Indian Antiquary Vol 32

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032524/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.,
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.,
LIEUT. OOLONEL, INDIAN ARMY.
VOL. XXXII. - 1903.
Swati Publications
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Name of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE C. BENDALL, M.A., M.RA.S.:
WILLIAM FOSTER:GRANT OF KUSUMAYUDHA IV. ... ... ... 281 The Anglo-Dutch Attack on Bombay in 1626 ... 47
Rev. A. H. FRANCKE:J. BURGESS, C.L.E., LL.D.:
Som ARTA BURA' JATAKANALA AND THE FRESCOES
Mons ROCK-CARVINGS Thom LOWER
LADAKK . .. of AJANTA by HEINRICH LÜDERA, PR.D.
***
.. ... 861
NOTES ON A COLLECTION OF STOX-IMPLEMENTS (translated into English) ... THE NIXBUS ADD Sans OY DELFICATION OM
FROM LADALE ...
.. ... .. 880 THE COINS OF TER INDO-SEITHIAN KING
G. A. GRIERBON, C.I.., Px.D., D.LITT., by M. E. DROUIN (translated into English) ... 427
1.0.8.: - DIGAMBARA JAIRA ICONOGRAPHY
... 459
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI, INCLUDPror. O. CAPPELLER, PH.D., JENA:
IN HINDOGTAXI ... ... ... 16, 69, 100, 13
THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF THE SAME SUBHASKITAWALIWA ; translation from German
MISSIOWANIES (A Contribution to ladina Poeta .. .. ... .800, 809, 498, 491
Bibliography) ...
... ...
. L. C. CASARTELLI:
DE. HUBERT GRIMME:The Temptation of Zoron tr .. . ... 405 T
TH
ORJX OF
ORIGIN OF THI QORAX, translated by
G. K. NARIUN ... G. F. D'PENHA:
... ... ... 187, 255
MUKAXXAD; HIS LIFE; BASED ON THX ARABIC Notes on the Kamars of the Raipur District 14 SOUBCE, translated by. G. K. NARIMAN M. E. DROUIN :
B. A, GUPTE, P.Z8. :TE NIMBUB AND SONS OF DEIFICATION ON
Divali-Folklore .. .. ... TH) COINS OF THX INDO-SEITXIAN KINGS translated by J. Burens ... ... .. ... 427
E. HUGHES-BULLER:
Care Burial in Baluchistan .. . J. P. FLEET, I.C.S. (RED.), PED., C.I.E.:
B. HULTZSCH, PA.D. :NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY: - The places mentioned in the sporious plates, The Gadyachintamani of Vadibhamimba ... belonging to the Library of the Bombay
PROX. KEBN:Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, which
TO LEGEND OF KUNJARAKARNA, translated purport to register a grant made by Dhara
Mis L. A. THOMAS sena II. of Valabhi in A.D. 478... ... .. The places mentioned in the spurioms Umat STEN KONOW, PE.D. : plates which parport to have been inued in MAKARASRTBI AND MARATKI . A. D. 478 ... ... ....
5 Norus on DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY The places mentioned in the spurious Begum
platon which parport to have been inued in SYLVAIN LEVI:A. D. 493 ... ... ... . ... 58
NOTE ON TH INDO-SCITXIANS, extracted and The places mentioned in the spurious ILAS plates
rendered into English by W. R. H im..891, 417 which purport to have been issued in A. D.
CAPTADY C. L. LUARD:The places mentioned in the spurious Mudiyandr Note on the Use of the “Vme-Ornament" in plates whioh parport to have been inued in
Rufned Temple at Xheraha in Malaai, A. D. 388 ... ... . .. .. . 57 Rajputana .. .
494 The date of the Mabakuta pillar inscription of the Western Chalukya king Mangalla .813
HEINRICH LÖDERS, PH.D.:Reference to the Bashtrakta king Krishna II. ARTA SURA'S JATAKAWALA AND TRI TERACOM
in the records of the Rattas of Sanndatti ... 315 OF AJANTA, translated by J. Busema ... ...836 The Mukula or Obollaketana family ... ... 91
Por, LUDWIG:Obituary Notice of Sir Jamen Manabb Oampbell,
488 Civs sared by a Spider en bis Flight (A Query)... 378

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CONTENTS.
PAGE SIR C. J. LYALL, K.C.S.L.:A CRAXXAR AND SPECIMENS OF THE MIKIR
LANGUAGE ... .. . ... ... 101, 205 A. A. MACDONELL, M.A., PH.D. :Candra-vyakarana : Die Grammatik des Candra. gomin. Satra, Unadi, Dhatupatba. Edited by
Dr. Brano Liebich. Brockhaus. Leipzig, 1902. 879 M. MACAULIFFE:
THE LOND OF MIRA BAT THE RAJPUT PORTRs. 329 BABU P. C. MUKHARJI:REPORTS MADE DURING THE PROGRESS OP
EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA ... ... ... .. 76 AN INDEPENDENT HINDU VIEW OF BUDDHIST
CARONOLOGY ... . .. ... .. . 227 G. K. NARIMAN: - THE ORIGIN OF THE QORAN, by Dr. HUBERT
GRIMM (translated into English) ... 127, 255 THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PROPLES, by the late Prof. C. P. TIELE (translated into Eng.
lish) .. ... .. ... ... ... ... 285 MUHAMMAD; HIS LIFE; BASED ON THE ARABIC
SOURCEB, by Dr. HUBERT GRIMME (translated
into English) ... ... .. ... .. .. 891 G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU:
Some Notes on the Folklore of the Telagus CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.:A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBBON-JOBSOK OR GLOBBABY OF ANGLOLXDIAN WORDS
.. .. 44, 189, 287, 444, 478 ARTHUR A. PERERA:GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LI:
(2) Festivals ... . (8) The Village (4) Religious Rites ... ... ... ..
(6) Custom and Belief ... .. W. R. PHILIPP3: - THE CONNECTION OF ST. THOMAS THE APOSTLS WITH INDIA ...
... . .. , 1 NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS by SYLVAIN
LEVI (extracted and rendered into English)..381, 417 H. A. ROSE:
The Sayyide of Karnal... ... .. . - 100 Traces of Totemism in the Panjab ... ... 201, 312
PAGE Proposals for a Glossary of Indian Religions Phraseology ... ... ..
... 378 The Legend of Banastr ...
312 Tabus in the Panjab ... Hinduism in the Himalayas ... ... ... .. 376 The Life-Index : Buildings ... ... ...
... .416 Notes on Law of Succession in the Native State
of Perak ... . ... .. . ... 18 ROBERT SEWELL, M.R.A.S., 1.C.S. (RETD.): - Soxe DOUBTFUL COPPEE COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA ...
....
.. 313 VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (Rrrd.):
TIBETAN AFFINITIES OF THE LICHCHWAVIS ... 233 A CHINESE ABORA ... ... ... ... THE MEANING OF PITADARI . ... ... ASO A NOTES .
... . .. ... 384 LT.-COL. BIR B. C. TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.:Some ANGLO-INDIAN TEES TROX A XVIITA
CENTURY MS. ... ... ... ... 25, 396, 465 EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF
TAR XVIIITH CENTURY, RELATING TO TRE ANDAMAN ISLANDS ... ... ... 84, 81, 136, 193 Command, An Anglo-Indianism ... ... . 48 wang Lawyer ...
... ... ... ... 204 Hindustani in the XVIIth Century ... ... ... 239
... ... 312 F. W. THOMAS:
MATRICITA AND THE MAHARAJAKANIKALERA... 345
M188 L. A. THOMAS: - TE LEGEND OF KUNJABAKARNA (translated from
the Dutch of Professor KEEN) . ... ... 111 THE LATE PROF. C. P. TIELE:TAS RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PHOPLM, trans
lated by G. K. NABIMAN - ... ... .. 285
M. N. VENKATASWAMI, M.R.A.S., M.F.L.8.:FOLKLORE IN TRE CENTRAL PROVINCR: No. 19. - The Prince, the Cucumber, and the
Rakshashi . No. 20. - The Legend of Ganesa... No. 21. -The Bird and the King No. 22.- The Prabhas and the Horse ... No. 23.- How the English Got Hold in
Indis ... . . .
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. Traces of Totomism in the Panjab, by H. A. The Luahais at Home - "* "* "* S10 Rose .
.. . .. ... 201, 812 The Temptation of Zoroaster, by L. C. Cesartelli ... 415 Divali-Folkloro, by B. A. Gupte, F.Z.&. ... .. 237 Obituary Notice of Sir James Macnabb Campbell, Some Notes on the Folklore of the Telugas, by
K.C.L.E., by J. F. Fleet ... ... ... ... 168 G.R. Subramiah Pantulu ... . ... ... 275 Note on the Use of the "Vase-Ornament" in Cero Baris) in Beluchistan, by E. Hughes-Boller ... 342 Rained Temple at Kheralu in Melani, Rajpatan Hinduism in the Himalayas, by H. A. Roee ... .. 376 by Captain C. E, Laard ** *** * . 84

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CONTENTS.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
PAGE
The Anglo-Dutch Attack on Bombay in 1523, by William Foster
Command, an Anglo-Indianism, by Sir R. C. Temple
www
***
47
48
100
***
The Sayyids of Karnal, by H. A. Rose Notes on the Kamars of the Raipur District, by G. F. D'Penha...
Penang Lawyer, by Sir R. C. Temple...
Hindustani in the XVIIth Century, by Sir R. C. Temple....
239
144 201
The Malabar Quarterly Review...
The Gadyachintamani of Vadibhasimha, by E.
Hultzsch...
-.240
48
Proposals for a Glossary of Indian Religious Phraseology, by H. A. Rose
The Legend of Banasur, by H. A. Rose
Yam, by Sir R. C. Temple
BOOK-NOTICES.
Divali-Folklore
...
235 Some Doubtful Coins of Southern India, Plates i., ii. aud iii 316, 320, 324 Interior of a Cave at Pandran in Jhalawan, 8.-E. of 343
Kalat
PAGK
Tabus in the Panjab, by H. A. Rose
Çivs saved by a Spider on his Flight (A Query by Prof. Ludwig)
...
ILLUSTRATIONS.
278
...312
...312
...34%
378
The Life-Index: Buildings, by H. A. Rose ... Notes on Law of Succession in the Native State of Perak, by H. A. Rose...
... 426 449 448
Cornac
...
Candra-vyakarana: Die Grammatik des Candragomin. Sutra, Unadi, Dhatupatha. Edited by Dr. Bruno Liebich. Broekhans. Leipzig, 1902. By A.A. Macdonell
P. 464, plate i., under No. 6, for Sumatinatha, read Padmaprabha; see note 5 on p. 461. P. 483 a, line 30, for D.O.L., read LL.D.
379
...
Book-Carvings from Lower Ladakh Stone-Implementa from Lower Ladakh, Plates i and ii. Digambara Jain Yakshas and Yakshinis, Plates i.-iv. 461 Temple at Kheralu in Malani, Rajputana
320
484
342
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
P. 13, line 11 from the bottom; for Ephesosque, read Ephesoque.
P. 57, line 26, for Avanya-, read Avanya-.
P. 216, line 31, before the word opens, insert published by me in Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X.
p. 240.
note 8, read See Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 229.
37
P. 218, note 24, read see Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 227.
P. 221, note 42, read See Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 227.
note 43, read See ibid. p. 223, note 5.
39
P. 227, line 8 f. In connection with the expression ahita-raya-sellam, Professor Kielhorn has drawn
my attention to the analogous expression ráya-sira-sellam, "a javelin to (pierce) the
heads of (hostile) kinga," in an inscription at Amritapura in the Kadar district, Mysore, Ep. Carn. Vol. VI., Tk. 45, p. 226, line 8.-J. F. F.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXXII. — 1903.
THE CONNECTION OF ST. THOMAS THE APOSTLE WITH INDIA.
BY W. R. PHILIPPS. THE purpose of this note is to bring together the information contained in ancient writings
1 concerning the connection of St. Thomas the Apostle with India, and his alleged visit to the court of Gondophares.
I. - The Aots of St. Thomas. According to Christian tradition, St. Thomas the Apostle preached the gospel in India and ended his life there. And it may be mentioned here that from the end of the thirteenth century, if not before, tradition has placed “Calamina," or the scene of St. Thomas' martyrdom, at Mylapore (or Mayilappur) near Madras. This question will be dealt with further on.
For a brief statement of the tradition, we may take the Roman Martyrology, which, under the date 21st Dec., says: -“Calaminae natalis beati Thomae Apostoli, qui Parthis, Medis, Persis et “Hyreanis Evangelium praedicavit, ac demum in Indiam perveniens, cum eos populos in Christiana “ religione instituisset, Regis jussu lanceis transfixus occubuit : cujus reliquiae primo ad urben "Edessam, deinde Orthonam translatae sant."
For fuller details of the traditional story of St. Thomas, we have the Acts of St. Thomas, writings of a respectable antiquity, which exist in Syriac, Greek, Latin and Ethiopic. Their main point of interest to us is that, so far as is at present known, they are absolutely the only ancient books which make mention of an Indian king Gūdnaphar (Syriac) or rouvda opos (Greek) or Gundaforas (Latin), while coins bearing a similar name have been discovered in the Pañjab. This coincidence was first pointed out in 1848 by M. Reinand, who wrote: -"Au nombre des rois
Indo-Scythes qui régnèrent peu de temps après Kanerkės dans la vallée de l'Indus, les médailles “ nouvellement découvertes offrent le nom d'un prince appelé Gondophares. Des médailles de la "même catégorie se trouvent à Paris à la Bibliothèque Nationale .... Or les actes de la vie “ de Saint Thomas, qui nous sont parvenus à la fois en grec et en latin citent un roi de l'interieur “de la presque-fle, qui se nommait Gondaphorus .... Mais le nom de Gondaphorus ne se "rencontra, que sur une certaine classe de médailles, et les actes de Saint Thomas sont le seul “ dooument écrit qui en présent la reproduction. N'est-on pas autorisé à croire qu'il s'agit réellement “ici de l'apôtre Saint Thomas et d'un prince Indo-Scythe, son contemporain P" (Mémoire Géographique, Historique et Scientifique sur l'Inde, Paris, 1848, p. 94 seq.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
(JANUARY, 1903.
As regards the Greek and Latin versions of these Aots, it may be convenient here first to quote what Mr. Alexander Walker said about them in the introduction to his English translation of Apocryphal Gospels, Acts, and Revelations, published at Edinburgh in 1870. Writing first of the Greek Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles in general, he said:
"These stories came at length to form a sort of apostolic cycle.... They exist also in " Latin form in the ten books of the Acts of the Apostles, compiled probably in the sixth century, "and falsely attributed to Abdias, the first bishop of Babylon, by whom it was, of course, written in “Hebrew."
Afterwards coming to the Acts of St. Thomas, he wrote:
"The substance of this book is of great antiquity, and in its original form it was held in great "estimation by the heretics of the first and second centuries. The main heresy whic, it contained " was that the Apostle Thomas baptized, not with water, but with oil only. It is mentioned " by Epiphanius, Tarribius, and Nicephoras, condemned in the decree of Gelasius, and in the "Synopsis of Scripture ascribed to Athanasius, in which it is placed, along with the Acts of Peter, “ Acts of John, and other books, among the Antilegomena. St. Augustine in three passages "refers to the book in such a way as to show that he had it in something very like its present form. "Two centuries later, Pseudo-Abdias made & recension of the book, rejecting the more heretical "portions, and adapting it generally to orthodox use. Photins attributes the authorship of this "document, as of many other apocryphal Acts, to Leucius Charinus.
"The Greek text was first edited, with copious notes and prolegomena, by Thilo in 1823. The "text from which the present translation is made is a recension of five MSS., the oldest of the "tenth century."
Then as regards The Consommation of Thomas, he wrote:
This is properly a portion of the preceding book. Pseudo-Abdias follows it very closely, but - the Greek of some chapters of his translation or compilation has not yet been discovered.
"The text, edited by Tischendorf for the first time, is from a MS, of the eleventh centary."
These extracte, though now rather out of date, even as regards the Greek text, will give an idea of the age and authority of the Acts, Mr. Walker wrote before the publication of the Syriac version, and does not seem to have been aware of its existence.
The Syrisc version was published for the first time by Dr. W. Wright in 1871, in Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, 2 Vols., London, 1871. Till then, only the Greek and Latin had been available, and Dr. Wright wrote in his preface (Vol. I, p. XII.), "we have here for the first time the Acts "[of St. Thomas] in a nearly complete form."
The Syriac text edited by Dr. Wright was from a MS, in the British Museum (Add. 14645), written 936. From internal evidence he dated the composition not later than the 4th century. Mr. F. C. Burkitt, on additional evidence, says "I do not think we shall be far wrong if we put "the date of our Acts before the middle of the 3rd century." (Early Christianity outside the Roman Empire, Cambridge, 1899, p. 76.)
Since Dr. Wright published his text, two additional Syriac texts have come to light. These are the MS. in the Sachau collection at Berlin, and the MS. in the Cambridge University Library.
Mr. Burkitt says of the Sachau MS, that it is later than the British Museum one, and has an abridged text; perhaps it would be better to say a less interpolated text, though he expresses no such view. He states also that the Cambridge MS. is a transcript of the Sachau one. (Studia Sinaitioa, No. IX., London, 1900, Appendix VII.)
We have also some recently discovered fragments which have been edited and translated by Mr. Burkitt in Studia Sinaitioa, No. IX., Apps. VI. and VII., London, 1900. As far as they go,

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JANUARY, 1903.] THE CONNECTION OF ST. THOMAS WITH INDIA.
they generally confirm the British Museum text; the differences in no way affect the story. The interest of these fragments for us consists in the fact that they are at least 400 years older than any other known text. Mr. Burkitt thinks they cannot be later than the beginning of the 6th century, and may be fifty years earlier.
Since the discovery and publication of the Syriac version, it has, I think, been satisfactorily established that the Acts were originally composed in that language, – that the Greek versions, though less complete, are substantially translations from the Syriac, - and that the Latin are taken from the Greek. (See paper by Mr. F. O. Burkitt, The Original Language of the dots of Judas" Thomas, in the Journal of Theological Studies, Vol. I. No. 2, Jan. 1900.)
The Syriac may therefore be regarded as the original, and it is also the fullest version. We had better, therefore, take the story of St. Thomas from it, using the Greek and Latin only where they differ in the details with which we are concerned.
I have not yet been able to refer to the Ethiopic version; but that probably does not matter, Mr. Burkitt says, it is mixed up with the alternative Acts of St. Thomas at Kentera," and "This “alternative book of Acts, lately discovered and edited by Dr. M. R. James, is a late work, but "certainly of Greek origin." (Journal of Theological Studies, Jan. 1900.) Reference may, however, be made to two works, which contain Ethiopic versions: they are - S.C. Malan, The Confliots of the Apostles, London, 1871 ; and E. A. W. Budge, The Contendings of the Apostles, 2 Vols., London, 1901.
For the Syriac, we will follow Dr. Wright's translation which fills 153 octavo pages. For the Greck and Latin, we may go to Max Bonnet's Acta Thomae, published at Leipzig in 1883. This is an elaborate work with collations of all known Greek and Latin MSS. and older printed editions. Mr. Burkitt says it is the best edition. (Journal of Theological Studies, Jan, 1900.)
As Dr. Wright's translation of the Syriac occupies 153 pages, it will be seen that these Acts in their complete form are of a considerable length. Nevertheless, all the particulars we want to take from them can be put down in a small space.
We are not here concerned with the ethical and doctrinal matter with which these Acts, especially the Syriac, as they have come down to us, are filled. What we want for our purposes, is mainly the record of St. Thomas' movements. We must pay attention to the geographical and proper names mentioned, and to sach local details and colouring as may serve as indications of place and time. Keeping these ideas in view, I set down only such particulars of the story told in the Acts as are likely to be of use to us. The passages in inverted commas are actual quotations from Dr. Wright's translation.
1. - The Acts are divided into nine parts, of which eight are called "Acts," and the last " The Consummation of Judas Thomas."
2.- The first Act is headed : -" The (first) Act of Judas Thomas the Apostle, when He (i. e., apparently our Lord) sold him to the Merchant Habbān, that he might go down and convert India."
3.- This Act begins by telling us that the twelve apostles divided the countries of the world among themselves by lot, and that India fell to St. Thomas, who did not wish to go there.
1 In the Syriao the book is called The Acts of Judas Thomas, s. e., "Judas the Twin." Thoma means "'s twin." (Compare John xi. 16, xxi. 2.) The real name of the apostle St. Thomas was Judas, and the appellation Thomas or "the Twin" was added to distinguish him from others bearing the name Judas. (See W. Cureton'a Ancient Syriac documents, London, 1864, p. 141.)
In the story itself, the Apostle is commonly called Judas, not Thomas, both in the Syriac and in the best Greek M88., as in the old Syriac Gospols and other very ancient Syriac dooumonts. This use of the name Judas is one of the several minor proofs of the Syriac origin and antiquity of the Acte.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1903.
4. - At that time " certain merchant, an Indian, happened to come into the South country "from ...." (The Syriac MS. in the British Museum is injured here, and the name is unfortunately illegible. It is of course of the first importance. I do not know if it is found in the Sachau MS. at Berlin or in the Cambridge MS. The Greek says' only did rît Ivdias. The Latin gives no name.)
The name of the merchant is given as Habbān, and he had been sent by King Gūdnaphar to bring him a skilful carpenter.
5.- Our Lord appears to this merchant, and sells St. Thomas to him for “twenty (pieces) of "silver." In the bill of sale, which is quoted, Habban is described as " abban the merchant of King "Gūdnaphar."
6.- St. Thomas and Habban start by ship next day. On the ship, in answer to Habbau's questions, St. Thomas told him he was skilled in "carpentering and architecture - the business of the "Carpenter;" also :-"In wood I have learned to make ploughs and yokes and ox-goads, and oars
for ferry boats pontones) and masts for ships; and in stone, tombstones and monuments, and palaces for Kings." Habban replies : -"And I was seeking just such an artificer."
7.-"And they began to sail, because the breeze was steady, and they were sailing along gently, " until they put in at the town of Sandarük."
8.- They disembarkod, and were going into the city, when they were told of the marriage feast of the King's only daughter, and that everyone was obliged to be present. So they thought they had better go.
9. - In the long account of what happened at Sandarük, there is little to help us. But the following points may be noted :-(a) A Hebrew woman or girl (a flute-player) is mentioned as performing at the feast. (b) The bride and bridegroom were converted and ultimately followed St. Thomas to India. (©) St. Thomas and Habbān left for India immediately after the feast. (d) The King was converted after the apostle's departure.
10.- The second Act is headed : -"The second Act, when Thomas the Apostle entered into India, and built a Palace for the King in Heaven."
11.-It begins with the words : -"And when Judas had entered into the realm of India " with the merchant Habban, Habbãn went to salute Gūdnaphar, the King of India,"
12. There is not much to be said about this Act. St. Thomas agrees to build a palace for the King, beginning in the month Teshri (Oct.-Nov.) and finishing in Nisan (April). But he spends the money given to him for the purpose on the poor; and the meaning of building a palace in heaven is that, by using the royal funds in almsgiving, he was preparing for the King a heavenly habitation. The only additional proper name given is Gad, the name of the King's brother. St. Thomas preaches in the villages and cities. The King and his brother and many others are converted.
18. - The headings of the next four Acts, Nos. 3 to 6, are: - "The third Act of Judas, regarding the Black Snake." - "The fourth Act, of the Ass that spake." — " The fifth Act, of the Demon that dwelt in the Woman." - "The sixth Act, of the Young Man who killed the Girl.” These Acts can be passed over. They relate certain miraculous events and conversions in and about the city of King Gūdnaphar. 'They do not contain any proper names or any particulars, geographical or otherwise, to help us.
14.- The seventh Act is more important. It is headed : -"The seventh Act, how Judas Thomas was called by the General of King Mazdai to heal his Wife and Daughter." It begins with the words - "And while Judas was preaching throughout all India ;" but it does not say where he was at the time, though the words quoted might imply an interval of years between the sixth and seventh Acts. However the general Şifür, who speaks of himself as "* great man throughout all "India," came for him. St. Thomas left his converts under the care of his deacon Xanthippus (or

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JANUARY, 1903.) THE OONNECTION OF ST. THOMAS WITH INDIA.
Xenophon) and set out with Şifür. They went with a "driver" in a “chariot" drawn by "cattle." There is nothing to indicate a long journey. So they reach the city of King Mazdai; and the Apostle heals the general's wife and daughter.
15.- The eighth Act. Then follows "The Eighth Aot, of Mygdonia and Karish." The events in this Act take place soon after what has been described in the seventh Act. The additional persons mentioned by name in this Act are:(a) Mygdonis, & noble lady.
(d) Tertia, wife of King Mazdai. (6) Karish, her husband, and kinsman of (6) Vizān, son of King Mazdai. King Mazdai.
Manashar, wife of Vizan, (c) Narkia, "nurse" of Mygdonia.
It is the conversion of Mygdonia and Tertia that brings about the martyrdom of St. Thomas, as detailed in the final section of the book. Beyond these six names, there is little in the eighth Act to belp us.
16.-While in prison, St. Thomas sings, and the first song put in his mouth is headed : -" The hymn of Judas Thomas the Apostle in the country of the Indians." But the "hymn" which follows this title is the famous Hymn of the Soul which went down to Egypt for the One Pearl, which modern scholars have ascribed to the Gnostic Bardaisan.
17. There follows "The song of praise of Thomas the Apostle." And of this Mr. F. C. Burkitt says it is undoubtedly a genuine portion of the Acts. (Early Christianity outside the Roman Empire, p. 68.)
18. The final section of the work is headed " The Consummation of Judas Thomas." The apostle is condemned to death by King Mazdai, and his martyrdom is described. It takes place “outside the city" and "on the mountain." St. Thomas is speared to death by four soldiers.
19. - The story continues : -"And the brethren were weeping all together. And they brought “goodly garments and many linen cloths, and buried Judas in the sepulchre in which the "ancient kings were buried."
20. Finally we are told that the bones of the apostle were taken away secretly by one of the brethren to the West," and that this happened during the lifetime of King Mazdai and Sifür.
Such is, briefly, the story of St. Thomas' connection with India as told in these Acts, which are generally supposed to be a work written for the purpose of spreading Gnostic teaching. Certain it is that their interest is chiefly doctrinal, and very little historical. It is possible, however, that, in the form of a religious romance, they embody some genuine details of the history of St. Thomas. It seems certain that they originated in a region (the Euphrates valley) which, as we shall see further on, was by early tradition associated with St. Thomas. The Acts would, therefore, seem more likely to contain some fragments of genuine history than would the case be if their origin had been Greek or Latin.
It is usual, I believe, to regard the Greek and Latin versions as, roughly speaking, abridgments and expurgated editions of the Syriac. There is, however, the possibility that the Syriac, as we now have it, has been very largely interpolated, and that the Greek and Latin, as a whole, give us a better idea of the Syriac work as it originally stood, than the more bulky Syriac version now extant.
But the doctrinal aspects of the Acts do not affect the use we have to make of them, and if we treat them as a historical record, the following appear to be the only suggestive points we are able to extract:
1. - Movements of St. Thomas. (a) Note first the heading of the first Act :- "That he might go down and convert India."
(6) St. Thomas went by ses to the city of Sandarūk. The Syriac implies that he started from " the South Country." The Greek and one of the two Latin versions printed by Max Bonnet imply

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that he started from Jerusalem. That would involve a preliminary journey by land. The other Latin version says Habban came to Caesarea by ship, and met the apostle there, and together they went by sea all the way.
6
[JANUARY, 1903.
Instead of Sandaruk, the Greek has Andrapolis. The first Latin version does not name the city, but says the journey was done within three months (instead of the usual three years), and that they arrived "in Indiam citeriorem" and "ingressi sunt primam Indiae civitatem." The other version names" Andranopolis," and says the apostle got there from Caesarea in seven days "plenis velis et prosperis ventis." The heading of the second Act seems to imply that Sandaruk was not in what was considered India proper at the time of the writer.
(c) St. Thomas next "entered into the realm of India and went to the court of Gudnaphar the King of India." The Greek says "when he came into the cities of India" he went to the King in question. The first Latin version has ad ulteriores Indiae partes processerat," and that the apostle "in ulteriorem Indiam commorari." The other names King Gudnaphar's city as Elioforum, Hienoforum, or Hyroforum, and speaks of a mountain Gazus.
(7) St. Thomas preached "throughout all India." This might imply a number of years. The Greek has the same; the first Latin version has nothing to the point; the other sys "profectus est ... ad Indiam superiorem."
(e) St. Thomas goes to the city of King Mazdai, where he is put to death, outside the city, on a mountain. The name of the city is not given in the Syriac, Greek or Latin Acts. Calamina is the name in some ecclesiastical writings; we shall come to them afterwards.
(f) To the above indications of place we may add that the body of St. Thomas was afterwards carried away to the "West." The Greek says to Mesopotamia; the Latin, to Edissa or Edessa.
These particulars do not help us to any definite ideas of place.
I do not know if any one has attempted to locate the seaport city Sandaruk or Andrapolis. If we take the Latin to guide us, we should, I suppose, locate it on the coast west of the Indus; and that would be the meaning of "India citerior."
It is unfortunate that the name of the place from which Ḥabban came, cannot be deciphered in the Syriac text. It would help us to locate King Gudnaphar, a most important point.
The statement in the Syriac, that the relics of the apostles were carried away to the "West," is worth remark. As we shall see further on, the fact that the relics were taken from India to Edessa rests on sources of information better than these Acts.
2. Proper Names.
A table of all the proper names that occur in the Acts is given on the opposite page. Mr. Burkitt points out that most of the names in the Syriac text are not Syriac, but old Persian. Koresh (Cyrus), as in the Sachau MS. (misspelt Karish in the British Museum MS.), Mazdai, Vizan, Manashar, are all, he says, good old Persian names. Mazdai was the name of the well-known satrap of Babylonia known to the Greeks as Magãos, who died 328 B. C. Sandaruk reminds him of a similar word at the beginning of the essentially Syriac Romance of Julian," a work assigned by Wright to the 6th century. (See Short History of Syriac Literature, London, 1894, p. 101.)
Mygdonia (or Magdonia) is another name for Nisibis. Habban has a Semitic look. (Early Christianity outside the Roman Empire, pp. 68 and 72; Journal of Theological Studies, Jan. 1900.) The fact that Kōresh (Cyrus) has become in the Greek Xapíotos, instead of Kupos, is suggestive of a blundering translator, and seems to be one of the many minor indications that the original was Syriac.
The Persian names, so far as they prove anything, seem to exclude the idea that the scene of St. Thomas' death was in South India.

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Proper names contained in the Syriac Acts of St. Thomas, and the corresponding names in Greek and Latin versions.
1 Ḥabban.
Syriac.
2 Güdnaphar. Gundaphar.
3 Sandarük. Sanadruk.
4 Gad.
5
Mazdai.
6 Şifur.
9 Mygdonia.
10 Narkia.
11
Tertia.
12 Vizan.
Greek.
13 Manashar.
̓Αββάνης.
rà8.
7
Xanthippus.
Ξενοφῶν.
8 Karish (Brit.Mus.) Xapieros. Koresh (Sachau).
Gundaforus.
Γουνδαφόρος. Γουνδιαφόρος. Gundoforus. Γουντάφορος. 'Ανδράπολις.
Μισδαίος. Μισδέος.
Σίφωρ.
Σεφώρ.
Σίφορος.
Σιφώρας. Σύμφορος.
Μυγδονία.
Μαρκία.
Ναρκία.
Τερτία.
Τερεντιανή.
Τερτιανή.
Οὐαζάνης.
Ἰουζάνης. Ιουαζάνης. ̓Αζάνης.
Latin.
Μνησάρα. Ανισάρα. Σεμνησάρα. Σισάρα.
Abban. Abbanes.
Andranopolis. Andranobolys. Andronopolis. Adrianopolis, Gad.
Misdeus. Mesdeus.
Migdeus.
Saphor.
Saphyr.
Sapor. Siforus.
Sephor.
Siforatus.
Sinforus.
Sinfurus. Symphoras,
Charisius. Caritius.
Kritius.
Carisius.
Carissius.
Mygdonia. Migdonia.
Narchia.
Marchia.
Treptia.
Tertia.
Trepicia.
Triplicia. Zuzanes.
Zuzani.
Zuzanius.
Luzanis.
Oazanes. Manasara; Manazara,
Arabic, Habban. See Dr. Wright's translation, p. 146, footnote. The merchant sent from India by King Gudnaphar to bring him an artificer. "The King of India" (Syriac): βασιλεὺς τῶν Ινδών (Greek): "Rex Indiae," "Rex Indorum" (Latin). City of an unnamed king: and a seaport.
ὁ
7
Brother of King Gudnaphar. "Gad" seems to have been the name of a Babylonian deity in the time of Isaiah (say 8th century B. C.). See Is. lxv, 11, A. V., margin.
A king in India ("India superior," according to some Latin versions).
The General of King Mazdai.
Deacon of St. Thomas. Not named in the Latin. Kinsman of King Mazdai. Kōrësh is the Syriac for Cyrus.
Wife of Karish.
Nurse of Mygdonis.
Wife of King Mazdai.
Son of King Mazdai.
Wife of Vizin.

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3.
Other particulars.
Of other particulars that may serve as indications of place and time, there are few, if any, in the Acts. In fact, if we leave out the proper names, these Acts might refer to any ancient countries where there were kings and cities. However, in, the short outline of the story given above, a few particulars have been noted that may be of service. We might expect some references to the religions of the countries, and to their priests or ministers; but there are none. The references to plants and animals, ships, buildings, furniture, carriages, money, musical instruments, implements, clothes, etc., yield no information. We can hardly infer anything of the social condition or customs of the people from these references.
Plants. The only plant named is the myrtle. A "cane" is mentioned as used for taking the measurements of the palace to be built for King Gudnaphar.
Animals.The animals named are a lion and dogs at Sandaruk, a black deadly poisonous snake and an ass's colt near the city of King Gudnaphar, the "cattle" (Greek inofiya) which drew the "chariot" when St. Thomas journeyed with Șifür to the city of King Mazdai, and a troop of wild asses encountered on the way. Wild asses are found in the Indus Valley; but they are also found in Beluchistan, Persia, Syria, Mesopotamia, Arabia, etc. Marco Polo reported them on the road from Yezd to Kerman,
Buildings. As to buildings, there is just the bare mention of palace, house or prison, and we learn also that King Gudnaphar and his brother were baptized in a bath or bath-house, and that for seven days beforehand no one was allowed to bathe therein.
Carriages and Furniture. There are the "chariot" (Greek 8xnua) above mentioned, a palanquin (80 Dr. Wright thinks he had better translate the Syriac word) in which Mygdonia was carried, and a seat with two legs, with which King Mazdai beat St. Thomas about the head. Also, Sifür says, "for three years no table has been laid in my house, and my wife and daughter have not sat at it."
Some sort of a street fountain is mentioned, for the wife of Sifür says, "I was going along the street, and had come to the pipe that throweth up water."
Clothing. We are told how Karish took the turban off one of the servants, and pat it round St. Thomas' neck in order to drag him along.
Linen cloths were used to prepare the body of the apostle for the tomb. Was linen ever known in India ?
Money is mentioned; St. Thomas was sold to Habban for twenty pieces of silver; 20 zūzē and 360 zūzē are named as bribes to King Mazdai's jailors.
There is a Hebrew flute-girl, and there are cup-bearers at the marriage feast at Sandarük.
Mygdonia has a nurse, with whom she slept to avoid the importunities of her husband. He is stated to have been afraid of Mygdonia, his wife, "for she was far superior to him in her wealth, and also in her understanding."
The wife of Sifür describes the devils who torment her as black men.
St. Thomas was buried "in the sepulchre in which the ancient kings were buried."
None of the above allusions seem to specially suggest India, ancient or modern. Some of them would seem to exclude Southern India as the scene of the apostle's martyrdom. But we cannot lay any particular stress upon them, in any direction,

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JANUARY, 1903.] THE CONNECTION OF ST. THOMAS WITH INDIA.
II. Writers of the first six centuries of the Christian era who make mention of the apostleship of St. Thomas.
The following writers of the first six centuries of the Christian era make mention of the apostleship of St. Thomas:
1. The author of the Syriac work, entitled "The Doctrine of the Apostles;" perhaps 2nd century:
2.-Heracleon; probably 170 to 180. 8. The writer of "The Clementine Recognitions;" perhaps as early as 200 to 220.
-Clement of Alexandria; died about 220.
5.-Origen; died about 251 to 254. 6.- Eusebius; died about 340.
7. St. Ephraem the Syrian; died about
878.
9
8. St. Gregory Nazianzen; died 389 or 390. 9.-St. Gregory of Nyssa; died about 394, 10. St. Ambrose; died about 297.
11. St. Asterius; died about 400.
12. St. John Chrysostom, died 407. 13. Rufinus; died 410.
14.-St. Gaudentius; died probably between
410 and 427.
15. St. Jerome; died 420.
16. St. Paulinus of Nola; died 431. 17.-Sozomen; about 443. 18.-Socrates; about 445.
19. St. Gregory of Tours; died 594.
There are probably other writers who might be quoted, especially among those who wrote in Syriac; but I have not been able to trace them. For the purpose of this paper, it is not necessary to go beyond the sixth century.
The necessary quotations from the writers and writings above-named will now be given.
1. The ancient Syriac work, entitled "The Doctrine of the Apostles." (Written perhaps in the 2nd century.) Extracts:
"And after the death of the Apostles there were Guides and Rulers in the churches, and what"soever the Apostles had communicated to them, and they had received from them, they taught to "the multitudes all the time of their lives. They again at their deaths also committed and delivered "to their disciples after them everything which they had received from the Apostles, also what James "had written from Jerusalem, and Simon from the city of Rome, and John from Ephesus, and Mark "from the great Alexandria, and Andrew from Phrygia, and Luke from Macedonia, and Judas "Thomas from India; that the epistles of an Apostle might be received and read in the churches, "in every place, like those Triumphs of their Acts, which Luke wrote, are read, that by this the "Apostles might be known. ...
"India, and all its countries, and those bordering on it, even to the farthest sea, received the "Apostles' Hand of Priesthood from Judas Thomas, who was Guide and Ruler in the church which "he built there, and ministered there."
These translations are taken from W. Cureton: Ancient Syriac Documents: London, 1864, pp. 32, 33.
2.- Heracleon, a gnostic, who wrote in the 2nd century, probably about 170 to 180. Clement of Alexandria in his "Stromata" (Miscellanies), book 4, chapter 9, headed "Christ's sayings "regarding martyrdom," after quoting Luke xii. 11, 12, writes as follows:
"In explanation of this passage, Heracleon, the most distinguished of the school of Valentinus, says expressly, that there is a confession by faith and conduct, and one with the voice. The "confession that is made by the voice, and before the authorities, is what the most reckon the holy "confession. Not soundly: and hypocrites also can confess with this confession. But neither will "this utterance be found to be spoken universally; for all the saved have confessed with the confession made with the voice, and departed. Of whom are Matthew, Philip, Thomas, Levi and many others. And confession by the lips is not universal, but partial'.

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This is not particularly intelligible. It is taken from The wrilings of Clement of Alexandria translated by the Rev. William Wilson, Edinburgh, 1869, Vol. 2, pp. 170 to 171. It seems, however, to agree with the Greek in Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 8, Paris, 1857, cols. 1281-2.
R. A. Lipsius refers to it as meaning that St. Thomas, with the other apostles named, died natural death; and be attaches importance to it as the early testimony of one of the gnostics, among whom originated, according to his view, the Acts of St. Thomas, which contain the details of the apostle's martyrdom. See his article “ Acts of the Apostles (Apocrypial)" in Smith and Wwe's Dictionary of Christian Biography, etc., Vol. 1, London, 1877. Lipsius calls Heracleon a "perfectly “trustworthy witness," and adds :-"This witness deserves all the more attention, inasmuch as it comes " from a Gnostic source, i.e., from one of those circles in which afterwards sprang up the legends of the "martyrdom of St. Matthew by fire, the crucifixion of St. Philip, and the impaling of St. Thomas." It is not necessary to adopt Lipsius' ideas. His theories were sometimes impossible.
The sense of the passage from Clement of Alexandria is perhaps better given, than by Wilson, in an article on Heracleon by G. Salmon, in the dictionary above quoted, Vol. 2, 1880, as follows:
"Men mistake in thinking that the only confession is that made by the voice before the "magistrates; there is another confession made in the life and conversation, by faith and works “corresponding to the faith. The first confession may be made by a hypocrite, and it is one not "required of all; there are many who have never been called on to make it, as, for instance, Matthew, "Philip, Thomas, Levi (Lebbaeus]; the other confession must be made by all."
.- The Clementine Recognitions. In book 9, chapter 29, we read :• "Denique apud Parthos, sicut nobis Thomas, qui apud illos Evangelian prædicat, scripsit, non "multi jam erga plurima matrimonia diffundantur, nec multi apud Medos canibus objicient mortuos "Suos, neque Persae matrum conjugiis aut filiarum incestis matrimoniis delectantur, nec mulieres " Susides licita ducunt adulteria ; nec potuit ad crimina genesis compellere, quos religionis doctrina "prohibebat."
See Migne : Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 1, Paris, 1857, col. 1418.
We only possess the Clementine Recognitions in the Latin translation made probably not long after 400 by Rufinus, who is supposed to have subjected them to some mild expurgation. We do not know the date of the original writing. F. J. A. Hort (Notes Introductory to the Study of the Clementine Recognitions: London, 1901) considered that it and the Clementine Homilies were both derived from a common original, which may probably be dated in the first or second decade of the 3rd century, and was probably written in Palestine, east of the Jordan, or in the region running northward thence between the mountains and the desert.
4.- Clement of Alexandria ; died about 220. His testimony must, I think, be taken to be the same as that of Heracleon (above-mentioned No. 2), whom he quotes apparently with approval. In other words, he seems to allege that St. Thomas died a natural death.
6. Origen; born 185 or 186, died about 251 to 254. He was a native of Alexandria, and most of his life was spent in Egypt and Palestine. We have his testimony, as will be seen in the next place, only through the medium of Eusebius, who quotes his Commentary on Genesis, an elaborate work, of which we only possess some fragments. According to Origen, Parthia was the region allotted to St. Thomas.
6.- Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus; born in Palestine abont 264, Bishop of Caesares 315, died about 340. Extract from his Ecclesiastical History, book 3 :
" Chapter I. - The parts of the world where Christ was preached by the apostles. — Such, " then, was the state of the Jews at this time. But the holy apostles and disciples of our
Saviour, being scattered over the whole world, Thomas, according to tradition, received Parthis " as his allotted region; Andrew received Scythia, and John, Asia; where, after continuing for
.

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11
"some time, he died at Ephesus. ... This account is given by Origen, in the third book of his exposition of Genesis."
This translation from the Greek is by C. F. Crusé : Ecclesiastical History by Eusebius : London, 1847, p. 101.
7. - 8. Ephraom the Syrian; born about 300, died about 378. He spent most of his life at Edessa. The following Latin translation of a portion of one of St. Ephraem'Syriao hymns is taken from Dr. G. Bickell: St. Ephraemi Syri Carmina Nisibena : Leipzig, 1866, pp. 163-4.
"XLI. Octavum carmen ejusdem modi [i. e., Ad modum: cornu et tuba, as shewn by heading " of Carm. XXXV.: De Domino nostro et de morte et diabolo. Ad modum cornu et tuba.']
"Argumentum. Lamentatur diabolus de damnis, quibus per reliquias S. Thomae Edessae " asservatas afficitur.
“1. Ululavit diabolus :- Quem in locum nunc fugere possum justos ? Mortem incitari ad apos"tolos interficiendos, ut per mortem eorum evadam verberibus eorum. Sed nunc multo durius “ verberor. Apostolus quem interfeci in India, praevenit mihi Edessam. Hic et illic totus est; "illuc profectus sum, et erat illic ; hic et illic inveni eum et contristatus sum. (Responsorium : “Laudetur potentia, quae habitat in ossibus sanctis !)
"2. Ossa portaverat mercator ille, vel potius illa portaverunt eum. Ecce enim ab invicem “lucrati sunt. Mihi autem quid profuerunt, cum sibi invicem profuerint? Ambo mihi damnum "intulerunt. Quis monstrabit capsam Iscariotis ex qua fortitudinem accepi ? Capsa autem Thomae interfecit me, quia virtus occulta, habitans in ea, excruciat me.
"3. Moyses electus portaverat obsa in fide tamquam lacrum. Si ergo magnus hic propheta "credidit, auxilium inesse in ossibus, recte etiam credidit mercator et recte se nominavit mercatorem, "Hic mercator lucratus est et magnus factus est et regnavit. Aerarium ejas valde me depaupe"ravit ; Edessae enim apertum est, et ditavit magnam urbem auxilio suo.
"4. Obstupui de hoc aerario thesaurorum ; antea enim exiguus erat thesaurus ejus, et, quam"quam nemo aliquid abstulerat ab eo, tamen pareus erat fons divitiarum ejus. Postquam autem "multi circumdederunt et diripuerunt illud et repuerunt utilitates ejus, quo magis diripitur, eo " abundanting multiplicantur divitiae ejus. Quando enim quaeritur fons occlusus, valde scinditur, " et tum demum late fluere et effundi potest."
Then follow six more strophes, Dr. Bickell's notes on the four strophes quoted are useful : they are :
"Confirmatus hac carmine (1) S. Thomam apostolum Indis evangeliam praedicasse, quod "testatus etiam Ambrosius (in ps. 45), Paulinus Nolanus (carm. 26), Hieronymus (ep. 148 ad "Marcellam), Gregorius Nazianzenus (orat. 21); (2) eum ibidem martyrio coronatum esse, qua de "re apud scriptores vetustiores nullum invenitur testimonium, immo negatur ab Heracleone haeretico " apud Clementem Alexandrinum (strom. lib. 4, p. 502); testes autem sunt Gregorius Turonensis, "Gaudentius Brixiensis, S. Nilus, S. Asterius, fortasse etiam Theodoretus (qui gr. aff. cur. lib. 8, "p. 607, Thomam aliquem inter celeberrimos martyres numerat); (3) reliquias ejus Edessao asservatas "esse, quod asserunt etiam Rutinus (hist. eccl. 2, 5), Socrates (4, 18), Sozomenus (6, 18), auctor vitæ * syriacae S. Ephraemi (B. O. I. p. 49 et chronici Edesseni ad ann. 705 et 758 aerae graecae. " Apparet tamen ex hac et quarta stropha, non totum S. Thomae corpus Edessam translatum esse, "sed partem tantum, alia parte Indis relicta, quae adhuc Goae asservatur. Confirmatu: ergo hoc "carmine opinio Baronii, qui recte jam cbservavit, et Edessae et in India partem harum roliquiarum "asservatam esse, refellantur autem Pagius, Tillemont, Assemanus, qui Indicas S. Thomae reliquias "pro commento Nestorianorum habent.
"2. Docet nos S. Ephraem, haec ossa per mercatorem ex India Ede3am asportata esse. De "hac translatione cf. etiam Gregorium Taronensem (de gloria martyrum o. 32) et Martyrologia ad

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"3 Julii aut al 21 Decembris. De tempore, quo Edessa tantum thesaurum accepit, nihil apud "antiquos legitur; Barinius autem ad a. 236 ait, incertam csso famam, hoc anno translationem "accidisse. Fontem suum non indicat, nec eum hucusque invenire potui."
8.- St. Gregory Nazianzen; born in Cappadocia about 329, bishop 372, died 389 or 990. Homily 33 aya nst the Arians: extract from chap. 11 :
"What! Were not the apostles strangers to the many nations and countries among which they "were divided that the gospel might be spread everywhere? ...... Granting that Judaea " was the country of Peter, what had Paul in common with the gentiles, Luke with Achaia, Andrew " with Epirus, John with Ephesus, Thomas with Iudia, Mark with Italy ?"
The Greek text is in Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 36, Paris, 1859, col. 227.
9.-St. Gregory of Nyssa; born about 331, bishop of Nyssa in Cappadocia about 872, died soon after 394. In Epist. 13 he writes :
"Mesopotamiae incolae, tametsi inter ipsos ditissimi Satrapiarum rectores e sent, nihilominus "Thomam cunctis digniorem esse censuerunt, quem sibi ipsis praeficerent. Its et Titum Cretenses, "et Hierosolymae cives Jacobum in episcopum elegerunt, nosque Cappadoces, conturionem illum, qui "passiones tempore divinitatem Domini fassus est."
This Latin translation of the Greek text is from R. Ceillier : Histoire Générale des Auteurs Sacrés et Ecclésiastiques, Vol. 6, Paris, 1860, p. 254.
10.- St. Ambrose ; born 340, bishop of Milan 374, died 897. "In Psalmum XLV. enarratio :" extract from chap. 21 (vers. 10):
" Auferos bella usque ad fines terrae : arcum conteret et confringet arma : et scuta comburet "igni. Et vere antequam Romanum diffunderetur imperium, non solum singularum urbium reges "adversum se praeliabantur ; sed etiam ipsi Romani bellis frequenter civilibus atterebantur. ... "Unde factum est ut taedio bellorum civilium Julio Angusto Romanum deferretur imperium : et ita "praelia intestina sedata sunt. Hoc autem eo profecit, ut recte per totum orbem apostoli mitte"rentur, dicente Domino Jesu : Euntes docete omnes gentes. (Matth. xxviii. 19.) Illis quidem "etiam interclusa barbaricis montibus regna patuerunt, ut Thomae India, Mattheo Persia ...."
Migno's Patrologia, Vol. 14, Paris, 1845, cols. 1142-3.
11.-St. Astorius, archbishop of Amases in Pontus; died about 499. This Greek writer bears testimony to the fact of the inartyrdom of St. Thomas, but does not specify any locality. In Homily 10, Eulogy of the holy martyrs, he says:
"And see how many you dishonour in the one insult; John the Baptist, James who was called the brother of the Lord, Peter, Paul, Thomas; I name these as chiefs of the martyrs."
The original is in Migno's Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 40, Paris, 1863, cola, 825-6.
12. - St. John Chrysostom; born 347, archbishop of Constantinople 897, died 407. Translation of a passage from Homily 26 on the Epistle to the Hebrews :
"But tell me: do not the bones of Moses himself lie in a foreign land P And as to those of "Aaron, of David, of Jeremiah, and of many apostles, we do not even know where they are. The * graves of Peter and Paul and John and Thomas are indeed known (820x ol rádou); but of the "others, though they are so many, nothing is known,"
The original text is in Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 63, Paris, 1862, col. 179.

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18. - Rufinus Tyrannus ; born about 345, died 410. He wrote in Italy. Extracts from his "Historia ecclesiastica :"
Lib. I. Cap. IX., "De captivitate Frumentii et Edesii, et de conversione Indorum per ipsos gesta.
"In es divisione orbis terrae, quae ad praedicandam verbum Dei sorte per Apostolos celebrats est, cam aliae aliis provinciae obvenissent, Thomae Parthia, et Matthaeo Æthiopia, * adhaerens citerior India Bartholomaeo dicitur sorte decreta ......"
Lib. II., Cup. V., "De persecntione quae fait apud Edessam.
"Edessa namque Mesopotamiae urbs fideliam populoram est, Thomae Apostoli Reliquiis decorata . .... .."
Prom Migno's Patrologia, Vol. 21, Paris, 1849, cols, 478 and 513.
14.- Bt. Gaudentius, bishop of Brescia in 402; date of death uncertain, probably between 410 and 427. Extract from Sermo XVII. [After speaking of St. John the Baptist, St. Andrew, St. Thomas, and St. Luke, he says]:
“Hornm quatuor beatas habemus in praesenti reliquias, qai regnum Dei, et justitiam *. praedicantes, ab incredalis, et iniquis occisi, Deo semper vivere operationum suarum “virtutibus demonstrantar. Joannes in Sebastena urbe provinciae Palaestinae, Thomas apud "Indos, Andreas et Lucas apud Patras' Achaise civitatem, consummati referuntur."
Migne : Patrologia Latina, Vol. 20, Paris, 1845, cols. 962-3. This Sermon was delivered on the occasion of the dedication of the church "basilica Concilii Sanctorum" at Brescia, for which charch, as St. Gaudentius states in his discourse, he had obtained relics of St. Thomas, and other martyrs, whom he names. The church no longer existe, at least not under ita original name.
18. - St. Jerome; born about 340, priest 379, died 420. Extract from "Epistola LIX. a Marcellam." This letter is sometimes quoted as CXLVIII. It was written in 395 or 396.
"Erat igitur uno eodemque tempore et cam apostolis quadraginta diebus, et com angelis, et in Patre, et is extremis maris finibus erat; in omnibus locis versabatur ; cum Thoma in Ladis, com Petro Romae, cum Paulo in Illyrico, com Tito in Creta, cum Andres in Achais enm singulis apostolis et apostolicis viris, in singulis cunctisque regionibus."
Migne : Patrologia, Vol. 22, Paris, 1845, col. 589.
16. - St. Paulinus of Nola: born at or near Bordeaux about 353, bishop of Nolo 409, diod 131. Extract from Poema XIX., carmon XI. in 8. Felicem :
" Sic Deus et reliquis tribuens pia munera terris "Sparsit ubiqne loci magnas sua membra per urbes . "Sic delit Andream Patris, Ephesosque, Joannem “Ut simul Europam, atque Asiam curaret in illis, "Discuteretque graves per lumina tanta tenebras. "Parthia Matthaeum complectitur, Indin Thomam, "Lebbaeum Libyes, Phriges accepere Philippum." Migne : Patrologia, Vol 61, Paris, 1847, cols. 518-4.
17.- Sozomen, ecclesiastical historian; he wrote his history in Greek at Constantinople about 448. In book 6, ch. 18, speaking of the emperor Valens, who reigned from 864 to 378, he writes :
"Having heard that there was a magnificent church at Edeska 'named after the apostle "Thomas, he went to see it."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
(JANUARY 1903.
This is from a translation pablished by Samuel Bagster & Sons, London, 1846 : the name of the translator is not given. I have not seen the original Greek. But, if the word paprypoor is used for church, it would probably imply that the relics of St. Thomas or some part of them were enshrined there.
18. -Socrates, surnamed Scholastious, of Constantinople; born 306; the date of bis death is not stated, but it must have been after 445, as his history of the church, written in Greek, extends to that year.
In book 1. ch 19, he writes:-"When the apostles went forth by lot among the nations, " Thomas roceived the apostleship of the Parthians."
In book 4, ch. 18, he writes :-"But I must here mention a ciroumstance that occurred at "Edessa in Mesopotamia. There is in that city & magnificent church (mapripov) dedicated to "St. Thomas the apostle, wherein on account of the sanctity of the place, religious assemblier
are incessantly held."
Socrates here uses the word paprúpoor, which was generally applied to chorch or basilion where the relics of some martyr were deposited. He must, I think, be taken to mean that the relics of St. Thomas, or some part of them, were enebrived in this church. The incident which he relates took pluce while the emperor Valens, who reigned 364 to 37%, was at Edessa. The above passages are taken from a translation published by Samuel Bagster & Sons, London, 1844. The name of the translator is not given.
19. - St. Gregory of Tours; born probably in 538, bishop in 573, died 594. Extract from “Libri miraculorum : liber primus : de gloria beatorum martyrum : capat XXXII. : de Thoma apostulo :"
- Thomas apostolus (Post an 66, 21 Dec.) secundum passionis ejns historiam, in India "passus esse declaratur. Cajas beatum corpus post multam tempus assumptam in civitate quamp “Syri Edigsam vocant, translatum est, ibique sepaltam. Ergo in loco region's Indine, quo "prius quievit, monasteriam habetur, et templum mirae magnitudinis, diligenterque exornatum " atqne compositum. In hac igitur aede magnum miraculum Deus ostendit. Lychnos etenim "inibi positas, atqne illaminatas, ante locum sepulturae ipsius perpetualiter die noctaque diviño "nutu rerplendet, a nullo fomentam olei scirpique accipiens : neque vento extinguitur, neque cape "dilabitar, neque ardendo minuitar; habetque incrementum, per apostoli virtatam, quod nescitar "ab homine, cognitum tamen habetar divinae potentiae. Hoc Theodorus qui ad ipsum locum "accessit nobis exposait. In supradicta igitur urbe, in qua beatos artus diximus tumulatos, "adveniente festivitate, magnos aggregator populorum coetus, ac de diversis regionibus cam votis "negotiisque venientibus, vendendi comparandique per triginta dies sine alla telonei exactione "licentia dator. In his vero diebus qui in mensi habentur quinto, magna et inusitata popolis "praebentur beneficia. Non scandalum surgit in plebe, non musor insidet mortificatae carni, "non latex deest sitienti. Nam cum ibi reliquis diebus plusquam centenum pedam altitudine "aqua hauriatar a pateis, tunc paululum si fodias, affatim lymphas exuberantes invenies, quod "non ambigitur haec virtute beati apostoli impertiri. Decarsis igitur festivitatis diebus, telon“eom pablicum redditar, mosca quae defait adest, propinquitas aquae dehiscit. Dehinc emissa "divinitus pluvia ita omne atriom templi a sordibos et diversis squaloribus qui per ipsa solem"nia facti sunt mandat, at putes locum nec fuisse calcatum."
Migne : Patrologia Latina, Vol. 71, Paris, 1849, cols. 733-.
The information contained in the above passages may be summed op as follows, with the remark that the years given in the list are generally the years of the death of the writers named:

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JANUARY, 1903.) THE CONNECTION OF ST. THOMAS WITH INDIA.
251 10.
1 | 2nd cont.pl Syriac “Doctrine of the St. Thomas wrote letters from " India." H. Apostles."
evangelised "India" and countries bordering
on it. c. 170 Heracleon ... ... ... St. Thomas died a natural death. c. 210? Clementine Recognitions . St. Thomas evangelised the Parthians. 220 Clement of Alexandria .. St. Thomas died & natural death.
Origon ... ... ... St. Thomas evangelised the Parthians. Eusebius ... ... . Do
do
do, 378 St. Ephraem , .. St. Thomas was thartyred in India." His rolio
were part at Edessa, part in India. 389 St. Gregory Nazianzen St. Thomas evangelised India. 394 St. Gregory of N588a St. Thomas evangelised Mesopotamin. 397 St. Ambrose
St. Thomas was martyred. St. Asterias ... St. Thomas was martyred. St. John Chrysostom The locality of the grave of St. Thomas was
known to him. Rafinns ... ... St. Thomas evangelised Parthis. His relics were
at Edessa. St. Gaudentins
St. Thomas was martyred in India. Some of his
relics were at Brencia. St. Jerome ..
St. Thomas was in India. St. Paulinas of Nola St. Thomas was allotted India. 43 Sosomen ... ... ...He mentions the famous church of St. Thomas at
Edess, and perhaps implies that his relics
1 were there. 18 . 445 Socrates * ** *
Do. do.
do. St. Gregory of Tours ... St. Thomas was martyted in India; his relics
were translated to Edese and there was then existing a famous churoh in India, at the place where the body of the Apostle was first buried.
400
407
10
10
481
The early evidence is, then, that St. Thomas evangelised Parthia; and, apart from the Syriac “Doctrine of the Apostles," there does not seem to be any mention of "India" in connection with St. Thomas till we get to St. Ephraem (378) and St. Gregory Nazianzen (889), the two living in adjacent countries. The “Doctrine of the Apostles" would be more important if we could fix its date; from expressions used in it, it is thought to be of the 2nd century but Lipsias says " towards the end of the 4th cent," which would bring it to the time of St. Ephraem. See article in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography, etc., Vol. 1. London, 1877.
It will be noticed that in none of these ancient writings is there any mention whatever of the name of the place at which St. Thomas was martyred, - Calamina, w it appear in later and perhaps undateable writings. Of some of these, it is necessary now to give some account..
(To be continued.)

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16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
(JANUARY, 1918.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI, INCLUDING HINDOSTÅNÍ.
BY G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., D.LITT., I.C.S. Tus following bibliography deals with what I call Western Hindi, a language which includes the Bundelt, Kanauji, Braj Bhakha, and Hindôstini dialects. The last appears under two phases, - viz. (1) the vernacular language of the Upper Doab, and (2) the well-knowu Lingua Franca, which has received literary cultivation. As a literary language Hindüstint appears under beveral forms. Rekhta, or Hindéstâni poetry following the Persian rules of metre, may be taken as commencing with Wali of Aurangabad (16th century). Hindôstkui prose did not take birth till the end of the 18th century, among the learned nat.ves at the College of Fort William, and under the fostering care of Dr. Gilchrist. We may note three varieties of it, -(1) ordinary Hindistint, capable of being written either in the Persian or Déva-nagari character, and intelligil.le to both Musalmans and Hindus, of which the Bautdl Pachisi may be taken as a good example ; (2) Urdú, the variety employed by literary Musalmane, more or less londed with a Persian (including Arabic) vocabulary, and capable of being written only in a modified form of the Persian alphabet, of which the Back o bahar is a familiar example; and (3) Bindi, the variety employed by literary Hindis, more or loss loaded with a Sanskrit vocabulary, and capable of being written only in the Déva-nigari alphabet The Prém-edgar is an example. Hindi bas rarely been used for anything bat prose. Attempts at employing it for poetry bave only resulted in derision. The Hindd poetry in the Western Hindi language is almost all in Braj Blakha. When Urdd or ordinary Hind stani is employed for poetry, it becomes Rekhta.
I do not include under the name of Western Bindt the language of Oudh and the neighbourhood, or the dialects of Rajpntana and Central India. The language of Oudh, which is that employed by Tolasi Dâs for his Ramayan, is a form of Eastern Hindi, an altogether different language. I group the Rajpatana dialects under one language-name, Rajasthant. This language is more closely allied to Gojaráti than to Western Hindi,
of the dialects of Western Hindi, Eraj Bhakha and HindstAnt are the ones which have received most literary culture. Kanaojt is so like Braj Bhakba, that it hardly deserves separate mention, I only refer to it as its existence is popularly recognised. Some few works bave been written in Bundels, but none of them hare been critically edited. Indeed, this important dialect bu boon almost entirely ignored by students. Even Dr. Kellogg does not describe it in his Grammar. Kanaajt and Bundell are therefore hardly mentioned in this bibliography. Newly all the entries rofor either to Braj Bhikha or to one or other of the various forms of Hindôstånt.
The Bibliography is divided into four sections :
I. - General.- This deals with works giving a general account of the language or of one or more of its dialects, including works dealing with the subject from the point of view of comparative philology.
II. - Urammar, Dictionaries, and other helps to the student. - I have endeavoured to make this as complete as possible up to the date of the Mutiny. After that I have selected, perhaps in a Bomowbat arbitrary fashion.
III. -- Selections. Collections of scattered pieces, and Collections of Proterba. - This includes some Readers put together mainly for students.
IV.-- Texts. Here, with a few exceptions, I bave confined myself to works which have been more or us critically edited by European scholars. It would have been impossible to enomerate the huge mass of texts which hare issued without any attempt at editing from the native presses of
1 This is the correct spelling of the word, not Hindustan.' In Urdd poetry, 'Hindout n'rhymes with 'Batan. 8. O. J. Lyall, Sketch of the Hindustani Language, Edinburgh, 1889, p. 1, Note 1.
• Vido ante, VolXXVI. PP. 262 and ff.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
JANUARY, 1903.]
India. For them, the reader can consult Mr. Blumhardt's Catalogues of Hindustani and Hindi works in the British Museum Library, and of the same in the India Office Library. These are all published separately, and can be obtained at a moderate price. To this section I have added an appendix giving a list of early translations of the Scriptures into the various dialects of Western Hindi.
17
In each of the first three sections, all the works of one writer are grouped together, and each writer is arranged in order of the date of the first work mentioned under his name. In the fourth section writers are arranged alphabetically.
I shall be grateful for any additions to, or corrections in regard to, the lists.
The earliest date which Yule gives of the use of the word 'Hindôstâni' is 1616, when Terry speaks of Tom Coryate being proficient in the Indostan, or more vulgar language.'s We may also note that Terry, in his A Voyage to East India (1655), gives a brief description of the vulgar tongue of the country of Indostan, which will be found quoted below under J. Ogilby. So Fryer (1673) (quoted by Yule) says: The Language at Court is Persian, that commonly spoken is Indostan (for which they have no proper character, the written Language being called Banyan).' It is evident, therefore, that early in the 17th century it was known in England that the Lingua Franca of India was this form of speech. On the other hand, another set of authorities stated that the Lingua Franca of India was Malay. So Ogilby in the passages quoted below. Again, David Wilkins, in the preface to Chamberlayne's collection of versions of the Lord's Prayer (published 1715), explains that he could not get a version in the Bengali language, as that form of speech was dying out, and was being superseded by Malay. He therefore, for Bengali, gave a Maiay version, written in the Bengali character.
It is possible that Ogilby had less excuse than appears for his mistake, for Mr. Quaritch, in his Oriental Catalogue published in 1887, mentions a MS. Dictionary then in his possession (No. 34, 724 in the Catalogue) which he doubtfully dates as 'Surat, about 1630.' This is a Dictionary of Persian, Hindostani, English, and Portuguese, and he describes it as a great curiosity as being the first work of its kind. It was probably compiled for the use of the English factory at Surat. The Persian is given in Native and in Roman letters, the Hindôstânî in Gujarati and Roman letters.' It is a small folio manuscript on Oriental tinted paper.
The celebrated traveller Pietro Della Valle arrived at Surat early in 1623, and remained in India till November 1624, his head-quarters being Surat and Goa. His Indian Travels were published in 1663,5 and he has the honour of being the first to mention the Nâgarî, or, as he calls it, Naghèr, alphabet in Europe. He also mentioned a language which was current all over India, like Latin in Europe, and which was written in that character. This is, however, probably Sanskrit, not Hindôstânî.
A Jesuit's College was founded at Agrâ in the year 1620, and to it, in 1653, came Father Heinrich Roth. Here he studied Sanskrit, and wrote a grammar of that language. He visited Rome in 1664, and afterwards returned to Agra, where he died in 1668. While in Rome he met Kircher, who was then in that city getting the imprimatur for his China Illustrata, and gave him information regarding the Nagari alphabet which he incorporated in that work. It was published at Amsterdam in 1667, and its full title was Athanasii Kircheri e Soc. Jesu CHINA Monumentis qua sacris qua profanis, nec non variis Naturae et Artis Spectaculis, aliarumque Rerum memorabilium Argumentis ILLUSTRATA. Roth's contributions (besides verbal information) consisted of a set of
See, for this and other quotations, Hobson-Jobson, s. vv. Hindostanee and Moors. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that in the 18th century Hindostani was commonly called 'Moors."
It has since been sold, and I have failed to trace it.
So Encyclopædia Britannica. Yale (Hobson-Jobson) gives 1650-58. [Edited for the Hakluyt Society by Edward Grey, B.C.S., 1892, 2 Vols. - ED.]
See Professor Zachariae, in the Vienna Oriental Journal, XVI. pp. 205 and ff.
* See Professor Zachariae, V. O. J., XV. pp. 313 and ff.

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18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1903.
illustrations of the ten Aratûras of Vishņu (nine of which have titles in both Roman and Nagari characters), and five plates, four of which describe the Nagari alphabet (Elementa Linguae Hanscret), while the fifth gives the Pater Noster and the Ave Maria in Latin, but written incorrectly enough) in the Nagari character. The Pater Noster begins as follows, -are (sic) TETESTET afere
In 1678 John Ogilby, Cosmographer, published in London - Asia, the first Part. Being an Accurate Description of Persia, and the Several Provinces thereof. The Vust Empire of the Great Mogol, and other parts of India, and their several Kingdoms and Regions: With the Denominations: and Descriptions of the Cities, Towns, and Places of Remark therein contained. The various Customs, Habits, Religion, and Languages of the Inhabitants. Their Political Governments, and way of Commerce. Also the Plants and Animals peculiar to each Country. Collected and translated from the most authentick Authors, and augmented with later Observations, illustrated with notes and adorned with peculiar Maps, and proper Soulptures. On pp. 59, 60, be deals with the Persian language and its three dialects, Xirazy, Rostazy, and Harmazy. On p. 129 be takes up the subject of the Malay language. He says, 'as to what concerns the Language of the Indians, it onely differs in general from the Moors and the Mahumetane, but they have also several different Dialects amongst themselves. Amongst all their Languages, there is none which spreads it self more than the Malayan.' He then proceeds to give a vocabulary of Malayan. He next rather wavers on this point, for (p. 134) he first quotes Pietro Della Valle to show that the same speech is used everywhere, bat the written characters differ. Next, he explains on Kircher's (not Pietro Della Valle's) authority that the word • Nagher' is used as the name both of a language and of a character. He then goes on, . According to Mr. Edward Terry (see above] the Vulgar Tongue of Indosten hath great Affinity with the Persian and Arabic Tongues :. but is pleasanter and easier to pronounce. It is a very fluent Language, expressing many things in few Words. They write and read like Us, viz., from the Left to the Right Hand.' (This last remark shows that some alphabet akin to Nagart, and not the Persian one, is referred to.) The language of the Nobility and Courts, and of all pablic businesses and writings is Persian, but Vulgar Mahumetans speak Turkish, but not so eloquently as the natural born Tarke. Learned Persons, and Mahumetan Priests, speak the Arabic. But no Language extends further, and is of greater Use than the Malayan.... The Netherlands East India Company have lately printed a Dictionary of the Common Discourse in that Tongue, as also the New Testament and other Books in the same Language. Moreover, the Holland Ministers in their several Factories in India, teach the Malayan Tongue, not only in their Churches, but Schouls also.'10
In the same year we have Fryer's much more accurate statement about Indian languages already quoted.
In 1678 there appeared at Amsterdam the first volume of Henricus van Rheede tot Drakestein'g!! Hortus Indicus Malabarious adornatus per H. v. R. t. D. The introduction contains eleven lines of Sanskrit, dated, in the Nagari character. The date corresponds to 1675 A. D.
In Berlin in the year 1680, Andreas Müller, under the pseudonym of Thomas Ludeken, produced collection of versions of the Lord's Prayer under the title of Oratio Orationum. 8. s. Orationis
•
• All this is taken from Professor Zachariae's article above referred to. The representation of coolis by se (talis) i. interesting. The Italian pronunciation of the word is represented by se (chthia) in Beligatti's work mentioned below.
So , Dapper'. Aria (published in Dutch in 1672; German Translation, Naraborg, 1681) in a passage which Ogilby has evidently translated in the above quotation. Professor Zachariae, however, states (V.O.J., XVI.) that 60 far as he has been able to discover, Kirohor does not mention Nagber at all. I have not seen Dapper's work, but Ogilby certainly borrowed largely from it.
16 I am sorry that I can give no olue as to the Dutch works mentioned. Perbape some of my readers cad. Ogilby appear to have confused India Proper with the Dutch Settlements in Further India, where, of course, Malay toas the Lingua Franca.
"I See Profesor Maodonell, in J. X. 1. 8., 1900, p. 850. The work appeared from 1878 to 1703 in twelte volumes

Page #25

JANUARY, 1908.]
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
19
dominicæ Versiones praeter authenticam fere centum, eaque longe emendatius quam antehac, et e probatissimis Autoribus potius quam prioribus Collectionibus, jamque singula genuinis Lingud sud Characteribus, adeoque magnam partem ex Aere ad Editionem a karnimo Hagio traditae editaeque a Thema Ludekerio, Sola. March. Berolini, ex Oficina Rungiana, Anno 1680.12 The Barnimos Hagius mentioned herein as the engraver is also a pseudonym for Müller himself. In this collection Roth's Pater Noster was reprinted as being actually Sanskrit, and not a mere transliteration of the Latin original.
In 1694 there appeared a work on Chess by Thomas Hyde, entitled Historia Shahiludii.18 On pp. 132-137 he gives twelve different Sanskrit words for elephant' engraved in Nagari characters.
So far we have dealt only with general notices or with the accounts of the characters in which Hindôstani is written. With the commencement of the 18th century we find the first attempts at giving serious accounts of the language itself. According to Amaduzzi in his preface to Beligatti's Alphabetum Brammhanicum (see below), a Capuchin monk named Franciscus M. Turonensis completed at Surat, in the year 1704, a manuscript Lexicon Linguae Indostanicae, in two parts, of between four and five hundred double-columned pages each. In Amadazzi's time it was still preserved in the library of the Propaganda in Rome, but when I searched for it there some twelve years ago it could not be found.
We now come to the first Hindôstani grammar. John Joshua Ketelaer (also written Kötelär, Kessler, or Kettler) was a Lutheran by religion, born at Elbingen in Prassia. He was accredited to Shah Alam Babadur Shah (1708-1712) and Jahindar Shah (1712) as Dutch envoy. In 1711 ho was the Dutch East India Company's Director of Trade at Surat. He passed through Agrå both going to and coming from Lahore (vid Delhi), but there does not seem to be any evidence available that be ever lived there, though the Dutch Company bad a Factory in that city subordinate to Surat. The mission arrived near Lahore on the 10th December 1711, returned to Delhi with Jabândár Shah, and finally started from that place on the 14th October 1712, reaching Agrå on the 20th October. From Agrû they returned to Surat. In 1716 Ketelaer had been three years Director for the Dutch Company at Surat. He was then appointed their envoy to Persia, and left Batavia in July 1716, having been thirty years in the Dutch Service or in the East Indies. He died of fover at Gambroon on the Persian Gulf on his return from Isfahan, after having been two days under arrest, bocause he would not order a Dutch ship to act under the Persian Governor's orders against some Arab invaders. 14 He wrote a grammar and a vocabulary of the Lingaa hindostanica,' which were published by David Mill, in 1743, in his Miscellanea Orientalia (see below). We may assume that they were composed about the year 1715.
In the same year there appeared another collection of versions of the Lord's Prayer. Its author was John Chamberlayne. It was published at Amsterdam, and had a preface by David Wilkins, who also contributed many of the specimens. Its full title was Oratio dominica in diversas omnium fere Gentium Linguas versa et propriis cujusque Linguae Characteribus expressa, una cum Dissertationibus nonnullis de Linguarum Origine, variisque ipsarum Permutationibus. Editore Joa. Chamberlanio Anglo-Britanno, Regiae Societatis Londinensis Socio. Amstelodami, typis Guil. et David. Goerei, 1716. For our present purpose, it is sufficient to remark, with reference to this celebrated work, that it reproduces Roth's Pater Noster, but without making Möller's error of imagining it to be Sanskrit.
Maturin Veyssière La Orozo was born at Nantes in 1661. In 1667 he became librarian to the Elector at Berlin and died in that city in 1739. Alibrarian he kept ap a voluminous correspondence on linguistic subjects with the learned men of his time, including David Wilkins, John Chamberlayne, Ziegenbalg, and T. S. Bayer. This was published after his death under the title of Thesauri
13 Adelung, Mithridates, Vol. I. pp. 654 and ff.
11 See Professor Maodonell, J. R. A. 8., 1898, p. 136, Note 2. Another similar work by the same author appeared in the same year, entitled Historia Nardiludii. See Prol. Zachariae in V.0. J., XV., quoted above.
See G. A. Grierson, Proceedings, A. S. B., May, 1895. Cf. Adelung, Mithridates, Vol. I. p. 192.

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20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[JANUARY, 1903.
Epistolici LaCroziani. Ex Bibliotheca Iordaniana edidit Io. Lvdovico Vhlins. Lipias, 1742. In this we find him helping Wilkins and Chamberlayne in the compilation of the Oratio Dominica just mentioned. For our present purpose, the most important letters are those to and from Theophilus-Siegfried Bayer, one of the brilliant band of sobolars who founded the Imperial Academy at St. Petersburg. In one of Bayer's letters (dated June 1, 1726) we find what are I believe the first words of what is intended for Hindôstânl ever published in Europe. These are the first four numerals as used by the Mogulenses Indi' (1 = hicku ; 2 = guu; 8 = tray; 4 = twahr), which are contained in a comparative statement of the numerals in, eight languages. These numerals are, however, not really Hindôstäni. Guu is an evident misprint. The others are Sindhi (1 = hiku ; 3 = fré; 4 = chari). Bayer does not say where he got these words from. Two years subsequently, in the third and fourth volumes of the Transactions of the Imperial Academy (for the years 1728 and 1729, published in 1732 and 1735 respectively) we find him busily deciphering the Nagart alphabet, first through means of a trilingual syllabary printed in China, which gave the Tibetan form of Nagari (Lântshá), current Tibetan, and Manchu alphabets, and afterwards with the help of the missionary Schultze to be shortly mentioned. 16 Finally, in November 1731 LaCroze writes to Bayer that the character used for writing by the Markthâs is called . Balabande,' which, however, he adds, hardly differs from that used by the Bramans' which is called Nagara' or Dewar gara.' He then proceeds to show how, in his opinion, the Balabande alphabet is derived from Hebrew, basing his contention on the forms of the letters in Roth's Pater Noster as reproduced in Chamberlayne's work.
Our next stage is Mills Dissertationes Selectae. Its full title is Davidis Milli Theologiae D. ejusdemque, nec non Antiquitatum sacrarum, ý Linguarum orientalium in Academia Trajectina, Professoris ordinarii, Dissertationes selectae, varia 8. Litterarum et Antiquitatis orientalis Capita exponentes et illustrantes. Curis seoundis, novisque Dissertationibus, Orationibus, et Miscellaneis Orientalibus auctae. Lugduni Batavorum, 1748. To us its principal interest consists in the fact that, in the Miscellanea Orientalia, he prints Ketelaer's Hindôstani Grammar and Vocabulary, which, as we have seert, was written about the year 1713. He also gives some plates illustrating Indian alphabets. Two illustrate the Nagari character, and I am not certain from where he got them. The third is taken from Bayer's essay in the Transactions of the Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg, and shows the Lantshâ, ordinary Tibetan, and Manchu characters. The fourth illustrates the Bengali alphabet. The Miscellanea Orientalia are on pp. 455-622 of the work. Caput, I, De Lingua Ilindustanica (pp. 455-488). Latin, Hindóstání, and Persian Vocabulary (pp. 504-509). Etymologicum Orientale harmonicum (a comparative vocabulary of Latin, Hindôstâni, Persian, and Arabic) (pp. 510-598). Except for the plates of characters, all the Hindostani is in the Roman character, the body of the work being written in Latin. The spelling of the Hindôstâni words is based on the Dutch system of pronunciation. Thus, me kií, feci; me kartajoekue (mai kar chukd), feci; misją mujhé), mihi. The use of the Perso-Arabic alphabet for writing Hindôstani is explained. In the two test points of the accuracy of all these old grammars (the distinguishing of the singular and of the plural of the personal prononns, and the use of né in the Agent case), Ketelaer is right in the first and wrong in the second. He recognises mai (which he spells me) and tå (toe) as singulars, and ham (ham) and tum (tom) as plurals. He bas no idea of the use of ne. On the other hand, he teaches the Gujarati use of dp to mean we.'
Ketelaer's Grammar includes not only the Hindôstâni declensions and conjugations, but also versions of the Ten Commandments, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer in that language. His translation of the last may be given as a specimen of the earliest known translation of any Europese Language into Hindôstani. It runs as follows:
Hammare baab-Ke who asmaanmehe-Paak hoe teere naom-Auwe hamko moluk teera-Hoe resja teera-Sjon asmaan ton gjimienme-Roofie hammare nethi kamkon aasde-Oor maajkaar taxier
18 Regarding LaCroto and Bayor, 100 further particulars in Grierson, Q. A., J. 4. 8. B., Vol. LXII. (1899), Pt 1., PP. 42 and ff.

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JANUARY, 1903.)
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
21
apre hamko-Sjon mafkarte apre karreadaar onkot-Nedaal hamko i was wasjeme-Belk hamka ghaskar is boerays. Teera he patajagi, soort auri alemgiere heametme. Ammen,
In the year following the publication of Ketelaer's Grammar appeared that of the celebrated missionary Schultze, whose name has been already mentioned more than once. The full title is Viri plur. Reverendi Benjamin Schultti Missionari Evangelici Grammatica Hindostanica collectis in diuturna inter Hindostanos Commorations in justum Ordinem redactis ac larga Exemporum (sic) Luce perfusis Regulis constans et Missionariorum U8 consecrata. Edidit et de suscipienda barbarartim Linguarum Cultura prefatus est D. Jo. Henr. Callenberg. Halae Saxonum, 1744 (some copies are dated 1745). Schultze was aware of the existence of Ketelaer's Grammar, and mentioned it in his preface, Sebultze's Grammar is in Latin, Hindôstånt words are given in the Perso-Arabic character with transliteration. The Nâgart character (Dewa-ndgarica) is also explained. He ignores the sound of the cerebral letters and in his transliteration) of all aspirated ones. He is aware of the singular and plural forms of the personal pronouns, but is ignorant of the use of né with the past tenses of transitive verbs.
Four years afterwards Johann Friedrich Fritz published the Sprachmeister with a preface by Schultze. Its title runs Orientalisch und Occidentalischer Sprachmeister, welcher nicht allein hundert Alphabete nebst ihrer Ausprache, So bey denen meisten Europdisch-Asiatisch-Africanisch-und Americanischen Völckern und Nationen gebräuchlich sind, Auch einigen Tabulis polyglottis verschiedener Sprachen und Zahlen vor Augen leget, sondern auch das Gebet des Herrn, in 200 Sprachen und MundArten mit dererselben Characteren und Lesung, nach einer Geographischen Ordnung mittheilet. A glaubourdiger Auctoribus susammen getragen, und mit dattu nöthigen Kupfern versehen, Leipzig, zu finden bey Christian Friedrich Gessnern. 1748. Fritz's book is a long way ahead of its predecessor Chamberlayne's. Part I. (pp. 1-219) gives tables of the alphabets of over a hundred different languages, with accounts of the mode of use of each. On pp. 120-129 we have described the use of the Pergo-Arabic alphabet as applied to Hindstånt. It may be noticed that all mention of the cerebral letters is omitted. On p. 123 we have the Devanagram,' on p. 124 the Balabandu,' and on pp. 125-131 the Akar Nagari,' which are all rightly classed together as various forms of the sanie alphabet, but the transliteration is often curiously incorrect. For instance, dnder Akar Nagari,
is transliterated dhgja, and it is explained that an n is always sounded before it and that the j is clearly pronounced as in the Arabic &. It will be seen that here the existence of cerebral Jetters is indicated. Except in the case of Akar Nagari,' no attempt is made to distinguish between aspirated and anaspirated letters. On p. 204 are given the Hindôntint numerals from 1-9, and 10, 20, 30, etc., up to 90. They commence, Jek, do, tin, schahar, patach, sche, sat, att, nat, das. Part II. (pp. 1-128) contains the versions of the Lord's Prayer. On pp. 81 and 82 is given Schultze's • Hindostanica seu Mourica seu Mogulsch Version in the Perso-Arabic character with transliteration. The latter begins, Asman-po rahata-o hamara Bap, tumara naun pak karna hone deo, tumart Pada chahi ane deo, etc. The versions in the Någart character are Roth's transliterated version, Sanskrit in Dewa-niagaram s. Hanscret,' and Bhojpurt in Akar-Nagarika' (the last two by Schultze). Finally there are comparative statements of the words for "father,' heaven,' earth,' and * bread' in all the languages quoted, and some other appendixes. The Hindåstant forms of these four words are given as Bab', Asman, Hunnia, and Rosi, respectively.
Our next authority is Travels from St. Petersburg in Russia to diverse Parts of Asia. By John Bell. Glasgow, 1768. (New Edition, Edinburgh, 1806.) In Chapter 12 of this work are given the Numerals of Indoetan,
Of much more importance is the Alphabetum Brammhanicum seu Indostanu Universitatis Kasi. Romae, 1761. Typis Sac. Congregationis de Propag. Fide. It is by a Capuchin Missionary named Cassiano Beligatti, and is furnished with a preface by Johannes Christophorus Amadgtigs (Amaduzzi). In this preface there is a very complete account of the then existing knowledge regarding Indian languages. It describes Sanskrit ( wit) correctly as the language of the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1903.
learned, and next refers to the Ter Tet' or Beka Boll' or common tongue which is found in the University of Kasi or Benards.' It then goes on to enumerate the other principal alphabets of India which (except. Nagri, Nagri Soratensis, or Balabandu ') do not immediately concern 18. Of more particular interest is his mention of a Lexicon Linguae Indostanicas which was composed by a "Capuchin Missionary of Surat named Franciscus M. Turonensis, in the year 1704, the manuscript of which was then in the Propaganda Library in Rome, and which Amad uzzi describes at considerable length. He also mentions a manuscript dialogue (i in Hindôstant between a Christian and a Native of Indis regarding the truth of religion, which was dedicated to the Raja of Betiâ, in the present district of Champaran, by Josephus M. Gargnanensis and Beligatti, the author of the work we are now describing. The Alphabetum Brammhanicum is of importance as being the first book (so far as I am aware) in which the vernacular words are printed in their own character in moveable types. But not only are the Déva-nagari letters represented by types, but even the Kaithi ones receive the same honour. Beligatti calls the Déva-nagarf character the Alphabetum expressum in litteris Universitatis Kasi,' and after covering over a handred pages with a minute description of its use (including the compound consonants), he goes on, on page 110, to deal with the Alphabetum populare Indostanum vulgo Nagri.' This is, he says, used by all the natives for familiar letters and ordinary books, and for all subjects, whether religious or profane, which can be written in the
ar te bhakà boli or valgar tongue,"16 He then gives a good description of the Kaithi alphabet, using moveable types also here. The book conclades with an account of the numerals and with reading exercises. These last are transliterations of the Latin Pater Noster and Ave Maria into Deva-nagari, followed by translations of the Invocation of the Trinity, the Lord's Prayer, the Are Maria, and the Apostles' Creed into Hindôstânt, in the same character. Taking it altogether, the Alphabetum Brammhanicum is, for its time, a wonderfully good piece of work.
With the Alphabetum Brammhanicum the first stage of Hindôstant Bibliography may be considered to be completed, Hadley's Grammar appeared in 1772, and was quickly followed by a number of other and better ones, such as the Portuguese Gramatica Indostana (1778: far in advance of Hadley), Gilchrist's numerous works (commencing 1787), and Lebedeff's Grammar (1801). These will all be found below, each described in its proper place. Lebedeff's work deserves more than a mere entry on account of the extraordinary adventures of its author. This remarkable man gives an account of his life in the preface of his book, from which we gather that he began his Indian career (apparently as a handmaster) in the year 1785 at Madras. After a stay there of two years he migrated to Calcutta, where he met with a Pandit who taught him Sanskrit, Bengali, and Hindôstani (or, as he called it, the Indian mixed dialect). His next attempt was to translate two English plays into Bengali, and one of these was performed publicly with great applause (according to its author) in 1795 and again in the following year. According to Adelung,17 he then became theatrical manager to the Great Mogul, and finally returned to England after a stay of more than twenty years in the East. In London he published his grammar, and made the acquaintance of Woronzow, the Russian Ambassador, who sent him to Russia. He was employed in the Russian Foreign Office and was given a large subvention towards founding a Sanskrit press. I have no knowledge of any other works from his pen. It is to be hoped, for the sake of his patrons, that his knowledge of Sanskrit and Bengali was greater than that of Hindôstäni which he displays in his grammar. Not only is its system of transliteration (kon hay hooa = who is there) detestably incorrect, but so is the whole accoun of the grammatical structure of the language. The concluding words of his preface show that he was not conscious of its imperfections, and at the same time throw a curious light on the morality of Europeans in India at his time. The Indian
18 Peligatti's representation of this expression is more accurate than Amadussi's, but even his transliteration here breaks down.
17 Mithridates, I. 185. According to the same authority he was by birth an Ukraine pousant, and, on acouant ut his musical talents, was taken up by Prince Resumosky, who carrie on the violoncello. He then wandered to Paris and London, where he took servioo under a Lord who went to India as Governor.

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JANUARY, 1903.)
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
20
words in this work are....well ascertained as to leave no doubt, but the European learner, with a little assistance of a Pandit or Moonshie, nay, even of u Bebee-saheb, cannot fail in a short time to obtain knowledge of their [the natives'] idioms, and to master the Indian dialects with incredible facility'
Finally we may briefly refer to a few belated works of the early period of inquiries into Indian languages, which appeared after Hindôstant had began to be seriously studied in Calcutta. In 1782 Iwarus Abel published in Copenhagen Symphona Symphona, sive undecim Linguarum Orientalium Discors exhibita Concordia Tamulicae videlicet, Granthamicae, Telugicae, Sanscrutamicae, Marathicae, Balabandicae, Canaricae, Pindostanicae, Cuncanicae, Gutearatticae et Peguanicae non characteristicae, quibus, ut explicativo-Harmonica adjecta est Latine. It is a comparative vocabulary of fifty-three words in these eleven languages. The words include parts of the body, heaven, sun, etc., certain animals, house, water, sea, tree, the personal pronouns and numerals.
In 1791 there was published in Rome an anonymous work, with a preface by Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, entitled Alphabeta Indica, id est Granthamicum seu Sanscrdamico-Malabaricum, Indostanum sive Vanarense, Nagaricum vulgare, et Talenganicum. It is a collection of these four alphabets, all in moveable types.
Johann Christoph Adelung's Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser als Sprachprobe in bey nahe fünfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten may be taken as the link between the old philology and the new. A philologist so eminent as this great writer could not fail to adorn whatever lingnistic subject he touched, and, for its time, this work is a marvel of erudition and masterly arrangement. As far as Indian languages go, it sums up all (little it must be confessed) that was known about them at the end of the 18th century. In it Mongolisch-Indostanisch oder Mobrisch' (i.e., Urda) (Vol. I. pp. 188 and ff.) and Rein oder Hoch-Indostanisch, Dewa Nagara' (pp. 190 and ff.) are jointly described as the Allgemeine Sprachen in Indostan.' By Rein oder Hoch-Indostanisch' is meant the various Hindi' dialects spoken between Mathura and Patrs, but as an example is given the Lord's Prayer in badly spelt Sanskrit. It is contributed by Schultze, whose nationality apparently prevented him from distinguishing between bh and p. For instance, he spells bhojanam podsanam.' Vol. IV. of the work consists of additions and corrections, and of a supplement by J. S. Vater. Further information regarding Hindôstânt will be fonnd on pp. 68-63, 83 (relationship of Hindôstânt to Romani), and 486 of that volume.
SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EARLY DATES. A.D. 1600. EMPEROR Akbar reigning.
English East India Company incorporated. 1602. Dutch East India Company founded. 1605. EMPEROR JABẢNGER comes to the throne. 1615. Embassy of Sir T. Roe. English factory established at Surat. 1616. Earliest recorded mention of the Indostan language (spoken by Tom Coryate). 1620. Jesuits' College founded at Ågtê. English establish an Agency there. 1623-24. Pietro Della Valle in India. 1628. EXPEROR SALE JAKin comes to the throne. 1680. ? Compilation of the Surat Dictionary of Persian, Hindôstant, English, and
Portuguese. 1640. English factory established at Huglt. 1653. Heinrich Roth joins Jesuit College at Ågre.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1908.
1655. 1658. 1661. 1668. 1664. 1667. 1672.
1672. 1673. 1678.
1680. 1681. 1694. 1696. 1698. 1704. 1708. 1711. 1712. 1713. 1715. 1719. 1726-29. 1789. 1743.
Terry's Voyage to Baut India published. Terry accompanied Sir T. Roe (1615). EXPEROR AURANGZÊB comes to the throne. Bombay transferred to the English crown. Pietro Della Valle's Indian Travels published, Heinrich Roth visits Rome and meeta Kireber. Kircher's China Illustrata. LaCroze appointed Librarian at Berlin, J. Fryer's Travels in East India and Pornis commenced and continued to 1681.
Published 1698. 0. Dapper's Asia published in Dotch. J. Ogilby's Asia. Henricus Van Rheede tot Drakestein's Hortus Indicus Malabaricus commenced to
issue. Andreas Müller's Oratio Orationum. 0. Dapper's Asia (German Translation) published at Nürnberg. Thomas Hyde's Historia Shahidudü. Charnock founds Fort William in Calcutta. J. Fryer's Travels in East India and Persia published. See 1672. Franciscus M. Turonensis completes his Lexicon Lingua Indostanicat. EXPEROR BARIDUR Suis comes to the throne. Ketelaer's embassy. EXPEROR JARINDIR Brix comes to the throna. EMPEROR FARRUKH-81YAR comes to the throne. Ketolaer's Grammar. The Oratio Dominica of Chamberlayne and Wilkins. EMPEROR MURAXMAD Srix comes to the throne. Bayer's investigations. Death of LaCrozo. Bee 1667. Invasion of India by Nadir Shah. Mill's Dissertationes Soleotas. Publication of Katalmer's Grammar. Manoel
da Assumpçam publishes Bengali Grammar and Vocabulary at Linbon. Schultze's Grammatica Hindostanica. Schultze's Bible translations. EXPEBOR A MAD Baia comes to the throne. Fritz's Sprachmeister pablished. EMPEROR ÅLANGER II. comes to the throne. Battle of Plassy. EXPEROR Snte 'ALAX II. comes to the throne. Alphabetum Brammhanioum. Third battle of Panipat. Defeat of the Marathis by
Ahmad Shah Durrant. WARREN HASTINGS GOVERNOR OF BENGAL. Hadley's Grammar published, Fergusson's HindBotâni Dictionary published. Gramatica Indostana published at Lisbon. Iwards Abel's Bymphona Symphonin
1744. 1745-58. 1748. 1754. 1757. 1759, 1761.
1772. 1778. 1778. 1782.

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JANUARY, 1903.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
1786. 1787. 1788. 1790. 1791. 1793. 1798. 1800. 1801. 1805.
MARQUIS OF CORNWALLIS GOVERNOR GENERAL. Gilchrist begins pablishing. The Indian Vocabulary published in London. Harris's Dictionary of English and Hindostany. Alphabeta Indica published at Rome. SIR JOHN SHORE GOVERNOR GENERAL. William Carey lands at Calcutta, LORD MORNINGTON (MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY) GOVERNOR GENERAL Roberts' Indian Glossary. Lebedefl's Grammar. Carey's first Bengali New Testament printed. MARQUIS OF CORNWALLIS SECOND TIME GOVERNOR GENERAL. W. Hunter's
translation of the New Testament into Hindôstånt. Done with the aid of
Muhammad Fitrat and other learned natives. Publication of first volume of Adelung's Mithridates. Henry Martyn arrives in
India, and commences translation of New Testament, EARL OY MINTO GOVERNOR GENERAL Henry Martyn's Urdu translation of New Testament, the basis of all subsequent
versions, completed in manuscript with the aid of Muhammad Fitrat. Carey publishes a Hindi New Testament, Fire in Serampore Press. Henry Martyn's version of the New Testament destroyed
before issue. EARL OF MOIRA (MARQUIS OF HASTINGS) GOVERNOR GENERAL. Carey publishes
the Pentateuch in Hindi. Henry Martyn's translation of the New Testament into Hindoetâni issued. Carey
publishes Now Testament in Hindi.
1806.
1807. 1810.
1811. 1812.
1813.
1814.
(To be continued.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. For some time past I have been engaged in editing for the Hakluyt Society an anonymous manuscript acoount of the Coast of the Bay of Bengal and the countries on the sea-board bearing date 1889-1879. The MS., which is incomplete and signed only by the initials T. B, has been used by Yule in his Diary of Sir William Iledges, by Murray in the Oxford English Dictionary and others, and is usually quoted as "T, B., Asia, eto.," and that designation is sufficient for the present parpose.
In the course of editing the MS. I have extracted all the Anglo-Indian terms the writer has used, as they are of considerable value to students. In several cases the author gives us the earliest known uses of words now familiar, in others he carries us back further than does Yule's Hobson-Jobson in historical references to words, and in yet other cases he helps us with intermediate forms, and his often careful explanations of the meanings of the geographical and other terms he uses are most valuable. He supplements Yule over and over again with terms not in Hobson-Jobson.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
(JANUARI, 1908. =
In choosing a generio form for the title of each word illustrated below, I have followed Yule's form whenever there was one, and in cases where words are not in Yule, I have ased that form which is most familiar to myself and I presume to other contemporary students.
I have also quoted Wheeler's Notes on and Extracts from the Government Records of Madras for 1679-81, as N. and E. to illustrate the text. It is a pity that it is not a better book for students, and the same may be said of Wilson's Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. I., Also occasionally quoted. Crawford's Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries has also been sometimes brought into requisition to illustrate passages. Finally, I have frequently referred to previous notes of my own in this Journal, illustrating some of the words used in the text of the MS.
ABAB8IN. Fol. 53. The Abassin of Persia 7 to one Pagod or 0016 08. 00d. Not in Yule.
[A Bill of Exchange accepted by Mr. Vincent (Chief at Hagly) for Rupees 15,000, payable in Abassoon, at this place at 84 Annas of a Rapee for an Abassee, ordered to be returned, Mr. Vincent's money from Persia proving to be Mahmuddys which are 16 por cent. womo than Abasseos. Madras, 15th March 1680. N. and B. p. 12. Mr. Vincent subsequently agreed to accept the difference between the "Mahmuddys" and the Abassees, p. 31.]
ACHAR Fol. 82. [The Portugals make] Beverall sorts of Achar, as Mangoe, Bamboo, Lemon, &o. very good and Cheape. See Yule, ., v. Achar: salt or acid relish, pickle.
ACHEEN. Pol. 188. not for that they came in without leave but m She was an Enemy of theirs an Achiner.... Whereupon y: Malay inbabitants ... stood up for y! Achiners.
Fol. 148. [Queda] bat nothinge nigh to y! Splendour State and riches of Achin.
Fol. 167. The Citty Achin is Vpon y North End of great Island Sumatra ... the Citty Achin is y! Metropolitan of y: Whole. ... famous as it is y! place of residence of theire Virgin Queene.
Fol. 159. pay a much Blenderer homage to y! Crowne of Achin then formerly they have done. Achin is now and hath Considerable time been Governed by a Queen, even Since y! time that the discreet and Pions Kinge James of happy memorie Swayed y Scepter of great Brittaine ffrance and Ireland.
Fa. 169. Anno Dom: 1675: the Old Queen of Achin died ..... I was then in Aohin when She died .... y: mourninge of y: female Sect was to cut the baire of theire heads.
See Yule, ., . Acheen, whose European quotations, however, stop with the 16th century.
fAdvice received from Metohlepatam of the arrival of the Interloping ship "Commerce" from Achien. 20th Dec. 1680. N. and E. p. 42.]
AGBA.
. Fol. 62. Agra, the Metropolitan of y: Empiro. Fol. 65. Much Ayinge news arrived att Agra and Delly.
Pol. 67. all the tribute this great Cesar cold get. Henco ww Short answer y! ! tromuro WAS M fe in Dacos w in his own Exchequer in Agra or Delly.
Not in Yule.
1

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JANUARY, 1903:]
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
of a large Alligator [illustration of a Crocodile].
See Yule, s. v. Alligator.
ALLIGATOR.
Fol. 87. where they serve for a Prey to y! ravenous Alligator.
Fol. 153-4. This Riuer of Queda.... not a little filled with y deformed creatures commonly called Alligators, they resemble a Crocodile. . . I have Shot Severall Alligators of 6: 7: 8: 9: foot longe, and killed them, by Observinge to hitt them Exactly Vnder one of y? fore paws I have often Seen a brace of bullets rebound upon y? Sides here followeth the fforme of one of these Deformed Creatures
27
ANDRAGHIRA.
Fol. 159. There are Severall Radjas Vpon Sumatra. Androgeero.
Not in Yule.
[This place is Indragiri, to the North-East of Sumatra. It is a place often mentioned in old books, usually under the form which heads this note. See article "Indragiri" in Crawford's Dictionary of Indian Archipelago.]
Especially those of...
ARAKAN.
Fol. 88. The Kinge of Golcondah hath Severall Ships, y! trade yearely to Arackan.
Fol. 61. between Point Palmeris.... and y? Araokan Shore.
Fol. 64. he Sendeth to the Kinge of Arackan (a neighbouringe kingdome [to Bengala]) craveinge his Assistance and Entertainment there, wh was readily granted, & not more readily then accepted, the Araokan Kinge Sends a parcell of Gylyars vix: Gallys well fitted and manned w Arackaners and ffrangues.
Fol. 65. But Since it was truely made appeare y! he was soe basely Murthered in Arackan.
Fol. 89. [The Brachmans] infinitely inhabit this Kingdome [Bengala], but most Especially on y back Side thereof viz! towards Arackan.
Fol. 92. beinge timerons of the Arackaners w theire Gylyars.
Fol. 97. noe wild Elephants in these Kingdoms, although y? Kingdome of Araokan is well stored with them, and is but a neighbouringe Countrey to y! of Bengala.
See Yule, s. v. Arakan.
ARBOL TRISTE.
Fol. 29. Vpon y top of Mount S'! Thomas, groweth naturaly a Very remarkable tree larger then most mulberrie trees be, wh is called Arbor triste, vis! y? Sorrow full tree, and not jmproperly soe called, it Seemeth not to flowrish all y? day longe, but from Sun Settinge to Sun risinge it is Exceedinge full of white blossoms, both fragrant and beautifull, but noe Sooner is but broad day light but all y? blossoms fall to y? ground and Suddenly wither, and y: Very leaves Shut themselves, and Seems to be in a very languishinge posture, and furthermore y? next Eveninge it apears as flourishinge as before, and thus not Once but every day and night throughout y years.
Bee Tule, s. v. Arbol Triste, who has only one quotation for 1682,
ARECA.
Fol. 20. make merry with Betelee Areca,
Fol. 45, often chawinge Betelee Areos w they call Paune.
Fol. 135. all the fruite this countrey [Janselone] affordeth is.
Betelee Areca,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1908.
Fol. 162. and there are Sett before him Store of Betelee Aroos to eat.
Fol. 163. The Betelee Areos: is here [Achin) in great plenty .... they catt y! Areon nut into very thin slices ........ thus will they almost all day longo chew betelee Areca.
Fol. 164. Aroos (viz! : commonly called betele. Nat). Soo Yale, s. v. Areca, the betel-nut. These quotations are valuable.
ARMAGON. Fol. 18. in the Pagod of Armagon, Severall lines Engraven in y: marble.
Ful. 31. Armagon: Somo 20 miles Northward of Pallicat was Once yo Residence of an English Governour and his Councell, but was many years agoe broke off, y: English Company fiudinge that ffort S'! Georges cold well Sapply them why! Commodities of this Const. Not in Yale. Vide ante, Vol. XXX. p. 847.
ARRACK. Fol. 39. That Stronge East India Liquor called Araok, is made and Sold in great abundance by y! Gentoes here, but not by y!: Mahometans.
Fol. 40. Arack is a liquor distilled Severall ways, as Some ont of y! graine called Rice. another Sort from yo Jagaree ... another Sort there is y! [is] distilled from Neep toddy .:.. but y! weakest of these is much Stronger then any Wine of y! Grape.
Soe Yule, s. v. Arrack. [These quotations are nseful. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 391.] (A hhdd. Arrack to the garrison. 30th Dec. 1680. N. and B. p. 48.]
ABBAM. Fol. 66. now he (Emir Jemla) is noe sooner Setled in this Kingdome, but begins a warre with y: Radja of Acham, a Stronge and Potent Neighbouringe Prince ....... they lost ... the Kingdome of Achem, See Yule, 1. v. Assam,
BAFTA.' Pol. 146. y: English Merchant presenteth hin w a piscash not Valueinge lesse then 50 pound Sterlinge in gold bartos.
Fol. 167. The Chiefe Commodities bronght hither from Suratt: are some sorts of Calli0006 vis! Baftos white and blew w gold heads and borders.
Fol. 162. Here y! Orongkay must be presented with one piece of Baftos to y! Valne of 2 tailes.
Fol. 173. in y! night did rippe open a baile of fine blew battoos, and thereout he tooke 7 pieces. See Yule, s. v. Bafta. (These quotations are valuable. See ante, Vol. XXIX. p. 387.]
BAHAR Fol. 132. Cupine : 8 of woh are one baharre weight (of langelone) or 420 : English pound weight. In any considerable quantitie of goods Sold togeather woe agree for soe many Babarre.
Fol. 134. Wee alsoe tracko for tinne, att y! rate of 28 dollars p! baharre ready money, and 40 upon trucke for our Goods.
See Yule, s. o. Bahar.

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JANUARY, 1903.)
BOMB ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
BALABORE Fol. 59. brought over land to them to their factories in Ballasore in yo bay of Bengala.
Fol. 69. [Oattack) fine days Journey from Ballasore ............ I remember in ye yeare 1674: when I lived in the towne of Ballasorg, Gyonely Sea Port in y: Bay of Bengala).
Fol. 73. when they knew the Ships in y: Roade of Ballasore stayed only to lade those goods.
Fol. 78. The Danish Nation were formerly well Setled in this Kingdome, theire Chiefe fractory in Ballasoro.
Fol. 79. This Commadore, as they called him, at his arrivall in y: Roade of Ballasore.
Pol. 81. y! Danish] Commadore and 4 or 5 ffactors shold resido in Balasore, untilla better Vnderstandinge was made betweone y! Kinge of Denmarke & theire Nabob. Soo Yale, s. u. Balasore.
BAMBOO. Pol. 49. with a large Bamboo of about 16 or 16 foot longo, crooked in y! middle for y! conveniencie of sittinge V pright.
Fol. 82. [The Portugals make) Soverall sorts of Achar, a Mangoe Bamboo, Lemon &c: Fol. 133. in many places where y! Woods and Bamboos grow very thicke.
Fol. 186. V pon this Island [Janselone] (in many places) grow abundance of Bamboos ... there be 2 Sorts of them called y! hee bamboos and she bamboo : y first hath little or noe hollownesse in him, is very Ponderons, & of an Exceedinge Strength. The sho bamboo of which there are more plenty are very hollow and light.
Fol. 147. good Store of victuals, es plantrees, younge bamboos and y! like.
Fol. 150. Theire buildings in this Generall are but of a very meane Sort built of bamboos.
Fol. 171. There be many of them [oripples] in this Oitty [Achin] . soe ingenuous that they can goe very well with Crutohes, haveinge joynt of a large banaboo fitted for each legge. See Yule, ... Bamboo. [The quotation for male and female bamboos is valuablo. 1
BAMBOO (A MEABURB). Fol. 152. Theire Weights and measures (in Qaeda] are y: Same w them of Aohin : Onely there they measure by y! bamboo and here by y! Gantange: One Gantange oont Exactly 2 Achin Bamboos.
Not in Yule. [The joint of a bamboo was one of the units of Malay and Javanese measures.]
BANDEL. Fol. 82. they (the Portugals] have very large towne, about one English milo abor. [to South of] yo English ffactory, it is called the Bandell. See Yule, e. v. Bandel. It is near Hoogly.
BANG. Fol. 39. but they find means to besott themselves Enough w Bangha and Gangah.
Fol. 40. Bangha : theire Soe admirable herbe, groweth in many places of this Conat aus alsoe in Bengala .... woe wold needs drinke Every man his pint of Bangha ? wee purchased in y: Bacar for y! value of 64 English.
See Yale, .. o. Bang.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1908.
BANGAREE. . Fol. 141. Save 2 that made theire Escape to Bangaroo and thence to Queda.
Fol. 153. about 80 or 40 Prows they have y! belonge to Quoda, y! constantly trade to Bangaroo : Iannelone : and Pers, some few to Achin. Not in Yule. [A town and estuary on the Western Coast of the Malay Peninsula.]
BANQUALA. Pol. 181. I my Selle have knowne it to be y! Malayers themselvs that dwell here, namely in Banquals . i. There are 3 Sea Ports V pon this Island (Janselone) viz; Banquals.
Fol. 132. The Castome is here as Soone as any Ship or Vessel doth anchor in y: Roade, wap is gonorally y Roade of Banquala.
Fol. 134. y: Shabandar of Banquala w 3 pieces Jdem.
Fol. 187. the Ship Vsed to lye at anchor (for y: most part) in y: Roade of Banquata : vist on y: 8° West Side y! Jeland and a Very Safe Roado almost land locked.
Fol. 138. The Merchants &c: inhabitants of Banquals... Boe longe as they were Vndor y! Radja of Janselone's protection and in theire Riuor.
Fol. 140. was kindly Entertained... Especially by some of y: Old Shabandans and Merchants in Banquals.
Not in Yale. [Janselone is Junk Ceylon, an island of the West Coast of the Malay Peninsula.)
BANTAM. Fol. 142. but doe rather wish they were served toe in Bantam. Seo Yule, , v. Bantam. He has no quotation for the 17th century.
BANYAN. Fol. 18. There is another Sort of these Idolaters .... these are called Banjans. Pol. 28. When any man of y! Banjan or Gentuo Soct gine np y: Ghost.
Fol. 69. y: richest of Gentues and Banjan Merchants of wo this part of y: Kingdome bath great Numbers.
Fol. 70. he sent for most rich Morohants of Gentues and Banjang ......4 won Juncture of time a great Banjan Merchant called Chim Cham, See Yule, . u. Banyan.
BAY OF BENGAL Fol. 69. Point Palmeris y: Entrance into y! Bay of Bengala,
Fol. 61. the ses or Golph of Bengala : viz! between Point Palmeris (the Entranos thoroof) and the Arackan Shore y! whole Extent of yo bay beinge about 300 Engt miles Over.
Fol. 69. the towne of Ballasore (yonely Sea Port in y! Bay of Bengala).
Not in Yule. [Valuable as showing exactly what was known in the 17th century as the "Bay of Bongal," the limits being so very much more restricted than is now the case.)
BAZAAR Fold, wo wee purchased in y: Basar for y! Value of 64 English.
Fol. 49. Metchlipatam ..... beinge a great market-place, and indeed y: Great Bomar , may thon wo freedome goe to any Basar and there Vend in Publique,

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JANUARY, 1918.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TBBMS.
81
Ful. 74. a very large Bagar or markett place ... dayly to be bought and Sold in the publieke Besar, commonly called y great Besar.
Fol. 92. Cossumbazar.... whence it received this name Consum signifieinge y! husband or Chiefe and Besar a Markett.
Fol. 174. all that piece of land .....neare y! great Basar (at Achin) is a great deale higher and not at all Overflowna.
See Yale, . v. Bazaar. [It may be news to many that the third a in basaar" is a comparatively modern introduction, the old spelling "basar" being the correot one from all points of view.]
BEBJAPORE. Fol. 14. alsoo y: Kingdoms of Visepoore and Goloondah. Fol. 41. Southward of Porto Novo, w appertaineth to y! Visepore Kinge. .
Not in Yale. [It is noteworthy that in the time of the writer the kingdom of Bijapur (or Vízia púr as T. B. probably heard it pronounced) did extend right across the Peninsula to Porto Novo on the East Coast.]
BENDABA. Fol. 141. he immediately tarned out of office most of y! Syamers both Councellors Secretaries Shabandares Bandarees de men of Antient Standinge, and choice men of all y! Coantrey, both for Estates and publick good and very well approved of by y: people. Not in Yulo. [The Bondars was a degree of nobility among the Malays.)
BENGAL Fol. 61, Bengale: It is one y: largest and most Potont Kingdoms of Hindontan. Fol. 79. Hee found 5 Saile of Bengala Ships in y! roade. Fol. 84. The Bengala's (vizt: yJdolatrous people of y! Countrey). Fol. 93. Even so farre as Persis : when in y! yeare [P] I wont from Bengales thither. See Yalo, 6. v. Bengal. [See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 947.]
BENJAMIN. Fol. 158, from y! West Coast of this Jaland [Sumatra] Store of very Excellent Benjamin. See Yule, 3. v. Benjamin, Benzoin incense).
BETEL. Fol. 20. make merry with Batelee Areca tobacco or the like accordinge as theire abilitie can afford,
Fol. 45. often chawinge Bøtelee Areca, won they call Paune. Fol. 135. all the fraite this countrey (Janselone] affordeth is ..... Botoleo Areca. Fol. 169. there are sett before him Store of Beteles Areca to eat and tobacco to Chaw.
Fol. 163. The Batelee Areca : is here [Achin) in great plenty ..... and then [cat] one Betelee leefe or two accordinge as they are in bignesse ... and thus will they almost all day longe chew betelep Areca.... and paringe off a little of y: green rine, eat it w betelee.. The leafe is y! betelee, a broad leafe not very much Vnlike to an I vie leafe, onely Somethinge thinner, and groweth resemblinge y! Vine.
Fol. 164. Aroom, (vist commonly called betelee Nut) doth grow Vpon a very comely Streight and Blender tree .. .. It is a very hard wood, and much valued by many in Jndia to make lances and pikes On.

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82
TAR INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1906.
Fol. 167. now is a Great Gold betelee box m bigge as one of [the] Eunuchs can well beare (in his arms) brought downe and placed before them.
The Chief Washer was then Tasherifd and Beetle distributed. April 18th, 1679. Beetle nutts 15-16 of a fanam por aminam (Tamil) or 20,000 natto. 8rd June, 1680. N. and E. pp. 18 and 22.]
See Yule, 8. v. Betel. [The whole of the quotations are valuable for the history of betel and the botel-nut, which are two separate things.]
BETTERLA. Fol. 56. (On the Gingalee Coast] great Store of Calicos are made here most Especially beteelis (woh wee oall Muslin).
See Yule, 3. v. Betteela.
(Beteelaes, Rede. 22nd April 1680. Beteelaes of 50 dovede. Beteelses of 40 covedo. 18th April. Oringall Beteelaes. 19th June. Golconda Botoelae, Do. brown to be whited: 19th Juno. N. and E. pp. 17, 18, 24, 25.)
BEZOAR Fol. 158. ffrom y! W. Coast of this Jeland ... very good Berar Stone.
See Yule, «. v. Bezoar. [In the text "Berar" is miswritten for Boxar. Soe ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 336.]
BHOORA. Fol. 100. A Boora : 'being A Very floaty light bont, rowinge wop 20 or 30 Owars, these carry Salt peeter and Other Goods (from Hagly) downwards, and some trade to Dacon Salt, they alsoe Serve for tow boata for y! Ships bound ap or downe y Riner. See Yule, 4. t. Boliah.
BDMLIPATAX. Fol. 56. beinge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in .. . Bimlipatam. Not in Yule. Vide ante, Vol. XXX. p. 348.
BISNAGAR Fol. 50. conquered this Kingdome [Goloondab] then called by y! name of Bisnagar, Not in Yule. (Bisnagar stands for Vijayanagar through Portuguede Bisnaga.]
BLACK PAGODA. Fol. 50. y Black Pagod some 20 miles below to North of] yPagod Jn? Gernast.
Not in Yule. [It is a well-known mariner's mark on the Orissa Coast. Vide ante, Vol. XXX. p. 348.]
BOLANGO. Fol. 175. This Country [Achin) affordeth Soverall Excellent good fruiten, Namely ...... Bolangos.
Not in Yole. [I do not know what fruit this can be unless it bo lanciam, one form of which is known w langseh in Malay. Soo Crawford, Dictionary of the Malay Archipelago.)
. BORNEO. Fol. 153.5 or 6 great Prows yearly from Borneo.
Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vowels doo... arrive in this Port [Achin) from ..... Borneo.

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JANUARY, 1903.]
Fol. 158. The Borneo and Macassar Prows for y? most part bringe .some Diamonds and Saphir, 7 Diamonds of Landook (upon Borneo) are accompted y? best in y? World.
See Yule, s. v. Borneo. [The quotations are valuable for the form of the word.]
BRACES, THE.
Fol. 74. This Riuer is soe named from y great towne of Hugly Scituated Vpon y banks of it neare 150 miles up from y? Braces or Shoals that lye at y! Entrance thereof.
Not in Yale, though it should have been. [Vide ante, Vol. XXX. p. 552.]
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
BRAHMIN.
Fol. 7. It is soe Severely forbidden by theire Brachmans.
Fol. 9. the Brachmans are theire Priests, but I am Sure and without all controversie very Diabolicall Ones.
Fol. 88. I saw another Gentue woman burnt about 6 miles above Hugly woh was y pleasantest I ever Saw, y Woman wold not at all deny to burne whereupon the Brachmans gave Order for y? fire to burne very furiously.. but when she was accordinge to theire Expection to have leaped into the fire she refused it, whereupon y Brachmans were very yeare to take hold of her, but y! first y laid hands on her She laid as Sure hands upon him, and threw herselfe headlonge into y? fire and y? Brachman with her, where they both perished in a moment.
.
33
Fol. 89. The Brachmans of this Kingdome [Bengala] are great Students in y? Magick art They are a people very much dreaded by y? Moors as well as y? Idolaters. They are Reputed to be very wise Philosophers and doe really and wth great Zeale Study y Pithagorean Philosophy . . . they are said to be great Astronomers and are called (very properly) Gimnosophists. . . . theire ready and admirable discourse and Civilities to all Europeans and Christians in generall.... Many of these Gymnosophists are dispersed into most Villages in y Kingdome.
Fol. 93. Not farre above y? towne of Cossumbazar doe inhabit many of y? Earnest and devout Jdolatrous Priests (called Brachmans) who are much reverenced all Asia over.
See Yule, s. v. Brahmin. [The writer has followed the usual spelling of the time. E. for 1679-80 has Braminy on pp. 27, 38, 35.]
BUCKETT.
Fol. 131. There are 3 Sea Ports Vpon this Island [Janselone] viz!
Not in Yule. [Buckett stands for Bukit in Junk Ceylon.]
N. and
Buckett.
BUDGEROW.
Fol. 81. their new Commadore Cap Wilkins came Vp to Hugly in y Sloope, thence tooke Budgaroe for Dacca.
Fol. 99. A Budgaroo: Or Pleasure boat whereon y? English and Dutch Chiefe & Councill goe in State Vpon y water.
See Yule, s. v. Budgerow. [The quotations are useful.]
BUFFALO.
Fol. 32. All Sorts of Provisions are here [Pettipolee] to be had in very great Plenty, and at very Reasonable rates, viz! Cows, Buffaloes.
Fol. 151. All Sorts of Provisions are here [Queda] in Plenty Enough viz! Cows, buffoloes y maine is very plenty of Wild beasts, viz! Buffolos The Buffolo is here both wild and tame. .. they have Seen Wild buffolo to Encounter wh a Very large Tiger and worst him; The Buffolo is not much Valike to a Cow or Bull.

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84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
JATUART, 1905.
Fol. 169. and woh to us. is most delightable is y! warre Elephants .... graplinge w theire tooth and Strikeinge with all their force w theire trunks y: Buffolos and fight w each other. See Yule, s. v. Buffalo.
BUNCUS. Fol. 46. this is called a bunko, and by the Portugals a Cheroote See Yule, s. v. Bancos. (This is the earliest quoted instance of this word.]
BUBRIE. Fol. 94. 5 Gandas is one burrie or 20: Cowries. 4 burries make 1 Pone or 80: Cowries. Not in Yale. [The word is bhari.]
CABUL. Pol. 62. to the Eldest Dara he gave Oabul and Multan. See Yale, s. . Cabul. [The quotation is nseful for the history of the word.]
CAPILA. Fol. 97. the Commodities of those Countries are transported hither by Camille. Bee Yule, s. v, Cafila.
CALABABH Fol. 135. Save y! wild Calabashes &c : that grow in y! Woods (of Janselone] : an Excellent food for y! Wild Monkeys. Not in Yule, which is odd. [The writer means pumpkins by the term.]
(To be continued.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR BICHARD C. TEMPLE. (Continued from Vol. XXXI. p. 508.)
11706.- No. X.
Fort William 23rd March 1795. The following Letter Was received, on the 11th Instant, from Major Kyd, and a copy of it has been trangmitted to the Honble Court of Directors in the Dart Packet, with a Oopy of the Appendix to which it refers, To the Honble. Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council.
Honble Sir, -In Conformity to your instructions convoyed in your Letter of the 21st April last accompanying Extracts of your proceedings in Council of the same date I proodeded from the Andamans to Prince of Wales's Island in August last, on the Sea Horse Brig, and during two months, employed myself with all the assiduity in my power to obtain information apon the various objecta you were pleased to point out for my investigation, the result of which I will proceed to state in a few words as the subject will admit, but I fear that the little practice I have had in Statements of this kind will not enable me to place every thing in so clear point of view - the subject requires.
The principal object of my visit to Prince of Wales's Island was not originally to moertain the points of enquiry that you were pleased afterwards to direct me in, many of which were of a temporary

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JANUARY, 1903.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
35
nature as chiefly to enable me to clear up strong doubts that had ariven in my mind respecting the comparative advantages of the Infant Settlement at the Andamans, as a Port of refitment and refreshment for the natives of Great Britain, with those of Prince of Wales's Island, which I surveyed and reported upon to Government soon after it was settled in the year 1787.
It may not be improper before I enter on a discussion of this important point, to take a short View of what has been done by Government heretofore, for the Establishment of a Port of refitment for our Fleets to the Eastward of Cape Comorin, in order to prevent in future the great loss of the most Valuable period of the year for Naval operations, which has heretofore been sustained by the Fleets being obliged to make a long Voyage to Bombay to repair ; It was an object which Administration justly considered of the utmost national consequence, Ultimately tending in a material degree to the safety and permanency of the British Dominions in this country,
The first Plan I believe that was taken notice of was Mr Lacam's, at now Harbour in the Mouth of the Ganges proposed in the year 1774 or 1775, but after much Argument on both sides, and the most careful and the fairest Investigation, demonstratively proved to be totally Impracticable. There can be no doubt however that the Projector of this Plan enthusiastically believed that it would be attended with success and as there are many great Advantages attending such a situation that none other can boast of it is not astonishing that such an inviting prospect misled his judgment especially when it is known that many Maritime people of high reputation were of Opinion at the time that Ships of the Line could be brought into the Ganges through Mr Lacams Channel with safety. But admitting this really to be the case there is great reason to believe that the unhealthiness of the lower parts of Bengal, would always be an insuperable objection to the Establishment of a Marine Port in the Mouth of the Ganges.
The next Plan that was proposed was the settlement at Prince of Wales's Island, which at first seemed principally of a Commercial nature: for when Lord Cornwallis arrived here in 1786 it was not absolutely known te Government whether the Harbour and situation were calculated for a Fleet of Ships of War, and to establish these points His Lordship in Council did me the honor of employing me in the year 1787.
In the report I gave to Government, I touched on the various Harbours that could be takon possession of in the Bay of Bengal and to the Eastward, estimating their Advantages as accurately as I could from the information I had then obtained, and from this report I have great reason to believe that instructions were formed for Capt. Morenom of the Royal Navy, who was sent to India in the Ariel Sloop of War for the express purpose of Surveying these Harbours.
He was however put under the Orders of Commodore Cornwallis, who, it would appear had been entrusted with the Superintendance of this Commission, and who during the time that he commanded his Majesty's Squadron in India took the greatest pains to inform himself respecting the various Harbours; He visited most of them himself and exa nined them with the greatest attention.
In the year 1788 Government gave directions for the survey of the Andamans Islands which was undertaken with two Vessels, under the direction of Lieutenant Blair of the Bombay Marine, and completed in two seasons in a manner that does much Orodit to that Omoer.
Several good Harbours woze found on the East side of the great Andaman, but particularly one near the South end, which Capt. Blair thought perfectly well calculated for the purposes, and he reported it accordingly to Governtuent.
He was then directed to form a small Settlement at that place, and in the year 1789 it was visited by Commodore Cornwallis whom I had the honor of accompanying there, as well as to Nancowry Harbour at the Nicobars Islands, in Polension of the Danes, which excellent Harbour I Surveyed by the Commodore's doniro.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
In the beginning of the next year, the remaining part of the East Coast of the Andamans was carefully examined by Lieutenant Blair and myself and three Vessels, several very good Harbours were discovered but especially one near the North end and then called North East Harbour, which Commodore Cornwallis examined about the end of the same year, and he gave it as a War Port a decided preference to all the other Harbours he had examined; The Supreme Board in consequence of the Commodore's opinion determined to form a Settlement at the North East Harbour, now Port Cornwallis and I was appointed Superintendant there in 1792.
36
[JANUARY, 1903.
Captain Blair was sent in charge of four small Vessels with Settlers and stores, under instruc→ tions to move everything from the old Harbour to Port Cornwallis where we are now settled, and this was completely effected early in 1793.
In the Report laid before Government by Captain Blair, every information was given respecting the Soil, Climate, and natural productions of the Island, that could be obtained during the short time we were there. These must have been known to Commodore Cornwallis who had also visited Prince of Wales's Island, and being well acquainted with the exact state of it, he must well have considered the whole of the Subject before he gave his Opinion upon it.
I think it very proper to observe that I never at any period found occasion to alter the Opinion I had formed of the comparative Advantages of the Andamans and Prince of Wales's Island as delivered in my abovementioned Report of the last place, It was from the desire of establishing the truth or falsity of this opinion, upon the firmest grounds that of Experience, that I was induced to undertake the charge of the new Settlement, as well as to visit Prince of Wales's Island, a second time to observe its progress during a period of the eight preceding years. I now with confidence proceed to present the reflections that I have made on both Situations, having alone truth in view, and a sincere desire of being of as much use to the public as is in my power, by giving reasons to encourage Government to adopt and pursue with vigour the Plan that appears to me the most reasonable and to desist from that which may ultimately lead to disappointment.
Andamans,
Although the Governor General in Council has already in his possession the Reports of Captain Blair, where the Geography, Soil, Produce and Climate of the Andaman Islands are touched on, and also a Paper laid before the Board by the late Lieutenant Colonel Kyd, bringing into one point of view the various information, respecting them, which he carefully collected from Captain Blair and myself [i.e. Major Kyd] it may not be improper to render a fuller account of them, more especially as we have found the Climate vary exceedingly from what it was at first represented, and this is a circumstance to be much attended to in estimating its value as a Settlement for an Arsenal and War Harbour.
The Andaman Islands comprehending what is called the Great and little Andamans, extend from North Latitude 10°.31 to 13°.40 laying nearly in a North and South direction between the 92 and 98 Degrees of Longitude East of Greenwich. They are part of a continued range of Islands extending from Cape Negrais, to Acheen Head, including the Preporis, Cocos, Carnicobars, and the great and little Nicobars, the whole being a Chain of Islands between which there is reason to believe that there is a continuation of Soundings, entirely dividing the Eastern part of the Bay of Bengal, and known by the Antient Geographers by the name of the Fortunate Islands, and which are described by them as being all inhabited by Cannibals. This Opinion corresponds also, with that delivered by tradition from the Hindoos of Indostan.
The Andaman Islands are at no part broader than twenty Miles, and the Great Andaman in particular is deeply indented on both sides, by extensive Bays and Inlets, two of which have been found to run entirely across, one at the Southern part Navigable for the largest Vessels and another about the middle of the Island thro' which Vessels of small burthen may pass; and there is reason to believe that on a more Minute Survey, other smaller passages will be found.

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JANUARY, 1903.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
37
On both sides, but particularly on the Eastern side of the Great Andamans, there are a great many detached Islands so that was heretofore generally considered as one mass of land proves to be a congeries of Islands the most extensive of which is probably the little or Southern Andaman, being a solid or oblong mass, of a modernte height of about thirty miles in length, by sixteen in breadth.
The General aspect of the land seems to be alternate Hills and Plains, so wholly covered with Troes of immense Size, and closed with almost impenetrable underwood, that no judgment can possibly be formed, by distant Views, of the relative proportion of Hills or flat Grounds, or whether the former are abrupt or otherwise, but by our experience upon Chatham Island, [in the modern Port Cornwallis] where we are now established, the removal of these obstacles is attended with inconceivable labour and telliousness. Many parts, however which, in their original state, were believed to be exceedingly high and steep, were found when cleared to be pretty easy acclivities, and there were several places capable of being brought into Cultivation.
There is in general a rioh Soil of near a foot depth in many parts, in others less - A fine black loam obviously created by the admixture, in a long series of years, of the leaves fallen from the Trees, and underwood with the natural Earth, which appears below to be either of a reddish marble, or whitish grey, mixed with small soft Stones and seemingly sterile in its nature; This Vegetable Soil is of excellent quality, and if not liable to removal from natural causes, will doubtless produce those coramon advantages of newly Cultivated Earth, but I believe it has been found that the depth of Soil in all Countries that have been cleared of Forests and underwood, has a tendency to diminish gradually and that in a certain term of Years, high manuring, and even the carrying of Soil, is obliged to be resorted to, as is the Case in the West Indies.
Of the Climate peculiar to the Andamans, & Residence of two years, during which an exact Journal of the Weather has been kept and the fall of water accurately ascertained by a Rain Gage, as well as from some Journals and accounts given by Captain Blair, during the two previous years that he was there, affords grounds to speak with much confidence. From these it appears that, in the whole year four Months only can be counted of fair Weather Vizt. December, January, February, and March, though part of the Months of April and November may perhaps not be improperly added to this division of the Seasons, during this period the Weather is dry, the Air is clear and pure, and for a situation between the Tropics, Temperate ; It must however be noticed that the Months of March and April are less so than might be expected on a spot circumscribed in its limits, and insulated by so large a portion of Sea, as the Bay of Bengal.
Towards the end of March, and throughout the Month of April, Faronheets Thermometer in the shade from eight in the morning till Sunset, is seldom below Eighty three Degrees during the middle of the day considerably above 90°, and sometimes as high as 98 - about the middle of April the Rains begin to fall, but it would soem, from an interval of dry weather, experienced in the first part of the Month of May, that the actual change of the Monsoon is not to be considered strictly to take place before the 15th or 20th of the Month, which nearly answers to the period of its Com. mencement on the Malabar Coast in the same parallel of Latitude. From this time to the end of November, when it only ultimately ceases, it continues to Rain with little intermission, and often with the greatest violence, attended with constant hard Wind and most violent Squalls. There are however some short intervals of fair Weather, when the Climate is uncommonly pleasant and temperate, but, upon the whole it may with truth be said that, at the Andamans the weather is generally tempestuous for Seven Months.
Hence it appears that the year is divided into two Seasons, the Wet and the Dry - the former preponderating in nearly the proportion of double, the latter the South West Monsoon accompanies or soon follows the commencement of the Rains and continues to the end of September or October, when the North East Monsoon takes place, bringing back from the Continent the latter Clouds

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propelled there by the Winds of the preceding Season, which when attracted by the high Mountains of those Islands, agitated by the then unsettled state of the Winds, or some other Physical causes, which ut bera more competent than myself may assign, continue to discharge themselves so long after it ceases to Rain in Bengal and other places, where the Seasons are distinetly defined. In other words it seems to have the whole force of the South West Monsoon, even to a degree more violent than on the Malabar Coast or any other part of India, and to participate also of some part of the North East Monsoon experienced on the Coromandel Coast in the same parallel of Latitude. Hence there is a fall of water, exceeding what is known in any part of the habitable Globe, that I have been able to trace any account of the greatest fall at Senegal being only 115 Inches. In the year 1798 above one Hundred Inches, and during 94 no less than 125 Inches were measured which is about double the Quantity that falls in Bengal during a Season of the greatest Abundance when the excess is esteemed detrimental to Cultivation. Were it not therefore for the peculiar surface of these Islands, so favorable for carrying the Water off the ground, it does not appear that it could be at all habitable, and even with this Advantage, I had the greatest fear when we experienced the violence of the Raing the tirst Season we were at the Settlement, and when only a spot sufficient for onr Hutts and Tents were cleared away, that the Violence of the Torrents would carry off every particle of the Vegetable Would as we went on in clearing and leave the surface of the Earth perfectly Sterile. We have however fortunately found that, from the richness of the Soil, and the Quickness of the Vegetation, the short wiry grass known in Bengal by the name of Doop which is quickly propagated by planting it in little bunches, and of which we had fortunately taken down a considerable quantity soon spread itself over the risings we had cleared, and effectually prevented any of the Soil from being carried off thus insuring good pasture whenever a sufficient space could be cleared away.
With respect to the effect of the Climate on the human constitution we have not yet, I think sufficient experience to form a conclusive Judgement of it. On my first landing in February 1793 I learnt that many of the Labourers were severely effected with the Scurvy, the prevalent Symptoms whereof were swellings of the limbs, Contractions, and Sores, which resisted every medical treatment, and the complaints encreased during the Months of March, April and May in an alarming degree proving fatal in numerous instances. This was almost the only disease experienced during the dry weather, it raged with unabated rigor untill some time after the Rains began, and was imputed to the total want of vegetable food, an opinion fully corroborated by subsequent experience, when the use of some Vegetables found in the Woods, proved conducive to their recovery in the Months of June July. and August.
The Scurvy has not except in a few instances made its appearance since that time, and now that there is abundance of Vegetables it will probably not again be known, but the removal of this malady was unhappily succeeded by another of still more disagreeable tendenoy, and more worthy of particular notice, as it was much feared that it was of an endemial nature; After the first violence of the Rains had subsided, and the Weather became for some days dry and Clear, with every appearance of a pare wholesome Air, in the beginning of Jane, Fevers became very general, not of an Acute or Inflamatory kind, but slow, nervous, and debilitating, generally attended with delirium and obstinately resisting the power of Medicine, and from their extensive prevalence and frequent fatal effects great alarms were created among the Natives, with a general Op.nion that there was something particularly noxious in the Air ; I was however never without hopes, and almost a conviction that the unhealthiness was principally owing to the very confined situation we were then in, our habitations hardly sufficient to guard against the extreme intemperance of the Weather, being close to the edge of an impenetrable Forest as old as the creation from whence issued the putrid effluvia of all kinds of decayed Vegetation; and I was more confirmed in this Opinion by observing that the Crews of the Vessels, lying in the Harbour, were not at all affected by any Malady. Experience has already proved that my hopes were well founded ; for altho' the last rising [(sic? rainy)] Season was much more severe than the former, yet the Settlers were infinitely more healthy, owing doubtless, to our Circle being more extended, and the People being better accommodated with Habitations,

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
It will appear from both the Surgeons Reports, which accompany this, that it is their Opinions that there is nothing particularly noxious in the Climate of the Andamans, more than in all tropical Climates [subject] to great falls of Rain, and it is here to be observed that, as the cause of Malady in such Cases is not supposed to proceed from the Moisture of the Atmosphere but from the noxious quality of exhalations there is every reason to believe, that the situation will, in the end, become healthy, as from the nature of the surface of the ground water cannot lay an hour, after the most violent Rains.
99
To an infant Settlement there are numerous convenient articles procurable at the Andamans. Altho' we have as yet discovered few or no Trees of real Value for Ship building, there is a great abundance of Timbers of material use, and sufficiently adapted to the construction of buildings, and other purposes on shore; Stones of a good kind are abundant on all the beaches, on some of the elevated grounds there is a soft and very tractable free Stone, which if it resists the Weather as we have reason to believe it will, becomes an Article of great Utility and Consequence.
Good Lime is to be burnt in any Quantity from White Coral that all the Shores are covered with. The Bamboo, of such general use in India, is in the greatest plenty, and of a good kind. We have therefore under our hands all materials both for permanent and temporary Buildings - Glass excepted; and as a substitute for thatching we have been obliged to make use of the leaves of the Ground Battan, which for a little while answers indifferently well, but they are not lasting and are procured with a great deal of trouble, with respect to other natured productions, which may contribute eventually to the public benefit time alone, and not a small period of it can satisfy us; as the clearing a space of ground for pasture, or the raising of Grain, Sugar, or Indigo, or any other Article of Cultivation that the Soil and climate may be found fit for, has been found from the experience we have had in clearing the small piece we occupy, a Work of the greatest labour from the enormous size of the Trees many of them being from 15 to 20 feet in circumference.
-
It is to be observed also that not a single spot of the whole Andamans, has yet been discovered that is not covered nearly in this manner, to the very brink of the Sea, which seems to prove the excellence of the Soil and the powerful vegetation derived doubtless from the heat, and great Moisture of the Climate, and indeed, on the small spot we have cleared, we have found all the variety of Fruit Trees, carried from Bengal. The Culinary Vegetables, and some small experiments of Sugar Cane, Indigo, Rice and other grains, thrive wonderfully well.
Or the Natives it is not necessary to say much, as their Existence, or non-existence can have very little influence on the plan in question. Never yet, in any part of the Globe, has the human race, been discovered in a more degraded or Savage state. They are Negroes of a very diminutive stature, knowing or practising none of the Arts of civilized Life, ranging, in a naked state along the Sea Shore, from whence they seem principally to derive their subsistance in gathering Shell fish, from the extensive reefs, that the whole Coasts are bound with, or shooting fish with Bow and Arrow at which they are very expert. They have also recourse to wild Fruits and roots; and from the Sculls and bones of wild Hogs, which they paint and carefully preserve in their wretched hovels, they must now and then entrap that animal, of which there are many, and with a species of wild bat, are the only four footed Animals we have discovered on the Islands.
As it has heretofore been generally believed that they are Cannibals, it is only here necessary to say that, although we have not had any proof against it; yet many circumstances have occurred to make us imagine that it is not the case, but we have had repeated proofs that they are most hostile to all strangers, never failing to lay wait for, and attack the Crew of any boats, that may land, which they think they can Master, and there can be little doubt that the unfortunate crews of many Vessels, that must have been wrecked on these Islands, have perished by their savage hands, for it is singular enough that no instance is known of any person escaping from such a situation.

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I will not say more of the Harbour of Port Cornwallis, of which the Board have so excellent a Survey and description by Capt. Blair, than that it is sufficiently capacious for the largest Fleets; easy of Ingress and egress, and from the experience of two years, during which time we have had several Gales from all Quarters, it appears to give safe Shelter to Ships at all Seasons. From the inspection of the Plan it is also evident that several modes of Fortification more or less extensive, might be adopted for the defence of the Settlement and an inferior fleet that might take Shelter there, depending on the scale that is taken up but, as this is not an object that can come immediately into Consideration, I shall hope that I have said enough of the situation, to admit of a comparison to be drawn between it and Prince of Wales Island, to which I will now beg to draw your attention.
Prince of Wales Island.
It were very unnecessary for me now to give any particular description of that Settlement, or its Harbour, as no part of the Report I delivered into Government, in the year 1787 has been invalidated. As however, it does not appear to me that it has been at all taken notice of or attended to by the Court of Directors, I must apprehend that it has been by some chance overlooked, or that the Opinions there delivered have not been esteemed of sufficient weight to Induce a determination on so important a point I have therefore subjoined to this a Copy of that Report in addition to which I have only to add that I have again carefully examined and surveyed the Harbour; that I find the entrance to it over a Mud flat (which had been reported dangerous for large Ships) perfectly safe having upon it depth enough, at low Water Spring Tides, for the largest Ships of the Royal Navy; that I find the Inner Harbour under Poolajuajah to be a safe and smooth Bason, where the largest Ships can be transported with the utmost safety in one tide, even with their Guns on Board; that on the Island Juajah, there is space enough for store Houses and a Marine Yard sufficiently extensive; and that Waris would be constructed with great ease, to which the largest Ships can be brought to take cut their Guns and Stores, previous to any repair, and that this Inner Harbour Spot for a marine Yard has the additional advantage of being easily Fortified at little cost.
I find that the Island which when I surveyed it in 1787 was nearly as impenetrable a Forest as the Andamans, is already cleared and cultivated to the extent of at least Twenty five square Miles, that abundance of excellent Tropical Fruits and all the Vegetables, common in India, are produced there, that the Climate is temperate and healthy, and like every other situation in the straits of Malacca, entirely free from Gales of wind, and violent Weather of any kind, it being out of the full range of either of the Monsoons, but participating in a small degree of both; that there is a considerable Population particularly of industrious Chinese and natives of the Coast of Coromandel that a large town has been built, and that there are Shops and Markets filled with every Article of refreshment or supply that a Fleet can be in want of, that a very extensive Commerce is established both through the Medium of ships navigated by Europeans, and Prows from the Neighbouring Countries, even as far to the Eastward as the Celebes; and that under proper Regulations and management it appears capable of increase to a very great extent. In fine I have seen fully realized here the assertions of the late respectable Superintendant, in the following Extract of a Letter to the Governor General in Council four years ago.
"To enumerate all the benefits which may be obtained from the Possession of Prince of Wales Island might create a Suspicion that from interested motives, I am endeavouring to deceive your Lordship with Appearances, I therefore return to the Advantages which are visible and undeniable collected under the following Heads
1st. A Harbour with good Anchorage secure from bad Weather, and capable of containing any number of Vessels.
2d. An Island well watered of excellent Soil, capable of sustaining Fifty thousand People and abounding in all necessary materials for their Service and Security.

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41
Sd. A Port favorable to Commerce, the present imports Amounting to upwards of 600,000 Spanish Dollars per annum.
4th. A place of refuge for your Merchants Ships, where they may refit and water, and be protected from the insults of the Enemy's ships.
5th. An Emporium so situated as to afford an easy approach from every part of India, from the Extremity of China to the Coast of Africa, where the Merchants of all nations may conveniently meet and exchange their Goods."
It is to be observed that, in the Statement of the Advantages of Prince of Walos Island Mr Light does not at all, seem to rest upon it as a Port of refreshment and refitment for the British Naries, which however are certainly the very first considerations with Government, for notwithstanding all the Commercial Advantages of Prince of Wales Island, it is probable it might be doubted whether it would Answer the purposes of Government to retain it for those ends alone at the continued expence it must cost, and the large Sum that must. necessarily be disbursed in Fortifications to render the possession secure, but the following Extract of a Letter from Commodore Rainier to the Governor General, which he permits me to make public use of, places this matter in so clear a light and is itself so weighty an authority that I should imagine no doubts will long exist of its being in every respect, a Port well calculated for Refreshment and refitment of Ships of War, and, as Commodore Rainier hoists his Flag in a Seventy four Gun Ship, of the greatest Draught of water in the Navy, and takes no notice of the want of water, on the Mud Flat, formerly mentioned, all ides of its danger has disappeared.
Extract of a Letter from Commodore Rainier to the Honble. the Governor General dated on board the Suffolk at Prince of Wales Island 31st December 1794.
" Thro' want of information I unluckily put into the South East Port of the Andamans [now Port Blair], but got Wood and Water, and did what I wanted to do, and am told that is full As much as I should have effected at North East Harbour, but the refreshment and means of repair at this place are obviously so superior to any thing of the kind at the Andamans exclusive of its Commercial Advantages that I am astonished it should ever have been doubted which to prefer."
In addition to this testimony I have to inform you that, while I was at Prince of Wales Island, the Honble. Companys Squadron under Commodore Mitchell, consisting of Five Ships, remained there a Month, and received Abundance of Refreshments, and that soon afterwards His Majesty's Ship Resistance, [? arrived] and was so well supplied that Captain Packenham assured me that he had never been in any Foreign Port where a Ship of war was so well and easily supplied with every desirable Article.
I will now beg leave to take notice that all those Articles of Refreshment have been produced and will be constantly produced in an encreased Ratio with the Commerce and resort of Merchant Ships, and that at no expence to Government, the Civil, Military and Naval Establishments, with the Public Buildings and Fortifications, being the only Expence that Government have been at. When this is contrasted with the refreshments that can be furnished at the Andamans which for want of the demand, Commerce, and a resort of Ships create, must probably be always scanty and uncertain, and entirely produced at the public Expence; it stands alone so high in the scale of comparison that there are few Advantages which can weigh against it. The defeat formerly supposed in Prince of Wales Island as a War Port Viz. the want of depth of Water in its Harbour, appears to be compleatly disproved and done away. It only now remains to consider the disadvantages which the situation is liable to, and these I will now state.
Prince of Walos Island Defecte. It is at a very considerable distance from any of the Company's other Possessions, so that it cannot very quickly be reinforced with Troops or supplied with Ammunition and stores.

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Its communication with Bengal in particular is not so rapid and certain, as could be wished, considering that it is, from thence alone that a large Fleet of Ships of War can be supplied with the great Articles of Provisions and Stores, that is to say those for Sea consumption.
Its position pretty deep in the Straits of Malacca, renders it liable to Calms in the South West Monsoon, so that Ships often find it difficult or tedious to approach or leave it.
From the constant serenity of the Weather, in the Straits of Malacca and the safeness of the Coasts, and from the Refreshments and assistance to be obtained by Alliances easily made with the Malay Princes, an Enemies Fleet has considerable Advantage and receives encouragement to project attacks on the Island, not to mention that, if the Enemy happened to be the Dutch, it is too near the Chief Seat of their Force and Power, and unless it be kept always in strength it might be liable to insult, at the breaking out of the War, before it could be reinforced.
From its situation, near the Equator, the climate, probably, as is the case in general, is too hot, and relaxing to admit of the Speedy recovery of European constitutions affected by long sickness; and all cases of Dysentery in particular have been found obstinate there.
Andamans Advantages. I shall now however proceed to estimate the advantages and disadvantages of the Andamans.
It has an excellent Harbour, well supplied with water and wood and possesses a Soil that with perseverance will doubtless, be productive, of all the Fruits Vegetables and Grain common to India, and probably in very high perfection. Its situation is Central, for a quick communication to all the Mossessions of the Company, and, from its Vicinity to the seat of the National Government in India, it admits of the quickest communication of advices, also of the transportation of troops and Stores as well as of the innumerable Succours derivable from the Soil and Riches of Bengal throughout the course of the year, its communication being nearly alike expeditious in both Monsoons.
It stands unrivalled in its position, as a Naval Arsenal, in the facility of Communication with Aracan and Pegu, affording the so much prized Teak Timber for Ship Building, which unfortunately is the principal Article that the Government of Ava will admit of being exported; bat if the present attempts of Government to render the intercourse unrestrained, so as to admit of the Exportation of Articles of Provisions, Cattle and live Stock of all kinds that these Courtries abound in, should succeed it would prove a great benefit to the Settlement in its infant state.
It derives some advantages in defence from the tempestuousness of its Climate, and the dangers of its Coast in discouraging the attempts of an Enemy, who can have no Ports in its vicinity where they can procure the least assistance or refreshment or from alliances, Advantages that Prince of Wales, and none other of the Companys Settlements possesses.
These are all the benefits that occur to me as belonging to the position of the Andamans and some of them when the matter is considered, on a great scale are certainly important, I should be happy more if the disadvantages did not outweigh them; they appear to me as follows.
The Climate has been described, from its excessive moisture, during so great a part of the year, although it may prove sufficiently healthy to those inured to it, would probably be not so to strangers, and particularly to the Crews of Ships of War, worn out by long Service, and in such Cases, generally visited by the Scurvy and Dysentary, to which a moist atmosphere is obnoxious,
The Weather is for the greatest part of the year very tempestuous and irregular, the Islands during the South West Monsoon being generally enveloped and obscured by obstructed Clouds, and on the Coasts there have been found so many dangerous Coral Shoals, many of which may be yet discovered, that it must always be approached with much caution, especially by Ships disabled in their rigging as might be the case after an Action in the Sonth West Monsoon. It is to be feared therefore that accidents would frequently happen, and here the barbarity of the natives must be

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
considered as a lamentable inconvenience, as there is little hope that even in a very long period of Years, our communication with them would produce much change in the manners of any, excepting those in the neighbourhood of the Settlement.
The abovementioned Severity of the Weather points out the Necessity of having all the buildings of Masonry, even the habitations of the nearest [? meanest] labourers, mere temporary Houses (such as are in common use in Bengal) yielding but an insufficient protection against the Violence of the Rainy Months.
The whole Settlement must for a time be supplied with Provisions from Bengal or some foreign Port, for except the raising of a few Culinary Vegetables, it cannot be expected that ground will be cleared to much extent in several Years, even for the purpose of converting it into Pasture, for the support of the necessary live Stock, much less for the Culture of grain in Quantity, equal to the Subsistance of the Settlement.
The Establishment of Vessels therefore to keep up a constant and certain supply, were extensive Works to be carried on, and a consequent encrease to the Establishment of Labourers to take place, would be a very heavy expence, every work must be done by labourers from Bengal, upon encreased pay, with Provisions gratis ; and As, even with those indulgences, it is found difficult to induce them to go, there is not much hope that we shall be able to strike them off and when to this is added that, for above half of the year, very little work, without doors can be done, labour becomes exorbitantly high indeed ; and the completion of Fortifications, or other buildings must be proportionably slow, tedious and barthensome.
No assistance is to be expected from Voluntary Settlers (i. e. Adventurers) either Europeans or Natives of Bengal, or other parts of India, Men whose dependance for a livelihood, is on their own Industry, and who seek it in a foreign country, are usually induced, by one or other of the following causes existing in it; Natural productions more plentiful or more valuable than in other places - Superior excellence of the Inhabitants in the useful Arts, or valuable Manufacturers, or peouliar Advantages from its situation as a European [? mart] of Traffick with other countries. Unfortunately the Andamans do not hold out any of these incitements in the smallest degree.
Prince of Wales Island Comparatively.
I have now, I think stated all the various circumstances, relative to the two situations, as Harbours for our Navies that may enable you Honble Sir to draw a Comparison and Establish a preference upon solid grounds, with all the accuracy, and impartiality in my power, and this on the idea that it will not answer the end of Government to retain both, from the enormous expence that the keeping up two such Establishments would create. In forming this Judgement which will depend upon the weight that is put upon the several Advantages or defects as stated, which the enlarged views of Government can alone estimate.
I hope, however that I shall not be thought to go too far when I declare that, in my own restricted scope of the subject, I have a full conviction that Prince of Wales Island, all circumstances considered, is infinitely preferable to the Andamans, and that, in fact it provides every thing that Government can want for a Port of Refitment and Refreshment for the Navies of Great Britain, to the Eastward of Cape Comorin. To this conclusion I have been led by a long and tedious investigation and much personal labour and exposure to the inclemency of the Weather, during a series of Years. The facts as stated are all from my own observation, and if I have erred it has been alone from want of capacity or Judgement as I have had every opportunity of information that could be afforded me on the subject.

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As the other objects of investigation that you were pleased to recommend to my attention at Prince of Wales Island are merely for a local nature I have thought it best to keep them separate and they will be the subject of another address, that I shall shortly have the honor to present you. I am with the greatest respect Honble. Sir &c &c
(Signed) A. Kyd. Calcutta, March 4th 1795.
Ordered that the Appendix referred to in the above Letter be entered in the Proceedinge, and that the Letter itself shall lie for consideration.30
(To be continued.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M. A.
(Continued from Vol. XXXI. p. 514.) Daiseye ; 8. v. 226, ii, 8. v. Dessaye, 237, i. Dakkhiņa; 8. v. Deccan, 233, i. Dak; ann. 1809: 6. v. Hooly, 323, ii.
Dākā ; 8.0. Dacoit, 225, i. Dak; ann. 1844: 8, v. Bangy (b), 46, i; ann. Dakoo; ann. 1834 : 8. v. Dacoit, 225, i, twice, 1855: 8. v. Goglet, 293, i.
Dakshina ; 8. v. Poorub, 547, ii. Dāk; ann. 1824: 8. v. Dawk, 232, ii.
Dakshiņa ; s. r. Deccan, 238, i, Dák; ann. 1748: 8. v. Cossid, 204, i.
Dakshiņāpatha ; 8. v. Deccan, 233, i. Dāk; s. 0. Dawk, 231, ii; ann. 1340 : 8. v. Dakshīņātya; 3. t. Deccan, 233, i, Dawk, 282, i.
Dakshiņätya janapada ; 8. v. Deccan, 233, i. Daka; ann. 1560: 8. v. Dacca, 225, i; ann. Dākü; 8. o. Dacoit, 225, i. 1753: 8.0. Burrampooter, 768, ii.
Dal, 8. v. Dhall, 241, i, . v. Dalaway, 787, ii. Dāka ; 8. v. Dacca, 787, ii.
Dál; ann. 1590 : *, v. Kedgeree, 364, i. Dakait; 8. v. Dacoit, 225, i.
Dāl; 8. v. Dhall, 241, i (twice) and ii, s. v. KedDākāyat; 8. v. Dacoit, 225, i.
geree, 364, i, s. r. Dhall, 790, ii. Dåk-bungalow; ann. 1853: 8. 7. Bungalow, Dala; 8. v. 227, i ; ann. 1585: 8. v. 227, i, Dawk-, 99, ii.
Dalas ; ann. 1546: 8. v. Dagon, 226, ii. Dak Bungalow ; 8. v. Rest-house, 577, ii.
Dalai ; 330, i, footnote ; ann. 1872: 8. v. Pyke Dak bungalow; ann. 1878 : 8. v. Bungalow, (b), 567, i. Dawk-, 99, ii.
Dalal ; ann. 1824 : 8. v. Deloll, 235, ii. Dák bungalow ; ann. 1853 : 8.». Pitarrah, 540, ii. Dalanguer; ann. 1553: 8. v. Nuggurcote, 483, i. Dák chauki ; ann. 1657: 8. v. Dawk, 232, i. Daļavāyi; 8. v. Dalaway, 227, i. Dâk-choki ; ann. 1528 : 8. v. Dawk, 788, ii. Dalaway; 6. v. 227, i, 787, ii ; ann. 1747 : 8. v. Dak chowky; ann. 1612 : 8. v. Dawk, 232, i. Dhurna, 791, i; ann. 1763-78 ; 6, v. 227, i ; Dakhan ; 8. v. Deccan, 233, i, 8. v. Hindostan. ann. 1868: 8. v. Poligar, 544, i.
316, ii, see 500, i, footnote; ann. 1762 : 8. . Dalbergia ; 8. v. Black Wood, 75, i, 8. v. Sissoo, Pinderry, 539, i.
699, i, twice. Dakhin ; s. v. Deccan, 233, i; ann. 1594-5: 5, v. Dalbergia latifolia ; 8. v. Sissoo, 639, i.
Idalcan, 808, i; ann. 1610 :- 8. D. Carnatic, Dalbergia Sissoo ; 8. v. Sissoo, 638, ii, 126, i ; ann. 1659 : 8.0. Palankeen, 508, ii; Dāl-chini; 8. v. Moors, The, 447, ii.
ann. 1760 : 8... Tobacco, 706, i, twice. Dali; ann. 1321 : 8. v. Delhi, 234, i, Dak'hinjs; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Decoany, 234, i. Dali; ann. 1880: 8. v. Dolly, 249, i. Dakhma; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Surat, 665, i. Dāli; &. . Dolly, 249, i; ann. 1760 : . v. Dakhni ; 8. v. Deccany, 233, ii.
Bandejah, 44, i. [Note.-This Appendix is not to be found in the Consultation Book.]

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INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
Dali ; 8. v. Molly, 440, i.
Damascus; 6. v. Chicane, 146, ii, *. . Coffee, Dāli; 6. v. Dolly, 249, i, twice.
179, i ; ann. 1843: 8. r. Sugar, 655, ii ; ann. Dalla ; ann. 1799 : 8. v. Caréns, 773, i.
1420 : 8. v. Caravan, 124, i; ann. 1510 : S. v. Dallal; 3. o. Deloll, 285, ii.
Xerafine, 743, i; ann. 1530 : 8. v. China, Dallaway; ann. 1754: 8. . Dalaway, 227, i. 152, i. Dallies; ann. 1882: 8. . Dolly, 249, i..
Damascus steel; ann. 1841 (twice) and 1864 : Dalloway; ann. 1754 : 8. v. Dalaway, 227, i. 8. v. Wootz, 742, i. Daloyet; . v. 227, i.
Damasjanes ; ann. 1762 : 8. v. Demijohn, 286, i. Dalwai; ann, 1747 : 8.0. Dalaway, 787, i. Damda ; 8. v, Jungeera, 358, ii. Dam; 8. v. 227, i, 787, ů, s. v. Dumree, 254, ii, Damdama; 8. v. Dumdum, 254, i.
.. 0. Lack, 382, i; ann. 1580: 8. v. Sayer, Dame-jeanne; 8. o. Demijohn, 286, i, twice. 605, ii; ann. 1590 : 81 . Ananas, 17, ii, A. o. Dam khānā; 8. v. Dumbcow, 254, ii. Crore, 214, i, 8. o. Jeetul, 349, ii, 8. v. Pyke Damkhão ; s. v. Dumbcow, 254, ii. (s), 567, i, o. o. Sircar (c), 638, i, twice; ann. Dāmijāna ; 8. o. Demijohn, 236, i. 1594: 8. v. Lack, 882, i; ann. 1596: 8.0. Damilos; ann. 1860: 8. v. Malabar (B), 413, ii. Candy (Sugar-), 129, i.
Dammar; ann. 1673: 8. v. Dammer, 228, ii, 8.0. Dám; 6. o. Dam, 327, i and ii (5 times); ann. Mussoola, 461, ii ; ann. 1878: 8. o. Dammer,
1590 : 8.0. Mahout, 409, i, 8. o. Mate, 430, i, 228, ii; ann. 1885 : 4, v. Dammer, 788, i, .. v. Pice, 584, i ; ann. 1628: 8.0. Dam, twice. 228, i, twice.
Dammara alba ; 8. . Dammer, 228, ii. Dām ; 8. v. Dem, 227, i and ii (11 times), 228, i; Dammer ; 8. o. 228, i and ii (7 times), 788, i. ann. 1628 : s. v. Crore, 214, i, twice.
Dammer Pitch ; s.o. Dammer, 228, ii. Dams; ann. 1516: 8. . Pardao, 840, ii.
Damn ; ann. 1840 : 8. v. Dam, 788, i, twice. Demag hän; 8. o. Demijohn, 236, i, 789, i. Dampukht; 8. v. Dumpoke, 254, ii ; ann. 1590 : Damajāna; 8. o. Demijohn, 236, i.
s. v. Dumpoke, 254, ii. Dāmāji ; 8. o. Guicowar, 307, i.
Damri ; 8. v. Dam, 227, ii, twice. Damajuana ; 8. o. Demijohn, 236, i.
Damrí ; 8. v. Dam, 227, ii. Damam ; ann. 1644: 8. o. Cooly, 192, i, .. o. Damri ; 6. o. Dam, 227, ii, 8 times. Lascar, 889, i, 8. D. Teak, 693, ii.
Damți; s. o. Dumree, 254, ii. Daman ; 8. 7. 228, i ; ann. 1563: 3. v. Seedy, Damudar ; 660, ii, footnote. 610, i ; ann. 1590: 8. o. Sarat, 665, i; ann. Damalian; ann. 1718: 8.0. Malabar (B), 413, 1598: 8. v. India of the Portuguese, 333, i; ii, . v. Ollah, 485, ii. ann. 1608: 8. o. Deccan, 238, ii, twice ; ann. Dān; 8. v. Agdaan, 754, ii. 1616 : 8. o. Saint John's, 591, i; ran. 1633 : 1 Dana; 4. 0. 228, ii, 8. o. Capelan, 122, i. 3. v. 228, i, 8. o. Paulist, 521, ii; ann. 1630: Däns; 8. v. Dana, 228, ii, 229, i, 8. v. Numerical #. 0. Choul, 163, i ; ann. 1644 : 8. v. Chowty Affixes, 833, i. 166, i, 8.0. Mainato, 411, i; ann. 1673 : Danapluu; ann. 1546 : *. o. Dagon, 226, ii. 1. v. Saint John's (6), 591, i.
Danapris ; ann. 940:: 8. v. Chicane, 147, i. Damān ; 8. o. Daman, 228, i.
Danapur ; . o. Dinapore, 245, i. Dămăn; ann. 1554: 8. v. Daman, 828, i.
Danaro; 8. v. Deaner, 233, i. Damani; 4. . 228, i ; ann. 1554 : 8.0. Ele Dancing-girl; 3. o. Cunchunee, 217, i, o, o. 229, phanta (b), 261, i, 8. o. Rosalgat, 582, i.
i, twice, 5. d. Deva-dāsi, 287, ii, s. v. NaatebDamanjána; . v. Demijohn, 236, i.
girl, 475, i, 8. v. Rum-johnny (b), 584, ü; Damans; ann. 1615: 8, . Canara, 118, i.
ann. 1814 : 8. d. Ram-johnny, 584, ü; ann. Damão; 6. o. Daman, 228, i.
1836 : *. . Nautch-girl, 475, i; ann. 1843: Damar ; 8. o. Dammer, 228, ii ; ann. 1681, 1678 8. 9. 229, ii. and 1727: 4. v. Dammer, 228, ii.
Dancing girl; ann. 1763-78, 1789, 1812, 1815, Damasceno ; ann. 1688: . o. Kinoob, 869, ii. and 1888: 8.0. Dancing-girl, 229, i; ann. Damasco ; ann. 1585: 1.0. Talisman, 679, ü; 1868: ... Deva dāsi, 237, i. enn. 1688 : .. o. Kincob, 369, ii...
Dancing Girl; .. o. Cunchune, 217, i.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1903.
Dancing-Wench; 8. o. Dancing-girl, 229, i. Dancing Wench; ann. 1673 and 1701: 6. u.
Dancing-girl, 229, i. Dancing women; ann. 1513 : &, v. Bayadere,
763, ii. Dand ; s. v. Dandy (a), 229, ii. Dånd ; 4. v. Dandy (a), 229, ii. Danda; 4. v. Jungeera, 358, ii. Dandaguda ; ann. 60-70: 8. v. Kling, 373, i. Dandagala; ann. 70: 8. 6. Dravidian, 251, ii. Dandee; ann. 1685: 8. v. Dandy (a), 229, ii;
ann. 1706 : 8.v. Harry, 806, i ; ann. 1784: 8. D. Manjee, 427, i; ann. 1824 : 3. o. Dandy, 229,
ii, .. . Hindostan (b), 316, ii. Dandi; 8. v. Dandy (a), 229, ii. Dandies; ann. 1757: 8. v. Boliah, 76, ii, ...
Gordower, 297, ii ; ann. 1763: 8. v. Dandy ().
229, ii; ann. 1781 : 8. v. Manjee, 427, i. Dandy; 8. v. 229, ii, .. o. Deling, 234, - ii, 8. o.
Muncheel, 456, ii, 8. o. Andor, 757, ii ; ann. 1623 : s. . Andor, 758, i ; ann. 1809: 8. . Ghaut (a), 281, ii ; ann. 1876 : 8. o. 229, i. Dandy fever; 6. . Dengue, 789, i. Dandys; ann. 1809 : 8. o. Dandy (a), 229, ii. Danechmend-Kan: ann. 1660 : 8.0. Buxee,
104, i. Danecotta ; ann. 1780 : 8. v. Coleroon, 181, ii, Danga ; 8. v. Dingy, 246, i. Dangri; 8. o. Dungaree, 255, i. Dangur; 8. v. 788, i... Danseam; ann. 1516 : 8. o. Siam, 632, i. Dans-Hoeren ; ann. 1726 : 8. o. Dancing-girl,
229, i. Danū; ann. 1644: 8, . Saint John's, 591, ii. Dão; . . Dhow, 243, i and ii, .. . Dow,
251, i. Daphne ; t. 7. Parabyko, 512, i, Dāpoli ; 8. v. Dabul, 224, ii. Daqué ; ann. 1552 8.0, Deccan, 283, ii. Paquem; ano. 1516 : 8. o. Sabaio, 852, i, ...
Sanguicer, 853, ii; ann, 1538 : s. u. Godavery, 291; i; 4nn. 1553: 8. o. Nizamaluco, 880, ii ; ann, 1563 : i. . Idalcan, 808, i, .. v. Melique
Verido, 823, i. Dara'; ann.1937: :. Naggurcote, 488, i; ann.
1659 4. Dojyne, 487, ii ; s . 1660 : 8.0.
Ganant, ?10, ii. Daräbazin ; ann. 1505: 8. v. Veranda, 737, ii. Daraçana ; ann. 1573: .0. Arsenal, 27, i. Dar a cina;& . Arsenal, 27, i.
Darakhti-'üd; ann. '1854 : 8.0. Eagle-wood,
258, ii. Där-al-şinā'a; 3. 0. Arsenal, 27, i. Dara-Shekoh ; ann. 1657: 8. 1. Dawk, 232, i. Darbar; ann. 1609 : 8. o. Darbar, 255, i. Darbār ; s. v. Durbar, 255, i. 6. p. Jawaub, 811, i. Darband Nias; ann. 1300 : ... Sumastra,
658, i. Darbūz; ann. 1505 : 8... Veranda, 787, ii. Darcheenee ; 8. o. 788. i. Dar-chini ; ann. 1568 and 1621: 6. o. Dar. - cheenee, 788, i. Där-chini; 8. v. Darcheenee, 788, i. Dárēgas ; 8. . Daróga, 230, i. Dargāh ; 6. v. Durgah, 255, i Dargánagar; ann. 1872: 8. ú. Dbooly, 242, ii. Darilja ; ann. 1554: 8. o. Sucker-Bucker, 652, ii. Darius Hystaspes ; . . India, 330, i. Darjan ; 6. v. Durjun, 793, ii. Darjeeling ; 8. o. 229, ü, twice ; . Birds' Nesta,
72, ii, 8. v. Moonaul, 444, i, o, v. Sebundy, 609, i and footnote, ii, footnote, 8. v. Tonga,
708, i. Darji; «. v. Dirzee, 246, i. Dariling : ann. 1879. .. .. Dhoon. 242 i. Dārjīling ; &. v. Darjeeling, 229, ii. Darlā; 8. o. Comotay, 184, ii. Daroezes; ann. 1540: 8. o. Dervish, 237, i. Derõhai ; ann, 1340 : 8.-9. Doai, 248, ii, Daroga ; 8. , 788, ii. Daróga; 8. v. 230, i. Darogá; ann. 1874: 8. o. Buxee, 104, i. Daroga; ann. 1621: s. . Daróga, 230, i. Darogah , ann. 1792: ... Pyke (b), 847, i. Daroger ; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Tope-khana, 863, ii. Daroghs ; ... Daróga, 230, I, s. . Jemadars, - 350, i ; ann. 1765: 8. v. Tope-khana, 713, i ;
ann. 1781 and 1812 : 8. v. Daróga, 280, i ; ann. 1834 ; 8. v. Chabootra, 139, i.
Dároghah ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Daróga, 230, i. Duroo ; ann. 1630: 8.0. Zend, 869, i; ann. 1689 :
8. v. Destoor, 237, ii. Dar-rgyas-glin' ; s. v. Darjeeling, 280, i. Darsena; 8. D. Arsenal, 27, i.. Dár-şinä'a; anr. 943–4: 6. o. Arsenal, 27, i. Dār-pinā'at; ann. 943—4: 8.0. Arsenal, 27, i. Darsinale; 8. v. Arsenal, 27, i. Dar-síni ; ann. 1621: 8. v. Darcheenee, 788, i. Dartzeni ; ann. 1621: 1. v. Darcheenee, 788, i.

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JANUARY, 1903.]
NOTES AND QUERIES..
Darúd ; ann. 1020 : ... Ceylon, 138, ii.
1608-10 (twice), 1810 and 1874 (twice): 6.0. Daragha; ann. 1220 : 8. . Daróga, 230, i.
231, ii. Darwan; ann. 1784 : 8. o. Durwaun, 256, ii. Datura alba; s. v. Datura, 231, i. Darwān ; 8. o. Durwaun, 256, ii; ann. 1781: 8.0.
Datara fastuosa ; 8. u. Datara, 231, i. Durwaun, 256, ii.
Datura Stramonium ; 8. v, Datara, 231, i. Darwaza band hai; 8. v. Darwauza-bund, 793, i.
Datara, Yellow ; 8. D. 231, ii. Daryā ; 330, i, footnote.
Datyro; ann. 1578: s. o. Datura, 281, i. Daryā-shikast; 8. v. Derrishacst, 236, ii.
Dāūdi Bobrās ; 8. o. Bora, 80, i. Dáryavush ; ann. 486: 8.0. Aryan, 27, ii.
Dandne; ann. 1678: 8. o. Dadny, 225, ii. Darzard; ann. 1563 : 8. o. Saffron, 589, ii. Daal; s. D. Dowle, 251, i. Darzi; 8. v. Dirzee, 246, i, twice.
Daulā; 8. D. Dowle, 251, i. Das ; s. v. Dussera, 256, ii.
Daulatabad; ann. 1885 : 8. D. Concan, Dasaharā; 8. Dussera, 256, ii.
189, ii. Daçan çiņa ; 8. v. Gurjaut, 309, i.
Daulatabād ; ann. 1340 : 6. v. Dawk, 282, i. Dasārņa ; 8. v. Gurjaut, 809, i.
Daulatābād ; 8.0. Ell'ora, 261, ii; ann. 1843 : Dasehra ; 8. o. Dussera, 256, ii.
4.0. Bandicoot, 44, i, 3. o. Crore, 214, i; Dashară; 5. v. Dussera, 256, i.
ann. 1554: 3. o. Beiramee, 61, i. Dâsis ; ann. 1868: 8. v. Deva-dāsi, 237, ii,
Daulatábád; ann. 1684 : s. r. Ell'ora, 262, i. Dasrā; 8. o. Dussera, 256, ii.
Daulatpūr; 8. v. Ferázee, 267, i. Dasbora ; 8. o. Dassera, 256, ii,
Dans ; 8. o. Dour, 793, i. Dast; 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 888, .
Daurā; 8. o. Dowra, 793, i. Dastak; 8. v. Dastuck, 257, ü.
Daurades; ann. 1610 : & v. Bonito, 79, i. Dastobar ; 8. o. Destoor, 237, i.
Dauraha ; 8. o. Dowra, 793, i. Dastoor; ann. 1795 : 8. . Dastoor, 257, ii. Daurāhā; 4. v. Dowra, 793, i. Dastur ; ann. 1599: 8. . Saint John's, 591, is Dauring; ann. 1853: 3. D. Dour, 793, i.. . twice.
Daurka ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Dwarka, 257, ii. Dastūr; s.v. Destoor, 237, i, s.o. Dastoor, 257, i. DaaȚnā ; 8. o. Dowra, 793, i. Dastūri ; 8. D. Dastoor, 257, i.
Dav; 8. o. Dhow, 243, i. Das Vaguas; ann. 1598: 8. 9. India of the Dāva; 8. o. Dhow, 243, ü. Portuguese, 333, i, twice.
Daw; ann. 1844: s. o. Dhow, 791, i. Datehin ; 8. v. 230, ii, twice, 788, ii.
Dāwah; ann. 1340 : 8.0. Dawk, 282, i, Datil; ann. 1563 : s. v. Tamarind, 680, ii.
4 times. Datsin-Picol, 8. o. Datchin, 788, i.
Dawāhi; . v. Doai, 248, i. Datura ; 3. p. 281, i, 8 'times, 788, ü, s.o. Dāwar; ann. 1150 : 8. o. Ghilzai, 284, i. Majoon, 411, i; ann. 1563: . v. 231, i; ann. Dāwāt; ann. 1335: 8. o. Telinga, 694, ii,
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. THE ANGLO-DUTCH ATTACK ON
the men were re-embarked, and the two fleets sailed BOMBAY IN 1626.
away to do more mischief to the Portuguese elseIn the second edition (1891) of his Report on the Old Records of the India Office, Sir George To these three narratives we can now add a Birdwood printed three previously unpublished fourth, derived from a collection of papers in the accounts, derived from ships' logs now preserved British Museum known as Egerton 2086. At in that Office, of a joint attack made by a number f. 107 of this volume is a letter addressed to the of Dutch and English vessels on Bombay, then an East India Company, under date of January 8, insignificant Portuguese settlement, in October, 1627-98, by James Slade, master of the Dis1626. Little resistance was experienced, and after covery. In the couree of this letter, he mentione & short bombardment, the allied forces landed the interesting fact that the factors at Surat their men, and plundered and burnt the castle and had had several consultations about the town. Having done all the damage they could, acquisition of a fortifled station to serve as

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
the headquarters of the English in India. Amongst the sites suggested (which, of course, must be outside Mogul territory) were Dabul, the Maldives, a place called "London's Hope," and Bombay; and the mention of the last-named place leads him to describe the recent attack upon that settlement, in which he himself had borne a part. This he does as follows:
"For Bumbay wee were there last yeare with our 6 Ships & 8 sayle of Dutch, in search of the Portingall Gallions, but found them not. Here after wee had bin before it 24 howers, the Comanders being a board of us resolved to goe with all our bardges & boats to vew the place, to see if wee might land without danger. After there departuer from aboard of us, it was Mr. Wills his fortune & mine to come after them in our shalloop; & after our departner from our Ships, wee espied aboate in a sandy [bay ?] to the westward of the forte, which boate wee resolved to fetch of. Coming n[eare] the forte, it shott divers times at us, & som smale shott placed at us out of the Corner of a wood where the Boate lay. Notwithstanding wee went aboard of her, which wee found to be one (sic) ground & the peple fledd. Whereupon wee landed, and being seconded by 2 or 3 boates of men that Followed us, wee Martch up to the fort, which was left voyde unto us. Som of our men fired a house; by which accident the Comanders perceiving the successe, came ashore unto us, where wee continued all night & till next day in the Evening, at which time the whole towne & fort being burnt to the ground by the Dutch & us, wee departed. This Towne yealded noe benifitt to us nor the Dutch, there being nothing left in it that was worth Oarradge, except it were salt fish & Rice, which was consumed with the fier. The Rest of there goods, in regard of our Long being before before (sic) wee had landed they had conveyed
away.
THE MALABAR QUARTERLY REVIEW, Vol. I., No. 1, March, 1902. Ernakulam, Cochin Government Press. Annual Subscription, Rs. 5.
THE extreme South has long been an "advanced" portion of India, and this Review, conducted almost entirely by Hindus, does credit to their education and to the interest taken by them in their own country in its present and in its past. The list of the articles in the first number shows the nature of the studies of the contributors, who, from the inner front cover,
[JANUARY, 1903.
"This is noe good place to winter in, it being open to the Westerly [ ] & noe sucker for them from the wether. What other place ther[e is ?] in this sound (which is deepe & undiscovered by any of us) to winter in, is un[known to all us then that were there present."
WILLIAM FOSTER.
COMMAND.
An Anglo-Indianism.
COMMAND and on command are terms that should be in Yule as distinct "Hobson-Jobsons": meaning to all natives of India a duty on detachment or away from head-quarters, and hence to head-quarters, an outstation. the detachment itself and any place subsidiary
BOOK-NOTICE.
Here is a curious instance of the spread of the term beyond the borders of the British Empire :
"1899. The choice of warders was made from those classes best suited for the control of their fellow-prisoners, especially in the outstations or commands, as they were called. .
it was necessary to provide accommodation for them in convict lines or commands as we have said, pronounced kumman [kaman] by the convicts Simpson, in his Side Lights on Siberia, uses command aa denoting a jail outside of the prison walls."— McNair, Prisoners their own Warders, pp. 19, 21.
The Andaman Penal Settlement is in some. respects the successor of the system employed first under Sir Stamford Raffles at Bencoolen, and then at Penang, Malacca, Singapore, and Maulmain. In the Andamans command is in common use for a duty or a place away from head-quarters.
R. C. TEMPLE.
are very numerous. This list is as follows:Sri Sankaracharya, his Life and Work: The Nambudris of Malabar: Travancore in the Eighteenth Century: The Origin of the Malayalam Language: Marriage among the Malayalis: Our Country (a short poem): Some distinctive features of Malabar Sociology and their Effects.
It gives us great pleasure to notice this new attempt on the part of the Natives of India themselves to study subjects with which this Journal has been so long connected.

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FEBRUARY, 1903.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), Ph.D., C.L.E. The places mentioned in the spurious plates, belonging to the Library of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, which purport to rogister a grant made
by Dharasena II. of Valabhi in A.D. 478. THIS record is No. 32 in the List of Spurious Records given by me in Vol. XXX. above. 1 1). 214 ff. It has been edited, as a spurious record, by Dr. Bühler in Vol. X, above, p. 277 ff., with a lithograph. I have not been able to trace any information as to the place where the original plates were obtained.
The record parports to have been issued, -sri-Valabhi(bhf)tah, " from the famous Valabhi;" that is, from Wall in the Gohilwad diyision of Kathiâwâr. And it claims that, on
specified day in the month Vaisakha, Saka-Samvat 400 (expired), falling in April, A. D. 478, Dharsséna II. (of the family of the Maitrakas of Valabhi) granted to a Brâhniaŋ, for the purposes of the bali, charn, vai vadova, agnihotra, and panchama håyajia sacrifices, a village (grima) nanel Nardiaraka or Nandisaraka, lying (antah patin) in a territorial division which is mentioned as the KantAragrama sodabatam vishaya.
The alleged grantee was the Bhatta Göminda (for Govinda), son of the Bhatta Isara (for Isvara). His alleged father is described as having come (rinirgala) from Dasapura, and as being a member of the community of Chaturvédins of that place, and as belonging to the Kausika gótra, and as being a student of the Chbandóga (school of the Såmavêda). And the Dabapura thus mentioned is the inodern Mandasor, more properly Dasor, the chief town of the Mandasor district of Scindia's Dominions in the Western Malwa division of Central India.
It cannot be doubted that, in the name of the Kantiragrama bodabatan vishaya, either the word sodabatan is a mistake for shodaśa-sata, a compound of shidasan, 'sixteen,' and satu,
hundred,' or else it is a hybrid word, of which the first component is some unusual or corrupt substitute for the sí! which is the proper Prakpit form in Gujarati, answering to the Marathi sá!d, of the Sanskrit shädasan. The intended meaning of the word, however, is not so obvious. The word hal previously come to notice, in a similar connection, in the spurious Umetal platos, which also parport to have been issued in A. D. 478.3 In editing that record, Dr. Bühler did not translate this word. In editing the present record, however, he took it to mean 'sixteen hundred ;' see Vol. X. above, p. 277 6, “the Sixteen-hundred of Kantâragrâma." And, on & recent occasion, when I was not specially concerned with, and had not fally considered, the geographical details of these two records, I adopted that, the more customary meaning of shadasa-lata, in my entry of them in Vol. XXX. above, p. 216, No. 23, and p. 217, No. 32. But, in his identification of the places mentioned in the Umêta record, Dr. Bübler adopted for enda salan the meaning of one hundred wad sixteen;? See Vol. XVII. above, p. 184, "the 116 villages of the bhakti of Kainaniyx," also p. 193, "the Kamaniya bhukti, which included 116 villages." Now, shuidasa-sala may certainly mean either one hundred and sixteen' or 'sixteen hundred.' Bat, according to the customary method of expressing numbers in the epigraphic records, it would mean sixteen hundred,' and one hundred and sixteen' would be denoted by shôdas-ddhilu-sata, or by shodas-oltara-sata, which actually occurs in karnmantapura-prativaddha-shodasóttaragramasat-antahpáti, "(the village of Parahaņaka) lying in the hundred and sixteen villages attached to the town of Karmantapura," in the Bagumrå plates of A. D. 867, and which was no doubt the basis of the corrupt expression sódasõtta madhyá, for
1 The construction of the passages specifying the alleged grantee and his fathor, is similar to that used in the purions Uméta platos, which has been quoted in Vol. XXXI. above, p. 337.
* See Vol. XV. above, p. 19), and Gupta Inscr. p. 79, note 1. 3 YOL VII. above, p. 64, plate ii., line l. . • Vol. XII. above, P. 185, plate ii.b, line 8 f.

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[FEBRUARY, 1903.
shidas-otlara-gráma-sata-madhyavarti, in the Bagamrii plates, of doubtful authenticity, parporting to have been issued in A. D. 888.6 It was probably the passage in the Bagumora plates of A. D. 867 that led Dr. Bühler to substitute. one hundred and sixteen' for sixteen hundred' as the meaning of sodaśatam in these records; for, he proposed to identify the Karmântapura of that record, to which one hundred an 1 sixteen villages were attached, with the same place, Kamrêj, which is undoubtedly meant by the Kamaņiya of th: Umêta record. And that proposal is, no doubt, quite sound; since Paribanaka is, as he shewed, the Parona' of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), about twelve miles south-east from Kamrêj, and there does not appear to be any place in that neighbourhood, except Kimrêj, to which the name Karmantapura could well be applied. And it seems, therefore, very likely that the person who fabricated the present record did use sõdasata for shadasa-sata in the sense of one hundred and sixteen,' and that the same was intended to be its meaning in the case of the Umêtâ record. However, the two records are spurioas records, and we do not know absolutely for certain what the composer or composers of them had in view. And, partly for these reasons, and also in order not to lose sight of one marked peculiarity of both the records, I think it better, now, in referring to the territorial appellations presented by them, to use the expression given in the original records, instead of offering any translation of it either way.
The name of the village claimed by these plates was given by Dr. Bühler as Namljaraka in his text, and as Nandiaraka in his translation. In his introductory remarks, howerer, be intimated that it might be taken either as Nandiaraka or as Nandisaraka. And, to this, he attached a note indicating that the akshara forming the third syllable is "very indistinct."7 As presented in the lithograph, however, that akshara is not in any way doubtful, which is probably what Dr. Bühler 'really meant; it is, there, distinctly an initial short a. But I find, from my own transcription of the text, that, when the original plates were in my hands, in 1878,- before the time when the editing of the resort was made over to Dr. Bilir, -- I read the akshara, without any feeling of doubt, as ea. And Nandisaraka is a more probable name than Nandiaraka, for the following reasons. In the first place, we have the place-name Nadisar,' in the case of & village in the Panch-Mahals, which may be found in the In.lian A-las sheat No. 36, S. W. (1897), in lat. 28° 53', lung. 73° 27', about fifteen miles west-north-west-half-north from Gôdhra. And, in the second place, we bave seen that the modern name Nadia or Nadila, - the .Nadira' and . Nádira' of maps, -represents an ancient Nândita aka; 10 like tafáka, saraka means & pond, pool, tank, or lake;' thus, Nandisaraka is essentially the same name as Nanditaţaka, with only the short a for the long d in the first syllable, and it might be a Sanskritisation of any name derived from Nanditațâka; and we have another such name in the 'Nadirda' an 1 Nádinia' of maps, which may be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), in the Wagrâ tâluka of the Broash district. 11 I am inclined to think that the syllable is doubtful in the original plate, and has been wrongly developed into an initial short a in the course of preparing the lithograph, which is not a facsimile. But, whether the syllable is a or sa, cannot be finally decided without another inspection of the original plate, which is not accessible to
6 Vol XIII. above, p. 67, plate ii.b, line 6; and see the corrected transcript on p. 69.
Seo Vol. XVI. above, p. 100. I Vol. X above, p. 277 b, and note 2.
$ I do not know, for certain, whether he edited it from the original plates, or from the lithograph. But I infer that he had the original plates before him.
That, however, is not the village claimed by the record : partly, because, instead of being on the const, it is on the east bank of the Mahl, and there are no names in the vicinity of it answering to the other names given in the record; and partly because it is far away from what was evidently the Kanteragrima country.
10 Seo Vol. XXXI. above, p. 397.
11 But this place, also, is not the village olnimed by the record : partly, because it is eleven miles from the coast, und there is nothing in its vioinity to reprasent Ghirivili and Dêyathali and the river Mad&vi; and partly, because it is separated by the rivors Narbad, Kim, and Tapti, from what was ovidently the KantAragrama country. -Nor is the modern Nadidà or Nadiqa, the Nanditaţåka of the Bagamra record of A. D. 915, the village olaimed by the present record: it is, indeed, on the vorth bank of the river Madávi; but it is bounded on the east by Berou (instead of Girivili), and on the north by 'Ten' instead of Déyathali), and it is some twenty-four miles from the coast.

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me. And, for these reasons, I treat the name as either Nandiaraka or Nandisaraka. It may be added that the intended name may liave been even Nândisaraka, with the long d in the first syllable; in the record, there are quite enough cases of an omission of a medial long a, to justify even that surmise.
In specifying the boundaries of Nandiaraka or Nandisaraka, the record places on the east a village (grama) named Girivili. On the south, it places a river (nali) named Madavi.12 On the west, it places the sea.13 And, on the north, it places a village (gráma) named Dêyathali.
To the localisation of this record, we are led primarily by the reference to the territorial division which is mentioned as the Kantaragrama solasatam vishaya. We should, of course, have expected that a village claimed by a charter attributed to Dharasêna II. of Valabhi, would be found either somewhere in Kathiawâr, or, if outside that territory, then at any rate somewhere close to, and probably on the north of, the river Mahi. An examination of the maps, however, has failed to produce anything tending to connect the record with those parts. And there is no doubt that it really belongs, as was indicated by Dr. Bühler, 1 to a territory which was formerly attached to and was named after, or, it may be said, was supposed, by the person who fabricated the record, to have been attached to and named after, the modern Katargam or Kattargam. This is a very large village, or a small town, close on the north of Surat, which is shewn as Katargam' in the . Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E (1888), in lat. 21° 13', long. 72° 53', and as 'Katárgám' in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 15 (1879) of Gujarat, in a large ben 1 of the Tapti, and on the sou.h of that river. I am not quite sure of the exact form of its modern name; for, whereas Dr. Bühler wrote it as Kattargâm, with the double tt followed by a short a, the compilation entitled Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878) certifies it, in Gujarati characters, as Katârgâm, with a single t followed by a long d: and it is not impossible that more careful inquiries on the spot would shew that the real modern name is Katargam, with a single t and the long & both before and after it. However, the Katargam' anl Katirgim' of the maps, close on the north of Surat, is the place meant by Dr. Bähler. He has toll us that it is still known by the Sanskrit appellation of Kantaragrama. There is no other place, either in Kahiâwâr or in Gujarat, the name of which can. be taken as derived from, or as properly capable of being represented by, Kantaragrâma. And the next identification fully endorses Dr. Bühler's recognition of the identity of the Kantâragrâma of the record with Katârgam or Kattargâm.
Dr. Bühler was not able to go beyond that point. But the river Madavi of the record is certainly that river which is called Mandakini in the Chokkhakuti grant of A. D. 867, and which, as is shown by the details given in that record, 15 is unquestionably the modern Mindhola, Mindhála, or Mindhol1' river, also known as the Midagri,' which falls into the sea about five miles on the south of the Tapti, ad from the north bank of which, at its nearest point, Katargam or Kattargam is distant about nine miles.
The maps do not disclose, in the area from the coast, with the Tapti on the north and the Mindhola' on the south, to a line from Katârgâm or Kattargam to the 'Min-lhola,' 16 the existence of any names that can represent the Nandiaraka or Nandisaraka and the Girivili and Dêyathali,
13 As I have already remarked (see Vol. XXXI. above, p. 254, note 7), there is a somewhat unusual mark at the top of the ma, to the right. It does not seem to be intended for a long 4. Nor, as far as I could see when I had the original plate before me, does it seem to be part of an imperfootly formed anusvára.
The actual reading presented in the text, is samudr3, as given by Dr. Bühlor. And I know, from my own transcription, that the anusvára exists in the original, and has not been simply evolved in the preparation of the lithograph. A name Samundra might easily be imagined, as an intermediate form between an original Sanipadraka and a modern name which might appear either as 'Sondarna' (see Vol. XXXI. above, p. 363), or as 'Samadra or Samádra,' which latter name does occur in the Mehmadâbâd taluka of the Kaira district. But, in addition to other considerations, the absence of the word grama, which is attached in the other instances in the text, makes it certain that samudra, 'the sea,' really was intended.
14 Vol. X. above, p. 277.6.
15 See Vol. XXXI. above, p. 254 f.
16 Nor, it is hardly necessary to say, anywhere else.

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of the record. And we can only arrive at the conclusion that these three villages all lay quite close to the coast, where the maps shew a few villages of the Sachin State and some large islands or banks on one of which there is a hamlet named. Kádi Phaliya,' close on the north-west of Dunias, '17 and that they have all disappeared in the course of timo. They may have been absorbed into Dumas' and Bhimpur.' Or they may have been washed away and destroyed by encroachments of the Tapti and the sea.
But the identifications of Kantâragrâma with Katargam or Kattargam, and of the river Madavi with the Mindhola,' and the mention of the sea, are sufficient to make it quite certain that this record is to be localised here, between the mouths of the Tapti and the Mindhola.' The places mentioned in the spurious Uméta plates which purport to have been
issued in A. D. 478. This record is No. 23 in the List of Spurions Records given by me in Vol. XXX. above, p. 214 ff. It has been edited, as a genuine record, by Dr. Bühler, in Vol. VII. above, p. 61 ff., with a lithograph. From the information given by him, we know that the original plates were obtained in 1875 by the Rev. J. Taylor at Umota in the Kaira district of Gujarat, Bombay Presidency. This place is on the west bank of the river Mahi, about ten miles towards the south east-by-east from Borsad, the head quarters of the Borsad tåluka of the Kaira district. The record, however, has no real connection with that locality.
The record purports to have been issued, -- rijaya-vikshepát Bharukachchha-prad vara-nâsakat (read vâsakat), - "from the victorious cantonment situated (lit., dwelling, abiding, halting) before the gates of Bharukachobha," that is, of Broach. And it claims that, on a specified day in the month Vaisakha, Saka-Samvat 400 (expired), falling in April, A. D. 478, the Gurjara prince Dadda II. granted to a Brahman, for the maintenance of the bali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihátra, panchamahayajña, and other (unspecified) rites, a village (gráma) named Niguda, lying (antahpatin) in a territorial division which is mentioned as the Kamaniya bodasatam bhukti. Regarding the word dadasalan, thus presented, reference may be male to page 49 above
The alleged grantee is described as the Bhalla Madhava (for Madbava), son of the Bhatta Mahidhara (which name may, or may not be taken as standing for Mahidbara, with the long 1).18 His alleged father is described as dwelling (vástavya) at Kanyakubja, and as being a member of the community of Chaturvédins of that place, and as belonging to the Vasisbtha gôtra, and as being a student of the Bahvricha (school of the Rigveda). And we may, no doubt, take it that the Kanyakubja thus mentioned is Kanauj, in the Farukhabad district in the United Provinces of Agra and Oude, and that there is no confusion in this record between Kanyakubja-Kanauj and the name Korņakubja which the Girnar Mahatmya would put forward as a former name of Junagadh in Kathiawâr.19
In specifying the boundaries of Niguda, the record places on the east a village (grama) named Vaghauri. On the south, it places a village named Phalahavadra. On the west, it places a village named Vihana. And, on the north, it places a village named Dahithali.
This record has been localised by Dr. Bühler.20 Kamaniya is used in it as another form of the name of the ancient Karmandya and Kammanijja, 21 which is the modern Kamrej, the headquarters of the Kamrêj subdivision of the Nausâri division of the Barcda territory; it is on the south bank of the Tapti, and is to be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 17', long. 73° 2'. And, as pointed out by Dr. Bühler, Niguda is a village which is shewn as Nagod' in the same Atlas sheet and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 34 (1882) of Gujarat, ten and
17 The Atlas sheet places this hamlet on the mainlad. But the Trigonometrical sheet makes it quite cloar that it is on an island.
1* The whole passage specifying the alloged grantee and his father, has been quoted in Vol. XXXI. above, p. 337. 19 See Yol. XXXI. above, p. 352, note 12. 30 Vol. XVII, above, p. 184. 21 See Vol. XXXI, above, p. 393.

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a half miles east-south-east-a-quarter-south from Kâmrej; Phalahavadra is the Moti Phalod' of the two maps, about one mile on the south-east of 'Nagod;' Vihana is the Vihan' of the Atlas sheet, and the Vihán' of the Trigonometrical sheet, one mile and a half west-north-west from 'Nagod;' and Dahithali is the Dethli' of the two maps, one mile on the north of Nagod.' The maps do not present any name corresponding exactly to that of Vaghauri. Immediately on the east of Nagod,' they place a village the name of which is given as Rudhwara' in the Atlas sheet, and as Rudhwárs' in the Trigonometrical sheet. And Dr. Bühler considered it "not improbable that this "name is a mistake for Vaghvârâ, caused by the resemblance of the syllables rudh and vagh it "written with Gujarati characters;" and he added "Vaghvârâ might be the representative of Vaghauri." 22 That may be the case. Or, possibly, the name of Vaghauri may be partially preserved in that of the Waghecha Kadod' and Waghechha Kadod' of the maps, about two miles further towards the east from Nagod.' However, the identification of the other three surrounding villages makes quite certain the identification of Niguda with 'Nagod.'
The places mentioned in the spurious Bagumra plates which purport to have
been issued in A. D. 493.
This record is No. 34 in the List of Spurious Records given by me in Vol. XXX. above, p. 214 ff. It has been edited, as a genuine record, by Dr. Bühler in Vol. XVII. above, p. 183 ff., with a facsimile lithograph. And the first of the references given by him, in his introductory remarks, shews that the original plates were found, in 1881, along with some others, in excavating temporary kitchens for a large wedding-feast at Bagumra in the Palsânâ subdivision of the Nausâri division of the Baroda territory in Gujarât, Bombay Presidency. The record claims a grant of the village of Bagumra itself. And it, therefore, does belong to the locality where it was obtained.
The record purports, like the spurious Umêtâ plates, to have been issued, vijaya-vikshêpât Bharukachchha-prad våra-násakât (read vasakât), "from the victorious cantonment situated before the gates of Bharukachchha," that is, of Broach. And it claims that, on a specified day in the month Yêshtha (meaning Jyêshtha or Jyaishtha), Saka-Samvat 415 (expired), falling in May, A. D. 493, the Gurjara prince Dadda II. granted to a Brahman, for the maintenance of the bali, charu, vaisvadéva, agnihotra, panchama hayajña, and other (unspecified) rites, a village (grama) named Tatha-Umbara, lying (anta ḥpatin) in some territorial division regarding which reference may be made to the next paragraph but one.
The alleged grantee is described as the Bhatta Govinda, son of the Bhatta Mahidhara, 23 As in the spurious Umêtâ plates, dealt with above, the alleged father is described as dwelling (vástavya) at Kanyakubja, that is, Kanauj, and as being a member of the community of Chaturvedins of that place. But the other details differ; and he is further described as belonging to the Kausika gótra, and as being a student of the Chhandôga (school of the Sâmavêda). And it would seem, therefore, that the grant of Tatha-Umbarâ was not claimed for a brother of the person to whom the grant of Niguda is said to have been made.
The village of Tatha-Umbarâ, claimed by these plates, is described in line 17 of the text as :Tatha-Umbar-âhârâdvali [éa]-antaḥpâti-Tatha-Umbarâ-grâmô. And here there is certainly a reference to a territorial division of some kind or another. Dr. Bühler proposed to render these words as meaning that the village was "situated in the dháradvalisa or district of Tatha-Umbarâ;" finding in them a word dvalisa or advalisa which, he suggested, might possibly be a corruption of dvddasan, and might be intended to indicate that the dhara consisted of twelve villages.24 To this, however, there is the objection that any such word ought to have been placed before the word dhára, and the text ought to have run: Tatha-Umbarâ-dvaliá-âbâr-ântaḥpâti, &c. On the other hand, the syllables
31 Vol. XVII. above, p. 184, note 6.
The construction of the passages specifying the alleged grantee and his father, is similar to that used in the corresponding passage in the spurious Umêt& plates, which has been quoted in Vol. XXXI. above, p. 887. 24 See Vol. XVII. above, p. 188 6, and note 3.

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Dalissa) are strongly suggestive oi sotne reference to place which is mentioned as Balisa in the Bagamrå plates of A. D. 655 and as Valise in one of the Bagumri records of A. D. 915, and which is the modern Wanesa' of the mape, five miles south-east-by-east from Bagamra.25 But, to the supposition that the writer of the record intended to mention & Valisa dadra and to place TathaUmbará in it, there is the objection that there ought not to have been any mention of Tatha-Umbara at the beginning of the passage, and the text ought to have ron: - Valis-Ahår-antahpâti-Tatha, Umbará-gramo. I am somewhat inclined to think that the text is faulty between dhara and antahpati, and that what was really intended may have been :- Tatha-Umbar-ábára-vishay-ântahpâtiTatha-Umbara-grâmô, -" the village of Tatha-Umbará lying in the Tatha-Umbará dhdrariahaya."20 It is, however, impossible to decide finally, at present, what may really have been meant.
In specifying the boundaries of Tatha-Umbara, the record places on the cast a village (grama) the name of which is plainly presented, not as Ushilathana as given in the published text, but as Dashilathana, for Dashilathana. On the south, it places a village named Ishi. On the west, it places a village named Sadkiya. And, on the north, it places a village named Jaravadra.
This record, also, has been localised by Dr. Bühler. Taths-Umbara is the modern Bagumra itself, in the Palsânâ subdivision of the Nausâri division of the Baroda territory; it is to be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 28, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 8', long. 73° 8', about four miles northby-east from Passana, and nine and a half miles south-by-east from Kamrej, the position of which has been specified on page 52 above. Dashilathana is the Destan' of the same map, and the
Dastan of the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 34 (1882) of Gujarat, about two miles east-northcast from Bagumri. As indicated by Dr. Bühler, the Trigonometrical sheet shews Ied (old sito), answering to the Ishi of the record, about two miles south-south-east from Bagumra and half a mile on the south-east of a place which it marks as "Tájpar (old site).'30 And, also as indicated by him, Sadkiya is the Sanki' of the Atlas skeet, and the 'Sánd of the Trigonometrical sheet, one mile on the south-west of Bagumra, and Jara vadra is a village, about one mile and a half on the north of Bagumra, the name of which is given as 'Jolwa' in both the maps. To this, I have to add that the name of the latter place is given in the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879) as 'Jorwa,' with r instead of 1, and that the existence of this variant of it is fully borne out by the Sanskritised name presented in the present record, though that name would more correctly represent a modern Jarod.
Oi the prefix bag in the modern name Bagumrâ, I have suggested an explanation in Vol. XXXI. above, p. 397 f. Dr. Bühler was inclined to look upon the prefix tatha, attached to the old name of the village in the present record, as possibly a corruption of the Sanskpit tirtha and the Prakrit titha.31 I am more disposed to connect it with the name of a neighbouring village, which is shewn as Tantithais' in the Atlas sheet and as 'Tántithaia' in the Trigonometrical sheet. The lands of this
* Ses Vol. XXXI, above, p. 897.
# Conaparo, for instance, the expression " the Karmanêya 6hdravishaya" in line 21 of the Surat plates of A. D. 192 and in line 88 of the Nauart plates of A D. 739; see the Proceedings of the Seventh Oriental Congress, Pp. 926,293.
# An inspection of the lithograph will shew at once that the first akshara is oertainly not the initial u, which we ievo very plainly twice in Umbard in the preceding line, and again in ubhaga, line 8, and in udak-átisargėna, line 23, and that it can only be the dental d, or possibly the lingaald. There can bardly be any doubt that, in the sacond component of the name, a long has carelessly been omitted there are various son of that omission in this record, for instance, immediately after this word, there is grama or gramath by mistake for grom , and thana is a frequent ending of place-Dames in Gujarat. * Vol. XVII. sbeze, . 184 a.
It is difficult to understand how Dr. Bühler, having the Trigonometrical sheet apparently in his own hands, came to overlook the existence of Dastán,' aud so failed to detect the right reading of the name in line 18 of the text. Reading Ushilathana, he proposed to find, not the place itself, but a survival of its Dame, in "probably "Dow settlement, founded by the inhabitants of Ushilathana when the site to the east of Bagumri was abandoned." in the Chalthán' of the Survey shoot, about two and a half miles west-by-north from Bagumri. * 'lui' and 'Tájpur' Cro Dot shewn in the Atlas sboot.
11 Vol. XVII. above, p. 184 b.

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village are contiguous with those of Bagamre, and probably were originally part of the lands of Bagumrå. Its village-site is about one mike north-west-by-west from the village site of Bagamra. And its name would furnish to the person who fabricated this record, a convenient means for distinguishing the ancient Umbara, before the time when it acquired the prefis bag, from the various other places of the same name.
The places mentioned in the spurious IIAD platos whioh purport to have been
issued in A. D. 405, This record is No. 24 in the List of Spurious Records given by me in Vol. XXX. above, p. 214 ff. It was first edited, as a genuine record, by Dr. R. G, Bhandarkar, in the Jour. BJ. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. X. p. 19 ff. And my own treatment of it has been given in Vol. XIII. above, p. 115 ff., with a lithograph. Dr. Bhandarkar's remarks shew that the original plates were found at, or in the vicinity of, nhac in the Broach district of Gujarat, Bombay Presidency.33 This place is shewu in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), as • Elao,' on the north bank of the river Kim, about seventeen miles south-west from Ankleshwar, the head-quarters of the Ankleshwar tâluka of the Broach district. And the record really does belong to that neighbourhood.
The record purports, like the spurious Umêtê and Bag umrå platos, to have been issued, vijaya-vikshepát Bharukachchha-pradvára-nasakát (read vasakat), " from the victorious cantonment situated before the gates of Bharukachohha," that is, of Broach. And it claims that, on * specified day in the month Y&shtha (meaning Jyêshtha or Jyaishtha), Saka-Saóvat 417 (expired), falling in June, A. D. 495, the Gurjara prince Dadds II. granted to Brâhmag, for the maintenance of the bali, charu, vaivadeva, agnikótra, panchamahdyajna, and other (unspeeified) rites, & village (gráma), the name of which is to be read as Raivam, lying (anta patin) in & territorial division called the Akulesvara vishaye. The name of this village was engraved over some other name, of which two syllables, vari, can be seen in the original plate under the first two syllables of the extant name; and there are some marks in the lithograph, which suggest that the name of the vishaya, also, may have been engraved over something else. The extant name of the village was read by Dr. Bhandarkar as Rachhchbavam ; and by me as either Raidbar or Raivan, with a preference for Raidha. That it should be taken as Raiva“, was subsequently shewn by Dr. Bühler.4
The alleged grantee is described as the Bhatta Narayana (for Narayaqa), son of the Bhatta Govinda,36 His alleged father is described, in a passage which was partially engraved over a cancelled passage, as dwelling (vastavya) at Abhichchhatra, and as being a member of the community of Chaturveins of that place, and as belonging to the Kasyapa gôtra, and as being a student of the Bahvpicha (school of the Rigveda). The name Abhiohchhatra, thus presented, is, no doubt, a mistake for the Ahichohhattra of various other epigraphic records and of Sanskrit literature. Tradition or legend presents more than one place named Abichchhattra; for instance, the Bhairanmatti inscription, put together in the period A. D. 1069 to 1076, speaks of an Ahichchhattra on an island of the river Siodha, that is, the Indus. But there can be little doubt, if any, that
13 In his opening remarks, Dr. Bhandarkar denoribed the record as having been found "in a village in the Surat Collectorate ;" see Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 19. . But his rabeequent remarks, on page 24, specify "Elao" as the place in the vicinity of which the copper plate was found," and make it quito olear that the villago moant is Ilho in the Broach distriot. * See Vol. XIII. above, p. 117, note 8.
See pago 58 below. # The construction of the page speoifying the alleged grantes and his father, is similar to that need in the corresponding passage in the spurions Umēta plates, which has been quoted in Vol. XXXI. above, p. 337.
Ep. Ind. Vol. III. Pp. 231, 236. I do not remember, now, whenoo I obtained the meaning of region' for the word kurwa, in line 19 of the text. The Bor. Dr. Kittel's Kannads-Englsh Dictionary gives that word the meaning of an island. - For some other references to one or more places named Alichohhattis, see my Dynasties of the Kanarose Dietricts (in the Gas, Bo. Pres. Vol. I. Part II.), p. 560 and moto 11, and p. 51. An emigrant from Ahiobohhattra is mentioned in the Ujjain plates of A. D. 994 or 975; no Vol. VI. above, p. 68. A territorial division onlled the Ahichohhetted bluki so mentioned in the Bapakhera plate of Haraha vardhana: 106 Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 210.

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the Ahichchhattra mentioned here is the place called 'O-hi-chi-ta-lo by Hiuen Tsiang,37 which General Sir A. Cunningham localised, by means of an old fort still known as Ahich hatr, but also called Adikot in connection with a local legend about a king named Adiraja, near Ramnagar in the Bareilly district in the United Provinces of Agra and Oude.34
In specifying the boundaries of RAivam, the record places on the east & village (gråmu) named Väranera, for Varandra. On the south, it places a river (nadi) named Varanda. On the west, it places a village the name of which it gives as Sunthavaqaka, perhaps by mistake for Sunthavalaka with the long & in the antepenultimate syllable. And, on the north, it places a village named Araluach.
It was easily recognised that the mention of the territorial division called the Akule vara vishaya localises this record somewhere near the modern Ankleshwar, the head-quarters of the Ankleshwar tâluka of the Broach district. This town is shewn as · Ankleshwar' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), in lat. 21° 37', long. 73° 2'. It is on the south of the Narbada, and about four miles south of the town of Broach which is on the north bank of that river. The following remarks may here be made in respect of the territory formerly attached to Ankleshwar. The territorial division is mentioned by the earlier name of the Akrür@bvara vishaya in the Kaira plates of A. D. 629,99 and, no doubt, in also the Kairs plates of A. D. 634, where, however, the published lithograph fails to shew the vowel û and presents the name as Akrarēśvara.s0 And the name of the town is presented as Amkülêávara, for Ankale vara, in the Bagumri plates, of doubtful authenticity, which purport to have been issued in A. D. 888. It would seem that it was not long before A. D. 629 that a territory was attached to, and named after, the town of AkrûrêsvaraAnkleshwar; for, the Suner Kalla' plates of the Mahdodmanta and Maharaja Sarigamasiha, dated in the (Kalachurl or Obedi) year 292 (expired), with details falling in A, D 541, place a village named Sônavvå, which is plainly either the Sunko-Kala' or the Sunko-Khurad' of the Atlas sheet, about fourteen miles south-west from Ankleshwar, in s territory to which they give the name of Antar-Narmada vishaya, meaning, most probably, the conntry on both sides of the lower part of the Narbeda, rather than simply the country on the south of that river.
So much, regarding the general locality to which the record belonged, was evident. But it remained for Dr. Bühler to identify the village claimed by it. He decided that the record must be taken as presenting the name of that village 48 Raivam. He identified the place with a village, . about twelve and a half miles south-west-by-west from Ankleshwar, which is shewn as Rayamal in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), and as 'Ráyamál' in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 13 (1878) of Gujarat, and the name of which he wrote as Rayamal, with the long & in all three syllables. And he explained that its name must have been derived from Raivakamala, meaning "the field of Raivaka (in Sanskrit, Rajivaka)" or perhaps the lotus (rdjiva) field," and that the form Raivan must have been an abbreviation of the form Riivamäla, with an omission of the second component of the name as in the case of Bhima for Bhimasena. It then became certain that varandra, on the east of Raivan, which Dr. Bhandarkar had said seems to be Walner.' is the Walner' and 'Wálner' of the maps, the village-site of which is about one mile and half towards the north-east from the village-site of Røyâmal, and that the river Varanda, on the
Beal's Siyuki, Yol. I. p. 200. 11 Archaol. Suro. Ind. Vol. I. p. 285 #: and Ane. Geo. p. 369 ff., and see the map at p. 327.
3 Vol. XIII, above, p. 84, line 83; and see the lithograph attached to Prof. Dowson's article in Jour. R. A.. Soc., X. 8., Vol. I. p. 247 . I am quoting, however, from a facsimile lithograph, prepared under my own direction from the original plate but not yet published.
** Ibid. p. 20, line 88; and see the lithograph attached to Prof. Dowson's article. *1 Vol. XIII. above, p. 67, plato ii. b, line 3; and see the corrected traumoript on p. 68. *Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 211 ti. ** See Yol XVII, above, p. 198, note 87.
Dr. Bhandarkar, reading this name as Rachchbayan, said that it " appears to be the modern Bacheed;" see Jow. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 24. I cannot, bowever, find any such place as 'Racheed.'

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57
south of Raivam, which Dr. Bhandarkar had said seems to be the. Wand Kharee,' is a small river or large nullah, flowing immediately on the south of Riyamål, the name of which, not entered in the maps, was written by Dr. Bühler Wand Kheri.' And Dr. Bühler identified Araluan, on the north of Raivam, with the 'Alwa' of the maps, the village-site of which is ubout two miles due north of the village-site of RAyamål. As was indicated by Dr. Böhler, the maps do not shew, in this locality, any name answering to the Sunthavaqaka or Sun havadaks of the record, on the west. of Raivam. Two miles towards the north-west from Râyâmål, they shew a village Sayan,'. Sáyan.' But he considered this to be a probably a new settlement." The places mentioned in the spurious Mudiyanur plates which purport to have been
issued in A. D. 888. I have given the preceding four notes as a preliminary to a full exposition of the sparious nature of the Umêta, Bagumra, and Ilað records. I do not purpose dealing at present with the spurions records of Mysore in the same way. Before they can be conveniently treated in full, we require to bave accurate and critical editions of at any rate some of them. One step, however, is to localise them, as far as possible, by an exact identification of the places mentioned in them. And it is convenient to give here a note on one of them from that point of view.
This record is No. 47 in the List of Spurious Records given by my in Vol. XXX. above, p. 214 ff. It has been edited by Mr. Rice in Vol. XV. above, p. 172 ff. And, from his remarks, we know that the original plates were found at Mudiyanar, in the Muļbagal taluka of the Kolar district, Mysore.
The record claims that, on a specified day in the month Karttika of the Vilambin saxpatsura, Saka-Samvat 261 (current), falling in October, A, D, 338, and in the twenty-third year of his reign, an alleged Bâna king Srivadhůvallabha-Malladêva-Nandivarman, whose first biruda is presenteil in lines 50 and 51 f. in also the simpler form of Vadhůvallabha, granted to twenty-five Brâhmaņs16 a village (grama) named Mudiyanar in the Hodali vishaya.
It states that, when he made this alleged grant, Nandivarman was at a town named Avanyapura. And, in the passage specifying the boundaries of Mudiyanur, mention is made, amongst a variety of details, of the following places, easily capable of identification : on the east, (a rilloge. named) Kuladipa ;47 somewhere on the south and west, a village named Uttagrama, and (a rillage named) Kottamangals; somewhere on the north of them, a village named Kolattar; and then, again, Kuladipa, somewhere towards the south-east from Kolattar. As was pointed out by Mr. Rice in publishing the record, the village claimed, and the other places named above, still exist and can be identified. And it only remains for me to complete the matter, by shewing exactly where they are, and by correcting a misreading of another place-name, of some interest, which is mentioned in the same passage.
The Avanyapura of this record is the modern Åvani, in the Mulbagal taluka of the Kolar district, Mysore. It is shewn as Awnee' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 78 (1891), and as Ávani' in the Madras Survey sheet No. 171 (1890), and as 'Avani' in the Atlas quarter-sheet No. 78.
65 The same name, Sunthavadaks, no doubt survives in the case of a village the name of which is given as Santhwad' in the Postal Directory of the Bombay Cirole (1879), and as 'Sathwad' in the Indian Atlas wheet No. 23, S. E. (1888). It is five miles north-north-east from Chikhll, the headquarters of the Chikhil taluka of the Surat distriot. And in Vol. XIII, above, p. 116, at a time when I had not any maps to refer to. I suggested that this Sunthwad' might perhaps be the Sunthavadaka or Bupthay Adaka of the record. But none of the other place-napos, mentioned in the record, are to be found thera, and this 'Sunthwad' is some fifty-fve miles away towarda the south-by-east from Ankleshwar, with the rivers Kim, Tapti, Mindhola, Párna, and Ambika intervoning, and it has, of course, no connection with the present record.
16 Names and other details are put forward in respeot of only four of them.
47 The original seems to have the short i in the third syllable of this name in all the four places in whioh it is mentioned.
4 Yol. XV. abore, p. 172 a, p. 175. a.

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N. W. (1901), in which it stands in lat. 13° 6', long. 78° 23', five and a half miles south-west !rom Mulbagal. Of two other records, at Āvani itself, one, of the tenth century A, D., mentions the place as Åveny-avasthana, “the residing, abiding or dwelling-(place), Åvani," and the other, of later date, mentions it as Åvanya.
Hodali is, no doubt, the Wodly' of the Atlas full-sheet, and the Hodali' of the Madras Survey sheet No. 170 (1890) and of the Atlas quarter-sheet, in the Srinivåspur tiuka of the Kolar district. It is in lat. 13° 21', long. 78° 19', about four miles east-north-east from Srinivåspur. In the Atlas full-sheet, - which is really the original sheet of 1828, "with additions to 1891" which apparently consist of nothing but an insertion of the railways, - Wodly' is marked as a fortified village, and is shewn in large type, just the fame as 'Awnee' and Moolwagle,' as if it was a more important place then than now. And the same remarks apply to the Wootnoor' which is men. tioned below. It may be added that a comparison of the full-sheet with the quarter-sheet shews, in that neighbourhood, numerous discrepancies, not simply in spelling, but in the actual names of places. This suggests, either that the original sheet was exceptionally imperfect and inaccurate, or else that many of the local names have completely changed in the course of the nineteenth century.
The name of Mudiyantr is not shewn in the Atlas full-sheet ; but it is shewn in the Survey sheet No. 171, and in the Atlas quarter-sheet, as 'Madiyanur,' - with a, not u, in the first syllable, -six and a half miles north-west-half-west from Muļbâgal, and nine and a half miles southsouth-east-a-quarter-sonth from Hodali. The village is mentioned as Mudiyanar in line 28 of the text. In line 51, its name is presented as Chadagrama, - with the short a in the second syllable, -- evidently, becanse the Kanarese mudi has the same meaning with the Sanskrit chúda,
the hair on the top of the head, the single lock or tuft left on the crown of the head after ton-ure. But the name of the village was probably derived from that of a man called Mudiya.
of the other places, Kuladipa is the modern Koldovi' of the Survey sheet No. 170, and of the Atlas quarter-sheet, about three miles towards the east-north-east from Mudiyanûr. Kottaman. gala is the 'Kottemangale,' - with e, not a, in the second syllable, -of the Survey sheet No. 171, and of the Atlas quarter-sheet, four and a half miles on the west of Mulbagal, and four miles southby-east from Mudiyanür. Uttagråma is probably the 'Wootnoor' of the Atlas full-sheet, and the •Utnur,' probably meaning Uttantr, of the Survey sheet No. 171, and of the Atlas quarter-sheet, two miles on the south-west of Mudiyanür ; but it may possibly be the Wotoor of the Atlas fullsheet, and the Huttur' of the Survey sheet No. 171 and of the Atlas quarter-sheet, about eight iniles south-south-west-half-west from Mudiyanür. And Kolattor is the Kolatur' of the Survey sheet No. 170, and of the Atlas quarter-sheet, two and a half miles towards the north-west-by-north from Mudiyanûr.
The passage specifying the boundaries of Mudiyanûr mentions also, and locates somewhere on the sonth-east of that village, a hill, the name of which, in line 30-31 of the text, has been misread as Kanakadvaraparvata, and has been supposed to be "a translation of some vernacular name like Sonnabagila," which would mean 'gold-gate. From the ink-impressions, which I made from the original plates for an inspection of which I was indebted to Mr. Rice, I find that the name given in the original is distinctly Kantakadvarsparvata. The word Kantakadvara is the exact Sanskrit translation of the Kanarese Mulbagil, Malubagalu, thorn-gate.' And we thus see that the name of the town was quite correctly indicated as Mulbîgal in Mr. Rice's Mysore and Coorg, Vol. II. (1876), in the appendix which gives the names of places in Kanarege characters as well as in ordinary spelling, - a very useful feature wh'ch has been omitted in the revised edition of that work, - and that the statement, made on page 129 of that book and repeated in Mysore, Vol. II. (1897), p. 143, that the name is "more properly Madla-bagalu, eastern gate, so called from being situated at "the eastern pass from the table-land of Mysore to the temple of Tirupati," is erroneous. The Kantakadvaraparvata is evidently the hill, 3668 feet high, with a fort on it, which the mape shew immediately on the north-west of the town of Mulbagal.
.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
It may be added that some of the names presented in this record are not unique. There is a Mudiyanur' in the Satyamangalam taluka of Coimbatore ; and another in the Kallakurchi tâluks, and another in the Tirukoilur tâluka, of South Arcot. There is a Hodaly,' or Hadli,' in the Malavelli tâluka of the Mysore district. There is a Kuladipamangalam' in the Tirukoilur taluks of South Arcot; and a Koladevi' in the Malûr talaka of the Kôlår district. Kolattar is a name of frequent occurrence. And there are, or were, at least two or three other places named Kottamaugala in Mysore,
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI, INCLUDING HINDÓSTANI.
BY G. A. GRIERSON, C.L.E., P.D., D.Lurr., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 25.) In the following lists I have taken special care to include everything written by Garcia de Tassy. In this respect I bave to acknowledge the assistance which has been kindly rendered to me by Monsieur J. Vinson. With his belp I trust that I have been able to offer not unworthy tribute to the memory of the great French scholar :
SECTION I. - GENERAL. Arnot, Sandford; and Forbos, Danoan, - On the Origin and Structure of the Hindoostance
Tongue, or General Language of British India, London, 1828. Garoin do Tassy, Joseph Hóliodoro, Mémoire sur les Partioularités de la Religion Musulmane
dans l'Indo. Reprinted from Journal Asiatique. Paris, 1831 : 2nd Ed...
Paris, 1869, Notice sur les Fêtes populaires des Hindous, d'après les Ouvrages hindoustanies.
Reprinted from the Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1884. Notice sur des Vêtements avec des Inscriptions arabes, per sanes, et hindoustanies.
Journal Asiatique. Paris, 1838. (Reprinted in 1878 in the Mémoire
sur les Noms propres, etc.). Histoire de la Littérature hindou et hindoustani, par M. Garcin de Tassy
..... Tome I., Biographie et Bibliographie, Paris (printed under the Auspices of the Oriental Translation Committee of Great Britain and Ireland), 1839. Tome II., Extraits et Analyses, ib. 1847. Secondo édition ... augmentée. 8 tom. Paris, 1870-71. (Reviewed by Ed. Lancereau in Journal Asiatique, IV., ix. (1847), pp. 447 and ff. Algo Anon., Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft,
I. (1847), pp. 360 and f.) Les Auteurs hindoustanis et leurs Ourrages d'après Biographies originales,
par M. Garon de Tassy. Paris, 1855 (Extract from the Revue Contem
poraine, T. xxii.): 2nd Edn. Paris, 1868. Notice des Biographies originales des Autours qui ont écrit en Langu
indienne ou hindoustanie, par M. Garcin de Tassy, lue à l'Académie dos Inscriptions et Belles Lettres de l'Institut de France. Paris, 1856. Tarikh-e Shu'ara-e Urda. A History of Urdt Poets, chiefly translated
finto Urda) from Garcin de l'assy'. Histoire de la Littérature hindoui et hindoustani,' by S. Fallon and Moonebee Kareem ooddeen. Delhi, 1848.

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(FEBNU ART, 1908.
Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore, - Sáadi, Auteur des premières Poésies hindoustanies,
Journal Asiatique, IV., 1. (1843), pp. 5 and fr. Separate reprint, Paris,
same date. Newbold, T.J., -Lettre à M. Garcín de Tassy, membre de l'Institut.
au sujet de sa notice intitulée: Saadi, Auteur des premières Poémica
hindoustanies. Journal Asiatique, IV., i. (1848), pp. 361 and ff. Discours à rouverture de son Cours d'Hindoustani à l'École des Langues
Orientales Vivantes. Paris, 1850 (4 pp.), 1851 (8 pp.), 1852 (8 pp.), 1853 (16 pp.), 1854 (8 pp.), 1855 (16 pp.), 1856 (8 pp.), 1857 (16 pp.), 1859 (30 pp.), 1861, February (16 pp.), 1861, December (15 pp.), 1862 (20 pp.), 1863 (31 pp.), 1864 (27 pp.), 1865 (35 pp.), 1866 (47 pp.), 1867 (40 pp.), 1868 (78 pp.), 1869 (38 pp.). 2nd Edition of preceding, under title of La Langue et la Littérature hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869.
Paris, 1874. La Langue et la Littérature hindoustanies, Revue annuelle; Paris, 1871
(48 pp.), 1872 (83 pp.), 1878 (109 pp.), 1874 (86 pp.), 1875 (116 pp.),
1876 (127 pp.), 1877 (178 pp.), 1878 (104 pp.). Mémoire sur les Noms propres et les Titres musulmanes, Paris, 1854 : 2nd
Ed., Paris, 1878. Les Femmes Poëtes dans l'Inde (Revue de l'Orient). Paris, 1854. Discours de M. Garcin de Tassy à la Société d'Ethnographie, le 27 Férrier
1865. Paris, 1867, Origine et Diffusion de 'Hindoustani appelée Langue Générale ou
Nationale de l'Inde. (Mémoire de l'Académie de Caen.) Caon, 1871.
See Bland, N.; Deloncle, François. Seton-Karr, W.8., - The Urdu Language and Literature. Caloutta Review, Vol. IV. (1845)
(No. 8, Art. 8). Bayers, W., - The Hindi Language: Thomson's Dictionary. Calcutta Review, Vol. IX. (1848)
(No. 18, Art. 3). Bertrand, l'Abbé, - Notice sur plusieurs Ouvrages hindouis et hindoustanis récemment arrivés de
l'Inde. Journal Asiatique, IV., xvi. (1850), pp. 258 and ff. Kay, Bov. W.,- On the Connection of the Dative and accusative Cases in Bengali and Hindustani.
Journal of the Asiatic Society. of Bengal, Vol. XXI. (1852), pp. 105 and ff.
Bland, N., - Lettre à M. Garcin da Tassy, sur Mas'oud, Poëte persan et hindoui. Journal
Asiatique, V., ii. (1853), pp. 356 and ff. Zonker, Dr. Th., - Bibliotheca Orientalis. Manuel de Bibliographie Orientale. Vol. II., Con
tenant . .. . Littérature de l'Inde . . . . . . . .
Leipzig, 1861. Neueste Hindustani-Literatur. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen
Gesellschaft, Vol. XIX. (1865), pp. 599 and ff. Bajöndra Lal Mitre, - On the Origin of the Hindvi Language and its Relation to the Urdu
Dialect. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXIII. (1864), Pp. 469 and ff.; 489 and I.

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J
A
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
61
Beamos, J., - Outlines of a plea for the Arabic Element in official Hindustani. Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXV. (1866), Pt. I., pp. 1 and ff. . . On the Arabic Element in official Hindustani. 16. Vol. XXXVI. (1867),
Pt. I., pp. 145 and ff. On the Present Position of Old Hindi in Oriental Philology. Indian Antiquary,
Vol. I. (1872), p. 2. Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India : to wit, Hindi,
Panjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi, Oriya, and Bangali. Three Voll.
London, 1872-79. Growo, F. 8., - Some Objections to the modern Style of Oficial Hindustani. Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXV. (1866), Pt. I., PP. 172 and ff. On the Non-Aryan Element in Hindi Speech. Indian Antiquary, Vol. I. (1872),
p. 103. The Etymology of local Names in Northern India, as exemplified in the District
of Mathura. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLIII.
(1874), Pt. I., PP. 324 and ff. Hoernle, A. F. Rudolf, Essays in Aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLI., Pt, I. (1872), pp. 120 and ff.; Vol. XLII., Pt. I. (1878), pp. 59 and ff.; Vol. XLIII.,
Pt. I. (1874), pp. 22 and ff. A Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages, with special reference
to the Eastern Hindi. Accompanied by a Language Map and a Table of Alphabets. London, 1880. A Collection of Hindi Roots, with Remarks on their Derivation and Classifica
tion - Calcutta, 1880, and Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society,
Vol. XLIX. (1880), Pt. I., pp. 33 and ff. Campbell, Sir J., - Specimens of Languages of India, including those of the Aboriginal Tribes
of Bengal, the Central Provinces, and the Eastern Frontier. Calcutta,
1874. (Hindee on pp. 2 and ff.) Bato, J. D., - Notes on the Hindi Language. Calcutta Review, Vol. LXI. (1876) (No. 120, Art. 11). Brandreth, E. L., - The Gaurian compared with the Romance Languages. Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XI. (N, S.) (1879), pp. 287 and ff., 385 and ff. Deloncle, François, - Catalogue des Livres Orientaux composant la Bibliothèque de M. Garcin
de Tassy : Suivi du Catalogue des Manuscrits hindustanis, persans, arabes,
turcs. Paris, 1879. Lyall, C. J., - Hindustani Literature. (Article in Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th Edition.
Vol. XI. pp. 843 and if. Edinburgh, 1880.) Soott, Rev. T., - Hindustani Poets and Poetry. Calcutta Review, Vol. LXXII. (1881), p. 195. Muhammad usain (Azād), - T (Ab-e Hayat). [An account of well-known Hindos
tânî poets and their writings.] 2nd Edition, Labore, 1883. (I have failed
to trace the 1st Edition.) Bhandarkar, Ramkrishna Gopal, - Development of Language and Sanskrit. Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society (Bombay Branch), Vol. XVI. (1883-85), pp. 245 and ff.

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FEBRUARY, 1903.
Bhandarkar, Ramkrishna Gopāl, - Pdli and other Dialects of the Period. Ib. pp. 275 and ff. ,
, Relations between Sanskrit, Páli, the Prakrits and The Modern Vernaculars.
Ib. pp. 314 and ff. »
The Prdkrits and the Apabhrashka. 16. Vol. XVII. (1887-89), Pt. I.,
pp. 1 and ff.
, Phonology of the Vernaculars of Northern India. 16. Pt. II., pp. 99 and ff. Kellogg, S, ., - On the origin of certain Rajput forms of the Substantive Verb in Hindi, by
Prof. S. H. Kellogg, Toronto, Can. Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1888, pp. xvii and ff. In Vol. XIV. of the
Journal of the A, 0. S. Blumhardt, J. F., - Catalogue of Hindustani Printed Books in the Library of the British Museum.
London, 1889. Catalogue of the Library of the India Office. Vol. II., Part II., Hindustani
Books. By J. F. B. London, 1900. Vol. II., Part III., Hindi, Panjabi,
Pushtu, and Sindhi Books. By the same, London, 1902. Catalogues of the Hindi, Punjabi, Sindhi, and Pushtu printed Books in the
Library of the British Museum. London, 1893. Grierson, G. A., - The Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan. Calcutta, 1889. . On the Early Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol. LXII., Pt. I. (1893), PP. 41 and ff.: cf. Teza, E., -Dei primi Studi sulle Lingus indostaniche alle note di G. 4. Grierson :
also Grierson, G. A., in Proceedings, A. S. B., May, 1895. The Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. Zeitschrift der
deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XLIX. (1895), pp. 893
and ff. : Vol. L. (1896), pp. i, and ff. Reprinted, Leipzig, 1895-96. 'Abdu'l-qadir, shēkh, - The new school of Urdu Literature. A critical study of Hali, Azad,
Nazir Ahmed, Ratan Nath Sarskar, and Abdul Halim Sharar, with an Introductory Chapter on Urdu Literature, by Shaikh Abdul Qadir, B.A.
..... Panjab Observer Press, Lahore, 1898. Weitbrecht, Bev. H. U., The Urdu New Testament. A History of its Language and its
Versions. London (British and Foreign Bible Society), 1900. Bayer, T. 8., - See La Croze, Maturin Veyssière, in Introduction. Chamberlayne, J., See La Croze, Maturin Veyssière, in Introduction. Fallon, s. w., - Soe Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Heliodore. Forbes, Duncan, - See Arnot, Sandford. Karimu'd-din, - See Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore. Lancereau, Ed.,- See Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Heliodore. Newbold, T.J. - See Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore. Schultee, Benj., - See Fritz, Johann Friedrich, and Adelung, Johann Christoph, in Introduction. Vater, J. 8., - See Adelung, Johann Christoph, in Introduction, Wilkins, David, See La Croze, Maturin Veyssière, in Introduction Ziegenbalg, See La Croze, Maturin Veyssière, in Introduction.
.

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63
SECTION II. - GRAMMARS, DICTIONARIES, and other helps to the student. Ketelaer, Jo. Joshua, — See Introductory Remarks (1715). Schultze, Benj., - See Introductory Remarks (1744). Hadley, George, - Grammatical Remarks on the practical and vulgar Dialect of the Indostan
Language, commonly called Moors, with a Vocabulary, English and Moors. The Spelling according to the Persian Orthography, wherein are References between Words resembling each other in Sound, and different in Significations, with literal Translations and Explanations of the Compounded Words and Circumlocutory Expressions, for the more easy Attaining the Idiom of the Language. The whole calculated for the common Practice in Bengal. London, 1772; 2nd Edition, London, 1774. 3rd Edition, corrected and enlarged with familiar Phrases and Dialogues, London, 1784.. Fourth Edition, London, 1797. Fifth Edition, A compendious Grammar of the current corrupt Dialect of the Jargon of Hindoostan (commonly called Moors), with a Vocabulary, English and Moors, Moore and English, with References between Words ...., with notes descriptive of various Customs and Manners of Bengal .... by G, H. Corrected and much enlarged by Mirza Mohummud Fitrut, a Native of Lucknow. London, 1801. Another Edition, London, 1804.
Seventh Edition, corrected, improved and much enlarged, London, 1809.
A short Grammar of the Moors Language. London, 1779. Fergusson, J., - A Dictionary of the Hindostan Language. 1.- English and Hindostan.
11.- Hindostan and English. To which is prefixed a Grammar of the
Hindostan Language. London, 1773. (Roman characters.) Anon., - Gramatica Indostana a Mais vulgar que se practica no Imperio do gram Mogol oferecida
aos muitos reverendos Padres Missionarios do ditto Imperio. Em Roma, 1778. Na Estamperia da Sagrada Congregaçao de Propaganda Fide.
Second Edition, Lisboa, 1805. Gilchrist, John Borthwick, - A Dictionary, English and Hindoostanee, in which the Words
are marked with their distinguishing Initials as Hinduwee, Arabic, and Persian, with an Appendix. (In the Roman character.) Calcutta, 1787-96. Hindoostanee Philology, comprising a Dictionary English and Hindoostanee, albo Hindoostanee and English; with a Grammatical Introduction. Second Edition, with many additions and improvements, by Th. Roebuck. Edinburgh, 1810. The same with a Grammatical
Introduction. (Roman characters.) London, 1825. A Grammar of the Hindoostanee Language, or Part Third of Volume First
of a System of Hindoostanee Philology. Calcutta, 1796. The Oriental Linguist, an easy and familiar Introduction to the popular
Language of Hindoostan, comprising the Rudiments of the Tongue, with an extensive Vocabulary, English and Hindoostanee, and Hindoostanee and English; to which is added the English and Hindoostanee part of the Artioles of War (from W. Scott'e translation), with practical Notes and
Observations. Calcutta, 1798. 2nd Edition, Calcutta, 1802. The Anti-jargonist, or a short. Introduction to the Hindoostanee Language
(oalled Moors), comprising the Rudiments of that Tongue, with an extensive Vocabulary English and Hindoostanee, and Hindoostanee and English. Calcutta, 1800, [This is partly an abridgment of the Oriental Linguer.]

