarl, . .
102 th, subecript, in Nagarl, .
. 102 Thakkara Sripati, com... Thakkura Vasishtha, donec, . Thakurs, til., . . .
. 231, 232, 233 Think, di.. . . . . 46, 126, 127, 220 . Thanniyarka-Kottihksyyl, vi.. . 144, 145 Theodamas, Greek ch. . Thēpaka, Mihara ch.. ..
. . . 221 Thtparáma Chetiya in Ceylon,
. . 43 and ..
PAGE. Tibet, co., . .
104 and n. Tibetan, . . . . . 104, 257 n. timplras, l. m. .
. 150, 163 tinaippul, kind of crop', 154, 168, 169, 171, 172 Tindivanam, di.. . . .
. 22 tinnai, . . . . . 37 *. Tinnevelly, ci.. . . . . . . 163 Tinnevelly ins. of Måravarman Sundara-Pkpdys
. . . 160 Tipallatthamiga-Jataka,.
. 147. Tippalur, i. . . . . . 186 n. Tira-bhukti, t. d., . . . . . 44, 104 tiramam, ooin, . . 154, 168, 169, 171, 172 Tirkth foot-print ins., Tiritthina grant of Chandavarman, . . 49 Tirodi plates of Maharaja Pravarasina II, 52, 53,
54, 56 n., 56 7., 261, 263 tirthas, . . . . . . 263, 292, 293 Tiru, 8. a. Lakshmi, goddess, .166 and 1., 167, 169 Tiruchchirappalli, di.. . .
289 Tiruchchirap-palli-sirmai, t. d., tirugopuram, . . . . Tirukkaivalakkam, offerings distributed to devotees etc.,' . .
99 and n. Tirukkalikkudi, vi.. . . Tirukkalávur, vi... . Tirukkalukkunram, vi... Tirukkottiyor, vi., . Tirukkoyilar, ci. . . Tirukkoyilar, di.,.. . Tirumala, Vijayanagara prince,
. 286 Tirumala I, Vijayanagara k. .
140 *. Tirumalai ins.,
. . . . 45 »)., 47 Tirumalainátha, author, . . . . . 97 Tirumalainatha-Uttamanambi, trustee of Sriram
gam te . . . . . . 96, 97 Tirumalai rook ins. of Rājēndra-Chola I, 105 Tirumalaba, . a. Oduva Tirumalamba, poetess,
286 and 7., 287 Tirumaliruhjolai, 8. G. Alagarmalai, vi... 164 Tirumalirufjölai-nipraruliya-Paramasvamin,
god, . . . . . . . . 156 Tirumalli-nadu, 6. d., . . . . 169, 172 tirumandapam, . . . . . 37 n., 92 Tirumangai-Ajvar, agint, . . 90 n., 96 and n. Tirumugam, . . . . . 91, 99, 100 Tirumukkadal, vi...
. . . . 94 Tirumunaippadi, t. d., . . . . . 23 tirumurram court-yard ', . . . . 37 tirunadai-maligai,. .
. . 91, 92, 44 tirunamattukkasi,. . Tirupati, vi., . . . 2N6 A., 289 and , Tiruppanálvår, egin, . Tiruppatiyar, community, .
...
...
23, 27

