Epigraphia Indica Vol 26

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032580/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXVI (1941-42) pratnakIrtimapAvRNa PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 1985

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXVI. I atnAsimapAnaza PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA NEW DELHI 1985

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Reprinted 1985 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Price : Rs. 80.00 Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area, New Delhi-110015

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOL. XXVI. 1941-42. EDITED BY Dr. N: P. CHAKRAVARTI Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed by the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India, 1952.

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CONTENTS. The names of the contributors are arranged alphabetically, Pago. 118 . ALTRAR, A.S., Prof. : No. 12. Two Yups Inscriptions from Barnals: Krita Years 284 and 335 . . . ... 27. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli . . 32. Mangraon Inscription of Vishnugupta's time; the year 17 . . . . 39. A Fragmentary Inscription of King Malayavarman . . . . . CHAKRAVARTI, 8. N., M.A.: No. 17. Bihar Kotra Inscription of Naravarman's time; (Malava) Year 474 . . DAS GUPTA, C. C., M.A.: No. 23. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Indravarman . . . . . DEBATT, MORESHWAB G., B.A. - No. 34. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Govindaraja: Saka 732. . . 14. Balsane Inscription of the time of Krishna ; Saks 1106 GANGULY, D. C., M.A., Ph.D. :No. 14. Date of Ashrafpur Plato . . . . . . . GARDE, M. B., B.A.: No. 11. Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupts and Ghatotkachagupta; G. E. 116 . . GHOSH, A., M.A.: No. 16. Parasuramesvara Temple Inscriptions . . . 24. A Buddhist Tract in a Stone Inscription in the Cuttack Museum . 33. Khadipada Image Inscription of the time of Subhakars GROSBAL, R. K., M.A. No. 5. Two Eastern Ganga Copper-plate Grants from Sudava 6. Kamanli Plate of Govindachandra, King of Kanauj; V. S. 1184 . 18. Dhavalapeta Plates of Maharaja Umavarman . 26. Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman: Ganga year 358 . 31. A Note on the Balasore Plate of Bhanu[datta) . . KHARZ, G. H. : No. 43. Anoge Plates of Kadamba Jayakesin (II); Saka 1066 . . . . KRISHNA DETA, M.A.: No. 30. Nalanda Seal of Vishnugupta 36. Rajghat Plates of Govindachandradeva; V. 8. 1197 . . LASTMSARATAN RAO, N., M.A. - No. 49. A Note on the Biroda Plates of (Bhoja) Devaraja . . . . MAJUMDAR, R. O., LT. COLONEL, M.A., Ph.D.: No. 16. Chittagong Copper-plate of Kantideva . . . . . . . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Prof. : No. 3. Rajim Stone Inscription of the Nala king Vilasatunga . 21. Kothuraka Grant of Pravarasena II. . . . . . 26. Dongargaon Stone Inscription of the time of Jagaddeva ; Saka 1034 , 28. A Note on the date of the Somavamsi kings of Southern Kosala . 35. Ratanpur Stone Inscription of the reign of Prithvideva II: the (Kalachuri) year 915 41. Date of Mathura Pedestal Inscription of Kanishka 12. Dates of some early Kings of Kausambi . . . . . . >> 48. Epoch of the Ganga Erm . . . . . . . . . . 16 14A . . . .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI Page. 282 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Prof. AND DIKSHIT, M. G., M.A.: No. 40. A Copper-plate Grant of Silshara Chhadvaideva . . . . MIRASHT, V. Y., M.A., Prof.:-, AND MAHAJAN, D. B.: No. 20. Basim Plates of Vakataka Vindhyasakti IJ . . . NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., Prof. No. 13. Gurzala Brahmi Inscription PANCHAMUKHI, R. S., M.A.: No. 4. Venkatapur Inscription of Amoghavarshs ; Saka 828 . . . PANIGRAHT, KRISHNA CHANDRA, M.A.: No. 7. Baripada Museum Plato of Devanandadeva, . . . - 38. Baudh Plates of Salonabhanja . . . . RAMANATHA AYYAR, A. S., B.A.: No. 8. A Note on the date of Chols Gandaraditya . . . . . > 10. A Note on the Battle of Vallala; A.D. 911-2 . . . >> 22. A Note on the dates of three Rashtrakuta Kinge . . >> 29. Two Records of Parantaka I from Takkolam . . . . RANDLE, H. N., Dr.: No. 1. India Office Plate of Lakshmanasena SANKALIA, H. D., M.A., LL.B., Ph.D. AND UPADHYAYA, S.C., M.A., LL.B. : No. 16. An Inscription of Jaitugi: Saka 1188 . . . . . . SANKALIA, H. D., M.A., LL.B., PH.D. No. 47. A Copper-plate Grant of Chalukya Vijayaditya ; Saka 632 . . SIRCAR, DINES CHANDRA, M.A., Ph.D.:No. 19. Spuriousness of the Nalanda Plate of Samudragupta . . . 46. A Note on the Bajaur Casket of the Reign of Menander . . VASUDEVA PODUVAL, R., B.A. No. 37. Capo Comorin Inscription of Kulottunga Chola I . . . VENKATARAMANAYYA, N., M.A., PA.D. : No. 2. Rajahmundry Museum Plates of the Telugu Choda Annadeva . VYAS, AKSHAYA KERTY, M.A., SAMSKRITI PT. No. 9. Bijholi Rock Insoription of Chahaman Somesvara : V. S. 1226 . . . . . . . . . . 186 318 . . . . . . . . . . . . INDEX By H. K. Narasimhaswami, B.Sc., and 8. Vijayaraghavaobari, M.A. Title Page Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections . . . . . . . . . . . .

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No. 1. India Office Plate of Lakshmanasena 2. Rajahmundry Museum Plates of the Telugu Choda Annadeva (I) 3. Rajahmundry Museum Plates of the Telugu Choda Annadeva (II) " " 19 " 31 " 33 29 39 " 39 29 " " 39 " 19. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Indravarman 20. A Buddhist Tract in a Stone Inscription in the Cuttack Museum 21. Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman; Ganga year 358. 22. Dongargaon Stone Inscription of the time of Jagaddeva; Saka 1034 23. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: A.-Grant of the time of Agguka II; [Gupta] Samvat 513 ,, 24. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: B.-Grant of king Jaika II 2222222 " " " " LIST OF PLATES. 26. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: D.-Grant of Ranaka of a subordinate Saindhava Branch; G. 8. 555 .. 27. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: E.-Grant of King Agguka III; [Gupta] Samvat 567 " 19 4. Rajim Stone Inscription of the Nala King Vilasatungs 5. Venkatapur Inscription of Amoghavarsha; Saka 828. 6. Two Eastern Ganga Copper-plate Grants from Sudava. A.-Plates of Devendravarman; [Ganga] Year 184 7. Two Eastern Ganga Copper-plate Grants from Sudava, B.-Plates of Anantavarman; [Ganga] year 204. 8. Kamauli Plate of Govindachandra, King of Kanauj; V. S. 1184 * 9. Baripada Museum Plate of Devanandadeva 10. Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatotkachagupta; G. E. 116 11. Two Yupa Inscriptions from Barnala: Krita Years 284 and 335 12. Gurzala Brahmi Inscription 13. Parasuramesvara Temple Inscriptions 14. Bihar Kotra Inscription of Naravarman's time; [Malava] year 474 15. Dhavalapeta Plates of Maharaja Umavarman 16. Vakataka Inscription in Cave No. XVI at Ajanta 17. Basim Plates of Vakataka Vindyasakti II 18. Kothuraka Grant of Pravarasena II " " .. 28. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: F.-Grant of King Jaika II; [Gupta] Samvat 596 ,, 29. Palaeographical Chart relating to the date of the Somavamsi Kings of Southern * Kosala 30. Nalanda Seal of Vishnugupta 31. Mangraon Inscription of Vishnugupta's time; the year 17 32. Khadipada Image Inscription of the time of Subhakara 33. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Govindaraja; Saka 732 34. Rajghat Plates of Govindachandradeva; V. S. 1197 35. Baudh Plates of Salonabhanja (wrong for Jaika I). 25. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: C.-An incomplete Grant of King Ranaka 36. A Fragmentary Inscription of King Malayavarman 37. A Copper-plate Grant of Silahara Chhadvaideva . 38. Asoge Plates of Kadamba Jayakesin (II); Saka 1055 39. Balsane Inscription of the time of Krishna; Saka 1106 40. Chittagong Copper-plate of Kantideva. 41. Copper-plate Grant of Chalukya Vijayaditya; Saka 632 . 39 39 33 67 72 between pages 78 and 79 to face page 117 120 125 127 131 134 143 .between pages 152 and 153 160 and 161 168 172 176 183 between pages "" 33 to face page . " 39 " 23 39 23 39 " 33 " " 39 "" 33 " "3 33 to face page "3 " 23 39 " " 6 and 7 42 and 43 48 56 62 .between pages 214 and 215 to face page 35 64 "" 33 " to face page 200 206 210 228 239 246 248 " 39 .between pages 252 and 253 " to face page 272 and 273 >> 278 and 279 281 .between pages 290 and 291 308 and 309 312 317 "" .between pages 324 and 325 220 224 LA

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Page 56, line 7.-For your read got. 33 33 33 32 20 "3 39 33 ,, 114, f. n. 4.-For Rashtrakutas and their Times read Rashtrakutas and their Times. 115, last line. For 'si' after date read 'is'. " 39 33 "3 " 29 39 39 22 39 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 163, line 14 from bottom-Insert a comma after for. 169, f. n. 9.-For f. n. 8 rezd f. n. 1. 171, f. n. 6.-Supply the number 6 for this footnote. 181, f. n. 4.-For Nava-ahasankacharita read Navasahasankacharita. 199, line 4 from bottom.-Read... . presupposes a large kingdom', etc. 199, line 2 from bottom.-For adminisration read administration. 39 "200, text line 10.-For fi: read fei:. " 33 64, line 7.-For sattya read sattya (ya). 65, lines 16-17.-For kosambah read kosamrah(?) 72, line 3.-For Sri-Chadra(ndra) read Sri-Chandra. 78, line 2.-For Airavatta read Airavatta. do. text line 1.-For Ojjyani read Ojjayani. 100, line 1.-For [Bha]=rathe vara read [Bha]ratheevara. 103, f. n. 7. For saMskRta read saMskRta. 106, f. n. 19. -- For svASAya read svAdhyAya. *1 39 118, f. n. 4.-For vice versa read vice versa. 131, f. n. 5.-For Limakara read Himakara. 134, text lines 2-3.-For Kuttura read Kuttupu. 136, f.n. 9.-For Nandivamran read Nandivarman. 141, line 3-For Akasapadda read Akasapadda. 141, line 11.-Insert a comma after Brihaspatisava. 141, f. n. 2, line 15.-Insert a comma after Kadambas. 142, f. n. 2.--Supply the number 2 for this footnote. 154, f. n. 2.-Read ' in other', etc. 202, f. n. 1.-For krityodeg read krityodeg. 204, line 30.-For Jaika II read Jaika I. 207, f. n. 2.-Read the real spelling, etc.. 221, f. n. 3.-Read-aloky=at. 226, text line 34. -- For smattavyaM read smartavyaM. >> 237, f. n. 3.-For bove read above and for '64 a ter No. 66 read p. 64. 244, last paras-For Panchayat read Panchayat. 245, line 3.-For Panchayat read Panchayat. 245, add at the end of para. 2. [God Kesava or Gopinatha consecrated by a chief or a person or in his name is called after him. The god Mitra-Kesavadeva may have been originally installed by one Mitra or in his name. See the following instances : (1) Kirti-Gopinat a installed in the name of one Kirti (S. I.I., Vol. IV,No. 700). 2) Ananta-Gopinatha temple (No. 299 of 1915 in A. R. on Epigraphy for 1916) and (3) Tribhuvanamalla-Kesavadeva (S. I. I., Vol VI, Nos 630, 635.f)C.R.K.). 230, line 12 from bottom.-For daugher read daughter. 236, f. n. 3.-Read' Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar... Purusgupta'.

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viii Page 270, f. n. 3.-For Rasthtrakuta read Rashtrakuta. 275, f. n. 4.-Insert 'of' after 'inscription'. 283. The page number ought to be 283 and not 28. 292, text line 60. - For sAmAnyeyaM read sAmAnyoyaM. 39 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 13 [VOL. XXVI

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOLUME XXVI. No. 1.-INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. BY DR. H. N. RANDLE, LONDON. This is the plate to which Nalini Kanta Bhattasali drew attention in 1927 under the title "The Lost Bhowal Copper-Plate of Laksmana Sena Deva of Bengal,"! and its reappearance fully confirms the conclusions reached by Bhattasali on the evidence of a report (fortunately printed in the Calcutta Gazette, May 14, 1829) of a meeting of the Asiatic Society held on May 6, 1829. From this it appears that Walters, Magistrate of Dacca, had obtained the plate from Golak Narayan Roy, zamindar of Bhabyal and presented it to the Society. Although the translation' furnished by the Pandit of the Dacca City Court was, as H. H. Wilson, the Society's Secretary, pointed out, almost entirely a product of his own invention, it included a few proper names which are to be found in the present plate,- Jye Seen (Vijayasena), Goree Pereah (Gauri priya, line 1), Mulla Seen (Vallalasena ?), the Sybolenee river (Saivalini, line 23) and Beer Seen (Virasena, line 6). And the Pandit rightly said that the inscription commences with an invocation of Narayunu." Wilson recognised it as an ordinary land-grant of a Sena king, reading the date (really 27, as Bhattasali conjectured) as 37, and remarking that the imperfect condition of the plate rendered it very problematical whether it would hereafter be more satisfactorily deciphered." The plate was forgotten for half a century, until Navinachandra Bhadra in his Bhaoyaler itihasa (1875) gave a brief account of the finding of it ;' and then again forgotten for another half century, until Bhattasali's article appeared in 1927. In 1930 I turned out from a safe in the India Office Library a number of copper-plates, and ascertained that, with three or four possible exceptions, all had been published. The present plate was one of these exceptions. Subsequent 1 Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. III (1927), pp. 89-96. I published a preliminary notice of the reappear. ance of the plate in the same journal, Vol. XV (1939), pp. 300-302, and the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal then claimed it. It has now been restored to the possession of the Society Bhattasali points out that the Asiatic Society's proceedings were not printed before 1821. and again not between 1827 and 1829. In 1829 they were printed in the monthly " Cleanings of Science". which, however, may not have included the May proceedings. Wilson did not allow for the subsequent discovery of other similar plates which supplement the imperfeu. tions of is one. The relevant passage is at p. 26. I am indebted to my colleague Mr. R. H. Williams, Assistant Keeper at the India Office Library, for the following translation. "At Bhaoyal, amongst the Chandals was a certain Chashi Nigarl who was accustomed to do accounts and had even procured some books. Some time previously he bad found a copper-plate with some characters on it, opposite the aforementioned hermitage of Maghi. At the instance of & zamindar who formerly lived in the place, the late Mahatma Golak Narayana Raya Chaudhuri, many attempts were made to read this inscription, but no one was able to identify it. It was sent to a certain learned Englishman of Dacca ; but there too no one was able to decipher it, so it was forwarded to Calcutta. Again in that olty no one could read it, so at last it has been sent to England ".

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2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. examination, in the light of Bhattasali's article, has convinced me that it is the Bhowal (Bhaoyal) copper-plate. In view of the fact that H. H. Wilson was afterwards Librarian to the East India Company, it is not difficult to suppose that it came to the East India House with him. Walters' account of the find-spot of the plate is as follows:-" About thirty miles north of the city of Dacca, a few miles above the site of the ancient fortress of Akdala, and a short distance from the banks of the river Luck'iah, is situated Mowza Rajabary, appertaining to pergunnah Bhowal, and included in the modern division of thannah Jamalpore. At this place, on the crest of a low hill, stands an ancient building called by the natives Moggee's Mut (Maghir matha). It is built in the usual pyramidal form of Hindoo muts, but of considerable solidity, and contains a small vaulted apartment... Close to the mut is a tank of some magnitude... At a distance of about two miles to the north-west of the mut stood the palace of Raja Chandal... A large tank called Dunwa Digee, and the scattered remains of old brick buildings, evince that the spot was once the habitation of man.. About forty years ago the accompanying copper tablet was dug up by a Koonch ryot, at a short distance from the mut. It was conveyed to the Bhowal zemindar, Luckhenarain Rae, from whose son, Golucknarain Rae it has now been obtained". These topographical clues should be sufficient, but they are not in fact easily intelligible to a person using modern maps and gazetteers, since Bhowal and "Mowza Rajabary" are unknown to the Gazetteers and are not to be found on modern maps, while the Jamalpur of modern maps is not 30 miles but 90 miles to the north-west (not north) of Dacca. The distance from Dacca, and proximity to the river Lakhya or Lakshya remain the only useful pointers to modern maps. The Lakhya figures on the maps1 as the name of that stretch of river which runs roughly north and south through the Kaliganj and Rupganj sections of the Dacca District. Older maps are helpful, and the map of the western districts of the Dacca Division contained in Volume V of Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal (1875) marks in the Dacca district of the division, " Jaidebpur or Bhowal", and " Bhowal or Nagari". There is no doubt that the former locality is the relevant one as the names of zamindars mentioned in Mr. Walters' account show. The plate must have been found in the extreme north of the Dacca District since Walters located Mowza Rajabary 30 miles north of Dacca and must then have been brought to Jaydebpur (otherwise called Bhowal). The thana Kapasia appears to be indicated as the locality of the find. An account of Bhowal and "Capassia" will be found in James Taylor's Sketch of the Topography and Statistics of Dacca (Calcutta, 1840, pp. 110-118). The India Office plate is a single plate measuring 13 x 12 inches, weighing 7 lbs., and having 59 lines incised upon it, 30 on the obverse and 29 on the reverse. The seal, projected from the top edge in the shape of an inverted shield or heart, carries the usual Sena device, the image of Sadasiva, 3 inches in diameter, fixed by a stout central bolt almost inch in diameter which projects about inch on the reverse. There is a certain amount of corrosion, which affects especially the proper right side of the reverse, so that the first ten or twelve aksharas of many lines in the latter half of the inscription are more or less illegible. But (as Bhattasali had rightly conjectured) 1 See Survey map-sheets of Bengal (1 mile to the inch-1919), 78. L. 12 and 79. I. 9. 1 See Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers, Dacca (1912), pp. 183 f., under Jaydebpur. As to Walters' "thannah Jamalpore ", which included the "pergunnah Bhowal", Bengal map-sheet 79. I. 9 shows a Jamalpur and a Jamalpur Chak near and on the Lakhya river in the Kallganj part of Dacca District, Neither appears on Hunter's map; but Jumalpoor is marked as the headquarters of a thana on the map in Principal heads of the history and statistics of the Dacca Division (Calcutta, 1868). The same map shows "Joydebpoor or Bhowal" some 12 miles west of Jumalpoor, and Kapasia some 30 miles north of Dacca. Ekdalla is marked about 5 miles north-east of Jumalpoor.

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No. 1.) INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. this plate so closely resembles the Madhainagar plate of Lakshmanasenal that the lacune over a large part of it can be supplied from the Madhainagar plate. In fact Banerji's and Majumdar's reading and translation of that part of the Madhainagar plate which is identical with lines 1-24, 27-34, 43-45 and 49-57 of the present plate render a fresh reading and translation of these passages superfluous, except in so far as the India Office plate happens to supply lacune in the Madhainagar plate. But it seemed more convenient to transcribe and translate the whole. The engraver seems to have made no mistakes in reproducing his copy, although he was not always careful in forming his characters. The usual ambiguities (r, v, ch; 8, 9;h, ng; dh, p, y; some conjuncts; and vowel marks) therefore present occasional difficulty, and in combination with the effects of corrosion) make the reading of some characters, especially in unfamiliar place. names, open to doubt. The deed was issued by the Maharajadhiraja Ari-raja-Madana-Sankara Lakshmanasonadova (lines 28 and 57-8). The name of the place of issue has been doubtfully read in the Madhainagar grant as Dharyyagrama. In the present plate it is again doubtful (line 24). The grant is dated on the 6th day of the month Karttika in the year 27, and was executed by Sankaradhara, the Gauda-Mahasandhivigrahika as duta (lines 57-59). It is a conveyance of land to Pathaka Padmanabhadova-sarman, son of Mahadeva[deva]-Sarman, grandson of Jayadeva-sarman and great-grandson of Buddhadeva[?]-Sarman, of the Maudgalya gotra and the Aurva, Chyavana, Bhargava, Jamadagnya and Apnavana pravaras, a follower of the Kauthuma sakha of the Sama-veda (lines 45-7). The motive of the gift is to win merit for the Mahadevi ..padovi and the Mahadevi Kalyapadevi (line 48) The land conveyed consists of two adjacent estates, of the annual value of 400 kapardaka-puranas, in the Paundravardhanabhukti, one at least (possibly both) being in the Vatumbi chaturaka of the Vaschasa (?) avritti of that bhukti. Both portions of land have as their southern boundary Jaladandi, while the village Khivolapandi forms the eastern boundary of one and the western boundary of the other. That on the west is bounded on the north and west by the Suja-nadi(?). That on the east (which perhaps fell in a different chaturaka) is bounded on the north by Valengavenada' (?), and on the east by Simhadavilli (?), by the southern part of Kaimajagravali (?) and apparently by a water-exit. The lands conveyed comprised four part-estates (khanda-kshetra) named Kavilli, Chuschall, Gandoli and Dahipa. Measurements are given, but they are not intelligible. There is possibly a reference to a 22-hasta unit of measurement. I cannot identify on the maps any of the places named; but the find-spot may indicate that they are to be looked for in the north of the Daoca District. The invocation and genealogy in thirteen stanzas, identical with those of the Madhainagar inscription, occupy the first 23 lines of the plate. The remainder is in prose, with the exception of the dharm-anu samsinah slokah (vv. 14-19)* which are given precisely as in the Madhainagar plate up to the point to which that plate is legible. The list of officials addressed corresponds in every respect with that found in other Sena grants. But the amplification of Lakshmanasena's titles which occupies six lines in the Madhainagar plate is here reduced to two lines (lines 26 and 27, probably corresponding to two of the three illegible lines in the Madhainagar plate). Lakshmanasens is described in both plates as Gaudesvara-paramesvara-paramanarasimhaparamabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja, but the present plate omits the description of him (given in Edited by R. D. Banerji, with facsimile. in J. P. A. S. B., new series, Vol. 3 (1909), pp. 467-476 ; and by N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 106-116 (Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, 1929). [Bee below p. 9 n. 3.-Ed.] [See below p. 8 n. 16.-Ed.] and verse introducing the dita (v. 20).--Ed.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. lines 30-32 of the Madhainagar plate) as paramadikshita, parama-brahmakshatriya, vikalikritaKalingal and vikrama-va fikrita-Kamarupa. It does not seem, however, that the omission here has any significance. The references to Kalinga and Kamarupamade in the verse prasasti (lines 19 and 20) were presumably regarded as a sufficient record. The date of the inscription, if Lakshmanasena's reign was c. 1170-1200 A.D., must be fixed at c. 1197 A. D., and therefore very near the time of his overthrow by Muhammad Bakhtiyar. And this dating cannot be far wrong if we accept as I think we must the solid evidence of four passages in Vallalasena's Adbhuta-sagaras (not to mention the colophon found in late MSS. of the royal author's Dana-sagara), which give Saka dates for the commencement of the Adbhuta-sagara (1090-1168-69 A.D.), for the completion of the Dana-sagara (1091-1169-70 A.D.), and for the carly part (not necessarily the first year) of Vallalasena's reign (10821160-61 A.D.). There is 1 As read by Majumdar. Banerji reads -kalanka. * Here called Pragiyotinha. The doubts which have arisen about Lakshmanasena's date are due to difficulties in the interpretation of two eras (used later but never by the Senas themselves) : (a) the Lakshmana sanoat, which Kielhorn determined as commencing in 1118-19 A.D. (Ind. An., 1890, p. 1). (b) the atita-rajya Lakshmarasina era used in Asokachalla's inscriptions. As to (a) there was never any real reason for Kielhorn's very natural assumption that 1118-19 A.D. was the date of Lakshmanasena's accession. The question whether it is to be taken as the date of his birth or as the date of Vijayasena's accession, or as the date of some other landmark in Sena history, is still sub judice. But, what. ever the solution may be, it need not prevent the supposition that Lakshmanasena's reign commenced c. 1170 A.D. As to (6), the interpretation of the atita rajya era as commencing from the overthrow of Lakshmansecna ia in itself the obvious interpretation, and it seems to fit in with facts and probabilities. Contrary views are mentioned in the following note. * Maintained by R.C. Majumdar, "Chronology of the Sena Kings', in J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XVII (1921), pp. 7-16. and D. C. Bhattacharyya, 'Date of Lakshmanasena and his predecessors', in Ind. Ant., Vol. LI (1922), pp. 145-148 and 153-158. The contrary opinion is maintained by R. D. Banerji in J. A. 8. B., Vol. IX (1913), p. 277. He holde that the Lakshmana sanoaters (1118-19 A.D.) dates from the accession of Lakshmapasens and that the Abbkachella inscriptions (Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 27) dated in years 51 and 74 of the Lakshmana afsta-rajya era refer to the samo epoch, their dates being therefore equivalent to 1169-70 A.D. and 1192-3 A.D. For a later discussion of the problem see P. C. Barat in J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 1-9. Barat gives four passages from the Adbhuta-sagara which take 1090 Saka as the initial date for various caloulations; and each passage mentions that this is the year in which the Adbhuta-sagara was commenced. It seems quite impossible to reject this evidence. Barat's readjusted chronology is : Vijayasona b. 1069 aco, 1006 died or retired . . . . . . . . 1158 Vallalasena b. 1094 acc. 1168 died or retired . . . . . . . . 1168 Lakshmanasena b. 1119 acc. 1168 died or retired . . . . . . . . 1182 The scheme is acceptable with the exception of the last date. The present plate shows that Lakshmanaa na Tuled 27 years at least. Minbaj ibn Sirkj in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri states that " Rai Lakhminya" had been on the throne for eighty years when he was attacked by Muhammad Bakhtiyar at Nadiya. Minhaj's statement must mean that Lakshmanasena was then 80 years old. This would date the attack in 1198-99 A.D. D. C. Bhattacharyya, loc. cit., gives the reference to the passages in Muralidhar Jha's edition of the Adbhutasagara (Benares, 1905), pp. 4, 125, 235 and 236. * See J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XI (1915), p. 347. * The length of the reign of Vijayasena (Vallalasena's predecessor) depends on the reading and interpretation of the date in his Barrackpur plate (Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 282). Banerji read it as 32, Bhattacharyys as 61. Bhandarkar (List, No. 1683; p. 236, note 1) accepts the reading 61, but suggests that the year could be referred to the Chalukya Vikrama era, giving 1137-8 A.D. as a date for Vijayaana. Bhandarkar's suggestion will not fit in with the date given in the Adbhuta-sagara (=1160-61 A.D.) for the early part of Vallalasena's reign.

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No. 1.] INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. then no difficulty in accepting the tradition that it was in fact this Lakshmanasena, and no other, whose overthrow by Muhammad Bakhtiyar is related in the T'abagat- - Vasiri, an event variously dated from 1194 to 1207 A.D. TEXT. Obverse. 1 Siddham [l*) Om namo Narayanaya | Yasyranke sarad ambud-orasi tadil-lekh=eva Gauri priya deh-arddhena Harim sama]sritam=a[ bhu]d=yasy=ati. 2 chitram vapuh | dipt-arkka-dyuti-lochana-traya-rucha ghoram dadhano mukham devas tvam sa nirasta-danava-gajah pushnatu Panchananah !! [1*] Svar-gGa3 nga-jala-pundarikam=amrita-pravara-dhara-griham spingara-druma-pushpam-Isvara-sikh alankara-mukta-manih kehir-ambhonidhi-ji4 vitam kumudini-vrind-aika vaihasiko jiyan-Manmatha rajya? paushtika-maha santi dvijas-chandramah il 2*]* Tribhuvana-jaya-sambhri. 5 t-arthao-kliptaih kratubhir=avarita1o-sattrina="maranam a janishata tad-anvaye dharitri valaya-visrinkhala-kirttayo narendrah 1 [3*]" 6 Pauranibhih kathabih prathita-guna-gane Virasenasya varse Karpnata-kshatri-] yanam-ajani kua siro-clama 7 Samantasenah ksitva nirviram=urvvi-talam=a dhika]taram2 tripyata naka-nadya m nirnpilkto yena (yudhyad-ripu-rudhira)-kana. 8 kir[wn]a-dharah ksipanah!! [4*]ia Viranam=adhidaivatamiripu-[chamu]-mar-a[oka ma]lla-vratas-tasma[d]=vismayaniya [saurya-mash]i[ma] 9 Hemanta seno='bhavat 1 kshirod-adhalr]a-valsaso Vasumati-devya yadiyam yaso ratnasy=eva Su]meru-mauli-mi10 litan) kshauma-sriyan pushyati | 15*] Ajani Vijayasenas=tejas[7]m rabir=asmat samara-vil srima]ransam] bhubhritam=. 11 ka-seshah 11*1 iha jagati xishehe vena ramsasya purvvah purusha iti sudhamsau kevalam] raja-sav(b)dahi! 6*1 Bhu-chakrar See Raverty's translation (Bibliotheca Indica, Work No. 78, published in 1881), pages 554-568. Raverty (footnote, p. 359) argues for the date 1194. From the side of Sena chronology a date near 1198 would seem to be indicated + Square brackets are used to indicate what is illegible but has been supplied. Round brackets indicate & Decessary emendation. A single dot enclosed within square brackets indicates an illegible element in an akshara. * Represented by a symbol. Metre : Sardularikridita. "The Madhainagar plate has pradara.. I find no authority for either word. [Probably we have to take pra-tri here in the sense of 'to fill'. See Monjer-Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary under pri-eri.-Ed. * Madhainagarmihasako. :Madhainagar.raja. Metre : Sardalurikridita. This is the reading also in Madhainagar. 10 Madhxinagar vidhitit.. [Reading in M. adeo seems to be c rita.Ed.] 11 Metre: Pushpitagra. 12 [Reading both here and in Madbainagar is clearly -n pi na tarine tripyata, 1.c., not being fully satisfied even after, etc.-Ed.) 1 Metre : Sragdhara. 1 Metre : Sardalavikridita. Metre: Malini.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 12 kiyad-etad-avritam-abhud-yad-Vamanasy-amghrina Naganam kiyad-aspadam yad1= urasa la[ngh]anti gudhanghrayah | ek-aha 13 d-yad-anurur-anchati kiyan-matram tad-apy-amva(mba)ra[m] yasy-et-iva yaso hriya tribhuvana-vyaptya-pi no tripyati || [7] Tasmad=ase[sha-] 14 bhuvan-otsava-parvvan-endur-vVallalasena-jagatipatir=ujjagama yah kevalam na khalu sarvva-[nare]svaranam ekah 88 15 magra-vidusham-api chakravartti(1) || [8*]* Chalukya-bhupala-kul-e[ndu-le]kha tasya [priy=abhu-] 16 d=va(ba) humana-bhumir-lLakshmi-Prithivyor-api Vasudeva-Devakasu[ta]-deh-antara[bhya]m-iva Parapar10-antahpura-mauli-ratnam11 Ramadevi || [9*13 Etabhyam1 [eri]mal-La chakreis yan-maya-janma-nissaha [VOL. XXVI. 17 kshmanasena-murttir-ajani kshmapala-Narayanah milan-nidrandha-vach-cha[nchalat | kri-116 18 ahton-adhi-payodhi kalichakam-iva [tyaktva?] pramugdham] vapuh " [10] DripyadGaudesvara-sri-hatha-harana-kala yasya kauma 19 ra-kelih Kalingen-anganabhih0 pratipada dhadas-chakrire yasya yunah yen= asau Kasirajah samara 20 bhuvi jito yasya nistrimsa2-dhara-bhiruh Pragjyotishendras-charana-23ja-rajasa nirmmame karmmanani || [11*24 A-kau 1 Madhainagar reading doubtful, and unintelligible. Banerji reads asyadarpam, Majumdar abhyudaryam. The India Office plate is clear and intelligible. The illegible akshara is so read by Majumdar in the Madhainagar plate. Banerji reads lapsanti. So read by Banerji in the Madhainagar plate. Majumdar reads ekaho, remarking that the sign for is not clear, but seems to be intended. Majumdar reads "nam vyapy-a, Banerji na-vyapy-adeg. Vyaptya is clear on this plate. Metre Surdulavikridita. Madhainagar karanendur. Parvvanendur is clear on this plate. * Madhainagar vivudham. India Office plate clearly vidusham. Madhainagar vartti. Metre: Vasantatilaka. 10 The India Office plate appears to read parapara", not dharadhara as in the Madhainagar plate. [Obviously the intended reading is dharadhav-antahpura.-Ed.] 11 Madhainagar ratna-. The India Office plate shows clearly the anusvara which the metre demands. 12 Tasya is clear. Majumdar's reading tasya must be mistaken. 18 Metre Upajati. 14 Illegible in the Madhainagar plate. 15 These two syllables, illegible in the Madhainagar plate, are fairly clear here. But a mark attached to ya suggests dya. If it is not accidental, rakshed must be read. 16 Madhainagar reads milad-vimbanuvachchanchalat-krideg. The India Office plate clearly has milan-ni. What follows is only partly legible, and remains unintelligible. [Reading seems to be -anuva(ba)ndha-chchhalat. -Ed.] 17 The India Office plate is more legible than the Madhainagar plate, but I have failed to obtain an intelligible reading. 18 Metre Surdulavikridita. 1 These two aksharas, apparently illegible in the Madhainagar plate, are quite clear here. Majumdar reads aeid. So also the Madhainagar plate. The remainder of this pada is illegible in the Madhainagar plate, except the last three aksharas, read as ve yasya purvvah. The India Office plate, but for one akshara, is legible. [See next note.-Ed.] The last word cannot be purvvah. 31 [Reading seems to be pratipadam-uva(pa)das-chakrire. The idea is that the king of Kalinga accompanied by his wives often presented gifts to him (even) when the latter was young.-Ed.] 22 Illegible in the Madhainagar plate. 23 Illegible in the Madhainagar plate. 24 Metre Sragdhara (not Sardulavikridita, as inadvertently stated by Majumdar). 1

Page #18
INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. Obverse. HAIRAHMILSINAFRARIERRE25vAna 42500RMEMADARMEnAkhAnyAtanA TEMPETIMADARAalakAmakalAkAmA laurIPATEST RegiatimarAjamAravAyA Taasaand ERATRIKANSLATION proteinetupitni AR R EATRE mAyA lAla AATA 8NimsutraEAVETERANTERASTRA saMghamAsAna mA NARMER 10 mAmiga mAjhA ARA 10 Fakissula land zAkha 12 sApayAmeMTara magA (CREAT R E mAdhyayAyAmAcAramA janAlAmA hAnAmA 14 Hardwaani bihAnI as BnA satI unakI kAmAlA 16 jAmAtA va bAgAyatI zAstAlamA 18ELHAHarivamanifi kA TARE rAmAyAlA mAtA zyati cAma 20olAmaramAlA yA mahAmAhA niyojanA saMghamAmAtItArAmI zaharamA vihalAmAjiyAtiyo yo tAlamA manAlA zATa rAimAma anyArI THEMANTIMATE Marati PERITARA 28Tamwali rAjadhAna ra sAmAna 26 mArakAsAlAsapatAmaharAjAja 28 vimAna ko mAmilA katA para 28 TETbhAyA yazAtA sAhakA 80 Faranth indiaHIKH , 30 la ko EiRMITRATEAramA N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. BOALE: ONE-HALF SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

Page #19
Reverse. zamagAvoga hAtAta ghaten 814vlatineer kalamAlA rAhatamAna zAkAniyakAla HASHA mA manA HEARHETA Brinanime PETER mAnavI 34 SHAH TRAi H ai mAjI mahAzA 98 A BITTER. tahAnAyaka zamazArA 38 R ETARYAgAnanyAta kAmUka mArAvAvA. 98THACatalya SRDAR nAtAmA 38 READ TESH mAmalA sAmanA 4022ndustr alia AERNEjA zAhajahAjAta 40 Naid kolAyatimAmArIkA 42 Mine mA pani jAnupAtasayAmAjhamA kAjala bharA Exay in mins rAmATHE 4EMission N SAR kapAtADAvara HEAD NERATE IN yAnaka jAtA 9 . LARSHED ARTIONmAtamI vAtAna 48. Ram RFT jAyArAma AHADEMORE DatauntyArAkAzamA hAta mizana maataa| 50 InmahAmanIdstiate savAla esta WAITI55 bhAtAlA mItra 621HinmastratilskAmazAna inspiratnaSITARA 54 sharinfor SHARMATMASATER samApana His LEAST zAyamA TRAINMEANIN. STMERARARIAT I jJAta loTa 58 MAAVAG kA majahabadalAmAkA 58 LeARALAMRAPii mahAna ERATORS

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No. 1.) INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 21 mara samara-jayina kurvvat=orvvim=aviram=eten=ami katham-iva disam=i[4]itaro vimuktah'l [a]shta[.Jange va22 pushi kalaya tasya te-shtau pravishtah pra[dhva]steti prabhavati na bi kshattriya pam kripanah || [12*] Yatr=arama-druma-dala-[ru] 23 cha Saivaliny=arddha-spingah (pra)syandy-ambho-janapada -gunair=yeshu [r]amanchita bhuh pranan munchanty=avanipatayo 24 no cha naryan-anena gramas=te te sapadi dadire kotisah sasanani? || [13*]* Te khalu........grama'-parisara-sa25 mava[sitja 10grima[j-jaya-skandhjavaru[t] paramesvara-parama-Vai[shnjava-params bhattaraka-mabarasjadbira]ja-sri-Valla. 26 lasena-deva-padanudhya[ta-] vi....ra-jagad-dhanya-Ma[m]dara-pramathita-soma'-sama rasagara-samas-aditya-Sril.] Lakshm=iva" Se27 na-kula-kusesha(sa)ya-vikasa-vasarakara 13-Gaudesvara-paramosvara-parama. Narasimha parama-bhattaraka-mahara. 28 jadhiraja-brimal-Lakshmanasena-deva-pada vijayinah samupagat-asesha-raja-rajanyaka rajni-ra[naka-ra]29 japutra-rajamatya-mahapurohita-mahadharmmadhyaksha-mahasandbivigrabika-mahasena pati-mahamudradhi[kli)30 t-antaranga - v(b)sihaduparika - mahakshapatalika - mahapratihara - mahabholgika - maha-) pilupati-mahaganastha-dauh1 Those two padas, illegible in the Madhainagar plate, are fortunately clear. * First akshara illegible. The omitted character in the third akshara looks legible but I have failed to identify it. The metre requires a conjunct consonant. [Possibly ashta-prange and used as qualifying vapushi.-Ed.] . [Reading may be prahvibhute.-Ed.] In these two padas again the India Office plate supplies the lacuna in the Madhinagar plate. Metre Mandalranta. * I would read Sairaliny=ur[d]dhva[ganga) sasya-vyaja[j*janapada.-Ed.] The India Office plate supplies with certainty the last four syllables of the first pada, and (less certainly) the whole of the second pada. It supplies the second half of the third pada and the whole of the fourth pada, illegible in the Midh&inagar plate. Naryan however remains unintelligible. [Reading is naryav-anena, narvau meaning the two objects of human desire, viz., heaven and earth.-Ed.) Metre: Mandakranta. Majumdar reads nirgate khalu Dharyyagrama-, etc. It seems clear that the India Office plate follows the Madhainagar plate in this line. But ni is followed by a punctuation mark, apparently read as orgao by Majumdar. The akshara following the punctuation mark can only be read, with Majumdar, as te. It is the demonstrative pronoun anticipating Lakshmanasinadeva-pada) in line 28. The place-name may be the same as in the MadhaiDagar plate. As it stands I should read Phupphagrama. But corrosion produces such strange effects that what now looks like Phu might once have been Dha. Superscript r easily disappears, so that the second akshara might be -ryya. 10 From this point up to the word Gaudeevara in line 27 the Madhainagar version, so far as legible, differ widely from the present inscription. These two and a half lines (25-27) of the India Office plate replace no less than seven lines (25-32) in the Madhainagar plate (three of which are altogether illegible). The lines omitted in the India Office plate include references to Lakshmanasena as having "crippled " Kalinga and subdued Kimaripa 1 [To me the reading appears to be dhyato nija-bhuja....... Mandara-pramathit-asima-.-Ed.] 11 [Correct reading is samasidita-Gauda-Lakshmika-.-Ed.) 1. For the preceding phrase compare the Edilpur grant of Ketavasena, line 41, Sena-kula-kamaia-vikard. bhaskana. From the word Gaudedvara up to the middle of line 34 the present inscription is identioal with the corresponding part (line 33-39) of the Madhainagar plate.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. Reverse. 31 sadhi[ka]-chauro[ddha)ranika-nau-vaba)la-hasty-asva-go-mahish-aj-avik - adi - vyappitaka gaulmika-dandapasi32 ka-dandanayaka-vishayapaty-adin anyams-cha sakala-raja-pad-opajivino='dhyaksba prachar-oktan-ih-akirtti. 33 tan chatta-bhatta-jatiyan janapadan kshetrakaran vra(bra)hmanan yra(bra)hman-ottarao yath-arham manayanti vo(bo)dha34 [yanti) samadisanti cha matam-astu bhavatam yatha sri-Paundravarddhana-bhukty. antahpati-Vabchas-avsitty-antarggata-Vatumvi'-chatu35 rake purvve Khavolapandih simaldakshine Jaladandi [h] sima paschime Sujanadie sima uttare=pi tatha 36 [sima l ittbajn=chatuh-sim-avachchhinnah Kavilll-Chunchali-Gandoli-D@hipat -khanda-kahetra-sameta-Vapa. .........chaturaka purvel (Tr]adapasalamvanni10-bhu-sutra-dvayam Simhadavilli tatha Kaimajagravali' paschima-ka. 38 ndas-tatha..............jiprastariyat.cbatuh-sutra.bbus=taj-jala-nirggama-jabrah" sima daksbine Jaladandih sima 39 paschime Khavo[lapandih si]ma uttare Valengavenadah" sima | itthan=chatuh-sim avachchhinno ma40 ..... ....makesa-deva-desah | ittham=etav=upari-likbita-bhu-sim. avachchhinnau (11? dvavimsati-haste. 37 ..... The initial vowel follows. There is a tendency to separate the different categories in this list by not apply. ing sandhi, and by using a punctuation mark (a dot or short upright line). * Vaschala is an improbable name. The second akshara remains doubtful. And, but for the fact that avritti is always read in Sena plates the name of an administrative division of land I should have read the last three akshara as ci-fitty. Vafumvimbi) seems clear. This is clear. The same name appears to occur in line 39, in describing the western boundary of the second lot of land granted. This is clear. The name recurs in line 38. in describing the southern boundary of the second lot of land granted * Reading doubtful. The character read d could be h or d. I take these to be the names of four separate khanda-kshetrus, and I find confirmation for this assumption in the phrase khanda-kahetru-chatushaya in line 42. The names are quite legible. There appears to be a danda after each name.-Ed.) * Perhaps Ripa(r). * There is no trace of the doubling of v. 1. This appears to give the name of a field. I am indebted to the Editor for the reading bh istra-drayani Simhadavilli. 11 [To me the reading appears to be Chemadagrarati.-Ed.] 11 This seems to conceal & place-name. 13 The partly obliterated mark below the character & is probably . But the neaning of sutru remains obscure in such a compound. 11 -jasrah conveys no meaning to me, but I cannot read it in any other way. (To me the reading appears to be janal for Skt. yanah --Ed.) 15 What remains legible suggests this reading. The same village has been mentioned above, line 35. 16 [Reading seems to be Vanahara-nadah which may be identical with the river Banar, N. N. E. of Jaydevpur --Ed.) 11 The mark which I have taken as a punctuation sign is an unusual angular mark.

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No. 1.) INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 41 [na parimitah]'.... ..va-bhu-sameta-kakino dvavimsati-yashty. adhika-padik-opeta-dronik-anvita 42 ........dasa.......... .......... kau samvatsarena kapardaka-purana-bata chatushtay-otpattikau khanda-kshetra-chatushtaya-sa43 [mejta................................................. ........... kiyad=eka bhu-bhagau sa-jhata vitapau sa-jala-sthalau sa-gar[tt-Osha44 rau sa-guvaka-narikelau sahya-das-apa]radhau parihtita-sarvva-pidav=a-chatta-bhatta pravesav=a-kinchist-pra-] 45 [grahyau trina-yuti-gb]charal-paryantau Buddha]devasarmmanah prapautraya Jaya devasarmmanah pautraya Mahadeva46 [deva]sarmmanah putraya Maudgalya-sa-gotraya Aurvva-Chyavana-Bharggava-Jama dagny- Apnavana-pravaraya? Sama-veda-Kauthuma. 47 sa[kha]-charan-a[nudhyayi]ne Pathaka-sri-Padmanabhadevasarmmane pu[nye-ha]ni vidhivad=udaka-purvvakam bhagava48 [ntam Sriman-Na]rayana-bhattara]kam=uddisya mahadevi.........padevi-mahadevi Kalyanadevy[0]} [punya-pra]pti-ni. 49 (mittam)........ ....samastena sata-chatushtay-otpattikam bhumim=utssijy=a-chandr-arkka-kshiti-sama-kalam yava50 d-bhumi-chchbidra-Jnyayena tamra-sasanikristya praldattav-a.gmabbih tad-bhavadbbih sarvvair=ev=anumantavyam | bhavi. 51 [bhir-api nsipa]tibhir=apabarane naraka-pata-bhayat palane dharmma-gauravat sasanan idam palaniyam [1] bhava52 nti cb=atra dharmm-a[nusamsinah] slokah | Bhumim yah pratigshnati yas=cha bhumim prayachchhati ulbhau tau) punya-ka[rmma]nau ni. 53 yatam gvarga-gaminau || [14*) Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha datta rajabbih Sagar-adibbih yasya yasya ya[da bhumis) tasya tasya] tada 1 If -na is present it is a subsequent addition above the line ; parimitah is vaguely outlined on the damaged surface, I think. But the reading is conjectural. ' I owe the reading of the fifth pravara-name to the Editor. Dr. N. K. Bhattasali had suggested that either Vatsya or Savarnna is required as the gotra, in view of the first four pravaras. At that time the name of the fifth pravara had not been read. In this name the first akshara is so ambiguous that I do not venture to read it. It must give the name of one of the two queens. The first akshara resembles Sri; but this gives no intelligible name. It is possible that an initial vowel has combined by sandhi with the last vowel in mahadevi. [The correct reading is Sri(Sri)gadevi, & name not unfamiliar in inscriptions. A Telugu inscription in the Bhimesvara temple at Draksharame, dated Saka 1050, mentions Sriyyadevi, the mahadevi of Anantavarman(-Chodaganga). (8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1195). Another Telugu record in the temple of Kesavasvamin, on a hill near Konidena, dated Saka 1075 gives Sriyamahadevi as the name of the mother of the Telugu Choda chief, Mahimandalesvara TribhuvanamalladevaChode-Maharaja (8. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 634).-Ed.) I have no doubt that two queens are meant. The termination, as the plate now stands, looks like the singular (Kalyanadevya)); but there is room for the additional stroke which would turn this into -devyoh. UD. fortunately, the names found in other plates for Lakshmanasena's consorts are diversely read. In the Sabity Parishad plate of Visvarupasena (line 25) Banerji reads Tattanadevi, Majumdar T'yashtanadevi. In Who Edilpur plate of Kesavasena (line 23) Majumdar read the name of Lakshmanasena's other consort as Chandridevi, but in the Madana pada plate of Visvarupasena (line 21) he reads it as Tadadevi, while Vasu reads Tandndevi. [I would read the name of the queen in l. 25 of the Sahitya Parishad plate as Srimaty=Alhanadeur. The name of the queen in l. 21 of the Madanapada plate is certainly Tadadevi as read by Majumdar. If the name road w Chandradevi in the Edilpur plate of Kesavasena 1. 23, is identical with Tadadevi, which appears porsible, the Sons records so far known have furnished the names of at least four queens of Lakshmanagena, viz., Sriyadovi, Kalyanadevi, Alhanadevi and Taladevs. See the following noto.--Ed.)

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10 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 54 phalath(lam) | [15] [Asphojayanti pitaro valgayanti pitamahal | bhimid-atkule jatah sa nas-trata bha]vishyati || [16] Sha 55 [shtim] varsha-sahasrani sva]rgge tishthati bhumidah | akshepta ch-anumanta cha [ta]ny-eva narak[e vaset] [ 17*] Svadattam paradattam va [yo] 56 [ha]reta vasundharam(ram) | [sa] vishthayam krimir-bhutva pitribhih saha pachyate [18] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(bu)-vi(bi)ndu-lolam sriyam-anuchintya 57 [manushya-vital-cha | [sakalam-idam-udahrital-cha vu(bu)ddhvi na hi purushaib para-kirtayo vilopyah || [19] Ari-raja-Madana-Sankara-narapatir-akaron-mantri-sata-mukhyam(khyam) [*] Sankaradharam=ihu dutam Gauda-mahasandhivigrahikam(kam) [ 20*1 58 59 Sri ni maha[-sa]m ni | srima[d-ra]ja ni[?] | sri-Madana-Sankara ni. | srimat sanga. samaya-ni. | sarh. 27 ka. dine 6. TRANSLATION. Success. Om. Adoration to Narayana. (V. 1) May the god Panchanana give you prosperity, in whose embrace his beloved Gauri is like the lightning flash on the bosom of an autumn cloud, whose resplendent form rests with half his body in Hari; who makes his countenance terrible with three eyes shining like the burning sun; who as a lion (panchanana) has vanquished the elephants who are the danavas." (V. 2) Victory to the Moon, the lotus in the stream of the heavenly Ganges, the fountain of ambrosia-showers, the flower on the tree of love, the pearl adorning the head of the Lord;-(the Moon) whose being is from the milky sea and who alone can make the lotus-clusters smile, the priest in the great rite which augments the kingdom of Love. (V. 3) In his (ie., the Moon's) line were born princes who offered sattras to the Immortals incessantly, the sacrifices being performed with the wealth gathered during their conquest of the three worlds; princes whose fame was not confined within the girdle of the globe. (V. 4) In Virasona's family, the tale of whose virtues is told in Pauranic histories, Samantasona was born, a garland on the brow of the race of Karnata kshatriyas-who, being fully satisfied after leaving the face of the earth without a warrior, cleansed in the heavenly stream his sword, its edge dripping with the blood of opposing foemen. (V. 5) From him was Hemantasena, the presiding deity of warriors, whose sworn purpose was the destruction of the armies of bis enemies, whose majesty and might were objects of wonder; whose fame, like a jewel in the crown of the Sumeru mountain, bears the beauty of the silken (upper) garment of the goddess of Earth, the lower being the milky ocean. 1 [Metre: Arya; the second pada is short by one syllabic instant.-Ed.] The reading and interpretation of sanga-samaya-ni are doubtful. See the footnote to this line in the transla. tion. I am indebted to the Editor for the reading of the aksharas degs-tvam sa, and for the now intelligible translation of this clause. [See above, p. 5 n. 12.-Ed.] Marankamalla is, as Majumdar points out, parallel to Marankavira in the Deopara inscription (line 10, there also applied to Hemantasena), and occurs in a verse ascribed in the Saduktikarnamrita to Umapatidhara, the poet who composed the Doopara inscription (J. P. A. 8. B., 1906, p. 161, verse 5, referred to by Majumdar, p. 193). Since verses 4 and 6 of the Madhainagar (and India Office) plate are parallel to verses 5 and 16 of the Doopara inscription it has been suggested that Umapatidhara is the author also of this prabasti. See J. P. 4. 8. B., Vol. V (1909), p. 469 (referred to by Majumdar, p. 107).

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No. 1.) INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. (V. 6) From him was born Vijayasena, a mass of splendour, the only remainder of princes moving about in battles, by whom the name "King" was suffered in this world only in the case of the Moon, as being the progenitor ancestor of his house. (V. 7) His fame is not satisfied with even the pervasion of the three worlds, (thinking) as it were with shame : "How extensive could the circuit of the earth be which was covered by the foot of the Dwarf! How large the abode of the Nagas (ie., the nether world) which the serpents traverse on their bellies ! How spacious the sky which the thighless one (i.e., Aruna) crosses in a single day!" (V. 8) From him issued Vallalasona, lord of the earth, full moon of the whole world's rejoicing, who was sole suzerain pot indeed of all princes alone but also of all learned men. (V. 9) Rama dovi, the crest.jewel of far and near harems, the crescent moon of the family of the Chalukya princes, who was an object of deep veneration even for Lakshmi and Prithivi, was his consort. (V. 10) From these two, who were as Vasudeva and Devaki themselves re-incarnated, was born Narayana bimself in the form of the illustrious King Lakshmanasena,........3 (V. 11) Whose sport in youth was the art of taking away by violence the fortune of the proud King of Gauda; whose....when a young man were made by the prince of Kalinga by means of women ;' by whom that king of Kasl was defeated on the field of battle ; fearing the edge of whose sword the lord of Pragiyotisha performed magic rites with the dust from his feet. (V. 12) How has he, who has from his very boyhood been victorious in battles rendering the earth empty of warriors, spared the guardians of the regions? (Because) these eight have entered his body consisting of eight principal parts, each according to his share (kala) and the sword of kshatriyas does not act when (an enemy has) already fallen (or has sought refuge).' (V. 13) Where, with the beauty of the foliage of the garden trees, are) the half-curves of the Saivalini, in which the eartb is thrilled with the beauties of the denizens of the moving water. Princes lose their lives, but not thereby (the merit of their gifts). These villages [and] royal charters in tens of millions at one time have been given. 1 (See above, p. 6 n. 10.-Ed.] *[The idea apparently is that the king had several consorts among whom were counted also Lakshmi (1..., sovereignty) and Prithivi (i.e., earth, territory). The last two were held in high esteem, but Ramadevi was respect. ed even by them. With this description of Vallalasena we may compare that of Dilipa in Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa, I, 32: "Kalatravantam=atmanam=avarodhe mahaty-api taya mene manasvinya Lakshmya cha vasudhadhipah II", to which Mallinatha's comments are: "tay, Sudakshinaya, Lakshmya cha......Vasudhadhipa itywanena Vasudhaya ch=eti gamyate."--Ed.) The reading of the rest of verse 10 is too uncertain to admit of translation. *The reference to Kalinga remains unintelligible, in the absence of a complete reading. I conjecture the meaning to be that tribute on pratipad days in the shape of a gift of women was paid by the ruler of Kalinga to Lakshmanasens, when the latter was a young man. There is no evidence of Lakshmanasena's sporting with or receiving gifts of Kalinga ladies. See above, p. 6 n. 21.-Ed.) * The reference is obscure. (Kamarupa is traditionally famous for sorcery.-Ed.] . fof. ashtanan dik-palanan matrabhir=nirmmito nipah. Also Manuemriti, VII, 4-7.--Ed.) * The translation follows the Editor's reading. See above p. 7, nn. 2, 3.-Ed. .Naryan is clear, but not intelligible. [Read maryav. See above p. 7, n. 7.-Ed.) * The construction is at least awkward, and leads me to suspect that I have misread something. According to my reading the translation would be: where the river is like the heavenly Ganges (i.e., Mandakini) on account of the beauty of the gardens and foliage (found along its banks); where the earth, on account of the merits of the country (janapada), is so thrilled that her hair stands on end in the guise of the (standing) crops; (where) the rulers would fain give up their lives but not the two supreme objects of desire-heaven and earth-and therefore divers villages were given by them) in great numbers by means of granta.-Ed.]

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12 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. (LI. 24-28) His Majesty, from his illustrious camp of victory pitched in the environs of.......! -grima, meditating on the feet of the mighty prince, the devout worshipper of Vishnu, His most excellent Majesty the King of Kings Vallalasona-dova :-His most excellent Majesty the King of Kings the victorious Lakshmanasona-dova, the Moon churned up by Mount Mandara out of the wealth of the... world, the Aditya of battles, the Sri of the ocean (of knowledge); the Lakshmi of word-composition, the sun that opens the lotus of the Sena family, the lord of Gauda, the mighty prince, the devout worshipper of Narasimha : (Ll. 28-32) to the assembled chiefs, chieftains, and queens, the Ranakas, the nobles, the royal councillors, the Chief Priest, the Minister for Justice, the Minister for Peace and War, the Commander-in-Chief, the Keeper of the Seal, the Antaranga, the Brihaduparika, the Superintendent of Accounts, the Chamberlain, the Mahabhogika, the Mahapilupati, the Mahaganastha, the Daussadhikas, the Superintendents of Police, those in charge of ships, troops, elephants, horses, cows, buffaloes, goats, sheep and the like, overseers of forests, Dandapadikas, Dandanayakas, officers in charge of districts (vishayapati), etc., and all other servants of His Majesty named in the list of officials and not here mentioned (L. 33) to persons belonging to the Chatta and Bhatta class, to the people in general, cultivators, Brahmanas, and the chief Brahmanags_ (LI. 34-37) (His Majesty as aforesaid) sends greeting As is fit and notification and command:Be it noted by you that (two parcels of land, as follows) (1) in the chaturaka Vatumbi which forms part of the avritti Vaschaba (?) situated in the bhukti Paundravarddhana, land bounded on the east by Khavalapandi, on the south by Jaladandi, on the west and likewise the north by Sujanadi(?)-the land] thus defined by four boundaries, together with the part-lands Kaville, Chunchali, Gandoli and Dohipa ; 1 See above, p. 7, n. 9. * Sagara may have a double reference to (1) the sea, from which Sri emerged at the churning of the openn, (2) the four sagaras or encyclopaedias composed by Vallalasena (Adbhuta , Danao, Pratishthio and Achara-adgara), although Lakshmanasena was part-author of the first only. [According to my reading this portion should be translated as : who has obtained the sovereignty of Geuda by churning the boundless ocean of battles with the Mandara (mountain) in the shape of his own arm. ... See p. 7, notes 11, 12.-Ed.) * It is not to be supposed that any of the officials and others to whom the rescript is addressed were in fact assembled. The list appears to cover four categories (a) the court or personal entourage of the King, (6) the great Ministers of State, usually marked by the prefix Maha-, (c) officials not of the highest rank, probably intended to be specified in the plural (from daussidhika to vishayapati), (d) petty officials and the general public. Adhyaksha-prachara is the title of the chapter on officials in the Kaufiliya Artha-datra. There was no doubt a Sena Civil List defining the various officers and their duties. Majumder (op. cit. pp. 182-188) has an appendix on terms denoting official titles in Sena inscriptions. Ho relies in the main on J. P. Vogel's Antiquities of Chamba State: Part 1, Inscriptions of the pre-Muhammadan period (Arch. Survey, New Imperial Series, Vol. XXXVI, 1911); referring also to the Mahavyutpatti (Csoma de Koros ed. and transl., 4. 8. B. Memoira, Vol. IV. No. 1, 1910, PP. 29-35) and other sources. The following among his references may be mentioned in particular.. Antaranya, court-physician (Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 43); Uparika (Brihaduparika), viceroy (Vogel p. 123 ; Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 113 ff., the Demodarpur plates); Gaulmika (Vogel p. 127; Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 263 ; Gupta Inscr., p. 52; Mahavyutpatti, p. 33); Chaffa, head of a pargana (Vogel pp. 130-132; Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, 296, 299, ibid., XI, 19, 296, 299): Chauroddharanika (Vogel p. 129): Dandapse fika one who holds the rod and rope' (Vogel, p. 129); Bhatta (Vogel p. 132; Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 18; and reference to Mahavyutpatti, p. 31); Mahakshapatalika (Vogel p. 133); Mahapilupati (Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, 43; Mahavyutpatti, p. 30); Mahapratihara (Vogel p. 135; Gupla Inscr., p. 190); Mahabhogika or Mahabhogapati (Vogel p. 130; Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 253, note 6).

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No. 1.] INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 13 (Ll. 37-40) (2) in the chaturaka............, land bounded on the east by two sutras of land and Simhaqavillt situate in................, also by the southern portion of Kaimajagravadi, also by the water-exit situate in....................; on the south by Jaladandi; on the west by Khavalapandi; on the north by Valongavenada,' tbe land thus defined by four boundaries and being the demesne of..........makosa-dova, (Ll. 40-43) (these two parcels of land) thus measured and defined each by its own boundaries above mentioned,.... .......comprising a dronika and one quarter plus 22 yashtis ..........................................by the 22 cubit (measure)....... ......producing 400 kapardaka-puranas annually, with the four part-fields.......... ...... being two parts of one estate, with undergrowth and saplings, water and dry ground, broken ground and barren ground, betel and cocoanut trees ; saving the ten sins (?). exempt from all annoyances, without right of entry by Chattas and Bhattas, free from all dues, with grass, yuti, pasturage and boundaries : To the Pathaka Padmanbhadova-sarman, follower of a school of the Kauthuma branch of the Sama veda, of the Maudgalya gotra and the Aurva Chyavana Bhargava Jamadagnya and Apnavana pravaras, son of Mahadevadeva-sarman, grandson of Jayadeva-barman and greatgrandson of Buddhadeva(?)-farman : (Ll. 48-50) on a holy day, in due form, with the water-rite, in the name of the holy one, the glorious lord Narayana, to win merit for the Mahadevi... padovi and the Mahadevi Kalyanadovi We renounce for so long as the Moon and Sun and Earth endure..................this land producing in all 400 (kapardaka-puranas,) and by the bhumichchhidra rule, having turned this into a title deed on copper We hereby give it. (Ll. 50-51) This is to be observed by you all without exception. By princes to come also this charter is to be maintained, from the fear of being cast into Hell if they should take away (the land granted) and from the high esteem of virtuous conduct if they maintain it. And in this connection there are verses enjoining (such) virtuous conduct : [Here follow six of the customary verses.] (Ll. 57-58) The King, Ari-raja-Madana-Sankara, has made the Gauda-mahasandhivigrahika Sankaradhara, chief of a hundred councillors, his agent. (L. 59) His Majesty's secretary. The Mahasandhivigrahika's' secretary. The secretary for the royal documents of His Majesty the King the illustrious Madana-Sankara', In the year 27 on day 6 of Karttika. (Chemadagravafi? See above p. 8 n. 11.-Ed.) *[See above, p. 8 n. 16.-Ed.] [See above, p. 9 n. 3 and n. 4.-Ed.) Ari-raja-Madana-Sankara was the special title assumed by Lakshmanasena. See, for example, the Edilpur copper-plate of Kobavasona, line 43. Sri I take to be a symbol for royalty (the King) here. * The abbreviation ni appears to correspond to the final syllable in karanani found in the last line of other Sena plates, and to have some such meaning as is conveyed in the translation secretary'. [This abbreviation probably stands for nibaddham.--Ed.) Abbreviated here, Mahasam. Sanga-samaya ni is obscure. I take it to mean "secretary for completed contracta", registration officer. (I was inclined to read singa-sa[TR.) saptavi, taking saplavi as a contraction for saptavimod, and understanding sanga-samvatsare to mean " in the completed year". But this is hardly justified.) (To me the reading appears to be Sahasamaya ni.-Ed.] The reading brimad-raja ni is doubtful; and ni following Madana-Sankara is again doubtful. The royal secretary cannot be thrice mentioned (Sri ni : Srimad=rja ni Sri-Madana-Sankara ni). The translation given does not correspond with these doubtful readings, but may possibly oonvoy the intended meaning.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. No. 2.-RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. BY N. VENKATARAMANAYYA, M.A., PH.D., UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS. These plates were originally discovered at Annavaram near Tuni in the East Godavari District; and they are at present deposited in the Municipal Museum at Rajahmundry. The following description of the condition of the plates is given in the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, for 1911-12 : "There are at present only four plates, the first of which is written on the inner side while the rest are written on both sides. The plates are not held together by a ring, and it is perhaps for this reason that we find some of them missing from the set. They roughly measure 11t" by 5%", and bear a circular hole on the left margin which was evidently meant to receive the ring. From the numbering of the plates found on their inner faces, not far from the ring hole, it is gathered that the missing plates must be the 2nd, 5th, 6th and one or more after the 7th." The plates are engraved in the Telugu characters of the early 15th century, resembling the alphabet of the other inscriptions particularly of the Reddi kings of the period, and call for no special remarks. As the letters are deeply cut the inscription offers no difficulty in decipherment. Orthography: The cerebral la is frequently used in the place of the dental la, e.g. nikhila (1, 1. 1), akhila (1. 3,), kamala (1.3); khelanti (IV, 1. 38), taleshu (1. 37), etc. Sa is occasionally substituted for sa as in Singa (III, 1. 10), Singaya (VII, L. 8), etc. The anusvara is invariably employed for the nasal ; occasionally the letter following the anusvara is needlessly doubled as in prasamnna in I, 1.5; the consonant following the repha is doubled in certain places, e.g., upasargga (IV, . 38), jagartti, (III, 1. 26), murtti (III, 1. 23), etc. The text abounds in scribal errors which have been duly taken notice of and the necessary corrections have been indicated either in the body of the text or in the foot-notes accompanying it. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the text so far available, which is entirely in verse, consists of 68 complete verses and parts of two others. Of these, 47, including the two fragments, are in the Vasantatilaka, 17 in the Arya, 4 in the Upajati, 1 in the Drutavilambita, and 1 in the Sardulavikridita metres. The four plates bear the numbers 1, 3, 4 and 7. Ca the assumption that they all belong to one Bet of plates conveying a single gift, it has been gathered that the missing plates of the collection are the 2nd, 5th and 6th and also, one or more after the 7th, since the subject matter in this lastmentioned plate is not complete. But there are some difficulties militating against such an assumption. The verses on plates marked 1 and 7 are numbered while those on the plates marked 3 and 4 are not likewise numbered. Further, we have no clue in the plate marked l or in the other marked 7 to connect them, so far as their subject matter is concerned, with the rest, i.e., those numbered 3 and 4, which are however continuous and interconnected. From this we get the first 1J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, p. 172. [The plates are now roported to be missing. -Ed.) Part ii, pp. 79-80. Mr. V. Apparso, who contributed an article on these plates (J. 4. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 172 f.), observes that 'the rims of these plates are slightly raised'. Moreover, he gives the measurements of the plates differently. They measure, according to him, 11 by 6'. The inclusion by him of the 7th plate among the missing is probably due to his failure to notice that the last of the set bears the number 7. See below p. 48 n. 5.--Ed.]

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 15 impression that these four plates do not belong to one single set but are odd plates of different grants which have been accidentally found together. They may belong to more than one set, probably three, if we take the view that the plate marked 1 belongs to one set, those marked 3 and 4 to another and the one with No. 7 to a third'. However, this may not be the case and it is likely that they are all of one single set. Two factors are common to the plates. They are written in the same characters and style and contain the same variety of metres employed for the verses contained in them. The failure of the engraver to number the verses on the plates III and IV bas probably to be attributed to his negligence, a tendency wbich has manifested itself even on the first plate. In the first plate, the first seven verges are correctly numbered; but the eighth verse bears the number 21, and the ninth has no number at all. This clearly indicates that the engraver has already abandoned the practice of numbering the verses. That may account for the absence of numerical figures to indicate the number of verses on plates III and IV. The seventh plate does not, however, admit of this explanation. As stated above, the verses on this plate are numbered ; it opens with the 29th and closes with the 52nd verse. Why does the engraver revert again to the practice of numbering the verses, having abandoned it once before ? A more important point which has to be taken notice of in this connection is the incompatibility of the figures attached to the verses with the number of the plate. It may be stated here that all the plates in this collection, contain 14 lines of writing except the last which has 16 lines on each of its two faces. Now, the first plate which is inscribed on only one side contains 9 verses. Taking roughly this to be the number of verses on each face of the remaining five plates, viz., II, III, IV, V and VI, they should have contained 90 verses on the whole. This, togetber with the 9 verses on the first plate, would come to 99 verses ; and the seventh should bave begun with the 100th verse and not the 29th. We have to assume that either the engraver for some unknown reason reverted to the plan of numbering the verses commencing again a fresh series somewhere about the middle of the inscription; or the plate under consideration belongs to a different set altogether. Neither of these alternatives is entirely free from difficulties. On the one band, it is hard to believe that an engraver wbo had deliberately sbandoned the scheme of enumeration had developed a fresh interest in it; and on the other the incompatibility of the number of the plate (viz., 7) with the numbers of the verses therein (viz., 29 to 52), still remains unexplained, even though we take the plate as belonging to another set for the sake of argument. In conclusion we may leave the matter open for decision later on when the missing plates happen to be discovered, and, for the present, treat all the plates as belonging to one set since this does not lead to any complications. Contents: The nine verses in the first plate are devoted to the invocation of several gods of the Hindu pantheon. The first three verses contain the praises of Sarasvati; verse 4 is devoted to the Boar incarnation of Vishnu, verse 5 to Ganesa, verse 6 to the Sun and the Moon, verse 7 to Durga Mahishasura-mardini, verse 8 to Kshetrapala, and verse 9 to Siva. The 36 unnumbered verses in plates III and IV describe the genealogy of the donor and the schievements of himself and his ancestors. There was a king (his name is lost) who married Annemamba; and to them was born a king called Eruva Bhima. He married Prolambika; and their son was Dama who married 1 In support of this view, it may be stated that the first plate which measures 11.75' by 4.8deg differs in its dimensions from the rest, each of which measures 119' by 6-3'. These measurements are obtained from the imprensions in my possession m the original which is unfortunately lost is no longer available.

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16 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Lakshmi. They begot Soma, the husband of Surambika, and from them was born Gamgadhara, the husband of Irugambika, who bore the title of Arigamdaragamda (a hero to hostile heroes). Gamgadhara and Irugambika had a son, Kamaraja, who, on account of his great devotion (bhakti) to Siva came to be popularly known as Bhaktiraja. Even in his youth Bhaktiraja won a victory over the heroes, Boggara and other Yavana (Muhammadan) chiefs, in the neighbourhood of the town of Gulapumdi; in the eastern direction, after winning a victory over the Gajapati in battle at Panchadhara, he installed the Koppula chief on his throne. He also subdued king Simga near the town of Bharanipadu in a battle; vanquished with considerable prowess Daburu-Khanu and others with their rakshasa forces near Pedakomdapuri; and, defeated, as if in mere sport, king Annavota in the vicinity of the city of Suravara. Bhaktisvara married Annemamba, and founded a city called Kalyana which became famous as Kamapuri, the crest-jewel of the Andhra country. The sound of the bells indicating the hours when worship was offered to god Siva from the sunrise onwards entered the minds of the people walking along the streets of the city through the path of their ears and destroyed their sins. The learned men of the city became involved in discussion about the values of things by looking at musk and other valuable commodities exhibited for sale in the streets of the city. Bhaktisvara begot a son, the great Annadeva who surpassed Jayamta in beauty, and Mrigamka (Moon) in brilliance, and who was as liberal as the tree of wish (parijata) in the distribution of gifts. Annadeva reduced, by the prowess of his arm, the hostile kings to the position of harlots. Having gone to the help of the king of the Turushkas (the Muhammadans), he overcame with the sole help of his sword, the Karnata army at Sagara; and like Siva capturing the Tripuri he took Jaggavaga and (two ?) other cities from his enemies. Annadeva of the Chodakula fostered gods and Brahmans with care, and having become endowed with all kinds of wealth (aisvarya) by their favour, he was greatly devoted to the worship of god Visvanatha. Annadeva married Irugambika, a sister of king Pimnumdi, and a daughter of Chakravarti of the solar family and had by her a son called Virabhadra. Annadeva defeated on the borders of Attili all the southern kings who were hostile to him, and offered protection to 10,000 of the enemy's forces who took refuge within the walls of that city. For the purpose of protecting his friend, he performed a heroic sacrifice with Pinayundi-raja as adhvaryu on the sacrificial altar of Kamkarapartti on the bank of the Gautami (i.e., Godavari), making the Kannada and other enemies the sacrificial victims. Being desirous only of fame, he offered protection to the family of Kataya-Vema, who bowed to his feet. While Annadeva was ruling the earth, people lived without trouble, sporting happily in the sugarcane fields and areca palm groves. The wealthy city of Mummadi-Prolavara, the crest-jewel of his country, was a resort of the merchants from all quarters. King Annadeva worshipped Siva six times a day waving innumerable lights at the lotus-feet of the god; he presented a thousand cows to the deity, and strictly observed the rule of feeding the Brahmans daily. He built a beautiful gilded mansion of seven storeys ornamented with the gilded images of damsels bearing golden fan, fly-whisk, flag and an umbrella with pearl tassels. He fed everyday sumptuously Saiva-Brahmanas, ascetics and yogins; made a gift called Gosahasra to Brahmans in the presence of the god Virabhadra of Pattesa; and performed the dana called Saptasagara to quench their thirst, as it were. Having surpassed Parasurama by 1 The significance of 'vesy-anganayita-virodhi-dharatalendro' is not quite clear. [The idea seems to be that these kings were made to attend on various persons, probably at the Royal court, as the harlots have to entertain men without any choice on their part.-Ed.]

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 17 giving lands to Brahmans along with the gift called the Suvarna-Meru, Annadeva resembled Raghunayaka. He caused the shrine of Virabhadra, the lord of Gomukhagiri, and the pinnacle of the temple of Bhimebvara of Draksharama, the crest.jewel of the Andhra country who had been worshipped by the former Choda monarchs of his family, to be overlaid with gold. He also granted several villages to god Visvesvara of Kasi, the patron-deity of his family, and founded for the habitation of Brahmans, a village called (after him) Uttama-Ganda-Chod-Anpadovavaram in Visari-nandu at the confluence of the rivers Ganga and Pimnasani. Annadeva also gave to Brahmans (Mahajanas) an agrahara called Annadevavaram on the bank of the Gamga near the western boundary of Pallari-Sailavaram, and performed the marriages of several Brahman couples. The last or the seventh plate contains the names of donees who received spittis in a village, the name of which is lost. Of these, the following twenty-two received the opittis directly from the king, the donor: No. Name of the donee. Father's name. No. of sharee receipod. Gotra. . 1 1 2 3 . . . 5 6 7 . . . Simgaya . . KOcbanarya . Bharadvaja . Ramachandra. . Kovdri Rama . . Kaumdinya . Bhaskara * Nrihari . . . . Kaumdirrye . Nariyane. Kachibhatta . . Kasyapa Aubhalinda * Godaparti Vallabha. Kayapa . Varadays. . * Viddhaya . . Atreya . . Gamgadharealadta . Sririm. Adima (Peda) Simh. Kaundinya . gaya. Simgana . Gauraya . . . . Bharadraja . Purushottama . . Aditya - Harita . . Tallaya . Chimnipi Kachaya, Harita . . Visvesvara . Amnama . . Kaumdinys . Amnams . . . . Gopalabbatte . Harita . Annaya . . . Mumajapi Gangadhara . Keundings Lakshmana . . Vallabhaa . . Bharadwaja . Sadappula (Sadu Appala 1). Vallabha . . . Kaundinya . Datadigada Naga . . Nagaya. . . Kiyepa . Mallikarjuna .. . Rajukonda Mallaya Kikympa . Madugari Lakkana Bharadvajs . * Kolalapalli Adima (Poda) Kidyape . Simgaya. Srirama . Kardukari Aubhala Harita . Ananta . . . Srikrinhnamayy. . Artvuton . Aubhaile . Davaya . . . . Bkilendirildi . . 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 18 16 17 18 . . . . . . . . . 20 21 23 . . . ..

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. One of the twenty-two donees, (No. 1) Simgays, son of Kuchanarya of the Bharadvaja-gotra, is said to have been a friend of the king (avanipati-mitran), probably the donor of the agrahara. Besides the twenty-two donees enumerated above, there were two others who did not receive their shares directly from the original donor but from the other donees. The Mahajanas, i.e., the Brahmans who received shares in the agrahara, granted one writti to Janardana, son of Sarvadeva of the Kaumdinya-gotra, and another to the god Kedara-Mahesvara who was set up with devotion by Madhava, son of Kaljaja Kommaraja. The inscription is important as it furnishes valuable information about the history of the Eruva branch of the Telugu Choda family. A few more records of the family including the Madras Museum Plates of Bhaktiraja, have been published; but the historical information that could be gleaned from them is so meagre that little more than the names of the princes of a few generations is known. But the present grant gives a fairly full account of the part played by the members of the family in the affairs of their respective ages. Seven generations of the family, as noticed already, are described in this grant and the names mentioned in it agree, with some variations, with those furnished in the Madras Museum Plates of Bhaktiraja. The genealogical lists given in these two records are subjoined hereunder for the purpose of comparison Present Plates: ........=Annemamba Eruva-Bhima m. Prolambika The Madras Museum Plates. Karikals Nalla-Bhima Dama m. Lakshmi Soma m. Sarimbika Gangadhara m. Irugamba, d. of Kamabhips of the Lunar race and a sister of Vernga bhupati. Bhaktiraja Dama m. Lakshmi 88ma m. Sarambika Gangadhara . Irugath biki Kimarija or Bhaktaraja m. Annemin ba Annadevs m. Irugarh bika Virabhadra Five generations of the Eruva Chiefs are mentioned in the Madras Museum Plates, while the present charter, however, enumerates seven generations. The name of the father of Eruva-Bhima and the husband of Annemamba is not known, as it is lost with the second plate. Besides, it also includes Annadeva and Virabhadra, a son and grandson respectively of Bhaktiraja, not mentioned in the Madras Museum Plates, thus making up a pedigree of seven generations. Though the names of the remaining members of the family are common to both the charters, there are certain variations which must be noticed. Nalla-Bhima of the Madras Museum Plates is spoken of in the present charter as Eruva-Bhima. The difference is not material. Bhima is the actual name of the prince and the terms Nalla' and 'Eruva 'appear to have been prefixed to it to indi. cate the complexion of his body and the principality over which he held sway respectively. Again the name Bhaktiraja is said to be a sobriquet, acquired by the prince on account of his excessive devotion (bhakti) to the god Siva, his real name being Kamaraja. Lastly the present charter *.0. R., Vol. V, pp. 128 ff,

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 19 mentions the wives of all the chiefs of the family excepting Annadeva's son Virabhadra who was probably unmarried at the time, whereas the Madras Museum Plates refer to the names of the wives of only three. The differences between the two genealogical lists are not of much consequence ; they may therefore be taken to be genuine accounts of the family pedigree. While describing the military activity of Annadeva and his ancestors, the inscription incidentally reveals the political condition and the inter-state relations in South India during the 15th century A.D. It alludes to wars between the South Indian states in which the Eruva chiefs were involved. A brief description of the political geography of these warring states is necessary for a clear understanding of the events mentioned in this record. At the beginning of the fifteenth century there were five major kingdoms besides a few independent or semi-independent principalities : (1) The largest and the most powerful of the kingdoms was no doubt the kingdom of Karnata or Vijayanagara. It embraced the whole of South India south of the river Krishna, excluding the coastal strip comprising portions of the present Nellore, Guntur and Kistna Districts which formed an integral part of the independent kingdom of Kondavidu. (2) The territory under the sway of the Reddis of Kondavidu extended along the east coast during the palmy days of their power, from Kandukur in the Nellore District to the shores of the Chilka lake in the north ; but by the beginning of the 15th century it fell into two independent subdivisions generally hostile to each other. The southern half was governed from Kundavidu, the original capital, whereas the city of Rajahmundry became the capital of the northern kingdom. (3) On the north of the Redai kingdom lay the dominions of the Gajapatis of Orissa, who, on account of their ancient connection with Southern Kalinga (Ganjam, Vizaga patam and the East Godavari Districts), were vitally interested in the affairs of the Reddi kingdom. (4) To the west of the Reddi, the south-west of the Gajapati, and the north of the Vijayanagara territories lay the Velama kingdom of Telingana with the ancient city of Warangal as its capital, and the forts of Rachakonda and Devarakonda as its main strongholds. Despite the encroachments of the Bahmani Sultans who had succeeded in annexing a considerable slice of the kingdom including the fort of Golkonda, the Velamas still held sway over an extensive dominion comprising Nalgonda, Mahbubnagar, Warangal, Medak, Adilabad, and Karimnagar Districts of the present Hyderabad state. (5) On the west of Telingana and the north of Karnata extended the territory of the Bahmani Sultans comprising the whole of the south-western Deccan from Golkonda in Telingana to the shores of the Arabian sea in the west. Within these major kingdoms, especially in the dominions subjected to the authority of the Reddis. there flourished several small principalities whose loyalty and submissiveness were conditioned by the capacity of the paramount power to exact obedience. Three such principalities deserve notice in this connection: (1) Eruva, a small principality on the borders of the Nellore, Kurnool and Guntur Districts of the Madras Presidency, was the seat of one of the numerous branches of the Telugu Choda family, of which Annadeva, the donor of the present grant, and his father Bhaktisvara were distinguished members. (2) Korukonda, a hill-fort in the Godavari valley at a distance of about nine miles to the north of Rajahmundry was the capital of the Manchikonda chiefs who ruled over a small territory comprising the districts of Panara, Kona, Kuravata, and Chengara. (3) The coastal strip from the banks of the Gautami to Simhachalam in the Vizagapatam District was originally under the Koppula chiefs who had Pithapuram in the East Goda. vari District, as their capital, but with the advent of the Manchikonda chiefs, their authority in the Godavari valley came to an end ; and they were obliged to retire eastwards into the hilly region in the western part of the present Vizagapatam District, where they appear to have been ruling at the time of Bhaktiraja's victory at Panchadhara.

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20 Harihara II As the ruling families of several of the states mentioned above were connected by marriage alliances which influenced the course of events described in the present record, a chart showing their inter-relationship is given below: VIJAYANAGARA RAJAHMUNDRY I Kata EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Mara KONDAVIDU A daughter m. Kata II Kundragiri Anitalli T Hariharamba m. No. 1 Vema. Prolaya Vema 1 Vema m. Doddazabika Annavota Annavema [VOL. XXVI. TELUGU CHODAS RAJAHMUNDRY II of Eruva Bhaktiraja m. No. 2 Virabhadra. Kumaragiri A danghter. m. Bhimalimga Annadeva Vemambika m. Virabhadra Dodda 1. Vema 2. Virabhadra 3. Dodda 4. Anna. Allida Of the Bruva chiefs mentioned in this charter, only three viz., Eruva-Bhima, Bhaktiraja and Annadeva, deserve any notice here. 1. Brava Bhima has been identified with a certain Mailama-Bhima, a chief of unknown origin, whose military exploits are recounted in a few Telugu Chatu verses, but this identification is not beyond question. It is pointed out that the mother of Mailama-Bhima, as indicated by the name itself, was Mailama, whereas it is definitely stated in the present inscription that the name of Eruva Bhima's mother was Annemamba. These two persons, therefore, could not have been identical. Apart from the literary reference, there is an epigraph assignable to the middle of the 13th century at Talla-Proddutur in the Cuddapah District which gives some definite information about the activities of Eruva-Bhima. This epigraph which consists of a single verse in the Utpalamala metre, states that Visara-nandu, Chakraghotta, Manniya, Vadde Tekkali, Manthena, Vengi, Kalinga and other countries were ruined by an invasion of Eruva-Bhima. The circumstances in which he had undertaken this expedition are not known. It may be remembered that Bhima was but the chief of a small principality, and with his limited resources he could not have by himself embarked on a prolonged military campaign, and successfully penetrated to Chakrakotta in the Bastar State. He must have had a powerful ally, whom he might have actually assisted in subjugating the places mentioned in the Talla-Proddutur epigraph. To discover who this ally was, the age in which Bhima himself lived must be ascertained at first. Bhaktiraja, the fifth in descent from Bhima, made a gift of the village of Kandavakolanu or Kadavakolanu on Monday the 7th November A.D. 1356 to a bachelor called Visvanatha at Srisaila." 1 V. Prabhakara Sastri-Chatupadya-maniman jari, ii, p. 58. T. N. Ramachandran-J. O. R., Vol. V, p. 132. V. Apparao believes that Mailama-Bhima was also known as Eruva-Bhima. How this could have been possible, he does not, however, explain (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, Pp. 175-6). No. 308 of 1935-6 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection; published in Bharati Vol. XV, p. 158. J. O. R., Vol. V, p. 334.

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No. 2.] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 21 Taking this year to be the first year of his reign and allowing a deration of 25 years for each generation, we get 1356--(4 x 25)=A.D. 1256 as the approximate date of the commencement of Bhima's reign. The whole of the Telugu country including the principality of Eruva acknowledged the supremacy of the Kakatiyas at this period. As a matter of fact the officers of the Kakatiya king Ganapati were engaged in reducing Vengi and Kalingal; and it is not unlikely that they might have subdued portions of the Central Provinces including Chakraghotta. Therefore it is not improbable that Bhima, who from all accounts appears to have been a distinguished warrior, followed the Kakatiya armies and contributed much to their success. 2. Bhaktiraja also was a great warrior. The present inscription gives a full account of his achievements. He is said to have waged war successfully with several chiefs. i. Wbile he was still a youth, Bhaktiraja defeated Boggara and other Muhammadan warriors in a battle in the neighbourhood of Gulapundi. u. He defeated in the east the Gajapati near Panchadhara, and installed the Koppula chief on his throne. iii. Near the city of Bharanipadu, he defeated the famous warrior Singa. iv. In the vicinity of Pedakondapuri he overthrew the demoniac armies of Daburu-Khanu and others. v. He overcame Annavota in a battle near the town of Suravara. These achievements of Bhaktiraja must be assigned to a period subsequent to A.D. 1366, the year in which he granted the village Kadavakolanu to the Saiva ascetic Visvesvara of Sriparvata ; for, in the charter recording this grant, though his valour is praised in general terms, no specific mention is made of any enemy whom he had overthrown in battle. It is unlikely that the author of the prasasti would have failed to mention his victories, had he any to his credit at that time. Moreover, the earliest known record of bis son and successor Annadeva is dated in Saka 1310, Vibhava, i.e., A.D. 1388-89. Bhaktiraja's reign may be taken to have terminated some time before that year. He probably ascended the throne in A.D. 1356 itself; and it is not probable that he could have won any note ble victory so early in bis reign. i. Victory over Boggara :- According to the present Rajahmundry Museum Plates, his victory over the Muhammadans under Boggara and others was won while he was yet a youth. This clearly indicates tbat he was a young man at the time of his accession to his ancestral throne, and harmonizes well with the comparatively long period suggested for his reign by the inscriptions mentioned above. Boggara is a Sanskrit corruption of Bughra, a name common enough among the Mussalmans of the 14th century A. D. It is not possible, however, to identify the bearer of this name in the present context. Nor is it possible to fix the locality where the encounter took place. Gulapundi is no doubt the same as Gollapudi; but as several villages in the Telugu country go by that name, no definite conclusions can be reached about its identity. It may, however, be remembered in this connection that this was Bhaktiraja's first victory, won by him while he was still a youth. As he was a scion of the Eruva family and as his only known inscription records the gift of a village to a religious teacher residing at Sriparvata, it may be reasonably assumed that Gulapundi where he defeated Bughra Khan was situated somewhere in the southern Telugu country. Hyderabad Archeological Series, No. 3, ii. p. 16, Upparapalli Inscription of the reign of Ganapatidevs -Cf. M. Somkhara Sarma, Kakatiyas and Kalinga, Kalinga-Sanichika, p. 381. * No. 254 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. A village called Gollapudi is found in the Bapatla taluk of the Guntur District; another in the Bezwada taluk and a third in the Nuzvid division of the Kistna District.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. i. Victory over the Gajapati king:- Bhaktiraja's second victory was won over the Gajapati at Panchadhara in the Vizagapatam District. As this victory is said to have led to the installation of the Koppula chief on bis throne, it is reasonable to infer that the Koppula chief, whose territory extended up to Simbachalam in the Vizagapatam District, was expelled from his country by the Gajapati and that Bhaktiraja assisted the dispossessed chief to win back his dominions. It may be pointed out here that the Koppula chiefs were ousted, as mentioned already, from the Godavari Valley by Manchikonda Mummadi-Nayaka and his brothers (Madras Epigraphical Report 1911-12, Part II, para. 68, and above, Vol. XIV, p. 96) and the attack of the Gajapati on their dominions appears to have been somehow connected with the invasion of the Manchikonda chiefs. The Gajapati seems to have attacked the Koppulas either in concert with Mummadi-Nayaka or on his own account, taking advantage of the confusion caused in their dominions by the Manchikonda invasion. The Gajapati whom Bhaktiraja defeated at Panchadhara must have been Vira-Bhanudeva (? A.D. 1350 to 1378), son and successor of Narasimha III ; and the Koppula chief on whose bebalf he waged war upon the Gajapati was probably Kapaya II or one of his cousins. Bhaktiraja, it may be recollected, was the ruler of a minor principality in the southern Telugu country; and his strength and resources must have been limited. The circumstances under which he managed not only to wage war successfully on the Gajapati, the powerful king of Kalinga, but also to restore, in the teeth of his opposition, the Koppula chief to his ancestral dominions are not even hinted at. To understand the political situation under which these events came to pass, it is necessary to recapitulate briefly the history of the east coast of the Telugu country during the years that immediately succeeded the fall of the Kakatiya monarchy. The Muslim rule, if it had ever been effectively established, lasted only & short while. The actual administration of the country remained in the hands of the Hindus. The country was partitioned among a host of petty kings, seventy-five in number, according to the Kaluvacheru grant of Anitalli dated A.D. 14234; and they, having united together under the leadership 1 The Donepundi grant of Namaya-Nayaka of A.D. 1338 (above, Vol. IV, p. 356) and the Simbachalam inscrip tion of his son Prola II, dated A.D. 1388 (8. 1. I., Vol. VI, No. 822) which give the genealogical account of the Koppula family yield the following pedigree: Kapa of the Koppula family Prdleys 1 Namays (A.D. 1337 to 1379, above, Vol. IV, p. 356; 8. 1. 1., Vol. VI, No. 924). Prilaya II (? A.D. 1388). The date of the latter inscription is unfortunately partially effaced. The last two figures preserved in the ohronogram ; khendu i.e., '10' (ibid., 1. 9) enable us to restore the date completely. It is said that Prola II. the donor of the inscription under consideration, was the son of Namaya, grandson of Prola I and great-grandson of Kapaya. Namaya mentioned in this record is identical with the donor of the Donepondi grant dated 8. 1269. He slao figures as the donor of another epigraph at Simhachalam (8. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 924) dated 8. 1291. His son Prdlaya could not have been living in 8. 1210. Since the latest of Namaya's inscriptions is dated in 8. 1291. the first two figures of the date of Prolaya II in the inscription must be 13. It is therefore obvious that the date of the inscription in question is 6. 1310 (=A.D.1388). Besides the chiefs mentioned in the above pedigree, Koppula-Poli Nayandu, evidently an earlier member of the family who flourished about A.D. 1269 (8.12., Vol. IV, No. 765), and a certain Koppula Kapaya-Nayaka (8. I . Vol. VI. No. 821) who lived about A.D. 1360 are referred to in the inscriptions. Their poeition in the family pedigree cannot be ascertained at present. * Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. I, p. 107.

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No. 2.] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 23 of a certain Prolaya-Nayaka, expelled the Muhammadans and re-established the Hindu independence. Prolaya was succeeded by Kapaya, and after the demise of the latter the petty chiefs asserted their independence; but soon the stronger subdued their weaker neighbours and laid the foundations of powerful kingdoms. One of these was the Reddi chief Prolaya-Vema, the ruler of Addanki, in the southern fringe of the present Guntur District. He welded together the small states in the coastal region to the south of the Krishna into a strong kingdom, and extended his territory further by bringing the whole of the east coast as far as the frontier of Orissa under his sway. His victories on the east coast are detailed in a copper-plate charter dated in A.D. 1336, where, among other things, it is said that he crushed the honour of Kalingaraya, burnt the abode of Oddiyaraya and confounded the Raya of Janturnadu, sported in the waters of Kundiprabha (the Gundlakamma), Sabyaja (the Krishna) and Gautami (the Godavari), and that he granted many agraharas to the Brahmans, and established satras (feeding houses) in the country lying on both the banks of as well as in between the rivers Brahmakundi (the Gundlakamma), Krishnaveni, Godavari and Mahanadi1. It is obvious that Vema's military activity extended over the whole east coast from the river Gundlakamma in the south to Cuttack on the banks of the Mahanadi in the north. He does not, however, appear to have retained all his northerr conquests; and his authority in the north of the Godavari did not perhaps long outlast the period of conquest, for the Gajapati seems to have soon reasserted his power and recovered the country as far as the Godavari, as is covertly alluded to in the charter under consideration. Moreover, an epigraph at Panchadharala in the Vizagapatam District dated A.D. 1403, suggests that Choda II, the grandfather of the Kona-Haihaya chief Choda III, who must have lived about the middle of the 14th century A.D., was an ally, if not actually a subordinate of the Gajapati. Choda II probably ousted the Koppula family from its hereditary possessions with the help of the Gajapati; and the dispossessed member turned for help to Annavota, who, by this time, had succeeded his father Vema on the throne of Kondavidu. As a matter of fact, Annavota's presence in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry at a striking distance from the southern frontier of Kalinga about this time is testified to by an inscription at Draksharama of A.D. 1357. Moreover, in one of Annavema's early records dated A.D. 1371 it is stated that Annavota overthrew his enemies from the Krishna to the Godavari, thence as far as the Vindhyas. There is thus sufficient evidence to justify the assumption that Annavota had marched with his army against the Gajapati about A.D. 1357 to drive him back and restore the Koppula chief to his throne; and Bhaktiraja, who must have been a subordinate of Annavota at that time, had accompanied him and distinguished himself in the campaign. If what is said above is not unreasonable, it may be stated that the battle of Panchadhara mentioned in this charter appears to have been a decisive engagement, which finally brought the campaign to a close. iii. Victory at Bharanipadu :-Bhaktiraja is said to have vanquished a king called Singa in the vicinity of the city of Bharanipadu. This king still remains unidentified. There were at 1 No. 5 of 1919-20, above, Vol. XXI, pp. 267 ff. 8. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 657. 8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1387. Andhrapatrika (Annual Number 1922, p. 168). Jitva briy-Anapota-bhulalapatir-viran-aratin balad a Krishna-tatini-tatad-bhuvanam-apy-a Gautami-srotasabl a Vindhyaditi yat-kavindra-vachanam yasy-apadana-stutau pratyabdam pratipaksha-deba-jayinas-tal-purvapakshayitam || In the Annual Report on Epigraphy (Southern Circle) for 1911-12, Part ii, p. 80, it is said that Bhaktiraja killed a king called Singa close to the town of Bharanipadu. This is not quite accurate as the text of the inscription has vyanaishit meaning only 'vanquished'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. this time two kings of this name. One of them was the Velama ruler of Rachakonda in the present Nalgonda District of the Nizam's State, who was assassinated at the siege of Jallipallis in Saka 1283, Sarvari, (A.D. 1361-62) by Tambala Bommajiyya'; the other was a brother of Mummadi. Nayaka, the ruler of Korukonda in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry. According to the Srirangam plates dated A.D. 1358-59, Mummadi-Nayaka who conquered the countries of Panara, Kona, Kuravata, Chengara and others lying on either bank of the river Godavari, allowed his younger brother Singaya' to govern the principality of Kotyapuri. Now, the king Singa whom Bhaktiraja vanquished must have been one of these two chiefs. It may be noted that most of Bhaktiraja's activities were confined to the valley of the Godavari, and he does not appear to have had any connection with Telingana where Singa of Rachakonda was ruling. Moreover, the Velugativarivamsaralia which enumerates the enemies of the Velama king does not mention Bhaktiraja among his foes. Therefore, it is unlikely that he should have come into conflict with Bhaktiraja. There is, on the other hand, much presumptive evidence for believing that Singa mentioned in the present charter is identical with Singa, one of Mummadi-Nayaka's younger brothers. It may be noted that Mummadi who conquered the territory on both the banks of the Godavari entrusted the government of Kotyapuri and Tadipaka to his younger brothers Singa and Ganna respectively. Kotyapuri is identical with Kottham in the Tuni division and Tadipaka with Tatipaka in the Razole taluk of the East Godavari District. This territory originally belonged to the Koppula chiefs. According to the Donepundi grant of A.D. 1338, Koppula Namaya-Nayaka was ruling at that time the Andhrakhanda-mandala' extending from the banks of the Gautami river i.e., the Godavari) to Kalinga' with the city of Pithapuri as bis capital. Now, in the Srirangam plates of Mummadi-Nayaka dated A.D. 1358, it is stated. as noted already, that he conquered the country on both the banks of the Godavari. It follows from this that Mummadi-Nayaka wrested this territory from Namaya-Nayaka between A.D. 1338 and 1358. As Mummadi married a niece of the famous Andhra-Suratrara Kapaya-Nayaka, a fact which is particularly mentioned in the records of Mummadi and his brothers, it is not unlikely that he should have received the help of his powerful relative in effecting the con quest. If Bhaktiraja, as stated in the present grant, had restored the Koppula chief to his kingdom, be could not have accomplished the task without coming into conflict with Mummadi-Nayaka and his brothers. Therefore the Singa who sustained a defeat at Bharanipadu at the hands of Bhaktiraja has to be identified with Singa, the younger brother of Mummadi-Nayaka of the Korukonda family. iv. The victory at Pedakonda :-The town Pedakonda, where Bhaktiraja won a victory over the Muhammadans under Daburu-Khanu, is identical with Pedakonda in the Bhadrachalam taluk of the East Godavari District. The original form of Daburu-Khanu which is but a Telugu corruption of the name of the chief, cannot be definitely restored, as it may stand for Dabir Khan or Zafar Khan. In any case, his identity cannot be established with certainty, though it may be yurmised that he must have been connected with one of the Muslim sovereigns who invaded Tilang at this time. 1 The Velugoivari-zan cavali, p. 23. * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 96. * The Velugofivari-vam savali, pp. 17-18. .K. Rama Sastri and T. A. Gopinatha Rao have suggested different identifications for Kotyapuri. The former identifies it with Kotipalli on the Vriddha Gautami (above, Vol. XIII, p. 261); and the latter with a place called Koti in the Rajahmundry taluk of the East Godavari District (ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 89). . Above, Vol. IV, p. 371. * Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 272; Vol. XIV, p. 95.

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 20 The Delhi Sultan, Firuz Tughluq made an attack upon Jajnagar in 761 A.H. (October-November, A.D. 1360); he marched upon the city of Banarasi (Cuttack), the capital of the Gajapati. On the approach of Firuz, the Gajapati, Vira-Bhanudeva II, crossed the Mahanadi and retreated towards Tilang. The Sultan pursued him for a day, but giving up the pursuit busied himself in the neighbourbood. Though the Sultan himself abandoned the pursuit, be might have entrusted the task to Zafar Khan, the pretender to the throne of Lakhnauti, who appears to have accompanied him during the expedition. It is not unlikely that this Muslim chief should have advanced as far as the Godavari where he might have been opposed at Pedakonda by Bhaktiraja and repulsed. This is one possibility. The other is that Bhaktiraja might have come into conflict with the forces of the Babmani Sultan, and won a victory over them near Pedakonda. The Bahmani armies invaded Tilang during the period of Bhaktiraja's rule on two occasions, once during the reign of 'Ala-ud-din Hasan and then again in the time of his son and successor Muhammad Shah I. As the second invasion did not proceed beyond Filampatan or Velampatan, a place which is said to bave been at a distance of eight days' journey from Kalyan,* the army could not have reached Pedakonda on the eastern bank of the Godavari in the Ghats. But the invasion which was led by 'Ali-uddin himself in person in A.D. 1357, appears to have swept over the whole of Tilang. Sayyid Ali gives a brief account of the invasion in his Burhan-i-Ma'asir. ** After spending some time in pleasure in his capital, he (the Sultan) was again desirous of conquering the country of Tilang........ For nearly a year he travelled through the country of Telingana, and having taken possession of the district of Bhonagir, he overthrew the idol-temples and instead of them built mosques and public schools." Sayyid 'Ali's account is corroborated by the evidence of the contemporary inscriptions. An epigraph of Pillalamarri near Warangal which may belong to A.D. 1357 records that the temple of Erukesvaradeva which was destroyed by Sultan 'Ala-ud-din was rebuilt by a certain Erapotu Lernka, a servant of Kapaya-Nayaka, the lord of the Andhra country. The invasion did not stop with Bhonagir but spread south-eastwards towards the sea, and reached Dharanikota on the banks of the Krishna. An epigraph in the temple of Amaregvara at Amaravati in the Guntur District dated 22nd July A.D. 1361, describes how Ketays Vema, an officer of king Anavota of Kondavidu, repulsed the Muslim cavalry and re-installed the image of Amaresvara, which had evidently been destroyed by the invaders. Ketaya was assisted in the battle by Malla, one of king Anavota's paternal uncles. In an unpublished copper-plate charter of Sivalinga Reddi, a descendant of Malla, dated A.D. 1413, it is said that Malla defeated 'Ala-ud. din and other Turushka warriors. Therefore, the Bahmani invasion was checked by the Reddis at Dharanikota and turned back. Though 'Ala-ud-din's activities in other parts of Tilang are not known, he appears to have reduced the country from Bhonagir to the banks of the river Godavari to subjection. His dominions', according to Sayyid 'Ali, extended from the east side of Daulatabad to Bhonagir and the river Godavari both north and south sides--to The Tarikh-s-Mubarak Shahi (G. O. S. LXIII), PP. 135-38. * Briggs : Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 303. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 152. * Telingana Inscriptions, p. 163. $8.1. I., Vol. VI, No. 226. * Local Records, Vol. III, p. 469. Vemadhipasyavarajo='pi MallaBharallabho'sau jagan-obba-gandah Allavadin-adi-Turushka-mallan Aamullasad-bhalla-ganan vijitya |

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. the river Ganga': An officer who probably bore the name of Dabir or Zafar Khan and who was in the service of Sultan 'Ala-ud-din might have attempted to cross the Ghats through the valley of the Godavari and found his path barred at Pedakonda by Bhaktiraja, who having inflicted a defeat on his forces, had compelled him to retreat. v. Victory at Surararam -The last military achievement attributed to Bhaktiraja in these plates is a victory which he is said to have won over a certain king called Annavota at Suravaram. The identity of this king cannot be definitely established, as there were two contemporaries of Bhaktiraja who bore this name. One of them was the Reddi ruler, Anavota, the son of Prolaya Vema, who has been already mentioned in an earlier context. The other was Anavota, the son of Ravu Singa, the king of Rachakonda in Tilang. Which of these two was the king who sustained defeat at the hands of Bhaktiraja on the battlefield of Suravaram cannot be determined at present with certainty. We may, however, attempt to solve the problem by ascertaining the location of Suravaram, the site of the battle, which may perhaps throw some light on the subject. The place, however, cannot be identified definitely. Several villages of the name of Suravaram or Surapuram are mentioned in the Postal Directory and the List of Villages in the Madras Presidency. Village. Taluk or Division. District. 1. Saravaram . . . . . Chicacole . . . . Ganjam. 2. Suravaram . . . . . Palakonda . . . . Vizagapatam. 3. Suravaram . . . . . Bhadrachalam . . E. Godavari. 4. Suravaram . . . Bhadrachalam . . E. Godavari. 6. Saravaram-Annavaram . . Tuni . . . . E. Godavari. 6. Saravaram . . . . .Nuzvid . . . . Kistna. 7. Surapuram . . . Nidadavole . . . W. Godavari. Assuming that all these villages were in existence during the period under consideration, it is difficult to discover which of these was actually the site of the battle. Of these, Suravaram in the Chicacole taluk of the Ganjam District may be excluded from the present discussion, as it lay outside the Reddi dominions. All the other villages must have been included in the Reddi kingdom, as they are situated in the deltas of the Ksishna and the Godavari. It is interesting to note 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 152. The description of the boundaries given here is rather vague; and the translation agrees with the original text closely. In the published Persian text, the passage describing the boundaries runs as follows: dkhn dr qbDh qtdr r DbT bndgn drgh bljmlh slTn r dryn mdt khthr bld rql` mlkh shml w jnb jnb gyty pnh dr amd . chnchh z jnb shrq dwlt abd t bhrwzyrr ab grdwry - So...a voi vain (Tarikh-i-Burhan-i-Ma'agit, p. 28). It is rather difficult to understand how the Godavari could have formed the boundary of Sultan 'Ala-ud-din's territory both on the north and the south. The idea which the author wanted to convey was probably that 'Ali-ud-din's dominions extended from Bhonagir to the G3davari and also from Godavari to (Pen) Ganga. Mr. T. N. Ramachandran asserts that the identity of Anavota, who was defeated at Saravaram, 'becomes clear from the Vanapalli plates of Anna Vema dated Saka 1300' (J.O. R., 1931, p. 133.). It is true that the inscription in question mentions the Reddi king Anavota, but does not offer any clue which may lead to the identification of Bhaktiraja's enemy. The Vanapalli plates, as a matter of fact, have no bearing on the present problem.

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 27 that no village of the name of Suravaram is found in Tilang, as far as it can be ascertained from the available records. Nor is there any evidence to show that Anavota of Rachakonda had ever led an expedition to the coastal region. Taking all these facts into consideration, the probability appears to be that the person who suffered defeat at Suravaram was not Anavota of Rachakonda, but the Reddi ruler of Kondavidu of that name. Another fact which lends support to this view must be noticed in this connection. During the latter part of the reign of Anavota there was a widespread rebellion against his authority in the northern part of his kingdom, and he lost control over the territory beyond the Krishna. Though the incidents of this rebellion are not yet fully known, the total absence of the Reddi inscriptions between A.D. 1363 and 1371 seems to indicate that the power of the Reddis suffered an eclipse. The attack on Dharanikota by Mada, the younger brother of Anavota of Rachakonda, and the defeat of Anavota-Reddi in battle and his flight must also be assigned to this period." Taking advantage of the troubles that had beset bis overlord, Bhaktiraja appears to have joined the rebels, and asserted his independence. Anavota appears to have made an attempt to put down the rebellion and reassert his authority. The rebel forces, however, proved too much for his strength and he sustained defeat at the hands of Bhaktiraja. Two more facts are mentioned in the present inscription about Bhaktiraja. (1) He laid the foundations of a new city which he called after his own name Kamapuri; and it seems to have been made the capital of his principality. The situation of Kamapuri is not definitely known, as no village of that name is found at present in the east coast of the Telugu country. There are, however, two villages bearing the name of Kamavaram which is generally believed to be a corruption of Kamapuram. One of them is now a deserted village in the Ellavaram division of the East Godavari District ; and the other is situated in the Vizianagaram taluk of the Vizagapatam District. Besides these villages there is a Kamavarapupidu in the Ellavaram division, and a Kamavarapukota, the headquarters of a taluk of that name in the West Godavari District. Mr. V. Apparao believes that the latter is identical with the town founded by Bhaktiraja. (2) He also married Annemamba by whom he had a son called Annadeva. Bhaktiraja had according to Nissanku Kommana, a contemporary writer, another son called Bhima or Bhimalinga, of whom nothing is said in this inscription. This has probably to be attributed to the want of cordiality between the brothers, the causes of which will be explained presently. I Madras Ep. Rep., 1915, part ii, para. 59. This record (No. 20 of 1916) which was set up at Srisailam in A.D. 1377 by an officer of Kondavidu refers to certain events which seem to have taken place before Anavema's accession. It is said that Anavema destroyed a number of forts both on land and in the water (sthalu-durga and jaladurga) in the deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari. This region was, according to Eura Preggada's Haritamsa under the way of Prolaya Vema (Hariva, part ii, 2: 1:4:1); and it was included in the dominions subjected to the authority of Anavota until A.D. 1357, as shown by the Draksharamam epigraph cited above. There would have been no occasion for Anavema to conquer, much less to destroy the sthalu-durgas and jula-duryas in the deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari, had there been no rebellion in this region. Anavema's authority was recognized in the Godavari valley from the very beginning of his reign, as shown by his inscriptions (above, Vol. 111, pp. 286 ff. ; 8.1.1., Vol. VI, Xo. 785 ; ibid., Vol. V, No. 115 ; above, Vol. III, pp. 59 ff. : No. 446 of 1893 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection). Therefore, the rebellion referred to above must have broken out before Anavema's accession. Probably Anavema himself was benefited by the rebellion : for, in the Srisailam inscription mentioned above, Anavema is said to have been the lord chosen by the damsel of sovereignty in a svayamvuru (rajya-rama. ramani-swayamvara-labdhanayake). This is a covert statement which alludes to the illegal assumption of sovereignty by Anasema, setting aside his nephew Kumaragiri, the rightful heir to the throne. Anavota probably died unexpectedly while the rebels were etill at large; and taking advantage of the prevailing confusion in the kingdom, Anavema seized the throne ignoring the claims of his young nephew. 2 The Velugoivari-carsavali, vv. 80, 81. 3J. 4. H.R. S., Vol. I, p. 181. * Nissanku Kommana : Sivalila vilasan. Above, Vol. XIII, p. 241 (see note 100 p. 29 below).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. How long Bhaktiraja continued to rule his principality after the events described above is not quite clear. According to an epigraph summarised by the Mackenzie Surveyors, his son and successor Annadeva was crowned in the city of R(K?)amavaram on Asvija, su. 10, of the year Parabhava corresponding to Saka 1259. The date is unfortunately irregular. The Saka and the cyclic years do not agree. The cyclic year Parabhava does not coincide with Saka 1259 but with Saka 1289. As the Saka year given in the record yields a date far too early for the coronation of Annadeva, it must be rejected as inaccurate. If, on the other hand, the cyclic year is taken to be correct, Annadeva's coronation may be said to have taken place in A.D. 1366. Much however cannot be built on the basis of the information furnished by this inaccurately dated record especially as the original is not available for our examination. The earliest genuine record of Annadeva is a short epigraph dated Saka 1310, Vibhava (A.D. 1388); and it registers the gift of Kanchanapalle to the temple of Siva at Tripurantakam in the Markapur taluk of the Kurnool District. He seems to have passed under a cloud during the next sixteen years; and when at the end of this period he emerges into light again, he is found ruling with full titles of sovereignty in the neighbourhood of Draksbaramam. There is reason to believe that he was in exile, for, in the first place, the provenance of the inscriptions of Kumaragiri-Reddi who ascended the throne in or about A.D. 1382 clearly shows that the lower Godavari valley wherein lay the family estates of Annadeva was included in the Reddi kingdom. The Komaragirivaram grant dated A.D. 1408-09 clearly states that Kumaragiri-Reddi bestowed on Kataya Vema the Eastern kingdom with Rajamahendranagara as its headquarters. It is obvious that the lower Godavari valley was under the control of Kumaragiri at the time of his death which took place in or about A.D. 1404. Moreover, in the Anaparti grant dated A.D. 1390, it is said that the east coast up to Simhadri (i.e., Simhachalam in the Vizaga patam District) acknowledged Kumaragiri's rule ; and that he, being desirous of bequeathing to his young son, Anavota II, a larger kingdom than he possessed, planned the conquest of fresh territories extending to the east of that hill. Secondly Vedagiri I, the Velama king of Devarakonda in Telingana (Nalgonda District of the Hyderabad State), a contemporary of Kumaragiri, is said to have offered protection to Annadeva.? It follows from these facts that Annadeva was living abroad owing to the occupation of his territories by the Reddi kings. The circumstances which led to the displacement of Annadeva may now be envisaged briefly. Anavema who seized the throne of Kondavidu on the death of his elder brother, planned an expedi. tion against the rebels in the deltas of the Koishna and the Godavari, and brought them soon under control. According to the Srisailam epigraph cited above, Anavema " demolished the jala-durga of Divi (Kistna District) and captured all the jala-durgas at the confluence of the Gautami (i.e., Godavari) and the sea, broke open the sthala-durgas of Rajamahendra, Niravadyanagara (Nidadavole in the West Godavari District) and others; and planted pillars proclaiming his glory at the foot of the Simhachalam and the Vindhyas". Anavema seems to bave made use of force as well as diplomacy in re-establishing his authority. He crippled the strength of the Telugu Chodas who were a formidable obstacle in his path, by creating dissensions among the members Mac. M88. 15-4-4, pp. 231 ff. The epigraph in question is said to have been engraved on a slab lying outside the postern (diddi gumman) gate of the fort of Rajahmundry. Its present whereabouts are not known. : No. 254 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * No. 421 of 1893 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 18. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 7, 155 ; above, Vol. IV, pp. 328-9. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, p. 210. * Ibid, pp. 203-4. * The Velugofivuri-vamsavali, 122. * No. 20 of 1915 : Mudras Kp. Rep., 1915, part ii, para. 59.

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No. 2.] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. of the family. Bhaktiraja was probably dead by this time; and differences seem to have arisen between his sons regarding succession. Taking advantage of this, Anavema entered into an alliance with his son Bhima or Bhimalinga, and secured his support and loyalty permanently by bestowing on him the hand of his daughter in marriage.1 Annadeva must have felt helpless against this combination, and sought refuge in his ancestral estate of Eruva, where he seems to have kept up a precarious existence up to 1388 A.D. The expansion of the Vijayanagara kingdom towards the east seems to have ousted him even from this place of refuge, and he became a wanderer seeking his fortunes in the courts of the Deccan. This accounts for the inveterate hostility which he displayed in later life towards the Reddis and their allies, the Rayas of Vijayanagara. 3. The first achievement of Annadeva that is described in these plates is the assistance which he rendered to the Turushka king in defeating the king of the Karnata at Sagara. This statement clearly indicates that Annadeva entered into an alliance with the Bahmani Sultan. The Karnata army that is mentioned in the inscription is the army of Vijayanagara; and Sagara is a city of that name on the northern bank of the Krishna in the Gulburga District of the Nizam's Dominions. It stood on the frontier between Gulburga and Vijayanagara, and constantly figured in the wars between the two kingdoms. It follows from this that the Turushka king who was engaged in fighting with the Karnataka army was the Bahmani Sultan. Now between A.D. 1388, the date of Annadeva's Tripurantakam record, and A.D. 1416 when he appears to have died, 1 The marriage of Bhimalimga with the daughter of king Anavema is referred to by contemporary Telugu writers. According to Nieeamku Kommana, Allada married Vemambika, the daughter of Bhimalimga who was the son of Chola-Bhakti-kshitievara: Ma: Bharita-brinidhi-yam-mahiramanud-oppen-Jola-Bhakti-kshilisvara-sunumd-agu Bhimalimga-manujesa-breshthu sat-putri bhasvara-karunya-dasa-jan-avana-vidha-samdhatri Vemambikan variyinchen-bati-bhakti-gaurava-dridha-vya para-nity-ambikan || (Sivalilavilasam, canto 1.) Srinatha states that Vemambika was a grand-daughter (i.e., daughter's daughter) of king Anavema of Kondavidu : Ma: Anavema-kshitipalu-pautri-yagu-Vemamba-Mahadevikin 29 ghanud ayy-Allaya-bhumi-palunaku samgrama-sthali-gamdivul tanayul Vema-vibhundu Vira-vasudh-adhyakshundu Dodda-prabhu dunun Annayyayu bahu-vikrama-kal-atopa-pratap-oddhatul || (Kasikhandamu, canto 1, v. 32). It is obvious that Vemamba's parents were Bhimalimga, the son of Chola Bhaktievara and an unnamed daughter of king Anavema. Chola Bhaktisvara Bhimalimga m. Anavema I daughter T Vemambika m. Doddaya Alla 2 An epigraph (S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 113) at Palivela dated January A.D. 1417 states that Doddama-Reddi Allada destroyed the family of Kataya-Vema's enemy completely and restored the kingdom to his children. These were Kataya-Vema's son Kumaragiri who succeeded him on the throne of Rajahmundry, and daughter Anitalli who married Virabhadra-Reddi, the second son of Allada (Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. II, p. 108). Now, the present grant makes it quite clear that Annadeva was fighting with Kataya-Vema's family about A.D. 1416. So far as we are aware, the only enemy of Kataya-Vema who having displaced the latter's children occupied their kingdom was Annadeva. Therefore, the enemy of Kataya-Vema whom Allada-Reddi destroyed with the whole of his family before January A.D. 1417 in order to restore Kataya-Vema's children to their paternal kingdom must have been none other than Annadeva. Any doubt that may still linger in our minds is completely set at rest by the poet Srinatha who flourished at the court of Vema and Virabhadra, sons of Allada-Reddi. He states that Allada destroyed the overweening pride of Virabhadra and Annadeva of the Solar family: Bhanumat-kula-Virabhadr-Annadev-adi-garva-samrambhambu-gaku chesi (Bhimesvara-puranam, 1: 62). It is therefore certain that Allada-Reddi came into conflict with Annadeva-Choda and his sou Virabhadra and killed them before January 1417 A.D.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. there was one major conflict between the Bahmani Sultan and the king of Vijayanagara in which the city of Sagara played an important part. Firuz Khan and Ahmad Khan, the nephews of Mahmud Shah Bahmani, rose up in revolt in 800 A.H. (A.D. 1397) against the latter's son Shams-ud-din in Sagar. Though defeated in war and reconciled ostensibly to the Sultan, who again received them into favour, they did not give up their designs upon the throne, and treacherously seized it on the 14th February, A.D. 1397.1 Firuz Khan ascended the throne and assumed the title of Firuz Shah Bahmani. The Hindu chiefs who held estates from the Bahmani Sultan in the neighbourhood of Sagar revolted immediately as a protest against Firuz Shah's usurpation. Though the Bahmani historians do not explicitly mention this rebellion, they refer to an invasion of Devaraya of Vijayanagara and the suppression of the Hindu rebels at Sagar by Firuz Shah. According to Firishta, Devariya invaded the territories of the Raichur Doab in 801 A.H. with the object of capturing the forts of Mudkal and Raichur, but Firuz Shah moved towards Sagar to frustrate his attempt. "After this ", says he," he put to death a Zemindar, with seven or eight thousand Hindoos, who had long been very refractory "2 Sayyid 'Ali more definitely alludes to a rebellion of the Hindu chiefs. According to him, Firuz Shah declared a jihad on Vijayanagara in 802 A.H. (A.D. 1399) and "marched towards Sagar. When the chiefs of that district heard of the Sultan's approach, they tendered their submission, and paid the revenue of the country into the royal treasury, and so remained secure from attack by the army." It is evident that about A.D. 1398-99 there was a Hindu rebellion in the district of Sagar against the Bahmani Sultan; and the rebels actually took possession of the fort. Nizam-ud-din Ahmad declares that the first action of Sultan Firuz Shah, after his accession to the throne, was an attack upon the fort of Sagar where some rebels who had taken possession of it had defied his authority. But the Sultan declared war upon the king of Vijayanagara, even before he marched to put down the rebels. Very probably the rebels secured help from the king of Vijayanagara, and placed the stronghold of Sagar in his hands; otherwise, there could have been no battle at Sagar, as stated in this inscription between the forces of the Bahmani Sultan and the Karnataka army. Another fact which seems to throw some light on this problem may be mentioned here. In the Taladipika of Saluva Gopa-Tippa, one of the talas is called Sagaradurggadivi pacak', i.e., he who first broke into the fort of Sagar'. This is, indeed, a curious name for a tala ; but Tippa states in explanation of the name that the desya-talas, forty-one in mumber, were named by him after his titles.5 Therefore, Saluva Gopa-Tippa had the title of Sagaradurggadivipatah'. Much is not known of Tippa's military activities, and the Saluva inscriptions so far as they are known do not allude to the capture of Sagara by Tippa or his immediate ancestors. Probably like the names of other tulas, Samburayasthapakah', 'Dakshinasuratranavi patah', the Sagaradurggadiripatah' was also calied after one of his ancestral titles. In that case, it alludes to the capture of Sagara (Sagar) by one of the early chiefs of the Saluva family in the service of the king of Vijayanagara. As there is no other known earlier instance of a Vijayanagara attack on the fort, the title perhaps had its origin in the capture of Sagar about this time. 1 Burhan-i-Ma'asir (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 185); Briggs : Ferishta, Vol. II, pp. 359-60. * Briggs: Perishta, Vol. II, p. 370. * Burhan-i-Ma'asir (Ind., Ant. Vol. XXVIII, p. 186). * Tabaqat-i-Akbari (Bib. Ind.), iii. p. 13. shdh bwdnd - aw bgw shml an grwh mtwjh shd - rchwn dr ql`h sngr b`Dy mrdn mthm Mysore Or. Mas. Library, No. 3809, 10th fol. f. I am obliged to Mr. M. Ramakrishna Kavi for extracting for my use this portion from his own copy of the Tafadipika.

