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100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(MARCH, 192
position seems to be u. upanah-M. vahdņ; upari explains the regular form of the past participle in M. var; upasthang- M. vathas: upaskata- which ko is added to the original participlo : e. 8., Guj. vākhro 'furniture'; wpayana- Guj. väynti garekoshaving done or having been dono, lit. marriage feast'. For M. vakhar Guj. vakhar belonging to or having (ko) something done u pasāra Beems to be better derivation (gare <garyā); and the use of the participle in than avaskara-suggested by Dr. Bloch. The phrases like yeso garyā leby having done thus. forme with are paralleled by forms with On p. 261 Dr. Bloch draws attention to the b- in the b-languages: Hindi bathan hut' N. bathän name use in Marathi. It may be further noticed
flook,' Beng. bakhär. It appears to me more likely that in the Dvävimbatyavadanakathi, a Sanskrit that in this position became uniformly -- Buddhist text from Nepal, the past participle is before the loss of the preceding vowel brought frequently employed as a substantive. into the initial position; and that this p- remained in P. 208 1. 9 ab infra. Add N. työ 'that'obl.. les thev-languages, but in common with originally initial
or tisto M. to and Guj. te. Työ owes its y to the v-became b-in the b-languages. In that case M. bais,
influence of yo 'this'. Guj. bēsvũ Sin. biharu Panj. besņā Eur. Gipsy. beia u must be considered as common Indian loan
P. 212 1. 17 ab infra. N. ma 'I' though written words of a period subsequent to the change v-b->in
so, is invariably pronounced with nasalisation (mo) the languages. Armenian Gipsy is the only lan.
It is derived either as an unaccented word from mai guage which preserves in this word. Does this rep
( mayāna) or was formed a fresh on the analogy of resent upavidati or vasati? In Nepali baonu (vasali)
the emphatics like bihānai : bihana = mat: md. Or, has completely ousted the derivatives of upavisati lastly, it may represent directly Skt. mam. Simi - in the sense 'to sit' : cf. also the contamination in larly tá 'thou 'beside emphatio tal. M. basni beside baisni and vast. A similar P.217 1. 1. The reduction of Mid. Indian -- explanation must be given of M. Guj. bi (api) beside
to -j- or zero seems to have been most common in H. bi Gipsy vi.
Ardhamagadhi (Pischel & 87); and it must be noticed P. 184 1. 8. Dr. Bloch is wrong in saying that Nepali differentiates the sing. oblique from the
that it is in Oriya we find traces of the develop. direct case: 0.g. hät: hät le. In the plural however ment now: 0.8, på 'son': H. put (putra.). It would there is differentiation when the plural affix haru is appear to be the same process which has not used : e.g., dui hat 'two hands': dui häta le.
reduced Mid. Indian fha to Päli-th- Pkt.-dh-, as P. 188 1. 9. The history of the nominative seen in a few modern Indian words like kõdh masculine in-o in Nepali suggests the possibility,
körh “leprosy < Pkt. ködha-Pāli bỏ; ha-(kau, ha-). though perhaps not the probability, of another explanation of M. -a, which Dr. Bloch considers as
P. 235. 1. 5. The Nepali ending of the 3rd contraction of-au < -20. In Nepāli this ao ou plur. pres. .an can be explained regularly as -anti Fegularly becomes -0. But the nominative >-and-an (without compensatory lengthening as is in fact in process of being displaced by , taken
the syllable is unaccented ). Cf. can beside cad over from the oblique -a (<-akaya) or from the very frequent use of the honorific plural -a (candra-). am beside ap (amra-) dis beside ag (<-akal ). In the very common adjectival (anga.). The 3rd plur. imperative -un is probably ending-o <-ya this substitution has regularly from-on (o regularly becomes u before a nasal) with taken place, -yo -iao never being now found
o instead of a after the 3rd sing. -08 where seems except in the one of the past participle serving
to be from ou >-atu (the final is obecure). As a finite verb. P. 200 1. 15 ab infra. The N. that 'to, at' used
P. 238 1. 15 ab infra. N.-un is only used in with persons should be added to the M. the.
the imperative. P. 202. 1. 12 ab infra. Add N. lagi e. ko 'for, on P. 241 1. 17. It should be noted that the 80account of 'beside lai to, for'.
called future in la of Nepali is not used as a simple P. 205. 1. 12. If it is supposed that the past future, but almost alwayar as implying necessity participle nita-was used as a substantive and not as
or will. The simple future is the tense formed an adjective, the fact that its Marathi descendant appears as a postposition in different cases makes
by the infinitive in ne plus chu or its contracted no diffioulty since then nita-would be the equi.
form. E.g. garne cha or parchahe will do ; parla valent of nayar. In Nepali the past participle
=he shall do.
R. L. TURNER appears to have become vubetantive. This