Page #464

INDEX.
387
. 105
161
.
75
190
PAGE. Tiruppattar, vi.. . . . . . . 98 Tiruppavai, lit. wk., . . . . 94 n. Tiruppuvanam grant, . . . . 156 Tiruvadi, vi.. . . . . . . 23 Tiruvadi, tit.,
289. Tiruvālangadu plates, . . . 31, 33, 156 Tiruvallam ings., .
. . . . 190 n. Tiruvallam ins. of Rājarāja I, . . . . 191 Tiruvannamalai, vi., . .
27,95 Tiruvarangachaturvēdi-mangalam alias Babalar,
vi.. . . . . . 168, 167, 168, 171 Tiruvarangap-tiruppati, . a. Srirangam, vi., 99, 100 Tiruväypädi temple, . . . . . 36
tiruveduttuklatti' covered enclosuro', . . 37 Tiruvēndipuram, vi.. . . . . Tiruvendipuram ins., . . Tiruvendipuram ins. of A. D. 1232-3, . Tiravenpainallur, vi.. . .
23, 24 Tiruvidaimarududaiyár, god,. . . 155 n. Tiruvidaimarudur, vi., . . . . . 155 tiruvidaiyaham, . . . . 99, 100, 101 Tiruvayya I, Vaidumba ch., .
. 190 Tiruvayya II, do.,
. 190 Tiruvayya, .. a. Vikramadityap Tiruvayyan,
Vaidumba ch., . . tiruvolakkamandapa, . .
. 37 Tiruvula, vi.. . . . . . . 189 Titilagarh, vi., .
. . .239 and . Titira-Jalaka, . . Tivaradēva, k. of Mahikobala,
62, 284 Ina, ligaturo, in Central Indian box-headed'
script, . . Tollappiyam, Tamil wk., . . 23 Tolmálaiyalagiyār, .
. 91, 94 To-na-kis-tee-kia, . a. Dhanakataka, vi., 207 *. Tondaimandalam, co., . , 24, 25, 26, 28 Tondaradippodi, saint, . . . . 90 n. Topta para, vi., . . . . 49, 50, 51, 52 toranam, ' gateway', . . . . 208, 209 foru, pond', . .
. 238 . TOM, . . . .
. . 201, 202 Tonha, .. a. Toki, J., . 194, 195, 196, 200, 202 Toshi image, . . . . 200 *. Totada, vi.. . . . . 18fam, garden-lands', . 18ta-udriyan, 'village Committee . 40 Tower of Victory at Chitor, . .64 ., 308, 806 Tower of Victory ins. at Chitor, . . . 305 Traikataka, dy.. . . . . . 324 . Trailokyavarmmadova, Mahabumdra Para mara ch., . .
226, 227, 228, 232 Trami, donor, . . . . . . 10 Trepitild, . . . . . . . 211 Trata-yag, . . . . . . 308, 316
PAGE. Tribhuvanachakravartin, til., . .154, 160 n., 167 Tribhuvananārāyana, te., . . . 306, 312 Tribhuvananarayana, tit., . . . . 312 Tribhuvananārāyana, tit. of Bhojaršja, . . 306 Tribhuvanaviradáva, &. a. Kulottunga III,
Chola k.. . .. . . . 25 n., 26, 27 1. Tricainopoly, di.. Trichinopoly, di
. . . . . Tridasapura, ci.
. . . 329 trident, emblem on boundary stones, . . 28 Trikalinga, co.. . .
. 108 Trikalingadhipati, tit. . Trikata, wil in Mewr, 305, 306, 307, 316, 316, 317,
318, 319 Trikütāchala, mo. . . . 82 and n. Trilings, co.. . . . 309, 324 Trilochanapala, Chaululya k,, . 381 *. Trilochanapāla, Gurjara-Pralihara k.. . 104 Trimh bakadás, 8. 4. Trimbakabhupa, ch. of Champāner, . . . .
. .217. Trimăvarta, myth. demon, . . . . 80 Trinayana, 8. a. Siva, god, . Trinayana kula, n. of family, 271, 272 and 1., 276 Tripaths-bhūmigahin, 6. a. Gangos, ri., 318 Tripathaga, . a. Ganges, Ti., . .
78 Tripathi, tit. . . . . . 281, 333 Tripitaka, Buddhist wk., . . . 211, 212 Tripurantaka, 4.a. Siva, god, .
315 Tripurintakam, vi.. . .
. . 26 Tripurt, Kalachuri ca., 103 n., 119, 123, 241 ... 292 triratna, ooin-symbol,. .
. 6 Trishashtidalakopurusha-charitra, Jaina wk.,. 197 Trivedi, ep. . . . . . 36, 41 Trivikrama, s.a. Vishnu, god, . .. . 294 Triyam baka, god,
. . 288 tryårsheya-pravara,
. . 16 to, in Kharðphthl, Tradamu, ti., . .
. 189 . Teundaru, vi., .
. . 273 Tukkarai, Vaidumba ch.,
. . 191 Tula ceremonies,
. . 63 tulabhara, gift, 286 and 8., 286 and 1., 287, 289, 290 tuld-stamblia, . . . 62, 63, 76, 81 tuld-vidi, . .
. . 74 tulukla-udram, Muhammadan invasion', 92, 97, 98 Tuluva, dy.. . . . . . • 97 Tuluvam, co., . . . .
167, 170 Tumba, vi., . .
. 187. Tummapa, Kalachurica., . .
105 Tungabhadra, ri.. . . . . . 288 tungandsiky-archa, image of god, . . 188 tlmi, moasure of capacity,. . 38, 91, 94, 168 *. turlya.janman, . . . . 108, 109, 113 furiya-tarsa. Sadra', . . 109. Tarughurs, incorrect for Turalars, vi... 279
.
. 147
. 63