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 31 Annadeva evidently joined Firuz Shah in his expedition against the fort of Sagar in A.D. 1398-9 and helped him to defeat the Karnatakas and regain the fort. The help which he rendered to Firuz Shah could not have been substantial. As a prince living in exile, he could not have had a large following. Firuz Shah was an ambitious king. He had designs on Telingana and the rich deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari. A pretender to the sovereignty of this region would be a pliable tool in his hands, and could be used to his advantage when occasion arose. Moreover, it was desirable to secure an ally who might embarrass the king of Vijayanagara on the east coast in the event of a war in which he might become involved. These considerations prompted Firuz Shah to enter into an alliance with Annadeva and associate him in his war with the Karnatakas. The second achievement attributed to Annadeva is the conquest of Jaggavaga, and other enen.v cities. Though at the present state of knowledge the identification of these cities and the enemies to wbom they belonged is not possible, the capture of these cities seems to indicate Annadeva's return from Gulburga. An inscription in the Bhimesvara temple at Draksbaramam! clearly shows that Annadeva had not only returned to his native country before July 1404 A.D., but had managed to regain the power which he had lost some years earlier. As Draksharamam is in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry which at this time served the Reddis as the capital of their northern possessions, it is impossible that Annadeva could have gained a footing in this region without coming into conflict with them, specially with Kataya-Vema, who was then ruling over this part of the Reddi kingdom. The absence of Kataya Vema's inscriptions during the early years of his reign (A.D. 1404-07) in Rajahmundry and its neighbourhood seems to suggest that very probably he had temporarily lost control over his capital immediately after the death of his brother-in-law and sovereign, Kumaragiri-Reddi in A.D. 1403 though he appears to bave recaptured it before A.D. 1408. The titles, Rajadhiraja,' and 'Purvasimhasanadhisvara' which Annadeva assumed about this times were probably meant to proclaim his own sovereignty and the triumph which he won over his Reddi adversaries. The circumstances which facilitated Annadeva's return from Gulburga, and the re-establishment of his authority in the Godavari delta must be explained here, in order to present the facts enumerated in the inscription under consideration in their true perspective. Anavema died probably in A.D. 1381 and his nephew Kumaragiri-Reddi succeeded him on the throne of Kondavidu. Kumaragiri's accession was not, bowever, peaceful and uncontested. The Tottaramudi plates which declare that his brother-in-law, 'the powerful Kataya-Vema placed him on the throne and protected him even as Srikrishna protected Yudhishthira ', allude covertly to some opposition which Kataya-Vema had to overcone before he placed Kumaragiri on the throne, and to the sovereign powers which he exercised on luis behalf after his accession. It is evident that Kumaragiri left the onerous task of governing the kingdom to his powerful brother-in-law, and contented 1S. 1. I., Vol. IV, 1347. . My reasons for thinking so are: (1) No trace of him is found before this date in the region of the Godavarl; (2) Anarima and Kumaragiri-Reddi were in actual possession of this region from A.D. 1371 to 1403 ; and (3) the Velama king Peda-Vedagiri is said to have offered protection to Annadeva 'Ala-Choda-Bhaktindru Anadevara. junu bemp=ara-gache' (The Velugotivari-va savali, p. 122). The word kachu implies some danger which threatened Annadeva; (4) Annadeva was, after all, a petty chief as yet unknown to fame. It is not likely that his greatness reached the Bahmani court and induced Firuz Shah to court alliance with him. Judging in the light of these facts, it appears to me that Annadeva who was at Devarakonda joined the Velamas who were the friends of Firuz Shah and helped the latter to take Sagar. Mac. M88., 15. 4. 4, p. 233. J.A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, p. 213. 5.1.I., Vol. IV, 1347.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. himself with the enjoyment of sensual pleasures. When his only son, Prince Virannavota, died a premature death some time after A.D. 1390, Kumaragiri, who was left without any heir except bis distant cousins, resolved to reward his brother-in-law for the valuable services rendered by him. Therefore, he conferred on Kataya-Vema the eastern territories with Rajabmundry as its capital, and left the remaining part of the kingdom to one of his cousins who might be successful in seizing his throne. Accordingly, on bis death, the Reddi territories which had hitherto remained under the authority of a single monarch were divided into two kingdoms, practically hostile to each otber. Peda-Komati-Vema, who succeeded him on the throne of Kondavidu, did not naturally acquiesce in the division of the kingdom effected by Kumaragiri and was inclined to question the right of Kataya-Vema to rule at Rajahmundry. Another factor which contributed to the removal of the obstacles from the path of Annadeva was the confusion that arose in the kingdom of Vijayanagara, consequent upon the illness which afflicted Harihara II in A.D. 1403. His three sons Bukka II, Virupaksha I, and Devaraya I repaired from their respective provinces to the capital, and were each busy in concerting measures to seize the throne. The death of Harihara II in A.D. 1404 was the signal for the outbreak of a civil war which racked the kingdom for two years. Kataya-Vema who expected help from Vijayanagara, owing to his political and family alliance with Harihara II, could hope for little or no assistance from his ally under the circumstances. It was at this juncture that Annadeva considered it expedient to return to his native country, and make an effort to recover his patri. mony. There is reason to believe that his restoration was partly due to a Velama invasion of the Rajahmundry kingdom. Ravu-Singa II, the ruler of Warangal and Racbakonda, invaded, probably at the instance of Sultan Firuz Shah Bahmani, the Godavari delta and overran the country as far as the frontiers of Orissa. His cousin, Peda Vedagiri, the chief of Devarakonda who formerly gave asylum to Annadeva, co-operated with him in the enterprise, and destroyed, according to the Velugotivari-vam davali, the fort of Bendapudi (Tuni division of the East Godavari District) which belonged to Kataya-Vema. These statements are corroborated by the evidence of a few inscriptions of Peda-Vedagiri's officers at Simhachalam and Srikurmam, both of which were included in the dominions of Kataya-Vema. One of these records registers the gift of 10 ganda-madas to the temple of Srikurmam by Pins Mada-Nayadu, son of SingamaNayadu, a younger brother of Recherla Sura-Nayadu of Devarakonda in A.D. 1405. The Lila-grihan=kanaka-ratna-chayair anekan prasadam=unnata-filhair Grihardja-sarjnam! korida-sararsi cha vidhaya Vasarhtariyah kalf-radhanasi (1) sah aramata priyabhil || The Komaragirivaram Grant (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, pp. 209-10). * Local Records, XXII, p. 166. The marriage between Kataya-Voma's son, Kata-Prabhu, and Harihara's daughter is mentioned in the Vemavaram grant (above, Vol. XIII, p. 242). * Som (Sneh 1)-ollasini Parafika-nipatau sandh-ann-sandhayana kaih lanyaratna-samarpanat Gajapalau sambandha-gandhaspridi Recherl-anvaya-barnginam narapatin drashuni rane sahasam sambhavyan sa (na ?) hi Gautami-parisara-kahudra-kshamabhrid-gane || (Visvesvara, Chamatkara-chandrika-Madras Government Or. Mss. Lib., R. No. 2679, p. 114). See Introduction to Kataya.Vema's Commentary on Kalidasa's Sakuntalam. Kataya-Vema conquered the country between Simhachalam and the Vindhyas between A.D. 1385 and 1390. This is brought out by the following passage in the Anaparti grant : Tammit-Simhadri-paryanta-prachya eva mahisvarah Jalavyas=tansmahipalan-adhund jaya-lilaya ! T'at6 Vindhyadri-Simhadri-madhyavarti-mahisvaran Jitva tad-deba-durgeshu niyujya --adhikarinah || J. 4. H. R. S., Vol. XI, p. 204 (vv. 27 and 36). 8.1. ., Vol. V, No. 1242.

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 33 identity of the Sura-Nayadu mentioned in this record is disclosed by another at Simhachalam dated A.D. 1407. He was the Pradhani or the Minister of (Peda) Vedagiri-Nayadu of Devarakonda. It follows from this that the Velamas who invaded the kingdom of Rajahmundry about A.D. 1404 remained in the eastern districts for three or four years. As Annadeva was a protege of Peda-Vedagiri, and as the Velama invasion roughly coincided with Annadeva's return to his native country, it seems reasonable to conclude that the Velama invasion was undertaken to reinstate the latter in his ancestral estates. What happened in the Godavari delta in the years that immediately followed Annadeva's return is not known. A study of the Reddi inscriptions of this period, however, leads to the conclusion that the successors of Kumaragiri had completely lost control over the coastal region between the Krishna and the Godavari. Whereas the inscriptions of Kumaragiri are found in this region as in the other parts of the Reddi kingdom, no inscription of his successors- neither of Pedakomati-Vema nor of Kataya-Vema,- has been so far discovered. The inscriptions of the early years of Kataya-Vema's reign are not found anywhere to the west of Pithapuram and Peddapuram ; and none of Pedakomati-Vema is found on the north of the Krishna. A part of this region, if not the whole of it, probably passed into the hands of Annadeva. . Kataya-Vema was thus hemmed in between two enemies during these years. On the east were the Velamas in the neighbourhood of Simbachalam, and on the west was Annadeva in the neighbourhood of his capital. Kataya Vema must have been driven out of his capital and maintained a precarious hold on the Pithapuram-cum-Peddapuram region, biding his time to dislodge bis enemy. He perceived, at last, a chance of obtaining help from Vijayanagara. Devaraya I who emerged successfully out of a civil war ascended the throne in A.D. 1406; but he bad to face a simultaneous attack delivered by two of his neighbours. Pedakomati-Vema who could not reconcile bimself to the loss of the districts of Addanki and Srisailam despatched an expedition into the Udayagiri-rajya and occupied a large part of the present Cuddapah District. At the same time, Firuz Shah attacked Vijayanagara from the north. Devaraya, however, successfully withstood these attacks, and within the course of the next three or four years consolidated his position in the kingdom. It was at this time that Kataya-Vema set out for Vijayanagara and reached Ahobalam in the Kurnool District about the end of A.D. 1410. It is not known whether he actually proceeded to Vijayanagara to solicit help from Devaraya. Taking into consideration the serious situation in which Kataya Vema was involved, it is difficult to believe that his visit to Ahobalam in the interior of the Vijayanagara kingdom was not actuated by political motives. The presence of the Vijayanagara armies on the banks of the Godavari fighting against Annadeva during the succeeding years, as mentioned in the inscription under review, clearly shows that Vema succeeded, whether he actually met Devaraya or not, in obtaining help. Now this brief narrative of the political developments in the kingdom of Rajahmundry furnishes the clve for a clear understanding of the events mentioned in this inscription. Kataya. Vema seems to have abandoned the caution which characterised his early actions, some time after his return from Vijayanagara and embarked on a policy of aggression. Though he still maintained his bold on the eastern bank of the river, his enemy was in possession of the opposite bank. It was necessary that he should control both the banks of the river to ensure the safety 1 Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1100. ? Local Records, Vol. XXII, p. 166. Briggs : Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 383. No. 84 of 1915 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * Two epigraphs, one at Polavaram on the west bank of the Godavari ( No. 1293 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) and another at Palakol in the Narsapur taluk of the West Godavari District (S. 1. 1., Vol. V, No. 145) dated A.D. 1408 and A.D. 1413 respectively show that Annadeva was the master of the weetern bank,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. XXVI. of bis dominion, and free himself from the ever-present threat of attack. The conquest of the district of Attili (Tanuku division, W. Godavari District) and the capture of that town and the fort by the southern kings referred to in the present inscription, point out clearly that Vema lavnched an attack upon his enemy's territory. The number and identity of the southern kings are not known, though it may be confidently asserted that the tributary princes and the nobles of Vijayanagara were certainly among them. Annadeva was not disposed to allow this affront to his authority to pass unavenged. Having quickly gathered together his friends and followers, he marched at their head to chastise the invaders. He came upon the army of Kataya-Vema's southern allies in the vicinity of Attili, and inflicted on thein a crusbing defeat. A large body of the enemy's forces numbering 10.000 men who were stationed in the fort of Attili were compelled as a consequence of defeat to surrender to him. While Annadeva was engaged in taking possession of the fort of Attili, one of his friends wbo is unfortunately not mentioned by name in the inscription, came into conflict with a contingent of the Vijayanagara (Kannada) army at Kankaraparti on the Gautami (ie. the Godavari). Confronted with a superior force, he was unable to cope with the situation, and stood in grave peril of destruction. Intelligence of the sad plight of his friend having reached Annadeva, he hastened with his troops to rescue his frier d. As soon as he arrived at Kankaraparti, he lost no time in engaging himself in action. Led by his brother-in-law, Pina-Undiraja, his army fell upon the Karnatakas and hacked them to pieces. It was an overwhelming disaster to KatayaVema's side, his allies were nearly annihilated and his family had to surrender to his enemy, abjectly begging him to spare their lives. Two points demand explanation here. (a) It is said that Annadeva rescued some friend who was assailed by the Karnatakas at Kankaraparti. The inscription gives no help to establish his identity. A passage from Burhan-i-Ma'asir, however, seems to throw some light on the problem. Describing the events during the last years of Firuz Shah Bahmani, Sayyid Ali states that the Sultan led an army into Telingana and subjugated the country as far as Rajahmundry. The Sultan ", says he," being determined to conquer Telingana proceeded in that direction till having got near Rajahmundry he conquered meny forts and districts of that country, and having taken the whole of that territory he consigned it to the agents of government, and then set out for his capital"? Sayyid Ali does not give the date of this expedition : but he mentions a number of events which had taken place before and after the dispatch of the expedition. However, a comparison with Ferishta's account of these events. may enable is to determine 1 Though the identity of the southern kings is not disclosed in the inscription, it is not difficult to conjec. ture who they were. In the south, more strictly south-west, of Annadeva's dominions were the kingdoms of Kondavidhu and Vijayanagara. It is not likely that they should have joined together to attack Annadeva : for. in the first place, the relations between Kondavidu and Vijayanagara were anything but friendly at this time : and secondly Pedakomati. Vema, the king of Kondavidlu, who was hostile to Kataya Vema would not have helped him or his family by making an attack upon Amadeva. The king of Vijayanagara was related to KatayaVema, au pointed out already, by marriage alliance. At Sagar the former encountered at first Annadeva as an ally of the Bahmani Sultan; and then according to the present record he was fighting with the latter at Kamkareparti on the Godavari as an opponent. Moreover, according to Srinatha's Bhimeerara-puranam. 1 : 62 (above Vol. XIII, p. 241), the king of Karnata was an ally of Allada who restored Kataya Vema's children to their kingdom. Taking into consideration all these facts, it is not unreasonable to suppose that one of the souther kings referred to in the present record was the king of Karnataka and that he came there with his forces to help Kataya. Voma ard his family. ? Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 187.

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 35 Nil. Nil. roughly the time when the expedition was undertaken. The facts mentioned by botb the historians are given in the following schedule, for the purposes of comparison : Sayyid 'Ali Ferishla. (1) Firuz Shah's second war with Vijayanagara ; and his capture Nil. of Bhanur and Musalkal. (2) One year after this, he invaded Mabur and made peace with the The Sultan invaded Raya. Gondvana i.e. Ma hur in 815 A.H. (3) Hushyar and Bedar rose to prominence . . . . . Nil. (4) Death of Kbwaja-i-Jahan, the prime minister of the Sultan . (5) The invasion of Telingana as far as Rajahmundry, and the con quest of the country . . . . . . . (6) The siege of Pangal . . . . . . . . The siege of Nalgonda Pangal in 820 A.H. It is obvious that Firiz Shah's expedition to Rajahmundry took place between 815 A.H. and 820 A.H. Another fact which seems to have some bearing on the subject must be taken into considera - tion here. Notwithstanding the uniform success which attended his arms, and the comparative ease with wbich he subjugated the country, Firuz Shah is said to have returned to his capital without making an attempt to capture Rajahmundry, although he marched victoriously to the neighbourhood of the city. The reason for his failure to take advantage of the opportunity to capture the city is not quite apparent. Rajahmundry was an important stronghold in the lower valley of the Godavari, and it was the seat of a flourishing Hindu kingdom. The temptation to plunder the city, if not actually to take possession of it, must have been too strong for an orthodox and ambitious Muhammadan king like Firuz Shah to overcome. Therefore, the return of the Sultan without oven making an attempt to invest the city must be attributed to some obstacle which compelled him to turn back and hasten honiewards. A few incidental remarks thrown out by the Muslim, historians, wbile describing the siege of Pangal-Nalkonda by Firuz. Shah in the middle of 820 A. H. (August, A.D. 1417), seem to suggest that the Sultan was con pelle:l to return by the arrival of a fresh Vijayanagara arn.y in the east. Firishta states that in the middle of the vear 820 A. H., the Sultan made an attack on Pangal commonly known as Nalkonda iu his day, a fort which stood at a distance of eighty farsangs or two hundred and forty wiles from Adoni on the banks of the Tungabhadra. The authenticity 1 Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. II, pp. 389-90. There are two forte named Pangal in Telingana. One of them atands, at a distance of about seventy miles to the east of Adoni, in the Mahbubnagar District of Hyderabad State. This could not have been the Pangal besieged by Firuz Shah, as the distance between this fort and Adoni is seventy miles and not two hundred and forty as stated by Firishta. There is another Pangal, adjoining the town of Nalkonda, the headquarters of the District of the same name in Hyderabad. In fact, Pangal and Nalkonda are so near each other that they may be regarded as two different suburbs, as it were, of the same town. Moreover, the distance between this fort and Adoni roughly agrees with that given by Firishta. The name Bilconda which is found both in Briggs' translation and the publishod Persian text (Naval Kishore Press) of Firishta is a corruption of Nalkonda, due to a scribal error commonly met with in Persian mss., lithographs, etc. Some scribe, either due to negligence or ignorance, shifted the dot indicating the phonetic value of the initial letter noon' (u) from the top to the bottom, and changed it into 'be'( ). Consequently, Valkonda ( 3jci) was transformed into Bilkonda ( sh). In one of the mss. in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal the name of the fort in spelt as Malkonda: dr wsTh sl mdhkhwr qSd tGyr pgl khh dryn wqt bh mlkhwndh shhrt drd z ql`h dyny tnj hshtd frsng st shdh bnSwb lshkhr khshyd * -Cat. of Arab. and Pereian mes, in the Library of R. A. S. B. No. D 57 fol. 332A.

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36 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. of Forishta's account is corroborated by the evidence of two inscriptions both dated July, A.D. 1417, at Vedadri in the Nandigama taluk of the Kistna District. They refer to the occupation of Voda palli-Vazirabad and Srirangarajukonda (Vedadri) on the banks of the Krishna in the eastern country by Sarakhu Maluka Jainadi Vodaya (Sharq ? Malik Zian-ud-din), an younger brother of Masliad-i-Aly Habib Nizani-ul-Mulk, one of the favourite ministers of Sultan Firuz Shah'. As Vodapalli-Vazirabad, where Malik Zian-ud-din was ruling in A.D. 1417, is situated at the junction of the Musi with the Krishni at a distance of about thirty miles in the south-east of Pangal-Nalkonda, there is no scope for any doubt about the identity of the fort invested by the Sultan. The causes of this attack are not fully explained by the Muslim historians. From Firishta's account it would appear that it was an act of unprovoked aggression. "Without regarding his relationship to the Ray of Beejanuggur", says he," he marched and commenced the siege, which extended to two whole years."2 Sayyid 'Ali asserts, on the contrary, that the Sultan was compelled to march against Vijayanagara, though he does not mention the circumstances which rendered the invasion obligatory. Khali Khan, however, states that Firuz Shah's narch upon Pangal.Nalkonda was due to ar invasion of his territories by the king of Vijayanagara. "At this time (i.e. after 818 A. H.)", says be," the intelligence of the advance of Ray of Bijanagar with numerous forces on the territories of Islam arrived. Sultan Firuz Shah having gathered bis troops marched in that direction personally to oppose him with the army and the materials of war." If the evidence of Sayyid Ali and Khafi Khan could be relied upon, Firuz Shah appears to have marched to the eastern Telingana to ward off an attack of the king of Vijayanagara on bis dominions in that region. Firuz Shah was an ally, and, according to the Muhammadan historians, the overlord, of the Velamas whose territory extended from Devarakonda and Rajukonda in the south to the Godavari in the north. Though this region did not properly forma part of the Sultan's kingdom, it may be termed the territory of Islam (bilad-i-Islam), as its rulers, the Velanias, paid tribute and owed probably allegiance to him. It is not known when the fort of Pangal-Nalkonda, which stands close to their principal capital Rajukonda, fell into the hands of the king of Vijayanagara. Probably Devaraya I seized it in the absence of the Velama forces, when they accompanied the Sultan during his expedition to the Godavari valley. The reduction of this fort, and the consequent submission of the dependent territory must have brought under the control of Devaraya an important strategic position which commanded the route along wbich his armies had to pass on their way to the east coast. If, on the other hand, the fort of Pangal-Nalkonda had been in the possession of the king of Vijayanagara even earlier, the Babmani territory which he invaded at this time must bave extended further eastwards into the coastal region which was recently conquered by the Saltar. In any case, the Vijayanagara attack on the possessions of Firuz Shah in the east must have threatened the Sultan's rear, and compelled him to retreat from the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry abandoning his designs of further conquest. However, the date of this invasion is not knowu. Khafi Khan places it sometime after 818 A. H. (A.D. 1415-16). As the Vijayanagara invasion imn.ediately preceded Firuz Shah's Nos. 306 and 307 of 1924 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Sayyid 'Ali gives a brief account of Nizam-ul-Mulk and his colleague and friend 'Ain-ul-Mulk in the Burhan-i-Wa'asir. " At this time (about 815 A. H.) two slaves named Hushyar and Bedar who, by royal favours and rank, were Gintinguished above all courtiers, had various dignities conferred on them, and most of the important affairs of government and army were conducted according to their judgment and opinion. Bedar was given the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk, and Hushyar that of 'Ain-ul-Mulk", (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII., p. 187). * Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 390. Burhan-i-Ma'asir (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVIII, p. 188). . Muntakhab-ul-Labab (Bib. Ind.), iii, p. 63. bld slm rsyd * slTn fyrwz shl@ dryn arn khbr Hrkt ry'y byngr blshkhr by khrn Trf mqbl r lshkhr khshydh khwd r m` fwj rmSlH m`rbh bh an * smt rsnyd - Muntakhab-ul-Lubab (Bib. Ind.), iii, pp. 62-3.

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No. 2.] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. attack on Pangal-Nalkonda in 820 A. H., it seems to have taken place probably in the previous year. Sayyid Ali, it may be remembered, describes Firuz Shab's invasion of Telingana immediately before his attack on Pangal-Nalkonda, suggesting thereby that one preceded the other. Taking all these facts into consideration it seems reasonable to assign Firuz Shah's expedition against the kingdom of Rajahmundry to the year 819 A. H. (1416-17 A.D.). Now, this appears to be the time when Annadeva was waging war on Kataya-Vema and his allies in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry. As Firuz Shah was an old friend and ally of Annadeva, it is not unlikely that he came to assist the latter at his invitation. Since Firuz Shah is said to have got near Rajahmundry and turned back without proceeding against the city, he was probably the friend whom Annadeva rescued from the Karnatakas on the battlefield of Kamkaraparti. 37 (b) The other problem which stands in need of elucidation is the manner of Kataya- Vema's disappearance from the scene of his activities. Nothing is said about him in the present inscription though it speaks of the surrender of his family to Annadeva. It is certain that Vema did not fall into the hands of Annadeva. Neither is it likely that he perished in a battle with Annadeva, nor being defeated by bim could have taken to flight leaving his family at the tender mercies of his enemy; for, in either casc, Annadeva would not have failed to include these facts in the list of his achievements given in the present charter. Therefore, the only reasonable alternative is to assume that Kataya-Vema died elsewhere under circumstances which are not known at present. Though nothing can be said definitely about the manner of his death, it is certain that the event itself had taken place between March and August 1416 A.D.; for, in the first place, he was still ruling at Rajahmundry according to an epigraph at Draksharamam dated March A.D. 1416.". But another epigraph at Palivela dated in the month of January A.D. 1417 alludes to his death and the destruction of Kataya-Vema's enemy, evidently Annadeva, at the hands of Allada; and a third epigraph dated August A.D. 1416 refers to the establishment of the power of Allada in the kingdom. It follows from this that Kataya-Vema's death took place between March and August A.D. 1416. As Firuz Shah led his troops as far as Rajahmundry in A.D. 1416, it is not unreasonable to believe that Vema might have perished in the invasion while attempting to check the advance of the Muslim army. 1 Sayyid Ali places Firuz Shah's expedition to Rajahmundry before his attack on Pangal (Nalkonda). Firishta assigns the commencement of the siege of Pangal-Nalkonda to 820 A. H. Khaft Khan places the Vijaya. nagara invasion of Bahmani dominions in the east (which in my opinion compelled Firuz Shah to retreat from the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry) sometime after 818 A. H. Assuming that the position taken up by me is correct, Firuz Shah must have been in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry at the time of the Vijayanagara invasion. If the Vijayanagara invasion took place after 818 A.H. and the siege of Pangal-Nalkonda commenced in 820 A. H., Firuz Shah's Rajahmundry expedition which, as I understand the situation, took place between these two dates, may be reasonably assigned to 819 A. H. 2 Kataya-Vema was in Ahobalam at the end of A.D. 1410. Hostilities between him and Annadeva must have commenced sometime after his return to his capital; it is not possible to determine the exact duration which elapsed between Vema's return and the commencement of hostilities. Above, Vol. IV, P. 330. S. I. I., Vol. V., No. 113; see note 2 on p. 29 above. 5 Ibid., No. 133. Tradition preserved in the family records and the prasasti of the Koppunulla chiefs (Mack. Mss. 15. 4. 3, pp. 112-13) alludes to a battle in which a scion of the family, called Gajarow Tippa, defeated the army of Kataya. Vema at Gundukolanu, a village in the Ellore taluk of West Godavari District. Moreover, the family prasasti embodies a biruda, viz., Kataya-Vemuni-tala-gonda-ganda (the hero who took the head of Kataya-Vema) which points to Vema's death at the hands of Gajarow Tippa or some other member of his family, probably at Gundu. kolanu itself. If this tradition could be relied upon, Vema appears to have died in a battle with the Velamas, to which community the Koppunulla family belonged. Taking into consideration the time of Vema's death as well as the friendly relations that subsisted between the Velamas and Firuz Shah, the Koppunulla chiefs seem to have accompanied Firuz Shah's army during the Telingana invasion and killed Vema at Gundukolanu. In that case, the engagement at Gundukolanu must have preceded that of Attili.

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38 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 4. Besides the achievements of Annadeva and his father enumerated above, the plates under edition give also an account of their religious beliefs and pious benefactions. Annadeva and his father were both staunch Saivas. Though the latter was originally named Kamaraja by his parents, he acquired, on account of his excessive devotion (bhakti) to the god Siva, the sobriquet. Bhaktiraja, by which he was commonly known to his contemporaries (III, 1. 8). Kamapuri, his capital, appears to have been a strong Saiva centre. The allusion to the sound of the bells echoing in the streets of the city from early dawn onwards suggests that the inhabitants were given more or less exclusively to the worship of the god of the place who was Siva (III, 11. 18-19). Though the present charter does not mention any of Bhaktiraja's deeds of charity, information gleaned from other sources represents him as a patron of Saiva divines and institutions. The Madras Museum Plates register his gift of the village of Kandavakolanu, probably identical with Kadavakolanu a small station on the M. S. M., N. E. line in the Guntur District, to the great ascetic Visvesvara or Visvanatha of Sriparvata. And the Telugu poet Srinatha speaks of his grant of two villages Cheruvada and Atukuru to the shrine of god Mallikarjuna at Srisaila.? Annadeva seems to have inherited his love of the Saiva creed from his father. He was a Paramamohesvara and most of his inscriptions record his benefactions to Saiva shrines. Annadeva was accustomed to offer worship to Siva six times a day, beginning with san-rise (IV, 1. 40); he added a-gopura of seven storeys (sapta-bhauma) to the temple of Siva probably at Mummadi-Prolavaram (IV, ll. 43-44); gilded the temple of Virabhadra at Pattesa and the vimana of the shrine of Bhimesvara at Draksharama (IV, 11. 50-52); and granted several villages to god Visvesvara of Kasi, the deity of his family.. 1 J. O. R., Vol. V, p. 142. 1 Sivaratri-mahatmyamu, 1: 16. Though Annadeva was an ardent devotee of Siva, he was not a follower of the fanatical Vira-Saiva sect which gained the enthusiastic support of a large number of people in his time. He was, as evidenced by the term Paramamahesvara, a member of the Pasupata community', the members of which notwithstanding their bias to Siva, did not approve of the Vira-Saiva tenets denouncing the Vedas and the social system based on them. That accounts for the praise bestowed upon such deities as Vani and Hari in the opening verses of this charter, and the liberal munificence of Annadeva to Brahmans. Annadeva, in observance of a vow, as it were, fed daily a large number of Brahmans-Saiva as well as non-Saiva, ascetics and yogins (IV, 11. 40-41; H. 45-46). He gave also to Brahmans a thousand cows in the vicinity of the temple of Virabhadra at Pattesa on the bank of the Gautami, and supplemented it with the gifts. Saptasagara and Hiranya-meru (IV, 11. 47-49). In addition to these, he granted them two villages, Uttamaganda-Chod-Annadevavaram in the district of Visiri situated at the junction of the Pinnasani and the Gamga, and Annadevavaram on the bank of the Gamga to the west of Palluri-Sailavaram. These benefactions show that Annadeva's deeds of charity to temples and Brahmans were as numerous as his victories on the field of battle. 8. I. I., Vol. IV, 1347. See Bhandarkar: Vaishnavism, Saivism, etc., p. 119. [The title Paramamahebrara would only show that he was a Saiva, and not necessarily of the Pasupata sect.-Ed.] The Saptasagara is the fourteenth mahadana in the list of the sixteen mahadanas described by Hemadri. The ritual connected with the performance of this dana may be briefly described thus: Brahmans must be invited on an auspicious day and requested to perform the punyahavachana or purificatory ceremony. In a mandapa which is specially erected for the purpose, the images of some deities must be installed on a vedi or platform. This must be followed by the performance of vriddhieraddha, or the braddha for ensuring prosperity.

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 39 5. Annadera's family : Bhaktiraja had, as stated in an earlier context, two sons, Annadeva and Bhima-Linga. The latter married a daughter of king Annavema, and got by her a daughter called Vemamba ; and she espoused Allada and gave birth to four sons, Vema, Virabhadra, Dodda and Anna. Annadeva narried Irugambika, the daughter of Chakravarti of the Solar race, and a sister of Pina-Undiraja who helped him to win the victory over the Karnatakas at Kamkaraparti (III, 1. 28, IV, 11. 29, 33-34). Pina-Undiraja and his father Chakravarti were probably related to Pedalindiraja of the Solar race who granted the village of Ravulaparti to Brahmans in Saka 13041, though the exact connection between the two families is not definitely known. Annadeva had by Irugamba, a son called Virabhadra (IV, 1. 30). Though no information is furnished by the present Plates about Virabhadra's activities, a line in Srinatha's Bhimesraru-puram suggests that he helped his father in fighting against his enemies and was consequently slain by Allada. 6. The date on which the Rajahmundry Museum Plates were issued is not known, owing to the loss of some plates belonging to the set. Nevertheless it is not impossible to discover the probable date when the gift was made. As the inscription describes the submission of Vema's family to Annadeva, the gift must have been made after the occurrence of this event. We have already stated that Katava-Vema died about the middle of A.D. 1416, and that his family submitted to Annadera about the end of the same year. Now it is stated in an epigraph at Palivela dated 17th January A.D. 1417 that Dodda ya Alla. after the death of Katava-Vema. destroved the family of the latter's enemy completely. The enemy referred to in this inscription, as pointed by Mr. V. Apparao in his article on the Rajahmundry Plates, was Annadiva. The defeat, if not the destruction, of Annadeva and his son Virabhadra is alluded to by the poet Srinatha in the introduction to his Bhinnerunt primum. It follows from this that Annadeva did not long survive his victory. Therefore, the Rajahmundry Plates which he issued after Kataya Vema's death must be assigned to the end of A.D. 1416. Seven golden kundas (vessels) 21' x 21' or 10' x 10' in dimensions (height and width) and weighing from 7 to 1,000 palas, according to the means of the donor, must be secured. They should be placed first on sesamum and then on the skin of an antelope. Next, each of the seven pots should be filled with salt, milk, ghee, molasses, curds, sugar and water respectively to symbolise the seven oceans of the Hindu mythology: and the images in vold respectively of Brahman, Vishnu, Siva, Surya, Indra, Lakshmi and Parvati, and gems and grains of different varieties must be added to them. Twenty-five Brahmans (8 Ritciks, 8 drarapalakas, 8 japa-Brahmanas and 1 guru) have to be engaged, and homas for all the gods installed in the manda pa must be performed. When the home for Varuna is completed, the yajamina has to bathe and go around the vedi three times chanting mantras. On the second day the home has to be performed a thousand timex: and finally the kuwdas must be given away as a gift to the Brahmans. (Hemaclri. Chaturvirgo.chintamuwi. Dina khanda (Bibl. Ind.), ('h... pp. 337-339). The Suvarnameru comes under Merudanas. The representation of the Meru mountain can be made in any kind of metal or grain. In case it is made of grain, it is called the Dhanya Jeru. If it is suvarna or gold Meru. the representation must have three ridges weighing three palas. When the representation of the Meru is rendy. worship is offered to it in the prescribeul manner. And then on occasions like colipses, it is presented as a gift to a Brahman invited for the purpose. This dawe is given to propitiate the god Variha, (Hemadri, op. cit., pp. 391-92.) 1 Madras Ep. Rep., 1918, Part ii, p. 173. 2 Bhimesvara-puranam, 1 : 62. * 8.1.., Vol. V, No. 113. J. 4. H. R. S., Vol. I, p. 179. 5 Bhimabeura-puranam, 1 : 62.

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40 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. 7. The names of several territorial divisions, rivers, towns and villages are mentioned in this inscription. I. Territorial divisions : (1) Attili-sima; (2) Visari-nadu. II. Rivers : (1) The Gamga, (2) the Gautami, (3) the Pimnasani. III. Towns - (1) Attili, (2) Jaggavaga, (3) Kamapuri, (4) Kasi, (5) Mummadi-Prolavara, (6) Sagara, (7) Suravarapattana. IV. Villages :(1) Bharanipadu, (2) Chod-Annadevavara, (3) Draksbarama, (4) Gulapumdi, (5) Karkara parti, (6) Palluri-Sailavara, (7) Panchadhara, (8) Pattesa, (9) Pedakonda. In addition to these, the name of a hill called the Gomukhagiri with a temple dedicated to Gomukhagirisvara, evidently named after the bill on which the shrine was built, is also mentioned. Some of these towns and villages have been already identified in the course of the preceding discussion. The rest are taken up here for consideration. Attili-sima was so called after Attili, which was evidently the headquarters of the district. Attili is at present situated in the south-west of the Tanuku taluk of the West Godavari District. It stands at the junction of two roads on a canal named after it. The boundaries of the Attilisima are not known; and it is not possible, in the absence of the necessary data, to demarcate even roughly the area included in the district. The situation of Visari-nandu is not so easily ascertained. Visari-nandu figures in an epigraph belonging to the middle of the 13th century among the countries conquered by EruvaBhima, one of Annadeva's ancestors. As Annadevavaram, the object of the present grant included in this district, is said to have been situated at the junction of the Pinnasani and the Gamga (another well-known name of the Godavari), it is certain that Visati-nandu extended along the bank of the Godavari; and as no tributary of the Godavari is known at present by the name of the Pinnasani, and as no village of Chod-Annadevavaram or Annadevavaram can be located on the bank of the river, the position of Visari-nandu cannot be defined exactly at present. Of the rivers mentioned in the plates, Gamga, as explained already, is another name by which the Godavari is frequently referred to in inscriptions as well as in literature. The poet Srinatha who was a contemporary of Annadeva states that the river Gamga flowed touching the western wall of the city of Rajahmundry. The Gautami is also another well-known name of the Godavari. As Pattesa, famous for its shrine of Virabhadra, is said to be on the bank of the river, it should be identified with the Akhanda-Gautami, i.e., the Gautami before it divides itself into the seven branches known collectively by the name of Sapta-Godavaram. The identity of the Pinnasani, which must have been a small stream flowing into the Godavari, is, as stated already, not known. 8. Of the towns mentioned in the record, Attili, Kamapuri, Sagara and Suravaram have been identified already. Nothing is known about Jaggavaga; Kasi is, of course, the famous city of Benares. The situation of Mummadi-Prolavara of which a glowing account is given in the present inscription cannot be ascertained definitely. Mr. V. Apparao identifies it with Muramanda-Polavaram (probably the same as Murumanda in the Rajahmundry taluk of the East Godavari District):3 1 No. 308 of 1935-36 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection ; Bharati, Vol. XV, p. 158. ? Kasikhandam, I : 58. ? J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, p. 181.

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No. 2. ) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 41 9. Of the villages mentioned in the charter Gulapundi, Panchadhara and Pedakonda have already been taken into consideration. Some of the remaining villages can be easily identified. Draksharama which is celebrated for its famous Siva temple is still a place of some importance. It stands on the north bank of the Injaram canal in the Ramachandrapuram taluk of the East Godavari District. Kamkaraparti is identical with the modern village of Kakaraparru, on the west bank of the Godavari. It is at present included in the Tanuku taluk of the West Godavari District. Pattesam stands on a picturesque island in the Godavari and is at present included in the Rajahmundry taluk. On a craggy hill, which was known in the days of Annadeva as the Gomukhagiri, are the temples of Gomukhagirisvara and Virabhadra, whither large numbers of pilgrims still flock to attend the annual festival in the month of February. The situation of the remaining three villages is not known. No village bearing the name of Bharanipadu seems to be in existence at present. There is, however, a village of the name of Bharinikam in the Anakapalle taluk of the Vizagapatam District. As Bhaktiraja was active in this region fighting with the Gajapati at Panchadhara, it is not impossible that Bharanipadu where be defeated king Singa should have been identical with Bharinikam. While engaged in editing these plates, I received considerable assistance from several scholars. Mr. Bhavaraju V. Krishnarao kindly furnished me, at my request, with a set of im. pressions of these plates, taken afresh from the originals in the Rajahmundry Museum. The Epigraphist to the Government of India secured from the same scholar, for my use, the impressions of the Anaparti plates of Kumaragiri-Reddi which are in his possession. Mr. C. R. Krishna. macbarlu, Superintendent for Epigraphy (Madras), checked my transcript and helped me to determine the correct reading of the text in certain places. Mr. M. Ramakrishna Kavi and Dr. V. Raghavan rendered invaluable help in the correction and interpretation of the text. Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and Messrs. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar and N. Lakhsminarayan Rao revised the manuscripts of the introductory portion of this article and offered me several useful suggestions. I am grateful to these scholars and offer them my heart-felt thanks for their generous and ungrudging help. TEXT. First Plate. 1 prokAravavikhim'vAgvibhavasya sRSTerAdyA zarattuhinadIdhiticaMdrikAmA [*] sarvezvarAdisaka kAmaravaM 2 facem aron a HT47C7 Hanna ri(C)? I 1[11*] FIT HTC fafeto e greuaranfeat 3 masaMbhavamukhyavaMdyA [*] haMsAvadAtavapurAgamamauLimRgyA cinmAtramUrtiravatAdakhiLa4 ude() [1211*] cafefeuiathraiefertat u tariat AsvAditeMduvi5 yearst T itfucaramat Haala (a)a1 [1*] 3[11*] atuailfe dagdaSTadharAdharasya yasyAM-3 As such are is Regarding the use of la for la attention is drawn to the remarks on orthography on p. 14. too frequent in the text no correction is made. * Read Teat. *The anusvara is written in the next line.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 6 garka nikhilavAridhayaH pradhAH / svedAbubiMduvadudaMcitasatva(kha)hatterAmAtyasau kiritanuhari7 rastu bhUtyai // 41[1"] yasya trilokajananI jananI bhavAnI yamyazvaraH strijagatAM ___ janako girIza: [*] yasya smRtinikhika[vi]8 matamovivasvAn soyaM karauMdravadano jayatAkumAraH [*] 51[0*] hemAdri garbhavipu. laikapuropakaMThamA9 kArabhUtamahitAvadhiparvatAne / vizvaM prabodhayitumuJcalito' pradIpo devAyeva jayatA10 miha puSpavaMtI [*] 6 1[*] yAM [sa]stuvatti(ti) girijAM pratatiM ca mAyAM lakSmI giraM sakalamRSTinidAnarUpA(pAm) / dul rgA pracuDa"mahiSAsuramardanI sA bhargakama vibhavA bhavatAprasannA [*]7[*] krIDa adA zRti puTAMcitatigma12 bhAnuSaDAvataMsapadalaMbhitacaMdrabiMba: / uhAmadhuMgaravapUritapadmajAMDa: kSetrevaro dizatu sa13 zubhAni nitya (tyam) [*] 211 [*] gaMgAtaraMgatanuzaukaratArakArti(bhiH) saMsevyamAnahima razmika(kA)kirITaM(Tam) / ahAMgakAMtama14 himAdiguNolasaMtamArAdhayAmi manasA zivamaSTamUrti(tim [19n*] adhyAmituH khazuramaMdirapa Second Plate (lost). Third Plate; First Side. 1 lAmarakAminIbhiH / yuddhAMgaNA(Ne) nihatavIravaro(ra) sva kAMtA viSNorivAdhitanayAbha vadavemAvA // 2 jAtastayorabhavadevabhaumabhUpastrailokyagItavimakAtmayazaHpratApaH [*] prolAMbikApa3 tiranekakaLApravINo bhUlokakalpataruriMdurivAkSipeyaH // lakSmIpata(ti)stadanu dAma nRpAlacaM4 dro jAtastayorjagati viSa(a)tadharmamUrtiH / sUrAMbikApatirabhUdatha somabhUpaH kSIrAbudha5 vi tato jagatAmupAsvaH [*] gaMgAdharojana(ni) tayorirugAMbikAyAH prANakharaH pradhitamAna Read er: * The Telugu numeral figure 1 denoting the number of the plato, is inscribed just above the line. * Read yamarakhi Road mAdi * Read "mujjvalito. * Read pracA Read ati * The numeral 21 is wrongly introduced for 8 here.

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2 8 4 6 10 k t purpaaddu bhaav mnujaaddiNpaadi ddiddiNd shyny shktvmu raamtaa drausaayoogipNddu dininaa bhvtaasnaa BIC. ter smaut suh ri 6 aa beel deeshrmunivvrni joobhv veeddddN citvik baagaa t alaa telugu sNgaa 27too aaynnu tir 18 tmoodin jycNdr pddin aayn kumaaloo kuuddin vidyloo tevu 68 65 korku mjaa avdilitee avi naadmai taamu yeeyunn 10 mhaarudrvNtoo (maaNsku sNtgiri shRti bhmaayaaN tirigipoostul peeddikriiddaa vibhudddu vaan rm ni teg vibhvaabhaav sNbraalki 12 n bhuudeevtv niveedel abhi rcNdrbiNb : uddemukkNg NdpuurituddNddi ii anni ddiliy tnu niikee ttaa rvi tnN styvddi lNg sains dautyy mitu vnaattmutu timm 14. cuuddruloo kurnuNddi 14 iii, a. turvaalNddi. pni tn kodd 12. aNddjvdnu bNdNloo aamee shrii jnrtki triliNs baaniloo preellll truNdduddivaa ddi vi y shriinunu jaatkN gtiniks ) adrmy eenuuraadhnN dhriNcNdd shtaanubhuut 8vNtoo jrtaanuvaanigN goodd roojn tNyoorugaaNb maa prkoop rNtr ptthmaan dRrvaarN uritmitiiyNbhudaastvNti vr muttmN dooshg 30 yaani shriibaagy kaarym jaatipeni turk baabu baabaa praajy naam sNtyu atddi shkssraanNkNboddiyee maadini tin prshnln jnN jy raajaa raavu mraa baavaa 12 bhuutkyn 2 t yste jnaabNddkoNddttNtoo blaaddburussu mukhyaal suurvrpddin sNvidaa, nityaalNloo vee246 svttr gorugaamn maayaalooki eNt maa burooyndni mii tmkuNddaa raamu 14. 6389 3ttinaa pur maatnaannicukoNdumu.nyyrt naamN. i. 16 20 RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA-(I). 24 v kaavaali vsbp raady gtttudoo ddidi acNddiraabaani rNddi niyyvyaannivr bhyNtoo bhvti prsNginaa bhaartini vike reddpu jailukuvlu paaddddmul ki turv dur iii,b. mNdi ashvaalni 2 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 1990 E'39-275. BOALE: ONE-HALF. 2017 10 mNcikaalmu vishvN sh sminaamu mri nivs 19vi saametnu saaNbddi nddinaa ttraam daanu. (anipinibhaarNmu aNtraamulu lNg knmgnaa biryN cirgutvyul jaatkN 18 | svdRsNjyti raampuriynsryN loo kaast nishi dibriniiru eeddyaaddi mookaanni p18. aadivaar deevtyu tininmunu vissN durvaarN shriiraamvu (yNgyNt hitpunny sNgm gaani eddvrg bhvvnN 22 MIG-13 tpddeedeevaaddiniNcee ee sjyri raampurippu divyNb nirsn mhi stunndish ntirugmu vaari te||tteNddrl vlyN tki i tlli tuunee tn vinNddmuuddi nirygnaayi ttiiraadri aaru kiloo vibhn pedditee ceeturutoo sN mn tnni dNddnu tini bvaa tri vrikhtddvaagmu khkhpdditee raa vaay jgti boggrNloo ntti baavyrsshvru kvi tnmaindi . bhr paini naa udaah haa bhktimuk oo kuNdvnppuddu goNtti kaay) vaakuddu 12 10 12 14 16 20 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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telNguN 30 bsvm vnn rviraayni tbl nu noo di cuuddaa jgrirulnuNddnistuu. 32. vriceenee rnny prbhaavNloo adry bhuuadi nyyuddinnaayais prshaa 34. vimaanN di niraadraani baagbhr mu naaddi ddyvru pNdi nijN mnN soo epivu alilni sryaani nmraaniNrkssitaa dhn smiti. srivddyN aNtraan umm vaadde bhujtthr vee jy nmsaa prbhutnidhyN prm smryn vraayNddi btikrnoogddbhysrt gurubhytissu gpddu yjnybhrkaastiisudoodn jiivbuudi pribhisn rhitmnu jaani um puur y jaar t otiiy ulli edvi tNtr vne supuleeloo.. suree trmu koNtinnmunu raamnujn ddigaagrmdhaanyN onivaas aNddnNdi pvnaar pnimu ammmbNgaa nih praa lil jNdicukdN bhvaaNt neenu ceyraappooddi niraajy niraa 36 38 40 52 42 ie,b addr aNtrloo jgti raajkr kr niyyN raavu jnbhaavmu? 44 mNtrNkitn pni mNddunugddy sm sNbraan paaddipaaddu nddv maadurymukhyrni vdd asim nityNnddaanee vibhni painu 46 crijeNdr bddi yoogilN brhm dydykain vijytaamymu nddv praarthni * vrdnnNbrN ddijeNddrni raaygnaa, shsrNdhN dNtdnu nimushrii 48. shaaNsddnnn prtijny adignku knaalikaa mdraasu nuNddri mukhymuttmu AP G jai bhcuutr daacddu vrku jm ddbbu ddaa uprmnaayr eddu 50 3 goomukhgitNb upaalyoom baati bomm dyHprti paatrymuddvraay prmaann eerpddee aaynnuddaayiyen graamaa drmplku miNcddN shriiraamu pNb my nidtpNdN eNdr sthiti sureeurg mriyn cooddaa nddvN myN pniki nidinNceesi maami urddaanulvrmuttnu goNdd ppureeNgNgaar ubunnvili 54. bsneenisNtN unnndni jnaarNbN // pllriNvr prcin nimi gNgaa tiirN nddvdiNc mn vaagrhaartiyu vnmun ninuddaayi mhaajne ddaa m prip sirini prsrv vidyvleenidi vruv 56 8 10 iv,a. 12 kaakicukoomnu 14 kyaali vii, a. baal 252 2 daarsh rcni primitNddri peejiinyy tnyyeNgyinaa nRgo a bhudaamyuukh reevuuri raamaa oraamcNdrN aa 2 baaraadaagaaddu aprdeesh mRtpraay vaadd : 13 || shauNddiny goo graaNbuj sNyli. 4 . a baastrdish h ristuu j laaNgaagm sNptti.r abhaaginuddaa bhaagvtaaNtrN!! shaakhbjnytnyHkaashypgo rebhvN mNtnaaraaynn (c)baaginniti gaa kriivmu 20-23 3) jyrni guddi ptti v ll bh tny, ayaa bhkNddrnaamaatr baagi kaani : sunnaa! 6 reekhlu naayuddi syrvyvaa rvvin 1331 naa baag naani duH| raamaaNji mroogynyoogNgaa drstrviNdN: tpaaleN baagiyju uNdi daan mishBAX raay tri tny yooriddaan bhaagddaa jg0b j baanuyN 2 gdaani pr hritvt n dde liyaaj nnukoo ok puru kott anNddi sNhritvt mryaad cNdr deekh srkshaastrddini. prjynaamnu dish 81951 7.Nddinumukaaboot cNdr muurti li yNtrmu ni yNj sbhaagy bhaavaan tntNdN sinii raa raa et 30 32 84 42 44 56 36 46 38 48 10 40 50 12 52 14 54

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No. 2. ] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 43 6 dhano nRpAla: / sAkSAhirIzamiva yaM vibudhA[:*] stuvaMti dharmekamUrtimarigaMDaragaMDa kIrti(tim) [*] 7 gaMgAdharAdirugamAvikayA sametAsaubhAgyazauryamahitojani kAmarAjaH / yacaMdra8 cUDacaraNAMburuhakabhaktyA bhaktIzvarAyamagAguvaneSu pazcAt [*] prati yuveva gu- . 9 laDipurasya zUrAn yo bogagadiyavanAdhipatInajaiSIt / prAcI ca kopyula patihizi 10 yena paMcadhArAMgaNe gajapati jayatAbhyaSeci // zUrAgraNi(NI)bharaNipATiparosamIpa yaH zi(siM)gail bhUtaLapatiM kada[ne] vyanaiSot / yastejamA ca peDa(da kIDapurausamIpe rakSoyanAn daburukhAnu12 mukhAnaja(ja)Sot [*] yenaiva sUravarapaTTanasaMnidhAne vIrAbavotanpatirvijito vino dAt / tasyAgrahIt kara13 sarokahamanemAMbA bhaktIkhaga(ra)sya girijava zAkamoLe: // bhanIkharoyamatha nirmita vAnudArAma14 ju(jja)bhamANavibhavAM puramAtmanAnA / yA puNya zolamanujAzrayaNa ja(ja)gatyAM kasvAra. nAmaka Thirl Plate; Second Side. 15 maniyya'tarAparAbhUt // AMdhrAvataMsamiha kAmapurI prasiddhA vistArisarvavibhavA muktaka18 bhUmiH / [ji]tvAmareMdranagarI kSapitAtmapuNyAmuz2u(ja)bhane satatasaMcaradana(daba)dAnA / haryeSu ya17 7 nizi nirbharakAmataMtrakAMtAkucAtaragambhRganAbhireNau / nityaM caranmitagurapyabhaja kakibhA18 4 5(dhru)vaM jayati kAmapurIyamuyAyA'm) // yathAnuvauthi vicaravaruNodayAdivekAsa sUci19 tazivArcanakarmayajJaH / ghaMTAravaH zRti padhena manaH pravizya tatrApyacaM harati kAmapurII Read nIyaH * Rearl fat.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. 20 yamodyA / yatrAMgaNe mahitapuNyaphalaikagamye kastUrikAdyagaNitArthya'gaNaM nirIkSya / vihahaNo21 bhavadanaMtapadArzavAdI sarvopi sA jati kAmapurI pRthivyAM [1] bhaktokharasya tanayo mahi22 tobadeva'stasyAbhavajjagati jaMgamapArijAta: [[*] sauMdaryasImaparibhUtajayaMtakI23 tiviNyanidbhutanavInamRgAMkamUrtiH // vezyAMganAyitavirodhidharAtakeMdro bAhupratApa24 vibhavAdanadevabhUpaH / bhUtvA turuSkanRpatesmagare sahAya: karnATasainyamasimAvasakho 25 vyaneSot // udaMDavRttivibhavAtripurImivezo yo jaggavAgamukhaveripa(pu)rANyajaiSIt / saM26 jIvanaM suravaradijapuMgavAnAM jAgartyayaM jagati coDakulAbradi(de)vaH // bhAgyona(gyatrotaH sukkata27 vAn suravipravaryavizvAsavistRtasamastavibhUtibhedaH / zrIvizvanAthacaraNArcanasaka(kta)bhaktibhRtyu 28 jayo jayatu coDakulAMna(lAbodevaH // zrIcakravartitanayAmirugAMbikAM yaH sUryAnva vAyasu Fourth Plate; First Side. 29 kataikaphalaM suzIlA(lAm) // (1) piMga~DibhUpasahajA lalanAlalAmabhAgyovratAmudavara [hiri]jAmivezaH // 30 zrIvIrabhadranRpatirbhavanaikavIro yasyAtmajatvamagamadravima(va)zadIpaH / soyaM vinirjita samastavi31 rodhibhUpo jAgarti coDakulamaMDanamana(mana)devaH // yenaiva bhUviditamatilisIni sarvAnirjitya dakSi32 badigIzvaravairibhUpAn / tatpaTTanAvaraNamadhyagatAca namrAsmana(saMrakSitA dazasahasramitA vipacAH [*] IRead deggacitArtha Read degpadArtha + The Telugu numeral figure 3 indicating the number of the plate is inscribed between the letters de and . The anusvira is inscribed at the beginning of the next line. The syllable it is written below the line.

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No. 2. RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 45 33 adhvaryubhUtapinayuMDinnRpeNa yena zrIgautamI nikaTakAMkaCOparttivedyAM / Alabhya kana(ka) DamukhA[ri] 34 pazUnakAri vIrAdhvaro nijasuhRtparirakSaNAyai ( 2 ) // pAdAMbujapraNatakATayavemavaMzaH ' koyai kavatsa 35 latayA samarakSi yena / soyaM vibhAti zaraNAgatabhUparakSAdIkSAgururjayati ca ku manujAmma 36 lAMna(lAnna)devaH // yasmin prazAsati mahomanadevabhUpe sarvopasargarahitA deva / pUgekSukAna 37 natakeSu mudA ramaMte nitye (tyo) vasavo vijayateyamudAratejAH // yaddeza eva vitartacuvane supakkazAlyA 38 disasyabhari sahakArasAMdre / sarvopasargarahite sukRtaikagamai (mye) kheLaMti nUnamamarA manujAvatA 39 rAH // yahezamauLimaNimummu DiprolavAra zaMkhAdyanekanidhi 40 nityanivAsabhUmiM smRtvA bhiyeva dhanadobhajadIzasakhyaM (khyam) || pAdapadmo nityAM 42 vaH nAnAdigAgatamahAvaNijAM nivAsaM (sam) 1 41 na ( tyAca ) dAnaniyamArcitabhUmidevaH / gorAja ke tanasamarpitagosahasro vizvAjate vimaLavaMza bhavana (vona) de SaTkAlapUjitamadAziva The letter va in vamheah is written above the line. // nityaM girozacaraNAvaruNodayAdiveLa (kA) su SaTsvapi mudAyutasaMkhya dIpaiH 1 nIrAjayanvima Fourth Plate; Second Side. 43LacoDakulAMna (lAna ) devo jAgarti rAjaparamezvara eSa bhUmyAM (myAm) nacAmaraketumuktAccha 44 [at] hemalalanAMkitasaptabhaumaM (mam) / mauvarNamaMdumukuTAya mama[pye] kAM[tAM (taM) modhaM] samujha 45 sati coDakulAMna (lAna ) deva: // mAdhuryamukhya rasaSavilAmisRSTanityAMna (tyAnna) dAnavibhavApaDatakSu[dhA]rti / [zai] // cAmaukAravyaja

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46 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 46 vaddijeMdra jaTiyogikulaM prahRSTaM yatpahane vijayatAmayamana (mantra) devaH // zrIgautamInikaTa - 47 paTTesavIrabhadraprAMta hajeMdranikarAya garvA sahasraM (stram) / dattvA (ttvA) tattRSamasau mathituM kiLAdAcI48 DaoNna ( DAna ) devanRpatirjjaladhiM (dhIM) kha mapta // yenAkhikAmapi dhagaM sa surAdrimukhyAmutaptakAMcanamayA (ya) 49 dadatA dvijebhyaH 1 bhUmAtradaH paTu jitaH kiLa jAmadagnya thoDAMna (DAmra) devaraghunAyaka eSa bhAti // 50 yenaiva' gomukhagirIvara vIrabhadradevAlayo mahitahemamayaH kRtobhUt / zrIkAzikAdhi51 pataye kuladevatAyai grAmAca vinRpataya' mamadAyi yena // sauvarNamAtma kulazekharacIDavaMdya [drA] 52 kSAdirAmapurabhImaya modhazrRMgaM ( gam ) / adhasthalIma kuTaratnamakAri yena coDAMna (DAna ) devadharaNItaLanAya[kena] // 53 yeyaM lasaddisa6i9noTisamAkhya deza coDAMna (DAmra) devavaramuttamagaMDapUrva (rvam) bhuvana vizvata 54 piMna (pitra) sAni saMgena (ga) devanRpatirdvijasAdakarSIt // palRrizailavarapazcimasobhitra gaMgAtIna (na) devavaranA 1 gaMgAtaTe 35 vavahA grahAraH / puNyena yena samadAyi mahAjanebhyazvoDona ( DAva ) devadharaNIpatiraSa bhAti // yeno 56 bhayAnvayavinirmaLa vipravaryA vidyIna (dyo ) tA vidhivaduddahanaM praNItAH tila [kena ca] / sUryAnva (vA) ya Fifth and Sixth Plates missing. Seventh Plate; First Side. 1 bhAraddAjakulArNavapUrNa suthA (dhA) razmiravanipatimitraM [*] zrIkUcanAyryatanayaH ziM(siM)gayanA 2 mA hijendra iha bhAgo // 29 [ko]hinya"gotrAbdhisudhAmayUkhaH kovUrirAmAtmaja - Rend 'faga. * Read 'nAmamaDA. Read AcAravAmAgama rAmacaMdraH / zrA 3 cAravA' gAmatatva (tva) darzI bhAgoha mRtyuMjayapAdabhakta: // 30 // kauMDinyagotrAMbujasUyate The Telugu numeral figure 4 denoting the number of the plate preceded by a vertical stroke is inscribed here between the letters ra and go. Read vizvapataye. * Read jisAdakArSIt. Read if.

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No. 2. ] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 4 [:] zrIbhAskara[:] zrotRharestanUjaH / sAMgAgame saMcita korttiratra bhAgI sadAcAravatAM vareNyaH / [1*]31 // kAzyapagocAbdhipUrNahima razmiH 1 nArAyaNotra bhAgI jyoti: 6 tatva (tva) jJaH [*]1321[*] zragUDapa labhatanayaH zrIyobhakeMdranAmAtra / bhAgI kAzyapagotraH puNyasmA 7 caMdramA vidvAn // 33 // Atreyago tilako vi[va]yanAmaddijAtivarasnuH / yajuraNaM vacandrayazA 8 varadayanAmAtra bhAgavAnvipraH [* ]1341 [* ] zrIrAmAdimaziM (siM) gayatana [ yo] gaMgAdhara dravidra [1*] 9 kauDinyagotra pAtraM bhAgo yajuSAM nidhAnamiha puNyaH [* ]35 1 [ / *] zrIgaurayaviprezvara - ' tanaya[:] zrI 10 [siM] ganAyo vidvAn / bhAraddAjakulAMbujabhAnuyazA devapri 11 yatanayo harivaMzapadmAka 1 yAjuSamaNiratnAkaratejAH 5 zrI [kA] cibhahatanayaH zAstrakarma 47 puruSau (So) samo [*]1371[*] 12 ciMNipikUcayabhUsuranaMdano haritavaMzamahArNavacaMdramAH / sakaLazAstratha (ra) hasya vidaM13 zavAniha hi talayanAma sudhIzvaraH [1*]381[1*] kA~DinyavaMzArNavacaMdramUrtti [: *] zrIyaMna (yatra) macmA su 14 gnaMdanotra [1*] vizvezvaro yAjuSabhAgyadevaM labdhAMzavAnaca matAM vareNyaH [*] [39] [[* ] gopALa bhaTTa[[tma]ja eSa 15 puNyaH zrIyaMna (yantra) mAkhyo haritAnvavAya: / jyotirvidagresarakIrttiratra labdhAMzavAnAgamapArahavA [* ] 40 // 17 bhAgavAnatra // 36 // AdityAvani Seventh Plate; Second Side. 16 muMjapigaMgAdharavaratanaya[: * ] kAMDinyavaMzavArdhvo (dha) du: [ 1 *] azraya[nAmA bhAgo ju] nidhiratra saM 1 The letter ra is inscribed below the line just under sa and ta. * Read kauNDinya.. lambA: matAcAraH [[*][41][[*] zrIbhAraddAjAnvayavallabhadharaNIsurAtmajaH puNyaH 1 lakSmaNanAmA vipro vedavida[da] (vida)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 18 zivAndhanyaH [i*]142[1*] sAdapyulavibudhavaro valabhadayAnabhAnumAnpuNyaH / kADi'nya vaMzatila19 ko bhAgI vedakamUrtiriha sAdhuH [*]143[i*] zrImavAgavidattanayo nigamaika mUrtiriha bhAgI / iMDi20 gaDanAganAmA kAzyapagotrAbdhipUrNimAcaMdraH [*]1441[i*] zrIrAjukauDamalayatanayA:*] zrImalikArjunAkhyA21 naH / kAzyapagotrapavitro bhAgI nikhiLAgamaikatatva(va)ja: [*]1451[i*] maMDuMgUri lakka nAkhyo mAnyo viduSAM samastazA22 svajJaH / bhAradvAjakulArNavacaMdro bhAgIha vedatatva(ttva)naH [[*]1461[[*] kolalapalipurA dimaziM(mi)gayatanayo ya23 junidhiH puNyaH / zrIkRSNavijanAmA kAzyapagotrA(tro) gRhItabhAgotra [[*]]47[*] zrIkaMdukUriyaubhakatana24 yA:*] zrIrAmanAmAtra bhAgI [*] yAjuSamaNigaNajaladhiha (ha)ritAnvayAvataMsayazAH [*]1481[*] zrIkRSNama25 svatanayA' yajurAkarabuciramitaguNakAtiH / zrImAnanaMtanAmA bhAgI zrIvatmavaMzavAjhuduH [*]1491[*] 28 zrIbhArahAjakulo devayadharaNIsarAtmajaH puNyaH / bhaumaLanAmA bhAgI yajuradhvayanakazuddha 'buddhirizaha [[*]]50[i*] zrIsarvadevatanayAya janArdanAya kAMDinya gotratilakAya mahAjaneMdrAH / te sarva eva sa28 mudIritazAsanAya svIyaikabhAgasadRzaM vyataravihAMza(zam) [*]]511[*] bhaktyA kalja komparAjatanayanAca 29 pratiSTa(ThA)pitatrIkedAramahezvarAya mahase zrImAdhavana vijAH / sarve te sthirabhAgame kamadurAcaMdrArkamA30 [tArakaM] . . . . [AsA]dit bhogabhAgyamuSamA sthairyAya kautUhalAt [152 // *] I Read kauDinya. * Poad maDagari. * Read The Telugu numeral figure 7 denoting the number of the plate is inscribed at the beginning of the line. 'Read kauMDinya. [I would read the portion as : ra-chandr-arkkam=arkhambaj-drvorivar-(Sn=t) odita-dqa-bhagya etc.-N. L. R.]

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vii,b. 16 viddi leeni 18 tn anaarppl ni bdriNci oo baaddidi urmytliloo naaduni kaashdeevt shivloo RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA (II). 16 22 42 iNdin aneek reNddv kli 03 eedd yaa baasu n kaaNcennvNgrN 18 munnaagyn kRtaanyni gmnmu kligi daabaa khdduNdi. mroo keeNdr gnn shaakh 20 baagi kooglu mNddute aneekun jrunooptyN bhoogi, tgrN vellipuraa dy tnyoo 8:52 12 J Potter 9 riyoo bhk tp "naa prjlNdritoo koni SH DR jnaabhaa 14 26 prbhaavddi jr loo ddic y drshkoosaa raati : punnydri baabkssn maabaariyjurdy ynmdl 20, 26 or vlsyy jnaaddu saayN...? shrii vRtr tNkaay m haaj nNdi : aslee vs mddiki snaa shriij baagni dhshrv rnibhaaNtN bhry amm raajt nynaa ani 28 aapoo jrmn raaymu ker & saur 3 nmeeddN cNdrruu . gaa 30 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rse. No. 1990 E'30-275. SCALE: ONE-HALF. 30 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 3.) RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA. 49 No. 3.-RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M. A., NAGPUR.. Rajim is a well-known holy place, 28 miles south by east of Raipur, the head-quarters of the Raipur District in the Central Provinces. It is situated on the eastern bank of the Mahanadi at the junction of the Pairi with that river. A fair is held there for a fortnight from the full-moon day of Magha in honour of the god Rajivalochana. The principal temples at Rujim are those of Rajivalochana, Ramachandra and Kulesvara. They have been described in detail by Mr. Beglar and General Cunningham in the Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol. VII, pp. 148-56 and Vol. XVII, pp. 6-20, respectively. Mr. Cousens! and Mr. Longhurst who visited the place in 1903 and 1907 have also written notes on them in their respective Progress Reports. As early as 1825 Mr. Richard Jenking, who was Resident at Nagpur, drew attention to three inscriptions at Rajim, of which he sent eye-copies and facsimiles to Mr. W. B. Bayley, Vice President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal'. One of these was the copper-plate inscription of Tivaradeva, which has since been edited by Dr. Fleet in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, pp. 291 ff. The remaining two were stone inscriptions, one of which, viz., that of Jagapala, was later on edited by Dr. Kielhorn in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII. pp. 135 ff. The third inscription has, however, remained unpublished so far. Jenkins had sent a copy and a facsimile of this record also to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, but as it was too much mutilated to be decipherable with any degree of satisfaction", no transcript of it was published in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV which contained transcripts, imperfect of course, of the other two. The inscription was, for the first time, very briefly noticed by Dr. ( then Mr.) D. R. Bhandarkar in Cousens' Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India for 1903-04, p. 48. He drew attention to the names of the princes Andapanala. Prithviraja, Viruparat and Vilasatunga and of the Sutradhara Durgahastin and stated that the inscription recorded the erection of a temple of Vishnu. He, further, assigned the record to about the middle of the 8th century A. D. This account was followed by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berars, but he, for the first time, correctly read the name of the king Nala in line 6. Owing presumably to its mutilated condition, the inscription has so far received little attention, but as it is the only stone record of the Nala dynasty found in the Central Provinces, I edit it here from the original stone, Cunningham's facsimile and inked estampages taken under my supervision. Like the aforementioned inscription of Jagapala, the present record is incised on a slab of stone which is built into the left hand wall of the mandapa of the temple of Rajivalochana, The record contains 22 lines and at present covers a space 3' 8" broad and 1' 4" higb. Some aksharas have, however, been lost on the right and left sides under the lime border. 1 P. R. A. S. W. 1. for 1903-04, pp. 24 ff. Ar. Rep. A.S.E.C. for 1907-08, p. 35. * Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 501 and 511. * Loc. cit. Dr. Bhandarkar seems to have wrongly read khyatoandapanala iti instead of khyato nripo Nala iti in line 6. These words were for the first time correctly read by R. B. Hiralal. First ed. (1916), p. 103 ; second ed. (1932), p. 112. Hiralal read the word Pandava in line 4, which, if correct, would connect this family with the Somavamsis. But I do not find it anywhere in this record. Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharla, while editing the Podigadh inscription, remarked that that was the first stone record of the Nala dynasty discovered till then (above, Vol. XXI, p. 155). . 4. 8. 1., Vol. XVII, plate IX.

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50 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. This was the state of things even in Cunningham's time, but since then the lime border has made further encroachments so that some aksharas on either side, which appear clear in his facsimile, have since become invisible. The writing has, again, suffered considerably in the middle and specially on the proper left. Besides, as several letters have now become choked up with oily dust, the inscription does not yield a satisfactory estampage. I have, therefore, mainly relied on Cunningham's facsimile which is quite clear though somewhat touched up by hand. I have, however, checked some doubtful readings by a personal examination of the original record. The characters are of the proto-Nagari type resembling those of the Sirpur stone inscription of Maha-Sivagupta-Balarjuna'. The stroke of the medial a is often placed on the top of letters see pada- and tasy-abhu-both in 1. 6, and sri-hari in 1. 15; kh has two forms, one in which the right limb contains a loop and the other in which it is without it, see e. g., duhkha-, 1. 15 and saukhy-, 1. 3; j is generally tripartite; in some places its upper bar is reduced to a wedge as at the top of other letters, but the central bar has not completely bent down, see dvija-, 1. 3 and vijay-, 1. 12; p is open at the top as in vapusho 1. 5; y is throughout bipartite, see sriyam-, 1. 4; in its subscript form the letter has an elongated rectangular shape as in the aforementioned Sirpur stone inscription; the right limb of is not brought down as in the proper Nagari alphabet; d and have developed serifs at their lower ends, while h is without a tail, see vadanti and alpa-saram, both in 1. 14 and vihita in 1. 18; a final consonant is indicated by an encircling curve in bhavat, 1. 14 and by a slanting stroke at the bottom as in uparjaniyam, 1. 14. The language is Sanskrit and the record is composed metrically throughout. There are twenty-nine verses in all, none of which is numbered. The orthography exhibits the usual peculiarities of the reduplication of a consonant after r and the use of v for b, see chandr-arkka- and Vali-, both in 1. 5. The inscription is one of a king, probably Vilasatunga, of the Nala dynasty. The object of it. is to record the construction, by the king, of a temple dedicated to Vishnu. It opens, as might be expected, with some verses invoking the blessings of that god. There are as many as five verses of this type, of which the first is almost completely lost. The fourth verse is in the form of a dialogue between Hari (Vishnu) and Lakshmi, while the fifth describes the Dwarf incarnation of Vishnu. Verse 6 which is partly defaced apparently glorifies a royal family which by means of double entendre is compared with the sun. The next verse describes Nala as one who had surpassed the god of love by his splendid form and whose lotus-like feet were kissed by the bee-like crest-jewels of a crowd of hostile kings who submitted to him. This Nala is plainly the well-known legendary king of that name glorified in the Mahabharata. The record next proceeds to describe, in verses 8 and 9, Prithviraja who, like the stream of the Reva (Narmada), was venerated by all people and was, like Mandhatri, created by God as He found the world tainted by the attack of the Kali age. Verses 10-12 are devoted to the glorification, equally conventional, of Prithviraja's son Viruparaja. Verse 14 mentions Vilasatunga who was probably a son of Viruparaja. The next three verses (15-17) were probably devoted to his praise, but they are very badly mutilated. It was pro 1 The facsimile is misleading in a few places. See for instance agre in 1. 16 and purushena in 1. 18, which cannot be read as such from the facsimile, but are clear in my estampage. Above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 ff. Some word like vam sah is lost at the end of line 5. No word specifying this relation occurs in the extant portion, but the word vilasina in the ablative or genitive case in verse 14 probably refers to Viruparija.

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No. 3.) RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA. 51 bably this king Vilasatunga who erected the excellent and lofty temple of Vishnu which is described in verses 19-22. This is followed by the usual prayer to future rulers to preserve the religious monument and the hope that it would last for ever. The prasasti, as the inscription is called in verse 28, was composed probably by Durgagola. It was incised by the artisan (Sutradhara) Durgahastin, son of Jalahastin. The inscription is not dated, but on palaeographic grounds it was considered to be not later than the 8th or 9th century A.D. by Cunningham' and was referred to about the middle of the 8th century by D. R. Bhandarkar. As stated before, its characters resemble those of the Lakshmana temple inscription of Maha-Sivagupta-Balarjuna at Sirpur. I have stated elsewhere the evidence on which I place Tivaradeva in circa A.D. 530-550 and his grand-nephew Maha-Sivagupia in the first half of the seventh century A.D. The Nala kings mentioned in the present inscription seem to have established themselves in the Raipur District some time after Maha-Sivagupta. It may, therefore, not be wrong to assign the present record to about A.D. 700. Until recently the Nala dynasty was known only from references to them in the Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II and some records of the Later Chalukyas of Kalyani. In the former, Kirtivarman I, the father of Pulakegin, is called the night of destruction to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas. Dr. Fleet thought that the territory of the Nalas lay in the direction of Bellary and Karnul, because a copper-plate inscription from the Karnul District records the grant, by Vikramaditya I of the Early Chalukya dynasty, of the village Ratnagiri in the Natavadi vishaya, which according to Dr. Fleet, is identical with the modern Ratnagiri in the Madaksira taluka of the Bellary District. The discovery of the Rithapur plates of Bhavadattavarman showed that the Nalas had extended their sway, for a time at least, to the ancient Vidarbha. These plates are inscribed in box-headed characters resembling those of the Vakataka grants. They were issued from Nandivardhana which I have shown elsewhere to have been the Vakataka capital before the foundation of Pravarapura. The occupation of this important city in the heart of the Vakataka territory points to the conclusion that the Nalas had invaded the Vakataka kingdom and established themselves for a time in Vidarbha. This is again confirmed by the statement in the Balaghat plates that the Vakataka Prithivishena II raised his sunken family.11 He seems to have driven out the Nalas from Vidarbha and to have even carried the war into the enemy's territory. 1 Verse 20 shows that the king built the temple for the increase of the religious merit of his son who had died. * Beglar thought that the inscription contained two dates--one 870 or 879 and the other seven hundred and odd, the units and tens being mutilated, A. 8. I. R., Vol. VII, p. 152, but this is wholly incorrect. What Beglar supposed to be the figures 870 or 879 is only the word utkiruna in 1. 22. * A.8. I. R., Vol. XVII, p. 7. .P. R. A. 8. W. I., for 1903-04, p. 48. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 18 ff. and Vol. XXIII, p. 118. . Above, Vol. VI. Pp. 1 ff. "See, for instance, the Kauthem grant of Vikramaditys V, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI, p. 15. * Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, part II, p. 363. The Nalavadi-vishaya is also mentioned in the Dayyamdinne plates of Vinayaditya dated Baka 614. See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 24 ff. * Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 ff. The king's name appears wrongly na Bhavattavarman in this inscription. 10 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 210 ff. u Above, Vol. IX, p. 271.

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52 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. The Podagadh stone inscription states that Bhavadattavarman's son restored the glory of his family and re-settled the capital Pushkari which had been devastated by the enemy. This enemy was probably none other than the Vakataka Prithivishena II. The Podagadh stone inscription points to the south-eastern portion of Mahakosala, comprising the Bastar State and the adjoining Jeypore Agency, as the home of the Nalas. The Puranas also state that the Nalas ruled over Kosalawhich must be taken to mean Dakshina Kosala or Mahakosala. No predecessors of Bhavadatta were so far known, but recently in 1939 a hoard of gold coins of the Nala dynasty was discovered at the village Edenga in the Kondegion tahsil of the Bastar State. This hoard comprised coins of three kings, viz., Varaha, Bhavadatta and Arthapati. It seems that Varaha preceded Bhavadatta who was himself followed by Arthapati. From the Rithapur plates we know that Arthapati was a son of Bhavadattavarman. He evidently succeeded Bhavadatta and ruled for a time in Vidarbha, but was ultimately driven out by Prithivishena II. Skandavarman, another son of Bhavadatta, is known from the Podagadh inscription. He rehabilitated the fortune of his family as stated above. As Bhavadatta, Arthapati and Skandavarman were thus contemporaries of Narendrasena and Prithivishena II, they must have ruled in the south-eastern part of Mahakosala in the second half of the fifth century A.D. The Drug, Raipur and Bilaspur Districts, which lay to the north of their territory, were held by the kings of the so-called Sarabhapura dynasty; for their inscriptions have been found at Arang, Khariar," Raipur, Sirangarh and Sirpur. These kings at first ruled from Sarabhapura, but subsequently their capital was shifted to Sripura, modern Sirpur, about 35 miles north by east of Rujim in the Raipur District. This dynasty was overthrown by the Early Somavamsis.11 As I have shown elsewhere, Udayana, the founder of this dynasty wag ruling in Central India, for a stone inscription found at Kalanjar records his construction of a temple of Vishnu evidently at Kalanjara. He or his sons seem to have invaded Mahakosala probably during a campaign of their Maukhari suzerain Isvaravarman or Isanavarman. Inscriptions of Udayana's grandson Isonadeva and great-grandson Tivaradeva 1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 153 ff. Pargiter's Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 51. For a detailed account of this hoard, see my article in the Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, No. I, pp. 29 ff. 4 The editor of the Rithapur plates took Arthapati mentioned towards the close of the record as an epithet (meaning the lord of wealth') of Bhavadatta himself, but this is incorrect. See loc. cit. p. 33. The name of this prince, which occurs at the end of line 5 of the Podagadh inscription is partly mutilated. It has been tentatively read as Skandararman, but the subscript members of the ligatures &k and nd are not clear and it may be suggested, in view of the close similarity in the letters & and a in the alphabet of the period, that the intended name was Arthavarman. But the reading Sri Arthararmmara in place of Sri-Skanda. varmmand in lines 5-6 of that inscription would involve a hiatus and it appears doubtful if the name Arthapati would have been shortened into Artha or Arthavarman. I therefore take this prince to be different from Arthapati. C.1.1., Vol. III, pp. 151 ft. Abore, Vol. IX, pp. 179 f. Ilid., Vol. III, pp. 196 ff. lb d., Vol. IX, pp. 281 ff. and Vol. XXII, pp. 15 fi'. 10 Ir.d. Hist. Quurt., Vol. X, 12. 100 fr. 11 Hiralal was of opinion that the sonavantis prece ted the kings of Sarabhapura, but this view is not correct, see above, Vol. XXII, p. 17. n. 3. 12 Alove, Vol. XXIII, PP. 116 ff.

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No. 3.) RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA. have been found in the Raipur and Bilaspur Districts, which were previously under the rule of the kings of Sarabhapura. These Early Somavamsis ruled from Sripura. It has been already stated that a copper-plate inscription of Tivaradeva has been found at Rajim itself. The plates were issued from Sripura and record the king's grant of the village Pimparipadraka in the Penthama-bhukti to a Brahmana. It has been doubted whether this inscription belongs to Rajim at all, for neither of the two places mentioned in it was identified in the vicinity of Rajim. But such a doubt can no longer be entertained ; for the village Pimparipadraka is evidently Piprod which lies only 3 miles north-west of Rajim. The Somavamsis continued to rule in Chhattisgarh for some generations after Tivaradeva ; for copper plates and stone inscriptions of his grand-nephew Maha-Sivagupta alias Balarjuna have been found at Mallars in the Bilaspur District and at Sirpur and Arang in the Raipur District. It is not known how long their rule lasted in Chhattisgarh, for the later records of the dynasty have been found far away to the east in the Sambalpur and Cuttack Districts of Orissa and the Patna and Sonepur States in the Eastern States Agency. A stone inscription at Arang mentions Ranakesarin who was probably a brother of Maha-Sivagupta and another at Sirpur names Sivanandi as a son of the same king, but it is not known if either of them came to the throne. The present inscription shows that the Somavamsis were ultimately ousted from Chhattisgarh by their southern neighbours, the Nala kings. The Aihole inscription shows that the Nalas suffered & crushing defeat at the hands of Kirtivarman I some time in the latter half of the sixth century A.D. As stated before, this Chalukya king is called the night of destruction to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas. It seems, however, that the Nalas, like the Mauryas, were not totally exterminated. Like other princes of Kosala and Kalinga, they must have submitted to Pulakesin II also, but they found a favourable opportunity for expansion when the Chalukyan kingdom was overrun by the Pallavas at the end of Pulakesin's reign. They invaded the country of their northern neighbours, the Somavam is, whom they drove to the east. The present inscription mentions three Nala princes, Prithviraja, Viruparaja and Vilasatunga. None of these names is known from any other record and their exact relation to the successors of Bhavadattavarman cannot be determined.' The history of Mahakosala during the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. is still shrouded by a thick veil of obscurity. We do not therefore know how long the rule of Nalas lasted in this territory. An inscription on the architrave of the door of the sanctum in an exquisitely carved temple at Pali about 12 miles north of Ratanpur records the construction of the temple by Vikramaditya, son of Malladeva. I have elsewhere to shown this Vikramaditya to be Vikramaditya I of the Bana dynasty, who was a son of Malladeva. He was also 1 P. R. A. S. W. 1. for 1903-04, p. 25. 2 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 116, n. 5. 3 Ibid., p. 113. P. R. A. S. W. I. for 1903-04, pp. 49-50. * See the tabular statement above, Vol. XI, pp. 198 ff. Hiralal has shown that Ranakesarin mentioned in the Arang inscription was a brother of Maba-SivaguptaBalarjuna, above, Vol. XI, p. 185. P. R. A. S. W. 1. for 1903-04, p. 49. The Mauryas were ruling in Konkan till the reign of Pulake in II at least, see verses 20 and 21 of the Aihole inscription. See verse 26 of the Aihole inscription. 10 Pr weedings of the Third Indian History Congress.

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54 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. called Jayameru and Bina-Vidyadharal and flourished from circa A.D. 870 to 895. No other inscription of the Banas has been discovered anywhere else in the Central Provinces. Hence we cannot say if they had extended their sway to the Raipur District in the south-west. In any case the rule of the Nalas must have ended towards the close of the 9th century when the Kalachuri Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala, the son of Kokalla I, conquered the country of Pali from the lord of Kosala. We have seen above that the present inscription records the construction of a temple of Vishnu. The temple where the inscribed slab is set up at present is also dedicated to Vishnu under the name of Rajivalochana (lotus-eyed). The image worshipped in it is made of black stone and is a common representation of Vishnu with the usual symbols of the mace, the discus, the conch and the lotus. As Cunningham has shown', the temple is built on a peculiar plan, its most striking features being the shape of the mandapa which is oblong instead of square and the sculptures on the pilasters which are large single figures, like those on Buddhist stupa railings, instead of clusters of sinall figures as is usual in Brahmanical temples. This plan is evidently old and so the inscription is prima facie in its original position. Cunningham referred the construction of the temple to the 5th century A.D. on the supposition that the copper-plate inscription of Tivaradeva refers to it. This, of course, is incorrect; for the plates merely record the gift of a village to a Brahmana and have no connection with the temple. Cousens drew attention to the fact that in plan the Rajivalochana temple at Rajim is a copy of the Lakshmana temple at Sirpur of the latter temple he found only the garbhagriha standing, while the mandapa was in ruins. Relying on the statement of some people of Sirpur that several pillars and other sculptures had been taken from there to Bajim, Cousens suggested that the pillars, pilasters, door-frames and some sculptures used in the Rajivalochana temple were brought from Sirpur and that the ruined temple of Lakshmana was rifled for the purpose. He thought that the slab containing the present inscription also possibly came from the Lakshmana temple and recorded its erection. As stated before, when Cousens visited Sirpur the mandapa of the Lakshmana temple was in ruins. He recommended its fallen debris to be removed. When this was done, a large inscription of Maha-Sivagupta-Balarjuna was disclosed in it. This record has since been edited by R. B. Hiralal in this journal'. It registers the construction of a temple of Vishnu by Vasata, the mother of Maha-Sivagupta. It is therefore plain that the present inscription could not have originally belonged to the Sirpur temple. Unfortunately it mentions no place-name which could have decided its original position indisputably. But it is inconceivable that a king who prays to future rulers for the preservation of his own religious monument would rifle a similar edifice of a past king to obtain rady made building materials. It does not also seem likely that the Sirpur temple See Gudimallam plates, above, Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff. * See verse 23 of the Bilhari stone inscription, above, Vol. I, p. 256 and verse 12 of the Benares plates of Karna, ibid., Vol. II, p. 306. A.S. I. R., Vol. XVII, p. 9. 4 P. R.A.S. W. 1. for 1903.04, p. 24. For the plans of the two temples, see A. S. I. R. Vol. XVII, plates V and XV with corrections in the latter pointed out by Cousens, loc. cit. Though the temple at Sirpur is now called the temple of Lakshmana, it was originally dedicated to Vishnu, see below. 64.8. 1. R., Vol. VII, p. 41. * Loc. cit., p. 25. 1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 ff. It is noteworthy in this connection that the present record describes in verse 22 the trouble and expense that one has to incur in erecting a unique temple.

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No. 3.) RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA. 55 had fallen in ruins before the Rajivalochana temple was constructed; for the interval between the dates of the two records of the Somavamsi and Nala kings is not more than a century at the most. We do not know what was the capital of these later Nala kings, but it is not unlikely that like the Somavambis, they retained Sirpur as the seat of government. In that case they must have employed the artisans of that place to construct their temple at Rajim. And it should cause no surprise if the artisans adopted a plan with which they were familiar. This is probably the reason why there is such a close agreement between the plans of the two temples at Rajim and Sirpur. The tower of the Rajivalochana temple which, unlike that of the Lakshmana temple, is in the Dravidian style, must have been rebuilt in later times when the original one had fallen down. TEXT.: [Metres : Verse 1 Mandakranta ; vv. 2, 5, 20, 21 Sragdhara ; vv. 3, 4, 8-12, 15, 22, 24-26 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 6, 13 Arya ; v. 7 Vasantatilaka; vv. 14, 17, 18, 23 U pajati; v. 16, 19 Indravajra ; v. 27, 29 Anushtubh ; v. 28 Praharshini.] 1...... "[*] ----UUUUU--u--W --, ----UUUUU-- aft prAptakSINAnupa -uu - - - - - - [11811*] - - - - - - UUUUU--u-- - - - - - 2 -U-cuuuuuu--v-[nif][:(**)] fa[8]e [zIrasindhuM] vyadadhadama][at] sampradRSTaH surANAmprAptavIryaH sa dizyAcchriyamanupa Atatrafolaua ??] [1211*] TR 04(7 ?)sfawati [cm*] - - - 919[At u-uu It should however be noted that the use of decorative horse-shoe arches is common to the towers of both the temples. ? Mr. Longhurst thinks that the architecture of the temples at Rajim is clumsy, lacks correct proportion and is painfully modern'. Was the tower of the Rajivalochana templo as well as its mandapa reconstructed by Jagapala in the 12th century A.D. ? It is to be noted, however, that his inscription built into a wall of the mandapa records in line 14 the construction of a prasada (temple) in honour of Rama, though it opens with an obeisance to Narayana. Perhaps he did not make any distinction between the two. Even now the image in the temple is popularly believed to be that of Ramachandra. Cousens, however, suggested that the slab was brought over from another temple at Rajim, viz., that of Ramachandra and set up in this one to lend importance to it. See P. R. A. 8. W. 1. for 1903-04, p. 26. * From Plate IX, A. S.I. R., VOL. XVII, the original stone and inked estampages. The record may have opened with an obeisance to Vishnu. * The correct grammatical form would be vyadadhada The context requires & reading like apy=urijitam val. 7 Restore sya malarh.

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56 3 [varA 4 7 9 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. ~ saukhyocitAm I / protphullA[mbu(mbu) ]ruhasthitaddijav[] rA ] vi(vi)vaSkriyaM sArasI santApamazma (rAma) camaH sa jagataH [gaNasukhAyAstu vaH ||[ 2||* ] kastvaM devi hariH spRzasyapasara kroDIkRtaH kacayA nipuNA mukha [pra] tasyAbhUbri[ja*] na[ga][sya * ] - yati mA camA / | (1) vAgbhirva [tu] kIyA prakaTitaM karmaNA dhi[gmA ?]cca kA [me] ratiH satyavaH zriyamityapAstarabhasAM niSyanprabhuH pAtu yaH // [ 4 // *] mauryalendrazRGgaprapatanarabhasA[du] yadambodhivoci[vyAsaGgA [sa] locchaladati ghoram / ucepyoMgondralIlAviracitavapuSo vyastacandrAtAraM yasyAbhUriyamadhyAtyaya va sa va (ba) lizrInihantA hari[ vvaMH ] // [ 5 // * ] jayati prathitamahIbhR[tu]GgazironihitanijapAdaH / [nilyo) dipratApI (pa.) [pUrkhA ]dillI [41*] 6 [* ] soDilAsinijarUpajitamaropi zAntAmanAnbhuvi sadA sRhaNIyattaH / khyAto prayatAricakracUDAmaNibhvamaracumbi (vi)tapAdapadmaH // [7 // *] nRpo nala iti bhUbhRto vindhyasye[va] -- [VOL. XXVI. - - [1]TAtikAntIyate / eSvArAja iti kramopacavinIM vi(vi)svacchriyaM nilAM sevyaH sarvvajanasya pApavigamAdrevApravAhopamaH // [8 // *] va jugupsitaH [sa]ma[ guNaiH [1] va[vai]ryotassa yo dhi - / 8 [ni * ]cintyAtikaliprapAtamalinAmAlokya citipati[mA] [] [karavyAta ma] kAryo [mi]trANAM 13 - / [vi*] khyAto himavAnivA daH putraH patirbhUtAM pate nAma virUparAja prati yo dimbandinda[stutam // 10 // *] [rU*]peNApratima: [ zrutena ca pAM satyAnvitastyA [zauyya ?] svAyatana kArya paramiti 1 [][ [] 1 Some four aksharas like dbhavo vambah are lost here. It is curious to note that the name Sri-Purnnaditya in characters of the 8th century A. D. occurs on two pillars of this temple at Rajim, 4. 8. I. R., Vol. XVII, Plate X. [The visarga-sandhi in the preceding word -prata po does not justify the proposed reading Parannaditya in the present instance.-B. C. C.] - * The last seven aksharas of this verse were probably Mandhari-raj-opamab. The context requires a reading like brutena vimalab. * Restore s=dyaginaths. . . . .1 * lokasthitiM dhAtrA sarvvaguNeH kRta: ma: // [ // *] tasyoccai[pudhe ?]zvaravyati

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No. 3.] RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA. 57 10 ~ sakalaM kIrttijagaddhAmyate // [11 // *] zatrughnotiva(ba)lena - 8 [mada*]no da[]Na korlsa -, - tyArAmatanurbu(g)]dhaH pRthuraNe bhaumaH pratApena ca / - - - - - -- - ----, --- --- ----- pyaH kRtaH // 12 // *] prati[pa* 11 [*]dayabhAjaH savituri -- imAnurAgadharaH / . . NaparA . . . . . . . . [ // 13 // *] vilAsinastuGgata[mA] >>--, vilAsatuGgaH - -- - - - - - -- - -- -- -- [ // 14 // *] -- [kha I]latAbhighAta ~~ - 12 - [zaGkA ribandAmbhuvaM pazyemAna samostyanena vijayAdhI[zaM ?] stu[vaM tenyataH / pa -- --- --- -- -, manye dhorapi - - [vasu ?]dhA(dhAM) kAlena [nA] - - - [ // 15 // *] [ma*]tvA . svadehAntarite[na] ---- [va]] tya[mu]dhAkhilAni*] 13 [*]ntastamuddizya vidhAna[]STadAnA(na)kriyAbhirbanu sadya eva // [16 // *] yathocci?] pi - bhUtalo[ke] pu[nA] 0--00 meva [rAjJA]m / yugasya ya --, pUrtampa pazya*]nti paraM smRtijAH // [17 // *] ~ - je[bhyaH] cAturyazA[stra] - | 14 - bhAvAt [*] dharmasya mUlaM ca yazo vadanti - [*]smAttadupArja nauyam // 18 // *] matvA calaM jIvitamalpasAraM [vu(bu)DA] bacilIrtanameva kAyam / kautiH sthirA yasya sa [jo]valoke tatpaNyamUrtinirijIpa] eva [uren*] ----- rAjJA dazavadanabhujosmi[ptaka[lAsa*]. 15 [zR*]GgIhAri [khe]na dhAmnA sphuradamalasudhA[ni]tyana[vye ?]ndunedAm] / devasyAgeSa duHkhaprabhavabhayanudaH kAritaM sthAnamuccairviSNoH puNyAbhivRddhau [tri]dazajanasukhAtithyabhAjA sutasya // 20 // *] prAtA[o lAkarociya'tikaravilasaccAruvAmAdharAbhAM vi(bi)bhANaM bhUmibhAjA 0 1 The akaharas lost here and at the beginning of the next line may have been sw-visn.

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48 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. 16 ~ [da]mamalaM dRzyate dRSTirasyAm / yahUrAdeva sijheraparamatimASaNaM bhUridhAna: puNyAdhAra sumeroH zikharamiva [pa]tallolagaGgApravAham // 21 // *] agre tAvadupapramANa[kara*]NaM prakhyAta -- - kezaprAya[midaM*] vyayena mahatA sambhA rasampAdanam / *] 17 tatsidderala[musu khasya punarapyA[bho]gacintA . parA loke sarbalalAmakIrtanakatAmA yAsa evAditaH // [22 // *] karturvaraM pAlayitA mato me pA[lya] niraayaasmpe---| sarvotilobhA -- paraM yamadarzatAM yAti - pi rAjJAM (nAm) // 23 // *] vidhvastaiH pa -- 18 - rena ca parA: pApAtmanAM sampadaH sAdhUnAmapi pUrvapuNyavihitA dRzyanta evova (jva)lAH / tasmAirmaphalaprapaJcaracitaM dRSTvA vici[] 1-1 [tattattvaM puruSeNa yena guNinA --- vi[ka][mya* ]te // [24 // *] matvaivaM svazarIrakA katibhi[vi][ddhi][ra*]19 [pya*] sthiraM lelAloka -- - sukhamapi pratyUhajAlAhatam / zrutvA zakra purasmarA[ca] vibhavaH, pusthAtmabhiH sevitA: kAryaH kauta[na*]dAnapAlanavidhI dharmasya yatnaH [paraH // 25 // *] --- vikAsino matima[tAM] bhAsanti' bhAco(vA) -, 20 - - - [yu ?]tadugdhasikthi ?]dhavalA - - [ti] vakSasthale] / yAvagandhavaho vi - nti ca jagattAvatprayatnAdimAzaurtimpAlayataH priyA [nara*]patesAsthayA sajji]nAH // 26 // ] bhRtyo mittamapa[tyaM] - [abhU*]ttasyaiva bhUpateH / durga gola iti -. . 21 - [ // 27 // *] --- [tonyamArgamA[] vineyA praviracitA prazasti - - / rAje - - vacanA vi[jAtabhAvA saittetyatimahatAdareNa mAnyA // [28 // *] jayahasti][su*meyaM prazastiH zilpayAli[nA] [*] 22 utkIrNA sUtradhAraNa [sAdhunA] durgahastimA // [28 // *] 1 Restore jagat. * These akskaras are almost clear in the estampage. * This and the next pada must have begun with gavat. * This is incorrect for bhAsante. * Some word like nidrati is expected bere, but the first akshara appears like ha * Restore prajiab. - Reatore rabaha

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No. 4.) VENKATAPUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828. OD No. 4.-VENKATAPUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828. BY R. S. PANCHAMUKH, M.A., DHARWAR. The inscription which is edited here for the first time was copied by Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, M.A., in the field season of 1926-27 and included in the List of the Bombay-Karnatak Inscriptions copied during the year 1926-27 as No. 82. It is standing on the site of the ruined village Venkatapur in the Gadag taluk of the Dharwar District, close to the temple of Verksteka which is a modern construction of within fifty years. The place was visited by me along with the Superintendent for Epigraphy, in 1933-34 and again in 1935-36 when the inscription was examined by me in situ and its photograph and fresh impressions were taken under ny supervision. I edit the record below with the kind permission of Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, B.A. the Superintendent for Epigraphy. The inscription is engraved on a pillar-like black stone which, being broad at the base, gradually tapers at the top and the inscribed portion measures 2' 10' in length and 11" and 1' 6' in breadth at the top and bottom respectively. The top of the inscribed portion contains two sections one below the other. The first section bears the figure of a linga while the second has that of a cow and a sucking calf. The height of individual letters ranges between t" and 13". The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets which developed in the Kannada districts of the Bombay Presidency in the 10th century A.D. and are regular for the period to which the record belongs. They exhibit round forms as against the antique, square and upright type that characterised the records of Amoghavarsha Il and his predecessors. They resemble the writing of the Soratur inscription of Krishna II dated in Saka 805and as in that record, the talekattu of the lettors is distinctly curved and crescent-like, in contrast with tbe horizontal straight lines found in the earlier inscriptions. Besides these observations generally applicable to the inscriptions of the early tenth century A.D. which marks the period of transition is the evolution of the Kannada alphabet, the following points may be noted in the palaeography of the present record (1) The initial vowel i (irpatte, 1. 3) is f the archaic type and the initial vowel e is used in Brenaga (1. 16). (2) Among the consonants, only three principal test letters, viz., j, b, and are used : j is of the later cursive form as in the Nandavadige inscription of Saka 822 (824), cf. rajadhirdja (11. 7-8), rajyabhio (1.8), Chandraleja (1. 13), etc. The letter b is presented tbroughout in its later cursive form. The letter l is used in its cursive form without the inward miniature representation of the principal part of the old square character, but peculiarly enough, it has a talekattu on the right-hand curve which is not met with in any record of this early period: cf. vallabha (1. 7), Belvolam (1.9), sokkaltanar (1. 17), etc. In only one case, this letter appears without the talekattu, viz., sale (1. 9). (3) The record uses freely the special forms of n, m and y. The secondary form of n is used in onduttarar (1.9), n-ale (1. 10), Erenaga (1. 16), etc.. The secondary form of m is used in emba (1. 3), maharaja (1. 7), munurumam (1. 10), etc. For the secondary form of y, see ottenfaneya (1. 3), dasamiyur (1. 6), vriddhiyondu (1. 9), Mayirmma (1. 11), etc. V seems to have been written in its special cursive type in one case only, viz., per-ggavunda (1. 12). Th is unusually open at the left top which is curved inside to mark the aspiration : cf. prithuvi (L. 7). D cannot be distinguished from d except in one case, baldarappode (1. 18). The aspirate ph is used with a cross stroke on the right curve in phalan (1. 23). The Dravidian and are found in 11. 18, 19, 21 and 16 and 20 respectively. Mantravadi inscription : Saka 787 (above, Vol. VII, p. 198, plate), Sirar inscription : Saka 788 (ibid., p. 202), Nilgund inscription : Baks 788 (ibid., Vol. VI, p. 98, plate), Sorstar inscription of the time of Amoghavarsha, A.D. 869 (ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 176). . Above, Vol. XXI, p. 206 and plate. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 221, and plate in Vol. XI, p. 19.

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60 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. In regard to orthograghy, the following may be noted. (1) An anusvara preceding a consonant in the body of a word is very often changed into the nasal of the class to which the following letter belongs, cf. =onduttara (1. 9), Mahasirivanta (1.10), etc. (2) Palatal e is substituted by a dental 8, cf. Saka...sata (11. 1-2), dasami (1. 5), etc. The language is ancient Kannada except the latter half of the imprecatory verse in Sanskrit beginning with bahubhir-vasudha datta, in which, it may be noted, sada is written wrongly for tada (11. 21-22). On the expression onduttaram, attention may be drawn to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao's remarks above, Vol. XXI, p. 207. It may be added that a similar expression occurs in another record of Krishna II from the Mysore province dated in Saka 835 (in words), Prajapati, in the following passage: Akalavarshadevana vijayarajyam onduttararam-adbisriddhige saluttire. [VOL. XXVI. The inscription refers itself to the reign of king Amoghavarsha and records the gift of a garden with one thousand creepers at Mavinuru, with proprietary rights (samya), made to Chandrateja-Bhattara, pupil of Mallikarjuna-Bhattara, by Bagega when the latter was the Perggavunda (senior gavunda) of Sirivura, Mayirmma was administering Mulgunda-twelve and Mahasirivanta was governing Belvola-three-hundred division. It is stated that Mugina Kadamma, Erenaga, Kuppa and Mada were holding the rights of okkaltana (cultivation rights) in the village and that if they were to destroy this gift, they would incur the sin of destroying Varanasi, the seven crores of ascetics, a tank, a garden and a cow. The date of the gift is given as: Wednesday, the 10th day of the dark half of Kartika in the cyclic year Prabhava falling in the Saka year 828 (expired). The year Prabhava fell according to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, in Saka 829 (expired) while according to Sewell's Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, it was Saka 829 (current) i.e., 828 (expired) by the Northern system. In this year i.e., Saka 828 (expired), the lunar month Sravana was intercalated according to both the authorities and the details given in the record fell on Friday, November 14, A.D. 906 in which case, the weekday cited in the record would be a mistake. If Sravana were not intercalated, the details would regularly correspond, for the lunar month Aevina of the Ephemeris, to A.D. 906, October 15, Wednesday. But, for Prabhava, according to the Southern system (Saka 829, expired), the date corresponded to A.D. 907, November 3, Tuesday; 73. From the title Amoghavarsha borne by the king, the date and the alphabet of the record, it is evident that this inscription is a Rashtrakuta document. The biruda was assumed by more than one king of the family and the earliest of them was Nripatunga Amoghavarsha I to whose reign the present inscription will naturally have to be assigned. But this possibility is precluded by the date Saka 828 which falls right towards uue close of his son Krishna's reign, which, according to the Hirebidri inscription, began in Saka 800, the latest known date for his father being Saka 799, Phalguna, su. 10 (March, A.D. 878). If it is not a mistake on the part of the copyist-scribe or the engraver, we have to presume that Krishna II also bore, like his father, the biruda Amoghavarsha During the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. Belvola-three-hundred was held by a succession of Governors viz., Devannayya, in A.D. 866, 869, 872 and Saka 793, Vijaya (=probably A.D. 873)" Mangatorana in A.D. 893 and Mahasirivanta in A.D. 901, 90710 and 918.11 It is not certain 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sorab, 88. Bombay-Karnatak Collection No. 100 of 1935-36. This is the date of completion of the Jayadhavalatika of Virasena during the reign of Amoghavarsha L Above, Vol. VI, pp. 98 ff. B. K. No. 140 of 1926-27. * Ibid., No. 246 of 1928-29. Ibid., No. 20 of 1926-27. "Ibid., No. 105 of 1926-27. Ibid., No. 60 of 1926-27. 10 The Venkatapar inscription under publication (ibid., No. 82 of 1926-27). 11 Ibid., No. 184 of 1932-33.

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No. 4.] VENKATAPUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828. 61 whether these officers were related to each other as fatber and son and inherited the governorship as an ancestral estate or were appointed there from time to time like the governors of a province in modern days. From the Hebbal inscription of Saka 896 (A.D. 975), it is learnt that the district was presented to the Ganga king Butuga II as balivali (dowry) at the time of his marriage with the Rashtrakuta princess Revakanimmadi, the daughter of Amoghavarsha III Baddega. It was subject to the Ganga power since then as can be gathered from the Ron inscription of A.L. 942 and the Kurtakoti inscription of A.D. 946 where the Ganga prince is called the bhava (brother-in-law) of Krishna III. The Atakur inscription of Krishna III and Butuga II dated Saka 872 (A. D. 949-50)* states, however, that Ksishna III was pleased with the valour of Butuga displayed in the killing of the Chola prince Rajaditya in the battle of Takkolam and granted to him as reward the districts of Banavase, Purigere. Belvola, Kisukadu and Bagenadu. This would show that Butuga was dispossessed of his hold over the Belvola district in the interval between A.D. 946 and A.D. 949-35. But the circumstances under which this event must have happened are not apparent. It is not unlikely that his elder brother Rachamalla called Rachyimalla in the Deoli plates of Krishna III (A.D. 940) by ousting whom fron. Gangavadi, Butuga had been placed on the throne, attempted to regain his power and wrested from hirt a portion of the territory including Belvola some time after A.D. 946. Butuga must have sought the assistance of his brother-in-law Krishna III and with his help killed Rachamalla. This latter incident is mentioned in the subsidiary inscription on the top of the Atakur stone dated Sala 872 (A.D. 949-50) as an event of recent occurrence and so must have happened before the battle of Takkolam so that Krishna III could present Butuga the districts mentioned above. Perhaps on the death of Rachamalla, the territory including Belvola was formally annexed by Krishna III as an overlord and victor, to the Rashtrakuta kingdom 80 that he could grant it to Butuga in token of his services at the Takkolam battle. Belvola was held by Marasimha II in A.D. 970' and after the subversion of the family by the Western Chalukyas in about A.D. 975, it passed to the family of Kannapa and Sobhanarasa the officers of the Western Chalukyas. Of the places mentioned in the record, Belvola-three-hundred is the well-known district comprising portions of the modern Gadag, Ron and Navalgund taluks of the Dharwar District. Mulgunda-twelve was named after Mulgund the modern village of that name in the Gadag taluk. M&vinuru where the gift was made I am not able to trace. This is perhaps identical with Mavinuru at which, according to the Konnur inscription, twelve nivartanas of land were granted to the Jaina sanctuary founded by Bankeys at Kolanura. Kielhorn, wbo edited the record, bas identified this village with the modern Mannoor 8 miles east by south of Konnur. TEXT.10 1 Svasti (ll*] Sa(Sa)ka-npipa-kal-atite-sarh2 vatsara-sa(sa)tamgal-entunura 3 irppattontaneya" Prabhavam-emba va 1 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 350 ff. * B. K. No. 175 of 1926-27. * Ibid., No. 126 of 1926-27. * Above, Vol. VI, p. 55. Above, Vol. V, pp. 188 ff. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 65. "B. K, Nos. 21 and 149 of 1926-27. * See above, Vol. XX, pp. 65 EUR. . Above, Vol. VI. p. 28. 1. From the ink-impression and original stone. 11 The letter ya is engraved below the line in small character.

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62 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. 4 risham pravarttise [l*] tad-varshabhya5 ntara Karttika(ka)-misa bahasa dasa(ba)6 mlyurh Budhavarad-andu [8va*]sty-Amogha7 varsha prithuvi-vallabhath maharajadbi8 raja paramerva(sva)ra bhattarara rajyabhi9 vriddhiy-onduttararh sale Belvolarh mu10 nurumam Mahastrivantan=ale Mu 11 Igundu(da) pannera qumar M&yirmman=ale Si12 rivurake Bagega perggavundam-aguttire 13 Mallika(ka)rjtma-Bhattarara sishyar-Chandratja14 Bhattarargge Mavtntrol Bagege(nu) kotta 15 savira(m) basliya tontada samyama Mugina 16 Kadammantim Erenagantar Kuppanum Mada17 num-okkaltanam geyye mattam-alliy=018 kkal=ellam=i(i)dan=aliye baldar-appodrella 19 Varanasiyumann'-elkoti tapodhanamumam 20 kereyuman=arameyuma kavileyu21 man=alida papam=akku yasya ya22 sya yada bhumi(mis-)tasya tasya sada (tada) 23 [pha]lam mangalam No. 5.-TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. The two sets of copper-plates, which form the subject of the present paper, were found in course of some excavations near the temple of Dharmalingesvara at the village of Sudava! (or, Sudaba) situated in the eastern division of the Parlakimedi Estate in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency. At the time of the discovery, the plates were deposited in a mud-pot. They were received for examination by the Assistent Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy from the Agent and Diwan to the Raja Bahadur of Parlakimedi. They have been moticed in the Annual Report on South Indian pography for the year 1920-21 (C. P. Nos. 1 and 2, page 93), and published for the first time by Pandit Satya Narayana Rajaguru of Parla. kimedio. I now re-edit the two records from two sets of ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India. A.-Platos of Devondravarman, son of Guptrpava ; [Ganga) Year 184. These are three plates of copper, each measuring about 71 by 3)". Towards the proper right end of each plate there is a ring-hole, a little above " in diameter, through which the plates slide on to a copper-ring of sth diameter. The ends of the ring were soldered to a circular seal of 11" in diameter. It bears in relief on a counter-sunk surface the figure of a 1 Read. Varamarijuma. In J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, p. 272 and 1. 1. Q., Vol. XI, p. 300, the ind-spots of these reourds are said to be Adays instead of Budave. These two names perhaps indicate one and she mame place. * J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 271 ft.

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VENKAT.APUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828. vrees room SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE: ONE-QUARTER. N. P. CHAKRAVARTL.

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No. 5.) TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. 63 bull, couchant to right, and a crescent above it. The edges of the plates are slightly raised into rims so as to protect the writing. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 102 tolas. The first and the third plates bear writing on their inner faces only, while the second one is engraved on both sides. Three of the inscribed faces of the plates have six lines of writing apiece, while the fourth has seven, the total coming to twenty-five lines in all, the last line containing only three or four letters. The inscription is on the whole in a good state of preservation. The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets and resemble those of the Chicacole! (Year 183), Trilingi (Year 192) and Siddhantam (Year 195) plates of Devendravarman, the donor of the present grant, already known to us. Some of the palaeographical features of the inscription are the following: (1) initial a occurs in line 5 and initial a in l. 22, (2) the form of medial a in ta of mata (1. 9) is noteworthy, and (3) the final form of t occurs once only in puruvat (1. 16); the letter is smaller in size and is anderscored once. The numerical symbols for 100, 80 and 4 occur in the date which is given in l. 24. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Excepting the three customary verses and one mentioning the writer towards the end, the whole of the record is in prose. Among the orthographical peculiarities of the record may be mentioned the following: (1) the occurrence of the jihuumuliya in lines 1 and 14, (2) the use of the upadhmaniya in lines 6 and 9, (3) the doubling of before y in sattya-, ttyaga- (1.7) and parihrittya (1.9), according to Panini, viii, 4, 47, (4) the doubling of consonants after 1, (5) the doubling of consonants before 1, the exceptions being in lines 18 and 19, (6) the use of anusvara in place of final m in ll. 12, 20 and 21, (7) the change of visarga into s before dental 8 (11. 1, 2, 4, 8 and 9), (8) substitution of anusvara by guttural nasal before a palatal sibilant in nistrinka (1. 4) and vansyena (1. 22). The inscription records the gift of the village of Haduvaka which was situated in the district (vishaya) called Pushyagiri-panchali to the learned Brahmana teacher Patanga-Sivacharya, who was the guru of the donor. The original donee again made over one half of the village to the god ?) Yagesvara-bhattaraka and the other half to his own disciples and disciples' disciples. The gift was issued from Kalinganagara on the occasion of the termination of the diksha ceremony of the donor. The donor was Maharaja Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava. The writer of the charter was Pallavachandra, son of Matsichandra, who belonged to the Apurvanata family. The witness of the gift was mahamahattara Savaranandisarman and the engraver was Sarvachandra, the son of Khandichandra, the bhogika. The date, given in words as well as in figures, is the Year 184, which presumably refers to the Ganga era. Of the localities mentioned, Kalinganagara has been variously located at modern Kalingapatam or at Mukhalingam. The village of Haduvaka is evidently the same as Sudava (or, Sudaba), the findspot of our inscription. The district of Pushyagiri-panchali in which the village granted was situated, I am unable as yet to identify. Palaeographically, our inscription has to be placed in the second half of the 7th century A.D. 1 Above, Vol. III, pp. 130 ff. and plates. .1.H. Q., Vol. XI, pp. 300 ff. and plates. Above, Vol. XIII, PP, 213 ft. and plates.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. TEXT First Plate. 1 Om Svasti[i*] Sakala-vasumati-tala-tilakayamanas-sarvv-artu-sukha-ramaniyad-vijaya vatak Kalinganagara2 vasakan-Mahendr-achal-amala-sikhara-pratishthitasya charachara-guros-sakala-bhuvana nirmman-aika-suttradharasya 3 bhagavato Gokaronasvaminas-charana-kamala-yugala-pranamad=vigalita-kali-kalanko Gang-amala-ku4 la-tilako nija-nistrinsa(strimla)-dhar-oparjjitase-sakala-Kaling-adhirajya[b*) pravitata chatur-udadhi-taranga-me 5 khal-avani-tal-amala-yasah anek-ahava-sarkahobha-janita-jaya-sabda[b] pratap-avanata samasta-samanta-chakra-chu6 da-mani-prabha-manjari-punja-ranjita-charanah paramamahasvard mata-pitri-pad-anudhyato naya-vinaya-sauryy-[au-) Second Plate; First Side. 7 daryya-sattya-ttyaga-sampadam-adhara-bhutah sri-Gunarnnava-sunur-mmaharajah brima [d*]-Devendravarmma Pushyagiri8 panchali-vishaye Haduvaka-grame sarvva-samavetan=kutumbinas-sama(ma)jaapayati [1] Viditam=astu bhavata[m*) yath=asma. 9 bhir-ayam gramas-sarvva-karaih parihsitty-a-chandr-arkka-pratishtham mata-pittror atmanas-cha puny-abhivriddhaye veda10 vedang-etihasa-purana-nyaya-vidya-eva-siddhant-adhigataya bhagavat-Patanga-Sivachar yyaya gurave di11. ksh-ottara-kale guru-pujayai dattasten=api pratigrihya Yagesvara-bhattarakay=arddharh sva-bishya-prasi12 shyebhyo-py-arddhamm(m)"ity=evam=viditva yath-oohita-bhagabhogam-npa nayanta[b] sukham prativasat=eti[l*] gramasya sima-li Second Plate; Second Side. 13 ngani bhavanti [*] Purvvasyan=disi Gunahari gartta tata(to)" dakshinasyan=disi simante? S-aiva gartta paschima(me)na kadamba14 vsikshah tatas-chincha-vrikshah nimba[8*) tata[b*) sarjja-vrikshah tata[k-a*]lyam timira-vrikshah tatal Pisach-ali-karaka-vrikshah 15 tatak-ali-paschima-simante tatak-aly-uttare bhallataka-vrikshah tata(t) jambu-vrikshah Chullavena From ink-impressions. Denoted by a symbol. * Read mana. Read -oparjjila sa kala.. . The predicate dattah is understood here. . [The reading is garta-dakshinasyanadibi.-B. O. C.] Here we have an example of tautology. We have to read either dakakimaaniadifi or simply dakahiyasnaam

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Two EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. A.-PLATES OF DEVENDRAVARMAN; [GANGA] YEAR 184. trntaarn 22 hr lii hai pr 27, 2017 4 kr 14 nuuN 02 01 05 mnvir hvaalgs atee hrbNspaisl puurntaa amrthn iraaniiaa, amr dr 6 . 12 ii,a. sbbaa 1-135 rn krn vl vrnnn aa 8. braimttnaavaaN svaigraa nk---araaj dii pricit krjii aaii ki aNddrtt 10 ttn rhi gii drasl 3, guleer dee vikaas kaarn is dee 12 10 ii,b. 14 kr 27 2015 (7) raanniikee hn uh kHl vrg bnnaa daa aabk din ik 14 - @ 16. srm keevl 16 pubbdrsaau 1818 20 gurbaannii 2002 baar 20 raakhi leeh||pr mh kaittriingr gurnjrmn 22 laaa upkrnnaanktaa ataa atee 24 phraar hoonn krn tooN ddrn taarn dii bbr 22 iii. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SCALE: SIX-TENTHS. 24 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 5.) TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. 65 16 uttara-simante Chullavena-purvvat salmali-vfikshah tato dvitiyo=pi salmali-vrikshah kosa17 mbah saptaparnna(rnna) vsi(bri)hat-chhi(ch-chhi)la tato valmika-sabito jambu vitapah chincha-jambu[s*] tata[s*) tatak-alya[m*) madhuka18 vsikshah tata[h*] purvvena s=aiva Gunahari garttreti [ll] bhavishyatas-cha rajnah prajnapayati [l*) dharmma-kra Third Plate. 19 ma-vikramair=avapya mahim-bhavadbhir=ayam danadharmmo=nupalaniyayah) [ll*] Vyasa-gitas=ch=atra sloka(ka) bhavanti [l*) 'Bahubhi(bhi)r=vva20 sudha datta va(ba)hubhis=ch=anupalita [l*) yasye yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala(lam) [lli*] Sva-dattam para-dattam va ya21 tnad-raksha Yudhishthira [l*] mahi(hi)n=ma(m=ma)himatam sreshthah(tha) danat chhresch-chhre)yo=nupalanam(nam) [12*] Shashtim varshsha-sahasrani sva22 rgg modati bhumidah [*] akshepta ch=anumanta cha tanyreve naraka *vased=ity-Apurvvanata-vanaye vamaye)na Matpicha23 ndrasya sununa [*] likhitam Pallavachandrena sasanam sva-mukh-ajoaya [114*1 mahamahattara-Savaranandisarmmana[h*}' pratyaksham-iti [l*] prava24 rddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara-sate chatur-asite 100 80 4 [l*] uthirnnem Khandichandra-bhogika-tanayena "Sarvvachandren=etih(ti) [II*] 25 [? U*]mapati? B.-Plates of Anantavarman, son of Davendravarman ; [Ganga] Year 204. These are three sheets of copper, with their edges slightly raised in order to protect the writing. They measure 6" by 31". Towards the proper right end of each plate there is a ring-hole through which the plates slide on to a thick ring of copper measuring 3}" in diameter. The ends of the ring were secured and soldered to a circular seal which measures 11" in diameter. It bears in relief, on a counter-sunk surface, the figure of a bull, conchant to right, surmounted by 4 crescent. Below the bull there is a floral design. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 138 tolas. The first and the third 1 Metre : Sloka (Anushubh); and in the following three verses. * Read vaset [113*] iti. * The same person was responsible for drafting the Chicacole (Year 183) and Trilingi (Year 192) plates of Devendravarman. He figures also as & witness in the Chicacole and Trilingi records of Devendravarman. The Chicacole inscription, however, calls him & mahattara, for a note on which term, see abovo, Vol. XVIII, p. 78, f. n. 6. Dr. E. Hultzach's explanation of the first component of his (the witness'e) name (above, Vol. III, p. 134, f. n. 3) seems to be unwarranted; for, Savara need not always signify the savage tribe. In fact, Savara is only another name of Siva who is the object of devotion of the donor of our grant. . For a note on bhogika, see above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 59 and 64 ; also Fleet, C. 1. 1., Vol. III, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 100, f. n. 1. * He also engraved the Chicacole and Trilingi plates of Devendravarman. The name of the father of the en. graver of the latter grant has been misread (1. H.Q., Vol. XI, p. 302) as Chandrabhogika, whereas it is clearly Khandichandra on the facsimile. Cf. plate III (opp. p. 301), wrongly numbered there as Plate II (Reverse). This was probably the name of the rooord-keeper (akshatalin) or some other official at his office. The reading rooms to be Magha-di 1.-B. C. C.]