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64
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[FEBRUARY, 1903.
Gilchrist, John Borthwiok, - Hindi Exercises for the first and second Examinations in
Hindoostanee, at the College of Fort William. Calcutta, 1801.
New Theory of Persian Verbs, with their Hindoostanee Synonyms in Persian
and English, published under the direction of J. B. G. Calcutta, 1801. 2nd Edition, 1804.
The Stranger's East India Guide to the Hindoostanee, or grand popular
Language of India (improperly called Mooro). Calcutta, 1802. 2nd Edition, London, 1808. Stranger's infallible East-India Guide, or llindoontanee Multum in Parvo, as a grammatical Compendium of the grand popular and military Language of all India (long, but improperly, oalled the Moors or Moorish Jargon). London, 1820. This is a Third Edition of the preceding. (All in the Roman character.)
and Mir 'Abdu'l-lah Miskin, The Hindee Manual, or Casket of India;
compiled for the Uns of the Hindoostan Pupils, under the direction and superintendence of John Gilchrist, by Meer Ubdullah Miskeen. Calcutta, 1802.
Practical Outlines, or a Sketch of Hindoostanee Orthoepy in the Roman
characters. Calcutta, 1802.
The Hindee Roman Orthoepical Ultimatum, or a systematic, discriminative
View of Oriental and Occidental visible Sounds on fixed and practical Principles, for the Languages of the East, exemplified in the popular Story of Sukoontula Natuk. Caleutta, 1804. The Hindee-Roman Orthoepioal Ultimatum . . ... . exemplified in 100 Anecdotes, Tales, Jents, etc., of Hindoostanee Story Tellers. London, 1820. Alalige Hindi], The Hindee Moral. Preceptor; and Persian Scholar's shortest Road to the Hindoostance Language, or vice versa; translated compiled and arranged by learned Natives in the Hindoostanee Department; in the College of Port William, under the direction and superintendence of J. B. G. Calcutta, 1803. (In the Persian character.) The Hindee Moral-Preceptor, or Rudimental Principles of Persian Grammar as the Hindoontanee Scholar', shortest Road to the Persian Language .. . . including the Pundnamu, with an Hindoostanee literal version. London, 1821. (Mostly in the Roman character, A. Reprint of the proceding.) The Hindee-Persic and English Vocabulary connected with the Rudimental Principles of Persian Grammar. London, 1821. (This forms Part II. of the preceding.) Hindee-Arabic Mirror; or improred practical Table of such Arabic Words 118 are intimately connected with a due Knowledge of the Hindoostanee
Language. Calcutta, 1804. The British Indian Monitor, or the Anti-jargoniat, Stranger's Guide, Oriental
Linguist, and various other Works compressed into a Series of portable Volumes, on the Hindoortanee Language, improperly called Moore, with considerable Information respecting Eastern Tongues, Manners, Customs, etc. By the Author of Hindoostanee Philology, etc. Edinburgh, 1806, (Roman characters.)

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FEBRUARY, 1908.)
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
65
Gilchrist, John Borthwick, - Dialogues, English and Hindoostanee, calculated to promote the
colloquial Intercourse of Europeans on the most useful and familiar Subjects, with the Natives of India, upon their Arrival in that country. (In Roman characters.) Second Edition, Edinburgh, 1809. Third Edition, including the Articles of War, London, 1820. Fourth Edition, London, 1826.
The dialogues are intended to illustrate the grammatical principles of the Stranger's East India Guide. An Appendix contains the Sakuntala
(Sukoontula Natuk) of Kaşim Ali Jawān.] Grammar of the Hindoostance Language. Calcutta, 1809. The General East India Guide and Vade-Meoum. London, 1825. See also Bahādur 'Ali Husaini.
Anon.,
The Indian Vocabulary, to which is prefed the forms of Impeachments, London (Joha
Stockdale), 1788.
Balfour, F.,- A Table containing Examples of all the different Species of Infinitires and Participles
that are derived from Tri-literal Verbs, in the Form in which they are used in the Persian, and in the Language of Hindustan. Asiatick Researches,
VOL. II. (1790), pp. 207 and ff. Harris, Henry, - Dictionary, English and Hindoostany: to which is annered a copious and useful
alphabetical List of Propar Names of Mon, Women, Towns, etc., a great Majority of which appear to be of Persian, Arabio or Indian Origin. Madras, 1790. (This is Vol. II, Vol. I. does not seem to have been
issued.] Roberts, T., An Indian Glossary, consisting of some 1,000 Words and Terms commonly useil
in the East Indies, with full Explanations of their respective Meanings, forming an useful Vade-Mecum extremely serviceable in assisting Strangers to acquire with ease and quickness the Language of that Country. London,
1800. Lebedeff, Herasim, 4 Grammar of the pure and mixed East Indian Dyalects, with Dialogues
affired, spoken in all the Eastern Countries, methodically arranged at Calcutta, according to the Brahmenian System, of the Shamscrit Language. Comprehending literal Explanations of the Compound Words, and Circumlocutory Phrases, necessary for the Attainment of the Idiom of that Language, &c. Calculated for the Use of Europeans. With Remarks on the Errors in former Grammars and Dialogues of the Mixed Dialects called Moorish or Moors, written by different Europeans ; together with a Refutation of the Assertions of SIR WILLIAM JONES, respecting the Shamscrit Alphabet ; and several Specimens of Oriental Poetry, published in the Asiatic Researches. London, 1801.
Rousseau, S., - Dictionary of Mohamedan Law, Bengal Revenue Terms, Shanscrit, Hindoo and
other words used in the East Indies, with full explanations. London,
1802 ; 2nd Edition, London, 1805. Taylor, Captain Joseph, and Hunter, William, M.D., - A Dictionary, Hindoostanee an?
English, originally compiled for his own private Use, by Capt. J.T.; revised and prepared for the Press, with the Assistance of learned Natives in the College of Fort William, by W. H. Calcutta, 1808.

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66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
.
[FEBRUAYR, 1903.
Taylor, Captain Joseph, and Smyth, W. Carmichael, - Dictionary, Hindoostance and English,
abridged from the quarto Edition of Captain Joseph Taylor, as edited by the
late W. Hunter. By W. Carmichael Smyth, Esq. London, 1820. Steuert, Charles, - An Introduction to the Study of the Hindostany Language as spoken in the
Carnatic. Compiled for the Use of the Company of Gentlemen Cadets on the Madras Establishment at New Toron, Cuddalore. (? Cuddalore), 1808.
Another Edition, Madras, 1848. Lallü Lal, - General Principles of Inflection and Conjugation in the Bruj Bhak,ha, or the
Language spoken in the Country of Bruj, in the District of Goaliyar, in the Dominions of the Raja of Bhurtpoor, as also in the extensive Countries of Buetwara, Bhudawur, Unter Bed, and Boondelkhund. Composed by Shree Lulloo Lal Kub, B, hak, ba Moonshee in the College of
Fort William, Calcutta, 1811. Amânatu'l-lāh, Maulavi, - Şarf-e Urdú, or Short Grammar of the Hindoostanee Language
written in Hindee Verse. Calcutta, 1810. See Garcin de Tassy. Roebuck, Lieut. Th., An English and Hindostanee Naval Dictionary of technical Terms and
Sea Phrases, as also the various words of Command given in working a Ship, etc., with many sontences of great Use at Sea; to which is prefixed a short Grammar of the Hindoostanee Language. The whole oaloulated to enable the Officers of the Hon. East India Company's and Country Service to give their Orders to the Lascars with that Exactness and Promptitude, which, upon many Occasions, must prove of the greatest Importance Calcutta, 1811. (Roman characters.) Reprint of the same. London, 1813. The Hindoostanee Interpreter, containing the Rudiments of Grammar, an extensive Vocabulary, and a Useful Collection of Dialogues and a Naval Dictionary. Second Edition, revised and corrected by W. Carmichael Smyth. London, 1824 ; 3rd Edition, Paris and London, 1841. A Laskari Dictionary or Anglo-Indian Vocabulary of Nautical Terms and Phrases in English and Hindustani. Chiefly in the Corrupt Jargon in use among Laskars ... Compiled by T. Roebuck, revised by W. Carmichael Smyth and now ... re-edited by G. Small. London, 1882.
See also Gilchrist, John Borthwick, Shakespear, John, - A Grammar of the Hindustani Language. London, 1818. 2nd Edition,
1818. Srd Edition, 1826. 4th Edition, to which is added a short Grammar of the Dakhani. London, 1848. 5th Edition, 1846. Another, 1858. A Dictionary, Hindostani and English. London, 1817. 2nd Edition, London, 1820. 3rd Edition, with a copious Index, fitting the Work also as a Dictionary, English and Hindustani. London, 1834. 4th Edition, greatly enlarged. A Dictionary Hindustani and English and English and
Hindustani, the latter being entirely new. London, 1849.
An Introduction to the Hindustani Language. London, 1845. Anon., - Series of the Hindostany Primitivos. Madras, 1815. Bahadur 'Ali Husaini, Gilchrist Oordoo Risalu. Caloutta, 1820. Another Edition, Caloutta,
1881. Another, Caloutta, 1846. Another, Agra, 1845, etc. (An abstract of Gilchrist's Grammar.]

Page #73

FEBRUARY, 1903.) A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
67 - Muhammad saliḥ, (Mirsā), and Price, Capt. w., - A Grammar of the three principal
Languages, Hindoostanee, Persian and Arabio, on a plan entirely new, and perfectly easy ; to which is added a set of Persian Dialogues, composed by Mirza Mohammad Saalih, accompanied with an English Translation by W.P. London, 1828. (Reviewed by Silvestre de Sacy, in the Journal
des Savans for January, 1824.) Price, Capt. William, - A nero Grammar of the Hindoostanee Language, with Selections from
the best Authors, to which are added familiar Phrates and Dialogues in
the proper Character. London, 1827-28. and Tärini-oharan Mitra, Hindee and Hindostanee Seleotions, to which
are prefixed the Rudiments of Hindostanee and Braj Bhak,ha Grammar. See undor Selections. Caloutta, 1827, 1830.
See also Muhammad Sālih. Muhammad Ibrāhim Maqbah, Tuhfa-Elphinstone (Present to Elphinstone, the Governor
of Bombay). A Hindstäni Grammar. Bombay, 1828. Lessons in Hindustani Grammar, Letter writing, Arithmetic, etc., (Ta'lim Näma), by Mabomed Ibrahim Muckba. Bombay, 1847; Madras, 1850;
Ninth Edition, Bombay, 1861. Rowo, Mrs., of Digah, and Adams, W. T., Mala Sūtra, a Hindoo Spelling Book, Part II., in
Rindoostanee. Stroart's Historical Anecdotta, translated into Hinduwee, by W.T. Adams; Dr. Bell's Instructions for Modelling and Constructing Schoolo, translated into Hindoostanee, by W.T. Adams. Calcutta,
1824. Third Edition of the Spelling-Book, Calcutta, 1838. Yates, w iam, - Introduction to the Hindoostanee Language in three Parts, vie., Grammar, with
Vooabulary and Reading Lessons. Calcutta, 1827. 2nd Edition, 1843.
3rd Edition, 1845. -
A Dictionary, Hindoostany and English. London and Calcutta, 1847. Breton, P., - A Vocabulary of the Names of various Parts of the Human Body, and of wodical
and technical Torms, in English, Arabio, Persian and Sanacrit. Calontta,
1827. Adam, Bev. M. T., - Hindi Bhashaka Wyakarana. A Hindee Grammar, for the Instruction of
the Young, in the form of easy Questions and Answers. Calcutta, 1827. Hindi Kosha, a Dictionary of the Hindui Language. Calcutta, 1829. Dictionary, English and Hindui. Calcutta, 1838.
See Rowe, Mrs. Androw, w.,- A Comprehensive Synopsis of the Elements of Hindoostani Grammar. London,
1880. Arnot, Sandford, - A now self-instructing Grammar of the Hindustani Tongue, the most useful
and general Language of British India, in the Oriental and Roman Character. (With Appendix of Reading Exercises and Vocabulary.)
London, 1881. 2nd Edition, ib., 1844. Arnot, Sandford ; and Forbes, Duncan, - Grammar of the Hindistanee Tongue in the
Oriental and Roman Characters, and a Selection of easy Extracts for Reading in the Persi-Arabia and Devanagari Characters, by S. Arnot, with a Vocabulary and Notes by Duncan Forbes. London, 1844,

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68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1908.
Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore, - Mémoire sur la Système Métrique arabe, appliqué à la
Langue hindoustanie. Reprinted from the Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1882. Rudimente de la Langue hindoustanie, a r Usage des Eldues de l'École Royale et Spéciale des langues Orientales Vivantes. Paris, 1829. Appendia; contenant, outre quelques Additions à la Grammaire des Lettres hindoustanis originales, accompagnées d'une Traduction et de facrimile. Paris, 1883. 2nd Edition (without the Appendix). Paris, 1863 ; Another, 1878. Reviewed, by Reinaud. Journal Asiatique, II., vi.(1880), pp. 247 and. ff. and II., xv., pp. 898 and ff. : also, hy Anon., in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, I. (1847), pp. 860 and ff. : also by
l'Abbé Bertrand in Journal Asiatique, IV., ix. (1847), pp. 548 and 8. Manuel de l'Auditeur du Cours d'Hindoustani, ou Thèmes gradués pour
exercer à la Conversation et au Style epistolaire, accompagnés d'un
Vocabulaire français-hindoustani. Paris, 1886. Corrigé des Thèmes du Manuel du cours d'Hindoustani. Paris, 1887. Analyse der Grammaires hindoustani originales intitulées gol u Sarfi Urdd et sylwuj ali Qawdidi- Zabdi Urdt. Journal Asiatique,
III., V. (1888), pp. 66 and ff. Rudiments de la langue Bindoni. Paris, 1847. Reviewed by Bertrand,
Journal Asiatique, IV., ix. (1847), pp. 548 and ff. Prosodie des Langues de l'Oriont Musalman, spécialomont de l'Araba, du
Persan, du Turc, et de l'Hindowtani. Paris, 1848 (Extract from Journal
Asiatique).
See Deloncle, François. Thompson, J. T., - An English and Hindostanee Spelling Guide. Berampore, 1832.
English and Oordoo School Dictionary. 2nd Edition, Serampore, 1836. A Dictionary in Oordoo and English, compiled from the best authorities, and
arranged according to the order of the English Alphabet. Serampore, 1888. English and Urdu School Dictionary in Roman Characters, with the accentuation of the Urdu Words, Caleutta, 1841.
. A Dictionary in Hindi and English. Caloutta, 1846. 2nd Edition, Calcutta,
1870. 3rd Edition, by W. Nassan Lees, Calcutta, 1884. (Reviewed,
Calcutta Review, Vol. IX. (1848), pp. 872 and ff.) Kishan Rao, - Polyglott Interlinear, being the first Instructor in English, Hindui, etc.
Calcutta, 1834. D'Rosario, P. 8., - A Dictionary of the Principal Languages spoken in the Bengal Presidency.
pir., English, Bángáli, and Hindustani. Calcutta, 1837. Ballantyne, James B., - Grammar of the Hindustani Language, with Grammatical Exercises.
London, 1838. . Elements of Hindi and Braj Bhakha Grammar. London, 1889. 2nd
Edition, London, 1868. A Grammar of the Hindustani Language, soith Notices of the Braj and
Dakhani Dialects. London, 1842. Pocket Guide to Hindustani Conversation, London, 1839; ib. 1845.

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FEBRUARY, 1908.]
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
69
Ballantypo, Jamon R., - Hindustani Letters in the Nuskh-Taleek and Shibuntu-Amez Character,
soith Translations. London, 1840. , The Practical Oriental Interpreter, or Hints on the art of translating from
English into Hindustani and Persian. London, 1843. Anon., - English and Hindustani Exe, cises of the irregular Verbs. Madras, 1842. Introduction to the Hindoustanee Grammar, adapted to the Use of Students in the
Presidency of Madras. Madras, 1842, 2nd Edition, Madras, 1851.
(Hindoostanee Grammar for the Use, &c.) Leech, Xajor B., C.B., - Notes on, and a short Vocabulary of the Hinduree Dialect of Bundelkhand.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Vol. XII. (1843), pp. 1086
and fr. (Contains a short Grammar and a full Vocabulary.) Donsabhoo Sorabjee, - Idiomatical Sentences in the English, Hindoostanee, Gooxra tee and
Persian Language. Bombay, 1843, Ahmad Ali (of Delhi), - Puig-hi chashma. (An Elementary Grammar of Urdū). Delhi, 1845. Forbos, Duncan, - The Hindustani Manual: a Pocket-Companion for those who visit India in
any Capaoity; intended to facilitate the essential Attainments of Conversing with Fluency and Composing with dccuracy in the most useful of all the Languages spoken in our Eastern Empire. In two parts. Part I.A compendious Grammar of the Language. Part II.-A Vocabulary of useful Words, English and Hindústání. London, 1845. 2nd Edition,
considerably improved, London, 1848. New Edition, London, 1859. and Platts, J. T., - New Edition, carefully revised by J. T. Platts.
London, 1874. 9th Edition, ib., 1889. 12th Edition, London (no date). A Grammar of the Hindustani Language in the Oriental and Roman
Character, with numerous copper-plate Illustrations of the Persian and Devandgari Systems of alphabetio Writing : to which is added a copious Selection of tasy Extracts for reading, in the Persi-drabio and Dovanagari Characters, forming a complete Introduction to the [Totá-Kahani and] Báyh-o-Bahár; together with a Vocabulary of all the Words, and various explanatory Notes. London, 1946, New Editions, London, 1855, 1858, and 1862. (Reviewed by l'Abbé Bertrand in Journal Asiatique, IV., viji.
(1846), pp. 377 and ff.) See also Arnot, Sandford, A Dictionary, Hindustani and English, to which is added a reversed Part,
English and Hindustani. London, 1848. An Edition in Roman Characters. London, 1859. A smaller Hindustani and English Dictionary
[Roman Characters). London, 1862. Dobble, Captain Robert Sheddon, - A Pocket Dictionary of English and Hindoostani.
London, 1846-47. Bastvlok, 3.B., - A concise Grammar of the Hindustani Language, to which are added Selections
for Reading. London, 1847. 2nd Edition by Rev. G. Small, ib., 1858. Handbook of the Bombay Presidency, with an Account of the Bombay City.
2nd Edition ... revised and .. . rewritten [by E. B. E.]. London, 1881. (Sec. 1 contains Vocabalaries and Dialogues ; Gujarati,
Hindūstäni, Marathi.) Brion, N., - Dictionary, Hindustani and English. Romanized. Calcutta, 1847, 3rd Edition
(revised by E.J. Lasarus), Benares, 1880.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
[FEBRUARY, 1903.
Insha Allah Khān, Mir; and Muhammad Hasan (Qatil), - Darya-e Lattfat, or the Grammar
and Idiom of the Urdu Language. By Mir Insha Allah Khan and
Mohammed Hasan Katil. Murshidabad, 1848. Imām Bakhsh, Maulavi, Grammar of the Urdu Language, by Moulvi Imam Buksh, of the
Delhi College, Delhi, 1849. Wajid 'Ali Khān, - Guldastare Anjuman. [A Hindāstāni Manual, containing - Reader,
Collection of Prorerbs, Tables of Genders of Nouns, Rules of Grammar,
and Simple Arithmetic.] Agra, 1849. Anon., Anglo Hindustanee Handbook. Calcutta and London, 1850.
Hindustani Spelling Boole in the Roman Character. 4th Edition, Allahabad, 1850. Grant, Honry N., - An Anglo-Hindoostanee Vocabulary, adapted for European Sojourners in
India. Calcutta, 1850. Anon., - A Dictionary, English, Hindoostance and Persian. Madras, 1851. Benson, Liout., -- A few Words on the Arabic Derivatives in Hindustani. London, 1852. Brown, O.P., The Zillah Dictionary in the Roman Character: explaining the various Words
used in Business in India. Madras, 1852.
English and Hindustani Phraseology, or Exercises in Idioms. Calcutta, 1855. Prochnow, J. Dettlow, - Anfangsgründe einer Grammatik der hindustanischen Sprache.
Berlin, 1852. Carnegy, Patrick, - Kashahri Technicalities, or a Glossary of Terms Rural, Oficial and General
in daily Un in the Courts of Law and in Illustration of the Tenuren, Customs, Arts and Manufactures of Hindustan. Allahabad, 1858. 2nd
Edition, ib., 1877. Faulkner, Alexander, -The Orientalist's Grammatical Vade Meoum : being an easy Introduction
to the Rules and Principles of the Hindustani, Persian, and Gujarati
Languages. Bombay, 1854. Anon., - Hindustani School Dictionary (Romanized), English and Urdu. Calcutta, 1854.
. English and Hindustani Vocabulary. Madras, 1854. Davi-prasad,- Debipresad's polyglott Grammar and Exercises in Persian, English. Arabic.
Hindeo, Oordoo and Bengali. With an Analysis of Arabio and synonymous Words; and of logical Argument. For the Use of Studento. Calcutta,
1854. Fallon, 8, W., An English-Hindustani Law and Commercial Dictionary of Words and Phrasca
used in civil, criminal, rerenue, and inercantile Afairs; designed especially
to assist Translators of Law Papers. Calcutta, 1858. A romanized English-Hindustani Law and Commercial Dictionary of Words and
Phrases uped in civil, criminal, revenue, and mercantile Afairs, by 8. W.F.
Edited and revised by Lala Faqir Chand. Benares, 1888. A Hindustani-English Law and Commercial Dictionary, comprising many Law
Phrases and Notes in addition to the Law Phrases given in the general
Dictionary. Baniras, 1879. A New Hindwtani-English Dictionary. With Illustrations from Hindustani
Literature and Folk-Lore. Banāras, 1879. - A New English-Hindustani Dictionary. With Illustrations from English
Literature and Colloquial English translated into Hindustani, by 8. W.F. Assisted by Lala Fagir Chand, Vaish, of Delhi. Banaras and London, 1888.
1879
-

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FEBRUARY, 1903.]
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
71
Ghulām, Husain, - A Collection of Idiomatic Sentences in English and Hindoostanec, by Ghoolam
Hoosain. Madras, 1858. Karimu 'd-din Maulvi,-Qawaidu 'l-mubtadi. [A Hindôstani Grammar in Hindôsta ni.]. 3rd
Edition, Agra, 1858. Another Edition, Lahore, 1862. Williams, (Sir) Monier, - Rudiments of Hindustani Grammar. Cheltenham, 1858.
An Easy Introduction to the Study of Hindustani. London, 1858. Hindústání Primer; containing a First Grammar suited to Beginners and a
Vocabulary of common Words on various Subjects. Together with useful
Phrases and short Stories. London, 1860. , A practical Hindustani Grammar; also Hindustani Selections by Cotton
Mather. London, 1862. Another Edition, 1876. Ghulam Muḥammad, - Colloquial Dialogues in Hindustani. London, 1859. Baverty, H. G., -- Thesaurus of English and Hindustant Technical Terms used in Building and
other useful Arts; and scientific Manual of Words and Phrases in the higher Branches of Knowle-ige; containing upwards of five thousand Words not generally to be found in the English and Urdu Dictionaries,
Hertford (printed), 1859. Anon., - Urdu-English Vocabulary. Benares, 1860. Haidar Jang Bahādur, - Key to Hindustani, or an easy Method of acquiring Hindustani in the
original Character. By Hyder Jung Bahadoor. London, 1861. Isvari Dās, -The Soldier's Hindoostunee Companion, or, A Guide to the most widely spoken
Language of the Country, by Babu Ishuree Dass. Benares, 1861. Mather, Cotton, - Glossary, Hindustani and English, to the New Testament and Psalms
London, 1861.
See also Williams, (Sir) Monier. Haselgrove, G. P., - A Vocabulary, English and Hindustande ... containing
Nomenclature of Ordinance Stores ... a Collection of Military
Terms ... Bombay, 1865. Mathurā Prasad Migra, - Trilingual Dictionary, being a comprehensive Lexicon in English, Urdu
and Hindi, exhibiting the syllabic Pronunciation and Etymology. With Explanations in English, Urdu and Hindi in the Roman Character.
Benares, 1865. Holroyd, W., R. M., T'as-hil Al-Kalām, or Hindustani made easy. Pt. I., Lahore, 1866 ;
Pt. I., Delbi, 1867; Part I., Lahore, 1870. Completo, London, 1873.
Another Edition, ib., 1889. (Reviewed. The Oriental, 1873, pp. 731 and ff.) Blumhardt, C. H., - Outlines of Amharic, containing an English, Oordoo and Amharic
Vocabulary, Phrases in English and Amharic, and a rudimentary Grammar,
for the use of the Force proceeding to Abyssinia, Serampore, 1867. Borradaile, Capt. G. E., A Vocabulary, English and Hindustani, for the Use of Military
Students, Madras Presidency. Madras, 1868. Anon., The Romanised Hindustanos Manual. Madras, 1869. Durga Prasád, - Guide to Legal Translations; or a collection of Words and Phrases used in the
Translation of Legal Papers from Urdú into English. Benares, 1869;
2nd Edition, ib., 1874. , , The English-Urdu Translator's Companion. Part I. Benares, 1884.

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Etherington, Rev. W., - The Student'. Grammar of the Hindi Language. Benares and London,
1870; Another Edition, Benares and London, 1878. (Roviowed. Indian
Evangelical Revieto, Vol. I (1874). p. 524). Bhasha-Bhaskar, a Grammar of the Hindi Language. Benaros, 1873.
(Reviewed, ib., p. 885 and ff.) Muhammad Ali, - The Hindustani Teacher. 3rd Edition, Bangalore, 1870 ; 4th Edition,
ib., 1876. Kelloge, 8. ., - Vocabularios of certain Himalayan Dialects, by Rev. W. J. P. Morrison,
Missionary of the Presb. Board in India; Presented, and accompanied with Comparative Tables of Hindi Declensional Systems, by Rev. 8. H. Kellogs, of the same Mission. Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1871, pp. Ixxvi. and ff. In Vol. X. of the Journal of
the A. O. S. A Grammar of the Hindi Language, in which are treated the High Hindi,
Braj, and the Eastern Hindi of the Ramayan of Tular Dis, also the colloquial Dialects of Rajputáná, Kumaon, Aradh, Riwd, Bhojpur, Magadha, Maithila (sic), etc., with copiowa philologioal Notes. First Edition, Allahabad and Calcutta, 1876. 2nd Edition, London, 1898. (The title as given above is that of the 2nd Edition. That of the 1st
Edition is shorter.) Anon., - Blements of Hindoostanee Grammar, Prepared for the Thomson Civil Engineering
College, Roorkee. Roorkee, 1872. . Idiomatic Sentences and Dialogues in English and Hindustani. Lahore, 1872.
1873, 1878. Dowson, John, - A Grammar of the Urd or Hindustani Language. London, 1872; ib., 1887.
(Reviewed by J. B[eames) in Indian Antiquary, Vol. II. p. 56.) .. . A Hindústání Exercise-Book; containing a Series of Panages and Extracts
adapted for Translation into Hindustárt, London, 1872. Anon,, - A Hindi-English Dictionary for the use of Schools. Benares, 1878. Farrell, J. W., - Hindustani Synonyms; a Collection of proximately aynonymous Worde in daily
Use in the Hindustani Language :' with Explanations of the Differences
of Meaning obtaining between them. Oaleutta, 1873. Sadūsukh Lal,- An Anglo-Urdu Dictionary. Allahabad, 1873. Atkinson, E.T., - Statistical, descriptive and historical Account of the North-Western Provinces
of India. Edited by E, T. A. Allahabad, 1874. Bundali Vocabulary,
VOL 1., pp. 104, 105.
See Benson, T. Homom, Paulo Maria, - Noto Vocabulario em Portuguer, Concarim, Ingla Hindustani.
Co-ordenado para o uso dos seus patricios que percorrem a India Inglara,
Assagko, Bombaim (printed), 1874. Ponsond, Monsignoro, Grammatica italiana e indostana. Sirdhana, 1874. Platte, John T., A Grammar of the Hindustan or Urd# Language. London, 1874
Hindistand or Urdi. (Article in Vol. XI., Encyclopædia Brittanica, 9th
Edition, pp. 840 and f.) Edinburgh, 1880. A Dictionary of Urdt, Classical Hindi, and English, London, 1884. See Forbes, Duncan.

Page #79

FEBRUARY, 1908.)
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI,
78
Sell, Røv. 2., - Kkulāpatu 'l-qasanin. An Elementary Grammar. Madras, 1874; 18., 1878;
ib., 1879. , . Jami'u 'l-qawanin. Madras, 1877. 5th Edition, ib., 1887. Aurillac, H., - Petit Manuel Français-Hindoustani. Calcutta, 1876. Bate, J. D., - A Dictionary of the Hindes Language. Benares, 1875. (Reviewed by J. Beames
Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV. (1875), p. 228.) Plunkett. Capt. G. T., - The Conversation Manual in English, Hindustani, Pertian, and
Pushto. London, 1875, 2nd Edition (by Lieut.-Colonel G. T. P.)
Revised, London, 1893. Staploy, L. A., - Exercisos, English and Urdu. Part II. Calcatte, 1875. "Abda 'l-wadad, Manlovi, -None Romanised Dictionary, English and Urdu, by Maulawi
Abdool Wadood, Caloutta, 1876. 2nd Edition, ib., 1879. Dolonolo, François, Dictionnaire hindoustani-français et français-hindoustani, suivi d'un Voca
bulaire mythologique, historique et géographique de l'Inde, publié sous la Direction de M. Garcin de Tassy. Paris, 1875. [Introduction by Garcin
de Tasey. Only 82 pages of the Dictionary have appeared.] Anon., - Glonary of Indian Terme, for Use of Oficer of Revenue, fc. Madras, 1877. Bloohmann, H., - English and Urdu School Distionary, domanised. 8th Edition, Calcutta, 1877. Anon., - Memorandum or a Point of Dakhni Grammar. London, 1878. Dise, D.P.X, A Vocabulary in five Languages: English, Portuguese, Goa, Marathi and
Hindustani. Printed in the Roman Character. Satara, 1878. Anon., - Pocabulary of Technical Terms used in Elementary Vernacular School Books. Labore,
1879.
Vax, A., - The Marins Officer'. Hindustani Interpreter. Bombay, 1879. Lyall, C. J., - Skeloh of the Hindustani Language. Edinburgh, 1880. Craven, Rav. T., - The Royal School Dictionary, in English and Roman Urdu. Lacknow, 1881.
The Gem Dictionary, in Englisk and Hindustani. Lucknow, 1881. The Popular Dictionary in English-Hindustani and Hinduulani-Englisk.
London and Lucknow, 1888. Revised and enlarged Edition [by B.
H. Badley). Lacknow, 1889.
The Royal Dictionary, English-Hindusiani. London, Bell and Sons, 1896. Grierson, G. A., - A Handbook to the Kayathi (2nd Edition Kaithí) Character. First Edition,
Caleutta, 1881 ; 2nd Edition, Calcutta, 1899. Eatohinson, RF., - Glowary of Medical and Medico-Legal Terms, fre. 2nd Edition, Caloutta,
1881. Boamen, J. - Handbook of the Bengal Presidency. With an Account of Calcutta Citi
[by E. B. Eastwick). London, 1882. (Sec, 1 contains Vocabularies and
Dialogues, Bengali, Hindi, by J. B.) , ! See Dowson, J.; Babe, J. D.. Browne, J., - Hindi Primer in Roman Characters. London, 1882. Palmer, , - 4 Simplified Grammar of Hindistant, Persian, and Arabic. London, 1882.

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74
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1903.
Pinoott, Frederio, - The Hindi Manual, comprising a Grammar of the Hindi Language both
Literary and Provincial; complete Syntax; Exercises in various Styles of Hindi Composition; Dialogues on several subjects; and a weful Voca
bulary. London, 1882. Third Edition, London, 1890. Koogan, w., - Grammatica Lingua Indostane. Sardhana, 1885.
A Vocabulary in Urdu, Latin, and English. Sardhana, 1882. Foulques, Al. Ed., Prof., - Hindöstäni zaban ke Qawaid, Grammatica indostana ad Uso degli
italiani. Napoli, 1883. Vinson, J., - Eléments de la Grammaire hindoustanie. Paris, 1888.
Manuel de la Langue hindoustani. Paris, 1899. Benson, T., - Statistical, descriptive and historical Account of the North-Western Provinces of
India .. Edited by E. T. Atkinson. Vol. VII., Allahabad, 1884.
On pp. 501-503 A Vocabulary by T, B. of the Patois of Agru. Anon., - English-Hindi Dictionary for the Use of Schools. Revised Edition, Calcutta, 1885.
Polyglot Grammart and Dialogues. Delhi, 1885. Handbook to Hindovstanes Conversation, &c. Calcutta, 1886. Handbook to Hindustani Conversation. Serampore, 1886.
Hindustani Manual for Beginners. Bombay, 1886. Banose, J. F., - Manual of Hindustani. Calcutta, 1896. Dina Nátha Deva, - Hindustáni Grammar. Calcutta, 1886. Reynolds, M. O., - Household Hindustani. A Manual for Nero-comers. Calcutta, 1886. Courtois. Lieut.-Col., -d Manual of the Hindustani Language as spoken in Southern India.
... Madras, 1887. Guni Lal, - The Imperial Anglo-Nagri Dictionary. By Goonee Lal. Dinapore, 1887. asharat 'Ali, M., -A Manual of English Idiomatic Phrases with Urdi Equivalents.
Bombay, 1886. Madhusudan, Pangit, - Madhusudni-nighanļu. [A Hindi Dictionary.] Lahore, 1887. Kaisar Bakht, Mirzā, Shāhzāda, - Kaisar Kösh. [A Hindi Dictionary.] Allahabad, 1987. Eardley-Wilmot, Lieut. , - Hindustani Idiomatic Sentences. Madras. 1887. Rogers, E. E., How to speak Hindustani. London, 1887. Saiyid Ahmad, - Hindöstäni-Urda Luqhat. Delhi, 1887. Anon., - How to speak English English and Urde. Lucknow, 1888.
* Useful Sentences. English and Urdu. Lacknow, 1888. Kempeon, M., -The Syntax and Idioms of Hindustani, or Progressive Exercises in Translation,
with Notes and ... Vocabularies. A Manual. London, 1890.
Another Edition, 1894. St. Quentin, René de,- Abrégé de Grammaire hindoustanie. Rouen, 1890. (Roman character.) Smith, Peroy, - Urdu Grammar. Calcutta, 1890. Twoodie, J., - Hindustani as it ought to be spoken. Calcutta, 1890; 2nd Edition, s., 1893. Amir Ahmad, -Amir's Dictionary. Rampur, 1891. Baiju Das, Bābu, Bubol Kork. (A Hindi Dictionary in Hindi.) Bankipore, 1892.

Page #81

FEBRUARY, 1908.)
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
Blumhardt, J. T., - Military Vocabularies. I. - English-Hindustani, London, 1892. Dias, 8. 8. de Jesus, - Tres Mil Vocabulos em Portugu", Concani, Ingles e Industani.
Bombaim, 1892. Gokhalo, V., - Hindustani without a Mastar. Bombay, 1892. Phillips, Colonel A. N., - Hindustani Idioms, wilk Vooabulary. London, 1892. Bosant, Capt. T. . G., - The Persian and Urdu Letter-writer. Calcutta, 1898. Jawāhir Singh, The Urdu Teacher. Umballa, 1893. Soldel, A., - Theoretisch-praktische Grammatik der Hindustani-Sprache, Mit Übungetücker in
arabischer Schrift, und ein deutsch-hindustani Wörterbuch. Wien, Pest,
Leipzig, 1893. Muhammad Jalilu 'r-Raḥmān Khān (Maulavi), — Urdú Qanuni Diotionary. Umballa, 1894. Schultmo, m., - Grammatik der hindustanischen Sprache. Liepzig, 1894. Green, Lieut.-Ool. A. O., - A Practical Hindustani Grammar. Oxford, 1895. ToCarthy, L., - Grammaire Hindustani-Française. Verviers, 1895. Banking, G., - A Guide to Hindustani. Calcutta, 1896.
. Urdu English Primer, for the Use of the Colonial Artillery, 1899. Small, G., - Grammar of the Urdu or Hindustani Language. Calcutta, 1893.
► See also Roebuck, Lieut. Th. Small, G.; Francis, C. R.; and Nash (Mrs. Freder), - Anglo-Urdu Handbooks; or, Hindus
tani Guide for the Use of Medical Practitioners in Northern India. Calcutta, 1895. (Reviewed, Asiatic Quarterly Review, New Series, IX.,
pp. 497 and A.). Anon., - The Students' Hindi-English Dictionary. Benares, 1886. Greaves, Edwin, - A Grammar of Modern Hindi. Benares, 1896.. . Bangagi Rao, 8., - A practical Method of Learning the Hindustani Language. Madras, 1897. ,, A Handy Urdu English Dictionary, based on Shakespear and the best Modern
Authorities. Madras, 1899. Haig, T. Wolseley, - Hints on the Study of Urdu. Allahabad, 1808. Narain, R., - The Best Instructor of Hindustani, without the aid of a Munshi. English and..
Roman. Muttra, 1898. Tagliabue, Camillo, -Grammatica della Lingua indostand o Urdu. Torino, Roma, Firenze, 1892.
2nd Edition. Manuale e Glossario della Lingua, se......
Roma, 1898. Thoburn, W. L., - Phe English-Urdu Dictionary. Lucknow, 1898. Chiranji Lāl, Lala, - Hindustání Makhaan-ul-Yahawardt. Treastry of Unitú Idiomas. Delli.
1900. Dann, Georgo J., - An Introduction to Hindi Prose Comporition. Benares, 1900:

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76
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(FEBRUARY, 1908.
Thimm, 0. A., - Hindustani Self-Tanght. With correct Pronunciation. For Travellers,
Students, oficials, Soldiers, Traders, etc. London, 1903. Arya, - Hindi Grammar, in Hindi and English, in which is treated the Braj Dialect with Illustra
tions from the Rajniti. Benares, n. d. 'Abdu'l-lah, Mir, commonly called Miskin, - See Gilchrist, Job Borthwick. Amaduksi (Amadutius), Jo. Christophoro, - See Beligatti, Cassiano. Badley, B. E., - See Craven, Rev. T. Bertrand, l'Abbé, - See Forbes, Duncan ; Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore. Callenberg, J. H., - See Schultze, Benj. Faqir Chand, Lālā (Vaish), of Delhi, - See Fallon, S. W. Francis, C. R., - See Small, G. Hunter, William, M.D., - See Taylor, Captain Joseph. Lazarus, E.J., - See Brice, N. Lees, W. Nassau, - See Thompson, J. T. Konier-Williams, - See Williams, (Sir) Monier. Muhammad Fiţrat, Mirzā, - See Hadley, George. Muhammad Xasan (Qatil), -- See Insha Allāh Khân. Nash, Mrs. Fraser,- See Small, G. Reinaud, - See Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore. Scott, W.,- See Gilchrist, J. Borthwick, De Sacy, silvestre, - See Muhammad Şaliḥ (Mirzā), and Price, Captain William. Smyth, W. Carmichael,- See Taylor, Captain Joseph ; Roebuck, Lieut, T. Tārini-charan Mitra, - See Price, Captain W.
(To be continued.)
REPORTS MADE DURING THE PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
BY BABU P. C. MUKHARJI. (Concluded from Vol. XXXI. P. 498.)
REPORT No. III. - FEBRUARY, 1897. In February 1897 the important results obtained were the discoveries of, (1) a Buddhist temple. oval in plan, at Nauratanpar; (2) ghats, three retaining walls and flights of steps leading to the old bed of the Sôhan, just north of the tank of Waris Al Khan; (3) several large pieces of the Aboka piller, and some walls on the north and west of the tomb, and south of the Kallu Talgo; and (4) some rooms, probably of svihára, about 12 feet below the high mound, which is just west of the Ohaman Taldo.

Page #83

FEBRUARY, 1903.]
PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
Finding that the high' field near Nauratanpar was cleared of its crope, I recommenced excavations. It was here that one of the most important discoveries at Patalipatra
FIG./ was brought to light. It appeared to be * Buddhist temple, oval in plan, with subsidiary buildings at the two sides. The thickness of the main wall is about 5 feet, while the length and breadth of the chamber are 50 and 19 feet respectively. The northern apse appears to have been the shrine, for a partition wall is traceable still. The side-walls were opened. The importance of this structure will be known to students of Fergusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, in which the *** ; author, in discussing the form of the Karle and similar caves, could not, as a matter of proof, trace their origin. But, remembering the fact that it was Abôks, who, making the Buddhist faith as the State religion, covered the whole of India with religious monuments, this auratappar temple (Fig. 1) most probably supplied the idea for the four of the CAT-temples cut in the living rock in the Deccan and Central India. A little south of the existing remains are two stone architraves, which must have belonged to this temple.
20-7h
FIG. 2
AULAND OR MÁNWAR SABH
RAILWAY LINE
BED OF THE SÔHAN
ZONAT GHAL. 2.0 20
The second important discovery made was a line of ghats with retaining walls, just north of Waris Alt Khan's Tank, and on the south bank of the old bed of the Sohan or one of its channels (Fig. 2). In digging into the pits of a brickfield, just south of the railway line, I discovered a line of ancient wall, about 10 feet below the present level of the ground. It runs almost parallel to the road (just south of it), and the railway line on the north, I traced about 400 feet of it on the east and west. The gháfa do not appear to have heen continuous, but are at short distances, each bounded by walle. Both the walls and the stops are an interesting study; the walls have batter on the south face, not much on the river-side; while the steps are made up of horizontal and vertical layers of bricks, wbich are usually very large, finely grained and well burnt. Near the steps is black soil, below and boyond which is the stratum of the sand of the Soban, rather large in grain and yellowish in colour, Here some very interesting questions present themselves for solution : -- when was this series of ghafo bailt? And when did the Sohan conse to flow here, since above the stratum of sand there is an accumulation of ordinary earth, about 12 feet in depth? And at what rato per century was the level of the ground here raised ?
WARIS ALI KHAN'S
TANK
III. About 800 yards out of the abovo sito, and on the north of the railway line, is a high field called the Buland or Manwar Bagh (Fig. 2), where, in digging wolle, the villagers found large blooks of Al-wood some years ago, which may turn out to be the beams of the pallisades, mentioned by Megasthenes. I dag here in two places. The method of erooting of these sdl-beams

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
was peculiar. One near Bahadurpur was exhumed last year by the villagers, and it was found to
*
KALLU TALÃO
stand on two others, crossing each other at right angles, thus:
In one of the two diggings I found a wall or a mass of brickwork, on which the beam I searched for was most probably standing.
VINÁRA
0
FIG. 3.
KQT
[FEBRUARY, 1903.
WELL
GARDEN
WELL
T.
2
FIG. 4.
On the south of the tank and just on the north and west of the tomb, I found some walls and several large pieces of the Abaks pillar, though the site of the latter's foundation, which I searched for, was not traced. Finding one of the walls going underneath the south side of the tomb, I drove a tunnel along its eastern side and went just underneath the centre, and then found that the wall had been removed when the tomb was built about 500 years ago: Nothing else was discovered. On the north of the tomb some walls were also traced. But the important finds here were innumerable fragments of the Aboks pillar, to discover which I had been excavating on
FIG. 5.
this side. Several of the pieces were large, one about 5 feet in length, and about 2 feet 6 inches in breadth. These relics are invariably found about 10 feet below the present level, of the field. This 10 feet stratum of soil is thickly composed of rubblebricks and earth, below which is a layer of black soil, about 2 feet in depth, and in this the Asôka relies are invariably found. Where the larger pieces are found, the black soil is deeper by 3 and 4 feet, and in a few places mere. This black soil is composed chiefly of eharcoal, ashes, and lime. And noting the fact that the larger fragments show a flaking-off in the smooth and highly polished surface, I began to think that the Asoka pillar was destroyed by fire. It seemed to me that the story of the destruction of the pillar in the light of the finds is explainable thus: Fuel, dry leaves, and other combustibles were probably massed around the great column to a considerable height, and set on fire; certainly, a most cheap and expeditious way of destruction, perhaps resorted to probably by Raja Sasanka Dêva of Karna Suvarna in the sixth eentury A. D. This process would cause the destruction of the pillar by first flaking off the surfaces and then the body, and the smaller bits of fragments might have been burnt down to lime. Later on the
IV.
In the garden just west of the Kallu Talão I discovered some walls near a well, of which the southern one might be a continuation of that of the vihára I brought to light on the south of the tank. But as the proprietor of the garden would not allow me to dig farther, I was unable to verify my supposition and to exhume the rooms already traceable there (Fig. 3).
burnt remains would be spread over a great area by wind and age; and when King Purna Varma,
the last of Asoka's race, restored the Buddhist religion and monuments, his men must have levelled

Page #85

FXBRUARY, 1903.)
PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
79
the ground afresh to build the wikára, the foundation walls of which I exhumed. When Hiuen Tsiang visited Pataliputra, the restored monuments were again in decay. And during the period of Muhammadan supremacy, the work of vandalism was completed; so that above the black soil * thick stratum of rubble-bricks, about 10 feet in depth, was formed.
It is rather surprising that though several hundreds of fragments of the Abóka pillar have been found, no inseribed piece has yet been discovered. And since the Chinese travellers mention only one edict pillar at Nilt, the birthplace of Asöke, about 3 li, more than half a mile, south of the old city (the two others being simply noted, and not describod as inscribed), a doubt arises in my mind whether the pillar, of which I exhumed fragments, ever had any inscription. Where was this N11 P If Patna be the old city, on which Shør Shah constructed his town, then the site of Nili must be somowhere near Rapipor, south of the railway station.
CHAMAN TALAO
Arous
TUNAELA
EXCAVATIONS OF JANUARY 1897
The high monnd just west of the Chaman TALAO
claimed my attention ; for 16.6.
Dr. Waddell had directed me to go down as far as I could, this site being the likely one to yield important results as to the monuments of Nanda and Chandraguta. So I dug deep both on the north and on the south, about 10 feet down, and, going down about 3 feet further, sprung two tunne's, so as to meet each other at the midmost point (Fig. 6). In excavating I found, in the middle pit on the south side, some walls, drains, and holes (Fig. 6). The holes appear to have been made by some vandals of old, who, springing wells and tracing the then existing walls, took out all the bricks they could lay hands on, just as they are now doing at Bihar, Bakra, Besad (ancient Vaisäll) and
other places. The walls do not exactly run parallel to one another. There is a drain, 6 inches wide, just on the north side of the southern wall. The third
K. -------22-6 ----- → wall appeared to be circular, on the north of
FIG. 7.
TIC which there was a niche. The circular wall had also a drain on its outer face. Beyond the niche I drove a tunnel towards the north, to meet the other coming from the north. At. first terrace was found, about 10 feet below ! the level of the mound; I then went 3 feet farther down, bat beyond the usual rubble and some unimportant terra-cotta work, nothing was discovered. In the northern pit I went down about 12 feet, and then commenced the
DETAIL SKETCH tunnelling. Here also a terrace and a wall
# SHOWING WALLS. were traced (Fig. 6, and for details, Fig. 7).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[FEBRUARY, 1903.
VII. About 500 yards north-east of the Kallu Tall, and just north of the railway line, I discovered some remains of ancient structares, of which one seemed to be an arch, the second a wall belonging to a house, and the third, a very long wall, about 200 yards long, east to west, embanking an ancient ditch. This sketch (Pig. 8), done from memory, will abow them better -
FIG.8
ANCINTUITGM
RETAINING WALL
ARCH
ANCIENT WAS ROAD
RECENTLY REMOVED. The ancient ditch turns towards the north, leading to an ancient and very large tank, on the north of which is a small temple, sacred to Sitala Devi, in which are a few relics of ancient soulptore. And just on the rest of this tank is another modern temple, probably on the site of an ancient one, where are enshrined a linga with the face of Parbati attached to it, and two carved bars, belonging to
Buddhist railing, of which several posts were recovered for the purpose of the local Museum. The linga is said to have been found in the ditch, just north of the newly-discovered wall,
VIII. On the west of the village of Kumråhar and in the fields I detected walls several feet below the present level of the ground, which should be opened and traced in order to discover the nature of the buildings they indicate.
IX. I found that the temple at Nauratanpar, and the gháfa south of the Waria 'Ali Khan's Tank, are much more interesting then at first I thought. The temple showed better as I went down, indicating several stages of construction, and the main oral chamber was found to be subdivided by
partition-walls, north to soath, and east to west, thus : elsewhere in India.
, * peculiarity I have not seen
The chats and the retaining walls I followed up to more than 400 feet east and west. The ghafe are small but pretty and are at short distances, being backed by the retaining wall, which is double in the intervening space between the ghafs. The second wall towards the Shan has a mase of brickwork, sloping towards the water of the river, which might have been intended for the cattle to drink and bathe. A sketch plan (Fig. 9) will explain my meaning: -
GROUND LEVEL
FIG. 9
GROUND LEVEL
AIN
RETAINING WALL
SECTION DOUBLE WALL
# Sopw6 GNAT
BLACK 3011
W ATERLOVE
SECTION OMAT
YELLOW SAND
BED OF THE SOHAN

Page #87

FEBRUARY, 1903.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITE CENTURY.
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITA CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR BICRABD C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 44.)
1798.-No. XI.
Fort William 30th March 1795. Road a Lattor from the Superintendant at the Andamans. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir,-I beg you will be pleased to inform the Honble. the Governor General in Council, that the Brig Dispatch arrived from Port-Cornwallis yesterdey which place she left on the 7th Instant.
I have the pleaswer to acquaint you that the Sea Horse Brig had a remarkable quick passage to the Andamans and was to sail for Pegu on the 9th Instant. Lieutenant Ramsay has transmitted me the Accounts of the Settlement, for the last three Months wbich I now send you; to enable him to pay up all the Establishment he has drawn on Government Bills of Exchange according to the accompanying list for Cash paid into the Treasury there. I have to observe that in the Account Current he only gives credit for 10,000 Rupees by the two last Vessels that were dispatched the rentaining part of the Cash, I last drew for the use of the Settlement will be sent by the first Vessel that Sails, and will be given credit for in the next three Months Accounts.
I have the honor &c
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendent Andamans. Caloutta 25th March 1796.
Ordered that the List of Bills received from Major Kyd, be presented to the Accountant General, and that an Extract from his Letter relative to the accounts at the Andamana be sent with the Accounts also, to the Military Auditor General for his Report upon them,
1705.No. XII.
Fort William 8th May 1795. Bond & Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. Superintendent at the Andamans 8th May. To Edward Hay Enqr., Secretary to the Government,
Sir, I request you will be pleased to acquaint the Honble. the Governor General in Council that the Cornwallis Snow is in readiness to sail for the Andamans with Provisions and Stores, and that I wish for his permission to dispatch her. I also beg leave to acqnaint the Board that it will be necessary to sopd by her Ten Thousand Rupees in Gold Coin for the payment of the Establishment for March and April last and request that an Order on the Treasury may be granted for that Amoont.
I have the honor to be &c
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. Calcutta, 8th May 1795.
Agreed that the Snow Cornwallis be Dispatched with the Provisions and Stores, embarked in that Vessel to the Andamans, and that an order on the Treasury be granted in favor of the Superintendant for the amount, as requested, insupble hall in Gold Mohors, and hell in Pieces of four Rapoos.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[EBRUARY, 1908.
1795. - No. XIII.
Fort William 22d. Jane 1795. Read a Letter from the Mitary Auditor General. Military Auditor General 17th Juno. To the Honble. Sir Jobn Shore Bart. Governor General
in Council, xhitary Dopartmort.
Honble. Sir,- By the returns transmitted to the Military Board by the Commissary of Provisions at the Andamans, it appears that Grain and Provisions to a considerable Amount furnished by the Garrison Storekeeper in Fort William, have been issued to the Convicts at Port Cornwallis, and as the expence of provisions to the Convicts in my Humble Opinion belongs to the Civil Department, I request that if the Board should also be of this Opinion you will be plensed to authorize me to transfer charges of this nature, from time to time, to the Debit of General Books.
I have the honor to bo &c
(Signed) John Murray, Colonel & Military Auditor General. Mily. Auditor Genl's Office
17th June 1795. Agrood to the transfer abovementioned, and ordered that the Military Anditor General be acquainted accordingly.
1796. - No. XIV.
Fort William 220. Jane 1795. Read a Letter from the Saporintendent at the Andamans. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir, I request you will be so good as to acquaint the Honble, the Governor General in Council, that as the Monsoon is now fairly established it is my wish to send the Dispatch Brig to the Andamans, with Stock and private Articles of Supplies that must be wanted there, I have been prevented from proposing to dispatch her before, from the danger there would have been to so small · Vessel during the tempestuous Weather at the change of the Monsoon.
I beg also to represent that, owing to the want of the Servicos of the Sea Horse Brig, there will be occasion to send a supply of Grain for the use of the Settlement, and as at this Sonson, freight may probably be procured on Vessels Sailing to the Eastward, I beg I may be permitted to agree with the owners of such Vessels to convey five or Six Hundred bags of Grain to Port Cornwallis which I will endeavour to do at as easy a rate as possible.
I have the bonor to be de
(Signed) A. Lyd Superintendant Andamans. Caloutta 32d. June 1786.
Ordered that the Dispatch Brig be sent to the Andamans as proposed by the Superintendant, -- further that he be authorized to procare freight on any Vessels going to the Eastward, for five or Siz Hundred Bags of Grain, required at Port Cornwallis.
1795. - No. XV.
Fort William 6th July 1795. Road a Memorial of Captain Copestakon.
To the Honble. John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council. The Hamble Memorial of Stephen Copestakes of the Snow Druid. Humbly Sheweth That in the Month of [0] your Memorialist Vessel the Snow Druid was freighted by Government to carry Sundry Articles of Stores and

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Eighty Conviots for the use of the Settlement at the Andamang, that she arrived there on the 22nd January last and that a few days afterwards a small Schooner Arrived there from Bassuen with a French Man on board who had many Papers in his possession belonging to Bnglish Vessels, as well as several Draughts of the Andamans, on which Account it was the Wish of the Acting Superintendant to send him to Calcutta but at that time there was no person upon the Island Capable of Navigating the Vessel he was to be sent in, Application was therefore made to your Memorialist for his Chief Officer and an other European to send in Charge of the Vessel which your Memorialist on Account of the extreme Exegence of the Case and from an entire Wish to further the Publick Service complied with altho' his Vessel was but Weakly Mann'd. The Detention of the Druid it was agreed Should be about 25 Days or one Month as by that time it was fully expected the People would return bat the Month having elapsed without my tidings of them, your Memorialist thought it adviseable to proceed to Pinang altho' wanting an Officer, fearing the Markets at that place might alter for the worse by a longer detention, which was Actually the case by at least 25 pr Cent by which your Memorialist Suffered considerably and which would have been avoided could he have Sailed from the Andamang at a reasonable time.
He therefore hopes his case will be taken into consideration and that Government out of their great Humanity will not allow him to be a Sufferer from his having so readily Complied with the Wishes of the Superintendant, and that they will make him such allowance for the Detention of his Vessel as they may deem adequate. And your Memorialist as in duty bound Shall ever Pray
(Signed) 8. Copestakes Master and Owner of the Snow Druid. Caloutta 6th July 1796.
Ordered that a copy of the Memorial from Captain Copestakes be sent to Major Kyd, and that the Subject of it be referred to him for his Report and opinion apon it.
1796.- No. XVI.
Fort William 13th July 1795. The following Letter was received, on the 10th Instant, from Major Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans, and permission was given that Lieutenant Lawrence, the Senior Officer of the Snow Cornwallis, should be put in charge of her, and that he should be allowed to entertain a second Officer, until Lieutenant Wales Should be sufficiently recovered from his present Indisposition to resume the command. Major Kyd was also acquainted that the Cornwallis is to return to the Andamans without delay; - and the Marine Board were instructed to pass the usual Indents for Provisions and Pay for the Vessel. An Order on the Treasury was likewise directed to be issued, in his Favour, for 10,000 Rupees to be remitted to the Andamans.
Major Kyd 10th July. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir,--I request you will be pleased to acquaint the Honble. the Governor General in Council that the Cornwallis Snow has arrived from the Andamans, having left Port Cornwallis on the 20th of last Month - I am sorry to learn from the Officer Commanding there, that the Setting in of the Rains has again Brought with it Severe Sickness to the Settlers and that the fiver (sic) of the Climate had proved fatal to Mr. Medowe first officer of the Nautilus Brig.
Mr. Wood one of the Surgeons has come passenger on the Cornwallis having been Obliged to leave the Settlement on Account of Severe illness. As he has for two years past been Subject to frequent attacks of Fever, he requests to be removed from that Station and hopes the Board will be pleased to appoint him to do duty as an Assistant Surgeon in Bengal.

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I am also sorry to acquaint you that Lieut. Wales Commander of the Cornwallis was also attacked with the Fiver of the Climate and is now dangerously ill - as there can be little hope that he would be able to go to Sea for a considerable time, I have to request that the Vessel may be put in Charge of Lieutenant Lawrence the Senior Officer who is exceedingly well qualified, and that he be permitted to employ a Second Officer, till Lieutenant Wales is in a state to take Charge again.
It is my wish to dispatch the Cornwallis immediately with Stores and Provisions for which I request to have the Boards permission, and I will beg that the Marine Board may be directed to pass the usual Indents for Provisions and Pay with as little delay as possible. Accompanying I send you the Accounts of the Settlement brought up to the 1st of June last with a list of Bills of Exchange drawn by Lieutenant Ramsay for Cash received into the Treasury there; as you will Observe there is but a very small Balance of Cash in hand it will be necessary to send 10,000 Rupees in Specie on the Corawallis half in Gold and half in Silver for which I request an order on the Treasury may be issued.
I have the honor to be &c
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. Calcutta 10th July 1795.
1795. - No. XVII.
Fort William 7th August 1795. Bead a Letter from the Superintendent at the Andamans. Colin Shakespear Esqr. Sub Secretary.
Sir, I have received your Letter of the 6th Instant accompanying a memorial from Captain Copestake claiming a compensation for the detention of the Druid at the Andamans, with the Honble. Governor General in Councils desire for me to report on it.
I have to acquaint you for the information of the Board that I have examined carefully into the circumstances and that altho' on the Memorial the loss said to be sustained appears to me a little exaggerated yet that certainly the Owners of the Druid, have a right to some remuneration. I find that the Yossel absolutely remained a Month at Port Cornwallis by agreement with the Officer Commanding there in expectation of the return of the Officer and People be offered to navigate the Leeboard Schooner to Calcutta. It appears that Captain Copestake concurred with great readiness in this measure, thought of great public importance and which might eventually have been so. I think the Owners of the Druid have fairly a Claim on Government for one Month Sailing Charges of the . Vessel which I learn is about 1,500 Rupees and with this Sum I have reason to think they will be content.
I have the honor to be &c. Fort William 31st July 1795.
(Signed) A. Kyd, Supt. Andamans. Agreed that a Compensation be made the Owners of the Druid as proposed by Major Kyd and that a Treasury order be issued.
1795. - No. XVIII,
Fort William-2]st September 1795. Bead & Letter from the Superintendent at the Andamans, Superintendant at the Andamans 12th September. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the
Government.
Sir, I have to request you will be pleased to acquaint the Honble. the Governor General in Council that both on a Pablic and private Account it is my wish that the Nautilus Brig should be discharged from the Andamans Establishment ; on Public Account because I do not think the

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Service she can do as a Transport, is proportioned to the Expence She is to the Government, and on a private Account, because I find that her Sailing Charges has been considerably more than what I represented it would be to Government, and which in consequence was allowed me. When I did myself the honor of offering her to Government it was at a period when a more proper Vessel could not be spared or procured for the service of the Andamans; I however think that in the present reduced state of the Settlement, the Cornwallis Snow and Sea Horse Brig will suffice to supply it with Provisions and Stores, with occasionally freighting a Vessel for the transporting of Grain which is infinitely the cheapest way of supplying the Settlement with that Article. Altho' the Nautilus from her small size is not fit for a transport, yet from her qualities as an exceeding fast Sailer, I think she is particularly well suited for a Dispatch Vessel, to any of the Company's Possessions on this side the Cape of Good Hope, and if she could be useful in this way I should be very glad that Government will purchase her for this purpose, and shall be content to receive the lowest Value that may be put upon her by any professional Set of Men. I am chiefly wishful that she may be disposed of in this way as it may be the means of keeping Mr. Timins her Commander in an employment for which he is exceedingly well qualified, and that he deserves well of the public for his services as Chief Officer and occasionally as Commander of the Nautilus, with the Squadron under Commodore Mitchell.
85
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most Obedient humble Servant, (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans.
12th September 1795.
Agreed according to the Recommendation of the Superintendant at the Andamans, that the Nautilus Brig be discharged from that Establishment, and that the Marine Board be desired to issue the necessary Directions in Consequence.
With respect to the Dispatch Brig the Board agree that it may be proper to discharge her also from the Service, and to dispose of her at public Sale; but the Resolution is not final, and is to wait the return of the Vessel from Port Cornwallis.
In regard to the proposed service for the Nautilus, Agreed that the Proposition shall lie for Consideration.
Ordered that Major Kyd be informed of the Resolution passed concerning the Vessel.
1795. No. XIX.
—
Fort William 25th September 1795.
The Secretary reports that the Dispatch Brig arrived this morning from Port Cornwallis, and brought a Packet directed to Major Kyd or in his absence to the Secretary of the Government, that Major Kyd being absent it was opened, and that it was found to contain the following Letter from Lieutenant Ramsay in temporary Charge of the Settlement at the Andamans.
To Major Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir, On the 13th Instant I had the honor to receive your favour of the 28th July by the Dispatch Brig and on the 20th I received your subsequent letter by the Snow Cornwallis, Both of these Vessels experienced tempestuous Weather in their Voyage to this Port, but I am happy to inform you their Cargoes sustained very little injury.
The want of Naval Stores I am apprehensive may detain the Cornwallis longer in Harbour than could be wished her Sails and Rigging requiring a thorough repair before She can with prudence proceed to Sea Lieutenant Lawrence has few Stores on board and we are incapable of affording him an immediate Supply.
I have directed the Commissary to indent on the Naval Storekeeper for a variety of marine Stores necessary for the use of the Boats and Vessels attached to the Settlement and earnestly request they may be sent to us at the earliest opportunity.

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Conformable to your Instructions bearing date the 28th of July, I directed Captain Roberts to prepare to return to Bengal with the Honble. Companys Brig Dispatch, accompanying is a protest I received from him in reply to my requisition, your Orders and an evident abatement of the violence of the Monsoon have induced me to persist in directing him to proceed to Bengal with all practicable expedition. To his charge I have intrusted the Accounts and Disbursements of the Settlement for the last three Months.
Enclosed is the Surgeons return of the Hospital for the same period and a List of Bills of Exchange drawn on the Honble the Governor General in Council for Cash received from Sundry Individuals into the Andaman Treasury.
I have much pleasure in acquainting you the Settlers are in general more healthy than they have been for some Months past and have the honor of subscribing myself with the greatest respect
Sir &ca (Signed) Thos. Ramsay Lieutenant In temporary charge of the Settlement. Port Cornwallis 1st September 1795.
The Secretary reports that Captain Roberts's Protest, mentioned in the 4th Paragraph of the above Letter has not been received.
Ordered that the Accounts and Disbursements mentioned at the Close of the same Paragraph be transmitted to Major Kyd with the Surgeons Hospital Returns referred to in the 5th.
Ordered that the List of the Bills of Exchange be sent to the Accountant General,
1795. - No. XX.
Fort William 9th November 1795. The following Letter from the Secretary to the Marine Board was received on the 7th Instant and the letter to be entered after it was in consequence written to the Garrison Store Keeper. Edward. Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I am directed to acquaint you, for the information of the Govr. General in Council, that the Board have engaged the Snow Nancy Capt. Eugh Dryadale, to convey the Provisions and Stores to the Andamans, she being reported by the Surveying Officers as a fit and proper Vessel for this purpose.
I am &c
(Signed) G. Taswell Secretary Marine Board. Fort William the 6th November 1795.
No. XXI. To Lieutenant G. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper.
Sir, I am directed by the Governor General in Council to inform you that the Nancy Snow Captain-Drysdale has been taken up by the Marine Board to carry Provisions and Stores to the Andamans and you will be pleased immediately to lade on Board her the Provisions indented for that Settlement including a Supply of Articles equivalent to what was embarked on the Druid for the use of the Settlement that the deficiency occasioned by the Wreck of that Vessel may be supplied.
I am Sir &c.
. (Signed) Colin Shakespear Sub Secry. Council Chamber the 5th November 1795.

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1795. - No. XXII.
Fort William 230. November 1795. Read the following Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. To the Honble
Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council.
Honble. Sir, - I beg leave to ucquaint you that the Brig Nautilus is arrived from the Andamans, which place she left on the 2nd Instant, two days after the Cornwallis which Vessel is not yet arrived.
By Letters from the Commanding Officer there I am sorry to inform you that the Settlement has experienced even more sickness this Season than usual Owing probably to the very great fall of Rain and uncommon tempestuousness of the Monsoon, By the unfortunate loss of the Druid in August last which deprived the Settlement of a large Supply of Grain, the Public Stores are reduced to the lowest State, there only being Grain for the Settlers to the middle of next Month..
Altho' therefore that a Vessel has just Sailed with a Considerable Supply which there is little doubt, will arrive in safety yet it strikes me that prudence and humanity requires that the Subsistance of so many people should not be left to a single Chance, however favourable. I therefore take the liberty of proposing that the Nautilus by immediately dispatched with a further Supply of Provisions; and as this Vessel is perfectly equipp'd, if directions be given to the Commissary of Stores to quickly supply the Grain And to the Marine Board to expedite the Indents for Provisions and Pay to the Crew, the Vessel will be dispatched without delay and may arrive at Port Cornwallis before there is a possibility of their experiencing any want. I have no reason to be Alarmed at the detention of the Cornwallis, for that Vessel has been so long without any Repair & the Copper of her bottom is in so bad a State that she has become a very Slow Sailer.
I have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) A. Kyd Supt. Andamans. Calcutta 21st November 1795.
Resolved for the reasons stated by Major Kyd that he be desired to dispatch the Nautilus immediately to the Andamans and that intimation be sent to the Marine Board and Commissary of Stores.
1798. - No. I. Fort William 5th February, 1796. Read a Letter and its Enclosures from the Superintendant at the Andamans. Superintendant at the Andamans 4th February. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to
Government.
Sir, - I beg you will acquaint the Honble. the Governor General in Council that the Nautilus Brig is arrived from the Andamans, which place She left on the 14th of last Month. It is with much concern I forward the Accompanying Letters from Lieutenant Stokoe the officer in Command there, giving an Account of the death of Mr. Reddick the Surgeon and of his own Indisposition, I have also to acquaint the Board that Lieutenant Ramsay who was obliged to leave the Settlement for extreme indisposition in the Nancy Snow, is arrived from Prince of Wales Island, But, although he is much recovered he will not I fear be able to return Soon to his duty.
I amm very sorry to add that from his Accounts and by private letters from Mr. Stokoe the Settlement Still Continues exceedingly unhealthy there having been no less than fifty deaths during the last rains, and that this long Continuance of the fatal effects of this baneful Climate, bas 80 dispirited every class of men, that they are all Solicitous to leave it. It is unnecessary for me to point out the necessity of sending a Surgeon as soon as possible, and in the hope of being able to alleviate some of the distresses of the Settlement and to allow Mr. Stokoe to leave it, Should the

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State of his health render it necessary, it is my wish to proceed there as soon as the Cornwallis or Seahorse can be got in readiness. • Accompanying is a List of Bills of Exchange drawn by the Officer in charge for the Expences of the Settlement for the Months of October, November & December last; the Accounts of which are forwarded to the proper officers.
I have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andanians. Calcutta 4th February 1796.
No. 1 Enclosure in the letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans of 4th February. Major
Alexander Kyd, Superintendant of the Andamang, at Fort William.
Sir, - I have the honor to acquaint you for the information of the Hon, the Governor General in Council, that the snow Nancy Captain Drysdale arrived safe in this Port on the 1st of December, with Grain Provisions and Marine Stores for the use of the Settlement.
The Nancy proceeded on her Voyage to Prince of Wales Island on the 7th Instant and it is with much Concern I add Lient. Ramsay was compelled proceed to Sea in that Vessel as the only probable chance of invigorating a frame reduced by long and severe Indisposition, and of renovating his Shattered Constitution.
In an Envelope addressed to the Adjutant General is a duplicate of the certificate granted 1.ieutenant Ramsay by the Surgeon.
I execute a most painful duty in communicating to you the Subsequent demise of Mr. Reddick; the abovementioned Certificate having been the last public act of his existence! He died of Mortification in his Intestines, on the 20th Instant the day after the arrival of the Nautilus. It would be a needless atteinpt in me to point out the loss the Settlement has sustained by the unexpected Dissolution of this Gentleman. I fear the Consequences are but too Obvious.
In compliance with Suggestion of Lientenant Ramsay's prior to his Embarkation, I have ventured to appoint as Magazine Serjeant, Henry White-acting Serjeant Major to the Sepoy Detach ment, which I hope you will approve.
Every comfort and relief the Hospital Patients can derive from fresh Provisions and nourishing diet is liberally distributed to them. I have the pleasure to acquaint you, there are not more than one or two Individuals whose Cases appear to be dangerous and those I have deemed it adviseable to send to Calcutta on the Nautilus, also Mr. Reddick's Family and private Servants. I take the liberty to mention it was his last request that his child might be admitted into the Orphan School, and I further presume to Solicit your attention to this request.
I beg leave to assure you Sir, that no Exertion shall be wanting on my part, to carry on the various duties of the Settlement until such time as other Officers may be nominated, and I have great hopes from the peaceable bebaviour of the Convicts, and from the assistance I derive from the Native Officers of the Marine Corps, that the general services of the Colony, will suffer little Impediinent; at the same time I must earnestly request every effort may be made to expedite the return of a Vessel to Port Cornwallis.
I have the honor to be &c. (Signed) Joseph Stokoe, Lieut. in temporary Charge of the Settlement, Andamans. Fort Cornwallis Bth Janry. 1786.

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No. 2. Enclosure in the Letter from the Superintendant of the Andamans of 4th Febrry. To Major
Kyd, Superintendant Andamans,
Sir,- My Indisposition has so much encreased upon me these two or three days past that I have been unwillingly Obliged to apply to Captain Temmins to request he will leave Mr. Sadler his Chief Officer at this Settlement, until his return to us. Captain Temming has assured me Mr. Sadler can be spared from the Vessel the present Voyage withont material Inconvenience, and as his presence here may eventually be attended with beneficial Consequences both on public and private Considerations I hope you will not disapprove of the measure.
I am &c.
(Signed) J. Stokoo, Lieut, Acting Superintendent. Port Cornwallis 13th Jalry. 1796.
No. 3. The Governor General in Council is concerned to observe from the Papers laid before him by Major Kyd, the Unhealthiness at the Andamans at a season too when a better Climate might have been expected ; and it is aggreed that a Question, relative to the Possession of that Settlement, shall be considered at a future Meeting.
Ordered that the Hospital Board be informed of the Decease of Mr. Robert Reddick, Assistant Surgeon at the Andamans, and desired to recommend, without Delay, a proper Person to Succeed to that Situation. Advice of Mr. Reddick's death, and of the Date on which it happened is also to be sent to the Military Department.
Ordered that the List received from Major Kyd, of Bills of Exchange drawn by the Officer ia Charge for the Expences of the Settlement, in October, November, and December, be sent to the Accountant General, and that the Bills be duly honoured.
1796,-NO. II. Fort William 8th February 1798. The following Letter was reorived, on the 6th Instant from the Secretary to the Hospital Board, and according to their Recommendation, Mr. Kean was appointed to Succeed Mr. Beddick as Assistant Surgeon at the Andamans. Major Kyd and the Hospital Board were acquainted accordingly, and the Secretary is directed to send a Note of the appointment to the Governor General's Military Secretary for his Information.
No. 2. Secretary Hospital Board 6th February. To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I am directed by the Hospital Board to acknowledge the receipt of your Letter of the 5th Instant, and to acquaint you that they beg leave to recommend Mr. Kean Assistant Surgeon of the 33d Battalion but at present at the Presidency to succeed the late Mr. Reddick as Assistant Surgeon at Port Cornwallis. I have the honor to be Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant
(Signed) A. Campbell, Secretary. Fort William Hospital Board Office the 6th February 1796.
1796. - No. III. - Fort William 8th February 1798. Minute and Resolutions.
Road again Major Kyd's Letter dated the 4th February and recorded on the Proceedings of the last meeting.
Minute of the Board. Considering the great Sioknoss and Mortality of the Settlement formed at the Andamans, which it is feared is likely to continue and the great Expence and Embarrassment to Government in maintaining it and in conveying to it Supplies at the present

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period, it appears to the Governor General in Council both with a view to humanity and Oeconomy prudent to withdraw it. He observes that if at the termination of the present War it should be thought expedient to carry on the plan with Vigour, it could be renewed with very little disadvantage, no permament or Valuable Buildings having yet been erected, and there being few Stores of Value to remove.
The expediency of withdrawing the Settlement admitted, no Time should be lost, so that it may be done before the change of the Monsoon.
The Board further observes that if it be conceived that this temporary removal from the Andamans could invalidate our Claim to those Islands, were any Foreign Nation in the mean time to settle there (a Circumstance, however, which is highly improbable) the objection may be obviated by keeping a small Vessel at Port Cornwallis to be relieved every six Months.
Resolved therefore that the Marine Board be instructed to take immediate measures for the removal of the Convicts to Prince of Wales Island, and for bringing back the Stores and Settlers to Bengal.
That they be further instructed to make provision for keeping a small Vessel at Port Cornwallis, to be relieved every six Months.
That Major Kyd be desired to report if any part of the Stores be, in his opinion wanted at Prince of Wales Island that they may be transported there, and to communicate to the Marine Board the number of Convicts and Settlers, and the Quantities of stores to be removed.
No. IV.
Fort William 15th February 1786. Read the following Letter from the Marine Board. To the Honble. Bir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council.
Honble. Sir, Pursuant to your Orders for withdrawing the Settlement from the Andamans, communicated to us by Mr. Sub Secretary Shakespear's letter of the 8th Instant, We addressed Major Kyd the Superintendant on this Subject, a Copy of whose reply to us We have now the honor to enclose you and upon which We beg leave to offer the following Opinion.
It appears to us from the representation of Major Kyd that the following Vessels will effect all the Purposes required for this Service.
1st. A Vessel, if such can be met with, of about 300 Tons to convey the Convicts and Stores to Prince of Wales Island.
2d. The Fairlie, a ship of 800 Tons burthen, engaged to carry 700 Recruits to Madras, consequently must be able to transport 550 Persons from the Andamans to Bengal, with any stores that there may be to be removed.
3d. The Sea Horse and Cornwallis whichever Government can conveniently spare for the accommodation of Major Kyd.
We have directed our Secretary to enquire for a Vessel of the Size of 300 Tons, and the Terms on which she can be engaged, and as Major Kyd from his local knowledge, must be more competent to make the necessary arrangements at the Andamans, than the Board can be, We have requested him to undertake entirely this branch of the service and to provide for whatever may be further
necessary.
With respect to the small Vessel to be destined for securing the Claim of right to the Possession of the Andamans, and to be relieved every Six Months, We Submit the following Circumstances to your Consideration.
1st. That as your Honble. Board have already Observed, it is very improbable any European Nation will attempt to form a Settlement at the Andaman Islands during the present War, since the

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causes which have operated against the English continuing there will operate in a greater degree against any Foreigners upon account of the greater distance from whence they must receive any Supply,
2d. That the French Dutch and Danes are the only Nations who it is probable would conceive any such design, with the two former we are at War, and conseqnently a small Vessel at the Island wonld not barr any project they might conceive of tbis nature, and the Danes have already a small Establishment at Now Cowrie, one of the Carpicobars, where there is an excellent Port, and Consequently will hardly attempt any Establishment on so unpromising a place as the Andaman Island,
3d. That the knowledge of a small Vessel being stationed there might invite the attack apon her of any Enemys Petty Cruizer roving in the Bay.
4th. That whatever sum this Vessel and the relief might Cost, would so far interfere with the Economy assigned as one motive for quitting the Place, and the people would be equally exposed as the present Settlers to the unhealthiness of the Climate.
Finally whether the Claim of right to the Possession might not be maintained by setting up & Pillar and by burying a Plate of Metal, with inscriptions suited to the intentions.
We are &c.
(Signed) John Bristow, John Haldane, John Bebb. Fort William the 12th Febry. 1796.
No. 2. Enclosed in the letter from the Marine Board. To George Taswell Escro., Secretary to the
Marine Board.
Sir, - I was yesterday favored with your Letter of the 9th Instant, and beg you will acquaint the Marine Board, that there are at present two hundred and seventy Convicts at the Andamans, to be conveyed to Prince of Wales Island, and that I imagine there will be a superfluous quantity of Grain in Store, amounting to about One Thousand Bags, which I suppose the Governor General in Council would wish to be sent with them for their subsistence. It is also probable that there are many Military and Naval stores, which it would be adviseable to send also to that place, which would be ascertained by referring to the Military Board, who have the returns of stores of both Magazines.
There are in all about five hundred and fifty persons to convey to Bengal, which with their Baggage will take considerable Tonnage. But there is no great quantity of Public Stores or property that it will be necessary to transport to Bengal. It is impossible for me to judge exactly the quantity of Tonnage that will be required to effect the whole removal, but I will take the liberty to point out, what appears to me the best measures to be followed. A Vessel of about three hundred Tons with a good tween Decks will accommodate all the Convicts, and transport the grain and Stores to Prince of Wales Island, which should immediately be taken up. The Sea Horse and Cornwallis should be fitted out, each of which will convey about one hundred and fifty of the Eettlers with their property, and if an agreement could be made with the owners of the ship Fairlie, to touch at the Andamans, on her return from Madras, I think she would pearly convey the remaining part of the Settlers and all the stores to Bengal, by which means the complete removal would be effected before the change of the Monsoon.
I have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) A. Kyd Saperintendant Andamans. Calcutta the 11th February 1796.

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The Board taking into consideration the mode proposed by the Marine Board for withdrawing the Settlement at the Andamans in their Letter of the 12th Instant, and Major Kyd's Letter to that Board on the Subject, Resolve that they be authorized to engage a proper Vessel to convey the Convicts with the Superfluous Provisions of the Settlement to Prince of Wales Island, and whatever Military Stores it may be found eligible to transport to that Place, that they be also authorized to engage with the owners of the Ship Fairlie to touch at Port Cornwallis on her return from Madras to assist in transporting Settlers and Stores to Bengal, that they also be directed to fit out the Sea Horse and Cornwaliis for the same purpose either of which Vessels may be allotted for Major Kyd's accommodation,
The Governor General in Council adheres to his determination of having a small Vessel stationed at Port Cornwallis, and will take into consideration the Vessel and Commander to be employed on that Service.
Ordered that the Military Board be directed to report what part of the Military Stores at Port Cornwallis they may judge it adviseable to be sent to Prince of Wales Island, a List of which is to be sent to Major Kyd,
1798. - No, V. Fort William 14th March 1796. The following Letters were written on the 11th Instant to the Superintendant at Prince of Wales Island and of the Andamans. Major McDonald Superintendant Prince of Wales Ibland.
Sir, - The Governor General in Council having resolved to withdraw the Settlement from the Audamans I have his instructions to inform you that he has judged it expedient to order all the Convicts about 270 in number to be sent to Prince of Wales Island Also all the Stores of Whatever discription that it is judged may be useful at that Settlement of which the Commissary at Port Cornwallis will furnish a List.
I am &c.
[Not signed] Council Chamber 11th March 1796. To Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant or the officer in Charge of the Settlement at
the Andamans for the time being.
Sir, - The Governor General in Council having determined to withdraw the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, I have his Orders to acquaint you that the Nancy Grab has been freighted to Convey the Convicts to Prince of Wales Inland, you will therefore be pleased to embark them without delay with all the Superfluous Provisions that you can spare from that Settlement for their Subsistence and the Military Stores of which accompanying is a List. The Ship Fairlie has also been engaged to touch at Port Cornwallis on which anil on the Cornwallis you will embark the Settlers of every description and all remaining useful Stores and with them you will proceed to Bengal with all expedition.
I have the honor &c
(Signed) C. Shakespear Sub Secretary. Fort William the 11th March 1796.
1796. - No. VI. Fort William 14th March 1796. Read the following letter from Major Kyd To G. H. Barlow Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir,- I beg you will acquaint the Honble, the Governor General in Council that the Cornwallis Snow being nearly in readiness, I shall embark in a very few days for the Andamans, to carry into effect the removal of the Settlement, according to the Resolutions of the Board, for which the necessary Vessels have been provided by the Marine Board. In consequence of the direction

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FEBRUARY, 1903.)
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
98
conveyed to me by these Resolutions I have communicated with the Military Board which from the Returns of the Magazines at Prince of Wales Island and Port Cornwallis, bas been able to fix upon such stores, as it will be eligible to send to the first place, which will accordingly be conveyed on the Vessel freighted to convey the Convicts. As by the last Account Current received from the Andamans, there was but a very small balance of Cash at the Settlement, It will be necessary that I should carry there the sum of Ten Thousand Rupees to enable me to discharge the Pay that will be due to the Public Establishments, I have to request the Board will be pleased to grant me an order on the Treasury for that Sum, balf in Gold and half in Silver.
I have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. Calcutta 7th March 1796.
Besolved that the Sub Treasurer be instructed to pack up 10,000 Sa. Rs.in Specie as required to be sent on the Cornwallis to the Andamans, and that the Superintendant be informed accordingly.
O
1796. — No. VII.
Fort William 25th April 1796. Read the following Letters and enclosures from the Marine
Board and their Secretarys. To the Honble. Sir John Shore Baronet Governor General in Council.
Honble. Sir, - Conformably to your Orders, dated the 28th Ultimo, We have made Enquiry for & Vessel to be stationed at the Andamans. The Brig Peggy Captain Carey has in consequence been tendered to us, and appears to be proper for the service. We submit Copies of the Master Attendant Reports respecting her; and of the terms recommended by him Sicca Rupees 1400 pr Month for 6 Months Certain, every Expence on Account of her to be defrayed by the Owners, [& to] be approved by your Honble Board, we request your sanction to conclude the Agreement, and an Order on the Treasury in favor of the Marine Paymaster for Sicca Rupees Five Thonsand Six han. dred in order to enable me to pay Four Months advance in part of the Freight of the Peggy.
We are with respect
(Signed) John Bristow, John Haldano, John Bebb, E. Hay.
Fort William the 16th April 1796.
Enclosure No. 1. Captain Taswell Esqr, Secretary to the Marine Board.
Sir, - I beg leave to enclose you my Assistant's Report of the Brig Peggy, which I request yon will be pleased to lay before the Board, Captain Carey informs me that the vessel is fitted and ready for Sea, only wants Manning, which will take Six or Seven Days to get his people all on board I beg leave to offer it as my Opinion that fourteen hundred Sicca Rupees pr Month for Six Months Certain, every Charge and expence to be on Account of the Owners is a sufficient freight for her.
I am &c. (Signed) Cudbort Thornhill Master Attendant.
Marine Office 14th April 1796.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Enclosure No. 2.
[FEBRUARY, 1903.
To Cudbert Thornhill Esqr. Master Attendant.
Sir,
I have examined the Brig Peggy Captain Carey, & find her a new Pegue Built Vessel with a single Deck; in Burthen about Fifty Tons, she is sheathed with Wood, but not Coppered. I am &c.
(Signed) A. Waddell, Assistant.
Marine Office the 13th April 1796.
Agreed that the Marine Board be authorized to engage the Peggy at the stated freight for the Andamans service and that a Treasury Order be issued for Sicca Rupees 5600 on account four Months Advance, of which the Civil Auditor is to be Apprised.
1796. No. VIII.
Fort William 23rd May 1796. Secretary Marine Board 10th May. To G. H. Barlow, Secretary
to the Government.
Sir, I am directed to acquaint you that, the Cornwallis being returned from the Andamans, and the Board understanding that Government has no further occasion for her services, they propose to have her returned to the Pilot's Establishment, if it meets with the approval of the Governor General in Council.
I am &c.
(Signed) G. Taswell.
Fort William the 10th May 1796.
Resolved that the Marine Board be directed to return the Cornwallis Schooner to the Pilot Service.
1796. No. IX.
Read the following Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. Superintendant Andamans 18th May. To G. H. Barlow Esq. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I have to request you will acquaint the Honble. the Governor General in Council that According to his directions for withdrawing the Settlement at the Andamans, the necessary arrangements having been made with the Marine Board for that purpose, I embarked on the Cornwallis Snow, on the 12th of last March, and arrived there on the 26th of the same Month. In a very few days afterwards, the Nancy Grab arrived on which I embarked the Stores and all the Convicts for Prince of Wales Island and would have taken this opportunity of relieving the Settlement from a Number of Artificers and private Servants, who were inclined to seek service at Prince of Wales Island, had not many Artificers and private servants been sent on the Ship from Bengal, so that there was but scanty accommodation for the Convicts. In a few days afterwards, the Druid from Pegu to Prince of Wales Island touched at Port Cornwallis on which Ship for a very Moderate freight, I embarked forty of the above discription of people. As it was Calculated that the ship Fairlie which was engaged to touch at the Andamans on her return from Madras would be at Port Cornwallis by the end of March, I prepared every thing to embark on her for Bengal, but after waiting with much impatience till the 21st of April, seeing that there was a probability that her Voyage was altered or that some accident had happened to her, I judged it prudent to provide for such circumstances, to embark as many of the Stores as the Cornwallis would take, all the Sick and the greatest part of the Sepoy Detachment and proceed to Calcutta, where I arrived on the 6th Inst. To the Officer left in charge there I gave instructions to embark on the Fairlie with the remaining part of the Settlers without delay on the event of her arrival, and I have the pleasure to acquaint you that I have just heard of her arrival at Diamond Harbour, after a very expeditious passage from Port Cornwallis where she made her appearance a very few days after I left it, - upon enquiring of the Owners of that Ship the reason of the delay I find it was occasioned by a difficulty of procuring Ballast at Madras in consequence of which they proceeeded to Coringa to ballast with Salt.

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITR CENTURY.
95
I beg you will acquaint the Board, that I paid up the different Establishments and every Expence of the Settlement to the 1st of May which I was enabled to do by receiving Cash from Individuals, for Bills on Government a list of which accompanys this, and as I have yet at balance of Cash in hand I have the pleasure to say that a very small Sum will answer for this Month when every Expence will cease.
I have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. Fort William 13th May 1796.
Resolved that every expence on account of the Establishment, now withdrawn from the Andamans, shall cease with the close of this Month, and ordered that Major Kyd be Written to accordingly.
1796. - No. X. Fort William 30th May 1796. Read the following letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans. Superintendant at the Andamans 27th May. To G. H. Barlow Esqr., Secretary to Government.
Sir,- I beg you will acqnaint the Honble. the Governor General in Conncil, that in making up the Accounts of the Settlement at the Andamans, to the end of this Month I find that the sum of Sicca Rupees Five Thousand Five Hundred and Twenty five ten Pies (Sicca Rupees 5525.0.10) will enable me to discharge every claim when all expences will cease. I have to request therefore that he will be pleased to direct a Treasury order to be issued to me for that amount when the accounts will be closed and transmitted to the prescribed Offices.
I have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans. Calcutta 27th May 1796.
Resolved that a Treasury order be issued for Sicca Rupees 5625.0.10 in favor of Major Kyd to enable him to close the Accounts of that Settlement,
1796. - No. XI. Fort William 20th June 1796. Secretary Marine Board 7th Juno. G. H. Barlow Esqr.
Secretary to the Government.
Sir, - I have the orders of the Board to forward you for the information of the Governor General in Conncil, the enclosed copy of a letter from Captain A. Carey Commander of the Brig Peggy, engaged as a stationery Vessel at the Andamans.
I am &c.
(Signed) G. Taswell Secretary Marine Board. Fort William 7th Jane 1796.
Enclosure. G. Taswell Esqr.
Sir,- Upon examining my orders from Government, I find they have not appointed a certain period for my staying at the Andaman Station, whether I am to remain longer than the time specified in my orders; Should the Government require the Services of the Brig Peggy longer than six Months from the date of their orders, they must inform mo on [? of it] before the expiration of that

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1903.
time, at the same time I shall be in want of a supply of provisions for fifteen European Seamen, for any period they may appoint.
I am &c.
(Signed) A. Carey. June 1st 1796.
The Governor General in Council observes that the Marine Board have already been directed to take measures for relieving the Vessel at the Andamans every Six Months.
1798.- No. XII. Fort William 18th July 1798. Secretary Marine Board dated 15th July. To G. H. Barlow Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, I am directed to acquaint you, for the information of the Governor General in Council, that it has been represented to the Board by the late Commissary of Stores at the Andamans, that on the removal of the Settlement from thence, & Large Long-Boat, which was not completed, and could not be taken on board the ship employed for the Service, was Scuttled and sunk, which, as being perfectly new, and as it might be considered an object to raise in the ensuing North East Moonsoon, He has marked ber Situation to be in 4 fathoms Water, and about 250 yards North West of the Watering Place.
I am &o.
(Signed) G, Taswell Secry, Military Board. Fort William 15th July 1796.
Ordered that the necessary information be given for raising the Long Boat Sunk at the Andamans, when an opportunity offers of writing to that Station.
1798. - No. XIII. Fort William 16th September 1796. Secretary Marine Board dated 6th September.
Sir, I am directed to forward you the accompanying Copy of a letter from the Acting Owner of the Peggy Snow stationed at the Andamans, and to request you will be pleased to lay it before the Governor General in Council and Communicate to the Board bis Instructions thereon.
I am &c
(Signed) G, Taswell Secretary Military Board. Fort William the 6th September 1796,
Enclosure, To Geo, Taswell Esqr. Secretary Marine Board.
Sir. As the contracted time that the Honble. Board agreed to employ the Brig Peggy (of which I am acting Owner) as stationed at the Andamane, is nearly expiring, I beg leave to offer the continuing the said Brig on the same terms for six months longer, to which should the Honble. Board agree, I purpose immediately to dispatch provisions &c to the Andamans pr the Bark Phoenix Captain Moore, who has agreed to touch there should my Offer be accepted, and to him, I will deliver any further instructions for Captain A. Carey that you may think requisite he should be made acquainted with.
I am with due regard &c.
(Signed) William Mordeant. Calcutta 4th September 1796.
Resolved that the Snow Peggy be chartered for six Months longer on the Andaman Station as tendered by the owner and that the Board be informed.
(To be continued)

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FEBRUARY, 1903.)
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES. BY M. N. VENKATASWAMI, M.X.A.S., M.F.L.S.
(Continued from Vol. XXXI. p. 454.)
No. 19. — The Prince, the Cucumber, and the Rákshashf. A CERTAIN king had seven sons, who used to tend cattle in the forest. One day they saw a great number of fish in a tank, and so they drove off the cattle to graze and at once began to catch the fish. When this was finished, one of the brothers went to see where the cattle were grazing. He did not find them, but heard a rumour that they had been carried off by a neighbouring Rakshashi.
“Never mind," said the brothers :-“ Oar father will be pleased with the seven baskets full of fish," and they carried the fish home.
On seeing them, the king asked “where are the cattle P" “We were catching fish and the Bakshashi lifted the cattle," replied the princes.
Whereupon the king, out of sheer anger, slew six of his sons, and when he was about to slay the seventh and last, the prince said, “O father, don't kill me, I will bring the cattle home."
“Very well, bring the cattle home," replied the king.
In search of the missing cattle the prince traversed many forests without success, and he thought of returning home despondingly to meet his fate, when he suddenly came upon shepherd boy, whom he questioned as to the way lending to the Rakshashi's abode.
Go this way," said the shepherd-boy, pointing out a long and straight road, “taking three cucumbers from the field, and when you come to the place where three roads meet, place the three cucumbers on the three ways. Watch which cucumber moves and that's the road you are to take."
The prince did accordingly, and the cucumber on the central road moved, and so the prince went on by that road, taking the Cucumber as his companion and eating the others.
When he was half way on the road, the Cucumber called out. Brother, brother.' “Who is the man calling me?" said the prince, looking round. “," replied the Cucumber. " What is it, brother?" said the prince.
"Well, I have something to say to you," replied the Cucumber. The Rákshashi will pat a mat on a well and ask you to sit on it. Beware! She will mix poison in some food and will ask you to eat. Beware."
A little later the Cucumber again called to the prince, Brother, brother,' and said, "the time for the Raksbashi to be delivered is at hand, and when she is about to give birth leave me on the ground, and I will drive the cattle home."
" Very well," said the prince, and moved on, and in due course reached the Rakshashi's abode, and as soon as she saw him she put a mat on the well and asked him to sit on it.
"O, don't trouble! I don't want to sit down," said the prince. She then mixed poison in some food and offered it to the prince. " O, don't trouble! I don't want to eat," said he. .
“Well, stay where you are,” said Rakshashi, who was now in labour. "As soon as I am delivered, I will come out."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY..
[FEBRUARY, 1903.
At this juncture, the Cucumber asked to be left on the ground. The prince did as he was desired, and the Cucumber drove the cattle home.
When the Rakshashi knew of this, she took the new-born infant in her arms and at once rushed upon the prince to swallow him up, but the Cucumber made him climb up a palmyratree close by. The Rakshashî pat her infant to sleep on the ground, and began to climb up also. The Cucumber then pinched the infant and it cried ont and down came the Rakshashi and pacified the infant. She then climbed half way up the tree again, when the Cucumber again repeated the pinch with the same result. This the Cucumber did three times, and then, thinking to itself that the Rakshashi seemed to never get tired, had recourse to another stratagem. It climbed the tree unknown to the Rakshashi before she began, and stuck two pointed thistles into the tree about half-way up. The Rakshashi's eyes ran into them and became blinded. This brought her down off the tree with immense force and she was killed. The Cucumber then killed her child, and, all fear being vanished, the prince started for his home taking the Cucumber with him. His father was very glad to receive him and the cattle, and revoked the order for the prince's execution.
Now the prince kept his life-preserver the Cucumber in a pot very safely, He used to enquire after its welfare every morning and evening with a shout of Brother,' and used to receive a reply of Yes, brother. This continued for some time, till one day his household complained of having no curry for the night. Whereupon the prince's sisters said, "There's a cucumber in the pot; make it into a pickle." As soon as the Cucumber was out open, the whole house was turned into blood.
The prince, on his return home that evening, shouted as nsual for his brother the Cucum. ber, and, receiving no reply, went up to the pot and saw that there was no Cucumber in it, apon which he ran at once to his mother and asked where the Cucumber was.
"I took it from the pot, and when I cut it open to make pioklo with it, the house and all was turned into blood."
"My life-preserver is gone, why should I live," howled the prinoe and committed suicide. The parents followed suit for grief at the loss of their son, and the cattle also, bemoaning the 1oss they had sustained by the death of their protector, ate a poisonous herb and died also.
No. 20. - The Legend of Ganséa. Sarasvati, the Goddess of Learning, was & most beautiful woman: short of stature, with a round golden face, a curved nose, lustrous eyes, a small sweet mouth, soft, small lily-white hands and symmetrical limbs, ringlets of jet-black glossy hair ; a very parrot among women.
She had a son named Gandba. One day her busband Brahma said to him: “My son, would you like to marry ?” "Yes, father," replied Ganesa. " What would your wife to be like "
As beautiful as my mother," replied Ganesa.
Whereupon the father's anger knew no bounds, and laying hold of a hatchet that was hard by he cat off his son's head.
When Sarasvati came to know what had happened, she at once ran in wild confusion to the spot whero her son's body was lying weltering in blood. But she could not find the head. She chanced to see an elephant passing by, and immediately a wild thought crossed her bewildered brain. She dashed for the animal and lopped off its head, and fastened it on to Ganesn's body and prayed to her lord to bring their son to life.

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FEBRUARY, 1903.)
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
Brahma complied with her request, and thus Gandse became possogged of his slephant's head, as we see to the present day.
No. 21.- The Bird and the King. A tiny little bird uttering melodious sounds sat on the terrace of a king's palace. The king was very pleased and called out to an attendant and said, “ Put the bird into a golden cage and give it the sweetest seeds to eat."
Scarcely was the bird imprisoned in the cage, than another bird of the same kind, uttering the wildest cries, came and sat on the terrace. Displeased with these discordant sounds, the king called out to an attendant to kill it.
The order was about to be executed, when the first bird, in great bumbleness of spirit, said: “0, what are you doing? O just king, listen to the words of the unprotected, revoke your order."
अहं मुनीनां वचनं श्रुणोमि श्रुणोति राजान् मनाथ वाक्यम् न तस्व दोषी न च म गुणी वा
संसर्गजा दोषगुणा भवन्ति. . "I have lived in the abodes of saints, and listened to their sweet talk, while this my brother was brought up by a butcher, and learnt his unearthly notes from the cries of animals when being slaughtered. It is neither his fault, nor do I possess merit. Good or bad (in persons) is the outcome of association." Satisfied with the explanation, the king revoked his order for the death of the other bird.
No. 22. - The Prabhús and the Horse. The Prabhas are irritated beyond measure if called Godai-kavu (i.e., horse-eaters). The following story is told to account for the epithet :
Once upon a time a great famine fell on the land, and some Prabhas, in their hunger, concerted together and killed a horse for its flesh. Greatly afraid of being excommunicated, they hastily buried the bones, and, making the horse's tail to stick out of the ground, raised an alarm of "goda gaila, goda gaila, pátáláth, the horse has gone, the horse has gone, to the nether regions."
Note.
The Prabhts are a prosperous and wealthy caste. Their women are renowned for their beauty, which Nârâyana Varma notices. They are Hindus, and they do not eat horse-flesh. The only people in India who eat horse-flesh are the Dhors of Haidarabad (Deccan) and some Musulmans. There is a regular market in Haidarâbâd for horse-flesh, and the street where that is sold is known by the name of the Nakhts or Horse-flesh Street.
No. 23. - How the English Got a Hold in India. First of all the English landed in Madras, and applied to the Nawab of that place for land equal to a sheepskin. The Nawab, thinking that the land applied for was not much, gave his permission. Whereupon the cunning Englishmen cut a sheepskin into very thin strips, and, joining them on to one another, encircled the whole place with this leather-string and the Nawab felt bound by his word. Thus did the English come to possess the first land in India. which they angmented from time to time by slow conquests.
(To be continued.)
Narrated by the writer's mother, the lato M. Tulsemma.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1908.
NOTES AND QUERIES. THE SAYYIDS OF KARNAL.
Name of Basti.
Nickname.
Saudhå welt. Dar-ul-Himaqat, MR. J. R. DRUMMOND, O. S., first mentioned to me that the Sayyids of certain villages in
house of foolishKarnal, who are of the Barl-Sa'adat, had a
Dess. curious system of clan-names, and subsequently Pimbora. I was furnished with an account of them by the
Sarai.
Bhatidrá, baker. kindness of Sayyid Iltaf Hussain, Honorary
Churiyáld.
Manihar, bangle. Magistrate at Karnal, of whose notes the follow
maker. ing is the gist :
Tassar.
Sweeper.
Sakrêra. The Bårs-Sa'adat have a curious system by
Owl. which the inbabitants of each hamlet or basts are
Muzaffarnagar. Eunuch. known by certain nick-names. These Sayyids are descended from Sayyid Abu'l-Farash Wasiti, At first sight some of these names look like son of Sayyid Dâûd or Sayyid Hussain, and it totems, and one is tempted to see in them traces would be of great interest to see if any other of Arabian totem-clans, which would be in Sayyids have a similar custom. A list of the accord with the claim to be descended from the bastle and nick names is appended :
tribe of Quresh. This, however, does not appear
to be the true explanation of the names, which, it Name of Bastk.
Nickname. should be noted, are called palwal, or counterSanbhalhêra, Kafandoz, or sewer of signs, by the Sayyids themselves. Moreover, shrouds.
the Bari-Sa'adat are all Shi'as, except those Mojhra. Confectioner,
who live in Lathêri village, and even they interMiranpor.
Sheep-butcher. marry with the Shi'as. Kethôráh.
Butcher. Tandhêrih. Bhutné, she-ghost. The nick-names given above appear to be Khojêråh. Ghost.
in reality relics of a system of initiation into Kakroli. Dog.
the degrees of a secret order, and are paralleled Behrah, Chamdr, scavenger or
in Turkey in the order of the Maulavis, in which leather-worker. the novice is called the scullion, and so on. The Morna. Camel.
Shi'as have always tended to become organized Jatwara. Pig.
into orders, or secret societies; and the Assassins Nagla. Barber.
of the Elburz formed in the Middle Ages the most Jangatha.
Chirimár, bird. | powerful and famous of these associations. They catcher.
also had a system of degrees into which their Ohitora. Mimic.
adherents were successively initiated. The Turis Kawal. Jariya, one who sets
of the Kurran Valley, who are or claim to be glass or stone in Sht'as, also have signs by which they ascertain if ornaments.
a man is straight, i.e., a Shi'a, or crooked, i. e., Jault. Telt, or oilman.
a non-Shi'a. Tasang.
Dim. SAlarpar. Chuttyd, fool.
If any reader of this Journal could refer me to Ghalibpur. He-ass.
works on the religious orders or sects of the Sedipar. She-a88.
Shi'as, it might be possible to trace further surKelandah. Kanjrd, greengrocer.
vivals of their organizations among the Sayyids, Bahårt. Goldsmith.
or in general among the Shi'as, of the Panjáb. Bahadurpur. Kangar, rustic. Bilaspur. Khumra, a cutter of
H. A. Rose, mill-stones.
Superintendent of Ethnography, Punjab. PAlrt.
Kamangar, bowman or bowmaker.
Simla, Aug. 15th, 1902.

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MAECW, 1903.) GRAMMAR AND SPECIMENS OF THE MIKIR LANGUAGE.
101
A GRAMMAR AND SPECIMENS OF THE MIKIR LANGUAGE.
BY SIR C. J. LYALL, K.C.S.I.
I.- PRELIMINARY NOTE. T IKE Kachchā Nāgā, Kabui, and Khoirao, Mikir is a language belonging to the Nāgā Grour
L of the Tibeto-Burman Languages, which represents an intermediate stage between the true Nāgā languages, and the various speeches belonging to the Bodo Group. No complete grammar of it has ever been published. The following are the materials which have hitberto been available for its study:
ROBINSON, W., - Notes on the Languages spoken by the various tribes inhabiting the
Valley of Assam and its mountain Confines. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XVIII., 1849, Pt. I., pp. 184 and ff., 310 and ff. On pp. 830 and fi.
an imperfect Mikir Grammar. On pp. 342 and ff. a Mikir Vocabulary. BUTLER, CAPTAIN J., - A Rough Comparative Vocabulary of some of the Dialects spoken
in the “ Nága Hills" District. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLI.
Pt. I., 1873, Appendix. Contains a Vocabulary. CAMPBELL, 81G., -Specimens of the Languages of India, including those of the
Aboriginal Tribes of Bengal, the Central Provinces, and the Eastern Frontier.
Calcutta, 1874. On pp. 204-205 and ff. there is a Mikir Vocabulary. ANON, A Milcir Catechism in the Assamese character, Sibsagar, 1875. NEIGHBOR, THE Rxv. R. E., - A Vocabulary in English and Mikir, with Sentences
illustrating the Use of Words. Caloutta, 1878. DAMANT, G. H., Notes on the Locality and Population of the Tribes droelling between
the Brahmaputra and Ningths Rider8. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XII. 1880, pp. 228 and ff. Account of the Mikirs on p. 236. Short Vocabulary
on p. 254. LXALL, SIR C. J., K.C.S.I., - Note on the geographical distribution and ethnological
affinities of the Mikirs on pp. 78 and ff. of the Census Report of Assam for 1881. Calcutta, 1883. This has been reprinted on pp. 177 and ff. of the Census Report of
the same Province for 1891. The reprinted copy has been revised. PURBELL, M188,- Arlong Alam. A Mikir Primer. Aseam, 1891. DAVIS, A. W., I.C.S., - Note by A. W. D. on the Relations of the principal Languages
of the Nāgā Group on pp. 163 and ff. of the Census Report of Assam for 1891, by E. A. Gait, I.C.S., Shillong, 1892. Compares Mikir with the languages of the Nāgā
and Bodo Groups BAXER, E. O.S. - Account of the Mikirs on p. 254 of the same Report. According to the Census of 1901, Mikir is spoken in the following Assam Districts :
NUMBERS DISTRICT.
OF SPEAKERS. Nowgong ... ...
34,273 Sibsagar
22,803 Khasi and Jaintia Hills
13,142 Kamrup ...
8,026 Darrang ... ...
3,108 Elsewhere ... ...
931
-
Total number of Speakers ...
82,283

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[MARCH, 1903.
It is spoken principally in the centre of the Assam Valley, south of the Brahmaputra, and in the north-east of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills.
Mikirs call themselves · Arleng,' a word which means 'man' generally, although more strictly applied to a Mikir man. Sir Charles Lyall, writing in 1882, described their habitat as follows:
"The country which, from its geographical nomenclature, we should look upon as the home of the Mikir race is tolerably extensive, and includes a large area of hills in wbich there are now few or no Mikirs. The characteristic elements of Mikir topographical nomenclature are Lang, river, water; Langso, small stream ; Inglong, mountain; Long, stone; Rong, village ; Sär, chief. In the isolated mountainous block which fills the triangle between the Brahmaputra on the north, the Dhansiri Valley on the east, and the Kopili and Kalang Valleys on the west, these names are fourd everywhere, as well in the southern part now inhabited by the Rengma Nagás from the hills across the Dhansiri as in the northern portion included in the Nowgong district, and known more particularly as the Mikir Hills. They are also found in considerable numbers to the south of the Längkher Valley, in the mountains now inhabited by Kukis, Kachcha Nāgās, and Kachāris (e. g., Langreng = water of life, Langting, Long-lai, etc.) as far south as the courses of the Jhiri and Jhinam. In the centre of North Cachar they are rarer; but there is a considerable group of Mikir names again to the west of this tract, about the head-waters of the Kopili, and on the southern face of the hills, north of Badarpur. Mikirs also abound, mixed with Lālungs, on the northern face of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, and along the courses of the Kopili and Umkhen rivers.
Across the Brahmaputra the topographical nomenclature shows no trace of them, though there are a few recent colonies of the race in Darrang.
They are thus essentially a people of the lower hills and adjoining lowlands of the central portion of the range stretching from the Garo Hills to the Patkoi. Their neighbours are (1) The Syntengs of Jaintia on the west ; (3) Bodos or Kachäris on the south; (3) Assamese on the north and east, where the country is inhabited at all; and intermixed with them are recent colonies of Kukis and Rengmā Nāgas and older ones of Lālungs and Hill Kachåris."
The following sketch, by Sir Charles Lyall, of the principal features of Mikir Grammar is based on the very instructive specimens which accompany it and on materials, not yet published, gathered by the late Mr. E. Stack in the years 1885-86. As regards the specimens, the parable of the Prodigal Son has been translated by Sardoka Perrin Kay, who is by birth a Mikir, and is at present employed in Government service in Shillong. The two pieces of folklore have also been prepared by him, under the supervision of Mr. H. Corkery, LL.D.-G. A. G.
II. - GRAMMAR. PRONUNCIATION. - Mikir posseuses the following Consonants, b, ch, d, h, j, k, l, m, n, ng, p, 7, 6, 1, v, and the aspirates kh, ph, th. Bh, dh, and g occur only in a few borrowed words, and bh and dh are commonly resolved, as bahar, a load; dohòn, money. F, sh, w, y (consonantal) and are unknown. Ng is never initial, and the g-sound in it is never separately audible.
In Vowels Mr. Stack recognised the following, -a, a (the latter in closed syllables, abraptly pronounced, as in German Mann); e, è (the latter in closed syllables, as in pet), e ; i, i; 0, ò (in closed syllables, abrupt, as in pot), o (this apparently represents a shortened long Ō, as Mr. Stack notes that the sound & or aw, sometimes represented by d, does not occur); 4, U. The differences in length of vowels seem often to be (as in Assamese) rather indeterminate. There is a tendency for the long å to be thinned down to e, as in the loan-words rècho = rājā and bēri = bāri ; e-frequently occurs as a variant of initial a-, see further on,
The Diphthonge Qocurring are ai, oi, oi, si, in all of which the first element represents the long vowel, and the combinations might be written ai, ei, oi, üi.

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ROOT-WORDS. The root-words, whether nouns, adjectives, pronouns, adverbs or verbs, are generally monosyllabic. Roots longer than one syllable are apparently formed by adding prefixes, originally having separate significance, now often lost, to monosyllabic roots, or by compounding one or more roots. Prefixes of which the significance is not now traceable are ar- (as in arlèng, man; ärlòng, stone; arni, sun, day); ing-1 (inglong, mountain; inghòn, pity, etc.); ning-2 (in ningvè, night; ningkàn, year, etc.); and te-, ti-, to- (as in teràm, call; tekàng, abandon; tikup, an enclosure; tovar, a road). Prefixes which are still significant will be noted below. Instances of compound roots are, in nouns, kèng-op, shoe (foot-covering); ni-op, cloud (sun-cover); rèng-me, being happy (life-good), etc.; in verbs numerous examples will be found in the specimens.
INFLECTION.-Words (whether nouns or verbs) are not inflected, but are located in sense by their position in the sentence or by the addition of particles. These particles may often be omitted where ambiguity is not likely.
Gender. Gender is not distinguished except for animate beings, and in them either (1) by difference of termination, or (2) by added words indicating sex, or (3) by different terms. Thus,
(1) pō, father;
-
phu, grandfather; (pu)nu, paternal uncle ;
(2) sō-pō, boy;
su-po, grandson; aso-pinso, male child; chainòng-alo, bull;
(3) ärlòng, man;
103
ik, elder brother;
pē, mother.
phi, grandmother. ni, paternal aunt. so-pi, girl.
su-pi, granddaughter. äsō-pi, daughter. chainòng-api, cow.
ārlosō, woman. ingjir or te, elder sister.
Number. The ordinary suffix for the plural is atum, but other words are occasionally suffixed to indicate plurality, as mär, a mass, quantity, or company; òng, many; l (a respectful form used chiefly in addressing a number of persons). With pronouns the suffix is tum, not atum; ne, I; ne-tum, we; i-tum, we, including the person addressed: nàng, thou; nàng-tum, ye la, he, she, it; la-tum, they respectful forms ne-li, i-li, nàng-li, alang-li; also ne-li-tum, nàng-li-tum.
Case.
Case is indicated by position, or by postpositions. The Nominative and, generally speaking, the Accusative have no postpositions, but are ascertained by their position in the sentence -the nominative at the beginning, the accusative following it before the verb: "but both where necessary can be emphasised by the particles -ke and -si, which in some sort play the part of our definite article. Thus:
-kē, -nē-kē tādāk an-kangchir-si thi-po, I (distinguished from my father's servants) here from hunger am dying.
nang-kë në-longsi kaita do, thou (distinguished from the prodigal son) with me ever art.
lā nàng-mu-kẽ thi lòt-tā, rèng-thu-et-lo, this thy younger brother was dead, and is alive again. ne-men-ke Ong, my name is Ong.
-si, konat ächainòng-a-ok-si dakle kedo-ji, where should cow's flesh be here ? konāt adohon-st nangli kelong-dam, where did you get so much money from?
It is to be carefully remembered that these emphatic particles are not case postpositions, but may be followed by the latter: e. g., jangrēsō-ke-aphan pulō, he said to the orphan; and -si is to be
1 When a prefix comes before ing-, it coalesces with it into one syllable; thus, a + ingang; kā + ing kang che+ ingchang (ching); pa+ ing pang. Apparently the form kā (not ke) is always chosen for the adjectival prefix, and pa (not pe or pi) for the causal prefix, before ing-.
Ning means breast, mind, and in that sense numerous easily intelligible compounds of it occur; but in the words mentioned it seems to be of different origin.

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distinguished from -si, suffix of the locative and probably the same) of the conjunctive participle. Another emphatic particle is -tā, which may often be translated also' or even': vide specimens.
The construction of the Genitive is one of the most characteristic features of the language. The genitive always precedes the noun on which it depends. When it is a pronoun of the first or second person, nothing intervenes between the two : thus, nē-hem, my house; ndng-pë, thy clothes. But when the pronoun is of the third person, or when the first noun takes the place of a pronoun of the third person, the following noun has ā- inserted before it. Thus lä-āpo, his father ; Arnam āhèm, God's house, la hijai-atum akàm, this is the jackals' work; arni-kangsdm apor, day-becoming-cool time. This prefixed a- is really the possessive of the third personal pronoun, as is proved by the equivalence of the pronouns in the following passage from a folk-tale: -
Angi jAngrẽsố rếchô-äsôpô-ãphàn pulô, lũ nàng-pô nàng-ri-pen mamatlẽ
Then the-orphan the king's-son-to said, these your clothes your-dhoti-with yourself-bedecked nàng ru-ärlo nàng-lutlô-tô, nàng chinidẹtpõ; nế-pẽ nê-ri nàng pipõ, you cage-into enter-if, you (they)-will-recognise : my-clothes my-dhoti you (1)-will-give, Ankẽ ru-ữrlo lat-nòn. Ansi rẽch6-886põ ra ingia-si jangresô nàngbarlô, Ansĩ then cage-into enter.' Then the king's-8on the-cage opened-having the-orphan let-out, and
jàngrëső X-pē ā-ri rēcho-āsāpā pilo, lā rēcb7-asõpā ā-pe, a-ri a -lèk, the-orphan his-olothes his-dhoti the-being's son gave, that king's-son his clothes, his-dhori, his-necklace,
a-roi, jàngrēsā pi-thu-lo. his-bangles, the-orphan (-to) gave-in-return.
The orphan said to the king's son, if you go into the cage wearing your own clothes, they will recognise you at once (det); I will give you my clothes, and then you can enter the cage." So the king's son opened the cage and let out the orphan, and the orphan gave the king's son his clothes, and the king's son gave the orphan in exchange bis clothes, necklace, and bangles.'
Here ne-pē, nē-ri, ndng-pë, ndng-ri, are followed by a pē, ā-ri. This use of a- before every noun which has a genitive depending on it has led to that syllable becoming the common prefix of most nouns in the language, and being prefixed not only to the governing word, but also to the word governed. It is, in fact, the ordinary particle indicating relation, and thus comes to be prefixed to. adjectives, e. g., Arnom åketha, God the Almighty ; la ökibi abang, that younger 'one; and not only to adjectives, but to postpositions : aphan, to, has a- when used with the third person : la-āphan, to him; jangrēsā aphan, to the orphan; but ne-phan, to me; nang-phan, to thee. The only postpositions used without this prefixed å are pèn (pen-s), with ; lē, at, in; and si, in: apen and ēpèn are Bometimes found. As already observed, this a- frequently takes the form -; e. 9., hijai-zhur, a pack of jackals; hom-opā, widower; hòm-öpt, widow (literally, the male or female owner of a house)
The other cases are formed by postpositions, which, however, are often omitted when the sense is clear without them :
The Instrumental is generally indicated by -pen (@pen, épèn) or -pensi, as äphèk-epèn, with husks ; Tentòn-ingchin-ani-pen kekok, tied by Tenton with an iron chain.
The Dative takes aphan, to or for (frequent after verbs of saying and asking), which is also occasionally used for the accusative. The sign of the Dative of Purpose is apòt, for, for the sake of : pi-apot, what for, why ? kopt-apotsi, id. ; āphan is also used in this sense in the phrase jirpo-ātum-pèn ning-aròng chipiji-āphan, with my friends in order to make merry.
* It may be noted that the pronoun of the first person plural, is sometimes used in the same way as this prefized ... Thus, -ma, a younger brother or our younger brother. The pronoun of the first person is used similarly in other Näga language. Honoe, in some cases, also, probably, originally represents the first person, and not like ā-, the third. - G.A.G.

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The Ablative is formed with -pèn (āpen) or pènsi : hëlõving-do-ak-pèn, from afar off ; non-pèn, from now; dak-pèn, from here. Aperä (Assamese parā) is also used.
The Locative is formed with oi : hèm-si, in the house; adėt-si, in the country. We also have arlo, in, inside, ander. Le (properly the conjunctive participle of lē, to arrive) is often used as a locative postposition, for at, in, Other common postpositions are,
athak, apon, on. angsong, above, upon, over. arum, below. aber, below. atong, together with lòng = place). adung, adun, beside, close to. adak, between ang-bòng, in the middle of.
aphi, after. ADJECTIVES are regularly formed by prefixing ke-, kä-, or ki- to the root, and do not change for gender, number, or case. Thus, mē, being good; kemē, good : halo, distance; kähēlo, far off : dòk, savour ; kedòk, savoury : ho, bitterness; keho, bitter : lòk, whiteness; kelok, wbite : ri, wealth; kiri, rich. The form of the adjective is precisely the same as that of (1) the present participle of the verbal root used to form the present tense, and (2) the abstract or infinitive of that root, and the collocation of the sentence alone determines the meaning of the word used. When particles of comparison or other modifying elements are added to the adjective, the prefix (ke, etc.) is often omitted as unnecessary. Thus, -
leelòk, white; lòk-hik, wbitish. kemē, good ; mē-mů, better; menē, best.
keding, tall; ding-mu, taller,
but kàngtui, high ; kàngtui-mu, higher; kangtui-ns, highest. The emphatic suffix si sometimes gives the force of the superlative, as in Arràm akethe-si, God the Most High; kemo-si apē, the best garment.
Adjectives sometimes precede, but more commonly follow, the noun qualified (see below as to the relative clause): as already observed, they are usually constructed with the relative prefix a- when joined to a noun.
Numerals. The Cardinals are ist, one ; hint, two; kethom, three ; philt, four; phòngo, five ; theròk, six; theròksi, seven ; nerkep, eight; sirkép, nine; kép, ten; for the tens from 11 to 19 krē takes the place of kep, the unit being added : krē-ist, eleven; krē-hint, twelve, etc. The word for seven is evidently six + one, while those for eight and nine appear to be ten minus two and ten minus one. A score is ingkoi ; thirty thòm-kép, and so on, but the higher numbers appear to be little used. A hundred is pharo. The numeral follows the noun. In composition hini (except with bang, person) is reduced to ni, and kethòm to -thom, As jö-ni jö-thom, two or three nights, Phili and theròk are often contracted to phli and thròk.
Generic Prefixes are commonly used with numbers, as in many other Tibeto-Burman languages: -
with persons, bang, as a-ong-mär kòrtë bang-theròk-kë, his uncles, the six brothers, with animals, jòn (Assamese loan-word), as në kethek-long chelòng jon-phili, I saw (got to
see) four buffaloes ; with trees and things standing up, ròng, as thèngpi ròng-theròk, six trees. with houses, kum, as hem hum-phongo, five houses,

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with flat things, as book, a leaf, a hoe, a knife, pak, as nokė pak phli, four knives ;
lö pak-phòngo, five leaves. with globalar things, as an egg, a gourd, a vessel, pum, as võ-11 pum-ni, two eggs. with parts of the body, and also with rings, bangles and other ornaments, hòng, as
kèmg clòng, One legi roi hỏng-mi, two bangles. Note that one of anything is not formed with isi, but, if of persons, with inut, if of other things, with e-prefixed to the generic determinative; one cow = chainòng ējón; one tree = thèngpi ēròng: one book = puthi ēpåk; one egg = to-li ēpum, etc. This - appears to be borrowed from Assamese, in which it is shortened from ek.
Ordinals appear to be formed by prefixing tatai to the cardinal, as batai kethom, third ; bătăi philt, fourth. Distributive numeral adverbs are formed by prefixing pur or phòng to the cardinal, as purthòm or phòngthòm, thrice. PRONOUNS. --The Personal Fronouns are, - 101 Person, - nē, I; ne-tum, ne-li, ne-li-lum, we, excluding the person addressed;
f-tum, i-li, we, including the person addressed. 2nd Person, - ndng, thou; nang-tum, ndng-li, ndng-li-tum, ye. 3rd Per l a, he, she, it; la-tum, they.
Palang, he, she ; alang-li, respectful; alang-atum, älàng-li-tum, they. These take the postpositions like nouns. The possessive prefixes have been already mentionedl; they are no, my, our; ràng, thy, your; la-, a-, his, her, its, their, The possessive prefix for the first person plural, including the person addressed, is é-or is 45 -
ē-chainong 7-haidi e-păchithukoilàng, áphu-thik-tä -reng e-ha . our-cows our cattle u-he-kas-caused-to-Will, over-and-above-that our skin our hide
o-kāpesā. ur-he-has-caused-to-smart. The Demonstrative Pronouns are läbångso, bdng so, this, pl. labangao-atum, these; hala, halabongso, that, pl. hälā-tum, halabangso-alunn, those. The syllable ha connotes distance, a dak-, ladak, bere ; hädak, there; ha ähèm chevoilo, he returned home from a distance.
Belative Pronouns, properly speaking, do not exist. Their place is taken by descriptive adjectival phrases. Thus, those six brothers who had gone to sell cow's flesh' is -
la chainòng-a-ok kejor-dam-ütunt kòrtë bing-theròk.
those cow's-flesh (o-sell-going-(pl.) brothers persons-nix. and those persons who bad carried cow's flesh (to market) returned home,' is - 9 là chainòng--ok keoàn-atum hèm chevoilõ.
those cow'e-flesh carriers home returned. It is to be noticed that in these sentences the adjectival descriptive clause precedes the noun. So also in Tenton ingchin-ani-pen kekök árlèng, the man whom Tenton bad tied with an iron chain.
There is a word, aling, which is sometimes called a relative pronoun; it seems, however, to be rather a distributive. I don't believe what he says' = la keningjë aling-ta ne kroi-kerē, literally, he speaking whatever, I believe pot; compare már aling-tā adim-tət-tot-la bi-non, the goods, each thing in its place setting down, put, i. e., put everything in its own place; ndng kedo-a ling, ne-ti doji, you staying wherever, I also will stay.
The only examples of ordinals ko formed are found in the Mikir osteohism (1876). In the fok-talos olamay periphrases are used which indicate that ordinals are not generally known. Thus, in mentioning five brother one after another, we have a long, the eldest; addbodm, the junior (between-coming); adalom-adun, the next to the junior; addkvamadun-låthot, the next to the next to the junior; and alb, the youngest.

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The interrogative syllable used to form Interrogative Pronouns is ko : komat, komat-ol, who? kopi, what ? kopu, kopu-si, kolopu, kolopu-son, bow? ko-da, ko-ansi, kolo-dx, how many ? londt, where? kondmthes, when ?
The Reflexive Pronoun is a methang, self, own; but a more usual mode of indicating that the action affects oneself is to prefix the particle che (chi, ching, chòng, and rarely cho) to the verbal root. Thus, là hòm che-voi-lo, he returned home i. e., to his own house); a-òngmär-atum che-pu-lo, his uncles said to one another; che-hàng-jo, they asked for themselves. Examples will be found in abundance in the specimens.
VERBS. -The Mikir verb indicates time, present, past, and future, by means of particles prefixed or suffixed to the root. The verb does not vary for gender, number or person. There is no separate verb substantive, though there are several ways of indicating existence, as do, stay, abide ; plang, become; lang, exist, continue ; lē, arrive, happen, etc. Great use is made of adjectival or participial forms, and, in narration, of the conjunctive participle. Compound roots are very extensively used, the principal verb being put first, then the modifying supplements, and then the time-index.
The Simple, or Indeterminate, Present is expressed by the participle with ke-(ka-) without any suffix, as kondisi nang kedo, where do you live? vo kangjār, the bird flies; sărbüră thi-lot-si nē káchiru, the old man having died, I am weeping; ne-phu keső-kön, my head is aching badly. This tense is, as in other languages, often used historically for the past.
The Definite, or Determinate, Present is expressed by the same participle with - To added ; la kopi kang hoi-lo, what is he doing (now)?
The Habitual Present, including the Past, is expessed by the verbal root with - To, as vo-atum-ka no-phu-athak ingjar-lo, the (ka) birds fly above our heads.
The Simple, or Narrative, Past is formed by the verbal root with -lö or -ddt, as lä pu-lo or pu-dot, he said; no-phu 5-ddt, my head was aching; tā ke-ri aphi-si lòng-lo, he, after searching, found it. Sometimes -det and -lo are used together : la nē ington-dot-lo, he abused me. Dèt appears to be a particle (porhaps once a verb, but not now used separately) indicating completeness, whether continuing in the present or not, and so may be used for the present when the state indicated by the verb is one that began in the past and still endures, e. 9., 'why are you afraid ?' may be expressed by kopi apòtsi ndug kāphörő, or kopi apdtsi nang phäro-det?
The Complete Past is indicated by the root with -tang-lo (tang is a verb meaning to finish), as la apòtsi në dam-tang-lo, I went, or had gone, on his account ; tēlòng lòng lo pho-tang-lo, the boat has touched ground.
There are besides a great number of other particles indicating past time, used with particular verbs. Thus with the various words meaning to fall' the following are used : hă-lä сhe-koi-bup, he fell down; hòm ro-bup, the house collapsed (= ru-tang-lo); lòng-chòng kit-bup, the upright memorial stone fell down ; lòng-pak klo-bruke (or klo-tang-15), the flat memorial stone fell down; thèngpi-angsòngpin nang-klo-brale, he fell down from the top of the tree. All these particles denote abruptness.
A Periphrastio Past, with the root followed by inghoi-lo (did), must be noticed. This is probably borrowed from Assamese ; e. g., hijai-hur ējai khèn chö-klip-inghoi-lo, the jackal-pack the whole of the arums ate np completely (klip); särpi inghap ingkir-dun-hòr-inghoi-lo, the old woman having shut the door made it fast.
Here should be noticed the prefix nàng, used as the specimens show) with great frequency in narrative. It has the effect of fixing the occurrence to a known place. Thus, phak ladak si ndng-thi-lot: methàn nàng-chö-dot, the pig died here : the dog has eaten it up, in a known place; - but methan pòn-dàt or pon-tang-lo, the dog has taken it away, - from a known place to
• There are partiolos whioh indionte plurality where necessary, of which jd is that most often used.

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• place unknown. It seems very probable that the word is originally the pronoun of the second person, and that it refers to the knowledge of the person to whom the tale is related =' as you know or as you see.
The Future is represented in two ways only: (1) by -pö added to the root, to indicate an action beginning now and continued in the future, as nē-tum nonkē labangko akam apòte pu-po, we will talk about this affair now (nonkë); (2) by jt added to the root, for an action which commences later on, e. g., bādu ärleng-ta tht-jt, all men will die (i. e., at some future time). .
As-po includes the present in the case of continuing action, it may also be (and often is) used in a present sense : jl is restricted to future time.
A compound future may be formed by adding to the root with ji the tormination dòkdòk-lo; là thi-ji dòkdok-lo, he is jnst about to die; an Ik-ji dòkdòk-lo, the rice is nearly all done; an-choji dòkdol-lo, it is near breakfast time (i. e., rice-eating); lë-ji dòkdòk-lo, we have almost arrived; dàn-ji dòkdòk-lo, he is about to go. A doubtful fatare may be expressed by -ji added to the present participle, as kondt chainòng-a-ok-si daka kedoji, where should cow's flesh be bere ; chainòng kenamji, I want to buy a bullock.
From the above it will be seen that there is much indefiniteness in the indications of time afforded by the Mikir verb: except -tang for the past complete, and jt for the future, the other saffixes may, according to circumstances, be rendered by the past, present, or future; but the context generally removes all ambiguity.
Conditional phrases are formed by putting -te, if, at the end of the first member, and the Bocond generally in the future with oji.
Conditional Futuro, - nang dam-të, ndng là thèk-dam-st, if yon go you will see him ; nang në pu-të, në klom-ji, if you tell me, I will do it.
The Conditional Past inserts aeon (like, supposing that). before-te; dohon do-äson-të, në là nam ji, if I had money, I would buy it.
The Conditional pluperfect modifies the second member thus, - ndng dam-asòn-te, nang à long lok-ji apotlo, had you gone, you would have got it ; nàng në than asdn-të, në là klòm-tang-lo, if you had explained to me, I would have done it. Other Conditional phrases :nang dam bom-te, lak mu-chòt-jt làng, the farther you go, the more you will be tired, (bom,
to continuo; lak, to be weary ; mu-, elative particle ; chòt, constant affix to me; lang,
verb meaning 'to continue' or 'exist'). nang chòk-per-an mu-chòt-tē, chiru-pèl-dn mu-chdt-pö, the more you beat him, the more he
will cry (chok, to beat; pot, adverb expressing plurality; an, particle of number or
quantity; chiru, to weep). Te may be omitted where the sense is otherwise fixed :
nàng đàm phngthui òng, chung ong ji.
you go high more, cold more will-be, the higher you go, the colder it will grow. nàng pg ông, nàng troi-krỡ òng pô. you speak more, you disobey more will, the more you tell him, the more he will disobey. nàng dohòn -òng Pi, pekòn òng pô. you money giving-more give, waste more will the more money you give him, the more he
will throw away.

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The Imperative is, for the second person, the bare root, or more usually the root strengthened by the addition of noi, thā, or non. Thus, pi-noi, give; lang-thā, see; pl-non, give. The form with non (meaning now') is the strongest form. The other two are of about eqnal value. The other persons are formed by the addition of nàng ( verb meaning to be necessary') to the future in po or present in -lö. Let us go' = itum dam-po-nang ; let us go to the field and plough'=rit kai-bai dam-lo-nang: or, by using the causative form of the verb, 'let him go' = lä-kë pedam-non.
Participles. - The Present Participle has the form of the adjective, with the prefixed ke- (ki-) or kä, as kedam, going; kâchiru, weeping.
The Past Participle is the root compounded with tàng : dam-tang, gone ; thok-tang, having seen; kāpàngtutàng, fattened.
Perhaps the most used form of the verb, especially in narrative, is the Conjunctive Participle, either the bare root, or the root with -o, as hèm chepoi-sf thek-lo, having returned home, he saw. When the past is indicated, dat is need, either with or withont-rt, as chö-det jun-det särbürā tòn-arlo kaibong pātu-jos-sf f-lo, having finished eating and drinking, the old man, baving quietly hidden his club under a basket, lay down ; Tonton dohòn-alang-pong long-s, rit damda-dest, kåt-ju-lo, Tenton, having got the bamboo-joint with the money, without returning to the field, ran away.
When the phrase in which the Conjunctive Participle occurs is terminated by an imperative, the suffix is not -sf but ra. Thns, having eaten your rice, go' or eat your rice and go' is an chora, dam-non ; but having eaten his rice, be went' is an cho-del-st, da mr-lo. While - si links together parts of a narrative, - å links together a string of imperatives.
. The Infinitive or Verbal Noun is identical in form with the Present Participle : kum-kirdt tongta kekan ärli nang-arju-long-lo, he heard there (ndng) the sound of fiddle scraping (kirdt) and dancing (kekdn). All words beginning with ke-(kai, kā) may therefore be regarded as (1) Adjectives; (2) Participles forming tenses of the verb; or (3) Verbal nouns; and it will be seen from the analysis of the specimens how clearly this at first sight strange allocation of forms can be made to express the required sense.
A Fatore Verbal Noun or Gerund can be formed by adding jl to the verbal noun with to: Roslalam-jt, to make (rejoicing is proper): this form generally occurs with a postposition; ning arong chipl-ji aphan, in order to make merry together.
The Passive, as in other languages of the same family, is unknown as a separate form. It may sometimes be expressed by a periphrasis, as I was beaten' = ne kachok on-tang, lit., 'I received a beating'; bat it is most frequently found in participial form, which is identical with the active parfoi plo, and is in fact the same thing regarded from the other side. Thus bring the fatted calf and kill it here, i8 bãoàngtu-tàng &chaiòng-ado Ladak và Mã thu-ò: köpangtu-tàng is made up of the root ing tu, to be fat; pā, the causal prefix; ka, the participial prefix; and tàng, the suffix of completion : the word might mean having fattened,' and since in a transitive verb, which alone can form a passive, there are always a subject and an object, it is evident that the verb may be regarded as active from the point of view of the subject, and passive from that of the object. In such a phrase, moreover, the participle (as, in relative phrases, the adjectival clause) comes first, and thus calls attention to the action upon the following patient; while in an active phrase the agent comes first and the participle or noun of action after it. In the same way, the phrase "he was lost, and is found again' is rendered ingbo-det-tā, lòng-thu-lok-lo : this might equally well (since no pronoun is expressed) be rendered actively I had lost him, now I have found him again. Thus the absence of a formal passive, in a language required to express so simple stage of thonght, is not found to be ar inconvenience.
The Negative Verb is a very interesting and remarkable feature of the language. A separate negative root, formed by profizing or suffixing a negative particle and conjugated in the same way

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as the positive, is indeed a common property of Tibeto-Burman speech; but in Mikir this secondary root is formed in a peculiar manner. The syllable é is added to the primitive, as un, can; we, cannot, is unable. But when the root begins with a consonant or a nexus of consonants, these are repeated before the added syllable: thèk, see; thèk-thë, see not: dam, go; dam-dē, go not: Ieroi, believe: kroi-krē, disbelieve, disobey: mók-prong, awake (eye-open); mek-prang-prē, not awake. When the verb is of two or more syllables, the last is chosen for redaplication : as inghoi, do; inghoi-hē, not do: ingjingo, show mercy; ingjinso-sē, not show mercy: chini (Assamese loan-word), recognise ; chini-nē, not recognise.
The secondary root thus obtained is conjugated just like the positive root, except that the time-index is more often dropped as unnecessary, owing to the context showing what the time relation is.
In the Imperative, the reduplication is not used; the particle-ri is added to the positive root: thek-non, see; thek-rs or thèk-ri-non, see not.
It may be added that this method of forming the negative by reduplication is not peculiar to verbal forms; adjectives are also negatived in the same way: keso, in pain, sick; ső-së, not sick, well : kdngjinsō, merciful; kangjinsō-sē, merciless : bat, as there is no distinction between an adjective and & verbal or participial form, this is not remarkable.
Besides this organic negative, there is a periphrastic negative formed by adding the word ave, is not: Arnam abang ādē, kechòng äve, kāpełdng avē, God has no body, no beginning, no end (lit., God his body is not, beginning is not, end is not). The a- in avē is the usual a- of relation and may be dropped ; aldm-āvē, without a word; làm-vē, wordless, dumb. Ke may be prefixed, yielding kavē, used as an adjectival negative : akhat-kāvē ärlosa-ātum, shameless women ; kedo-käve, literally being-not-being,' is a common expression for all'; Italian tutti quanti.
Interrogative sentences are formed (when not containing an interrogative word formed with ko-) by adding må at the end : 'are you planting the arums uncooked ?'= nangtum hòn ākovēti ko-ë mā; is it true?'=såkhit-mā; having a bullock already, why should I buy one?' chainong do-kòk-lë, kendm ji ma.
Causal Verb. - This is formed by prefixing the syllable pe- (pls, på-), which is probably the root pl, meaning "give.' Thus, cho, eat; pecho, cause to eat, feed : tàng, finish : petang, canse to finish, end: ingrum, be gathered together; pangrum, collect : ver-det, be lost; pl-vēr-det, destroy. This syllable takes precedence of che in reflexive verbs; eg, e-chainòng e-på-chi-thu-koi-làng, our cows he has caused us to slaughter all. Here is the first person plural pronoun including the addressee; pä-, the causal prefix; chi, the reflexive particle, indicating that the cows slaughtered were their own; that, the verb to cut," kill'; koi, a particle indicating completeness, all (cho-koi, to eat up); lang, the tense-suffix.
Inceptives are formed with the verb chòng, to begin, used with the infinitive: äròng ka-chi-pi chong-lo, they began to make merry; or with the future participle or gerund in ji, with the locative particle -- added, as keduk-jt-hi chéng-lo, he began to be in want,
Compound Verbs meet us at every step in Mikir. Roots are heaped together, and the compound is closed by the tense-suffix. Ordinarily the first root determines the meaning of the compound, the rest being adverbial supplements of modifying force; chirupt-lom-lo, pretended to weep (chiru, weep; lèm, seem, appear; pl-lèm, cause to seem, pretend); ko-phlòng-dam abang, & person who
In the Kal-Chin language onlled Kolrān, there seems to be optionally somewhat similar reduplication of the verb before the negative particle. Thus, we find na-pa-pök-mao-yas, did not give. Here na, perhaps, corresponds to the Mikir defining prefix năng: po or pak means to give'; mao is the negative partiolo; and gas is the tense-suffix. Bo also, in Khami we have an Imperative pepe-nok, do not give. In Khami the root is also pe or pok. In leveral Tibeto-Burman languages tonige waffles are freely dispensed with in the negative form. Good examples are Khyang and Burmese G. A, G.

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will go and set fire (to the funeral pile) (phlòng, kindle; dam, go); kroi-dun-lo, she consented' (uros, agree, obey; dun, go with another) ; në do-dun-ji mä, will you be a companion to us? (do, remain; dun, be a compenion to, go with); hèm te-dam-ra jun-dam-nòn, go to the house and drink your fill (la, arrive; dam, go; jun, drink); thang-tā pu-has-ho-det-sf l-jos-lo, not daring to say anything, he lay down quietly (pu, say; hai, dare; hai-hë, negative verb; 1, lie down; joi, adv., quietly); nang dam-long-te, you cannot go (dam, go; lòng, get, obtain; lòng-lē, negative verb); arju-long-lo, he chanced to hear (ärju, hear; lòng, get); dam-jui-lo, he went away (dam, go; js, run away). Some Verbs take the suffix ide before the suffix of past time, amongst which may be mentioned thi, die; i, lie down; and jàng, close (the eyes). As an example we may quote thi-tang-lot-la, died,
ADVERBS. These are, extremely numerous, and are, like subsidiary verbal roots, inserted between the principal verb and the tense-suffix; e.g., thu, again; ròng-thu-dl-lo, is alive again (ròng, live, takes èt before verbal suffixes); Tong-ther-lok-lā, is found again (lòng, find, takes lòk before verbal suffixes): pòt, completely ; pèt-lo, he planted completely (e, plant); nang-lut-pot-lo, all are entered in, they have gone in completely (nàng, defining prefix, - see above; lut, enter); klip and koi, also meaning completely,' used with cho, eat, as in cho-klip-lo, cho-koi-lo, he ate up; serdk, quickly; pan-serat-lo, he brought quickly.
Here may be mentioned the way of forming Diminutives and Augmentatives. For the former, add sā, small, to the noun ; lang, water; làng-roi, river; lang-roi-so, a brook: hèm, a house; hêm-, a hut: (ar) long, stone; Tong-so, a small stone, a whetstone: älòm, time, interval; alom-so, & short time. On the other hand, the syllable pt added to a noun magnifies it: thông, wood, firewood; thèng-pl, a tree : làng, water; lang-pt, the great water, the sea : tovar, a path ; tovar pl, 2 highway, a broad road ; to pār-60, a foot-path..
(To be continued.)
THE LEGEND OF KUNJARAKARNA. TRANSLATED FROM THE DUTCH OF PROFESSOR KERN
BY MISS L. A. THOMAS. [The Legend of Kunjarakarna has been rendered accessible to the public by Professor 8. Kern, who has printed the text from an Old Javanese MS. of the last half of the 14th century, belonging to the University Library of Leiden, and has prefixed a full discussion of the age and sources of the story and the peculiarities of the MS., together with a rendering in Dutch. Professor Kern's work appeared in the Transactions of the Academy of Amsterdam, Literary Section, New Series, Vol. III., No. 8 of 1901. The present translation has been made, with Professor Kern's kind consent, from his Datch version, and is the work of my sister, though I have examined the whole and added the rendering of one passage. It is hoped that the story may prove interesting to readers of the Indian Antiquary, both as a highly peculiar production of the Mabâyâna Buddhism of Java and as a charming example of Vision literature in general. For a further account of it, the reader will turn to Professor Kern's above-mentioned original. It will be observed that some of the proper names, etc., show, in their spelling, traces of their sojoure in Java.-F.W. THOMAB.) AFTER Bhatara bad proclaimed the sacred Law in the Bodhiohitta Vihara, all the gods,
namely, Akshobhys, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha, Amôghasiddhi, Lökébvara, and Vajrapani, joined in worshipping the Lord Brt-Vairdohans, preceded by the rulers of the four corners of the earth, namely, Indra, Yama, Varana, Kavera, and Vaigravana. These, all together, worshipped the Lord Srt-Vatroohana. After he had prenched the Sacred Low to all the gods, they took leave in order to return each to his own kingdom. Then they went away.
Now thero was a certain Yaksha, called Kunjarakarna, who practised asceticism on the slopes of the holy mountain CahAmoru at the North, with all the steadfastness of his soul. But he wa

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in doubt how he should be born again, whether as man or not as man, as god or not as god. That was the reason why he practised asceticism; he wished, in his future incarnation, to stand higher in the order of living beings. Hearing that Vsirdchana was preaching the Law to all the gods, be departed to do homage to him, as he desired to hear the teaching of the Lord. This, then, was his plan
Hey! Presto! Begone! Without lingering on the way he came to Bodhichitta, the holy mansion of Vairochana. Straightway he did homage to the Lord. After he had rendered homage he aplifted his folded hands reverently, saying :-"O gracious Lord! Have pity upon your son, O Master I Instruct me in the Sacred Law, as I am in doubt concerning my new birth and the reqnital (of good and bad) to the children of men; for I see that, of the people on the earth, some are lords, others slaves. What is the cause that it is 80 ? for 'they are, alike, the work of Bhatara. What may be the reason of this? I ask you for enlightenment concerning this; teach rae, O Master! with regard to this, and how my defilements may be removed. Instruct me in the Suored Law."
"O my son, Kunjarakarpa, this is very good of you that you desire to know the Saored Law, and that you make free to put a question about the requital to the children of men. Because one sees that there are men who, however they are made acquainted with the moans of expelling the defilements from their bodies, nevertheless do not enquire after the import of the Sacred Law, because they wish to enjoy themselves. And what enjoyment ? Eating and drinking, the possession of gold and slaves, and the means of bedecking themselves. This is enjoyment according to their viow. You, my son, are not of their opinion, and you enquire about the Sacred Law. Now I will instruct you forthwith in the Sacred Law, so that you may learn to know it fully, and that your vision may be cleared, and you may rightly understand the requital to the children of man, and why now, upon the earth, some are lords, others slaves, both of them everywhere. But you must first go into the kingdom of Yama, where you shall see all the wicked. Thereof must you first obtain knowledge. When you return thence, I will instruct you in the Sacred Law. Good! Then go first to the lower world and ask Yemadhipati the reason why the evil-doers experience the five states of worldly suffering. Let him explain that to you."
"As you command, Lord! I will go, Master !” Presto ! Begone! Thanks to his nature and skill as a Yaksha, he plunged into the ocean and opened the port, the entrance to Yama's kingdom. The divinities were amazed at the appearance of Kudjarakarna, which caused north and south, west and east, to be agitated. When the atmosphere bad become calm, the earth quaked as if it would burst; the tops of Mahêmêra shook, the moantains swayod, the waters of the ses were stirred; thunderbolts, borne by the storm, whizzed; hurricane and whirlwind ; mirage and rainbow shot to and fro, through the air, flickering unceasingly. Then, suddenly, the portal of the ocean, through which Kadjarskarna had passed, was closed, at which Kunjarakarna was very much dismayed and troubled at heart.
With rapid Alight in the path of the wind, Kunjarakarpa journeyed on. He came to a crossway where the ways met; one north, another southwards ; another east, and another westwards, The one to the east led to the divipe dwelling-place of BhatAra-Isvara, the blessed place of the monks who have acquired supernatural power by asceticism; the road to the north leads to the dwelling-place of Bhadra-Vishnu ; this is the heaven of heroes in battle. The one to the west leads to Buddhapada; this is the dwelling-place of the god Mahadeve, the paradise of those who have been heroes in generosity and have done pious worka upon the earth. The one to the south leads to Yama's kingdom ; that is the abode of Bhatara-Yamadhipati, where go all who bste wrongbt evil.
At the crossway, where the roads met, was Dyarakala, who watches the entrance to heaven and to Yama's kingdom. Dvaralala shows the way thither; and so Kunjarakarpa came upon

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him. When Dvarakala saw Kunjarakarna, he accosted him, saying "Hey, brother! who are you, who are come here to the crossways! What is your business in coming here?” So spske Dvarakala.
Thereupon Kunjarakarna answered, saying "I am a Yaksha, Kunjarakarna by name, who practise self-mortification at the north-east side of MahAmoru. The cause of my coming here is a command of the Lord Vairohana; he commanded me to go to Yama's kingdom, and Bow I ask you the way there."
Then answered Dvarakals : Ah so! Oh, dear brother Kunjarakarna, old men, I count myself right fortunate, my dear fellow, that you have come here. Well I You ask the way to Yama's kingdom. Now, follow that road there to the south. Hasten a little, dear brother, for you run a risk of being overtaken by the darkness; now the danger consists in dark068. Therefore those who celebrate a funeral on earth take lamps with them to serve as a light for the souls when they come into the darkness. If you wish to form an idea of the opacity of this darkness when it is come, well, it lasta seven days before it vanishes."
"What a long time it lasta, elder brother Dvarakala ! So be it. I ask loave to go hence." "Good, brother ! hasten quickly upon your way, dear brother !"
Thereupon, Kunjarakarns went his way. Presto ! Begone! Without lingering on the road he came to Bhomipattans. There was a Srijyots, which always gave light over a sendriya space; by sendriya is meant as far as the sight extends." There Kunjarakarna found a gate whose folds were copper, its lock silver, and the key gold; the posts were iron; the entrance was a path a fathom and a koh wide. The courtyard was besmeared with dung, manure of a heifer; it was planted with red Andongs, Kayu Mas, gorgeous in full bloom and impregnated with the vapours of incense, tha odour of which is here diffused like & sweet-smelling perfume. It was strewn with scattered flowers, and adorned with garlands of honour. This was the reason why the wicked raced to get there, thinking it was the way to heaven.
Kunjarakarna went further. Quickly1 Gone! He came to the field of Protabhavana, which extends one yojana. He stood still at the boundary of the field Agnikorove (Agnitoraņa ?). The boundary was marked off by fire in the middle of Bhtimipattana. There were the sword-trees, trees with swords for leaves; the buds thereof were lancets, and the thorns all kinds of weapons. The thickness thereof was that of pinang-tree, and the height ten fathorns. The shadow stretches over 10 lakshas above sword-like grass; the undergrowth was formed of landets and knives. That is the place where the wicked undergo the fire states of mortal suffering, while they are hanted and tormented by the servants of Yama. What, then, were the punishments which Kunjarakarps say there? Some of them had their skulls hewn off with an axe ; others were chained (or martyred); some were cut open ; after that they were beated with iron clubs and their skulls were split open so that their brains fell out ; afterwards, their feet were crashed, by hundreds, all together, all utterly shattered; then they were stabbed with iron pikes as thick as & pinang-tree and ten fathoms long, by hundreds all together. To what can one compare them ? They were like grasshoppers which have been pierced. They wept and sobbed. Some with lamentations called apon their father and mother, others upon wife and children, for help. There were, moreover, certain Yaksha-birds, called Sisantana (Asipattra 7), malevolent, with knives for wings and swords for claws, claws as sharp as Indra's weapon. These came flying from the sword-troos and fell upon the evil ones, by hundreds all together, while they were bitten by Yaksha-bound's with gigantie heads, by thousands all together. Some had their necks bitten through; the stomachs of others were torn open at their fall from the sword-trees, so that their bowels hung out. But those who still lived were pursued and driven out by dogs with Yoksha-faces; these were servants of Yamadhipett. There were also Agnimkha-(fire-mouth )-Yaksha, with fiery hands and feet. These pargued the evil ones in compast troops of thousands, all together. The bedies were smitten by' & way of the wings,

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those bodies which were burned gnashed their teeth; their eyeballs started out; they writhed and squirmed, groaning, neither dead nor living, panting and gasping for breath, and lying in agony upon the rods. Those who still lived raced their hardest, taking hold of each other by the shoulder, their bodies being exhausted by the heat of the Agnimukhas. All who were pursued by the servants of Yama were taken and laid upon iron pikes which were as thick as an arm, and a fathom and a koh long. In convulsions, they were pierced from chine to crown. Others ran away and sought refuge at the sword-trees, by thousands all together in a crowd. When they were come under the trees, they thought these would give them protection. Then the Yaksha-birds shook the trees, which turned entirely to prickles. All those who sought refuge were cut to pieces. What did they look like? Some had their skulls split, their ribs broken, their stomachs torn open; their bowels were falling out, and their arms were cut off. They were not dead, nor yet living, while undergoing the five states of worldly suffering. Moreover, still another disillusionment was prepared for them: some water babbled with a murmur like the water of a little lake. "That will be very delicious to drink," they thought; so they went up to it in great crowds. When they came there, they trod on the sharp grass; their feet were pierced, and the blood gushed out. They all fell as if they had been struck with all kinds of weapons. Then the birds with Yaksha-faces came; they shook the sword-trees so that the leaves all fell. With all the weapons stuck in them, the wicked men looked like the prickles of a hedgehog. Thereupon, their bodies were racked by the Agnimukh as with a jerk so that they were shrivelled and their brains gushed out. They were neither dead nor living. They writhed and sighed, being continually tortured. Thus did Kunjarakarna behold the evil ones. At the sight, Kunjarakarna felt as if his heart were torn in pieces; aghast, he saw the punishment of the evil ones, which seemed to him to be endless.
Kunjarakarna stood still. When he turned his glance towards the south, he caught sight of the Sanghata-parvatas, two mountains of iron, which, continually moving, closed against each other. There were the evil ones chastised and spurred to go through the yawning opening in the mountains of iron, which turned round like a windmill, resembling Emprit birds in flight. The servants of Yama were not even yet satisfied. So the evil ones were tortured anew and struck with iron clubs as thick as a pinang-tree. Others were pierced with iron spears, ten fathoms long, by hundreds all together. What did they look like? Like strung locusts. In great haste they sought a means of escape, reverently folded their hands, and uttered a loud cry, saying sorrowfully:-"Ah, great Masters, Servants of Yama! have pity upon me; let me live and be born again upon the earth; teach me what is proper and what is improper, so that I may forsake sin, be an obedient servant of the Panditas and perform works of charity; now, on the contrary, I reap the fruits of wickedness."
That was indeed a cry; an outburst of sorrow and woe!"The evil that you have done is altogether too base, is it not? Of that you can be assured in your minds. How can I permit you to be born again? The whole world would go to nought, as also the Sacred Law, the nature of things, the ordinance of time, the abandonment of the world, piety, gentleness, all that is right. Wherefore, then, should you be born again hereafter? The world would certainly be through you as it were set in fire and flames in consequence of your former impiety. Also, you were covetous and have repeatedly killed innocent men. Now the evil that you have done is become an iron spear, which torments your bodies as a payment for the wickedness of which you have made yourselves guilty. All that is your merited reward, you wicked ones!"
Suddenly the sound of stabbing was heard; bang! bang; they are beaten unceasingly with an iron club; suddenly, crash! crash, everywhere could one see the points sticking out. So the servants of Yama went to work while they punished all the evil ones, who shrieked in pain. Afterwards they were hung on high, and under them fire was kindled. When Kunjarakarna espied the evil ones, he stood still, feeling great sorrow at the sight of the evil-doers, who were being chastised by the servants of Yama. Kunjarakarna felt a griping pain at his heart: it was as if the members of his body were being cut in pieces. It was as if he imploringly raised his hands to

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Bhatara-Vairobana, with the words : " Aho, namo Bhatdra / Namah Sivdya." "Boundless is the mercy of the Lord toward me, in that he commanded me to go to Yama's kingdom to.Bee what is prepared for all evil-doers. Now, only, do I understand what was his aim."
So spako Kunjarakarna. Then he praised the Lord and went away to the abode of BhataraYamadhipati. Hey! Presto! Gone! He came to the abode of Yamadhipati. Because it was not unknown to Yama who Kunjarakarna was, he welcomed him :-"Oh, how fortunate I am that you have come ! Well, my dear younger brother, what is the cause of your coming here? It is, indeed, seldom that you come ; what is your object, and your desire ?"
"Oh, my elder brother, YamAdhipatil my object in coming here is the result of a command from His Holiness Bhatara-Vairochana, and I seek to be enlightened by you, as I am in doubt how I shall be born as man, or not as man; as divinity, or not as divinity, I know not what
recompense I have to expect at my rebirth. So I asked for enlightenment, and the Lord · Vairohans said to me:-. It is excellent on your part to ask for enlightenment concerning the
* Saored Law. Therefore I will teach you, so that you may learn to know the Sacred Law fully * and that your vision may be made clear. But first go to Yama's kingdom, where you will see all those who undergo the five states of mortal pain. When you have returned from Yama's kingdom, I will instruct you in the Law.' - So spake the Lord Vairoohana to me. Have pity upon me, O elder brother Yamadhipati. Explain to me the meaning of it. And then I should like to ask you still another thing, O elder brother Yamadhipati. What road is that which one sees from here? I have great fear of it in my heart because it is closed by fire; towards the south thereof are two mountains of iron, which continually move and strike against each other. There are the evil-doers squeezed flat by the mountains of iron; their skulls are broken so that their brains fall out; their tongues hang out of their moaths; their eye-balls start out. They are not dead, and yet not living, but are perpetually tortured. What is it that canses such things? Is it the universal ordinance of God ? . Tell me that, О elder brother Yamadhipati."
"Just so, Kunjarakarna. I will instruct you, dear brother; listen well! The road where you see the glow of fire leads to Adhobhamipattans; and what you see protruding from the centre of it is the sword-tree jungle ; and the black mass you see rising at the southern boundary is the so-called Parvatasangheta, mountains of iron, which strike against each other. Thither the evil-doers are pursued by my servants, as panishment for their former Dushkpiti, the evil they have done upon the earth. This adheres to the soul and demands fruition. Such is the Karma. The good and the evil-deeds shall both receive a proportionate reward, being pleasure or pain, which one experiences in the body. Into Bhamipattans men are consigned by their evil deeds. How great, then, should be the number of evil-doers whom you saw there anon? A thousand ? Two thousand ? Incalculable is their number, Bhamipattana is full of them. How broad is the way which you followed just now? A fathom and a koh wide. This also is crammed with evil-doers. But yonder way, which is but thres spans broad and overgrown with grass and weeds, how comes it so? Because those who do good deeds are so few in number. All men upon the earth do wrong, struggling for precedence. Therefore, Kunjarakarna, do not fail zealously to practise selfmortification."
#Ah, elder brother Yamadhipati! Yes, so it is. The evil deede in their former life are the cause of it. What is really the reason that they wish to live again ? For sure they have died formerly on the earth; and yet the dead, as many as have come to Yama's kingdom, return to the flesh."
"Ab, dear brother Kunjarakarpa, old man ! You are very ignorant, brother! That comes about in the following way; listen carefully. You must know then there are five {tmans in the body, namely, Atman, Purátman, Nirdtman, Antarátman, Chétandtman. That is the number of souls in the body. Consciousness (Chetana) is that which rouses a desire to live and unites those other four

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Átmans into one : these become then a composite whole and this assumes a bodily form. It is the evil deeds of a former state that serve as a guide to the soul and are the cause that it goes to Yama's kingdom. But the Higher Power it is which develops the body and makes the five Atmans, namely, Atman, Parátman, Nirátman, Antarátman, Chetanátman. The Atman' is the sight; 'Niratman,' the hearing ; Antarátman,' the breath ; 'Parátman,' the voice; Chetandtman,' the consciousness; this gives unity to the whole, so that an individual with a soul arises. This last begets ideas and desires. He who has desires is subject to the allurements of the sensual world. He knows not how to seek a cure. Therefore he is perplexed : he wishes to enrich himself, to rob, to extort, to conjure, to poison, to kill innocent men, to eat and to drink. The wrong that he does is done under the influence of the Chetana; for the consciousness follows its course uninterruptedly day and night. If now the man dies, he takes his evil deeds with him to Yama's kingdom, where he is punished by being beaten with iron clubs for the sake of his former Dushkriti, his evil deeds; these become iron spears and iron clubs, which remind him of his evil deeds. According to what he has done and brought upon himself, evil falls to his share; for his good deeds, good comes to him. For both are ready for him; the reward of his good and of his evil deeds. This it is which shows him the way in which he must go. "Supreme power is the power of willing and of not willing; for both bring about life. Life is subject to death; memory and thought) is supplanted by forgetfulness and inattention, omission); zeal is subject to wandering of the mind (absence). Therefore do not omit to guard carefully your words and your heart. Thus, brother Kunjara karna, practiso asceticism. Be steadfast in your self-mortification ; let your thoughts be governed ; let not your thoughts be continually wandering hither and thither. That is what it is to practise asceticism. If once the thoughts are restrained, the mind must be refined. That is called refining i.e. parifying from the gross elements). The mind must be refined in the body as a means of banishing impurities for the future, so that one may not go to hell. Away with all self-seeking! Let the rajas (passion) and tamas (darkening of the mind and foul lusts) be killed by continence. Let foolish conceit and blindness be killed by circumspection. Now have I sufficiently enlightened you, brother Kunjarakarna. Do your best and pay humble homage to the Lord Vairôchana; ask that the impurities which cleave to you may be annihilated, and, as fruit of your knowledge of the Sacred Law, the blemishes of your body may disappear." So spake Bhatara-Yamadhipati.
"Ah, elder brother Yamadhipati, the words which you have spoken for my instruction have penetrated deep into my bones : I receive them with welcome. Still one thing more would I ask you, elder brother Yamadhipati! It is said that you always cause men to be burned in hell-fire. But you have not always evil-doers with you. Now, indeed, I see the cauldron has been set up, wiped out and made ready. What does that mean?"
" Ah, brother Kunjara karna, that is the way in which I cook. As soon as they go into the cauldron, in crowds, the fire which is extinguished must be lighted. They go one before the other into the cauldron, because they have formerly done wrong; they would not be warned by their elders and would not refrain from causing sorrow to others by adjuration, from bringing disturbance into the world, ill-treating their fellow-creatures, being irreverent towards their elders ; nothing was held sacred by them. Therefore must they be cast into the cauldron. My business is merely to keep guard over the evil ones, at the command of Bhatára, who has ordered it. Now, as regards the cauldron, the reason that it is set up, wiped out, and made ready is that a certain evil-doer will have to descend into the 'cauldron. His sins are innumerable; a hundred years long shall he be cooked in the cauldron. After he has been cooked in the catildron, Yaksha-birds which have the face of Yakshas, will come to seize him and take him to the sword-trees and dash him against the sword-troes, whose thorns are vajras, a fathom and a kol. long and as thick as a pinong-tree. The vajrat are sharp as lancett. The Yakshama khas bring fire there, which flames up brightly ander him. His body is scorched; he is not dead and yet not living. A thousand years is be to be so tortured. He shall soon go into the cauldron, therefore is the cauldron made ready."

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“Ah, elder brother Yamadhipatil your explanation is perfectly clear; on hearing your words my heart is struck with pain; my desire to live is gone, now that I have heard your words, O elder brother Yamadhipati. Whence is the evil-doer to come, O elder brother?"
"Ah, brother Kunjarakarna! the evil man comes from heaven. Have you never heard, Kunjarakarna, of a certain mighty Vidyadhara, son of Indra, called Parnavijaya? He is to come from Indra's heaven. Great is his guilt, especially great is his wickedness, he is shameless, arrogant, ravishes prohibited women, punishes innocent men, defies the elders, mocks the anhappy. He has been repeatedly warned to refrain from his misdeeds, but he was carried away by his former Dushkrili, his former evil conduct, which, after his death, will bring him to the cauldron of hell."
“Ah, what do you say, elder brother Yamadhipati Shall Parnavijaya go into the cauldron ?"
“Yes, dear brother, for his guilt is sore."
Alas! Oh! I am astonished, elder brother Yamadhipati, that Parnavijaya should have 80 sinned. How is it to be explained ? Indeed, he has dwelt so long in heaven and all the gods are subject unto him, also the Vidyadharas and the Vidyadharis are subject to him. That is the reason that I am so amazed. I was jealous when I saw how he was bathed in pleasures, and now he must soon descend into the cauldron! Thereat am I much astonished. Besides, I am his brother in the Order. Therefore am I sorry for him. Nam Bhadra, Namah Siváya! Hearty thanks! It is time for me to go and offer my humble respects to the Lord Vairôchana; I, also, should go into the cauldron maybe, if I showed no reverence to the Lord. May your favour continue towards me, O elder brother Yamadhipati, and may you be my instructor in good."
“And now I will ask you one thing more. When such a wicked man endeavours to be born again, is it permitted to him, O elder brother Yamadhipatip"
" Ah, brother Kunjarakarna, old man! Yes, we allow him then to be born again apon the earth, but only when he has undergone the five states of worldly suffering; then is he born again upon the earth, namely, the skin, flesh, blood, and parts of the body; these are cut fine by us and mingled with flowers strewn upon the earth. Out of this come forth loathsome animals, such as there are: little snakes, earth-worms; (steks, leeches, iris-pohs, caterpillars, all that one holds in horror in the world. A thousand years he remains in this state. Then he dies and is born again as ant, dung-beetle, kukudikan, beetle, bee, kubrem, caterpillar, ant, and black-beetle. In this state he remains a hundred years. Then he is born again as a grasshopper, wutang-walahan, fen-mole, ucit, lobster, tree-snail, water-snail, everything of this kind that is edible ; thus he comes into existence. In this state he remains a thousand years. Then he is born again ag bird, fowl, goose, duck, all kinds of two-footed animals. In this condition he remains a hundred years. Then he is born again as a four-footed animal: civet-cat, ant-eater, squirrel, red squirrel (jalarang), mouse, hedgehog, dwarf-deer, roe-buck, wild boar, polo-cat, all kinds of four-footed animals. In this state ho remains . hundred years. Then is it permitted to him to be born a human being, but a defective being, such as hamp-back, blind, deat, hard-hearing (or leper?), dumb, dwarl, lunatic, dropsical,
hydrocele, a one-eyed man, one who has a cataract on his oyo, -one who suffers from ophthalmia, one with his ears and lips torn, or club-footed, -all kinds of deformed beings upon the earth, These are signs that he comes from Yama's kingdom and all this time he undergoes suffering. Then are they born again, naturally sound in body, as BONVOngor, I watcher of the dead,
beggar, barren, impotent, a luaja, an unlucky wretch, an epileptic, an idiot, one who has an impediment in his speech, who has no songe of smell, who has a defect in his speech, any one who is unhoulthy. These are the signs that one comes out of Yama's kingdom. That is what I have to say to you, dear brother Kunjarakarna. Now return and make your humble reverence to the Lord Vairochana. Implore him to instruct you in the sacred Law, so that the

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blemishes may disappear from your body. Take great paing to be born again as a human being; bridle yourself diligently and constantly, and strive to improve your position."
“Oh, elder brother Yamadhipati, you are very kind to me. Yet I did not think that what the elders say is true : the fruit of the Yemu is like a jadi (1), the fruit of the tamarind is like a pruning-knife. He who does evil, reaps evil; he who does good, respe good. So it is with the man who does not follow the teachings of the elders. As regards Parnavijaya, I am convinced that be is barthened with sin, that he shall die speedily. He shall endure suffering; he shall become
leper, and men shall not understand what he says. I will follow your advice, and I offer you my humble thanks, O elder brother Yamadhipati, for you have instructed me in what is right and bave made the Sacred Law plain to me."
“So be it, brother Kunjarakarna!"
So Kunjarakarna offered his submission, did homage to Yama, made a reverent obeisance and asked for permission to go away. " Oh, elder brother Yamadhipatil where is the way to heaven? Show me the path."
"Oh, brother Kunjarakarna, that road which goes to the north-east, follow that."
"Good, elder brother Yamadhipati ! I beg permission to go." This was granted to him and not refused.
Hey! Presto! Gone! Kunjarakarna went away. He hastened through Indra's heaven with the intention of reaching the dwelling-place of Parnavijaya. Without lingering on the way be came to Parnavijaya's dwelling-place at midnight. Immediately be asked that the gate should be opened to him, and he knocked on the door, rat-e-tat-tat 1 - "Come, como, brother Parnavijaya ! I beg you to open the door to me at once."
Pardavijaya was lying at that time, quietly sleeping with his well-beloved. Kusumagandhavatt heard him, and immediately gave the answer :-“Who is it who there asks to have the door opened at midnight ?"
"Oh, younger sister, it is I here, my dear! My name is Kunjarakarna. Tell Parnavijaya to get up!"
"Oh, elder brother Parnavijaya, rise up !-Kunjarakarna has come !" .
"Eh, what do you say, little mother? I was just now so fast asleep. Kunjarakarna P Ab, so, little mother; then let him come in at once."
Kusumagandhavatt obeyed him and went. Instantly, in a moment she came to the door and opened it. Suddenly there was a creak and Kunjarskarns came into the abode of Parnavljaya.
"Oh, older brother Kunjarakarna, let me welcome you; how glad I am that you have come. Remain a little while, elder brother Kunjarakerna. You sò seldom come here."
"Oh, dear brother Parnavijaya, I have been commanded by Bhaars-Vairdobans to go to Yhma's kingdom. When I had arrived there, I saw all the evil-doers. There was a cauldron, which was wiped out and made ready by Yams; and that was done, as he said, so that you might be cooked in it. Por, in a wook, said he, should you go into the cauldron, A thousand years long, said be, should you be cooked in the cauldron. After Weing cooked in the cauldron you should be dashed against the sword-trees and besides be plagued by the servants of Yama; you should be hung up and a fire kindlod under you. That should last a thousand years. You should be tortured by the fire Yakshamukha, a fire with gigantic top, which should singe you. After that, said ho, the Yakshamukha-dogs, hounds with gigantio heads, should bite you; these belong to the army of Yamadhipati. That was what Yamadhipati told me, and I wished to tell you the same, Parnavijaya. I ask for permission to go bence, in order that I may betako myself to my Lord and Master"

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Thereupon, Kunjarakarna stood up. Then Parnavijays clasped the feet of Kunjara karna, while he wept and besought him to have pity on him, saying: "Oh, elder brother Kunjarakarna, do me this favour, help me in my need, save me from Yama's kingdom. Incalculable is the number of sins which I must expiate, older brother Kunjarakarna !” Thus lamented Parnavijaya.
“Oh brother Purnavijaya, my friend! What can I possibly do for you? I know no means of destroying the blemishes of the body. What avails it that you fix your glance upon me? When I know a means of destroying the blemishes of the body, my present Yaksha-form will immediately disappear. But I will give you this advice: I will accompany you into the presence of the Lord Vairdohana to make your humble reverence to him and to pray him to be mercifal to you so that the evil may depart from your body. Come on, make yourself ready, dear brother."
"Oh, brother, I should like to take leave of your younger sister (my wife), brother Kunjarakarna."
" Very well, brother Parnavijaya."
Parnavijaya then took leave of Kusumagandhavati “Oh, my younger sister Kusumagandhavatt, little mother! you stay here, dear! I go to Bodhiohitta to make my humble reverence to Bhatara-Vairdohana, with my elder brother Kunjarakarna."
Presto! Gone! Parnavijaya went away with Kunjarakarna. Witbout lingering on the way they came to Bodhiohitta, the sacred abode of Bhatara-Vairohana. At that time he was seated upon the jewelled lotus-throne, where he preached the Sacred Law.
Then said Kunjarakarna to Parnavijaya:-"Oh, brother Parnavijaya ! You must not pay your respectful homage to the Lord together with me, you shall make your lowly reverence to the Lord all in good time, when I have paid my homage; for, otherwise, it is to be feared that he will not trust you. But after I have paid my homage, you shall do so in your tarn. Otherwise it is to be feared that the Lord will be evil-disposed towards you. Above all, do not act contrary to what I say to you. Clasp at once the feet of the Lord with earnestnose. Come then, now go first to a place where you will be hidden."
4 Oh brother, what have I to say?" Presto 1 Gone! Parnavijaya separated himself and remained at some distance.
Immediately Kunjarakarna went to do homage to the Lord; he made a lowly reverence and .then said: Oh Lord and Master ! I bow down low before you. I, your son, am back from
Yama's kingdom, Master. There have I seen an exceeding great number of evil-doers; all my desire to live is gone, even if I were born as a human being. And Yamadhipati has duly enlightened me. May your loving favour continue towards me, O Lord! Teach me how the blemishes which cling to me may be removed from my body, Master 1 To wear body has its trials. Clearly Parnavijaya offers a proof of this; he drained all pleasures to the fall; nevertheless, after his death he shall fall into the cauldron of hell For proof that he shall andergo pain it suffices that he will soon suffer leprosy (or an impediment in his speech). A hundred years long is he to be oooked in the eauldron. So said Yamadhipath. This is the reason why I now pay my humble respects to you, Master: I should like to hear from you how such things can be helped and also how sin can be driven out of my body, Master."
"Oh my son Kunjarakarnn, old man ! it is exceedingly well done that you ask me questions concerning the Saored Law. You ask what is the origin of a buman being. Listen carefully, Whence came you' at the time when you were still in your father as.plasm and when your mother was till meid? Where were you? Where did you abide ? In non-existonoe, was it not? At least,

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you abode in the male ; you were then externally like molten sin; kama was your name in your father, rati was your name in your mother. Your father was joined to your mother. Then your name was Coming Together, you came to repose in the Mahapadma, your mother's secret place. Then was your name Si Rena (Mother'). Three months you lay in your mother's womb; then was your name Si Lalaca, and you bore the semblance of an imperfect egg. Seven days you remained in this state. Then came the five elements, following one after another: earth, water, fire (light), wind (air), æther. Each by itself: the æther forms the head; the earth forms the body; the water forms the blood; the wind forms the breath; the fire (light) forms the sight. All together contribute to the life. What the earth contributes is consciousness (spirit), which manifests itself in Will to Live, whence comes the body. The contribution of water is the Nirátman ; that of fire the Pardtman; that of wind the Antardtman; that of æther the subtle (pure abstract) Atman. Thus the Atmans in the body are five in number. Now each operates by itself: what is called Atman, is consciousness; what is called Chétandtman, is sight; what is called Parátman, is hearing ; what is called Antaratman, is breath; what is called Nirátman, is voice. The five Atmans give rise to desire, which assumes a body, a sarira in the mother's womb. Hence the body is called sarira, because with their five they are the sarira of the five elements. You became older, full ten months, the space of time during which you remained in your mother's womb. You were endowed with hands and feet, you moved and breathed. Then was your name N. N. You willed to come forth, then called they you Si Gagat (the breaker-out). Next your head maybe just appeared in view. Then you were named the Lotus, the brilliant.' You issued forth, wet with the blood of her that bore you, on the ground. Your name was then Si Pulang (the moist with blood). Then a blessing was uttered over you ; the divine Bhuvanakośa (Earthly Sphere) was the name of the proverb. After you had been washed and tended, your proverb was the divine Olive. After you were smeared with fragrant essence and rubbed, the name of your proverb was Sari Kuning (yellow Nagasari). Next you were suokled by your mother and incurred a debt of thanks to her for mother's milk. Your father and mother andertook pious vows for your well-being. Threefold is the debt that you have to pay to your father and mother. You reached the stage when they can put something in the mouth to eat and wash you; you were in a position to know your father and mother. Then named they you Si Tutur Menget (possessed of recollection and memory) and your proverb was Waju Kuning (Yellow Cost). You were in a position to run ; your name was Si Adikumdra (First Youth); the name of your proverb Sangraha. You were shone uport by sun and moon, days and nights passed over you; you know father and mother. Next came inclination and aversion, bypocrisy, blindness, envy, jealousy, pride, dislike, conceit, anger, failure in deference to elders. Ten is the number of the daía mala (ten impurities) in the body, namely, corruption, filth, entrails, fæces, etc. Henceforth Bhatara became the supreme god for you, my son. You became older and were married. Then they named you Si Sangata (the united), and the name of your proverb was Home Life,' Through wife and child you came into perplexity, which was the cause that you began to do wrong: to extort and claim other men's goods; to rob and to scoff. These are what men call evil practices.' That is the reason that the men whom you saw lately in Yama's kingdom loaded themselves with guilt, that they perpetrated acts of hypocrisy and blindness. Therefore were they cooked in the cauldron of hell. Bat they will be born again later and will come into being as something horrible, all kinds of animals for which men upon earth feel a horror ; thus are bora again those who act wickedly. In short, my son, do not show yourself of that mind. Take care that you are reverent to your elders and the clergy. Be neither envious nor evil disposed towards your followmen. Do not make your endeavours for all kinds of evil, but for what is right for loving words, friendly looks, and a pure mind. That is what leads upwards to heaven, my son. That is the mystery of the Law that I reveal to you, my son ! So be it! May your sinful inclinations disappear." So spake the Lord Vairbohana, initiating Kunjarakarps in the Law.
Kunjarakarna bowed low as a sign of respect, "0, Lord and Master ! I bow down respectfally. How can the sintal inclinations be with certainty annihilated, Master? Have pity upon mo

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and instruct me in the Sacred Law, so that the impurities may depart from my body. Have pity upon your son, Master !"
“Yes, my son, Kunjarakarna. The stains of the body can be removed, 18 something that is banished, trampled upon, trodden down, suppressed. A pure mind is merely true knowledge, which serves for parification; it is a bath, wholesome and pure. What is called clean is not the water from the pitcher, but a pure mind only. That is the same as what is called BhatAra-Vidbi. For He controls the true knowledge and therefore is He called the Sovereign Knowledge. For the Bhatara rules your body, which is thus expressed : You are I and I am you.' Namo Bhatára! Numah Sivdya ! The sinful inclinations have vanished from your body, my son, because you honour Bhatara, and Blatára is he who honours. Bhatara is the rubber, the ointment, the bath, the oil. How then should the stains not disappear? Come nearer; I will bold you fast, the supreme in truth."
Immediately Kunjarakarna came nearer and made humble reverence. Straightway was he held fast by the Lord. Thus was the firm bond fastened wherewith Yogibvara controls the neophyte, “The different forms of the vow (confession of faith) are as follows:- 'We are Buddha's,' say the Buddhists, for the Lord Buddha is our supreme god. We are not identical with the Sivaites, for to them the Lord Siva is the supreme god. Certainly the two sects do not mutually agree. This is why there are no Muktas among the monks in the world, because they consider as two what is only one; he who does not see the significance of this is a splitter of hairs. The five Kubikas are a development that is, a manifestation) of the Sugatas, say the Sivaites. Kusika is one with Akshobhya; Garga is one with Ratnasambhava; Maitri is one with Amitabha ; Kurushya is one with Amôghasiddhi ; Patañjala is one with Vairóchana. Well now, my son, these are all one. We are Siva; we are Buddha. We trust, my son, that you are now fully initiated. Truly say I to you: Your prayer is fulfilled, my son !" So spake the Lord Vairochana, initiating Kunjarakarna.
In consequence of the laying-on-of-hands of the Lord, Kunjara karna minded well and listened attentively. In consequence thereof the innate defects of Kunjarakarna and his Yaksba-form disappeared. The Lord plunged the body of Kunjarakarna into the consecrated water, so that it shone. Then the body of Kunjarakarna burst into flames. Suddenly! Hey! Presto 1 Hallo ! Gone! The Yaksha-form had disappeared, and he was metamorphosed into a god. The joy of his mind rose to the highest pitch. Then he bowed low as a sign of respect and offered praise and thanks and kissed the feet of the Lord Vairochans. After he had offered praise and thanks he begged for permission to go home :-- "O Lord and Master ! I greet you with reverence and I take leave, O Lord ! I will go and again engage in asceticism, Master, in order to put your lesson into practice.”
"Good, my son Kunjarakarna. May you, my child, become a Siddha in the monastery." Immediately Kunjarakarna greeted him reverently and went away.
Presto! Gone! He came to Parnavijaya, Kunjarakarna said to Purņavijaya:-"Ah, brother Parnavijaya, I have been initiated into the law by Bhatara-Vairobana; my stains have all been removed from my body, and also my Yaksha-form. Pay your reverent respects to the Lord Vairochana and honour bim, dear brother; for, otherwise, it is to be feared that he will be angry with you."
Then Parnavijaya went to VairbohANA, greeted him reverently and spoke :- "Lord and Master! Here is the discus Sudarsana (the weapon of Vishņu). Take it in your hand, Lord, and sling it against my neck, Master I Think not that you will cause me pain : with joy will I perish by one who is the Lord. I am ashamed that I still live, Master !" Parnavijaya entreated the Lord; he wept bitterly and clasped the feet of Bhatare-Vairoohana.
“Oh, Purnavijaya ! 'I shall never afflict any one who surrenders himself to me or be ill. disposed towards him. Ah friend I do not doubt that your stains shall be removed, the fruit of

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which shall be that you increase in understanding. Be not proud or restless, and listen carefully Panca bhûtáni hi múrtau, ahankaras tu sôdhyatám, karôti subhari sudanti, hinô rajyati dushkṛitau. That means:- Panca betokens five'; bhútáni hi múrtau, five is the number of Bhútas in the body'; these must first be conquered. Ahankáras tu sôdhyalam, the Ahankára (self-will) must be. purified, destroyed.' Karôti subham sudanti; karoti, 'makes'; hening hikang sarira, purification of the body'; sudanti is ddidanti; danti is 'elephant.' Hino rajyati dushkritau .. Kita men call: loving words, a friendly countenance, a pure mind, uprightness in actions and in speech: this is called prasasta (praiseworthy, good). Conceive the transitory nature (of things); do not cling to worldly possessions; be not infatuated with idle desires, which involves the consequence that men become restless and which causes men to be confused and to desire to get possession of other men's goods. Therefore shall men inevitably fall into the cauldron of hell. This is what is called sin [therefore must restlessness of the mind be banished], namely, hypocrisy (or covetousness), conceit, envy, jealousy, pride, spite. These are named the five Bhútas in the body. The desire for eating and drinking and for the possession of many worldly goods, this also causes confusion of the mind so that men lose their circumspection. Therefore should men kill the coarse, foul desires; for they spring from (innate) impurities. Hence the proverb :-- Not from far, nor from near, but out of the body itself, arise the impurities.' But the PanjitaMala arises from the mystery, namely, the Jñána-visésha. What is called Jnana-viśésha is nothing other than a pure mind. By a pure mind must be understood' the divine, truer knowledge.' It comes forth spotless from its source. Seek to get it into your possession and to regard it as salutary oil and bathe in it continually. Then, indeed, shall the stains disappear thereby."
[MARCH, 1903.
After Purnavijaya had been initiated in the law by Bhatara-Vairochana, he was fully instructed. Suddenly! Gone! Banished were all the stains from the body of Parnavijaya, and he no longer underwent the five states of worldly suffering. Then he raised his folded hands imploringly to the Lord Vairochana, saying: "O Lord and Master! Banished in a moment are my stains, but the thought of death fills my mind. Teach me, Master, how I can escape death. Show me this favour, for I have a great fear of death. I pray you to have pity upon me, your son."
"Ah, my son Parnavijaya! against death is no herb grown, for death is the bourne of life. Everything is equally subject unto it. Life, in fact, is subject unto death; memory is subject to forgetfulness (inattentiveness); zeal is subject to distraction of the mind. Inattentiveness, that rules over everything and so in general the track is lost, through inattentiveness. But you have this advantage, that you have received the Sacred Law. It is inevitable that you will die, but you shall not be permanently dead. Let it not be said to an uninitiated man, 'death is the counterpart of sleep. You remember your sleeping and waking. In the time between sleeping and waking you remember the end of your slumber. Keep in mind the high lesson of morality; mark attentively the departure of the spirit of life, the moment when the soul departs. At that moment you sink into refined, pure, simple, stainless Samadhi: the divine certainty appears and the higher knowledge is obtained. Therefore, return to your abode for seven days. Ten nights (day and night) shall you be cooked in the cauldron of hell. On the eleventh day shall you no more suffer the five states of worldly pain; all Yama's means of punishments shall against you, truly I tell you, be turned to nought; all Yama's weapons of every kind, in truth I tell you, shall have no effect, as fruit of your learning to know the quintessence of the Baored Law. See, such is the favour which I show to you; be mindful of that which I enjoin upon you at your departure."
"As you, my god, command. I ask permission to go home, Master!"
"Good, my son Parṇavijaya."
Presto! Gone! Parnavijaya departed. Without lingering on the way he came to his home. There he met no one except Kusumagandhavati. Then the Vidyadharas and Vidyadharis came

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to meet him, and were all amazed to see him, because the stains had disappeared from his body. The mind of Kusumagandhavati expanded with joy on beholding the safe return of Parnavijaya in his natural form. Then said Parnavijaya to his beloved :-"Ah, dear mother Kusumagandhavati! keep watch over the house of your elder brother; I will go and sleep a little. Ten nights long will you have to keep watch. Be not too much moved with pity for me, dear mother, but watch faithfully all the Vidyadharas and Vidyadharis shall keep you company." Kusumagandhavati duly kept watch.
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All at once! Suddenly! Gone! Parnavijaya was fast asleep. His soul came out, fine as an atom. Immediately it was carried away by its former Dushkriti, its previous evil conduct. This showed it the way to the cauldron of hell. How did it appear? Like a shadow which followed the soul everywhere it went. So, also, its good behaviour; the fruits of both must be enjoyed. The bad behaviour follows, holding fast, and is taken with it to Yama's kingdom; the good behaviour follows, clinging closely, and is taken with it to heaven. When the soul of Parnavijaya came to Prêtabhavana (the abode of the dead), the servants of Yama caught sight of it. They called up their companions; these ran their hardest and fell upon it mercilessly. The executioners laid hold on the soul of Parnavijaya; they smote the soul of Parnavijaya with iron clubs, and placed it upon iron pikes. Then was it tortured, enveloped in cane, and let down into the cauldron; next was it pricked by darts and cooked in the cauldron until it was scorched. His tongue hung out of his mouth; the eyeballs swelled out; his body was soft; he was not dead and yet not living. He groaned and moaned, lying at the last gasp, tortured all over. Afterwards he was reproached with the words :"Hey you sinner, Parnavijaya! Why do you groan and moan? For it is surely your own fault that you did evil formerly. You used to punish innocent men, and ravish prohibited women, and be irreverent towards the elders. There was nothing that you held sacred; you were not submissive towards the clergy. This behaviour of yours was improper. Therefore came you to abide in hell. As you have acted, so are you treated, and now you receive the reward of your conduct." Thus spake the servants of Yama while they admonished the soul of Purnavijaya.
After having been in the cauldron some time, about ten nights, he did not neglect his Samadhi and the lesson of the transitory nature of things, nor did he forget to bathe in the consecrated water of the pure spirit, the wholesome and clean, according to the advice of the Lord at his departure. This he followed earnestly. Then the proof of the Lord's favour happened to him. He sank into silence and began to think deeply. Immediately! Suddenly! All at once! Quickly! Gone! broken. in pieces, destroyed, smashed was the cauldron; the fire was extinguished and no longer flamed up. There the body appeared in eternal youth.
The servants of Yama were amazed when they saw that, and were struck dumb with annoyance. Then they fell upon him again, fixing their glances upon the incarnation of Purnavijaya. They beat him furiously with their iron clubs, and attacked him with knives; some thrust at him with iron spears. That had not the least effect: all their weapons could not hurt the soul at all. Then they ran their hardest and told the news to Yamadhipati: "O Lord and Master! There was the soul of Parnavijays. We had let it down into the cauldron, Master! There was no change to be seen, Master! All weapons were tried and still no change was visible, and now his body has returned to its natural state; it is whole and unhurt. His power is great, Master! Therefore all weapons were without effect. The weapons are broken and destroyed and changed into ashes. Also the cauldron is destroyed and changed into a Kalpataru, a young and mightily grown Varingin, under which is a pure, clear pond, surrounded by all kind of flowers: red Andonge, Kayu-Mas, Purings. How is that to be explained, Master'?"
Then Bhatara-Yamadhipati was silent; he spake not; his mind was in doubt. "How is it that the cauldron has lost its power? Though the soul be extraordinarily powerful, still it is perished and destroyed."

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All the sinners said :- "O Lord and Master ! the cauldron is broken and destroyed, Master! It has quite vanished and is changed into a Kolpataru, a young and strongly grown Varingin."
“Come, let me go with you myself to bell."
Presto! Gone! Hastily Yamadhipati went to the cauldron. He was amazed at the sight of the cauldron, and wondered within himself, when he saw that it was changed into a Kalpataru. He asked the soul : -"O my child, sinner! What is the reason that the cauldron has been broken and destroyed by you ? The fire is extinguished and the flames likewise. All kinds of weapons had no grip upon your body; of what, then, does your body consist, that the cauldron is changed by you into a jewelled lotus, and, at the same time, the Khadgapatras are changed into Kalpatarus, trees with leaves of gold and fruits of all kinds of precious stones; their sap is musk and saffron, which is caught in cups of precious stones. At the same time, the cauldron is become a bright pond, overgrown with jewelled lotuses, golden waterlilies, and Magiligis (?) of precious stones. What, then, is the reason of this ? For it was originally intended that you should be cooked in the cauldron for a hundred years. But now, through you, hell is become a heaven. Explain to me what is the reason of it." Thus spake Yamadhipati.
"O Yamadhipati, Master! No one else would have taken pity upon me, save my teacher ; he took pity upon my lowly person. All honour to you, reverent honour, Lord Buddha-Vairochana! You have instructed me! All that you commanded me have I borne in mind. These were the words which he once addressed to me:- 'O my son, Parnavijaya, as a reward for having promoted the Sacred Law, receive from me this favour that you shall not long be cooked in the cauldron of hell, nor undergo the five states of worldly suffering. Ten nights long shall you be cooked in the cauldron. When the eleventh commences, you shall escape, free, from the cauldron, and immediately return to your own home. That is what the Lord Vairochana said to me. This is, surely, the reason why I was not longer cooked by you in the cauldron, and I should surely bave suffered the five states of worldly pains for a longer period, if the Lord Vairochana bad not bad pity upon me. I acknowledge that my sins are great."
Ah, is that so? Out of pity has the Lord been thus merciful to you, you say. Then is it very right that it should be so. Now, then, return to your abode."
Thus was the soul able to return. He took leave of Yamadhipati: "O Yamadhipati, I desire to take leave of you and return to my abode; but the jewelled lotuses and the pond I will take thought for as a memorial of me here in the future."
"Good, my son. See, here is Kâlarâtri, let her accompany you!"
Presto! Gone ! The soul of Pornavijaya departed accompanied by Kalaratri. He did not linger on the way, and came to his abode unharmed and again living ! He awoke !
Kusumagandhavati was astonished to see that Parnavijays awoke. Therefore Kusumagandhavati greeted her husband :-"O my elder brother Parnavijaya, how fortunate that you are alive! I was growing very uneasy, elder brother Purna vijaya."
"O my lass, little mother, now are my stains entirely vanished, and I have stoned for my sing towards Yamadhipati. There is nothing for which you need now be uneasy about me. I should certainly have endured the five states of worldly suffering for a longer time had not my elder brother Kunjarakarna previously gone to the Lord, so that the Lord might have pity upon me. How would it have been if my elder brother had not made known my moral maladies to the Lord ? Therefore, I will shortly follow my elder brother in order to practise asceticism for a time and to offer my lowly homage to the Lord. Now, dear little mother, call upon the Vidyâdbaras and Vidyadharts to accompany us both; I will go and do homage to the Lord." Thereupon the Vidyadharag and Vidyadharis were called up; they made themselves ready altogether and all started.

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Presto! Gone! Without lingering on the way they came to Bodhiobitta, the holy abode of Bhatara-Vairochana. Parnavijaya hastened to pay homage to the Lord. Also the Vidyadharas and Vidyadharts paid homage to the Lord; in the first place Kusumagandhavati and afterwards the Vidyadharas and Vidyadharis, who gave proofs of their talents ; they played and sang; the instruments, which have to be beaten, resounded with a deafening noise ; Gamělans and Bondjingo re-echoed, Buranoahs and so forth,
While homage was being paid to the Lord, all the gods came to honour Vairdchana, namely, Indra, Yama, Varuna, Kavēra, Vairavana ; all greeted the Lord with reverence.
Then Yamadhipati asked the Lord :-"O Lord and Master! What is the reason that Parnavijaya is by you recalled to life? Surely it was originally intended that he should be cooked a hundred years in the cauldron. Now, indeed, has it lasted a shorter time. What is the meaning of it? Be so good as to explain it to me, Master."
«O my son Bhatara-YamAdhipati, and all you foar guardians of the quarters; it is very good of you that you make free to ask for the reason of what has happened to Parnavijaya. Now listen carefully. There is a place called Bhomimandala. There lived a man who possessed much silver, gold, precious stones, and servants. His name was Xaladara. He did good works ; be set ap fountain-basins, resting-places for travellers and flat stones to sit upon. He had an architect, named Kirnagata, who was his helper in doing good works. He assisted him in deeds of love. There was another place, called Tapalinada. There dwelt a man who was very poor and possessed neither child nor worldly goods, called Utsahadharma; he and his wife. The name of his beloved wife was Budharma. They lived in very straightened ciroumstances, but were gentle, pious, loving in their words, and friendly in their bearing. They were extraordinarily charitable, for they had heard the Sacred Law. Therefore they joined in doing good works; they never stretched forth their hands without thereby giving alms each time to the passers-by ; what they together did was done with gentleness, piety, loving words, and friendly bearing. Now it 80 happened that they did good works near to the place where Maladara performed good works. This gave occasion to Maladara to scold Utsahadharma, saying Hey, you, Utsahadharma ! You wicked, miserable wretch! Why do you practise your charity near the place where I perform my good deeds ? You are a very grease-patch, a poor creature. The good deeds which you do are not worth a farthing. Therefore, take care to observe me when I accomplish good deeds. I slaughter oxen, cows, buffaloes; I entertain with palm-wine and rice, whereof numbers of men, as many As eat of it, are satisfied. But you, wretch, you imagine yourself to be somebody and able to vie with me in good works. Do you consider it right, fellow ! to be so shameless as to look at me ? Go away, right away! Sheer off from here.'- Thus spake Maladara, scolding Utsahadharms.
Then said Utalhadharma to his beloved wife :-'O my younger sister Sudharma 1 little mother! What is to be done, my lass? Maladars would drive me away, and commands you to leave me, dear wife!'
"His wife answered :- O elder brother Utsahadharma; where shall I find comfort except in my love for you? What else would be able to inspire une with attachment ? I have no children, no gold, 'no possessions. What do you think, if you were once to take up a monk's life, and were to seek refuge in a monastery ? Come ; let us escape to the wilderness, into the bush, and practise naceticism. Then shall we, in future, no more be treated as now.' .' "Her truo fellow angwered :- Ah younger sister, that is very well thought of. Come, little mother, let us put our plan into execution. Then they departed and practised asceticism. There is a certain mountain called Barvaphals; there it was that they practised asceticism, and made s rosting-place to receive guests. All passers-by who songht place of refuge, praised their goodness aloud. The people, whether they departed, or whether they stayed the night, were by their

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kindness provided with all that was necessary. For some time, about twelve years, they practised asceticism and so they lived content. Then the man and woman died and were mukta, blessed and delivered, in consequence of what they had done: asceticism and good works. Then they went to Indra's heaven, to remain there. Utsahadharma became Indra, but Maladara became Parnavijaya. The truth may be that it was ordained for the latter to come to heaven because of his former good works, wherewith, however, was joined an angry disposition, which was the reason, why he went to hell. But he has asked for instruction concerning the Sacred Law, and this is why he has not long been in the cauldron nor undergone the five states of earthly suffering. And his architect, named Kirnagata, was likewise guilty of anger and understood it not. He died and became Kunjarakarna, because he too became angry and treated a poor man with scorn. Therefore Utsahadharma takes a higher rank than Parnavijays, because the latter, formerly, was guilty of anger. Both showed regard to the Sacred Law, and this is the reason why they ascended to heaven. So be it known to you, defenders of the four quarters, and gods, as well!"
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So spake the Lord Vairochana, in order to communicate the former history of Parnavijaya and Kunjarakarna.-"See, defenders of the four corners of the earth, these are the fruits when men have regard to the Sacred Law."
"O Lord and Master! We, your sons, offer you lowly homage. Yes, Master, such was the past of Pârnavijaya and Kunjarakarna. Yes, the past has been the cause and reason why he was not longer punished in Yama's kingdom and underwent the five states of worldly suffering."
"Ah, my children! defenders all of the four quarters, see the fate, as the consequence of actions, in a former state, of one who knows the Sacred Law: he does not long undergo pain and torment."
"Amen, so is it, Master!"
Immediately, with lowly bows, they made their parting salutation to the Lord, and asked for permission to return, each to his own heaven. Let this be to human beings an example worthy to be followed: he who knows how to respect the Sacred Law, returns to his own heaven.
Quickly! Immediately, all the gods took their departure with a lowly reverence. Parnavijays remained behind. He took leave of his well-beloved: "O little mother! I take leave of you in order to follow my elder brother Kunjarakarna, and to practise asceticism for a while. I wish to atone for my guilt towards Yamadhipati and the Lord. Great is my obligation to them: I have to thank them for my life; a debt which I can never sufficiently repay. So, go back little mother, accompanied by the Vidyadharas and the Vidyadharis. Go, little mother!"
"O elder brother Parnavijaya! I wish to practise asceticism with you. I will live and die with you. I cannot live far from you."-Kusumagandhavati wept bitterly.
"O Kusumagandhavati, my lass! it is absolutely forbidden that anyone who practises asceticism should take a woman with him. It is far from my thoughts to practise asceticism for long; after twelve years I shall return; go back now, little mother."
"O elder brother Parnavijaya, I have not yet had my fill of loving you, elder brother Parnavijaya!"
Thereupon Kusumagandhavati went homewards, weeping all the way, and accompanied by the Vidyadharas and Vidyadharis. Quickly! Away! Without lingering on the way she came to Indra's heaven, where she occupied herself in prayer and pious meditation.
When Kusumagandhavati had departed, Parnavijaya took leave of the Lord:-- "O Lord and Master; I ask for permission to take leave, and, for a time, to practise asceticism." This was granted to him and was not refused. And he departed,

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ORIGIN OF THE QORAN.
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Presto! Gone! Withont lingering on the way he came to the north-east foot of the holy Mahamoru. There was no one else whom he met, except Kunjarakarna, With abouts of joy, Kunjarakarna greeted and entertained him. After that they went to make a hermitage, and, when it was fittingly arranged inside, they began their Samadhi practices. How then did they practise asceticism? What was cold was made still colder ; what was hot was made still hotter ; & handful of rice; a drop of water ; a pinch of salt, and in fact without allowing themselves to make it taste sweet. For some time they practised asceticism; and when the twelve years were ended, the grace of the Lord was granted them: Parnavijaya and Kunjarakarna became Siddhas, and returned to their heaven which was called the Siddha-heaven.
ORIGIN OF THE QORAN.
BY DL. HUBERT GRIMME.
(Translated by G. K. Nariman.) Islax, like most of the great religions of the world, is based upon a Sacred Book, as a proof of the truth of its doctrines. But in its case the interdependence of the religion and the book is remarkably close, inasmuch as its origin coincides with the appearanoe of Islamic teaching, and thus between the two an indissoluble relation has naturally developed.
The common name of the holy book is Qoran, which means "reading." It is one of the several designations used by Muhammad to denote the revelations communicated to him by God. And indeed with bim each single revelation, as well as the whole course of inspiration, is Qorán. It must be, therefore, regarded as an act of fatal narrow-mindedness that later generations restricted the term to the tenets fixed in writing, and further discerned in the collection a anity designed by the Prophet. But we should act more in conformity with Mubammad's intentions, if we considered eack of the 114 component sections of the Qorán as a whole, but the entire colleotion as a fragment of the Prophet's dogmas.
Muhammad commenced with religious discourses. To judge from the terse, obscare, and ill-balanced structure of these sections, it is impossible that the oldest Súras should repeat the very words of the sermons. That the sermons could have been first written down before delivery is out of the question. He claimed indeed for his preachings divine verity and celestial origin, but not that they were delivered to man rerbatim in God's words. When he had preached like this for a year, the necessity appeared to him of clothing on his own account, and in the interest of the faith, the essential parts of his discourses in a permanent form, taking care that the first happily turned periods were not lost in the process. The ultimate object of this novel departure was to make his precepts easier, as is attested by the Qoran in occasional phrases, which we have to look upon as the earliest testimony to the fixing and final determination of the texts of the revelations.
Sura 57, 17. (Refrain.) We have made the Qorán i. e., our heavenly prelection) easy of inculcation, Would not then more people accept the preaching ?
Sura 44, 58. We have made it (the Qordn) easy in thy own tongue, only to this end that it may be preached.
Súra 19, 97. We have made it easy in thy tongue so that thou mayest therewith announce joy to the God-fearing and warn the contumacious.
Súra 73, 20. Recite, then, of the divine prelection what has been rendered easy.
By the significant expression making easy" the Prophet could not but have meant the final determination of the wording of a number of didactic homilies. That the fixing of the text was
[For the meaning of the term "Arabic Aorta," see Dr. Hirschfeld, ante, Vol. XXIX. p. 146. Palmer, S, B, E. Vol. VI. Ivii. -TB.)

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not undertaken all at once, but was a process of gradual evolution, is indicated by the objection of Muhammad's opponent, to whom the fragmentary nature of the doctrines seemed to ill-accord with the digaity of heaven-sent communications.
Sara 25. 84. The infidels say "Would the whole Qorin were revealed in one piece," No, it must be thus (as it is) to fortify thy heart.
Súra 17, 107. We have sent it down as a "reading" and have divided it into sections that thou mayest recite it unto man on varying occasions.
In the same seetion, verse 80 shows that the official form was employed as the text for the daily prayers of the order.
Súra 17, 80. Say the prayer from the setting of the sun till the darkening of the night, and the Qoran of daybreak (that is, the matins constructed out of verses from the Qorán), for at the time the witnesses are present (angels or God).
From the crystallization of the text to the committing of the same to writing was a small step, which Muhammad at all events took towards the close of his missionary efforts at Mecca. The sole reliable proof of this lies in the appearance of the word shira to denote the Qoranic section. A word of Hebrew origin, it primarily means a layer of bricks, then secondarily a line of writing, and lastly a piece of writing. It is in the last sense that Muhammad adopts it in the Meccan Siras 11 and 10.
Sara II, 16. They say he has fabricated in the Koran)." Reply: "Then bring ten Saras of this species of your own invention and call to your aid all accessible beings, save God, if ye be truthful."
Sdra 10, 88. This Cority is not of the kind which could be composed but with the help of God, rather is it a confirmation of the foregoing drawn from the Book of the Lord of the worlds without deceit. -
Sára 10, 39. Or they say "Has he composed it himsel?" Reply: “Then bring a Sára of the like kind, etc."
Similarly, the anto-Medinian Sdra, 2, 21.
During the Medinian period revelation and Sora were convertible terms, which led Muhammad at the time to have most of the fresh revelations written down as they came. And this is corroborated by the traditions which assert that the Prophet had employed several amanuenses Por taking down the inspirations, namely, Abdullah ibn Sa'ad bin Abisarh, Zaid bin Thabit, also Hanthala bin Rebia, to whom he dictated the verses. Whether he had recourse to extraneous assistance in Mecca, too, is not recorded. Hence it is possible that at that time Muhammad was his own soribo. I cannot share the view repeatedly advanced that he was unvorsod in reading and writing. Universal consideration, allusions in the Qorán, and the report of tradition point to the contrary. As an inhabitant of a city which participated in the commerce of the world, himself a tradesman, whom business often took to the civilized countries of the North, Mubammad, without a knowledge of writing, would have been an exception among his class of Arabs, who can be proved to have reached this stage of culture centuries before. And it must be borne in mind that the Prophet, immediately after he had immigrated to Medina, a city lower than Mecca in the scale of civilization, established a school for writing and carried on his diplomatic intercourse, internal and foreign, in writing by preference,
1 J. Eating Chinastische Inscripton, Irlaltung, XII.
• Hirschfeld, op. cit., discusses the question: "We Muhammed able to write?" Dr. Wellhame has published the correspondence of the Prophet in his shigen und Verarbeiten, IV. "Though himself delighting in the title of the utterate Prophet,' and abstaining, whether from inability or design, from the sue of penmanship. he by no meana laoked with jealous eye apon the art. The poorer captives taken at Bedr were offered their tolona, on ondition that they taught « certain number of Medina citiseme to write. And although the people of Medine were not so generally educated as the people of Mooon, yet many are noticed as having been able to write betore Islam." -- Muir, Life of Mahomet, XVIII.-TB.)

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Had not a certain practice in inditing awakened the Prophet to a sense of the importance of the art of writing, his official documents coald not have been so abandant, much less could they have assumed the practical form which we perceive in the papers preserved to us. In a few places the Qordn attests the faot that its author was not illiterate. At least they demonstrate the subordination of the written to the recited Qordn.
Súra 69, 44-46. In case he (Mahomed) had fabricated foolish things about us, we had seized him by the right hand, then cat through his vein.
Here the idea of catching hold of the right hand can have no other sense, but that it should be done with . view to restraining the activity exercised by the organ, or, in other words, to disable him for writing. Verse 47 of Súra 29, “ Thou was not wont to recite a kitab before, nor to transcribe one with thy right hand," confirms, on the one hand, the phases in the development of the Qorán mentioned above, first open-air oral simple discourses, then transcription of the same, and on the other indicates the Prophet's ability to write and the employment of the same for the purposes of his dootrinal disquisitions.
Lastly, the traditions specify a Baccession of instances of the use of the pen by the Prophet. If some of them do not stand the test of careful scrutiny, collectively they present one more argument to support the theory we have advanced ; while not one valid evidence bears out bis imputed illiteracy.
It is wholly arbitrary to force into the epithet of Ummi, which Muhammad applies to himself sometimes in the Medinite Súras, the meaning of ignorance of reading and writing. For assuredly the sobriquet was designed to imply nothing beyond this that he was theologically Anschooled, had not studied the usual Jewish Scriptures, and by consequence was untaught.
"Ummi” is merely the Arabic rendering of the Hebrew Amm Haares, 5 people of the earth (or worldly-minded people as contra-distinguished from the religiously erudite Rabbi). We may therefore take it for certain that the Prophet was acquainted with the art of writing, and that he practised it himself in his simple environments of Mecca, but that in Medina, oping to the increasing pressure of work, he availed himself of extraneous aid to transcribe Qoranic Sections and his decrees.
Practical considerations induced Muhammad to have the Qorán committed to writing, as he had previously fixed its text. In this written form the verses served either as prayers or didactic axioms for public and private uses to the Islamic fraternity.
But it was not requisite for God's Word to be in writing in order to prove itself a heavenly errand. The Qords tells us that no written revelation, which as such was palpable or comprehensible, could have convinced the Meccang, so that he delivered eide by side sermons and al-fresco harangues. But as time went on, it did not escape Muhammad that the written form we much the most adapted to whatever required the utmost precision, -regulations, ritual ordinances, decisions of questions propounded, or proclamations, and thus he turned the Saras into a species of official organ for announcing important events. Nevertheless it is
Nöldeke's Gesch, d. Gora, 8 seq. The written order to fight with which Muhammad despatabed Abdallah bin Jahab and seven more of bis adherents to the valley of Nakhle must at all events have been drawn up by him or signed, for elee these eight men could scarcely have ventured to profane the holy month by bloodshed.
Nöldeke, ibid. p. 20, is on the right traot explaining that wmihi signifies that Muhammad was not versed in the holy books and that he know the truth only through inspiration; but he does not see the close connection with amm haaras. By people of the earth" were not designated the beathens (Gojim), bat auch Jews whose learning was not adequate for them to know and observe the law with the rabbinion commentaries ; or as Muhammad OXFrases it. Among them are Ummi who do not know the book except in a subjective sense (Sera 2, 78). The Gorin at first (16, 121) translates amm haaras correctly by putting people for wom, later on it forms from it the BOLTeniens adjective ummi. (Akbar is called ummi by Jahangtr in his W&qidt-Jahangtri. Dawson in a note rays that Umni means "one who can neither read nor write, an idiot." - History of India, by H. Elliot, VL., 290.-TR.]
. See Sara 83, 84.

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not improbable that what he had inscribed had already previously, on the occasion of Friday sermons, been delivered and perhaps also usually greatly amplified by him. What was once inscribed could not evanesce into naught. It permeated, one after another, all the strata of the fraternity. And we are enabled by it to comprehend the various moods in which the enthusiastic and the luke-warm believers received the appearance of a fresh revelation.
Súra 47, 22. The believers say, "Would that a Súra were sent down," but when * peremptory Súra is revealed in which war is enjoined, thoa seest the feeble of faith looking towards you as if death had already overtaken them.
Súra 9, 65. The waverers are afraid lest a Sára should be revealed against them, reflecting the thoughts of their hearts.
The motive of the earlier Súras was to affect the faithful in a religious way. In Medina this motive was superseded by unmixed secular aspirations. Many a Muslim was sensible, and painfully so, to the lack of the didactic element.
Súra 9, 125. When a Súra is revealed many believers say, "Which of you bas it confirmed in his faith?"
To which Muhammad replied somewhat thus:--It works on the genuine believers in different ways from vacillators, adding to the faith of the former, and to the infidelity of the latter. Notwithstanding the importance which attaches to the written Súras of Muhammad's mission, it were bold to assume that the dogmas orally inculoated did not pass for the Word of God. The system of Muhammadan tenets, as embodied in the written sections of the Qorán, can be constructed only by a combination of widely scattered and mutually dispersed reflections. It is not laid down in a compact shape on one page, which argues that they were written only as occasion required. Besides, it would seem that the Qordn does not repeat without gaps the entire teaching of Islam. To give one instance, the injunction of circumcision is nowhere mentioned. Finally, the high estimation in which the traditions, wbich presumably represent the Prophet's instructions delivered by word of mouth, are held, and which, from the times of the oldest Khalifas dowowards, are considered as religious law, indicates that oral and inscribed dogmas passed current almost without distinction As communications from God.' It may be imagined that once the bulk of the revelations were crystallized in definite wording, it was impossible to the Prophet to tamper them with alterations or erasures. And yet this has occurred often enough, as is conspicuous from the text itself of oar Qordn. No change, indeed, could have equalized the inequality of single Sections. Nor could it have wholly eliminated the peculiarity of the Qorán, which in a manner simultaneously exhibits flower and fruit. Bat where the gaps in the seams between two views, distant from each other in time, were too widely yawning, or where a second or subsequent thought had nsurped the place of a preceding imperfect one, a not always happy emendation was made, which we can trace to none other than Muhammad.
The commencement of this revision took place in the Meccan period. The Prophet had here sufficient temerity to simply expunge from his Suras antenable propositions and to substitute corrections instead. Thus he barked verses out of the Stras 53 and 21, which gave token of his inclination towards the ancient Arabian idol worship,
Both tradition and this present form of the verse confess the change. Nor can this have been solitary case. In exouse or justification of such procedure, which doubtless made his adherents
[In faot, the Sunna was held at the close of the first century and thereafter to be superior even to the Qordu : Al Buna Kadiya ala-l-Qoran sa layma al-Qor
Shune Kadiva ala-z-Qoran ida layaa al-Qoran biladin ala-l-Banna, i. &., the Sunna is the judge over the Zorin and not vice versa. Soo Goldsther's brilliant Entwicklung der Hadith, pp. 19-20, where authorities are quoted who advooste the abrogation of Qoranio commandmente in favour of principles ouporned by the Sunna Wa nasakha al Kitab bil-Sunna, etc.-TE.)
(For temporary compromise with Al-Hassa, Adat, and Manat, the most important heathen deities, and hi websequent emphatio roonntation, attributing the lapse to suggestion of Satan, seo Palmer, op. cit. XXV I.-TR.1

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sceptical of the verity of God's Word, the blame of the erroneous reading of the verse was impated to Satan.
Súra 22, 51. We never sent tbeo an apostle or Prophet, but in whose thought, as he meditated, Satan infused something. But God erases what is traceable to Satan and produces a communication in its true shape.
If this quotation proves alterations in the oral teachings, we can cite another which establishes the same of verses out of the written Súras with tolerable certainty.
Súra 16, 103. When we change one communication (verse) for another - and God must know best what He sends down - they say "Thou art an impostor. But most of them do not understand Anything of it."
At Medina, in view of the numerous innovations in the domain of religion which Muhammad inaugurated, the necessity to modify earlier injunctions was urgent, but much more difficult was it to justify it, for the critical eyes of the Jews were directed towards all the Prophet's doings. He could no longer own that he annulled his former principles, because they were wrong (wrong through Satan's insidious suggestions) - bat he pleaded that God, Who was beyond control, bad elected to exchange one beneficent gift for another, equally good or superior.
Sara 2, 100. When we (God) cancel written revelation or forget (an oral one) we bring instead a better or its like. Knowest thou not that God can do everything.
Thus he gave himself the warrant to insert as much new and improved matter into the old Súras as he wished, and, unless we are greatly deceived, about this time there aroge the class of mixed Sáras, semi-Meccan, semi-Medinian, whose genesis has long been attributed to what is called the first redaction of the Qordn. We may mention some examples which betray obvious marks of later emendations. Such are all the verses treating of Abraham's relations with Mecon and Qa'aba; such also are all passages relating to the explanation and defence of the strange phrase "Nineteen are set over the fire of Holl."
Smailer addenda are recognizable by the circumscribing particle illa, except, which is prefixed to them. These supplementary postscripts are joined on to wbat, without them, were too sweeping assertions. To give an illustration or two.
Súra 81, 27-29. This is only an exhortation to the worlds, to him who would conduct himself aright - but your wish will avail you nothing, except when Allah, the Lord of the Worlds, 80 wills it.
Sára 76, 29-31. This is an admonition. Let him hold on who will to the path leading to his Lord, but your wish will avail you nothing, except when Allah so wills it. He the knowing, He leads into His meroy whom He pleases, and for the miscreants an agonizing chastisement has He prepared.
The additions tagged on to these two passages were, as will be pointed out further on, the outcome of the dootrine of pre-destination preached subsequent to the original verses.
Sara 87, 6-7. We will cause thee to read so that thou wilt forget nothing - ezoept what God wills, for He knows the apparent and the bidden.
Here the reservation must have been supplied at the same time with verse 100 of Sara 2.
Sára 26, 224-228. It is the poets whom the erring follow. Dost thou not see them roaming about every valley and speaking things which they practise not themselves - Save those who believe, perform righteous deeds, and oft remember God; they are succoured when they have unjustly suffered. But they who treat them unjustly shall know how ill it will fare with them.
M. Klamroth: 50 Alterte Suren, 1.

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The exemption in favour of virtuous poets from the general rebuke was appended to the Súra as a piece of courtesy towards Habsan ibn Thabit and Kab ibn Malik, 2° who acted as panegyrists of the Prophet in Medina.
Muhammad bethought him of a similar course when he added a note to the text, in order to lighten the duties previously imposed or to curtail too comprehensive statements. He had enjoined on his disciples, for instance, in Súra 78, prolonged vigils. But when in Medina he wanted no longer to bring up ascetics but warriors, he added a lengthy verse by way of conclusion, which attenuated the grinding obligation to a minimum. At another juncture it was promised to the brotherhood, with a view to stimulating their belligerent spirit, that twenty of them would slay two hundred infidels, a hundred of them a thousand. Doubtless as a result of mortifying experience, presently verse 67 was disclosed, according to which, in future, a hundred of the faithful were to vanquish only twice as many, a thousand only two thousand of the opponents. This was what God meant by lightening his revelations.
When Muhammad himself became undisputable master of Medina and was disposed to account for his doings to none, the call for revoking or modifying older enactments in favour of new Bat lightly on his heart. His will was for the moment law, and it was tacitly assumed that the earlier had no validity in the face of the more recent decrees. What God ordained was simply indisputable. So long as the Prophet lived with unlimited authority and domineered over the thoughts and acts of his order, this state of things endured. But when, after his demise, the next generations addressed themselves to solve philosophically the problem bequeathed to them by the Prophet, then were sprung upou them so many contradictions in the Islamic verities that they seized upon the most desperate means to stifle them. The most conspicuous of them is the theory of abrogator and the abrogated, Nassikh and Mansukh, which was pursued to the extreme.
The exegeter originally began with the rational principle that when a later passage affirmed the contrary of what an earlier one inculcated, the latter had no more validity and was therefore abro gated. But then there was the article of belief to be reckoned with, agreeably to which the Qorin contained divine and consistent truth. They had therefore to steer between these Sceylla and Charybdis of Moslem theology. All sorts of secondary meanings were read into the Qoranic nasakha (2, 100, seq.), such as to alter, to transpose, to annul, and hence arose the possibility to rescind a text at pleasure. This procedure, invented by the sophistical Ibn Abbas, was employed in a variety of ways by the theological anthorities, who eame after him. Some held that a Qoranio passage was invalid, if the tradition taught its contrary; others conceded the invalidity only when the discrepancy was in the Qorán itself; a third set would limit the abrogations to passages embody. ing command or prohibition they would not admit of them in cases of promise or threat. Many maintained that the abrogated sentences were confined to the Medina Sdras against those who would have them scattered over the whole Qordn. We can cite several other theories to which the investigation of the question has given rige (see Itkán, II. 21). They place in a suspicious light the vaunted harmony of the Qoran. To this day therefore the problem remains unsolved: how much of the Qoran has the force of undisputed validity; thongh there is a general consensus as to the necessity of abrogation in 21 cases (Itkdn, II. 28)." Since, however, the tradition demands that none shall interpret the Book of God, who has not previously ascertained the abrogating and the abrogated verses, it follows that properly no Moslim can address himself to the task of elucidating the Qoran.
In spite of the various corrigenda, the less Muhammad succeeded in ensuring a coherent unity to his Suras, the more indifferent he grew to investing them with the external appearance of
** [Hasan, briefly noticed in Brookolnkin's Geschichte der Arab. Litteratur. For Kab bin Malik, to be distinguished from Kab bin Zuhair, whom the Prophet presented with his mantle: nee Muir (XVI.) -TE.]
11 (See Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, and Hirschfeld, loc. at.-T.]

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. well-arranged collection. The Saras were indeed before him completely written, but, to follow the tradition, not in a uniform manner, some were on parchment, some on palm-leaves, a few on shoulder-blades.
Still we need not perhaps imagine that they were quite inscribed after such a primitive fashion; and some sort of method must have been observed as they were recited. We can infer the latter with tolerable probability from the alphabetical symbols affixed to the several Súras. It is well nigh certain that they served as seals to mark groups of co-ordinate Súras. All Súras are, however, not so distinguished, which show that all were not so arranged. Taken as a whole it was not requisite that the Súras should have a conclusion, for till shortly before Muhammad's decease the fount of revelations continued to usher something or other new into light. Hence, to be as it is in its present sense, the Qorán was devoid of a fixed sequence one after another of its Súrás, next it lacked redaction of its text on a consistent principle; two seemingly unimportant features, but which, as time wore on, became indispensable for the unalloyed perpetuation of the collection and its practical employment as a code of the genuine dogmas. The Khalifa Abu Bakr supplied the first deficiency, the Khalifa Othmân the second : that is the meaning of the two so-called redactions.
Zaid bin Thabit, the chief authority for the detailed circumstances touching the writing of the Qorán, reports (Itkdn, I. 60): We (i. e,, he and another scribe) used to put together (Arabic, allafa) the fragments of the Qoran. That is to say, they put or strung together the separate revelations into Suras e procedure which can still be easily recognized in the long Medina chapters. When the same Zaid says (Itkán, I. 60): “When the Prophet died, the Qorán was not yet combined or put together"; the verb jamaa here used can only signify the combining of individual Siras into a whole. The Itkán accordingly very properly decides : "The Qordwas committed to writing even during the life-time of the Prophet, but was not yet unitedly put together as a whole in any single place, nor arranged (murattab) with reference to the order of the Saras."
As for the import of the symbols placed at the head of the Stras, various conjectures have been hazarded, both by native scholars and European investigators. We may leave out of account the Eastern glossators, since all probability is against them. Of European savants, Nöldeke in his Geschichte des Qoráns (p. 215, seq.) was of opinion that these letters did not originate with Muhammad, but were the marks by which the possessors of the copies used by Zaid had designated their own property-in & word, monograms." In the Orientalischen Skissen (p. 50, seq.) he replaces this theory by another, and aocording to which the characterizations are to be traced to the Prophet, who intended them to impart to his recitals a mysterious solemnity without bearing any special sense. I cannot concur in the view that Muhammad strove after effect in such strange fashion. It is probable that he employed these signs to mark out the groups of chapters, which were to stand together, thus introducing some sort of order in the sequence of the Súras. And, in fact, as a rule, the Súras, with a like symbol, are placed in a continuous series, ench, for instance, are Sáras 10 to 15 bearing the distinguishing letters ae-l-r, Súras 26 to 28 t-s-m, and Stras 40 to 46 h-m. We perceive an example of exception or irregularity in two groups, Stras 2-8 and 29-82, both with as-l-m, which stand asander. The oversight probably lies at the door of Zaid. The critical Suyati” cannot refrain from surmising that it was Muhammad from whom the notations emanated (Ithan, I. 67). It is beyond our knowledge altogether whether the letters represent abbreviations of any names or ideas." While these “seals” are always reckoned as part of the text of the chapters, the superscriptions or headings are regarded as later accretions. Nevertheless some of them at least might well date from Mohammad's day, e.g., the Chapter of the Heifer,
11 [See also, anto, Vol. XXX. p. 519. -Ed.)
13 [One of the most prolifo writors of Islam. Wüstenfold (Die Geschichtschreiber der Araber, 506, gives more details of his interesting to than Brockelmann permita himself in his History of Arabic Literature.-TE.]
1 (Still Dr. Hirschfeld's ondestour to explain the cyphers is worthy of study. -T.]

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the denomination of the second Sara. For so early as in the initial years of the reign of Abu Bakr, "O men of the Súra of the Cow!" was the resounding skibloleth of the Muslims fighting against Musailima, the false prophet."
We have the following account as to the occasion of Abu Bakr's endeavours to put together the Qorán. In the rebellions which broke out on the death of Muhammad almost throughout Arabia, but especially in the sanguinary struggle with Musailima, the religious and political leader of the Rebia Clan, the ranks of the old approved expounders of the Qorán were 60 thinned that Omar perceived in it a peril to the pare lore of Muhammadan teachings, and urged the Khalifa Abu Bakr to prepare the collection of all the stray sections of the Qoran in one authentic compilation. The Khalifa, of conservative proclivity, at first resisted the new-fangled notion, which exceeded what Muhammad himself bad done in this direction. Buton more pressure from Omar he commissioned the young and gifted Zaid ibn Thabit, Muhammad's last amanuensis, to undertake a complete compilation of the Qorán. The work he had to cope with was, looked at in modern light, not too heavy. We are told that the material was mostly ready to hand in the house the Prophet once occupied, and, in cases of doubtful readings, numerous other copies of the Súras in the possession of the fraternity could be requisitioned for collation. (Itkán, I. 62.) When, however, he is alleged to have exclaimed, "If they had imposed upon me the task of moving a mountain from its position it would not have been heavier than what they commanded me," the utterance was not too extravagant in the month of one unaccustomed to philological research. Once Zaid set about the work, it did not take him long to transcribe the Quran on separate pieces of parchment and to arrange the Súras intu one volume. When it was finished, Abu Bakr kept the compilation as his own property. At his death it came into Omar's hands, and next it passed into the possession of Hafsa, daughter of Omar and former wife to the Prophet.
We can do no more than conjecture at the method which guided Zaid in preparing the volume. Before every thing he must have striven after and attained completeness, for subsequent zealous investigations could hunt out not more than seven, some say nine, fragments, and these of trifling contents, which were proved to be Qoranic. Zaid put together the bulk of the Súras from the standpoint of length, those of greatest extent first, then those of moderate compass, and finally the briefest ones. Since the last category comprised a larger number, to all appearance he attempted to arrange them chronologically, though with equivocal success, the short Medina Súras, which are mostly combined in groups, being shoved in between the Meccan. Finally, he did not venture to displace the sections which the Prophet had already strung together by alphabetical marks.
As the tradition has it, the criterion he adopted for determining the genuineness of sections was to have each attested as such by two men of credit 16 But it is very strange that this precaution is conspicuous by absence in any one of the traditions emanating from Zaid himself; nay, bis own version is that he found the last Sara with Abu Kohdaima and then inserted it in the volume, (Itkan, I. 60.) It would appear that the tradition of two witnesses to a Súra was an imitation of the passage in Qoran, which speaks of keeping two witnesses in negotiating a loan,
Whatever fault we find with Zaid's execution of the work it was the achievement of a man who was qualified for it as few others of the community were. To impute to him or even to Abu Bakr and Omar, as do De Sacy and Weil, dishonest intentions in the compilation is to translate without cogent reasons the theological perfidies in the times of the Omayyads and Abbassides to the infancy of Islam, which was immune from partisan propensities.17' Our Qorán betrays no personal tendencies beyond
15 Beladhuri, Liber expugnat, p. 89. 16 Itkan, I. 62 (tradition of el-Laith bin Saad).
Shia actarians accused Othman of having taken liberty with 500 words of the Qoran and in particular of having matilated Sdra 25, verso 30. Goldsiher, Muhammedanische Studien, II., ; Nöldeke's Geach, de Korans, Pp. 216-220. As regards Sdra 25, verse 30, see Sale's Koran, p. 272, and the note there from Beidhami. --Tr.]

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what the Prophet himself avowed. There is in all conscience little in enlogy of his nearest acolytes, those political pillars, of Islam. All the luminous rays which fall on earth converge about the image of the Prophet and him alone.18
Abu Bakr did not claim for his collection of the Qorun that it was prepared for universal currency in Islam, rather was it, as Nöldekelo rightly points out, a matter of private concern. Under his and Omar's Khalifate everyone was at liberty to use that one of the varia lectiones of the Qordn with which he was familiar. Moreover, rival compilations, like those by Obay ibn Kab, Muad ibn Jebel, and Abu Zaid, were permitted to circulate unchecked. 20
But with the accession of Othman to power, these conditions were reversed. When the combined Islamic forces of Syria and Babylonia marched upon Armenia, such serious difference in the ways of reciting the Qorán between the two divisions of the army was brought to light that Hodaifs ibn el Yaman informed the Khalifa of it and earnestly implored him to remedy the evil. Othman borrowed from Hafsa Abu Bakr's copy of the Qorán, and gave it to a commission of four men, who knew at first-hand the Meccan as well as the Medina Súras, charging them each to make one transcription in a book-form. The commission comprised the renowned Zaid bin Thabit of Medina and three Koreishites, Abdullah bin az-Zubair, Saad bin al-As, and Abdurrahman ibn al-Harith. Othman enjoined on them to set down in the dialect of the Koreish those words about which they were not ananimous, for the Qorán was dieclosed in the latter idiom. There were thus prepared four copies of identical text. Each one of them was deposited in Medina, Kufa, Basra, and Damascus, the four principal cities of the Empire, where they claimed canonical authority. By an edict of te Khalifa all other variants of the Qorán were to be given to the flames. Naturally the arcbtype of the four authentic transcripts, Abu Bakr's compilation, was not included in the order. Hafsa took it back into her possession.
The old accounts about the so-called second redaction are so perfectly clear that it is difficult to understand the divergent opinions on the subject. Nöldeke, for instance, states&l that Zaid ibn Thabit collected all the copies" of the Qorán and brought out his new redaction accordingly, after which all the material made use of by Zaid, except Abu Bakr's Qoran, was destroyed. But no writer of credit declares that the four commissioners consulted other texts besides that of Abu Bakr.
Properly speaking, they should be called not redactors, but transcribers. The mandate to consume all the Qordns with a dissimilar reading could by no possibility have resulted in such utter annihilation that none of the earlier Stras could survive. For indubitably there must have remained many in the hands of the Muslims, which either already represented the same wording with the Othmanic text or were subsequently altered to tally with it.
It is impossible that the difference between the redaction of Abu Bakr and that of Othman was anything more than the difference between a less careful manuscript text and a critical edition. The collaboration of Zaid precluded any considerable change in the text. The same individual was scarcely in a position, much less could he acquiesce in it, to isane two widely varying redactions. Finally, it is only thus that we can comprehend the remarkable fact that not a solitary voice was raised against the Qoran of the abhorred Khalifa, whose political measures made him enemies on all hands. But it was the copy of the most revered Abu Bakr which he carefully examined and to which he gave the most extensive currency.
It has been a time-honored belief in the East, and one still more familiarly known in Europe, that Othman's services to the Qoran surpass that of Abu Bakr. From what has been discussed above it will appear that the two Khalifas are made to exchange parts. The collector, or the
13 If deception was intended, it were easy to fill in the palpablo gaps in the Qorån and to have determined the uoooasion after the Prophet's demise by the interpolation of a fow lines. 19 Gesch. des Qorans, p. 203.
30 Bukhari, II. 286.
11 Gesch, der Qordns, p. 205, 12 In his Orientalischen Shizzen, p. 53, he adde;" which they (the four copyista) could get at." 21 "Tear to pieces, according to a various reading.

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compiler, Abu Bakr, must take precedence of the copyist Othmân, as is likewise opined by al Harith al Mahâsibi." "Othman is," al Hârith says, "commonly credited with the collection of the Qordn. But it is not so. Othmân merely guided the people to the acceptance of a uniform reading, which was selected by him in co-operation with old companions about him, because he was afraid of possible schisms between the Babylonian and the Syrian, on account of the divers readings of the vowels. But Abu Bakr merits pre-eminence as the compiler of the Qoranic Sections which were current.
[MARCH, 1905.
The rest of the history of Qoranio text is briefly told. Its early compilation, its character as the most sacred heirloom from God and Muhammad, of necessity led to such anxious assiduity bestowed on its immaculate perpetuation as has been devoted to few other books in the world. Every zeal was shown for Othman's canonic redaction, the unrivalled excellence of which asserted itself without any undue extraneous compulsion. If in private redactions one or two varia lestiones kept their ground for a time, before the first century of Islam was out they disappeared for want of public interest. The editions of Obay ibn Kab and that of Ibn Masûd would appear to have lingered the longest.
At least the exegetes still notice their sequence of Saras and other textual peculiarities. But soon Othman's redaction came into universal vogue and the readings of this family of manuscripts alone commanded respect. Out of it was evolved the art of reading the Qoran, the principal representatives of which lived at the close of the first and the commencement of the second century after the Flight.20
In the third century men set themselves to glean the prescription and commandments, and with this presage of methodic treatment of the Holy Writ were joined, in interminable succession, the works of commentators, starting with the fundamental production of Tabari,37 who mainly kept in view the elucidation of the text, and continued with more formal grammatical explana tion by Zamakshari, in whose wake the erudite of the Orient move on to this day.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 96.)
1796. No. XIV.
Fort William the 10th October 1796. Extract from the Proceedings of the Governor General in Council of the 3rd October in the Secret Department.
Agreed that an Order be issued in favor of the Marine Paymaster for Sioca Rupees 5500 to enable him to discharge the Freight of the Ship Peggy.
1797.- No. I.
Fort William, 6th January 1797. Secretary Marine Board, 2nd January. To G. Barlow Baqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir, I am directed to transmit you the accompanying Copys of Letters from the Owner and Commander of the Brig Peggy stationed at the Andamans, and as she is at present taken up For details, see Geich, des Qordne, p. 287 seq.
28 Itkan, I. 69.
Itkan, I. 68. 27 [It is interesting to notice incidentally that this great exegete and historian, like the best exponents of all other sciences of the Arabs, was of Iranian descent. The superiority of the Aryan to the Semite is nowhere more emphatically proved than in the history of the so-called Arab civilisation- Cf. Prof. Browne, J. R. A. 8., 1899, P. 49; also Horn's History of Persian Literature, -TB.]

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for Six Months, from the 1st of August past, the Board request the Orders of the Governor General in Council respecting her.
I am &c.
(Signed) G. Taswell Secretary Marine Board. Fort William 2nd January 1797.
Enclosure No. 1 To G. Taswell Esqr. Secretary to the Marine Board.
Sir, I take the liberty to enclose you a Letter just received from Captain Carey of the Brig Pegsy, and if you have any orders in bebalf of the Honble. Company that you wish I should communicate to him, I shall punctually make him acquainted with them, on being favored with your instructions.
I am &c.
(Signed) William Mordaunt. Calcutta, 2nd. Jan. 1797.
Enclosure No. 8. W. Mordaunt Esqr. . Sir, I suppose long before this you have heard of my disagreeable Situation since I left Calcutta, and since I wrote to you, all my officers and people died, except two, and one of thom I don't expect to live, I left Port Cornwallis with one Man and myself, and after being ten days out, spoke the ship Caesar from Penang, who left [let] me bave two Topases with three Men. It cannot be perceivable to you what I have undergone before my Departure, and after; in 18 days I was in Ballasore Roads in 7 fathoms Water, but coming to blow I stood to the Eastward and not having hands to take in sail, drove to the Southward, and out of sounding, before I could get them put to rights, I was in the latitude of 19.56 N. I stood to the Eastward of Point Palmiras one hundred miles, hoping to fetch the Board, but found I was dessaved, the wind being too far to the North ward; on the 20th made the land to the Southward of the point - at 10 P. M. saw a ship on wind, which bore away to speak us, but not like us in appearance or minurvaris (mancavres]. I thought it more prudent, not having water on board for two days, and the people not able to stand it any longer, not having any sort of refreshment for seven Months, to bear away for Gangam, the ship continued in chase till Dark, when I altered my Course from N. N. W. to W. 8. W. for three hours, and at day light saw no sign of her as it will take 9 or 10 days to get some more hands I will thank you to send me an order on some body at Ganjam for three hundred Rupees as I have not money sufficient to pay or outfit with me, and know no body at Ganjam. I will thank you to acquaint Mrs. Carey I will write to-morrow post.
"I am &c.
(Signed) Andrew Carey. Gangam 27th December 1798.
Ordered that the Marine Board be directed to report what means they may deem Docenery to afford assistance to the Brig Peggy.
1797. - No. II. Fort William 10th February 1797. Marine Board. Po the Honble. Sir John Shore Baronet Governor General in Council
Honblo. Sir, We beg leave to lay before you a Letter addressed to us by the Commander of the Brig Peggy, which has been in the Servige of Government at Port Cornwallis and to refer to you the Circumstances stated by the Commander, in his Justification for having left the place without ordere, e well as to gropnd him hope of some consideration for the misfortunes he has suffered.