Page #465

388
Turulura, v., Tusam rock ins.,
U
w, initial, northern variety,.
, medial,.
%, medial.
-termination in Präkrit, Ubhaya-Khiñjali-mandala, t. d., Udaipur, ci.,
17
56, 62, 63, 64, 304, 311 Udaipur, State, 58, 308 Udaiyan Küttaduvän alias Villavadaraiyan, m., 154,
168, 171 27 n. 92 58, 64, 68, 82, 84 107, 230
•
Udaiyap-perumal alias Kaduvettigal, A., Udaiyavar, Vaishnavite teacher, Udaya, s. a. Udayasimha-Rana, Mewar k.,
udayam, produce',
Udayapur stone ins. of V. 8. 1229,
Udaya-tataka, tank,
Udayavarman, Paramara co.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Udayaditya, Paramara k. of Malwa, Udayaditya of the Bhopal inss.. Udayagiri cave ins. of the time of Chandra.
.
gupta II,
Uddharana, donge,
udumbara, kind of tree,
Udyana, co.,
Uggasena, Vrishni prince,
130 11, 47, 74 m., 281, 282 69 n., 70 n., 281
.
. 198 n. 91 231
Udayapura, ca...
230, 231 62, 63, 82
Udayasagara, lake, Udayasimha-rapa, Mewar k., 58, 62, 64, 68, 76, 82,
84 182, 183
227, 228, 229, 230 231, 233 288 1 196, 197
62 229 922
Ujjain, ci.,.
Ujjain plate of Lakshmivarman,
Ujjayanta, mo.,.
4
•
Umapati, s. a. Siva, god,
Umavarman, k. of Kalinga,.
umbrella, closed, symbol on seal,
Umeta plates of Dadda-Pradantaraga, Una plates.
unchhavrittib, gleaner of corn', witness, Under-Merchant, Dutch off.,
PAGE.
279 200
Ulagamulududaiyar, q. of Maravarman Sundara.
Pandya II,
Ulagudaiyal, s.a. Bhuvanadhipa, f., Ulaguyyavanda-lévaramuḍaiyar, god,
Ujana, Saba gen.,
ulavu, cultivating ryota',
uljaga,
ullalai, s. a. agampadi, uvari, tax-register', Umi, goddess,
167, 170 93 n. 154, 168, 171
206, 207
155, 168
30 30 169, 171
241
318 48, 236 268 176 n. 332 31 n. 124, 125, 126
.
Untata, m., upadhmaniya, upadhyaya,
upanayana,
Upagupta-Bhattarika, Maukhari q., Uparika, off., Uparkot, fort, Upendrasimha, scribe,
ir,
Uraiyur, Chōla ca., urimai, 'headship', urimai, queen', Urjayat, Urjayanta, mo., ür-madhyasthan, off.,
PAGE.
330 and n., 331, 334, 336 48, 53, 138, 144, 236, 268, 304, 330 150, 153 247 285
gam ter,
Uruvupalle (i) grant of the time of Pallava Simhavarman, 139, 140, 141 and n., 142 n., 236, 296, 297, 298 and n., 299 and n., 300, 301 and ., 302 n., 303 n.
Urva, rishi, Ushavadāta, Satrap, Utkala, 8, a. Orissa, co., utsäha-bakti, energy', Uttama-Chola, Chola k., Uttama-Chōla, Kongu k., Uttamanambi, family, 93 n., 96, 97 Uttamanambi-Chakrarayar, trustee of Sriran
135 n. 11, 246 104, 105, 112 108, 113, 136 n.
38 163
•
",
[VOL. XXIV.
96
93 n., 97 292, 293
•
28 and 1., 29, 36, 38 and n., 39, 40, 41 n.
Uttaramallar inss., 40 and 41 n. Uttaramĕruchaturvedimangalam, vi., 34, 35, 41, 42
Uttarapatha, co., Uttara-Radha, co., Uttara-Teram bagriha, I., Uttarayana, Uttarayana-sankranti, Uyyaninräduvän Vira-Soladevan alias Kurukulattaraiyan, m.,
Uttamanambivaméaprabhavam, wk., Uttara-Kosala, co., Uttaramallar, vi
134, 135, 137, 153
222
150, 153 30, 33, 34, 35, 36
160 170 n. 166, 169 n.
222 41 n.
.
6 n. 43, 46
240, 241, 242, 243 138, 142 and n. 44
V
226
20 n., 43 and n., 53 (box-headed), 57, 102, 130, 147, 182 n., 253, 255, 296 v, not distinguished from ch, v, used for b, . 15, 102, 130, 150, 180, 226, 240, 291, 330 231
Vachaspati, min., Vachaspati, s. a. Brihaspati, celestial preceptor, 294 Vachaspatyam, Sanskrit lexicon, 109 n. Vächchhuka, donee, 231, 233
Vadagalai, sect,
98 n.
169, 172
.