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EPIGRAPHTA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. plates are inscribed on their inner faces only, while the second one contains writing on both of its sides. The inscription consists of thirty-two lines, each of the inscribed faces of the plates containing eight lines of writing. The characters of the inscription belong to the Southern class of alphabets and resemble those of the Ganjam Plates of Maharaja Jayavarman and the Dhanantara Plates of SamantaVarman. The orthography of the inscription calls for no special remarks. It shows almost the Aame features as those that gocar in the roard of Devendravarman dealt with under A above. The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of one imprecatory verse, the whole of the ingeniption is in proee. The inscription records the gift of the village of Talatthara situated in the district (vishaya) of Kroshtukavarttani, to the learned Brahmana Vishnusmaebarys who belonged to the Parbara gora and hailed from Spiogatika-agrahara in the Kamarupa vishaya. The occasion for the gift was a marriage ceremony (kanyadasa). The donor of the grant was Maharaja Anantavarman, son of Maharajadhiraja Devendravarman, who belonged to the family of the Gangas (Ginga-kula). The grant was made at the request of the king's brother, Jayavarman. The date, given in words as well as in figures, is sokka-trayodasi of the month of Margeirsha of the Year 204 (of the Ganga eral. The engraver was Kuykli, the son of Nadimachi. of the localities mentioned, the Kroshtukavarttani-vishaya is mentioned in some of the early and later Ganga inscriptions. It has been identified by Dr. E. Hultzsch with modern Chicacole. The Kamarupa-vishaya may not necessarily signify the famous country of the same name in Eastern India. Perhaps it is just another (hitherto unknown) district of ancient Kalinga. I am unable to identify at present both this and the Sriigatika-agrahara as well as the village granted. Besides these, our inscription contains a medley of geographical names (chiefly those of hillocks, etc.) which marked the boundaries of the village of Talatthera These, however, seem impossible to identify without a local investigation. Paleographically, our inscription is to be referred to the last quarter of the 7th or the Arst quarter of the 8th century A.D. Above Vol. XXIII, pp. 261-63 and plates. * Above Vol. XV, pp. 276 ff. and plates. Apart from the one under discussion, there is another grant of Anantavarman, son of Devendravarman, (nee Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1918-19, p. 14, No. 8 and J. A. H. R. 8.. Vol. VIII, pp. 188-190 and plates). This record, however, does not seem to be genuine ; for, the script appears to be too late for the reign of Anantavarman, and further the record, which abounds in groes mistakes in composition, is not dated. E. 9., Urlam plates of Hastivarman (Year 8), above, Vol. XVII, PP. 332 ff.; Chicacole plates of Devendravarman, father of the donor of the present grant (Year 183), above, Vol. III, pp. 131 ff., etc. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff. [In fact, Dr. Hultzach has only pointed out that the district of Kroshtukavartant also occurs in the Chicacole plates of Devendravarman but he has not identified it with Chicacole as stated by Mr. Ghosh here as well as on p. 196 of Volume XXIV, above. The vishaya has, however, been identified by Mr. G. Ramadas with the country to the north of the river Vatsadhara in the Ganjam District (Journal of the Mythic Soroty, Vol. XIV, p. 263).-Ed.)

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4 FT #Oh Jhe 200, kpaal joo srgr 98552 skrgee, cHttheev u-44tthkeesraa srkr 4 hainxdynon44% 44 shs nks 484dh haann skSShaak kii dee naal 725 knn hHthaa ii,a. Two EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. B.-PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; [GANGA] YEAR 204. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ree. No. 2015 E'40-290. spn mncaar 10 saalaa skdee hn, nkl, Sarah 10 DXFSS=0; nn nuuN n 12 eek outntknaa4ghttnaa, 12 anghera hunn 28 8 14 jnk nee sNg ... 14 30 phees G joohl n 16 nuuN hHl kraar 216 2 ii,b. vrnnn:00 A 18/kptaa &nd Jugh gon. 18 hoornaa442 dhn p 205 punnk nuuN haalk 20 22 Fausto a 228 220 dows nya rough raghu doou kr 24 vic ttnnk ee naa 8 eed 22 of 24 iii. phaal 26 avr Sha 20882 8ttrload #247 nu To Tag 2793702025718928 pau 588CF 838 82 82859 ZTAA wa 30 h14 -3-5014 26 ( hai k st SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. 32 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 5.1 TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. 67 TEXT. First Plate 1 Om Svasti [l*] Vijayavatah Kalinganagaran-Mahendr-achala-sikhara-pratishthitasya 2 bhagavato Gokarpnasvaminah pranamad=vigalita-kali-kalankah srimad-Ga3 nga-kula-tilako nija-nistri[m*]k-oparjjita-Kaling-adhirajya[h*) pravitata-cha4 tur-udadhi-taranga-mala-mekhal-avani-tal-amala-yasah anek-a 5 hava-samkshobha-janita-jaya-savda (bda)[b*] pratap-avanata-samasta-samanta-cha6 kra-chuda-mani-prabha-manjari-ranjita-charana mata-pitsi-pad-anuddhyatah para7 mamahesvara-bri-maharajadhiraja-Devendravarmma-sunur-mmaharaja-srima8 D-Anantavarmma Krdshtukavarttanya[m] Talatthere sarvva-samavetan-ku(n-ku). tumvi(mbi)na[h*) 88 Second Plate; First Side. 9 majoapayati' [l*] Viditam-astu bhavata[m*) yath=aya[m*) gramo=smad=bhratra eri "Jayavarmma10 pa mata-pittror-atmanas-cha puny-abhivri(vsi)ddhay?=bbyartthitena maya veda-vedarga pa(pa)rage11 bhya[h*) Kamarupa-vishaya-Sringatik-agrahara-vastavyebhya[h*) Paradara-sagot tre[bhyo) 12 Vishnusomacha[r*]ya-padebhyo vivaha-samaye kanya-danamundaka-pu13 rvvar klitv=a-chandr-arkka-pratishtham sarvva-kara-bharan=muktva datuastad-evam vudhva(buddhva) 14 yath-ochita-bha(bha)gabhogam upanayantah sukham vasat-eti [l*) adhuna sima-linga15 ni kramena sthitani I(Aisanyam Devaparvvata-sikharah tat-purvvena giri-vata-va16 na-raji-purusha-chchhayay-appacheru-maddbyena Talatthera-Hemasringa-tadappara[h*] Second Plate ; Second Side. 17 trilite Buruli-vilmikah pe(p&jrvvaty&(tya)-girivateh dhatu-karauja[+] Varantapura tri(tri)18 kute chincha-vana-raji-panchurgula-vibhita[h*) Konga-parvvate purvv-ivatare giri19 vatah salla-patthare kosamrah chinchi vapi-purrv-alih parvvata-sik hare Dumulli20 tri(tri)kutah purvva dika(k)| dakshinena chiucha-parikti[l*] Soma-vataka-tri(tri)ku 1 Prom ink-impressions. * Expressed by a symbol. * He has been identified by Mr. S. N. Chakravarti (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 281) with Maharaja Jayarar. maddva of a Ganjam grant and by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar (A List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 386, f. 7) with a king of the same name mentioned in another inscription from Ganjam (I. H.Q., Vol. XII, Pp. 491 ff. "This description appears to presuppose the position of the sun at an angle of 45deg over the horison." (above, Vol. III, p. 134, f. n. 1). According to Dr. Hultzachita meaning might be the point at which three roads meet"); vee above, Vol. II, p. 20, f. 2. 7.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 21 te radhana-chincha-pankti[h*) Dhara-vataka-tri(tri)kute chincha-vana-raji-raja22 margga[h] chincha-valmikah Kavata-sandhi-valmikah punah Kavata-sandhi-tora-valmi23 kah nikhat[-]pala[b] nimva(mba)-valmikah dakshina dika(k) paschimena Kapata saddhih(ndhih) ku24 dunga-pankst*]i[h*] vaku[la*?]-vana-raji-tatak-alish*] soma-vibhita-sona-kapittha-gartta chiOcha Third Plate. 25 drumah?.......... chincha-vana-raji-salmali Pipu-parvvata-sikharaha26 ppacheruh saptaparnna[h*) tri(tri)kute chincha paschima dika(k)l uttarena venu-vana-ra27 ji modake radhanah Korkkanta-sikhare tadapparah tri(tri)kutah soma-druma[8=*] 28 tatah parvvata-sikharena Salavadeva-parvvata-sikhara iti [l*) a29 ttra cha Vyasa-gitah [l*] Sva-dattam para-dattam=va(ttam va) yatnad=raksha Yudhi shthi- . 30 ra [l*] mahi[m*] mahimata[m*] sreshtha danach-chhe(chhre)yo-nupalanam(nam) 1 (1) mi(i)ty-evam-adi prava31 rddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara-sata-dvaye Chatur-uttare 204 Margasir shsha-su32 kla-paksha-ttrayodasyam dattam-idam sasanam-utkir nam Nadimachi-su(su)nu-Kuyali likhina [ll*] No. 6.--KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. S. 1184. By R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. This plate belongs to what might be called & remarkable 'hoard of twenty-five copperplate inscriptions which were discovered in October 1892 in the village of Kamauli, near the confluence of the Barna and the Ganges at Benares. They have been deposited in the Provincial Museum at Lucknow since July 1893. Three of this lot were studied by Mr. Arthur Venise and the rest by Dr. F. Kielhorn. Of the present record Dr. Kielhorn did not give us the text, but contented himself with furnishing a brief notice. I now edit the inscription from the excellent ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India. I am also indebted to Dr. Chakravarti for generously placing at my disposal an advance proof of a paper from his pen on another Gahadavala inscription, namely that of Jayachchandra. This is a single sheet of copper measuring 1' 4" by 1'" and is engraved on one side only. At the top centre there is a ring-hole, about 1a" in diameter, through which passed ring. The circular seal, which connected the ends of the ring, measures a little over 21 in diameter. It bears on it in relief on & slightly counter-sunk surface the conventionalised After this follow some five or six syllables which are too obecure to admit of a definite reading. 1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 347 ff. 3 Ibid, Vol. IV, pp. 97 ff. * Ibid, p. 111, No. I. Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 291 ff.

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No. 6.] KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. S. 1184. 69 figure of Garuda, the mount of Vishnu, with the hands folded in devotion. From his widespread wings and the poise of his legs, he seems to be in the act of flying. Across the centre of the seal runs the legend Srimad-Govindachadra(ndra)devah. And below it, in the lower semicircle, is engraved the figure of a conch-shell. The entire margin of the seal is rayed or rather serrated. The plate along with the ring and the seal weighs 359 tolas. The plate contains twenty-five1 lines of writing. The inscription is on the whole in a good state of preservation. The characters are the usual Nagari of the 12th century A.D. Attention may however be called to some of their outstanding features. These are :-(1) initial a occurs in line 1, a in 11. 1 and 20, i in 11. 8 and 9, u in 1. 21; (2) examples of consonants kh, gh and th are found in 11. 13, 9 and 25 respectively; (3) the signs for dh, ch and v are sometimes almost identical in form; cf. vividha (1. 12), adisati cha (1. 14) and vasumati (1. 5) respectively; (4) the letter r shows two forms, cf. e.g. -avaruddha- (1. 8) and bhattaraka (1. 10); (5) similarly the letter g has two forms, one of which is looped, cf. Govindachandrah (1. 8) and galita- (1.7) respectively; (6) signs for conjuncts dg and ng are hardly distinguishable, eg. divan-gatasu (1. 2) and srimad-Gadhipur- (1. 4); (7) bh shows two forms as in bhagabhogakara (1. 20); (8) dental & has also two forms, e.g. asid (1. 1) and Sagar-adibhih (1. 23); (9) medial o is composed in two different ways as in akunth-otkantha- (1. 1) and sa-gartt-osharah (1. 15). The numerals 1, 4, 5, and 8 are contained in the date in line 16. The sign indicating the continuation of an incomplete word at the end of a line consists of one vertical with a slanting stroke to its right. Among orthographical features worth noticing are the following:-(1) both the letters b and v are invariably indicated by the sign for the latter, (2) the consonants are usually doubled after r, (3) the letters and s have been used promiscuously in a number of cases, (4) anusvara is used for a class nasal in many instances as in samkham (1. 21), vasumdharam (1. 24), (5) final form of m occurs in nijam (1. 2), phalam and vasumdharam (1. 24). The language is Sanskrit. There are altogether fifteen verses, composed in various metres, of which the first praises Vishnu and his consort Lakshmi, the next eight describe the several kings of the dynasty coming before the donor of the grant, and the remaining six are imprecatory and benedictory ones. Barring these, the rest of the inscription is in prose. There are quite a number of errors, both of omission and of commission, in the text, which will be noted in their proper places. The inscription is one of the Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara, Paramamahesvara, Asvapati-Gajapati-Narapati-Rajatray-adhipati Govindachandra, and records that, on the Manvadi, Friday, the full-moon tithi of Karttika of the (Vikrama) Year 1184, after bathing in the Ganges at Varanasi, he made a gift of the village of Bhani, situated in the pattala called Madavattala, together with its patakas, to the Mahapurohita Jagusarman, son of the Dikshita Vilha, and grandson of the Dikshita Purushottama. The donee belonged to the Bandhula gotra having the triple pravara of Bandhula-AghamarshanaVisvamitra. The village was given subject to payment of taxes called bhagabhogakara, pravanikara and kutaka3, but inclusive of certain fundamental rights such as mining, fishing, etc. The gift was announced formally in the presence of a number of high officials of the State. The writer of the grant was Thakkura Visvarupa. Or rather twenty-six, the last consisting of but six letters. *He belonged further to the Vajasaneya bakha (cf. e. g., above, Vol. IV, p. 103, text 1. 20; p. 107, text 1. 18, etc.). [In fact, these taxes were to be paid to the donee. Cf. above, Vol. IV, p. 99.-B.C.C.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Inscriptions mentioning Govindachandra known so far (including the Basahi, Kamauli and Bahan plates which speak of him as Maharajaputra) range over a period of Vikrama Sanhvat 1161-1211 for A.D. 1104-1154), i.e. exactly fifty years. The present record of Govindachandra belongs to V. 8. 1184. There is another record of the same king which also is dated in the same year. The inscription under discussion does not furnish us with any facts that are already not known except that it refers to one or two new place-names. The genealogy of the donor is given once in verses 2-9 and again in II. 10-12, this time with the exclusion of Yasovigraha and Mabichandra, the first two members of the Gabadavala family. Mahichandra's son was Chandradeva who is claimed to have acquired the kingdom of Gadhipura (i.e., Kanyakubja) by the prowess of his own arm and to have protected the holy tirthas of Kasi, Kusika, Uttara-Kosals and Indrasthana after he had acquired them'. The Set-Mahet inscription of Vidyadhara, which is dated in V.8. 1176, however, as suggested by Dr. H. C. Ray,' somewhat tends to undermine the former claim by reason of the fact that it speaks of two persons, of Rashtrakuta origin, named Gopala and Madana, ruling about this time in and about Kanyakubja. In fact, one of them, Gopala, is actually called Gadhipuradhipa. It seems that Chandradeva, as claimed in the Basahi plates (V. S. 1161), after the death of his two mighty contemporaries, viz., kings Bhoja and Karna, 10 found the time opportune and the field open to extend his influence in the Ganges-Jumna doab by establishing his capital at the most fiercely-contested-for city in the whole history of mediaeval India. Shortly afterwards, however, the imperial capital seems to have been lost to the Gahadavala govereign, following, presumably, an expedition led by the Rashtrakuta ruler of Kanauj, probably Gopala (Gadhipuradhipa) of the Set-Mahet inscription. Madana, the son and successor of Gopala, appears however to have soon lost this advantage once for all. Indeed, Kanyakubja seems to have changed hands again during the otherwise uneventful) rule of Madanapala; for as has been recorded in the Basahi and Kamauli plates, maharuja pudra Govindachandra made in those years (V.8. 1161-62) gifts of villages situated in the Jiavati-pattala which again was situated in the Panohala-desa. And Kanyakubja, as is well-known, was the first city of the Panchala country. These two records therefore mark the re-passage of Kansuj into the hands of the Gahadavala kings who from now on held the capital to themselves till almost the end of their dynasty. The Rashtrakuta interregnum in Kanyakubja (during the regime of Gahadavala kings) may therefore be said to have lasted *Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff. *Above, Vol. II, pp, 358 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 14 ff. For a list and resume of all known inscriptions (except one or two that have been discovered latterly) of Govindachandra, se H. C. Ray, The Dynastic History of Northern India: Early Mediaeval Period, Vol. I, pp. 516-628. Vit., Bhadavapk grant (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 291 ff. Tala Inscription', D. R. Bhandarkar, A List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 266). Dr. Bhandarkar's suggestion (ibid, f. n. 6) that the grant is spurious has been deemed unconvincing by the Editor (ibid). * Bhandarkar's List, No. 204. Vidyadhara's father Janaka was according to this inscription the minister (sachira) of Gopala. Dynastic Hist., Vol. I, p. 507. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff. He has been variously identified with his famous Paramara or Gurjara-Pratthara namesake (Ind. An., Val XIV, pp. 101' ff.: H. C. Ray, Dynastic History, Vol. I, p. 607, t. n. 1). 10 Generally identified with the great Kalacburi king Lakshmi-Karpa.

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No. 6.] KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. 8. 1184. 71 roughly from 1095 to 1105 A.D., approximately ten years. It was perhaps during this interval that the Gahadavalas moved on temporarily to some other city, possibly as suggested by Dr. V. A. Smith and then by Dr. H. C. Ray, to Benares or some region near to it. Govindachandra, the donor of the present record, succeeded his father Madanapala on the throne. He is described here as one who by his creeper-like long arms secured the elephant which was the newly acquired) kingdom' (navarajya). This latter term has been taken by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti to refer to the kingdom to which Govindachandra suoceeded as a matter of course after his father Madanapala. On this same expression Dr. Kielhorn observed that "the sovereignty over Kanyakubja is described as having been newly acquired, even when Govindachandra, the grandson of Chandradeva, was reigning." This circumstance in our opinion finds a satisfactory explanation in the fact (suggested above) that it was Govindachandra who re-established the supremacy of his line over Kanyakubja and the territories depending on it. It was Govindachandra again who, significantly enough, assumed, as in the present instance, first of all the members of his family, the ambitious titles of asvapati-gajapatinarapati-raja-tray-adhipati originally used by the Kalachuri kings of Dahala from LakshmiKarga onwards. This fact acquires an added significance from the evidence furnished by the Bengal Asiatic Society's plates of Govindachandra (V. S. 1177). This inscription records transference of the gift of a village which was originally granted to another person by the Kalachuri king Yasah-Karna, son and successor of Lakshmi-Karna. It seems therefore to have been rightly held by Dr. N. P. Chakravartis that, taking advantage of the favourable turn of events following the death of Lakshmi-Karna, Govindachandra "wrested a part of the Kalachuri kingdom, probably from Yasahkarna himself, and to mark the occasion assumed the birudas hitherto used by Kalachuri kings". Of the localities mentioned, Kasi, Uttarakosala and Indrasthana have been identified10 with the present Benares, Ayodhya and Indraprastha (or Delhi) respectively. Kusika, Gadhipura and Kanyakubja have generally been identified with one and the same place, viz., modern Kanauj. The village granted and the pattala in which it was situated I am unable to identify. 1 The earliest date for Chandradeva known so far is 1090 A.D. (cf. his Chandravati plate, V. S. 1148, above, Vol. IX, pp. 302 ff.). Taking him to be a contemporary of the Rashtrakuta king Gopala (for whose son Madana's reign we have a date in 1119-20 A.D. as recorded in the Set-Mahet inscription and who has been rightly supposed to be a feudatory of Govindachandra; cf. H. C. Ray, op. cit., p. 507, f. n. 5), we may reasonably allow him an uninterrupted reign of five years before the imperial capital passed on, though for a short time, to the Rashtrakutas. Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 507. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 6. Chandradeva, the grandfather of Govindachandra, is once (above, Vol. IX, p. 324) referred to as merapati, a title which (among others) was also assumed by the Kalachuri king Yasah-Karna, who has been supposed by Dr. Ray (op. cit., Vol. II, p. 788) to be a contemporary of Chandradeva. It has indeed been suggested by Dr. Ray (op. cit., Vol. I, p. 508) that the assumption of such a title by Chandradeva may indicate some conflict with the Kalachuri kings. In fact, as has been pointed out by Dr. Ray, Chandradeva claims (above, Vol. XIV, p. 193) to have defeated a narapati-gajapati, titles which are assumed by Yasah-Karna himself. 'J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXXI, pp. 123 ff. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 292. There is also an interesting numismatic evidence which goes to support the contention that Govindachandra extended his dominions at the expense of the Kalachuri rulers of Dahala (H. C. Ray, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 531). 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 8, f. n. 46. Oxford History of India, 1923, p. 195. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 292.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. The date of the record is given, both in words and in decimal figures, as Manvadi, Friday, the full-moon tithi of Karttika of the year 1184 and "regularly corresponds, for Vikrama-Samvat 1184 expired, to Friday, the 21st October A.D. 11271 TEXT. [Metres :Vv. 1, 3, 10, 11, 13-16, Anushtubh ; v. 2, Indravajra; vv. 4, 7, Sardulavikridita ; vv. 5, 6, 8, Vasantatilaka; v. 9, Drutavilambita, v. 12, Salini.] 1 Om Om Svasti || Akunth-otkantha-Vaikuntha-kantha-pitha-lathat-karah samrarbhah sur at-arambhe sa Sriyah dregaseaestu vah ||-[1*] Asid-Asitadyuti-vamsa-jata h(jata-)kshmapa2 la-malasu divan=gatasu sakshad-Vivasvan=iva bhuri-dhamna namna Yasovigraha ity udarah || [2] Tat-suto-bhun-Mahichandrago-chandra-dhama-nibhan-nijam yenei. 3 pa pa)ram-akusha(pa)ra-pare vyaparitam yasah || [3*] Tasy-abhutetanayo nay-aika-rasi (si)kah kranta-dvishan-mandalo vidhvast-oddhata-vira-yodha-timirah Sri-Chadra(ndra) davontipah yen=odaratara 4 pratapa-samit-asesha-praj-opadravan Srimad-Gadhipur-adhirajyam-asaman-dor-vvikra men-arjjitam || [4] Tirthani Kasi-Kusik-Ottarakosal-Endrasthaniyakani paripa5 layat=abhigamya | hem=atma-tulyam=anisa(sa)n-dadata dvijebhyo yen=ankita? Vagu mati. Satasasetulabhih || [5*] Tasy-atmajo Madanapala iti kshitindra-chudamanit6 revvijayate nija-gotra-chandrah 1 yasy-abhisheka-kalas-ollasitaih payobhih prakshalitar kali-rajah-patalan-dharitryah H [6*] Yasy=asid-vijaya-prayana-samaye tung-a7 chal-ochchais-chalan-madyat-kumbhi-pada-kram-asama-bhara-bhrasya(sya)n-mahi-mandale 1 chudaratna-vibhinna-talu-galita-styan-assig-udbhasitah 8Seshah pesha-vasa(6a)d-iva kshanam-888u kro8 de nilin-ananah || [7*] Tasmad=ajayata nij-ayata-va(ba)ha-valli-va(ba)ndh-avaruddha-nava rajya-gajo narendrah sandr-amrita-drava-mucha[m*) prabhavo gavam yo Govinda chandra iti cha9 dra(ndra) iv=amvumbu)rase($e)h || [8*] Na katham-apy-alabhanta rana-kshamams-tistishu dikshu gajan=atha vajrinah kakubhi vaba)bhramur-Abhramuvallabha-pratibhata iva yasya ghata-gajah || [9*) So= 10 yah samasta-raja-chakra-samsevita-charanah l' paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-params (me)svara-paramamahesva[ra* )-nija-bhuj-oparjji[ta* 1-sri-Kanyakudj(bj)-adhipatya - sriChandradeva-pad-anu. 1 Above, Vol IV, p. 111. From the ink-impression kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India, Expressed by a symbol. [The first symbol answers to siddham or siddhir-astu. See above, Vol. XVII, p. 362-Ed.) Here follows a sign for continuation of the word. Also called Mahiala (e. g. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff.), Mahfyala (e. g. above, Vol. II, p. 359, text, 1. 2), and Mahftala (e. g. Ind 4 nt., Vol. XVIII, pp. 14 ff.). In some records (6.g. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 15, text, 1. 1), it is he who stands at the head of his line instead of Yasovigraha. He is also known as Chandraditys (above, Vol. XIV, p. 194) and once, simply as Chandra (above, Vol. IX, p. 324). Tho conjunct ik in this word seems rather imperfectly engraved on the impression. De: Kielhorn thinks (Ind. 4., Vol. XVII, p. 140, a. 45; Ibid, Vol. XVIII, p. 11, n. 14, ato.) that this pbroad should more properly bo read as Stahan sainhawak darius. . This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.

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KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V.S. 1184. (raajdhaaniir ktubtthke : iid | silsilbrtti chaadttijenrii janAlAmA vana tAsAsArA vivAnivatrAratamA nAnATayamA viyadarAsAtasutAvAdI saMvA matitanivAsanA 2 manapA nIta yApArinaTArAlA navyA navanamA nAmaka rAzika-zAvapi mAlAvinAyatavAsyopAna maanaavaavaasyaamaanaadaartaaii| 41YALS tArAprakApa grInahAvi puravigahAnamA mAyAvikAmapA hitAtI hAnikA(hAjAkAta kAmAlaTramAnIyakAnipA4 tAtagayA dimAma tulya mAnalAdatA dAiyAyanAhi tAvAsabhatIrAtazamulAnimAtathA mahAmanapAlajaniditI ra vaDonApA 61tinilagAvavaracA sivikakalazAvalinivAsAtiHpAlanakAlAlampaTalabArabArAyAsyAsAdikamadhyAgamanAya nasA bAjarAlamA katipaTakanAsalacA mahInAlAbaDAlanatitinatAlUgala namAnAragujAlitaHAgavAyavamAdivakapamAmAkA 81 lI nAnanInamArakAyatanitImatavAdativanavaudanavADAgaDAnArAmanAyAyavamatA pralalAgavAvyAgAvizvajanika - 18 vAsubAsamAnaka vanazalatataraNakamAtama padiUgaDAnaptavajJApanakakAlatanutamamutavata patitAsvayaMpAca TAgajAmale 10 atana gaDAta ke mAla vinavarA paramatAraka mahAgaDAvirAupavanasavarana mAha bAnaguDApahiyAka mADakAviSayIvavAdavacArAta 10 tArakamahAyanAvADyabAnavarayAmamAtayogadanapAlAdavapArAvadhAnabaramatadAbAmahArAjAdhirAGaparamapAvanamAraka 12 nigaDa pani tarapanibATa bAhinivivivatiyovivAravAdamAnidhIgavizvaravAvirupAmAradAsapabalAyosapAraka-mAnI samAna daami| mAnAvAdAne DanagadI nagaNatA nadiyAU nAhI yuvAimaviparitapratI tAnasenApatilAyogAdikAlapaTalikaniSAnapitrikAnamnarikahatakAraka ginijAkaramhAnAjA kalAvikArisa pAnApatitAvamA gAdizatikyatAviditamayuttavanAgapAvalAvatayAma-sakalAla salATalalA 1:02sakara : mAnIva samanakAmana vATikAviTAmA jhAtiyAtanapaTImAsAhItyarAghATavisu makhAnAparmavarAvagI bAvakarAta sarakArakamA sirakta para pAnImAyAbAyo ra kaTi-pinaM 584 sAvika dila kazAnahAnagamyAyAnagAyA nAvAcAvatama re| mAnajanapinamA paTiya vAnimivArapATana mahAsacivamA sAmAjakSiAvisakAlAgaramajayanAvasuvargaka udA gudvH| anAvamayatApAyAlanadavivAda vinara tAmAtApAvAmanarAyamAviyana nayanamasara yAsiyarayagAkAtakalA nAtakarabanadika pUrvanako nikhila bAyabalApAnija pratiyAmi vIrata sAyAlayInuSotama po nAthadIkitAvAsA vAyanAeko varale yo kA masIya yAbadAI sAsanI va papI nAmacAyAhITa nAvAjatarapravANana vakraTa kati mAyAlayAMnA jJAvidayAlaya-120 bA 153/19 vAnavAjA gayA kArAvANiya pratiyAvinAparAhanA kI niyata maaninH| gatala drAsana sadana bAda zAma sahapAvizAniphelameta purAvA nAnAdinaHpA(dhavandAta mAyA yAdavAnasabhAmA maayaa| KAJlAtakAla pAlInatA rAnava masaratA nAInisa gavadhiniHdiyA mAsva TATAna niyamAnamtarA! nAparatA pAyAta majA mAvi chAyamina dA viniH yada mAnA gA mekATiema kavamirakAmatA 24 rakamA jAtimA dAda tayAnAkarayA va pitA pati tivAmana pA karamadAnAsAnA bImAkA SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE : ONE-HALF, N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ra. No. 2013E40-290.

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No. 6.] KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. 8. 1184. 73 11 dhyata-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-paramama[he*]kva[ra*)-eri-Mada napaladeva-pad-anudhyata-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-persmesvara-paramama hesva12 rasvapati-gajapati-narapati-raja-tray-adhipati-vividha-vidya-vichara-Vachaspati-Srimad-Go vindachandradeve vijayi Madavattala-pattalayam sa-pataka-Bhans-gra(gra)ma nivasi13 no nikhila-janapadan-upagatan=api cha raja-rajni-yuvaraja-mantri-purohita-pratihara-sen apati-bhandagarik-akshapatalika-bhisbag-naipi(mi)ttik-intahpurika-duta-keri-tu14 raga-pattan-akarasthana-gokul-adhikari-purushan-ajnapayati vo(bo)dhayaty-adisati cha yatha / viditam-astu bhavatam-upari-likhita-gramah sal-jala-sthalah sa-loha-lavan-a15 karah [ga]masy(tsy)-Ukarab sa-gartt-Osharah sa-madhuk-amra-vana-vatika-vitapa-trina yuti-gochara-paryanta b) 8-Orddharddhv-a)dhas-chatur-aghata-visu(su)ddhah (BV&) sima-paryantas-chatur-asity-adhika-sat-aika16 dasa-samvatsare Karttike masi sukla-pakshe paurnimayam Manvadau Sukra-dine-nkerpi Samvat 1184 Karttika-sudi 15 Sukre brimad-Varanasyarh sri-Gamgayam snatva vidhivan-mantra-de17 va-muni-manaja-bhuta-pitti-ganams-tarpayitva timira-patala-patana-patu-mahasam-Ushna rochisham-upasthay-Aushadhipatisa (sa)kalabekharam samabhyarchya tribhuvana tratur-Vasudeva18 sya pujam vidhaya prachura-payasena havisha Havirbhujam hutva mata-pitror-atmanag cha punya-ya60-vivsidha(ddha)ye tad-etat-parama-ra(Sra)ddhaya samyatibhuya gokarnna-kusa-la19 ta-puta-kara-tal-odaka-purvvam-asmabhir=Vvadhu(Bandhu)la-gotriya Vamdhu(Bandhu)l Aghamarsha)na-Visvamitra-trih(tri)-pravariya dikshita -sri-Purushottama -pautraya dikshita-bri-Vilhao-putraya mahapuro20 hita-bri-Jagusa(sa)rmmane? a-chandr-arkkam busaniksitya pradatto matva yatha-diyama na-bhagabhogakara-pravanikara-kutaka-prabhtiti-samast-adayan-ajnavidheyibhuya 21 dasyatha 1*|| Bhavanti ch=atra punya-slakah || Bhumim yah pratigsihna(hna)ti yas-tu bhumim prayachchhati 1 ubhau tau punya-karmanau niyatau(tam) [sva]rgga-gaminau U [10*] Samkhamh bhadr-asanam chchha(chha) Dr. Kielhorn doubtfully read this word (above, Vol. IV, p. 111) as Madarala (+)'. But there is a trace of tta (rather weakly engraved) between va and la. Compare this ta with the same sign in pattaldydi. - This word was hesitatingly read by Dr. Kielborn (above, Vol. IV, p. 111) as Rari (1)'. Unfortunately the two letters have been engraved in a slovenly manner and in a smaller size. It seems, however, possible to read the second letter as ni. As regards the first it may well be a disjointed pd, or as I have surmised, bha. . For a note on the terma jala-sthala, etc., see Ind. An., Vol. LI (1922), pp. 73 ff. <<"This word is explained to denote persons who or whose ancestors have performed a great sacrificial' ceremony, such as a jyotishfoma." (Above, Vol. IV, p. 98, f. n. 7.) . He is also called Purasa. (Above, Vol. IV, p. 103, text 1. 21; p. 107, text 1. 18; p. 109, text 1. 19, etc.) * He is otherwise known as Vilbaka (above, Vol. II, p. 360, text l. 13) and Vodasarman (above. Vol. IV, p. 121, text L. 26). He is apparently the same as Purdhita Jaguka who served under Govindachandra's father Madanapals (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff.) No less than ten copper-plate inscriptions from Kamauli record grants made in favour of this high priest. He is variously called Mahadikshita Mahapurdhita Jaga (above, Vol. IV, p. 117, 1, 18 and p. 120, No. P.), Jagaks (ibid, p. 103, 1. 21) and Juguks (ibid, p. 107, 1. 19). He is also onco (ibid, p. 126, No. T.) referred to as Yajsavalkys in an inscription of Jayachchandrs.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. 22 trarh var-asvi vara- vahana(na)h 1 bhumi-danasya chihnani phalam-etat-Purandara || [11] Servvan-etan-bhavinah parthivendra[n*j bhuyo bhuyo yachate Ramabhadrah || (1) samanyo23 ya dharmmasetur'-nripanam kale kale palaniyo bhavadbhih || [12*] Va(Ba)hubhir Vasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada 24 phalam! [13*] Sva-dattam para-dattam va yo hareta vasundharam 1 sa vishthayam krimir-bhutva pitribhih saha majjati || [14*] Gam ekam hiranyam=ekam cha bhu mi(me)r-apy=ekam-angula 1 25 haran-narakam=apneti yavad-aha(bu)ta-samplavam(vam) || [15*] Thakkura-sri- Visva rupena tamvra(mra)patto-yam likhitam-idam.npip-ajnay-eti 1 Mangalam maha-srih l" 26 .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 NO. 7.-BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA. BY KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRAHI, M.A. This copper-plate was in possession of the Raja and Ruling Chief of the Dhenkanal State, Orissa. In 1930 the late Pandit Tarakeswar Ganguly of Calcutta got it from him and deposited it in the Archaeological Museum at Baripada in the Mayurbhanj State. I am thankful to Mr. P. Acharya, the State Archaeologist of Mayurbhanj, for kindly allowing me to edit it. It is a single plate inscribed on both sides, the first side containing seventeen lines and the second eighteen lines of writing. When handed over to me, it was found to have been covered with a thin coat of verdigris and consequently some portions of the writing were quite illegible. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, the Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, who had the opportunity to examine the plate, very kindly arranged its cleaning by chemical treatment and also sent me an excellent set of inked impressions. To Dr. Chhabra I also owe a number of useful suggestions in preparing this article. The transcript given by me is based on the original as well as on the inked impressions. The inscription is, on the whole, in good preservation except that the first and the last lines of the first side and the first four apd the last two lines of the second side have been very much corroded. The letters are deep-cut and well-formed. The plate measures 11" x 6". It has & seal attached to its left-hand side, which measures 27" in diameter, resembles in form & full-blown lotus exhibiting two rows of petals and contains a medallion superimposed on the inner row of the same. Inside the medallion, the inner diameter of which is about 14", occur in relief the figures of a couchant humped bull, of a crescent with a star almost touching its hump and of a club-shaped object below its mouth, while underneath the bull there runs in one line the legend fri-Devanandadevasya underlined with two parallel straight lines, and at the bottom there occurs, also in relief, the figure of an expanded lotus flower. The plate together with tbe seal weighs about 143 tolas. 1 The technical word dharmastu occurs for the first time in some of the inscriptions of satavahana kings from Nasik (of. above, Vol. VIII, p. 60, 1. 11, p. 65, 1. 13, do.). According to Dr. E. Sonart (ibid, p. 64), "Dharmasitu, in religious phraseology, especially that of inscriptions till a rather recent period, denotes figuratively a foundation as a bridge, a dam of merit', which enables its author to get over the ocean of disara". * This danda is unnecessary. * This line of the verge has one syllable in excess. Read gamekath marnam-Ikars cha as elsewhere. Road either tamrapatfo-yam likhits or famrapaffe likhitam-idan. . Her follows what appears to be a trisyllabio myatio formula, cited thrice, the reading and meaning of which I am unable to offer.

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No. 7.) BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA. The characters belong to the northern type of alphabet and closely resemble in form those of the Ganjam plate of Dandimahadevi of the year 1804. We have here examples of the initial vowels a in Archohananasa, 1. 29; i in iti, 1. 9; and ai in Airavala, 1. 24; as well as of the Consonants jh in jharkarini, 1. 4; dh in godha, 1. 22. The letter n shows two different forms, as in n-aiva, 1. 3; and in vane, l. 4. No distinction has been made in the form of medial u and i, 88 may be exemplified by the words sphurita- and tura-, l. 5, while the medial u is represented by two different signs as is seen in suvisuddha-, 1. 6. In many instances the superscript r is not clearly marked. The language is Sanskrit. The record is composed partly in verse and partly in prose. The text contains some mistakes of spelling as well as of grammar, which have been pointed out in their proper places. As regards orthography, the following peculiarities deserve notice: (1) A consonant after 1 is usually reduplicated; (2) s has been used for & in many places, e.g. in surisuddha-, l. 6 and rachanais-chandr., 1. 15; (3) n has been employed for anusvara in tivransumali, 1. 11; (4) b is represented by the sign for v; (6) in some cases sandhi has not been observed, e.g. Sriman Jayananda, II. 2-3, (6) sign of avagraha has been used in you'bhut, 1. 8. The record does not contain any date, but the Talmul plate of Dhruvanandadeva', having the introductory portion identical with that of the present one, records & date at the end of the inscription. Mr. A. Banerji-Sastri, the editor of this grant, has not been able to give the correct reading of the text. His reading of the date is also erroneous. The record has been re-edited and further commented upon by Mr. N. Tripathi', but he has also failed to interpret the date. He first explained the symbols for the date as representing 200-+-80+3(-283), and later as 200+80+1 (-281). Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has given this date as the year 293 and has suggested to refer it to the Harsha era. If this view is accepted, and there is no reason to reject it, the date in question would correspond to A.D. 899, which would roughly be the date of the present inscription as well. The inscription opens with a description of the place of issue of the grant, the name of which has inadvertently been omitted by the scribe but may be ascertained from the Talmul plate of Dhruvanandadeva as being Jayapura. Then the lines 2-24, mostly composed in verse, give a genealogical account, beginning with Jayananda and ending with Devananda, in course of which the qualities and the achievements of the rulers have been poetically described. The object of the inscription has, then, been set forth, which was to record the grant by the king Devananda of the village Lambeva', situated in the vishaya of Potoda in the Airavatta mandala, to one Bhatta Brahmadhara, son of Saktidhara, son of Adityadhara, who belonged to the Kanva-bakha of the White Yajurveda, and to the Ksishnatroya gotra, and was a member of the Bhata community of Jambama-Narayanapura, originally hailing from Pundravarddhana. As to the family of the donor, it is called Nandodbhava or simply Nanda, as may be inferred from the terms Nand-odbhava-vamsa, and Nanda-kula occurring in 1.2 and 1. 17 respectively. 1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 137 ff. J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XV, pp. 87 ff. and plates ; Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 2043. J. B.O. R. 8., Vol. XVI, pp. 457 ff. and Vol. XVII, pp. 196-7. * Bhandarkar's List, No. 2043. [800 below p. 79, n. 5.-Ed.] A similar instance is found in the namo Sallodbhava.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Mr. Tripathi concludes from these expressions (also occurring in Dhruvananda's plate) that the family of Jayananda was an offshoot of the Imperial Nandas of Magadhat. But this conclusion does not seem to have been based on sufficient data. What seems to be probable is that the suffix ananda was peculiar to the names of this family as turiga, kara, stambha and the like were peculiar to the names of some other royal families of Orissa. And, as these suffixes gave distinct names to these families, the suffix ananda did the same in the case of the royal family of Jayananda. The confusion between nanda and ananda seems to have been one as between kara and akara, illustrated in the case of the Kara family of Orissa, in which the second component part of some names is not kara, but akara, e.g. Subhakara. This Nanda family of Orissa is not known from any other source except from the Talmul plate of Dhruvanandadevs referred to above, and the present record. With the help of the genealogies given in these two charters, we can construct the following genealogical table of this family : Jayananda Parananda Sivananda Devananda, surnamed Vilasatunga. Dhruvananda, surnamed Vilisatunga. It should be noted in this connection that though the relation between the first four members has been specifically mentioned 48 that of father and son, the same between Devananda and Dhruvananda is not clear from their records. At any rate, that Dhruvananda was a sucCessor of Devananda is evident from his plate which mentions his name after that of Deva. nanda' * As has been said above, the name of Jayapura, the description of which occurs in the opening part of the inscription, has probably been omitted through the carelessness of the scribe. 1J. B.O. R. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 469. (Mr. Panigrahi seems to have mixed up the genealogies given in the two records. Moreover, the present inscription apparently mentions two Devanandas, while Mr. Panigrahi obviously takes these two as referring to one and the same person. Below are given, for the sake of comparison, the genealogical lists 48 supplied by the Talmul plate and the present inscription. Talmul Plate Baripada Museum Plate Jayananda Jayananda Parananda Parananda Sivananda Sivananda Davananda Devananda (I) Vilasatunga-Dhruvananda. Vilasatunga-Davananda (II). While Dhruvananda is said to be Paramasaugata, Devananda (II) is stated to be Paramamihekvara; otherwise their descriptions agree word for word. The apparent relation between Dhruvananda and Devananda (II) is that of brothers, one professing the Budhist faith, the other adhering to the Saiva creed, though the seals of both of them bear & Nandi emblem. In this case, we will have to admit that Divananda (II) is called after his father's name, which is improbable though not impossible, considering the case of five Maitraka kings of the name of Staditya (III-VII), of whom each succeeding one was a son of the prooading one; see Bhandarkar's List, P. 394.-B.C.C.]

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No. 7.) BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA. 77 This place, presumably the capital of the Nanda family of Orissa, has been identified with Jajpur of the Cuttack district by Dr. A. Banerji-Sastri and with Jeypur or Jeypore, the headquarters of a big estate of the same name in the newly constituted Koraput district of Orissa, by Mr. N. Tripathi. Both of these identifications are open to serious objections. As Jajpur cannot be regarded as a corruption of Jayapura, and as it was known as Virajas in the eighth or ninth century A.D., when it was held as capital by the Bhauma kings of Orissa, the identification proposed by Dr. Banerji-Sastri should be ruled out of consideration. As regards Mr. Tripathi's proposed identification, though no objection can be taken to it from phonetic point of view, several considerations prevent us from taking it as conclusive. On an examination of the pl.ce-names mentioned in this grant and others, it is revealed that Airavatta mandala which included the vishaya of Potoda has been mentioned in the Talmul plate of Dhruvanandadeva and also in the Balijhari plates of Uddyotakesari Mahabhavagupta". This mandala must be taken to bave comprised a tract of land along the Mahanadi river in view of the fact that the gift village Kontalanda, mentioned in the last-named charter, has pointedly been spoken of as situated on the bank of that river. So, if Jayapura is to be taken identical with Jeypur of the Koraput District, we have to suppose that the territories ruled over by Devananda and Dhruvan anda extended far to the south-west of the Mahanadi river on the north. But their dominion over such vast territories is not warranted by their records which do not even give the title of maharaja before their names, nor mention a single conquest to their credit. They must have been feudatories of some paramount power in Orissa as is indicated by their titles Paramabhaltaraka Samadhigata pafchamahasabda Mahasamantadhipati. Begides, Jayananda, the first known ruler of the family, probably the founder of the dynasty, has been credited with the coaquest of the whole of Gondrama, which, as will be shown below, meant the hilly tracts now ruled over by the feudatory chiefs of Orissa, but never any tract along the Bay of Bengal. The last but not the least important is the fact that if these plates of the Nanda family were issued from Jeypur of the Koraput district, it is rather strange that the southern influence so conspicuong on the copper-plates issued from Kalinganagara and Svetaka should have been completely absent from the palaeography of their records. I should, therefore, suggest the identification of Jayapura of our records with Jaipur, a village situated in the Dhenkanal State from which and from the adjoining Narasinghpur State all the three copper-plate grants mentioning the name of Airavatta 'mandala are reported to have hailed. Jayapura, as its name suggests, was possibly founded by Jayananda, the first ruler of the Nanda family. Among the other geographical names occurring in the inscription, Gondrama, which is also mentioned in four other copper-plate inscriptions of Orissa, is always found in conjunction with sakala . all', and in one plate with ashtada sa 'eighteen'. It is thus clear that it was a geographical expression meaning a group of eighteen tracus of land and seems to be the same as ashtadas afavi-rajya (eighteen forest chiefdoms) of the Betul plates of Samkshobha. The name ashtadasa Gondrama applied to these tracts wos probably due to the predominence of the Gond tribe over other aboriginal tribes inhabiting these parts and seems to have survived in the geographical expression athara gadhjat still applied to all the feudatory states of Orissa by the people, though as a matter of fact their number at present is not eighteen but twenty-four. It should be 1J. B. O. R. 8. Vol. XV, p. 89. Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 457 f. Pt. B. Misra. Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, p. 89. J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XVII, p. 17, text l. 33, Bhandarkar's List, No. 2076. J. B.O.R.S., Vol. II, pp. 402 (text L. 18), 406 (text 1. 9) and 418 (text I. 1.) and Vol. VI, p. 230 (text I. 13). . Above YOL VIII, p. 287 (text L. 9) and discussion on p. 186.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. noted in this connection that the credit of having conquered the whole of Gondrama given to Jayananda in this record may just be an exaggeration. Airavatta, after which the vishaya of that name was called, has been identified with Ratigarh in the Banki Police Station of the Cuttack district. Potoda and Lambeva may provisionally be identified with Potal in the Hindol State and Limbu in the Narasinghpur State respectively. Pundravarddhana is the well-known ancient name for North Bengal. I cannot suggest any identification for JambameNarayanapura. TEXT. Obverse. 1 Om svasty=akalita-kali-kala-kalmasha-praves-avakakad=vijit-adesh-Ojiyani-guna-nikarat (Jayapurat*]* || 2 Va(Ba)bhuva Nand-odbhava-va(van)ba-sambhavah sya-vikram-a kranta-samasta Gondramah (1) dharadhipo dhamma(rmma)dharah pudhimin=sriman-Ja3 yananda iti pravirah! [1*]* Yasmin=rajani dinamrakshara-yugandeh=iti n=aiva brutam D=atanka[h*) kussiti* kuto na cha 4 mpisha dvandvan=na ch=asin=ntinah(nam) l() sa[rvvaryya]m=ava(ba)la sahaya-vikal alapkara-jbankarini kshiva yaty-ajane vane ya. 5 di puna-vva(r=vva)[rtta] Dilipe nsipe [ 2* ]' Kanaka-ruchira-kantih pronnatah purit-asa sphurita-vimala-ratnah sara-dulla (rlla)nghya-mutti(rtti)h [l*] 6 vu(bu)dha-jana-nuta-pado Meru-vat-tabya sakshat=priyatama-tanayo=bhach-chhi(ch=chhri) Parananda-nama(ma) || [3*]* Tasya(sy=a)pi ch-asit-suvisu(su)ddha7 paksho vasan=jananam khalu manase cha [l*) hanso(hamso) yatha hansa(hamsa)-(sama na-kirtti[r*]-nnamni sivananda iti prasiddha8 \ || [4*]* Tasy=abhuttanayas=tliniksita-ripu-vrata-svalat-pavako va(ba)l-ainanka iv=anvay. amva(mba)ra-gato yo='bhutsrist=pri)9 ya[h*) praninam(nam) (D) tara(ru)nyo taruni-vilochana-putair=apita-cup-amrito Dava nanda iti prasiddhim-aga10 mad=yah svair-gunair=nni[r]mmalai) || [5*]' Durvvar-ari-kar-indra-kumbha-dalane sphujja (rija)t-karah kesari basvan=mana11 vati-mukh-avja(hja)-jayakfit=tivransu(vramau)mali sada (1) tasmad=eva Vila(sa*]tus. ga-npipatibhu(r-bhu)tag=gatam=agrani12 ya(r=ya)sy=ochchaih sa(sa)rad-indu-dhama-dhavalam nityam yaso(66) varddhate || [6*]" Nakshatr-avali-bara-damakavati nitya(tyam) 13 nabho-mandire josnajyotsna)-chandana-le[pa]n-atidhavala sand(ndr)-andhakar-amva(mba) ra [l*l [ya*]sy=etu(ttu)iga-sudha-gri14 he=tidhavale dig-yoshitan=darppane sva(svam) rupamvam va)ra-kamin-iva rajani chandr Anana pasya(syalti !! [7*]' Yasy=oJ. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVII, p. 4: From the original and inked impressions. Represented by a symbol. This name has been supplied here from Dhruvananda's plato, J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XV, p. 90. Metre : Upajati. * Read kufrutih or kueritih. * Metre : Sardulavikridita.. Metre : Walini. Metre : Upajati.

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Reverse. yaate mt 1. 155 ( cudaagd{} } INCARE 71120 {1 } / mnnbedn 0ssttrrnnaa 26 shaatthuir' maalaabaarthnaiiim jnsmssiraa| Anishriiibejelbiybaanniinelkede bheje netrkonaa joraadaabaatraay'khet(haanaajehaajaar| yaanbaatmnaay'ye muhy'naan, ay'eleno{e{mobl se| ( k?SS(k/2!esesr'5{(576) nn???? ttn/45nn:15Nhee/q" ke? 24. *: 5 30. { 2./ / 377 3/// (31} /3. 0 .. / #733 !{}{274 (/ 34 ,21sY '712555 (3

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zrIda N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 2006 E'40-275. 14 16 ma BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA. Obverse. klidAra gajAvarA 2 lAgAra hiMdI gemahI TrAtIla kokalaga savAkhAlI yA mAlAlAlamahAnilakaNa avatAra lIlavala kavaka niskAkaH 783 dilkaeneja ruciyAta sahArA gArAlA gArA TAha (sAyamA gola grAmAi mugAlA vayAta cAkAyAlayAAyAAlaya mAlagAyatalamilA rAma dayA vA gRpa mahAsetulImAlI lagA hai yA kisI saraganA vanI yA pAkamA lasanamAdiva khilAka hai gupatina ranAvatAnA basa ke vikAsa eka malaya gAtirA banA rahA kanAnAmAriyA ur3AyA bhAratadvA sinina yaMtra ko milane rAmaprasAda divA haTiyA eka tola harAma rAma pradhA lAga taka na visara diyA gayA nI SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 7.) BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA. 16 chchaih sita-mandira[d=dhva]ja-disi(si) pratu(tta)aga-hatt-avali su(su)bbra sbaru-sudha vikara-rachanais(6)=chandr-atapa-sparddhini 16 durad=bhati dfisab(sah) padan=gatavati lokasya se[Beha]rino ni(ni)harotkarabhadharada iva sa(ba)nair-Mmandaki17 ni syandati] | [8*]* Sa Sri(sri)-Nanda-kul-amva(mbu)j-akara-ravih sad-vansa(sa) dipa(dipo) nfipas(k)=chang-arati(ti)-vadhu-mukh-avja(bja)-dasa(buka) Reverse. 18 [bhrid=rakt-anta-dirgh-ekshanah] ---UU-U-u pulakikurvvan=jana[=pheshtitaih satya-tyaga-ka(ku)labhi19 [mana-vi]naya yasy=angajah sad-gupah || [9*}' Dipyat-pratap-a[na]la-[plusht-arajti-murttis chatur-ambhodadhi(r)-paryanta-bhranta20 (sat-kirtti]ya(r=ya)th-[chista-[paryyavastha]pita-varnpa-cha[tu*]shtayah parit-besha pranayi-jana-manorathah sajjana-jan-321 [na]nda-dayi rakt-amva(mba)ra-pramandita-kaladhanta-dollika-chamara-pralamyismbi]te - pranta-kroda desa vinyasta-mayura-cha22 ndrika-nikara-sita-chchhatr-avabbassmana-aita-dhatumaya-godha-sifi)kharikrita- 18hits lochan-amva(mba)ra-dhvaja[b*) pe23 ramamahesvara- mati-pitri-pad-anudhyata-parama-bbattaraka-samadhigata-paicha mahasavda(bda)-mahasama24 ntidhipati-Srl Dovanandadavah kusah. Airavatta-mandala-samva(mba)ddha-Potoda vishaye bhavishyad-yatha25 kala-bhavino rajakana raja-putra[n*] Vra(bra)hma[nal-purogan=simantan-niviai-janape dan=adhikarinah sa-ka26 ranan=anya[m]=cha chata-bhata-vallabha jati(ti)yan=raja-pad-opajivinah sarvvan-yath arbam manayati vo(ba)dhayati kusa27 layaty=adisati ch=anyata(t)[11*] Viditam=astu bhavatam=etad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-*] Lamva(mba)va -gram-odaya sa-jala-stha[lab*] 28 Ba-gartt-avaskara[b] prajnayamans-phatu[b*)-sima-paya(rya)ntab Pundandra)varddhana vinirggata-Jamva(mba)ma-Narayanapura-Bhata(tta) 29 gamanya-Kapva-4akha-Yajurvvedi(di)-Krishnatre[ya-gotrayal Archchananasa-$ & v&satl hota? richavavana-vat dityadhvaya 30 Adityaddh(dha)ara-sutascha Saktiddha(dha)ra-aita-Vasma(Brahmal)ddhara-bhata! || ** mata-pitror atmanasucha punya yas-bhivri 1 This reading is clear in Dhruvananda's plate. The correct form of the last word is syandamana. * Metre : Sardulavi kridita. * Read ambhodhi* Read rajanakan as in the Talmul plate. >[The reading seems to be Lamve(be)da.-B. C. C.] * (Possibly the intended reading is .grama 'yan.-B. C. C. This evidently refers to the tryaraneya Pravars of the donee, and it to be corrected as Atrey-Archchananana-Syavas-eti hotre. Compare Gotra pravaranibandhakadamba, p. 87.-B. C. C.) * The sense after hota is not clear. . We have probably to amend the reading as Adityadhara-sutasya Saktidharaaya sulaya Brahmadhara-chattaya. 10 This sign of punctuation is not needed.

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 31 ddhaye tamvra1-easanena pradatto-smabhib[*] yatas-tamva1-sasana-darsanad-asmaka(tka)ry-a[nu*]rodhaja(d=ya)tha-kala 32 [phala)-niyam-Opabhujyamin&(na)[sya*] na kin-kaya pata(ri)panthi(nthi)na bha(bha)vitavya[][] MA[bh]d-aphala-each(fat)ka vab para-da 35 t-ti parthiva(vab) [1] sva-data(tt)[t] phala]m-ana[ntyamh] para-dat-[Anupalane] [*] Sva-datta[m-para-datta"]m-va yo hareta vasundharam [*] sa vi(vi)shtha[yam*] [kri]34 [mir-bhutva pitribbih saha pachyata] [*] [Va(Ba)hubhir-vasudha detta raja][bhih Sagaradibhih*] yasya yasya [yada*] [bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam] [*] [Iti] 35 [kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lolam . . . . . ] TRANSLATION. (L. 1) Om. Hail From [Jayapura] which is exempted from the ingress of vices of the Kali Age and has surpassed all the qualities of Ujjayani. (Verse 1) There was born in the Nandodbhava family a virtuous, extremely intelligent and surpassingly heroic king named Jayananda, who, by dint of his own valour, subjugated the whole of Gondrama. (V. 2) It was during his kingship that the poor twin letters dehi (i.e. 'give') were never heard; no diseases, no fraud from anywhere and no false quarrel ever occurred among the people, (so much so that even) a drunken woman, with her ornaments jingling, could pass through a desolate forest at night unescorted (without being molested by any robber on the way), whereas such (a state of perfectly good rule) is ascribed to king Dilipa. (V. 3) He had a son, most beloved to him, the illustrious Parananda by name, who, being of splendid golden complexion, dignified, having his ambitions fulfilled, bedecked with glittering flawless jewels, his person being unassailable by warriors, (and) deeply honoured by the learned, evidently resembled the Maru (mountain) which is (likewise) endowed with pleasing brilliance on account of its gold, is very lofty, has occupied large space, is possessed of sparkling pure gems, with its bulk unscalable by adventurers (and) its foot frequented by the gods. 1 Read tamra. Only some traces of the rest of the verse are to be seen on the plate; it may be supplied as friyam-anuchintya manushya-jivilan-cha | sakalamidam-udahritan-cha buddhot nahi purushaih para-kirtlays vilopuah || Every word in the passage farvaryyam, etc., has a special significance. Thus farvaryydm at night, an opportune time for committing robbery; abald woman, literally 'powerless one' whom it is easy to assail or overpower; sahaya-vikala without any escort or companion, so that the crime can be perpetrated without any fear of immediate detection; alabara-jhankarist her ornaments making a jingling noise, thereby assuring a handsome booty; kahied drunken, thus too senseless to offer any resistance; ajane vane in a jungle where there is no human being near by, so that there is no resouing even if the victim shouts for help. The author of the inscription indulges in poetio fancy, asserting that Jayananda's virtues have mistakenly been attributed to Dilipa. The description of Dilipa alluded to is echoed in the following verses: Yasmin mahimh easati vaninindak nidra vihar-ardha-pathi gatanam Valo-pin-derashsayad-ambukani ko lambayed-aharandya hastam || (Raghuvashia, VI, 75). Na kil-anuyayus tasya rajano rakshitur yalab Vyavritta yat-para-svebhyas brutau taskarasa stila || (Ibid., L. 27). Trayah babda na jiryani Dilipasya nivilant Svadhyaya-ghoshojd-ghocho diyatam iti vai traya || (Mahabharata, XIII (Santiparvan), 20, 79). The last verse rather presents a contrast: with Dilipa a request never passed unfulfilled, while in Jayananda's reign it never came to utter a request.

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No. 7.] BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA. (V. 4) He, too, had a son, who was well-known by the name of Sivananda, had faithful allies, and verily won the hearts of his pepole (and) whose fame shone forth like the sun, (who was thus) quite as a swan with pure white wings, dwelling in the Manasa (lake). 81 (V. 5) He had a son, called Devananda, who proved a veritable blazing fire to his enemies reduced to the state of straw, who, having ascended in the sky of his family, like a new moon endeared himself to (all) beings, whose nectar of beauty, in youth, maidens drank to their heart's content using their eyes as goblets, (and) who acquired renown through his stainless qualities. (V. 6) He was a roaring lion in tearing asunder the frontal globes of the great elephants of the irresistible enemies and was always a sun in winning over the lotus-like faces of zealous women. On that account the present king was (known) as Vilasatunga. He is the foremost among the pious and his fame, as white as autumnal moon-light, is intensely increasing everyday.1 (V. 7) The night having moon as her face, dense darkness as her garment, stars as a string of necklace, and appearing excessively fair due to the besmearing of sandal paste of moon-light, beholds, just like a beautiful woman in the chamber of the sky, her own image in his lofty and extremely white palace, which is a mirror to the ladies of the quarters. (V. 8) From his white palace, towards the banners, the beautiful and white row of tall shops, on account of their whitewash, becoming a rival to the moon-light, looked at from a distance by the people moving about, appears like the Ganges gently flowing down from the Himalaya mountain. (V. 9) This king, the light of the noble family, is a very sun to the lotus-lake (in the form) of the prosperous Nanda family, is a very moon to the lotuses that are the faces of his fierce enemies' wives, having large eyes with red ends.....excessively delighting the people with his doings. Truth, charity, family-pride and humility are his inborn good qualities. (Ll. 19-24) The illustrious Paramabhattaraka Mahasamantadhipati Devanandadeva, who has through the blazing fire of his prowess consumed the bodies of his enemies, whose good fame has travelled as far as the four oceans, who has placed the four varnnas in their proper positions, fulfilled the desires of all the suppliants, gives delight to the virtuous men, who has a cloth-banner (with the emblem) of the red-eyed snakes wearing on their heads the alligators made of white [Mr. Panigrahi's above rendering of this verse seems to be responsible for the confusion he has made in the genealogy. It may be pointed out that the author has used the past tense in describing the first four rulers, while in the case of Vilasatunga he employs the present tense, thereby indicating that the charter was issued by Vilasatunga who has clearly been spoken of as tasmad.......bhutab 'who has been born from him (i.e. from Devananda)'. This Vilasatunga and the second Devananda mentioned in 1. 24 have been taken by me as referring to one and the same person because the descriptive attributes place them in apposition to each other and there is no such word used as tasmat or tasya to indicate their relation otherwise. The sixth verse may thus be explained as follows: "It was from him that the king Vilasatunga has been born, who, clapping his hands, appears a very lion for tearing asunder the frontal globes of his enemies' huge elephants that are difficult to check, who always wins over a repeatedly offended lady (as easily) as the sun causes, a k a lotus-bud to unfold, who ranks foremost among the virtuous (and) whose glory, as bright as the light of autumnal moon, ever grows further and further."-B. C. C.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. metal, that floats on the white umbrella held over the golden litter covered with red cloth, inlaid with peacock feathers in its inner side and with chowries hanging down (from it), who is a devout worshipper of Siva, who has acquired (title to) the five mahasabdas (and), who meditates on the feet of his father and mother, being in good health ; (LI. 24-32) duly honours, intimates to, enquires after the health of and commands all those that will in course of time be, (viz.,) chiefs, princes, all the inhabitants of the country headed by Brahmanas, feudatories, functionaries along with the karanas, and others of the class of Chata, Bhata and Vallabha, dependent on the king, in the Potoda vishaya included in the Airavatta mandala: "Be it known to you that the income of the village Lambeva", along with its land and water, along with its pits and their contents, included in this vishaya (of Potoda), up to the four well-known boundaries, has been granted by Us, by means of a copper-plate charter, for the increase of the glory and religious merit of our parents and of Ourself, to Bhatta Brahmadhara, son of Saktidhara, son of Adityadhara, hailing from Pundravardhana, a member of the Bhatta community of Jambama-Narayanapura, a student of the Kanva sukha of the Yajurveda, belonging to the Krishnatreya gotra, a hoti having the triple pravara of) [ Atreya-] ArchananasaSyavasva,..... Wherefore, seeing this copper charter and having regard for our deed, nobody should cause any obstruction to him while he is regularly enjoying the seasonal yields of the gift)." (LI. 32-35) [Here follow four of the customary verses.] No. 8.-A NOTE ON THE DATE OF CHOLA GANDARADITYA. By A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. In the short interval of about 32 years between Parantaka who ruled from A.D. 907 to at least A.D. 953, and Rajaraja I whose date of accession was A.D. 985, five members, viz., Rajakesarin Gandaraditya, Parakesarin Arinjaya, Rajakesarin Sundara-Chola, Parakesarin Aditya II and Parakesarin Uttama-Chola, have to be acoounted for. As they are usually designated in inscriptions, by their dynastic titles of Parakesarin or Rajakesarin, their identity has to be determined only by the internal evidence in the records, if any. The exact periods when these kings ruled are also not specified, except in the case of Parakenarin Uttama-Chola whose date of accession has been fixed to be A.D. 969-70%. With the help of three records belonging to a Rajakesarivarman copied from the Trichinopoly District, all of which are palaeographically attributable to the 10th century A.D. and [ This epithet, I think, is to be split up into two, one ending with avabhasamana and the other beginning with sitadhatu. Their construction is rather clumsy, but the first evidently describes the king's sedan (dollikd) and the second the royal banner over the palace. They may be translated as follows: "whose gold medan decorated with a red cloth, is flanked y suspended chowries, has its interior furnished with the feathers of the peacock's tail (their eyes being seen prominently), (and) shines forth with a white umbrella (spread over); whom banner with a snake (emblem) is surmounted by an alligator made of white metal (siladhatu)".-B.C.C.] * This seems to be the translation of gram-odaya. The word udaya does also mean "income' but its adjuncts sa-jala-sthalah, etc., do not justify the reading udaya in the text. The intenue reading as suggested above (p. 79, n. 6) is probably gramo='yam, in which case the gift consists of the village itself.-B. C. C.) [See above p. 79, n. 5.-Ed.) There is a solitary rooord dated in the 48th year of the king at Vanamaladinne in the Chittoor District (No. 200 of 1931-32 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion). No. 456 of the Madras Epigraphical collootion for 1908,

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i No. 8.] A NOTE ON THE DATE OF CHOLA GANDARADITYA. 88 evidently relate to one and the same king of that title, an attempt is made herein to fix the initial date of Rajakesarin Gandaraditya. The records under reference are : Place. Details of date. Remarks. 1. Allari . . 5th year, Kanni, lunar eclipse . Mentions the son of Virabola-Irukkuvel. 2. Palor . Ditto . . Mentions Mahimalaya-Irukkuvel alias Parintakap Viradolan. 3. Do. . . Ditto . . Ditto. From the surnames Parantaka and Virachola of the Irukkuvel chief named Mahimalaya figuring in the two Palur inscriptions (Nos. 2 and 3), it can be inferred that this chief had been a contemporary of Parantaka alias Vira-Chola, and that the Rajakesarivarman, in whose records also he figures, was evidently one who came after this Chola king. The occurrence of a lunar eclipse in the Kanya month cited in the records is, however, an important astronomical detail, which is helpful in fixing the date. In the period of fifty years from A.D. 940 to 990, there were only three years in which such an eclipse occurred, viz.': 1. A.D. 954, September 15, Friday ; bu.15 0.35); Uttirattadi (Uttara-Bhadrapada) (.15); 2. A.D. 955, September 4, Tuesday; bu.15 (92); Purattadi (Purya-Bhadrapada) (.50) and Uttirattadi (f. d. n. .49); and 3. A.D. 973, September 15, Monday ; bu.15 (.25); Uttirattadi (.03). Of these, the last date may be left out of account as it would definitely fall in the 4th year of the reign of Parakesarivarman Uttama Chola. The remaining two dates which are fortunately contiguous to each other and are removed by & period of one year only, would yield either A.D. 949-50 or A.D. 950-51 as the initial date of this Rajakesarivarman. However, a record from Nirppalanio in the Pudukkottai State said to be dated in the 10th year of a Rajakesarivarman states that Mahimalaya-Irukkuvel alias Parantakan-Virabolan, who is identical with the chief figuring in the Palar inscriptions noted above, made a gift to the temple at Nirppalani, while he visited the temple at Tiruppalatturai during & lunar eclipse, which occurred in the Uttirattadi-nakshatra in the month of Kanya. As the other details are identical, the regnal year read as 10 appears to be a mistake for 5; and Uttirattadi-nakshatra must have also been the star quoted in the portion lost in the Allur inscription. It is quite possible also that the king had bestowed gifts to the four temples at Allur, Palur, Nirppalani and Tiruppalatturai, all situated near to each other, on the same religious occasion of a lunar eclipse, while staying at the last-mentioned temple. A.D. 954 September 15, Friday, with Uttirattadi. nakshatra may therefore be selected as the date of these three records, in preference to the other date in A.D. 955. As this day fell in the 5th year of this king Rajakesarivarman, the date of his accession would lie between A.D. 949, September 16 and A.D. 950, September 15. 1 No. 366 of the same collection for 1903. * No. 346 of the same collection for 1918. * No. 348 of the same collection for 1918. In this record the portion containing the name of the nakshatra during which the eelipse occurred is built in, and the expression parrina is alone visible. The missing words were probably Uttiraffadi-nakshatrattu parrina as in the Nirppalani inscription. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, some other years in which snoh an folipa oooarred were A.D. 871, 889, 890, in the reign of Aditya I, a Rajakesarin ; but the records cannot palmographinally be attributed to that king. * Inscriptions in the Pudukkolfas State, No. 30.

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84 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Who was this Rajakesarivarman, whose date of accession was A.D. 949-50? We know from the Atakur record1 that the combined armies of Rashtrakuta Krishna III and the Ganga Butuga had defeated the Chola army led by prince Rajaditya at Takkolam in the North Arcot District and that this Chola prince had also lost his life in the encounter. This record is dated simply in Saka 872, current, Saumya, corresponding to A.D. 949-50; but in the absence of other details, its exact date cannot be calculated. From the foregoing facts it can, however, be inferred that soon after the death of the eldest prince Rajaditya in the end of A.D. 949, Parantaka had nominated his second son Gandaraditya as the heir-apparent in the beginning of A.D. 950, and that the latter began to count his own regnal years from this year onwards. As some records dated in the 8th year are definitely assignable to Gandaraditya, his reign may have extended from A.D. 950 to 957 at least. His end is cryptically described in the expression Merkelundarulina-Detar' i.e., he who was pleased to proceed west', but its significance is not quite clear. It is possible that he had lost his life in one of the skirmishes with Rashtrakuta Krishna III's army in occupation that may have occurred in the western frontier, and that this event, was sought to be euphemistically expressed as a journey to the west', from which, however, the king probably never returned alive. No. 9.-BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. BY SAMSKRITI PT. AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAS, M.A., UDAIPUR. The rock inscription under description was at first published by Kaviraja Syamaldas of Udaipur in 1886, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LV, part I (pp. 14-15, 28-32 and 40-46) together with some other epigraphs. Since then it has been dealt with by many scholars in connection with the genealogy of the Imperial Chahamana dynasty of Sakambhari. But the transcript of the record as published by the Kaviraja was far from satisfactory' and the necessity for re-editing it properly has frequently been felt by scholars. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, it appears, was to re-edit it', but as he has not been able to undertake the work so far, I have taken up the task at the instance of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India. Bijholi is a small fortified picturesque town situated in 25deg 10' N. and 75deg 20' E., about 112 miles north-east of Udaipur. Its position is in the midst of what is known as the uparamala or the uppermost table-land called Pathar, in the Aravalli Hills. This table-land extends from Barolli and Bhainsarorgarh in the south to Jahazpur in the north through Menal, Bijholi and Mandalgarh, once forming an important portion of the Imperial Chahamana dominions of Sambhar and 1 Ante, Vol. VI, p. 51. The statement in verse 21 of the Larger Leiden plates of Rajaraja I that after Rajaditya, Gandaraditya succeeded to the throne, has to be taken to refer to this heir-apparency only (ante, Vol. XXII, p. 256). No. 176 of 1907 and No. 574 of 1908 which are records of a Rajakesarivarman refer to Pillaiyar (Prince) Arikulakesarin, who was the younger brother of Gandaraditya. It may be mentioned that the same dates have been suggested by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri in his Colas, Vol. I, p. 180. The facts noted above support his chronological scheme for this period. The transcript of the record which the Kaviraja later on published in the Vira-vinoda (Part I, pp. 383-89) is far better than the one under reference. Above, Vol. V, Appendix, p. 22, n. 3; H. C. Ray's Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 1082, n. 1. Above, Vol. XII, p. 222.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. 8. 1226. 85 Ajmer. It now forms a part of the State of Udaipur. It is very rich in archeological remains, being possessed of numerous ancient monuments now mostly in ruins, of superb architectural and sculptural beauty, such as the temples at Barolli and Menal which Col. Todi and James Fergusson bave so highly eulogised. The localities of Jahazpur, Mandalgarh, Bijholi, Menal, etc., comprised in this tract, are also the find-spots of a number of epigraphs important for the chronology of the Imperial Chahamana dynasty. In fact, every nook and corner of this picturesque table-land has to narrate & story about itself through either sculptures, epigraphs or architectural remains. Princes of the Huna tribe, it is said, were the first founders of towns like Bijholi here, and were the paramount lords of the whole country extending from near the Kota border to the precincts of Bundi." This Huna possession, in course of time, came under the Imperial Chahamana control through conquest and subsequently passed into the hands of the Guhilots of Mewar and is still in their possession. Thus, Bijholiis an important archeological site with certain ancient temples of unique design and elaborate sculptures, still surviving. The place is at present held by one of the sixteen firstclass Umaravas or vassals of the Ranas of Udaipur, who is called the Rao of Bijholi. He is an offshoot of the Paramara family, whose ancestors had come to Mewar from Jagner between Agra and Baiana in about A.D. 1610. The first antiquarian who visited this place was Col. James Tod who has described it in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. III, pp. 1797-1800 (W. Crooke's ed.). Later on, Mr. Carlleyle, assistant to Major-General Alexander Cunningham of the Archeological Survey of India, paid a visit to the place and described it and its antiquities in the A. S. R., Vol. VI, pp. 234-62. Subsequently some other scholars, such as Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, also had oocasion to visit the place. Mr. Carlleyle stayed at Bijholi for about five days during which period he examined all that was of archeological interest and importance there, minutely describing them in his Report ; but unfortunately due to heavy rains which prevented him from further exploration, he could not find the rock inscription under description the existence of which he knew from Tod only. He has, therefore, not been able to tell anything about the present record. The inscription is engraved on a flat undulating rock under & Mahuva (Bassia latifolia) tree, within the encircling wall, towards the north of the big reservoir of water attached to the shrine of Parsvanatha situated about three-quarters of a mile to the south-east of the town of Bijholi. Tod has described this site in his "Personal Narrative ", but his account is somewhat vague and confused, for, he here speaks of no less than five temples to Parsvanatha, the twenty-third of the Jain pontiffs, all of considerable magnitude and elaborate architectural details'. But in reality, there is only one large Jain temple dedicated to Parsvanatba with four small shrines on its four corners, &9 Mr. Carlleyle rightly observes'. Moreover, the architectural details of the temple of Parsvanatha which Tod mentions as elaborate are really anything but elaborate. The whole style and execution of the temple is, as a matter of fact, so commonplace that there is hardly * Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. III, pp. 1762-60 and 1796-1806 (W. Crooke's ed.). * Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 448-451. * Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vel. VI, p. 234. * For the various spellings of this geographical place as used by various scholars, see Ray's Dy. Hie., Vol. II, p. 1081, n. 7. Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. VI, p. 242.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. anything of artistic interest. This temple of Parsvanatha with the reservoir and the orchard attached is, at present, a Digambara Jain property and is under the supervision of Patavari Hiralal Kamdar", a devout Digambara Jain and a lover of antiquity. The surface of the rock containing the inscription is not smooth but rough and undulating. and hence it is very difficult to take impressions of the record. The rock has suffered for centuries from exposure and it was only very recently that Rao Savai Krishna Singh, the grandfather of the present Rao Savzi Kesari Singh of Bijholi, erected a small roof over the rock for protection. Wherever the rock was originally defective, it has been left blank; but now the portion of the rock used for engraving has also peeled off at places, and thus some of the important portions of the text have totally been destroyed. As regards measurement, the first line of writing on the rock is 5' 3" long and the last complete line is 12' in length, the intervening lines gradually increasing in length both ways as we proceed downwards. The height of the inscription between the first and the last line is 3' 6". There are in all thirty lines of writing on the rock, of which the last one is even less than half. Regarding palaeography there is practically nothing remarkable. The initial vowel i which is used three or four times in the whole inscription, however, appears in its ancient form made up of two dots and & comma below, the modern form of the letter being totally absent. The consonant jh which occurs twice in two different geographical names, viz., Morajhari (1. 11) and Laghu-Viihoki (1. 29) is somewhat confusing, having been so formed as to appear like kr. The form of n is through. out similar to that of t except for a small notch on the lowest extremity of the left-hand side loop which is often imperceptible. G in its reduplicated form is throughout represented as gn. In respect of orthography the most conspicuous point to be noted is the indiscriminate uge of the sibilants, particularly the dental and the palatal, throughout the inscription, e.g., Natasousena (1. 2), Parsvanathah (1. 4), subha-tatih and chaturvvinsatih (1. 6), sauryena (1. 10), etc., of which the use of 8 in place of & is more frequent than vice versa. Almost the same is the case with regard to the use of vand 6, for examples, cf. -nitamvini-, vibhrati and miruvadha-vodho (1.8), vabhuva (1. 12), sad-vuddhi-vamdhura (1. 13), etc., and -baryah (1. 8), -ballin (1. 18) and banam (1. 20). J is used in lieu of y in jam na(yan-na) (1. 8) and bharijayor- (1. 14). The sound of kh is sometimes represented by its proper sign, while in some cases the sign for 8h is employed in its stead. Con. sonants following a superscript r are often reduplicated, e.g., in nishth-arppitam (1. 1), karmm. Onmulana- (1.5), mirggatah (1. 12), and so on; sometimes they are left single, as in gambhiry-audaryabalva)ryah (1.8), [da]rbayami (1. 19), etc. Nasals are throughout represented by anusvara, the only exception being Ganga( nga)natha (1. 21). The sign for avagraha is employed about ten times. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and except for a few grammatical inaccuracies, the composition is free from errors. The clerical and engraving mistakes are, however, considerable. Thus, sandhi is not observed in some cases, while in others it is wrong. The transitive root su, 'to beget, to produce is used intransitively in fri-Jasato=stuta (1. 13). The verbal noun samandiri in samanatri koti-lingana (1. 21) is tiged for its causative form samanapayitri. Some of the verses contain paronymous words and thus convey double meanings. The whole epigraph is in verse except adoration to Vitaraga in the beginning and & portion after the last verse in l. 29, commencing with the date in numerals and terminating with the last line, recording various donations of land made by different persons for the maintenance of the Parsvanatha temple, which are in prose. II am indebted to this gentlemen as well as to Sadha Sitaramdas, both residents of Bijholt, for the kind help they extended to me when I was there in connection with the preparation of transcript of the rooord wder edition. Ojha, Rajaputane bi Itihdes, Vol. II, p. 1198.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 87 The inscription is indeed difficult' as admitted by scholars like Professor F. Kielhorn! This difficulty is, to some extent, due to careless engraving, but it chiefly lies in the ambiguous phraseology of certain verses of historical importance. Consequently their contents are open to more than one explanation. Some other historically important verses add to this difficulty by being overloaded with metaphors. It is a Digambara Jaina record inasmuch as its main object is to record the erection of a temple to Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Jain pontiff, by a pious Digambara Jain named Lolaka! But its importance lies in the long list it supplies of the princes of the Imperial Chahamana dynasty of Sambhar and Ajmer. The authentic and complete history of this ruling family is still not known. Till before A.D. 1875 the only source of information regarding the history of this dynasty was the well-known Prithviraja-raso, an epic poem written in the old Rajasthani dialect, supposed to be the work of the famous bard Chanda who was a contemporary and the court-poet of the Chauhan Prithviraja. But the authenticity and the antiquity of the said work have been seriously doubted. In the words of Mr. Vincent A. Smith we find that "the Chanda's Raesa, as we now have it, is misleading, and all but worthless for the purposes of the historiant". It was in the year 1875 that a birch-bark manuscript copy of an historical poem in Sanskrit called the Prithviraja. vijaya, written in Sarada characters, was discovered by Dr. Buhler in Kashmir in course of his tour in search of Sanskrit manuscripts. The discovery of this fragmentary manuscript threw fresh light on the history and chronology of the Imperial Chahamana dynasty. A short account of this poem was first brought to the notice of scholars by Mr. J. Morison in his article entitled " Some Account of the Genealogies in the Prithviraja-vijaya", published in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII, pp. 188-192. This work is proved to have been composed during the lifetime of Prith. viraja, the great Chauhan Emperor, from the fact that the poet Jayaratha, who flourished about A.D. 1200$, has quoted certain verses in his work, the Vimarsinis, from this poem, and as such, the historical information it contains is genuine. The antiquity of this poem and therefore its historical accuracy is also vouched for by the fact that a commentary on it was written as early as about the middle of the fifteenth century 'by the well-known historian Jonaraja, the author of the second 'Rajatarangini and the commentary on the Kiratarjuniya written in A.D. 1448. The order of chronology of the Chahamana princes as given in this poem also found full support from the Harsha stone inscription of Chahamana Vigraharaja dated in V. S. 1030, which mentions seven successive princes from Guvaka (I) to Vigraharaja (II). But as the list supplied by this inscrip. tion was shorter than that given in the poem, some inscription of this period with a long list of these princes, exactly corresponding to that found in the poem, was a.requisite so as to leave no room for suspicion. This desideratum has been supplied by the present rock inscription and therein lies its importance. The chronology of the Imperial Chahamana dynasty as given in the Prithviraja-vijaya and as verified from the Bijholi rock inscription is, thus, to be accepted as authentic. To take up now the contents of the record, we find that it opens with a salutation to Vitaraga in a small prose sentence. In v. 1 adoration is paid to that divine light produced in the (supreme) soul which has manifested itself in the form of the formula' syat'. V. 2 describes Rishabhadeva. 1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 82. * This name is variously spelt in the inscription as Lolaka (v. 49), Lollaka (v. 61), Lolika (v. 18) and Lolaka (v. B3). J. A. 8. B., 1888, part I, no. I, pp. 5-86. * Ibid., 1881, p. 29. Duff's Chronology of India, p. 171. * Bombay edition, p. 84. Above, Vol. II, pp. 116 ff. and Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, pp. 67.64.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. the first Jaina Tirthankara. Then is described Santinatha, the sixteenth pontiff, in v. 3. In v. 4 are mentioned the marvellous activities of Neminatha, the twenty-first Tirthankara, who is said to have blown the Panchajanya conch of Lord Krishna by means of the breath of his nose, pulled his bow Saroga with his thumb and shook Halabhpit with his finger. Then Parsvanatha, the twenty-third apostle is described in v. 5. V. 6 is devoted to the description of Varddhamana (Mahavira), the last Jaina Tirthankara. In v. 7 is adored the goddess of speech under two of her appellations, Sarada and Bharati. Vv. 8-9 mention other divinities in a general way. Then begins the genealogical portion covering vv. 10-28. V. 10, the first couplet of this portion, poetically describes the Chahamana-vamea where the expression Sri-Chahamana-kshitiraja-vamsah comprising its first quarter is open to two different explanations. Almost all scholars appear to have taken this compound to mean Sri-Chahamana eva kshitiraja-vamsah 'the royal or princely dynasty known as Chahamana ', for they regard the genealogy contained in this inscription to begin from Samantal; but the compound expression as well means Sri-Chahamana-kshitirajasya vambah the family of the illustrious prince Chahamana , in which case the present genea. logy suggests itself to start from Chahamana, the eponymous prince born from the Surya-mandala to whom the Prithviraja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahakavya of Nayachandra Suri trace the origin of the tribe. Nothing, however, is said of him here as also in the two poems referred to above. It hardly needs any mention that the birth of this prince of great antiquity from the Sun, as recorded in ancient works like the Prithviraja-vijaya, clearly indicates the relation of the Chahamana princes to the race of Kshatriyas emanated from the Sun, and that the theory of their origin from the firepit of Vasishtha on Mt. Abu as first propounded by Chanda, the author of the Raso, is merely & misleading fabrication. In the next verse (v. 11) is given the description of Sakambhara (Sakambhart), the guardian deity of the Chahamana race, born as the wife of Vishnu. Most interesting to noto in the present verse is the mention of the second prince of the Prithviraja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahdkdvya list's, named Vasudeva, as carving out his principality round the lake Sakambhara (Sambhar) which region is here said to have become his mother or mother-country (jan-iva, 1. 6). The author has evidently referred to Vasudeva by the variant Vishnu-a fact which has totally escaped the attention of scholars. Our author, it will be seen as we proceed further, is fond of employ. ing variants in case of proper names, both geographical and genealogical. The word tato=pi towards the end of this verse also indicates that the verse mentions some prince in descent from the one mentioned in the previous verse, who is undoubtedly Vishnu or Vasudeva; and it thus also proves that Chahamana in the foregoing verse is used as the name of a prince and not as a mere family title. It is, thus, gratifying to find the genealogical lists of the Chahamana princes of Sambhar as given in the present rock inscription and the two historical poems referred to above, corresponding from the very starting point. V. 12 is undoubtedly one of the difficult verses found in this portion for which scholars have offered more than one explanation. The verse describes a prince named Samamta who has been regarded as the very first prince mentioned in the present inscription. But taking Chahamana as the first prince on this list as already discussed above, this prince is the third in order of descrip. tion. He, of course, seems to be the first prince of this line who had established himself with some IJ.R.A. 8., 1913, p. 270 ; above, Vol. V, Appendix, p. 22, no. 154 ; Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, pp. 1062 and 108182; Ojha, Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 363. 1J. R. A. s., 1913, p. 263. Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, pp. 55-73,

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. 8. 1226. 89 stability in his ancestral land and maintained his position as a ruler. Neither the present inscription nor the said historical poems throw any light on the relation in which this prince stood to his predecessor; but as all these three records appear to be unanimous in placing Samamta after Vishnu or Vasudeva, it seems reasonable to believe the former as the son of the latter. As to the various explanations offered for this verse, we find scholars like C. V. Vaidya inclined to accept the first half of it as quite independent of the second half taking it to mean that "There was a Brahmin of Srivate gotra formerly in Ahichchhatrapura"; and the second half of it according to them means that "From him was (descended or born) king Samanta of many samantasi ". In this explanation the text Purnnatalle(llo) finds no meaning. Dr. H. C. Ray, however, accepts Purnpatalla as a proper name of the prince who succeeded Samanta, but his explanation of the third quarter of the verse Samanto=nanta-sammtah seems to be quite different. He appears to take Samanto-narta as meaning Samanta who was also known as Ananta'; and the other samamta at the end of the quarter means a feudatory prince'acoording to him. He, thus, takes the verse to mean that in Vishnu or Vasudeva's lineage was born Samanta also known as Ananta, who was a feudatory prince and a vipra, in the Vatsa-gotra at Ahichchhatrapura. From him was born Purnatalla. The above explanation is certainly based on the meaning, as first given by professor Kielhorn' and later on, having been a little modified' by himself, now generally accepted by scholars, of the second quarter of v. 13 of the Harsha stone inscription that Guvaks (from whom starts the genealogy in that inscription) attained pre-eminence as a hero in the assembly of prince Nagavaloka', and also on the fact that in vv. 16 and 28 of that very epigraph, the country which the princes of this dynasty governed has been called 'Ananta or Ananta-gochara'. He, thus, seems to have tried to explain the name Ananta-gochara by 8.gguming that it was called as such after the other name of Samanta, which, as found in the present epigraph was Ananta. And as Guvaka (I) is regarded a feudatory prince, Dr. Ray is inclined to accept samamta at the end of the third quarter of the present verse as meaning a feudatory prince', thereby making prince Samamta also a feudatory. But the generally accepted explanation of the Harsha stone inscription text is itself not final. Kielhorn had himself to change the theory he first propounded regarding this chiefship of the Chahamana princes. The plain meaning of the present verse of our record seems to be that formerly a vipra named Samarhata having numerous feudatory princes was born or descended in the Vatsa-gotra at Ahichchhatrapura. After him came the prince Parnnatalla' (v. 12). The use of the term vipra in connection with a ruling prince decidedly of the Kshatriya stock is found not only in this inscription but also in many others of various ruling dynasties where the princes are sometimes called vipra and sometimes mahideva. A correct explanation of the use of such terms has not yet come forth. In my article on the first and third slabs of Kumbhalgarh inscription', I have tried to show that such usage has nothing to do with the origin or blood of the princes and seems to have some bearing on their divine habits which they might have acquired. I am, now, further inclined to think that the word mahideva must have originated 10. V. Vaidya, History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. II, p. 93. * Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, pp. 1061-62. * Above, Vol. II, p. 117. Above, Vol. IX, p. 62, n. 1. *Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1064. * Above Vol. IX, p. 62, n. 1. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 308.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. itself in connection with ruling princes as its very formation shows. Having them been applied to vipras or Brahmins, most divine and venerable as they stood in the social rank of the age, it seems to have become a synonym of vipra in course of time, so much so that thereafter the latter came in use to denote royalty in place of the former. Even to-day the application of the term mahardja, undoubtedly a princely title, to a Brahmin is not unfrequent; and the terms Brahmana, Vipra, Maharaja, Mahideva, etc., appear to have become almost synonymous. Thus, vipra may have been used here for Mahideva & ruling prince' who, in the present case, as we Gow from other sourcos, was a Kshatriya of the solar race. The theory of Kshatriyas having gotrae like Vatsa, Vasishtha, etc., has been sufficiently discussed by scholars and it is unnecessary to dilate on it here. The identification of Ahichchhatrapura which is here stated to have been Samanta's original Best of government has also been a subject of much discussion. As the original home of the Chahamanas is also called Sapadalaksha in many other inscriptions, some scholars like BhagVanlal Indrajit and Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar are inclined to regard this name as the original Sangkrit form of the modern name Siwalik which is a range of hills below Dehra Dun in the Saharanpur District, U. P., and thus, according to them, this Ahichchhatra must have been a town in that region in the Upper Ganges-Jumna Valley, from where the dynasty migrated southwards. But the testimony of the two literary works referred to abovo, viz., the Prithviraja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahakavya, as also the evidence and the provenance of the earliest inscriptions of the tribe so far discovered, and the identification of most of the places mentioned therein, would suggest the Sakambhari region to have been the cradle of this race. The epigraphic as well as the literary tradition regarding the capture of Delhi, the capital of the Tomaras, by the Chahamanas as supported by references to occasional conflicts between some of the earlier princes of both the tribes would also indicate the movement of the latter to have been northwards from Sambhar and not towards Sambhar from the north. This Ahichcbhatrapura, therefore, has to be identified with some place in the Sakambhari-pradesa itself where Vishnu (Vasudeva), the predecessor of Samanta, had carved out his principality. Rai Bahadur Ojha has identified it with Nagapura, modern Nageur in the Jodhpur State After Purnatalla came the princes Jayaraja, Vigrahanpipa, Chandra, Gopendraka, Darllabha, Gavala, Sabinpipa, Guvaka, Chandana, Vappayaraja, Vimdhyansipati, Sirhbarat, Vigraha, Durllabha (II), Gurdu, Vakpati and his younger brother Viryarama (v. 18). Except a bare enumeration of these princes, even the relation in which each succeeding prince stood to his immediate predecessor is not known from this verse for which we may resort to the Prithviroja-vijaya and the Harsha stone inscription. Thus, the former states that Jayaraja was the von of Samanta, Vigrahanripa and Chandra were respectively the son and grandson of Jayaraja, Gopendraka was the brother of Chandra, and Durllabha was Chandra's son, i.e., Gopendraka's tephew. We have no other information from any source regarding these first five princes. Only vague praise is assigned to them in certain literary works due to which some scholars regard them as insignificant. The last prince of this category, viz., Durllabhs or Durlabharaja is stated in the Prith. vj. to have been succeeded by his son Govindaraja, but the present record places Guvaka after Durllabha. According to Rai Bahadur H. B. Sarda, Guvaka and Govindaraja are 1 Bomboy Gazetteer, Vol. I, part I, p. 157 and p. 158, n. 1. * Nagarf-Prachdripf Patrikd, Vol. II, part III, 100 leo J.P. 4.8. B., Vol. XVIII (1928), p. 289 Ray, Dy. His. Vol. II, p. 1062

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No. 9.) BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 91 both identical ; and the Harsha stone inscription of V. S. 1030 referred to above, gives the genealogy of the Chahamana princes up to Vigraharaja II (Vigraha of the present verse) from Guvaka who has been unanimously identified with Guvaka of the present inscription. Thus, Guvaka of the inscription of V. S. 1030, Govindaraja of the said historical poem and Guvaka of this record is one and the same prince. According to the explanation of the second quarter of verse 13 of the Harsha stone inscription as first given by Prof. Kielhorn, this Guvaka was a feudatory prince attaining pre-eminence as a hero in the court of Nagivaloka, who has been identified with the Pratihara Nagabhata II (A. D. 815). Regarding the above explanation Prof. Kielhorn himself had, later on, felt some doubt as already alluded to by me above, and the verse can be explained in a different way also. It is, however, strange to note that Major Erskine has omitted this name in his list of princes of this dynasty, though the name is found in all the records including the one under description. According to the Prith. vij., Guvaka was succeeded by Chandraraja (II) whom our author calls Sasinpipa. His fondness for using synonyms in proper names is here again displayed as in the case of Vishnu (Vasudeva). Guvaka, the next prince mentioned here, styled Guvaka (II) in both the Prith. vij. and the Harsha stone inscription, was the son of Chandraraja. He was succeeded by his son Chandana to whom is attributed by the latter record the slaying in battle of a Tomara prince whose name according to Kielhorn is Rudrenas which he equates with Rudra pala. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar takes this name to be Rudra His son and successor was Vappayaraja called Vakpatiraja in the Prith. vij. who is said in the Harsha inscription to have put to flight one Tantrapala. The samo inscription gives him the title Maharaja. He had three song of whom the youngest named Lakshmana established himself at Nadol and was the founder of the Marwar branches of the Chahamanas. His successor was Vimdhyansipati whom scholars like Sardar and Ray8 do not regard a prince at all, evidently being misled by the text Vappayaraja-Vindhyansipatih of Kaviraja Syamaldas's faulty transcript. But the text on the rock is Vappayaraja Vindkyanripati, & dual form, evidently containing the names of two princes; and Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar is right when he takes him as the successor of Vappayaraja. It may be noted in this connection that excepting the names Sasinpipa and Viryarama, this verse mentions all other names either in a combination of two or three. Nothing, however, is known of Vimdhyansipati from any source. He was succeeded by Simharat, the son of Vappayaraja, who is stated in the Harsha inscription to have subdued a Tomara Nayaka or chief Salavana', and built a Siva temple which the Prith. vij. locates at Pushkar. His title was Maharajadhiraja. Next prince was Vigraha (Vigraharaja II), the son of Simharat. The Harsha stone inscription of V. S. 1030, which is the oldest record of the dynasty so far discovered, belongs to the reign of this prince. The Prith. vij. assigns to him the conquest of the country as far south as the Narmada and the defeat of the HJ. R. A. 8., 1913, pp. 265-66. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, Pp. 239-40 and Vol. XLII, p. 58. * Vaidya, His. Med. Ind., Vol. II, p. 95. * Rajputana Gazetteers, Vol. III-B, p. 65. 5 Above, Vol. II, p. 121, v. 14 and p. 117 and n. 3. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 58, n. 2. "J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 270. Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1063. * Bhandarkar, List of Inecriptions of Northern India, PP. 51 and 381. 10 Sone scholars have taken 'Salavana' to mean together with Lavapa'. In that case the name of the Tomara Nayaka remains unknown.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Gurjara prince Mularaja who fled to the fort of Kanthadurga in Cutch. He is also stated to have built a temple to the goddess Asapuri, one of his family guardians, at Bhrigukachchha (Broach) in Gujarat. After him came Durllabha, his younger brother, regarding whom we have no information except that his minister's name was Madhava. The Kinsariya inscription", however, states that he earned the epithet Durlanghyameru and conquered the country called Asokittana (Rasosittana). His successor was his son Gumdu, whom the Prith. vij. calls Govindataja (II). According to the Prabandhakota, he won a victory over Sultan Mahmud. If this Sultan is identified with Mahmud of Ghazni, the event will be one that took place in A.D. 10253 when he was on his way to Somanatha through Jaisalmer and Mallani. But as the event does not find mention in an authentic work like the Prith. vij., some scholars are doubtful regarding the reliability of this statement of the Prabandhakosa. Govindaraja was succeeded by his son Vakpatintipa (Vakpatiraja II), who, according to the Prith. vij., rent asunder with his dagger the mouth of Ambaprasada, the lord of Aghata (mod. Ahad near the Udaipur Railway station) and thus sent him to the abode of Yama. This Ambaprasada is the same as Amraprasada of the Chitor inscription of V. S. 1331', who was the son of the Guhila prince Saktikumara. The last prince mentioned in this verse is Viryarama whose name is followed by the word anujah showing that he was the younger brother of Vakpatinfipa and therefore one of the sons of Gumdu as accepted by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar'. Dr. Ray, however, calls him the son of Vakpati. He was killed by the Paramara prince Bhoja (A.D. 1010-1055), according to the Prith. vij. The word anujah with which ends this verse has also to be construed with the first prince mentioned in the next verse viz., Chamumda, who is definitely stated in the said poem to be the brother of Viryarama. After (Chamumda whose epithet was Ranaka-vara, came Simghata, his brother Dusala and Visala. After him (Visala) came his son Prithviraja, and thereafter his son Ajayadeva (v. 14). Chamunda, as has already been noticed, was the younger brother of Viryarama whom he gucceeded. The Prith. vij.calls him Chamundaraja and attributes to him the building of a temple dedicated to Vishnu at Narapura (mod. Narwar in the Kishengarh territory) situated at a distance of about 15 miles from Ajmer. He is stated here to have been succeeded by Simghata whose name is missing elsewhere. His relation with his predecessor is also not known but he is accepted as the prince who succeeded Chamumda both by Kielhorn' and by Bhandarkar. After him came his brother Dusala called Durlabha or Durlabharaja (III) in the Prith. vij. He was also called Virasimha. As to whose son he was, there is no clue in the present epigraph. The Prith. vij. calls him the son of Viryarama', but Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar regards bim as the son of Chamumda. He is here stated to be the brother of Simghata and if he was the son of Chamumda as Dr. Bhandarkar believes, then simghata, whose relation with his predecessor is not yet known, was also an elder son of Chamunda. He is stated in the said historical poem to have been killed in a battle with the Matangas (Mlechchhas or Musalmans). 1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 56-61. Gaidavahood, B. 8. S.). Introduction, p. oxxxvi, note. * Duff's Chronology of India, p. 113. Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1069. 6 Bhavnagar Sanskrit and Prakrit Inscriptions, pp. 74-78. .J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 272, n. 1. * Above, Vol. VIII, Appendix I, p. 14. # Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, pp. 51 and 381. .Ray, Dy. His., VOL. II, p. 1069, and J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 270.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 93 His suceessor was Visala, Vigraharaja (III) of the Prith. vij. and Visvala of the Hammira-mahakavya. The former poem states that he gave to Udayaditya of Malwa (A.D. 1059-1087) a horse named Saranga with the aid of which he vanquished Karna, the Gurjara prince. The present in scription gives Rajadevi as the name of his queen. His successor was his son Prithviraja (I) whose queen's name as found here is Rasalladevi. The Prith. v. attributes to him the killing of a body of 700 Chaulukyas who had come to rob the Brahmanas of Pushkara-tirtha. Only one inscription of his reign, viz., the Revasa stone inscription dated in V.S. 1162 (A.D. 1105) has been found. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar takes him to be the son of Durlabha? and not that of Visala as recorded in both the Prith. vij. and the present epigraph. The next prince was Ajayadeva, the son of Prithviraja (I), called Ajayaraja alias Salhana in the Prith. vij. His queen's name as recorded in this verse is Somalladevi, called Somalekha in the said poem according to which she used to coin fresh rupakas every day. The same poem attributes to the reign of this prince the foundation of the city of Ajayameru, modern Ajmer. Dr. Bhandarkar regards him as the son of Visala." Verse 15, which contains the achievements of Ajayadeva, is another important verse in the present record as whatever historical information is derived from this and the following verses is not found elsewhere. Ajayadeva is stated here to have killed three heroes Chachchiga, Simdhala and Yasoraja towards the identification of whom no scholar seems to have yet made any attempt. Perhaps a clue to their identity is to be found in the expression Srimargga-Durdd-anvitam at the end of the first half of this verse. Anvitam appears to mean connected or associated with ', and the first two words seem to be the names of two geographical places with which the heroes mentioned were connected. Thus, it is evident that these heroes were associated with the localities of Sri. margga and Durdda. The word vira shows that probably they did not belong to any of the principal ruling families, but may have been feudatories of an inferior rank of some one of them. Srimargga as it stands, appears to have been used as a variant of Sripatha or Sripatha which has been identified by J. F. Fleets with modern Bayana in the Bharatpur State. The tendency of our author's mind towards the use of synonyms is here again discernible. We, thus, find that it was Ajayadeva who took the first step towards conquering the northern plains of India and extending the boundary of his ancestral territory which attained its culminating point in the reign of his grandson Vigraharaja (IV) as we shall presently see. This northward expansion seems to have begun in two different directions--one through Bayana in direct north and the other through Durdda which on phonetic grounds may be identified with modern Duddai or Dudhai in central India in the neighbourhood of the Chahamana domain in an easterly direction. The latter place seems to have been important in the ancient country of Jejakabhukti governed by the Chandratreyas. This country itself, as known from one of the stone inscriptions found at Madanpur, a little way to the south-east of Dudhai, was completely conquered in V. S. 1239 by Prithviraja, the great Chahamana ruler, who was the son of Somesvara and grandson of Arnaraja. Ajayadeva was, thus, the first powerful king of this lineage who took the initiative in enlarging his kingdom and carving out a path for his descendants for further expansion. That he actually brought the country as far as Bayana under his own control is also evidenced by the discovery of certain silver and copper coins bearing his name which are frequently found in Rajputana and Mathura". The latter half of the verse mentions his other exploit which was the tying of one Sollana, a commanderin-chief (Damdanayaka-varah), to a camel in the field of battle. This fact is also corroborated from 1 P. R. A. 8., Western circle, 1909-10, p. 52. Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Nothern India, pp. 61 and 381. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 239. * Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1084. Ibid., p. 1071.

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94 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, (VOL. XXVI. the Prith. vij. which states that he defeated Sulhana, the king of Malwa. But as there was no king of this name ruling over Malwa during that period, it seems to have been the name of a general as mentioned here, of the then Paramara prince, possibly Naravarman, ruling over Malwa. V. 16 mentions Arnoraja as the son and successor of Ajayadeva. The next verse (v. 17), the interpretation of which is rather difficult, appears to contain some important historical fact under the veil of metaphor. The first half of it seems to mention the retaliation this prince had on the kingdoms of Kusa and Varapal. We already know that his father Ajayadeva had extended his dominion both towards the north up to Bayana and towards the east up to Dudhai; and the kingdoms lying beyond these localities must have naturally cherished hostility for Arnoraja who was now a formidable neighbour. They might have even attacked him, but he seems not only to have repulsed the attack but also to have added fresh territories to his father's dominion. He, thus, took the second step towards the paramount sovereignty of Aryavarta lying between the Himalaya and the Vindhya, which his son Vigraharaja (IV) was destined to enjoy for the first time, having himself taken the third step by way of capturing Delhi and Hansi, as we shall just see. Kuca, as the name of a kingdom, may denote Kusasthala or Kanaujo where the route may have been northwards from Dudhai already in possession. The kingdom of Kanauj had been fast fading in importance at this time due to the increasing influence of the Chahamanas. Varana is the well-known ancient name of Bulandshahar near Delhi which was, during this period, under the control of Dodas or Dodiyas, one of the thirty-six royal races of the Rajputs mentioned by Tod. An inscription dated in V. S. 1233 found at Bulandshahar mentions sixteen generations of this dynasty which ruled there. Arnoraja might have made further progress by proceeding to this place from Bayana making the ruling prince there his tributary. He, thus, seems to have still further enlarged his kingdom northwards up to Bulandshahar and Kanauj. The next half of the verse appears to contain an account of his relation with the Paramara kingdom of Malwa. We know from a stone inscription found in the Adhai-din-ka-jhopada at Ajmer and now preserved in the Rajputana Museum, that Arnoraja's father Ajayadeva had conquered the country up to Ujjain, the capital of Malwa. This clearly shows the hostility existing between the two kingdoms. Ajayadeva is also stated in the previous verse to have barbarously treated Sollana, the Damdanayaka of the Malwa prince. Arnoraja is here stated to have shown disrespect to one called Nirvvana-Narayana and thus brought him to humiliation. Nirvana-Narayana, as we already know, was the epithet of the Paramara prince Naravarman who was a contemporary of both Ajayadeva and Arnoraja, and what is mentioned here plainly refers to him. The text bhanga-karanan Sri Derarajam prati, the couvluding portion of the verse, also seems to refer to Naravarman, who, having been called Nirvvana-Narayana is looked upon as Devaraja, the lord of gods. The employment of the term Deraraja is evidently for the sake of suiting the other sense of the verse relating to the ocean (Arnoraja). This prince might have thus attacked the Malwa country and subdued its ruler either independently or he may have assisted his father-in-law, the Chaulukya prince Jayasimha (Siddharaja) who waged war against Naravarman, continuing for full twelve years in order to avenge himself of the latter's attack on his capital in his absence when on a pilgrimage to Somanatha The Prith. tij. states that he also completely vanquished the Musalmans (Matangas) who came across the desert (Marusthali). [ From the context Kusavarana seems to comprise only one kingdom.-Ed.] *N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 111. * Ibid., p. 23 .v. Barana : Elliot's History of India, Vol. II, p. 458. Ojha, Raj. Itihs., Faac. I, p. 239. Bhandarkar's List, p. 397. * Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, pp. 969-70. Ibid., p. 1073 and J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 273.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 95 4 His son was Vigraharaja (v. 18). Sajjana, the only wicked person on earth, took his way towards (the home of) Kritamta'; and Kumtapala, the keeper of lance, came to a state of utter lancelessness (v. 20). He, due to resentment made Javalipura, a city of flames; Pallika, an insignificant village; and Nad(dd)ula, like a bed of reeds (v. 21). He is stated to have made his fame take rest on each street of towns and on each roof of dwellings, which was fatigued due to the capture of Dhillika and was lagging behind owing to the acquisition of Asika' (v. 22). 2 This Vigraharaja, the son of Arnoraja, was the monarch in whose reign the Chahamana power attained its climax. He may rightly be called the first Chahamana Emperor of India, justifying what has been spoken of him in the small Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription' dated in V. S. 1220 (A.D. 1164). The identification of Sajjana mentioned in v. 20 is somewhat difficult. This name may refer itself to the Damdadhipati whom Chaulukya Jayasimha had appointed to superintend the affairs of Surashtra which he conquered having defeated and killed in battle the Abhira ruler Navaghana. If this identification is correct, then the southward extension of the Chahamana domain as far as Vindhya as recorded in the inscription of V. S. 1220 referred to above, becomes justified to some extent. Kumarapala, the contemporary Chaulukya prince, was indeed a formidable monarch and the country of Surashtra was a part of his dominion. But Vigraharaja was no less powerful, and hostilities between these two neighbouring powers had already broken out afresh with the accession of Kumarapala who had twice attacked his father Arnoraja3. It is thus possible that this Chahamana prince extended his arms against Surashtra in order to avenge himself, and, having killed its governor Sajjana who might have grown very old by this time, took that land in his possession. Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji has already drawn the attention of scholars to an inscription of Sajjana dated in V. S. 1176 (A.D. 1120) located in the temple of Neminatha at Girnar. As regards the identification of Kumtapala who had to throw away his weapons (v. 20) in presence of Vigraharaja, we have no difficulty. Muhanota Nainasi informs us that when Kitu or Kirtipala, the founder of the Sonagara branch of the Chahamanas, took possession of Jalor, the ruling prince there was Paramara Kuntapala. Vigraharaja, as we already know, was a contemporary of Chaulukya Kumarapala and so was Alhanadeva, the father of Kitu. Thus, Vigraha and Albana were both contemporaries; and as Kuntapala of Jalor was living when attacked by Kitu, it goes without saying that he was a contemporary of Alhana and also of Vigraha. Thus, our prince seems to have invaded the Paramara territory of Kumtapala and even set fire to his capital town Javalipura, i.e., Jalor (v. 21), the reason for which is, however, not known. This hard stroke at the hands of this powerful monarch must have rendered Kuntapala very weak, and this is why Kirtipala took no time in turning bim out of Jalor soon after, and establishing himself there as the founder of the Sonagara branch. He also reduced Pallika (modern Pali in Jodhpur State), a flourishing town in ancient times, to a state of utter insignificance (v. 21). IIe is also mentioned to have turned the town of Naddula (mod. Nadol) into a bed of reeds (v. 21). Nadol, at this time, was invaded and ultimately annexed to the Chaulukya Empire by Kumarapala due to a predecessor of Alhana ruling there, siding with Arnoraja, his enemy, in the fight that took place between the two princes in V. S. 1207, and was put in charge of a Damdanayaka named Vaijaka". It was Alhanadeva who regained his ancestral dominion of Nadol through constant assistance to Kumarapala which secured him the favour of the Chaulukya ruler who ultimately Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 969. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part I, pp. 176-77. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 218 ff. * Ibid., p. 1073. His Khyata, part I, p. 152; Ojha, Sirohi rajya ka Itihasa, p. 179. 'Above, Vol. IX, p. 83, n. 8. Above, Vol. XI, p. 70.

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Is EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. restored him his territory. This allegiance of Alhana to Kumarapala must have caused the indignation of Vigraharaja who devastated Nadol as mentioned here and avenged the breach of faith. His last exploit mentioned was the capture of Dbillika (Delhi) and the acquisition of Asika (Hansi) (v. 22) from the Tomara prince Anangapala III. This, as I have already mentioned, was the third and the last step taken by this prince towards completion of the task set afoot by his grandfather Ajayadeva and successfully carried out by bis father Arnoraja, viz., the extension of Empire. Arnoraja had already reached Bulandshahar and Kanauj, and his son, the presnt prince, proceeding still further towards the north, brought the entire Aryavarta under his control. Hitherto we certainly knew from other records that he was a paramount sovereign ruling over the whole of Hindustan lying between the Himalaya and the Vindhya, but it looked rather abrupt as to how he could make so vast an acquisition in course of a single generation. Our epigraph now clearly shows that the acquisition was not abrupt but gradual and was the result of constant acti. vities covering three successive generations. By this extension he naturally came into contact and conflict with the Yaminis of Ghazni and the Punjab, whom he totally exterminated as stated in the Siwalik Pillar inscription. The portraiture of this prince' will be partial if we fail to note that he was not only a distinguished warrior but also a distinguished man of letters. As the author of the Harakeli-nasaka, he ranks among the best dramatists of India. His court-poet Somadeva was the author of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka'. He was so great a patron of learning that with his death the name "the friend of poets" disappeared. After him came Prithviraja (II), the son of Vigraharaja's elder brother (v. 23). It is indec strange to note that the latter had an elder brother whose name is not recorded in the present genealogy. A clue to this mystery is found in the Prith. vij. which, though omitting bis name, states that the eldest son of Arnoraja or the elder brother of Vigraharaja "rendered to him (his father) the same service as Bhrigu's son (i.e., Parasurama) had rendered to his mother." This statement shows that he murdered his father. The name of this parricide is, however, mentioned in the Hammira-mahakavya as Jagadeva, who is there also stated to have succeeded his father. It is quite possible that after murdering his father he might have ascended and held the throne for some time, but as a parricide he must have naturally lost all support from his subjects, and before he could consolidate his position on the throne, he seems to bave been ousted easily by his younger brother Vigrabaraja. It is due to this dark character that he has been passed over in silence by our author. He is, however, not ignorant of bim as he mentions the present prince Prithviraja, as his son. The Prith. vij. mentions a son of Vigraharaja named Aparagangeya who was his rightful successor, but it also states that he died very young and unmarried. Thus the throne passed on to Ptithviraja. This prince is here stated to have been very charitable, donating a village named Morajhari to Parsvanatha (v. 24) the erection of whose temple the present inscription records. It may be noted that Col. Tod and Mr. Carlleyle have read the name of this village as Morakara? and Morakuro respectively, the former regarding it as an independent village situated just where the Parsvanatha temple now stands, and the latter as another name of Vindhyavalli (Bijholi). But though the third constituent syllable of the name of this village looks like kera or ku, it has to be understood as jha. This sign occurs in a slightly altered form in 1 Ibid., p. 71. . Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. I, p. 155. ! Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 201-212. *J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 276. . Ibid., p. 274. . J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 276. + Tod, Rajasthan, Vol. III, p. 1799 (W. Crooke's ed.). Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, p. 234.

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No. 9]. BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226 97 the name of another village mentioned towards the end of 1. 29, viz., Laghu-Vijholi, the reading of which is certain. It is, therefore, reasonable to read the name of this village as Morajhari, i.e., ' a stream of pea-cocks'. No village of this name is, however, now known near about Bijholi. Morakara as the name of a village occurs in the Nadol plates1 of the Rajaputra Kirtipala of V. S. 1218, as being one of the twelve villages appertaining to Naddulai which Alhanadeva and his heirapparent Kelhana were pleased to give to Kirtipala. Thus, Morakara or Morakara was a part of Kirtipala's possession in Marwar at that time, and our prince could not legally donate it. This Prithviraja is also mentioned to have attacked a prince named Vastapala whose handsome elephant, Manasiddhi by name, he took away (v. 25). Vastapala is difficult of identification. He may, on phonetic grounds be identified with Vasantapala of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, with whose daughter prince Vigraharaja is represented to be in love. Although no prince of this name living at this period has yet been known, he surely seems to have been one contemporary of Vigraharaja as also of his successor Prithviraja. The name, according to Prof. Kielhorn, looks as if belonging to the Tomaras of Delhi'. Prithviraja was succeeded by Somesvara (v. 26). We know from other sources that the latter was the third son of Arnoraja from his Chaulukya queen Kanchanadevi, the daughter of Jayasimha Siddharaja, and thus was one of the uncles of Prithviraja. According to the Prith. vij., he passed the prime of his youth in the court of his maternal grandfather Jayasimha and uncle Kumarapala. He is also stated to have assisted the latter in his compaign against Konkan. Our epigraph appears to suggest the fact of passing his youth in the Chaulukya court by saying that he obtained his paternal kingdom through the grace of Somesvara (Somesvaral-ladhva(bdha)-rajyas-, v. 26), the famous god in Surashtra, who must have been a tutelary deity of the Chaulukya princes. It does not mention any historical event of his reign except that he earned through valour the biruda of Pratapalamkesvara (v. 27) and that he, with a desire to gain heaven, endowed Parsvanatha on the bank of the Reva with a village named Revana in sasana, i.e., in absolute charity (v. 28). It is worth noticing that this prince as well as his predecessor, both donated a village each, to this god. It is evident that the inscription was engraved on the rock when the erection of the temple was finished in V. S. 1226, the first year of the reign of Somesvara. Thus, Prithviraja's donation must have been made when the image was already installed, and his successor Somesvara made his donation when the deity was enshrined in the temple. It may also be mentioned here that this installation earned for the spot a very wide reputation and within a decade the spot became so holy to the Digambaras that a mythological treatise called the Uttama-sikhara-purana was composed and engraved on a larger rock nearby. Some scholars have called this treatise, the Unnata-sikhara-purana, but it is a mistake. It remains unpublished. The following is the genealogy of the Imperial Chahamana dynasty according to the present rock inscription:-- 1. Chahamana (the progenitor). 1 2. Vishnu (Vasudeva). 3. Samamta. I 4. Purnnatalla. 5. Jayaraja (8. of 3). Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 202, n. 1. Above, Vol. IX, p. 67. Ojha, Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 364; Erskine, Raj. Gaz., Vol. II-A, p. 100.