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There appears from Captain Carey's Account to have been a necessity for leaving the Andamane and of course, no blame or breach of Engagement, should, in our Opinion, be imputed to him for having done so, In respect to Compensation, as in the agreement for the Peggy it was stipulated that every Expence should be defrayed by the Owners, and the Company liable to no Claims whatever, on Account of the Brig, except for his (sic) monthly hire, nothing else (and no part of that is due to the end of January 1797) can be demanded, but if your Houble. Board should desire from motives of liberality to Shew attention to his case, we would propose that the relief should be given in either of two ways -- one is by paying to the Owners without using the Vessel, the two Months bire that would be due to complete the Term of your Engagement ending on the 31st of March 1797, and Oertainly we cannot recommend that She should be ordered to the Andamans to go and return that period, or, if you still be of Opinion a Vessel should be Stationed there that you give Captain Carey . Preference by renewing the engagement for the Brig for Six Months from this Time, at the present rate. We cannot in all events recommend that any encrease of that rate Should be allowed.
Wo have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) John Bristow, John Haldane. Fort William the Srd February 1797.
Enclosure. Gentlemen, I take the earliest opportunity of acquainting you with the arrival of the Brig Pesey from the Andamans station and as I left that place without orders from Government I think it necessary to explain to you the cause of my having done so.
When I had been some time at the Island my Ships Crew became very sickly and the Malady. oncreased so fast that I lost every soul except two Europeans one of whom with myself were attacked with the same Disorder, in this distressed Situation I determined to make an attempt to gain some Board where I could get more people and also to inform you of my having left the Island for that purpose as bad I remained longer it would have been at the hazard of my own life and that of the other two Surviving Men.
I with much difficulty effected my departure from Port Cornwallis and steered for the Island of Noroondum off which I lay in hopes of falling in with some of the China Ships to get assistance, I luckily spoke the Ship Caesar, the Captain upon hearing my distress gave me two Men, with this reinforcement I steered for Calcutta but after having arrived off the Sand Heads, a Violent Gale of Wind came on, which blew away all my Sails and for the Preservation of the Vessel, I was obliged to scud before it to Gangam.
At the Board I used every effort to get a Crew and return to my Station, but I found there was not a Man to be had that would accompany me back, indeed all the people at the place refused to go on board my Vessel uutil I previously gave them Security for my proceeding direct to Bengal.
Thus situated I judged it most expedient to proceed to Bengal for the purpose of getting Ships Crew and to acquaint you of my proceedings. My misfortunes did not end here, for the Day after I left Gangam, I was boarded by a French Privateer and plundered of every thing moveable in the Vessel, even to my own Cloths, they also hove overboard all my Guns and Ammunition and Cut away the only good Anchor and Cable I had remaining to my Bows, and then sent me drift wbich I beg you will take into your benign Consideration.
Should you wish to peruse my Journal I shall send it to corroborate the aforesaid relation.
I hope Gentlemen you will take into consideration the many hardships I have suffered during the time I have been in your Service, and should you think proper to employ the Peggy again on the Same Station for Six Nine or Twelve Months, she will be ready to proceed in the course of a few days should I be again employed I intend to take more Men with me and I hope you will not

Page #145

INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
MARCH, 1903.]
think it unreasonable my asking a small encrease of allowance to enable me to provide them and that you will order the full Amount of the Stipulated time for which I was engaged to be paid me.
I am &c.
Calcutta 30th January 1787.
Ordered the Marine Board be informed that Government Admit Captain Carey's Justification of his conduct for leaving the Andamans without orders and of the Alternative submitted by the Board in the last Paragraph of their Letter. Government adopt the first Suggestion, and Authorize the payment of the two Months hire to the owners of the Peggy, without requiring the fulfillment of their engagement. The Board resolve to postpone for the present the taking up another Vessel to be stationed at the Andamans.
(To be continued.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY. OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
189
Dawk-bangy; s. v. Bangy (b), 46, i. Dawk Bearer; ann. 1796: 8. v. Dawk, 232, i. Dawk-bungalow; 8. v. Sudden death, 653, ii. Dawk Bungalow; s. v. 232, ii; ann. 1866: 8. v. Bungalow, Dawk-, 99, ii.
(Signed) A. Carey.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 47)
Dawk; s. v. 231, ii, 232, ii, 788, ii, s. v. Jam, | Deberadora; ann. 1606: s. v. Baroda, 53, i. 342, i, e. v. Tappaul, 685, i; ann. 1771: s. v. Debil; ann. 1753: s. v. Diul-Sind, 792, i. 232, i; ann. 1781 8. v. Compound, 188, i; Debir; s. v. Dubbeer, 253, i. ann, 1803 8. v. Hindostan (b), 316, ii; ann. 1809, 1824, 1843 (3 times) and 1873 8. v. 232, ii.
Deb Raja; ann. 1774: 8. v. Tangun, 688, i, twice. Deb-Rajah; ann, 1774: 8. v. Chowryburdar,
165, ii.
Dawk, To lay a; 8. v. 232, ii, twice. Dawk banghee; ann. 1873: 8. v. Bangy (b), Deb Rajah; ann. 1774: . . Cooch Behar, 46, i. 191, ii.
Dawk bungalow; ann. 1866: 8. v. Nigger, 479, i. Dawk-garry; s. v. Palankeen, 503, i. Daxin; s. v. Datchin, 788, ii.
Daxing; s. v. Datchin, 788, ii. Dayah; s. v. Daye, 232, ii. Dayak; 728, ii, footnote.
Dayas; ann. 1578 and 1613: 8. v. Daye, 233, i. Daye; 8. v. 232, ii, 788, ii.
Dazio; ann. 1340: s. v. Dewaun, 240, ii.
Deaner; s. v. 233, i.
Debal; s. v. 238, i; ann. 880, 900 (twice) and 976 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, i; ann. 1150: s. v. Diul-Sind, 247, ii.
Debash; s. v. Dubash, 252, ii; ann. 1804, 1809 and 1810: s. v. Dubash, 253, i.
Decagini; ann. 1586: s. v. Ollah, 485, ii.
Decam; ann. 1598: 8. v. India of the Portuguese, 338, i, 8. v. Naik (b), 470, ii. Decám; ann. 1563: 8. v. Nizamaluco, 830, ii. Decan; ann. 1504-5 s. v. Pardao, 840, ii; ann. 1510 and 1517: 8. v. Deccan, 233, ii; ann. 1535: 8. v. Cañara, 118, i; ann. 1552: 8. v. Bombay, 77, ii, s. v. Cañara, 118, i, . v. Deccan, 233, ii; ann. 1553: 8. v. Concan, 189, ii, s. v. Navait, 475, ii, s. v. Cotamaluco, 785, i, s. v. Nizamaluco, 830, ii, twice; ann. 1563: 8. v. Bear-tree, 58, i, s. v. Carambola, 123, i, s. v. Nard, 473, ii, 1598: 8. v. Melique Verido, 823, i; ann. 8. v. Canara, 118, i, 8. v. Carambola, 123, i; ann. 1602: 8. v. Pagoda (e), 502, i; ann. 1608: 8. v. Deccan, 233, ii; ann. 1667 8. v. BanyanTree, 50, ii, s. v. Deccan, 238, ii; ann. 1726: 8. v. Deccan, 233, ii, twice; ann. 1740: a. v. Brinjaul, 87, ii; ann. 1758: s. v. Souba, 649,

Page #146

140
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1903.
ii; ann. 1768 : 6 v. Cutcha, 223, i, ... Deccanee; ann. 234, 1861: 6. o. Deccany, i. Souba, 649, ii; ann. 1794: 3. v. Firinghee, Deccani; 8. D. Mungoose, 457, i. 270, i.
Deccany ; . v. 238, ii; ann. 1799: 1. v. Ambaree, Decani; ann. 1516: 6. v. Deccany, 284, i ; ann. 1 11, i. 1552: .. o. Deccan, 233, ii.
Deck; 8. . 234, i. Decanij; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Deocan, 233, ii.
Deckan; ann, 1785: 8. o. Peon, 528, ii. Decanijos; 522, i, footnote.
Deconij; ann. 1505: 8. v. Narsinga, 474, i. Decanim ; ann. 1533 : 8.v. Melique Verido, 823, i.
Deedong ; . v. I-say, 335, i. Decanins ; ann. 1578: 8. v. Deccany, 234, i. Deeh ; ann. 1698. 8. v. Zemindar, 748, i. Deccanys; anh. 1572 : 6. o. Deccany, 234, i. Deeh Calcutta ; ann. 1698: 8.v. Zemindar, 748, i. Deoca; ann. 1682: 8.0. Dacoa, 225, i, ., v. Deen ; 8. v. 234, i.
Parwans, 564,i; ann. 1688: 8.0. Foujdar, Deepaullee; ann. 1820: 8. v. Dewally, 238, ii. 273, i, ... Rogue's River, 850, i, twice ; ann. Deesa; ann. 1849: . v. Babool, 38, i. 1684: &. v. Deloll, 235, ii; ann. 1785: 8.v.
Degon; ann. 1711:8, v. Achánock (2), 752, ii. Crore, 214, i, 8. v. Ghee, 283, i.
Deguignes; ann. 1794-5: 8. v. Calay, 111, ii. Decan: 2.0. Bheel. 69, ii, 8. v. Bidree, 70, ii, Deh: ann. 1698: 8. v. Zenindar, 748, i.
. D. Brinjarry, 87, ii, 3 times, 8. o. Calyan, Deheh ; 6. o. Koshoon, 375, ii. 114, ii, 3. v. Cooly, 192, i, o, v. Custard-Apple, Dehli; 8. v. Bahaudur, 86, ii, 8. o. Chicane, 146, ii, 921. i 2. o. Cuttack, 224, i, .. . 233, 1, 8. v. Coss, 208, i, . . Dastoor, 257, i, 3 times, 8. v. Deccany, 283, ii, 234, i,, 8. v. 8. o. Ghilzai, 283, i, s. v. Goojur, 296, i, Fusly, 274, ii, 8. o. Guava, 306, i, 8. v. 6. D. Hilsa, 314, ii, $. v. Hindee, 315, ii, Hilsa, 314, ii, 8. o. Hindostan, 316, ii, 8. . 8. v. Hindostanee, 317, i, 8.0. Jeetul, Kohinor, 374, ii, ., v. Koonbee, 375, i, s.v. 849, i, 8. v. Jumna, 358, i, 8. 0. Khakee, Kurnool, 379, i, 8. v. Laterite, 390, i, 3.. 365, ii, 6. v. Khan, 866, i, 3. v. Kobinor, Majoon, 411, i, ..v. Mango-trick, 426, i, 8. v. 374, ii, 8. . Mace (a), 404, i, ... Mogul, Monegar, 441, i, ., v. Moong, 444, i, 8. t. The Great, 437, i, 8. . Mohur, Gold, 439, i, Mysore Thorn, 467, i, 8. v. Naik, 470, i, 8. v.
8. v. Oordoo, 488, i, 8. v. Punjaub, 561, ii,.. t. Patchouli, 517, ii, 8. v. Payen-ghaut, 522, ii, Tanga, 682, I, 6. v. Bargany, 761, i and ii ; 8. v. Pindarry, 538, ii, 8. v. Regur, 575, ii, 8. v. ann. 1205: 6. v. Delhi, 234, i; ann. 1257: 3.1. Saffron, 589, i, s. v. Sappan-wood, 600, i, 8. v. Siwalik, 640, ii; ann. 1289 : 8. v. Ghilzai, 284, i, Seedy, 610, i, ., v. Sircar (c), 638, i, twice, 8. v. Oudh, 494, ii; ann. 1290: 8. D. Jeetul, 8.v. Sola, 646, i, 8. v. Souba, 649, i, s. .
349, ii ; ann. 1300 : 8. v. Bengal, 64, ii; ann.. Sweet Potato, 673, i, 8. u. Telinga, 694, i, . v.
1810: 8. v. Mabar, 401, ii; ann. 1385: 8. . Cotamaluco, 784, ii, see 801, i, footnote, &. . Telinga, 694, ii, 8. v. Umbrella, 726, i ; ann. Idalcan, 807, ii, .. o. Khot, 813, i, 8. D. 1840: 1. o. Dawk, 232, i, 3. v. Doai, 248, ii; Madremaluco, 821, i, 8. v. Nizam, The, 830, i,
ann. 1343: 8. 6. Beiramee, 61, i, 8. v. twice,. . Nizamaluco, 830, i, 8. v. Sabaio, Chowdry, 165, i; ann. 1628: , v. Crore, 214, 851, ii, 852, i; ann. 1516: 8. v. Sabaio, 852, i, i, 8. o. Dam, 228, i; ann. 1666: 8. . Rains, twice, 6.v. Sanguicer, 853, ii ; ann. 1520 : . v. The, 572, ii ; ann. 1787: 8. . Shoocka, 629, Suttee, 668, ii; ann. 1538: 8. v. Godavery, ii; ann. 1842: 4. 9. Pucka, 555, ii; ann, 291, i, twice; ann. 1554: 8. o. Choul, 163, i; 1850: 8. o. Serai (a), 615, i; ann. 1880: , . ann, 1568: 3. v. Moong, 444, ii, 8. v. Idalcan, 808, i; ann. 1616: 8. v. 233, ii ; aon. 1632: Dehli; ann. 1684: 8. v. Ell'ora, 262, i. 1. . Vanjäräs, 88, i; ann. 1635: 8. o. Choul, Dehly; ann. 1594: 8. . Souba, 649, ii, 163, i; ann. 1756: 8. o. Lamballie, 383, ii ; Dehra ; . v. Dhoon, 242, ii, ., . Siwalik, 640, ann. 1778: 1. v. Mort-de-chien, 450, ii; ann i ; ann. 1835: 8. v. Siwalik, 642, ü; ann. 1804: 3. v. Silladar, 634, i; ann. 1813: 8. o. 1879: 1, v. Tonga, 709, i. Vanjärās, 88, ii; ann. 1870: 1, v. 233, ii, Deiudar; . . Deodar, 236, ii; ann. 1080: , ". twice; ann. 1878: . d. Pariah, 515, ii; ann. Deodar, 236, ii. 1884: . D. Hindostan, 317, i.
Dekam; ann. 1750: 1. v. Deocan, 238, ii.

Page #147

MARCE, 1908.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
141.
Dekh ; ann. 1854: . . Deck, 234, i.
Orissa, 492, ii; ann. 1533 : . o. Delhi, 234, Dekban ; 8. . Hobson-Jobson, 319, i,
ii ; ann. 1534: 6. 5. Mogul, 436, ii; ann. Dekhani; 8. v. Fanám, 265, i.
1552: 6.v. Canara, 118, i ; ann. 1558 : 8. . Dekh-na; 8. o. Deck, 234, i.
Cospetir, 202, i, o. o. Poorub, 547, ii; ann. Delagoa; ann. 1727: 8. v. Sofala, 646, i.
1562 : .. . Delly, Mount, 235, ii, twice; ann. Delavay; ann. 1868: 8.0. Poligar, 544, i.
1563 : 8. . Vanjärās, 88, i, 8. o. Koot, 375, ii, Delect; ann. 1772: 8. o. Daloyet, 227, i.
. v. Mogul, 436, ii, .. v. Nizamaluco, 830, ii ; Delegi; 8. D. Myrobalan, 465, i.
ann. 1611: 8. v. Delhi, 234, ii. Delemi; ann. 1813: 8. o. Bendameer, 68, i. Dely, Mount; 287, i, footnote. Deleng ; .. v. Deling, 234, i.
D'Ely, 287, i, footnote; ann. 1554 : 8. v. SindaDeleuaius; ann. 1615: 8. v. Dalaway, 227, i. bür, 635, ii. Delf Beer; an. 1673 : 6. v. Dancing-girl, 229, i. Dema; ann. 1541: 8.0, Peking, 526, i. Delhi; &. v. 234, i, 788, ii, twiee, 8. v. Cootab, Demar-Boy; ann. 1755: 8. v. Dammer, 228, ii.
The, 194, ü, twice, 8. o. Kuzzilbasb, 380, i, | Demerara ; ann. 1871 : 8.0. Puggry, 557, i. 8. v. Papaya, 511, ii, s. ». Resident, 576, ii, Demigán; .. . Demijohn, 236, i. 8. v. Bopee, 585, i and ii, 8. D. Sanskrit, 598, Demiján; •. v. Demijohn, 236, i. ii, 8. v. Sophy, 648, i, ., v. Swamy-house, 672, Demijohn; ... 236, 1, 789, i. i, 8. o. Gwalior, 804, ii, see 839, ii, footnote; Demmar ; ann. 1584: . . Dammer, 228, ii. . ann. 1330: ... Cootab, The, 195, i; ann. Demnar; ann. 1584: 8. v. Dammer, 228, ii.
1340 : 8. v. Magazine, 409, i; ann. 1688: 1. v. Demoiselle Crane ; . v. Coolung, 193, ii. Xereansor, 868, i ; ann. 1672: 1. v. Cobra de Demoiselle crane ; ann. 1883: ..v. Coolung, 194, i. Capello, 173, i; ann. 1767: 8. 6. Afghan, 754, Demon-worship ; 4. v. Devil Worship, 238, i. ii; ann. 1813 : 8.0; Cossack, 784, i; ann. Denā; s. v. Dhurna, To sit, 244, i. 1823: e. v. Souba, 649, ii; ann. 1857: 60. Denarii; ann. 70: 8. v. Indigo, 334, i. Swamy-house, 672, i; ann. 1858: .. Muzbee, Denarios ; s. v. Dinār, 245, i, twice, see 245, ii, 464, i ; ann. 1893: 6. o. Dessaye, 237, i, twice, i footaote, twice; ann. 1859: 8. o. Dinar, 245, ii,
... Loot, 397, i, ., . Non-regulation, 482, i twice. Delhie ; ann. 1754 : .. . Peshoush, 843, ii, Denarius aoris ; B. v. Dinār, 245, i. Deli; ann. 1459 : . v. Delhi, 234, ii; ann. 1568: Denarius aureus ; 8.0. Dinar, 245, i.
6. v. Mogul, The Great, 487, i, . . Nard, Denarius auri; 2. v. Dinār, 245, i. 473, ii.
Dendrocalamus atrictus ; •. v. Bamboo, 42, i, Delijs ; ann. 1572 : 8. o. Puttan, 566, i.
2. v. Lattee, 390, ii. Delile ; 466, i, footnote.
Dendrocygna Aweuree; .. . Whistling Taal, Deling ; *. v. 234, ii ; ann. 1569: . . 284, ii ; 740, i. ann. 1587 : .. . Macao (b), 402, ii.
Denga; ann. 1559 : 8. v. Tanga, 688, i, twice. Delingeges; ann. 1587 : :... Deling, 235, i. Dengi ; •, , Tanga, 682, ii. Dulingo; ann. 1885 : .. . Deling, 234, ii, 285, i. Dengue ; . u. 789, i (twice) and ii ; ann. 1885 : Dellal,; ann. 1895 : ., . Deloll, 285, ii, twice. I. v. 789, ii, 4 times. Dolly ; ann. 1568 : .0. Delhi, 234, ii; ann. Dengai ; ann. 1535 : ... Copeck, 195, ii, 1757 : 5. . Hosbolhookham, 807, ii.
3 times. Delly, Mount ; .. v, 235, i, 789, i, •. v. Mount Dengy ; . . Dengue, 789, i. Dely, 458, ii; ann, 1727: 8. v. 235, ii.
Denier ; ann. 60:8. u. Malabathrum, 415, i. Deloget ; ann. 1809 : . . Daloyet, 227, i.
Dens Indus; .. v. Elephant, 795, i. Dololl; 4. v. 285, ii, 789, i; ann. 1684: 1.. Deodar; .. v. 236, i and ii (twice). 235, ii.
Deodér; ann. 1220 : .. . Deodar, 236, ii. Deloyet; ., . Daloyet, 227, i.
Deodär ; 8. v. Deodar, 286, ii, twice.. Dely; ... Cahara, 117, ii, see 287, i, footnote, Deodarwood Oil; 6. v. Deoder, 286, ii.
... Red Cliffs, 575, i, ... Delhi, 788, ii ; Deogir ; ann. 1300 : 8. v. Doorsummund, 250, ii ; ann. 1516: ... Ohacker (6), 166, ii, .. v. ann. 1684: 1. v. Ell'ors, 262, i. Delhi, 234, ü, ... Dolly, Mount, 235, i, ... Doogir; .. v. Cuttack, 224, i.

Page #148

142
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1903.
Deo Narain ; ann. 1311 : . v. Lingam, 894, ii. Dentros; ann. 1598: 8. o. Datura, 231, i. Deos; 8. v. Joss, 353, ii.
Deva; B. C. 250: .. .. Kling, 872, ii ; ann. Deoti; 460, i, footnote.
656: 8. v. Java, 848, i. Deputy Commissioner ; 6. v. Commissioner, 184, i. Deva-Dachi ; ann. 1702 : 1. v. Deva-dási, 287, ii. Derah ; ann. 1783 : 8.0. Halálcore, 311, ii. Deva-daru ; 8. o. Deodar, 286, ïi. Derajat ; 8. v. Punjaab, 561, ii.
Devadāsi ; 229, i, footnote. Derba ; ann. 1633: . v. Durbar, 255, i.
Devadási ; 3. v. 790, i. Derega ; ann. 1665 : 1. u. Daroga, 788, ii. Deva-dasi; 6. v. 237, ii. Deroghah; ann. 1441: . v. Daróga, 230, i. Devālys; 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, i. Derrega; ann. 1404: . D. Daroga, 788, ii. Devan; ann. 1678 : 1, v. Bosbolhookham, 807, Derrighacst; s. v. 236, ii.
ii, Derroga; 5. . Daroga, 788, ii.
Deva-nagari; 8. v: Nagaree, 470, i. Deraissi ; ann. 1680: 8. v. Talisman, 679, ii. Devata ; 72, i, footnote. Der vich ; ann. 1670: 8. v. Dervish, 287, i. Devedaschy; ann. 1790 : . v. Devadasi, .790, i, Dervis ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Dervish, 237, i ; ann. d. v. Teerut, 862, i. 1714: 8. v. Brahmin, 85, i.
Dévédassi; ann. 1782: 5, v. Bayadère, 56, ii. Dervische; ann. 1653 : 8. v. Dervish, 237, i. Devi : 500, i, footnote; ann. 1753 : 1. v. Gingerly, Dervises ; ann. 1616 and 1673:8, v. Dervish, 801, i. 237, i.
Devi; 8. t. Jowaulla mookhee, 854, ii. Deryjsh; 5. v. 236, ii, 8. v. Shaman, 620, ii. Devil ; •, . 790, i, 6. v. Pisache, 640, i, ... Dérvioii; . . Shawl, 624,i; ann. 1590: 8. v. Typhoon, 722; i; an. 1816: .. . Pishaabee, Talisman, 679, i.
844, i. Derwan; ann. 1755 : . v. Darwaun, 256, ii. Devil-bird ; . , 790, i ; ann. 1681 : . v. 790, i, Desa; .. . Dissave, 246, i.
twice. Desai; .. v, Daiseye, 226, ü; ann. 1883 : 1 Devil-Bird ; ann. 1860 : ... Devil-bird, 790, i. Dessaye, 237, i,
Devil's Bird ; ann, 1849: 8. . Devil-bird, 790, i. Debai; . . Dessaye, 237, i.
Devil-dancing ; •, s. Deyil. Worship, 288, i. Dēnarēnē ; 8. v. Gurjaut, 309, i.
Devill's, Reach; ann. 1684: ... Devil's Reach, Desaye; 3. v. Disgate, 246, ü; ann. 1590-91: 790, ii. 3. v. Dessaye, 237, i.
Devil's-dung; ann. 1726 : 8. o. Hing, 807, i. Descoon; ann. 1673: 8. v. Hing, 818, ii. Devil's Reach ; .. o. 790, ii; ann. 1711: ... Desempolear-se; 8. v. Polea, 542, ii.
790, ii. Deshereh; ann. 1590: 8. v. Dussera, 257, i. Devil's tree; 523, ii, footnote. Desi; . o. Country, 206, ii.
Devil Worship; . v. 287, i. Desi; 5. v. Country, 206, ii, 3 times.
Dewa-Kaadha; ann. 1020 : 1. v. Cowty, 209, i. Desi badām ; 8. v. Country, 206, ü.
Dewal; .. Déwal, 238, i, 8. o. Dial-Sind, 947, i, Deeoy; ann. 1808 : 8. v. Jubtee, 355, i.
twice, ., . Devil's Reach, 790, ii ; ann, 700 : Despotēs ; 8. o. Bashaw, 53, 1:
8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, i, twice ; ann. 1228.: . . Desgave; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Adigar, 4, i.
Diul-Sind, 247, ii ; ann. 1681: 1. v. Dowally Dessaye ; . v. 237, i, s. v. Daiseye, 226, ii ; ann. (b), 238, ii. 1808: 8. v. Jubtee, 355, i.
Dewal; 1. v. Déwal, 288, i Desserah; ann. 1813: 8. v. Dussera, 257, i.. Dewal; *, D. 238, i. Destoor ; &. 237, i; ann. 1689 : 8. v. 237, ii. Dewäla; 8. o. Dewaleen, 288, i... Destour ; ann. 1877: . o. Destoor, 237, ii.
Dewälays; 4. v. Dewally (b), 288, ii. Determinatives ; 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 831, i. Déwálé; •. •. Dewally (b), 238, ii. Deubash ; ann. 1673 : 3. v. Dubash, 268, i. Dewalee; ann. 1820 : 1. v. Dewally, 288, ü. Deumos ; ann. 1680 : s. v. Pagoda (b), 501, ii. Dewaleen'; 4. v. 238, i. Deurs; ann. 1680 : 8. Doray, 792, ii.
Dogalgarh; •. u. Déwal, 288, i. Denti; 1. v. 789, ii, see 460, i, footnoto.
Dewally; s. v. 288, i.. Deûti; Ann, 1526 : 4, v. Deuti, 789, I, 790, i. Downl-Bind ; *. u. Dial-Bind; 247, i.

Page #149

MARCH, 1903.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
148
Dewan ; ann. 1697: v. Hubble-bubble, 326, i; | Dhall; 8. v. 241, i, 790, ii, ... Cajan, 109, ii,
ann. 1702: 6. . Shoe of Gold, 628, ii, twice; twice. ann, 1762 : 8. v. Dewaun, 790, ii; ann. 1766 : Dhángar ; s. v. Dangur, 788, i. 3. v. Dewaun, 240, i; ann. 1772: s. v. Collector, Dhāngar ; *, . Dangur, 788, i, twice, 181, ii; ann. 1783 : 8. ú. Dewaun, 241, i; Dhangarin; 4. v. Dangur, 788, i. ann, 1799 : .. v. Tshseeldar, 676, i; ann. Dhangi; 6. o. Dingy, 246, i, twice. 1861 : 0. Ameen, 11, ii.
Dhānpnā; 8. v. Jhaump, 351, ii. Dewan; ann. 636 : 8. o. Dewann, 240, i.
Dhanya-puram ; 8. v. Nellore, 477, ii. Dewa-nagara; i. v. Donders Head, 249, i. Dhar; ann. 1080 : .v. Mahratta, 409, i ; ann. Dewanganj ; 1. v. Jennye, 350, ü.
1861: 4. . Baxee, 104, ii. Dewani ; . o. Dewanny, 241, i.
Dhár; ann. 1020: 6. v. Nerbudda R., 478, i, ... Dewan-i-'Ām; 4, v. Khass, 366, ii.
Tapa, 681, i. Devăn-i-Khae8; 4. v. Kha88, 866, ii.
Dharms Raja ; ann. 1774 : 8. v. Mungoose, Dewanjee; Ann, 1834 : . v. Dewaun, 240, i, 457, ii, Dewanny; 4, v. Black Act, 74, ii, .. v. Dewaun,
Dharm-sala ; s. v. Dhurmsalls, 248, ii. 239, i, .. v. Dewauny, 241, i, .. v. Adawlut,
Dharna : ann. 1794: 8. v. Dhurna, To sit, 244, i; 752, ii, 753, i, twice 754, i, twico, 8. .
ann. 1875: so. Dhurna, To sit, 244, ii. Cazes, 775, i, .. . Law-officer, 817, i and ii,
Dharná; ann. 1885 : 8. v. Dhurna, 791, ii. 818, ii; ann. 1767: 8.. Moorpunky, 825, i; Dharnā; 8. v. Dharna, To sit, 244, i (8 times ann. 1799 : 8. v. Law-officer, 818, ii.
and ii (twice), s. o. Dhurna, 791, i. Dewanny Ad.; 4. 0. Adawlat, 4, i.
Dhárur; ann. 1629-80: 8. v. Payen-ghaut, 522, ii. Dewanny Adawlut; 5. v. Adawlut, 753, ii,
Dharúr; ann. 1630 : a. v. Pettah, 588, i. Dewataschi; ann. 1726 : 8. 1. Dancing-girl,
Dhárár ; ann. 1680: 8. D. Pettah, 688, i. 229, i.
Dharwar; ann. 1785 : $. v. Dhooly, 242, i. Dewaun ; . v. 288, ii, 790, ii.
Dhātugabbha; . o. Dagoba, 225, ii. Dewauny ; s. v. 241, i. .
Dhátu-garbha; •. v. Dagoba, 225, ii, twice, Dewdār; .. .. Deodar, 286, ii.
Dhattūra; 5. v. Datara, 231, i. Dewtry; ann. 1676 : 8.0. Datara, 231, ii.
Dhau; ann. 1883: 8. v. Dhow, 791, i. Dewuádara; .. v. Dondera Head, 249, ii.
Dhauk; .. .. Dawk, 292, ii. Dowo-nawara; 6. o. Donders Head, 249, ii. Dha-wé ; 8. v. Tavoy, 687, ii. Deyra Dán; ann. 1879 : 8. v. Siwalik, 642, ii. Dhawk; .. v. 241, ii, .. . Lac, 380, ii, .. v. Deyemuck; ann. 1590 : 6. . Coolournee, 191, i.. Plassey, 844, ii. Deyspandeh ; ann. 1590 : 4. 0. Coolournes, 191, Dheep Narrain; ann. 1803 : 8. o. Baboo, 88, i. ii.
Dhenkli; .. o. Picottah, 534, ii. Dhi; . . Dow, 251, i.
Dher; ann. 1826 : . v. Bangy, 99, ii. Dhabhāni; 4. D. Coffee, 179, i.
Dhibat-al-Mahal; ann. 1849: •. •. Maldives, Dhagob; ann. 1840 : 8. v. Dagoba, 226, i,
418, i. Dhagoba; 6. u. Dagobe, 225, i.
Dhobi ; 8. o. Dhoby, 242, ii, twice. Dhagope; ann. 1806: 8. v. Dagobe, 226, i. Dhoby ; s. v. 242, ii, twice, s. u. Msinato, 410, Dhãi; 8. v. Bowly, 82, ii.
ii. Dhais; . . Jhoom, 811, i.
Dholl ; 8. o. Kedgeree, 864,i ; ann. 1750-60 : Dhák; ann. 1761: 1, 0, Dhawk, 241, ii.
8. o. Kedgeree, 364, ii; ann. 1814: ... Dhāk; 8. v. Dhawk, 241, ii, 8. v. Lac, 380, ii, Cabob, 106, i. Dhäkk ; . v. Dacca, 225, i.
Dhome ; 8. o. Dome, 249, i. Dhäl; . o. Daloyet, 227, i.
Dhoney; ann. 1860: 8.0. Doney, 260, i, 8. D. Dhale; .. v. Dalaway, 287, i.
Pattamar (b), 521, i. Dhalaviy ; .. v. Dalaway, 227, i.
Dhony ; 8. D. Doney, 249, i. Phalayat ; . . Daloyet, 227, i.
| Dhoolie-bearer; ann. 1885.: •. v. Dhooly, 242, ii.
(To be continued.)
.

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
NOTES ON THE KAMARS OF THE RAIPUR DISTRICT.
A SMALL tribe, whose numbers, all told, probably do not exceed seven thousand, calling them.
selves Kamars, are to be found scattered through
the forests lying in the south eastern corner of the Raipur district. What their ethnologi. cal position is, it is difficult to say. To some extent they resemble the Gonds, and their origin, though this is perhaps legendary, points in this direction; but their language, mixed up as it is with much Marathi and some Urda, bears no resemblance to Gôndi.
In the Census Report of 1891, the Kamârs, who are placed under the heading "Aboriginal tribes of Chota-Nagpur and the Urya Country," are said to have been workers in metals, and to have subsequently taken to jungle pursuits. This is undoubtedly a mistake; they are able to fashion their own arrow-heads, but this many jungle tribes can do, and beyond this they know nothing of metal-working, and none of the traditions in any way connect them with such work.
Physically, the Kamars are a dark, slight, and usually ugly people, who lead a typically jungle life. Occasionally they cultivate a small patch of ground by "jhuming," growing tuberous plants and more rarely millets, but as many of the tribe live in Government forests, where this form of cultivation is no longer allowed, their chief means of support are the collection of such jungle products as lao, myrabolams, mdhud wax, honey and edible roots, which they barter for salt and grain, and in addition they manage to ahoot with their bows and arrows a few peafowl, hare, antelope, and deer. In some respects they are superior to many jungle tribes. They do not eat vermin, monkeys or domestic cattle, and the women (this restriction not extending to the men) do not eat fowl. Nor do the women drink anything stronger than water, while the men are ready to drink the strongest spirits they can obtain, and as much of it, as possible. The young girls are allowed an occasional sip of the native-made mahwd liquor, but why they may drink it and their mothers may not, it is difficult to say.
The religion of the Kamare, as with almost all jungle tribes, is a propitiatory one. On the whole, they cannot be called a religious tribe; they look up to a Supreme God, to whom on rare occasions sacrifice and prayer are offered,
[MARCH, 1903.
but they do not people every big tree or root with a demon.
The tribe is
sub-divided into two portions, one of which is called Nag and the other origin from a cobra and the latter from a tortoise. Netam, the former deriving its supposed The story of their origin is that the sea, lying far to the west of the country now occupied by the tribe, gave birth, first to a Gond, then to a ndg (cobra), and then a metam (tortoise). For this reason they consider the Gonds their superiors, though closely related to them, and they are the only people with whom the men will eat the women will eat only with Kamars.
It is an absolute rule that a nág must marry a netam. And marriage between two nags or two netams -- between brother and sister they consider it
entails expulsion from the tribe.
As has been noted, the Kamars are not a
religious people, and the Hindu pajd finds very little place in their lives. At a time of sickness, at a betro: hal, and at a marriage, a goat may be sacrificed, the office of priest being hereditary and known as jhakur. Perhaps 30 per cent, of the Kamar men are jhdkurs, and this is a necessary condition, as rarely more than two or three families live together within easy reach of one another. The jhakur in no way differs from his fellow. Kamara in the mode of obtaining his livelihood or in his dress, and but for the fact that the sacri fice must be made by him and the few words of prayer spoken by him, no one outside the tribe would distinguish him. One religious ceremony, known as dúnd, or the performance of funeral rites, is certainly worth remarking upon. After death the corpse is buried, and then as many of the tribe as can be quickly collected together, go to the nearest water-it may be a stream, a pond, flowing or still water and into this they wade. Then they all grope about for any living animal matter (frogs, fish, prawns, etc.) that they can catch hold of, and when a fair quantity has been collected, the animals are carried back to the house where the deceased lived and there thrown down upon the floor. It is supposed that the action of bringing life back to the house has drawn the soul of the deceased, which since death has been with the Supreme God, back to earth again, and that it will in course of time become a Kamar, a tiger, a wild dog, or some other form
of hunter, with which the tribe think their souls are associated.
G. F. D'PEXHA

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145
THE CONNECTION OF ST. THOMAS THE APOSTLE WITH INDIA.
BY W. R. PHILIPPS.
(Concluded from page 15)
Some writings of doubtful date or antiquity which make mention of the connection of St. Thomas with India.
III.
E come now to some writings which have been frequently quoted as the genuine
productions the ancient authors whose names have been put upon They have
been even quoted as genuine from the very volumes in which they are distinctly printed as "spurious," where, indeed, they have been inserted by way of warning to prevent persons being deceived by extracts and references they may find elsewhere. It is therefore necessary to say something about them. They are not entirely to be rejected because they have a wrong name attached to them; but, until we know their real dates, we cannot make much practical use of them.
1.
Pseudo-Hippolytus. The genuine Hippolytus is St. Hippolytus, bishop, who died about 239; be lived and wrote in Rome. There is a Greek work ascribed to him entitled "Hippolytus on the Twelve Apostles: where each of thera died, and where he met his end."
It contains the following passage:
"And Thomas preached to the Parthians, Medes, Persians, Hyrcanians, Bactrians, and "Margians, and was thrust through in the four members of his body with a pine spear at "Calamene, the city of India (év móde Kaλaμývn, The 'Loins) and was buried there.
"1 Mápyos. Combebisius proposes Mápdos. Jerome [should be Pseudo-Jerome] has 'Magis.' “2 The text is ἐλακήδη ἐλογχιάσβη, ἐλακήδη being probably for ἐλάτῃ.
"3 Kalauny. Steph. le Moyne reads Kapaμny."
The above translation and notes are from S. D. F. Salmond: The Writings of Hippolytus, Bishop of Portus, Vol. 2, Edinburgh, 1869, p. 131. The translation has been verified by reference to the Greek text in Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 10, Paris, 1857. Salmond apparently took his notes from Migne.
On reference to several authors who treat of St. Hippolytus and his works, Cardinal Wiseman (1853), Combefis (1648), Wetzer and Welte (1861), Bunsen (1854), Ceillier (1858), etc., I find no opinion as to the real date of the doubtful work "On the Twelve Apostles." The point seemed important in view of the mention of Calamene or Caramene. As regards the "Margians," Combefis proposed Mápdos, as the Mardi were a Hyrcanian people.
This Pseudo-Hippolytus affords an example of the misuse of such writings. In 1892, the Rev. George Milne Rae, Fellow of the University of Madras, published at Edinburgh a book entitled "The Syrian Church in India," a subject which has lent itself to much foolish writing in England, India, and Germany during the last two hundred years or more. Mr. Rae referred to this passage from Pseudo-Hippolytus as if the work containing it were genuine, and he actually made use of Salmond's translation, overlooking the translator's warning.
2. Pseudo-Dorotheus. A Greek writing exists under the title of "Ecclesiastical "History (evyypappa ikkλnotaσтikov) concerning the 70 Disciples of the Lord, by Dorotheus, "bishop of Tyre." It does not purport to be his actual writing; but it gives particulars of his life, and then records what he wrote about the Seventy Disciples and the Twelve Apostles "and the places where each of them preached Christ." The passage about St. Thomas is as follows:
"And Thomas the apostle, having preached the gospel to the Parthians and Medes, and "Persians, and Germani, and Bactrians, and Magi, suffered martyrdom (rehecoura) in a city of "India called Calamita (Kalauiry)."

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[APRIL, 1908.
Dorotheus is stated to have been bishop of Tyre at the close of the 3rd century. If so, and if he wrote about the twelve apostles as above, the passage quoted would be valuable, as containing an early mention of the place of St. Thomas' martyrdom. Bat there seems to be no reason for ascribing it to him." Germani" really meang, I surmise, "Carmanians."
The passage is signalled here by way of warning, for it figures in books as an early testimony of St. Thomas' martyrdom in India. It was so used by the Abbé Hac, famous for his travels in Tibet, and in particular for his success in reaching Lhassa, where he and his colleague Gabet resided for some months in 1846. Manning (1811-12), Hac, and Gabet seem to have been the only Europeans who succeeded in reaching Lhassa in the nineteenth centory. In 1857-8, Huc published at Paris foar volumes entitled Le Christianisme en Chine, en Tartario et au Thibet, - A work of which there are one or two English editions. In Vol. 1, p. 20, he brings forward the testimony of Dorotheus as to the martyrdom of St. Thomas at Calamina, and actually says it is contained in a fragment preserved in the Paschal Chronicle, "tom. ii, 198." The Paschal Chronicle is a Greek work written soon after 680, probably at Constantinople, and its chief value is said to consist in the fact that it contains the remains of older writings incorporated in it. Nevertheless, it contains no trace of the "fragment" in question. Dindorf, in 1832, pablished at Bonn an edition of the Paschal Chronicle in two volumes. In an appendix in the second volume, he printed the Syngramma, above mentioned, among “Selecta ad illustrationem Chronici Paschalis." He did so by way of illustrating a passage in the chronicle regarding the Seventy Disciples; the document has no connection with the Chronicle, and Dindorf pointed out it was not by Dorotheus, even if such a person existed in the 3rd century. Huc evidently had this edition in view, for he quotes volume and page correctly; but there his accuracy ends.
In 1877, the Rev. C. E. Kennet, a missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, published a small pamphlet at Madras, entitled S. Thomas the Apostle of India; an Enquiry into the Evidence for his Mission to this Country, - a pamphlet that is often quoted. Kennet makes no mention of Huo's book. But he evidently had it before him, as he repeats its error about Dorotheus and the Paschal Chronicle, and in other instances reproduces its mistakes, besides taking much of his matter from it. He, however, dates Dorotheus as being born 254, and gives a reference to " Cave's Historia literaria, pp. 107, 108. Colon, 1720."
The date to be ascribed to this writing of Pseudo-Dorotheus does not appear to be settled. Presumably it must be considered earlier than the Paschal Chronicle, earlier than 630.
It is interesting to note the form of the name of the place of martyrdom, - Calamita, not Oalamina.
3.- Pseudo-Jerome or Pseudo-Sophronius. The following statement from the Greek has often been quoted, sometimes under the name of St. Jerome, who died 420, and sometimes under the name of his Greek friend Sophronius who translated some of his works :
"Thomas the Sportle, as has been handed down to us, preached the gospel of the Lord to the Parthians and Medes and Persians and Carmanians and Hyrcanians and Bactrians and "the Magi. He slept in the city of Calamins which is in India."
Scholars are agreed that the document in which this statement appears was written neither by St. Jerome nor by Sophronius. St. Jerome wrote a work in 185 chapters entitled "Do viris illustribus liber." This is in fact a misleading title, for the book is an account only of Christian writers up to his own time, and it is otherwise known as his book "de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis," "Catalogue of Church Writers," "Liber de anctoribus," etc. Sophronius translated this work into Greek, and we have his translation as well as St. Jerome's Latin original.

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Erasmus published this translation at Bâle in 1539, and the Greek MS. which he used appears to have contained, in addition, the document from which the above passage is taken, part inserted after chapter 1, and the rest after chapter 4. In Migne's Patrologia, Vol. 23, it is printed separately under the title “ Appendix de Vitis Apostolorum," as it forms no part of the work either of St. Jerome or of Sophronius. It is, in fact, a short account of the apostles who left no writings, and who were therefore quite outside the scope of St. Jeromo's work.
It is unnecessary to give here the reasons for regarding it as an altogether sparious addition. They may be found at length in R. Ceillier's Histoire Générale des Auteurs Sacrés, Paris, 1860, Vol. 6, p. 278; also in Migne's volume above mentioned, cols. 599 ff. These particulars may prevent people being misled, as many have been, by finding the above citation put forward in various books as a genuine statement by St. Jerome or by Sophronius.
The Abbé Huc, in the volume already mentioned, quotes the passage as written, if not by St. Jerome, then certainly by Sophronius; and he gives the apparently unmeaning reference “ Sanctus Hier. Catal, script. eocl. I., 120." In fact such part of his book as refers to the introduction of Christianity in India is full of mistakes. The Rev. C. E. Kennet of Madras, who followed him blindly, though he never mentions his name, gave the same reference. He also said (really translating from Huc) that St. Jerome "speaks of the mission of St. Thomas to India as “ą fact universally known and believed in his time." I cannot find that any such statement was made by St. Jerome in any of his writings.
General Sir Alexander Cunningham, writing of St. Thomas, has the following: -"The scene "of his death is said to have been the city of Calamina in India, Sophronius, c. viii., Dormivit in "civitate Calamins quae est Indiae.' ”
Now, in early Christian history, we have to reckon with a considerable number of persons bearing the name of Sophronius. But there is only one really notable writer among them; and, when we speak of Sophronius simply, we mean him and no other, and the person we mean is St. Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 633 to 637, a most volaminous Greek writer, many of whose works are very well known. And with writer whose works, or rather only some of them, occupy several large volumes of Migne's Patrologia Graeca, what are we to do with so vague a reference as "c. viii." ? It has no meaning for any Sophronius; not even for the comparatively insignificant friend of St. Jerome whose few little original works have all perished. It is also somewhat misleading to quote Greek writers as if they wrote in Latin,
The writing to which I am referring is General Cunningham's Archæological Survey of India, Vol. 5, Report for 1872-3, Calcutta, 1875, p. 60. There are other curious statements on the same page. For instance, in referring to the legends about St. Thomas, he speaks of "the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles written by Leucius and his copyist Abdias." This is a strange inversion: the Acts in question purport to have been written by Abdias, first bishop of Babylon in the first century; And they, or some of them, are supposed to have been really composed in later times by one Leucius, Manichean. Certainly Abdias could not have been the copyist of Leucius.
On the same page, the Latin form of the name Mazdai,-A good old Persian name, as Mr. Burkitt calls it, the name of the king who put St. Thomis to death, - is transformed from Mesdens into Meodeus. A reference is given to Col. H. Yule's Cathay and the Way Thither, London, 1866, Vol. 2, p. 376. Tbore the same mistake may be found, with several others. Col. Yule, not satisfied with writing "Meudens," actually put " (Mahadeva ?)" after it!
Another case of misquotation may be mentioned here. A passage has been given above from St. Gaudentius, Sermon 17, in which he states simply that St. Thomas is said to have been martyred "apud Indos." Hac (Vol. 1, p. 22) actually gives a reference to this Sermon, and says "Gaudence "comme Sophrone" states "qn'il mourut dans l'Inde, à Calamine." Kennet (p. 10) translated this, while affecting to be original :-"Gaudentius ways, like Sophronius, that he died in India at the

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[APRIL, 1903.
" town of Calamina (Serm. 17)." As a matter of fact, St. Gaudentius makes no mention of Calamins, or of any city or town.
The form in which the three similar statements appear in the above three pseudographs, appears worthy of remark. St. Thomas is described as having preached to certain people mentioned by name, all of whom might, I think, be fairly regarded as elements of the Parthian empire of the time, with the doubtful exception of the Bactrians, who, however, might themselves have then been under a separate Parthian dynasty (that of Gondophares). The apostle is not mentioned as having preached to the "Indians, though all the passages end by saying he died in a city of India. We might take it, therefore, that the India of the writers must have been, or must have included, the country of one or more of the peoples named, o. g., the country of the Bactrians, or perhaps any country beyond the limits of Parthia or Parthian rule, as a late writer might understand those limits.
There remains one more writing to be mentioned, not as a spurious work, but for other reasons. I refer to :
The Apostolioal Constitutions, Scholars are, I believo, still divided as to the date of this work. Bunsen thought that, apart from a few interpolations, it belonged to the 2nd or Srd century. F. J. A. Hort, however, says it apparently dates from the fourth century, though containing earlier elements. (Notes introductory to the Study of the Clementine Recognitions, London, 1901, p. 9.) Among the various Greek versions there are two Vienna MSS., which were first pablished in 1724. These Bunsen considered to be nearer the original than others, both in what they give and in what they omit.
In book 8, chapter 21 is headed "Constitution of Thomas regarding sub-deacons." In one of the Vienna MSS. alluded to, this heading is omitted, and in its place is the following:
“Thomas preached to the Parthians, Medes, Persians, Germanians (Tepparois probably should be Kapávous), Hyrcanians, Bactrianians, Barsians (Bapeoir), who also, having been a martyr, lies in Edessa of Osdronene (ris 'Oodpornija)."
Bapcois should, I suppose, be Maplois (the Mardi or Amardi, a tribe who dwelt on the south sbore of the Caspian), or possibly Mayors, the Magi, as in Pseudo-Sophronius. Osdronene must be Osroëne.
The original may be seen in Migne's Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 1, Paris, 1857, col. 1117. It is not, I think, to be supposed that the heading quoted is more than a copyist's addition. But in view of the importance of the manuscript containing it, we ought not to entirely reject it. Unfortunately, I have not been able to ascertain the dato assigned to the manuscript itself.
IV. - Calamina. We have now got together all, or nearly all, the early information at present available regarding the connection of St. Thomas with India. It remains to make a few remarks about Calamina. As has been shewn above, the statements made in modern works that St. Hippolytus (c. 289), Dorothens (3rd cent.), St. Jerome and Sophronius bis friend (c. 400), and St. Gaudentius (c. 410), assert that Calamina, a town or city in India, was the place of the apostlo's martyrdom, all prove on examination to be untrue. No writer that we can name or date before the 7th century, if so early, makes mention of Calamida. We have only apparently later writings, of unknown authorship and apparently small value. We have yet to learn when the name first appeared in ecclesiastical history. This is a point that might be usefully taken up by some competent person. Some information might perhaps be obtained from the ancient martyrologies in Greek, Latin, Syriac, etc., upon the study of which several eminent scholars are engaged.
In these circumstances, it seems almost a waste of time to try to identify the place, or to discuss the various attempts at identification made by modern writers under the impression that Oslamins bad been mentioned in works of the first four centuries. Kalyan, near Bombay, the Callians of

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Cosmas (c. 585), has been suggested, but for no particular reason. Here it may be noted that Cunningham was inclined to identify the place with the Min-nagar of the Periplus, which he thought. miglit have been called Kara-Jina or “Black Mina" to distinguish it from the older Min in Sakastene. He added that Calamina might also be Kilah-Mina, or the "Fort of Min," for, according to Rawlinson, the original Semitic word for 'fort' was Kar, corrupted early to Kal or Khal, as in Kalasar, Kalwadeh, etc. (See Archeological Survey of India, Vol. 2 ; Report for 1863-4, p. 60). There does not seern to be much in these suggestions. Gutschmid seems to have suggested Kalama, a village on the west of Gedrosia, opposite the island of Karbine or Karmina.
We may, however, note the various forms under which the name appears in the Greek writings quoted above. In Pseudo-Jerome or Pseudo-Sophronius, it is Kalapíva or Calamina, the name that appears in the Roman Martyrologs; in Pseudo-Dorotheus, it is Kalapira ; in PseudoHippolytus it is Kalapýva or Kapapýva,
The opinion has been expressed to me that the second form Karamēna, obtained from Pseudo-Hippolytus, is of considerable importance, because it at once suggests Carmana (Kar māna), the capital of the well-known ancient country Carmania (Karmania) Propria.
Carmans either is the modern Karman,- the Kerman' and Kirman' of maps, etc., - the chief town of the Karman province of Persia, on the west of Seistân wbich is on the sonth-west frontier of Afghanistan, or else was some other city in the neighbourhood of Karman, from which, on its becoming deserted, the ancient name was transferred to the modern Karman. From a geographical, an ethnical, and indeed, as it seems to me, from every point of view, Carmana would, better than any part of India, fit the story of St. Thomas as told in the Acts; it would also harmonise with the good early evidence we have, which mentions the connection of St. Thomas with Parthia only, a geographical name which would include Carmania and possibly that part of "India citerior" which at the time seems to have been subject to a Parthian dynasty. As has already been pointed out, most of the names of the persons mentioned in the Acts in connection with the death of St. Thomas seem to be of Persian origin. They may, therefore, have been those of Carmanians, & people akin to the Persians. According to the Acts, St. Thomas came by sea to Sandarūk, went thence to the realm of King Gudnafar or Gondophares, and afterwards to the realm of King Mazdai. where he was put to death. The numismatic evidence seems to shew that the dynasty of Gondophares was of Parthian origin, and that it ruled over Afghanistan and the Western Pañjáb; and there seems to be some reason for thinking that about that time, or not long after, the country at the mouth of the Indus was in the hands of Parthian rulers. (Periplus, c. 38.) We might take it that St. Thomas travelled up the valley of the Indus and afterwards went to Carmana. There is said to have been a well-known trade ronte through the Bolan Pase to Carmana
All this is, of course, speculation. But it seems less fanciful than the theories which locate Calamina in Southern Tudia. Such theories have been run on the supposition that St. Thonias was martyred near Madras, and that there is a tradition to that offect. There is nothing inherently improbable in such a supposition; still, it ought to be very plainly pointed out here that, not only is there no ancient written evidence to connect St. Thomas with Southern India, but there is no available evidence that there ever was even a tradition to that effect till we come to Marco Polo, who died in 1324. We cannot jump over thirteen centuries, and then say, as often bas been said, that there has been a constant tradition that St. Thomas was martyred in Southern India. Even as regards Marco Polo, there is nothing to shew that he was ever near Mylapore ; and the local tradition he records is that St. Thomas was not martyred at all, but met his death through an accident.
If we are to treat the Acts of St. Thomas as possessing some historical basis, and if we are to regard as serious writers the Fathers of the Church, whose works liave been quoted above, then, I think, we must say that, though there may be nothing to absolutely exclude Southern India, yet all the indications point in another direction. I am not aware that the ecclesiastical

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authorities at Rome have ever given any real support to the modern belief that St. Thomas was martyred near Madras, and buried at San Thomé or Mylapore: there may be documents in which the idea is mentioned, but never, I think, as a fact established ; always with some qualifying phrase, so as to leave the question open. To judge from quotations, the Syriac liturgical books, which contain some details of the apostle's career, give no support to this modern supposition. The sapposition may be correct; but it is still only a supposition. Marco Polo must have had something to go apon, and so must others who followed him,- Odoric, for instance, about 1322; but had they anything better than the current talk of the Nestorians then in India and China ? The Indian Nestorians would naturally have easily come to the belief in the apostolic origin of their church, just as now some of their Catholic descendants pretend they never had any Nestorian ancestors, but were always Catholics, in communion with Rome. (See G. T. Mackenzie: Christianity in Travancore: Trivandrum, 1901.) Nevertheless, we know from history that they were Nestorians antil the Catholic missionaries took them in hand in the 16th century and converted them.
Anyhow, when the Portuguese arrived in Southern India, they found among the Nestorians the story already known from mediæval travellers, that the tomb of St. Thomas was at Mylapore, or San Thomé, as the Portuguese afterwards called it, near Madras. The tomb was opened in 1521; some' remains were found and were removed to Goa. These are the relice alluded to by Bickell, quoted above. They or part of them bave, I understand, been since returned to Mylapore, and are enshrined in the cathedral built over the tomb.
Of the discovery, and of the translation to Goa, there must be or ought to be anthentic acts in the archives of Goa or Portugal; for, no carelessness was likely to occur in matters of such religious interest and importance. I do not know at present if the documents have ever been published; and, unfortunately, the accounts of the discovery, repeated from book to book, are disfigured by an absurd story, which, if true, only shews the credulity of the Portuguese. A stone, with a cross and inscription in unknown characters cat opon it, was discovered about 1547 at St. Thomas' Mount near Madras; and a learned Bråbmaņ was sent for, who interpreted the inscription into a long account confirmatory of St. Thomas' martyrdom in the locality. Another learned Brâhman was brought from a distant country, and, independently of the former one, he gave the same interpretation. It never occurs to the writers who repeat this story, that the stone is still at the Mount church, and that they may go and look at it, or look at the pictures that have been published of it, and see for themselves that the inscription, which these learned Brahmaņs are alleged to have read in such an extremely copious and satisfying way, consists only of a few words in the Pahlavi character. Dr. E. W. West, who has last dealt with the record, has interpreted these few words as most probably meaning :-"(He) whom "the soffering of the selfsame Messiah, the forgiving and apraising, (has) saved, (is) offering
the plea whose origin (was) the agony of this" (see his article on Inscriptions around Crosses in Southern India, in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 4, 1896-97, p. 174 ff.). Dr. Burnell was inclined to refer the record to the 7th or 8th century (see his article on some Pahlavi Inscriptions in Southern India, in Indian Antiquary, Vol. 3, 1874, p. 308 ff.; see, also, Mr. Sewell's List of Antiquarian Remains in the Madras Presidency, Vol. 1, 1882, p. 176).
These discoveries near Madras do not, - it seems to me, - help us towards the identification of Calamina, though they have served to convince many persons, to their satisfaction, that Calamina and Mylapore are one and the same place. Huc (Vol. 1, p. 24), following the Abbé Rénaudot (1718), says that Mylapore in the middle ages was known to Arabic writers as "Bétama on Best Thoma, la maison, l'église de Thomas." Kennet copies Hoc. But the place indicated, Batama or Tanamah, was evidently not in India, bat much farther east; the same is perhaps an error for Natoma, the Natuma Islands, in the China Sea (see Yale : Cathay, eto. Vol. 1, p. civ.). In any cale, it is a wholly gratuitous desumption that the word has anything to do with any Thomas.

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We have no evidence whatever of Christianity in Southern India or Ceylon till we come to Cosmas (about 535). And it seems to me that, by locating St. Thomas' tomb at Mylapore, we go out of our way to create difficulties. We have more or less to explain away or improve upon early Christian evidence, or to assume miracles of which there is no record.
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Even what we learn from early sources about the relics of St. Thomas, seems out of harmony with the notion that the tomb of St. Thomas was in Southern India. The Acts, or some versions of them, tell us that the relics were carried away to the "West," an expression which would have been inappropriate if the starting-point had been Mylapore. The constant tradition of the Church seems to have been that the body was taken to Edessa. St. Ephraem (end of the 4th century), as quoted above, seems to imply that part of the body had been left in India; but that in no way implies Southern India. It is interesting, here, to note that the territory of which Edessa was the capital was in some sort of dependence on the Parthian empire till 216 A. D.; and so the Parthian connection of St. Thomas seems to run through everything. In the long account from an eyewitness, which St. Gregory of Tours (end of the 6th century) gives of a famous church in India at the unnamed place where St. Thomas was first buried, there is no suggestion of Southern India, and his description of the depth of the wells could hardly apply to Mylapore. We may note, also, that he says nothing about a part of the body being still there. The omission of so important a fact would be impossible in such a narrative, if we are to take it seriously. So, even if we assume him to mean Mylapore, we must conclude that the tomb was empty and that no relies were there.
The opinion of Asseman, mentioned by Bickell, as quoted above, is of great weight in such a matter as this. Asseman, who wrote at Rome early in the 18th century, was perfectly well informed; and no one could be more competent to pass judgment on the facts. He deemed these Indian relics of St. Thomas a Nestorian fabrication.
V.- General Conclusions.
The Right Rev. A. E. Medlycott, Bishop of Tricomia, formerly Vicar Apostolic of Trichur, has, I understand, a monograph on St. Thomas in preparation. It will, we may hope, afford us some fresh information, especially from recently explored Syriac sources. Meanwhile, the results at which we have here arrived regarding St. Thomas, may be summed up as follows:
(1) There is good early evidence that St. Thomas was the apostle of the Parthian empire; and also evidence that he was the apostle of "India" in some limited sense,-probably of an "India" which included the Indus valley, but nothing to the east or south of it,
(2) According to the Acts, the scene of the martyrdom of St. Thomas was in the territory of a king named, according to the Syriac version, Mazdai, to which he had proceeded after a visit to the city of a king named, according to the same version, Gudnaphar or Gundaphar.
(3) There is no evidence at all that the place where St. Thomas was martyred was in Southern India; and all the indications point in another direction.
(4) We have no indication whatever, earlier than that given by Marco Polo, who died 1324, that there ever was even a tradition that St. Thomas was buried in Southern India.
VI. -
Some remarks about Gondophares, and about the proposed identification of certain persons mentioned in connection with him.
It does not come within the scope of this paper to discuss what is known from other sources than the Acts of St. Thomas, about the Gondophares whose name has been mentioned in some of the preceding pages. The following statements, however, may be made:
At Kâbal and Kandahar in Afghanistan, and at various places in the Pañjûb, in Sindh, and in Seistân, there are obtained certain coins which have an Indian legend on one side and a Greek legend on the other. The Indian legend gives the name of a king in two forms, Gudaphara and

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Gudapharna. Of the Greek legends, some present the name of the same king, in the genitive case, as Gondopharou and Gondapharou, and others present the genitive Undopherrou. The two Greek names are understood to denote one and the same person. And his name is habitually accepted as Gondophares. He is held to have been of Partbian extraction. And the provenance of the coins indicates that his rule extended at least over Aighanistan and the Western parts of the Pañjab. In connection with the above-mentioned genitive Uodopherrou, it is convenient to say here that Mr. Budge has a note in The Contendings of the Apostles, Vol. 2, p. 21, that the old Persian form of the name is Vindafra.
Other coins, also having both Groek and Indian legends, present the names of Abdagases, who appears to be distinctly described on them as a son of a brother of Godaphara, - of Orthagnes, who is supposed to be described on them as a brother of Gudaphara, - and of Sasa and some other persons
Also, at Takht-i-Babi in the Yusufzsi country, near Peshawar, there has been obtained an inscription, in Indian characters, which is dated in the 26th year of the reign of Gudaphars, and in the year 108 of an era not specified by name. And no hesitation bas ever been felt, I believe, about identifying the king who is therein mentioned with the king whose name we have in various forms on the coins and in the tradition about St. Thomas.
It is held that the coins precludo us from referring the date of the inscription to the Saks era commencing A. D. 78, and from placing that record in A. D. 180; because the general style of them forbids us to place them as late as that, and one of them, which connects with the name of Gondophares a certain particular epithet, seems to have been struck not later than the middle of the first century A.D. It is also held that that period would suit the other coins. And it has been admitted, in some quarters at least, that a very appropriate synchronism between the coids and the inscription and the period of St. Thomas may be established, by referring the date of the inscription to an initial point quite close to that of the Vikrama era commencing B. O. 58, and so placing the record in about A. D. 45 and the commencement of the reign of Gudaphara-GadapharnaGondophares in about A.D. 20.
(Authorities :- A. Cunningham: Archeological Survey of India, Vol. 2, Report for 1862-65, Calcutta, 1871, pp. 59, 60, and Vol. 5, Report for 1872-73, Calcutta, 1875, pp. 23, 58. A. Fon Sallet : in Indian Antiquary, Vol. 9, 1889, pp. 255-263. P. Gardner: The Coins of the Greek and. Scythic Kings of Bactria and India in the British Museum, London, 1886. M. A. Stein: in Indian Antiquary, Vol. 17, 1888, pp. 89-98. A. Cunningham: Coins of the Indo-Scythians. London, 1890. G. Bühler: in Indian Antiquory, Vol. 25, 1896, p. 141.)
It has been suggested that Orthagnes is identical with the Gad of the Acts, the brother of King Gudnaphar. It is, however, doubtful whether Ortbagnes was a brother of Gondophares. The supposition rests only on the supposed meaning of a word on the coins, the reading of which, proposed by Gen. Cunningham, is doubtful. Gardner (p. xlv.) can only say “the supposition has nothing improbable in it."
As to Abdagases: - In the Greek writing concerning the Falling Asleep of the Holy Mother of God," which Tischendorf dated not later than the 4th century, there is the following passage. which I take from A. Walker's translation (Apocryphal Gospels, etc., 1890, pp. 507-8): "And "Thomas also answered and said :- And I, traversing the country of the Indians, when the preach"ing was prevailing by the grace of Christ, and the King's sister's son, Labdanus by name, was “about to be sealed by me in the palace, on a sudden the Holy Spirit says to me, Do thou also, " Thomas, go to Bethlehem to salute the mother of thy Lord, because she is taking her departure " to the heavens." "Labdangs" should be “Labdanes." The original Greek may be seen in 0. Tischendorf; Apocalypses Mosis, Esdrae, Pauli, Johannis item Mariae dormitio, ato., Leipzig, 1866, p. 101. Regarding Syriac versions see supplementary note at the end of this paper.

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We have no King's sister's son in the Acts; but we have the son of King Mazdai, Vizan in the Syriac, who was baptised in his own house. In the Greek versions of the Acts, Vizan, as shewn above, is Οὐαζάνης, Ιουζανής, Ιουαζάνης, and ’Αζάνης, and in the Latin Zuzanes, Zuzani, Zuzanius, Luzanis, and Oazanes. The allusion may be to the same person.
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In the Indian Antiquary, Vol. 9, 1880, pp. 255-263, there is a review of A. von Sallet's Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen in Baktrien und Indien, Berlin, 1879, with translations of long extracts from the same. One of the extracts is as follows (p. 262 f.):
"Abdagases, Nephew of Yndopheres. The passage communicated by Gatschmid from Apocryph. "Evangelium Joannis de obitu Maria is important. There the apostle Thomas says of his mission “to the king of India :--- τοῦ υἱοῦ τῆς ἀδελφῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ὀνόματι Λαβδανοῦς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ μέλλοντος "oppayiceobai ir T waλariq. Moreover, besides Gondophoros, his brother Gad, who was converted with ahim, is mentioned ; now Gutschmid justly compares BACILEY ΑΒΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΔΙΦΕΡΟ ΑΔΕΛΦΙΔΕΟΣ "with viós ris adeλøns roû Baridéws. This is certainly the same person, and the notice again "demonstrates how well the first legend writers were informed about Gondophares and his family. "But from the former erroneous lection AOAAA instead of ABAAA fixed by the Berlin specimen which "I copied, the erroneous suppositions of Gutschmid follow, who considers Bareva" to be a barbarous "genitive of the name 'Oádas Gvâd, Gad, -the supposed brother of the king and perhaps = Labdanes "(Abdanes) and compares this supposed Oadas with OAAO, the wind-god of Kanerku.
"Now the more correct lections of these nephew-coins (Prinsep, Essays, Vol. II., p. 216), with the "distinct name Abdagasa in Aryan, which Gutschmid has not used in this instance, demonstrate the "erroneousness of these conjectures.
"The nephew of Gondophares, as we learn from his coins, was called Abdagases, in Aryan "always Abdagasa, or Avdagasa, in Greek sometimes corrupted to 'Aẞadá..., 'Aẞahárov, etc. “The reading adduced by Gutschmid of υἱοῦ τῆς ἀδελφῆς τοῦ βασιλέως Λαβδανοῦς is certain and of "great value; this nephew and his name are certainly identical with the Abdagases, Abada 66 Abalgases of the coins."
We seem hardly in a position to make such positive statements. If we make use of these "legends," we must interpret them one with another. There seems no sufficient reason to think that the king to whom St. Thomas is made to allude, in the passage given just above, is Gondophares: the allusion would seem to be a totally different king, namely, the Mazdai of the Syriac Acts, the Miadaios of the Greek and Misdeus of the Latin, the king who put St. Thomas to death. It may be that the "legend-writers" have confused them; but, then, how are we to say they were well informed about Gondophares and his family"? This Labdanes may perhaps be the Vizan or Ovatárns of the Acts, the son of King Mazdai; but there seems no good reason to identify him with Abdagases, the nephew of Gondophares. It should be remarked also that, though the reading Aaßbarous is probably certain, still one of Tischendorf's texts has Khavdarovs. Also the texts do not say that the apostle is speaking "of his mission to the king of India :" that is only Von Sallet's inference.
We know nothing about Gondophares and his family except what can be learnt, as detailed above, from coins, from one inscription, and from the Acts of St. Thomas. His date is not yet definitely fixed; his territories are still more or less undefined; and his race is still not certain.
But, according to Gutschmid, all had been settled. Gondophares reigned A. D. 7 to 29; he ruled over "Aria, Drangiana and Arachosia; " and he derived "his descent from a Parthian "dynasty." His investigations had also shewn "that the Acts of Thomas are really based on "a Buddhist work, containing the history of a conversion, the scene of which must have been
There seems to be something wrong about this sentence, from the word "But" to "Bartheva" I can only quote exactly what is before me in print.

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"Arachosis, and its date the times of Gondophorus." (R. A. Lipsius: article "Acts of the "Apostles, Apocryphal," in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography, eto., Vol. 1, London, 1877.) Further, "Gutschmid shows that Gaspard, one of the three Kings of the "Christian legend, is identical with Gondophares" (quotation from Gardner, p. xliii.).
All this seems fanciful. And Lipsius' easy acceptance, in 1877 or before, of the positive statements made by Gutschmid in matters which were then and still are uncertain, must continue to diminish the value of the former's criticism of the Acts of St. Thomas. Lipsins appeared to ignore the existence of the Syriac Version, which must be our starting-point. These Acts of St. Thomas should also be treated as an independent work, complete in itself, as Mr. Burkitt has treated it; not merely as a chapter in a work dealing with all the apostles, as scholars were inclined to treat it when only the Latin version of Pseudo-Abdias was available. The publication of the Syriac has made some criticism obsolete. And if we are to use these "legends," we must go to the Acts of St. Thomas, in the Syriac version, first of all, and not, as Cunningham, Yule, and others have done, to Psendo-Abdias and to so very late a compilation as the "Legenda Aurea" of Jacobus de Voragine (c. 1280-1298), Archbishop of Genoa.
VII. Note on the Legenda Aures.
As mentioned just above, the Legenda Aurea has been quoted by some writers in dealing with Gondophares. It therefore seems desirable to say something about it, although it is too modern. a work to be of much use for our purposes. It is one of the numerous works of the Dominican friar Jacobus a Voragine, or as we should say in English, Friar James of Varazze. Varazze or Voragine is a small seaport town in the Italian Riviera, and was the birthplace of the author, who ultimately. became archbishop of Genoa, and died in 1298.
The work in question is an explanation of the offices celebrated by the Church during the ecclesiastical year, beginning with Advent. The Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th edition, 1888, describes it, not correctly, as a collection of legendary lives of the greater saints of the medieval church. It is a work which obtained a large circulation, and it was translated from the Latin into several languages. Caxton published three English versions, 1483, 1487, and 1493.
The Latin text may be seen in the edition published by Dr. Th. Graesse at Dresden and Leipzig in 1846 under the title "Jacobi a Voragine Legenda Aurea vulgo Historia Lombardica dicta." A new French translation has been published recently by the Abbé J. B. M. Roze: La légende dorée de Jacques de Voragine nouvellement traduite: Paris, 1902: 3 volumes.
The festival of St. Thomas, 21st December, falling as it does in Advent, is dealt with in an early part of the work; and an account is there given of the life of the apostle, from which the following points of interest are extracted.
When St. Thomas was at Caesarea "rex Indiae Gundoferus misit praepositum Abbanem quaerere hominem architectoria arte eruditum ut romano opere sibi palatium construatur." The apostle consented to go; and our Lord, Who had appeared to him and to Abbanes, "tradidit ei Thomam .. Navigantes autem ad quandam civitatem venerunt, in qua rex filiae suae nuptias celebrabat." The name of the city is not given, but what took place there is described.
"Post haec autem apostolus et Abbanes ad regem Indiae pervenerunt," i. e, to Gundoferus, though the name is only mentioned once, namely as above at the beginning of the narrative.
The king gave St. Thomas much treasure with which to build a palace, and went away to another province for two years. Meanwhile the apostle gave the money away, preached to the people, and made innumerable conversions. On his return, learning what had been done, the king imprisoned St. Thomas and Abbanes, intending to put them to death.

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Then Gad, the king's brother, died, and came to life again on the fourth day, and told of the palace he had seen in heaven. Gad released St. Thomas from prison; and the king begged his pardon. Many conversions followed.
Post hoc autem in superiorem Indiam abiit." There he converted :1. Sintice or Syntice (the name is spelt both ways), friend of Migdomia.
2. Migdomis or Migdonis (this name also is spelt in two ways), wife of Carisius, kinsman (“cognatus") of the king.
8. The wife of the king, sister of Migdomis,
The names of the king and qneen are not given. The king would be the Mazdai of the Syriac Acts.
Finally, St. Thomas was put to death in the presence of the king and Carisins by the high priest of a temple, (" ... pontifex autem templi elevans gladium transverberavit "). His body was buried by the Christians.
"Post longum tempus scilicet circa annos domini CC. et XXX. corpus apostoli in Edessam civitatem, quae olim dicebatur Rages Medoram, translatum est, Alexandro imperatore ad Syrorum preces hoc faciente." The confusion of Edessa in Mesopotamia with Rhagae the great city of Media is curious.
Thus the Legenda Aurea, as far as it goes, agrees substantially with the Syriac and other Acts. But the version it follows most closely is the second of the two Latin ones given by Max Bonnet, namely, the version headed "Passio Sancti Thomae Apostoli." This version mentions "Sinthice," "Sintice," or "Sontice," friend of Migdonia, who is not mentioned in the other Latin version or in the Greek or Syriao. It likewise makes the statement, but without a date, that the remains of the apostle were removed to Edessa at the request of the Syrians through the instrumentality of the emperor Alexander, who sent "ad regulos Indorum" for them. It is also there stated that the Syrians made their petition "ab Alexandro imperatore romano veniente vietore de Persidis proelio, Xerse rege devicto." The allusion appears to be to the emperor Alexander Severus, who in 232 A. D. undertook an expedition against Artaxerxes (Ardishir), king of Persia, and founder of the Sassanidan dynasty.
Some explanation may be suggested, of a statement made by General Cunningham that it is recorded in the "Saxon Legenda Aurea" that "king Gundoferu" pat St. Thomas to death (Archaol. Survey of India, Report for 1872-73, Calcutta, 1875, p. 60). Probably, the General intended to refer, not to the Legenda Aurea just described, but to the Anglo-Saxon Life of St. Thomas written by Elfrio or Aelfric in the tenth century, which life, according to Sharon Turner (History of the Anglo-Saxons, 6th edition, London, 1836, Vol. 2, p. 159), is an abridgment of the Latin one which passes under the name of Abdias. Cunningham, in fact, gives a reference to Turner's book. Anyhow, there is no such work as a " Saxon Legenda Aurea." It is possible that the life written by Elfric is so abridged as to make it appear that “Gundoforus" was the king who put the apostle to death, which is not the case in the Legenda Aurea. Indeed, the quotation from it by Turner on p. 147, the page to which Canningham refers, certainly implies that “Gundoferas" Was the guilty person.
Again, in Coins of the Indo-Scythians, subdivision Coins of the Sakas, p. 16, London, 1890, Canningham stated that "the Legenda Aurea" made "Gundofores" [io] “King of Upper India, (Indiam saperiorem)." In this case, he can only refer to the work of Jacobus a Voragine, who, however, speaks of "Gondoferus" as "rex Indiae" simply, and says that St. Thomas after leaving him in superiorem Indiam abiit," and there converted Migdonia and others, and was put to death uader an unnamed king. So, the only king mentioned in connection with India superior" is not "Gundofores." The various texts of the Legenda Aurea are said to vary. But the three editions consulted agree in all that has been stated above.

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VIII. - Postsoript. 1. - Ethiopic versions of the Acts of St. Thomas. Since the above paper was written, there has been an opportunity of seeing the two works referred to on page 3 above. Malan's Conflicts of the Apostles is out of date. The translation was made from a faulty modern MS. as shewn by Mr. Budge. The other work, entitled The Contendings of the Apostles, Gadla Hawdrydd, contains the Ethiopie texts in Vol. 1 edited by Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge from two MSS. formerly belonging to King Theodore of Abyssinia, and brought from Magdala in 1868. Vol. 2 contains
translation, The MSS. were probably written in the 15th and 17th century. The oldest MS. known is in Paris, and is dated 1379 A. D.
Lipsius writing in 1883, as appears from Mr. Budge's preface, was of opiniort that these Ethiopic works were translated from the Coptic between 400 and 540. But Mr. Badge gives good reasons for concluding them to have been made from Arabic versions, probably during the early part of the 14th century. These Arabic versions would have taken the place of earlier ones in Sahidic Coptic, the dialect of Upper Egypt, when the one language had been superseded by the other. Some fragments of the Sahidic versions still exist. The Ethiopio versions of the Acts of St. Thomas would, therefore, appear to be of only small importance for oar parposes. But we may note the proper names which appear in them, and a few other points.
The Ethiopic work contains two separate accounts about St. Thomas. The first, pp. 319-356 of the translation, has not much resemblance to the Syriac as a whole, and seems to be in a confused state. The second, pp. 404-465, entitled “The Acts of St. Thomas in India," is very like the Syriao as far as it goes; but it belongs to a part of the book, which Mr. Badge considers to consist of selections from less ancient works than the proper “Gadla-Hawâryât," which seems to end at p. 368.
To take the second account first; here are some passages :
When St. Thomas was at Jerusalem "& certain merchant who was from the county [sic] of "India ... and his name was Abnês, and he was sent from the king of Gônâ."
After the apostle and the merchant leave, “they sailed on happily until they arrived in the "country of India, and came to the city of the king." Then the marriage feast is described, us usual.
In the 2nd Act :-"Now when the Apostle had entered into the country of India with 'Abnes, "the merchant, 'Abnês departed to salute Gondapôr the king." In the same Act "Gâdôn the “brother of the king" is mentioned.
There are no other proper names, and there is nothing else worth noting. This account does not go farther than the 6th Act of the Syriac ; 80 we do not reach the court of Mazdai.
As regards the other account, which is moreover the only one in Malan's book: it is in two sections. The first is "The Preaching of Saint Thomas in India." There we have, for the Habbân and Gūdnaphar of the Syriac, "a certain officer of king Kanţâķôrôs," also “ 'Arbâsôb, an officer of "Kontörős, king of India." When the apostle reaches India, this king requires him to build
palace, and directs "Laktyános (Vecios) the governor," elsewhere "Lakiyos," to supply him with materials, after which we hear no more of the king. What follows about the governor's wife "'Arsônwa (Arsenia)," has some resemblance to the story of Mygdonis in the Syriac ; but that was in another king's country. Afterwards, St. Thomas is directed by our Lord to go to "a city in "the East, which is called Kantôrya (Qnantaria);" and he does so,
The next section is "The Martyrdom of Saint Thomas in India." It does not seem to join on naturally to the previous section. After establishing a church and clergy in India, "he departed "unto the city of Haldt, which is by Macedonia ;" but the story is evidently corrupt, as what follows

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implies that the apostle was still in India, or had returned there. For the Syriac Mazdai, we have in difforent pagsages " Mastrôs the king," " Maytewanyans," " Mastěyos" and "Mitsčyos." We have “Tērtērbani elsewhere Tērtērbanga] the wife of the king, and Marhaná his daughter," who seem to be the Tertia and Manasher (daughter-in-law) of the Syriac. After the barial of St. Thomas Win the sepulchre of the kings," it is stated : -"Now Seķûrâ and Awcayais did not come into the "city." Who they are, is not said ; they have not been mentioned before. Mr. Budge identifies Seķürk with the şifür of the Syriac, and Awayis doubtfully with Vizan. Further on we have: - * Now Magtapos, the king, and Ztráyâbôs took their wives "Tērtěrbánya and 'Atbânî and chastised them sorely," etc. This is the first mention of Zirayasos (lower down, Zerayas) and of 'Atbaná, presumably the Karish and Mygdonia of the Syriac ; and they are not brought naturally into the story, which seems to be mangled in the Ethiopic. Lastly, there is "'Astayðs the king's son" who became possessed of devil, and on whose account the king went to the tomb to obtain a relic. Mr. Budge's translation appears to imply that the body of the apostle was still there. The story enús in the conversion of the king; and “Awētys Koros, the priest of the Christians, in mentiened.
(With reference to the name Tērtērbani in the preceding paragraph, it may be noted that among the “Festa immobilis ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum" under 6th October is “Coronatio Thomae Apostoli, et regis Indiae et Misadi ejusque filii Joannis et matris ejus Tartariae," See N. Niller, 8, J, Kalendarium manuale utriusque Eodesiae Orientalis et Occidentalis, Vol. 1, Innsbruek, 1896, p. 460.)
2. "The Falling asleep of the Holy Mother of God." Syriae versions of this work were discovered or published about the same time that Tischendorf discovered the Greek. Wright pablished one in the Journal of Sacred Literature, Jan. and April, 1865, and two others, incomplete, in Contributions to the Apocrypha Literature of the New Testament, London, 1865.
As scholars seem to be of opinion that the Syriac of this work is based on the Greek, the Syriap versions are not important; but the passage corresponding to what has been given on page 152 above is still of some interest. It is as follows:- “And Thomas said: I was informed in India, whon "I had gone in to visit the nephew of Lūdân, the king of India, and as I was talking to him, the " Holy Spirit said to me: The time draws nigh for the mother of thy Lord to leave the world." This passage is only in the MS. published in the Journal of Sacred Literature, a manuscript which Wright thought belonged to the second half of the 6th century. The passage is not in the other two MSS., which are incomplete.
There is, however, yot another passage connecting St. Tbomas with India in the Greek and in all the Syriac versions. It precedes the one already quoted which is in chapter 20 of the Greek. This other possage is chapter 12. There we bave the words :-Owpas dx Târ 'Ivowy dowrépou [variant erfaré per]. The corresponding passages in the Syriae ire : - (MS. in Journ. Sac. Lit.)
Thomas in India, who had gone in to visit the nephew of Lüdlän [or Laudän] the king of "Jadis ;" aud (MSS, in Contributions, etc.) “ Thomas in India" Walker translates the Greek " Hither India."
There has been no opportunity of referring to the Syriac text published this year (1902] by Mrs. A. S. Lewis in Studia Sinaitica, No. 11, Apocrypha Syriaca, Cambridge University Press. A review in the Tablet, 4th Oct., says it is edited from the underwriting of a palimpsest which Mrs. Lewis dates at latest the beginning of the 6th century. It is the complete text of one of the two versions of which Wright published fragments in Coretributions, etc. The reviewer states that it is the most corrupt form of the story, and the most removed from the Greek, so freely rewritten, in fact, as to be in effect an original Syriac composition. "
With reference to the opinion that these Syriac versions are based on Greek originals, it may not be out of place here to recall that, when Wright published the Syrimo text of the Acts of

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St. Thomas, he was almost certain tint that work nlso was a Syriac version of Greek Aext. But scholars seom subsequently to have come to the opinion that the Syrime is the original. It may be that further examination may show that the work we are now considering was also Syrimc in origin, in which case the reading the nephew of Lūdānu, (or Laudin] king of India " might be of importance. It soems to be bell that apocryphal literature of this sort was generally of Semitic origin.
8.- M. Sylvain Lévi on St. Thomas, Gondophares, and Masdai. My paper was unfortunately written without knowledge of M. Lévi's suggestivo article entitled Nules sur les Indo-Scythes, III., Saint Thomas, Gondupharis et Mazdeo, in the Journal Asiatique, Jan-Feb. 1897.
Allusion has been made on page 154 above to the unsatisfactory manner in which the subject of this paper was treated by Gutschmid, whose views were adopted by Lipsius. It was not very willingly that a mere compiler Ike myself won presume to criticise scholars of such eminence; but when, under the authority of these great names, uncertainties had been given as positive facts in such a standard work as Smith and Waco's Dictionary of Christian Biography, etc., it seemed necessary to say something. It is, therefore, satisfactory to observe that M. Lévi also found the time had come for shewing that Gutschmid's theories about St. Thomas were obsolete or rested on false data. It is unnecessary to detail them here. Bat something may be said about the route followed by the apostle.
Gatschmid considerod thnt Andrapolis, the Sandarūk or Sanndruk of the Syrine, the port at which St. Thomas disembarkod, indicated. a town of the Andhras in the Konkan coast where the Andhra-Satakarņi dynasty ruled in the first century of our era; and on this he assumed that the account of the apostle's subsequent mission to Gondopbares and Mazdai was only the stolen story of
Buddhist miesionary, perhaps Nagarjuna, who went from the Dekkap to propagate bis religion among the Yavanas aud Pahlavas. M. Lévi shews that Gutschmid bad to do violence to the texta of the Acts in order to develop his theory. But in doing so, he himself seems to fall into an error of some importance. He states that the various rersions of the Acts are unanimous in making St. Thomas travel to the East after leaving Gondophares. That is not the case, as bas been shewn on page 6 above. The Greek and the Syriac say simply be preached throughout all India. The first Latin version says nothing; and the second, the Passion from which M. Lévi says "il prend le chemin de l'Inde Ultéricure," - states "profectus est ad Indiam superiorem,” which is not the same thing. It is necessary to point this out, as the error affects the force of M. Lévi's suggested identification of Mazdai with Visudêra. It is, however, true that the Ethiopic account (soe above) says the apostle went to "a city in the East which is called Kantorya ;" and in this name, Quantaria in Malan's now obsoleto translation, the only one available in 1897, M. Léri thinks Gandhara may be recognisel, which place, he states, was oceapíed by the Sakas, Kushans, and Parthians at different times,
As regards Andra polis, M. Lévi shews it may really be the same word as Sandarük, the initial sibilant being dropped in the Greek, as in Andracottas, a form employed as well as Sandracottus.
M. Lévi considers that the Acts clearly indicate that St. Thomas and Habban followed the ordinary trade route between the Syrian coast and the Panjab, as detailed by Pliny (Hist. natur. Fi, 26, 103) and in the Periplas (38, 39), that is to say, down the Red Ben, and on past Cape Syagros in Arabia to Patala or Barbarikon at the mouth of the Indus. There the ships used to anchor; and the merchandise went up the river to Minnagar, deecribed in the Periplus as the metropolis of Scythia, governed by Parthians, always fighting among themselves. If the country was not safe, the ships would go on to Barygaza (Broach), whence there was a trade route vid Ozēnā (Ujjain) to Proklais (Puşkalavati) on the borders of Bactrians.
M. Lévi says a tradition, constant among the Greek Fathers from the 5th century, designates the town at which St. Thomas was martyred as "Kalamine." This appears to be as erroneous statement, though often made, as has been shewn above.

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An unpublished Armenian version of the Apts of St. Thomas in the Berlin Library is montioned, the text of which appears to be identical with the Syriac. M. Lévi has made some tuse of the Armenian forms of proper names coutained therein.
The most important and suggestive part of the article is that which relatos to the proposed identification of Mazdai with Vasudeva. But it is impossible to deal with that properly horo; and the reader must go to the article itself. A few points may, however, be taken up, mostly in further clucidation of the proper names occurring in the Acts and in "The Falling asleep of the Holy Mother of God."
M. Lévi appears to hold, with Von Sallet, that Labda nos and Abdagases are the same person. He suggests that the initial lambda results from dittography, [AJABAANHC. Hypocoristic fornis are found among Parthian names, and gas meang 'beautiful.'
On coins, the names of Vasudeva appears in Greek as BAZOAHO and BAZAHO. Coming into Iranian territory, the name would fall under Masdian influences, and become Masdeo; moreover, he remarks, the two labials aro constantly confused, as for instance in Mumba turued by the Portuguese into Bombay, and Minnagar in the Periplus made into Binnagar by Ptolemy. (Compare what has been said above by Mr. Burkitt that Mazdai is a good old Persian name.) M. Lévi gives the further information that the name is Mstēh in the Armenian Acts, Smidsios in the Menaea [liturgical books of the Greek Church, containing short histories of the saints), and Smindaios in Nicephorus (presumably N. Callistus Xanthopalas, 14th century). These forms may be added to tl:ose already given.
As regards Visān (Vizan in the Armenian according to M. Lévi) son of Mazdai, Gutschinid and Marquart considered the name to be the same as the Pahlavi Wijén, Persian Bijén. This does not harmonise with the Greck and Latin forms, and further, thongh admissible if we locate Mazdai in Iranian territory, it is not at all so, if we make St. Thomas go into India, to Vasudeva, as guggested. M. Lévi thinks the compiler of the Acts was too well informed about India to give to an Indian prince the name of a secondary hero of the Iranian epic, the name in fact of Bezhan, son of Gêy, son of Guderz. Be that as it may, M, Léyi thinks that, though the remembrance of this personage may very well have influenced the Syriac and Armenian transcriptions, the Greek and Latin forms exclude the identity of the two names. The Greek Oazanes, etc., and Latin Zuzanis, etc., all Lead back to an original owsan or rather gowan. The change of us into gu, which had been definitely accomplished by the time of the Sassanidans, was in progress soon after the Christian era, and facilitated the sabstitution of one syllable for the other; and, at the same epoch, on the confines of India and Iran, the pronunciation oscillated between initial # and gu. This is contirmed by the forma "Gondopharon," "Induphrru," and "Undopherrou," in Greek, on coins, being all equivalent to the “Gudaphara," "Gudupharna," and "Gondopharna" of the Indian legends on the same. (I quote the names as printed in the article, bat they do not all seem correot.)
Thus, -M. Lévi conclades, Ousanes would seem to be equivalent to Gushaņa. The forms Iouzanes in Greek, and Zuzanes and Lucanes in Latin perhaps preserve the trace of a initial lost in Ouzanes, and roučavns in writing might easily become louçams. Hence and for other reasons given, M. Lévi suggests that the Mahardja Gushana, who closely followed the Kushan Vasudeva, was perhape identical with Ouzades or Vizān, the son of the king Mazdai, who put St. Thomas to death.
4. Syriac versions of the Acts of St. Thomas. As mentioned on page 3 above, Wright's translation from British Museum Add, MS. 14645, dated A. D. 936, has been followed. Allusion was made to two other MSS. of these Acts, one at Berlin in the Sachau collection, and the other at Cambridge. In answer to enquiries, Mr. F. C. Burkitt has kindly supplied some further information regarding these M88.

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The Berlin MS. (Sachau 222) was written in Alķeh in 1881, and contains 88 Acta, beginning, like the British Museum MS., with the Acts of St. Thomas The readings of this MS. are to be found in P. Bedjan's Acta Sanctorum et Martyrum, Vol. 3, Paris, 1892. Bedjan made nse of Sachan's MS., and, whenever he gives a reading in text or notes which differs from Wright's text, it agrees with the Cambridge MS.
The Cambridge University Library Ms. Add. 2822 was written in A. D. 1883, at Tel-Kēphê in the district of Mosul, and was acquired through Wright. Mr. Burkitt understands that it was copied for Wright after the Berlin MS. had been acquired by Sachan, but before it left the East. This Cambridge MS., though no doubt a faithful copy of its immediate archetype, is very inferior to Wright's MS. It omits many words, sentences and paragraphs, which undoubtedly belong to the old Aots. But it agrees with the Greek in having "Gondaphar" instead of "Güdnaphar," the latter being, so Mr. Barkitt supposes, & mere perversion, and due to the scribe of the British Musenm MS. Possibly the Cambridge M8. may be a cousin, and not a son of the Sachau MS.
As has been shewn on page 4 above, an important word is illegible in the British Museum MS. There we find a certain merchant happened to come into the South country from...." The Berlin and Cambridge MSS. give "certain merchant came from the south country." Thus, the illegible word is omittod, and "from" is read instead of "into." Mr. Burkitt suspects that the lost word was only the Syriac for "Hindustan." He adds that Gandapher is called "king of Hinda ;" and that what Wright calls the realm of India" (see page 4 above) is literally "Hindu City."
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI, INCLUDING HINDOSTÅND.
BY G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., D.Litt., 1.0.8.
(Continued from p. 76.) SECTION III. - SELEOTIONS, COLLROTIONS OF SCATTERED PIECES, AND
COLLEOTIONS OF PROVERBS. Gilchrist, John Borthwick, - The Oriental Fabulist or polyglott Translations of Esop's and
other ancient Fables from the English Language into Hindoostance, Persian, Brij Bhat, ha, Bonglo and Sunkrit (sic) in the Roman Character by various Hands, under the direction and superintendence of J. Gilchrist. for the use of the College of Fort William, Calcutta, 1803.
The Hindee Story-Teller, or entertaining Expositor of the Roman, Perrian,
and Nagree Characters, simple and compound, in their application to the Hindoost ones Language, a a written and literary Vehicle, by the Author of the Hindoostanee Dictionary, Grammar, etc., (. e., J. B.G.). Caleatta, 1802-3. Second Edition, Calcutta, 1806.
Lalla Lal,
Lataif-e Hindi, -The new Cyclopædia hindoostanica of Wit, containing a choice
Collection of humorous Stories in the Persian and Nagrer Characters, Interspersed with appropriate Proverbs, anti-bilious Jests, brilliant Boxmots, and rallying Repartees in the Rekhtu and Brij Bhasha Dialeata ; to which is added a Vocabulary of the principal Words in Hindoostanee and English; by Shree Lulloo Lal Kub, B.hasha Munshi. Calcutta, 1810.

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.
Lallū Lal and Smyth, w. Carmichael, - Second Edition of the foregoing under the
Title of, --The Luta, ir Hindee, or Hindoostanee Jest-Book, containing a choice Collection of humorous Stories, in the Arabic and Roman Characters ; edited by W. Carmichael Smyth, London, 1841. (Smyth in this edition has omitted the Nagree' portion of Lalla Lal's compilation, also some verses in Sanskrit and Braj Bhākhă, and the Vocabulary). On the other hand, he has added transcription into the Roman Character throughout. The third Edition is entitled as follows, The LutaiHindoe, or Hindoostanee Jest-Book, containing a choice Collection of humorous Stories in the Arabic and Roman Characters; to which is added a Hindoontanee Poem, by Meer Moohummud Tuqoe. Second (sic) Edition, Revised and corrected by William Carmichael Smyth, Esq., late of the
Hon. East India Company's Bengal Civil Service, London, 1840. Lallu Lāl, - The Sabha Bilas. (Title page absent on all copies available.) Calcutta, 1813. . . and Price, w., The Subha Bilas, a Collection of Stangas on various subjects, in
Hinded, by different Authors. Edited by Captain W. Price, Professor of Hindee and Hindoostanee in the College of Fort William. Calontta,
1828. The colophon is dated (1829). .. and Gilbertson, G. W.,- The Assembly of Mirth (sic). A literal. Translation
into English of the Sabha Bilása, one of the Degree of Honour Hindi Text-Books, by G. W. G. Benares, 1900. (The name of the book means
The Mirth of the Assembly,' not the Assembly of Mirth.') Shakospoar, John, - Muntalchabal-r-Hindi, or Selections in Hindoostani, with a perbal Trans.
lation and grammatical Analysis of some Part, for the use of Students of that Language. By J. S., Oriental Professor at the Honourable East India Company's Military Seminary. London, 1817. Second Edition, London, 1825; Third, 1894; Fourth, 1844 ; Sixth, 1852. Ten Sections of a Description of India, being a portion of J. Shakespear's Muntakhabat-s-Hindi. By N. L. Benmohel. Dublin, 1847. [A translation of the extracts from Shēr 'Ali Afsõs's Ārāish-e Mahfil.] The second Edition is reviewed by Garcin de Tassy, in Journal Asiatique,
viii. (1826), pp. 230 and ff. Anon., - Hindoostanee and English Student's Assistant; or, Idiomatical Exeroises. Calcutta,
1826. Garcin de Tagsy, Joseph Héliodore, - Anecdote relative au Brajbhakha, traduite de
l'Hindoustani. Journal Asiatique, Vo), xi. (1827), pp. 298 and ff. Indolence des Domestiques indiens. Anecdote hindoustani. Journal
Asiatique, III., xii. (1841), pp. 191 and ff. Proclamation de Lord Ellenborough, Gouverneur Général de l'Inde, au sujet des Portes du Temple de Somnath, Texte hindoustani, publié et traduit. Journal Asiatique, IV., v. (1845), pp. 898 and ff, Boparato reprint,
Paris, same date. Chrestomathie hindoustant (Urdü et Dakhni), a l'Usage des Elèves de l'Ecole
Spéciale des Langwe Orientales Vivantes, Assisted by Théodore Pavie
and l'Abbé Bertrand. Paris, 1847. Spécimen d'une Collection de Lettres hindowstani originales. Journal
Asiatique, IV., . (1847), pp. 859 and ff.

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Garoin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore, and Lancereau, Ed., - Hindi Hindui Muntakhabat.
Chrestomathie Hindie et Hindonie a r Usage des Elèves de l' Bcole Spéciale des
Langues Orientales Vivantes près la Bibliothèque Nationale. Paris, 1849. Garoin de Tassy, Joseph Foliodore, - Analyse d'un Monologue Dramatique indien. Journal
Asiatique, IV., Ivi. (1860), pp. 810 and ff. Separate reprint, Paris, same
date. Tableau du Kali Yug ou de l'âge de Fer, par Wischnu-Das, traduit de
l'Hindowi. Journal Asiatique, IV., xix. (1858), pp. 551 and if. Légende do Sakountald d'après la Version hindouic du Mahabharata.
(Extrait de la Repue Orientale.) Paris, 1852. Chants populaires de l'Inde, traduites par G. de T. (Revue Contemporaine.)
Paris, 1854. Hir et Ranjhan, légente du Penjab, traduite de l'Hindoustani. Paris, in
Revue de l'Orient, 1857. Allégories, Réoits poétiques et Chants populaires. Traduits de l'Arabe, du
Persan, de l'Hindoustani, at du Turo, par M. Garcin de Tassy. 2nd
Edition, Paris, 1876. Un Chapitre de l'Histoire de l'Inde Musulmane, ou Chronique de Scher Schah,
Sultan de Delhi, traduit de l'Hindoustani. Paris (Revue de rOrient), ? date, 8vo, 164 pp.
See Ja'far Ali Babadar, Mir; Shakespear, John. Adam, Rev. M. T., - Pleasing Tales, or Stories to improve the Understanding, translated into
Hinduwee by M. T. A. Caloutta, 1828. Other Editions, Calcutta, 1884,
1838 ; Agra, 1837. Kali Krishna, Bājā, and 'Abdu'l-Majid, Hakim Maulavi, - Majma'u 'l-Lataif. A Collec
tion of Pleasantries; or Fables and Stories, translated from English and
Persian into Urdu and English. Calcutta, 1835. Manu Lal Lahori, The Guldasta-i-Nishat, or Noregay of Pleasure: a Collection of poetical
Extracts in Persian and Hindustani, from more than a hundred of the most celebrated authors, arranged according to the Subject and Sentiment
and well adapted for the Student of these Languages. Calcutta, 1836. Anon., - English and Hindustani Student's Assistant. Calcutta, 1887. Prioe, Capt. William, and Tärini-charan Mitra, - Hindee and Hindoostanee Selections, to
which are prefixed the Rudiments of Hindoostanee and Braj Bhak,ha Grammar, also Prem Sagur with Vocabulary. Originally compiled for the Us of Interpreters to Native Corps of the Bengal Army. Calcutta, 1827;
Second Edition, 1830.
See also Lalla Lal. Ballantyno, J. E. - Hindustani Selections, in the Neskchi and Devanagari Character. London,
1840. 2nd Edition, London, 1845. Anon., - Majma'- Ganj. Selections, Historical, Literary, and Scientific. Translated from the
English. Calcutta, 1845. Pavie, Théodore, -La Légende de Padmani, Reine de Tchitor, d'après les textes hindis et hindouis.
Journal Asiatique, V., vii., 1856, pp. 5 and ff., 89 and ff., 815 and ff. See also Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodoro.

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Cox, Capt. Edward, - The Regiment el Moonshi, being a course of Realing in Hindoostanee.
London, 1847. Saiyid Ưusain, Munshi, - Hindustani Selections. Compiled by Munshi S. H. Madras, 1849. Qamaru 'd-din Khān, -- Muntakhabāte Anwar-e Suhaili. Selections from the Anwär-e Suhaili
(of: Hafizu 'd-din Ahmad in Section IV.), with Hindāstāni Translations.
Agra, 1853. Muntakhabat-e Gulistan. Selections from the Gulistan, with Hindöstäni
Translations, Agra, 1854. Muntakhabat-e Böstān. Selections from the Būställ, with Hin lūstäni
Translations in verse. Agra, 1855. Muntakhabat-e Dasturu 's-sibyar. Selections from the Dastūru '9-yibyan,
with Hindöstāni Translations. Agra, 1855. Ja'far 'Ali Bahadur, Mir, -Lettre de S. A. Mir Jafur Ali Bahadur, Nabab de Surat, à Monsieur
Garcin de Tassy. (Revue de L'Orient.) Paris, 1855. Siva Prasad, Rajā, - Hindi Selections (Gutkal, compiled under the Directions of the Commission
appointed ... to arrange for the Preparation of Hindustani Class Books as Language Tests, to be passed by junior Civil Serrants and Military
Officers.. Benares, 1867. Another Edition, Benares, 1870, and others. Hall, FitzEdward, - Hindi Reader, with Vocabulary. Hertford, 1870, 1884. gell. Bev. E.. - Muntakhabāt-e Urdü. Hindustani Selections. Pts. I., II., aud III. Madras.
1870-71. Abdu'l-fath, Maulavi, Saiyid, - Tohfutul Makal. Hindustani, Persian, Arabic, and English
Sentences and Proverbs, by Sayed Abdul Fattah Moulvi. Bombay, 1872. Hosen (
P usain), 8., - Second Hindostanee Reader. London, 1875. Smith, V.A. - Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bundelkhand, N. W. P., Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLIV (1875), Pt. I., pp. 389 and ff. , , Popular Songs of the Hamirpur District in Bundelkhand, N. W. P., No. II. Ib.,
Vol. XLV. (1876), Pt. I., pp. 279 and ff. Badley, Rev. B. H., - Jagjivandas, the Hindu Reformer. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII. (1879),
p. 289. (Contains Selections from his works.)
See Craven, T., in Section II. Trumpp, E., - Dic altesten Hindui Gedichte. Sitrungsberichte der Königl. bayer. Akademie
dor Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-philologische Classe. Miinchen, 1879
(pp. 1-48). Temple, Captain R., – Some Hindu Songs and catches from the Villages of Northern India,
Calcutta Review, LXXIV. (1882), p. 334. Folk Songs from Northern India. Calcutta Review, LXXVIII. (1884),
pp. 273 and 295. The Hymns of the Nangipanth. From the papers of J. W. Parry,
A.M.I.C.E. Indian Antiquary, XIII. (1884), p. 1.
See Fallon, S. W. Anon., - Hindustani and English Parallel Proverbs. Together with some Persian and Hindustani
Parallel Prorerbs. Delhi, 1885.

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Thornton, Thomas H., C.8.I., D.C.L., - Specimen Song from Panjab Literature and Folklore,
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XVII. (1885), p. 873. (Account of Hindi and Urdū literature of the Panjab, p. 386 : Specimene,
p. 401.) Fallon, S. W.,- A Dictionary of Hindustani Proverbs, including many Marwari, Panjabi, Maggah,
Bhojpuri and T'irhuti Proverbs, Sayings, Emblems, Aphorisms, Maxims and Similes. By the late 8. W.F.......... Edited and revised by Captain R. C. Temple .. assisted by Lala Faqir
Chand, Vaish, of Delhi. Benares and London, 1886. Kompson, M., - First Hindustani Reader. Lithographed. (? Place of pablication), 1892, Morris, J., - English Proverbs, with Hindustant Parallelt. Cawnpur, 1893. 'Abdu'l-Majid, Hākim Maulavi, - See Kāli Krishņa, Räjä. Faqir Chand, Lālā, (Vaish), - See Fallon, S. W. Gilbertson, G. W., - See Lallu Lāl. Benmobel, N. L., - See Shakespear, John, Bertrand, l'Abbé, -- See Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore. Lanoereau, E., - See Garcin de Tassy, Joseph Héliodore. Party, J. W., - See Temple, Captain R. Bmyth, W. Carmichael, - See Lalla Lal. Tariņi-charan Mitra, - See Price, Capt. William.
SECTION IV.- TEXTS (alphabetically arranged under Authors' names). 'Abdu 'l-lah, Mir, called Miskin, - Marciya ou Bhathial de Mir Abdulla Miskin, sur la mort
de Muslim et de ses deux File, traduit de l'Hindoustani par M. Garcin
de Tassy. Paris, 1845. See Haidar Bakhsh (Haidari). , See also Gilchrist, J. B., in Section II. 'Abdu'l-lāh, Saiyid, - See Bahādur 'Ali; Kazim 'Ali Jawan. 'Abdu'l-karim, Munsbi, -See Arabian Nights, 'Adalat Khān, - See Amman, Mir; Lallü Lal, Ahmad Khan, Saiyid, c.8.I., -Asaru 's-sanādid. Delhi, 1847. Asar-008-Sunnadeed. A History
of old and new Rules, or Governments, and of old and new Buildings, in the District of Delhi; composed by Syud Ahmed Khan. Delhi, 1854 (A second edition of the preceding with much additional matter). Desoription des Monuments de Dehli en 1852, d'après le Texte hindowstani de Saiyid Ahmad Khan, par M. Garcin de Tassy. Journal Asiatique, V., I'v. (1860), pp. 508 and ff. ; xvi. (1860), pp. 190 and ff. ; pp. 392 and ff.;
PP2621 and ff. ; xvii. (1861), pp. 77 and ff. ; separate reprint. Alexander, James Edward, - See I'tişāmu 'd-din. Amānata 'l-lāh, Maplavi, - Hidayut ool Islam (Hidāyata 'l-islām), compiled by Muoluwee
Umanut Oollah, in Arabic and Hindoostanee. Translated under the superintendence of, and by J. Gilchrist. (In two volumes, of which only
Vol. I was published.) Calcutta, 1804. Ambiki Datt Byis, Sep Bibārī Lāl.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
165
Amman, Mir, -ga, 4 (Bagh o Bahár). One hundred and two pages appeared in
Gilchrist's and Abda 'l-lah Miskin's Hindee Manual or Casket of India. Calcutta, 1802. See Section II.
Bagh . Buhar, a Translation into the Hindoostanee Tongue of the celebrated Persias Tale entitled “Qissui Chuhar Durwesh," by Meer Ummun, under the superintendence of J. Gilchrist. Calcutta, 1804, Second Edition by Ghoolam Ukbar, under the superintendence of Captain Thomas Roebuck, Calcutta, 1813. Third Edition, ib., 1824. Other Editions: Cawnpore, 1883; Calcutta, 1884 ; Madras, 1840 ; Calcutta, (Title, je!, 4, Tales of the Chahar Durvesh), 1847 ; Cawnpore, 1860 ; Calcutta, 1863; Delhi (illustrated), 1876; Bombay in Gujarati character), 1877; Cawnpore, 1878; Delhi (illustrated), 1882, and many others. Dāgh o Bahār; consisting of entertaining Tales in the Hindustant Language. By Mir Amman of Dihli, one of the learned Natives formerly attached to the College of Fort William at Caloutta. A neno Edition, carefully collated with original Manuscripts ... To which is added a Vocabulary of all the words occurring in the Work, by D. Forbes. London, 1846. Second Edition of the same, London, 1849. Another edition of the same. The Hindustant Text carefully printed in the Roman Character. To which is added a Vocabulary of all the Words occurring in the Work, by D. Forbes. London, 1859. Bag-o-Buhar. The Hindúatání Text of Mir Amman, edited in Roman Tyre, with Notes and an introductory Chapter on the Use of the Roman Character in Oriental Languages, by M. Williams. London, 1859.
The Tale of the Four Darwesh; translated from the Oordoo Tongue of Meer Ummun ... by L. F. Smith .". with Noter by the Tramlator. Madras, 1825. Translation of the Bagh a Bahar; or Tales of the Four Darwesh, from the, Urdu Tongue of Mir Amman of Dihli. By Lew. Ferd. Smith. New Edition revised and corrected throughout by D, Forbes. London, 1851. Reprint (of first edition), Lucknow, 1870. The Päqh . Bahär, or the Garden and the Spring: being the Adventures of King Arad Bakht, and the four Darweshes : literally truns lated from the Urdú of Mir duman, of Delhi. With copious eaplanatory Notes, and an introductory Preface, by E. B. Eastwick. Hertford, 1852. Another Edition, London, Hertford (printed), 1877. Bagh o Bahār; or Tale of the four Darweshes. Translated from the Hindustani of Mer Amman of Dihli. By Duncan Forbes. A new Edition, revised and corrected throughout. London, 1862.
• The Adventures of the second Durwish, extracted from the Dagk of (sic) Buhar,' in Vol. II. of Price's Hindee and Hindoostanee Selections, Calcutta, 1830. See Section III. Selections from the History of India and Baqha Bahar. Translated into literal English, with copious Notes on Etymology, History and Geography, by 'Adalat Khân. Calontta, 1877. Selections from the Prom Sagar and Bagh-o Buhår. Translated into literal English with copious Notes. Second Edition. By the same. Calcutta, 1881.
Translated into French by M. Garcin de Tassy. Paris, 1878.
The Tale of the First Darwösh is given in M. J. Vinson's Manuel do la Langue hindous tanipp. 111 and ff. See Section II.
Note. The original is a translation of the Chahår Darvesh of Amir Khusran.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1903.
Anderson, Lieut. B. P., - See Nihal Chand (Labori). Arabian Nights, - Hikayautool Jaleelah, Translation of Alfalylattinolielah, called Arabian
Nights; for the Use of the College at Fort St. George. Translated by Moonshy Shumsooddeen Uhmed. Madras, 1886. (Contains only the first 200 Nights.)
Tarjuma Ay Laila ki. (The Translation is by Munshi Abdu 'l-Karim, from the English of E. Forster.) Cawnpore, 1844 ; ib., 1858 ; Bombay, 1860 ; Cawnpore, 1862-63 ; ib., 1869; ib., 1876 : ib., 1883-84 ; Delhi, 1890: Tarjuma-i Alif Laila ba-zubán-s-Urdú. (Do Jild baharfat2-Yurop.) Romanized under the superintendence of T. W. H. Tolbort ... and edited by Frederic Pincott. (The first half, i, e., Jilds I. and II. of `Abdu'l-Karim's Translation.) London, 1882. Sahasra Rajani Charitra. (Abdu'l-Karim's Version translated into Hindi by Pandit Pyarē Lāl.) Lucknow, 1876.
AY Laila Nau Manzüm. (Translated into verse in four parts, by Muhammad Asghar 'Ali Khan Nasim, Totaram Shayān (Pts. II. and III.), and Munshi Shadi Lal Chaman, respectively. Lucknow, 1861-68.
Hasār Dästan. (A prose version by Totāräm Shayān.) Lucknow, 1868.
Shabistan-e Surür. (An abridged translation, by Mirza Rajab 'Ali Bēg, Surür.) Lucknow, 1886.
AV Laila. (A translation by Muhammad Hamid Ali Khan, Hamid.) Cawnpore, 1890.
Shabislän-e Hairat. (A translation in the form of a novel, by Mirza Hairat of Delhi, illustrated.) Delhi, 1892.
Ay Laila-e Dunyāzād, also called Mashshäta-e Baghdad, (An imitation
of the Arabian Nights, by Mirzā Hairat of Delhi). Delhi, 1892. Ayodhyā Singh Upadhyāy, Pandit, oalled Hari Audh, --Thēļh Hindi kā Thath, or an original
Indian story in pure Hindustani, by Pandit Ayodhya Sinha Upadhya, (Hari Oudh) of Nizamabad, N.-W.P. Edition in Nagari characters, Bankipore, 1899. Edition in Persian characters, Bankipore and (printed) Allahabad, 1902.
(This, like the Kahani Thath Hindi-ma' of Insha Allah, is in pure Hindi, absolutely free from both Persianisation and Sanskritisation. Unlike the older work, the idiom is that of Hindi, rather than that of
Urdū. This is most noticeable in the order of the words.) Azisu 'd-din Ahmad, - Kaniz Fatima. Lahore, 1895. Bahadur 'Ali, Mir, - Ukhlaqi Hindee or Indian Ethics, translated from a Persian Version of the
Hitoopudes, or Salutary Counsel, by Meer Buhadoor Vlee, under the Superintendence of J. Gilchrist. Calcutta, 1803. Other Editions: Madras, 1845; Bombay, 1875; Madras, 1879. Akhlak i Hindi, Or Indian Ethics. Translated into Urdú from a Persian Version of the Hitopadesa, by Mir Bahadur ... Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by Syed Abdoolah. London, 1868. Extracts from the book will be
found in Price's Hindee and Hindoostanee Selections. See Section III.
See Hasan, Mir, Banerjea, K. M., - See Lalla Lal. Baness, J. F., - See Lallu Lāl.

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Barker, W. B., Beames, J., See Chand Bardai. Bell, C. W. Bowdler, Benmohel, N. L., Bertrand, l'Abbé,
-
See Mazhar 'Ali Khan Wilä.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
----
- See Hasan, Mir.
See Sher Ali Afsōs.
See Haidar Bakhsh (Haidari); Sher Ali Afsōs; Tahsinu 'd-din. See Lallu Lal.
-
Bhairava-prasāda,
Bihari Lal, The Sutsuya of Biharee, with a Commentary entitled the Lalu Chundrika; by Shree
Lulloo Lal Kuvi, Bhak'ha Moonshee, in the College of Fort William. Calcutta, 1819. A revised edition issued from the Office of the Superindent of Government Printing, India, in 1896, by G. A. Grierson. It is entitled 'The Satsaiya of Bihari, with a Commentary entitled Lala Candrika, by Cri Lallu Lal Kavi. Several editions have been published by native presses, amongst which may be mentioned Sringara-saptasati, Benares, 1873. (This includes a Sanskrit metrical version and a Sanskrit commentary, both by Paramananda Pandit); Sri-Bihāri Sat-sai safik. Hariprakas Tika sahit, Benares, 1892. (Has an excellent commentary by Hari Prakas); Bihari-Bihar. Benares, 1898. (Has an introduction, and a commentary in the Kundaliya metre by Ambika Datt Byās.) See Mazhar Ali Khan Wilā.
Burton, Sir Richard F.,
Carmichael-Smyth, See Smyth. Chaman, See Kazim 'Ali Jawan.
Chand Bardal,
-
167
Only portions of the text have been printed. Parts have been edited by Mr. J. Beames, and by Dr. A. F. R. Hoernle, C.1.E., in the Bibliotheca Indica. The latter gentleman has also translated a section of the portion which he edited. Canto I. has also been edited in Benares by Pandit Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandya, under the title of M. V. Pandia's Manuscript of the Prithviraj Rásáu of Chand Bardái, edited in the original old Hindi with critical Notes by Pandit, &c. Benares, 1887, 1888. A continuation is now (1902) being issued in Benares by the Nagari Prachāriņi Sabha. The following are the principal works dealing with the poem :
Tod, Col. James,
Beames, J.,
-
Rajasthan, passim. See especially, Vol. I., pp. 254, 614, 623. Also, The Vow of Sanjogta (a translation of an episode in the poem), Asiatic Journal, Vol. XXV., pp. 101-112, 197-211, 273-286.
On Chand's Poems. Proceedings, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1868, p. 242.
The Nineteenth Book of the Gestes of Prithiraj by
Chand Bardai, entitled The Marriage of Padmavati,' literally translated from the old Hindi. Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXVIII (1869), Pt. I., p. 145. Reply to Mr. Growse. Ib., p. 171. Translations of selected Portions of Book I. of Chand's Epic. Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society Vol. XLI (1872), Pt. I., p. 42.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Anit, 1903.
Beames J., - List of the Books contained in Chand'. Poem, the
Prithiraja Raso. Ib., p. 204. Letter (on his edition of Chand). Proceedings,
Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1873, p. 122. Studies in the Grammar of Chand Barddi. Journal
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLI (1878),
Pt. I., p. 165. Translation from the first Book of the Prithiraja
Rásar. By Kavi* Chand Bardái. Indian
Antiquary, Vol. I (1872), p. 269. Growse, F. B., - The Poems of Chand Barday. Journal, Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXVII (1868),
Pt. I. p. 119. Further Notes on the Prithirdjrdyasa. Ib.,
Vol. XXXVIII (1869), Pt. I., p. 1. Translations from Chand. 16., p. 161. Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. 16., Vol. XXXIX
(1870), Pt. I., p. 52. A Metrical Version of the opening Stanzas of
Chand's Prithiraj Rasan. 16., Vol. XII
(1878), Pt. I., p. 829. Byāmal Das, Kavirāj, - The Antiquity, Authenticity and Genuine
Mens of the Epic called the Prithi Ráj Rasa, and commonly ascribed to Chand Bardai. Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. LV
(1886), Pt. I., p. 3. Wohanlal Vishnula Pandya, Pandit -The Defence of Prithi..
Taj Rdea. Benares, 1887. This is a reply to
the preceding. ayam Sundar Do, Arrangement of the Chapters of the
Prithirdj-Raso. Indian Antiquary, Vol.
XXXI (1902), p. 499. See also Notice sur un poëme historique indien compoar par Tchand,
barde du sii" siècle. Journal Asiatique,
II., 1. (1828), p. 150. Clint, L., - See Insha Allah Khan, called Inshā. Court, Major Honry, - See Muhammad Rafi'; Sher 'Ali Afsos, Lastwiok, X. D., - See Amman, Mir; aliga 'd-din Ahmad; Ikrām 'Ali; Lallü Lal; Maghar
Ali Khan Wila. Peer, L, - See Kazim Ali Jawan. Forbos, Dunoan, - See Amman, Mir; Haidar Bakhsh (Haidari); Ikräm Ali; Maghar 'Ali
Khan Wila. Garcin de Tasey, Joseph Haltodore,- See 'Abdu 'l-lāh, Mir, called Miskin; Ahmad Khan,
Saiyid, C.S.I. ; Amman, Mir; Ikrām 'Ali ; Muhammad Taqi, Mir; Nibal
Chand (Lähöri); Tahsinu 'd-din; Walia 1-lāh, Shah. Ghulam Akbar, - See Hafizud-din Ahmad. Ghulapa Haidar, - See Ikrām 'Ali; Muhammad Rafi'.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
169
Gbulām Muhammad, Munshi, - See Mazhar 'Ali Khan Wilā. Ghulam Qadir, - See Hafigu 'd-din Ahmad. Gilohrist, J. H. B., - See Amăgatu 'l-läh; Amman, Mir; Bahādur 'Ali, Mir; Haider Bakhsh
(Haidari); Kazim Ali Jawan; Hasan, Mir; Nihal Chand (Lāhöri);
Shër 'Ali Afsās. Giridhar Goswami,- See Sur Dās. Grierson, G. A., - See Bihari Lal. Growse, F. 8., C.I.E., - See Chand Bardai. Hafiju 'd-din Ahmad, -The Khirud Ufroz (Khirad-afrāz), or the Ayar Danish of Abool Fiul,
translated into Hindoostanee, by Muoluwee Shuekh Huffees Ood-deen Ahmud. Calcutta, 1805 or 1808 (Incomplete). The Khirud Ufrox; originally translated into the Hindoostanee Language, by Muoluvee Hufeep ood-Deen Uhmud, from the Uyar Danish, written by the celebrated Shuekh Ubool Furl, Prime Minister to the Illustrious Ukbur, Emperor of Hindoostan. Revised, compared with the original Persian, and prepared for the Press, by Captain Th. Roebuck with the Assistance of Moulavee Kazim Ulee and Moonsbees Ghoolam Ukbur, Mirzae Beg and Ghoolam Qadir. Calcutta, 1815. Khirad-Afros (the Illuminator of the Under standing) by Maulavé Hafigu'd-dán. A nel Elition of the Hindustání Text, oarefully revised, with Notes, critical and explanatory : by Edward Eastwick, F.R.S., F.S.A., M.R.A.S., Professor of Hindústání at Haileybury College. Hertford, 1857. The Khirud-Ufroz: translated from the Oordoo into English, and followed by a Vocabulary of the diffioult Words and Phrases occurring in the text, by T. P. Manuel. (Only a portion of the Work has been translated.) Calentta, 1861.
(N.B.-Abü'l Farl's Ayare Dānish is a simpler Persian version of
Husain ibn 'Ali al-Kashifi's Anwar-e Suksili.) Haidar Balthah (aidari), Saiyid, - Araish-e Mahfil. Published by Munshi Qudratu 'l-lah.
Calcutta, 1803. Araeray Mehfeel. A translation into the Hindoostanee Tongue of the celebrated Persian T'ale entitled Qussu,e Hatim Tai, executed under the direction of John Borthwick Gilchrist... by Sueed. Hydarbux Hydree. Bombay, 1845. Many other editions in India. Among them one in the Nāgari character, (Calcutta, (?) 1845), and one in the Gujarati character (Bombay, 1877).
(N.B.--There is another, altogether different, Arāish-e Mahfil, dealing with the history of India, by Sher Ali Afsos.) Tota Kuhanee. A Translation into the Hindoostanee Tongue of the popular Persian Tales entitled Tootee Numu, by Swoyud Hueder Bukhah Huedure. Under the Superintendence of J. Gilchrist. Calcutta, 1804, (An edition of four pages of this work had previously appeared in 1802 in Gilchrist's Hindu Manual.) Other Editions : Calcutta, 1836, ib., 1839; Bombay, 1840; Madras, 1841; Bombay, 1844; Delhi, 1859 ; Cawnpore, 1964; Bombay, 1870, and many others. Tota Kahani; or Tales of a Parrot, in the Hindustani Language. Translated by Saiyid Haidar Bakhah, surnamed Haidari. . . a new Edition with . . . a Vocabulary of all the words occurring in the Text, by D. Forbos. London, 1852.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[APRIL, 1903.
The Totā Kahani; or Tales of a Parrot, translated from Saiyid Haidar Bakhsh's Hindustani Version of Muhammad Qasim's Persian
Abridgment of Nakhshabi's Tūti Nama, by G. Small. London, 1875. Haidar Bakhsh (Haidari), Saiyid, - Gooli Mughfirut; or the Flower of Forgiveness, being an
Account ... of those Moosulmans called Shoohuda or Martyrs, from the Time of Moohummud, to the Death of Hoosuen at Kurbula. By Meer Huedur Bukhsh Hueduree. Calcutta, 1812.
Les Séances de Haidari, récits historiques et élégiaques sur la Vie et la Mort des principaux Martyrs musulmanes, Ouvrage traduit de l'Hindoustani, par M. l'Abbé Bertrand,... suivi de l'Élégie de Miskin, traduite
de la même Langue, par M. Garcin de Tassy. Paris, 1845. » , See Shēr 'Ali Afsūs. Hairat, Mirzā, -See Arabian Nights. Hall, F. E., - See Lallü Lal. Hari Prakās, - See Dihari Lāl. Haribchandra, - See Sur Dās. Hasan, Mir, -Sikr00l-buyan (Sihru 'l-bayan) or Musnuwee of Meer Husun, being a History of
the Prince Benazeer, in Hindooslanee Verse. Published under the patronage of the College of Fort William in Bengal. Calcutta, 1805. Many other editions, such as Cawnpore, 1862, 1874; Meerut, 1876: Cawnpore, 1878. Nusri Benuzeer (Nasr-e Benazir), or a prose Version by Meer Buhadoor Ulee, of the Sihr ool buyan, an enchanting Fairy Tale in Hindoostanee Verse, by Meer Husun; composed for the use of the Hindoostance Students in the College of Fort William, under the superintendence of John Gilchrist. Calcutta, 1803. The Nasr-i Be-narir An Eastern Fairy Tale, translated from the Urdi by C. W. Bowdler Bell.
Calcutta, Hull (printed), 1871. ► See also Nihal Chand (Lāhöri). Herklots, -See Ja'far Sharif. Hoornle, A. F. E., C.I.E., - See Chand Bardai. Hollings, Capt, W., - See Lalla Lāl; Mazhar Ali Khan Wila. Ikram Al-Ikhuānu 'B-safa. Translated from the Arabic by Maulavi I. 'A. Calcutta, 1811.
Other editions, Madras, 1840; Bombay, 1844 ; second edition, edited by Ghulam Haidar, Calcutta, 1846 ; Lucknow, 1848 ; Delhi, 1851 ; Lahore, () 1855; Lucknow, 1862; Madras, 1862; Lahore, 1868; Bombny, 1870; Bangalore, 1873; Madras, 1872; Madras, 1879; Bulandshahr, 1882 ; and others. Intikhab-i Ikhtanu 's-saja (Selections from the I. $.). Edited by J. Michael, London, 1829. Ikhwanu--safa. Translated from the Arabio into Hindustani, by Maulawi Ikram 'Ali. A new Edition, revised and corrected, by Duncan Forbes... and Dr. Charles Rieu. London, 1862. The Ikhwan-us-safa ... Third Edition, revised and corrected by W. Nassau Lees. Calcutta, 1862.
A complete Vocabulary to the Ikhwan-008-sufa; with etymological Illustrations of ... difficult Wordo. By T. P. Manuel. Calcutta, 1862.

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37
I'tiṣāmu 'd-din,
Ja'far Sharif,
Insha Allah Khan, called Insha, - Kulliyat-e Insha Allah Khan. The complete works. Delhi,
1855; Lucknow, 1876.
—
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
171
A Tale by Insha Allah Khán. Communicated and translated by L. Clint, Esq. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXI (1852), pp. 1 and ff. Continuation, translated by the Rev. S. Slater. Vol. XXIV (1855), pp. 79 and ff. (This is the celebrated tale commonly called "Kahani theth Hindi-me,' which has frequently appeared in Indian Schoolbooks such as Gutka.' Its value consists in its style, which, though pure and elegant Urdu and fully intelligible to the Musalmans of Delhi and Lucknow, does not contain a single Persian word. On the other band, it is equally free from the Sanskritisms of Pandits. The idiom (including the order of the words) is distinctly that of Urdu, not of Hindi. In this last respect, it differs from the work of Ayodhya Singh Upadhyay, in which the order of words is that usual in Hindi.
See also Section II.
Shigurf nama-e Wilayat, or Excellent Intelligence concerning Europe; being
the Travels of Mirza Itesa Modeen in Great Britain and France. Translated from the original Persian Manuscript into Hindoostanee, with an English Version and Notes, by James Edward Alexander. London, 1827.
Jarrett, Capt. H. 8., 1 Kāli Krishna, Bājā, Kagim 'Ali Jawan
An English Translation of the Akhwa-noos-safa, by Moonshee Syed Hoossain. Madras, 1855. The Ikhwan-008-suffa, translated from the original Oordoo into English Prose, and followed by a Vocabulary of the difficult Words ... occurring in the Text, by T. P. Manuel. Calcutta, 1860. Ikhwanu-s-safa; or Brothers of Purity. Translated from the Hindustant of Maulari Ikräm 'Ali, by John Platts, Esq., Carried through the Press by Edward B. Eastwick. London, 1869.
Les Animaux, extrait du Tuhfat Ikhwan ussafa . . traduit d'après la Version hindoustanie par M. Garcin de Tassy. Paris, 1864.
Qanoon-e-Islam, or the Customs of the Moosulmans of India; comprising a full and exact Account of their various Rites and Ceremonies... By Jaffur Shurreef, composed under the Direction of, and translated by G. A. Herklots. London, 1832.
-
See Muhammad Rafi'.
See Mazhar Ali Khan Wilā. (Mirza) and Lallu Lal,
Sing,hasun Butteesee, or Anecdotes of the celebrated Bikramajeet, translated into Hindoostanee from the Brij-B,hak,ha of Soondur Kubeeshuur, by Meerza Kazim Ulee Juwan, and Shree Lulloo Lal Kub. Calcutta, 1805. Second Edition, Calcutta, 1816. Other Editions: Calcutta, 1839; Agra, 1843; Bombay, 1854; Lucknow, 1862; Benares, 1865; Lucknow, 1870; ib. same date; Delhi, 1875; Lucknow, 1877; Meerut, 1882. All the above are in the Nagari character. In the Gurmukhi character, Lahore, 1876. In the Persian character, Agra, (?) 1866; Lucknow, (P) 1868.
-
Singhasan Battisi mangam (a metrical version), by Rang Lal, alias Chaman. Cawnpore, 1869; ib., 1871.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1903
Selections in the Nägarī character) in Vol. II. of Shakespear's Muntakhabåt-i-Hindi. See Section III.
Singhäsan Battint..translated into Hindi, from the Sanskrit, by Lallwi Lal Kabi ... A new edition ... with copious Notes by Syed Abdoollah. London, 1869.
A Throne of Thirty-two Images, or the Buttris Shinghashun. (Translated into English.) Calcutta, 1888.
Contes indiens. Les trente-deux Récits de Trône (Batris-Sinhasan) Oy les Merveilleux Exploita de Vikramaditya, traduits... par L. Feer. (Collections de Chansons et de Contes populaires, Vol. VI.) Paris, 1881.
(Extracts from the S. B. in J. Vinson's Manuel de la Langue
Hindoustani, pp. 150 and ff.) See Section II. Kāgin Ali Jawān (Mirzā), - Sukoontula Natuk; being an Appendix to the English and
Hindoostance Dialogues (by J. B. Gilchrist], in the Universal Character.
London, 1826. Another Edition, Lacknow, 1875. See Section II. See Harīgu 'd-din Ahmad Muhammad Rafi', commonly called Bauda;
Muḥammad Taqi, Mir. Kompeon, M., - See Nazir Ahmad. Lakshman Singh, Rājā, - Sakuntala or the Lost Ring; a Sanskrit Drama of Kalidas, translated
into Prone and Varse, with notes by Kuñwar [Räjä] Lachman Sinha, Deputy Collector, N-W. P. (pp. 95-175 of Siva Prasād's Bindi Selections (1867).] Another Edition, Benares, 1897.
The Sakuntald in Hindi, The Text of Kasrar Lachhman Sinh critically edited, with grammatical, idiomatical, and exegetical Notes, by
F. Pincott. London, 1876. Lallū Lal, - Prem Sugur ; or the History of Krishnu, translated into Hindee, by Shree Lulloo
Lal Kub. Calcutta, 1803, 1805, 1810, 1825 (with Vocabulary), 1831, (edited by Yogadhyan Misra), '1842, and many other editions in India.. In the Gujarati character, Bombay, 1854, (illustrated) 1862. The Prem Ságar; or the Ocean of Love, being a History of Krishn, according to the tenth Chapter of the Bhagavat of Vyasadeu, translated into Hindi from the Braj Bhakha of Chaturbhuj Misr, by Lallú Lal, late Bhakha Múnahi of the College of Fort William. A new edition with a Vocabulary, by Edward B. Eastwick, M.R.A.8. Hertford, 1851. Selections from the Prem Sagar ... The Hindi Text printed in the Roman Character, with a complete Vocabulary to the entire woork. By J. F. Baness. Calcutta, 1875. Second Edition, 1880.
Translations. The Prem Sagur. Translated into English, by Capt. W. Hollings. Calcutta, 1848. Second Edition, 1867. Another, Allahabad, 1900. Prem Ságar; or the Ocean of Love. Literally translated from the Hindi of Shri Lalló Lál Kab into English. By Edward B. Eastwick, C.B., F.R.S., M.R.A.S. London, 1867.
Selections from the Prem Sagar and Bagh-o Bahar. Translated into literal English, with copiour Notes. By Adālat Khān. Second Edition, Calcutta, 1881.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI,
173
Lalla LA -Rajneeti: or Talos cahibiting the moral Doctrines, and the civil and military
Policy of the Hindoos. Translated from the original Sunscrit of Narayun Pundit into Braj Bhak,ha By Bhree Lulloo Lal Kub, Calcutta, 1809. Other Editions, i6. 1827; Agra, 1849. Raja-níti, a Collection of Hindu Apologues, with a Preface, Notes, and supplementary Glossary. By F. E. H[all]. Allahabad, 1854. Other Editions : Lucknow, 1873; Calcutta, 1878. Third Edition, revised and published for the use of the Board of Examiners. By the Rev. Dr. K. M. Banerjea and Lt. Col. A. O. Toker. Calcutta, 1883.
Rajantki ya Panchõpåkhyān. A Hindi Version, by Bhairava-prasada, of the Braj-Bhakhi Text of L, L. Bombay, 1854. Another Edition, Bombay, 1866.
The Rajníti; or Tales exhibiting ..... Hindoos. Translated literally from the Hindi of Shri Lallé Lal Kab, into English, by J. R. A. 8. Lowe. Calcatta, 1858.
Analysis et Extraits du Radj-niti. By M. Ed. Lancereau, Journal
Asiatique, IV., xiii. (1849), p. 71. Madho Bilas; Tale of Madho and Sulochan, in poetry (done into Hindi from the
Sanscrit), by Lallu Ji Lall Kabi. Agra, 1846. Other Editions : Calcutta, 1868; Calcutta, (1) 1870. I have been unable to trace the earlier
editions. . . See Bibäri Lal; Kägim Ali Jawan; Maghar 'Ali Khan Wila; Muhammad Taqi. Lal Kavi, The Ch.nutru Prukash, a Biographical Account of Chhutru Sal, Raja of Boondelkhund,
by Lal Kuvi. Edited by Captain W. Price, Professor of Hindoe and Hindoostance in the College of Fort William. Published under the authority of the General Committee of Public Instruction. Calcutta, 1829.
History of the Boondelas, by W. R. Pogson. Calcutth, 1828.
(A translation of the Chhatra Praku.) Lancereau, E., - See Lallu Lāl; Magbar 'Ali Khan Wilā. Loos, W. Nassau, - See Ikrām 'Ali; Bbēr 'Ali Afnos. Lowo, J. R. A. 8., - See Lalla Lal Mahdi 'Ali Khān, - See Nibal Chand (Lähöri). Manuel, T. P., - See Hafiga 'd-din Ahmad; Ikräm 'Ali. Maghar 'Ali Khān wie, and Lallü Lal, - Buetal Puchensee; being a Collection of twenty
five Stories, related by the Demon Buetal to the Raja Bicrumajeet, translated into Hindoostanes from the Brujb, hak,ha of Soorut Kubeeshwur, by Mozhur Ulee Khani Vile, and Shree Lalloo Lal Kub. Calcutta, 1805. Other editions, Calcutta, 1809, 1834; Agra, 1843; Calcutta, 1849; Indore, 1849; Bombay, 1857; Calcutta, 1860; Calcutta, 1870; Benares, (illustrated) 1876 ; (?) Delhi, 1876. Also printed in yol. I. of Price's Hinder and Hindoontance Seleotions, 1880. See Section III. The Baitál Paolo; or Twenty-five Talms of a Demon. A now Edition of the Hindi Text,

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174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1903.
with each Word expressed in the Hindústání Character innmediataly under the corresponding Word in the Nágari; and with a perfectly literal English interlincar Translation, accompanied by a free translation in English at the foot of each page, and explanatory Notes, by W. B. Barker ... Edited by E. B. Eastwick. Hertford, 1855. Bailal Pachohtot. A new and corrected Edition, with a tocabulary of all the Words ocourring in the Text, by D. Forbes. London, 1857.
Bytal-Puchisi; or the Twenty-five Tales of Bytal, translated from the Brujbhakha into English by Rajah Kalee-Krishen Bahadur. Caletta, 1834. The Bytal Pucheeses : translated into English, by W. Hollings. Calcutta, 1860. Another Edition, ib. 1866. Reprinted, Allahabad, 1900. The Baital-Pachisi .. . translated from Dr. Forbes's new and corrected Edition, by Ghulam Mohammad Munshi. Bombay, 1863. Vikram and the Vampire, or Tales of Hindu Devilry. Adapted (from the Baital Pachisi) by Sir Richard F. Burton. London, 1870. The Baital Pachisi, or Twenty-five Tales of a Sprite. Translated from the Hindi Text of D, Forbes by J. Platts. London, 1871.
Extraits du B&tal-patchisi (traduits) par M. Éd. Lancerenu. Journal Asiatique, IV., xviii., xix. (1851-52).
Bibliothek orientalischer Märchen und Erdhlungen in deutscher Bearbeitung mit Einleitung, Anmerkungen und Nachweisen. I. Bandchen, Baitál Pachisi oder die fünfundowanzig Erzählungen eines Dämon. In
deutscher Bearbeitung, &c. By Hermann Oesterley. Leipzig, 1873. Michael, J., - See Ikram Ali. Mirzā Bēg, - See Hafizu 'd-din Ahmad. Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandya, Pandit, - See Chand.Bardai. Muhammad Asghar 'Ali Khan Nasim, -See Arabian Nights. Muhammad Aslām, -See Muhammad Rafi'. Muḥammad Faiz, - See Nihal Chand (Lähöri). Muhammad Hamid 'Ali Khān, Xãmid,- See Arabian Nights. Muḥammad Rafi', commonly called Saudā, - Intikhab-e Kulliyat-e Sauda (spelt Intikabi
Cooliyat Souda), or Selections from the poetical Works of Rufeeu oos Souda, by Moulavee Muhammud Uslam and Kazim Ulee Juvan. Calcutta, 1810. Second Edition, revised and enlarged, by Moulowe Golam Hyder. Calcutta, 1847. Muntakhabi Mugnatiyat-i Sauda. Revised Edition, by Captain H. S. Jarrett, Calcutta, 1875. Selections from the Kulliyat or complete Works of Mirza Raf-008-Sauda ...literally translated by Major Henry Court, Simla, 1872. Editions of his complete works, - Kulliyate Sauda. Poetical Works of Mirza Muhammad Rafi (Sandā). Delhi,
1853. Cawnpore, 1872, 1888. Muhammad Ramaşān, - See Nihal Chand (Lähöri). Muḥammad Taqi Khan, called Hawas, - Leili Majnûne Hawas. (The Story of the Loves of
Laili and Majnun, in verse.) Cawnpore, 1844 ; Calcutta, 1846 ; Lucknow, ib., 1862; 1869 ; Cawnpore, 1874; ib., 1982 ; 15., 1885.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
175
Muḥammad Taqi, Mir, Kooliyat Meer Tuqee; The poems of Meer Mohummud Tuqee, com
prising the Whols of his numerous and celebrated Compositions in the Oordoo, or polished Language of Hindoostan, edited by [Käzim Ali Jawan and other learned Moonshees attached to the College of Fort William. Calcutta, 1811. Shooulue ishq (Shoʻla-s 'Ish): The Flame of Love: a Hindoostance Poem, by Meer Mohummud Tuqee. Edited by Willian Carmichael Smyth. London, 1820. (This poem will also be
foand in Lallü Lal's Latãife Hindi. See Section III.) Conseils aux mauvais Poëtes, Poëme de Mir Taki, traduit de l'hindoustani, par M. Garcin de Tassy. Journal Asiatique, VIL (1825), pp. 300 and tf. Separate reprint, Paris, 1826. Consigli ai cattivi poeti (translation of foregoing into Italian by Pugliesi Pico), Palermo, 1891. The Hindöstäni text of this poem will be found on p. 124 of J. Vinson's Manuel ile la Langwe Hindoustani. Paris, 1899. See Section II. Satire contre les Ignorants (literal translation of original), by J. Vinson in Revue de
Linguistique, XXIV (1891), pp. 101 and ff.
See Lalla Lal. Nagir, - See Wali Muhammad. Nazir Ahmad, Khan Bahādur, - Air'atu 'l-'aras. (A Lindöstäni Novel, especially intended
for women.) Cawnpore, 1869; Lucknow, 1869 ; Cawn pore, 1875; Bareilly, 1880; Allababad, 1885; Delhi, 1889. The Bride's Mirror or Mir-atu l-Arus. Edited in the Roman Character with a Vocubulary and Notes by G. E. Ward. London, 1899.
Danātu 'n-na'sh. (A Tale of Indian Life, - sequel to the preceding.) Agra, 1868; ib., 1872 ; Carnpore, 1879; Agra, 1888; Cawn. pore, 1882 ; ib., 1888.
Taubatu 'n-napüh. (A novel on the importance of education and religious training.) Agra, 1874; Cawnpore, 1879 ; Allahabad, 1885; Delhi, 1889; Labore, 1895. The Taubat ----Nasik (Repentance of Nussooh) of Maulvi Haji Hafis Nazir Ahmed of Delhi ... Edited with Notes and Indea, by M. Kempson, London, 1886. Second Edition of the first five chapters, with annotations and vocabulary by the same. London, 1890.
The Repentance of N168800k. Translated from the original Hindustani by M. Kempson. London, 1884.
(Extract from the Taubatu 'n-naguh, in J: Vinson's Manuel de la
Langue Hindoustani, pp. 120 and ff. See Section II.) Nihāl Chand (Lāhori) and Shēr 'Ali Afsos, - (Gul-e Bakāwalt, also called Mazhab-e 'Ishq.)
Gooli Bukavu lee, a Tale translated from the Persian into Hindoostante, by Moonshee Nikal Chund, under the superintendence of J. Gilchrist. Calcutta, 1804. Muzhubi Ishq, on the Gooli Bukawulee, written in the Oorloo Dialect, by Moonshee Nihal Chund ... and afterwards revised by Meer Sher Ulee Ufgos... Second Edition. Revised ... by T. Roebuck. Calontta, 1815. Another Edition, edited by Muhammad Fair and Muham nad Ranagan, Calcutta, 1827; Another Edition, Calcutta, 1832. Muubai Ask. 4 Translation into the Hindoostanee

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[APRIL, 1903,
Tongue of the popular Persian Tales, entitled Goolai Bucawley, by Moonsey Neehalehund Lahoree, under the superintendent (sic) of John Gilcbrist. Sixth Edition, Bombay, 1849. Other editions, Calcutta, 1846 ; Lucknow, 1848 ; Bombay, 1850 in one volune with Mahdi 'Ali Khan's Yaouf Zulaikha and Mir Hasan's Sihru 'z-bayan); Cawnpore, 1851; Delhi, 1852 ; Cawnpore, 1869; ib., 1869, Delhi, 1872 in the Nāgari character); 16., 1878 (with illustrations); ib., 1887 (Nagari character); Cawnpore, 1875; Lucknow, 1875; $6., same year; Cawnpore, 1876 ; Delhi, 1876; Cawnpore 1877 (illustrated); 16., 1879; Delhi, 1879; Madras, 1879 ; Delhi, 1881 (illustrated); Benares, (?) 1887; Cawnpore, 1889.
Extracts from the Gooli Bukawullee are in Vol. II, of Price's Hindec and Hindoostance Selections. See Section III.
A translation into English by Lieut. R. P. Anderson was published in Delhi in 1851. I have not seen it.
Abrégé du Roman hindoustani intitulé La Roue de Bakawali. Journal Asiatique, II., xvi. (1835). pp. 193 and 338. Separate reprint, par M. Garcin de Tassy. Paris, 1885. La Doctrine de l'Amour ou Taj-ulmuluk et Bakatali, Roman de Philosophie religieuse, par Nikal Chand de Delhi (sic), traduit de l'Hindoutani, par M. Garcin de Tassy.
Paris (in Revue de l'Orient), 1868. Oesterly, Hermann, - See Mazhar 'Ali Khan Wila. Paramānanda, Pandit,- See Bibări Lal. Pico, Pagliene, - See Muḥammad Taqi, Mir. Pincott, Frederio, -See Arabian Nights ; Lakshman Singh, Raja. Platts, John, - See Ikram 'Ali; Maghar Ali Khan Wila. Pogson, W. B., - See Lal Kari Prioe, Capt. Williampe, - Soe Amman, Mir; Bahādor 'Ali, Mir; Lal Kavi; Maghar 'Ali Khan
Wila; Nihal Chand (Lāhöri); Sher Ali Afsās. Pyārā Lal, Pandit, -- See Arabian Nights. Rajab 'Ali Bag, Surür, Xiraa, - See Arabian Nights. Rang LĀI (Chaman), - Bee Kägim 'Ali Jawan. Rieu, Dr. Charles, - See Ikrām 'Ali. Roebuck, Capt. Thomas, - See Amman, Mir; afigu 'd-din Ahmad; Nibal Chand (Lāhort). Saiyid Farin, Mungki, - See Ikräm 'Ali. Sardar, - See Sur Dās. Bandā, - Spe Muhammad Rafi'. Shadi Lal Chaman, - Bee Arabian Nights. Shakespear, John, - See Kägim Ali Jawan ; Shēr 'Ali Afson. Shamsu 'd-din Ahmad, Munshi,See Arabian Nights.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
177
Shēr 'Ali Afaos, Mir, - Bagh-e Urdu, The Rose Garden of Hindoostan; translated from Shylch
Sadec's original Nursery or Persian Goolistan of Sheeran, by Meer Sher Ulee Ufsos ... under the direction and superintendence of John Gilchrist. Calcutta, 1802. Other Editions, Calcutta, 1808; Madras, 1844 : Bombay, 1846 ; Dehli, 1848 ; Bombay, 1851 (without prelatory matter). Araish-i muhfil, being a History in the Hindoostanee Language of the Hindoo
Princes of Dihlee from Joodishtur to Pithoura. Compiled from the Khoolasut-ool-Hind (of Sujan Räy] and other Authorities, by Meer Sber Ulee Ufsos. Calcutta, 1808. Other Editions: Caloutta, 1848; Lahore, 1867: Lucknow, 1870. The Araish-i-mahfil, printed for the use of the junior Members of Her Majesty's Indian Civil Services. Third Edition, revised apd corrected by W. Nassau Lees. Calcutta, 1868.
Selections from this work will be found in Shakespear's Muntakhabati-Hindi (1817) and in Price's Hindee and Hindoostande Selections (1830). See Section III.
The Araish-i-mahal, or the Ornament of the Assembly, literally translated from the Oordoo by M. H. Court. Allahabad, 1871; Second Edition, Calcutta, 1882.
Arāish-e Mahfil or sosemblage of Ornament (sic). Ten Sections of a Description of India, being the most interesting Portion of J. Shakespear's Muntakhabat-i-Hindi ... Translated from the Hindoostance and accompanied with Notes, explanatory and grammatical, by N. L. Benmobel. Dublin, 1847.
Quelque Lignes sur les Sciences des Indes, ertraites de l'Araich-iMahfil, de Mir Cher Aly Af008, et traduites de l'Hindoustani, par M. Garcin de Tassy. Journal Asiatique, IX, (1826), pp. 97 and ff.
Quelque Lignes sur les Fruits et les Fleurs de l'Hindostan, extraites de l'Araich-j-Mahfil, ou Statistique et Histoire de l'Hindostan, par Mir Cher-Aly- Afsos, et traduite de l'Hindoustani, par M. Garcin de Tassy. Journal Asiatique, XI. (1827), pp. 94 and ff.
Histoire du Règne des Pandavas dans l'Hindoustan, traduite du Teate hindoustani de l'Araich-i Mahfil de Mir Cher-i-Al Afros. Par M. l'Abbé Bertrand. Journal Asiatique, III., xiv., 1842, pp. 71 and ff.
Histoire des Rois de Hindoustan après les Pandavas, traduite du Texte Hindoustani de Mir Cher-i Ali Af808. By the same. Ib., IV., iii., 1814, pp. 104 and ff.; 229 and ff. ; 354 and ff.
Note. - There is another and altogether different Aräish-e Mahfil by Haidar Bakhsh Haidarī, which deals with the Story of Hatim Täi. The
two works have often been confounded.
See Haidar Bakhsh (Haidari); Nihal Chand (Lahori). Slater, Rev. 8.,- See Insha Allah Khan called Insha. . Small, G.,- See Haidar Bakhsh (Haidari). Smith, L. 1.,- See Amman, Mir. Smyth, William Carmichael,- See Muhammad Taqi, Mir.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1903.
Sūr Das, - Sür-sagar; Lucknow, 1864; Agra, 1876 ; Lucknow, 1880.
Drishtikat; Lucknow, 1890 (with the comm. of Sardar, called Sahityalahart); Benares, 1869 (with a comm, by Giridhar Goswami); Patna, 1889 (with a comm. by Harischandra).
Many editions of portions of the Súr-sagar have appeared in India, Syāmal Dās, Kaviraj, - See Chand Bardāl. Tahsinu 'd-din, - Qirsa-e Kamrup 7 Kala. Les Aventures de Kamrup, par Tahcin-uddin, publiées
en Hindoustani par M. Garcin de Tassy... Paris, 1835.
Les Aventures de Kamrup, text hindoustani romanisé, d'après l'Edition de M. Garcin de Taty, par M. l'Abbé Bertrand. Paris, 1859.
Vocabulaire hindoustani-français pour le Texte des Arentures de Kamrup, par MM. Garcin de Tassy et l'Abbé Bertrand. Paris, 1857.
Les Aventures de Kamrup, par Tahcin-uddin ; traduites de l'Hindoustani par M. Garcin de Tassy.. Paris, printed under the auspices of
the Oriental Translation Committee of Great Britain and Ireland, 1834. Tod, Col. James, -See Chand Bardai. Toker, Lt. Col. A. C., – See Lallu Lāl. Tolbort, T. W. H., - See Arabian Nights. Totārām Shāyān, - See Arabian Nights. Vinson, J.,- See Amman, Mir; Kazim Ali Jawūn; Muhammad Taqi, Mir; Nazir Ahmad. Wali Muhammad, usually known as Nagir, - Kulliyat, or Complete Works. Lucknow, 1870;
Delhi, 1877. Banjara Nama (contains two poems, viz., Banjara Năma, or the Story of the Grain Merchant, and Achär chuho-ka, or Pickled Rats). Lucknow, (?) 1860. Banjära Nama, and Mõli Näma, Lucknow, 1874. Giri-band-e Nazir (a collection of short poems, of which the principal is the Jöyi Nāma). Agra, (P) 1860. Laili Majnun-e Nazir (the Romance of Laili and Majnün in verse). Cawnpore, 1866 ; Delhi, 1878. Muntakhab-e Nagir (selections from his poems). Cawnpore, 1868; Bombay,
1880. Waliu Ilah, Shāh, usually known as Wali, - Diwar-i Wali. Les Oeuvres de Wali, pub
liées en lindoustani par M. Garcin de Tassy, Paris, 1834. Another edition, Lucknow, 1878. Les Oeuvres de Wali. Traduction et Notes,
par M. Garcin de Tassy. Paris, 1886. Ward, G, E., - See Nazir Ahmad. Wilā, -Sec Maghar 'Ali Khan Wilā. Williams, Monier, -See Amman, Mir. Yoga-dhyān Mibra, - See Lalla Läl.
SECTION IV-APPENDIX.
Early Translations of the Scriptures. Schultzo, Benj., and Callenberg, J., - The first four Chapters of Genesis in Hindustani.
Translated by Schultze and pnblished by Callenberg. Halle, 1745-46. Daniel by the same, Halle, 1748.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
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Schultse, Benj., and Callenberg, J., - Evangelium Lucae, in Linguam indostanicam translatum
a viro plur. reverendo Bomjam. Schultzio, evangelico in India Missionario, edidit D. Jo. Henr. Callenbergius. Halae Saxonum, 1749. The same, 1758.
Acta Apostolorum, in Linguam, eto., Halae Sax. 1819. Epistola Jacobi, in Linguam, ete. Halae Sax., 1750. Marci Evangelium, in Linguam, etc. Halae Sax., 1758. Evangelium Johannis, in Linguam, etc. Halae Sax., 1758. Johannis Apocalypsis, in Linguam, etc. Halae, 1758.
Novum Testamentum, in Linguam, etc. Halae, 1758. Hunter, Will., - The New Testament of Jesus Christ, translated into the Hindoostanee Language,
by Mirna Mohummud Fitrut and other learned Natives of the College of Fort William, revised and compared with the Original Greek by Will.
Hunter. Calcutta, 1805. erampore Missionaries (Anon.), - The New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ;
translated into the Hindoostanee Language from the Original Greek. By the Missionaries of Serampore. Serampore, 1811, [This is rather Hindi.]
Dharm-Ici Pothi (the whole Bible). Serampore, 1812, 1816, 1819, 5 Vols. The Gospels.
translated into Braj Bhakhil. Som pore, 1822. The
pore, 1822. The New Testament, 1827. The New Testament translated into Kanauji. Serampore, 1822.
Martyn, The Bex. H., - The New Testament of Our Lord and Sariour Jesus Christ, translated
into the Hindoostance Language from the original Greek, by the Rev. H. Martyn, and afterwards carefully revised with the assistance of Mirza Fitrit and other learned Natives. For the British and Foreign Bible Society. Serampore, 1814. Persian character,
The samo. Nāgari character. Calcutta, 1817.
The same. Persian character. London, 1819. Chamberlain, J., -The four Gospels, translated into the Hindui Language. Serampore, 1820.
Acts to I. Corinthians, 1893. All these in Någari type. The four
Gospels in Kaithi type. Serampore, 1823. Thompson, Rev. J. T., -The four Gospels translated into Hindi ; Serampore, 1826. Psalms,
ib., 1886. Both in Nāgari. Bowley, The Rev. William, - The New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,
altered from Martyn's Oordoo translation into the Hinduce language by the Rev. William Bowley, under the patronage of the Calcutta Auxiliary Bible Society. Calcutta, First three Gospels, 1818-19; Fourth Gospel, 1820; Acts, 1822; Entire Now Testament, 1826; an edition of the four Gospels, Calcutta, 1826, in the Kaithi character.
(To be continued.)

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MÂLÂ RASAȚRE AND MARATHI. BY STEN KONOW, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA, NORWAY. MAHARASHTRi is the principal of the so-called Prakrit languages. Dandin, in his Kavyadarsa, I. 35, states that it was based on the language spoken in Mahârâshtra, - Mahárdshirdýrayám bháshám prakrshtam Prækplan viduh.
Maharishira broadly corresponds to the country between the Vindhyas and the Kistna. According to the Balaramayaņa, X., 73 (p. 302, 18 ff. in the edition by Govinda Dêva Sastri), it comprised Vidarbha and Kantala; in other words, almost the whole territory within which the modern Marashi is spoken..
The oldest extant work in Maharashtri, the Sattasai of Hala, was, according to tradition, compiled in Pratishthana, then the capital of Maharashtra, on the Godawari. Pratishthâna is the modern Paithen, the home of several well-known Marathi poets. The tradition, according to which Hala was a king of Maharashtra, agrees with other occasional statements in Sanskrit literature. Another name of Hala is Satavahana or Salivabana, Sâlâhana. Compare Hêmachandra, Abhidhânachintamant, VII., 12 ; Dešinamamala, VII., 66 ; III., 7. According to the latter source, II., 36, Háls was a Kantala. A Kuntala Sâtakarņin Satavahana is mentioned in Vâtsyâyana's Kámasútra (p. 154), and the naine of Satakani of the Satavahana family occurs in the Nasik cave inscriptions among the members of the Andhrabhstya dynasty. Moreover, the king Såta våhana of Pratishtbåna was, according to the Kathåsaritsigara and the Brhatkathamañjari, the patron to whom Gañadhya first presented his Brhatkatha, a fact which should not be overlooked in fizing the original home of the Paisachi dialect of the Brhatkathả.
It seems impossible to doubt that the Indian tradition connects Maharashtrt with the Maratha country, so that the conclusion would be justified that Maharashtri and modern Marathi are derived from the same base. This is also the opinion held by scholars such as Bhandarkar, Garrez, Jacobi, Kuhn, Pischel, and others. Dr. Hoernle, on the other hand, in his Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages, London, 1880, pp. xviii and ff., gives a different explanation of the name Maharashtrt, incidentally used by the oldest Prakrit grammarian Vararuchi to denote the principal Prakrit dialect. He says, There are in reality two varieties of Prakrit. One inoludes the Saarasênt and the (80-called) Maharashtrt. These are said to be the prose and poetic phases of the same variety, and even this distinction is, probably, artificial. The other is the Magndbi.' Dr. Hoernle is of opinion that Vararachi's Maharashtri simply WA "& laudatory or descriptive expression, meaning the Prakrit of the great kingdom' i. e., of the famed country of the Doâb and Rajpatana ...) and therefore the principal Prakrit." Maharashtri is, he continues, not far from synonymous with what wo now call Western Hindi.'
Dr. Grierson has also stated his opinion that the connection between Mabarishtri and Marathi has not yet been proved, and has pointed out that the latter form of speech in important points agrees with eastern vernaculars. Cf. ante, Vol. XXX., 1901, pp. 553 and ff.
It will be seen that the arguments against the derivation of both languages from the same base are of two kinds. In the first place it is argued that Maharashtrt and Saurasênt are two forms of the same dialect, it being admittedly impossible to derive Marathi from the same old vernacular as Sauraseni. On the other hand, attention is drawn to the fact that Marktbt in several points agrees with eastern forms of speech which have nothing to do with Maharashtri. Both arguments are philological, and they are not weakened by the facts drawn attention to above which clearly show that Indian tradition holds Maharashtrt to be derived from the old vernacular of the Maratha country,

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It will, therefore, be necessary to deal with the matter from a philological point of view. In the first place we shall have to state the mutual relationship between the various Prakrit dialects. It will then be necessary to define the position of Marath among the modern vernacalars of India, and only then we shall be prepared to decide whether Maharashtri and modern Marathi are related in such a way as the names of the two dialects and Indian tradition would naturally lead us to believe. Before doing so it will, however, be of use to state what the meaning is of the word Prakrit.
The so-called Prakrits are literary languages based on the vernaculars of various parts of ancient India. They were at an early date described by the grammarians whose works became the sources from which later anthors learned Prakrit. In this way those dialects gradually ceased to be real vernaculars. Several rules laid down by the grammarians were probably only generalisations of tendencies in the spoken language so as to make them the common rule. On the other hand, one and the same Prakrit may be influenced by more than one spoken dialect. This was due to the fact that the Prakrits very early lost their character of local forms of speech and became the universal languages of varions kinds of literature. Maharashtri almost monopolised the lyrics and the Kavya so far as this latter kind of literature was written in Prakrit; Saurasent and Magadh bocame the dialects used by various characters in the dramatic literature. It is clear that a language such as Maharashtrt, which was used by lyrical poets from all parts of India, would in course of time adopt words and perhaps also inflexional forms from other vernaculars than that which was its original base. On the other hand, it would naturally influence the spoken vernaculars. The language of lyrical poetry is, of course, more apt to exercise such an influence than that of any other branch of literature. Every Prakrit, and especially Mâhârâshtri, should therefore be expected to be of a more or less mixed character. And this is also undeniably the case.
On the other hand, the Prakrits were no mere grammatical fictions, and the more we learn about the linguistic conditions of old India, the more we see that the differences between the various Prakrit dialects correspond to actual differences in the spoken vernaculars.
The principal Prakrit dialects described by the old grammarians are as follows:
1. Mihirashtri, according to tradition based on the vernacular of the Maratha country. It is tbe language of lyrics and the Kavya, and, in the dramatical literature, it is used in songs by those persons who are represented to speak Saurasêni in the prone passages.
2. Saurasênt, based on the dialect of Saarasêna, the country about Mathura. It is used as the prose dialect of certain categories of people in the plays.
3. Magadht, based on the dialect of the Magadha country, and used in the plays as the dialect of certain lower classes, both in the prose passages and in the songs.
4. Ardhamagadht, the dialect in which the sacred books of the Jains are written, probably based on the old vernacular spoken about and to the east of the modern Allahabad.
of these dialects, Mâhârâshtrt and Ardhamågadh are best known, less Saurasêni, and Mågadhi only very unsatisfactorily.
Saurasêni is more closely related to classical Sanskrit than the other Prakrit dialects. The vocabulary is essentially the same and free from the many provincial words which often makes the understanding of other Prakrit dialects so difficult. The inflexional system also agrees with Sanskrit in its simplicity, while other dialects show the rich variety of various forms an the old Vedic dialects. The oldest Prakrit grammarian, Vararuchi, was already aware of this olose relation between Sanskrit and Saurasêni, and he expressly states that the latter is based on the former.

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In this respect Saurasênt differs widely from Mabarishtrt, which in the rich system of inflexional forms and the frequent occurrence of provincial words agrees with eastern languages, especially with Ardhamagadbi.
On the other hand, there is a certain relationship between Saurasêni and the so-called Magadhi. Vararuchi, XIII., 2, declares that the praksti or base of that latter dialect is Sauraseni, and similar statements are made by other grammarians. And in reality, both dialects often seem to agreo very closely, in inflexional forms and in vocabulary. On the other hand, there are also important points in which they differ. These points would probably be more numerous if we knew a little more about Magadhi. Our knowledge of this dialect is, however, very limited. It seems certain that several vernaculars were considered to be related to Magadbi. We may perhaps assign the whole eastern part of India to that language, and it is probable that the particular dialect which was described as Magadhî by the Prakrit grammarians was one of the westernmost which had been largely influenced by the language of the Doab. It should be remembered that the Brahmanical civilisation of Western India came very early to the Videha country, which is to this day a stronghold of Brahmanism, and Vidêha in early times formed part of the Magadha kingdom. Brahmanical civilisation early pervaded the whole of NorthEastern India. The prevalence of the Ganda-Riti is to a great extent due to the influence of an old civilisation which had been forced into narrow forms sanctioned by old tradition. The Vidarbha-Riti, on the other hand, is closely connected with the country of Maharashtra. It is, therefore, perhaps allowable to infer that the apparent connection between Sanrasên and Magadbi was due to the influence of Sanskrit in the East, and that the vernaculars of the people were different. The modern dialects of the Magadha and Vidêhe countries seem to show that the old vernaculars of those districts were more closely connected with Maharashtrt and Ardhamågadhi.
This latter dialect may be described as a knk between Maharashtri and Magadbi, more closely connected with the former than with the latter.
It is very difficult to make a precise statement of the mutual relationship of the various Prakrit dialects, the more so because all later Indian authors usually confound them. An author like Rajasekhara, for instance, who was & native of the Maratha country, freely mires Mâhârâshtri forms and words in his Sauraserat. And some of the most striking differences between the various dialects are by no means local variations, but simply different stages in the same development.
Everyone who has the most superficial knowledge of the Prakrits will remember that they apparently may be divided into two groups, Maharashtri and Ardhamagadhi on one sido, and Saurasêni and Magadhi on the other. Both groups are distinguished by the different treatment of single consonants between vowels, and by the different inflexional systems. I have already pointed out that the latter characteristic cannot be urged so long as our knowledge of Magadhi is so limited. With regard to the former the facts are as follows.
The Prakrit grammarians teach that an unaspirated mate consonant, if not a cerebral, is generally dropped between vowels in all Prakrit dialects, and a faintly sounded y, or, in the Case of p and b, a v, is substituted for it. This y is not, however, written in other than Jains manuscripts. It seems certain that this rule of the grammarians was a generalisation of stray occurrences or of a phonological tendency, and did not exactly represent the actual facts of the genuine vernaculars. The tendency to drop consonants in such positions must, however, have been rather strong, as we find its results largely prevalent in modern dialects. Compare Marathi kumbhar, Sanskrit kumbha (k) dra, potter; tall, Sanskrit tada(9), a tank; niy, San krit sú (ch), a needle ; nonang, Sanskrit na-6) andmi, I don't know; &, Sanskrit bra, seed; sam (bhar), Sanskrit sa(t) ani, hundred; ply, Sanskrit pd(a)a, foot; k&l, Sanskrit ka(d)all, a plantain, and so on.

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The Prakrit grammarians make one important exception from the rule. At between vowels becomes d in Saurasêni and Magadhi, but is dropped in other dialects. It will be remembered that this change of t to d and the corresponding one of th to dh in Saurasêni and Magadhi is the most striking feature in which those dialects differ from Mâhârâshtri and Ardhamagadhi. Compare Sanskrit jándti, Saurasêni jánddi; Magadhi yanadi; Maharashtri and Ardhamagadbi jándi, he knows ; Sanskrit gata, Sanrasêni and Magadhi gada, Maharashtrt and Ardhamågadhi gua or gaya, gone, etc. In reality, however, this is not a difference of dialect but of time, the Boft consonant being the intermediary step between the hard one and the dropping of the whole sound. To take a parallel from a distant language, every d between vowels is dropped in Norwegian. That language has been largely influenced by Danish, in which form of epeech every t between vowels is softened to a d, while t in the same position remains in Norwegian. In such words, however, which have been borrowed in the Danish form, a d between vowels is dropped even when it represents an old t. Thus Danish lade, from late, to let, Norwegian la.
The change of t to a which is so characteristic of Sacrasêni and Migadhf is exactly analogous to the change of k to g in Ardhamagadhi and Jaina Maharashtrt ;' thus, aadga, aśoks. The grammarian Vararuchi (II. 7) also allows the change of t to d in Maharashtri in some words. It thus follows that the different treatment of a between vowels cannot be taken as the starting point of a classification of the old Prakrits.
The common theory among English scholars seems to be that the Prakrits can be divided into two groups, one western comprising Maharashtri and Saurasóni, and the other, tho eastern, comprising Magadht alone, Ardhamagadhf is then considered as a link between these two groups. Compare Dr. Hoernle, l. o., and Dr. Grierson, Seven Grammars of the Dialects and Sub-dialeots of the Bihári Language. Part I., Calcutta, 1883, p. 5, and in other later publications.
The principal points in which both groups differ are as follows:
1. All o-sounds become in the west and á in the east; thos, Saurasên kdolmah, Magadht késére, in the hairs.
2. Every r is changed to an l in the east; thus, Saurasêni rdá, Magadhi idd, a king. .
8. Every initial; is changed to a y in the east, while the opposite change from y toj is the role in the west. Thus, Saurasêại jdņé, I know; jadhd, as; Magadht ydņ8, I know ; yadhd, as. The manuscripts usually write j also in Magadhl.
4. The nominative singular of masonline a bases ends in 8 in the west and in & in the east. Thus, Saurasêni purisd, Magadht pulis, a man.
Ardhamagadht agrees with the western languages in the three first points, while in the fourth it usually has the eastern form. The nominative ending in d, however, is also used in the oldest text.
It will be seen that the features on which this classification is based are mostly of a superficial kind. The different pronunciation of various sounds cannot properly be taken as the • starting point for a philological classification. We should then, for instance, be justified in
using the different pronunciation of an original D.and the treatment of the old s in the future in Gujarati and Western Hindi in order to prove that both languages belong to quite different groups of Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. With regard to the treatment of 8-sounds in the east we know that it differed in different localities. In Dhakkt, which shares some of the characteristio features of Magadht and would certainly have to be classed as an eastern Prakrit, wo have two 8-sounds, a dentals representing the dental and cerebral 8-sounds in Sanskrit, and #palatal corresponding to Sanskrit é. Thus, pulied, a man; dasa, ten.
Jains Maharashtrt is the dialeat of non-canonical literature of the Artimbar Jains. For our prosent purpones it may be considered m identioal with ordinary McAhArlahtrt

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Dhakld also shows that the substitation of y forj in Magadhi only was a local peculiarity. Dhakki has ;; thus, jampidan, Sanskrit jalpitum, to talk. The state of affairs in the modern dialects of Magadha tends to show the same.
The Dhakkt form pulisó, a man, also shows that the nominative in ê was not used in the extreme east, and it cannot, therefore, be made the basis of a classification. The nominative in ê was probably & local form, which has, in later times, spread over a much wider area.
The common change of neuter a-bases to masculines in Mâgad bf is of a similar kind. The subsequent linguistic history of India shows how cautions we must be in using such features as the distinguishing marks between different groaps. The classification of dialects is continually modified by new developments, which, originating within a small area, afterwards spread in all directions.
The division of the Prakrits in a western and an eastern group should therefore be dropped as artificial and based on considerations which are not fandamentally important enough.
It would seem much more natural to divide the Prakrits in a Northern and a Southern group, the former comprising Saarasêni and Magadht and the other Maharashtrt and Ardhamagadhi. The former would be distinguished by a greater simplicity in its inflexional system, and by the formation of its passive voice and conjunctive participle, in all which points it differs from the southern dialects. Such a classification cannot, however, be earnestly urged, Migadhi being, after all, so different from Saurasêni that it is impossible to class both together.
The old classification was based on the theory that Saurasdnl and Maharashtrí were essen tially the same dialect. It is not any more necessary to prove that this is not the case. The phonetical laws of both are quite different, the inflexional system of Maharashtri is much more developed and much richer than is the case in Saurasêni, and the vocabulary is full of popular words, while Saurasêni in this respect hardly differs from classical Sanskrit. We may add the different form of the future, of the conjunctive participle, of the optative, of the passive, and of the emphatic particle (Maharashtri chéa, Saurasêni jéva). All these points are quite sufficient to make it necessary to distinguish both as different forms of speech,
It is a well-known fact that Maharashtri in the characteristics just alluded to generally agrees with Arabamagadhi. This proves that Maharashtri has a decided leaning towards the east, and must be quite separated from Saurasenf. Mâhârâshtri and Ardhamagadh are, on the other hand, quite distinct dialects, but they have much more in common than Mâhârâshtri and Saurasóni. Moreover, there are certain indications which show that Magadh was based on a dialect of the same kind as those which gave rise to Mâhârâshtri and Ardhamagadhi. As has alrendy been mentioned, the principal distinguishing points with regard to the latter two dialects are the vocabulary and the free use of varied inflexional forms. In other words, they show the same relation to Saurasen as the Vedic dialects to classical Sanskrit. The different vocabulary is already sufficient to show that they are radically different forms of speech. And the same is the case with their declensions and conjugations. It does not matter for our present parposes whether or not classical Sanskrit and Saurasênf are based on the vernacular of the same locality. It is sufficient to state that both seem to represent the more fixed form of the speech of the educated classes as opposed to the vernaculars of the masses. And in this connexion it is worth noting that low-caste people do not speak Saurasent in the plays.
With regard to Magadhi it is of course impossible to make a definite statement about its vocabulary. The materials available are too scanty. On the other hand, it seems to be certain that the dialect in question in several points agreed with Maharashtrt and Ardhamagadhl.

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As regards phonology, we may note the change of k to g in Jaina Mâhârâshtri, Ardha Magadhi and Magadhi; thus, Ardhamâgadht, Jaina Maharashtri savaga, Magadhi dvaga, a pupil. Compare, however, the remarks about d, f, above.
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Though 8-sounds in Magadhi generally become s, we also find instances of the change of ss to h, which plays a great rôle in the formation of the future in Mâhârâshtri and Ardhamâgadhi. Compare forms such as Magadhi puttaha and puttassa, of a son.
We may further note the cerebralising of dental sounds and the change of ? to l (i. e, ) in Maharashtri, Ardhamâgadhi, and Magadhi. Compare Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen. Strassburg, 1900, §§ 219, 289, 238.
Such changes also occur in Saurasênî, but only sporadically.
If we turn to the inflexional system we find several indications that Magadhî is based on a dialect with the same rich variety of forms as Maharashtri and Ardhanagadhi.
Thus Magadhi has, like the two last-mentioned dialects, preserved the old dative of a-bases, at least in verses. (Pischel, § 361.) It has two different forms of the genitive of the same bases, thus, puttass and puttaha, of the son; two forms of the locative, thus, muhé, in the mouth, kúrammi, in the well. There is even a third form of this case, ending in him, thus, kulahi, in the family. The genitive plural ends in anu and dham, the vocative plural in d and dhe, etc.
Note also the form tô, therefore, in all dialects with the exception of Sauraseni.
The Atman&padam, which in Sanrasênî is only used in the first person singular, occurs also in other persons in Magadhi, not, however, so often as in Maharashtri and Ardhamâgadhi. Considering the scanty materials for our knowledge of Magadhi, this point is of importance.
Optatives such as karejjú, I may do, do not occur in Saurasêni, but are occasionally found \in Magadhî and are the common forms in Maharashtri and Ardhamigadhi. Forms such as lohé am or lahé, I may take, which are the only ones used in Saurasêni, on the other hand seldom occur in the other Prakrits.
Verbal bases ending in a short a usually form their imperative in a; thus, pira, drink. In Maharashtri, Ardhamâga dhi, and Magadhi, however, we also find forms such as picáki.
The suffix illo, which plays a great rôle in Mâhârâshtri and Ardhamâgadbi, is related to élua in Magadhi gámélua, Sanskrit gramya, and the modern dialects spoken in the old Magadha country show that an l-suffix must have been common in Magadha Apabramsa,
Such indications seem to show that Magadhi was based on a vernacular which was much more closely related to Mihârâshtri and Ardhamigadh! than to Saurasêni. It should be remembered that it is used both in prose and in verses, and there is nothing improbable in the supposition that the Magadhi of the prose passages has been largely influenced by Sauraseni, the principal prose Prakrit of the plays.
Thongh the so-called Apabhraméas will not be dealt with in these pages, it may be noted that the Saurasêna Apabhramén (as also the so-called Jaina Saurasênt) often differs from Saurasêni Prakrit and agrees with the other dialects. This may, at least partly, be explained by the fact that it is, of a somewhat different origin. The Saurasêna Apabhraméa is principally known from Hemachandra's grammar, and it is a well-known fact that in many points it agrees with old Gajarati. Now Gujarat was conquered from Mathurâ, and old Gujarati was, therefore, a Saurasena Apabhramsa. It has, however, certainly been influenced by the speech of the former inhabitants. We do not know who these were. The many points of analogy between Gujarati and Konkant, however, make it almost certain that their dialect was closely related to old Marathi.

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It seems therefore necessary to divide the Prakrits in two groups, Sauragênt on one side, and Maharashtr, Ardhamagadht, and Magadhi on the other. The former agrees with classical Sanskrit in vocabulary and in its fixed inflexional system, while the latter contains many words which are unknown to classical Sanskrit, and approaches the old Vedio dialects in the rich variety of forms. On the other hand, it should be clearly understood that the dialects of the group differed from each other in many points, jast as is the case with their representatives at the present day. Our knowledge of Mågadhi is too limited to arrive at certain resnlts with regard to that dialect. It may, however, be added that the position ascribed to it well agrees with the relationship of the modern vernaculars of the Magadha country. More definite results would be obtained if we would include the Magadhi of the inscriptions and Páli in the scopo of our inquiries. I cannot, however, now enter upon the many problems connected with those forms of speech.
The relation of Maharashtri to the other Prakrits must, therefore, be defined as follows.
In some characteristics, such as the formation of the nominative singular of masculine a-bases and in the pronunciation of some consonants, it agrees with Saurasóni, and mainly with Ardhamagadhi. Its whole character, however, shows it to be * dialect belonging to a group which comprised the vernaculars of the south and east.
The modern vernaculars of India bave been classified in various ways. If we exclude the languages spoken on the north-western frontier, we may distinguish the following groups ?
1. North-Western Groap, 1. e., Kasmir, Laundâ and Sindhi. 8. Southern Groap - Marathi. 3. Western Group - Gujarati, Panjabi, Rajasthani, Western Hindi. 4. Northern Group - Western Pahart, Central Pahari, Naipall. 5. Mediate Group - Eastern Hindi.
6. Eastern Group, - Assamese, Bengali, Bihari, Oriya. According to Dr. Grierson, the third and fourth group must be considered as mutually connected and as forming one distinct branch which he calls the inner family. The first, the second, and the sixth groups, on the other hand, have certain important characteristics in common, and should be classed together as the outer family. Eastern Hindi forms the link between both.
It will be seen that Dr. Grierson's classification of the modern vernaculars agrees with that proposed above for the Prakrits.
If we abstract from the north-western languagee which have nothing directly corresponding to them in the Prakrits, we find two great divisions, one inner, corresponding to Sauraseni Prakrit, and one outer, corresponding to the southern and eastern Prakrits. To these must be added the dialects sharing some of the characteristics of both, the Mediate Group.
It is clear that such a classification can only be a very rough one. There are numerous cross-divisione, so that it is often a very complicated matter to define precisely the position of a given language. We are, in this place, only concerned with Marith, and it will be necessary to go into some detail in order to illustrate the relationship of that language to other IndoAryan vernaculars.
Dr. Hoernle, 1. o., pp. xiv and ff., points out that Marktbf in some points agrees with the Western (i. o., inner) and in others with the eastern (i.6., outer) languages. Moreover, it in
Soo Dr. Grierson, Connue of India, 1901. Indemes of Language, London, 1901. The denomination of the various groupe has been slightly altered som to agree with the system adopted in the Linguistic Survey

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many respects differs from both. He therefore considers Marathi to form a group by itself. The facts may be broadly laid down as follows:
1. Agreement between Marathi and inner languages. The prononciation is generally the same. Thus, and 6 are distinguished as in Gujarati, Panjabi, and partly in Rajasthani. The short a is pronounced as the u in English 'nut,' etc. The fact that Marathi has two 8-sounds cannot be adduced to prove a nearer connexion with eastern languages. The Bengali must be compared with the corresponding sound in Mågadhi Prakrit, which was used in all cases instead of every old 8-sound, without any attention being paid to the sound following it. The é in Marathi, on the other hand, is only used before i, i, and é, in which cases it is due to the common pronunciation of a y before these vowels (compare yénz, én, to come), a tendency which is hardly compatible with the phonetical laws prevailing in eastern languages which are averse to an initial y or w. The pronunciation of the palatals as, ta, de, etc., is not an exclusively eastern peculiarity. It is not only common in Bengali, but a similar pronunciation also prevails in some forms of Rajasthåni and Gajarâti. Compare also Kasmiri. In Marathi this pronunciation is not the only one, the true palatal sound being preserved in the same cares as those in which a dental & becomes a palatal. The Marathi system is the same as that prevailing in Telugu, and it is also possible to think of Dravidian influence. On the whole there can be no doubt that the pronunciation of Marathi, as stated by Dr. Hoernle, l. c., mainly agrees with that of western languages of the inner family. It will be remembered that Mâliârâshtri phonology had the same relation to Saurasêni, the inner Prakrit.
The demonstrative and relative prononns end in 6 in the nominative singular masculine in Marathi as in Western Hindi, while the Eastern dialects have forms ending in é. Compare Marathi dao, Bihårt jé, who. In connection with this point it should be noted that the nominative singular of a-bases in old Marathi ends in u or 6, which corresponds to ô in the Western Prakrits, and not to é in the eastern. Thus old Marathi nandanu, a son ; rávo, a king. The nominative of strong masculine basea ends in á in Marathi. This d is, however, probably the direct development of an old a-6. An a-l or a-a would regularly become é in modera Mara bi. It seems, on the whole, difficult to base any conclusions on the different forms of the nominative of these bases. Elee we should be obliged to separate Markthi from Konkani, Gajarati and Rajasthani from Panjabi and some dialects of Western Hindi.
It will be seen from the preceding remarks that Marathi agrees with the inner languages in the same points as those in which Mâhârâshtri marched with Sauraseni, viz., in pronunciation and in the 6-form of the nominative singular of masculine a-bases.
Marathi also agrees with the inner languages in two other important points, in the regular age of a case of the agent and the consequent passive construction of the past tense of transitive verbs, and in forming the infinitive with an n-suffix.
With regard to the former of these two points, it does not seem to be of fundamental importance. The origin of the past tense from a past participle passive, and the corresponding use of the past participle in all Prakrits as a passive form of the past, clearly sbow that the active construction of such tenses so often found in eastern verpaculars is a comparatively late development, and may thns be compared with the dropping of the neuter gender in most IndoAryan vernaculars. With regard to the second point, the formation of the infinitive by adding an -suffix, it should be borne in mind that Marathi also possesses a v-infinitive, corresponding to the 6-forms in the east, and that this latter formation of the infinitive by no means is confined to the outer languages, but is quite common in Gujarati, a language which certainly belongs to the inner family.

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We thus see that the most important points in which Marathi ngrees with the western (i..., inner) languages are the same which were common to Mâbârâshtri and Saurasên.
2. Agreement between Marathi and the eastern languages of the outer circle.
It has already been pointed on that the similar pronunciation of the palatals in Marathi and some eastern dialects cannot be urged as proving any closer relation. The same is the caso with the broad pronunciation of a short a in Konkani, which might be compared with the pronunciation of the same sound in Bengalt. A short a is pronounced in the same way in several dialects of Gujarati Bhilt, and is due to causes which we cannot as yet account for. It is foreign to Marathi proper, as are also the short e And o which are so characteristic of eastern languages and of Konkani. E and o had a short as well as a long sound in all P akrits, and the abolishing or retaining of the short variety is due to phonetical developments within the single dialect,
The d-nominative of strong masculine bases has already been dealt with, and it does not seem safe to lay any stress on it.
In the same way I do not venture to make an argument ont of the so-called pronominal suffixes which Dr Grierson has shown are need in most languages of the outer family, because I have not been able to convince myself of their existence in Mara hf. Compare Dr. Grierson in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIV., Part I., 1895, pp. 886 and ff., pp. 352 and ff.
The l-future, which Marathi shares with Rajasthani and some northern dialects, has been compared with thu l-present in Bibart by Dr. Hoerple and others. Its existence in Rajasthani, however, shows that it is not an exclusively eastern form, and I shall not, therefore, do more than mention it.
The principal points in which Marathi agrees with eastern forms of speech, and which seem to be of fundamental importance, on the other hand, are the oblique form in d and the l-sofix of the past tense. These features pervade the whole inflexional system of the language, and are accordingly of sufficient importance to prove a closer connection.
With regard to the former point, the oblique base ending in é, it must be noted that this form is much more common in the east than has been recognised by the grammarians, and forms an essential feature of those languages. Compare Bihat pahar, a guard, oblique pahará, Maratht, which is a much more conservative language than its neighbours towards the cast, uses this form in all a-bases; thus, bdp, a father; bapd-tad, of the father. The form bápd cannot be separated from båpas, which is usually a dative, but is also, dialectically, used as an ordinary oblique base. Thus bdpds-na, by the father, in the Konkan. Both forms must be derived from the old genitive; compare Maharashtri bappassa, of the father.
The L-suffix of the past tense is a secondary suffix wbich was originally added to the past participle passive. It was not originally necessary, and even at the present day it in occasion ally dispensed with, not only in the east, but also in Marashi dialects. Tbns Chitpawant máyard and mdrild, it was struck.
The 1-8ffix must be derived from & Prakrit form containing a doublo II, it being an invariable rule in Markth that every single non-initial / becomes a cerebral !, while & dental I in tbe some position goes back to a double Il in Prakrit. Compare a paper by the present writer in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1902, pp. 417 and ff. The prototype of the 1-goflix is, therefore, the suffix illa which plays a great rôle in Maharashtri and Ardhamagadht, and probably also in Magadbi, bat is not used in Sauraseni. The oldest instance of its use in the past tense is Ardhamågadhi ánillia, brought.

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Marathi thas agrees with western vernaculars in pronunciation, in the regular use of the case of the agent, and in a form of the nominative singular of a-bases which can be traced back to the old Maharashtrt form ending in 8. With eastern forms of speech it agrees in two fundamental points, the oblique base ending in á, and the past tense formed by adding an l-suffix. We may add that the inflexional system of Marathi, at least to some extent, has the same richness of forms which characterises the eastern languages as opposed to the western ones.
The features in which Marathi differs from the western as well as from the eastern languages do not concern us here. Compare Dr. Hoernle, l. c.
It will be seen that Marathi occupies exactly the same position within the modern IndoAryan vernaculars as Mâbârâshtri among the Prakrits. The arguments adduced against the derivation of both languages from the same old vernacular have not proved valid, and we will have to adhere to the Indian tradition that Maharashtr was based on the old vernacular of the Maratha country.
We are now prepared to turn our attention to some additional proofs which are furnished by occasional points of coincidence between both languages. It is unnecessary to aim at completeness in the enumeration of such facts, but it will be useful to select a few instances. For further details, we may refer the reader to two older papers, one by M. Garrez in the Journal Asiatique, VI., XX., Paris, 1872, pp. 203 and ff., the other by Professor Kuhn in the Zeitschrift ir tergleichende Sprachforschung, XXXIII. p. 478 f. M. Garrez's article must, however, be used with caution; compare Dr. Grierson, above, Vol. XXX. pp. 553 and ff.
It will be noted that many forms in which Marathi will be shown to agree with Mâbârashtrt also are found in other modern vernaculars, especially in the east. This could not possibly be otherwise if the preceding remarks are correct. I have not, therefore, thought it necessary to note such instances, my present aim being to adduce additional proofs for the derivation of Marathi and Mâhârlightri from the same source, which seems to be necessarily inferred from the facts already adduced.
For our present porposes we must refrain from a comparison of the vocabulary of both languages, though considerable results might be derived in such a way. In the first place we know too little of Saurasêni and Magadhi, and in the second place it would be unsafe to compare the vocabulary of modern vernaculars so long as we have not good dictionaries in all of them. Something in this direction has already been done by M. Garrez in the article just quoted. Compare, however, Dr. Grierson, l. c. We shall therefore only draw attention to a few points of phonology and inflexion where Marathi seems to agree with Mâhârîshtri.
Vowels.- Long vowels are often shortened in Maharashtri and Ardhamagadhi ; thus, kumara, Sanskrit kumara, a boy. This form does not occur in Sacrasêni, but must be compared with Marathi Kumar. Haridra, turmeric, often becomes huludli or haladli in Maharashtri. Compare Marathi halud, dative halal-la.
The Sanskrit vowel și is sometimes differently treated in the old dialects. Thos, Sanskrit krita, done, becomes kaa in Maharashtrl and Ardhamagadhi (compare Magndhi and Ardhamagadhi kada), but usually kida in Saurasüni. Similarly, we find Maharashtri and Ardhamagadhi ghaa, Saurasent ghida, Sanskrit ghrita, clarified butter. Compare Marithi kell, i.e., kaa-illaani, done (bat Hindi kiyd, i. e., kidaa), while ghi, clarified butter, which is derived from the form ghida and is qnite common in Hindi, according to Molesworth is scarcely used in Marathi and must be considered as a Hindi loan-word. In this connexion we may also mention Marathi Ekáú, Maharashtri bhdua, Sanskrit bhratsika, a brother. Also Sagrasênt has, however, bhd lua, but most modern vernaculars have bhái, which represents a Prikrit bhdia.
Consonants. It has already been noted that one of the most striking features in which Maharashtri and Ardbamigadbi differ from Saurasent (and Migadbl) is the treatment of

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& Sanskrit between vowels, which becomes d in the latter, and is dropped in the former group. Many verbal forms contain such a I, and this is the reason why the different treatment of it playe 80 conspicuous a role in the Prakrits. It has already been stated that no great importance can be attached to this point. Still it is of interest to note that modern Marathi has dropped the t in all verbal forms, and there are no traces of participles such as Gajaráti kidhô, done ; lidho, taken; pidhó, drunk. Old Marathi khádild, eaten, is quite different, the.d, which belongs to the baso, having probably been re-introduced through the influence of the Sanskrit form.
Soft consonants are occasionally hardened in the Prakrits. Thus, Maharashtrl machchař for majjai, Sanskrit mddyari, he grows mad; vachchai for vajjai, Sanskrit vrajati, ho walks. Compare Marathi matsana, to swell, to rise in force (Hindi machana); Konkani votow, to go.
Consonants are occasionally Aspirated. Compare Maharashtrl-list and Skisi, Sanskrit brist, Marâțbt thisd (Hindi bhis), stalk of the lotus.
The aspiration has apparently been thrown back in MAbarashti and Ardhamagadhi ghettush, Sanskrit grabitual, to seize. Compare Marathi ghat-17, taken. According to M. Garrez, this word is peculiar to Marathi as the corresponding Prakrit word was to Mâbârishtri and Ardhamagadhi.
An initial dental d has become cerebralised in Maharashtr and Ardhamagadht in words such as dasai, Sanskrit daian, he bites ; dahai, Banskrit dahati, he burns ; dsla (probably from Sanskrit ddla, oscillating), an eye ; dollai, Sanskrit doldyatë, he swings; d'halaa, Sanskrit dóhalake, the longings of a pregnant woman; darai, Sanskrit darati, he fears, and so forth. Compare Marathi daseną, to bite; dákó (poetical), heat; dadeand, to be hot; dold, an eye ; dólan, to walk nodding; póha!d, longings of pregnant woman; daron, to fear.
The interchange between cerebral and dental in Marathi has been shown by Bhandarkar to correspond to the state of affairs in Jaina Maharashtrt and late Ardhamagadhf. Every initial n and every double becomes a dental in Marathi, while every medial single n is cerebral and represented by a cerebral in Marathi. Compare Bhandarkar in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XVII. 1889, p. 166.
We may add stray forms such as Maharishtri and Ardhamågadhi chhetta, Sanskrit kgetra, Marktbl wl, but Saurasên khetta, Hindi khét, a field; MAh Arishtrt kira, Marathi leír, but Sanskrit and Saurnalni kila, forsooth; Sanskrit gardabha, Maharishtrt gaddaha, Marathi gadhav, but Saurasêni gaddaha, Hindi gadhá, an ass; Maharashtri pannasah, Marathi pannds, fifty, and so forth.
All these instances show that Marathi and MAhirishţrt have many phonetical laws in common, When we find the same facts recurring in other modern vernaculars, it is quite natural that we should find them in the east. Ardhamågadh shows that the phonology of eastern Prakrits was more closely connected with Maharashtri than with Bagrasêni. As regards the vernaculars derived from the same source as Saurasens, the many instances where both differ cannot fail to show that the literary Banrasêni was based on the vernacular of a comparatively small area or of a definite clase of people, and that the popular dialects of the Satrusons country in many pointe differed, or bave sn bsequently been largely influenced from other sources. We are still far from being able to trace all the elements which have contributed to the formation of the various dialects of Western Hindi, though we know enough to state definitely that their main base was a Saurashna dialect.
Nouns and Pronouns.-It has already been pointed out that the nominative singular for masculine a-bases ends in 8 in Mabtrishtri (and Sanrasêni), and that old Marktht shows that the same was the case in the language of the Marathw.country. It has also been mentioned that Magadhi shows a tendepey to change neuter as bases to masculipe. This tendenoy does not

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THE MAHARASHTRI AND MARATHI.
exist in Maharashtrt, and modern Marathi here again agrees in preserving the neuter gender, while most modern vernaculars, with the exception of Gujarati and rural Western Hindi, have replaced it by the masculine.
191
The genitive of i-bases often ends in issa in Maharashtri and Ardhamâgadhi; thus, aggissa, Sanskrit agnéḥ, of the fire; but Saurasêni only aggins. Bases ending in in have in the same dialects been confounded with them; thus hatthissa, Saurasêni hatthino, Sanskrit hastinah, of an elephant. The only in-base which has survived in Marathi is hdthi, an elephant, and the dative of this word is háthis which is the direct descendant of hatthissa.
With regard to pronouns we may note that the typical Maharashtrî forms majjha, my, and tujjha, thy, have survived in Marathi mádshd, my; tudzhd, thy.
Verbs. With regard to the conjugation of verbs, it is of interest that Marathi has preserved a good deal of the variety of different forms which characterised Mâhârâshtri. Marathi here again proves to be a more conservative language than its neighbours. Thus we not only find the old present, future (see below), and imperative, but also some traces of the optative. Compare,
Dekha indriya adhina hije taï éítôshna-tē pávijó áņi sukhaduḥkhi akalijé ápaṇa-pa; See, if a man is dependent on his senses, then he will suffer cold and heat, and tie himself to pleasure and sorrow.' (Jndnesvari, II. 119.) Such forms have usually been explained as passives used in an active sense. no doubt that passive forms are often so used, This seems, however, to be fact that they were confounded with remnants of the old optative.
And there can be partly due to the
The old passive survives in forms, such as lábhand, to be got; did, to appear, and so on. In old poetry, however, a passive formed with the characteristic j is in common use. Thus, vadhijati, they are killed; kijé, it is done. In modern Marathi only the forms mhanjé, it is said, namely; and pahije, it is wanted, have survived.
It should be noted that such forms correspond to the Maharashtri passive ending in ijjai, while Sauraseni has tadi. Jaina Saurasêni has forms ending in ijjadi. That dialect in many respects occupies a position intermediate between Baurasêni and Mahârâshtri. Compare Gujarâti and Rajasthâni.
The Marathi future is now formed by adding an l-suffix, as is also the case in Rajasthani and some northern dialects. In the first person singular x is in most dialects added instead, and in the first person plural no addition is made. The base of the future is identical with the old present, which is now used as a habitual past, but in poetry also has the functions of a present, a past, and a future. Thus, the, I used to rise; uthen, I shall rise.
It seems probable that the habitual past is not only derived from the old present, but also from the old future. For though the modern future usually agrees with it, there are instances in the dialects where both differ. Thus Nagpuri nidso, I used to sleep; but nidaan, I shall sleep. A confusion between the old present and the old future might easily take place, as both would often necessarily have assumed the same form. In Maharashtri the future was formed by means of the suffix iss, which was often changed to ih. Thus, hasihimi and hasissam, I shall laugh; hasihisi and hasissasi, thou wilt laugh; hasihii and hasissai, he will laugh. The forms hasihimi (or hasikish), hasihisi, hasihii, would regularly become hast, hasts, hast, in Marathi, and it seems probable that they have contributed to the formation of the past habitual. This would account for the use of this tense in the formation of the future. In this connexion it should be noted that the difference in the formation of the future in the two conjugations in Marathi seems to be artificial. In poetry and in the dialects both forms are used without any difference at all. Thus in the Marathi dialect of Berar and the Central Provinces we find both asil and asal (Standard asl), he shall be. Forms, such as utha, uthés, uths, I used to rise, etc., would be the direct derivations of Mahârâshtri ufthémi, utthesi, uffhéi, and it seems to be allowed to

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conclude that the 6-form of the habitual past and the fatare is derived from the old present, the f-form from the old fature. I may add that dialectically the l-suffix is dropped in the Marathi future. Thus, Karhadi márói, thou wilt strike, a form which seems directly to correspond to Maharashtu márissasi or márihisi, when it is borne in mind that a short i in the penultimate is regalarly dropped in that dialect.
Marashi infinitives, such as marā, to strike; wha, to arise, etc., neem to be directly derived from MAbarashtri marimi, withium. The participle of necessity ending in avva in Mâhârâshtri (Sanskrit tavya) is used in the same sense in modern Marathi, while in other dialects it has become a future. Thus Marathi mya karáol, Mâbârâshtri maé kariarvaan, it should be done by me, I should do.
The conjunctive participle ende in una in Maharashtri and often also in Ardhamågadbl, bat asually in ia in Saurasent and Magadhi. Jaina Mâhârâshtrf also nees the form ending in ; thus, kahiun, having told. To such forms corresponds the Marathi conjunctive participle ending in un from older 1-nid, i. e., i-nid, which contains the old mit (compare old forms such as nirdali, having destroyed) and a second soffix nid which must be compared with Gujarati ne. Thus karún, old Maritht karunid, having done. The common 7 in such forms (compare karonyia and karwnyia, having done) is due to the same reasons as Apabhra mía lahat, to take, etc. It is of importance to note that the different formation of this participle is very marked in the old Prûkrits, Marathi as usual agrees with Maharashtri.
We may add correspondence in the syntax, such as the use of the Denter in adjectives qualifying words of different genders; the use of adjectives instead of adverbs; the use of the present participle as a conditional; the frequency with which an l-Baflix, corresponding to an old illa, occurs; and, lastly, the use of the emphatic particle Maharastri chéa, chia, chcha, Marathi chi, ts. The particle chea, etc., is only used in Maharashtri and Ardbamigadhi, the corresponding word in Sauraseni being jéry. Both forms have survived, the former in Marathi 18, chi, Cbbattisgarhi éch, the latter in Gujarati j.
Such instances of agreement would not prope much if they were isolated. Taken together, however, and considered in connection with the general reasons adduced in the preceding pages, they cannot fail to add strength to the conclusion that the Indian tradition is right in referring Marathi and Maharashtri to the same locality.
One immediate consequence of this result is that Khandési can do more be considered as a dialect of Marathi, It would take us too far to enter apon this question in the present place. Safice it to state that Khandest will in the Linguistic Surrey be shown to be a dialect based on Gujarati and not on Marathi.
It will be borne in mind that MAhariabtrt, though decidedly showing a leaning towards the east, is a rather independent language, oocapying a somewhat, intermediary position. The same is the case with Marathi. And the conservative tendencies of that language bare, to a great extent, prevented it from being influenced by its neig labours. Nowhere do we find it dropping gradually into a neighbouring form of speech. The frontier line between Marathi on one side and Rajasthani and Gajaráti on the other is a very marked one. Only in the West we see that Maruthi has largely influenced Khandesi and some Bhil dialects which might be considered as links between Marathi and Gujarati. They are not, however, in reality intermediate languages, but mixed forms of speech which have borrowed from Mankthi. The state of affairs in the east is similar. There is no link between Marathi and Chhattlagashi or Marktbi and Oriya. The Halbi dialect, which has sometimes been described as a dialect of Chhattisgarhi and sometimes of Marathi, is in reality none of both. It is a mongrel form of speech adopted by a tribe of non-Aryan descent. The inner form of the dialect is Chhattisgarhi and Origa, Marathi having contributed several suffixes which are added to the simple base and not to a form corresponding to the oblique base in Marathi.

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THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY.
198
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIITH CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE. (Concluded from p. 189.)
Appendix I. Despatches to Bengal.
1700 - 1796. Extracts with regard to the Settlement at the Andamans. 30th March 1792. We shall postpone giving you any directions relative to the No Battle mont on the Andamans, until after the receipt of Captain Kyd's Survey and investigation and the Report of Commodore Cornwallis
28th February 1708. We hato referred to your Proceedings of the 6th and 29. July 1791, for information respecting the Harbour to the North East of the Great Andaman Island, and which, in the opinion of Commodore Cornwallis, is much superior, for a Fleet of Men of War, to Port Cornwallis i.e. the modern Port Blair); and direct that you transmit to Us Oopy of the Plan of this Harbour together with the former report of Commodore Cornwallis, the Surveys of Captain Kyd and Lieutenant Blair, with overy other necessary material to enable us to come to final decision respecting the fitness of this new Settlement over that which has been formed at Penang, or Prince of Wales Island.
15th April 1796. Andamans. In consequence of the decided opinion of Admiral Cornwallis in favor of the Harbour at the North East end of the Great Andaman Island, A8 & safe and convenient Port for Squadron of Ships of War, we approve of your resolution for removing the stores and every other part of the Establishment that was made at the Harbour which has hitherto buon called Port Cornwallis [i. e. Port Blair], to the Harbour recommended by the Commodore.
We likewise approve of the measures that have been taken for effecting the New Settlement, and of the Allowances to the Officers and others employed in that service, as mentioned in your subsequent Dispatches, and the proceedings to which they refer.
We direct that you send us Copies of all the Plans and Surveys that have been or shall be taken of this new Harbour. We observe that several have already been taken, and that others are expected to be made, and we desire that a regular List thereof may be transmitted to us. We observe that Major Kyd, appointed temporary Commandant and Superintendent of the Works to be erected on Chatham Island (in the modern Port Cornwallis) has been directed to prepare a plan of Fortifications for its defence of the Port, whether in the absence of the Fleet, or for the protection of any number of ships blocked up in the Harbour by a superior force. You will of course furnish us with Major Kyd's report, and an Estimate of the expence of the proposed works, that we may be enabled to give you such directions upon the Subject, as the situation of affairs buth in India and Europe shall appear to require; md no works bat such as may be deemed necessary for immediate defence are to be commenced without our previous annotion.
It appears by your subsequent Dispatch of the 12th August 1793, that in consequence of Captain Blair's report therein referred to a more minute investigation is to be made of the Soundings at North East Harbour (now Port Cornwallis, and that you are endeavoring to ascertain the CAUSE of the late uncommon sickness among the Settlers. We have therefore no farther Directions to give you upon this subject at present..
Your recommendation for establishing Courts of Justice at the Andamans will be taken inte consideration.

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We approve of your determination that all Notorious Offonders sentenced to be confined for life shall be transportod to the Andamans to be employed in clearing the Lands or on Publie Buildings or Works.
grd July, 1796. We approve of your determination for sending a Number of Convicts from the Nixamut Adawlut to the Andamans.
For the reasons stated we approve of your having taken up – Vessel, built by the late Colonel Kyd, for the Service of the Andamans.
For the forcible reasons that have been urged, we approve of the addition which has been made to Major Kyd's Allowances as Superintendant of the Andamans.
5th January 1796. We have perused the very able and impartial Report part the first from Major Kyd, referred to in the 5th Paragraph of your Letter in this Department of the 20th March last, upon the comparative advantages of the two Settlements at Prince of Wales Island and the Andamans. But as you have declared your intention of communicating to us your Sentiments upon this subject by the next Ship and as we had previously desired your opinion thereon we shall not enter at this time into the consideration thereof.
27th July 1706. For the reasons stated we approve of your Request to the Bombay Govern. ment that European Convicts should not in future bo ordered to the Andamans.
We approve of the Snow Druid having been freighted for carrying Supplies to the Andamans.
9th May 1797. From the information contained in the very able Report of Major Kyd, referred to in these 739 & 756h Paras of your Letter, and for the reasons assigned in your subsequent Dispatch of the 7th March 1796, we approve of your Resolutions of the 8th February preceding, for withdrawing the Settlement at the Andamans; and we are pleased to find by the 14th Paragraph of your Letter of the 5th July last, that except the freight of a small Vessel stationed at the Andamans merely to keep possession, every expense on account of the Establishment had ceased.
Appendix II. Among a series of MS. Records at the Indix Office known as E, I, Co. Home Serios, Miscellaneous, are two of much interest in the present connection No. 484 giving M! LA Benume's romarks concerning the Andamana in 1790, and No. 888 giving Lieutenant Btokoe's. • Concise account of the Andamans,' with & plan of Port Cornwallis, dated 1793. Through the courtesy of the authorities I am now able to publish them.
No. I. E. I. Co., Home Series, Miscellaneous, 431 J. Letters from Mr George Smith to M! Dundas afterwards Viscount Mulville on various topics.
Extract from lotter dated 10 January 1790 introducing M! Melchior La Beaume, directed to William Cabell Esq!
"You will find him (M! La Beaume) a sensible, Intelligent, and well informed Man, who is capable of giving useful information relative to India, & its Commerce and on that account, I introduce him to you, and should be glad that you would for the same reason present him to Mp Dundass. To M! La Beaume is principally owing any late Discoveries which we may have made at the Andyman Isles, for to my knowledge, he proposed to undertake at his own Expence the Discu rery of these Isles, and of placing a Colony there, if he succeeded in finding a proper Harbour, or Port for the reception of ships of war, and proper place for planting a Colony, he then was to be paid such sum as might be agreed upon between him & Government, if he did not succeed, he was to receive no recompense, a proposition of this public spirited Tendency, did I do verily believe Spur Government to the Discovery of these Isles, what effects have attended it, I cannot say,

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the officer sent on that Expedition being tied down to Secrecy. Ports however there certainly are, and whatever advantages we may reap from a possession of these Isles, are in a great degree owing to Mr La Beaume, and this I say from knowledge, for I translated for him the Memorial which he delivered to Colonel Rose for Lord Cornwallis on the subject of the Andyman Isles, and the conquest of the kingdom of l'egu in their Vicinity."
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Enclosed in the above letter is Observations on the present state of the kingdoms of Ava and Pegu and the means of joining them to the British dominions in India,' by Melchior La Baume. In this paper occur the following remarks on the Andaman Islands: -
"The two Islands Andaman opposite to Pegu deserve in a particular degree the attention of the English Nation for they would belong of right to the People who would be generous enough to make themselves masters of them and civilize their inhabitants. A Foreign Captain who passed through the Channel which divides the two Islands has assured me that he had found an excellent Harbour in it and nowhere less than seven Fathoms.
If the Universe applauds the medal which England caused to be struck for the Duke of Bedford for having planted Oak what would not be the reward of the illustrious Governour and Supreme Council who should order the execution of so glorious an enterprise.
My humble opinion is that their names would be immortalized and that thousands of their Fellow creatures would bless them for ever.
However notwithstanding I consider the success of this project as morally certain its' importance should make me diffident of my own abilities, and I request that this memorial if found to have any merit may only be considered as an Essay, offering my services and every good that can result from the experience of thirty five years residence in India, and the emulation I must naturally feel from my sincerest wishes to be an instrument in hastening its perfection and Execution.
N.B. Mr La Beaume in presenting the annexed Observations to my Lord Cornwallis offered to examine the Andamans at his sole expence, provided the informations were found to be unfavorable. The Success which those who afterwards explored it [met with] were Superior to the most Sanguine expectations.
Melchior La Beaume."
No. II.
E. I. Co. Home Series. Miscellaneous. No 388. Letters from Sir John Murray to M: Dundas chiefly upon military and political topics.
In Letter dated 15th May 1794. Sir John Murray sends four enclosures to Mr. Dundas, He describes No 2 as follows-"No 2 is a concise account of the Andamans. Mr Stokoe, of the Engineers, furnished me with this paper, which is drawn up by himself: but he does not wish that public use should be made of it yet -as Major Kyd who commands on the Island, and is an intelligent able officer, deems another years residence there necessary before he delivers an official Report regarding it." Below I now give the "concise account."
A Concise Account of Port Cornwallis, Andamans, with a Sketch of the Plan of the Harbour.
Situation.
The Situation of the Andaman Islands are too well known to require a Particular explanation in this slight Memoir, it may be sufficient to observe, they are a Continuation of the Chain of small Islands extending from Cape Nagrais to Atoheen Head, What has usually been called the Great Andaman stretches from North Latitude 11. 20m to 130 38m, it is however separated by Mac Phersons Straits, the East entrance of which is in No Lat. 11. 27m, and the West in 11. 80m, and also by middle passage, the East entrance being in Lat 12. 2m, and the West in

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12. 13m - Vessels drawing 2 and 3 fathom water may go thro' either of these passages. At particular seasons of the year they occasion strong and dangerous Currents setting to Westward.
Chatham Islapd. Chatham Island in Port Cornwallis, on the Eastern side of the Island on which the present Settlement is Established, is sitnated in N. Lat180, 20m and in East Longitude from Greenwich 920, 55m. 55'. Its extreme Length, North & South, is a little more than 8000 yards. Its greatest Breadth at the North End is 900 yards; On this face the Colony is formed, the breadth varies inconsiderably, until it approaches the South end of the Island, where it terminates in Darrow spit, fordable at low Water to the Main, about 400 yards across.
Surface. The Surface is extremely irregular, being perpetual succession of Ridges & Valleys in all directions, the former are not very high, the sides of most of them are thrupt, and cut into deep Gullies by the Periodical Rains; the latter are in general narrow and confined, with
Ravine or Watter Course in the Center of each. The whole Leland is so thickly covered with Jungle, that it is difficult to calculate with accuracy the extent of level Land, judging from the few spots we have cleared, there can hardly be more than an eighth part level, or of an easy inclination. The high grounds are cloathed with Timber Trees, some of them of an astonishing size their Trunks are mostly concealed from view by innumerable strong creepers, which greatly impede our progress in clearing, they being interwoven in such a manner, as to render it impracticable to drag them down, or to get rid of them, except by fire. The Valleys abound with the wild Beetlo Nut, and various Trees of slight fibre, useless for the most part 48 Timber. The Sons of the Island, and all the neighbouring shores, are garnished with the Mangrove and other Aquatic Trees, some species of which afford good knees, and crooked Timbers for building boats and small vessels.
Soil. There is an artificial soil of rich black mould over the whole Island evidently formed by decayed leaves and other vegetable matter, it is seldom deeper than five or six inches, except around tbe Roots of the larger Trees, where it is often more than foot deep; beneath this is the natural soil, apparently of a Suift, fat, yellow loam, but experience has shown as that when filled for Cultivation, and exposed to the force of the Rains, it becomes a mere sand, and probably will not prove Tory Productive, as there is soarcely - Tree to be met with on the Island having a Tap Root, on the contrary the Roots extend to an incredible distance in search of the Artificial Soil, along the exterior Surface, and have so slight a hold of the ground that it is imprudent to leave single Trees standing as they usually fall the first Wind that blows. It is a question whether in clearing for the purposes of Agreculture, we may not deprive the Lands of the source of their most Prolific Soil, and when turned for Cultivation, whether the good Soil will not be washed away, has been the case in our Garden, at the expiration of the S. W. MORBoon, it was a mere bed of Sand, and we were under the necessity of collecting the Vegetable Mould from other places to restore ita fertility. The spot for this Garden was certainly ill chosen being at the foot of an extensive Ridge, and having a gradual slope to the Water edge; there are spots where we may resonably expect a more favorable issue, one of which we have cleared, and put into cultivation, s an experiment the approaching Monsoon. A small quantity of Paddy planted, proved very productive, and some Manilla Indigo seed afforded A most luxuriant Crop, and was from five to six feet high, and much superior in appearance to any I ever saw, either in the Deccan, the Douab, Bengal, the Carnatic, or Mysore Country.
Troog. Of Trees useful to an Infant Colony for common pa poses, there are many sorts, (Musters (samples] of which, with the Head Carpenters Account of them, aceompanying have been sent to you) it does not appear that any of them are equal to Teak or Sissoo, and very few to Saule
Oroopers Tiere are an immense variety of Creepers, the wild Pawn has been an Aoquisition to the Native Settlers, and two or three different species of Acetogs Vines, have proved highly beneficial to the Scorbutic Patients, the Bamboo, Ground Rattan, &c, are all useful.

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THE ANDAMANS IN TAB XVIITX CENTURY. THE ANDAMANS IN THE
197
Water. There is great abundance of good fresh Water, the high Grounds are full of Springs, the neighbouring Shores afford plenty of Water, and as it every where ouzes from the Hills, it creates
Basou for itself at the foot of them, from whence, as it is still above high Water mark, it may be conveyed to the Casks, in the Boats, with great facility, either by. Trough, or Canvas Pipe.
Quadrupeds. The only Quadrupeds We have seen are Hogs, Rats, and the Johnoumon [a " writer's error" for ich neumon), the two former commit constant depredations in our Garden and Granary; the Guinna [an error for guiana= iguana) a four footed Animal of Lizard Tribe destroye our Poultry &c.
Birds. There are many Birds of beautiful Plumage, in particular numerous Classes of Pigeons, Doves, Woodpickers, and Fly Catchers, there is neither Game or Wild Fowl of any kind; The only Bird of Prey, we have observed is the Fish Hawk.
Reptiles. There are many Species of Snakes, Scorpions, Centipes, Spiders, Lizards, &c., several of the Labourers have been bit by Snakes, in no Instance has the bite proved Mortal, altho' the Patients were thrown into strong Convulsions. We have administered Eau de Luce and Opbuim, and the recovery bas usually been accomplished in two hours.
Mah. In the North East Monsoon, Fish are caught in sufficient quantity to distribute twice a Week to the Settlers, of every discription, Cockup, Mullet, Rock Cod, Seate, and Soles are the best, there are a variety of inferior sorts. The Torpedo and Seahorse, the horned, the parrot, the Monkey, and other curious Fish, have been occasionally caught, there are no Oyster bede, in the Harbour, and few adhering to the Rocks. Pearl, Pellucid, Hynge, & spondyle Oysters are sometimes found upon. the Reefs, as well as Muscles, Cockles, Limpets, Clams, and . Variety of Gorgoneas, Madopores, spunges, Cowries, Wbilks, Muree &c.
Ore. Iron Ore was once found and upon trial proved of good Quality, it had evidently under. gone the action of fire, but there is no accounting by what means, how it came where it was picked up, it has since been sought after in vain. I am inclined to believe the Hills contain Minerals, of some kind, for in places where the Water lodges at the foot of them after hard Rains, there is a Scum upon it of a bright Violet Colour, resembling the gloss on breaking a piece of fine Indigo, and which I have observed on stagnant Mineral Waters.
Stones. Granite, Irow, Free and Lime Stone, and Slate are to be met with, on several of the Emenencies.
Brioks. We have made good Bricks, the soil in the low grounds answering well for this purpose.
Lime. We have also made remarkable fine Lime of Madreporas and of Shells, they both barn pure, and with less fire than Stone Chunam can be made of and the former appears to be of as good a quality as the Sylhet Lime. There are sufficient Madreporas to afford Lime for the most extensive Works of Masonry. (a Paper of each containing a small quantity of Quick Limo accompanies this Memoir.
Climate. The Andamans are situated in a very tempestuous Latitude within the Range of the fall force of the South West Monsoon, during the whole of which they are deluged with perpetual Rain, and enveloped with obstructed clouds. The last Monsoon, 1793, we had in May, Inches of Water 17, 94, June 11, 02, July 27, 25, Angast 16,02, September 12,, 67, October 7, 76, and November 5,,79; in all-98.45. The Settlers were in general severely afflicted with the Scurvy during the dry weather, many of them were carried off in the worst Stages of this dreadful disorder. It was attributed to a privation of Vegetable diet, and subsequent events sbewed this opinion to have been well founded; soon after the Rains set in, several species of anoculent and enbacid Vines, and plants were discovered in the Jungle, and, on being liberally diatributed

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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to the Scorbutic Patients, they recovered their Health and strength sooner than could have been expected from the miserable situation in which they were : The Complaint resisted every effort of medical Treatment. The Rains brought with them Complaints equally alarming, but subject to fewer Casualties - these were Fevers and Agaen, attended with Induration and corsiderable enlargement of the Spleen, Violent Pains in the Head and joints, a dizziness and tho greatest depression of Spirits. The Fevers were slow, nervous and irregular, the Bark had no effect on them. Fevers and Aguea have greatly prevailed the present N. E. Monsoon, these are more regular and intermittent than those before mentioned, and in general give way to the Bark. The Scurvy has again made its appearance, and would probably prove na fatal this year, as the last, if we did not take che precaution of sending all those in the slightest degree affected to Bengal. We bave not had drop of rain since November. In general we bave had Clear Weather, with regular Land and Sea breezes, latterly the winds are remarkably variable and the Clouds seem collecting fast. The Thermometer has not exceeded 940 the medium may be taken at 91° the last three Months, and at 84e during the Rainy Season. From the preceding observations it will appear that the Settlers have been hitherto rather unhealthy, how far their Indisposition may be attributed to various exhalations arising from the thick Jungle, and of putrid & corrupt Vegitable matter during the humidity of the atmosphere occasioned by the long continuance of the Rains, remains to be ascertained. The Crews of the different Ships in the Har. Lour have for the most part enjoyed uninterrupted good health, with the exception of the Sea Horse, who from remaining three Months in Port, from September to December began to be afflicted with the Scurry. We may reasonably expect the approaching Season will prove more healthy, as the Jungle has been much opened.
Harbour, Outer. The Harbour is very capacious, its whole length from the S. E. Entrance to the N. W. extremity being upwards of 11,000 yards, 2,000 of which at the N. W. end are Shoal Water. The breadth of the entrance of the Outer Harbour from Dundass point to Boss Island, is 3000 yards. Its length from Ross Island to the Eastermost Point of the North End of Chatham Island, is 7,000 yards. Its extreme breadth N. E. & S. W.is 7,000 yards. The whole of the Harbour is well secured being Land locked from every wind that blows, in one part or the other. The general depth of Water is from 7 to 18 fathoms, there are Breakers round 8: Georges Island, and a Shoal with 6 fathoms on it oft Minerva Bay; every other part has sufficient depth of Water for large Ships.
Harbour, Inner. The Entrance to the Inner Harbour from Chatham Island to Perseverance Point, is upwards of 1600 yards across, from the North face of Chatham Island, to the South Shore of the main, is 1,800 Yards, from the East side of Pitt Island, to the West Shore of the Main, is 2,000 Yards, and this constitutes the principal body of Water of the inner Harbour. There is a narrow Channel along the South face of Pitt Island, to the South face of Wharf Island, where are 7 and 8 fathoms close to the Shore, and which is remarkably well celoulated for a careening Wharf.
Islands.
Chatham Island has already been mentioned, at Flood, Boats drawing three foot water may pass np the passage at the South end. Pitt Island has a small Flat at the Northermoet End, and a Valley across the Neck at the South end, and two or three level spaces towards the middle, with a rill of fresh Water. We have a Garden on this Island, onr Live Stock is kept here, and half the Con victs are employed clearing it. Wharf Island has little level Land, being ligh irregular ground, without a natural supply of fresh water. Ariel Island is without fresh water, and has little local Land. Mangrove Island is overflowed at high Water.

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Tides. At full & change in the dry Season, the Tide rises 9 feet perpendicular, it is bigh Water a few Minutes before 10 O Clock. In the Rains the influx of the Freshes is so very considerable that the Neaps are scarcely discernable, and from the strength of the outset, a Vessel seldom tends to the Flood.
Inhabitants. The Inbabitants of the Andamans seem to be dispersed in very small Societies along the shores of their Islands, and in the Archipelago, their whole numbers it is probable do not exceed 2,500 or 3,000 Souls; as their Subsistence is confined to the Fish left entangled amongst the Roots of the Mangrove, that they strike with a rude kind of Gig, or shoot with Bows and Arrows, and shell fish collected at low water on the Reefs, it may be presumed the interior parts of the Island contain few or no Inhabitants; during the Rainy season they bave few opportunities of exploring the Reefs, and at that Season they are constantly seen in small parties patroling the Shores at night with lights of the Oil & Dammer Tree, in search of a Precarious Meal, the glare entices the fish to the surface, and those who follow the light, strike or shoot their prey. They must suffer exceedingly during the Rains, and from what has been observed in their huts by our working parties, we suppose them to live almost entirely on the fruit of the Mangrove, which has constantly been found in all their Habitations, either boiling on the fire, or macersting in fresh water, it is a very strong astringent, harsh and rough to the taste, and can afford but little Nutriment. Indeed their appearance sufficiently evinces the badness of their food. They are Caffres of a small stature, having most probably degenerated in successive Generations, as there is little cause to believe them Aborigines of these Islands, they being totally different in appearance and language, from every Race known in India. Their Arms, Thighs, and Legs are excessively thin, and they have all large protuberant, unsightly bellies, their Countenances depict Misery and famine in the extreme. They are abeolutely in a State of Nature, having no other covering than Mud, which they cover themselves all over with, as a Preservation and defence against the bites and Stings of the Miriads of Insecte swarming in the Juogles. They possess nothing that evinces strength in the formation of it, or ingenuity in the Contrivance. Their Canoes are contrived of a small sized Tree from 10 to 15 feet long, and from 8 to 14 Inches diameter, hollowed with fire, and prevented from oversetting by a spar fixed at a little distance as an outrigger. Their Bows wbich occasionally serve as Paddles, are the neatest performance among them. Some months ago we found a man and a child so reduced by famine, as to be incapable of moving, We brought them home, and nursed them, our endeavours to save the Man were ineffectual, the Child is a remarkable fine good tempered Boy, and has quite lost that Prominence of Belly, apparently occasioned by bad food. From the deplorable Scenes we witnessed of their distresses, We occasionally sent a few Carnicobar Coconuts, and a little Grain to their Huts in very bad weather, they retired till our our People returned to their Boats, when they eagerly seized what had been sent to them. They will not voluntarily come near us, and those we take, either escape, or are dismissed by ourselves, on observing their anxiety, with trifling Presents. They appear to be A harmless inoffensive Race, they will not eat raw food, or touch any thing tainted; a European belonging to a Veszel in distress, got into their Boat with some Lascars to seek for the Harboar, at night they put on Shore, and the Lascars ran away with the Boat, leaving the European asleep, he contrived to make his way thro' the Jungle, the Caffres took his Cloaths from him, but did him no further injury. The idea of their leing Cannibals is I fancy quite erroneous.
General The necessity of an Harbour in the Bay of Bengal, or at some Eastern Port, where one Ships could occasionally retire to, and refit, is well known & generally admitted. Port Corn. wallis has been Preferred to every other, yet discovered by so high an authority that it may be deomed excessive presumption in another person to speak of ite Relative situation. It will be seen by inspection of the Plan annexed, and from preceding observations, that it largely

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APMIE, 1908.
possesses those advantages most in Request with Naval Officers. Its situation in a centrical part of the Bay, promises a speedy communication at all seasons of the Year, with Bengal and the Coromandel Coast. The Harbour will contain the largest Fleet, which may work in and out with every Wind that blows. Wood and fresh water are to be had in the greatest abundance, and with the utmost facility. These advantages are conspicuous, and perhaps they are all a Seaman looks for, it may be presumed be expects Administration will make bis Port secure, and supply it with every necessary and Refreshment he may eventually require. It remains for the wisdom of our Superiors to consider the Olimate, the Scale of Defence necessary, and the Resources their Settlements possess for colonizing so extensive an scquisition, and whether a Proportion of Foreigners can be obtained for this parpose. The Climate must create the larger part of the expence of labour, for whether Men are incapable of labour one half of the Year from Indisposition, or the inclemency of the Weather, it must be carried to the account, the encreased Wages of Workmen as an inducement for them to quit their Native Country and their Sabsistence for some years at the expence of their Employers, must also be considered, and it is a question whether in time to come, Sofficient Grain can be ealtivated for a numerous population whose Principal diet it constitutes, in a Hilly Country, and a Soil exposed to such heavy torrents of Rain for so great & part of the year, & period when Cultivation and Agrecultare are at a Stand throughout Hindostan. A careful examination of the Plan will shew its indefensible State, and that it cannot be made to afford protection to an inferior against & Superior Fleet, without an expence apparently disproportioned to the benefits to be derived The outer Harbour must be abandoned unless a Scale of defence could be proportioned to its magnitude. The Entrance of the inner Harbour cannot be secured by any Works constructed on Chatham Island, and the fortifying Perseverance point, would at, once require a double Establishment, as they must have every resource within themselves to make a separate resistance. A System of Fortification for this Port, therefore seems to be limited to Chatham Island, which possesses great choice of very strong Ground, and a small Fort well appointed would afford some protection to a few Ships, and certainly could not be taken, but by a regalar Seige, in which the Opposers would have to encounter every disadvantage of Ground peculiar to a ragged Country.
It would be difficult to acquire a numerous Population for this Colony. The Carnatic is only recovering its Inbabitants since the Conclusion of the Mysorean War, the Northern Sircars, are comparatively speaking almost in a State of depopulation, and I believe Bengal can ill spare so large a portion of its Inhabitants as this place would require to succeed on a grand Scale. Foreigners must therefore be sought at the expence of Government, for tbe Andamans hold out no other inducements to attract Voluntary Settlers except exorbitant Wages, cheap living, a demand for Manufactures, and a Prospect of Commerce are wanting. This position of the Colony, tho' at a first View. favourable from ite Centrical Sitaation, does not in reality hold forth a Prospect of becoming an Emporium, it lays out of the costomary Track of all Trade. The Shores of these Islands have ever been considered replete with dangers to Navigators, and the Reefs and Shouls discovered during the Survey of the Island, have not I imagine tended to obliterate the idea of danger; they are in themselves snfficient to deter Vessels approaching this Harbour except in cases of distress of necessity. It is impossible to say what the experience of another year may produce, the Magnitude of the Port bəs engaged much of my attention, and was I certain it possessed every advantage of Climate, Soil, and situation; I should not be an Advocate for an extensive support of it. It is too far from Great Britain, and I cannot think it would prove advantagious to them, that their vast territorial possessions in Indir, should be so closely connected, as they would be, by the possession of an Harbour that would doubtless in those circumstances, become the Center of India Trade, and promote te large a Maratime force ; this tho' more specnlative ides may be worth the attention of Superior Włsdom. Should Port Cornwallis therefore be altimately approved of, the Scale of

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support may be limitted to a small but well appointed Establishment. Sufficient ground only should be cleared for the cultivation of Rice, Froit, and Vegetables for the subsistence of the Settlers, and occasional Refreshment of the Sick of the Navy - there being so much high Gronnd we may reasonably expect pasturage would flourish exceedingly, and that Cattle, and Sheep, would thrive and increase, and might be kept up at a small expence, if purchased on the Coast of Arracan, for the use of the Fleet, an Hospital night be constructed for the Navy, sheds for the accommodation of their own Artificers and Workmen, while employed on their temporary repairs. The few Artificers of the Settlement, and every assistance it afforded wonld be given up to them for the time being. If ro conducted, the expence cannot be great, and the Harbour may prove advantagions to the Company as affording temporary Relief and assistance to a Maratime force in case of Warfare, and this I conceive to have been their Original Object in conntenancing the Marine Surveys some years back. It remains with them to decide, and before they do so, I sincerely hope, as an Officer much attached to his duty, and their Service, that they will maturely consider the Plans that have been sent home.
I.
MISCELLANEA. TRACES OF TOTEMISM IN THE PANJAB. knife; and Bert, from bér, a tree. The Béri will
not eat the fruit of the bér (in T. Dipálpar :
but in T. Gugêrt this is said, however, not to be The question whether totemiam can be said to
the case). have left any traces in the Panjab is not an easy. one to answer. There are many names of tribes Further, in Gujrat, the following sections are or sections of tribes which denote animals,
noted: etc., but these may be mere nick names. How
Pahri, panther. | Mobia, pestle. ever, it will be best to first give a list of such
Channan, sandal-Khajari, date-palm. names and then discuss their possible origin.
wood.
Amb, mango. Brahmans.-In Kângrå there is a Någ or Haran, deer. Lasuri, lasará tree. Snake' section among the Nagarkotik Brah- Ași, saw.
Billå or Billi, cat. mans, who rank highest of all, as well as among
Arosas.--The section-names of this important the Batêbrå, a lower group, who have sections caste require to be fully investigated, as they are called :-(i) Kharappå (or cobra) Någ, a section
full of interest. I note the localities in which of the Pakkå or First grade Batêhra. (ii) Ghôsla each is so far known to be found : (a species of fish or P grass-snake) Någ, in the
Kokar, cock, in Montgomery, Multan and Kachchha or Second grade. Pundrik is, it
Hissar. appears, also a anake section of the Nagarkotia. These snake sections are said to reverence
Kukricha, cock, Dera Ismail Khan. the snake after which they are named and Gider, jackal, Dera Ismail Khan and Multan, not to kill or injure it.
Ghöri, horse, Dera Ismail-Khan. The Bartra (sometimes called BbAts) are a Nangial, snake, Dera Ismail Khan; Nangpal, Gaddi (hill-shepherd tribes) group, and hold the Multan; Nag-pal, Montgomery. same position among the Gaddis, as Brahmana do
Nangra is also given, but no meaning is among Hindus. The name seems to be connected
assigned. with barárt, a thorny shrub.
Sipra, a serpent. In Hissar there is a section of Brahmans, called
Ghiri, dove, Montgomery and Multan... Bhedas or sheep. This is interesting, because on
Gerk, in Dera Ismail Khan, said to avoid the the Satluj, at least in Kulu Saraj, there is a small caste called Bheda, who are hereditary victims in
use of gerd, ochre. the sacrificial riding of a rope down the cliffs to
Jandwant, jind tree, Dera Ismail Khan. the river. Further details regarding the Bhede Selani(3), pipal tree, Dera Ismail Khan. Brahmans would be of great interest.
OhAwald, rice, Dera Ismail Khan. Khatris. We find among these Danthal, a Mehndirattå, henna, Montgomery and kind of weapon ; Handa, a vessel ; Chhork, a large Multan.

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Kastori, in Dera Ismail Khan, said to avoid the use of musk, kastúrt.
Chutâni, bat: a child was nce attacked by bats, which, however, left him uninjured. The section worships bats' nests (charuchittf) at marriages.
Mongi, a kind of tree, Hissår.
Galar, squirrel, Multan.
Palreja, a kind of plant, Multan.
Taneja, tirn, a kind of grass, Multan and Montgomery.
Rajputs.-The Kingrå Rajpâts have a sept or called Samakri, from sami, a tree which is
MAnak-talia: a section which reverences the worshipped, and never cut or injured by them. tilt, or shisham, tree.
In Gujrat there is a Chûhâ section of the Ranjhas. The name appears to mean 'rat.'
Tareja, tarri, a gourd: their ancestor once. had to conceal himself among gourds, and they do not eat gourds.
Kataria, katur, dagger, Multan. This section has a legend that a dagger fell from a well amongst a number of children who were playing beneath it, but did not hurt them. Hence the section became known as Katârif, and worships the dagger, putting flowers before it at marriages.
Makar, locust, Gujrât. Machhar, mosquito, Gujrât. Hans, goose, Montgomery. Lamar, fox, Montgomery.
Menda (P), ram, Montgomery; or Mindha, long-haired, Montgomery.
Babbar. (?) Montgomery. Kathpal, wood or timber, Montgomery. Gâbâ (?), a calf.
With regard to the sections mentioned as existing in Dera Ismail Khan, it is distinctly Said that each shows reverence to the animal or plant after which it is named, thinking it sacred. The animal is fed, and the plant not ent or. injured. The Chawalas, however, do not. abstain from using rice, or show it any respect..
In Multan the Melindiratta sbstain from the use of henna. The Kûkar will not est fowls, but for the last 10 or 12 years the Mehndiratta have also refused to eat them. The Taneja abstain from eating gourds (P tarl) in Multan, or at least their women do (Montgomery).
Bhatia. Among this caste we find-(1) Dhagge, bullock. (2) Chabbak, called Billikut, or catkiller.
[APRIL, 1903.
Banias. Here we find Bansal, from báis, bamboo. They never burn the bamboo: (but the bamboo is an unlucky wood and not used in building generally). Kânsal is from kans, a grass.
Jats. The Bagri Juts of the South-East Panjab have certain sections named:
"
Karir, a tree. Kohår, a hatchet. Waibri, a young heifer. Bandâr, monkey. Gidar, jackal. Also Kataria, sword, and 1 Gandasia, axe, Pipla, pipal, and Jandia, jand tree, in Tahsil Hansi.
The Jats and other tribes of the South-West. Panjab, now almost exclusively Muhammadans, which occupy much the same tract of country as the Hindu Arorås, have quite a remarkable number of totem septs:
Gurâhâ, horse, because they received as much land as a horse could compass in a day.
Khar, (Pers.) donkey; the name is accounted for by a story.
Kahal, kaht or khail, a weed: this tribe is found in Bahawalpur, and is an off-shoot of the religious sect or order of the Chishtis. The story is that a child was born to a Chishti by the Indus close to a place where kahf grew, This tribe is quite distinct from the Kihal.
Kihal, a tribe of fishermen, Imam Shafi Muhammadans, who eat alligators, etc., and derive their name from Sindhi kehara, lion.
Makora, a large ant. These Jats throw sesamum and sugar on the ground near the holes of these ants.
Ruhar, wild-duck. Multani Glossary, page 146.
Khaggi, kind of fish so called because Jalalu d-din Khaggå, their ancestor, saved a boat-load of people from drowning. This tribe cures hydrophobia by blowing on the patient.
Saihar, hare, in Dera Ghazi Khan: do not eat or injure the hare.
Said to be Mili sections also. Mr. J. G. Delmeriak onos found that a mali refused to sow the chickinda or snake-gourd because his gut was Chichinda.