Page #466

INDEX.
389
PAGE.
. 163
49 n.
• 308
PAGE. Vada-Kongu, co... Vadama, 8. a. Vardhamānapura, ca.. . Vädhälsvarada, m., . . . .
93 n. Vadnagar, ci., . . Vadugavali-twelve-thousand, t. d.,. . 186, 188 Vägada, co., .
. . 70, 218 Vägada, t.d., .
. 313, 325 Vå (Bā)ghā, engr., .
. . 64, 90, and n. Väghēla, clan, .
. . . . 304 Vå (Bā)ghēlāva, tank,
306, 318-9 väguni, off., (?), . . . . . 16, 19 Vaidumba, dy.. . 184, 185, 186 n., 187, 188, 189
and n., 190, 191 and n., 192 and 1. Vaidumba-Mahārāja, tit., . . 190, 191 Vaidumba-Mahārāja, tit. of Vaidumba k.
Gandatriņētra,. . . . 184, 191, 192 Vaidumba-Mahārāja, Vaidumba ch., 1897., 190 Vaidumba Mahārāja Bhuvanatriņētra, Vaidu. wiba ch., . .
. . 191 Vaidumba Mahārāja Vikramāditya, Vaidumba
ch., . . . . . . . . 190 Vaidur bavrolu, Vaidumba ca.,
. 187 Vaidyanātha, god,
. . . 306, 318 Vaijayanti, ci., . .
. . 110 Vaijayanti, myth. ci., .
82 vaijya-paricharakar, medical attendants', 91, 94 vaijyar, doctor,' . .
91, 95 Vaikuntha, . . .
80, 293 Vaikunthaperumal, te.,. Vailür, vi., . . Vairasitha, k. of Mewar, . . 311, 325 Vairata, k. of Mewar, . . 310, 311, 325 Vairisinha, k. of Mewar,
311, 325 Vaikishika, system of Hindu philosophy, . .241 Vaishnava, sect,. . .16 n., 17, 96, 97, 285 Vaishộavism,
. . 17 n. Vaisravana-Mahārāja, k. of Kausämbi, 147, 148,
• 105
Vākpatirăja, Paramära k. of Mälud, 231, 306, 312 Vákur, vi.. . . .
. . . 37 Valabhl, ca., . . . .
. . . 333 n. Valabhi, co., .. . . . . . 59, 179 Valabhr, dy.. . . . . . . 224 n. Valana, 8. a. Ulāna, Saka gen., . . . 207 Valandandár alias Kādavarāyar, Kadavaraya ch., 24 Välhuka, donee, . . . . . 231, 233 Valichchelva, 8. a. Viyavan, vi. off., . . 32 Valivēru, vi, . . . . 273, 278 Valiyadimainilaiyitta-Uttananarbi, m.,. 96 vallabha, off., . 134, 135, 137, 182, 183, 302 n. Vallūru, ca.,. . . . . . . 191 Valugur, vi., . . . . 154, 168, 171 Vămadovasvamin, donee, .
150, 133 Vamfadhara, 'palanquin bearer', . . 70 Varsaprabhāvam, 8. &. Uttamananbivansa. prabhavam, wk.. .
. . 97 vantari, 'witch', . .
. 225 n. vanagòcharaḥ, 'forester', witness, .
31 n. Vanagoppadi, t. d.. .
• . 190 vanam, . .
90, 97, 99, 100 Vāņaņs, 8. a. Bāņas, dy.,
. . . 161 Vanaprasthapada, . . .
. 113 Vanga, 8. a. Eastern Bengal, co., . 44, 105 Vanga, k. of the Vanga co., . Vangāla dēla, Co.,. . .
106 Vanhidasco, Jains Präkrit wk.,
. 197
. 22, 25 Vänilaikanda-perumäl, Kadavardya ch., 25, 26 Vänilaikanda-perumāļ, tit., of the Kadavaraya
ch. Manavalap-perumal, . . 23 Vänilaikandaperumā), 6. a. Kõpperusjinga I, Kadavaraya ch., . .
. . 26 Vāņilaikandisuram-udaiya-Nayanar, god, 23, 27, 28 Vanjippadalam, & chapter of Purapporul.
venbåmålai, . . . . . . 22 Vañjulvaka, Bhanja ca.. . 177., 173, 174 Vanka, n. . . . . . . . 44 Vankēkvara, god. . . . . Vanko-Tummana, Kalachuri ca.,
263 h. Vanku, . . . . . . . . 44 Vanmangalan, . . vanta, . . .
298 n. Vāpā, 8. a. Bæpā, ancestor of the Ranās of Mewar, 65 Väpanna, 8. a: Va[pp]anna, donee,. 16, 19 Vå[pp]anna, min. and donee, . . 16, 19 vara, 'multitude', .. . . . . 39 Varadādēvi-Amman or Varadāmbika, q. of k. Achyuta of Vijayanagara,
286 and 1., 289 Varadaji-Amman, 8. a. Varadădévi-Amman or
Varadarbika, Vijayanagara q.. . . . 289 Varadarbikaparinayam, Sanskrit wk., 280 & .,
287 n.
.
80, 295
.
papilai,
29 27
daarava ch., .
25, 26
254
Varuv
a n, CA.
.
.
.
.
.
.
106
Vaisravana, legend on Kosam coins,
148 Vaiyiraméghatatākam, lank,. . . 34, 35 Vājapěyayāji, ep., . . Vajiră, s. 8. Bajaur, vi... Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k., Vajrata, donor,
• 331, 335 Vajravarman, ch., . . Vajrāvati, ca., . .
. 6 . Vajrl, 8. a. Indra, god, . Vakäla ins.,. . .
205 Vakamihira, donor,
. . 207 Väkātaka, dy.. . 12 and n., 13 and n., 14, 63, 64, 55 and n., 258, 260, 261, 262, 263 and n., 264 and
1., 265, 298 7. Vākätaka inss., . • 12, 13 and 1. Väkätaka plates, . . : : 14.
.
318