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98 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 6. Vigrabanripa (8. of 5). L 7. Chandra (s. of 6). I 8. Gopendraka (b. of 7). 9. Durllabha (I) (s. of 7). 10. Guvaka (-Govindaraja, s. of 9). Guvaka T 11. Sasinripa (=Chandraraja II, s. of 10). T 12. Guvaka (s. of 11). 13. Chandana (s. of 12). I 14. Vappayaraja (-Vakpatiraja, s. of 13). 15. Vindhyanripati. I 16. Simbarat (s. of 14). T 17. Vigraha (s. of 16). 18. Durllabha (II) (b. of 17). 19. Gumdu (-Govindaraja, s. of 18). 20. Vakpatinripa 21. Viryarama (s. of 19). (b. of 20).1 23. Simhghata. 22. Chamumda (b. of 21). 25. Visala (m. Rajadevi). Prithvirai 26. Prithviraja (I), (8. of 25, m. Rasalladevi). 24. Dusala (b. of 23). I 27. Ajayadeva (8. of 26, m. Somalladevi). 1 28. Arnoraja (s. of 27). [VOL. XXVI. 29. Vigraharaja (8. of 28). 30. Prithviraja (II), (s. of the elder brother of 29). T 31. Somesvara. 1 Taking the word anujah at the end of v. 13 to refer to both 21 and 22.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226.99 From v. 29 the inscription describes the genealogy of the person who constructed the templa to Parsvanatha. This portion opens with a fresh title, viz., Atha Karapaka-vams-anu kramah (1. 12), where the word karapaka, although regarded by some to be a family names of the Vaisyas like Pragvata, etc., is decidedly a grammatical formation from the root kri. It does not appear to be the proper name of his family, for he is said in v. 31 to have descended in the Pragvata-vamon. When the gods and the demons churned the ocean in the reign of Narayana, at the site holy to Neminatha (v. 29), a distinguished family, taken recourse to by the group of gods, was produced, which was located by Satamanyu (i.e., Indra) at Srimala-pattana (v. 30). It was the Pragvatavamsa wherein was born one Vaisravana (v. 31). He built a temple to Jina at Tadaga-pattana and also many a temple at Vyaghreraka and other places (vv. 32-33). He begot a son named Chachchula (v. 34). His son was Subhamnkara; from him was born Jasata whose son was Punyarasi (v. 35). The temple of Varddhamana situated at Naranaka was built by the last named (v. 36). He had two wives who gave birth to four sons. Amvata and Padmata were born of one wife while Lakshmata and Desala of the other (vv. 37-38). They seem to have constructed temples to Vira (i.e., Mahavira), at Naravara (v. 39). Lakshmata had I wo sons, Munindu and Ramemdu by name, while Desala had six sons named Duddakanatha, Mosala. Vigadi, Devasparsa, Siyaka and Rahaka, in order of birth (vv. 40-42). They erected a temple to Varddhamana at Ajayameru (v. 43). Of them Siyaka, an ornament to Sreshthins, beautified the great fort of Mandalakara (v. 44). He built (probably at Mandalakara) a beautiful temple of Neminatha (v. 46). He had two wives, Nagasri and Mamata by nanie, of whom the former gave birth to three sons and the latter to two (v. 47). Thus Siyaka had five devout sons (v. 48). Nagadeva, Lolaka and Ujjvala, in order of birth, were born of the former wife, and Mahidhara and Devadhara of the latter (v. 49). Ujjvala had two sons, Durllabha and Lakshmana by name (v. 50). Lollaka was a special creation of god in whom were combined certain unique virtues (v. 51). He, the abode of celebrity, once came to the flourishing town of Viri[Chyava]lli and there (saw) some person standing before him (in dream] (v. 52). He asked as to who he was, what was the reason of his coming there and from wbere he came, to which the latter replied that he was Phanisvara (the holy serpent) and said that Par. gvanatha would come over there himself from the nether world for enlightening him (v. 53). Having got up in the morning, he did not utter anything, for, the mind is not free from corruption in a state of dream (v. 54). Lolaka had three wives, Lalita, Kamalasri and Lakshmi by name, resembling the very goddess of fortune (v. 55). The holy serpent, then (being ignored by Lolaka) went to his devout wife Lalita sleeping at night and said. "O blessed one! hear me. I am Dharana, the holy serpent; come, I show you) the illustrious [Parsvanatha]" (v. 56). She then replied that what he said regarding the deliverance and worship of the deity by herself was not proper satya), and that it was her husband who was the right person to lift up, worship and erect a temple for the god (v. 57). The serpent again approached Lolika and observed, " O you devout, virtuous and wealthy! Parsve (the Tirthankara) bas come over up to the bank of the river Revati. Lift him up and have the virtue of erecting a chaitya-geha (temple) for the Jina, whereby you will obtain all worldly prosperity" (vv. 58-59). The serpent then describes the glory of the Bhima-vana where Par. Svanatha meant to manifest himself mentioning the natural rocks of stone with which the vana is strewn over, as the blocks hurled down from the sky by the foolish Kamatha te obstruct his penance (v. 60). It is in the Bhima-vana that the Uttamadrisikhara is situated like an eleveted stage, where lie the holy tirthas and temples of Varaluika, Atimukta, Ghatesvara, Kumaredvara, Saubhagyesvara, Dakshinesvara, Markkamda (Markandeya), Rimchchhesvara, Umbaresvara, Brahman, Mahyesvara, Kutilesa, Karkkareba, Kapilesvara, Mahanala, Mahakala, Vaidys, His. of Med. Ind., Vol. III, p. 391.

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. e vara, [Bha ]=rathesvara, Ka(Ki)rttinatha, Kedara,.. ..., Sargamesa, Putisa, Mukh Vatesvara, Nityapramodita, Siddhisvara, Gayesvara, Gamgabhoda, Somesa, Ganganatha, Purantaka, Kutila, Svarnnajalegvara and Kapiladhara (vv. 61-66)". Neither untimely death, nor disease, nor famine, nor want of rains is here visible (v. 67). The tirtha of Kotisvara cannot be adequately described where the manifestation of a phallus of Siva takes place every six months (v.68). It is here that Paravanatha will now reside and enlighten the living beings (v. 69). Having beard these words of the lord of serpents, as Lolaka woke up in the morning and dug the earth himself, he at once saw the illustrious Vibhu in the proximity of the reservoir (v. 70). The place, where there had been no worship of Jina and other acts of piety had now become an abode of (Jaina worship) (v. 71). Due to Siyaka coming there, Padma, Kshetrapala, Ambika, Jvalini and the serpent Dharana also came out from inside the reservoir (v. 72). Owing to the advent of Parkvanatha here, the column holy to the attendant deity Yaksha, situated on a hill (at the former residence of the god) fell in the Naga-hrada, the pond of serpents (v. 73). The Yaksha also appeared before the chaste Lakshmana in dream, saying that he would also go where his lord Parava was (v. 74). Vy. 75-85 describe the sanctity of the Revati-kumda and the merits derivable from a bath therein. A poetical description of the temple as well as of the piety of Lolaka is also given. From v. 83 we learn that Lolaka's religious preceptor was one Jinachandra Suri in accordance with whose injunctions the former brought into being this holy site. Vv. 86-87 describe the surroundings of the temple: the river Revati to the east as also the pura (abode) of the deity; matha-sthana or monastery to the south; the reservoir of water to the north ; and from north to south, an orchard adorned with multifarious plantation. All these constructions including the seven ayatanas, i.e., temples (big and small), were caused to be made by Lolika. The author of the inscription was one Gunabhadra, a maha-muni, who belonged to the Ma[thu*]ra Sangha (v. 88). This Samgha is a sub-division of the well-known Kashtha-Samgha. The record was written by Kes(f)ava, the son of Chhitiga belonging to the Naigama lineage of the Kayastha caste (v. 89). The chief masons who constructed the temple to Parsvanatba were sutradhara Harasiga (Harasimha), his son Palhana and grandson Ahada (v. 90). The record was engraved by Govinda, the son of Naniga, and Delhana, the son of Palhana. (The temple to) the deity was completed on Thursday, the third day of the dark fortnight of the month of Phalguna in the year 1226 of the Vikrama era, when it was Hasta nakshatra, Dhtiti yoga and Taitila karana, corresponding to A.D. 1170, Thursday the 5th February, taking the month to be purnimanta as also expired (vv. 92-93). The rest of the epigraph is in prose beginning with the date in numerals. It records various donations made to the temple by certain persons. Thus Guhila-putra Raval Dadhara and Mahattama Ghanasi(sim)ha donated one kshetra-dohalie lying midway between the villages of Kamva and Revana. Gauda Soniga and Vasudeva, residents of the village Khadumvara gave one dohalika. Mahattama Limvadi and Popali of the village Rayata in the Amtari sub-division (pratiganaka) gave one kshetra-dohalika. Parigrahi Ajhana, residing in the village of Vadauva, donated one kshetra-dohalika. Guhila-putra Raval Vyahard and Mahattama Mahava, associated with the village of Laghu-Vijholi, gave one kshetra-dohalika. 1 I have noticed below that some of these gods and sites can be identified. * This I came to know from learned Digambara Jain ascetic, Mahavirakirti by name. Inul. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 133, n. 21. * Dohalt or dohalika is a local term applied to a piece of land of any size given for charitable purpose, free of rent.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 101 An attempt may now be made towards identification of some of the geographical places mentioned in the latter part of the inscription. Srimala-pattana (v. 30) is the well-known Bhinmal, the capital city of the ancient province of Gurjaratra, situated about 50 miles west of Mt. Abu. Tadaga-pattana (v. 32) I am unable to identify. Vyaghreraka (v. 33) is the same as Vavve. (ghe)raa where Vigraharaja is represented to be, in the fourth Act of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka?. It is to be identified with modern Baghera? about 47 miles to the south-east of Ajmer. Naranaka (v. 36) may be identified with Narain in the Sambhar nizamat in the State of Jaipur, on the Rajputana-Malwa Railway, 41 miles west of Jaipur city and 43 miles north-east of Ajmer". Naravara (v. 39) is the ancient Narapura situated in the Kishengarh territory at a distance of about 15 miles from Ajmers. Ajayameru (v. 43) is evidently the modern Ajmer founded by the Chahamana prince Ajayadeva or Ajayaraja between A.D. 1100 and 11256. Mandalakara (v. 44) is the modern Mandalgarh in the State of Udaipur. Vindhyavalli (v. 52) is the ancient Sanskrit name of Vijholi or Bijholi. It is also popularly known as Bijolia or Bijoliya which is derivable from the Skt. form Vindhyavallika. Bhima-vana (v. 60) seems to be the ancient name of the extensive forest round about the range of hills containing the great table-land called the Pathar. Uttamadrisikhara (v. 61) appears to be the ancient name of the uppermost table-land popularly called the Uparamala, extending from Barolli and Bhainsaror in the south to Jahazpur in the north. The tirtha of Varalaika is a tank near Bijholi whose embankment is strewn over with ancient temples now in ruins. Mahanala (v. 63) refers itself to Menal vividly described by Tod? The temple of Mabakala (v. 63), is situated well preserved outside Bijholi itself as also that of Svarnnajalesvara (v. 66), now called Hazaresvara. Kapiladhara (v. 66) appears to be another name of Mandakini, the holy reser. voir existing at Bijholi near the Mahakala temple. Gamgabhada (v. 65) is evidently the Gangabheva at Barolli mentioned by Tod. The god Nityapramodita (v. 65) obviously belongs to Dhod in the Jahazpur District of Mewar, where an inscription dated in V. S. 1225 has been found recording the erection of the temple by Kumarapala, a feudatory of Prithvideva, the Chahamana lord of Sakambhari.10 Revati (v. 86) is a small river flowing by the side of the Parsvanatha temple from which the Revati-kunda reservoir (v.75), in front of the temple, bas derived its name. Kamva (1. 29) is the modern Kama about two miles east of Bijholi. Revana (1. 29) seems to be the ancient name of modern Randbolapura about four miles north-east of Bijholi. This is the same village which was donated to Paravanatha by prince Somesvara. Khadunvara (1.29) appears to be the modern Khadipura about 6 miles south-east of Bijholi. Rayata (1. 29) is the village of the same name in the estate of Begun, about 11 miles south-east of Bijholi. The Amtari sub-division (pratiganaka) as mentioned here is quite identical with Uparamvala Antari of which 1 Dey, Geogr. Dic., p. 192. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 202 and ibid., n. 1. * Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, p. 136. * Imperial Gazetteer of India (new edition), p. 370. 6 J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 272, n. 2. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 163. Tod, Rajasthan, Vol. III, pp. 1800-05 (W. Crooke's ed.). * Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, pp. 243-49. Tod, Rajasthan, Vol. III, pp. 1766-68 (W. Crooke's ed.). 1. Ray, Dy. Hia., Vol. II, p. 1079.

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102 EPIGRAPHITA (NTICA. [VOL. XXVI. the feudatory Kumarapala is stated in the inscription of V. 3. 1225 referred to above, to be the chief'. It is ever now the name of the tract which comprises the estate of Begin, Singoli, Kadvasa, Ratangarh Khedi, etc. Vadauva (1. 29) is the modern Badauva about 3 miles south of Biitoli. Laghu Vijholi (1.29) is called Chhoti Bijolia at present, and is about 3 miles west of Bijnoli. Lastly it may be mentioned that this site is regarded by the Digambara Jains to be holy exclusively to their religion, but v. 71 of the present epigraph clearly indicates that it had become as such only after the manifestation of Paravanatha taking place in the beginning of the thirteenth century of the Vikrama era. That the whole table-land had been a Brahmanic tirtha centuries before this period, and is even now no less so, hardly needs any mention. TEXT.. 1 siddham / OM namo vItarAgAya // cidrUpaM sahajoditaM niravadhi jAnakaniSThA pitaM / nityomaulitamullasatparakalaM syAtkAravisphArita(tam) [1] suvyaktaM paramAGgataM zivasukhAnaMdAspada zAstra(zvataM / naumi stomi japAmi yAmi zaraNa taLyotirAtmo sthita(tam) // 1 // nAstaM gataH kugrahasaMgraho na / nI tIvra tejA 2 - - [va]: / - - - - naiva suduSTadeho'pUrvo ravi stAtsa mudevaSo' vaH // 2 // [sa*] bhUyAcchozAMti: zubhavibhavabhaMgIbhavabhRtAM / vibhoryasthAbhAti sphuritanakharociH karayugaM(gam) / vinamrANAmeSAmakhilakatinAM maMgalamayIM / sthiraukata lakSmausuparacitarajjuvrajamiva // 3 // nAzA(sA)svA(khA)sena yena prabalabalabhRtA pUritaH pAMcajanyaH / / 3 ---- -- varadalamali[no pAda]payApadezaH / hastAMguSThena zAMgga (zA) gha(dha)nuratulava(ba)la klaSTamAropya viSNo / raMgulyAMdolitoyaM ila"bhRdavanatiM tasya nemestanomi // 8 // prAMzaprAkArakAMtA tridshpridRddhvyhaaruddaavkaash| 1 Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1079. * Transcribed from the original rock at Bijholt. Indicated by a symbol. . Read siravadhi. This danda is snperfluous. *Metre: Sardillavikridita. The word Vrisha indicates the name of the first Tirtbankara Rishabhadeva, who (by breaking the ouphonic combination) is to be regarded as aurisha, s.e., not having to ascend the second sign of the zodise, in contrast to the Sun. Metre : Indravajra. .Metre: Sitharini. 1. The word alini means & swarm of bees'. It may also mean female Jaina devotees'. But it hero means something else which was vanquished by the toes of his feet. 11 There is an anuspara over bluri, which is redundant. 11 Metre: Sragdhara. 11 Read prakara kasutam.

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No. 9.1 BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 103 vAcAlA ketukori[va]NadanaNumaNokiMkiNIbhiH samaMtAt / yasya vyAkhyAnabhUmI mahaha kimidamityAkulAH kautukena prekSate prANabhAja: 4 [sa bhu*vi] vijayatAM tIrthakatyArkha(ca)nAthaH / vahatAM vaImAnasya vaImAna mahodayaH / vaItA varSamAnasya vaImAna[maha] dayaH // 6 // sArada sAradA staumi sAradAnavisAradA(dAma) / bhAratI bhAratoM bhaktabhuktimuktivizAradA(dAma)' // 7 // niHpratyUhamupAsmahe jinapataunanyAnapi svAminaH / zrInAbhayapurasmarAn para yonidhaun / ye jyo(jyotiHparabhAgabhAja5 natayA muktAtmatAmAthi]tAH zrImanmuktinitaMvi(bi)naustanataTe hArazriyaM vi(bi)cati // 8 // 1 bhavyAnAM hRdayAmirAmavasatiH sadya[ma][*] sthitiH kamrmonmUlanasaMgatiH su(zu)bhatati: nirvA(|)dhavo(bo)dhoitiH [1] jIvAnAmupakArakAraNaratiH zreya:zriyAM saMmRtiH deyAnme bhavasaMbhRtiH ziva[matiM jaine catucisa(motiH neml zrIcAhamAnakSitirAjavaMzaH paurvopyapUrbo ni(na) jaDAvanaH / bhibo na cAM6 [go*] [na ca] raMdhrayukto no niHphala: sArayuto nato no // 10 // " lAvaNyanirma lamahojva(jva)litAMgayaSTiracchocchalacchacipayaHparidhAnadhA[cau][ / uttagaparvatapayodharabhArabhugnA zAkaMbha[sa]jani janauva tatopi viSNoH // 11 // vipraH zrIvatsagotrabhUdahiccha[*]pure purA / sAmaMtonaMtasAmaMtaH pUrvata (lo) nRpastataH // 12 // tasmAcchojayarAjavigrahanRpau zrIcaMdragopeMdrakI tasmAddI] bhagUvako zazi 1 The word tirthakrit is used as a variant for Tirthankara. Metre : Sragdhara. * Of Varddhamana, i.e., Mahavira, the twenty-fourth apostle. of the town of Varddhamana with which is associated the birth of Mahavira. .Metre: Anushtubh. * There is an anusvara over sd, which is superfluous. * The verse apparently aims at adoring the goddess of eloquence under two of her names, vie., Sirada and Bharatt. The author appears to adore her as the latter in the form of the writti called Bharati defined a 'bhAratI satapAyo vAgavyApArI naTAyayaH / ' (Sahitya-darpaya, ch. VI, v. 29). Metre: Anushfubh. . Read Nishpratyuham=. 10 This danda is superfluous. IMetre: Sardialavikridita. 13 Read -tatiranio. 11 Read sansritirdiyan=. 14 Read Jaini. 16 This na is to be construed with both bhinnd and am[90*) according to the kak-akahi-golabu maxim, 16 Read nishphalal. 11 Metre: Indravajra. 11 Strictly speaking, the form should have been Sakanbharf, but the addition of fap for the fominino form bere suggests that the author has regarded the word Sakambhara as belonging to ajdi-gang, "Metre: Vasantatilaka.

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104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. 7 nRpo gUvAka' saJcaMdanau [*] zrImahappayarAjavidhyanRpatI zrIsiMharAvi(DigrahI / ' zrImadurlabhaga duvAkpatinRpAH zrIvauryarAmo'nujaH // 13 // [cAmuMDa]o'vanipe(po)'ti(tha) ca' rANakavaraH zrosiMghaTo dUsalastaGgAtAtha tatopi vosalanRpaH zrIrAjadevIpriyaH [*] pRthvIrAjanRpItha tattanubhU(bha)vo rAsaladevauvibhustatputrIjayadeva ityavanipaH somaladevIpatiH // 14 // hatvA caJcigasiMdhalAbhidhayaso(zo)rAjAdivauratrayaM / 8 kSipraM krUrakRtAMtavaktrakuhare zrImArgaduddI(hI)nvitaM(tam) / zrImanmo[ma]NadaMDanAyakavara: saMgrAmaraMgAMgaNe jauvane(vave)va niyaMtrita: karabhake yena - - - [kSi] sAt // 15 // ' aorAjosya sUnuItahRdayahariH satvavAMzi(vAcchi)STasaumo gAMbhIryaudAryaba(va)ryaH samabhavada[ci]rAladhva(sabdha)madhyo na dInaH / taccitraM jana(yava) jAdya (gha)sthitiravRtamahApaMkaheturba mathyA na zrImukto na doSAkararacitaratirba vijihAdhi sevya: // 16 // yadAjyaM 9 yadAjyaM kuzavAraNaM pratikRtaM rAjAMkuzena svayaM / yenAtraiva nu" citrametatpuna manyA mahe taM prati / taccitra pratibhAsate sukatinA nirbANanArAyaNandhakkArAcaraNena bhaMgakaraNaM zrIdevarAjaM prati // 17 // ' kuvalayavikAsakartA vigraharAjIjani(nau)[stu(ti)] no cicaM(tram) / tattanayastaccitraM ya[va] jaDa kSINasakalaMkaH // 18 // " bhAdAnatvaM cakra bhAdAnapate: parasya bhAdAnaH" [*] yasya dadhatkarabAlaH karAlatAM 1 The syllable ka, having been first left by mistake, was later on engraved above the line. * This danda is superfluous. * Metre : Sardulavikridita. *This is a superfiuous syllable. There is a superfluous virama stroke below tla. * Better read Dattui or kshiptra. Metre : Sardulavikridita. .Metre: Sragdhara. . These three syllables are repeated by mistake. 10 This danda is superfluous. 11 The medial o sign here resembles the virama stroke. 13 Read m-tad-apunar-, taking apunar as meaning na punar. 1This is one of the ambiguous verses in the record. It may be noted that what is mentioned in its first half as not appearing strange is to be construed both with the prince and with the ocean (arnoraja); and what is mentioned in the second half, is to be taken as strange with reference to the ocean only. It would thus mean :*that the ocean whose director is the moon (raj-amkudena), handed over (pratikritaris) the mad elephant chuba. varanan), i.e., Airavata, to Indrs (Devaraja of the second half); and that the prince who was a goad to kings Indiankuitna), revenged (pratikritam), the kingdom of Kusa and Virapa (Kuba-Varanam), is not to be wondered at. But that he (the prince), having insulted Nirvvana-Narayana, brought about the ruin of Devaraja (meaning god of gods, i.e., the same Nirvvana-Narayana, the Paramara prince Naravarman), is really strange with reference to the orean which neither insulted Narayapa (Vishpu) nor ruined Divarija (Indra).' 1 Metre : Arya. 18 Means the act of absorbing lustre,' with reference to parasya. 16 This word is adjectival to yasya in the third quarter. It means of him who was bha-patib (the most m. ustrious) and adana-patih (all acquiring). 1 Means 'emitting forth lustre'. It qualifies karabalab.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 105 10 karatalAkalitaH // 18 // kRtAMtapathasajjobhUtsajjanosajjano bhuvaH / vaikuMta" QtapAlo gA[dyata]vai ku[sa]pAlakaH // 20 // jAvAlipuraM jvAlA[pura katA panikApi pallova / naha(Da)latubhyaM roSAvadUradU)laM yena sau(zau)yeNa // 21 // ' pratokhA ca balabhyAM ca yena vivAmitaM yathaH / DhikSikAgrahaNAMtamAthikAlAbhalaMbhita(tam) // 22 // tajyeSThamAlaputro'bhUtpRthvIrAjaH pRthUpamaH / tasmAdajitahamAMgo' hamaparvatadAnataH // 23 // atidharmaratenA11 pi pArzvanAthasvayaMbhuve / datta morajharogrAma bhumimukti hetunA // 24 // svAdi. dAnanivaheIzabhirmahadbhistolAnarairbagaradAnacayaiva viprAH / yenAJcitAcaturabhUpativastapAlamAkramya cArumanasiddhikarau grahosaH // 25 // 0 somakharAmadhva(bdha)rAjyastataH somestra (kha)ro nRpaH [*] someskha(ba)ra"nato yasmAnanaH somestra(khoro bhavat // 26 // pratApalaMkesva(kha)ra ityabhikhyAM yaH prAptavAn prauDhapRthupratApaH [1] yasyAbhimukhye varavairimukhyAH kecibhatA kecidabhiTThatAzca / 27 // yena zrI12 pArzvanAthAya revAtore svayaMbhuve / sA(zA)sane revaNAgrAma datta svAya kAMkSayA // 28 // cha // atha kArApaka"vaMzAnukramaH // tIrthe zrIneminAthasya rAjye nArAyaNasya ca / aMbhIdhimathanAhevava(ba)libhiva(bba) lazAlibhiH // 2 // nirgataH pravaro vaMzo ha(da)vahaMdaiH samAzritaH / zrImAlapattane sthAne sthApitaH zatama. nyunA // 30 // zrImAlazailapravarAvacUlaH pa(pUrvottaraH satvaguruH suta(ta): / prAgvATavaMzo'sti va(ba)bhUva tasminmuktopamo vaizravaNAbhidhAnaH" // 31 // taDAgapattane yena kArita 1 Metre : Arya. * Read vaikurtyarh, the state of lancelessness'. Metre : Anushubh. * Hemanga here means the mountain Sumoru. That he (the prince) gave in charity gold in heaps shows that he had earned the said golden mountain itself. . Read datto. *Read -grams. ? Read-muktyol-cha. "Metre: Anushtubih. * Tolanargir, i.e., 'in men's weight'. Tole a samantat nara ycsharh, taib. [Possibly the reading is tolabharairs meaning tulabharair-.-Ed.] 10 Metre : Vasantatilaki. 11 Umaya sahitah samah, evambhuto ya Ibarah Sivah, tasmai natal. 12 Sah Um-edvarah Umayah itvarah patih arthat Sivah abhavat. - Read =mritah. MMetre : Upajati. 15 Sasana, with reference to land-grants, means in local circles absolute charity.' 16 Read dattah. 17 Karapaka does not seem to be the proper name of any Vaibya family as some scholars have thought (C. V. Vaidya, His. Med. Ind., Vol. III, p. 391). It is a wrong form from the root kri in a double causative sense which is found also in other inscriptions. It refers to him who caused the erection of the Parivanatha temple. 18 The word Va(Ba)libhih conveys the idea of the whole demon class according to the maxim' pradhanyena vapadesa bhavanti' for, Bali was the chief of that class. 10 If we take vai as a particle of affirmation, the name of this person would be Sravana. "Metre : Indravajra.

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXVI. 13 jinamaMdiram) / [tI|] bhrAMtvA yasa(za)statvamekatra sthiratAM gatAM(tam) // 32 // yo'caukaraccaMdrasa(za)ri(ci)prabhANi vyAghrarakAdau jinamaMdirANi / kaurtimArAmasamRddhihatorvibhAMti kaMdA iva yAnyamaMdAH // 3 // kallolamAMsalitakIrtisuddhA. (dhA)bhamudraH / saha(ha)jivaM(ba)dhuravadhUdhu(dha)raNe [rI(re)za: / ] [bhUti ]. pakArakaraNapraguNAMtarAtmA zraucacculasvatanayaH [- - -] pade'bhUt // 34 // ' zubhaMkarastasya sutojaniSTa ziSTamaMhiSThaH parikIrtyakautiH // 1) zraujAsaTosUta' tadaMgajanmA yadaMgajanmA khalu puNyarAsi(zi): // 35 // " maMdiraM varca14 mAnasya zrInArANakasaMsthitaM(tam) / bhAti yatkAritaM skhauyapuNyaskaMdhamivojva(jvalaM. (lama) // 36 // catvArazcaturAcArAH putrAH pAcaM zubhazriyaH / amuSyAmuSyadharmANo va(babhUvurbhAja(ya)yoIyoH // 30 // 1 ekasyAM hAvajAyatAM zrImadAmbaTapATo / aparasyAM [sa] tau jAtI'] [zrImalla maTadesalau // 38 // " pAkANAM naravara vIravaizmakAraNapATavaM(vam) / prakaTita svIyavittena ghA(dhA)nu(tu)neva mahItalaM(lama) // 38 // putrI pavitrau guNaratnapAtrau vizuddhagAcI samasau(zI)lasattyo(tyau) [1] va(ba)bhUvatu kSamaTakasya jaitro munIMdugameMhabhiDo(dhau) prasa(za)sttau(sto) // 40 // 15 16SaTuM(TakhaM)DAgamabaddhasauhadabharA:18 SaDjIvarakSezvarAH SaTa (Dbha)deMdriya vasya(zya)tAparikarA:18 'Sadamaka(kalTa)tAdarA: [*] SaTSaM (TakhaM)DAvanikIrtipAlanaparAH Sa(SA)Tagu(ga)1 Metre : Anush'ubh. * The simile here is rhetorically a bit faulty inasmuch as the subject of comparison is in the neuter gender, while the standard of comparison is in the masculine. IMetre: Upajati. This danda is superfluous. SDhar-diak should be expounded as Dharatach=dsanilabacha meaning "lord Vishnu in his Karma incarnation when he upheld the earth.' Syllables within these brackets are wanting in the text. They have neither been engraved, nor due space has been left for them. 7 Metre: Vasantatilaki. * The transitive verb su'to beget or produce ' is here used intransitively. . This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 10 Metre : U pajati. 11 Metre: Anushtubh. 18 Read Prakirnar as adverbial to the verb in the third quarter and also as predicate to the subject of the fourth quarter. [Reading of these three syllables is uncertain.-Ed.] 18 Better read Nrirare to suit the metre. 14 Better change this verb to prathitam for the sake of the metre. 15 The religious and the philosophical principles finding mention in this as well as in verse 48, decidedly belong to the Digambara Jaina school of thought. "ghaTakhaMDAgama appears to refer to the agaman or religious literature pertaining to the six divisions of the cosmos, called dravyas which are jIva, dharma, adharma, AkAza, kAla and pugala. " SaDalIvas are pRthvI, Apa, tejasa, vAyu, vanaspati and basa of which the former five are regarded m PITK being possessed of one afty only, while the last is the name given to itas possessed of more than one inTriya. ___There are only five indriyA, vir., 'sparzanarasanaghrANacatuzrIvANi' (Umasvami's Tattvarthasatra, Ch. II, si. 19); but hat which is regarded as an affey seems to have also been included here. "SaTakarma of. zrAvaka are enumerated in the following couplet of the Umasvimisravakachara: devapUjA gurUpAsti: khAdhAya: saMyamastapaH / dAnaM ceti grahasthAnAM SaTurmANi dine dine / 10 According to the Digambara Jaina doctrine, there are six of the earth of which one is the words between the Ganges and the Indus, and the rest are a s outside this region.

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No. 9. ] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 107 syaciMtAkarAH SaTa(Da)dhyaMva(bu)jabhAskarA[:*] samabhavaH SadeDade)zalasyAMgajAH // 41 // zreSTo(SThI) duddakanAthakaH prathamakaH zrImosalI vogaDivasparza itopi sauyakavaraH zrIrAhako nAmataH / ete tu kramato jinakrama yugAMbhojakabhaMgopamA mAnyA rAjazatavadAnyamatayoH rAjati jaMva(ba)tsavAH // 42 // hamya zrIvarDamAna sthAjayamerorbibhUSaNaM(Nam) [*] kAritaM yaimahAbhAgaibi. ___16 mAnamiva mAkinA(nAm) // 4 // teSAmaMta: thiya: pAcaM sauyakaH zreSTi(SThi)bhUSaNaM (Nam) / maMDalakaramahAdurga bhUSayAmAsa bhUtinA // 44 // yo nyAyAMkurasecanekajaladaH kIrti(ta)vidhAnaM paraM / saujanyAMvu(bu)jinovikAsanaraviH pApATribhede paviH [*] kAruNyAmRtavAridhevilasane rAkAza[saM(zAM)]ko[pa]mI nityaM sAdhujanopakArakaraNavyApArava(ba)DAdaraH ||45yenaakaari jitArinamibhavanaM devadrithaMgoharaM caMcakAMcanacArudaMDakalasatheNiprabhAbhAsvara(rama) / khelakhecarasaMdarothamabharaM bhaMjaDajohaujanateSTApadazailasaM(tha)gajinabhRtyoddAmasamazriyaM(yam) // 46 // zrIsoyakasya bhArye he 17 sau" nAgazrImAmaTAbhidhe(dhe) / AdyAyAstu stra(ba)yaH putrA dvitIyAyAH sutahayaM(yam) // 47 // paMcAcAraparAyaNAtmamatayaH / paMcAMgamaMcojva(jjva)lA:13 1 paMcajJAnavicAraNAsucaturAH / paMceMdriyArthojjayAH / zrImatpaMcagurupraNAmamanasa:1 paMcANuzuddhavratA." paMcate 1 I do not know the exact conception of ury . It is, perhaps identical with the sixfold political expedients, vir., saMdhi, vigraha, yAna, Asana, idhaubhAva and Azraya. SaDdRSTi here seems to have been used for SaDdarzana, viz., lokAyatika, saugata, sAMkhya, yoga, prAbhAkara and jaiminIya. * Read samabhavan. * Metre : Sardulavikridita. *Krama here means 'foot'. * Read -matayb. 'Meaning "joy of Jambo(-dripa)'. * Metre: Anushtubh. * The correct form of this word in the sense of 'splendour ' should be bhitya. 10 This danda is superfluous. 11 This syllable seems to be superfluous. "The five bhAcAra are darzanAcAra, 'jJAnAcAra, vIryAcAra, cAritrAcAra and tapAcAra aa given in the following gatha : daMsaNaNANapahANe vauriyacArittavaratavAyAra / pappaM paraM ca jujana sI pAyarizrI muNI jho // (Nimichandra's Drarya-sangraha, ch. III, gd. 52). "paMcAMgamaMca appears to refer to mantras classified under five heads, tiz., AhvAna, sthApana, saMnidhikaraNa, pUjana and feedia, for the worship of the god. paMcajJAnas are embodied in the sitra 'matizrutAvadhimana:paryayakavalAni jJAnam / ' (Umasvami's Tattrarthasatra, ch. I . 9). The five indriyArthas are embodied in the ritra 'sparzarasagaMdhavarNazabdAtadarthA, / ' (Umasvaml's Tattrarthasutra, ch. II, Bl. 20). "The five guru arb parvata, siddha, pAcArya, upAdhyAya and sarvasAdhu as embodied in the well-known sacred Jaina mantra, zamI gharahatANaM gamI siddhArtha zamo pAirIyANaM / zamI uvAyANaM zamI lIe sabbasAiNaM // 11 These five ads are embodied in the following sutra :'hiMsA'nRtasteyAbrahmapariyahabhyI viratitam / ' (Umasvami's Tattrarthasutra, ch. VII, s. 1).

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXVI. tanayA raha[tavi]nayAH zrIsauyakaveSThinaH // 48 // mAdya[:*] zrInAgadevo'bhUnolAkazcojva(jjva)lastathA / mahaudharo devadharo hAvetAvanyamAjI // 48 // ujva(jjva)lasyAMgajanmAnau zrIma[6]llabhalakSmaNau / abhUtAM bhavanoddhAsiyaso(zo)durlabha lakSmaNau // 50 // gAMbhIrya jaladhe: sthiratvamacalAteja18 khitA(tat) bhAsvataH / saumyaM caMdramasa: su(za)citvamamaratho(sro)tasvinItaH para(ram) [*] ekaikaM parigrAhya viskha(kha)vidi[to] yo vedhasA sAdaraM manye vo(bo)jakRte kRtaH suktatinA saH lollakaveSTi(SThi)naH // 51 // athAgaman[dirame]Sa korteH zrIvi[dhyavalIM dhanadhAnyaba(va)llI(lom) / tatrAlu[loce hyabhi*][talpasupta:] kaMcivaresa (zaM) purataH sthitaM saH // 52 // uvAca kastvaM kimi hAbhyupetaH kutaH sa taM prAha phaNokha(kha)roha(ham) / pAtAlamUlAttava dezanAya [zrI* pArzvanAthaH svayameSyatIha // 53 // prAtastena samutthAya na ka(kiM)cana vivecitaM (tam) / svapnasyAMtamamanobhAvA yato vAtAdidUSitAH // 54 // lolA19 kamya] priyAstiyo(sro) va(ba)bhUvurmAnasa: priyAH // (1) lalitA kamalabIca lakSmI lakSmIsanAbhayaH // 55 // tataH sa bhaktAM lalitAM va(ba)bhASa gatvA priyAM tasya nisi(zi) prasuptA(ptAm) [0"] zRNuSva bhadre dharaNohamehi zrI[pArzvanAthaM "] [khalu darzayAmi // 56 // tayA sa coto [ma] - ----- ya[tva(ttvaM) ba(na) hi] satyametat / zrIpArzvanAthasya samuddati sa prAsAdamarcA ca kariSyatauha // 57 // gatvA punarlolikamevamUce bho bhaktazaktAnugatAtirakta / ' deve dhane dharmavidhau jineSTau auravatItauramihApa pArkhaH // 580 samurainaM kura(ka) dharmakArya tvaM kAraya bhaujinace20 tyagehaM / yenApsAsi zrIkulakIrtiputrapautrorumaMtAnasukhAdivaJci him) // 5 // tade] [tanI*]mAkhyaM ba(va)namiha nivAsI jinapatesta ete grAvANA:(Na:) zaThakamaTha"muktA gaganataH / sadhA(dA)rA[maH] [zata dupacayataH kaMDasarita(to)sta davaitat sthAna ~ nigamaM prApa parama(mam) // 60 // 12 atrAstyuttamamuttamAdi(drisiSa(zikhara 1 Metre : Sardulavikridita. Metre : Anushubh. * This danda is superfluous. Something like sangrahah has to be understood here as object to kritah. [The correct reading is Lollakah Srishtishthi)nah in which case Lollakah is the object of kritab.-Ed.] Visarga is here ungrammatical. It seems to have been retained for the sake of the metro. Better read sukritin-asau. * Metre: Upajati. Satyam here seems to have been used in the sense of uchitam, ' right or proper'. * The virama sign here resembles that of medial i. . This mark of punctuation is joined to the top line of the previous syllable. 10 Metre : Indravajra. 11 Kamatha, also called Kamatha-purusha, is a mythological figure in Jaina religion who had disturbed the ponance of Parsvanatha by hurling down blocks of stone from the sky, 11 Metre : Sikharini.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. 8. 1226. 109 sAI(dhi)SThamaMcocchritaM / tIrthaM zrovaralAikAca paramaM devotimuktAbhidhaH / satyadhAtra ghaTekha(kha)ra: suranato devaH kumArakha(kha)ra saubhAgyekha(kha)radakSiNekha(ca)rasurau mArkaDarikha(kha)rau // 6 // satyIvarekha(ba)ro devo brahmamayeva(kha)rA vapi / kuTiA lezaH karkarezo yacAsti kapilekha(kha)raH // 2 // mahAnAlamahAkA[labharatheva(kha)rasa jakAH / zrotripuSkaratAM prAptAH saMti] tribhuvanArcitAH // 6 // ka(ko)rtinA. thaM(tha)ca(ca) [kedAra:*] .. .. .. .. misvAminaH [*] saMgamausa:(mezaH) puTIsa(sa)ca mukhekha(kha)viTeva(sa)rAH / / 64] nityapramodito devo sihekha(kha)ragayA (2)(kha)rAH [] gaMgAbhedAca*] somau(me)zaH gana()nAthavi purAMtakAH // 64(65) // saMsAnoM' koTiliMgAnAM yatrAsti kuTilA nA(na)dI / varmajAlekha(ba)ro devaH samaM kapiladhArayA: // 65(56)' nAlpamRtyurva vA rogAna durbhikSamavarSaNa(Nam) / yatra devapramAvena kali22 paMkapradharSaNa (Nam) // 66(67), SaNmAse jAyate yatra zivaliMga svayaMbhuva(vam) / tatra koTIkha (ba)ra tIrthe kA bAdhA kriyate mayA // 67(68) // ityevaM ja - - - - - -- --- - -- - - -- -: ktvAvatArakriyA(yAm) / kartA pArzvajinekha (kha)roca chapayA sothAdya vAsaH pate: manorthe (bai) kriyikAH*] priyastribhuvanaprANiprabodhaM prabhuH // 68(68) ityAkarNya vaco vibhAvya manasA tasyoragakhAminaH sa prAtaH prativu(bu)dhya pArU (kha)mabhita: ghoNI vidArya kSaNAt / tAvattatra vibhaM dadarya sahasA niHprAkRtAkAriNaM kaMDAbhyarsata eva dhAma dadhataM svAyaMbhuvaM baudi. taM(tam) // 68(70) 1 This danda is superfluous. *Metre: Sardulavikridita. .Metre: Anushtubh. First ga was engraved which was afterwards made ya. Either omit visarga and read Somi(me)sa-Ganganatha-, or read Somi(me)60. *Omit Tri for the sake of the metre. This verbal noun is here used for its causative form samhondpayitri. Read degdharaya. . The syllable du has a superfluous medial & stroke. ** Read -prabhavena. 11 Read patih. "Bead mishprakrit-akariparika

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. 23 nAyo(sI)dyatra jineMdrapAdanamanaM no dharmakarmArjanaM [na] [sAnaM"] na vilepanaM na ca tapo dhyAna na dAnAcana(nam) / no vA sanmunidarzanaM [na] [ ~~ --- -- -[chatretavikhilaM babhUva sadana] ---- 8 - [70(71)] satkuMDamadhyAdatha nijaMgAma zrIsauyakasyAgamanena padmA / zrIkSetrapAlastadayAvi(bi)kA ca [zrIjvA]lino zrIdharaNorageMdraH // 71(72) yadA. vatArama kArSIdava pArzvajinekha(kha)ra [] tadA nAgade yakSagiristaMva:(baH) prapAta' saH // 72(73) yakSopi dattavAn svapnaM lakSmaNaH' vra(brahmacAriNaH / tatrAhamapi yAsyAmi yatra pArzvavibhumama // 73(74)deg revatIkaMDa24 naureNa yA nArI mAnamAcaret [*] sA putraM bhartRsaubhAgyaM [la]mI ca*] [la]bhate sthira(ram) // 74(75) brAhmaNaH kSatriyo vApi [vai] zyo vA zUdra eva vaa| reva*]tInAnakartA [ya:*] sa prApnotyuttamA gatoM(tim) // 75(76) dha[naM] dhA[naM(nya)] dha[rA dhAma dhairya dhaureyatAM dhiyaM(yam) / dharAdhipatisanmAnaM lakSmI cAproti puSkalA(lAm) // 76(77) tIrthAzcaryamidaM janena viditaM yahIyate sAMprataM kus(Tha)pretapizAcakujvararujAhaunAMgagaMDApahaM(ham) / saMnyAsaM ca cakAra nirgatabhayaM ghUkasRgAlIddayaM kAko nAkamavApa devakalayA kiM kiM na saMpa dyate // 77(78) sAdhyaM janma kRtaM dhanaM ca saphalaM nautA prasiddhiM matiH / 25 saharmopi ca darzitastanuruhakhaprorpita[:*] satyatA(tAm) / ---- radRSTidUSi tamanAH sadR(TTa)STimArge to jeni] - - - [sukati]nA zrIlolakaveSThinaH // 78(78) kiM meroH aMgametat kimuta himagirIH kUTakoTiprakAMDaM kiM vA kailAsakUTa kimatha surapate svarvimAnaM vimAna(nam) [*] patthaM yattaLate sma pratidinamamarama(ma)rtyarAjotkarairvA manye zrIlolakasya vibhavanabharaNAducchritaM kIrtipuMja(jam) // 76(80)deg pavanadhutapata(tA)kApANito bhavya mukhyAn paTupaTahaninAdAdAsyatyeSa jainaH / kalikaluSamathoccai ramutsArayehA tribhuvanavi 1 Remnants of some of the lost syllables within these brackets are no doubt visible, but are difficult of restora tion. *Metre: Sardalavikridila. * Metre : Indravajra. * Read makarshid for the sake of the metre, taking a to mean samantal. Or read om akaroda Read papata. *Metre: Anushtubh. Omit visarga and read Lakshmana-vra/brahmao * This danda is superfluous. * Read aurapatih. 10 Metre : Sragdhard.

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No. 9. ] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 111 26 [bhu][lA*]bhAnnRtyatovAlayoyaM (yam) // 80 (81) // [kAzci *][tsthA]nakamAdharaMti dadhate kAvicca gItotsavaM kAzciddi (ddi bhrati tAlava (kaM) sa (su) lalitaM kurvvati nRtyaM ca kAH / kAzciddAdyamupAnayaMti nibhRtaM / vauNAsvaraM kAzcana yatro caiIja kiMkiNauyuvatayaH keSAM mude nAbhavan // 81 (82 ) // yaH sadvRttayuktaH sudIptikalitastrA sAdidoSojjhitazciMtAkhyAtapadArthadAna caturazciMtAmaNeH sodaraH / sobhUcchrIjinacaMdrasUrisugurustatpAdapaMkeruhe yo bhRMgAyata eva lolakavarastIrthaM cakAraiSa saH // 82 (83) revatyAH saritastaTe taruvarA yatrAhvayaMte bhRzaM // " 27 zAkhAvA (bA) hulatotkarairdra [ras]rAnpuMskokilAnAM rutaiH / matpuSpoccayapatrasatphalacayerAni[][lai*]rvvAribhirbho bhobhyarcayatA 'bhiSekayata vA zrIpArzvanAthaM vibhuM (bhum // 83 (84) yAvatpuSkaratIrtha saikatakulaM yAvacca gaMgAjalaM yAvattAraka caMdrabhAskarakarA (rA) yAvacca dikkuMjarAH / yAvacchrojinacaMdra zAsanamidaM yAvanma[heM] TraM padaM tAvattivya (STha ) tu dha: " prazastisti' sahitaM jainaM sthiraM maMdiraM (ram ) // 84 (85) // pUrvvato revatIsiMdhuddevasyApi puraM tathA / dakSiNasyAM maThasthAnamudIcyAM kuMDamuttamaM (mam ) // 85 (86) / ! dakSiNottarato vATI nAnAvacairalaMkRtA / kArita 28 lolikenaitat saptAyatana saMyutaM (tam ) // 86 (87)|| zrImanmAM (mA) [thu*]rasiM (saM) ghebhUguNabhadreNa' mahAmuni[:] katA prasa (za) stireSA va (ca) kavi [kaM ] Tha[vi] bhUSaNA (m) ||87 (88) | naigamAnvayakAyastha chotigasya ca sUnunA / likhitA kesa (za) venedaM (yaM) muktAphalamiva (vo ) jva (jva) lA // 88 ( 8 ) |! 8 harasiga " sUtradhArAya 2 tatputro pAlhaNo bhuvi / tadaMgajemAha DenApi " nimmApita" jinamaMdiraM (ram ) // 88 (20) || nAnigaH (ga) putragoviM dapAlhaNa sutadelhaNau" / utkIrNA prasa (za) stireSA ca" kIrtistaMbhaM (bhaH) pratiSThitaM (taH) // 280 (61) // prasiddhimagamaddevaH kAle vikramabhAkhataH / SahiM (DiM) sa (za) hA dazazate phAlgune kRSNapacake // 61 (62) || 1 Metre : Malini. This danda is superfluous. * Metre : Sardulavikridita. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 6 Read =bho bhd archchayat abhishchayata. * Read tat. This syllable is so misshaped that its proper reading is difficult. It, however, looks like dyab. The syllables sasti are superfluous. # Metre : Anushtubh. * Read [d=Gunabhadro. 10 Better read mukta-phala-vad=. 11 Read Harasimhab. 12 Read siutradharas. 13 Read_tat-sutenahadenapi. 14 Read nirmmitam. 15 As in verse 88 here also the first half is in active and the second half in passive voice. 10 This letter is superfluous.

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113 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 29 []tIyAyAM tithau vAra guru(rau) stA(tA)re ca hastake / dhRtinAmani yoge ca karaNe taitile tathA // [2](83) // ' [saMvat 1226 phAlguna vadi 3 [] kAvAravaNAgrAmayoraMtarAle guhilapuM(pu)varA dAdharamaha ghaNasI(siM)hAbhyAM datta(ttA) kSetraDIhalo 1 [*] khadaMvagagrAmavAstavyagoDasonigavAsudevAbhyAM datta(ttA) DohalikA 1 [*] AMtaropratigaNake rAyatAgrAmauyamaha(ha)ttamalIMvaDipopalibhyAM datta(ttA) kSetraDohalikA 1 [*] vaDauvAgrAmavAstavyapArigrahI pAlhaNena datta(ttA) kSetraDohalikA 1 [1] laghuvIjhologrAmasaM guhilaputrarA vyAharUmaha(ha)ttamamAhavA. 30 [bhyAM da]tta(ttA) kSetra DohalikA 1 [1] va(ba)hubhirvasuddhA(dhA) bhuktA rAjabhirbharatAda ya(dibhiH) / yasya yasya [ya]dA bhUmau tasya tasya tadA phalaM(lam) // ||ch|| No. 10.-A NOTE ON THE BATTLE OF VALLALA: A.D. 911-2. BY THE LATE MR. A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. A record dated in the 6th year of a Chola king Parakesarivarman at Pullamangai in the Tanjore District reads as follows: Svasti Sri [[*] Ko-pParakasariparma[r*]kku yandu aravadu Kilar-karrattu brahmadhyam Pullamarigalattu Tiruvaland urai-Mahadeva[r*]kku sembiyan-MahabaliVanarayar sirukalai-sandikku iru-nali arisiyalum arai-ppidi neyy-&mirdalum nisadamum tiruvamidu bevadarku vilaikku virru-kkudutta nilam.............. and it registers a gift of land by Sembiyan-Mahabali-Vanaraya to the temple of Tiruvaland uraiMahadeva at Pullamangalam, a brahmadeya in Kilar-kufram, in the 6th year of king Parakesarivarman. The record can palaeographically be attributed to the 10th century A. D., and it must therefore belong either to Parantaka I (A. D. 907-53) or to Uttama-Chola (A. D. 970-986), the only two Parakesarins who ruled for at least 6 years in this period. Now from the Sholinghur records dated in the 9th year of the Chola king, specified only by the title of Parakesarivarman and identified with Parantaka I, it is learnt that the Gangs chieftain Prithivipati II was given the title of Banadhiraja', while the Udayendiram Plates 11 of the 15th year of Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman (Parantaka I) state that this chieftain was 1 Metre: Anushpubh. +Radeg probably stands for Rauta or Rival. Maham stands for mahattama. modern Mehta. *The letter kshe is misshaped. Parigrahi seems to be an official title of a revenue collector. * Sam probably stands for samgata or sambaddha associated or connected with '. * There are three indistinct signs after this pair of dandas. *[I have to record here with deep regret that Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar breathed his last without seeing this article finally printed. By his death we have lost a sound scholar of South-Indian History.-Ed.] * No. 659 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921. 1. Ante, Vol. IV, pp. 221-25. It may be noted that the king in this record is also specified by the title of Ko.pPankesarivarman only, without the epithet of Madiraikopda'. 11 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, No. 76.

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No. 10.) A NOTE ON THE BATTLE OF VALLALA : A. D. 911-2. 113 called . Sembiyan-Mahabali-Vanaraya'. As the latter title occurs also in this record of the 6th year of a Parakesarivarman, it is reasonable to assume that this king is identical with Parantaka I', though the title of Madiraikonda' which he had assumed from the 3rd year onwards is lacking. The record cannot be attributed to the other Parakesarin, Uttama-Chola, for the reason that Piritipatiyar (Ptithivipati II), son of Masamaraiyar (Marasimha), who figures in an epigraphe of the 24th year of Rajakesarivarman (Aditya I), corresponding to A. D. 895, cannot possibly have been living so late as the 6th year of Uttama-Chola, corresponding to A. D. 975. It may therefore be inferred that the title of Sembiyan-Mahabali-Vanaraya' together with the chiefship over the Bana territory, had been conferred on Prithivipati II, before the 6th year of the Chola king Parantaka I, corresponding to A. D. 912-13. Parantaka I had assumed the title of Madiraikonda', i.e., he who took Madura' from the 3rd year of his reign, and so his first southern expedition against the Pandya king of Madura must have taken place in about A. D. 909-10.5 As Prithivipati had been granted the title of * Banadhiraja 'before A. D. 912-13, as noted above, the northern campaign in which this Ganga feudatory had helped his suzerain against a Bana chieftain, success in which had evidently earned for him both the Bana title and the Bana territory, must have occurred between A. D. 910 and 912-13, i.e., in about A. D. 911-12. As the Sholinghur record particularly mentions that Prithivipati had won distinction in a battle called Vallala and thus vindicated his fitness for the possession of a particle of the sun', presumably his position as a feudatory of the Chola king of the Solar race, it is possible that this battle was fought in this Bana campaign only, in about A. D. 911-12. The Udayendiram Plates state that before his 15th year Parintaka had defeated two Bana chieftains and a Vaidumba chief. It is not definitely stated who they were, and whether the two Banas had been worsted in a single campaign or in two separate engagements. Three inscriptions of Mavali-Banaraja which are attributable to Vijayaditya-Prabhumeru are dated in Saka 820, 827 and 832 (A. D. 898 to 910), without mentioning the names of any overlords. It is evident from this that the Bana chiefs who had been feudatories of the Pallava rulers of Kanchi had declared their semi-independence, after the extinction of that dynasty by the Chola king Aditya l'. In the absence of other similarly dated records of Bana chiefs soon after A. D. 909-10, in this region, it may be inferred that they had met with reverses at the hands of the Chola conqueror Parantaka, who allying himself with the Ganga chieftain Ptithivipati II on his north-western frontier had probably defeated them in the battle of Vallala in A. D. 911-12. 1 It may be noticed that a record of Parantaka, 11th year, engraved in the same temple (No. 558 of 1921) closely resembles the present inscription in point of palmography. * Several inscriptions attributable to Parantaka I simply call him a Parakosarivarman without the distinguishing titles-e.g., No. 378 of 1917, 443 of 1907, etc. So the absence of the title is no bar against the identi. fication of the Parakesarivarman of No. 559 of 1921 above with Parantaka I. * Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 88. No. 157 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1928, eto. The date of accession of Parintaks I fell between January and July, A. D. 907. * Ante, Vol. IV, p. 224, V-8. The Cholas belonged to the solar race, and a Prithivipati also assumed the title of Vira-Chola, the poet seems to suggest that he acquired a spark of the Sun' (ibid., p. 225, f. n. 5). 8. I. I., Vol. II, No. 76. . Ante, VoL XI, pp. 229-240 and No. 168 of 1921. .There is a record of a Binarija dated in Saka 810, which may belong to Vijayaditya or his father Vikra miditya Bapavidyadhara (8. 1. 1., Vol. III, No. 44). This date which is equivalent to A. D. 888 givos an indication as to when the Pallava power was destroyed and Aditya I overran Tondai-maqdalam.

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. The two Bana opponents may have been Vijayaditya-Prabhumeru, whose dated records come up to A. D. 909-10 and who probably lost his life in this battle, and his son Vikramaditya who figures as the heir-apparent in the Gudimallam Plates1. One other point of historical interest may be considered in this connection. The Kanyakumari inscription of the 7th year of the Chola king Virarajendradeva (A. D. 1069) states that Parantaka had earned the title of Vira-Chola' by his victory over the unconquered Krishnaraja and narrates this event after his conquest of Madura. In verse 9 of the Sholinghur record noted above, which contains the captatio benevolentix, Parantaka is mentioned with this title of Vira-Chola' and from the Tamil verse at the end of that inscription it is evident that his Ganga feudatory Prithivipati had also assumed the same title of his overlord. So if the Kanyakumari record's statement can be relied on, Parantaka who had assumed the title of Vira-Chola' before A. D. 916, must also have defeated a Krishnaraja before that date. Who was the powerful Krishnaraja who lived in this period? The only king whom Parantaka could have met in battle on his north-western frontier at this time was the Rashtrakuta Krishna II who reigned from about A. D. 879 to 912; and the political situation in this period was such as to render plausible the Chola and the Rashtrakuta kings ranging themselves on opposite sides. We may therefore have to suppose that Krishna II had come to the help of the Banas, as against the Chola Parantaka I and the Ganga Prithivipati II, and had probably suffered defeat in the battle of Vallala noted above. If specific references to this event are absent in records of Krishna II, it is only to be expected; for the king would not have mentioned his own reverses in his inscriptions, and further A. D. 912 fell almost in the end of his reign. It is, however, inexplicable why the other Chola documents, such as the Anbil, Leiden and Tiruvalangadu copper-plate records are silent in regard to this achievement of Parantaka I, while it is only the later Kanyakumari inscription that has made particular mention of it. This point has to be elucidated only by future discoveries. Vallala, the scene of the fight, may perhaps be identified with Tiruvallam in the Gudiyattam taluk of the North Arcot District, which was an important place in the old Bana territory, and which an invading army was likely to attack first. It was called Tikkali-Vallam in the early times, and it is possible that the name of Valla' was transformed into Vallala' by the encomiast of the Sholinghur record, to suit the metrical exigencies of the Sanskrit verse in which he has introduced this village-name. 1 Ante, Vol. XVII, p. 3. * Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. III, p. 143, v. 58, Ante, Vol. IV, p. 224. The same verse occurs also in the Udayendiram Plates (8. I. I., Vol. II, p. 385) with the word Ekavirah substituted for Vira-Cholab. Dr. Hultzsch has wrongly identified the Vira- Chola of this verse with Prithivipati, whereas it refers to the Chola king Parantaka only. In this connection, the possibility of attributing a few records from the Punganur taluk of the Chittoor District to Krishna II, requires further investigation. (Epig. Rept. for 1933-34, Part II, para. 8.) The Uttara purana's reference to Krishna's elephants having gone as far as Kumari may, however, be only conventional praise. (Altekar, Rashtrakutas and their Times, p. 97, f. n. 27.) It is possible that Aditya I had married the daughter of the Rashtrakuta Krishna II and had a son called Kannaradeva by her; and when Parantaka succeeded to the Chola throne, Krishna II may have felt some grudge against the Chola king, resulting in his own joining the Bana side.

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No. 11.) TUMAIN INSC. OF KUMARAGUPTA & GHATOTKACHAGUPTA; G. E. 116. 115 No. 11.-TUMAIN INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAGUPTA AND GHATOTKACHAGUPTA; G. E. 116. BY M. B. GARDE, B.A., DIRECTOR OF ARCHAEOLOGY, GWALIOR STATE. This inscription was discovered by me in February 1919, in the course of an exploration tour, at Tumain, a large village in the Guna District of Gwalior State. It was mentioned in my Annual Administration Report for Vikrama Samvat 1975 (A. D. 1918-19) and a short note was published in the Indian Antiquary Vol. XLIX (1920), pp. 114-15. It is now edited with full text, translation and facsimile. The stone on which it is inscribed was found stuck up in a wall of a small dilapidated mosque at Tumain. It is now preserved in the Archaeological Museum at Gwalior. Unfortunately the left (proper right) part (probably more than one half) of the stone is broken off and missing, and consequently the first half of all the lines, lost. The inscribed surface of the stone measures about 24' broad by 7" high. The surviving part of the inscription contains only six lines of writing, but the missing part had a portion of one more line. The epigraph is written in Gupta characters of the Souchern variety, the average size of letters being '. The recovered portion of the record is well preserved and the text can be read with certainty with the exception of a few letters. The language is Sanskrit, which is generally correct. It is noteworthy that the present tense is used in the sense of the historic past in two places: vandyate and jayati in line 1. There are a few mistakes of copying or engraving, e.g., kamalar mattyan for kamalam-achchham, vandyete for vandyate, and sarhaih for sanghaih in line 1, prithivyam for prithivyam and verajamane for virajamane in line 4. Sunhadeva for Sanghadeva in line 5, and bringa for bringa in line 6. The sign of punctuation at the end of the quarters and halves of verses, or at the end of complete verses, is expressed either by a single horizontal stroke as in lines 1 and 4, or by two upright strokes as in lines 3, 4 and 6. But where the verses or their halves end in a final m or in a visarga, the sign of punctuation is not expressed at all. The final m at the end of verses, their halves or quarters is never combined with the following consonant but is expressed, as is usual at this period, by reducing the size of the letter and placing a horizontal stroke over it (e.g. lines 1, 2 and 4). As regards orthography, it is enough to note that a consonant is often doubled after 1, e.g. kirttir-bhuj-arijitam in line 3; t' is doubled before r in loka-ttray-ante in line 1; the sign of jihvamuliya occurs in tatak-kaniyan in line 5. As remarked above, this is a fragmentary inscription, having lost the first part of each line. The recovered text is wholly in verse. Line 1 gives us a portion of a verse in Malini metre and the first line of the following verse, & Sragdhara. Line 2 contains a complete Upajati. Line 3 consists of the latter half of a Vasantatilakd followed by the first half of an Upendravaira. Line 4 has preserved an almost complete verse and the first quarter of another, both in Upajati metre. In line 5 we have the last quarter of an Indravajra or perhaps Upajati verse followed by a complete Upendravajra. Parts of two verses in Upendravajra metre have survived in line 6. The existing portion of the epigraph thus comprises 11 verses, 3 of which have been completely recovered while 8, partially. From the calculation of the missing letters of the verses, and of the average space covered by each letter it would appear that the whole composition consisted of nearly sixteen verses. The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a temple of a god (whose name is lost) by five brothers residing at Tumbayana. The names of the brothers in the order of seniority were Harideva, Srideva, Dhanyadeva, Bhadradeva and Sanghadeva. The date si

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116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXVI. recorded in words as one hundred and sixteenth year of the kings (of the Gupta dynasty), which is equivalent to A.D. 435. No season, month or day is specified. In the genealogical portion, the first existing verse seems to allude to Samudragupta. The next verse eulogiges his (son and) successor Chandragupta as one who conquered the earth extending as far as the oceans. In line 2 Kumaragupta is described as Chandragupta's son, who protected the whole earth as his lawful wife. Line 3 follows with the name of Ghatotkachagupta who is compared to the moon and is praised as having attained the fame of his ancestors. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Kumaragupta who is described as shining (i.e. ruling) over the earth as the sun in winter, in the year 116 of the (Gupta) kings. Thus Chandragupta and Kumaragupta of our inscription are the same as Chandragupta II and his son Kumaragupta I of the Imperial Gupta dynasty. The main historical importance of the inscription lies in the information it contains about Ghatotkachagupta. That he was a member of the Imperial Gupta family is shown by the manner in which he is referred to in this inscription. His mention immediately after Kumaragupta who was occupying the imperial throne at the time of the inscription is perhaps to be explained by the hypothesis that Ghatotkachagupta was then holding the office of the governor of the province of Airikina (Eran) which included Tumbavana (Tumain), the provenance of the inscription. Unfortunately the word expressing the exact relationship between Kumaragupta (the ruling Emperor) and Ghatotkachagupta (the provincial governor) is lost in the missing portion of the inscription. Ghatotkachagupta was probably & son or possibly a younger brother of Kumaragupta I. So far, the name of Ghatotkachagupta was known from two documents: (1) & clay seal found at Basich bearing the inscription Sri Ghatol kachaguptasya, and (2) a coin' in the St. Petersburg collection which according to Mr. Allan bears on the obverse traces of a marginal legend ending in Guptah and beneath the king's arm Ghafo with a crescent above, and on the reverse a legend which seems to read Kramadityah. The late Dr. Bloch was inclined to identify Ghatotkachagupta of the Basalh seal with Maharaja Ghatotkacha, the father and predecessor of Chandragupta I and this view was accepted by the late Dr. V. A. Smith. But Mr. Allan pointed out the difficulties in the way of this identification and surmised that Ghatotkachagupta was probably a member of the Imperial Gupta family, who held some office at the court of the Yuvaraja at Vaisali (Basaph) during the reign of Chandragupta II. The Ghatostkachagupta) of the coin in the St. Petersburg collection is believed by Mr. Allan to be still another Ghatotkachagupta on the ground that the style and weight of the coin place it about the end of the 5th century, and he says that it therefore cannot be referred either to Ghatotkacha, the father of Chandragupta I, or to Ghatotkachagupta of the Basalh seal. Mr. Allan's view is corroborated by our inscription. There is little doubt that the Ghatotkachagupta of our inscription who, in G. E. 116, was probably the governor of Airikina, during the reign of Kumaragupta I, is identical with the Ghatotkachagupta of the Basah seal. Two place names oocur in this inscription. These are Vatodaka in line 4 and Tumbavana in line 6. Tumbavana which is mentioned in six of the votive inscriptions' on 1 See line 3 of the text. 1 A.R., A.8.1., for 1903-04, pp. 102 and 107. Allan's Catalogue of the coins of the Gupta dynasties, etc., Introduction, p. liv, p. 149 and plate XXIV. 3. * J.R.A. . for 1905, p. 163 and Early History of India (1914 ed., p. 280, Note 1). Allan's Catalogue, Introduction, pp. xvi-Ivi and liv. Allan's Catalogue, Introduction, pliv. Nou. 16, 178, 18, 20, 21, and 848 in Montements of Sanchi, Vol. I, pp. 301, 302, and 335. Also abovo, Vol. X, Appendix, Laders' Liet, Nos. 450, 201, 202, 110, and K20.

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TUMAIN INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAGUPTA AND GHATOTKACHAGUPTA; G. E. 116. 2.11 khmjg7PH4aEQ82k mkthmii100khnyuMpaad Rangyat agaKRreqq=&reu n, * iPana14qaeya-jHgu6g=eaAJooymead ! ykqnksilkhluan an a84Rx8a\l HD N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. ning M>> zoiwo-zgo. SCALE: ONE-THIRD. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 11.] TUMAIN INSC. OF KUMARAGUPTA & GHATOTKACHAGUPTA; G. E. 116. 117 the balustrade of the great Stapa at Silichi and also in Brihatsamhita (XIV, 15) of Varahamihira, is no doubt to be identified with Tumain where our inscription was discovered. Tumain is an ancient site and some of its monumental and sculptural antiquities go back to the period to which our inscription belongs. It is six miles to the south of Tukneri Station on the Bina-Kotah branch line of the G. I. P. Railway, and about fifty miles to the north-west of Eran (ancient Airikina). Vatodaka is very probably modern Badoh which is a small village in the Bhilsa District of Gwalior State, about 10 miles to the south of Eran, and which is an old place having in its neighbourhood monumental relics of the late Gupta and a small rock inscription of the early Gupta period. TEXT. 1 [riya'sya lokatrayAnte / caraNakamala(la)mattva (ccha) vamya(nyote sihasaI ) [*] rAjA zrIcandraguptastadanujayati yo medinI sAgarAntAm 2 -- zrIcandraguptasya mahendrakalpaH kumAraguptastanayasma[magrAm] [*] rarakSa sAdhvImiva dharmapatnIm vIryAgrahastarupagudha bhUmim [ // *] 3 [--] gauraH kSityambare guNasamuhamayUkhajAlo nAmoditasa tu ghaTotkacaguptacandraH [l*] sa pUrvajAnAM sthirasatvakIrtirbhujArjitAM kIrtimabhiprapadya // 1) 4 [guptAnvayA*3]nAM vasudhakharANA[ma] samAzate SoDazavarSayukto / kumAragupte nRpatau pri(pR) thivyAm virAjA(ja)mAne zaradauva sUrye // vaTodake sAdhujanAdhivAse .5 tarIdeva ityajitanAmadheyaH [ // *] tadagrajobhUdaridevasaMjastatonujo yastu sa dhanya devaH [*] tatovaro yazca sa bhadradevastatA kanIyAnapi sngk(k)dev[:||*] 6 - nasaktacittAH samAna[]ttAkati[bhAvadhaurAH katA]layA[stumbavane babhUvuH // akArayaMste giri[thi]()GgatuGga zaziprabhaM] devaniketanaM-1]. TRANSLATION. L. 1. Whose lotus-like beautiful foot was adored by multitudes of Siddhas (sages) throughout the three worlds. After him king Sri Chandragupta conquered the earth as far as the oceans. L. 2. Sri Chandragupta's son Kumaragupta who resembled the great Indra, embraced and protected the whole earth like & virtuous wife, with his mighty hands. L. 3. The moon bearing the name Ghatotkachagupta, fair ...... and having a network of rays (in the form) of a multitude of virtues rose in the sky (in the form) of the earth. He whose goodness and fame were steady, having attained the glory won by his ancestors with (the prowess of their own) arms. L. 4. In the year one hundred and sixteen of the lords of the earth (in the Gupta dynasty) when king Kumaragupta was shining (i.e. ruling) over the earth like the sun in the winter. At Vatodaka which was the abode of good people, 1 Compare Agodaka (Agrodaka) on coins-Agrohs; Prithudaka-Pacha. This inscription is engraved on a tablet prar a panel of sculptures representing the Sapta Malpikas, both carved in rook on a hill. It was dated but the portion giving the year and month, has peeled off, leaving behind only buba-divast trayodabyan. It mentions Vishaydsvara Maharaja Jayatedna. The rooord is badly damagod and is unpublished so far. * The portion within square brackets is conjecturally restored.

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118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. L. 5. (there lived a person) who bore the distinguished appellation Srideva. His elder brother was Harideva by name. The brother born after him was Dhanyadeva. His younger brother was Bhadradeva and next (younger) to him was Sanghadeva. L. 6. Of minds attached to.........of similar manners, of noble appearance and disposition, (they had) their home at Tumbavana (where) they built a (temple) of god (..........), shining like the moon and lofty like a mountain peak. No. 12.-TWO YUPA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BARNALA: KRITA YEARS 284 AND 335. By Dr. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY, The two yupa inscriptions, that are being published here for the first time, were discovered by the late Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni at Barnala in the Jaipur State with the assistance of Thakur Sheonath Singhji of Kanota. Barnala is a small village, belonging to the Thakur Sahib of Barnala, about eight miles from the Lalsote-Gangapur fair-weather road. The two stone yupas or sacrificial pillars, on which these inscriptions have been inscribed, were discovered in a large tank, close to the village. Each of the yupas had been broken into two pieces at a height of about 6 and 6 feet respectively from the bottom. The Government Epigraphist for India kindly sent to me ink-impressions of these records with a request to edit them for the Epigraphia Indica ; I am doing so accordingly. The late Rai Bahadur Sahni has noticed these inscriptions in his report on Archeological Remains and Excavations at Sambhar during Samvat years 1993 and 1994 (1936-37 and 1937-38 A.D.), pp. 3 ff. Therein he gives the following description of the yupas: "The girdle or pata which is well executed round the two pillars at Mathura is absent in the Barnala pillars as well as in those from Badva. The projecting chashala is square in one of the Barnala yupas and octagonal in the other. Like the Mathura pillars those under notice are square at the base but only up to a height of 3 6" and 4' 5" respectively. The wreath is not represented. Yupa No. 1 at Barnala (Pl. XVII, a), which is 21' 21' in height including the lower square portion is, as far as I am aware, the highest yupa so far known to us." As to their present whereabouts, he says: "Both these yupa pillars have been removed from Barnala to the Hawa Mahal in the city of Jaipur, where portable antiquities unearthed during the excavations of last three seasons have been displayed for the benefit of the public." In my paper on Three Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas, Ktita Year 295', I have discussed in detail the general problems connected with the nature and significance of the yupas or sacrificial pillars. I would refer the reader to that paper for information on this point. As on the yupas at Badva and Bijaygadh, the inscriptions on both these yupas have been engraved in long vertical lines to be read from top to bottom. The engraver has not followed the more convenient method of inscribing the record in short horizontal lines engraved one below the other, which is followed on the yupa in the Allahabad Municipal Museum. The inscription on the pillar A is of one line only, while that on the pillar B is in two lines, inscribed on two adjacent facets of the octagonal shaft. The first line is 8' 5" and the second 9 long. Both the inscriptions have been sadly mutilated; it is an irony of fate that the 1 Srideva seems to have been the most important or influential among the brothers, as his name is given precedence over that of his elder brother. 1 Ante, Vol. XXIII, pp. 42 ff. Ibid, Vol. XXIV, pp. 245 ff. . In the Report, above referred to, it has been stated that the first line is 9' and the second 8' 8. A glance at the platu will show that the first line is shorter than the second and not vice verad.

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No. 12.] TWO YUPA INS. FROM BARNALA: KRITA YEARS 284 AND 335. 119 mutilations should have led to the disappearance of only the names of the sacrificers, who bad taken so much trouble to enlighten the posterity about the sacrifices which they had performed. As will be presently shown, the inscriptions belong to the 3rd century A. D. and their characters bear a general resemblance to those of other contemporary records from northern India, especially with those on the yupas of Badva and the Allahabad Municipal Museum. The characters on the yupa A have been very neatly and carefully engraved, but those on the yupa B have been inscribed in such a slipshod and careless manner that the task of deciphering them becomes very difficult. Subscripts of conjuncts and medial vowel signs are very often omitted or very badly executed ; and in some cases it would appear that words have been wrongly spelt. We shall have to speak more about this point, when we discuss this inscription. The language of the inscription A may be described as Sanskrit, with occasional influence of Prakrit, as when sa-gottasyal and punna have been written for sa-gotrasya and punya respectively. The inscription B may be described as being written in incorrect Prakrit, with occasional mixture of Sanskrit expressions like suddhasya in l.1 and dharm o vardhdha[tam) in 1.2. The orthography of the records calls for no particular remarks. Symbols for numerals for 200, 80 and 4 appear in the inscription A and for the numerals 800, 90, 30, and 5 appear in the inscription B. They are similar to those found in contemporary records in northern and western India. In the reoord B, the two small strokes that were necessary to be attached to the symbol for 100 in order to convert it into 300 have been joined together so as to form an angle with each other, usually the additional strokes are written horizontally one below the other. INSCRIPTION ON THE YUPA A. The inscription opens with the auspicious word siddham and then proceeds to state its time. Its date is the 15th day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra of the Krita year 284. As is well known, the Ktita era is the same as the Vikrama era, and so the date of the record would be 228 A. D. The earliest inscription in the Vikrama era so far discovered is that on the Nandsa yupa, which is dated in the Ksita year 282. Our inscription would then be the second earliest record of this era. It is 11 years earlier than the Badva yupa records, which are dated in the Ksita year 295. After stating its precise date, the record proceeds to inform us that on the date mentioned, seven yupas were erected by a person whose gotra was Sobartpi and whose name ended in-varddhana. The gotra is spelt as Sohartta, but it is obviously the same as Sobatsi, which occurs among the gotras of the Bharadvajakanda, having the option of three or five pravaras. It is very sad that the mutilation of the record should have occurred just on that part where the name and the parentage of the sacrificer were mentioned. His name ended in varddhana, as observed already. The two letters immediately preceding varddhana cannot be made out; but the two next preceding letters appear to have been rajno, to judge from the traces they have left behind. It would therefore appear that the sacrificer was a king bearing a name of five letters, the last three of which were varddhana. We can also see the 1 [See below p. 120, n. 8.-Ed.] [See below p. 120, n. 11.-Ed.] See ante Vol. XXIII, pp. 48-52 for a discussion on the Krita era. aufa: tai .. rament qurulu 40 wafai GXrapravaranibandha kadamba (Second edition), p. 56. [See below p. 120, n. 8. -Ed.]

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. traces of the letters rajho after the word sa-gottasya. Then follows space for two, or possibly three letters, which is now practically blank; but thereafter we can discern faint traces of the letters pa and tta. It would therefore appear that after giving the gotra of the sacrificing king, the record had proceeded to give his parentage. His father was also a king and had a name of two or three letters. The restoration here suggested leaves no space for the letter sya coming after putra; probably that letter had been dropped. It is also possible that it may have been destroyed when the pillar was broken into two. The concluding portion of the record reads, yupa-sattakam) punnaval. I do not know the extent of the damage to the yupa subsequent to this portion; it however appears very probable that the record ended with the words punnava[rdhakoan) bhavatu), expressing the hope that the sacrificial performance may increase the merit of the performer. The reference to the group of seven yupas may show that the king had performed seven sacrifices; they were very probably the seven Soma sacrifices, technically known as Sapta-Soma-samstha. The sacrifices included in this group were Agnish Oma, Atyagnishtoma, Ukthya, Shoda sin, Vajapeya, Atiratra and A ptoryama. The Allahabad Municipal Museum yupa commemorates the performance of these very sacrifices. The inscription clearly refers to a group of seven yupas. The yupa of the record B does not belong to this group, as it commemorates a sacrifice performed 51 years later. It is therefore not unlikely that a diligent search in the locality may lead to the discovery of more sacrificial pillars. TEXT. Siddham Kritehi 200 80 4 Chaittra-sukla-pakshasya pam(a)chadasi [1*] Sohartta sagottasya' [rajno')...p[u]tt[ra]sya (rajno')..varddhanasya yupa-sattakako punna".-va[rddhakam bhavatu *] TRANSLATION, Be it auspicious! The full-moon day of the month of) Chaitra of the year 284 by the Krita (reckoning). May this group of seven sacrificial pillars of king ....varddhana, son of king..... of Sobartpi gotra, [increase] the merit (of the sacrificer)! [See below n. 10.-Ed.) * Katyayana-Srauta-Sutra, X, 9, 27. [But see below n. 10.-Ed.] * Edited from an ink-impression. . The stop nu is indicated by a small letter ma written below the line. * The full-stop is indicated by the rather unusual device of two dots, written like a visarga. * Read Sohartri. The medial matra for o looks to some extent like the medial i matra; but since the Gotra pravaranibandhakadamba gives Sohartri as the name of the gotra, we must read the first letter as a rather irregular so. The reading appears to be correotly Soharttri-sagottranya. The curl representing the medial si in the syllable riti is partly discernible, and so is also the sign for the subscript r in the letter tira. Besides, otherwise the lengthening of the right-hand stroke of the second t in the syllables concerned is unaccountable.-B. C. C.1 * There are faint traces of these letters. 1. Read saptakam. [The reading appears to be yapo sa[trako, the sign of the medial o in po resembling that in ad of Snartiyi. The wrong visargs sandhi betrays the Prakrit influence. The reading of the second syllable is doubtful, inasmuch as it cannot be ascertained whether it is tra or correctly ttri though it seems to be the former. In any case, the subscript is pretty clear. We may correct the reading as yapah saftrika), meaning the pillar connected with a snorifice'. The particular sacrifice is, however, not specified. According to this reading, thus, there is no mention of seven yupas.-B. C. C.) 11 Read punya. [I see traces of a subscript ya below the second ; thus the reading is punnya, and according to my interpretation, we may restore this portion as punnyart vardalhatan or purngar varddhatu as is commonly found in similar inscriptions.-B. C. C.)

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Two YUPA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BARNALA: KRITA YEARS 284 AND 335. late nu Left Half 1 , 12 0 1 3 19 Right Half Left Half Right Half Af 449 6 ( SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE: ONE-EIGHTH. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea, Nov 2038 E'40 =300.

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No. 12.) TWO YUPA INS. FROM BARNALA: KRITA YEARS 284 AND 335. 121 Inscription on the Yupa B. This inscriptijn does not begin with the auspicious word siddham, as does the inscription on the yupa A; it traightway proceeds to give its date according to the Krita, i.e., Vikrama era. Its date is the fifteenth day, i. e., the full-moon day of the bright half of the month of Jy shtha of the Ksita year 335. The name of the month is spelt as Jasha; there can be, however, no doubt that the word is intended to stand for Jyashtha. Jasha for Jyeshtha is but the first example of the carelessness of the engraver of this record. The date of the record is therefore 279 A. D. It would be convenient to discuss the decipherment of the remaining portion of the record from its end; I therefore proceed to do so. The last four letters of the second line are very clear ; they read dharmmo vardhdha. It is clear that the last word is intended to be varddhatam ; the record ends with the hope that religion may prosper. The word preceding dharmmo is clearly priyatam ; the subscript of pri is faintly visible and its medial i matra is slightly damaged. The next preceding word clearly reads Vashta and there is a dot after the last letter, which is clearly a remnant of a visarga. I think we have to correct this word into Vishnuh. The subscript ta can also be taken as an ill-executed na ; the medial e matra was left out in the word Jyestha in l. 1, and a similar mistake seems to have been repeated here. The concluding expression Vishnuh priyatam dharmmo varddhatam would remind us of the expressions Priyant[@]m-Agnayah and punah punah pritim=iyan=Mahesvara iti, which occur at the end of the inscriptions on the Isapur and Allahabad Municipal Museum yupas respectively. The royal sacrificer of the Allahabad Museum yupa was a Saiva advocate of the Vedic sacrificial religion ; in the present case the sacrificer was a Vaishnava champion of the Vedic rites. Immediately preceding the emended word Vishnu there is a triangular symbol, which is almost identical with the symbol occurring at the end of the inscription on the yupa of Balavardhana, found at Badva'. This form is therefore not a letter but a mere symbol, marking the end of the main announcement of the record. Immediately before this concluding symbol, there is another, which clearly stands for 90. Out of the five letters preceding 90, the first is clearly da, the second looks like a damaged kshi, the third is an with a subscript, the fourth is a da or da and the fifth is a ta. When we recollect how the Badva yupa inscriptions end with the expression Triratra-sammitasya dakshinyan(n) gavari sahasram, it will be at once clear that these five letters are intended to stand for dakshinyam(na) data(datta). The reading of the third letter only is rather doubtful here ; the subscript looks like that of ar; but the main letter is a n or n, and so the context as well as the use in the Badva records would show that it was intended to be nya for an original na. These five letters therefore refer to the dakshina given to the priests on the occasion of the sacrifice and the symbol for 90 describes its amount. What then were the ninety objects that were given at the end of the sacrifice ? The name and the description of the 90 things donated to the Brahmanas is given in the preeeding seven letters; for the four letters preceding this group of seven clearly read yajna ishta to be corrected into yajna ishtah. The first of these seven letters is a sa or sa ; the second one is va or vri; the third is a conjunct of which the second letter is ta and the first very probably $; the fourth is clearly an initial i; the fifth is certainly & va; the sixth is a va; and the seventh a ga. But savvasta iva vaga as the description of the ninety articles given in dakshina gives no * See ante, Vol. XXIII, Plate facing p. 52.

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122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. meaning whatsoever. We shall have to emend the text rather drastically, remembering all the while that the engraver was a person who was capable of writing Jasha for Jyeshtha and Vashta for Vishnu. I would suggest, not without very great diffidence, that savvasta iva vaga should be emended into savatsa ina gavo. The dakshina given at the sacrifices commemorated on the Badvi yupas consisted of kine. The same was probably the case here. Vaga should therefore be changed into gavd ; an engraver who writes Vashta for Vishnu is certainly capable of writing vaga for gavo. Savvasta does not give any sense, and since it is an adjective of gavo, it is but reasonable to emend it into savatsa. The context now shows that iva should be changed into eva. The record therefore states that a dakshina of 90 cows, not alone but each accompanied with its calf, was given on the occasion. And what was the occasion ? It is mentioned in the opening portion of the second line. Here again the first two letters have been peeled off. The third letter had & subscript r, the fourth is ra and the fifth tra; then comes the numeral 5, which is followed by the words yajna ishta, as observed already. It is very clear that the 3rd, 4th and 5th letters were intended to be triratra ; this part on the record then states that five Triratra sacrifices were performed when the honorarium of 90 cows along with their calves was given. As in the case of the inscription on the yupa A, the name of the sacrificer must have followed immediately after the word panchadafi in the 1st line. The two letters after this word read bhritta, which have obviously to be corrected into bhatta. After this a considerable portion of the inscription has been peeled off and about six or geven letters have been obliterated completely. They contained the name of the sacrificer. His title bhatta would suggest that he was a Brahmana and not a king or a general. The last five letters of the first line are very clear; they are to be read 48 tri ta vo na du. Tritavanasu however gives no sense. With great hesitation I would emend this word into Tritavaneshu; the five Triratrs sacrifices seem to have been performed by the Brahmana sacrifioer not in a village or in a town but in a holy forest known as Trita forest. One more lacunse, that of the two letters at the beginning of the second line, remains to be considered. The following word here is triratra, and the obliterated word was probably an adjective of that sacrifice. The full and real name of the Triratra sacrifice, which was an amalgam of Agnishtoma, Ukthya and Atiratra, was Garga-triratra'; it is possible that the two obliterated letters were gargga and what remain of them gives some support to this conjecture. Our record therefore commemorates the performance of five Triratra or perhaps Gargatriratra sacrifices by a Brahmana sacrificer on the full moon day of Jyeshtha of the Krita year 335, corresponding to 279 A. D. The dakshina prescribed for a Triratra sacrifice was one thousand cows. But our sacrificer was probably not rich enough to give it, and so he contented himself by giving only eighteen cows per sacrifice, but each accompanied by a calf. He was a Vaishnavite also, so he ends the inscription with the hope that Vishnu would be pleased and religion promoted by his action. I now give below the reading of the record along with the suggested emendations. Bankhayana Srautasutra, XVI, 21.

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No. 13.] GURZALA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION. 123 TEXT, 1 Kritehi 300 30 5 Jasha'(Jyeshtha)suddhasya path(i)chadasi[l*) Bhritta(Bhatta).............. Ttitavanafu(Tritavaneshu ?) 2 [Garga ?][t]r[i]ra(ra)tra 5 yajnaljna) ishta(shta) savvasta(savatsa) ile)va vaga (gavo) dakshinya(pa) data(datta) 90.* Vashtah(Vishnuh) priyatam dharmmo vardhdha(tam*]. TRANSLATION The 15th day of the bright fortnight of the month) of Jyeshtha of the year 335 by the Ksita (reckoning). Five (Garga) Triratra sacrifices were performed by Bhatta......in Trita forests (). 90 cows, which were accompanied by their) calves, were given as dakshina. May (god) Vishnu be pleased! May Dharma increase ! No. 13.-GURZALA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION. BY PROP. K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS. The inscription edited below is found engraved on a grey marble slab set up behind the Travellers' Bungalow,' about two furlongs to the north of it, at Gurzala in the Palnad taluk of the Guntur District. There are on the spot several similar slabs which are uninscribed and which must be the relics of some ancient structure that has now disappeared. An impression of the inscription was placed in my hands some time ago by Dr. M. Rama Rao, but I found subsequently from Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, Superintendent for Epigraphy, that he had secured a much better impression of the record, and it is from this impression which he has kindly placed at my disposal that I edit the record which is listed as No. 335 of the Epigraphical Collection of Madras in the An. Rep. on S. I. Epi. for the year 1936-37, and discussed in paragraph 10 of Part II. The slab containing the inscription measures 5' x19" ;8 in its centre is carved a pillar with apparently a bulbous base and a double bulbous capital; the shaft of the pillar shows a slight tapering, being 3' wide at the bottom, and less than 21 at the top, its height being about 2. The capital comprises two oviform members, each 3" high, the upper one being broader (54") than the lower (43") at its horizontal axis. This capital is surmounted by an abacus 3" high above which stand three cones alongside of one another, looking like the battlement of a fortress. Our inscription comprises three lines, two incised to the proper right, and the third to the left of the carved pillar, all lines running from the capital of the pillar to its base. 1 Edited from an ink-impression, * Both below ja and sha, there appear to be some depressions, which appear like traces of subscript letters, now peeled off. They may however be also due to the stone not being well dressed. * Faint traces of the subscript ya can be traced in the impression. * The subscript ta is partly broken. * The letter looks like tri, but it is read as nya on the analogy of the Badva records. See introduction. * After the numeral 90, there is a symbol here, similar to that occurring on the Badva ripa inscription A. It is understood that the slab has since been removed to the Taluk office compound, Gurzala. . This measurement is furnished by Dr. Rama Rao.

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI. The script of the inscription is Brahmi very similar to that of the well-known inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda edited in Epigraphia Indica some years ago by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, and may be taken to belong to the third century A. D. The average height of the letters, if we neglect the flourishes, is about one inch. The fourth letter in l. 3 which I read as lu may be compared with the same letter in a somewhat later Western Chalukya inscription, viz., the Badami stone inscription of Mangaliba. The three vertical strokes at the end of the last line seem to be an ornamental stop as in G-3 (above, Vol. XXI, plate opp. p. 62) and not a symbol for three which usually comprises similar horizontal strokes. The language of the record is Prakrit. The object of the inscription is to record the gift of a field by a certain Noduka-siri to the Bhagavan, the Lord of Halampura, for securing longevity for the donor. The date of the record is given as the tenth day of the 8th fortnight of summer in the fourth regnal year of Maharaja Siri-Rulupurisadata, whose name shows that he is a hitherto unknown king of the Ikshvaku line, members of which have left many inscriptions in the neighbourhood from which our record comes. The method of dating adopted is common in Ikshvaku records. The location of Halampura where the temple of the Bhagavan was located is somewhat difficult to determine. In the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, Madras, for 1936-37, it is suggested that Halampura may be identified preferably with Alluru in the Nandigama taluk of the Kistna district which is not far removed from Gurzala, though there are two villages of the name Alampuram, one in the Nizam's Dominions and the other in the Tanuku taluk of the West Godavari district'. Alampur in the Nizam's Dominions seems best to satisfy the requirements of the case by its name and the known antiquity of its monuments. It is situated at the apex of the Raichur Doab on the western bank of the Tungabhadra, a little distance before its junction with the Krishna. In spite of its distance from the Palnad region, this place must have been easily accessible by river, and it teems with antiquities, temples and other structures, some account of which will be found at pages 7-13 of the Annual Report of the Archeological Department of H. B. H. the Nizam's Dominions for 1926-27. Another place much nearer Gurzala and about 20 miles east of it, though not so rich in antiquarian remains, that comes in for consideration here, is Nagulavaram in the Palnad taluk itself. The name has the same meaning as Halampura (plough-city), and Sewell noted an old Vishnu temple and another temple of Siva in the place and an illegible inscription in the latter. The place has yielded two inscriptions listed in the Madras Collection. It is possible that the Halampura-samin of our inscription is identical with the deity in one of these shrines.' There is nothing in our inscription to indicate that the Bhagavan Halampura-samin to whom the field was given was the Lord Buddha, and it must be noted that our record differs in some respects from the generality of Nagarjunikonda inscriptions in that it does not begin with the usual Siddham namo Bhagavato but simply sidham, and in that the purpose of the gift precedes the name of the donor. It seems possible that the endowment was not that of a Buddhist. But seeing that some at least of the temples of Alampur show traces of having originally been Buddhist structures, perhaps converted later into Hindu temples, the other possibility cannot also altogether be ruled out at present, that is, if the identification of Halampura with Alampur is accepted. 1 Ind. Ant. Vol. X, pl. opposite p. 59, 1. 4. i bre also ibid., Vol. VII, p. 37. * Sewell. Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras, Vol. I, p. 61; Nos. 216 of 1927 and 30EUR of 1931 of the Madras Epigraphical collection ; Survey map 56P/NW. (l'=2 miles).

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GURZALA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION. saitoran ERNAnohide goo. yasuridekimasu) 531M 25 31 22 T EACH N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No.2075640-290. SCALE: ONE-FOURTH. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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DATE OF ASHRAFPUR PLATE. 125 No. 14.) TEXT. 1 Sidhar Bhagavate Halampura-samine apano ayuvadhinikah 2 Noduka-siri khetam sampada[ttam] Maharajasa 3 Siri-Rulupurisadatasa sa ta 4 gi 8 diva 10 IN TRANSLATION Success! To the Bhagavan, Lord of Halampura, a field was given (by) Noduka-siri for the increase of his own life on the tenth day in the eighth fortnight of summer in the fourth (regnal) year of Maharaja Siri-Rulupurisadata. No. 14.-DATE OF ASHRAFPUR PLATE. By D. C. GANGULY, M.A., Ph. D. (LONDON). A copper-plate inscription was discovered in 1884-1885 at the village Ashrafpur, in the Narayanganj Sub-Division, Dacca District, Bengal. Mr. Ganga Mohan Laskar published this inscription with a facsimile in the Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, No. VI. The inscription is dated Samvat 13 Pausha di 6 : Mr. Laskar reads the date as Samvat 10 3 (=13) Pausha 20 5 (-25). Dr. R. C. Majumdar agrees with Mr. Laskar in thinking that there are two symbols expressing the year-number, and two symbols expressing the day of the month. But according to him the first symbol of the year-number is 7, and the second one representa 3 or 9. He thus reads the year-number as 73 or 79, which he refers to the Harsha Era. The day of the month according to him is 20 8 (-28). If Dr. Majumdar's reading is accepted it will follow that in the same inscription both the figure-numerals and letter-numerals have been used side by side. Dr. Basakstates that the first symbol in the reading of the year-number is really a puzzling one". Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar discusses this inscription under No. 1394 in his List of Inscriptions of Northern India. He accepts with a query mark Dr. Majumdar's reading of the year-num ber as 73, and refers it to the Harsha Era. In the foot-note he, however, remarks that "it has [Reading rooms to be ayuvadhanike.- N. L, R.) * Canoel the length of the final vowel and read : sampadattar. . J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XIX, pp. 375 ff. History of North-Eastern India, P. 203. Above, Vol. XX, Appendix, pp. 190-191. * Dr. Bhandarker does not correctly represent Dr. Majumdar's view when he says that Dr, Majumdar made the year-number of the inscription as 70 3 or 70 9. It has already been pointed out that Dr. Majumdar takes the first symbol as 7, and the second one ss 3 or 9, which according to him makes 73 or 79,

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. perhaps to be read as 60 3". According to him the day of the month is to be read as 20 5, and not as 20 8, as has been suggested by Dr. Majumdar. On close examination I find that the year-number is expressed by only one symbol in the inscription. This is clearly & symbol for 7. A comparison of this symbol with the symbol for 7, mentioned in the Damodarpur copperplate No. 1,' and in the Mallasarul copper-plate' of Gopachandra, will convince one of the correctness of my reading. Thus the date of the Ashrafpur copper-plate should be read neither as 73 nor as 63 but as 7, which is obviously the regnal year of the king Devakhadga, during whose reign the inscription was issued. No. 15.-PARASURAMESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS. BY A. GHOSH, M. A., PATNA. of the five inscriptions edited here, the principal one is found on the top of the southern doorway of the mandapa attached to the Parasuramesvara temple at Bhuvaneswar, District Puri. It has been noticed in some official publications, but so far as I am aware, the text has never been published before. The inscription occupies an area of 22" x 6" and runs to three lines. The letters are rather carelessly engraved, many of them being ill-formed; their size ranges from 14' to t". The language is Sanskrit, but there are some grammatical mistakes ; thus, in the first sentence the nominative has been given a passive form, while the verb is in the active voice. Some grammatical error also makes the last three letters of the second line unintelligible. Rules of sandhi have not been observed in naivedya-adhakari in line 2. A serious prthographical mistake occurs at the beginning of the third line, where apy=adhika appears as apyinadhika. In the same line kaschin=na is spelt as kaschin na. The script belongs to about the first half the ninth century A. D., being somewhat later than the local inscriptions of the Bhaumas; note particularly the somewhat archaic form of the palatal sibilant in the latter set. The temple of Parasuramesvara has, on architectural and other considerations, been regarded as one of the earliest, if not the earliest, of the temples of Bhuvaneswar. The present inscription, along with those noticed below, sets the lower limit of the date of the construction of the temple. The object of the inscription is to record some daily offering in favour of Parasokvarabhattaka, by which word is probably meant the god installed in the temple, as well as of those 1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 130. * Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 165. List of Ancient Monuments in the Orissa Division, Government of Bengal, 1896, p. 64; Puri District Gazetteer, p. 242, where its contents have been wrongly noticed. * Compare, for example, the Dhauli cave inscription of Santikara, above, Vol. XIX, p. 263. The date of its constrution ranpes, according to different scholars, from the fifth or sixth oentury to the eighth century (M. M. Ganguly, Orissu and Her Romains, p. 273; Puri District Gazetteer, p. 241).

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PARASURAMESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS. 18 bAjapaNAsa va patale vivo kAra upAya. pATA' CTERS 12, Taba vAyarala rAma ra yogasa kasama N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SCALE: ABOUT A QUARTER. BURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 16.) AN INSCRIPTION OF JAITUGI, SAKA 1188. 127 who were to cook (?) the offering to the god. It should be noted in this connexion that the name of the god (and consequently of the temple) is given here as Parasesvara; if we are justified in amending the word, we may regard Paresesvara or perhaps Parasaresvara as the old name of the temple ; surely the correction to Paraburamesvara, its present name, would be too daring. On the eastern wall of the temple there are a few more short inscriptions in nailheaded characters of about the eighth century A. D. Four of them, reproduced here, read : (1) Kathadarirdrasya (Sanskrit Kashthadaridrasya ?) ; (2) Pravedakanam, followed by a symbol, probably a punctuation mark; (3)-prana ; and (4) Sri-Prasitarapr[a]na1 TEXT. 1 Om Srimat-Prapittracharyana Parasasvara-bhattakaya 2 prabhata-kale nityam naivedya-adhakam kritavan [l*] tam pakvi3 namapyi(py)=adhika-dvayam datavyari [1*] yah (kab]ch[i]n(n=) na dasyati kshe(?)ttra4 palah sa maha-patakena saha samvadhyate cha | TRANSLATION. on. (Arrangement) has been done by the illustrious Prapittracharya for the offering of an adhakas (of grain ) for the Lord Parasasvara every morning. Also to the cooks (?) of that (grain) two adhikas are to be given. The keeper of the field (?) who will not give them) (will be invested) with great sin and will be bound (or killed). No. 16.-AN INSCRIPTION OF JAITUGI, SAKA 1188. BY H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LL. B., Ph. D. (LOND.), POONA, AND S. C. UPADHYAYA, M. A., LL. B., BOMBAY. This inscription, which is preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, is now published with the courtesy of (now) the ex-Curator, Mr. G. V. Acharya, and the Trustees. It is not known whence it came, but, as will be shown below, it must be from the vioinity of Bombay. The record is inscribed on a rectangular stone, 3'5" X 1'11". The inscribed portion, which contains 20 lines, covers a space of 1'8}" x 1'1". It is not in a good state of preservation. Several letters are broken and the last five lines cannot be completely deciphered. The average size of letters is ". Below the inscribed portion is cut out a rectangle, 11" x 10", which contains an ass-sculpture, usual in inscriptions of this period from Konkan.' Right on the top, the stone is deeply cut into a rectangle, 6"x13" x 11", which contains a representation of the Sun on the right and the Moon on the left and a double Kalasa in between. 1 Nos. (3) and (4) are probably identical. The letters of the last one are ornamentally treated. * The correction to Pavittracharya or Pramittracharya may be suggested. * I am not sure of the correct reading of this ill-formed letter and conjecturally read it as kvi, regarding the word pakvin to be an incorrect derivative of the root pach. Tan probably stands for tat. (The intended reading may be tapasvinam .-Ed.) * [What has been read as cha appears to me to be only a part of the mark of punctuation.-B. C. C.] Adhaka is a measure of grain; the word adhika occurring in the next line is obviously a smaller monsure. [The word samvadhyate is evidently meant for samoadhyate, an equivalent of satyujyate. According to my reading, the meaning would simply be is united with great sin '.-B. C. C.) Of. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 270.

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. The inscription is in prose and the language Sanskrit and perhaps old Marathi in the latter part (11. 15-20). As regards the script and orthography there is nothing new to note. It is dated in Saka 1188 Kshaya Samvatsara, Magha Vadi 15, Wednesday. This would regularly correspond to Wednesday, the 26th January A. D. 1266,9 provided the reading of the date is correct. The main object of the inscription seems to be to record the gift of land (unfortunately the details of this cannot be deciphered) to a Brahmana Vaideva, a Jyotishi (i.e., an astronomer or astrologer) in the reign of Jaitugi, who is called Maharajadhiraja, Rayapitamaha, Korikanachakravartin. The ministers of the king were the Mahamatya Sri-Udaiprabhu, Mahasandhivigrahi Mainayaka, Srikarani Chanda(?)prabhu, and others (whose names cannot be clearly read). In the absence of the dynastic title it is difficult to identify the king. The tenor of the inscription-birudas of the king, names of ministers-would incline one to place the king either among the princes of the Silahara dynasty of Konkan or of the Yadava dynasty of Devagiri. The grounds for referring the king to the former dynasty are that :(1) The king bears the title Konkanachakravarti which was usually borne by the Silahara kings. (2) The names of the ministers-Mahasamdhivigrahi Mainayaka and Srikarani Chanda prabhu are found among the ministers of the last known Silahara ruler Somesvaradeva ; hence probably the ministers referred to in the inscriptions of Somesvaradeva and our inscription are identical. However, there are certain objections against aasociating Jaitugi of the inscription with the Silahara dynasty. They are : (1) Among the Silaharas no king of this name is known so far, either from inscriptions or otherwise. (2) Till now it is supposed, on the authority of Hemadri? (whose account was supported by the absence of epigraphic or other evidence), that Somesvaradeva is the last Silahara ruler of Northern Konkan, for the dynasty was swept out of existence when he was defeated and killed and Konkan annexed by Mahadeva, the Yadava ruler of Devagiri. If, in spite of these objections, Jaitugi is to be considered a Silahara king, then we have to suppose that he was either a son or a descendant of Somesvaradeva, who regained Konkan for & brief period, during the closing years of Mahadeva's regime (which may have been a disturbing period for the Yadava empire, for immediately after Mahadeva, before the rightful heir Rama. chandrs could succeed him, Amana occupied the throne for a year or so). 1 For the features already noted of the writers' comments above, Vol. XXIII, p. 270. S. K. Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 16. * Kahaya seems to be the most likely name of the samvatsara, as the first letter looks like ksha, the second is illegible, the rest are undoubtedly sarua, though they cannot be clearly read. For the reading of the date and some other suggestions I am indebted to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao. (H. D. S.) *[See n. 7 p. 129.-Ed.] Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 279-280. * Ibid. Raja prasasti, I, werde, 49; II, versen, 17-18 in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 273 and p. 276 respectively. . For soon after this we have Yadava records mentioning Krishnadeva and Jaideva as governors of Konkan. See J. R. A. 8., Vol. V, p. 178 and above, Vol. XXIII, p. 282. * Bomd, Gaz., op. cit., p. 247 citing Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 317.

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No. 16.] AN INSCRIPTION OF JAITUGI, SAKA 1188. 129 However, if the above be accepted, then we will have an hitherto unknown Silahara king continuing the dynasty after Somesvaradeva and in a sense contradicting the account of Hemadri cited above. The argument in favour of identifying Jaitugi with one of the kings of the same name of the Yadava dynasty would be, besides the tenor of the inscription, that the name exactly tallies with that of the Yadava ruler. But no king of this name lived in the period to which the inscription refers itself. Secondly no Yadava ruler is known to have used the title Konkanachakravarti, though to judge from the victories of Jaitugi I, Simhana and Ramachandradeva, Konkan must have formed a part of the Yadava empire.? Whatever be the dynasty to which Jaitugi of the inscription belonged, the inscription is written after the style of the inscriptions of this period, and must have been issued from a place somewhere in Konkan. The fact, moreover, that it was issued to record a gift to an astrologer affords further evidence of the patronage of such people in Konkan at that time. Text. 1 af (TI)(HC P855 we'fia2 Araaf pul gu ve - - - q[#]3 starAjAvalausamalaMkRta mahArAjAdhirA4 ja rAyapitAmaha' koMkaNacakravarti yo5 jaitugidevarAyakalyANavijayarAjye 6 mahAmAtya zrIudaiprabhu mahAsA[dhi*]SigrahI 7 mAinAyaka zrIkaraNI candaprabhu jasa8 ferate ame[t] vient fast[a*] 9 - helaif afurat 1 - - - - - -10 Unless the reading of the date is doubted. For if the date is read as Saka 1129, Magha Vadi 9 (Ag done previously by us and which corresponds regularly to 24th January A. D. 1207) then the inscription would fall in the reign of Jaitugi I, who is known from his three inscriptions (see Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., pp. 370-373 and references cited there) to have made extensive conquests. Subhana's son Jaitugi II is out of question for he is believed to have predeceased Simhana. ? The other king of this name is found among the Paramaras of Malwa, but his dates are V. S. 1292 and 1300 (Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, above, Vol. XXIII, Appendix, p. 397 and f. a. 14) thus falling outside the two probable readings of the date of the record. * Patna Inscription of Simhana, above Vol. I, p. 343, verse 18. * This letter is defaced, cf. note 3, p. 128 above. 5 Doubtful. * This title is very common. For references see Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 150 and 230. - Reading doubtful. [The reading appears to be Dadu-N.L. R.] * Illegible. May be pa. 10 Letturs illegible.

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXVI. 10 - - 0 - - Toe staat? OTHINT - - 11 af 2 - - - - 12 h -- TH -* vreifafauaa 13 area meilfalutare alw[a] 14 - Acaiyaar CAT , - - - - - - 15 - - - OTT - - - - - - amet - - - - - ufan? .... aetatea - # - - - - - o - - - - [#caya (CTI) - - - - - - - - _8 ------- - No. 17.-BIHAR KOTRA INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN'S TIME : [MALAVAT YEAR 474. By S. N. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., BOMBAY. The stone bearing the subjoined inscription, which is edited here for the first time, was discovered at Bihar Kotra in the Rajgadh State, Malwa, and is now exhibited in the Archaeological Section of the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. The document consists of six lines of writing engraved on a stone slab measuring 1' 4"x1'2" xy" and is well preserved. The characters belong to the Central Indian variety of the Southern alphabet which in its simplest form closely agrees with the Western variety of the same alphabet. 10 The following palaeographical peculiarities may be noticed. The most important common characteristics of the Southern alphabet are found in the open top of the letters gh, p. sh, and s and also in the retention of the tripartite y and of the long stroke on the right of 1. The letter m does not show the ancient form. It has a straight base-stroke in all cases, which indicates the influence of the Northern alphabet. The language is Sanskrit. The orthography suggests the following remarks. A conBonant is doubled before and after r as in puttrena (1.4), chaturddisar and sarvva (1.5). The final m of a word remains unchanged and is denoted by the sign of final m, in siddham (1.1) and dvitiyayam (1. 3). 1 The reading may be vishaye. + [Reading may be dri-jhepa.-N. L. R.) Reading doubtful. Letters illegible. * This letter is defaced. * Illegible. Though some letters are legible, sense cannot be made out. The whole line is illegible. Jt was noticed by Mr. G. V. Acharya in the Annual Report of the Prince of Wales Museum for the year 1938-39, p. 12 and pl. facing p. 12. [This inscription has been noticed by me in An. Rep. A. 8. R. 1938-39 where I have discussed in detail the question of Naravarman's successors including Vishnuvardhana.-Ed.1 10 Buhler's Indian Palaeography, Eng. ed., pp. 61-2.

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BIHAR KOTRA INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN'S TIME; [MALAVA] YEAR 474. 20 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 2083 E 41 -290. (From a photograph). SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.

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No. 17.] BIHAR KOTRA INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN'S TIME. 131 The inscription records the digging of a reservoir in the name of the bhikshusargha of the four quarters for the quenching of thirst of all beings. The gift was made by one Virasena, son of Bhattimahara, on the second day of the bright half of the month of Sravana in the reign of Maharaja Naravarman, when four hundred and seventy-four years had elapsed, i.e., in A. D. 417-18. Naravarman is already known to us from the Mandasor inscription of the Malava year 461, in which he is mentioned as the son of Simbavarman and the grandson of Jayavarman. He is mentioned also in the Gangdhar inscription of his son Visvavarman of the Mala va year 480. Again, Visvavarman is mentioned in the Mandasor inscription of his son Bandhuvarman, who was a contemporary and also the feudatory of the Emperor Kumaragupta I. The inscription of Bandhuvarman states that while Bandhuvarman was governing at Dasapura (Mandasor), the guild of silk-weavers built at that city a temple of the Sun in the Malava year 493 and that the same guild restored part of the temple, which fell into disrepair under other kings, in the Malava year 529. The entire inscription was actually composed and engraved at the latter date. But it does not give us any information about the successors of Bandhuvarman. Here, the present record comes to our help. Naravarman is described as 'aulikara'. Now, in the Mandasor inscription of the Malava year 589, the family of Yasodharman or Vishnuvardhana is mentioned as the lineage that had the aulikara-lanchhana. Evidently, Naravarman of our record and Yasodharman belonged to the same family. Thus Yasodharman, whose arms penetrated as far as the Himalayas, who was lord of the countries which were not possessed ever by the Guptas or the Hunas, and to whose feet obeisance was made even by the famous Huna king Mihirakula, can no longer be regarded as a military adventurer of the type of Sasanks of Gauda (first quarter of the seventh century) and Yasovarman of Kanauj (first half of the eighth century). For, from the present record we know at least one of his predecessors. TEXT. 1 [Si*]ddham'[i*] Srir(r)-mmaharaja-Narvarmmanah aulikarasya 2 rajyalo-samvatsare chaturshu varsha-sateshu chatu[h*)1 Above, Vol. XII, p. 315. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, No. 17. Ibid., No. 18. *[Prabhakara of the Mandasor inscription of V. 524 was perhaps the successor, if not the son of Bandhuvarman.-Ed.) . A satisfactory explanation of the word aulikara has not yet been obtained. But lanchhana " is the techni. cal term for the principal emblem impressed by kings on the copper-seals attached to their charters, and is quite distinct from the emblem on their dhvajas or banners." Thus, the Kadambas of Banavasl had the sukhacharendra-dhraja or ranara-mahadhtaja, but the simha-lanchhana on the seals of their grants and on their coins. So also the Chalukyas had the varaha-lanchhana. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 151, note 4. Aulikara may be synonymous with Limakara. ---Ed.) From the original stone. *The word stands in front of, and between, lines 1 and 2. * The word bri, forming the first part of a compound word, is used with a vibhakti. As a separate word it is used in the third case-ending, meaning saha or yukta. But in the present inscription it is used in the first case-ending. There are other instances of this usage; e.g., Srirsmmaharaj. Omavarmma in the Dhavalapets copper-plates of Umavarman (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. X, p. 144). -Ed.) The form of the initial au in the present record differs from that occurring in the same word aulikara (1. 5) in the Mandasor inscription of Yacodharman of the Malava year 589. In the latter inscription the stroke indicating the length of au is attached to the upper part of the letter; in the former the lower part of the letter curves to the left and not to the right as in the Mandasor inscription, which expresses the length of the vowel. The letter looks more like than au.Ed.) 10 There is a vertical stroke before the word rajya, which apparently forms part of a letter. What looks like an e-matra in rajya is merely & scratch.

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132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. 3 [sa*) ptateshu: Sravana-sukla-dvitiyayam Bhattimaha4 ra-bat-puttrena Virasenen-ayam-udapanah khani5 tas-chaturddisam bhikshu-samgham-uddisya sarvva-satvanam 6 trishna-kshayay=astu[l*] No. 18.-DHAVALAPETA PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN. BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. The copper-plates, which bear the subjoined inscription, were turned up by a farmer while digging his land in the village of Dhavalapeta, situated about twelve miles from Chicacole in the Vizagapatam District of Madras. The last plate of the set was melted and destroyed by the cultivator under the impression that it was made of gold. Fortunately, however, the remaining two plates of the set ultimately found their way into the hands of Mr. Manda Narasimham, in whose possession they lie at present. The plates were noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1937-388 and the inscription was published for the first time by the present owner of the plates, Mr. Narasimham. I now re-edit the record from a set of excellent ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India These are two plates of copper measuring 65" by 23" and having their edges plain. The plates slide on, through a hole at the proper right margin of each of them, to a copper-ring the ends of which are soldered on to an elliptical seal, 31' by 21" in size. In the depression of the seal there is inscribed in relief a four-line legend in the same characters as those of the plates. The inscription on the scal is, however, in a very imperfect state of preservation. It is just possible that it ends, as in the case of the seal of the Btihatproshtha grant', with MaharajOmavarmmasya. The inscription itself, which is in an excellent state of preservation, runs into twelve lines with four lines given to each of the three platese. The first plate, which has been slightly damaged, is inscribed on its inner side only; while the second one contains writing on both of its faces. The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets. They closely resemble those of the Brihatproshtha plates of Umavarman and the Ragolu plates of Saktivarmano. Some of their leading features are the following: (1) the initial a occurs once in asty- (1. 4) and a in a-sahasramsu- (1.6) and (2) the final forms of m and t, which are engraved in smaller characters, are found in karttavyam (1.9) and Sunagarat (1. 1) respectively. The letter chha occurs in Chhandoga (1. 5). In respect of orthography, the following points deserve notice. (1) A consonant has been invariably doubled after and only once before it (Cf. kkrama, I. 11). (2) Both b and v have been indicated by separate signs. The rules of sandhi have been faitbfully adhered to. The language is Sanskrit and the whole of the extant portion of the record is in prose. The inscription is incomplete, owing to the fact that the last plate of the set had been foolishly destroyed. 1 Read 8a-chatuh-saptatishu. After Astu there are faint traces of two slanting strokes. These may be soratohes rather than the mark of purnavirama, i.e. full-stop. C. P. No. 22. J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. X, pp. 143-44 ans plates. Above, Vol. XII, p. 4. * The complete inscription must have run into 16 lines at least, granting another four lives in allition for the missing plate. Above, Vol. XII, pp. 4-6 and plates. Ibid., pp. 1-3 nod plates.

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No. 18.] DHAVALAPETA PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN. 133 The engraver has done his work neatly. He has, however, left a few evidences of occasional remissness on his part as will be evident from two or three minor corrections in the text of the inscription (Cf. lines 4 and 6) which he inserted subsequently. The inscription is one of Maharaja Umavarman. It was issued from Sunagara. It records the gift of the village of Kuttura including the road (passing through it). The village was situated in the Mahendra bhoga. The donee was a Brahmana named Khallasvamin, who belonged to the Vatsa gotra and was a student of the Chhandoga sakha. The gift village was constituted into a free-hold agrahara. After announcing the nature of the gift, the record urges the householders of the village to honour the same. The names of the writer and the engraver of the inscription and, what would have been of outstanding importance to us, the date, have not been preserved owing to the fragmentary nature of the inscription. The chief interest of the record under discussion naturally centres round the personality of its donor. As many as three separate copper-plate inscriptions (including the present one) have come to light up till now, with their provenances remarkably restricted in area. Each of these inscriptions speaks of a king called Umavarman. For convenience' sake, I append the relevant data in tabular form as follows: Place Name of Inscription. of Distinctive titles of Donor-King. Year. Scribe. Origin. 1. Tekkali' (Ganjam District) . Vardhamanapura Maharaja . . Kesavadeva, a resident of Pishta pura. 30 Matrivara restored). (name Maharaja, Kaling. adhipati. Maharaja . 2. Brihatproshtha. (Vizagapatam Simhapura District). 3. Dhavalapeta (Vizaga patam Sunagara District). . not preserv- not preserved. ed. J.A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, pp. 53-54. Also noticed in the Ann. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1934-35 (C. P. No. 13). It is noteworthy that although the plates came from the Ganjam District, the place from which they were issued, viz., Vardhamanapura, has been identified (Ann. Rep. on S.-I. E., p. 52) with Vadama situated in the Palkonda taluk of the Vizagapatam District. Further the scribe of this record professes to have been a resident of Pishtapura, identified with modern Pithapuram in the same district. ? Above, Vol. XII, pp. 4-6. 3 Dr. E. Hultzsch's reading of this word as Sihapura (Above, Vol. XII, p. 5, Text, line 1) does not appear to be borne out by the facsimile of the inscription. The correct reading, I believe, is, as elsewhere, Simhapura. The medial i sign of Si with an anusara enclosed in its top loop, is clearly visible in the facsimile. cf. in this connection the word Simhapura in the Komarti Plates of Chandavarman (Abovo, Vol. IV, plate facing p. 144, line 1). * The Tiritthana Plates of Chandavarman (Ann. Rep. on S.-I. Epigraphy for 1934-35, C. P. No. 12), which is being edited by me for publication in the present journal, has for its scribe & person called Desaksha pataladhikrita Rudradatta, son of Matrivara. The damaged conditition of the Bribatproshthi grant prevented Dr. E. Hultzsch from correctly deciphering (Above, Vol. XII, p. 5, Teat, line 16) the name of the writer of the same. This name has now been happily restored by Mr. O. R. Krishnamacharlu (An. Rep. on 8.-1. E. for 1934-35, p. 51 and Ann. Rep. of the Arch. Suru. Ind., 1934-35, p. 64) as Matrivara, who has further been identified with his namesake mentioned in the Tiritthana grant as being the father of its writer, Rudradatta. Thus, the Brihatproshthi and the Tiritthana grants, between themselves, reveal the existence of family of scribes who plied their trade in two royal courts of ancient Kalinga. The pedigree of this family, or Father a part of it as far as known, may be set forth as follows: Haridatta Matsivars Rudradotta

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. Scholars have widely differed on the question of the identity of the Umavarman of the records mentioned above. Some have sought to differentiate the donor of the Btihatproshtha grant from that of the other two; while others are less sure on the matter. To be sure, the problem, though admittedly of a ticklish nature, does not seem entirely beyond the range of a solution. Of one thing we may at once regard ourselves as fairly sure: viz., a decided affinity between the Btihatproshtha grant and the record under discussion. Both of them come from the Vizagapatam District of Madras. Of more practical importance for our present purposes is the palaeography of the inscriptions concerned. They show the same thick-set ductus of writing; the characters have in both cases a tendency to assume a squat and rounded shape. The phraseology, especially in the formal parts of the two records, is almost identical in both. Lastly, the seals of the two grants present the same features. In short, the Btihatproshtha and the Dhavalapeta records betray a striking homogeniety and family-likeness which eliminate the supposition of some mere chance or coincidence : a fact which justifies the assumption that the two records may have been drafted under the auspices of an identical ruler, and if not by an identical hand, at least by persons not far removed from each other in point of time. To be more precise, it brings the Dhavalapeta grant very near to the date (Year 30) given in the Btihatproshtha grant. In fact, I believe that the Umavarman of the Bsihatproshtha grant is to be regarded as identical with his namesake of the record under discussion. There is also, I think, reason to believe that the Dhavalapeta plates were issued immediately before the Bsihatproshtha grant: for, in the latter record Umavarman is made to assume the ambitious (though, at this period, all too common) title of Kalingadhipati', which is absent in the Dhavalapeta plates. The Btihatproshtha grant, therefore, seems to have been issued on the occassion of some notable military success won by Umavarman at the expense of some local ruler. I am at present not in a position to identify the localities mentioned in the inscription. Palaeographically, our inscription has to be referred to the first half of the 5th century A. D. As such, it falls into line with such other early records from Kalinga as the Komarti Plates of Chandavarman', Jirjingi Plates of Indravarman', etc. TEXT.3 First Plate. | Orn Svasti [*] Sunagarat paramadaivata-bappa-bhattaraka-pad-a2 nudhyatah srir-mmaharaj-Omavarmma Mahendra-bhoge Kuttu3 ra grame sarvva-samanvagatan=kutumbinas-samajoapa4 (yalti [l*) asty-esha gramo=smabhir=atmana [h*] puny ayu[r*]- yaso-bhivsiddha 1 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. and plates. 2 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 281 ff. * From ink-impressions. * The ornamental symbol representing Om has been engraved at the beginning of line 2. 5 The letter na had been originally passed over by the engraver and was subsequently inserted at the foot of the line. The letter ya of yaso- has been engraved below the line, the correction being i ndicated by a little x mark at the top.

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DHAVALAPETA PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN. s .. 19 naattik a.a. kNdmugaa graam kNg g 8 Pythagaria 123 ii,b. j ni aNt vishvN 10.00 knu HT C " a ntinayyaana BCALE: ACTUAL BIZE, N. P. CHAKRAVARTHY SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.