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203
man
Among the Jat tribes of the Panjab generally B.--Names of occupations or ntok-namesthere are several other tribes which seem to have
(1) Surangi&lê, miner. (9) llari 14, born totemistic names, such as :
(2) Nande, nandhi, on the Rihall or Chong, a handful; Sipra, from sap, a snake
dumb.
3rd Bhedôn.
(3) Môrmer, pea- (10) Saint, vegetable(also an Arord section); Obbichhri&ta, from
fowl-hanter.
seller. chhichhrů (butea frondosa), a sub-division of
(4) Jökhnd, weigh
(11) Hutla, stamthe Bajwa Jats, so called because a BajwA lost
merer.
man. all his sons and was told by an astrologer that (5) PaniArt, panidrd,
(12) Kb&ngar, thansí,
. cough. only that child would live which was born
waterman.
(13) Lahồ, charred or under a chhich hrd tree; for this the Bajw&
(6) Masand, long
burnt. arranged, and the child lived. I may add
haired (said to (14) Tôpå bought for beite meaning).
a tópd or 2 seers Gorky, said to mean nilgai (cf. GurabA above,
(7) Lakrid, wood
of grain. however).
(15) Kumbar, potter.
(8) Ghörå, jockey. (16) Neul, nola. The Labanas, in the South-West Panjab, have # curious legend. They say a Rathor Rajput
C.-Names of colours :had a son who was born with a moustache
(17) KAIA, black. (19) NILA, blue. already grown, 80 he was called Labana, or (18) Kabra, red
brown. cricket,' an insect with formidable jaws,' which is tied round the neok of a child which has | The Kants of the Simla Hills appear to have pimples (pánt-wâtrá) to effect a cure. Labana some true totem septe, as, e. g., Pallehf from
Lobana appears, however, to be derived trump ahdsh; Kanesh, from kanash; Pajaik, from paja, Ida-bana, and to mean 'salt-trader.'
(all kinds of trees); Nagaik, from ndga, anake, and
Madgar, mallet. Of these the first four worship Gajars.-In Hingar (Tahsil Tobana) there are
the tree or snake as an ancestor of the sept. sections called :-(1) Môr, peacock. (2) Bhainsa, he-buffalo. (3) Katári, dagger..() Dôi, ladle. Chhimbas, the 'cotton-printers,' have the Women of the Môr section veil themselves before following sections :-Brah, a pig; Katr, a kind a peacock. It is not killed or eaten by the of tree; Khurpå, a knife or trowel. section.
Bairagis. These hnve a sect or section called There are also in Gujra! :-(1) TopA, a measure.
Nimbarki, from the nim tree, which they (2) Dhald, a shield. The Top section name is
reverence and abstain from cutting as they explained by the story that their ancestor was so
believe their adota lives in it. But the Bairage wealthy that he paid out money by the tépd or
clad in a leopard's skin is himself the most bushel. (3) Khatána, victorious. (4) Khari, from
interesting instance of totemistie worship, for he khara, basket.
probably wears the skin as personating the Nar
Singh, or tiger incarnation of Vishna. Ghirths have a large number of septe-said to Bishnois.--Section Roja, nilgai. amount to 360 in all. A great part of these are
Pathans.-There is one tribe of the Lodi named after villages. Others are named after trades, occupations, etc., etc. A very few are
Pathans called Nahr or wolt, found in the South
West Panjab (Multani Glossary. page 260). possibly totemistic in origin.
The Brahui, or Baloch, have a Gurgani or Among the Ghirth sections occur the following wolf, a Sherzai or lion, and a Gulzai or rose sept. names :
Castes unknown.-There are a number of
tribes or sections or septs (I cannot say which) A.-Names of animals or plants :
mentioned in various notes received by me, which (1).Dhard, fruit of (4) Gider, jackal. I cannot assign to their castes because the castes
the wild fig. 1 (5) Gadóbarl, & kind are not atuted. Instances are: (2) Ghůrk, horse.
of bird.
(1) Gadar, sheep. (4) Khanda, sword. Hissar, (3) Khun!A, a kind (6) Gardt, 'an animal I (2) Kdear, Baffron. (5) Gandas, balbert. Tahsil of bird.
like a small pig. (3) Dhaka, a tree. (6) Kohár, aze. Tohana.
The significance of the data is not explained. Further instances (with oxplanations of such names would be interesting.

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[APRIL, 1908.
(7) Sihrt, in Dera Ismail Khan, so called Obviously then the greatest care is required
boos use they eat the bird. But ano- in discriminating between totems and tabus. ther note explains that the ancestor of Thus the Gaba Arorås, or at least their women, the tribe was born while his mother was will not eat the egg-plant, but this is not their crossing a stream (shar = current). totem apparently, because at certain Beasons the
egg-plant is an unlucky food for Hindus generally. (8) Jarfra, in Kangra, from a bush called
Before all things a precise note of the actual facts jardr. Like the Rajpat Samakri and
in each case is required, and the following points the (Bribman or) Bhat Barara, the tribe
should be ascertained :does not out or burn the shrub after which it is named.
1. Is any form of worship paid to the object?
and Pathans.-In Dera Ismail Khan the Baré
2. Is it unlucky or forbidden to cut, injare or Khel of Datta Khel are also called Gidar; a Jackal
use it in any way? pursued by hunters took refuge in the house of
3. If so, what is the reason assigned for the Bara, their ancestor.
worship or abstention from injury ! Mirats are said to have a make-totem adt."
4. Is the rule confined to the section of the The Datia Lobanks too appear to be a section caste which worshipe the object or abstains from which has the snake for its totem. It is probable | injuring or using it P that many more instances could be found.
5. Or is that worship or abstention common to other sections, or to other castes ? If so, to
what sections and castes ? It will be seen at once that many of the objects
The enquiry into the existence of totemism is from which these names are taken are the subjects
likely to throw much light on the origin of the of ordinary tabus. Thus the peacock is bacred ,
exogamons units. In a large number of cases it the snake is often worshipped and it is unlucky
appears that a new gót originates with a portent, to kill one: the jand tree is reverenced at
or some sign of special supernatural favour. marriages; there is a prejudice against eating
When such a portent occurs the thing associated fowls; and so on. Further, gldar, hans, Iremra,
with it, a tree, or an animal, or whatever it may and many others may well be nick names. So far
be, becomes the object of a special worship or in indeed it can only be said that distinct relies of
a manner a totem. The above notes are pub. totam-sootions are traceable among the Apores lished in the hope that some reader of this and other tribes of the South-West Panjab, but Journal will take up the enquiry seriously. the information is far too imperfect as yet for any definite conclusions. Mr. Ibbetson 20 years
H. A. Rose, ago noted that "some traces are still to be
Superintendent of Ethnography, Punjab.. found” (Kamal Gazetteer, p. 111).
| 4th April 1902. (To be continued.) .
NOTES AND QUERIES. PENANG LAWYER.
who gained their livelihood in a variety of ways. As an addition to the information in Yule on Some of them were the first to discover the the Penang Lawyer the following quotation is palm known to the Malays as plas tikoos and to of much interest. In the Andamans I have botanists as the limala qoutifida, a small palm heard the term applied to the long canes that ordinarily not higher than from five to six feet. festoon from tall trees in the jungles and are From this palm, which grew mostly upon the among the chief impeders of traffic. This appli- Penang Hill, were constructed walking-sticks cation of the name arose, of course, under the old called Penang Lawyers." - McNair, Prisoners and false popular derivation thereof -
their own Warders, p. 24. "1B0e. At Penang there were a considerable number of Indian convicts on tickete-of-leave,
R. O. TEMPLE. ... Panjab Notos and Queries, II. $ 556.

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A GRAMMAR AND SPECIMENS OF THE MIKIR LANGUAGE.
BY SIR C. J. LYALL, K.C.S.I. (Conclreded from p. 111.)
SPECIMEN I. Innt amunit Aső-pinso bang-hint do-lo. Ansi la ākibi-abang i-po-āphan pu-lo.
One person child-male persona-tuo were. And the younger-person his father to sail, O po, mar nē kolong-ji-an ūphärmän në pi-nòn.' Ansi A-mär O father, property me come-to-will-uchatever share me give.' And he his property
latum-bang-nithàk-dak-lo. Lübàng:ū rālòmso åpbila akibi abang-kē X-mar (to)-them-persons-tuo divided. This a-little-hile after that younger person-the his-property. keclo-an pångrum-pèt-si akāhēlo alèt dàm-jui-lo, ansi häulak lā ä khat-kāvē ako
all collected-having distant country went-away, and there he wicked (lit, shameless) deeds klem-s1 A-markedo. Àn pi-ver-det-lo.
Ansi ã i-mår kedo-au doing his-property all causel-to-be-llestroyed. And (when) he his property all -li-ic-dẹt lỡ lẽbingsố quét tàn kangchir akhin-pt thur-làm-lô, Ansi la-Vũ
hail-spent that country rice hronger fumine-great arose, and he-also keduk-pang-cheng-lo. Ansi lābùngsū ūdèt isangho Inut älòng do chi-kidun-lo. La in-want-to-be-began. And that country citizen one with staying himself-(he)-joined. He lihak pi-bi-ji-si
arit toi-jai-lo, ansi la phàk kecho āphèk-e-pèn -pok pijs cause-to-prut-to (to-tend) kis fiell (-o) sent-away, and he pigs food huske-from his belly
chi-pangkràng ingtung-lo; buta pàk-tă pl-vàng-vē-det-lo. Ansi lã amethang äning or himself-(to)-All desired; but anybody to-gire-came-not. And he his-onon mind (-in)
che-mātha-sl po-lo, no-pro aban-atum tīko-an do, latam cho dòr-äpärähim reflected-having said, 'my father's servants even horo-many are, they eat-sufficient-Dery breail
tū, bontā nē-kē lūdik an-kangchir-sithi-pā. Në thur-b1 n ē-po-alòng dàm-ji, lasi also, but I here rice-hrenger-by dying-an. I ariser-haring my-father-to will-go, anel Jā-ūphàn pu-dam-ji, “O po, në Arnam angno tàngtē ning kethek tå påp klem-det-lo.
him-to say-will, "O father, I God before then thy sight (-in) also sin have done. Ne-kẽ nàng sô-pô vu kāterầm-ji i-ốt ăve-l; nàng bàn Innt Lònlẽ nó bi-nòn.” Ankẽ là I thy son saying be-called-to fit am-not; thy slave ono like me place." And he
thur-si a -po along che-vang-lo. Bòntă là hēloving do-ak-pen, &-po arisen-having his father near came. But he far-of being even-from, his father thèk-dam-81 ingjingo, kåt-vir-lo, ankē X-cbethòk-arbàk-chèt.si ar-a-lem-det-lo. Ainsi seen-having compassion-had, ran-hastily, and his-neok embraood-having kisied-repeatedly. And
la aphàn iső-pö pu-lo, po, në Arnam angno tàngtē nang kethèk tå påp klem-det-lo; him to SOR-kis said, 'father, I God before thon thy right also nin have done;
ápòtkē nàng-so-po pu kipu a-ôt avê-lo. Bồntä lā ā-põ bàn-ätum apban pu-lo, therefore thy-son saying to-say worthy an-not.' But his father laves to said, kemesi apẽ vàn rũ nàng pindeng-nòn; tàng,ẽ @-ri Lrnàn thòn-nòn, keng-ti keng-ap,
Lest garment bringing here put-on (-him); then his-hand ring pul-on, hir-foot-also shoe thon-non; inkẽ kĩà ngtai-tàng chainòng isö lãlàk vàn-nòn Ankẽ lã thu-non ; Ankẽ chô-ri put-on; and falteil com chill here bring and it slaughter; and eating
ūrùng chi-pi-lo-làng; thangbak-mă là nē sõpõ thi-tang-ldt tā, rèng-thu-et-lo; merriment manally-make-let-us; because this my son died-completely even, alive-againis;
ingbū-tàng-dit tā, lòng-thu-lok-lo. Ankē lātam äròng kachipi chèng-lo. losl-completely-was also, forend-ayain-is. And they merriment to-mutually-make began. : Lābångsö ühut isopo akléng-übing-kü rit-sido-lo. Ankē la rit-pen v ang-si
That time son eller person-the fiel.l-ir 10.16. And he field from como-having

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him-adung nàng-lêlo, kum-kirot tàngtē kekàn ärki nang-arju-long-lo. Anot bàn-atam inut houso-near arrived, fiddle-soraping and dancing noise there-to-hear-got. And lauas one
hang-si arju-lo, "ko-pi apòtai kum-kirèt tangtē kekan-lo?' Ansi la thak-lo, called-having asked, "what for fiddle-scraping and dancing-ia?' And he answered nàng-li
mạ vàng-lô. Lê-si pang-h pô kioàngtu-tàng &chainòng your-Honour's younger brother came. Therefore your-Honour's father fatted cow üso t ho-pèt-lo, thang bàk-ma la so-so un-o-si lòng-lòk-lo. Aokē la äning-thi-si child slaughtered-completely, because he sick-not (1) well got-again. And he angry-being hem lut-dàm ingtung-to-det-17. Ankē Jā apo ingtin vàng-81 lá pe-dòk-lo. Ankē house (to-) enter wished-not. And his father outcome-having him soothed. And là tbak-bla-po aplin pa-lo, làng-thā, lāàn aningkàn në kam nang-klem-pi-bom-lo, he answering his father to said, sce, 80-many years I work here-doing-continued böntä nang hukum kroi-krē-det äveng-làng; tēbòntā Dē jirpo-Ātam pèn ning arong but thy commands obey-not (disobey) Mover-did; nevertheless my friends with mind merriment | chi-pi-j1-ũ phàn
bi-80 @jon nåt tā nē pi-pë-lang. Böntä läbingo mutually-make-in-order-to goat-child one single even me (-to) gavest-not. But this nang-sõpo akhat-kavē arloső-átum pên nàng-mär cho-pi-ik-det abàng vàng-phli,
thy-sok shame-without women with thy-property ate (-and)-sasted person camo-nuddenly, inkẽ l&pangtu-tàng &chainòng isô tả lã-Ñphàn nàng , thu-pet-lõ.” Ansi lẽ and fatted C ow child also him for thou slaughter-completely-didat.' And he a-sõpõ apban po-lā, põ, nang-kē nē-ling-si kaitā do ;. tangtē nē-mår nē-tar kedo-an hir-son to said, "son, thou mo-roith always art; therefore my-property my-goods whatever tä nàng-mär; böntä la n ang-mu-kē
tbi-lot t , rèng-thu-et-lo; open thy property; but this thy younger brother died-completely also, alive-again-in; ingbo-detta, long-thu-lòk-lo; āpotkē i-li Aròng kachipi tàngtē äròng that was also, found-again-is; therefore we mertiment mutually making and merriment
che-pe-do -ot. itxually-making is-fit.'
SPECIMEN II. Särpi. sārbūrs pèn hijai atomo.
Old-woman old-man and jackalo' wory. Arnisi särpipèn sürbürā rit hèn -15. Hen ke-ē ühut hijai
One-day old-woman and old-man field-in) arums sero-planting. Arums planting time jaokale ©hor vàng-s1 vũryl pen Brburã ñphàn nàng-ārju-lô, '0 phi pèn pha, a-pack come having old-woman and old-man tothere-askod, 'O grandmother and grandfather, nang-tum hen äkevõiting ke-7 mä?' Li-tum tbik-det, äkevöi.' Ansi
you arums raw(and) hastily planting (interrogative) ?' They answered, nawo. Then hijai-atum pu-lo, ke-up-si hèn kez pòt. Särbūrå hijai Apban Arju-lo, thejackals said, "boiled-haring arums planting is fitting. Old-man jackalo to asked, såkhit-mal' Hijai pa-det, säkbit.' Ausi särbüra sårp! hèn pt-up-lo; true-is-it?' Jackals said, 'it-is-true.' Then the-old-man the-old-woman arums caused-to-boil; älàng-kē ē-lo; Josi-ni ki-up-tàng. ābèn rit ē jai e-pèt-lo.
he planted (-them); all-day the boiled arums field (-in) whole (he)-planted-completely. Ansl ärni-kangsam-apdr s ārpipèn särbüra hèm che-voi-lo. Then day-cool-time (i.e., at evening) thr-old-rooman and the-old-man home their-own-(10-) returned. Ankẽ ñrjõ hijai 6hụr vàng-pak-B1 rit @jai Khèn chô-klip-ingboilõ. And (at)-night the jackal pacle come together-kaving field whole(-o) arume eating-up-did. Ankē ādàp
särbūrä-pèngànsorit nång-che-lang-lo. Hencho-koi Then (at-) morning that old-people-couple field there-their-own-law. Arumus eaton-up

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nang-che-thèk-lo. Anst lä-tam pa-lo, là hijai-atum akam; Alar hoi n ang-ji,' there their own-saxo. Then they said, this jackals' work(-i); revenge (to-)do necessary-will-be,' pu-si hèm che-voi-lô. Ankẽ hèm lẽ-si, Bằrburõ bằrplặphàn pa-lô, saying home(-o) their-own-returned. The house arrived-having, old-man old-woman-to said, “ne kithi chi-plàng-pô kèm Arlo; pẽ
chi-am-si
1-joi-po; nang-kē *I dead myself-makowill house within; cloth myself-wrapped-round-having lie-doron-will; you ingtan 18 jäsemet sbira-non ; Ankē hijai vàng-ra, “pi-āpòt nàng kā-chiru må ?" outside going grievously weep; and jackals come-having, "what for thou weepest ?" pu, nàng arju-lo-tē, “Bārbūrī thi-lòt-ainē kā-chiru;
āphu-thak-tā saying, thee ask-i, "old-war died-having I am weeping; head-upon-alao (i..., moreover),
phlong-dam abang āvē; putong inghoi apòt-lo-nē7?" pa-ra pa-Dòn. Anka hijai burning-coming person ther-is-not; how doing is-it-possible ?" saying say. Then the jackals “nē-tum chô-det-po," pu nàng pu-lo-tē, "tho," pa-ra pu-nòn. Ankē la-tum nē kecbo-ji
"we eat-Chim)-unu," saying thee(-to) say-ij, "yes," saying say. Then they mo sat-to hèm ărlo nang-lu-lô-tõ, nàng chiru-pet-an-mu-chot-rõ pu-nòn, “6jòn nàng-lat-lô, sẵrbürk ; house within thero-enter-if, thou weeping-excessively say, "one there-entered, old-man; jòni(for jön-ni) nàng-lut-lo, särbürā; jòn-thòm nang-lut-lö, pārbūrā; nang-lut-pet-lo:
two there-enterad, old-man; three there-entered, old-man; there-entered-all-are; kaibòng parting-nòng”? dub whirl." Ansi c bo det
jun-det . Bārbūrā, tòn arlo kaibong Then having-finished-eating, having-finished-drinking old-man, basket within olub Đặtu-joi-91,
Plõ. SẼrpi-kẽ ingtàn vàng-ọi ebird-pi-lem-lô, Anke hidden-quietly-having, lay-down. Old-woman outside come having to-weep-pretended. Then
hijai-ahar vàng-sĩ nàng-ārju-lô, “pi-Ẽpot-81 nàng kachiru-lô, phi ?? the jackal-pack como-having there asked, 'what-for thou weaping-art-thou, grandmother ? Sārpi thàk-det,'sārbūrā thi-lot-lo. Nē
ā vē, nē lòk āvē-si Old-woman answered, old-man died. I companions none (-having), I friend none having nē kāchiru, Aphu-thak-tā ke-phlòng-dam a bàng tā āvē.' Ansibijai
I weep. Moreover selling-fire-to-funeral-pile-coming person even to-not.' Then the jackals pu-lo, nē-tumcho-det-po. Sarpi ta kroi-dun-lo. Hijai-ātam ējón-ējdn hèm lub-lo, said, we eat-Chim)-will' Old-woman also consented. Thejackals one-by-one houss entered, ankë sārpi chiru-pi-lèm-si pu-lo, ējón nàng-lut-lo, särbūrā; jòni, jon-thòm nang-lat-lo;
and old-woman to-weep-prefending said, 'one there-entered, old man ; two, three there-entered ; kedo-tivõ nàng-lut-pet-lô; kaibòng pārting-non, pu, BÃrpi , inghành
all thero-entered-complotely: club whirl,' saying, old-woman door ingkir-dan-het-inghoi-lo; ankē sārbūrã thur-si kaibòng-pèn hijai-atum chok-arbu-lo. Ankē having-shut-tight-made; and old man arisen-having olub-with the-jackals beat-severely. Then hijai ābābak thi-lo, abāhak-kē ārpòng l èt-rai-rai-
si k at-lo. the jackals some died, some tho-wall pushed (-and) broken-having ran-away.
THE OLD WOMAN, THE OLD MAN AND THE JACKALS. One day an old man and an old woman were planting arums (kachu, colocasia) in a field. While they were so engaged, a pack of jackals came up, and said to them, - Oh, granny and gaffer, are the arams you are planting raw or cooked ?'
Raw,' they answered. Then the jackals said, 'Arums ought to be boiled before being planted.' Is that true?' asked the old man.
TV is here an interrogative partiolo, probably borrowed from the Assamese wā, with the often observed change of a to z.

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4
Quite true,' said the jackals. Then the old man made his old woman boil the arums, while he himself planted them. All day long this went on till all the arums had been boiled, and the planting of the whole field finished. Then in the evening the old pair went home. Then during the night the jackals gathered together, and ate up the whole of the arums in the field. Next morning the old couple came to look at their (che) field and found that all the arums in it (nàng) had been eaten up. They said, This is the work of the jackals: we must be revenged npon them.' So they returned to their house. When they got there, the old man said to his wife, I will feign to be dead inside the house. I will wrap myself (chi) up in a cloth and lie quite still. Do you go outside and weep bitterly. The jackals will come and ask why you are weeping. If they do so, say, "I am crying because my old man is dead besides, there is no one to set a light to the funeral pile, what am I to do?" Then if the jackals say, "we will eat him up," agree to this. Then if the jackals come into the house to eat me, do you weep as hard as you can, and say, "One has gone in, old man! two have entered, old man! three have entered, old man! all have gone in! fall upon them with your club."'
Then after having eaten and drunk, the old man hid his club in a bamboo basket and lay down quite quiet, and the old woman went outside and pretended to cry. Then the pack of jackals came and asked her, Why are you crying, granny?' The old woman answered, My old man is dead. I have no companion, no friend; that is why I am crying; besides there is no one even to set a light to the funeral pile.' Then the jackals said, 'We will eat him up for you.' The old woman agreed, and the jackals one by one entered the house. Then the old woman, pretending to weep, cried one has gone in, old man! two, three have gone in! all of them have gone in! Whirl your club!' Then she shut the door tight and made it fast. So the old man rose up and belaboured the jackals with his club. And of the jackals some died, and others thrust themselves through the wall of the hut and
4
ran away.
SPECIMEN III. Tenton atomō. Tenton story. Arni-si bamon-po pèngànso do. Aso āvē, āvē. Anke arni-si Tentòn Once Brahmans a-couple were. Son was-not, grandson was-not. Then day-one Tenton nàng-chòngvir-sĩ bāmòn-pō nhầm vàng-16. Ảnhē bāmôn-pū Tên tòn āphần
ūsu
came.
And the-Brahman Tenton to
ne-su
mik-ber
1-there-wandered-about-haring the-Brahman's house trịu lũ, nàng ko-pike vàng?’ Tèntòn thàk-dèt, nà nàng-kechòngvir. “Tàng tế mùng asked. 'you why come?' Tenton answered, I to-here-wanderer(-am). 'Then you nētum-along ne-do-dun-ji m? pu bũmòn vẽ pu-lô. Têntòn thàk-dèt, ‘nàng-tum-lẽ nó saying Brahman said. Tenton replied, s-with to-us-companion-will-be ?' 'you if me Kedo-dim nàng-do-dun-j1. ingjinsō-të, kāvē-si nō nàng-ke bòngvir hare-compassion-on-i, to-you-companion-will-be. Abiding-plare not-having I to-here-(-am-)a-wanderer.' rit āvē, apòt-ke Me-ongelòt-lo; nē-tum nē-sō hai kebai lòng t Very-well-indeed; we our-son our-grandson not-is, therefore fiell(in) plough driving place-also ne lang-abang do-dun-tē Hvẽ: hàng nữ rit-jai kedam eye-rubbish (ie., mote) me looking-after-person is-not: you our companion-be-if field-to going ne-ri-lo-pu,' nàng bamòn-po pu-l5. Tentòn thàk-dèt, 'me-òngchòt-lo, pa I-shall-have-company,' saying Brahman said. Tenton answered, very-good-indeed, yon(-with) do-dun-jö,' pu-si do-dun-lö. Jo-ni ja thòm ingthang-lo, anke bamòn-pō pu-lō, Nights-two nights-three passed, then Brahman sail, hai-bai Ansi dàm-lũ nàng. Tènton-tü dun-15, anke let-ue-gu.' Tenton-also Then (for)plondrining and accompanied, hai-bai-mi-bai-81, hai-kebai-i achainòng amoi inghan vit-lo, ankē, plough-Iricen-a-certain-time-having, plough-driving-for bullock's back(-on) mud rubbed, and bamòn-po-aphàn pu-lō. Bamòn-pō pu-det, Brahman-to said. Brahman said,
(1)-stay-will,' saying stayed.
pu Tentin
ua làng it-lit-lũ, pha I water thirst-after, grandfather,' saying Tenton
4
rit
64

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hem-lē dàm-ră jun-dam-non. Tangtē nē-phi nē pi-pē-det-tē, ko-pu-lo?' pu Tenten house-to going drink-your-fill.' Then my-granny me give-not-iy, how ?' saying Tentor pu-lô. Nàng Di-pô-t%, nỡ hàng-nòn, pu bảnòn-pô pu-lô. Ankẽ Tenton hẻm dòm-si. said. “You give-not-ij, me call,' saying Brahman said. Then Tenton house gone having
sĩ I-äphàn pu-dâm-lô, •0 phi, phi, nó phu kipp, dohòn alang-pòng tàng-hồ : old-woman-to said, O Granny, Granny, my grandfather says, money chunga I want : chainòng kenam-ji.' Sārpi pu-det, nē nàng pl-pā : chainòng dokok-lē, ke-nam-jt bullock (I-) buy-will.' Old-woman said, 'I you give-not : bullock already-being, bry-will mā?' Tèntòn pu-det, hā-la hai-kebai-ālòng chaindog keldk lang-tbā. Sārpi pu-det, why?' Tonton said, "that plongh-driving-place bullock white lool-at.' Old-woman said, “nàng pi-tek-tliệ: Anke Tenton, làng-pòng nỡ p-pẽ, pu bãmòn-pô-ẵphàn
you give(-I-) cannot.' Then Tentor, 'the-chunga mo (she-)giver not,' saying Brahman-to hàng-lô. Bãmòn-pô sörpl-%phàn, pi-nòn, pa nàng-hàng-lõ. Ankẽ sorpi called-out. Brahmar old-woman-to, gide,' saying thero-called-ord. And old-woman dohon-alàng pòng vàn-gi Tenòn nàng-pi-lô. Ankẽ Tenton dohòn-alang-pong lòng-Bi the-inoney-chunga brought-having Tenton there-gave. Then Tenton the-money-chunga got-having rit dam-de-det-s1 kåt-jui-lo. Ankē nērlo-chitin an-tā, Tèntòn rit vàng-vē-det-si, field gone-not-having ran-away. Then day-hal (i.e., noon) about, Tenton field(-40) come-not-having, bãmòn-pô hòm vàng-s Bürpi-äphàn nàng-ārju-lô, Tenton ko-nat-lô ? Sảrpi thàk-det, Brahman house come having old-woman-to there asked, "T'enton where-is ?' Old-woman answered, “ “nàng doiòn-älàng-Dòng Pi-nòn,” pa nàng keoàngsi, nỡ dohòn-alang-pòng nàng-lô-lô : +"you money-chunga give," saying you called-out having, I money-chunga there-sent : mô-pen-lỡ nó nàng-ke-lô.” Ansi bãmòn- pu-lô, tàng-t% lãi kÀt-tung-lõ: long-ago I there-sent (-il).' Then Brahman said, '80-then he has runawuy-with-it): hung-dnn
nàng-pô. Ankẽ cho-det-jav-dot-si • hung-dan-lô. to-follow-after (-him) necessary-will-be.' Then eaten-alrunk-having (he) followed-after (-him).
Tentòn-kē bāmòn-põ alohòn-pèn rēchò-āròng dàm-si, rēcho-āsāmār-pen
Tenton the Brahman's money-with king's-town gone-having king's-chillren-with khalot-păthu-lô. Ankẽ rẽcô-lômãi Tenton imen arju-lô, nàng-mòn ko-pi ?? Tonton cowries-gambled. Then king's children Tenton's name asked, 'yorar-name what?' Tenton thak-dat, pē-men-kē Ong.
Ansi rēcho-isomar Tentòn-īphàn Ong' answered, 'my-namo Ong (maternal-uncle). Then the king's-childron Tenton-(accusative) Ong'
pu teram-jó-lo. Ankē labāmòn-po-tā Tentòn nàng-kiri-dun åpòt khādòt kāpāthu saying called. Then that Brahman-also Tenton seeking after for the purpose of cowrie gambling along nang-le-dun-lõ. Tenton-kẽ bãmòn-p0-5pbàn
chini-nê-abàng ă9ôn-tot place there-arrived-at. Tenton the-Brahman-(acousative) recognising-not-person like racho-āsāmár-ālòng khädòt päthu-mā-pātha-lo. Ankē récho-äsömār Tenton-āphàn, Ong leing's children with cowries went-on-gambling. Then king's-chillren Tenton-to, Ong's
āpai lē-lo,' pa-jó-lo. Ansl bămon-po récho-āsāmăr Ong' pu-jā ārja-lo; la-tuin turn-(to-play) has-come,' said. Then the Brahman king's children Ong' suying heard; their a-òng , chenănàm-bon
pa-si
thàng-tã pu-hai-he-det-81 maternal-uncle(ong) really saying i.e., thinking) anything to-say-dared-not-having
i-joi-lo, khādòt kāpāthu-ālòng â-mèk jàng-lot. Ankő Tentòn-ātum lay-down-quietly cowries gambling-place-in) eyes closed. Then Tenton-and-his-companions khadot-pathu tàng-lô, Tenton rếch6-89ômũr-5phần pa-lỡ, pharõ isi adohòn ne pi-nòn; lã cowry-playing finished. Tenton leing'a-childron-to said, hundred one rupees me give; thi's
nữ-bàn nàng pt-tekang-pô. Ankẽ rếcho-885mặt bằmòn-p0-ũnàm phör iBi my-slive here (1) will-leave-for-you.' Then the king's children whe-Brahman's prior hundrel one adohồn Tinton pi-lô, àngõ Tenton dohon phanô I81 lòng-si kat-gui-lê-lô. • Ankẽ rupees Tenton gave, and Tenton rupees hundred one got-having ran-away-again. Then

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bāmòn-po -mek pring-ol rôcho-isāmár-äphan nang-arju-la, nangli-tum-along the-Brahman his eyes opened-having Ting's children to there asked, "Your Honour with
khäddt-nang-kāpāthu-dun X-OBO ko-natlo?' Rēcbo-abomir pa-det, nàng labangso A-048 cowries-here-playing companion boy whore !' King'schildren said, 'you that boy
A-ban pa-tē, nē-tum phäro isi adobon pi-ai nàng nàm-dan-tang-lo: apòt-kē his slave called-since, we hundred one rupees given having you bought-have: therefore nàng đàm-long-lẽ; nẽ-tum i-bom nàng bàn ,
do-nang-pô.” you to-go-get-not; our housin) you slave remain-will-have-to (ning, varb of necessity).'
Bāmòn-po pa-dèt, 'ai pômár-li, ko-pu-si nē kärja-jö-det-lē dohòn kipl-dun-pe-joi-det The-Brahman said, "O fathers, how to asked-not-having money (gou-give-for-nothing-al-all ma? No dohòn-tā lá phäro lol van-det-lo; si nota nang-kachi-hung-dun; böntä
7. My money also ha hundred one carried-off-has; therefore I also here-am-pursuing(-him); but nàngli-lam-klòng khidot nàng-kāpāthu-dun làng-8l; mẽ nàng-khang-bong-dan-chot. Li
yow-with cowries here-playing foring, I waited-a-little. This pa-po-tő, mo-pén nē lá nép-pon-tang-lo. Anstrēcho-asomar pa-lo, mai, la 90-were-nos-is, long-ago I him would have-seised.' Then the king'schildren said, 'oho, this
pa-bồn-ba?' La-an alang 7-ke-chõbēi Apdt, ingchin ani d t krēi-r 1s-it-really so?' So much he w-both-cheated becau, iron chain, taken-having
ri-dan-po-nàng : lalo-pho-ldk-tē, &-ria-keng ingchin Ini Pi-po-nang. Anel (10) to-reel-go-let: (nor-) lay-hando-owhimis, his hand his foot iron chain (ur.) give-let.' Then
rēoba-adèt-lal sang-ho abang-phu . ingchin an dt-krēi-81 Tentòn the-king'-country-whole people person-head (s.e., every-one) iron chains takon having Tonton ri-dan-lo. Ankē Tentòn ingchin-ani-kedo-arlèng-Inat che-tong-1 Arju-lo, "jir-po, ko-pi sought. Then Tenton srow-chain-having-mana wet-karing asked, friend, what
kanghoi-ji-si nang ingchia ini keòt-dong-16?' Läbàng-uo arlèng thàk-det, Tentòn to-do-for-the-purpose-of you iron chain holding-ara!' That may answered, Tonton pho-lok-to A-ri -keng kipi-ji ini lo-hē, jir-po. Oi-bēt Ko-pu-ti ariikeng
mest-iy, his hand his foot givino-for chain this-18-for, friond.' 'Io-st-601 How hand foot bångso äni kipi-apôt-lo? Nē thàn-thi, jir-po. Tentòn phô-lòk-tē, nē-ta ingnang-ji.'
this chain is-to-bo-put-on ? Mo esplain to, friend. Tenton (1-meet-il, I-alao bind-Chim.) will." Anst bångso angchin ini la a-methang ari akeng chi-pi-16; bangső árleng che phlok Then that sron chain he his own hands moet himself-put-on; that man himself-release thek-the-det-lò. Ankẽ lũ, Tenton lòng-lô, vàng-nòn, pa Tentòa binòng
could not. Then he, Tenton is-caughe, come,' saying tenton the real adung-kedo-asangô-5phàn hàng, kit-jui-lô. Ankẽ kedo-ần Arleng vàng-pet-si,
near-being-people-to called-hating, ran away. Then all the men como together-having, Tenton-ingchin-ani-pen-kekòk ārleng jāsemét chok-lo. Anke lānē Tentòn käli' pa-lo.
Tenton-iron-chain-with-tied man severely beat. Then he 1 Tenton am-not' said. Nàng Tentồn kāli?' rå pu cbök-pèt-an-machot inghoi-18. Ankő bangsa Arleng You Tenton not?' thout saying beat-more-and-more (they-) did. Then that man
kechòk-ong t bi-lot-lo. being-very-wuch-beaten died.
STORY OF TENTON. Once upon a time there was a Brahman and his wife, who had neither non por grandson. Tonton, wandering abcut, came to the Brabman's house. The Brahman said to him, "Why have you come?'
He answered, I am a wanderer.' The Brahman said, Then will you stay with us and bo our companion?'

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Tenton answered, If you will treat me kindly, I will stay with you : I have no place to live in and am a wanderer.'
*Very well; we have neither son nor grandson, so that when I go to the field to plough there is no one to pick a mote out of my eye; if you stay with us, I shall have company when I go to the field,' the Brahman said.
• Very good, I will stay with you,' Tenton replied ; and he took up his abode with them.
Two or three nights passed, when the Brahman said, Let us go and plough in the field,' and Tenton went with him. After ploughing for a certain time, Tenton rubbed some mud on the back of the bullock with which he was ploughing, and said to the Brahman, 'I am very thirsty, Grandfather.'
The Brahman said, "Go to the house and get a drink.'
But what if Granny does not give me to drink ?' said Tenton.
• If she does not, then call out to me,' said the Brabman. Then Tenton went to the house and said to the old woman, O Granny, Granny, my grandfather says, " bring out the bamboo-joint with the rupees in it, I want to buy a bullock." The old woman said, I won't give it you; we have a bullock already, why should we buy another P'
Tenton answered, look there in the ploughing place, do you see the white ballock ?' The old woman said, I cannot give it you.' Then Tenton called out to the Brahman, She won't give me the bamboo-joint.'
The Brahman called to the old woman bidding her give it. Then the old woman brought the bamboo-joint with the money in it and gave it to Tenton, who, when he had got hold of it, did not go back to the field, but ran away.
Then, about noon, when Tenton did not return to the field, the Brahman came home and asked his old woman where Tenton was. She angwered -
•You told me to give him the bamboo-joint with the ropees in it, and I sent it by him ; long ago I sent it.'
Then the Brahman said, So then he has run away with it; I must follow after him.' After taking his food he accordingly pursued Tenton.
Now Tenton, after getting hold of the Brahman's money, went to the King's town, and began to gamble with the King's sons. The King's sons asked him his name. Tenton said that his name was Ong ('maternal uncle') and the King's sons called him by that name. Then the Brabman, in the course of his search after Tenton, arrived at the place where they were gambling. Tenton, as though he did not know the Brahman, went on gambling. The King's sons said to Tenton, 'It is Ong's tarn to play.'
The Brahman, hearing the King's sons call him Ong,' thonght that he was perhaps really their maternal uncle, and not daring to say anything, lay down quietly and went to sleep in the place where they were gambling.
When Tenton and his campanions had finished their play, Tenton said to the King's sons - just give me a hundred rupees, and I will leave with you this slave of mine.'
Then the King's sons paid over to Tenton a hundred rupees as the price of the Brahman, and Tenton, when he had got the money, ran away again. Then the Brahman, awaking from his sleep, asked the King's sons, "Where is that lad who was gambling with you with cowries?'

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The King's sons answered, 'Why, that young man said you were his slave, and we have bought you from him for a hundred rupees; you cannot therefore go away. You will have to stay in our house as our slave.'
The Brahman said, 'O my fathers! Why did you pay away money for nothing at all without making any enquiry from me? This fellow has robbed me of a hundred rupees, and I am pursuing him; but seeing him gambling in your worshipful company I waited a little while, otherwise I would long ago have seized and carried him away.'
The King's sons said, 'Oho! is this really so? Since he has cheated both of us so much, let us go and seek for him, taking iron chains with us; if we lay hands on him, we will bind him hand and foot.'
Then all the people of the King's whole country took iron chains and went in search of Tenton. Now Tenton, meeting a man who had an iron chain with him, said to him, 'Friend, what is the reason why you are carrying about an iron chain ?'
The man answered, 'If I meet Tenton, this chain is to bind him with, hand and foot, friend.'
'Is it so ?' said Tenton, 'how is this chain to be put upon his hands and feet? please explain to me, friend; if I come across Tenton, I also would like to bind him.'
Then that man, to show Tenton, put the chains on his own hands and feet, so that he could not release himself. Then the real Tenton called out to all the people round about, Tenton is caught, come here!' and himself ran away. Then all the men came up together and beat severely the man whom Tenton had tied up with chains. He cried, I am not Tenton!'
You are not Tenton?' said they, and beat him more and more, till in the end that man died from the blows he received.
Notice the Assamese words, hai (in hai-bai), from Ass. hal, plough (final 7 in Mikir becomes i or y); dohón, for dhan, money, rupees (dh is an unknown sound in Mikir except in loan-words, and is therefore resolved into d and h); chini, to recognise. Po in bamòn-pō is a syllable indicating respect father. Pèngànso or pèngndnso, a wedded pair (pèngàn = husband).
-
Notice also the idioms hai-bai-ma-bai-si and pathu-ma-päthu-lo, where the interrogative particle ma is used to indicate an indefinite continuance of the action.
The syllable in hai kebai-i achainòng, bullock used for ploughing, indicates purpose, and frequently occurs in such adjectives.
Notice also the honorific forms used of the king's sons:-jo in teràm-jo-lo, called, pu-jō-lō, pu-jo, said, which is a plural of honour, and the lt in nàng-li-tum älòng, pō-mār-lt, also indicating respect.
The è in e-kechōbei, has cheated us both, is the plural of the pronoun of the first person, including the person addressed, while në excludes the addressee.
In addt-isi notice the idiomatic use of isi, to signify the whole country.
Làng-pong, the bamboo-joint (commonly called chunga) used in Assam to hold water (lang), is used also as a receptacle for other things, as here for money. The back of the bullock was rubbed with mud apparently that it might become invisible to the old woman, and lead her to think that it had run away or died, and that it was necessary to buy another. Khadòt, cowrie, pathu (or patu), to hide; the two together signify to gamble with cowries. Ni (ani) is apparently self-locking handcuffs or fetters, which once locked cannot be opened without a key.

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NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (Red.), PH.D., C.L.E. The date of the Mahakata pillar inscription of the Western Chalukya
king Mangalewa. This record has been edited by me in Vol. XIX. above, p. 7 ff., with a facsimile lithograph. I have had occasion to refer to the date of it in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII., in connection with the date of the Nidagundi inscription of the time of Amôghavarsha I. And my remarks made there about it have to be supplemented by a statement which proved too lengthy to be given in that place.
The date of it is contained in lines 14, 15 of the text. It runs, as given in my published version :- Uttaróttara-pravarddhamâna-rajya-pañchama-sri-varshe pravarttamâne Siddharthê Vaisakha-pûr namâsyam. And the translation is :-" In the fifth glorious year of (his) constantly augmenting reign, in the year) Siddhartha being current, on the full-moon day of the month) Vaisakha."
My reading of the text of the date has been criticised by Dr. Bhandarkar, in the following manner. He has said :-" I have carefully examined the facsimile of the inscription given " in the article; and am satisfied that this is by no means the correct reading. Rajya and parar"ttamané are the only words that are certain and perhaps the word ért also. But pañchama is "highly doubtful; the letter which Dr. Fleet reads ma is exactly like that which he reads ncha; and “there is some vacant space after ficha and ma in which something like another letter appears. Simi"larly the si of siddharthé is hardly visible as an independent letter, and the next two letters are "also doubtful. Besides in no other inscription of the early Chalukyas does the cyclic year appear."!
But there is no sound foundation of any kind for so taking exception to my reading of the date. I have, indeed, before me now, while I am writing this note, other and much better ink-impressions of the original record, from which I hope to give, some day, a much finer reproduction of it. The wording of the whole passage, however, is quite clear and unmistakable in the already published lithograph, which is a facsimile of the ink-impressions then available. It would be difficult to point to many, if any, ancient dates on stone, more easily capable of being read without any uncertainty. And the text of this date is, syllable by syllable, exactly as I gave it in my published version, at a time when it did not at all fall in with my previous notions about the exact period of Mangalêba, and as I have now given it again above. In my introductory remarks to the record, I said (loc. cit. p. 8): "The inscription itself consists of sixteen lines; and the first line is the "lowest. Line 1 runs round the pillar on the same level ; the other lines wind upward, with, in some "instances, considerable irregularity in the directions along which they run; and, partly to show the “way in which the end of one line runs into the beginning of the next, and partly because in a few "instances an akshara lies, not entirely on either the first or the last face of the stone, but on the "dividing edge between them, the lithograph has been so arranged as to repeat an akshara or two " at the beginning and end of each line." If Dr. Bhandarkar had paid attention to that statement before he carefully examined" the facsimile, and bad then examined the facsimile with a view to test my reading, and not simply to dispute it so as to suit certain preconceived and quite erroneous ideas of his own, he could hardly have failed to see that the akshara, standing in the first place on the left before the beginning of line 15,- in respect of which he has said that I read it as ma, but that it is "exactly like" that which I read as ficha, - is actually the ficha itself, which stands last but one at the end of line 14, on the right, and has been reproduced in the lithograph on the left, before the beginning of line 15, in the circumstances stated by me, and that the supposed vacant space, after this supposed ma (really ficha) and before the ári, is occupied by the real ma itselt, which stands last at the end of line 14, on the right, and, witb the ncha, similarly stands again in the lithograph on the left, at the beginning of line 15. For the rest, nothing could be plainer than, not only the si,
1 Early History of the Dekkan, in the Gax. Bo. Pres. Vol. I. Part II. p. 182, note 3.

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but also the whole word Siddharthe. And in short, the whole date is distinctly and unquestionably legible from beginning to end, even in the published facsimile, and runs exactly as Dr. Bhandarkar had it before him in my published text.
As regards the meaning and application of the word Siddharthe, the following is to be said. There is nothing substantial in the suggestion made in Dr. Bhandarkar's remark that " in " no other inscription of the early Châlukyas does the cyclic year appear." It is a fact, that this Mahákůţa record is the only Western Chalukya record, as yet known, in which the use of the cycle is presented. But so, also, we know as yet of only one Western Chalukya record which presents the name of a week-day; namely, the Sorab plates of Vinayaditya, of A.D. 692, the date of which includes Sanaischaravára. And again, among the records of the Early or Imperial Gaptas, we have as yet only one which mentions a week-day; namely, the Eran inscription of Budhagupta, of A. D. 484, the date of which includes Suragurudivasa. It would be just as unreasonable to say that, because they are isolated instances, the word Sanaischararáré in the Sorab record does not mean "on Saturday," and the words Suragurór=ddivasé in the Eraņ record do not mean "on Thursday," as it is to suggest, because it also is an isolated instance, that the word Siddharthé, standing where it does stand in the Mahákůța record, does not mean " in the year) Siddhartha." The sixty-years cycle was not invented by, or for, the Rashtrakūtas : it was known to, and was used by, the Hinda astronomers long before their time, and also before the time of Mangalēša; see, for instance, the Brihatsasishitá of Varahamihira (died A.D. 587), chapter viii., verses 28 to 52, which recite the names of all the sixty sarnvatsaras, - Siddhartha among them, and describe the astrological influences attributed to them. It can only have been from the astronomers that the Western Chalukyas, in, as far as we know as yet, the time of Mangalêsa's elder brother Kirtivarman I., obtained the use of the Saka era. The Western Chalukyas would naturally obtain, at the same time, at least a knowledge of the sixtyyears cycle; and there is no reason why they should not have made occasional use of it in their records, though it does not seem to have recommended itself to them, for official purposes, as fully as it did to the Rashtrakūtas later on. The word siddhartha has, of course, the adjectival meanings of one who has accomplished an aim or object, successful, prosperous,' &c. But the names of also some others of the saivatsaras can be translated and applied as adjectives. The name Siddhartha, with the optional form Siddharthin, is thoroughly well established as the name of the fifty-third year of the cycle. In the Mahâkůța record, the word Siddharthế stands in exactly the right position for the name of a samvatsara in a date recorded in prose. In the historical surroundings, there is not anything to render the date of A. D. 602 inadmissible for Mangalêsa ; on the contrary, it fits in exactly with the dates of his predecessor and successor, and with all that we know about the events of the period. And it is not possible that the word Siddharthé, standing where it does stand in
. See Vol. XIX. above, p. 150, text line 20, and Prof. Kielhorn's List of Inscriptions of Southern India, in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. Appendix, p. 6, No. 29.
Seo my Gupta Inscriptions, p. 89, text line 3, and Prof, Kielhorn's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, in Ep. Ind. Vol. V., Appendix, p. 64, No. 454.
Lahall on another Ocasion explain the meaning and bearing of the date of the God plates-the Saka TAAP 532 (expired). = A. D. 610-11, coupled with the twentieth year of certain rdjya, which Dr. Bhandarka has mistakenly applied as fizing the commencement of the reign of Mangaldss in Saka-Sathyat 313 (oxpired). A. D. 591-92 (noo Harly History of the Dekkan, p. 182); as the result of which, of course, a date in his fifth year oonld not fall in A. D. 602. -As regards certain events, the following remarks are to be made. In the Mahaka record, Mangalla laima that, having set his heart upon the conquest of the uttara-dis or northern region, he bad, in A. D. 602, oonquered the Kalatari king Buddha, and taken possession of all his substance. And the same event is referred to in his Nerar record, which describes him as having driven away (from that part of the Konkan) Buddbarja, son of Batinkaragspa, and having killed a Chalikya princo named Svemirkja; see Vol. VII, above, p. 162 b. This Kalaturi king Buddha is the Katachohuri king Buddharkja, ann of Bankaragana, whom the Sarsaari plates show to have been still reigning, in Gujarat, on the north of the Narbada, in A.D. 610, se Ey. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 295 ft. But it is to be noted that Mangaleia does not claim to have slain Buddharija. I have said that, by his victory over Buddbarája, Mangalla seins to have acquired the whole of the northern territory up to the river Kiin, or perhaps even to the Maht; see Dyn. Kan, Distra. Pp. 347, 382. We must now limit Mangalla's advance, to the Kim, or possilly to the Narbadh. No further correotion, however, is necessary in connection with him and Buddharija.

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the Mahâkâta record, can mean anything except "in (the year) Siddhartha," or "in (the) Siddhartha (samvatsara)."
The actual equivalent of the date presented in the Mahakata record is quite certain. In connection with the date, there is only one point, a minor one, which is at all doubtful ; namely, whether the Siddhartha saivatsara is to be taken according to the actual mean-sign system, or according to the so-called northern lani-solar system. According to the actual mean-sign system, it ran from the 25th October, A. D. 601, to the 21st October, A. D. 602. Whereas, according to the other system, it ran, as a luni-solar year, from the 28th February, A.D. 602, to the 18th March, A. D. 603, and, as a solar year, from the 19th March, A. D. 602, to the 19th March,, A. D. 608. The point, however, is not at all material. In any of the three cases, the full-moon day of the month Vaisi kha, in the Siddhartha sanatsart, was the 12th April, A. D. 602. And, as the result of that, the reign of Mangalêsa commenced on some day from the amanta Vaisakha krishna 1, Saka Samvat 519 expired, in A. D. 597, to Vaisakha sakla 15, S.-S. 520 expired, in A. D. 598.5 References to the Bashtrakata king Krishna III. in the records of
the Rattas of Saundatti. In the epigraphic records of the period subsequent to the overthrow of the Rashtrakata dynasty of Malkhed, there are various passages which shew that, of the kings of that line, Krishna III., in particular, was well remembered in the Kanarese country, part of which formed the possessions of the Ratta princes of Saundatti. I here bring together some allusions to him, in three Ratta records, and in another record which includes a long passage referring itself to the Ratta period, which are of special interest in connection with the claim at any rate that the Ratta princes belonged to the same lineage with him, and perhaps that they were actually descended from him.
1.- At Soundatti, the head-quarters of the Parasgad taluka of the Belgaum district, there is an inscription, edited by me in the Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 194 ff., wbich was drawn up and put on the stone in, or very shortly after, A. D. 1098.
Lines 1 to 4 of this record register certain grants, of which one was an allotment of sixnivartanas (of land) by « (Ratta) prince named Kanna, to provide for the charts-oblation to & certain god. This Kanna may be either Kannakaira I., between A. D. 980 and 1040, or Kannakaira II., about A. D. 1069 to 1087. And the passage thus mentioning him appears to be an afterthought, added when the rest of the record had been completed.
Theu, after a certain verse in praise of the Jain religion, the record introduces a teacher named Mullabhattaraka (line 6), belonging to the Karega gana of the sect of the holy Maiļâpatirtha, It tells us that the disciple of Mullabhattaraka was Guņakirti, and that Gupskirti's disciple was Indrakîrti. It then mentions, as & pupil? of Indrakirti, a certain Prithvirama (1. 8), whom it describes as the eldest son of Merada, and as "& worshipper of the water-lilies that were the feet of the glorious Krishnarajadova (1. 9), before whom a crowd of kings bowed down." It then, in lines 12 to 14, recites that, in the year Manmatha, when the Saka year 797 had expired, that is, in A. D. 875-76 according to either the so-called northern or the so-called southern luni-solar system of the sixtyyears cycle," by that king” (têna bhupéna) a temple of Jinêndra was founded at Sugandhavarti-(Saundatti) and was endowed with eighteen nivartanas (of land). And it repeats part of the above information, in saying, in lines 14 to 18, that, - samasta-bhuvan-esraya sriprithvsvallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramosvara-paramabhattarakam Rashtrakama-kula-tilakam brimat. Krishnarajadová-vijaya-rajyam = uttaróttar-abhivriddhi-pravardthamânant -ê-chandr-arkka-taranbaram saluttam-ire, " while the victorious reign of the asylum of the universe, the favourite of Fortune and of the Earth, the Mahardjádhiraja, Paraméscare, and Paramabhagsdraka, the ornament of the
The figures "A. D. 497 or 488" in Vol. XIX. above, p. 20, were a sufloiently obvious mistake, which was ourrooted in the list of Errata given in the same volamo.
. Compare pages 218, 219, below. * The word used here is ch nattra. In the case of Gaņaklrti and Indrakirti, it is siahya.

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family of the Rashtrakatas, the glorions Krishnarajadays, was continuing, augmenting with an ever greater and greater increase, so as to endure as long as the moon and sun and stars might last," his feudatory (tat-pádapadn-ipajídin) the Mahasamanta Prithvirams, who had attained the panchamahasabdu, gave as a sarranamasya-grant (land measuring) eighteen nivartanas, situated in four places, to the temple of Jinêndra which had been founded by himself (mva-ldrita-Jinêndrabhavandya). And it adds that the allotment made by Prithvirama was given again by (the Ratta prince) Kartavirya (II.) (1. 19) to his own preceptor.
Then, in lines 21 to 26, the record makes a more formal mention of Kartavirys II. 88 a feudatory (tat-pddapadm-ópajfrin) of the Western Chalukya king Tribhavanamalladêva-(Vikramaditya VI.); and it describes Kartavirya II. as a Mahamandalegara who had attained the panchamahdsabda, as the supreme lord of Lattalûr the best of towns, as being heralded by the sounds of the musical instrument called trivali, as being an ornament of the family of the Rattas, and as having the sendúraldichhana or red-lead create and the suvarna Garudad hvaja or banner of golden Garuda. Then, without any further allusion to Pșithvirams and the persons mentioned in connection with him, the record presents the Ratta genealogy. Here, it first mentions Kartavirya I. (line 27), as born in the race of the Rattas (1. 26), as a son of Nanna, and as a feudatory of the Western Chalukya king) Ahavamalla-(Sômêsvara I.). It takes the genealogy as far as Sena II. (1. 36), or Kalasena (1. 37). And then, in lines 39 to 41, it registers a grant made by Vira-Permadideva, meaning of course Vikramaditya VI., on a specified day in the month Pausha of the Dhâtu smivatsara, the twenty-first of the years of the time of Vira-Vikrama, falling in December, A. D. 1098. It then refers to a grant made at some previous time by either the first or the second Ratta prince named Kannskaira (1. 41-42). And then, after some of the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses, it ends with the words "the Jinalaya of Vira-Permadideva."
2.- The copper-plate record of A. D. 1208 from Bhoj, in the Chikođi täluka of the Belgaum district, published by me in Vol. XIX. above, p. 242 ff., says, in lines 6 to 9, in opening the pedigree of the Rattas of Saundatti with the mention of Sena II., that, -asti Ratt-ahray8 vambah Krishnaraja-kpit-Ônnatih ..... asmin .... .. samjâtas
.. . Song-râjas, -- "there is the race that has the appellation of Batta, the elevation of which was effected by Krishnaraja; in it there was born king Sona (II.)."
3.- The inscription of A. D. 1218 at Násargi, in the Sampgaon talaka of the Belgaum district, opens with some verses which include a prayer that the god Siva will fulfil the desires of the princes, lords of the Kundi district in the Kuntals country in the land of Bharata, who were born in the lineage of the Rattas. And then, in introducing a portion of their genealogy, it presents the following passage in lines 9 to 14 -
Srl-varan-Achchu(chya)ta sakaļa-lôka-hit-artthay-udagra-daitya-vi
drivananæagi Kri(kļi)shņa-vesarim Yadu-vambadol-oldu puttid-- nti vasudbi-talim pogale puttidha(da)n=opp-ire Krishnaraja-vi
sv-avani-Vallabham Tuliga-bhupa-sikhamaņi Batta-vambadol II Ghanalo-gnaryyar vibhavam gabhirav=anaghar såhittyavekchkrave
rpp-initum kál tanagunkkaleáv=aņay-enal ári-Krishna-Kamdhara-bhuvanit-Adhisanol-iruv-anyar-eney=alt-a Kțishộan-i Krishnan-em
b-inegań Ratta-kul-ambaj-arkkan-esedam tân-erdade vanniperin 11 Imt 11-esev-akhila-guņamgaļin Gamdamarttamdam . Vikramachakravartti Kaohohogarh!? Tuligan-embranupamam-appa birudin=amka-mal-Alarksitanm18-appa Krishnaraja-raj[A]nva
* See Ep. Ind. VOL VII. p. . • Metre, Utpalam álik. 10 Metre, Mattebba vikridita 11 Prove, as far as the word arangalo!.
12 My published text gives kabbegart, which I took to be a variant of kabbiga, 'poet.' Bat we know, now, from the Atakar inscription of A. D. 949-50, that that was a wrong reading for kachchega; 100 Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 58, text line 8, and p. 55, Bota 9.
13 Read darksianum,

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yado! tad-angunarmensil mattam negarddearasugaļol II ...... Ratta-vam-amburuharkkarin tán.....Sena-dhâtrivaran,
Translation : -"Just as Achyuta (Vishņu), the husband of Sri, having driven away the fierce demons for the welfare of the whole world, was graciously born under the name of Kțishna in the race of the Yadas, so, amidst the praises of this earth, in the race of the Rattas there was fittingly born Krishnaraja, the favourite of the whole world, (he who was called) Tuliga the crest-jewel of kings. Listen now!; there are no others who resemble the glorious Krishna-Kandhara, the lord of the woman the Earth, in that it can be said that they possess, to ever so small an extent, so much great bravery, glory, sagacity, sinlessness, rhetoric, upright conduct, and daring; in such a way that people said " That Kșishņa (the god) is this Krishna (the king)," he himself shone out as the sun of the water-lily (blooming in the day-time) which was the family of the Battas : how shall I describe him? In the royal lineage of Krishnaraja who, by reason of all his thus resplendent virtues, was verily adorned by the characteristic string of the unequalled appellations Grandemartanda, Vikramachakravartin, 15 Kachchega ("he who wears the girdle of prowess "), and Tuliga, 16 and among the kings who caused themselves to he spoken of as resembling him in virtues and who were otherwise famous, there was the prince Sens (II.), himself a sun of the water-lily (blooming in the day-time) which was the race of the Rattas."
After this the record continues the genealogy of the Ratta princes as far as Kärtarirya IV., and so eventually passes on to its practical object.
4.- At Hannikere or Hannikëri in the Belgaum distriet, there is an inscription which was drawn up and put on the stone in, or very shortly after, A. D. 1257. It has not been edited. But I have had occasion to refer to it before now.17 And it will be convenient to give, now, the full purport of it, in addition to extracts bearing on the special matter that we have in hand.
Handikere or Happikori is a village about four miles towards the north-west from Sampgaon, the head-quarters of the Sampgaon tÂluka, and about thirteen miles on the east of Belgaum. It is shewn as 'Hooneekehree' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 41 (1852). The exact form of its name is not quite certain.18 - The inscription is on a stone tablet, about 5'71 high by 1' 10' broad, which stands against the east wall of the mandupa of a temple which is known both as the Sivîlaya and as the temple of Brabmadêva. - At the top of the stone, there are the following sculptures: in the centre, a Jina, in a shrine, seated, and facing full-front; on the left (proper right), outside the shrine, a naked standing figure, facing to the front, with the sun above it; and on the right (proper left), & cow and calf, with the moon above them. - The writing covers an area about 3' 31' high by 1' 10' broad. It is in sixty-nine lines. And it is very well preserved, except that the stone is broken in half along lines 16 and 17, and some letters have been destroyed along the line of fissure. - Except for the opening exclamation Om Namah sidhdhé(ddhé)bhyaḥ, the well-known verse Srimat-paramagarbhíra, &c., which follows it, and some of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses further on in the record, the language is Kanarese, of the later archaic type, partly in verse and partly in prose.
14 This is to be pronounced as if it were written anugunarenia. There are several similar orthographie peculiarities in this record
15 This has not yet been establisbed by any Rhahrakuţa records as an actual birida of Krishna III., or of any other Rashtrakata king. And the composer of this record seems to have invented it in imitation of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI.
16 This biruda, also, hm not yet been met with in the Rashtrakta records themselves; but it is put forward for Krishna III. in also the spurious Wadkan plates: see Vol. XXX. above, p. 873. It seems to be connected with tuli, and to mean something like he who tramples apon, or crushes to pieces with the feet.'
11 See my Dynastia of the Kanares Districts, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part II. pp. 550, 556.
16 See Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 100, note 8.

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After the verse Srimal-parama-garibhira, 8c., there follows a verse invoking a blessing from the Jinêndra Paráva. And the record then proceeds to say that, at the great village of Venugrâma(Belgaum) (line 10), which was an ornament of a district (pradésa) in the Kondi three-thousand mandala (1. 8-9) in Bharatakshetra (1. 7) to the south of the mountain Mandara (1.6) which is the central column of the land of Jambúd vipa (1. 5), there was the race of the Rattas (1. 11).
Then, in lines 11 to 80, it continues : - Anteagamnya-pemay20-éraya-sri-Batt-Anvayadoļu Svasti Samasta-bhuvan-asraya sripri(pri)thvivallabha maharajadhiraja paramêsva(sva)ra paramabhattaraka Kamdhara-puravar-adhisva(sva)ra suvarana-Garuda-dhvaja Ratta-kulakamala-marttanda ...... Dâm-adi-samasta-rajâvaļi-samaļamkri(kri)ta Vishnu-vamavatára ...... Kri(kri)shņam vitata-yasain rakshisi tâm sa(sa)tatam bammrajya-21 Lakshmig-ndhipatiy=&dam | Va 11 Amt=aneka-nri(npi)pa-mandala-prachamda-mandalesva(sva)ra-bri-Kri(krishna-Kamdhararaya-sammrajya 22-prajya-samtatiyo Svasti Samasta prasa(sa)sti-sabita śrimanu-mahamandalesva(sva)ram Lattantra-puravar-adhisva(sva)ram trivali-tûryya-nirgghôshanam Ratta-kula-bhúshaņa mandaļika-ganda-tala-prahâri birudamka-maliy=ity-adi nâm-avaļi-samaļamkrita23.kshatriyottaman-ent-ene.... bri-Karttaviryya-bhupottamanna 11 Tat-tanûbhavam11 Kam 11 Ratta-kul-igrani ...... Laksbmidevan ...... A mahivallabhana mano-nayana-vallabhe .. .. Chath daladovi patta-râniy-en-ikkum 11
Translation : - "In the lineage of the glorious Rattas, which was thus the abode of an incalculable amount of merit :- Hail!:- He who was decorated with all the royal list (of titles) commencing with the names of the asylum of the universe, the favourite of Fortune and the Earth, the Mahárdjádhiraja, Paramérara, and Paramabhattdraka, the supreme lord of Kandharapura the best of towns, he who had the banner of a golden Garuda, the sun of the water-lily (blooming in the day-time) which was the family of the Raftas, namely) he, Krishna, possessed of wide-spread fame, who was an incarnation of the race of Vishnu, having himself been a protector, became for ever the lord of Lakshmi in the shape of universal empire. Prose : - In the continuous succession, rich in universal empire, of the glorious Krishna-Kandhararaya, who was thus the formidable suzerain of many kings and territories : - Hail:- The illustrious Mahamandalesvara, possessed of all sorts of praises, the best of Kshatriyas who was decorated by a list of names beginning with the supreme lord of Lattanara the best of towns, he who is heralded by the sounds of the musical instrument called trivali, the ornament of the family of the Rattas,26 he who slaps the cheeks of chieftains, and he who has a characteristic string of (other) appellations, was the illustrious Kartavirya (III.), the best of princes. His son was Lakshmideva (I.), a leader of the family of the Rattas. And the favourite of the mind and eyes of that prince was the crowned queen Chandaladevi."
The record then recites that, while Lakshmideva I. was ruling at the capital (rdjadhani) of Vēņugrima (line 30), in the Kårey 26 gans of the Y&paniya samgha (1. 84) there was a certain Kanakaprabha (1. 41), a disciple of Sridhars (1. 40) who was the cbief disciple of a previous Kanakaprabha (1. 37). The bee who sipped the pollen of the water-lilies that were his feet, was Ammagávunda, son of Holligauņda (1. 46). His wife was Olajigaudi 27 (1. 47). And their son was Hollana (1. 48).
• 1 The record omits the usual reference to the Kuntals country.
90 Read agantya-puny. 31 od 1 Road adhrajya or admrajya.
23 Read samalan kita. » This, however, was really the banner of the Rattas, not of the Rashtrakatas : see Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p.
25 This passage does not mention either the banner or the crest of the Rattas. Nor does any other part of the record.
* Tbe metro marks the vowel of the second syllable as sbort.
11 Ia not oortain whether the termination of this name, gaudi, is the other form of gavuditi, '(s rustio female), a female servant,' or whether it is intended to stand for, or is also another form of, gaurdagitti, garudasini, ** Gauda's wife.'

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Ammagavuuda was the malasvá min or rightful owner, and tho Maháprabhu, of (the village of) Chinchuņike (line 49-50)28 in a group of eight villages know as the Haral or Haraļu ontumbada of the eppattumbada, - meaning, no doubt, the Vêņugrama seventy of other records. At the command of the holy é!lcóti-mahadevaru,29 he clothed himself with a jigavattige or cloth thrown over the back and knees of an ascetic during meditation,' and caused to be made, in the middle of his village, a temple, possessed of the embellishments of a manastambha and a makaratorana and the paschamahasabda, of the Jinêndra Paráva (1. 52). And then (1. 52 f.), - Saka-varsham 1130 te(tta)neys Vibhava-samvatsarada Phalguna(na) budhdha(ddha) 13 Somavaradamdu, -"on Monday, the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Phålguna of the Vibhava salavatsara, which was the Saka year 1130 (expired)," with the assent of the MahamandaL&svara Lakshmidevarass (1.) (line 54), having laved the feet of the Acharya Kanakaprabhapaņditadêva of the Koreya gana of the lineage of Mail&pa of the Yapaniya samgha (1. 55), the Maháprabhu Ammagávuņda (1. 57) gave to that teacher, to provide for food, safe refuge, medicine, instruction in the scriptures, and the repairs of whatever might become broken, torn, or worn out in the temple, some land in the south-east quarter of his village (1. 58), and a danasále, a betel-nut plantation, an oil-mill, and other itens.
A second passage records (line 62 f.) that, - Sake-varsham 1170 te(ttaneye Pimgala samvatsarada Chaitra sudhdha30 7 Guruváradalu, -"on Thursday, the seventh tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Chaitra of the Pingala saivatsara, which was the Saka year 1179 (expired)," at the command of the Mahápradhana and Sarvddhikarin Chevundisetti (line 64), and with the assent of Kallarasa, the Sunkddhikarin Ketagaunda (1. 65) allotted a certain portion of the suška or customs-duties to the panchamathasthana of Chinchuņike.
The dates of this record are both unsatisfactory. As regards the first dato, in line 52 f.: -- The given tithi, Phâlguna sukla 18 of the Vibhava samvatsara, Saka-Samvat 1130 expired, began at about 6 hrs. 18 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) on Wednesday, 18th February, A. D. 1209, and cannot be connected with the Sunday at all. Moreover, the date is not admissible for Lakshmideva I., as we have various dates ranging from A, D, 1199 to 1208, as well as a date in A. D. 1218, for his son and successor Kertavirya IV.31 As regards the second date, in line 62 f.:-The given titki, Chaitra sukla 7 of the Pingala samvatsarn, Saka-Saravat 1179 expired, began at about 6 hrs. 14 min. on Friday, 23rd March, A. D. 1257, and cannot be connected with the Thursday at all.
Now, the mention, in the Nbsargi inscription of A. D. 1218, No. 3, page 216 above, of the birudas Gandamartanda and Kaoh chega, which are well established by other records, 32 proves that the king, born in the race of the Rattas, who is referred to as Kfishna, Krishnaraja, and Krishna-Kandhara 33 in that record, is the Rashtrakata king Krishna III., for whom we
* This would thus seem to bave been the original name of Happikere or Happikeri itself.
>> The literal meaning of this exprension is the seven crores of great gode ;' but the exact looal purport of it is not knowo. Mention is made, however, of Jain temple named Elkiţi-Jinalaya in an inscription of A. D. 1219-20 at Arsikere in the Hassan district, Mysore (Ep. Carn, Vol. V., Ak. 77), and it appears to have received that name because it was to be maintained by a loon) body of persons who are mentioned as étitigal, the seven crores,' in that verse, and as ekkoti-vfra-ganangalu, 'the seven orores of strict followers,' in an inscription of A. D. 1183-84 at the same village (ibid., Ak. 86). So, also, an Ekkoţi.Jinalaya is mentioned in an inscription of A. D, 1202 or thereabouts at Vakkelagere 'in the Kapur district, Mysore (id. Vol. VI., K. 38). And the epithet ekkoti-chakravarti, 'an emperor among the seven crores,' is applied to a preceptor named Malesvara in inseriptions of A. D. L180 at Honnüra and Tarigalale in the Hassan district (id. Vol. V., Ag. 79, 81). The passage in the Honnoru inscription which prohibits any interference with the grant registered in that record, alludea to the sin of killing okkoti-tapódhanaru, seven crores of asceties; this expression, however, which is found in other records also, bas no son nection with the technical expression. 30 Read fuddha. 31 Seo Dyn. Kan. Distrs. p. 656 f.
11 See Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 178 4. * Kandhars and Kandhara, and also Kansara, Kanhara, and Kanhira, all ooour as Prakpit forms of the names of kings whose names are given in Sanskrit a Krishna. On the general subject of Prakrit personal names, no Dyn. Kan. Diss. p. 410, note 1, and Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 185, noto 1.

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have dates ranging from A. D. 940 to 961.34 And, evidently, it is also he who is spoken of as Krishnaraja in the Bhoj record of A. D. 1208, No. 2, page 216, and as Krishna and Krishna. Kandharardys in the Hanņikere or Hannikéri record of A. D. 1267, No. 4, page 217.
The allusion, however, in the Saundatti record of A. D. 1098 or thereabouts, No. 1, page 215 above, to a Rashtrakata king Krishnarajadeva in conjunction with the Mahdadmanta Prithvirams and in connection with the date of A. D. 875-76 for both of them, is not so clear and simple. Originally, I took that passage as furnishing a real date for the actual reign of & Rashtrakůta king Krishna, 35 - the one who is now designated Krishna II., - about whom not much else was then known; and, it may be added, I naturally then took the king who is mentioned in the Nêsargi record, to be also the same person. Later on, I applied it as furnishing a date for Krishņa II. as Yuvarája under his father Amoghavarsha I.,7 for wbom the date of A. D. 877-78 had meanwhile been obtained. Subsequently, I had to consider the matter again, and more fully.38 And I endorse now the results at which I then arrived. The Saundatti record first, in lines 8 to 14, mentions Prithvirama as a pupil of Indrakirti and as a worshipper of the feet, that is, as a servant or protégé, of Kộishnarajadêva, and says that, in the Manmatha samvatsara, Saka-Samvat 797 expired, = A. D. 875-76, a Jain temple was built at Saundatti, and was endowed, by a person who, as far as that passage goes, might be either Přithvirâma or Kộishnarajadêva. In lines 14 to 18, however, where it mentions Prithvirama as a Mahdsdmanta fendatory to Krishnarajadêva, it distinctly explains that it was Pțithvirama who, as a Mahdsamanta, built and endowed the temple. And that was done, the first passage says, in A. D. 875-76. But that part of the record which relates to Krishnarajadêva and Prithviráma is not a synchronous and original record: it was pat together and transferred to the stone at the same time with the remainder of the record; and that was done, of course, at about the time of the date given in lines 39, 40, namely, in or shortly after A. D. 1096. Further, the date of A. D. 875-76 cannot be an authentic one for Prithvirama; for we know, from another of the Sanndatti records, that he was the grandfather of a certain Sântivarman, - belonging, it may incidentally be remarked, not to the Ratta family, but to the Baisa family, who was the ruling Mahdaa manta in December, A. D. 980, and the range of a hundred and five years for the three generations is far too great. And my conclusions about the record are as follows. The real patron and sovereign of Přithvirama must have been Krishna III., whose earliest known date, A. D. 940, is in quite sufficient agreement with the period of a person, the Mahdsdmanta Prithvirama, whose grandson, Sântivarman, was a grown-up person, ruling as Mahd så manta, in A. D. 980. The Saundatti record makes & confusion between Krishna III. and his ancestor Krishna II. And, in its first mention of Kishnarajadêva-Křishņa III. and Prithvirâma, it erroneously puts forward and connects with them a date, equivalent to A. D. 875-76, taken probably from some archive of the sect to which Prithvirama's preceptor belonged, which possibly did actually appertain to Krishna II., for whom, as Yuvaraja, it would be quite admissible.
The Saundatti record of A. D. 1096 or thereabouts does not, in reality, aggert any connection between Krishna III. and the Rattas of Saundatti; it only establishes a synchronism between Krishna III. and Prithvirama, who, we know from the Saundatti record of A. D. 980, belonged to the Baisa family. An assertion claiming a connection between Krishna III. and the Ratta princes first appears, as far as our present knowledge of the records goes, in the Bhojplates of A. D. 1208: but it is not very explicit : it may mean that Sêna II. belonged to the same lineage with Kệishna III., whom, in that case, it signalises as having specially conferred distinction upon that lineage; or it may simply mean that Séna II. belonged to another family which had been patronised and raised to power by Krishna III. An assertion
** See Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. pp. 178, 1€0. 58 Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 170, 187. * Ibid. p. 175. 31 Dyn. Kan. Dietro, first version, 1882, p. 36. That work is, of course, Dow quito obsolete. *Dyn. Kan. Distre., revised version, 1895-96, in the Gar. Bo. Pres. Vol. I. Part II., P. 411, note 1. 5 Jour. Bo. Br. R. 41. Soc. Vol. X. p. 204; and see Dyn. Kan, Distro. p. 552.

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that the Ratts princes belonged to the same lineage with Krishna III., is, however, distinctly made in the Nêsargi record of A. D. 1218, which places Sêna II. in the royal lineage (rájánvaya) of Krishna III. And it is repeated in the Happikere or Hannikêri record of A. D. 1257, in that part of it which is connected with the date of A. D. 1209; that part of the record places Kartavirya III. in the continuous succession of Krishna III., using a word, santati, which is often, and quite justifiably, translated by 'lineage, race, progeny, offspring.' These two passages are quite open to the interpretation that Sêna II. and his son Kârtavirya III. were actual descendants of Krishna III. And we thus have at any rate a claim that the Ratta princes of Saundatti belonged to the same lineage with the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III., and perhaps a claim that they were actually descended from him. How far the claim, in either form, was based upon fact, we cannot at present finally decide. The Ratta genealogy has not yet been traced back beyond the person who is mentioned as Nannabhupa in the Saundatti record of A. D. 1096 or thereabouts, and as Nannanṛipâla in the Saundatti record of A. D. 1048,40 and as Nannapayyarâna in the Sogal record of A. D. 980, and, in all three records as the father of Kartavirya I. who, in July, A. D. 980, was ruling the Kundi country under the Western Châlukya king Taila II. Though Taila II. had, shortly before that time, overthrown the Rashtrakutas of Malkhêd, that is no reason why he should not have allowed connections or descendants of them to continue to hold power as local rulers under himself. And the date established for Kârtarirya I. is not inconsistent with the possibility that his father Nanna was a protégé or even a son of Krishna III. On the other hand, the fact that the banner and crest of the Rattas of Saundatti were different from the banner and crest of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhêd,42 is opposed to an identity of lineage. Further, the Kalasipur inscription of A. D. 933, of the time of Govinda IV., mentions a Mahasamanta, whose name has not as yet been determined, but whom it describes as "lord of the town of Lattalûr," and as "heralded by the sounds of the musical instrument called trivali."43 Those titles make it practically certain that that Mahasamanta was a Ratta. That record thus tends to carry back the family of the feudatory Ratta princes to before the time of Krishna III. And it is possible that the claim in connection with Krishna III., advanced in later times by the Rattas of Saundatti, may be based upon nothing but the probable point that they belonged to the same tribe or clan with the Rashtrakuta kings of Malkhed, and upon the certain fact that, of those kings, Krishna III. was well remembered, in the territory part of which formed the. possessions of the Rattas of Saundatti, as the brother-in-law of the Western Ganga prince Bûtuga II., whose memory was very well preserved there in connection with the restoration of the Jain temples that had been destroyed by the Chôla invaders.
221
The town Kandharapura, which is mentioned in connection with Krishna III. in the Hangikere or Haņņikêri record of A. D. 1257, No. 4, page 217 above, seems to be a purely imaginary place. At any rate, no allusion to it has been met with in the Rashtrakuta records. But, at Hire-Kummi and Sattigeri in the Parasgaḍ taluka of the Belgaum district, and at Surkôd or Sarkôr in the neighbouring Râmdurg State, there are some spurious copper-plate charters. without dates, which purport to have been issued by a Chakravartin Kanhara and KrishnaKanhara, meaning, again, Krishna III., whom they style "supreme lord of Kandharapura;" and the Surkôd or Surkôr charter further describes him as reigning at Kanharapura.
The Mukula or Chellakêtana family.
The Nidagundi inscription of the time of Amôghavarsha I., edited by me in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII., makes mention of a governor of his, named Bankêya or Bankéyarasa, possessing
40 This record is at the temple of Ankalêsvara or Ankné évara. It has not been published yet; but it has been mentioned by me in Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 172 f., and in Dyn. Kan. Distrs. pp. 553, 554.
1 See Dyn. Kan. Distrs. pp. 423, 553; and Prof. Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Southern India, in the Appendix to Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 26, No. 141.
42 See Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p.
43 See ibid., page See Dyn. Kan. Distrs, p. 550, note 6; and Vol. XXX. above, p. 217, note 65.
, note

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the chellaketans or javelin-banner, who then, at some time between A. D. 878 and 878, was governing the Banavasi twelve-thousand province, and the districts known as the Belgali three-hundred, the Kundarage seventy, the Kundur five-hundred, and the Purigere three-hundred.
Other records supply further information about Banköya and the family to which he belonged. And the following notes may be usefully put together bere.
At Konnûr, in the Nawalgund talaka of the Dharwår district, there is an inscription on stone, edited by Professor Kielhorn in Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 25 ff., which purports to reproduce the substance of a copper-plate charter. It was written about the middle of the twelfth century A. D. And, as has been pointed out by me in Vol. XXX. above, p. 210, it is not altogether a reliable record, because it makes certain misstatements and omissions in respect of the Rashtrakūtas. But, taking it for what it may be worth, we learn, in the first place, that, in a family, the name of which it gives as Mukula kula, there was a certain person named Erakori. His son was Adhóra or Adhora, lord of Kolantra, that is Konnur, whose wife was Vijayanka. And their son was Bankeba, otherwise called Sellaketans, whose name is presented as Bankeys and Banköyaraja in subsequent parts of the record.
In respect of this Bankoa, who is the Bankêya or Bahk@yarasa of the Nidagundi inscription and the Baika of a literary reference which will be noted further on, the Konnûr record makes the following statements. It assorts that, by the favour of Amôghavarsha I., he received and ruled “the thirty-thousand villages of which Vanavast is the foremost." It further indicates that Bankësa had been employed in some operations against the Western Gangas of Talakad, in reciting that, by the desire of Amoghavarsha I., he had "striven to extirpate that lofty forest of fig trees - Gangavadi, difficult to be cut down." And it claims that Bankesa at once ascended and easily took "that fort named Kedala, difficult to be scaled on account of its ramparts, bars, &c.," and that, having occupied that country, he drove away " the hostile lord of Talavanapura," that is, of Talakad. And further, in words, placed by the record in the month of Amôghavarsha I. himself, which deserve to be reproduced in full, from Professor Kielhorn's appreciative translation of them, it recites that “with a lion's spring having "crossed the Kaveri, most difficult to be passed on account of its heavy floods, .... he "shook the mighty dominion of him even who was able to shake the world. On that occasion, "when through internal dissension & disturbance had arisen near me, then, at the mere word " of me that he should retorn, - having made a vow that if, before his arrival, I, the Vallabha “lord, should defeat the enemies, he would as an ascetic completely resign the world, or if by "chance the fortune of victory should fall to the enemies, he would enter into the flames of a " roaring fire, - he arrived near me after a few days. Having said that also he certainly " would enter into fire if, within three months, by defeating the enemies he could not make “his master drink milk (to allay his anger or mental distress), - after my son, whose hosts " were consumed by the flames of the blazing fire of his impetuous bravery, blackened by the
* In line 58 of the record, the metre marks the vowel of the second syllable of this form of his name as the long e.
· Prof. Kielhorn has suggested (Ep. Ind, Vol. VI. p. 38) that this may be a place, shewn in the map in Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscription, as 'Khedapurs (Kaidala), which in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 60, N. E. (1995). is shown in
Kaidala,' three and a half miles south-south-west from Tumkur, the head-quarters of the Tumkor district in Mysore. The position is suitable enough. And from Mr. Rioe's Mysore, revised edition, Vol. II, p. 185, we leam that the village contains the rains of two fine temples, and "appears to have been formerly the capital of a state.” But we are told, in the same place, that the former name of it is said to have been Kridapura,' and that, though
das meaning "the restored hand" in connectiou with a legend about Jakkan charya, the name appears as KaydAl' in records of A. D. 1150. And there is nothing in the map to indicate that the village is, or has been, a fortified place. The identification is, thus, not certain.
47 Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 38, verses 27 to 81, and 31.
" " According to the writers on medicine, milk is a remody not only for bodily disease, but also for mental "disorder."

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"smoke and thus bidden himself had escaped, perchance sent away by the rest, - he completely " defeated the princes who remained, and, victorious, made captive and slew the adversaries, "and thus fulfilled his promise." .... And so, like a Brahman, having sacrificed the “enemy at the sacrifice of battle, where the fire of his valour shone the brighter for the many “oblations of streams of melted butter - the blood of his opponents, he has secured from me, “Viranarayana, tbis edict which to the world's end proclaims him a hero, resulting from his "expiatory rite - the destruction of my foes, and acquired by the efficiency of his spell - the “restoration of my fortune." And finally it recites that, "at the request of this my dear servant Bankeya," Amoghavarsha I. granted a village named Taleyara, in the Majjantiya seventy bhukti, to a Jain ascetio named Devendra, who had been appointod to take care of a Jain snnctuary founded by Bank&ya at Kolanûra-Konnür, and to whom Bankøya had given the temple.
The record says that thPs grant, made by Amoghavarsha I. At the request of Bankeya, was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on the full-moon tithi of the month Áśvayuja of the Vikrama samvatsara, which was the Saka year 782 expired, and was "the eightythird current year." And Professor Kielhorn has shewn that the corresponding English date is the 3rd October, A. D. 880, when there was an eclipse of the moon, visible in India. And thus the record presents a date which not only is a true one for Amôghavarsha I., falling well within the limits of his reign, but also is correct in respect of its details, But we know enough, fw, about Hindu dates, to be quite well aware that, neither does a date which is incorrect in respect of its details prove that a record is spurious, nor does a correctly recorded date prove that the record in which it is put forward is genuine, or that the matter recited in connection with it is authentic. And we know, as has already been said, that some of the statements made about the Rashtraktas themselves in this Konnür record, are not correct. Still, the assertions made in respect of Bank&ya and his family and achievements, ring genuinely. We know of nothing opposed to them. And we have a certain amount of confirmation of them, in the mention of Baikêya, in the Nidagundi inscription, as the governor of a very large territory under Amoghavarsba I., and with a date with which the date put forward in the Konnûr inscription is quite compatible. And we may, therefore, accept them provisionally, as probably anthentic. And we may, to the same extent, accept the indication, given by the Konnûr inscription, that there was a rebellion against Amoghavarsha I. by one of his song, Whether, however, that son was Krisha II., his successor, or another, we cannot at present decide.
• The Nidagundi inscription mentions a son of Bankêya named Kundatte, who at that time was governing the group of villages known as the Niðugundage twelve. We do not know, as yet, anything further about this person. But he may perhaps be the son of Bankêya who is mentioned as Chelladhvaja in the literary passage referred to in the next paragraph.
Of Bankaya we have another mention, and a quite authentic and reliable one, in the prasasti of the Uttarapurana of the Jain writer Gunabhadra, in connection with which reference may be made to the text given by Dr. Bhandarkar in his Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1883-84, p. 429, verses 32 to 37. The prasasti tells us that the Purana was completed on a certain date in the Pingala sash vatsara, Saka-Samvat 830 (current), corresponding, as determined by Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit, to the 23rd Juno, A. D. 897. And it adds the information that the king Akalavarsha, that is Krishna II., was then reigning, and that a certain Lökåditya, of the Mukula kula, was then enjoying the whole of the Vanavasa province (dása), which had happily been for a long time free from troubles. It further mentions Lékâditya as Chellapataka, which may be taken either as meaning "having the chella-banner," or as a secondary personal name, and as being a younger brother of a person whom it calls Chelladhvaja and a son of a person whom it calls Chellaketana.61 It describes Lôkaditya as enjoying the Vanavâsa province,- tat-pitri-nija-nâma-kritê khyâté Bamkâpure parêshv=adhikê, -"at the famous town
9 Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 26. 60 See Dr, Bhandarkar's Report on Sanskrit Manucripta for 1883, p. 430. 61 Eee the extract given on page 226 below.

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of Bankapura, superior among towns, which had been made by his father by his own name," that is, which had been named by his father after himself, and perhaps had also been founded by his father. And we thus recognise that Lôkaditya's father, the Chellaktana of the prasasti, had the name of Banka, and was the Banköya of the Nidagandi inscription, and the BankeseBankoya of the Konnûr inscription.
As mentioned in the preceding paragraph, the prasasti of the Uttarapurána gives for Bankêya's son LokAditya, otherwise called Chellapataka, a date in June, A. D. 897, when, under AkAlavarsha, that is Krishna II., he was governing the Banavasi province at the town of Bankapura, which is the well-known Bankapur in the tâluka of the same name, of which, however, the head-quarters town is now Shiggaon, in the Dhár war district. And there are the following records, plainly to be attributed to Lôkaditya, which I quote from ink-impressions. Two fragmentary and undated inscriptions at Sâbnûr, in the Bankâpur taluka, refer themselves to the time when Kannaradeva, that is Krishna II., was reigning, and Lokayya was governing the Banavasi twelve-thousand. And another undated inscription at the same place, mentioning him by another form of his name, refers itself to the time when, during the reign of that same king, Lokate5 was governing the Bana vasi twelve-thousand. An inscription at Kuņimallihalli, in the same tâluka, refers itself to the time when Kennaravallaha, that is Krishna II., was reigning, and the Mahásdmantadhipati Lokate was governing the Banavasi twelve-thousand, and puts forward a date in the month Jyaisbha, Saka-Samvat 818 (expired), falling in A. D. 896. Among other points, however, this record places the word Mahásánantadhipati in such a position that it onght strictly to apply to Kannaråvallaha, rather than to Lókate, and connects with the Saka year & sanhvalsara the name of which it presents in the unmeading form of Banu. And it is, therefore, not certain that the record is genuine, or eveu that the date is authentic.
An inscription which is at either Kolênêr or Kanakapur, in the Karajgi tiuka, and which also I quote from an ink-impression, refers itself to the time when AkAlsvarshe, that is Krishna II., was reigning, and a certain Bajati, that is Rajaditys, was governing the Banavasi nad, and presents the date of the Prabhava saravatsara, Saka Sativat 829 (expired), = A. D. 007-908, without any further details. Whether, however, this Bâjâ ti-Râjâditya was a member of the Mukula or Chellaketans family, is not yet known.
After this, we have a second Bańk@ya, belonging most probably to the Makula or Chellakêtana family. At Bisaphalli, in the Bankapur talaka, there was obtained & stone inscription, now stored in the kachêri at Shiggaon, which supplies the following information. The record refers itself to the time when Nityavarsha, that is Indra III., was reigning, and, - tatpâ[da]padm-Opnjivi samadhigatapamchas mabababda]-mahasama[ntama Chella]keta( nani) [abont thirty aksharas illegible or doubtfal] srimat Banköy-arasa [r=Bbanavá]si-mandala-mavatti[r]
62 I have previously given this form of the name as Lökado; see Dyr. Kan. Dialra, p. 431, note 3. In the ink-impressions of the records there mentioned, the third syllable is not very cloar. But, in the ink-impression of this Sabnur inscription, it is quite distinctly te, with the lingual.
68 Baka-Sarhvat 818 Ourrent was the Raksha suwaleara : And 8.-S. 818 expired was the Anala alateart, The Chitrabhanu sa hoatsara was 8.-8. 784 or 848 expirod; and the Svabhana sanhvatsara was 8.-S. 785 or 844 expired.
* At Adar, in the Hangal tAluks, there is an insoription which is dated on Somavira, coupled with the four. teenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Chaitra of the RaktAkshin satsara, Saka-Samvat 826 (expired), correuponding to Monday, 2nd April, A. D. 001, on which day the tithi ended at about 3 hrs. 28 min. after most sunrise (for Ujjain). The record refers itself to the time when Akalavarsha, that is Krishna II., Was reigning, and when a Mahdiamanta, whom it describes as Chellapat d-varhp-dbhava,-read Chellapatka-vams-Odbhava, - was governing (the) Banavii (province). The genuineness of this record, also, is not quite cortain. And, where I have previously read the name of the Mahalmanta as Lökadeyarasa (100 Dyn. Kan. Distre. p. 411, note 3), in the ink-impression before me it looks more like Perikuteyarasa.
The original has suffered a good deal of damage. And a better ink-impression might be made, than the one from which I quote. However, in the iuk-impression which I have, the details that I give can be rend quito distinotly and unmistakably; excopt, of course, the akshara which I place in square brackets.

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ch[châ]siramaman-Alatt-ire, "while his feudatory, the Mahdsamanta who has attained the panchamahdsabda, he who has the [chella]kêta[na]-banner,.... the illustrious
8
Bankêyarasa, is governing the [Banava]si thirty-two-thousand province." And it is dated,Saka-bhûpâla-[k]]-âkranta-samvatsara-sataṁgal-entu nûra nâlvatt-ondaneya samvatsar-ntarggata-Magha-en(n)ddha-pāḍīvamum Âdityaviramo[muuttaraya]pa-samkrintiyandu,-"(on) the first day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Magha in the . samvatsara.which is the eight hundred and forty-first (year of) the centuries of years gone by from the time (or of the era) of the Saka king (or kings), and (on) Sunday, at the time of the [winter] solstice." The date of this record is not altogether satisfactory. In the first place, the name of the samvatsara is hopelessly illegible in the ink-impression, and probably in the original also. And, in the second place, the winter solstice is erroneously connected, or the celebration of it is apparently erroneously connected, with a day in the bright fortnight of Mâgha. Other instances, however, might be cited, of dates which connect the winter solstice with impossible days and months. And, for the rest, the details work out satisfactorily. Thus, with the Saka year 841 current, the winter solstice, as represented by the Makarasainkranti or entrance of the sun into Capricornus, occurred at 3 hrs. 28 min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) on Wednesday, 23rd December, A. D. 918, and the tithi Mâgha sukla 1 began at about 1 hr. 46 min. on Tuesday, 5th January, A. D. 919, and cannot be connected with the Sunday at all. But, with the 'Saka year 841 expired, the winter solstice occurred at 9 hrs. 40 min. on Thursday, 23rd December, and Magha sukla 1 ended at about 7 hrs. 39 min. on Sunday, 26th December, A. D. 919. There remains the point that this result overlaps, by no less than a year, the date put forward for Govinda IV., son and successor of Indra III., in the Dandapur inscription. That record refers itself to the reign of Prabhutavarsha-(Govinda IV.). It is dated "when the year eight hundred and forty (of) the times of the Sakas was coming to an end, while (the snavatsara) which is publicly known by the name Pramâthin was current, at the time of the sankramana when the sun comes to Makara, on a tithi of the month Pausha which came coincidently (with that event)." And that date was the 23rd December, A. D. 918, in the Pramathin samvatsara, Saka-Samvat 840 expired. On the other hand, the characters, engraving, and language of the Bisanhalli inscription mark it as a thoroughly genuine record; and the Dandapur record omits to specify the exact tithi and the week-day of the solstice mentioned in it. And I entertain no doubt that the Bisanhalli record puts forward a genuine and authentic date, in December, A. D. 919, for Indra III. and the Bankeya who was his feudatory, and that the probable explanation of the Dandapur date, is, that that record was drawn up some appreciable time after the grants registered in it, and that it puts forward in connection with Govinda III. an erroneous date which must now be rejected. In the ink-impression of the Bisanhalli record, in the word [chella]kéta [nam], while the syllables kéta are quite certain, the remaining syllables are very faint, and, for that reason, I can only say that this Bankêya most probably belonged to the Mukula or Chellakêtana family; I cannot assert the point for certain. As regards the province which he was ruling, the syllable sí is quite distinct and unmistakable before the word mand ila; any reference to the well-known Nolambavadi thirty-two-thousand would be quite out of place in a record belonging to the Bankapur taluka; and the name can only be restored as Banavasi, though the first three syllables are quite illegible in the ink-impression. This reccrd thus refers to the Banavasi province as a thirty-two-thousand province. And, in very a similar way, the Konnûr inscription speaks of it, cariously enough, also in connection with the name of a Bankêya, - as a thirty-thousand province. But we know, from a large ni m'er of records, that the Banavasi province was properly a twelve-thousand province. There are, however, various records which appear to treat the Santalige thousand, the Pânumgal five-hundred, and other districts, as parts of " the Banavâsi country." And it must be some custom of that kind which accounts for the appellations put forward in the Konnâr and Bisanhalli records; though
6 Vol. XII. above, p. 223; and see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 177, note 7.
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I cannot at present indicate exactly how the camber of thirty-thousand or thirty-two thousand might be made ap.
We pick up the Mukala or Chellaketana family again, for certain in the time of Krishna III. Two inscriptions at Kya nanár, in the Hangal talaka, which again I quote from ink-impressions, refer themselves to the time when Kannaradova, that is Krishna III., was reigning, and the Mahasamanta Kali-Vitta, who is expressly described in thern as Chellakétana-vamaja odbhava or "born in the race of the Chellaketanas," was governing the Bunavasi ned, and pat forward the date, without complete details, of the Visvavaso sanidatsura, Saka-Samvat 868 (current), = A. D. 946-46. This, however, is, for the present, the latest information about the family that is forthcoming. And Kali-Vitta was perhaps the last member of the family who held the Banavåsi province; for, it seems to have passed into the hands of the Matūras at some time about A. D. 960, as indicated in Ep. Ind. Vol. V. p. 172.
As regards the appellation of this family, the following remarks may be made. It was originally taken to be Pad malaya, from what was then understood to be the meaning of the Pasange in the Prajasti of the Uttarapurána, when that first came to notice.57 And, in the same way, Dr. Bhandarkar, also, took it to be Padmalaya, 68 when he published the prasasti in full, and gave us a better reading of the verses in which we are interested. But the name is distinctly given as Makula kula in line 17 of the Konnûr inscription. And, as has been indicated by Professor Kielhorn, so it is so presented in also the prasasti of the Uttarapurára. The text there raps: - Padm-alaya-Makula-kula-pravikasaka-sat-pratapa-tata-mabasi érimati Lokadityê pradhvasta-vitataco-satru-samtamasê Chellapatike Chelladhyaj-annje Chellaketanstandje, &c. And we can see, now, that, speaking of Chellapatka-Lókadityn, younger brother of Chelladhvaja, and son of Obelluketann, it seeks to describe him as "the illustrious Lökaditya. who, like the glorious sun of the world, is possessed of an excellent warmth and diffosed splendour which causes to expand the cluster of buds, nestling in the water-lily (blooming in the nay-time), which is the family of the Mukulas, sheltering in Fortune, and who has utterly destroyed the widely spread dense darkness which is his enemies." The real appellation of the family was, therefore, “the family of the Mukulas, or the Mukula family.” But the Kyásanêr records, quoted in the preceding paragraph, distinctly shew that, from the name of the banner belonging to it, it came to be also known as “the race of the Chellakotaxas, or the Chelle kotana race," as which it has on previous occasions beon referred to by me,
We have the name of the banner, which became the secondary name of the family, in two forms, chellaketans and sellaketana. At first, only the form chellaketana was known; and the explanation was put forward by Mr. K. B. Pathak that it means 'cloth-bannered," from # supposed connection between the first component, chella, and the Sanskțit chéla, cloth, clotbes, garment, which appears in Kanarese as sele, cloth. In line 19 of the Konnûr inscription, however, we have the form sellaketana. In connection with it, Professor Kielborn has pointed out that we have in Sanskrit sbia, sella, in the sense of a kind of weapon,' and in Kanarese salleha, selleha, as corruptions of the Sanskrit salya, 's dart, a javelin, & spear tipped with iron, a pike' &c., and also salle, soll-, as other corruptions of salya. And, in view of the frequent interchange of ch and s in the Kanarese country, there can be no doubt that we find the real meaning of chellakétana through the form sellokélana, and that the word meads, as suggested
* Soo Vol. XII. above, p. 2170.
" See his Report on Sanukrit Manuscripts for 1883-84, p. 120. Soe Ey. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 38, note 1.
* The metro is faulty here. It onn be net right by reading pratata, which is suggested to me by a comparison of this reading with the pralhita which is given in Vol. XII. above, p. 2174.
. See Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 223; and, more recently, id. Vol. XX. p. 81, noto 47 a. The miatake seems to be based on the ocour rence of the word vastra in the Adirona, 22, 210, in the passage which cxplains the term poliktana, plid vaja (nee Vol. XIV. above, p. 104). I am inclined to think that rastra there is A corrupt reading for fastra.
• Soe Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 28, note 1.

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by him, a javolin-banner. Professor Kielhorn has alreadly quoted, in the same place, from the Kápadwanaj plates of A. D. 910-11, the proper name Sellavidyadhara, and the corrupt expression, in the verse which presents it and offers to account for it, selulldlitapanitapanina, which he has explained as standing for sella-lalita-panind, -. "Sellavidyadhara, whose hand is fondled by the javelin." And he has cited, from the Sangamner plates of A. D. 1000, the biruda, applied to the Yadava prince Bhillama II. of the Sêuņa country, Sellavidega, which, I should say, means "he who throws, or wields, the javelin." To this I may add that an inscription of A. D. 1189, at Muttagi in the Bâgewadi taluka, Bijapur district, describes the Dêvagiri-Yâdava king Bhillama as ahita-rayaurah-sellani, which may be appropriately rendered by "& javelin to (pierce) the breasts of hostile kings." It remains to be added that, while the prasasti of the Uttarapurana certainly presents the words Chelladhvaja and Chellakếtana as proper names, and perhaps also presents Chellapataka as a second proper name of Lôkaditya, rather than as an adjective qualifying his name, the Konnûr inscription presents the form Sellaketana in such a way that, though it may certainly be taken as a second name of Bankêya, it might also be rendered as an adjective meaning "he who has the sellakétana or javelin-banner." But, in line 4 f. of the Nidagundi inscription, the word chellakétana is plainly used to denote the banner itself.
AN INDEPENDENT HINDU VIEW OF BUDDHIST CHRONOLOGY.
BY P. C. MUKHARJI,
Late Assistant to the Director-General of Archwulogy. SOME Orientalists, from Sir William Jones in the XVIIth century to the late Professor Max Müller, have assumed that the Sandracottus, who defeated Seleucus Nicator in about 310 B. C., was the same Chandragupta, who, according to the Buddbistic and Jaina chronicles, founded the Maurya dynasty in 163 A. B. and 155 A. V. (380 and 372 B. C.). But since this assumption involves a difficulty of about 16 years, they have, - I should say rather arbitrarily, reduced the date of the Buddha's Parinirvana (death) from 543 to 477 B.C. Other Orientalists, however, do not agree with them; - each arriving at results, varying with all others. Thus Professor Westergaard says 368; Professor Kern, 380; Professor Rhys Davids, 412; Mr. A. F. Carter, 483 B. C. And 80 & sea of confusion has been created by the rejection of the simple and traditional era of Sikya Simba. I was therefore bewildered, and met with a great deal of difficulty in arranging and reconciling the historical facts I gathered, while writing the final Report on my excavations on the sites of the ancient Pataliputra in 1897-98.
This difficulty induced me to study on my own lines and to find out for myself who really was the Sandracottus of the Greeks. First I checked the Buddhistic chronology of Burmah with that of Ceylon, – and the dynastic with that of the patriarchs; - and then again I compared these with the Jains dates of the three kings, Nanda, Chandragupta, and Samprati, and the Jaina patriarchs. In this way, I found a remarkable agreement between all of them. Taking for granted the year 543 B. C. as the starting date of the Parinirvana, I noted 214 A. B. (Anno Buddha) from the Southern (Singhalese), and 234 from the Northern (Tibetan) source, as the year when Bindusara died, and Aboka usurped the throne of Pâtalipatra. Since this difference of 20 years is explained away by noting the fact that the Northern Buddhists calculate from Buddha's Nirvana and not Parinirraņa, which occurred 20 or rather 21 years afterwards, I came to know that there is no actual differonce between the Northern and the Southern dates as regards the death of the Buddha,
1 Rockhill's Life of Buddha, p. 133.

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The Date of the Buddha. Before I discuss in detail the period of Asoka the Great, whom I identify with the Grecian Sandracottus, the date of Gautama Buddha himself needs to be looked to afresh. Bishop Bigandet, in his Life of Buddha from the Burmese sources,' records the following dates of Sakya Simba in an era, which was commenced by "Anjana, king of Dewaha," on Sunday, New Moon, in the month of Tabaung (March), when 8640 years known as Kaudza had, expired: -
(1) Conception on the fall moon of July-August-Uttarathôn in 67 Anjana Era, i.e., S0th night of the month of Uttarashara, which is the 13th day of the 5th Chinese month, according to the Mabasthåvira School.5
(2) Birth, - in 68 (48 - Tibetan). Friday, Witbaka, wazing moon of May, i.e., 8th day of the 2nd half of Vaisakha, which corresponds with the 8th day of the 3rd month (Chinese).
(3) Great Renunciation, in 97 A. E., Monday, full moon of July, Uttarathôn. (4) Attainment of Buddhahood, 103 A. E, Wednesday, full moon of Katson (Withâka). (5) Nirvana (127 A, E. = 568 B. C.9).
(6) Parinirvana (denth), 148 A. E., Tuesday, full moon of Katsôn. I. e., the Parinirvann, according to general tradition, occurred on 15th of the 2nd half of Vaisakha= 15th of 3rd month with us. But the Sarvastavadins say, the 8th of the 2nd half of Kartika = 8th of the 9th month with us. Different Schools calculate variously from the date of Buddha; some say 1200 years and more ; others, 1300 and more; others, 1500 and more; others more than 900, but less than 1000 years have passed.10
From the era "Anno Buddhae," now corrent in Ceylon, Barmah and Siam, we find that 1898 A. D. corresponds with 2441 A. B., which shows that the Buddhists of the Southern School calculated the Parinirvana Era from B. C. 543. The Tibetans possess certain dates, Ag 564 B. C. for the Nirvana and 543 for the Parinirvipa, which were erroneously quoted by Ksoma Korosi as 576 and 546, and which strengthen the initial date of the sacred era of the Southern sect. Besides these, two dates in the Kaliyuga, viz., 2544 and 2565 According to the Sauramana (solar calculation), have been found for the two events, abovementioned in the Tibetan Scriptures. Now, since a solar year (Saurmana) consists of 365 days, 15 gha., 31 vi., and a Brihaspatya-mana (Jupiter's year) of 361 days, 11 gha., which appears to have been current in Mågadha, the difference of six years is easily explained away by the excess of the solar year of 4 days, 4 gha., 81 vi. ; that is to say, Buddha attained Nirvana in 2550, and Parinirvaņa in 2571 Brihaspatya, or ordinary Kaliyuga, which two figures, in the Christian era, are easily converted to B. C. 564 and 543.
The repetition of the several chronological statements in the different chapters of the Dipa vamss and Mahavamsa, the two well-known Singhalese chronicles, which betray little differences, - prove that they are traditional records, compiled from various sources, and hence support one another. From them I have compiled three chronological lists, shown below,
? Life and Legend of Gaudama, Vol. II. pp. 71-73. Bigandet's Gaudama, Vol. I. p. 18. • Month Aisala - Ashtra. Uttarathon. - S. Hardy: 15th Sukla Pakaba, Pahya constellation ; Lalita Vistéra.
• The other schools fix it on 23rd day of the month, which is the 8th of the 5th Chinese month. ---Beal's Western World, Vol. II. p. 15, and Life, p. 95. • Tuesday, full moon, Wesak, Nakat Wisa.- S. Hardy.
The SthAviras say 15th of the 2nd half of the same mooth, corresponding with the 13th of the 3rd month with the Chinese. - Beal's Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 24. .
• Full moon, Aisala, Uttarasala. -- S. Hardy. Pushya constellation ; Lalita Vistora, # Five Years of Theosophy.
10 Beal's Western World, Vol. II. p. 33.

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in which all the dates given by the chronicles are entered for easy comparison and reference, so that their value may at once be seen :
Magadha Kings.
Jaina,
Singhalese.
Burmese.
Tibetan.
A. V.
Duration of Accession
reiga. in B. C.
441 .
Ajátaáatru ... ... 8 B. B.
551 Udayabhadra ... ... 25 A. B. 28 A. B. 27 A. B.
519 Anuruddha .. ..) 40 , 40
508 Manda at Pataliputra...
...... Någadása ....... 48 48 A, B. 58 ?
- 10-249 490 Interregnum. Sisunaga (Nanda) ... 72 A.B.
480 6 Kalásoka ... 90 , 81
60 A.V. - 28 463 Vaisali Council
110 A. B. ...... 7 His ten song ... ... 118 A, B.
- Arya Convention ... ...... , 137 A. B. 8 Ugrasena and eight
brothers ... .. Chandragupta ... ... 168 A. B. 163
880 10 Vindasára 1871 187
356 11 | Aboka ... ... ... 214 or 2181 214 or 218284 A, B.
329-5 12 Samprati
.. 256 255 ....... 235 A.V. ....... 292
Sthaviras, Ordination. .
. Death. Thera.
Patriarchato. In AB Magadha regnal Ceylon rognal
ogna! In A. B. Regnal year.
434
.....
year.
your.
......
30
16
Upali Dåsaka Sounaka ... Siggava ...
58
124
100
...... Ajátalatra-24 Vijaya - 16. Någadása –10 Pandurája 20. KA1468ka -10 Interregand month. num 111. Chandragupta 2 Pakanda - 58. A bôks - 6.
Udayabhadra 6 Sisunåga – 8 Nanda 6 (9) Chandra
gupta 14. Asöka --26. Uttige of Ceylon 6.
176
52 (55)
Tissa Mahindra...
244 284
40
284 (287)

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...
106
437
...
... 124
=
419
299
The Ceylon Dynasty (Bajávali).
A. B. B.C.
Reign. Vijaya ...
548 U patissa...
505 Pandavasa
504 Abhay
474 Interregnum
454 Pandukabbaya Ganatissa
380 Mntasiva ...
367 Devana-piya-Tissa, 17) of Asoka's reign ...
307 40 Uttiya ... ..
278 267 List of sthåviras (Vinaya Chiefs).
Years. B.C. Upali
1 = 543 Dåsaka
... ... ... ... 30 = 513 Saunaka
*** ... ... ... 80 = 513 Siggava .. Tissa
... ... ... 176 = 367 Mahendra ...
244 = Dies in 8th year of Uttiya's reign
284 = 259 It will thus be seen, that there is a remarkable agreement between all the lists shown above. The slight differences in the list of Magadha kings, between the Singhalese and the Burmese records, as also that of the Jainas, prove beyond the possibility of any doubt, that the true date must be a mean between the varying ones. According to the Singhalese records, Sisunaga ascended the throne in 72 A. B.; but according to the Tibetan and Burmese authorities, the date was 63 A, B., which appears to be correct, that is, 480 B. C. According to the Jainas, Nanda usurped the throne in 60 A. V., equivalent to 467 B. C., which shows that this Nanda was the Buddhistie Kalásoka, who succeeded his father in 463 B. C., a difference of only 4 years. According to the Buddhists, Chandragupta usurped the Magadha throne in 163 A, B. = 380 B.C.; and according to the Jainas, ir 155 A. V. = 527-155 = 372 B. C., a difference of only 8 years. According to the Lamas of Tibet, Asoka usurped the throne in 234 Nirvana Era (not Parinirvaņa), from which deducting 20, we get 214 A. B. (329 B, C.), the year, when Binduskra, his father, died, according to the testimony of the southern Buddhists. Asoka's coronation was held in 218 A, B. = 825 B. C. ; and after a reign of 37 years, died in 292 B. O., when his grandson Samprati (Sambådi, Tibetan) ascended the throne. According to the Jainas, Samprati ascended the throne in 235 A. V. = (527 -235) = 292 B, C., showing no difference between the two dates. Thọ slight differences in the other cases show that they were not derived from one source, and hence prove, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the true dates must be very close to the traditional ones. And so one cannot throw forward ABóka, Chandragupta, and Buddha by about 66 years.
The Parinirvana-date of Buddha in B. C. 543 is proved also by the synchronism of Mahavira, the 24th Tirthamkara of the Jainas, who was contemporary with him. And both flourished during the reigns of Bimbiskra-Srênika and Ajátaśatru-Kunika. Now Mahavira died in 527 B.C., which date is arrived at by the Eras of Vikramaditya and Sālivebana, the Samvat and Såka, which, according to the Svêtâmvaras and Digamvaras, the two chief sects of the Jainas, respectively commenced from 47.0 and 605 A. V. (Anno Vira); that is to say, after the death of Mahavira. I assume as usual that the Sarhvat commenced in B. C. 57, and the Saka in 78 A. D.; and so 470 + 57 and 605 - 78 yield B. C. 527, as the date of the death of Mahdvira.

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Asoka I., the Nanda.
Owing to some misconception, most scholars have been led to the denial of two Abokas,— one of the Nanda, and the other of the Maurya, Dynasty. The Aśôka, better known as Kálásóka, the black Aśoka, whose spiritual guide was Upagupta, and who held the Vaisâli Council in about 100 A. B., under Ratha, cannot be the same person, who was crowned in A. B. 218, and who convened the third Buddhistic Council at Pâtaliputra in 235, under Tissa Mogaliputra, the patriarch, whose date is given from 176 to 244 A. B. Asoka is expressly said to be the son of Sisunaga, who was elected king of Magadha by the nobles of Pâtaliputra, and was called the immediate predecessor of the Nandas.11 This ancient chronicle records, that in the 11th year of Kâlâsoka's reign, and in the 12th of the interregnum of Ceylon, Saunaka, the third patriarch of the Buddhistic church, was 40 years old after his initiation as priest, when Siggava received upasampadá (ordination). Now, calculating from 16 A. B., the 24th of Ajâtasatru's reign, when Dâsaka was initiated into the order, who, in his turn, initiated Saunaka in his 45th year, we get 16 +44 + 40, the number of years elapsed after the upasampadá of the latter, 100 A. B., which was the 11th of Kâlâśôka's reign. Again, adding up the number of reigns of the Ceylon kings up to the 11th year of the interregnum, we get 38 + 1 +30 +20 +11= 100 years. And calculating the Mâgadha reigns from the 8th of Ajàtasatru, we get 24+ 16 +8 +24+18+10= 100 years after the death of the Buddha, when the Vaisâli Council was held.12
Chandragupta, the Maurya.
The next important point to determine is, the date of Chandragupta, the founder of the Maurya dynasty. Of him four independent dates are known: (1) the Brahmanical; the Puranas state that he ascended the throne of Magadha 100 years after the accession of the first Nanda. (2) the Jaina ;-from their chronicles we find that he exterminated the Nanda dynasty 155 years after the death of Mahavira, which happened in 527 B. C. (3) Bhadravahu (156 170 A. V. 371 B. C.) was Chandragupta's Guru, and the 8th Sûri patriarch of the Jaina church, whose disciple and successor, Sthulabhadra (170-219 A. V. 357-308 B. C.), was the son of Sâkatala. Sâkatâla was the minister of the ninth Nanda (Dhana Nanda); an important synchronism, which has hitherto escaped the notice of scholars. These facts fix the inauguration of Chandragupta's reign in about 872 B. C. (4) From the Buddhistic sources we learn that in 163 A. B. (380 B. C.) Chandragupta acceded to the throne of Pâtaliputra. There is here a difference of only 8 years (380 minus 372 B. C.), a matter of no importance, which, instead of invalidating, rather strengthens the finding that the truth appears to lie between the two dates. But since the dates of the Magadha kings are given consecutively in the Buddhistic chronicles, and but fragmentarily in the Jaina, 380 B. C. appears to be the more reliable date for Chandragupta, the founder of the Maurya dynasty.
In the Dipavansa,13 it will be observed that the 2nd year of Chandragupta's reign was the 58th of Pakundaka's of Ceylon, when Tissa, the son of Môgali, was initiated by Siggava in the 64th year after the latter's upasampada. The same fact is repeated on the very next page, so that there is no doubt as to any clerical or traditional mistake, especially so, when it is added that Siggava, the Sthâvira, the head of the Buddhistic church; died in the 14th year of Chandragupta's reign, when he was 76 years old, that is, 12 years after Tissa's upasanpada. Calculating as in the case of Asôka I., by referring to the Tables, we find that the 2nd year of Chandragupta was 164 A. B. = (24+16+8+24+18+28+22+22 + 2 Magadha regnal dates) = (38 +1+30 +20 +17+ 58 Ceylon regnal dates) = (16+44 +40 + 64 patriarchal years of Vinaya Chiefship). Thus the year 163 A. B. as the year of the accession of the founder of the Maurya dynasty to the throne of Pâtaliputra is established beyond the possibility of a doubt, which cannot on any theory be reduced.
11 See Chap. V., Dipavansa. 12 See the Chronological Tables given above. 18 Trans. by Prof. Oldenberg, p. 143.
---

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From these independent and very closely concurrent testimonies of the BrAhmaņas, the Bauddhas, and the Jainas, the date of Chandragupta is thus conclusively and without doubt found to be 60 years before 820 or 816 B. O., to which latter date European scholars try to reduce it arbitrarily and without sufficient reason, from a so-called Greek synchronism, as recorded by Justin, Strabo, and other Greek authors, who, quoting the fragmentary and somewhat fabulous accounts of. Megasthenes, record of Sandracyptus or Sandracottus as once visiting Alexander the Great in his camp, and then defeating Seleucus Nicator in about 310 B. O., and expelling the Greeks from the Panjab, which Chandragupta is never proved to have visited
Aboka II. - The Maurya, the Sandracottus of the Greeks. That the age of Asoka II. annot be reduced by about 66 years is evident from the several dates, recorded in the different chronicles of the Jainas, the Brahmaņas, and the Bauddhas of the southern and northern schools. The Jainas record in the Parisietha-parvan, that Samprati, the disciple of Subastin (219 - 265 A, V. = 308 - 269 B. C.), ascended the throne of Patalipatra in 235 A. V., that is, 292 B. O., when Aboks 8rt died. Adding 37 years to 292 B. C., we get 829 B.O., exactly the year when Asôka usurped the throne. For the Di pavisa records that Abóka was crowned in 218 A, B., four years after his father died, that is, in 325 B. C. The Tibetans also says that Aboka ascended the throne in 234 A. B. Nirvana era, not l'arinirvêņa. Deducting 20 years from it, we get 214, precisely the date when Vinduskra died. According to the Buddhists, the period between the accession of Bimbisåra and the end of A ska's reign was really 811 years, not 375, as Professor Duncker calculates. Professor Duncker notes, in his History of Antiquity, that according to the Baddhists, the interval between Bimbisåra's accession and Asoka's death was 375 years; while according to the Vayu Purdņa it was 378 years, a difference of only 8 years. Bimbiskra ascended the throne in 603 B. C., 15 years before the attainment of Buddhahood by Siddharths at Uravilya, near Gayâ, in 109 Anjana Era = 588 B. C., and Aśoks died at the age of 82 in 251 A, B., that is, 292 B. C. The interval therefore amounts to exactly 311 years.
In 286 A. B., Devanupiya Tiggs was crowned king of Ceylon, when Asoka wag reigning in his 18th year, after 58 years of the reiga of Mutasiva, who became king in the 14th year of Chandragupta. These figures are further checked by the statement that Mahindra received initiation from Tissa Mögalipatra, then 66 years old from his upasan pada, and in the 6th year of Asoka's reign, and in the 48th of Mutasiva's. Calculating by adding up the reigns of the Magadha and Ceylon kings, and the duration of the patriarchato, in the way I did before in the cases of Kalabóka and Chandragupta, we find that the 6th year of Abbka's reign was 224 A. B. by the chronological equation of 63 of the Patricide dynasty + 100 of the Nandag + 61 of Mauryas = 224 of the Magadha kinga; = 106 up to end of the interregnum + 118 down to 48th year of Mutasiva = 224 of the Ceylon kings; = 16 + 44 + 89 + 60 + 65 = 224 pasaspada, daration of the Sthâviras.16 It will thus be seen that these chronological equations check one another; and the date of Asoka's coronation was 218 A, B, is therefore established beyond the possibility of a doubt.
In the face of the facts and figures, above mentioned, there cannot be any doubt that Aboka ascended the throne between 820 and 828 B. O. He cannot therefore be pushed forward by 66 or 70 years on the assumption that Sandracottus was Chandragupta, the first Maurya emperor ; and because Priyadarsi is said to have mentioned, in a few inscriptions, the so-called five contemporary kings of Greece. I doubt that the inscriptions, in which the YÔna Kings are mentioned, were ever published by Asoka II. They were most probably issued by
* See Rookhil'. Life of the Buddha, chapter on the "Listory of Bod-yul." 14 See Chronological Tablo above

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Samprati, his grandson, who, becoming the patron of the Jains church, followed the example of his grandfather, by issuing the rock-edicts.
Now since the Grecian Sandracottus synchronises with Asoka, who was once deputed by Bindusara to Taxila to quell a rebellion, we can safely identify him with the latter. For Chandragupta, literally the moon-protected, appears to be a title, just like the one we have in the Gupta dynasty. The Rájávali-Kathé reoords that Kankla, A bôka's son, had the title of Chandragupta ; and in the Tibetan tradition we find that several kings of the Maurya dynasty had this surname.
I need not enter into the controversy of the so-called identity of Priyadarsi of the pillar and rock-ediots with Aboka in this brief paper. But I may remark that there are great differences in the incidents in the lives of the two kings. Firstly, why should not the author of the edicts proclaim them in his well-known name of Aboka, which is not found in even one instance? The first (Upásaka) conversion of king Priyadarsi occurred in the 9th year after his coronation'; wbile in the case of Asoka, it was in his fourth regral year. Priyadarsi undertook
his dharma-ydtrd to the Magadha Samgha (religions assembly), being his second conversion, in - the 11th year of his reign; while Aboka received Mogalipatra and held the Third Buddhistic Council in his 17th regnal year, and altogether retired from the world and became an ascetic in the 35th year, two years before he died. Abiks appears as a Buddhist; while Priyadarsi was equally respectful towards the Sarmaņas and the Brahmaņas. No Orientalist has yet proved that Priyadarai was a proper name and not a title, monopolized by the Maurya emperor Abôka alone. I need not go further into details, but conclude with slating my strong conviction that the Pillar-edicts belonged to Aboka, and the Rock-edicts to Sampräti, who was contemporary with the five Yona Kings, of the then divided Greek empire.
TIBETAN AFFINITIES OF THE LICHCHIAVIS.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., 1.C.S. (RETD.). All students of ancient Indian history are familiar with the name of the Lichohhavis, the ruling tribo or clan in the Vrijji country, of which Vaisali was the capital. Several facte indicate a close connection between Tibet and the Lichchbavis, and give probability to the theory that the Liohohhavis were really a Tibetan tribe which settled in the plains during prehistorio times. .
According to one tradition the first Tibetan monarch was descended from Prasd najit. king of Kosala, the contemporary and friend of Gautama Buddha, According to another form of the legend, the Sakya race, to which the Buddha belonged, was divided into three branches, represented respectively by 'sakyamuni, or Gautama Buddha, Sakya the Lichchhavi, and Säkya the mountaineer - Sakya the Lichchhavi being the progenitor of the Tibetan kings. But, as Mr. Rockhill (The Life of the Buddhz, p. 203) points out, legends of this kind have little value.
Mach more significant are the undoubted similarities between the customs of the Tibetans and those of the Lichchhavis, which are recorded in the important matters of sepulture and judicial procedure.
The horrible custom of exposing the dead to be devoured by wild animals was oommon to Vaiskli and Tibet. When the Bodhisattva (Gautama) was at Vaisáli, he is related to have observed a cemetery under & clump of trees and to have questioned the Rishis, who explained:
"In that place the corpses of men are exposed to be devoured by the birds; and there also they collect and pile up the white bones of dead persons, as you perceive; they burn corpses there also, and preserve the bones in heaps. They hang dead bodies also from the trees;

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there are others buried there, such as have been blain or pat to death by their relatives, dreading lest they should come to life again ; whilst others are left there apon the ground, that they may return, if possible, to their former homes. "I Whatever obscurity may exist in this passago, it certainly proves a belief that the ancient inhabitants of Vaisali disposed of their dead sometimes by exposure, sometimes by cremation, and sometimes by burial. The tradition is sapported by the discoveries made at prehistoric cemeteries in other parts of India which disclose very various methods of disposing of the dead. The corpses hung to the trees may have been so treated for the purpose of desiccation, and subsequent dismemberment.
The practice of exposure of the dead seems to have extended beyond the Lichchhavi country and to have survived in Magadha as late as A. D. 400, Fa-hien says that at Rajagriba, near the old city, "north of the vihara two or three le there was the Sra sânam, which name means in Chinese, the field of graves into which the dead are thrown. The contemptuous phrase can hardly refer to ordinary burial."
The prevalence of the practice of exposure of the dead in Tibet is well known according to Balfour's summary of travellers' aceounts (Cyclop... v. Tibet), "In Tibet, where the dead are not burned or buried, but are exposed on high places to be devoured by rultures... the bodies of the wealthy are carefully disposed of; they are carried in a litter to the top of a bill set apart for the purpose, the flesh cut in pieces, the skull and bones pounded in a mortar ; and when all is ready a smoke is raised to attract the valtares, who collect in thousands to eat it up.
"The sovereign Lamas are, however, deposited entire in shrines prepared for their remains, which are ever afterwards regarded as sacred, and visited with religious awe. The bodies of the inferior Lamas are usually burned, and their ashes preserved in little metallic idols, to which places are assigned in their sacred cabinets. Ordinary persons are treated with less ceremony : some are carried to lofty eminences, where they are left to be devoured by TAYONS, kites, and other carnivorous animals. Bat they also have places surrounded by walls where the dead are placed."
The last statement seems to refer to an enclosure like the masánam at Rajâgriba.
It will be observed that in Tibot, as at Vaisali, cremation, burial, and exposure are all practised. Similarly, the Mongols are said to dispose of their dead in all these three ways.
Mr, Rockhill (J. R. A. S. 1891, p. 231) gives farther interesting particulars of the repulsive Tibetan customs "Funerals.-When a death occurs in Tibet, the corpse is tied up with ropes, the face being put between the knees and the hands stuck behind the lege. The body is wrapped in the every day clothes of the deceased and put in a raw hide bag. The men and women, having lamented in common over their loss, suspend the corpse by means of ropes from the rafters .... A few days later on the corpee is carried to the corpse-cutters' place, when it is tied to a post, and the flesh cut off and given to dogs to eat. This is called & 'terrestrial burial.' The bones are crushed in a stone mortar, mixed with meal and parched grain, made into balls, and also given to the dogs or thrown to vultures, and this latter mode of disposing of them is called 'a celestial burial,' Both these methods are considered highly. desirable ...... The poor dead are buried in the water, the corpse being simply thrown in it. This is not an esteemed mode of burial. The bodies of lamas are burnt and cairns (obo or dobong) erected over their remains."
But in the onse of specially holy Lamas the body, after the flesh has dried upon the bones, is wrapped in silk and deposited in a mausoleum. At Lhasa dead bodies are thrown in a grove called the Cold Forest,' which recalls the chitdvana of Buddhist books.
So far as I know, the Tibetan practices do not survive in any part of India at the present day, except perhaps in remote Himalayan regions. 1 Baal, The Romantic History of Buddha, p. 159.
Leggo, The Travels of Pe-hien, p. 84. . Compare the corpse hung on troos at Rhjagriba.

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MAY, 1903.)
TIBETAN AFFINITIES OF THE LICHCHHAVIS.
235
Judicial procedure in Tibet and Vaisali offors & still more striking parallel,
The ancient judicial system of Vaisali is expounded in the Atthakathā or commentary ascribed to Buddhaghosha on the Mahaparinirvana Sutra, or Book of the Great Decease,' which was summarized by Turnour in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1888. The modern Tibetan practice is explained by Babu Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E., in his article on • Tibetan Jails and Criminal Punishments' in the Proceedings of the same Society for 1894, p. 5. I think that the reader who peruses both accounts will agree with me that the ancient procedure at Vaisali is substantially identical with the modern procedure at Lhasa.
The Asthakathā premises that the description of the administration of justice at Vaisali refers to ancient times. The rulers, it said, when an accused person is brought before them, do not dispone of the case at once, but send it to the Wirichchhiya maha mattd, who examine the accused, and, if they find him innocent, release him. If they decide that he has committed an offence, they abstain from awarding a penalty and make over the accused to the Woháriká (persons learned in law, and custom), who are authorized to dischargo him, if they consider him innocent. The prisoner, if found guilty by the Woháriká, is transferred to the Sattadhará, who make further enquiry, and are empowered to discharge the prisoner, if they are satisfied of his freedom from gailt. If, however, they consider him guilty, they pass him on to the Althakúlaka, the eight castes or tribes.' This tribunal, if satisfied of his guilt, passes the prisoner on to the Sénapati, or chief minister, who hands him over to the Upardja, or Vicegerent, who makes him over to the Raja. The final determination of the prisoner's guilt or innocence rests with the Râjs, who is bound to determine the penalty according to rules laid down in the code, or Pawéni pitthakar. The stages in this complicated procedure are eight in number, namely:
(1) Arrest and production of prisoner before the rulers'; (2) Enquiry by the Winichohhiya mahdmatta; (3) Do. do. Wohárikd: (4) Do. do. Sattadhard ; (5) Do. do. 4!!hakalakú; (6) Production before the Sénapati;
Do. do. Upardja; (8) Final judgment by the Rája, who is bound to follow fixed written rules in
awarding the penalty. The stagos in the Tibetan procedure, as described by Babu Sarat Chandra Das, are exactly similar:
(1) The accused person is arrested, and sent to the lock-up; (2) He is watched, treated kindly, and mildly interrogated; (8) He is subjected to a mild but minute interrogation called Jamti, and his answers
are noted down ; (4) He is examined more strictly and whipped at intervale; this is called Tohan-di; (5) If he makes any kind of confession, true or false, he is subjected to further
prolonged examination, repeated wbippings, and cruel tortures of various
kinds; (6) If the case is serious, and the Government becomes a party, he is taken to the
Kalons, or Ministers' Court; (7) This Court suggests to the Gyal-tshab (Regent), which is the highest Court of the
country, that one of the three panishments mentioned in the decision may
be approved of; (8) The sentence may be mitigated, commuted, or revised by the Dalai Lama only.
The Regent has no power to do more than select one of the three panishments suggested by the Court of the Ministers.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
[MAY, 1903.
It is impossible not to perceive the very close resemblance between this procedure and the ancient judicial system of Vaisali, and it is difficult to believe that the two systems have not a common origin.
Farther information about tho Tibetan criminal law will be found in Mr. Rockhill's excellent article on "Tibet from Chinese Sources" (J. R. A. S., 1891, pp. 216-218).
A CHINESE ASOKA.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (Red.). In the first Minor Rock Edict, of which versions, more or less complete, exist at Rūpnath, Sahasrâm, Bairat, and Siddapura, Aboka says:
"For more than two years and a half I was a lay-disciple without exerting myself strenuously. A period of six years, or rather more than six years, has elapsed since I joined the Order, and have strenuously exerted myself, and during this time the men who were, all over India, regarded as true, have been, with their gods, shown to be untrue,"1
When recently discussing this passage (Ashka, p. 19) the only parallel to the monk. emperor which I could cite was that of the Jain prince, Kumara pala Chaulukya, mentioned by Bühler. But I have since learned of the existence of a much more closely parallel case in China.
In his charming work on Chinese Literature, Professor Giles writes (p. 138):
“The original name of a striking character who, in A. D. 502, placed himself upon the throne as first Emperor of the Liang dynasty, Was Hsiao Yen.
"He was a devont Buddhist, living upon priestly fare and taking only one meal a day; and on two occasions, in 527 and 529, he actually adopted the priestly garb. He also wrote * Buddhist ritual in ten books. Interpreting the Buddhist commandment Thou shalt not kill,' in its striotest sense, he caused the sacrificial victims to be made of dough. *The following short poem is from his pen :
Trees grow, not alike, by the mound and the moat; Birds sing in the forest with varying note; Of the fish in the river some dive and some float. The mountains rise high and the waters sink low,
But the why and the wherefore we never can know.'" Some scholars have felt a difficulty in believing that a reigning emperor could become a monk without abdicating his temporal power. With reference to the imperfectly parallel case of Kumirapêla, I argued that, like him, Asoka probably "undertook vows of imperfect and limited obligation. It is also possible that he once, or several times, adopted the practices of a Baddhist mendicant friar for a few days at a time, during which periods of retreat his ministers would have administered the kingdom. The Buddhist ceremony of ordination (upasampadł). does not convey indelible orders, or involve a life-long vow. Both in Burma and Ceylon men commonly enter the Order temporarily, and after a time resume civil life. Asoka conld have done the same, and a proceeding which is easy for an ordinary man is donbly easy for an emperor. A formal compliance with the rules reqniring the monk to beg his bread could have been arranged for withoat difficulty within the precincts of the palace."
The Chinese case, in which the actaal facts are recorded, establishes the validity of these observations, and should finally remove the doubts of the "nost seeptical concerning the propriety of the literal interpretation of Asoka's distinct and categorical statement that he joined the Order.
1 From the Brahmagiri-Siddapura text, ad. Bühler, in 8. I., VOL III. p. 141. The words sarughe upayfte can only mean joined the Order.'
· Heinemann, 1901.

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MAY, 1903.]
MISCELLANEA.
MISCELLANEA.
DIVALI-FOLKLORE.
BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S.
HOLIDAYS in all countries have their folklore, and the Divâli of India is no exception. The
greater the number of folktales, the higher the stage of development in the society, and the greater the interest we find attached to the evolution of the festivities. In the case of the Hindu Divall, I have been able to collect the following half dozen different folk notions:I.
Vishnu, says a priestly Brahman, apportioned
four chief holidays between the four varnas or castes. The Brahmans of the alms-receiving class have to observe the rákhi-parnama, or the full-moon day of the month of Sravan, and to collect money by tying the well-known raksha or protecting charm to the wrists of their masters; and every employer will testify that they have not neglected this opportunity! To the Kshatriya or warrior caste Vishnu gave the Dasahra holiday, to the Vaisyas or trader caste, the Divali, when they are expected to worship goddess Lakshmi who presides over wealth, and to the Sadras or servile class. Phâlgun or Hôli, the filthy and indecent rowdyism of the last month of the Hindu Calendar.
II.
The second idea claims Divali as the day on which Raja Bali was deprived of his empire on earth. In Maharashtra, women prepare effigies of Bali, either in rice-flour or cow-dung according to grade, worship them and repeat the blessing "May all evils disappear, and Raja Bali's Empire be restored [इडा पिडा जावो, आणि बळीचें राज्य येवो. ] There is no such worship in Bengal.
III.
It is believed that Vishnu killed Narkasur or the giant of filth on the 14th day of the second Asvin. On this day, all Hindus bathe very early before sun-rise after anointing their bodies with many perfumed unguents and oils. There are two baths taken, one after the other, just as is done on the death of a near relation. After the first bath, a lamp made of rice-flour and an oval piece of the same stuff called mutké are waved round each male by some girl or married woman, and the fruit of the cucurbitous plant, chirat, is placed in front of him. He then crushes the fruit under his left foot, extinguishes
237
the lamp with the toe of his left leg, and takes the second bath. He wears a new dress and partakes, with his friends and relations, of the numerous dainties prepared for the occasion. This, it is said, is in celebration of the victory of Vishnu over the giant.
IV.
The fourth explanation is but a variation of Lakshmi-worship, in which the Bengalis bring home clay figures of their dreadful Kâli and worship it in the place of the charming conBort of Vishnu, represented by heaps of Rupees
placed in trays. They say that Kali is Lakshmi
Learning), and the procreative female power as (Goddess of Wealth), is Saraswati (Goddess of
well!
V.
The fifth idea has a historical basis. It is that
King Vikramaditya of Ujjain, a scion of the Gupta race, was crowned on this day, the 16th of Aévin, and counted his era accordingly.
This is thus a new year's day.
VI.
It is asserted that after his return from Lankha, Rama was crowned on this day!
Taking, however, into consideration the season the primitive origin of Divali has connection or the time of the year, one is led to suspect that with the movement of the earth round the sun. That luminary passes the tula, the libra or the balance,' about this time and marks the beginning of the second half of its course.'He' is then seen going farhter and farther from the Northern hemisphere, the nights become longer in proportion, snow begins to fall on the peaks of the Mêru or Himalaya mountains. At this time the desire to wish him (the sun) speedily return to enliven the North is natural and is possibly expressed in the vernacular quotation given above. The sign of the zodiac, libra or balance, may have influenced belief in the weighing of the harvest-products followed by "counting" the cash realized. Hence the joy felt by the Baniâs.
We have thus (1) the desire to see the sun return to the land of the Aryans, and (2) the destruction of the giant of filth or farm-yard and other manure-heap, which have to be removed or taken away from the house, heaped together, worshipped, topped by a burning lamp and offered a coin. This is done before the early

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bath is taken and has possibly some connection with the sowing of wheat, gram, and oil seeds. The crushing of the cucurbitous fruit and the extinguishing of the lamp waved round the face of the bather, perhaps, indicate the death not only of the giant of filth or manure, but that of the first season,-producing rice. It is said that this Nark&sur (night-soil giant) was born of the goddess, Earth! So he (filth) always is!
The third stage of evolution may be perceived in the fact that the bhádvt crop is sold about this time, and the ubiquitous Baniâ has reason to be proud of the wealth it brings to his coffers. He therefore worships Lakshmi, or his accumulations heaped in trays.
Rama's accession is a Puranic embellishment of the natural religion, and the Kali-puja is an innovation of the Aryans, who have systemat ically been cheating the non-Aryan races of the East of India, in spite of their admission1 into the sacred religion, in order to counteract the numerical strength of the Buddhists. Aryan Brahmans took the assistance of the non-Aryans when needed, but carefully kept them on the lower rung of the ladder by thrusting down their throats such irregular beliefs. They thus preserved a distinct line of demarcation and sank the converted' Bengalis deeper in their follies about the worship of their local non-Aryan hideous deities,
In Bengal, it is likewise believed that the night of the pitris (ancestors) begins at this time, and that the lamps are lighted on the tops of poles to serve as a guide to these benighted souls. The shrádhas, or offerings to ancestors, are also performed on this day, the 30th or dark night of Asvin. It is this fact of the ancestors' souls being overtaken by a night, which extends over six months, that gives life in Bengal to a great feast on their account, to serve them for half the year.
The latest stage of the evolution need not surprise any one. It was quite possible to have selected for the celebration of Vikramaditya's coronation a day hallowed by the sacred memory of a similar grand ceremony ascribed to R&ma,
whose glorious career has been the ever-enchanting and ever-inspiring theme of all Hindu poets.
I solicit the attention of ethnographists to the chief points I have thus been able to disclose out of the multiplicity of accounts of the origin of the Divali, viz., the change of the season; (2) the
[MAY, 1903.
death of the rice-crop harvest; (3) the time of manuring the soil for the second crop; (4) the sun reaching Libra, the seventh sign of the Zodiac ; (5) the coronation of Rama; (6) the selection of this coronation-day for the conventional coronation and era-making day of Vikramaditya, the last of the Guptas: - and I invite further details with comments. Crooke's Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India gives the legend of a king who was visited by his fate in the form of a snake that saved him from death by forging the figure 70' in the place of the '0' found in Yama's account-books, but as the lamps are not kept burning all the night, and as nobody keeps up all the night, corroborative evidence is wanting. The return of the spirit of the dead king sounds like the story of Vatas vitri, whose husband, Satyavân, was restored to life at the devoted worship of his proverbially chaste wife.
As a help to the elucidation of this interesting subject I add a note on some peculiarities of the Divali Worship. There are many interesting details in this worship which are likely to reveal peculiar phases in the social strata of the Hindu society. For instance, the Chandraseni Prabhus of Bombay mould their effigies of Bali Raja out of cooked flour, while the Malis, or gardeners, of Indór, who are Sadras, use cow-dung. In the houses of the former, the figure of the king and that of his consort are mounted on horseback, followed by a mounted minister, and saluted by four footmen, who stand like a guard of honour in a row. The whole scene is placed in a silver or brass tray, while the Sadras mould a figure on the bare floor lying flat with its face upwards. The former draw from the 8th day of the second half of Asvin to Divali, a set of symbols in rice-flour on the floor of their compounds or verandahs and in front of the main entrance, vide Plate
drawn by my wife, specially in the native women's style. She has, however, reproduced only those designs, neglecting the conventional border, which are considered absolutely necessary, omitting the more elaborate and complicated
ones.
The central temple (1) is ascribed to LakshmiNarayan. In this compound name, the precedence given to the Goddess over her husband may be noted. Besides the usual (2) sun, (5) the moon, (3 and 4) the hanging lamps, (6) the shank shell, (8) the mace, (9) the lotus, (7) the wheel, (11) the svastika, (10) the shesha or thousand
1 Vide Adisur's mention of five "Kulin Brahmans sent out from Kanauj" (in Ballâl Sen's Charitras) to convert Bengal to Hinduism.

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Indian Antiquary.
DIVALI DRAWINGS
15
18
MRS. B. A. GUPTE, DEL.
No Scale
B.C.S.PRES5, 21740.

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MAY, 1903.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
239
booded cobra, and (18) the cow's footprinte, second "sender oft," from pathav, to despatch. there are (16) sparrows, (17) the mango, (14) the Some interest attaches to these symbols, bebael (wood-apple) tree (Egle marmelos), and cause they are considered necessary in this group, (19) the footprints of Lakshmi.
and may signify the "reception of the new The presence of sparrows at harvest time, the
season and the "bidding good-bye" to the position of the threshing floor usually near a old one. shady tree, and the incoming realizations of the
In further explanation of the Plate, I would sale-proceeds (wealth) as expressed by the foot
add that it is purposely drawn in native women's prints, are significant. This is perhaps, the most
fashion without correction, to show how the primitive origin of the festival, subsequently
subject is habitually represented. It is not intendelaborated society advanced and wants
ed to be a specimen of art. The red dots have a increased.
meaning and show the process of production. The second part of the temple contains the
Women always put down a number of such dots usual figure of Garuda and (15) the turtle is an
and then join them together. The three figures in accessory of the structure placed just below the the niches of the temple are, (1) Vishnu with four bells. No. 12 is called athavindt ( fr) and hands holding a bankh, chakra, gada and padmd, No. 13 pathavinda (arof), but I do not quite (2) Lakshmi with her arms at her side and her understand what they mean. The first may mean hands pointing downwards, (3) Garuda facing
reminder" from átnar, to remember, and the I them with folded bands.
NOTES AND QUERIES. HINDUSTANI IN THE XVIITH CENTURY.
und theire Languadge farre more difWITH reference to Dr. Grierson's article on
ferent." the Bibliography of Western Hindi (ante, p. 17).
Fol. 26. - "The Mailabars that reside on the following notes from T. B., Asia, etc.,
this Coast (Choromandel) .... doth 1669-1679 (vide, ante, p. 25), may be of use as
much vary both in customs of Idolatry, indicating the extent to which the various
Language, and what else ..." tongues of India were ordinarily recognised by Europeans in the 17th Century.
Fol. 35. — “Metchlipatam, Soe called from T. B. (now identified with Thomas Bowrey, for
the Hindostan ore Moors Languadge,
(the) word Metchli signifieinge fish, and my previous identification with Thomas Bateman
patam or Patanam a towne." must be given up) makes the following remarks in his MS. :
Fol. 41. -"The fackeere Sat without the Fol. 18. -"The Gentues accompt themselves
Street dore, callinge us all Kings and a very antient people, as really they are,
brave fellows,... Singeinge to that and that which they often boast of is,
purpose in the Hindostan Languadge." they ulter not theire Religion from the Fol. 54. - "The Alcoron.... is written beginings ... Their Languadge is
in Arabiqne Rhime.... nor is it certainly altered since those days, for
admitted to be written or read in any I have seen in many of theire Pagode
Other Languadge, but in it's Original on the greatest Marble Stones thereof,
tonge, Arabicke, and in the Persian Especially in the Pagod of Armagon,
languadge for its antiquities sake, which Beverall lines Engraven in the Marble
is now become the Court languadge in which they doe acknowledge none in
the Courts of the greatest Emperors and this Generation (or many before) can
Kings of Asia." read, and as yet they have a large Chro
In addition to the above remarks, T. B quotes nologie kept in most Pagods that differ
from Bernier, whose travels were then a new and little from the Characters now Extant
famous book (first French Eds., 1670, 1671: first in their owne languadge ...."
English Eds., 1671, 1672) and especially the passage Fol. 19.-" There is another Sort of these about the defeat of Dara Bbikoh by Aurangzeb
Idolaters who are accompted to be of a '(1658), then quite a fresh tale, which is to bo higher Cast (then the Gentues be), these found at p. 58 of Constable's Ed. of Bernier are called Banjans .... theire laws (1891). In this passage there ocour the courtly only differing in some points ... expressions Xehbarek-bad Hasaret Salamet

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1903.
Elkamd-ulellah (sic), which are translated in the knowledge of the Hindoetani or Moors of the day. English Ed. of Constable, following the old Bernier (1656-1668) and Tavernier (1640-16484 1671-2 English Edition, by "May you be happy!
both evidently knew the language, and T. B. May your Majesty enjoy health and reign in
(1669-1679), who was a then famous mastersafety! Praise be to Allah, the victory is your mariner, had a colloquial knowledge of it. About own." The French Ed. of 1699 (Amsterdam), the learned Fryer's actual knowledge of it Vol. I, p. 76, runs thus:- (Calil-ullah-kan) luy (1672-1681) I am not so certain. cria de toute sa force Mohbarek-bad, le bien
Men like Job Charnock and the numerous vous aoit. Hazaret, Salamet, que vostre Majesté demeure sairie & sauve, elle a remporté la victoire
English men recorded as "married to mestices" Elhaund-ulehah."
must have known it intimately. There must have been many persons in the mid 17th Century who had a good working
R. C. TEMPLE. BOOK-NOTICE. TAX GADYACÁINTAMANI OF VADHYACINHA. By T. S.; robbers who had carried away cattle. As this KuPPOAWAMI SANTRE md s. SUBRAHMANYA SASTRI. army was repulsed. Nandagopa, the owner of Madras, 1902. (Sarasvatitilina' Series, No. 1.).
the cattle, proclaimed publicly that he would This is the editio princeps of a romance in
give his daughter Govinda in marriage to the Sanskrit prose, which resembles in style the
recoverer of the cattle. Prince Jivaka accom. Kádambart of Bana. The first of the two editors
plished this feat and received, as promised, Nanis favourably known to students of Sanskrit litera
dagòpa's daughter, whom he made over to his ture by his valuable article on Ramabbadra.
companion Padmamukha. In the third lamba Dikshita and his contemporaries (printed in the
we are told that a merchant of Rajapuri, named Kavyamdld as a preface to the Potasijalicharita).
Sridatta, was shipwrecked on an island and He is one of the small band of native scholars who
thence carried away on a flying camel by a man combine a Pandit's erudition with a keen appre
who turned out to be Dhara, the minister of the ciation of modern Oriental research.
Vidyadbara king Garudavoga of Nityaloka. This Odayatlêva, surnamed Vadibhasimba, the king possessed a daughter Gandharvadattå, at author of the Garyachintamani, was a Southern whose birth it had been foretold that she would Digamhara and the pupil of Pushpasena. He also
become the wife of a prince at Rajapurt. composed a poem entitled Kshatrachúdiimani, Thither the king sent his daughter on a vimina the beginning of wbich was printed at Bangalore along with Sridatta, who gave her out for his own a few years ago in an unfortunately extinct - daughter and bad it proclaimed that she would magazine of Jaina works. Both the Gadya- be given in marriage to any one who surpassed. chintamani and the Kshatrachadamani bave for her in playing the vind. As will be expected, their subject the legend of Jivaka or Jivardhara
prince Jivamdhara succeeded in this competition, and seem to be based on the Jivariudharapuruna.
and the fair Gandharvadattâ chose him for her The easie legend bas been treated in two other
husband from the midst of all royal suitors. works -- the Jivandharachampú of Harichandra
Here ends the third lamba. and the Tamil poeun Jivakachintamani.
The above hasty notes will, I hope, induce The Gadyachintamani is divided into eleven
others to peruse the interesting Sanskrit work
which has been made accessible through the dislambas. The first lamba relates that king Sat
interested labours of Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri and yarhdharu of Rajapuri in Heinangada lost his life
his collaborutor. It may be added that the text and kingdom through the trenchery of his minis. ter Kishthangara. Following the example of
of the Gadyachintúmani is based on six MSS.
and is edited and printed in a most scholarly the Kadambarí, the author devotes 28 pages to the
manner. The rules of division of words and of description of Hêmångada, 4 pages to that of
interpunctuation are as carefully observed as in the Rajapuri, 1 pages to that of Satyamdhara, and 21 pages to that of his queen Vijaya. The preg
standard European editions of Sanskrit books -- nant queen escaped on a sort of flying-machine
a point which adds greatly to the usefulness of the which had the shape of a peacock, and gave birth i
new work and recommends it for adoption in a cemetery to 'prince Jiva or Jivandhars, who
as a text-book for University examinations. was adopted by a merchant named Gandhôtkata
Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri is now editing another and, as the second lamba narrates, educated by
unpublished prose work, the Viran.irdyanaAryanandydcli&rya. In the meantime the usurper
charita of Vamanabhattabåņa.
E. HULTZCH. Kasbtháigåra despatched an army against Camp, 2nd February, 1903..

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JUNE, 1903.] EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF THE SERAMPORE MISSIONARIES. 241
THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF THE SERAMPORE MISSIONARIES.
(A Contribution to Indian Bibliography.)
BY G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., D.LITT., I.C.S.
THE
HE Missionary Carey landed in India on the 11th November 1793. His first translation of the Scriptures was into Bengali, the printing of the New Testament being completed on the 7th February, 1801. Between that year and the year 1832 more than two hundred and twelve thousand volumes in forty different languages issued from the Serampore press. For these languages types were designed and cut for the first time, ranging from moveable metal types for Chinese, to types in the Sâradâ character for Kâśmiri. Not only were there published translations of the Scriptures, but also texts, grammars, and translations in various languages.
The Missionaries issued during this period ten memoirs, each giving an account of their translation work up to date. These are now very rare, and as the dates of the various publications have often been wrongly quoted, I give the following abstract of the contents of each. I have to acknowledge the assistance kindly given to me by Mr. Crayden Edmunds of the British and Foreign Bible Society, by Messrs. Tawney and Blumhardt of the India Office Library, and by the Rev. J. B. Myers of the Baptist Missionary Society.
I first give an abstract of the information afforded by each Memoir, spelling Oriental words in the way in which they are given in each case. I then give a classified list, arranged according to languages, of all the works dealing with Oriental languages which issued from the Serampore press between 1801 and 1832. This has been compiled partly from the Memoirs and partly from
other sources.
First Memoir.
Neither the Baptist Missionary Society nor the British and On page 117 of Vol. I. of the Baptist Magazine for 1809 an abstract of its contents. The following is mainly taken
No copy of this is available. Foreign Bible Society possesses a copy. there is, however, what appears to be from it.
Bengalee. 2000 New Testaments distributed. 1000 copies of the Pentateuch (1802) and Hagiographa (1803) printed. Prophets (printed 1806) and Historical books in the press. N. B. From independent sources we know that the printing of the first edition of the Bengalee N. T. was completed on the 7th February, 1801. It was preceded by the Gospel of S. Matthew, to which were annexed some of the most remarkable prophecies in the Old Testament respecting Christ' (500 copies, 1800), which was the first Biblical translation to issue from the press.
Ootkul or Oreeya. Nearly the whole of the N. T. and a part of the O. T. translated. The former in the press.
Telinga (i. e., Telugu). Translation of N. T. in progress.
Kernata.
Ditto
ditto.
Mahratta. Translation of N. T. nearly finished, and of O. T. in progress. The former is in the press.
Guzzerattee. Translation of N. T. in progress. Printing commenced.
Hindoosthanee. Two versions were found necessary; in one of which the Books of Job, Psalms, and the Proverbs, and almost all the N. T. wait for revision and in the other, the Gospel by Matthew is nearly printed.
Seek (i. e., Panjabi). Translation of N. T. advanced to the Gospel by John. Sungskrit. The four Gospels printed.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JONE, 1903.
Persian. N. T. and parts of the 0. T. translated.
Chinese. Translation of N. T. advanced to the middle of Luke. Printing in this language is found far from being impracticable in Serampore.
Burman. Nearly the whole of Matthew translated. A font of types is now being prepared.
On p. 505 of the same volume of the Baptist Magazine, there is a letter from the Serampore Missionary, Ward, dated 12th January, 1809. He says, I have been for the last five or six years employed in a work on the religion and manners of the Hindoos. It has been my desire to render it thie most authentic and complete account that has been given on the subject. I have had the assistance of brother Carey in every proof sheet; and his opinion and mine is in almost erery particular the same. You are aware that very pernicious impressions have been made on the publie mind by the manner in which many writers on the Hindoo system have treated it. My desire is to counteract these impressions, and to represent things as they are. This evidently refers to the famous View of the Hindoos. The first edition (4 Vols., 4to) was published at Serampore in 1811. The second in 1815 (same place). The third (2 Vols., 8vo) in London, 1817. A Second Memoir of the state of the Translations in a Letter to the (Baptist Missionary) Society. Datod November, 1800. Describes the work
during the two preceding years. Bengalee. A third (folio) edition of the New Testament is in the press. 100 copies. Orissa Language. N. 1. printed, and nearly the whole of the Psalms. 1000 copies. Telinga Language. N. T. ready for the press. Translation of Old Testament commenced. Kernata Language. N. T. translated and ready for revision. 0. T. commenced. Guzerattee N. T. Printing stopped for want of funds.
Mahratta Language. Four Gospels nearly printed off. The entire N. T. and a portion of the 0. T, translated.
Hindoost'hance Language. More than half the N. T. printed. This is really Hindi.) Sungskrit. N. T. printed. Printing of O. T. commenced. No. of copies not stated. Burman. Translation commenced. A neat fount of Burman types has been cut.
In the first Memoir they had reported the completion of founts of type in Bengalee, Nagree. Orissa, and Mahratta characters, beside the fount of Persian type received from England. To these three more have since been added, riz., the Punjabee, the Chinese, and the Burman.
Third Memoir. Dated August 20, 1811. Bengalee. Up to date, the whole Bible has been printed in that language. Second Edition of Pentateuch in press.
Sungskrit. Pentateuch printed. 600 copies. Historical books in the press.
Orissa Language. In last Memoir N. T. printed. Now two Volumes of the old (the Hagiographa and the Prophetic books) bave been added. Historical books in the press,
Hindee. N. T. printed. 1000 copies. First Edition. Pentateuch in the press. Mahratta Language. N. T. printed. 1000 copies. Pentateuch in the press. Seek (i. e., Panjabi) version In the press. Chinese. Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark printed in a small tentative edition. Kurnata. Translation of the Pentateuch nearly finished.

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Telinga Language. Three Gospels in the press.
Burman. Translation of N. T. progressing.
Maguda, the learned language both of the Burman Empire, and of Ceylon. Translation
commenced.
Cashmire Language. Translation of N. T. commenced.
A fount of type in Seek (i. e., Gurmukhi) has been completed.
Fourth Memoir. Dated June, 1812.
This Memoir refers to the fire (on March 11, 1812) at Serampore which had such a disastrous effect on the translations. It contains a tabular statement showing all the work done up to date. From this I take the following new information :
Sungskrit. O. T. Historical books partly printed. Partly in manuscript.
Chinese. N. T. St. John in the press. Rest printed.
Bengalee. Third Edition of N. T. printed. Second Edition of Pentateuch nearly printed.
Orissa Language. Historical books partly printed,
Hindee. Second Edition of N. T. in the press.
Kurnata. St. Matthew ready for the press, Assam. N. T. partly translated. Pushtoo or Affghan, Translation commenced.
Fifth Memoir. Dated 1813.
Sungskrit. Historical books nearly completed. Hindee. Pentateuch printed. Brij-bhassa. St. Matthew going to press.
Mahratta. Pentateuch printed. Historical books in the press.
Bengalee. Fourth Edition of N. T., five thousand copies, the largest number ever printed, in the press. Second Edition of Pentateuch printed. 1000 copies.
Historical books in the press.
Orissa.
Historical books nearly printed.
Telinga. New types cast, the former having been destroyed in the fire. A grammar printed. N. T. gone to press, St. Matthew nearly finished.
Kurnata. N. T. in the press. A grammar ready for the press.
Maldivian. Translation of the Gospels finished. A fount of types in this alphabet, which in the name and figure of the letters bears a pretty strong resemblance to the Persian alphabet,' is nearly completed.
Gujurattée. Translation which had been temporarily stopped resumed. Casting of Gujuratter types begun. St. Matthew already printed in Nâgarî types.
Bulochee. St. Matthew in the press. Translation of N. T. advanced to the Acts. Pushtoo. St. Matthew in the press. Translation of N. T. advanced to Romans. Punjabee (called in former Memoirs Seek). New types cast, the former ones having been destroyed in the fire. Grammar published. N. T. printed as far as Romans.
Kashmeer Language. A fount of types (in the Sâradâ character) has been prepared. Translation advanced to I; Corinthians. St. Matthew in the press.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1908.
Assam. Translation of N. T. nearly completed. Printing advanced to middle of St. Matthew. Burman, Grammar in the press. Dictionary under preparation by Felix Carey. Pali or Magudha. Felix Carey is at Chinese. N. T. completely printed. More than half O. T. translated. New moveable metal Chinese types have been invented and are being prepared.
work on a translation.
Tamul. A fount of Tamul types had been prepared, but were destroyed in the fire. Within ten months a new fount was prepared and an edition of 5000 copies of the N. T. prepared for the Calcutta Auxiliary Bible Society.
Cingalese. A fount of types prepared. A N. T. in the press.
Armenian. A fount of types in preparation.
Malay. A Roman alphabet, with accented letters for this language, in preparation. A reprint of the whole Bible in the Arabic character from the five volumes octavo printed at Batavia, at the expense of the Dutch Government in 1758, has also been undertaken for the Lieutenant-Governor of Java.
Hindoost'hanee. H. Martyn's version in the Persian character has been undertaken for the British and Foreign Bible Society, and the Gospels are nearly through the press.
Founts of type in other languages, in reduced sizes, are also being prepared. Attempts are being made to improve the quality of native-made paper, so as to avoid the necessity of importing that article from Europe.
Sixth Memoir.
Orissa Language. Pentateuch printed off. Sungskrit. Historical books completed.
translated.
Hindee. Second Edition of N. T. in circulation. Historical books printed. Hagiographa in the press. Translation of the Prophetic books completed.
Mahratta Language. Historical books nearly printed off. Pentateuch and N. T. have long heen in circulation.
Shikh (i. e., Panjabi). N. T. printed. Pentateuch in the press.
Chinese. Pentateuch in the press. The new moveable metal type, after many experiments, are a complete success. An elementary work entitled Claris Sinica printed. It has as an appendix the text and translation of the Ta-hyoh. Morrison's Chinese Grammar nearly printed.
Telinga. N. T. more than half through the press. Bruj. N. T. printed to near the end of Romans. Pushtoo or Affghan Language. Three Gospels printed. Bulochee. The same progress.
Assamese. The same progress,
Kurnata.
Kunkuna,
Mooltanee.
Sindhee.
Kashmeer. Bikaneer.
Dated March, 1816.
This completes the Bible in this language, Hagiographa in the press. Prophetic books nearly
Nepal. Ooduypore.
Marawar.
Juypore.
Khassee.
Burman.
In these twelve, the printing of St. Matthew is either finished or nearly so.

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245
This information is followed by the following important statement:- In our prosecution of it (i. e., our object), we have found, that our ideas relative to the number of languages which spring from the Sungskrit, were far from being accurate. The fact is, that in this point of view, India is to this day almost an unexplored country. That eight or nine languages bad sprong from that great philological root, the Sungskrit, we well knew. But we imagined that the Tamul, the Kurnata, the Telinga, the Guzrattee, the Orissa, the Bengalee, the Mahratta, the Panjabee, and the Hindoostance, comprised nearly all the collateral branches springing from the Sungskrit language, and that all the rest were varieties of the Hindee, and some of then, indeed, little better than jargons scarcely capable of conveying ideas,
But although we entered on our work with these ideas, we were ultimately constrained to relinquish them. First, one language was found to differ widely from the Hindee in point of termination, then another, and in so great a degree, that the idea of their being dialects of the Hindee seemed scarcely tenable. Yet, while they were found to possess terminations for the nonds and verbs distinct from the Hindee, they were found as complete as the Hindee itself; and we at length perceived, that we might, with as mucb propriety, term them dialects of the Mahratta or the Bengalee language, as of the Hindee. In fact, we have ascertained, that there are more than twenty languages, composed, it is true, of nearly the same wordt and all equally related to the common parent, the Sungskrit, but each possessing a distinct set of terminations, and, therefore, having equal claims to the title of distinct cognate languages. Among these we number the Juypore, the Bruj, the Oodnypore, the Bikaneer, the Mooltanee, the Marawar, tbe Maguda (or South Bahar), the Sindh, the Mythil, the Wuch, the Kutch, the Harutee, the Kosbula, &c., languages, the very dames of which have scarcely reached Europe, but which have been recognized as distinct languages, by the natives of India, almost from time immemorial.
That these languages, though differing from each other only in their terminations and a few of the words they contain, can'scarcely be called dialects, will appear, if we reflect, that there is in India no general language current, of which they can be supposed to be dialects. The Sangskrit, the parent of them all, is at present the current language of no country, though spoken by the learned nearly throughout India. It's grammatical apparatus, too, the most copions and complex perhaps on earth, is totally unlike that of any of its various branches. To term them dialects of the Hindee is preposterous, when some of them, in their terminations, approach nearer the Bengalee than the Hindee, while others approximate more nearly to the Mahratta. The fact is, indeed, that the latest and most exact researches have shown that the Hindee has no country which it can exclnsively claim as its own. Being the language of the Musulman courts and camps, it is spoken in those cities and towns which have been formerly, or are now, the seat of Musulman princes ; and in general by those Musulmans who attend on the persons of European gentlemen in almost every part of India. Hence, it is the language of which most Europeans get an idea before any other, and which, indeed, in many instances, terminates their philological researches. These circumstances have led to the supposition, that it is the language of the greater part of Hindoostan ; while the fact is, that it is not always understood among the common people at the distance of only twenty miles from the great towns in which it is spoken. These speak their own vernacular language, in Bengal the Bengalee, and in other countries that which is appropriately the language of the country, which may account for a circumstance well known to those gentlemen who fill the judicial department; namely, that the publishing of the Honourable Company's Regulations in Hindoostanee has been often objected to, on the ground that in that language they would be unintelligible to the bulk of the people in the various provinces of Hindoostan. Had this idee been followed up, it might have led to the knowledge of the fact that each of these various provinces bas a language of it's own, most of them nearly alike in the bulk of their words, but differing so widely in the grammatical terminations, as when spoken, to be scarcely intelligible to their next neighbours.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1903.
The Memoir (which is signed by W. Carey, J. Marshman, and W. Ward) then goes on to give a detailed proof of the foregoing remarks. Thirty-four specimens of thirty-three 1 Indian languages are given. In each case the specimen consists of the conjugated present and past tenses of the verb substantive, and of a version of the Lord's Prayer. Each specimen is taken up separately and, word by word, dissected, in order to show that it is not a specimen of a dialect, but of an independent language. The whole discussion is too long to quote, but it is very interesting reading, especially as it is the first attempt at a systematic survey of the languages of India. In this connexion it is well to remember that its date is 1816, and that its authors were Carey, Marshman, and Ward. The languages compared are follows (I give the original spelling):-Sungskrit, Bengalee, Hindee, Kashmeera, Dogura [i. e., Dôgrâ], Wuch [i. e., Lahnda], Sindh, Southern Sindh, Kutch, Goojuratee, Kunkuna, Punjabee or Shikh, Bikaneer, Marawar, Juya-poora, Ooduya-poors, Harutee, Maluwa, Braj, Bundelkhund, Mahratta, Magudha or South Bahar, North Koshala, Mithilee, Nepal, Assam, Orissa or Oot-kul, Telinga, Kurnata, Pushtoo or Affghan, Bulochee, Khassee, Burman.
Seventh Memoir.
Dated December 1, 1820.
This is no longer directed to the Baptist Missionary Society, but is an independent publication, issued for the benefit of the public at large.
Sungskrita. Last volume of the O. T. issued two years ago. New edition of the whole Bible of 2000 copies, with 2000 extra of the N. T., under preparation.
Hindee. Last volume of the O. T. issued two years ago. A new translation of the N. T. by John Chamberlain in the press. 2000 copies, in the Devanagari character, and 3000 in the 'Kyt'hee' character. A fount has been cast of the latter.
Orissa. A second edition of 4000 copies in the press.
Mahratta. The last volume of the O. T. was issued many months ago. Second edition of N. T. in the press.
Bengalee. Sixth edition of N. T. in the press.
Chinese. N. T., Pentateuch, Hagiographa, and Prophetic books are now all printed off. The Historical books are in the press. This will complete the Chinese translation.
Shikh (i.e., Panjabi). Pentateuch and Historical books printed. Hagiographa in the press. Pushtoo or Affghan. N. T. printed. Pentateuch in the press.
Telinga, often termed the Teloogoo. N. T. issued two years ago. Pentateuch in the press. When this is finished, no more will be printed in Serampore. The task has been transferred to the Madras Auxiliary Bible Society.
Kunkuna. N. T. completed eighteen months ago. Pentateuch in the press. When this is finished, the work will be transferred to the Bombay Bible Society.
Wuch or Mooltanee (i. e., Lahnda). N. T. printed off eighteen months ago in its own character. Translation discontinued.
Assam. N. T. printed nearly two years ago. O. T. in the press.
Gujuratee. N. T. printed after thirteen years' labour. No more will be printed. The work has been transferred to the London Missionary Society.
Bikaneer. N. T. printed after seven years' labour.
Kashmeer. N. T. will be issued in a month, after eight years' labour. Printed in its own character.
For the sake of completeness, specimens are also given of Chinese and Batta of Sumatra, making thirty-five languages in all, but these do not come into the argument.

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The N. T. is in the press in the following languages :-Kurnata (no more to be printed - to be transferred to the Madras Society), Nepal, Harotee, Marwar, Bhughulkund, Oojein, Jamboo (probably a misprint for Jumboo or Dogara'], Kanoaj, Khassee, Khoshul, Bhutaneer, Dogara or Palpa (probably 'Dogara' is wrongly inserted here - see Jamboo, above), Magudha, Kamnoon, Gudwal [i, e., Gaph wall], Mani-poora.
A paper factory has been started. After experiments lasting for twelve years paper equally impervious to the worm with English paper, and of a firmer texture, though inferior in colour, is now made of materials the growth of India.' A coloured map of the languages of India is given (800 Ninth Memoir).
Eighth Memoir. Dated December, 1821. Bengalee. A second and revised edition of the O. T. in the press. Sangskrita. The second edition is still in the press.
Hindee. The Gospels in Chamberlain's translation issued. Work temporarily stopped owing to Chamberlain falling ill and having to go home.
Orissa. The revised edition of the N. T. nearly finished. Mahratta. The second edition of the N. T. nearly ready. Chinese. 0. T. will be completed in three months.
Sikh. Hagiographa issued. Prophetic books in the press. This will complete the whole Bible.
Affghan. Pentateuch completed. Telinga. Pentateuch completed. Kunkun. Completed. Assam. 0. T. isgned.
Kashmere. N. T. issued. 0. T. in the press. A new fount of type on a reduced scale has been made.
Nepal. N, T, completed. Harotee. Marwar. Bhagulkhund. Ditto. Kanoje. Ditto.
N. T. is still in the press in the following languages :- Kurnata, Oojein, Jumboo, Khassee, Munipoora, Bhutnere, Magad [Magudha in last Memoir], Palpa, Shreenagore [s. e., Gashwali, the Gudwal of the last Memoir) and Kumaoon.
Ninth Memoir. Dated December 81, 1822. Karnata. Printing all but finished.
Hindee. The edition of Chamberlain's translation in the Kythee' character is half completed. Chamberlain's death is a heavy loss.
Chinese. Printing finished in April 1822. Pushtoo or Affghan. Historical books begun.
Other versions are being printed, but, owing to the exhausted state of the funds, the progress is alow.
Ditto. Ditto.

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248
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1903.
We beg leave to mention here, that in the Map engraved for the 7th Memoir of the Translations (which is otherwise quite correct), the country in which the Kunkuna is spoken is laid down inaccurately. In a geographical point of view the whole country on the sea coast, from Bombay to Calicut, is called the Kunkuna, but the Kunkuna language is spoken only in that part of it which extends from Goa to Calicut. In all the country west of Goa the Mahratta is spoken."
Tenth Memoir. Dated July 4, 1882. This commences by explaining that the delay of ten years in the issue is due to want of funds.
The Magudh, Oojayeenee, Jumboo, and Bhutneer New Testaments were printed in 1826. Owing to the death of the Kemaoon Pandit, the printing of the N. T. in that language has been stopped at Colossians. The Bruj, Sreenagar, Palpa, Manipore and Khasee N. Ts. have since then been issued.
The following is the progress of versions in the Old Testament :
Sangskrit. Pentateuch printed five years ago. Second edition of the Historical books is well forward.
Bengalee. Revised edition has been issued, with alterations by Dr. Carey, 'as his knowledge of the present improved state of the Bengalee language rendered desirable. Also, sixth edition of the N. T., and seventh of the Gospels.
Sikh. But little progress, owing to the death of the pandit. Assam. Historical books and Hagiographa printed. Prophetical books in the press. Pushtoo. Pentateuch printed. Historical books in the press. Kashmeer. Pentateuch printed. Historical books in the press. Orissa. New edition of the O. T. in the press.
Hindee. A revised translation (by Thompson) of the four Gospels printed. Burmese. Matthew, John, Hebrews, Epistles of St. John, and Acts printed.
In an Appendix to the Mon oir there is given a review of the work of the Mission since its commencement. It is shown that two hundred and twelve thousand volumes in forty different languages, at a cost of over £80,000, had been issued between 1801 and 1832. The list of issues is not very conveniently arranged, and I havo therefore compiled the following summary of the results, language by language. I have included other works, besides translations of the Scrip. tures, which issued from the pross during this period, and have corrected several mistakes as to dates of issue, from the volumes themselves. It is as complete as I have been able to make it, and I shall be grateful for additions and corrections :List of Works in Oriental languages (principally translations of the Bible or parts thereof) which issued from the Serampore Mission Press between 1800 and 1833.
(Arranged under languages in Alphabetical order.) Armenian. 1817, The wholo Bible printed for the Calcutta Auxiliary Bible Society, from
the original Edition published in Venice in 1732, 2000 copies. Assamoso. 1815, Matthew, Mark, Luke. (? No. of copies.)
1819, New Testament, 1000 copies. 1822, Pentateuch, 1000. 1832, Historical Books, 1000. Prophetical Books (in the press), 1000. 1883, Hagiographa and Prophets, 1000 of each.
Two Assamese Tracts. P Date. 1 I give this correction, as the same mistake has frequently been made since, even at the present day.-G.A.G.

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JUNE, 1903.) EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF THE SERAMPORE MISSIONARIES. 249
Awadhi (Dialect of Eastern Hindi. Called Khoshul, &c.). ? 1820, Gospel of St. Matthew.
No. of copies, (?) 1000. Baghell (Dialect of Eastern Hindi. Called Bhughulkhund, &c.). 1821, N. T., 1000. Balochi (Bulochee). 1815, Three Gospels. No. of copies, (?) 1000. Bengali (Bengalee). 1800, Matthew, to which were 'annexed some of the most remarkable
prophecies in the 0. T. respecting Christ,' 500. 1801, New Testament, 1st Edn., 2000. 1802, Pentateuch, 1000. 1803, Psalms, 900. Job to Song of Solomon, 900. 1806, N. T., 2nd Edn., 1500. 1807, Luke, Acts, and Romans, 10000. Prophetic Books, 1000. 1809. Historical Books, 1500, 1811, N. T. (Folio Edn.), 100. 1813, Pentateuch, 1000. 1816, N, T., 5000. 1819, Matthew and Mark (Ellerton's Translation), 1000. 1822, Pentateuch (2nd Edn.), 4000. 1824, Matthew and Mark, 6000. 1825, Pentateuch and Historical Books, 4000. 1828, Matthew, 4000, 1829, Mark, 4000. 1832, 0. T. (large 8vo), 3000. N. T. (large 8vo), 2000. Psalms
(12mo), 3000. N. T. (8vo) (8th Edn.) (in the press), 5000.
N. T. (12mo) (in the press), 1000. A Grammar of the Bengalee Language, compiled by the Rev. Dr. Carey.
1st Edn., 1801; 2nd, 1805 ; 4th, 1818 ; 5th, 1845. Dialogues (in some editions Colloquies') in the Bengalee and English,
intended to facilitate the acquisition of the Bengalee Language, compiled by the Rev. Dr. Carey. (Title varies slightly in different
editions.) 1st Edn., 1801 ; 3rd, 1818. A Dictionary of the Bengalee Language, compiled by the Rev. Dr.
Carey. First Edn., Serampore, 1825. In two volumes, but the
second volume is in two parts. All Bengali-English, A Dictionary of the Bengalee Language. In two volumes. The first volume
is an abridgment of the preceding dictionary. The second is a Dictionary, English-Bengali, compiled by Mr. J. C. Marshman. 1st Edn.,
Vol. 1., 1827; Vol. II., 1828 ; 4th, 1847. The Samachar Dur pun, or Mirror of Intelligence, Bengalee and English in
parallel columns. The Tenth Memoir thus describes it, Now published every Wednesday and Saturday morning. This paper, the first number of which was published .... in May, 1818, has been of incalculable use .. It proceeds through the Post Office for one anns or two, according to the distance.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1908.
The Moogdhubodha or Grammar of Vopa Devs. ? Date. This is advertised
as a Bengali publication in the Tenth Memoir. It is probably the Sanskrit Mugdhabodha, in Bengali characters, published in 1807. See
Sanskrit. I can find no other trace of it. The Batrisha-Singhasun, or 22.imaged Throne, written in Bengalee by
Mritoonjaya Vidyalunkar. 1st Edn., 1802 ; 2nd, 1808. The Hitopadesha, or Salutary Instruction, translated into Bengalee from
the original Songskrita, by Mritoonjaya Vidyalunkar. 1st Edn., 1808; 2nd, 1821. A previous translation into Bengali by Golak Nath
Pundit,' was published at Serampore in 1802. Raja Vali; a History of India, composed in Bengalee by Mritoonjaya
Vidyalunkar. 1838. The Gooroodukhina, containing the celebrated verses of Chanikhya, &c.;
translated into Bengalee by Gopal Turkulunkar. ? Date. This entry is taken from an advertisement in the Tenth Memoir. An edition of the first chapter of the Sanskrit text, with a Bengalee translation, by Mathura Mohun Datt, facing it, was published at Serampore in 1818.
Kubita Rutnakur, or a Collection of the Sungekrita phrases most commonly
introduced into conversation by the Natives, with a full account of them, and a translation into Bengali. By Baboo Neel Rutna Haldar.
1st Edn., 1825; 2nd, 1830. Also a large series of tracts, and other publications for educational purposes,
of which we may mention the Dig-dursbon, or Indian Youth's Magazine, edited by J. O. Marshman. Two editions were issued, one
bilingual (English and Bengali), and the other in Bengali only. Bhatneri (South Panjab. A mixed dialect. Called Bhutneer). 1826, N. T., 1000. Bhotia of Bhotan or Lhoke. 1826, A Dictionary and Grammar of the Bhotanta or Boutan
Language, by the Rev. F. C. G. Schroeter. Edited by J. 0. Marshman
and W. Carey. Bikaner (Dialect of Rajasthani. Called Bikaneer). 1820, N. T., 1000. Braj Bhakha (Dialect of Western Hindi. Called Braj and Bri). 1822, the Gospels, 3000,
1827, N. T., 8000. Burmese (Called Burman). 1815, Matthew, 2000. 1826, Matthew (2nd Ed.), 8500; John,
2000; Acts, 8000; Hebrews, 3000 ; Epistles of John, 8000. A Grammar of the Burman Language, by the late Rev. Mr. F. Carey. P Date.
It was in the press in 1813, and was not finished in 1814. After this I can
find no mention of it. 1810, A Comparative Vocabulary of the Burma, Malayu, and Thai Languages,
by Dr. Leyden. 1825, An English and Burman Vocabulary, preceded by a concise Grammar, by
G. H. Hough. . Also four tracta.

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Chinese.
1822, 0. T. in four Vols., 1600 of unch. N. T., 8000; Gospela, 8000. 1828, Genesis and Exodus (2nd Edn.), 8100. 1809, The works of Confucius. Containing the original text with a translation, to
which is prefixed a Dissertation on the Chinese Language and Characters. By Dr. J. Marshman, The Dissertation also printed separately in the same
year,
1814, Clavis Sinica. Elements of Chinese Grammar, with an Appendix containing
the Ta-byoh of Confucins, by the same. 1815, A Grammar of the Chinese Language, by the Bev. R. Morrison.
Also an unknown number of traots. Dogrt (Dialect of Panjabt. Called Jumboo or Dogra). 1826, N. T., 1000. Garhwall (Dialect of Central Pahârf. Called Gadwal and Shreenagore). 1827, N. T., 1000. Gujarati (Called Gazzerattee, &c.). 1820, N. T., 1000. Herauft (Dialect of Rajasthani. Called Harates, &c.). 1821, N. T., 1000. Hindi (Form of Western Hindi. Called Hindee)
1811, N. T. 1000 (Called Hindoostanee on the Title page, bat Hindee in
the Memoirs). 1812, Pentateucb, 1000. N. T., 4000. 1815, Historical Books, 1000. 1816, Hagiographa, 1000. 1918, Prophetical Books, 1000. 1819, Gospels, 4000. 1820, Gospels (Chamberlain's translation), 4000. 1828, Acts to I. Cor. (Chamberlain), 3000.
Gospels (Chamberlain's translation in Kaith type), 8000. 1824, Gospels, each separate, 4000 of each. (A translation by J. T. Thompson,
Baptist missionary of Delhi.)
Also twenty-four tracts.
Except where otherwise stated, all the above are printed in Dêva-någart. Hindostant (Form of Western Hindi. Called Hindost'hanee, &c.)
1814, N. T. (H. Martyn's translation, for the Caloutta Auxiliary Bible - Society), 2000: also 3000 extra copies of the Gospels and Acts.
Also six 'Oordoo' tracts for .Mahometans.'
All the above are in the Arab-Persian character. Jaipurt (Dialect of Rajasthant. Called Jaypoora). The Gospel of St. Matthew was printed.
No. of copies anknown. Probably before 1828. It was being printed in 1815.
In the Fourth Momote, in addition to oulling it 'Hindas,' they say, 'Wo apply the term Hindooue, or Hindoe,
thance which is derived principally from the Sungakrit, and which, before the invasion of the Musulmane, was spoken throughout Hindoost'han. It is still the language most extensively understood, partioularly among the common people,

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252
[JUNE, 1903.
Javanese. 1829, Bruckner's translation of the N. T. was printed for the Batavia Bible Society, 3000.
'Several other unnamed 'works' are also reported.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Kanarese (Called Kurnata, &c.)
1822, N. T., 1000.
1817, A Grammar of the Kurnata Language, by Dr, W. Carey. Kanauji (Dialect of Western Hindi. Called Canoge, Kanooj, &c.). 1821, N. T., 1000. Kasmiri (Called Cashmire, &c.)
1820, N. T., 1000. (Dated 1820 in Native Character, and 1821 in English.) 1827, Pentateuch, 1000.
1832, Historical Books (in the press), 1000.
All these in the Sâradâ character.
Khassi (Called Khasee). 1816, Matthew. (? No. of copies.)
1827, N. T., 500.
Kumaun! (Dialect of Central Pahari. Called Kemaoon, &c.). 1824, N. T. to Eph. iii. 17 in the press, 1000.
Konkani (Dialect of Marathi. Called Kunkuna). 1818, N. T., 1000. 1821, Pentateuch,
1000.
1819, N. T., 1000.
1826, N. T., 1000.
Lahnda (Western Panjab. Called Wuch and Mooltanee). Magahi (Dialect of Bihari. Called Magudh, Mughudh, &c.). Malay. 1814, N. T. for Calcutta Auxiliary Bible Society, in the Roman character, from the text of the Edition of 1731, for the use of Native Christians at Amboyna. 3000 copies.
1817, The whole Bible in the Roman character. 3000 copies,
1817, N. T. in Arabic character. See 1821, below.
1819, Matthew, in the Roman character, 500.
1820, Matthew in the Arabic character, 1000.
1821, The whole Bible in the Arabic character. The following is the history of this Edition: It was decided by the Calcutta Auxiliary Bible Society, in 1814, to reprint the Bible in the Arabic character from the Edition of 1758, but the difficulty of finding trustworthy proof-readers, added to the imperfections of the old version as to spelling and the inclusion of a large number of Arabic terms, made a revision imperative. Major MacInnes and the Rev. R. L. Hutchings, Chaplain of Penang, were entrusted with the revision. The N. T. was issued in 1817, having been revised by Major MacInnes at Penang, and afterwards by Mr. Hutchings at Serampore. Mr. Hutchings then went on with the revision of the O. T., which was issued in 1821 in two editions, one in 4to, to form a complete Bible along with a reprint of the N. T. of 1817, and the other in 8vo, uniform with a N. T. in 8vo. The numbers of these editions were 3000 8vo N. T., 2000 4to Bible, and 1000 8vo O. T. 1810, A Comparative Vocabulary of the Burma, Malayu, and Thai Languages, by
Dr. Leyden.
? Date, Baxter's Call to the Unconverted, translated by Jabez Carey. ? No. of copies.

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JUNE, 1903.) EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF THE BERAMPORE MISSIONARIES. 253
Maldivi (Called Maldivian). 1813, It is reported that the Gospels have been translated, and
that types are being cast. No further progress seems to have been made. MAlvi (Dialect of Rajasthani. Called Oojein, Oojuyeenee, &c.). 1826, N. T., 1000. Manipurt (Called Munipoor, &c.). 1827, N. T., 1000. Marathi (Called Mahratta)
1805, Matthew, 465. 1811, N. T., 1000. 1813, Pentateuch, 1000, 1816, Historical Books, 1000. 1818, Hagiographa, 1000. 1819, Prophetical Books, 1000. 1822, Gospels (2nd Edn.), 3000. 1823, Acts to Revelations (2nd Edn.), 3000. 1805, A Grammar of the Mahratta Language, by Dr. W. Carey.
1810, A Dictionary of the Mahratta Language, by Dr. W. Carey. Marwart (Dialect of Rajasthani. Called Marawar, Marwar, &c.). 1821, N. T., 1000. Mow&fi (Dialect of Rajasthâni. Called Oodaypoora). The Gospel of St. Matthew was printed,
probably in 1815-16. Probably 1000 copies. Naipali (Dialect of Eastern Pahari. Called Nepal). 1821, N. T., 1000. Also a translation of
Dr. Watt's Catechisms. ? Date and No. of copies. Oriya (Called Orissa and Ooriya).
1809, N. T., 1000. 1811, Prophetical Books and Hagiographe, 1000 of each. 1814, Historical Books, 1000. 1815, Pentateuch, 1000.1822, N. T. (2nd Edn.), 4000. 1832, Pentateuch (2nd Edn.), 2000.
Also a number of tracts printed for the Baptist Missionary Society, Palpa (Dialect of Eastern Pahari. Called Palpa). 1827, N. T., 1000. Panjabt (Called Soek, Sikh, and Punjabee)
1814, N. T. (finished 1815), 1000. 1817, Pentateuch, 1000. (Dated 1818: but in December 1817 the Serampore
missionaries reported that it had long been printed, and was ia
circulation.) 1819, Historical Books, 1000. 1821, Hagiographa, 1000. 1826, Prophetical Books, 1000. 1812, A Grammar of the Panjabee Language, by Dr. W. Caroy.
Also five tracts. Pashto (Called Pashtoo or Affghan)
1818, N. T., 1000. 1821, Pentateuch, 1000. 1882, Bistorical Books (in the proua), 1000.

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254
THB INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[June, 1909.
Peralan. 1811, Gospels, 500 Banskrit (Called Sangskrit and Bangskrita)
1808, N. T., 600. 1811, Pentateuch, 600. 1815, Historical Books, 1000. 1818, Hagiographa, 1000. Prophetical Books, 1000, 1827, Bible to I. Kings in the press, 2nd Edn.), 2000. 1804, A Grammar of the Sangakrit Language. Other Editions, 1806 and
1808. By Dr. W. Carey. 1806. The Ramayana of Valmeeki, in the original Sungskrit, with a Prose
Translation and Explanatory Notes, by Drs. Carey and Marshman. 1807, The Moogdhubodhe, or Grammar of the Sungskrita Language, by
Vopa Deva (Bengali obaracter), 1807. : 1808, Cosho, or Dictionary of the Bongskrita Language, by Amera Sinba, with
an English Interpretation and Annotations, by H. T. Colebrooke, Esq. 1st Edn., 1808. Kosha or Dictionary of the Sangskrita Language by Umara Singhs, with 40 English Interpretation and Annotations by
. T. Colebrooke, Esq. 2nd Edn., 1825. Dato. Sankhy. Pravachana Bhashya The Doctrines of the Bankhya
School of Philosophy. (In the Deva-nagari character.) 2nd Ed.,
1821. No trace of 1st Edn. The Tenth Momoir plso advertises Treatise on Geography, entitled Gola
dhya (tranplation into Banskrit) 7 Date. I have failed to trace it elsewhere, and it looks as if an edition of Bhaskars's well-known G618
dhydya was meant. Biamese (Called Thai). 1810, A Comparative Vocabulary of the Barma, Malaya, and Thai
. Languages, by Dr. Leyden. Sindht (Called Sindh). The Gospel of St. Matthew was printed. No. of copies probably 1000,
Printed in 1825. Binghalos. (Called Cingulose). 1818, Th. N. T. was printed for the Calcutta Auxiliary Bible
- Society. 2000 copies. This was a reprint of the N. T. which had been issued by
the Datoh Government in parts between 1771 and 1780, consisting of Acts by 8. Cat, Romans to Rovelation by H. Philipes, and the four Gospels revised by H. Puilipas and J. J. Fybrands from translation by W. Konym originally pablished in 1739 by the Dutch Gorernment at Colombo. It was sent as • present by the Caloutta Auxiliary Bible Society to the Colombo Auxiliary
Bible Society. Tamill (Called Tumul). 1828, N. T., for Oaloutta Auxiliary Bible Society, 5000. Toluga (Called Telinga)
1818, N. T., 1000, 1821, Pentateuch, 1000. 1814, A Grammar of the Telinga Language by Dr. W. Carey.

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THE ORIGIN OF THE QORAN.
255
THE ORIGIN OF THE QORAN.
BY DR. HUBERT GRIMME. (Translated by G. K. Nariman.)
(Concluded from p. 136.) 2. The Qoran and the Second Epistle of Peter. WHEN the Qorún borrows from the Gospel only distorted figures of speech, knows nothing of the bistory of the Apostles, seems to have been indebted to the Epistles of Panl for no great thought or striking phraseology, in short when it is a stranger to the balk of the New Testament, as it is not a little remarkable that it accords in a series of instances with one of the smallest books of the New Testament, which leads to the conclusion that the latter was made use of by the Prophet. I refer to the Second Epistle of Peter. Since up to now no book has noticed the circumstance, passing over the less striking features, we shall here briefly discuss the principal points of contact between the Epistle and the Qoran,
The borrowing consists in the adoption of peculiarly pregnant thoughts and similitudes, and is to be found only in the Súras or Chapters relating to the "Period of Grace (rahma);" especially in Sutra 22 and in the Mecca episode of Súra 24. It seems to me less probable that Mahammad adopted them directly from the original. For the mode of imitation throughout corresponds to an oral communication, often based on a wrong interpretation of the text, such as would have been impossible even to an indifferent student of the text of the Epistle. It must therefore be assumed that the Prophet owed his acquaintance with the Epistle to oral inistraction emanatióg from & Christian anthority that would appear to have read the Epistle itself, in what tongue cannot be determined. Let ns now follow the points of similarity, chapter by chapter. In the first chapter Peter exhorts the order to be diligent, with faith, in the exercise of virtuous acts and to be mindful of this after his own death. Further, the A postle has heard the Evangel from Christ Himself, who was declared by God the Father and by prophecy as of divine origin. The first-main thonght the Qoran has made its own, and, indeed, first gives expression to it in those Súras or chapters of the Qorán, which were given out in Medina. The ground for this must be that Muhammad could sooner get the heathens of Mecca to perform good works than to believe. Hence he had to emphatically lay down how fatile was work without faith for a proselyte:
Verily, if thou join partners with God (i. e, continue idolatry), thy work is as nothing and thou shalt be counted amongst those who sball perish. (39, 65.)
This is a simile of those who do not acknowledge the Lord. Their works are like anto ashes on which the wind blows violently on a stormy day. They will get nothing out of their works. (14, 21.)
. Besides these thoughts some Biblical expressions seem to have been imitated. In yorse 9 Peter calls those people blind who believe but do not practise virtue, who seem to have forgotten the fact that they were purged from sins and who thus render their cleotion doubtful. The Qorán makes use of this figure of spiritual blindness repeatedly, beginning with Súra 41, and predicates it first of those appealed to in vain to tread the righteous path, who hear the precepts bat either repudiate or forget them. Later on, in Vodina, the epithet is applied to those who are deprived of their light once kindled by God. (Cf. 2, 76.) Farther, in verse 19 Peter institutes a long-drawn out similo between prophetic words and "Light that shineth in a dark place, until the day dawn, and the day star arise in your
» [f. Heel und Neuen Testament in Goldwiber's Muhammedanische Studien, LL. 882 mg. -T..]

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[JUNE, 1903.
hearts." This simile might have inspired the Prophet with a similar one with which Súra 24, verso 35, begins :
God is the Light of the Heavens and the Earth. His Light is like a niche in which is a lamp, the lamp is in a glass, the glass is like a glistening star. It is lighted (with the oil) of the blessed tree, the Olive not of the East nor of the West.29
Chapter 2 deals with the false prophets, whom God shall visit in justiće, as he once visited the sinning angels, men of Noah's time and Sodom and Gomorrha, whilst the righteous shall be saved. Amongst his enemies of Mocca, Muhammad had indeed no pseudoprophets. Instead, however, he had to contend with those unbelievers who, impelled by Satan, as he imagined, advanced heretic doctrines about God and the resurrection against his own preachings. (Cf., 6. 9., 22, 3, 8.) Against these, the Qorán, in the passages of the "Period of Grace," unceasingly reiterates the threats of a Judgment such as overtook the earlier nations. Precisely, like Peter, and in opposition to what he had depicted of the coming Judgment formerly in Mecca, the salvation of the believers is prominently brought forward here by the Prophet. To heighten the resemblance, the fall of the sinning angel Iblis, Satan, is cited as the first act of the Judgment. (15, 31.) Nor can we conceive of Satan without & numerous following. (16, 66.)
The imagery employed in verse 17 to illustrate the nulity of the false prophets has something peculiar to arrest the attention : "They are wells without water, cloads that are carried with a tempest; to whom the mist of darkness is reserved for ever."
Several metaphors from this are adopted in the Qorán with more or less change. The figare of the empty wells might easily be shifted to the contiguous one of an expanse of water in a waste, behind which water is vainly sought, so that the comparison assumes the following shape :
As to the infidels, their works are like an expanse of water in a plain i. o., & mirage), which the thirsty take for water, until when he cometh unto it he findeth naught; but findeth that God is there, Who fully payeth him his account." (24, 89.)
The waiting of the unfaithful in the "mist of darkness" is to be found in a concrete form in the immediately following verse :
(The condition of the unbeliever) is like darkness at the bottom of the deep sea. Wewe on wave covers it, and above these are still darker clouds one above another. When he stretches forth his haud he cannot see it. He to whom God provides no light, has no light.
Finally, it cannot be altogether an accident that as in the Epistle, so also in the Qorán, clouds are spoken of as driven along by God, Who piles them in masses, till charged with rain and hail they descend on those marked by divine decree.
More cogent proofs in support of the view I have advanced that Peter's Epistle, was used by Muhammad, are furnished by the similarity or rather identity of thoughts and expressions from Chapter III., in which the Apostle explains, in regard of scoffing apbelievers, the delay in the Lord's coming. The Prophet was to a remarkablo degree similarly circumstanced as the Apostle, when the Súra in question, the 24th, was written. His opponents were long pat off with evasive answers to their inquiry as to when the day of Judgment was to come. And now they went the length of deriding and branding him a liar. The Prophet appropriates to his own use Peter's reply. The latter declares it is not true that the Creation has continued without a change to the present day, since once already the world created out of water was annihilated by water and goes on to admonish: "But, beloved, be not ignorant of this one
» Not of earthly origin, therefore, but of celestial. 4. Muller (Koran im Awango Ubersetet, note to 34, 35) is at a loss how to construe the PMBAO "It is difficult to Moertain what sort of an oil tree this would be."

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THE ORIGIN OF THE QORAN.
257
thing, that one day is with the Lord as a thonsand years, and a thousand years as one day. The Lord is not slack concerning His promise .... but is long suffering to us-ward." Out of this the Qorán makes the following in 22, 43-46: He gives out that the contemporaries of Noah and Abraham and five other peoples had not believed in the promise of their respective Prophets as the unbelievers now did in his own case, and that, thereupon God hearing with them for a while visited them in his wrath. If the inhabitants of Mecca were not blind intellectually they could recognize God's chastisement in so many cities in ruins, blocked-up water-courses, and strongholds emptied of their inmates.
They, indeed, wish that the punishment descend with speed. But God cannot fail His promise; a day with Him is as long as a thousand years, as ye reckon them. (22, 46, 32, 4.)
Here Muhammad, has followed the argument of the Epistle almost to the letter, preserving, however, in the most important part the letter and not the sense. This instance is truly the most characteristic of the superficial manner in which, whoever it was, some authority of the Prophet or he himself, that has appropriated and repeated the text of the Epistle.
The earth stood out of water and in the water, says Peter. (Verse 5.) The closing verse of Súra 24 bas, "And God created all creatures out of the water." This thought is . more elaborately stated in 22, 5. It is not improbable that this foreign loan was borrowed from Peter.
Verse 13 gives expression to another striking thought of the Epistle: “We, according to His promise, look for new heavens and new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness."
It is not to be wondered, after what has been said above, if this thought too lared the Prophet into imitation. Bat Muhammad having kept to the self-same words, it turns out to have not been understood by him.
Think not that God will fail His promise to His Apostle (for God is Mighty and He is the Avenger). On the day that the earth changes into another earth, and the heavens too, man shall come forth to God, the One, the Powerful. (14, 48.)
Whilst obviously Peter looks upon the new creation as an improvement and a reform, Muhammad regards it as the annihilation of its former form with a view to invest the day of Jadgment with a conspicuous feature. And, indeed, he might have deviated from Peter's view on this account, that his Paradise, the dwelling of the blessed, he represents as neither similar to, nor any way connected with, heaven or earth.
The portion of the Qorán entitled "The Period of Grace" is essentially based on two fondamental principles, grace (rahma)30 and long suffering or forbearance (taul),31 These have been indicated as an evidence of the introduction of Christian dogmas in Muhammad's precepts. From what has been discussed above, we can infer that it was, above all, the Second Epistle of Peter, out of which these thoughts found their way into the Qorán.
3. The Future of Moslem Theocracy. Muhammad's religious system has no great claims to originality, nor to perfect unity. Iu its ultimate 'essence it is eclecticism, which, being not sufficiently resorted to in the structure of theocracy, often demolishes and builds over again the edifice of religious formulæ. Those who would understand Islam must seek to go back to the prime originals of his dogmas, and where there is a remarkable divergence between the exemplar and the imitation, must tackle the latter in the light, firstly, of the world which surrounded the Prophet, and, secondly, of the change of his residence. > See 45, 11; 45, 19, etc.
91 First mentioned in 40, 3.

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The groundwork of Islam was, and ever remained, that system at which Jewish theology, with its trivial formalities of the tweedledom and tweedledee of the text of the Bible, had arrived, and of which the Talmud may be recited as the prime authority. What Muhammad proclaimed in Mecon resembles it chiefly in the dogmatic views, but also in his general moral canons.
On the other hand, the primitive Islam was unshackled by the mass of intricacies, ordinances on doctrine and conduct of life, into which the Talmud Jews had fallen as in a labyrinth, which rendered froo movement well-nigh impossible. This divergence is characteristic. It shows that the Talmud, Babylonian or Palestinian, must not be looked upon as the direct model of early Islam. The latter contains isolated ideas which are conspicuous by their absence in the Talmud, bat are common in the earlier document of Judaism, the Tarjum. Muhammad never studied the ordinance of later Judaism, but learnt their contents from oral tradition. We must presume his instructor to be a Jew, but not one of the Rabbis whose whole life was devoted to bypercriticism of Law and strict observance of its minor particulars. Such Rabbis were very sparsely, if at all, to be found in Arabia, Muhammad's instructor was in all probability a man of spiritually intermediate acquirements; he was more in touch with the Baggada, the Hebrew world of anecdotes and thoughts, than with the Halacha, the repository of each and every law ; - an Amm Hares in short. Such a man endeavoured zatarally to make Mubammad what he himself was, and Muhammad loved with a certain pride to bear the title of Ummi, that is to be Amm Hares, in compliment to the Jews of Medina, and put it beside his most exalted insignia Nabi or Prophet, styling himself Nabi Ummi,
But Muhammad shrank from one consequence of his instruction, from being reckoned a Jew by his heathen countrymen or from comporting himself as such. His highly developed sense of patriotism was the hindering block. The hopes of resurrection and the kingdom of David were inseparably connected with the Jewish doctrine. Every proselyte, therefore, who would truly call himself a Jew, must abjure the convictions of his national religion. But nothing could induce Muhammad to make that sacrifice. He did not return the obligations he owed to the Jews in Mecca by hostile opposition against their leaders. Not & word was uttered offensive to them as a race; rather Muhammad was prompted by a spirit of courtesy when be christened an Arab prophet of his own creation Had, which is Arabic for Jew. At the same time he was kept from going over to Judaism from the consciousness of a momentous mission of his own. He felt the impulse to communicate to his heathen compeers the Light that was vouchsafed to him - an impulse which soon assumed the shape of a positive duty to be fulfilled at whatever cost. Cogitating over the strange phenomenon he interpreted it to himself as a divine commission to turn Jewish verities into Arabic speech and sermons.
In the course of the Meccan period, with the Jewish radiments of Islam are mingled, as sopplements and modifications, new thoughts which have a near affinity to Christianity, and which would seem to have been borrowed from it. Thus the insipid rigidity of the conception of God till now entertained was relieved by emphatic declaration of divine love and mercy, belief in certain dogmas was inculcated as daty, and many a figure of the new theology was put on a par with the saints and prophets of the Old Testament. But if Mohammad at this epoch betraya comparatively inconsiderable acquaintance with the doctrine and discipline of Christianity, still most of that knowledge which he displays in the Medina period must have been previously acquired. He wanted but opponents and opportunity to open a polemic on the teachings of Christ, which were thrown away upon him.
If we take a review of whatever in the Qorán accords with Christianity, the outcomo of our inquiry is more negative than positive information on the sources from which Muhammad drew. In the first place, it seems certain that Muhammad had read as little of the Gospels as of

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the Talmud, else he would not have fathered their authorship on Christ, and would have had a more exalted perception of the nature and potency of the Saviour. Besides, the rest of the books of the New Testament were outside the pale of his knowledge, excepting perhaps the Second Epistle of Peter, various Suras of the past Meccan period betokening its influence in their ideas and expressions. Of the secondary documents of Christianity there are only vestiges of the Gospel of Infancy in the Qordn.33 But they are of a description such as could be straightway derived from folklore or legends. Yet there remains to be accounted for a series of observations on Christian dogma which are not in the remotest degree connected with any written authorities come down to us. They are the Trinity conceived as a triad composed of the Father, the Son, and Mary, the docetical account of the apparent death of Christ on the Cross, the descending of the table for the Lord's Supper, etc.36 These, considered as a whole, could not have been learnt by hearsay from any Christian source, for no sect, be it ever so much corrupt or degenerate, represented a like confusion of curious symbolism. They have to be looked upon as things learnt at second or third hand, with the pristine stamp blurred and rubbed off.
JUNE, 1903.]
259
Some part of the sacred history, as treated of in the Qorán, had its roots in the creed of the Christians of Syria, to wit, the account of the seven sleepers, of Dhul Karnain, Alexander the Great and of his expedition against Yajuj and Majuj. It found its way into the Qorán not direct from the original, but as filtered through popular legends.
The tradition mentions by name several Christians with whom Muhammad is alleged to have come in occasional contact, with the monk Nestor or Bahira, who greeted him, when the latter was in Basra on a commercial journey, as the future prophet, or with Abu Amir, the head of the Christian Settlement in Medina. But time and other circumstances tell against the assumption that the Prophet was any way influenced by this. The balance of probability points to one of the anchorites, not rare in Arabia then, to whom the Qoran in many places refers in terms of landatory appreciation, 37
32 Súra 57, 27.
[And we sent Neah and Abraham; and placed in their seed prophecy and the book; and some of them are guided, though many of them are workers of abomination. Then we followed up their footsteps with our apostles; and we followed them up with Jesus the Son of Mary: and gave Him the Gospel; and we placed in the hearts of those who followed Him kindness and compassion.-S. B. E. IX. 269. - TR.]
83 80ra S, 41 and 43: Sora 4, 55; Sara 5, 110,
[When the angel said, 'O Mary! verily, God gives thee the glad tidings of a Word from Him; His name shall be the Messiah Jesus the Son of Mary, regarded in this world and the next and of those whose place is nigh to God, And He shall speak to people in His cradle, and when grown up, and shall be among the righteous. She said, Lord, how can I have a son, when man has not yet touobed me?' He said, Thus God creates what Ho pleaseth. When He deerees a matter He only says BE, and it is; and He will teaah Him the Book and wisdom and the Law and the gospel and He shall be a Prophet to the people of Israel, (saying) that I have come to you with a sign from God.' 8. B. E. IX. 52. - TR.]
54 Sara 5, 79 and 116.
35 Súra 4, 158.
[... and for their misbelief and for their saying about Mary a mighty calumny and for their saying Verily we have killed the Messiah, Jesus the Son of Mary the Apostle of God'
Him and they did not crucify Him, but a similitude was made for them.
sure! Nay, God raised Him up unto Himself; for God is mighty and wise. S. B. E. IX, 94,
36 Sara 5, 112-115.
but they did not kill They did not kill Him, for TR.]
[When the apostles said, 'O Jesus, Son of Mary! is Thy Lord able to send down to us a table from heaven?' He said, Fear God, if ye be believers,' and they said, We desire to eat therefrom that our hearts may be at reet." Said Jesus the Son of Mary, O God, our Lord! send down to us a table from heaven to be to us a festival.' God said, 'Verily I am about to send it down to you, but who so disbelieves amongst you after that, verily, I will torment him with the torment which I have not tormented any one with in all the worlds. S. B. E. IX., 114.- TR.]
37 Bdra 24, 36-37; 5, 85. See also Ibn Hisham, p. 848.
[Thou wilt surely find that the strongest in enmity against those who believe are the Jews and the idolators; and thou wilt find the nearest in love to those who believe to be those who say, We are Christians; that is because there are amongst them priests and monks and because they are not proud.'-B. B. E. VI., 109.TR.]
[For Abu Amir, see Muir's Mahomet, p. 174.TR.]

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Jewish and Christian ideas remained during the Meccan epooh the corner-stone of the edifice of Muhammad's system. Excepting the original form of the fifty-third Súra, which was subsequently rescinded, we obtain no glimpse of the tenets of heathen Arabs in the Qorán. Nor did the religion of Persia contribute anything, save obliquely, in the shape of Jewish doctrines which were tinged with Zoroastrianism.88
The period of Muhammad's mission in Medina beheld the continnation of the process of borrowing from the Book-religions, that is from Judaism and Christianity. The dogmatics at all events halted where they had been, nay, retrogressed. Their wings of philosophic specalation were closely clipped. Bat the doctrine of necessary obligations was expounded, and assumed a spirit of contracted formalism promoting the development of numerous minor ritualistic observances. But worse than the externalization was the effect of gradual relapse into the Usages of ancient heathenism covered with a veneer of Islam.
The idol fane of Mecca was flaunted before the eyes of the faith as the palladium of Islam. The ancient pagan war-vengeance reappeared under the mask of religious crusade and fell into the category of works highly approved of by God. And when the road to the shrine of Mecca was made accessible, its bygone pilgrimages and sacrificial ceremonials were sanctioned by the Qorán. By this was introduced into the till then harmonious system of Islam,
discordant note which could be drowned in no amount of resonant rhetoric. If despite its fine tendency, Islam has shown no endaring culture, if in every centary it experiences renewed crises, the greater part of the blame must be attributed to the Prophet's last crude and ungrateful innovations.
The splendid achievement which Muhammad made and left behind, after a labour of twenty-two years, may well be called religion, but not Church. However firmly the dogmatic and ethical foundations were laid, the superstructure altogether lacked ecclesiastical elements. This might appear surprising in view of the long time the Prophet had at his disposal, but not when we consider the manner in which he used to regulate the external relations of the order. His goal throughout the Medina period was complete centralisation into his own hands of all power, spiritual or secular. To his office of Prophet, with the emoluments appertaining to the functions of a preceptor, he added his sacerdotal authority in so far as the latter was to be conceived as a medium between God and the faithfal. And not content with this, he claimed legal jurisdiction, which he had originally acquired by a covenant with the Medinites, even in the spiritual sphere, and exercised it in his lifetime in a theocratical sense. The Qorán conceded a certain reverent obedience to the old tribal heads, and probably their privilege to advise and to aid in the solution of diffionlt problems was also recognized by Muhammad, they being allowed to be arbiters in the case of two contending factions in the fraternity. But their time-honoured prerogative to judicially pronounce their decisions was suspended while he lived.
The sole public fanctions in which the Prophet tolerated co-operation were of an executive description. And here, too, he appointed no absolute officials, but only deputies who represented a fraction of the authority focussed in him. The command of an army in war was committed to a general only for the time the campaign lasted, and so much as the collection of the annual taxes was entrusted to ever-changing hands.
Nevertheless the authority which Mohammad possessed he regarded as of divino origin. It was vonchsafed to him as an aot of unmerited grace, and by consequence not transferable
[See Dr. Kohut's Zoroastrian Legende and their Biblical sources; also Tisdal St. Clair's Religion of the Crescent, where it is proved, inter alia, that the expression assumed to be peculiar and most obaracteristio of Islam, Din, in & Joan word from the Avesta daona, which means religion or creed. But perhaps the most recent contribution to the subjeot all-important to the Parsisin by Dr. Erik Stano, entitled Uber den Einflus de Paris au das Judentum (On the Infinence of the Para Religion on Judaism). -TR.) 89 8dra 4, 62. 40 Sura 4, 85.
# Sura 4, 97, and 10, 8, refer to this.

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THE ORIGIN. OF THE QORAN.
261
JUNE, 1903.]
to another human being. If the concentration of exclusive rights and powers in the hands of a single individual, like Muhammad, guaranteed the successful issue of great political and marcial enterprises, all that he had won for himself was imperilled the moment the bearer of those extraordinary prerogatives was dead and baried. On dogmatic grounds it was beyond the authority of the Prophet to invest a successor with them, so that it was through no inadvertence of his that he failed to make the Qorán provide for his succession.
Hence the consternation into which the tidings of his death threw the believers is easily comprehensible. The most prominent of the companions acting in the interests of Islam, though on their own responsibility, presently assembled together and resolved to elect a provisional representative or Khalifa of the Prophet, without being themselves clear as to what extent it was possible to have, the latter represented at all. Their choice fell upon the modest Abu Beker, whose conception of his high office was only that of primus inter pares in the brotherhood. In his inauguratory sermon he said: "I have been made your superior, though I am not the best of you. If I act justly, support me, but if not, oppose me."42 Fate rendered his function easy for him in that he elected to continue the belligerent policy begun by Muhammad, whereby external events retarded the outbreak of internecine feuds. Abu Beker was succeeded by Omar whom he had recommended. His idea of the Khalifate was essentially different. He was the first to assume the title of "Prince of the Faithful," which signified not less an exalted dignity than it connoted a position of power. Both his successors, Othman and Ali, too, came to the Khalifate by popular suffrage. Bat soon their claims were repudiated, owing to the absence of a well-defined and acknowledged contral power. From the resultant civil wars of Islam sprang, on the one hand, a monarchy, and on the other a schism in the Church. In the eastern provinces of the Empire the wholly un-Qoranic doctrine of the transmissibility of the spiritual authority, gaining more and more ground, fostered the apparition of numerons Imams or leaders, who, on the most shadowy grounds, pretended to secular as well as religious hegemony. The west was for a time split into two halves. The first or Syria, following the example of Moawiya, their prince, saw in Islam a scourge of God for the contiguous kingdoms. The other half, which embraced the classic seats of Mecca and Medina and the first places of the birth and growth of Islam, Kufa and Basra, occupied itself diligently with the observance of the Qoranic canons and the collecting of the Prophet's oral traditions, aiming at the same time at political independence. The swords of Yezid and Abdel Malek once more united the two halves, calling into being a state governed by a hereditary and absolute potentate who was also the ecclesiastical pontiff. Subsequently the Islamic world rejoiced in such autocrats as Omar II. and Hisham devoted to the Qorán; but their free-thinking successors landed the house of the Omayyads, based on the might of arms, back into discredit. In the east the shibboleth of the Shias was, "The Khalifate must revert to the family of the Prophet." A revolutionary movement was set on foot. The wave of unrest passed over from one people to another till it swept the kingdom and the royal house of the Omayyads off the face of the earth. A descendant of the crafty uncle of Muhammad Abul Abbas, the Abbaside, was undeservedly elevated to the throne of the Khalifs. Now the Khalifate, in keeping with the spirit of Shiaism, laid claim at once to secular and religious suzerainty, and steadfastly maintained its hold on both, though political exigencies compelled the rulers to turn Sunni. But though this Khalifate was looked upon as a temporary institution, which was at no time upheld by a united Islam, the Abbasides wielded down to the time of their decline a spiritual authority which no member of the posterior dynasties, either of the east or the west, bedecked with the title of Khalif, had ever enjoyed.
While theological erudition toiled to define the term Khalifate, acknowledging to be the legitimate successor of the Prophet him alone who, being a scion of the Koreshite sept, combined the supreme virtues of knowledge and sense of justice with energy and bodily as well
42 Sayuli, History of the Khalifas, Cairo, 1305 A. H, p. 27.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1903.
as mental vigor and sanity, the confidence of the masses in the supporters of the title gradually disappeared. Their yearning for a regalated conduct and policy of Church and State beget in their minds the image of the Mahadi, in whom we note a reflex of the Jewish Messiah with slight modifications. A man, it was hoped, at the end of time would arise from among the progeny of Muhammad to strengthen religion, restore justice, to put himself at the head of the faithful and to extend his empire over all Musalman lands. This singular expectation is still alive in the hearts of the bulk of the followers of the creed. Nor is it quenched by the appearance of pseudo-Mahadis and impostors. It was not quite a score of years ago that the world witnessed the spectacle of vast masses of people imposed upon by a benighted fanatic.
Politically, Islam at present commands neither moral force nor physical resources, and is in the process of slow disintegration. Such circumstances, perhaps, point to the conclusion that the day is not at all too far off when the edifice of Islam will collapse at the impact of the culture of Christian Europe.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI, INCLUDING HINDOSTÂN.
BY G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., D.LITT., L.C..
(Concluded from p. 179.)
ADDENDA,
SECTION I. Morisy, John, - Inquiry into the Existence of a pure Passive Voice in Hindustani. Proceedings of
the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. VIII., Pt. ii. (1862), pp. 197 and ff. , , On Hindustani Syntax. 16., Vol. IX., Pt. iii. (1866), pp. 263 and ff. Growse, F. 8., - Common Hindustani. Bengal Magazine, Vol. II. (1874), p. 239-245. (Advo
cates Hindi as against Urdu, as the language of the courts and of
missionaries.) 'Insafl, - Sir George Campbell on Vernacular Education. The Oriental, Vol. IV. (1875), pp. 89
and ff. (On the value of the Urdû language, compared with that of
Hindi.) Muhammad ugain (Azad), - 26-e Hayat. Another edition (? 3rd), Lahore, 1899. Altaf Husain (ali), - She'r o shairi (Poetry and Poesy). [This is the long introduction
(pp. 228) to the Diwan-e alt, but is quite independent of that work.
It constitutes a modern Urdü Ars Poetica.] Cawnpore, 1893. Bréal, Augusto, - Les Mots anglais dans les Journava hindoustanis. Mémoire de la Société de
Linguistique de Paris. T. VIII. (1894), pp. 166 and ff.
48 Ibn Khaldun, I. 161. " Ibn Khaldun, I. 260 sq. Son Darmesteter's Monograph on Le Mahdi, depuis les origine de l'lolam junque'a nos Jours. -T..]
1 There are entries which were omitted from the main list. I have taken the opportunity of giving lints (no far as I could) of the works of the four acknowledged masters of modern Urdu, Azad, HAII, Sarabár, and Sharer. For many of the entries I am indebted to Captain R. St. John, M.A., Tonoher of Lindvetävi, and Mr. J. F. Blumhardt, M.A., Teacher of Bengali, at the University of Oxford.

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JUNE, 1903.]
Anon.,
Nigar 'Ali Beg, Fais Allah Khan, and Muhammad Ahsan, Qawa'id-e Urdu, an Urdû Grammar, in four parts. Parts i.iii., by N. 'A. B. and F. A. Kh, and Part iv, by M. A. (? Place), 1862; Allahabad, 1866-67; ib., 1868-70; ib., 1871-74; Lucknow, 1869; ib., 1873; Allahabad, 1874; Lucknow, 1874; ib., 1875; Chapra, 1878.
Siva Prasad, Rājā,
Anon., Idiomatic Sentences and Dialogues in English and Hindustani. (Published for the Department of Public Instruction, Panjab). Lahore, 1872.
SECTION II.
Introduction to the Study of the Hindostany Language as spoken in the Carnatic. Madras, 1808.
Prichard, Iltudus T., The English Language, on Nasmith's Practical System, adapted to Oordoo. By J. T. P., assisted by Saiyad Jaafar Hosain and Mirza Khudádád Beg. London, 1873.
A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN HINDI.
Durga Prasad,
Zamin 'Ali, Saiyid, (Jalal),
Jansen, H.,
Tweedie, J.,
Anon.,
Muḥammad Husain (Azad),
31
37
Macmahon, Captain,
Useful Hints, Phrases, and Sentences for Students in Hindustani. Poona, 1886. Muḥammad Ashraf 'Ali, Mustalaḥāt-e Urdu. Lucknow, 1890. (A dictionary of idiomatic meanings of words, with illustrations from standard authors.)
39
263
Urdu Sarf o Nahw, an Urdû Grammar, with an English preface. Cawnpore, 1875; 2nd Edition, revised, Allahabad, 1877.
Hindi Vyakaran, a Hindi Grammar. Revised Edition, Allahabad,
1877.
-
-
Zubdatu l-qawa'id. An Elementary Urdû Grammar in two parts. Lucknow, 1877. [Written at the request of Mr. Kempson.]
Gulshan-e Faiz. (A Dictionary of Urdû (mostly Hindi) words and idioms explained in Persian.) Lucknow, 1880.
Jami'u 'l-qawa'id, (A Grammar). Lahore, 1885. Another Edition, Lahore, 1898.
-
—
(1) Bemerkungen zur Verskunst im Urdu (pp. 63) als Teil der Einleitung zum (II.) Transcriptionstext der Wäsokht des Amänat. Friedrichshagen, 1893. ['Amanat' is the Takhallus of Agha Hasan.]
Hindústáni as it ought to be spoken. Supplement. Calcutta, 1893. [A key to the work mentioned in Sec. II.]
Practical Dictionary, English-Urdu. Allahabad, 1897. Practical Dictionary, Urdu-English. Allahabad, 1900.
The Student's practical Dictionary of the Hindustani Language. Allahabad, 1900. Hari Chand, Hindustani Manual. Peshawar, 1900. Pollock and Hosain, Pollock's pocket Hindustani. Calcutta, 1900. Sukh Deva Tiwari, Pandit,
A Manual of Roman-Hindustani. Allahabad, 1900.
The Student's practical Dictionary, containing English Words, with English and Urdu meanings in Persian Character. Allahabad, 1897.
The Student's practical Dictionary, containing Hindustani Words with English meanings in Persian Character. Allahabad, 1900.
-

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264
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1903.
Hooper, Røv. W., -Helps to the Attainment of Hindustani Idiom, &c. London (Christian
Literature Society for India), 1901. sāḥib Ali Munshi, Mir, - Hints on Study of Hindustani Colloquial. Benares, 1901. Banking, G., - Introductory Exercises in Urdu Prose Composition. A Collection of 50 Exercises
with Idiomatic Phrases and Grammatical Notes, accompanied by a full
Vocabulary and Translation of eack Pussage. Calcutta, 1896. Faiq Allah Khan, - Sce Nisar 'Ali Bög. Ja'far Hussin, - See Prichard, Iltudus T. Khuda-dad Bēg, - Sec Prichard, Iltudus T. Muhammad Ahsan, - See Nisar 'Ali Beg.
SECTION III. Muhammad Najmu 'd-dia, - Najiul-amsal (Najmu 'l-aunsāl), Vol. IV., or The Collection of
about 2,500 Oriental Proverbs (Vol. V.... 3,068... Proverbs ... with Explanatory Fables) and their proper Application by Mohammad Najmuddin. Delhi, 1876-88). Vol. V, 2nd Edition, 1882. Voll. I-III. are said to contain, - Vol. I, Technical terms regarding Artizans and their Tools; Vol. II., Riddles, Dobras, Gits, &c.; Vol. III, Womens' Idioms and Expressions used by Bēgams. Copies of these three Voll. are not in the British Museum or India Office Library.
SECTION IV. Āghā Hasan (Amānst), - Sec Jansen, H., in Section II. Altaf Husain (Ħali), - Majālisu 'n-nisa. (2 Pts.) Labore, 1874, 77.
Madd-o-jaar-e Islām (the Ebb and Flow of Islām). Commonly known as the Musaddare Hāli. 1st Edition, (? Place), 1875; others, Delhi, 1886 (with glossary); Aligarh, 1885.
Hayül-e Sa'di. Delhi, 1886. Mojmia-e nazn-e hält. Delhi, 1890. Ēk Bewak-14 Munājāt. 4th Edition, Dellei, 1892. Diivan-e Hall, Cawnpore, 1893. See also Section I. above.
l'adjär-e Ghalib. Cawnpore, 1897. Muhammad Abdu 'l-ḥālim (Sharar), - Quwwat-e Intizāmiya. Lucknow, 1889.
Shahiile Wafa. Lucknow, 1891 ; another Edition, Lahore, 1892 ; another, Delhi, 1896.
Pasar Anjilinā. Lahure, 1892. Mungir aur Mühana. Lahore, 1893: another Edition, Lucknow, 1898.
aliku 'l-'a:i: arrVarjina. Lahore, 1893. Dil.lash. Sadhaura, 1896.
Ziyad aur Halawa. Pt. 1. Delhi, 1896. Pt. I., 2nd Edition, Lucknow, 1896.
Bailru -nisa-kt Juştbat. Lucknow, 1897. Another Edition, ib. 1899.

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JUNE, 1903.]
THE MEANING OF PIYADASI.
Aiyam-e 'Arab. Vol. I. Lucknow, 1899.
Durgesh-nandini. Translated from the Bengali of Bankim Chandra. Lucknow, 1899.
Sadal Misra,
265
Firdaus-e Barin. Lucknow, 1899.
Flora Florinda. Lucknow, 1899.
Dil-chaep. Delhi, 1900.
Dil-gudaz, (a monthly literary magazine, edited by Sharar. The British Museum has Vol. VI. Lucknow, 1899).
Muhammad Husain (Azad), Besides the 76-e Hayat (Section I., ante, and above), and the Jami'u 'l-qawa'id (Section II., above), Azad has also edited (Lahore, 1890) the Diwan-e Zauq, with a preface and notes.
Ratan Nath Dar, Pandit, (Sarshar), Shamou '-uha. Cawnpore, 1879.
Fasana-e Asad. (A Story reprinted from the Awadh Akhbar. Part I. Lucknow, 1880. 2nd Edition, Pts. II.-IV., Lucknow, 1887. 3rd Edition (4 Pts.), Cawnpore, 1889-91.
Hushahu. 2nd Edition, Lucknow, 1895.
Lucknow, 1890.
Sair-e Kuhsar.
Beside the above Novels, Ratan Nath has written translations of (1) 'Don Quixote'; under the title of Khudai Faujdär. 2 Pts. Lucknow, 1894. (2) Russia,' by Sir D. M. Wallace; under the title of Tarikh-e Rustya. Lucknow, 1887. And (3) Letters from High Latitudes,' by the Earl of Dufferin. Lucknow, 1888.
Chandrawati. Benares, 1901, Nagari Prachariņi Sabha Granth-mälä, No. 2. [A translation of the Nasikötöpakhyāna made in 1808. S. M. was a contemporary of Lalli Lal at the College of Fort William. He wrote several Hindi works, but this appears to be the only one that has been printed.]
THE MEANING OF PIYADASI.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.).
The records commonly described as the Asôka inscriptions never mention the emperor's personal name Aéôka, or Asoka Varddhana. The only inscription which mentions the great Maurya by his personal name Aéôka is the celebrated Sanskrit document on the Junagarh rock, dated in the reign of the Satrap Rudradâman, and commemorating the restoration "in a not very long time" of the embankment which had burst in the 72nd year (of the Saka era), equivalent to A. D. 150.1
In his own inscriptions Asoka invariably designates himself by mere titles or epithets. Sometimes he is content with the wholly impersonal royal title Devanampiya, equivalent to 'His Sacred Majesty,' or His Majesty. At other times he adopts the unpretending style of Raja Piyadasi, or Piyadasi Raja, and more frequently uses the complete formula, Devanampiya Piyadasi Baja."
Ante, Vol. VII. p. 262.
J. R. A. 8., 1901, pp. 485, 577, 980; Book Edict VII.; Asoka, p. 124.

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When "Piyadasi, king of Magadha," sends greeting to the clergy,' or "King Piyadasi, in the thirteenth year of his reign," bestows a cave-dwelling on certain ascetics, the formula ased in each of these cases certainly produces the impression that the word Piyadasi must be interpreted in the Aboka inscriptions as having practically the force of a proper name.
Mach the same impression is produced by the language of the Dipavansa, & Ceylonese chronicle compiled in the fourth century A. D. The chronicler states that "Piyadassana was anointed king" 218 years after the death of the Buddha, and in a series of passages uses Piyadassi and the nearly identical form Piyadassana as synonyms for the proper names Asôka or Asôkadhamma.
The form Piyadasi with one 8, used in the inscriptions, is, of course, the same word as Piyadassi, with the double 8, used by the Pali writer. Both forms represent the Sanskrit priyadarsi or priyadarin, which is actually ased in the Panjâb versions of the inscriptions. The Páli Piyadassana, which represents the Sauskrit priyadarsana, does not occur in the inscriptions.
In my book on Asöka I adopted a rendering published by Professor Kern many years ago, and stated that Asoka in his edicts uses the name Piyadasi," which means the Humane,' and I further interpreted this name, title or epithet, as being the emperor's "name in religion," as distinguished from his secular, personal name,
M. Sylvain Lévi in a friendly review has criticized my translation and interpretation, and stated that he considers Piyadasi (Priyadarbin) to be a generic epithet belonging to the formula of the royal style ( protocole royal), and expressing nothing more individual than the words 'Majesty' or 'Sire.'7 The learned critic has developed this proposition in his very suggestive article on certain terms employed in the inscriptions of the Western Satraps, I translate his observations into English for the benefit of Indian readers to whom French may not be familiar.
"The official value," he observes, "of the expression bhadramukha as a mode of address to royal princes suggests a respectable history for this commonplace formula. In fact, it is difficult to distinguish this invocation of the propitious countenance' from an analogous title made illustrious by a famous example of its use."
Bhadramulcha is undoubtedly merely another notation of the idea expressed by the word priyadarsin - in Prakrit, piyadassi. Priyadarsin is a person who looks amiable,' or has an amiable appearance. Whilst the Satraps bestow upon themselves the epithot bhadramukha, King Satakarņt Gotamiputra, the contemporary, neighbour, rival, and conqueror of the Satraps, receives in & posthumous panegyric the still current epithet of piyadasana (Sanskrit, priyadariana). .
The formula devånampiya piyadasi 14jao of the ABOka inscriptions is therefore wholly composed of general designations borrowed from the royal style, without a single word referring individually to the author of the inscriptions. Notwithstanding the current practice, it is no longer permissible to speak of King Piyadasi,' any more than of
King Devânimpriya.' ABóka, whatever his motives may have been, must have intentionally avoided inserting his personal name in his inscriptions.10
• BhAbra Ediot. Dr. Bloch has rightly pointed out that the word magadhe ( also read as magadham, ante, Vol. XX. p. 165) must be taken as in the nominative case. Magadhe seems to be the correct reading. The tranelation in Asoka, p. 142, is therefore erroneous. • BarAbar Cave Inscription A.
• The passages are fully quoted in J. R. A. 8., 1901, p. 828. . Asoka, pp. 16, 41.
+ Revue de l'Histoire des Religionis, 1902, p. 285. • Rajaraflo Gotamiputasa.... patipunachadamadalasa sirika-piyadasanas, etc. (No. 18, NAaik, No. 14, Pl. liii., p. 108, 4. 8. W. I., Vol. IV.). • LQja is tho Magadhi form of raja.
10 Journal Ar atigue, Jan.-Fev. 1902, p. 105.

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JUNE, 1903.1
After the publication of M. Levi's essay I consulted Professor Kern, who courteously replied as follows:
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
267
"I do not see in priyadarsin a title, but an epithet. It means 'showing a friendly face' and 'having a pleasant look'; passing into the meaning of promising something pleasant.' I had done better to translate it by 'friendly' than by 'humane.' Bhadramukha is about equivalent to the English my good friend,'-a phrase of kindly greeting."
I think it is clear that the compiler of the Dipavamsa in the fourth century A. D. used the epithets piyadassi and piyadassana practically as proper names, but that in so doing he departed from the normal use of the words, which are, as Prof. Kern rightly observes, rather epithets than formal titles. In the Queen-mother Balasri's inscription (c. A. D. 156) piyadusana is merely one of a string of laudatory epithets applied to her deceased son, king Gautamiputra Vilivâyakura, and is translated by Bühler by the phrase "whose appearance was agreeable." 11
Aśoka, on the other hand, employed piyadasi more as a formal title than as an epithet, sometimes describing himself as Raja Piyadasi, or Piyadasi Raja, sometimes as Devânampiya, and sometimes by the combination of both titles or epithets.
Clear proof has been given that devanampiya is the equivalent of a phrase such as 'His Sacred Majesty,' or 'His Majesty,' like the shorter Deva preferred by the Gupta emperors in the fourth century.
Piyadasi is used by Asoka in the same way, and may be rendered correctly as 'His Gracious Majesty' or 'His Grace. The translation 'the Humane' must be given up, and with it the interpretation of the title or epithet as being the emperor's name in. religion."
Asôka's full regal style, Devanampiya piyadasi Raja may be appropriately rendered by the formula The King's Sacred and Gracions Majesty. M. Sylvain Lévi is right in saying that "it is no longer permissible to speak of 'King Piyadasi' any more than of King Devânâmpriya.""
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 143.)
Dhooly; s. v. 242, i, 790, ii. Dhooly-bearer; ann. 1888 s. v. Dhooly, 242, ii.
Dhoon; s. v. 242, ii, twice, 791, i, s. v. Siwalik, 639, ii; ann. 1814: s. v, 242, ii. Dhoop-ghurry; s. v. Ghurry, 801, i. Dhooties; s. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii. Dhor; s. v. Dowra, 793, i.
Dhotee; ann. 1648: s. v. Gingham, 801, i. Dhoti; s. v. Dhoty, 243, i, s. v. Ferázee, 267,
i, s. v. Loonghee, 396, i, 8. v. Lungooty,
400, ii.
Dhow; s. v. 243, i and ii, 791, i; ann. 1837, 1865, 1873 (twice) and 1880: s. v. 243, ii. Dhup; 8. v. Doob, 250, i, s. v. Ghurry, 801, i. Dhura; s. v. Jowaur, 855, i.
Dhurgaw; ann. 1807: s. v. Durgah, 255, ii. Dhurmapatam; 8. v. Factory, 264, i.
Dhurmsalla; s. v. 243, ii.
Dhurna; s. v. 791, i, s. v. Traga, 714, i, see 793, ii, footnote; ann. 1747: s. v. Dalaway, 787, ii, 8. v. 791, i, twice; ann. 1808: s. r. 791, i.
D'hurna; ann. 1809: s. v. Dhurna, 791, i and ii. Dhoty; s. v. 243, i, s. v. Loonghee, 396, i, s. v. Dhurna, To sit; s. v. 244, i; ann. 1837: s. v. Lungooty, 400, ii. 244, i.
A. 8. W. I., Vol. IV. p. 108. The name or title Vilivâyakura is obtained from the coins. My disquisition on the Andhra Dynasty is in the press and will appear in the Z. D. M. G.

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(JUNE, 1903.
ji.
Dhúr Samund; ann. 1310 : . . Doorsum- Dihli; ann. 1384 : 6. v. Delhi, 234, ii ; ann. mand, 250, ii.
1340 : ..v. COBB, 208, i; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Dhati; ann. 1872: 8. v. Dhoty, 243, i.
Cospetir, 202, i; ann. 1193-4 : . . Jeetul, Dhye; 1,. Daye, 232, ü; ann. 1810 : 8. 6. 849, ü ; ann. 1872: 8. v. Bahaudar, 759, ü. Daye, 289, i.
Dihli; ann. 1334: 8. o. Delhi, 234, ii. Diabolus ; ann. 1828 ; 6. o. Devil-bird, 790, i. Dibly; ann. 1345: 6. v. Sagar, 655, ii. Di-atas angin; ann. 1553: 8. . Zirbad, 750, i. Dijlah : 701, ii, footnote. Diamond Harbour; 3. o. 791, ii, twice, s. o. Diķ; . v. Dikk, 245, i.
Rogue's River, 849, ii, twice, see 850, i, Dikk; 8. v. 244, ii ; ann. 1873 : 8. v. 245, i.
footnote; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Kedgeree, 812, ii. Diķk ; 8. v. Dikk, 245, i. Diamond Island ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Negrais, Dikķ honā; 8. v. Dikk, 245, i. Cape, 477, ii, twice.
Dik-Rūmi; &, v. Turkey, 720, i. Diamond Point; 8. v. Diamond Harbour, 791, Dil ; s. v. Delhi, 788, ii.
ii, see 850, i, footnote; ann. 1727: 8.0. Dilemite ; ann. 1621 : 8. ,, Bendameer, 62, ii. Pasei, 517, ii.
Dili ; ann. 1921 : 8. o. Delhi, 234, i. Diamond Sand ; s. v. Diamond Harbour, 791, Dill; ann. 1554: s. v. Brinjaal, 87, i. ii; ann. 1683 : s.o. Diamond Harbour, 791, Dilli; 4. v. Delhi, 788, ii; ann. 1375: 8. v.
Delhi, 234, ii, twice. Diamoúna ; 8. . Jamna, 358, i.
Dilli; 8. 1. Delhi, 284, i, 788, ii ; ann 1330: Diamper, ann, 1504: 1. v. Caimal, 770, ii. 8. o. Delhi, 234, i. Diangá; ann. 1644 : 8. o. Hoogly, 322, i. Dilly, Mount; ann. 1759: ..v. Delly, Mount, Diapers ; 8. v. Piece-goods, 586, i.
789, i. Diār; 8. . Deodar, 236, ii.
Dilpat ; 8. o. Delhi, 788, ii, twice. Diardanes ; 8. o. Barrampooter, 101, ii. Dily; ann. 1430: 8. v. Giraffe, 289, ii. Dib; ann, 1554 : 6.. Malabar, 412, ii.
Dim; ann. 1580 : . v. Deen, 234, i, twice. Dibajāt ; s. D. Maldives, 417, ii; ann, 851: 8.0. Dimišo Bernaldes ; ann. 1588:8. o. Codavascam,
Maldives, 417, ii ; ann. 1150 : 4. v. Maldives, 178, ii. 418, i.
Dimitie; 8. o. Piece-goods, 535, ii, 536, i; and. Díbálpár ; ann. 1450: 8. v. Satledge, 859, ii. 1781: 8. v. Guingam, 288, i. Dibas; ann. 851 : 8. o. Maldives, 417, i. Dimity; ann. 1784 : 8. r. Soosie, 648, i; ann. Di-băwa; ann. 1553: s.o. Zirbad, 750, i.
1878 : 8. v. Badjoe, 85, i. Di-bāwa-angin; ann. 1553 : 8.. Zirbad, Dimurikè'; 8. v. Honore, 321, i. 750, i.
Dimúrikē; s. v. Malabar, 411, i. Dichopsis Gutta ; . v. Gutta Peroba, 309, i. Dimyricē; ann. 80-90: &, v. Jangar, 349, i. Dickah ; ann. 1783 : 8.0. Khyber Pass, 814, Din; s. v. Deen, 234, i, 8 times.
Dinagepore; 8. v. Adawlut, 758, i. Dicrurus macrocercus ; 8. v. King-Crow, 369, ii. Dinapore; s. 6. 245, i, 8. o. Batta, 54, ü. Didbān; 8. o. Didwan, 792, i.
Dinar; 6. v. Tanga, 682, i; ann. 1208: 8. . Didimus; ann. 1558 : 8. o. Brahmin, 84, ii. | Mabar, 401, i; ann. 1940: 8. v. Tomaun, Didwan ; 8.0.792, i; ann. 1679 : 8.0. Triplicane, 863, i, twice ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Lack, 382, i
716, i; ann. 1680: . 9. Aumildar, 759, i, ... and ii (twice); ann. 1859: 8.0, Dinār, 245, ii. Juncameer, 812, i.
Dinar ; ann. 1850: 8.0. Cowry, 209, ii ; ann. Diego Garcia ; ann. 1769: 6. 9. Seychelle 1554: 8. v. Lack, 382, ii. Islands, 617, ii.
Dinár; ann. 1315 : 8.0. Crore, 214, i, Dien; ann. 1808 : 8. v. S. John's (a), 591, ii. Dinar ; 8. o. Gosbeck, 803, i, twice, .... Digby chicks; •. •. Bummelo, 96, ii.
Pardao, 838, ii, see 839, ii, footnote; ann. Diggory; 8. v. 244, .
1350: 8. o. Cowry, 209, i. Digon; ann. 1546 : 8. v. Dagon, 226, ü. Dinár ; s. v. Dinār, 245, i and ii, . v. Gosbeck, Digri; 8. o. Diggory, 244, ii.
808, i; ann. 1808 : 8. v. Mabar, 401, ii; ann. Digue; ann. 1686: 5, v. Bendameer, 62, ii, 1654-6: 6. v. Ruble, 851, i.