Page #467

890
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXIV.
. 188
.
87
166
ΡΑΟΣ. raragu, kind of crop . 164, 168, 169, 171, 172 Varagapa, Pandya k., . Varaha incarnation of Vishnu, Varaha-larichhang,. .
. . 274 Varahan-pon, coin,
. . . 91, 91 Varahavartani, t. d., . Vārāṇasl, 8. a. Benares, ci.. .
. 293, 295 Varavaridhika, m., . . . . 93 n. Varavarakshëmēsa Lakshmiaakha, 4. a. Alagiya
Manavala-Mangalädaraya(dhipa), m.. 93 n. Varddhamins, ca., .
. . 18,47 Varddhamina-bhukti, t. d., . . 43, 46, 47 Vardhamina, Jain teacher, 201, 202, 203, 204 Vardhamanapura, ca.. . . . . . 49 Varēndri Brahmanas, act, . . . . 110 väriyam, 'committee', . . . . . 39 vdriyapperumakkal, 'members of committee
40, 42 varvyildr, maintainers of revenue accounts', 100,
172 and n. Varman kings of Bengal, dy., . . . 129 Varmans, dy.. . . . . . . 105 Varman k. of Magadha,. .
. . .284 Varmans of the Maukhari race, dy., .
.284 varitika, . . . . . . 232 n. Varunt, "the west', . . . Vasabhattariki, E. Ganga q.. . 130, 136, 137 masad-bhaga, incorrect for vasad-bhogya,. 302 n. rasad-bhogya. . .
. . 302 n. Basud-bhogya-marydda, . .
. 302 . pasakara, incorrect for tesakara, . , .280 Vasanta, . . . . . . . 72 Vāsava, . a. Indra, god, . . . . 73, 107 . VIsiahka, Kushana k., . . . . . 246 V&sishtha, family, . . . . . 49, 50, 51 Vakishtha, sage, . .181 and 9., 182, 183 Våsishthiputtra, metronymic of a Kosam k., 256 Vasinhthiputra, meronymic of the Andhra k. . Pulumăvi,
. . .259 Vasithiputa, a. a. Vesishthfputra, matronymic
of Andhra t. Pulumāvi, . . Vasithipata, metronymic of Mabaraja BhimaBēna, . . . . .
. 256 n. Västuvidyāmayan, m.,
. 28 . Vastuvidyamayan Nakkap, scribe, Vasu, donor, .
. 208, 209 Vasudeva, epic k., .
. . . 197 Vasudeva, 8. a. Vishnu, god, . 47, 208, 209, 210,
272, 277, 295 Vasudevahindi, Jains story book, . Vasudeve, 8. a. Krishna, epic k., .
. 196, 197 tasudha-tal-aika-vira, tit.. Vasumit, .,. . . . .
282 rafagrama. . . . . .
Рдаг. vdfika, 'house site with garden', 87, 138, 142 Vates, Co., . . . . . . . 147 Vatsa, myth. demon, . . . vatta, 'grouped', . . . 297, 298 and n. vatta-gramas, 'subsidiary villages,' . 298 and n. vaffa-gråméyaka, .
297, 298 and n., 303 vaffan-jagirdar, off., .
.
. 297 vatuka, 'pupil'. . . . . 227, 232, 233 Vatvatsa ?), 17... . . . . 231, 233 Vavvēru, vi.. . . . . 296, 301 vayavan, 8. a. viyavan, vi. off. . . . 32 Veda, 8. a. Brahma, god. . . . 186, 169 Vida, 41 and 1., 78, 95, 138, 154, 167, 168, 170
and n., 171, 252 7. Vedas
Sama, . . . . . 110 and . White Yajurvéda, . . . Yajur, . . .
. 16, 19 Vedanārāyana-Perumal, te.. . Vedaranyam, vi., . . . . .
95 Vēdasvåmin, donee, . . . . 150, 153 Vödhas, 6. a. Brahma, god,. .
68, 71 vedikā, . . . . . . 208, 209 and n. vidiyar, 'Brahmana', .
. . 166 Vēja, Prikrit form of Vaidya, physician', . 282 Velanändu-Vishaya, 6. d., . . , 273, 278 véli, I. m.,
90, 94, 99, 100, 101, 155 and n. Veligallu, vi.. . . .
184, 191 Vellalas, community,
32, 37 rellan-sagai, . .
156, 168 Valpumadugu, si
238 and n. Valputtoru, w.,.
. 235, 238, 239 Velungagunta, 8. a. Veligallu, u., 184, 191, 193 Valora, Di.. . . . . . . 133 Valorpālaiyam plates, . . . . 300 Vengala-Nayaka, Tuluva ch.. . . 289, 290 Vengl, co. . . . . 271, 274, 275, 278 Vingt-natha, . . . . . . 275 Vēni, ri... . . . . . . 123 n. Venkatādri alias Chikkarāya, Vijayanagara
prince,. . 285, 286 and 1., 287 and n. Venkatéin, god of Tirupati, . . . . 289 Venkurakottam, t. d., . . . . 190 Verával, I., Vesa, Buddhist novice',
. 9, 10 Vespasi, n., . . . Ves(r)akh(r), 8. a. Vaibakha month, . Vētāla, demon,. .
112 pējkra, vi. off., . . . Vetravati, ri.. . . . .
227, 231, 232 vefti-pattam, tax, 154, 155, 168, 169, 171, 172 veffippoga, dismissal from offion',
34 vibhanga,. . . . .
22 Victoria Hall Museum at Udaipur,
83
269
103
299