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No. 19.) SPURIOUSNESS OF THE NALANDA PLATE OF SAMUDRAGUPTA. 135 Second Plate; First Side. 5 ye Vatsa-sagatrava Chhandoga-sabrahmacharine brahma6 na-Khallasvamine a-sahasramsu-sasi -taraka-pratishtha7 m agrahara[m] kritva sarvva-kara-pariharaischa parihsitya 8 sampradattas-saha vatakena[l*] tad-evan viditva yushmabhih Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 purvv-ochita-maryyada(da)y=apasthanam karttavyam[l*) yach=ch=atra 10 kimchid-utpadyate meya-hirany-adi tat-garvvam=11 paneyam[*] bhavishyatas-cha rajno vijnapayati[l*) dharmma-kkrama12 [vikra]manam-anyatama-yogad=avapya mahim-anusasata. TRANSLATION. (L1. 1-4) Om Hail! From Sunagara, the illustrious king (Maharaja) Umavarman, who is & devout worshipper of the gods and devoted to the feet of (his) father, commands all the householders en masse at the Village of Kuttura (which is situated) in the Mahendra-bhoga (as follows) : (L1. 4-8) "We have granted this village including the road' (passing through it), for the increase of (Our) own religious merit, life and fame, to the Brahmana, Khallasvamin, who belongs to the Vatsa gotra and who is a religious student of the Chhandoga sakha, after making it an agrahara, which is to last as long as the sun, the moon and the stars, and exempting it from the liability of paying all taxes. (L1. 8-11) "Having known this, you should regard (this gift) with the honour as obtaining beretofore; you should also surrender to the donee) whatever grows on this (soil) (in the shape of) grain (meya), gold, etc." (L1. 11-12) The King further exhorts the future rulers (as follows): "Having obtained possession of the earth either by right, or by succession, or by valour and ruling (it)............ No. 19.-SPURIOUSNESS OF THE NALANDA PLATE OF SAMUDRAGUPTA. BY DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY. There is a controversy over the character of the Nalanda Plate of Samudragupta dated in the year 5. In A. S. I., An. Rep., 1927-28, p. 138, Dr. Hirananda Sastri says, "As in the latter document (i.e., the Gaya Plate) so in the one under notice (i.e., the Nalanda Plate), the epithets of Samudragupta from Sarva-raj-ochchhettuh (line 1) to Lichchhivi-dauhitrasya (line 4) are given in the genitive case, but Kumaradevyam-utpannah Paramabhagavato maharajadhiraja-Sri-Samudraguptah in the nominative case. Obviously, therefore, this new plate must also be treated as spurious". Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, however, points out that "one ungrammatical clause, which is common to both, is not enough to stamp either as spurious. On the other hand, the alphabet of this Plate (i.e., the Nalanda Plate) is really of the time of Samudraguptn, though 1 This word, which the scribe forgot to engrave, has been inserted at the top of the line. Following the text of the Brihatproshtha grant, one might restore the rest of this sentence as asubasatam-pravrittakamsidan-danam sad-dharmmam-anupabyadbhiralahograharo-nupalyah[l*]. * The other alternative meanings of this word vataka such as "garden', orchard', etc., do not seem to be applicable horo.

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Vol. XXVI. that of No. 1540 (i.e., the Gaya Plate) is of the 8th century"! Thus while Dr. Sastri declares the record to be spurious, Dr. Bhandarkar admits the possibility of its genuineness. Mr. A. Ghosh, who has recently edited the Nalanda plate, is," on the whole, inclined to think that the genuineness of the present Plate is not above suspicion ". Mr. Ghosh rightly points out that the authenticity of the Nalanda record would indicate an abnormally long period for three generations, viz., Samudragupta, Chandragupta II and Kumaragupta I. Further, he points out the indiscriminate use of v and b which is abundant in both the Gaya and Nalanda Plates as a "feature, remarkable for the Gupta period ". He, however, does not lay much emphasis on this point. Such use is not found in the genuine records of the early Gupta kings. This characteristic, therefore, appears to suggest that the record is a late forgery. Samudragupta's epithet chir-otsann-asvamedh-ahurttuh is, again, very suspicious. It is only used in the records of his successors and is conspicuous by its absence from the elaborate description of his achievements in the Allahabad pillar inscription. It is indeed highly improbable that Samudragupta performed the horse-sacrifice before the fifth year of his reign or of the Gupta era. The most important point in this connection is, in my opinion, the title Paramabhagavata applied to the name of Samudragupta in both the Gaya and Nalanda Plates. That Samudragupta was not a Paramabhagavata is proved beyond doubt by the striking facts that he is nowhere given that title and that several records of the later members of his family mention the names of Samudragupta and his predecessors without that title, but, at the same time, apply it to the names of all his successors. The Gupta genealogy given in the Bhitari pillar inscription of Skandagupta, may be cited as an example. That Samudragupta was not a Paramabhagavata is proved not only by the inscriptions, but also by the evidence of coins. The title is found with the names of Chandragupta II, Kumaragupta I and Skandagupta on a number of their coin-types, but not with the name of Samudragupta on any of his numerous types. * The above facts prove that as Chandragupta I was the first Maharajadhiraja, so was Chandragupta II the first Paramabhagavata among the Gupta emperors. There is reason to believe that the latter king was at the root of the great popularity of the Bhagavata religion and of such titles as Paramabhagavata from the 4th-5th century A. D. Samudragupta might have been a Vaishnava', but he was evidently not a Bhagavata, i.e., follower of the Bhagavata form of Vaishoavism. There is thus hardly any doubt that the epithets of Samudragupta in the Nalanda Plato were copied from the records of his successors. The Nalanda Plate is therefore forged and is certainly later than the time of Samudragupta". 1 List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 2075, n. 1. Dr. Bhandarkar lays great stress on the early script used in the Nalanda Plate. It is, however, always very easy for a forger to copy the script only four centuries older. * Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 50 ff. Ibid., p. 51. Ibid., p. 52. Ibid., p. 50. * There is not a single instance of the indiscriminate use of vand 6 in any of the genuine records of the Gupta kings edited by Fleet in C. I. I., Vol. III. The earliest use noticed there is in the Khoh grant of Hastin dated in the Gupta year 156 (Ibid., p. 94). C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 52 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 225, n. * Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, pp. 161-62. The Garuda emblem on his coins may suggest that his religion was Vaishnavism. But this is not beyond dovht. Salankayana Devavarman was & Paramamahekara, but Nandivamran II a Paramabhagavata. They, however, not only used the same Saivite emblem on their seals, but also advorated their devotion to Chitrari thasvimin, the family deity of the Sulankiyanas (Sircar, Successors of the Satavahanas, Caloutta, 1939, p. 84). Such emblems appear to have been connected with the faith of the founder of a particular roval line.

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No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 137 No. 20.-BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. BY MAHAMAHOPIDHYAYA PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A. AND D. B. MAHAJAN, B.A. These plates were discovered by Pandit Vasudev Sastri Dhanagare at Basim. the headquarters of the Basim taluka of the Akola District in Berar. They were brought to the notice of scholars at the second session of the Indian History Congress held at Calcutta in December 1939 when Mr. Y. K. Deshpande read an article on them contributed by him jointly with Mr. D. B. Mahajan, B.A., Superintendent of Land Records, Akola. The article is expected to be published soon in the Proceedings of the Congress. We re-edit the inscription here with the consent of Pandit Dhanagare and Mr. Y. K. Deshpande. The copper-plates are four in number, each measuring 6*1' broad and 3:4" high. The first and fourth plates are inscribed on one side only and the other two on both the sides. Their ends are neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims; still the inscription is in a good state of preservation. About 1.2" from the middle of the proper right edge of each plate, there is a round hole .25" in diameter for the ring which holds the plates together. The ring, however, has no seal. The total weight of the plates together with the ring is 47 tolas. The inscription contains thirty lines of writing which are equally distributed on the six inscribed faces of the four plates. The characters are of the box-headed variety of the South Indian alphabet, resembling those of the copper-plate inscriptions of Pravarasena II. As in the latter, the medial au is bipartite, see pautrasya, 1. 3; kh has a loop at the bottom in likhitam, l. 29 and rakkhapedha, 1. 25, but not in kkhanaka, I. 20 and rakkhadha, 1. 25; t and n are not distinguished in many places, both being denoted by the same looped form, see =vvachanat, 1. 5 and hemanta, 1. 28; in anumannati, 1. 26, on the other hand, n appears without a loop exactly like t. It is again noteworthy that the lingual n has an identical form whether it is used as a subscript or a superscript letter, see a-hiranna-dhanna l. 20, while in the grante' of Pravarasena II, the Talagunda inscription of Kakusthavarman and other records of the period, the subscript n has generally the same form as the dental n. Numerical symbols for 30, 7 and 4 occur in lines 28 and 29 of the text and those for 1 to 4 on the first inscribed side of the respective plates. Of these, the symbol for 4 in line 29 is noteworthy; for it consists of the sign for ka with an additional curve, not at the top as usual, but at the right side of its horizontal bar. In the margin of the same plate, the symbol is exactly like ka. A final consonant is indicated by its short form without a box at the head, see =trachanat, 1. 5. Finally a crescent-like curve ig used here and there as a mark of punctuation which is redundant in most cases. The language of the inscription is partly Sanskrit and partly Prakrit. The genealogical portion of the grant in lines 1-5 is in Sanskrit; the formal portion which follows is in Prakrit, but like the Hirahadagalli plates, the present inscription closes with a benedictory sentence in Sanskrit. It is noteworthy that as in the early Prakrit inscriptions of the Pallavas and 1 The article has been published since this was sent to the presa. See Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Third Session, pp. 449 ff. and plates. * All the complete grants of Pravarssons II, which have been published so far, have a round seal with a metrical legend, but without any device, nee, e.g., the seal of the Tirodi plates, above, Vol. XXII, plate freing p. 173. See, e.g., muarona in l. 45 of the Pattan plates of Pravarasens II, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 87. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 25 and n. 2. Seo Buhler's Indische Palacographie, Tafel IX. In the Hirabadagalli plates (above, Vol. I, pp. 2 ff.) the expression is Svasti 98-brahmana-Ukhaka-rachakaIratribhya iti, while in the present grant it is Siddhiraasta.

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. Btihatphalayanas, there are no benedictive or imprecatory verses at the end. The Sanskrit portion calls for no special notice except that the gotra of the Vakatakas which is usually given as Vishnuvriddha, appears here in the form Vrishnivsiddha. The former is evidently the correct form, for it is the only form of the gotra given by the standard works' on gotras and pravaras. The Prakrit portion of the inscription deserves careful study; for, this is one of the few copper-plate grants from South India which contain a detailed portion in Prakrit. Even in this portion, however, the language is influenced by Sanskrit ; see, for instance, the Sanskrit expressions svasti-santi-vachane, ll. 8-9, 8a-mancha-mahakarana, l. 24 and adamyamanam, 1. 25, which are inserted in the midst of Prakrit sentences. As shown below, the present grant has many technical expressions mentioning exemptions granted to the donees which are common to the grants of the Pallava Sivaskandavarman, but unlike the latter the present inscription shows several instances of double consonants, though cases of single consonants doing duty for double ones are by no means rare, see, e.g., chatuvvejja-ggama-majjata, 1. 19, a-puppha-kkhira-ggahana, l. 21, Vidhijjesi, 1. 13, Sivajjesi, 1. 16, etc. and contrast them with Revatijesi, 1. 18, Chandajesi, l. 14, etc. In some respects the language of the present record does not strictly conform to the rules of Prakrit grammarians, see, e.g., tinna (Sanskrit, trayah) in l. 17 instead of tinni laid down by Vararuchi, VI, 56; tiesa in l. 27 instead of tassa?. Other noteworthy forms are se in l. 19 in the sense of tasya, ya in II. 7, 19, 25 and 26 meaning cha, and the euphonic nasal in etthan-game in l. 9. As for the dialect used, it is, as might be expected, the Maharashtri, see, e.g., apuno (for the regular appano) in 1. 8, but it is curious to note that this record found in the heart of Maharashtra exhibits some peculiarities which are usually ascribed to the Sauraseni; see, e.g., the softening of th into dh in Adhivvanika, 1. 9 and the verbal forms rakkhadha, rakkhapedha, pariharadha and parihara pedha? in lines 25 and 26 and danis in l. 8. On the other hand, we have hardening of d into t in -majjata, l. 19, as in the Paisachi'. These forms show that the peculiarities of the several dialects were not strictly confined to the provinces after which they were named. Especially noteworthy are the forms in si (or, sim) used in the sense of the dative, e.g., Jivujjesinh (Sanskrit, Jivaryaya), Ruddajjesi (Sanskrit, Rudraryaya), etc., in 11. 10-18. Accord ing to grammarianslo the dative case has disappeared from the Prakrits, its place being taken by the genitive. The genitive singular of nouns in a usually ends in 88a (written as sa in very early records) and this is the form which is invariably found in other Prakrit inscriptions. In the present grant, on the other hand, we find the form in si (or sin") used throughout. It 1 See, e.g., the Gotra prararanibandhakadamba, pp. 44, eto. * [See below p. 153, n. 4-Ed.) * Vararuch, VI, 6 mentions tissa as genitive singular in the feminine. Ibid., VI, 11. Similarly ya is used in this sense in line 6 of the Mayidavolu plates (above, Vol. VI, p. 87) and in line 12 and 14 of the Ellore plates of the Salankayana Devavarman, ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 58 and 59. * Vararuchi, V, 46. The Hirahadagalli plates have appara in l. 8. In Sauraseni the form would be attano. Vararuchi, XII, 3. It may be noted that the Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskandavarman in l. 20 and the British Museum plates of Chirudevi (above, Vol. VIII, p. 146) in l. 11 have pariharatha and parihardpetha. Hemachandra lays down danish in VIII, 4, 277, but says that the final anusara is optionally dropped (VIII, 1. 29). The Hirahadagalli plates (1.7) have the same form sa here, while the Mayidavolu plates (1. 5) and the Kondamudi plates (above, Vol. VI, p. 317, 1. 7) havo dani. It is noteworthy that -majataye occurs in L. 45 of the Hirahadegalli plates and majadaya in I. 18 of the Mayidavolu plates. Both these records are of the same period and come from the same part of South India. 10 Vararuchi, VI, 64. 11 Sm is used only in three or four placea in II. 10-12

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No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 139 seems to have been modelled on the genitive plural forms of pronouns, e.g., jesin, tesin, kesin, etc., just as the pronominal form etana is made on the analogy of bamhananal which accompanies it in 1. 17. This form in si has survived in old Marathi works like the Lilacharitra and the Jnanesvari and is plainly the source of the modern Marathi affix sa. Scholars have long been in doubt about the origin of this affix. Some derived it from the Prakrit affix 884, but as Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar has pointed out the form in sa does not occur in old Marathi works which throughout exhibit only the form in si. Other origins of this affix have been suggested. Bhandarkar traced it to the Sanskrit word samas and Rajavade to asa* (meaning near'). The numerous forms in si which occur in the sense of the dative in the present inscription leave no doubt that this affix is the real parent of the Marathi affix sa. The only orthographical peculiarities that call for notice are the reduplication of a consonant after 7 (as in Dharmma-, l. 1) and anusvara (in kata[m]uva, 1. 26 and sa[m*]vuchchharam, 1. 28), the use of for y in karejja, 1. 26 and kerejjama, I. 28, and the use of the class nasal in place of an anusvara in Sanskrit and Prakrit words, see, e.g., Vindhya sakter, and Nandikadasa, 1.5, a-chamm-angalika, l. 22 and sa-mancha-mahakarana, 1. 24, etc. Like other finished Vakataka grants, the present inscription opens with the word drishtam, seen', the auspicious word siddham being written in the margin of the first plate as in the Hirahadagalli plates of Sivaskandavarman. The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Vakataka king, the Dharmamaharaja Vindhyasakti. The object of it is to register the grant, by Vindhyasakti, of the village Akasapadda? which was situated near Takalakkhoppaka on the road going north from Nandikada. The donees were certain Brahmanas of the Atharvana charana or Atharvaveda. Brahmanas of this Veda, though now practically non-existent in the Central Provinces and Berar, were apparently not so rare in the age of the Vakatakas; for, the Tirodi plates of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II also register the grant of a village in the Balaghat District of the Central Provinces to a Brahmana of the Atharvaveda. The names of all the donees mentioned in lines 10-18 end in ajja (or, aja, Sanskrit, arya) as in the early grants of the Pallavas, Brihatphalayanas and Anandas. The land or the revenue of the village was divided into four parts, of which three were assigned to eight Brahmanas and the remaining one to one Brahmana. The shares of the former, again, were not equal; four of them received only half a share and the remaining four, two shareglo each. Forms like etana are, of course, recognised by Vararuchi, VI, 4. *R. G. Bhandarkar, Wilson Philological Lectures (publ. in 1914), p. 204. According to Bhandaskar the origin of the Marathi affix sa is the same as that of Hindi se, Gujarati a or syu and Sindhi se or 87, ibid, p. 251. Rajvade, Jnanesvarichi Vyakarana, (Marathi), p. 11. This word does not occur in the beginning of the unfinished Balaghat plates of Prithivishena II (above Vol. IX, p. 270) and the unfinished Drug plate, (ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 212.) . In the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta (above, Vol. xv, plate facing p. 42). on the other hand, drishtam is written in the margin and siddham in the first line. * The name of the village is used in the plural just like Valarakesu in inscription No. 13 at Karle (above, Vol. VII, p. 57). * Above, Vol. XXII, p. 172. * The text has addhaka in l. 10, which probably means a half'. Compare amsik-addha in l. 21 of the Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman (above, Vol. VI, p. 317). Addhika which occurs in I. 39 of the Hirahadagalli plates (above, Vol. I, p. 9 and n. 24) has, however, been translated by Buhler as labourers'. 10 Pala in . 15 corresponds to pali bhiga or pati-bhaga in the Hirahadagalli plates (II. 12, 13, etc.. passim). In the Gorantla plates of Attivarman patri is used in the sense of a measure of land. Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 103. Is parti or para identical with ifaka which is mentioned as a measure of land in the Gunaighar copper plate of Vainyagupta ! See Ind. His. Quart., Vol. VI, pp. 45 ff.

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. The plates are dated in the 37th year (expressed in numerical symbols) evidently of the reign of the donor Vindhyasakti, on the 4th day of the first fortnight of Hemanta. This date does not admit of verification and there is no reference to any era, but that the record must be referred to an early period in the age of the Vakatakas appears not only from the use of the Prakrit language in its formal portion but also from the manner of dating it ; for such a seasondate is met with only in one other Vakataka inscription, viz., the Dudia platest of Pravarasena II. The present grant was written by the Senapati Vanhu (Vishnu) and was issued from Vatsagulma. Only one other grant is known to have been issued from this place, viz., that recorded in the India Office plate of the Vakataka king Devasena. Vatsagulma was probably the capital of Vindhyasakti. It seems to have continued to be the Vakataka capital at least down to the time of Devasena and evidently attained great importance in course of time; for it gave its name to a particular style. In the opening verse of his Prakrit play Karpuramanjari, Rajasekhara mentions Vachchhomi (which plainly corresponds to the Sanskrit Vatsagulmi) as a riti together with the Magadhi and the Panchali. Vachchhomi is clearly identical with Vaidarbhi. The latter form is derived from the name of the country of Vidarbha and the former from that of its capital Vachchhoma (Vatsagulma). Dr. Randle has shown by reference to the Kamasutra that the Vatsagulma country was situated in the south and that it corresponds to the Vakataka kingdom." Rajasekhara also tells us in his Karpuramanjarithat Vachchhoma was situated in the Dakshinapatha. The importance of Vatsagulma as a centre of culture is suggested by the same author in his rhetorical work Kavyamimamsa. In the third adhyaya of it, Rajasekhara states that the mythical Kavyapurusha married the Sahityavidya at Vatsagulma in Vidarbha which is the pleasure-resort of the god of love. Vatsagulma was evidently known as a centre of learning in the time of Rajasekhara. This place is identical with Basim where the present plates were found. It is now regarded as a holy kshetra and there are said to be as many as 108 tirthas in it, associated with different gods and sages. The place-nam is variously derived. The Jayamangala, a commentary on the Kamasutras states that Vatsa and Gulma were two uterine brothers and princes of Dakshinapatha. The country settled by them came to be known as Vatsagulmaka. The local Muhatmya gives an altogether different derivation. It states that Vatsa was a sage who by his very severe austerities made an assemblage (gulma) of gods come down and settle in the vicinity of his hermitage. Since then the place came to be known as Vatsagulma.? Nandikada, which was apparently the headquarters of a district, is probably identical with Nanded, the chief town of a district of the same name in the Nizam's dominions. Takalakkhoppaka and the donated village Akasapadda which was situated near it cannot be definitely identified. From the description in line 6 we learn that they lay on the road going to the North from Nandikada. Now, on the road which connects Nanded with Basim which lies about 75 miles to the north of it, there are two villages Takaligohan and Ta':ali about 40 and 43 1 Above, Vol. III, p. 262. New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, p. 180. * Loc. cit., p. 179.. * See Karpuramanjari (Harvard Oriental Series ed.), p. 26. Gaekwad's Oriental Series, ed. (1986), p. 10. * Kamasutra (Nirnayasagara Proes ed.), p. 295. The Brilatkatha also mentions that Vatsa and Gulma wire souls of a Brahmana and maternal uncles of Gunadhya, but it does not state that they founded a city Das med Vataagilma. See Brihatkathamanziari, 1, 3, 4, and Kathasaritsagara, I, 6, 9. 1 Alola District Gazetteer, pp. 325 ff. Similar naures ending in kaja (6.9., Elijalata, Einnukata) occur in other grants of the Vakatakne as names of districts.

Page #180
No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 141 miles respectively from Nanded. One of these may represent ancient Takalakkhoppaka. About seven miles to the west of Takaligohan there is still a small village named Asund which is possibly identical with Akasapadda. The identification of Nandikada with Nanded, which is almost certain, shows that Vindhyasakti was ruling over southern Berar and the northern parts of the Nizam's Dominions. Having thus disposed of the formal part of the grant, let us now turn to the historical information furnished by it. The present inscription gives the following genealogy of the donor Vindhyasakti : Pravarasena, his son Sarvasena and the latter's son Vindhyasakti. In connection with Vindhyasakti, the inscription purports to state that he had performed the Agnishtoma, Aptoryama, Vajapeya, Jyotishtoma, Btihaspatisava Sadyaskra and four Asvamedhas, and that he was a Hariti putra (a son, i. e., a descendant of Hariti) and Dhar mamaharaja. These two latter epithets are found applied to a Vakataka king in the present grant only; for, they are nowhere mentioned in any of the grants of Prabhavatigupta, Pravarasena II and Prithivishena II. They seem to have been adopted from the grants of the Kadambas. As only one Vindhyasakti is known to history, viz., the one who is mentioned in the Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas and in the stone inscription in cave No. XVI at Ajanta, it was at first naturally supposed that the donor of the plates was identical with the celebrated founder of the Vakataka dynasty. The use of the Prakrit language in a portion of this record lent colour to this view ; for, all other known Vakataka inscriptions-whether on stone or on copperare invariably in Sanskrit. The Basim plates were therefore supposed to carry the genealogy of the Vakatakas two generations before Vindhyasakti. A closer examination of the record has, however, shown that this identification cannot be upheld. The genealogical portion of the grant is faulty in construction; for it seems to repeat the epithet Dharmamaharaja three times in connection with Vindhya akti'. Besides, it credits Vindhyasakti with the performance of almost the same number of identical sacrifices as those mentioned in connection with Pravarasena I in all other Vakataka grants. It seems therefore that the expressions sri-Pravarasena The title Dharmamaharaja, which Hindu kings assumed in the early centuries of the Christian era, seems to have been suggested by the analogous one Dharmamahamitra which appears as the title of a high official in the inscriptions of Asoka. We find it for the first time in the Hirahadagalli grant of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman. It is, however, noteworthy that the title was mentioned in Pallava granta only in connection with the name of the contemporary ruling king : for, in the early Sanskrit grants of the Pallavas which mention three generations (e. 9., the Pikira and Mangalur grants of Simbavarman, above, Vol. VIII, p. 162; Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 155), the title is applied only to th, ruling king who mad, th, particular gift. This is probably the T-880 why the title does not occur ia the Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskanda varman, for he was only a Yuvarija when he isaued the plates. The Kadambas adopted this title from the Pallaves after whom thay rose to power. Their graats, however, mention this title even in connection with the ancestors of the ruling kings, see, e.g., the Bannahalli plates of Krishnavarman II, above, Vol. VI, pp. 18 ff. The present Basim plates have adopted the same custom ; for, as shown below, they mention this title in connection with the name of all the three kings. Pravarasena, Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti. In some later Kadamba geants we find the title mentioned in coanection with the names of old kings only, which shows that it went out of use in course of tiine. Like the Kadambas the Early. Chalukyas also called themselves Haritiputras, but they rose to power long after the Vakitakas. This view is maintained in the article which was read at the Caloutta session of the Indian History Congress. This was first pointed out by Dr. D. C. Siroar in his note on the present plates published in the Inch Hist. Quart., Vol. XVI, pp. 182 ff. The repetition may, however, be attributed to the carelessness of the drafter of the record. An analogous instancy is furnished by the Devagiri plates of the Kadamba Yuvardja Devavarman. which apply the epithet Dharmamaharaja twice to his father Krishnavarman, seo Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 33-34. Soe, e.9., the Pattan plates of Pravarnaina II, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 85. The list is the same Hacept that the Basim plates mention Jyotishioma in place of U kthya, Shodasin aud Alipadra.

Page #181
142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. pautrasya in 1. 3 and sri-Sarvvasena-putrasya in 1. 4 are to be taken as sri-Pravarasenasya pautrasya and tri-Sarvvasenasya putrasya, so that the preceding adjectival expressions in the genitive case including the epithet Dharmamaharajasya would agree with sri-Pravarasenasya and sri-Sarvvasenasya respectively. According to this construction, all the three kings, Pravarasena Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti, would receive the epithet Dharmamaharaja and there would thus be no tautology. Besides, the expression Agnishtom-aptoryyama......chatur-asvamedha-yajinah and Samraja[*] would now qualify sri-Pravarasenasya, showing that it was he, and not Vindhyasakti, who performed these sacrifices and assumed the title of Samrat. This is quite in accordance with the statement in other Vakataka grants. Pravarasena, who heads the genealogical list in the present plates, would thus be Pravarasena I who, according to the Puranas, was the son of Vindhyasakti. The Vakataka king who granted the present plates should therefore be called Vindhyasakti II. He thus becomes the great-grandson of Vindhyasakti I. The genealogy in the present plates would thus be as follows Pravarasena I I (son) Sarvasena (son) Vindhyalakti II This would therefore be a different branch of the Vakataka family; for, according to the genealogy in several inscriptions of Pravarasena II and Prithivishena II, Pravarasena I was succeeded by his grandson Rudrasena I, the son of Gautamiputra who probably did not come to the throne1. Let us next consider if we could adduce any other evidence to prove the existence of this hitherto unknown branch of the Vakataka family. In this connection we would draw attention to the stone inscription in cave No. XVI at Ajanta. This inscription has been edited thrice before, first by Dr. Bhau Daji with 'a tolerably accurate facsimile' in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VII, pp. 53-74, then by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, pp. 69-73 and finally by Dr. Buhler in the Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV, pp. 124-28. Dr. Buhler's transcript is accompanied by a lithograph of the record from a facsimile prepared by Pandit Bhagwanlal. This lithograph has been somewhat worked up by hand. As it is, it seems to show that the inscribed stone is quite smooth where the inscription is well preserved, but those who have visited Ajanta and seen the inscription in situ know that it is just the reverse. This lithograph must therefore be used with caution and important readings of it must be verified from mechanical copies of the record. As we were suspicious about certain readings in the transcripts of Bhagwanlal and Buhler, we requested the Government Epigraphist for Tlia to lend us a fresh estampage of the inscription. We are grateful to him for complying with our request and sending us an excellent estampage3. The Ajanta inscription is very much worn especially in the middle and on the left hand side, but Bhagwanlal has, with his wonted skill, transcribed all that could be deciphered in his days. We give below his transcript of the first nine lines of the record for ready reference. 1 Gautamiputra does not seem to have ascended the throne because in later Vakataka grants the epithet Vakatakanam Maharajasya which invariably precedes the names of ruling kings is not prefixed to his name. See above, Vol. XXII, p. 175, n. 1. See A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, Plate LVII. The estampage is reproduced here with the kind permission of Mr. G. Yazdani, M.A., O.B.E., Director of Arceology, Hyderabad State.

Page #182
No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. [1] udIrNalokatrayadISavanhinirvyApano' praNamya pUvIM pravacye kSitipAnupUrvI m] [] [2] mahAvimarddeSvabhiSTaddhazaktiH kruddhassurairapyanivArya [ vIryaH ] [] raNadAnazaktiH dvija prakAzI bhuvi vindhyazaktiH [ // ] [3] purandaropendrasamaprabhAvaH khabAhuvorthyArjitasa [rvvalokaH] [i] [ya]zakAnAM babhUva vAkATakavaMzaketuH [] [4] raNe[Su] haryyutthitareNujAlasaJchAditArka ...... narAtomkRtvA[bhi]vAdapravaNAJcakAra [u] [5] [vini]rjitAri [smara] rAjakAryyazcakAra puNyeSu paraM praya[na] [1] nareMdramaulivinyastamaNikiraNaloTakramAmbujaH [4] pravarasenastasya putrobhUddikasatravendIvarekSaNa' ravimayUkha [rudra ? senaH] pravarasenasya jitasarvvasenastutobhavat [8] [7] pArthivendrasya [prazazAsa ] dharmeNa medinIm kuntalendravi pravarasenasya putrobhUtpravarojrjjitodArazAsanapravara [:] [1] samyak [n] [8] tasyAtmajobhUnnaradeva nairnRdevarAjasya [1] [ // ] tasyAtmaja X kAmata bhUH [ // ] puNyAnubhAvAtcitipasya 6 Devasena. 6 Harishepa. [] mavApya rAjyamaSTazabdako 1 Vindhyasakti. 2 Pravarasena. 3 (Rudra ?)sena. 4.... 143 bhuvi devasena [: / ] yasyopabhogairzvalitairvvipAva ya prazazAsa In his introduction to this inscription Bhagwanlal gave the following list of Vakataka princes mentioned in it : The reading appears to be saini-nirvodpand. The reading is-pravaname-chakara as noted by Buhler. * Buhler read [ari-] before narendra- in l. 5 and -endivar-ekshanah in 1. 6. See also, above, Vol. VIII, p. 27.

Page #183
144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. He further remarked, From the broken state of the inscription it is not clear whether Pravarasena was a son of Vindhyasakti, or, as is probable, of a member of the Vindhyasakti family. Of his son only -sena is legible, preceded by a faintly traceable form like dra, so that the name may have been Bhadrasena, Chandrasena, Indrasena, Rudrasena, etc.' Bhagwanlal seems to have adopted the reading Rudrasena, because this name occurs soon after that of Pravarasena Is in the Siwani and Chammak plates of the Vakataka Pravarasena II, which had been discovered before. This list was next revised by Buhler in the introductory note to his transcript of the record in A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, p. 128. Buhler thought that he could read, in the middle of line 7, the aksharas pra (or, pri)thivi which showed a name like Prithivishena. As Rudrasena was mentioned in the immediately preceding line he identified this prince with Prithivishena, the son of Rudrasena I, mentioned in the Vakataka land-grants. Again, he proposed to read further on in the same line, Pravarase[nas-ta]sya putro-bhut....in place of Bhagwanlal's Pravarasenasya putro-bhut, and this Pravarasena he identified with Pravarasena II. According to him therefore the Vakataka princes mentioned in the Ajanta inscription were as follows: Vindhyasakti, I (son?) Pravarasena I, (son) (Ru)drasina I, (son) Prithivabiga, I (son) Pravarasena II, (son) (son) [VOL. XXVI. Devasena, (son) Harishena. He also pointed out that the name of one prince, Rudrasena II was omitted after Prithivishena. 1 Burgess and Indraji-Inscriptions in the Cave-Temples of Western India, A. S. W. I., p. 69. Scholars are now agreed that this Pravarasena was the son of Vindhyasakti himself; for, he is evidently identical with Pravira mentioned in the Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas as the son of Vindhyasakti. See Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 50. He was Pravarasena's grandson.

Page #184
No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 146 BAKTI I no nomine From the land-grants of Pravarasena II and Ptithivishena II we get the following genealogy - Pravarasena I, (son) (Gautamiputra), (son) Rudrasena I, (son) Prithivishena I, (son) Rudrasena II, (son) Pravarasena II; (son) Narendrasena, (son) Ptithivishena II. If we compare this list with Buhler's revised genealogy of Vakataka princes mentioned in the Ajanta inscription, two discrepancies in the latter at once strike us-(i) Rudrasena I was not the son of Pravarasena I, but was his grandson and (ii) Pravarasena II was not the son of Ptithivishena I, but was his grandson. Fortunately, the Ajanta inscription is quite clear in the portions which describe these relationships, so that there is not the least doubt about the readings. In the former case the inscription reads [Rudra?]senah Pravarasenasya jita-sarvaSenassuto=bhavat in line 6 and in the latter case, [Prithivi ?]shenah........ Pravarasenas-tasya putrd=bhut=prapar-Orjjit-odara-sasana-pravarah. We must therefore suppose either that the poet committed mistakes in describing these relationships or that some of the readings of the royal names given by Bhagwanlal and Buhler are incorrect. The former alternative does not appear likely; for the inscription was composed under the direction of the Vakataka king Harishena's minister and is on the whole very correctly written. It is, however, very much abraded in the portion where the names of Rudrasena and Prithivishena are supposed to occur and consequently mistakes in reading are not unlikely. On referring to the excellent estampage supplied by the Government Epigraphist we found that the reading Rudrasenah was extremely doubtful. Both Bhagwanlal and Buhler also were not certain about it, but Bhagwanlal thought that he saw a faintly traceable form like dra. He proposed to read Rudrasenah evidently because Vakataka land-grants mention a Rudrasena, soon after Pravaragena I. This reading was also adopted by Buhler. Referring to the lithograph used by both of them, we find that the upper member of the ligature is quite uncertain, but there appears a loop below it. This has evidently been taken to be the subscript r of dra. There are several instances of the subscript r in this lithograph, but in none of them is it denoted by a loop; it is always denoted by a hook open to the left. The estampage of the Government Epigraphist does not clearly show even this loop. The preceding akshara nu is of course oompletely gone as admitted by both Bhagwanlal and Buhler. The reading Rudrasenah is, therefore, to say the least, extremely doubtful.

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146 - EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXVI. Let us see if we could restore this royal name. The extant portion of this verse shows that the prince whose name is partially lost was a son of Pravarasena who has now been identified by all scholars with Pravarasena I. The Basim plates suggest that he might be Sarvasena and the reading Sarvvasenah would suit the metre as well as Rudrasenah. The latter part of the verse in l. 6 would therefore read Sarvvasenah Pravarasenasya jita-sarvva-8enassuto=bhavat. The resulting yamaka makes this reading quite plausible. The poet who composed this Ajanta inscription was fond of using yamakas based on proper names' as will be seen from the following lines - 2 wauwafa: ...... grau: ...... farazafe: 1 7 pravarasenastasya putrobhUSavarojitIdArazAsanapravaraH / 10-11 fetita: ....... Fearasefarufaatana 14 xfaut fifashieca: 1 The description jita-sarva-senah of this prince was evidently suggested by his name Sarvasena. The Basim plates have now shown that Sarvasena was a son of Pravarasena. This Pravarasena, with whom the genealogy in the Basim plates begins, must therefore, be identified with Pravarasena I. In the middle of the next line (7) Buhler read the aksharas pra (or, pri) this and thought that they formed part of the royal name Prithivishena. This prince he identified with Prithivishena I. Referring to the lithograph used by him, we find that the akshara which he read as thi has tapoging top and is open below. It cannot therefore be read as thi, for, in other places in uus suscription, th has invariably & round top and is closed at the bottom. See, for instance, prathito in line 15, prathsta-gun-opabhoga in line 21, etc. The akshare appears to be fri of which the lower curve representing is indistinct in that lithograph. The following akshara is clearly vin. In the new estampage we find clear traces of dhya following vim. Especially the elongated curve representing subscript y is unmistakable. The two following aksharas are almost certainly senah. The name thus appears to be fri-Vindhyasenah. This prince we identify with Vindhyasakti of the Basim plates. As regards the remaining names we are in complete agreement with Buhler. They are Pravarasena, Devasenao and Harishena. Between Pravarasens and Devasena we have lost the name of a prince who, according to the inscription, came to the throne when he was a boy only eight years old. I do not, however, agree with Buhler's view that this Pravarasena was 1 For another instance of the use of yamakas based on personal namo, so the 'Nidhanpur plates of Bhiskaravarman, above, Vol. XII, pp. 66 ft. * Otherwise, there is no special point in saying that he conquered all armies. One would rather expect an exprossion like jita-sarva-lokah or jita-sarvua-rajab. It is possible to read Sarvvasenah from the traces in the new estampage, but we prefer to rely for the reading Saruvasenah on the wording of the description in l. 6. * Traces of the subscript can be clearly seen in the new estampage. Thoso akaharas were doubtfully read as shenah by Buhler. . I do not agree with Jayaswal's view (History of India, etc., pp. 75 & 79) that Davas na abdicated in favour of bis son Harishena. The description in L. 13 is intended to glorify Hastibhoja, to whom Devasena consigned the cares of government. Similar statements ocour in other records, see, e.g., above, Vol. XXV, p. 14 (line 17 of the text). Harishena is introduced for the first time in the noxt verse of that inscription.

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No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 147 Pravarasena II, of whom several land-grants have come down to us. The names Vindhyagena (or, Vindhyasakti) and Sarvasena of his father and grandfather respectively show that he was different from Pravarasena II, the son of Rudrasena II and grandson of Prithivishena I. The genealogy of this branch of the Vakataka family can be stated as follows : Vindhyasakti I, (son) Pravarasena 1, (son) Sarvasena, (son) Vindhyasakti II (or, Vindhyasena), (son) Pravarasena II son (Name lost), Devasena, son Harishena. We know from the Puranas that Pravarasena I had four sons who became kings. They apparently divided his extensive kingdom among themselves after his death. Gautamiputra who was probably his eldest son, seems to have predeceased him. Therefore, Rudrasena I, the son of Gautamiputra, succeeded Pravarasena I. An inscription of this king has been discovered at Deotek in the Chanda District of the Central Provinces,' not very far from Pauni where an ancient record of a king of the Bhara clan (the later Bharasivas) has been found." He may, therefore, have acquired by inheritance the territory of the Bharasivas also. The copper-plates of his great-grandson Pravarasena II record gifts of land at Chammak near Ellichpure in the Amraoti District, Chandrapura (modern Chandur) in the Wardha District, Pattan in the Betul District, Tirodi? in the Balaghat District and Brahmapuraka (modern Bahmni) in the Bhandara District. Pravarasena II was therefore ruling over the northern parts of modern Berar and the territory comprised in the Siwani, Betul, Balaghat, Nagpur, Bhandara, Wardha and Chanda Districts of the Central Provinces. We do not know how much of this territory was acquired by Pravarasena II or his immediate ancestors. But since the inscriptions of no other branch of the Vakataka family have been found in these districts, we may suppose that the whole of the aforementioned territory was under the rule of Rudrasena I also. His ogpital was probably Nandivardhana which is mentioned as the place of issue in the earliest In a combined genealogy of the two branches the son of Rudrasena II may be called Pravarasena III. * Proceedings and Transactions of the Eighth Oriental Conference, Mysore, pp. 613 ff. Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 11 ff. . C. 1. I., Vol. III, pp. 235 ff. Above, Vol. III, pp. 258 ff. Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (second ed.), p. 93. * Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 81 f. * Ibid., Vol XXII, pp. 167 ff. * C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 234 ff. and above, Vol. XXI, p. 211, A. R.

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. copper-plate grant of this branch, viz., the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta1 and the Belora plates of her son Pravarasena II. Later on Pravarasena II founded Pravarapura and shifted his seat of government there. Prithivishena II is the last known member of this branch. Scholars have long been in doubt about the relation of this Prithivishena with Devasena and Harishena. S. Krishnasvami Aiyangar thought that the Vakataka family branched forth after Pravarasena II, Narendrasena, the father of Prithivishena II, being a brother of the Vakataka prince whose name is lost in the Ajanta inscription. Jayaswal, on the other hand, identified Narendrasena with this latter prince. The foregoing discussion will make it plain that the two branches had separated long before, i.e., after the reign of Pravarasena I and that Devasena and Harishena belonged to a different line from that of Narendrasena and Prithivishena II. Only five inscriptions of this second branch of the Vakataka family have been discovered so far, viz., the present Basim plates of Vindhyasakti II, a fragmentary copper-plate inscription of Devasena and three stone inscriptions of the reign of Harishena, discovered at or near Ajanta, one of his feudatory in Cave No. XVII and two of his minister Varahadeva in cave No. XVI and the Ghatotkacha caves at Gulwada, about 11 miles west of Ajanta. The provenance of these inscriptions shows that this branch ruled over southern Berar and the northern parts of the Nizam's Dominions. Both the known copper-plate inscriptions of this branch have been issued from Vatsagulma which seems to have continued to be the seat of their government to the last. According to the genealogy of the Vatsagulma branch fixed above, Vindhyasakti II and his son Pravarasena II were the contemporaries of Prithivishena I and his son Rudrasena II of the other branch. From the grants of Prabhavatigupta we know that Rudrasena II was the son-inlaw of Chandragupta II (A. D. 380-413). He may therefore have come to the throne in circa A. D. 40010. This is also the approximate date of the close of Vindhyasakti II's reign. As we have seen, Vindhyasakti II was the great-grandson of Vindhyasakti I. In view of the abnormally long reigns assigned in the Puranas to Vindhyasakti I and Pravarasena Il and the date, the thirty-seventh regnal year, of the present plates of Vindhyasakti II, we shall not be wrong if we assign 150 years to the four reigns of Vindhyasakti I, Pravarasena I, Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti II. Vindhyasakati I, the founder of the dynasty, seems, therefore, to have risen to power about A. D. 250. Vindhyasakti II was followed by four kings whose reigns must have 1 Above, Vol XV, pp. 39 ff. Ibid., Vol., XXIV, pp. 260 ff. Annals of the Bhandarakar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. V, p. 35. Jayaswal, History of India, 150-350 A. D., p. 76. New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, pp. 177 ff. A. 8. W. I., Vol. IV, pp. 128 ff. Loc. cit., pp. 122 ff. Loc. cit., pp. 138 ff. The name of Varahadeva is lost in this inscription, but line 16 refers to the sons, apparently of Hastibhoja, the minister of the Vakataka king Devasona, mentioned in 1. 10, and Varahadeva was probably one of them. This place is identical with Basim, see above, p. 140. 10 Vincent Smith places the marriage of Rudrasena II with Prabhavatigupta at the time of Chandragupta It's invasion against the Saka satraps of Gujarat and Surashtra somewhere about A. D. 395'. J. R. A. S. for 1914, pp. 325 ff. 11 According to the Puranas Vindhyaeakti ruled (or, perhaps lived) for 96 years and Pravarasena I for 60 years.

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No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 149 covered about a century. We may therefore place Harishena, the last of them, about A. D. 475500. The present grant is thus the earliest copper-plate grant of the Vakatakas. In its Prakrit portion it has several expressions which in their Sanskrit form were already known from the grants of Prabhavatigupta and Pravarasena II. It is noteworthy that most of them find mention in the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants of the Pallava Sivaskandavarman as will be seen from the following table! : NO. Expression in the Basim plates. Corresponding expression in the Hirabadagalli or Mayidavolu plates apuno vijaya-vejayike ayu-bala-vaddhanike R-rattha-samvinayika a-lavana-kenna-kkhanaka a-puppha-kkhira-ggahana a-parampara-go-balivardda a-chara-siddhika a-chamm-angalika a-bhada-ppress A-khatta-cbollaka-venesika savva-jati-parihara-parihitam appana kula-gottasa dham-ayu-bala-ymo-vadha nike vijayavejayike (H.) a-rattha-samvinayikam (H.) a-lona-gula-chchhobham (H.) a-dudha-dadhi-gahanam (H.) a-parampara-balivadda-gahanam (H.) a-tana-kattha-gahanam (H.) a-bhada-papesar (M.) a-kara-yollaka-vinesi-khatti-visam (H.) sava-parihirehi pariharito (M.) 8 The close similarity in many of these expressions is very striking. It shows that the drafter of the Vakitaka grant has borrowed the expressions from some earlier Pallava grant. Besides these, we may notice the following points of similarity between the records of the Vakatakas and the Pallavas : (1) Vakataka grants, when complete, begin with drishtam which corresponds to ditham seen on the outer side of the first plate of both the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli granta. (2) The Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatiguptabegin like the Pallava Sanskrit grants with the words Jitan Bhagavata.. (3) A number of Vedic sacrifices are enumerated in the beginning of both the Vakataka and early Pallava grants. (4) The words ajna svayam at the end of the Tirodi plates recall similar expressions sayam-anatam and anati saya ti datta at the close of the Hirahadagalli and Mayidavolu plates respectively. These similarities are surely not accidental. As the rule of the Pallavas never extended to the Central Provinces and Berar, we cannot explain them as due to the employment, by the Vakatakas, of the clerks who were previously in the Secretariat of the Pallavas. The striking similarities in several expressions pointed out above clearly presuppose some connection of the V&katakas with the Pallavas and this is corroborated by the discovery of an inscription of a Vakatska householder on a pillar at Amaravati in the Andhra country. That the rule of the The similarities between the Sanskrit expressions in the Vakataka grants and the Prakrit grants of the Pallovas have been notioed before. See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 14, n. 1, and Nagpur University Journal, No. 3, Pp. 22 ff. The expressions taken from the Hirabadagalli plates (above, Vol. I, pp. 6 ff.) are shown as (H) and thom from the Mayidavola plates (above, Vol. VI, pp. 86 ff.) as (M). J.A. 8. B., (N. 8.), Vol. XX, p. 68. . Above, Vol. XV, p. 267.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. Pallavas extended to the Andhra country in the north is well known; for the Mayidavolu plates record the grant of a village in the Ardhapatha (Andhra-patha) to two Brahmanas. Mere discovery of a pilgrim record at a holy place is, of course, no clear evidence that the pilgrim was a resident of that or even of a neighbouring country, but in conjunction with close similarity in a number of technical expressions such as is noticed nowhere else, it may be taken to point to some sort of connection between the two royal houses. We shall not therefore be wrong in supposing that the Vakatakas had their original home in the South. - This conclusion is again corroborated by the findspots of Vakataka inscriptions. The earliest known inscription of the Vakatakas has been discovered at Deotek in the Chandi District. It records the construction of a dharma-sthana by Rudrasena who, on the evidence of palaeography, has been identified with Rudrasena I. Besides the present plates, several copperplate inscriptions of Pravarasena II and Prithivishena II have been discovered in different parts of the Central Provinces and Berar. The only records connected with the Vakataka dynasty which have been discovered in the regions to the north of the Narmada are the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions of Vyaghradeva, a feudatory of the Vakataka king Prithivishena. As Prof. Dubreuil and Rao Bahadur Dikshit have shown, he must be identified with Prithivishena II on the evidence of palaeography. Vyaghradeva is, therefore, probably identical with the Uchchakalpa prince Vyaghra who, we know, was ruling over the adjoining territory. The Balaghat plates of Prithivishena II state that the ruler of Malwi was a feudatory of his father Narendrasena and it is not unlikely that Prithivishena's own authority was recognized in Central India towards the close of the fifth century A. D. The Nachna, and Ganj inscriptions, therefore, do not in any way go against the foregoing conclusion about the original home of the Vakatakas. The late Dr. Jayaswal recently advanced the theory that the Vakatakas originally hailed from Bagat in the Orcha State. In support of his view he has tried to show that three coins discovered at Kosam and another place in North India were issued by Prevarasena I, Rudrasena I and Prithivishena I. The first two, according to him, bear the dates 76 and 100 respectively which he refers to the era of A. D. 248. This era, though called by the name of the Chedi or Kalashuri era, was, according to Jayaswal, really started by the Vakatakas. But Jayaswal's readings of the legends and figures on the coins are extremely doubtful. Besides, his theory that the Chedi era was really founded by the Vakatakas is disproved by the fact that the Vakatakas themselves never used it, but dated all their records in regnal years. According to the Puranas Vindhyasakti's son Pravira, who has been rightly identified with Pravarasena I, ruled at two places Purika and Chanaka.' Jayagwal's identification of Chanaka with Nachna 1 Two of these expressions occur in some inscriptions (e.... Nasik, inscriptions Nos. 3 and 4) of the Sata yabanas from which the Pallavas had evidently taken them. That the Andhra country had been ruled by the Satavahanas before it came under the rule of the Palla vas is well known. * Proceedings and Transactions of the Eighth Oriental Conference, pp. 613 ff. *C.1.1., Vol. II, pp. 233 ff. . Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 12 ff. * Ibid. Vol. XXIII, pp. 171 ff. History of India, 150-350 A. D., p. 67. * Ibid., pp. 108 ff. * Dr. A. S. Altekar has shown that the alleged coin of Rudrasena has no traces of the letters Rudra, bat. symbol which looks like a trident or triratna. J. R. A. 8. B., Vol. II, Num. Suppl. No. XLVI, p. 29. We adopt the reading suggested by Jayaswal, Bhokshyanti cha samah shoshino Pwrikan Chanakini cha vai. See History of India, etc., p. 16.

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No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 161 cannot be accepted in the absence of corroborative proof. As for Purika, it was situated according to the Harivansal at the foot of the Rikshavat (modern Satpura) mountain and, therefore, in the Central Provinces or Berar. Vindhyasakti, the first ancestor of the Vakatakas, may have been so called because he extended his power to the foot of the Vindhya mountain in the north. There is thus no valid argument against our view that the Vakatakas had their original home in the South. TEXT.: First Plate. 1 sicam' [*] dRSTam [*] vatsagulmAdharmamahArAjasthA miSTImAtIrthyAmavAjapeyajyoti2 TImasahaspatisavasAdhaska(skra)caturazvamedhayAjinasmamAja(jI) - 3 Nica sagotrasya hAritIputrasya zrIpravarasenapauvasya 4 dharmamahArAjasya zrIsaddhasenaputrasya dharmamahArAjasya 5 "vAkATakAnAM / ci(tho)viSyazaktacanAt [[*] nAndokaDasa "uttaramagge Second Plate; First Side, 6 tAkAlakkhopyakAmAse pAkAsapahesu amhasantakA sAbvAyogaNi7 yuttA pANatti bhaDA sesA ya sAccarantara(ku)laputtA bhANitavvA [*] AhohiM 8 "dANi pApuNI vijayavejayika pAyubalavaraNike" svasti IVishnuparvan, adhyaya 38, V. 21-22. * Tho Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas no doubt mention Vindhyabakti (I) and Pravirs at the end of the section about the kings of Vidita, but that is probably because like the Andhra they had extended their power to North India. * From ink-impressions. We have derived somo help from Dr. D. C. Sircar's transaript of the plates which sppeared in the I. H. Q., Vol. XVII, pp. 112 ff. while this article was going through the pross. * This word is written in the margin on a level with L 3. * The mark denoting the length of this vowel is faint. * Other Vakataka plates name this gotra as Vishnuvsiddha. See, e.g., above, Vol. XXIII, p. 85.. - Read zrIpravarasenasya paucasya.. Bee above, p. 142. * Read zrIsabasenasya pucasva. . Opposite this line in the margin there is a mark for 1, denoting the number of the plate. 10 This mark of punctuation is superfluous. 11 The engraver first incised da which he afterwards altered to w. 13 Anatti (Sanskrit, Ajiapti) is the same as Dataka who was to see to the execution of the royal order. 19 Compare ajna-sanchari-kulaputr-adhikritah in the Sanskrit grants of the Vikatakas. See, e.g., above, Vol.XXII, p. 172.. 1. In the margin on the left there is a sign for 2, denoting the number of this plato. 15 Hemachandra (VIII, 1, 29; IV, 277) gives both dans and dapith in the Saurant. Daai ooours in the Hirshadagalli plates also (above, Vol. I, p. 5). 16 Prakrit grammarians give appano as the correct form in the Maharashtri, see Vararachi, . 48 (Bhimaba's commentary); Hemachandra VIII, 3, 56. ___ Hultzach takes similar expressions which occur in lines 5-6 of the Mayidavolu plates as Migndhi noniina, tives. We would prefer to take them as locative singular forms, denoting purpose. In the Himahadagalli aad British Museum plates, the gerund katina or katumanis follows - vaddhaniyan or addhaniye.

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152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. 9 bhAntivAcane rahAmuttike dhAmAsthANe esthakAme AdhivvaNikacara10 Nama pAcaka / ' bhAlandAyaNasagottesiM jivujesiM kapichala Second Plate ; Second Side. ll sagIttesi / ruhaljesi / zrAviSThAyaNa sagottesi / bhADidevajjesi 12 kosi[ka]sagottesi / deNjesi / kosikasagIttesiM / veNDuljesi / 13 kosau(si)kasagottesi / vidhivjesi / paippalAdisagIttesi / pitu14 jesi bhAlandAyaNasagItesi cAndasi kosikasagInte(ta)si jeje15 si / pade(Te )hi dohi bhAlandAyaNasagottesi buddhajesi kosikasagIttesi / Third Plate; First Side. 18 bhAhilanesi / kIsikasagottesi / sivanesi / kosikasagIttesi 17 harikhajesitti etANa' bAmhaNANa bhAgA tiruNA' 3 kIsikasagIttesi 18 vatijesi / bhAgI 1 cautthotti pAcandAdicalikI apuvvada19 ttIya datto / pukharAyANamate ya se cAtumvevjaggAmamajjAtA parihAra vita20 rAma / / taM jathA arasaMbviNayika / alavaNakaraNa" ksanaka / ahiraruNa dhAraNa Third Plate ; Second Side. 21 praNayaSyadaya / papuSphakviragahaNa / aparamparagIbalivaI [1] 1. Such an expression does not occur in the Sanskrit charters of the Vakatakas. . The softening of th into dh is characteristic of the Sauraseni. See also rakkhadha, rakkhapedha, pariharadha and pariharapedha in 11. 25-26 below. The signs of punctuation in lines 10-18 are superfluous. The anu svara on siis very faint, but it is there, . The gotra Sravishtha or Sravishthiyana is not mentioned in the Gorapravaranibandhakadamba, but the Sangoli grant of the Kadamba king Harivarman (above, Vol. XIV, p. 167) names some Brahmanas of the Bravishtha gotra and it is noteworthy that like the donees of the present grant, they all belonged to the Atharvaveda. * The Hirahadagalli plates (1..27) have clai bamhandnarist. + The correct form is tinni in all genders. See Vararuchi, IV, 56. * In the margin on the left, on a level with this line, there is a sign for 3, denoting the number of this plate. . This is genitive singular of tad, ibid., VI, 11. 10 This form of the word (with the hardening of d into t) occurs in line 45 of the Hirahadagalli plates. According to Prakrit grammarians this is a characteristic of the Paisicht dialect. 11 Tho marks of punctuation in lines 20-27 are superfluous, ___u This seeing to correspond to krani in the Sanskrit charters of the Vakatakas. See 1. 32 of the Pattan plates, above, Rol.XXIII, p.87. J: The purve on na seems to have been capoelled.

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6 8 10 12 2 14 N. P. CHAKRAVARTL 199 02 ii,a. ii,b. ; BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. Oriends, res 13c5223329938sh by|:k'8,'i2rttt'u'bru / br8.zhg- bu kzshts bhaau R2nnddzhzhu 25km glng-'b ni3'utt9 kkaa, mnyyisshH0 bh khu k maa raa } tr sgyu pussh 8ttaa sk baadaai 2 2 22T / sh-gl skykh-lhutt sku'zhaa [[kw 27p / shaaukkaa '' phshaattnytthchsshwaai'u sshwtt7tthshddwt thaau'i tthzhaabaaddwlaa kwddwzhissh ttu'ukhaataa bhaabhaau zhaazhaa?rtsh khaantu, mnnh3, zhyakhraetkko / degY=? Ts Rg lh paasnnddtti, / 1tthbbM / kcigh1khaattttaathi, paau7naa kwe10m, tth-ddi khttit kh wuttaanaaiti wnydzinynyaa * naakwaati, bhinnMnaami, winydzkM shwklktrM, 7zh; 972.87skrdd3 bhyH98=3 khshisshshaakzhE7 14 shi +/ lp3tta-t-irya'tttt-si tt8Ltu1zttaakk? SCALE: THREE-FOURTH8. 10 2 12 SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA

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tti,4. 16 |g=kM kaadb b b b 'gb dng by - 2216 g'-zhig by-b-krb lng sng bzby- k k kap- 1: bu7 - by b dng- ' b t27:1/7 b 12 p klb / / 20- :13 shib- tu-d| 2 | Fpzl-2 pu-gsh 20 tat,0, 22 n:1 k kh2 ku / b n, khydr- 11/14 mkhkh ssh smg 72 by by-khr s-ky 'khru- 22 l / * g gh 399, bk9, mp4, z bhng- 2 gsh kh g wittig 7 by7 | | 11 b'i 75 2, kh700 byzl-phyw-31 / 1 b kr p ka/ g'i by8 la loc bdg-q6 - b ,5bhb 2iaprtgs 3% 96 2thaa - REn. Rg #2; 2. th 27ang 24 , bhiepshg w'i g 1dM gt btuagga " brd lhmyl- 213ng, /74/sy3 gp 30

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No. 20.] BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. 153 22 pracArasivika / pacammakAlika / prabhaDapyAvesa pakhAcomakaveNe23 sika / prakarada / avaha / saNidhi / sopaNidhi / sakutuppanta / 24 samaJcamahAkaraNa / sAvajAtiparihAraparihitaca [*] jatI uparili25 khita / bhAsaNaM cAdampa(mya ?)mANa karatA rakkhadha rabaDApedha ya pariharadha Fourth Plate. 26 pariharApedha ya [*] jo vu pAbAdhaM karana katavva anumapati' 27 timma etehi / uparilikhitehiM / brAmhaNehiM / parikupita' sadi]28 nigraha karajAmatti [*] sAbvacchara 30 7 hamantA(nta)pakvaM paDhamaM 29 [di]va[sa] 4 samupAsasthi' likhitamimaM zAsa[na] seNApatiNA 30 vaNDaNa iti // sidhirastu / - " TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1.---5) Success! Seen". From Vatsagulma By the order of the Dharmamaharaja 14 the illustrious Vindhyasakti (IT) of the Vakatakas, (who is) the son of the Dharmamaharaja, the illustrious Sarvasana (and) grandson of the Dharmamaharaja, the illustrious 1 The engraver at first incised da which he later changed to cha. * This corresponds to sa-kfipt-Opakfipta in the Sanskrit charters of the V&katakas. Soo abovo Vol. XXII, p. 173 and Vol.XXIII, P.87. * The anusvara on na is very faint in the impression. * [The reading seems to be basana-vadam=pamanam karjta, Skt. basana-vidas pramdnath kritod.-B.C.C.] One letter after ma has been cancelled. . Read tassa. - Read parileupitehi veditassa. Compare Vol. XXII, p. 173 and Vol.XXIII, p. 87. * In the margin on the loft, almost on a level with this line, there is a symbol for 4, denoting the number of the plate. . The last three akaharas of this word are incised over others which have been cancelled. 10 Read Vanhuna. 11 There is an ornamental symbol between these two sets of dandas. 11 That is, this engraved charter has been seen and approved. This word is absent in unfinished charters, See above VOL. XXII, p. 168. u That is, this charter was issued from Tateagulma. 14 Floot translated this epithet as pious' (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 34ff.) and Kielhoras law-abiding' Labove, Vol. III, p.144). The intended meaning in Brahmanical recorda must have been 'Defender of the Vedio religion' (dharma-rakshako maharajab). The expression Kaliyuga-doah-avasanna-dharm-ddahurana-nilya-Bannaddha which is applied to Pallava kings in later Sanskrit charters conveys the same idea. 16 For the construction, see the discussion abovo, pp. 141-2.

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154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. . . [Vo4. XXVI. Pravarasena (I), the Samrat and the son (i.e., & descendant) of Hariti, (who was) of the Vrishnivsiddha gotra and who performed Agnishtoma, Aptoryama, Vajapeya, Jyotishtoma, Brihaspatisava, Sadyaskrs and four Advamedhas (LI. 5--7) The Ajnapti' and soldiers who are employed by us in all departments as well as other touring (officials) of noble birth in the village) Akasapadda (which is situated) near Takalakkhoppaka on the northern road from Nandikada should be caused to be addressed (as follows) -- (Ll. 7-19) For Our victory (in war), for the increase of (Our) life and power, for invoking blessings and peace (for U8) and for religious merit in this and the next world, We have now granted this village to the following members of the Atharvanika charana(r) in this village as a new gift which is to be enjoyed as long as the moon and the sun will endure, (in the following proportion, viz.,) three parts, (in figure) 3, (of it) to these following) Brahmanas---half (a share)' (being given) to Jivujja (Jivarya) of the Bhalandayana gotra, to Ruddajja (Rudrarya) of the Kapinjala gora, to Bhattidevajja (Bhartsidevarya) of the Sravishthayana gotra, to Deaja (Devarya) of the Kausika gotra, to Venhujja (Vishnvarya) of the Kausika gotra, to Vidhijja (Vidhyarya) of the Kaubika gotra, to Pituja (Pitryarya) of the Paippaladi gotra, to Chandaja (Chandrarya) of the Bhalandayana gotra, (and) to Jetthaja (Jyeshtharya) of the Kausika gotra; (and) two shares (being given) to Buddhaja (Buddharya) of the Bhalandayana gotra, to Bhaddilajja (Bhadrilarya) of the Kausika gotra, to Sivajja (Sivarya) of the Kausika gotra, (and) to Harinnaja (Hiranyarya) of the Kausika gotra--and the fourth part, (in figure) 1, to Revatija (Revatyarya) of the Kausika gotra. (Ll. 19-24) And we grant the following exemptions from restrictions for it (which are) incident to & village belonging to Brahmanas proficient in the four Vedas, as approved by the former kings, viz., it is to be exempt from the entrance of) the District Police ;8 it is to be exempt from the purchase and digging of salt ; it is to be exempt from the presents of gold and grain; it does not entitle (the State) to (the royalties on) flowers and milk, (dnd) to the customary cows Hariti was a sage from whom the Kadambas and the Chalukyas also traced their descent. See, e.g., the Talagunda inscription of Kakusthavarman, above, Vol VIII, p. 31 and the Mahakuta inscription of Mangalesa, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 16. This record mentions Jyotishtoma in place of Ukthya, Shodasin and Atiratra which are mentioned in ot er Vakataka records among the sacrifices performed by Pravarasena I. Anatti (Sanskrit, Ajnapti) is mentioned at the close of many records and corresponds to the Drutaka who also figures in other inscriptions in the same capacity. He was entrusted with the execution of the royal order. The usual expression in other Vakataka records is Sarv-adhyakaha-niyoga-niyuktah who are employed by the order of the General Superintendent.' In other Vikataka records vaijayike qualifies dharma-sthana and the whole expression means at our victorious place of religious worship'. The Dootek stone inscription mentions a dharma-sthana of the Vakataka king Rudrasena I. . That is, of the Atharvavoda. . See above, p. 139, n. 9. * We follow Senart in the explanation of a-raftha-damusayika, se above, Vol. VII, pp. 65-66. Pranaya seems to mean a customary present or razarana offered to the king. See pranaya-kriya in the Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman, abovo, Vol. VIII, p. 44, 20 These were taxes in kind paid to the State, see above, Vol. XXII. p. 176.

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No. 21.) KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. 155 and bullocks; it is not to provide pasture, hides and charcoal"; it is not to be entered by soldiers; it is not to provide cots, water-pots' and servants; it is exempt from taxes; it is not to provide horses; it carries with it the right to treasures and deposits, to major and minor taxes and to platforms and important documents (); and it is to be exempted with immunities of all kinds.. (Ll. 24-28) Wherefore, you protect it, cause it to be protected, exempt it and cause it to be exempted, not repressing the order written above?. Whoever will cause trouble or approve of it when caused, upon him, when complained against by the aforementioned Brahmanas who have taken offence, we will inflict punishment together with a fine. (LI. 28-30) In the year 39 (and) 7, in the first fortnight of winter, the day 4. In Our presence', this order has been written by the Senapati Vanhu (Vishnu). May there be success! NO. 21.-KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M. A., NAGPUR. The existence of these plates was brought to my notice by my friend and former student Dr. W. S. Barlinge who had seen them when they were brought to Nagpur in March 1940. At my request Mr. W. V. Grigson, I. C. S., Joint Secretary to Government, Central Provinces and Berar, very kindly caused a search for them to be instituted. They were ultimately traced by Mr. V. H. Mujumdar, Naib Tahsildar of Hinganghat, at the instance of Mr. B. A. Smellie, Deputy Commissioner of Wardha. They were found in the possession of Mr. Baburao Madhavrao Athole, Mokasdar of Jamb. & village about 7 miles north by east of 1 The expression a-prampara-go-balivardda in I. 21 corresponds to a parampara-balivadda-gahanam of the Hirabadagalli plates and a-parampara-baliva[ darn) of the Mayidavolu plates. These latter expressions have been taken to denoto exemption from the obligation of furnishing by turns draught cattle for the progress of royal officers'. In former times it was considered to be the duty of villagers to supply means of transport for the touring of royal officers. Sometimes, & small tax, called prayana-danda was levied for the purpose. See Rajasevakanam vasali-danda-prayana-dandau na stah in the Paithan grant of Ramachandra, Ind. Ant, Vol. XIV, p. 318. But the use of the word go in addition to balivardda in Vakataka grants rather indicates that the village was exempted from the obligation of giving to the State the first calf-male or female-of every cow in the village. The Manusmriti (adhyaya VII, v. 130) also mentions a tax on cattle. This and similar expressions which follow exempt the donee from the obligation of supplying grass for feeding horses, hides (which were used as seats, cf. asana-charman in the grants of Pravarasina II), charcoal for cooking, cots, water-pote, servants and draught cattle, for the royal officers when they were encamped in the village during their tours. Chollaka is plainly identical with cholaka in the Mayidavolu plates and yollaka in the Hirahadagalli plates. Hultzach derives chollaka from chullaki, a kind of water-pot. Venesika corresponds to vin isi in the Mayidavolu and vinesi in the Hirabadagalli plates. This word is omitted in the translations of Buhler and Hultzsch. We derive it from the Sanskrit vainasika which the dictionaries give in the sense of a slave, a dependent, or a subject. The obligation to provide servants for touring officers is perhaps meant here. Lexicons give vaha in the sense of a horse. See above, Vol. XXII, p. 175. * We are not certain about the meaning of this expression. [Or abiding by the order written above'. Sasana-vada' here and vachana in l. 5 above imply the same thing. See p. 153, n. 4.-B. C.C.] . This corresponds to ajsia svayam Our own order' in the Tirodi plates. Cf. sayam-anatarh and anati saya. ti datta in the Hirahadagalli and Mayidavolu plates respectively.

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156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. Hingangbat, in the Hinganghat tahsil of the Wardhi District. In November 1940 the plates were sent to the Nagpur Museum where they were cleaned by Mr. M. A. Suboor, Coin Expert of the Museum. For the excellent facsimiles which accompany this article I am obliged to Mr. Suboor who copied the plates at the Government Press, Nagpur. I have also to thank Dr. S. S. Patwardhan, Curator of the Nagpur Museum, for his kind help in discovering this interesting record. The copper-plates are four in number, each measuring 8" by 4:11". The first and fourth plates are inscribed on one side only and the remaining two on both the sides. When the plates reached the Nagpur Museum, they were held together by a ring, but its ends were neither joined by a pin nor soldered. The seal which it must have carried is not forthcoming now. All the plates are in a good state of preservation, and there is consequently no uncertainty in the reading anywhere. The weight of the four plates is 1851 tolas and that of the ring is 16 tolas. The record consists of 36 lines, six being written on each inscribed face of the four plates. The characters are of the box-headed variety and resemble those of the other grants of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II. The following peculiarities may be noted: the box is in some cases fixed to the back of j, instead of being added at the top, see maharaja- in l. 7 and 8; in some other cases the box is not added at all, see maharaja- in l. 14; the sign of the upadhmaniya which occurs in 1l. 13, 15 and 33 has in all cases a box at the top which is not noticed in other records ; final m which is written in a smaller size has a box-head in siddham, but not in drishtam, both in l. 1; the anusvara is shown by a crescent and the medial au is bipartite everywhere; kh is without a loop at the bottom in both the places where it occurs, see khanaka-, l. 27 and likhita, 1. 36; the lingual d is distinguished from the dental d in danda, 1. 11, but not in Manduki- , l. 18 and Kaundinya, 1. 19; the subscript t is, in some cases, looped, but as in the Belora plates the loop is elongated in order to distinguish it from n, see bhaktasya, l. 4 and vritter- , 1. 12; finally, single and double dots are used here and there to denote punctuation which is redundant in most cases. The language is Sanskrit and except for an imprecatory verse in 11. 34-35, the record is in prose throughout. Like other Vakataka copper-plate inscriptions it contains some mistakes of grammar and orthography which are corrected in the subjoined text and the foot-notes added to it. As regards orthography, we find that consonants are reduplicated before and after r as in parakkram- , l. 5 and murddh-, 1. 6; th is reduplicated before y in Bhagiratthy- , 1.6 and visarga before p is changed to upadhmaniya in 11. 13, 15 and 33. Like other finished Vakataka grants, the present record opens with the word drishtam geen'. The plates were issued by Pravarasena II of the Vakataka dynasty from Nandivardhana. His genealogy is traced here exactly as in his other grants, his maternal grandfather Chandragupta II being called Davagupta. It may, however, be noted that the present plates spell some proper names somewhat differently from other Vakataka records discovered so far. The medial i of ti in Prabhavatigupta, for instance, is invariably short in all the records discovered tail now and the shortening can be justified by a grammatical rule, but the present plates read in l. 15 Prabhavatigupta quite clearly. Similarly vi in Prithivishena has a long medial vowel here, whereas it is usually short in other records. 1 In other grants of Pravaraacna II, kh bas a loop at the bottom, see, e.g., likhitan in 1. 36 of the Siwani plates, C. 1. I., Vol. III, PL. XXXV; but it is noteworthy that in the Chammak platus issued in the same regnal year it is unlooped, see khanaka., 1. 28, ibid., Pl. XXXIV. . Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 260. * Above, Vol. XV, p. 42, n. 10. See Panini, VI, 3, 03. * In the Belora plates (Set A) the medial of vi is long as here, See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 264.

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No. 21.) KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. 157 The object of the present inscription is to record the grant, by Pravarasena II, of the village Kothuraka which was situated in the territorial division (ahara) of Supratishtha. The village lay to the west of the Uma river, to the north of Chinchapalli, to the east of Bonthikavitaka and to the south of Mandukigrama. The donee was the celibate Brahmana Kaluttaka who belonged to the Kaundinya gotra and the Taittiriya sakha of the Black Yajurveda. The grant was made at the victorious place of religious worship (vaijayike dharma-sthane) and is dated on the twelfth lunar day of the bright fortnight of Abvina in the second regnal year. The dutaka was Chakradeva and the scribe Nagavarman. Neither of these is known from any other Vakataka grant. The grant recorded on the Belora plates (Set B), discovered two years ago, was so far the earliest one of Pravarasena II, being dated in his eleventh regnal year. The present grant is still earlier, as it was made in the second year after his accession. It has fully confirmed some of the conclusions drawn from the Belora plates. There is now no doubt that PravaraBena II was different from Divakarasena, the Yuvaraja, for whom his mother Prabhavatigupta was acting as a regent even in the thirteenth year after his accession as a boy-prince.* Again, like the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta and the Belora plates (Set A) of Pravarasena II, the present plates also were issued from Nandivardhana. This place was, therefore, undoubtedly the earlier capital of the Vakatakas before the foundation of Pravarapura by Pravarasena II. As these plates were issued in the beginning of Pravarasena's reign, they do not enable us to state when the capital was shifted to Pravarapura. The donee of the present plates is called gana-vajin. It may therefore be conjectured that the grant was made on the occasion of a gana-yaga at which he officiated as a priest. The term gana-yaga can, however, be variously interpreted. It may mean a sacrifice performed for a gana or guild. Such sacrifices performed for a multitude of men were, however, discouraged in ancient times. Both Manu and Vishnu regard the Brahmanas who officiated at such sacrifices as unfit for invitation to a sraddha. As the present grant was made by a king and not by a guild, this meaning of gana-yaga is evidently inapplicable here. The Vachaspatya explains ganayajsia as a sacrifice performed by a number of brothers and sisters and cites Katyayana-Srautasutra 22, 11, 12 and 25, 13, 29 in support of this interpretation. But this explanation also is unlikely in the present case. The Manusmriti (III, 164) enjoins that the priest who offers sacrifices to Ganas should be avoided at a fraddha. The expression gananari yajakah is variously taken by the commentators of Manu. Narayana and Nandana take it to mean one who sacrifices for ganas, i.e., many persons or guilds, but such persons are already excluded by Manusmriti III, 151. Other commentators including Medbatithi and Kulluka think that Vinayaka- or Ganesa-homa may be meant by gana-yaga. The Manava-Grihyasutra (II, 14) and the Yajflavalkyasmriti (I, 271 ff.) mention almost in identical terms a rite for the 1 I have pointed out before that this expression invariably occurs in the grants of Pravarasina II, which were made at the capital. See above, Vol. XXII, p. 170. * See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 262. * Ibid., Vol. XV. pp. 39 ff. Both the Poons and the Belor, plates spell the name of this place as Nandivardhana with long medial vowel in nd which led Dr. Randle to think that the place might be different from the Nandivardhans mentioned in the Rithapur plates of the Nala king Bhavadattavarman (above, Vol. XIX, p. 102). See New Ind. Ant., Vol. II, p. 177. The place-name is spelt here exactly as in Bhavadattavarman's plates. 4 Manuemriti, III, 151; Vishnwamriti, LXXXII, 8-9. A passage from the Yamaamriti cited in the Panalara-Dharmasarhita (Bom. Sanskrit Series, No. XLVIII, p. 368) mentions freni-yajaka-ydjaldh iu the same context.

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. propitiation of Vinayakas, but it is not known if the priest who performed the rite incurred any guilt. Dr. Buhler's suggestion, therefore, that the reference in Manusmriti III, 164, may be to the gana-homas mentioned by Baudhayana-Dharmasutra appears to be preferable. Baudhayana lays down the following procedure for the performance of the gana-homas. A person who has purified himself by certain restraints should after fasting for three days and nights' commence the performance of the sacred rite, making offerings of boiled rice and clarified butter and reciting certain mantras in the morning, at midday and in the evening. At the end of one week during which these homas are continued, he should feed Brahmanas, and distribute to them cows, land, sesamum and gold. These gana-homas are to be performed by a person for himself. A Brahmana is, however, allowed to perform the rite for his teacher, father and mother, but for none else. If he performs it for others through greed, he is tainted by sin and perishes like one who has swallowed poison. Baudhayana, however, says later on (IV, 8, 10) that through a desire of removing one's guilt one may cause these oblations to be offered by men who have been engaged for money in case one is unable to do it; a man need not torment himself.' This means, as explained by the commentator Govindasvamin, that the wealthy man who engages a priest for the performance of the rite will be freed from sin, but the latter will be tainted by guilt. This explains why the priests who performed gana-homas for others out of greed were avoided at a braddha. Naturally few people must have come forward to do the rite and those who did it received a high reward. The case is analogous to that of the first annual sraddha in honour of a dead person or to that of a sraddha at an eclipse. The donee of the present plates seems to have performed such a gana-homa for Pravarasena II from whom he received a village as his sacrificial fee. As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Nandivardhana has already been identified with Nagardhan or Nandardhan near Ramtek in the Nagpur District. Kothuraka, the donated village, cannot now be traced. Its site seems to be occupied by Mangaon on the right bank of the Wunna, about 2 miles north by west of Jamb, since all the boundary villages mentioned in the present plates can be identified in its vicinity in their respective directions. Thus Chinchapalli is Chicholi which also is situated on the right bank of the same river Wunna, half a mile to the south of Mangaon ; Bonthikavataka is now called Bothad and Mandukigrama, Mandgaon, about 31 miles to the north by west and 2 miles to the north respectively from Mangaon, The Wardha District Gazetteer records a tradition that Mandgaon is named after one Mando kishi who is said to have done penance on the Wunna river. The present grant, however, shows that the ancient name of the pl.ce was Mandukigrama. The identification of these three boundaries shows that the Uma river which formed the eastern boundany of the donated village is none other than the Wunna. No place exactly corresponding to Supratishtha, the headquarters of the ahara in which these villages were situated, can now be traced, but it seems to have comprised roughly the territory now included in the Hisganghat tahoil. This ahara was already known from the Poonn plates of Prabhavatigupta, but no clue to its identification was so far available. It is now furnished by the present plates 1 R. G. Bhandarkar, Vaishnavism, Saivism etc., pp. 147 ff. Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, adhyaya II (Sudhakar Dwivedi's ed., Vol. I, p. 91) also mentions gana-yagas which the commentator Bhattotpala explains 1 guhyaku-pujana, the worship of the demigods called guhyakas. * See his Laws of Manu, S. B. E., Vol. XXV, p. 106. Bawihavana-Dhrmasitra, Prahna IV, adhyayas 7 and 8. See Buhler's translation in S. B. E., Vol. XIV. Pp. 329 ff. * See Govindasvamin's commentary on Baudhayana-Dharnasutra, IV, 8, 9. Wardha District Gazetteer, (1906), p. 250.

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No. 21.] KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. 159 which show that Prabhavatigupta's plates, though discovered in far-off Poona, originally belonged to the Hinganghat tahsil. These plates record the grant of the village Danguna which was situated in the Supratishthahara and lay to the east of Vilavanaka, to the south of Sirshagrama, to the west of Kadapinjana and to the north of Sidivivaraka. None of these places have been identified so far. Two of them I have been able to trace in the vicinity of Hinganghat. Vilavanaka seems to be Vani, about 21 miles to the west and Kadapinjana may be Kadhajan 3 miles to the south by east of Hinganghat. Hinganghat seems therefore to occupy the same position as the ancient village Danguna. The latter place-name appears to have been changed to Hingan in course of time, ghat being added to it as it was a fording place on the Wunna. It is noteworthy that the name of the village Kavadghat on the opposite bank of the same river also ends in ghat. TEXT.. First Plate. 1 dri(ha)Tam [*] siddham [*] vasta(sti) nandivaInAt / *] agniSTomAptAmokthya SoDazyatirAva2 vAjapeyabRhasya(spa)tisavasAdyaskracaturakhamedhayAjinaH viSNubaha 3 sagotrasya samrATa' vAkATakAnAmmahArAjazrIpravarasamasya sUno sUno 4 atyantakhAmimahAbhairavabhaktasya // asaMbhAra'sanivezitazivaliGgo5 [6]hanazivasuparituSTasamutpAditarAjavaMzAnAm parAkramAdhigatabhAgI6 rathyamalajalamUrvAbhiSiktAnAM dazAzvamedhAvabhRthakhAtAnA(nAM) bhArazivAnAM Second Plate; First Side. 7 mahArAjazrIbhavanAgadauhitrasya gautami(mI)putrasya putrasya / vAkATa8 kAnAmmahArAjazrIrudrasenasya sUnoH atyantamAhezvarasya // " 9 satyAjavakAruNyazauryavikramanayavinayamAhAvyadhImatva(ttva)10 pAtragatabha[ktitvadharmavijayitvamanonarmAlyAdiguNasmasa 1 The coppersmith with whom the platos were found originally hailed from Ahmednagar, See above, Vol. XV, p. 39. From ink-impressions. Here and in many places below, rules of sandhi have not been observed. . Read Samrd.jo. . Read sinob sunob. * This mark of punctuation is superfluous. The anus dra is misplaced. Read arusa-bhara. * This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. 11 petasya / varSazatamabhivaImAnakozadaNDasAdhanasantAna12 putrapautriNa[:] yudhiSThirahattervAkATakAnAmmahArAjavIpRthivI Second Plate; Second Side. 13 senasya' sUnobhaMgavatayakrapANe prasAdA(do)pArjitazrIsamudayasya 14 mahArAjatri(zrI)rudrasenasya sUnoH mahArAjAdhirAjazrIdevagupta15 sutAya(yA) prabhAvatIguptAya(yA)mutpatvasya // zambhoraprasAdati(ta)kAta16 yugasya / ' vAkATakAnAmparamamAhezvaramahArAja zrIpravarasena17 sya vacanA[*] / supratiSThAha(hA)re / ' umAnadyA aparapAkheM / ciMcApalyA' 18 uttare pAveM / ' bonthikavATakasya / ' pUrve pArzve / ' maNDakigrAmasya Third Plate; First Side. 19 dakSiNe pAkheM / kothurakabAmagrAmaH kauNDinyasagotra / taittirika gaNayAvi20 kAluddakabrahmacAriNe dattA' [*] yatomamantakAH sarvAddhyAvaniyoganiyuktA 21 AcAsaMcArikulaputrAdhikvatAH bhaTTA'cAcAca viSutapUrvayAnAcApayi22 tavyA' viditamastu vaH yathehAsmAbhirAtmano dharmAyurbalavijayazcaryavi23 vRdaye ihAmutrahitArthamAtmAnugrahAya vaiSayika dhamma(mapra)khAne apUrvada24 tyA(tyA) udakapUrvamatisRSTaH [*] yathAsyopacitA' pUrvarAjAnumatAcAturvedya Third Plate; Second Side. 25 grAmamaryAdAnvitarAma stadyathA akaradAyi abhaTaccha"prAvazyA:] apA26 ramparagobalavaha[:]2 apuSpakSaurasandoha[*] pavA(cA)rAsanacAGgAra:*] ala This mark of punctuation is superfluous. . Read Sri-Prithivishinaaya. . Read Chirichapallya. * Read Taittiriya-. * Read dattab. * Read bhata- as in other Vakataka grants. . Read visruta-purvaajayajia payitabyah. - Read degsy-bchitarin. . Read maryyadam vitaramasi, 10 Read akara-dayi. u Read .chchhatra- as in other Vakataka grante. U Read-balivarddah.

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KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. 20.0 2 2992 2 9989 Part : PONAV FRETES ERE A29172 gara ans 494434 ganguiga Rafa65 daan antara mas Agu 99,00 Bangs 6 Ag2r al PSSAFAH377999999 u,a. E ELE PEGRENDEZHOPLOTE EBBEN ES 019 GLE I DE EU can 919.9 EIBI U d'acucho 10 ma Octo STI g pagsagaasiga ja la 91199. 99 wreiro STE TA33 EF sta FOTO 12 12 Ch 22 iib. TU H 14 ana Na DE 2014 993 44 47 28 30 314 14 DO 14 FEC LC TEM.DAT Co 16 goyage 93 94332.1831962 a gara 16 d 9329429 n. 999. 189399032129 TA3 18 SCALE: ONE-HALF. F EGP EL osat UC PTT - 18 da. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 2087 E'41-290. SCALE: ONE-HALF. SURVEY OY INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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No. 22.] A NOTE ON THE DATES OF THREE RASHTRAKUTA KINGS. 161 27 vaNaklinnaklenIkhanakaH' sarvaveSTisaparihAraparihataH sanidhiH 28 sopanidhi:*] sakliptopaklipta [:] pAcandrAdityakAli(lo)yaH putrapautrAnu gA* 29 mikaH bhuJjatA(to) na kenacijhyAghAtayitathyaH sarvakrayAbhi'smarakSitavya[:*] 30 parivayitavyacA(ca) [*] yathAspacchAsanamagaNayamAnaH svalpAmapi paribArdhA Fourth Plate. 31 kuryAtkArayita vA tasya brAhmaNarveditasya sadaNDaM nigrahaM kuryyAma // 32 asmiMzca dharmAdarakaraNe atItAnekarAjadattA sacintanaparipAlana 33 kRtapuNyAnukIrtanaparihArAtya na kIrtayAma: [*] vyAsagi(go)tazcAtra zloka pramANI34 karttavya[:] [[*] svadattA paradattA vA haredyo ve vasundharA[[*] / gavAM zata sahasrasya 35 hantuharati duSkRta(tam)' / [ // 1 // *] saMvatsare dvitIye azvayuja'mAsazaklabAdaNyA(zyA) / ' 36 cakadevadUtaka:10 nAgavarmANA likhita[ma*] / // * // No. 22.-A NOTE ON THE DATES OF THREE RASHTRAKUTA KINGS. BY THE LATE: MR. A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS: Indra III-A. D. 916-27 (1) The Rashtrakuta king Indra III had the distinctive title of Nityavarsha', while his son Govinda IV had the titles of Prabhutavarsha' and Suvarnavarsha'. The earliest record in which this Prabhutavarsha (i. e., Govinda IV) figures is one from Dandapurl in the BombayKarnatak, which is dated in Saka840 (expired), Pramathin, Makara-sankramapa, corresponding 1 Read - rimi-khanakah. . Read sarupa-vishti-parihara. * Read sa-klipt-opakliptal. * Read sarva-kriyabhir, Read karavasnd. * Read raja-datta-salichintano-paripalanaim. 1 Metre: Anushtubh. 8 Read Alvayuja . This mark of punctuation is superfluous. 10 Read Chakkradeva-dalakars. 11 There is a floral design between these two sets of dandas. WInd. Ant. Vol. XII, p.222, and B.K.No.83 of 1933-34.

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. to A. D. 918, December 23, while the latest date Saka 857 (wrong for Saka 856), Vijaya, corresponding to A. D. 933-34 is furnished by three records1 from Honnali in the Mysore State. On the strength of these, Mr. Altekar has concluded that Indra III had died in about A. D. 917 and that Govinda IV, who succeeded him, probably after a short rule of one year of his elder brother Amoghavarsha II, had actually reigned for about 15 years from A. D. 919 to 934. This statement seems to require modification in the light of some other inscriptions of Indra III which have been copied from the Bellary and Cuddapah Districts of the Madras Presidency and from Bombay-Karnatak. One of these from Kudatani" in the Bellary District is dated in Vikrama, which corresponded to Saka [842], (=A. D. 920-21). Another from Kadabagere in the same district belonging to the reign of Nityavarsha Indra-Vallabha is dated in Saka 844, Chitrabhanu, corresponding to A. D. 922, September 9. A third from Asundi in the BombayKarnatak, belonging to a Nityavarsha, bears the Saka year 847 and the cyclic year Parthiva (=A. D. 925-26). One other record of the same Nityavarsha from Halaharavi in the Bellary District is stated to be dated in the same cyclic year Parthiva, but the Saka year appears to have been wrongly quoted therein as 854. Yet another record recently copied from Kamalapuram in the Cuddapah District, furnishes for Nityavarsha Indra-narendra the date Saka 848, Parthiva, Uttarayana-sankramana. The actual wording is as follows: Svasti[*] Nityavarsha Prithivivallabha Maharajathiraja Paramesvara Paramabhattarakottarottarabhivriddhi-pravardhamana-vijaya-Maharatta-rajyadol-Indra-narendrana rajyam saluttire Pallavadhiram Mulki-aynuruvan-aluttire Svasti samadhigata-pancha-mahasabda mahasamantam vikranta-Raman vikranta-Bhiman.........Svasti Saka-nripa-kalatita-samvatsaranPartthiva-samvatsaram pravarttise tadvarsh-abhyantar gal=entunura-nalvatt-entaneya ottarayana-samkrantiy-andu etc. [VOL. XXVI. The full astronomical details of the date are not given, but the date may be equated to A. D. 925, December 23. From the Bombay-Karnatak come two records belonging to a Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha, of which one from Gadag in the Dharwar District is dated in Saka 840,- Bahudhanya, corresponding to A. D: 918, July 18. From the distinctive title Nityavarsha', it may be assigned to Indra III himself, for whom therefore the new title of Nirupama' appears to be indicated in this epigraph. If this is accepted, the other record of the same king Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha from Haleritti dated in Saka 850, Sarvadhari, Pushya-A. D. 927, December, may also be considered to belong to Indra III, in which case Saka 850 will be the 1 Ep. Carn,, Vol. VII, Hn. 21 to 23. * Rashtrabajar and their Times, p. 108. No. 47 of 1904 of the Madras Epigl. collection. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. IX, No. 57. B. K. No. 162 of 1926-27. No. 540 of 1915 of the Mad. Epigl. colln. In 8. I. I., Vol. IX, No. 62, this record has been taken to be one of Govinda IV, taking the Saka year as correct and the cyclic year Parthiva as wrong; but the latter has been taken as correct above, the Saka year 854 being considered as wrongly quoted instead of Saka 847. No. 235 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1937-38. Nos. 184 of 1932-33 and 47 of 1933-34 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection. In para. 38 of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1916, it has been suggested that Nityavarsha was probably a title of Govinda IV, like that of his father Indra III, on the consideration that No. 540 of 1915 dated in Saka 854, Parthiva, could belong to the former only. Taking Parthiva as correct and equating it to Saka 847 and not 854, the record may be taken to belong to Indra III, for whom the Kamalapuram inscription (No. 235 of 1937-38) furnishes the date Saka 848, Parthiva. There does not seem to be therefore any necessity for postulatIng the title of Nityavarsha' to Govinda IV, for whom the titles known are ' Prabhutavarsha' and 'Suvar Bavaraha' only.

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163 No. 22.) A NOTE ON THE DATES OF THREE RASHTRAKUTA KINGS. latest date known 80 far for him. It is therefore possible that Nityavarsha Indra III, whose date of accession was February 24, A. D. 915, actually reigned till at least the end of A. D. 927. He may have continued for some time longer. Govinda IV (A, D. 930-34). The Cambay plates of Govinda IV: dated in Saka 852-(May 10, A. D. 930). contain an important item of information which, in the light of the facts noted above, receives a new significance. It is stated therein that when the king, having come from his capital Manyakhets, was staying at a village called Kapitthaka on the day specified, on the occasion of the pattabandha festival, he performed the great tulabhara ceremony and also made munificent donations to Brahmans and temples. In fact his gifts to Brahmans are stated to have been as many as 600 agraharas and 3,00,000 suvarnas, while those to temples aggregated to 800 villages and 4,00,000 suvarnas and 32,00,000 drammas in coin. Even allowing for an excusable exaggeration in regard to these details, such exuberant liberality was hardly rivalled by any other Rashtrakuta sovereign. Dr. Bhandarkar who has edited these plates in the Epigraphia Indica' has argued that the patfabandha cannot refer to a royal coronation ceremony, for the reasons that Govinda figures in an inscription of A. D. 918, that it is unnatural to expect that the king will have gone to a village away from his capital for the paffabandha ceremony, and that the period of 11 years from A. D. 919 to A. D. 930 is too great an interval for Govinda to have continued simply as an heir-apparent. In view, however, of the discovery of distinct records dated in A. D. 922 and 925, and possibly also in A. D. 927 for Indra III, as pointed out above, the event glorified in the Cambay plates may very reasonably be considered to have been the coronation of Govinda IV himself, the magnitude of the gifts detailed therein indicating clearly an occasion of considerable importance. It may be noted that Indra III also celebrated his paftabandha ceremony at & village named Kurundaka, as stated in the Nausari copper-plate grant of this king dated in A. D. 915, and that even longer terms of heir-apparency are not unknown, for to quote but one instance, the Chola prince Rajadhiraja (A. D. 1018-53) was a crown-prince for over 20 years till A. D. 1044, before he became the reigning king. The inference seems therefore to be warranted that Indra III continued to reign as king till at least A. D. 927, and that Govinda IV succeeded to the Rashtrakuta throne in May, A. D. 930, after a short interval of a year or so, in which his elder brother Amoghavarsha II had perhaps reigned, as indicated by the statement in the Bhadana plates of Aparajita-Silahara. In this case, one small point seems to require elucidation as to why, while an elder son was living, the younger Govinda should have been chosen heir-apparent in about A. D. 918, whereas Amoghavarsha's claim for succession should have been recognised only later at the time of Indra's death. It must have been this acknowledgment of the rightful claim of Amoghavarsha that appears to have incited the darker traits in Govinda's character; for if the sententioua denials made in the Sangli plates that Govinda did not act cruelly towards his elder brother' mean anything, they seem to indicate that Govinda may have indirectly helped in the removal of his elder brother, whose existence had barred his way to the Rashtrakuta throno. 1 Nausar copper-plate referred to in the Bom. Gas., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 415. Asie, Vol. VII, p. 27. Ante, Vol. VII, p. 27, f. n.'2. * Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 415. According to the Bagumri plates, Indra Af purformed a tulapuruska. dana at & village named Kurundaka (ante, Vol. IX, p. 24). Quoted in Altekar, loc. cit., p. 105.

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. The actual reign of Govinda IV is thus reduced to a short period of about four years only-from May, A. D. 930 to the middle of A. D. 934. Owing to his wicked life, this king, it is stated, was very unpopular, and his ministers and feudatories' conspired to oust him. The Eastern Chalukya king Bhima II claims to have defeated the army of Govinda IV in about the year A. D. 934'; and this defeat must have been the signal for the discontented elements at the Rashtrakuta capital to flare up into activity. The result was that Govinda was deposed, and Amoghavarsha III, an uncle of Govinda in 8 collateral line, a religious man already welladvanced in years,' was chosen by the feudatories to be the king. It is not definitely stated anywhere that Govinda died on this occasion-he may perhaps have lived some years longer; but his career as a Rashtrakuta king probably ended with A. D. 934. Krishna III (A. D. 939-67). The records of Krishna III found in the Kannada country are most of them dated in Saka years, while his numerous Tamil records in the Tondai-mandalam, following apparently the procedure in vogue in the Tamil districts, mention only his regnal years. However, an inscription from Padurt in the Tirukkoyilur Taluk of the South Arcot District is of interest in this connection, as quoting his regnal year 26, coupled with the astronomical details-Vrischika, ba. 3, Wednesday, Mrigasirsha. Even here the omission of the Saka and the cyclic years is unfortunate, but the English equivalent can, however, be calculated. Now. Amoghavarsha III, the father and predecessor of Ksishna III, was alive on December 3, A. D. 939.5 So the date of accession of Koishna III must have been somewhere in the neighbourhood of this date, and his 26th year would fall in the interval between A. D. 960 and 970. On verification it is found that A. D. 964, October 26, Wednesday, and no other date in this interval, agrees so well with the given details. This being a day in the 26th regnal year of the king, the date of his accession must have been some day between October 27, A. D. 938 and October 26, A. D. 939. As stated already, Krishna's predecessor Amoghavarsha was alive on December 3. A. D. 939. If so, how can the date of accession of his successor Krishna III be some date prior to October 27, of the same year? For this to be possible, we shall have to suppose that Krishna had been formally anointed yuvaraja during the last days of his father himself; and when we take into consideration the fact that Amoghavarsha III was already a man of advanced age with a deeply religious bent of mind at the time of his selection as king, there is nothing out of the ordinary in his having associated his son Ktishna along with himself in the administration, and in bis having actually anointed him some time prior to his own demise. A record' from the Sorab Taluk of the Mysore State furnishes Saka 861 (=A, D. 939), December 23rd, as the earliest date for Krishna III with the imperial titles. The Deoli plates dated approximately on 30th April A. D. 940, mention that Ktishna succeeded to the throne only after Amoghavarsha's death and 1 Among such feudatories the Chafukys chieftain Arikesarin, the patron of the poet Pampa, was one Ante, Vol. VII, p. 34. * The Kaluobum harru grant of Ammarija II, ante, Vol. VII, p. 177. * Altekar, Rashtrakukas and their Times, p. 111. * No. 281 of 1936-37 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Isamudra inscriptiou dated in Saks 861, Vikarin=A. D. 939, December 3 (Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Cd. 77). * According to the Indian Ephemeris, the tithi was current till 54 and the nakshatra till 48 of the day. (An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy for 1936-37, p. 47). Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sorab 476. The details are Saka 861, Vikarin, Uttarayana, Monday=A.D. 939, Dovember 23, Monday. * Ante, Vol. V, p. 188.

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No. 23.) INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN. 165 this statement is not in conflict with what had been said above; for Krishna's actual coronation asking 'must have occurred only after the death of Amoghavarsha sometime towards the end of A. D. 939, though he may have been anointed yuvaraja a few months earlier, and calculated the subsequent dates of his reign retrospectively from this initial date. The two limits, namely, October 27, A.D. 938, and October 26, A. D. 939, between which the date of accession of Krishna III fell may therefore be accepted. They may, however, be narrowed down somewhat. As Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has shown above, Vol. XXI, p. 262, Krishna must have passed away a short time prior to February, A. D. 967, (i.e.) towards the end of A.D. 966 or in the beginning of A. D. 967. It may therefore be inferred that the accession of Krishna III was calculated from August or September A.D. 939, though his actual coronation as king' took place only in December of that year, that he reigned for 27 full years and a portion of the 28th year, and that his death may have occurred in about December, A. D. 966, or January A. D. 967.1 No. 23.-INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN. By C. C. Das GUPTA, M.A. This set of copper-plates was found in a village of the Badakhimedi estate in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency and was acquired, along with eight other similar sets, for the Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum through Mr. S. Rajaguru, Municipal Councillor, Parlakimedi. Two of the nine sets belong to the Ganga king Indravarman', one of which has already been edited by Mr. P. N. Bhattacharyya of the Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum. The other I edit here, with the kind permission of Mr. T. N. Ramachandran, Officiating Superintendent of the Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. This set consists of three copper-plates, each measuring 7" x 3", strung together by means of & copper-ring at their one end which was held by a seal of 1}" diameter marked with the figure of a couchant bull. Altogether they weigh 89 tolas including the ring. The first plate is engraved on one side only, the second and third on both their sides. The inscription consists of 40 lines, each side of the plates containing 9 lines except the last which contains only 4 lines. 1 In a long footnote Mr. Altekar has tried to fix the period of Krishna's reign (Rashtrakutas and their times, pp. 122, 123); but he has taken the Kilar record to be dated in the 30th year (instead of 20th, as revised). He has also equated the details of the Kolagallu record (No. 236 of 1913) to A. D. 988, February 17th, instead of A. D. 967, February 17th, as calculated in ante, Vol. XXI, p. 262. It may be noted that an inscription from the Mysore State (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Holalkere 23) of the reign of Akalavarsha Prithivivallabhs is dated in Saks 891. Vibhava. The astronomical details therein do not work correctly for Vibhava. Further as Krishna is stated to have died at the time of the Kolagallu inscription (17th February, 967) the Holalkere record of a later dato for him is inexplicablo. There seems to be some mistake either in the actual year quoted in this document, or there must have been some jumbling of the southern and northern cycles of reckoning. Records of Khottiga dated in Saks 890, Prabhava, and Saka 890, Vibhava, are known (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 531 and ibid., Vol. XI, Cd. 50). An. Rep. A. 8. 1., 1935-36, p. 110, F. & G. Of the nine sets of copper-plates the other eight have already been edited. (Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff., pp. 78 ff., pp. 141 ff., pp. 261 ff., and Vol. XXIV, pp. 120 ff.). Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 78 ff.

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI The characters used in this inscription belong to the South Indian Nagari type and may be assigned to the 10th century A.D. With regard to the formation of individual letters, it may be pointed out that e, t, th, p and u have two signs each, as found in the following examples : vishae (1.9) and etad (1.13); "vatas (1.1) and onatah (1.22); natha (1.6) and "thivi (1.9); parama (1.8) and pratio (1.28); ovatas- (1.1) and ovasinah (1.3). Besides d and n have three forms each, as found in the following examples : pada (1. 6), khatadi (1. 15) and paradao (1. 28); nivao (1.3), nichaya (1. 4) and oneka (1. 7). So far as the medial vowels are concerned, i has five signs as found in Svetka (1.1), karana (1.2), bhatao (1. 3), samanta (.4), odhyato (1.6); i three signs as found in svasti (1. 1), shatki (1. 4), giri (1.6); i two signs as in Kalio (1.5), kirti (1. 18); u three different signs as in bhuja (1.4), matyuo (1. 11), bhutva (1. 26); e three signs as found in Svetka (1.1), sesha (1. 4), madhe (1. 15); ai two signs as found in kaidi" (1. 15), varunai (1. 30); o six signs as found in guro (1. 1), hetor= (1.2), Kolaula (1. 6), gramoo (1. 13), Gosvao (1. 17), yonyani= (1. 30); au two signs as found in gauravit (1. 22), gaudeg (1. 22). The language of the record is Sanskrit and the composition is in prose except that eight of the customary verses occur in 11. 23-34. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) In certain cases a is used instead of a as in akshepta (1. 27). (2) u has been wrongly placed instead of au as it is found in ubhau (1. 29). (3) In vishae (.. 9), the vowel e is substituted for ye. (4) Sometimes the letter n is wrongly used instead of s, as in otan-cha (1. 14). (5) In 1. 12 the form rattra has been used for Sanskrit rashtra apparently due to the influence of the local dialect. (6) Sometimes has wrongly given place to th, as in sashthim (1. 26). (7) n is used instead of TM as in Gokarne" (1. 3). (8) As in many other inscriptions of this period, no separate sign for b has been employed, it being invariably expressed by the sign for v. (9) e is wrongly used for 8 and sh as in "kasya (1.3) and sashthim (1.26) respectively. (10) sh is wrongly used for 6 and 8 as is found in shatki (1. 4) and shalila (1. 20) respectively. (11) 8 is wrongly used for sh and $ as in "ghosa (1. 7) and dasa (1. 15) respectively. (12) Anusvara is wrongly dropped as in bhavata (1. 13) and also wrongly used as in samnka (1. 24). (13) In the like manner visarga is sometimes omitted, as after nichaya (1. 4) while it is also wrongly used as in vahubhih (1. 23). Other errors in writing have been noticed in the text or the footnotes accompanying it. Indravarman mentioned in this inscription is the same as Indravarman noted in the other Badakhimedi copper-plates on account of the following reasons. First, the script used in both these inscriptions is exactly the same. Secondly, the drafts of both these inscriptions are of the same nature. Thirdly, both were issued from Svetaka, written by Sri Samanta and engraved by Svayambhu. If we study the Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman,' the Badakhimedi copperplates of Indravarman and the present record, then we can form the following genealogical table : Mahindravarman Prithivivarman Indravarman #GoBvomini 1 There is a great similarity between this inscription and the plates of Bhupendravarmadeva (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 266 ff.) which, from the palaeographical point of view, have been rightly ascribed to the 10th century A. D. The Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman (ibid., Vol. IV, p. 198 ff.) who is the father of Indravarman mentioned in this and the other set of copper-plates (ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 78 ff.) should necessarily be ascribed to the 10th or the latter half of the 9th oentury A.D. and not to the 12th or 13th century a suggested with doubt by Kielhorn nor to the 12th oentury as held by Mr. Bhattachay . * Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 78 ff. * Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 198 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 78$

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No. 23.] INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN. 167 The fact that Indravarman had a younger brother named Danarnava who succeeded him to the throne may be proved in the following way. It is apparent that Bhattaputra Durgakhandin, son of Bhatta Bodhana of the Vatsa gotra and the Chhandogya charana, the donee in one. of the Badakhimedi copper-plates of Indravarman1 is the same as Bhatta Durgakhandika, the donee of Danarnava's grant, coming likewise from the Badakhimedi estate, as the names of the donee's father, gotra and charana are the same as in the former. The grantor in the first record is Indravarman while in the second it is Danarnava, both of them being the sons of Prithivivarman. From the above facts it may be concluded that Indravarman and Danarnava are brothers. There is still further evidence to show that Indravarman was elder than and preceded Danarnava. In the Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman the writer and the engraver of the grant are respectively Samdhivigrahin Sri Samanta and kamsyakara Sri Samanta Svayambhu. These two persons also figure in the same capacity in both the Badakhimedi copper-plates of Indravarman, one of them being under discussion, but not in the grant of Danarpava. This proves that Indravarman was elder than and preceded Danarnava, because had it been exactly opposite, then the writer and the engraver of Danarnava's grant would have been those whom we have found in the Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman. Thus the genealogy of this royal family taking the grant of Danarnava into consideration will be as follows: Mahindravarman Prithivivarman Indravarman=Gosvamini Danarnava. The object of this inscription is to record a gift of land, by Indravarman, situated in the village Bhethieringa in Patanikhanda-vishaya on the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Phalguna for the benefit of his parents and self, to Lokamadhava, Svayambhukesvara and some other Brahmanas named Kesava, Daupa, Somapa, Vithu, Madhusudana, Dhanasarman, Ganapati, Bhrigudeva, Devasarman, Savarapa and Durgakhandi. The places mentioned in this inscription are Svetaka, Nandagiri, Kolaulapura, Patanikhanda-vishaya and Bhethieringa. As regards Svetaka, Mr. R. Subba Rao has observed, "It would apppear from the Sthalapurana that the region round about Sri-Kurmam was called Svetaka Pushkarani (sic); and probably the donor had his capital at Sri-Kurmam." Mr. Sarma, however, identifies it with the modern Chikati Zamindari in the Sompeta taluk of the Ganjam District. Kolaulapura has been identified by Rice with the modern Kolar in the east of Mysore and Nandagiri with Nandidrug, the well-known fortified hill to the west of the Kolar District, Mysore. He proposed these two identifications in connection with the Gangas of Mysore; but if we accept them in connection with the Gangas of Orissa, then we presume that the Gangas 1 Ibid. 2 Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 264. 3 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 198 ff. I am wholly indebted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, M.A., M.O.L., Ph. D. (Lugd.), for kindly permitting me to make full use of an unpublished article of him regarding this genealogical point. This valuable paper of his will be ere long published in the Epigraphia Indica. [It has since been published, above, Vol. XXV, p. 240-Ed.] It may be that this Durgakhandi is the same as Durgakhandin mentioned in the other Badakhimedi copper-plates of Indravarman (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 78 ff.) and the grant of Dinarnava (ibid, Vol. XXIII p. 264). J. A. H. R S., Vol. III, p. 184. J. O. R., Vol. XI, p. 58. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 32.

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. of Orissa migrated from Mysore region. Regarding this point Dr. H. C. Roy has observed, "From the fact that they occasionally describe themselves a, lords of the city of Kolahala it is clear that they considered themselves to be a branch of the Gangas of Mysore. But the story of their migration and settlement from Kolar to Ganjam and the details of their subsequent history must in the present state of our knowledge remain shrouded in considerable obscurity. ...... In the first half of the 11th century we find another series of kings claiming descent from the same line as the above....... That they also traced their descent from the Gangas of Kolar is proved by the Vizagapatam grant of Anantavarman Chodaganga, which clearly mentions Kolahala, the founder of Kolahalapura, in the Gangavadi-vishaya, as one of his ancestors. The same inscription distinctly says that Kamarnava, a distant descendant of Kolahala, leaving Kolahalapura with his brothers, came to the Mahendra mountain, and having conquered Baladitya through the favour of the god Gokarnasvamin, took possession of the Kalinga countriug"'1 and Vajrahasta (the earliest Ganga prince for whom we have any authentic record) is the seventeenth prince from Kamarnava. This shows that there is sufficient ground for holding the theory of the migration of the Gangas of Orissa from the Mysore region. But for the distance one would feel tempted to identify Bhethisringa with Barsinga on the Brahmani river. I cannot suggest any identification for Patanikhanda-vishaya. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om svasti (l*) Svetka(tak-a)dhishthanad-bhagavatag=charachara-guro* sakala-sasanka-kre (be)2 khara-dharabya'll sthity-utpati(tti)-pralaya-karana-hetor-Mahendraschala-sikha3 ra-nivasinah srimad-Gokarne(rne)bvara-bhattarakasya(sya) charana-kamal-aradhan-avapta4 punya(nya)-nichaya[h*]ll'shatki(sakti)-trayab'-prakarsh-anuranjita-sesha-samanta-chakra[b]* sva(sva)-bhuja-va(ba). 6 la-parakram-akrintal -sakala-Kali(li)ng-adhirajya[b*) paramamabesvara masta]6 pitsi-pad-anudhyato Gang-amala-kula-tilaka[h*] bri- Na(Na)nda-giri-natha[h*] Kolaula pura paT ttana-vini(ni)rgata-kamvalya-varaya-ghosa(shah) Ilma(a)neka-jaya-jaya(ya)-sadva"-prachanda dandi8 ta[h*ll' ma(ma)harajadhiraja-paramasvara-para''mabhattaraka-bri-raja Indravarmadeva[h*] kusha(sa) * Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 448-49. I am wholly indebted to Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, M.A., F.R.A.8. B., for this identification. * Expressed by & symbol. * Read gurob. . Read basatka. * Read dharasya. The sign of punctuation is unnecessary. The sign somewhat resomblon the modern Nagari letter ga with out the top bar. # Road Mahendr-achala. . This visarga is not required; read traya. 10 Read -anuranjit-abisha. 11 Read dabda. 11 This ra appears below the line.

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INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN. theo kaanaay' ekhn bloge| [ h (ji ' pdm' hl| bo: s s5Fndh naasibaa| gun 144 ) er nu%A7nnmaal ( rH 1 / daa?'a -\+pnniibaanum,mon| baaN37:6sS:1aal nipelaamkeolaaisel 6 gniin'90)JAnn:tthaak yudei| 77shaask (\( 7rQy'aa/31 79,kunyjn 5 wf.la/ ei kr'aa ? /N. 3 ,a. 109aarkertiaamnimaanbhHtrr 2/GqlmaannijnaiHshbn haaraay'| daarjijtnnmaa!5.bhlpdm shunnaablmssttlukmpke / 14 5:4{\'phi(36ngn lungi72 -(1aay'u briphaassaay naa pr'e gr'chulkr| 16 j'th:3iilaamR7Qaanbndhe 16 dpt| taaithentriimshbaalaamu / 6:58 3 s+r ny' / iii,a. * 0LTgcli hlo:shrbnnpsthil : 34 flniiy' nmH / tthaair'nnr' :14.1 15nN baag(het| :) bhaainaain 'bnmaatr'thy'| * GOaanmpe liilaa-shriih 2 9) 47 tti adnnnkaache :14 enaal bhesiknyj7tthkm 14 :naa? ''2( daameghmn: 3c7calf'ey'ddcti6 m n / ; a,b, (konntthaanmaa:oN | lga) 2.73 b] 5 e r naan et"penim uihil taa S. (72 0 shikrsbecchaamnaathp(44 20 biah 2 (S! naa ' baaii: 20 likhte smk'tthaanbiN munaaphlstaan| 3 || 7 maatraa aashaabr' 20 9/17 bhaai'7[laaibh: baaNlaa pl) 2/35777/maaruphl 24 sn'nn'nn/142,7672naay'aaseinphidaa / 26 5 jey'aal| (5 j (omen 23-ttu' haausHnniytth beoy'aay' ai haa SCALE: ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REd. No. 2094 E+1. 310.

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No. 23.] INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN 9 li sri-Prithivi(vi)varmasya (nah) su(su)tah Patani-khanda-vishae (ye)||| Second Plate; First Side, ari-samanta 10 yatha-kal-dbysi-mahasimanta |ja 11 maty-utpari'-dapdanayaka-vishayapati-ga(gra)mapati(tin)] bhi bha)ta 12 samanta-rattrakuta-kutumvina | janapadanah(dan) samadisha (sa)ti viditam-astu bhavata[m] etad-vishaya-samandha -gramo-ya[m*] || Bhethisringo nama sa-jalasthal-ara 13 14 nya' chatub-si(si)m-pa-adhasrotra-fahitina | lakshitan(tas) cha | Arapaduni-gra 15 m-ardhdha(rddha)-Parapadra-khatadi-khambhara-samitena | tasya madhe10 bhu(bhu)mi 169 -rajanaka-ra(ja*]putra-kumara(mara) anya(nyam)s=cha dasa (sa)kaidi 16 mekam-nchah sri-Lokamadhavasyal datam13 | apara-ardhdha-ansa"-bhattarakaSvayambhuke 17 sarasya1s ||3 apara-ardhdha-ansa" vrahmananan-cha1 || sri-Gosva(sva)manikasya je(jye)shthapu 18 trah sri-Ganga-Svayambhukasya ragni1 sri-Ela | tasya dharma-kirti[r]=jagati Second Plate; Second Side. || ih-aiva Phalgupa-masa-sulka"-paksha chaturdasi(6) P 19 paristhapitam-ncha parili - 20 kshitam-ncha | mata-pito(tro)r-atmanas-cha || punya(nya)-pavardhayoha sha(sa)liladhara-purab chata The letter read as ta looks more like dra or du. The name of the vishaya may thus be Padrani or Paduni, more probably the latter which also occurs below in line 14 as the name of a village. See below f. n. 9.-B. C. C.] Read -oparika-. Read rashtrakuta-kutumbina. Read samhaddha. * Dandas unnecessary. There is a symbol after the dandas, which resembles the symbol of om in the beginning. The sign of punctuation is unnecessary. The sign somewhat resembles the modern Nagari letter ga without the top bar. "Read -aranyak. Possibly we have to read chatuh-sim-opalakshitah. [The reading adhaerotra obviously corresponds to adhas-ch-ordhva.-B. C. C.] 10 Read madhye. 11 Read mekam cha. [Can the intended reading be ek-ameah? -B. C. C.] 12 Read Lokamadhavaya. 13 Read dattah. 14 Read apar-arddh-ameab. 1 Read -varaya. * This ra appears below the line. [Can it be that the intended reading is aparam Paduni-gram-ardha-etc.? See above f. n. 8.-B. C. C.] 10 Read brahmanebhyab-cha. 17 Read rajni. 18 Read pratishthapitas-cha. 19 Read bukla. 20 Read parilikhilancha 21 Read pravriddhaye.

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170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 21 renai | chandr-arka-sthiti-sama-kala[m] a-kari(ri)-kfitya pratipadito=smabhihr yatam | 22 sasana-darashana[ta]h dharma-gatra'vat=asmad-gaurava cha | na kena-chipta(t-pa) ripanthina(na) 23 bhavivya || tatha cha pathyate dharma-sha(sa)stre Va(Ba)hubhih[r](bhir)-vasu(su)dha data? rajana. Sagar-adi24 bhih [l*] yasya yasya yada bhu(bhu)mi[h*] Il tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Ma bhuya (bhad=a)phala-sam(sa)rka va[h*] 25 para-datati parthiva[h*310 || Sha(Sva)-datam(ttam) para-datam-va(ttam va) yo hareti(ta) vashu(su)ndhara[m*] | Sa(sa) vishthaya[m*] 26 krimi[r=*] bhu(bhuytva picribhish*) saha pachyate || Sashthim=varisha(Shashtim varsha) ba(sa)habra(sra)ni avargam(svarge) modati bhu(bhu)27 mida[h*] | a(a)kshepta ch=anumantya(nta) dha(cha) [tany*-) ova narakam vrajotah(t) [ll] Sva(sva)-danat=phalam kurya-pa? Third Plate; First Side. 28 para-data(tt-a)nupalanam [il Bhu(Bhu)mi[m*) yahb(yah) pratigtihna(hna)ti tasyal bhu (bhu)mi[m] prayachchhati [18] 29 ubhau(bhau) tau punya(nya)-karmanau ni(ni)yatau sva(sva)rga-gaminau || atham(Yas=ta) harayate bhu(bhu)mi[m*] 30 mandavudhi(buddhis-)tama(ma)vpita(tah) [l*) sa vadhou varunai[h*) pasai(taih) tirya -yonyanecha jayate || A31 nyaya(77)na hari(hti)ta bhu(bhumir-anyayena tu harita || harate harayarntan-chadahaty 32 shatpammam(saptamam) kulam | Iti kamala-dal-amvu/mba-vimdux(bindu)-lla[m] bri(sri)yam=anu38 chinta(ntya) [ma*]nusya(shya)-icji)vitarh sha sa kalam-idam=udahri(dahpi)tam [cha*] vudha(buddhva) na hi purushai[h*) pa[ra*]-kirtayo 34 vilopya[h|l*] likshi(khi)tam-ida mahasam(sa)ndhivigrahi-bri-Samantena | utkirna (tkirna) - 1 Read purahaaram. * The sign of punctuation is unnecessary. The sign somewhat resembles the modern Nagari letter ga with out the top bar. . Read bhir=yalah. . This ra appears below the line. Read darkanad-dharmma-gauravidaemad-gawrandch-cha. * Read bhavilavyan. Read datta. * Read rajabhib. . Read para-datteeti. 1. Second half of the verse missing here but occurs in 11. 27-28. 11 This e is initial. 12 Read phalam-anantyan as found in many instances. This half of the verse should coour in L. 26, M noticed above. 11 Read yas-cha. 16 Read baddho. 16 Read tiryag. 16 Road haralo harayalal-cha.