Page #277

JUNE, 1908.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
269
Dinār; 6. v. 245, i, 4 times, 8.0. Ashrafee,
28, i, see 61, i, footnote, . v. Carat, 123, ii, 8. o. Deaner, 233, i, 8. v. Lack, 382, i, twice, 1. v. Rupee, 585, ii, twice, ... Tanga, 682, i, twice, s. v. Tomann, 707, ii, .. o. Xerafine, 748, i, twice, 6. v. Gosbeck, 803,i,.. e. Miscall, 823, ii, see 889, ii, footnoto ; ann. 1300 : . 6. Lack, 382, ii, twice; ann. 1883: . v. 245, ii, 4 times ; ann, 1340: 8. v. Tanga, 682, ii, twice; ann. 1343 : . v. Beiramee, 61, i, 8. v. Crore, 214, i; ann. 1344 : 8. o. Fanám, 265, ii; ann. 1850 : . v. Cowry, 209, ii ; ann. 1504-5: 4. o. Pardao, 838, i ; ann. 1513 : 3. v. Xerafine, 743, ü ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Lack,
382, ii : ann. 1556 : . . Bilooch, 71, i. Dinār, gold; s. v. Rupee, 585, ii. Dināra ; 8. o. Dinār, 245, i, twice. Dinâra ; . v. Dinār, 245, ii. Dināre ; s. u. Dinār, 245, i. Dinari; ann. 1516: 1. v. Pagoda, 500, ii. Dinār-i-gabr ; 8. v. Gubber, 306, ii. Dinar kopeki; ann. 1444 : 1. v. Pardao, 840, i. Dinār Kopeki ; s. v. Copeck, 195, i. Dinar Kopeki ; ann. 1443 : 8. v. Pardao, 888, i. Dinārs kopaki ; ann. 1990 : 1. . Copeck,
195, ii. Dinawar ; ann. 1344 : . . Dondera Head,
249, ii, Dindigal; ann, 1881 : 8.0. Barramuhul, 762, i. Dindigul; ann. 1801 : 8. o. Sarboji, 601, i ;
ann. 1868: 5. t. Poligar, 544, i; ann. 1876 :
8. v. Trichies, 715, i. Dindon ; 8. o. Turkey, 719, i. Ding; ann. 1580 : 5. D. Adjutant, 4, ii, twice. Dingā ; 8. o. Dingy, 245, ii. Dingas ; 8.0. Dingy, 246, i; ann. 1694: 8. .
Gallevat (b), 276, ii. Dinghi ; 8. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. Dinghies; ann. 1878: 3. v. Dingy, 246, i. Dinghy ; , 0. Dingy, 245, ii, e. v. Pannchway,
521, ii. Dingi ; 8. v. Dingy, 246, i. Dingies; ann. 1785 and 1810 : 8. . Dingy,
246, i. Dingo ; ann. 1591 : 8.. Ruble, 851, i Dingues ; ann. 1705 : 8. o. Dingy, 246, i. Dingy ; 8. v. 245, ii, ... Gallevat, 275, ii. Dingy ; 8. v. Dingy, 245, i. Dinheiro ; 8. v. Sapeka, 600, i; ann. 1668:
$. v. Laos, 885, i and ü.
Dio; 889, ii, footnote; ann. 1537: 8. v. Sicca,
638, i : ann. 1546 : 8. v. Mustees, 462, ii; ann. 1547: 8. v. Aldea, 7, ii; ann. 1572 : 8.v. Chalia, 139, ii ; 6. o. Dia, 246, ii, ., v. Mogul, The Great, 487, i; ann. 1614 . o. Gogo, 293, ii ; ann. 1613: 9. o. Catoh, 222, i; ann. 1644: 8. v. Monsoon, 442, ii; ann. 1679:
8. v. Pig-stioking, 844, i Dioguo; ann. 1525: 8. o. Bombay, 77, ii. Diomedea ; 8. D. Albatross, 6, ii. Diomedea exulans; 5. 8. Albatrose, 6, i. Dionysus ; ann, 210: 8. v. Panch, 558, ii. Dioscorea ; 6. o. Yam, 745, i. Dioscorea aculeata ; 5. v. Goa Potato, 290, ii. Dioscorea purpurea ; 8. v. Sweet Potato, 673, i. Diospyros Kaki; ann. 1878: 3., Persimmon,
531, i. Diospyros kaki; 8. D. Persimmon, 530, i. Diospyros melanoxylon; 8.. Calamander
Wood, 110, i. Diospyros quaesita; 4. . Calamander Wood,
110, i. Diospyros virginiana; 8. v. Persimmon, 531, i. Dipa ; 1. v. Deuti, 789, ii. Dipā ; 8. o. Dewaleea, 238, i. Dipāli ; 8. D. Dewally, 288, i. Dipálpúr; ann. 1582: 8. v. Sutledge, 859, ii. Dipávali ; s. v. Dewally, 288, i. Dipáwali; ann. 1651: 8. v. Dewally, 288, ii. Diphthera; 8. v. Dufter, 254, i. Diphtheria ; . o. Dufter, 254, i. Dipi ; : . Dabbeer, 253, i. Dipo; o, . Maldives, 417, ü. Dipterocarpus tarbinatus ; s. v. Wood-oil, 741, i. Dirafeh ; ann. 930 : 8. o. Pahlavi, 836, i. Dirderry; ann, 1784 : 8. v. Sikh, 633, ii. Dirdjee, ann. 1810 : 8. v. Dirzee, 246, i.. Dirge; ann. 1804: 6. o. Dirzee, 246, i. Dirbam; •. v. Dinar, 245, i, 8. v. Rupee, 585,
ü,.. v. Shroff, 630, i, .. •. Tanga, 682, i;
ann. 1335: 8. v. Tanga, 682, ii, 8 times. Dirhem; •. v. Fedea, 798, ii, s. o. Tara, 861,
ii; ann. 1340 : ... Jeetal, 349, ii, s. v.
Tomaan, 863, i, Dirham hashtkāni; ann. 1340 : .v. Jeetul,
849, ii. Dirbem shashtāni ; ann. 1940: 6.0. Jeetul,
349, ii. Dirbem sultāni; ann. 1840: 6.. Jeetul,
349, i.

Page #278

270
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1908.
Dirwan; ann. 1781: 8. v. Durwaun, 256, ii. Diol; . v. Debal, 233, i, s. 5. Larry-bunder, Dirzee ; s. v. 246, i.
387, ii, &. v. Diul-Sind, 792, i; ann. 1553 : Disäva; 8. v. Dissave, 246, i.
8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, ii, s. v. Jacquete, 839, Disa ve ; 8. v. Disgave, 246, i.
ii; ann. 1554 : s. v. Dubber, 253, ii; ann. Disave mahatmya; 8. v. Dissave, 246, i.
1688, 1650, 1666 (twice) and 1727: 8. v. Dispatchadore ; 8. d. 246, i; ann. 1696 : 8. v. Dial-Sind, 247, ii. 246, i, twice.
Diulcinde; ann. 1516: 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, ii. Dissaava; ann. 1681: s. v. Dissave, 246, ii, Diuli Sind; ann. 1554: 8. v. Dial-Sind, 247, ii.
8. v. Vidana 733, ii, twice; ann, 1803: 8. o. Diulsind; 8. v. Daibul, 226, ii; ann. 1554: Dissare, 246, ii.
8. v. Rosalgat, Cape, 582, i. Dissava; 8. v. Dissave, 246, i; ann. 1685: 8. v. Dial-Sind ; .. v. 247, i, 792, i, sv. Jacquete, Lascar, 389, i, 8. v. Dissave, 246, ii.
839, ii; ann. 1666: 6. v. 247, ii. Dissave; 8. v. 246, i, 8. v. Dessaye, 237, i; Diúl Sind; ann. 1554: 8.v. Dial-Sind, 247, ii. ann. 1860 : 8. . 246, ii.
Diulsinde; ann. 1614: 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247, ii. Distoree ; ann. 1630 : 8. v. Destoor, 237, ii. Diaobandierrumi; ann. 1510: 8.v. Room, 581, i. Ditch ; s. v. 246, ii.
Diūti; 8. v. Denti, 789, ii. Ditch, The; 8. o. Mahratta Ditch, 410, i, twice. Diuxa; ann. 1516: 8. v. Diu, 246, ii. Ditcher; s. v. Ditch, 246, ii, 8. v. Mahratta Div; 8. v. Dial-Sind, 792, i. Ditch, 410, i.
Diva; ann. 1563: 8. v. Maldives, 418, ii. Diu ; 8. v. 2440, ii, 8. v. Bahaudur, 37, ii, 8.v. Diva; s.v. Maldives, 417, ii; ann. 1030: 8. . Gogolla, 293, ii, 8. v. Java, 346, i, 8.v.
ü. 8. v. Java, 346, ü, 8.v. Maldives, 417, ii. Patecu, 518, ii, 8. v. Diul-Sind, 792, i, see | Diva-Kanbar ; ann. 1030: 8. v. Maldives, 418, i. 837, ii, footnote; ann. 700 : 8.v. Diul-Sind, Diva Kanbăr; ann. 1030: 8. v. Coir, 180, ii. 217, i; ann. 1510: 8.». Room, 581, i, twice; Diva-Kūzah; ann. 1080: & v. Maldives, 418, i. ann. 1516: 8. . Dabul, 225, i, 8. v. 246, ii ; Divāli; ann. 1883 : Dewally, 238, ii. ann. 1525:8. v. Sind, 634, ii ; ann. 1536 : 8 . Divaly; ann. 1613: s. v. Dewally, 238, ii. Mangalore (b), 822, i; ann. 1546 :8, v. Chgul, Diva-Mahal; ann. 1442: s. v. Maldives, 418, i. 163, i, s. v. Lascar, 388, ii, 6. v. Mastees, Divan; ann. 1672: s. v. Havildar, 806, ii; 462, ii, 8. v. Avadavat, 759, i; ann. 1553 : ann. 1676 : s. v. Dewaun, 241, i; ann. 1718: 8. ?". Jacquete, 339, ii, 8. v. Macareo, 403, i; 8. v. Dewaun, 240, i, ann. 1554 : s. r. Daman, 228, i, 8. v. Goa, Divanship ; ann. 1765 : 8. o. Dewauny, 241, i. 290, i, 8. v. Malabar, 412, ii; ann. 1572: Divanum; ann. 1554 : 8. o. Dewaun, 240, ii. 8. 0. Chalia, 139, ii, twice, 8. v. 246, ii, | Divar; ann. 1554: 8. v. Bargany, 761, ii. s. r. Mogul, The Great, 437, i; ann. 1583: Dive; 8. v. Maldives, 417, ii; ann. 1648: 8.. 8. ?'. Sind, 634, ii ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Sürath, Diu, 247, i. 666, i; ann. 1644: 8. v. Mogal, The Great, Divehe mīhun ; 8. v. Maldives, 417, ii. 437, ii, 8. v. Monsoon, 442, ii; ann. 1648: Divehi Rajje; 8. v. Maldives, 417, ii. 8. : 247, i; ann. 1666: 3. v. Snake-stone, Divi ; 8. v. Maldives, 417, ii; ann. 362 : 8. v. 643, ii; ann. 1690 : 8.0, Snake-stone, 644, Maldives, 417, ii. i ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Choya, 166, 1, 8... 247, Divl ; *. ». Diul-Sind, 792, i, twice. i; ann. 1813: 8. v. S. John's (a), 591, ii; Divot ; ann. 1789: 8. o. Ooplah, 488, i. ann. 1844 : 8.0. Muncheel, 826, ü:
Divyávadána; s. v. Jade, 340, i. Diu; ann. 1554 : 8. o. Jam, 810, i, trice, Diwaen; 8. r. Dewauny, 241, i. Diuan; ann. 1653 : &. v. Chouse, 164, i. Diwah Mahal; ann. 1442 : 8. v, Tenasserim, Diuana ; 8. o. Dewaun, 289, ii.
695, ii. Diuanum ; s. v. Dewaun, 239, ii.
Diwal; ann. 1820: 8. v. Lăr (b), 386, i. Diudar; ann. 1030 : 8. 1. Deodar, 236, ii. Diwāli; 8. v. Dewally, 238, ii. Diue-dapper; ann. 1610: s. v. Scymitar, 608, ii. Diwāli; 6. v. Dewally, 238, i; ann. 1843: 3. v. Diues; ann. 1610: 3. v. Maldives, 418, i, twice. Dewally, 238, ii. Dia Islands; ann. 1727: 8. v. Nabób (a), 468, i. | Diwaliyā; 8. v. Dewaleea, 238, i.

Page #279

JUNE, 1903.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
271
Diwan; 3. v. Didwan, 792, i ; ann. 1679: 6. o.
Triplicane, 716, i. Diwan ; 8. v. Dewaun, 239, ii and footnote. Diwān; . o. Dewaun, 289, i (3 times) and ii
(twice), 8. o. Dewaany, 241, i, twice ; ann. 1178 : 6. 7. Dewaun, 240, i, twice; ann. 1410: 8. o. Dewaun, 240, ii; ann. 1834:
8. v. Dewaun, 240, i. Diwāni; 5. v. Dewauny, 241, č. Diwani ; s. v. Dewauny, 241, i; ann. 1765 :
$. v. Dewauny, 241, i. Diwani 'Adalat; * 0. Adawlut, 4, i, .. ".
Dewauny, 241, i. Diwa-salãi ; 8. v. Māchis, 406, i. Dizhla ; 701, ii, footnote. Djalanga ; 8. v. Chelingo, 777, i Djava; ann. 992: 8. v. Java, 347, ii. Djawah; ann. 1330 : 8.0. Java, 348, ii, twice. Djehaan; ann. 1713: 8. v. Buxee, 104, i. Djempink ; . v. Jompon, 853, i. Djenglo; ann. 1878: s.v. Jungle, 359, i. Djerun; ann. 1442 : 8. v. Ormus, 493, i. Djokjocarta; 8. v. Resident, 576, i. Djokjo-Karta ; 8. v. Upas, 727, ii. Djouschayeh ; ann. 1554: 4. 0. Rhinoceros,
849, i. Djungle ; ann. 1858: 8. v. Jungle, 359, i. Do; 8. v. Doai, 248, i. Doab; 8. v. 247, ii; s, v. Cawn pore, 136, i, s. .
Coss, 203, i, s. v. Goojur, 296, i, s.v. Hindo-
stance, 317, i. Doab; 8. v. Doab, 247, ii, 248, i, &. 1. Goojar,
296, i ; ann. 1340 : 8. v. Oudh, 494, ii. Doai; s. d. 248, i, 792, i, see 383, ü, foot.
note; ann. 1727: 8. v. Arrack, 26, ii; ann.
1824 : 6. u. Gareebpurwur, 809, i. Doana; ann. 1340: 8. v. Dewaun, 240, ii. Doa padecha; ann. 1666 : . v. Doai, 248, ii,
twice. Doar; 8. o. 248, . Dobash; 6. v. Dubash, 252, ii. Dobāshi ; . v. Dubash, 252, ii. Dobe; ann. 1804: 8. o. Dirzee, 246, i. Do-bhashiya; 8. v. Topaz, 711, ii. Dobie ; & v. Dhoby, 242, ii. Dobil; ann. 1666: 8. Diul-Sind, 247, ü. Dobund; 6. o. 248, ii; ann. 1787: 8. v. 248, ii. Doby; ann. 1816: 8. o, Tiff, To, 701, i. Docân ; 8. o. Dewann, 239, ii. Dock; ann. 1781 : 8.. Dawk, 232, i.
Dodgeon; ann. 1748 : 8.. Datchin, 231, i. Dofar; 8. o. Factory, 264, i; ann. 1572 : 8. D.
Rosalgat, Cape, 582, ii, twice. Dogana; 8. v. Dewaun, 239, ii, 3 times, and
footnoto, twice; ann. 1440 : 8. v. Dewaun,
240, ii; ann. 1834: 8. v. Dewaun, 240, i. Dogazis; ann. 1516: s. v. Sinabaff, 634, i. Dog Chouckies; ann. 1727: 8. v. Dawk, 232, i. Dogon; ann. 1585 : 8.0. Dagon, 226, ii. Dogonne; ann. 1.587: 8. v. Dagon, 226, ii. Dog's cry; 202, ii, footnote. Dog's Disease ; ann. 1716 : s. 0. Mort-de
chien, 450, ii, Dohace; ann. 1834 : 8. v. Doai, 248, ii. Dohai; 8. v. Doai, 792, i. Dobäi ; s.o. Doai, 248, i, 4 times. Dohāl; 8. v. Doai, 248, i, 792, i; ann. 1824 :
8. v. Gureebpurwur, 309, i. Doha'i; ann. 1837: 8. v. Lät, 389, ii, 3 times. Doit; ann. 1598 : 8.0. Budgrook, 92, ii. Doite ; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Cash, 128, ü. Do-kāni; 8. o. Bargany, 761, ii. Dokn ; 8. v. Jowaor, 355, i. Dol; ann. 1690 and 1809 : 8. v. Dhall, 241, i. Dolchinney ; s. v. Moors, The, 447, ii. Doli; 8. v. Dhooly, 242, i, 790, ii. Dolichos catjang ; 3. v. Cajan, 109, ii. Dolichos sinensis; 8. v. Calavance, 110, ii,
twice; ann. 1752: 8. v. Calavance, 111, i. Dolis; ann. 1873: 8. v. Kuhár, 378, i. Doi jātrā ; 8. v. Hooly, 323, ii. Doll ; s. v. Dhall, 241, i; ann. 1673 : 6.0.
Dball, 241, ii; ann. 1727: 8. v. Dhall, 241, ii, twice, . v. Kedgeree, 364, ii; ann. 1776
and 1778 : 8. v. Dball, 241, ii. Dollar; 8. v. Budgrook, 92, ii. Doller; ann. 1609 : &, v. Boy (a), 83, ii. Dollies; ann. 1880: 8. v. Dolly, 249, i. Dolly ; 8. v. 249, i, twice, s.v. Molly, 440, i,
twice; ann. 1760 : 8. v. Bandejah, 44, i. Dolmen; 8. v. Cossya, 204, i, Dolna ; 8. v. Dhooly, 790, ii. Dolphin ;8. v. Dorado, 250, i and 251, i, twice;
ann. 1578: s.v. Dorado, 251, i. Dom ; ann. 1553: 6. D. Tuan, 864, i. Dām; 8. v. Dome, 249, i. Domadores; ann. 1634: 8. v. Cathay, 134, i. Dombaree ; 5, v. Domo, 249, i. Dome; $. v. 249, i. Dommaschino; ann. 1348 : 8. v. Sugar, 655, ii.

Page #280

272
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
(JUNE, 1905.
447, ij.
Dömră; 4. o. Dome, 249, i.
Doorsommand ; s. v. 250, č. Don; s. o. Bahaudar, 36, ii.
Door-van; ann. 1781: 8. v. Darwaun, 256, i. Donabyu; ann. 1546 : 8. v. Dagon, 226, it. Doory; ann. 1837 : 3. u. Doray, 257, i. Donai; ann. 1824: 8. v. Gureebparwar, 309, i, Doothies; ann. 1802: ... Tussah, 721, i. twice.
Do-patah ; . v. Dooputty, 250, ii. Dondera; ann. 1553: s. . Galle, Point de, Dor; ann. 1190: 3. 1. Lar (&), 816, ii. 275, i,
Dor; .. v Doria, 251, i, s. 1. Moors, The, Donders Head; s. v. 249, i. Doney ; s. v. 249, ii, twico; ann. 1503: 6.. Dora ; ann. 1882 ; 8. v. Doray, 792, ii, twice. Sombrero, 646, ii.
Dorado ; 8. D. 250, ii; ann. 1631 : 8. v. 251, i. Dongerijn; ann. 1613 : $. v. Dangaree, 255, i. Dora Samoonder ; . . Samatra, 657, i. Doni ; s. v. Doney, 249, it.
Doray; 4. 0. 251, i, 792, ii. Donmaschino; ann. 1348 : 8. o. Sugar, 655, i. Doraylu; ann. 1882: 8. u. Doray, 792, ii. Donna; am. 1616 : 6.. Dana, 229, i.
Dorbard; ann. 1750: ... Durbar, 255, i. Donny; ann. 1610: 8. v. Doney, 250, i.
Dorecar; ann. 1813: 8.. Jacquete, 389, ii. Doob; 8. v. 250, i ; ann. 1810 : 8. D. 250, i. Dorea ; . . Piece-goods, 535, ii, 586, i; ann. Doobasheeo ; 1. D. Dubash, 252, ii.
1785: 8. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii. Doocan; ann. 1759 : 8. v. Sunnud, 661, ii. Doresandla; ann. 1882 : 8. . Doray, 792, Doocaun ; 8. 5. 250, i.
Doresáni; 6. o. Doray, 251, i. Doodee; ann. 1813: $. v. Cash, 128, ii, Dori ; . v. Doria, 251, i. 3 times.
Doria; 8. 5. 251, i. Doodo; ann. 1711: 8. v. Cash, 198, ii. Dorian; 5. Darian, 255, ii, 3 times, Dookkán; ann. 1835: 8. v. DOOckun, 250, 8.1 256, i; Ann. 1599 : 8.0. Darian, 256, i; Dool; ann. 1851 : 8. v. Dowle, 251, ii.
ann. 1855: 8. v. Durian, 256, ü; ann. 1876 : Doole; 1. v. Dowle, 251, i.
8. t. India of the Dutch, 333, i. Doolee ; ann. 1808: o. v. Palankeen, 504, Ö. Dorisani ; 8. v. Mem-Sahib, 483, ii. Doolee-wallas; ann. 1846 : 8. o. Dhooly, 249, i. Doriya, . u. Dorin, 251, i. Dooley; ann. 1774 : 8. v. Dhooly, 242, i ; ann. Dorje; s. v. Darjeeling, 229, i.
1784: 5. . Pattoo, 686, ii ; ann. 1804: ... Doroga; . o. Daróga, 230, i: Palankeen, 504, i.
Dor-rjo-glin; 8. v. Darjeeling, 229, ii. Doolha; ann. 1892: . v. Hobson-Jobson, 319, Dort; ann. 1598: s. v. Fool's Rack, 272, i, 8. v. ii, twice.
Nipa (b), 480, i. Doolie; .. . Dhooly, 242, i, twice ; ann. Dory; ann. 1774: . , Calavance, 171, i.
1760 and 1785 : 8. v. Dhooly, 242, i; Dosad; *... Pyke (b), 847, i. . ann. 1787 : 8. d. Black, 74, ü; ann. 1789: Dosarēnē ; •. v. Gurjaut, 309, i.
6. D. Bangy (@), 46, i, ... Dhooly, 249, i. Doshab; ann. 940: s. r. Panjaub, 562, i. Dooly; . . Boy (b), 88, i, s. v. Moncheel, Dosbals; ... Shawl, 624, i.
456, ii; ann. 1768: . . Dbooly, 791, i; Doshika; 8. o. Cangue, 120, ii, twice ; ann. ann. 1816 : $. v. Tiff, To, 701, i.
1420: 8. o. Cangue, 120, ü. Doomba; ann. 1828 (twice) and 1846: ... Dosooty; 4. . 792, ii, .. 0. Piece-goode, 536, Doombar, 792, ii.
i. Doombur; 6. u. 792, i.
Dost Mahommed Khan ; •. t. Cabal, 106, ii. Doom palm; 175, i, footnote, 8. 6. Bdelliam, Do-sūtă; 8. o. Dosooty, 792, ii. 764, i.
Do-süti; . v. Dosooty, 792, ii, Doon; ann. 1879: 6. . Dhoon, 243, t.
Dotchin; .. . Datchin, 230, ü; ann. 1696 : Dooputty; 4. v. 250, ii.
... Datchin, 280, i; ann. 1711: ... Doorga pooja; 3. u. 250, ii.
Datchin, 280, ii, 281, i. Doorga Pooja ; ann. 1838: . v. Doorga pooja, Dot-chin; ann. 1748: 8. o. Dotchin, 231, i. 250, ü.
Dotee ; ann. 1810 : .. . Dhoty, 243, i. Doorga-pūjā; *. o. Dassera, 866,
Dotia; ann. 1648 : . v. Gingham, 801, s.

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INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
278
twice.
Douane; 8. 1. Dewann, 239, ii, twice ; ann. Drass ; ann. 1738 : 8. v. Caleefa, 112, ii.
1665: ..., Madras, 407, i ; ann. 1834 : 3.. Dravida; 8. v. 793, 1, s. u. Chinapatam, 153, ii. Dewaun, 240, i.
Drăvida ; 8. v. Dravidian, 251, ii, twice. Douane ; ann. 1653: 8.v. Congo-bander, 783, i. Drávidas; ann. 1045: 4. v. Dravidian, 251, ii. Double; ann. 1676 : 8. . Snake-stone, 643, ii. Drâvidas; ann. 404: 8. v. Dravidian, 251, ü, Double Coco-nut; 6. t. Coco-de-Mer, 176, ii. Double-grill; 8. o. 792, ii.
Dravidian; e. v. 251, ii, twice, s. v. Candy Doubloon ; ann. 1676: 8.v. Snake-stone, 643, ii. (Sugar-), 120, i, .. •. Ohunám, 168, i, .. o. Douli; ann. 1702 : 8. v. Dhooly, 242, i.
Devil Worship, 288, i, .. o. Gindy, 285, ii, Dour; e. o. 793, i, twice.
$. v. Jangar, 843, i, 8. o. Malabar, 411, ii, Dorana; ann. 1440 : s. o. Dewaun, 240, ii. twice, .. . Malayālam, 417, i, s. o. Nelly, Dow; 8. v. 251, i, s. o. Dhow, 243, i, 3 times; 477, ii, s. r. Pariah, 513, ii, 4 times and
ann. 1785 and 1786: 5.. Dhow, 243, ii; ann. footnote, 6. o. Pisachee, 540, i, .. v. Rice, 1810 : 8. o. Dhow, 243, ii, *. v. Grab, 800, 578, i, .. v. Shaman, 620, ii, 8. 9. Teloogoo, ii; Ann. 1814: 8. o. Dhow, 248, ii; ann, 695, i, 8. v. Bargany, 761, i, &. v. Elephant, 1888: 8. o. Batel, 54, ii; ann. 1860: *, D. 795, i ; ann. 1030 : 8. . Malabar, 412, i;
Doney, 250, i, s. v. Pattamar (b), 521, i. ann. 1856 : . v. 251, ii. Dowle ; 3. 0. 251, i : ann. 1609 : .. . Dhooly, Dravira; ... Dravida, 793, i; ann. 1030 : . 242, i.
8. v. Malabar, 412, i. Dowra, 4. o. 793, i.
Dravira; 6. v. Gaurian, 800, i, 3 times. Dowrah ; ann. 1827: 8. o. Dowra, 793, i. Drawers, Long; 8. v. 252, i; ann. 1794: 8. v. Dozy ; S. D. Demijokin, 789, i.
Drawers, Long, 252, i. Dpyan ; 6. o. Jompon, 858, i.
Drecksimon; 4. v. Scavenger, 606, ii. Dracbms; 5:"0. Dinār, 245, i, see 245, ii, Dreng-boy ; 8. v. Dressing-boy, 252, i. footnote, twice.
Dressing-boy; 8. v. 252, i. Dracunculi; ann. 1712: 4. . Guinea-worm, Droomandus ; 8. v. Druggerman, 252, ii. 804, i.
Droga ; ann. 1682: 8.. Daróga, 280, ii, ... Pracunculus; ann. 1712: «. v. Guinea-worm, Tallica, 680, i. 804, i.
Droga amara ; ann. 1796 : s.v. Mort-de-chien, Dragoarias; •. . Eagle-wood, 258, ii.
451, i. Dragoian; s. s. Sumatra, 657, i.
Drogor ; ann. 1673: 8. v. Darbga, 280, i and Dragoman; ... . Druggerman, 252, i; ann. ii; ann. 1765: 4. 0. Tope-khana, 713, i.
1270 and 1343 : 8. D. Draggerman, 252, i. Drogomanus; ann. 1150 : 8.. Draggerman, Dragomanni; ann. 1615 : 6.. Druggerman, 793, i. 252, ii, twioo.
Drogao; ann. 1598 and 1638: . . Bang, 45, i. Dragomano ; ann. 1685: ... Draggerinan, Droha ; 8. v. Doai, 248, i.
Droņa ; 8. v. Doney, 249, ü. Dragon's whirlpool ; s. . Negrais, 477, i.
Drongo shrike; 6. r. King-Crow, 369,-ii. Dragounados ; . v. Druggerman, 252, ii.
Dragomens; ann. 1809: ., D. Draggerman, Dragatoel; 8. o. Jompon, 353, i.
252, i. Dräj ks almaira ; . . Sirdrárs, 638, ii.
Draggermaa; 8. v. 252, i, 793, i; ann. 1613 : Drákontas; ann. 80-90 : 8. v. Tiger, 702, i. 6. v. 252, i; ann. 1738: o. u. 252, ii. Drakóntion; ann. 1712 : . .. Guinea-worm, Drughement; ann. 1270: 3. o. Druggerman, 804, i.
252, i. Drakontion; aon. 1712 : 8.0. Guinea-worm, Drago; ann. 1644: 8. v. Panwell, 511, i. 804, i.
Drumstick; s. v. 252, ii, 793, i. Drama Rajo; ann. 1610 : 1. o. Baddha, 91, i. Drumstick-tree; 8. v. Horse-radish tree, 325, i. Dramids; .. Dravidian, 251, ii.
Drus; ann. 1853: 6. v. Bora, 80, ii, Dramila ; 8. v. Dravidian, 261, ii.
Druses; ann. 1615: 8.0. Ameer, 12, i. Drams; ann. 1724 : .. Punch, 559, ii. Dryobalanops aromatica ; 8. o. Camphor, 116, i.
793, i.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1908.
Dsomo ; . v. Zebu, 747, i, s. v. Zobo, 750, ii. 1 . v. Anile, 22, i; ann. 1587: 6. v. Larin, Dually; ann. 1678 and 1690: 8. v. Dewally, 387, i. 238, ii.
Dacket; ann. 1568: 8. o. Opium, 489, ii, twice. Duan; ann. 1682: $. v. Dacca, 225, i, s. D. Ducks ; 8. v. 253, ii, o. v. Mull, 456, ii, 8. 0.
Nabób (a), 467, ii, 8. v. Parwanna, 564, 1, 8.0. Pig-sticking, 537, i. Chop, 778, ii, twice ; ann. 1683: 6. v. Ducks, Bombay; . v. 253, ii; ann. 1860: 3. 0. Kuzzanna, 816, i; ann. 1690 : 8.0. Dewaun, 253, ii. 240, i ; ann. 1760 : . v. Dubbeer, 253, i; ann. Duckys; ann. 1860 : 6. v. Ducks, 253, ii. 1771 and 1783 : s. v. Dewaun, 240, i.
Dacões ; ann. 1554: Doocaun, 250, i. Duanis; ann. 1848: 8. v. Dewaun, 240, ii. Düdü Miyān; s. u. Ferázee, 267, i. Duanne ; ann. 1783 : 8, . Dewaony, 241, i. Duffadar; 8. v. 253, ii; ann. 1803 : 4. v. 253, i. Dub; 8. v. 252, ii, 793, i; ann. 1781 : 8.. Dafter ; # , 253, ii, &. v. Cutehérry, 228, i, s.v.
Chillum, 149, ii, 8. v. Cumbly, 216, ii, 8. v. Dewaun, 239, i. 252, ii, twice.
Dufterdar ; s. v. 254, i. Düb; 8. v. Doob, 250, i.
Dufterkhanna; ann. 1781: 4. v. Compound, Dabash ; 8. v. 252, ii, 3 times, 8. o, Topaz, 711, 188, i.
ii; ann. 1693 and 1780 : 8. v. 258, i; aon. Duftery ; 8. v. 254, i. 1789 : 8. v. Batler, 102, ii ; ann. 1800, 1810, Duftoree; ann. 1810 : 8. v. Daftery, 254, i. and 1860 : 8. v. 253, i.
Dugals; 838, i, footnote, twice. Dubasbes; ann. 1800: 8. v. Maistry, 410, ii; Dugāni; 8. v. Cowry, 209, i, 4 times. ann. 1805-6: 8. . Pariah, 515, i.
Du-gání; ann. 1330: s. v. Bargany, 761, ii. Dubba ; ann. 1845 : 8.0. Dubber, 253, ü,
Duggi; ann. 1791 : 8. v. Shinbin, 627, i. Dubbah; ann. 1810: 8. v. Dubber, 253, ii. Duggie ; s. v. 254, i, twice. Dubbeer; 8. v. 253, i; ann. 1760 : 8.. 253, i. Dugong; 8. v. 254, ii. Dubber; 6. v. 253, i, . v. Reshire, 847, ii; Dug-out; s. v. Baloon, 40, i.
ann. 1554 : 8. v. Reshise, 848, i; ann, 1764: Duguaza ; ann. 1516 : 3. v. Sinabaff, 634, i.
s. v. Gunny, 308, ii ; ann. 1808: 8. v. 253, ii. Dubai ; 8. v. Doai, 248, i. Dubhāshiya; 8. o. Dabash, 252, ii.
Duivelsdrek; ann. 1726 : 8. o. Hing, 807, i. Duba; 8. v. Dub, 252, ii.
Dukan ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Doocaun, 250, i. Dub up, To; 8. v. 252, ii.
Dukān; 4. 0. Dewaun, 239, ii, 3. . Doocaun, Ducamdares ; ann. 1554: 6. v. Doocann, 250, i. 250, i į ann. 1810 : &, v. Doocaun, 250, ii, Ducat; 6. v. Chick (b), 148, i, s. o. Gubber, Dukándár ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Doocaun, 250, i.
306. i. twice: ann. 1504-5: 8. v. Pardao, Dükandar; 8. . Doocaun, 250, i. 838, i, 840, ü; ann. 1505 : s. v. Japan, 344, Dukkān; 8.. Doocaun, 250, i. i; ann. 1506 : 8. t. Tenasserim, 696, i; ann. Daku; 573, i, footnote. 1511: . . Opium, 489, i ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Dul; s. v. Turban, 718, ii. Shanbaff, 623, ii, twice; ann. 1554: 8. v. Dūla ; 8. v. Dhooly, 790, ii; ann. 1340 : . v. Porcelain, 549, ii; ann. 1568 : 6 v. Viss, Palankeen, 503, i ; ann. 1343 : 1. v. Dhooly, 789, i; ann. 1584: 8. v. Pardao, 841, i; ann. 1 791, i, twice. 1711 and 1752: 8. v. Gubber, 306, ii; ann. Dulband ; . v. Turban, 718, ii, twice. 1768-71: .. . Kobang, 815, i; ann, 1824 : Dulbendar Aga; ann. 1745: 8.0. Turban, 719, ii. 8. v. Farásh, 266, ii.
Dulbend Ogbani ; ann. 1745 : s.v. Turban, 719, ii. Ducati ; ann. 1506 : $. v. Caravel, 125, i, twice ; Dulbentar Aga; ann. 1745: 8. v. Turban, 719, ii. ann. 1568 : 1. v. Opium, 489, ii.
Dúlí; ann. 1590 and 1662 : $. v. Dhooly, 242, Duccan; ann. 1673 : 6. v. Pattán, 566, i.
i ; &un. 1872: 4. v. Dhooly, 242, ii, Duces Indiae ; ann. 1860: . v. Ducks, 253, ii. Dulol; ann. 1754 : & v. Deloll, 789, i, twice. Duck ; , v. 793, i, .. o. Qui-hi, 568, 1; ann. Dálsind; ann. 1554 : 6. v. Rosalgat, Cape, 582, i. 1808: 3. v. 793, i.
Dulwai; ann. 1747: . v. Dalaway, 787, ii, 1, v. Duokat; ann. 1540: s. v. Liampo, 393, i; ann. Dhurna, 791, i, 3 times.
1570: 8. v. Macao (), 402, i; ann. 1583 : Dambars; ann. 1817 : 6. v. Dome, 249, i.

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MISCELLANEA.
275
Dumbaru; ann. 1817: 8. v. Dome, 249, i. Dungeree; ann. 1868: 3. 14. Dungaree, 255, Dumbcow; 8. v. 254, ii, &. v. Puckerow, 556, ü. Dumbcowed; 8. v. Dumbcow, 254, ii.
Dundage ; ann. 1784 : . v. Coolicoy, 192, i. Dumbri; ann, 1328 : 8. v. Dome, 249, i.
Dupattā ; 8. v. Dooputty, 250, ii. Dumdum ; 8. v. 254, ii, twice, 793, i, 8. v. Batta, Dappa; ann. 1727: 8. v. Dubber, 253, ii. 54, ii; ann. 1848: 8. v. 793, i.
Dupper ; ann. 1673 : 8. . Dubber, 253, ii. Dumier; ann. 1680: 8. v. Dastoor, 793, ii. Dur; s. v. Moors, The, 447, ii. Dumpoke; 3. v. 254, ii ; ann. 1678: 8. v. 254, ii. Dura; 8, v. Jowaur, 355, i. Dumpoked; ann. 1673 and 1689: 8. v. Dum- Durahi; 8. v. Doai, 248, i. poke, 254, ii.
Durai ; s. v. Doray, 251, i. Dumree ; 8. v. 254, ii, &. v. Dam, 227, ii.
Darāi ; 8. v. Doai, 248, ii. Dumrie ; ann. 1823 : 8.v. Dumree, 254, ii, 4 times. Durajee ; ann. 1831 : 8. v. Larry-bunder, 888, Dún ; ann. 1654-55: 4. v. Dhoon, 242, ii ; ann.
i. 1879: s. v. Dhoon, 243, i.
Durbar ; 8. v. 255, i, 793, ii, 3 times, . o. Dân; ann. 1526 : 8. o. Dboon, 791, i, twice.
Khass, 366, ii, .. v. Rajpoot, 572, i, 8. 7. Dun; s. v. Dhoon, 242, ii, twice, s. v. Siwalik, Adawlut, 753, i; ann. 1616: 8. v. 255, i, s.v. 639, ii.
Shameeana, 621, ii ; ann. 1763: s. v. Coco-deDunapoor ; 6. t. Dinapore, 245, i.
Mer, 178, i; ann. 1793 : ,0. 255, i; ann. Dunba; 8. v. Doombur, 792, i.
1804 : s. v. Buxee, 104, i; ann, 1809: 3. v. Dundee-Rajnpore ; ann. 1759: ..v. Seedy, 610, ii. 255, i; ann. 1813: 8. v. Panchayet, 560, i; Dunderhead ; 8. v. Dondera Head, 249, i.
ann. 1814: 8. v. Moonshee, 445, i; ann. 1822 : Dungaree; 8. v. 255, ii, s. v. Piece-goods, 536,i ; 8. v. Caluat, 771, i; ann. 1868: s. v. Kajee,
ann. 1670: 8. v. India of the Portuguese, 363, i; ann. 1875: 8. v. 255, i. 808, ii; ann. 1673 and 1813: 1. v. 255, i. Durean; ann. 1727: 6. v. Durian, 256, i.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. SOME NOTES ON THE FOLKLORE OF THE As soon as his foe the cat was caught, the TELUGUS.
mouse came out of his hole and began to rove BY G. B. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU.
about fearlessly. While trustfully roving through
the forest in search of food, the mouse after a (Concluded from Vol. XXVIII. p. 159.)
little while saw the meat that the Chandala had XLIII.
spread in his trap as a lare. Getting upon the THE CAT AND THE MOUSE.
trap the little animal began to eat the flesh, and A Tale of Village Philosophy.
even got upon his enemy entangled hopelessly in
it. Intent upon eating the flesh, he did not TEERE was once a large banyan tree in the
mark his own danger, until suddenly he saw midst of an extensive forest, covered with many
another terrible foe in the person of a restless kinds of creepers, which was the resort of a inungoose with fiery eyes, standing on his number of birds and animals. A mouse of great haunches, with head upraised, licking the corners wisdom lived at its foot, having made a hole
of his mouth with his tongue. At the same time there with a hundred outlets, and in the branches
he beheld yet another foe sitting on a branch of there lived a cat in great happiness, daily devour- | the banyan tree in the shape of a sharp-boaked ing many birds.
night-jar. Now it happened that a Chandala came into Encompassed on all sides by danger, and seeing the forest and built a hut for himself, and every fear in every direction, the mouse, filled with evening after sunset he spread his traps, made alarm for his safety, made a high resolve. Of his of leathern strings. Many animals fell into his three enemies the cat war in dire distress, and so traps every night, and it so happened that one the mouse, conversant with the science of day the cat, in a moment of heedlessness, was profit and well aoquainted with the oooscaught.
sions on which war should be declared

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
or peace made, gently addressed the cat, saying:
"I address thee in friendship, O cat! Art thou alive? I wish thee to live! I desire the good of us both. O amiable one, thou hast no cause for fear. Thou shalt live in happiness. I will rescue thee, if indeed thou dost not slay me. An excellent expedient suggests itself to me, by which thou mayest escape and I obtain great benefit. By reflecting earnestly I have hit upon that expedient for thy sake and for my sake, for it will benefit both of us. There are the mungoose and the owl, both waiting with evil intent. Only so long, O eat, as they do not attack me, is my life safe. Possessed of wisdom as thou art, thou art my friend and I will act towards thee as a friend. Without my help, O cat, thou canst not succeed in tearing the net, but I can cut the nct for thee, if thou abstain from killing me. Thou hast lived on this tree and I have lived at its foot. Both of us have dwelt here for many long years. All this is known to thee. He, upon whom nobody places his trust, and he who never trusts another, are never applauded by the wise. Both of them are unhappy. For this reason, let our love for each other increase, and let there be union between us. The wise never applaud endeavour when the opportunity for success has passed away. Know that this is the proper time for such an understanding between us. I wish thee to live, and thon also wishest me to live. This our compact also will bring happiness to us both. I will rescue thee
and thou wilt also rescue me."
Hearing these well-chosen words, fraught with reason and highly acceptable, the cat spake in reply: "I am delighted with thee, O amiable one, blessed be thou that wishest me to live. Do that, without hesitation, which thou thinkest will be of use. I am certainly in great distress. Thou art, if possible, in greater distress still. Let there be a compact between us without delay. If thou rescuest me, thy service shall not go for nothing. I place myself in thy hands. I will wait upon and serve thee like a disciple. I seek thy protection, and will always obey thy behests."
[JUNE, 1903.
I will cut the noose that entangles thee. I swear by Truth, O friend."
Thus addressed, the mouse, addressing in return the cat who was completely under his eontrol, said these words of grave import and high dom"Thou hast spoken most magnanimously. It could scarcely be unexpected from one like thee. Listen to me as I disclose my expedient. I will crouch beneath thy body and so shalt thou save me from the owl and the mungeose, and
The mouse, having thus made the cat understand his own interest, trustfully crouched beneath his enemy's body. Possessed of learning, and thus assured by the cat, the mouse trustfully laid himself thus under the breast of the cat as if it were the lap of his father or mother. Beholding him thus ensconced the mungoose and the owl both became hopeless of seizing their prey. Indeed, seeing the close intimacy between the mouse and the cat, the owl and the mungoose became alarmed and were filled with wonder, and felt themselves unable to wean the mouse and the cat from their compact. So they both left the spot and went away to their respective abodes.
After this the mouse, conversant with the requirements of time and place, began, as he lay under the body of the cat, to cut the strings of the noose slowly, waiting for a fitting opportunity to finish his work. Distressed by the strings that entangled him, the cat became impatient and said :-"How is it, O amiable one, that thon dost not proceed with haste in thy work? Dost thou disregard me now, having thyself succeeded in thy object? Cut these strings quickly! The hunter will soon be here."
But the mouse, possessed of intelligence, replied with these beneficial words fraught with bis own good:-"Wait in silence, O amial·le one! Chase all thy fears away. We know the requirements of time. We are not wasting it. When an act is begun at an improper moment, it never becomes profitable when accomplished. If thou art freed at an unseasonable moment, I shall stand in great dread of thee. Do thou therefore await the opportunity. When I see the hunter approach the spot armed with weapons, I shall cut the strings at the moment of dire fear to both of us. Freed then, thou wilt ascend the tree. At that time thou wilt not think of anything but thy own life, and it is then that I shall enter my hole in safety."
The cat, who had quickly and properly per formed his part of the covenant, now addressed the mouse, who was not expeditions in discharging wis-his:"I rescued thee from a terrible danger with great promptness, so thou shouldst do what is for my good with greater expedition. If I have ever unconsciously done thee any wrong, thon shouldat not bear this in remembrance. I beg thy forgiveness. Be a little quicker."

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MISCELLANEA.
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But the mouse, possessed of intelligence and wisdom and knowledge of the Scriptures, replied with these excellent words:-"That friendship in which there is fear, and which cannot be kept up without fear, should be maintained with great caution, like the hand of the snakecharmer at the snake's fangs. He who does not protect himself after having made a covenant with one that is stronger, finds that covenant productive of injury instead of benefit. Nobody is anybody's friend, nobody is anybody's well-wisher; persons become friends or foes only from motives of interest. Interest enlists interest, even as tame elephants help to catch wild individuals of their own species. When a kind act has been accomplished, the door is scarcely regarded. For this reason, all acts should be so done that something may remain to be done. So when I set thee free in the presence of the hunter, thou wilt fly for thy life without ever thinking of seizing me. Behold, all the strings of this net but one have been cut by me, and I will cut that in time. Be comforted."
While the mouse and the cat were thus talking together, both in serious danger, the night gradually wore away, and a great and terrible fear filled the heart of the cat. When at last mornning came, the Chandala appeared on the scene. His visage was frightful. His hair was black and tawny. His lips were very large and his aspect very fierce. A huge month extended from ear to ear, and his ears were very long. Armed with weapons and accompanied by a pack of dogs, this grim-looking man appeared on the scene. Behold. ing one that resembled a messenger of Yama, the cat was penetrated through and through with fright. But the mouse had very quickly cut the remaining string, and the cat ran with speed up the banyan tree. The mouse also quickly fled into his hole. The hunter, who had seen everything, took up the net and quickly left the spot.
Liberated from his great peril, the cat, from the branches of the tree, addressed the mouse :"I hope thou dost not suspect me of any evil intent. Having given me my life, why dost thou not approach me at a time when friends should enjoy the sweetness of friendship? I have been honored and served by thee to the best of thy power. It behoveth thee now to enjoy the company of my poor self who has become thy friend. Like disciples worshipping their preceptor, all the friends I have, all my relatives and kinsmen, will honour and worship thee. I myself, too, will worship thee. Be thou the lord of my body and
277
home. Be thou the disposer of all my wealth and possessions. Be thou my honored counsellor, and do thou rule me like a father. I swear by my life that thou hast no fear from us."
But the mouse, conversant with all that is productive of the highest good, replied in sweet
words that were beneficial to himself:"Hear how the matter appears to me. Friends should be well examined. Foes also should be well
studied. In this world a task like this is regard. ed by even the learned as a difficult one, depending upon acute intelligence. Friends assume the guise of foes, and foes of friends. When compacts of friendship are formed, it is difficult for either party to understand why the other party is moved. There is no such thing as a foe. There is no such thing in existence as a friend. It is the force of circumstances that creates friends and foes. He who regards his own interests ensured as long as another person lives, end thinks them endangered when another person will ocase to live, takes that other person for a friend and considers him such as long as those interests of his are not interfered with. There is no condition that deserves permanently the name either of friendship or hostility. Both arise from considerations of interest and gain. Self-interest is very powerful. He who reposes blind trust in friends, and always behaves with mistrust towards foes without
paying any regard to considerations of policy, finds
his life unsafe. He who, disregarding all con siderations of policy, sets his heart upon an affectionate union with either friends or foes, comes to be regarded as a person whose understanding has been unhinged. One should never repose trust in a person undeserving of trust. Father, mother, son, maternal uncle, sister's son, all are guided by considerations of interest and profit.
"Thou tellest me in sweet words that I am very dear to thee. Hear, however, O friend, the reasons that exist on my side. One becomes dear from an adequate cause. One becomes a foe from an adequate cause. This whole world of creatures is moved by the desire of gain in some form or other. The friendship between two uterine brothers, the love between husband and wife, depends upon interest. I do not know any kind of affection between any persons that does not rest upon some motive of self-interest. One becomes dear for one's liberality, another for his sweet words, a third in consequence of his religious acts. Generally

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1903.
a person becomes dear for the purpose he me with thee, would not thy dear spouse and thy Berves. The affection between us two arose from loving children cheerfully eat me up P" a sufficient cause. That cause existe no longer.
Thus soundly rebuked by the mouse, the cat, On the other hand, from adequato reason, that
blushing with shame, addressed the mouse : affection between us has come to an end. What
"Truly I swear that to injure a friend is in my is that reason, I ask, for which I have become so
estimation very censurable. It doth not behove dear to thee, besides thy desire of making me thy
thee, O good friend, to take me for what I am not. prey ? Thou shouldet know that I am not forgetful
I cherish a great friendship for thee in conseof this. Time spoils reasons. Thou seekest thy
quence of thy having granted me my life. I am, own intereste. Others, however, possessed of
again, acquainted with the meaning of duty. I am wisdom, understand their own interests too.
an appreciator of other people's merits. I am very "Guided, however, by my own interests, I my! grateful for services received. I am devoted to self am firm in peace and war that are themselves the service of friends. I am, again, especially very unstable. The circumstances under which devoted to thee. For these reasons, O good friend, peace is to be made or war declared are it behoveth thee to re-unite thyself with me. changed as quickly as the clouds change their thou that art acquainted with the truths of form. This very day thou wert my toe. This morality, it behoveth thee not to cherish any very day again thou wert my friend. This very suspicion in respect of me." day thou hast once more become my enemy.
Then the mouse, reflecting a little, replied with Behold the levity of the considerations that
these words of grave import :-"Thou art exceed. move living creatures. There was friendship
ingly kind. But for all that, I cannot trust thce. between us as long as there was reason for its
I tell thee, O friend, the wise never place themexistence. That reason, dependent on time, has
selves, without sufficient reason, in the power of passed away. Without it, that friendship has also
& foe. Having gained his object, the weaker passed away. Thou art by nature my foe. From
of two parties should not again repose con-. circumstances thou becamest my friend. That state of things has passed away. The old state
fidence in the stronger. One should never of enmity that is natural has come back. Through
trust a person who does not deserve to be
trusted. Nor should one repose blind conthy power I was freed from a great danger. Through my power thou hast been freed from a
fidence in one deserving of trust. One should
always endeavour to inspire foes with consimilar danger. Each of us has served the other.
fidence in himself. One should not, however, There is no need of uniting ourselves again in
himself repose friendly intercourse. O amiable one, the object
confidence in foes. In thou hadst has been accomplished. The object
brief, the highest truth of all in reference to I had has also been accomplished. Thou hast now
policy is mistrust. For this reason, mistrust of uo need for me except to make me thy food.
all persons is productive of the greatest good.. I am thy food. Thou art the eater. I am weak.
One like myself should always guard his life from
persons like thee. Do thou also protect thy life Thou art strong. There cannot be a friendly union between us when we aro situated so
from the Chandala who is now very angry." unequally. I know that thou art. hungry. I While the mouse thus spake, the cat, frightened know that it is thy hour for taking food. Thou at the mention of the hunter, hastily leaving the art seeking for thy prey, with thy eyes directed treo ran away with great speed, and the mouse towards me. Thou hast sons and wives. Seeing also sought shelter in a hole somewhere else.
NOTES AND QUERIES. PROPOSALS FOR A GLOSSARY OF INDIAN in attempting to merely translate accounts of RELIGIOUS PHRASEOLOGY.
religious rites, beliefs and superstitions. I propose It has been well observed that the vocabulary
then to attempt the compilation of a Glossary of of ordinary life is almost useless when the region
Modern Religious Terms. of mysteries and superstitions is approached,'in In collecting material for such a Glossary it the case of races in a different stage of civilization will have to be borne in mind that the two great from our own, and the difficulty has been felt religions, Hinduism and Islam, have totally

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different vocabularies, and that it is important to distinguish them.' Indeed, to be on the safe side, it will be best to distinguish all the religions, noting against each term if it is confined to the Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, Muhammadans (Sunnis or Shias), or to any sect or order among these.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
To illustrate what is required, I take a few words from the Glossary of the Multani Language,
1881, and other sources:
Specimens for the Glossary.
Akharha, s. m. - Literally, an arena, a court. Kharha, special meaning, an indigo ground consisting of one or more sets of indigo-vats; the hole into which the water from the vats is run off; and the place where the indigo is dried.
Autark, s. m.-A childless man. Autari, s. f. A childless woman. Panjabi" aut" and" aunt"; -Hindi" ut."
Buhal, s. m. A yearly gift made to a murshid, or spiritual teacher. The murshids go round to their disciples' houses and demand their buhal in the most shameless manner, and even carry off articles by force. If the disciples. are slow in giving, the murshids curse them and pour most filthy abuse on them. Refusals are rarely made. The murshids known as "phulsage
walas," i. e., who give amulets to their disciples,
are notorious for this kind of extortion."
Paluta, s. m. An evil wish, a curse. It is the fear of the Paluta of religious mendicants that makes the people so subservient to them.
Palita, s. m. - A piece of paper on which a murshid writes some words or marks, and which he gives to a person attacked by jins, to drive them away. The possessed person sits with a sheet round him, and the Palita is lighted, bran and harmal are added, and allowed to smoulder under him.
Pareva. (Not traceable in dictionaries.)
Phul, s. m.- (1) Literally, a flower. Phul Chunnan (literally, to pluck flowers) is part of the ceremonies at Muhammadan marriages which are distinct from the religious service. A mirasin places on the bride's head a flock of cotton which the bridegroom blows away. This is done seven times. (2) The bones which remain after the corpse of a Hinda has been burnt and which are collected and taken to the Ganges. (3) An amulet, a charm. The belief in the power of amulets is universal. Those who give, or rather
1 See Panjab Census Report, 1902, ch. VI. § 18, p. 287.
279
sell, amulets are, firstly, Sayyids and Qorêshis, who are considered more pleasing to God than others; secondly, the incumbents of shrines and their sons; thirdly, impostors who can persuade people of the efficacy of their amulets. It is not essential that a person should be either learned or moral to establish his character as a giver of efficacious amulets. Amulets are asked and given for almost every human want or to avert every possible ill, and to cure every kind of sickness. The following are the most common:- (1) Bilanin da phul. A charm to win the heart of a woman. (2) Dushmani da phul. To make two persons quarrel, especially a married couple, and the husband to divorce his wife. (3) Halakat da phul.To make an enemy die. (4) Nazar da phul.-To avert the evil eye. (5) Mati da phul.To produce much butter in the churn. (6) Sinhari da phul. The charm of the churndasher to attract all the butter in his neighbours' churns into his own. (7) Mula da phul. - To avert "mula," a blight. Amulets are written on pieces of paper and on leaves, and sometimes consist of legible words as "ya Allah," but more often of unintelligible signs. The price paid is called "mokh," and whenever the desired result is attained a present is made in addition.
Pokhu, omen (Western Panjabi). Bhara
pokhu-wala, a child born under a good omen. Halka-pokhu-wala, a child born under a bad
omen.
Topu Jopu, Kangra. (Meaning unknown.)
Chapri, s. f. A small flat piece of wood about a span long and of the width of a finger. Spiritual guides, "murshids," sell to their dis ciples Chapris of ak wood with the following words written on them: "Ghark shud lashkar-iFarundar darya-i-Nil "Drowned was the army of Pharoah in the river Nile." The disciples wear these Chapris round their necks as prophylactics against remittent fever.
Chung, s. f. (1) A handful; (2) that share of the crop which under former Governments was paid to the kotwal or incumbents of shrines either by Government or land-owners. It is still given in some parts to incumbents of shrines.
Chhanchhan, s. m. (1) The planet Saturn, Saturday; (2) a small mound at the cross streets of towns on which Hindus offer oil and lamps on Saturdays in order to avert the evil influence of Saturn. Sindhi, "Chhancharu "; Hindi, "Sanichar." "Chhanchhan bale Kul bala tale," 1 Cf. phul below.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1903.
when chhanchhan burns, all calamities are Soran, v. a.-(1) To ask aid of saint or averted." Hindas repeat these words as they spiritual adviser; (2) to add fuel to . fire. place the lampe as offerings.
Ganesh, 8. m. - The share of cominercial Chelri, s. f. A woman possessed by a jin, or enterprise, or of the barvest, which is given to the evil spirit. Women bo afflicted repair to certain Brahmans. It is given from the harvest by both religious shrines, - Jalalpur in Multan, Shahr Muhammadans and Hindus. Sultan in Muzaffargarh, Uch in Bahawalpur, Pir Katal in Dera Ghazi Khan, -to have the evil Nirgun, worshipper of God, as opposed spirita cast out. The patients sit together, bare- to burgun, a worshipper of images. (NOF 17 headed, on the ground, and sway about their dictionaries.) arms and bodies to the beating of a drum. An attendent of the shrine goos round beating them
Remarks. with a whip, while another gives them soented oil (phulel), on their heads, and to drink. The
1. The ordinary dictionaries are practically performance ends by the exhausted women being
waelens in this connection. dragged away by their relations. Cholri is the feminine diminutive of chela, disciple. 1 2. The difference in meaning between chelri
and chela will be noted. Has chelri any other Rakhri, s. f. -(Literally, a little protectrix,
meaning P We mny compare Jogni, which, from "rakhan," to keep or guard.) A protecting
though apparently the feminine of Jogi, seems to amulet. The incumbents of Muhummadan
have acquired at least one very different meaning. shrines sell to pilgrims scraps of paper, with the
What are the meanings of Jogni ? name of God or a text written on them, which are inserted in wooden lockets and tied round the 1 3. Apatarak, Avatari, seem clearly derived necke of cattle to protect them from harm. from avatar. A connected word in Gurgaon) is Skeins of cotton or woollen threads are similarly! apagaun, transmigration. Any other connected wold at shrines and worn by pilgrimne round the words might be noted together with their various neck. Hindus also buy skeins of thread from meaninge Brahmans and wear the round the wriste. All such amulets are called Rakhri.
4. It is of special importance to note all the
words for life,' soul,'' spirit,' etc., with all their Rangin, s, f.- (1) The vesseel in which cloth is
seel in which cloth 18 meanings.
meanings. dyed ; () a bath of heated sand. At the shrine of Pir Jahanian in the Muzaffargarh district people 5. Terms like panth, phirka (P sect), dhune, suffering from leprosy or boils get the incumbent to maf (P order), gachha, gana (P), amani (Pashto), prepare baths of heated sand in which the diseased etc., have bitherto been translated at random. part or the whole body is placed. The efficacy of A complete list of all the words denoting a relithe remedy is ascribed to the saints
gious sect, order, or school is wanted, with a
precise definition of each. Sami, s. 1.-The niche or shell in the western side of a Muhammadan's grave. The corpoe lies 6. Words for religious offerings, rites, spells, in the Sami with its head towards the north and charms, spiritual beings, - in short, all words its face to the west. Hindustanis and Panjabis connected with religion and popular beliefs use the Arabic "lahad" for a grave-niche. might be included.
Sava, adj. - Green, grey. The feminino form 7. I should be glad to receive lists of savi is euphemistically used by Muhammadans for religious terms, with such notes on each word as bhang. Hindus, also avoiding the name bhang, can be conveniently sent on the lines of those call it skha, the pleasuruble. (The Jogis call quoted above from the Multani Glonary. bhang, bijia or Shinji-ki-buti, and charas they call suta. These various names for hemp are of
H. A. ROBE; interest and a complete list is wanted.] Baga, s. m.- A thread or rag given by spiritual
Superintendent of Ethnography, Punjab. advisers to disciples as a charm against evil. They exact a price for each.
July 21st, 1902.

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JULY, 1903.)
GRANT OP KUSUMAYUDHA IV.
281
GRANT OF KUSUMAYUDHA IV. BY C. BENDALL, M.A., M.R.A.S., PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT, CAMBRIDGE. CHIS inscription is now edited for the first time. Its existence was discovered by me during my
stay at Haidarabad (Dekhan) in March 1999, when the original plates were lent to me from the Treasury of H. H. the Nizam, to which they belong, for the purpose of poblication. They number five and measure 61 by 38". As is usual also in the case of MSS., the first and last were originally written on one side only ; but apparently somewhat after the main document was finished a few lines of Telugu were added in a different handwriting. The language is otherwise Sanskrit. All the rims are slightly raised. The ring is about thick and 5' in diameter. The seal securing the extremities of the ring is obliterated. It seems to have been oval. The characters are those of Chalukya inscriptions of abont the eleventh century or later ; compare Burnell, South Indian Paleography, Plates VII. and VIII., and Bühler, Indische Palaeographie, Table VIII., cols. v. to vii. The more remarkable forms of letters, as far as they can be indicated without a plate, which hardly seems to be called for, are as follows:- A (initial) is of the general form shown in cols, ii., iv., and viii. of Bühler's Table already cited; but it very closely coincides in shape with I, so closdly indeed that the shape of both letters will be best seen by reference to the forms of that letter in the Table cols. xii. and xv., linc 37. The has often a long flourish to the left, as in col. vii., line 25, of Bühler, VIII. ; in one case (Pl. I., 1. 6) the flourish is curved round so far, over the top of the letter, that the characteristic angular addition at the top, used in the Telugu country, is placed not immediately over the main part of the letter bat over the flourish. In the matter of orthography we may notice (e. g., l. 42) the use of the labial-sibilant, rare, I think, at so late a date. The lingualr and I are duly employed in Dravidian forms. A few mistakes are corrected in the text. The chief are:-n for (1.5); th for 6 (1. 7); th for t (1. 8); but ita for ttha in 52 ; ji for bi (44); vri for ori (51). The more confused spellings are duly recorded in the footnotes.
I regret that I have not identified the localities recorded in the grant. Kondapalli (1. 23) ought to be the Condapilly "1 of the Indian Atlas, near Bezwada; but I cannot find satisfactory traces of the other place-names anywhere near This Kondapalļi and also the persons addressed in the grant are described as in the region or district (rishaya) of Mamchikonda.
The most interesting featore of the record is the mention of a new line of rulers claiming to be allied to the Chalukyan. The branch of the family was called the Madugonda-Chalukya of Mudugondu (11. 8, 9). The founder of the dynasty was Kokiraja whose brother (not named) conquered Chiyyaraja The Polakési and Rañamarda mentioned in the earlier part of thu inscription are possibly ancestors of the queen-mother, Achidêvi. Tbe pedigree runs thus :
Kókirája. Kusumayadha (1.).
Bijayita. Kusumayudha (II.].
Vijayaditya. Kusumayudha (III.).
Nijjiyaraja --Achidėvi.
Malbaduraja,
Lobhachalaka. Kusumayudha (IV.]
(donor of present grant). Especially as this Condapilly' was once in the Nizam's dominions. Mogala (some 5 miles NE. of Bhimavaam) is noted by Sewell as an ancient place; but the surrounding names in the Indian Atlas, sheet 94) give no help.
? See note 23 below.

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-
The record is a grant of the village of Mogalachuruvulu, free of taxes, to the brahman Doneys of the Katsita gôtrs at the winter solstice of a year not specified.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Svasti Srimatâm sakalabhuvana-samstûyamat2 mán-Manavya-sagôtránán HArfti-putrâņam 8 Kausild-vara-prasada-labdba-rajyânâm-MátriA gapa-paripálitânån Svâmi-Mahasena5 paid-Anudhyâtânań bhagavan-Narayana (os)6 prasada-samasadita-vara-vara[ra]ha-lam7 chchhan-ekshana kshana-Vathi(6)krit-ârâti-mandalánam-- 8 ávamadh-avabhritâ(tha)-snâna-pavitriksita-vapushâm-Madu9 gonda-Chalukyanam kulam-ala[m]karishņu[**] Mudugondu
Second Plate ; first side. 10 ru-va(vá)stavyaḥ Kiki-raj-anaje[bo] senant-kpi11 tya 4 kshôņió jugôp-åpratiâsanah (1"] 12 Ohtyyardjath vinnirfjittya(vinirjitya) gribitam Garu13 da-dhrajaın [*] Ravaņôrjjita-Vêta14 la-dbvajaṁ chaisme(smai) ni(nya)vêdayat (1) Ayodhya?16 sinhasana-rajya-chibnah parairwayo 16 dhyo vijigishuradhyab (1) bbrâtrâ hyaraksha
Second Plate ; Second ride. 17 nenikhilân-dharitrin-nishkantak kritys 18 Kokirajah [11] 18 Polakosir-spy-avadid-anujân-pratibaddha(ddha)-pattama 19 vanta mat-patra-paatrâņâm=iti samanta-sannidbau [11] 20 tatri-avayê bhúpatir avirasid-rane, 21 shu Ram Rapamardda-nimi ] yat-kanyikan 29 châru-Ohalukya-vaso dhatte hridi shva kulade23 vatath chia [11] Mamohi-konda-vishayam-manoharam Ko24 ndapallimachakram-âgatas-tatra tatra nava-
sa25 ni kritar(tkrn) grâma-sampadam-adh(th)-anva(nu)bhuktavan [11"]
Third Plate ; first side. 26 Koki-raja vairiniņnirijitya 10 tat-sutân=a[na]mya 27 npipavarah tat-sunuh Kusumayudhaḥ tad-d28 tmajó Bijayitah tat-eutah Kusumayu29 dho vinitajanasrayah tat-suto Vijaya30 dityoh tat-sutaḥ Kusumayudhah 31' tat-pitâ Malbadu-rajab tad-anuj8 Lobhache82 Jakah (1) tasyll&grajo Nijjiyaraja-nama babháva 33 vir dhřitabhůmi-bharaṁ (rah) D] yad-angam-alokya sa
From the original plates
* Read atdyamana. . Probably metriol (Slöln).
• Employed confusedly for some word of subduing. + Metre : Upajati.
• Reed probably 108. Metro Rathoddhati. In the second line achakram is an exceptional soangion in later Sanskrit. 10 Read vaiyin nirjitya.
+ Metre : Upajati.

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GRANT OF KUSUMAYUUHA IV.
283
Third Plate; second side. 34 Kamadevð manye svaya lajjitavên-ana[6]gah [11] 35 anêna rájña svayam-Achidovyar babhava 36 vîrah Kusumayudho-yam [lo] yadhasvarêņ12-Am37 bikayân13 Kumaralı kula-dvayê kirtti38 dharð rangrab [1] lâvanya(nya) vin-indur=8-Indya 39 tējasetathapi bhûpa Kusumayudh-akhyam [1] višesha40 t(tó) n-ânukarôti nityam paksha-dvayê=py-akshara41 chara-kirtti[m] [11] 88 Kusu[ma]"yudhab-parama
Fourth Plato; first side.15 42 malo mabêávarah-params-brahmanyA17 Mamobikonda43 Vishaya-nivîsind rashțrakůta-pramukhamll - 44 kutumji(bi)nas-samkhya(hu)y-ettbam-ajñapayati []" 45 Katsita-gôtraya Doneyagarmma46 ņa(nb) vidava(tha ?)daga 10-paragâys atta47 rayana-nimit[t]ê Mogaluohu(vu Pravulu48 nima-grama[m] sarva-kara-pariharkitys ma49 yê dattam viditam-astu vab [1]
Fourth Plate ; second side. 50 Asy-avadhayah [1] pârvataḥ Munnashaka-pola-mêra(re)51 y-arijana-vri(vri)kshe adhômukhe sfmasilah 20 () Agnêyatah Kro52 vveru vals pola-mora asvatta(ttha)-vrikshe na(P)kopa-st!e(ma) 58 silah [0] daksbiņatah koravi-pola makara-ku54 nda-ima-silah (0] nairfitya[ta®]h (?)tai(1) lu-kahétra (0) 55 pascimatah Luvvu-sila simam [*] vâyavyatah Pala56 rum bâlagandi-síma-silah [18] uttaratah Tividi-giri [] i.. 57 sanyata[b] Navalametta-sîma-silah [1] uttarayana(na)58 nivi(mi) ttam=manana donamayyam muppandru
Fifth Plate ; first side. 59 brahma nulaku-bhara nah(Pasm) buge siri madhvašajah-para60 mahipati jasca pâpâd-spêtamanasa bhuvich (bha)vi61 bbûpâh yo palayanti mama dharmmam-idam samasta[m] têsh[am ] 62 maya viracbitorjalir-esba mûdôh [1] svadattam paradattár 63 vâyo harêti(ta) vasuddha(ndha)ran shashtim varkbasahatran 22 64 vishtA(shthâ)yâṁ ja(ja)yatê krimi[b] bhúmim yah-pratigrihna(hņa)ti 65 yasya bhumim prayachchhati [0] ubhau tau panyakarmånau niyatau 66 svarggayâsinau sâmânyô=yam dharma-sêtu[r] ngipana(pa) kâle kale 67 palantyô bhavadbhil saryên-êtâm(tên) bhavinal pêrtivendrah . 68 yô bhûyê ya(y) chatê Râmabhadrah yasya yasya yada bhůta[] bhu69 tasya tasya sadam-(tada)-pe(pha)lam [1] Sna da ore julat oya kha bha11 Read yathdivaren - . Iivarina of course for Sivna.
18 Here grammar is sacrifioed to metre. 14 An akshara is missed; read probably anindya.
15 The numbering of this plate is incorrect; the figure for 't' having been erroneously placed on the obverse Hide. Possibly the mistake sroNe owing to the erroneous repetition of the syllable ma. 16 Erroneously repeated; compare last noto.
11 Read either onyo or dn. * Possibly to be deciphered as an ; in any ose to be understood as dn.
A proper name or corrapt word (vidalhao ?). > Beveral other oorraptions of smd414 appear below. 11 muda ? : varshasahandai.
* parthipendran.

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Firth Plate; second side. 70 raņa Donamayyura me lovajulako 71 luku Bhima naku sasana jukanda 72 rivi nanatka salata na bunu 73 ri ru Vațți lå (? a) dų pnţtuva (?)da 74 vadu pațţa râjamânam=i75 chche [11]
TRANSLATION Hail 24 the family of the Madugonda-Chalukyas are glorious, belonging to the gôtra of the Mânavyas praised through all the world; who have acquired sovereignty by the excellent favour of Kausiki; who have been cherished by the assembly of the Mothers; who meditate on the feet of Svâmi-Mabâsêna; who have the territories of their foes made subject to them instantly at the sight of the excellent sign of the Boar, which they acquired through the favour of the holy Narayana ; ani who purified their bodies by ceremonial bathings after aśvamêlhas. Ready to adorn this family, the younger brother of Kokiraja, living at Mudugonduru, after subduing the earth protected it, (himself) subject to the behest of none. (L. 12) After winning from Chiyyaraja his captured Garuda-banner and his Vêtâla-banner mighty as Råvaņa, he thus announced to him : - My brother Kokirkja, flourishing, victorious, irresistible to bis foes, bearing the insignia of royalty of an irresistible throne, has become the guardian of the whole world, now that he has weeded it of his enemies. Polakósi too declared to his brethren in the presence of his vassals that they were to support the encircling diadem of his sons and grandsons.
(L. 20) In his lineage appeared a very Râma in battles called Ranamarda, whose daughter the fair race of the Chalukyas cherishes in their heart and as a family-goddess. He came to the delightful region of Mamohikonda, to Kondapalli, untraversed by wheels, 27 and in his turu enjoyed the fortune of the town to which then and there a new proclamation was granted.
(L. 26) Kokirkja, when he had conquered his foes and brought their sons low, was the chief of kings. His son was Kusumayudha (1.), whose son was Bijayita. His son was Kusumayudha (II.), a refuge to the lowly; his son was Vijayaditya; and his, Kusumayudha (III.). His father was Malbaduraja, whose youngest brother was Lábhachafaka. His eldest brother was named Nijjiyaraja, a hero who bore the burden of the world. Kamadeva the bodiless god when he beheld his form felt himself put to shame, I trow. That monarch had as a son by (his consort) Achidovi the present Kusamayudha (IV.), fierce in battle, renowned in two races, just as Lord Siva begot on Ambika Kumâra. The moon is beauteous, and blameless her radiance; yet she follows Dot especially king Kusnmayudha; for he bas fair glory undimmed for ever, in one fortnight even as in the other.
(L. 41) This Kusumayudha (IV.), the great lord of high brahman lineage, hereby summons the inhabitants of the district of Mamchikonda, headed by the Ráshtrakaļas, being householders, and thus orders them : - Be it known to you that I have given to the brahman Doreya of the Kutsita 3 gôtra, wbo has reached the furthest shore of....., the village called Mogaluchuruvulu on the occasion of the winter solstice and have. hereby freed it of all taxes." [Boundaries specified ; and followed by epic verses of imprecation. The boundaries are: E. Mannashaka; S. E. Krovveru°; 8. Koravio; S. W. Otailu (1); W. Luvru ; N. W. Palúmru°: N. the hill Tividi; N. E. Návulametta.]
# See Vol. VII. 17 above, where the exordium is the same. * It would be tempting to read Ayodhya(-ka), 'throne of Oude,' and thus got a pun instead of tautology. 36 The phrase contains a curious mixture of oratio obliqua and directa. 17 Or, if we read avakrams for achakram, straight to Kondapalli.' * So the Sanskrit ; but son must apparently be meant ; le Malbadu-raja be a title of Vijayaditya. - Not know Ma gôtra-Dame: but doubtless a connection with the rishi Kutsa is intended.

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THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
285
THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
BY THE LATE PROF. C. P. TIELE,
(Translated by G. K. Nariman.) (Continued from Vol. XXXI. p. 378.)
ORAPTER II. Earliest History of the Zoroastrian Religion - Introduction - Geography,
Ethnography, and General History of Iran, With the Medo-Persians and their near kinsmen the Baktrians or East Iranians, who for close on three centuries' followed the Babylonians and Assyrians in the suzerainty of Western Asia, and who, albeit for a brief space and with little success, overran Egypt and Greece, there enters on the stage of universal history an Aryo-European or Indo-Germanic nation to play on it à not inconsiderable part. The territory it occupied in its prosperous times stretched from the Caspian Sea to the Araxes, and the Oxus, the sea of Aral in the North, and the Hindu Kush, the table-land of the Pamirs, and the Indus and its tributaries in the East, as far as the Erythrian or Persian Gulf in the South, and Elam, Babel, and Assyria in the West. It is usually denominated Iran, s. e., the land of the Iranians or Aryans, and the most important parts of which it is made up are Persia, Greater Media or Media Proper, Lesser Media or Atropatane, Parthia, and Baktria, together with the Eastern provinces. Elam or Susiana is, too, frequently included therein. It is, ag contrasted with the fertiie colony watered by prodigious torrents in which the Semites settled, a mountainone country traversed by scanty rivers, with an extremely unstable climate,- here and there, and particularly in the valleys, a considerably fertile but mostly ungrateful soil, which exacted enormous exertion from its children. For the greater part it is arid, an extensive waste separating the west from the east. But the eastern regions are distinguished by fruitfulness and a temperate clime; while many of them may be esteemed as true paradises. We shall observe that this nature of the lands of Iran is co-related not only with the manner of its inhabitants, but has also influenced the character of their religion Herodotus extols the sagacity of Cyrus, who, to the suggestion of Artembares and certain others of the nobility for an exchange of their poor and parched habitat for a more productive and affluent country when it was in their power to do so, said in reply that they would then degenerate from the rulers into the ruled. Thus the Greeks perceived, and may be the Persians too, that the nature of the soil and the climate of the country had made a shrewd, hardy, warlike race of them, a race which for a time dominated the civilized world. These natural characteristics are reflected in the prosaic, practical, and severely austere moral trend of the Zaratlaushtrian religion.
** [In this Chapter, when a pair of names is joined by a hyphen, the first indiontes tha Avesta and the second the oorresponding Indian term: 6.9., in Haoma-Soma, Haoma is the Avesta expression and Soma the answering Yedio equivalent. - Te.)
0 Herodotus, 9. 122. Artembares, the grandfather of this Artayotee who was hoisted aloft, was the person who originated a remark which the Persians adopted and con the sovereign power to the Persians, and among men, to you, O Cyrus, by overthrowing Astyages ; as we possess a small territory, and that rugged, some, let us remove from this and take possession of another, batter. There are many Dear ont confines, and many at a distanee. By possessing one of these we shall be more admired by most mon, and it is right that those who bout rule should do 50; and when shall we have a better opportunity than when we have the command of many nations and of all "Asia"? Oyrus, having board these words, and not admiring the proposal, bade them do Bo; bat when he bade them, he warned them to prepare henceforth not to rule, but to be ruled over; for that delicate men spring from delicate countries, for that it is not given to the same land to produce excellent fruits and men valiant in war. So that the Persians, perceiving their orror, withdrew and yielded to the opinion of Oyras; and they chose rather to live in a barren country, and to command, than to oultivate fertil. plains and be the slayes of others, --TB.)

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Ethnography. The people, after whom the land is called Iran in contradistinction to the Turanian countries, and who rose to be the ruling nation, had not been always dwelling there. They gradually supplanted more primitive tribes, whom they to all appearance did not hunt down, but in a great measure absorbed in themselves. They designated themselves Aryans, just as the Indians discriminated their own people by the same appellation from the rest of the masters of the Indian peninsula. In the Avesta occasionally we come across Aryans and Aryan territories. The Achæmenides prided themselves on their being not Persians merely, sons of Persians, but also Aryans, sons of Aryans, and, as already remarked, the Medes, according to Herodotus, were previously called Apol. It does not follow from this that the Medes were the only ones to bear the name, because the historian was unaware that other septs, too, laid claim to it. Even the sparse Ossites 57 of the Caucasus, who speak an Iranian tongte, assume the denomination of Ison. Aryan signifies noble - those born of pure blood, the ingenui. Whatever the diversity of the idioms they employ, in actuality and at least originally they composed but one language. Its dialects fall probably into two large groups, of which one had spread from Afghanistan in the South over the whole East Iran and the North. To it, inter alia, belonged the idiom of the Avesta or the Baktrian, while the other swayed the West, that is, to speak with greater precision, Media and Persia. Sufficient data are ' by no means forthcoming to regard the Avestaic speech as that of Media. To judge by the names of the Medes familiar to us, this dialect need not bave radically differed from the Persian. This conjecture is confirmed by the fact that the huge inscriptions which Darias Hystaspes had incised on the rock of Bebistan, like those in Persia Proper, have been composed in old Persian, new Susian, and Assyrian or Babylonian tongues. Had the current language of Media been totally other than the Persian, he would have substituted the latter by the former. For the assumption that the second of the languages in question was Median is grounded on misapprehension. It is assuredly the language of Susisna, most intimately akin to the Elamite, in which likewise inscriptions are preserved in two dialects, one more archaic than the other. Now it is quite possible that the aborigines of Media, subjugated by the Aryans, employed a language of the same family with the Elamite; bat in the time of the Achæmenides and the Aryan supremacy it was unquestionably not the recognized speech of the country. The domination of Media was Aryan. The names of the vast majority of kings of whom Herodotus makes mention, and some of which recur in the old Persian cuneiform inscriptions, go to prove this. Oppert's attempts to explain the names presented by Ktesias (in lieu of those of Herodotus) by means of the Susian, i.e., the so-called Median, must, despite all the ingenuity expended over them, be reckoned abortive.
In reference to religion all Iranians constituted a real unity - we leave ont of account presumably local peculiarities, - although there is little about them which we know with absolute certitude. And in antiquity, unity of faith usually goes hand in hand with uniformity of language. They all adopted, if not without nodifications, the Magdayasna creed. Auramazda is to Darius and his successors, as in the Avesta, the Supreme Deity, the Creator of all, notwithstanding their, perpetual veneration aloug with Him of local divinities in pursuance of local tradition. And howsoever Cyrus and Kambyses, as conquerors of alien dominions, may have shaped their Church policy, there are no grounds to warrant the supposition that they were not adorers of Mazda. The Mogians, a Median sept according to Herodotus, were for both the nationalities the sole and legitimate leaders of the cultns and the guardians of religious usage. Without them no sacrificial rite could be validly performed. This clearly indicates that in this respect the Medians were not distinguished from the Persians. In this regard they were differentiated from the other Iranians - at least from those among whom the Aresta originated. Among the latter the sacerdotal class are styled Atharvane, or firo-priests, a designation which Strabo still met with in Capadocia. The name of the
01 (Dr. Hubohmann contributes a dissertation on their language to the Grundriss der Iranischen Philologio.
Ts.]

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Magi in the sense of priests does not occur in the Avesta.52 The prevalence, however, even in Media of the Zarathushtrian religion is inferable from the names of two of the most considerable kings, Fravartis and Uvakhshatara (Phraotes and Kyaxeres), names which both connote unmixed MazdoZarathushtrian ideas, to wit," the professor" and "the promoter of growth." And they undeniably held sway in the East and North of Iran, where lay at all events most of the lands which the first Fargard of the Vendidad enumerates as created by Ahura Mazda for his worshippers and provided with all blessings. Moreover, the legendary accounts transfer to Atropatene the birthplace of Zarathushtra. It is admitted on all hands that the service of Mazda was extended as far as Armenia.
We have naturally no records of the religion of the Iranians anterior to the genesis and introduction of Zarathushtrianism. But that it was the same in all the tribes may be considered certain. The Iranians constituted one of the two septs of the Aryans, of which the Indians were the other. And we purpose to show that both originally were adherents of a common worship; wherefrom it directly follows that the ancient religion of the Iranian tribes, apart from loca divergences, was one and the same, being a ramification of the more primitive Aryan faith.
When and whence the Aryans immigrated into Iran, and how thoy diffused themselves over the country is, a problem admitting of no conclusive solution. At first it was held that the opening chapter of the Vendidad furnished a clue to it. In this catalogue of countries, 63 beginning with the lands of the Argan fraternity and ending with the valleys of the Indus and the Rangha or Xexartes, some read a narrative of the exodas of the primordial Aryan settlers in Iran. Others combat this view on diverse grounds, and, inter alia, because of the inclusion in the list of mythical territories. But the latter objection is yet far from substantiated. Aryanom Vaejo, the Aryan stem-land, is decidedly not a fancifal region, notwithstanding that latterly, and also to the glossators of the Fargard, it became a legendary land, the rendezvous of Ahura Mazda, Yima, and Zarathushtra-in other words, a paradige: It is a very real country where the weather is unendarable, and which on that accoant appears to have been abandoned of men. Subsequently the phantasy of latter-day generations came to glorify it. Varena, too, though we are anable to verify its site, is as much or as little imaginary as the ancient countries figuring in the military annals of Egyptian and Assyrian princes, the sitaation of which is obscure to ns. Nor is it to be relegated to the domain of the unreal because it was the theatre of the legends of Thraetona and Azi Dahaka. For in that case Babel, too, were a mythical city, where another passage locates Azi Dahaka's abode. And how many myths of antiquity do not allude to actual and extant places? The explanation above referred to seems to me not so untenable. The apparent anomaly with which the author now and again springs from one end of the land to another confirms me in this hypothesis. Did we but reflect on the regions whose situation is established, we should get a clear notion of the gradual expansion of the nation. Issuing from Airyanem Vaejo, where colonization was first sought, the Aryans settle in the desolate Saghdha, or Sogdiana, and progress onward to the neighbouring Margiana and Nisaca, 56 from the last named to Harrina, the Areia of the Greeks and modern Herat; thence to Vakereta, which is probably Kabul, and to Harakhraiti, the modern Helmend. Between
12 The only passage, Yama 65, 7 (Spiegel, 64, 25), where it is supposed to be found must be interpreted differently. See the Monograph Over de Oudheid vant Avesta, bla. 8.
[Mill's version of the passage is admittedly based on the Pahlavi gloss.- TR.]
o [Of the sixteen lands, nine are identified with certainty. For the rest the Pahlavi commentary is our only guide.-8. B. E. IV. 1 18. Dr. W. Geiger'a Geographaie con Iran in the Grund. Iran. Phil. is a storehouse of oondensed information and completely quotes the literaturo. As regards modern Persia, even in point of geography, Lond Carzon's work stands pre-eminent. - TE.]
Note that here we have obviously to deal with a Colony; the Aryan land is called not Sughdhs, bat Gava which is in Sughdha. The chapter oontains more similar expressions.
4 Nisaea is said to lie between Bakhdhi and Mouru. Literally this is not correot. May it not indicate that it was oolonized by emigrants from both ?

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whilos settlements were attempted in the Northern Hyrkania and the adventurers had wandered forth up to Ragha.
Next follow, to omit the unidentified Varena and Chakhra (conjecturally both lay somewhere in the vicinity of the Caspean Sea), the Haptâ Hindu in the South-east, and Ragha, which latter, a land of inclement cold, must have occapied more northern latitudes. Be that as it may, the document the editor of the Fargard employed to his edifying end bears every trace of honry antiquity. It exhibits the geographical horizon of the original author in its entirety. His Iranian world does not extend beyond. Media and Persia were situate outside of these limits.
History. The above exposition derives corroboration from the records of the wars of the Assyrian kings. Several times they made incursions, and prior to the Babylonian conquerors, far into Media. Though they did not completely overthrow it, they pursned the object of terrorizing the populace by ceaseless raids and predatory inroads, and there founded sporadic colonies. Now well nigh all the names of the Median localities and tribes they mention have a non-Aryan ring about them, at any rate till the reign of Saragon II. This evidences that the bulk of the Aryans before the eighth century B. C. had not pressed forward so far to the west. Still we encounter stray exceptions. In near propinquity to the eastern border of Assyria tbe country or the clan of Parsuas is spoken of, which appear to have dwelt east of Elam at the time of Senacherib. Perhaps they were the Persians, though the name might equally be an Assyrian disguise for the Parthavas or Parthians. In the annals of Salamanassar II., ninth century B.O., he relates of a victory over a certain Artasar who lived not far from Parsuas, and speaks of a prince of Hubushka, now called Data, and again Datana.66 Both names are certainly Aryan, Tiglatpiesar III. names as the lord of Kummukh, i. e., Kommagene, far in the west, a Kushtaspi, in which uncouth expression we recognize the unmistakable Vishtaspa. Saragon II. captures in Man a Dayaukku, which word he considers a proper name, but which signifies a landgrave dahyuka. A similar oversight we discover in Herodotas who calls the founder of the Median Manarchy Deiokes.67 Finally, Ashurahiddan advanced ap to Patiacharia, Patusharra, the old Persian Patisbuvari, and there waged war oa two ralers whom he denominates Eparna and Siterparna, names in which occurs the Zarathushtrian idea of fraria, the Baktrian kvarena, the sacred gloria. Consequently, the Aryans, though settled in the east and north, appear to have but tardily progressed to the west and south portions of Iran, till at last they grew in puissance enough to establish an empire.
According to an ancient tradition available to the Greeks, Baktris was, previous to the founding of the Median hegemony, & powerful principality with a tolerably advanced civilization. It is hard to account as history a tradition which sonnds highly improbable and which has but a slender basis. However, it is perhaps not altogether groundless and is capable of being sustained by the circumstance that the Aryan at first betook himself to Baktria and the adjoining districts before Media and Persia owned him overlord. Since the explorations of the past few years the remote antiquity of culture has been more and more established, and there is little warrant to urge the impossibility of such domination here and at such an obscure period of the past. An undisputed precedence over other eastern principalities is accorded to Baktria in the Iranian and Indian sources. Better data witness to the existence of the Median dynasty, though we are not left mooh detail. As noted above, Deiokes, to whom Herodotus ascribes the founding of the empire, is in all probability but the title of the landgrave. The
* Black obeliok, line 171 101., 161 and 177. By "Aryan" is meant here by no means "l'orso-Aryan." There were also Aryan or Indo-German Beythians whose language was ovidently akin partly to the Iranian. The name of the country of Khubushka sounds quite soythian.
Comp, my Babylonisch-Airyresche Geschichte, p. 268.

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other names which he specifies, Phraotes and Kyaxares, are good Persian ones, and are familiar to us through the inscriptions of the Achæmenides. A revolutionary ander Darius claims descent from Uvakhshastar (Kyaxares). Another, a Mede, is called Fravertes, and names himself Khshathrita, while obviously he is designated Kashtaritu prince of Media in an Assyrian fragment.58 Presumably, Khshathrita was the last legitimate ruler of Media, and Astyages, whom Nabunaid, the last autocrat of Babel, dubs Ishtuvegu, a Scythian or Kimmerian usurper.
It is definitely known that Astyages was vanquished by Cyrus, and that his own army delivered him up to the Persian conqueror. With Cyrus the stock of the Persians in the first half of the sixth century B. C. assumed paramount power. The Persian dynasts, who, after Hakhamanishya, their ancestor, were known as the Achæmenides, were, it would seem, till now under the subjection of the Median rulers. But while the power of the Medes rapidly declined on account of the incursions and occasional government of the Scythians, hardy Aryan clans hailing from the North, the Persian might constantly increased. Since the time of Cishpis (Teispes) they possessed themselves of Elam, which had previously received from Asurbanipal its coup-de-grace, and thenceforward assumed, by preference, the style of princes of Anzan, at the same time 69 that they were the regents of Persia as well. Cyrus the Great, second of the name, the third according to some authorities, eo was the first king of kings of Persian lineage, who, not content with the homage of all Iranian nations, annexed Lydia to the Asiatic possessions of his empire, and reduced by his victorious arms the whole of West Asia. The sovereignty remained from this time in the hands of the Achæmenides. But after the death of Kambyses II., the son of the Great Cyras, and of the pseudo-Smerdes, Bardia, and of Gaumats, the Magian, the dynasty was transferred with Darius, Daravush, son of Hystaspes or Vishtaspa, to the younger branch. More than once the successor to the throne was not a "lineal descendant but a distant kinsman of the preceding sovereign, and one who waded through blood to the sceptor. This formidable empire, however, despite its bad government, would not so soon have fallen to pieces, had the genius of the general Alexander to cope with a Cyrus or a Darius, son of Vishtaspa, and “the lances of Persian manhood," of which Darius boasted that they had reached far and wide, not been committed to the charge of an incompetent and vainglorious despot, whó, too pusillanimous to die on the battlefield, was assassinated by one of his own satraps. With his fall commenced a new era, not only for the people at large, but likewise for the religion he had professed. The alien hegemony was not propitious to the native faith. Its renaissance was inaugurated with the rise of the Parthian house, which was Iranian. And this religious revival was consummated under the Sassanides. But that lies outside the province of our present research. The historical outline we have presented, and which was our objective, must suffice for a background to the evolution of Zarathushtrian religion down to Alexander. But before we embark on the latter exposition, we have to examine the soil into which the religion struck roots - to inquire (to put it differently) on what anterior worship it was superposed.
2. The East Iranian Religion. Of the religion out of which Zarathushtrianism was evolved, or at least which it superseded, we are left neither original records nor direct accounts. And yet it is possible to picture to ourselves its features, collocating for comparison the religious conceptions and usages of the cognate tribes and establishing their cominon traits. The Iranian's next-of-kin in religion is the
In another Assyrian text he is onllod town-bailiff of Karkarši, and with him is mentioned Mamitiansu, the town-bailiff of the Modes. Comp. my Babylon.- Assyr. Geschichte, p. 984 seq., and especially p. 335, note 1.
In my paper on "Het land anxan-Ausan" (Leyden, 1894) I have endeavoured to establish that Ansan or Ansan here signifies the part of Elam in which lay the capital of Sus. It is well known that this city was the favourite residence of Persian monarobs.
Nöldeke who infors this from Herod. 7. 11. I think that Herodotus presents as one the genealogies of Xerxes and of Oyrus, and places them both by mistake one after the other. See his Aufsätze mur Pernischen Geschichte, P. 15, (These valuable OSBAYI have been contributed in an English version to the Encyclopaedia Britannica.-TE.

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Indian. Both are the two enormous ramifications of a people which distinguished itself from its neighbours by the appellation of Aryan betokening its superiority to them. The languages which the two peoples spoke bear closer affinity than any others of the Aryo-European or Indo-Germanic family of languages to which they belong, especially with reference to their primitive structure. Grammar and vocabulary, phraseology and declension, accord to a degree which compels us to derive them from one and the same antique tongue. Indians and Iranians, then, employed of yore one language which may best be christened Aryan, or, if the term should cover the whole family, the East Iranian. And it directly follows that they at one time dwelt in immediate vicinity, nay, in the self-same locality, and composed but one nation. Where this has been the case we need not inquire here. All manner of conjectures have been advanced and advocated, but not one has till now won universal concurrence. We would have had to be satisfied with the answer "somewhere in Asia," but for the theory which some have enunciated of the European origin. But for us the problem is of subordinate significance. Suffice it to know that Iranian and Indian have been one folk. This postulate will elucidate the striking harmony in their tone of religious thought and will help us exhibit the salient characteristics of their common creed, so far as the vestiges thereof bequeathed to us render the task feasible. It is not germane to our purpose to retrograde still backward and to propound the question whether the entire race which comprehended the Asiatic or East Iranian and kindred peoples constituted whilom a unity not linguistic alone but religious as well.
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But first of all we stand face to face with the suggestion, which seeks to ascertain if whatever of religious basis the two peoples share in common cannot be looked upon as the consequence of a reciprocal intercourse, that is, as concepts and customs which they adopted the one from the other. And as a matter of fact this assumption has been made to explain all the instances. of consonance in mythology and cult, in the names of deities and rites, and thus the mugatory results of the science of comparative religion and mythology are demonstrated, the whole structure erected by the latter with so much ingenuity and erudition crumbling to the ground. Sound strictures these capable of demonstrating the extravagance of the comparative method and the vindication of other methods of exposition, which latter in many a case strike the right nail on the head.
It is a pity, however, that the new theory falls into exactly the same insularity as the older one and stultifies itself by its extravagance. However that may be in general, borrowing is out of the question in our particular instance. It may be urged the Iranians and the Indians were something more than cognate; they resided in the closest proximity. Their bounds merged into each other at the Indus. Afghanistan affords an apt illustration. The language of this country is Pashtu. We are justified to number it among the Iranian dialects; and yet it so abounds with Indian ingredients that many a scholar has set it down as an Indian dialect, or at any rate an independent tongue very nearly akin to the Iranian.
What holds good of language, may not that have been true of religion in the earlier centuries? There is nothing intrinsically to militate against the possibility. But actually it is precluded. To indicate the most important objections alone: The common traits they disclose, from the religious standpoint, are not of the essence; at least they have no bearing on the more prominent conceptions of the several systems. They relate to the elements allowed on sufferance or those re-admitted after resistance. The points of contact, even when scrutinised individually, point to what we must regard as survivals of a bygone age. And these relics again, when separately examined in either religion, show that they have developed independently and peculiarly. They are at the same time in unison and apart from each other toto caelo. Mutual adoption would have involved, on the part of the Iranians, the assimilation of Indra and Agni; on the part of the Indians the absorption of Ahura Mazda and Vohumano. But Ahura Mazda and Vohumano have remained unknown to the Indians; and as for Indra,

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to the Iranian he is of the realm of the evil. What most claims our attention is that there is so much that is the same in the two creeds, but which in spirit and nature is wholly antagonistic, standing poles apart. In respect of one point we are doubtful, namely, touching the Haoms-Soma worship. The service of Soma in the Indian cult is a cardinal circumstance, but is 10 only in the later stage of Zarathushtrianism. It is nowhere alluded to in the Gathaic literature. The evident inference, consequently, is that a feature which takes a principal rank in the oldest document of a people, and which rises to importance at a subsequent period in another, is a loan from the former to the latter. Additional force is lent to the deduction when we remember that Haoma does not play anything like so prominent a part among the Iranians, which it enjoys among the Indians; that the Indians have dedicated one entire mandala of the Rig Veda to it in its form of Pavamana; that its votaries, Indra foremost, indulge in boundless potations of the beverage, winding ap with larceny and mortal fracas; and that they have an inexhaustible dictionary of its honorific epithets and a vast number of compounds, one of whose components is represented by Soma. The Iranians, on the contrary, are poor in this respect, less lavish, sparing even to parsimony in conferring titles on Haome. To the Soma-imbibing Indians we find no parallel in the Avesta. It at the same time merits attention that in the solitary passage in all the Gathaic texts where Haoma is mentioned, in the later addendum to the Yasna Haptanghaiti 01 we simultaneously come upon the Atharvans or Fire-priests "who come from afar." All this tends to make one suspicious as to the Soma-Haoma doctrine and as to the cult of it being the relic of the East Aryan epoch. It is indubitable that the East Aryans were acquainted with an immortalizing drink, for we find it among the Iranians, and it is equally traceable to the old Aryan or Indo-Germanic age. The myths and customs under consideration are at once ancient and universal. Their vestiges can be traced even to the nonAryang. I am speaking only of the peculiar shape with which they are invested in the SomaHaoma latria, and this form I am inclined to get down as comparatively later. Again, I am not of opinion that the Iranians adopted the Haomo direct from the Vedic Indians, and that "the Atharvans who came from afar" proceeded from the opposite bank of the Indas. It were then not so fundamentally divergent in its agreement with Soma, nor would it have been evolved so independently in Iran. And in that case it were not easy to differentiate it from Indra and Twahstra. In all probability the parent-land of the Haoma-Soma worship has to be sought on the Iranian river Harakhvaiti, whence it would disseminate itself east, north, and westward. In the name Sarasvati, then, which was bestowed by the Vedic Indians on the invisible stream between the Indus and the Ganges and on the banks of which they originally settled, we would have to look for & reminiscence of the holy river in whose vicinity the peculiar cult arose.62
We now pass on to give a conspectus of the religion of the East Iranians, of the yet inseparate Indians and Iranians.
If they had still clung to a goodly number of animistic ideas and usages, nevertheless their religion was dicidedly polytheistic. The beings they invoked they addressed by a variety of honorific epithets: - The celestials (dera - daeva), the spirits (Asura - Ahura), the affluent donors or lot-dispensers (bhaga, -bagha, baga), the revered (yajata - yazuta). Of these appellations the first two are of the most frequent occurrence in both the creeds; the last two are perhaps more in vogue in one clan than the other. Two of these, deva and bhaga, were current even prior to the East Iranian period, the first being very general, the second at least among the Slav people. Agura has its counterpart in the old Norse Asen, while Yajata is a congener of the Greek ayos.
61 Fama, 42, 5.
6 This coincides with Hillebrandt's conjectarer, Vedesche Mythologie, I. 100. But all his hypotheses oannot be acoepted.

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The divinities were nature-gods, and the sagacity and science with which men credited them must have been taken, to a large measure, for sorcery or a sort of supernatural wisdom not to be acquired in the way of ordinary meditation, a special divine endowment which none but the elect of humanity shared with the heavenly existences. But when these intelligences are credited with a beneficent government (sukshatra - hukhshathra) and are styled selfwilled (sajosha-haxaosha), therein resides the germ of a belief in a definitely-ordained world.
At the head of the supercal world stand seven supreme spirits. And it is not without reason that the seven Adityas of India are thought to answer to as many Amesha Spentas of Iran. We say not without reason because the figure remains constant, notwithstanding the objection that at times more than the well-known seven mentioned by Plutarch are reckoned, and that all the deities recognized as Adityas in the aggregate transcend the namber. An enormous importance attaches to this sacred number in both the religions. To illustrate our claim by a few out of numerous examples, the Indian equally with the Persian divides the terrestrial sphere into seven continents, the dwipas of the one, the Keshwaras of the other; seven sacred rivers which are not to be distingaished from the seven tributaries of the Sarasvati; seven sacred minstrels (Saptarshi) of the Indians, whom the Iranian depicted in the seven stars of Ursa Major (Haptoirenga), and diverse symholical, ritual operations in which the number recurs again and again. The number is both ancient and primival, invested with religious sanctity by both. It has its prototype again in the celestial world. The Zarathushtrian reformers added to the number their supreme spirits, inclusive of Ahura Mazda, but simul taneously replaced a couple of them by others, thus keeping to the original figure. The Indians styled them the sons of Aditi; but reckoned among them likewise Varuna and Mitra and Aryaman, and filled the remaining places at pleasure mostly by personification of abstractions. Now it happens that Varuna, Mitra, and A.ryaman are precisely divinities of a category other than the one which appertains specially to the Vedic mythology and which are revered most in the Vedio period. Varuna, at any rate, takes more after a Semitic than an Aryan god. In his capacity of sovereign and lord of all (Samraj) and controller of the moral system of the world is he the dispenser of precious blessings, but he is at the same time feared as the judge of all transgressions which are brought to his knowledge, however concealed they remain from the eyes of others. To the Iranian, Mithra is principally the avenger of violated faith and the redoubtable guardian of pledge or truth, or compact. In the Vedic panthean the deity is not in her element. Mitra recedes in the background, and, as a nature-god, is supplanted by Indra and others. Only in conjunction with Varana, with whom she forms a Dyad (doandva), she retains something of her importance. Aryaman appears rarely alone in the Rig Veda, much oftener in company of Varuna and Mitra or with one of them or with one or more of the rest of the Adityas, but most commonly with the two first named, and once as forming an intimate triad.63 Mitra and Aryaman are synonyms and properly connote 'friend' and 'bosom friend,' the second oftenest in the sense of 'friend of the bridegroom,' mapa wudros, and this signification is yielded both in the Veda and the Avesta. Accordingly there is adequate ground to claim the inclusion of the three ainong the seven highest in the East Aryan period. The Zarathushtrian reformers elevated others to their position and allotted to Mitra and Aryaman a place outside of the seven. Mitra was the potent divinity of lumination, thrust back in the Gathic period, but so intertwined with the popular beliefs that in a subsequent age he was of necessity reinstated among the Zarathushtrian Yazatas. His office it was to befriend and succour the faithful in fight, and he was, as we saw, protector of Veracity and Justice. Aryaman, whose presence the fraternity desiderate, perhaps was, as the name leads us to surmise, the guardian genius of the Aryan nation, the promoter of their prosperity and the cherisher of
os Rig Veda, VII. 38, 4. Berguigno, Rolegion Vedique, III. 98, and noto to p. 102. [The Avesta form of the god is Mithra, the Vedio form being Mitra. - TR.]

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their fertility. And perhaps we may descry in Varuna the celestial reflex and god-head of the king, in Mitra that of the contumacious nobility, and in Aryaman that of a loyal populace.
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For, that Varuna is of the cycle of the East Aryans reposes on a well-founded hypothesis. We may leave it undecided whether he was so early adored under that appellation or whether this designation is still older and is connected with the Greek Uranos. The first alternative has the weight of greater probability. We believe that the personified abstraction which passes under the name of Varuna in the Vedic times is more primival than the religions, either Vedic or Avestaic. So its absence among the Iranians is tolerably explicable. Such as embraced the Zarathushtrian creed were unable to place another supreme deity in juxtaposition with Mazda Ahura, the omniscient Ahura. In the new scheme Varuna is superseded by a god, who is his equal in several respects, and who, similarly to him, is Ahura (Asura) par excellence. Varana among the Indians was so intimately associated with the ethical and phenomenal world (which they denoted by the word ṛta) that he to a certain extent coincides with the latter, so much so that not without a show of reason is he characterized a personification of rta. Analogously, Mazda is as good as identical with Asha, the Iranian parallel of ṛta, whom the Zarathushtrians have also in a manner personified. Again, as Mitra is associated with Varuna in the Veda, so too is Mitra with Ahura in the younger Avesta. It is neither proved nor probable that this Ahura is another being than Ahura Mazda. There is equally meagre evidence for the supposition that the highest God of Zarathushtrian system has supplanted Dyaus 65 (who is conspicuous by his absence among the Persians), but was not able to supersede the celestial deity Varuna. On the contrary, he unites in himself the importance of both who both are many times curtly styled Asura. But in most aspects Ahura Mazda iz in unison with Varuna, Dyaus is a most primiveel nature-god dating back to anti-East Aryan times. In the Veda he occupies a place in the dogma, but in the liturgical exercitation he has sunk into nonentity. Not, however, that Mazda Ahura is distinguishable from Varuna-Asura only by name. Mazda is a creation of the Zarathushtrian protestantism. But they are too similar the one to the other for both to be simultaneously adored; and thus Varuna bad to yield. When latterly Mitra was transferred from the popular creed to the Zarathushtrian scheme of religion, he could not remain conjoined with Varuna, but must stand in the same relation to Mazda which formerly he occupied with regard to Varuna,67
Recently the hypothesis has been assailed which imputed to the Indo-Iranian the loan of the sacred number seven from the Semites, and which sought to explain the figure by a reference to nothing more than the sun, moon, and the five planets. Varuna (and Ahura Mazda ?) was supposed to be the moon, Mitra the sun, the remaining five the real or apparent minor luminaries. This theory gives
CA In the dual number and in different cases. Yasna, I. 11.
[Mill notes, 8. E. E. XXXI. 199: The star Jupiter has been called Ormuzd by the Persians and Armenians, and it may be intended here, as stars are next mentioned, but who can fail to be struck with the resemblance to the Mitra-Varuna of the Rig-Veda. Possibly both ideas were present to the composer.-TR.]
Yasna, II. 11.
Yasht, 10, 113.
3
[This passage is remarkable as showing the struggles of the faithful with the unbelievers may Mitra and Ahura, the high gods, come to us for help when the poniard lifts up its voice aloud, when the nostrils of the horses quiver. when the strings of the corns whistle and shoot sharp arrows; then the brood of those whose libations are hated fall smitten to the ground, with their hair torn off (S. B. E. XXIII. 148-49). TB.] Atá, in Herod. I. 131, is the accusative of Zeus, not of Dyaus. Herodotus means to express Ahura Mazda. The view here opposed is advanced by P. von Bradke, Dyaus Asura, Ahura Mazda und die Asuras; Halle, 1885. 7 With reference to the whole problem, consult H. W. Wallis, The Cosmogony of the Rig-Veda, p. 100-about Rta and Varuna, ibid. p. 52. See A. Hillebrandt, Mitra und l'aruna; Bobenberger, Der Altindische Gott Varuna nach den Liedern des Rig-Veda, 1893. Spiegel, who first in his Eranischen Alterthumskunde accepted the original unity of the Amesha Spentas and Adityas, has latterly receded from his position. Cf. Die Arische Periode und ibre Zustände; Leipzig, 1887, p. 19, and comp. C. Harles, Les Origines die Zoroastrianisme. The text will show that I am unable to second the latest theories.
Oldenberg, Die Relegion des Veda, pp. 185 and 193 seq. See my notice of it in the Theol. Tigdache, 1895.

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rise to serious doubts. The connection of the seven revolving heavenly bodies with the seven most exalted divinities is not so ancient as is supposed, and their identification has never been made out. Seven highest gods existed much earlier. Besides, the pumber is not Semitic by origin. It is Sumerie ; and in all probability it is an idea as much belonging to the Sumerians as the pre-Semitic nations of West Asia. The sacred number of the Semites was three and also four, but their holiest was the product of the two or twelve. These they discarded in favor of the Sumerian seven, and probably the East Aryans, too, were indebted for it directly to the Sumerian. It is of a trutb remarkable that to the Aryans or Indo-Germans the number seven has had little import. And the Aryans of the Indo-Germans came in contact neither with the Sumerian nor with the Semites.
Beyond these seven, the East Aryans had withal other divinities, the wind-god Vayu, the belligerent god of heaven, the dragon-smiter Vstrahan, who reappears among the Indians a3 Indra and revives among the Persians as the genius of triumph, Verethraghna, and who is not always distinct from Tishtar (the latter's identification with the star Sirius cannot be aboriginal); anil Armaiti who is represented in the Veda and the Avesta as the divine personification of piety and the head of the material world, and whom Zarathushtrians received among the satellites of Ahura Mazda, but who is not reckoned in India among the Adityas. Dyaus, too, must have been worshipped, otherwise the Vedic Indian wonld not have preserved the memory of him.
There are unmistakable marks which point to the cognisance of East Aryans with demi-gods or heroes, if many of them were not already deities, who at & subsequent age were degraded in rank. This fate may have befallen Trita Aptya or Traitans, the Thrita or Thraetona Athwya of the Avesta, originally the same water-god, or rather the god of light contending in the heavenly waters; witness the resemblance of their names and the change of their rôles. And a like fall was not impossibly piperienced by others of the heavenly beings. To the minor divine creatures belong Manu, the lumiferons god and father of mankind, of whom the Veda has a vivid recollection, and the Avesta a fainter one in Manus-Chithra ; Yama, in a measure a duplicate of the preceding, wbom as Yima he wholly ousted in the Aresta, - a mythical king of the primordial humanity since perished, and the judge of the dead; Kșcashva-Keresaspa, the vanquisher of monsters like Thraetona, and mentioned as his son in the legend; finally, Kțshand-Keresani, the archer who watches over the ambrosia and discharges his darts at him who would rifle the same for humanity. Besides, the much older and universally spread legends which Herodotus transfers to Cyrus the Great must already at this period have assumed the shape they present to the Indian and the Iranian. Furthermore, holy minstrels or sages were spoken of as a class of seers or sorcerers (Ravi, Kavya, Kavan), who were endowed with supernatural prescience, and from which class the later Persian tradition has derived an tatire line of sovereigns. Of these were the sapient Ushapas (Kava Usa or Usadhan), his son-in-law Yayati, and his grandson Sushravas (Husravangh). The Indiaus recognize Ushanas as the magician preceptor of the Asuras, he who forged weapons for Soma and Indra and who awakes the dead. With the Iranians, he dominates the demons and makes an unsuccessful attempt at a journey to heaven. This journey the Indians attribute to Yayati. Husravangba is the prince of adventurers, and, in Iran, arenges the death of his grandfather on the Toranian miscreant Franrase. The basis of this folklore must have lain in a period preceding the East Aryan, that is, in old Aryan times, for we are spontaneously put in mind of Daedalus and Wieland the smith.71 If such cunning wizards were reverenced, there were others, fabulous male enchanters called Yatus, whose machinations men
The form of the name in the Aresta is Armaiti, but the metre teaches that it must have been pronounced, also, Aramaiti in the G4tkas. Tie traditional significance of the word is in two places in the Rig Veda , as in the Avesta, "the earth." It ia not relevant here if this interpretation of Sayana is correct. It only shows that people still held fast to this sense even in India.
To About the Vedio Puradhi and the Avestaio Parendi or Parendi, whose identity has been doubled by many, and, among others, by Spiegel, Die Arische Periode, p. 208 seq., compare Pinchel in the Vadische Studion, I. 205, who holds them to be identical and explains as the "fruitful." Tradition accords her dominions over the shades.
11 Roth in 2. D. M. G., II. 223.
Spiegel, Beiträge, IV., 41 meg., and Arische Periode, pp. 281-287

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dreaded, noxious spirits Drubas (Av. Drajas), the spirits of mendacity, and perhaps also the Danavas, fiendish demons who laid snares for man on all sides. Their craft was black magic, a terror to men, and for which they invoked the succour and protection of gods and heroes, but particularly the help of the aforesaid sages. The palm of satanity was assigned, as is evident from the honorific epithet of Vṛtrahan-Verethraghna mentioned above, and which is found among both the peoples, to Vṛtra the fiend, the exponent of the might of darkness. We cannot claim with absolute positiveness that the conflict of light and darkness, between the protectors of humanity and their foes, was not merely mythical and religions, but bore the ethical significance of victory of truth over falsehood and deceit, of right over wrong. The characters of the foremost gods, pre-eminently Varuna and Mitra, go to countenance the supposition. And it is certain that the East Aryans venerated their dead as valiant opponents of cruel spirits (Shûrâsas - Surao) and as the righteous ones (rtavanas-ashaonish) and believed that they tasted of the heavenly water conferring immortality.
295
The concord in the cult of the Indians and the Iranians, characteristic divergences of the religions notwithstanding, shows that the germs thereof are traceable to the East Aryan period. The cardinal or centra point in the cult was, among both, the fire. Only the great fire-god of the Indian bears another name than that of the Iranians. The former name it Agni, the latter Atar. The name Agni is an archaic word, as witness the Latin ignis. But it is more. It designates likewise an ancient Aryan deity; compare Ogün, the name of the Slav or Wendish god of fire. Why it has been extinct among the Iranians can no more be determined; nor do I feel called upon to hazard a guess. They had in common other ancient names of fire and of a sort which never could have denoted fire as such. One was apam-napat, the offspring of water, and Narashansa Nairyosangha, which is usually understood to imply "laud of men," "the eulogized of men." By apam-napat is doubtless meant the lightning dazzling out of the clouds, the medium between heaven and earth, god and humanity. Narashansa is equally a messenger of the deity, in which capacity Nairyosangha figures in the Avesta. But before all, his being the same existence with whom the blest abide in heaven is an illuminating circumstance.72 He is, perhaps, a kind of psychopompus, and his appellation must be interpreted as "he who rules over men, the human habitants of heaven." However that may be, the Iranian god of flames has been called Atar from immemorial antiquity-a name which became obsolete with the Indian, whilst derivatives of it continued to occur. One of these derivatives is Atharvan, fire-priest, which is the Iranians' usual and universal name for priest, but with the Indians as applied only to the primitive mythical servants of fire who brought the element down from the heavens. The fourth Veda is called after it. This Atharva Veda is, as a collection, the youngest, but is the least advanced so far as religious evolution is concerned. Take all this in connection with the impossibility of explaining the word as such out of Iranian languages, and the inference is apparent that the denomination of the fire-god most in vogue in the East Aryan period was Atar, and that of its priest Atharvan. Naturally, all the myths which relate to the heavenly fire and the deity presiding over the element-its origin, its miraculous potency and blessings, the stealing of the celestial fire, which the gods would preserve from men how ancient so ever, and however universally disseminated, are posterior to the ceremonies observed at its ignition, renewal, and perpetual continuance. The ceremonies primarily constituted no cult of fire regarded as a divine existence, but were mystic, magical operations which did not grow into a cult till fire had attained to the dignity of one of the superior powers and its effects were held to influence celestial phenomena as well. And both the peoples have conserved somewhat of its original character in the sacrifices to fire.
12 Vendidad, 19, 31 seq.
Bergaigne perceives in the name the prayer, literally, "the formula of men," which is not in keeping with the Iranian or the East Aryan god's character.
75 Some derive it from ad, to eat, adtar, the eater, the devourer, which at least is not impossible.

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The Indians and Iranians lived in the closest proximity, yet borrowing and imitation on part of either are out of the question with reference to fire-worship. This service has unfolded itself among each of the folks so independently and peculiarly, the legends associated herewith have been developed on such independent lines, that they defy the explanation of mere borrowing. Each instance of similarity must be considered as arguing that the cult was remarkable, even at the epoch of their first existence, for the special veneration of fire. It is, as we saw, somewhat otherwise with the Soma worship. We very much doubt that Soma, the god who derived his name from the intoxicating beverage which was extracted from a plant, and which was diluted with honey, milk, and water, in order to be consecrated to the deity - a drink which was indulged in to intoxication- was an East Aryan god, and that the rite was then in common practice. But our scepticism refers to this particular form or phase alone. The East Aryans were unquestionably acquainted with a hallowed spirituous liquor, of whatever description and name, a counterpart of the celestial draught conferring immunity from death yclept Amṛta, which means ambrosia. This designation the Indians repeatedly bestow upon Soma. The sacred twins Haurvatat and Ameretat represent the food and the drink of the denizens of heaven to the Iranians, and, in fact, are a personification of them. The most ancient mythical priests, the Indian Vivasvat, Yama, Trita Apatya, probably belonged originally to the same class and were subsequently converted into the devotees of Soma, while in İran, Vivanghat, Yima's father, Thrita and Athwya were the oldest adorers of Haoma. But so early as the East Aryan era this beatific inebriation was not unknown. In it the unsophisticated natural man beheld a new and loftier life, invigoration of heart and energy, superhuman inspiration, but, before all, a way to prevision, prescience, and wisdom transcending human faculties. The term which they employed to express this mental condition, mada (Av. Madha),74 has, with but a slight modification, the like significance for both the nations, and hence it cannot but have been in vogue at the time of their co-inhabitance.
[JULY, 1903.
It goes without saying that the latria of fire and the worship of the drink of immortality as a divine existence, and the magical operations appertaining to it, did not originate first in the East Aryan period. Without having recourse to the maze of comparative mythology one may take it for demonstrated that both the forms of the cult date from anterior times. Even though not a few of the corresponding features which the mythologists flatter themselves to have discovered in all Aryan or Indo-Germanic fables,75 relating to the god of fire and the celestial potion, are not free from suspicion and objection; there remains a good deal which has been positively established and which points out that the roots of these concepts and customs lie deeper than in the Indo-Iranian stratum. There is no dearth of indications permitting the assumption that the existence of these forms of the cults extend beyond the Aryan world and warranting the conjecture that the worship of Dionysos, a divinity of fertility and of higher life as the consequence of a supernal beverage, has emanated from the Semites, or that even they had it a loan from a preceding civilization. Let us not, however, trench upon this far removed region. Here we have only to exhibit that both the cults constituted but one form among the East Aryans, and that it has prolonged its term of life into the Indian and Iranian ages, though it has had a development proper to itself in each people and has by consequence been subjected to alterations.
In the sacrifice the central point was the prayer, the spoken word. "invoker, the supplicator," which designation is retained in the Indian
The priest is called the hotr, 76 Iranian zaotar.
74 This word occurs as early as in the Gathas The traditional interpretation of it is "sagacity," "knowledge," but it can only mean the supernatural "science" which results from the inspiration consequent upon the intoxicnting drink. As for madhu, "sweet," - German meth, English "mead" which is employed to signify Soma as well as honey and wine, it is either another word, or, according to Weber (Vedische Beiträge in Sitz. Ber. der K. Akad. Berlin, 1891, p. 13 seq.), the same word used only latterly in this sense.
15 Kuhn, Die Herabkanft des Feuers und des Gottertranks bei den Indogermanen.
16 Hoty can be derived from hu, to pour out (sacrificial drink), as also from ht, to express, to pray, and the latter agrees with the primary meaning of the term for priest.

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And both the folk have from the remote past, when they were one people, preserved. variety of technical expressions along with these names, - terms connected with the invitation to the offering, the presents and their bestowal, the axioms, the prayers, the hymns, the adoration and glorification of ethereal existences, the consecrated water, the operation of the sacrifice and the physical state in which they must be conducted. So much as the very quaint views like a belief in the purificatory virtue, in . religious sense, of the urine of cattle which were necessarily sacred animals from immemorial antiquity, and the solicitude with which the desecration of fire and water was avoided are alike shared by the Indian and the Iranian, which shows that they have been transmitted from the ages of their unity.
But the result of the greatest moment of a comparison of the two religions is that the East Aryans must have already bailt a community, a community invested not with a national alone, but with a very definite religious character also. Provisionally, men were admitted into the creed immediately after birth with certain rites. But when the neophyte had attained to years of discretion, and was brought up to his proper status, he was initiated. The symbols of the initiation were a sacred girdle and a cord. The mental training which qualified a man to be a member of the order is concentrated in one word, which has no exact equivalent in our language, and all the various shades of its meaning it is impossible to convey through a single word in another tongue. It comprises all that is beooming, trefitting, in conformity with, the community, and at the same time in an exalted sense connotes what with reference to the fraternity is righteous, erect, equitable, holy. It is applied to observance of religious obligations, to obedience, to prescriptive usages.77 An unprejudiced investigation of the word requires the recognition of its two-fold import in the Veda as well as the Avesta. And it is not improbable that early in the East Aryan period it bore, along with an ecclesiastical, an ethical sense or significance. 3. The causes of the diversity of the Indian and the Iranian religions,
notwithstanding their common descent. • We endeavoured in the preceding section to give a cursory sketch of the East Aryan faith, basing our delineation on the relics to be met with in the Indian and Iranian religions, which prove that these two have sprung, if mediately, from the former. The coincidences cannot be fortuitous, and so they admit of no other explanation save that of sameness of origin. But we shall not call it into question that the Vedic and the Avesta religions are conspicuously divergent in respect of their peculiar dogma, their character, with regard to their cult, and in point of their ethics. The problem before us' is : wherein lie the causes of this vast dissimilarity in their common heritage ? Nay, dissimilarity is too weak and inadequate an expression. The religions are diametrically opposed. To the devout Zarathushtrian those beings are evil genii whom the Brahman adores, the Vedic ritual of Soma offering a revolting, orgie, the Brahman's cremation an abominable sacrilege to the sacrosanct fire, his reclase life in solitary contemplation, a repudiation of the grand law of practical activity which sanctifies the earth and cripples the might of the demons. Whence this sharp contrast? The answer which suggests itself at the first blush is that the making or the formation of the two religions is different ; nor is the solution incorrect. The Vedio religion has sprung, that is, has by degrees evolved itself ander the influence of the leading families and Brahmanic sobools out of the materials of the East Aryan religion. It is the organization of the peculiar form which the latter assumed when its professors settled in new places of habitation and saw themselves encircled by the representatives of an alien cult, which, if it was not lower, at least corresponded to social conditions other than their own. Though their own cult, therefore, was but slightly modified, figares of new deities wore associated with those they continued to pay homage to, and were pushed to the
Arta, where from 8. rta, Baktrian soha. The word expressive of the genuinely pious man, as they conceived him, in the same among the Indians and the Iranianet yapan - aphavan. Bergaigne, Darmesteter, and others have laid utros na pon the noglooted ritoallatio signifiomnoo. But more correot is Spiegel, Dio Arische Periode, 18 and 30. De Harlez, in his Origine du forogatriuniem (p. 74 ang.), perbapo idealises too much.

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forefront, infusing fresh blood into their polytheism. On the other hand, the Zarathushtrian faith has been what we are sooustomed to designste founded in other words, has issued from the gospel of a certain prophet or the combination of a beer and sage, who, in the name of Zarathushtre, apostle of God, proclaimed a new doctrino. It has, therefore, boen evoked by a reformation. (That the movement was a reformation will be discussed in the ensuing chapter.) But that is not the whole solution. The religious innovation of every nation is rooted in the past of the soil, saving when the new teaching is of outlandish origin, like Islam in Persia, Christianity in Germany, or Buddhism in China. Then it stands contrasted with the national creed. It combats it, it endeavours to oust it, but is eventually constrained in order to secure a footing, to respect certain old ineradicable prejudices, traditions, and customs which it seeks, as best it may, to bring in a line with its own. But whatever foreign influence affected the constitution of the Zarathushtrian religious discipline (& question to which we retarn in the sequel) nothing exists in the sacred writings to justify the assumption of its being an exotic in the soil of Iran, or that it grew first among a people other than Iranians. Its religious books are neither wholly nor in part translated from an alien speech. Not a naine of its Ahura, Amesha Spentas or Yazatas, but has an Aryan ring - most of them are, as we shall see further on, quondam popular gods modified. An imported religion bears an aspect totally different.
Now, if the Zarathushtrian religion is called forth by & reformation, this religious upheaval could not have taken place prior to the separation of the Indo-Iranians. It was initiated at a later date. The contrary is at all events advanced in the well-known theory of Martin Haug, which makes the disruption of the East Aryans into Iranians and Indians the result of a religious schism. This view,78 to which now but few scholars adhere, derives its plausibility from the striking circumstance among the two races, that while both have so many religious concepts and practices in common, the gods of the one are the wicked spirits of the other, and, conversely, the intelligences which here are abominated and warred against are there the recipients of adoration. Devas (Dnovas). Asuras (Aburas), were both undeniably names applied to divine beings from times immemorial. The first term was probably generic, betokening all heavenly powers, inclusive of terrestrial potentates; the second was less indiscriminately employed, being reserved for the most exalted ones. It is true that Asura has gradually acquired with the Indian, partiy in the Vedic era, a derogatory significance in that the spirits so styled are hostile to the Devas, who have perpetually to be on their guard against their magic and nefarious arts; with the Iranians Aburs remaiued the name of reverence for their supreme deity, always in a favourable Rense. Again, while the Iudian kept on calling his gods devas, daeva came to be synonymous with the Iranian's drukhsh, "the spirit of falsehood," and was eroployed to exclusively denote the creatures and servants of evil, that the God-fearing Mazdayasnian must combat with all his might. There is no deoying these facts, but the conclusions sought to be educed therefrom do not hold water. More penetrating examination reveals that they must be elucidated in another way. • In the first place, long after the Indians had settled on the banks of the Sarasvati and the Ganges, the word Asura retained its elevated sense. In the hymns of the Rig Veda, the word, with most of its derivatives, is still an honored epithet of the most exalted and the mightiest of the gods of the old East Aryans, and, above all, of the foremost of them, Varuna. Nor is it confined to them. The younger genuine titulary deities of India Indra, Agni, Soma, Rudra - are all spoken of as Asuras. Only occasionally, and for the most part in the later books of the Rk, it is that we have to suspect a reference to wizard spirits inimical to the celestials." And not till we come
16 This hypothests of Martin Hang WM nocepted thirty years ago by me and also by eminent specialista.
19 In the oldest books the name oooars a fow times-II. 30, 4, and VII. 99,5; Oboe in the youngest book-X. 188, 3, where it is assigned to a certain spirit. The 8th book, which is not of the oldest, speaks of the non-daivio Asurau. The three remaining places, where the word is used in the plural of the existences hostile to the Dorme, belong to book 10. They are, 68, 4; 151, 3; and 187. 4. In the derivative Asurahan, Asura-killing, which sometimu wa meet with us an honoriflo epithet, the first member has saturally an unfavourable sigaisonnee. Asura and Awarian denoto w often the divine as the demonino. Then, again, in the compound muradova, the insane dova, applied also to soroerera (VII. 104, 24), dera basa bad sense.

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down to the Atharva Veda and the Brahmanas that this sense is found to preponderate. But even then the Asuras are exhibited to us in the light not of creatures diabolical by nature, not of fiends proper, but as rivals of the depas and obnoxious to their devotoes. The word which, per se, originally conveys the general sense of "spirits or beings" itself occasioned its twofold employment. At all events, the modification in question has been brought about unforced, by degrees, and on Indian soil, and has no connection with any religious reformation in Iran or with the establishment of the latria of Mazda.
On the other hand, the Iranians have more than one god to whom the Indians pray as to devas, to wit, Mitra, Aryaman, Soma. The Iranian comprehends them under the general appellations of Yazats and Baghe, without belying his Zarathushtrian creed. Only a couple of passages to characterize * few solitary Indian deities as hostile to the Zarathushtrian Yazatas-passages which are very late, and which surely cannot be assigned to the incipient stage of the Mazdayagnian fraternity.
In fine, throughout the Veda there is no trace of a conflict with the dogma of Zoroaster and not the faintest testimony tbat tbe minstrels and the Brahmans were cognisant of the worship of Mazda, which would have been the case to certainty had hostility to the reform movement led the Indians to secede from their union with the cognate sept and to wander far afield in search of a separate habitat of their own.
Accordingly, though we cannot subscribe to the hypothesis that the Vedic and the Zarathush. trian religions spraug when both the tribes were still flourishing together, and that the rise of religious innovations occasioned dissension, perhaps a crusade, still it has an atom of validity in it. No external circumstances in themselves are capable of explaining the radical differences which obtain between the two systems that have issued from one and the same source. The centrifugal or diverging tendencies in both must have been present at least in an embryonic stage in the East Aryan period subsequently to break out with such distinct sharpness. That they culminated in an open rupture is probable. The split was presumably more acutely felt than overtly avowed. It, however, contributed to an estrangemeat between the brother clans, and it strikes me as likely that this was what in fact happened. Nevertheless, the birth of the Vedic as well as the Zarathushtrian religion was posterior by far to their separation. Neither of the systems is the direct outcome of the East Aryan religion. A considerable interval must have elapsed between their genesis and the disjunction of the old Aryan community during which the archaic faith unfolded itself in diverse mutually antithetical currents. The probabilities are that subsequently to the settlement in India the one tendency first attained to consolidation, and that Zarathushtrianisin represented the other tendency long after, and, inasmuch as it answered to the spirit or genius of the Iranian nation, it found its way among them.
But external circumstances likewise co-operated to bring about the result. The fertile India lying under a warm sky, with its luxuriant vegetation and its superabundance of everything, made sustenance, without considerable exertion, possible, conducing in the end to indolence, tranquil meditation, and self-absorption. Surrounded on the two sides by ocean and cut off in the North and North-west froin other peoples by high chains of mountains and a great river, the new in-dwellers of India were deprived of all opportunities to participate in the historical development proceeding in the West. The Indian Aryans began by waging War upon the autochthonous tribes who disputed with the intruders the possession of the land. In many Vedic hymns we perceive the ecbo of their struggles. The martial Soma-drinking Indra, with his stormy Maruts, at whose head was the terrible Rodra, were more than Varuna and his circle, the dominant gods appropriate to the stirring times. Evon Agni, more of a divinity of the priest than the warrior, engaged several times in Indra's battles. But after the termination of the conflict between the new lords and the natives, the might of the latter being broken and the supremacy of the Aryans assured, when the internecine feuds which the Aryans carried on to their immense detriment had subsided, and when there was little
Indra, Saura (corta? i..., siva) and the Naonbaitya (Nastya). - Vendidad, 10, 9; 19, 13.

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incentive to deeds of valour, little occasion for eruption and invasion, the people would yield themselves in their undisturbed prosperity to their predilection for speculation or philosophy.
Iran, on the contrary, is, as we said before, in comparison to India, an indigent country, fertilized by no great rivers, having an arid soil, and a frequently unfriendly and very unequal climate. He who would enjoy there the sweets of life must work in the sweat of his brow and extort scanty produce from a reluctant soil. Protected by nature only in the east, and but partially in the west, its northern frontier is entirely exposed to the incursion of wild hordes, who, famishing in a still more sterile region, inundate the land in serried masses as often as they can reckon on a successful foray. Along its western marches it was abandoned to the ambition and ferocity of the Babylonian and Assyrian monarchies. A people who took up their abode in such a clime must be perpetually on their guard and under arms, else, as it happened not rarely, it was ravaged by a merciless enemy; and the moment the authority of the invaders declined, there followed the inevitable inroads on their side to avenge the discomfiture. Such latitudes breed no anchorites or ascetics, ner speculative thinkers either, but men of action who conceive life as a constant struggle against the powers of darkness and evil. Vigilance and energetic activity, the grand commandments of the Zarathushtrian daena, were laws which nature imposed on the land long before they stood inscribed in the Avesta.
(To be continued.).
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
Translated from German Poets.
BY PROFESSOR C. CAPPELLER, PH.D., JENA.
Work. 1
Wem wohl das Glück die schönste Palme beut ? Wer freudig that, sich des Gethanen freut.
तस्योपैति नरस्याङ्कं लक्ष्मीरधिकदुर्लभा । यः करोति सुखी कर्म कृतकार्यश्च तुष्यति ।।
tasyöpaiti narasyânkam lakshmir adhikadurlabha yah karoti sukhi karma kritakaryas cha tushyati II
Cf. Hitop. Introd. 30.
2
Arbeit macht das Leben süss, Macht es nie zur Last; Der nur hat Bekümmerniss, Der die Arbeit hasst.
लपयत्युद्यमी भारा जीवनं प्रीणयत्यपि । स एवार्तिसमापन्न उद्यमाची जुगुप्सते || laghayaty udyamo bhârâñ jivanam pripayaty api sa Avârtisamapanna ndyamad yo jugupsats ||
Cf. Bhartri. II. 74.
GOETHE.
BURMANN.

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301
GOETHE.
Benutze redlich deine Zeit : Willst was begreifen, suchs nicht weit. उद्यमेन नयेः कालं विधिनादेशितं तव ।
नान्विष्यवातिदूरेस स्वीकर्तुं यदभीप्ससि ।। udyamêna nayeh kilan vidhinadesitam tava nânvishyês châtidûrêņa svikartu yad abhipsasi u
Säume nicht dich zu erdreisten, Wenn die Menge zaudernd schweift ; Alles kann der Edle leisten, Ders versteht und rasch ergreift.
GOETHE.
प्रारभस्वाविषण्णामा पश्यतां जडचेतसाम्।
सर्व शक्यमुदारेण दोणाविष्टकर्मणा ॥ prêrabhasvavishaạnatmâ pasyatan jadachetasam sarvam sakyam udêrêņa dakshépåklishtakarmaņa 11
Cf. Bhartri. II. 73.
Zwischen heat and morgen Liegt eine lange Frist. Lerne schnell besorgen, Da du noch manter bist.
GOETHE.
अद्य श्वश्चैतयोर्मध्ये दूरमत्यन्तमन्तरम् ।
यावत्स्वस्थथरीरोसि कुरु यत्कार्यमस्ति ते ।। adya gvas chaitayðr madhyê dûram atyantam antaram yávat svasthagartró 'si kura yat karyam asti td 11
C... Bh. XII. 6335-6337.
Früchte bringet das Leben dem Mann, doch hangen sie selten
Roth and lustig ám Buam, wie uns ein Apfel begrüsst. GOETHE.
उचावचानि लोको दर्शयति नर फलानि संभोक्तुम् । यद्यपि सुखलभ्यानि दुमयाखायां म सम्बन्ते ॥
achchávachani lok daria yata naram phalani sambhOktum yady api sukhalabhyani dramatikhaya na lambante 11

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Wohl unglückselig ist der Mann, Der unterlässt das was er kann, Und unterfängt sich was er nicht versteht : Kein Wunder, dass er zu Grunde geht.
GOETHE धिक्तं नरं यो विजहाति कार्य जानाति यद्यत्करणे वनीशः । यत्नेन तपारभते विधातुं किमद्भुतं गच्छति यद्विनाथम् ॥ dhik tau naram yo vijahti karya jánáti yad yatkaraşê tv anisah i yatnéna tat prárabhatë vidh&tum kim adbhutam gachchhati yad vinasam II
Cf. Kam. Nitis. XV. 25.
Art and Science.
SCHILLER.
Das ista ja was den Menschen zieret Und dazu ward ihm der Verstand, Dass or im innern Herzen spüret
Was er erschuf mit eigner Hand. अलंकारो मनुष्यस्य बुद्देश्चैतन्महाफलम् ।
अन्तरात्मनि जानीते यस्कृतीनिजहस्तयोः ॥ alamkârð manushyasya baddhês chaitap mahüphalam antarktmani janita yat kritir nijаhastayoh II
SCHILLER
Im Fleiss kann dich die Biene meistern, In der Geschicklichkeit ein Wurm dein Lehrer sein, Dein Wissen theilest du mit vorgezognen Geistern; Die Kanat, oMensch, hast daallein.
भृङ्गोऽप्यलं शिक्षयितुं तवोद्यम चित्रं कृमीणामपि भाति नैपुणम् । विद्या प्रजानामपि दिव्यजन्मनां शिम तकस्य मनुष्य मस्तनम् ॥ bhringo 'py slam sikabayitam tavodyaman chitram krimiņam api bheti naipunam vidyl prajinam api divyajanmann . Milpain taraitanya manushya mapdanama .

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SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
808
10
Kannst du nicht allen gefallen durch deine That und dein Kunstwerk, Mach es wenigen recht, vielen gefallen ist schlimm.
SCHILLER. सर्वेषां यदि नो शक्यं रोचित क्रियया तव । द्वित्राणामेव रोचस्व बहूनां दुषु रोचितुम् । sarvesham yadi ng sakyaṁ rochitan kriyaya tava dvitrinim dva rôobasta bahånám doshthu rochitum 11
f. Sak.r.2.
11
Wenn deine Kanst dem Kenner nicht gefüllt, So ist das schon ein schlimmes Zeichen; Doch wenn sie gar des Narren Lob erhält, So ist es Zeit sie auszustreichen.
GELLERT. न रोचते .विदुषे क्रिया ते . विप्रत्यया तां प्रति बुदिरस्तु । स्तुतिं तु मूर्खस्य समाप्य चिन्त्य हा धिक्रिया में विफलीकृतेति ॥ na rôohaté chôd vidushe kriya te vipratyaya tá prati buddhir asta stutin tu mürkhasya samapya chintya ha dhik kriyê mê viphalikțiteti II
Cf. Subhashitavali 3750.
12 Einem ist sie die hohe, die himmlische Göttin, dem andern Eine tüchtige Kub, die ihn mit Batter versorgt.
SCHILLER. एकस्मै महती विद्या देवी यज्ञैर्वषट्कृता ।
अन्यस्मै जीवनायैव गौर्यथा दुग्धदायिनी ॥ #kasmai mahati vidya devi yajñair vasbatkritai anyasmai jtvankyaiva gaur yathi dugdhadøyini ||
C.Malas.1.16.
13 Wie die Biene Blumensäfte, also sammle Weisheit ein: Ist die Blüthenzeit vorüber, wird der Blüthen Honig dein. W. MÜLLER.
षट्पद इव पुष्परस संचिनु विद्यामनवरतं यत्नात् । कुसुमसमये व्यतीते मधु पुष्पाणां भविष्यति ते॥ shatpada iva pushparasath sanchina vidyAm ansvaratath yatndt.1 kusumasamayê vatitë madhu pushpaņam bhavishyati to u

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-
Sprachkunde, lieber Sohn, ist Grundlag' allem Wissen! Derselben sei zuerst und sei zuletzt beflissen!" Einleitung nicht allein und eine Vorbereitung Zur Wissenschaft ist sie, und Mittel zur Bestreitung, Vorübung nicht der Kraft, um sie geschickt zu machen, Durch Ringen mit dem Wort, zum Kampfe mit den Sachen,
RÜCKERT.
विद्योत्तमा पुत्रक शब्दशाखमभ्यस्य तां ज्ञानमहामतिष्ठाम् । प्रस्तावनामध्ययनस्य बुद्धेविवर्धनीचार्यवचोमयत्वात् ॥
vidyottama patraka sabdaskatram abhyasya tam jñkamahapratishtham prastávanim adhyayanasya buddber vivardhani chârthayachômayatvật 11
Cf. Pakchat. Introd. 5.
Bolt and others
15 Möge jeder still beglückt Seiner Freuden warten; Wenn die Robe selbst sich schmückt,
Schmückt sie auch den Garten. सर्वो दधीत हर्षामात्मसुखं चिन्तयेच संप्रीतः । पुष्यत्स्वामेव श्रियमलंकरोति कुसुमं वाटीम्।। sarvo dadhita harshan &tmaonkhan chintay@ch cha sampratah 1 pushyat svim dva sriyam alamkaroti Kusuman vafim 11
ROCKERT.
16
LOGAU.
sich selbst bekämpfen ist der allerschwerste Krieg ; Bioh selbst besiegen ist der allerschönste Sieg.
पात्मनात्मानमायोरमस्ति युईन तत्समम् ।
मात्मानमात्मना जेतुं विजयो नास्ति तादृयः॥ Atmanåtmånam ayoddhum asti yuddhach na tatsatami Atmanam Atmana jétur vijayo násti Midpisah 11
C.Subldakitaval 3361.

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17 Ist wohl der ein würdiger Mann, der im Glück und im Unglück Sich nur allein bedenkt, und Leiden und Freuden zu theilen Nicht verstebet, und nicht dazu vom Horzen bewegt wird?
GOETHR. किमार्यवृत्तिः प्रतिभाति ते नरो विचिन्तयन्यः सुखदुःखयोः सदा ।
आत्मानमेकं हृदि न प्रियाप्रियं विभक्तुमन्यैः सह संव्यवस्यति ॥ kim karyavşittih pratibhati tê narð vichintayan yah sukhuluhkhayôh sada 1' âtmânam ekam lişidi na priyapriyam vibhaktum anyaih saha samvyavasyati !!
18
SALIS.
.
.
GOETHE.
Vielen theile deine Freuden, Allen Monterkeit und Scherz, Wenig Edlen deine Leiden,
Auserwäblten nur dein Herz. स्वहर्ष बहुभिः सार्ध सर्वैः प्रीतिं च नर्म च । उदारैरेव दुःखानि द्विवैः स्वहृदयं भज || svaharshan bahubhih sûrd ham sarvaih pritiṁ cha narma cha udárair êva duh khâni dvitraih svabsidayam bhaja 11
19 Wohl kann die Brust den Schmerz verborgen halten; Doch stammes Glück erträgt die Seele nicht.
शोकशल्यं समर्योऽहमन्तरात्मनि गुहितुम् ।
न तु शक्नोमि मौनेन हृदि संवरितुं सुखम् ।। gôkasalyam samarthô 'ham antarâtmani guhitum na tu saknômi maunena hridi samvaritum sakham 11
20 Wer glücklich ist, kann glücklich machen: Wers thut, vermehrt sein eignes Glück.
भवति यः स्वयमेव जनः कृती सुखयितुं परमप्यलमस्ति सः। परसुखाय तु यो यतते सुखं स्वमपि वर्धयतीति मतिर्मम ॥ bhavati yah svayam êva janah kritt sukhayitam param apy alam asti sah parasukhâys tu yo yatatê sukham sram api vardhayâtiti matir mama

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21 Kannst du dem, der vor dir geht, seine Mängel bald erblicken. Wird dir auch die deinen sehn, wer dir nachsieht, auf dem Rücken. LOGA.
यथा पश्यसि रन्ध्राणि स्वत्पुरोगच्छता स्वयम् ।
दोषास्तथैव दृश्यन्ते तव पृष्ठानुगामिभिः॥ yatha pngyasi randbrâni tvatpurogachchhatam svayam dôshâs tathaiva dřišyantê taya prishthânugâmibhiḥ ||
22 Willst du dich selber erkennen, so sieh, wie die andern es treiben ; Willst du die andern verstehn, blick in dein eigenes Herz. SCHILLER.
आत्मानमेव जिज्ञासुरन्येषां पश्य चेष्टितम् । अन्यानिच्छसि चेज्ज्ञातुं वीतस्व हृदयं निजम् ॥ atmânam êva jijñasur anyesha pasya chêshtitam anyan ichchhasi chêj jñātu vikshasya hřidayam nijam II
23 Trago geduldig und sanft der Menschen Gebrechen und Fehler. Was der heute gethan, thuest da morgen wohl selbst.
BUBL. तितिक्षस्व मनुष्याणां दोषांश्च स्खलितानि च।
अद्य यद्ध्याकरोदन्यस्त्वं श्वः कर्तासि तत्स्वयम्॥ titikshasva manushyanam dôshams cha skhalitâni cha 1 adya yad dhy akarod anyas tvam svah kartási tat svayam 11
C. M. Bh. V. 1019. 24 Ertragen muss man was der Himmel sendet; Unbilliges erträgt kein edles Herz, सोढव्यमविषादेन विधिना यदुपानतम् ।
खलानामपराधास्तु प्रतिकार्या महात्मना । sódhavyam avishadéna vidhinê yad upânatam khalanim aparadhis tu pratikarya mahātmana ||
C.M. Bh. V. 4525%3 Sisup. II. 46.
25 "Hat man das Gute dir erwiedert?" "Mein Pfeil flog ab, sehr schön befiedert; Der ganze Himmel stand ihm offen, Er hat wohl irgendwo getroffen."
GOETHE. किं सुक्रियाया भवतोऽभवत्फलं प्रसृष्टवानस्मि शरं सुतेजनम् । द्रिमण्डलं तस्य बभूव गोचर
स्तन्मे मतिर्यत्कथमप्यसज्जत ॥ kim sukriyâya bhavato 'bhavat phalan prassishtavan asmi saram sutėjanam i dinmandalam tasya babhůva gôcharas tan me matir yat katham apy asajjata 11
SCHILLER.

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26 Wer die Sache des Menschengeschlechts als die seine betrachtet, Nimmt an der Götter Geschäft, nimmt am Verbängnisse Theil. HERDER.
अर्थ यः सर्वलोकस्य स्वार्थमेव समीक्षते ।
स नरो लोकधातृणां कुर्वन्कर्म विभाति मे ॥ artham yah sarvaldkasya svårtham &va samikshatë i sa nard 18kadhatrinam kurvankarma vibhati me
of. Bhag. Pur. VIII. 7, 44.
Fathers and Sons.
27
GOETHE.
Wohl dem, der seiner Väter gern gedenkt, Der froh von ihren Thaten, ihrer Grösse Den Hörer unterhält, und still sich freuend Ans Ende dieser schönen Reihe sich Geschlossen sieht.
भद्रो नरो यश्चरितं पितृणामनुस्मरन्स्तौति नृणां सभासु । परंपराणां रमते च पश्य
नात्मानमन्त्यावयवं शुभानाम् ॥ bhadro nard yas charitam pitriņam anusmaran stauti niņam sabhisu paramparanam ramate cha pakyann Atmanam antykvayavar subhanam II
28
GOETHE,
Wenn du als Jüngling deinen Vater ehrst, So wirst du gern von ihm empfangen; Wenn du als Mann die Wissenschaft vermehrst, So kann dein Sohn zu höherm Ziel gelangen.
यूना त्वया यद्यभिपूज्यते पिता सुखेन लब्धास्यमुना यदर्पितम् । विद्यां यदि प्रोत्रयसि स्वयं तदा पुत्रस्य ते भावि फलं महत्तरम् ॥ yânâ tvayê yady abhipůjyatë pita sukhêna labdhâsy amunâ yad arpitam vidyam yadi prðnnayagi svayam tada patrasya td bhøvi phalam mabattaram 11
C. M. Bh. I. 1728.

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29
GOITHE.
Was da ererbt von deinen Vätern hast, Erwirb es, um es za besitzen. पित्र्यं ते यद्भवेद्वित्तं पारंपर्यक्रमागतम् ।
ततत्त्वेन यथा ते स्यादर्जयस्व पुरार्जितम् ।। pitryaṁ tê yad bhavêd vittań pâramparyakramågatami tat tattvêna yathê tê syâd arjayasva purârjitam II
(To be continued.)
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. (Continued from Vol. XXXI. p. 382.)
(2) Festivals. THE Singhalese, in common with their Aryan brethren, celebrate their New Year, the entering of the Sun into Aries, with much enthusiasm ; the festivities of the occasion are heralded in every hamlet by the strains of the tambourine-shaped rabana; women and girls sit round and play on it with their hands, and every home vies with the other in friendly rivalry.
The ephemeris of the year is drawn up by the village astrologer, and the necessary information for the observance of the festive rites is obtained by presenting him with sweetmeats and a palmfal of 40 betel-leaves (bulat hurulla).
The New Year generally falls on the 12th of April; there is an intervening unlucky space of time (nónagate) between the end of the old and the commencement of the new. Before the interval commences all bathe in an infusion of the margosa-leaf, and cease from work; during it they only visit temples, starting with their left leg foremost.
With the advent of the New Year special food is cooked and eaten, all facing a particular direction, cloth of a specified colour is worn, calls are exchanged, the head of the village is visited with pingo-loads of vegetables, kevum and plantains, and journeys are started with the right leg foremost.
For a couple of days there are no observances, the people make merry, and indulge in their national games till the auspicious day and moment comes for every one to begin his usual work looking for a bright and prosperous future: the labourer clears some underwood with his jangle hook (wal-dę ketta) and axe (porova) or digs the ground and banks it up with his hoe (udella); the toddy drawer, girt with a pointed stick (ukunilla) and knife (mannd), climbs a palm-tree and lets down a chatty full of toddy; the goldsmith, with his bamboo blow-pipe, his clay crucibles (kova), and his earthen pot full of saw-dust, begins an article of jewellery ; the smith beats an iron in his primitive furnace that has a pair of bellows attached (minghama); the potter shapes & vessel with the help of a wooden wheel (sak pôruva), a smooth stone (mitiwana gala) and a spatula (metialla); the servant asks from his master a small sum of money and carefully lays it by till the next year; the women pound rice in the mortar (wangediya), scrape cocoanats, and collect firewood; and the fisherman puts his boat to sea equipped with nets (del), hook and line (yol).

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Eight days after the New Year is the ceremony of anointing the head. Ap infusion of kokun leaves (Swietenia febrifugia), kalandurn yams (Cyprus rotundus), and nelli fruits(Phylanthus emblica) is mixed with oil, and an elder of the family rabs a little of it on the two temples, on the crown of the head, and on the nape of the neck of each member, saying: -
Kalu kaputan sudu venaturu Ehela kana liyalana taru Gerandianta an enatoru Ekasiya vissata desiya viasak Maha Brahma Rajaya atinya
Åyi bôvan âyibôvan ayibovan. “This (anointing) is done by the hand of Maha Brahman; long life to you, long life to
yon, long life to you! may you, instead of the ordinary period of life, vix., 120 years, live for 220 years; till rat-snakes obtain horns, till posts of the Ehela tree (Cassia
fistula) pat on young shoots, and till black crows put on a plumage white." While being anointed the person faces a particular direction, having over his head leaves sacred to the ruling planet of the day, and at his feet those sacred to the Begent of the previous day. For each of the days of the week, beginning with Sunday, belong respectively the cotton tree (imbul), the wood-apple (ditul), the Cochin gamboge (kollan), the margosa (kohomba), the holy fig-tree (bo), Galidupa arborea (baranda) and the banyan (nuga).
This rite is followed by the wearing of new clothes, after a bath in an infusion of screwpine (wetake), Luffa acutangula (wetakolu), Evolvulus alsinoides (Vishnu-krantı), Artistolochia indica (sapsanda), Crinum zeylanicum (goda-mánęl), roots of citron (nasāran mul), root of Ægle marmelos (belimul), stalk of lotus (nelum dandu), Plectranthus zeylanicus (irivériya), Cissompelos convolvulas (getaveni-vel), Heterepogon hirtns (ftana), and bezoar stone (gorôchana).
This festival is also observed at the Buddhist temples? when milk is boiled at their entrances and sprinkled on the floor.
The Singhalese lunar year commences in March and the Solar year about the end of April; on both these occasions the new moon is gaxed at, and the eyes immediately after diverted to a plate of kiribat and other sweets, or to the face of a kind and well-to-do relative, who is sometimes kissed.
The birthday of the Founder of Buddhism is celebrated on the full-moon day of May (wesāk). Streets are lined with bamboo arches, which are decorated with the young leaves of the cocoanut palm; tall supertructures (toran) gaily adorned with ferns, and young kingcocoanata bridge highways at intervals; lines of flags of various devices and shapes are drawn from tree to tree; booths are erected at every crossing where hospitality is freely dispensed to passers-by; and at every rich house the poor are fed and alms given to Buddhist priests. Processions' wend their way from one temple to another with quaintly-shaped pepnons and banners, and in answer to the deafening music of the tom-toms, cries of Sadhu, Sadha, the Buddhist Amen, rise from hundreds of throats.
Three festivals connected with local deities are held in the month of Esala (JulyAngust) at Kandy in the centre of Ceylon, at Dondra in the South, and at Kataragama in the South-East.
The Kandy Perahera Mangalaya, of whose origin nothing is certain, begins at a lucky hour on the first day after the new moon. "A Jack-tree, the stem of which is three spans in circumference, is selected beforehand for each of the four déwala - the Kataragama, Natha,
3 For particulars, wide Asiatio Society's Journal of Ceylon (1888), Vol. VII. p. 32. . For full description of a Singhalene procession, vide Coylon Literary Register (1887), Vol. II. p. 348.

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Saman, and Pattini; and the spot where it stands is decorated and perfamed with sandalwood, frankincense, and burnt raisins, and a lighted lamp with nine wicks is placed at the foot of the tree. At the lucky hour a propension of elephants, tom-tom beaters and dancers proceed to the spot, the tree is cut down by one of the tenants (the watforurdla) with an axe, and it is trimmed, and its end is pointed by another with an adze. It is then carried away in procession and placed in a small hole in a square of alab rock, buried in the ground or raised on a platfrom in the small room at the back of the déwala. It is then covered with a white cloth. During the five following days the procession is augmented by as many elephants, attendants, dancers, tom-tom beaters and flags as possible; and it makes the circuit of the temples at stated periods. The processions of the several temples are then joined by one from the Dalada Måligava (the temple of the sacred Tooth of Buddha), and together they march round the main streets of Kandy at fixed hours during the five days next ensuing. On the sixth day, and for five days more, four palanquing-one for each dawdla -- are added to the procession, containing the arms and dresses of the gods; and on the last day the bowl of water (presently to be explained) of the previous year, and the poles cut down on the first day of the ceremony. On the night of the fifteenth and last day, the Perahera is enlarged to the fullest limits which the means of the several temples will permit, and at a fixed hour, after its usual round, it starts for a ford in the river near Kandy, about three miles distant from the temple of the Sacred Tooth. The procession from the MAligava, however, stops at a place called the Adábana Malawa, and there awaits the return of the others. The ford is reached towards dawn, and here the procession waits until the lucky hour (generally about 5 A.M.) approaches. A few minutes before its arrival the chiefs of the four temples, accompanied by a band of attendants, walk down in Indian file under a canopy of linen and over cloth spread on the ground to the waterside. They enter a boat and are punted up the river close to the bank for some thirty yards. Then at & given signal (i. e., at the advent of the lucky hour) the four Jack poles are thrown into the river by the men on shore, while each of the four chiefs, with an ornamental silver sword, outs & circle in the water; at the same time one attendant takes ap a bowl of water from the circle, and another throws away last year's supply. The boat then returns to the shore, the procession goes back to Kandy, the bowls of water are placed reverently in the several déudla, to remain there until the following year; and the Perahera is at an end."
During the time of the kings, it was on this occasion that the provincial governors gave en account of their stewardship to their over-lord and had their appointments renewed by him. Kandy was the last Singhalese capital.
The festival at Dondra or Devundars (Devi Nuvera, the city of the god) commemorates a legendary event; when a king of Ceylon was reigning here & sandalwood image of Vishna was found floating by the sea coast; this was carried to the city and a déwdia built for it. i
Seven days before the full moon siz temporary structares are erected in the temple premises for Pattini, Vishnu, Nátha, Saman, Kataragama Deviyo, and Alat Takinni ; and their kapurdlas purify themselves with a bath, and carry in procession the sacred relics to a place by the sea (sinhâsana), followed by a long line of pilgrims who wash their offerings there and wrap them in white cloth. On their return the chief lay-incumbent (basndyaka nilame) makes his offering at each of the shrines, and the others follow. The hapurdlas stand at the entrance of their respective temples and mark each votary with sandalwood.
Here religion is combined with business, and a fair is held during the seven days of the festival, when traders from all parts of the island bring goods for sale.
The Kataragams celebration is in honour of Kartikeys (Sing, Kataragama Deviy6) who halted on the highest of the seven hills close by on his homeward return to Kailkas, after
• Asiatic Society's Journal of Coylon (1881), Vol. VII. p. 18.
.

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GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
$11
defeating the Asuras. Here he met bis consort Valli Amma, whom he wooed in the guise of & mendicant; when his advances were scornfully rejected, his brother, with the head of a man and the body of an elephant, appeared on the scene, and the terrified maiden rushed into her suitor's arms for safety; the god then revealed himself and she became his bride.
The procession begins with the new moon, and is repeated twice every day at six in the evening and at ten at night till the full-moon day. First walk twelve women called dlattu ammas with their hands joined and the hair done up in a peculiar manner; the insignia of the god, his trident and spear (vel) are next carried on an elephant, the man sitting with these having his mouth bandaged to prevent his breathing on them; and then follow the basndyaka nilame, with his two under-officers, sadalgamuda adikdram and bandyala rala. The procession halts at a distance of half a mile from the dewdla, where Valli Ammâ is said to reside (sinhâsana). Here the weapons are taken down, and after an interval of half an hour they are replaced and carried back to the dêrdla. Some mystic mutterings and the lighting of wicks by the women complete the ceremony.
On the full-moon day, as in the other two festivals, the kapurálas (the temple incumbents) draw a circle over the water of the neighbouring river (diya kapanard) and remove a chatty of it to the dewála. . When the moon is full near Pleiades in 1 (October November) is held the Festival of Lights called Koti or Kartika Mangalya or Senakeliya. the Buddhist temples are illuminated by small oil lamps placed in niches of the walls specially made for them ; in the olden times all the buildings were bathed in a blaze of light, the Royal Palace the best of all, with the oil presented to the king by his grateful subjects. This festival is now confined to Kandy.
The Alut:sal Mangalya, the festival of New Rice, is now celebrated to any appreciable extent only in the Kandian Provinces, the last subdued districts of the island. In the villages the harvest is brought home by pingo-bearers on the full-moon day of January with rural jest and laughter, and portions of it are given to the Buddhist priests, the barber and the dhobi of the village; next the new paddy is husked, and kiribat dressed out of it.
In the capital, in the time of the kingdom, this festival lasted for four days: "on the first evening the officers of the royal stores and of the temples proceeded in state from the square before the palace to the Crown villages from which the first paddy was to be brought. Here the ears of paddy and the new rice were packed up for the temples, the palace and the royal stores by the gabadanilames and their officers. The ears of paddy carefully put into new earthenware pots and the grain into clean bags, ware sttached to pingos. Those for the Maligava (where the Sacred Tooth was kept) were conveyed on an elephant for the temples by men marching under canopies of white cloth; and those for the palace and royal stores by the people of the royal villagos of respectable caste, well dressed ; and with a piece of white muslin over their months to guard against impurity. This procession, starting on the evening of the next day (full-moon day) from the different farms under a salute of jingals and attended by flags, tom-tom beaters, etc., was met on the way by the 2nd Adigar and a large number of chiefs at some distance from the city. From thence all went to the great square to wait for the propitious hour, at the arrival of which, announced by discharge of jingals, the procession entered the MAligava where the distribution for the different temples was made. At the same fortunate hour the chiefs and the people brought home their new rice. On the next morning the king or governor received his portion consisting of the new rloe and a selection of all the various vegetable productions of the country, which were tasted at alacky hour."
(To be continued.) . This is a round of an extjale in Yoning Ceylon (1852), Vol. III, p. 86. • Illustrated Literary Supplement of the Caylon Examiner (1875), VOL. I. p. 8

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MISCELLANEA. TRACES OF TOTEMISM IN THE PANJAB. who had a kardki, or iron-pan, tied to (P in (Continued from p. 204.)
front of) her abdomen and asked him if she II.
would give birth to a boy or a girl. The Rishi A FEW more instances of totem-names have replied chhuh'!, whereupon the iron-pan adhered been obtained.
to her body and had to be filed off. The filings 1. In the South-East Panjab there are four gols
were thrown into the Jampf, and when the Råjor sections, found among the Jat, Rajput, and
pate bathed in that river they were all killed by NA (barber) castes,' which are thus named :
the patérå trees which had grown from the filings.
Only one woman remained alive, and she was Caste. Gót and meaning of name.
pregnant, so she went to the Rishi with a lamb Jat and Rejpat ... Ohhőkar, a kind of tree.
in her lap and asked the same question as Jat and Nai (barber)... Banbhairon (ban, cotton
before, and received the same reply. She asked plant).
a second time, "god ka, pat kap" - "is it in the Jat ... ... ... Karelni, from Karyal, & kind of tree.
stomach or in the lap P" and the Bishi replied,
"god ka” (in the lap), whereupon the lamb died. » - ... ... Panwar, panuár, a kind of vegetable.
Her son, when born, became therefore known as The Rajpat Chhokars, however, do not believe Ohhuhkar or Chhokar, and this gót of the that their got is in any way connected with the Rajpata does not kill or eat sheep, because it tree of that name, while the Nal Banbhairon regards a sheep as its origin. attribute their name to Bhairon, the god whom they reverence.
2. The Arors have two gôts, (i) Chikur,
& sub-section of the Sachdeos, 80 called because These four Jat góts, on the other hand, do not cut or injure the plants and trees after
on a marriage in that section sweetmeats were as
plentiful as mud (chur), and (ii) Narola, from which they are each named, though other
wirály, unique,' so called because once a snake gots do bo, bocause they consider them to be
got into the churn when a woman was making their origin, and it would be a bad omen to cut
butter, so the men of this section never churn, or burn them. Hence each got reverences or wor
though its women may. A third section is called ships the plant or tree after which it is named.
Rihani, because one of its members once received A folk-etymology. It should, however, be
a faqfr cordially, and the faqir blessed him, added that the Ohhokar Rajpats give the fol
saying he should prosper like basil (réhánh). lowing explanation of their name:
Once upon a time the R&jpats wanted to put a Rishi to the test, so they took a woman to him
H. A. Roge. NOTES AND QUERIES. THE LEGEND OF BANÁSUR.
YAM. (A Note on Sir R. Temple's "Legends of the Panjab,"
HERE is some fresh evidence for the history of Vol. II. p. 385.) 1. ACCORDING to the legend, Bini Sur, or this word: vide Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. "the hero Bånd," had four sons: - Kachhrij, Udayhet," Sangramjft, and Chandarbhån. It is
1711. On si nourrit de fruits, de poissons et de perhaps worth noting that the inhabitants of three
racines fort insipides appelées ignames. Lettres
Edifiantes. Pere Faure's letter from the Nicobars, villages, Saungara (P Sangrama), Bhaba, and
dated 17th Jan., 1711. Jagawan in Tahsil Rampur of the Bashahr State still worship images of the three sons of Bana,
1711. Les insulaires vinrent dans quatorze who were killed in the fight with Krishnaji.
canota nous apporter des ignames, des cocos et 2. The Kanata on the confines of Tibet are
quelques poules pour les échanger contre de tabac called Jad Kanêts. They are less striot about
en feuilles. Lettres Edifiantes. Pere Taillandier's food and personal cleanliness than other Kanota,
letter, dated from the Nicobars, 20 Feb., 1711. and eat the flesh of the chamar or saragai (yak). Are these the Jadus of the legend P It is hardly possible, but the coincidence is a little curious.
R. O. TEMPLE. H. A. Ross. * Pp. 365, 379, 388, 393.
• Alao on led Bandaar's direden (p. 885).

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SOME DOUBTFUL COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
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SOME DOUBTFUL COPPER COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY ROBERT SRWELL, M.E.A.S., I.C.S. (BxTD.). COLLECTORS of old coins in Southern India must always have been astonished at the
immense number and variety of the small copper issues found there. In my own collection are many specimens which cannot be classified as belonging to any known dynasty or State ; and I believe the truth to be that they were privately struck at the principal great temples. Just as every leading town in England at the close of the eighteenth century had its local ponnies and half-pennies, 80, probably, there were local issues of small copper coins in South India, generally connected with the most revered shrines, and circulating in their vicinity. I append a note shewing my reasons for this view.
The present list concerns a number of coins in my collection which I have had to class as "doubtful”; and I have to thank the Editor of the Indian Antiquary for permission to publish these Plates. Perhaps readers will be so kind as to send me their views, or, better still, send their notes to this Journal, so that all may benefit by them. I pretend to no special knowledge, and shall not be at all surprised if many of these coins are at once recognized by experts, and my ignorance received with a smile ; but even if so their publication can only do good, since it will enable other collectors to classify their coins correctly. Many of the specimens are dynastic ; many, I think, local ; and these last I venture to christen "Temple coins."
Temple Coins. A very large and varied class of South Indian coins appears to consist of coins struck at the principal temples, and not connected with any regular State issues. In his Hints to Coin Collector's in Southern India, Major Tufnell notices one (Pl. II. No. 23) with a little figure of a god on the obverse, and on the reverse the legend Vijaya in characters which may be classed either as Telugu or as Kanarese; And he quotes an extract from a letter regarding it written by Sir Seshiah Sastri, K.O.S.I., as follows: – It is coined locally" - (.P., in the Padukottah State) - "in & rough way, and its greatest circulation is during Navarathri' or Dusserah,' when it is issued (4 to each) along with the rice-dole every day during the nine days." If I read this aright it means that the coin is not a regular State issue, but is struck, like a small medal or like the local English pennies and half-pennies at the close of the eighteenth century, for local circulation; and that four of them are given by the Rajah of Pudukottah to each recipient of his rice-dole distribnted in honour of the festival.
I imagine that probably the authorities of almost all the principal temples in Southern India similarly struck their own local coins, and issued them to worshippers, and that they may be distinguished from State currencies by the fact of their not bearing the device of any dynasty, nor the name of any king.
Thus it seems evident that the first of the series which here follow, rsz., those bearing the figure of a double-peaked mountain on the obverse and various devices on the reverses, were coined, not by any State, but by the authorities of the celebrated temple of Tiruvannamalai, or Trinomalai, in the South Arcot District. The lofty hill at whose base the temple is situated rises to an elevation of 2668 feet above sea level, and is a very conspicuous object in all the country round. The temple is dedicated to Siva, and the lingam in the shrine is one of the Pancha-lingas of Southern India, or the lingams of the five elements, - this one being the fire lingam. No. 1-C bears the legen! Arunddri on the reverse, which, with the variant Arunagiri, is a Sanskrit name of Tiruvantamalai. (Epi. Ind. III. 240.) I have said that this identification "seems evident," but if it is correct we have yet to learn why the authorities of a Saiva temple should have chosen to represent the figure of a Garuda on their coins..

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No. 1-A. Oopper -
Obv. - Garuda, passing to right; left knee up; right knee down ; in circle of dots. Rev. - A double-peaked mountain, surrounded by an irregularly-shaped line, with dots outside.
Moon above mountain.
No. 1-B. Copper -
Obv. and Rev. - Similar ; but the figure of Garuda cruder, and the legs too small for the body. No, 1-C. Copper -
Obv. - An inscription in Telugu characters " Arunar." A line and dot circle outside. Rov. Similar, but smaller, mountair.. Double line circle, with circle of dots between the lines.
" Arunddri" and " Arunagiri" are Sanskrit names of Tiruvannamalai in the South Arcot District. (Epi. Ind. III. 240.) . . No. 1-D. Copper - Obv. - An object which looks like a mountain, but may not be intended for one. There is a curve
in this which is absent in the three last. Rev. - Inscription in Nagari characters. The characters"--pu-- prati" appear clear.
This may belong to a totally different series of coins, bat, if so, I cannot classify it. No, 2-A. Copper -
The first of a series in my possession with similar reverses, but different obverses. All from Southern India.
Obv. - Vishnu and Lakshmi, seated, a circle of dots. Rev. -The legend ári vira, in characters which appear to be Telugu rather than Kanarese. The
syllables vira stand below the girl. There are slight differences in almost all the coins. The second character, on some specimens, looks like and even 4, rather
than ti. No. 2-B. Copper - Obv. - A god, or king, standing, under a canopy, with emblems to left that look as if derived
from coins which bear the Chêra bow. Reo. - Similar to 1-A.
No. 2-0. Copper -
Obu. - Standing figure of Narasimhs.
Rev. - Similar to 1-A, but apparently corrupt. No. 2-D. Copper -
Obu. - Apparently Vishņu and Lakshmi seated on a horse váhana, within a circle of dots. Rev. - Similar to 1-A.
No. 2-3. Copper -
Obu. - Much injured, but apparently a single figure, seated on a vdhana. Reu. - Similar to l-A.
No. 9-7. Copper -
Obv. - Looks like a dancing Krishna, under a canopy.
Rev. - Similar to No. 1-A. No. 2-6. Copper -
Obu. — A dancing Krishna, with snake. Rou. - Allied to the type of legend on No. 1-A, but different. Apparently thoro aro logr
characters here, and the second is chá in place of the of of the others.

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No. 2- - Obv. - Apparently some animal - sihha! - with tail over back. Perhaps a ganda bhérunda,
with elephant in beak. Rev. - Similar to No. 1-A
Are these tample coins ? Sir Walter Elliot who possessed two coins with similar reverses, but having a Nandi (bull couchant) on the obverse (Coins of Southern India, pp. 85-102, Plata III., Nos. 94, 95), connected them with the Kakatiya sovereigns of Warangal about the thirteenth centary, but I do not know his reasons for this assignment. Capt. Tufnell (Hints to Coin Collectors, Part I., p. 19) attributes them to the Vijayanagara kingdom, or later. Mr. Lóventhal's No. 98, Plate IV. (Coins of Tinnevelly), is somewhat similar in that the inscription contains apparently the same word, namely, éri dira, within a cirele of dots, bat in characters which appear to be Kanarese rather than Telugu; the ra stands below the vi, on the right of the erf; the obverse has a figure of Garuda. He attributes the coin to the time of the Nayakas, and considers it a purely Tinnevelly coin, not current elsewhere. His Nos. 99, 101 seemingly belong also to this series, as well as Nos. 109, 110, 112, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124. His No. 120 resembles No. 1-D above. With regard to his No. 124, Mr. Lóventhal classes it as undoubtedly a Nayaka coin of Madura, roughly A. D. 1600 to 1736, and he states that nearly all the Nayaka coins from Madura and Trichinopoly and also the coins of the Vellore Rayars have that inscription on the reverse." I observe, however, that No. 124 appears to be of a corrupt type, the first character being drawn in a roversed position to that of my coins as now figured ---turned the wrong way in fact - and it is the only coin which he has figured in which the characters resemble those given on my plate. If he is right in his Assignment of No. 124 to the Madura Nayakas, it is possible that these chiefs tried to copy an older coin, such as those in my plate. It is difficult, however, to judge from his illustrations.
The legend has been read áridhara, which is probably correct, though the aspirate mark does not occur in the second character on the coins. The word is an epithet of Vishņu. We may call this the “Sridhars Series."
If they are temple coins, to which of the great temples do they belong?
Note that my No. 4-F also bears the same word áridhara. It may belong to this series, the the peacock being a variety of obrerse.
No. 3-A, Thick copper "dub" -
Obo. - A Vishņu namam, or trident-mark, with chank and chakra at sides. Rev. --- Legend in rough Nagari characters.
This is evidently a modern coin. But who coined it ? Mr. Lóventhal's 60, 61, 62 havo ndname, but with Garudas on the obverse. (Cuins of Tinnerelly, Plate III. pp. 13, 14.) The author cannot place them. No. 8-B. Thick copper "dub" -
Obo. - Similar, but different die.
Rev. - Do. do. No. 4-A, Copper
Obv. - Peacock to left, inside a circle formed of triangles.
Rev. - Ins. in Persian-falús - in circle of dots. No. 4-B. Copper --
Obo. - Peacock to right, inside a similar circle. Rep. - Similar to No. 4-A.
No. 4-0. Copper
Obo. - Pencock to right. Rev. - A legend in three lines, illegible. May be Tamil

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No. 4-D. Copper -
Obo. - Peacock to left, passant. Moon above. Rev. - A king, or a god, standing; in right hand a staff or banner or spear, left hand
hanging down. Beyond left hand two diamond-shaped figures; on king's right,
dots. A good little coin, said to have come from Tinnevelly.
Mr. Lóventhal (op. cit. Nos. 63, 64) has figured coins with peacocks, but the reverses bave modern-looking Vishņu marks on each side of a lamp (?). He thinks that they belong to the Hoysala Ballklas, but his reasons are not very apparent. His numbers 92, 93, also have peacock obverses, and on No. 93 is the Sridhara inscription of the former series (my No. 1). No. 4-. Copper -
Obv. - Peacock to right, passant, as a váhana for gods.
Rod. - "Venkatá" in Kanarese characters. No. 4-F. Copper -
Obv. - Peacock to right, standing ; tail down, in circle of small dots. Rev. - " Sridhara," as with coins No. 1.
This is the nearest approach that I have to Mr. Lóventhal's No. 98. No. 4-G. Copper -
Obv. - Peacock to left, standing.
Rev. - A legend, which I cannot decipher. No. 4-8. Copper -
Obv. - Peacook to right in a double circle, the inner one made of dots.
Rev. - A legend, which I am unable to read, No. 4-1. Copper -
Obr. - Peacock, in circle of dots.
Rev.-Indistingaishable. No. 5-A. Copper -
Obv. - Brahma, on his hansa váhana (?).
Rev. - A double lamp with "Rama" in Nagart characters, on either side. No. 5-B
Obu. - Kartikêya on peacock vdhana (or perhaps Brahma on the hassa).
Rev. - A Siya lingan on an altar. No. 5-0
Obv.-P Kartikeya on the peacock. The tail represented very large. Rev. - A Tamil legend, which I think reads "Setupati."
If this reading is correct, it establishes the coin as one of the Setupatis of Amnid, in the South; probably dating from the 17th or 18th century of our era. In such case it is not, of course, a temple coin. No. 6-D. A thick copper coin - Obv. - A god, standing, left foot crossed over right. Either he has many arms, or is
overshadowed by a seven-headed cobra. Both the principal arms are down and hold some rod or sceptre transversely across the body. Below him is, apparently, A very rough rendering of a peacock ráhana, but this is doubtful. The figure might be intended to represent a Garuda, but, if so, it is unlike any image of that
semi-deity that I have seen. Rev. - (Apparently) & simha; tail up. Above, a sword or dagger.
I only place this coin in this series on the off chance that the figure below the god on the obverse may be intended to represent a peacock.

Page #325

2 A
2 G
SC
9 D.3.
DOUBTFUL COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
-2 B
11
4 B
5 D
7 F
12
11
9 E
9 C
2 c
9 F
EVA GODY
4 C
346
IC
FULL-SIZE
7 C
9 DI
9 G
71
FAY
ID
3 B
4 E
58
9.0.2.
9 H
Plate i
Jent

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Page #327

August, 1903.)
SOME DOUBTFUL OOINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
817
No. 8-A. Thick copper "dub" - Obv. and Rev. similar ; nis., the character "Ra" in Kaparese within an ornamented
scroll, open at top and bottom; a circle of dots round it. I have eleven of these
coing. No. B-B. Thick copper "dub" -
Obo. - Similar design with the Kanarese character Rd in centre. Rev. - Similar, but with the Kanarese ma. The word, of course, is Rama.
These coins are found in the Rêyadrûg (Raidroog) tâlaka of the Bellary district, one of the nearer and more direct dependencies of the kingdom of Vijayanagara. Who coined them ? And when ?
I possess only one coin of the 6-B" type. Are they temple coins, or issues by some local chieftain after the fall of Vijayanagara P
Series No. 7 consists of coins found in the Kûdligi tâloka, Bellary district. They are, ás coins, of the same class as No. 6, being thick and heavy. No. 7-A. Found by Mr. Bruce Foote on an old village site near Harlihâl. Obv. and Rev. - Same type, the principal object being a lozenge-shaped ornament with
nine dots inside it; Hindustani or Persian lettering around. . No. 7-B. Similar, but the lozenge design smaller, and the lettering more prominent. No. 7-0. Similar to 7-A as to size of lozenge, but a large portion of the field occupied by
lettering No. 7-D. Similar, but larger lozenge ; and less prominent, conventional-looking lettering.
The dots here are eleven in number, the central nine assuming the form of a circle.. No. 7-E. Similar to 7-D, bat having more lettering apparent. No. 7-F. Similar lozenge, but with a squatting figure of Narasimba on the opposite side.
[[ have two, besides these, slightly different, and omitted in the plate to save space.] No. 8. Thick copper -
Obv. -Crossed lines, dots in intervals. Is this a Persian inscription Rev. - A legend, apparently in some sort of Arabio oharacters,
[Nos, 8 to 14 are, of course, coins issued by some raling dynasty, and have nothing to do with the temples.]
Set No. 9 consists of Muhammadan copper dybs," mostly from the Bellary district. No. 9-A, Square, thick, copper -
Obv.-To right a trident; to left an axe (1) between horizontal lines; dots in the spaces.
Rep. - A legend. No. 9-B. Round, thick, copper -
Obv. - A trident, with dots.
Rev. - Legend. No. 9-0. Thick copper -
Obv.-Lines which, viewed one way, look trident-like.
Rev. - Legend. No. 9-D, 1, 2, 3. Copper.
Obo. - Legend, with strong horizontal lines. Rev. - Do. do d o. [Putting these three together some expert may be able to identify them.]

Page #328

318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1903.
No. 9-E. Copper -
A coin found at Gadiganûr, Bellary district, and kindly given to me by Mr. Bruce Foote. Obv. -- Inscription with crossed lines.
Rer. - (Obliterated.) No. 9-F -
From Hampo (Vijayanagara). Also given to me by Mr. Foote. Obv. - Inscription.
Rev. - (Obliterated.) No. 9-G. Thick copper -
Obv. — Inscription.
Rev. - Do. No. 9-8. Thick copper -
Obv, and Rev. - Inscription. No. 9-1. Thick copper -
Obv. and Rev.- Inscription. No. 9-X. Thick copper -
Obv. and Rev. -- Inscription. No. 9-L. Thick copper -
Obo. and Rev.- Inscription. No. 10. Copper -
Obv.-Surha to right, paw uplifted. Scroll, or lettering, below. Rev. – Two concentric circles with a circle of dots outside. Something in the centre, unrecog
nizable. Outside of this, traces of lettering. The lion is, to all appearances, of the type of those on Maisûr coins of early 19th centary, bat there is no coin in Mr. Tharston's or Major Tufnell's Lists which corresponds with this. No. 11. Copper -
Obv. - Inscription in Nagari characters in two lines, divided by two fish. Rep. - Inscription in Kanarese characters. The former seems to read "- gdrapa" above,
and "pard " below. The latter "manga" above and “lorarhpa" below. I ascribe the coin to the West Coast on account of the fish device and the Kanarese
inscription. If it were a Pandya coin, the characters would have been Tamil. No. 12. Copper -
Obv. - A Vishạn mark - chank or chalra, in a lined circle with circle of dots outside. Rev. - (?) Double-line circle, on each side of circle of dots.
The design on the obverse leads me to attribute this coin to the West Coast. No. 18. Copper - Obv. - A sword, hilt at top; dots on each side below cross-bar; wreath of dots round it;
circles round, inner one a line, outer one dots. Rev. - An inscription in a lined circle with circle of dots outside.
The device on the obverse leads me to assign this also to the West Coast. No. 14-A. Copper —
Obv.- A very roughly designed witha () to left; tail over back; claws indicated. Rev. An inscription divided by four lines.
This may be a coin of king Sadasiva Raya of Vijayanagara. (See Inedited Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara, by Mesors. Rangáchâri and Desikachâri in Ind. Ant. XXIII. p. 26, No. 6 and plate.) They read the legend as ( ) (Bri) Sa
(6) dáái(va) (T ) (riya).

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AUGUST, 1903.]
No. 14-B. Copper
Obs. and Rev.
No. 16. Obv.
No. 14-C. Copper
Obv. and Rev. - Also similar, but different to either A or B.
SOME DOUBTFUL COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
-
No. 15. Copper
I do not know how to class this coin. The lion would place it as a coin of some State, but in such case one would expect some lettering on the reverse, instead of the figure of Hanuman.
Obv.
A rampant lion, facing left; claws strongly marked; moon and chank above. Lined and dotted circle.
Rev.
A figure of Hanuman passing to left. Four circles round it; two of lines, two of dots.
Obr.
Rev.
Copper
A conventional fish, possibly intended for a sword-fish; surrounded by a dotted circle.
Rev. Sri in Kanarese characters. As regards the fish, instances of it occur in Mysore coinage (Thurston's Catalogue, Pl. IV. 11; Tufnell, Pl. I. 21), but this is clearly not a Mysore coin. (See also Numismatic Gleanings, Elliot, No. 87.)
Similar but different.
No. 17-A. Copper -
The following five coins, A to E, appear to belong to some great temple dedicated to Siva, since all of them have the figure of the lingam and altar. The reverses are rather puzzling, but they may represent Siva and Pârvati. In each case the figures are divided by a sort of staff, except in E., where each holds a sceptre in the elevated right hand. In F. there is only one figure.
No. 17-C. Copper -
Siva and Pârvati (?) standing, in a lined circle, with a lofty staff dividing them. A crade representation of the altar and lingam wreathed. Circles of lines and dots. No. 17-B. Copper
Similar, but not the same.
Similar, but not the same.
319
-
No. 17-D. Copper
A smaller coin. Here the god and goddess are either sitting, or seated on their vahanas.
No. 17-E. Copper -
Similar. See note under 17-A. Under the altar and lingam is a Nandi (Siva's bull).
No. 17-G. Copper
Obe.
Rev. No. 18-A.
Obv.
Rev..
No. 17-F.
Copper -
Obv. A standing god, which apparently must be intended for Siva. The arms are
upraised.
Rev. The altar and lingam, but no wreath, and the figure of Nandi below, facing right.
-
God and goddess standing, as in 17-A.
A very rough lingam and altar; dots above on each side.
Copper
Ganesa on his rat vdhana; in a lined circle.
A very rough representation of a lingam on an altar, under a canopy; lined circle round.

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320
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1903.
No. 18-B. Copper -
Similar, but different. Above the lingam in this case, and under the canopy, are two dots, one on each side. No. 19. Copper - Obo. - In a lined circle some device which I cannot interpret. It may be a very rough
representation of Vishņu and Lakshmi on some vdhana. Rev. – Tortoise. No. 20-A. Copper -
Obv. - A very crude figure of a god standing under & canopy ; on left a staff or sceptre.
Rev. - On left a saikha-shell. On right a twist, probably the Kanarese Sri. No. 20-B. Copper -
Obv. - Similar to 20-A. Rev. - Chank on right side. On the left is perhaps a worshipping Hanuman, but the coin
is much injured. No. 21. Copper - Obo. - A rough Siva lingam with a canopy, the end of which has a loop on the right side ;
circle of dots round. Rev. - Apparently an attempt at an inscription ; perhaps in Tamil characters. No. 22, Copper -
Obv. - May be intended for a lingam and canopy; or may be some lettering rudely copied. Rev.- If this were a Buddhist coin I should interpret this design as a tree-symbol on left,
and & san-symbol on right. But it appears far too modern for this explanation. No. 23. Copper -
Obo. - An inscription in Nagari characters.
Rev. - Apparently an inscription; but in what characters ? No. 24-A. Copper - Obv. - Vishņu standing leaning on a tall staff held in left hand ; Lakshmi, smaller, under his
left arm ; circle of dots. Rev. - Hanumân standing to front; head turned to his proper right; tail twisting over bis
left shoulder; circle of dots. No. 24-B. Copper -
Obu. - Vishņu (?) standing, holding a large bow (?) in left hand ; circle of dots Ret. – An inscription — possibly (Vi)jaya - in characters which may be classed either as
Telugu or as Kanarese; circle of dots. If my reading of the reverse is correct, this may be one of the Pudukottah Series. See extract from letter of Sir Seshiah Sastri in the introductory remarks to this paper. No. 24-0. Copper -
Obv. - A standing god; staff below left arm; circle of dots.
Rev.-Two letters of an inscription, probably Nagari characters, under some object defaced. No. 26. Copper - Obv. - A god, or king, facing front; some object on right; circle of dots. The head-dress
falls to one side, and makes the figure look more like that of a Rajah than of a deity. Rev. – Vishņa standing, arms outstretched; his two wives below the arms ; circle of dota. No. 26. Copper -
Obv.- Vishộu in his matsya-, or fish-, avatar. Rev. - A tendril, twisted, bearing three lotus bude.

Page #331

DOUBTFUL COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
Plate ii.
17 D
18 B
20 A
20 B
24 C
99 00 00 0,0 0,4
FULL-SIZE

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Page #333

Avgust, 1903.
SOME DOUBTFUL OOINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
821
No. 37. Copper -
A very puzzling coin. On the obv, is a standing tigare, which may be Vishņu in his Narasimha aratdr, with some other object to the left. From another point of view the design looks something like a figure of a Rajah seated with his left arm crooked, surrounded by a lozenge-shaped line, and having objects on each side of his head. The rap, has s dotted line in a square shape with a square prolongation on one side, and some lettering inside. NO. 28. Copper - Obv. - A very crude figure of (!) Viska standing under a canopy. His right hand holds an
object- soeptre, or discus on a staff. Rep. - A chink, surrounded by lined circle. On left three dots; on right the letter ri in
Kanarese (?). No. 29. Copper -
Obr. A well-designed little figure of Ganesa on his rat vdhana, with a staff in his right hand. Rev. - A very poor attempt at a Siva lingam on an altar. A horizontal line runs across between
the altar and the lingam. No. 80. Copper -
Obd. - Garuda, passant, to left.
Rev. - A worn-out inscription, apparently in Nagari characters. No. 31. Copper -
A complete pazzle. On one side what looks like a scorpion, surrounded by a ring of dots of rather unusual type - the dots being close together so as to make a continuous rope-like circle. They might even be a string of cowrie-shells. On the other side, within a similar circle, is some object or group of objects to which I can give no name. No. 32. Copper -
[1 cannot say if this is a coin at all.] 05. - A strongly marked egual-armed cross, each end forming a trefoil.
Rev. - Unintelligible. No. 33. Copper -
Obv. - An eight-pointed star. Rev. - Tamil lettering; probably "kumpigi" = "Company." This is, I think, a variety
of the coin noted by Dr. Haltasch as one struck by the British East India Company, - No. 25 of his List in Ind. Ant, XXL326, PI. II., No. 85. His
coin has dots between the star-points; mine has none. No. 34. Copper -
Ob. - A six-pointed star, in a lined circle.
Rev. - (?) No. 36. Copper Obv. - A. god, standing on something hinted at rather than represented; probably
canopy was over his head. Rev. "Venkutappa," in a lined circle. This is probably coin of one of the Venkatas of
Vijayanagara, but I do not think that it has been figured in previous Lists. No. 38. Copper -
Obv. - ()
Rev. - An inscription in Tamil () characters. No. 37. Copper -
Obv.- () Rev. - A Nagart inscription.
Com

Page #334

898
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(Avaun, 1901.
No. 88. Copper -
(A muob-injared little coin.] Ob.- A sword hilt, and part of blade ; bilt upwarda, guard to loft. A dataood inscrip
tion round. Reo. An inscription in characters that look like Tamil, No. 89. Copper -
Obr. - A gracefully designed tree-branch with buds. Roo. -An inscription in Nagari characters, evidently the name of a sovereign. The letters
are, many of them, clear enough, but I have not been able, myot, to waign the
coin ; and I prefer to submit it to be deciphered by others better informed. I have never seen any other south-Indian coin with a similar obrerse, and believe it to belong to the North. Is it Sikh ? No. 40. Copper -
Oby. (8)
Rep. - Inscription. No. 41. Copper -
Obo.- A standing god ; arms apraised.
Rev. - Inscription. No. 42. Copper -
Obo. (*)
R.. -- Inscription in Arabic or Pervian. No. 48-A. Copper -
Obo.- Debased standing Chola figure ; some symbol on left side.
Rev. — Inscription in Tamil characters, " Pudu --." No. 48-B. Copper -
Obo. - Similar to 48-A, Rev. - Inscription in Tamil characters," - duche' -." Are those legends " Puduchéri,"
1.e., Pondicherry P No. 19-0
Obo. and Rev. - Similar. A better specimen of the same coin. No. 48-DObo, and Rev. - Similar. But here, ander the pu is another character, which would prevent
us from reading Puduchéri. No. 4. Copper -
Obo. - God on odhana (1).
Rev. - Inscription, No. 45. Copper - Obv. - A well-designed elephant, facing right; tail up, with a double end; Arabic character
alif abovo. Double circle and circle of dots. Rev. - ?)
This appears to me almost certainly Mysore coin of Tol Sultan, but in those figured in Tharton's and Tufnell's Lista non. have the tail uplifted, with double and, fucing right, and the alif above. No. 46. Corper -
Obu. - A roughly-designed elephant, facing to right; Arabic date above(); fotiated circle pound. Rev. Inscription in Arabic characters, This also looks like a Mysore coin of Haidar or Tipa, but I do not and it in the pablished lista.

Page #335

August, 1903.)
SOME DOUBTFUL COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
898
No. 47. Copper -
Ow. - Some animal, surrounded by a circle of dots.
Reo. - Inscription in Tamil. No. 48. Copper -
Obo. - () Circle of dots round.
Rev. — (0) No. 49. Copper -
Obv. - (1) Vishņu and his two wives.
Rev.-(?) Inscription in Tamil. No. 60. Copper -
Obo. - (1)
Rev. - An inscription. No. 61. Copper -
Ob. - Bull, Nandi, facing left.
Rev. - (?) • This is a very thin coin, if it is a coin at all which I doubt. It appears to me more like a token or keepsake, perhaps issued by a temple. No. 52. Copper - Obo. - Vishņu seated; chants and chakra on each side of his head ; double lamp (?) below,
on left. Rer. - An insoription. The characters look plain, but I can make nothing of them. The
lines are divided perpendicularly, and the letters in the middle appear to read a above,
and ma in the centre. This coin was found in the old fort of Dantavaktronikota in the village of Purusbottapuram, in the Chicacole taluka of the Ganjam district. No. 68. Copper -
Obv. - A single letter, in a circle of dots, apparently the Nagar da.
R .-- () No. 54. Copper -
Obo. - Ganesa, on a plain field.
Re-An illegible Nägart inscription. No. 58. Copper -
Obd. - Nandi, to left; the head very high above the body. Rev.- A trident, or trisala, with some lettering at sides.
A coin with trident in Ool. Biddulph's collection has a fish on the obv., and is possibly Pandyan.
No. 68. Copper -
Obo, - A horse trotting, facing left. Reo. - Apparently a number; horisontal lines below.
This may be one of the Mysore series of small coins baving animals and other devices on the obu. sod cbaquer pattern with symbols on the roo.; but, if so, it is a variety. One of the Mysore coins noted on p. 29. of Mr, Tharston's Catalogue, No. 5 (PLIV.2), has horse, but the design is different, and on the rou, the symbols are not so prominent, the chequer pattern and symbols having all the same value. In my coin the lines are subservient to the aumbers or letters.

Page #336

824
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1903.
No. 57. Copper -
Obv. - Obliterated. Reo. - A Nagart inscription, which may be Sri-Krishnaraya, bat I am not certain.
This may be a Vijayanagara coin. No. 58-A. Copper -
Obo. — Obliterated. Rev. Within a rayed circle an inscription in Nagari characters.
The coin is roughly stamped on a plate of copper. No. 68-B. Copper - Obv. and Rev. - Apparently similar. In this case it can be seen that the obverse had some
desigu enclosed by a rayed circle, and that it was panched on to a copper disk,
carelessly, No. 69-A. Copper - Obv. - In a lined circle within a dotted circles very debased human figure, whether a god or
a king is impossible to say. The head is like a moon, the arms are uplifted, there is a dot for the body, and lines below the awkwardly stretched-out legs, which reinind one of the skirts of the kings represented on Chôļa coins. On the right is a rosette
of five dots, on the left some indistingaishable symbol, which may be meant for a club. Rer. - In a lined circle within a dotted circle, a central staff or sceptre flanked by two lozenges;
each lozenge stands on the apex of triangle. The set of coins marked 59-A to 59-F were carefully considered by Sir Walter Elliot, and deliberately omitted froin his Catalogue (published in 1886), because they could not be identified. They are now published for the first time. General Pearse thought they were Chêra coins, or possibly Ganga. No. 60-B. Copper - Obv. - A small elephant of antique design, bat badly executed, trunk uplifted, facing right;
moon abovo ; surrounded by a line circle and circle of dots. Rep. - In a lined circle and circle of dots two lozenges' divided by a staff or sceptre. Two
dots above the lozenges. I imagined at one time that the deagin on the rev. might represent a double axe, but the reverses of the other coins classed under this No. 59 seem to shew that this interpretation is incorrect No. 59-0. Copper - Obr. - Small elephant facing left; chank; chakra; moon; and a lozenge on a triangle. There
are some lines below the elephant, and a line circle round the whole. Rev. - In lined circle and circle of dots a standing figure; arms uplifted; some objecte
on left. The obverse of this coin reminds one of the way several separate symbols are stamped on Buddhist coins. The figure on the reverse bears some analogy to the standing king on Chola and Ceylon coins. The object to the left of the figure has been thought to represent an altar, but this is doubtful. No. 69-D. Copper -
Obv. - A kisha, or lion; tail and head uplifted ; facing left. Rev. - A king flourishing a sword in his right hand; left arm crooked, hand upwards; below
the elbow losenge; two long lines on the king's proper right may possibly be intended for sports. If intended to represent the Chera bow, one of the lines ought to have been curred to indicate the bow-shaft, but here they are both straight. Lined cirole and circle of dots round,
.

Page #337

DOUBTFUL COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
Plate iii.
52
... 09
59 C
58 B
FULL-SIZE

Page #338


Page #339

AUGUST, 1908.]
BOME DOUBTFUL OOINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
325
No. 59-X. Copper - 06. - In a lined circle and circle of dots & chakra on right side, and a lozenge on the left, with
balls on the points; moon above; an object below that may perhaps represent flames,
but is very doubtful. Rev.-In lined circle and circle of dots & standing king closely resembling the figure on
No. 59-D. But in this case one of the two long lines on the left seems to be intended for a trident. In both this and 59-D there is a cross line connecting the straight object with the king's right arm. The object in the field below the king's left arm
is bere a dot, possibly a sun-disk, instead of a lozenge. The position on the obverse of the lozenge seems to shew that it was intended to represent the chakra of Vishņa; and it is just possible that in all these cases the lozenges, whether standing alone or on triangles, may be intended to symbolize very conventionally the chank and chakra. If so, the triangles would represent supports, or altars.
No. 59-T
Odp. - Garuds, arms uplifted, running to left. The action is spirited. Rev. - In lined circle and circle of dots a double design. On the right is the standing king,
As before, with the two spears (1) on his proper right. On the left of this, two lozenges one above the other, with a short horizontal line dividing them. Or, perhaps, this last group may be intended to be looked at sideways, in which case it
resembles the design on No. 59-B. Lined circle and circle of dots round. The presence of the Garuda here emphasizes the remark made under 59-E, that these coins were issued by Vishņu-worshippers, and that the lozenges may be conventionalized Vaishṇava symbols. No. 60. Copper - Obo. - In a lined circle and circle of dots an elephant, with very long trunk, facing right; three
dots below. Rev. - In a lined circle and circle of dots a figure of Visbņu. His arms are uplifted holding
the chank and chakra. Round his waist is a sash with very large flying ends, trefoilshaped. In the field under his right arm is a tortoise, in allusion to the Kurma Apatdra.
No. 61. Copper -
A number of copper coins were given to me when in the Bellary district, which were said to be commonly found in that tract.. The people there kuow them as Handé Rayani dubs. I bave nineteen of them. In all, except one, one side is quite plain, the other has one small syrgbol punched in it - either a moon-crescent, or a snake. Two of the coins shew faint traces of having belonged to a regular coinage, the design on which has been almost entirely defaced. The coins are thick. I fancy that they must be Muhammadan coins, worn down till the faces have become obliterated, re-called into a treasury (perhaps that of the Rajah of Sandûr, or one of the lesser chiefs), die-strack in the manner seen, and then re-issued. I give an illustration of one of these, die-struck on both
sides.
No. 67. Copper
I conclude with a small square of copper, evidently not a coin, and looking more like a charm, with an inscription engraved in Telugu characters. I should be glad if someone would interpret it. The characters apparently read Bild (or lanh) pa rovimu (or pu) nga Ranga. Of this I can make no sense. It came from the Ganjam district.

Page #340

326
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1903
ARYA SORA'S JÁTAKAMÂLÂ AND THE FRESCOES OF AJANȚA.
BY HEINRICH LÜDERS, PH.D. Translated from the Nachrichten von der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften C
u Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl., 1902, pp. 758 to 762. [The following is a translation of a paper read to the Göttingen Royal Society, 13th December, 1902. As will be seen it is based on a passage in No. 10 of the Miscellaneous publications of the Arehwological Survey of Western India (Bombay, 1881). There, at page 81, a lithograph of tracings of inscriptions in Cave II, is given, and in the text Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji's readings and remarks on the inscriptions are interspersed with my account of their positions in relation to the accompanying frescoes. The epigraphs are often so faint that it was almost impossible to trace them correctly, and mistakes were almost unavoidable: for example, in the case of No. 7 on the plate (Dr. Lüders's last), the abrasion of the upper left arm of the m left only ch. In other cases mislections seem to have been made in the transcripts, and in the following I shall not follow Dr. Lüders in repeating these and then correcting them by the facsimiles, but substitute at once the readings of the latter in place of the transcriptions, along with his parallel quotations from the Jdtakamdia. The paintings and inscriptions in question are in a small chamber outside and to the left of Oavo II., and unfortunately the former are as much destroyed as the latter, and Mr. Griffiths made no copies of the frescoes in this apartment.-J. BUBGES8.)
The twenty-eighth story of the Jâtakamála, — the Kshantijataka, is a version of the legend of Kshantivadin found in the Pali collection of the Jatakas (No. 813) and in the Mahkvastu (tom. III. p. 857). The contents of the Jataka, according to the representation of Arya-Sûra, are briefly as follows:
The Bodhisattva lived in a forest as a pious hermit. As he was fond of making forbearance the the subject of his discourses, people called him Kshantivadin - the preacher of patience. Now once on a hot summer day the king of the country with his barem were walking in that forest. Becoming tired from the walk and the drinking freely of wine, be lay down to sleep. When the women saw that their lord had fallen asleep, they wandered about at pleasure in the wood and came to the hermitage of Kshantivadin, who at once employed the opportunity to give them an edifying sermon on patience. Meanwhile the king awoke, sought for the women, and when he found them as they were sitting in a circle round the hermit, listening to his discourse, he fell into a terrible rage. The women seek to soothe him, but their pleading is in vain, and filled with fear -- they draw back. Meanwhile Kshậntivadin remains quite calm : he warns the king against too hasty action and advises him to cultivate patience. In fierce wrath the king draws his sword and strikes off the hermit's right hand, but his patience is not disturbed by this; even when the king hacks off one limb after another he has only a feeling of pity for the angry man. The merited panishment overtakes the latter : as he is just abont to leave the wood, the earth opens and swallows him. The people of the country dreaded a like fate for themselves; but Kshậntivâdin calmed their fears and, remaining true to his principles till death, when dying he blessed his murderers.
This story was pictorially represented in the frescoes of a small chamber outside and to the left of Care JI, at Ajanta. In the Inscriptions from the Cape-Temples of Western India, p. 81,9 Bargess says that on the back wall to the right of a door in it, a man is represented seated on stool (Dhadrâsana) in a plain dress indicative of a Sadhu or Brahman; his head is destroyed."
[Kern's edition in Lanman's Harvard Oriental Series, pp. 181-192.-J. B.] .. [The Jataka, od. by E. B. Cowell, Vol. III. pp. 28-29.-J. B.]
• The paintings referred to here are not contained in the fine work by J. Griffiths - The Painting of the Buddhist Cowe-Temples of Ajanta. I have therefore been throughout confined to the publication by Burges and Bhagw&nAl Indraji. - See above.-J. B.)

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AVGUBT, 1903.) ARYA SURA'S JATAKAMALA AND FRESCOES OF AJANTA. 327
Under his seat, in letters of about the sixth century, is one word which Bhagwânlal Indraji read Kshantipádih and translated "a discourse on forbearance." This is surprising seeing that in a footnoter it is remarked that Kshantivadin was the name of Gautama Buddha in one of his previous births. It is, of course, the name of the person represented above, as also for example in Cave XVII., the figures are marked by accompanying inscriptions, -as king Sibi or Indra.
Facing Kshantivadin, according to Burgess, is represented another seated figure, and below is & stripe of green colour on which an inscription is painted in two lines, so mutilated as to be untranslateable. Sergius F. Oldenburg has already expressed the surmise that this inscription contains vetses from a version of the Jâtaka. I believe I can prove that the inscription is taken from stansas 4, 18 and 19 of the Kshantijataks of the Jatakamala.
In the following I have printed the stanzas named, whilst immediately below I have placed the text of the inscription from Bhagwânlal Indraji's lithographed tracings:
nivasanti bi yatraiva santaḥ sadgañabhůshankh 1 ...ha yatrapa rdnta sadgu.. bhushana tan mangalyan manojñam cha tat tirtham tat tapovanam 11 4 11 tan ma ...... ndjna na .. ... .. ..... Agarhitâm jatim avipya mânushîm anûnabhảvam patubhis tathendriyaih 1 agahi.. mítim avdpya manusha .. .... pâtu.. fachendriyai avasyamrityur nna karoti yah subhan pramadabhâk pratyaham esha vamchyate || 1511 Hvakyamrityu nnmh karoti yaḥ śubhan pram[A]decha..kyaham ema danyate. alamkriyanta kusumair mahtrabas tadidgugais toyavilambino ghankh
kayanta Kusumair mahiruhás ta. ddguse ... ntin[o] ghand BATÂmsi mattabhramarais saroruhair guņair Yvišeshadhigatais tu dehinah # 19 11
sardoi mantabhramates saroru ..... rvvichdva .... kahá hina .. It hardly needs further proof that the two texts are identical, and in every case where the inscription differs from the Jatakamála, it is evidently an incorrect copy. The contents of these three stanzas clearly indicate what was the subject of the picture above. The first stanza praises the place in the wood where Kshantivadin had settled; the other two verses are taken from the discourse which he delivered to the king's wives. Thns the picture evidently represented this sermon, and the figure sitting opposite to the hermit, of which Burgess speaks, was probably one of the royal women.
Under this pictaro there was another which Burgess describes thus: -"Below this is a Brahman or Pasupata, seated on a stool in plain dress and with a rudraksha rosary about his neck. Opposite him is another male figure, and between then a woman is seated, with her hands joined towards the former, whilst she is speaking to the second." Under these figures again is an inscription, which proves to be a rendering of bloka 56 of the Kshantijataka. With the correct text it runs thus:
gâtrachchhedepy akshatakshåntidhiram chittatasys prekshaminasya sadhoh ndtrachchhedityakshatakshántichirasi chit(tja tasya preksha .... .... nâsid dahkham pritiyogân nsipam tu bhrashta dharmad vikshya santâpam âpar 56 it
.... pritisaranyána maka tásik nasa . .. ndtran ddevddh dra
• (This footnoto was added by mo. - J. B.1 6 Jour, Amor. Or. Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 196. - [See below.]
. [I have, M stated above, changed the transcribed readings for those of the facsimiles, printing the more doubtful syllables in roman typo.-J. B.]
+ [The original is so faded and indistinot that a corroot oopy is impossible. The corrections made from the facsimile are indioated by roman letters. I omit some remarks by Dr. Lüdors on the discrepancies here. . .]

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It is scarcely possible without an examination of the fresco itself, to determine what part of the story the picture represented was, to which these verses belong. They glorify rest of spirit which did not forsake the Kshantivadin, even under the fearful tortures inflicted by the king, and from this it might be inferred that the scene of the matilation was represented. Bargesa' description of the people, in whom we have no difficulty in recognising Kshantividin, the king, and one of the wives praying for mercy on the ascetic, - seems, on the other hand, to indicate that the soene preceding the aotaal mutilation was depicted.
The Kshantijataks is not the only story from the Jatakamals which has served the Ajanta artists as a subject. On the right side wall of the same chamber, near the front corner, there is, according to Burgess, the figure of a king seated on a throne, which bears an inscription that BhagWÁnlal Indraji doubtfally read as Chaitripalarkirajá, and explained as King Chaitra of Valorka' The correct reading, however, is certainly Maitribalo ... rájd, and the picture represents the Bodhisattva in his former birth as Maitribala. The history of this king forms the subject of the eighth story of the Jatakamála.10 Maitrábala is there held up as a pattern of human kindness; be goes so far in his goodness that once he satisfied with his own flesh and blood five Yakshas who asked him for food.
The correctness of my explanation is proved by the inscription which, according to Burgess, is found above the representation of the king. It is mach mutilated, but sufficient is left to identity it undoubtedly with Kloka 44 of the Maitribalajataka. The stanza and Bhagwanlal Indraji's tracing of the text run thus :
hriyamanavakasuth tu dânaprity& punaḥ punahi
DA prasebe manas tasya chchhedaduḥkhan vigabitum 11
na pranche manas pand traivaduḥkha vigdhitam I-tsing tells us how widespread and popular was the JAtakamala in India at the end of the seventh century. The inscriptions at Ajanta, in characters that belong to about the sixth century, prove that the work held as high a reputation a hundred years earlier.
Other Jatakas in the Ajanta Frescoes. Dr. Sorgius F. Oldenburg in 1895 published a paper on the representations of the Jatakas on Buddbist monuments. His results are of the utmost value, and the communication was translated from the Russian in the Journal of the American Oriental Society (Vol. XVIII, pp. 188 ff.), 1897. In this Dr. Oldenburg expressed the difficulty of satisfactory identification of the scenes in the almost complete absence of reproductions (ib. pp. 195, 196). Mr. Griffiths' work, The Paintings in the Buddhist Cards of Ajaptá (1896), had not then appeared. But even this great work does not remove all impediments; for, of the 820 pieces, large and small, copied between 1872 and 1886, half were destroyed by fire at South Kensington Museum soon after they were hung up, and the 159 plates in Mr. Griffiths' work represent about eighty-five of his canvases, and of these fully 40 per cent. are decorative details - contained in the second volume. To study the subjects of the very interesting paintings in the Ajanta Caves, more complete series of the sopnes, drawn in outline and lithograpbed, should be in the hands of scholars. Meanwhile the mergre information available bas been carefully studied; and Dr. S. F. Oldenburg, solely on the the basis of the descriptions in Notes on
• Loc. cit. p. 89.
Thorki standing between the two worde, looks more like k in the fronimile. It cannot, of ons, be right, but I cannot propose a satisfactory correction
. (Korn's od. pp. 41-50.-J. B.]
11 I add the following a connected with Dr. Lüder's paper, and of interest to moh may not have soon Dr. Oldenburg's paper.-J. B.]

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THE LEGEND OF MIRA BAI THE BAJ PUT POETEŠS.
the Bauddha Rock-Temples of Ajanta, their paintings and sculptures, fo.,19 has made the following identifications: -
1. Cave II., Nos, viii, ix, page 82 (. below No. 5) ... 53413 Maha-Hansa jataka. 2. No. xxvii, p. 38
482 Ruru. 8. Cave IX., No, i, p. 47 (cf. below No. 11) ... ... 499 Sivi.16 4. Cave X., p. 50 ...
... 514 Chaddanta,14,15 5. Cavo XVII, No. xix, pp. 65-66 (cf. above No. 1) ... 584 Maha-hansa. 6. Cavo XVII., Nos. xxii-xxiv, pp. 66-67 ... W. 589 Mahk-vessantara (1). No. XXV, p. 67. ... ...
516 Mahâ-kapi. Nos. IXXVI-Xxxvii, p. 70 . 455 Mâti-posaka,
No, xxxviii, p. 71 ... ... W. 582 Sâma (1). , No. xxxix, p. 71... ...
... 278
Mahisa. No. liv, pp. 75-76 (cf. above 3) .. ... 499 Sivi, 15 12. Cave II, Outside chamber to the left, pp. 81-82 ... 318 Khanti-radi.
CO.
11.
THE LEGEND OF MIRA BÃI THE RAJPUT POETESS,
BY M. MACAULIFFE. Mira Bar was daughter of Batan Singh Bethaur of Merata, a town between Bikaner and Jodhpur in Rajpûtâng. She was born about 1504 A, D. She appears to have inherited her religious proclivities from her mother. When Mira BAI was three or four years of age, the bridal procesBion of youth of position passed by the palace. All the ladies of the court, except Mira Bat's mother, went to the upper apartments to view the procession. She took the opportunity of their abeeace to go to pray to an image of Krishna, called Girdhar Lal, which was set up in her private apartment.
Mira BAI laid aside her playthings to follow her mother, and said to her," who is my bridegroom?" Her mother smiled, took her in her arms, and, pointing to Girdhar Lal, said, "there is your bridegroom." Upon this Mira Bai instantly accepted him, and veiled her face according to the Oriental practice, which requires a wife to veil her face even from her newly married husband. She became so enamoured of Girdhar Lal that she could not pass an'instant without seeing him. Her love for him is compared to that of the milkmaids, Krishna's playfellows, of Bindraban. She indulged her passion without fear or shame, and without any regard to the traditions of her family ou the subject of the retirement of women from the public gaze.
While her affections were thus engaged, she was betrothed to Kanwar Bhojraj, son of Rans Banga of Mawar. The subsequent marriage in 1516 A. D., as might well have been expected, proved unhappy. Bhojraj went to Mêráta in great state with a large retinue, but when the marriage ceremony was being performed and the time came for the bride to circumambulate the pavilion set np for the ceremony, Mira BA walked around the idol of Girdhar Lal, and took no notice of the bridegroom. When the time for her departure with her husband arrived, her parents wished to send her off with suitable marriage presente, but she was miserable at leaving Girdhar Lal She grew Bed and restless, and wept to such an extent that she became insensible. When she regained
11 Archmological Survey of Western India, No. 7, Bombay, 1879.
11 Those namerals refer to the 'ourront bumbers of the Jataka-talos in Faceboll's edition or to those of Westergaard's Cutalogue.
14 Pointed out by Bargous.
18 See Burgess, Report on the Buddhist Cavo. Tomplas, tra Arch. Bur. Wol. India, Vol. IV. PP. 45-48. V. L. Yoor, Lo Chaddanta-jktake, Jons. As. IX Ser, tom. V. (1895), pp. 81-35 and 180-928. [See also Ounningham Bharhut Stepa, PL uvi, sg. 6.]

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consciousness, her parents affectionately told her that, if it made her happy, she might take Ginhar Lal with her without any further ceremony. She replied that if they valued the happiness of her life, they would give her the image, and she would worship it with heart and soul. Her parents had already perceived that she was a saint and lover of God," and so at the moment of separation from their beloved danghter they presented her with the image as part of her dowry.
Mira Bai, who was overjoyed at obtaining possession of the object of her devotion, set it up in her palanquin, and during the journey feasted her eyes on its beauty. On arriving at her new home, her mother-in-law, the Rini, had hardly paid her the rites of hospitality, when she asked her to worship Durga, a goddess of a totally different temper from the playful Krishņa. Mira Bal said, however, that she had devoted her body to Girdhar Lal, and she would bow her head to none but him. Her mother-in-law replied that a good wife was improved by worshipping Darga. But Mira Bat closed the discussion by saying it was of no use to press ber further, and she would abide by her first determination. On this the Rant became very angry, and went to complain of Mira Båt to the Rana: “ This daughter-in-law of ours is worthless, as on the very day of her arrival she refuses to obey me and puts me to shame. It is clear what our fature relations are going to be."
The Bana became excessively incensed and went to his daughter-in-law with the intention of panishing her. The Rani, however, had sufficient sense to restrain him; and he decided that the interests of domestic peace would be consulted by putting Mirå Båt into a separate apartment. The point decided was that, although it is admitted by the author of the Bhagat Mald that Rukniipi, who became Krishņa's consort and the milkmaids who became Kțishna's playfellows, did not meet him until they had sacrificed to Dargi, as Mira Bat had already obtained Krishộa, it was unnecer sary for her to worship Durga, and no exception could be taken to her condact on the precedent of Rukmiņi and the milkmaids.
Mira Bal on finding herself in a private apartment became excessively happy, and gave full scope to her religious enthusiasm. She set up her image, deoked and adorned it, and devoted herself night and day to the company of saints. Her sister-in-law Udai BA was sent to remonstrate with her, and said " You are born of a noble house. Be wise and desist from the company of faqire, which casts a slur on both our families." Mfrá Baf replied “The slur of hundreds of thousands of births departs on association with the saints. The slar is on her who loves not their company. My life depends on the company of the saints. To anyone who is displeased with it your remonstrance would be proper." It was on this occasion that Mira Bải composed the following hymns:
O my friend, my mind is attached to Krishna ; I shall not be restrained from loving him.. If anyone give me a reproach, I will give a hundred thousand in return. My mother-in-law is severe, my sister-in-law obstinate ; how can I ondure this misery? Mire for the sake of the lord Girdhar would endure the obloquy of the world, I have the god Girdhar and no other; He is my spouso on whose head is a crown of peacock feathers, Who carrieth a shell, discus, mace, and lotus, and who weareth a necklace.! I have forfeited the respect of the world by ever sitting near boly men. The matter is now public; everybody knows it. Having felt supreme devotion I die as I behold the world. I have no mother, father, son, or relation with me. I laugh when I behold my beloved ; people think I weep. I have planted the vine of love, and irrigated it again and again with the water of tears. I have cast away fear of the world ; what can anyone do to me ? Mira's love for her god is fized, happen what may.
This is a desoription of Visbņu, of whom Krishpa was an incarnation

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THE LEGEND OF MIRA BAI THE RAJPUT POETESS.
831
The Rana, on being informed of Mira Bal's determination, became beside himself with rage, and sent Miri Baf a cup of poison known as charnámrit, that is, water in which an image had been bathed.
The Marathi chronicler states that the poison was sent Mira by the hand of her mother, who overcome by maternal affection shed tears as she bore it. To disobey the Bana, the supreme ruler of the state, was impossible, and so her beloved daughter must die. When the cap was offered to Mira Bai, she said "The body is perishable, so, mother, why weep if it perish in the service of Krishna ? There need be no regret at the disappearance of a mirage or at the failure of the son of a barren woman to wed. It is not right to say that the moon perishes on the thirtieth day of the lunar month. Your lamentations are as vain as the grief of the bee at the fading of an imaginary flower. As the fruit of a tree falls, sooner or later, so I have fallen at Krisha's feet. A pearl born in the ocean is turned into an ornament by the rich, so I who am sprung from you shall glitter in Krishna's diadem. The world itself is an illusion, wherefore mourn not for me."
Mira Bat's only grief at leaving her body was that the worship of Krishna might decline. Having informed the god of her father-in-law's intention, she thus apostrophised the object of her worship
"People will say that the king poisoned his daughter because she worshipped thee. I fear there· fore that thy worship shall be neglected, and the apprehension causeth me poignant misery. Who
will now put on thy decorations ? Who will put the saffron mark on thy forehead, attach dazzling rings to thine ears, twine a garland of pearls round thy neck, girdle thee with a jewelled zone, tie on thy golden armlets and anklets, light incense to gratify thy nostrils, make thee offerings of sweet basil, present thee with sacred food to satisfy thy hunger, and prostrate himself in adoration before thee? My father-in-law hath already abandoned thy worship in his displeasure with me, others too will reproach thee with my death and cease to do thee homage. But after all why should I be anxious ? Thoa thyself knowest the past, the present and the future. Thou hast ever preserved thy saints from poison, fire, and sword, so why should I be anxious now ?"
On this Mira BA pat the cap of poison on her head in token of submission, and then obeerfully drank it off. On that occasion she composed the following verses :
Radha and Krishņa dwell in my heart. Some say that Miri is insane, others that she hath disgraced her family. Opening hor veil and haring her breast, she danceth with delight before her god. In the bowers of Bindraban, Krishạn with the tilak on his forehead gladdeneth my heart. The Ranå sent a cup of poison and Mirá drank it with delight.
Ming's lord is the all-wise Girdhar; she is bound to his service,
Tho Band waited to hear of Mira's death, but her life was miraculously preserved, and her cheeks gradually assumed a higher bloom. She devoted herself to the further decoration and ornamentation of the image, and decked it out in fashions ever new. She sang the praises of her god and filled her heart with delight and immortal love. She also composed the following on this occasion :
I knew the Rana had given me poison. God who caused my boat to float across, separated the milk and water for me. Until the gold is annealed, it is not perfectly pare, O king, keep thine own family in seclusion; I am the wife of another." I sacrifice my mind and body to the saint even though he be a pariah ; I have sold myself
to God. Mira for the sake of worshipping the lord Girdhar is entangled in the feet of holy men.
When the Bana found that the poison had produced no effect he appointed tipstaffs to watch Mira BAT, and report when she again conferred with faqiri, so that she might be put to death when . That is, saved me in the ordeal.
I am wodded to Girdhar LAI, not to thy sov,

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detected in the act. She was in the habit of laughing and holding amoroas converse with the image. One day a tipstaff went and said to the king-"At this very moment Mira Bát is holding conversation and laughing and joking with some one." The king took up his sword, and called out to her to open the folding doors. He asked her where the person was with whom she had been holding such pleasant discourse. She replied - "There he is before thee, my image, mine adored. Open thine eyes and look. He is neither afraid nor ashamed of thee."
The Bhagat M14 states that MirA BAI and the image had been playing at [Indian] draughts, and at the time of the Rand's entrance the idol actually extended its arm to move a piece. The Râna on witnessing the miracle became ashamed. There was, however, no real impression made on his obdurate heart. The saying is that until the saints of God show favor, God will not do 80. The king meditated the murder of saint, so " why should God set his thoughts aright?"
Once when Mira Bai was ill she composed the following -
Krishṇa with the large eyes looked at me, and smiled As I was going to draw water from the Jamna and the vessel glittered on my head. Since then the delightful image of the dark and beautiful one hath dwelt in my heart. You may write and bring me incantations, you may write and bring me spells, grind
medicine and give it me, that will not cure me. If any one bring me Krishņa as my physician I will gladly arise. His eye-brows are bows, his eyes the arrows which he fitteth thereto, and draweth to pierce me.
Mird's lord is the wise Girdhar; how can I abide at home?
A dissolute and abandoned person tried to tempt Miri Bat's virtue. He told her that he was armed with Girdhar LÁl's permission to give her such pleasure as she could only obtain from man's embraces. She replied that she humbly submitted to Girdhar Lal's order, but that they must first dine. She meantime had a couch placed and dressed in the enclosure where saints were assembled. She there addressed her wonld-be paramour — "Thon needest not be ashamed or afraid of any one, as the order of Girdhar Lal is n.overy account proper." The man replied -"Does any one do such things before others." She said she knew of no secret plaže, for God was everywhere present. He soes the good and bad acts of all and rewards men according to their deserts. On hearing this the ruffian turned pale, and vice gave place to virtue in his heart. He fell at her feet and with clasped hands asked her mercy and divine intercession. Mira Bâf felt compassion and brought him, face to face with God.
Tulat Das, according to all received accounts, lived nearly a centary after Mira Bai, but sotne poets have made them oontemporaries. The following letter to Tulsi Das is attributed to Mira Bai:
To the holy lord Tolst Das, the virtuons, the remover of sin, greeting - I ever bow to thee, dispel all my sorrow. All my husband's relations give me continual annoyance. They cause me to endure great suffering when I associate with saints, and perform my
worship. Since childhood Mira hath contracted love for Girdhar Lal: She cannot now divest herself of it in any way; it completely overpowereth her. Thou art to me as a father and mother ; thou cunferrest happiness on God's saints.
Write and inform me what is proper for me to do. Talat Dus's reply -
Those who love not Ram and Stta . Should be abandoned as if they were millions of enemies, however much we love them.
Vaideh Siti WM No onlled boost born of the king of Videhe.

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Prahlad abandoned his father, Bibhîshan his brother Rawan, and Bharat his mother; Bali his gura, the women of Braj their husbands, and their lives were all the happier for having done so.
The opinion of all holy saints is that relations with and love for God are alone true. Of what avail is the eye-salve which causeth the eyes to burst; what more can Saith Tulsi Das, that spouse is worshipful, that son is dearer than life, Who is attached to Râm; he is my real friend in this world.
Bay?
As Mira Bat has been made a contemporary of Tulst Dås, so also she has been made a contemporary of the Emperor Akbar. It is said that having heard of the virtues and beanty of Mira Bâi he went with his minstrel, Tânsên, both disguised as hermits, to visit her. The following lines in attestation of this circumstance are attributed to Mira Bai:
O mother, I recognise Krishna as my spouse.
Akbar came to test me and brought Tânsên with him:
He heard singing, music, and pious discourse; he bowed to the ground over and over. Mira's lord, the all-wise Girdhar, made me his protégée.
333
It is said that on observing her devotion Akbar was very pleased with the good fortune which enabled him to behold her. He made her a present of a jewelled necklace which she accepted with some misgivings, as it appeared too valuable an article for an ascetic to possess. The emperor was equal to the occasion, and said that he had found it while performing his devotional ablutions in the river Jamnâ, and thought it would be a suitable present to make her god. Tânsên, it is said, composed an ode in her honor, and he and his royal master then returned to their capital. The necklace was too valuable not to provoke remarks unfavourable to its recipient. The Rânâ submitted it to assayers who valued it at a fabulous sum of money. On enquiry it was found to be the same that a jeweller had sold not long previously to the emperor. Further enquiry led to the identity of the two strolling hermits with Akbar and his favourite minstrel. Mira Bâi's fate was now sealed. Her husband suspected that she had been polluted by the emperor. For this there was but que penalty in that age she must die. Mira Bâi's father-in-law sent her a cobra in a box, so that when she opened it the reptile might sting her to death. She was told it was a idlagrám. Before opening the box she addressed the éálagrám as follows:
O sálagrám in the box, why speakest thou not?
I speak to thee, but thou repliest not; why art thou silent?
This ocean of the world is very immense; take mine arm and extricate me.
Mira's lord, wise Girdhar, thou alone art my helper.
On opening the box Mirâ composed the following:
What shall the Rânâ do to me? Mîrâ hath cast off the restraints of her line.
The Rânâ once sent a cup of poison to kill Mira;
Mîrâ drank it with delight, loving it as if it were water blessed by her lord."
The Rânâ hath now sent a box containing a cobra,
But when Mirâ opened it and looked, the cobra became a sdlagram.
There was a sound of rejoicing in the company of the saints; Krishna had mercy on me.
I decorated myself, attached bells to my feet, and, keeping time with both my hands, Danced before the idol, and sang the praises of Gôpâl.
The holy are mine and I am theirs; the holy are my life.
Mira is absorbed in the holy as butter before churning is in milk.
Bân Sânga, Mira's father-in-law, was still obdurate and determined that she should die by the sword, but no one could be found to execute the death-warrant.
She was then ordered to kill
a Water in which her idol's feet had been washed.
Ghaniyam, dark as a cloud.

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herself in whatever way she thought fit. By this time she was a widow, her husband having predeceased his father, and her person was at her own disposal. Promising that she would obey the Rânâ's command she retired to her solitary apartment, during the night put on the dress of a mendicant, and left the palace. She plunged into the nearest river to die in obedience to the order she had received. It is said that she was miraculously preserved by an angel who brought her to shore and addressed her “O queen, thou hast obeyed thy father-in-law and art worthy of all praise for thy devotion, but thou hast a higher duty still to perform. It is thine to set a high exemplar to the world, and show unto men how to fulfil the designs of the Creator and become absorbed in Him." When she awoke she found herself alone on the river's bank with the current flowing at her feet. She stood up in amazement not knowing for the moment what to do. She met some cowherds, of whom she enquired the way to Bindrában. They presented her with milk, and directed her whither to proceed. She walked on singing her hymns, the object of blessings and attentions in the villages through which she passed,
On her arrival in Bindraban she desired to see Jiv Gondin. To her disappointment he sent her word that he would allow no woman into his presence. She replied "I thought everybody in Bindrában a woman, and only Girdhar Lal a man.? I learn to-day that there are other partners than Krishna in Bindrában." By this she scoffingly meant that the Gosain placed himself on an equality with Kțishna as god of Bindsában. The Gosáin, on hearing her rebuke, went bare-footed to do her homage, and beholding her became filled with the love of God."
Mirá BA with loving devotion traversed every grove and pathway of Bindrában, and having fixed the sweet image of Krishna in her heart returned to her late husband's home. On finding her father-in-law still obdurate, she went on pilgrimage to Dwaraka, where the youthful Krishqa had played and sported. There again she became entranced with the pleasure of adorning and enhancing the beauty of her favourite god.
During her absence from Chitaur, the Capital of Mêwar, the visits of holy men to that capital cessed. Dissensions arose in the state. It was only then that the Rânâ realised what a holy person he had lost. He sent several Brahmans and instructed them to use every entreaty to Mirá Bải to induce her to return, and finally to tell her that it was impossible for him to live unless she complied with his prayer. The Brahmans executed his orders, but Mira Bai refused to put herself again in the Rank's power. Upon this the Brahmans set at hør door and declared their intention of neither eating nor drinking till she had returned with them. She replied that she lived in Dwarakê only by the favour of Krishna. She would go and take leave of him and return to the Brahmans. She went to do homage to Ranchor, the visible representation of that god, became absorbed in his love, and what she had she gave a humble offering of verses at hig shrine
O God, remove thy servant's sufferings ; Thou didat supply Draupadt with inexhaustible robes and save her modesty : For the sake of thy saint Prahlad thou didst assume the body of a man-lion ; Thou didst kill Hiranyakasipa, who had not the courage to oppose thee; Thou didst kill the shark and extricate the drowning elephant from the water.
This is common ides in the Granth Sahib. The guide deem God husband, and themselves w His wives.
Jiv Gosti, it may be stated, was the son of Ballabha, and anolo of Råpa and Sanatan, two devout followers of Chaitanya, the great Vaishnava reformer of Bengal (1485-1588). Rdpa and Sanatan had been ministers of the Mubammadan ruler of Bihar, and were of royal blood, high rank, and great wealth, all which advantages they rolin quished to lead religious life. Jly Gosali wm an author of some pretensions. He annotated a treatise of his nephew Båp deeoribing religious pleasures and emotions. He wrote book on the sets of Kyiahpa, but his greatest work WM one in which he amplified his annotations on the treatise of Bupl, and dwelt At length on the various pham of devotional exaltation.
Krishpas received the pame Ranchor when he fed from Japadha to Dwipak,

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THE LEGEND OF MIRA BAI THE RAJPUT POETESS.
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O LAI Girdhar, Miri is thy slave; 'her enemies everywhere annoy her. Take me, my friend, take me to thy care as thou knowest best. I have none but thee; do thou show mercy unto mo. I have no appetite by day and no sleep by night; my body pineth away.
Lord of Mird, all-wise Girdhar, come to me now; I cannot live in thine absence.
It is said that the all-pervading Brahma, the knower of truth, the Eternal, on beholding her supreme love, could resist no longer. Ho incorporated her in Himself, and she became lost to human gaze. The Brahmans searched for her in vain. The only trace of her they could obtain was her edri, which was found onveloping the body of the image. The Brahmans' faith in him was econfirmed, but their mission otherwise was unsuccessful, and they returned crestfallen to the Rana, The latter soon experienced the further mortification of beholding his state conquered and plundered by the victorious army of Akbar as a retribution for the ill-treatment of Mira Bai.
The following is one of the hymns whose passionate devotion is said to have produced the result of Miri Bai's union with Rancho
O Lord Rancho; grant me to abide in Dwaraka, to abide in Dwaraka. With thy shell, disons, mace, and lotus dispel the fear of death. All places of pilgrimage ever abide in the Gómti for me. The clash of thy shell and cymbals is over the essence of pleasure. I have abandoned my country, my queenly robes, my husband's Palace, my property, and
my kingdom. Mira, thy slave, cometh to thee for refuge ; her bonour is now totally in thy keeping.10
It is said that in commomoration of the miraculous disappearance of Mira BA, her image is still worshipped at Udaipur in conjunction with that of Ranohor, the beloved Girdhar of her childhood.
Guru Arjan at first inserted one of Mira Båt's hymns in his collection of the Sikh sacred writings, but subseqnently drew his pen through it. It is preserved, however, in the Granth of Bhai Bannd, which can be seen at Mangat in the Gujarat district of the Panjab. The following is the hymn
Bag Mart Godli hath entwined my soul, O mother, With His attributes, and I have sung of them. The sharp arrow of His love hath pieroed my body through and through, O mother, When it struck me I did not know it; now it cannot be endured, O mother. Though I use charms, incantations, and drags, the pain will not depart, Is there any one who will treat me P Intense is the agony, O mother, Thou, O God, art near; Thou art not distant ; come quickly to meet me. Baith Mira, the Lord, the mountain-wielder, 18 who is compassionate, hath quenched the fire
of my body, O mother, The lotus-eyed bath entwined my soul with the twine of his attributes.
30 The hymns in this life of Mira BM are taken from Baja Raghurj Singh's Bhagat Mala. 11 Kawalanin, an epithet of Krishpa, the objeo of Mr Bli's special worship. 19 Gwn has two meanings - rope or twipe, and an attribute. 14 God in the avatar of Krishpa.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
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GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
BY ARTHUR A. PEBERA, (Continued from p. 811.)
(8) The Village. Tas organization of the village (gama) was based on the oommunal system, and its inbabitants were under three officers : the Pațirannehe, who registered the names of lands, their owners and the amount of produce; the Gamarála, who allotted the fields to the several shareholders and had in charge their irrigation and cultivation; and the Vitarana, who collected the revenue, superintended the Police and inquired into the general affairs of the village. These headmen also presided over the Gansabave, or the village court, where disputes other than murder were compounded or settled by oath.
The office of the Vitarana still exists in the Ganmuládêniyê, but the duties of the other two are entrusted to the Vel Vidane or the Irrigation Officer; the constitution of the Gransabive, too, is greatly altered.
Every village has & resting stall for osttle (gála), where traders going to distant towns keep their carts and bulls for a nominal charge, as well as a free halting place for belated travellers (ambalama), who carry their food in the skins covering the areca-blossom (kolapota). This is soantily furnished with a bench or two and an earthon vessel full of water, with a cocoanat-shell ladle (pintaliya).
Each person has his own ancestral plot of ground, to which, however small, be clings with a passionate attachment; and for it the king, as lord of the soil, used to claim certain foudal services from 15 to 30 days a year: in time of war to guard the barriers and passes into the hills and serve as soldiers, and ordinarily to construct and repair canals, tanks, bridges and roads, and to attend to other works of public importance. Now a commutation tax of Rs. 1:50 on every male under 55 has taken the place of these foudal obligations.
A considerable portion of the ground was reserved as private Crown property (gabadagama), and its cultivators were either hereditary tenants (pangukdrayo) or tenants-at-will (nilakdrayo), who had to give a share of the grain, and, according to their caste and rank in life, to perform certain services, if near the capital, to the king as their landlord, if not to his provincial representative (dissdre).
Chiefs and nobles performed varions honorary services and paid homage on New Year's day by presenting a roll of forty betel-leaves (bulat ata). The Goigama tenants carried messages, supplied betel and areca and kept guard at halting-places (atapattu or hêwa wasam) or provided for strangera visiting the village, attended his master's house during the domestic ceremonies, guarded it during his absence, and, when necessary, supplied cooked provisions (gam wasama) or kept watch at the threshing floor, and fetched baffaloes for ploughing (nila wasama). The Karava tenants transported the paddy from the fields to the granary, or attended to the carriage department (madige badda), or provided fish for the kitchen. The Duráva tenants trained elephants and looked after them or drew toddy from the palm-trees (madinno). The Navandanna tenants made articles of jewellery and carved betel-boxes (badálu) or supplied the kitchen utensils and agricultural implements (dchári) or cleaned and repaired the brads and copper vessels (lókuruvá) or were engaged
" Authorities
(1) Service Tenures Commission Reporta, 1869-1872. (2) Phear's The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon, 1880.
(8) Ceylon Census Reports, 1891. • Valontyo, writing in 1726, mentions, in his Beschryving van Oud en Nieuwe Oost-Indien, two other ofoons, itihlmy and Yaphemy; what their duties were cannot be ascertained.