Page #468

INDEX.
391
•
PAGE.
301
Vidavalūru, vi., . . Videnärapallika, incorrect for Videtürapalika,
288
281 Videturapalliká, vi., . . . . 281, 282 Vidhu, 8. a. Vishnu, god, .
.
276 Vidūratha, Vrishni prince, . . .
197, 198 Vidya, poeless, . . .
. 106. Vidyadharabhafijadēva, Bhanja k., 16 ., 17, 19 . Vigrahapala II, Pala k.. . Vibagarid-vähäbhidha-Srisada, *. a. Garudavāhana, author, . . . . .
93 n. rihara, . . .
. 32, 200, 279 Vijapala, M., . . . . . 232, 233 Vijaya, min., . Vijaya, 8. a. Arjuna, epic hero, . . . 70 Vijayabhūpa, myih. ancestor of Metodr kt., 58,65 Vijaya-Buddhavarman, Pallava k., 143, 297, 302 . Vijayachandra, Gāna davala k.. . . 292, 294 Vijaya-Dasami, . . . . . . 122 Vijaya-Dévavarman, Salankayana k... - 235 Vijayāditya, W. Ganga k., . . . 187, 188 Vijayāditya, 8. a. Prabhumēru Vijayaditya,
Bana ch., . . . . . . 187 Vijayaditya I or Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka, E. Chalukya k.,. . .
. 270, 274 Vijayaditya II Narendra Mrigaraja, E. Chafu. kya k.,
.
269, 270, 274 Vijayaditya IV Kaliyattiganda, E. Chalukya k.,
. . . 270, 271, 275 Vijayaditya, Kanthika, E. Chalukya
prince, . . . . . . . 271 Vijayaditya, Prabhumēru, Bana ch., 187, 188, 189 Vijaya-Gandagopala, ch., . . . . 165 Vijaya-Khandavarman, Pallava k. . 302 n. Vijayalaya, Chola k., . . . . . 157 Vijayamitra, vassal of the Greek k. Menander, 3, 4,
5 and 1., 6 and 1., 7, 8 Vijayamitrasa, coin-legend from Taxila, . 6 Vijayanagara, ca.. 285, 286 1., 287 and 1., 288 Vijayanagara, dy.. . . . 96, 97, 98, 140 Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, Pallava k. 138 . Vijaya-Paddukkar-adhishthina, Pallava
. . . 298, 301 Vijaya-Palätkatadhishthana, Pallava ca., 138, 140,
141 Vijayarija, 8. a. Vijayavarman, Chafukya k., Vijayasēna, ch., . . . . . .
127 .Vijayasiddhi, tit of Mangiyuvarija, E. Chalukya k., . . . . . .
139 Vijayasitha, Chidi k., .
120 Vijayasimha, k. of Mewar,. .
311 Vijaya-Siva-Måndhätrivarman, Kadarıba k., 140 Vijaya-Skandavarman, Pallava k., .
143 Vijaya-Skandavarman II, Pallava k., 235, 297, 298,
299 and 1.
PAGE. Vijayavarman, Chafukya k., . .
151 Vijayavátika, a., . . . 272, 273, 277 Vijayavilasam, Telugu wk., . . Vijaya-Vishnugopa III, Pallava k.,
300 Vijaya-Vishnugopavarman, Pallava k., 138, 139 and
., 142, 299. Vijaka, s. a. Viyakamitra, . . . . Vijñānēsvara, commentator, . . . Vikhilapadra-twelve, t. d.,. . . 227, 232 Vikkama, 8. a. Vikrama, k.,
. 107. Vikrama, myth. hero, . .
. 223 Vikrams, 8. a. Vikramaditya VI, Chalukya k., 107 Vikrama-Chola, Choa k.,. . .
25, 155. Vikrama-Chola, Kongu k.,. . .
163, 164 Vikramaditya, Mesar k., . . .
. 59 Vikramaditya, Vaidumba ch., . . . 190 Vikramaditya I, Chalukya k. . . 185 . Vikramaditys II, E. Chalukya k., . . 271, 275 Vikramaditya III, Bana ch., . . .
190 Vikramaditya (V), k. of Kuntala,. . 105 . Vikramaditya VI, Chalukya k.. . 101 and . Vikramiditya Satyadityunru, Chofa ch., . 184, 185,
188 Vikramidityan Tiruvayyan. Vaidumba ch... .
190 Vikramaditya Vaidumba-Mahārāja, Vai
dumba ch., . Vikramaditya, Yuvarija, E. Chläukya prince, . . . . .
274 Vikramakēsarl, prince of Mewar.. 311, 326 Vikramankacharita, hist. poem, . . 106 .,
107. Vikrama Pandya, Pandya k., . , 168, 169,
160, 164 Vila-nadu, t. d., . . . . .
91, 94 vilasavantudu, .
184 Vilavatti, vi.. . . . 297, 298, 301, 302 Vilfhvje, m.,
. 231, 233 Villavadaraiyan alias Udaiyap Kattado
vån, m., . . . 154, 168, 171 Villiyanür, vi., . .
26 Vima Kadphises, Kushan k., . . . 202 Vimaladitya, E. Chalukya k., . , 272 n. Vināyaka, god, . . . . . 89, 241 Vinayakasarman, dones, . . 181, 182 183 Vindhya, mo. . . . . .
316 Vindhyagiri, mo.. . . . . Vindhyabakti, Vakataka k.,. . . Vindhyavarman, Paramára k. of Malwa, 229, 230 Vindhyavisa, god. . . . . 316, 317 Vindhya väsint, goddess, . . 305, 306, 316, 317 vixiyðga, tax, 154, 155, 168, 169, 171, 172 vinnapam, . . . . . Vira-Chöln, Kongie k.,. . . 163, 164
818
99