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No. 24.) A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM. 171 36 i-chah disanah karisa(sya)kars- breshthi -dri Samanta-Sva(Sva)yambhuna Napab sho(a) tena II 36 sehhitazid(ta) o=oha sri Gosva(sva)minikena || tachharvam. pramanam-iti || [ohha) || Third Plate ; Second Side. 37 Bhattaputra Kosava || apara Daupa || punah So(86)mapa || punah Vithu ||| 88 punuh(nah) Madhusa(su)dana || punuh(nah) Dhanabarma || apara Bhattapatra-vastavya Ganapati 39 Bhrigudevas=cha || apara Devasha(ta)rma apara Savarapah || Durgakhandi || ebhi(bhyo) 40 brahmanebho(bhyo) datam(ttam) || 0 || No. 24.- A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM. By A. GHOSH, M.A., PATNA. The stone-slab containing the following inscription is housed in the Provincial Museum of Orissa, Cuttack. Professor G. S. Das, the Secretary of the Museum, informs me that there is no record in the Museum to show the findspot of the inscription or the year of its discovery.. My thanks are due to Professor Das for his permission to edit the inscription in the pages of this journal. The inscription is engraved on both sides of a slab of stone, 1'6" X 12" X 4", there being 11 lines on the obverse and 10 on the reverse. The letters are neatly and clearly engraved, their average size being 7". The characters belong to about the tenth century A. D. and do not call for any special remarks. As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to (1) the use of the avagraha sign in Whitva-'bhyantaram (1. 12); (2) the non-duplication of the consonant after the superscript r in sarva (1.2 et passim), marga (1. 6), dharma (1. 17), antarya (1. 19); contrast, however, churna (. 15); (3) the use of anusuara for the class-nasal in mantra a. 7), abhyamtaram (1. 12), gandha (1. 14), bhavanti (1. 16), sangha (1. 17), Ananda (Il. 18 and 21), mamda (1. 18) and amtarya (1. 19); and (4) the use of v for b throughout The text of the inscription is a quotation of some Buddhist dharani followed by a discourse on the use and virtues of the dharani. The tract purports to have been uttered by the Buddha himself to his disciple Ananda, though I have not succeeded in locating it in the Buddhist texts that I have consulted. It is said in the text that the dharani should be written and thrown inside a charitya, by which act one acquires the virtue of erecting a lao of Tathagata-chaityas. We have archaeological evidence that this practice of enshrining sacred texts was followed all over India. At Nalanda, for instance, besides some bricks ingcribed with the Pratityasamutpada-sitra. or its shorter version ye dharma, etc., there have been found a large number of terracotta tablets bearing on them the text of some dharani. The minuteness 1 Visarga is superfluous. Read Ost-cha. . Read lisanan. Are we to read Nripa? [This Napa may be identical with Nape, the engraver of the Toktall pratos of Anantavarman; see below p. 176, text 1. 25.-Ed.) . Read tataram. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 194 ff.; Vol. XXIV, pp. 20fF. Cf. An. Rep. Arch. Surv., Eastern Circle, 1915-16, p. 38.

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. of the characters on these tablets often forbid an aceurate decipherment of the inscriptions. But on examining some of them on which the inscriptions are somewhat clear, I found that at least two give the same dharani as is contained in the present inscription, together with a few extra lines at the beginning and at the end. The practice of immuring sacred objects including inscribed religious texts inside votive stupas took & somewhat different form in some Buddhist sites. At Nalanda and Paharpur, for instance, hoards of lumpe of clay, encasing two plaques with figures of Buddha, Tara, etc., or inscribed with the Buddhist formula, have been found within the core of single votive stupas. The origin of this custom seems to be explained by & passage in the Divyavadana' in which the Buddha enumerates the different ways of worshipping a chaitya, viz., by circumambulation, throwing a lump of clay, placing a heap of mukta-flowers, putting & garland, dedicating a lamp and anointing with perfumes. TEXT. Obverse. 1 * I * r I 48 ART | Arrat(at)fufen 1 julu bulu / zatarazmisaMcodite / sarvatathAgatAbhi3 tanufafaran I TUTTA I (T)&TUTETI 4 fafar farer anufafea i H i6 # TAI ANA ATH I F&qythat I was 6' grafata ir (at)fantofelufer 1 The tablets referred to here are two of the six hundred tablets that were found together in 1915-18 in Stapa Site No. 2 and are now in the Arobrological Museum at Nalanda, bearing the register numbers 2-42 and 2.193. The text of the former is given below: 1 oth namo bhagavate vipula-vadana-kanchan-Akshi2 pta-prabhasa-ke(7)tu-purvva-tathagataya namo bhagava3 to Sakya-inunaye tathagatay=arhate samyak-saun vu bu)ddhaya 4 tad-yathi Orh vo(bodhi vo(bo)dhi vo(bo)dhi sarva-tathagata-gochara dhara 5 har hars prahara prahara mahi-vo(bodhi-chitta-dbare chulu chulu kata-raimi-sam6 cbodite sarva-tathagat-abhishikte guna-gana-mate vu(bu)ddha-gan-avaha7 po mili mili gagana-tala-sarva-lathagat-adhishthite na8 bhastale sama sama sarva-papa-prasamane sarva-pape-vibodhano 9 hul hulu mahi-vo(bo)dhi-marga-samprasthite Barva tathigata-pratishthita 10 buddhe svaha sarta-tathagala-vyavalokite jaya jays sv.. 11 ha hutu huru jaya-mukhe svaha eka-chaitya-kritena 12 laksha (ksham) krita bhava[n]ti pratitya-samutpadata 13 five illegible letters, followed by a symbol denoting vajra. The portions italicized above are somewhat different from the corresponding portions of the text appearing in the stone incription edited here. No. 2-193 gives the same text in 11 lines, the only differenoe being that the word dhara (1. 4 above) is repeated twice and that after jaya-mukh (1.11 above) it repeate the Buddhist formula ye dharmd, etc., instead of the portion beginning with Ika-chastya-kritena. . Rxcavations at Paharpur, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 56, p. 83. Divydvadana, ed. Cowell and Neil, pp. 78-79.

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A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM, ek Obverse. wazA r'jaar'shr'r`nyjaa'baabaar; bubul kaalr' baabel ebN snekaaNbdhnssbaagr'mbh p / / 'sul baartaa sNsn: + o baahr'r'lluljiiboaakhaa o * ssaaprly'lultrkaa| 4 bnaabiiblpbaakkbhaal4 kbir enen ongkaa baaddjubaahaanaa phkho Reverse. 12 saabaanbbndhheyb 12 shbnaanghn nlaamaabaad, * bhaagr'r'br'bnyaamui 7 baabrursaalini / 16 miniHSaka dalovanAma damapaTakaharavaya 16 prberi bksur 18 er aanndsbiny'kls 4 sephaassiil naayaay'| 50 saal naa sbaacnkaaliinliimaa 30 maatr anlaa ehesusuudtmaa SCALE : ONE-FOURTH. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 2097 E'41-310.

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No. 24.) A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM. 173 7 te / sarvatathAgatapratiSThita vAhA / mUlamaMtraH / sa8 tathAgatagocaravyavalokite jaya jaya svAhA / udaye / - 7. ru payamukhe sAhA / upada*]yaM [*] yaH kazcinirvA 10 bhikSuSo vA upAsako vA upAsikA vA / bhanyo vA / ya(ya) 11 kacit] bAcaH kule putro vA kule duhitA vA - Reverse. 12 []mAM dhAraNI[] [f]lakhitvA'bhyaMtaraM prakSipya caitya["] ka13 [riSyati / tenaikena caityena vatana lacaM tathAgata14 caityAnAM kRtaM bhavati / te ca cetyA:*] sarvagaMdhapuSpadhUpa15 cUkhaMcAvara' cvadhvajapatAkAbhidipakaraNe. pU. 18 jitA bhavaMti / na kevalaM caityamevamapi tu bu(bu)haravaM dha17 mairavaM saMgharavaM caivavidhairupakaraNaH pUjitaM bhavati / 18 evaSa(mma)yAnaMda saMkSiptena dethitaM maMdapuNyAnAM prayu 10 ri-jAnAM mithyAdRSTivaimatikAnA(nA) yAnAMtarya20 kAriNAM palpAyuSkA' narakati[ya"]gyoniyamalokaparA21 yazAnAM satvA(khA)nAmA(?)ya ya-sA(1)mAnaMda rahakhA[nA*) [*] . TRANSLATION. (LI.9-21) Whichever person, (be he) a monk or a nun or a male lay-worshipper or a femalo lay-worshippor or any son of a noble family or a daughter of a noble family having faith. constructs a chaitya after having written this dharani and thrown it inside by the construotion of that single chaitya, a lac of Tathagata-chastyas will have been constructed by him. 1 Read kazciAbaH. * Read kulapucI vA kukhaduhitA vA. * Danda unnecemary. * Road degcAmara . Read alaffar * Read Ogumayo (Intended reading seems to be maparibuddhanamh. The letter after ni soems to be malformed he soord out. -Ed.) * Rond 'kAricAmanyAyuSyAcI * Linea 1.9 give the text of the dharani which it is not possible to translato.

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI. Those chaityas are worshipped with the accessories of all perfumes, flowers, incenses, powders, chowries, umbrellas, flags, banners, etc. Not only a chaitya, but the Jewel of the Buddha, the Jewel of the Law, and the Jewel of the Order are worshipped with such accessories. O Ananda, thus has been indicated in brief by me, for the sake of persons who have small virtues, ......who are of a wrong disposition due to false sight, who create obstacles (?) in the Vehicle, who have a short life, whose refuge is in hell, in a birth as a lower animal or in the world of Yama, (and) 0 Ananda, ......(of?) householders. No. 25.-TEKKALI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; GANGA YEAR 358. BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M. A., CALCUTTA. The plates forming the subject of the present paper were received for examination by the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, from the Raja Bahadur of Tekkali in the Ganjam District of Madras, in whose ownership they lie at present. They were noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1935-36. I now edit the inscription for the first time from ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy in charge of the office of the Government Epigrapbist for India. According to the information kindly supplied by the office of the Government Epigraphist, these are three sheets of copper measuring approximately 5%" by 28". Towards the proper rigbt end of each plate, there is a ring-hole, about in diameter, through which the plates slide on to a copper ring about t" thick and 21" in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered on to the protruding bottom of a small circular seal about 7" in diameter. It bears in relief on a counter-sunk surface the figure of a bull facing proper left. The weight of the plates along with the ring and the seal is 57 tolas, The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets with a sprinkling of northern forms here and there. They generally resemble those of the Alamanda plates of Anantavarman, the Chicacole plates of Satyavarman' and the Indian Museum plates of Devendravarman. An important palaeographic feature of the present inscription is that some of the letters show two alternative forms: sucb, for example, are n (Cf. bhavana and aneka, 1. 4), bh as in prabha (1.9) and bhavana (1.4), mas in amara (L. 1) and chudamani (1.5), v as in vara (1. 10) and vinaya (1. 12), and 8 as in samasta (1. 9). The conjunct sri in l. 16 (in both cases) is also noteworthy. Among orthographical features worth Lulearg are the following: (1) boths and & have been promiscuously used throughout, (2) medial signs like a and i have often been omitted, (3) consonants before or after r are occasionally doubled, and (4) anusvara or visarga have been left out in a large number of cases. The language is Sanskrit; with the exeeption of a verse and a balf coming at the end, the whole of the record is in prose. The composition is extremely faulty. There are altogether three plates of which the first and the third are engraved on their inner sides only, while the second one bears writing on both of its faces. Each of the inscribed plates, except the last one 1 No. 3 of 1935-36; pp. 5 and 59 ff. * Above, Vol. III, pp. 17 ff. and plate. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 10 ff. and plate. * Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff. and plate. * Stray cases of vernacularisation such as savachhrara (1. 23), athavanasad (1. 24) or siloka (1. 26) that occur are a far too common feature of inscriptions of this age from Kalings.

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No. 25.) TEKKALI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; GANGA YEAR 358 175 which has eight lines, contains seven lines of writing, the complete record thus running to twentynine lines. Both the scribe and the engraver have executed their work very carelessly. The inscription is however on the whole in a good state of preservation. The inscription apparently records the gift of the village of Sinicharana (no district has been mentioned) to a Brahmana called Vithubhata (Vishnubhatta), son of Harichandra, belonging to the Sandilya gotra. The donor was the king Anantavarman, son of Maharaja Devendravarman, who belonged to the Ganga kula. The gift, which was issued from Kalinganagara, was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse. The writer of the record was the Samanta Matrisiri and the engraver was the Akshasalin Napa. The date given in words) is the Year 358 of the prosperous victorious reign of the Gangas. The chief interest of the present record lies in the date and the personality of its donor. As has been mentioned above, the record belongs to Anantavarman, son of Devendravarman, and is dated in the Ganga Year 358. This date precludes any possibility of identifying the father of the donor of the present record with any other person than Devendravarman, father of SatyaVarman. For the last-named, we have an inscription dated in the Year 3512 of the Ganga era, This last date again is fairly near to that of our inscription, vis., 358. I, therefore, suggest that Anantavarman of the present inscription was a brother of Satyavarman of the Chicacole plates. This satisfactorily adjusts the date of the inscription and finds a place for its donor in the Ganga pedigree in the following fashion : Devendravarman (III) Satyavarman (Year 351) Anantavarman (III) (Year 358) Of the localities mentioned, Kalinganagara occurs frequently in inscriptions of Ganga kings. It bas generally been identified with modern Kalingapatam or with Mukhalingam. I am bowever unable at present to locate the village granted. Palaeographically, the Tekkali plates of Anantavarman may be referred to the third quarter of the 9th century A.D. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om Svasty(ti) (II*] Amarapur-anukarina[h*) sa (sa)rv-artu-gukba-rama 2 pi(ni)yad-vijayavata[ho] Kalinganagaradhdhivasaka. Mabe 1 I follow the revised reading reported (D. R. Bhandarkar, A List of Inscriptions of Northern India. p. 203 and f. n. 4) to have been suggested to Dr. E. Hultzach by Mr. Ramamurti, viz., -bata-tray.qilaparichisalbay. The palaeography of the inscription absolutely contradicts such an early date as the Year 151 as suggested (ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 12, text, 1.35) by Dr. J. F. Floet. This seems to me to be a definite case of remigenees on the part of both the engraver and the scribe. [This relationship has already been pointed out in the An. Rep. on 8.-1. Epigraphy, 1935-36, p. 6.-Ed.1 Divendravarman, the father of Satyavarman, and, as I have shown, also of Anantavarana of the procent record, has variously been called as Do III or Do IV (see, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 76 and f. n. 7). In my genealogical scheme, I have followed D. R. Bhandarkar (List, p. 386, column 2, No. 14) and R. D. Banerii History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 234) in taking Devendravarman of our inscription as Do III and his son m Ananta. varman III. . From ink-impressions. * Denoted by & symbol. * The intended reading seems to be Kalinganagar-adhiudeakal. The word adhiudeaka should, however.ba corrected into odaaka.

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176 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 3 dr(ndr)-acha[l-a]mala-si(si)khara-pratiti(shthi)tasi(sya) sa-chara(ra)cha[ra*} 4 guro[h] sakala-bhabhu)vana-nirmma-anekal-sutra5 dharasi(sya) sasa(ka)nka-chu(cbu)dama'ni-bhagava6 to Gokarnnasamina=charana-kamala-ju(yu)gala7 pranama(nama)d=vigata-kali-kala-kalanka[b*) anek-. Second Plate ; First Side. 8 bava-sachho(rksho)bha-janita-jaya-sanda pratapa(p-)vana9 ta-samasta (sta)-samasta-sama-chakre(kra)-chuddani-prabbabha)-ma10 njari(ri)-pujalnja)-ranjita-vara-chara na[h*) sita-kumuda11 kudedvu(nd-endv-a)vadata-yashe(sa) dhvast-arati-kula(1-2)cha12 lo naya-vinaya-daya(ya)-dana-danchakshinya-sarja13 darjya-sati-tyog-adhvile-guna-sampada[m=s*]dbara-bhu14 to(tah) paramamahesvaro mama)ta-pitri(tri) Second Plate ; Second Side. 15 pad-anudhva(dhya)[to] Gang-amala-kula-tilako mahara(ra)16 ja-sri-Devertra(ndra)varmma-sunu-sri-Anantavarmma17 devana(vona) udaka-purvra(rvva)[m*] kritva surjya(ryya)-grab-8para(ra)g& 18 sapradatali | 12 Kandilya-gotra-Harichandra-su19 nu-Vithubhatena(na) upa[r*]jitam va[i?] | 20 Sinicharana-gra(gra)mo=1&ya[*] ro[ka?]-kutuvinal 21 ..i sada-hala-bhumi-chaturanghata(r-aghata)- 15chbeda Third Plate. 22 si(fi)l-ankitam tatakena sa(sa)hita[*] | Ga[**]gaya-va[th*)23 sa-pravadhvamana-vijutyall-rajya-sayachhrara"-sa(ka)ta24 rtrini-athavanasads || likbitam=idam Matrisiri-la25 matena | utkirnnama akbasalina" Napana | ada1 Read - nirmman-aika. . Note the northern form of m. * Read Gokarnnasvaminat, * Read - Sabdah. - The word samasta is repeated needlessly. * Road -samanta-. * Read -chdamani.. . Note the northern form of bh. . Read dhvast-arali.. 10 Read - dakshinya-saury-andaryya-satya-tyag-adi-. 11 Read sampradattah. 13 This might be restored as Sandilya rather than as Kaundinga. 1 The letter ya was subsequently inserted, rather below the line of writing. * Read kutumbinah. [Reading may be Ro[ku]lufuvina dui-zada, eto., 1.c. in addition to the villago, the gift seems to have consisted of 200 halas of land belonging to the cultivator Roka (1) and also a talaba. The name of the village appears to be Viisipicharana. In fact the mark after Vai would show that the word is meant to be continued in the next line. Perhaps it was meant to be an agrahara village which was mostly inhabited by the Brahmins of the White Yajurveda belonging to the Vajasaney charada.-Ed.] 15 This word appears to have been engraved somewhat above the proper line of writing. 16 Kead -gravarddhamana-vijaya-. 11 Read -samvatsara. 10 Read -tray-ashfaparichalat, or better -trayan s-dahfaparichadol. 1Read -amanlena. 10 Read utkirnnar. u Read akshasalind.

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TEKKALI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; GANGA YEAR 358. t,b. 25762 350t a ( oo nuuN83 'c uh tt nGS t k r / 1 nuuN phaaiinl jh nveeN7 nuuN 5 mii 1 : - : . 3 3 - 22 8 paann8nn haipttaap 1 | 2 S7 clj 3 atee 3 10 L 12 k h lai g hvZtt naa nee ?? bHlee 1 147 4 tooN 54n nee 3. 4 LR 1h So . wirotur SURVKY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA. 8CALE: THREE-FOURTH8. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rgd. No. 2098 E41. 290

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No. 26.] DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. 177 26 na achar || vatotapi Vya(vya)sa-gita-siloka bbuvati [1*] 27 "Yasya(sya) yasya(sya) yada(da) bhumi tasi(s-tasya) tasya tada phala[m*] [l*] Sa-data 28 para-datarm=vak yo hareti(ta) vasu[n*]dhara[m*] [l*) sa vithayas krimi29 ri putva pitsibbi[h*] sa(sa)ba da(pa)chyate (II) No. 26.-DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAGADDEVA ; SAKA 1034. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. In October 1939 Mr. M. G. Deshmukh, M.A., my former student and a research scholar of the Nagpur University, told me about a stone inscription at Dongargaon, a village about 10 miles from Pusad in the Yeotmal District of Berar. I gave him the necessary materials for taking an estampage of the record. He copied it with the assistance of Mr. Tatvavadi, Tahasildar of Pusad. His estampage, though not perfect, was sufficiently clear to show that it was a record of the time of the Paramara prince Jagaddeva, which had not been noticed in the late Rai Bahadur Dr. Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar. I published a short note on its contents and historical importance in the local papers in February 1940. As the estampage taken by Mr. Deshmukh was not sufficiently good for reproduction, I requested the Government Epigraphist for India to copy the record for me. In compliance therewith Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra kindly supplied me with excellent estampages from which I edit the record here. Dongargaon is, as its name signifies, situated on a hill. There are two old temples here, one of which is in a fair state of preservation. The other one is very much dilapidated. Its mandapa alone is now standing, the garbhagriha having fallen into ruins. The present inscription is incised on the architrave of the door of the old garbhagriha of this temple. The writing covers & space 4' 31" broad and 7%" high, and consists of eight lines. It has suffered a good deal by exposure to weather, some aksharas in the first and last lines and at either end of the remaining ones having now become almost illegible. Besides, the stone was not originally well dressed and the technical execution of the record also is not satisfactory. It is, however, possible to read with patience and perseverance almost the whole of it except about a dozen aksharas which have become altogether illegible in lines 1, 5, 7 and 8. The characters are Nagari, regular for the period to which the record refers itself. The size of the letters is .7" in the first six lines, but is reduced to 6" in the seventh line and to .5" in the eighth for want of space. Worthy of note is the use of double prishtha-matras in several places. In other inscriptions of the same period, one of the two matras denoting the medal ai and au is usually placed on the top of a letter, while the other becomes a prishtha-matra. This is noticed in the present inscription also in puny-odayay=aitat in 1. 7. But in all other cases both the matras of the medial ai and au appear as prishtha-matras.? In many cases the letters p and y as well as 1 Read Sloka bhavanti. * The engraver has carelessly left out the first half of this oft-repeated verse, viz., Bahubhirevasudha datta rajabhik Sagar-adibhib. . Read Spa-dattan. * Read -dattath vu. 5 Road vishthayan. * Read krimir-huvi. I have noticed a similar use of double prishtha-matras in an old Marathi manuscript of the Mahanubhava sect from Berar.

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. and n have closely similar forms; b, as distinguished from v, is indicated in one place by a rectangular sign almost identical with that for p, see babhuva, 1. 2; in all other cases, it is denoted by the sign for v. The sign of the avagraha occurs twice in l. 4. The language is Sanskrit and the record is, on the whole, correctly written. It evinces here and there the poet's fondness for alliteration. Except for the customary obeisance to Siva in the beginning and the usual imprecation, the partioulars of the date and the name of the writer at the end, the inscription is metrically composed throughout. It contains fourteen verses, all of which are numbered. The orthography shows the usual peculiarities of the reduplication of a consonant following r and the use of v for b. The inscription belongs to the reign of the Paramara prince Jagaddava. The object of it is to record that Jagaddeva granted the village Dongaragrama to the Brahmana Srinivasa and that the latter erected there a temple which he dedicated to Siva for the religious merit of his father Srinidhi. The inscription was written by Visvasvamin. The date is given in the last line as the full-moon tithi of Chaitra in the Saka year 1034 (expressed in decimal figures only), the cyclic year being Nandana. This date corresponds to Friday, the 15th March A. D. 1112. It does not admit of verification, but it may be noted that the cyclic year corresponding to the expired Saka year 1034 was Nandana according to the southern lunisolar system. This is the only dated record of the reign of Jagaddeva and the only Paramara inscription found in Berar. Another inscription of Jagaddeva's reign was discovered some years ago at Jainad in the Adilabad District of the Nizam's Dominions, but it is undated. By way of introduction the inscription gives the genealogy of the king Jagaddeva. Like other Paramara records it mentions that the royal family was descended from the eponymous hero Paramara who was born from the sacrificial fire of Vasishtha when the latter was enraged by Visvamitra forcibly seizing his kamadhenu. In his family which by its noble warlike deeds gurpassed the solar and lunar races, was born Bhoja who resembled Rama by his noble qualities. We are next told that when the Malava country sank under the attacks of three enemies, Udayaditya, the brother (bhrata) of Bhoja, came to its rescue. This is the first record in which the relationship of Udayaditya to Bhoja is so clearly stated. Some Paramara inscriptions describe Udayaditya as meditating on the feet of Bhoja, but they do not mention how he was related to Bhoja. The Nagpur Museum stone inscription dated Vikrama Samvet 1161 has indeed been known for a long time to refer to Udayaditya as a bandhu of Bhoja, but as bandhu signifies in Sanskrit the sense of a distant relative as well as that of a brother, Udayaditya was supposed by scholars to be remotely related to Bhoja. The aforementioned Jainad inscription mentions Bhoja as the pitfivya (uncle) and Udayaditya as the father of Jagaddeva. This clearly implies that Udayaditya was a brother of Bhoja, but as a stone inscription at Udayapur gives an altogether different genealogy for Udyaditya from that of Bhoja, namely, that he was the son of Gyata, grandson of Gondala and great-grandson of Suravira of the Paramara family, it was supposed that Udayaditya belonged to a minor branch of the Paramara clan and was a distant cousin of Bhoja. The present inscription which tses the word bhrata to indicate the relationship leaves no doubt that Udayaditya was Bhoja's real brother, The evidence of the Udayapur inscription which is a very late record? has to be rejected in view 1 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 54 f. * See, e.g., the Shergadh insoription of Udayaditya, above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 132 ff. * Above, Vol. II, pp. 180 ff. * This view was first expressed by Prof. Kielhorn and has since been adopted by others. J. A. 8. B., Vol. IX, p. 549. . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 56. ? It is dated Vikrama Samvat 1562. See D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 124.

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No. 26.) DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. 179 of the testimony of three very early documents, viz., the Nagpur Museum, Jainad and Dongargaon inscriptions. The present record states in verse 5 that Udayaditya rescued the Malava country when it was attacked by three kings. The invaders are not specifically mentioned here, but from verse 32 of the Nagpur Museum stone inscription we learn that two of them were Karna and the king of Karnata. As I have shown elsewhere,' this Karna was the homonymous Kalachuri king, the son of Gargeyadeva, who ruled from A. D. 1041 to circa 1072. Karna invaded Malwa twice. In this first invasion which occurred soon after the death of Bhoja, his ally was the Chaulukya king Bhima of Gujarat.>> Jayasimha, the successor of Bhoja, who was dethroned, solicited the aid of the powerful Chalukya king Somesvara I-Ahavamalla. The latter sent his son Vikramaditya VI who turned back the invaders and reinstated Jayasimha. About fifteen years later, Karna again attacked Malwa. The political situation in the Deccan had considerably changed in the meanwhile. Ahavamalla was dead and was succeeded by his eldest son Somesvara II. The latter was, however, apprehensive of his ambitious younger brother Vikramaditya VI and therefore must bave readily allied himself with the mighty Kalachuri Emperor Karna and helped him in his invasion of Malwa. This time the allied arms attained greater success. The Nagpur Museum stone inscription states that the lord (svamin), who was plainly the Paramdra king Jayasimha, was submerged when the Karnata king, Karna and other princes joined (one another from different sides) like mighty oceang. Kalachuri inscriptions do not generally mention this event, because they nowhere give a detailed account af Karna's conquests. The recently discovered Rewah stone inscription of the time of Karna also does not mention it, though it describes Karna's campaigns against other kings, but that is evidently because the event occurred long after A. D. 1048-49 which is the date of that inscription. Karna's extermination of the royal family of Malwa is however mentioned in an Apabhrasa verse to which I have drawn attention elsewhere. The Chalukya records are not altogether silent about this achievement of Somesvara II. The Sudi stone inscription dated Saka 996 (A.D. 1075) mentions the Chalukya king as a blazing fire to the ocean that is the race of the Malavyas'. It is nowhere specifically stated who was the third invader of Malwa. But it seems probable that the reference is to the Western Ganga chief Udayaditya. From several records in the Kanarese country we know that this Udayaditya and the valiant Hoysala prince Ereyanga joined Somebvara in his attack on Malwa. Ereyanga in particular is said to have 1 Above, Vol. II, p. 185. In verse 32 of this inscription Kielhor read mab-aranao-Opama-milat. Karunaja-Karuna-prabhum=urvipala-kadarthitam. Kielhorn's edition of the inscription is not accompanied by a facsimile of the record, but the late Mr. C. V. Vaidya ingeniously suggested that the correct reading should be - Karnnafa-Karnna-prabhrity-urvvipala-. (See his History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. III, pp. 169-70, n.) I have examined the original in the Nagpur Museum. The medial vowel of the akshara following pra is clearly ri, not, and the following akshara also is tyu, not mu as read by Kielhom. It is plain therefore that the Malava country was invaded by a confederacy of more than two kings. - Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 107, 1. * Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani, tr. by Tawnoy, pp. 74 ff. * As shown below, Karna's ally this time was Somesvara II who ascended the throne in Saks 991. Karpa was succeeded by his son Yasahkarna in circa A.D. 1072. His campaign in Malwa must therefore be dated in circa A.D. 1070. * Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 101 ff. * Loc. cit., p. 107. D. C. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty p. 128.

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. trampled down the Malava army, plundered the Malava king's hill fort and burnt and devastated Dhara. Jayasimha succumbed to this powerful attack and for & time it seemed as if the Paramara kingdom was completely wiped out. The terrible disaster that befell the Malava country on this occasion is graphically described in the Nagpur Museum stone inscription which likens it to the catastrophe of world-destruction when mighty oceans sweep over and submerge the earth. In this hour of need Udayaditya, the brother of Bhoja, rose to the occasion. He routed the enemies' forces and rescued the Malava country just as the Primeval Boar had uplifted the earth at the time of pralaya. The latter part of the Udayapur stone inscription of the time of Udayaditya,' which has recently been discovered, states that Udayaditya inflicted & crushing defeat on the lord of Dahala who could have been none other than the Kalachuri Karna. The present inscription states further that though Udayaditya had several song he longed to have one more who would be after his heart. He therefore devoutly prayed to Siva and by the god's favour obtained the son Jagaddeva. After Udayaditya's death, the inscription proceeds to state, Royal Fortune offered herself to Jagaddeva, but he renounced her in favour of his elder brother, being apprehensive of incurring the sin of parivitti (i.e. marrying before an elder brother marries). Two other sons of Udayaditya are known from inscriptions, viz., Lakshmadeva and Naravarman who succeeded him one after the other. Jagaddeva is mentioned in certain Hoysala recordat as the king of Malwa. As his name is not mentioned in other Paramara inscriptions, he was supposed to be identical with Lakshmadevas whom the Nagpur Museum stone inscription mentions as the son and successor of Udayaditya. The present inscription, however, makes it plain that Jagaddeva was different from both Lakshmadeva and Naravarman and that, though he could have easily ascended the throne of Malwa, he relinquished it in favour of his elder brother Lakshmadeva. * Jagaddeva was probably the youngest son of Udayaditya. The description in verse 8 suggests that he was a favourite son of his father and was nominated by him as his successor, According to the Ras Mala, Udayaditya had two wives, one of the Waghela clan and the other of the Solanki. The former bore to him a son named Ranadhavala and the latter Jagaddeval. Ranadhavala was the elder son and the heir-apparent. Jagaddeva was younger by two years. As Udayaditya was completely under the influence of Ranadhavala's mother who ill-treated Jagaddeva, the latter left Malwa and took military service under Siddharaja. Javasimha of Gujarat. He served him for eighteen years, but when he came to know that Siddharaja was planning an invasion of Malwa, he returned to his native country where he was affectionately welcomed by his father who nominated him as his successor. After his father's death, Jagaddeva ascended the throne of Malwa and ruled for 52 years. 1 Annual Report of the Archaological Department of the Gwalior State for 1925-20, p. 13. This clearly shows that the king Karna who was responsible for the destruction of Jayasimha was the Kalachuri and not the Chanlukya king of that name. * The text hae tasya salav=api putrahu which shows that Udayaditya had at least three sons at the time. * Parivitti is used here in the sense of parivedana, for the word generally denotes an elder brother who remains unmarried. See Manusmriti, adhyaya III, v. 171. Manu says that in such cases both the elder and younger brothers, the girl married by the younger brother, the person who gives her in marriage and the officiat. ing priest all go to hell. Ibid., adhyaya III, v. 172. Neo, e.g., Kp. Carn., Vol. II, p. 168. *D. U. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 142. Ras Mala, ed. by H. G. Rawlinson, Vol. I, pp. 117 ff. The editor of the Ras Mala spells the names a Kindhuwu und Jug Dev.

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No. 26.] DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. 181 The foregoing account of Gujarat bards cannot, of course, be accepted in its entirety, but it is to a certain extent corroborated by the present inscription. The tenor of the description in verse 6, for instance, suggests that Jagaddeva was a half-brother of Lakshmadeva who perhaps bore the biruda of P "avaia. He seems also to have been nominated by Udayaditya as his successor, but the present inscription leaves no doubt that he never ascended the throne of Malwa1. When Jagaddeva relinquished his claim to the throne of Malwa in favour of his elder brother Lakshmadeva, he seems to have gone to Kuntala in search of fields and pastures new'. The present inscription states in verse 9 that the king of Kuntala treated Jagaddeva very affectionately. He called him the first among his sons, the lord of his kingdom, his right arm, nay, his very self. This king of Kuntala was plainly the contemporary king of the later Chalukya dynasty who was Vikramaditya VI (A. D. 1076-1126). He seems to have appointed Jagaddeva to govern the country to the north of the Godavari which he had then recently wrested from the Paramaras. This territory was for some time the battle ground of contending powers. During the time of the Rashtrakutas the Narmada was apparently the southern boundary of the Paramara kingdom. When Siyaka attempted to invade the Rashtrakuta territory, he was opposed by Khottiga, the contemporary Rashtrakuta king, on the bank of the Narmada. The latter was however defeated by the Paramara king who followed up his victory and stormed the Rashtrakuta capital Manyakheta. Subsequently the Godavari seems to have been fixed as the southern boundary of the Paramara kingdom. This state of things continued for some time even after the last Rashtrakuta king had been overthrown by Tailapa III, the founder of the later Chalukya dynasty. This appears plain from the account of Merutunga who states that when Tailapa harassed Munja by sending raiders into his country and the latter determined to march against him, his prime minister Rudraditya advised him to make the river Godavari the utmost limit of his expedition and not to advance beyond it. After Munja was defeated and taken captive, the Chalukyas seem to have advanced northward and conquered much of the territory previously held by the Rashtrakutas, but they were soon driven out by Sindhuraja, the brother and successor of Munja. The Navasahasankacharita of the Paramara king's court-poet Padmagupta describes this achievement of Sindhuraja in the following words: who (i.e., Sindhuraja) with his sword red with missiles recovered his kingdom (svarajya) which had been occupied by the lord of Kuntala who overran all directions just as the sun, whose harbinger is Aruna, assumes possession of the day that was before enveloped in dense darkness spread in all directions.' The svarajya recovered by Sindhuraja must have been the southern portion of the Paramara kingdom including the northern parts of Maharashtra and Vidarbha which had been annexed by Tailapa. Since then we get some Paramara records from that part of the country. A copper-plate inscription found at Kalvan in the Nasik District records a grant of land to a Jain sage at the tirtha of Kalakale vara, 10 miles west of Kalvan, while the surrounding country was governed by Yasovarman, a feudatory of Bhoja. Towards the end of Udayaditya's reign the Chalukya Emperor Vikramaditya VI made an incursion into Vidarbha and occupied parts of it for some time. A stone inscription 1 The authors of the aforementioned Hoysala inscriptions also had apparently no accurate knowledge of the status of Jagaddeva. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 47. * Prabandhachintamani, Tawney's tr., p. 33. Nava-ahasankacharita, Canto I, v. 74. Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 69 ff. The inscription does not indicate any anarchical state of things as supposed by the editor.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. dated Saka 1008 (A. D. 1087) found at Sitabaldi, & suburb of Nagpur, states that the Rashtrakuta Dhadibhandaka was governing the country as a feudatory of Vikramaditya VI. Curiously enough this is also the last known date of Udayaditya's reign. When Jagaddeva came to the court of Vikramaditya VI, he seems to have been placed by the latter in charge of Berar and the northern portion of the Nizam's Dominions. As already stated, there is another inscription of his reign, namely that found at Jainad in the Adilabad District of the Nizam's Dominions. Jainad is only 65 miles almost due east of Dongargaon. The territory to the east of the Wardha river was however soon reconquered by the Paramaras. The Nagpur Museum stone inscription which seems originally to have belonged to Bhandak in the Chanda District' mentions that Lakshmadeva, the son and successor of Udayaditya, endowed & temple, evidently at Bhandak, with the gift of two villages. The surrounding country continued in the possession of Naravarman, the brother and successor of Lakshmadeva, as the Nagpur Museum stone inscription belongs to his reign. It is dated Vikrama Samvat. 1161 (A.D. 1104-5), i.e., about eight years before the present inscription of Jagaddeva's reign. From other records also we know that Jagaddeva was an ally of Vikramaditya and took an active part in his military campaigns. Merutunga states that Jagaddeva, though honoured by Siddha (i.e., Siddharaja-Jayasimha of Gujarat), was earnestly invited by the glorious king Paramardin end so he went to the country of Kuntala. It is well known that Paramardin was & biruda of Vikramaditya VI. The Jainad inscription mentions Jagaddeva's victories in Andhra, Chakradurga and Dorasamudra which were evidently won in the cause of Vikramaditya VI. Jagaddeva's invasion of Dorasamudra is attested to by Hoysala inscriptions also. We are told that the Emperor (Vikramaditya VI) sent Jagaddeva at the head of a large Chalukya army to invade the Hoysala country. He penetrated as far as Dorasamudra, the Hoysala capital, but was there defeated by Ballala I, Vishnuvardhana and Udayaditya, the valiant sons of the Hoysala king Ereyanga. The self-ebnegation, chivalry and liberality of Jagaddeva made him far-famed. There is no country, village, worla or assembly where Jagaddeva's fame is not sung day and night,' says the present inscription. That this is not an altogether empty praise is shown by the numerous tales about his bravery and munificence which are recorded by Gujarat chronicles. The subhashita No. 1261 in the Sarngadhara paddhati seems to praise the liberality of this very Jagaddeva. According to the Ras Mala Jagaddeva lived to the age of eighty-five. Before his death he is said to have placed his son Jagaddhavala on the throne, but no records of his reign have yet come to light. The Paramaras, however, continued to hold parts of the Central Provinces long after the time of Jagaddeva. Their capital was Chahanda which is probably identical with Chanda, the chief town of the Chanda District of the Central Provinces. Two stone inscriptions found at Amba near Mominabad in the Bhir District of the Nizam's Dominions mention a Paramara king named Bhoja,' the ruler of Chahanda, who was defeated by Kholesvara, the Above, Vol. III, pp. 304 ff. Hiralal thought that the inscription originally belonged to Bilhari, but this is incorrect. See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 117, n. 6. As I have shown there, some of the places mentioned in it can be identified in the Chanda District. Prabandhachintamani, Tawney's tr., p. 186. . Ep. Carn., Vol. II, p. 168. "See, e..., Ras Mala, Vol. I, pp. 117 ff.; Prabandhachintamani, pp. 186 ff. * G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 64 and 74. * This Bhoja' is different from the homonymous Silahana prince, the ruler of Kolhapur, who was overthrown by Binghapa. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 524.

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2 DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. Left side. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 2100 E41-290. rAnavA prAya pa yAlA 4 jApAnamA bhisApa kutra vAtAnA rUpa buvA rahA * vArA tApamAna pahelA mahAvi tulA bharaNyApe bhavana nie 8 patastu pAlana tivvatI dizi nizara 2 nagara kAra binA a Right side. 4 vAlA maMtrAlayAmA jAdA malA bhUrima vAritA 40 mahArA di * pAla puSA cArukalA nAIke 8 la SCALE: ONE-FOURTH. aba tighAta niramAyA 12 zrI. jala 8 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 26. ] DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. 183 general of the Yadava Emperor Singhana. One of these inscriptions is dated Saka 1150 (A.D. 1228-29). Another stone inscription written in old Marathi has been discovered at Bhandak (called Bhadrapura therein), now a village 16 miles north-west of Chanda. It records the jirnoddhara (renovation) of a temple dedicated to Naga-Narayana. The name of the Rana Pavara (Paramara) who was ruling there is now illegible. The inscription contained a date in the Saka era, but the last two figures of it are now lost owing to the breaking off of the upper right hand corner of the stone. Rai Bahadur Hiralal conjecturally read it as 1308.1 This is the last record of the Paramaras found in the Central Provinces and Berar. There is only one place-name in the present inscription, viz., Dongaragrams which is plainly identical with Dongargaon where the inscription has been found. TEXT.. 1 [oM] namaH zivAya / kurvanvaH pAtu jagatAM prabhavasthitisaMhita)toH / tisaH --- vizvaM yatra [sa]vartakaH / / astyarbu(bbuda iti khyAtaH pratIcyAM dizi parvataH bhekhalAdyantasaMcArikUrmarAjadivAkaraH / kAmadhenuM [hRtavate 2 vizvAmitrAya kupyataH / vasiSThAttatra homAgnau paramArI vyajAyata / / tahanse kSatracaritaiH puSpha(Sya)vantAnvayAdhike / babhUva bhojadevAkhyo rAjA rAmasamI guNaiH / / / tato riputrayaskandaimamnAM mAlava[medinIm] / u3 parabrudayAdityastasya bhrAtA vyavaIta // yasyAcchayA dizA: kordhyA bhuvanAni parairguhAH / [kASThAH] parA va(ba)lAdeva kAvyairvyApyanta cArthitaH / tasya satvapi putreSu svasammatamutaiSiNaH / harArAdhanato jajJe jagahevI ma[ho]4 pati: / / divaM prayAte pitari svayaM prAptAmapi zriyam / parivittibhayAttyakA . yo'grajAya nyavedayat / / putrANAmprathamo'si rAjyaviSayasvAmI bhujo dakSiNa: sarvAskheva harisu jaGgama [1]5 yatsomA jayo mUrtimAn / pAtmaiveti ca saprasAdamudito yaH kuntalakSmAmRtA tAdrUpyandadhadeva dakSiNadiyAlakSAratAM puthati / / / parthipratyarthino yasminyA(nvA)laiH varSeca varSati / dainyasainya nidhi] mukhA -- 1 In his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar Hiralal gives the date 88 Friday, the 10th of the dark fortnight of Margasirsha in the Saka year 13[08] bearing the name Kshaya which he says corresponds to Friday, the 16th November A.D. 1386. But my personal examination of the stone has shown that the reading is incorrect in one respect, viz., that the tithi was of the bright fortnight. The date, if the reading of the year is correct, would correspond to Friday, the 30th November A.D. 1386. ? From inked estampages. * Expressed by a symbol. * Metre of verses 1-8: Anushtubh. * Read tadaMza. * Metre : Sardulavikridita. ? Read as--,

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. dezo na sa grAmo na na goyate |11| jhApAlena zrIjagaddevamAtrA 1 pu[khyAdhA][' zrIma(yA)sahi 6 [[ ] tamupAsate |10| na sa na tavadivaM yatra jagaddevo 8 [vyAghAta] kRtvAticipyayo zrInivAsena [ sUnunA 7 jAya |12| tahattaDoGgaragrAme zrInidhe[:] zreyasAM nidheH | vidyAvRttanivAsena // 13 // pituH puSpodayAtakAritaM zivamandiram / cAkalpaM kalpatAM bhUmerbhUSaNAya niratyayam / 14 / atra patra devAya grAme[mindhaya [yogiyAsapraci-1] ] [VOL. XXVI. micchati sa paJcamahApAtakerlipyate / zakasaMvat 1034 nandanasaMvAre pecAM mAsanaM likhitamiti / lekhako vivA[mo] [*] 1034 tathAMka 15 [1* ] TRANSLATION. sa loko na sA sabhA / bhAcandrArka zAsanIkRtya tena DoharapAmanAmA grAmI grAmo dattaH Om! Salutation to Siva ! (Verse 1) May Siva, causing the three states of the creation, maintenance and destruction of the worlds..........protect you! ' (V. 2) In the western quarter there is a mountain known as Arbuda, round the girdle (i.e., the middle part) of which from one end to the other revolve the lord of tortoises and the sun. (V. 3) Through Vasishtha who became angry with Visvamitra who had taken away (his) kamadhanu (cow of plenty), there was born Paramara from the sacrificial fire on that (mountain). (V. 4) In his family which by its hercic deeds surpassed the races of the sun and the moon? there was born a king named Bhoja who resembled Rama in excellences. (V. 5) After (him) there flourished his brother Udayaditya who uplifted the earth which had sunk under the attacks of three enemies. (V. 6) The quarters and worlds were perforce occupied by his pure fame, the caverns by his enemies and the farthest directions by the poems of his supplicants. 1 Metre of verses 10 and 11: Anushiubh. * Read puNyAdhAro. * Metro : Salini. (V. 7) To him who, though he had (several) sons, desired to have (another) son after his heart, was born the king Jagaddeva through (his) devotion to Hara. * Metre of verses 13 and 14: Anushtubh. * One akshara is illegible here. [The text form atra devAya to hatumicchati seems also to be in verse.Ed.] * Z... Vishnu in his tortoise incarnation. "Pushpavanta means both the sun and the moon, see above, Vol. XXII, p. 60.

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No. 27. ] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 185 (V. 8) When his father went to heaven, he, renouncing for fear of (incurring the sin of) parivitti1 Royal Fortune who had offered herself to him, presented her to his elder brother. (V. 9) You are the first among my sons, the lord of my kingdom, my right arm, such a victory incarnate in all regions, (nay), my very self' He who was thus graciously addressed by the lord of Kuntala, is adorning the southern direction, having attained that very position. (V. 10) When he showers gold and arrows on (his) supplicants and enemies, they giving up their treasure of poverty and forces (respectively), wait upon him without any apprehension. (V. 11) There is not that country, that village, that community, that assembly (or) that (place) where Jagaddeva is not praised day and night. (V. 12) That king, named the illustrious Jagaddeva, has granted by means of a charter (and) as a source of religious merit, the village Dongaragrama to the Brahmana Srinivasa (to be enjoyed by him) as long as the moon and the sun will endure. (Vv. 13-14) In that Dongaragrama granted by him, Srinivasa, the abode of learning and character, (who) is the son of Srinidhi, the store of blessings, has caused (this) temple of Siva to be constructed for the attainment of religious merit by (his) father. May it, faultless as it is, serve to adorn the earth until (the time of) world-destruction. (Lines 7-8) He who would desire to appropriate after causing obstruction and snatching away what has been given by Srinivasa to the god in this village, would be contaminated by the five great sins! In the Saka year 1034, the cyclic year Nandana, on the full-moon day of Chaitra, this charter has been written. The scribe is Visvasvamin. (In the year) 1034 (on the fifteenth tithi of Chaitra), also in figures 15. No. 27.-SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. BY DR. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY. The six copper-plate grants, which I am editing here, were discovered early in 1936 near Ghumli in the Nawanagar State of Kathiawar in the course of digging on the road side. They were briefly noticed by the Government Epigraphist for India in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for the year 1936-37, pp. 102-05. M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker has published their text along with brief notes in his Report on the Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions found at Ghumli. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India, very kindly sent to me a good set of the ink-impressions of these plates with a request to edit them in the Epigraphia Indica. I am doing so accordingly. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, made to me a number of valuable suggestions in connection with the present paper, which have been incorporated in it. I am grateful to him for his kind help. The twelve copper-plates found at Ghumli contain the six records edited here, A consisting of three plates, C of one, and B, D, E, and F of two each. All of them record grants made by the rulers of the Saindhava family, which is at present known to have been ruling at ancient Bhutambilika or modern Ghumli from c. 740 to 920 A. D. The original name of the capital, which is uniformly spelt as Bhutambilika in our records, used to be popularly 1 I.e. marrying before an elder brother marries. A man who did so was believed to go to hell.

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. contracted into Bhumilika, as shown by the Dhiniki plates of Jaikadeva. Bhumilika was later on contracted into Bhumli, and the present name Ghumli is a mere variant of it. As very little is known at present about the history of the Saindhaves of Ghumli, it will be convenient to discuss it here in a connected manner in the light of the valuable information supplied by the present six charters and other contemporary epigraphs. This will obviate the necessity of repetition, while editing the different charters. The dynasty was ruling in Westeri Kathiawar, with its capital at Bhutambilika or Ghumli, which is situated about 25 miles north-east of Porbandar in a gorge of the Barda hills. Though once the capital of a fairly prosperous dynasty for about two centuries, its present site is nothing but a heap of ruins. All is now a jungle, where once a multitude of human beings resided. Very little remains at present as evidence of its former glory save a few remnants of a royal palace, a huge image of Hanuman with a large bathing reservoir by its side and some ruins of insignificant temples. To judge from the present ruins, ancient Bhutambilika was about a mile in length and about half a mile in breadth. Its population may, therefore, have been about 15,000. The ground-plan of the town resembles a widespread fan. The ramparts of the town were strong and massive and were surrounded by a deep ditch. Before the discovery of the present plates, very little was known about the Saindhavas of Saurashtra. The earliest reference to them is in a grant of the Gujarat Chalukya ruler Pulakesi Janasraya, dated in the year 490 of the Traikutaka era, corresponding to A. D. 738-9, where they are mentioned among the kings defeated in the Arab raid that was repulsed at Naosari by the Chalukyas'. The next reference to them is in the Gwalior Prasasti of Bhojadeva, the 8th verse of which describes the Saindhavas as being overwhelmed by the Pratihara emperor Nagabhatat. Nothing, however, was known about the precise locality of the Saindhava kingdom or the history and achievements of any particular ruler of the house. The Morbi plate, issued by king Jaika whom we can now assign to this dynasty, was known, but as the plate recovered was the second one of the set, it could not be ascertained to which dynasty the grantor belonged. The discovery of the present copper-plates now enables us to state definitely that the Saindhavas, who are referred to in the above records, were ruling in Westeru Kathiawar. Charter F of the present set, issued by Jaika II in Gupta Era 596 or A.D. 915-6 gives us the longest genealogy of the family. According to it, king Pushyadeva, who flourished seven generations earlier, was its founder. The name of the family is given here as Jayadratha-vama al. 2). All the other charters, however, state that Saindhava was the name of the family. This discrepancy can be easily explained. According to the Mahabharata king Jayadratha, the son-in-law of Dhritarashtra, was a ruler of the Sindhu-desa or Sindh. So those rulers who claimed descent from him could be described both as hailing from Sindh (Saindhava) and as ornaments of the Jayadratha family (Jayadratha-vamsa-sekhara). In the earlier charters the first name is preferred, while in the latest one, the last one is introduced. The reason for this is not far to seek. As will be shown presently, Pushyadeva was probably an immigrant in Kathiawar from Sindh; so though he himself claimed to be descended from Jayadratha, he was known to his contemporaries as a Saindhava ruler. This name, therefore, was long in vogue. Later on when the tendency to claim an origin from a Puranic hero became quite 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 155. : J. R. A. 8., Vol. V, (1839), pp. 73-80. * Bombay Gazelteer, Vol. I, part 1, p. 109. An. Rep. A. S. 1., 1903-04, p. 281. . Ind. Ant., Vol. II, pp. 257-8.

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No. 27. ] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 187 common in the 9th and 10th centuries, Jaika II reverted to the original name of the family, viz., Jayadratha-varsa. The time of Pushyadeva, the earliest ruler of the dynasty, can be only approximately determined. His grandson's great-grandson has issued Charter A in G. E. 513 (A. D. 832-3); he may, therefore, be presumed to have ruled from c. G. E. 415 to 435 (c. A. D. 734-754). We have now to consider the question whether this Pushyadeva is to be identified with the chief Pushyana whose clay seal was found at Wala (ancient Valabhi) in Kathiawar. The legend on this seal reads as follows: 1 Jayadrathad=avyavachchhinna-raja2 vambasya srir=mmaha (r]aj-A[Alivarma[nah) 3 suno[r]=maharaja-maha[sena-) 4 pati-Pushyena[sya)' It will be seen from the above legend that the seal belonged to Maharaja Mahas sena pati Pushyana, son of Maharaja Ahivarman, who claimed an uninterrupted descent from Jayadratha. Pushyadeva, the founder of the dynasty which has issued the present charters, is also described as an ornament of the Jayadratha family in Charter F. The name Pushyadev& of our charter is merely a paraphrase of the name Push yena of the seal, as both the terms ina and deva indicate a lord or a king in Sanskrit. The variation in the spelling of the name need not therefore be regarded as throwing any impediment in the way of the proposed identification. Just as we have common variations like Govindadeva and Govindaraja we may as well have parallel forms like Pushyadeva and Pushyena, as both deva and ina denote a ruler. As against the proposed identification it is possible to argue that the characters of the seal of Pushyena are somewhat earlier than those of the middle of the 8th century A. D., which is the probable time of Pushyadeva. There is some force in this argument; especially the matra for medial a would undoubtedly suggest that the record belongs to the 6th century A. D. Letters ma, na and ha on the seal, however, show & form which is seen to be current in the Valabhi records of the middle of the 8th century A. D. The matras for medial a may therefore be instances of the survival of archaic forms, which we very often meet with in ancient Indian palaeography. It is not impossible that Pushyena may have selected these archaic matras to render forgery difficult. All things considered, it therefore looks very probable, though not absolutely certain, that Jayadratha-vamsa-sekhara Pushyadeva, the founder of the Saindhava house, is identical with Pushyena of the Wala seal, who claimed an unbroken descent for his family from Jayadratha. The legend of the seal is in some places defective, but if the restoration proposed by Buhler is correct, it would appear that like many other founders of ruling families, Pushyadeva began his career as a general and ended by founding a feudatory principality. He seems to have been a feudatory of the Maitrakas of Valabhi. The same was probably the case with his son Ktishoaraja, at least during the first half of his reign. According to tradition, Bhutambilika, i.e. Ghumli, where the present plates were discovered, was the old capital of the Jethva Rajputs, whose present representatives are the Ranas of Porbandar. There are various theories in the field about the origin of the term Jethva. Dr. Wilson has traced the origin of the name to the term Jat, and has suggested tribal conganguinity between the Jats and Jethvas. Jackson thinks that the Jethvas are very probably 1 See the genealogical table on p. 196. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 145; see also ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 274-5. * Bomlay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part 1, p. 145.

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXVI. descended from the White Huns; he holds that the term Jethva is probably derived from Yetha, the shortened Chinese form of Ye-ta-i-li-to or Epthalite, which was the name of the ruling class of the White Huns. According to the bardic tradition, the clan has derived its name from Jetha, the 95th ruler in the traditional genealogy of the rulers of Porbandar. M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker thinks that the Jethvas were so called because they represented the senior branch of the Saindhavas of these grants. In support of this view he points out how charters A and B prove the supersession of the senior line of Krishnaraja by the junior branch of Jaika I and observes: The descendants of Jaika as coming to the throne of Bhumli were probably called Bhumlias and the descendants of Ktishoaraja, who was jyeshtha, were called Jethvas '.3 That all the above theories about the origin of the Jethvas are fanciful and untenable can now be conclusively proved. The description of the founder of our house as the crest-jewel of the Jayadratha family and the claim made in the legend on his seal that he was directly descended from Jayadratha make it clear that the rulers of Porbandar eventually came to be known as Jethvas, not because they belonged to any foreign stock like that of the White Huns or Jats or represented the senior line of the Saindhavas, but because they claimed the epic hero Jayadratha as the founder of their family. Sanskrit Jayadratha becomes Jetha in Prakrit through the intermediate forms Jairath and Jaiath. Va was added at the end of the term Jetha under the influence of the quantity law' of phonetics. The theory of their descent from Jayadratha is, however, quite unknown to the modern Jethvas, whose present representatives, the Ranas of Porbandar, trace their origin to Hanuman, the famous hero of the Ramayana. Hanuman also is the emblem on their flag. The emblem of the Saindhavas of Bhutambilika is, however, fish. This was but natural also; they claimed to be the masters of the western ocean and so must have proudly claimed fish to be their emblem, as did their contemporaries the Pandyas of the extreme south. The difference in the seal emblems however need not go against the well established tradition that the Jethvas of Porbandar originally hailed from Bhutambilika. The emblem on the seal or banner may have changed in later times. That the Jethvas also had once fish or 'makara as their emblem on their banner would appear very probable from the fact that in their genealogy Makaradhvaja figures immediately after Hanuman, the founder of the family. This mysterious personage, Makaradhvaja, appears so early in their genealogy simply because Makara or fish was on their dhvaja or banner in early times, as Hanuman was in later days. The change of the emblem from fish to Hanuman may have been uur to the Jethvas becoming in later times the devotees of Rama and his faithful servant Hanuman. That in early medieval times the kings of Bhutambilika venerated Hanuman along with Makara is rendered very probable, as pointed out by Buhler, by the circumstance that on the brackets of one of the ruined temples at Ghumli, the monkey emblem appears side by side with that of the fish. Further support is lent to this view by the presence of a huge image of Hanuman near the remnants of the old palace in the ruins of Ghumli. In later times when the sea voyage became forbidden and the Jethvas lost their command over the sea, the figure of Hanuman must have begun to appeal to them more than that of the fish. This must bave led to the eventual abandonment of the fish emblem. During the period of our charters, however, the fish emblem was the only emblem of the dynasty; it invariably appears in the case of each of our five complete sets of copper-plates either on the i luid. ? Ibid. ; Vol. VIII-Kathiawar, pp. 621-2. 3 M. M. Shastri, The Report on the Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions found at Chumli, p. 6. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 153.

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No. 27. ] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 189 seal or at the end of the last plate. It also appears at the end of the genuine Morbi and the spurious Dhiniki plates of king Jaika, who belonged to the same house.1 We have seen above that Pushyadeva, the founder of the Saindhava dynasty, flourished between c. 515 and 535 G. E. (c. 734 and 754 A. D.). He began his career as a military commander and ended by founding a feudatory family. Though he claimed to belong to Jayadratha family, he and his descendants were generally known as Saindhavas, probably because they were among the emigrants from Sindh who had to leave that province after its conquest by the Arabs in 712 A.D. A copper-plate grant of the Gujarat Chalukya ruler Pulakesi Janasraya, dated in the year 490 of the Traikutaka era (A.D. 738-9), describes an Arab raid that had just then taken place and shows how it had overpowered the Saindhava, Kachchha, Saurashtra, Chapa and Gurjara chiefs. It is almost certain that the Saindhavas who are mentioned here have to be identified with the family of our charters, whose founder Pushyadeva was at that time just trying to settle down in some northern corner of Kathiawar. The chief who suffered from the Arab raid was probably Pushyadeva himself, as the approximate period of his reign is A.D. 734-754. The Saindhavas were at that time mere feudatories as their own charters, as well as those of their contemporaries, would clearly show. They could therefore hardly have dreamt of claiming for themselves any imperial position or titles; in fact they never claimed these at any time in their career. And yet the Dhiniki plates, purporting to be issued in Samvat 794 (A.D. 738) refer to their grantor, king Jaikadeva, as an imperial ruler enjoying the titles Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara. This Jaikadeva was no doubt intended to be a Saindhava chief, for his capital was Bhumilika and seal emblem the fish. The long genealogy of the Saindhavas given in Charter F reaches back to the second quarter of the 8th century A.D. but knows of no chief named Jaikadeva ruling at that time. It is therefore clear that the Dhiniki grant is a forgery; this conclusion is also supported by some other circumstances like the palaeography of the plates and the non-occurrence of the eclipse on the date given in the plates. The data of the Dhiniki plates therefore cannot cast any doubt on the conclusion above arrived at, viz. at c. 740 A.D. Pushyadeva and not Jaikadeva was the ruling Saindhava king, and that he was a mere feudatory. Pushyadeva or Pushyena was succeeded by his son Krishnaraja and the latter by his son Agguka I, whose rule may be approximately placed in the periods from 435 to 455 G. E. (A.D. 754 to 774) and from 455 to 475 G. E. (A.D. 774 to 794) respectively. During the reigns of these two monarchs also, Kathiawar suffered a good deal from Arab invasions. As these were naval invasions coming direct from Sindh, and as the Saindhavas were in those days the leading Hindu naval power of Kathiawar, they must have borne the brunt of attack. It must be said to their credit that they eventually came out victorious from the struggle and did not succumb to it like the Maitrakas of Valabhi. In c. 760 A.D. Hasham, the governor of Sindh, sent Amru bin Jamal with a fleet of barks to the coast of Barada and the invasion was repeated 20 years later. The Muslim historians tell us that though the last expedition succeeded in capturing the town of Barada, sickness swept away a great portion of the army and the remaining were swept, away in a shipwreck on the coast of Persia. The experience was so bitter that, we are told, the Muslims were deterred from making further attempts at aggrandisement in that direction. 1 [It may be recalled that the emblem on Jayadratha's banner was a boar, varaha.-B. C. C.J 2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. part 1, p. 109. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 151. Elliot and Dowson. History of India, Vol. I, p. 444. There is some doubt about the spelling of the name of the place attacked but Dowson feels satisfied that the spelling is really Barada.

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXVI. The town of Barada attacked by the Muslims may have been either the village Bardia, which is ton miles to the north-west of Porbandar, or Bhutambilika itself, which is situated in the vicinity of the Barada hills. From the Muslim version of the expedition it appears that though the Muslims were successful in the beginning, they had eventually to leave the country. For aught we know, the sickness of the army may have been as much responsible for this evacuation as the bravery of the Saindhava defenders. It is really a pity that Charters A and B, which take the genealogy back to the time of Agguks I should have indulged in merely a general description of his bravery, instead of giving us a vivid account of this definite historic achievement. In Charter F, however, we have a vague reference to the repulsing of the Muslim invasion, when we are told that Agguka showed the greatness of Varaha when he easily rescued his country, which was being drowned in an ocean of naval force sent by powerful enemies (11. 4-5). The naval supremacy of the Saindhavas, to which five of our charters expressly refer, must have been of great help to them in driving back the Arabs. This achievement of theirs was indeed noteworthy, when we remember the modest size of their principality. Agguks I was succeeded by his son Ranaka, who may be presumed to have ruled from c. G. E. 475 tu 496 (A. D. 794 to 814). M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker has attributed Charter C (his Plate A) to this ruler; it will, however, be shown in the introduction to that plate how this attribution is untenable. We have so far recovered no grant given by this ruler. No contemporary grants of the first four rulers of the Saindhava family have so far been recovered, but there is no doubt that they were mere feudatories as statod above. The epithet Apara-Surashtramandala-mandana used in connection with the members of this family in most of its genuine records shows that its sphere of influence never extended much beyond Western Kathiawar. It would, however, appear that they had developed considerable naval strength, for our charters invariably describe them as the masters of the Western Ocean. The Mers, who were prominent among the subjects of the Saindhavas, were well known for their maritime activities. Arab historians admit that they were a great maritime power in Kathiawar during the 8th and the 9th centuries. They must obviously have enabled their rulers, the Saindhavas, to rule the Western Ocean. The title A para-samudr-udhipati taken in all our complete charters by the Saindhavas is therefore no empty boast. In seeking to retain the command over the seas, the Saindhavas had shown a foresight evinced by few rulers of ancient India. Two sons of king Ranaka figure in Charters A and B. Of these Koishoaraja II was the elder and Jalka I was the younger. They were half-brothers, for Jaika is expressly described 88 & vaimatro bhrata in Charter A. Krishnaraja II succeeded his father in due course in c. 495 G. E. (A. D. 814). A large number of florid epithets have been used to describe his glory and valour in Charter A and one or two of them undoubtedly refer to some contemporary political events. He is described as full of enthusiasm in troubling the host of his enemies, the Chapins, in 1. 15 of Charter A. The same observation has been made in almost identical words about his younger brother Jaika I and the latter's two sons, kings Chamunda and Agguka. These four rulers were ruling from o. 814 to 874 A. D., as will be shown, and they all seem to have been at war with the Chapins or the Chapas. There were two Chapa families ruling in Northern Gujarat and North-east Kathiawar at this time. The one founded by Vanaraja was ruling at Apahilapattana since o. 765 A. D., while the other to which king Dharanivaraba of the Haddala plates of the Saka year 836 belonged, was ruling at Wadhwan since c. 850 A. D. Since in all our records the Saindhavas describe themselves as the lords of Western Saurashtra Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. I, p. 114 and pp. 619-31. . See the genealogical and chronological tablo, p. 196.

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No. 27. ] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 191 only, it is almost certain that the Chapa enemies of kings Chamunda and Agguka (c. 849 to 874 A. D.) were Chapa kings Vikramarka and Addaka of Wadhwan, who were the great-grandfather and grandfather respectively of king Dharanivaraha. If there were no ancestors of Vikramarka ruling at Wadhwan before his time, then the Chapa enemies of Krishnaraja II and his brother Jaika I, who ruled from c. 814 to 849 A. D., would be Chapa rulers Yogaraja and Ratnaditya of the Anahilapattana dynasty, who were ruling during the first half of the 9th century A. D.1 The fact that as many as four successive Saindhava kings are seen to be at war with the Chapas would show that there was a hereditary feud between these two neighbouring dynasties, as was the case between the Pallavas and the Chalukyas or between the Rashtrakutas and the Pratiharas. The fights, however, must have been mostly of the nature of frontier skirmishes. Charter A describes king Krishnaraja II as a ruler who had, like Bharata propitiated Rama by his steady and proper behaviour (1. 15). This statement has also been made with reference to his brother Jaika I and the latter's son Agguka in Charters B and D. It is almost certain that a double entendre is intended to be conveyed by the expression Bharata iv-achalad-uchita-samaradhita-Ramah. The identity of king Rama to whom kings Krishnaraja and Jaika I had shown unswerving loyalty is not difficult to find out. These rulers were ruling from c. 814 to 849 A. D., as will presently be shown; the overlord to whom they were devotedly loyal must be the Pratihara emperor Ramabhadra, who ruled from c. 833 to 836 A. D. From the 8th verse in the Gwalior prasasti of Prathihara Bhoja I we learn that the Saindhavas were among the rulers signally defeated by the Pratihara emperor Nagabhata II, who is known to have ruled from c. 805 to 833 A. D. The Saindhava kings, who must have felt the brunt of the rising Pratihara power under Nagabhata II, must have been Ranaka I (c. 794 to 814 A. D.), Krishnaraja II (c. 814 to 824 A. D.), and his younger brother Jaika I (c. 824 to 849 A. D.)". It would appear that the campaign in Kathiawar was entrusted by Nagabhata II to the crownprince Ramabhadra, who, on its successful termination, seems to have been appointed Viceroy over the western provinces by his father Nagabhata. After their defeat by the Pratiharas, Krishnaraja II and Jaika I appear to have remained loyal to the royal Viceroy Ramabhadra and are, therefore, fittingly described as propitiating Rama by their steady and proper behaviour. This statement has been made also in connection with Agguka, son of Jaika I, in Charter D, though he was not a contemporary of Ramabhadra either as a crown-prince or as an emperor, the period of his reign being c. A. D: 849 to 869. It is, however, not difficult to explain how this mistake has taken place. In our present set of charters, a number of epithets have been bodily transferred from one ruler to another in several places. The use of Bharata iv-achaladuchita-samaradhita-Ramah in the case of Agguka would be an illustration of this tendency. From the time of Krishnaraja II (c. 820 A. D.), the Saindhavas became the feudatories of the Pratiharas as shown above. The Pratiharas, however, were not able to exercise the same rigorous control over their administration as they had imposed upon the government of many of their other feudatories. The Una plates of Balavarmans show that the members of the feudatory Chalukya house, which was ruling contemporaneously with the Saindhavas as a feudatory of the Pratiharas in Southern Kathiawar, could not make any land-grants without the consent of the officers of the imperial government. The grant of Dharanivaraha, who was ruling as a Pratihara feudatory at Wadhwan in Northern Kathiawar, shows that he did 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, P. 193. An. Rep. A. S. I., 1903-04, p. 280. During the reign period here assigned to Jaika I, the period of his regency is also included. See below p. 194. Ante, Vol. IX, pp. 1 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 193.

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. not or perhaps dared not omit to mention the name of his feudal lord, Mahendrapala, through whose favour he was enjoying his principality. All the Saindhava grants, including the Morbi plate of Jaikadeva, have, however, been issued without any permission, express or implied, of the imperial power or its local representatives. The dutaka of Charter B is no doubt an officer named Pratihara Krishna. There is nothing to indicate that he was a local representative of the imperial power. The utmost that can possibly be said is that he may have belonged to the same ethnic stock to which the Pratihara emperors belonged. He was, however, no doubt an officer serving under Jaika I and executing his orders. He owed no allegiance to the Pratiharas, nor was he responsible to them like Dhika of the Una plates, who is found signing the charter of the feudatory king Balavarman on behalf of his imperial master. Probably Krishna, the dutaka, was holding the office of the Pratihara (chamberlain) in the royal court, as was the case with many other dutakas. It is also worth noting that if we leave the veiled reference to their loyalty to emperor Ramabhadra, the Saindhavas nowhere acknowledge the Pratiharas as their overlords. When however we remember that eastern, southern and northern Kathiawar was under the suzerainty of the Pratiharas from the time of Nagabhata II to that of Mahendrapala, when we note how the Pratiharas claim to have defeated the Saindhavas, and when due allowance is made for the fact that the Saindhavas never claim to be anything more than mere feudatories, the conclusion becomes irresistible that their overlords were no other rulers than the imperial Pratiharas of Kanuuj even during the latter half of the 9th century and onwards. They were, however, able and clever enough to secure for themselves a much larger share of internal autonomy than was ever conceded to their eastern and southern neighbours. The valuable assistance which the Saindhava navy could give to the Pratiharas in their struggles with the Arabs was probably the main reason for this preferential treatment. Let us resume our account of the reign of Krishnaraja II. He is described in Charter A as ridiculing Duryodhana and drinking the blood of Dussasana like Bhima. It is possible that here also there may be a pun and a veiled reference to Krishnaraja's fight with some real historical kings named Duryodhana and Dussasana, hitherto unknown to us. This, however, is not very probable; for the expression showing comparison to Bhima has been used also with reference to Jaika I in Charter B, Agguka in Charter D and Chamunda in Charter E. All these kings could not have fought with the same rulers Duryodhana and Dussisana. It is therefore very improbale that any historic events lie concealed in the above comparisons, Krishnaraja is further described as a ruler who had pleased the inhabitants of Parvata, and who therefore resembled Sarkara, who was a source of delight to the relations of (Himalaya) Parvata (mountain). The expression containing the above description has been used with reference to three other rulers, Jaika I and his sons Chamunda and Agguka. The inhabitants of the mountainous regions who were pleased with these four rulers were obviously the residents of the territory round about the Barada hills, in the vicinity of which Bhutambilika, the Saindhava capital, was situated. It is therefore clear that this city had become the Saindhava capital at least as early as the reign of Krishnaraja I (c. 820 A.D.). Unless we assume that the draftsman of Charter F is guilty of anachronism, we shall have to concede that Bhutambiliku was the Saindhava capital even as early as the time of Pushyadeva, for he has been described in that Charter as Bhatambilik-abhidhana-nagari-gariyah. etc. (1.1). The tradition represents the Jethvas as ruling at Morbi before they were established at Ghuli. Our charters are however silent on the point. Nor does the Morbi plate of Jaikadeva See Balevirman's plates ante, Vol. IX, p. 6, text 1. 36 ; see also Avanivarman's plates, ibid., p. 9; text I. 52 ? Ayte, Vol. V, p. 291, text I. 8., Vol. XIX, p. 301, text I. 27.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 193 support the above tradition. This plate was issued in A.D. 904, that is to say, long after Bhutambilika had become the Saindhava capital; nor does it state that Morbi was the original home of the Jethvas. For aught we know, if the first Morbi plate is discovered, it will be found to have been issued from Bbutambilika like all other Saindhava charters; it may have been taken to Morbi by the donee or his descendants. Krishnaraja died comparatively young; for Charter A shows that his son and successor Agguka II was a young boy at his death, and that the administration had to be carried on by his uncle Jaika. Since this charter is issued in 513 G. E. (A.D. 832-3), and since by that time the plan of usurpation of Jaika was almost complete, we may place the death of Ktishoaraja IL in c. 505 G. E. (c. 824 A.D.). He thus had a short reign of about ten years only. Poor Agguka, the son and successor of Krishnaraja II, shared the usual fate of minor rulers, who have the misfortune of having as their guardians ambitious and unscrupulous uncles. Agguka had such an uncle in Jaika and he was his step-uncle too. In Charter A, ll. 23-24, Jaika no doubt boasts that though Kamala (Royal Fortune) was anxious to be united to him in preference to Agguka, her rightful lord, he spurned her wily overtures and decided to be the disinterested guardian of his young and inexperienced nephew. This profession however is belied by the indications given by other parts of the charter; he does not give the usual titles of a reigning feudatory to his nephew but takes them for himself. The grant of the village also has been made, not in the name of the minor heir, but in that of the so-called regent himself. In the colophon of the charter, its writer also refers to Jaika, and not to Agguka, as the reigning king. It is therefore clear that the plans of usurpation of Jaika were almost complete when Charter A was issued in A.D. 832-3. The actual usurpation took place before the issue of Charter B, where we find wika I mentioning himself as the ruling king, and omitting all reference to his elder brother and his son in the genealogy. This charter is unfortunately not dated, and so we can get only an approximate idea of the time of usurpation. We have already seen that at the time of the issue of Charter A in 513 G. E. the usurpation was almost complete except in name; the actual supersession could not have been delayed probably beyond 515 G. E. It would appear that Jaika I allowed Agguka to rule as a feudatory under himself after he had usurped the throne, exercising jurisdiction over a portion of his kingdom. For we find Agguka's son Ranaka issuing the land-grant mentioned in Charter C. Unfortunately this charter is incomplete and so its date is not known. We would not be far wrong if we assume that after his supersession in c. 515 G. E. (835 A. D.), Agguka continued to rule as his uncle's feudatory for another 25 years. His son Ranaka may therefore be taken to have ruled from c. 540 to 560 G. E. (c. 859 to 879 A. D.). Let us now revert to the career of the usurper Jaika I. He and his descendants eventually became the leaders of the Saindhava family. As shown already, he ascended the throne in c. 515 G. E. (c. 834 A. D.). As he succeeded an elder brother and his minor son, he may be presumed to have ruled only for about 15 years, i.e., up to c. 530 G. E. (A. D. 849). As shown already, he continued to remain a loyal feudatory of the Pratibara emperor Ramabhadra. In his reign also there were several skirmishes with his eastern neighbours, the Chapas of Wadhwan. Jaika I died in c. 849 A. D., leaving behind him two sons, Chamundaraja and Agguka. Charters D, E and I make it absolutely clear that the little Saindhava kingdom was further gubdivided between these brothers on the death of Jaika I. Ranaka, a grandson of Jaika I, through his son Agguka, is seen to be issuing Charter D in 555 G. E. ; 12 years later, i.e., in 567 G. E., another grandson of Jaika I, named Agguka, through his son Chamundaraja, is found to be giving Charter E. In the genealogy of Charter F issued in 596 G. E., Agguka And Ranaka of Charter D are altogether passed over ; Jaika I is stated to have been succeeded by his son

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194 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Chamundaraja and the latter by his son Agguka III and this last by his son Jaika II. It is therefore clear that both the sons of Jaika I founded separate ruling houses. Our charters do not make it clear as to which of the two sons of Jaika I was the elder one. It would however appear that Agguka was the younger one, as he and his son are passed over in the genealogy of Charter F. In Charter D Ranaka, the grantor, is stated to have been placed upon the throne by his father Agguka in his own lifetime. This may probably be due to Agguka's apprehension that his elder brother may resume his principality after his death. Sinoe Charter D of king Ranaka is issued in 555 G. E. and Charter E of his cousin Agguka ' in 667 G. E., it is possible to argue that there was no further subdivision of the Saindhava kingdom after the death of Jaika I. Ranaka, the grantor of Charter D, may have died soon after that charter was issued in 555 G. E. and may have been succeeded by his uncle Chamundaraja ; the latter after a naturally short reign may have been succeeded by his son Agguka, the grantor of Charter E, some time before 567 G. E. As against this view, it may be pointed out that Ranaks of Charter D had a grown-up son named Jaika, who was acting as Yuvaraja in 555 G. E. In the normal course of events, therefore, his succession could not have devolved upon his uncle. It is further to be noted that in Charter E issued in 667 G. E. there is a statement made in II. 5-6 that the Saindhava family had at that time numerous branches and leaves', aparimita-snigdhatara-para-bakha-sanchaya-sali. It is interesting to note that this statement does not occur in the earlier charters of the Saindhava family. It would therefore show, in the light of the further evidence of Charters C and D, that there were at least three branches of the Saindhave family ruling in Western Kathiawar during the third quarter of the 9th century A. D. The Saindhava kingdom was no doubt a small one, but this tripartite division need not only on that account be pronounced as improbable, as the example of the Patvardhans ruling in the Southern Marathi Country at present would show. The small patrimony of this Sardar family of the Peshwas. hardly equal to a normal district in British India, has been divided into four petty kingdoms of Sangli, Miraj, Mirajmala, and Kurandwad. Members of all the three Saindhava houses are seen to be issuing their grants from Bhutambilika. Though there is some evidence of mutual jealousy, we do not find them fighting with one another. It would therefore appear that they were all staying at Bhutambilika, their ancestral capital, but ruling over different parts of their ancestral kingdom, more like members of a federation than as rulers of separate states. Our charters supply some evidence about the manner in which the ancestral territories were divided among the three branches, but it is very difficult to interpret. Charter C would show that the district of Pachchhatri was under the seniormost branch of Ksishoaraja,' while Charter D would indicate that the district of Suvarna. mafjarl was allotted to the juniormost branch of Agguka.' But Charters B, E, and F show that both the above districts were included in the kingdom of the branch founded by Jaika I. We can reconcile these oonflicting statements only by assuming that the seniormost and juniormost branches were ruling not over the whole but part of the two districts mentioned above, and that the leading family founded by Jaika I held sway over portions of both of them. Let us now resume the history of the family. It will be convenient to finish first the account of the juniormost branch of Agguka. This ruler succeeded his father Jaika I in c. 530 G. E. (c. 849 A.D.); his reign may therefore be placed between 530 and 550 G. E. (c. 849869 A.D.). In Charter D issued by his son Ranaka, this ruler has been described in adjectives which have been used for his predecessors in earlier grante; they therefore do not enable us to get a clear idea of his personality or achievements. Cf. the expression : yatha maya sta-bhujyamana-Pachchhatri-vishay-antahpati- in Charter C, 1. 18. ! Cf. the expression: yatha mayd ora-bhujyamana-Subarnamarijari-vishaya- in Charter D, 11. 27-8.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 195 Agguka was succeeded by his son Rapaka. His copper-plate grant, Charter D of our series, has been issued in 555 G. E. (A. D. 8745). We may therefore place his reign between c. 550 G. E. and 570 G. E. (c. 869-889 A. D.). From his charter we learn that his father had abdicated in his favour and participated in his coronation himself. The probable implication of this statement has been already discussed on the preceding page. The description of this ruler in Charter D does not enable us to form any opinion about his achievements, as it is all conventional. Nor does it throw any light on contemporary history. Already in 555 G. E. (A. D. 874-5) Ranaka had a grown-up Yuvaraja named Jaika who figures as the dutaka of Charter D. It is not known whether this prince succeeded his father. His name has been omitted in the long genealogy given in Charter F issued in 596 G. E., but that may be due to his having belonged to a collateral branch. There are no indications of the independent existence of this branch having come to an end with Ranaka, and we may therefore well 8.88ume that the crown prince Jaika of Charter D ruled from o. 570 to 590 G. E. (A. D. 889-909). Let us now resume the history of main Saindhava branch, which was continued by Chamundaraja, the eldest son of Jaika I. This ruler may be presumed to have ruled from c. 530 to 556 G. E. (o. 849 to 874 A.D.). Charters E and F describe this ruler; his description is however all conventional and useless for the purpose of reconstructing sober history. Chamundaraja was succeeded by his son Agguka III. As be has issued Charter E in 567 G. E., we may place his reign from c. 555 to 580 G. E. (874 to 899 A. D.). Charters E and F no doubt introduce some new expressions in the description of this ruler. No specific historio events have however been mentioned, and so we can say hardly anything definite about his achievements. Agguka III was succeeded by his son Jaika II. As he has issued Charter F in 596 G. E., his reign may be safely placed from c. 580 to 600 G. E. (c. 899 to 919 A.D.). His charter compares him with a number of gods and heroes, but mentions not a single historic exploit. King Jaika of the Morbi plate is most probably to be identified with this ruler. That plate was issued in 585 G. E. when this ruler was on the throne. As only the concluding plate of the Morbi grant has been recovered, the names of the family and ancestors of king Jaika are not known. The fish emblem at the end of that plate would however show that he belonged to the Saindhava family. LI. 5-7 of the Morbi plate of Jaika are identical with 11. 31-2 of the Charter F in our set. Both the charters have been composed by the same individual, Jhojjha. Deddaka the engraver of the Morbi plates was a brother of Madhusudana, the engraver of our Charter F of Jaika II, as both of them have been described as sons of Sankara. It is therefore almost certain that the Morbi plates of 585 G. E. were issued by the same Jaiks, who has issued our Charter F in 596 G. E. Had there not been another Jaika, son of king Ranaka of Charter D, ruling at this time in the 3rd Saindhava branch, the above identification would have become a mathematical certainty. We have however seen that the rule of this Jaska has to be placed from c. 570 to 590 G. E. He could thorefore well have issued the Morbi plates of 585 G. E. with the fish emblem at the end. We however notice from Charters E and F that Jhoijha, the composer of these records, was a protege of kings Agguka III and Jaika II belonging to the main Saindhava branch. It is this very person who has composed the Morbi record. This circumstance would show that king Jaike of the Morbi record is more likely to be Jaika II, son of 1 R. G. Bhandarker reads this king's name as Jainka (Ind. Ant., Vol. II, pp. 257-8). This is no don bt a possible reading, but the form of the second letter of this name as given in Charter D, 1.7 of thin sot shows that the name was toally Jalka

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Agguka III of the main branch, than king Jaika, son of king Ranaka of the third Saindhava branoh. We shall now briefly consider the extent of the Saindhava kingdom. From c. 850 A.D. the Chapas had been established at Wadhwan in Northern Kathiawar as is made clear by the Haddala grant of Dharapivaraha. The ancestors of the Chalukys chief Balavarman had been established in Southern Kathiawar a few decades earlier, as their Una grants show. The kingdom of the Saindhaves could therefore not have extended beyond the western portion of Kathiawar. They themselves also do not claim to be ruling over any larger area, as the description of their family Apara-Surushtra-mandala-mandana in our grante shows. Villages granted by them are also all situated in Western Kathiawar. Many of the rulers, whose history has been discussed above, are described as having distinguished themselves on battle-fields. These wars may refer either to their naval conflicts with the Arabs of Sindh or to ordinary skirmishes with their eastern neighbours. As already pointed out above, they were the feudatories of the Pratiharas, but they do not seem to have taken any part in any of the famous campaigns of their imperial sovereigns. The Una plates show that Bahukadhavala, the grandfather of the grantor, had taken active part in the campaigns of his overlord against the Palas and the Rashtrakutas. The Saindhavas do not seem to have emulated the example of their neighbours in the south-east. They probably felt that they need not exhaust their limited resources in order to strengthen the power of their imperial masters. We now append below a genealogical tree of this family along with its branches. The names of the rulers of the main branch are given in BOLD type. Approximate time of their rule is given in each case in A. D. Charters issued by different rulers are shown after their names with years in Gupta Era. 1. PUSHYADEVA 734-754 2. KRISHNARAJA I 754-774 3. AGGUKAI 774-794 4. RANAKA 794-814 6. KRISHNARAJA II 814-824 7. JATKAI (Charter B) 834-849 6. AGGUKA II (Charter A, 824-834 G. E. 513) 834-859* 8. CHIMUNDARAJA 849-874 Agguka 849-869 Ranaka (Charter C) 869-879 9. AGGUKA III (Charter E, Ranaka (Charter D, 874-899 G. E. 567) 869-889 G. E. 556) 10. JAIKA II (Charter F, Jaika 899-919 G. E. 596) 889-909 1 Ind. An., Vol. XII, pp. 193 ff. * This in the time of his rule'n a foudatory of his uncle, Jarka I and cousin Chamundarija.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 197 Very little is known at present about the history of the Saindhavas subsequent to the middle of the 10th century A. D. Bhutambilika continued to prosper for at least another three hundred years; for when Lieut. Jacob had visited the site of Ghumli in 1838 he could trace in its ruins inscriptions dated in the years 1062 and 1229 A. D. The bardic account which attributes the ruin of the city to a Muslim invasion from Sindh in o. 1313 A. D., therefore, seems to be substantially correct." A.-Grant of the time of Agguka II ; [Gupta] Samvat 513. This grant has been engraved on a set of three copper-plates, which have been held together by two rings passing through two holes near the edge. The ends of the rings have been soldered together, and one of them has been impressed with a seal bearing the emblem of a fiss, which was the insignia of the dynasty. The size of the first plate is 134' x 83", of the second, 1311" X 81", and of the third, 13" X 818". The total weight of the plates, rings and the seal is 3264 tolas. The engraving of the record is very deep and shows on the back of each plate. That is probably the reason why the central plate does not as usual bear the inscription on both the sides. There are 12 lines on the first plate, 15 on the second and 18 on the third. After the first plate was inscribed, it was realised that the record could not be finished in three plates unless not only was the number of lines per plate increased, but also the size of the letters reduced. Both these steps were taken by the engraver, as can be seen by a glance at the plates. The engraving has been well done and mistakes are few. They have been indicated in the text and notes and no further comment is necessary here. The characters of the record are proto-Nagari ones and bear a general resemblance to those of the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, which were issued from northern Gujarat 24 years earlier. The forms of the letters na, ra and ka of the latter record slightly differ from those in the present one; but they are similar to those in Charters D, E and F of this series. The language of the record is Sanskrit and its style is of the courtly poetry. It is very florid and abounds in long compounds; the writer spares no pains in producing a remarkable array of alliterative phrases. There is an abundance of similes and metaphors, though they are of the usual hackneyed type. There are several expressions with a double entendre, as is the case with the works of Bana and Subandhu. Our record may be confidently cited as a good example of poetic prose, written in a style, which has always excited admiration of the Pandit educated in the old fashion. The above observations about the language and style hold good of all the charters that are being edited here. It may therefore well be concluded that the Saindhava rulers, who had in their secretariate officers of such remarkable literary ability, must have been great patrons of Sanskrit literature. The fact that the dutaka of the present charter is a poet named Bala would show that men of literary attainments could get responsible posts in the Saindhava administration. The colophon at the end of the record tells us that its composer was Kapila, son of Vikkata, who was an ornament of the Sakas. Gujarat and Kathiawar were under the Saka rule for more than three centuries and this must have resulted in the settlement of a large 1 J. R. A. 8., Vol. V, pp. 75 and 77. * Kathasar Gazetteer, p. 625. * Ante, Vol. VI, p. 244-5,

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198 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Saka population in these provinces. Our record would show that even when four centuries had elapsed since the disappearance of the Saka rule, the Sakas retained some individuality of their own and could be distinguished from the general population. Probably they had formed a caste of their own, but were otherwise completely Hinduised. When this separate Saka caste completely merged in Hindu society is not known at present. Though a Saka, Kapila, the composer of our record, shows a remarkable command not only over Sanskrit language but also over its difficult kavya style. And this need not cause any surprise, for as early as the second century A. D., we find Rudradaman, the third king of the Saka house of Chashtana, claiming that he was a master of Sanskrit grammar and logic and could compose both prose and poetry of a very high order. The available evidence would thus show that, though foreigners, the Sakas conceived a great fascination for Sanskrit language and culture and became its patrons and devotees at least in Kathiaawar. The usual imprecatory verses apart, the record is in prose with the exception of two verses occurring at its fag end. The first of these gives us information about the name and family of the composer and the second one summarises the contents of the grant by mentioning once more the names of the grantor, the grantee, the village granted and the time of the grant. Since the donee speaks of himself in the first person in this verse, it may be well doubted whether it really formed part of the original record. In copper-plate charters, we do not usually come across the phenomenon of the donee himself stating at the end that he had got the grant from such and such a king on such and such an occasion. It would appear that the last verse was probably composed by the donee himself and added in the space available at the bottom of the plate. The orthography calls for only a few remarks. In a conjunct of which r is the first member, the second letter is usually doubled; cf. garova in 1. 3. (2) The anusvara before sa is indicated sometimes by a guttural nasal as in vansa in 1. 7 and sometimes by the dental 'one as in vansa in l. 34 and in bhransa in l. 35-6. (3) The rules of sandhi are usually followed, but there are a few mistakes in this connection; cf. karavalaiva for karavala iva, 1. 6, dharmmah murttiman for dharmmo murttiman, 11. 10-11, etc. The copper-plates record a grant of a village made in the reign of the Saindhava king Agguka II, son of Krishnaraja. The actual grantor is, however, Jaika, the uncle of the ruling king who was a minor when the grant was made. This is rendered quite certain by ll. 23-4 of the record, which state that though embraced by the goddess Kamala, who was anxious for dalliance on his chest, Jaika thought that his nephew ought to be protected and reared by him. At the time of the issue of the charter, Jaika therefore professed to be a mere regent, administering the government on behalf of his minor nephew. Agguka however was a mere puppet; for the charter does not give him any legal titles whatsoever. The regent on the other hand is described with all the usual titles of a ruling feudatory. How he eventually superseded his nephew has been already discussed above in the general introduction (ante, p. 193). The grant is dated; it was made in Samvat 513 on the 12th day (of an unspecified month) on the occasion of Uttarayana. As the dates in the remaining charters of this series, when given, are expressly declared to be referring to the Gupta era, there can be no doubt whatever that the date of this charter is also to be referred to the same era. The Uttarayana of 831 A. D. took place on Pausha krishna 1, of 832 A. D. on Pausha krishna 12, and of Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 44. Sabdarttha-gandharvva-nyay-adyanam vidganam mahatinam parana-dharanavijnana-prayog-dvapta-vipula-kirttina....... ephuja-laghu-madhura-chitra-kanta-labdasamayodar-alamkrita-gadya padya.....

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No. 27.) SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 199 833 A. D. on Pausha krishna 7. It is therefore clear that our grant was made on Pausha krishna 12 of the Gupta Samvat 513, which corresponds to Sunday, the 22nd of December 832 A. D. The date of the charter is given at its end and in numerals only. The symbols for the numerals are rather unusual, but a comparison with those in charter F, where the date is given both in words and in numerals, makes it quite clear that the correct reading is 513. The grantee of the record was Madhava, son of Kalyana, who was a Rigvedin Brahmana of the Samkritya gotra and a resident of Somesvara, which is obviously to be identified with famous Somanatha. He was given the whole village of Dhankatirtha and one tenth the share of the village of Gulamika in order to enable him to perform the usual Brahmanical rites and Bacrifices. These villages were situated in the district of Pachchhatri, which was being governed by the grantor himself. Pachchhatri, the headquarters of the district, is probably to be identified with the modern village Pachhtardi, six miles to the west of Ghumli. Dhankatirtha, the village granted, is obviously the same as Dhank in Gondal state, situated about 25 miles east of Ghumli. Dhank is situated on the outskirts of a hill of the same name and figures as a holy place in Jain tradition. I am unable to identify Gula mika, one tenth of whose revenues were also assigned to the donee. A large number of officers are mentioned in this record, while the grant is being announced by the king. They are the following: 1. Mantri, 2. Purohita, 3. Amatya, 4. Janapada, 5. Yuvaraja, 6. Rajasthaniya, 7. Pramatri, 8. Baladhikrita, 9. U parika, 10. Vishayapati, 11. Saulkika, 12. Dussadhasadhanika, 13. Choroddharanika, 14. Vaikshepika, 15. Chara and 16. Bhata. All these officers are mentioned in Charters B and D also. In Charter C, Nos. 4 and 7 are omitted but Sena pati has been added ; in Charter E, Nos. 1 and 2 are dropped ; in Charter F, Nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 9 and 11 are not mentioned and Desadhipati has been added. Among these officers the functions of Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 10, 11, 13, 15 and 16 are quite clear. No. 4 Janapada cannot obviously refer to people in general; it probably refers to representatives of people or members of the Janapada assembly, though one would like to have a more convincing evidence about the existence of such a body at this period. No. 6 Rajasthaniya means a viceroy, No. 8 Baladhikrita denotes the commander-in-chief; No. 9 Uparika was a provincial viceroy under the Gupta administration, superior in status to Vishayapati or the district officer, who is here also mentioned after the U parika!. No. 12 Dussadhasadhanika probably denoted those officers of the Choroddharanika class, who were entrusted with the difficult task of apprehending dacoits and other dangerous criminals. I am unable to offer any suggestions about the function of No. 14 Vaikshepika. Most of these officers are mentioned in charters issued by each of the three branches of the Saindhava kingdom. The original kingdom was a small one and its branches must have been quite tiny; one may therefore well doubt whether even the parent kingdom had all these officers working in its administration. This suspicion becomes stronger when we remember that in Charter F, which is the most business-like and carefully drafted document of this series, a large number of these officers are omitted. It is interesting to add that the officers dropped out in this charter are just those whose existence otherwise appears to be doubtful. One wonders whether in this small kingdom Mantrins would have existed as a class of officers separate from the Amatyas ; they are omitted in this record. A viceroy presuppones ange kingdom, which the Saindhavas did not possess ; Rajasthaniya is omitted in Charter F. Ther) was no room for both the Vishayapatis and Uparikas in the Saindhava adminis ration; the latter of them have been omitted in Charter F. It would therefore appear that some of the officers mentioned in 1 Vividhakalpatirtha, edited by Sri-Jinaprabhasuri, p. 1. *[The office of U parika has been discussed above, Vol. XXIV, p. 184 and also in the D. R. Bhandari Volume, Calcutta, 1940, pp. 231-33, whereiu has been explained to correspond to that of a Magletrata B. a.).

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. our grants did not really function in the Saindhava administration ; they are merely mentioned to make the list exhaustive. Among the commoners to whom the grants have been announced, only Brahmanas and traders are mentioned. This would show that as early as the 9th century A.D.Gujarat and Kathiawar had developed their present commercial traditions and that merchants bad come to be recognised as a class as important as the Brahmanas. The bracketing of the Vaisyas with the Sudras in the Gita and the Dharmasastra literature would thus be giving us not a correct idea of the position which the merchant class occupied in a commercial province like Kathiawar. TEXT First Plate. 1 OM svasti [*] svastilakAmarAvatIsambhavahispardibhUtAmbilikAbhidhAnamagarIgarIyoparakha (sa)rASTrAma2 NDalamaNDanoparasamudrAdhipatirAsItsaMpUrNa prakAzazaravizAkararazmipratAnavizadanijayazorA3 zi:(zi)zyAmalitasagarvazatrusAmantasomantinovadanAravindadyutiH pralayakAlavijRmbhitajvalanajvA lAvalI4 kalpAnalpaprasaratpratApaH svahRdayasamohitahitavibhavadAnahelAjalAvAditasakala sumoka: sama5 rarasabharadharIDarIjitajitapraNataverizirIratnadRSyamANasphuracaraNanakhamayUkhakhacitapA6 dapauThaprAntaH karavAla(la da)vApavarjitasahajakalazakaH parivArarakSAnapekSitaspaSTadRSTazatirana TAbhi7 mukhApatavipakSakSativihAmUlapraNatIttarottarapravAzAlizrImasaindhavavaGga(vaMza)zekharaH samadhi8 gatAyeSamahAzabdamahAsAmantazrImadaggukaH [*] tasya jananamasyacaritavandyAnindhahijasamUha moha9 hArihArihattapAlitaprajAsamunavaccharacchazadharakaranikaradhavalayazIrAzirAziSAM paramavisaM10 vAdi sthAnamAsthAnaniviSTeSTasAmantacakrakramarakSAdAcyodaya(dyoyApikIya'mAnakosiH sAkSAdi vadharmaH 11 mUrttimAniva nijajanapadapuNvasambhAraH sakalalokaparizuddhihetusthirasarasvatIsaGgatisevyatayA 12 suciramacalitamaryAdo natijalopilIpitaduSTaceSTitaH samudrakaraNimuhahaba 1 Edited from ink impressions. * Indicated by a symbol. Read either dana.jala-hela-, or samahladita instead of jal-ahladita, as is done in Charters B and D. reading of Charter E, dana-phala-samahladita is the best. * Sandhi rules have not been always followed in this charter. The

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: A.-GRANT OF THE TIME OF AGGUKA II; [GUPTA) SAMVAT 513. o saadaam kmaay' saas! 5 T4 fy Y}{2, Jafls/27 (7) s yaa ghraann 2 (2rth haa/y'aaZi// 2 6/paas py ( yaa 2 (w/ Qr kthaa | | | :graa:shi s&dhs thA/ xbihy( Q2)di ye/phaay'e he, 'g'laamii / | 0 the!! m khbh/s': //bi, s4e5tthiosmyoNlaaey' jhkjh sunnaa:kaam, ' 32/k, 5aa] (hiNs/srthbhityi ny' r dh nssm bkdh? / t/0 %kt raakhi / k ri k VeE24/7 29/0/5 pthimaas sstte, 4 / 200/s4e/9 (sim/lsaa stiitb hnyjaa (me em'4/ sbyz* by:##| 5e / 4 ? saaphmddaa-pyumm smy'mks / smm? 55 miks sr maa o 4 / sei phAZ/ (ye sg/Ay Ayz 0y k) 4 ky Qy' ye yaanneyphri / (5 / yaabsthaay' maay'aam sehe y y b t m k kudd'okei maamiike y4 / / * 10 %se stre mm yb dh0j4:baa ye mek 7 khristher jny siiss ss | 12 | surm/ynt smy+thatth maa'yo (5/phaas (sH 5 mRdhk tb| 12 | - 04 # sii/u6xy5Oca (503) Ar (2!maathmO khaady paan| 14 mmyeyq{s/Qdyymmk sb bnyc{rgy' km| /mymksaay'/} 14 stthik saamnyjsyrthb skaa% baasyaa sbtb sms/J PAmnaa / 16 | borthet yaay'| kksbaatthe knntthsbiikaartb sm' ( klh 16 / yaay'|htthn gtthktth7:pn sthaa!y 85 se2 mkbaahikssm| 18 / emeney'aa /shni ! klaa 8th 45 hn|(phbriaanyj phaandhii/b| sh Pr(kri sbaatth*ii/naanyjaabir skaa kiy: Akhaasiy akhH) 1r, mam &/tth (ssttitho -baajaar " naakyqk !} // jhngkaa go 'siimaahphi-e sk'r'@' dhaariisbtbrikaahphisirii(47 byaak prsthaan| 22 pes sko jmkssmtaay'n (traa sen sk) saathii h'phunyjkeshbes 22 kaasaaphaay'! smyvt27/8 ei eaa sy'aassyyyaak kgrd ofthaa / khok. yaaeni ydichis?/btr brssi smrthge!/ // yethaas naam) 24 * psi haa0izvi ki kre bemy'mnddy'' loNr` U18/tr (yaar myhaa bnyiaas>>i pharrnnii saa:smaane sk/ 26 mr'ik 1.si pjn gaading >> 1:20seibaar sy'aas| naa Ce/27/2 mus ; /* maishaa /0 14 [ jek@s/Usiktaar' 51r'i ph2}y f6st/5 21 / 2) * #saa # HAV746*99/14/4/22/65, ytthe bs 2/4/1/5/! 27 2/21e4.5/y' / 7 m (a(saanb s m?/5] A/8} > A9 x 7 x or yaan?/PY e| ft A/707 ,:) 12) / * AAS-2 (f4/hy (5,84c1 e dhf5 sh' 97 kh 24 2% , A] mnni/ 1,26,29484, HIV/ 4 ) / 1/s02/-x 4 2 1 Ath| 1ai2/?f fat.5 sh, vithaa ( {}}//deg1/7rn, 05 she yaa 2 ( 20/20/ :/ / Att,l2.g/4 21/0/5 stay/ //y t/sk 02/0/12 (m/ / kaay'aa yaay'|' {/y' / - 02/07 T! ceka 420 / haas NA A. r 4/ thaa /9 ( 150 bii ai / br, 1.04, / d/' ke :477777 nmn:20 kili, 5:07 4 1 5' neo7 (202/2, 201> ! "f a tv mh m in. / / / . Any 44 9 SCALE: ONE-THIRD. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTL.

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No. 27.) SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 201 % 3D Second Plate. 13 NeSu ca cApaghaTitaraTaTaniniyataguNasaGgimArgANagaNaprotsAritArAtiraulita14 malamUladuzcaritapariNAmI raNaraNakadAnadakSacakSurvikSepI vipakSanArINAM zrIrANakasmRtIbhavatta-' sthApi 15 cApiripusArthakadarthanAsamarthaprItyarpadumAhabharI bharata ivAcaladucitasamArAdhitarAmo bhAra samakSa18 pi(ba)tIyapArtha ivApArthakIkRtajagaduditakIrtiduIradhanurI kIdara va satatarudhirapAna karaNAsphuraNokta17 duzzAsanIsadupahasitaduyo(yo)dhanazca sarvataH svagaLataH samusAritaripatimiranikarI dina kara iva varSamA18 natejIrAzirazizirapratApasantApitAtidRptasapanayanaH mAdhaveva (priyasatyotidUravikSipta narakopadra19 vAzaH zaGkara svAbhinanditapArvatIyajano janoditasahajapuruSakArAtirakakaradIkkataprAtirA jyabhUbhRdulkaraH(ra) 20 aikSi kapANapANirapi ripubhirabhibhavIbhUtabhayasa(saM)cAntanayanaiyanaipuNasAbha(pholyaprakaTIbhava tpuNyasabhArI bhA1 ratImAdhuryasamAnanditasakalapraNayijanI jananIcaraNAravindavandanasaMvarvitakIrtipratAnItanutanu zobhAbhA22 vitataruNIjanamanaHprasarI(ra) zrIkaNarAjAbhidhAnItidhanyastanayobhUttasya mAtA vaimAtrI jyeSThaM tabbatamucitaku23 lakramAgatAkrAntasiGgA(siMhAsanamapi parityajya zrImadamgukAkhyaM khyAtapauruSapuruSajayisa tvadhAmavakSasthalolaulAlA24 lasayA kamalayA nissAmAlijito' ayameva nijapiTapravahitamadIyalAlanapAlanayogya iti samarapata25 zAtitazatruzauTIryo dhairyanidhiradhaurANAM raNeSu rakSitA kSatakalikalovatrimadAnAbhyAsA bhyIkatakaparNavarNa 1 Read-bhavat Tasy-api. . Read=bhut 1 Tasya. * Road nidiankamalingits='yamstva.

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 28 naH svavapuSi pUSeva vikasitapadmAkaraH satkriyApravarttitasakalalokaca kazcanAparapyetAmosti nAstIti kau 27 tUhalimmA yatkIrtyA jagannamyate sa samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmanta zrojAIka [VOL. XXVI. Third Plate. 28 sarvvAnevAtmIyAnmatri (ntri) purohitAmAtyajanapadaryuvarAjarAja sthAnIyapramASTabalAdhikRtIpa29 rikaviSayapatizaulkikadussAdhasAdhanika corocaraNika vaidyepika cArabhaTAdisamastarAjapuruSA(gha)30 masta (sta) vivAsibrAhmaNottarAnvaNimahattarakuTumbinassamanubodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA mayA svabhujyamAnapacchatrIprAve (de) 31 zikatorthAbhidhAnagrAmasta (sva) sImAparyanto sahita [: * ] somezvaravAstavyacAtu gulamikAbhidhAnagrAmasya dazA (zAMza) na 32 rvvadyasAmAnyasAMkkRtya sagotcabahvRcasabrahmacAribrAhmaNacaturvedamAdhavAya kalyANaputtAyodakAtisargeNa dvAdazyA 33 mudagayane datto balicaruvaizvadevAgnihotrabrahmayo' sarpaNArthaM mAtApitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhiTAye [*] patI 34 syainaM bhucyato na kenacitparipanyanA kAryA [*] bhAvibhirapi nRpatibhirasmaddamya (iMza)jairanyaiva sAmAnyaM bhUmidAnaphalamabhivA 35 vchadbhiranityAnyaizvaryANi mAnuSyakamapi prabalamAratAhatapadminIpacanihitajalalavalolamAkalayya du pariharandha (i) 36 nma(ma)kSaNikaca jIvitamAlokyAtipracurakadarthanAsacitamarthajAtamanilasaGgidIpazikhAcaccalamAloca vAcyatAcyu 37 tikAmeramalamaNDalazaradindudyutidhavalayazovitAnacchavanabhobhAgamAtmAnamicchadbhiratisvacchamano 1 Read either krityo or kriyodeg. 1 The letters yama are repeated through inadvertence. bhirAkAccha 38 ndatoyamayamasmadAyonumantavyo (vyaH) [1*] vyAsAdimuninigaditabhUmiharaNa pApaparipAkajanitAca yAmIryAtanA ma 39 nasi nidhAya pUrvvadhArmikanRpaparikalpitapaJcamahApAtakasamaya zrAvaNAcca cintayitvA bhUyo bhUyo yAcyamAneridaM na prasma

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No. 27.) SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 203 40 rtavyaM smRtikAropadiSTa(STam) [*] SaSTiM varSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] AcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset // svadattAM paradattA vA 41 yo harettu vasundha (rAm) [*] gavAM zatasahasrasya hantuH prApnoti kilbi(lvi)pa:(Sam) [*] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhismagarAdibhi[*] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM(lam) // 42 yAnIha dattAni purA narendrInAni dharmArthayazaskarANi [*] nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhu: punarAdadIta // vindhyATavISvatIyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsina:*] kRSNAha43 yo hi jAyante brahmadAyApahArakA[:*] // vahastIyaM samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsA mantazrIjAIkasya zrIrANakaputrasya [*] dRtakotra mahattamabAlakaviH [*] 44 zrIjAI(i) kemalayaza[:*]prasarAptavizkhe bi(vi)zvAsitAptagurubandhujane svarAjyaM (jyam) [*] bhaMja(bhuJja)tyadolikhadiha svadhiyA prasUto yo vikkaTAsa kapilastilakaH zakA nAM(nAm) // 45 zrIjayaseno mahyaM grAmamadAhakatIrthanAmAnaM(nam) [*] gulamayikAgrAmadazAnza (zAMga)sahita matibhaktirudagayane // saMva 500 103 B.-Grant of king Jaika I. This grant has been written on a set of two copper-plates, which have been inscribed on one side only. The plates have two holes near the edge, intended for the two rings to secure them together. Only one of these rings has been preserved and its ends have been soldere l together and impressed with a seal with the emblem of the fish, which was the insignia of the dynasty. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 3481 tolas. The size of each plate is 131" x 10" ___There are 18 lines on the first plate and 19 on the second. The engraving has been mc.ty done and the duct of the handwriting is graceful. The characters and language of this charter are similar to those of Charter A. The record is in prose with the exception of the inprecatory stanzas, and the concluding verse, which is identical with the penultimate vere.. of Charter A. The composer of this record is the same Saka Sanskrit poet Kapila, who had drafted Charter A. As far as orthography is concerned, attention may be drawn to the occurrence of upadhmaniya in 11. 30 and 35 in the expressions duhpariharao and hantuh prupnoti respoctively. The charter records a village-grant made by Mahasamanta Jaika I, son of king Ranaka. He is identical with the same person who had issued Charter A as regent for his nephev, Agguka I, who was then the de jure king. In the genealogy of this grant, however, there is no reference to Agguka or his father who was the elder brother of Jaika I, both of who were expressly mentioned as the occupants of the Saindhava throne in Charter A. The reason is not The shortening of I is required for metrical reasons; the correct spelling is Jatka. The same occurs also in Charter A, I. 35. The form should, however, be dush parihara.-Ed.

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. far to seek. We have already seen how Jaika I had almost become a de jure king in Gupta Samvat 513, when Charter A was issued. By the time of the issue of the present charter, the usurpation was complete, and Jaika must have issued instructions to his secretariate that the names of his elder brother and his son should be eliminated from future copper-plate genealogies in order to remove all traces of his usurpation from the ken of the posterity. The present charter is not dated, but for reasons already explained above in the general introduction (ante, pp. 193-194), its time of issue will probably be as early as 515 G. E. (834-5 A. D.) [VOL. XXVI. The grantee is a Samavedin Brahmana of the Vatsa gotra, Bhattasvamika by name, who was a son of Kulachandra. The revenues of the village of Dadhipadraka were assigned to him in order to enable him to perform the usual scriptural sacrifices without feeling any anxiety for his livelihood. The village Dadhipadraka was situated in the district of Pachhchatri, which is the same as Pachhtardi, 6 miles west of Ghumli, as shown already. The boundaries of Dadhipadraka have been given and they enable us to state that the village has either disappeared or changed its name to Deolia, which is now a village 13 miles north-east of Ghumli. For to the east and north of this village are the river Varatu and the village Shedkai respectively which are obviously identical with the river Varatroyi and the village Sedhakhaika, which also were to the east and north of the village Dadhipadraka, which was granted to the donee. Bhillamala, which was the original place of residence of the donee is to be identified with modern Bhinmal, which is 80 miles to the north of Patan and 40 miles to the east of Mt. Abu. The occasion of the gift was the performance of the Pushyasnana ceremony by the king. From the Brihatsamhita of Varahamihira we learn that this ritual was recommended to kings by astrologers of old for the purpose of averting disaster and promoting prosperity, both of themselves and of their kingdom1. A number of deities were invited at the bath, which was given usually at a holy place. The water was mixed with numerous medicinal and auspicious drugs. Any day of the month, when the moon was in the lunar mansion of Pushya, could be selected for the purpose; but the most suitable time was the full-moon day of the month of Pausha. It is most probable that Jaika II utilised the first Pausha month after his usurpation for this purpose in order to avert the possible visitation of divine wrath at his unjustifiable conduct. From ink-impressions. Indicated by a symbol. TEXT." First Plate. 1 OM svasti [1*] svastilakAmarAvatosambhavarddhisparddhibhUtAmvi (mbi)likAbhidhAnanagarIgarIyopa rasurASTrAmaNDalama 2 NDanoparamamudrAdhipatirAsItsaMpUrNa prakAzazara vizAka ra razmi pratAna vizadanijayazorAziH (zi) zyAma * nAsti loke sa utpAtI yI hyanena na zAmyate / maMgalaM cAparaM nAsti yadammAdatiricyate // adhirAjyArthino rAjJaH putrajanma ca kAMcataH / tatpUrvamabhiSeke ca vidhireSa prazasyate // Chap. 48, 84-5.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 205 3 litasagarvazatrusAmantasaumantinauvadanAravindadyutiH pralayakAlavijambhitajvalanajvAlAvalaukalpA nalyaprasara4 pratApaH svahRdayasamohitahitavibhavadAnahelAsamAhvAditasakalasuhallokaH samararasabharadharoDu rojitajita5 praNatavairiziroratnaghRSyamANasphuracaraNanakhamayUkhakhacitapAdapIThaprAntaH karavAla(la i)vApavarji tasahajakala6 izaGkaH parivArarakSAnapekSitaspaSTadRSTazaktiranaSTAbhimukhApatahipakSakSatiSvihAmUlapraNatottarottarapra vRddhA7 grazAlithImatsaindhavavaGga (vaMza)zekharaH sa samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmantazrImadamAka: [*] tasya jananamasyacaritavaMdyA8 nindyahijasamUhamohahArihArivRttapAlitaprajAsamudbhavaccharacchazadharakaranikaradhavalayazorAzirAziSAM para9 mavisaMvAdi sthAnamAsthAnaniviSTeSTasAmantacakrakramarakSAdAcyodaya(dya)yApikIca'mAnakIrtiH sAkSAdiva dharmaH(o) 10 mUrttimAniva nijajanapadapuNyasambhAraH sakalalokaparizudihetusthirasarasvatIsaGgatisevyatayA suciramaca11 litamaryAdI natijalopilopitaduSTaceSTitaH samudrakaraNimuddahavaNeSu ca cApaghaTitaraTaTani niyata12 guNasanimArgaNagaNaprItmAritArAtirunmIlitamalamUladuvaritapariNAmI raNaraNakadAnadakSacakSu vikSepo 13 vipakSanArINAM zrIrANakammutIbhavatta' syApi cApiripusArthakadarthanAsamarthaprotsarpadussAhasabharoM bharata i. 14 vAcaladucitasamArAdhitarAmI bhAratamallatci()tIyapArtha ivApArthakIkaMtajagaduditakIrttiduI radhanurddharI kI15 dara iva satatarudhirapAnakaraNAsphuraNIkRtaduzzAsanIsakkadupahasitaduryodhanazca sarvataH svagataH samutsArita 1 The usual punctuation mark at the end of the sentenoe is omitted here. Read -utsaha-bharo.

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 18 ripatimiranikarI dinakara iva vaImAnatejorAzirazizirapratApasantApitAtidRptasapatnayana: zArGgadhanveva priyasatyI17 tidUravikSiptanarakIpadravAzakaH zaGkara ivAbhinanditapArvatIyajanI janoditasahajapuruSakArA tirekakaradIka18 taprAtirAjvabhUbhRdulkaraH(ra) aikSi kRpANapANirapi ripabhirabhibhavodbhUtabhayasaMbhrAntanayanaiyanaipuNa Second Plate. 19 sAphalyaprakaTIbhavatpuNyasambhAro bhAratImAdhuryasamAnanditasakalapraNayijano jananIcaraNAra20 vindavandanasaMvahitakIrtipratAnItanutanuzIbhAbhAvitataruNIjanamanaHprasarasmasa(ma)dhigatAzeSamahA zabda21 mahAsAmantabIjAIkammanivAtmIyAbhatri(vi)purohitAmAtyajanapadayuvarAjarAjasthAnIyapramA balA22 dhikkatoparikaviSayapatizIrikakadusmAdhasAdhanikacIrIdaraNikavaikSepikacArabhaTAdisamastarAjapu ruSA(SAM)23. sta(sta)nivAsibrAhmaNottarAnvaNinahattarakuTumvi(mbi)nasmamanubodhayatyastu vaviditaM yathA mayA svabhujyamAnapaccha24 coprAva(da)zikapUrvaprasiidadhipadrAbhidhAnagrAmasma(sva)saumAparyantasmAghATazca tatra cAghATa nAni / yatra pUrvatI vara25 soyI nadI dakSiNatacoraNANakAbhidhAno "grAmaH pazcimatasmeNTUrakagrAma uttaratopi bADANakagrAmaH 28 seDhAkhAkA cgraa(caagr)haa[H|*] evaM samastAghATaparicchinnaH zrIbhilamAlavAstavyataccA ___turvedyasAmAjyavA27 sagItracchAndIgasabrahmacAribrAhmaNabhaTTakhAmikAya kulacandrapucAyIdakAtisargeNa puthasnAnavidhI 28 datto balicasvaizvadevAgnihotrabrahmakkayo'sarpaNArthaM mAtApitrIrAtmanazca puNyayazobhicaya [i*] atosthe(syai)naM bhuJcato na ke 1 Read either krityoo or kriyoo.

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2 i. 88 brssbaahi shrmik maandhaar 10. 10 24 SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: B.-GRANT OF KING JAIKA II. 18. 26 shimul kaamnaay' absitti kmbl 12 12 14 maamni 14 1 / 16 28 30 kthaay', maadraas maanb naa naam ney'aar bid pienbi kikhn o kaa ytn baa trl ( ii. 36 20. 20 maan saanaakaa 22 pAla sAli radhiniriruito maasii saamrik N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. saabndhik jblib ktthik ETC 2 kriy'aa bhaajiraal graamaa a dI sI Alkaa phibaa saadaa mNlaa thim baa el klaam upt daathaio shtkraa ekaa ythaadaan sshstr aar dy shaasyntr yntr 18 sushiy'aar klmaa yoyybaatmaa ki 32 birl elaa prkaam sujuj kaaraa maannaan shikss chil hlo| 32 SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS. aamaay 26 sss| shikaa, dsh bish 24 3494 28 30 36 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 207 29 nacitparipanthanA kAryA [*] bhAvibhirapi nRpatibhiraspadanya(iMza)jairanyA sAmAnya bhUmidAnaphalamabhivAJchadbhiranityAnyaizvaryANi mA30 nuSyakamapi prabalamArutAhatapadminIpatranihitajalalavalolamAkalayya dupariharabhanya(maMza) kSaNikaJca jIvitamAlIkyA31 tipracurakadarthanAsaJcitamarthajAtamanilasaGgidIpazikhAcaJcalamAloca vAcatAcyutikAmaramala maNDalazaradiMdudyu32 vidhavalayazovitAnacchabanabhobhAgamAtmAnamicchadbhiratikhacchamanobhirAmacchandatIyamayama smaharma dAyonumantavyo(vyaH) [*] vyAsAdi33 muninigaditabhUmiharaNapApaparipAkajanitAca yAmIryAtanA manasi nidhAya pUrvadhArmika nRpaparikalpitapaJcamahApA34 takasamayazrAvaNAJca cintayitvA bhUyo bhUyo yAcyamAnairidaM na prasmartavyaM mRtikAropa diSTaM(STam) [i*] SaSTiM varSasahasrANi kharge tiSThati bhUmidaH / / 35 AcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset / svadattA paradattA vA yo harettu vasundharAM(rAm) / gavAM zatasahasrasya hantu prApnoti kilviSaM(Sam) // svahasto36 yaM samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmantavIjAIkasya [*] tadAdiSTadratakoca pratihArakaSNaH [*] zrIjAI(1)ke malayazaHprasarApta37 vizve ci(vi)vAsitAptagurubandhujane svarAjyaM(jyam) [*] bhaMjatyadolikhadiha khadhiyA prasUto yo vikaTAtma kapilastilakaH zakAnA:(nAm) // C.-An incomplete grant of King Rapaka. This charter was originally engraved on two plates, but only the first of them has been recovered. It is much bigger in size than the other plates of this find, being 168" x 1211' in dimensions. Its weight is3174 tolas, which is almost equal to the combined weight of the three plates of Charter A. There are two holes at the bottom intended for the two rings for holding the plates together. The second plate as well as the two rings are untraceable. There are 22 lines engraved on this plate. The engraving on no other plates of this set is go shabby, slipshod and careless as that on this plate. Every line teems with mistakes and oongideration of space renders their enumeration impossible here. They can be seen in the text and the appended footnotes. Apart froin mistakes of engraving, there are mistakes of pronunciation 1 Letters yama have been wrongly repeated. * The shortening of T is required for metrical purpose. The res spelling is atka.