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GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
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in ornamenting walking-sticks, handles for flags, &c. (sittaru). The Badahola tonants made tiles, supplied carthonware vessels, and kept the roof in order. The Embotta tenants attended to the shaving of the abovementioned servants. The Bade tenants washed the soiled clothes of the same, monthly or weekly, and on important occasions pat ap for them white cloth to serve as a ceiling, and also corered their seats with it. The Hali tenants attended the master on journeys as a bodyguard or peeled cinnamon (mahabadda). The Hakuru tenants carried the palanquins of the ladies or were employed as menials, especially as cooks, or supplied jaggery and vegetables. The Hunnd tenants whitewashed the lord's house and supplied lime for eating. The Berawaya tenants beat the drams at festivals and gave notice of official proclamations, or wove a rough kind of cloth. The Padus tenants carried the proprietor's palanquin and baggage, brought charcoal for the smith and worked at the bellows (yamdnu), or erected the walls of houses or furnished onions and garlic (lúnubadda). The Oli tenants kept the premises clean and provided the oil for barning at night. The Hinners or Gettaru tenants washed for the Hali and the other castes or were employed to carry corpses, or provided fodder for elephants and cattle (pannay). The Kinnaru tenants wove bamboo baskets and rusb-mate. The Bodi tenants buried the carcases of dead animals and worked in hide to make ropes, halters, &c. It should be mentioned that the families performed the above services by turns, which were controlled by public officers who were responsible for the proper distribution and due performa ace of labour.
If the Crown lands were gifted to a noble for special services rendered (nindagam), or to a vihdra (viharagam), or a dé wála (dewdlagam) for the sake of merit, the duties were transferred to the new landlord. Slight traces of this system of land tenure exist to the present day, but are dying out under the influence of new legislation.
The several castes" above referred to consist of groups of clans, and each olan claims descent from a common remote ancestor and calls itself either after his name or the office he held, or any characteristic of his, or, if he had been & gettler, the village to which he bad belonged, or the chief whom he at that time was serving, or the badge he had. This was in
se till the person was made a belted knight' (patabandinand), when it was dropped, and & surname, which became hereditary, assumed. The olan-Dame, however, was not forgotten, 83 the respectability and the antiquity of the family were ganged by it. If a person called Kondappa derives his descent from an ancestor who held the minor office of Liyana Aracbehy (clerk), he is known as Liyana Arachchige Konnappu, Konnappu belonging to the house (ge) of a Liyana Arachchy. When he was ennobled, he took one or more of the surnames Vijayaratna (the gem of victory), Jayatilaka (the ornament of victory), Gunasekara (the moon of virtue), &c., and styled himself Konnappu Vijayaratna, or Vijayaratna Jayatilaka, &c.; these are now indiscriminately adopted.
The descendants of the converts to Christianity, during the Portuguese ascendency in Ceylon, bave, in addition to their Singhalese surnames, those of their conquerors as well, e.g., Silva, Perera, Dias.
Owners of cattle have, or rather had, distinguishing brands, according to their caste and clans, and the animals were branded first with the initial letter of the village, then with the brand of the clan and consequently of the caste, too), and thirdly with the initial latter of the owner's name.
The people of a village are further divided into two factions oalled Udupils (the upper party) and the Yatipilla (the lower party) who take sides in the sacred national games.
The typical Singhalese homestead, which is fast disappearing, is built round a quadrangle (midula). The apartments are built side by side with a verandah attached, or parallel to each other with separate roofs, the opposite esves of which join. The walls are made of mud and wattle and
• Vida Caylon Aviatio Society's Journal (1874), Vol. V., No. 19, p. 60.

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thatched with the dried and plaited coconut leaves (ondjans) or with rice-stabble; the floor is made of earth and wel conted with cowdong to keep away ticks and flens; and the rooms are ventilated by small barred windows. In the middle of the compound is erected, for the storing of paddy, & wicker-frame (atu messa or of bissa) elevated from the ground, rooted, and plastered with mud and dung. The grain is otherwise stored in a loft (atuwa) over the duma explained below. The fittings of the interior are simple : a trestle (messa) which serves for a seat or table; a shelf over the fireplace for keeping the earthen cooking utensils (duma); s hanging raft for mats (mélé); a rack for cocoanat-shell ladles (hendialutd); stumps of wood to sit upon (kota); a mortar (wangediya) and pestlo (mölgaha); a quern to grind millet (kurak kon gala); cocoanut scraper (hiramant); & winnowing fan (kulla); a sieve for flour (pénerd); a flat grinding stone for curry-stuffs (miris gala); a hatchet (porawa); a chopring knife (ketta); a stake to husk cocoonuts (inna); an ikle broom (idala); agricultural implements; a rice-measure (kunduva) and sometimes a clepsydra-clock (pétettiya) consisting of a small coconut-shell with a tiny hole, floating in a pot of water, which gradually fills and sinks to the bottom in twenty-four hours (paya). 10 At the entrance to the garden by the roadside, or where two lines of the building join, is put up a sort of portico (anam&straya), where guests and strangers are received, and which offers a temporary resting-shed for tired wayfarers,
The physical traits of the Singhalese are similar to their Indian cousins, but their colour is a little darker. They wear their hair long, gathered up in a knot bebind and lubricated with oil; the females make use of false hair to give size to the mass and run a large pin through (kúra) with an ornamental head. The peasantry of Central Ceylon have preserved to a great extent the Singhalese dress; the men wear a cloth round their waist reaching to the ankles and so adjnsted as to leave them freedom of limb. While working they take this between their legs and fasten it before or behind. A large handkerchief is thrown over their shoulders as an upper garment, which is occasionally wrapped round their head to keep away the sun. The females dress like the Bengali women, except that they do not bring the apper end of the garment over the head, but simply throw it over the left shoulder, and they adorn themselves with ear-rings, armlets, and necklaces. This homely dress is now being given up, both by men and women, for the more fashionable European costume, and the curious may see this evolution at the present day in all its stages. The men of the maritime provinces bave adopted the headcomb of the Malays. In the official costame of the chief of a sea board district, with his long black-coat (kabdya), gilt buttons and shoes, is seen the Portuguese infinencs ; while in that of a Kandian ohief, with his pin-cushion hat (jagalattoppiya), embroidered jaoket, and a fouade of white maslin encircling his waist, an interesting survival of the old court. dress.
The peasantry are stolid in their demeanour, polite, good-natured and faithful, affectionate to their children and respectful, fond of pomp and high office, quick to anger, intelligent, sarcastic and boastful in their conversation, and kind to animals, especially cattle; they like to lead shedgehog existence, do not scraple to cringe to obtain favour, and, when tainted with the town atmosphere, mistake impudence for independence,
Intercourse between the sexes is animated, as with all Eastern nations, more by passion than sentiment; and polyandry was common among them. This was due not only to the desire to keep in the family the ancestral plot of ground, bat also to the exigencies of public daty. When several brothers on a farm were called out for the Singhalese corvée (rdjakdriya), the law allowed one of them to be left behind to act as a companion to the female at home.
20 For weights and measures and modes of reckoning time, no
(1) Rhys Davids' Ancient Measures and Coins of Ceylon (1877). (2) Ceylon Asiatic Society's Journal (1858-1858), Vol. IIL, No. 10, p. 181.
(1892), Vol. XII., No. 8, p. 178. (1) The Orientalist (1887), Vol. III. p. 75. (5) , (1880), Vol. III. p. 199.
(8)

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GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
The average Singhalese is an early riser; he takes in the morning some preparation of riceflour with a pot of toddy (ra), and at mid-day and night a large quantity of boiled rice and a few curries. The latter are more varied when a guest is in the house. The visitor is received at the threshold and conducted inside by the hand; kissing is the usual form of greeting among females and near relatives, and salutation with clasped hands, in the attitude of prayer, among friends, masters and servants. He brings with him some eatables as a present, or sends them before his arrival. Water is supplied to him to wash his face, feet and mouth, and the repast made ready. The host serves him with the rice and carries, skins the plantains for him, and makes his chew of betel. His attendants also are well treated in the servants' room. On his departure the host accompanies him some distance. When a person of distinction, viz., a Buddhist priest or a chief, visits a house, the rooms are lined with white cloth and the seats are spread with it; the host never sits down in his presence.
The respect of an inferior to a superior is even seen on the high roads; if they meet, the former removes the shade (talapat) over his head, gets out of the way and makes a very respectful obeisance.
In the olden time, as seen above, the people were occupied according to their caste; but now the majority do not follow their ancestral calling, but earn a livelihood by pursuing any vocation they choose. One man works at his field, carefully observing all the agricultural superstitions11; a second fishes at the village stream with a rod made of the mid-rib of the kitul-leaf; a third slings his baskets of garden produce at the end of a flexible kitul-shaft and carries them on his shoulders to towns or the weekly village fairs (polaval); a fourth climbs the palm-trees with his ankles encircled by a ring of cocoanut-leaf and picks the fruit with his hand; a fifth taps for toddy the blossoms of several cocoanut-trees by coupling their crowns with stout ropes to walk upon, and their straight boughs with smaller ones to support himself; a sixth brings for sale from the country straw and firewood in single or double bullock carts; and a seventh transports cocoanuts, salt, and cured fish to centres of trade by flat-bottomed boats (páda), or pack-bullocks (tavalam).
The women, too, are not idle; they either make jaggery (molasses) from the unfermented toddy, or plait mats of dyed rushes in mazy patterns, or earn a pittance by selling, on a small stand by the roadside, the requisites of a chew betel, areca, and burnt lime; or hawk for sale fruits and vegetables in baskets carried on their heads; or keep for sale, on a messa in the verandah, sweetmeats and other eatables protected from the crows, which infest the place, by a net spread before them; or make coir by beating out the fibre from soaked cocoanut-husks; or attend to the domestic duties with a child astride their hips.
339
The children are away at school the whole morning; and on their return either divert themselves at games or go in search of the wild fruits with which the jungles abound, or construct rude swings under the shady trees and pass away the day singing rural ditties. And at nightfall, while the mother lulls her youngest to sleep on her outstretched legs with a pillow thrown across, the father beguiles their time with nursery tales.
(4) Religious Rites.
Buddhism is the prevailing religion of the island, and its adherents observe as holy four days of the lunar month: when the moon is new (amwaka), full (pahaloswaka), and half-way
11 For paddy cultivation ceremonies, vide(1) Ceylon Asiatic Society's Journal
(2)
"
"
(1883), Vol. VIII., No. 26, p. 44.
"
(1884), Vol. VIII., No. 29, p. 331. (1889), Vol. XI., No. 39, p. 167.
(5)
"
(6) Asiatic Society's Journal of Great Britain (New Series, 1885), Vol. XVII. p. 366.
(7) The Taprobanian (1865), Vol. I. p. 94.
(3)
(4)
"3
(1848-1849), Vol. II., No. 4, p. 27. (1880), Vol. VI., No. 21, p. 46.

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between the two (pura alawaka and awa atawaka). On these occasions, dressed in white, the votaries, chiefly females, visit, singly or in groups, the temples (vihdra), carrying on their heads in shallow wicker-work baskets (watti), or in their hands and held to the forehead, the rosecoloured lotus (nellum) and the flowers of the iron-wood tree (nd), of the jasmine, of the hibisars, of the champak sapu) and of the areca and cocoanat. These they present at the sanctuary, in front of the image of Buddha, on their knees, with their heads on the ground and their hands clasped in supplication (malpinkama), and wishing in their hearts that others also may partake of the merit of the offering (pindenard). They return backwards, facing the idol, to an outer apartment, where they squat on the floor and repeat after a priest the invocation, The Three Refuges (Tun Sarana) and the Five Vows (Pansilla); next they proceed to the sacred Bo-tree (bôdhinvahansa) in the middle of the compound and reverently lay on the platform surrounding it (b6dhimaluwa) what is left of their flowers.
On New Moon days they also bring cocoanot oil as an offering, and illuminate the temple premises with small wicks floating in oil-lamps which give a feeble and flickering light (panpinkama).
The most important of the four Sabbaths (pôya) is the full-moon day, when the tom-tom beaters at the entrance to the temples sound their drums the loudest; on such days the more pious devotees go at dawn to the temple and receive under the Bo-tree, at the hands of a priest, the eight sacred vows which they observe till the next morn. Before noon they return home for a hurried breakfast cooked overnight (hil dané), the only meal for the day their vows allow, and retire to some lonely shaded spot, where they repeat with the help of a rosary (naraguna vela) the nine pre-eminent qualities (nava guna gatha) possessed exclusively by Buddha. Towards ovening they join the others in the temple grounds, and "round a platform put up under the palm-trees, roofed, but quite open at the sides, and ornamented with bright cloths and flowers, they sit in the moonlight on the ground and listen through the night with great satisfaction, if not with great intelligence, to the sacred words repeated by relays of shaven monks. The greatest favourite at these readings of bana is the 'Jataka' book which contains so many of the old fables and stories common to the Aryan peoples, sanctified now, and preserved by the leading hero in each, whether man, or fairy, or animal, being looked upon as an incarnation of the Buddha in one of his previous births. To these wonderful stories the simple peasantry, dressed in their best and brightest, listen all the night long with unaffected delight, chatting pleasantly now and again with their neighbours, and indulging all the while in the mild narcotic of the betel-leaf, their stores of which (and of its never failing adjuncts, chunam, that is white lime, and the areca-nut)is afford a constant occasion for acts of polite good fellowship.". The intervals are punotuated by cries of Ehei (oh, yes!) and sadhu,
When a person is dying, bana is read at his house and all his belongings given to the priest or priesta as alms (goddna mangalyaya). .
Between 9 and 11 A.M. (pindapátarelára) every monk goes through the village from door to door begging wherewith to satisfy his wants; he stands before each house with the almsbowl (pátraya) in his hands, and some one, usually a woman, puts into it his mid-day meal (dandenard) and worships him on her knees.
But during the rainy months of August, September, and October (vas) a number of priests are invited to reside in a hamlet, and each family by turn supplies them with their morning meal of conjee and rice and their evening liquid food (gilan pasa); they occasionally
11 of the ton vows of Buddhism, fire are binding on all laymon (panail), sight on the more pious ones to be kept for a space of 24 hours (atast), and the ten on every monk and nan (dahast.).
10 These are onrried in the waist, by the men in a wallet (brapayia) and by the womon in a small purse made of rash (h mbiliya).
14 Rhy. Davida' Buddhism, p. 57.

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visit the neighbouring temples, meditate, teach the village children and read bana at mid-day and at night. Before they are conducted back to the monastery (pansala) they are presented by the people with a web of cloth to make their robes, each one contributing something to purchase it; strictly this had to be woven of cotton pods collected by the villagers at dawn, and the priests had to stitch their robes and dye thom yellow (pandu povanavd) on the same day (kaține).
About once a year, at the request of the inhabitants, select discourses of Buddha (pirit) 15 are read in Pali by the priests for a period of seven days for the protection of the village against the malignant influence of demons and elementals, and all the people flock to the service. A circular thatched building, open at the sides and with a raised floor, is pat op by them and decorated with cocoanut and areca flowers. A table, with a sacred relic, is placed in the centre, with two reading chairs by it and other seats placed around. On the first day an array of priests come to the building and take their places, while two of them from the reading pulpits chant some preparatory stanzas. Resin is next barnt by the laymen present, and the monks go in procession round the interior of the building, and, while reciting a few verses wishing prosperity and protection, fasten a sacred cord (pirit núla) attached to the relic to the posts round the platform, pass it through the reading chairs, and place the remainder twined on the table. At daybreak the next day the priests again assemble, and two of them, as before, commence reading a series of sermons; as they end, all chant in chorus the Ratana, Mangala, and Karaniya Sútras, holding the cord untwined. After this recital they leave the building, except two, who continue the reading over and over again ; and the latter are relieved by a couple of others every two hours. The rest join them for the grand chant at mid-day and sunset, and before they enter the platform a pions layman washes and wipes their feet. The pirit is continued day and night without intermission till the sixth day, when a new series of discourses is introduced; the choras chant, however, is not altered.
On the morning of the seventh day a procession starts from the temple with a messenger (dévadutayd) dressed like a Singhalese chief seated on an elephant. He carries a letter (kadapana) to the nearest dévdla inviting the gods residing there to come and listen to the exhortation to be given to them that night. If no dê dla is close by, the letter is taken and fixed to a tree where gods are supposed to reside, very often to the Ficus religiosa. Till the party returns the reading is suspended; when the messenger arrives, he stands at the entrance facing the priests, and, with his hands on each door-post, recites a long exhortation (dorokadaasna). At the end, for his creditable feat of memory, his friends and relatives present him with cloth and ola manuscripts. Lastly, the sermon of Buddha, called the Atándļia, is recited by the priests, four at a time, till the morning of the eighth day, to chase away the evil spirits who are thought to have assembled to hear the exhortation. Water and oil that have been placed on the platform in earthen pots are considered consecrated after the ceremony, and are sparingly distributed to the assembly. The pirit service is also performed on a smaller scale in private houses for the benefit of a family.
The island has a number of sacred places connected with Buddha scattered over all parts of it, which are regularly visited by pilgrims for the accumulation of merit.
In Kandy is deposited the Sacred Tooth. Adam's Peak has on a slab his foot-print, a saperficial hollow 5 ft. long and 2 ft. wide ; legends say that precious stones are found lying on the path to it which none dares to pick ap, and that however large or however small the cloth taken as an offering be, it exactly covers the sacred stone. There is in Anuradhapura tho sacred Bo-tree, an offshoot of the tree under which Buddha attained enlightenment, tho Thuparama Dagoba enshrining his right collar-bone, the Selechaittiya Dagoba raised over
16 Vide (a) The Friend (Second Series, 1880), Vol. X. pp. 33, 79 and 181.
(6) Ceylon Asiatio Society's Journal, 1887, Vol. VIIT., No. 29, p. 297.

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[August, 1903.
the spot where he had rosted on one of his visits to the island, and the Mahasøya Dagoba built over a single hair which grew between his eye-brows. In Kelaniya is erected a Dagoba over the golden chair on which Buddha bad sat, and an eddy in the river that flows by is shown as the waters making obeisance to where he once stood. An old Singhalese couplet -
Upanda sifa kkarapu pav neta
Varuk vendot Kelanie - asserts, "if a person once worships at Kelaniya, all the sins committed from the day of his birth are forgiven." The Mahiyangana Dagoba at Bintenna encases a handful of Buddha's locks and his neck-bone relic, but pilgrimages to it are rare, owing to the pestilential malaria and the wild beasts that infest the surrounding jangles,
(To be continued.)
-
-
--
-
--
-
CORRESPONDENCE. CAVE BURIAL IN BALUCHISTAN.
the hole, which is almost in the centre, one finds Dear Sir,-Whilst recently travelling in the
oneself in an underground vault oonsisting of a Jhåldwân country to the south-east of Kaldt, my
front chamber and two recesses. The breadth of companion (Lieutenant E. O. Macleod, 1st Sikhe) the chamber is about 18 feet and the length to and I were encamped near the small village of
the back of each chamber about 16 feet. The Pandean. Whilst there, Lieutenant Macleod
recesses are round, with domed roofs, and the visited a curious vaulted cave near the village, and
front chamber has a domed roof. Thus:I now enclose the account of the place which he gave me, in case it should be of interest to you. I also enclose a photograph of the interior which Lieutenant Macleod took under some difficulty. Any explanation of this curious mode of sepulture would be of particular interest to me in connection with the Ethnographical Survey of Baluchistan which I am now undertaking.
Yours faithfully,
R. HUGHER-BULLER, Superintendent, Imperial Gazetteer, Baluchistan,
Fig. 4
ACTION OF MOWT.HAW RECESE. the 19th November, 1908. Querid, 8th December,
The whole appears to have been hewn out of the conglomerato rook. At the left-hand
corner of the centre partition is a heap of PANDBAN.
bones, and with this exception there is nothing Pandran is a pretty place on a basin of the in the left-hand recess. hills with plenty of water from two springs on
In the right-hand recess in the centre a niche the west. The village, which contains five or six
has been cut out of the rock, about 6x3" x 3'. Banniahs' shope and about fifty hotees, is situated
In it there are twenty-five skulls; one of them round an elevated rock known as Anbir. There
is a small one and appears to be that of a child. is much cultivation and plenty of trees.
The rest appear to be those of adults. There are Due west of the village, at a distance of about also the ribs and leg-bones of a child down to & quarter of a mile, is an extraordinary gave the knees. In the oentre of the right-hand recess situated in the skirt of the hill. All the ground lies a bed which, according to the country people, round is rolling, and in the side of one of the when the vault was just opened, supported folds is a hole just big enough for a large man skoloton. The strings of the bed have now, bow. to squeeze through. It is said that this hole was ever, given way, and the skeleton, which is uncovered and exposed to view by a food of evidently that of a man, is lying on its back, on erosion some 50 or 60 years ago. On entering the ground below the bed. There are holes, which

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CAVE BURIAL IN BALUCHISTAN.
Interior of a cave at Pandrán
in Jhaláwán, S.E. of Kalat.

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AUGUST, 1903.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
843
appear to be those of a ballet or arrow on the right temple and at the left side of the baok of the skull.
Lying near the bed is the skeleton of a large dog which the people say was tied to the bed or charpdi by a string when arst observed. Between the bed and the back of the recens are a few bones. The bed is firmly made of rounded wood (including the frame) and is still in good condition. Lieutenant Macleod seated himself on it when exploring the cave. Over the ribs
and head of the corpse was a coarse cloth, thin, and of a dirty yellow colour.
The natives point to another place about 20 yards away and say that there is another vault there in which women's skeletons are to be found. No one living appears to have ever entered the second cave, if it exists as alleged.
The natives hold the place in considerable awe, and have a theory that the place was the scene of a fight. The whole vault was extraordinarily symmetrical.
NOTES AND QUERIES. TABUS IN THE PANJAB.
Forms of Tabu. It has been elsewhere pointed out that many Buildings. The chaubard. -The Nagri J&ts of of the objects, from which repts or sections Nagra in LudbiAnA may not build a chaubard, for of certain tribes in the Panjab are named, it brings bad luck. The people of Sanwar in Dadri are the subjeots of ordinary tabus. The nam- bave the following tradition :- Lakhan Mahajan ber of tabued objects appears to be extraordinarily of Sanwar had a son, who was in the service of large and a few instances are given below. I am Akbar and married in Papôrk in Tahail Bhiwani. anxious to obtain a large number of instances of Returning from # visit to his father-in-law, he tabus, because there are so many aepta or sections was murdered by the people of Pupork, and his of tribes named after material objects. In many
wife robbed. A Brahman, barber, and his cases the story told about the totem and the tabu sister's son were with him at the time, and the two is the same - it saved the life of an'ancestor, or
latter fled, but the Brahman remained, burnt the rendered some important service to the sept, and body and took the ashes to Sanwar, on the bounso it is kept in mind and reverenced for ever after. dary of which place he threw them away, while the But in some cases that object is reverenood as wife became sati and cursed her nephew, whose an ancestor. E. g., certain Kanst Khêls reverence daughters she declared should never live in peace. trees as their ancestors, because they assisted Lakhan attacked Papörd and removed the bricks their forefathers, and so they now bear the names of all its buildings, paying a rupee each for them, of those trees, as Palashf, Kanish, Pajaik (from and built them into a chaubird at Sanwar. It pdja, a kind of tree, cf. Nagaik from udg). In then became the rule there that a chaubard could the other cases the name is not adopted by the only be built with bricks from Papård. The two sept, nor is the object worshipped. It is simply | villages do not intermarry. tabaed, i. e., not out, used or injured. The distinction is important.
Utensils. - The villagers of Bågara-nasrath in
Kohật may not use a khamdrt, or deep hollow The following questions suggest them- earthenware cup. solves :
Pitchers. - At Mauza ChipiA in Dart a woman 1. Are there instances of people who refuse to
may not carry two pitchers, one on top of the other, use or injure any article, or to work on any
because 35 years ago a faqfr named KhushḥAl particular day, and so on P
Singh cast out cattle-disease, which was raging in
the village, and then imposed this tabu on the 2. In such cases, is the custom confined to people. a particular family or got or sept, or is it common to the wholo oaste !
| Kachala.-This fruit may not be eaten by the
Shnara Gadi Khel Pathans in Kohat. 3. What is the story told about the origin of the custom
Bongan. - This may not be eaten by a family
of carpenters in the same village. The Ohhibhar 4. Is any form of worship paid to the object section of the Mubial, in KaniAll, have a similar in question P
| tabu (Jhelam District).

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Cotton. - The Sangwan JAts, who hold 57 vil- butter-milk, Ghi is held sacred until the feast of lages in Dadri, may not cultivate cotton. One of the ThAkurs arrives, when some of it is presented the tribe in a quarrel killed a Brahman named to Raja Bhêr. It may then be nood or given Bandot (baş is here said to mean literally
cotton'), and in consequence met with misfor. tune. He accordingly erected a temple at Mahra The Manhas keep milk untouched for not more to Bandbotâ and forbade his descendants to than 8 days. Then they warm it and it may be cultivate cotton for ever.
used by the household, but none of it must be
given away to strangers or to other members of the The Datt section of the Muhitl (Brahmans) do caste. Ghi must not be eaten or given away until not cultivate cotton because their ancestor was the feast of the ThAkurs. Or, according to another killed in a cotton-field. .
account, the Månbas keep milk for 21 days like the
Jamwals or even for a month, and do not use! Blankets. - The Bbullar J&ts do not wear, sit or
it antil it has been presented to Raja Bhér. sleep in a striped blanket, because their jatherd,
Among Muhammadan Aw&ns the Jhan muhi Yar Pir BbArawAlA, once miraculously turned
keep milk, whey and ghs untouched for 8 days. a blanket into a sheep.
Then they make a smooth place of cow-dung,
build a little altar, place a little milk and ghf Animale. - In Kohat a white fowl sbould not
thereon, light lampe, and the women worship be eaten, as the mullahs say it resembles the
before it. This is also done with milk drawn on sacred bird in heaven, but it first blackened with
Friday. soot it may be eaten. Milk. There are numerous tabus, mostly
In Jhilam a cow is set apart by a Hindu family very interesting, but until a complete collection is in a time of calamity and a vow made in the name obtained it is useless to attempt to explain them. of a deity that her milk shall never be used for Goat's milk may not be used by any Hindu during
making batter. Such a cow is called did. the shrddh period. (Ludhiana District.)
Monthe. - Sawan. - A goat is given away. In the Simla Hills a diota often forbids the nee | Bhddon. - A call born in this month is given by or sale of milk or curda The people may naa nhal well-to-do Hindus and Muhammadans to a Dakaut (or curds from which butter has been extracted),
Brahman or to a Bhat. The milk is not used. but not milk or butter.
Mágh. - A buffalo-calf born in this month is so
treated. Phagan, - This is a lucky month, yet Milk may not be churned by Jata on the Tues- the Kakkar Khatris neither wash, shave nor day and Thursday after the full moon, or on the change their clothes, or begin any new business chaudas, 14th, of the light half of the month, but in Ph&gan. it may be consumed with rice or otherwise. (Ludhiana District.)
Days. - Tuesday. - The Bali Muhill (Brah
maps) will not commence a journey or any work In Sialkot the Brahmans keep the milk sacred on this day, because a girl of this section died (suchi rakhna) for 21 days. Then it is made into after exhibiting miraculous powers on a Tuesday. butter-milk, and a portion offered to Raja Bher Thursday. - The Datt Mubill have a similar at the least of the Thakurs, the rest being oon- rule about Thursday, because many of them were sumed by the household or given away to Mubam. massacred by the Pathans or rulers of Lahore in madans. Or a portion is offered to Kalka Deota. the time of BAbar on that day at Paniar in GurThe use of the milk appears to be tabued for dAepur. Further, no Datt will ever drink water a period, not exceeding 21 days, until the feast of in Panier. the Thakurs comes round. The Jamwal also refrain from touching the milk for 21 days, and will even
H. A. Rose, not milk the animal themselves. It is not consumed or given away for a month. Curdled milk is also
Supdt. of Ethnography, Punjab. kept sacred for a short time and then turned into July 24th, 1909.
1 Raj Badr d4 Adr karnd is the Dogri expression.
+ Nara - 8. M. The first milk given by cow or buffalo attor calving, boostings. Hindas do not drink it until 3 days after calving, but Muhammadans do from the first." (Mulini Glossary.) In the hilla beatinge (ahri) are offered to the Nage.

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345
MATRICETA AND THE MAHARAJAKANIKALEKHA.
BY F. W. THOMAS. TN a well-known chapter of his history of Indian Buddhism (trans. pp. 88 to 93), Tāranātha 1 has given us a fairly full account of an ācārya Mātriceta, who, living, he says, in the time of Bindusāra, son of Candragupta, and of his minister Cāņakya, was a renowned author of hymns and other works. Täranätha states that this ācārya was identical with a previously named DurdharşaKals, and was also known under a variety of other names, Süra, Asvaghoya, Pitriceța, Durdharsa, Dharmika-Subhūti, and Maticitra. His original name as a child was Kāla.
The importance of Mätřiceta may be estimated from the fact that, according to Tāranātha, his hymns are, like the word of Buddha, attended with great blessing, inasmuch as he was foretold by • Buddha himself. His hymns are known in all lands,' and he was famed as common to the orthodox
of both the greater and the lesser vehicle': and again at the time when Mātriceța was converted *to Buddhism the number of heretics and brahmans in the monasteries of the four regions, who entered the spiritual order, was very great. People thought that, if the greatest ornament of the Brahmans, Durd harga, had shaken off his own system like dust, this Buddhist doctrine must be 'a very great marvel' (p. 91). In like manner we find the Chinese traveller, I-tsing, relating that Mātřiceta 'by his great literary talent and virtues excelled all the learned men of his age. Even men
like Asanga and Vasubandhu admired him greatly .....Two of his hymns were learned by every monk . .. of both the Mabāyāna and Hinayāna schools' (trans. pp. 166-7).
These statements suffice to prove that Mātřiceta was a considerable figure in Indian Buddhist literature, a fact, indeed, of which we should ask no further evidence if we could accept the accounts which identify him with the authors of the Buddhacarita and the Jātska-mālā. It will be, accordingly, of interest to show how far the legends agree with what we can establish as fact.
Of the persons identified by Taranātha with this Mātřiceta we may at once exclude two, namely, Triratnadāsa and Dhārmika-Subhūti, the former of whom was, as I hope to have proved elsewhere, a contemporary of the philosopher Dignāga of the 5th-6th century and the latter of a still later date. At the same time we may put aside the name of Pitsiceta, known only from Tāranātha and - if we disregard its Tibetan equivalent Pha.khol, which belongs to the medical writer Vägbhata (Tāranātha, trans. p. 311 n, to p. 90, 1. 5) - only in this connection. It is true that, as Wassiliew remarks in the note just cited, the father of Vägbhata bore a name, Samghagupta, resembling that given as belonging to Mātriceța's father, namely, Samghagahya, and perhaps therefore we must render Pha khol here also by Vägbhata (not Pitřiceta) and understand Täranātha to #gert the identity of this author with Mātriceța. In that case, the name of the latter's father must be considered doubtful, as soon as we question this identity. But when Wassiliew goes on to suggest that Mātriceta's name also is a mere translation of the Tibetan Malchol, which itself was then an intentional alteration of Pha khol, this cannot be allowed. For on this supposition the name Mātricețá would have been unknown in India - at least until a late age by borrowing from Tibet - whereas it was familiar there, as we know from I-tsing, in the 7th century. If the name Pitřiceta ever existed, and if it was ever connected with Mātřiceta, this must have happened in India and at an earlier age.
The name Maticitra rests not merely on the authority of Taranātha : it occurs, as we shall see below, in the colophons to some of Mātriceța's works as given in the Tanjur, It can be shown that such colophons are independent evidence. But it is no less true that they are incapable, full of errors as their Sanskrit transliterations are, of distinguishing consistently between Mātriceta and Maticitra. The latter form I have found in six colophons : but we have also Matricița, Maticitu,
Album Kern, pp. 405-8; cf. Mr. Lévi's article in the Bulletin de l'École Français d'Extreme Orient, Vol. III. Pp. 49-50 n.

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Matricita and Maticitra. Considering how frequently tr and are confused, we need have little hesitation in everywhere restoring the true name Matriceța. But we may concede the possibility that a Prakrit form Maticita may have been known in India or Tibet.
The person whose history is by Taranatha most completely interwoven with that of Matriceṭa is certainly Durdharsa-Kala. The accounts of parentage, birth-place, and biography are in fact identical, and if any part of Taranatha's statements is to be allowed as well-founded, it must be this, and we must admit that the poet in his youth really bore the name of Kāla. If we could accept these reports, and admit further the account of the poet's conversion by Aryadeva, we should be obliged to place him along with the latter and Candrakirti in the generation following Nagarjuna. We find however in the life of Dignaga (Taranatha, pp. 130-3) a very similar account of the conversion of a Brahman Sudurjaya, and the likeness of the incident and the name withdraws from us the possibility of accepting any chronological conclusion. That Matriceṭa, however, was at least not later than Dignaga must be admitted. For in the Miśrakastotra we have additions by the latter to the Stotra in 150 verses by Matriceta.
Have we then any grounds for accepting the identity of this poet with Sura or Alvaghosa? As concerns the former the evidence appears to be non-existent. I have elsewhere collected the names of six works attributed to Sura. None of these appears to be anywhere ascribed to Matriceța or to Aávaghosa, and the Chinese tradition (if we may judge from Nanjio's Catalogue) distinguishes between the three.
In the case of Asvaghosa, the facts are as follows. The Chinese writers, so far as we may judge from the accounts at present accessible, appear to narrate no particulars concerning Matriceța, except in one instance. I-tsing mentions both him and Asvaghosa, and apparently without identifying them. The various Chinese accounts collected by M. Sylvain Lévi (Journal Asiatique, 1896-7, Ser. IX. Vol. VIII. pp. 444-89, IX., pp. 1-42) appear to agree in making Aávaghosa a contemporary of King Kanishka and a predecessor of Nagarjuna,5
Under these circumstances only an examination of the existing works of the two poets and of their commentaries can establish the facts of their mutual relations. Accordingly, I have made a beginning with Matriceta by transcribing and translating a work entitled Maharajakanikalekha Epistle to king Kanika,' which in the volumes of the Tanjur where it occurs (Mdo. XXXIII. foll. 78-82, XCIV. 295-9) and in the history of Taranatha is ascribed to that author. But before giving an account of this epistle it will be worth while to cite the names of all the works which are given as his in the Tanjur, and to add a few slight remarks. We find the following:
1. Varpanarhavarnana: bhagavato Buddhasya Stotratraya. Bstod I. foll. 93-111. [Slob. dpon Matricita (sic). Indian teacher Sarvajñadeva: Zu chen translator Dpal-brtsegs rakeita (Srikitarakita)].
Taranatha, trans. pp. 84, 85:-'At that time the Brahman Durdharsa-Kala, born in the east, in the country ' of Nalina and the town of Khorta, visited every land as an opponent of the Buddhist doctrine and effected its 'overthrow. He having come to Sri-Nalanda, the believers, unable to contend with him, wrote a letter to invite Aryadeva. Aryadeva confuted him and shut him up in a Vihara, where he studied the Buddhist scriptures, repented of his former deeds, and composed many hymns. The name of the Vihara is given as Kusumalakära in the city of Kusamapura (p. 89). According to both Taranatha (p. 85) and I-tsing (trans. p. 157) his conversion was occasioned by the knowledge of Buddha's prediction.
To these items of uncertainty we must add the fact that Durdharya is sometimes described as a King of Kansambi, see Taranatha, trans. p. 308, and Rockhill, 'Life of the Buddha,' pp. 946-7, In the latter account, we must note that the Bhikgu Sirsaka is probably Aryadeva, whose father is said to have been named Pañoadriga, This agrees with the narrative of Taranatha, where he makes Aryadeva the opponent of Dardhara. Dignaga is brought into collision not only with Sudurjays, but also with an apparently different Brahman Nag⚫ po Kala or Krisna.
4 Album Kern, pp. 405-8. Prof. Speijer is not inclined to accept the identity of the two poets: see the introduction to his translation of the Jatakamälä. M. Lévi assigns the work at any rate to the school of Aávaghops (Journal Asiatique, 1896, VIII. p. 456 n.). The Paramitasamasa, ascribed by Taranatha to Matriceta (p. 98), is by Sara. Is it possible that the Ki-ye-to named in these accounts (VIII. pp. 462-73)= Ceta?

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2.- Samyagbuddhalak anastotra. Estod I. foll. 112-3. (Sian.nag.mkhan.chen. po slob. dpon (Mahākavi-ācārya) Maticitra.]
3.- Triratuamangalastotra. Bstod I. foll. 111-2. [Slob.dpon Maticiţa (sic). Indian teacher Vidyākarasimhaprabha: Za.chen translator Dpal. brtsegeraksita (Srikütarakṣita.)]
4.- Ekottarikastotra. Batod I. fol. 113. [Slob.dpon Maticitra. Indian teacher Dharmasribhatta: translator the Bhikga Rinchen bzan.po (Ratnabhadra.)]
5. - Sugatapacatriratnastotra. Bstod I. foll. 113-5. [Slob.dpon Maticitra, Indian teacher Sumakaravarmma: translator the Bhiksu Rinchen .bzań.po (Ratnabhadra.)]
6.- Triratnastotra. Bstod I. fol. 116. [Slob.dpon Maticitra.]
7.- Miárakastotra. Bstod I, foll. 290-13. [Slob.dpon.chen.po Matricita (sic) and Slob. dpon.phyogs. kyi-glan (Dignaga). Indian teacher Kumārakalasa : Zu.chen translator the Bhikan Baod.nams. bzan.po (Sukhabhadra ? Subha bhadra? Probably Punyabhadra.)]
8.- Oaturviparyayakatha. Mdo. XXXIII. foll. 131-4, XCIV. 223-6. [Slob.dpon Mūticitra (sic). Indian teacher Buddhabhadra : Zu.chen translator the Bhikşu Rinchen. bzan po (Ratnabhadra.)]
• 9. - Kaliyugaparikatha. Mdo. XXXIII. foll, 134-6, XCIV. foll, 226-8. [Slob.dpon. Maticitra. Indian teacher Ajitasribhadra: Zuchen translator the Bhiku Sūkya.hod (Säkyaprabba.6)]
10.- Aryatārādevistotrasarvärthasādhananāms-Stotrarāja Rgyud XXVI. foll. 60-2. [Slob. dpon Mātricita (sic.)]
11. - Maticitragiti Rgyud XLVIII. fol. 9.
The majority of these are, it will be seen, hymns, and this well accords with what we are told of Mätřiceta's writings by I-tsing (trans. p. 156-7) and Tāranātha (trans. p. 91). As we learn from these writers that the hymns were well known in all countries, and favourites with both the Mahayana and Hinayāna schools, it is not too much to hope that the Sanskrit originals will yet be discovered.?
They are, as is natural, not rich in biographical details. But the Varnanärhavarnanastotru supplies as with an interesting confirmation of the statements that Mätriceta was a convert from Brähmanism. Its beginning (after salutations) is as follows:
1,- zindan.in. min. mahtshal.tel
Isgratsam.gyi ni .rjes.hbrans. nas!
bdag .gis . nons.tesnonchad.ni
bsrags.min. bsiags.pa.brjod.pa .gan 2.- nag.gihdam.gyis.gospa.de
thub.pa.bsod.nams.hbab.kyi -stegs! bun.ba.khyod , la brten.beas. nas
rab.tu.bkruba.hdi. brtsamol 3.- hdi .ni . bdag.gis. mchog.tshogs.la
Igti• mugldous pas nons.bgyis gan | sdig .pa .de .ỹi.nons.pa . dag!
sel.bar .bgyid . pahi. bsad. byed - lags 4,- bdag .ni.mya • nan.hdas • bar.dal
khyod .kyi.gsun. dan.khyod .kyini yon tan brjod.pa .gan lags.pahil
tshig. lam.gñis • las . ñams. ma.gyur • Färanátha, trans, p. 204.
Some may be revealed by a detailed examination of the MSS. from Nepal: at least there are some indications.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Translation - 1.- Since formerly, ignorant of what should or should not be a theme, following the path of poetry merely, I sinfully celebrated what should not be celebrated,
2.- That smearing with the filth of utterance, I now, in reliance upon you who have won the bathing ghat of the merits of Sākya, shall endeavour to cleanse away,
3.- What sin, blinded by darkness, I wrought against the precious ones, the sinfulness of that offence I now remove and destroy.
4.- In singing the words and the virtues of you in Nirvana, may I not fall short of both paths of speech.'
This undeniable fact in the life of Mātrices, namely, his conversion from Brāhmanism, was of course far from singular. But it must be considered as of some importance in the event of our hearing a similar story regarding Asvaghoşa. The remaining hymns and the tracts on the Four Viparyayas and on the Kali age do not, on a cursory perusal, add anything to our knowledge of the author's life. The hymn to Tārā pray be connected with the allusion of Tāranātha to his seeing the goddess in a dream, but it seems to contain no reference to such an incident (though its concluding verses may have suggested the story), and it bears in fact so much of the character of a late Tantra that I am inclined to doubt its authorship.
I come now to the work, of which I append the transliterated text with a translation. The Mahārājakanikalekha or Letter to king Kanika' belongs to a class of Buddhist works known to 18 chiefly in connection with the Suhrillekha of Nāgārjuna, of which a text and translation were published by Dr. Wenzel in the Journal of the Pali Text Society for 1886. We may mention further the Gurulekha of the Bhikṣu Dgon .pa .pa (Asramin), the Putralekha of Sajjana, the Candrarājalekha of Yogesvare-Jaganmitrānant(d)s and the Sisyalekha of Candragomin, all found in Vol. Mdo. XCIV. of the Tanjur. The Mahārājakanikalekha (Mdo. XXXIII. foll. 78-82, XCIV. foll. 295-9) is already known to us from Tāranātha, who refers to it as follows :
Towards the end of his (Mātriceta's) life, king Kanika sent a messenger to invite the Acārya, who, however, being unable on account of his great age to come, despatched an Epistle and converted this king to the doctrine' (trans. p. 92).
The identity of the king Kanika is not yet placed beyond question. Täranātha asserts that he was not the same as Kaniska (pp. 89-90). According to him Mātriceța was an inhabitant of Kugumapura in the time of Bindusära, son of Candragupts. Towards the end of Matricea's life
Bindusara's son, king Sricandra ruled. After king Sricandra bad enjoyed the sovereignty, *there had elapsed many years, when in the west in the land of Tíli and Mälava a king Kanika, * young in years, was chosen as sovereign. Twenty-eight diamond-mines having been recently discovered, he lived in great wealth. He built four great temples according to the four regions of the world, and continually entertained 30,000 Bhiksus of the Great and Little Vehicle. Accordingly "one must know that king Kanişka and Kaniks are not one and the same person' (pp. 89-90, and the same distinction is made, p. 2). Under these circumstances it is important to observe that in the Epistle the king is said to belong to the Kusa race (v. 49). The identity of this name with the Kuşaņa of the inscriptions will not be disputed. But the use of this abbreviated form of it by a contemporary most excite a doubt of the correctness of M. Sylvain Lévi's explanation of it (Journal Asiatique, Sér. IX. Vol. VIII. (1896) p. 457 n.) as due to a mistaken apprehension of Kuşanavamia as containing a genitive. I am more inclined to believe that Kuşana was really a compound and to place the abbreviation in a line with the other shortened names.10
lis=ksetra.
This and the Suhrillekha are cited by M. Lévi, Journ. Asiatique, Sér. IX, Vol. VIIL (1096) p. 149. The Sisyalekha was published by Minayeff in the Zapiski of the Russian Archæological Society, Vol. IV. (1889) Pp. 44 899.
10 Concerning these doublets, see M. Lévi's note, Vol. IX. (1897) pp. 10-11.

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849
The Epistle contains. one, and perhaps. two other indications whiol may some day aid in establishing the identity of this king. In v. 47 he is clearly described as a northern king, and adviseil to add dignity to that region by endowing the temples. In v. 83 the words since we cannot
look upon the hurtful sun, act, O moon of kings, like the moon' must to students of Indian poetry suggest a play upon words, while another verse (No. 49) seems to speak of the king's family as the
sun of the Arya race. As I am unable to unravel these allusions, I must for the present be content with calling attention to the facts.
There are also two other small facts of which it may be worth while to take notice liere. In one of the Tibetan works dorling with Li-yul, or Khotan, which Bockhill has excepted in his Life of the Buddba,' a mention is made of a king of Kanika and of a people called Gujan.
The text runs thus: -.ka. ni kahi orgyal. po dan guzan gyi.rgyal.po.dan li. rje.rgyal.po.vi.ja .ys. kir.tila.sogs.pas .rgya.gar.yuldu.dmagdrans.nas. so.ked .ces. bgyi.bahi.gros. kbyer.phab«pahi.tshe | rgyal. po vijaya.kir.tis.sari.ram.man po.ig. rõen.payan.phranohi .mchod.rten.dehi.nan du stsal,
Translation: The king Kanika (or is it the king of Kanika'?) and the king of Guzan and king Vijayakirti, lord of Li, and others having led an army into India and overthrown the * city of Soked (Säketa), king Vijayakirti, obtaining many kariras, then bestowed them in that Stupa of Phru.io.'
The reference here would certainly seem to be, however mistakenly expressed, to Kanigka, and in the Guzan we cannot fail to recognize the Kuaņas of the coins and inscriptions, more especially as the form gupaņa is actually recorded in two places (see M, Lévi's article, Journal Asiatique, Sér, IX, Vol. IX. (1897) p. 40).
The other fact bears upon the question of the identity of Asvaghoya and Mátricota. The hymn in 150 versos is ascribed in the colophon to Agvaghoga. Nevertheless, the extended form in 400 verses, whicb bears the name Miárakastotra, is assigned not to Afvaghoga and Dignāga, but to Mātricea and Dignage, and this in agreement with the statements of I-tsing, who apparently distinguishes between the two poets and names the hymn in 150 stotras as the most celebrated work of Matricea (trans. pp. 156-7 and 165-6). What then are we to think of the facts adduced by M. Sylvain Lévi concerning the 5th verse in this hymn, which recurs also (ncc. to the statement of M. Lévi) in the Sütrālamkāra of Asvaghoga? The Tibetan text of the hymn reads as follows:
I rgya.mtshor .gs .gin.bu.ga .ral
russbal. mgrin.pa.chud. pabžin damchos. dgah.ston.cher.bcas pahi
minid. bdag .gis. thob nasni Translation :- When like the neck of a tortoise, entering the hole of a yoke in the ocean, I had obtained the state of man, attended with the great festival of the good religion.'
The reference to the blind tortoise, which rises from the bottom of the ocean once in a hundred years and by a rare chance happens to insert his neck into a yoke floating on the surface of the ocean,
11 Mr, Levi, in the articles before oited (Vol. VIII. PP. 449-451), rogards king Kanika as an invention of Taranatha, at least so far as he is distinguished from Kaniska. Even this, however, is not free from diffionlty. For the Epistle of Matrioota is addressed as to young man, and certainly we cannot suppose the author, already old and inflrm, to have subsequently become a courtier of the king, as the stories relato oonooming Asvaghop. Another of these diffioulties, which we must raise, however reluctantly, concerns the stories of Kapipka related in the Sutrālapkira by Alvaghopa himself (Vol. VIII. Pp. 453-88). Are we to understand that these are told by # oontemporary of his patron king P The extracts given by M, Lévi do not produce that improssion: but of this only a Chinese scholar oan judge.
Can Kasike have boon named Candra-Kanika or Capde-Kanika?

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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is used to illustrate the extremely rare chance by which a living creature is born as a human being. But the partial recurrence of this verse in the Sütrālapkära of Ašvaghoga is unfortunately of no value as evidence in proving that Asvaghoga wrote the hymn in 150 verses. For the same expression recurs in the Suhrillekha of Nāgārjana, v. 59 (see Wenzel's trans., Journal of the Pali Text Society for 1886, p. 18). I have noted also a fourth recurrence of this simile in the Tibetan version of a work entitled Subhāsitarainakarandakakatha and ascribed to Sara. This reference will be now familiar to M. Lévi, who has himself discovered in Nepal the Sanskrit text of the work, and states that it consists merely of the verges which conclude the tales in the Drāvimsaty-Avadāna. The Sanskrit original here reads, according to the R. As. Soc. MS. of this Avadāna, as follows:
ata evāba bhagavan manugyam atidurllabham
mabårnnavalyugaechidre kūrimagrivarpaņopaman II Is it not probable that we have here saying ascribed to Buddha, which we may hope also to find in the Pali literature ? [I now learn from Professor Rhys Davids that it does occur in the Majjhima Nikaya: see the edition of Mr. Chalmers, III. p. 169.)
I must therefore leave the question of the identity of Mātrices and Ašvaghoşa in the same obscurity as before. Bat we may note that concerning the latter the Tibetan colophon to the Buddhacarita makes one small addition to onr knowledge, namely, that he lived in Säketa or Oudh. It reads : -
yul.a. ke takahigser mig mahi.budgeslon.slob.dpon Dan .dhags.mkhan.chen .po smink badan.ldan .pa .btsun .parta • dbyans.kyis .mdzad.pahi. Bans.rgyas . kyi • spyod pa. des .by .bahisñen.dags.chen. po las.sku .gdud.rams. par.bgo.bahi lep.ste.i.surtsa. brgyad .payons .su .rdzogs.
This is equivalent to : - Baketadesaks suvarnäksiputrabhikon licārya mahakavi - vägmin-bhadantñsvaghoqaracitasya Buddhacaritanāmainahakāvysaya bariravibhago nämästivimbo 'ddhyâyah.
I now append text and translation of the Epistle, craving a not too severe judgment of the translation, which might perhaps have been in parts a work of some difficulty eren to scholars possessed of a knowledge of Tibetan far beyond what I can pretend to. The text is for the most part that given in Mdo. XCIV., but I have made some slight corrections in orthography and added in the margin the various readings of Mdo. XXXIII. We may note that the latter inserts sv. 11-13 a second time after the second line of v. 36. I have not thought it worth while at present to cite or search for literary parallels. Toxt.
Translation. Rgyagarskaddu || Mahārājakanikalekhah In the Indian tongue: Mahārājakanikalekha. Bod.skad.du || Rgyal.po.chen .po.kani. In the Tibetan tongae ; Rgyal.po.chen.po. ks.le.sprins. pahis. bphrin yig!
ka • nika.la.sprijs.pahi • hphrin.yig. De • båinglegs • pa.thams.cad. la.pbyag. Reverence to all the Tathāgatas !
htshalo 1 | Bgrod.par.bgyi • hos.khyod • lags. na 1. Since you are worthy of (my) making fbkug.kyan.ma .mchis gaú. lags.tel
a journey, even if no invitation had Ima.gus.mslags.parnask. malags
been given, there is no want of respect, Irga dan. nad.kyi. bar.chad.bgyis |
no contempt : old age and sickness hinder.
11 Sic 1 road - (Tib, rgya.mihor, locativo).
prin beli 88.
*
brillas 88.

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2.- While kindly disposed to you equally with
all creatures, owing to your virtues I feel towards you a special partiality.
2 bdag .ni .gems.can.thams.cad. dan
hdra.bar.khyod la brtse.mod .kyi! khyod .kyi yon tan gyiskhyod . la
lhag . par .be .mgon15. khyad .bar .bgyid 3 gdamskyi . phal.cher.mchis. mod. kyi
tbams.cad.gdams. par. surno.thog 316 khyod kyi yon tangan lags.des17 | bdag .ni • spyi. brtol. skyes. par. hgyur18 4 zlogs.pa.med. pahi yon tan gyis
I phyogs.mnams. kun.tu.bsgoms pasnil mi mohog.nams.kyan.thugs.thub.par
mdzah báes . bżin.du.hdzem.pa.med 5 deltasshangtod .id .kyi.ched
1 bdag.gil.gsol.ba.hdi.geon.tel 1 bagruba.dan.gtan.ba.gid.gõis. las Igad.rige.de .ni .nams.subżes
6 dgah.bar .bgyid . pahi.yul.rnams dan
Irgyags.par.bgyid . pahilantsho.dan | bdag .nid.randgar spyod .pa . dan
kon.tu.don.med.bgyid .pahiesgo 7 phun..bar .byed .ps.de.gsum spad
mkbas.pas dampa.ston.padan dban po.gdal. danses.rabkyi stobs rothas.fiams .ni .smad nas
sbyan* 8 Ikhyod .kyises. pahi.gdir .gyur.babi
cha.ni.gsum.po.de .dag.mnams chos. lags. dag. dan.hdal.ba •yis391
beos.nasyon tan ñid .du.mdzado 9 ciste. rgyal.po.blon.po.dag
|dkyil.che .sñin • rjebi. bdag .ni .ni Irlag.tu.non.mons.med.payil
I las • kyido. rgyal srid.bya . barran! 10 | hjig.rtenhdi • na.blo.gros • kyi)
| iam .chun .gyurdan.mgon. med.pal I bya.ba.meyin. med. pa.la Igdon.miza.bar.hjug.par.hgyur
3. - Though of advice there be plenty, to
advise all who is able? Your virtues being what they are, I am made to
become an impudent person. 4.- When by invincible virtues the quarters
have been everywhere cheered," oven good men are not ashamed in compliance
with a friend to ventare.90 5.- While listening therefore to this request
of mine for a hearing, in the doubt as to what is to be carried out or rejected, do you take to your heart what is
right. 6.- Pleasurable objects, youth ongendering
pride, and self-willed conduct, are everywhere the door to unprofitable
acts. 7.- Renouncing these three causes of ruin,
the prudent should adhere to the good, subdue the senses, and by force of wisdom cleango his heart from
reproach.37 18.-Healing by virtuous conduct and self
restraint these three, which have been the root of sin, do you practise only
virtae. 9.- For indeed king and minister, being the
essence (or having hearts) of universal compassion, ought ever to administer
the sovereignty by sinless deeds, 10. In this world he who, having become feeble
of intellect, is defenceless, sinks without doubt into helpless#1 nothingness.
15 Bic: rond mthou?
* ....thog 88. 11 perbapa ho.
17 gywr 83. 19 In this verse I have rendered begonse as Sk. bhāvay and, # thuge.thub. par as 'take oonfidence,' cf. 8. o. Dad' Larioon, & v. thuga. 11 gis 88.
11 agrub 88. 11 babs.phyog. 88.
do P 88. 35 Wpawh 8. In the next line beton.
* spyad 89
W dan randul yie 83. deod 88.
*byte 89. 31 bye.ba.mayin = okrik!

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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11.- Therefore so long as on this earth you
pass not quickly away, make glad 37 endeavours to gather learning in order to attain strength of mind.
11 de. bas ji • srid .sa .dels*
myurdu.ma.sga183. bar.du.nil blo .mthu .bskyed.phyir.mkhas.pa
dag 1 bsdu. bar.dgyes88.pahi • nan • tan •mdzod 12 chos. kyi obstan. bcos.gdon.bgyiss. din
de.yi.don.gyi tshal.gson la Igsan. pahi.chos .rnams .rnam.dpyad.de
dpyads.pa .la .ni .mkhas. parso.mdzod 13 | myanan.gyis .ni .ma .gduns sin
f.na.głonnad.med. lors • payil |dnos. podata. Itar. byan bayil
I blo.gros • la .ni .minus.med 14 hdir. ni skyes .bu dam .ba las
dus dus..yan nun.zadu.gson
bundu. bsagenahannes.par.ni
I rispor. mi.thogs.man. por hgyur 15rtag-ta.chu-thigs .re .rehi • rgyan
i bar.chad.med. par.hbab.pa .yis Igas žig.gau • bar • mi • hgyur. bahili
snod.de •ji • Ita • bu zig.mchis 16 | de. Itar • dpe.gsal .de . Ita • bu |
Irgyal. po tshad . mar.mdzad nas nil dampahi chose nigaan.pala
rtag. tu dges.pañid .du.mdzod 17 Iyon tan .nor.nigfiler. lagñen
mkhas fin.sñin. rjehi • bdag.ñid.can byas.gzo.phons.chos.mi.bgyid.pa bzan. bokhyod .kyis • slan, dużog |
12.- Making a perusal of religious books,
hear the nature of their import; then reflecting on the precepts which you
hear, in reflection attain to wisdom. 13. - To an understanding, which, unvexed by
sorrow, is not blinded by the disease of youth and bas arisen in harmony with
reality, there is no lack of strength. 14. - From holy men in this world hear a little,
though it be bat from time to time : if but a little be adquired, assuredly in no
long time it grows to much. 15.- Be like & vessel, which by a stream of
single drops of water flowing ever without interroption does (yet ?) not
become fullu 16.- So, in accordance with this clear example,
do you; after performing the duties of king, ever take delight in hearing the
good religion. 17. Lend advancement to the good man,
devoted to the acquisition of the riches of virtue, who, while learned, is the Ossence of compassion (or has a compassionate heart), and who is grateful
and follows not mean principles. 18. To the bad man, of foolish and mean
principles, who out of greed remembers not gratitude and is violent in abuse,
allow not even in your country & place. 19. -Ever make yourself acquainted with the
disposition of the laity: upon knowing their disposition the three blessings depend.“
18 Ikhyod .kyis blan.danhphonechos.can
I brkam. .byas.Pamigzodan |kbagsayt.gtam • po.mi.bxan.be
yulenahaignas suoma.stsal.cig | 19 rtag. tu .so .sohiskye. boyis47 | khyad.par.mkhyen bar.mdxod.cig.
dan 1 de.yi.khyad.par.mkhyen team la 1 I pluun. sumetshogs.pa.rag • las so
n las 33.
* brgal 33. skyed 38.
w bgyis and bgyi 33. x 'from '83.
ST 88 omite this word: ** gyis (imper.) 83.
#dphyad and dpyad 39. pur and pas 38.
41 yia 33. 11 de 33.
is as vad . If we read af for mi, the sense would be becomes toll. • Or better, "Taking a lesson from promānikrtya) this clear exemplo, o king.' # ba 33. yi 83. Are the 8 rempada ropa, yatas, and dhana? C. 8. O. Das Lexioon.

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20 mi-gan.dksh.ba.spyod byed. dan 20. - Who perforrsthings hard to perform, dor.bar .byadkah dort.ba.dan
renounces things hard to renounce, bzod. pardkah.ba .bzod. byed. dai
endures things hard to endure, takes to | bkur.dkah.ñamsu. len .pa . dan
heart things hard to esteem, 21 Ignas.min. las .ni zlog. byed. dan
21. - Resists misplaced action, is diligent in Ignassu hjog par. brtson .pa . dan
putting things in place, and desiring | de.yi. bsam. pamthun.gus dan
the honour and happiness of those of - 1 bde. bar.hdod.cin.hobyams .pal
the same views is kind, 22 de dag mams.ni.mdzah bấes.to 22. -- Whoso have these for friends, are verily I gñen.hdun.grogs. pohan .de .dag.lags
dear to their kin.60 Other men randon.tsam.phyir .hbran. bahi.mil
pursuing only their own interest, the Iguan • dag •ekye • bo •phan •pa • bas|
service of the creatures is at an end.61 23 grogs .po.pban.par.hdod pahi.tshig 23. - Take to heart the word of bim who mi sñan.yan.ni.phan .pa . dan
desires the service of his fellows, which, hjam dan .bde ba62. lags.pa .daj 53
even if ungracious, is serviceable, mild thugs.la-bżag • par.mdzad.dugsoll
and true : 24 tshig.sban. phan .pa .ma . lags. dan 24. - But bear not in mind the word of the low hjam dbyangst. bden .pa .ma . lags.pa
man, which, even if gracions, is not | dampa.ma.yin .rnamskyi.tshigi
serviceable, and, even if kind-sounding, khyod.kyi.thugs. la .ma .bzun zig!
is not true. 25 Iphan •per • smra •ba •khro •yah •ại
25.- Let a serviceable speecb, even if angry, by khyod .kyis .gnants.chen. dag.du.
you be held in higli esteem : but in mdzo d681
unserviceable speech, even if laudatory, miphan. smrs .ba .bstod.bgyid . kya1157
take no delight. |dgyes.pa dag. tu .ma.mdzad.cig! 26 rab.dai:58.mtsho. la .daj-ba-yil
26. - As in a pellucid lake the white rājahayısa Irgyal.poonan. ni chus.hjig950. bžin
is apprehensive of the water, make dam.params.kyis. bsñen.bla60.dan
yourself easy of approach to the high, | dampa.min.l.pas. beñen.dkah.mdzod
bard of approach to the low.62 27 khyod .kyis.mkhas.nams.tshim.bgyis. 27. -- Do you, giving contentment to the pas 1
learned, strive not for the acquisition I hbgor .pa .don.da.gñer.mi.bgyide 1
of riches : through delight in virtues yon.tan.dgyes phyir.khyod.kyisni
never have your fill of them. Iyon.tan.rnams kyis.mienoms. mdzod 28 | lors-spyod. byed.dan.bde. badan 28. – Whether good fortune is or is not yours, sdug .bial phrad • paham.spyode.pa.
whether happiness or misery befalls, ham
whether you act or act not, in the I spyod . lam kun tu. spyod pana
pursuit of every course of action, give khyod .kyis.dam. pabsten.pa.dail
your adherence to the high. 19 hdor 88.
54 Orunited in kinship'? 51 The grammar seems here anacoluthic. We might perhaps translato 'Dot following their own interest, what is for the good of others, they do.' 11 bden pa 38.
05 nag 33. 64 yai 33.
85 shan 33. 56 mdaad 94.
07 dnn 33. * dans 33.
hjig 33. sla 33.
61 yin 33. 6 The rājahamsa gan, it would seer, in such a case be approached only from above. os bgyi 93.
* Literally, striving' bgyid: 33 has faturo. 4?through (or for the sake of those who delight.' 66 dpyod 33.
1

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29 dran. pahi.grogs.kyis .bskor.bana
bag.yod . par67. ni gnashgyur.tel sā68. lahi -sin .lahkhrice.sin.bin
bzan . podpal.gyis .hkhyud. par. hgyur. 30 | khyod .kyis . hom70.pa . bden. pa daúl
khyad . par.in.la .sbyin. pa dan dran. dan. bral. bashdod .pa .dbye chad.pas.gan.duhan. bcad.mi.bgyi
29.- Surrounded by loving friends and being
constant in watchfulness, be embraced by a noblu kreatness like the creepers
on the Sāla tree. 30. - Give to those who are mild, true, and
superior: the performance of what is desired by the unfriendly is not, even where a promise has been made, to be
carried out.71 31. — Those who contend in wrongful strife,
those who look meanly on the poor, 74 those who delight. pot in the noble, those who violate their vows of
penitence,75 32. - These four undesirable 78 indulge their
frolios: with every, care see that they abide not even in your mountry.
31 J log72. pas.hthab.bcugs. byed.pa dan
| bkren.ladman73. par. Ita . badan
tshul. khrims. Idanrnams. midgah dan |dkab thub.sdom .pa •hkhrul. byed •pa |
32 | bži.pohdi . dag.hdod.min.tel
rtse76 .ba . hdzoms77.par.bgyid.p. lags rab.brtaon.khyod . kyi.yu) nani
Ide dag .gtan .ms .mchis.par.mdzod 38 stobs.dan Idan,.pa7e.stobs.chun.ba
Ignad.chongyis .ni .mi.gnad. dan mchod .hos .rnams.kyis. mi. mchod. dan
smos. hdrigao . kyis.ni.mi. ses.pa! 34 Igau.yau raj.ba81.gan.gis.kyan
brfias.pa. med. par82. khyod . kyis.mdzod tha .sñad.rnams. ni. dag.pa .yis
| kun. la.hdris .bar.gzigs .Bu.gsol 35 kun.gyis . raj.gi.chos.theb84.cin
chos. kyis.thams.cad. htsho.bar.mdzod mi.sdug.kyan ni . ñes.med.na thams.cad.bde. bar.mdzad.du.geol
33. - By the strong the weak, by those of great
capacity the incapable, by the honoured those without honour, by the learned
the ignorant, 84.- Any man by any man, suffer not to be
contemned. Ever grant inquiry by persons of integrity into disputes.
.
36 I pha.yi86. bu • laji. Ita . bar
| khyod . kyishkhor.la.byams.bgyis na | buyis . pha laji. Ita .bar
khyod .la .za • hbrip.dgah. bar.bgyi88 37 Ipbal.nams.ran.bžin. bzan.na.nil
khyod .kyis87.dgons.pa .bžinda.hgyur I phal.rnams.ran.bžin. nan. nani | khyod .kyis99. dgons .pa .bin.mi.hgyur
35. -- While every man supports his own
religion, make all to live according to their religion. Make happy all, even disagreeable persons if free from
offence. 36. - While, like a father to his sons, you shall
have shown kindness to your dependants, like sons to their father, your servants
will give you joy. 87. - When the people are naturally good, they
will be conformable to your mind : when the people are naturally bad, they will not be subservient to your will.
67 pas 33.
65 a 33.
hkhrid 33. 70 beam 33. Both perhaps akin to hjam. Or does bxom represent Sk, dānta? 12 leg 33.
15 sman 33. * ? those of mean and low views.'
75 p 'lead astray the penitent.' 10 rtsa 33.
17 hjoms 33. 9 pas 33.
#hdis 33. #1 la 33.
82 pa 33, $3 hgra 33.
# thob 33. theb 94. 85 yio 33.
#bgyid 33. 37 kwi 28
Loo

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88 gal. tegun lngs .bzan. 289. na!
38. - If the government be good, itøl will be I gonnas.gondu hphan.bar. hgyur!
lifted from high to higher : but if one ciste nan passo . spyod .mdyad .nal
walk according to evil, from low to bog.nas. bog.tu. Itu .bar .bgyur 1
lower will he fall, 39 | dam. pabilas. la .gnas nas 2. ni | 39. - If you are steadfast in good works, then, khyunchog.danni.khyu . lta.ba
like a flock their leader, all this company Irjesu htsho. bahiskyes.buhi" .tshogs
of your dependants will follow in your I hdi . kun.rjes •suhbran.bar. hgyur
steps. 40 | khyod .kyi.gya.gyu • la •żngs.na! | 40. If you shall have committed yourself to Igya.gyu. kho nahi.rjes.hbrans. pas
deceit and have followed only in the skye.dgu .khyod .mdzad.rjes.hbran.
path of deceit, the people following your babil
example, that people will deteriorato. skye.dgu.de.ni .nams. par.bgyur 41 | de. bas. bdag .gian bsrun sladdu 41. -Therefore in order to save yourself and thugs.kyis .rab.tu.bsgrims.nas.nil
others, you ought with thorough grasp Ignahrgyal.dransron. rnams.kyi lugs
of mind to revive the fallen practice of Iñams • pasar • paro. bcos su •gsoll.
the ancient royal sages. 42 Ignaho7. yirgya] . pohi spyod .pa . las 42.- Of the action of ancient kings whatsoever I gan dag .bzen bade.mdzod . la
is good that do; but whatsoever is not mierigs.pa.nio .gaú - lags.de
right, that with reproof renounce. smado. par. mdzod .la .span.du.gsol 43 ion gyi bkah. khrims - skyon.chags.pa 143. - Staying the flow of former laws, where Ignah100.nas.mchis.kyan.rgyun.chod.
affected by error, even if existing from
of old, let king Kanika revive that which Irgyal.po.ka ni . kas .mtslan. pahil
has been well enacted. | khrimsu . bcah.ba.gsar. par. mdzod 44 | Iha.khyod yon .tan.don.gñerbas 44. - Making acquisition of virtue, do yoa, Deva, yon tan lha . bžinkho.nar. mdzod
follow only virtue, like a deva: baving Ihakhyod • skyon roams. mkhyen • pa.
knowledge, Deva, of sins, do, like yis
a deva, oniy what is void of fault. The bžia • fes • med • kho• nar• mdzod 1 45 zla.buhi. mar.gyi.no.bzindu
45. - Like the waning half of the month, cause nes.pahi.tshogs .rnams. hgrib.padan
the hosts of sin to diminish: like the Izla.bayar .gyi .10 .bziu du.
waxing half of the month, ever adom Irtag. tu yon .tan.gyis . brgyan.mdzod
yourself with virtue. 46 yab.semsl. bżinde - bdag •ñid .kyis 46. - Like your ancestors, you too should chos.kyis . 88.stens .bskyan.ba • dan
righteously rule the earth: you, like your Iyabmes.bżin.dulhakban.gil
ancestors, ought to increase the festivity dusston.hphel. bar. mdzad du•gsol |
of the temples.
* bla 33. " Or P'they'
akys.bohi 33. as di 33. 9 minah 83.
slad 83. 1 mes 33.
#pahi 83.
na 33. #bhuga 33. #sad par ? to be read! # byed. pa 83. 100 mal 33.
Or the harvest of hesren."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1908.
47 khyod .kyis .mthoris.byan.grol.gyis
themskas. Inimõam.mñam. pahi.phyir bsod.nams. las .byun .bzo. rigs.chel frtag.tu. Iha. khan.dag. tu .8088
48 rga danhchi. bas bsbers.mdzod.de
chos. bżin.rgyal.sriddpal.dpyads.nas | bgres.kar.dgon. par.gaegs. 81. gsol
damchos.ston. pahi.hbras.mchis. · mdzod 49 franbyan.mams - kyi •rjesu. Íslab?
ku.sahirigs.sa .hkhruus.khyod . kyis Iyabmes.hphags. rigs .ñi.mayil Igdun.rgyud chos. lags.ma .nams.
mdzod 50 skye.ba.can.ls.nes.par.nil
rges. danhchi. dan.na.mchis.na ma.bgres .ms .bsñuns. ma.group10. żes | legs.smongsol.yan.ci. la. sman
47. -- In order that by your guarding the
northern heaven that which is not equal in dignity may become equal, ever let great works of art, due to good deeds, be
accumulated in the temples. 48.- Apprehensive of old age and death, do
you, after wielding righteously the sovereign power, in Ister life retire into a hermitage. Manifest the autumn
fruit of the good religion. 49.-Train yourself in the way of your own
people: born in the Kusa race, do you impair not the household law of your ancestors, the suns of the Arya stock,
51. srid .pa . dag .ni.gau.yan.run!
fde.id .rgas. danhchi .ba . lage 1 Jyorsu. begyurll.bas.rga.baste
skad.cig. hjig!• pas • hchi .ba .yil 52 margas. ma.na.mi13.hchi es
smra .ba . dagli. ni smraba na de Itar.hjigsten. kun.hbarna
lyan srid. medlas .gganci. yod 58 Iga.na.mimthun.yod.mayin
gaidu.hdu. byed hjig.mi.hgyar Iganna.gcig.tu.bde. bar.gnas gan.du.sonnahchi. med18.hgyur
50.- Since to created beings old age and death
and sickness are assured, not to have grown old, not to have fallen ill, not to have died, however longingly we pray
where is the cure ? 51. - Whatever existences there be the same
grow old and die : after maturity comes old ago, then in & moment falling in
ruin they die. 52. Grow not old '15 be not sick' die not,'
since such words are but words, how is the whole world, though it shine, 17
different from nothingness ? 58. - Where is there not that which discontents
as? Where are the sapakaras not dissolved? Where is the wholly happy lot? Where going is there (for us) no
death? 54. How can sorrow and grief fail to arise from
every existence ? Therefore increase your meditation on the truth that existences are not real.
54 srid.pakan nasion.mons. dan
sdng.bsnal. hgyurl.ba.cir.mi.mkho de slad.nes.pa.srid.params med. par.begom.pargyas.par.modeod
Irige 88. 6 boton 38.
rjes.balabr. pa 83. . Or the son of the high line of your ancestor.' 2 yr 88. 13 ms 33 15 read marga? 16 15 mi 38.
• Pyad 88. • Or 'fruit of teaching.'
kun 83. 10 hgrows 88. 13 jge 94. 14 dag?
11 abyun 33.

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SEPTEMBER, 1903.) MATRICETA AND THE MAHARAJAKANIKALEKHA.
55
hdir20. ni.bggi .ba . hdi . ñiddel [de las gan pahibgyi .mi21. htshall bgyi.ba.de.ni.bgyis .pa .yis mi .bgyi bayi.tahar. phyin.to
56 | bgraaphren. bàin .du.hkhor.baru
lan.man.yonis. su • hkbor. bani | lan. brgyahamyarna.ston.dag.dul
hjig.rten. dag tu .ci .ma .bgyis 57 hdi.ma.bgyis smas2.byis.pagis
yandan.yan.dubgyi • htshal.bas thog.ms .med. pahidas.can.bdis da.don.bar.duma. log.go!
58 |hchibdag .su . dan. mises * .pa
I glo.bar. dagta hbab.hgyur.bas Bandag byees.ma . bżes par dam. pahi.chos • la smyur.te .mdzod
59 | hdi sanden.hdi.mi.bya , des
bya.ba. mi. la.bzan .pomin nam.igkhyod .ni .med.hgyur. bani!
sap.de.gdon.mi .za .bar .hon 60 hchi - bdag. brtse .ba . med. pa.can!
skyesortaal.don.med.geod. hgyur.ba gsod.pa.moondu hon. bżindu mkhas.pesu žig .bag .skyon .spyod |
55. -- What we have here to do is this alone;
other than this is there nought that need be done : whoso has done so much that was to be done, has reached the
end of what a man should do. 56. - In worlds revolving many time in
circle like a rosary, be it a hundred times or be it thousands, what has not
been done? 57. - Though children, entreating this has not
been done,' ask for the thing to be done over and over again, let not him whose is time without beginning again and
again at intervals return, 58. -The lord of death who knows not? As be
alights in a moment, do you, admitting not the thought 'to-morrow shall it be done,' apply yourself in basto to the
good religion. 69.- To-morrow, not to-day shall this be done,
such a saying is in a man not good : that tomorrow will surely come, when
you will no longer be. 60.- Uncompassionate, the lord of death slays
accomplished persons without reason : with the slayer close at hand, what wise man busies himself with cherishing
Vanities? 61.- Therefore so long as he, whose patience is
in no large measure, bas not shot forth that unendurable, unavoidable, arrow of his, a long give heed to your own
concern. 62. When you, after being released by former
deeds producing their fruit, are through connection with fresh deeds drawn on
by the lord of death, 63.- Since, excepting your merits and sins,
all creatures turn away and not one accompanies you, learn to know this and live well.
61 de slad.dpag.chen bzod.med.des
| mdahni.mi.bzad.hchor. med.pa de.niji • srid.ma.hphans. pal de grid.rso.gi.don.la hbod
62 rnam.smin.hbyin.pashonlas.kyis
khyod . niso.yoos • subtan.gyur.ba sar.pahi -las darrjes.hbrel.cin
hchi. bdag yis .ni .drans. Pana 63 |dge • dan sdig.pa.ma .gtogs • par
| hgro.ba.thats.cad. phyir. log.nas Ihgah.yan.khyod.rjes.mi.hbran.bar mkhyen.par.mdzad31 .la .legs.par.
spyod
90 hdi 88. * da 88.
di 83. W bien 88. #slayer-rigal? #lyse 88.
21 ma 93.
slai 88.
Literally 'this one.' 9 hdri , ami 94 . #m buad. htshor.med.pa? * mdeod 88.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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64 | bdag .ni .sñio rjesezil.non cint
Iyid.midgah.bahirlan.gyis-ni] sin.tu.brlan pahi. smre. sbagshdi
režig.gsan.par.mdzad .du.gsoll 65 bgro.ba • sman32 .ps log Itun.ba
mgon. med. ñes.med.phal.cherna
rtspadaj.chudan.hbras.bu.ni1
i phal. pas. htsho.ba sgrub.bgyid.pal 66 | byadanori•drags.phyngsdag la|
I rgyal.pos gaod dam.gsod hjug. par
ciga.riga. samtni rigs.pa | bde3 . la .gnas.pa -khyod nid .gsaus|
64. - Give a moment's hearing, I pray, to this
lament of mine, very moist with the moisture of sorrow, compassion con
straining me. 65. - Ill-fated in their inferior condition,
defenseless and in general void of sin, with grass, water, and fruits for their
usual means of subsistence, 66. - Birds, and beasts, and cattle - whether it
is right or not right that the king should slay these or cause them to be slain, do you yourself, o firm in truth,36
declare! - With the great being, not angry, you
display patience, even to oue who does harın. By your compassion shall any inferior ereature be, alas ! excluded ?
67 khyod .ni .chen . por. mni. khro in
Ignod. pa bgyid .pahan .bzod.ces.gdahl 1 khyod .kyi-thugs.rjes dud.hgroebel kye.ma.suig7.dgag.par.bgyi
648 Ignod.pa.bgyid • la • bzod. mdzad.pal
Jgnod. mibgyid.pa.bguine .mdzad.pas
khyod . la brtse.dan.mi brtse. bag38 Irgyumthun.pa.ni.gõis • ka-gdahl
1
69 son chad.bgyis . pahi.suglas.kyis
hdi. Itar.hben.du egyar.ba • lato khyod .id .gnod.pa.mdzad.na.gol
sulaskyubgu .hgrotl.ba.gsun 70 gian gyis good. pa.bgyis nayah
Iñid .kyis“. phyag.gis.bśngs. htshal.nal khyod bżejs. mnon3.du.mnod.
mdzad.na I phyogs. kun.mun.par.ma.gyur.tam 71 | knn. la •srogni • phaus. pa ste
kun .la .gson.pasdug .pa .lags thains.cad. mehits.bahi .chos.cante! thams . cad.sdug.bsial.nams.kyis.
gdu
68. If, while showing patience toward him
that does harm, you cause the death of the harmless, then in your eyes there is for kindness and its bpposite an equal
reason, 69. In case you yourself do harm to those who
by the karma which is the fruit of former deeds have thus become your target,
where, say, can they go for refuge ? 70. – Inasmuch as, even if harm is done by
others, it behoves you yourself to stay it with your hand, if you openly do harm, are not all the quarters turned
to darkness? 71. - To every one life being sparingly given, 97
to every one to live is misery ;49 all being subject to the condition of death, all are distressed by griefs.
52 ilman 33.
pa 33. $Or fortunate one' - with the reading bds. " bahi 33.
las 38. 12 kyi 83. ** gnod 33. * Odu tia 33. 5 Or' is dear'?
$3 road lhui ? 95 bdon 39. gsuns must be imperative = gori, f. v. 73.
1 yio 88. - 4 vien 88.
1 mchi 33. + sion 88. 15 hchi 33. 47 Or spared'?

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SRPTEMBER, 1903.) MATRIOETA AND THE MAHARAJAKANIKALEKHA.
359
72 hi. Itar.gai.ig.wi-htsbal.ba
72.- Grief being thus experienced by whoso deto.üid . kyis50 .ni .sdug.bstial.tel
desires it not, what wise man would Imkhas pa ..2ig.mgar61.ba . Itar |
even in word (or wrath), like a smith,63 Itshig.pa . lani.yan.sreg.bžin
as it were inflame it? 78 | khyod .ni .srog geod.midgyessin 73. - If you, delighting not in taking life, turn srog .gcod. dgyes. las phyir. logb. na
away from those who so delight, will the rgyal.srilans.pa - hgyur .ram.ci
king's state become impaired ? What lugs hdi .ci .zig. lags.pa.guns
manner of thing is this? say. 74 mtsiou chahi-thabs. la .mkhaskhyod. 74. -Since by you, skilled in the use of arms, kyis
practice may be found in battle, why do Igyul.worsrol-gtod57.mthon . lags. na
deeds of harm to the wild creatures As gian.du.khyod .la .ri.dvags.la
well as to yourself ?58 ci slad.gnod. pahi. las rams. mdzad| 78 ri.dragsgion •nuhi. spyan . lambo, khyod | 75. - When you, who have the eyes of a young spyan dan hdra. bahieri. dags.mnams
deer, 61 behold the wild creatures, with rtabgao.nas.rig rig Itaba la
like eyes,63 looking hither and thither ciyi slad.de.thugs.mirje
in fright, how is your heart not filled
with compassion? 76 | khyod .kyispyan.dan.mig.hdrahi. 76. - Wherefore do you not take pleasure in phyir
causing joy to the wild creatores also. Ikhyod. la.dgah.ba.gan lags.tel
which by their likeness of eye and ri dags. 28. yau.dgab.bgyid.na
pupi) are a joy to you? | khyod ni ajiltar.dgyesmi.mdzad 77 llog.par. lhuis. dai spyan • hdra •dan 77. - The fact of their fallen state, their like ngon • med •yul • na • nas •p4 •ũid|
eyes,67 and their defenoeless situation Ire.re.yan. ni. ridvags.dag!
should be a reason for not killing the mi.bgumg05 .pa .yi.rgyur.run.no
wild creatures, even singly. 78 | uni ornams • la • ni• mudzad.pabas
78.- Enough of what is done to mankind ! sdug.bshallhag.par. brtags.pa .yi68
When you consider their greater sofferidud.hgro.mams. la .ches. Ihay. par
ing, you ought far more to act with Ik hyod .kyisco.thugs.rjes70. mdzad .du.
compassion towards the inferior creagsol
tures, 79 khyod - nidsrun.bahi.don.hdi.la 79. - In this matter of saving yourself there is bdag.gis72. thal.mo .sbyar.mi.htshall
no need for me to supplicate : when rgyud.gzan.gsol.bas.gus.bgyis par
# request has been made on behalf of | legs. par. thugs.tshod .man , lags.
others, there is much wisdom in respectgran?
ing it, consider. co.nas.bzun75.ste.bslab - spyad.pa 80. - With chiding78 should instruction begin,' dam76.pa.nams.kyi77. lugsu.grags
so after the rule of the good it has been de Itar. lags.pas.rgyal.po. la
declared. That being so, to the king as | basdug. bżin.da.gol.ba • lags
to a dear child a request is made. 50 kyi 33. 61 dgah 94.
52 bareg 33. 58 Reading mgar with 83. Idog 33 par 33. gris must be imperative=gon, f. v. 66. 6 spyod 33. T dod 91 and 33. Agroindukhyodla = anyatra tvay.
e mdal 83. stabs 33 1 Or coming in sight of the young animals'?
sa spyan. dan.hdra.ba ? 6 ci •ltar to be road for je-ltar? But perhaps ji-ltar is not seldom so used.
Itu 33. gug 83, read Agum rarba 33.
spyandra ? = vyandra ?
yis 33. kyi 33. 0 nje 85. 11 buruh 83.
19 gi 30.
mnah 33.
** gan 33. *6 gaun 33. Is spyad or mpyas the reading of the text ? " dom 38. 17 kyis 33.
To co nas?

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[8EPTEMBER, 1903.
81 | galte bdag.gis.mi.phan.pl Igaol.ne.bdagls.chad pas.kbum
cisto.geig-tuphangsol.na
1 bdag.gis .gsol.ba .bżin.du.mdzod 82 gal. temi deyes.mdzad. Parma.gyar
81. - If I ask for what is not profitable, do you
in punishment kill mello, but if my request is wholly profitable, act accord
ing to my request. 82. - It I shall not have displeased you, again
and again I would make my request. But if my word cause you all the more to kill, this command is certainly to be issued.
| bdag.gio.yan.dan-yan.du.gsol.barsl.
hthall ci-ste. bdag . tshig .khyaddahgums.
mdzad.231 I bkab.mchid.hdi . niones par.gtan.bar.
bgyi82 83 dgyee. par.hgyur.na.slan.dgye33.mi.
bgums.tel | mi•dgyes • hgyur • na.dogs.bzan • bar •
btsbal Ignod .bgyid .ii .ma . Itar.roomi. thogs.
pas sabdag zla.bazla.ba .bżin.du.
mdzode 84 sa bdag tsher.mahi.sin.lsm.sbran.
rtsiItarol 1dgra.bolas .kyai. legs.par.smras.pa.
83. - If pleasure have been given, be who is
pleased with a request does not kill :87 if displeasure have been caused, one must entertain apprehension. Since we cannot look upon the hurtful sun, act, O moon of kings, like the moon.
84. -
king, do you accept even from an enemy what is well said, like the honey from the thorn bush; like the poison stream from the mountain of gold, you should reject the evil words of a congenial person.
gaun
1 gser.gyi rilas. dag.rgyan.ji. bżin.dul iyid.bod.skye - bohi - tshig. Dan spaj.
tshallo! 85 mi chog.gal.telegs.par.md red. pahi.
sbyor. bas .bsgrubs.gyar.tel pharol-geodee.pa•sel.bahi • dpal.hdi.
yon. tan.rgyan.mnams.kyis phyug. par.bgyis na legsspyad. brgya.
la chags.phyir .gyo.bahisnin | mi brtan pa yan.randban.med.par.
yun.ris. kbyod . la chags1 || slob.dpon. m . triei.tras rgyal.po.
chen.po.ka.niks. la.sprinspahi.
hphrine.yig.rdzogs 50 || Il rgya.gar.gyi.mkhan.po.bidya. ks.ra.
prabhã.dan 1972u.chengyi.97 lo. tsă .bs .banderincben mcliog .gis. bsgyar ||āca •ryk.dpal.rtsegs kyis. żus.te .gtan • la phab.pall
85. - Is it not enough if this Sri, having been
won by the union of noble deeds, and cleansed from the hart of others, shonld be made rich with the ornaments of virtue, and she through attachment to
hundred good acts, though unreliable in her fickle heart, be for a long while
devotedly attached to you? End of the Epistle to the great king
Kanika, composed by the acārya MātȚicota : Indian teacher Vidyākaraprabhi : Zu.chen translator Bande Rin • chen • mehog (Paramaratna ?): edited at the request of the acarya Dpal-rtsegs (? Srikūta).
19 um 33. Or with the reading tum I must apprehend punishment. 88. ba .byyid 33.
slarrjes 89. alan 94? Aguma is for hyum, as also in v. 82. ma 89. 31P U ?
cher 33. old 83. dari 33. » gnod 33. # rim. 33.
Or if this Bri...... union of doing good to worthy men'? ma 33.
* eprii 33. Omitted by 39.

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SEPTEMBER, 1903.] SOME MORE ROCK-CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH, 361
SOME MORE ROCK-CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
BY THE REV. A. H. FRANCKE.
In continuation of my article on Rock-Carvings from Lower Ladakh, ante, Vol. XXXI. p. 398 ff., I now give some further illustrations. The value of these carvings for the purposes of research is that the majority of them are directly explainable, and hence they present a sound basis on which to make enquiries into similar primitive carvings and pictures elsewhere. The obviously recent date of some of them also goes to show that the makers of such pictures are not necessarily very low in the scale of civilisation or without culture in other directions of mental development.
Plate V., Fig. 1. A rock half-way between Esu and Tsagri.
Site.
Scene. A fight between men armed with guns against men armed with bows and swords. Cavalry on both sides. Between Kashmiri troops and local tribesmen? One of the tribesmen with a sword (d) is killed. The horseman (1) has no reins, but a whip. The large round circles near the heads of the men are explained to be shields. From that of the horseman (c) one might assume that he is a Panjabi: so that it is possible that some fight with the troops of Maharaja Gulab Singh or one of his successors is meant. The ibex (k) is probably either older or later than the battle-scene.
Plate V., Fig. 2.
Half-way between Esu and Khalatse.
Site. Scene. Hunting scene by the stream (a), and the horned tha-tho (b), which are half-way between Esu and Khalatse. A man with a gun (c) accompanied by another with a bow (d).
Plate VI., Fig. 3.
Site. In Khalatse Fort.
Scene. A yak1 cow (a) charging a snow-leopard (c); with the latter figure compare Fig. 5 (a). A mask deer (6).
Plate VI., Fig. 4. Site.Stone half-way between Esu and Khalatse, Figures. A wild yak (a). A wild goat (b).
Plate VI., Fig. 5. Sites. Stone half-way between Esu and Khalatee: for a, b, c. Stone near Khalatse Fort for d. Figures. A snow-leopard leaping (a). A wild goat (b). A magic square (e). Sun symbol (?), or sun and moon as creators of the Eight Directions (?), or wheel of the law (?) (d).
Plate VII., Fig. 6.
Site. Lower end of the Namchag Valley near Khalatse. The lioness with the locks (vide ante, Vol. XXXI. p. 400).
Plate VII., Fig. 7.
Site. Stone near Khalatse Fort.
Scene. Horseman foreshortened
from the front. It is more likely that the figures represent men riding on the shoulders of others. This sport is exercised at the occasion of the sowing-festival, for instance, at Garkunu.
Plate VII., Fig. 8.
Rock near ruins of a castle, Saspola Bridge, left bank of the Indus.
Site. Scene. Wild goat. Inscription in ancient Tibetan character. Romanized: staggi lola stong [dpon rgyalba yeshes. Translation: [was erected] in the tiger-year by "colonel" (chief of
1 The yak is to the Tibetan what the cow is to the Hinda. Perfect women are compared to yak sows, and the Heavenly Queen enters their bodies frequently.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1903.
one thousand) rGyalba Yeshes. Seems to refer to a stúpa, which has disappeared entirely. The residence of this "colonel " was probably the now ruined castle.
Plate VII., Fig. 9. Site. -Rock near Da. Scene. - Dance in honour of the gods (tha): fourteen dancers, one leader.
Plate VIII., Fig. 10. Site. - Rock near Domkhar.
Scene. - A cross-shaped stúpa. Does this figure show the influence of Nestorian art on the Buddhist art of Ladakh P Tibetan inscription: phaggi lola. Translation : [erected] in the pig-year. There are additional characters too much injured to be legible.
Plate VIII., Fig. 11. Site. - Stone near ruins of a stúpa, Khalatse Fort.
Scene. -- Inscription in ancient Tibetan character. Romanized : ... gis buhengasu wol ... Translation: erected by name destroyed) as an offering. This inscription seems to refer to the stúpa in ruins.
Plate VIII., Fig. 12. Site. - Stone near Hibti.
Scene. - Stúpa of the form of stove for barning the dead. Tibetan inscription : Khyii. Translation : ... of the dog ..... e., was erected in the dog-year. This inscription was never completed.
Plate VIII., Fig. 19. Site. - Rock near ruins of a castle, Saspola Bridge, left bank of the Indus.
Scene. - Ancient stúpa with flags. Ancient Tibetan inscription. Romanized : sangto chakonggis mon riuspa odig sbyod. Translation: [was erected] by Sangto Chakong. The mon (a low-caste man), the thief of sinful behaviour (sbyod is a mistake; spyod was meant). The erector of the stílpa probably only wrote his name in the instrumental case; another person, his enemy, may have added the second part of the insoription.
.
I take this opportanity to add two plates of reproductions of photographs of rock carvings taken by the Rev. G. Hettasch in the neighbourhood of Khalatse Port. They will show the reader the scenery amidst which the carved stones are situated and the actual appearance of the carvings on the stones.
Collotype Plate I., Fig. 1, represents stúpas of various forms. Fig. 2 is shown by hand in Plate II., Fig. 1, ante, facing Vol. XXXI. p. 401, and is explained on that page.
Collotype Plate II., Fig. 1, shows the unexplained inscription given in Plate III., Fig. 1, facing Vol. XXXI. p. 401. Fig. 2 shows the lioness with locks, given already in Vol. XXXI. p. 401, Plate II., Fig. 2, and in another form in Plate VIL, Fig. 6, of this article.
Paleographical Notes. The Ladakhi records regarding the erection of stúpas fall into three groupe. Those of the first group only show a representation of the erected stipa, without an inscription; compare, ante, Plate I., No. 6. These stk pas were probably erected by illiterate people. The records belonging to the second and third group consist of a pictare of the snipa (unless the stúpa itself was close by) and an inscription, giving the name of the erector and the date of erootion. This date is, however, so imperfectly given that it could be useful only during the life-time of the builder. As the second group of records I consider those which are written in ancient du med (headless) characters; they are probably the oldest of all. Compare Plate VII, No. 8, Plate VIII., Nos. 11, 18. As the third group I consider those which are written in modern dbu con (headed) characters. Of this group specimens have not been published,

Page #379

Indian Antiquary
ROCK CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
Ae. ศ.
IIII
เป้ No.
2
litha
บบ H (
2.
9
No. 8.
D
Ao. 7.
ศ.
ส.
PLATE VII.
A.ศ.FRหwcks, DA, 1 - 3
SCALE, ONE-TENTW.
A.E.S. PRESS, LITNO.

Page #380

Indian Antiquery
ROCK CARVINOS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
t
shi od 14.to Hui
No. II.
-Tommata
No. 12.
No. 10,
HC
AS
HU
어화
No. 13. PLATE VIII.
A. H. FRANCKE, DEL.
JUALA, ONE-TONTM.
AE.S.PERS, LITIO

Page #381

Indian Antiquery
ROCK CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
ge
N: 2.
PLATE V.
A.N.FRANCKT, DEL.
SCALE Owe TINTN.
B.C.S. AMSS, LITNO.

Page #382

Indian Antiquary.
ROCK CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
Y
NO:3
M
.
N5
PLATE VI.
A.M. FRANCKE, DEL
SCALE, ONE. TENTN.
B.E.S.Pneus, LITHO.

Page #383

REV. G. HETTASCH, LEH, PHOTO.
Rock Carvings in Lower Ladakh.
Plate 1.
Fig. 1.
Fig. 2.
Rock Carvings near Khalatse Fort.
W GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE

Page #384

Plate II.
Fig. 1.
Fig. 2.
Rock Carvings near Khalatse Fort.

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SEPTEMBER, 1909.] SOME MORE ROCK-CARVINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH. 363
At the present day we find two types of writing in general use in Ladakh : dbu med (headless) and dbu oan (headed). The head of the character is the reunnant of the line below which the letters used to be written in India. Thus in India we meet with three kinds of writing : (1) Headless characters; for instance, in the ancient Brahma Alphabet. (2) Complete line with characters fastened to it; for instance, in several current scripts of North India. (3) lleaded character, i, e., remnants of the line on the top of the character; for instance, in the molern Devanagari Alphabet. It is remarkable that in Tibet the second type of writing (that with a coniplete line) is entirely unknown.
The Tibetan dbu can headed) characters are the holy characters; they are used for religious purposes only. The Lamas do not allow profane subjects (the Kesar Sagi among them to be written in headed characters. The dbu med (headless) alphabet is the alphabet of the Tibetan merchant.
Now I wish to draw attention to the fact that the most ancient records of stify18 in Lavlakh are not written in the holy character, but in an ancient form of the headless' type of writing. This fact makes it almost certain that in Laulakh the Buddhist priest was preceded by the Tibetan merchant. If the headed' alphabet had been known at the time of the crection of the ancient stiprs,
it would certainly have been used, as it is used almost exclusively for such purposes now-a-day's in • consequence of its meritorious powers. .
But I go a step further. Although it cannot yet be proved for certain, it is not quite improbable that the whole of Tibet was in possession of a heailless' alphalict before the introduction of Buddhism, and that Thonmisambhota, the renowned so-called inventor of the Tibetan Albabet, did no more than furnish the alphabet of the Tibetan merchant with heads and adapt it for the writing of Sanskrit names.
My reasons are the following: (1) If no alphabet was in existence in Tibet at the time of Thonmisambhota, why did he not derive the Tibetan linguals (t, th, d, n) froin their Indian prototypes, instead of forming them by reversing the ordinary Tibetan t, th, d, n? (2) Can we expect the Tibetan merchants to have been ingenious enough to distinguish between what is essential in a letter and what is not, and to see, for instance, that in the Tibetan 6 the uppermost part is not the
head' only, but an essential part of the character, whilst in a d and t it is not? (3) The Tibetan alphabet is most closely related to Indian alphabets of the Himalayan frontier district. In very ancient times Tibet was perhaps not so exclusive as she is now-a-days. Why should she not bave accepted from her neighbours what is of practical valne? (4) The alphabet of the Leichas is a done mel (headless) alphabet of a type which is most closely related to the Tibetan don meil. If this Lepeha Alphabet was also derived from a 'headed' alphabet, why did the latter not survive ?
The Alphabet of the ancient inscriptions from Lower Ladakh. k k g ng c ch j ny t th d 1 P ph i ai
a( şu ? b q lo udod ts ths dz w zh z 'a y 1 h 8 h & g y E 4 q ะ ก ๒ { ษ 4 H 4 พ
. Compound letters. strgy brkhy rk sd sby Hi f g niso Hd
Vowels. gi'i kusu she rgye to lo
á RD
o
5
+ Perhaps M a sign of holinesu. In his time holy and profane alphabets may have boon distinguished in India.

Page #386

364
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1903.
ASOKA NOTES.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.).
I.-Mahendra, brother of Aboka.
The Indian tradition which represents Mahendra, the missionary to Ceylon, as the brother of the emperor Asoka, and not as his illegitimate son, which is the Ceylonese version, appears to me the more probable. Nobody knows the origin of the tradition embodied in the Pâli books, of which the oldest, the Dipavansa, dates probably from the fourth century A. D. The question of the credibility of the Ceylonese chronicles generally has been well treated by Mr. Foulkes in articles in this Journal, which have not received as much attention as they deserve, with the result that the chronicles must be accorded much less weight than it has been the custom to assign to them. My studies led me independently to the same conclusion.
The tradition that Mahendra was Aéôka's brother was learned by the Chinese pilgrims at Pâtaliputra, and it is more probable that the truth was preserved at Asôka's capital than in Ceylon. Fa-hien's date is nearly the same as that of the Dipavamsa. His statement that "King Asoka had a younger brother who had attained to be an Arhat, and resided on Gridhra-kuta hill, finding his delight in solitude and quiet" (Ch. XXVII., Legge) reads like genuine history. It is true that he adds a miraculous explanation of the construction of the stone cell occupied by the saint, but that cannot be regarded as discrediting the tradition of Asoka's saintly brother. Every structure in which exceptionally large stones are employed is invariably ascribed to supernatural agency.
The name of the emperor's brother, Mahendra, is supplied by Hiuen Tsiang (Beal, II., 246), who credits him with the conversion of Ceylon. In an earlier passage (II., 91) the pilgrim relates the legend of the stone-cell at Pâtaliputra, and in a third passage (II., 231) he states that the ancient monastery in the Malakuta country in the south of India had been "built by Mahendra, the younger brother of Aśoka-raja." It is clear therefore that both the Chinese pilgrims, who obtained their information both in Northern and Southern India, knew Mahendra only as the younger brother of Asôka. Neither of them had heard the Ceylonese story that Mahendra and his sister Sanghamitra were Aéôka's illegitimate children by a Setthi lady of Vedisagiri (or Chetiyagiri, according to Turnour's version). The name Sanghamitra; *friend of the Order,' has a made-up look, and I regard the whole legend of Sanghamitra's mission to ordain nuns in Ceylon as unhistorical.
Huien Tsiang's statement that a monastery in Southern India w built by Mahêndra, the emperor's younger brother, is, I believe, true. The missionary probably passed from Southern India to Ceylon.
The history of Tibet offers a parallel to the case of Mahendra,
King Ral-pa-chan, who was assassinated in A. D. 838, on account of his strictness in enforcing the clerical laws, was an ardent Buddhist, and "is said to have done much toward giving the priesthood a regular organization and hierarchy." His elder brother entered the priesthood, became a famous teacher, and wrote several stras. Save that Mahendra was Asôka's younger brother, the Tibetan case is a sufficiently close parallel, and offers an authentic instance of a sovereign's brother turning monk, and so far confirms the Indian version of Mahendra's mission.
1 The Vicissitudes of the Buddhist Literature of Ceylon,' ante, Vol. XVII. (1888), p. 100; Buddhaghosa, Vol. XIX. (1890), p. 105.
Malakúta seems to have included the whole of Southern India beyond the Kaveri (Hultzsch, ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 242).
Bookhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 225.

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SEPTEMBER, 1903.)
ASOKA NOTES.
365
II. - The Dharma mahamåtras, or Censors of the Law of Pioty. Since the publication of my book I have come across two examples from modern India of the maintenance of officials charged with duties similar to those of Asoka's Censors.
Minayeff (Recherches, p. 279) quotes the Calcutta Review for 1851, Vol. XV., P. IXV, as authority for the statement that "hereditary Brahmin officers called Dharmadhikari, are still to be found throughout the Deccan, in Kandesh, and even in some parts of the Concan ... Their jurisdiction merely comprises breaches of rules of caste, for which they levy fines, or order penance, or even proceed to excommunication."
The second example, from Kasmir, is very closely parallel to Aska's institution. In 1876, when & strictly Hindu government was in full possession of power, "the performance of the prayasclettas, or penalties for breaches of the commandments of the Smriti, is,” according to Bühler, "looked after by the Government. The Maharaja himself, who is a sincere and zealous adherent of the faith of his forefathers, sees that Brahminical offenders expiate their sins in the manner provided by the Sastras. The exact nature and amount of the penances is settled by five Dharmadhikaris, who belong to the most respected families among the Sanskrit-learning Pandits. The office is hereditary in these families."
These statements help us to understand and realize the working of Aśôka's institutions designed for the regulation of public morals.
III.-ABóka's Father-Confessor, According to the Ceylonese chronicles, followed by most writers on Buddhism, the religious guide of the emperor Asoka was Tissa (Tishya) Moggalipatra (Mandgalyiputra).
According to the Indian tradition he was Upagopta, i. e., Gupta the Less, son of Goptn, a perfomer. Both statements cannot be correct. In my book I have drawn attention to the similarities between the stories told by the Ceylonese about Tissa, and those related by the Indian (including Tibetan) writers about Upagupta, but I could not examine the matter fully in a small popular work. Lt.-Colonel Waddell has proved conclusively, as I think, that the Tisss of the Ceylonese is the Upagupts of Indian tradition. The parallel passages from the Asôkdvardána and the Mahávarsa which he has laboriously copied and set out side by side permit of no doubt that the two personages are really one.
He suggests that the name of the saint in the Ceylonese tale may be "merely a title of Upagupta, and formed possibly by fusing the names of the two chief disciples of the Buddha, Maudgalyi-putra, and Upatisya (or Çäriputra), to bring him, as the great patron saint of Ceylon, as near as possible to Çākya Muni himself."
This suggestion seems plausible.
With reference to the story of Mahendra I have shown that when the Indian and Ceylonese traditions conflict, the presumption is all in favour of the version which was current at the site of Asoka's capital. The same argument applies to this case. The presumption is that Upagupta was the real name of ABóka's father-confessor, and that the Ceylonese designation for him was made up for some reason such as that suggested by Lt. Col. Waddell. The only fact which seems to stand in the way of accepting the suggested explanation is the occurrence among the inscriptions on the sanchi relic-caskets of the mention of an unnamed saint, the son of Moggali. The alphabetical characters suggest that if this person was not contemporary with Asoka, his relics, at least, were deposited in or about Asoka's time. Moreover, the
• Bohler, Report of a Tour, etc., in J. Bo. Br. R. 4. 8. (1876), Vol. XII., Extra No., p. 21.
8 "Upacapta, the Fourth Buddhist Patriarch, and High Priest of Asoka" (J. 4. S. B. Part I., 1897, p. 76); Proc. 4. 8. B., June, 1899, p. 70.

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366
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[SEPTEMBER, 1903.
Stépa which contained the relics of the unnamed son of Moggali also enshrined those of Kassapa (Kaśyapa) and Majjhima (Madhyama), who were certainly among Asoka's missionaries. There can therefore be little doubt that the son of Moggali, whose relics were placed in the stúpa, was a contemporary of the missionaries. Probably he was one of their company. There is no adequate reason for identifying him with the Tissa of the Mahavamsa, and I do not admit that the Sinchi evidence gives ground for accepting the Ceylonese statement that Asoka's confessor was Tissa, the son of Moggali, in preference to the better authenticated statement that he was Upagupta, the son of Gupta.
Although no distinct epigraphic evidence of Upagapta's real existence has yet been discovered, the fact that the words on the Bumminden pillar, hida bhagavan játeti, .Here the Venerable One was born,' are identical with those ascribed by tradition to Upagapta as used at the same post, may be regarded as some epigraphic evidence in favour of the assumption that the legend in the Abókavardána has a historical basis. The words on the pillar, it will be observed, Bre in the form of a quotation, ending with the particle ini.
A grest Buddhist saint named Upagupta certainly existed. A monastery at Mathuri and sundry edifices in Sindh were associated with his name. (Beal, I. 182; II. 273.)
Hiuen Tsiang clearly believed that the Upagupta who instructed Aboka Was the famous saint associated with the traditions of Mathura and Sindh, and, the real existence of the saint U pagupta being admitted, we, too, are justified in believing that he was Asoka's teacher.
If, then, there is sufficient evidence to warrant the belief that the father-oontessor of Aboka was Upagupta, the son of Gupta, he cannot possibly have been Tiesa, the son of Moggali, and one more is added to the pile of facts showing the untrustworthiness of the Ceylon chronicles for the Apoka period and the early history of Buddhiqm. There is no independent evidence of the existence of Tissa, the son of Moggali.
I observe that Lt. Col. Waddell, like me, gives less credit to the relatively vague and less trustworthy Ceylonese traditions" than to those current in Northern India and Tibet. My attitude towards the Ceylonese chroniclers has been criticized, but the more I examine their account of the early development of Buddhism, the more convinced I am of its untrustworthiness. The Ceylonese narrative seems to me to bear marks of deliberate invention, and not to be merely the result of unconscious mythological imagination.
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 34.)
CALICO. Fol. 3, provideinge great quantities of Muzlinge Callipoos &c. Fol. 27. as bailes of Callicoes or Silkes.
Fol. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here (Pettipolee) wrought and Sold to fforaign Merchants viz! ... Painted Callicos of divers Sorts.
Fol. 37. Metchlipatam. Affordeth many very good and fine Commodities, vizi all sorts of fine Callicoes plaine and coloured,
Fol. 40. Strained through a piece of Calicop or what else y! is fine.
Fol. 49. This part of y! Countrey [Narsapore] affordeth plenty of divers Sorts of Callicoes.

Page #389

SEPTEMBER, 1903.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
367
Fol. 51. This Kingdome (Golcondah] amongst y! many Merchandizes it affordeth as all sorts of Callicoes.
Fol. 56. (On the Gingalee Coast] great Store of Calicos are made here Especially beteelis (wowee call Muzlin).
Fol. 59. (Haraspoore] here are considerable quantities of Callicoes made and Sold to y! English and Datch, bat are first brought over land to them to their ffactories in Ballasore in y bay of Bengala.
Pol. 61. This Kingdomo [Bengala] most plentifully doth abound with .... Callicoes of Sundry Sorts.
Fol. 74. there are many [Bazata) where onely Cotton course Callicoes provisions &c: are to be sold.
Tel. 77. in Exchange for... Callioos.
Fol. 131. all y traffick wee have here (Janselone] is to tracke Callicoes blew and white.... for tinne.
Fol. 134. Two of yGrandees of his Councill must also be Piscashed wth 6 pieces of fline Calliopes ....The most Proper and beneficiall Commodities woh are for this place [Janselone): be blew Callicoes Viz, Longecloth .... bat 20 bailes of Chint and Calli. opes is Enough for yeare for the whole countrey.
Fol. 157. The Chiefe Commodities brought hither [Achin) from Suratt: are Some Sorts of Calliopes viz! Baftos.
Fol. 162. And there wee pay for y! Chopp 2 pieces of very fine callicos or Mazlinge.
Fol. 167. The present of fine Calliooes Cloth of Gold or what else is carried up in great State, Vpon Golden Vessels.
See Yule, s. v. Calico. [The above quotations are valuable as showing that in "calico" were included maslin, longcloth and chintz : in fact, it was a generic term for cotton cloth. See anta, Vol. XXVIII. p. 196.]
CAMPHOR. Pol 158. ffrom y! West Coast of this Jsland (Samatra) Store of very Excellent Benjamin, Camphir. See Yale, si v. Camphor.
CANDAREEN. Fol51. a rough Diamond that weyeth above 70 or 72 Con derines y! Exact weight of one Royal of 8 it must be for y! King's owne Vs.
See Yule, 8. v. Candareen. [This quotation is useful for the history of the word. Vide ante, Vol. XXVI. p. $15 f.; Vol. XXVII. pp. 33 ff., 91 f.]
CANDY. Fol. 53. The Vsnall Weights of this Coast [Choromandel] are y! Candil... A Candil Cont: 500 pound w! Ayordupois Or twenty Maunde. See Yule, 4. o. Candy. [See ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 245.]
CARERA, Pol. 24. in my journey Anno Dom: 1672 from ffort 8't Georg's toward Metchlipatam overland, I happened to stopp at a towne called Careero.
Not in Yole. For this interesting name, see ante, Vol. xxx. p. 349. It represents Karlds on the Madras Coast.]

Page #390

868
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1908.
CASH. Fol. 58. ffort S': Georg's ... Cash made of Coppar 80 make one fanam or 0016 008 08d... Pullicatt... 24 Coppar Cash make one fanam or 00 00 044 ... Metohlipatam ...Coppar Cash Value each 00 00 01.
See Yule, 8. v. Cash. [The quotation is useful for the history of the word. See ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 91.)
CASTE Fol. 7. alsoe they are Strictly forbidden to Eat or drinke Or dwell under y! same roofe w any Save of theire Owne Cast.
Fol. 8. if they very circumspectly looke not to Every particular of their laws, they may come to be accompted y vilest of men, and loose their religion wo they call Cast.... .. neither will he be admitted to Eat or drinke wo any of them if soe they all loose theire Cast that doe accompanie him in any Such actions..... untill he hath regained his cast.
Fol. 13. w a great number of men of his owne Cast....... Some to See fashions and Some to regaine theire Cast.
Fol. 18. There is another Sort of these Idolaters, who are accompted to be of a higher Cast (then y: Gentaes be) these are called Banjang.
Fol. 19. Neither of these Casts drinke any manner of Liquor.
Fol. 27. there are another Sort of inhabitants about this [Choromandel] Coast that are y! Offscum of all yo rest they are called Parjars they are of noe Cast whatever.
Fol. 41. Resbutes are of another Cast.
Fol. 43. They (Gualas, bearers) are of a Cast by themselvs, worshipinge Stocks and Stones, and diffor in many respects from y rest of y: Idolaters, and line amongst themselves.
Fol. 57. The Merchants as alsoe most tradesmen are of the Gentue Cast.
Fol. 85. of all Jdolaters in India y! Orixas arę most ignorant and are held by yo rest to be of a lower Cast then they in boe much that y! Others namely y! Gentues and Banjans will scarsely line neare any of them, soe that they are as it were Seperated from any towns or Pagods of Note.
Fol. 93. [Ganges water and mud] sent as p!eents to y! great Merchants of y: Banjan Cast (in this Kingdome (Bengala]).
See Yule, 6. o. Caste. [The above quotations exhibit the whole idea of " caste" as understood in the 17th century.]
CATAMARAN. Fol. 27. When any great Ordinance, Anchors, butta of water or y like ponderous ladeinge is carried off or on, they seize 4: 5: or 6 large pieces of boyant timber togeather and this they call a Cattamaran ; Vpon woh they can lade 3 or 4 tunns weight, when they goe on fishinge, they are ready with very Small Ones of y! like kind that will carry but 4: 3: 2: or one man onely, and upon these Sad things they will boldly adventure (out) of Sight of y! Shore.'
Fol. 28. their Massoolas and largest Sort of Cattamarans are built in this followinge forme. See Yule, 1. v. Catamaran. (See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 350.]
CAWNE, Fol. 94. 16 Pone make 1 Cawne or 1280 : Cowries. 2 Cawne & make 1 rupee or 3200 : Cowries.
Not in Yule. [The word is kdhan.]

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SEPTEMBER, 1903.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
869
CEYLON. Fol. 38. The Kinge of Golcondah hath severall Ships y trade yearely to ..... Ceylone.
Fol. 77. annually trade to Sea, Some to Ceylone ..The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed of here ... They are bought from y! Dutch (who have in a manner fortified yo Island Ceylone quite round).
Fol. 79. Hee found 5 Saile of Bengala Ships in y! roade newly arrived from Ceylone. See Yule, s. v. Ceylon. [The quotations are useful for spelling.]
CHANE Fol. 91, many of them have y! Shackles on theire arms made of Chanke, great Shell grought from Tutacree ..... the Shell is as bigge or bigger then a man's fist hollow and are Sawed into rings & soe worne by y! people of Orixa and Bengala: Some weare them white (theire Naturall colour) and Others' will have them painted redd, but both are Esteemed highly as a rich Ornament. See Yule, 8. v. Chank. (This is a valuable quotation for description.]
CHEROOT. Fol. 46. The poore sort of Inhabitants viz! y! Gentues Mallabars &c : Smoke theire tobacco After a Very meane, but I ludge Original manner, Onely y! lonfo rowled up, and light one end, holdinge y: Other betweene their lips, and Smoke untill it is soe farre Consumed as to warme theire lips, and then heave y: End away, this is called a bunko, and by y: Portugals a Cheroota. See Yule, 8. v. Cheroot. (This is the earliest known quotation for this word.]
CHICACOLE. Fol. 56. [Coast of Gingalee) of won Chicacol is y most famous for large and stately buildings. Not in Yale.
они сили. Fol. 70. & great Banjan Merchant called Chim Cham: great broker to y: English East India Company . .. Enquired who that was goinge by with such a traine It was answered Chim Cham y: Banjan Merchant .... Ohim Oham Seemed Melancholy ..... Nay Chim Cham : Said y: Nabob: I am now well satisfied as to y report I heard of y!.
Not in Yule. [A famous merchant of the 17th century dealing with Europeans and constantly mentioned in their letters and despatches. The name of the firm was probably Kbêm Chand Chintaman.)
CHINTZ. Fol. 87. Metohlipatam. Affordeth many very good and fine Commodities, viz! ..... divers Sorts of Chint curiously flowred, which doth much represent flowred Sattin, of Carious licely Colours.
Fol. 134. Two of y. Grandees of his Councill must alsoe be Piscashed w 6 pieces of fine Callicoes or Chint each of them ...ffine and course Chint of very small flowes ..... but 20 bailes of Chint and Callicoes is Enough for a yeare for the whole countrey.
Fol. 158. are brought hither (Achin) .... fine Chint of Metchlipatam. See Yule, s. v. Chintz. (N. and E. p. 17, for 22nd April, 1680, has "Chinta.")

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370
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1903.
CHOOLIA. Fol. 141. buildinge houses....we were noe Sooner built but were given to one Chulijar or Other y! Radjas favourites.
Fol. 141. and in theire Stead he placed Chulyars.... whereapon y! Malayars and Syamers robe Vp in arms... and killed .... all y! Moors and Chulyars .... I judge they killed in this insurrection 70 or 75 Moors and Chulyars.
Fol. 142. The Chulyars are a People y! range into all Kingdoms and Countreys in Asia : and are a Subtle and Roguish people, of y. Mahometan Sect, but not very great Observers of many of his laws, theire Natiae land is V pon y! Southermost parts of y: Choromandell Coast, Viz! Porto Novo : Pullicherrie: Negapatam : &c.
Fol. 344. Sold the goods to Sarajah Cawn: a Chulyar & chiefe Shabandar of Qaedah : (and rogue Enough too) ...... but got very little or noe Satisfaction, beinge outwitted by this Cunninge Chulyar.
See Yule, 8. v. Choolia. [The above quotations are remarkable for the period and valuable for the history of the name and for the accuracy of the description of this class of adventurous Muhammadans from the East Coast of Madras.]
CHOP.
Fol. 54. he [the Governour) is very ready to giue his Chopp we is Signet by Vertue of web he goeth very Safely to y next Goverment and there tendered wth his Chopp and soe forward; it is & Seale put upon his wrist in black we gines a durable impression not at once Easily washed off.
Fol. 93.y! water and Mudde of y! Ganges Sent from them (the Brachmans] wp theire Choppe or Seale Vpon it is accompted Sacred ....Sealed way! great Brachmans Choppe (Otherwise of noe Esteeme).
Fol. 161. She [the Queen of Achin) Sendeth downe to them her Chopp (i. e.) her broed Seale; and then it is granted according to theire request, if y! Chopp cometh not downe to them they must desist from y! businesse in band, and mind Somethinge else. The Chopp is made of Silver 8 or 10 inches longe & like to a Mace woh openeth on y! topp where y! Signet is Enclosed. Before any fforaigner can land in this Port he must receiue this Chopp, and then hath be freedome to buy and Sell and land his goods at pleasure, the like must be done when he is almost ready to depart y! Countrey, by y! Master or Commander onely e'lse it is taken as & most grosse Affront ......... and y! Choppe is made ready about 9 or 10 y next morninge.
Fol. 162. And there wee pay for y! Chopp 2 pieces of very fine callicos or Muzlinge or 4 tailes in moneys viz four pounds Sterlinge.
Fol. 163...... Doe Other duties are payable by any of y! English Nation Except y! Chopp in and out.
Fol. 164. to informe y Officers there that wee are ready and want onely y! Queen's Chopp.
Fol. 166.onely once more he must goe to y! Custome house and there take y! Chopp for his departure.
See Yale, s. r. Chop.
[V. and E. p. 20, May 20th, 1680 : “All goods (except planks and such bulky things of small vallue) goeing & comeing by sea must pass through the sea gate & there be searcht, examined and customed and being chopt with Red Inke P may pass out or in without

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SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
371
further question from any person." P. 28, 3rd June, 1680 : " Measure or cause to be measured with such lawfull measures as shall have the Company's chop upon them all."
CHOULTRY. Fol. 74. one of yo finest Chowlterios or free lodgeinge houses for all travellers that is contained in this Kingdome [Bengala).
See Yule, s. v. Chonltry. [N. and E. has frequent references to the word in its sense of Court-house ; see pp. 10, 21, 28 and 39, all for 1680. Carrying this essentially Madrasi word to Bengal in the text is curious.]
CHUNAM.
.
. Fol. 163, then [out) one betelee leafe or two...... and Spread a little qualified lime thereon woh by them is called Chenem. See Yule, s. v. Chunam.
COBANG. Fol. 152. y! Coyne [of Queda) is good gold and in Small pieces & are called Copans, 3 of which Value one Royall of 8 or 48: 6d : English. 4 Copans is one mace .... Small Coppar moneys tinned over called Tarra : 96 of woh make one Copan. Not in Yule. [See ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 223; Vol. XXXI. p. 51 ff.]
COCHIN-CHINA. Fol. 101. Great quantities of Muske brought from Cochin-China and China it selfe. See Yule, 8. v. Cochin-China. The spelling in the text is remarkable for the period.
COCKS IBLAND. Fol. 91. The Riuer of Ganges is of large & wonderfull Extent: Once I went through & Small rivolet of it called Dobra : win y: Jale of Cocks.
Fol. 95. neare y! mouth of y! Ganges, vpon my returne of a Vogadge to y! Maldiva I lost 3 men by theire Salvagenesse. I sent them on Shore upon Cocks Island to cut wood well armed . .. 3 were torne in pieces by y! Tygers viz! two Moors and one Portuguees.
Not in Yule. An island at the entrance of the Hagli River which has now absorbed into Saugor Island. See Yule, Hedges' Diary, Vol. III. p. 207.]
COCONUT. Fol. 29. y. Groves consistinge of ...Cooo nut trees.
Fol. 69. [Cattack] adorned with.... delicate Groves of... Coconutt trees all very nich adorDeinge.
Fol. 134 f. doth ofton Send us henna ducks coconuts. .. all the fruite this countrey (Junselone) affordeth is Cooonutt. See Yule, 8. o. Coco.
COFFEE Fol. 45. drinke much Coffee. See Yale, 8. v. Coffee,
COIR. Fol. 27, the boats they doe lade and Vnlade Ships or Vessels with .. .. Sowed togeather we Cayre.
Fol. 48. y. falls of 15 or 16 inch Coyre Cable.
.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1903.
Pol. 49. The Cables, Strapps &c: are made of Cayre, viz! y Rhine of Coco nuts very fine Spun, yg best sort of woh is brought from the Maldiva Isles.... y: Cayre of y: Maldiva grows Vpon very brackish Soyle.
Fol. 77. y rest 6 or 7 yearly goe to y 12000 Islands called Maldiva to fetch cowries and Cayre.
See Yule, 8. v. Coir. (It is used in the text in the sense of rope made from coconut husk. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 899.]
COLOMBO. Fol. 77. They are bought [in Ceylone] from y! Dutch... in Gala or Colomba. See Yule, s. ». Colombo. [The transition spelling in the text is valuable.]
COMBOY. Fol. 134. Cambayas of 8 Covets longe Checkered blew and white w red Striped heads and borders.
Fol. 158. Efrom Bengala ..... Cambayas.
See Yule, 6. o. Comboy. [The qaotations are valuable. N. and E. p. 16, 8th April 1880, has " about 20 peeces of Cambayas."']
COMORIN, CAPE. Fol. 91. Tutacree (Dutch ffactorie neare y: Cape Comorin). See Yole, s. o. Comorin.
CONGEE. Fol. 20. Congye wo is noe more then fresh Water boyled with a little rice in it. Fol. 54. Congy well is water boyled very well with some rice in it.
See Yule, 5. v. Congee : [Water in which rice has been boiled ; invalid diet; slops: also a substitute for starch in stiffening cloth.] [N. and E. p. 18, 18th April, 1680: "The washers engage to wash, whiten, donjoe, beat and well cure according to custom all callicoes and cloth at the rates following.")
CONICOPOLT. Fol. 18. theire Secretaries are called Conecopola's.
See Yule, 8. o. Conicopoly. In Madras, a clerk. [N. and B. pp. 21 and 27, has Cancoplys, and on p. 34 for 21st Sept. 1680 a very valuable quotation : "The Governour accompanyed with the Councell.... attended by six files of Soldyers....the Canooplys of the Towne and of the grounds, went the circuit of Madrass ground, which was described by the Cancoply of the grounds and lyes soe intermixed with others (as is customary in these Coantrys) that 'tis impossible to be knowne to any others, therefore every village has a Cancoply and a Parryar who are imployed in this office which goes from Father to Son for ever."]
CONJAGUAREE, POINT, Fol. 59. & very wild Open bay that Extendeth it selfe from Point Conjaguares to Palmeris.
Not in Yule. [An undefined point near Point Palmyras, probably representing a form Kanhayyagarhi or Kaniâgaphi.]
CORINGA. Pol. 2. It [the Choromandel Coast] Extendeth it Selfe to point Goodaware on y! South Side of y! bay Corango.

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878
Fol. 56. Point or Cape Goodawaree the Entranoe or South Side of y: bay Corango ........ beinge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in Oorango. Yule, s. v. Coringa, has no quotations.
COROMANDEL. Fol. 2. The Extent of the Choromandel coast: This coast begineth at Negapatam
... It Extendeth it Selfe to point Goodaware on yo South Side of yo bay Corango, which by Computation is in length 400 English miles. See Yale, 8. v, Coromandel.
COSSA. Fol. 101. ffrom Dacca : The Chiefe Commodities brought are fino Cossas, commonly called Muslinge.
See Yule, 8. o. Piece-goods. The above is a valasble quotation. The word is khasá, & cotton cloth still used in India, softer than longcloth, and closer than maslin: between longcloth and muslin.]
COBIM. • Fol. 92. Cossumbasar.... 'whence it receized this name, Cossum signifieinge y! husband or Chiefe and Bazar a Markett.
Not in Yale. [This derivation of this once well-known name in Bengal is of course fanciful.]
COSSIMBAZAR. Fol. 9. Consumbasar : A Very famous and pleasant towne. See Yale, o. v. Cossimbazar. See ante, Vol. XXVIII. p. 294.
COTWAL Fol. 90. Every thursday night repaire to y! Governours and Cattwalls i. e. the Justice of peace his house, before whom they doe and must dance and Singe. See Yule, 8. v. Cotwal. [The spelling is remarkable for the period.) .
COUNTRY. Fol. 35. y.! Abundance of fish caught here for y! Supply of many countrey Cities and iuland towns.
See Yale, 8. v. Country. It means "Indian" as opposed to European." (N. and E. has, p. 38 for 21st November 1680, "safe arrival in the Bay of the English ships, some Country ships being cast away."]
COVID. Fol. 94. They measure.... Callicoes, Silks &c ... .. by y! Covet worm cou! 18 inches and is called hawt.
Fol. 184. Cambayas of 8 covets longe. See Yule, s. r. Covid. [The covid is a cubit or ell.)
COWBY. Fol. 77. y rest 6 or 7 goe yearly to y! 12000: Islands called Maldiva to fetch cowries.
Fol. 86. cowrios.... y currant moneys of this Kingdomo (Bengala] & Orixe : and Arackan ... Cowries .....are Small Shells brought from y! Islands of Malldiva: a great quantitie passe for one Rupee, not lesse then 3200.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Fol 94. Theire Small moneys called Cowries being Small Shells taken out of y! Sea, passe Very ourrant by tale ....... They seldome rise or fall more then 2 Pone in one Rapoo and y! onely in Ballasore at y arrivall of the Ships from Ins: Maldiva.
See Yule, s. v. Cowry. See ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 290 ff.; Vol. XXVIII. p. 170 ff.; Vol. XXIX. pp. 38, 41.
CREABE. Fol. 160. Which soe enraged the Old bloody Tyrant that he drew his Creest and Stabbed his son dead.
Fol. 176, and armed wh Croest and Lance.
See Yule, s. v. Crease, the Malay dagger or kris. [The form in the text may be compared with the spelling Christ! adopted by the 17th Century translater of La Loubère, though I have unfortunately mislaid the quotation]
CUPINE. Fol. 182. When we have a considerable quantitie of these Smal piece of tinne togeather [in Janselone] wee weigh wų Scales or Stylyard 52 pound w! And : and melt it in a Steele panne for y: Purpose, and ranne it into a mold of wood or clay : and that is an Exact Cupine: ......... In any considerable quantitie of goods Sold together wee agree for soe many Babarre or soe many Cupines. Not in Yule. Vide ante, Vol. XXXI. p. 51 ff.
CUTTACK. Fol. 69. The Secound best Citty that is in this Kingdome (Bengala) is called Cattack: a very decent and more comely Citty then Dacca.
Yol. 71. The Old Nabob of Oattack beinge Sent for to the Court at Dacca.
Fol. 78. Some few days afterwards the Nabob rode through y! towne of Ballasore in his greatest State, mounted upon a Very large Elephant, and thus proceeded towards the Citty Cattack. See Yule, 8. o. Cattack.
DACCA, Pol. 64. Hee fled to a small Villadge Seated upon the banks of Ganges and thence to Dacos y: Metropolitan of this Kingdome (Bengala).
Fol. 64. the Arackan Kinge Sends a parcell of Gylyare vizt Gallys, well fitted and manned w Arokaners and ffrangoes who came through y: Riuers to DecoA.
Fol. 66. Hee makes Dacos y! Metropolitan beinges fairer and Stronger Oitty then Radja Mehal: the antient Metropolis.
Fol. 68. The Citty Dacca is a very large spacious one, but standeth Vpon low marshy Swampy ground...haveinge a fine and large Riuer that ranneth close by y! walls thereof.
Fol. 19, The English and Dutch have each of them a ffactorie in the Citty of Daooa. Pol. 78. apy: Rider of Ganges as high as Daopa.
Fol. 94. rupees, halfe rupees and quarters, a very good sort of fine Silver moneys, Coyned in y: Mint at Decce.
Fol. 101. from Davos: The Chiefe Commodities brought are fine Cossas, commonly called Muxlinge
See Yule, .. v. Dacca

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875
DAMMER. Fol. 158. ffrom y! W Coast of this Jaland (Sumatra) .... Dammar.... The Dammar of Sumatra is accompted and I know it by Experience to be better then any other in Jndia or South Seas, wee make all our pitch and Tarre wtb Dammar and Oyle as followeth. One third dammar and 2/3 Oyle, well boyled togeather, make very good tarre, but not Serviceable for any ropes, by reason of y! Oyle. Again 2/3 Dammar and 1/3 Oyle make a Very Excellent sort of pitch not inferiour to yg best wee vse for our Shippinge in England. And indeed wee have noe Other Pitch or tarre in any of y! Easterne parts of y? knowne World. See Yule, 8. v. Dammer. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 387.
DECCAN. Fol. 62. Hee Sent... his third Son Aurenge-Zebe into Docan. See Yule, 8. v, Deccan.
DELHI. Fol. 65. Much flyinge news arrived att Agra and Delly.
Vol. 67. hence was a Short answer y! y treasure was as Safe in Dacca as in his owne Exchequer in Agra or Delly,
See Yule, 6. v. Delhi. [It is a pity that Yule did not trace the rise of the h in Delhi, as it is not in the vernacular forms, nor in the old 17th century writers.]
DOBRA BIVER. Fol. 91. The River of Ganges is of large & wonderfull Extent: Once I went through a Small rivolot of rivolet of it called Dobra : webin yJole of Cocks.
Not in Yule. [It is almost impossible to trace this among the existing deltaie streams on the left bank of the Hugli, by Saugor Island.]
DIVI, POINT. Fol. 31. Pettipolee.... Iyeth to the SWard of Point Due.
Pol. 51. y River Kishna.... jesueth out Vpon Point Due, y! Entrance of y! Roade of Metohlipatam.
Not in Yule. [Well known to mariners of old as the Southern point of the Kistna estuary. Vide ante, Vol XXX. p. 392.]
DUBASH. Fol. 24. my Dubashee whose name was Narsa asked me if I wold Stay to See a bandsome younge Widdow burned.
Fol. 162. Some of y! Castome-house Officers and commonly y! English Dubashee ..... but in y. interim y! Shabandar & Dubashee....doth accompanie him and discourse most friendly.
Fol. 164. Wee Send to y Castome house y. English Dubashes to informe y Officers there that wee are ready.
See Yule, s. v. Dabash. The quotations are good for the date and the form of the word. It meant an interpreter and mercantile broker.]
[N. and E. p. 20, for 25th May 1680: "bringing letters.... that Verona the Dubase was dead." P. 27, for 5th July 1680: "the wages of the Company's Dubasses." P. 48, for 28th Dec. 1680 : "Resolved to Tasheriff the seven Chief Merchants and the Chief Dubags upon New Years Day."]
(To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
(SEPTEMBER, 1903.
MISCELLANEA. HINDUISM IN THE HIMALAYAS.
Gandsbå to cut down the bush and to dig BY H. A. ROSE.
beneath it. When he had dug to a depth of four or five oubits he discovered a flat-stone
(pindi) against which the spade, with which Tho Shrine of Balak Rupi, near Bujanpur in he was digging, struck (the mark caused by Kangra.
the stroke is still visible) and blood began to ooze My informants are: -(1) Chuhra, Brihman from it till the whole pit was filled with blood. Chels (or disciple), (2) Lalman Brahman, (3) Nim
After a short time the blood stopped and milk Náth Jogi, (4) BASt Jogi, (5) Darshnun Jõgi, and
began to flow out of it. Next oame a stream (6) Bis&khu Jogi, jogts of Balak Rapt.
of saffron which was followed by a flame (jót)
of incense (dhip), and finally by a current of One Ganesha Brahmaņ, a paróhit of the Jaswal
water. BÅLÅ LAI Pðri said that all these were Rajka, gave up his office and took up his ubode in
signs of BAL& Balak Rúpi. He then took the Dhar Balak Rapi, whence he repaired to Har,
idol (pind() to the Néogal Nadi in order to bathe where the temple of Bab& Balak Rapf now stands.
it, wbereupon milk again began to issue from it. His grandson, Joga, when he was about 10 or 12
The idol was then taken back to its former place. years old, one day went to his fields with a plough ou his shoulder. In the jungle he met a young
While on the way near Bhöchar Kund (a tank yosdia, who asked him if he would rerve him. near the temple on the roadside) the idol by Jóga consented, whereupon the gordiis instructed itself moved from the palanquin, in which it was him not to tell anybody what had passed between being carried, and went into the tank. B&b& them."
Lal Part and Kanthar Náth recovered it and Leaving the goadfi, Jóga went to the fields,
brought it back to the place where it had first
appeared. During the night it was revealed to where other men were working, and on his arrival
BABA LAI Part in a vision that Guggå's temple there, began to dance involuntarily saying that
should be demolished and its remains cast into he did not know where he had left his plough.
the Neógal Kund, or Nadi, or used in building a The men rejoined that the plough was on his
temple to Balak Rapi on the same site. A coordshoulder and asked what was the matter with lim.
ingly the idol was stationed on the place pointed Jóga told them the whole story, but when he had
out. BALA LAl Part said that Joyd's eldest son finished telling it he became mad. Ganesha,.his
and his descendants would have the right to father, thereupon took some cotton-thread, and
worship the idol, while the out-door duties would went to a good fi, by name Kanthar Nath, who
be performed by Kanthar Jogi's descendants. recited some mantrae, blew on the thread, and
At that time Sasram Ohand Katoch was the Raja told him to put it round the neck of Jôga, who on
of this territory. wearing it was partially cured. Kanthar Nath then advised Gandsha to take the lad to BABA LAI First of all Raja Abhf Chand made a vow at Part, good MahAtma, who lived in the village of the temple of BA& Balak Rapf in order that he CanvArA Ganihar, which he did. LAI Part let might be blessed with a son. When be begot him depart, telling him that he would follow him. a child, the Bâbâ began to be resorted to more He also deolared that the gosata, whom the mad eagerly. lad had met, was BABA Balak Ropf, and that he
A Rajpat girl was once told by her brother's had been afflicted because he had betrayed the wife to graze cattle, and on her refusing, the B&bA. Gangeha went his way home, but Babe latter said: 'Yes, it is below your dignity to LAI Part reached Har before him. Thereefter
graze cattle because you are a Råņi, be sure both Baba Lal Pari and Jogi Kanthar Nath began
you will not be married to a Rája.' The girl in to search for BALA Balak Rapi.
distress at the remark untied the cattle and led At that time, on the site where Balak Rope's them to jungle. At that time BALA BAlak Rapi temple now stands, was a temple of Gugga, and bad again become manifest. The girl supplicated close to it was a rose-bush. BAbå LAI Part told him and said that she would not believe him to
Nim NAtb, or lord of the nim troo. The name of was, hostile to that of Gugglp Has the latter cult been Jogis will repay investigation.
displaced elsewhere by that of a Sidh? ? Cf. the story of Birag Lok, inr1.
This looks like bivs worship. Is Bálak Bupi to be . Does this mean that the cult of Balak Rapt in, or considered an incarnation of Siya P

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SEPTEMBER, 1903.)
MISCELLANEA.
877
be really Balak Rapf unless she married a Rajd, compensation for ancestor-worship. The he-goats adding that if her desire were fulfilled she would that are brought to be slaughtered there are offer a bullocks of copper at his temple. Five or killed at Ngôgal Kund, and cooked and eaten seven days had not elapsed when a Råjå of the at the same place. Sometimes they take the Katoch dynasty chanced to pase where the girl was cooked meat home and distribute it as a holy herding cattle, and seeing the girl, he ordered her to be taken to his seraglio, where he married her.
The ceremony of jamoalat (or sbaving the hair Unfortunately the girl forgot to fulfil her vow,
of a child for the first time) is usually performed and so a short time after all the Rånts in the
in the temple of Balak Rapi, and the hair is thereseraglio began to nod their heads (cháind, as it
upon offered at the temple, or those who observe under the influence of a spirit), and continued
the ceremony at home often come to the temple doing so day and night. The Raja summoned
and offer the hair. An additional present, the all the sadhus and chélás. One of the latter said
amount of which varies from two pice to the that the cause of the Rânts' being possessed by
sum that one's means allow, is also made. All spirits was that a vow to Bâbâ Balak Rapi had not
these offerings are taken by the jogt on duty. The been fulfilled. The R&jå replied that if all the Rápis
játris who make offerings (e. g., a human being, recovered he would take all his family to the
1. e, a child or a buffalo, cow, horse, etc., accordtemple and present the promised offering. The
ing to their vows," give it, if an animal, to the cheld then prepared a thread in the name of the
jogi on duty, while in the case of a child its price Bâbâ, and this was put round the necks of the
is paid to the jógf and the infant ia taken back. persons possessed, who recovered. Thereafter a
* Besides, cash, curds, umbrellas, cocoanuts, and bullock was made of copper, and the Rajd also
ght are also offered. These offerings are preserved erected a temple. When the bullock was offered
in the bhandar (store-house). (jéb-dan), the artist who had made it died forthwith.
The people living in the vicinity of the temple,
within 15 or 20 kos distance, do not eat any fresh Whenever any misfortune is to befall the
corn (termed natan, literally meaning 'new') unfamily of the Katôch Rajas, the copper bullock is
less they have offered it at Balak Part's temple." affected as if by fear. This occurred on the 29th of Har Sambat 1902, and His Highness RAj&
II. Partáb Chand died on the 15th of Sawan in that The Shrine of Bawa Baroh Mahadeo, near year. On that day BÅbá Balak Pari's idol also
Jawala Mukhi, perspired. It is for these reasons that the bullock The real history of the Båwå is not known, is worshipped and vows are made to it. The jdtris
but the story goes that under a banydn or bart (offerers) who make vows at the temple of the
tree (whence the name Barôh) appeared an idol bullock, offer on the fulfilment of their desires
of stone still to be seen in Dandy&, by name KAN jópu topu and botná,' and rub the ballock with
Nåth, whose merits B&wĄ LAI Part preached. In the offering. They also put a bell round his neck.
St. 1740 Dhiên Singh, Wazir of Gôler, was imThese offerings are taken by the jogi on duty,
prisoned at Kotl and a soldier at the Fort, a native there being several jógfs who attend by turn.
of Daniya, persuaded him to make a vow to B&w& Four fairs, taking eight days, are held in Barðh, in consequence of which he was released. honour of Balak Rapf on every Saturday in Jeth The wazér, however, forgot his vow and so fell ill and Hår. Those who have vowed to offer living until he made a large pecuniary offering to the he-goats present them alive, while those who had shrine. In this year the small old temple was vowed to kill he-goats slaughter them at a fixed replaced by the present larger one under BALA Bal place within the temple precincts. The head, Part. The gosafns in charge have been :-(1) Bal fore-legs, and skin are given to the jägi on duty, Pari - Shib Pari, gur-bhats; (2) Sukh Pari, died and some rice and a pice are also paid to him as St. 1938 ; (3) Deo Pori.
Bail in the Vernacular. Again, this looks like the * Not traceable in Dictionaries. bull of Siva.
. What does compensation for ancestor-worship 6 Can anyone explain this 18e of khelna (khéana) for
mean. demoniacal possession ?
10 Why so called ? Jandian is the usual term. * Parallels are wanted. There is something very like this in the legends relating to the creation of the
11 Under what circumstances is a child vowed to Balak colossal Jain figures at Belgala : vide ante, Devil-worship
Rupt? of the Tuluvas, stories of Kolkada and Kallarti. - ED.) 11 An instance of first-fruits offered to the god.

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878
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1903.
The followers of Bawa Barób keep a jhoir(cloth which the latter struck him with his hand and bag), an iron chain, kharwan (sandals), and a chou | turned him into stone. or shirt, in their houses.
A few days later a Bhåţ Brahman became Grain is usually offered at the shrine, with four, possessed and saw all that had occurred. So ghi and gur for the bullock (there appears to be a temple was erected and the place called Birág an image of a bullock also). If a he-goat is sacri (Gosain) Lok (corrupted from úlop, disappearficed, the skin and a hind-leg are offered up, the ance). As Birág Lôk had been a herdsman be rest being eaten by the játri on his way home. became peculiarly the god of cattle and fulfils Sometimes a kudni, or living he-goat, is
vows made regarding cattle. The fair is on Har
3rd. He-goats and corn are offered. In this Sidhoffered, as the substitute for a life in case of sick
temple there is also an image of Gorakhnath, ness, or by one who is childless. Women can
placed therein by a Golêria Mian in the Sikh enter the shrine.
times. The stone idol of the boy has disappeared. III.
The followers of the shrine regard the gosáfi as
Gorakhnath himself. The keepers of the shrine The Shrine of Birag Lok, near Palampur. are (Gir) Gosains and Bhất Brahmans. The founder of the shrine, when a boy, once,
IV. when herding cattle, met & gosafi, who told him
Bawa Fathu's Bhrine, noar Raniwal. never to disclose the fact of their friendship or
300 years ago a Brahman of the Bhari ildqa in he would no longer remain in his place. Keeping Rawalpindi District asked Bedi Bawa Parjapati the secret however made him ill, and so at last for a charm, as his children had all died, and vowed he told his parents all about the good fri. Tbeyl to give his first-born to him. The Brahman had gave him sattu for the holy man, but when about five sons, but failed to keep his word, so two of to cook it, the boy complained that he had no them died. Thereupon he brought one of his sons, water. whereupon the goedis struck the ground Fatha, to the Bedi who kept him with him. So with his gaja (an iron stick) and a spring appeared, Båwå Fatha became a sadhu, and people began to which still exists. The go sáfa did not eat the pay him visite. The Brahmans of the shrine are food, saying his hunger was satisfied by its emell. descendants of Båwå Parifpati, a Bhagat of Guru The boy then caught the gosíti by the arm, upon | Nknak. The fair is held on 1st Baisakh.
NOTES AND QUERIES. ÇIYA SAVED BY A SPIDER ON HIS FLIGHT. An analogous story is told about an escape by
Robert Brace, and I am informed likewise of (1 Query by Prof. Iudwig.)
King David in a Midrai, vis., that he was saved VEMANA (the Telingana poet; age P) alludes by the intervention of a spider, which sprend its to such a story in his Padyamulu (Book III, net across the opening of a cavern, where he had strophe 159)
sought and found a temporary refuge. In neither
of these two instances I am able to furnish the pura Harunakts néta purugu td nêrina
exact references, although the facts themselves sthiramu galgu jitánajtvama' yye
are well known. nétake'mivacce ? nijabhakti hétuvu,
Although it is pity to risk that future fugitives formerly for Haral's benefit) a web the spider may fail to derive advantage from well-intentioned himself weaving. permanent-become knowledge- spiders by giving greater publicity to these soul obtained having (having obtained soul stories, it would be interesting to learn whether endowed with true knowledge) - for the weaving the story about Çiva is of exclusively South Indian what came (what of this reward was the quota for origin or is known in the North or any other part the weaving) (nothing; for) true (inborn) faith of India also. I do not remember to have met (or devotion) (alone was) the motive (for the with it in the course of a tolerably extensive reward)."
reading 15 These nsages point to some ceremony of initiation. Gorakhnath himself. Can anyone say what is the The followers of the god have the devotee's jhal, but belief anderlying these legenda P the meaning of the iron chain, oto, is obscure.
10 An instance of worship being transferred from the These stories point to some allegorical meaning god of the shrine to a person vowed to him and so made underlying the popular legend. The goods is said to be holy or nourst.

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SEPTEMBEE, 1903.)
BOOK-NOTICE.
379
BOOK-NOTICE. CANDRA-TYĀKARANA: DIE GRAMMATIK DES CANDRA Chandra's grammar. These and several
GOMIN. SUTRA, UNĀDI, DXĀTUPĀTEA. Edited by subsidiary texts and commentaries, comprising DR. BRUNO LI BICH, Brookhaus. Leipzig, 1902.
altogether twenty works (briefly described in the The foundations of the scientific study of the Indian Antiquary for 1896, pp. 103-5), are all native system of Sanskrit grammar having been preserved in the Tibetan translations made belaid by Böhtlingk in his two editions of Panini tween 700 and 900 A. D., and contained in the and by Kielhorn in his monumental edition of the Tanjur. These accurate translations are of the Mahabháshya, the parampard of researches in utmost value to the editors of the corresponding this field is being worthily continued by the latter Sanskrit texts. scholar's pupil, Prof. Liebich, of the University! The main part of Prof. Liebich's edition of Breslau, himself long well-known by his consists of the 8tra of the grammar itself writings on Paniai and the Katika Vritti. He l (pp. 1-139). This is preceded by the Dhatupdtha has in the volume now before us produced (pp. 1-34°), to which is added a transliterated a valuable critical edition of the most important list of the roots in alphabetical order parts of the system of the Buddbist Sanskrit (pp. 35° -47). Judging by the pagination, this grammarian Chandragômin. This grammar, part of the volume was added after the rest bad though not belonging to the Påninean system, been printed. The third part is formed by the is yet of historical value in connexion with that Unddi-Satra (pp. 140-171), to wbich is appended system, since Batras of Chandra which have no & transliterated alphabetical list of the Unidi parallel in Påņini and Patanjali, are borrowod, in words (pp. 172.181). The volume concludes with a modified or unmodified form, by the authors an index to the grammatical and the Unådi Satras of the Kibika Vritti, but always without any combined (pp. 182-235). There is a short preface acknowledgment of the source (e. 9., Chandra of four pages dealing chiefly with the MS. Sútra III, ii, 61 in K. V. IV, ii, 138 and material used by the editor. A long introduction IV, iv, 72-73 in K. V. v, iv, 75). Hence was unnecessary after the author's extensive Prof. Liebich's edition of Chandragðmin is article on the Chandra-vydkarana in the Göttinger a necessary preliminary step towards the elucida- Nachrichten for 1895 (pp. 272-321), and his tion of several passages in the present text of the contribution to the Vienna Oriental Journal for Kalika. Sanskritists will look forward to the 1899 on the date of Chandragomin (pp. 306-315). critical edition of the latter commentary which His chronological argument, in the latter article, Prof. Liebich intends to bring out later on. is based on a bappy and convincing conjectural The expectation that MSS. of Chandragomin's
emendation of a sentence occurring in his MS. of
the Chandra-vritti, a commentary on the Chandragrammar might turn up in a Buddhist country like Ceylon, has never been fulfilled. But the
sitra, which he believes Chandragomin himself
to have composed, though he reserves the proof work was at one time undoubtedly known there; for an elementary Sanskrit grammar entitled
of this belief for a future occasion. The sentence Blivabodhana, which is an abstract of Chandra
in question, ajayad Gupt8 Húndn iti, is employed written about 1200 A. D. by a Buddhist monk in
as an illustration of the use of the imperfect to Ceylon, bas been preserved (published at Colombo
express that an event occurred within the lifetime
of the speaker. Now the event here spoken of in 1895).
can only refer to the temporary defeat of the • In Kashmir, which was probably the native Hanas by Skandagupta soon after 465 A. D., or country of Chandragomin, nothing beyond a single to their final expulsion, in the year 544 A.D., leaf containing the varnd-sitras, or phonology, by Yasodharman. The author of the Chandra. and the paribhdshd-dras, or rules of interpreta-l veitti must therefore have flourished either tion, belonging to this grammarian's system, has
about 480 or 550 A. D., the former date been brougat to igno. This Iragment, thouga so being the more probable according to Prof. small in extent, has, however, proved of critical
Liebich's showing. Even if the foregoing arguvalue in connexion with the texts subsequently ment were to be set aside, the date of Chandradiscovered.
gồmin's grammar could not be later than 600 On the other hand, Nepal, that small country
A. D., as it was known to the authors of the to which we owe the preservation of so many
Katika Vritti. works of Buddhistio Sanskrit literature, has The grammatical Satras, which number about yielded, after persistent search, M88. of all 3,100, are printed separately, each line containing the most important trestises connected with but one Satra together with the reference to the

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[SEPTEMBER, 1903.
corresponding passage in Panini, the Mahd. the classes is, however, different, Chandra bhdshya, or the Kddiká, when such exist. The grouping them according to the voices of the whole work is divided into six books (each sub- verb. Thus in the second or ad-adi class we have divided into four oddas), which correspond to the first 36 Parismaipade verbs (called atanand), last six of Påņini, the contents of the latter's then 19 Atmanêpada ones (taidninah), and lastly first two books being scattered over various parts seven conjugated in both voices (vibhúshitál). of Obandra's grammar. The first thirteen stras. Prof. Liebich points out the interesting fact Àre identical with Panini's fourteen Siva Satras, that the Dhatupatha of the Katantra Gramthe only variation being, that the fifth and sixth of mar is in reality that of the Chandra system Panini - hayavarat lan-are here run into one : 1 as modified by Dargasimha, the well-known comhayavaralan. The degree of correspondence mentator of the Kdtantra. This modified between Chandra's sätras and Påņini's varies. Chandra Dhatupátha is No. 3727 in the Tanjur.
There is sometimes complete identity; e. 9., The genuine Dhatupátha of the Katantra is also upamdndd achdrd (I, i, 25 = P. III, i, 10).
preserved in the Tibetan version as No. 3723 in Occasionally the sutras differ in the order of the the same encyclopædic collection, but the original words only, as bid anékal sarvasya (I, i, 12) =
Sanskrit text appears to have been lost. anekal kit sarvasya (P. I, i, 55). The agreement
Prof. Liebich bas constituted the text of in many cases is only partial; for instance,
the Unddi-sútra from two incomplete Nepalese shashthydntyasya (I, i, 10) = alt 'ntyasya (P.I,
Sanskrit MSS. of the Unda stitra-vritti. One of i, 52). The identity is, lastly, often restricted to
these MSS. contains, in this commentary, all the the matter, as riks 'no ralau (I, i, 15) = ur an
Satras, except the last fifteen, of the first two raparah (P. I, i, 51). Chandra's new material,
books, while the second MS. has preserved the amounting apparently to about 35 Satras, has
whole of the third book except the first six Satras. for the most part been incorporated in the
Fortunately the missing twenty-one Satras can Katika.
be restored with certainty from the very faithful The commentary on this Satra, the Chandra- Tibetan version of the Tanjur vritti already referred to, is no doubt the most
Chandragðmin disposes the Unddi words in his important text of the whole system. Oorre
three books independently of Panini, the suffixes sponding in style and treatment of the subject
being arranged by him according to their final matter to the Kábika Vritti, it will most probably
letter; he also frequently derives the words in render important help in emending the corrupt
a different way. Owing to the great divergencies passages of the printed text of the latter commentary. It is therefore to be hoped that Prof.
in this case, Prof. Liebich has not thought it
worth while to refer to the parallel edtras of the Liebich will before long publish the complete text of
Paninean system, He has, instead, added after this valuable work also. In the meantime, he has
each satra the complete Unadi word and its in the present volume given extracts from it, in the
paraphrase from form of notes to those portions of Chandra's atra
the commentary. Thus the
Satra III, 105, pabeh mut cha, is followed by the which have no parallel in the Påninean system.
derived and explanatory words vakshah: krodah. Prof. Liebich's text of the Dhátupatha-sútra is
The Tibetan version retains the Sanskrit synonym based on a Cambridge MS. (dated A.D. 1356) and
intact, but adds to it the Tibetan translation. on one of the three recensions of the work in the Tibetan Tanjur (No. 3724). That recension he
Prof. Liebich is to be congratulated on his regards as containing the purest form of the thoroughly accurate and scholarly publication, Dhatupatha of the Chåndra system (see Gött. which not only marks in itself an advance in our Nachrichten, p. 804). The number of roots knowledge of the intricate systems of native enumerated in that recension is 1,659, while that grammar, but is also a stepping-stone to further in Liebich's text is, according to my reckoning,
advance in the subject. Dis work should nlso be hardly 1,600. It would be interesting to have this
specially welcomed by Indian Sanskritiste, to discrepancy explained. The Satras are here whom the study of the native grammar is printed in two columns to the page, the number a peculiarly interesting and important branch of of the corresponding root in Böhtlingk's Sanskrit learning. The employment of German Dhatupatha contained in his edition of Panini, being almost entirely limited to the brief preface, 1887) being added in each case. In matter, a knowledge of that language can be dispensed Chandra agrees here pretty closely with P&ņini, with for the perusal of the book. the roots being similarly divided according to the
A. A. MACDONELL. ten classes. The arrangement of the verbs within
Oxford, March 10th, 1903.

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NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
381
NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
BY SYLVAIN LÉVI. Extracted and rendered into English, with the author's permission, from the * Journal Asiatique," July-Dec., 1896, pp. 444 to 484, and Jan. June, 1897, pp. 5 to 42,
by W. R. PHILIPPS. THERE were published not long ago by M. Sylvain Lévi, in the Journal Asiatique, some
1 interesting Notes on the Indo-Scythians, in connection with the question of the date of Kanishka and other points of early Indian history. Some people may differ from M. Lévi's conclusions, and others may think that he has not carried them quite far enough. No one, however, can fail to admire the thorough and lucid manner in which he has dealt with his subject, and to appreciate the value of the matter which he has laid before as. And an English rendering of these Notes will be acceptable and useful to students to whom the Notes themselves may not be accessible in the original. The object of this paper and its continuations is to supply what is necessary in that direction. Space has rendered some abridgment unavoidable; and, as the result, an abstract bas mostly to be offered, instead of a full translation. But all the leading features of these Notes are, it is believed, brought to the front. M. Lévi has kindly looked through a proof of the English rendering, and has made some corrections in details, and Las added some supplementary information.
M. Levi's Notes are divided as follows: Part 1.- Journal Asiatique, July-Dec., 1896, pp. 444 to 484. Stories. Part II. - Journal Asiatique, Jan-June, 1897, pp. 5 to 26. - Historical Texts, Part III. - Journal Asiatique, Jan.-Jane, 1897, pp. 27 to 42. - St. Thomas, Gondophares,
and Maxdeo.
M. Lévi's spellings of Chinese names and words are followed, but the Indian ones have been altered so as to be in harmony with the system of transliteration generally observed in the Indian Antiquary. Chinese characters, where they appear in the original, have necessarily been omitted. The figures in thick type in square brackets mark the pages of the original, to facilitate reference if it should be desired to follow up more fully any particular points.
PART I. - STORIES, [444] In the traditions of Northern Buddhism, the name of Kanishka has been surrounded with a halo, but in literature we find little information about the history or legend of this king: According to the Chronicle of Kashmir he was the founder of a town, Kanishkapura, and of several religious buildings, monasteries or temples (Rajatarangini, ed. Stein, 1, 168 seq.). The Chinese pilgrim Hiouen-tsang relates the miraculous circumstances of his conversion, predicted by the Buddbe, his pious zeal, the convocation of the last council during his reign, and mentions several times the vast extent of his dominions and the fame of his power (Vie (I.), 84, 95: Mémoires (II.), 42, 106, 113, 172, 199). The Tibetan Taranatha also relates the meeting of a great religious assembly and the prosperity of Buddhism in his reign; but expressly distinguishes him from another prince of almost the same name, whom he calls [445] Kanika (Schiefner's translation, 2, 58, 89). Coins and epigraphy have partly corrected and completed these data, and shewn the strange syncretism of this Turki king, who borrowed his gods and formulas pell-mell from China and from Iran, from Groek sources and from India. Nevertheless we do not know much about him; we can, however, get a little additional light from some of the stories preserved in the Chinese Tripitaka. M. Lévi takes these tales from three works, which, though of Indian origin, no longer exist in Sanskrit. They are the Sutralamkara, the Samyukta-ratna-pitaka, and the Dharma-pitaka-aidana-sutra (?).

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The Sūtrāla kāra sāstra (Ta-lchoang-sen-king-lun ; Nanjio, 1182) purports to be by the Budhisattva Asvaghosha (Ma-ming Pou-sa). The Chinese translation was made by the famous Kumārajiva, under the later Ts'in dynasty, about 405 A.D. Beal, in Buddhist Chinese Literature (31, 101, 105), pointed out the value and interest of the work, and gave long extracts from it. It is a collection of stories, intended to illustrate the Buddha's word. A short sentence (446] from the sutras serves as text for each. The work is worthy of the great teacher, whom the Chinese authorities unanimously name as its author. The vivid and vigorous style, the variety of information, the frequent allasions to Brahmanical legends, and the aggressive controversial tone, all slew it to be by the author of the Buddha-charita and Vajra-sūchi. The discovery of the original would restore a gem to Sanskpit literature, but even in its Chinese form, it is one of the happiest productions of Buddhism.
The Samyukta-ratna-pitaka-sutra (Tsa-pao-ts'ang king ; Nanjio, 1329) is an anonymous collection of 121 avadānas in ten chapters. It was translated into Chinese by the two sramagas Ki-kia-ye and Tan-iao, under the dynasty of the Northern Wei, in A. D. 472. Beal in his catalogue (85 seq.) translated the final story; he also called attention to the two ntories in which the king Tchen-t'an Ki-ni-tch's figures. Beal, however, made this name into Chandan Kanika, without recognising the title or the person, and consequently he did not extract the information to be found in the story (The date of Nagarjuna Bodhisattva, I. A., XV. 353, 856). The Chinese translators are no doubt responsible for the difficulties of their style : but the clomsiness, roughness and confusion of the composition must be due to the Sanskrit author. Sometimes he mutilates his (447) legends : sometimes he runs into verbiage and prolixity.
The Sri Dharma-pitaka-nidāna-sūtra (? Fou-fu-ts'ang-in-iuen-king: Nanjio, 1340) is an anonymous history of the twenty-three patriarchs from Maha-Kasyapa to Sinha. As in the case of the Samyukta-ratna-pitaka, the Chinese translation is by the same Ki-kia-ye and T'an-iao, and of the same date, A. D. 472. The stories from this work which are translated or given in resumé further on, form a biography of Asvaghosha. The greater part has been reproduced, hardly altered, and most often simply copied, in the Fo-tsou-t'oung-ki (Nanjio, 1661) or Buddhist history composed by Tche-p'an in the 13th century (biography of Ašvagbösha in Chapter V.). Tche-p'an's text confirms the text of the Fou-fa-ts'ang-in-iren, bat does not elucidate it.
The traditional details set forth by the storytellers are briefly as follows: - The Dēvaputra king Kanishka, a Kushaņa by race, reigned over the Yue-tchi, seven hundred years After the Nirvana; he had two eminent ministers, Dēvadharma and Mathara. The bodhisattva Ašvaghöshe was his spiritual counsellor; the famous physician Charaka attended him. He was
zealvas Buddhist, but on one occasion he mistook & Jain stūpa for a Buddhist one: (448] he rode to Kashmir to venerate the arhat K'i-ye-to (perhaps Tcheu-ye-to), also named Dharmamitra, who had expelled the Nägarāja Alina from that country. He was master of the South, and when the king of the Parthians wished to close the West to him, Kanishka triumphed over lim. The king of Pataliputra was the suzerain of Eastern India, bat, vanquished by the Yne-tchi, he had to buy peace with nine hundred thousand pieces of gold : to pay off this heavy ransom he gave his conqueror the Buddha's bowl, Ašvaghosha, and a miraculous cock. Only the north was still unsubdued : Kanishka organised a great expedition, and got as far as the passes of Ts'oung-ling; but he let out his projects of conquest too soon, and his people, tired of always waging war, smothered him, when he was lying ill. To stop his sufferings in
In a footnote M. Lévi remarks that Beal's translations should be accepted with much reserve, especially us to his rostitutions of Sanskrit words. Thas he turns wei-che into Vyāsa, instead of Vai fohika, jou-to (trou) into Jushisha, instaad. of Jiāla-putra, and Fou-kiola (wsi) into Bactra, instead of Pushkalavati. M. Lévi intended in another article to publish several stories from the Stträlarnkārs, and to point out the corrections to be made in Beal. - M Léri Dow inforins us that one of his pupils has prepared a complete translation of the Sutralamkāra, which is finished and will be published boxt year.

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the next world on account of the blood he had spilt, the monks in a convent rang the bell continuously for seven days, and this practice was kept up for many years after Kanishka's death, and till the time of the narrator. Lastly, a town in India bore the name of this prince: Kanishkapura.
If wo comparo the stories with other documents we find some of these data confirmed: we are therefore led to think favourably of the rest. Kanishka, by the inscriptions, was certainly
Kashana, and had the title of dēvaputra ; the Rájatarangiņi mentions the foufidation of Kanishkepura [440] by him. Hionen-tsang knew of Kanishka's conquests west of China, and speaks several times of the Chinese princes detained us hostages at his court; he oven expressly names the Tsoung-ling mountains as the castern limit of his dominions. The relations between Kavishka and Ašvaghosha were an embarrassment to Taranitha ; his chronological system obliged him to separate the two persons, and he had to invent a king Kanika, contemporary with Ašvaghosha, one "whom we must consider as a different person from Kanishka." According to Tāranátha, the king Kanika sent a messenger to the country of Magadha to fetch Ašvaghosha, who excused himself on account of old age, but sent the king
letter of instruction by bis disciple Jñanapriya.2 The Chinese biography of Asvaghusha (Ma-ming pou-sa-tchoen; Nanjio, 1460), abridged by Wassilieff (Buddhismus, 211), relates that the king of the Yue-tchi invaded Magadha to demand the Buddha's bowl and Asvaghosha," . but it does not give the invader's name.. Wassilieff (Notes sur Tārunātha, trans. Schiefner, 299)
thinks Kanishka's son is meant. This would be the king of the Yne-tchi, Jen-kao-tchin, son of Kieou-tsieu-kio, called the conqueror of India in the annals of the second Han dynasty.
[450) When we have so many testimonies, and even their differences bear witness to the original agreement of the traditions, we may legitimately admit Kanishka and Abvaghosha to be coutemporaries. The date of one ought to fix the date of the other. The current opinion, based on Fergasson and Oldenberg's theories, [451] takes Kanishka's coronation as the starting point of the Saka era in 78 A. D. M. Lévi had previously expressed his doubt on this point; and returns to it afterwards, as will be seen in Part II. Meanwhile he observes that Western Indologists can excuse the disagreement of their chronologies by the contradictions of the Indian
The letter is preserved in the Tibetan Canon, Tandjour, Mdo. xxxiii: Royal-po Kanishka-la erits ra' phrine yig. The work belongs no doubt to the same literary class as the Suhrillēkha of Nagarjuna and the Sishyaloklu of Chandragomin, Türanatha's rocount in reproduced in King Kuniahka and some historical facts ... translated from Sumpahi O'hoijang : Journal of the Buddhist Texts Society of Iulia, I. 18-22. - [For the Tibetan toxt. and a translation by Mr. Thomas, of the Maharajakanikalēkha, the letter of Matrichita-(Asvaghaha) to king Kapika, see page 345 ff. above. - W.R. P.)
M. Lévi has here added a note, as follows: -- We may observe that in the time of Hionen-tsang and (arabr-Siladitya, in the course of the seventh century, Kumāra, the king of Kamarūpa, threatened both to invade the territory of Nalanda at the bead of an army and to annihilate the convent, if the obief of the monks, Bilabhadra, delayed to send to him the Chinese pilgrim who had installed himself for purposes of study at that great Buddhist university.
• Buoh synchronisms should not be despised. As they become more numerous they control oach other, and fix the floating lines of history. The famous inscription on the Lion-Pillar at Mathura (J. R. A. 8., 1894, 525-510) mentions, together with the satraps, two Buddhist teachers who can be identified with sufficient probability.
Inscription K. is out in honour of the acharya Buddhadova. A personage of this name, styled as mahābhadanta, is reokoned among the four kreat acharyas of the Vaibhashika school, with Dharmaträta Ghoshaka (who has the
e Tukbara ; cf. inf. 2nd art.) and Vasuinitra (Terunatba, P. 67). Gboobaka and Yasumitra taught in the time of Kanishka and his successor (ibid. 61); Buddhadēra belonged to the generation immediately after these two teaobers, just before Nagarjuna (ibid. 69). The traditional list of the patriarchs (Nanjio, 1844), O the other hand, pots the interval of a generation between Asvagkotha (Kanishka's contemporary according to our stories) and Nagarjuna, contemporary of Satavahana. Budchadēva is mentioned by Vasubandhu in the Abhidharmakosa (comm. on stanza 35), and by Yafomitra in the commentary on the same work (MS. Burnout, p. 475b).
Inscription N. contains the praises of the bhikshu Budhila, native of Nagars, of the Eartāstivādin school, who illustrated (or edited) the Prajis of the Mabasamghikas. He no doubt is the same as Fo-t'i-lo (in Chine K'io-ts'iu, K'io = bodhi), master of the bastras, who composed the treatine Tsi-tchin-lun (Samyukta-tattva-bastra?) for the use of the Mabisanghika school. in a convent of the same. 140 or 150 li (Hioven-tsang, Mem. I. 183). Bodhila's (or Budhila's) work explained metaphysics, the Prajia of the Mahasanghita,

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authorities. The Rajatarangini puts the Turushka or Yue-tchi dynasty just after Nagarjuna. The Buddha's prophecy quoted by Hiouen-tsang announces Kanishka's accession in the year 400 of the Nirvana. Finally, the Samyukta-ratna-pitaka, which puts Kanishka and the arhat Ki-ye to together, makes the arhat appear 700 years after the Nirvana.
The mention of Charaka is the first positive indication obtained as to the date of the learned practitioner, who disputes with Suśruta the glory of having founded medical science in India. The Greek influences thought to be found in Charaka's teaching are easily explained, if he lived at the time, and at the court, of the Indo-Scythians, when Hellenism seemed to be conquering the old brahmanical civilisation.
The appearance of Jains in the legend of Kanishka is not surprising. The Kankali Tila inscriptions, at Mathura, have recently revealed the prosperity of Jainism under Kanishka and his successors. Buddhism doubtless had much to fear from this rival, for Asvaghosha pursued it [452] with implacable fury: it appears often in his stories, and always in odious or ridiculous colours. One of his sūtras, preserved only in the Corean edition, and reprinted in the new Japanese one, shews Ni-kien-tzen (Nirgrantha-putra) reduced to the part of hearer, and being instructed on the sense of the "Not-I" (Ou-ngo, Anatma) (Ni-kien-tzeu-ouenn-ou-ngo-i-king, Japanese edition, boîte xxiv, fasc. 9).
So far, M. Lévi's introductory remarks. We now come to the stories transcribed by him. Space does not permit of their being quoted in full; it must suffice to give only such particulars as bring out the traditional facts about Kanishka, to which M. Lévi has alluded, and also some brief quotations showing the Chinese versions of Sanskrit names and terms.
Sutralamkara (ch. 8).
[452] This describes how the king Tchen-t'an Ki-ni-tch'a (devaputra Kanishka) met 500 mendicants while he was on the way to visit the town of Ki-ni-tch'a (Kanishkopura). Presumably the journey was made on horseback, for when [453] the minister T'ien-fa (Devadharma) is mentioned, it is said that he got off his horse to speak to the king. The king explains to his minister the request made by the mendicants, and the lesson to be drawn from it, and [454 to 457] the minister replies.
On the question of identification of tchen-t'an
Chinasthana [raja] and devaputra t'ien-tzeu (son of Heaven), M. Lévi has referred us [452, note] to Mélanges Charles de Harlez, Deux peuples méconnus, p. 182; and he has observed that the transcription Ki-ni-tch'a suggests the pronunciation Kaniksha along with the ordinary form Kanishka, and that this alternation is confirmed epigraphically: Huviksha in Epigr. Ind. I., 371-393, Mathura inscription No. 9; Huksha, ibid. II., 196-212, No. 26. On the first of these points, he has now added some remarks, as follows:- Tchen-t'an suggests still another explanation, in addition to devaputra. Sarat Chandra Das, in the Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, 1886 (Vol. LV., Part I.), p. 193, said, on the strength of Tibetan texts: "In ancient times when Buddha Kashyapa appeared in this world, Li-yul" [the country of Khoten]"was called the country of Chandana; " to which he added, in a note: "The earliest intercourse of the Indians
M. Lévi has here added a note, as follows:- The dates assigned by Buddhist traditions to Asvaghosha are, equally, so discordant that, from the end of the fourth century, the Hindu monks distinguished six personages of the same name who had appeared (1) in the time of Buddha, (2) after the Nirvana, (3) in the year 100, (4) in the year 108, (5) in the year 300, and (8) in the year 600, of the Nirvana. I may be content, at present, to refer to the Introduction of the Mabayanaáraddbotpada, translated from the Chinese by M. Teitaro Suzuki: "Aávaghosha's Discourse on the Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana; " Chicago, 1900.
M. Lévi has here added a note, as follows:- In fact, I have since found another version of this sutra, in the edition of the Tripitaka of the Mings; it is that which is entered in Nanjio's Catalogue under No. 818 (Japanese edition, vi., 1, 27); it is there erroneously designated as a tradition of the Sali-sambhavasutra, with which it has nothing in common. The sutra does not there bear the name of its author; the translator is the Indian monk Fa-t'ien (978-981 A. D.).

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with China was through Khoten which they called Chandana and it is very probable that they subsequently extended that designation to China." Unfortunately, Sarat Chandra Das does not give his authorities. But the fact seems to me very probable. And I had been personally led, in an independent manner, to form that hypothesis, but with a modification. Chandana seems to me to be a form restored in Tibetan out of the Chinese Tchen.t'an = China-sthāna. The original Tchen-t'an or Chin-thān would be Kashgaria; and Tchen-t'an Kanishka would be Kanishka, king of Khoten. I cannot avoid believing that the cradle of the power of the Tukhāra-Turushkas is to be found in that region.
M. Léri points out [455, note) that a verse of some stanzas uttered by T'ien-fa at the end of the story is almost identical with the 5th verse in "One hundred and fifty stanzas in honour of the Buddha" by Mätřichota, preserved in the Chinese translation of I-tsing. Now, according to Tāranātha (p. 89), the acharya Matrichëta, foretold by the Buddha to be a glorious author of hymns, was the same person as Ašvaghosha, Sūra, Durdharsha, Dharmika-Subhūti; all these names designate one individual, a contemporary of Kanika. It has also been observed that Indian poets, in spite of their indifference to literary proprietorship, liked to insert an identical stanza in their different works, as if to mark their common authorship. Thus the repetition of the same verse in the Sūtrāla kāra and the Sārdh aśataka seems to confirm Taranatha. The analogy of procedure in the Sūtrālaukāra and the Jätakamālā is equally striking: in both, the story is developed like a sermon, and a text from the sacred books is taken as theme : in both, prose and verse are intermingled with taste; and, even through the medium of the Chinese version, an eqnal happiness of style is apparent. If the Jätakamālä was not by Aśraghosha, it probably came from his school.
Sūträlamkāra (ch. 6). [457] This story begins : "In the race of Kiu-cha (Kushana) there was a king named Tchen-tan “Kia-ni-tch'a (dēvaputra Kanishka). He conquered Toung Tien-tchon (Eastern India) and pacified
the country. His power spread fear; his good fortune was complete. He set out to return to his “ kingdom. The route passed through a broad, flat land. At that time the king's heart was pleased "only with the religion of the Buddha; he made it his necklace. Now, in the place where he stopped, "he (458) saw afar off a stūpa which he took for a stupa of the Buddha. With a snite of one “thousand men he went to visit it. When he got near the stūpa, be got off his horse, and advanced " on foot. The imperial cap set with precious stones adorned his head."
The king, after reciting some stanzas, bowed his head and adored. At that very moment the stūpa broke into little pieces. The king was troubled and affrighted. He thought the destruction must be due to magic. [459] In the past be had adored a hundred thousand stūpas, and never one was the least damaged. He feared some impending calamities. [460) At last a man of a neighbouring village approached and explained that the stūpa was not one of the Buddha, but of the Ni-kion (Nirgranthas), who are very stupid"; moreover, there were no relics in it. The king was filled with joy. Among the stanzas be then utters, we bave: -
[461] "He is not pure, the son of Ni-kien (Nirgruntha-putra)."
"At the moment when the stūpa tumbled down, a great noise came from it, which denounced it as a stupa of Jou-to-tzeu (Ināta-putra).
"The Buddha formerly having gone where Kia-che (Kasyapa) was, Kia che adored the fect "of the Buddha : - It is I, O Bhagavat; it is I, O Buddha Lākajyēshtha!'”
As to the Ni-kien, "their knowledge is not omniscience." “Nanoa po-kis-po (Namo Bhagavatë), it is he whom all adore as the master of deliverance."
[469] "All heretion together are not worth a straw. How much less then the master of the Ni-kien, Pou-lan-na K he (Purana Kabyapa)! "

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The body, bas, in all, four kinds of bonds ; hence the name of Ni-kien-to (Nirgrantha): just as " when there is a great heat, he who can drive away this heat also is called Ni-to-kis (Nirdágha)."
As regards the opening words of the above story, "In the race of Kiu-cha (Kushana)," M. Lévi observes (467, noto] that the Chinese translator, whether carelessly or through ignorance, doubtless read Kushäņāri vonise'instead of Kushana-variác. The "race of Kushaņa" closely recalls the expression Gushaña-dama-sashvardhaka, applied to Kanishka in the Manikyāla inscription.
Samyukta-ratna-pitaka (ch. 7).
[483] Story 13. The arhat K'i-yo-to forces the wicked Näga to go into the sea. As regards the name of this arbat K'i-ye-to, M. Lévi observes [469, note that the character k'i differs only from the letter tcheu by a simple stroke subscribed. Tcheu-ye-lo would give in Sanskrit Jayata, known as the name of a Buddhist patriarch. On the other hand, the characters k'i-ye often serre to transcribe the word geya. We might then think of Geysta, Gayata, Kayats; but none of these names have as yet been found. The last suggests Kayyata, well known as the name of * commentator on Patañjali.
The story briefly is as follows. There was an arya arhat named K'i-ye-to. In the Buddha's time he left the world. Seven hundred years afterwards he appeared in the kingdom of Ki-pin, where a wicked Nāga-rāja named A-li-na was causing calamities. Two thousand arhats (484) failed to move him by their supernatural force, but he departed at the command of K'i-ye-to.
K'i-ye-to and disciples go towards Pe-T'ien-tchou (Northern India), and (465) arrive at the town of Chou-cheu (house of stone). Bnt beyond this there seems to be nothing in the story worth noting here. M. Lévi remarks [465, notė] that the kingdom of Cheu-cheu (Asmaparanta ?) is also mentioned in the Suträlasikara, cb. 15; the king of Cheu-cheu is there named Ou-[in note = Siang]-iue-ki.
[467] Story 14. Two bhikshus, sooing K'i-ye-to, obtain the grace of being born as dēvas.
At that time there were two bhikshus in Nan-T'ien-chou (Southern India). They heard of the virtue and power of K'i ye-to and went to Ki-pin to see him, [468] K'i-ye-to transports himself miraculously up a mountain, where he recounts to them his previous birth as a dog.
(469) Story 15. The king of the Yue-tchi sees the arhat K'i-yo-to. This begins : "In the kingdom of the Yue-tehi there was a king named Tchen-tan Ki-ni* teh's (dēvaputra Kanishka). He heard it said that, in the kingdom of Ki-pin, the arya arbat " named K'i-ye-to had a great reputation. Then he mounted bis horse, and, escorted by his suite,
wont quickly into that kingdom." The king goes ahead of his people, and [470] prostrates himself before the arya, who at that moment wants to spit, and the king respectfully hands the spittoon to him. He gives the king an abridgment of the law and doctrine, in the following sentence : - (471) "When the king comes, the way is good; when he goes, it is as when he comes." The king then returns to his kingdom. On the way home, be explains to his servants the meaning of the sentence: it is to the effect that his good deeds as a Buddbist, his construction of vibāras, stūpas, &c., are the cause of his present prosperity; they are the merits on which a royal race is founded : they sreure his felicity in the life to come.
[472] Story 18. The king of the Yue-tehi united in friendship with the three learned counsellors.
The story opens thus: - "At the time when the king Tchen-tan Ki-ni-tch'a (devaputra Kanisbka) reigned in the kingdom of the Yue-tchi, there were three learned men, whom the king

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NOTES ON THE INDO-BOYTHIANS.
887
" considered as his intimate friends; the first was called Ma-ming pou-sa (Asvaghosha Bodhisatra); “the second, who was prime minister, was called Mo-tch'a-lo (Mathara); the third was a famous physi"cian named Tche-lo-kia (Charaka). These three intimate friends of the king were treated with honour "and liberality. When he was on a journey, or when he was resting, they were on his right hand and "on his left." Then follows the advice given by each of these counsellors to the king. The advice of the prime minister was: "If the king pats in practice the secret counsels of his servant without "divulging them, the entire world can be submitted to his empire." [479] This advice was followed, "and there was no one who did not submit to his authority. In the world, three of the four regions "were at peace; only tbe eastern region had not yet come to submit itself, and to demand protection. "Soon he equipped a formidable army to go to chastise it. In front he made the Hou (barbarians) "march, and the white elephants as head of the column and as guides. The king followed, and he "led his army behind. He wished to go as far as Ts'oung-ling (Bolor). In crossing the passes, " those who rode the elephants and the horses in front could not advance any longer." The king in his surprise let out the secret of his expedition, and his minister warned him that, as he had done so, death was near. The king understood, and, as in his wars he had slain more than three hundred thousand men, he was troubled at the thought of the punishments awaiting him. So-[474] ho confessed his fanlt and repented, gave alms, kept the prohibitions, built & monastery, and gave food to the monks. His courtiers represent to him that his past bas been so bad, that these good works will not now profit him. The king has a large pot boiled, and throws his ring into it, and allegorically convinces the courtiers of their error. They rejoice at his wisdom.
[475] Fou-fa-ts'ang-in-igen-tch'oen (Sri-Dharma-pitaka-sampradāya-nidāna P).
(Chap. 6.) We learn hore how Ma-ming (Afvaghosha) by his music and teaching caused 500 king's sons in Hoa-cheu (Pataliputra : literally " the town of flowers," Kusumapura) to give up the world. So the king, in fear that his kingdom would become empty, ordered the music to be stopped.
The total number of men in the town of Hoa-chen was nine hundred thousand. The king of the kingdom of the Yue-tohi, [476] Tchen-tan Ki-ni-tch's (devaputra Kanishka) equipped the four forces," came to Hoa-chen, and in a battle defeated its king, who made his submission. The conqueror demanded nine hundred thousand gold pieces. Then the king of Hoa-cheu, considering that Ma-ming, the Buddha's wooden bowl, and a naturally compassionate cook, which would not drink water containing insects, were each worth three hundred thousand pieces, offered the three to Ki-ni-tch'a, who accepted them joyfully, and returned to his kingdom.
Then follows a story telling how a ball of clay, placed at the top of a stūpa, [477) was miraculously changed into a statue of the Buddha, at the prayer of Ki-ni-tch'a.
The history of the Jain stūpa which tumbled to pieces, is here also given as in the Süträlam kåra (see above, p. 885).
The next story of Ki-ni-tch's and a barber has nothing worth abstracting.
[478] The bhikshn Ta-mo-mi-to (Dharmamitra) is mentioned as being at that time of great renown in Ki-ni-tch's's kingdom. "He was able to well recite and explain the characters of the * San-mei-ting (samadhi)." Then comes the story of the visit of two bhikshas from the kingdom of Nan-T'ien-tchou (Southern India) to him, much the same as the similar story of the visit to K'i-ye-to in the Samyukta-ratna-pitaks (see above, p. 386).
Ki-ni-tch's also goes to visit Ta-mo-mi-to in the mountains of Ki-pin. The bhikshu teaches the king all the doctrine in a short formula, and the king returns to his kingdom, and on the way explains the formula to bis ministers. (Compare the similar story in the Samyukta-ratna-pitaka, 15; see above, p. 386.)

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[470] After this we have again the story of Kanishka and the mendicants. Cf. Sūtrālamkara, ch. 8 (see above, p. 884).
"At that time, the king of the Ngan-si (Pahlara) was very stupid and of a violent " datare. At the head of the four forces he attacked Ki-ni-tch'a," who defeated him and slow nine hundred thousand men. Then be asked his ministers if this sin could be wiped out or not, and, to instruct them, had a pot boiled and put his ring in it, &c. cf. Samyukta-ratna-pitaka, story 16 (see above, p. 887).
There was a bhikshu arhat who, seeing the evil deed done by the king (in slaughtering nine hundred thousand men), wished to make him repent. So by his sapernatural force he caused the king to see the torments of hell. The king was terrified and repented. [480] Then Ma-ming told him that if he obeyed his teaching he would escape bell. Ki-ni-tch's replied, "Well! I receive the teaching." Then Ma-wing expounded the law, and gradually caused the sin to be entirely workened.
There was also a physician called Tehe-le (Chara, for Charaka). Ki-ni-tch'a had often heard of him, and wanted to see him. It happened that Tche-lo came of his own accord to the palace. [481] The king promised to follow any advice he might give. Soon after this, the king's favorite wife had a difficult confinement, and Tohe-le delivered her of a dead male child. He advised the king not to touch this wife in future. His advice was not followed, and another child we delivered with the same pains as before. [482] Tobe-le therefore quitted the court and left the world.
There was a minister named Mo-tchono-lo (Mäfhara). He told Ki-ni-tch'a that, if he followed his advice without divulging it, all the earth would be subject to him, the eight "regions will take refugo in thy virtue." The king promised to do so ; the minister chose good generals, equipped the four forces, and the peoples of three regions were subdued. Then the king let out that he intended to conquer the northern region, [488] and his people, hearing this, took counsel among themselves : “The king is greedy, cruel and unreasonable; his campaigns "and frequent conquests have fatigued the mass of his servants. He cannot be contented : "he wants to reign over the four regions. The garrisons cover distant frontiers, and our "relations are far from us. As such is the case, we must all agree to get rid of him. After " that, we shall be able to be happy." As the king was ill, they put a blanket (couverture) over him; a man sat upon it, and the king expired at once.
Because he had heard Ma-ming (Ašvagbösha) expound the law, he was born as a thousandheaded fish in the great ocean; but, in consequence of his deeds, his heads were constantly cut off, and thus he was tortured horribly in successive existences for an unmeasurable time. There was, however, an arhat, who, among the monks, was the Wei-na (Rarmadana, bell-ringer). The king told him that, [484] while the bell was rung, bis sufferings were alleviated, and he asked the bhadanta in charity to prolong the ringing. This was done, and, at the end of seven days, the evil, which had lasted so long, ceased. On account of the king, the bell on top of this monastery was continually rang, and this practice is kept up now.
In a note [488] M. Lévi explains that the Karnatana was the ringer of the bells (hanļā) of convent. Cf. I-tsing, Les Religious éminents... trad. Chavannes, p. 89. As regards the hybrid transcription kei-na, W. I-tsing, A Record of Buddhist Practices ... trang. Takakusu, p. 148.
Supplementary Nute. Prom the "Journal Asiatique," July-Dec., 1897, pp. 627 f. M. Lévi here gives an additional story of Kanishka from the Pa-iner-tchou-lin (ch. 60: Japanese erl., boite 86, vol. 8, p. 14a), which cites as its source the Pi-po-cha-lun (Vibhäshabiatra composed by Katyayaniputra and translated into Chinese by Sanghabhūti in 888).

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OCTOBER, 19037 NOTES ON A COLLECTION OF STONE-IMPLEMENTS.
889
This story begins thus: - "Formerly Kia-ni-che-kia, king of Kien-t'o-lo (Gandhära), had "a door, all yellow, to his palace. He passed all his time in superintending household affairs "(affaires de l'intérieur) and hardly went out into the city and to the outside." Then follows the tale of some oxen he saw, which ends in saying: -"He charged a high functionary henceforth "to make known to him the outside affairs."
With reference to the "yellow door," ef. the "golden door" of the royal palace at Bhatgaon, in Oldfield : Sketches from Nipal, 1, 130, and Le Bon : Les monuments de l'Inde, fig. 869.
In answer to a doubt expressed by a friendly critic as to the identity of Ki-ni-tch'a and Kanishka, M. Lévi refers to the Itinéraire d'Ou-Kong (Journal Asiatique, July-Dec., 1895, p. 337) Ou-K'ong, or rather his mouthpiece, mentions briefly an episode related in detail by Hionen-tsang: he designates under the name of Ki-ni-tch's the king whom Hiouen-tsang calls Kia-ni-che-kia. Further, the Chenn-i-tien (bk. 77, fol. 44) relates the miraculous conversion of Kanishka in the same manner as Hiouen-taang (Mémoires, 1, 107), but substitutes the form Ki-ni-t'cha of our texts for the Kia-ni-che-kia of Hiouen-tsang.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON A COLLECTION OF STONE-IMPLEMENTS FROM LADAKH.
BY THE REV. A. H. FRANCKE. In the Spring Myth of the Kesar Saga (ante, Vol. XXXI. p. 39) I remarked that the Stone Age was not quite a matter of the past in Ladakh, and that remains of it were to be found there to the present day. Ladakh is still in many respects in the Stone Age, and a collection of genuine stone-implements still in use is to be made there withoat any difficulty. In fact, the articles included in the illustrations to this paper were collected without any great trouble within the space of three months.
The articles in this collection fall naturally into two groups. Those in common use, made ont of a soft serpentine or bacon-stone, the Speckstein of German, and those practically nover now used, made out of a hard granite or slate. Both varieties were collected readily.
In Plate I., Fig. 1, are shown articles made of the serpentine, and in Fr. 2 articles made of hard stone. I do not yet know exactly how the modern articles are worked up, but a good deal of skill is required in their manufacture, as I ascertained that the stone was not easily worked with even steel tools. They are nevertheless locally quite cheap in price, the larger vessels costing from six annas to a rupee and a half. The manufacturers are Baltis, who either make them in Baltistan and bring them to Ladakh for sale, or come to a hill called Do-ltog-ri near Wanla in Ladakh, where there is a suitable stone, and make them there. Of stone-implements not shown in the Plates attached, may be mentioned the following:1. Granite rectangular tables of the same shape and height from the ground as the
ordinary Ladakhi wooden tables. They are called rdo-chog, are about 8 incbes
from the ground, and are found in many houses. 2. Oil-press for expressing oil from apricot-kernels. The upper surface resembles
very flat dish with a mouthpiece. They are called tsig. 3. Granite chessboard for playing mig-mang, carved in heavy boulders. There is
one such near the Fort of Khalatee and another in the middle of the village. . 4. An Oblong granite “log” for breaking up firewood by beating.

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Description of the Plates.
Plate I., Fig. 1. Nos. 1 to 5. - These are stone-pots, called rdo-ltog. The special name of Nos. 1 and 2
is lung-tho, and of No. 5 is rdulu. The extreme width of No. 4 is 15 inches and the diameter of No. 5 is 5 inches. These pots are to be found in every house in
Khalatse, and are aged as kettles. Nos. 6 and 8. - These are lamps to be found in every house. No. 6 bears an ornament in
relief of the following pattern :--
No. 6 is 5 inches and No. 8 is 4 inches in length. These lamps are furnished with
wicks of wool burning in an oil made out of apricot-kernels. No. 7. - This is a spindle-whorl, called phang-lo. It is inch in diameter. No. 9. - This is the tobacco-holder of a hukka, called trob. The accompanying water
vessel is made of cow-horn, No. 10. - This is the ordinary butter-dish of Kbalatse, called mar-lug. Its length is
7 inches. No. 11. - This is a small cup closely resembling the usual wooden cup of Khalatse. It is
3 inches in diameter. Nos. 12 and 13. These are stone spoons, but No. 13 is made of slate. The handle is
bound round with strips of leather. I have seen spoons of serpentine beautifully worked up so as to represent the silver spoons of the rich Ladakhis, which are highly chased.
Plate I., Fig. 2. Nos. 1, 2, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16. - These are specimens of the old Ladakhi kalam, a kind of
blunt axe. Nog. 2 and 16 are halves only. The handles were of wood, and two such handles have been inserted in Nos. 11 and 14 to show how they were used. The kalam was really a rough piece of flat granite, through which a carefully polished hole was bored. Its use was, and probably still is, in secluded valleys, for breaking up dry wood for fuel, and for rooting up out of sandy soil the long woody roots of certain plants also used
for fuel. No. 13 is 6 inches in diameter. No. 15. - This is also a kalam, but it differs from the rest in being entirely polished. It
may be the blunted half of an axe that once had an edge, or even a hammer. Nos. 8 and 9.- These are edged stone axes with a very narrow perforation about half an
inch in diameter. But the tamarisk of Ladakh makes a very tough thin stick or
handle. The length of No. 9 is 7 inches. These axes are called rdo-star. Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.- These are stone knives called rdo-gri. The blade is of rough slate with
a natural edge. Only in one case have I seen any traces of polishing. The handles of the specimens illustrated are shown with their original leather fastenings. The length of No. 5 is 10 inches.
Find-Spots. Plate I., Fig. 1. - No. 9 came from Hanu, No. 13 from Nubra, the rest from Khalatee. Plate I., Fig. 2.- Nos. 1, 2, 10, 12, 13, 16, came from the store-rooms of inhabitants of Wanla.

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STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM LADAKH.
Plate I.
ارد
با ما
لا
ان
عالمية و
Fig. 1.
هم )II أده
باشه بسماحة
DR. F. E. SHAWE, PHOTO.
Fig. 2.
W. GRIGGS.

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STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM LADAKH.
DR. F. E. SHAWE, PHOTO.
Plate II.
The Boulder-mortar of Ladakh.
W. GRIGGS.

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Остовив, 1903.)
MUHAMMAD. HIS LIFE, &c.
No. 11 is from Khalatee, No. 14 from Skyin-gling, 7 miles distant from Khalatse. Nos. 3, 4, 5, are still in the store-rooms of Skyin-gling. Nos. 6, 7, 9, are from Nubra. Though out of daily use, these articles are still kept in store.
391
The Boulder-mortar of Ladakh.
In Plate II, is shown one boulder out of many in Leh, used by the people as a mortar for their daily wants. That in the illustration contained one small and five large mortar holes, the largest being 15 inches deep and shaped like the small end of an egg. The smallest is only two or three inches deep and hemispherical. The others vary from 8 to 12 inches in depth and in sphericity.
These boulder-mortars are called 'og-stun, and the pestle for using them gong-stun. In the illustration a man is shown in the act of using a boulder-mortar.
MUHAMMAD. HIS LIFE. BASED ON THE ARABIC SOURCES.
BY DR. HUBERT GRIMME, PROFESSOR AT THE UNIVERSITY OF FREIBURG.
(Translated by G. K. Nariman.)
Prefatory Notes.
THE following relation of Muhammad's life, which forms a necessary complement to the exposition of his doctrines, is based throughout on original sources published either in the Orient or the Occident, and in which, so far as I know, all information worth having has been exhaustively set forth. In utilizing these sources, I have partly followed lines other than those along which most of my predecessors had proceeded, and, in consequence, I have been more often than not unable to share their views.
In respect of the traditional literature I consider an attitude of caution absolutely requisite. No one can question that the earlier collections of the traditions offer much that is genuine and indispensable to an historical outline of the life of the Prophet. Yet it is equally indubitable that into no province, of literature is deliberate falsehood worked up with so much unblushing effrontery as here. But we are still far from possessing a method or test which should differentiate the spurious from the true with infallible certainty: a number of independent investigations on the compilations, authorities, contents and forms of the traditions is necessary to this end. Nevertheless individual explorers must still fall back each upon his own subjective judgment. And one cannot penetrate too far back to the fons et origo in order to clear the ground of the prevailing perversions. Besides, alongside of distorted versions of events the Ahadith embody much, too much, trivial matter, which, be it authentic or imaginary, is at all events immaterial to history. What, for instance, avails it to us, who do not participate in the Moslem's ever retrospective and imitative instinct, to know how the Prophet made his toilet, to what dishes he was particularly partial, or what pet-names he bestowed upon his favourite horses, asses, and camels? Finally all the traditions suffer from the besetting and inherent evil that they reflect only the spirit of the Medina, and never the earlier Mecca, epoch of Islam. This would still remain the greatest abiding defect, should we be even able to trace with tolerable precision the falsification and mutilation of facts to the latter-day court theologians or to the garrulous loquacity of the original biographers.
If, therefore, we had to depend solely on the Ahadith for an account of the life of Muhammad, we should be in a predicament similar to that of the thirsty wanderer in the desert, who catches sight, not of water, but of the delusive mirage. Happily, however, a strong spring of veracity bubbles up for us in the Qoran, and I have endeavoured to turn it to the best account. Not, however, that even here there is no need of circumspection. The difficulty is not the question

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whether the Qorán be essentially authentic, A question which I believe must be answered in the affirmative, nor yet the form of its text which has been preserved and transmitted to us from Muhammad's down to our own times without important variants, but the sequence and the elucidation of its chapters. For any one who would examine into the life and teachings of Muhammad it is imperative to construct a new order of the Súras, the best works on the subject like Nöldeke's Geschichte des Corans not claiming to have arrived at definite, or conclusive results. In treating the Meccan Súras the critical scholar has to weigh with the minute accuracy of a goldsmith the use of certain words and turns of expression with a view to ascertaining the gradual development of the dogma of Islam. But as regards the Medina Stras, whose text is accompanied with commentaries apparently replete with correct explanations, be must beware of placing too implicit a reliance in these ready-made glosses. The text calls for research, and that in passages where the Moslem exegete appears fully sanguine. It will be universally conceded, therefore, that it is time we overleaped the fence of scholia raised by the Moslems round their sacred book.
A word touching the works consulted in the preparation of this life of Muhammad. Of the several prominent authors, who are, as a rule, quoted from their editions published in the West, I have at my disposal only Oriental impressions, and I refer to them only. I have drawn, inter alia, upon : Bukhari, Sahib, Kahira 1299 A.H.; Baidhawi with the Jelalain on the margin, Constantinople 1303 A. H.; Ibn Athir, Kamil, Kahira 1303 A. H.; Masudi, Muraj-ud-Dhalab, on margin of Ibn-el-Athir, Vols. I.-X.; Ibn-Kotaiba, Kitab-el-Maarif, Kahira 1300. A. H. Wakidi I have used in the abridged translation of Wellhaugen. - THE AUTHOR.
CHAPTER L. Political Condition of Arabia at the end of the sixth Century. From the political point of view the palmy days of Arabia were over with the expiry of the sixth Christian century. The independence of yore yielded to the mighty forces at work from withont. In a few parts of the peninsula the old order almost completely changed, giving place to the new. The ancient civilization of the Sabeans or Southern Arabs survived, but their dominions passed into the hands of the Abyssinians as a prize of war in 525 A. D. The national strength was not adequate to get rid of these hereditary foes, and Persia found a tempting opportunity to interfere in the struggle for freedom. The country was doobtless evacuated by the Axumites, but was converted into a Persian satrapy. From all sides almost, Central Arabia fell within the sphere of Persian influence. The north-eastern marches, with the pastore fields of the Lower Euphrates and the territory of the kings of Bira, had long since sunk into a state of vassalage to the Persians. The east coast, from Bahrein to Oman, was a tributary of the same power. Kinda, which bade fair to be a national kingdom, was soon subverted. And the possession of South Arabia, with its important commercial emporia, completed the circuit. Meanwhile in the north-west the great rival of the Sarsapian Empire, East Rome, strained every nerve to plant its foot farthest into the interior of Arabia. Tho greatest portion of the ancient Nabatean monarchy, that extraordinary product of Arab mercantile spirit and Græco-Aramaic culture, which had extended from the gräberstadt of Hijr to Petra and Damascus, was under the secure supremacy of Byzantium, and constituted its province of Arabia with Bastra for its capital. A House of Arab princes, the Ghassanides, were the wardens of the marches. They at once kept back the marauding bands of the autocrats of Hira and the Sassanides, and overawed the Bedouins of the desert.
Thus only the tribes of Hijaz, Nejd, and Yemama had contrived to continue their independence from remote antiquity. But there was nothing to act as a common lodestone of national interests or prejudices on them all alike,-a deficiency which, in the case of Hijaz, even the trading city of Mecca, carrying on commerce between Yemen and Syria and the Kaphrates, could ill-supply.

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Religious Condition. But the cultured peoples of Arabia were not only deprived of their political authority, but had lost their ancient religion as well. Here, as everywhere else in antiquity, government and cultus, dependence on the fatherland and the deities native to the soil, had one and the same root. With the enfeeblement of the Sabean monarchy the great South Arabian gods Athar and Almagah began to decline, and the Jewish encountered the Christian propaganda before the gigantic temples of the Sabeans. Judaism was benefited by the stroggle - how, it has not been explained; bat, according to the tradition, in consequence of the destruction of Jerusalem, the Jews pressed into the south of the Peninsula, and, countenanced by the local ralers, leavened vast masses of people with notions of monotheism. Christianity was grafted in Arabia from East Rome, and was further professed by the Abyssinians. (Philostorgeus, 111, 4.) But the national bias against the Gospel was a heavy obstacle to its propagation, whereas Judaism passed for a state-supported movement. It was therefore an advantage to the sporadio Christian colonies of Najran, Aden, &c., that the Khosroes were the lords of the land, because the latter conferred their favour and patronage on their Christian subjects and chiefly on the Nestorians, Christianity developed fresh vitality in the North Arabian lands, acknowledging the overlordship of East Rome, such as the principality of Hausn. Whilst, on the other hand, the Hebrew faith conuted its professors among the heathers of Hijaz and in numerous ancient settlements like Medina, Wadi'l Kora, Khaiber, and Taima.
The religion of the Arabs, who owed allegiance to do sovereign authority, was in * primitive stage of evolution. It is difficult to credit them with the conception of great ultraterrestrial gods. On the contrary, they had no small number of tribal and household deities who haunted certain places and objects, e. g. statnes, trees, and stones. The more trivial the conception of the gods became the more terrible grew the potency of many-named Fate as pictured to itself by the Arab imagination, yet generally the gods formed no important factor in the Arab's public life. Hencarcely ever kindled into ecstasy over ther. Of the thousand upon thuusand verses beqneathed to us, not one contains any encominm of them. The people swore by them and transmitted their memories from generation to generation in mutilated proper names. Time-honoured oblations of the field-produce and of the surplus of cattle were offered as tribute to them. At appointed seasons the more famous fanes were visited by the devotees, who burlesqued ceremonies which had long since ceased to be intelligible. But the season festivals continued to be held through the necessity of meeting together for the exchange of conimodities And these were facilitated by the sacred plot of ground round each sanctuary, within the confines of which everbody was perfectly secure from barm. The shrives expanded into immense markets, where the spirtual as well as temporal wares of the Arabs were burtered. In course of time the palm of commercial superiority was assigned to Mecca. Its importance to all Hejaz it owed to the magnet of its holy place which was presumably the oldest portion of the town. The sanctuary famed as the bait (house), or the kaoba (cube), occupied a position precisely in the middle of a valley running from north to south, and approached only by three pisses. An uncouth stone structure of a cubical shape, probably
(Khushan I., surnamed Adosbarvan (the immortal), not only "did not oppress bis Christian subjects so long as they remained law-abiding, but be directly supported their cult and extended this treatmer:t, not be the Nestoriads alono, but to the Monophysites, who were more clorely allied with the (rival) Rutcan Empire than the Néstorians. Apostasy from the State religion (Zeroastrianism) was unsbed with the extreme peralty of the law according to time-honored usage, and promilytizing of the faithful was naturally strictly prohibi'ed: but when the monopbyeite Abbot Abuderumeh, who was munificently helped in the construction of a cloister by the king, baptised his own , who then flew to the Romane, all the penalty awarded to the offending priest was twou onths' mild inanceration, which admitted of his free intercourse with his disciples ...... Aud Khoshran was no weakling; he was energetio even to bellicone ruthlessnese." - Noldeke, Anaitre pur Persischen Geschichte. -T..) ? The ancient names of Meccs are Bekks And Nassa. -Tabari, I. 1132.
Al-Bekri, Geogr. Lexicon. p. 56. El-Kalli says men came here on pilgrimages, but soon after diepered themselves, so that Mooca, or, properly speaking, the neighbourhood of the fane, romained upoccupied by men.

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statues is the inside ; in the wall a dark sacred stone ;* and around the temple an unpretentious circuit marked out for the purpose of circumambulation, such was the renowned Kanba. A single fount belonging to Mecca, the Zemzem, rises inside the enclosure of the temple, and is of course hallowed by its propinquity to the sanctum and its utility to the city.
Mooca and its Importance. The credit of directing the trade of West and Central Arahia into the sterile rocky vale, scantily supplied with water, is due to the practical ingenuity of a branch of the Kenana called the Koreish, who had settled down in the environs of the Kaaba. Although the adoration of the deity in the Meccan temple had been crystallized, an in all other fades, into an inane formula, the Koreish took care to celebrate with much éclat and solemnity the festival of the temple which fell annually during the month Dhu'l Hija. They provided for the reception, sojourn, and safety of the pilgrims, and embraced within the enclosure of the festivities the holy hamlets of Mina and Muzdalaifa, and a haram of sacred piece of ground. No other religions solemnization, indeed, of Central Arabis could compete with that held at Mecca. The yearly inundations of many thousand pilgrims were shrewdly utilized as so many avenues of commercial gain. The desert Arabs were afforded opportunity on these occasions to purchase their stock of necessaries to last a year. And the wealth which flowed into Mecca availed ita citizens to monopolize the caravan traffic of the west coast.
The rise of the Koreishite power promoted a sense of united counsel and combined enterprise foreign to most Arabs. The various clans and families, dwelling each in its own suburb, did not indeed go the length of submitting their private differences to a common tribunal, but for the regulating of public affairs a central anthority was created consisting of the representatives of the leading families. The mala met and deliberated in the council. house, not far from the Kaaba, known as the Dar-en-Nadwa, which was erected by their reputed ancestor Kosai. The matters which came on for disposal before the wasembly referred to questions affecting war and domestic policy, the rearing of the martial standard, and adoption of matrimonial alliances. Yet. doubtless, the annual despatch of Caravans, of which at least two (one in winter, one in summer) were of paramount importance, was also committed to the joint deliberations of the mala. For the mercantile trips were nearly always of the nature of joint-ventures, in which the different families, each proportionately to its means and prosperity, had something at stake. Perchance the neighbours, too, participated, like those of Tajf situate eastward in the mountains. Through this commercial institution Meccs had outstripped all other tribal settlements, and could be accounted the only city worthy of the name in Central Arabia.
The Prophet's Birth and Childhood. Muhammad," the religious and political reformer of Arabin, came of the Meccan family of Bent Hashim, numbered neither amongst the greatest nor the most illustrious of the city. The year of his birth lies in obscurity. Tradition places it in 571 A, 1. His father, Abd Allah bin Abd el Muttalib, died before the child saw the light. Amina, the mother, survived
. On the stone-cult in ancient Arabia, so Doughty, Travel in Arabia Deserta, p. 180. • Beladhari, p. 52. • The expresion "double oity," sera 48, 30, indicates the close connection between the two cities. TI.., the highly praised.
. [The most influential families in Mubammad's time in Mooon were the Makham and the Abd-Shame Nöldelce, Das Leben Muhammad's. 9. - TR.)
. According to the tradition he was born in the year in which Abraha, a Christian prince of Yemen, invaded Mocca, the expedition, however, came to Denght, a fearful epidemie having broken out in his army, Muhammad's mother is said to bare ontrusted the child, according to the ctitom of the Koreshites, to Beduin woman for a few years, in order to nurse him in the malutary air of the desert, but even this seemingly anthentie Giroumstance is called in question by Bpringer with cogent argumenta, praotiae, -Nölduke, op. cit. p. 11. See also for exhaustive details, Muir, op. cit. oi, T..]

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till the sixth birth-day of Muhammad. The next two years were spent under the fostering care of Abd-el-Muttalib, the grandfather. At his decease Muhammad, now eight years old, was taken into the guardianship of his uncle Abu Taleb (Abd Menaf), an elder brother of Ab Allah. The uncle brought him up to man's estate, The multitude of circumstantial accounts of the future Prophet's early days have no value for us being, as they are, gratuitous fabrications or tortuous narratives wrested out of passages in the Qorán. The sole authentic testimony to Muhammad's childhood is imbedded in Súra 98, 38: --
Thy Lord did not abase thee, nor despised,
Yet the next world shall be better for thee than this,
And thy Lord will endow thee with content.
Did He not find thee an orphan, and yet gave thee shelter?
He found thee astray and conducted thee aright,
And He found thee needy and has enriched thee.
395
From the above we derive the certainty that Muhammad was an orphan in his youth, that he was reared a heathen, and that only after tiding over a period of straitened circumstances he attained to competence. The latter change was apparently brought about by his first marriage. When he was made a sound merchant by Abu Taleb, and had taken part in several journeys undertaken for purposes of trade, especially to Syria, a rich Meccan widow, named Khadija, who had learnt to appreciate his assiduity and attentions, gave him her hand in marriage. Five and twenty years of age, Muhammad united himself to Khadija, aged 40.10 He was noted for his newly-acquired fortune- no mean distinction for a Meccan-as much as he had been distinguished by the superiority of his character which had won for him the honoured sobriquet of Amin or the Faithful. Khadija bore him two sons and four daughters, Kasim, Abd Allah,11 Rukaiya, Umm Kulthara, Zainab and Fatima. The sons died in infancy.12 In pursuance of an Arab custom Muhammad got his surname of Abu'l Kasim, father of Kasim, from the name of his eldest boy.
Thus he arrived at mature manhood without having anywise made himself conspicuous among his fellow-burghers. There was nothing extraordinary in him; nothing foreshadowing unusual good fortune. Even the later traditions, which riot in fables, dare not smuggle into the years of travel uncommon traits bespeaking coming greatness. The improbable incident of the part of arbiter, which an accident called upon Muhammad to play, when the Kaaba was reconstructed, serves at best as a proof of his judicious tact, but not of any unique intellectual gift,13
Muhammad grew to be full forty years of age-a man like all other men. Then, however, as is the usual Oriental phenomenon, he struck into the path of miracles and visions and was straightway metamorphosed into a spiritual being, who held communion with God Himself and founded and spread a new religion!
This naive version is given expression to in a variety of traditions, which, as a connected whole as given by Ibn Ishaq, the best of the earlier biographers of Muhammad, may be summarised as under.
10 [Khadija's father had set his face against marrying his daughter to a penny less youth like Muhammad, who had long out-grown the age when marriage could be decently celebrated. But Khadija plied the old man with wine and extorted his consent. When he was sober, it was too late to mend matters, and eventuaily Muhamad's relatives succeeded in pacifying the father, whose wrath had threatened to terminate in bloodshed. Nöideke, op. cit. 14-TR.]
11 [According to Nöldeke (op. cit. 15), the original and real name of the boy was Abd Manaf, which, literally, means slave of the (god) Manaf, and therefore clearly shows that Muhammad at the birth of the child was still an idolater. He adds that Abd Allah is a later invention.TR.] See Mas'udi, V, 9.
13 [Verily, "he who hates thee shall be childless" (Súra 10.). -"his," says Palmer (8. B. F. IX. 343), "is directed against As ibn Wail, who, when Muhammad's son El Qasim died, called him Ablar, which means 'docktailed,' i. s., childless."-TR.]
13 [The story is as interesting as it is apocryphal. See Muir, op. cit. 23. Ta.)
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Muhammad's inspirations began in this, that he saw "true" visions in sleep; visions which stole on bim like the first glow of the dawn. Next he was seized with an ungovernable passion for solitude. He was wont to pass every year a long month on Hira, a hill near Mecca, and there practise, after the vogue of the heathen Meccans, the rite known as the tahannyth.14 At the end of the month he would go through the sacred ceremony of encircling the Kaabs and return home. In the first year of the "revelation," in the month of Ramadhan, he had once more left Mecca with his family, when one night the angel Jibril (Gabriel) approached him at God's command with a piece of writing and cried : Read. Muhammad did not obey and replied "I do not read."'16 Upon this the visitant pressed him so bard that he thought he would succumb. The angel repeated his demand a second time, and a second time Muhammad stuck to his refusal. But at last he was pleased to interrogate: “What must I read ?" Jibril recited : Read in the name of thy Lord who created - man from clotted blood created - read thy Lord is the richest in honour - who taught with the pen - taught men what they knew not." (Súra 96.)
Muhammad repeated it and the angel vanished. He awoke from his trance, rushed out into the open, ran np the middle of the hill, where again his ear was assailed by a voice, "O Muhammad tbou art the Apostle of God and Jibril am I." Wrapt in wonderment at this apocalypse he stood rooted to the spot, till found by some men whom Khadija had sent after him.
With a throbbing heart Muhammad confided to his wife his experience of the apparition, and received in reply words of comfort and encouragement. Waraka bin Naufal, kinsman of Khadija, who had perused the holy books of the Christians and Jews, and who was himself a Christian convert 16 gave it as his conviction that the great Nomos, which had descended on Moses, was now sent down to Mubammad. Soon after, Muhammad, quitting Hira, was encompassing the Kaaba, when Naufal predicted to the Prophet that he would be decried and persecuted.
From the familiar's now frequently visiting Mubanımad, the wise Khadija argued his genuineness. Ho must be an angel indeed, and no shaitan or satan. She professed herself his first believer and laboured to persuade the Prophet out of his uneasy misgivings.17
To the intense annoyance of Muhammad for a time the apparition or revelation' ceased, but at last Jibril, once more appearing, announced the commencensent of an era of grace with the 93rd Sira. At the same time the Prophet was charged with the duty of prayer, the good spirit coming down every day and training him to punctual devotions at stated hours.
The above is a synopsis of the narrative of Ibn Ishaq. He, too, is no original writer in a strict sense of the term. He goes to work with scissors and paste to harmonise the discrepancies between the elder and the latter-day tradition, as collected by Bukhari, Muslim, &c. But it can be redicated of his and all other accounts of Muhammad's first revelations, no matter whether they are manufactured wholesale or are simply touched up by later chroniclers, that they have next to no value for us and conduce to no trustwori hy exposition of Islam in the nascent stages. Let alone the fact that the outlines in them can be rejected without exte, sive research, as the result of a Qoranic exegesis, either superticisl or tortuous and lar-fetched, the ground is cut away from under their feet by the circnmstances that none of the authors of these relations were in a position to correctly know the events as they happened. Among the so-called authorities we miss all along the old Meccan companions of Muhammad, and this locuna cannot be bridged over by the ples.santries and gossip of even the most favourite of Muhammaul's Blouses, Aiysha, whose name is a apled with the most
* No satisfactory explanation of the term is forthcoming, bot sne Baklari, 1.4 18 Not an inability to read, but refowl to do so underlies Muhammad's reply. ** (Nöldeke is inclined to hold that Waraka was a convert to Judaism. - TR.)
11 (Muhammad was tormented with the ballucination that he was possessed with demoniac spirit and was driven to the verge of laying violent hands on himself. cf. the received authorities, Weil, Sprenger, Muir, Nöldeke. -T..]

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esteemed traditions. Still, if the testimony of the earliest oomrades is not forthcoming, we bave that of the Qorán - a testimony which is authentio and not buried in a mass of apocrypha.
Primitivo Islam based on Social Beform. Now since the testimony of Moslem tradition is extremely doubtful, we shall do well to have solved by Muhammad himself the problem of the origin of the Islamic movement and the circumstances in particular under which Muhammad set out on bis career as the founder of a religion, that is, in other words, with the help of the intimation the Prophet affords us in his Qorán.
No idea or view in the Qorán is inculcated with such sustained insistence as that the Book was the reproduction or recapitulation of supernatural revelation, to proclaim which to the world Muhammad was appointed by God. The manner and mode of this apocalypse is represented in varying images and concepts not lacking a certain air of the mysterious about them. Nevertheless it is not claimed for these inspired divalgations that they are without a precedent or parallel, and that Muhammad, as the messenger of the divine commands and prohibitions, occupied en unique unexampled position in the scheme of creation. On the contrary, the Qorán witnesses to several personages of Arab and non-Arab descent, who were the recipients of the written word of God, the 80-called Kitáb; and in virtue of the writing vouchsafed to bimself, Muhammad seems to have regarded himself, not as a superhuman being, but only as a link in the chain of divinely-favoured men. Besides, the times in which he lived evince striking instances of the phenomenon of prophetic vocation assumed by Muhammad. There was a class of men of an extraordinary mental disposition, whose proclivities, to our thinking, bordered upon hallucination. In this connection an inscription, which, along with several others constituting a group, has been recently brought to light,18 is worthy of notice. The peculiarity of these stone-out writinge consists in their manifestly monotheistic tone, in which we fail to discover any specifio Jewish or Christian traite. The age of the inscriptions may, with certainty, be fixed at the middle of the fifth century; but they may be even of a later origin. They embody prayers in a style greatly akin to the Qoranic diction and addressed to Rahman or the Merciful, imploring his forgiveness for Eins committed, and his acceptance of the offered sacrifices and desiring that he would grant revelations if the interpretation here does aot err - and unfold the future to the faithful. This lends probability to the assumption that in South Arabia there prevailed a monotheistio soot, socording to whose tenets God favoured the men who offered prayers to Him with revelations, though we are left in the dark relative to the mode and the import of such celestial communications. It must have been an analogous notion or belief, with which people were actuated or inspired in Muhammad's age in various localities of Mid and South Arabia, and which expressed itself in pretensions to divine communion. Of these pretenders, the prophet of Yemama, called Maslama, whom the Moslems derisively stigmatized the "diminutive," excites special interest. His teachings, which bear a peculiar and rational stamp of their own, and by no means contain all the doctrines of Islam, argue that he was no shallow and sheer imitator of Muhammad. Ibn Hisham (p. 189) says that so early as in the pre-Meccan period the small Maslama was known as the preceptor of the Prophet, which, if a fact, would demonstrate that Maslama's prophetic calling began before Muhammad's. Besides, there arose in the tribe of Aus a prophet El-Aswad by name, who carried with him a large part of Yemen. Further, there aroge a prophetess called Sagah, in whose character, as well as in that of El-Aswad, we come upon many a feature reminiscent of Muhammad. They consider themselves inspired, but whether their claim was based on imitation of Muhammad's pretensions, who had set up as God's mouthpiece much earlier, is an obscure point.
Finally, the systein of the Kabing, divination, which was flourishing mainly in South Arabia, was, As Wellhausen (Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. III. 133) properly observes, rooted in the popular belief or fallacy that demons or supra-terrestrial existences utilized certain among men as the organs through whom to announce the future. And we have handed down to us aphorismg of Kahins, in which they speak directly in the first person of the Deity.
# Wiener Zeitechrift für Kunde du Morgenlands, 1896, p. 285, reg.

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Muhammad's olaim, therefore, to divine inspiration, viewed at in the light of his own generation, cannot be held something out of the common and astonishing. When, however, he voiced his call to prophecy with moral earnestness and impressed the circle of his first proselytes with a spirit of ethical rigidity, it was not due so much to his so-called inspiration as the singular nature of the contents of his previsionary outpourings. For, while the clairvoyance of the Kahins concerned itself with the conditions of private life and touching matters of secondary moment, while Maslama's gift of prognostication was occupied with homilies and rules for the conduct of life, while that of El-Aswad to a great extent subserved political interests, Muhammad evinced the aim and ultimate purpose of his afflatus in announcing in barning words, to those around him, the "meno-tekel" of an approaching doomsday. This doctrine of the Judgment Day, which starts with the resurrection of the dead and ends with the division of the human race, one part being assigned the region of eternal felicity, the other the seat of the flaming abyss of inferno - this doctrine of the last day Muhammad shared with the Jewish-Christian concept of the same. But with him it is invested with a certain originality in that he contemplates it through the vision of prescience and proclaims it in the poetic phraseology of the Kabine.
The inculcation of the doctrine of doomsday is the pivot on which turns the entire system of primitive Islam. It was calculated to strike terrifying awe into the minds of his audience, to permanently turn towards and fix their thoughts on God, and to purge their demeanour in practical life of the barbarous taint of beathenism. Those who acknowledged the Judge of creation must abandon all belief in the Arabian gods of old. The omnipotence of the Lord of mankind and the worlds had no point of contact with the circumscribed power of the beathen deities, male and female. The former ruled over the latter, who were merely his subordinate creatures, if not empty inanities.
The oldest components of the Qorán lay more stress, on moral obligations than on dogmatic verities, for therein resided the source of internal purification and preparation for the world to come. Prayers were such a source, good works in a higher degree so, but alms was reckoned the supreme fount of purification. Even this precept at the first blush appears to possess slender title to originality, since it was formulated by Judaism and Christianity prior to Muhammad's toaching. The Jews had the identical term sakat to connote," means of purification." But it does not, therefore, follow that the Prophet borrowed it from Judo-Christianity, and, se to say, translated it into Arabic. The preacher of Meoca knew so little about Christians and Jews that, long after his first apparition, he still assumec a sympathiser and supporter in every Jew and Christian and in consequence expected that the truth of his teaching would be corroborated and countenanced by both.16 Ner was it till after his entry on the Medina period that he came in personal intercourse with the followers of both these relegions and learnt of the principles of their faith which divided them from Islam. Accordingly, what is apparently of Judo-Christian origin in Muhammad's first evaogel he must doubtless have acquired in an indirect or roundabout way; and the intermediary must be sought in the circle of those men whom Moslem tradition designates Hanits, and further describes as settlers in diverse places of Central Arabia, Mecca, &c. They were inclined to eschew the immemorial Arabian idolatry and the sacrificial feasts, to worship instead the God of Abraham, to đenonnce social abuses like the burying alive of new-born infants, and lastly to devote themselves to an ascetic mode of life. It will be evident therefore that we have to look upon the Hanife of mid-Arabis as the exponents of a monotheistio community arison on the confines of Christianity and Judaism.
In Hanifism, however, Muhammad saw but a preliminary step towards the sanctuary of his new dogma. He did not style himself a Hanif, and confined the epithet almost exclusively to Abraham. The consciousness, probably, of himself being a Prophet raised him above the relatively insignificant status of Hanif, and he was actuated by the ambition to see the reverence paid to him by his disciples deepen and to bring that awful homage in line with the circumstances amid
19 SAra 10, 94; 26, 19; 28, 52.

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which he was placed in Mecca. For it was in Mecca that his keen observation spied out the numerous evils of time-honoured vogue, which were corroding society and were crying the loudest for reform. A class of affluent inhabitants, who had the monopoly of money and market, was opposed to the indigent many, whose faces it ground with relentless cruelty. The heaviest indictments and attacks in the Qorán are directed against this aristocracy, who were prompted by their insatiate passion for lucre, and who perpetrated frand with false weights and measures. Against them are contrasted the famishing poor, the mendicants that are spurned, the orphans who are defrauded, and the slaves who in vain straggle for manumission or ransom.20 This social atmosphere of Mecca, as delineated by the Prophet, enables us to comprehend bow Muhammad's first exhortations placed the advancement of practical piety at the head of the duties incumbent upon the faithful who feared the Judgment Day, and why he recommended eleemosynary gifts as the sine qua non of spiritual purification. Nevertheless, that this cleansing of the soul was so prescribed as to be solely dependent upon the free will and the unfottered action of the individual is a characteristic feature of the primitive Islam. "Let him who will adopt the path leading to his Lord" (Súra 76, 29). At this period the doctrines of the limitations to salvation, election and predestination as yet were not propounded. The hopes entertained were too fervid and the success obtained against the bad world too rapid for the introduction of such circumscribing innovations.
Then, with this programme, behold Muhammad standing at the commencement of his mission. What is novel and what imparts greatness to the initial stage of his career is that he unites in one person the ecstatio Kahin and the ascetio Hanit, the preacher of the gospel of doomsday and the enthusiastic social reformer.
(To be continued.)
GOETHE.
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
Translated from German Poets. BY PROTESBOB C. CAPPELLER, PH.D., JENA.
(Continued from p. 308.) Great and small.
30 Wisst ihr, wie auch der Kleine was ist P Er mache das Kleine Recht; der Grosse begehrt just so das Grosse zu thun.
अल्पोप पात्रत्तामेति सम्यकुर्वन्यदल्पकम् । एतेनैव प्रकारेण यन्महस्कुरुते महान् ।। alpo 'pi påtratâm êti samyak kurvan yad alpakam êténaiva prakarna yan mahat kuratê mabận 11
31 Wenn einer sich wohl im Kleinen deucht, So denke, der hat was Grosses erreicht.
GOETHE. स्वल्पे वस्तुनि कस्मिंश्चित्परितुष्यति यो नरः । .
अनेनैव महत्किंचिदवापीति विभाति मे॥ svalpe vastuni kasmimschit paritushyati yo narah anênsiva mahat kimchid avâpiti vibhâti mê
» Sara 102, 1, 100, 8, 83, 1, 80, 16 ; sluo 107, 4, 80, 1.

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[OCTOBER, 1908.
89 Mit leichtem Muthe knüpft der arme Fischer Den kleinen Nachen an im sichern Port, Sieht er im Sturm das grosse Meerschiff stranden.
SCHILLER, लघूडपं प्रसत्रात्मा तीरे बनाति धीवरः ।
नावं सुमहतीं पश्यन्भज्यमाना महार्णवे॥ lsghadapan prasannätmå tirs badhnati dhivarab! návam sumabatir pagyan bhajyamknath maharņave 11
33 . Nicht jeder wandelt dar gemeine Stege: Du siehst, die Spinnen banen luftge Wege. GOETHE. न क्षुद्रोपि जनो नित्यं नीचारम्भणतस्परः।
उचैःस्थानेषु लूताभिर्वभ्यन्ते पश्य तन्तवः ॥ nakshudrd 'pi jand nityan nichArambhanatatparah | uchchaiḥsthandshu lätâbbir badhyante pasya tantavaḥ II
84 Frei von Tadol zu sein ist der niedrigste Grad und der höchste : Denn nur dio Ohnmacht führt oder die Gröso dazu.
जघन्यां च गति विदि परमां च विदोषताम् । तस्या यषिमा हेतुः शीलस्य महिमाथवा ॥ jaghanya cha gatim viddhi param Am cha vidoshatam tasya yal laghima betah aflasya mahimathava 11
Of. Subhdshitdvali 1925.
SCHILLER
35
NICOLAI. NICOLA
Die Sterne sankten sich, wer grössres Licht verbreite ; Die Sonne stieg : ans war es mit dem Streite. ताराभिः स्पर्धमानाभिर्मम ज्योतिर्महत्तरम् । इति स्यक्तो विवादोऽसावुदये तीक्ष्णमालिनः॥ tárábbiḥ spardhamânâbhir mama jydtir mahattaram iti tyakto vivado sáv adaye tikshamalinah H
. C. Drishtantai. 94.
36
Völker verraschen, Namen verklingen; Pinstre Vergessenheit Breitet die dunkelnachtonden Schwingen Ueber ganze Geschlechter aus.

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OCTOBEL, 1908]
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
401
Aber der Fürsten Einsame Häupter Glänzen erhellt, Und Aurora berührt sie Mit den ewigen Strahlen, Als die ragenden Gipfel der Welt.
SCHILLER. नश्यन्ति तितयो जनाश्च बत रे वंशाश्च नामानि च क्षिप्रं विस्मृतितामसी जनपदान्व्यामोति सान्द्रा भुवि । ईशानां तु यशांसि भान्ति विरलं शृङ्गाणि भूमेरिव स्पृष्टान्यर्कमरीचिभिः समुदितैः स्मर्तव्यशोभानि च ॥ nasyanti kshitayð janâs cha bata rê vamsiis cha námâni cha kshiprami vismrititámasî janapadân vyápnoti sândra bhuvi isânám tu yasamsi bhậnti viralan spingâại bhimêr iva sprishţâny arkamarichibhiḥ kamuditail, smartavya bhani cha 11
Lords and Servants.
37
GOETHE.
Mit einem Herren steht es gut,
Der was er befohlen selber thut. भर्तुरेवंविधस्यैव कार्यसिद्धिर्भविष्यति ।
यो यदाज्ञापयामास भृत्यवत्कुरुते स्वयम्॥ bhartur eranvid basyaisa kâryasiddhir bhavishyati yo yad ajõâpayamasa bhityavat kurutê svayam II
38
GOETHE.
Wer ist ein unbranch barer Mann P Wer nicht befehlen und auch nicht gehorchen kann, अमुं कुपुरुषं मन्ये यो नाज्ञापयितुं स्वयम् । न च शुश्रूषितुं वाचं साधूनामध्यवस्यति ।। amun kupurusham manyé yê najñúpayitum svayam Da cha gusrüsbitum vacham sadhûnám adhyavasyati ||
39
Mancher liegt schon lang im Grabe und beherrscht noch diese Wolt; Unterdessen schläft der andre, der zum Herrschen ist bestellt. W. MÜLLER
कश्चिच्छास्ति गुणोत्कर्षान्महीं चिरमृतोपि सन् । साम्राज्ये स्थापितो यावदन्यो मुह्यति निद्रया ॥ kalchich chhasti gaņotkarshan mahirin chirampit/ 'pisan samrajye sthapitó yávad anyo muhyati nidray 11

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40
Aber wenn sich die Fürsten befehden, Müssen die Diener sich morden und tödten; Das ist die Ordnung, so will es das Recht,
अन्योन्यं वेदसूयन्ति विद्विषन्ति च पार्थिवाः । व्यतित्रान्ति प्रजास्तेषामिति धर्मों व्यवस्थितः ॥
anyo 'nyam chêd asûyanti vidvishanti cha pârthivâḥ I vyatighnanti prajâs têshâm iti dharmô vyavasthitaḥ II
41
Entzwei und gebiete! tüchtig Wort. Verein und leite! bessrer Hort.
वरं मित्रोपलम्भेन प्रखेतुं साधुना पथा ।
न तु शत्रूपजापेन शासितुं विवशाः प्रजाः ॥ varam mitropalambhêna prapêtum sâdhunâ pathâ 1 na tu satrûpajâpêna sasitum vivasah prajaḥ
Friends and Foes. 42
Wer Freunde sucht, ist sie zu finden werth; Wer keinen hat, hat keinen noch begehrt.
[OCTOBER, 1903.
मित्रमिच्छति यो लब्धुं स मित्रं प्राप्नुमर्हति । यस्य नो सन्ति मित्राणि न मित्राययन्वियेष सः ॥ mitram ichchhati yô labdhum sa mitram prâptum arhati | yasya no santi mitrâni na mitrâny anviyêsha saḥ II
43 Der sei dir nicht erkiest,
Der Freund ihm selbst nicht ist;
Wer Freund ihm selbst nur ist, Der sei dir nicht erkiest.
SCHILLER.
आत्मनो नास्ति यन्मित्रं तस्य मान्विष्य सौहृदम् । न चाप्येष सुहृत्कार्यः प्रिय आत्मन एव यः ॥
âtmanô nâsti yan mitram tasya mânvishya sauhṛidam na châpy êsha subṛit kâryah priya átmana êva yaḥ II 44
GOETHE.
LESSING.
LOGAU.
Wenn die Armuth durch die Thüre kommt geschlichen in das Haus,
Stürzt auch schon die falsche Freundschaft aus dem Fenster sich heraus. W. MÜLLER.
यदा विशति दारिद्र्यं द्वारे शनकैर्गृहम् ।
कुमित्राणि गवातेय निष्पतन्ति बहिः सयात् ॥
yada visati daridryam dvârêņa sanaksir griham kumitrâni gavakshêna nishpatanti babiḥ kshanat 11 Cf. Mrichchh. I. 4.