Page #469

392
Vira-Chola, who ruled the two Kongus', Kongu k...
Vira-Chola Lanköévara alias Solan Silahban, Samanta of Kongu k., Viradhavala, ch. of Champaner, Vira' Imädala, Muslim gen., Virakhada, s. a. Viraskanda, m., Virakōrchavarman, 8. a. -Pallava k.,
virāma,
Viravarman,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
city,.
Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., Vira-Pandya (son of Parakrama-Pandya),
.
164 217 n. 219, 224, 225 257, 259 and n.
PAGE.
Viramitrōdaya, wk.,
Vira-Narasimha, Vijayanagara k. Viranarayana (Uttama-Chola), Kongu k... Virapandiyan, n. of measure of capa156, 168, 169, 171, 172 158 n.
163
Vira-Saivas, s. a. Lingayats, rel. sect,
Virasena, Vrishni prince,
Virasimha, k. of Mewar,
Viraakanda, m.,
Viraskanda, s. a. Virakhada, m., Vira-Sömöévara, Hoysala k.,
.
.
Pandya k., 157, 158 and "., 160, 161, 164, 165 Virapratāpa, tit.,. 288 and n., 289, 290 Virarajendra, Chola k... 94, 159 Virarajendra Rajakesarivarman, Chola k., 106 Vira-Rajendra (Rajakesari), who ruled the two Kongus, Kongu k., 163, 164, 165 Vira-Ramanathadeva, Hoysala k., 91, 92, 94, 95, 96 Virar Viran Kadavarayar, Kadavaraya
ch.,
300 81 m., 268 40 n. 97 163
24 13
196, 197 311 257
260
95, 156, 157, 160, and n., 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166 156, 162 106
Vira-Someévaran-bandi, Viraári, Kalachuri princess, Viravarman, Pallava k.,. 298, 299 and n., 300, 301 57 m., 61 m., 310 n. 6 n. 318
Vira-vinoda, wk.,
Virayabas, Kuluta k.,
Viriñichi, s. a. Brahma, god,
Virsingh, s. a. Viradhavala, ch. of Cham
påner,
Viradarajabha yankara-valanādu, t. d.,
Viyaka, s. a. Viyakamitra, Visakharyya, m.,. Visakhavarman, Kalinga k., visarga,
217 n. 23 4 53, 55 48 43 and n., 195 (Brahmi) 310 visarga, changed into medial 8, 316 n. visarga, omission of-, . 130, 150, 226 visarga, substituted by sh, 330 135 n. 130 130
visarga, superfluous use of-,
visarga, wrongly used,
Vishatnagiri plates of Indravarmadēva,
vishaya, t. d., 18, 19, 39, 78, 130, 133, 135, 150, 151, 153, 181, 182, 235, 238, 239 and n., 273
[VOL. XXIV.
PAGE.
Vishayapati, head of the district', off., 127, 134, 135, 137, 175 184, 193
vishaya-sunka, tax, Vishaya-vyavaharins, 'officers of the district', Vishayi, off., Vishayika, off., Vishnu, donee,
232
232, 233
Vishnu, ged, 12 and n., 37 n., 67, 69, 75, 76, 79, 80, 81, 87, 88, 96, 108, 261, 268, 272, 274, 275, 289, 290, 291, 307, 315, 316 n., 321, 329, 331, 332, 333, 335
237 48 300
Vishnugopa, W. Ganga k., Vishnugopa, Pallava k., Vishnugopa II, do.
Vishnugopa III, s. a. Vijaya-Vishnugōpavarman, Pallava k., 138, 139, 141 and n., 299 n. Vishnugõpe, Yuvamahārāja—, Pallava, k., 139, 298, 299 and n., 300 and n., 302 302n. 13, 48, 50 58
Vishnuhāra, te., Vishnukundins, dy., Vishnu-pañchayatana, Vishnusarman, donee, Vishnusarman, m.,
Vishnuvardhana II, E. Chalukya k., Vishnuvardhana III, E. Chalukya k., Vishnuvardhana IV, E. Chalukya k., Vishnuvarman, Kadamba k.,
Vishnuvarmma Senapati, off.,
.
vishu, 'equinox', visiadors, governors', Vispils, scribe, Visva-chakra, gift,
Viśvakarmma, myth. architect, Viśvanatha, s. a. Siva, god, Visvarapacharya, commentator, Viśvāsa, off.,
Visvasaka, tit. or off., Visvasa-Khana, off,
Viévasa-raya, off.,
Viśväsika, or Visvabika, tit. or off.,. Viévavarman, ch., .
Vitaraga, Early Gurjara k.,
vithi,' shops', Vitthalēávara, te., Vivasvän, myth. k.,
Viyakamitra, vassal of the Greek k. Menander,
viyavan, village off.", Vizagapatam, ci., Võnkhara-bhöga, t. d., Vöntölvadityasvamin, donee, Vraja Mandal, rel. sect, Vriddhachalam, vi., Vrishabha, myth. demon,
128
128
298, 303 138, 142 and n. 269, 274 139, 270, 274 270, 274 140 302n. 288 and ". 124 3, 5, 7, 8 62, 77
65, 72, 77, 84
320 134 127, 128 206, 207
128 128
206, 207 198n. 176 332, 336
280 293
.
.
3, 4 and n., 5, 7
32 and n. 15, 47, 49m., 239n. 49n. 150, 153 329 23, 24 80