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXVI. like shyamalita for byamalita in l. 2, sunu for sunu in l. 11, jaso for yaso in l. 1, yano for jano in 1. 7, eto. Then there are mistakes of grammar, too, like samabhavah for samabhavat in II. 10-11. The draftsman also has made his own-humble contribution to the prevailing chaos by framing & sentence at the end of the plate (11. 18-22), the syntax of which is very defective. The form of some characters of this record is considerably different from that of the Charters A and B. Ma and na are quite indistinguishable; cf. simantini in l. 2. The forms of the characters ga and sa are also somewhat different from those in Charters A and B. There are two forms of ha; both of them can be seen in the word mahamahindhra in l. 14. The record contains a grant of Mahasamanta Ranaka, who was a son of king Agguka and a grandson of king Kfishparaja. In his Report on Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions found at Ghumli, M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker has advanced the view that Ranaka, the grantor of this plate, should be identified with Ranaka, the father of Jaika I, who according to the genealogy given in Charter F, was a son of Agguka and grandson of Krishnaraja. He therefore regards this charter as the earliest of the present set. It is also possible to argue that the unusually large size of the copper-plate might probably indicate that it belongs to an earlier period, when the size of the copper-plates of its charters was not yet standardised by the secretariate of the dynasty. This argument is of course not very strong. In view of the genealogical data of Charter F, the above view undoubtedly appears as the most plausible one, but there are serious difficulties in accepting it. A comparison of the text of the present charter with that of Charters A and B makes it clear that it presupposes the knowledge of the latter and is based upon them. Thus the expression hel-ahladita-sakalasuhril-lokah in l. 3 of the present charter gives no meaning whatsoever, it is an unintelligent abbreviation of sva-hridaya-samihita-hita-vibhava-dana-hela-samahladita-sakala-suhril-lokah of Charters A and B, 1. 4; similarly karavala iva parivara-nirapekshah in l. 5 of this charter presupposes a knowledge of karavala iv=apavarjita-sahaja-kalarka-sankah parivara-raksh-anapekshitaspashta-drishta-saktih of Charter A, 1. 6 and Charter B, 11. 5 and 6. The present charter is thus later than Charters A and B, and cannot be therefore attributed to Ranaka, the father of the donor of Charter B, though the names of his father and grandfather were Agguka and Krishnaraja respectively. It is no doubt possible to rebut the force of the above argument by contending that the titsent charter does not presuppose a knowledge of Charters A and B, but that all of them are based upon a still earlier grant, which served as the prototype for all the three charters. This - contention is however purely hypothetical and will continue to remain so, till an earlier grant is actually discovered and shown to be the prototype of the drafts of the three charters. There is another and a more serious objection to M. M. Shastri's view. If we accept it, the approximate time of king Ranaka, the donor, would be 794-814 A.D.'. Now the concluding five lines of the record would show that queen Kshemebvari was his wife. This Kshemejvari was very probably either a daughter or a sister of the Chapa king Kshemaraja or Kshemesvara, the son of Yogaraja, who is traditionally known to have ruled from 841 to 880 A.D." It is not very likely that a daughter or & sister of a king, who was ruling from c. 841 to 880 A.D., could have been married to another whose reign period is known to be c. 794 to 814 A.D. Kshemesvara was no 1 Ante, p. 106. See the genealogical table Kinge Harshagupta and Mahiadnagupta of the later Gupta dynasty had sisters named Harshagupta and Mahisinaguptl respectively. * Prabandhachintamani, p. 14 (Singhi Jain Granthamala ed.).

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 209 doubt a man of about 40 at the time of his accession, but even this circumstance does not render the marriage of a daughter or a sister of his with Ranaka possible. If Ranaka, the donor of our charter is not the same as Ranaka, the father of Jaika I, as suggested by the genealogy in Charter F, with whom then are we to identify him? The answer to this question is supplied by the data in Charter A. That charter was issued by Jaika as regent, when Agguka, the son of his half-brother Krishnaraja, was ruling as a minor. Ranaka, the grantor of our plate, was a son of this Agguka. It would be seen that the names of his father and grandfather were Agguka and Ranaka respectively, as was the case with the grantor of our plate. A glance at the genealogical and chronological table given on p. 196 shows that the approximate time of the rule of this Ranaka was A.D. 859 to 879. It was thus possible for him to marry Kshemebvari who was presumably a daughter of the Chapa king Kshemurja, since the latter is known to have ruled from c. 841 to 880 A.D. As against the view here proposed, it is possible to argue that it requires us to suppose that the Saindhava kingdom, which was already very small, was divided into as many as three branches during the latter part of the 9th century A.D. Known facts about divisions and subdivisions of kingdoms in India would show that there was nothing very unusual in it. The testimony of Charter F would further show that our hypothesis is almost inevitable ; for II. 5 and 6 of that charter show that during the latter half of the 9th century the Saindhava family tree had a number of branches (sakha-sanchaya). We should not therefore be surprised if the data available at present showed that there were three branches ruling simultaneously at that time. It is interesting to note that the claim to the overlordship of western Saurashtra has not been advanced in this charter on behalf of the grantor, as has been done in the remaining charters of this set. This was probably due to the fact that after the usurpation of Jaika I, the branch of Krishnaraja, though representing the senior line, was reduced to a humble status and did not wield much power and influence. To judge from the present charter, it would appear that it could not command the services of good poets and engravers also. The literary scholars of the day seem to have preferred the patronage of Jaika and his descendants, who had become the leading members of the Saindhava family. The present charter is not dated, but since the grantor was a son of Agguka II, who was & minor in 513 G. E., we may presume that it may have been issued in c. 550 G. E. If the grant was in memory of a departed queen of the donor, as seems to be the case, then its date may probably be about a decade later. The present charter was thus very probably granted in the same decade in which Charter D, dated 555 G. E., was issued. The charter records the donation of the village Bhetalika situated in the district of Pachchhatri. The name of the donee does not occur in the first plate, which alone has been so far recovered. The concluding four lines of the first plate contain a part of the record, which described its object. Besides being incomplete, this portion is rather obscure, and so we cannot get a definite idea on the subject. If the emendations suggested by me in the text are correct, the record would seem to sanction a grant for the purpose of erecting a temple in memory of queen Kshemesvari, who appears to have married the donor in a svayamvara. Or, it may be that the grant was made at the request of queen Kshemesvari; this alternative, however, appears to me as less probable. As observed already, Kshemokvari was very probably a daughter of king Kshemaraja of the Chapa dynasty, who was a western neighbour of king Ranaka and ruling almost contemporaneously with him. M. M. Shastri has advanced & curious suggestion in this connection; he thinks that Kshemesvari may have been a queen of Chapa king Kshemesvara of Anahilapattana, living

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210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. at Ghumli in separation from him. There is nothing in the record to bear out this suggestion. The concluding sentence is no doubt difficult to construe; but it is almost certain that the word atmiyayah in l. 18 has to be construed with rajni-Kshemesvaryah in l. 22; Kshemesvari was thus a queen of the donor. L. 19 describes her as superior to thousands of women in her character. She therefore was not likely to be a lady living in a kind of judicial separation from her husband ; such women were held in contempt by Hindu society. In ll. 21-22, the donor is referring to her constancy to the marriage vow taken in the presence of the sacred fire. She must therefore have been his own wife, and not the wife of a contemporary of his living in separation at his capital. The village granted was Bhetalika, situated in the district of Pachchhatri. As its boundaries are not given, it is difficult to identify it with certainty. M. M. Shastri has suggested that it should be identified with Vadala, which is now a railway station on the Junagad State Railway, about 7 miles north of Junagad. There is, however, another village named Bhatela, about 24 miles north-north-east of modern Pachhtardi, whose name has a greater phonetic resemblance to that of Bhetalika. It is more probable that this may have been the village granted. TEXT.: First Plate. 1 OM svasti [[*] bhUtAmbi(bi)likAtaH [*] AzI(sau)tsaMpUrNaprakAzazarani(ni)zA kararazmI(zmi)pratAnaviSa(za)daniSajaso(nijayazo)2 rAziyA(zyA)malitasamastazatrusAmaMtasImaMtinIvadakhAravindu(nda)dyutiH pralayakAlaviz2ubhitajva3 lanajvAlAvalIkalpA(pra)tApaprasara(ge) helAvAditasakalasughallokaH praNamadu(TU)jitAnekasara4 maniryiMtamahAbhiyanarAjaMbo jijhatadIrghoSNanizvAsapavanasparSa(0)nirmalatarIbhavana(ba)khadarpaNa5 chAyA:(yaH) pRthivyAmAJcayo(ya)bhUta[*] karavAleva' parivAraniravapekSaH kevala eva nirbu(yUMDhAnekasamarasAhasa6 mahotsavaH zrImasaindhavavaMzaprasUta: samadhigatAzeSamaha(hA)sAmaMtazrIkRSNarAjaH [*] tasya pra. 7 thitAnekaguNagaNasamAjAditasajjanajanamana[:*]prasara[:*] kevalaM jananijabhujavIryopArjitapraNati yamo8 prabhujyamAnalakSmI(mI)vibhavatI(stI)kSaNotkhAtakaravAlanizitadA(dhA)rAvisphuratkiraNanivahadUro sA1 M. M. Shastri, Report on Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions f and at Ghumli, p.9. *bid, p. 14. Edited from ink-impression. * Indicated by a symbol. * The letter looks like khnd read vadand. * Read .samara-nirjila-mahabhijana-rajany-8deg. Read karavila iva. * The letter va in this word is superfluous, road nirapakahab. * Road pranayi-janar

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: C.-AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF KING RANAKA. na 16 sAra siriya ARO RAM kA sAmanA yA dara hA pa saMsAramA yAcA tura kAra ke / mAlikA 210 yAbI hAniyA asUna he kA kAraka SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA. CALOUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, REO.No.2096E41. 290.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 211 9 ritariputimiranikaro bahuvA(dhA) durbAravairikarika(ka)ThanirdalitanipatanaMdemala'muktAphalacarci10 tasaMgrAmabhUmi anavaratapravRttadAnArdokkatakaro digja ivAtmajaH zrImadaggukAbhidhAnaH sa11 mabhavaH(vat) [i*] tasya 'sunUranavaratanipatanaccharazA(sI)tkArasU(zU)nyokkataripuSTharApiTTho anA ratapra12 jvaladUrjitapratApAnalanuSTasakalahiSadindhanasamUha[*] paribhramaHni(mantri)malaja(ya)zaHpratyagra daMti13 daMtama(sa)dAvadAtA(dha)valokkatasakaladiku(ka)cakravAlaH saMkalpocitaphalanikaracchAyopa 14 to mahAmahindhra' iva prakAmAna(ne)kaddijasamAzrayo nAbA:(nA) samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdama 15 hAsAmaMtazrIrANakaH bhU(su)vidita[:*] sarvAna(ne)vAtmIyAM(yAn) khAnmadhi(vi)pa(pu)rI hitAmAtyasenApatiyuvarAja16 rAjasthAnIyabalAdhikkatoparikaviza(Sa)yapatizIrikakaduHsAdhyasAdhanikacoroddharaNikakSepikabhaTTa (Ta)cAra17 bhaTAdisamastarAjapuruSAMta nivAsinaH brAhmaNota(tta)rAn*i] vaNikma(na)hattarakuTumbi(mbi)na: samanubodha(dha)yatyastu va[:*] saM18 viditaM yathA mayA svabhujyamAnapacchatrIviSayAM(yA)ntaHSA(pA)tibheTAlikAbhidhAnagrAma:(ma) AtmIyAyA[:*] pracurataravima19 laguNagaNavijitAnyastrIsahazra(saM) caritA(ta) svabhAvacarita mAnasena vicAryAvyabhicArya tIrtha (tha) kaulaputra(ca)mAkala20 yya sa(saM)yamamavaDA(dhA)vyaMjanapRtI(prIti)jananamatI vRttamAloca zaucaM vilokya sakala lokapta(pra) I Read *nipatad-amala-. . Read .bhumir-anavarata.. . Read dig-gaja. * Read sunuo. * The letter na in this word is superfluous; read -ripalach-chharao. * Read -dharapithosnarata. Read maha. mahidhra. . Read purushana=tan-nivasino. The word charita is used in the sense of tushta. 10 Read .jananam sali-. 11 This reading is rather doubtful. The letter prooeding chanh has a faint resemblance to a defective say.

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212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXVI. He[:*) ATACITUTefa 21 marfagat(a) f(a)f#gai(at) Rafaune katvAgnisA22 f tualarcafafanuzSaufra[a*]arn Taaruf D.-Grant of Ranaka of a subordinate Saindhava branch, G. S. 555. This grant has been engraved on a set of two copper-plates, each of which is 12" x 9" in size. Near the edge of the plates there are two holes intended for the rings to secure the plates together. Only one ring has been preserved. Its ends are however not embossed with any seal. The fish emblem of the dynasty appears at the end of the inscription on the second plate. This method of putting the seal of the dynasty immediately at the end of the inscription is followed in the remaining charters of this series, as also in some other plates jesued by its later members. In a way it is no doubt a better method to prevent additional matter being interpolated in the documents in the space lying vacant at the end of the record, 89 was done by the grantee of Charter A. The seal emblem on the ring does not prevent such & tampering with the original record. The weight of the plates together with the ring is 331 tolas. 24 lines are engraved on the first plate and 22 on the second. Though the duct of the handwriting of the present charter is graceful, its engraving has been done very carelessly. As a consequence it teems with cristakes, though they are not so numerous as those in Charter C. The left side of the first plate has not been properly dressed. The engraving instrument has slipped from the engravere bands in several places. In 1. 36 however the engraver bas corrected a mistake and inserted the letter ma (ma), which was accidentally omitted, just below the line near its proper place. The observations made about the language and characters of Charter A hold good about this record also. Only a few additional remarks are necessary. The form of ne of the record is of the normal type and differs from that in Charter B, where it can be hardly distinguished from that of ma. The distinction between the forms of the letters 8 and sis real, though rather subtle. The form of the letter tha in sartha in l. 7 is noteworthy. The mark for an aragraha appears in a few places, e.g., gariyo para in l. 1, Dussasana='saksid in l. 9, etc., lut it is omitted in most cases. The mistakes of sandhi are quite numerous in the record. The punctuation is very defective, the punctuation mark being unnecessarily inserted in several places : sce 11. 11, 12, 16, 20, 31, 37, 38, etc. The charter is partly in prose and partly in verse. The metrical portion consists as usual d the imprecatory verses occurring at the end, and of two verses coming thereafter giving the date of the record and the name of the composer. In 11. 30-1, there are two more verses in the drya metre, which give the names of the donees. These verses are not easy to detect, because some of the adjectives qualifyirg a noun in the first of them occur in the earlier prose Tortion. The composer of the record is Vakula, son of Vitthaka. following 1 Read pratyaksha-nishthala. 1: is difficult to construe this sentence satisfactorily: I would tentatively suggest the construction :-emate we were: wefallat fara sfa 1 kead-imittayo. . My attention was drawn to these verse. by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra.

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No. 27.) SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 213 The grantor of the present charter is Mahasamanta Sri-Ranaka, who was a grandson of king Jaika I of Charters A and B through his son Agguka. Ll. 21-24 of the record inforna us that Agguka, the father of the donor, eventually subdued the desire for pleasures, which be had long enjoyed, and decided to crown his son himself, noticing how Lakshmi, the goddess of Royal Fortune, had become eager to be united with his son Ranaka, who had become quite capable of bearing the burden of administration. The coronation of the son took place in the lifetime and under the supervision of the father. How Agguka, the father of Ranaka, was probably not the eldest son of his father Jaika I, and how his abdication in favour of his son was probably due, less to vairagya and more to an apprehension that bis elder brother Cha. mundaraja may resume his principality after his death, has been already shown in the general introduction (ante, pp. 193-194). The date of the present charter is given in words in I. 44 ; we are told that it was issued when five hundred and fifty-five years of the Gaupta-samaya had elapsed. As the name and day of the month are not given, the precise date cannot be ascertained. We can only ees that it was issued sometime in A.D. 874-5. The village granted by the charter was Pippalapadra, situated in the district of Suvarnamanjari. Half of its revenues were assigned to a group of temples dedicated to Hari, Haridasva (the sun), Vinayaka and the Divine Mothers, which were erected on the outskirts of the city by Sivarudra, who was a karpatin, i.e., an ascetic dressed in rags. The donee of the other half of the village is curiously enough not specified; we are told that it was assigned to kasmaichin=matha-pataye, to a certaic head of a matha. This matha-pati was probably not the chief priest in charge of the temple, where these deities were installed; for then the wording should have been etan=matha-pataye. L. 32 also refers to the separate enjoyment of the property by the group of the temples and the chief of the matha. The chief of the matha was also to utilise the property for the upkeep of the temple and its worship; he was therefore associated probably with another temple. Like numerous temples and mathas of the medieval period in South India, this matha may also have been a religious and educational establishment; our record, however, has nothing to say on the point. Of the places mentioned in this grant, Pippalapadra, the village granted, must have been one of the numerous villages in western Kathiawar which bears at present the name of Piplia. It is not possible definitely to identify Suvarnamanjari the headquarters of the district in which this village was situated. It may be one of the villages bearing the name Sonpur, which exists at present in northern Kathiawar. Or, it may be the village Sonwaria, which is 12 miles north-east of Ghumli. The latter identification looks phonetically more probable, but there is one circumstance going against it. The village Dadhipadraka, given in Charter B. was so close to Sonwaria, that one would expect it to be located in Suvarnamanjari district, and not in Pachchhatri district as that charter states. I am unable to identify Dendanibhatta village, to which the first donee belonged. * TEXT.: First Plate. / OM svasti [*] svastilakAmarAvatIsaMbhavaspirdhibhUtAMbilikAbhidhAnanagaraugarIyoparama rASTrAmaNDalamaNDa 1 An alternative reading etan-math-adhipataye would have suited the exigencies of the metre as well. . From ink-impressions. 2 Indicated by a symbol.

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. 2 noparasamudrAdhipatirAsIsaMpUrNaprakAzazaravizAkararazmipratAnavizadaniyA(ja)yayorAziH(zi)zyA malitasagarvaza3 cusAmantasImantinovadanAravindadyutiH pralayakAlavijRmbhitajvalanajvAlAvalIkalpAnalpaprasaraNa tApaH kha4 dayasamohitahitavibhavadAnahelAsamAnAditasakalasulokaH samararasabharadharoDarojitajitapaNa tavairiziro5 rA(ra)baSyamANasphuraJcaraNanakhamayakhakhacitapAdapIThaprAnta: karavAla ivApavarjitasahajakalaGka zaGkaH pa6 rivArarakSAnapekSitaspaSTadRSTayaktiranaSTAbhimukhApatavipakSakSatiSvihAmUlapraNatottarottaraprahavAgrazA lithI7 matsaindhavavaMzazekharaH samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmantazrIjAIkaH [*] sutobhavattasyApi cApiripusArthakadartha8 nAsamarthaH protsarpadutmAhabharo bharata ivAcaladucitacaritasamArAdhitarAmI bhAratamallastu(Ta) tIyaH(ya)pArtha ivApArthakokka9 tajagaduditakIrtiH(ti)duIradhanuIro kodara iva satatarudhirapAnakaraNAsphuraNaukkataduHzAsa no'sakdapasahi(hasi)taduryodhana10 ca / sarvataH svagarvataH samutsAritariputimiranikarI dinakara iva prabaImAnatejorA zirazizirapratApasaMtApitAti11 dRptasAmantasapatnayanaH zArga(ga)dhanveva' (pri)yasatyoti[dUra*]vikSiptanarakopadravazaH / zaGkara ivAbhinanditapArvatIyajano ja- . 12 noditasahajapuruSakArAtirekakaradIkkataprAtirAjyabhUbhRdutkaraH / aikSi kapANapANibhirapi ripu bhirabhibhavodbhu(DU)tasamdhA13 tanayanarbayanaipuNasAphalyaprakaTIbhavatpuNyasaMbhAra:(ro) bhAratIsamAnanditapraNayijano jananIcaraNA ravindavandanasa(saM)14 mva(va)IitakIrtipratAno'tanutanuzobhAbhAvitataruNIjanamanaHprasaraH samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahA sAmantazrImadaggukaH [*] 1 What looks like a medial a sign here is due to the slipping of the instrument. The danda is unrecessary here.

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: D.GRANT OF RANAKA OF A SUBORDINATE SAINDHAVA BRANCH; G. S. 555. asAramA sarasvatI lAmA rATI kayAdi (ka(rUpAulavAra parAgasamA ( RANTh pa ekA pasa jAkaramAnApamAna ra mAsikAsakAmA dIya mAmadha sani: pakAra (lAilakatyA kApasapanAyA yA nATayasamayamA mAsika basurIkAmamavara sarapavara yuvA kapila ra pasinA ra yasalara masarakha rasayana karavAyA gayA sa baka vAparAlA bhIramA bhiDalA parapala taDAmalajaladAra sadara para zAsaka kA TAyara samarAkA pATAvarasamva saramaLa surUvara padAvA sAdara mA darabAra morayA yA rasada ra samAjakA sAkAratakAam vyAyAlaya kAzayakAra yasapA ka lalaka uralA sabhA ra pa.sadara 10 saravaTI tasa mI (ema kAraka karapadayamAmAkA gAnAsvAstha eka samaya meM dAma 10 kAmasapA mArakara ghaTA sAmipUrakA ra sAnadAkhayAkamA mIrAko 12maramaTaka pupayApArika kAravA5 rupAlApApapariyAra 12 kAyama malasApakarIyaramamA paThIsAkalApamAnanIya havayamA mArako mAyA kArabira takalI ...saba matadArapaTAkhasammAna samArabImAra 14 18. karAya(samAna(maramAmAmumadhamAkapA(yaka matvamA madhamalAmA sana 186 mArAmAra baha 18kamabanI hatyA yaM sayujita miyAbiTA damAda ko 10 ma sadhamA salakA samApa mahatvApAra bhaya narava 18yakA khAsA pasabharakA mAya bAvisAnimirajAsatA calakapUrajavapApAya 18 ramya tApamApayAsaha para tAkAvara piyA kara ghAgharAmA mArirathA kupiyA eka lI(yapa kI bharamAra mAnalAra samiphaba-chamatamAmA (chandakA kAmamA sarasa 20 sarakAra pasAraMva(sAmarasya cakotavacAra karAyalA Lipdhala para merA yAra kAmadAra paramapamapAkaragayA 2 mamamamamama pApamayatA samasyA la yA. para mAmala SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE: TWO-THIRDS. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. RED No. 2096E41. 290.

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yA poTaOTERA yathA dhAyA kA sAmopacAramA vA pApA ko pUrvAnumAyA jA ra manilA kAya ka (pa.ka.yA para rAsasa mAha puka 20 kayAsa padumake samAna vaya yA saradAra nAyaba mayA kuDAmaha NER bAyarana (Minay we pasAra remamumAra kA kahakara kumAra rAvala mA yasapaTAsATasakA kAma kAraTamA moTArI cAla. sAkura kI (paSTa karavAyA jANyAkakA taka ki rata bana rahAra kapa kA rAya sara ra lyUka yA saraso 30 pAnamAlaka va kAratara karAyala para/yAlayamA samApalayA jAmamA rasAyamA ra eka makAna yA satya ra sAmA~ mAya mA sAdhanAma kama (yara skAdirAdi karapa 32 ko vipatividhimA sahI ra kenyA mAmAkamAraka 80 samma ya rAyU ( pati /svaramA kina Khma phalATa pArisamA para 65 sAyama karavaTAUna kalAkanyA yA dhara katipayacakarA sa (yatamabaEY misaTI pahanatA ra staramA kAmayI guhA zulikAdhaka camAra va virAtiya pArAmAyamara yU. kasA karAvA hAmI sadasya kA kasA kAyama 30 EN mAyA sArimuni sArA mahAmAyAkakA kAravAyA kA mAmalAI kasabhAkA rapikapa maTApAtaka samaya sAva dhAkA sAyAta maparama pazyA yA 38 para rApa bAI sanTa sarAsarI pani rilAla taka Dumara sakiyakavAya vAIpavAra, yA 40vATapa TapAvara-nATA vA bATa sArarASTara sArASTa yI samAdhAsudhakA padAminI kA 40 kAra dAga ra paTAra goSTa sAlAranA yA yadizAkA pavAra rapaTA laghukathA va dhukaM ghumA 42sa kI Tapaka paka bhAsAvA yA salamAnaka padamA kAlikA mA 42 pumA ch|sudaa tApA kamAyAvyamaya mRtyasamA hasta mAhamA ra yA sArI vIsa yAcyA yA vana samAdhI mAna samaya meM svIpAlaka pAra // sadana14 sAsaema TaMDA paTAnI karanI mala mAlavI pAlana keTIrUha ha ka ma yatA adhyaku na kara sazaka kI kamI RAENT

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 215 15 tasmAcca zaktiyutaH zaMkarAdiva zikhivAhanaH zrutivizuddhamAnasI murArinAbhipadmAdivaH(va) kamalayoniH sakalalokalIca16 nAnandakaraH kSIrasAgarAdiva rajanikaraH kalikalaGkamalinoktaM kRtayugasaMbhavaM saccarita citramivonmUlayituM / ' dharmAdivAjA17 tazatruH samutpana:(naH) samAsavapraNayijano(na)manaHsamIhitArthasakalalokasaMpAdanakSamaH kSaghi (pi)tavipakSaba(va)vamalalocanA18 navaratAzrujalasaMtApazamitakopAnalaprasaro niratizayanizitAnastaM(striM)zavidyAtAparikSiptavarmi sthuimeghahanda19 syandada'navarataratodabindudhAra(rA)sAratayAsaktadupadarzitAkAlajaladahaSTivinamonabhadoSApagamA sAditIdayo bhA tAditAdayA bhA20 nurivAnuraktamaNDalo vipakSabhUbhanmastakanyastasAndrAruNapAdazca / merariva sthitimAna(n) / ' vibudhajanAnaMditamAnasazca 21 svAdujalodanvAniva gabhIro madhurarasAzaMsitaguNasamRdizca / yazca jovi(votava pitrA ciraka(kA)lopabhuktAnAM viSaya(yA)22 khAM nihattAbhilASeNa sAMpratamayamevAkhaNDalasamAnadhAmA mahAvarAha iva bhuvo maNDala bharadhurI voDhu(DhuM) sa23 martha iti manyamAnena tasamAgamotkaNThitAM ca rAjalakSmI(kSmI) parikalayatA samakSi (mutkSi)ptamaGgalakalazena vapANi24 nAbhiSiya siGkA(siMhAsanamadhiropitaH samadhigatAzeSama[hA*]zabdamahAsAmantavIrANakaH sa Second Plare. 25 nevAtmIyAmaMtripurohitAmAtyajanapadayuvarAjarAjasthAnIyapramAtri(Ta)balAdhitoparika26 viSayapatizaukikaduHsAdhasAdhanikacorodaraNikavaizepikacArabhaTAdisamastarAjapuruSAn(SAM)27 ta(sta)vivAsibrAhmaNottarAvaNinahattarakuTumbinaH samanubodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA __mayA svabhujyamAnasuvarNa28 maMjarIviSayasaMgrahItapippalapadAbhidhAnagrAmasthAImamunA deNDanIbhavAmabhuvA bhazaMkhadhara pautreNa pU1 The danda is unnecessary here. Read -8ampata. * The correct form is ayandamana. The danda is unnecessary. Betwoen the letters tla and ra, there is space for one letter, where probably a letter was first engraved and then erased.

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216 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. nigAha 29 maMsUnunA vasiSThagotraNa bar3hacasabrahmacAriNA zivarudrAbhidhAnena karpaTinA bAdyAlopari saramanu sabi]i . 30 zitAbhyaH / hariharidazvavinAyakamAvabhyo bhaktibhAramubahatA / dattaM karabhIgayutaM sahadaNDadazAparAdhaM cA(ca) [1] asyaivA paramaI grAmasya tathaivi*] karabharIpata(tam) / kasmecinmaThapataye devAlayapAlanArataye / [2] evamimaM sa[ma stamapi grAma bhaMja32 tI devakulAnAM maThasya vApyupakanasarasa caM' khaNDasphuTitAdimAMnAcamAcarato na kena ciddezAdhipatinA paripaMtha33 nA kAryA / bhAvibhirapi bhadrapatibhiramahaMzajairanyairvA sAmAnya bhUmidAnaphalamavagacchaddhiH (bi)ranityAnyaizvaryANi / 34 mAnuSyakamapi prabalamAratAhatapadhinopatranihitajalalolamAkalayya duHpa(duSpa)riharabhaMzaM kSaNikacca jovi35 tamAlIkyAtipracurakadarthanAsaMcitamarthajAtamanilasaMgidIpazikhAcaMcalamAlokya / vAcatAcyuti kAmairama36 lamaDalazaradindudhutidhavalayazovitAnacchatranabhobhAgamAtmAnamicchaziratisvacchamA (ma)nobhirAtma cha(ka)datoyamasma37 barmadAyIta(nu)mantavyaH / vyAsAdimuninigaditabhUmiharaNaparipAkajanitAca yAtanA manasi nidhAya pUrvadhArmika38 nRpaparikalpitapaJcamahApAtakasamayadhAvaNaM ca cintayitvA bhUyo bhUyo yAcyamAnairidaM na prasmarttavyaM // - 39 tikArIpadiSTa(Tama) // SaSTiM varSasahasrANi vane tiSThati bhUmidaH / AcchenA(ttA) cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset // [3] khadattAM paradattA vA This punctuation mark is intended to separate the preceding prose portion from the following two verses. * Read tapy-uparana-sarasan cha. . For mamonacha', read Rathakarao. * This punctuation mark is unnecessary. . This letter ma (ma), which was left out, has been later engraved below the line under the letter .

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 217 40 yI haratu(ttu) vasundharAM(rAm) / gavAM zatasahasrasya hataH(ntaH) prAproti ni(ki)lbi(liSa) (Sama) [*] vindhyATavauSvatIyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / kRSNAha41 yobhijAyante devadAyApahArakAH [5*] lohacUrarNAzmacUrNa' ca viSaJca jarayevaraH / brahmakhaM triSu lokeSu kaH pumAJja42 rayithati // [6] yAnIha dattAni purA narendranAni dharmArthayazaskArA*]Ni / nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sA43 dhuH punarAdadIta [*] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phala(lam) [8] 44 saMvatsarapaMcazatI sapaMcapaMcAzataM samadhirAdha / gopte sarpati samaye grAmaM zrIrANakaH prAdAt [*] svahastI45 yaM samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmantavIrANa[ka*]sya // zrIrANake mahIbhRti vidvaka sUnau ca lipika 46 re vakule / svayamatra dUtakobhUyuvarAjo jA(jA)I(i) kaH zrImAn // [10]nd E.-Grant of king Agguka III ; Gupta Samvat 567. This grant has been engraved on a set of two-copper plates, which were once secured together by means of two rings passing through two holes pierced near the edge. Only one of these rings has been preserved at present. There is no fish seal of the dynasty embossed at the place where its ends have been joined together as is the case with the rings of Charters A and B. We find the fish emblem appearing at the end of the charter on the second plate as is the case with Charters D and F. The size of the first plate is 149" x 90' and that of the second 141%" x 94". The weight of both the plates together with the extant ring is 3867 tolas. There are 18 lines on the first plate and 19 on the second. Generally speaking the characters are similar to those of Charter D, but the form of the letter sa is slightly different. It is interesting to add that the characters of this charter show a close resemblance to those of the Una plates of Avanivarman IIP issued 16 years earlier from South Rathiawar. The engraver of the charter was a good calligraphist, and his flourishes of medievale, ai, o andau are graceful. There are however several mistakes in engraving and they become very numerous in the last four or five lines. At two places, however, in 11. 13 and 17, two accidentally omitted letters, la and na respectively, have been engraved just below their proper place. 1 The shortening of T is required for metrical purpose. There is a circular symbol between two sets of dandas at the end of the lino. * Ante, Vol. IX, plate between pp. 130-131.

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218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. With reference to orthography, attention may be drawn to the use of the avagraha. In some cases like pri(pri)ya-satyo='cidura- 11. 9-10, its use is normal, but in two cases it has been used when a preceding a has been coalesced with a succeeding a ; cf. Bhutamvilik-a'bhidhanaI. 1 and saratay=a'sakrid, 1. 16. The language of the charter is ornate Sanskrit. Te writer Jhojjha, who was & son of Madhava, has introduced some new similes and metaphors, which to some extent relieve the monotony which cannot but be felt by a reader of the present series of charters. This game writer has composed Charter F of the present series issued in Gupta Samvat 596, and the Morbi plate of Jaika issued in Gupta Samvat 585. Jhojjha obviously seems to have lived to a ripe old age. The present charter records a village-grant made by Mahasamanta dhipati Agguka III of the main Saindhava house, who was a son of king Chamundaraja and grandson of Jaika I. We have already discussed the circumstances, which make it very probable that Agguka III represented the senior of the two lines founded by the two sons of Jaika I (ante, pp. 195-196). We may only add here that the title of Agguka III Mahasamantadhipati is more exalted than that of his cousin Ranaka of Charter D, which is merely Samantadhipati. The date of the present grant is given in words in its penultimate verse, which states that it was made on a new moon day when five hundred and sixty-seven autumns had elapsed according to the Gupta era. As the month of the new moon is not given, the precise date of the grant cannot be found; it must have been issued sometime in A.D. 886-7. The donees of this grant were two brothers, Rudra and Sagara, song of Guhes vara, who were Yajurvedin Brahmanas of Vatsa gotra residing at Gomutrika situated in the district of Karyayatakachchha. The grant was given to the donees not for their own individual use, but for being utilised for the purpose of the local Brahmana assembly, of which they were probably trustees or leading members ; cf. brahma-samsad-upabhogyatayai, 1.25. The precise purpose of the grant is not stated; it is however probable that the Brahmanas of Gomutrika, which appears to have been a holy place, may have been maintaining some educational institutes or temples or both, and the gent may have been intended to meet the expenses in that connection. The village granted was Harishena paka, situated in the district of Svarapamanjari. Its boundaries not being given, it cannot be identified with certainty ; but it is probably the same as the modern village Hariasana, situated in Nawanagar state as has been suggested to me by the Dewansaheb of Porbandar after a careful enquiry. I am unable to identify the village Gomutrika from which the donee hailed or the district of Karyayatakachchha, in which it was situated. In 1. 23 of the present charter there are a large number of fiscal terms mentioned in connection with the revenues of the village granted, the purport of which is difficult to make out. It would appear that some of them like vaitanki and chingola are Sanskritised forms of Prakrit words. They are not to be met with either in Sanskrit or Prakrit dictionaries. Bhaga-bhoga-kara and da'aparadha-danda are usual expressions in land grants and require to comment. Dani in old Gujarati denoted a customs officer; so sarvoa-prit-abhyagami-danyu would probably denote octroi duties on articles imported. Potra means a boat, and so potra may lenote the tax on articles imported in boats. Margaka might denote some levy realised from persons who had got back their lost articles, or it may be a levy on goods collected on the roadside (before they entered a city), as suggested to me by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 219 TEXT.1 First Plate. 1 OM khasti [*] svastya(sti)lakAlakAsambhavahisparvibhUtAmbi(mbi)likA'bhidhAnanagarogarI yoparasurASTrAmaNDalamaNDa2 nIparasamudrAdhipatirAsIsaMpUrmazaravizAkararazmipratAnavizadayazorAzizyAmalitasagarvasAmantaso mantinovada3 nAravindadyutiH pralayakAlavijRmbhitajvalanajvAlAvalIkalpAnalpaprasaratpratApaH svahRdayasamI hitahitavibhavadAna4 phalasamAlhA(hvA)ditabandhujanaH samararasabharoDurojitajitapraNatavairizirIratnasthamANasphuracaraNa nakhamayUkhakha. 5 citapAdapIThaprAtta(ntaH) karavAla vApavarjitasahajakalaGkazaGkaH parivArarakSAnapakSyA(kSA) tispaSTadRSTazaktiraparimitasnigdha6 tarapattrazAkhAsaJcayazAlizromatsaindhavavaMzazekharaH samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmantAdhipatizrI jAIkaH [*] sutobhava7 tasyApi cApiripusArthakadarthanAsamarthaprotsarpadutsAhabharI bhAratamanaH(jha)Ta(stR)tIyaH(ya)pArtha ivAzAbavItatajagaduditakIrtiduI8 radhanuIro vRkodara iva satatarudhirapAnAsphuraNIkRtaduHzAsa'nosakkadapahasitaduryodhanazca sarvataH khagavataH samutsA9 ritariputimiranikaro dinakara iva vaImAnatejora zirazizirapratApasaMtApitottuMgakSmAbhRdaMgaH zArGgadhanveva pR(pri)yasa10 tyo'tidUravikSiptanarakopadravAzaGkaca za(zaM)kara ivAbhinanditapArvatIyajano janocitasahaja puruSakArAtirekakaradokla11 taprAtirAjyabhUbhRta(da) bhAratImAdhuryasamAnandita sakalapraNayijanamanaHprasaraH samadhigatAzeSa mahAzabdamahAsAmantathI 1 From ink-impressions. ? Indicated by a symbol. * This avagraha is unnecessary. The engraver first engraved the letter sa and then transformed it into sa without erasing the loop of la. A very small ta has boun unnecessarily engraved above the line between ndi and ta.

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220 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. 12 cAmuNDarAjAbhidhAnotidhanyastanayobhavatta'mAJca zaktiyuktaH zaGkarAdiva zikhivAhanaH ati vizavamAnaso murArinAbhipanA13 diva kamalayoniH sakalalokalocanAnandakaro rakhAkarAdiva rajanikaraH kalikalaGka malinIkRtakRtayugasaMbhavaM saJca14 ritacitramivonmIla[yi*]tuM dharmAdivAjAtazatrusamutpanaH(va.) samAsanapraNayijanamanAsamohi tAdhikaphalasampAdanakSamaH kSa15 pitavipakSaba(va)dhvamalalocanAnavaratazruta jalasaMpAtazamitakopAnalaprasaro niratizayanizitanistUM (striM )zavidyullatAparikSa16 tavarmiripumaghavandasyandada'navarataratodavi(vi)ndudhArAsAratayA' sakkadupadarzitAkAlajaladaSTivizva mopa(ja)namado17 SApagamAsAditodayo bhAnurivAnuratAmaNDalo vipakSabhUmastakanyastAruNapAdazca mekariva sthitimAn vibudhajanAnandi18 tamAnasazca praNatasamastanRpagaNamasRNapRthulalATataTazilAdRSyamANacaraNanakhamayu(yU)khavikSepo Second Plate. 19 jvalIkatanijamahimasaMcayaH samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmabA(tA)dhipatizrImadagukaH sarvA nevAtmIyAnamAtya 20 purohitajanapadayuvarAjarAjasthAnIyoparikabalAdhikRtaviSayapatizaurikakaduHsAdhasAdhanikacaurodha razikavaise21 pikacArabhaTAdisamastarAjapuruSAn' tatrivAsibrAhmaNottarAn vaNigma(na)hattarakuTubi(mbi)nazca samanubodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM ya- . 22 thA mayA svabhujyamAnavasamaja(a)yabhidhAnaviSayasambaddhyamAnaH pu(pU)-prasiddhacatuhikya(kva) ricchin(ba)khasImAsamavetaH sabhogabhAgaH sada 1 The sentence enda with bhavat, and so there should have boenadanda after that word. * The letter la is inscribed below the line under the letter ma. * Read either navarata-sruta-jala- or -navarat-asru-jala.. * The correct form is syandamana. . This avagraha mark is unnecessary. The lotter na is written below the line between the letters na and ndi. 7 Read -purushairneslam-.

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: E-GRANT OF KING AGGURA III; GUPTA SAMVAT 567. G OTIONARIKNORKollatakamasamAmA sarakAra mAtra HTTORGANINHA sayakAmA kAya Now a bAkAyamasAyAsAravAhamA bhaLUTICOASTRATIOjAlAvanyA ma lA pagalyAsa 1. ves fosakAlavAmapalyAlAhamAnanavAjalAsasa MAHARASHTRAanapavamahAmAvatAtagAdazakasamArata - R o yare ETARATIrAsAravAsAdAnApAratakAtarama 8NTERVIEWDavara lAla ka lAsakA sAra yasa sasthAvakarAvalAsarAvakazAlA (6para va lApatApasAlI padAragAvakAra(20 / 10 NCELL karatApaOVIE yA kAyAkalAjArAsadAyaka sAliyaba ke bayAna 10 MANISA mAlIkATosamAmA lyakalAkAra maramataratAnaSagadAnazyAmAkA KARISMA kaTArA pAnavAsAtasuhamALamAyAjA yayA 12 RATAPER lAla kalAma kA jAlakA kAmakalAkAlarAsasa 4 (vernancer Ivoto18 gAlAkAraka mATatAtakarArasAyakalamAsa 14 lAlA kAlA MASOTR(pAlabhalakomAmalakhAnapAtasayala (na tAjA samApana 1degEN-W5vAkara 34VATENT vipAsAyAsaragharamatAkA kAra savAra loDAmara se 16 | und ritogyAsAtavA (LGCAR asaka kAmazAlAyAyajabhavana (TOSmA AMITRA MARCkalanApalAla baladavArasA zulanA 18 22 NATIONACHAmAzaraphakArasaha kAhAyAtAyA 20ALASS VIS UALINICONayapAlamA karAramA tayAra kazApAyalA 20 (11 lAyasamaka tAmaSERUITMkabutalapurA pAvara hAsatamyAvAsAya ya sabhanayabAsa ma sarAkAnasakasa samajavata para rAmarAvAra, 22 2. sA-NEW sAtArAta pAhAAkapA ke tela kAyadAdilA nAhaka parayAmAyAlaya (NIOANTATOravArajApati (sapAkAmakAyAyAtakAlayayAvasAhakalAhakAra 24 (5,13 (7vesaGIO(karasApAlAsamuhAramA vAsAvadhAsasapara maarH| 28 /garAkA sApazisa) sarAsAyasAhizyavahAyArA:yatayAyitIsarA TolamayaramAna 28 1111 12/kAkA yAsata CIAGENAsartha mahAsAmAgarAta rAmAsTalamAnupAtikamAyA 28 No 5 sAlI hilAtarI pAkalAyAta vizAlakAyApAlI bhaliyarata 28 LANKanxio lAbhAvAlAlakA gabahasarAkAra paramadhAra mAyaTona 30 : 01 36 1/4/21 sAladhArakAmA kArAvAsya (SITE 30 NITS OTIVAT: tAra sArayAyAmAhAlakAmavAlavAlAvirAba rAkha MAPNALAlAlA tArAlA kasA rAmAkaraNa-rAdhApaka vayasalaya 32 NAHATER NIGAM sAyamahAsakArAtakAlA vAliyAkA 15 (ADMRCBAsAkI mAlAmAlArAma 3000mAvaimchaloTArasucAramAna yAlA a pula 36 12/102460 TIrakhA N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. RED.No. 2006E41.290. SCALE: TWO-FIFTH8. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 221 23 khadayAparAdhaH sarvapAtAbhyAgAmidAnyupoSAmArgakapAhuNakaveSTakociGgolAdinimittanaimitti kapurasmarasamayopAdAnasa24 hitaH sahacamAlAkula:(lo) devadAyabrahmadAyavoM hariSeNANakAbhidhAnagrAmaH kAryAyAta kacchaviSayAta:(nta:)pAtigomUdhikA25 bhidhAnasthAnavAstavyavaccha(sa)sagotravAjimAdhyandinasabrahmacAribrAhmaNaguhezva[ra"]satarudrasAgarA bhyAM brahmasaMsadupabhogyatAyai payaH26 pUrvamAsUryAcandramasAba(va)dheH santatyupayogAya svapunya(kha)yazobhivRddhaye bramadAyaH prati. pAditosya ca bhuMjatI na kenaciddezAdhi27 patinA paripanthanA kAryA [*] bhAvibhirapi tRpatibhirasmaiMzaya(ja)raNyA sAmAnya bhu(bhUmidAnaDha(pha)lamanityAgyazvaryANi mAnuSyakamapi 28 prava(ba)lamArutAhatapadminopatrasthitajala[la*]valolamAkalayya duHpa(duSya)riharaduHkhaM kSaNika ca jIvitamAlIkya atipracuraka29 darthanAsaJcitamarthajAtamanilasaMgidIpazikhAcaJcalamAlocca vAcyatAyutikAmairatistracchamanobhira. yamasmadharmadAyonuma30 tavyaH [*] vyAsAdimuninigaditabhUmiharaNapApaparipAkajanitAca yAtanAH(nA) manasi __ nidhAya pUrvadhArmikanRpaparikalpitapaJca31 mahApAtakamamayaH(ya)dhAvaNAM ca cintayitvA bhUyo bhUyo yAcyamAnyagacchita bhiridamanusma tta(ta)vyaM smRtikArIpadiSTaM vacaH [*] SaSTiM varSa32 sahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] AcchatA(ttA) cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narakaM(ka) vaset // vadattA paradattA mvA(vA) yo harentu(tta) vasundharA (rAma) [*] gavAM zatasahasra 33 sya haMtuH prApnoti kilviSaM(Sam) // yAnIha dattAni pU(pu)rA narendranAni dharmA yazaskarANi [*] nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH 1 Read =i sirya-chandr-aradhih. The vedic expression, suryd-chandramasau, denoting the dual divinity of the sun and the moon, was in the writer's mind here; he has combin! "ith the word avadheh following. A sandhi has been wrongly made here between the i rst sentonoe and the firs word of the next sentence. Read pratipaditah I Asya Read alokvati-. * Read Onair-agamibhir=.

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222 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXVI. 34 punarAdadIta // bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH [*] yasya yasya yadA Helene HCI (W) # fa FACE()fa(fa) (at) 35 Fungfer quafasifaay [1*] MACHETE (A)? qu(ET) a fe goa: want then faciat: a nd he un36 yuya(ta)SaSTisahite zaradAM zatapaM(pa)Jcake gate gaupte [*] varbhAnuyogama(mi)ndI dadhati zucAvidamadAkSitiyaH(paH) / iyamabhyalekhi sudhiyA vanve(ma)tatirmA 37 yer anda [*] gruan maHST antsima afautem l x for an F.-Grant of king Jaika II ; Gupta Samvat, 596. This record has been engraved on a set of two copper-plates, which have been held together by means of two rings passing through two holes made near the edge. The fish symbol, the insignia of the dynasty, is not embossed on either ring, but is engraved at the end of the second plate. The size of the 1st plate is 134" x 10%" and that of the 2nd 131" x 10", and the weight of both the plates and the rings is 4954 tolas. They are thus much heavier than the other plates of this set. 21 Vines have been engraved on the first plate and 20 on the second. The engraving has been done fairly well, though there are several mistakes. The matras for medial i and i show graceful and sweeping curves; the same is the case with the left side limb of la. The language and the characters are similar to those of Charter E issued by the father of the present donor. As there have been introduced as many as geven ancestors of the donor in the genealogy, and as only two plates were to be used for the record, the description of the earlier rulers has been done briefly in two or three adjectives only. Many of the phrases and expressions used in this connection are new, though unfortunately most of them are quite useless for the purpose of the historian. As to orthography, the only observation that need be made is about the punctuation. It is very defective. A large number of punctuation marks have been unnecessarily used in the record; see ll. 13, 17, 21, 23, 24, etc. The grant recorded in this charter was made by Mahasamantadhipati Sri-Jaika II, son of king Agguka who had issued Charter E. The present charter gives the longest genealogy, going back to the 7th ancestor of the donor. It has been already discussed in the general introduction. We may only add here that the members of the collateral families founded by Krishnaraja, brother of Jaika I and by Agguka, brother of Chamundaraja II, are naturally omitted from this genealogy. The charter has been dated both in words and in numerals; II. 39 and 40 inform us that it was issued on the full-moon day of Ashadha when five hundred and ninetysix years had elapsed according to the Gupta era. In the absence of further details, the exact date cannot be verified, but it was most probably Thursday, the 29th of June 915 A.D., when there was the full-moon day of Ashudha. The charter records that the revenues of the village Chhampanaka were assigned to Saha' Janardana and others to be spent for Nanna-mathika, which had been founded by a merchant

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No. 27. ). SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 223 named Nanna, hailing from Bhillamala or modern Bhinmal. This Nanna-mathika may have been a mere temple like Purushottama-mathika to the north-east of which it was situated. But Nanna as the name of an Indian deity is not known, and the temples named after their founders usually bear an isvara suffix added to their founders' names. Thus a temple founded by Nanna would be known as Nannesvara and not merely as Nanna-mathika. Mathika or matha also denotes a place where spiritual and educational lessons are imparted, and Il. 27-8 lay down that Sahe Janardana and others, who were to hold the property, were expected to be engaged in sacred studies. It is therefore probable that what Nanna brad done was to found a school or college rather than a temple; or his temple itself may have become a seat of learning, as was the case with so many shrines of ancient and medieval periods. One-fourth of the revenue of the village was to be utilised for feeding Brahmanas every day; these may have included the poor students of the college. Three-fourths of the income was to be utilised for the expenses of the matha, probably consisting of the pay of the teachers, stipends to students, and worship of the temple, if it was included in the matha establishment. Of the places mentioned in the record, Svarnamanjari and Bhillamala have been already met with. The village Chhampanaka that was granted was probably the same as modern Chavand, situated about 15 miles north of Junagad. If we are correct in holding that the rather cryptic expression, which gives the boundaries of the village, states that the village Isvaranaka was to its north, then the above identification would become very probable, for to the north of modern Chavand is situated the villiage of Isvaria. Other boundary villages however cannot be traced in the survey maps. TEXTI First Plate. 1 OM svasti [*] svastilakAlakAsaMbhavaspirdibhUtAvi(bi)likAbhidhAnanagarIgarIyopara- sucA(rA)STrAmaNDalamaNDano'para 2 samudrAdhipatithImajjayadrathavaMzazekharaH zrIputhadevAbhidhAnaH kSitipatirbabhUva / tasya ca kuvalayadalazyAmalaika3 cArukarabhAjamAnAnavadyapuSkaratayA' vinAyakokatasA(sa)kalasapatnamaNDalaH zrIkRSNarAjanAmA na(ta)nayobhavat / 4 tasyApi vipulavipulavipratokapayodhibalajalanimanakhabhUmaNDaloDaraNasaukaryalIlAprakaTitamahA5 varAhahimA zrImadaggukAbhidhAna stasyApi nizitanista(stri)zapAtakSatavipakSakSatikSaratkSata jarAjyanurajyamA 1 From ink-impressions. * Indicated by a symbol. 3 The word pushkara is here used in the unusual sense of a sword. 4 The word tanayal has been probably omitted here through inadvertence.

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. 6 nAjikSititalajayazrIH zrIrANakanAmA' tasya ca praNamadUjitAnaMtasAmatamasRNapRthusalATa taTazilAthANA7 thamANasphurazcaraNanakhamayUkhavikSepovvala(lo) katanijamahimasaMcayaH / ' bhanekanikapaTabalipa(ba). dhaprabaMdhaprakaTita 8 sAtirekakRtayugavyavasthaH / ekAcutorasthamAvasthAnAvasaudAnasayeva viyA samA(vi)ta sAvayavaH zrIjAI. 9 kanAmA sUnurabhUta / tasya ca samagrazaravidhAkararazmipratAnavipadayathorApiNyAmalitasa garvazatrusAmaMta10 saumatinauvadanAraviMdadyutiH pralayakAlaviz2ubhitavvalajjvalanajvAlAvalIkalpAnalpAsarapratApaH thaucA 11 muNDarAjAbhidhAnastanayastasmAca(ca) bhaktiyuktaH zaka(ka)rAdiva zikhaNDivAhanaH zrutivizu [*]mAnaso murArinAbhi12 malinAdiva nalinayoniH sakalalokalocanAnaMdakaro ravAkarAdiva rajanikaraH kalika laMkamalinI13 ta katayugasaMbhava saccaritacita(ca)mivopIlayituM dhammA(A)divAjAtazatruH samutpana:(ca) / ' sakalapraNayijanamaH 14 nAsamohitAdhikaphalasaMpAdanakalpapAdapaH pitavipakSapa(va)dhvamA(ma)lalocanAnavarata tAja lasaMpA1B tazamitakopAnalaprasaro bahuvipakSapazavadhasidisamaramakhadIjJAcAryaH / zrImadammukAbhidhA notidhandha16 stanayIbhavatta sva ca turagakharakharamukhotkhAtabahalabaladhUlIvitAnajAyamAnasamadakarikaraTagali17 sadAnajalasokarAsArajanitapaMkAnubaMdhaH chapANadhArAbhihatAyatadha(va)rmazatasamudrIviDisphuniMga khadyo18 tamAlAkhacitasamaradurhina: / pRthuryazasi / ajAtazatruvacasi / tapanastejasi / maru ttarasi kaMdarpo vayasi / ca 1 A word like oltah has to be supplied here. From Charters A and B, we know that Ranaka was a son of Agguka. This punctuation mark is unnecessary. The letter ra is defectively engraved ; the right hand hotizontal stroke is missing. After-bhavat, a punctuation mark should have been inserted to mark the end of the sentenou.

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: F.GRANT OF KING JAIKA II; GUPTA SAMVAT 596. 624 TATAR TO CART TER M ANY, C 21 1 7 ramale.1.15.111 sahita kAlApAna sarakAralAhAyalA No kAra kAyara puSparAkI kasA vArasapata kara(294I zumAkAkA sanama 41 2A VerpopApA TAI TOTsaka mAlA lagAkara kAra garimA nakAra (hirapAra karA va kasA hamArA bhaag| 6 disAyakalAkAmAlAlArahiTa mAra saralapAla ra hAlatamA /sabasalA milamAraliTaramAkara paqyaaya THI ki kikRtayugAta sunakara mAra DAmAjira ra kAmamA samasyAhara mAmAsa513)merA kAmaharA sadamA sAnA 1012 mahinIvara pahiya/6:/kaGiEAN lagadapAvalIkA sapanA kAlA 10 marAThA sAmrA sAlasa kika nikSalavAdarU, na sasudhAkarapurakA mAmabarasAdakatAkara padakamA rana padarahakara kAlakalAkArakA kAyarAma (bhatIjI1111dina sahamatAmAkavAlAkA 701 ( GOOsApAra ramati pApamAlalikAsamA | saralA pApitamA samasamAvI kalATAhAsamAyara kAra pAlikA ELE? yasaramAsAgara (supagusakara para lagAkara mArakara 10 "ba mokAsAsaha kalAkA[51.pAlamA hara reTa bArAdarI sArA FACTAR majadupae salamAyAmAbunapA karanA 18 MANTISTERESTIOn bAra pAsa samIkavacAlAka gadA kalamAmApura para 2 sTAka mAkaTarA kacAkA kAmakarAnA nAta 20 Tier Agar mA samAdhAnakA 22rA OM/TObayAna sAgara (8 pahArI re, kalA,sAlAramAmayUraka sara sarakAra magalikAmadArako MOREur E72 BAHREE mAmA kAsayAmA karAramAhApA MART FROLAGE 05/07 (2 pa ra mAyAmAlAlA hamakakAmyA NEHAsakasa Ta15631/lAhAra ghATAmATAlamasATAsamada sakAvalpAhAvarAna 28 METRIOsana ra 256145mAsA kara manu yaha 28 LIVEhara 1(6.15 JAN 3120 atarUNAyakamA cArA 30 ke lie 14 mA samalika ra yahA bArA (30 sUryAdA kA pUrA sapA mAralA tyA tyAvara 92616 REGkara pAsa karAvArussalAbAlA yAra 32 Ta, 313 8 0 sI tira AkRENER 34 /3 0 ( saMyama mAhirA zava mibhie sAla 34 / tara vana (zupa1i947 maI karAyAyAyAmAbaralA 38 ghara taraharAmAmA 2.5 inakAra kinakina agaraja *CLE8 sAThA legamA CREAMPARKAlapuralarakAritAkA kAyAkalA 38 migara ghara lA 85 ro018 / 4 kI mahimA karatala sahi sAgarI samarasa pAnI meM - 151(C. 1 kA ro rokara 9179277 kitanAyumahIna New Hot Anandp/'' kA 11 ni gana isasarasArakA lAgI SOCIrA sA kA sAmanA N. P. OHAK MAVARTI. SCALE: TWO-FIFTH8. BURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 27.] SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI. 225 19 nako mitrAMjasi / ' samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmaMtAdhipatitraujAIkaH sanivAmAtya yuvarAjarAjapu20 padezAdhipativiSayAdhikRtaduHsAkSyasAdhanikacauroharaNikavaizepikacArabhaTAdikasamastarAja21 puruSA(dhAn) samAjJApayapatyevaM yathA / mayA svamamaMjarIviSayasaMva(ba)hAmAnachapANakAbhi Second Plate. 22 dhAnagrAmaH sabhogabhAgaH sabakSamAlaH sadaNDadazAparAdha: karahiraNyAdAnayutaH samastIpA. 23 dAnasahitaH / dAnImArgaNakAdiyathAdezakAlarAdhamANasamastopAdAnasahito devadAyaba (brahmadA24 yavarjaH / khUSApaTaka IkharANaka / bhramarakaka / huDuvi(bi)likAkhyazcaturbhi: pratigoSThIyAmaiH pUrkhAdidika(Ga)madhyA25 vasthitairAghATAyamAnaH svabhuvA kRtasImAparicchiti(ttiH) prAktanasamastasa(za)stasImAparyaMto bhUtAmbi(mbi)likApattana26 svatalamadhyavatti(ti)pa(pu)ruSota(tta)mamadhi(Thi)kAsaMnihitapUrvottaradigmAgAvasthitAyai zrIbhilamA loyavyavaharaka(hArika)naMnavatapra27 tiSThAyai tabAmAMkitAyai navamadhi(Thi)kArya tadupayogivyayanimitta sAhejanAInAdiSu kta pAlanAvidhiSu yathAkAlaM 28 bhavatsu khAdhyAyiSu svadharmayazobhivRddhaye payaHpUrvamA zazAMkatapanAmavasthitaH pratipAditaH / caturthazca bhAgosya 29 brAhmaNAnAM prAtidivasikabhojanavyaye kartavyaH / bhAgavayaM tu madhi(Thi)kAvyaye vyayo kArya[m] / asya caivamupayoge vrajato 30 na kenaciddezAdhipatinA vyAsedhaH paripaMthanA vA kAryA / bhAvibhizva bhUmipatibhiH sAmAnyaM bhUmidAnaphalaM / ' anityA31 nyezvaryA[Ni*] mAnuSyakamapi prabalamArutAhatapadminIpatrasthitajalalavalolamAkalayya duHpa (duSya)riharadukvaM(duHkha) kSa 1 The meaning of this clause is not clear. Probably a word denoting quality has been omitted after Janako, and we have to read for the last four letters mitram-anjasi a friend in straightforwardnesa. Aijos, n. means velocity and aijasa adj. has the sense of honest, straightforward. * This punctuation mark is unnecessary .The letter pa is redundant, read eamd.jridpayalyan

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226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. 32 NikaM ca jIvitamAlocyAtipracurakadarthanAsaMcitamartyajAtamanilasaMgidIpa(pa)zikhAcaMcalamA loyAyamasmarma33 dAyonumaMta[vya*]: / vyAsAdimuninigaditapUrvadhArmikanRpaparikalpitapaMcamahASa(pA)takasama yathAvaNAM ca ciMtayitvA pra34 tiyAcanAnubaddhyamAnai[:*] smattavyaM smRtikAropadiSTaM vacaH / SaSTi(STi) va(varSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati [bhU*]midaH / '] AcchettA cAnumaM35 tA ca tAnyeva narakaM vaset [*] bahubhirbasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhirya (bhiH / yasya [yasya*] yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM(lam) [*] svadattA pa36 radattAM vA yo harettu vasaMdharA(rAm) [*] gavAM zatasahasrasya haM(ha)ntuH prApoti kilviSaM(Sam) // vidhyA(ndhyA)Tavi(vI)vatoyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / mahAhayo hi jA(jA)yaMte vra(brahmadAyApahAriNaH [*] iti kamaladalAMbubiMdulolA thiyamamuciMtya manuSyajIvitaM ca [*] sa38 kali midamudAhRtaM ca budhvA(vA) na hi puruSaiH parakIyo vilopyA: [*] SaDa dhikanavatisamaye zaradA matapaMcake mate gau39 se / ahitASADhIparvaNi bhUpatirana(naM) ca sanatyA / [*] iyamabhyalekhi sudhiyA varma . tatidhivazya sanayena / guNa40 pati zAsanasaMjJA jhojjhana paTe nRpAdezAt [*] aMkatopi saMvat 500, 80, / (58) pASADhayadi 10,1, (15) khAtoyaM zrIjAI41 kasya // utirantedamiha sUtradhArazaMkarasutamadhusUdanani(na) / The second pa has been engraved below the line under the first pa. The letter cha bas been engraved below the line between na and aa. There is no verb in the verse; bhupatirzinan dadau bhakty would therefore be a better reading. 'Letters kasya have been engraved at the end of this line, just before the fish symbol. The division of the king's signature in this queer way may be due to two causes. The idea to engrave the royal sign manual may hove opcurred later after the whole record was engraved; the space left at the end of l. 40 was utilised for this purpose and when this was found insufficient, the two concluding letters were shoved in between the space lying Vacant between the two symbols and the fish symbol at the end of the last line. Or, the engraver Madhusudana thought that the whole record, including the royal signature, could be finished in 1. 40, but befove finishing that line he hurried to record his own name in 1. 41. When eventually l. 40 was later com. pleted and it was discovered that the last two letters of the king's signature could not be accommodated in that line, there was no alternative but to put them between the symbols at the end of l. 41. Had the engraver been not impatient to put his own name before finishing the record, this queer division of the king's Rape would not have been necessitated. Read Utkirynam-idam. Probably the form of the word in the text discloses the standard of the knowledge of Banskrit of the engravers' class. . There are two conch-like symbols after the punctuation mark. They are followed first by the letters karya and then by the fish symbol. The first symbol looks like the oth symbol.

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No. 28.) A NOTE ON THE SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA. 227 No. 28.- A NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA. By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. In his article on the date of the Pandava or Somavamsi kings of Southern Kosala, Mr. A. Ghosh has attempted to show that the date (viz., the second quarter of the sixth century A. D.) which I had tentatively assigned to Tivaradeva of the Somavamsi dynasty is too early. According to him Tivaradeva may be placed in the last quarter of the seventh century A. D. The main argument advanced by Mr. Gbosh is paleographical. He has shown by a palaeographical chart that the test letters bh, y, 6, 8, and h in the so-called Bhandak inscription of Nannarajadbiraja, the father of Tivaradeva and the Sirpur inscription of Maha-Sivagupta alias Balarjuna, the grand-nephew of Tivaradeva, are more developed than those of the Arang copper-plate inscription of Bhimasena II. This latter inscription comes from Chhattisgarh and as such its evidence is most valuable. Following the late R. B. Hiralal who has edited the plates in this Journal, Mr. Ghosh takes the date of this inscription to correspond to A. D. 601. As the inscription of Nannaraja exhibits more developed forms of the test letters, Mr. Ghosh thinks that the ascription of that inscription to a date earlier than A. D. 650 is a palaeographical impossibility. He therefore tentatively places Tivaradeva, the son of Nannaraja or Nannadeva, in the last quarter of the seventh century A. D. It is indeed true that the aforementioned test letters have more developed forms in the inscriptions of Nannaraja and Maha-Sivagupta-Balarjuna, but these inscriptions need not on that account be referred to a date later than A. D. 650. As the accompanying palaeographical charts will show, these test letters had assumed these later forms even before A. D. 600, for we find all of them in the Bodh Gaya inscription of Mahanaman, dated A. D. 588. In this inscription bh and have a hollow wedge attached to the left corner; y has become bipartite; & in some cases shows its right vertical stroke projecting a little above its top and the right limb of h hangs down. The same developed forms are noticed in the Madhuban plate of Harsha, dated A. D. 631deg. It may be objected that both these inscriptions come from North India and consequently their evidence is inadmissible for fixing the date of such southern records as the inscriptions of Nannaraja and Maba-Sivagupta. I would, in that case, invite attention to the forms of the test letters in the plates of the time of Sasanka, dated A. D. 619-20. which come from the Ganjam District. In all these inscriptions which range in dates from A. D. 588 to 631, we find the same developed forms of the test letters that we notice in the inscriptions 1 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 266 ff. J.R. 4. 8., for 1905, pp. 617 ff. As I have shown olsewhere (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 116 ff.), the inscription did not probably belong to Bhandak, but came originally from some place in Chhattisgarh. After this note was sent to the press, my friend Mr. Y. K. Deshpande of Yeotmal who has recently returned from England supplied me an extract from a manuscript (Marathi, D 46) deposited in the India Office Library, London. This MS. contains an account of the inscriptions in Chhattisgarh by Vinayakrao Aurangahadkar who was in the service of Mr. Richard Jenkins, the British Resident at Nagpur from 1807 to 1826. In this account Aurangabadkar states that the stone slab containing the inscription of Bhavadeva was affixed to A large temple at Arang. He gives a transcript and a short description of the contents of this record which leave no doubt about its identity. This has unexpectedly corroborated my conjecture about the provenance of this inscription which was long in doubt. . Above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 ff. . Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 342 ff. The lettera in this chart have been tracell as accurately ay possible from the published facsimile plates of the recorde. * Above, Vol. VII, p. 158.

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228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. of Nannaraja and Maha-Sivagupta. These forms may have become current about A. D. 550. This will show that the dates which I had assigned to Tivaradeva and Maha-Sivagupta are not altogether wide of the mark. How then are we to reconcile the evidence of the Arang plates? As shown by Mr. Ghosh, these plates present earlier forms of the test letters, but they are dated A. D. 601. I think there is a mistake in the reading of the date which is given in lines 12-13 of the inscription. R. B. Hiralal read the date as Guptanam savvatsara-sate 200 80 2 Bhadra di 10 8 and translated it as in the year of the Guptas in hundreds 200, 80 2 (in the month of) Bhadra, on the day 10 8 (?)'. It is plain that the writer intended to give the year of the date both in words and in figures, but omitted inadvertently some expression like dvy-asity-uttare after samvatsara-sate. Is there a similar mistake in the expression samvvatsara-sate also, the intended expression being samvvatsara-sata-dvayet? I do not think so, because firstly, the characters of the inscription are, as shown above, much earlier than A. D. 601-2 to which the record will have to be assigned if the intended reading is samuvatsara-lata-dvaye dvy-asit-yuttare ; secondly, the symbols which follow give the date 182, not 282. As in other records of the period, the date is expressed here by numerical symbols. The first symbol stands for 100, since the horizontal bar which is added on the right of its vertical to change it into one for 200 is wanting here. The date of the Arang plates is thus G. E. 182 (not 282) which corresponds to A. D. 501-2. This fits in admirably with the evidence of its early characters. None of the inscriptions of the kings of Sarabhapura and those of Somavamsi kings is dated in any era. The dates of these kings can therefore be fixed only approximately. In my article on the Thakurdiya plates of Maha-Pravararaja, I tentatively assigned Tivaradeva to the period 530 to 650 A. D. on the supposition that he was a contemporary of the Vishnukundin MadhavaVarman I who is known to have married a Vakataka princess. The contemporaneity of Tivaradeva and Madhavavarman I was suggested by the expression Trivara-nagara which occurs in two inscriptions of the latter. Mr. Ghosh takes Trivara-nagara to mean the city of Tripuri, but this interpretation is doubtful because the name of the city current in the sixth century A. D. was Tripuri', not Trivara. Even if Trivara is regarded as a partially Prakritized form of Tripuri, it is not clear why such & corrupt form should occur not once but twice in records which are throughout written in good Sanskrit. The other arguments of Mr. Ghosh are more or less conjectural. 1 Dr. Hoernle has shown that subsequent to A. D. 540 the cursive bipartite form of y is found in undisputed possession of the field (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 35), but the Hapahi stano inscription dated A. D. 554, in which the old tripartite form of y is used together with the later bipartite form of the letter, indicates that the older form persistod a little longer. * Compare the wording of the dates of Nos. 1267, 1270, 1275, 1280, 1284, 1290, etc., in Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India. Compare the wording nav-oltarbda-lata-dvaye of the date of No. 1298 of Bhandarkar's List. I do not think that the expression avvalera-bald in the date of the Arang plates is nominative dual (meaning two hundred years); for the locative (and not the nominative) is generally used in such cases. See the wording of the dates cited in note 2 above. "See the Ipor plates, above, Vol. XVII, pp. 334 ff. and the Pulomburu plates, J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI, Pp. 178. ** The T'ripurivishaya is mentioned in the Betul plates of Sankshobha, dated G. E. 199 (A. D. 518-19), above, Vol. VIII, pp. 284 ff.

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N. P, CHAKRAVARTI, ARANG PLATES OF BHIMASENA I, A. D. 501. BHANDAKC?) INSCRIPTION OF NANNARAJADHIRAJA BODH GAYA INSCRIPTION OF MAHA NAMAN A.D. 588. SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA. PALAEOGRAPHICAL CHART RELATING TO THE DATE OF THE PLATES OF THE TIME OF SASANKA RAJA A. D. 619. g le MADHUBAN PLATE OF .HARSHA A.D. 631. BURVEY OY INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 28.] A NOTE ON THE SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA. 229 It is not of course altogether unlikely that Tivaradeva flourished a few years later than the period I have tentatively assigned to him. The inscriptions of Bhimasena II, the kings of Sarabhapura and the Somavam i kings come from the same part of Chhattisgarh'. These kings seem to have flourished in the order stated above. As e have already seen, Bhimasena II was ruling in A. D. 501-2. He seems to have been overthrown soon afterwards by a king of Sarabhapura, probably Maha-Jayaraja, who coming from the East guems to have established himself in Chhattisgarh. The plates of his cousins Maha-Sudevaraja and Maha-Pravararaja also have been found in Chhattisgarh. We may assign about thirty years to the reigns of these three princes. Maha-Pravararaja, the last king of this line, seems to have been overthrown by Indra bala, the son of Udayana, who may have invaded the country during the campaign of the Maukhari king Isanavarman against an Andhra king. No inscriptions of Indrabala have been discovered in Chhattisgarh, but those of his sons Nannaraja and Isanadeva have been found there. We may assignr abo it thirty years to the reigns of these princes. The stone inscription of Nannaraja thus may have been incised about A. D. 550. This would account for the developed forms of the test letters in that record. Tivaradeva the son of Nannaraja or Nannadeva may thus have come to the throne about A. D. 560. He was probably a contemporary of the Vishnukuntin king Madhavavarman I whose Pulomburu plates suggesting his victory over Tivaradeva, I have tentatively assigned to A. D. 565. Tivaradeva becomes also & contemporary of Suryavarman, the Maukhari prince mentioned in the Hasaha stone inscription dated A. D. 554. This Suryavarman is probably identical with the homonymous king of the Varman family great on account of its supremacy over Magadha', whose daughter Vasata was married to Tivaradeva's nephew Harshagupta. 1 The inscription of Bhimasena was found at Arang, those of the kings of Sarabhapura at Arang, Kharisr, Sirpur, Raipur, Sarangarh and Thakurdiya and of the Somavami kings at Kharod, Rajim, Baloda, Sirpur and Arang. It is not of course absolutely certain that the copper-plate inscription of Bhim 18ena II found at Arang properly belongs to Chhattisgarh, as the identification of the place-names mentioned in it is not beyond doubt. But in the following discussion I have taken for granted that Bhimasens II was ruling in Chhattisgarh. Sara, the first king mentioned in the Arang plates of Bhimasena II, is perhaps identical with Suryaghosha mentioned in the stone inscription of Nannaraja, who originally built the temple of Sugata (Buddha) which was later on repaired during the reign of Nannaraja. In Sanskrit Sura and Sarya are synonyms. The capital of those princes until the time of Maha-Pravararaja was Sarabhapura, which may be identical with Sarabhgarh in the Gangpur feudatory state in Orissa. * This period might appear unusually short for three reigns, but we have to remember that the total of the known reign-periods of these three kings is not more than 18, viz., 5 years of Jayaraja (Arang plates), 10 years of Sudevaraja (Raipar plates) and 3 years of Pravararaja (Thakurdiya platos). * Some scholars take this Madhavavarman to be the third prince of that namo, notwithstanding the fact that like Madhavavarman I of the Chikkulla plates (above, Vol. IV, pp. 193 ff.) he is credited with the performance of 11 A svamedhas and 1,000 sacrifices. These scholars take Madhavavarman who is similarly described in the Ramatirtham platos to be Madhavavarman II. As Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao has observed, "other princes of the dynasty, who had not the fortune of being called Madhavavarmans, are not credited with having performed any sacrifices. It cannot be explained why the family tradition made the colobration of horse-sacrifice, etc. the monopoly of Madhavavarmans". Journal of the Department of Letters, Cal. Univ., Vol. XI, p. 48. It sooms therefore better to identify these three princes. The characters of this inscription are not earlier than those of the Arang platos na Mt. Ghogh thinks. It presonte the bipartite y in several places, see e.g., yoshito, 1. 1; yauvang, 1. 8; W, 1. 9; nadihayira 1. 14, etc.; the right hand vertical of 6 in some cases rises a little above its top, see varaa-abrun., 1. 8: megb. adatki, l. 6, oto; b) and have a wedge on the loft though it is not yot hollow. The inscription thug clearly appears to be later than the Arang plates.

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230 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. The contemporaneity of Tivaradeva and Suryavarman makes this matrimonial alliance of the two royal families quite likely. The capital of the Maukharis was not, of course, situated in Magadha, but the country was probably included in the Maukhari Empire during the reign of Isanavarman, the father of Suryavarman, as he is said to have carried his arms as far as Gauda. Until another king of the name Suryavarman becomes known, it seems better to accept this identification. The Somavamei kings thus flourished in Chhattisgarh in the sixth and seventh centuries A. D. No. 29. TWO RECORDS OF PARANTAKA I FROM TAKKOLAM. BY THE LATE MR. A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. Takkolam is a village in the Arkonam taluk of the North Arcot District. It has an old temple of the Chola type, which contains epigraphs dating from the time of the early king Aditya I, one of which has already been published1. The god of this temple was in ancient times called Tiruvural-Mahadeva, because of the existence of a natural spring in the temple precincts and this name has been Sanskritised into the present appellation of Jalanathesvara. The two short inscriptions published below as A and B are engraved on a narrow belt on the base of the central shrine of this temple. The characters in which they are engraved are attributable to the 10th century A. D. and the language of the record is fairly correct Tamil. A few omissions of letters are noticeable here and there, due perhaps to the carelessness of the engraver. In point of orthography, there is nothing very particular to notice, except that the letter ra is written both in the ordinary manner and with the secondary length added as a separate symbol. Sanskrit letters are used for some words such as Parantakadeva, Dhanmasana, etc., in record A, while they are in Tamil characters in the other epigraph. The verbal suffix arom is spelt as a separate word in some instances, and also in combination with the preceding verb in other cases. The Dakshinamurti shrine on the southern side hides from view some portions in both the records but as their wording is nearly identical, the missing words can be surmised and the full texts of the records restored fairly completely. The records are dated in the 31st year of Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman, i.e., Parantaka I, and they register two gifts of 30 kalanju each made by the daugher of Solaperumanadigal (i.e., the Chola king) Parantaka (A. D. 907-953) who is also further described as the Mahadiviyar (queen) of Govinda-Vallavaraiyar. Her personal name is mentioned in the record B as Viramadeviyar. These gifts are stated to have been left separately in the charge of the ur (assembly) of the two villages Chammalalai in Damar-kottam and Uradagam in Manayilkottam, for the supply of oil for burning a perpetual lamp each in the temple of TiruvuralMahadeva at Takkolam. The records are important in that they mention a Govinda-Vallavaraiyar as the son-in-law of Parantaka I; and though the dynasty to which he belonged is not specified, it is possible to identify him with the Rashtrakuta king Govinda IV for whom records are found from about A. D. 918 to at least A. D. 933-34. The name Govinda-Vallavaraiyar is composed of two parts-Govinda' the personal name and Vallavaraiyar' the dynastic title. From Rashtrakuta copper-plate grants it is learnt that 1 Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 81. The historical and other facts connected with this village have been mentioned at some length in that article. * Nos. 245 and 246 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921.

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No. 29.) TWO RECORDS OF PARANTAKA I FROM TAKKOLAM. 231 Dantidurga, an early king of this dynasty, who defeated the Chalukya king Kirtivarman of Badami, was the first to assume the title of Prithivivallabha'. This title curtailed into . Vallabha' (and Ballaha') became a particular biruda of the subsequent kings of this family, and was used either by itself or in conjunction with the respective proper names of the kings, such as Nirupama-Vallabha, Indra-Vallabha, Krishna-Vallabha', etc. The kings bearing the personal name of Govinda were also similarly referred to as Govinda-Vallabha' or GojjigaVallabha', by the addition of the title Vallabha' to their name of Govinda or Gojjiga. A bilingual record from Tiruvorriyur' in the Chingleput District dated in the 18th year of the Rashtrakuta king Kannaradeva 'who took Kachchi and Tanjai' (i.e.), Krishna III, registers a gift made by a merchant of Manyakheta, the Rashtrakuta capital, who is described as "vaisyo Vallabha bhumipala-mahito yo Manyakhet-ot(d)bhavah'. The Tamil counterpart of the same epigraph refers to this merchant as a Vallavaraiyar kata kattu vyapari'. Another inscription from the same temple refers to Krishna III as. Vallavaraiyar Kannaradeva ', and registers a gift made by his mother Pulaichchi-Raniyar. From these instances, it is evident that the Rashtrakuta kings used the title of Vallabha' and its Tamil equivalent of Vallavaraiyar' to indicate their dynasty, in the same way as Pandiyanar signified a Pandya king and Seramanar'a Chera ruler. Govinda-Vallavaraiyar of the records under consideration can therefore be identified as a member of the Rashtrakuta family. Though the titles Vallavaraiyar and Pallavaraiyar may have been sometimes used by petty nondescript chieftains in later times, the fact that this Govinda-VallaVaraiyar had married the daughter of the powerful Chola king Parantaka marks him out as a great personage presumably of royal status. Who could have been this royal personage by name Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, who belonged to the Rashtrakuta dynasty and who flourished in this period ? From the records copied hitherto in the Madras Presidency as well as in the Bombay-Karnatak, it is learnt that there was such & king answering to the name of Govinda-Vallabha or Goyinda-Vallabha, who flourished in the first half of the 10th century A.D. His earliest record is dated in Saka 840 corresponding to December A.D. 918, and his last record so far known bears the date Saka 855 corresponding to A.D. 933-4. He was thus & contemporary of Parantaka, and there is nothing inherently improbable in his having married a daughter of that Chola king. In fact it can be inferred from some Chola records that Chola-Rashtrakuta alliances dated from the time of Krishna II himself, as will be shown in the sequel. 1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII, pp. 11 ff. and ante, Vol. VI, p. 191. It is more probable that the biruda of Vallabha' which had been borne by the Chalukya kinge was adopted by the Rashtrukatas as their political successors.-N. L. R.) 38. 1. 1., Vol. IX, No. 59 (No. 73 of 1904) wherein the king is called Indra-Vallabha, while in No. 67 the form Indra.Ballaha occurs. Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha occurs in B. K. No. 47 of 1933-34. + Krishna II was called Krishna-Vallabha (ante, Vol. VII, p. 190 and f. n. 1). Krishna III was called Akalavarsha and was referred to as Vallabha also (ante, Vol. IV, p. 278). In No. 562 of 1915 the king is referred to us Ratta-Ballaba only. No. 297 of 1918 (8. I. I., Vol. IX, No. 61). He was also called simply as Vallabha-Narendra (ante, Vol. VII, p. 27). * The form Gojjiga-Vallabha occurs in Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 249, Gojjiga being a local dialectical form of Govinda. No. 177 of 1912. * No. 179 of 1912. The actual expression is Vallavaraiyar Kannaradevar tayar Palaiochi-Raniyir. * No. 297 of 1918 of Govinda-Vallabha is dated in Saka 863 (8. I, I., Vol. IX, No. 61). 10 Sangli plates of Govinda IV are dated in S. 855 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 249). 11 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII, p. 223, also B. K. No. 63 of 1933-34. 12 No. 540 of 1915 is datod in Saka 854 and the Sangli plates in S. 836. Also Ep. Carn., Vol. VIL Honnali. Nos. 21-23.

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. From the facts known about the reign of Govinda, the trend of events between the years A. D. 930 and A. D. 940 may be surmised to have been the following: Govinda IV was an unpopular king and his ministers and feudatories were conspiring to depose him. In about A. D. 934, Govinda IV went to the help of the Eastern Chalukya king Yuddhamalla, when the latter was hard-pressed by Bhima II, but in the fight that ensued the Rashtrakuta army suffered a crushing defeat. At the same time in the beginning of A. D. 935, the political upheaval at the Rashtrakuta capital came to a head, resulting in the accession of Amoghavarsha III, and Govinda IV unable to face the strong party of his enemies at home, fled to the court of his father-in-law Parantaka I. Govinda's records in the Rashtrakuta territory stop with A. D. 933-4 and from about A.D. 935-6, his successor Amoghavarsha III was in occupation of the Rashtrakuta throne, helped by his able and ambitious son Krishna III. It is possible that as a fugitive Govinda IV kept on for some time in the Chola territory, where he was probably staying at the time of the Takkolam records in A. D. 937. From the statement in the Sudi plates of the Ganga chief Butuga II that on the death of Baddega (Amoghavarsha) he had helped Krishna III to secure the Rashtrakuta throne from the possession of a certain Lalleya (?), it may be surmised that there was some disturbance soon after Amoghavarsha's death in the beginning of the year A. D. 940. Who this Lalleya was is not clear. It is possible that about this time Govinda IV with the help of Parantaka I had made a feeble attempt to regain his throne and that, being unsuccessful, he had also lost his life in this venture. If this is conceded, Krishna III's invasion of Chola territory which must have occurred some time after his accession and before A. D. 914, as testified to by the Siddhalingamadam record of his 5th year, attains an additional significance, for it must have been as much a war of aggression, as it was one of revenge against the Chola king Parantaka for the help he had rendered to his rival Govinda IV. Though some of the foregoing statements may not be capable of individual proof at present, there is nothing implausible in the sequence of the events, as surmised here, the correctness of which will have to be confirmed by future discoveries. As regards the subject matter of the records, it is stated that the two gifts of 30 kalanju each were left in the custody of the Ur-assembly of the two villages Chammalalai and Urada gam. These villages must have been situated near enough to Takkolam itself, to be able to measure the stipulated quantity of oil daily to the temple of Tiruvural-Mahadeva for the maintenance of the perpetual lamps. Failure to supply the oil was liable to a fine of 81 kunam for every day of default, which had to be paid to the Dhanmasanam, i.e., the court of justice, which functioned in every village in ancient times and looked after the judicial life of the village com munity. Such conditions and penalties are of the usual type found in Chola records of this period. Note on Chola-Rashtrakuta relationship. It has been stated above that the Chola-Rashtrakuta matrimonial alliances had probably commenced even from the time of Krishna II himself. In this connection, a Tamil record from Tirumalavadi in the Trichinopoly District is of considerable interest. 1 Ante, Vol. III, pp. 179-80, N. 51 to 54. These plates, owing to certain irregularities in the date portion, were considered spurious, but are now accepted as fairly reliable, in so far as the matter contained in them is concerned. No. 375 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. The Sadi plates of A. D. 938-9 mention the conquests of Ktishna III ; but the date portion of that record is, as mentioned above, suspect. A village Urodagam alias Pallavamalla-Chaturvedimangalam in Kalattor nadu is mentioned in No. 259 of 1913. No. 14 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1920.

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No. 29.) TWO RECORDS OF PARANTAKA I FROM TAKKOLAM. 233 It is dated in the 27th year of the Chola king Rajakesarivarman and registers a gift of 10 kalaniju of gold and a lamp-stand by a lady named Ilango-Pichchi, who is described as the daughter (magalar) of Vallavaraiyar, and who was probably the senior queen (munnam pugunda muttadeviyar) of Sola-perumanadiga! (i.e., the Chola king). The high regnal year 27, as well as the absence of the historical introduction Tirua maga!-pola 'ot Rajaraja I in it, favour its attribution to the early king Aditya I (A. D. 870-907). As the Anbil plates of Sundara-Chola state that Aditya I had built on both the banks of the Kaveri tail stone temples in honour of Siva, the Tirumalavadi temple along with some others in its vicinity, may correctly be presumed to have come into existence in the reign of this Chola king. The astronomical details contained in the present record---namely, 27th year, Tula, Saturday and Bharani which give the equivalent A. D. 897, October 15, Saturday, which is correct for Aditya I, whose initial date has been determined to have been A. D. 870 or 871", support this surmise. Sufficient reasons have been adduced in a previous paragraph to show that Vallavaraiyar' was a dynastic title used by the Rashtrakuta kings of this period. The personal name of Vallavaraiyar, the father of the donatrix in the present record, has unfortunately not been specified. As it was not uncommon for the kings of this dynasty to be referred to by their simple dynastic title, the Vallavaraiyar of the Tirumalavadi record may be identified with Krishna II, who reigned from A. D. 878 to 913 and was consequently a contemporary of Aditya I (A. D. 870-907). From these facts, it may be presumed that Aditya I had married a daughter of Krishna II. The possibility of such a matrimonial alliance having taken place gets confirmation, thoug! in an indirect manner, from another circumstance. The ordinary Prakpit form of Krishna is Kanha, but we find that the Rashtrakuta kings of the name of Krishna are referred to in their records by the name of Kannara'. This latter form is peculiar to the Kanna:12 language of the Rashtrakuta dynasty. Now a record dated in the 8th year of a Rajakesarivarman, palaeographically assignable to the reign of Aditya I, makes mention of a prince called Adityan-Kannaradeva, who from the way in which his name has been expressed can be recognised as a son of Aditya and who is also specifically described as the son (pillaiyar) of Solaperumanadigal. As this name Kapnaradeva 'is foreign to the Chola dynasty and has not been met with as a name of any of their kings, it may be inferred that this particular cognomen for the Chola prince was due to some Rashtrakuta associations and influence. If, as stated above, Aditya had married the daughter of Vallavaraiyar, i.e., Koishna II alias Kannaradeva, it may be 1 A portion of the record is damaged. The relevant portion reads :-sola perumi..............................ikku muppam pagunda muttadeviyar Ilango-pPichchi Tirumaluvadi-pPerumanadigalukku nonds..................' and further on " Ivvaippil Vallavaraiyar magalar Ilango-pPichchi vaiytta vilakku." It may be noticed that the lady is eslled only 'muttadeviyar'. The name Pichchi may be derived from the Sanskrit word Bhikeha or it may be equivalent to the Kannada Bijja; but it is not clear why the honorific suffix of ar is not mentioned with her name. The characters in which this record is engraved are attributable to the 11th century A. D., but when it is remembered that the Srivimana of the temple was renovated under the orders of Rajaraja I (28th year) and that the old inscriptions were re-engraved in the 14th year of Rajendra-Chola I. (S. 1. I., Vol. V, Noa. 651 and 652) the later age of the writing is easily accounted for. 3 Ante, Vol. XV, p. 50. Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 85. Ante, Vol. IV, p. 336. * No. 38 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1895 (S. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 595).

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234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. expected that his son by this alliance may have been given the name of his maternal grandfather Kapnara. This appears to have actually been the case. As it was Parantaka I who had succeeded Aditya I, it may have to be presumed that either the Chola prince Kannaradeva bad predeceased his father, or that his claims for succession were superseded by the more powerful Parantaka, the son of Aditya, probably by another queen. This may perhaps explain the attitude of Krishna II towards Parantaka I, with whom he appears to have come into conflict as early as A. D. 912, with unfavourable results to himself. TEXT OF A. 1 Svasti Sri Madirai-[konda ko-pParakobaripanma[r*]kku yandu mup patto[*ravadu Damar-kkottattu=ttan kurta-[ch*]Chammalalai uron-kaiyy-eluttu [I*] Solaperumanadiga! Parantakadevar tirumagalar Govinda-Vallavaraiyar madeviyar. Takkolattu Tiruvural-Madevarkku nandavilakk-o.......... ppon kondu chandir-adittta-varai nisadam ulakk-ennai attuvam=anom[l*] I[v*]vennai muttil dhanmasanattu nisadi ettarai-kanan dandappattum nisadi u............ m=ana[m*] [I*] Ivv-ennai tanda vandarkku nisadam i[r*]andu boru kuduppom= ano[m*) [ll] Tiru?.......... sadam ulakk-ambaoi tiruvunnaligaikkey kondu vandu attuvam=anom[11*]. TRANSLATION. Hail ! Prosperity! In the thirty-first year of king Parakesarivarman, who took Madura, this is the writing (written agreement) of the Ur of Chammalalai, ( a village) in the sub-division of the same name in Damar-kottam. The amount which the daughter of the Chola king Parantakadeva, (and) the queen of Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, endowed for a perpetual lamp to the god) TiruvuralMahidova of Takkolam is [thirty kalanju). Receiving this gold, we shall supply daily (one) ulakku of oil, as long as the moon and the sun (endure). If there is default in the supply of this oil, we shall supply daily the ulakku of oil, after paying to the Dhanmasanam a fine of eight and a half kanam (for) every day (of default). We shall give two meals a day to those who come to collect this oil.........We shall bring and supply this oil at the central shrine (itself) at one ulakku per day. TEXT OF B.* 1 Svasti Sri [ll*] Madirai-konda ko-pParakedaripanma[r*]kku yandu muppatt opravadu Manaiyil-kottattu Purisai-nattu (Ura]dagatt=uram kaiyy-eelu(elu)ttu * This practice of naming grandson after the paternal, preforentially, or tho maternal grandfather was common. Such instances from other royal families can be oited. * Anke, p. 114. * No. 245 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921, * The letter vi is engraved below the lino. * The stone is damaged here. The missing syllables mouklu saitta pong muppadin kalanju [l*]i' may be supplied from B. * The missing syllables are fakku ennai afturd'. + The syllables which are missing here cannot easily be guessed. * No. 246 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921.

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No. 30.1 NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA. 235 [1] Solaperumanadiga! Pirantakadevar tirumagalar Goviynda-Vallavaraiyar mahamaha)deviyar Viramadeviyar Takkolattu TiruvuralMaha(Maha)devarkku nunda-vi[la]kku [onrukku*) vaiyttapon muppadin kalanju [l*).............. nai attuvam-anam [l*] I[v*]v-ennai muttil tanmma(nma)danattil nisadi ettarai-kanam dandapattu[m*] nisadam ulakku ennai attusvo)........... naiykku' tanda-vanda[r*]kku nisa*]dam irandu soru kuduppom anam u[ro]m [l*) ur kuli.................'n kudattan Ambakutti magan Tambattannen [l*Jivai en[n=e* luttu [!l*] TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity! In the thirty-first year of king Parakesarivarman who took Madura, this is the writing (written agreement) of the Or of Uradagam, (a village) in Purisai-nadu, (a sub-division) of Manaiyil-kottam. The gold which Viramadeviyar, the daughter of the Chola king Pirantakadeva, (and) the queen of Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, endowed for a perpetual lamp to (the god) Tiruvural-Mabadeva of Takkolam is thirty kalanju. Receiving this gold, (we) the Or shall supply (one) ulakku of oil daily. If the supply of oil fails, we shall supply the ulakku of oil daily, after paying the Dhanmasaram a fine of eight and a half kanam (for) every day (of default). We shall give two meals a day to those who come to collect this oil. 1, Tambattan, son of Ambakutti,........., this is my writing (signature). No. 30.- NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA. BY KRISHNA DEVA, M.A., DELHI. This terracotta seal of Vishnugupta was excavated from Monastery Site No. 1 at Nalanda in 1927-28 together with the seals of Narasimhagupta, Kumaragupta II, Budhagupta and Vainyagupta. It is fragmentary and only a quarter of the original seal consisting of the lower portion of the right half remains, the rest being broken and irretrievably lost. The extant fragment is of the shape of a triangle with the sides measuring 3" x 24" x 27' and contains portions of the last four lines of writing. There is no doubt that like the other Gupta seals from Nalanda. this seal was also oval in shape, as is indicated by the curvature of its edge, and contained representation of Garuda, flanked by the sun and the crescent, in the missing upper portion. On the analogy of the above mentioned seals, it may also be presumed that the full legend on this ran into eight lines, the upper four of which, though lost, may be restored from the other known seals with reasonable certainty. The seal being the direct impression from a negative matrix, the legend stands out in relief. The execution of the writing is fairly neat and elegant. The charaoters of the inscription 1 The missing syllables were probably *-ppon kondu chandr-aditya-varai nisadam ufakku en'. 2 The missing syllables were probably m=anom [lo] Ivo-en'. * The syllables klu appear to be superfluous. * The missing syllables in this portion cannot be correctly restored. * These seals are edited in Hirananda Sastri's Nalanda and its Epigraphical Material (4. 8. 1., Memoir No. 66), pp. 64 ff., pl. VIII.

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236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. belong to the so-called Eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet and closely resemble those of the Bhitarf and Nalanda seals of Kumaragupta II. M and h are of the developed Eastern type. S has both the looped and unlooped varieties, the former as in tasya (1.3) and the latter as in Narasimhao (1.2). The height of the letters varies between yo to is". The language is Sangkrit and the legend is in prose. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) DK has been invariably doubled in conjuction with a following y as in padanuddhyato (1l. 2 and 3). (2) T is everywhere doubled in conjunction with a following r as in puttras (11.2 and 3). (3) The Upadhmaniya sign has been used in Onnah-Paramao (1.4). The seal belongs to the Paramabhagavala-Maharajadhiraja Vishnugupta of the Imperial Gupta family. Like the other Gupta seals, it records the genealogy of a succession of Gupta kings ending with Vishnugupta. Up to the name of Kumaragup'a occurring in line 3, its legend, though only partially preserved, is identical with that on the Bhitari and Nalanda seals of Kumaragupta II, who was so far the last known sovereign in the connected genealogical succession of the Imperial Guptas. The present seal tells us that the issuer of this, viz. Vishnugupta, was the son and successor of Kumaragupta II, who in his turn was the son and successor of Narasimhagupta. The seal, therefore, is of great importance inasmuch as it carries the genealogy of the Gupta suvereigns & generation further than was hitherto known. It is unfortunate that the name of the mother of Vishnugupta and the wife of Kumaragupta II, which would, if known, have constituted a valuable addition to our knowledge, has been lost in the broken portion of the last line. The seal also shows that the name of the father and predecessor of Narasimhagupta should be spelt as [P]a[rugupta*) (1.1) and not Puragupta as was hitherto done. The reading Parugupta is unmistakable on the fragmentary Nalanda seal of Narasimhagupta and is also fairly clear on the originals of those of Kumaragupta II. The medial u sign in the first letter of the name Purugupta is indicated by an additional stroke attached to the base of the letter, besides the downward elongation of its right limb, the latter sign by itself denoting the short medial as in puttras (11.2 and 3). In the secund letter of the name, viz. ru, the medial u is shown by a small hook turned to left and joined to the foot of r. Palaeographical considerations apart, the name Purugupta yields more plausible sense than Puragupta and fits better in the series of the grand and dignified names of the Gupta kinga. As has been pointed out by Mr. Jagannath, the first part of the Gupta nomenclature constituted the real or substantive name and yielded satisfactory meaning independently of the latter half, viz.gupta, which being family surname was a mere adjunct. Pura, by itself, is neither a complete nor & dignified name while Puru is both. Puru with the more common variant Puru may, like Vainya in Vainyagupta's name, either signify the homonymous epic hero of the lunar race who was the ancestor of the Kauravas and the Pondaves, or may alternately mean abundant or great. The Gupta chronology as known from the joint testimony of the seals of Narasimhagupta, Kumaragupta II and Vishnugupta is drawn below in a table form. The other Gupta records do not take us very far in this respect, as they end the genealogical list with Skandagupta who is called therein as the son and successor of Kumaragupta I. Fortunately for us, the Manjufrimu 1 J. 4. 8. B. Vol. LVIII, pt. 1, p. 89; Ind Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 225. Hirnanda Bastri, loc. cit. pl. VIII, 6, 1.8. Journal of U. P. Hidorical Society, Dec. 1940, p. 101. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar also independently arrivo! at the reading Purugu fa

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No. 30.) NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA. 237 lakalpa' (henceforth called MMK.), which is a literary work of the 8th 9th centuries A. D., has preserved a skeleton of the Gupta history and chronology which may prove very valuable for & study of the subject. The succession according to this work is also shown below in juxtaposition to the list of the seals. In each case the rulers previous to Kumaragupta I have been omitted, since there is practically complete unanimity on the earlier Gupta chronology. Succession according to Seals. Succession arording to MMK. Kumaragupta (1) Malandra Purugupta S-initialled Narasimhagupta Bala Kumaragupta (II) Kumara (IT) Vishougupta That Mahindra is same as Kumaragrupta I will be admitted on all hands. The identity of Bala (Buladitya) and Narasimhagupta also is beyond doubt. Kumara(gupta II) is common to both the seals and the MMK. The name U (Ukarakhya) of the MMK., however, appears to be puzzling. But an examination of Vishnugupta's coins shows on the obverse between the king's feet the letter U, which no doubt is identical with U of the MMK, and represented probably the abbreviation of some viruda or nickname of Vishnugupta who is konwn from coins to have had another viruda, viz. Chandraditya. As regards the S-initialled (Sakaradya) king of the MMK., it will be readily recognised that he is the well-known king Skandagupta, son of Kumaragupta I. Against this name the succession list of the seals shows Purugupta. As all other names on one list correspond with those on the other, the presumption is that Skandagupta should be equated with Purugupta. It is, however, exactly at this point that the controversy starts. Purugupta, misspelt as Puragupta, has been so far supposed to be a brother and collateral of Skandagupta. Some scholars think that there was partition of the Gupta empire either during or after Skandagupta's reign, Skandagupta and his descendants ruling over some provinces and the collateral branch of Purugupta over the remaining portion of the kingdom. Others hold that Purugupta's branch succeeded Skandagupta or his descendants on the undivided imperial throne. All these theories rest on the supposition that Purugupta and Skandagupta were two different entities. This misconception arose from the fact that while the scholars took care to note Skandagupta and Purugupta being cach called son of Kumaragupta I, they ignored that the Gupta records referred to each as tatpudanudhyata in relation to Kumaragupta I. That the phrase tatpadunudhyata bad the technical sense of immediate successor in the imperial Gupta documents is clear from its omission in the case of Chandragupta II, who is invariably called tatparigrikata or tatpuda parigrihita in relation to his father, Samudragupta. The substitution of the usual tatpudunudhyata by the improvised phrase tatparigrihita or tatpadaparigrihita is significant and was necessitated by the fact that Chandragupta II did not directly succeed his father but was preceded in the Imperial succession by his brother Ramagupta. Skandagupta and Purugupta, therefore, each of whom is called the son and immediate successor of Kumaragupta I, must be taken as one and the same 1 Jayaswal's edition, vv. 645 ff. ; Imperial History of India, p. 33. See Allan, Catalogue of Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, pl. XXIII, 9. Jayaswal identified U of the NAK. with Prokasaditya, whose coins also show the letter U (Imperial History of India, p. 39). If this identification be accepted, Prakabiditya will become another biruda of Vishnugupta. 0.1.1., Vol. III, p. 27 (1.0). p. 50 (1. 19), p. 53 (1.4); bove, Vol. xv, p. 41 (1.4); 4. S. I., Memor No. 66, .61! 1. Si, p. 65 (1.3), p. 66 (1. 3).

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238 EPIGRAPHA INDICA [VOL. XXVI. person. That Skandagupta was known by more names than one is attested by the epithet vividhalehya, given him by the MMK., which further informs us that he was also called Devaraja, this being the favourite name also of his grandfather, Chandragupta IIdeg. It is likely that Skandagupta came to be known as Purugupta meaning the Great Gupta in recognition of the unique service that he rendered to his family by inflicting a crushing defeat on the Hunas, who had threatened the stability of the Gupta empire. Moreover, the absence of Purugupta's coins, when the issues of all his royal predecessors and of all his successors including Narasimbagupta, Kumaragupta II and Vishnugupta have been recovered, is not a little puzzling and can only be explained on the hypothesis of Purugupta's identity with one of the Gupta kings whose coins are known. Finally, there is no incontrovertible evidence in favour of a division of the empire either during or immediately after Skandagupta's reign to justify the assumption of Skandagupta and Purugupta being collaterals. The MMK., on the other hand, explicitly states that the division and disintegration set in after the reign of the king U, i.e. Vishougupta, who is the third in descent from Skandagupta or Purugupta. Thus, the joint testimony of the seals and the MMK., supported by the foregoing considerations, leaves no doubt as to the identity of Purugupta with Skandagupta. The accuracy of the succession list of the seals, independently confirmed by the MMK., is further borne out by numismatic evidence. The Kalighat hoards contained besides Chandragupta II's coins those of Narasimhagupta, Kumaragupta II and Vishnugupta. This not only lends support to the succession of the last three sovereigns as given in the seals and the MMK., but also attests the statement of the MMK. that the period following Vishougupta's time was troublous, as is indicated by the hoard having been buried presumably at the fag end of his reign. Yet another corroborative evidence is provided by the comparative weights of the coins. It is admitted by numismatists that the Gupta Coins tended to increase in weight with lapse of time and generally the heavier a Gupta Coin, the later is its date. Confining ourselves to the issues of the last three rulers, we find that the average weight of Narasimhagupta's Class I is 1465 grains and of his Class II 146. Kumaragupta II's Class I weighs 143, while the two varieties of Class II give an average of 149-2 and 147-2. The coins of Vishnugupta average 148-3. It is further significant that the issues of no other Gupta king average anywhere between 146 and 148 grains. This progressive increase in weight standard affords an additional confirmation of the genealogical succession from Narasimhagupta through Kumaragupta II to Vishnugupta, as contained in the seal under discussion. Jayagwal's edition, v. 647. * That Skandagupta also shared with Chandragupta II the biruda of Vikramaditya, with the variant Kramaditya, is known from coins. It is interesting to note that Skandagupta is referred to as Vikramaditya, king of Ayodhya, in Paramartha's Life of Vasubandhu, which also informs us that Baladitya Was Vikramaditya's crown-prince and successor (Allan, Catalogue of Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, p.1 ). This confirms the testimony of the MMK, that Skandagupta was succeeded by Bala. The coins formerly attributed to him really belong to Budhagupta, gee Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 691. Jayaswal's edition, v. 675. * Allan, Catalogue of Coins of the Gupla Dynasties, p. cxxvi. * Dr. Altekar has identified Vishnugupta of the coins with the homonymous ruler of the Later Gupta family of Magadha, who flourished in the eighth century A. D., as is known from his newly discovered inscription dated in the year 117 (Harsha era)-723 A. D. (Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Vol. III, Part I, pp. 57 ff.). The learned professor had obviously no knowledge of the seal of an earlier Vishnugupta, which is under discussion. I think, he will now agree that the coins really belong to the Vishnugupta of the present seal. * Allan, loc. cit., p. cxxxiv.

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NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA. ASETEUTEL SIC STTETELE (From a photograph). SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SCALE

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No. 31.) A NOTE ON THE BALASORE PLATE OF BHANU[DATTA). 239 TEXT.1 1.... harajadh[i]r[@]ja-sr[i*)-(P*]a .... 2.... h[a]r[**lifa*]dhiraja-sri-Narasirnha(guptas]-tasya puttras-tat-padanuddh[y] t[o]. 3...rajadhiraja-bri-Kumaraguptas-tasya puttras-tat-padanuddhyato Ma[ha]4. . . . nnah-Paramabhagavato Maharajadhiraja-sri-Vishnug[u][ptahll*]. No. 31.-A NOTE ON THE BALASORE PLATE OF BHANU[DATTA). BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. In a previous issue of this journal," the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar published four copper-plate insoriptions belonging to three different chiefs who ruled over the region now covered by the Balasore District of Orissa. One of these speaks of a 'king' (Maharaja) called Bhanudatta and is dated in the year 5 on the 17th day of Phalguna. One more copper-plate grant, however, belonging apparently to the same personage, had been discovered, some time earlier, but somehow it escaped the notice of Mr. Majumdar. This plate was turned up in course of ploughing a field near the modern town of Balasore in Orissa. The owner of the holding, the late Mr. Ziauddin, lately Lecturer at the Visva-Bharati of Dr. Rabindranath Tagore, made over the plate to Mr. Haridas Mitra who published a paper on the same in 1935%. This is, in common with the Soro plates, & single sheet of copper bearing inscription on both sides. It measures 7.2" by 3.7". The record is complete in eighteen lines. A seal, which appears to have been soldered on to the central left margin of the plate, is reported to bave been destroyed. The inscription is one of Mahapratihara, Maharaja, Mahasdmanta Bhanu. It records & gift which was issued from the royal encampment (vasaka) at Saropha, of the village of Nandirata' to four Brahmanas, named Priyamitrasvamin, Vatamitrasvamin, Dhruvamitrasvamin and Arungamitrasvamin, belonging to the Vatsa gora and to the Vajasaneya charana (of the Yajurveda). Before its formal sanction, the gift was announced before a number of officials entrusted with administration of the district (vishaya) called Sarephahara. The grant was written by the Sandhivigrahika Arupadatta and heated' (tapitar) by the Pudanalaka Pratishthitachandra. The date given (in figures only) is Year 5, the 4th day of Margasirsha. There can be no doubt that the present record belongs to Maharaja Bhanudatta already known to us from the Soro inscription. The general character of the plates, the 1 From the original as well as from excellent photographs which I owe to the kindness of the Director General of Archaeology in India. . Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 197 ff. and plates. * Ibid., p. 203. * The exact findspot has not been mentioned. One may however presume that it cannot have been very far from the place where the Sord plates were found. * Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XI, pp. 611 ff. and plato. * Mitra roads Sagadha. The name of the village appears to be somewhat damaged. I onnnot however 100 Bandiroka ruml by Mr. Mitaa (I. 8. 9., Vol XI, p. 621).

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240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. script, the names of donees and the officers responsible for execution of the documents leave no room for doubt as to the identity of both Bhanu and Bhanudatta as being one and the same person. The present record presumably belongs to an earlier part of Bhanu[datta]'s career in fact, the dates given suggest a little over three months' priority over the Soro record. The chiefs of the Soro plates must have ruled over a severely circumscribed area, and that too at the pleasure of some higher power. Bhanudatta and perhaps Somadatta (of the Soro plates), between whom some kinship has been claimed, may well have worked as deputies to an overlord whose personality remains obscure: he is apparently vaguely referred to as -Parambhoivaka in the inserphon The date given is the year 5, the 4th day of Margasirsha. The year is apparently regnal. Palaeographically, our record is to be assigned to the second half of the sixth century A. D. Of the localities mentioned, Sarepha has already been identified by Mr. N. G. Majumdar with Soro in the Balasore District of Orissa. It was apparently the headquarters of the district (vi-haya) called Sarephahara in the present inscription. I am unable to locate the village Nandirata. 1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 200. I would suggest that he may have been the Paramadevatadhidaivata, Paramabhattaraka Sambhuyasas (enended reading) mentioned as the overlord of a chief called Maharaja Sivaraja in the Patiakella (Cuttack District, Orissa) plate (above, Vol. IX, pp. 287 ff. and plate) and also in 'Plate A' of the Soro grants (ibid, Vol. XXIII, pp. 201-202 and plate). From the joint evidence of the Patiakella and the Soro plates it is reasonable to assume that Sambhuya sas ruled as an independent ruler over the wide tract of country anciently known as Tosalt and now roughly covering the districts of Balasore, Puri and Cuttack. Maharaja Somadatta and Maharaja Bhanudatta of the Soro plates were evidently more or less equal in status to Maharaja Sivaraja of the Patiakella grant. It seems very significant that both Somadatta and Bhanudatta hold such feudatory titles as Mahapratihara, Mahasamanta, Mahabuladhikrita, etc.

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No. 32 ] MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17 241 No. 32-MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17 BY PROF. A. 8. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY Mangraon is a small village in the Buxar Sub-Division of the Shahabad District of the Province of Bihar, situated about 14 miles south-west of Buxar. The existence at this place of the present inscription, which is being edited here for the first time was brought to my notice by Mr. Narmadeshver Roy, & 4th year student of the Benares Hindu University, and . son of Babu Braj Mohon Roy, the Zamindar of the village. Mr. Narmadeshver Roy supplied me with a fairly good clay-impression of this record in December 1940. As however some pointa were not clear from the impression, I visited the village on the 14th of March 1941 in order to inspect the inscribed tablet and take its ink-impressions for publication. From local enquiries I learnt that the stone tablet was recovered during the excavation of a well several decades ago by Choudhari Rambaran Roy, the grandfather of the present Zamindar. The tablet lay in the Zamindar's family all these years, defying the attempts at decipherment of the simple village folk as well as of the more learned touring officers. The present size of the tablet is 13" by 11". But I learn that its original size was bigger, as it was recently chipped in order to make it more portable. Luckily these chipping operations have not damaged the record in any way. In fact the present record is the best preserved record, 80 far discovered, of the Later Guptas of Magadha. The inscription consists of nine lines. Each line is ll' in length and contains on the averago 27 letters. The height of an ordinary letter is about inch; conjuncts with subscripts are about # inch high. In l. 9, the record describes the engraver as an expert and a glance at the record will show that the praise is fairly well deserved. The engraver has incised the inscription in a very beautiful manner. He believed in ornamental flourishes for medial vowels and has introduced them wherever convenient. But even this talented engraver has committed a few mistakes, to which attention will be drawn in due courso. The characters of the present record closely resemble those of the Udaypur inscription of Aparajita, dated Vikrama Samvat 7189 and the Jhalrapatan inscriptions of king Durgagana', one of which is dated in (Vikrama) Samvat 746. The ornamental variety of medial vowels of the present record is seen in a further developed form in the above records. The characters of the present record also bear a general resemblance to those of the Aphsado and Dao-Baranank inscriptions hailing from Bihar and belonging to almost contemporary times. They exhibit the characteristics of the so-called Kutila characters; for the letters va, ta, pa, ma, bha, etc., show . distinot slanting curve or line at their right hand bottoms. It is interesting to note that the medial. vowels a, i, i, e, and 8 are denoted in two ways. The usual forms of these medial vowela occur only sparingly in the record; the forms with artistio flourishes and graceful curves predominate in every line; cf. me in parameswara, 1.1; po in tapovana, 1. 2; vi and ti in siddhayatana tirthavagahana, 1.4; etc. Numerical symbols for 10, 7 and 2 occur in l. 2. The numerical symbol for 10 is an ornamental variety of the usual symbol; the other two have the normal forms. 1[The inscription has since been presented to the Patna Museum.-Ed.) * Above, Vol. IV, plate facing p. 30. * Ind. Ant., Vol. V, plates facing pp. 180 and 181. * Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, VOL IIL, No. 12. Ibid., No. 46.

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242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI The main record is in prose; the names of the writer and the engraver ere, however, given at the end in one Anushtubh verse. The language is Sapskrit; the only influence of Prakrit that we can trace is in the name of the donor Avimuktajja, whose spelling is obviously & Prekritisation of the original word Avimuktarya. Curiously enough the rules of sandhi are disregard ed in that portion of the record which gives the different epithets of the donor; in other places, however, they are followed. In 1. 8 in the concluding portion of the imprecatory sentence both the writer and the engraver have committed mistakes ; they will be indicated in the notes to the text. Orthography calls for a few remarks only. V is written for b: cf. prativaddha for pratibaddha in I. 3, kutumvinar for kutumbinam in l. 5., etc. When is the second letter in & conjunct, the first one is doubled only when it is & l, not otherwise ; of. Mittra. 1. 3. gramake, 1. 8. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharajadhiraja-Paramasvara-bri-Vishpugupta. Neither the name of the dynasty of the king nor his genealogy has been given in the record; but there can be no doubt that he is to be identified with king Vishnugupta of the dynasty of the Later Guptas of Magadha, who was the grandson of Adityasens and the father of Jivitagupta II. The find-spots of the Aphead', Bhahpur', and Mandar hill' insoriptions of the former and the Deo-Baranark inscription of the latter show that they were ruling over the Shahabad and Gaya Districts of Bihar, our inscription, hailing from the Shahabad District. shows that the kingdom of Vishnugupta mentioned in it included that area. The Shahpur inscription of Adityasena belongs to 672 A. D. The time of his grandson Vishnugupta would be the first quarter of the 8th century A. D. and the palaeography of our record shows that its Vishnugupta flourished at about the same time. We cannot suppose that Vishnugupta of the present record may have been a homonymous and contemporary feudatory of Vishnugupta, the grandson of Adityasena. For even a wandering monk has not forgotten to give him his full imperial titles in the short tablet ordered to be engraved by him. The present inscription, which is the first record of Vinhpugupta's reign to come to light, is dated on the second day of the bright halt of the month of Sravana In the 17th roghal year of the emperor Vishnugupta. The year is given first in words as 'samvatsare saptadast and then in numerals as sanoat 10, 7. The form of the stop in sawiwat is rather unusual. The form of the stop * in pratipdchita vom 1. 7. le indicated by the normal form of ma with a slanting but disconnected stroke given below. We therefore expeof that in masivat also should be similarly indioated by the normal form of a with a wanting stoke below the letter. What we actually have is however some thing different. There is no wanting sroka below this letter and the usual triangular serif with ite have above is aboant. The multing symbol bears close resemblance to the symbol for 100 aneurring on the silver coins ournent in the home provinces of the Gupta empire, and I had there fone once held that the date given in numerals was not identioal with that given in words, that *Ibid, No. 42. * Ibid., No. 43. Poids Nee 44 and 4 Ibid., No. 48, Compare for instance the symbol for 100 on the colpa of Skandegupta illustrated in Allan'a Catalan of Indian Coina, Gupta Dynasties, Pl. XXI, No. 14-14. Journal of Numismatic Socidy of India, 1941, p. 67,

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No. 32) MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17 243 it was to be read as aanwa 100, 10, 7, and that it was to be referred to the Harsha era. A reconsideration of the question in the light of the observations kindly forwarded to ma by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra has led me to the conclusion that though the disputed symbol bears a close resemblanco to the symbol for 100 occurring on the silver coins of Skandagupta, we have to take it as an upusual form of the stop, which sometimes occurs side by side with its normal form. In the Karitalki stone inscription of Lakshmanaraja', dated (Kalachuri) samvat 593, we have the ordinary form of the stop t in the word jagat in 1. 2 and that of the stop m in the word iyam in l. 14 ; whereas the special form of the stop , fairly similar to the disputed letter in the present epigraph, cours in the word samvat in l. 14. The symbol for 100 on the coins of Skandagupta is not used even in contemporary inscriptions; it is therefore unlikely to be revived in a record, which is more than two hundred years later than the coins. I therefore now think that the record gives the same date once in words and then again in numerals. The chronology of the Later Guptas of Magadha is still not definitely settled. Let us see if we oan determine the date of Vishnugupta mentioned in the present record. The founder of the line, Madhavagupta, seems to have survived his patron and friend, king Harsha, by about 10 years. For, his son Adityasena, who is known to have performed three horse-sacrifices', is seen to be assuming not even imperial titles in his Shahpur inscription belonging to 672 A. D. We therefore presume that his martial exploits must have been performed subsequent to 672 A. D. and that he must have ruled at least for a decade more. The commencement of his reign and the end of that of his father Madhavagupta should therefore be placed in c. 655 A. D. The duration of his reign would be c. 655 to 682 A. D. The account, which Hwui Lun, a Korean pilgrim and contemporary of I-tsing, has left of a temple built at Bodhagaya, supports the view that Adityasena died and was succeeded by Devagupta in c. 682 A. D. For, this pilgrim was living at Nalanda from c. 675 to 686 A. D. and refers to & temple then recently built by the king 'SunArmy and to the willingness of the then ruling king of Eastern India, king Devavarman, to restore the site of the dilapidatod China temple to Chinese prieste, if they would come to India from China. Now it is clear that king Sun-Army who had built the temple can be none other than Adityaleun) nafarmy), and king Devavarman, who had succeeded him not long before o. 886 A. D., is obviously the same as Devagupta, the son of Adityasens and the father of Vishnugapta, the king of the present record. Devagupta may therefore with fair certainty be presumed to have begun to rule in c. 688 A. D. and to have ended his reign in o. 702 A. D. The commencemont of the reign of Vishnugupta would thus be in c. 702 A. D. We now know for the first time from the present record that he ruled at least for 17 years; his reign therefore may have lasted from c. 702 to c. 726 A. D.5 The reign period of Jivitagupta II, the successor of Vishnugupta, would be the second quarter of the 8th century A. D. Very probably he was the Gauda king overthrown and killed 1 The ers used by Adityasena in his Shahpar inscription, dated in the year 66, is usually taken to be the Haraha era; she Fleet, Corpus, Vol. III, pp. 208-10. There is therefore nothing improbable in assuming that his grandson Vishnugupta may have continued the same reckoning. The opening expression in the D86-Barapark inscription of Jivitagupta II, the son of the Vishpugupta of the present record, is a close copy of the opening erpression in the charters of Harshs. This would show that the later Gupta secretariate was under a consider able influence of the traditions of Harsha's administration. The use of the Harsha ers in its documents need thus cause no surprise. . Ante, Vol. XXIII, plate facing p. 260. My attention was drawn to this plate by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra. See Deoghar inscription. Corpua, Vol. II, pp. 212-13, n. 3. Beal, Life of Hien Trony. Introduction, pp. Iuxvi-i. To is intereeting to note that the your 117 of the Harsha ors, gorresponding to 723 A. D. can fall within this period; wabovo n. 1.

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI by Yakovarman of Kanauj. This incident probably took place in o. 745 A. D. Jivitagupta is the last king of the Later Gupta line known so far. After his death there seems to have arisen enarchy in Eastern India, which was put an end to by Gopala, the founder of the Pala dynasty, whose accession is usually placed in c. 755 A. D. The present record thus tends to show that the interval between Jivitagupta and Gopala was a short one of about ten years. Vishnugupta of the present record cannot be identified with the king who issued gold coins of the heavier weight standard with the letters vi and shnu written perpendicularly under the arms on the obverse side ; for the latter flourished in the last quarter of the 5th century and was a son of Kumaragupta II as shown by a fragmentary seal of his, recently discovered and published1 Let us now proceed to consider the main contents of the inscription. It records a grant made on the second day of the bright half of the month of Sravana of the 17th regnal year of Vishnugupta by & person named Avimuktajja or Avimuktarya. As the very name suggests, this person was a Saiva and our record describes him in II. 3-4 as a worthy whose body had been sanctified by baths at several Saiva holy places. He is further described as devoted to the teachings of his own system and a resident of Kutukka country. Where this Kutukka country was situated is not easy to find out. Avimuktajja was a much travelled man and it is not impossible that his Kutukkadesa may not have been situated in the province of Bihar. He may have made a donation to a temple in Bihar, because its sanctity may have appealed to him. If, however, we assume that Kuukkadesa is a mistake for Kukkutadesa, then Avimuktajja becomes & Bihari ; for there was a hill called Kukkutapadagiri near Gaya in Bihar, which has been mentioned both by Yuan Chwange and I-tsinge. The country round Gaya may well have been known as Kakkutadela and it may perhaps have been misspelt as Kutukkadesa in our record The donation was for the purpose of burning a lamp in the temple of Subhadresvara located in the village of Angara. The record however does not enable us to find out how exactly the arrangement was made for burning the lamp. LI. 5-6 state that Avimuktajja purchased from all the householders of the village of Angara the quantity of one pala of oil (every day) to last till such time as the moon, the sun and the earth may endure. The usual practice in ancient India, when it was intended to bum a lamp at a temple, was to make an investment, the interest of which would be sufficient to meet the daily expenses of the necessary oil. What Avimuktajja seems to have done was to hand over to the householders of Angara a sum of money sufficient for this purpose : the latter, or more correctly their Panchayat, then guaranteed to him that in return for the deposit kept with them, they would undertake to supply one pala of oil to the manager of the Subhadresvara temple. Avimuktajja thus managed to purchase for perpetuity one pala of oil every day; his tablet has therefore been fittingly described as keraya-chirika or 1 Ante, Vol. XXVI, pp. 235 ff. Watters, Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 143. * Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion, by I-tsing, Introduction, p. xxxii. * It may be pointed out that Kutaka-desa is mentioned in the Bhagavala Purana (Skandha 3, ch. 6) in connection with the wanderings of Rishabhadeva (cf. Konka-Venka-Kupakan dakshina=Karnapakan dekan-yadrich ckhay-dpagalas). Kutaka is identified with Gadag in the Dharwer District of the Bombay Province. There are severai ancient temples in the town and its neighbourhood and there is nothing against its being identical with Kutukks of the present record. Avimukta was & much travelled person and it is not unlikely that he made amall endowment in the temple of Subhadrevara in the course of his pilgrimage to reputed Saiva shrines. Me. C. R. Krishnamacharlu points out that the modern Coorg country is meant by Kutukka. Kudagam (modern Coorg) appears in early Tamil literature so far back as the 2nd century A. D.-Ed.)