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OCTOBER, 1903.]
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
403
45 Fache den Funken nicht an, der zwischen Freunden erglimmt ist: Leicht versöhnen sie sich, und du bist beiden verhasst.
HERDER. मा कृथा मित्रयोरन्तवैरज्वलनधुक्षणम् ।
अचिराच्चक्रुषोः संधिं स्वयं द्वेषमुपैष्यसि ॥ må kritha mitrayôr antar vairajvalanadhukshanam achirach chakrushoh samdhim svayam dvēsham upaishyasi II
Theuer ist mir der Freund; doch auch den Feind kann ich nützen : Zeigt mir der Freund was ich kann, lehrt mich der Feind was ich soll. SculLER
वयस्यो बहुमन्तव्यो न त्वमित्रोऽप्यनर्थकः।
शक्यक्रियं दिशत्येकः कार्य यत्त्वस्ति मेऽपरः ॥ vayasyð bahumantavyo na tv amitro 'py anarthakah sakyakriyam disaty ékaḥ karyam yat tv asti mê 'parah 11
47
Zum Hassen oder Lieben Ist alle Welt getrieben, Es bleibet keine Wahl, Der Teufel ist neutral.
BRENTANO. कर्तव्यौ सर्वलोकेन रागद्वेषौ ब्रवीम्यहम्।। प्रसक्ते पक्षपातित्व उदासीनो नपुंसकः॥ kartavyau sarvalókêna ragadvêshan bravimy aham|| prasaktê paksbapâtitva udasino napumsakah Il
Calumny.
48 Die Mücken singen erst, bevor sie einen stechen; Verleumder lästern drauf, indem sie lieblich sprechen.
LOGAC. रुवन्ति प्रथमं कर्णे तुदन्ति मथकास्ततः।
भाषन्ते मधुरं यावद्णयन्यपरं खलाः ॥ ruvanti prathamaṁ karnê tudanti masakas tatah bhashantê madhuram wivad vraņayanty aparam khalâh 11
Cf.Hitsp. I.76. Wenn dich die Lästerzange sticht, So lass dir dies zum Troste sagen: Die schlechtsten Früchte sind es nicht, Woran die Wespen nagen.
BURGER. दष्टो लोकापवादेन सुखमास्ते विचक्षणः। कुफलानि न खाद्यन्ते मत्तिकाभिरिति स्मरन् ॥
सपना dashto 18kipavidena sukham aste vichakshanahi kuphalani na khádyantê makshikabhir iti smaran 11

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[OCTOBER, 190s.
50
Es liebt die Welt das Strahlende zu schwärzen Und das Erhabne in den Staub zu ziehn.
SCHILLER. यततेभ्यं सदा लोकः श्यामीकर्तुं यदुज्ज्वलम् । उच्चस्थानगतं यच्च न्यकर्तु पादपांसुवत् ॥ yatatê 'yam sadá lokah Ayamikartom yad njjvalam uchchasthanagatam yach cha nyakkartur pådapamsuyat II
Concord and Strife.
51 Schön ist der Friede, ein lieblicher Knabe Liegt er gelagert am ruhigen Bach, Und die munteren Lämmer grasen Lustig um ibn auf dem grünenden Rasen; Süsses Tonen entlockt er der Flöte, Und das Echo des Berges wird wach, Oder im Schimmer der Abendröthe Wiegt ihn in Schlummer der ruhige Bach.
Aber der Krieg hat auch seine Ehre, Der Beweger des Menschengeschicks. Das Gesetz ist der Freund der Schwachen, Alles will es nur eben machen, Möchte gerne die Welt verflachen; Aber der Krieg lässt die Kraft erscheinen, Alles erhebt er zum Ungemeinen, Selber dem Feigen erzeugt er den Muth.
SCHILLER. सुरम्यः क्षेमो यः प्रियतमवपुर्वालक इव प्रसन्नाया नद्याः सुतृणवति येते दुमतटे । गवां मध्ये प्रीतो मुखरयति वंशीं च मधुरं लघु स्वस्मै स्वमं श्रवणसुभगागायति सरित् ।। प्रसियुश्चान्ये नृकलनकरं विग्रहमपि प्रतन्वन्तं शौर्य सकलगुणवृद्धि विदधतम् । . वरं वीर्य धर्मादबलजनमित्रात्प्रयतते समीकर्तुं कृत्स्नं प्रकृतिविषमं यो जगदिति ॥ suramyah kshêmô yah priyatamavapur balaka iva prasannåyå nadyah sutriņavati sête drumatate gavam madhyê pritô mukhariyati vamsin cha madhuram laghur ty asmai svapnar stavaņasubhagâgâyati sarit II prasamseyus chânye nyikalabakaran vigraham api pratanvantar saurya sakalaguņavsiddhim vidadhatam varam viryam dharmad sbalajanamitrat praystate samikartun ksitenam prakritivishamam yô jagud iti 11

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SUBHASHITAXALIKA :
405
SCHILLER.
Es kann der Frömmste nicht in Frieden bleiben, Wenn es dem bösen Nachbar nicht gefällt.
नोत्सहेत तमिष्ठोऽपि संधि संपरिरक्षितुम् ।
विग्रहो यदि रोचेत दुर्धिये प्रतिवेशिने ।। nötssh&ta kshamisbth8 'pi waridhim samparirakshitum vigrah yadi rochêta durdhiyə prativēsine 11
Pleasure, Wealth, Merit.
58 "Gerne dien' ich den Freunden, doch tha ich es leider mit Neigung,
Und so wurmt es mioh oft, dass ich nicht tugendhaft bin." "Da int kein anderer Rath, du musst suchen, sie zu verachten, Und mit Abscheu aladann thun, was die Pflicht dir gebeut."
कामान्मित्रजन सेवे न धर्मेण प्रचोदितः । तस्मादधार्मिकोस्मीति दह्यते हृदयं मम ॥ यतितव्यं सखीन्द्वेष्टुं प्रीतिमुन्मूल्य तत्परम् । धर्महतोजस्वैनानन्यदत्र न विद्यते ॥ kamin mitrajanam sêvê na dharmēņa prachôditah tasmad adharmiko 'smiti dahyate hridayarn mamalu . ' yntitavya sakhin dvēshțum prstim unmülya tatparam dharmahếtør bhajasvainan anyad atra na vidyate 11
. 4 Nicht an die Güter hänge dein Herz, Die das Leben vergänglich zieren ; Wer besitzt, der lerne verlieren, Wer im Glück ist, der lerne den Schmerz.
SCHILLER मा द्रव्येषु मनो धत्स्व नश्वरद्युतियोभिषु ।। चिन्तनीयः यो वृशे स्मर्तव्यापच संपदि ॥ ml dravyéshu man dhatsva nadvaradyatiaðbhisha chintanfyah kshayd vşiddhau smartavyâpach cha sam padi 11
. 55 Wünst' ich mein Herz an seitlich Gut gefesselt, Den Brand würf' ich hinein mit eigner Hand.
SCHILLER. विनेषु यदि जानीयामासक्तं हृदयं मम। थानीय निजहस्ताभ्यां दहेयं तानि वहिमा ।। vittéra yadi jdlyam isaktazia boridayath mam. Antonighestubhytidabeyantimirmbaintin

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
POCTOBEE, 1903.
56
Geniesse was du hast, als ob da heute Noch sterben solltest, aber spar' os auch, Als ob du ewig lebtest. Der allein ist weise, Der, beides eingedenk, im Sparen zu Geniessen, im Genuss zu sparen weiss.
WIELAND.
मुमूर्षुरद्येव धनानि भुझ जिजीविषुस्तानि सदेव रक्ष ।
यो रक्षति स्वानि धनानि भुञ्जन्मुझे च रतन्स जनी मनस्वी ॥ mumdrebur adyeva dbanini bhunkshya jijivishus tâni sadeva raksha yô rakshati svêni dhan ni bhuốjan bhunktà cha rakshan sa jang manastih
cf. Hitop. Introd. 3.
57
Lookte die Neugier nicht den Menscben mit heftigen Reizen, Sprecht, erführer wohl je, wie schön sich die weltlichen Dingo Neben einander verhalten P Denn erst verlangt er das Neue, Suchet das Nützliche dann mit unermüdlichem Fleisse, Endlich begehrt er das Gate, das ihn erhebot und werth macht. GOETHE.
दुर्धर्षेण कुतूहलेन यदि न प्रेर्यंत जन्तुः सदा वस्तूनां व्यतिषङ्गमडुतमिमं लोके समीक्षेत किम् ।
आदी प्रार्थयते नवं प्रियकरं यत्वर्थकृत्तत्परं पश्चाधर्मपथं चरन्बहुमतो यास्युन्नतिं पुण्यभाक् ॥
durdharshēna kutúbalena yadi na prêryeta jantuh sada vastůnám vyatishangam adbhutam imam lokê samikshêta kim Adau prarthayath navam priyakaram yat tv arthaksit tatparam paschad dharmapatham charan bahumato yâty annatim pagyabhak 11
58
Thu nur das Rechte in deinen Sachen; Das andre wird sich von selber machen.
GOETHE.
धर्ममाचर विश्वस्तः सर्वेषु तव कर्मसु । धर्मस्य व्रजतां मार्गे यद्यदीप्सन्ति सेत्स्यात॥ dharmam Achara visvaatah sarvesbu taya karmasu dharmasya rajatan märgê yad yad fpsanti sétayati 10

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OCTOBER, 1903.]
SUBHABHITAMALIRA.
407
59
SCHILL.BR.
Thu nar das Gute und wirf es ins Meer; Weiss es der Fisch nicht, so weiss es der Herr. सत्कृत्यैव यथाशक्ति तिप सत्कारमर्णवे। मत्स्यो यद्यपि नो वेद वेद त्वस्कृतमीश्वरः ॥ satkrityaiva yathksakti kehipa satkâram arņave 1 matay yady api nð veda vêda tvatkritam svarah 11
60 Und was kein Verstand der Verständigen sieht, Das übet in Einfalt ein kindlich Gemüth.
यच्च बुद्धिमतां बुद्ध्या मनागपि न दृश्यते ।
स्वैरं तदाचरत्येक बालको मुग्धमानसः॥ yach cha buddhimatam buddhyâ manâng api na dřigyaté svairam tad acharaty eva bálako mogdhamanasah II
Love.
61 Mein Herz, ich will dich fragen: Was ist denn Liebe? Sag! - " Zwei Seelen und ein Gedanke, Zwei Herzen und ein Schlag !"
Und sprich : woher kommt Liebe? " Sie kommt and sie ist da." Und sprich: wie schwindet Liebe P "Die wars nicht, ders geschah."
HALM. हृदय ब्रूहि किंभूतः शृङ्गारः प्रतिभाति ते। . चित्तद्वंद्वस्य धीरेका कम्पएको योहदोः ॥ किमुद्भवस्तु शृङ्गार उद्भवत्यास्ति च क्षणे । किमन्तो नास्ति तस्यान्तो नाभवद्ध्यभवद्यदि ॥ hřidaya bråhi kim bhůtaḥ sțingårah pratibháti tei chittadvard vasya dhir dká kampa ekô dvayêr hriddh 11 kimudbhavas tu spingâra udbhavaty asti cha kshandi kimantô nfisti tasyantô nábhavad dhy abhavad yadi 11
62 Das ist die wahre Liebe, die immer und ewig sich gleich bleibt, Wenn man ihr alles gewährt, wenn man ihr alles vorsagt.. GOETHL.
सत्यां प्रीतिमवैम्येता तुल्यतां या न मुञ्चति । कामं प्राप्य च सर्वत्र प्रतिषिदा च सर्वतः॥ Batyam pritim avaimy étâm tnlyatim yA na maficati kama prapy oha sarvatra pratishiddha cha sarvatab II

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
POCTONE 1008
68 Auch die Liebe bewegt das Leben, Dass sich die graulichten Farben erheben. Leicht betrügt sie die glücklichen Jahre, Die gefällige Tochter des Schaums; In das Gemeine und Traurig-wahre Mischt sie die Bilder des goldenen Traums. SCHILLER. कामोपि लोकस्य महाप्रचोदको विचित्रयस्यस्य विधूसराकृतिम् । तत्त्वे च मायां ललितां विमिश्रयन्प्रतारयत्यभ्यधिकं वयो नवम् ॥
kamd 'pi lokasys mahaprachodaks vichitrayaty asya vidhäsarakritim tattve cbs mâyfm lalitar vimigrayan pratarayaty abhyadhikan vayê navAM 11
64 Liebe, menschlich zu beglücken, Näbert sie ein edles Zwei; Doch um göttlich zu entzücken, Bildet sie ein köstlich Drei.
GOETHE. कामो मानुषहर्षाय शुभं योजयति व्यम् । देवानां तु महातृप्त्यै निर्माति त्रयमद्दतम् ।। kamð minushabarshaya gubhai yojayati dvayam dovanår ta mahatriptyai nirmati trayam adbhutam il
Separation.
65 Nur wer die Sehnsucht kennt, Weiss was ich leide! Allein und abgetrennt Von aller Frende, Seh ich ans Firmament Nach jener Seite. Ach, der mich liebt und kennt Ist in der Weite. Es schwindelt mich, es brennt
Mein Eingeweide. श्रीमुक्यस्यानभिज्ञः प्रणयिविरहिता यत्तमेहंन वेद प्रोत्पश्यन्ती दिगन्तं गतनयनसुखा तुष्टिहीना स्थितास्मि । यो मां जानाति यो मां मनसि निहितवान्दूरवर्ती जनोऽसौ भ्रान्स्याक्रान्तं शिरो मे दहति च हृदयं निर्दयः कामवतिः ।।
autsukyasyAnabhijñaḥ pranayivirahita yat kahame "ham na voda pretpasyanti digantam gatanayanagukhi tushţihini sthithamil yo månin janati yo masa menasi nihitavan dunsvart jant sau bhrántyabrántario sird mit dabati cho hridaya nirdaya kimavahnih II
GOETHE.

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SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
409
66
SCHEFFEL
Das ist im Leben hässlich eingerichtet, Dass bei den Rosen gleich die Dornen stehn, Und was das arme Herz auch sehnt und dichtet,
Zum Schlusse kommt das Voneinandergehn. केतकीनां सुगन्धीनां यथा कण्टकवेष्टनम् । विश्लेषः प्रणयस्यान्तो हतदैवेन कल्पितः॥ ketakinah sugandhinam yatha kantakavoshtanami visléshah pranayasyântô hatadaivena kalpitah II
Care.
67
Die Sorge nistet gleich im tiefen Hersen, Dort wirket sie geheime Schmerzen, Unrabig wiegt sie sich and storet Glück und Rah; Sie deckt sich stets mit neuen Masken su, Sie mag als Hans and Bof, als Weib und Kind erscheinen, Als Feuer, Wasser, Dolch und Gift; Du bebet vor allem, was nicht trifft,
Und was du nie verlierst, das musst du stets beweinen. GOFTHE. चिन्ता रे हृदयं नृणां निविशते दुःखं रहः कुर्वती स्वास्थ्यं पात्र विनाशयत्यहरहः संरुन्धती निवृतिम् । नामावेषधरा विषाग्निसलिलस्लीपुत्ररूपान्विता मिथ्या संतनुते भयं विलपनं तस्य नष्टं न यत् ॥ chintal r8 hridayan npiņam nivigate duḥkham rabah kurvati sviathyarh chátra vinasayaty abar shah samrandhati nirvșitim ninavênhadhara vishignisalilastriputrardpån vita mithyl samtanute bhayam vilapanan chaitasya nashtam na yat 11
C.Chan. 62.
68
BUBE.
Nimmer verrage der Mensch umringt von düsteren Sorgen. Anf das Dunkel der Nacht folget der leuchtende Tag.
चिन्तातिभिरसंझनो मा विषीदतु मानुषः । उद्यतः सवितुज्योतिः शर्वरीमनुषजते । chintatimirasamohbannô ma vishidatu manushahi ud yatah savitar jyotih sarvarim anushajjatd il
c.x. Bh. III. 15489; XII. 764; XIV. 1229.
(To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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MISCELLANEA.
THE LUSHAIS AT HOME.
alongside them upright poles covered with heads
of pige, deer, gyal and other animals. These are MARRIAGE is entirely civil contract among
the burial-grounds. When any one falls ill and the Lushais, and can be dissolved by either party.
seems likely to die, the Pui-thiem, literally the A woman on leaving her husband takes with her
great knower (we should call him sorcerer ; only what she brought originally from her father's
N.B.-The Lushais call all our doctors pui-thiem), house. If a young man takes a fancy to a girl
is called in, and as he may direct, a gyal, pig, goat, and wishes to marry, he informs his father, who
or dog is killed and feasted on, & slight portion sets about negotiations with the girl's parents,
being given to the sick man who may or may not aided by two old counsellors, who are called pillai,
recover. In the event of a goat being the animal And who do all the talking and fix the amount
killed, a small portion of its skin with hair attached demanded. The parents of the girl generally
in tied round the sick person's neck. If the sick commence by asking a great deal, but eventually
person dies, all the relatives are called in, and & settlement is made, the prioe being in ordinary
according to the family's means, pigs, &c.are cases a gun, valued at Rs. 25 to Rs. 30, and a pig killed, and all friends and relatives are feasted. or fowls. On the price being paid, the pig is killed,
Quantities of liquor are drunk, and the next day and several big jars of rice-beer are brewed and
the body is buried in the ground. If & male, feasting and dancing take place. On the second
with the corpse is placed his pipe, his knife, day the bride goes to her busband's house and
dagger or sporr, and in all cases cooked rice and they are man and wite. It may happen that
& small quantity of rice-beer are placed by the father, tempted by a high offer, gives his daughter
side of the body. In some cases, such as when in marriage to some one she does not like. In
the father of a family dies, the corpse is dressed this case she runs away from her husband and is
in a fine cloth and propped up in the presence of not thought wrong for doing so, but her father
all the friends and relatives, food is placed in has to return the price paid for his daughter, and
front of him and pipe is placed between his she is free to marry again. Yery lengthened
teeth, and he is addressed thus: "Eat and drink. periods elapse sometimes before the price of the
You have a long journey before you." bride is paid by the husband, and I mention as an instance an old friend of mine, Shyaltonga When a chief or his son dies, the ceremony is, by name, who is the father of eight children, of course, more imposing. When a large and and who only paid the remainder of his wife's powerful Baila chief died some years ago, 60 purchase a very short time ago on receiving a gyale were slaughtered by his relatives and large reward from me for services rendered as a friends, and the feasting and drinking lasted for guide
several months. On one ocasion I myself, Women are held in much consideration
when visiting the Haulong Chief Sayipuin, wit. among the Lushais, and they have much influence
nessed the funeral rites of his son, a boy about and are consulted on all matters. Yet upon them
ten years of age, who had been doad for more falls all the heavy bodily burden of fetching water,
than a month, going on. I was invited into his bewing wood, bringing food from the jhams,
honse as I had known the boy well, and this is
what I saw:- In the centre of the room was a cooking, brewing liquor and spinning. The Lushais are not prolific as ., and seldom
coffin roughly bewed out of tree in which the have more than three or four children. They
corpae lay. The top had been plastered with mad suckle their children for a great length of time
to make it air-tight, and from the bottom of the up to three and four years d age. One peculiar.
coffin, through the floor of the house, ran a large ity I have noticed, vis., that a mother gives her
bamboo tube, which was buried deep in the child rice two or three days after birth, a thing
I ground. By the coffin was a gun, and close to
groung I have never known among any other natives of it sat the poor mother weeping and balling on her India. She chews the rice in her mouth and puts 80
son by name. At times she would tarn to me it into the child's mouth with her tongue. .
and say: "Brother, you knew my son and he
called you father, and now he is dead." I was Just before entering every Lashai village one much affected, and according to custom I parBee groups of machine made of hewed loge, and chased a goat and killed it in honour of the dead.
1 From the Pronour Mail, May 1890..

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To continue, however. The corpse was kept in suffering from dropay, but looked very wise and this coffin in the house for five months, during suggested that perhaps the cares of his family, which time Sayipuis never left his house, never coupled with the scarcity of rioe, had interfered ate rice or meat. At the end of five months the with his powers of calculation. As I am writing bones were taken out and removed to the family this I have with some difficulty persuaded an old burial-ground. The Shendus, from what little we Lushai friend of mine to bring in his daughter saw of their country during the last expedition, to be operated on by our medical officer here. have more elaborate barial-grounds. The graves The woman is suffering from a cancerous tumour are lined with huge slabs of stone, and slabs are on the back of the head, which is necessarily very also erected over the tomb; and on one occasion, painful, and she has with great courage given in addition to the skulls of animals, two human herself entirely into my hands, though I told skulle were seen fastened on poles over the tomb. her she would suffer pain and bave to be lanced. When Hausata's tomb was opened out by us I am glad to say the operation has been most after burning his village during the late expedi- successful. tion, by his side was Lieutenant Stewart's gun, the chief's pipe, knife, a bottle of liquor, and
The Lushais have in every village one or more a small head-dress made of the tail feathers of
blacksmiths, the thir-deng, who is a man of some the chemraj bird.
importance; he receives certain tribute of rice The Lusbais as a race may be said to be free
and other produce for his work. Close to the
salbut a small shed is generally found, and this from any infootious diseases. They suffer from
is the forge, which is very simple but at the same remittent fever, boile, and inflammation of the bowels, brought on from over-eating and over
time effective. It consists of two upright hollow
bamboos about six inches in diameter, which are drinking. They, in the year 1861, brought back
placed in the ground; into these two rammers oholera with them from a raid they made in
made of bird's feathers, with handles attached, British territory, and thus spread the greatest
when pulled up and down act as bellows on the torror among them, many of them, I am told,
channel made at the foot of the bamboos. The blowing out their brains on the first appearance
Labais have learnt all they know of blacksmith's of the disease showing itself. They named cholera vay-dam-loh (foreign siokness). In the same way
work from Bengal captives, and the trade has
been handed down. They can repair the locks of they once caught small-pox in the Kassalong
gans, can make speare, daos and knives, and Bazaar in 1860.
I have heard, though I cannot vouch for the A very curious fact is that the Lushais have abso
accuracy of it, that they have been known to turn Tutely no knowledge or any drug or modioine & Snider rifie into a flint-look. Braes they can in any form whatever. This I look upon as most also work slightly in, the stems of all the women's extraordinary, and I have never heard of any pipes being made of an ornamental pattern in tribe, however savage it may be, without any brase, also the handles of knives. Then, again, knowledge of such. The Ohakmas, Maghs, and the bowls of the men's bamboo pipes are often Tipperabo, who, though to a certain extent lined with copper made from pice procured in the civilized, still have the same mode of life as the bazaar. The Lushai's knowledge of pottery is Lushais, all have their drugs. A great many of confined to making cooking pots and huge big the Lushais have, of course, heard of our vessele for making rice-beer. They are made of # medicines, and the result is that, when visiting blackish clay and are very strong and rarely their villages, old men and maidens, young men break. The liquor vessels are made nearly an and old women and children with various ailments inch thick and about two feet in height. They are brought to me to be doctored. I restrict have wooden platters for their food and wooden myself to cases of fever, and the effect of a few or bamboo spoons. They make all kinds of very grains of quinine on them is simply marvellous. fine basket-work with split cane and bamboo, I have effected a few simple cures with the aid of and are very ingenious in making devices. It is quinine, oholorod yne, and essence of ginger, but astonishing what a complete feature in the life of the climax in my doctoring capabilities was | all the Chittagong Hill tribes the bamboo is as reached when a husband brought his wife to me well as the cane. I may mention here a few of and solemnly assured me that her accouchement their uses. First, the houses are nearly all was already two months overdue, and could I bamboo, the root being of cane leaves; the water give any drag that would make up for lost time? is fetohed by the women from their springs in I mw at a glance that the poor woman was hollow bamboos; from bamboo they make spoons,

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by them koubal and by us karbaris. On entering a chief's village, the custom is to go to the karbaris, and there wait until the chief demands your presence. These karbaris are held in great estimation, and receive a yearly tribute of rice from the village. I have heard of a custom, answering much to the fiery cross of the old days: when a chief wishes to collect any of his clan or give emphasis to any order, he gives his spear to the messenger. If a hostile message be intended a fighting sword is sent with the measenger. Another form of expressing orders is a small cross made of split bamboo wands, which can signify various things. If the tips of the cross be broken, a demand for blackmail is intended; if the tips be charred, it implies un urgent assemblage at the chief's bouse; if a green chilli be fixed on the tip, it implies disobedience to obey orders will be rewarded by punishment as hot as the chilli.
rice-sifting basketa, baskets to carry loads, baskets to hold their household goods, baskets to hold fowls; they use bamboo root to make handles for their daos ; when in the jungle they even cook their rice in green bamboos; aod last, but not least, they eat the baduboo shoots, and very delicious they are.
The Lushais give to the name of the Creator the word Pathion, who is supreme. After him comes Khua-Vang, who carries out the Pathien's orders and appears on earth at certain times. I give a story of the appearance of Khus-Vang as it was told me by . Lushai. He was sitting drinking in the chief's house and found he could not get drunk, which perplexed him. On returning to his house he saw a man whom he knew to be Khua-Vang by his enormous stature. He addressed him in fear and trembling, but received no answer, and as he watched him Khua-Vang became smaller and smaller till he dwindled into space. Soon after this his village was raided and an enormous number of captives taken, men and women slaughtered, and the chief's power com. pletely broken. The Lushais further believe that besides the deity the sun and moon are gods, and that the worship of them is agreeable to the deity. Their ideas of an after-world are very quaint. There are two abodes, the Piel Ral abode and the Mi-thi-Khua (people-dead-village). These two are separated by the big river Piel, from which Piel Ral takes it name. Piel Ral answers to our heaven, and no one from either abode can cross the river. Mighty hunters and great warriors only go to Piel Ral, where they live at ease and have no labour of any kind; they hunt and enjoy themselves. No woman can go to Piel Ral, but small children of both sexes who died before they had left their mothers' breasts are exceptions to this. To the Mi-thi- Khua go all men who have in no way distinguished themselves and all women. Life here is much the same as on earth : they have their daily labour and household duties, etc. In both abodes all live and die three times. After the third death the spirit becomes mist, falls to the ground, and with it is extinguished for ever. The idea is that when people on earth become sick and die, Khu Vang is slowly but surely eating all the flesh from off their bodies and death is the result, the spirit going to oue of the two mentioned abodes.
The whole art of war among the Lushais may be described in one word "surprise." They always send forward spies to see if their foes oan be taken unawares: if the foes be on the alert, they are left in peace. As an instance of this I know of a village in the south of the Hill Tracte, whose inhabitants only numbered, men, women and children, about 100. The villagers, owing to a recent raid on a neighbouring village, had a night patrol. Two hundred Bhendu Warriors crept op to the village at early dawn. One of the sentries saw them and threw a stone at them, whereupon they all disappeared. The village, I may add, was stockaded to a certain extent.
A raid being decided on, the preliminary step is a sacrifice and a big drink. On starting off for the raid the old men and women of the village accompany the raiders for an hour or two on their journey and then leave them with such expressed wishes as these : “ May you bring home many heads and come back unhurt!" On arriving at some distance from the village to be raided, they make their preparations, and creep up to the village just becore dawn. They generally commence by firing several shots at the village and rush on the surprised inhabitants. I have never beard of a village thus attacked attempting to defend itself. At the first shot every nian, woman and child bolts into the jungle. The women are seized, and if old and unmarriageuble killed on the spot. All children too small to travel are killed and frequently torn from their mothers' breasts and murdered before their eyes.
Every chief has one or two, or in case of big chiefs three or four, old men who act as his councillors and ambassadors: these are called

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After two or three hours' bloodshed, unless the raiders feel no danger of a surprise, in which case they prolong their stay, they move out of the village, taking the women and girls captives with them, all tied together. They never take a full-grown male captive; it saves them trouble to kill him on the spot. As a rule the heads of all slain are carried off, though sometimes only the scalpe. On their return journey the captives endure many hardships: if any one through weakness or ill-treatment cannot keep up, instant death is the result. When pearing their village the raiders are again met, if successful, by all the worden and old men, who bring them down cooked food and liquor and accompany them in triumph to their houses. On entering the village one or more captives are always sacrificed BB & thanksgiving offering, the buoty is divided and the captives are set to work as slaves As a rule after they have been a short time in the village they are well treated. The women invariably marry one from among their captors, and have been known wben offered release years after to cling to them and refuse to go back to their own relatives.
One extraordinary custom among the Lushais which I would not have believed bad I not had personal knowledge of the fact is that men and women change their sex in all outward appearances and customs. I give as an instance a woman who has twice accompanied a chief to see me and who is dressed as a man, smokes a man's pipe, goes out hunting with men, lives with them and has in every way adapted herself to the habits of men. She actually married a young girl who lived with her for one year. I myself asked in the presence of several chiefs and other Labais why she had, being a woman, become a mun. Sbe at first denied being & woman, but when I suggested that we should change coats sbe demurred and finally confessed she was a woman, but that her khua-vang was not good and 80 she became a man. I have heard of other cases in which men have adopted the dress and customs of women.
Constant disputes arise among the chiefs, regarding their necklaces of amber and other stones, which arise through intermarriages of different clans, and I have found it a hard task sometimes to settle these disputes satisfactorily when I have been appointed arbitrator by them. Differences arise owing to sisters, brothers, wives, Bone and daughters claiming portions on the duath of a chief, and often ended in the old days in bloody feuda.
The Lushais are great at songs and dancing. I give a few typical songs, translated literally :1.-" The long day song " runs thus:
I do not aspire for the day, Evening dusk I want not, Sweet girls P their speech I solicit,
Then I wish for the day again. 2.- An ode to Thluk-Pai, a famous gallant, and his mistress Dil-Thangi, a great beauty:
Walk on, walk on, Oh Big Thluk-Pui, Walking on the cloudy plain Far over the vault of the sky,
Go and embrace Dil-Tbangi. Powerful chiefs have their songs dedicated to them and the various clans have their songs, all of which are sung on the occasion of big feasts.
One of the great difficulties in gathering genealogical tables, etc., is the extraordinary way in which the relatives of two chiefs, who may be at distinct enmity with one another, intermarry, and also the migrations of chiefs and their followers from one clan to another distinct clan. Broadly speaking, I would classify these tribes as follows:-All west of the Koladain I would call Lusbaie, and east of it or across it Shendus. These, again, can be classified. The Lushais consist of Sailds and Haulongs and Tanglauas, but have living in their territory Pankhoe and Banjogis, who are distinct offshoots of the Shendus. The Shendus consist of Molien-Pais, Thlang-Thange, Lakhers, Halkae, eto., under the general designation of Pois. The main difference in the appearance of the Lushais and the Shendus can be seen at a glance. The Lusbai men and women wear their bair tied in a knot at the back of the head, while the Shendus or Pois, as they are called, wear the bair tied in a huge knot right over the forehead : the latter in the case of men only. The languages are totally distinct also, but the Lushai language is, I believe, understood as far as the west border of the Obin country in Burma. One thing has struck me as being most extraordinary, and that is how rarely one meets # really old man amongst these people. Old women I bave seen in abundance, but from what I can judge of their ages, I should say that a man of over 65 years is most uncommon.
Taking the Lushais as I have found them in their own villages, they are far superior to many savages one reads about. They are most hospitable, and I rarely enter a house in any village

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without being offered food and drink, even when within our frontier, to getting, if not a welcome, I have known myself at times the person offering at any rate an interview. When within # few it has barely enough for his day's food. They are hours' of the obief's village I left my men behind extremely intelligent and quickly master the to cook and proceeded with a friendly chief to meaning of anything aid to them or shown them. show me the way and my interpreter. On reachIn fact it is most difficult to reconcile their ing the village, I marched boldly in and made for apparent mildness with the well-known instances the Karbari's house, and he informed the chief of the atrocities committed by them when raiding. I had arrived. I waited most patiently, aceprding One of my old friends and guides, who is now the to oustom, till the chief sent for me, and as this fatber of a grown-up family of eight children and was not till 9 p.m. I became somewhat anxious. who is apparently an exceedingly mild and bene- All this time I was surrounded by the men, women volent old gentleman, astonisbed me very much and cbildren of the village, who olustered round the other day when I questioned him about the me in hundreds exclaiming in wonder at my feats of his youth. I led him on gradually and white skin. On the chief sending for me I went eventually he told me he had with his own hands to his house, and though at first he was inclined speared and killed six persons. I asked him it to be grumpy we soon became chatty over several they were men or women, and he then told me bottles of rum wbich I produced, I spent the three were men and three were women. I got an next day with him and gave him more rum and account of the death of each one from him, his small present of rupees, he giving me a handsome features becoming gradually more ferocious as he cloth. The third day I went away well satisfied continued his narrative, till, finally, when he with my visit and returned to Demagiri, my described how his last victim had been & woman starting point, through three other Haulong whom he had speared in cold blood, he became chiefs' villages, in all of which I was well received. quite excited and with a piece of stick in his hand | In one village, where Lallura was the chief's name, ennoted the whole performance over again. He I as usual produced rum and made merry with gradually subsided, but no amount of expostula- the chief and his friends. Unfortunately I found tion on my part would convince him that he had the rum running short, and in an evil moment behaved in a way not to boast of.
I bad it watered on the quiet to make the supply
last longer. But the chief spotted it at once, Notwithstanding it being most unpleasant at
and was loud in his wrath at my giving him, as times, still I have always tried as the most effec
he said, "water" and not spirit. I was at my tual way of thoroughly understanding these
wits' end and in desperation produced my only people to adopt the policy of "when you are at
bottle of whisky: he tasted it, and, with his eyes Rome," etc., and by this means only can one
up-raised, exclaimed: "Words are not available get a thorough insight into the character of the
to express how delicious it is !"--and he very people. Another good old saying I have found
soon got drunk. In his cups be boasted of his most effective, namely, “In vino veritas," and many
power and strength, etc., while his old warriors a time by & judicious application of rum at the
sitting alongsido of him commenced cballing him right moment I have wormed out information
(he was lame I must mention from an accident which was being kept back.
to his hip when a boy), saying: "You a warrior and a chief P why, you can't walk from one village
to another," and so on. This little story shows I have given a fair outline, I think, of the
what I have said previously, that no outward Lushais and their habits and customs, and I will
respect is paid to a chief, and that they have Dow content myself with giving a few aneodotes in
a great craving for strong drinks. connection with the people generally by way of illustrating their character, oto. I paid my first visit into the heart of the Lubai country in My next visit to Sayipuia w in December, 1887: February, 1887, when I went with a guard of ten on this pocasion I knew my ground better, we promen to Sayipnia's village, a chief I had beard a vided with more authority to deal with him, and great deal of. I trusted to the fact of Bayipuih last but not least, had a supply of rupees. A coordhaving previously known Captain Lewin, who ingly I asked him to wear an oath of friendinterviewed him in 1872 (from which time he bad ship with mo socording to Lusa oustoms, never seen a European), and to a certain know and he at once agreed, and the following morning ledge of the language and of the Lushnin' customs was fized for the ceremony, which took place as and habits which I had adquired in villages follows. A gydl was tied in the open space facing

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MISCELLANEA.
415
the chief's house. Sayipuia came out dressed in instead of there being a row, I was applauded for his best, which was a very handsome check cloth,what I bad done, and the next day this same young with an enormous plome made of the tail feathers fellow and I became quite friendly! of the bhim-ráj, or mocking bird, in his hair, and a spear in his right hand. He called me to him close to the gydl, and both of us, holding the spear in our right hands, simultaneously plunged it into the brate's ribs. Sayipnia drew out the spear and taking the warm blood in his hand smeared his and my hands, face and legs with its
THE TEMPTATION OF ZOROASTER. blood, and then holding up the spear called out in a loud voice that all might bear as follows :
BY L. C. CASARTELLL "When the big streams and little streams shall dry up in these hills, then and not before sball
[In the long 19th fargard or chapter of the this wbite man be mine enemy: what is mine is
Vendidad, the first book contained in the Avesta, bin, and by this oath you all know him to be my
occurs this remarkable temptation of the great friend!"
Branian prophet, which reminds one of the temptation of Buddhs by the fiend Mars,
poetically rendered by Sir Edwin Arnold in the The ceremony over, wo adjourned to the chief's sixth book of his light of Asia. The present house and ratified the oath in numerous Alagons attempt at a not too literal metrical rendering is of home-brewed rice-beer. Now I luckily happen based on the Zend text (xix. 1-85), partly eked out to possess a strong head and this has stood me in by the Pehlevi version.]' good stead, as one must drink with these people it one wishes to thoroughly adapt oneself to their Now from the North, from regions of the North, customs. The drink is passed round in horns Porth Auro-Mainyas rushed, the murderou one, (generally a tame gyals) and their principle is Demon of demons: then he, evil-minded "no heel tape," each person reversing his horn to And slayer of many men, thus spake aloud: show he has emptied it. I was much amused on one occasion at one of these drinking bouts by
"Hence, fiend, and slay the holy Zarathust!" Sayipais exolaming: “This is indeed a obiel: And Bat the fiend, the murderous, who deceives why we can't even make him drunk. The Lushais The souls of men, came rashing down upon him. carry this drinking to such an extent that it is a
But Zarathustra prayed the sacred prayer, oommon thing for the rice of last year's crop to The pruises of the good Oreation and the Law. be exhausted before the new crop is ripo, owing to
And lol the fiend, the murderous, who deceives the vast quantities consumed in manufacturing
The souls of men, in terror fled away, [me! their drink. Ass rule the Lushais are not quarrel
And screamed:"0 Auro-Main yus, thou tormentest some in their oups, but when they have bad as much I see no sign of death upon the Holy One !" as they can stand they quietly lie down on the floor and sleep off their drunkennesa. Instances of
But Zarathustra in his spirit saw quarrelling do of course occur, and I remember
How wioked demons plotted for his death. onoe, when sitting in & cbief's house, one of his
Then fearless and unmoved he rose, and stepped young warriors kept coming up to where I was
Forth 'gainst their enmity, whilst in his bands sitting by the chief and bothering me to give him
He bare a sling of mighty stones, which God tobacco, to look at my arms, lege, eto, till I lost
Had given to him; and o'er this brond, round earth, patience and told bim to desist. The ebiet, too,
Where runs the river with its lofty banks, noeing I was getting angry, remarked: "Amro!
He carried them, and thus alond proolaimed: he pay-lall-song-a thun-ur-in aksi-aug-bok" - "Oruel Anro-Mainyu I lo 1 I come to smite "Bo quite, these foreign chiefs when angry are like Thy ill-creation, thy demons, and the fiend, tigors." I took this as a gentle hint and landed The spirit of Idolatry! to combat till such time my young friend one straight between the eyes, As Saoshyant shall come, the Saviour, much to his discomfiture. To my astonishment, The Victor, from the great Sea to the East.
Prom Tribner'. Record, May 1890.
The Ahone-Vairys prayer.
The mythological Lake Kanboya.

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Bat evil-minded Auro-Mainyus cried :
Answer made "O emite not my creation, Zarathust!
The holy Zarathust: "Sacred vessels Thou art King Pourushaspa's son, and thou
And boly prayers, these are my trust.y arms. Art born of human mother : lo! renounce
With these words will I smite and every way The Law of Mazda, and thou shalt receive
Destroy thee, baneful-minded Auro-Mninyus! Reward as great as Vadaghno the Chief."
The Holy Spirit made these sacred words, But Zarathustra: "I will not renounce
And the Immortal Saints, the strong, the wise, The boly Law of Mazda ! Sooner may
Have them proclaimed !" Body and soul and intellect dissolve!”
And thereupon he prayed Quoth Auro-Mainyus: " By what weapon, say, The sacred prayer. The demons yelled aloud, - Wilt thou then swite P or how wilt thou destroy | The wicked, Evil-minded Ones, and fled, My creatures and creation P"
Fled to the lowest depths of murky hell I
NOTES AND QUERIES, THE LIFE-INDEX: BUILDINGS.
to the establishment of a new capital by a new Some time ago I was told that a wealthy ruler. The new capital would then give its name bania (trader) of LudhianA in the Punjab never
to the State, and so we should have the frequent loft off building or rebuilding his house,
and bewildering appearance of new kingdoma in becauce it was deemed to be unlucky for a
ancient Hindu history. It would be of interest man not to be constantly adding to or renew
to know how far the custom prevails. ing his dwelling. This is undoubtedly a 08.86
H. A. Rose, of the Life-Index. Masson, in his Journeys in Bilochistan, eto. (Vol. I. p. 49), notes a similar
Supdt. of Ethnography, Punjab. idea. He says that the Naw&b of Tank never
8th Jan. 1909. left off building, as a faqfr had told him that his prosperity depended on his never ceasing to
[Changes of capital in Burma were frequent, build. In Egypt there was a tradition in the but not necessarily dynastic and not necessarily family of Mahomet Ali, the Khedive, that the made on the accession of every ruler. Il a family was doomed to fall if it left off
dynasty lasted long enough, the capital, as I building. (Dicey's Story of the Khedivate,
understand, was changed about every 40 years, p. 68.)
and generally to a site but a few miles off, advanDoes this belief, (or some similar idea), explain
tage being taken of a fresh accession to the throne why eastern rulers always endeavour to found a
to make tbe change. It is, of course, possible that now capital P In Pergia and in Egypt the the custom had a superstitious origin, but in palace of the ruler is not used after his death,
practice two practical points came into considersbut a new one is built for the new ruler, and the
tion: a political one in connecting a new or shaky old one deserted. The necessity for a new palace
dynasty with a famous site, a medico-religious one naturally louds to the establishment of a new
in departing from a site that the insanitary habite capital.
of the people bad practically made no longer in
habitable. There is no doubt that Mandalay This tendency to move the site of the ruler's
would in ordinary circumstances have been enocapital is exemplified in many of the Punjab
ceeded by a now site on King Thibaw's death for States. Thus, Sirmar is the oldest known capital
sanitary reasons, just as the Burmann told me of the State of that name, and several capitals
that the change from Amarapura to Mandalay were founded and abandoned before the modern
(8 miles or so) was made after King Mindon's capital of Nahan was built. Delhi itself is ap
accession (1852 or thereabouts) fundamentally on parently an illustration of the same custom,
sanitary grounds. Mandalay Hill was an old and The point is of some historioal interest. famqas Burmese shrine. This mixing op of The sudden appearance of a new capital in the practical and religions or superstitious customs ancient history of India or the East may not indi- is, of course, a very old human phenomenon.cate a change of dynasty, but may merely be due ED.] • The mortar and oup for the baoms sacrifice
The Ameshob pentas. • This last vorse is taken from the very end (147) of the Fargard. It appears to have been misplaced and to balong hore,

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NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
"
NOTES ON THE INDO-SOYTHIANS. BY SYLVAIN LEVI.
Extracted and rendered into English, with the author's permission, from the "Journal Asiatique," July-Dec., 1896, pp. 444 to 484, und Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 5 to 42,
by W. R. PHILIPPS.
(Continued from p. 389.)
HISTORICAL TEXTS.
Lévi, in the Journal Asiatique, Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 5 to 26,
What here follows is practically a translation the
of it. As before, the figures in thick type in square brackets mark the pages of the original.
417
PART II.
HIS second article by M.
[5] Chinese annals allow us to clearly follow the vicissitudes of the Yue-tohi, from the time when they were pushed on by the Hioung-nou about 165 B. C., until their establishment in the territory of the Ta-hia, south of the Oxus. But from the time when the Yue-tchi come into contact with India, the deplorable fatality which weighs on Indian chronology seems to extend also to Chinese evidence. Two documents refer to this obscure period; both have been long known, but the conclusions claimed to be drawn from these obscure texts demand a new examination.
[6] The first passage is found in the Annals of the Second Han Dynasty. It runs thus:
"When the Yue-tchi were conquered by the Hioung-nou, they went among the Ta-hia, "divided their kingdom into five principalities, which were: Hieou-mi, Choang-mo, Koei-choang, Hi-t'an, Tou-mi. About a hundred years afterwards, Kieou-tsieou-k'io, the prince of "Koei-choang, attacked and subdued the four other principalities, and constituted himself "king of a kingdom which was called Koei-choang. This prince invaded the country of the "A-si; he seized upon the territory of Kao-fou, destroyed also Po-ta and Ki-pin, and became "completely master of those countries. Kieou-tsieou-ki'o died at eighty years; his son Yen-kao"tchin ascended the throne; he conquered T'ien-tchou [India], and appointed generals "there, who governed in the name of the Yue-tchi" (see translation by Specht: Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale, J. A., July-Dec., 1883, 324).
The compiler Ma Toan-lin, who reproduced this account, joins it straight on to the journey of Tchang-k'ien, who visited the Yue-tehi about 125 B. C. and returned to China about 122. The interval of time indicated seems thus to be counted from the journey of Tchang-k'ien; the year 25 B. C. would consequently be the approximate date of the accession of the Kushanas.1 But we must [7] attend to the ordinary methods of this much-vaunted encyclopædist, if we want to get at facts; Ma Toan-lin has joined the two extracts together, without troubling to co-ordinate them. The original text clearly indicates the submission of the Ta-hia as the starting point of the calculation; but the actual date is none the less not determined by it. Specht (Etudes 324, note 4) proposes arbitrarily to put the conquest of the Ta-hia after 24 A. D., "because the History of the first Han" dynasty "makes no mention of it." This reason is quite inadmissible: the accounts of foreign peoples, incorporated in the Annals, do not pretend to trace a complete history of all these peoples; the compiler contents himself by inserting the information obtained from time to time, by chance of circumstances. The testimony of the official history teaches us that, from the beginning of the Christian era, relations between the
1 Cf. Lassen, Ind. Alt., II.3, 372, where the opinions of earlier interpreters are collected. The difficulty of making use of Chinese documents, without going to the originals, is seen olearly in what Lassen himself has written here. He accepts without dispute Ma Toan-lin's data, but regards with suspicion the original testimony of the History of the Second Han Dynasty; he in fact donfuses this dynasty with the petty Han dynasty, which reigned from 947 to 961 A. D.

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Han and the western watershed of the Pamirs had entirely ceased. Earlier still, the emperor Youan-ti (4833 B. C.) had given up the idea of avenging the insult paid to his ambassador by the king of Ki-pin "because the country was impassable, and communications by the Hindu Kush were "cut off." His successor, Tch'eng-ti (32-7 B. C.) also refused to renew relations with Ki-pin, because "these criminal tribes were separated from China by impracticable [8] passes" (see A. Wylie: Notes on the Western Regions, translated from the Tsien-Han-chou, book 96, part 1: in Journal Anthropological Inst., 1880, 20-73: account of Ki-pin). Ki-pin on the north-west bordered on the Yue-tchi; thus, from that moment, the same obstacles isolated them from China, and their destinies consequently ceased to interest the imperial court. An argument a silentio, applied to the chronology of that period, is therefore out of place. But, as a matter of fact, the History of the First Han Dynasty mentions the conquest of the Ta-hia by the Yue-tchi several times. The account of the Yue-tchi, translated by Specht, says expressly: "The Yue-tchi went very far away, passed "beyond Ta-wan, fonght the Ta-hia in the West, and subdued them. Their chief then fixed his "residence north of the river Wei (Oxus)." And it adds almost immediately after: "The Ta-hia "had no sovereign or chief magistrate; each city (ville), each small town (bourgade), was governed "by its magistrate. The people were weak, and afraid of war. When the Yue-tchi arrived, they "submitted to them" (Études, 322).
It is useless to try to distinguish two successive phases of the occupation, first submission, then complete conquest. The History of the Second Han Dynasty, which deals with the most prosperous period of the Yue-tchi, names Lan-cheu3 as their capital; and so does the History of the First Han Dynasty. [9] We know also from the testimony of Seu-ma Ts'ien, based upon Tchang-k'ien's report, that Lanchen was the capital of the Ta-hia's territory. Therefore the Yue-tchi must have become masters of that territory. Lastly, the History of the Second Han Dynasty, which reproduces and expressly corrects the division of the Yue-tchi into five principalities, as indicated in the History of the First Han Dynasty, states in addition that the division was accomplished at the expense of the Ta-hia. "They went among the Ta-hia and divided their kingdom into five principalities. ." Thus the History of the First Han Dynasty expressly mentions the submission of the Ta-hia, and attests the annexation of their territory to the dominion of the Yue-tchi. The subjugation of the [10] Ta-hia by the Yue-tchi is again formally recalled in the account of Ki-pin: "Formerly when the Hioung-nou subjugated "the Ta Yue-tchi, these emigrated to the West, conquered the Ta-hia; whereupon the king of "the Se [Sakas]3 went to the south and reigned over [11] Ki-pin" (see Wylie, loc. cit.). This event, therefore, took place [12] before the end of the First Han Dynasty, and doubtless at the epoch when frequent communications with the Si-yu (West) enabled its vicissitudes to be followed. We are even able to fix the time more closely. Seu-ma Ts'ien, who composed his historical Memoirs about a hundred years before the Christian era, inserted in them, chapter 123, a long account of Tchangk'ien's journeys: his information regarding the Yue-tchi and Ta-hia almost literally agrees with the account in the History of the Han, and shews an identical origin; the two historians have faithfully reproduced Tchang-k'ien's account. Seu-ma Ts'ien says: "The Ta-hia had no sove"reign; each city, each town elected its chief. The soldiers were weak and cowardly in battle, only "good for carrying on trade. The Yue-tchi came from the West, attacked them, defeated them, and "established their sovereignty" (see Kingsmill: The Intercourse of China with Eastern Turkestan and the Adjacent Countries in the Second Century B. C., in J. R. A. S., N. 8., XIV. (1882), 82. Seu-ma-Ts'ien's text is almost entirely identical with the Tsien-Han-chou).
Thus the submission of the Ta-hia was an accomplished fact by the time of Tchang-k'ien's journey about 125 B. C. These data are confirmed and specified more distinctly in Tchang-k'ien's biography contained in the History of the First Han Dynasty (Tsien-Han-chou, book 61; trans. Wylie: loc. cit. Appendix).
2 See the special note, "Lan-cheu; Pushkalavati," on page 422 below.
5 See the special note, "the identity of the Se and the Sakas," on page 423 below.

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419
When Tchang-k'ien, after his long captivity among the Hioung-nou, finally arrived among the Yue-tchi," the widow of the king slain by the Hioung-nou [13] had succeeded him, and they had subju"gated the Ta-hia." Tchang-k'ien's report to the emperor marks still more clearly the series of facts. Ezpelled from their territory by the Hioung-nou (165 B. C.), the Yue-tehi had invaded the country of the Oa-suenn, their neighbours to the west, and had slain their king Nan-teou-mi ; then, continuing their march towards the west, they had attacked the king of the Se (Sakal), and the Se had fled very far away to the south, abandoning their lands to the Yue-tchi. But Nan-teon-mi's son Koenn-mouo, an orphan from the cradle, had beea miraculously nourished by a wolf, and afterwards sheltered by the king of the Hioung-nou; when he became a man, he attacked the Yue-tchi, who fled away to the west, and went to settle themselves upon the territory of the Ta-hia. This involves an interval of at least twenty years between the defeat of the Ou-suenn and the submission of the Ta-hia; the first event took place a little after 165; the second was therefore about 140 B. O., and was a pretty long time before Tchang-k'ien's arrival among the Yue-tchi. If the accession of the Kushana dynasty follows the submission of the Ta-hia by about a century, it must be placed about the middle of the first century B. C. . The names of the two first Kashana kings mentioned in the History of the Second Han Dynasty cannot be identified with certitude. Cunningham (in Coins of the Tochari, kusháns or Yue-ti, in Numismatic Chronicle, 1889, 268 311) has proposed [14] to identify Kieou-tsieon-kio, . founder of the dynasty, with the Kajulakad phisēs or Kozolakadaphēs of the coins, who struck them first with the Greek king Hermaios, and afterwards alone, and who uses on both series the title Kushana. Hemakad phisēs would in this case correspond to Yen-kao [tchenn]. The identity of these two names is admissible, for the character yen is frequently used to transcribe the Sanskrit syllable yam. The second Chinese document now about to be examined confirms and completes these data.
The Compendium of the Weï, in a curious notice of Buddhism which the San-kos-tchi has preserved for n8, mentions the Yue tchi, Panthier (Examen méthodique des faits qui concernant le Thian-tchu, 14) found this passage reproduced in the Account of India in the Pien-i-lien, and translated it thus: “The first year Youan-tcheou of Ai-ti of the Han (2 years before our era), “King-lou, disciple of learned scholar, received from the king of the Great Yue-tchi an envoy "named I-tenn-keou; he received at the same time a Buddhist book which said: "He who "shall be established again, it is this man!!" Specht (Note sur les Yue-tchi, in J. A., Jan.-June, 1890, 180-. 5) bas learnedly discussed this translation; he has gone back to the primitive text, has collected the variants introduced by compilers, and has formed an eclectic text in order to arrive at the following translation : "[In Central India there was a holy man called Cha-lin-si]. In the first of the years “ Youan-tcheon of Ai-ti of the Han (2 years before our era), King-lou, disciple [16] of this teacher, * received from the king of the Great Yue-tchi an envoy named I-tsun-keou, and gave him a Buddhist book which said: "In the kingdom, he who shall be raised again (upon the throne), it is this man!"" [16] Thus, according to Specht, King-lou is not [17] á Chinaman, but an Indian ; the Yue-tchi's envoy does not hand over a Buddhist text ; he receives one. The text is undoubtedly difficult, but Specht's modifications cannot be accepted. Omitting other objections to them, we need only dwell on two essential points. [18] King-lou is certainly a Chinaman; his name shews it; his title removes all doubt. He is styled pouo-chen ti-tzer ; Pauthier translates this literally: disciple of a learned scholar." But the title is not a vague one, as this translation seems to imply. The pouo-chen ti-tseu are the titular-students of the imperial college founded under Ou-ti, one of tbe First Han Dynasty in 124 B.O. The emperor Ou-ti, who had so gloriously extended the dominion of the Han, and who had sent Tchang-k'ien to explore the countries of the west, had wished to insure the establishment of . nursery of officer-stndents," nominated according to their merit, and promoted regularly by means
of examination." The foundation edict assigned to them, among other employments, the office of
So the special note, " King-lon and the supposed I-taun-keon," on page 494 below.

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" assistant annalists and travellers charged with the daty of going over the imperial domain" (Biot: Essai sur l'histoire de l'instruction publique en Chine, 104, 106, 109). It is a remarkable coincidence that, among the officers sent to India to search for Buddhist books in Ming-ti's reigo (65 A.D.), there were some poro-cheu ti-taeu (see Kao seng tehoan, ch. I. p. 1", biogr. of Käsy. Mätanga; T'i-fenn l'ing-tai-cheu, composed by the emperor T'ai-taoung of the T'ang, 627-650; Japanese edition, XXXI., fasc. 7, ult. pag.).
How did King-lou, a Chinese official, enter into communications with the Yue-tchi ? Did he receive an envoy from the Yue-tchi king, as the Compendium of the Weis seems to indicate? Was he intrusted with a mission to (19) the Yue-tchi, as two texts of the 7th century expressly state ? The question is a secondary one, and must stand over. But the fact is certain, that King-lou received Buddhist works from the Yne-tchi, and that by word of mouth. The reading of the two encyclopeedias, tardily compiled with the carelessness customary in that kind of work, cannot prevail against the original text of the Compendium, supported as it is besides by compilations still more numerous : the Geography of the Tangs, Ma Toan-lio, and the Pien-i-tien. There is, moreover, an independent ancient compilation, which confirms the reading in the Compendium of the Wei, The learned Tao-siuen (595-667), Hiouen-tsang's contemporary and a zealous defender of the Buddhist faith, roviewing the progress of religion in China, thus reports this episode : "In the year Youan-tcheou, “[20] of Ai-ti (2 years before our era), King-hien was sent into the kingdom of the Great Yue-tchi; " that is why, after having learnt by heart sacred texts of the Buddha, he returned to China. Then " by degrees the observances of the Buddha were practised." The celebrated Buddhist encyclopaedia Fa-imen-tchou-lin, compiled by Taw-cheu in 668, reports the fact in identical terms (800 Fa-luontchou-lin (Nanjio, 1482, Japan. ed., XXXVI. 5-10), chap. 12 (= chap. 20 of the od: of the Mings), p. 108). Although the name is slightly altered, the agreement of two such important works proves that at that period the Buddhist tradition regarding King-hien's journey was quite fixed. Thos the fact remains. China received the sūtras of the Buddha for the first time two years before Obrist, a'd this through the Yue-tchi.
By means of coins we can follow the religious history of the Yue-tchi from the foundation of the Kushana dynasty. Here we may refer to Cunningham: Coins of the Kushdns or Great Yue-ti, in Numismatic Chronicle, 1892, 40-82 ; 98-159. The only divinities on the coins of Kujalakadphisēs and Hemakadphisēs are the Greek Bēraklēs and the Indian Siva; Hemakadphisēs even shews & marked predilection for Siva, who appears under different aspects, alone, armed with the triáūla or accompanied by Nandi.? The Buddha does not appear on [21] coins till Kanishka, and then at once. begins to take a large place. The abrupt and triumphant introduction of the Buddha during this reign is a good commentary on the Buddhist legend : in the glory surrounding the name of Kanishka in Buddhist records, in the story of the miraculous circumstances of his conversion predicted by the Buddha himself, we can still see the great importance attached at the time to the
. We may, however, copaider the expression chaos... chou, in the Compendium of the Wei, - PARTO form, and therefore translate it: "Ho Tumont on mission ..." W. thus re-establish, in this particular point, the agreement between the Compendium and Tao-siuen. Devéria lo adopta this interpretation; but thinks it necessary in this case to consider To-Two-tchi-wang," the king of the Great Yue-tohi," me the real agent of the action expressed in the PRGRIVO, and 1-to'un m the place-Dame governed by the verb cheow; he therefore transIntes" King-log was sent by the king of the Great Yue-tohi (lit., received from the king of the Great Yaetoli "a mission to I-ts'un." Deveria thinks he recognises under this transcription the name of Udyana or of Ujjayini.
If we admit this explanation, the fact related still probably leads us back to the time of Kaniahks. Master of dominion which covered a part of India and of China, it was lawful for this prince, and for this pridoo alone, to employ a Chinese official on a mission in Indian territory.
• Cho-kia-sang-tchi (Nanjio, 1470; Japan, ed., XXXV. 1, 1066). Ngai-ti yowdoheow-wierd, the Rings Wang Ta-Yue-tchi kouo. In soung Flow-t'ou king-hoan Han. Tang-chou chao hing Prow-t'ou thai-ktai.
+ The epithet mahisvarasa, applied to Hemakadphises on bis coins, ought not perhaps to be translated by mahölvaranya "the great lord" or by mahtivarasya " the master of the earth." The predominaboe of Balva emblems, and also the epigraphie uwage so much in vogue later (kinga of Valabhi, Harsha, eto.), oom to recommend
interpretation : māhôšvarasya " the devotee of Malobrara (Biva."

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conversion of this barbarisa. The spread of Buddhism towards the north-west had been for a long time stopped: now all at once the barrier was removed, and it could spread over a vast dominion under the patronage of a powerful sovereign ; with the prospect also of ultimately reaching the Tukbäras, the Chinas, and many other still unknown peoples. Since the memorable reiga of AsokaPiyadasi, Buddhism had not enjoyed triumph so full of promise. The episode of King-lou (or King-bien) shews its first result in Ohios; sixty years later, Buddhist priests were summoned to the court of the Han by imperial order,
The dates thus taken from different Chinese documents corroborate each other. If the first [22] Kusbaņa king came to the throne about the middle of the first century B.O., we should expect to find the second of his sucCORBOTS about the beginning of the Christian ers. Half a century leaves • normal space for the glorious reign of Kieou-tsieou-k'io, for Yen-kao-tchin's conquests, and for Kanishka's first years. From the Chinese point of view the qudstion of the Yue-tchi results also in the same chronological conclusions. Until the middle of the firet century B. O, the empire intervenes in the affairs of the peoples who border upon India; the kings of Ki-pin, more than half Indian as they are, solicit and receive investiture from the Han, though they might afterwards cut the throats of Chinese envoys. But in Youan-ti's reign (48 - 33 B. C.) China gives up the idea of avenging an outrageous affront it has just received. In vain does Ki-pin, menaced by pressing danger, confess its fault and offer reparation to Youan-ti's successor ; Tch'eng-ti (82 – 7 B. O.) imitates bis predecessor's prudent reserve, and doubtless abandons unfortunate Ki-pin to the invasion of the Yue-tchi, whom Kleon-tsioou-k'o leads to conquest. From that time the First Han Dynasty is in its last struggles and comes to an end in the convulsions of civil war; there is a rapid succession of feeble emperors, who love their power, and usurpers contend for it. First the Trans-Pamirian states revolt, tbon the Cis-Pamirian provinces, and are separated from the empire. [28] In Vain does the minister Wang-mang, a pretender to the throne, try to ingratiate himself with the western countries by rich presents (4 A. D.). The year 8 of the Christian ers marks the official cessation of relations between China and Si-Yu (the West). According to the testimony of the imperial bistoriographer, Par-kou, the power of China in those regions was, at the end of the First Han Dynasty, in the year 23 of the same era, reduced to nothing. If we believe the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen-trang, the inheritor of the Chinese supremacy was undoubtedly the king of the Kusbaņas, Kanishka. "The neighbouring
kingdoms were agitated by his renown, and the terror of his arms extended itself amoug foreign “peoples. He organized his army and extended his dominions to the east of the Tsong-ling (Bolor)
mountains. The tributary princes, established to the west of the river (Yellow), dreaded his power, and sent him hostages" (Mémoires, trans. Julien, I. 42, 200).
The Yue-tchi conqueror had taken away from the Han, not only their vassals, but also their title of sovereignty; and the hostagos, who formerly prostrated themselves before the son of Heaven (t'ien-tnew) at Tobang-ngan, now prostrated themselves before the Son of Heaven (dēva putra) at Pashkalivati or at Peshawar.
(24) IL, as is generally done, we tak. Kanishka's coronation as the starting-point for the Saka en (78 A, D.), [26] we meet with an insurmountable difficulty. Pan-tebao's victorious campaigns, pursued for thirty years (78-102 A. D.) without interruption, at this very time restored Si-Yu to the empire, and carried Chinese arms beyond the regions explored by T'chang-kien, as far as the confines of the Græco-Roman world. By 78, the king of Khoten had made his submission; several kings of that country followed his example, and gave their eldest sons as bostages for their fidelity. Kasbgar, immediately after, returned to obedience. The two passes by which the way to the south debouches into India were in the hands of the Chinese. The submission in the year 94, after a long resistance, of Kharashar and of Kou-tché segured to China also the route to the north. The Yue-tohi had not renounced their previous supremacy without a struggle. In the year 90 the king of the
• See the special note," the t'ieu-tsen (dovapatra) of the Yue-tohi," on page 488 below.
De Mailla, Histoire générale de la Chine (trade from the T'oung-tien Kan-mon), 865 99.

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Yoe-tchi sent an ambassador to demand a Chinese princess in marriage. Pan-teh'ao, deeming the request insolent, stopped the ambassador and sent him back. The king of the Yue-tehi raised an army of 70,000 horsemen under the orders of the viceroy Sie. Pan-tch'ao's troops were affrighted at the number, (28) and his general had much trouble to reassure them; however, he made them see that the enemy, worn out by a long march, and by the fatigues endered in crossing the Tsoung-ling mountains, was not in a condition to attack them with advantage. Sie was vanquished, and the king of the Yue-tchi did not fail to send every year the tribute imposed apon him.10 It was not Kanishka, at the apogee of his reign and power, who consented to such a humiliation. Ouly a distant successor, still powerful, but enfeebled, could have submitted to it.
[In connection with the above, attention may be called to the following articles in the Journal Asiatique: -(1) Nahapana et l'ère Caka, by A. M. Boyer, July-Dec., 1897, pp. 120-151 ; (2) Les Indo-Scythes et l'époque du règne de Kanichka, d'apras les sources chinoises, by E. Specht, ibid. pp. 152-198; (3) Note additionelle sur les Indo-Scythes, by 8. Lévi, pp. 526-581; (4) Les missions de Wang Himen-te'e dans l'Inde, by S. Lévi, Jan.-June, 1900, pp. 401-468; and (5) L'époque de Kaniska, by A. M. Boyer, ibid. pp. 526-579.
[In the first article named, M. Boyer gives reasons for thinking that the Saka era must be held, not to begin with the coronation of Kanishka, but from the accession of the Kshatrapa Nabapāna, whom inscriptions and coins shew to have ruled over Snrashtra, Avanti, and part of the west coast of the Dekkan, and who seems to have been a Snks conqueror from the north-west. He places the accession in 78 A. D., the generally accepted year for the beginning of the era.
[In the second article, M. Specht combats the conclusions M. Lévi drew from Chinese sources, and in particular his view that Kanishka- was master of a part of China, and that his reign began abont B. 0.5. With one part of these criticisms M. Lévi has dealt in the fourth article named just above, pp. 447 ff., as will be seen in a continuation of these Notes.
[In the remaining article, M. Boyer argues that, though Kanishka did not inaugurate the Saka era, he did, as a matter of fact, begin to reign about the end of the first century of the Christian era.
[It is unfortunately not possible now to do more than thus briefly allade to the interesting articles by MM. Boyer and Specht, which bring together and discuss so much information from Chinese sources bearing on the ancient history of India. Some notes from M. Levi's additional articles specified above, (3) and (4), will be given in Part IV.]
SPECIAL NOTES.. Lan-cheu; Pushkalāvati.
(See page 418 above, and note 2;
original page 8, note 3, with an addition on page 42.) The seeming variant Kien-cheu, in the History of the First Han Dynasty, is only due to confusion of two almost identical characters. Seu-ma T'sien and the History of the Second Han Dynasty guarantee the reading Lan-cheu. The word tan designates plants from which blue dyes are extracted ; and the analogy of the name Hoa-cheu " (the town of flowers," to
29 De Mailla, 394. The original passage is found in the biography of Pan-tch'no, Hoou-han-chow, obap. 77. p. 44. Puther de Mailla's Histoire seems to furnish another important datum regarding the Yue-tohi in the time of Pan. teh'no. "In the year 94, Pan-toh'so, baring made eight kingdoms of Si-yu tributary to Chine, sesembled their "forces and attacked Kouang. king of Yue-obi, whom he pat to death" (Hist. P. 897). But the original (How-han-chou, chap. 77. p. 4") designsten Konang n king of Yen-ki (Karaahar). De Mailla, who transcribes this name Yen-lehi, hus by some mistake in writing substituted Yue-chi for it in his tranulation. There is no doubt about the reading in the original, for Pan-to'no passes from there into the kingdom of Kieou-teo (Koutebe), which sotaally borders on Yen-ki. - The biography of Pan-tah'ao notes also on another cocasion, the submission of the Yue-tohi to Pan-tah'ao. "In this time the Yne-tohi had just intermarried with the K'ang-kiu (Forgins), and "they were related. Then Teh'no sent ambassadors with rich presents to the king of the Yu-tahi, while inviting " him to show olearly to the king of Klang-kia the real truth. The king of K'ang-kia diabanded his soldiers."

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designate Kusumavati, i. e. Pataliputra, leads us to believe that Lan-oheu is not a transcript, but a translation. Lan-cheu in this case would correspond to Pushkalavati or Pushkaravati, "(the town) of the blue lotus." The importance of this city is attested by Strabo, Pliny, the Periplus, Ptolemy and Arrian; according to Taranatha (p. 62), king Kanishka's son had established his royal residence there. A story of Aávaghosha (Sutralam kāra, p. 876) has for hero a painter of the kingdom of Pushkalavati (Fon-kie-lo-wei). Beal (Buddhist Literature in China, 136) read Fot-kie-la, translated it by "Bactria," and pointed out this passage as a proof that the viharas of India were at an early time decorated by artists from Bactriana, where Greek art dominated. The territory of the Ta-hia, according to Seu-ma-Ts'ien, bordered on India, and was situated south of the Oxus. The position of Pushkalavati fits in with these indications.
The same story is reproduced in the Fa-iouen-chou-lin (XXXVI., 6, p. 43; chap. 21 of the Japanese edition) from the Tche-tou-lun of Nagarjuna (Nanjio, 1169); but in this version Pushkalavati is designated as "the capital of the Yue-tohi (Ta Yue-tchi Fou-kie-lo teh'eng). The Ta-pei King (Maha-karuna-pundarika-sūtra; Nanjio, 117; Japan. ed., XI., 9, p. 87") designates Fou-kia-la-po-ti (Pushkalavati) as the "royal residence." The identity of Lan-chen and Pushkalavatī seems thus well established.
The identity of the Se and the Sakas.
(See page 418 above, and note 3;
original page 10, note 1.)
The identity of the Se and the Sakas, though disputed by Lassen (Ind. Alt., II. p. 376), cannot, however, be doubted. The character Se, used to denote the name of this people, is regularly employed in transcribing from Sanskrit to represent the sound saka, for example in Ou-po-se, "upasaka," Mi-cha-se, "mahisasaka." In fact, Indian tradition, so often rashly impeached, distinguishes two races and two dynasties of Scythian invaders.
The Puranas class the Saka kings and the Tukharas or Tushāras (Tochari, Tou-ho-lo) alongside of the Yavana kings. The Vayu P. counts 10 Sakas; the Matsya P., 18; the Vishnu P., 16; the Bhagavata alters the name into Kankas, and also counts 16 of them. The number of Tukhara kings is uniformly 14. A daration of 300 years (Brahmanda) or 380 (Vaya, Matsya) is assigned to the Sakas, and 500 (Matsya 7000 P) to the Tushāras.
The chronological tradition of the Jainas, summed up in their versus memoriales (I. A. II. p. 362), ignores the Takharas, and only recognises one Saka (Saga), who reigned four years; this Saka is evidently the Shähäṇashahi of the Sakaküla associated with the history of Kalakacharya (cf. Jacobi, Z. D. M. G., XXXIV. [1880], 247-818, and Leumann, ib. XXXVII. [1883], 493-521).
Among the Buddhists, a passage of the Samyuktagama, quoted in a Chinese compilation of the 5th to 6th century (Che-kia-pou, by Seng-ion, about the year 500; Nanjio, 1488; Japanese edition, XXXV. 1, p. 71%, end), predicts the simultaneous dominion of the Ye-po-no (Yavanas) to the north, of the Che-kia (Sakas) to the south, of the Po-la-p'o (Pahlavas) to the west, and of the Teou-oha-lo (Tusharas) to the east. The Vibhashäsästra (Nanjio, 1279; Japan. ed., XXII. 9), translated into Chinese by Sanghabhuti in 383 A. D., in an interesting discussion mentions the language of the Tohen-tan (Chinese) and that of the Teou-k'iu-le (Takhara) :"The Bhagavat knows the Tohen-tan language better than the men of Tohen-tan; the Bhagavat knows the Teou-k'iu-le language better than the men of Teou-k'iule" (p. 59a). The Chinese version of another Buddhist text, the Pou-sa-chen-kie-king (Bodhisattva-charya-nirdesa; Nanjio, 1085), translated in 431 by Ganavarman, substitutes in an analogous passage the name of the

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Yue-tohi for that of the Takbiras; ho onomerates among the parlers inférieurs" the sounds of the kingdom To-pi-lo (Drávida), the sounds of Siw-to, Yvo-tehi, Ta-tr'in, Ngan-si and Tohor-las (chap. 2 ; Japan. ed., XV. 1, 33).
The Maha-Bharata frequently names the Takhirns, almost always associated with the Yavanas and Sakas, and even also with the Pahlavus and Chinas, as in the preceding passage of the Samyuktāgama (M. Bh., 2, 1850; 3, 1990, 12950; 6, 8297; 8, 3652; 12, 2429).
Lassen (Ind. Alt., 11., 881) identified the Ta-Yue-tohi with the Tochari of the classich, that is to say with the Takharas. So did von Richthofen, quite apart from chronological speculetion (China, I., 489, n. 5).
If the name of the Tokhāra dynasty has not yet been found in documonts, we need not be surprised. “All the countries, in speaking of the sovereign, call him king of the Koei-choang (Kouchans). The Han (Chinese), according to their ancient denomination, call them Tx-Yue-tehi" (Heou-Han-chou, ap. Specht, loo. ait.).
Later, the name of the Torashkas (Tokiue) was substitated for that of the Takhāras (Tou-ho-lo). The formation of this new race-name has a striking analogy with the formation of the royal names Kanishka, Hashka and Văsushka; an identical parallelism seoms to be precisely established between the Greek transcriptions of these words : Kanērki, Hoērki, for Kanishka. Huvishka, Tourkoi for Turushka. The more delicate Sanskrit notation seems to have differentiated two atterances confused into one in Greek and Chinese ; Toorkoi and Toa-kine on one side, Turashka on the other, imply an original such as Tour + + + ka, and the unknown quantity is no doubt the very strong gattaral aspirant which Greek has tried to represent by a rho (of. below, in Part III.). Kanishka is thus expressly designated as a Tarushka (Rajatar., I., 170); the Turki kings, who occupied Gandhāra in the 8th centary, claimed him as the Anoestor of their race (Itinéraire d'Ou-Kong, J. A., July-Dec., 1895, 856).
An indication in Hēmachandra, which seems hitherto to have escaped notice, well confirms the nationality of these kings." Turushkos tu säkhayah sywļ" (v. 959). The sakhi of this text. are certainly the sahi of the Rājatarangiņi, kings of Gandbars.
King-lou and the supposed I-tsun-keou.
(See page 419 above, and note 4;
original page 15, note 1.) Specht takes the original of I-tsan-keou to be Hushka, while he declines to examine if this Hashka was the first of the three Tarashka kings named in the history of Kashmir." The ordinary rules of transcription and the usage of the language are radically opposed to this interpretation. Specht admits that the character i representa bere, as an exception, the sound ou; but in fact this character is constantly appropriated for transcribing the Sanskțit i. The character to'un is not found in transcription; en homophonous letter is indicated by Julien as the equivalent of the Sanskrit ohhan in Krakachchhands. But Hoshka is written in Sanskrit with the cerebral sibilant, which has no connexion with the low aspirated palatal employed in Krakuchchhanda; finally, it kcou representa ka in Julien's method, it is, by characteristio exception, in the sole name Kanaka-muni. Bat the initial syllable of this name is actually uncertain; in Páli, confirmed by Abāka's inscription in Nepal, the form Kongamana is employed, thus explaining the use of the sound t'eod = kw, lo Sanskrit, in the Chinese transcription. This parallelism of two forms, Kanakamori and Konigamans, seems to appear again between the classical form Bakyamuni (Buddha) and the form CAKAMANO (BOYAO. on Kanishka's coins. The normal transcription of I-taun-keou would give l-chhan-ko, which is very wide of Hushka.

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But the word l'eou does not here have a simple phonetic function; it combines with the following word cheou," to receive;" the two terms form a common phrase, with the sense of ore recipere, "to receive orally;" and this phrase has its counterpart in the equally common phrase k'cou-cheor, signifying ore tradere, " to communicate orally" (see, for example, Dict. Couvreur, 8. v. cheou). For examples of k'evu-cheou, " to receive orally,"compare, for instance, Seu-na Ts'isi, ch. XIV. 10: “ seventy disciples received orally his indications ; " and Fo-tson-t'ong-ki, ch. XLII. 98° : " He received orally the knowledge of Sanskrit."
As to the characters i-ts'un, if we give up the idea of finding a transcription in them, we are able to give them * positive meaning. The word i is a demonstrative pronoun; t'oun means " to preserve;" the first phrase would then be translated thus: "King-lou received an envoy from the king of the Great Yne-tehi, he preserved, having received them orally, Buddhist texte." "Ve must in any case give up the idea of finding in the second phrase a prediction regarding the throne. We can trauslate word by word: dicitur) iterum institu(isse) qui, ille homo est,“ When one speaks of the second founder, it is this man." This indication jnstifies the insertion of the episode in the account of the Buddha in the Compendium of the Wei, The Buddha is the first founder of the religion; King-lou, who introduced it into China, is the second. • Apother interpretation is also possible. If we join the word joue to the preceding phrase, we must translate : "recepit libros buddhicos dicentes): iterum instituit) qui, ille vir est." The reference in this case could not be to King-lou ; it must be to the personage named a little further back. The account, in fact, after having treated shortly of the Buddha and his country, adds: icou ieju chenn jenn ming Cha-liu, 'etiam est sanctus vir nomine Cha-liu." The name implies a Sanskrit form such as Sa-ryu. If we bear in mind that here we are not dealing with a scholarly transcription, the name at once suggeste Sâripntra, Pāli Sariputto, Präkrit Särivutto, whence for example, in Singhalese, Seriyutt (Spence Hardy always gives the name under this form). The important place given to this disciple, the title of dharmasēnā pati, "marshal of religion," bestowed upon him, allow us to suppose that he has been designated as - the second founder of the law." This interpretation would have the advantage of accounting for the brief inserted phrase : icon icon, etc., and of establishing, by its means even, a logical connexion between the short account of the Buddha, and the episode of King-lon. Examined in this light, the account is even thrown into unexpected relief, and confirms the chronological conclusions here drawn from it. If the Buddhist works communicated to King-lou in 2 B. C. thus glorified Säriputra above other disciples, even so far as to place him at the side of the Buddha, we have ground to believe that these works emanated from the school of the Abbidharma, which claimed to be from him. Kern (Buddhismus, II. 352) Obaer ves that "Säriputra had a vast reputation as the ideal type of the Abhidharmists." The council of Kanishka seems to have marked the triumph of this school; Vasamitra, the president of the council, was one of the most celebrated Abhid harmists, and the five hundred arhats, who assembled there, were always designated as the authors of tbe great treatise on the Abhidharma : Abhidharma-mahāvibhasha-sastra. The exalted eology of Säriputra, recorded in the works communicated to Kinglou, and thence brought into Chinese history, world be the immediate result of the council assembled by Kanishka.
A passage from the Teog-iang-tsa-tchou (Chap. II. p. 380), inserted in the Pai-hai (Bibl. nat., nouv. fonds 6189, Vol. 9) communicated by Chavannes, suggests, however, another interpretation. The work mentions the journey of Lao-tzeu into India, where he became the Buddba. “There are books of the discipline (kiai, vinaya) in nine myriads of sections; there are there "precisely the sūtras of second institution of the Great Yue-tchi which the Han (Chinese) have " received." The legend, so wide-spread, and recalled in this passage, which makes Lao-tzeu

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reappear in India under the name of the Buddha, allows us to class the Buddhist sutras as the second institution of the Chinese philosopher, who had given the Tao-te king as his first institution. The iterum institutor and the altera institutio would refer to the Buddha himself considered as the metamorphose of Lao-tzeu.
The t'ien-tzeu (devaputra) of the Yue-tchi.
(See page 421 above, and note 8;
original page 23, note 2.)
The t'ien-tzeu of the Yue-tchi is expressly designated in a curious notice of India, incorporated in the Chinese version of the Dvadasa-viharaṇa-sutra (Cheu-eul-iu-king. Nanjio, 1374); the author of the translation, dated 392, was the ramana Kalōdaka, a native of the western countries. The sutra, a very short one, enumerates the movements of the Buddha during the twelve years of preaching. The account with which it ends has apparently escaped attention, thongh its date and the information contained make it of interest; a translation of the same is, therefore, given here: -
In Ien-feou-ti (Jambudvipa), there are 16 great kingdoms, 84,000 towns, 8 emperors (kouo-wang), "4 Sons of Heaven (t'ien-tzeu). To the east there is the Son of Heaven of the Tsin [the Eastern "Tsin, 317-420, contemporaries of the translator Kälödaka]; the people there are very prosperous. "To the south there is the Son of Heaven of the kingdom Tien-tchou (India); the country pro"duces many renowned elephants. To the west there is the Son of Heaven of Ta-t'ain (Roman "empire); the country produces gold, silver, precious stones in abundance. To the north-west there "is the Son of Heaven of the Yue-tchi; the country produces many good horses.
"In the 84,000 towns, there are 6,400 kinds of men, 10,000 kinds of languages, 56 hundreds "of thousands of myriads of groups (? kiou-tsin), 6,400 kinds of fish, 4,500 kinds of birds, 2,400 kinds "of quadrupeds, 10,000 kinds of trees, 8,000 kinds of plants, 740 various kinds of medicinal plants, "43 various kinds of perfumes, 121 kinds of gems, 7 kinds of perfect gems.
"In the sea there are 2,500 kingdoms which live upon the five sorts of grain, 330 kingdoms "which live upon fish and turtles. There are 5 kings; a king commands 500 towns. The "first king has for name (king of the) kingdom of Seu-li (Sinhala, ha, Ceylon ?). They only "worship the Buddha there, and no heretical doctrines. The second king has name Kia-lo; the "country produces the 7 gems. The third king has name Pou-lo; the country produces 42 kinds "of perfumes and white glass (liou-li). The fourth king has name Che-ye; the country produces red "pepper (piment) and ordinary pepper. The fifth king has name Na-ngo; the country produces the "white pearl and glass (liou-li) of seven colours. In the five great kingdoms, the people of the "towns are for the most part black and small. The distance between them is 650,000 li. After that, "there is only the sea without inhabitants. One arrives at the precincts of the mountains of iron "at 140,000 li" (Japanese ed., XXIV. 8, 3a.)
The tradition which divides Jambudvipa between four sovereigns, designated respectively "the master of men," "the master of elephants," "the master of treasures," "the master of horses," (Rémusat, Foe-koue-ki, notes, p. 82; introduction to the Si-yu-ki, by Tchang-houe, in Julien, Mémoires de Hiouen Theang, I., lxxvi.-lxxvii.), is evidently akin to the system of the
four "Sons of Heaven."
(To be continued.)

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THE NIMBUS AND SIGNS OF DEIFICATION ON THE COINS OF THE INDO-SK YTHIAN KINGS.
BY M. E. DROUIN.
(Translated from the "Revue Numismatique," IVme Ser., Tome V, 1901, pp. 154-166.)
[The following paper appeared in the Revue Numismatique, 1901, pp. 154-166; and as the subject is of considerable interest to Indian antiquarians, whilst the French journal may not be accessible to many of them, I have had the following translation made of Mons. Drouin's valuable paper. J. BURGESS.]
6
MUCH has been written on the subject of the halo or nimbus which surrounds the heads of deities, kings, and certain personages on coins, vases, paintings and sculptures of the pagan period. We know the aveýλior прówяоv, 'face like the sun's,' of Euripides, Homer's goddesses, xápis d'àreλáuwero modλý, round whom all grace beamed.' In Virgil, Pallas is nimbo effulgens, and she dissipates the darkness, dispulit umbras, by her brightness. The idea of radiance and light accompanying divinity is quite a natural one, of which the representation is to be found in the earliest Egyptian antiquities. On Assyrian cylinders is seen the shining nimbus round the head and body of divine personages receiving the homage of worshippers. In an inscription of Assurbanipal (7th century B. C.) and in the magic texts, Ishtar is spoken of with the flaming aureole.' In the Catacombs, the faces of the holy martyrs are likewise surrounded by a luminous circle which distinguishes them among the other figures of the wall paintings. No doubt the nimbus in Christian iconography, like so many other institutions, customs, feasts, and religious ceremonies, was only borrowed from paganism.
[155] Not only we divinities represented with the luminous aureole, or the circular nimbus : the Indo-Skythian kings claimed for themselves a celestial origin, and called themselves sons of heaven, like all the sovereigns of High Asia, as the Sassanides later on, who were of divine race,minochetri min Yezdin. Still later, the Greeks were imitated in this by the Roman emperors; they decreed to several of their kings the title of god, OEOX, and the Caesars, even in their lifetime, were divi.
Little has been said of the nimbus in numismatics. I wish to offer some observations on the subject of this symbol as we meet it on the coins of the Indo-Skythian kings and of their successors in ancient India.
We must remember that the Indo-Skythian dynasty is that of the Great Kushans or Ta Yue-chi, and succeeded the Makedonian dynasty of Baktria and of North-Western India. About the year 25 B. C. the Ta Yue-chi invaded the country to the south of the Paropamisos mountains (Hindu Kuh) under Hermæus; their chief Kiu Tsio Kiu (according to Chinese authors) had coins struck with the bust of Hermæus under the name of Kozulo Koshana Kadphizes. Nothing special is on his coins, or on those of his successor Kadaphes, but on the beautiful gold pieces of Hvima Kadpisa or Kadphises II (OOHMO KAASICHC) the shoulders of the king are surrounded by luminous rays or flames, and his bust appears to issue from clouds, like the gods of Greece, who envelope themselves with clouds to descend upon the earth. All these are the characteristics of deification or of apotheosis.
With Kanishka, the first of the Turushkas, appeared the nimbus, but only on some pieces, round the head of the king; it is much more frequent on certain gold pieces [158] of Havishka. This sovereign is at once ornamented with the nimbus, flames and clouds. Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, 1841, pl. xiii) has given drawings of ten copper pieces of this king in ten attitudes. One of them represents him mounted on an elephant, his head adorned with a radiated nimbus, and his bust surrounded with
1 Ion, 1550; Iliad, XIV. 182; Eneid, II. 615.-J. B.

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luminous rays; the reverse bcars the figure of the god Lunus, MAO, on foot, with the nimbus and the aureole; on other coins Huvishka is seated on a throne, cross-legged (the attitude called mahdrajasana), with a double luminous circle, or else seated with one leg hanging down (mahárdja-lilá "royal relaxation") and a double nimbus, three lobed and radiated, surrounding the head and the bust. The coinage of this sovereign presents a great variety of pieces, all interesting from an iconographic point of view.
Vasudeva has simply the nimbus round his head, which is itself surmounted by a pointed tiara. This last type remains that of the Indo-Skythian Kushan kings, called Later Kusbans, who reigned in India till about the year 300 to 319 A, D., when their place was taken by the dynasty of the Guptas, whose sovereigns (319 to 550) preserved the same divine symbol.
The coins of Kanishka and of Huvishka, farther, present on the reverse an infinite variety of desigos, representing for the most part Greek or Iranian divinities, such as Selena, Helios, Meiro, Nana, Ardokhsho, Mao, &c.; all have the hea 1 adorned with the nimbus. On sereral copper coins of Kanishka (British Museum and Wilson, pl. xii) the god of wind, OAAO, is represented running, his head with rays, and his whole body en veloped by several concentric circles. Later, on the coins of the successors, and on those of the Guptas, it is Siva or the Hindu goddess Laksbmi, who are represented with the same attribute.
But the most important instance to notice on the reverses (157] of some coins of Kanishka is the representation of Buddha Säkyamuni with the legend BOAAO and BOYAO CAKAMA. The postures (asana) are interesting to study. The holy personage is facing, sometimes standing, sometimes seated. On a well-preserved gold stater, in the British Museum, Buddha is seated, his right hand on his breast, making the gesture of argument (vitarkamudra), his left hand holding the bottle of ambrosia (amrita); he is clothed in a mantle (uttardsanga) which comes up to his neck and in a tunic (antararúsaka) which descends to the feet. His bead is surmounted by the ushnisha or cranial protuberance, characteristic of Buddha, as well as by the ind or excrescence between the eyebrows, which we do not see on the medal because of the smallness of the face. We know that the ushnisha and the irnd are the marks of the bodhi, or sacred knowledge, which belong to Buddha only, and which the other divinities have not.
The whole body is enveloped in a trilobate aureole (prabháinandala) on the gold piece of the British Museum. On other examples (Wilson, Ar. Antiq. pl. xiii; Cunningham, Num. Chron.. Vol. XIII. pl. viii), Buddha is represented standing, with a simple nimbus round his head, without the aureole, and with both hands joined upon his breast. This posture is called that of instruction, (dharmachakramudrd) the two bands seeming to turn the wheel of the law.
The other posture, in which the Buddha is also represented on the same coins of Kanishka, is the [158] seated position, cross-legged, on a sort of throne, his hands sometimes separate, sometimes joined on the breast. This seated attitude (maharajâsana, royal) has different names according as the saint is seated on the lotus (padmasana), on the diamond (vujra), or on the lion (sisha) ; sometimes one of his legs bangs down (makárája-lila), as was seen above for Huvishka; but we have no example of it on the coins, nor have we the attribate of the lotus flower (emblem of divino birth), which probably was only introduced later, like the other attributes (lakshana), which serve as distinctive marks of divinity.
There is one important fact in Indian iconography, we might say, in the history of Buddhism, On none of the most ancient monuments of India, those that are supposed to be before the Christian era, such as those at SAñchi, at Bharhut, the bas-reliefs of the caves of Orissa, the Agóka rail, the inscriptions at Bodb-Gaya, do we find an image representative of Buddha Buddhism is
Por a desoription of Buddha's acetumer, se A. Ponober, Iconographie Fouddhique de l'Inde, 8°, Paris, 1900, PP. 68 1.

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only represented by symbols, such as the wheel (chakra), the triala, the sacred tree (bodhi), the chatya, tbe stúpa, &c. On the rocks and pillars which have preserved the famous edicts of Aádka (283-223 B. C.), and which, notably at Bhabra, contain details of the Buddhist propagation, there is found neither figure nor symbols. This then is a most interesting fact, in stating which it may be that numismatics comes to the help of history, and affords it, by illustration, fixed date. The conclusion to be drawn from the representations, which the medals (or coins) of the Indo-Skythian kings, Kushan or Turushka, offer, is that these sovereigns were Buddhists as early as the first centuty B. C. The Chinese annals tell us, indeed, that in the year 2 B.O. [160] the king of the Yue-chi transmitted Buddhist books to a certain King-Hien sent from China. This king, whose name the historian does not mention - though he names his capital Pushkaravati (the Leukeha of Ptolemy), - was very probably Kadphises I. His coins, it is true, bear only the image of Hercules (in imitation of the pieces of Hermaus), without Buddhist symbols ; but the epithet dharmathida (constant in the religious low) - essentially Buddhist epithet, proves the adoption of the Buddhist worship. Kadaphês, successor to'Kadphises I., has an analogous epithet, sachadharmathida, a Prikrit form of the Sanskrit satyadharmasthita,"constant in the trae law." Hvima Kadpiss seem to have been a Zoroastrian, for he has his hand extended over the fire altar, and is styled mørely "great king of kings, great prince, prince of the whole world" (mahárdja sarvaloga ispara mahisara). The reign of Kanishka commences about the year 70 A. D. In spite of the presence on his coins of Greek and Iranian divinities, as mentioned above, and in spite of the title of mandéen upon his coins, he is really, at least in the second part of his reign, a Buddhist sovereign ; he is celebrated in the history of the religion for his zeal and proselytism.
After Kanishka, the iconographic representation of Buddha disappeared for some time (about two centuries) either because the faithful were afraid of idolatry, or, as M. Goblet d'Alviella' says, that they objected to reproducing, with the appearances of life, the features of a being who had entered Nirvana for ever. But when, in the second century, the Græco-Buddhist art of the Gandhara school appeared, these scruples vanished under the infinence of Greek art, and [280] the classical type of Buddha was created. Further, the nimbus and aureole combined, as seen on the coins of Kanishka, form a three-lobed figure, which became the type of the trilobate niche of ancient Indian architecture.
Before the Indo-Skythians, the Saka kings, who reigned in Arakhosis (Sakastêne), in Kophên, and in the valley of the Indus, were very probably Buddhists, having adopted the Buddhist worship at the time of their arrival in these countries, when they were driven from Transoxiana by the Yue-chi Their coins are numerous, and, thanks to the presence of immigrant Greek artists in this part of Asis, they form a very beautiful series. But on them Buddhist forms and epithets are rarely met with. It is about 100 B. C. that King Mauas or Moa appears in monetary history, the founder of the Pañjab branch of the Sakas : his coins and those of his successors embody Hindů types, such as the elephant, the Indian ox, river divinities, Poseidon indicating the conquest of the lower Indus and of the ses-coast. There, too, the king is seated in oriental fashion, and on some pieces of Spalahorês and of Spalirises, the wheel, which recalls the wheel of the law (the Buddhist dharmachakra), with the legend dkramika for dharmika, "the faithful of the good law, sada-dharma," - an expression essentially Buddhist, - which is also on the coins of Spalagadamês and of Azês of the same dynasty. Upon none of their coins do the Saka kings of the Indus put their busts; they are always represented on horseback, recalling their nomadic origin, and when the pieces are well preserved we distinguish in their figures the [101] Tartar type. The empire of the Sakas lasted till about the year 50 A. D., the time of its destruction by the Indo-Skythians.
• Ce que l'Inde doit à la Grdor, 8*, Paris, 1897, p. 58.
• On this question, the memoir of V. A. Bwith in the J. A. 8. Bangal, 1980; A. Foucher, L'Art bondatique done l'Inde, Paris, 1896 Bude sur Plconographie bonddhique de l'Inde, Paris, 1900; A. Grunwodel, Buddhist Art in India, Eng. trang. Lond. 1902

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Among the kings of the Makedonian dynasty, Menander passes for having been converted to Buddhism about the year 110 B. C., by a Hindu doctor named Nagasena. His capital was Sagala near Lahor. We have, for proof of this conversion, the testimony of Plutarch and the famous Sanskrit work, of which two versions have been left us in Pâli under the name of Milindapanho, the qnestions of Menander," and several Chinese versions.
Among the coins of this king, only one is known with the wheel of the law (dharmachakra), which, as we have seen, is the symbol of Buddhism, and the legend dhramika, the meaning of which has been explained above. The rest of the coinage represents Greek divinities only, principally Pallas with different attributes. We may, therefore, conclude that it was only at the end of bis reign that Menander was a convert or at least a protector of Bnddhism, in consequence of his intercourse with Nagasên.
Another peculiarity, which has not yet been adduced, and which might serve to support this conversion, is the epithet of ETHPAZ, which the same sovereign bears on a unique coin in the Indian Museumi at Calcutta. Mr. Rapson proposed to see in this epithet, which is found later, on two coins of Hermaus, under the form THPOZZY, the Greek transcription of the Sanskrit sthavirasya, which has the meaning of religious apostle." This appellation would prove that the last Greek king of Baktriana, who was conquered by Kadphisês, had been a partisan like Menander, or at least, & protector of Buddhism.
"[162] Let us not leave this question of Buddhism in numismatics without mentioning a very curious coin, the importance of which has not yet been pointed out: we speak of a bronze square piece struck by Agathoklês, one of the first kings of Baktrians (about 160 B. C.), which has no legend in Greek. It bears on one side the stúpa or tumalus, with the legend Agathuklaya in Kharôshthi characters, and on the other the sacred tree (bodh-druma) in a trellis (sứchi), with an inscription in the same leiters. This inscription has been read in different ways by P. Gardner, Cunningham, and M. Sylvain Lévi, but Dr. Bühler has given the true reading, hitajasanna, "Le who has a good renown," a translation of the Greek dyatok is. These two objects, the stúpa and the bodhi-tree, are essentially Buddhist symbols. They had not hitherto been authenticated at so ancient a date. The square form (which is, with that of the coin of Pantaleon, the predecessor of Agathoklês, the most ancient known, und which was borrowed from the instamped ingots of India), the legend in Kharôshthi on both sides of the piece, the employment of Brahmi writing, and the two Buddhist emblerus, show that these two sovereigns had already penetrated to Kabul, where Buddhism was flourishing, and these pieces were destined to circulate.
In the same way we find the religious epithets : [169] dhramika, on the coins of Helioklês, Arkhebios, Straton I., Zoilos, Theophilos, Gondophares; and apralihatachakra, "invincible by the wheel," on a coin of the satrap Rañjabala, which proves Buddhist influence.
In representing on these coins Greek or Iranian divinities, and later the Buddha with laminous rays round his body or his head, -Kanishka only followed the designs given by his Saka or Makedonian predecessors. In fact, we see with rays round their heads - Artemis on the reverses of Mauês and Demetrios : Apollo on those of Apollodotos and Mauês : Jupiter on the reverses of Azos, of Arkhebios, of Hermaios, of Heliokles and of Plato : Hercules on the reverse of Eathydemos ;
See Catalogue of the Coins of the Indian Museum, by J. Charles Rodgers, Part IV., Osloutta, 1896, p. 16. Rapson, J.R.A. 8., 1897, p. 132. Mr. Rapson explains that the Greek word would be the transcription of a Prakrit form, sthérassa representing the Sanskrit genitive sthavirarya, an epithet applied to a fervent Buddhist king. M. Boyer has taken ap the question in the Journal Asiatique (Jane 1900, p. 530) in conneotion with the determination of the epoch of the reign of Kanishke. He remarks that the Sanskrit letter sth becomes th in Prikrit, that the same Sanskrit word sthavira is represented in the Prakrit of the Aska tosoriptions by thair, and in the inegription at Bhathat much later by thera. Consequently, in admitting that the Greek 7 Fenders the syllable , whiah is not impossible, from the absence of u in Greek, the Greek legend ETHPOZSY would be a transcription, not of the Prikrit bat of the Sanskrit sthaviranya.

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the sun-god on those of Plato, of Philoxenes, &c. All the Baktrian kings of course knew only Hellenie divinities; they are the same as those of the coins of the Seleukides, except the type of Apollo on the Omphalos, which is, as we know, the figure adopted by all the Arsakides, and which is entirely wanting on the Indo-Baktrian coinage. In the first century A. D., Roman money penetrated into India, the bust of Kadapbês is proof of this, but the type of head with the aureole was already fixed on the Indo-Skythian coinage.
The conclusion from the preceding is that the nimbus and the aureole, which surround the Greek and Iranian divinities on the coins of Kanishka, are of Hellenic origin : that the same applies to the prabhd nandala of Buddha, siace there exists no figured representation of this saint before Kanishka.
There remains to be ascertained whether the title sons of the gods," and the laminous emblems, that is to say, the apotheosis and the assimilation of the king to the divinity, have the same origin.
[164] With the exception of the anonymous king known under the appellation of Sótér megas, who belongs to the end of the Graeco-Baktrian empire, and who is, perhaps, contemporaneous with the first Indo-Skythians, we do not find in the whole Baktrian series a single head with nimbus or rays. In the vast series of coins of the Seleukides, Antiokhos IV. Epiphanês (195-164 B. C.) is the only one who has the head surrounded with rays and the divine epithet of esos; but this royal image was evidently unknown in the north of India, and notably by Hvima Kadpisa ; the last could not have borrowed the idea of the flaming aureole, which he was the first to figure on his coins; this, then, is a point which seems well proven.
There remains the expression "sons of the gods," peculiar to the Indo-Skythian kings.
In Greek numismatics the idea of divinity applied to kings is found among the first Lagides, successors to the Pharaohs, who, from very ancient times, were sons of god (ra mes), and gods themselves (nuruter) during their lifetime as after their death. On the coins struck by Ptolemy II. Philadelphos (284-247 B. C.), with the legend ERN AAEAPON (nuterti sonti, in the decree of Canopus), the Ptolemys are already deified. In the later Egyptian documents, for example in the decree of Rosetta, Ptolemy V. is born of the gods Philopator (mer atef iu), priest of Alexander, born of the gods Soter, of the gods Adelphes, &c." It is possible that this pretension to divinity has been borrowed from Egypt by the Seleukides. Seleukos I. Nikator (312-981 B. C.) indeed took the title of Theos in bis formularies, but this epithet appears only under Antiok hos IV. Epiphanes (175-164) among the coins of his successors. Arsakes, the founder of the Parthian dynasty, on & coin of consecration, [165] struck by his son Tiridatos I. (264-211 B. C.) is already spoken of an esos in imitation of Seleukos, but this was a posthumous homage and a tort of divinisation. Ammianus Marcellinus tells us, besides, that Arsakês, first of all monarchs obtained the honours of apotheosis and was placed in the rank of the stars by a consecration in accordance with the rites of the country, astris ritus sui consecratione per mistus est omnium primus. On the coins of Baktriana, the earliest mention of this divine epithet is found ou two consecration coins, the one strack by Agathoklės, the other by Antiinakhos, in the name of Eutbydemos esor, and on the coins of Antimakhos himself, on which he takes the divine title.
It is necessary to come down nearly two centuries to find again the same expression on the coins of Goudophares and of Arsakês Theos (about the year 50 A. D.). It could not then serve as
type any more than that of EOTPOTTOS which we find in the formulary of Agathokles with the signification of dévaputra, “sons of the gods," which forms the basis of the Indo-Skythian titles.
• See my article Une drachme arscidae inédito, in the Garette Numamatique, Bruxelles, 1E99. M. W. Wroth thinks that this coin in the name of Arsakes Odds, could not have been struck till later, between 191 and 171 B. C. (Num. Chron., 1900, p. 192). The Latin expronson omnium primus seems to indicate, that, before Arakts, so prinoo had the honouns of apotheosis; this is an error of the Latin historian.

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As Sir A. Canningham, in 1879, was the first to infer, this Sanskrit title is no other than that of "sons of heaven "adopted by the Tartar princes of Upper Asia, - Tien-T'sen in Chinese. Tengriluatu, shen-yw among the Biung-nu, and borne in India by the Yue-chi,? It is then really of Anaryan origin and is the expression of the high ancestral lineage which the Tartar sovereigns assumed. Further, having under their disposal a material and [160) artistic object like the Greek coin, those sons of the gods found it quite natural to furnish themselves with the nimbus and the screole, which were the eppanage of divinity, in order to give a form to the celestial essence from which they emanated.
Thus we are enabled to explain by two influences - Hellenic and Anaryan - the luminous emblems, nimbus, aureole, flames and clouds, which are the attributes of the Indo-Skythian kings.
Samming up the result of the foregoing considerations : 1st, the nimbus was unknown in the ancient artistic school of India, no figured representation of Buddha existing before the first century of our era: 2nd, it is only about the year 70 A. D. that the figure of Buddha, with the luminous circle, appeared on the coins of Kanishka : 3rd, the Indo-Skythian kings are themselves represented on their coins with the nimbus, aureole, clouds or flames, to indicate their celestial origin: 4th, the idea of the royal nimbus was borrowed from Hellenic divinities, but only in 80 far as it is : manifestation and iconographical expression of a monarchical principle brought from Upper Asia : hence the double origin which we have stated.
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. (Continued from p. 342.)
(5) Custom and Belief. QUAINT superstitions about every human action and object in nature are preserved among the imaginative peasantry and handed down in simple faith from sire to son.
One will not start on a journey if he meets as he gets out a beggar, a Buddhist priest, a person carrying firewood or his implements of labour, or if a lizard chirps, a dog sneezes or flaps his ears; nor will he turn back after once setting out, and if he has forgotten anything it is sent after him. That the object of his journey may be prosperous he starts with the right foot foremost at an auspicious moment, generally at dawn when the cock crows; his hopes are at their highest if he sees on the way a milch-cow, cattle, & pregnant woman, or one with
pitcher of water, flowers or fruits. For fear of goblins, lonely travellers avoid at dawn, noon and night junctions of roads, the shade of large trees, deserted places, river-banks and the sea sbore. Thieves do not set out when there is a halo round the moon (handa madala), as they will be arrested.
The day's luck or ill-luok depend on what one sees the first thing in the morning; if anything nusual be done on a Monday, it will continue the whole woek.
It is considered unlucky to lie down when the sun is setting; to sleep with the head towards the west or with the hands between the thighs ; to clasp one's hands across the head or to eat with the head resting on a hand; to strike the plate with the fingers after taking a moal; to give into another's hands worthless things like chunam or charcoal without keeping them on something; and for a female to have hair on her person. But it is thought auspicious to eat facing eastwarde, to gaze at the fall moon and then at the face of a kind relative or a wealthy friend; to bave a girl as the eldest in the family; to have a cavity between the upper front teeth ; and, if a male, to have a hairy body.
Bon Journal Asiatique, April, 1809, p. 300.

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If a person yawns loudly, the crops of sovou of his fields will be destroyed; if he bathes on a Tuesday it is bad for his sons, if on a Friday for himself; if he laughs immoderately he will soon have an occasion to cry; if he allows another's leg to be put over him he will be stunted in his growth; if he passes under another's arm, he will cause the latter to get a boil nnder the armpit which can be averted by his returning the same way; if he eats standing or tramples a jack-fruit with one foot only he will get elephantiasis ; if the second toe of a female be longer than the big one, she will master her husband ; if he gazes at the halo round the inoon and finds its reflexion round his shadow (bambara chaydra), his end is near; if the left eye of a male throbs, it portends grief, the right pleasure of a female it is the reverse ; if the eyebrows of a woman meet, she will outlive her husband, if of a man he will be a widower; if a male eats burnt rice, he will grow his beard on one side only; if the tongue frequently touches where a tooth has fallen, the new one will come at an angle; if an upper tooth be extracted, it will cause blindness; if a child cuts its upper front teeth first, it portends evil to its parents, and if a grave be dug and then closed up to dig a second, or if a coffin be larger than a corpse, there will be another funeral in the family
A sneeze from the right nostril signifies that good is being spoken of the person, from the left ill; when an infant does so, a stander-by says " Ayibban," " long life to you." A child whimpers in its sleep when angels come and tell it that its father is dead, because it has never seen him; bat incredulously smiles when told its mother is dead, as she has given it milk a little while ago; some attribute the cries to Buddha who frightens the babe with the miseries of this world.
Lightning strikes the graves of cruel men. Everyone's future is stamped on his heail. A person who dangles his legs when seated digs his mother's grave. As one with a hairy whorl (suliya) on his back will meet with a watery death, he avoids the sea and rivers. Flowers on the nails signify illness, the itching sensation in one's palm that he will get money, and a child's yawn that it is capable of taking a larger qnantity of food. One does not raise his forefinger when eating, as thereby he chides his handful of rice. It is had to scrape the perspiration from ove's body, as extreme exhaustion will ensue, and the only cure is to drink the collected sweat. A string of corals shows by its decrease of colour that the wearer is ill. To prevent pimples and eruptions a chank is rubbed on the skin when the face is washed. When a person gets a biccough he holds up his breath and repeats soven times, " Ikkayi máyi Galu giyd ikka hitiyá men dvd," " Hiccough and I went to Galle, he stayed back and I returned." If one has moles on his body, stones equal in number to them are tied to a piece of rag and thrown where three roads meet; the person that picks up the packet and upties it gets the moles end the other becomes free.
A cloth is spread on a chair or table in a room of a patient suffering with small-pox or a kindred disease, and a lamp with seven wicks placed on it. Pork is not brought into the house, and the clothes of the patient are not removed by the dhobi till he is well. Cloth dyed in turmeric and margosa leaves are used in the room, and a cocoanut palm leaf is placed before the house as a taboo ; & smallpox patient is sometimes kept only with the attendants (sditukarayo) in a separate hut, and before he is bathed after his recovery an infusion of margosa leaves is rubbed on his head and some protective verses recited; when the disease has gone its round, a thank-offering to the Seven Ammas takes place.
Dreams that prognosticate a good future are kept secret, but bad ones are published far and wide'; when these are dreamt, it is also advisable to go to a lime-tree early in the morning, repeat the dream and ask it to take to itself all the bad effects. If a person dreams of a dead relative, he gives food to a beggar the next morning.
Every person has, in a more or less degree, on certain days the evil mouth and the evil eye. To avoid the evil eye (etwaha) black pots with white chunam marks and hideous figures are placed before houses; children are marked between the eyes with a black streak, chanks are tied round the forehead of cattle, bunches of fruit are concealed with a covering made of palm-leaves aud festive processions are preceded by mummeries. No one ever takes his meal in the presence of a stranger as it will disagree with him, unless the looker-on is given a share of it. The number of children in a

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family is never mentioned ; nor the beauty of another spoken of in his presence : if this be done, the one concerned spits out loud to counteract the evil. The ceremony of raising the bridal pair to the marriage platform is fraught with much ill to the relations who do so; if a person takes up any high office which he is not worthy to fill, evil will befall him, and serious consequences will follow should he rend any ironically laudatory verses written by a person possessed of the evil mouth (katavaha); when anything clever or smart is said by anyone, the listener opens his mouth and closes it with his hand. These ill-effects are dispelled by various means : either a packet made of some sand trodden by an evil visitor is taken three times round the head and thrown into a chatty of live-coals (gini kabala), or a receptacle containing the ashes of the upper part of a cocoanut shell, some burnt incense, and a few clods of earth from the neighbouring gardens is buried in the compound. When the evil influence on a family, a village, or on an occupation as fishing or agriculture, is great, a ceremony called Gard Yakuma is performed by men of the Oli caste: a platform is erected on a field or by the sea-shore, and on it the dancers, sometimes naked, but generally dressed in bideous garments, go through a series of antics from evening to morn.
The principle of life (kaldva) that is in man rises with the new moon and travels every month from the left foot to the head and down again on the right side ; ite movement is reversed in a woman, where it goes up the right side and comes down the left; it resides every day in a particular place, an injury to which causes death. The course it takes is the big toe, sole of the foot, calf, kneecap, yoni or lingam, stomach, pap, armpit, neck, throat, lip, cheek, eye, part of the head and down the other part of the head, eye, cheek, &c.
Death comes from different directions on different days : from the north on Sunday, north-west on Monday, west on Tuesday, south-west on Wednesday, south on Thursday, south-east on Friday, south-west on Saturday, and east on Sunday,
The south-east is known as the "fire Quarter” (gini kona) and no houses are built abutting on that side for fear of their destruction by fire.
The presence of bats (wawló) in a house indicate that it will be deserted, Medicinal virtaes are ascribed to the flesh xf monkeys (vandurô). The slender loris' (unahapuluvd) face denotes ill-luck, and its eye-balls are used for a love-potion. The lion's (sinhayd) fat corrodes any vessel except one of gold; its roar makes one deaf, and it does so three times :- one when it starts, the second on its way, and the last as it jumps on the victim; it kills elephants to eat their brains.
A cheetah (kottiyd) is the avatar of the small-pox deity; it likes the warmth of a blaze and comes near the farmer's (gamardla) watch-hut in the field, calls him by name and devours him; it also frequents where peacocks abound; it does not eat the victim that falls with the right side uppermost; small-pox patients are carried away by this animal who is attracted to them by their offensive smell; when it gets a sore mouth by eating the wild herb, mimunadandu, it swallows lumps of clay to allay its hunger ; the skin and claws are used as amulets; the tigress has no connexion with her mate after once giving birth to her young owing to the severe travail. A cat (balald) becomes excited by eating the root of the Acalypha indica (kuppa mêniya) and its bite makes one lean; its caterwauling is unlucky.
The grey mungoose (mugatiya) bites a plant that has not been identified (visa-kumbha) before and after its fight with a cobra as an antidote; when it finds it difficult to combat with a snake, it retires to the jungle and brings on its back the king of the tribe, & white animal, who easily destroys the victim. A jackals horn (narianga) is very rare, and it gives everything that its possessor wishes for ; when buried under a threshing floor it gives a hundred-fold. If a dog (balld) yelps or scratches away the earth, it presages illness or death; if it walks on the roof, a house is deserted; and if it sleeps under one's bed, it is a sign of the occupant's speedy death. A bear (valaha) throws sand on the eyps of its victim before pouncing on him, and it does not attack persons carrying a piece of the rock-bine (gal-pahura). When a mouse (miyyd) bites one, the wound is burnt with a piece of gold; it boasts after drinking toddy that it can break up the cat into seven pieces. The porcupine
.

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(ittend) shoots its quills to a distance to keep off its antagonists. The hare (havd) gives birth to its young on full-moon days, one of whom has a moon on its forehead, and dies the first day it sees that planet or invariably becomes a prey to the rat-snake.
When a tooth falls out, its owner throws it on to the roof saying, "lêno 16n8 mê data aran honda ke kulu datak diyo," "squirrel, dear squirrel, take this tooth and give me a dainty tooth." Goblins are afraid of cattle (harak) with crumpled horns; a stick of the Lea staphlya (burulla) is not used to drive them as it makes them lean; and bezoar stones (góróchana) found in them are given for amall-pox, Wild buffaloes (mi harak) are subject to charms. The deer's (truwod) musk prolongs a dying man's life.
An elephant (aliyd) shakes a palm-leaf before eating it, as blood-suckers may be lurking there to go up its trunk; a dead animal is never found, for when death approaches, elephants go to a certain secluded spot and lay themselves down to breathe their last. The pengolin (kabellé vd) is turned out of his home by the porcupine; and person forcibly ejected from his house by another is compared to it. The mythical unicorn (kangaréná) has a horn on its forehead with which it pierces the rocks that intercept its path.
If a crow (kdkkd) caws near one's house in the morning, it forebodes sickness or death, at noon pleasure or the arrival of a friend, and in the evening much profit; if it drops its dung on the head, shoulders, or on the back of a person, it signifies great bappiness, but on the knees or instep a speedy death; crows are divided into two castes which do not mate : the hooded or goigama crows, and the jungle or kará crows; they faint three times at night through banger, and their insatiate appetite can only be appeased by making them swallow rags dipped in ghee; they hatch their eggs in time to take their young to the Dewdla festivals in Augast, and as no one eats their flesh they sorrowfully cry, "kátkd" or "kakka" (I eat everybody); a crow never dies a natural death and once in a hundred years a feather drops.
Dark-plamaged birds like the owl (based), the magpie robin (polkichcha), and the black-bird (kavııdı-panikkiy d) are considered ominous, and they are chased away from the vicinity of houses; the cry of the night-heron (kanakokd) as it flies over a house presages illness, and that of the devilbird (ulámd) immediate death, to an inmate. If pigeons (pareyyo) leave a house it is # sign of impending misfortune, and if a spotted dove (alukobeyyd) flies through one, it is temporarily abandoned. The presence of house sparrows (gé kurulld) in a house indicate that male-children will be born; the cries of the cuckoo (koha) at night portend dry weather; the arrival of the pitta (a vichohiyd) presages rain; and the eggs of the plover (kerall), if eaten, produce watchfulness.
Parrots (girav) are proverbially ungrateful, the son-bird (sittikkd) boasts after a copious draught of toddy that he can overturn Maha Meru with its tiny beak; the great desire and difficulty of the horn-bill (kendetta) to drink water is retribution for its refusal to give a supply of it to a thirsty person in its last existence, the common babbler (battichcha or demalichchd) hops, as he once was * fettered prisoner; the male red-tailed fly-catcher (ginihord) was a fire-thief, and its white-tailed mate (redi-horl) a clothes-robber. Thunder bursts open the eggs of the peacocks (moner), and hence their love for rain; they dance in the morning to pay obeisance to the sun-god, and as girls will not get suitors are not domesticated. A white cock brings luck and prevents a garden from being destroyed by black beetles; when a ben bas hatched, the shells are not thrown away but threaded together and kept in the loft over the fire-place till the chicks can take care of themselves ; the Ceylon jungle fowls (welikukulá) become blind by eating the seeds of a species of strobilanthes, when they may be knocked down with a stick.
A crocodile (kimbula) makes lumps of clay to while away the time, and as it carries away its prey it plays at ball with it; when its mouth is open the eyes get shut. The flesh of the Varanns dracaena talagoya) is nutritious and never disagrees. The Hydrosaurus salvator (kabaragoyd) is made use of to make a deadly and leprosy-begetting poison, which is injected into the veins of the betel-leaf and given to an enemy to chew: three of the reptiles are tied to a hearth-stone (liggula),

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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facing each other, with a fourth suspended over them, and as they get heated they throw their poison into a pot placed to receive it. A lizard (hand) can tell the future, and so the direction of its chirp is observed: from the east, it denotes pleasant news; south, sickness or death; north, profit; and west, the arrival of a friend; and if this little saurian or the deadly skink (hikanald) falls on the right side of a person, he will gain riches; on the left, great evil will ensue. The blood-sucker (katussa) means by the upward motion of its head that girls be unearthed, and by the downward that boys, its inveterate enemies, be buried. The chameleon (yak-katused) is the incarnation of women who have died in parturition. Marine turtles (kesbéró) are held sacred and not killed. The ery of frogs (gembó) is a sign that rain is impending; their urine is poisonous; if a frog that infests a house be removed to any great distance it will come back- a mark may be made on it to test the truth; a person is made lean by the Polypedactus maculatus (gos gemadiya or etagembá) jumping on him.
A python (pimbura) swallows a whole deer and then goes between the trunks of two trees growing near each other to crush the bones of its prey. Cobras (nayi) are held sacred and never killed; some have the wishing gem (naga manikkaya) in their throats which they keep out to entice insects, and if this be taken from them they kill themselves; they frequent sandal-wood trees, are fond of the sweet-smelling flowers of the wild pine, and are attracted by music: their bite is fatal on Sundays, and to keep them off, the snake-charmers carry the root of the Martynia diandra (ndgadarana). Of the seven varieties of Ceylon vipers (polangu), the bite of the nidi polangd causes a deep sleep and that of the le polanga discharges of blood; the female viper expires when its, skin is distended with offspring and the young make their escape out of the decomposed body. The green whip-snake (hetulla) attacks the eyes of those who approach it, and the shadow of the brown whip-snake (henakandaya) makes one lame and paralytic; a rat-snake (gerandiya) seldom bites, but if it does, it is fatal to trample cow-dung. The Tropidonotus stolichus (aharakukka) lives in groups of seven, and when one is killed the others come in search of it; and the Dipsas forstenii (mapila) reaches its victim on the floor by several of them linking together and hanging from the roof. The legendary kobo snake loses a joint of its tail every time it expends its poison, till one is left, when it gets wings and a head like that of a toad; with the last bite the victim and itself both die. A snake-doctor generally finds out what kind of reptile had bitten a person by a queer method: if the informer touches his breast with the right hand, it is a viper; if the head, a mapila; if the stomach, a frog; if the right shoulder with the left hand, a Bungarus cæruleus (karawald); if he be excited, it is a skink; and if the messenger be a weeping female carrying a child, it is a cobra.
Worms (panuvo) attack flowers in November, and are subject to charms; retribution follows on one ruthlessly destroying the clay nest of a mason-wasp (kumbald); winged termites (meru), which issue in swarms in the rainy season, prognosticate a good supply of fish; spiders (makund) are former fishermen who are continning their old vocation; snails (golubell) used to spit at others, and the Mantis religiosa (darakettiyd) was guilty of robbing firewood; bugs infest a house when misfortune is impending; leeches (kúdelló) are engaged in measuring the ground, and crickets (reheyyó) stridulate till they burst. It is lucky to have ants carrying their eggs about a house, but if middlesized black ants (geri) do so, the head of the house will die within a short interval; when a person is in a bad temper, it is sarcastically said that a red ant (dimiyd) has broken wind on him; the kanwéyd, a small red myriapod, causes death by entering the ear. Every new-born child has a louse on its head, which is never killed, but thrown away or put on to another's head. As the finger is taken round a bimúrd, a burrowing insect, it dances to the couplet "Bim úra, bim úra; tôt natapiya mat natannan" (bimûrd bimûrd, you better dance and I too shall do so).
The presence of fire-flies (kandmediriyd) in a house indicate that it will be broken into or deserted; if they alight on a person, a private loss will ensue, and whatever be wished for, as they are picked up, will be obtained; they had formerly refused to give a light to one in wout of it; their bite requires "the mud of the sea and the stars of the sky" to effect a cure an occult way of expressing salt and the gum of the eye. Butterflies (samanalayo) go on a pilgrimage from November

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GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOOIAL LIFE.
437
to February to Adam's Peak, against which they dash themselves and die. Centipedes (pattéyó) ran away when their name is mentioned and kill themselves when surrounded by a fire; they are as much affected as the person they bite. The black beetle (kuruminiyd) is a departed spirit sent by Yama, king of the dead, to find out how many there are in a family; if it comes down on three taps from an ikle broom, its intentions are evil; it is either killed or wrapped in a piece of white cloth and kept in a corner.
If one approaches the mythical damba tree without a charm, he is killed by evil spirits; a twig of the unknown kalunika floats against the current and cuts in two the strongest metal, and the fabulous kapruka gives everything one wishes for. Bo-trees are sacred to Buddha and never cut down; the margosa (kohomba) is consecrated to Pattini and her seven attondants; and the fruits of the Steroulia fetida (telambu) are never eaten, as this tree is haunted by Navaratna Walli, the patronegs of the Rodiya caste. A nut of the cocoanut-tree never falls on one except he has incurred divine displeasure ; it is lacky to possess a double cocoanat-tree, but bad for one's male children to have a king cocoanut-tree near a house, and when a child is born or a person dies, a cocoanut blossom is hung over to keep away the devils.
The flowering of the Corypha umbraculifera (tala) is inauspicious to a village, and to remove the evil influence a gardyakuma is performed. In drawing toddy from the Caryota urens (kitul), a knife which has already been used is preferred to another. One who plants an areca-tree becomes subject to nervousness, and the woman who chews with betel the slice containing the scar becomes a widow. Before a betel is chewed its apex and sometimes the ribs are removed, either as poison may have been injected, or as a cobra bronght this leaf from the lower world with the stalk in its mouth; the petiole also is broken off, as it is beneath one's dignity to eat it.
There are rites and ceremonies before ploughing and sowing rice ; for making a threshing-floor; before the threshing takes place; after the first crop of corn is threshed; after the paddy is collected and at the measuring of the grain. In a field things are given strange names; no sad news is told, and shade over the head is not permitted. When the daily supply of rice is being given out, if the winnowing fan (kulla) or the measure (hundua) drops, it denotes that extra mouths will have to be fed ; and if a person talks while the grain is pat into the pot it will not swell, Paddy is not pounded in a house where one has died, as the spirit is attracted by the noise. Twilight seen on the tops of trees is the light by which the female elf Rakshi dries ber paddy.
A bite of the Habenaria macrostachya naga meru alb) inflames one's passion; the Trichosanthes cucumerina (dummalla) and the Zehenaria umbellata (kekiri) are rendered bitter if named before eating; the Alocasia yams (habarala) give a rasping sensation in the throat whenever it is mentioned within the eater's hearing; if a married female eats a plantain which is attached to another, she will get twins; when one is hurt by a nettle, Cassia leaves (tóra) are rubbed on the injured place with the words "Lôra kola visa nota kahambiliyáva visa eta" (Cassia leaves are stingless, but prickly is the nettle); and to get a good crop yams are planted in the afternoon and fruitbearing trees in the forenoon. The Cassia grows on a fertile soil, and where the Maritizia tetrandra (diya taliya) and the Terminalia tomentosa (kumbuk) flourish, & copious supply of water can be obtained ; persons taken for execution were formerly decorated with the hibiscus (wadamal), and flowers of different colours are used for devil ceremonies.
It is auspicions to have growing near houses the iron-wood (nd), the Mimusops hexandra (palu), the Mimusops elengi (münamal). champak (sapu), the pomegranate (delum), the margosa, the areca, the cocoanut, the palmyrah (talgaha), the jack (herali), the shoeflower, the Wrightia zeylanica (idda), the nutmeg (sadikka), and the Vitis vinifera (midt). But the following are unlucky: the cotton tree (imbul), the Myristica horsfieldia (ruk), the mango (amba), the Aegle marmelos (belt), the Cassia fistula (ehela), the tamarind (siyamball), the satinwood (bruta), the Acacia catechu (rat kihiri), the Murraya exotica (ellériya) and the soapberry plant (penela).16
(To be continued.) 36 I am largely indebted for the information about plants to J. R. 4. 8. (Ceylon), 1801, Vol. XII. No. 12, p. 185.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
SUBHASHITAMALIKA. Translated from German Poets.
BY PROFESSOR C. CAPPELLER, PH.D., JENA. ( Continued from p. 409.)
Transitoriness. 69
Siehe, wir hassen, wir streiten, es tronnt uns Neigung and Meinung ; Aber es bleichet indess dir sich die Locke wie mir.
SCHILLER.
सदा विद्विष्व पश्य वाग्भिश्व विवदावहे । जीर्यन्ति चोभयोः केयाः कलहे वर्तमानयोः ॥ sada vidvishvahê pasya vâgbhis cha vivadâvahe | jîryanti chôbhayôh kêsâḥ kalahê vartamânayôh II
70
'S ist nicht allein der Wangen Pracht, die mit den Jahren flieht, Nein, das ists was mich traurig macht, dass auch das Herz verblüht.
न शोचामि तथा गडी नश्यच्छ्रीको शनैः शनैः । यथा हृदयमन्तःस्थं मानं ग्राम जडीकृतम् ॥
na sôchâmi tatha ganḍau naiyachchhrikau šanaiḥ śanaiḥ I yatha hridayam antaḥstham mlânam glânam jaḍikritam || 71
Was vergangen, kehrt nicht wieder ; Aber ging es leuchtend nieder, Leuchtete lange noch zurück.
यदिनाथपथं यातं गतं तदनिवृत्तये | वर्तते तु चिरं दृष्टावस्तमेति यदुज्ज्वलम् ॥ yad vinasapatham yatam gatam tad anivṛittayê | vartatê tu chiram drishtar astam êti yad ujjvalam I 72
Was glänzt, ist für den Augenblick geboren ; Das Echte bleibt der Nachwelt unverloren.
[NOVEMBER, 1903. "
Was du von der Minute ausgeschlagen, Bringt keine Ewigkeit zurück.
यच्छोभि तत्तखेनैव जायते चान्तरेति च । अन्तःसारं तु यज्ज्ञात्यं कल्पान्तेपि न नश्यति ॥
yach chhôbhi tat kshanênaiva jâyatê chântarêti cha I antaḥsâram tu yaj jâtyam kalpântê 'pi na naayati
73
आनीतं यन्मुहूर्तेन प्रत्याख्यातं त्वया च यत् । न तत्कल्पसहस्रेषु प्रतिलब्धासि कर्हिचित् ॥ anitam yan muhûrtêna pratyâkhyâtam tvaya cha yat na tat kalpasahasrêshu pratilabdhâsi karhichit ||
K. FÖRSTER.
GEIBEL.
Cf. M. Bh. XII. 3814.
GOETHE.
SCHILLER.

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439
Youth and Age.
74
In den Ocean schifft mit tausend Masten der Jüngling; Still, aaf gerettetom Boot, treibt in den Hafen der Greis. SCHILLER.
पोतैः पवनवितिः समुद्रं लवते युवा ।
भावशिष्टया वृइस्तीरमिच्छति नौकया ॥ pôtaih pavana vikshiptai h samudram plavatd yuva bhangåvasishtaya vriddhas tiram ichchhati naukay 11
75 Wie gross war diese Welt gestaltet, So lang die Knospe sie noch barg ; Wie wenig, ach, hat sich entfaltet, Dies wenige wie klein und karg!
SCHILLER. पजवेन पिनई यत्पुरासीत्सुमहाकृति ।
तस्यैवाल्पकमुद्धिनं कृच्छाचापि तदल्पकम् ।। pallavena pinaddha yat parasit samahákpiti tasyaivalpakam udbhinnań ksichchhrách châpi tad alpakam 11
76 Weil sie so leichtlich glaubt, irrt muntre Jugend oft ; Das Alter quält sich gern, weil es zu wenig hofft.
CRONEGE, विश्रम्भातिप्रसङ्गेन भ्रान्ति गच्छति यौवनम् ।
आयातन्तुविशीर्थवाज्जरा दुःखेन पीब्यते ॥ vikrambhátiprasad gêna bhrântin gachchhati yauvanam ašâtantu visfrņatvij jari dubkhêna pidyate il
77 Früh in blühender Jugend lern, o Jüngling, Lebensglück. Sie entfliehn, die holden Jahre ! Wie die Welle die Welle, treibt die eine Stunde die andre.
Keine kebret zurück, bis einst dein Haupthaar Schneeweiss glänzet, der Parpur deiner Lippen Ist entwichen, nur eine Schönheit blieb dir, Männliche Tagend.
BALDE. पुत्र द्राग्यौवनस्थो भज सुखजननं धर्ममार्ग प्रयत्नादब्धामिर्यथोमि प्रणुदति सततं रे मुहूर्तो मुहूर्तम् । यच्चातीतं व्यतीतं विकृतिमललितां यावदभ्येति कायः
केथा जीर्यन्ति शुष्यत्यधरकिसलयं शिष्यते पुण्यमेकम् ।। patra drag yauvanastbô bhaja sukhajananan dharmamârgam prayatnad abdhav Armir yathormim prañadati satata re mubartó muhärtam yach chatitam vyatitam vikritim alalitan yavad abhyeti kayaḥ kesh jtryanti sushyaty adharakisalayam sishyatê panyam ekam II
C.M. Bh. V.1249.

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[NOVEMBER, 190s.
78 Am Ende deiner Bahn ist gut Zufriedenheit; Doch wer am Anfang ist zufrieden, kommt nicht weit. RÜCKERT. नास्ति वै जीवनस्यान्ते मनस्तोषसमं सुखम् । भादौ तु योस्ति संतुष्ट न स दूरं गमिष्यति ॥ násti vai jtvanasyante manastöshasaman sukham adau tu yo 'sti sartusbțd na sa dôram gamishyati ||
Life and Death.
79 Heilig sei dir dor Tag; doch schätze das Leben nicht höher, Als ein anderes Gut, denn alle Güter sind trüglich.
GOETHE. मुहूर्तो बहुमन्तव्यो मा तु भावय जीवनम् । उत्तम सर्वविताना सर्व विसं हि भङ्गरम् ।। muborto bahumantavyð ma ta bhavaya jivanem uttamam sarvavittânám sarvan vittam hi bhangaram 11
80
Des Todes rührendes Bild steht Nicht als Schrecken dem Weisen und nicht als Ende dem Frommen. Jenen drängt es ins Leben zurück und lehret ihn handeln, Diesem stärkt es, zam künftigen Heil, in Trübsal die Hoffnung; Beiden wird zum Leben der Tod.
GOETHE. मूर्खद्विष्टो मनसि विदुषः सज्जते नोकरालो नो भावस्योपरतिरिव च श्रदधानस्य मृत्युः। था प्राणान्तादितरमनिशं कर्मणे तेजयित्वा प्रश्वास्यान्य विपदि मरणं कल्पते जीवनाय ।। mûrkhadvishtô manasi vidushah sajjatê no kara 18 nd bhivaayoparatir iva cha grad dadhanasya mțityuh å prañántad itaram anigan karmanê têjayitva prabvâsyanya vipadi maraganda kalpate jivanaya 11
.. . 81 Wenn die Blätter fallen in des Jahres Kreise, Wenn zum Grabe wallen entneryte Greise, Da gehorcht die Natar Ruhig nur Ihrem alten Gesetze, Da ist nichts was den Menscben ontsetze.
SCHILLER पतनं मानपत्राणां मरणं च गतायुषाम् ।
विहितं विधिनेस्येतत्र प्राशेभ्यो भयंकरम् ॥ patanan mlänapattriņki maranaṁ cha gatkyosham | vihitati vidhipety dtan na prajiebhyo bhayainaram It
Cf. Bhdg. Pur. VII. 2, 49; SubAdshitdru. 176.

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SUBHASHITAMALIKA..
441
GOETHE.
Und so lang du das nicht bast, Dieses Stirb und Werde, Bist du nur ein trüber Gast
Auf der dunkeln Erde. यावज्ज्ञातं त्वया नैतन्मरणापतिजीवनम् ।
भूमौ तिमिरभूतायां भवस्यन्ध इचातिथिः॥ yâvaj jñatam trayâ naitan maraņât pratijivanam bhûmau timirabhůtâyâm bhavasy andha ivätithih | Fortune and Adversity.
83 O Menschenherz, was ist dein Glück? Ein unbewusst geborner, Und kaum gegrüsst, verlorner,
Unwiederholter Augenblick. सखे हृदय पृच्छामि किंभूतं सुखमस्ति ते ।
अज्ञातजातनिर्नष्टः स्वागतापगतः क्षणः॥ sakhê hridaya prichchhâmi kimbhůta sukham asti tên ajñatajâtanirnashtah svågatåpagataḥ kshanah 11
LENAU.
84
GOETHE.
GOETHE.
Willst du in die Ferne schweifen ? Sieh, das Gute liegt so nah! Lerne nur das Glück ergreifen,
Und das Glück ist immer da. अल दूरभवासेन हस्तपाप्ये हिते सति । श्रीः केशेषु ग्रहीतव्या श्रीश्च संनिहिता सदा ।। alam důrapravåsena hastaprâpyê hitê sati srih kêsê shu grahitavyâ gris cha sannibita sada II
85 Alles in der Welt lässt sich ertragen,
Nar nicht eine Reihe von schönen Tagen. सर्व खलु मनुष्येण सह्यं लोके ब्रवीम्यहम् ।
न तु सह्या विमेघानां सुदिनानां परंपरा ॥ sarvam khalu manushyêņa saliyan loke bravimy aham na tu sabya vimêghanam sudinânâm parampara II
86 Ein jeder Wechsel schreckt den Glücklichen; Wo kein Gewinn zu hoffen, droht Verlust. विपर्ययेण सर्वेण भीति याति सुखी जनः । वृदिर्यत्र न लभ्येत सय एवाचशिव्यते ॥ viparyayêņa sarvêņa bhftim yâti sukhi janah vriddhir yatra na labhyêta kshaya evavasishyatê 1
SCHILLER.

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[NOVEMBER, 1903.
87 Zeigt sich der Glückliche mir, ich vergesse die Götter des Himmele; Aber sie stehen vor mir, wenn ich den Leidenden Beh. SCHILLER.
सुखिनं यदि पश्यामि विस्मरामि दिवौकसः । ते पुरो मे स्थिताः साक्षादीक्षमाणस्य दु:खिनम् ॥ sukhinam yadi pagyami vismarami divaukasah të purð mê sthitaḥ sâkshâd vikshamâņasya dulkhinam 11
Fate.
88 Musst nicht widerstehn dem Schicksal Aber musst es auch nicht fliehen: Wirst du ihm entgegengehen, Wirds dich freundlich nach sich ziehen.
GOETHEप्रतीकारो विधेर्नास्ति न चाप्यस्ति पलायनम् । अनुकूलतरं दैवं क्षमया प्रतिगृढतः॥ pratikaro vidher nâsti na châpy asti palâyanam anukûlataram daivam kshamayâ pratigrihộatah #
89 Kannst dem Schicksal widerstehn, Aber manchmal giebt es Schläge; Wills nicht aus dem Wege gehn, Ei so geh du aus dem Wege.
GOETHE. दैवं तात प्रतीकुर्वस्ताडनानि सहिष्यसे | प्रतिकूलस्य दैवस्य मार्गो देयो मनस्विना॥ daivan täta pratikurvams tâdanâni sahishyaslı pratikálasya daivasya mârgô dêyê manasviná |
90 . Es fürchte die Götter Das Menschengeschlecht! Sie halten die Herrschaft In ewigen Händen, Und können sie brauchen Wies ihnen gefällt. Der fürchte sie doppelt, Den je sie erheben !
GOETHE. सततममरमन्योरुद्विजन्तां मनुष्या द्विरपि तु स बिभीयादुधसंस्थो नरो यः। अचलमुचितहस्तैरीश्वरत्वं दधाना । यदभिरुचितमेषां साधयन्त्येव देवाः ॥ satatam amatamanyôr udvijantan manushya dvir api tu sa bibhiyâd uchchasamsth8 nard yah achalam uobitahastair isvaratvam dadhana yad abhiruchitam &shâm sâdhayanty êya dávah

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SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
GORTHE
91 Mit den Göttern Soll sich nicht messen Irgend ein Mensch. Bebt er sich aufwärts und berührt Mit dem Scheitel die Sterne, Nirgends haften dann Die ansicheren Sohlen, Und mit ihm spielen
Wolken und Winde. न खलु न खलु स्पर्धा कार्या सुरैः सह जन्तुना
नभसि तुलयन्नास्मानं चेस्पृशत्यपि तारकाः । कचन चलनान्यासजन्ते न पादतलान्यतो जलदपवनाः क्रीडां कुर्वन्त्यनेन निरर्गलम् ॥ na khalu na khala spardha karya suraih saha jantung nabhasi talayann átmânam chet spřišaty api târakâh kvachana chalanany asajjantê na pâdatalany stô jaladspavanah kridám kurvanty anôna nirargalam
Guilt.
92 Das Leben ist der Güter höchstes nicht; Der Uebel grösstes aber ist die Schuld.
SCHILLER.. जीवनं को हि मन्येत धनानां धनमुत्तमम् ।
कष्टानां तु महाकष्टमघं विद्धि स्वयंकृतम् ॥ jiranan ko hi manyata dhanánům dhanem uttamam kashtanan tu mabâkashtam agham viddhi svayamkritam I
98 Wer nie sein Brot mit Thränen ass, Wer nie die kummervollen Nächte Auf seinem Bette weinend gass, Der kennt euch nicht, ihr himmlischen Mächte. Ihr führt ins Leben uns hinein Und lasst den Armen schuldig werden; Dann überlasst ihr ihn der Pein, Denn alle Schuld rächt sich auf Erden.
GOETHE. यो नाथानं कदाचित्रयनजलगलो नापि दुःशर्वरीषु भ्रष्टस्वमो मुमोच स्वशयनममरा नो स जानाति युष्मान् । ये नीत्वा जीवलोकं तदनु बहुविध कारयित्वाघमन्ते. कराणां यातनानामुपनयथ वयं मर्त्यकीट वराकम् ॥ yo ngàînnan kadachin nayanajalagalo napi duh larvarishu bhrashțasvapnô mumôcha syagayanam amará no sa jänati yushman yê nitva jivalókam tadanu bahuvidhar karayitvågham ante krûrâņam yâtananam upanayatha Vasam martyakljam varakam II

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[NOVEMBER, 1903.
SCHILLER.
GOETHE.
94 Das eben ist der Fluch der bösen That, Dass sie fortzeugend immer Böses muss gebären. एतं महत्तमं मन्ये दोषं दुष्टस्य कर्मणः ।
संरोपयदिवात्मानं प्रसूते यदघान्तरम् ॥ eta mahattamaṁ manyé dôsha dushțasya karmaṇaḥ 1 samrðpayad ivâtmânam prasûtê yad aghêntaram II
95 Es freut sich die Gottheit der revigen Sünder : Unsterbliche heben verlorene Kinder Mit fourigen Armen zum Himmel empor.
आगस्कृतो दण्डशताहणस्य तुष्यन्ति देवाश्चरतोऽनुतापम् । विमुक्तदोषं च दिवं प्रसन्नास्तेजस्विभिर्बाहुभिरुवहन्ति ॥ agaskțito daņdagatâ rhanasya tushyanti devâs charatô 'nutâpam vimuktadshar cha divam prasannas tējasvibhir bâhubhir advahanti 11
Cf. Manu XI. 230. (To be continued.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 275.) Duren; 8, s. Durian, 255, ii.
Durian ; s.v.255, ii, twice, 793, ii; ann, 1768-71: Durga ; s. v. Factory, 264, i, 8. v. Pagoda, 498, 8. v. Soursop, 858,i; ann. 1878 : 8. . 256, i ;
ii, 499, ii, see 500, i, footnote, 3 times ; ann. ann. 1885: 8. v. 793, ii. 1609: 8.v. Nuggurcote, 483, i.
Durianes ; ann. 1563: s.. Durian, 256, i. Dargü; 8. o. Comorin, Cape, 184, i, 6. o. Doorga Duriano; 8. v. Durian, 255, ii.
pooja, 250, ii, 8. . Mysore, 467, i, 8. v. Pagoda, Durianum; ann. 1440 : «. v. Durian, 256, i.. 499, ii.
Durion ; ann. 1552, 1558 (twice) and 1588: Durgah ; 8. v. 255, i ; ann. 1828 : 8. v. 255, ii. 8. D. Darian, 256, i. Durga-pajâ ; ann. 1869 : 8. . Tazeea, 688, i, Darioon; arn. 1768-71: 8. v. Soursop, 858, i. twice.
Durio zibethinus ; 8. o. Darian, 255, ii. Durgā pūjā; 3. 0. Doorga pooja, 250, ii, &.. Dariyān ; 8. a. Durian, 255, ii. Dussera, 256, ii.
Durjan ; s. s. 793, ii. Durgaw; ann. 1782 : 8. o. Dargah, 255, ii. Duroa; ann. 1608-10: 8. o. Datura, 231, ii. Durhmsallah ; ann. 1826 : $. . Dhurmsalla, Darreer; ann. 1781 : 8. o. Doria, 251, i. 244, i.
Dursamand ; ann. 1340 : 8. o. Oudh, 494, ii. Duri; o. o. Durian, 256, ii.
Dūrsamand; 8. v. Doorsummand, 250, ii.
.

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INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
445
Dvāra-Samudra ; . v. Doorsummund, 250, ii. Dvärikä ; 8. v. Dwarka, 257, ii, twice. Dvipa; s. v. Diu, 246, ii, 3. v. Maldives, 417, ii. Dwaigir; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Bandicoot, 44, i, twice. Dwangarbeider ; 8. v. Beriberi, 66, ii. Dwära Samudra; 8. v. Narsinga, 474, i, ..0,
Sumatra, 657, i. Dwarka; e. v. 257, ii, .. .. Jacquete, 339, ii,
twice ; ann. 1813 and 1841 (twice): 8. .
Jacquete, 339, ii. Dwázdah-gání; ann. 1350 : 8. . Bargany, 761, ii. Dwazda-kani; 6. o. Bargany, 761, ii, twice. Dwye; 8. v. Doai, 248, i. Dy; ann. 1782: 8.2. Daye, 788, ii. Dyah ; ann. 1883: 8. v. Daye, 233, i. Dyak; ann. 1868: 8. v. Hubble-bubble, 326, i. Dybananguim ; ann. 1553: 8.v. Zirbad, 750, i. Dye-wood; 8. v, Brazil-wood, 86, i, 3 times. Dyewood ; 8. v. Brazil-wood, 86, i. Dyo; ann. 1525 : 8.v. Gogolla, 293, ii. Dysucksoys; 8.. Piece-goods, 536, i. Dyvan-Khane; ann. 1367: 8.v. Dewaun, 240, ii.
Dúr Samun ; ann. 1309 : 8. v. Doorsuinmund,
250, ii. Dúró Samundúr; ann. 1300 : 8.0. Doorsummund,
250, ii. Durva ; 8. o. Doob, 250, i. Durwaun ; 8. v. 256, ii. Durwauza-bund; 8. v. 793, ii. Duryoen; ann. 1598 and 1601 : 8. v. Darian,
256, i. Durzee; ann. 1888: 8, p. Tailor-bird, 676, i. Das; ann. 1292: 8. . Umbrella, 725, ii, 3 times. Dasaud ; ann. 1792: 4. v. Pyke (b), 847, i. Dasharah ; ann. 1785 : . v. Dussera, 257, i. Dusrah ; ann. 1799 : 8. v. Dussera, 257, i. Dussarab ; ann. 1812: d. v. Dussera, 257, i. Dussera; 3. v. 256, ii, 8. o. Doorga pooja, 250,
ii ; ann. 1820: 8. v. Dewally, 288, ii; ann.
1825 : 8. o. Pindarry, 539, i. . Dustick; ann. 1682: 8. v. Choky, 158, ii; ann.
1748: 8.0, Dastuck, 257, ii; ann. 1762: 8.0. Writer, 742, ii; ann. 1769 : 8. v. Hosbol
hookhum, 807, ii. Dustoor; 8. v. 257, i, 793, ii; ann. 1680 : 8. v.
793, ii, twice; ann. 1780 and 1785: 8. v. 257,
ii ; ann. 1809: 8. . Destoor, 287, ii. Dustooree; 8. v. Custom, 221, ii ; ann. 1866:
8. v. Dustoor, 257, ii. Dustoorie ; ann. 1822: 8. v. Sircar (b), 688, i. Dustoory ; 8. v. Dustoor, 257, i, 8. v. Sayer, 604,
i; ann. 1680: 8. o. Picar, 843, ii, 8. v. Podár, 844, ii; ann. 1681 : 8. o. Dastoor, 793, ii;
ann. 1824: 8. v. Dastoor, 257, ii. Dustuck; 8.. 257, ii, twice, 793, i : ann.
1716 : 8. v. 257, ii ; ann. 1759 : 8. o. Consu. mah, 190, ii ; ann. 1768 : 8.0. 257, ii. Dutch Folly; ann. 1856: 8. v. Lorcha, 398, i. Dutch Garden; ann. 1688: 8. v. Gardens, 278, ii. Dutch India ; s.v. Resident, 576, ii, 8. v. West
Coast, 740, i. Duties; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Massaul, 460, i. Dutra; ann. 1690: 8. v. Datura, 231, ii. Dutry; ann. 1673: 8. v. Datura, 281, ii. Duttee; ann. 1622 : 6. o. Dhoty, 248, i. Dattie; ann. 1615: 0. ». Lewchew, 392, ii. Duty: ann. 1681 : 8. v. Deuti, 790, i. Dauetma; ann. 1559 : , . Tomaun, 707, ii. Dayung ; 8. o. Dugong, 254, ii, Duyung ; 6.0. Dugong, 254, ii. Dvars; 8.0. Doar, 248, ii. Dvărakk ; 6. v. Dwarka, 257, ii,
Eagle-wood; 8. v. 258, i, 3 times and footnote,
8. 0. Aloes, 10, ii ; ann. 1516 and 1618 : 8.0.
Calambac, 110, ii ; ann. 1854 : 8. v. 258, ii. Engre ; s. v. Macareo, 402, ii. Early tea; s. v. Chota-hazry, 162, i; ann. 1866
and 1875: 8. v. Ohota-hazry, 162, i. Earth-nut; ann. 1600 : 8.0, Sweet Potato, 673, ii. Earth-oil; 1. v. 258, ii ; ann. 1755 : &' 0. 258,
ii; ann. 1759 : 8. o. Catechu, 133, ii; s. v.
Hurtaul, 328, i; ann. 1810: 8. v. 258, ii. Easterling ; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Zirbad, 750, i. East-Indian ; 8. d. Eurasian, 262, i. East Indies; ann. 1687: 8. v. Achár, 3,i; ann.
1688: 8.. Ant, White, 23, i; ann. 1768 :
8. v. Anaconda, 16, ii. Eat-rice ; s.. Tiffin, 700, i. Eblis; ann. 1800 : 8. v. Oojyne, 487, ii. Ebony-tree; s. v. Calamander Wood, 110, i. Ebramies; 'ann. 1727: 8. v. Matt, 430, ii. Ecbarry' ; ann. 1673: . v. Mannd, 432, i. Ecberi ; ann. 1610 : .. v. Xerafine, 743, ii. Ecka; 8. v. 258, ii. Ecnephia; ann. 1613: 8. v. Typhoon, 723, ii. Eden ; •. v. Plantain, 541, i. Edirwarna Vedam ; ann 1927: 8. p. Granthum,
804, i.

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Edrisi; 5. v. Dial-Sind, 792, i.
Ekka; s. v. Ecka, 258, ii, s. v. Hackery, 310, it ; Eed; *. . 259, i, 794, i ; ann. 1860: 8. v. ann, 1811 and 1834: 8. v. Ecka, 259, i. 794, i.
Eknepbias; ann. 1613: %, . Typhoon, 723, . Eedgah; 5. v. 259, 1,8, v. Bonow, 100, i. Ek-tang : ann. 1888: 8. v. Ekteng, 794, i. Eed-Gah ; ann. 1792: 8.0. Fedgah, 259, i. Ekteng ; *. v. 794, i. Eekbar; ann. 1663: 8. v. Taj, 860, i.
Ela; 8. u. Patchouli, 518, i. Egg-plant ; 8. v. Brinjaul, 86, ii, 87, i.
Elam; 8. o. Patchouli, 518, i. Egmore; ann. 1693 : 8. v. Purwanna, 564,i; Eland ; ann. 1663: 6. v. Neelgye, 476, i. ann. 1694: 8. v. Salaam, 592, i.
Elange ; ann. 1612: 8, v. Caste, 132, i. Egoz; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Coco, 176, ii.
Elatches ; s. v. Piece-goods, 536, i. Egypt; s, v. Arrack, 26, i, 8. v. Asbrafee, 26, i, Elchee ; v. 794, i.
*. v. Bheesty, 69, ii, 8. v. Bora, 80, i, 8. . Elchi; ann. 1404 and 1885 : 8.v. Elebee, 794, i. Buffalo, 93, ii, 8. v. Chick (b), 148, i, 8. v. Electrum ; ann. 250: 8. v. Lac, 381, i. China, 153, i, see 175, ii, footnote, 3. v, Coffee, Elef; 8. v. Elephant, 795, ii. 179, i, 8. v. Copeck, 195, ii, &, v. Curry, 217, Elef ameqran ; 8. v. Elephant, 795, i, ii, see 224, ii, footnote, 8. o. Deloll, 235, ii, Elefant ; 8. v. Elephant, 797, ii. 8. v. Dewaun, 239, ii, 8.v. Dufterdar, 254, i, 4. v. Elefante ; ann. 1616: 8. r. Elephanta, 260, i. Gopura, 297, ii, see 305, i, footnote, 3. v. Elefantes ; ann. 1541 : 8.0. Abada, 1, i. Guinea-worm, 307, ü, 6. u. Hodgett, 320, i, Elefanti ; ann. 1505: 8. o. Narsinga, 474, i. 3. v. Misree, 434, ii, 8. . Moplah, 448, ii, see Elegans; 8. v. Polonga, 545, i. 452, i, footnote, 8. o. Ooplah, 488, i, 8.o. | Elephans; ann. 1653 : 8.0. Omrah, 486, i; Pataca, 517, ii, 8, v. Pateca, 518, ii, see 519, i, ann. 1665 : 8. v. Elephanta (b), 261, ii. footnote, 6. . Peer, 524, ii, 8. v. Sirris, Elephant; .. v. 259, ii, 794, ii, 4 times and foot038, ii, 8. v. Sissoo, 639, i, 8. v. Sugar, 65+, i, note (twice), 795, i (6 times) and ii, 796, i and 655, i, o, v. Sultan, 656, i, s. v. Teak, 692, ii, ii, both 5 times, 797, i (6 times) and ii (3 *. v. Turkey, 720, i, 8. v. Typhoon, 722, i, times), 8. v. Coomkee (b), 194, 8. v. Cornac, 197, s. v. Wali, 739, i and ii, 8. v, Zebu, 747, i, ii, 198, i and footnote, 8. o. Corral, 200, ii, ... 8. v. Dengue, 789, i, 8. v. Elephant, 795, i, Cospetir, 201, ii, see 226, ii, footnote, 245, ii, 796, i, twice, 8. v. Fedea, 798, ii; ann. 940 : footnote, 8.0, Elephanta, 259, ii, 3 times, 8. v. 8. v. Teak, 693, i; ann. 1250: 8. o. Porcelain, Guddy, 307, i, 8. v. Hatty, 313, i, twice, 8. v. 548, ii ; ann. 1335: 8. . Tanga, 682, ii; ann. Howdah, 325, ii, .v. India, 331, ii, 8. v. Jool, 1340: 8.v. Dawk, 232, i; 8. D. Jeetul, 349, ii, 353, ii, 8. v. Keddah, 364, i, see 373, i, foot: *... Lack, 382, ii, 8.0. Palankeen, 503, i, ann. note, 8. v. Lan John, 384, ii, 8.0. Mahout, 409, 1420 : 8.v. Cowry, 209, ii, twice ; ann. 1443 : i, 8. v. Mate, 430, i, 3 times, &. r. Mosquito, 3. v. Macheen, 406, i; ann. 1401 : 8. v. 453, i, 8. v. Muckna, 454, i, 4 times and footPorcelain, 845, i; ann. 1520: 8. v. Doombur, note, s... Must, 462, 1, 8.0. Negrais, Cape, 477, 792, ii, twice; ann. 1541 : . v. Peking, 526, i, 8. v. Rogue, 579, ii, 5 times, 580, i, see 588, i; ann. 1554 : 8. u. Giraffe, 289, ii; ... ii, footnote, 8. v. Surkunde, 666, i, see 793, ii, Zamorin, 745, ii; ann. 1598: 8.. Banana, footnote, 8. v. Ganda, 799, i, twice, 800, i, .. 42, ii ; ann. 1884: 8. v. Zend, 870, i.
Jeel, 811, i, 8. v. Numerical Aflixes, 832, ii ; Egypte ; 3. v. Pataca, 517, ii; ann. 1848: 8. v. B. C. 325: 8. v. Tiger, 701, ii, twice; B. C.?, Zumbooruck, 751, ii.
B. C. 150 (twice) and B. C. 20: #. #. Egyptians; ann. 1598: 8. o. China-Root, 153, i. Indian (Mahout), 333, ii; A. D. 80-90: 8.0. Ehsham; ann. 1811: 8. v. Buxee, 104, ii.
Tiger, 702, i ; ann. 210: 8. v. Indian (Mahout), Eheham; 8. v. Eysham, 262, ii.
333, ii ; ann. 640: 8. v. Kling, 373, i; ann. Eight Brothers; ann. 1883: 8. v. Seven Sisters, 700 : «. v. Cospetir, 202, i; ann. 1150 : 8.0. 616, i.
Malay, 416, ii ; ann. 1200 : 8. o. Bilooch, 71, Ejlbothen; ann. 1840: 8. v. Pyke (a), 567, i. i; ann. 1290 : 8. v. Hindoo, 315, ii; aan. Eintrelopre ; ann. 1760 : $. v. Interloper, 835, i. 1298: 4. . Champa, 140, i, 8. o. Zobo, 750, 'Ekatámpulus; 8. v. Dwarka, 257, ii. .
ü; ann. 1311: . v. Madura, 408, i; ann.

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447
1315 : s. v. Ghaut (b), 282, i; ann. 1828 : 8.. Cornac, 198, i, .. v. Elephanta, 260, ü; 8, o. Champa, 140, i ; ann. 1340: 8. v. Cbatta, ann. 1757 : 8. v. Musnud, 827, ii ; ann. 1760 : 141, ii, 8. o. Cootub, The, 195, i, twice, *. v. 8. v. Elephants, 260, ii ; ann. 1764: 3. . Gwalior, 805, i, 3 times ; ann. 1350: 8.. Elephanta, 261, i; ann. 1780 : 8. v. Elephanta, Martaban, 428i; ann. 1370: 8. v. Jungle, 261, i, twice, 8. v. Muckna, 454, i, twice, 6. o. 358, ii ; ann. 1430 : 8. v. Giraffe, 289, ii, 8. v. Tangun, 683, ii; ann. 1780-90 : 8. v. Peon, Macheen, 406, i, s.o. Tenasserim, 695, ii; ann. 528, ii; ann. 1781 : 8. o. Nair, 471, i ; ann. 1443 : 8, d. Kedgeree, 364, i ; ann. 1450 : 6.0. 1783: . v. Elephanta, 261, i, twice ; ann. Jungle, 359, i; ann. 1498 : 8. o. Pegu, 525, i, 1785 : 8. v. Fanám, 266, i, 8. v. Howdah, 325, 3.v. Sarnau, 601, ii ; ann. 1516: 6. v. Champa, ii; ann. 1789: 8.. Bangy (a), 46, i; ann. 140, i; ann, 1522: 8. o. Coco-de-Mer, 177, 1798 and 1799 : .. v. Ambaree, 11, i; ann. ii; ann. 1526 : 8. v. Hatty, 313, ii, 4 times, 1800 : 8. v. Carcana, 125, ii, o. o. Poligar, 8.t. Gwalior, 805, i, 3 times; ann. 1541: 8.. 844, ii; ann. 1803 : 8. v. Anaconda, 17, i, Abada, 1, i; ann. 1545: 8. v. Prome, 554, ii ; 8. v. Sowarry, 650, ii; ann. 1804: 8. v. ann, 1548 : s. . Elephanta, 259, ii; ann. Howdah, 325, ii; ann. 1805 : 8. . Ambaree, 1553: 8. o. Cospetir, 202, i, 8. o. Ganda, 11, i; ann. 1807: 8. v. Coomkee (b), 194, i; 277, ii ; ann. 1554 : 8.. Elephanta (b), 261, ann, 1810:8. v. Chowry, 165, ii; ann, 1813 : i, 8. 1. Rhinoceros, 849, i; ann. 1555: 3. v. 8. v. Elephanta, 261, i, twice; ann. 1827: 8.0. Peshawur, 531, ii; ann. 1560: 8. v. Laos, 885, Pawl, 842, ii; ann. 1829: s. v, To Tiff, 701, ii; ann. 1578 : 8. v. Pial, 533, ii ; ann. 1585: ii; ann. 1831 : 8.0. Howdah, 325, ii; ann. 8. v. Abada, 1, ii, 8. v. Buffalo, 93, ii, 94, i, 8. v. 1848: 8. v. Mahout, 409, ii; ann. 1855 : Dala, 327, i ; ann. 1590: 8, v. Cospetir, 202, i, 8. v. Sonaparanta, 647, ii, twice; ann. 1856: 8. v. Ghee, 282, ü, s. v. Mahout, 409, i and ii, 8. v. Chuckerbutty, 167, i, twice; ann. 1857: 8. . Mate, 480, i, 8.0. Aracan, 758, ii ; ann. 8. v. Pandy, 509, ii ; ann. 1860 : 8. v. Ana1598: 8. v. Elephanta, 260, i, twice, 8. v. Siam, conda, 17, i, twice ; ann. 1863: 8.v. Howdab, 632, ü; ann. 1604: 8. v. Mugg, 455, ii ; ann. 325, ii ; ann. 1873 : 8.v. Mate, 430, i ; aon. 1608-9: 8.v. Palankeen, 503, ii; ann. 1610: 1878: 8. v. Rogue, 580, i, 3 times, 8. v. Sahib, 8. v. Rupee, 586, ii, 8. o. Gwalior, 805, i ; ann. 591, i ; ann. 1885: 8. v. To Tiff, 701, ii. 1612: 8. o. Dacca, 225, i ; ann. 1613: 8. D. Elephanta ; 8. . 259, ii, (b) 794, ii, 8. o. Abeda, 2, i; ann. 1616 : 8. v. Elephanta, 260, Damani, 228, i ; ann. 1538 : 8.0. Salsette (a), i, twice; ann. 1620 : 8. v. Orankay, 492, i; 594, ii, twice ; ann. 1673 : 8.). Pateca, 519, ann. 1629-30: 8. d. Payen-ghaut, 522, ii; ann. ii; ann. 1690 and 1712: 8. v. 260, ii; ann. 1631: 8.0. Tumasha, 717, i ; ann. 1632 : 8.0. 1754: .. . Veranda, 738, i; ann. 1756 and Vanjärās, 88, i; ann. 1644: 8. v. Elephants,
1760 : $. v. (b), 261, ii ; ann. 1764 and 260, i ; ann. 1648: $. v. Mahont, 409, ii; 1780: 8.0, 261, i ; ann. 1783 : 8. t. Veranda, ann. 1659: . v. Elephanta (b), 261, ii; ann. 738, i, twice; ann. 1795 and 1813 : s.v.261, 1663: 8. v. Howdah, 325, ii, 8. v. Lan John, i; ann. 1819 : 8. v. Concan, 189, ii. . 384, ii, s, u. Neelgye, 476, i, 8. . Pandit, 561, Elephant-Creeper ; 8. v. 261, ii. i ; ann. 1664: 8.0. Cowtails, 210, ii; ann. Elephant-driver : ann. 1826 : .. . Mahout, 1665: 4. v. Ambaree, 756, i ; ann. 1666: 1.0. 409, ii. Buffalo, 94, i ; ann. 1672: 8. v. Cornac, 198, Elephante ; ann. 1760 : 8.0. Elephants, 260, ii. i; s. r. Corral, 200, ii, $. v. Mogul, The Great, Elephanti; e. v. Elephant, 795, i. 437, ii; ann. 1673 : 8.0, Elephanta, 260, i, Elephantiasis ; &, v. Cochin Leg, 174, ii; ann. 8. o. Snake-stone, 643, ii; ann. 1681 : .0. 1813: 8.0. Cochin Leg, 174, ii. Umbrella, 726, i ; ann. 1684: 8. v. Masuli- Élephanto, ann. 1673 : 8. 6. Elephanta, 260, i ; patam, 822, ii ; ann. 1685: 8. v. Country, 8. v. Hendry Kendry, 314, i; ann. 1727: 6.0. 207, i; ann. 1690 : 8.v. Elephanta, 260, ii, Elephanta, 260, ii. (b) 794, ii; ann. 1712: 8, . Cornao, 198, i, 'Eléphantos ; 8.. Elephant, 794, ii, 795, i, 797, i. twice, 8. v. Elephanta, 260, ii, 3 times; ann. Elephant's Teeth ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Loonghee, 1726 : 8. v. Cornac, 198, i, twice ; ann. 1727:1 396, ii.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1903.
Elephants' teeth ; ann. 1250 : 8. o. Porcelain, Ellora; ann. 1684 and 1794: 8. v. Ell'ora, 262, i. 548, ii.
Ellóra; 8. v. Ell'ora, 261, ii. Elephant-trap; 8. v. Quedda, 567, ii.
Ell'ora; 8. v. 261, ii. Elephantus; 8. v. Elephant, 795, ii, twice. Ellore; 8. v. Circars, 170, ii. 'Eléphas; 8. v. Elephant, 794, ii, twice, 795, ii, Ellu ; ann. 1753: s. . Gingery, 801, i. 797, i.
Elly; ann. 1562 : 8. v. Delly, Mount, 235, ii. Eleusine Coracana; 8. v. Raggy, 571, i.
Elora; ann. 1665.: 8. v. Ell'ora, 261, ii. Elfenbein ; 8. o. Elephant, 797, ii.
Eloura ; ann. 1760 : 8. v. Ell'ora, 262, i. Eli; ann. 1298 : 8. v. Delly, Mount, 235, i. Elp ; 8. v. Elephant, 797, ii. Eli; 8. v. Delly, Mount, 235, i.
Elpend ; 8. v. Elephant, 797, ii. Èli; 8. v. Delly, Mount, 235, i.
Elu; 8. v. 262, i, 797, ii, twice, 798, i ; s. v. Eli ; 8. v. Delly, Mount, 235, i.
Dondera Head, 249, ii. Eliclipúr; ann. 1294-5: 8. v. Mahratta, 409, ii, Elu ; 8. o. Delly, Mount, 285, i. Eli mala; s, v. Delly, Moant, 235, i.
Elurā; 8. v. Ell'ora 261, ii. Elk; 8. v. 261, ii, 797, ii, 8. v. Sambre, 596, i. 'Elwai; B.v. Aloes, 10, ii. El-Kbārij ; 8. v. Carrack, 126, ii.
Elx; ann. 1270 : 8. v. Druggerman, 252, i. Elleeabad ; 8. v. Allahabad, 8, i.
Ely; 8. v. Delly, Mount, 235, i, twice, see 287, Ellefanté; ann. 1644: 8. v. Elephante, 260, i. i, footnote.
(To be continued.)
Baltan
NOTES AND QUERIES: NOTE ON LAW OF SUCCESSION IN THE
Indian Antiquary (for 1891). The principle of NATIVE STATE OF PERAK.
suocession appears to be that the heir-presumptive The law of succession in the State of Perak is the heir-apparent, and that having once become was that on the death of the Sultan the Raja beir-apparent he must succeed in his turn, the Muda became Sultan, and the Raja Bandahara right to succeed reverting to the next heir(Treasurer) became Raja Muda, and one of the apparent, whoever he may be. Dew Sultan's sons became Raja Bandahara. Thus,
It is remarkable that the custom in Perak supposing at some particular time, the succession
should, apparently, be of Sanskrit or Indian stood as in column I. below, then after successive
origin. In the Punjab State of Maler Kotla it is, deaths it would stand as in columns II. and III.
or rather was, followed by an Afghan family II. III.
which has a quasi-religious standing owing to the
fact that its founder was a celebrated Suff saint. A's Brother. A's Son
(Cf. the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVIII. p. 323.) BN Muda A's Brother. A's Son. Als Nuphaw. R. Bandahara... A's son. A's Nephew. A's Grandson.
H. A. Rose,
Superintendent of Ethnography, Punjab. The Malay Rajas came of a different race from the native Malays. They are believed to have
26th March 1903. come from India and a considerable number of Sanskrit words are found embedded in the lan
CORNAC. guage, and noticeably certain words relating to HERR is an early instance of this old AngloRoyalty. Some of those words, I believe, are Indianism. Yule's earliest instance is 1727. much closer to classical Sanskrit than similar
1894-5. The Queen was delivered of a Daughter words in the modern Indian Languages. Takhta
and fearing her husband should hate her because was one, I believe, and Singasara anotber. (See
it was not a son, she changed it for one the wife Marsden's Grammar and Dictionary.)
of a Cornaca had then brought forth. Cornaces The above note, by Mr. C. J. Irving, C.M.G., are the men that govern the elephants. Some Straits Settlements Civil Service (Retd.), is of said the child (afterwards the Emperor Akbar), interest in connection with the question of succes. thought to be changed, was got on the queen by slon in the State of Manipur, described in Sir the Cornaos. -Stevens, Translation of Faria-y Richard Temple's Note in Vol. XX., p. 422, of the Sousa, Portuguese Asia, Vol. II. p. 67.

Page #473

DEBER, 1903.)
NOTES ON DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY.
NOTES ON DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY. BY STEN KONOW, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA, NORWAY. THE Dravidian vorb is not rich in tenses. It possesses present tense which is commonly also
used as a future, a past, and usually also a future. Tala and Gondt differ from the rest of the Dravidian languages in having developed a more complicated system of conjugational forms. Bishop Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian of South Indian Family of Languages, Second Edition, London, 1875, p. 340, remarked about those two languages :
"Tula has a perfect tense, as well as an imperfect or indefinite past. It has conditional and potential moods, as well as a subjanctive. Tamil has but one verbal participle, which is properly . participle of the past tense, whilst Tuļa has also a present and a future participle. All these moods, tenses, and participles have regularly formed negatives. ...
“Gônd has all the moods, tenses, and participles of Tuļu, and in addition some of its own. It has an inceptive mood. Its imperfect branches into two distinct tenses, an imperfect properly so called (I was going) and past indefinite (I went). It has also a desiderative form of the indicative - that is, a tenso which, when preceded by the future, is a subjunctive, but which when standing alone implies a wish.
"On comparing the complicated conjugational system of the Gônd with the extreme and almost naked simplicity of the Tamil, I conclude that we have here a proof, not of the superiority of the Gônd mind to the Tamilian, but simply of the greater antiquity of Tamilian literary culture. The development of the conjugational system of Tamil seems to have been arrested at a very early period (as in the parallel, but still more remarkable, instance of the Chinese) by the invention of writing, by which the verbal forms existing at the time were fossilised, whilst the uncultured Gônds, and their still ruder neighbours the Kols, went on age after age, as before, compounding with their verbs auxiliary words of time and relation, and fusing them into conjugational forms by rapid and careless pronunciation, without allowing any record of the various steps of the process to survive."
Bishop Caldwell further suggested that these featares of the conjugational system of Goodt might, to some extent, be due to the influence of Santali. It would be of considerable interest if such an influence could be proved to have been at work, and I have therefore thought it worth while to take a closer view of the various facts connected with Gondi conjugation. I should have wished to extend my investigations to Tuļu, but I am hindered from doing so because I have not bere sufficient materials for dealing with that language.
It has often been stated that Gôndi differs from other Dravidian languages in the formation of the passive. In reality, however, Gîndi in this respect closely agrees with the other dialects of the family. Messrs. Driberg and Harrison state that Gôndi bas a regular passive formed by adding the vorb dyana, to be, to become, to the conjunctive participle; thus, jisi dydrind, I am struck. Sach forms are, however, also used in other Dravidian languages. Thus Bishop Caldwell gives mugind" dyirru, it is finished; kòvil katli dyirtu, the temple is built, from Tamil, and remarks that pôvirtu, it has gone, may generally be used in such phrases instead of dyirru, it has become. Similarly we find jíof hatten, having struck I went, I am struck, in Gôndi.
In Tamil, however, the auxiliary verb is, in sach phrases, always used in the third person singular Deater, while all persons and numbers are said to be used in Gôndi. I am not able to check this statement. I have examined the specimens prepared for the use of the Linguistic Survey in the various dialects of Gondt, and I have not found any such forms. It therefore seems probable that they are simply literal translations of Aryan phrases, and do not in reality belong to the language At all ovents, there cannot here be any question of influence exercised by Santali.
It hay further been stated that Göndt differs from other Dravidian languages in possessing • potential mood and an inceptivo. Thas, kid paritóná, I can do; klälàtona, I begin to do. In kid

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450
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBER, 1908.
pasitônd, I can do, lid is simply the verbal noun, aud the whole phrase exactly corresponds to forms such as nenu pada galanu, I can sing, in Telugu. K'idi&tond, I begin to do, is apparently formed from the infinitive kid-16, to do, by adding atond, I become, or, I have become. We can therefore compare Teluga phrases such as atadu & pani chéyadánaku drambhinchinadu, he has begun to do this work. In such forms, Gôndi will be seen to agree with the usage of other Dravidian languages.
We shall now turn to an examination of the various tenses of the indicative mood in Gôndi. Bishop Caldwell bas drawn attention to the fact that while Tamil has only three tenses, it has a present, an imperfect, an indefinite past, a perfect, & future, and a conditional. The table which follows will show how all these tenses are formed from kidnd, to make :
Present. Imperfect. Indefinite. Perfest. Fature. Conditional.
Sing. i ... kiátôna ... kindân
... kiêná
... kitan
... kiaka(n) ... kidka(n)
2
... kidtóni
... kindi
kiéni
kidki
... kidki
8 masc.
... ki&tór
... kindur
... kiér
...kitur
... kiânur
... kir
3 fem.& n.... kidta
kind(u)
... kirar
... kiar
...ki
Plur, 1
... leiatoram .. kindôm
... kiéram
...
kilom
kidkom
... kídkom
2
... kidttrit .... kindir
... kiárit
kidkir
... kidkir
3 masc.
... kiátórle ... kindurk
... kiếrk
... kiturke
... kidnurk ...kirke
3 fem. & n.... kitang
... kindung
... kivding
..kitung
... kidnung
... king
It will be seen that the so-called conditional only differs from the future in the third person. It seems necessary to infer that only the third person contains the original suffix of the conditional, and it is perhaps allowed to compare the Kanarese suffix re. Forms such as ki, kirk, and king are apparently due to analogy. I am not, however, able to judge about these forms, because they seem to be very rarely used, and scarcely occur in the materials at my disposal.
If we compare the other tenses in the table, it will be seen that they can be divided into two classes. The first comprises the present and the indefinite, the second the imperfect, the perfect, and the future.
The two classes use different suffixes in order to distinguish the person of the subject. Bishop Caldwell has already drawn attention to this fact and also pointed out how it should be explained. He says, I. c. p. 282 :
The personal terminations of the first and second persons singular in Gônd require a little consideration. In both persons the initial n of the isolated pronoun' seems to hold its ground in some of the tenses in # manner which is not observed in any (ther dialect -- e.g., dyatona, I am becoming, dydiini, thou art becoming. In some other tenses (e.g. imperfect andan, I became,
1 Compare Tamil nom, I; ni, thon. - S. K.

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DECEMBER, 1903.]
NOTES ON DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY.
451
perfect áttán, I have become), the termination of the first person resembles that in use in most of the other dialects. In the second person (andi, áiti), the t, whatever its origin, disappears altogether, and is replaced by the ordinary Davidian i. I prefer, therefore, to regard then of the first and second persons, in these tenses, as the n of the prononn of the third person singular, ôn, he, forning, when added to the root, a participial noun. Ayat-un-á would then mean, I am one who becomes; dyát-in-i, thou art one who becomes. If this view is correct, nothing can be observed in these forms differing in reality from those in the other dialects."
It is evident that Bishop Caldwell has here found the true explanation of such forms, and, at the same time, of the apparent richness of various tenses in Gôndi. Forms such as kiátond, I do ; kiend, I wish to do, &c., are simply nouns of agency used as verbs.
Similar forms are frequently used in other Dravidian forms of speech.
It is a well-known fact that nouns of agency or composite nouns are freely formed in the Dravidian languages by adding the terminations or the full forms of the demonstrative pronouns to the bases of nouns, adjectives, and relative participles.
In Tamil we find words such as mupp-an, an elder, from nuppu, age ; Tamir-an, a Tamilian, • from Tamir, Tamil; malei-yin-an, a mountaineer, from malet, mountain ; pallinatt-an, a citizen,
from pallaram, city ; vill-an, vill-in-an, vill-ón, vill-avan, a bowman, frown vil, bow; Idinan, one who read, from ôdina, who read.
It will be seen that the pronominal suffix is sometimes added to the base (thus, vill-an, a bowman), and sometimes to the oblique base (thas, paļlin-att-an, a citizen). They are sometimes evea added to the genitive; thus, kon-in-an, he who is the king's.
Similar forms occur in all Dravidian languages. Compare Kanarese maduvavanu, one who does, from madure, who is doing; mddid-avanu, one who did, from mddida, who has done; Telugu mag-andu, a husband ; chinna-vandu, a boy, &c.
Like ordinary nouns, such composite nouns are frequently used as verbs, and the personal terminations of ordinary verbs are then added. This is especially the case in Telugu, the old dialects of Tamil and Kanarese, and the minor languages such as Kurukh, Malto, and Gondi. Thus we find Tamil kôn-cn, I am king; kon-em, we are kings ; Telaga sepakuda-nu, I am a servant ; tammuda-vu, thou art a brother ; brahmanulumu, we are Brahmans ; Kuruhk urban, I am a master ; urbaro, you are masters; Malto en ningadi-s, I am your daughter; Kui áru negganu, I am good; éanju kuenju, he is a Kui, and so forth.
Such composite nouns are very frequently formed from the relative participles. Compare Tamil Seyciranın, he who does; key davan, he who did ; keybavan, he who will do ; Kanarese mádupapanu, he who does; madidavanu, he who did ; Telugu chêstunnapádr, he who does; chésinavádu, he who did; chésévádu, he who does, or, will do. In poetical Tamil such forms are often used as ordinary tenses. Thus, nadandanan, he walked; nadundanam, we walked, &c. This is quite cominon in Telugu. Thus, nénu dyanı inl-ló lekka prdséváda-nu (or ord sê-vdnni), I am an accountant in his house; nivu yếmi pani chésé-ráda-vu, what work do you do ? ; and so forth.
It will be seen from the instances given above that such composite nouns are sometimes formed by adding the fall demonstrative pronoun, and sometimes by simply adding the termination Compare Tamil rill-un and rill-avan, a bowman. It seems probable that forms such as vill-an represent & more ancient stage of development than vill-avan. It will therefore be seen that, for instance, Telugu chésinddu, he did, is essentially the same form as chésina-vádu, one who did. Bishop Caldwell jnstly remarked that a form such as nadandadu, it walked, literally means 'a thing

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Decen, 1903.
which walked. In the same way beygirda, be does, seems to be identical with seygiraren, one who doos, 3 doer. Compare willd and villanas, bowman. We shall have to return to this question below.
We are now in a position to better understand Gôndi forms such as kidzónd, I do.
Gôpgl has, to great extent, imitated the neighbouring Aryan languages in using a relative pronoun. The interrogative bør, feminine, and neuter bad, has been adopted for that purpose. Besides, however, we frequently also find relative clauses expressed in the usual Dravidian way by means of relative participles. Thus, I have noted kalle kiyé mánvdl, theft doing man, a man who usually commits theft, from Bhandars Gondi possesses at least three such relative participles, Thus, from kíánd, to do, we find a present participle krata, a past kitd, and an indefinite kié. Compare Telugu chestunna, doing ; chésina, who did, and chêsé, who usually does, who will do, &c. These participles are the bases of different tenses which are all inflected in exactly the same way. Thus, kidtônd, I do; kitönd, I did; kiend, I might do, I will do. In addition to Kitond, I did, we also find kisitônd, formed from the conjanctive participle kisi, having done. The personal terminations added in all these tenses are as follows: Sing. I ôná.
Plu. 1 ôr-am, éram. 2 ôní.
2 ór.i!, ér-it. 3 masc. 8r, &r.
8 masc. ork, érk. 3 fem. and n. d, vár.
3 fem. and n. lng, páng. It will be seen that the terminations of the third persons plural are simply formed from the corresponding third persons singular, by adding the usual plural suffixes. I am not, however, able to satisfactorily explain the snffix půr of the third person singular, feminine and neuter of the indefinite tense. The same termination is also used in the future.
The terminations of the first and second persons plural are clearly formed from the third person singular, masculine, by adding the suffixes am in the first, and it in the second person. Ám is identical with the suffix ôm added in other tenses, and it is the ordinary suffix í of the second person, with the addition of the plural suffix !. Compare kim-, do ye; kim, do ; immá, thon; tramát, you,
It might seem curious that the first and second persons plural should be formed from the third person singular. A comparison of kiátor-am, we do; kiér-am, we will do, with kiátor, he does; lefer, he will do, is, however, sufficient to show that this is in reality the case. The explanation is that such forms as ktátor, kiér, &c., are originally plorals, and they are still often used as such.
The demonstrative pronoun in Göndl is now or, plural ôr and Ork. The form or, however, corresponds to Tamil avar or 8r, they, which is very commonly used as an honorific singular. The old Gôndt singular must have been on, and the third person singular masculine of the present tense of kidnd must originally have been kitón, a doer, or, he does. The existence of such a form must necessarily be inferred from the first and second persons singular, kidt-on-d, I do; kidt-ôn-í, thou doest, which are regularly formed from kidtôn by adding the personal soffixes of the first and second persons singular, respectively.
The same personal suffixes are in Goņdt also added to the interrogative pronoun when it is used as the predicate. Thus we find immd bon-f (not bor) andi, who art thou ? ; amof bor-am andom, who are we?; &c.
It will thus be seen that the richly developed system of conjugational forms in Goņet is only apparent, and that the language in this respect well agrees with other Dravidian forms of speech, specially Telugu.

Page #477

DECEMBER, 1903.]
NOTES ON DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY.
458
On the other hand, there are several compound tenses, as is also the case in other connected languages. Thus, the imperfect kindán, I was doing, is formed from the participle kié, by adding andán, I was, Another form of the same tense is kid mattond, I was doing. The pluperfect kioi mdttond, I had done, literally means having done I was,' and so forth.
We have thus seen that the formation of tenses in Gondi is essentially the same as in other Dravidian languages, and that there cannot, therefore, in that respect be any question about an influence exercised by Santali.
It has often been stated that the negative verb in Göpdi is formed by inserting hille or halle between the pronoun and the verb. This use of hille or halle does not, however, appear to be more than a tendency, and I have over and over again found forms such as sóvór, he did not gire, without the addition of any separate negative particle. It will thus be seen that Gôndi in all such essential points agrees with other Dravidian languages, and there is no philological reason for separating it as . Borthern group of Dravidian languages, as has sometimes been done.
It has already been pointed out in the preceding pages that the third person singular of most Dravidian tenses in form does not differ from a composite noun or noon of agency. Thas Gôndi kitur, he did, seems to be formed from kitu, corresponding to Tamil seydu, having done, by adding the suffix of the demonstrative prononn. Compare Tamil seydan, he did. The other persons of ordinary tenses are not, however, formed in the same way as in the case of the Gondi present by adding the personal suffixes to the base of the third person, but by sabstitating the suffixes of the first and second persons for that of the third. Thus Godt kitan, I did ; kiti, thou didst. The forms of those suffixes vary in the different Dravidian languages. The reason for this state of affairs seems to be that the fall forms of the personal pronouns have been changed in varions ways, and the snflizes have not always undergone the same changes. Thus the pronoun thon' in Telugu is nivu, but the pronominal suffix of the same person is simply du or pi, where all traces of the original pronominal base have disappeared. On the other hand in Gôndithou' is immi; but the corresponding saffix of the second person is i, probably the oldest form of the Dravidian pronoun for thou.' It is quite natural that the same suffix can, under such circumstances, come to be used for more than one person. Compare Telugu chésiná-nu, I did; chése-nu, he, sbe, it, or they, did, where the same suffix nu is apparently used for the first as well as for the third persons. Prof. A. Ludwig has mentioned several similar instances from Telugu, Tamil, and Kanarese, and has drawn the conclusion that the personal terminations of the Dravidian verb are not originally personal pronouns, but that there is only, at the utmost, an intended assimilation of the sound of the termination of the verbal tenses to the sound of the personal pronouns. See bis paper Uber die Verbalflerion der Dravidasprachen. Sitzungsberichte der königl. böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Olasse für Philosophie, Geschichte und Philologie, 1900, No. VI.
Professor Ludwig is certainly right in assuming an assimilation in sound between verb and pronoun. Compare Telugu nenu châsinánu, I did ; niru chesindvu, thou didst; vádu chêsinddu, be did; Tamil nán beydán, I did; ni seyda-y, thou didst; avan beydán, he did; Kui éanju gitenju, he did. If we compare Telugu rádku chásinadu, Tamil apan seydán, Kui éanju gitenju, it is evident that the third person singular masculine of the verb has in all cases undergone the same phonetical changes as the corresponding pronoun. In such cases as Telugu niru chê sindru, thou didst, where the base of the pronoun is ni, and the corresponding verbal suffix only is a secondary termination, it is evident that the assimilation in sound has been intended,
There are, on the other hand, many cases in which the verbal forms have not been changed in the same way as the pronouns. A good instance is furnished by Gôndi. Compare nannd kidton-á, I do; nannd kitá (-n), I did ; immá kití, thou didat; mammd! kitom, we did ; immdi kitir, you did. It will be seen that the Gôndt pronouns have undergone great changes, while the corresponding suffixes have retained an older form.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEXH, 1903.
It is well known that the personal pronouns of the first and second persons, and the reflexive pronoun in Dravidian languages, are formed in the same way. The suffix of the singular is usually n, and that of the plural m. Compare the following table :
We Thon. You. Self. Selvos.
Tamil
... tam
... nên, yân ... nam Malayalam ... sân . năm
...ni .. nó
... nir . Hina
... tan ..
tanna!
Kanarese ... lan, yan, ndnu. am, ndou ... ni, ninu
... nim, nivu ... tanu
... tamu
Kurukh
... en ...
...ém, ndin
...nin
tán
... tâm
Tula
...| gas
... nama, yerkulu?
Kui
... anu
amu
... inu
...tanu
... taru
Gôndi
... nannd
... mamma!
... imma
... immat
Telugu
...l énu, nênu ...ému, mému... nivu, ívu ... fru, miru .. tánu
tdmu
It will be seen from the table that the usual termination of the plural has replaced the old min many cases. That is exactly what has taken place in the Gôndi pronominalsnffix of the second person plural. Compare kit-it, you did. The change of r to is very common in Gôndi in plural forms; thus, kitos-am and Lidtor-am, we do.
The table seems to point to the conclusion that the oldest form for 'I' is an or én, and that for thou' is in, i, or ni. The final » in an and in is certainly a suffix, and is perhaps originally identical with the suffix of the demonstrative pronoun. The personal saffixes & or án, for I,' and i, for which we often find in, for thou 'in Gôndi, are therefore apparently the old personal pronouns, while the pronouns now in actual use in the language have been considerably obanged.
The case is similar in the plural. The pronominal suffix of the first person is am or 8m. For om we often find am which directly corresponds to the forms for 'we' usual in Old-Kanarese and kui. The suffix of the second person plural has already been mentioned. It may be added that the suffix m in all modern Dravidian languages has been confined to the first person plural. In old Tamil, however, we occasionally find this suffix used for all persons of the plaral. Thus, seydum, we, you, or they, did. Similarly we find forms snch as midugum, we, you, or they, do, in old-Kanarese. In such forms there is no distinction of person, and even the distinction of number does not seem to have been necessary in the old Dravidian dialects. Thus Malayalam no more adds the personal terminations to verbs, but uses the uninflected participles instead ; thus, cheyyunnu, I do, &c.; cheydu, I did, &c., for all persons and numbers. The corresponding beydu is used for all the persons of the singular in old Tamil, while m is added in the plural. The oldest Malayalam texts make use of personal terminations like Tamil. It is not, however, probable that they have ever been so commonly used in that dialect as in most modern Dravidian forms of speech. There are even indications that a similar

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DECEMBER, 1903.]
simplified conjugation by means of uninflected participles has been used over a much wider area than the present state of affairs might lead us to infer. Thus we find similar forms occasionally used in Gôndi. Compare tindi, I eat, &c.; tinji, I ate, &c., for all persons and numbers.
The
The common Dravidian principle is, however, to add personal terminations, and the state of affairs in Gôndi, where the personal pronouns have changed their old forms while the personal terminations of verbs closely agree with the oldest forms of the same pronouns in other dialects, proves that those terminations are, in reality, what they have usually been supposed to be, pronominal suffixes. case of Telugu, where some of the personal terminations have dropped the whole base of the original pronoun but have become assimilated to them in sound, shows how clearly they have continued to be felt as pronominal.
On the other hand, it should be borne in mind that the pronominal suffixes were not originally necessary. This explains why they are so frequently dropped in everyday language. Thus we very commonly find the terminations of the first and third persons singular dropped in vulgar Telugu, and so forth.
The forms which are used as verbal tenses in Dravidian languages are, as is well known, participles, or are formed from participles. Thus the present tense seems to be formed from a participle which is identical with the base, by adding the verb substantive, and the past is formed from the so-called conjunctive participle. This use of participles as the base of all tenses, is a characteristic feature of Dravidian languages; and it seems allowed to infer that the corresponding tendency in modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars is due to Dravidian influence. The Aryan population of India must have assimilated a large Dravidian element. This process is still going on at the present day; and we see how small tribes are gradually Aryanised and abandon their native speech for that of their Aryan neighbours.
The modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars do not appear to contain many traces of the old Dravidian admixture. Most of their characteristics can apparently be traced back to tendencies in Sanskrit, and they are therefore generally considered to be quite independent of the Dravidian languages. It may therefore be of interest to examine the facts in which a Dravidian influence might be expected to have taken place.
There is of course no doubt regarding the existence of a Dravidian element in the Aryan population of Northern India. We are not, however, here concerned with the anthropological side of the question. It will be sufficient to look out for philological traces of the Dravidas in the language of the Aryans. Such traces might be expected to be found in vocabulary, in pronunciation, and in grammar, especially in syntax.
With regard to vocabulary, it has long been recognised that Sanskrit dictionaries contain many words which cannot be derived from Indo-European bases, and which can only be explained as borrowed from the Dravidians. I do not intend to enter upon this side of the question. A long list. of supposed loanwords in Sanskrit will be found in the introduction to the Revd. F. Kittel's KannadaEnglish Dictionary.
It has long ago been proposed to explain the existence of cerebral letters in IndoAryan languages by the supposition of Dravidian influence. It is highly probable that such an influence can have been at work. It is, however, possible that the cerebrals have been independently developed in the speech of the Aryan Indians, just as we find cerebrals developed from rt, &c., in Norwegian and Swedish. Compare fot, from fort, quickly, in vulgar dialects. There is, on the other hand, one point in the pronunciation of all Indo-Aryan dialects where it seems to be necessary to think of Dravidian influence, and this influence can here be traced back to the oldest times.

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[DECEMBER, 1903.
The Indo-European family of languages possesses an r, as well as an l. The same is the case in Sanskrit, but both sounds are there distributed in a way which is quite different and apparently quite lawless. The sister-language of the oldest Indo-Aryan dialects, the old Iranian form of speech, has changed every l into r. The same has apparently once been the case in all Aryan dialects. In India itself we can see how the use of is gradually spreading. In the oldest Vedic texts it is a comparatively rare sound. It is more frequently used in later Vedic books, and still more so in post-Vedic literature. There must be a reason for this increasing tendency to change r into l, and the only satisfactory explanation seems to be that it is due to Dravidian influence. Bishop Caldwell has pointed out that r and I in Dravidian languages are constantly interchanged, usually so that an 7 is substituted for an r.
456
There are no traces of Dravidian influence in other points of the pronunciation of the oldest Indo-Aryan language. The common softening of hard single consonants after vowels in the Prakrits seems to correspond to the similar change in Dravidian. The double pronunciation of the palatals in modern Marathi is probably due to the influence of Telugu, and so on. But we have no right to assume that such tendencies have been at work in the oldest stage of Indo-Aryan languages.
The Dravidian languages have, on the other hand, very early exercised an important influence on Aryan grammar. I do not think that this influence has been a direct one, of one language on another. It seems to have taken place in such a way that the Dravidians who were, in the course of time, absorbed by the Aryans and adopted their speech, did not abandon their linguistic tendencies, but were, on the contrary, to a certain extent able to recast the Aryan grammar after Dravidian principles. The most important point in this connection is the increasing use in Aryan languages of participles instead of ordinary tenses.
It is a well-known fact that the verb in the Vedic dialects possesses a rich system of various tenses, just as is the case in other Indo-European languages. It is also well known how the varions tenses early began to be disused and were gradually replaced by participles. According to Prof. Whitney, the number of verbal forms in Nala and the Bhagavadgitâ is only one-tenth of that in the Rigveda. In later Sanskrit literature the same tendency was carried still further, and almost every tense was replaced by a participle. The same state of affairs prevails in modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars. They have, broadly speaking, only traces of the old tenses, but have instead developed new ones from the old participles. At the same time, the verb of subordinate sentences is commonly replaced by conjunctive participles.
This double tendency, to use conjunctive participles in subordinate sentences and to substitute participles for all finite tenses, is distinctly Dravidian, and not Indo-European. When we remember that the Aryan population of India has absorbed an important Dravidian element, it seems necessary to conclude that the said grammatical tendency is due to the influence of that element.
It is perhaps allowed to go a little farther. The present tense is in modern dialects very commonly conjugated in person. We have seen that the same is the case in Dravidian. It seems probable that we have here, again, to do with the influence of the Dravidian element. It is of no importance for this question, whether the personal terminations of the modern Aryan dialects are originally pronominal suffixes or borrowed from the verb substantive. The present tense in Dravidian languages is apparently formed by adding the verb substantive to a present participle. Compare Telugu chest-unndnu, I do, lit. I am doing; Tamil sey-girén, I do; and so on. The Tamil suffix of the present is kirén, and should be compared with kiri, I am, in the Kaikâdi dialect of Berar. The personal terminations are, however, also used in other tenses, just as is the case in some Indo-Aryan vernaculars, and it is of no importance for the present question how we explain the Dravidian present.

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NOTES ON DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY.
457
It has been mentioned above that the Dravidian tenses can also be considered as nouns of agency. And we have seen that in Gôndi several tenses are formed by adding the pronominal suffixes to the ordinary noun of agency. Compare kidtôná, I do, where the pronominal suffix is added to the old noun of agency kidtón, a doer. Similar forms have also been adduced from Telugu, and it is clear that we have here to do with a deeply-rooted tendency in the Dravidian languages.
It is now of interest that an exactly analogous form is already met with in Sanskrit, in the so-called periphrastic future. This form begins to be used in the Brahmanas, but is then very unfrequent (about thirty instances). In the later literature it is more common.
It is formed exactly in the same way as Gôndi tenses such as kidtôn. The verb substantive is added to the noun of agency in the first and second persons, where Gôndi uses the pronominal suffixes, while the noun of agency is used alone in the third person. It is difficult to explain this tense from the principles prevailing in Sanskrit. On the other hand, it is easily understood when we remember how the present participle and the noun of agency formed from it is commonly used with a future sense in Dravidian languages.
There is still another form in Sanskrit which seems to be due to Dravidian influence, riz., the participle ending in tavat. Such forms are very rare in the old literature, but later on they become quite usual. There is nothing corresponding in other Indo-European languages, but similar forms are quite common in Dravidian. Compare, for instance, Tamil seydlavan, Sanskrit kritarán, one who has done. The suffix rat is, of course, Aryan, but the close analogy between forms such as seydavan and kritaván is too striking to be accidental.
There are still two points in which the Aryan vernaculars of India seem to have adopted Dravidian principles, viz., in the fixed order of words and in the different treatment of the object of transitive verbs, according as it is a rational or an irrational being.
The order of words in old Sanskrit was free. In modern vernaculars, on the other hand, it follows fixed rules. It seems probable that this state of affairs is due to the influence of other linguistic families. It is not, however, possible to decide whether this influence has been exercised by the Dravidian element in the Aryan population, and I must therefore be contented to draw attention to the fact that, for instance the position of the governed before the governing word, and the necessity of putting the verb at the end of the sentence, is in full agreement with Dravidian principles.
The use of a double form for the objective case in Indo-Aryan vernaculars is, on the other hand, certainly Dravidian. The common rule in Hindi is that the suffix ko is added to nouns denoting rational beings, while the base alone is used as the objective case of other nouns. This distinction between nouns denoting rational beings and such as signify irrationals is a peculiarity of the Dravidian languages. It is true that the use of the base in order to denote the object in Telugu is restricted to nouns denoting things without life. But this seems to be a new departure of Telugu, where it is perhaps due to Kolarian influence. In Tamil and Malayalam, on the other hand, the practice is exactly the same as in Hindi.
Some of the characteristic points mentioned in the preceding pages have already been drawn attention to by Bishop Caldwell. He says (.c. Introd. p. 59):
"The principal particulars in which the grammar of the North-Indian idioms agrees with that of the Dravidian languages are as follows: (1) the inflexion of nouns by means of separate postfixed particles added to the oblique form of the noun; (2) the inflexion of the plural by annexing to the unvarying sign of plurality the same suffixes of case as those by which the singular is inflected; (3) the use in several of the northern idioms of two pronouns of the first person plural, the one
-

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including, the other excluding, the party addressed; (4) the use of post-positions, instead of prepositions; (5) the formation of verbal tenses by means of participles; (6) the situation of the relative sentence before the indicative; (7) the situation of the governing word after the word governed. In the particulars above mentioned, the grammar of the North-Indian idioms undoubtedly resembles that of the Dravidian family: but the argument founded upon this general agreement is to a considerable extent neutralised by the circumstance that those idioms accord in the same particu lars, and to the same extent, with several other families of the Scythian group."
I think Bishop Caldwell was quite right in not concluding that all such points of agreement are due to Dravidian influence on the Indo-Aryan vernaculars. And, more especially, it may reasonably be doubted whether the use of two different forms of the plural of the personal pronoun of the first person is an originally Dravidian feature. We do not find it in Kanarese, Gôndi, Brâhûî, and several minor dialects. And the other dialects use quite different sets of forms. Compare the table which follows:
Tamil.
Malayalam.
...
nańňa!
nám
...
ém
...
Kurukh.
We; exclusive... nangal
We, inclusive... nám, yam
The table shows that the inclusive plural yám, nám, in Tamil and Malayalam, corresponds to the exclusive plural amu in Kui and mému (old ému) in Telugu. The two different forms of the pronoun must therefore have been independently developed in the various languages of the Dravidian family. This seems to point to the conclusion that the old language from which all the Dravidian forms of speech have been derived, did not originally possess more than one form for we.' It almost seems as if the tendency to distinguish between a 'we' which includes, and another which excludes, the party addressed, has been introduced into the Dravidian languages from without. It may be due to the influence of the Kol languages; and it would not be safe to attach any importance to this point.
nám
...
ámu
www
Kui.
áju
Telugu.
mému
manamu
I hope, however, to have shown that there remain several features in which we are apparently obliged to assume an influence on the Aryan vernaculars exercised by the Dravidian family. I therefore fully agree with Bishop Caldwell when he says (l. c. p. 57):
"As the præ-Aryan tribes, who were probably more numerous than the Aryans, were not annihilated, but only reduced to a dependent position, and eventually, in most instances, incorporated in the Aryan community, it would seem almost necessarily to follow that they would modify, whilst they adopted, the language of their conquerors, and that this modification would consist, partly in the addition of new words, and partly also in the introduction of a new spirit and tendency."
2 The name Scythian should not any more be used to denote a family of languages. It was introduced by the eminent Danish philologist Rask as a general denomination of almost all those languages of Europe and Asia which de not belong to the Indo-European or Semitic families. We now know that those languages belong to widely different families, and that they cannot be olassed together. Moreover, the few Scythian words which have been preserved by Greek writers are distinctly Iranian, f.e. they belong to the Indo-European family. - 8. K.

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DIGAMBARA JAINA 100NOGRAPHY.
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DIGAMBARA JAINA ICONOGRAPHY. BY JAS. BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D.
RESEARCH during the last half century has perhaps been less directed to the study of Jainism than to any other branch of Indian study. Still, much has been done even here by such scholars as Weber, Bühler, Jacobi, Leumann, Hoernle, and others, whose investigations have been directed more especially to the literature of the Svêtâmbara sect.
Whilst engaged in the search for Sanskrit MSS. in the libraries of Rajputâna, Dr. Bühler learnt much respecting both the sects. Of the Digambara Jainas, who are largely found in Maisûr and Kannada, though also very numerous in the North-Western Provinces, Eastern Rajputâna, and the Pañjab, we know less than of the Svêtâmbaras who are so numerous in Gujarat and Western Rajputâna and all over Northern and Central India. In Rajputana, Dr. Bühler found the Digambara laymen divided into three játis Khandarwâl, Agrawal, and Bahirwal, who eat with each other, but marry only within their own ját or class. Both sects agreed in their esteem for the Dvddasangi or twelve Angas, and some of the Angas at least are common to both; whether all are so, he was unable to ascertain, for the Digambaras declare that many of the Svêtêmbara works are spurious and that of some they. possess different versions.
The Digambaras divide their literature into four Vêdas, viz.:- (1) The Prathamánuyoga, comprising all their works on Itihdsa or legends and history, among which are the twenty-four Puranas giving the legends of the Tirthakaras; (2) The Karanánuyoga, embracing works on cosmogony; (3) The Dravyanuyoga, treating of their doctrine and philosophy; and (4) the Charananuyoga, treating of the áchára customs, worship, &c.1
The Jaypur Khandarwâls, Dr. Bühler found subdivided into Vispanthis and Therapanthis, -a division common, perhaps, to the whole Digambara community, as indicated in 1820 by Col. Colin Mackenzie's Jaina pandit. The Vispanthis worship standing, and present lemons, fruits, flowers, and sweetmeats of various sorts; but the Thêrâpanthis sit down whilst worshipping, and offer no flowers or green fruits, but present sacred rice (akshata), sandal, cloves, nutmeg, cardamoms, dates, almonds, dry cocoanuts, sweetmeats, &c. They are much more scrupulous than the Vispanthis, decry their conduct, and refuse respect to their priests; they object to bathing themselves or the images, and worship with water, cocoanut-water, or panchamrita. Their disuse of flowers and green fruits is based on their teaching that all plants, trees, &c., are endued with life,
From Mysore I learn that the following classification into eleven grades of Jainas is made; it must however be, to a large extent, theoretical:
1. The lowest grade consists of those who simply confess their belief in Jainism without the performance of any of its ceremonies.
2. Those who perform some of the Jaina ceremonies but neglect others.
3. Those who observe all the religious ceremonies.
4. Sravakas who observe all the other Jaina precepts but are guilty of adultery.
5. Sravakas who may be dishonest while observant of all other Jaina principles.
6. Those who may abet crimes but do not commit them personally.
7. Srâvakas who carefully examine all they eat, lest there should be any insects
in it.
1 Bombay Administration Report for 1875-76; Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 28.
Orient, Mag. and Calcutta Review, Vol. I. pp. 77 f., or Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXI, p. 66.

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8. Those who abstain from eating any green fruits or vegetables, but only such as are dried.
9. The Sråvaka of the ninth class is the Brahmachâri, wbo wears white clothes and leads a celibate life.
10. The Srävaka who does not leave his house, but otherwise follows the practices of the eleventh class.
11. The highest grade of all is that of the Sråvaka who leaves his house, family, and all possessions, and provided with a kamandalu or water-vessel, a pichchha or broom made of peacock's fenthers and used for removing insects out of his way, and a kashaya-vastra or reddish coloured cloth -- avoids all crimes, relinquishes ambitions, maintains honesty, and possesses implicit faith in his priest.
The Vidyasthanas or seats of learning of the Digambaras mentioned by Dr. Bühler are,(1) Jaypur, (2) Debli, (3) Gwâliar, (4) Ajmir, (5) Nagar in Rajputana. (6) Râmpur Bhanpur near Indur, (7) Karaigi, and (8) Surat. To these the Maisûr Jainas add Kollapura, Jina-Káñchiparam, perhaps Chittanûr in South Arkat district, and Penukonda in Anantapur district. These, with Dehli, are known as Chatuh-simhásana. There are mathas at these four places. They also claim to have a seat at Sholapur.
The Digambaras profess to differ from the Srêtâmbaras on the following points:
1. Their statues of the Tirthakaras are always represented as nude (nirrastra); whereas the Svêtâmbaras represent theirs as clothed and decorate them with crowns and ornaments..
2. As stated by Col. Colin Mackenzie (Asiat. Res. Vol. IX. pp. 247 f.), the Digambaras observo sixteen ceremonials - shodusakarman, which are enumerated as :-(1) Garbhadhana or consommation of marriage; (2) Puisavana, -- the rite in the third month of pregnancy, for male progeny; (3) Símantakarana, defined by Mackenzie as adorning a married woman's head with flowers when she is six months gone with child, or in the seventh month : the Brahmanical Simantonnayana, the parting or dividing of the hair is observed by women in the fourth, sixth or eighth month; (4) Jatakarman or horoscope and birth ceremony;(5) Namakarana, the naming of a new-born child ; (6) Anna prášana, when, at six months of age, or over, a child is first fed with other sustenance than milk; (7) Chaulakarman or Chudópanayana, -the ceremony of tonsure ; (8) Upanayanu or initiation between five and nine years of age, when the sacred thread is assumed. Of the next five, I have failed to obtain any explanation, and must leave them for further investigation by those who have opportunity. They are:-(9) Prájápatya ; (10) Saumya; (11) Agnéya; (12) Vaišvadeva ; and (13) Gódána, -- the giving of a cow in charity (?). Mackenzie gives Sdstrábhyasa, - the ceremony observed by young boys at the age of 5 years 5 months and 5 days, when they begin to read the sacred books : possibly this is one of these rites under a different name. The remaining three are:-(14) Samdrartana, the return of a student on the completion of his studies under a teacher; (15) Viráha or marriage; and (16) Antyukarman or Prétakarman, - the funeral rites. These rites, it may be observed, agree generally with the twelve sonskdras or karmans of the Brahmans; but among them the nishkramana ceremony does not seem to be included, whilst they enumerate others,
3. The Digambaras bathe their images with abundance of water, but the Svêtâmberas nse very little.
4. The Svêtâmbaras are extremely careful of all animal life, whilst the Digambaras are only moderately so.
* Conf. Asiat, Researches, Vol. IX. pp. 247 f.

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5. The Digambaras batbe and worship their images during the night, but the Svêtâmbaras do not even light lamps in their temples, much less do they bathe or worship the images, lest in so doing they might thereby kill, or indirectly cause the death of, any living thing, for to do so during the night they regard as a great sin.
6. The Digambaras wash their images with the pañchúmrita ; bat the others do not.
7. The Digambaras make their prayers after the usual Hindu fashion; the members of the other sect close their mouths or tie a cloth over their lips.
8. The Digambaras paint on their foreheads their caste-marks, but the Svêtâmbaras do not.
Yakshas and Yakshinis. Among the Digambara Jainas in the Kadarese districts in Southern India, there appear to be differences in the iconography, especially of the attendant Yakshas and goddesses (Yakshiņis) compared with that of the Svetambaras as detailed by Hemachandra.
Through the kindness of Mr. Alexander Res, of the Archeological Survey in Southern India, I have obtained the following details regarding these dii minores, with careful representations of them which are reproduced on the accompanying plates and form a fresh addition to our knowledge of Digambara iconography.
The Yakshas and Yakshiņis as well as the Jinas have each a láńchhana or chihna : they are as follows:
1. Rishabha (Pl. i. 1) has for Yaksha Gomukha, with the head of an ox, four-armed, and having a bull as his lánchhana or cognizance; and for Yakshiņi Chakrobvart,' with sixteen arms, and Garuda as cognizance. The Svêtâmbaras call Rishabha's second son Bahubali, the Digambaras call him Gómatesvara-Svami, and worship him equally with the Tirthakaras (Plate i, fig. 1).
• 2. Ajita has Mahayaksba, eight-armed, with weapons, and an elephant as cognizance ; and Bohint as Yakshini, four-armed, with a sest or stool as emblem (fig. 2). With the Svetambaras the Yakshiņf is Ajitabala.
8. Sambhava's Yaksha is Trimukha, - six-armed, with weapons, and peacock as gymbol ; his Yakshiņi is Prajiapti, - also six-armed, and having the haisa or duck for láhchhana (fig. 3). Svetâmbaras Duritari is the Yakshiņi.
4. Abhinandana has Yakghệávara, -four-armed, with an elephant as cognizance; and Vajraériákbal as Yakshini,- four-armed, and also with the hashsa as her characteristic.
6. Sumati (Pl. i. 5), who is represented with a wheel or circle as chihna, instead of the red goose or the curlew, as with the Svêtâmbaras; has Tumbura, four-armed and holding up two snakes, with Garuda as his cognizance; and Purushadattâ as Yakshiņi, -four-armed, with elephant as symbol.
8. Padmaprabha (Pl. i. 6)6 has a lotus-bud as characteristio ; Kusuma As Yaksha, -fourhanded and having a bull as sign, and Manövêga or Manôgupti, also four-handed with sword and shield, and a horse as cognizance; with the Svetambaras, it is Syami.
7. Suparava's image (Pl. ii. 7) differs from other Tirthakaras in having five snake-hoods over his head and under the usual triple crown. His Yaksha is Varanandi with trisula and rod, having a lion as his characteristio ; and the Såsanadêvf is Kali, four-armed, with tribila, and bell (?), her chihna or cognizance being the Nandi or ball. The 'Svetâmbaras name them Matanga and Santâ.
. Plates i.-iv. The figures of the Jinss themselves, being all alike, are omitted to economise sproe.
Erratum on the plate: for Sumatinátha read Padmaprabha.

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8. Chandraprabha has Syâma or Vijaya as Yaksha, four-armed, with the hamsa as attribute, and Jvâlámalini as Yakshini, with eight arms bearing weapons and two snakes, and flames issuing from her muluta: her lánchhana is the ball. The other sect call her Bhșikati.
9. Pushpadanta, among the Digambaras, has a crab (learkala) as cognizance, instead of the makara. His attendant Yaksha is Ajita, - foor-armed, with rosary, spear, and fruit, having a tortoise as lánchhana ; and Mahakali (or Ajita) as Yakshiņi, four-armed, with rod and a fruit (P), but without cognizance : the Svêtâmbaras name her Sutâra ka.
10. Sitala has a tree (Sri-uriksha) instead of the grivatsa figure as his lánchhana. Brahmôsvara is his Yakaha, with four heads and eight arms - six holding symbols, and with the lotus-bud for cognizance; and Manavi (Svet. Asoka) is his Yaksbiņi - four-armed, holding rosary and fish, but without characteristic.
11. Sreyanka has a deer as lánchhana in place of the Svêtâmbara rhinoceros; Isvara, - four-armed, with trisula and rod, and the Nandi is his Yaksha; and Gauri - also four-armed, holding a lotah and rod, with the Nandi at her foot. Each of these attendants has a crescent attached to the onter side of the crown. The Svêtâmbaras name them Yakshat and Manavi.
12. Vasupujya has for his own attribute a bullock, instead of a cow-buffalo as with the Svêtâm baras. His Yaksha is Kumára, with three heads and six hands holding a spear, a noose, &c., and the front left hand open with the palm presented, and with the peacock as attribute; Gandhari (Svêt. Chanda) is his Yakshiņi with four hands, holding a rod and two objects like mirrors, with a snake as her cognizance.
13. Vimala has Shaņmukha or Karttikêya for Yaksha (Pl. ii. 13), with six pairs of hands, - six holding small round objects, two in his lap, the front right hand, as in almost every case, in the Varadahasta-mudrd, and the left as usual closed. He ought of course to have only six heads, but here the draftsman has (perhaps by mistake) given him seven, His attribute is a cock. The Yakshiņi is Vairâtyå or Vairôti, with four hands, holding two snakes, and with a spear placed in the lap and passing behind the band in the varada attitude: her cognizance is a serpent.
14. Ananta has Patala as Yaksha (Pl. iii. 14), -three-beaded and with six hands, -four holding objects and two weapons passing behind the two front hands which are in the usual mudrás: his attribute is a crocodile. The Yakshiņi is Anantamati, with four bands, holding dart and crook, and with the hansa as cognizance; the Svêtâmbara Yakshiņi is Ankasa.
15. Dharma has Kimnara as attendant, with three faces and six hands, with rosary, spear, rod, malā, &c., his attribute is a fish. The Yakshiņi is Minasi, -four-handed, with ankuia, spear, hook, &c., and a lion as inchhana. Svētâmbara - Kandarpa.
16. Santi has a tortoise for his symbol, instead of the antelope as with the Svetämbaras. His attendants are Kimpurasha, - figured as a man with four hands, two holding symbols and the other two in the nsual attitude ; his lånchhana is a bull. The Yakshiņf is Mahåmânasi, also four-armed, - holding a dart in the apper right hand : her attribute is a peacock. The Svêtâmbaras name them Garuda and Nirvani.
17. Kunthu is attended by Gandharva, - four-armed, with two snakes, spear and crook and a deer as attribute, with Vijaya or Jayê as Yakshiņi, a sword and two discuses (?), with peacock as lánchhana. The 'Svêtâmbara Yakshini is named Bala.
18. Ara is represented as having a deer for his attribute: with the other sect it is the Nandyavarta diagram. His Yaksha is Kendra having six heads and as many pairs of hands, one pair lying in his lap, and his attribute is a peacock. The female attendant is Ajita, -four handed, holding up two snakes and another object, with the hamisa as symbol. With the Svêtâmbaras these are Yakshet and Dbana.
19. Malli has as symbol a kalaba or water-pot. His Yaksha is Kubêra, with four heads and eight arms, holding sword, dart, &c., with an elephant as cognizance; and Aparajita is

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the Yakshini, with four hands holding a sword and a shield, and she again has the hashsa as cognizance with the Svêtâmbaras she is called Dharanapriya.
20. Munisuvrata has for attendants, Varana, with seven heads and four hands, but without cognizance; and Bahurûpint, with four arms, holding sword and shield and with a serpent as her lanchhana or cognizance: Svêtâmbara-Naradattâ.
21. Nimi or Nami has a lotus-bud (nflolpala) as symbol; Bhrikuti, his Yaksha, has four heads and as many pairs of hands holding weapons, and the bull as lánchhana; and Chamundi, his Yakshint, has four hands having rosary, rod and sword, and the crocodile as cognizance (Pl. iii. 21). Svêtumbara Gandhârî.
22. Nêmi has Sarvahna, with a turret or small temple for symbol (Pl. iv. 22): he has three heads and as many pairs of hands; the Yakshipt is Kushmandini, four-armed, with two children in her lap, and a lion as cognizance. She is the only attendant who has not the front right hand in the varadahasta attitude. The 'Svêtâmbaras name two as Gomedha and
Ambika.
-
23. Parsva is represented (Pl. iv. 23) with seven snake-hoods over his head, and has Dharapêndra or Pârévayaksha as his Yaksha, four-handed, with a snake in each upper hand and a tortoise as symbol; and Padmavati is the Yakshigt, also with four hands, and the hassa cognizance. Both attendants have five snake-hoods (éésha-phand) over their heads.
24. Vardhamana is attended by Matainga as Yaksha (Pl. iv. 24), whose two upper (or back) hands are applied to the sides of his mukuta or crown, and his lanchhana is an elephant; the Yakshini is Siddhâyinî (or Siddhâyika), with only two hands, and her cognizance is the
haisa.
All the figures of Tirthakaras have a triple umbrella or tiara over their heads, and are identically alike (Pl. i. 1, 6), with the exception of the snake-crests over Supâráva and Pârávanatha (Pl. ii. 1, and iv. 23), all being naked, and the right hand laid over the left in the lap with the palm upwards. All the Yakshas and Yakshinis have similar high tapering head-dresses; the Yakshas are naked to the navel; the Yakshinis are more fully clad; and all sit in the lalita-mudra, or with one foot down (the right of the Yaksha and the left of the female) and the other tucked up in front; all hold the front right hand up before the breast open, with the palm outwards (varadahasta); the corresponding left is also held up closed, except in the last pair, where the hands are open and the fingers hang down. Siddhâyinf alone has only two hands.
It may be noted that eighteen out of the twenty-four Yakshas are the same with the Digambara and Svêtâmbara sects; and the 4th, 7th, 8th, 11th, 18th and 22nd may only be different names for the same attendants. In the case of the Yakshinis, however, the agreements are few, and whilst the Digambara series embraces most of the sixteen Vidyâdêvis, the Svêtâmbara list of Yakshinis includes only about half-a-dozen of them, and about the same number in each series of Yakshipts have the same names. According to the Svêtumbaras, the names of the Vidyâdêvis, as given by Hêmachandra (Abhidhana-chintamani, áll. 239-40) are:(1) Rohini, (2) Prajñapti, (8) Vajraśrinkhalâ, (4) Kulisâñkusâ, (5) Chakrêsvart, (6) Naradattâ, (7) Kali, (8) Mahakali, (9) Gaurt, (10) Gandhart or Gâadhârl, (11) Sarvâstramahâjvâlâ, (12) Mânavi, (18) Vairôtyâ, (14) Achchhuptâ, (15) Mânasi, and (16) Mahamânasika.
Brahmanical divinities.
The Jaina pantheon, however, whether Digambara or Svêtâmbara, includes many of the favourite Brahmanical divinities, among which Sarasvati (Pl. iv.) is prominent; she is regarded as a Sdianadévi or messenger of all the Tirthakaras, and is frequently figured in temples and private houses. Brahmayaksha, though the special attendant of Sitala the tenth Jina, is also represented separately as mounted on horseback, with four hands, holding whip, sword, and shield.
Conf. Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 276.

Page #488

464
TAE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1903.
Indra is as prominent in Jaina as in Bauddha mythology, if not more so; and with his consort Indrant is frequently figured on the lower jambs of doorways of temples, whilst larger figures of Yakshas and Yakshiņis are represented as guards at the entries of the shrines. The Navagraha or 'nine planets' are frequently represented at the foot of the dsanas of Jaina images; and Dikpålas or Dikpatis, Khêtarapalas, Lôkapalas, Yöginis, Jõâtidêvatâs, Hanuman, Bhairava, &o., all have representations about their great temples.
Omkara, Hrin kara, &c. In Svêtâmbara temples, as well as in those of the other sect, certain symbolical figures are employed, of which two of the more frequent in Svêtâmbara shrines are represented on Plate iv,
The syllable ôh, as is well known, is regarded by Brahmans as symbolical of their Triad, and is analysed into a (Vishnu) + # (Siva) + s (Brahma); the Jainas separate it into five elements, viz. -a + d + 8 (or a) + # + it, which form the initials of their five sacred orders, (1) Arhal, (2) Acharya, (3) Siddha, Asarira or Apunarbhava, (4) Upadhyaya, and (5) Muni.? This symbol is often represented in coloured marbles, inserted in panels on the inner walls of the temple mandapas, and is known as Omkara. The figure (Pl. iv.) is not very like the modern written form of the syllable on: it consists of a small ciroular piece of black marble, representing the anusvára, under which is a crescent of yellow stone, and the letter d (or 6) is represented by a broad vertical line turning to the left below, of black marble, with two horizontal bars, the upper red and the lower yellow, joining the vertical from the left. In a vertical line, upon these elements, are placed five small figures of seated Jinas, usually made of rock-crystal, to represent the five grades of attainment. Thus on the curve at the foot of the vertical stroke is the Muni; on the lower or yellow horizontal bar is the Upadhyaya; on the red bar is the Siddha ; on the yellow langle is the Acharya; and on the black axusvára is the highest or Arhat.
The Hrinkara is a similar conventionalized representation of the syllable hrin in coloured stones (Pl. iv., last fig.). The anus dra is black; the landle ander it is white; the upper horizontal bar is red; the upright vowel stroke on the right side is blue, and the rest of the symbol is yellow. On this is represeated the treaty-four Jinas by very small figures: the two black ones, Munisu vrata and Nêmi, are placed in the black anu8vdra, the two white, Chandraprabha and Pashpadanta, on the white crescent; the two red-complexioned Jinas, Padmaprabha and Vasupujya, on the red, apper horizontal bar; the blue, Malli and Paráva, are placed on the blue vowel stroke - one opposite the end of the red upper bar, and the other opposite the lower return line of the h. The rest of the Jinas were all golden or yellow coloured, and their figures are disposed thus; six on the upper horizontal line of the letter h, one at the turn downwards, six on the lower return horizontal, one on the down-turned point of it, one on the vertical stroke of the ri, and one on the horizontal part of the same. Thus the twenty-four Tirthakaras are represented by the colours of the materials to wbich they are respectively affixed.
The Siddbachakra is a square brass plate, found in the shrines. It has a sort of spout in front, to allow water to run off; the centre is carved as a patera -flower-shaped, with a centre and eight petals. In the centre and on four of the alternate petals are small images as in the Omkâra ; the centre is occupied by the Arhat; the back petal by the Siddha image; the right hand by the Acharya ; the left by the Sadhu or Muni; and the front, next to the spoat, by the Upadhyaya. The other four places in the circle are filled thus : on the left of the Siddha is Tapas (ascetic practice), on the right Darsana (worship), on the left of the Upadhyâya is Charitra (conduct), and on the right Jndna (knowledge).
The Panchatirtha is a plate of metal or stone with fire images upon it, as on the Ońkara; and the Chauvibvata is a slab, usually of marble, carved with representations of the twentyfoar Tirthakaras.
1 Conf. Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 279. In the two figures on Plate iv., the colours are represented as in heraldry,

Page #489

DECEMBER, 1908.]
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS.
BY SIE RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART.
(Continued from p. 375.)
DUNGAREE.
Fol. 86. The Sick party is carried downe to y? Riuer Side in a hammaker, or course piece of Dungaree Cloth."
See Yule, s. v. Dungaree, a coarse cotton cloth. [N. and E. p. 22 has for 3rd June 1680: "Dungarees and Markett Clouts every 16 patch pay 1 fanam."]
DURIAN.
Fol. 150. They have Severall Sorts of very good ffruit in the Countrey (Queda). Duryans.
465
Fol. 175. This Countrey [Acheen] affordeth Severall Excellent good fruites Namely Duryans.
See Yule, 8. v. Darian. [A large fruit with an offensive odour reported from all time by travellers to Indo-China.]
EAGLE WOOD.
Fol. 146. never faileth to returne y full Value (of what he received) in Agala wood they have the retalliation put to theire choice whether Agala or Elephants. See Yule, s. v. Eagle-wood. The quotation in the text is a good one. Vide ante, Vol. XXVIII. p. 196; Vol. XXIX. p. 335.
ELACHES.
.
Fol. 158. ffrom Bengala
Elaches.
A silk cloth. See Yule, s. v. Piece-goods. See, also, Yule, s. v. Alleja: probably the same stuff is meant, the term in the text representing the vernacular alacha.
ENNORE.
Fol. 27. One of these Mallabars (an inhabitant of Enore) about 11 English miles Northward of ffort S' Georg's.
Not in Yale. [N. and E. p. 17 for 10th May 1680: "The Agent, &c., went to take the, air at Enoor."]
EUROPE.
Fol. 49. when laid w Europe tarre prove most Serviceable.
See Yule, s. v. Europe, for European. [The quotation is earlier than any of Yule's. N. and E. p. 6 quotes Streyusham Master's Commission to Joan Pereira de Faria as Envoy to the King of Barma and Pegu, 23rd February 1680, and has "Ballast for our Europe ships."
FAKEER.
Fol. 13. His retinue were as followeth
6000 naked ffackeers.
Fol. 14. As for yt before mentioned people called ffackeers, they are pilgrims but very Strange Ones.
Fol. 40. Sent y ffackeere out of dores
The fackeere Sat whout y: Street
dore.
See Yule, s. v. Fakeer. [The writer uses it in the sense of a Hindu ascetic.]

Page #490

406
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DUOMBER, 1903.
FANAM. Fol. 53. ffort S' Georg's ... ffanam of gold at 0016 00 08d...... Pullicatt ... 24 fanams make one Pagod or 00 08 06.... Golcondah... The fanam 00 01 00 ..... Porto Novo & Trincombar ..Theire ffanam is worth 00 00 04.
See Yule, .. v. fanam. (A small gold and also silver coin in S. India. The text is valuable for values.]
FIRINGHEE. Fol. 11. A Story of a franguee.
Fol. 64. The Arackan Kinge Bends parcell of Gylyarı vis! Gallye, well manned w Arackaners and ftranguses.
Fol. 83. I judge and am well Satisfied in it, y! there are noe lesse then 20000 ftrangues : of all sorts in ye Kingdom of Bengala, and above of them inbabit near Hugly Rider.
See Yale, .. . Firinghee. [The above quotations are valuable, as the Portuguese or Portaguese half-breeds are meant by the term.] See also ante, Vol. XXX. p. 508.
FIRMAUN. Fol. 65. Emir Jemla : hath now y! Goverment of Bengala Orixs and Pattant firmly by Phyrmand Setled Vpon him.
Fol. 66. Emir Jemla's Son Bucceeded Dot his father (accordinge to Phyrmane).
Fol. 69. for here [Dacca] they are neare y: Prince and Court Vader whom all our ffactorios in Bengala and Puttana bold their Fhirmane.
Fol. 71. before they got their Phyrmane renewed and signed ...... gue in. his Phyrmane to be renewed.
Fol. 72. they request their Phyrmane.... wold have . Considerable reward in ready Cash before he wold renew theire Old Phyrmane.
Fol. 78. what His ancestors freely gave by Phyrman .. .... And bath giuen y English and Dutch large Phyrmanes.
Fol. 102.y! woh was noo Sooner demanded but as readily granted wo Phyrmanes in'y! Persian Languadge y! y: English Nation Shold hold that Priviledge soe longe as they pleased to line and Settle in their Dominions, and many Other rewards Liberally bestowed V pon the Doctor (Gabriel Bowden = Bonghton] (One beinge [Emir Jemla] very rare amonge y: Mahometants).
Fol. 182. (Elephants) now adays none are Shipped off by any Merchant that hath not y! Kinge of Syam's Phyrmane graated him, if soe they are ematome free.
Fol. 188. y most important of wis whether we have y! King of Syams Phyrbano. the trade there or noe.
See Yale, . v. Firmaun. [The quotations are valuable as showing the use of the word for Royal Letters Patent or Charters]
FORT BT GEORGE Fol. 2. The begininge of my residence, or first part of my Arrival (in Indis Orientalis) was att ffort 8' Georg & an English Garrison Vpon y! Coast of Choromandel.
Fol. 8. men Women and Children that line ander 8' Georg's flagge (at Madras).
Fol. 31. Our ffort (and towne) of 8 Georg's, hath been ofton Molested, by some of y! Inland Natiue fforoes.

Page #491

DECEMBER, 1908.]
song ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
467
Fol. 39. Anno Dom: 1672 I stroke down to Pettipoloe in a journey I tooko Overland ffrom 8' Georg's to Metchlipatam.
Nut in Yule. [It means the town and fort of Madras. Madras is still in official documonta "Fort St George."]
GALLE, POINT DE. Fol. 39. Such as they in Point de Gals or Queda doe bringe them on board On. Fol. 77. They are bought (from Ceylone) from y! Dutch. ...in Gala,
See Yule, 6. v. Gallo, Point do. [The quotations are valuable for the history of this obecure word.)
GALLEVAT. Pol. 64. the Arackan Kinge Sends a parcell of Gylyars vis! Gallys well fitted and manned w Arackaners and ffrangues.
Fol. 92. y. Natiues mach dreadinge to dwell there beinge timerous of the Arackaners web theire Gylyars.
See Yule, &. v. Gallevat. The text is exceedingly interesting for the history of the word and proves its identity with the galley and also with the Bengali form jalia. See ante, Vol. XXIX, p. 408.]
GANGEB. Fol. 61. first for y! great River of Ganges : and yo many large and faire arms thereof. Fol. 64. Hee fled to a Small Villadge Seated upon the banks of Ganges.
Fol. 68. y water of y: Rider [of Dacca] beinge an arme of the Ganges is Extraordinary good.
Fol. 73. up y Biuer of Ganges as high as Dacca.
Fol. 74. This Kingdome of Bengals... is replenished with many faire and pleasant Riuers, the most famous and much admired of weh is y! great Riuer Ganges.
Fol. 75. the great rains.... as high as South Tartaria, wop is mountanions and raineth there for a quarter of a yeare togeather and rusheth downe y: Ganges and arms thereof.
Fol. 76. But most of the trouble might Easily have been avoided if our Ganges Pilot had been any way ingendous.
Fol. 86. many of them (Orixas) resort to the Creeks and Rivolets at or about y: Entrance into y! Ganges.
Fol. 87. theire Souls Shall Enter into the bodies of good creatores (in Paradise) that dye with theire bodies well filled wtb yo holy water of the Ganges: or any of y arms thereof, or y! dye upon the banks thereof, for they accompt y mudde to be Sanctified as well as y! Water.
Fol. 87. The River Ganges (and it's branches) is held in soe great adoration by these ignorant heathens, that they make many Sacrifices thereto.
Pol. 91. certain it is y! this is y! great Biner Ganges y! Alexander y! great Sailed downe in time of his great conquests in Asia de:
Fol. 92. fformerly, yes not many years agoe, y: Inhabitants on y Northerne parts of Bengala ; trained up their Children ...... Sent them apon travaile to discover y: greet Ganges : to find out the garden of Eden : (by order of theire Kings).

Page #492

468
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1903.
Fol. 93. y water and mudde of y? Ganges Sent from them [Brachmans] wth theire Choppe or Seale Vpon it is accompted Sacred: Even soe farre as Persia wee had Severall Mortavan Jarrs on board, some full of water Others of Mudde of y? Biuer Ganges, sent as pṛsents to y? great Merchants of y? Banjan Cast (in this Kingdome [Bengala]).
Not in Yale. [The quotations give the ceveral uses of the word in the 17th century, viz., for the Hugli River, any large month of the Ganges in the Gangetic Delta, the Ganges Proper.]
GANTON.
Fol. 152. [In Queda] Theire Weights and measures are Gantange cont Exactly 2 Achin Bamboos.
See Yule, s. v. Ganton.
y: Gantange : One
GANZA.
Fol. 84. [Gong] made of fine Gans of Pegu: viz! a very good Sort of bell mettle. Fol. 158. ffrom Pegu.... Gans.
See Yule, s. v. Ganza: bell-metal.
GARCE.
Fol. 56. they transport [from the Coast of Gingalee] above 10000: Gorse of graine yearly.
See Yule, s. v. Garce. [A large grain measure in the Madras Presidency: anything up to 4 tons and more. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 408, article on "Tomb." N. and E. has, p. 40 for 2nd Dec. 1689: Upon application from Lingapa for a garse of wheat upon payment, it is resolved to supply it gratis."]
GENTILE-GENTOOE.
Fol. 3. The Natiue inhabitans [of ffort St Georg's] are for y! most part Gentiles (commonly called Gentues).
Fol. 18 The Gentues accompt themselves a very antient people .
They are indeed y? Antient Gentiles and as I jmagine of the Seed of those who revolted from Moses, forgettinge God to worship a Molten Calfe.
There is
another Sort of these Idolaters who are accompted to be of a higher Cast (then y? Gentues be).
Fol. 24. gaue me some white and yellow flowers she tooke from her haire of her head that was beautifully adorned after y? Gentue fashion.
Fol. 26. but those Naturall Mallabars y inhabit Vpon y Mallabar Coast. . . . . of noe gentile Occupations, neither are they admitted into y: Society of y Banjans or Gentues Either in theire houses or Pagods.
Fol. 69. y richest of Gentues and Banjan Merchants, of web this Part of y! Kingdome hath great numbers.
Fol. 70. he sent for most rich Merchants of Gentues and Banjans.
See Yule, 8. v. Gentoo. [The quotations are valuable for showing that Gentile meant a Gentoo and Gentoo a low-caste Hindu. N. and E. p. 88 for 20th Nov. 1680, has "the Mutineers threaten to kill the Gentue Oxmen if they bring goods or provisions into the Town, whereupon the merchants undertake to obtain supplies by means of the left handed Oxmen." Here again we seem to have Gentue as a low-caste (Pariah) Hindu in contradistinction to the left-handed or artizan castes. The curious sectarian division in Hinduism known as the right and left hand castes of South India should certainly have found a place in Yule, as these terms are constantly mentioned in old books. They include a great number of castes following some the Vaishnava and some the Saiva faith in their

Page #493

2.-Mahayaksha.
4.-Yakshesvara.
Digambara Jain Yakshas and Yakshinis.
Gomukha.
Kusuma.
They
1.-Rishabhanatha.
Rohini.
Vajrasrinkhala.
Chakresvari.
3. Trimukha.
5.-Tumbura.
6. Sumatinatha,
Manovega.
FROM DRAWINGS SUPPLIED BY A. REA, M.R.A.S.
Plate i.
Prajnapti.
Purushadatta.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #494

22
8. Syama or Vijaya.
10. Brahmesvara.
12.Kmara.
Digambara Jain Yakshas and Yakshinis.
Varanandi.
Jvalamalini.
Manavi.
+
7. Suparsvanatha.
Gandhari.
Q
9,—Ajita.
11.-Isvara,
Kali,
13. Shanmukha.
FROM DRAWINGS SUPPLIED, BY A. REA, M.R.A.S.
Mahakali.
Gauri.
Plate ii.
Vairbti.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #495

Digambara Jain Yakshas and Yakshinis.
Plate iii.
14.-Pataln.
Anantamati.
15.-Kimnara
Manasi.
16.-Kimpurusha
Mahamanasi.
17.-Gandharva,
Vijaya.
AC
4
18.- Kendra.
Ajit.
19.-Kubera.
A parajita.
20.-Variina.
Bahurupini.
21.-Bhrikuti.
Chamundi.
FROM DRAWINGS SUPPLIED BY A REA, M.R.A.S.
W. GRIGOS. PHOTO-LITH.

Page #496

Digambara Jain Yakshas and Yakshinis.
Plate iv.
29.-Sarvahna.
Kuishmandini.
24.- Matamga.
Siddhayini.
42
Omkara.
Dharanendra.
Padmavati.
23.-Parsvana
Brahmayaksha.
Hrimkara.
Sarasvati.
W. GAIOGA, PHOTO-LITH
FROM ORAWINGS SUPPLIED BY A. REA, M.R.A.S.

Page #497

DECEMBER, 1903.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
469
Sakti or Female developments. Roughly the right-hand castes are agriculturists and the left-hand are artizaus: hucksters and small traders are found sprinkled about both classes. ]
GAURRY. Fol. 83. And when Sinketh againe he Striketh 1: Viz! One gree and soe Onward 2: viz! 2 gree.....then 3 viz! 3 gree. ......one Sleepeth while y Other waketh and tendeth y! Gree.
See Yule, Stepp., 8.v. Ghurry. [Originally ghari was a water-clock, then the gong on which the time was struck, then the unit of time itself, i, e., an hour of 24 minutes or one-sixtieth of a whole day, then the European hour of 60 minutes, then the clock or watch indicating European time. Here it means the Indian hour of 24 minutes or also the water-clock and its gong.]
GINGERLY. Fol. 3. y Coast of Gingalee.
FOL. 47. Many English Merchants and Others have yearely Ships and Vessels built here [Narsapore), beingo yo onely Commodious Port on this or y! next Coast adjoyneinge thereto viz! Gingalee. . Fol. 56. The Coast called Gingalee is certainly yo most pleasant and Commodious Sex Coast that India affordeth, pleasant in many respects, beinge & most delicate champion (flat plains] land ....... It beginneth at Point or Cape Goodawaree, the Entrance or South Side of yo bay Corango y! Cape lyeth in Latt (!) and reacheth or Extendeth it Selfe Soe farre as to y! Pagod Jn Gernaet.
Fol. 134. yett butter and Oyle from Gingalee or Bengala.
See Yule, s.o. Gingerly with very inadequate note. [The text shows clearly that the term meant the Coast between the “Coromandel" and "Orissa" Coasts, i, e., between the Godavari estuary and Juggernaut Pagoda. It was also more commonly known to mariners as the Goloondab Coast. The above are the only quotations known to me illustrating this term. See ante, Vol. XXX. P. 345.]
GINGHAM. Fol. 101. ffrom Hugly and Ballasore .... Ginghams.
See Yule, s. v. Gingham : an Indian cotton cloth. [N. and E. p. 18 for 13th April 1880, has " ginghamg": and p. 24 for 19th June 1880 "ginghams, white: ginghams browne." See ante Vol. XXIX. p. 339.]
GOA. Fol. 144. A Portuguees Shipp bound from Goa to Macau In China. See Yule, . v. Goa.
GODAVERY. Fol. 2. It [the Choromandel Coast] Extendeth it Selfe to point Goodaware on yo South Side of yo bay Corango.
Fol. 56. Point or Cape Goodawaree the Entrance or South Side of yo bay Corango. See Yule, s. v. Godavery. See also ante, Vol. XXX. p. 851 f. p. 392.
GOLCONDAH. Fol. 50. I shall Speake Something of the Metropolitan Citty, Goloondah .... The ffaire and Beautifull Citty Golcondah is an inland one and the Metropolitan of yo Kingaume ....y! Whole is called y! Kingdome of Golcondah.
Fol. 51. This Kingdome .... hath y! Enjoyment of y! most plenty of rich Diamonds in y! Vniverse, about 100 miles from Golcondah y! Earth doth most abound therewith.

Page #498

470
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1903.
Fol. 57. As for theire Idolatrous way of worship, they Enjoy it as fully as in any Other place in y: Empire of the Grand Mogoll (or territories of Goloondah).
Not in Yule, but should have been, as the diamonds did not come from Golcondah, as above correctly explained.
GOMBROON. Fol. 93. att our arrivall in Gombroone. See Yule, s. v. Gombroon: the old name for Bandar 'Abbâs in the Persian Gulf.
GONG. Fol. 84. They Strike not with or Vpon a bell (for the Mahometans Vse none) but it is a round flatt of one foot and a balfe or two foot Over, (Some are very much larger).... it is hunge up by Stringe through a hole on one side thereof, Soe as to take it's free swinge and is called a Gonge : they Strike thereon with a Small Mallat of wood and yieldeth a most Excellent Sound and
Echo.
Fol. 134. beats y: Gunge for all people (that please) to buy our goods, before woh they dare not buy any.
Fol. 158. to See y! Gunge beaten round the Citty, wh a lowd and Severe Proclamation, Fol. 158. from China .... Gungs. See Yule, s. D. Gong.
GOOZERAT, FOL. 62. Hee Sent..... his youngest Son Morat Bakche into Guaratt.
Fol. 94. rupees ... Coyned in y: Mint at Dacca : & are of y: Same Value of those in Guzaratt or Golcondah.
Soo Yulo, & v. Goozerat, but his quotations stop at 1554.
GRAM.
Fol. 58. Very delicate good Land [Gingalee Coast] affordinge y! greatest plenty of Graine viz! ..... Severall sorts of gramme.
Fol. 61. [Bengals) affordinge great plenty of .... grammo. Fol. 163. if wee have a quantitio of course goods On board via!:.... gramme. See Yule, .. v. Gram, whose earliest quotation is 1702.
GUALA. Fol. 43. they are called Gualas and will carry one 40 miles p! diem w noe great difficulty.
Not in Yule. [The word in the text does not mean the well-known gwalla (gaválá) or cow keeper of Indian domestic economy, but the kávalan, or dooly-bearer, of the old days in Madras.]
GUDDORAH. Fol. 85. This towne [Metchlipatam is famous alsoe for a bridge ..... woh bridge reacheth from y! great gate of Metehlipatam over to Guddorah weh is one English mile in Jength and of a Considerable breadth, and is called by the Name of Guddorah bridge.
Fol. 39. Most Eminent Men that inhabit Metchlipatam and Guddorah are Mahometans.
Fol. 42. more memorable fight B: Edward Winter had w above 300 of them [Resbutes] Vpon Guddorah bridge when he and his Trumpeter cleared y way and drove Severall of them Over y bridge to y: Great Astonishment of all y: Natives and ffame of that wortby Knight,
Not in Yuje: but see Yule's quotation from Fryer, 1679, . v. Patna, where the place turns up as Gundore. It is practically part of the town of Masulipatam. Sir Edward Winter's exploit is pictured on his monument in Battersea Church.
(To be continued.)