Page #470

INDEX.
393
199
PAOB. Vrishnis, 194, 195, 106 and 7., 197, 198, 210 Vrishnis, The Five -,. . Vrishni heroes, . . . . . 200 vyadhah, 'hunter', witness, . . . 31n. Vyāghrapurs-bhukti, t. d., . . 150, 153 Vyasa, sage, . . . .
. 53, 56, 278 Vyavaharin, off.,. . .172, 175 and ., 182 vyavasthai, regulation',
34, 35, 39, 41, 42 vyčvaharin, s. 8. vyavaharin, off., Vyðmakosa, s. a. Siva, god, Vyomasambhu, Saiva ascetic, . . . Vyömativa, do. .
. . . 241 Vyomota, do. . .
Waingang, ti.. . Warangal, ca., . Wardak Vase inas., Wardha, di., . . Wardha, ri., . . Watervliet, Dutch ship, wolf (), emblem on seal,
. . . . .
. . . . .
. . 11, 123n. .
98 .
260 . 260, 263 and n.
125 .
297
.
7th,
PAGE. Yavana, Muhammadan', . . . 67 Yavanēsvara, Muhammdan king! . 68 and . Yayati, 8. a. Maha-Sivagupta-Yayati, Gupta .
k. of Dakshina-Kosala, . . . . 105 years of the cycle Isvars,
. . . . . . 117 Khars, . . . .
. 108 (add). Nandana,
. . 286 . Pingals.
. . . . 1901). Pramadin,
. . . 90, 98, 100 Sadharap, .
. .213». Saumya, . .
. . 97 m. Subhakpit, . . . . 286 r., 287 . Vijaya,. . . .
. .289. Vikärin, . . . . 122, 285, 289, 290 years of the reign1st, . .
. . 165, 237, 239 2nd, . .
. 165, 211, 212 and n. 3rd, . . 91, 92, 127, 159, 164, 165, 210, 211 4th, 44, 158 and n., 159, 166, 181, 182, 183, 301 4+1+1st, . .
. . . 166 6th, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 23, 27, 28, 44, 95, 155 9., 158 s.,
166, 190, 211 ». 6th, . . . 26, 27 *., 28 n., 36 n., 44, 45
28 . 8th, 28 n., 44, 154, 157, 158 11., 166, 167, 170 8+1+1st, . . . . 165, 168, 171 8th+988th day, . . . . . 9th, . . . . 28 n., 44, 119, 165, 269 10th, . . . 28 n., 187, 280, 298, 301, 302 11th,
26, 27 and n., 157, 166, 261, 267 11+1st, . . . . . . 165 11+1+1st, .
. . 166 11+3rd, . .
. . 165 12th, .
29, 144, 145, 158 1., 165, 280 13th,
. 47, 149 78., 261, 269 14th, . . • 28 n., 29, 191, 263 15th, . .
. . . . 166 16th, 18th,
54, 189, 262, 263, 269, 270 19th, . . 25, 44, 130, 136, 137, 181, 189 n. 20th, . . . . . . . . 191 21st,
• 28 n., 29, 34, 35 23rd, . 63, 68, 95, 149 n., 247, 248, 250 24th, . . 25, 28 n., 45, 185, 246, 259 25th,
28 n., 35, 41, 42, 95, 164, 269 28th,
. . . . 28 . 27th, 28th,
. . . . 23, 26 29th,
. . . . 23, 26 30th,
. . . 95, 269, 270 3lst,
. 25. 33rd,
. . 211, 269 35th,
. . 26, 268, 269, 260
9 (Kharöshtht), 10 (Kharöshthr), 20, 57,
130, 182n., 211 (Early Kushāņa), 246, 255 y, doubling of consonants preceding,
261 y, subscript, .
1477., 211 Yadava, epic dy. . . .
197 Yadaval, dy.. . . 123 and 1., 163n., 225n. Yajñasvamin, donee, amin, donee, .
. . . . . 150, 153 Yajnavalkya, smriti-writer,
. 30, 31 Yajiavalkya-smsiti, wk., . 305., 31n., 134 and n. Yajus, Black -,. . . . 252n. yamali-kamali, kind of tax, . . . 293, 295 Yamashaheka, tit. or off.,
206 Yamini, dy., . . . .
292 yamya, Southern direction',
319 Yasabhañjadēva, Bharija k. .
16 Yabahkarpadova, Kalachuri k., 1061., 1181, 292 Yabodhara, min., . . . . . 16, 19 Yatödharman, k., . . . . . 1981, Yabodhavals, m., . . . . . . 231, 233 Yalvarman, 8. a. Yalovarmmadēva, Para.
mara k., . . . , 227, 220, 229, 312 Yaddvarmma, Guhila prince of Mewar, 310, 324 Yalovarmmadēva, Paramara k., 227,
228, 229, 232 Yasvigraha, Gahadavala k. of Kanauj, • 292, 293 Yatipati, 6. a. Ramanuja, Vaishnavite
teacher, . . . . . . 91, 93n. yåträdana, .
163 Yavana, tribe. . . . . .
6
28 n., 38

Page #471

394
years of the reign :36th,
37th,
38th,
40th,
44th,
48th,
years of unspecified era :
51st,
52nd,
69th,
years of the twelve-year Cycle of Jupiter:-- Mah-Asvayuja,
81st,
86th,
86th,
87th,
88th,
90th,
107th,
130th,
139th,
180th
220th,
229th,
232nd,
233rd,
299th
303rd
318th,
907tb
928th,
yem makala,
Yenugaratimaḍi, n. of field, yidu, to bit', yisupakatta,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
270
26, 27 and n., 270
.
155 n. 36, 269, 270
131 m., 269, 270
190
MOIPC-81III-10-1-27-6-42-233.
PAGE.
146 n., 256 n.
254
•
48, 49
3.
254, 256 254 and n. . 146 n.
.254 . 254 n. 146 n. 147, 148, 254 146 n., 254 146 330, 331, 336
331, 336
331, 335 331, 335
331, 335
330, 331, 336
1, 8, 9, 10
.
8,9
116
116
184, 192 and n.
184
192
268
Yuvarajadeva, Kalachuri k., Yuvarajadeva II, Kalichuri k.,
Yisupakaṭṭala-cheruvu, tank. Yogaraja, k. of Mewar, Yonakas, tribe,
Yuan Chwang, 8.a., Hiuen Tsiang, Chinese traveller,
6, 257 n., 258 n. Yuddhamalla II, E. Chalukya k., 271, 275 Yudhishthira, epic hero, 69, 70, 79, 264, 265 Yugādi, 288 and n. Yupa, 111, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253 Yuvamaharaja, tit., 48, 139, 298, 299, 300, 302 and ". Yuvaraja, 'heir-apparent', off. or ti., 16, 17, 19, 139, 187 and n., 188., 261, 271, 274, 286 and n., 294, 299
102 and ".
102 m., 103, 111
Zodiac, signs of theAli, ⚫ Scorpio',
.
Dhanus, 'Sagittarus', Kanyaka, Virgo', Kumbha, Aquarius', Makara, Capricornus', Mesha, Aries
Mina, Pisces', Mithuna, Gemini' Simha, 'Leo',
4
Tula, Libra', Vrisha, Taurus',
[VOL. XXIV.
.
PAGE. 273, 278
310, 311, 325
Z
Zafar Khan, s.a. Muzafar Shah I, Gujarat (?), Zafar-ul-Walih bi Muzaffar Wa Alih, chron., Zir-Baksh, m.,
Sultan of 214 and x. hist.
+
214. . 216 n.
86 86
74 and ., 86
86 86
86
86, 293, 295 86 86 74, 86 86

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