Page #499

DECEMBER, 1903.]
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
471
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
Translated from German Poets. BY PROFESSOR O CAPPELLER, Ph.D., JENA,
(Concluded from p. 444.)
Error and Truth.
96
O glücklich wer noch hoffen kann Aus diesem Meer des Irrthums aufzutauchen! Was man nicht hat, das eben brauchte man, Und was man hat, kann man nicht brauchen.
GOETHE. धन्यो यमाथा न जहाति देहिनं प्रतारणे मोहजलस्य वारिधेः । तत्त्वेन यड्यर्थकरं न वेनि तजानामि यत्तस्य न लभ्यते फलम् ॥ dbanyo yam Aši na jahậti dehina pratarané måhajalasya väridbeh tattvåna yad dhy arthakaram na vodmi taj jánami yat tasya na labhyaté phalam 11
97 Gefährlich ista den Len zu wecken, Verderblich ist des Tigers Zahn; Jedoch das schrecklichste der Schrecken Das ist der Mensch in seinem Wahn.
SCHILLER. सुप्तस्य सिंहस्य भयाय बोधनं विपत्तये व्याघ्रमुखं विदारितम् । महाभयानां तु भयं महत्तम नरो मतिभ्रान्तिमदेन मोहितः॥ suptasya sithasya bhayâya bodhanam vipattayê vyāghramukham vidáritam mahabhayanan tu bhayam mahattama nard matibbrantimadêda mōhitah
98 Schädliche Wabrbeit, ich ziehe sie vor dem nützlichen Irrthum. Wahrheit heilet den Schmerz, den sie vielleicht uns erregt. GOETHE.
वरं नाशकर सत्यं मोहादर्थकरादपि ।
सत्याज्जातं हि यदुःखं तस्मायः थाम्यति स्वयम् ॥ Varan pada kara satyam mâhâd arthakarad api satyaj játam hi yad duhkhan tat práyah samyati svayam

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1903.
99 Wenn ich kennte den Weg des Herrn, Ich ging ihn wahrhaftig gar zu gern; Führte man mich in der Wahrheit Haus, Bei Gott, ich ging nicht wieder heraus.
GOETHE.
सत्पथं यदि जानीयां प्रपद्येय सुखेन तम् । न च सत्यगृहं प्राप्य निर्गच्छेयं कदाचन ॥ satpatham yadi jânigam prapadyêya enkhena tam na cha satyagriham prapya nirgachchhêya kadachana 11
100
GOETHE.
GOETHE.
Irrthum verlässt uns nie, doch siehet ein höher Bedürfniss Immer den strebenden Geist leise zur Wahrheit hinan.
मोहान्धकारसंवीतमीहा काचिन्महत्तरा। उत्पतन्तं मनोहंस सत्यं प्रत्युपकर्षति ।। mohandhakarasam vitam ihå kachin mahattar utpatanta mandhamsam satyam praty upakarshati 11
Inner Life.
101 Zierlich Denken and sügs Erinnern
Ist das Leben im tiefsten Innern. भावानां वर्तमानानां चिन्तनं च सुपेशलम् ।
स्मृतिसौख्यं च वृत्तानां तदन्तहदि जीवनम् ॥ bhävinn vartamânâng chintana cha supésalam smpitisauk hyam cha vrittanam tad antarhridi jiyanam 11
102 . Das Spiel des Lebens sieht sich heitrer an, Wenn man den sichern Schatz im Herzen trägt.
संसारोऽयमसारो पि रम्यवत्पादिभाति मे। बिभ्रतस्तमहर्तव्यमन्तरात्मनि शेवधिम् ॥ samskro 'yam asard'pi ramyavat pratibhati me bibhratas tam ahartavyam antarâtmani šêvadhim 11
SCHILLER.
108
GOETHE
Ith besags es doch einmal, Was so köstlich ist ; Dass man doch zu seiner Qual
Nimmer es vergisst ! ममाप्यासींदसौ पूर्व निधीनां परमो निधिः ।
तस्य यजास्ति विस्मर्तु संतापः परिजायते ॥ mamapy asid asgu půrvañ nidbinam paramð nidhihi tasya yan nanti vismartum samt&pah parijAyatê !!

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478
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
DECEMBER, 1908.)
104 Ist die Zeit auch hingeflogen, Die Erionrung weichet nie; Als ein lichter Regenbogen Steht auf trüben Wolken sie.
'
UHLAND.
श्याममेघावलीलीनमिन्द्रायुधमिवोजवलम् । विषयाखामतीतानां स्मरणं चेतसि स्थितम् ॥ RykmamêghAvalilinam indriyadham ivdjivalam vishayaņam atitána smarapan chetasi sthitam 11
106
Ihr glüoklichen Augen, Was je ihr gesehn : Es sei wie es wolle, Es war doch so schön.
GOETHE. हे सखायौ विरोम्येषं चक्षुषी सफलीकृते । पियं स्यादभियं वा स्यात्मागभूवती सुखम् ॥ he sakhayan viraumy Baha chakshushi saphalksite i priyam syad apriyar vi sykt prag abhad bharatbh sukham 11
Tranquillity.
106 Die Ruh ist doch das beste Auf dieser Erdenwelt Was bleibt uns denn auf Erden, Wird uns die Ruh vergüllt ? Die Rose welkt in Sobauern, Die uns der Frühling giebt; Wer hasat, ist xa bedauern, Und mehr noch faat wer liebt.
FONTANE. शान्ति मन्ये धनमनुपम जीविते मानुषाणां नाये तस्याः सकलभुवने शिष्यते नः किमन्यत् । पुष्पं वातरभिहतमिव सायमान बसन्ते
यो देषस्थः स सुखविकलः किं पुनर्यः सकामा॥ kintim many dhanam anupamam vite minashankinn nel tasyah sakalabhavand sishyatê nah kim anyat pushpan vatair abhihatam iva mløyamknar vagantd 38 dveshasthab sa mukharikalah kim panar yab sakamah Il
107 Die Menschen die nach Ruhe suchen, die finden Ruhe nimmormohr, Weil sie die Ruhe, die sie suchen, beständig jagen vor sich her. W. MÖLLER

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474
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. .
[DxcEMBIR, 1903.
ये शान्ति मृगयन्ते तां न ते विन्दन्ति कर्हिषित् ।
यस्माद्यां मृगयन्ते तां प्रणुदन्ति पदे पदे ॥ yê santim mpigayantë tâm na te vindanti karhichit yasmad yarn migayantê têm praņudanti pade pade 11
108
Der du von dem Himmel bist, Allen Schmerz und Leiden stillest, Den, der doppelt elend ist, Doppelt mit Erquickung füllest, Ach ich bin des Treibens müde, Was soll all der Schmerz und Lust! Süsser, heilger Friede, Komm, ach komm in meine Brust!
GOETEL.
दिव्योद्भवे सकलदुःखविनाययित्रि विस्तापितं विरपि या शिथिरीकरोषि । शान्ते प्रिये विश मनो मम दूयमान संसारचक्रपरिवृत्तिसुखासुखेन ॥ divyodbhavê sakaladabkhavinasayitri dvis tApitan dvir spi ya kisirkaroshi kante priye visa mano mama dyamanan samstirnchakraparivrittisnkhisakhena
Of. Bharti. III. 89.
109
.
Ueber allen Gipfeln ist Ruh, In allen Wipfeln spürest du Keinen Hanch; Die Vöglein sohweigen im Walde. Warte nur, balde Rahest du anob.
GOETHE.
अप्रे गिरीणां वितता प्रसन्नता शाखासु मन्दो ऽप्यनिलो न वेपते। कृतं च मौनं विपिने पतत्रिभिमनः शनैस्वामपि थान्तिरेष्यति ॥ agrê girlņam vitatâ prasannata shkhiisu mando 'py anilo na vēpate kritam cha maunan viping patatribhir manah sanais tvam api sentir eshyati 11

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DIGEMBER, 1908.]
SUBHASHITAMALIKA.
475
Various Objects.
110 Edel sei der Mensch, Hilfreich and gut! Denn das allein anterscheidet ihn Von allen Wesen, die wir kennen.
GOETHE. उदारात्मा मनुष्यः स्यात्परेषां चोपकारकः । तातैव हि सर्वेभ्यः पाणिभ्यो व्यतिरिच्यते ॥ udarating manushyah syât paréshár chópakarakah tâvataiva hi sarvebhyah prâņibhyo vyatirichyate 11
Cf. Bhag. Pur.x. 22,85.
111 Die Stätte, die ein guter Mensch betrat, Die ist geweiht für alle Zeiten.
GOETHE. सज्जनस्य सकृत्पूर्त पादस्पर्थेन यत्स्थलम् । अन्येषां सर्वकालेषु तस्सुखायोपजायते ॥ sajjanasya sakpit pûtań pâdasparkồna yat sthalam any@sham sarvakálêsbu tat sukhâyöpajâyste il
112 Was schanderst du zurück vor Gift P wie selten stirbt ein Mensch daran! Und lachst der Wollust sehnlich zu, die stündlich mordet was sie kann. W. MÜLLER
किं बिभषि विषातात हन्यन्ते येन पञ्चषाः। व्यसनानि तु पुष्णासि मारयन्ति सहलयः ॥ kim bibbêshi vishất tâta hanyantè yons pagchashah 1 vyasanani ta pushṇasi marayanti rahasrasah 11
118 . Wenn gestrauchelt ist ein Mann, Mag er wieder sich erheben ; Dem gefallnen Weibe kann Nichts die Reinheit wiedergeben.
RÜCKERT. स्खलितः पुनरुत्थातुं गन्तुं पोस्सहते पुमान्। पतितां तु खियं कश्चिन्नोस्थापयितुमस्त्यलम् ।। skhalitab panar utthatum gantañ chotaabato pomân patitâm tu striyat kaschin nộtthậpayitum asty alam II
C. Chan. 99.
114
Mann mit zugeknöpften Taschen, Dir that niemand was zu lieb: . Hand wird nur von Hand gewaschen ; Wenn da nehmen willst, so gieb !
GOETHE.

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476
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DEOEMBER, 1903.
हे कदर्य तवादातुर्न कश्चित्कुरुते मियम् । लिप्समानः स्वयं देहि फलेन. फलमादिय॥
he kadarys tavadktar na kaschit kurutê priyam lipsamAnah syayan dehi phalêna phalam &diga II
. 115 Von des Lebens Gütern allen Ist der Ruhm das Höchste dooh; Wern der Leib in Staub zerfallen, Lebt der grosse Name noch.
SCHILLER. सर्वेष्विह धनेष्वाहुर्यथो धनमनुत्तमम् ।
भस्मीभूते शरीरे अपि पुण्या कीर्तिर्न नरवति ॥ sarveshv iha dhanêshv ahur yako dhanam anuttamam bhasmtphate sarire 'pi punyakirtir na natyatin
C.Kathae.XXII. 263 Kam.NEL.S.
116 Es soll der Dichter mit dem König gehen, Denn beide wandeln auf der Menschheit Höhen. SCHILLER. कवी रसिककाव्यस्य राज्ञा संगममर्हति । अजितौ यदुभावस्य लोकस्येवावतंसताम् ।। kavi rasikakavyasya Tâjõá samgamam arbati vrajitaa yad ubhav asya lokasydvävatamsatam II
cf. Subhashitdvali 160.
117
Ueber ein Ding wird viel geplandert, Viel bernthen und lange gezandert, Und endlich giebt ein böses MOS Der Sache widrig den Beschluss.
GOETHz. चिरं वस्तुनि कस्मिविशमन्त्राभ्यां विलम्म्यते ।।
इतिकर्तव्यता यावत्कुरुते नात्र निश्चयम् ॥ chira vastuni kasmimsohid veomanträbhyam vilambyaté 1 itikartavyata yavat karaté natra nibhayam 11
C. K. Bh. V.112..
118
Wäre nicht das Auge sonnenhaft, Die Sonne könnt' es nicht erbloken; Lig' nicht in uns des Gottes eigne Kraft, Wie könnt' uns Göttliches entzücken?
GOETHE.

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DadaHI1908]
BUBHASHITAMALIKA.
भवेन्न चेदत्ति मिसर्गसौरं किं सूर्यमालोकितुमुत्सहेत । भवेत दिव्यो यदि नो ममारमा दिव्येषु मे ऽर्थेषु कथं रतिः स्यात् ।। bhavên na ched aksbi nisargasauram kim süryam Alokitum utsahêta bhavêta divyo yadi nô mamatma divy@shy me 'rthêshu katha ratib syft II
119 Ein jeglicher versucht sein Glück, Doch schmal nor ist die Bahn zum Rennen: Der Wagen rollt, die Achsen brennen; Der Held dringt kübn voran, der Schwächling bleibt zurück, Der Stolze fällt mit lächerlichem Falle, Der Kluge überholt sie alle.
SCHILLER. चर्याभूमिः परिमिनपदा यत्र धावन्ति सर्वे चक्राणां च प्रसरणजुषामौष्ण्यमक्षा भजन्ते । शूरस्याविर्भवति जवनं मन्दता चाबलस्य प्रौढाचारः पतति धरणी लक्षमाप्नोति दत्तः॥ charyabhůmib parimitapadá yatra dhøventi sarve chakrapan cha prasaranajushÂm aushqyam akshá bhajante BûrabyAvir bbavati jayanaṁ mandatê chabalasys praudhacharab patati dharanim laksham åpnoti dakshab 11"
120 Wie in den Lüften der Sturmwind saust, Man weiss nicht von wannen er kommt und braust, Wie der Quell ags verborgenen Tiefen, So des Sängers Lied aus dem Innern schallt Und wecket der dunkeln Gefühle Gewalt, Die im Herzen wunderbar schliefen.
SCHILLER. अज्ञातस्वनजन्मभूमिरनिलः प्रोद्वाति दिग्भ्यो यथा गूढानिःसरति रन्स्फुटजलैरुत्सो यथा गहरात् । गीनं रम्यमिदंप्रकारमुरसो गातुर्बहिः प्रोचरद्वावानां स्वपतां मनःसु नितरां धत्ते समुज्जृम्भणम् ॥ ajñatasyanajanmabhumir snilah prodvâti digbby8 yatha gadhan nibarat kebaran sphatajalair uts) yatha gavarat Eitan ramyam idaraprakiram urasd gåtur bahih prochcharad kbAvan syapati manabeu nitarán hatte samujifimbhango #
Cr. Bak. r.99.

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478
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1903.
Motres. śl8ka 1-5, 8, 10, 12, 16, 18, 19, 21-24, 26, 29-85, 87-50, 52-55, 58-62, 64, 66, 68-76, 78, 79, 81-89, 92, 94, 98-105, 107, 110-117. Árya 6, 13, 15. Upajati 7, 11, 14, 27, 56, 95, 111, 118. Vamsastha 9, 17, 25, 28, 63, 96, 97, 109. Drutavilambita 20. Vasantatilaka 108. Málint 90. Sikbariņi 5). Hariņi 91. Mandåkrántâ €0, 106, 119. Sardúlavikridita 36, 57, 67, 120, Sragdhara 65, 77, 98.
Names of Poets. Balde 77. Brentano 47. Bube 23, 68. Bürger 49. Burmann 2. Cronegk 76. Fontane 106. K. Förster 71. Geibel 70. Gellert ll. Gleim 20. Goethe 1, 3-7, 17, 19, 25, 27-31, 33, 37, 88, 41, 57, 58, 62, 64, 65, 67, 72, 79, 80, 82, 84, 85, 88-91, 93, 95, 96, 98-101, 108, 105, 108-111, 114, 117, 118. Halm 61. Herder 26, 45. Lenau 83. Lessing 42. Logan 16, 21, 43, 48. W. Müller 13, 39, 44, 107, 112. Nicolai 35. Rückert 14, 15, 78, 113. Salis 18. Scheffel 66. Schiller 8-10, 12, 22, 24, 32, 34, 36, 40, 46, 50-55, 60, 63, 69, 73-75, 81, 86, 87, 92, 94, 97, 102, 115, 116, 119, 120. Uhland 104. Wielaud 56.
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 448.) Ely-maide ; 8. v. Delly, Mount, 235, i.
Emna ; 8. v. Maund, 431, i. Embajadores; ann. 1404: 8. v. Kincob, 369, i. Emodio; ann. 1872: 6. v. India, 332, ii. Embary: ann. 1666: 6. v. Ambayee, 756, i. Emódus; ann. 1572: 8. v. India, 332, ii. Embelgi ; 8. . Myrobalan, 465, ii.
Emõdus; 8. v. Himalse, 315, i. Emblic ; 8. v. Myrobalan, 465, i, 466, i. Emoy; ann. 1770: 8. v. Liampo, 893, i. Emblies ; 8. . Myrobalan, 465, i. .
Empedocles; ann, 1060: s. o. Buddha, 90, ü. Emblica officinalis ; 8.0. Myrobalan, 465, i. Emphyteusis ; 77, ii, footnote, twice. Emblica Phyllanthus; 8. v. Myrobalan, 465, i. Emphyteuta; 77, ii, footnote, twice. Emblio myrobalan; 8. v. Myrobalan, 465, i. Empolear-se; 8. o. Polea, 542, ii. Emblic Myrobalans; 8. v. 262, i.
Emporiam; ann. 1727: 8. 6. Chinsura, 154, ii. Eme; ann. 1682: 8. v. Cassowary, 774, i. "Empousa; 8. v. Ghoul, 284, ii. Emeer ; ann. 1818 : 8.1). Bendameer, 63, i. Emwy; 4. v. Amoy, 12, i. Emer ; 8. . A meer, 12, i; ann. 1615: 8.. Enarea; 8. r. Coffee, 178, ii. Ameer, 12, i.
Enaum; 8. v. Inaum. 329, i. Emery : ann. 1516: 8.. Surath, 606, i. Englesavad ; ann. 1683: 8. v. English-bazar, Emou; ann. 1631 and 1682: 8. v. Casgowary, 262, i. 774, i.
English-bazar ; 8. 7. 262, i. Em fatiota ; 77, ii, footnote, twice.
English Bázár; ann. 1878 : , v. English- bazar, Emir; 8. v. Ameer, 11, ii, s.o. Koshoon, 375; 1 262, i.
ii; ann, 1407: 8. v. Nokar, 481, i; ann. 1441 : English-town; 6, v. English-bazar, 262, i. 8. o. Daróga, 280, i; ann. 1621: 8. v. Benda- English-water; ann. 1885: 4. v. Bilayutee pav. meor, 62, ii, 3 times; ann. 1753: 8. v. Cooch nee, 765, i. Azo, 783, ii; ann. 1760: 8. v. Souba, 649, ii; Eng-wa; 8. v. Ava, 30, i. ann. 1817: 8. v. Badgeer, 34, ii.
Enterlooper; ann. 1760: 8. o. Interloper, 335, i. Émir ; ann. 1333 : 8. o. Bobachee, 75, ii. Eocri; ann. 1626: 8. v. Kerseymere, 365, ii. Emmerties ; 8. ». Piece-goods, 536, i.
Fois; B. C. 30 : 8. v. Suttee, 667, ii. Emmet, white; ann. 1679 : .. . Ant, White, Eppon ; 8. v. Factory, 264, i. 758, i.
Equula ; 6. v. Cavally, 135, ii.

Page #507

DECEMBER, 1903]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON.JOBSON.
Equula caballa ; 8. v. Cavally, 135, ii. Erf; 8. v. Compound (c), 186, ii. Eri ; ann. 1680 : 8. . Moonga, 825, i. Er-i; s. v. Cauvery, 195, ii, Eris ; ann. 1680: s. v. Moonga, 825, i. Erindy; ann. 1680 : 8. v. Moonga, 825, i. Eriobotrya japonics ; & v. Loquot, 397, ii. Ermenie; ann. 1300 : 8. d. Farásh, 266, ii. Erveh Barmen; ann. 1500 : 8.0. Cranganore,
211, ii. Er-u; 3. v. Cauvery, 185, ii. Erythrina indica; 8. o. Coral-tree, 196, ii. Erythroxylon areolatam ; 8. v. Deodar, 236, ii. Escada; 8. o. Iskat, 335, i. Esclave Divine ; aun. 1702 : * ». Deva-dasi,
237, ii. Escrito; 8. v. Chit, 156, ii. Escrivão ; s. v. Scrivan, 608, i. Esh; ... Bish, 72, ii; ann. 1812 : 8.r. Bish,
73, i. Eshta; ann. 1700 : 8. v. Zend, 869, ii. Esmok; 623, ii, footnote. Espaty; ann. 1553: ..v. Cospetir, 202, i. Espera; ann. 1510: 8. o. Pardao, 84'), ii, twice. Espingarde ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Seer-fish, 612, i. Espiquenardo; ann, 1563: 8. D. Nard, 478, ii. Esquimaux; 5. o. India, 331, ii. Essina 'empúrion ; 6. 5. Oojyne, 487, i. Esta; ann. 1700: 8. v. Zend, 869, ii. Estain; ann. 1609 : 8.0. Budgrook, 92, ii;
ann. 1646 : 8. v. Calay, 111, ii. Estan; 1. v. Tank, 684, i. Estandart; ann. 1572: 8. v. Melinde, 483, ii,
twice. Estang; .. v. Tank, 684, i ; ann. 1610 : .
Tank, 684, ii, twice; ann. 1785: 4. v. Tank,
684, i. Estanqne; 8. 2. Tann, 684, i. Estia ; ann. 1700 : . o. Zend, 869, i. Estivador ; 8. 9. Stevedore, 652, i. Estivar ; 8. v. Stevedore, 652, i, twice. Estopa ; 5. v. Istoop, 335, i. Estradiot; ann. 1595: 8, v. Turban, 718, ii. Estreito do Gobernailor ; 8. v. Governor's Straits,
Etang; 8. v. Tank, 684, i. Etape ; 8. v. Tappaul, 685, i. Etaya; Ann. 1781 : 8. v. Kunkur, 379, i. Eternal Islands; ann. 930 : 8.0. Oojyne, 487, i. Ethiopia ; 175, ii, footnote; and. 1553: %. +.
Fetish, 267, ii ; ann, 1570: 8. 9. Melinde,
483, i; ann. 1795 : s. r. Pali, 506, i. Ethiopian; . v. Hubshee, 320, i, 8. v. India,
331, i. Ethiopian Sea; ann. 1586 : 8. v. Zanzibar,
746, ii ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Guardafui, Cape,
305, ii. Ethiopie ; ann. 1610 : a. v. Caffer, JOR, ii. Ethnike ; ann. 1626 : 8. u. Gooroo, 296, ii, .. r.
Navait, 475, ii. 'Etzuk nízen; ann. 820 : 8. v. Chicane, 147, i. Euban ; ann. 210: .. . Giraffe, 289, i. Eudynamys orientalis ; 8. r. Koël, 374, i. Eugenes ; ann. 1659 : 8. o. Ooiyne, 487, ii. Eugenia ; 8. v. Jamboo, 842, i, twice. Eugenin Jaubolana ; anu. 1530 : 8. v. Samoon,
343, i. Eugenin jambolana; s. v. Jamoon, 342, ii ; ann.
153): 8.0. Jamoon, 343, i. Eugenia jambos ; s. r. Jamboo, 342, i, .. v.
Jamoon, 342, ii. Eugenia jambu ; ann. 1530 : sv. Jamoon, 343, i. Eugenia Malaccensis ; 8. v. Jamboo, 342, i. Eulabes intermedia ; 8. 2. Myna, 464, ii. Ea lnbes religiosa ; 8. v. Myna, 464, ii. Eulophia ; 8. v. Suleb, 592, ii. Euphorbia; Prickly-pear, 554, i. Euphorbia Neriifolis ; o, d. Prickly-Pear, 554, i. Euphorbia Roy.eana; 3. v. Prickly-pear, 554, i.
(5 times) and ii. Euphorbia Tirucalli ; s. o. Milk-bush, 434, i. Enphrate ; ann. 1771 : s. r. Zend, 869, ii, twice. Euphrates; s. r. Balsora, 40, ii, s. r. India, 330,
ii, & r. Bussora, 768, ii; ann, 80: *, ». Tenk, 692, ii ; ann. 1380: 2.. Delhi, 284, ii ; ann.
1652: 8. v. Congo-bunder, 782, ii. Eurasian ; s. r. 262, i, 798, i, 8. r Burgher (a),
100, ii, 8. v. Cheechee, 142, ii, 8. r. Lip-la, 395, ii, & r. Malabar (b), 413, i ; ann. 1866: 8. v Khull, 813, ii ; ann. 1877: 3. v. Burglier (a), 100, ii ; ann. 1880: *. v. Cheeches, 142,
ii, s. r. 262, ii, twice, 8. v. Palankeen, 504, ii. Europe ; 8. v. 262, ii, twice, 798, i, s.r. Country,
206, i ; ann. 1678 and 1711 : & v. 262, ; ann. 1781 and 1782: 8, t. 798, i ; ann. 1794:
299, i.
Estrelda amandava; 8. v. Avaavat, 30, ii. Estrellas ; ann. 1634; 8. v. Room, 582, i. Estremadora ; ann. 1505: 8. v. Narsinga, 474, i. Esturion ; ann. 1615: 8. v. Durian, 256, i. Eswara ; anu, 1651 : 8.0. Saira, 592, i.

Page #508

480
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DROBXE, 1908.
1. o. Respondentia, 577, i; ann. 1817 (twice) (twice) and 1711: 1. v. 268, ii; ann. 1727:1... And 1866 : 8. v. 262, ii.
Chinsura, 154, ii, 8. v. Madras, 407, ii ; ann. European ; 8. v. Europe, 262, ii, twice.
1748: 8. n. 263, ii; ann. 1762: . v. Writer, European water; s.. Bilayutee pawnee, 71, i. 742, ii; ann. 1778: ... Gomasta, 294, i ; ann. Europe harness ; s. r. Country, 206, i.
1781 and 1786 : $. v. 263, ii. Europe shop ; 8.. Europe, 262, ii ; ann. 1817: Factory ; 8. v. 263, ii, 264, i (twice) and ii, .. v. 8. . Europe, 262, ii.
Angengo, 21, ii, see 22, ii, footnote, s. . Eva; ann. 1350 : 8. v. Plantain, 541, ii.
Aurung, 30, i, 8. u. Balasore, 39, i, o. o. Bamó, Eve; 6. . Plantain, 541, i, 8. v. Prickly-pear, 42, i, e. v. Bantam, 47, ii, 8. v. Banyan Tree, · 554, i ; sun. 1616 : s. r. Elephanta, 260, i. 50, i, 8. v. Bay, 55, ii, s. d. Bencoolen, 62, i, Exberbourgh, ann. 1665: 8. v. Rhotass, 849, i. 8. v. Chinsura, 154, ii, 8 v. Chuttanutty, 170, Eyal; ann. 1782: 8.0. Ayah, 31, ii.
i, o, v. Compound, 187, ii, twice, .. Consoo Eysham ; &, v. 262, ii.
House, 190, ii, twice, 8. v. Factor, 262, ii, 263, Exour Vedam ; 6. o. Vedas, 734, ii.
i, s. r. Gombroon, 294, ii, twice, e. v. Hong, 320, ii, 8. u. Hoogly, 321, ii, e. . Juribasso, 362, i, s. v. Larkin, 387, i and ii, 8. v. Mahé,
409, i, .. v. Orombarros, 499, ii, ., v. Pagar, Facchini ; s. r. Boy (b), 83, i.
498, i, .. r. Porca, 548, i, 3. v. Presidency, 552, Facchino ; 8. v. Hummaul, 827, i.
i, 563, i, 8. r. Pulicat, 557, ii, 8. v. Sadras, 188, Fachilador ; 8. u. Fetish, 267, i.
ii, se 662, i, footnote, 4. t. Surat, 664, i, .. v. Fachini; ann. 1567: 8. v. Palankeen, 503, i. Syriam, 673, ii, 8 r. Writer (), 742, ii, ... Fachurier ; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i.
Achá nock (1), 752, i, .. o. Calash, 771, i and l'ackeer; ann. 1773: 8. v. Sunyhsee, 662, ii. footnote (twice), & . Canbameira, 771, ii, .... Hackeres; ann. 1633: 8. . Fakeer, 265, i. Congo-bunder, 782, ii, s. d. Godavery, 802, Hacquiro; ann. 1754: 8. v. Toje (b), 712, ii, i; ann. 1498 : s. r. Andor, 757, ii; ann. twice.
1500: 8. v. 263, ii; ann, 1554: 8. v. Linguist, Facteur ; ann. 1610 : 8.. Bankshall (@), 47, i, 395, i, o, v. Panikar, 510, i; ann. 1561: 1. v.
8. 1. Factor, 263, i; aun. 1763 : .. . Larry- Muncheel, 456, ii; ann. 1606: s. v. 264,i; apn.. bunder, 817, i.
1613: 8. r. Cosmin, 784, i; ann. 1615: 4. v. Factitius; 8. u. Fetish, 267, i, twice.
Buxee, 104, i, ., v. 264, i; apn. 1616: . . Factor; .. . 262, ii, s times, 263, i, 8. . Firmrun, 270, i, s. 8. Sappan-wood, 600, ii;
Aumildar, 30, i, 8. v. Civilion, 171, i, 8. o. ann. 1644: 8. v. Panikar, 510, i; ann. 1648: Compound, 187, ü, 8. v. Gomasta, 294, i, &. v. 8. . Parish, 514, ii; ann. 1665 : 8. v. CossimPresidency, 152, ii, twice ; ann. 1500 : 8. . bazar, 784, ii ; ann. 1672: 8. v. Sadras, 588, ii; Factory, 263, ii; ann. 15(1: *. v. 268, i; ann. 1678 : «. v. Patna, 520, i; ann. 1676 :.". ann. 1602 : *. . Batta, 762, ii; ann. 1510 : Junkeon, 812, ii ; ann. 1677-78: 1. v. Roundel, .. . Coir, 180, ii, 8. t. Salsette (b), 595,i; 583, i; ann. 1678: 3. v. Palankeen, 886, ii; Ann. 1519: 8. D. Pulicat, 557, ii; ann. 1535: ann. 1679 : 8. v. Spotted-Deer, 651, i, . v. 1. . Satigam, 54, i; ann. 1652: «. v. Anche- Compound, 782, i, 8. . Pig-sticking, 844, i; dira, 20, ii; ann. 1582: . . 263, i; ann. ann. 1680 : 8.. Bungalow, 768, i, ... 1598 : 8., Papgara, 509, ii; an. 1600: Canhameira, 772, i, .. p. Conicopoly, 783, i, .. u. 263, i; ann. 1615: 8. v. Gallevat (b), 8. v. Gorawallah, 802, ii; an. 1681 : 4, v. 276, ii; ann. 1624: 8. o. Bulgar, 96, i; ana. Deuti, 790, i ann. 1683 : «. v. Cowry, 1626: ... Kersey mere, 365, ii ; ann. 1653 : 209, ii, 8. 5. English-bazar, 262, i, 8. . 6. . Congo-bander, 783, i; ann. 1661 : 8.. Gardens, 278, ii, 8. Julibdar, 857, Presidency, 553, i, twice; ann. 1666: . v. ii, .. . Maund, 482, i, 8. v. Pan, 568, ii, .. 263, i; ann. 1679 : 8.0. Begar, 61, 1, 8.v. Grab, Interloper, 808, ii; ann. 1690 : $. , Beer, 69, 800, i, .. t. Patchouli, 518, i, e. v. Writer, ii, 8. v. Bencoolen, 62, ii, 8. v. Urz, 738, i, 4. . 742, ii; ann. 1675-6: 8. v. 263, i, 3 times ; Shiraz, 856, i; ann. 1098 : ..v. Zeminder, ann. 1677-78: 5. v. Rounde), 583, i; ann. 1689 1 748, i; ann. 1701 : $. v. Liampo, 819, i; ann.
.

Page #509

DECEMBER, 1908.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON.JOBSON.
481
1702 : 8. v. Calcutta, 111, ii, 6. o. Hosbol- Fäl; ann. 1350: &. o. Cowry, 209, i. hookum, 825, i, &. v. Pagar, 498, i, twice ; Fäl, Cape; ann. 1554 : * v. Sindibür, 685, ii. ann, 1706: 8. o. Harry, 806, i; ann. 1711: Falaha; 8. v. Moplah, 448, ii. 6. v. Compradore, 188, ii ; . r. Maand, 432, Falam; 8. 9. Fanám, 265, ii. i; ann. 1726 : 8. o. Bacanore, 34, 1, 8. o. Falan; 8. . Felaun, 265, ii.
Chinsura, 154, ii, . v. Guinea-cloths, 307, i; Falana; .. v. Faluun, 265, ii. ana. 1727: 6. o. Bacanore, 34, i, s. v. Chan- Fa-la-pi; aun. 640 : 8. v. Sürath, 665, ii. dernagore, 140, ii, twice, 8. D. Delly, Mount, Falaun; 4. U. 265, ii.
235, ii, s. v. Long-cloth, 395, ii, 8. o. Caola- Fulchine; ann. 1567: 8. v. Palankeen, 503, i. meira, 772, I, 8. o. Congo-bunder, 788, i; Falory; 28, i, footnote ; ann. 1550 : 8.0. ann. 1756 : $. 8. Chawbuck, 142, ii ; ann. Ashrafee, 28, i. 1764: 8. v. Impale, 329, i, ann. 1782 : so. Fals; 4. v. Dinar, 245, i. Bandel, 760, ii; ann. 1785: s. o. Gomasta, False Point;v. Palmyras, Point, 507, i. 294, i; ann. 1882: 8.. Chow-chow, 164, ii, Fan; ann. 1348 : .0. Fanám, 265, ii; ann. 8. v. Compradore, 189, i, twice.
1781 : 8. v. Chillum, 149, ii. Factorya; ann. 1582 : 5. v. Factory, 263, ii. Fana; .. . Bendameer, 62, ii. Factory-house ; ann. 1809: 8.. Factory, 264, i. Fanam; 4. v. 798, i, twice, s... Cash, 128, i, Facturae ; & v. Fetish, 267, i.
twice, 6. v. Cowry, 209, i, e. o. Fanám, 263, Falda; .. . Fedea, 798, ii, twice.
ii, 7 times, s. v. Pagoda, 498, i (twice) and i, Faghfur; . v. 264, ii, 80 37, i, footnote.
8. v. Pan, 558, ii, s. r. Sanúm, 597, i, . c. Faghfür ; 8. v. Bahaudur, 87, i.
Pardno, 838, i and footnote (3 times); ann. Fab-hian ; 8. o. Peshawar, 531, ii.
1443 and 1504-5: 8. u. Pardao, 838, i, both Faictureries ; 8. o, Fetish, 267, i.
twice ; ann. 1516: 1. v. Anile, 22, i, twiee, Failsoof; s. v. 264, ii.
8. 9. Benjamin, 65, ii, 8. v. Eagle-wood, 258, ii, Failsīf; 8. D. Failsoof, 264, i.
twice, s. v. Mangelin, 423, i ; ann. 1561 : 8.!. Fairuz; 8. o. Diul-Sind, 792, i.
Canhameira, 772, i; ann. 1672: 8. v. BudPākanūr; ann. 1830. 1. 9. Sindābūr, 688, i;
grook, 92. ii; ann. 1673: ... Tara, 862, i; ann, 1843: 6. t. Bacanore, 33, ii, 4. c. Mange- son. 1678: 8. 6. 798, i, s. v. Mustees, 828, i, lore(a), 422, ii.
twioo ; ann. 1680 : 6. v. Mocuddum, 823, ii ; Fakeel; ann. 1691: s.. Vakeel, 738, i.
ann. 1727: 8. v. Tara, 862, i, twice; ann. Fakeer; 8. v. 265, i, 798, i ; ann. 1812: s. v. 1745 : 8.. Jonkameer, 361, ii; ann. 1750-60: Jogee, 352, ii ; lun. 1856 : . v. 265, i.
8. , Cash, 128, ii, twice ; ann. 1752 : 8. v. Fakier; 662, i, footnote; ann. 1673: ..v. Fanám, 266, i, 8. . Matt, 431, i, twice; ann. Fekeer, 265, i.
1781 : . o. Combly, 216, ii, 8. v. Dub, 252, ii, Fakir ; ann. 1653: s. o. Dervish, 287, i. 8. o. twice ; ann. 1785 and 1803 (twice): .
Fakeer, 265, i ; ann. 1708-S: S. . Sikh, 633, 1. Fanám, 266, i ; ann. 1813: 8. v. Chuckrum, i; ann. 1763 : 8. r. Fakeer, 798, i, twice ; 167, i, twice, 8. v. Caslı, 128, i. ann. 1770, 1774 and 1778: 8. D. Fakeer, Fanám ; &. v, 265, ii. 265, i.
Fånăm ; ann. 1344: 4. v. Fanám, 265, ii. Fakir; 8. v. Chucker (—), 266, ii, 6. t. Dervish, Fanão ; ann. 1516: 8. o. Fanám, 266, i. 286, ii.
Fanaugrem; ann. 1543 : 8.0. Cochin-China, Fakir; .. v. Fakeer, 265, i.
174, ii. Pakiro; ann. 1670 : 6.. Dervish, 237, i; ann. Fandaraina; ann. 1800 : 8 r. Pandarūni. 508. 1727: 8. d. Fakeer, 265, i.
ji; an. 1343 : s. v. Calicut, 113, ii, 8. v. Fakuár; ann. 1800: & o. Pandarani, 508, i, Pandarini, 508, ii,
... Shinkali. 627. ü . Siwslik (b). 641. i. Bandaraina ; ann. 1330 : 8. v. Sindābür, 635, i. Faknür ; ann. 1800 : 6. o. Sindābūr, 635, i: Fandarains; ann. 1300 : . ». Siwalik (b). 641, i. ann. 1554: 8.0. Sindābūr, 635,
Fandarins; ann. 1150: 8. D. Malabar, 412, i, Fal; ann. 1810: .. 6. Jetul, 349, ii, 3 times: 8.0. Paudarāni, 508, ii. ann. 1420 : s. v. Cowry, 209, i.
Fandreeah ; ann, 1566-68 : 8. v. Carrack, 127, i.

Page #510

482
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DC, 1903.
Farash; 8. v. 798, ii. Farásh; s. v. 266, ii.
Fanham; ann. 1711: 8. v. Cash, 128, ii, 8. v.
Topaz, 711, ii, twice.
Fan-kwei; 8. v. Fanqui, 798, i. Fan-li-chi; 8. v. Custard-apple, 787, i. Fauna-Khusrah; s. v. Bendameer, 62, ii. Fauna Khusrah; 8. v. Bendameer, 62, ii. Fannò; ann. 1582 8. v. Fanám, 266, i. Fannon; ann. 1582: 8. v. Fanám, 266, i.. Fano; ann. 1718: s. v. Cash, 128, ii. Fanoeen; ann. 1498: e. v. Fanám, 266, i. Fanões; ann. 1516 and 1553: 8. v. Fanám, 266, i.
Fanom; ann. 1442 8. r. Fanám, 265, ii, 8. v. Tara, 861, ii; ann. 1444: s. v. Pardao, 840, i, twice: ann. 1504-5: 8. v. Pardao, 840, ii, twice; ann. 1510: 8. v. Fanám, 266, i, twice, 8. v. Tara, 862, i, twice; ann. 1554: 8. v. Chuckrum, 167, i.
Fanon; ann. 1498: 8. v. Cameeze, 116, i; ann. 1516 8. v. Tanga, 682, ii; aun. 1745 8. v. Junkameer, 361, ii. Fanone; ann. 1505: 8. v. Fanám, 266, i, twice. Fan-palm; s. v. 266, i, s. v. Brab, 84, i. Fanqui; 8. v. 798, i.
Fan-seng; 8. v. Bonze, 79, i.
Fansour; ann. 1330: s. v. Java, 348, ii. Fansur; ann. 1298: 6. v. Camphor, 117, i. Fanşür; s. v. Baros, 53, i.
Fangurah; ann. 940: s. v. Camphor, 117, i. Fansuri; ann. 1726: 8. v. Camphor, 117, i. Fansuri; 8. v. Baros, 58, i, s. v. Camphor, 116, ii. Fantalaina; aun. 1296 8. v. Pandarini, 508, ii. Faquer ann. 1705: 8. v. Saugor, 603, i, twice. Faquir; ann. 1690: 8. v. Fakeer, 265, i; ann. 1766: 8. v. Sunyú see, 662, i.
Faquire; ann. 1660: s. v. Fakeer, 265, i. Faraçola; ann. 1554: 8. v. Bahar, 36, i, twice,
8. v. Erazil-wood, 86, ii, s. v. Frazala, 274, i, twice, s. v. Putchock, 565, i, twice.
Faraiz; 8. v. Ferázee, 266, ii. Faraizi; 8. v. Ferázee, 267, i. Faraizi; s. v. Ferázee, 266, ii.
Farakhabad; 8. v. Palmyra, 506, ii, s. v. Rupee, 586, i.
Farakhabad rupee; 586, i, footnote.. Farakhābād rupee; 8. v. Sicca, 632, ii. Farang; ann. 1350: 8. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Farangi; s. v. Firinghee, 269, i; ann. 1590: 8. v. Suclát, 653, i.
Farangiba; s. v. Firinghee, 269, i.
Farash-khana-wala; 8. v. Farash, 798, ii. Farasola; s. v. Frazala, 273, ii; ann. 1510 s. v. Frazala, 273, ii, 3 times.
Farazala; ann. 1498: 8. v. Malacca, 415, ii. Farazalla; aun. 1498: s. v. Benjamin, 65, ii, twice.
Farizes; ann. 1513: a. v. Farash, 266, ii. Farazola; s. v. Picota, 534, ii; ann. 1516 s. v. Anile, 22, i, twice, s. v. Benjamin, 65, ii, s. v. Eagle-wood, 258, ii.
Fard; s. v. Numerical Affixes, 832, ii. Fardel; ann. 1604: 8. v. Calico, 113, i. Fard-navis; e. v. Farnaveese, 274, i. Fardo; ann. 1540: a. v. Xerafine, 867, ii. Farid; aun. 1807: 8. v. Sugar, 656, i. Faridpur; s. v. Ferázee, 267, i. Farigh-Khatti; 240, i, footnote.
Farina; ann. 1719: s. v. Calavance, 110, ii. Farina secunda; s. v. Rolong, 580, ii. Farkadain; ann. 1554 8. v. Jam, 810, i, twice. Farmán; aun. 1452: 8. v. Rohilla, 580, i, twice, Farman; s. r. Firmaun, 270, i; ann. 1761: s. v. Hosbolhookum, 325, i.
Farmidan; 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i. Farrash; s. v. Farásh, 266, ii.
Farrashes; ann. 1883: 8. v. Hanger, 312, ii. Farrásbes; ann. 1590: 8. v. Farásh, 266, ii. Fars; ann. 1343: 8. v. Mangalore (a), 422, ii;
ann. 1638 s. v. Parsee, 516, ii.
Fars; ann. 976: 8. v. Tibet, 698, ii; ann. 1333:
8. v. Larry-bunder, 388, i; ann. 1343: s. v. Calicut, 113, ii; aun. 1590: 8. v. Surat, 665, i.
Farsaklı; ann. 830: 8. v. Carrack, 126, ii; ann. 880: 8. v. Teak, 693, i; ann. 1864 s. v. Peer, 524, ii.
Farsala; 8. v. Frazala, 273, ii, 3 times; ann. 1510 s. v. Frazala, 273, ii, twice. Farsal-Khabir; ann. 1165: 8. v. Sultan, 656, ii. Farsang; 8. v. 1502 s. v. Kowtow, 377, i; ann. 1507 8. v. Ghilzai, 284, i; ann. 1840: 8. v. Pyke (a), 567, i, twice. Farshäbür; ann. 1220: s. v. Peshawar, 531, ii. Färsi; 8. v. Panthay, 510, ii, 8. v. Parsee, 516, i; anu. 980: 8. v. Zend, 869, i. Fartaki; ann. 1525: 8. v. Sind, 684, ii. Fartaque; ann. 1527 and 1535: 8. v. Curia Muria, 217, i.

Page #511

DECEMBER, 1903.)
MISCELLANEA.
483
Fartaqui ; ann. 1525 : 6. v. Room, 581, ii. Fath Ullah 'Imad Shah ; 8. v. Madremaluco, Fartaquy; ann. 1525 : 8. v. Sind, 684, ii.
821, i. Farwardin : ann. 1590 : 8. v. Nowroze, 482, i. Fath-Ullah 'Ihmad Shāh; s. v. Madremaluco, Farz ; 8. v. Ferázee, 266, ii.
821, i; ann. 1563 : 8. v. Madremaluco, 821, i. Fasa; ann. 1013: 8. v. Sindābūr, 635, i. Fatiha ; s. v. Talisman, 860, ii. Fasl ; 8. v. Fusly, 274, ii.
Fator ; ann. 1666: 8. v. Factor, 263, i. Fazli : 8. v. Fusly, 274 i and ii (5 times).
Fatrasiliūn; 8. v. Petersilly, 533, i. Få-sze : 8. v. Bonzo, 79, i.
Fattan; ann. 1347: 8. v. Madura, 408, i. Fat; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i.
Fatum ; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i, twice. Fatador ; 8. v. Fetish, 207, i.
Fatwā ; 8. v. Futwa, 799, i, 8. v. Mnfty, 825, ii. Fatehgarh ; ann. 1880: 8. v. Palempore, 505, i. Fanj; 8. v. Foujdar, 273, i. Fateish ; ann. 1690 ; 8. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Faujdār ; 8. v. Faujdar, 273, i, s. v. Foujdarry, Fatha; 8. v. Pyke, 567, i. Fath-mār; 8. v. Pattamar, 842, i.
Fauj-dār; 8. v. Foujdar, 273, i. (To be continued.)
273, ii.
MISCELLANEA. OBITUARY NOTICE OF
furlough in April, 1898. Ho received his proSIR JAMES MACNABB CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E.
motion to be substantive Second Grade Com. A LARGE circle of friende, both in Europe and missioner in February, 1900, while he was still on in India, will have heard, with more than furlough. And, without returning to India, be ordinary sorrow, of the death of Sir James retired from the Service very shortly afterwarde. Macnabb Campbell, K.C.L.E., on the 26th He was appointed & Companion of the Indian May last, at his residence, Achnashie, Roaneath, Empire in January, 1885, and a Knight ComNB.
mander of the same Order in June, 1897. Sir James Campbell was a son of the late Such, in brief outline, were the chief features Rev. J. M. Campbell, D.D. He was educated at of his or linury official career. The great work Glasgow, at the Academy and the University; of his life, however, was done in cunnection with and his attainments as a scholar were, in the the oficial Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. course of time, duly recognised by his Univer- He was appointed Compiler of the Gazetteer in sity, in conferring upon him the degree of D.O.L. June, 1873. And he held that office until He) entered the Indian Civil Service in 1869, August, 1894, discharging during part of that and was posted to the Bombay Presidency. He period the duties of some additional offices also, served, in the ordinary course, as an Assistant as indicated above. His formal appointment as Collector and Magistrate, in the Khandesh and Compiler of the Gazetteer then came to an end. Kulaba districts and at Bombay, from 1870 to But he still retained the general superintendence 1873. For some months in 1877, he was on of the compilation. And, with the exception of famine duty in the Bijapur district, -the Kaladgi Vol. VII., Baroda, and Vol. VIII., Kathiawar, all district, as it was then called. In 1880, he acted the volumes of the series were written and issued, for a time as Municipal Commissioner of Bom- between 1877 and 1901, and for the most part bay, and 18 Under-Secretary to Government in before the end of 1886, under his direction and the Pulitical, Judicial, and Educational Depart- auspices, as shewn by bis signature below the ments. In 1881, he attained the rank of Collector introductory note to each of them. It is difficult and District Magistrate, in which capacity, for to know which to admire most; the monumental the most part, he served until 1897, excepting character of the work, which consists of twentyduring three periods of absence from India on six large volumes, comprising altogether thirtyfurlough, at Bombay itself, and in the Panch- four parte, of which each is a separate book Mahals with the additional duties of Political by itself, contnining an enormous amonnt of Agent for the Rewa-Kantha State. In 1895 and information of the most varied and useful kind ; 1897, he officiated as Commissioner of Customs, or the unremitting energy, and the great tact, Salt, Opium, and Abkari. And finally, in July, with which Sir James Campbell played his part 1897, in succession to Major-General Sir William in connection with it. Great taet was necessary; Gatacre, K.C.B., he became Chairman of the becase much of the matter included in these Bombay Plague Committee. He left India on I volumes had necessarily to be prepared, sabject
Reprinted from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, PP. 651-654.

Page #512

484
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1903.
to direction and revision by the Compiler, by, It is a pleasure to look back to long and for the most part, district officials, already friendly intercourse with Sir James Macnabb sufficiently tasked by their ordinary duties, whose Campbell, and to recall the kindly hospitality hearty co-operation in this additional labour that used to be dispensed by the three brothers, was largely ensured by the knowledge that they John, James, and Robert, at their residence at were working for a personal friend who would Breach Candy, Bombay. It is sad to have to fully appreciate their results and would not realise that excessive work, acting upon a exercise any unnecessary editorial interference constitution which was never very strong, has with them. And unremitting energy was neces- ended in the death, at the comparatively early sary; because, in addition to checking and, when age of fifty-six, of one whose personal qualities necessary, recasting the many contributions ob-had endeared him to so many people, and whose tained in the manner indicated above, Sir James scholarship would, if he had been spared for Campbell had to write in person a great deal of a longer time and with health and strength, have the matter included in most of the volumes, | undoubtedly given us still more matter worthy particularly in the ethnological divisione. It of perpetuation. was the happy combination of the two quali
J. F. FLEET. ties that enabled Sir James Campbell to carry
July, 1903. his task to so successful an end, and to leave - NOTE ON THE USE OF THE "VASEbehind him a work which reflects honour both
ORNAMENT” IN A RUINED TEMPLE AT upon him and upon all the others, whether
KHERALU IN MALANI, BAJPUTANA. official or non-official, who took part in it; for
This temple is sitnated in the desert near the full list of those others, and for Sir James Campbell's cordial recognition of the value of the
village of Kheralu, about 30 miles from Barmer, work done by them and by the members of his
the chief town of Malāni, in Rajputana. own official establishnient, with an account of From the photograph it will be seen that the the whole scheme from its inception to its reali. temple must, in its best days, bave been remarksation, reference may be made to the introduction
able for its beanty. The only point, however, to to Vol. I., Part I.; the completion of that
which I wish to draw attention is the extraordivolume, which contains the special historical nary beauty of the "Vase-ornament." contributions, was wisely deferred as long as Fergusson notes the use of this ornament in possible, and the two parts of which it consists converting circular shafts so as to enable them to were issued in 1896.
carry square architrave-bearing capitals- device It is in connection with the Gazetteer of the common enough in Jain temples in Central India. Bombay Presidency that the literary achieve- The position and use of the vase in this case is ments of Sir James Macnabb Campbell will be somewhat different. In all the examples of this best remembered. It may be added, however, device with which I am familiar in Central India, that he found leisure to write an interesting the foliage lies close to the vase, whereas bere it account of the history, from A.D. 1400, of Mandu stands out freely and boldly, by itself. Fergusson or Mandogarh, a large deserted town on a bill does indeed give one instance in which the foliage of the Vindhya range, in the Dhar State, Central stands out separately, but it cannot compare with India, which was formerly the capital of the this example in beauty. Muhammadan kingdom of Malwa; that article There is an inscription in the temple, of which Wus published in Vol. XIX.(1895-1897), pp 154 | I have only seen a copy, and not a rubbing, and to 201, of the Jourdal of the Bombay Branch of I am doubtful as to the accuracy of the transcripthe Royal Asiatic Society. And it is further to tion. It states that the temple was built by be remarked that, in 1892 or 1893, his attention Mahiran Dhirn Parmira Parmat (Parmal?) beoame greatly attracted to the subject of Indian Dhyarak on Kärtik Budi 18th : Samvat 1988. demonology; with the result that the volumes Per
Possibly some of your readers may know of of the Indian Antiqunry from 1894 to 1901
other instances of this use of the rese device. contain a succession of interesting contributions by him, entitled "Notes on the Spirit Basis of Belief
1 I regret that I have not personally visited this and Custom." It would appear that some of the 1
temple, the photograph and information baving motee of this sorice are still on band, unpublished
been kindly supplied by R. Todd, Esq., of the And it is to be hoped that they have been
bren Jodhpur-Bikanir Railway received in sufficiently far advanced state for
O. E. LOARD, Captain, the issue of them to be completed satistectorily. I.
Supt. of Gesetteer in Central India. Ssstern and Indian Architecture, p.313 d .
* Op.. p. 317, Ag. 8 . [Unfortunately in the plate attended the wriginal photograph is attributed by a stop to Capt. Lored.RD

Page #513

Temple at Kheralu in Malâni, Rajputana.
(use of the "Vase Ornament.")

Page #514


Page #515

INDEX.
... 436 ... 431
Abassin, Abasee, Persian coin... ... ... 26 Abdias, 2; Syriac, Greek; Latin and Abbanes, Abnes = Habban ... ... 154, 156 Ethiopic versions, 1-3; Syriac, probably Abdagases, nephew of Gondophares, the original, 3; contents of, 3; Ethiopic
coins ... ... .. ... 152, 153, 154 versions contain two separate accounta, Abd Allah, son of Muhammad ... 395 and n. 156 f.; Syriac versions ... ... ... 157 Abd Allah bin Abd el Muttalib, father of Acts of the Apostles - apocryphal ... ... 10 Muhammad ... ... ... ... ... 394 AdAhana Maluwa, at Kandy
... 310 Abdallah bin Yahsh ... ... ... 127 n. Adam's Peak, Buddha's foot-print, 341 ; Abdel Malek ... ... ... ... ... 261 butterflies' pilgrimage .. Abd-el-Muttalib, grandfather of Muhammad. 395 Adelphes, g. ... ... ... Abdias, bishop of Babylon, Acts of Adelung's Mithridates ... ...
23, 25 St. Thomas attributed to him ... 2, 147 Aden,' early Christian colony... ... ... 393 Abdias (Pseudo-) revised The Acts of Adhobbamipattana ...
... 115 St. Thomas ... ... ... ... ... 2 Adhôra, Adhôra (Makula or Chellakelana Abd-Shams, Meccan family in the time of family) ... ... ... ..
... 222 Muhammad ... ... ... ... 394'n. Aditi, Adityas ... ... ... 292, 293 n., 294 Abdullah ibn Sa'ad bin Abisarh, amanuensis Aegle marmelos, bael-tree
***
... 239 to Muhammad ...
... ... 128 Agala = eagle-wood
... ... ... 465 Abdullah bin az Zubair, a Koreishite ... 135 Agathoklos, king of Baktriana ... 430, 431 AbdurrahmAn ibn al-Harith, a Koreishite ... 135 Agnéya, Jaina ceremony ...
... 460 Abhi Chand, raja ... ... ... ... 376 Agni, &. ... ... ... ... 290, 295, 298, 299 Abhichchhatra, = Ahichchhattra, q.. ... 55 Agnikorova (Agnitorana P), a field ... ... 113 Abhidharmakota... ... ... ... 883 n. Agnimukha-Yaksbas ... ... ... 113, 114 Abhidharma-mahdvibhdshd-detra ... ... 425 Agra, Jesuit College founded, 1620 ... 17, 23, 26 Abhidharma, school ... .. .. ... 425 Agrawal, sect of Digambara Jainas ... ... 459 Abhinandana, 4th Jina... ...
... 461 Ahadith, legends of Muhammad ... ... 391 Abnes = Habban .
. .. 156
dháradvalisa, a word supposed to mean'a Abraha, Christian prince of Yemen ... 394 n. | group of twelve villages,' but probably to Abraham, 257, 259 n. :-styled a Hanit ... 398
be otherwise explained ... ... ... 53 Abu Amir, head of the Christian settlement andrakukled, the Tropidonotus stoliche,
in Medina .. .. .. .. .. 259 snake, - Singhalese ... ... ... ... 486 Abu Bakr, 133, 134, 135, 136 : - elected Ahichchhattra mentioned as Abhichohhatra,
Khalifa ... ... ... ... ... ... 261 55; -other references to the place ...55 n. Abu'l-Farash Wasiti, ancestor of the Sayyids. 100 Ahuderumeh, monophysite abbot ... 393 n. Abu Taleb(Abd Menaf), uncle of Muhammad. 395 Abuna-Vairys, prayer ... .. 415 and n., 416 Abyssinians ... ... ... ... 392, 393 Ahura Mazda, Persian god. 297, 290, 293, 294, 298 Achæmenide dynasty, 286; their inscriptions. 289 Airyanem Vaejo ... ... ... ... .... 287 Acham = Absam...
Ai-ti, Han el peror ... ... ... 419, 420 achar, a pickle ...
... 26 Aiysha, Muhammad's wife ... achdra, customs ... ... 459 Ajanta fresc068 ... .
326–329 dchdri, agricultural implemente,--Singhalese. 336 Ajátasatru-Kunika, his reign ... ... 230, 231 Acharya, Jaina order ... ... ..464 Ajita, 2nd Jina ... .
..461 Achchhupta, Vidyad&vt
...
469 Ajita and Ajita, Yaksha and Yakshint ... 462 Acheen, Achin, city in Sumatra ... 26, 28, 29 Ajitabala, Yakshiņi ... ... ... . 481 Acheen Head .. .. ... .. 36, 465
Akalavarsba, = Krishna II. (Rashtrakûta)... 224 Åchidêvt, wife of Nijjiyaraja ... 281, 283, 284 Akar-Nagari alphabet ...
... 21 Achin, Achien = Acheen in Sumatra, 26, 28, Akbar, emperor, said to visit MirA BAI... 383, 835
29; the queen of, ... ... ... ... 370 akharha, a court... ... ... ... ... 279 Achin, calico, 367 : - chints ... ... ... 369 Akrarkvara vishaya, the territory round Acts of St. Thomas, 1 1.:- mentioned by
Ankleshwar, q. o., 56; - the period when early writers, 2; recension by Pseudo- it was constituted ... ... ... .... 56
...
28
... 896

Page #516

486
akshata, sacred rice Akshôbhya, a Buddha Akulêévara vishaya, the territory round
55, 56
...
Al-Bekri
Alcoran, the Qorán Alexander the Great Al-Huzza, Arab idol Ali, Khalifa alif-Arabic -on coins A-li-na, a Nagaraja aliya, elephant, Singhalese... Allahâbâd...
...
Ankleshwar, q. v. alattu ammas, 12 women at the Kataragama festival ...
...
***
...
***
...
...
...
311 393 n.
..239 232, 259, 289, 467
130 n. .. 261 322
...
385, 386 435
181 130 n. 27 393
378
435
...
***
***
...
Allat, Arab idol
alligator
Almagah, South Arabian god
-
alop, disappearance alukobeyya, spotted dove, Singhalese Alut: Sal Mangalya, festival of new rice, Singhalese
...
Alut Takinni, g.... Alwa in Broach; ancient Araluam ... Amarapura, o. in Burma
ambalama, halting-place, Singhalese Ambika, g., mother of Kumara, 284; shipi Ambrose (St.) quoted
...
***
...
463 9, 12, 15
296
...
...
...
Ameretat and Haurvatat, Iranian Amesha Spentas of Iran... 292, 293 n., 298, 416 n. Amina, mother of Muhammad 394 Amitabha, a Buddha... 111, 121 Ammas (seven), g,- Singhalese 433 Amm Hares, a teacher.... 258 Ammianus Marcellinus... 431 Amôghasiddhi, a Buddha 111, 121 Amôghavaraha I. (Rashtrakuta), and his governor Bankêyarasa, 221, 222, 223; mentioned by the biruda of Viranarayana, 228; indications of a rebellion by one of his sons Amrita
459 111, 121
***
anaméstraya, a portico, - Singhalese Ananta, 14th Jina
www
...
...
...
311 ... 810 56, 57 416 336
...
INDEX.
Yak
...
***
...
223 ... 296
Anantamati, Yakshini Anbir rock in Pandrân, Baluchistan, caveburial... ancestor-worship... Andaman Islands, 34 ff.; Major Kyd's report of 1795, a port of refitment for fleets, 34; Blair's survey, harbours, 35; settlement at Port Cornwallis, 36; position, Great Andaman, 36; Little Andaman, soil, &c., 37; excessive rainfall, sourvy and fever, 38;
... 338 ... 462 462
...
342 377
timber and products, 39; the natives not cannibals, Port Cornwallis, 39, 40; position as a naval arsenal, climate, &c., difficulty of obtaining labour, 42, 43; islands, 81 ff.; convicts, sickness, 83; state of the settlement, 85; health, 86; sickness, 87-89; transfer to Prince of Wales Island, 90; right of possession, 91; withdrawal of settlement, 94; the Peggy' stationed at, 136 f.; new settlement, 193; life convicts, 194; withdrawal of settlement, 194; opposite to Pegu. 195 Andhrabhritya dynasty ... 180 andongs, plants ... 113, 123 Andraghira, Androgeero, Indragiri, in Sumatra ... 27 Andrapolis Sandaruk, 6; Gutschmid's theory ... 158 Androgeero, Andraghira, Indragiri in Su
matra
www
***
...
..
...
...
...
Anglo-Indian terms from a 17th Century MS. 25-34, 366-375, 465-470 Anjana, k. of Dewaha: era begun by him, 228, 232 Ankas, Yakshini
462
Ankleshwar in Broach, mentioned as Akulêévara and Akrárêávara, 56; the period when the territory round it was formed into a vishaya...
Annaprálana, Jaina ceremony...
antarátman, breath
...
56 460 115, 116, 120 antaravdsaka, tunic ... 428 Antar-Narmada vishaya, the territory on both sides of the lower part of the Narbada Antimakhos, k. 431 Antiokhos IV. Epiphanės, k. ...431 antyakarman or prétákarman, Jaina ceremony Anuradhapura, c.
56
460 341
Anzan, Ansan, dist. of Elam ... 289 and n. Apabhramáa or Saurasêna, dialect... apam-napat = fire Aparajita, Yakshini
185 ... 295
Apocryphal Gospels, Acts and Revelations... Apollo, on coins... Apollodotus, k.
...
Apostolical Constitutions
462 2 ... 430 430 ... 148 Apunarbhava, or Aéartra, Jaina order ...464 Ara, 18th Jina ...462 Arabia, political condition at the end of the 6th century, 392; religious... arack= arrack, liquor... Arackan = Arakan, 27: oowries... Arakhosia, Sakastêne ...
Aral Sea ...
Araluam, Alwa in Broach...
***
...
...
***
...
27
...
393 ... 28
... 373 ... 429 ... 285 56, 57

Page #517

INDEX.
487
Il
..
27
...
... 212
... 430
297 n.
- 285 ... 430
Araxes, riv. ...
... 285 Assam districts ... ... 'Arbol triste' = Arbor triate on St. Thomas Assam valley, Mikir spoken in... Mount ... ..
Assamese, 186; words in Mikir Ardhamagadhf, Jaina dialect. 181-186, 188-190 Assassins of the Elburz... ... ... ... 100 Ardokhsho, g. on coins... 428 88ses, wild ...
... 8 Areca, Betel nut ... ...
... 27, 28, 31 Assurbanipal's inscription ... 289, 427 Arhat, Jaina order ...
. .. 464
Asterius (St.) 9: - refers to St. Thomas. 9, 12, 15 Ariel Island ...
... ... ... 198 Astyages, Ishtuvegu, k. ... ... 285 n., 289 Arkhebios, his coins ...
Asura - Ahura, g. - Iranian ... .. 291 arleng, man, - Mikir ...
102 Asuras, 311; (Ahuras)... ... ... 298, 299 Armagon, town on Madras coast, 28; pagoda. 239 Asurbanipal, Assyrian k. ... ... 289, 427 Armaiti, Iranian peraonification of piety ... 294 Asvaghosha, name for Matricheta, 345, 346 Armenia, worship of Mazda, extended to ... 286 and n., 385; contemporary with Kanishka, Aröpke, tr. their gots, 201, 202, 312; totem
346; his conversion ... ... ... 348, 349 sections traceable among them ... ... 204 Asvaghosha, Maming Pou-sa... 382, 383, 384 arrack, arack, strong liquor
. quor .. 28
and n, 385, 423 Arsakês Theos, his coins
... . 431
Asyin, month ... ... . . 2007 Arsakes, founder of the Parthian dy. Atdndtia, sermon of Buddha ... ... ... 341 nasty .. ..
...431 and n.
atapattu or hatod wassam, halting-place, - Arsakides... ... ...
Singhalese ... ... ... ... ... 386 Arta
Atar, g., Iranian...
... ... 295 and n. Artagar, defeated by Salamanaasar II. ... 288 Atcheen, or Achin Head
... .. 195 Artayctes, commander under Xerxes... 283 n. Athanasius, Synopsis of Scripture ascribed to. 2 Artembares, a Persian ... ...
Athar, South Arabian, g. ... ... ... 398 Artemis, on coins ...
Atharva Veda ... ... ... ... 295, 299 Aruņadri, inscription on coin ... ... ... 314 Atharvans, fire priests ... .. 291, 295, 296 Arunadri or Arunagiri, Sanskrit name of dthavinda, Divali symbol, root atnav, to reTiravannamalai ...
... 313, 314 member... ... .. Aryadeva ... .
... 346 and n. Athwya, adorer of Haoma ... .... ... 296 Aryaman, g. ... ... ... 292, 293, 299 | Atmanêpadam, Saurasent ... ... ... 185 Aryanandyacharya, teacher of prince Jive ... 240 atmans, five in the body
115, 116, 120 Aryanem Vaejo = Aryan alom-land... ... 287 Atropatene, lesser Media . .. 285, 287 Aryans and DivAlt ...
... 237, 388
Atthakathd, commentary on the MahdpariwirAryans immigrated into Iran ... ... 286-288
odna Sutra dna satra
..
....
... ... .. 235 Aryo-European race, its appearance in history. 285 Atthakalaka, council at Vaisali ... ... 235 asana, posture... ... ... ... ... 428 atuwa, grain-loft, - Singhalese
338 Asanga ... ... ... ... ... ... 845 Angustine (St.) refers to Acts of St. Thomas. 2 Abartra or Apunarbhava, Jains order .. 164 Auramazda, g. ... ... .. . ... 286 ascetics ... ... ... ... ...266 and n. Aurangzeb defeated Dara Shikola ... ... Asha, Iranian god ... ... ... ... 293 Auro-Mainyus, demon ... ... ... 415, 416 Ashurahiddan waged war on Eperna and Aus, Arab tribe ... ... ... ... ... Siterparna ...
antari, childless woman (TM), Multani....... A-bi, their country invaded ...
autark, childless man (P) ... ... ... 279 As ibn Wail, Arab ... ... ... 395 n. Authors, list of Hinddatant ... ... 59 I. Asöka, pillar at Patna, 76, 78; his birthplace, Ava and Pegu, observations on their present 79; identified with Sandracottus, 228, date,
state and means of joining them to British 230, 232, 283, 236; pillar and rock edicte, dominions in India, by Mr. La Beaume ... 195 233 ;' uses only titles in his inscription, 265; avagaun, transmigration ... ... .. 280 avoided using his personal name, 266 ; his Avani in Kolar, Mysore ; ancient Avanya, use of Piyadasi, 267; notes, 864 .; consors 58; - Avanyapara, 57; -- and Avany
and confessor, 3651.; inscription in Nipal... 124 avasthana ... ... ... ... ... 58 Agdka-Piyadasi and Baddbiam
... 421 Avanti ... ... ... ... ... ... Aboka rail, 428 :- edicta
... 129 Aranys = Avani in Kolar, Mysore, 58; - Afoka (Ohneso) ..
also mentioned as Avanyapura, 57; - and Assam called Acham ..
28) As Avany-avasthana ... ... ... ...
239
... 288
279
286

Page #518

488
INDEX.
Be...
".
. 495 .. 392
867
4.
78
.. 259
"
..
avatar, avatarak ... ...
... 280 bamboo, A measure, 26; male and female planta. 29 Apeata.. 286, 287 and n., 201, 292, 294, 295, 297, 415 Bana's Kadambar ..
... .. 240 avichchiya, pitta bird, Singhalese ...
bana, read to the dying in Ceylon .. 340, 341 Axumites, leave Arabia...
Bana records; the spurious Mudiyandr plates Azes, k. .. .. ... ...
429, 430 purporting to have been issued in A. D. Azi Dahaka ... ... ... ... ... 287 338; identification of the places mentioned
in them... ..
*** " Bana Sur legend... ... ... ... ... 312 Banavasi twelve thousand province, 222, 224,
225; -mentioned as a thirty thonsand Babi Balak Rapi, temple at Har ... 376, 377
province, 222 : - and as a thirty-two Bnctrians, St. Thomas' mission to ... 145, 146, 148
thousand province ... ... ... ... 225 Badahela tenanta, - Singhalese ...
Bandar 'Abbile, Gombroone ... ... ... 470 badálu, betel-boxes, - Singhalese ... ... 336
Bandarees, Bendara, Malay nobility... Badarpur, vil...
Bandell, = Bandel, Portuguese town
" bafto, bafta, a sort of cloth ... ... 28,
Bengal ... .. ...
... Bagha, g.... ..
BanddotA temple...
... .. 299 Bagumrt in Baroda; mentioned by the
Bangalore ... .. ... ancient name Tatha-Umbart, 54; - the
Bangaree, tn. in Malay peninsula spurious plates purporting to have been
bangha = bang, intoxicant ... issued in A. D. 493; identification of the
Banika, 287; worship Lakshmi, 238; do not places mentioned in them ...
burn the bamboo ... ... ... .. 53
... ... 202 Bahadurpar, at Patna ... ..
Banjana, Banil caste ... ... 30, 239, 368, 468 bahar, babarra, a weight = 8 cupines ..
Banjogis, offshoot of the Shendus ... ... 413 Bahira or Nestor, a monk ..
Banka = Bankeya, q. .
..223
... .. Bahirwal, Digambara Jaina seot ...
Bankapur, town in Dharwar; it was founded Bahrein, tn. ...
by Banköyn, q.. ... ..
... ... ... ... 224 *** Bahubali, son of Rishabha, Svetambara
Bankêás, = Bank&ya, 9. v. ... ... ... 222 Jaina ... ... ... ... ... ... 461
Bank@ya, Bankoyarasa, Bankêyaraja (Mukula Bahurupiņi, Yakshiņi ... ... ... ... 463
or Chellakåtana family), governor of the
Banavasi province under Amôghavarsha I., Bairagis ... ... ... ... ... ... 203 Bairkt version of rock edict ...
221, 222, 223, 227; -he founded the town Baisa family of chieftains at Sanndatti ... 220
Bankapur in Dharwar ... ... ... 228 bait, house ... ... ... ... .... 393
Bank@ya, Banköyarasa, a second person of Bakhdhi ... ... ... ... ... 287 n.
that name; a governor under Indra III. ... 224 Bakra, tn. ... .. ... ... .. 79
banners; the javelin-banner, chellaketana, Baktria, an early principality ... ... ... 288
sellakétana, of the Mukula or Chellaketana Baktrisna, 430 : - coins ..
... .. family ...
...' ... .. 226, 227 Baktrians or East Iranians, 285:- king ... 431
Banquala, port in Junkceylon ... ... 30 Ball, Yakshiņi ... .. ..
Bantam, tn. in Java
V " ...
.. .. .. 80 Balabande, written character used in Hindi
bari, banyan tree ... ... ... ... 377 and Marathi... ... ... ... 17, 21, 22
Barfra, sometimes Bhats, hill shepherd Balak Rupi, shrine in Kangra...
876 tribes ... ...
... ... 201, 204 balala, cat, - Singhalese ..
434
BATA-Sa'adat Shi'a Sayyids, nicknames used Balaramdyana... ...
by them... ... ... ... ... ... 100 Balasore, Ballasore, dist. and tn.
Bardaican Gnostic, hymn ascribed to him ... 5 Balásrt's inscription ..
Bardis, Perrian ureurper .. ... 267
... ... ... 289 Baldvabodhana, Sank. grammar ... ... 379
Barlow, Esgr. (G. H.), letter to ... Bali Mubial - Brabman ..
Barmer, tn. Melani, Rajputâna ... balld, dog, - Singhalese ...
... 434
Barians, people ... ... ... ... ... 148 Ballabha, father of Jiy Gosain
834 n. Bashahr State .... ... ... ... ... 312 Ballasore=Balasore, 29; Danish factories. 367,874 baondyaka nilami, chief temple office-bearer, Baltis, make stone articles ... ... ... 389 - Singhalese ... ... ... ... 310, 311 Baltistan ... ... ..
... ... 389baendyaka rala, temple office-bearer, Baluchistan, cave-burial ... ... 342, 243 Singhalese .. ..
... .. .. 311
... 892
... 431

Page #519

INDEX.
489
... 232
omen
..
***
***
... 279
. 333
***
112. 115, 126
202 ... 201
Basra, c. visited by Mulammad
259, 261 bhddot crop ...
... ... ... 238 bassa, owl, - Singhalese ...
bhaga-bagha, baga, lot-dispensers, - Iranian. 291 Bassuen, tn. in Burma ... ..
Bhagat ... ..
.. 378 Bastra, capital of a dist. in Arabia
Bhagat Mela ... ... ... 330—332, 335 . Batéhrá, section of Brahmane...
Bhagavadgita, verbal forms ...
... 456 battichchd, or demglichchd, the babbler, - Bhai Banno's Granth ...
... 335 Singhalese ... ... ... ... ... 435 Bhairava, g.
... 464 Bauddha mythology ... ... ... ... 484
Bhairon, g.
312 Bauddhas ... ... ... ...
Bhandara ...
... 452 BAWA Baroh Mabadeo's shrine near JawAls
bhang ... ...
280 mukhi .... ... ... ... ... 377, 378
bhara-polchu-wala, child born under a good Båwå Fathu's shrine, near Raniwal ... . 878 Bawa Parjå pati ... ... ... ... ... 878 | Bharat ... ... Bayer (Theoph. Siegfr ) Indian numeralu. 20, 24
Bharhut, stäpa ... .
... ** ***
... 428 bazar, bazaar ..
30,31 ... " bhari = burrie ... ...
... ... 34 Bedi Båwå Parjâpati ... ...
... 378
Bhåri, in Rawalpindi dist. ... ... ... 378 Bedouins... ...
... 392 Bbarakachchha, =Broach ... ... 52, 53, 55 Bedr captives teach writing... 128 n. Bhåt Brahman ... ...
... 378 Beejapore, tn. in Bombay Pres.
... 31
Bhatára, Bhatara-Isvara... 111, 112, 116, 120, 121 Behar, Meråthi dialect of
... 191 Bhatara-Vidhi, sovereign knowledge .. 121 Behistun inscriptions ... ... 286 Bhat&ra-Vishnu...
... 112 Bekka, ancient name of Mecca
393 n.1 Bhatara-Yamadhipati ... Belgali three-hundred district ...
... 222
Bbatiis, their divisions... ... ... Belgaum; ancient Veņugrima... ... 218, 219 Bhadas, section of Brab mans ... Belgula, Jain image ... ... . 877 n. Bbillama II. (Yadavn of the Stupa country) beli, Aegle marmelos, - Singhalese... ... 437 had the biruda Sellavidega ...
227 Beligatti's Alphabetum Brammhanioum ... 19, 21, bhim-ráj, mocking bird... ...
... ... 415 22, 24 Bhochar Kund, tank ... ... belimul, Aegle marmelos root, -Singhalese... 309 | Bhojraj, husband of Mira BAI... Bellary dist, coins ... ... .. ... 925 bhoora, a boat ...
32 Bendara, Bendaree, Malay degree of nobility. 31 Bhrikuti, Yakshiņi ... ... ... ... 462 Bengala = Bengal ... 31, 367-369, 371-374 Bhrikuti, Yakeba
*** ...
... ... ... 463 Bengal, Bay of its extent in the 17th century. 30 Bhoniman lala ...
*** " .. ... 125
Bhumipattana Bengal Consultations of the 18th Century,
*** ...
" ..
... ... 113, 115 relating to the Andaman Islands, extracts bhutas, - five ... ...
from ... 34—44, 81–96, 136-139, 193-201 Bibhishan, brother of Råvan ... ... ... 333 Bengal, and Hinduism ... ... ... 238 and n. bibliography, Indian ... ... ... 241-254 Bengali ... ... ... ... ... ... 186 bibliography, of Western Hindi, ineluding Bengalis and the Div< ... ... 237, 238 Hindostani ... 16-25, 59—76, 160—179, bengan, -egg-plant...
262-265 benjamin, incense ... ..
Bihår, tn.... ... ...
* . 79 Benu Hashim, family name of Muhammad... 394 Biharf ... ... ... ... ... ... 186 benzoin, benjamin incense ...
Bijayita ... ...
*** ... ... 281, 284 Berawaya tenants, Singhalese
Bimbisira, Bimbisara-Srênika, father of Bernier (Fr.) knew Hindostani
239, 240 Asôka ... .. .. ** *** zou, od Besad - ancient Vaisali
Bimlipatam, on Madras coast... ... ... 32 beteela = betteela, muslin
bimurd, burrowing insect, - Singhalese -... 436 betel, betelee, Areca ...
27, 28, 31, 32 Bindrában, tn. ... ... ... ... 331, 33+ Bezoar stone ... "
Bindusära, k. ... 227, 230, 232, 233, 345, 348 Bhaba, vil., Rampur ...
... 312 Bintenna Dagoba, Ceylon, containing relic of Bhabra edict of Abôks ...
.. ..
Buddba... ... 429
... . .. .. 32 bhadramukha, title of respect... 266, 267 Birag Lôk, shrine near Palampur ...376 n., 378 bhadrdsana, a stool .
Bird and the King, legend ... ... ... 99 Bhadraváhu, Gurg to Chandragupta, 8th Bisanhalli in Dharwar ; remarks on the date patriarch of the Jainas
... ... 231 of the inscription of A. D. 919 ... ... 295
329
. 122
... 343 *. 31
31
.
337
*79
...
32

Page #520

490
INDEX.
... 203 ... 32 ... 32
... 384
.
.. 428
.
... 32
.. 428
Bishnots ... ..
345, 346, 385; and Kanishka, 381, 382, 415; Bisnagar, tn. ...
figure on coins .. 420, 425, 428, 432 Black Pagoda, on Orissa coast ...
Buddha Kashyapa . .. Blair, bis survey of the Andamans ...
85, 193 Buddha Lôkajyështha ... ... ... ... 385 Bo, sacred tree, 309, 437; at Anuradhapura... 841 Buddha Sakyamuni, on coins ... ... ... 428 BOAAO, on coins
sacharita ... ... ... 345, 350, 382 Bodh-Gayê, inscriptions ... ... ... 428 Buddhadeva acharya ... ... ... 389 n. bodhi
... 428, 429
Buddhaghosha, commentator ... ... ... 235 Bodhichitta, abode of Vairochana, 111, 119, Buddhapada, the abode of Mahadeva, Ceylon. 112
125; Vihira ... ... ... ... 111, 112 Buddhism in Ceylon, 339, 438; introduced bodhi-druma, on coin ... ... ... ... 490 into Tibet, 363; in the Himalayas, 376-378; boahimaluva, platform round the Bo-tree,
under Kanishka, 381; in China, 420; adoptSinghalese ... ... .. ... .. 340 ed by the Saka kings... ... ... ... 429 bôdhinvahansa, sacred Bo-tree, - Singhalese. 340 Buddhist temple, remains of, near NauratanBodhisattva - Gautama .. ... . 233 par, 77; chronology of Burma and Ceylon, Bodo languages ... ... ... ... 101, 102 227; couneil of Asoka, 233; temple cere. Bôgura-nasrath, in Kohat, a tabu ... 343 mobies in Ceylon, 809; traditions of bolango, a fruit ... ... ... .. 32 Kanishka ... ... ... * ... 381 Bombay, the Anglo-Dutch on it, in 1626, Buddhist Chronology, a Hindu view... 227 ff. extract from Egerton papers, 47; town budgаroe, budgaroo, budgerow
... 88 burnt ... ... .
Budhila the bhikebu ... ... ... 383 n. bondjings, musical instruments ... ... 125 buffaloe, buffolo = buffalo .. ... 33, 34 boora, bhoora, a boat ... ..
... 32 buhal, gift to a spiritual teacher ... ... 279 Borneo ... ...
bulat atu, betel leavee, - Singhalese... ... 336 botnd, an offering
..
... 377 and n. bulat hurulla, 40 betel leaves, -Singhalese... 308 BOYAO ZAKAMA, on coins
buncus, bunko, cigar ... .. .. .. 34 Braces, shoals at the mouth of the Hugly ... 33 Bundeli, dialect of Western Hindt ... ... 16 Brachmans, for Brahmane ..
buranicahe, musical instruments ... ... 125 Brahma, g. 98, 335; on coin ... ... ... 316 burial, terrestial and celestial... .. ... Brahma alpbabet ...
... 363 Burma, 236; Buddhist chronology of, 227, Brahmachari, Jaina sect
... 460 1 230;.changes of eapital .. Brahmanas ... ..
... 232, 233, 299, 457 burrie = bhari, 20 cowries ... . Brahman boliday
... 237 burulla, lea staphlya, - Singhalese ... ... Brahmanical divinities ...
463 1. buruta, the satinwood, - Singhalese... ... Brahmans in Sialkot ... .. . .. 344 Byzantium
.. . . Brahmaputra, riv.: .. ... ... Brahmayaksha, Jaina ... Brahmêsvara, Yakaba ... Brahat or Balock, their tribes, 203;
Cabell, Esq. (W.) ... .. . guage ... ... ... ...
Cabal, Kabul ... ... ... - Braj women abandon their husbands
Caesars, were didi ... Braj Bhakha, dialect of Western Hindt
caffila = cafila ... ... ... ... Brhatkatha .. .. *
Caffree, inhabitants of the Andamans Brhatkathamañjart ... ... ...
calabash, pumpkin ... ... Brihaspatya-mana, Japiter cycle ...
Calamina, Oalamita, scene of martyrdom of Bristow (John) ... ... ... ... 91, 93, 138
St. Thomas Mylapore, 1, 6, 15, 145 and n., Broach; ancient Bharukachchha ... 52, 53, 55 146-148:- the various forms of the name. 149 Buckett = Bukit in Junk Ceylon ... ... 33 calioo ... ... ... ... ... 366, 367 Buddha, an early Kalochuri king; remarks callicoes, callicos, include muelin, longcloth on the course of events affecting him and
and chintz ... ... ... 367. 372 373 Mangal sa ... ... ... ... 214 n.
Cambayas, Comboy ". .. .. 372, 373 Buddha's parinirvana, 227, 231; dates of death, Campbell (A.) .. ...
227; events in life, 228, 230, 420; birth- Campbell, Sir James Macnabb, K.C.L.E. day oelebrations in Ceylon, 309; worship, obituary notice of .. .. 340; tooth at Kandy, 341; and Mátricheta, camphir, camphor, from Sumatra ... ... 307
...
33
102
463
***
***
367, 372, 373
Oambayas, Combo
-
498

Page #521

INDEX
491
ta 888
... 331
cancoply, conicopoly, clerk ..
872 Chandra-Kanika or Obanda-Kanika = Kanicundareen or conderine... ... 867
349 n. candil = candy, a weight .. ... 367 Chandrakirti ... ...
.. .. 346 Canopus, star ... ..
Chandraprabba, 8th Jina ... ... 462, 464 Careero, Oarera = Karedo, tn. Madras Coast 367 Chandrarajalekha, of Yogesvara-Jaganmitr Carey, Andrew, Capt. of the Peggy'... 187, 138 Ananta ... ... .. .
. .. 349 Carey, Missionary, translation of the Serip- Chandrasênt Prabhus of Bombay and the tures ... ... ... ... 241, 242, 249
Divalt ...
238 Carmana, capital of ancient Carmanis Pro Chandra Satra ...
379 pria ...... ... ... ... ... 149 Chandra-oritti ... ...
... 379, 380 Oarmanians, St. Thomas preached to ... 146 Chandra-tyákarana, by B. Liebich ... ... 379 Car-nicobar islands ... ... ... 96, 91, 199 chank, on coins, 315, 318—321, 323-325; cash, oopper coin, Madras ... ... ... 368 large sbell, 369; used in Ceylon to prevent Capian Bea ... ...
... 285 eruptions, &c. ... ... ... ... ... 488 easte, offect on occupation in Ceylon, 839; chanoar, or saragai, the yak ... ... ... 312
868
chapri, charms, amulets ... ... .... 279 Cat and the Mouse, Telegu legend ... 275-278 Charaku, physician to Kanishka, 382, 384, 387, 388 Cattack, Cuttack, Katak ... ... 371, 874 Charandnuyóga, Digambara Veda ... ..459 cattamaran, catamaran, . ..
charitra, conduct ... ... . .. 164 cattwall, cotwal, kotwal ...
.873 Charitras, by BallAl Sen
... 238 D. cavo-burial in Baluchistan ... ... 842, 343 charncmrit, poison ... ... cawne, kaban, 1280 cowries ... ... ... 368 chdrpdi, bed ... ...
... 343 cayre, ooyre, - coir, cocoanut fibre ... 371, 872 Chatham Island, 37 fr., 193 ; surface and soil, Ceylon, Buddhist Chronology of, 227, 280 ; in- 198; climate, 197; harbour, 198; population, terregaum, 231; kings of ... ... 232, 236 199; general notes ... ..
... 200 Ceylone, Ceylon ... ... ... 369, 372, 467 chatuh-simkásana of the Digambara Jainas... 460 Ceylonese chronicles, credibility of ... 364, 366 chaubard, the Jats do not build ... ... 849 chd, curds ... . ... ... ... 344 chaulakarman, or chidopanayana, Jaina cereChaitanya, Vaishnava reformer of Bengal. 334 n.
mony ...
*** Chaitra, Chaitrivalorktraja=king Chaitra of chauvideata - Valorks .. ...
*** .. ...
Ohe-kia-Sakas " *** ... 328
... **
... ... 423, 124 shaitya ... ... *
chela, disciple .. .. . ... . 280 Chakhra, place ... ... ...
. ... 288
chella, sella, a javelin ... 227, and Additions Cbakma, Chittagong Hill tribe
... 4u
Chelladh vaja, elder brother of LôkAditya, shakra, on coins, 315, 318, 323, 324, 326, 429
... ... 223, 226, 227 of Vishṇa .... ... ..
289 l'chella bilang, sellakátana, the javelin-banner Chakravart, Yakahiņi, 461; Vidyadevi ... 463 of the Mukula or Chellaketana family, 226, 227 Chalukya inscriptions ... . .. ... 281 Ohellskôtana, another name of Bankega, Chalukyas ..
284 9.0. ... ... ... 223, 224, 226, 227 Chamberlayne's versions of the Lord's Chellaketans family, notes on the, 221; -
Prayer ... ... ... ... ... 17, 19 the real family name was Mukula, 226; Chamundt, Yakshiņt
*. ... ...
... ... ... 468 the members of the family had the javelinChanakya, minister of Bindusara ... ... 345 banner ... ... ... ... ... 226, 227 Chanda, Yakshint
... ... 462 Chellapatáka, another name or an epithet of Chandala ... ... ... ... 275, 277, 278 LokAditys, q..
224, 226, 227 Chandana, old name of Li-yul... ... 384, 385 chelri, female disciple ... ... ... Chandan Kanika, Tchen-t'an, Ki-ni-tch'a, chemraj bird -- Lushai... king ... ...
chenam, chunam... ... Obandarbakn, son of Bånd Sur ... ... 312 Chêra bow, on coins ... Chandra, treatises on his grammar in Nepal. 379 cheroota, cheroot ... Chandragomin, 379, 380; his Sithyalékhá, chátandtman, consciousness .. 115, 116, 120 348 and D., 383 n. Cheu-cheu tn., Asmaparānta P...
386 Chandragupta, Maurya, k., 79, 227—230; Che-ye, k.... ... .. datos referring to his reiga, 231, 232; a title, Chhanch han, Saturn, &c.
233, 345, 348 Chhattisgarh
... 429
.
. 280
- 882
324
..
... 369

Page #522

492
Chhibhar, sept of the Muhall Chhimba tribe, their sections Chhuhkar or Chhohar, Rajpat sept Chicacole taluka, Ganjam dist, 323; tn. chihna, or lanchhana Chim Cham, merchant probably Khêm Chand Chintaman 369 China ...236, 417, 418, 420 Chinas ... 421, 424 Chinchunike, apparently the original name of Hannikere or Happikeri ... Chinese pilgrims, reference to Mahendra chint, chints, chintz
...
...
chirat, plant
Chitaur, c., capital of Mêwâr
chítávana
... 219 364 369 ...237 334 234 188 460 281, 284 417 322, 324 *.378 . 370 367, 370, 371, 468 239;-weights...67, 368, 370, 373, 466 choultry, chowlterie, châwaḍi, lodginghouse 371 .Christ's death in the Qorán ... 259 and n. Christian converts, their descendants in Ceylon
***
***
...
***
***
...
...
...
...
...
...
Chitpå want Chittapur, Digambara seat, S. Arkat dist. Chiyyârâja, k. ... Choang-mo, principality Chôla figure on coin choli, bodice Choolia, Chulyar chopp, choppe, seal Choromandel coast,
***
633
***
...
...
***
***
...
...
***
...
...
***
...
...
Christianity introduced into Arabia... Chronicles, Buddhist ... Chrysostom (St. J.), 9; locality of St. Thomas's grave known to him 12, 15 Chúḍagrama, Sanskritised form of the name of Mudiyanur, q. v. Chulyara, Chulijars, Muhammadans of Madras
...
...
chung, a handful, &c. Cishpis Teispes k. of Elam Çiva saved by a spider... clan names, in Ceylon Clement of Alexandria, 9; says St. Thomas died a natural death 10, 15 Clementine Recognitions, affirm that St. Thomas evangelised the Parthians... cobang, copan, gold coin Cochin-China Cocks Island, in the Ganges coclis, in Nagari characters coco nut trees
10, 15 ... 871
***
... 371
Cocos Islands coffee coins, of Southern India
...
...
...
***
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
INDEX.
343
203
312 369
461
...
337 ... 393 231
...
58
...
370 ... 279 ... 289 378
337
... 371 18 n. ... 371 36 ... 371 818 ft.
coir, cayre, coyre Colomba, Colombo, c.....
...
comboy, cambayas command - an Anglo-Indianism Commandments, &c., in Hindôstêni... Comorin, Cape Compendium of the Wei, mentions the Yuetchi 419, 420 and n., 425
...
conderines candareen 867 conecopola, cancoply, conicopoly, a clerk... 372 congye, congy, congee
... 872
Conjaguaree, Kanhayyagarht Point, near Pt.
Palmyras
...
***
...
...
...
... 372 copan, cobang, gold coin ... 371 Copestakes, Capt. of the 'Snow Druid'...82, 83, 84 Oorango, Coringa bay 94, 373, 469 cornac, old Anglo-Indian word, for cornaca. 448 cornacas, men in charge of elephants 448
***
Cornwallis (Commodore) ... 35, 193 Cornwallis (Lord) ... 195 Cornwallis (Port)... 36, 81-86, 90, 92, 137, 138, 193 ff. 94 151 378, 374 Cosimbazar... 33, 273 373
***
...
...
Cornwallis (Schooner) ... Cosmas, Indico pleustes cossa, khásd, cotton cloth Cossim, Cossum bazar, cotwal, cattwall, katwal Council, of Vaisâli, 231 and n.; third Buddhist, held by Asoka... country Indian,' as opposed to 'European' ... 373 cowry 373, 374 coyre, cayre coir ... 871,372 Creed of the Christians of Syria, its influence on the Qorán...
...
... 259 creest, crease, kris, Malay dagger ... 374 orests; the sendúraldñchhana or red-lead crest of the Raṭṭas of Saundatti 216, 221 n. Crown property, in Ceylon 336 cupine, a weight, 28; coin in bullion ... 874 Cyrus ...285 and n., 286, 289 and n., 294 Da, rock-carving at 362 Dacca, Dhakk.... ... 374, 467 Dadda II. (Gurjara); identification of the places mentioned in the spurious Umêtâ, Bagumra, and Пlô plates purporting to have been issued by him in A. D. 478, 493 and 495 ... 52, 53, 55 Dâdri, in Banwar, tradition ... Daedalus ...
100
...
daena, religion
... 343 ... 294 ... 800 52, 53
=
Dahithali, Dethli in Baroda Dalada Maligava, temple of the sacred tooth 310, 311
...
371, 372 372 ... 372 48 20
372
...
***
***
233

Page #523

INDEX.
493
mula
102
463
Dalai Lama . **
235 Deva ... ... ... .. Damascus... ..
392 deva - daeva - Iranian - celestials. 291, 298, 299 damba, mythical tree, - Binghalese...
Dévadharms-Tien-fa, minister of Kanishdammar, dammer, pitch
ka ... ... ... ... ... 382, 384 Danayas, demons ... ... ...
dévadutayd, a messenger, - Singhalese ... 841 Danâyi, vil. stone idol... ... ... ... Devanagart alphabet ... ... ... ... 16 Dandapur in Dharwar; remarks on the date Depânampiya, = "his majesty' ... 265, 267
of the inscription of A. D. 919 ... ... 225 Dovdnanpiya Piyadasi Rdja, 265; & fordandenavd, mid-day meal, - Singhalese ... 340
" .. .. 266, 267 Danes, establishment at Now Cowrie in the Devan upiya Tissa, k. of Ceylon .. . 282
Carnicobars ... ... ... ... ... Dévaputra, title of Kanishka ... ... ... 382 Dantavaktrunikoța, fort in Ganjam diat.... Devundars or Dondra, Devi Navera, Ceylon. 310 Dara Shikon, defeated by Aurangzeb ... déwdla, festival, Ceylon ... ... 309-311, 435 darakattiyd, the Mantis religiosa, - Déyathali; ancient village in Gujarat ... 51 Singhalese ... ... ... ... ... Dgon .pa .pa, his Gurulekha ...
848 Dar-en-Nadwa, council-house at Mecca ... Dhakki, Eastern Prakrit ... ... 183 184 Darius Hyataspes, Daravush, son of Dhana, Yakshini .. .. ..
462 Hyataspes or Vishtaspa, 289; Behistun Dhana Nanda ... ..
... 231 inscriptions ... ... .. ... 286 Dhansiri Valley, Mikir spoken in ... Darrang, dist. Assam ...
Dhara, minister of Garudavega, k. of Nityalóka, 240 darbana, worship ... ... ... ... 464 Dharanapriya, Yakshint ... ... Darahra festival... ...
Dharanêndra, or Pårévayaksha, Yakshs ... 463 Disaks ... ... ..
Dharaséna II. of Valabht; identification of daba mala, ten impurities
the places mentioned in the spurious plates Dasapura, = Mandasôr, Dasôr, in Malwa
purporting to have been issued by him in Dashilathina, = Dastan in Baroda ... ...
A. D. 478 ... ... ... .. 49 Dasôr, Mandagor, in Malwa; ancient Dada- Dhør Balak Rapt ... ... ... ... 376
49 Dharma, 15th Jina ... ... ... ... 462 Dastan in Baroda; ancient Dashilathana ... 54
dharmachakra
429, 430 Data or Datana, same as Hubushka ... 288 and n.
dharmachakramudra, posture ...
428 date-defeat of the Hoņas, cir. 465, A. D.:
dharmuidhikari, Brahman officer, settles final expulsion of the Honas in 544 A. D. 379
penances in Kasmir ... ... ... ... 365 dates in the bibliography of Hindi ... ... 23 dharma-mahdmatras, or Censors of the Bud. Dayaukku, = dakyuka, title ... .. 288 dhist law ... ... ... ... ... 365 daye, as tabu ... ... ... ... ... 814 Dharmamitra, K'i-ye-to ... ... 382, 387 dbu oan, headed characters of Tibet... 362, 363 Dharma-pitaka-niddna-sútra (P) ... ... 881 dbu med, headless characters of Tibet ... 362, 365 dharmasêndpati = marshal of religion ... 425 Death, from different directions on different dharmathida, on coins ... ... ... ... 429
days .. ... ... ... .. 434 Dharmatrata Ghoshaka, surnamed Tukhára. 383 n. Decan, Deocan, Dekhan ... ... ... 375 dharma-yálrd, of Priyadarsi ... ... ... 233 Deiokes, founder of the Median Monarchy, dharmika, on coins ... .. ..... .. 429
288 and n. Dhármika-Subhati dot the same as MâtsiDekhan, Deccan ... ... ... 378, 422 chết, 345; = Matricheta ... ... ... 385 Dekban, dharmadhikari, retained in ... 365 Dhátupátha ... ... ... . 379, 380 dol, nets, - Singhalese... ... ... ... 308 Dhers of Haidarkbåd, Dekhan, eat horse flesh. 99 Della Valle (Pietro) at Surat ... ... 17, 23, 24 Dbian Singh, Wazir of Gôler ... .. ... 377 Delly, = Delhi ... ... ... ... 26, 375 Dhiraj Parmara Parmat - Parmal P - Dhy loluem, promegranate, - Singhalese ... ... arah Maharaja .. ... Demagiri, pl. Lushai co.
... 414 |
Dhul Karnain, Alexander the Great ... demalichcha, bird, - Singhalese ..
dhuna ... ..
** Demetrios .. ..
dháp, incense .. ... . Dera Ismail Khan, 201, 20+ ;- sections there did, consecrated cow ... .. ...
reverence plants and animals after which Diamond Harbour ... ...
they are nained ... ... ... ... 202 diamonds of Landock ... .. Dethli in Baroda; ancient Dahithali... ... 53 Digambara Jaina iconography
*** 137
... 280
... 430

Page #524

494
INDEX.
"
884
Digambaras, seot of Jainaa, 230; observe Dusserah or Navarathi, distribution of Pu
sixteen ceremoniale ....... . 460 . dukottah coins ... ... ... ... 318 Dignaga ... ... .. ... 845, 346, 349 Dvada dnga, twelve Angas, - Jaina ... 459 Dikplas or Dikpatis, g.
... .. 464 Dvadaba-viharana-sútra, Ohinese version ... 426 dimiyd, red ant, - Singhalese .. ... 436 Dvarakala, watcher at the entrance to Yama's Dionysos, his worship derived from the kingdom ... ... ... ... 112, 113 Semites... ... ... ... ... ... 296 Dvdritasaty-Avadāna ...
... .. 850 Dipavas ... 228, 231 and n., 232, 266, 267, 364 Dwaraka ...
... 894 and n., 835 Dispatch' (the Brig) ....... 81, 82, 85, 86 dooipas, seven ... ... ... ... ... 292 disadvé, landlord's representative, -Singha- Dyaus, 8:
... ... ... 294 lese. ... ... ... ... . .. 336 Dival-folklore ... ... ... ... 237 ff. ditoul, wood-epple, - Singhalese ... ... 309 Edessa, Edisea, 1; remains of St. Thomas diya kapenand, - Singhalese ...
331 removed to, 6, 12; Church of St. Thomas diya taliya, the Maxitixia tetrandrs ... ... 437 at, 13, 14; of Osroëne ... ... 148, 151 Dodb, country ... ... ...
182 Egypt, palace not used after ruler's Dobra, branch of the Ganges ... ... 371, 375 death .. ... ... ... ... 416, 431 Domkbar, rock-carving at ... ... ... 362 chei, a cry in Ceylon ... ... ... ... 840 Dondra, Owylon festivals, 309; or Devon- Ehsla tree, Cassia fistula, - Singhalose...309, 487
dara Devi Navera ... ... ... ... 310 ghetulld, green whip-snake, - Singhalese ... 436 Donoy Brabman, of the Kutaita götra. 282–284 ekkoti-chakravarti and similar expressions. 219 n. dorobadaaona, an exhortation, - Singhalese. 341 elaches, a silk cloth ... ... ... ... 405 Dorotheus (Pseudo), reference to St.
Elam or Susiana, in Iran ... 285, 289 and n. Thomas... ..
... 145, 146 El-Aswad, Arab prophet ... ... 397, 898 Dpal-rtsege (Srikata P)...
360 elephants, from Ceylon ... ... ... 369 Draapadt ...
Elhamd-ulelluh ... ..
*-. ... 240 Dravidian Philology, 449–458; table of
Elioforum, city of King Godnaphar ... ... 6 pronouns, 454 ; tenses, 455; influence on
koli-
mahdddvary and similar expregAryan grammar, 456 ; agreement with
sions ... ..
... 219 and a. grammar of N. Indian idioms .. 457, 458
embetta tenante, - Singhalese..
... 897 Drawydwwyoga, Digambara Veda .. ... 459
emprit birds - ... ... ... ... 114 dreams, among Singhalese ... ... 438 English pobaession of India ... Druba (Avesta Drajas), nozione spirits .. 295
Enore, Enoor = Ennor, tn., Madras... ... 465 druhok, spirit of falsehood, -Iranian
Eparna, a place ... ... ... ... ... 988 dubashee, dubasse, dubush, interpreter, mer
Ephraem (St.) the Syrian, 9; refers to cantile broker ... .. ... .. 375
"* "
...11, 15, 161 dube, Muhammadan oopper coins ... 315, 317 Epiphanius, mentions relicts of St. Thomas. 2 Due or Divi Point ... .. . ...
Erakori (Mukula or Chellakatans famil) - 990 damd, faneral rights, among the Kamars.
Esala, Singhalese month duma, cooking utensils, - Singhalese
noaha, evil-eye, -- Singhalese ... ... 438 dummella, the Trichosanthes enoumerina, ethnography of Iran ...
.. 286 ff. Singhalese ... ... ... ... ... 437
etteriya, the Morraya exotica, - Singhalese.. 437 Dandas (M!), afterwards Viscount n Euphrates valley .. . .. 5, 392 ville ... .... ... ... ... 194, 195 Euripid
Euripides ... ... ... ... Dandane Point, in Ohatham Island ... ...
*Europe,' for European...
.. ... 465 dungaree, cloth ... ..
Eusebius, 9; refers to evangelisation of the durdod tenants,-Singhalese... ...
Parthians by 8t. Thomas ... ... 10, 15 Durdharsha-Kala, a Brahman, Matricheta,
Euthydemos .. .
... 430, 431 345, 346, 885; described as king of Kat
evil-eye ... ... ..
...: 439 sambl, his conversion.. .... 346 n., 847, 348 Durgh, 8.... ... ... ... ... ... 880 Durganinha, commentator ..
... 390FA-hien, refers to Mahendra ... .. .... 384 DuritArt, Yakshink ...
... ...461 Fairlie (the Brig) .... ... ... 90, 91, 92 duryan, = durian, a fruit
... ... 485 Fa'iuen-chu-lin, Buddhist, encyclopaedia. 388, 480 dushiti, evil done on earth ... 116-117, 128 falu, on coin ... . ... 315, 317
.
..
99
.
.
.
465
- 836

Page #525

INDEX.
496
... 395
824
*486
...
.
..
...
36
468
**486 to 994 * 287
121
fanam -old ffanam ...
... 466 Gundsa, how be became possessed of his olefate, among the Arabs ...
phant's head, -legend, 98 1. ; on rat vaFatima, daughter of Muhammad
hana ...
819, 821, 823 festivals, Singhalese ... ... .
808 .. ganesh, tithe given to Brahmane .. . 280 feudal service in Ceylon ... ...
336 Ganga coins ... ffaokeere, faqir, faokeer = fakoer ... 239, 465 gangak, intoxicanti
29 ffanam tanam, amall ooin... ..
Gangam ... ...
187, 188 Fire, in the religion of the Iranians and the Gangavåđi, the territory of the Western
Indians ... ... ... ... 295, 296 Gangas of Tolak&d ... ... ... ..222 fire quarter, the South-east, - Singbalone ... 494 Ganges riv., projected harbour at its month, Firingbeo, Franguee, balf-breed ... ..486 35, 298; water and mad from it ... 368, 370 firmaun, old form 'phyrmane' .. 486 Ganjam dist. coin ... ... ... 325 Folklore, in the Central Provinces, legende, Ganmuládaniya, - Singhalese ... 836
97 f.; of the Telugus ... ... 275 f. gans = gans, bell-metal ... Fort of Khalatee, granite chese-board, 889;
gansabhava, village court, Ceylon stone pots much need ...... 990, 391 gantange, a measure ... ...
29, 468 Fortunate Islands ...
ganton, old form gantange .
... 468 Po-t'i-lo ... ... ... ... ... 983 n. Ganyara Ganjhar, vil. ... ...
... 376 Fo-teu-t'ung-ki ... ... ... ... ... 382 garáya buma, ceremony for evil influence. frana (Baktrian hvarona), gloria ... 288 Garbhddhana, Jaina ceremony
460 Franguee Firinghee, half-breed ...
garoe, old form gore Fragrase, a Turunian miscreant ...
Garga = Ratnasambhava Fravartis (Phraotes) .. ... ...
Garo Hills .. ... Pravertes, Mede, calls himself Khabathrita. 289
Garuda-banner ... ...
284 Fritz's (Jo. Fr.) Sprachasister . ... 21 Garuda, figure on 8. Indian coins, 313-315, Fryer's account of Indian languages... 18, 24 321, 825; Jaina Yaksha ... ... 481, 462 Fa-ta-to'adg-in-iuen-chwan-(Sri Dharma-pitaka- 1 Garuda. &. and Divalt ... sampradhya-nidana P) ... ... ... 887 Garudavega, a Vidyskhan k. ... ...
... 240 funerals in Tibet, 234; among the Lumbais... 410
gas gomadiyd or stagemba, the Polypedactus
maculatue, -Singhalese ... ... 436 Gauda-ral, style of composition ... 182
Gaudentius (St.), 9; refers to St. Thomas, 18, gabaddgama, Orowo property in Ceylon ... 336
15, 147 gabaddnilamós, officials, - Singhalese ... 311 Gaumata, the Magian ... .. ... .... 289 gachha ... ... ... ... .. 280 Gaurt, Yakehiņt, 462; Vidyadevs ... .. 468 Gad, brother of Gundoferns ... 4, 7, 153, 155 Gautama Buddha, 233; called Kshantivadin. 327 gads, of Vishnu ... ... ... ...
Gautamiputra Visiviyakara, Andhra king ... 267 Gadiganur, Bellary dist., coin found ...
Gava, in Saghdha
287 . Gadyachintamani of Vadtbhasitha ... ... 240 Gaya, tn. near Patna ...
... 232 gajd, iron stick ... ... ... ... 378 Gazus, mt. ...
... 6 gdla, resting place for cattle, - Singhaleso... 336 gé kurulls, sparrow, - Singhalese Gala, Point de = Point de Galle ... ... 467 Gelasins ...
... *** gallevat, old form gylyar ... ... 487
gombo, frog, - Singhalese ... gal-pakura, rock-bine, - Singhalese...
genealogies among the Lushais
418 gamardla, village officer in Ceylon ...
Gentile, Gentooe, Gentue ...
468 gamélans, musical instrumente ... 125
Gentues, their religion, &c. ...
289 ganda-bhérunda, on coin ... ...
.. 315
gerandiyd, rat-make, - Singhalese ... 436 GandamArtanda, a biruda of Krishna
geri, black ant, - Singhalese ... ... 219
Germani ... ... ... ... ... ... 145 Gandhira, co. 388, 424 : - sobool ..
gatavoni-ogl, Oiesompelos convolvulus, - SinGandhArt Yakshini, 462; Vidyldt .. . 468
ghalese ...
... ... ... ... 309 Gandharvs, Yaksha .. ... . 482 Ghanaylim = Krishna ....... Gandharvadatti, dr. of L. Garudavega ... 240 ghanta ... ... ...
... ... 888 Gandhôtkate, merchant, adopted prince Gheranides, Arab princes ... . Jtvs .. . -
... ... 240 ghdte, dimoovery of, at Patna
$35
436
429

Page #526

496
INDEX.
47
2011
Ghirths, their divisions... ... ... 203 | Govinda, dr. of Nandag pa ... ... .. 240 GhoslA (a species of fish or P grass-snake), gramme = gram, grain... ... ... ... 470
N&g, section of Kachchha Brahman .. 201 | gree=ghurry, water clock ... ... ...469 ghurry, gree, water clock ... ... ... 469 Gregory Nazianzen (St.), reference to St. Gilchrist's Hindôstånt works ... ... 22, 25 Thomas... ... ... ... ... 9, 12, 15 Gingalee, Gingerly = Goleondah Const. 367, Gregory (St.) of Tours, reference to St.
362, 469
Thomas ... ... ... 9, 11, 14, 15, 131 gingham, cotton cloth ... ... ... ... 469 Gridhrakata hill of Mahendra ... ... 384 ginihord, male fly-catcher, - Singhalese ... 435 Gualas, dooly bearers of Madras ... 368, 470 gini kabala, live-coale, - Singhalese
Gulab Singh, Maharaja ... ... ... 361 gini kona, fire quarter, - Singhalese
Gudaphara, Gondophares, coins relating girao, parrot, - Singhalese ... ...
to .. ... .. .. ... 151, 162 Girdhar Lal = Krishna ... ... 329-895 Guddorah, part of Masulipatam ... ... 470 Gir-Goslin ... ... ..
... 878 Gadnaphar, L. Gundaforus, k., 1, 6; sends Girivili; ancient village in Gujarkt ... ... 51 Habban to obtain a carpenter ... Globrary of the Multani language, and pro- Guggt, his temple . .. ... 376
posals for one of modern religious terms ... 278 guinns - for iguana-lizard found in Goa, remains of St. Thomas at
11, 150 Chatham Island . ... ... - 197 godai-kavs, = horse eaters, applied to Pro Gujan, people ... ... .. . ... 349 bhts ... ... ... ... ... ...
Gujarat, Svetambara Jainas, 459Gooserat, 470 goda-manel, Crinum zeylanicum, - Singha
Gujaratt, 183, 185—187, 191, 192, Bhilt ... 188 lese ... ... ... ... ... *
Gojars, their sections ... ... ... 203 godána, Jaina ceremony ... ... ... 460 Gujrat, in Panjab, totemism in ... gódánamangalyaya, alms to priesta, -Sin- gun, = rope, an atribute .. .. 835 a. gbalese ... ... ... ... . . 340
Gunadbya, author of the Brihatkatha ... 180 Godavery, Goodawarue, Godawari riv. 180, 372, 469 gange = gong... .. .. ... ... 470 goigama tenants, - Singhalese .. 836 Gaptas ... ... ...
... ... 428 goigama = hooded crow, - Singhalese .. 435 gur... ... ... ... ... ... ... 578 Goloondah, tn.... ... ...367, 466, 469, Gurjara records; the spurious Umbta, golubello, snail, - Singhalese ... ...
Bagumrk, and Tað plates purporting to Gêmatékvara-vami, son of Rishabha (Di- have been issued in A. D. 478, 498, 495; gambars) . .. *
identification of the places mentioned in Gombroone, Gombroon, old name of Bandar them ... .. ... .. .. 52, 53, 55 'Abbés ... ...
Guru Arjan ... ... ... .. . 835 Gomedha, Yaksha ... ...
Guru Nanak ... ... Gomorrha... .. .. .. .
Garulekha of Bhikshu Dgon .pa .pe - Gömti, riv. ...
min . " *** ** *** Gömukha, Yakahs ...
Gushana co. ... ... ... ... Gândi differs from other Dravidian languages,
Gutschmid's theories about St. Thomas ... &o., 449; table of tenses, 450; relative
Guzan co., Gushana ... ... pronouns, &c. ... ... ... ... ... 452
452 Guzaratt = Goozerat ... ...
... - 470 Gondopbares, Gadnaphar, 151 ff.; his family, gwalla, = gavdld, cow-keeper... .. 153; coins .. .. 151, 152, 430, 431
gyal, animal ... ... ... 410, 414, gong, gunge ... . . ... ... 470 gong-atun, in Ladakh, stone pestle ... ... 391
gallevat .. 467 Goodaware, Goodawaree, Godavery. 372, 373, 469 Gymnosophista ... ... ..
" 33 Gopal, = Krishna ... .. ... ... 333 Gôrakhnath ... ... ... ... 378 and n. gorochana, bezoar-stone, -Singbalese... 309, 435 goree = garse, large grain measure ... ... 488 gosain ... ... ... ... 376, 377, 378 and n. havarata, Alocasia yame, - Singhalese ... 437 Goepel of Infancy - in the Qoran ... 259 and n, Habban, L. Abban, merchant sent from Govinda IV. (R&shtrakata); remarks on the India by king Gudnaphar ... 8, 4, 6, 7, 158
date of bis Dandapur inscription, 225,- Hadley's Grammar of Hindostani ... ... 22 see also Kalasápur ... ... ... ... 221 | Haggada ... ... .. . ... ... 258
470
Abra
*
*
.
..
... 895
".
.. 349
Gyal-tahab, regent. The gylyars, gallya, 27. 374. 466-**
** 235

Page #527

INDEX.
497
...
...91.
336
Haidar or Tipo, coin attributed to him .. Helios, g.... ...
... 428 Haidardbad (Dekkan Kusumayudha's in- Hellenism and Brahmanical civilisation ... 384 scription
Hémachandrs, bis grammar .. 188, 424, 461 Hukhamanishya, ancestor of the Acheme- Hemakadphinēs, 419; divinities on his nides ... .***
coins ... .. ... ... ... 420 and n. hakuru tenants, - Singhalese. ...
hembitiya, purse, - Singhalese ... ... 340 HAla, a Kuntala...
... ... 180 henakandayd, brown whip-snake, - SinghaHalebt dialect ... ...
... 192
lese -.. . ... ... . . 436 Halacha ... ... ...
... 258 hondialuvá, ladle, - Singhalese ... ... 338 Haldane (John) ... ...
98, 188 Heracleon, Gnostic, reference to the death of .hali tenants, - Singhalese ...
... 337
St. Thomas ... ... ... ... 9, 10, 15 Heli, caste in Ceylon ...
337 Hēraklēs, on coins of Kujalakad phisēs, 420; halka pothu-wala, child born under a bad
Hercules, on coins ... ... ... 429, 480 omen .. . .. .. ... .. 279 Hermaior, Greek king, 419; invaded by the Halkas, Shendu tribe ... ... ..
... 413
Ta-Yue-chi, 427; on coins ... ... 429, 491) Hampe, Vijayanagara coin' ... ... .. 318 Herodotus ... 285 and n., 286, 288, 289 n., 294 hansa vdhana, on coins ... 316, 461-463 héwa wasam, halting-place, - Singhalese ... Han (second) dynasty, Ohinese, their annals, Hibti, stone near ... ... .. ... 362
417; mention the Kushana kinge, 419; Hienoforum, capital of Gūdnaphar ... mention Lan-cheu=Pushkalavati, 422; first Hieu-mi, principality . ...
417 Han dynasty - their history mentions the . Hijaz, dist. ... ... ...
392, 393 Yue-chi, 418; its power broken, 421; petty Hijr .. .. ..
892 Hans ... ... .. . .. 417 n.
hikanald, skink, - Singhalese...
436 handa mandala, lunar halo, - Singhalese ... 492 Himalaya or Méru, mte. ...
...237 hande Rdyani, dube
... ... .. 325 Binay na School .. ... ... 846, 347 Hanits of Arabia ... ... ... ... 398 Hindi, Eastern, 186; Western, 180, 183, 186, Haņņikere or Hannikêri inscription of A. D. 187, 191; bibliography of, 16-25, 59-76, 1257; abstract of its contente ... ... 217
160-179, 245, 251 n., 262-265, 457 Hanthala bin Rebia, amanuensis to Muham- HindôstAni, bibliography of, 16 ff., 59 ff., mad ... ... ... ... ... ... 128
160 ff., 262 ff.; no proper character for, 17; Hanu, vil. in Ladakh, stone-implements from. 390 its affinity to Persian and Arabic, written Hanuman figure on coins, 819, 320; g. ... 464 from left to right, 18; grammar by Ketelaer, Haoma = Soma worship, 291; Haoma men.
19; numerals first mentioned (1726), Baler tioned in the Yasna, 291; worshipped, bande character, Mill's Dissertations, per
296; sacrifice ... .. ... ... 416 n. Bonal pronouns, &c., Lord's Prayer in, 20, HaptA-Hindu ... ... . . .. 288
21; Schultze and Frits on words for father, Haptoirenga, Ursa Major ...
heaven, earth and bread, Beligatti's acHar, month .. ..
... +377, 878
count, 21 1.; prayers in, Lebedeff on, 22; Har, temple of Baba Balak Rapi at ...
... 376
summary of important early dates... 23 ff. Harains = Areia of the Greek, now Herat... 287
Hindoetani, list of authors ... ... 59 ff. Inarak, cattle, - Singhalese .. ... ... 435
Hinduism, 278:-Bengal converted to, 238 n., . Harakhraiti, modern Helmend ... ... 287
in the Himalayas ... ... ... 376 ff. Harakhvaiti = Sarasvati, Iranian riv. 291 Hindu Kush, mte. ... ... ... 285, 418 Haral, Harla enturbada; a group of eight
Hindus, and the Divalt... ... ... 237, 238 villages in Belgaum ... ...
... ... 219 Hindustani in the 17th Century
239 f. harem, sacred piece of ground...
hinneva or Gettants tenants, BigbaHarnspoore calico
... 367 lese ...
". ... 337 Harsha = Siladitya ...
383 n.
Hippolytus (Bt.), 145; (Pseudo) ... Hasan ibn Thabit
Hira, hill near Mooca ... ... ... 392, 398 Haulongs, Lushai tribe...
413, 414 hiramana, cocoanut seraper, - Singhahdvd, bare, - Singhalese
lese . ... ... *** ... ... 338 Basarat Salamet... ...
39, 240 Hiranyakalipa ...
***.*** ...
.. ... ... 334 head, ceremony of anointing
... 809 Hisham, Omayyad Khalif ... ... ... 261 Hejas Hijas... ..
392, 893 Hingar, tn. .. Helioklda, bis coins . ..
... 430 ) Hit'un, principality
... 894
• 182

Page #528

498
387
Hiuen Tsiang, visited Pataliputra, 79; his references to Mahendra, 364; and to Upagupta, 366; references to Kanishka, 381, 383, 389; 421; Buddha's prophecy ... 384 Hiung-nu, conquer the Yue-chi... 417-419, 432 Hoa-chen: Pataliputra, the town of flowers,. Kusamapura Hodali vishaya, the territory round Wodly in Kölår, Mysore Hôli or Phalgun festival hotri, invoker, priest Hoysala Ballala, coins... Hrimkara, Jaina symbol Hsiao Yen, first of the Liang dynasty, be-1 comes a priest, poem by him Hu, barbarians Hubushka, or Data, Datana Hud, Arabic for Jew Hugly, riv.
...
57, 58 237 ... 296 and n. ... 316 464
...
***
83
húnd, lizard,
Singhalese
...
... 436 Húnas, their defeat by Skandagupta ... 379 hunduva, a rice measure,.-Singhalese... 338, 437 hunnó tenants, -Singhalese... 337 Harlikál, coins found near 317 Hushka Huvishka, Turushka, k. ... 421 Husravangha (Sushravas) 294 Huvishka, his gold coins bear the nimbus. 427, 428 hvarena (Baktrian), gloria Hvima Kadpisa, Kadphisse II., coins, 427;. probably a Zoroastrian 429, 431 Hyrcanians, St. Thomas preached to. 145, 146, 148 Hyrkania, Northern
**
288
288
Hyroforum, capital of Gudnaphar
6
...
-
...
...
***
200
...
...
...
...
Indra III. (Rashtrakuta) and his governor Bankêya,. 224; remarks on the date of his Bisanhalli inscription Indrani, consort of Indra Indus, riv.
925
897
... 464 285, 287 inglong, mountain, Mikir 102 inna, atake to husk cocoanuts,Singhalese... 338 inscriptions on stone in Arabia Iran, geography, ethnography and history, 285 ff.; Aryans immigrated thither, 287; soil and climate Iranians or Aryans, 285; adopted the Mazdayasma Creed, 286; their religion influenced by the land, 285 ff.; language closely related to the Indian languages, 290; "1" changed into ''
www
... 456 iris-poke, creeping animals (P)... 117 irivériya, Plectranthus zeylanicus, - Singha
lese.
***
... 309 ... 286 ... 54 427
Iron, a name of the Ossites... Pshi, Isi, an old village-site in Baroda Ishtar, g.... Lei, an old village-site in Baroda; mentioned as Ishi...
Iblis, the sinning angel...
Ne
459
...
256 Ibn Ishaq, early biographer of Muhammad 395, 396 idala, broom, Singhalese 338 Islam, 257-262; 278; based on social idda, the Wrightia zeylanica, Singhalese... 437 reform... 997. ff. Ien-feu-ti (Jambudvipa) 426 Lévara, Yaksha ... 462 ignames yam. 312 itana, Heterepogon hirtus, Singhalese ... 309 Il, Ceylon month, Oct.-Nov. 311 itihámy, village officer, -Singhalese... 336 n. Ilâô in Broach; the spurious plates purportItihasa, with the Jainas ing to have been issued in A. D. 495; I-teing refers to Matricheta, 345, 346, 347, identification of the places mentioned in 349; and to Durdharsha-Kala 346 n. them 55 I-tsun-keu, envoy of the Yue-chi king,.419; imbul, cotton tree, -Singhalese = 309, 437 Hushka ? ... index to Yule's Hobson-Jobson, 44 ff., 139 ff., 267 ff., 444 ff. India, visited by St. Thomas, 6; its lang312 uages, 181, 182; its climate and soil, ... 118 influence on its religion 299, 300 Jadus, tribe ... 312 Indian religious phraseology, proposals for a jagalattoppiya, pin-cushion hat, - Singhaglossary of ... 278 lese ... 338
...
***
iftévá, porcupine, - Singhalese
Jad Kanête jadi
236 387
...288 and n.
258
...
***
***
INDEX.
...
***
...
297
Indian and Iranian religions, causes of diversity Indo-Aryan vernaculars, influenced by Dravidian 455, 456-458 Indo-Baktrian coinage.... 431 Indo-Germanic race, appearance in history... 285 Indo-Soythians, notes on, 381 ff.; historical texte
...
....
...
417 ff. Indo-Skythian kinga, nimbus and signs of deification on their coins
427 ff. 238
www.
***
....
...
Indor, Mâlis of Indra, g., 111, 125, 126, 290, 291, 294, 298, 299 and n.; as Sibi, 327; among the
Jainas
464
***
***
...
...
***
...
www
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
800
...
54
424 1. 435

Page #529

INDEX.
499
... 240
464
240
***.
.. 885
Jagawan, vil, in Rampar ... ... ... 312 | Jivaka, Jivandhars legend ... Jain stăpa .. ... 382 Jivakchintamani, Tamil poem
240 Jaina dates, 227, 230; chronicles refer to Jivardharachampd of Haricbendra ... ... 240 agupta... . ... ... 231, 232 Juandharapurana
240 Jainas, 181; (Svētâmbara) their literature, 183 Jndna,- knowledge .. ..
464 and 1., 184, 190, 230, 232; their appearance Jianapriya, disciple of Asvaghosha ... 889 in the legend of Kanishka, 384 ; chronolo- fñdna-pitésha, pure mind
122 gical tradition... - ... ... ... ... 423 JiAtaputra = Ju-to-teeu, Mahavira
386 Jainism under Kanishka, 984; its study
Jõ&tidêvatae ... ... ** neglected .. ... .. ***
Job Charnock ... ... ... • Jaintia hills ... ... ... ... 201, 102 jogi, religious mendicant ...
... 280 JalAlpur, in Multan, a shrine ... ... ... 280
Jogni ... . .
... 280 jalarang, red squirrel .. ... .... 117 John, Acts of ... .
... . ...2, 11 Jambadvipa - four divisions of ... - 426 johnoumon,'- for ichneumon - found in James of Varazze, author of the Legenda Chatham Island .. ... .. .. 197
Aurea ... ... .. ... ... ... 164 Jólwa, Jôrwa, in Baroda; ancient Jaravadra. 54 Jamti, interrogation of a prisoner in Tibet ... 235 jopu, an offering... ...
... 377 and n. · jamodie, jandfan, shaving the hair for the Jörwa, Jólwa, in Baroda; ancient Jaravadra. 54 first time ... ....... ...377 and n.
jöt, flame ... .. ....
...
... ... 876 jand tree ... ... ... ... ... ... 204
Judaism in Arabia ... ... ... Janselone - Junk Ceylon ... 27-31, 367, 371, 974 Judas Thomas, =St. Thomas Jaravadra = Jólwa, Jorwa in Baroda.... ... 54 Janagarh rock, Sanskrit inscription ... ... 265 Ját gôts or sections, 202, 203, 312 : - of Jupiter, the planet; the introduction of the
Någrå, 343 : -- of Dadri ... ... ... 844 use of the sixty-years cycle in epigraphic Jatakamáld and the frescoes of Ajanta, 326 tl., recorde, 214; called Ormuzd by the
810, 345, 346 n., 348, 385 1 Persians, &o., 293 n.; on coins ... ... 480 Jdtakarman, Jaina ceremony ... .. ... 460 Ju-tô-tzeu = JnAtaputra, stapa ... Jatakag, on Buddhist monuments ... ... 828 JvalamAlini, Yakshint. ... ... ... ... 462 jdtris, offerers ... ... . ... 377, 378 javelin-banner of the Mukula or Chellaketana family ... ...
226, 227 Jawala-Mukhi, shrine .... ... ... ... 377 kaaba, cube
Kaaba, cube. ...
... ... .. .. 308-396 Jaya or Vijaya, Yakshiņi ... ... .... 462 labaragoya, Hydrosauros salvator, -SinghaJaypur Jainas ... ... ... ... .... 459 1 lese ... ... . jeb-dan ... ... .. ... .. ... 877 kabdya, black coat, -Singhalese ... 838 Jen-kao-tchiu, k. of the Yue-chi ... ... 383 kabellevd, pengolin, - Singbalese ... ...
436 Jerome (St.), 9; mentions that St. Thomas Kab ibn Malik ... ... was in India, 13, 15; (Pseudo) or Kabui, a Naga language ...... ... 101
Sophronius, reference to St. Thomas ... 146 Kabul, 34; coins referring to Gudaphara , Jerusalem, St. Thomas started from... 6, 893 at
*** *** ... ... ... 151, 430 Jesus ... . ... .. .... 259 n kachala, fruit ... ... ..
848 Jews ... ...
... ... 393 KacbAris=Bodos ... ... . 102 jhdkur office of priest, among the Kamars. 141 Kachcha, a Någå language, 101 ;. Nagis ... 102 JhA1Awan, S.-E. of Kalat, Baluchistan ... 342 Kachchega, a biruda of Krishna III., Jhinam, riv. in Assam....
... ... 102 q. v. ... ... ... ... ... 217, 219 Jbiri, riv, in Assam ... ... ... .. 102 Kachráj, son of Band Sur ... ... .. 312 Jholt, cloth bag ... ... ... ... 378 and n. Kadambarf of Bana ... .
i. 240 jhams, - Lusbai ...
... ... 410 kadapana, letter to the gods,-Singhalese... 341 Jibril = Gabriel, appears to Muhammad ... 396. Kadaphes, bis coins
... 427 Jina-Kaichipuram, a Digambara Beat of Kadaphes II, Hvima Kad pisa ... 427, 429-491 learning ... ... ... ... 460 Kadphisēs I., his coins ...
... 429 Jinas or Tirthakaras ... 461 n. kdhan or Cawne ... ..
... 368 jins, evil-spirite ... 279, 280 Kabins, diviners... ...
... 397–399 Jiva or Jivamdhara, prince ... ... ... 240Kaikadi, dialect of Berar Jay Goskin, son of Ballabha ... ... 394 and n. Kailasa ... ... .
... .... 310
+35
132
.
:
***
156
:

Page #530

300
INDEX,
... 423
**.
.. 221
atling
... 80 ... 426
437
. 284
Kikatiya kings, their coins Kala, original name of MAtricheta ... ... 345 kalddurn, yame, - Cyprus rotundas, - Singbalese... - - ...
... 309 KAlakacharya ... kalam, blunt stone axe... . ... ... 890 Kalamin or Calama...
... 158 KAlaratri ... .. ...
... 124 Kalaspur insoription of Govinda IV. men
tions some chieftain with the title lord of
the town of Lattalar" KÅlaboka ... ... . .. ... 229-232 kaldva, principle of life, ---Singhalese 434 Kali age ...
... . ... ... ... 348 KAL, g. in the Dir&M ... ... ... 237, 238 KAN, Yakahint, 461; a Vidyadevi ... ... 463 KAN NÅth, idol at Dandy ... ... ... 377 Kali-Vitta (Mukala or Ohellaketana family);
a governor under Krishna III. 226, and Additions Kaliyaga ere, dates in .. .
... 228 Kalla Talao, 76, 78; Buddhist railing Kalodaka, sramana ... , Kalons, ministers' court, Tibet
235 kalpataru, tree ... ... .. .. 123, 124 kalunika, plant, - Singhalese... .. kama ... ... ***
120
*** Kamadeva, 8. ... ... ... Kamaniya = Kamrêj, in Baroda, 52; --form
erly the chief town of a territorial division known as the Kamaniya-6ôdasatam
bhukti ... ... ... ... ... ... 52 Kamirs of Raipur recognise a supreme god... 144 Kamarapa ... .. .. .. 383 n. Kámasitra ... ... ... ... ... 180 Kambysea, 286 ; - II., son of Cyrus the
Great ... ... ... ... ... ... 289 Kamrêj in Baroda; ancient Kamaniya, also
Kårmanêya and Kammanijja ... .. 52 Kanakadvars, a misreading of Kantakadvara,
q... ... ... . .. ... ... 58 kanakoka, night-heron, - Singhalese... ... 436 kandmediriya, fire-fly, - Singhalese ... ... 436 Kanarese characters op ooing, 313–120;
450, 451, 453, 454, 458 Kanauj, ancient Kanyakubja, 53; and
Kanyakubja ... ... ... ... 52 Kananj, Kalin Brahmans sent from, to
convert Bengal ... ... ... 238 n. Kangajt, dialect of Western Hindi ...
16 Kandah&r, coins of Gudaphara found in ... 161 1. Kandarpa, Yakshiņt ... ... ... ... 462 Kandhara, Kandhara, Prakrit forms of the
name Krishna ... ... ... ... 219 n. Kandhara Krishna III., q. v., 217, 219
and n.; - aloo Kandhararaya ... 218, 219
Kandharapura, an alleged ancient town, 218,
221; - it seems to be a purely imaginary place, 221; - also mentioned as Kanharapura ... .. .. ..
... ... 221 Kandy, Ceylon, festivals at ... ... 809, 810 Kanerkee, Indo-Scythick. . .. ... 1 Kanets, tribe in the Simla Hills, 203;
called Yad Kanets in Tibet ... ... ... 312 Kanet Khêle, reverence trees as ancestors,
their septa ... ... ... ... ... 343 kangavend, unicorn, - Singhalese ... ... 435 Kångra, NÅge of, 201; - other sections... 204, 376 Kanbara, Kanh&ra, Prakrit forms of the
name Krishna .. ... ... ... 219 n. Kanharapura, an alleged ancient town, but
seemingly a purely imaginary place ... 221 Kanbayyagarhi or Karifgarbt ... ... 372 Kanika and Kanishka not the same, 348, 349
and n., 355, 360; - mentioned by Tara
nátha, 381 ; - a Turki king... .... 383, 385 Kanishka, k., 346, 348, 349 and n., 38, 424, ,
430; – death, 382; - deyaputra, 382, 383; - contemporary with Asvaghôsba, 383; - coins bear the figure of Buddha, 420, 432; - spread of Buddhism in his reign, 421; - date, 422, 423, 429; - council,
425; coins first bear the nimbus. 427, 428, 431 Kanishkapara, tn. ... ... ... 381, 883 Kanks = Saka kings .. ... ... 423 Kankali Tila inscriptions, at Mathura ... 384 Kannada, Digambara Jainas in ... ... 459 Kannara, & Prakrit form of the name
Krishna ... ... ... ... .. 219 n. Kannamudera, Karnaravallahs = Krishna II
9. v. .. .. .. .. .. .. 224 Kannaradava, = Krishna III., q. t. ... ... 226 Kantakad våra, Sanskritised form of the
name of Muļbagal in Köler, Mysore ... 58 KantAragrima, = Katârgâm, Kattargam, in
Surat, 51; - formerly the chief town of a territorial division known as the Kantara
gråma-sodaśatar-vishaya ... ... ... kanwyd, small red myriapod, - Singhalese
.. .. .. ... . Kanyakubja = Kananj, 53; - also Kanya
kubja ... ... ... ... ... ... 52 Kao-fou, district... ... ... ... ... 417 kapruka, - Singhalese... ... ... ... 437 kapurdlas, temple attendanta, - Singhalese
... ... ... ... ... 319, 811 kard, jungle crow, - Singhalese ... ... 435 Karamena, for Oalamina .
w• 149 Karandnuyoga, Digambara Veda - karanda, Galidupa arbores, - Singhalese ... Karangi, Digambara seat of learning

Page #531

INDEX
501
- 341
996 485
8
486
310
.821
aia
Karanfya Satra... - kardua tonants, - Singhalese ... 836 karawald, the Bungarus coeruleus snake, –
Singhalese ... ... ... ... Karedo or Carera, tn., Madras Coast... Kareys gana, a Jain sect ... 215, 218 and Karhadt ... ... ... ... ... ... 192 Karish, Korësh, - L. Charisius, Kritius, -
kingman of king Mazdai . Karkurdi, Asyrian tn.... ... .. 289 n. karma ... ... ... ...
... 115 Karnal, the Sayyids of ... Kartike, the mouth Kartiks or Mangalya Keti, festival of lighte, - Singhalese ... ...
311 Kartikaya-Katamgama Deviyo, Singhalese
-festival ... .. Kartikeya or Shanmukba on coin, 316; - Yaksha... .
462 kashdya-vastwa, - Jaina - reddish-coloured
cloth ... ... .. ... ... - 460 Kashgar ... ...
.. .. 421 Kasbi bille ...
... ... 101, 102 KAshthangra, minister of K. Setyamdhara... 240 Kushtarita, Khabathrita, prince of Media,
289 and 2. Katika Vritti, by Prof. Liebich: ... 379, 380 Kasim or Qusim, son of Muhammad... 395 and n. Kakmir, censors employed in, 865; - visited by Kanishka ... ..
. .. 382 Kashmirf ... ..
... 186, 187 Kassalong Bazaar ... Kassapa - KAkyapa, his relics ... 366 Kabyape, Kia-obe ... Kdtantra grammar ... ... Kataragams, 309; - Deviyo, - festivals
Ceylon ... .. ... katavaha, evil month, - Singhalere... Kathdsaritedgara *** Katoch dynasty ...
***
... ... ... Katan (Withiks) month, - Singhalese katwand, blood-sucker, - Singhalese... Katyayaniputra's Kibhashasdstra Kaudsa ... " Ksuambi, tn. .. "
346 n. Kansikt ... ... ...
... 284 Kuuboya, mythical lake
415 n. Kavi, Kavya, Kavan, seers kaoudu-panikkyd, black-bird, - Singhalese... 435 Kavya ... ... Kdvyddaria .. .... ... .
.. 180 Kavyam.tld ... ... .. ...
... 240 Kawalnain, Krishna ... ... . 335 n. kayu-m ... .
119, 128 Kadal, fort, apparently in Mysore... ... 222
kekiri, the Zehenaria umbellata, -- Singha
leee ... ... .. .. Kelaniya, Ceylon, dagoba of Buddha's golden chair ... ... ... ...
842 Kepana, a branch of the Koreish kendettu, horn-bill, - Singhalese ... Kendrs, Yaksha ... .. ...
462 Kentara ... .. .. ... kerald plover, - Singbalese ... ... 485 Kerr, Prof., bis interpretation of
dasi .. ... .. ... ... 266, 267 Kesar Saga, Spring Mytb ... keabeo, marine turtle, - Singbalese.... Keshwarus, continents of the Persians ... 292 Ketelaer (Jo. Joshua), a Dutch envoy, Gram
mar of Hindostani ... ... ... 19, 20, 24 Keti or Kårtika Mangalys, festival of lights,
Oeylon ... ... .. ketta, ehopping knife, - Singhalese ... ... 388 kedum, fruit, - Singhaleae ... ... ... 368 Kbadgapatas ... ... ... ... ... 124 Khadija, wife of Muhammad ... 995 and n., 396 khamúrt, in Kohat, deep earthenware cup... 343 Khaiber, ta, .. *
998
*** ** Khalatse Fort ... ... ... ... 361, 362 Khalifa, of the Prophet appointed ... ... 261 Khandarwal, class of Digambara Jains ... 459 Khåndeel, dialect based on Gujarati... 192 Kharappa (or cobra) Nag, section of Batéra. 201 Kharashar, tn. ... ... ... 121, 122 m. Icharka, place where indigo is dried ... ... 279 Kharoshļhi characters on coins kharwan, Bandals ...
*** .. ... 378 khdsd, cassa, cotton cloth .. ... ... 873 Khatri caste ...
... 201 khelnd, - khédna, - shaking of the head,
377 and . Kherdla, vil, and temple, Rajputana ... 484 Khëtarapalae, g. ... ... ... .. . 464 Khoirao, a Någa language ... ... ... 101 Khorta, tn. in Nalina, birthplace of Dur. dharsha Kala ... ...
*** .
... 348 n. Khoeroes ... .. ... ... ... .... 393 Khotan or Khoten, Li-yal ... 349, 385, 421 Khua-Vang, Lushai god ... 412, 413 Khubushka, country .. ..
288 n. Kia-lo, k.... .. ... Kia-ni-che-kia, k. of Kien-t'o-lo ... Kien-to-lo - Gandhara ... Kien-taieu-k'io, king of the Yue-chi. 383, 417,
411
:
...
...
... 426
:
... 389
... 294
:
.. 181
Kiea-tsien-k'io, Kushana k. .. Ki-tid-ye, a sramana ... .. kimbuld, crocodile, - Singhalese Kimnara, Yaksha
...

Page #532

502
...
...
425
Kipurusha, a Yaksha... Kinda, in Arabia King-hien, 420;-receives Buddhist books from the Yue-chi King-lou, 419, 420 and n., 421; and the supposed I-tsun-keu, 424 f.;- introduced Buddhism into China Ki-ni-tch'a, Kanishkapura, tn.... *** 384, 388 kinnaru tenants, Singhalese 337 Ki-pin Kabul... 386, 387, 417, 418, 421 kiribat, a sweetmeat, Singhalese 309, 811 Kirnagata, an architect 125, 126 kissing, in Ceylon Kistna, riv.
-
...
... 339 ...180 .437 385, 386 427
...
kitul, the Caryota urens, Kiu-cha, Kushana Kiu-taio kiu, Yue-chi chief Ki-ye-to= Cheta P 346 n. K'i-ye-to-Tcheu-ye-to, an Arhat... 382, 384, 386 kobo, legendary snake, Singhalese... 436 Koei-choang, principality, 417;–Kuchams... 424 Koenn-mono, son of Nan-teu-mi
419
113, 114, 115, 116
***
435 309, 437
-
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
-Singhalese
...
...
...
...
...
koh, measure koha, cuckoo, Singhalese kokomba, Margosa, Singhalese Kökirja, founder of the Madugonda-Chalukya dynasty 281, 284 kokun, Swietenia febrifugia, - Singhalese... 309 Kôl, language 449, 458 Koladain, riv. 413 Kolanûra Konnar in Dharwar kolapota, areca-blossom Kolattar, ancient village, still known by the same name, in Kölår, Mysore 57, 58 Koldevi in Kölår, Mysore; ancient Kuladipa kollan Cochin gamboge, Singhalese Kollapura, Digambara seat of learning Kondapalli, Condapilly mear Bezwâdâ. 281 and n., 284 185
222 336
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Konkan, 188; language Konnor in Dharwar; ancient Kolanira, 222;extracts from the inscription relating to Amôghavarsha I. and Bankêyarasa Kophên Kopili, riv. and valley, Mikir country Koravishaka, vil. Koreish, tr. Kōresh - Cyrus Koreshite sept
Kosai, ancestor of the Koreish kota, seats, Singhalese Kotla, vil. Kottamangala, ancient village, still known by the same name in Kölår, Mysore
***
...
...
***
INDEX.
462 kottiyd, cheetah, kotwal
392
Singhalese
...
Kouang, king of the Yue-chi koubal, councillor, Lushai Kou-ché
kéva, clay crucible, Singhalese Kozulo Koshana, Kadphizes, on the coins of Hermaeus
...
294
LAI
***
... 224
... 427 kris, creest, crease, Malay dagger 874 Kriéashva-Keresaspa, son of Thraetona... 294 Krishana-Keresani, guardian of the ambrosia Krishna, dancing, on coin, 314; as Girdhar 329-334 and n. Krishna II. (Rashtrakuta); one of the Saundatti inscriptions confuses him with Krishna III., q. v. ... Krishna II. (Rashtrakuta), and his governors LôkAditya and Rajâditya Krishna III. (Rashtrakuta) references to him in records of the Rattas of Saundatti, 215; mentioned in them by the birudas Tuliga, Ganḍamârtanda, Vikramachakravartin, and Kachchega, 217, 219; - one of the Saundatti inscriptions confuses him. with Krishna II, 220; the claim of the Rattas of Saundatti to be connected with him 220, 221 Krishna III. (Rashtrakuta), and his governor Kali-Viṭṭa Krishna-Kandhara, Krishna III, q. v., 217, 219 and n.;- also Krishna-Kandhararaya Krishnaraja, III, q. v. 58 Krovverushaka, vil. Kshantijataka, story of the Jatakamála. 326-328 Kshdutivadih = discourse on forbearance. 327 Kshantivâdin Bodhisattva, legend ... 326-328 Kshatrachádamani, by Vadibhasimha Kshatriya caste
...
226
309 460
Ktesias, Persian names in
222 429 102 ... 284 394 6 261 ... 394 338 377
429
57, 58
...
....
...
...
...
Kubera, Yaksha...
kubrem, an insect
-
...
...
...
218, 219 Krishnarajadeva, Krislina 215, 216, 217, 220 284
...
kadello, leeches, - Singhalese... Kudligi taluks, Bellary, coins found kudnú, he-goat Kufa, c. Kui
...
...
240 237 286 ... 462 117 ...436 317 378 261
451, 454, 458 Kujulakadphises or Kozolakadaphes uses the title Kushana on coins 419, 420 102 117
Kukis, tr....
kukudikan, an insect
=
Kuladipa, Koldevi in Kôlar, Mysore... 57, 58 Kulin Brahmans sent to convert Bengal... 288 m.
...
434 279 422 n. ... 412 ... 421 308
...
...
M
***
220
***

Page #533

INDEX.
508
483
Harbour, Port Cornwallis (1792), 38; description of Prince of Wales's Island, 40 11.;- advantages of Andamang, 42, 43; letters from, 81, 82, 84, 85, 87, 91, 93, 94, 95:- to, 92 ;addition to his allowance
sanctioned ... . .. ... ... 194 Kyd (Colonel), vessel built by him .. .. 194
382
... 437
... 233
222
annel...
...
ence... 19, 20, 24
... 222
TRA
180
...
... 481
280
. ***
***
..
.240 .. 338
Kulisankuća, Vidyådert ... kulla, winnowing fan, - Singhalese ... 338, 437 Kulu Saraj, Bhida Brahmans...
... 201 Kumara, son of Siva, 284 ; Yakeha ...
... 462 Kumara, king of Kimarapa..., ...
383 n. Kumarajiva, translator... ... Kumarapala, Chaulukya k. ... .. .. 236 kumbald, mason-wasp, - Singhalese... ... 436 kumbuk, the Terminalia tomentosa, - Singha
lese ... ... ... .. Kummuka, i, e. Kommagene...
... 288 kumpini = 'company,' on coin
321 Kumråber, vil.... .. .
80 KunAla, son of Asoka ... .. Kundarage seventy district .. Kundaţte, son of Bankèya, q. o.
223 Kundûr five-hundred district ... Kažjarakarņa, a Yaksha - legend .. 111-127 Kuntala...
* ** Kunthu, 17th Jina ..
... 482 kuppa måniya, Acalypha indica, - Singhalese ... .. ..
434 Kuppuswåmi Sastri and Subrahmanya Sastri
edit the Gadyachintamani ... ... kúra, hairpin, - Singhalese ... .. kurakkon gala, queen, - Singhalese ... ... 338 kirapayia, wallet, -- Singhalese
340 n. Kurma avatdra ... .. ..
... 325 Kurran valley, the Turis of ...
... 100 Kurukh, lang. ... ... ...
451, 45
458 kuruminiya, black beetle, - Singbalese 437 Kurushya = Amôghasiddhi ... ... 121 Kuba or Kushana race ... ... ... 848, 356 Kusamavati, tn. ... ... Kushanas, 343, 349, 382, 383, 386, 420;
their rise, 417 and n., 419, 421; -on coins, 419 ; - dynasty, 420, 421, 424; - or Ta
Yue-chi, 427; -Later, 428; -- or Turushka. 429 Koshmandini, a Yakshint ... ... .468 Kushran I., Anosbarvan ... ... 893 n. Kushtaspi, a form of Vishtaspa, lord of Kommagene... ..
. 288 Kusika = Akshobhya ...
• 121 Kusuma, Yaksha .. Kasumagandhavati, wife of Parnavijaya, 118,
119, 122-126 Kosumálam kâra, vihara in Kusumapura ... 346 1. Kusumapura, tn.
... 318, 348, 887 Kusumayudha, I., II., III., and IV. ... 281-284 Kutaita gôtra ... ... ... 282, 286 and n. Kuvera, g. ... ... ... ... 111, 125 Kyaxares ... .. . ... ... ... 289 Kyd (Major), report on the Andamans,
34 f.;- surveys Nancowry harbour, 36; appointed Superintendent of North East
428
Lab&nas, tribe in S.-W. Panjh ... ... 203 Lebdanes, possibly Abdagases, coins of ... 159 La Beaume, his remarks concerning the
Andamans (1790), discoveries due to him,
194; bis memorial ... ... ... ... 195 Lacams Channel... ... ... La Oroze (Mat. V.), correspondence... 19, 20, 24 Ladakh, rock-carvings, 361-366; alphabet 363; stone-implements -
389 . Ladakhi stapas, records of their erection ... 862 Lagides ... ... . * lahad (Arabic) - grave niche .. Lahnda lang. ... *** Lahor ... . .. Lakban Mahajan of Sanwar, tradition of ... 313 Lakbere, Shende tribe ... ... lakshana, attributes ... . .. ... 428 Lakshmt, 8., on coins ... ... 314, 320, Lakshmi-worship, 237; -- and Nariyan...238, 239 Lalita-mudra, attitude ... ... . .. 463 LAlunge, tribe in Kbasi and Jaintis bills ... 102 Lamas, isodes of burial, 231; --and alphabets. 363 Lan-cheu, cap. of the Yue-chi, 418 and n.;
Pushkalavati ... ... ... ... 422, 423 lischhana or chihno, cognizance ... 481-463 Landock, diamonds from ... ... ... 33 läng, river, Mikir ... ...
... 202 Langk her valley, Mikir spoken in ... ... 102 längpong, bamboo joint, used to hola water ... ... ...
209, 212 langso, Mikir, - a small stream
..
102 languages of India ... ... . .. 245 Lasikha, return of Rama from... ... ... 237 Lao-tzeu, journey into India ... ... 425, 426 Latbêri, Sayyid vil. in Panjab... ... ... 100 Lattalar, an ancient town referred to in
Råshtrakata and Ratta records ; mentioned
in the Kalas@pur inscription of Govinda IV. 221 Lattanara, = Lattalar, q. o. ... ... .. Lawrence (Lieut.), senior officer of the Snow
Cornwallis' . ... ... ... Lebedeft's adventures, 22; Grammar... Leeboard Schooner ... ... . Leh, boulder mortar ... ... ... Lepchas, use the headless alphabet ... ... 368
... 461
... 891
be headless alphabet

Page #534

504
Leucius Charinus supposed author of the Apocryphal Acts
2,147
Lévi (M. Sylvain), his interpretation of piyadasi Lhamas, for Lamas
...
Ehassa, visited by Abbé Huc, 146;- burial grove, treatment of the dead, 234;- - judicial procedure...
... 235 ...236 237, 238
***
Liang dynasty, its founder
Libra, zodiacal sign, and the Divált... Lichchhavis, their Tibetan affinities, similarities in customs, &c., 233; disposing of the dead, 254; judicial procedure Liebich's Chandravyakarana. life-index,
buildings tiggala, hearth-stone, Singhalese limala acutifida, small palm lingam, fire, Saiva Temple
linguistic survey...
lion-capital from Mathura
...
-
...
...
...
... 235 379, 880 ...416 ... 435 ... 204 313, 316, 319, 320, 321 449 383 n. 426
...
...
...
liou-li, glass
Li-yul or Khotan, 349; -was called Chan
dana
**A
...
... 384
Lobhachalaka, a Madugonda-Chalukya k. 281, 282 Lukaditya (Mukula or Chellakêtana family), also called Lokayya and Lôkate; a governor under Krishna II.
Lokapalas, g.
***
Lokate Lokaditya, q. v.
...
Lôkayya, Lôkâditya, q. v. Lokéávara... lókuruvó, copper vessel, Singhalese... long-Mikir -stone
...
266, 267 **230
200
ww
... 224 464 ... 224 and n. ... 224 ... 111 336 102 432
...
2
luck, among Singhalese Ludeken (Thos.), his versions of the Lord's Prayer... 18, 19 343, 416
...
Ludhiana, Nagra Jats..
lung-tho, stone-pot
390
lunja, a wretch
... 117 ... 337 428
lúnubadda, garlic, -Singhalese Lunus, g., on a coin Lushais at home, 410-415;-marriage, funeral rights, 410; - no knowledge of medicine, 411; ideas of the Creator, art of war, 412; sacrifice captives, language, 413; oath of friendship, 414; drunkenness luvvu, vil.
Lydia, annexed by Cyrus the Great
...
"
INDEX.
...
...
200
Macau
...
machine,Lushai MacDonald (Maj.), Supdt., Prince of Wales Island ...
... 234 ... 283 180, 192 * 411
... 286 ... 124 ... 337 ...424 379, 380
Mahábháshya, by Kielhora
004
Maha Brahman ... Mahadi, the Muslim Messiah Mahakali, Vidyadevi
... 309 ... 262
Mahakall, or Ajita, Yakshini..... Maha-Kasyapa, patriarch
... 462
... 463 *** 462 ... 382 Mahakața pillar inscription of Mangalia; examination of the date recorded in it... 213 Mahâmânast, Yakshini... Mahamânasika, Vidyâdévi Mahameru, holy mt. Mah&padma Mahdparinirvana Sátra Mahardjakanikalekha, letter to king Kanike, 345 ff.; a translation 350-ff. maharaja-lila, attitude... ... 428 Maharajasana, attitude... 428 Maharashtra, corresponds to the country between the Vindhyas and the Kistna... 180, 182 MALArashtri and Marathi, 180 ff; list of Prakrits, 181; Ardhamâgadhi, 182; agreement of Marathi with inner languages, 187; 415. with eastern languages of the outer circle, 284 188; parts of speech 189 f. 289 Maharashtra, women worship Raja Bali 237 Mahaseya Dagoba, Ceylon, shrine of Buddha's hair
...
***
342
...
...
Mahasth& ira School 228 Mahdvarhea, Singhalese chronicle. 228, 365, 366 Mahavira, his synchronism and death. 230, 231 461 Mahayaksha
...
000
ww
Macleod (E. O. Lieut.), account and photos of burial-caves 842, 343 MacPherson's Straite ...195 mada (dv. madha), beatific inebriation, 296 and n. Mad&vi river, the Mindhola, Mindhol, Mindhála or Midagri, in Gujarat
madige badda, carriage department, -Singhalese ... 336 madinnó, palm-tree,- Singhalese 336 Madras, how the English got possession of... 99 Madugonda-Chalukya of Mudugondu, family claiming kinship with the Chalukyas. 281, 284 Madura, coin Magadha co, 181, 182, 184-186, 228, 231, 266 and n.;-kings, 229, 230, 232, 283; the dead exposed Magadha Samgha, religious assembly Magadht, lang....
315
Maghs, Chittagong Hill tribe... Magians, Median sept magiligis (P) mahabadda, cinnamon, SinghaleseMaha-Bharata...
...
469 410
92
-
***
www
800
...
...
...
...
...
...
ww
***
...
***
51
...463 111-113, 127. 120
235
...

Page #535

INDEX.
505
... 342 ... 26 ... 416
... 335
121
Mah&yana School ... ... ... 345, 347 Mandškini, Mudavi, the Mindhála or MinMahendra, Mahindra, brother of Asoka and I dhóla river in Gujarat
.. ... 51 arhat ... . ..
- 232, 364, 365 Mandalay, old shrine ... ... ... ... 416 makisvarasa, on coins of Hemakadphisēs ..420 n. Mandasör, Dusôr, in M&lwa; ancient DasaMahiyangana dågoba, at Bintenna, Ceylon,
pura ... ..
*** .. 49 containing relic of Buddha ... ...
Mangala Sútra ... ... ... ... ... 841 Mahmuddy coin ... ... .. ..
Mangalesa (W. Chalukya); examination of Mahomet Ali, Khedive ... ... ...
the date recorded in his Mabakața pillar Mabre temple
344 inscription, 213; -- remarks on some points
. .. MailApa, Mail&patirtha, founder of a Jain
in his history ...
214 n. sect ... ...
.. .. 213, 219 Mångat, vil. in Gujarat, Panjab Maisar, coins, 318; - Digambara Jainas Mangrove Island ... ...
... 198 numerous in ... ... ... ... 459, 460
M&nhas, their tabus ... ...
344 Maitri = Amitabha ... ... ...
Manikyâla inscription ... ... Maitríbalajátaka, in Ajanta inscription ... Miinipur state, succession .... Maitribala-raja ... ..
Mannd, knife, - Singhalese ... Majjhima - Madhyama-his relics...
Manövegå or Manôgupti, Yakshiņi Majjhima-Nikaya ... ... ... ... 850
Mansukk, abrogated . Majuj ... ... ... ... ... 259 Manu, g. ... ... Makedonian dynasty of Baktria ... 427, 430 Manus - Chitra Manu ..
294 Makhzum family, in the time of Mubam- Mao, g, on coins...
428 mad ... .. ..
... 394 n. mapilá, the Dipsas forstenii ...
436 makund, spider,.- Singhalese ... .. ...486
Mara, the fiend ... ...
... 415 mala, representatives ...
... 394
Maratha co. ... ... . 180, 181, 189, 190 Malakata country
Marathi, 180 11.;- agreement with inner langMalani in Rajputâna ...
... .. 484
cages, 187; - with eastern languages of MAlava, co. . .. .. ..
the outer circle, 188 ff.; parts of speech,
.. 348 Malayalam 454, 457, 458 189 ff.; - pronunciation
"* .. ... 456 Malayun' vocabulary in Ogil
Marco Polo, quoted ... Malayars, tribe ... ... ... ... ... 370 Mardi, a Hyrcanian people ... ... ... 145 Malays ... ... ... ... ... ... 448 Margiana ... .. .. ... ... Malbadurdja, a Madugonda-Chalukya king,
Margians, a Hyrcanian people... ... 145 and n. 201, 202,
281, 282, 284 and n. Marine Board - letters ... ... 86, 90 Maldive Lalanda ... ... ... ... 372, 373
mar-lug, stone butter dish - Ladakh ... 390 Maler Kotla, Panjab state ... ... ... 448
Martyn (H.), translation of the N. Teste Maligava temple, Kandy ... ... 310, 311 ment
.. .. 25 MAlts of Indôr and the Divalt ... ... ... 238 Maruta, g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 299 Mallabars ... ... ... ... 239, 369, 465
Mary in the Qordn ... ... ... 259 and.n. Malli, 19th Jina ... ... ... ... 462, 464 Maslama, prophet of Yemama... ... 397, 398 malpinkama, form of supplication, -Singha
massoola, boat .. .
... .. 868 lese ... - ***
mat (P order) ***
... *** ***
. ***
.. 340 Malto lang. ...
... ... 451 Matatnga, Yaksha ...
... ... 461, 469 Mamchikonda, vishaya mentioned in Kusuma Mathara, minister of Kanishka
... ... 382 yudha's grant ... ...
mathas, Jains seats ... ... ... ... 460 Md-ming-phu-ed-chroan, Chinese biography
Mathurs, 181, 185; -- monastery, 366; - of Asvaghosha... ..
Lion-capital from, 383 n.;.- Kankali Tila Ma-ming phu-sa, Asvaghôsha Bodhisatve, inscriptions ... ... ... ... ... 384
987 998 Matichitra, form of Matricheta ... ... 345 Man, dist. ... ...
288 | Mantuan-lin, writer, 417; his geography ... 420 ** *** Manal, g. ...
*** ... ... ..
895 n. Måtpichêta-Alvaghosha ... ... 383 n. Manashar (L. Managara), wife of Vizan ... 5, 6, 7 Mátrichita, Matichita, forma of M&tricheta, Manasi, Yakshin, 462, Vidyadovi ... ... 463
1 345, 346; - and the Mahardjakanikalokha, Manat, Arab idol... ...
... 130 n.
815 ff.; verass in honour of Buddha ... 885 MAnari, Yakshini, 462; Vidyadést ...
... 469 matay-fish-avatdr,'on coin ... ... 820 Manary gotra... -
Mauns or Mon, his coins
...
18
**
.
.. 280
...
.
.

Page #536

506
INDEX.
411
429
Maudgalyf-putra, disciple of Buddha ... 365 minahama, bellows, - Singhalese ... ... 308 Maues ... ... .
Mindbala, Mindhola, Mindhold or Midagri . Mauryn dynasty, date of founder, 227, 281;
river in Gujarat; ancient names Mandakind bear the title of Chandragupta, 233; - and Mndå vi ... ... ... ... ... 51
king ... ... ... ... ... ... 265 | Mindon, king of Burma . Mauza Chipia, in Dadri, tabu of its people ... 343 Minerva Bay ... - *
Mazda = Auramazda ... ... 286, 289, 416 Wing-ti, Chinese emperor • Mazdai - Meadeus, Meodeos - king, 4-8, Miri Bal, the Rajput poetess, legend and 147, 155-157 ; identification with
hymns, 329 ff.; - image at Udaipur ... 335 Vasudeva ... ... ... ... 158, 159 mirasin ... ... ... ... ... ... 279 Mazdayasna Creed ... ... ... ... 286 miris gala, curry-stone, - Singhalese ... 338 masdeen, on coins of Kanishka ... ... 429 Miérakastotra ... ... ... ... 346, 349 Mecon, 255, 258, 260, 261; -commercial Mi-tbi-Kbua, a heaven for women - Lushai. 412
centre ... ... 892. 893 and n., 394, 896, 399 Mitbra, a Yazata, g.-Iranian .. ... 292 Medes, and St. Thomas, 1, 145, 146, 148; - mitiwana gala, smooth stone, - Singhacalled Arioi ... ... ... ... ... 286 lese ... .. *
... .. 308 Media, 285, 286 ; incursions of the Assyrian Mitra, g. ... ... ... ... 292, 293, 295, 299 kings ... ... ... ... . 288, 289 miyyd, mouse, - Singhalese ...
... 434 medicine, unknown among the Lusbais ... Moa or Mauar, his coins Medina, adras, 129; modifications of, 181, 132; Moawiya, prince of Syria ... ... ... 261
city ... ... ... 255, 258, 259, 261, 393 Mögali, futher of Tiasa ... ... ... ... 232 Medo-Persians, rule in Western Asia ... 285 Mogaliputra, received by Asoks
... 233 Medows (Mr.), first officer of the Nautilus Mogulucharuvulu, village granted by KusuBrig,' his death
mayudha IV. ... ...
282-284 Megasthenes .
Moggali of Satchi casket ... ... 365, 366 Meiro, g. ... ...
428 Mohbarek bad ... ... ... .. 239, 240 mela, mate, - Singhalese 338 moth, price paid for amulets ..
... 279 Menander, converted to Buddhism 430 molgaha, pestle, -Singhalese ...
... 338 Mêráta, tn., Rajputana
329 Molien-Puis, Sbenda tribe ... ... .. 413 Meru, Himalaya mts....
.. 237
moneri, peacocks, - Singhalese Mêru, Mt. ...
Monopbysites sect ... ... ...
393 n. moru, winged termites,-Singhalese ...
Monotheistic sect in Arabia... ... 397, 398 messa, trestle, - Singhalese ... ... ... 338 Montgomery, dist. Panjáb, caste sections Messiah, Jewish ... ... ... ... ... 262
... ... .. ... 201, 202 Metchlepatam, Metchlipatam = Machlipatam, months, as tabus .. . . ... 344 origin of the name, 26, 30, 289; calico, Moore, Capt. of the Phoenix' ...
368, 367, 368, 369, 467, 470 Mordaunt (Will.), acting owner of the "Snow motialla, spatula, - Singhaleso ... .. 308 Peggy "... ... ... ... ... ... 137 Méwår, dist. ... ... ... ... 329, 334 Morenom (Capt.), sent to survey Indian har Midagri or Mindhála river in Gujarat; ancient bours ... ... ... ... ... ... 35
Damer Mandåkini and MadAvi ... ... 51 Moslem theocracy, its future ... ... 267 f. midi, the Vitis vinifera, - Singhalese 437 Mo-tchouo, Mo-oh 'w-lo,-MAthara .... 387, 388 midula, quadrangle, -Singhalese ... ... 897 Moti-Phalod, in Baroda; ancient Pha Migdonia or Migdomia, wife of Carisius . 155 lahavadra . ... ... .. .. 59 mig-mang, a Ladakh game .. .. ... 889 Moura ... .. ... . .. 287 . Mikir lang., 101 A.; - affinity to Naga Maad ibn Jebel's compilation of the Qords.. 135
groups, list of writers, habitat, grammar, Mudiyanür, in Kõlar, Mysore; its name 102; - root words often monosyllabic, in- Sanskritised as Chodagrâma, 58; - the flection, parts of speech, 108 ff.; - separate spurious plates purporting to have been form for the passive, 109; - compound issued in A. D. 338; identification of the verbe common, 110; - specimena, 205 ff.;
places mentioned in them ... .. .. 57 Assamese words in ... ... ... ... 212 Mudugonduru, t. residence of Kökirkja ... 284 Milindapanho, questions of Menander ... 430 mugatiyd, mungoose, - Singhalese ... ..484 Mill's Dissertationes Selecte ... ... 20, 24 | Muhammad, in the Qordn, 127 ff., 255 ft. ;
20, 24 Mubammad, in the doran, 127 Mins, hamlet of Mecca... ... ... ... 394 his own scribe, 128 and n., 129; emendation
... 435
.

Page #537

INDEX.
507
121
... 34 ... 745
Nairy
of the Qordn, 130 ; - uses the New Testament, 255 tf.:-his religious system eclectic, 257; influenced by Jewish and Christian ideas, 258 ff. ; centralized all power, spiritual and secular, in his own hands, 260;his life, 891 ff. ;-birthplace, childhood, 394 ; - first marriage, 395; early visions, 396; - claim to divine inspiration - doc
trine of a Judgment day ... ... ... 398 Muhammad Abul Abbas Abbaside, becomes Khalifa ... ..
261 mukta, blessed ... ... .. Muktas ... ... ... ... Mukula or Chellaketana family, notes on,
221; - the real family name was Mukula, 226; -members of the family had the
javelin-banner ... ... ... ... 226, 227 Moladara, a rich man ... ... ... 125, 126 Mulbâgal, Mulbê gil in Kölâr, Mysore ; its name Sanskritised as Kantakad våra
.. 58 Multan, caste sections ... ... ... 201, 202 Multani, lang. specimens from the glos
sary ... ... ... ... ... 279, 280 Muļubagalu; see Mulbågal ... ... ... 58 innamal, the Mimusops elengi, – Singha
lese .. ... ... Muni, Jaina order ...
464 Munisuvrata, 20th Jina ... ... . 463, 464 Munnashâka, vil. ... muradeva ... ... ...
298 n. Murray Col.), letter from, 82; -Murray (Sir John) ... ... ... ...
... 195 murshids, spiritual teachers ...
... 279 muske, from Cochin-China Mutasiva, k,, Ceylon ...
... ... 232 mutk, rice-flour ... .. muva, deer — Singhalese
*** .. ... 435 Mazdalaifa, hamlet of Mecca --- ... ... 994 muzlinge callicoes ... 368, 367, 370, 373, 374 Mygdonia, Migdonia, Nisibis, wife of Kä
rish ... ... ... ... ... 5, 6, 7, 8 Mylapore, Mayilappar, scene of the martyr
dom of St. Thomas, 1; -- or San Thomé,
his tomb at ... ... ... ... 149-151 Vysore, classification of Jainas . . ... 459
437 na
Näga, languages ... ... ... ... ... 101 ndgadarana, Martynia diandra, - Singbalese. 436 nuga mánikkaya, wishing gem in the cobra's
throat, - Singhalese ... ... ... ... 436 Nagara, tn. ... ... ... ... 883 n. NAgaraja Alina, expelled from Kashmir... 382, 386 Nagari alphabet in Kircher's work, 17, 18; - inscriptions on coins, 314-316, 318,
320, 321, 324 Nagarjuna's Suhrillekha ...348 and ni, 383 n. Någarkotia Brahmans ... ... ... ... 210 Ngase na ... ... ...... .
... 430 Nagod in Baroda ; ancient Niguda ... Nag . po = Kåla or Krishna ...
316 n. Någpurt ... ...
... 191 Nagra, the Jâts of ... NAgrais (cape) ... ... NAban, capital of Sirmor Nahapana, accession ... Nai, barber castes ... " Naipalt ... ... ... Nairyosangha = Narashansa...
... 295 Najran, Christian colony ...
... 393 Nakat Wisa ... ...
228 n. Nakhus, or Horse-flesh Street, in Haidar&bad. 99 Nala ... ... ... ... ... ... 456 Nalanda, visited by Durdbarsha-Kala, 346 n. ;- .
threatened by invasion . .. 383 n. Nalina, co. ... ... ...
846 n. Namıkarana, Jaina ceremony... ...
... 460 Namcbag valley carvings ..
... 361 Nami or Nimi, 21st Jina ...
... 463 Nana, g., on coins Nancowry harbour, in the Nicobars ... *Nancy Grab' ship .. Nanda, k., 79, 227, 229, 230; -dynasty,
231 and n., 232 Nandagöpa ...
... ... 240 Nandi, on coins, 315, 319, 323; with Siva ... 120 Nandiuraka, or more probably Nandisaraka;
anoient village in Gujarat ... ... 49, 50, 51 Nandisaraka; this name is more probable
than Nandiaraka, q. v. .. nandyávarta diagram .. ... ... Nango, k... ... ... ... ... . 426 Nanna, Nannapayyarána, was possibly a pro
tégé or even a son of Krishna II. ... ... 221 Nan-teu-mi, k. of the Ou-suenn ... 4199 Nan-t'ien-chu-Southern India ... ... 386 Naradatta, Vidyadevi and Yakshini of the
Jainas ... ... ... ... ... .. 4623 Narashansa - Nairyosangba, g. - Iranian... 295 Narasimha, figure on coins, 314, 317 - avatar on coins ...
*** "* " ... 321 Narayana, g., Vishnu .. .. ... 238, 284
... 371
... 428 ... 3.5
*
92
.. 237
Nanda
... 462
nd, iron-wood tree, - Singhalese - 340, 437 Nabatean monarchy ... ** **
392 nabi, Propheti.. ...
258 Nabunaid, last king of Babel ... ... 289 Nég, sub-tribe of the Kamars, 141; - section
of Nagarkotia Brahmans in Kangna ... 201

Page #538

508
INDEX
203
... 460
386
... 284
Narba: river; the territory round the lower Nijjiyaraja, a Madugonda-Chalukya king, part of it mentioned as Antar-Narmada
281, 282, 284 vislayit... ... ...
... ... 56
Ni-kien (Nirgrantha) stapa ... ... ... 385 narianga, jackal's horn, - Singhalese ... 434 Ni-kien-to, - Niryranthaputra ... 334, 386 Narkåsur, giant of filth... ... ... 237, 238 nflakúrayo, tenants-at-will, - Singhalese ... 336 Narkia - Lat. Marchia – nurse of Mys- nila wasama, ploughing, - Singhalese ... 336 donia ... ... ... .
... 5,7
Nilt near Ranipar, birthplace of Asoka, edict Narsapore, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 366 pillar at... ... . .. ... ... 79 NaralA, section of the Aroras ... ... ... 312 nim tree ... ... Nasik cave inscriptions... ...
... 180 nimbus on coins of the Indo-Skythian kings, Nassa, ancient name of Mecca... ... 393.n. 427 tf.;-unknown in ancient Indian art... 432 Nassikh, abrogator ... ... ... ... 132 Nimi or Nami, 21st Jina ... .. ... 463 wasndran mul, citron root - Singbalese ... 309 nindagam, - Singhalese ... ... ... 337 Natha, déwála festival, 309. g.... ... .... 310 nirátman, hearing ... ... 115, 116, 120 Nauratanpur, discovery of Buddhist temple Nirgrantha-putra, Mahavira ... ... 38386
at ... ... ... ... ... 76, 77, 80 nirgun, a worshipper of God ... .. .. 280 Nautilus,' the Brig ... ... ... 83, 84, 87 nirvana... ... 227, 228 and n., 230, 232, 429 navagraha, nine planets ... ... ... 464 Nirvåni, Yakshini ...
... .. 462 nava guna gathi, nine qualities, - Singha- nirvastra, Jaida, nude ... ... ... ... 460
lese ... .. ... .. ... ... 340 Nisaea, in Bakhdhi .... ... ... 287 and n. navaguna vela, rosary, - Singhalese... ... 340 Nisan, April ... ... navandanna tenants, - Singhalese ...' ... 336 nish kramana ceremony... .. Navarathri or Dusserah, distribution of Pu- Nisibis, name for Mygdonia ... ... .. 6 dukottah coins... o.
.. . 313
Ni-to-kia - Nirdagha... .. Navaratna Walli, patroness of the Bodiya Nityalóka ... ... ...
240 caste ... ... ... ... ... ... 437 Nityavarsbaa= Indra III., 9. v. ... ... 224 Nåvulametta, vil. ..
Nizamut Adewlut, conviets from, sent to the Nåyakas of Madura, coine of their time ... 315 Andamans ... nayi, cobra, - Singhalese ... ... ... 436nmasi (Pashto) ... ... ... ... ... 280 Negapatam, tn.... ...
... 370
Noah ... ... ... ... 256, 257, 250 n. Negrais (cape) ... ... ...
... 36 Nomos? ... ... . ... ... . 396 Nejd, dist. ... ...
.. 392
nonagaté, unlucky time between.old and new nelli, a fruit, Phylanthus emblica, - Singha- year,- Singhalese ... ... ... - 308 lese ... ..
* .. ... ... 309 Norcondum Island ... ...
... 138 nelum dandu, lotus stalk,- Singhalese . 309 North East Harbour - Port Cornwallis Nêmi, 22nd Jina... ... ... ... 463, 464 Andamans ... ... ... ... 36, 40 Neogal Kund. ... ... ... ... ... 377 Now Cowrie, Danish Settlement ...
... 91 Nêôgal Nadi, riv.
... 376 Nubra, vil. in Ladakh ... ... ... ... 390 Nepal, Sanskrit MSS., 379 - Asöka inscrip- nuga, banyan tree, - Singhalese ... ... 309
tion ... ... ... ... ... ... 424 numerals, Hindi; early publication of ... 20:21 Nestor or Bahira, a monk said to have met Muhammad in Basra ... ... ..
... 259 Nestorians, of India, 150; -of Arabia,
S03 and n. OAAO, god of wind, on coins ... ... ... 428 Netam, Kamar sub-tribe ... ... ... 144 | Obay ibn Kab, compilation of the Cordn New Testament used by Muhammad ... 253 ff. by ... ... ... ... ... 135, 136 New Year, among the Singhalese ... ... 308 Odayadeva Vadibbasimha ... Ngan-si (Pahlava) ... ... ... .... 388 Ogilby's Asia ... ...
18, 24 ni, dni, handouffs ... ... 210, 212 og-stun, Ladakh boulder-mortar
... 391 Nicephorus, mentions Acts of St. Thomas ... 2 Ogün, Slav.god of fire ... ..
... 295 Nicobar Islands ... ... ... ... 35, 36 Old Woman, old Man and Jackals, - Mikir Nidagundage twelve, a group of villages in 1 story .. ...
208 fr. Dharwar ...
... 223 Oli tenants, 337; - caste night jar, bird ... ..
... 275 Olive tree Niguda, = Nagod in Baroda ... ... ... 52.Oman, tn... ... ... ...
... 392
... 194
-
240
... 434 ... 256

Page #539

INDEX
509
261
261
464
286
459
... 284
Omar becomes Khalifa, assumes the title panichampita ... ... ... ... 459, 461 Prince of the faithful'
Pafchaáringa, father of Aryadeva ... 346 n. Omar II. ... ..
Panchatértha, a sacred plate ... ... ... 464 Omayyads ...
Pandran, vil, near Kalßt, with burial cave ... 342 Omkara, symbol...
Pandyan coins ... ... ... ... 318, 323 Omphalos...
491 pangukdrayo, hereditary tenants,-SinghaOppert, Dr. ...
... ... . ... .. 336 Origen, refers to St. Thomas
0,15 pant-wåtrd, pimples ... ... ... ... 203 Orissa caves ...
428 | Panjab, coins found in, 1 ;-totemiam, Orixa, Orissa ...
466 201 f. ;-tabus in, 343 f.; - Digambara Orisas, Uriyas ...
373 Jainas numerous . .. . Oriya ... ... ...
Panjabi lang. ... ... . .. 186, 187 Ormazd, the planet Jupiter ... ... ... 298 Pankhoe, offshoot of the Shendus ... ... 413 Orthagnes, coins referring to ... ... ... 152 Pan-kou, historiographer ..
... 421 Osaites, tribe of the Caucasus... .
pannayan - Singhalese... ...
... 887 Otailu (P), vil. ... ... ... ..
pantala, monastery, - Singhalese ... ... 341 Othman, Khalifa, author of the end redac- pansil, the five Vows - Singhalese ... 340 and n.
tion of the Qorin ... ... 133, 135, 135, 261 Pantaleón, predecessor of Agathekles ... 480 Ou-suenn country invaded by the Yue-chi ... 419 Pan-tchao, conqueror - 421, 422 and n. Ou-ti, emperor of the first Hun dynasty. 419, 420 panth .. ... ..
.. .. 280 Ouzanes, Gushana
&
-..
.. . ... ... 159 panuvä, worms, - Singhalese ... ... ... 436 Ozus, riv. ... ... ... ... 285, 417, 423 Papôr, in Tahsil Bhiwani
... .. 343 Paramittsamdsa... .. . ... 946 n. pardtman, voice ... .. ... 115, 116, 120 pareyyo, pigeons, - Singhalese ... ... 435
paribhasha-sútras, or rulers of interpretation, 379 pada, flat-bottomed boat, - Singhalese - 899 parinirvana, death .. ..227, 228, 230, 232 padmd .. .. ... ... ... 239 Parisistha-parnan ...
232 Padmamukha, companion of prince Jiva ... 240 Parjars, Pariyars, of no caste
388 Padmaprabha, 6th Jina
464 Paropamisos, mts. - Hinda Kuh ... 427 padmdaana, attitude ... ...
428 Partyar, Pariyar, of no caste ... ... Padmavati, Yakshiņi ... ..
Paršuaš, clan, may be Parthavas or Parthians, 288 padua tenants, - Singhalese...
Påráva, Parávanátha, 23rd Jina ... 464 Padyamulu, by Vemana
Parávayaksha or Dharamêndra, Yaksha 462 Pahari, tribe ...
Part&b Chand, Raja .. Pahlava ...
Pårtava () on coin ...
... 819 Pahlavas ...
Parthia, allotted te St. Thomas
... 10 Paiádchi dialect... ...
180 Parthians, preached to by St. Thomas, 1, 145, Paithan, c. .. 199
146, 148 pajd tree ... ... 343 Parvatasangheta, mts. of iron ...
115 Pakundaka, k. of Ceylon
... 231
Pashtu, spoken in Afghanistan ... ... 290 Palampur, shrine of Birag Lok ... 378 Pasupata or Brübman... .. *
. ... 327 PAli **
PAtåla, Yaksha ... ... ... palita, a charm... .
279 Påtalipatra = Patna, 77, 79, 227; - Buddhist Pallas ***
430 counoil at, 231, 232, 364; invadod by the Palmiras Peint ...
137 Yue-chi ... ... . 382, 387, 123 palu, the Mimusops hexandra,-Singhalese... 497 Patasijala= Vairóchana ... ... ... 121 Palomrushaka, vil.
Patañjalicharita ... ... ...
... 240 paluta, curae .. . . . .. 279 pater trees ... ... ... ... ... 812 palwal, countersigns ...
... 100
Pathans, 203, 204; - Shnära Gudi Khel, of Pamire, dist. 418; -states revolt
... 421
| Kohất ... ... ... ... ... ... 33 Patchalinga temple, of 8. India
... 318 pathavinda, root pathav, to despatch, Divali pañchamahdlabda mentioned in connection symbol ... ... ... ... ... ... 239
with a temple ... ... ... ... 219 Pathien, creator, - Lusbai ... ... ... 412 panchamathasthana of Chisichuņike ... ... 219 Patirannehe, village officer in Ceylon ... 836
372
469
... 377
186
... 284

Page #540

510
INDEX
.840 .876
280
"
... 204
Patischaria, Patusharra, old Persian Patishu- Piel, river between the two abodes of the vari, a place
...288 dead, -Lushai ... ..
..
... 112 Patkoi bills ... ...
... 402 Piel Ral, heaven of the Lasbais ... ... 312 Patna, excavations at ...
76 ff. Pien-i-tien, its geography .. ... .. 420 putraya, alma bowl, Singbalese ... .. 340 pillai, old counsellor, - Lushai .. ... 410 Patricide dynasty ... ... .. ... 232 pimbura, python, - Singhalese ...
... 436 pattayo, centipedes, - Singhalese . ... 37 pinang tree ... ... ... 113, 114, 116 Pattini, Ceylon festival, 310: g ... ... 437 | pindenaca, an offering - Singhalese... Paulinus of Nola (St.), refers to St. Thomas. 9, pindl, flat stone idol .. ... ...
13, 15 pintaliya, ladle, - Singhalese ... ... 836 jaune or areca ... ... ... ...
27, 31 Pi-po-cha-lun - Vibháshaddstra ... ... 388 Paramana, form of Soma worship ... ... 291 pirit. Buddha's discourses, Singhalene ... 311 Parconipitthakuin, code of Vaisali
... 235 | pirit wila, sacred cord, - Singhalese peacock on coins . ..
315, 316 Pir Jabánián, shrine in Muzaffargarh Peggy,' the brig .
**
93,95 Pir Katal, in Dera Ghazi Khan, a shrine ... 280 Penang, or l'rince of Wales Island ... 137, pilris, ancestors ... ... ... ... ... 338
193, 19+ Patricheta, not the same as Matricheta ... 345 Penang lawyer, a walking-stiek
Pitt Island
... 198 penela, soapberry plant, Singlalese ... 437 Piyadasi, its meaning ... ... ... 265-267 jaenere, sieve, - Singhalese ... ... ... 338 piyadassano (l'ali) equivalent to priyadariana. 267 Penukonda, in Anantapur dist., Digambara
Plato ... ** ***
. ..490, 431 . .. 160
Plutarch ... Porubera Mangalaya, festival at Kandy...399, 310 Pois or Shendus, tribe ... ... ... ... 413 Perak - Native State ... ... ... ... 448 pokhr, omen ... ...
... 279 Perseverance Point ... ... ... ... 198 Polakési of the Kusumayudha inscripPersia, 285, 286, 288, 468 - palace not ticed tion ...
281, 284 after a ruler's death ...
. .. 416 polangu, Ceylon vipers... ....
.. .. 436 Persians, preached to buy St. Thomas. 1, 145, Po-la-p'o - Pahlavas . ..
... ... 423 146, 148 polavul, village fair, - Singhalese ... Peter, Acts of, 2; -2nd Epistle of, similarity of polkichcha, magpie robin, - Singhalese parts of the Qorun to it ... 255, 257, 259 polyandry in Ceylon ...
.. ... 338 pétettiya, water clock, --Singhalese ... ... 2338 pone = 80 cowries ... .... ... ... 34 Pe-T'ien tchn - Northern India ... ... 386 porawa, hatchet, - Singhalese
... 338 Petra .. . .. .. .. ... 592 porora, axe, - Singhalese
308 Pettipolee, tn. ... ... ... ... 366, 467 Porto Novo, tn... piya, twenty-four hours, -- Singhalese ... 338 Poseidon on coins Pha.khol, Tibetan for Pitsicheta ... ... 345 Po ta, district ... ... Phalahavaitra, Moti Phalod in Baroda ... 52, 53 Pou-lo, k. ... Phalgun, or Hôli festival ... ... ... 237 Pourushaspa, king, father of Zarathustra ... 416 Pbalod (Moti), in Baroda; ancient Phalaba- Pon-sa-chen-kie-king - Bodhisattva-charya vadra ..
53 nirdesa ...
.. . ... ... .. 423 phang-lo, stone spindle-whorl ...
póya days, in Ceylon ... ... ... Pharaohs... 131 prabhamandala, aureole
428, 431 Philopator
431 Prabhas and the horse, legend ... Philoxenos
Prahlad ... ... ... .. ... 333, 334 phirka (P sect) ... ...
Prajdpatya, Jaina ceremony ... ... Phoenix,' the bark ...
Prajtiapti, Yakshiņi, 461;- Vidyadevi ... 463 Photius, ascribed the Apocryphal Acts to Prakrit forms of Sanskrit personal Lencius Charinus
names ... ... ... ...
219 n. Phraote ... ..
... 289 Prakpit languages ... ... 180, 181, 186-189 Phru. Tio stúpa... ... ... ... ... 349 Prasenajit, king of Kosala ... ... ... 233 phul, flower, &c. ...
... 279
Prathaminuyóga, Digambara Veda ... ... 459 plulel, scented oil ...
Pratisththêna, old capital of Maharashtra ... 180 Phyrmand, phirmane = firmaun ... 166 prayaschittas, penalties for breaches of the pichchha, Jainn feather broom .. .. 460 Smriti ... ..
... 485
...
26
390
... 840
*.
99
431
280
460
36
2
Prakpit languages Kosala
...
...
..
280

Page #541

INDEX.
511
.. 279
prayer in the sacrifice of the Aryans ... ... 296 Qordehf tribe sell amuleta ... Preporis islands ...
*** .. ... .. . 38 Queda, c. ... * ** ***
27, 30, 370, 465 Prêtabhavana, a field ... ... ... 113, 123 Prince, the Cucumber and the Rakshashi,
legend ... ... ... .. Prince of Wales Island, 34, 35; - Kyd's rá, toddy, - Singhalese
... .. 339 report on, description of harbour, climate rabana, musical instrument, - Singhalese ... 308 and products, 40, 41; - advantages as . Rachhohhavam, & misreading of Rdivat, port of refitment for the fleet, defects, 41 ft.; 9.0. ... ... ...
... 55, 56 n. - Qunvieta removed to ... .. .. 90 radd tenante, - Singhalese
ta, Singhalese
.. ... 337 Prithvirama, Mahamanta ; & protégé of Ragha, o. in Persia ...
.. 288 Krishna III., 9.0., 215, 216, 220; he was rahma, period of grace... . 255, 256, 257 of the Baisa family
... ... ... 220 RAidham, a misreading of Raivam, q.. .. 55 Priyadarsi, 232, 233; or priyadarfir... 266, 267 raids, among the Lushais ... .. 412, 413 processions in Ceylon .... ..
... 811 Raipur district, the Kamars in ... ... 144 Prodigal Son, in Mikir .. ...
203 f. Raivau, = Rayamal, Rêyamal, RayAmal, in Ptolewy II., Philadelphos, his coins ... ... 431 B aroda ... ... .. ... ... 55, 56 Ptolemy V. ...
... 431 | Raja Bali, worshipped at the Divali... 237, 238 Puducheri, i, o, Pondicherry... 322, 370 Raja Bher ... ... ... ... 941 and n. Pudukottah State coins...
313 | Rajaditya, a governor under Krishna II. ... 224 Pui-thiem, the great knower, - Lushai
R&jagriba... ... .. .. ... 234 and n. Pullioatt - Palikat, tn. . . 368 rdjdharha
... ... ... 853 Pullichurrie, Puducheri... ... .. .. 370 rájákäriya, corvée, - Singhalese . .. 338 Pussarana, Jaina ceremony... ... ... 460 Rajapuri in Hémångada .. ... ... 240 Punjab, the Greeks expelled ...
... 232
rajus, passions ... ... ... ... ... 116 Purumdhi - (Vedic), Parendi or Párendi Rajasekhara, Sauraseni author ... (Avestuic), 8. ... .
29. n. Rajasthani, Rajputana dialecte. 16, 186-18A, Purunas, 231, 232, 23; - Jaina ... ... 459
191, 192 Purigere three-hundred district . ... 292 Rajatarangini mentiona Kanishka. 981, 383, 381 Purings ... ... .. .. 128 Rajati, = R4jAditya, 9. v.
- Purna Varma, Maurya king ... ... ...
Rájddali, Ceylon dynasty, ohronological list. . 230 Porņavijaya, a Vidyadhara ... ... 117- 127 Rajduali-Kathe ... - * Purushadatta, Yakshin ... ...
*** Rajpat gôts ...
312 Purushottaparam, vil. in Ganjam dist. ... 328
Rajpat&na, co., 180; - Jaina libraries 459 Pushkalivati, Pashkari wati, Peshåwar, 421,
rakhri, amalet ...
280 422, 423 ; - capital of the Yue-chi...
rakkl-parnama ...
... 287 Pushpadanta, 9th Jina ...
461, 464
raksha, charm . . Pushpasena .. .. ..
Rakshaabi... ... ... ...
97, 98 Putralekha of Sajjana ...
Rákshi, female elf
... 437 Ral-pa-chan, king of Tibet
... 364 Råma, 8., 832 ; 'R&ma,' on coin
316, 317 Qorax, its origin, 127 ff., 255 ff.; -first com
Rama and the Divali ...
237, 238 mitted to writing, fixing of the text, 127; Ramabhadra-Dildhita ... ... .. Sara,' a section, 128 ; - the stras employ. Rannad ... ... .. "
... 316 ed for announcing events, 129; -dogmus Råmpar ... ... ...
- 312 revision, 130 ff.; - doctrine of predestina- Råmpur-Bhånpur, Digambara Math. ... ... 46 tion, 131; - how much is valid, 132; -al- Ramsay, Lieut, transmits Andaman Settlephabetical symbols used to mark groups of ment accounts, &c., 81, 84, 85; leaves on Saras, 133; -Becond revision, by Othman, account of indisposition .. ..
.. 87 135; art of reading the, 138; - points of Ranamarda, a Madugonda-Chaluka: 281, 282, 284 oontact between it and the 2nd Epistle of
Rancbôr = Kţiehpa ... . 384 and n, 335 Peter, 255 ff. ; - future of Moslem tbeo- Rangha or Xezartes, riv. .. .... .. 287 cracy, 257 f.; - references to Christ, 259 rangin, heated sand bath, &o. ... and n.; -veracity of, 391, 392; moral obli- BAnt pôr, vil. near Patns ... gations
... .. ... 397-399 Raniwal, shrine ... ..
... 237
.. 240
*
-. 289

Page #542

572
INDEX.
... 830
rafi
... 566 334 n.
***
***
... 217
917
Raijabala, satrap
Radradaman, satrap ...
. Rashtrakața oficials ...
... 284
rudraksha rosary .. ... .. ... 327 Ratan Singh Rathaur of Merata, father Rufinus, 9; - references to St. Thomas... 13, 15 Mira BAE ..
... 329
ruk, the Myristica horsfieldia, - Singhalese... 437 Batana Stra . .. ... ... ... 341 | Rukaiya, dr. of Muhammad ***
.. 3945 Raths ... "
... 291 Rukmi ... .. at ...
... 120 Bummindat pillar inscrip. rat bihiri, Acacia catechu, - Singhalese ... 437Ropa, follower of Chaitanya ... Ratnasambhava, a Buddha .. .. 111, 121 Bopnåth, rock edict ... ...
... 286 Raftas of Saundatti; their creat was the
nondúralásichhana or red-lead crest, 216 and n.;-references in their records to Krishra III., 9., 215; - their claim to be con- Sa'ad bin al-As, a Koreisbito ... ... ... 135 Rooted with Krishna III., 220, 221; - their Sabean power passed to the Abyssinians, 392; family can perhaps be traced back to - monarchy ... .
... 393 an earlier time, 221; - abstract of the sachadharmathida, on coins ... ... . contents of the Hannikere or Hannikari sadalgamwoa adikáram, office-bearer, - inscription * *** *** ***
gbalone ..
... ... .. Rawan, g.... ... ..
.. ... 333 Sadasiva Raya, king of Vijayanagara Rayadrag - Raidroog. Aluka of Bellary, Sadhu or Brahman ... ... ... .. ooins found ... .. .. .
sddhu, a cry in Ceylon ... ... ... ... 840 Rayamal, Rêyamal, Bayamal, in Baroda; sidikka, nutmeg, - Singhalese ... ancient Raivam ... ...
56 Sadler (Mr.) detained for duty at the Andardo-chog, stone tables, Ladakh ... 389
mans ... ... ... ... ... ... 89 rdo-gri, stone knives, - Ladakh ... 390
saga, cbarm, amulet ... ...
". .. 260 rdo-ltog, stone-pot, -- Ladakh... ... ... 390
Sagah, Arab prophetess ... ... ... 397 Do-Itog-ri, hill near Wanla in Ladakh ... 889
Sagala, capital of k. Menander
... 430 rdo-star, edged stone axe, Ladakh ... 990
Sahasram, rock edict'... ...
... 236 rdulu, stone-pot, - Ladakh ... ... ... 390 Saila, tribe of Lashais ... ... 410, 411, 413 Reddick (Mr.), surgeon, his death at the An. St. George's Island, 198; - fort ... 367, 368 damans, 87; - application for admission of
St. Thomas' Mount, tree upon ... 27, 150, 151 his child to the Orphan School ... ... 89, 89 Sajjana's Putralekha ... ... ... 348, 350 red-lead crest, sendáraláñchhana, of the Rat
sajosha - hazaosha, self-willed, - Iranian... 292 to of Soundatti ... ... ... 216, 221 n. Saka er. 230. 265: - dating from the radi-horá, female fly-catcher, - Singhalese... 435 | 'nation of Kanishka, 383, 421, 422; - kings, nphayyo, crickets, - Singhalese ... ... 436 probably Buddhists ... .. .. .. 429 Rekhta, Hindôstani poetry .. ... .. 16 Sakakola ... ... ... ... ... ... 423 religious rites in Ceylon ...
339 ft.
Sakatala, father of Bludraváhu, the Jaina Rongmå Nagas ... ... ..
patriarch ... ... ... ... ... 231 Resbates, Rajputs ...
368, 470 Saketa, Soked, overthrown by VijayaRig Veda and the Pavamana, 291, 298; - kirti ... ... ... ... ... 39, 349, 350 verbal forms ... ... ... ..
sak půruva, wooden wheel, - Singhalese ... 308 Rik or Rig-veda ... ...
Sakti ... ... ... ... ... ... 469 Rin-chen-chog (ParamaratnaP) ..
SAkya, the Lichchhavi, progenitor of the TibeBisbabha, 1st Jina *** ***
tan kings; - the mountaineer ... 233 Rishis ... ... ...
Sakya Muni, Budaba ... ... 233, 848, 365, 124 ritama = a haonish, righteous ones
Sakya race ..
333 Roberta (Capt.) ... ...
Sakya Sinha, era rook edicta, ascribed to Samprati ...
Sala tree .. . rodi tenants, -Singhalese . ..
salagram ... ...
833 Bodiya caste ... ... ...
Salama.nassar II., victory over Artasar Röhint, Yakshini, 461; - Vidyadovi ...
Salivábana, era ... rong, village, - Mikir ...
salt peeter .. Rovotta stone, decree of...
Samddhi ... .. " Rodra, 8. ... ... ... ... ... 298, 299 Saman, Ceylon festival...
. 102
...
dese ... 308
Sakya, the Licht. .
227, 228
**
**

Page #543

INDEX.
518
.. 436 - 460
. 385
... 120
. 233 ... 463 ... 125
463
...
78
... 376
samanalayo, butterfly, - Singhalese Samávartana, Jaina ceremony... *** Sambhava, 3rd Jina ... ... ... ... 461 Samg bagulya, father of Mâtricheta ... ... 345 Samghagapta, father of Vägbuuta her of Vågbluuta ...
... ... 345
... 345 warghe upaylte, =joined the Order ... 286 n. sami, gravu niche ... ... ... ... 280 Samprati, 227; -Tibetan, Sambadi ... 230,
232, 233 Sanskaras or karmans, of the Brahmans ... 460 Samvat era ... ... ... ... 230 Sanyuktagama ... ... ... ... 423, 424 Sanyukta-ratna-pitaka-sutra-Tsdpdb-teang.
king .. ... ... 881, 382, 884, 386 Sanatun, follower of Chaitanya ... 334 n. Sanchi relic caskets, 365, 566; - stupas ... 428 Sandheads, the ... ... .. ... ... 138 Sandardk, Sanadruk, L. Andranopolis, An
drunobolys, tn. visited by St. Thomas ... 5-8 Sandracottas or Sandracyptue, 227:
regurded as Asoka ... ... ... ... 228 Sandar, Raja of ... ... ... ... ... 325 Sanga Rana of Mê wêr, father-in-law of Mira
BAI ... ... ... 329-331, 333, 334 Sanghabhati, translator ... ... ... 423 Sanghamitra, sister of Mahendra, mission to
Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... ... 364 Sangbâta-parvatas, two mte, of iron ... Sangråmjit, son of Båns Sur ... ... Sankha, shell, on coin ... ... .. Sanki, Sanki, in Baroda; ancient name san
kiya . ... .. . .. Sankiya, = Sanki, Sanki, in Baroda ... ... 54 Son-mei-ting (samddhi)... ... .. ... 387 Sanskrit, the relation of Saurasenf. to it,
181, 182, 189, 190 ; - words in the Malay
language ... ... ... 443, 455—457 Sanskritised forms of vernacular names;
Ohadagrima = Mudiyanür, and Kaptar kadvåra = Mulbagal... ... . 58 Santa, Yakobini ... ... ... .. Santált lang... supposed infinence on Gindi ....... .......
. 440, 458 Santi, 16th Jina ... ...
462 Saosbyant, angel, Iranian. ..
415 sapranda, Artistolochia indica,-Singhalese. 309 Saptapishi, seven minstrels, the stars in Ursa
Major ... ... ... ... ... ... 292 sapu, champak, - Singhalese .... .. 840, 437 sar, chief, - Mikir Saragon II. of Assyria ...
... ... 288 Sarajah Oawn, Shabandar of Quedah ... 370 Sarasvati, g. ... ... ... ... 98, 297, 463 Sarasvati, stream between the Indus and
Ganges ... ... ....... 291, 292, 298
Sarat Chandra Das (Babu) on Tibetan Jaile,
... 285 Sürdhatataka ... . Säriputra. Sariputto, Särivutto
425 éaróra, the budy .. . . Sarmanas . .. Sarvahna, Yaksha ... ... Sarvapbals, a mt. ... Sarcastivedins, 228: - school
983 n. Sarvestramah&jvald, Vidyadavi Sasa, coins relating to ... ... ... ... 162 Sasanadevi ... ... ..
461, 463 Sasanka Déva of Karna Suvarna ... Saspola Bridge on the Indus, carvingw. 361, 862 Sasram Ohand Katôch, Raja ... ... Sassanides, religious revival under them,
289, 427 Sasganian empire ... ... ... ... 892 Bdatrabhydea, Jaing seremony ... .. 460 S&takani of the S&tav hans family of the
Andhrabhsitya dynasty ... ... ... 180 Satakarni Gotamiputra,.k. ... ... 266 and nu Setakarpin Satav hana, a Kuntula .. .. 180 Sataváhana, Salivebana, SALAhana or Hala ... 180 Satavbana, Andhra, k. .. ... ... 399 n. satt - A case of ... ... ... ... .. 83 Sattadhard, fourth court of inquiry at Vais&li. 235 Sattasat of Hala, oldest work in Maharashtrt. 180 sáttukarayo, attendants, - Singhalese
156488 Satyamdhara, k. of Rajapurt. ... ... ... 240 Satyaván ... ..
...
238 Saumya, Jaina ceremony
... 460 Saunaka, 3rd patriarch of the Buddhist church. 231 Saungara (P Sangrama), vil in Rampur .. 312 Saurasina, country about Mathur ... ... 181 Sauraseni, a Prakrit dialect, 180; -more closely
related to Sanskrit than the others... 181 ff. Saurmana, - solar year ... ... ... 228 sava, green, &o. ... ...
... ... 280 savi, used for bhang by Muhammadans. 280 Sayyids, of the Karnal, 100; – sell amulets... 279 Schultze (Benj.), Hindôståini Grammar... 21, 24 Scriptures, Tibetan ... ... ... ... 228 Scythia allotted to St. Andrew. ... ... 10 Scythian lang. ... ... ... ... 458 and n. Se - Sakas - rule over Ki-pin, 418 and n. ;
conquest by the Yue-chi, 419; - their
identity... ... ... ... ... 488 4. Sea Horse (the brig) ... -.81, 85, 88, 90, 198 sections of unknown astee .. ... 203, 204 Selachaittiya dagoba, shrine in Ceylon ... 342 Selena, 8. ... Beleukos Nicator...
... ... 227, 289 Seleukides, their coins ... ... ... ... 481 sella, chella, a javelin'.... 227, and Additions
***
*
202

Page #544

314
INDEX
... 460
.
.. 816
428
selln kelana, chellaketana, the javelin-buliner
of the Mnkula or Chellaketa na family. 226, 227 Sell keuna, another name of an epithet of
Banea, q.. ... ... ... ... 222, 227 Bellavidega, a biruda of Bhillama II. 227 Semites ... ... . ... 293, 294, 296 Spankeliya or Keti, Ka tiku Mangalya festival in Ceylon ... ...
... .. ... 811 Senapati chief minister of Vaisaki ... ... 235 sendriya. space ... ... ... ... ... 113 senddralañchhana, the red-lead crest'of
the Rattas of Saundatii ... .. 2:6 and n. Beranpore Missiouaries, their early publica
tione ... ... ... ... ... 241 ft. Setupati, on coin... ... Setupatis of Râmnad ... ... ... ... 316 Seu-li - Sinbála, Ceylon Seu ma Ta'ien, historian ... 418, 422, 42.3 seven, a sacred number with the Semites ... 293 ShahanushAhi, a Saka k. ... ...
... 423 Shabr Sultan in Muzaffagarh, a shrine ... 280 thank of Vishnu... ... ... ... 238, 289 Shanın kha or Karttikėya, Yaksha ... ... 462 Shendus or Pois, tribe of the Lushais, their
Iurial-grounds, 411; -mode of attack, 412; - live east of the Koladain, their language . ... .. ..
... 418 Sher Shah rebuilt Patna ... Shesha, thousand-headed cobra ...
... 238 Ebia sectarians ... "
134 n. Sbiaism .. ... ...
... 261 shibboleth of the Muslims, 134; of the Shins. 261 shabakarman, ceremonies of the Digambara
Jainas ... ... ... ... ... ... 460 Sholapur, tn. ... ... ... ..
... 460 Shore (Sir J.), Governor-General (1793-4). 34,
90, 137 shraddhas, offerings to ancestors ShtrAsas = Surao, váliant spirits .. alkot Bi Ahmans ...
- 344 Sibi, king or Indra
... ... .. 327 Sid dapuru, version of rock edict ... ... 236 Siddba ... ... ... ... 121, 127, 464 Siddhachakra, Jairs acred plate .. . 464 Siddhartha, name of one of the years of the
sixty-years cycle of Jupiter ... .. 213 f. Siddhartha, attained Buddhahood ... ... 232 Eiddhayini, Siddhâyika, Yakshiņi ... ... 463 Sidh ...
376 n.
*** Sie, viceroy ..
... 422 Şifur, L. Saphor, Sapor, &c., general of k. Mazdai ... ..
4, 5, 7,8 Siggava, the Sthåvirn ...
.. 231 Silabhadra, chief of Nalanda ... ... 383 n. Bfmantakarana, Jaina ceremony ... ... 460
...
79
Simontonnayona, Brahman ceremony Sith ba, jutriareh ... .. .. Sinha? on coin, 315, 316, 318, 324; - lion
tbione ... ... .. . ... ... 428 Simin Hill tribes... ... ... ... .. 203 Sing Mal'a, - Malay .. ...
148 Singhalese, glimpses of their social life. 308 ff.
336 ff., 432 r. Sinhala, Ceylon ... "
.. .. 426 Sinhdsana
... 310, 311 sinhayi, lion's fut, - Singhalese ... ... 434 Siutice, Byntice, friend of Migdonin, convert
ed by St. Thomas .. ... . . 165 Si-rona, mother ... .. ... ... . 120 Sirmar, tu., Punjab ... ... ... ... 416 Sirşbaka, Bhikshu, probably Aryadeva .. 346 n. Sihantana (A sipattraP), Yaksha birds ... 113 Siy hyalekha of Chandragomin ... 348 and n., 363 n. Sişunåga, k. of Megadha .. . 230, 231 Sita, 8. ... ... ... ... ... 332 and n. Sirala, 10th Jina ... .. .. .. 462, 463 Sitala devi, goddess ... ... ... ... 80 Biterpárna, a place ... ... ... ... 288 sitlaru, -tinghalese ... Siva temple at Trinomalai, 813; litigam, 316;
coins from temple ef, 219; - on coins, 319, 420, 428; - worship. 376 n.; Siva saved by
a spider .. ... ... siyambali, tamarind, - Singhalese Skandagupta, defeats the Hanas Skyin-gling, place near Khalatse small-por, Among the Singhalese Smasánam = field of graves ... ... Şmerdes (pseudo) .. ... ... Smith (Mr. G.), letters ... ..
.... 194 Smriti .. ..
... 365 Snow Cornwallis,'brig ... 81, 85, 88, 90, 92 Snow Druid,'brig ... 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 9+, 194 Snow Nancy,'brig ... ... ... 86, 87, 88 Socrates Scholasticus, reference to Church of
St. Thomas at Edessa... ... ... 9, 14, 15 bôdo hatari, a corrupt word meaning probably
one hundred and sixteeu' rather than sixteen hundred' ...
... ... 49 f., 52 Sodom ... ... ... .... .. .. 265 Sohan, riv, at Patna .. ... .. 76, 77, 80 Soked = Saketa, c. ...
... ... 349 Soms, god ... ...
... 294, 296, 298, 299 Soma-Haoma worship ... ... ...
. 291 Sophronius (pseudo) ... ... ... ... 146 Sophronius (St.), patriarch of Jerusalem ... 147 soran, to ask aid of a spiritual adviser. ... 280 Sôtér megas, k. ... ... ... . Sozomon, 9;. reference to the Church of
St. Thomas at Edo A... * * 18,15
... 231

Page #545

INDEX,
515
429
Santhavadaka, an ancient village in Broach,
56, 57 Sapåráva, 7th Jina ... ... ... 461, 463 superstitions among the Singhalese ... 432 f. Sura, capital of Persiang ... ... 289 n. Sara, name for Mátricheta ... 345, 346, 350, 385 Surashtra, dist. ... ... ... ... ... 422 Surat, 47, 48, 367; - a Digara bara seat of
learning ... ... .. ... ... 460 surgun, worshipper of images ... ... ... 280 Susa, Persian capital ... ... ... 289 n. Sushravas, - Husravangh-an Ushana 294 Susiana or Elam... ... ... ... 200, 286 Susruta, physician ...
... ... 384 Sutaraka, Yakshini ...
... 462 Sátrálankára of Asvaghosha, 349 and n.,
350, 381, 382 n., 384-387 súttikka, sun-bird, - Singhalese ... ... 435 Svâmi-Mahåsena, g. . .. ... ... 284 drastika, symbol... ...
... ... 238 SretAmbara Jainas, 230, 459; - differ from
the Digambaras ... ... ... 460 f. Swedish cerebrals
... ..455 Syam S iam ... ... ... ... ... 466 Syam& Yaksha, 461; -- or Vijaya ... ... 462 Syntenga o! Jaintia ..
... 102 Syriac version of The Acts of St. Thomas,
1, 2 ff., 154, 155, 157-159 Syrian Christians, their creed .. .. 259
Bpalagadamés, his coins... Spalı hores, his coins ... . ... ... 429 Spalirises, his coins ...
... 429 spurious Indian records ; identification of places mentioned in some of them... 49, 52,
53, 55, 57 Srirakne ... ... ... ... ... 459, 460 Srnpas, Ernporov, on some coins of Menander,
430 and n. Sråvan, month ... ....
..
...
.. . .. 237 Srey&mé, 11th Jina ...
.. . 462 Brt, on coin, 319, 320 ; Sri ... ... ... 360 Srichandra, k., son of Bindugåra . ... 348 Brídhara coins ... .. .,
... 315, 316 Sri-dharma-pitaka-nidána-sutra (Hw-fa-ts'dngin-iuen-king) ... .
.... 382 Sridutta, merchant of Rajapurf
... 240 Grijyoti ... ...
... 113 Sri Krishnarůya (P) on coin ... ... 324 śrvatsa liñchkana .. ..
462 brfvira, legend on coins ... ...
315 Srí vriks , tree ... ... ...
462 SthAviras, 228 n., 232; - Vinaya chiefs, list of,
230); -- chronological list ... ... ... 229 Sthulabhadra, disciple and successor of Bha
draváhu... ... ... ... ... ... 231 Stokoe (Lieut.) in command at Andamans, 87;
letters, 88, 89; - his account of the Andamans, plan of Port Cornwallis (1793),
194, 195 Stone nge, in Ladakh ... .. .. ... 389 Straton I., bis coins bis coins
..
*** ... ... ... 430 stúpa, on coin ... ... Subhashitamalika, by Dr. Cappeler, 300 ff.,
399 ff., 438 ff., 471 ff. Subhashitaratnakarandakakatha of Sura ... sichi, trellis ... .. ... ... stichi rakhna, sacred milk .. Sudarsana, weapon of Visbņu ... Sadharma, wife of Uts&hadharma ... Sudra caste, 237 :- and Diva
... Sudurjaya, Brahman . ... ... 346 and n. Sugbdha, Sogdiana ...
... 287 and n. Subastin ... ... ...
.. ... 232 Sulirillekha of Nagarjuna ...348 and n., 893 n. Sujanpur ... ... ... ... ... ... 876 sukshatra -hukshathra, -Iranian ... ... 292 suliya, hairy whorl, - Singhalese ... Sumati, 5th Jina Sumatra, camphor exported, 867:-. Sumerian seven ... .. Sungakrit = Sanskrit ...
... 248 Sunna traditions
... 180 n. Bunni, sect ..
... 261
314,
430
121
... 2.38
Tabaung, Burmese month, March .. .. 228 tabus, in the Punjab ... ... ... 343, 344 tahannuth, Arab rite ... ...
396 Ta hia, 417; conquered by the Yue-chi, 418,
419;-their land ... ... ... ... 423 Tsit, near Mecca ... .. ... ... 394 Taina, tn. . ... ... ... .. .. 893 Takhta, in Malay tala, the Oorypha umbraculifera, -- Singba
- . . ... ... ... 437 talagoya, Varanus dracaena, - Binghalese ... 435 Talakad in Mysore, mentioned as Talavana
para .. ... .. .. .. ... talapat, head shade, - Singhalese ... ... 339 Talavanapura, = Talak&d in Mysore... 222 talgaha, palmyra, - Singhalese Talmud ... .. *** ***
288, 259
- 116 Tamil ... ... 449, 461, 452, 454, 456468 Ta-mo-mi-to-Dharmaitre... ...
.. 987 Tanglauas, Lashai tribe ... ... ... 413 Tan-jur ... ... ... 345, 346, 348, 379, 380 Tink, the Nawab of the ... .. ... 416
437
***
*
-.
tamas, laste
294

Page #546

516
INDEX..
333
... 371
... 257
Nansen, Akbar's minstrel Tantra ... ..
348 T'an-y&o, a sramana ..
982 Tao-siuen, writer
420 Tao-te-king
... 428 Tapalinada, a place ...
125 Tapas, asceticism
464 Tara, g., hymn to her ...
348 Pranath, history of Indian Buddhism, 345; -
references to Matricheta, 345, 340 and n.. 347-349 n., 385:- to Kanishka, 381,
383 n., 423 Targum ... ... ... .. ... ... 258 tarra, small copper coin ... .. Tartar princes ... ... ... ... ... 432 Taswell (Capt.), letters ...93, 94, 95, 96, 137 tatha, prefis in the name Tatha-Umbara;
explained ... ... ... ... ... 54 Tatha-Umbar, an ancient name of Bagumri
in Baroda, 54; -explanation of the prefix
tatha ... ... ... ... .. . 56 Ta-t'sin, - Roman empire .. . ... 426 taul= long suffering, forbearance ... Laualam, pack-bullocks,-Singhalese Tavernier, Hindostani scholar ... - Ta-wan ... ... ... ... ... ... 418 Taxila, rebellion there... ... ... ... 233 'Ta-Yue-chi ... ... .... ..
hang k'ien, 417;- his journeys, 418, 421; - captivity ...
*** Tchang-ngan, c. ... ... ... 'Tche-le-Chara, for Charaka... ... Tche-lo-kia, Charaka, physician. ... Tch'eng-ti, emperor ... .. Tohe p'an, Oh'-phan, Chinese author ... 383 Tchen-tan, - Chinese ... ... ... ... 423 Tohen t'an, Chin-thân, probably Kashgaria... 385 Tchen-t'au Ki-ni-teh'a, 382;-déraputra Ka
nishka ... .. . ... ...384, 385, 386, 387 telambu, Sterculia foetida, - Singhalese ... 437 Telugu folklore, 275ff.; - characters on coins,
313, 314, 315; - lang. ... 450-456, 458 Temmins (Capt.) ...... . 'Temple coins ... ... ... ... ... 313 Tengrikvatu, shen-yu, sons of heaven ... 132 Tenton story, Mikir ...
208.ff. Tertia, L. Treptin, wife of king Mazdai ... 5,7 l'eshri, Oct. Nov. ... teteks = creeping animals Teu-cha-lo-Tushåras Teu-k'iu-le, -Tukhåra Theophilos, his coins Theos, title of Seleukos I. Nikator ... ... 431 Thérapanthia, class of Digambara Jainas Thibaw, k. .. ... ...
416
..
..
Thlang-Thange, Shenda tribe... ... ... 413 thir deng, blacksmith, - Luehai ... ... 411 Thomas (St.), his connection with India,
1 ff. 145. ff. ; - Acts of, 1 ff. ; - Hold to Habban, 4; -martyrdom of, 5; -movementa of, 5, 6; - proper names in the Acts of, 6,7; - early writers who mention the apostleship of, 9 ;.- evangelised Parthia, 15; - writings of doubtful date mention him, 145 ff.; - Calamina, scene of his martyrdom, 189 ff.; - the Legenda Aurea, 154 £; - Ethiopio version of The Acts contains two separate accounts of, 156 f.;.
Syriac version of The Acts... 157, 150, 381 Thonmisambhota, inventor of the Tibetan
alphabet Thornbill (C.), letter from ... ... ... 93 Thrita or Thraetona. Athwya, Iranian g.
287, 294, 296 Thuparama dågoba, shrine of right collar
bone, - Ceylon ... ... ... ... 341 Tibetan dates of Buddha, 228;- referenoe to
Aboka, 282; - affinities of the Lichchhavis, 233t.; -rock inscriptions... ... 361, 362 Tibeto-Burman languages, some branches of. 101 T'ien chu-India-congpered by the Yue-chi,
417, 426 T'ien-fa-Dévadharma ... ... ... 984 t'ien-lues, son of Heaven, emperor of China,
421, 426; -déraputra of the Yue-chi...426, 432. Tiglutpilesar II. ... ... ... ... 288 'Tili, co. ... ... ... ... ... ... 348 Timins, Commanden of the Nautilus' Brig. 85 Tinnevelly coins ... ... ... 315, 316 Tipperabs, Chittagong Hill tribe ... ... 411 Tipu Sultân, coin attributed to his reign ... 322 Tiridatos I. ... ... ... ... ... 431 Tirthakaras, Jain ... 230, 459--461, 463 Tiruvannamalai, or Trinomalai, in So. Arkat,
temple ... ... ... ... . ... 319 Tishtar, the star Sirius ... ... ... 294 Tissa -(Tishya) - Moggaliputra, patriarch,
231, 232; -religious guide of Asoka. 365, 366 Tividi, hill... ... . . **
284 topu, offering ... ... ... . Topu. Jopre, meaning unknown, Kangra ... 279 tóra, Cassia leaves,.- Singhalese ... toran, - Singhalese .. ... Totemism in the Panjab ... ... 201. ff., 312
...201. Tou-mi, principality ...
.. Transoriana, Sakas driven thenoe ... trial of prisoners, in Tibet and Vaisali Trichinopoly coins Trimukha, Yaksha Trincombar, c. ... ... ..
Tehang-k'ien, 417.
ng
...

Page #547

INDEX.
517
... 389
... 382
Trinity, we understood by Moslems ... ... 259 Upasaka, conversion of Priyadarsi ... ... 233 Trinomalai, Tiruvannamalai, in So. Arkat ... 313upasanpada, ordination ... 231, 232, 236 Tripitaka ... ... ... ..
... 381 Upatişhya (SAriputra), disciple of Buddha ... 365 Triratnadána, not Mâtsicheta ... ... ... 345 Uravilva, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 232 trifúla, on coins ... ... ... ... 333, 429 úrnd ... ... ... ... ... ... 428 Trita Aptya or Traitana, g. ... ... 294, 296 Ushanas (Kava Usa or Usadhan) ... ... 294 trob, stone tobacco-holder ... ... ... 390 Ushilathana, a misreading of Dashilathana, Tsa-pao-ta'ang king, = Samyukta-ratna-pita
9.0. ... ... ... ... ... 84 and n. ka-sútra... ... ... ... ... ... 382 ushnisha ... ... ... ... ... ... 428 Tshan-di, examination and whipping of pri- Utnar, Uttanur, in Kolar, Mysore; probably soners in Tibet ...
235
mentioned as Uttagråma ... ... ... 58 Tsien-Han-chou ... ...
... 418
Utsahadharma, a man ... ... ... 125, 126 tsig, stone oil-press ...
Uttagrima, probably = Wootnoor, Utnur, Ts'in, Chinese dynasty ...
Uttanar, in Kolar, Mysore ... ... 57, 58 Tsi-tchin-tren, Sanyukta-tattva-odstra ...383 n. Uttanor in Kolár, Mysore; probably mentionTs'ung-ling - Bolor ... 382, 383, 387, 421, 422
ed as Uttagrâma ...
... .. 58 Tukbaras, Tushiras ... ... 385, 421, 423, 424 Uttarasala ...
... 228 n. Tula or Libra, zodiacal sign ... ... ... 237
uttardsanga, mantle ...
... .. 428 Tubiga, a biruda of Krishna III., q. v., 217 and n.
Uttarashara, mouth ...
... 228 Tulat Das and Mira Bdi ... ... 332, 333
Uttarathôn month
... 228 and n. Tuļu differs from the other Dravidian lang Uvakhshastar (Kyaxares)
... 289 uages .. .. .. . ... 419, 454 | Uvakhshatara (Kyaxeres)
... ... 287 1 umbara, Yaksha ... ... ... ... 461 Tung T'ien-tchu -- Eastern India ... 3385 Tun Sarana, the three refuges, - Singhalese ... ... ... ... ... ... 340
Vadaghno... ... ... ... Taris, of the Kurram Valley ... ... ... 100
... ... 416 Turribius, mentions Acts of St. Thomae ... 2
Vadibhasimha's Gadyachintamani ... ... 240 Turushka, Tou-kiue or Yue-chi dynasty 384, 424
Vágbhata, medical writer ... ... ... 345 Tutacree, Tutakorin
52, 53 ... ... ... 369, 372
Vaghauri, ancient village in Baroda ...
odhana, vehicle ... TwAshtra ...
... 314, 316, 319, 320, 822 ...
291 ... ..
Vaibhashika school .. ... .. 389 n. Vaidehi, = Sitå ... .. ...
** . 332
Vairâtya or Vairôti, Yakshini... ... ... 462 Uch, in BahÂwalpur, a shrine ... ... 280 Vairôchana, a Buddha ... ... ... 111-126 uchit, small insect ...
... 117 Vairôtya, Vidyadevi ... ... ... Udai BAI, sister-in-law of Mira BAE ... 330
Vaibadeva, Jaina ceremony ... Udayåst, son of Bånd Sur
312 Vaisakha, month... ... ... .. ... 228 udella, hoe, - Singhalese ... ... 308 Vaishli, council, 231, 233; disposing of the udupila, a village faction, - Singhalese
dead in, 234; judicial system ukunilla, pointed stick, - Singhalese ... 308 Vaisravana, 8. . . "
125 ulama, devil-bird, - Singhalese ... ... 435 Vaisya caste ... .. .. .. .
237 Umêta, in Kaira; the spurious plates pur- vajra, diamond ... ... ... ... ... 428 porting to have been issued in A. D. 478;
Vajra-sticht identification of the places mentioned in Vajraksinkhald Yakshini, 461; Vidyadovt. 463 them ... ... ..
*** .. ... 52 Vakereta, probably Kabul ... ... ... 287 Umkhen, riv., Assam ... ... ...
Valabhi Wa]A, Wald, or Waler, in Kathia. Umm Kulthuru, dr, of Muhammad ... ... 995 wâr ... ... ... ... ... ... 49 Ummi, epithet of Muhammad... 129 and n., 258 Valabbt records; the sparious plates purportUnddi-Satra
... ... ... 379, 880 ing to have been issued in A. D. 478 ; identiunahapulud, loris, - Singhalese ... ... 434 fication of the places mentioned in them ... 49 Upadhyaya, Jains order ... ... .. 484 valahá, bear, - Singhalese ... ... ... 434 Upagupta, supposed spiritual guide to KAIA- Vallabha lord, the; a designation of Anôgha
sökes .. ... ... 231, 365 and n., 368 varsha I. ... ... Upanayana, Jaina ceremony ...
.. . " 222 ..
... 460 Valli Amma, consort of Kârtikêya ... ... 311 Uparaja, officer in Vaishli ... ... ... 235 VAmanabbattabána's Vérandrdyanacharita... 240
480

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518
INDEX
462
varadahasta mudrd ... ... ... 462, 463 Varanundi, Yaksha ...
... ... 461 Varanda river Wand Khamin Broach ... 56, 57 Varaņôra, = Walner, Walner, in Broach ... 56 Vararuchi, Prakrit grammarian . 180-183 Vardhamana, 24th Jina ... ... ... 463 Varena, a Persian dist. ... ... ... 287, 288 Varingin, a tree ... ... ... ... ... 123 Varnanárhavdruanastotru, a translation of
part of ... ... ... ... ... 347, 343 varna sútras, or phonology . ... ... 379 Varuna, g., 111, 125, 292, 295, 298, 299; -
Yaksha ... ... ... ... ... ... 463 cas, rainy season, - Singhalese ... ... 340 Vasubandhu ... ... ... ... 345, 383 n. Vasudeva, possibly Mazdeo, 159; -on coins... 428 Vasumitra, president of the council of
Kanishka ... ... ... ... 393 n., 425 Vågupajya, 12th Jina ...
462, 464 Våpushka, Turushka, k.... Vatasavitri ... ... ray-dam-loh, cholera, - Luahai ... Vayu, wind god ... ... Viyu-Purana ... ... Vedas of the Digambara Jainas Vedic dialects, 181, 184, 185, 456; -religion, its source ... ..
297 Vedisagiri (Chetiyagiri) ...
364 vel, spear of Kartikeya ... Vel Vidând, irrigation officer, -- Singhalese... 336 Vellore Rayars, their coins ...
315 Vemana, Telingana poet...
... 378 Vendidad...
... 415 Venkata, on coin... ...
... 316 Venkatappa, on coin .
... 320 Venkatas of Vijayanagara, coin attributed to. 321 Vênugrima,= Belgaum Verbal Index to Yule's Hobson-Jobson. 44 ff.,
139 ff., 267 ff., 444 11., 478 ff. Verethraghna =Vfitrahan, g. ... ... 294 Vernaculars, Indo-Aryan, 183, 186, 187,
189; -of India grouped ... .. Vétála-banner Vibhashaiastra ... Vidarbha, co.
180 Vidarbha-Riti ... Vidêba, co. Vidyadevis Vidyadharas ...
122-126 Vidyadharis
... ... . 122-126 Vidyâkaraprabha
.. ... ... 360 Vidyasthånas, Beats of learning of the
Digambara Jainas .. ... ... ... 460 Vihana, =Vihan, Vibán, in Baroda ... 52, 53 Vijaya legend on coins... ... ... 319, 820
Vijaya or Jaya, Yakshini .. ... Vijaya or Syáma, Yaksha ... ... ... 462 Vijaya, wife of k. Satyardhara .. .. 240 Vijayaditya ... ... .... ... 281, 284 Vijayakirti, k. of Li invaded India ... ... 349 Vijayanagara kingdom, coins. 315, 317, 318,
. 321, 324 Vijayanka, wife of Adhra, q.v. .. . 222 Vijrapani, g. Wrapua, ... ..
. ...111 Vikramachakravartin, a biruda allotted to
Krishna III., q.. ... ... ... 217 and n. Vikramaditya era ... .. .. .. 230 Vikramaditya, k. of Ujjain, a Gupta ... 237, Vimala, 13th Jina .. vimana, a car ... ... ... vina ... .. ... Vinaya chiefs, list ... ... ... Vindhyas... ... ... Vindusära, Bindusara, date of death... Viparyayas ... ... . .
348 Viranarayana, a biruda of Amoghavarsha I.... 223 Viranarayanacharita of Vamanabhattabana.. 240 Virgin Mary, death of ... ... ... ... 157 visa kumbha, plant, antidote to cobra poi
son, -Singhalese ... ... ... ... 434 Vishņu, g., and the Divali ... ... 237, 239 Vishnu, image at Dondra, 310; -on coins,
314; epithet to, 315, 316, 320, 321, 323 ; - namam, trident mark, 315; - chakra, 315,
325; described... ... ... ... ... 330 Vishnu-krinti, Evolvulus alsinoides, -Sing.
halese ... ... ... ... Vi panthis, sub-division of Digambar Jainas. 459 Vitarana, revenue officer, - Singhalese bitarkamudrá, attitude... .. Vivaha, Jaina ceremony Vivanghat, father of Yima, Iranian ... Vivasvat, mythical priest Vizan, L. Zuzanesson of king Mazdai,
311
.. 290
Vizepoore == Viziapar, Beejapore Vohumano, Persian g.... Vrijji, co. ...
... 233 Vitra, fiend ... ...
... 295 Vpitrahan, Verethraghna, fiend, Indra ... 294, 295
. ..
"**
***
.
..
***
..
... 423 / Vritrean
wadamal, hibiscus, - Singhalese ... ... 437 Waddell (Mr. A.), letter from ... ... ... 94 Wadi'l Kora, tn, ... ... ... ... ... Wald, WAIA, or Walêm, in KathiAwar; an
cient Valabhi ... ... ... ... ... 49 wal-deletta, jungle-hook, -Singhalese ... 308 Walnêr, Walnôr, in Broach; ancient Varapera ".
*
*** ... .. 56

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INDEX.
519
... 118
... 435
.
* ...
.. 318 .. 461 ... 121
Wand-Khari river in Broach ; ancient Yaphany, village officer, - Singhalese ... 336 n. Varanda ...
... 56, 57 Yaśôdharman, expels the Hanas ... ... 379 wangediya, a mortar, -Singhalese ... 308, 338 Yaśômitra ... ... ... ... 383 u. Wang-mang, minister ...
... ... 421 Yatipilla, a village party, - Singhalese ... 337 Wanla, in Ladakh ...
... 389, 390
Yatus, -fabulous male enchanters ... ... 294 Waraka bin Naufal, kinsman of Khadija .. 396 Yavana kings ...
... .
... ... 423, 424 Warangal, coins of the Kakatiya sovereigns. 315 Yayati, an Ushana .. .
... ... 29+ Wariş 'Ali Khan's tank, at Patna ... 76, 77, 80
78. 77, 80 Yazatas, g. ... ... ... ... 298, 299 wasama, - Singhalese ... ... ... ... 336 Yellow River
... 421 watti, wicker-work baskets, - Singhalese ... 340 Yemama, dist. ... ... ... ... 392, 397 wattörurala tenant, - Singhalese . .. 310 | Yemen ... ... ... ... .. 392, 397 warló, bats, - Singhalese ... ... ... 434 Yemu, a tree ... .. Wei - Oxus r. ... ... ... ... 418 Yen-kao (tchenn), Hema Kadphisēs ...
... 419 Wei (Compendium of the) ... 419, 420, 425 Yen-kao-chin, Kushana k. ... ... 417, 421 Wei-na, Karmadána ... 388 Ye-po-no-Yavanas ... ... ..
423, 421 welikukuló, jungle-fowl of Ceylon
Yezid ... ... .. ..
... 261 Wesak ... ... ... ... ... 228 n., 309 Yima = Yama ... ... ... 287, 294, 296 roetake, screw-pine, - Singhalese .... ... 309 Yogesvara-Jaganmitrananda, his Chandrardwętakolu, Luffa acutangula, -Singhalese ... 309
jalekha ... * Whart Island ... .. ... ... . 198
Yöginis .. ... " Wieland, the smith ... ...
... 294
Yögiśvara ... Winichchhiya mahamatta, second court of Yona kings ... ... ... ... 232. 23:5 inquiry, Vaisali ... ... ... ... 235 yót, line, - Singhalese
... 308 . Winter (Sir Edw.), his exploit, and mont- Yuan-ti, emperor of China ... ... 418, 421 ment in Battersea Church ...
470 Yue-chi, 382, 383, 386; - their vicissitudes, Withaka ... ... ... ... ... ... 228 417 ff., - send a mission to India, 419 ff.; Wodly in Kolår, Mysore; ancient Hodali ... 58 - introduce Buddhism into China, B. C.2; Woháriká, third court of inquiry, Vaisali ... 235 coins indicating their religious history, 420; women change their sex in outward appear
- dates, 421 ; - king demands a Chinese ance among the Lushais ... ... ... 413 princess in marriage, 422, 495, 426 ; - expel Wood (Mr), Surgeon ... ... ... ... 83 the Sakas ... ...
... ...429, 432 Wootpoor in Kolår, Mysore ; probably men. . Yule's Hobson-Jobson, Verbal Cross-index to, tioned as Uttagråma ... ... ... ... 58
4 ff., 139 ff., 267 ff., 444 ff., 478 ff. Writers, in Mikir ... .
.. .. 101 wutang-walahan, a small animal ... ... 117
Zaid bin Tbabit, amanuensis to Muhammad, Xanthippus, or Xenophon, deacon of St. 128, 133; - his version of the Qorán ... 134 f. Thomas
Zainab, dr. of Muhammad ... ... ... 395
zaknt, means of purification ... ... ... 398 yajata -yaxuta, 'the revered,' - Iranian ... 291 zalbuk, - Lushai ... ...
... 411 Yajuj ... ...
zaotar, pricat, - Iranian ... ... ... 296 yak-katussá, chameleon, - Singhalese ... 436 Zarathushtra, Zoroaster ... 287, 415, 416 Yaksha-hounds, birds ... ... 113, 114, 116 Zarathushtrian faith, 285, 287 ; - its evoluYakshamukha, fire ... ... ... - 118 tion down to Alexander, 289, 291,- Bource Yakshas fed by Maitribala ... ... ... 328 of a reformation of... ... ... ... 298 ff Yakshas and Yakshiņis, of the Jainas ... 461 ff. Zemzem, a fountain ... ... .. .. 394 Yaksh&svara, Yaksha ... ... ... ... 461 zit = kshetra ... ... ... ... 348 n. Yakshet, Yaksha .. ... . 462 Zoilos, his coins ... ...
. .. ... 430 Yam, ignames ... ...
... .. 312 Zoroaster, 299; his temptation ... 415 f. Yama, g. ... 111-113, 115, 119, 123, 123, Zoroastrian religion, earliest history,
238, 277, 294, 296, 437 285 ff.; - prevalence in Media, 287; - Yamadhipati ... ... ... 112-126 evolution, 289; attitude toward the Soma yamánu, bellows, - Singhalese .. ... 337 offering... ...
. ... ... 297 Yapaniya xarigha, a Jain seot; it included Zoroastrianiam ... .. ...260 and n., 393 n. the Kareya gana and the lineage of Zu-chen, Tib. translator
*** . .. 360 Mail&pa...
... 218, 219Z üzi coins .. ..

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