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NO. 32) ANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME ; THE YEAR 17 248 'a purchase document' in the last line. It is unfortunate that the record should not have given us more details of this arrangement; if this had been done, we would have got a weloome glimpse of the Panchayat administration and the rates of interest prevailing in Bihar at the time. The village of Angara where the Subhadresvara temple was situated, must have obviously been either the village of Mangraon where the tablet exists, or its close neighbour, Sangraon, where there are the remains of a Siva temple still existing. Mangraon and Sangraon are in fact twin villages, hardly separated by a furlong from each other. It is not impossible that Sangraon and Mangraon may together have constituted the village Angara, mentioned in our record. In Mangraon, there is no Siya temple at present. In Sangraon, on the other hand, there is a Siva temple, which is quite modern in its structure, but which is situated on a mound, about 15 feet high, which undoubtedly represents the ruins of an earlier temple. A little scratching of the surface done by us during our visit to the place revealed the existence of buried walls. The present temple contains au image of Siva, but it is not at present locally known as Subhadresvara. There can, however, be little doubt that the present Siva temple is built over the remains of the temple of Subhadresvara mentioned in our record. The interpretation of the locative clause, Chundaskila..pushpa-palca. (ll 2-3) presents somo difficulty. The last letter of this clause, te, cannot be read as nge, as becomes quite clear from its comparison with nigd and gra in Angara-gramake in 1. 5. Pushpa-patta denotes & strip of flower garden. It was attached (pratibaddha) to Sri-Mitra-Kesavadeva situated (pratishthita) in the penance grove at Chundaskila. It is possible to interpret pratishthita as residing '; the record would then purport to state that the garden belonged to a person called Sri-Mitra-Kesavadeva, who resided (perhaps as a samnyasin) in the penance grove at Chundaskila. A better meaning can be obtained by supplying the term devalaya after deva or by emending it into that expression. The expression would then refer to a flower garden attached to the temple of Sri-Mitra- K ava situated in the penance grove at Chundaskila. The close association of the sun and Vishnu in one temple suggested by the expression under review is, however, not frequently met with. The syntactical connection of the locative pushpa-paffe is not very clear. Probably we have to suppone that Avimuktajja was residing in that garden at Chundaskila, when he decided to make the present grant to the temple in Angara. There is nothing improbable in this; for, as will be soon shown, the distance between Angara village and Chundaskila was only about six miles. Alternatively, if we take Sri-Mitra-Kesavadeya as the name of an individual, the expression may refer to a flower garden (in Angara village) that may have been laid out by him. The first interpretation is more probable. Of the places mentioned in the record, Angara has been already identified above, either with Mangraon or its close neighbour Sangraon. Mr. S. V. Sohoni, I.C.S., Sub-Divisional Officer, Buxar, informs me that there is a village named Chhunni, only six miles to the north-east of Margraon. His suggestion that Chundaskila should be identified with it is perfectly sound. Mr. Sohoni further informs me that the Buxar Sub-Division is even now traditionally known as the place of the penance grove of the famous sage Vibvamitra ; Rama is said to have killed Tataka somewhere within its boundaries. Even today there exist a number of localities in this region known as penance groves ; the penance grove of Chundaskila mentioned in our record must be one such locality. We may perhaps hazard one more conjecture. Kilalapa means a demon and Sunda, the husband of the notorious Tatakal, may have been known as Sunda-kilalapa. Is it not unlikely that his forest or vana, which subsequent to his wife's death may have become Ramayana, I, 24, 26,

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA tapovana of Aryan rishis, may have been known as Sunda-kilalapa-tapovana and later corrupted into Chundaskila-tapovana of our record? Philology would show that such a change is but natural. If this conjecture is correot, it would follow that the village Chhunni in the Buxar SubDivision was once upon a time believed to be the place of residence of Tataka and her husband Sunda. TEXT 1 1 OM [*] mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIviSNuguptadevapravarddhamAnavijayarAjya2 samyamare saptadame samvat 10 * ' 3 pratiSThitazramikozavadevaprativa(ba) capuSpapaTTe svasidhAntAbhirata' - 4 zivasihAyatanatorvAvagAhanapavicocatatanuH kuTubadezI 5 ya' avimukhAH paGgAragrAma sakasakuTumvi(sthi)nAM sakAmAdAcandrA6 rvAcitisamakAlIna" telasya pakSamekamupakSIya bhagavataH anagefa(fra)at fegaerestenacitar 7 bomambaradeva pradopArthaM pratipAditavAn / evaM yodhayA 8 karIti yadacApArtha stanada' bApnotIti / likhitA devadattena 9 saMcitA kacaurikA / utkoca sUtradhAraNa kulAditvena dhImatA // P [VOL. XXVI 1 From the original tablet and ink-impression. Denoted by a symbol. Read bhirato 'noka-. TRANSLATION Om. On the second day of the bright half of (the month of) Sravana of the seventeenth victorious and prosperous regnal year of Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Sri-Vishnugupta, (while residing) in the flower garden attached to (the temple of) Sri-Mitra and Kesava, situated in the penance grove of Chundaskila, Avimuktajja (i.e., revered Avimukta), a resident of the Kujukka country, who was devoted to his own native doctrine and whose body had been sanctified by baths at numerous holy places connected with Siva, purchased from the householders of the village of Angara one pala of oil (per day), to last contemporaneejisly with the moon, the sun and the earth, and offered it to the holy Subhadresvara for the purpose of a lamp. He who will wet at naught this arrangement will get whatever sin is here. This concise document of sales was composed by Devadatta and engraved by the talented mason Kuladitya. Read 'debiyb='videg. Read 'jjo='ngara.. The anusvara has been written not above the letter na but in a line with its horizontal line. "Here the text is defective and its restoration is not free from difficulty. The neuter yad would sugget that the expression papad should follow; the reading trapaya ia however clear and so it appears that the word apaya was also before the mind of the composer. If, however, we prefer to read this word, we shall have to change yad into yo. The letter sta following yam seems to be a mistake of the engraver for sa; we want a sah to correspond with yah coming earlier. The next letter looks like na, but it is to be corrected into ta. The succeeding letter is less likely to be ma than da, with an unnecessary stroke toits right, caused by the slipping of the instrument. The restoration therefore should be yad-atra papa sa tad-avapnoti; the emendation yo-trapoyassa tam avapnoti is less likely to have been intended by the composer. [Both chirika and its variant chithika (Hindi chithi) have been used in the sense of a document in the Lekhapaddhati, pp. 16, 57. This book is however a late work belonging to the fifteenth century; the use of the word chirika in the present record in the sense of a document is therefore noteworthy. Krayachirika is indeed synonym of braya-lekhya which is defined by Brihaspati as follows: Griha-kahar-adikan kritva tulya-mally-akshar-invitam patram karayat yat tu kraya-lekhyam tadauchyat8|| The word chira also denotes a manner of writing with strokes'.-B. C. C.] "

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MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17. bkssk ykhn bhy'ej ay'nbeshgrhohrl-besh dhnbr'enn(maasum| emn smbaag| * ndinbdr'eshr'mes by'sii ebiitihemler'bssy' SCALE: TWO-THIRDS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, Rs. No. 3977 E'36 -290 =x-ago'48.

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No. 83.) KHADIPADA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF SUBHAKARA No. 33.-KHADIPADA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SUBHAKARA By A. Gaosa, M.A., New DELHI Khadipada is a small village, about 24 miles to the south-east of Bhadrak, a subdivisional town in the Balasore District, and about 8 miles to the north-west of Jajpur, an important town in the Cuttack District. I visited the place in May 1940, on the basis of some valuable information from Professor G. S. Das, B.A. (London), Secretary, Provincial Museum, Cuttack ; and found that the remains of the place consisted of a low mound and some Buddhist sculptures, including some colossal statues of the Buddha, all of which bespeak the former existence of a modest Buddhist establishment at the place. Among other sculptures I found a half-buried image of Padmapani (height 41'), which was fully dug out in my presence and revealed the existence of an inscription on its proper left edge. The image has now been removed to the Provincial Museum, Cuttack, and I am thankful to Professor Das for supplying me with two inked impressions of the inscription as well as for consenting to my editing it in the pages of this journal. The inscription consists of only one line and is about 4' in length. The letters are earefully engraved, their size ranging from to 1*'. As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to the doubling of the consonants m and n after r in dharmma and utkirnna, and of before r in suttradhara; contrast, however, acharya. A curious mistake occurs in the word Rahularuchinam, the correct form being -nama. The record is undated but palaeographical considerations load us to ascribe it to the seventh century A. D. The characters are more or less similar to those of the Ganjam plates of Sasanka', which, being of an undisputable date, form an important land mark in South-eastern Palaeography. A point which should be noted here is that though the letter bh presents an earlier form in this inscription, the letter a has certainly a later form. Generally speaking, however, the difference in age between these two inscriptions could not have been very great. The inscription refers itself to the time of Subhakara, who, to judge from the name, no doubt belonged to the Bhauma dynasty. The genealogy of the Bhatma kings was in a great confusion till recently owing to the different readings of the dates in their inscriptions and to the indeterminateness of the era to which they were to be referred. However, with the discovery of the Talcher plates of Sivakara', the genealogy, irrespective of the readings of the numerical symbols, can now be regarded as fairly established. According to the genealogy worked out by Misra on the basis of the available data there were four kings of the name of Subhakara, the Neulpar plates belonging to the first king of that name. If we compare the letters of the present inscription with those of the Neulpur grant, we find that the latter have on the whole a more developed appearance. Thus, the letter ch in the latter has a proto-Nagari form, while this in. scription has the archaic Gupta type. Particularly noticeable is the difference between the forms of the letter bh : while the letter in our inscription has a straight horizontal baseline, the Neulpur grant has & hollow (or even filled up) wedge attached to the lower left corner of the latter. The letter h is denoted by two signs in the present inscription, one being of the so-called Western Gupta type, very similar in appearance to bh (cf. ha in maha) and the other a screw like form (cf. hu in 1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 143. *B. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, p. 40. * Ibid., p. 71. *Above, Vol. XV, 1. The date of the plates has been read as 8 by the editor, B4 by Mistra (loc. cit.), and 200 4 by Bhandarkar (List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1751n.). The genealogy proposed by Bhan. darkar on p. 380 of his List can no longer be accepted.

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI Rahula); while in the Neulpur grant only the latter and more developed form is met with. At the same time, it must be noted that has an archaic appearance in the Neulpur grant1. this single exception, all other letters in the grant are more developed than in this inscription. With All these facts tend to show that Subhakara of the present inscription was earlier in date than the author of the Neulpur charter, who is the first king of that name in the Bhauma lineage till now known. This new Subhakara may have existed between Lakshmikara, who is the earliest known member of the dynasty, and Kahemankara, from whom we have an unbroken genealogy for nine generations. The inscription records the dedication of the image by Rahularuchi, who is styled Mahamandalacharya and Paramaguru, i.e., 'the teacher of the great division' and 'the supreme preceptor. The former does not sound like a self-assumed title, but seems to be a dignity conferred or recognized by a political authority. As the earlier Bhaumas are known to have been Buddhists, it is likely that there was a state pontiff of Buddhism under them. It also appears from this term that the area over which they held sway had the status of a mandala, or, in other words, they began their political career as Mandalapatis, till the later members of the dynasty assumed the full-fledged independent titles of Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara. TEXT Om Sri-Subhakaradeva -rajye mahamandalacharya-paramaguru-Rahularuchi-nam tasya daya"]-dharmmd-yam utkirupath Kudha (1)-sattendharpa" No. 34.-PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA: SAKA 732 BY MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, B. A., POONA This set of three copper-plates, with one of the two rings and the seal, is preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. It was purchased from Mr. Sanabhai Bhundarbhai Master, of Vadaj, Baroda State, in 1938. It is reported that one Thakore Vajesing found it while ploughing his field at Bhilodia, near Vadaj. It was through the kind offices of the Curator, Mr. R. G. Gyani, M.A., that I gained access to the original plates. He also supplied me 1 It is too much to say that still retains the old Kushan form' in the Neulpur grant (above, Vol. XV, p. 2). In most cases the right vertical of the letter distinctly projects over the horizontal top line which is certainly a late Gupta or even a post-Gupta development. It is, however, possible to explain away the difference between the two inscriptions by saying that the Neulpur grant is inscribed in a cursive script and therefore exhibits a more developed form, both the kings being really identical. I set no great store by this argument especially because a paleographical comparison of the present inscription with the Dhauli cave inscription of Santikara (above, Vol. XIX, p. 263), most probably the son of Subhakara of the Neulpur grant, also shows that the latter has decidedly later forms than the former. As it is impossible that the script would appreciably change in the course of a single generation, we have to separate the two inscriptions by a sufficiently long time. * Hindol plates, J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVI, p. 69. The earlier rulers call themselves Parama-saugata in their inscriptions. A change of creed is for the first time noticed in the case of Queen Tribhuvanamahadevi who was a Parama-taishpati (Dhenkanal plater, J. B. O. B. B.. Vol. II, p. 419) and in describing whose death the Talcher plates say: bheje padam sa Harth (Misra, lee. cit., p. 32). After her the rulers are Parama-mahiivaras. Expressed by a symbol. The letter bhd looks like bhau in the impression. [Reading appears to be Suha for Subha.-Ed.] 'Bead nama. Viearga unnecess

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KHADIPADA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SUBHAKARA. Left side duuchwng 313)miibaang'yy thrng A Right side 1. 59 (Thai5455 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Re1. No. 3977 E36-310 -*-sio'48. SCALE: ONE-THIRD SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 34 ) PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA 249 with its ink-impressions. I am indebted to him as well as to the trustees of the Museum for kindly allowing me to edit them here for the first time. I am also grateful to Prof. V. V. Mirashi, M. A., of the Nagpur University, for revising my readings and for many valuable suggestions. These are three copper-plates, each measuring about 9' X 7". Their ends are either raised or thickened to protect the inscription. At the top of each plate, there are two holes about 3' apart, and each t' in diameter, meant for securing the plates together by means of two rings of which at present there is only one left. The ends of this ring which is about }" in thickness and 31' in diameter, are soldered into the socket of a seal, 13" in diameter. This seal had some figure in relief on its countersunk surface, but nothing can be made out from what remains. The weight of the plates together with the seal and the ring is 121 tolas. The plates are fairly well preserved. Some letters here and there, especially in the second plate, are damaged by verdigris and they have to be made out from the traces left and with the help of similar inscriptions. There are fifty-four lines in all, of which fourteen are inscribed on the first plate, seventeen and fifteen on the first and second sides respectively of the second plate and the remaining eight on the third plate. The letters are beautifully formed and deeply engraved. The spacing of the words in the third plate is very much scattered. The characters are of the Southern type of alphabet and regular for the period and locality in which the plates were issued. They resemble the script of the Torkhede plates. The following palaeographic peculiarities may be mentioned. In the formation of the letter pa, a superscript resembling a-matra appears above the proper left of the vertical, in many places, e.g., in pratapah (1l. 4. 8); nripa (1. 10); kshmapatih (1. 12), etc. It is also noticed in the letter ma in pratimani and nama (1. 44); As also in the formation of sha when it occurs in a conjunct letter, e.g., in rakshata (1. 10), shashtim varsha- and tishthati (1. 45), and in -asavishv=atoyasu (1. 46), etc. In lines 51-52, in the sign-manual of the king, the characters show a variety of the Northern alphabet, about twice the average size of the letters in the grant and resemble closely those of the sign-manual in the Kavi plates of Govindaraja. The language is Sanskrit and the composition of the record is partly in verse and partly in prose. As regards orthography, there is very little that attracts our attention. The congonants followed by r are, as a rule, reduplicated. See e.g., sargg-odbhavah (1. 23), margganair=nna (1. 26), etc., the exceptions being such as niruriti (1. 28), varsha (1. 45), etc. In such words as ruddha (1.2), samarttha (1. 6), murddhan (1. 10), etc., the first of the resultant two aspirants is correctly changed to its corresponding sonant or surd, as required by the case, while this rule is not observed in the case of durbhbhiksham (1. 22). The virama sign consists of a horizontal line over the letter instead of a serif below its vertical Rs in Nagari; cf. 11. 9, 12, 18 and 46. A pair of dandas is used as a mark of punctuation. Mistakes are rare and the rules of sandhi have been followed correctly. As regards the peculiar 1 Above, Vol. III. p. 53. * This fentare is also noticed in ja in jatah 1. 28, ta in tunga, 1.2, etc., bha in babhava, I. 15, sa in spusham, 1. 3, sa in mraku, 1. 10, etc. Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. XVI.1.5

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI compound, kunda-kusuma-bri (1. 18), Dr. Fleet has already drawn our attention to it while editing the Barodat plates. The plates were issued by Govindaraja, son of Indra, of the Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakuta dynasty. He is styled Prabhutavarsha and is described as Mahasamantadhipati, who had won all the Mahasabdas. The object of the inscription is to record the grant by Govindaraja, of the village Usaunaka, in the Vahaula Chaturasiti on the full-moon day of Vaisakha, which was recorded on the seventh day of the dark fortnight of the same month in the expired Saka year 732 (expressed in numerical figures only). This date is, therefore, recorded according to the amanta scheme of lunar months and corresponds to Monday, 29th April, A.D. 810". The donee was the Brahmin Bhobhika, of the Atri gotra, a religious student of the Sama veda and who is described in the plates as residing in the village Charmmanihauha after having come there from the Gauda country. The charter was written by Jajjulla, son of Padmanabha, who was the officer in charge of peace and war. The early history of the Gujarat bra nch of the Rashtrakuta dynasty is known to us from the following seven records : The Baroda platego (Saka 734), the Nausari plates (Saka 738), the Anastu plates (Saka 739), the Surat plates (Saka 743), the Brahmanapalli grant? (saka 746) issued by Karkka Suvarnavarsha; the Torkhede plates (Saka 735) and the Kavi plates (Saka 749) issued by his younger brother Govindaraja, the donor of the present plates. Our record being the earliest of these grants, its importance in the history of the Gujarat Rashtrakutas is very great. The Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakuta dynasty was founded by Indra, when his elder brother Govinda III of the Imperial line of the Rashtrakutas installed him on the throne of the Latamandala, after his conquests in the north. This event is placed in oiroa 800 A.D. by Dr. Altekar and a very short rule is attributed to Indra. 1 Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 160. f.n. 18. His remark runs: "This instance of the use of Sri in a Bahuurihi compound, without the Samdsanta affix ka, is somewhat unusual. But Mr. K. B. Pathak has supplied me with an analogous inatanoe, which is given in the Kavyaprakada, Calcutta edition, 10th ullasa, p. 422,-Avitatha-man oratha-pathaprathanehu praguna-garima-gita-erth | surataru-sadrifah sa bhavan abhilashaniyah kshitievaro na kaya || ". (Instead of kehiTharo, the correct reading is kehitibuara.) In fact, such ccnpounds are not unusual. The affix la is optional, and instances where it is not employed can be multiplied. The celebrated poet Magha shows a striking predilection for such a use, as may be evidenced by his sisupalavudha, I, 24; III, 82; IV, 68; XI, 64, 66. 67. XVI, 86. Of these, XI, 64 may be found quoted in Ballala's Bhojaprabandha, verse 279. An epigraphical instance is furnished by the Junagadh rook inscription of Skandagupta in the word prithu-dri, O.I.I., Vol. III, p69, text 1. 3; p. 61, text I. 24. Here, however, Dr. Fleet has not commented upon the compound.-B.C.C.] * Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. II, p. 22, * Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 156. *J, B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 131. Annual Report, Archaeological Department, Baroda State (1939), p. 22. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 133. Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 77. * Ibid., VOL. III, p. 53. Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 145. 10 Altekar, Rashprakupas and Their Times, p. 79.

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No. 34) PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA 251 Indra was succeeded by his eldest son Karkka Suvarnavarsha. It appears that he ruled jointly with his yonger brother Govindaraja or at least deputed him to govern some parts of Gujarat. The position of Govindaraja, in this respect, has always been a vexed question. On account of the difficulty of two rulers granting villages in the same territory, it was formerly conjectured that some sort of enmity existed between the two brothers and probably Govindaraja came to the throne as a usurper. The praise of Karkka Suvarnavarsha in our plates, as well as in other grants of Govindaraja, establishes the harmony between the two brothers. Dr. Altekar thinks that Govindaraja may have been a "princely regent" appointed by Karkka, but the view that he was entrusted with the administration of Gujarat in the absence of Karkka during the hostilities regarding the installation of Amoghavarsha I on his throne, or during his minority, is now hardly tenable from the early date of our record. That Govinda III was still living when our plates were issued, is indicated by the dates of an unpublished plates (Saka 733), the Lohara grant (Saka 734) and the suspected to be spurious Kadaba plates (Saka 735). According to Prof. Mirashi, Amoghavarsha I was a fairly grown up boy of sixteen, when he came to the throne in circa Saka 736. The reason why Karkka wanted to rule in company with Govindaraja should, therefore, be sought somewhere else than in his absence from Gujarat to help Amoghavarsha I. It is also noteworthy to see that Karkka does not think of his own son Rajaputra Dantivarman as the probable candidate for the governorship of Gujarat, who appears as the dutaka in his Baroda plates' issued only two years after the date of our record. We have to take it, therefore, that both the brothers were ruling jointly or at least either of them had the full authority to make donation of lands without each other's consent. Unfortunately, our plates do not throw any additional light on the history of the Rashtrakutas. Many verses of these plates have occurred in various Rashtrakuta records. Six of them, viz., (2, 7, 8, 11, 13 and 14) and (2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 11) are repeated in the Torkhedes and Kavi plates of Govindaraja respectively, but most of them can be read together in the Kapadvanaj plateslu of Krishna II, where they follow the same order as is found in our plates. The only new verse occurring in this grant (v. 15) describes Govindaraja in the usual panegyric terms and is not important historically. As regards the geographical names occurring in the grant, Vahaula, which was the headquarters of the division consisting of eighty-four villages including the donated village, may be identified with Vahora, a village about 4 miles south-east of Bhilodia, the find-spot of the plates, in the Baroda State. The village Charmmanihauha, where the donee was residing, is probably identical with Chamarwara, about midway between Bhilodia and Vahora, and the donated village Usaunaka with Wasan, about 2 miles north-east of Chamarwara. Both Chamarwara and Wasan are on the right bank of the Hiran river which is a tributary of the Orsang. 11 The Gauda country from where the donee came is obviously the eastern part of Bengal. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 180; ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 197. 2 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 68. * Noticed by Diskalkar, J. B. B. R. A. S. (N. S.), III, p. 187. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 212. 5 Above, Vol. IV, p. 332. 6 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 217. ? Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 156. 8 Above, Vol. II, p. 53. Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 145. 10 Above, Vol. I, p. 53. u I am obliged to Prof. Mirashi for the identification of Charmmanihauha and Uganda

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za EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI TEXT [ Metres :-Vv.1,7, 13, 16, 18, 20 and 21 Anushtubh; vv. 2 and 4 Arya ; vv.3 and 19 Upajati; vv. 5, 6, 9, 10, 11 and 15 Vasantatilaka; vv. 8 and 17 Indravajra; v. 12 Sardulavikridita ; v. 14 Vamsastha; v. 22Salini.] First Plate 1 bhoM' pAsonmurArisaMkAzaH kRSNarAjaH piteH patiH / [amameyavasorhAtA] sAcAdharma 2 ivApara: // 1 // *] zubhatu tuGgaturagaprahAreNUI sAravikiraNa (Nam) [*] paupi na 3 bho nikhilaM prAhadAlAyate spaSTa (STam) // 2 // *] tasyAtmajaH zrIdhruvarAjanAmA mahA nubhAvo 4 prahatapratApaH // 1) prasAdhitAzeSanarendracakra: krameNa bAlAvapurba (mI) [bhUva] [] 5 zazadharakaranikaranibhaM yasya yazaH suranagAgrasAnusthaH [*] parigauya[te samantA]6 vidyAdharasundarInivahai: // [4] tasyApyabhUvanamArabhRteH samartyaH pA7 opamaH pRthumamAnaguNo guNanaH [*] durvAgvairivanitAtulatApareta8 govindarAja iti sUnurinapratApaH // [5 // "] yasa prabhozcaturacArau [dAra 9 korterAsadivAvirupamasya pituH sakAzAta // 0) satsvapyanekatanaye* 10 Su guNAtirekAnmUhabhiSicanRpasammatamAzu rAjya(nyam) [n*] racatA ye11 na ni:zeSaM caturambhodhisaMyutaM(tam) (0) rAjyaM dharmeSa lokAnAM katA tuSTiH pa12 rA idi [7n*] bhAtA tu tasyendrasamAnavIryaH zrImAn bhuvi bhApatirindra'13 rAjaH [0] zAstA babhUvAitakIrtiratiittalATezvaramaNDalastra // [8 // *] ya14 sthAnamAtrajayinaH priyasAhasasya mApAlaveSa. Second Plate; First Side 15 phalameva babhUva sainyaM (1) mukkhA(lA) ca sarvabhuvane16 varamAdidevaM nAvandya(nda)tAndhamamareSvapi yo mana 1 From original plates and impressions. 'Expressed by a symbol. Restored from Kapadvanaj plates of Krishna II ; above, Vol. I, p. 52. *Read charurarudara-.

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PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA; SAKA 732. tshufl / 2bd:, * : | 7i n / 1:|:k]]gdg 'gg4081agpg 2 nu 7* 180727 / rdz-dsgye:34749tp 'i- 4ketsangphyh1:|:499a483. dp8eDdegttaa, tr 5ji 6. 8 (82 A} 41 nyi-<< d- ) 11:23::/ d?41211 6 1 >9 / 8 22:.3 spyjc1 21's s 7 8:g94 o / Skyr<< [ 1.y+g gs - it s @ k P $ | / P7:4-nfttsn / ] 37 18py 10 =4J83) F8%ge 1:1l / du?jit 54ay 10 sk6 8:3:i12Jtsh85915&j '8@s" spyi: / 126 7 / byshd]]p / 9 / :Qk$ du 37yi32 12 }{1? E: waa?a8188?pi gyi * / 7tsh snyno / | } / 14 spy / 3 E 33 : - 2: 1: 22.2 1 :14 + 2g betso2 a - tsh98j... - nugm4nyin / 16 * 160nyi nyi audttaa7)g groys3 ny16 39 71 J / / n-91-1-1 gif y3117degjjp4] / 'gpoati51 / jes 927)js/zSgis 15 SAJ ngrs95::|:k?8 >>22@7 skye / 96in)dzti 90 211 J56 334: lhttaays-99 320 55' m3:1 ket / 21 nu :48 3:|| tshe 15:34p / sku- 22 05 : 3 g- tjjny4 35:spydv$y 2lng-n 122 24 J1%8J-39y2c1:|:334:spyey / 1224 :2339 ja:: tse 1,r::- :wty 35<<331:11: 28 1 193 / sm1: / '''8:; frx83 n knaaitstshi / 20 :1 3 at 3 1 30 ny 1R Au9 mne 21 / :;ffi|331 bon- 3ujs3;po / / c59 Page #325
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No. 34] PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA 253 17 kho [2] padyApi yA surakivarasidha] sI(sA)dhvavidyAdharAdhipatayo gu18 papakSapAtAt // (1) mAyanti kundakusamathi yazo yathA svadhAmasthitAH 19 sahacarIkucadattahastAH // [10 // *] sUnurbabhUva khalu tassa mahAnubhAvaH 20 zAstrAya'bodhasukhalAlitacittavRttiH [0] yo gauNanAmaparivAramu21 vAha pUrva zrIka:rAjasabhagavyapadeza succaiH [11 // ] rAjye yasya na tasvara22 sya vasatiphdheH prasUtima'tA durbhi(bhi)vaM na ca vinamasya mahimA nevo23 pasargodbhavaH [*] kSINaH zatrugaNaH pratApavinatA(to)yeSArivarmAstathA no 24 vi[6]tparipanthinI prabhavatI(ti) krUrA khalAnAM matiH // [12 // *] bahaSasthonujastasya saivi25 taH satataM budhaiH [*] [govindarAjo bhUpAlaH sAkSAcchabhurivAparaH / [1 // "] phalonmukhairApatitairvidUrataH 26 samaM samantAhuNapakSapAtibhiH [*] mahAhave dAnavidhau ca mArga kuNDi] [yasya sadaiva 27 mAnasaM [14 // "] antaHsthitezvarazirodhRtarAmacandra-'namudhAratavibhAvita[savamUrtiH?] [*] lo28 kasya niitikaraH spRhaNIyamA jAtaH sadAmRtamayatvaguNena yaba [1] [sa paramezva-] 29 : samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahAsAmantAdhipata(ti)prabhUtavarSazrIgovindarAjadevaH sarvA]30 neva bhAvibhUmipAlAnsamanubodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM / yathA mayA mAtA[piborAmama-] 31 ca puNyayazobhivRSye // aihikAsubhikaphalAvAptyarthaM carmanihI ha?]grAma[vAstavya] Second Plate ; Second Side 32 gauDadezAdAyAtAyasagoSacchandogasabrahmacAri[bAmaNabhobhikAya [bhajayapuvA] ISee above, p. 250, n. 1. *One akshara is illegible here, of which the subscript yya is seen on the plate. (I would read Schyotat-oudharoes.-B.C.C.] Only faint traces of the words in the brackets can be seen on the plates, (The portion possibly reads sa che Lajerva.-B. C. C.] Only faint traces of these words are seen on the platos.

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94 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXVI 33 ya balicasvaigyA(ba)devAgnihotrA(ca)nAtukriyAyusa(sa)ppaNAtya vAhAlacaturatho tyantargata _ - - - 34 usauNakagrAmaH sahiraNyAdAna: sabhogabhAgaH sadaNDadazAparAdhaH sa(sva)[saumAparyantaH] 35 samastarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSepaNIyo bhUmicchidranyAyenAdya mahAvezA[khyAmudakA-] 36 tisargeNa pratipAditI yatosya bhujato ga kaividyAsace pravartitavya(vyama) / AgAmi bhadra]37 [pa]tibhirapyamityAnyaikharyAsyasthiraM mAnuSyaM sAmAnyaJca bhUmidAnaphalaM tadapaharaNe pA. 38 paJcAvagacchanirayamasmahAyonumatta(ntavyaH paripAlayitavyaca [*] tathAcoktaM purANamaharSi]39 [bhiH // bahubhirvasa[dhA] bhuttA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiryasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya 40 [tadA] phala(lam) [1] uktaJca bhagavatA vedavyAsena vyAsena // agnerapatyaM prathamaM suvarNa 41 bhUi~NavIsUryasutAca gAvaH [1] lokAstrayastena bhavanti dattA yaH kAJcanaM gA42 ca mahocca dadyAt // [17 // *] sarveSAmeva dAnAnAmekajanmAnugaM phala(lam) (0) hATha(Ta)kapiti43 gaurINAM saptajanmAnuza (ga) phala (lam) [18 // *] yAnIha dattAni purA narendra (I)nAni dharmAyata44 noktaaniH(ni|) nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarA dadau]45 ta [1en*] SaSTiM varSasahasrANi stroM tiSThati bhUmidaH // () AcchettA [cAnu-] 46 mantA ca tAnyeva narale vaset // [20 // "] vibhyATavauSvatIyAsu za[Ska-] Third Plate 47 koTaravAsinaH [*] cyAyobhijAyante 48 bhUmidAyApahAriNaH // [21] uttaca bhagavatA rAmabha I Probably two akaharas preceded the word Usaunaks. (The original seems to read vArasaucaka-C.R.K.j find aparAdibhiH / yasya yasya After this the soribe wrote the wory but subsequently cancelled it.

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No. 35] RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE (KALACHURI] YEAR 915 255 49 hou o gafaarattaa: una mena a 42 ora 50 TAHE: [1*] warnt aggurat e aria uretant51 wafa: [720*] Ferite fare tue afe52 Pirulagte mi farfegagna situat 53 [#]yraffaufilluargaagaafar Taquar54 [at]ataxia opp an[*] age o TRANSLATION (Lines 28-36.) And now the king Sri Govindaraja alias Prabhutavarsha the Paramisvara, the overlord of the feudatory kings, who has acquired (the right to the use of all the (five) musical instruments, commands all the future kings : "Be it known to you (all) that, for the enhancement of the religious merit and renown of Our parents and Ourself, in this world and the next, the village Usaunaka situated in the Vahaula (sub-division of eighty-four (villages), has been granted (by U8) with libation of water, on the Maha. Vaisakhi day, for the performance of the rites such as Bali, Charu, Vaisvadeva, Agnihotra, Kratu, etc., to the Brahmin Bhobhika, son of Bhatta Jaya, of the Atri gotra, a religious student of Samaveda, residing in the village Charmmanihauha, an immigrant from the Gauda country, with all the assessments and the proceeds of the punishments for) faults and ten offences, limited by the boundaries of this village), without any interference from the royal officers, according to the customs of the cultivable and uncultivable lands (bhumi-chchhidra-nyayena), in which, while being enjoyed, nobody should cause any hindrance." (Lines 51-54.) This is the sign-manual of the illustrious Govindaraja himself, son of the illustrious Indrarajadeva. This charter has been written by me, Jajjulla, son of Padmanabha, the officer in charge of war and treaties. (Dated this) the seventh (day) of the dark half of the month of) Vaisakha when sovon hundred and thirty two years had elapsed since the time of the Saka king. No. 35.-RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF PRITHVIDEVA II; THE [KALACHURI] YEAR 915 By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M. A., NAGPUR This inscription was brought to notice as early as 1825 by Sir (then Mr.) Richard Jenkins who published a short account of it in the Asiatic Researcher, Vol. XV, pp. 504-5. It has since 1 An ornamental device precedes the dandas. * There is a sign after va, which cannot he taken for that of 6. Read . * There is a blank space for one akshara after . * Jenking' account of this record was based on the report of his assistant Sastrt Vinayakrao Anandrao Aurangabadkar who examined this and some other records at Sirpur, Raipur and Ratenpur. The mantiscript of his report written in the Modl characters is still preserved in the India Office Library, London. An autograph copy of it was kindly supplied to me by the Librarian, Dr. H. N. Randle. As shown below, the report is incorrect in several places,

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356 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI been referred to twice in this journali by Dr. Kielhorn and has also been briefly noticed by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar. It is edited here for the first time from the original stone which is now preserved in the Central Museum, Nagpur. According to a manuscript history of Ratanpur, the stone bearing this inscription was discovered within the Badal Mahal' of the fort at Ratanpur, 16 miles north of Bilaspur in the Bilaspur District of the Central Provinces. More than 75 years ago one Reva Ram Kayastha of Ratanpur prepared a transcript of the inscription for the Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces, which is now included in the aforementioned MS. history of Ratanpur. The stone was then apparently in a state of good preservation, for Reva Ram's transcript has no lacunae. It has since then suffered in a most deplorable manner especially in the middle of lines 5-35 where from 3 to 39 aksharas have been lost in each line. Lines 13 and 14 have been completely effaced except for a few aksharas at one end. In the extant portion also, several letters here and there have become partly or wholly illegible. Unfortunately Reva Ram's transcript affords little aid in such places, as it is full of inaccuracies, judging from the extant portions of the record. A patient examination of the original has enabled me to prepare the subjoined transcript from which it is possible to form & general idea of the whole record. The inscribed portion measures 2' 91' broad and l' 91' high and contains 36 lines. The characters are Nagari. The medial diphthongs are shown by prishtha-matras; is still without a dot, see, e.g., bhririga-, 1, 2; the rare jh occurs in jhamkritain, 1. 24 and jhamkara, I. 27; the upper loop of th is not open, see pratyarthi-prithvipatau, 1. 20; in its subscript form the letter is still laid on its side, see pantha-, 1. 24; finally, dh has not yet developed a horn on che left, see dharadharana, I. 2. The language is Sanskrit. Except for om namah Sivaya in the beginning and the date at the end, the whole record is metrically composed. It contains 45 verses, all of which seem to have been numbered. The orthography does not call for any notice except that the consonant following is generally reduplicated and v is throughout used for b. 1 Above, Vol. 1, p. 33 and Vol. V, Appendix, p. 60, n. 1. Second ed., pp. 127 ff. This is also probably the inscription mentioned by Cunningham's assistant, Beglar, in A. 8. I. R., Vol. VII, p. 215, though he says that it is dated a 979; for his description of it fits the present record. The centra of the slab which is a large one', says he is worn quite smooth; it opens with an invocation to Siva. * Jenkins also says that the stone was within the fort of Ratanpur, near the Badal Mahal' (Asiatic Researcher, Vol. XV, p. 505). Beglar, however, was told by some people at Bilaspur that the slab originally cane from Dhangaon (i.e., Dhanpur, now & village in the Pendra Zam indari in the Bilaspur District, which contains several ruins). If the object of the inscription was to record the gift of a village in honour of Siva under the name Somanatha, installed at Kumarakota (see vv. 36-39), the inscription may have been originally put up at that place and later on removed to Ratanpur. * Drug District Gazetteer (1909), p. 47. This is referred to below as the Ratanpur MS. Jenkins' account of the contents of this inscription which was based on the report of Aurangabadkar is equally incorrect; for accordi ng to him the present inscription contains a list of nine Rajas in the order of succes. sion from father to son, including the one by whose order the inscription was engraved. Aurangabadkar's MS. mentions five of these, viz., Prithvipa la, Brahmadeva, Rudradeva, Prithvideva and Srideva. The extant portion shows the names of Prithvipala, Brahmadeva and Prithvideva only. The other names seem to be due to mislection, for they do not occur in the manuscript history of Ratanpur algo. Further, Jenkins speaks of Prithvideva as a fortunate king who in his old ago resigned his kingdom called Kosaladesa to his son. This is evidently an in. correot interpretation of verse 21 of the present inscription. What the verse really means is that Prithvideva, who is identical with the Kalachuri king Prithvideva II of Ratanpur, called Brahmadeva to his capital and entrasting the government of his kingdom to him, led a life free from oute.

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No. 35] RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE (KALACHURI] YEAR 915 257 The inscription is one of Brahmadeva, a feudatory prince of Prithvideva II of the Kalachuri dynasty of Ratanpur. The object of it is to record the religious and charitable works of Brahmadeva at several places. It is dated in Samvat 915 (expressed in decimal figures only) of an unspecified era. This date must of course be referred to the Kalachuri era. The year, if expired, would correspond to A.D. 1163-64. This is the last known date for Prithvideva II, for the next certain Kalachuri datel 919 belongs to the reign of his successor Jajalladeva II. The inscription opens with the customary obeisance to Siva, which is followed by three verses invoking the blessings of the deity. The next verse describes Sesha, the lord of serpents. Verses 5-8 eulogise the Talahari-mandala which is called an ornament of the earth. Then begins a description of the family of Brahmadeva who put up the present record. His father Prithvipala is eulogised in verses 9 and 10 as a very valiant and famous personage. His son Brahmadeva was the foremost of the feudatories (mandalik-ograni), evidently, of the Kalachuri king of Ratanpur (v. 11). The next nine verses (12-20) describe his valour, handsome form, learning and charity. The only point of historical interest mentioned in the extant portion is that he obtained a victory on Jatesvara who is evidently identical with the homonymous son of Anantavarman-Chodaganga. We are next told that Prithvideva, the lord of Kosala, called him from the Talahari-mandala and entrusting the government of his country to him obtained peace of mind (v. 21). This Prithvideva is evidently the second prince of that name in the Kalachuri dynasty of Ratanpur. The next eighteen verses (22-39) describe the benefactions of Brahmadeva. He constructed a temple of Dhurjati (Siva) at Mallala and excavated a tank evidently at the same place. The religious merit of the former he assigned to his lord Prithvideva. Besides these, be built ten shrines of Tryambaka (Siva) and dug two lotus-ponds at some place the name of which is lost. At Varelapura he constructed a grand temple of Srikantha and at Ratnapura he built nine shrines of Parvati. At the latter place he excavated also a large step-well and two tanks, one on the north and the other on the south of the city. Several other religious and charitable works of Brahmadeva are next mentioned, viz., a tank at the village Gothali, a temple of Dhurjati at Narayanapura, tanks at Bamhani, Charauya and Tejallapura, a temple of Siva at Kumarakota and a mango-grove as well as a charitable feeding-house evidently at the same place. Verse 39 records that he donated the village Lonakara to the god Somanatha who is probably identical with the deity installed in the temple at Kumarakota. The next two verses (40-41) are devoted to the description of Anantapala of the Gauda lineage, who was a keeper of records, and his son Tribhuvanapala who composed the present prasasti. Then are mentioned the scribe Kumarapala and the engravers Dhanapati and Isvara (vv. 43-44). The prasasti closes with a verse expressing the hope that the kirtti (evidently the temple of Somanatha at which the present prasasti was originally put up) may last for ever. Brahmadeva, the chief of the Talahari-mandala was at first a feudatory of the Kalachuri king Prithvideva II. He seems to have taken a leading part in the defeat of Jatesvara alias 1 Hiralal read the date of the Amoda plates of Jajalladeva II (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 209 ff.) as 912, but ht: reading of the third figure of it is probably incorrect in view of the date of the present inscription which belongs to the reign of his father Prithvideva II. Kumarapala belonged to the race of Sahasrarjuna from whom the Kalachuris also traced their descent. He is mentioned as the scribe in some other records also, viz., in the Ratanpur stone inscription of Prithvideva II, dated V. 1207, (above, Vol. 1, pp. 45 ff.) and Mallar stone inscription of Jajalladeva II, dated K. 919 (ibid., Vol. I, pp. 39 ff., etc. He had also considerable poetic talent ; for he composed the Sheorinaravan stone inscription of the reign of Jajalladeva II, dated K. 919 (Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1242) and the Kharod stone inscription of Ratnadeva III, dated K. 933 (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 159 11.). XVI.1-5

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258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA We know from several records1 that Kamarnava, the son of Anantavarman-Chodaganga. Chodaganga invaded the Kalachuri kingdom and suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Ratnadeva II, the father of Prithvideva II. But that Jatesvara also attempted a similar invasion which met with the same fate is not so well known. The defeat of Jatesvara is mentioned in one other record only, viz., in the Kharod stone inscription of Ratnadeva III. Unfortunately the verse in that record which describes this event is partly mutilated, but my personal examination of the record in situ has yielded the further details that Jatesvara was made captive by Prithvideva II. Verse 17 of the present record which describes Brahmadeva as well known for imprisoning a mighty foe may refer to the same event. Brahmadeva afterwards became Prithvideva's trusted minister and was entrusted with the government of the whole kingdom. [VOL. XXVI As for the localities mentioned in the present inscription, Mallala is evidently modern Mallar, 16 miles south-east of Bilaspur. Varelapura or Barelapura is Barela, 10 miles south of Ratanpur. Narayanapura and Bamhani still retain their old names; the former is situated on the Mahanadi in the Raipur District, while the latter is 4 miles north by east of Akaltara. Rai Bahadur Hiralal identified Kumarakota with Kotgadh', but from some other records" the old name of the latter appears to have been Vikarnapura. Gothali, Charauya and Tejallapura cannot now be traced, but the last of these may have been situated not very far from Sheorinarayan, for it seems to have been founded by Tejalladeva, a Kalachuri prince of a collateral branch, who is mentioned in an inscription at Sheorinarayan. Finally, Talahari-mandala is probably identical with the ancient Taradamsaka-bhoga mentioned in the Mallar plates of Maha-Sivagupta. It is highly glorified in the present inscription probably because Mallar and other places where Brahmadeva constructed his religious and charitable works were included in it. It seems thus to have comprised the southern portions of the Bilaspur and Janjir tahsils and the northern portion of the Raipur District. TEXTR [Metres Vv. 1, 4-6, 11-17, 19, 21, 22, 28, 31, 37, 38, 40 and 45, Sardulavikridita; vv. 2, 3, 9 and 20 Sragdhara; vv. 7 and 26 Malini; vv. 8, 10, 18, 24, 29 and 43 Vasantatilaka; v. 23 Mandakranta; vv. 25, 27, 32-36 and 39 Anushtubh; v. 30 Giti; vv. 41, 42 and 44 Arya.] 1 [siddhiH"] oM namaH zivAya // yathAmI [karaku* ]mbhasannibhakucadvaMddasya ratyutsava kroDAneha zailarAjaduhiturvvakAravindasya ca 1 ni:pa (niSpa) ryAyadidRkSayeva netratrayaM sa zreyAMsi samAtanotu bhavatAmanducUDA bhagavAndhatte 4. 1 See, e.g., above, Vol. I, p. 40 and p. 47; Vol. XXI, p. 163 and Vol. XXIII, p. Above, Vol. XXI, p. 163. I read the last quarter of verse 9 of this record as karagara-nivasi-va(ba)ndishu pital. Above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 120. * From the original stone in the Central Museum, Nagpur, and inked estampages, Expressed by a symbol, ER - dharam(?) pra See his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (second ed.), p. 127. The name of the place is not Kotapattana as stated by Hiralal, but Kumarakotapattana. A stone inscription which was originally found at Kotgadh and is now at Akaltara (Bhandarkar's List, No. 1585) records the construction of a tank and a temple of Revanta by Vallabharaja, another feudatory of Ratnadeva II and Prithvideva II. Another stone inscription of the same feudatory found at Ratanpur, while enumerating the benefactions of Vallabharaja, mentions the same tank and temple of Revanta as situated at Vikarnapura. This shows that Vikarnapura was the ancient name of Kotgadh. Is Kumarakota identical with Dhangaon See above, p. 256, n. 3. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1242.

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No. 35 ] RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE (KALACHURI] YEAR 915 259 2 [maNi:*] // 1 // ya[tka]NTho bhUti - -1 [dha*]valaparisaraH kajjalandIvarAlIbhRGgazreNI ndranIlopalagavalatamaHstImalakSmIviDamvI(mbI) / bhAti prAleyabhUbhRtkaTakataTa iva zyAmalanAMvu(bu)bhArAptI dhArAdhareNa prabhavatu / ' 3 [bha]vatAM sa thiye nIlakaNThaH // 2 // vra(ba)odropada]caMdradyumaNikulagirimAsamudrAdirUpai okaM saMkrAntavi(bi)mba(mba) nakhamukuratale yatpadAmA(mA)gulaunAm / dRSTvA zaileMdraputrau pariNayasamaye vismayaM prApa lajjAnamrIbhUtAna4 neduH sa haratu duritaM pArvatIvallabho vaH // 3 // yatkroDe jaTharaikakoTarakuTIvizrAnta vizvazciraM lakSmIpANisarojalAlitapado nidrAti nArAyaNaH / kiJcAnekaphaNAmaNi vyatikarai ratnAkaratva dadhAvambhI5 dhirbidadhAtu zarma jagatAM zeSaH sa bhogokharaH // 4 // utphullAMbu(bu)ru he[:] [saro bhirabhito guJjahirephairvRtaM] - - - pavanolasatkadalikArociSNubhirbhUSitam / . udyAnaiH kalakaNThakUjitabharavyAkaSTapuSpAyudhaira6 sti zrItalahArimaNDalamidaM vizvambharAbhUSaNam // 5 // unmIlanavanI[lanIraja] - - - - -- ---- --- - [vAcAla]-* disaNDale / saGgItidhvanipUrNakA]i kuharairadhyApakaiH kautukAdantevA7 sigaNasva yatra paThato nAvadyamAkarNyate // 6 // iha phaNipati ----- - --Uuuuuu - - - - - - - / bhramati yazasi zubhre yasya viSvakcakorAH zazadharakaravu(bu)yAdyApi dhAva 8 nti sotkAH // 7 // yahATake jhaTiti dhUma tiH spRzantI vyomAGgaNe] . UU-U--I-- -UUU-U - U thAlokitA jaladajAladhiyA dhvanadbhiH // 8 // pRthvIpAlastatIbhUtkaratalaka The missing aksharas may have been charcha. 2 This danda is superfluous. * The Ratanpur MS. reads gunjad-dvireph-avalir=amr-adeh pavan-ollasat which makes no good senso. Perhaps the original reading was e-amr-ady-opavan-ollasat. * The Ratanpur MS. furnishes here the fairly satisfactory reading vana-srauyam (syandan-) maranda-sprihabhramyad-bhuri-madhuvral-ali-vitatam (virutair)=vachala-din-mandale. The mising aksharas can be supplied with the help of the Ratanpur MS. s rakanaiha-karpura-para-pra chura-rajata-ratah-kshira-har-adik-abha.

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260 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI 9 litaka[khagA]hatAnAM saMgrAme kaMdharAbhyo ripudharaNibhujA[mutpata] -~-- / - jyoti: kSaNAI nayati nijatanuM pAtrAtAM] bhaurutAyA: // 8 // yasyAsipA10 tadalitArikArI]ndrakumbhapIThocchaladimalamauktika[zana] hArA / - - - - - - v-uv-u----u-uuu-u - u -1 // 10 // [krIDAmandiramiMdugaurayazasAM sau(zauryasya vizrAmabhUH suunurmaanndd| likAgraNIH samajani zrIva(brahmadevastataH / [nistri]zAhatavIra vairivanitA] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ---- [ // 11 // "] [saMgrAme] hatavIravairiniva haihe vobhavadbhidrutaM kurvANA yudhi saMkathAM pathi mu12 hurbAkokasAM saGgatAH / nAkAladhvanatobhirAmaramaNA ------- -- - - - -- -- - - - - [ // 12 // *] - - - - - - - - limadaH zrIma]pti hoyataH prodyacakradharo dijAtidayito 13 bhogiprakANDasthitiH / unmola[va] - ---vu-u-uuu ---- -- - [12 pull -u -u-uuu---u-- - -- -uu-u-uuu -|- --vu-u-uuu --- --- ----uv-v-uv---- - - - [ // 14 // *] - - - - rajaTala[zyAmAMzakA] kAntimatsAndrasphArapayodharA na15 varatA yena priyA svAkkatA / rAgAtkozamapAsya -- - -- --- -- ----vu-u-uuu--cu-cu - [ // 15 // *] - - [khagalatAbhighA tataDiti []dhyahiSamaNDalIkaNThoDacchadasUkpravAhaniva hai :saM | - -- ) - The Ratanpur MS. reads the second half of this verse askirttir=bhuvain(ri) gagana-mandalam=avikarturin kinti (kranta ?) tadid-dhavala-kantir=iraranaya(?) The Ratanpur Ms. reads the following seven aksharas as simanta-chandr-ambuda[h*] which may be correct; but the reading of the fourth pada cannot be restored. | The Ratanpur Ms. reads samlipa-nuch a chandramah. This bears no relation to the aotual text which is quite clear here. This clearly shows the unreliability of the readings in the MS.

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No. 35 ] RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE (KALACHURI] YEAR 915 261 16 care sa[]ra / yenAkramya ja[Tekha]rI' ripuTapa[:] [krU]ra --- --- -- - --- -- --- ---- [16 // *] - -- - -- [ritamaH] stome sahasradyutiH pradyumnaH pramadAjane [suraguruH samyaggirAM nirsaye // (1) 17 vikhyA[to va(ba)]livairiva(ba)ndhanavidhI kRSNo na kRSNadyutiH - - - - - - u-uuu-----v _ [291*] - -ucu -~-~- dadhAnaH sattvapriyo ghanarasaprakarAbhirAmaH / labdho(bdho)vatiH prabhutayA'khilavAhi18 naunAM ratnAkarIyamapi nAzrayado jaDAnAm // 18 // ye lIlA - - - vu--- -- ----uv-u-uuu --- -- - / ye rAmoDatase tuvaM(ba)dharucirA yasya prace taHpurI nAronAbhinipItasindhupaya19 sa: kol dharAntAH zritAH // 18 // yadpAlokanotkAgata[varalalanAvakapaMkerahANa'] ------- [draviNavitaraNe yAcakAnAM nikAye / bhikSA dAnAya cAsmahuvanamayamitIvAmaraudhaiH praNutto rakSAyai hATa20 kATestaTabhuvamanizaM bhAskaro vaM(ba)bhramIti // 20 // prAnaute talahArimaNDalavarAcchI. kozala[svA][minA*] [pRthvI devAnarekhareNa paramapremNA guNAnAM nidhau / hastanyasta kapANapA[ta]nihatapratyarthipRthvIpatI yasminnarAjyadhuraM / samayaM paramA labdhA(bdhA) manonivRtiH // 21 // vAtA[ndolita] -[ja?] sa(za)tadalaprA layavi(biMdUpamA lakSmI -88 - - vilasitaprAyAJcasAvasthitim / [khadyotonmi]SitAnukAramavanIca[a] nRNAM yauva[naM] - -5 [pArjitabhUribhUti22 rabhajadyo dharmamevAdRtaH // 22 // kurbANAbhirjaga 8 ---- saptAzva sapte[:] khedakhedaM pavanavicalavaijayantIbhirAbhiH / teno - - pracurakumudAmodidikvAkavAle malAle'smin lavaladhavalaM dhUrjaTe[I]ma cakre // 23 // u 1 This historically important name is missing in the Ratanpur MS. which reads instead yudh-arvad (?) ripu. aripa! Aurangabadkar's account also makes no mention of this king vanquished by Brahmadera. The Ratanpur MS. reads the last pada of this verse as fyama yasya cha karnika kharatara sula yao nirm. lum. This may be adopted, but karnika, in the sense of an arrow, is neuter. Perhaps iyama yasya kriparika is the correct reading. * The aksharas in th bracket are supplied from the Ratanpur MS. They have left faint traces on the slab. * This royal name is missing in the Ratanpur M$. It is fairly clear on the original stone. -Restore laury-5. "Restore tphulla-.

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXVI ( 23 phulapAjakadamba(mba)virAjamAnaM paurAGganAstanataTaudalitoHimAlam / - - saro varamakAri - naurakhelammarAlakulasaGkalitaM [samantAt] // 24 // prAsAda sthA[sya] candrAM]zakundasundararociSaH / pRthvIdevanarendrAya puNyaM 24 puNyAtmane dadau // 25 // daza bhavanavarANi yamva(mba)ka[sthe]durocirvikacakumudakundasphA TikAdri -- / [aracayadalaghUni prauDhadordaNDalIlA] . . ---- -- -- // 26 // atraiva [payasi] - - - - [su*] kharajhAMkataiH / pAnyazrutipa25 thAhAdi cAru puSkariNIddayam // 27 // tenodAramakAri tatra pavanoddenatpatAkAkulaM zrIkaNThasya [sudhAMzadhAmadhavalaM] zrImaharelApure. / yatrAvAsamavApya cApyatitarAM tatyAja devazciraprA -- - maMvi(bi)kAparivRDhaH kailAsavAsamajhAm // 28 // 26 prAleyazailaduhituH kumudeMdukundanIhArahAralavalodhavalAni tena / sarvottamAni [pavanapraca latyatAkAnyamaMli hAni nava ratnapure katAni // 28 // krIDa[bagara]purandhraupInastana janitavIci vikSobhAm / vipulatarAmiha vApIccAkAra rucirAM 27 vicitrasopAnAm // 30 // vyAkocAvu(bu)japunaguJjadalinIjhaMkAravAcAlitaM khelarimarAla saMkulataTaM tenottarasyAM dizi / zrImadratnapurasya dakSiNadizi proddAmakAmAnanA - - - - - - - - ruciraM cakre taDAgahayam // 3 // goThAlo'nA28 ma[ni grA]me cAkA]ra sarasI zubhAm / animeSadRzAM vRndairdivamadhyAsitAmiva // 32 // sudhAMzadhavalaM [tatra dhUrjaTerdhAma] nirmitam / nArAyaNapure tena patAkolikhitAmva(mba)ram // 3 // akAri [sarasau] - ~~virAjitA / bhAratIva kathA tena va(ba)mhaNIgrAma29 sa vidhau] // 34 // carauyanAni vistauma grAbhe ramyaM sarovara(ram) / cakAra tejalapure ~ rAjitam // 35 // nirmitaM mandiraM ramyaM kumarAkoTapattane / tenaivAnyaM yazogazi[prakAzaM pArvatIpateH // 3 // tenaivAmbavaNaM' kRtaM ghanata Kestore ramyan. Restore prabhani. 3 The missing aksharas can be restored with the help of the Ratanpur MS. as snana-praskhalit-ambaran cla. * Aurangabadkar read this place-Dame as Godali and the Ratanpur MS. as Godhali. The aksharas are closely as read above. * The Ratanpur Ms. reads Sira-dhama-virajilam which may be correct. * Read te naivanvad. toud-anura-vayait.

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RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE [KALACHURI] YEAR 915 263 30 racchAyAnirastA[tapaM] pANiprApyaphalotkarairmadhurasaiH pAnyavrajaM prINayat / kUja[kokila] kAkalIvyatikaraprArabhyamAna[sma]raprauDhAjJAvidalanmanamvitaruNImAnagrahagranthikam // 37 // AkaNThaM vividhAnnapAnanivahe tyA manovA31 [Jchi]te rAzI - - - yasya satataM sace(tre) mahAsaci(tri)NaH / ityaM kArpaTikavrajana rabhasA -- [bhavandhArito dikka mukharokaroti va(ba)halaH kolAhalaH pratyaham // 38 // devAya somanAthAya [pu*]NyavAn / asau loNAkara] - -1 sa32 hyadAyaiH sa - // 3 // niyUMDha: kavipaddhatau dhuri satAM va(ba)dAspadaH santataM --- dhigamaprasAditamatiH sA - vAde sudhIH / AsohistutakIrtirakSapaTalaprAptapratiSThaH zriyAM] lIlAgAra - - pAlavivu(bu)dho gauDAnvavA33 yodbhavaH // 40 // vidhuriva dugdhapayodhaH prasAdhitAzaH kalAnidhitirAm / abhava[tribhuH vanapAlaH] pAlitasakaladdijastanujaH // 41 // ghanarasavatoM gabhIrAM svacchatarAM kavi vicAraramaNIyAm / sarasImiva prazastiM tribhuvanapAlo vyadhADivu(bu)dhaH // 34 // 42 // hArAvalaumiva suvRttaguNAM guNADhyAM kAntyAnvitAM ghanarasaprakarAM prazastim / - - - [kalAracitaprakarSaH] kautUhalAtkumarapAlavu(bu)dho lilekha // 4 // dhanapatinAnA vatinA zilpivaraNavareNa ca manojJA / utkIrNA pracurarasA pra35 zastiriyamakSarai ruciraiH // 44 // yAvanmaNDalamamva(mba) remva(mba)ramaNezcaNDIzacUDAmaNi candraH sAndrakarolkareNa kurute -- -- kalAm / yAvadakSasi cA. [sti] padmasadanA kaumodakIlakSmaNastAvatkIrttiriyaJcakAstu vizadA vizvambharAmaNDale // 4 // 36 samvat 815 [ // *] 1 Read gramasin * Read samanvitam. * The first two of the missing aksharas appear to be vela. Read ved-arth-adhigama. .P.ead sahitya * The first three aksharas of this name are damaged, but from Aurangabadkar's mention of Anantapila as the father of Tribhuvanapala, the aksharas can be restored as -maAnantar * . The missing aksharas can be supplied with the help of the Ratanpur Ms. agdya-vimadana. Eisowhere the name of this scribe appears as Kumarapala. The second akshara of the name is shorteau hore for the sake of the metre, following the adage: api mashain mashariakuryachachhando-bhaiganna taray it. - Read Sariseat.

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA TRANSLATION [VOL. XXVI Success! Om! Adoration to Siva! (V. 1) May the divine half-moon-crested (Siva) increase your welfare !--(he) who has three eyes as if because of his desire to see simultaneously, at the time of playful amorous enjoyment, the pair of gold-pitcher-like breasts and the lotus-like face of Parvati, the daughter of the mountain ! (V. 2) May that Nilakantha (i.e., Siva) grant you fortune!-(he) whose neck with a white surrounding on account of [the smearing of] ashes, imitating the beauty of collyrium, a row of blue lotuses, a line of bees, a sapphire, wild buffaloes and a mass of darkness, appears like the slope of a ridge of the snow-mountain, covered with a cloud, dark with the surcharge of water! (V. 3) May that lover of Parvati remove your sin !-seeing in the nails of whose lotus-like feet as in the surface of a mirror the reflection of the universe in the form of Brahman, Indra, Vishnu, the moon, the jewel of heaven (ie., the sun), the principal mountains, the earth, the oceans and other things, the daughter of the lord of mountains (Parvati), at the time of her marriage, was struck with wonder, her moon-like face being bent in bashfulness! (V. 4) May that lord of serpents, Sesha, grant happiness to the worlds!-(he) on whose lap tl:cre sleeps for a long time Narayana, in the unique cavity of whose belly as in a cottage there rests the universe and whose feet are caressed by the lotus-like hands of Lakshmi; and on account of the precious stones in whose numerous hoods the ocean came to be the store of jewels! (V. 5) This famous province (mandala) of Talahari is the ornament of the earth--which is surrounded on all sides by tanks with full-blown lotuses and humming bees and is adorned with gardens which appear beautiful with plantain trees shining [in the groves of mangoes and other trees] and to which the god of love is attracted by the excessive warbling of cuckoos. (V. 6) [In the Talahari province] where the regions are noisy [with the humming of bees hovering on] blooming, fresh, blue lotuses [in the desire for honey dripping from them], the teachers, the cavities of whose ears are, in admiration, filled with the musical sound, do not mark. the faulty (pronunciation) of crowds of pupils reciting (their texts). (V. 7) Here, while its fair fame, resembling the lord of serpents, [the moon, camphor-powder, silver, milk, pearl-necklaces and others], is roaming in all directions, the chakora birds even now eagerly fly (after it), mistaking it, for the rays of the moon. (V. 8) In the sacrificial enclosures in it, the line of smoke, as it speedily touches the expanse of the sky, is looked at by the peacocks which scream in joy, mistaking it for a multitude of clouds. (V. 9) Then there was born Prithvipala. From the necks of the hostile princes struck by him with the sharp sword grasped in his hand. . . . for half a moment subjects himself to apprehension. (V. 10) [Whose fame of bright lustre resembling lightning] and wearing a white necklace of spotless pearls scattered from the large, frontal globes of the best elephants of his enemies cleft by the strokes of his sword.... has gone from the earth to the region of the sky in order to divert itself. (V. 11) From him was born the illustrious Brahmadeva, the foremost of feudatories, the play house of fame white like the moon, (and) the resting place of valour,-(he) who is to the

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No. 35] RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE [KALACHURI] YEAR 915 265 parting line of hair of the wives of hostile warriors struck by his sword what a cloud is to the moon... (V. 12) [The heavenly damsels] gathering together again and again on the path of gods (i.e., in the sky) and conversing with crowds of host ile warriors killed on the battle-field as they speedily became gods. . . . . rumbling out of seasons. (V. 13)... like the man-lion, he is the best of men; like Achyuta (Vishnu) wielding his uplifted discus, he leads a victorious army; like Vishnu who is fond of the bird (Garuda) and reclines on the best of serpents, he is fond of the Brahmanas and lives in the company of the best of kings (or, Naga princes?) (V. 14) (This is completely effaced.) (V. 15) Who accepted a beloved clad in a black garment. . . . who had lovely, compact and large breasts, and who just then fell in love with him. . . . Taking off furiously the sheath (of his sword).... (V. 16) In the fight in which the strokes of his creeper-like sword appeared like (flashes of) lightning and in which it was difficult to move about on account of multitudes of streams of blood gushing forth from the necks of crowds of wrathful foes, he, having attacked the hostile king Jatesvara.... (V. 17) He is to his enemies what the sun is to a mass of darkness; he is Pradyumna to women (and) the preceptor of gods (i.e., Brihaspati) in the right judgment of speech; being well known for imprisoning (his) mighty (foe), he resembles Krishna (who in his Dwarf incarnation imprisoned Bali, but, unlike Krishna) he is not dark-complexioned. . . (V. 18) Though (like the ocean) he is. . . . dear to all creatures, appears charming with his great vitality (as the ocean does with its abundant store of water), has attained a supreme position by his command of all armies (as the ocean has by its lordship over all rivers), and is a receptacle of precious things (as the ocean is a treasure of gems), he does not (unlike the ocean which gives shelter to water) give refuge to dullards. (V. 19) The regions at the extremity of the earth. ... which appear beautiful with the magnificent bridge of Rama (and) those, the water of the ocean in which is absorbed by the navels of the women in the city of Varuna, have been resorted to by his fame. (V. 20) This [Brahmadeva, who is the sun to] the lotuses which are the faces of the excellent ladies who come out of eagerness to see his handsome form, [may come] to our world to give away wealth to supplicants in charity '-Being as it were urged by gods through such apprehension, the sun moves continuously round the regions on the slopes of the golden mountain (Meru) for its protection. 1 As the moon hidden behind a cloud is no more visible, so the parting of hair on the part of those ladies is no longer to be seen, they being too full of grief to attend to their toilet. There is a play on the words chakra meaning (i) a discus and (ii) an army, dvijati meaning (i) the bird Garada and (ii) a Brahmana, and bhogin meaning (i) a serpent and (ii) a Naga prince or an officer in charge of a Bhoga or Bhukti (sub-division). This may refer to the imprisonment of Jatesvara. There is contradiction here, since the prince Brahmadeva is said to be Krishna and still not to have the complexion of Krishna, but the contradiction is only apparent, the figure being Virodhabhasa. The regions in all the four directions were described in this verse. The first hemistich which described the northern and eastern regions is almost completely lost. The description in the second hemistich refers to the southern and western regions. The idea in this verse occurs also in verse 17 of the Mallar stone inscription, above, Vol. I, p. 41. XVI-1-5

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI (V. 21) Consigning the yoke of the government to him who, being a treasure of merits, had been brought over from the Talahari-mandala and who killed hostile kings with the strokes of the Bword grasped in his hand, the king Prithvideva (II), the lord of the famous Kosala country, obtained great mental happiness. (V. 22) [Seeing that) on the orb of the earth .... is like dew-drops on (the petal of) a lotus ..........shaken by the wind, that wealth is of unsteady duration resembling mostly the flashes [of lightning) and that men's youth imitates (in fickleness) the shining of the fire-fly, he who had acquired abundant wealth [by valour] exerted himself for piety. (V. 23) In this Mallala which renders the circle of regions fragrant with abundant [fullgrown] lotuses, he constructed a temple of Dhurjati (Siva) (distinguished) by these banners set in motion by wind, which remove the perspiration, caused by fatigue, of the horses of the sun. (V. 24) [And he constructed) a tank, which appears bea utiful with clusters of full-blown lotuses, the rows of the waves of which are broken by the protruding breasts of town ladies, and which in crowded on all sides with multitudes of swans sporting in water. ........... (V. 25) The religious merit of this temple, the splendour of which is beautiful like that of the moon's rays and kunda flowers, he assigned to the king Ptithvideva (II) of pious nature. (V. 26) He....... constructed ten large and beautiful temples of Tryambaka (Siva), [bright] like moon-light, full-blown night-lotuses, kunda flowers and the mountain of crystals (i.e., Kailasa). (V. 27) At this very place he [constructed] two lotus-pools which delighted the ears of travellers with the sweet humming (of bees) .....in water. (V. 28) He erected at the famous Varelapura, a temple of Srikantha (Siva), white like the lustre of the moon, and covered with flags fluttering in the wind; having received habitation in which, the god (Siva), the lord of Ambika, has given up completely his longing for living on Kailasa ...... (V. 29) By him there were built at Ratnapura nine cloud-kissing excellent temples of (Parvati) the daughter of the Himalaya, (which are) white like night-lotuses, the moon, kunda flowers, Bnow, pearl-necklaces and lavali (flowers and) the flags of which flutter in the wind. (V. 30) He made here a large and beautiful well, with wonderful steps, the waves of which were stirred by the plump breasts of town ladies sporting (in its water). (V. 31) In the northern and southern directions of Ratnapura he made two beautiful tanks which are rendered noisy by the buzzing of the swarms of bees humming on clusters of full-blown lotuses and the banks of which are crowded with numerous swans sporting (in their water). (V. 32) At the village named Gothali he made a pleasant tank which is occupied by crowds of fishes as heaven is by gods. (V. 33) He constructed at Narayanapura a temple of Dhurjati (Siva), white like the moon, which with ita flags scrapes the sky. (V. 34) He made * tank near the village Bamhani, which, like the story of the Bharata is .. . The wording of verse 28 may be taken to signify that the inscription originally came from Mallaln, but notice similar wording in V. 30. There is a play on the expression a-nimisha-dpis (lit., having unwinking eyes). It signifies (1) fishes and ti) gode. * The verse apparently containnd an expression which by means of double entendre described both the tank and the story of the Mahabharata,

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No. 35 ] RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE [KALACHURI] YEAR 915 267 (V. 35) He made a lovely large lake at the village called Charauya and [a beautiful temple of Siva) at Tejallapura. (V. 36) At the town of Kumarakota he made another lovely temple of (Siva) the husband of Parvati, resplendent like the mass of his own fame. (V. 37) He himself planted a grove of mango trees which with their very dense shade removes the heat (of the sun) and with its multitude of fruits reached by the hand, pleases travellers and where the knot of stubborn reserve of proud young ladies gives way at the imperious command of the god of love, which is begun (to be communicated) by the mingling sweet notes of the warbling cuckoos. (V. 38) Having partaken, to their hearts' content, of the various kinds of foods and drinks as desired in the charitable feeding house of the great sacrificer, such loud cries of pilgrims daily make the circle of regions resound, (viz.)........ (V. 39) To the god Somanatha the pious one granted [the village] Lonakara together with all taxes.......... (V. 40) There was the learned Anantapala of extensive fame, born in the Gauda lineage, who mastered the path of poets, who always secured a place at the head of good people, whose thoughts were rendered pure by his knowledge of the contents of the Vedas), who was clever in literary discussions, who attained renown in the department of records (and) was a play-house of fortune. (V. 41) (From him) was born Tribhuvanapala who gives shelter to all Brahmanas and who, being a treasure of arts, has (all) his desires completely fulfilled, even as from the milky ocean is produced the moon which, being the repository of digits, exceedingly adorns all quarters and maintains all (chakoru) birds. (V. 42) The learned Tribhuvanapala has composed this prasasti (eulogy) resembling a lake, - which is full of flavour (as a lake has abundant water), is profound (as a lake is deep) and clear and is pleasing to the thoughts of poets. (V. 43) The wise Kumarapala, who has attained excellence in learning and fine arts, has with eagerness written this prasasti resembling a necklace of pearls-which has the merit of (being composed in) good metres (as the necklace has that of having well-rounded pearls), which is rich in merits (as the necklace is in threads) and which (like the necklace) appears brilliant and is full of deep sentiments (as the necklace is possessed of great charm).* (V. 44) This pleasant prasasti, abounding in sentiments, is incised in beautiful letters by the skilful and best sculptors named Dhanapati and Isvara. (V. 45) As long as the moon, the gem of the sky and the crest-jewel of (Siva) the lord of Chandi, makes the orb (of the earth) white with its dense rays, as long as the lotus-dwelling (goddess of fortune) rests on the breast of the god who is distinguished by the mace) Kaumodaki (.e., of Vishnu), even so long may this bright temples shine on the orb of the earth! (L. 36) The Year 915. ! 1 There is a play on three expressiona bore which are intended to be construed with Tribhuvanapals and the moon. * The expressions in the first hemistich of this verao are on account of double entendre intended to be construed with the prabasti (eulogy) as well as with the hardvali (pearl-necklace). The text lua kirtti which means any work of public utility, calculated to render furious the name of the constructor of it'. See C. II., Vol. UI, p. 212, n. 6. It probably refers here to the temple of Samana na mationed in verses 36 and 39.

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [ Vol. XXVI No. 36-RAJGHAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA: V. S. 1197 BY KRISHNA DEVA, M.A., DELHI The record edited below consists of two copper-plates which were unearthed 5' below surface from an ancient mound at Rajghat in the northern outskirts of the city of Benares in the beginning of July 1940 in course of earth-work excavation by the East Indian Railway in connection with the project of the extension and remodelling of the Kashi railway station and the regirdering of the Dufferin Bridge on the Ganges. On receiving information of their discovery, Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, Director General of Archaeology in India, promptly acquired them from the railway authorities through Mr. S. J. P. Cambridge, Engineer-in-charge of the project. I am grateful to Rao Bahadur Dikshit for kindly according me permission and every facility to edit the plates which are now deposited in the Bharat Kala Bhavan, Benares. The mound from which the plates were recovered is situated immediately to the east of the Kashi goods yard. Though the actual findspot has been levelled down to a depth of about 8' below the top of the mound and abuts on the compound of the office of the said project, marking the middle of its northern boundary line, the continuation of the mound in the north, which is perched by some Muslim graves and a well, still stands intact and attests the original contour and height of the mound. An examination of the cutting of the mound revealed traces of old structural remains at the same level with the findspot of the plates, superimposed by a later concrete floor of perhaps the Muslim period. In view of the continued occupation in antiquity of the Rajghat site from the Sunga to the Gahadavala period, which has been proved by the subsequent excavations of the Archeological Department, it is quite likely that the plates were found from the Gahadavala stratum, if not actually from the house of the grantee of the charter. The set consists of two copper-plates, each measuring 15' x111". Their edges are fashioned thicker and raised into rims for the protection of the writing which is inscribed on one side only of each plate. They are held together by a circular ring which passes through a ring-hole of " diameter. The ring-hole is pierced through the middle of the bottom of the first plate and the top of the second. To the ring is affixed a circular seal, measuring 27" in diameter and bearing * within a thin circular border and concentric band of incised indentations, representations of flying Garuda in the upper field and the farkha in the lower, with the legend Srimad-Govindachandradevah, engraved in Nagari in the middle. The plates with the ring and seal weigh 551 tolas. The plates were found securely packed in a roughly fashioned sandstone box made of two similar carved trays put one above the other, each of which measures 24" X 18" X3". Originally the trays must have been held together by means of a string for which a number of grooves have been incised all along their outer edges. The inner recess of the stone receptacle was carved nearly to the size of the plates and a special projection with a deeply cut groove was provided in the middle of its width to accommodate the ring and the seal. The plates are in an excellent state of preservation and the execution of the writing is careful and elegant. Altogether there are 35 lines of writing of which the first plate contains 18 lines and the second 17 lines. The height of the letters is '. The characters of the inscription are Nagari and the language Sanskrit. With the exception of 9 verses in the beginning and 10 imprecatory and benedictory verses in the end, the rest of the record is in prose. Like other Gahadavala records, the first verse of this is introductory in praise of Lakshmi and Vishnu and the following eight are devoted to the eulogy of a succession of Gahadavala rulers ending with the donor of the grant.

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No. 36 ] RAJGHAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA: V. S. 1197 269 In respect of orthography the following points are worth noting : (1) B is invariably denoted by the sign for v, e.g., vahu-valli-vaddh- (1.9), =amvu (1.10), vabhramur= (1.11), Kanyakuvj(11. 12-13), vodhayaty- (1. 18), etc. (2) Sk has been wrongly substituted for kh in sesharam (1. 22) and kh for sh in garttokharah (1. 19). (3) S has been incorrectly used for fin yasah (1.3), Kasi (1.5), satasas= (1.6), -adisati (1. 18), visuddhah (1. 20), sasanam (1. 35), etc. and & for sin samdr(1. 10), tena pati (11. 16-17), sahasrani (1.28), vasundharam (1. 29), etc. (4) Combinations of consonants and nasals have been indiscriminately represented by either anusvara or a nasal of the same class, e.g., akunth-olkantha and arambhe (1.1), sankita (1. 6), mandale (1.8), mantri- (1. 16), etc., as against Mahichamdras= (ll. 2-3), narendrah (1. 10), Govimdachandra (1. 15), samplavam (1. 32), vindu (1. 33), etc. (5) A consonant following has very often been doubled, e.g., dor-vikramen-arijitam (1.5), -Oparijtta- (1. 12), sa-parnn- (1. 19), tarppayitva (11. 21-22), gokarnna (1. 23), purvvakam (1. 24), karmmanau and svargga- (1. 27), dharmmah (1. 33), etc., the few exceptions being havirbhujam (1. 23), setur=nripana (1. 34), etc. (6) Anusvara has been rightly changed into final m at the end of the metrical stanza in =arijitam (1. 5), phalam (1. 31) and samplavam (1. 32), but not at the end of the second quarter as in vasundharam (1. 29), arigula" (1. 31), etc. (7) Kaka pada sign has been used at the end of lines 9, 12 and 24 to show in each case that the last word could not be completed in that line and is continued in the next line. (8) Ornamental scroll patterns have been introduced between the dandas in lines 15, 26 and 35. Similar ornamental designs also occur in other Gahadavala records like the Sabeth-Maheth plate of Govindachandradeva (V. S. 1186). The donor of the grant is the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Paramamahes. vara Govindachandradeva, the Gahadavala ruler of Kanauj and Benares, of whom as many as forty-three records dating from V. S. 1171 to V. S. 1211 (A.D. 1114-1154) are already known. The present record repeats the draft of the other copper-plate grants of the ruler, the only new information which it yields being contained in the grant portion. The usual genealogy is given in verses 2-9 and again in lines 11-15. The date of the grant is recorded both in words and in decimal figures in lines 20-21 as Sunday, the Karttiki or the 15th day of the bright half of Karttika in the (Vikrama) Samvat 1197, which regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 27th October, A.D. 1140. This date is not of much interest us we already have a grant of the ruler dated in V. S. 1197.* The object of the grant is to record the gift of the village Bhadapa-Namdapa together with its patakas, in the Amavali-pattala to the Brahmin Bhatta-Antapanisarmman, of the Bharadvaja-gotra and the three pravaras, Bharadvaja, Angirasa and Vatsa, son of Bhammu and grandson of Jatanayiva. The gift was made by Govindachandradeva after bathing in the Ganges at Varanasi in the Adikasava-ghatta. The Chandravati plate of Chandradeva of V. S. 1156, which also refers to the god Adikesava, is the earliest record to mention the AdikesaVa-ghatta which is described as janita-Surasarid-Varan-aghamarshana," implying that it was situated on the sacred confluence of the Ganges and the Barna. The present situation of the Adikesava ghat exactly conforms to this description and it is interesting to note the close promixity of the ghat to the findspot of the present copper-plates. Two other Gahadavala 1 Above, Vol, XI, pp. 22 ff. See R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, pp. 369 ff. * Above, VOL. IV, p. 111. * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 198, 1.16.

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI records mention the Adikobava-ghatta' and three more the god Adikesava", whose shrine then, as now, was situated on the ghaf bearing the same name. But the earliest epigraphioal reference to this deity, probably the family deity of the Gahadavalas, is found in the following verse occurring in the Chandravati plates of Chandradeva of V. S. 1150%. haimAni yena maNibhiH khacitAnyanaye dattAni viSNuharaye ca vibhUSaNAni / kAzyAM vyabhUSayadanakasuvarsaraba fuifcagafaut: afat farag [ 1*] This gives us the valuable information that the image of Adikesava was installed by Chandradeva in or before V. S. 1150. It is true that the Kasi-Khandat of the Skanda-Purana contains references to Adikesava, but as the age of the work is uncertain and the references are purely of a mythological character, it does not help us to determine whether or not the shrine existed before Chandradeva's period. In the absence of any contradictory evidence, we shall be justified in presuming that Chandradeva was the builder of the Adikesava shrine, which comes into prominence only from the 12th century A.D. onwards. Fortunately the localities mentioned in the grant can nearly all be identified. Bhadapa, the first component of the compound name of the gift village Bhadapa-Nardapa, is the same as the modern Bhadaun village, which is hardly quarter of a mile to the west of Rajghat where the plates were found. The latter half of the compound, viz. Namdapa, is perhaps represented by Nadesar, situated in Benares Cantonment, about 2 miles further west. I am, however, unable to identify Amavali-pattala . This may be identical with the Amvuali-pattala, mentioned in the Benares plate of Jayachchandradeva of V. S. 1234", wherein it is described as Daivaha-pare, i.e., situated across the Daivaha (river). 1J.R.A.S., 1995, p. 787; J. A. S. B., Vol. LVI, Part I, p. 109, 1. 19. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 252; Above, Vol. IV, p. 119. 1.18 and p. 124, 1. 24. . Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 192 ff. For the verse see plate opposite p. 191, 1.6. It is strange that the editor of this record omitted even to transcribe some new and historically important verses occurring at the beginning of the record. Some of the verses are also found in the Chandravati plate of V. S. 1156, which is edited together with the former record. Among such verses are the following which throw light on the vexed question as to who the immediate predecessors of the Gabarlavalas were on the throne of Kananj: bhaasaud(she)ssnrnaathkiriittkottisNghttttitlsnmnnipaadpiitthH| praudevapAlanRpatista (svi)jagatpragautakuMdeMdudhAmahima karavakAntakauti: // [21] kAlena nAsa(za)matha tasya gatenvavAye doINDavikramahaThAjitakanyakuJjaH (mH)| kSAbIyamava ba(ba)hupavara thAnugamyamAnInati vijayate bhuvi bhUpavaMzaH // [*] tasminvaMze samutpannI yazovigrahamaMjJakaH / This Devapila is no doubt the honionymous chief of the Rasthtrakuta family, who has been eulogistically referred to in the Badaun inscription of Lakhanapala (above, Vol. I, p. 64, 1. 5). This further corroborates the view of Dr. Tripathi (Ristory w Kananj, p. 290) that a branch of the Rashtraktas ruled over Kananj immediately before the rise of the Gahadavalas. . Chap. 58, vv. 17 ff. Ini. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 139, 1. 20.

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No. 36] RAJGHAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA: V.S. 1197 m TEXT 1 [Metres: Vv. 1, 3, 10-16, 19, Anushtubh ; v. 2, Indravajra; vv. 4, 7, Sardulavikridita; vv. 5, 6, 8, 17, Vasantatilaka; v. 9, Drutavilambita ; v. 18 Salini.) First Plate 1 oM siddhiH // akuNThotkaNThavaikuNThakaNThapauThaluThalkaraH / saMrambhaH suratArambhe sa zriyaH zreyasestu vaH [1 // *] AsodazItadyuti2 vaMzajAtakSmApAlamAlAsu divaMgatAsu / sAkSAdvivasvAniva bhUridhAkhA nAvA yazovigraha ityu dAraH // [2 // *] tatsutobhUnma3 hocaMdrazca(ca)dradhAmanibhaM nijaM / yenApAramakUpArapAre vyApAritaM yasa.(za:) [3 // *] tasyAbhUttanayo nayekarasikA:*] krAntaviSama4 eDalo vidda(Da)stohatadhaurayodhatimiracIcaMdradevo nRpaH / yenIdAratarapratApasa(za)mitAzeSa prajopadravaM zrImahAdhipurAdhi5 rAjyamasamaM dorbikramaNArjitam [ // *] tIrthAni kAsi(zi)kuzikottarakozaleMdrasthAnI yakAni paripAlayatAbhigamya / hemAtma6 tulyamanisaM(zaM) dadatA hijebhyo yenAhitA vasumatI sa(za)tasa(za)stulAbhiH [5 // *] tasyAtmajo madanapAla iti kSitoMdracUDAmaNiji7 yate nijagotracaMdraH / yasyAbhiSekakalasozasite payobhiH pracAlitaM kalirajaHpaTalaM dharitrAH // [6 // *] yasyAsIhijayaprayA8 Nasamaye tujhAcaloccaizcalamAdyatkubhipadakramAsamabharavasya(zya)mahImaNDale / cUDAranavi bhivatAlugalitastyAnAsagudA9 sita: zeSaH peSavazAdiva kSaNamasau kroDe nilaunAnanaH [7 // *] tasmAdajAyata nijAyatavA(bA)huvaniva(ba)hAvAhanavarA-' From the original plates and estani pages. Expressed by a symbol. Ka in Kasi occurs below the line and was obviously added subsequently. * Almost all the other Gahadavila recorda substitute adhiganya for abhiyanye which have more the same thing. * The amuspara everywhere appears on the right of the medial sign but here it op gun on the im * The kakapada sign ooeurs here.

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219 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI 10 jyagajI nareMdraH / mAM(sA)drAmRtadravamucAM prabhavo gavA(vAM) yo govindacaMdra iti caMdra vAmbu(mbu)rAH [8 // *] na kathamapyalabhanta raNakSamAstisa11 bu dikSu gajAnatha vaSiNaH / kakubhi va(ba)namuranamuvallabhapratibhaTA iva yasya ghaTA gajAH [*] soyaM samastarAmacakrasaMsevitacara12 vaH // paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamamAhezvaranijabhujopArjitazrIkanyaku13 bA(mA)dhipatyazrIcaMdradevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamamAhezvarazrImada napAladevapA14 dAnudhyAtaparamabhahArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamamAhavarAvapatigajapatinarapatirAjacayA15 dhipativividhavidyAvicAravAcaspatizrImahoviMdacaMdradevI vijayI / / amavAlopattalAyAm / sapATaka18 bhAdapanAMdapagrAmanivAsino nikhisajanapadAnupagatAnapi ca rAjarAnIyuvarAjamantripurohita pratIhAraza(se)nA7 patibhANDAgArikAkSapaTalikabhiSamnaimittikAntaHpurikadUtakarituragapattanAkarasthAnagokulAdhi kAripuruSA18 nAnApayati vo(bo)dhayatyAdisa(ma)ti ca [*] yathA viditamastu bhavatA yathoparili khi[*]pAmaH sajalaskhala: salohalavaNAkaraH Second Plate 18 samasa(sA)karaH saparkhAkaraH sagaukha(ba)ra: samadhUkacUtavanaviTapavATikAvayUtigIcara __ paryantaH somAkI)dhacaturAdhATa20 vimu(za): vasImAparyantaH saptanavatvadhikaikAdasa(za)zatasamvatsare kArttikA ravidine pAtopi sambat 1187 kArtika su(za)di 15 A rakhI / poha zrImahArANasyAM zrImadAdikezavaghaDe vidhiva[5]GgAyAM khAtvA mantra deva __ munimanulabhUtapiDhagAMsta22 [pIyitvA timirapaTalapATanapaTumahasamuSNarociSamupaskhAyauSadhipatizakalazeSa(kha)raM samabhyarca cibhuvanacAtu Imakapada An ornamental pattern between two dundas occupies one inch of space bere. Between bhana and tam there is a gap marked by a danda at either end because of the interposition of the The reading sa-mala-akaran is also likely and will yield the same 030. ring-hole

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RAJGRAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA; V. S. 1197. R B I SIL (Oilano karasaramA jaratAroghayojanenura vAlI rabI tira 27 tAgatamAlAcAgatAsAjhAAritamAnitazatamAtA mAyAjAcAdara dIvAlmAyA namAra tabadamamA najAnatATA nAmakAjAvinayamAnamAtra nAyA nAyatavAsanazAnAlAmA 4navitAnA itanI gayotatimirazI navAdAvAmAnAdApa nagapUnAvAlAmavAzavapAlApaTyAmadAsa 4 hamasamAsAnikAmagatimAnAmAnisika zikAvazAla chAnAyakAnavApAna matAninagamohimA 63 lAmAna maMdira vAtAjabhogAyanAdinIta manApratama va lAlAnimA mAtA madanadhAnatidinAnuDAmagi6i yAnanisAnA udaya mAnisakA tAlAsAnAminimaNToniHpadAnitakalimATalatAta yAtAyAmAsAhitavapayA 8 samAya mAtAlA gala bAyana nAyanAtAsamanaranamA mahI mAratAbadAranAtannina nAnuganinanA nAma guna 8 sanAtarAditadA mAyA kAunilI mAnanA namavivATA nanitAnamanAitAlavadvAnahAnatarAla 10 gAnADa zodAma tadanaM sattAghAtAnAThAtA yogAviratatitakatAva pAzamAnakatAmapAnatantra rAgadAmAtra 10 diDAmA DAnatiniAmaka nAlitanamAramatavanapadilAtAmAtATAgaDAmAsATAsamantragatatakAsAjAtanavara 12TUTmanahArata mahArAjA tirAtAra merA paramamAhasa nitAtApAna yAtanA - 12 hAvitA bhanadAdatA dAnathAtasamale sAta maTArAtAtirAnAcA masaravara mamAhavazrAmadanavAladavA 14 CyA paramalaTArakamahArAjAvirArAmama.mAha rAvatagatavAtanAmayAjanA 14 vivivivAtimA tAnasAniyA nahoniMdanavAda totirAvAra sAyanatAlIma balAyAna maghATakA 16 lATunATa gAmAnatomi nAnirisalAnapadAnagavAnatijA tAjATAvarAtamaniyArAhi tannAtyAvahAnA 16 najArAmahI tA pAlanA jilAmititAna vitAvalAvaragavatra nAtA rAnAgAvAlAtakAvihAna 18 naAeTAnAcAvayavAdisanitaya mAnAdanama vanavAcAryazAvilAyAmaHjAnakulAvara latAgAtAra 18 samatAka yasamA zaMkara bhaga vatanati pavATikArAtiyota va zAhAta pAcAra namaHmamA mAtra samAnatI vAle tArAma gAnaM asatAkAnimAnitinamAnAcinakAlAtinAudA 20 jaTAzanahArA sAmanAditazatamataviktAhAyA mAtrAmAdalamAnananantratA ragata 22 yivAtimipaTalamaMTanapamahasanulAgAnibamamAyAjasatAniyata zivirasamtAvitatananA 22 vandavamApratAtinAsahavigAha nirvahanAmAnAtinA manApAyaugAlivAyAMgAtalAzala 24 nakAranAlAdatApratika ma mAninAmadAtAgA vATatAradAtajAhirAsatamati:pakSAkatanAdhita 24 pAvAyalA sunAyaTamagitamI bakSiNAyaviDakiyAvataoNjanAzatAvadAnAganArAmA dIyamAna 26 jagAlAgatarapAgakaradArapani nadiAyAnA vAtAniyA vayadAnA nA navanita 26 nAkAmiya dihAniyanatrapiyADasinatotA mAsaka nginiymnmaanit|g lagA 28 vasunaharA mAtaravAjAmadAnamAtinAnikalAmatatparatAvadhitAlayAnatijAtilAna, 28 nAtAbamavAvatAnAtana vAsanAdevi dalAtAyAhAranatalAsAviSThAyanitA 30 matAnAcagAnAsahazAbAjImaya natogIkATipradAnanatramiha nizAnAtalAlajavAba 30 bAjAla magarAdisyiya mAyadA milAjakhAnadArAlamAsatAnA tagA meM kAnamanapAnAmAvalA 32 maratA mAnAniyAtadAnamatamAtA tAlativamamidamalAvarotAmApatimAna mamAviSTA cAlnAmA: 32 mA ma talatiraprabhA nAgA nAmasAgaramAhAcAlA kAyAnAmahAnatAnAvanAtrAmavAlAnAbAna 34 yAgrAtAtagamalAmAvAgatamIlanAkAlatAlAmAla nAyAlavAvAsAdAgavatinAta34 yAzivAdilI tanAvamA he kAlamA masAjanamAnanikAditAvA sa mA N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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SBAL (From a photograph).

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No. 36] RAJGHAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA: V. 8. 1197 3 73 23 deivasya pUjA vidhAya haviSA havirbhuja ityA mAtApicorAmanava puskhayazobhi hAye gokAkuzalatA24 pUtakaratalodakapUrvaka'masmAbhiH bhAradvAjagopAya bhAradvAjAgirasavatmaviHpravarAyaH jatanA yiva25 pautrAya bhAMmuputrAya bhatapANisa(ga)rmaNe brANAyAcaMdrA yAvacchAsanovatva pradatto matvA yathAdIyamAna26 bhAgabhogakarapravaNikaraturuSkadAprabhRtisAdAyAnAnAtravaNA(Na)vidheyobhUya dAsvatheti / bhavanti cAca 27 puNyanokAH // bhUmiM yaH pratigrajAti yaca bhUmiM prayacchati / ubhau tau puskhaka ANI niyataM svargagAminau [10 // *] zaMkhaM bha28 drAsanaM ccha(cha) varAvA(khA) varavAraNAH / bhUmidAnasya cijJAni phalametatpurandara [11 // *] SaSThi (STiM) varSasahavA(mA)Si vane vasati bhUmi29 daH pAcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset / [12 // "] svadattA paradattA vA yo hareta vaza(sundharAM / sa viSThAyAM kvamibhUtvA [pi]30 bhiH saha mannati / [13 // *] taDAgAnAM saha(se)Na vAjapeyasa(zatena ca / gavAM koTipradAnena bhUmihartA na sadhyati / [14 // *] va(bahubhirvasudhA bhu31 mA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasa tadA phalam // [1 // *] suvarNamekaM gAmeko bhUmerapyekamalaM / 32 harana(ba)rakamAnoti yAvadAitasaMpravam [16 // *] vAtAvavizvamamidaM vasudhAdhipa(pa)tya mApAtamAtramadhurA viSayopabhogAH / prA33 NAstuNAgrajalaviMdusamA narANAM dharmaH sakhA paramahI paralokayAne // [17 // *] sarvA netAbhAvinI bhUmipAlAnbhUyo bhU34 yo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetupANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavatiH // [18 // *] asmanoge vyatikrAnte / 35 yaH kaSivRpatirbhavet / tasyAhaM karalagnosi sA(yA)sanaM mA vyatikramaditi [1 // *] yo / 1 The anusvara here is redundant. *Read tri-pravarays. The kakapada sign occurs here. Between the two dandas occurs an ornamental design. * Expressed by a symbol. *Ornamental design. XVI-1-5

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA No. 37.-CAPE COMORIN INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA I By R. VASUDEVA PODUVAL, B.A., DIRECTOR OF ARCHEOLOGY, TRAVANCORE STATE Cape Comorin, also called Kanyakumari, is the southernmost point of India. It is, in some ancient records, mentioned as Kalikkudi1 situated in the Purattaya-nadu, a sub-division of UttamaChola-valanadu, in Rajaraja-Ppandi-nadu (or-mandalam). Kanyakumari was named Gangaikondacholapuram by Rajendracholadeva I. It is situated at a distance of 3 miles from Agastievaram, a village in the taluk of that name in the Trivandrum Division of the Travancore State. The name 'Kanyakumari' came into vogue after the virgin Goddess i.e., Parvati or Durga to whom the important temple in the place is dedicated. The place is variously known as Kanni, Kumari or Kanyakumari. It was included in the domain of the Pandya kings and formed its southern boundary. From time immemorial, the Pandyas were the guardians of Kanyakumari and its temple, one of their distinguishing titles being Kanni-kavalan, the guardian of Kanni i.e., Kanyakumari. [VOL. XXVI Kanyakumari is considered a very sacred place by the Hindus; and its antiquity can be traced to a remote past. "Those who wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done by women, since it is related that the Goddess once upon a time resided at the place and bathed."s The Mahabharata and the Manimekalai speak of the sanctity of Kanyakumari. The author of Periplus (A.D. 85), Ptolemy (A.D. 150), the Muhammadan historian Abulfeida (A.D. 1203), the Venetian traveller Marco Polo (A.D. 13th century) and many Tamil poets of the Sangam age have made references to Cape Comorin. The temple of the Goddess Kanyakumari is built on the very brink of the Indian Ocean. It has a large wealth of epigraphical material throwing light on the history of some of the South Indian dynasties such as the Cholas, the Pandyas, Vijayanagara kings, and the royal house of Travancore. The inscription of Virarajendra is the most important one in the temple, and may be fitly called the Chola-vamsa-prasasti. It is extremely important for the history of the Cholas as it contains much information hitherto unknown to history. The existence of several Chola inscriptions in Cape Comorin and its suburbs shows that the southern part of Travancore was once under the rule of Chola kings in ancient days. Especially during the reign of Kulottunga I, the power of Chola kings was considerably strengthened in the Tamil land. An inscription of Kulottunga at Chidambaram states that the king defeated an army at Kottar (in South Travancore) and burnt the fortress of the place. It also mentions that he erected a pillar of victory at the sea-coast. 1 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, p. 161. Ibid., p. 164. Purananuru (1894), pp. 8 and 21. Tamil Nigundu. Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly, p. 19; 1. A. S., vol. III, p. 87 ff. * Mahabharata, Vanaparvan. "Manimekalai (1931), pp. 57, 142 and 199. Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 21--55, and T. 4. S., Vol. III, pp. 85-158 Above, Vol. V, p. 103 f

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No. 37] CAPE COMORIN INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA I The inscription edited below is engraved on a pillar on the north of the mani-mandapa in front of the utsava shrine of the Kanyabhagavati temple. It belongs to the fourteenth year of the reign of Kulottunga-Choladeva I (A.D. 1084). The record is in sixteen lines and occupies a space of 24 inches square. Some of the letters in lines 11, 12, 14, 15 and 16 are indistinct. The language and script of the inscription are Tamil and bear a close resemblance to those of the Tirukkalukkungam record of Kulottunga I'. There are four inscriptions of Kulottunga I already published in the Travancore Archaeological Series. Two of them are from the Siva temple at Cholapuram and one from Variyur in South Travancore. The present one is the fifth of his records discovered in Travancore and the first noticed at Cape Comorin. It refers to certain arrangements for the feeding of Brahmins in the temple of Kanya-Patariyar at Kumari situated in Purattaya-nadu, a sub-division of Uttamachola-valanadu in Rajaraja-Ppandinadu. Of the geographical places mentioned in the record Rajaraja-Ppandinadu is the tract of land which included Kanyakumari or modern Cape Comorin. Uttamachola-valanadu is a division of the Rajaraja-Ppandinadu. Purattaya-nadu means a nadu which is outside the country. The country east of Kottar was known in the olden days as Purattaya-nadu or the country outside Venad It was a sub-division of Uttamachola-valanadu mentioned above. Rayakkudi, Perunkudi and Sengalur are villages contiguous to Kanyakumari. TEXT 1 Svasti Sri[*]Kulottunga-[Cholade]- 9 nnirandum Perunkudi-chchala 2 varku yandu [padionalavadu] 10 bogattil kalam irupattira[n]dum 11 Segalar-ana Sika....mangalat 3 Irajaraja-Ppandi-nastu] Ut 4 tama-Chola-valanattu Puratta 275 12 tu=kkalam pannirandum ...... 5 ya-nattu-Kkumari-Kkannilya-pata]ri- 13 Chchattaneri-kkalam irandum & 6 yar koyillil Brahmanarai amidu 14................i-chcha 7 cheyya-kkarpitta kalam nam' Raya 8 kkudi-chchalabogattir-kalam pa 15 labogattil [aimpa]du' Brahmana 16 ramirda variyil-ittukkuduttom [||*] 18. I. I., Vol. III, p. 165 ff. T. A. S., Vol. I, pp. 242-248. ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS In the 14th (regnal) year of Kulottunga-Choladeva (I), We have given for the feeding of Brahmins in the Kanniya-Patariyar temple at Kumari belonging to Purattaya-nadu, a subdivision of Uttamachola-valanadu in Rajaraja-Ppandinadu: 12 kalams from our Rayakkudi salabhogam (i.e., endowment of land for the maintenance of a rest house, etc.), 2 kalams from Perunkudi salabhogam, 12 kalams from Sengalur alias Sika......mangalam and two kalams from ....Chattaneri. 3 Travancore State Manual (1906), Vol. I, p. 180. [Reading is Narrirayakkudi; and this village is apparently the same as Narrirakkudi mentioned in the Kanyakumari inscription Virarajendra (7. A. S., Vol. III, p. 149, text-line 440).-N. L. R.] [Reading is Sikaranamangalattu.-N. L. R.] [Reading is ga kalam narpattu effum.-V. V.] [Reading is nimanta.-V. V.]

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI No. 38.-BAUDH PLATES OF SALONABHANJA BY KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRARI, M.A., SAMBALPUR These copper-plates were sent to Mr.T. N. Ramachandran, M.A., Officiating Superintendent of the Archeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, on the 9th July, 1939, by Mr. S. Roy, B.A., Bar-at-law, the Dewan of the Baudh State, Orissa. According to the information furnished by the latter, they were found by one Braja Padhan, a cultivator of Baudhgarh, the capital of the State, while cultivating his paddy field on the 4th July, 1939. I am indebted to Mr. Ramachandran for the kind permission he has given me for editing the plates. They are three in number, each measuring about 8'51" across the centre, and are held together by a copper ring about 12" in circumference, which passes through the hole made in the top centre of each plate. The ends of the ring are secured by & seal containing the figure of a vase in relief, but no legend. The inscription consists of 42 lines of writing incised on both the sides of the middle sheet and on the inner face of the first and last sheets. The letters are wellformed and deep-cut, and the inscription is in perfect preservation. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh about 134 tolas. The language is Sanskrit. The composition of the record is mostly in verse and partly in prose. It contains some grammatical and spelling mistakes which are corrected in their proper places. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) v is used for b invariably ; (2) a consonant following is in some cases reduplicated and in others left single, e.g., kirttih and Durjaya, 1.5; (3) 8 is often used for $ as in varse. 1. 2; (4) anusvara occasionally takes the place of a class nasal and a final m, for example, in mandal-, 1. 6, and varjitah, 1. 16. The characters used in the record are proto-Oriya and may be classed with those used in the Adipur plate of Durjayabhanja', the Mahada plates of Yogesvaradevavarman, the Patna Museum plates of Somes vara' and the Baudh plates of Kanakabhanja. The last named grant has been assigned to the third quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar. If this dating be accepted, the present plates must be placed in the middle or the third quarter of the sixteenth century A.D., because in the Baudh plates of Kanakabhanja, certain letters, such as p, m, 8, and y still retain their earlier forms and are found along with most other letters, without rounded tops, while in the present grant, they as well as most other letters show distinct rounded tops, which is a peculiarity of the modern Oriya script and which must have taken at least a century to develop. But in the last quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. we find full-fledged Oriya script, with very slight difference from the modern one in one copper-plate grant of Purushottamadeva, King of Orissa. The charter under review, therefore, cannot be assigned to the fifteenth century, much less to the sixteenth century A.D. It must be placed in the fourteenth century A.D. at the latest and consequently other plates containing proto-Oriya characters with less developed rounded tops must be pushed back to the thirteenth century A.D. or even earlier. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village Nayada situated in the Khatya- vishaya of the Gandharavadi- mandala to a Brahmin named Mahadeva, son of Krishna and grandson of Goule, halonging to the Kasyapa-gotra and the Yajurveda by Mahamandalesvara Sri-Salonabhanjadeva, son of Durjayabhanja and grandson of Silabhanja. 1 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 172 f., and plate. * Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 218 f., and plato * Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 97 ff., and plat J.B.. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 356-374, and plates. .lvd. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 355 ff., and plate.

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No. 38] BAUDH PLATES OF SALONABHANJA Salonabhanja, the donor, is not known from any other record. Solanabhanja of the Baudh plates of Kanakabhanja, represented as the father of Ranabhanja and grandfather of Kanakabhanja, must be an altogether different person, since, in view of the foregoing palaeographical discussions, the two records cannot be regarded as belonging to one and the same period. The donor, unlike other Bhanja rulers of Khijjingakotta and Khinjali', does not trace the origin of his family to a peahen's egg nor speaks of Vasishtha as the protector of the family. But like Kanakabhanja of the Baudh plates, he represents Kasyapa as the progenitor of his family-a name which is generally connected with the persons whose family name is unknown. It seems probable that this branch of the Bhanja family to which the donor belonged, forgot its ancient connection with the main Bhanja line and came to be regarded as a distinct dynasty. Svarppapura from which Durjaya bhanja, the father of the donor, is said to have ruled, may be identical with modern Sonepur, the headquarters of the State of the same name. Gandharavadi and Khatya may respectively be identified with Goehhabari in the Baudh State and Kaintragarh in the Athmallik State. The latter is situated on the north bank of the Mahanadi river and is not far from the headquarters of the Athmallik State. Since the gift village Nayada included in the vishaya of Khatya is said to have the Mahanadi river as its northern boundary (1. 25), the identification of Khatya with Kaintra is placed on surer grounds. The word garh (fort) which is generally added to the names of old places in Orissa, must have come to be associated with it later on. From the identification of the place-names given above, it seems clear that the territories ruled over by Salonabhanja, his father and grandfather roughly comprised the tracts now known as Sonepur, Baudh and Athmallik States of Orissa. TEXT' 277 First Plate 1 Siddham [*] Om namo Narayanaya || Svasti sri-Kasya (sya)po dhanyo mu 2 ni-mr-mi)nyas-tap-dhikab tad-raal() Bhanja-vah-yam-sich-chhura 3 sva-dharma-krita(t) || [1] Yo mandalam Gandharavadi-samjnam-utpadayamasa bhu 4 ja-va(ba)lena | va(ba)lena Som-odbhava-bhuktam-asit-sa sri-Silabhanja u 5 dara-kirttih || [2] Tasy-atmajo Durjayabhanja-nama nripo-vasat-Svarppapuronvasa 6 ch-cha yo mamdal-esa (sa)n=nija-va(ba)hu-viryad-asid-rane sura-jan-agrani(ni)gyah(jnah)||[*]" Expressed by a symbol. Metre: Anushiubh, 1 J. B. O. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 356 ff. Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol., XIII, pp. 418 ff. J. B. O. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 429 ff. The editor of this document, Mr. B. C. Mazumdar, wrongly reads no(bo)dhayati as Baudha-pati, which also seems to have been accepted by Dr. Bhandarkar in his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1490. From inked impressions and the original. 7 Metre: Upajati. Before ch-cha there is a cancelled letter. [The reading appears to be -agralegrayah which is presumably intended for -agrayir-yah.-B. C. O. ]

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [ Vol. XXV 7 Fat-sunuh eri-Salona>> sakala-jana-mano-vanchhit-artha-pradata datta-kshma-go 8 hirany-anna-krita-va(ba)hu-vri(bri)hat-pushkara(ri)ny-adi-va/ba)ndhah || (D) nity-anush thana-karma-praja 9 nita-yasas=ichchhadita-dveshi-paska(paksha)h balvat samgrama-murddhany-ari-nikarabiro 10 laghavena nyavadat || [4*}* Madhya-des-odbhavo viprah sruti-smsti-purana-vit || (1) Da 11 mna Goula ity=kaich=chhantah Kasyapa-gotrajah [5*]Tat-putza) Ktishna-nam=asid= Yaju 12 rveda-vid=atmavit [l*] vra(bra)hma-nyasta-manaskah san=nita ka[l]-avaseshakah || [6*** Tat-su Second Plate ; First Side 13 nus-tarkiko jnata vedanto veda-vit-kavih upisani14 Mahadevah Sriman=patram sa uttamam(m) ! (7Khatya-vishaya-sa15 mva(mba)ddham Gandharavadi-mandale | Nayada-gramam=etasmai sa16 rv-opadrave-varjitam(m) [8*]* Sa-nidhy-upanidhin=ch=emam s-opajat-anya17 vastukam sa sri-Salonabhamjo-yam dattavan-pu18 nya-vriddhaye | 19 Prati-samvatsaram deyam nripa-vandapa19 n-arthakam(m) gram-adhipatina vaso-yugam=ekazh nripe-pa20 ram(m) [10*1* Gramat=ch=ayam purvasyar disi raja-prativa(ba)d-ha21 purushair=vishaya-pradhana-parushais-cha dsishta-sim-.22 ropita-sil-avachchhinnah dakshinasyam=api disi tai23 r-dri[shta)-sima-samaropita-sila-vichchhinnah | paschi Second Plate ; Second Side 24 matah Tundaridhinga-sima-vichchhinnah | utta 1 This t is final, not conjoined with the following pu. * Metre: Sragdhara. Metre : Anushubh. . This means : " The village-lord, however, should every year present the king with a pair of garments as a token of respect for the king". The village-lord here undoubtedly refers to the donee, as the village granted was to be entirely his personal property. There is nothing unusual in Brahmins or priests making presents of shawls, etc., accompanied with their blessings, to the ruling chiefs, but to make & stipulation of that nature in & charter ss is done in the present instance, strikes as something very uncommon and revolting to the orthodox idea. Such a thing, so far as I know, is not met with in any other grant from Orissa or elsewhere. Still, I may obeerve that in the Orissa feudatory States there is a custom prevalent to this day, which requires every Brahmin holding rentfree land under a copper-plate grant to present the ruler with one rupee, a cocoanut and a sacred thread (upavila). Formerly that was done on the Orisse new year day, but now it is done at any time in the year. The non-prenentation of the last two items is generally tolerated, but the rupee is realised even through legal procedure. The head. man entrusted with the collection of these presents is called Panigrahi who enjoys the largest share of the land in Brahmin village (Fasana). This custom seems to be a vestige of the one spoken of in the present record. (It may be added that in some later inscriptions from Chamba (Antiquities of Chamba State, Part II, under publication), the Brahmin donees are likewise asked to pay certain annual tribute to the ruler. From the Jungrar plata of Bhotavarman (c. A. D. 1397.1436), for instance, we learn that the grantee was required to supply the king presumably every year, with four pieces of elephants' rugs.-B. C. C.)

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BAUDH PLATES OF SALONABHANJA. 3(kmlaaleb r laaghghonaamu| 2 "m( srb 7 8ta ser (SU ai maa jhum:12 | 4 m s t(C{{{sulr' bq5nyj shbthii mm! ! 4 (l e ele {egraam ch j maa bks siilaa phudd | 4 | yaar' baaoN 2y' mjo kumaaele gro b sb sblupr'nn ghunn| 6} ph (BAlje es haanaar'iir'aamle 5 sa'spe5eH (maamaa baa thg faa hlaae| 4A 23 2g dr' (dr' 4aangiighraannkml| 4 | fter endaa skaa{(40% olu 2 mgr'aamnthr' br'nnr' 10 d_{{s e yaai ||mkh(5(1 ( ibne 4H{2 (tthrl[a 3(io graame gr24/S-gaiim piir| 123 5dhu miH osnggii jaanaar' ektguia i . - 2 * 1 * "y'aa' , baijaai bdr'u ai35:( 14 mnyjbaaatr 2 3 imN (th yaabiN 14 | ' .: &baa mll|.: (8thmet (CH 16 CS$ t\((46-l (pr-phe maajhaatt 2 * 7.g AN (-m ddu laaenne ek, ( C = 3 18. / / ( te ke brein e| | laa| 2aie| sthl bhaab saar br. jaae naamaar 20 | graasho saaNbaacinyj | : : PS e ai 14 e riiraa| * nil ti'Rlaaer skunyj sube baa ( / kaap ) o 3&}}={25033 %E) -2 (3 * -~-e-:""* SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rag. No. 392x3 -240- 290'48, SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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iib. 24 6583GEE mAvi (gha naghAva (khAtrAtAvicitra 1384hA calanAyaOM128 (3 lAdakA udaghAlavAvayA ghAva ghAlavA yAsAlA bAya baghAlima ghAlA 164 thA ravivAdakApAjAvAjAlarI SMASHdAghalAnA rAvala 30 bAya vAhAkAhA navikaraca 32 HdhAlana (EN kAkavAvaratAvA 32 lAtAraka mAdhavadAkaghavAcAra / 34 pavAravAzakAvaIkanavarA 34 23 (jhanAhI 98ENDS)13]BEEJALDIP FIJBUSIJ13351 inavAnISAME: kAlikAmAvAdala 881BigBIPASSP01J33DRB313115) CYBL33.5 13 13PBER PSELS DES OFILIPIB53PBBEDDY AKWARDLERS PRACEBSIC E linakA SEAL

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No. 39 ) A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN 279 25 rato diki Mahanady-arddha-srotah-sima-vichchhinna26 h || Evam chatuh-sima-parichchhinnb@yam-asmad-Bhanja-varnse 27 ye mandal-adhikarina bhavishyanti tair avasyam yathavat 28 paripalaniyah || tatha ch=asminn=arthe maharshibhir=udahritar - 29 stram smaranti Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih | 30 yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadi phalam(lam) || [11*] Ma bhud=aphala31 sanka vah para-dattreti parthivah sva-dattat=phajam=adhikyam para-da32 tt-anupalane || [12*) Gam=ekam svarnnam=ekam=va bhumer=apy=arddham=angu33 lar(lam) | haran-narakam=apnoti yavad=ahuta-samplavah || [13*]" Sva-dattam para Third Plate 34 datta va yo hareta vasundharam(ram) kra(ksi)mir=bhutah sa vishtha35 yam pitribhih saha pachyate (II) (14*}' Bhumim yah pratigrihnati yas-cha bhu 36 mim prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmanau niyatau svarga-gaminau [15*1'kina cha 37 Mama va[*]se pari(ri)kshine yah kaschin=nripatir=bhavet tasy=aham pada-la38 gno=smi mama dattam na lopayed=iti(d[ || 16*) iti) || 0 | Vakaisimg-avasthitau para39 ma-vaishnava-samasta-prasasty-alamkrita-mahamandalesvara-bri-Sa40 lonabhamjadevasya pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajye saptavinhsati41 tame samvatsare Phalguna-bukla-trayodasyam(byam).......... || 0 || 42 likhitam-idam tama/mra)sasanam=iti || No. 39.-A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN By Prof. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY The inscription, which is here being edited for the first time, has been engraved on a stone fragment, which was lying with an overseer of the P. W. D. of the Kotah State, posted at Mongrol. When I visited this place in 1936 during the course of my archaeological explorations organised by the state authorities, the overseer was good enongh to show me the inscribed piece lying with him. He could not say from where it was obtained, but it is obvious that it could not have been from a place far away from Mongrol. The stone fragment is very irregular in shape. Its breadth varies from five to ten inches, and its height from two to six inches. It is at present preserved in the office of the State Historian, Kotah. 1 Metre : Anushubh. These two letters, which were probably miti, are cancelled.

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXVI Letters of nine lines are visible on the stone; of these the first is too fragmentary to permit any intelligent reading. The existence of a tenth line can be inferred from the slight traces of the tops of two of its letters that can be seen below the ninth line. The original line of the inscription was longer than the longest line preserved on the stone, but how much longer it was we cannot say. Nor can we make any conjecture as to how many lines the record originally contained. The inscription has been very neatly engraved and the characters are the Nagari characters of the 13th century A. D. The language is Sanskrit and the record is, so far as the preserved portion shows, composed in verse. The composer was a good master of the ornate style of poetry, which was popular in contemporary times. To judge from the fragments preserved, it would appear that the inscription contained the eulogy of a king named Malayavarman. His name appears thrice in the preserved portion, in 11. 2, 3 and 7, though in slightly varying forms. The pedigree of the king and the name of his house are not to be found in the present fragment, but there can be no doubt that king Malayavarman of our record is to be identified with the ruler of the same name belonging to the feudatory Pratihara family ruling at Gwalior, who is known to us from his own plate found at Kuretha in Gwalior State, dated Vikrama Samvat 1277, and from that of his brother Nrivarman, found at the same place and dated Vikrams Samvat 1304. It is unfortunate that both these records should still remain unpublished; we have only their brief summaries given by Dr. Bhandarkar in the Progress Report. A. S. W.C., 1915-16, p. 59. From these it appears that king Malayavarman belonged to the Pratihara family ruling at Gwalior, that his grandfather was Pratapasimha and father Vigraha. His mother was Lalbanadevi, daughter of the Chahamana king Kalhapadeva of Nadol. He had a younger brother named Ntivarman. The identification of king Malayavarman of our record with the Pratibara king mentioned in the above two records is based upon two grounds. Firstly, the palaeography of our record shows that it may have belonged to the 13th century A. D. Secondly, Mongrol, where this inscribed stone was recovered, is only about 100 miles from Gwalior, which was under the rule of the Pratihara kings Malayavarman and Noivarman. It may further be pointed out that we do not yet know of any other king, named Malayavarman, ruling in this part of the country during the 12th or the 13th century A.D. The Malayavarman of our record is further to be identified with the king of the same name, whose coins have been published by Cunningham in his Coins of Medieval India at p. 92 and Plate X. These coins have the crude figure of a horseman on one side and the king's name, written in three lines, on the other. The coins are rather unique, because after the king's name, they also give the year of their issue. Samvat 1280 and [12183 are the dates supplied by coins for Malayavarman, and his Kuretha plate was issued in Vikrama Samvat 1277. It is thus clear that the Malayavarman of the coins is identical with the Malayavarman of the Kuretha plate, as proved conclusively by their dates ; our Malayavarman can be no different personage. It may be added that the coins of Malayavarman are found at Gwalior, Jhansi and Narwar, which are not far distant from Kotah State, where this inscription was found. We shall now briefly review the contents of the record. Only the letters -lyato- of the first line are visible, but we cannot make out any sense from then.. The second line opens with the name of king Malayavarman; what follows is too fragmentary to be made out. The third line once more mentions the name of the king as one 'in which the word malaya precedes the word Bbaudarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, Nos. 476 and 541.

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2 A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN O yA zAmanarAva gopaH syAtale yAtA vAcAtA maga malA pAva gresa kitI (dilaka rAnanaH punarvavitAvativada tAjJAdimAtItAtatmAsAtAvedadi puna vhr kr g rhee s tInAda [[] nA malA kitI khara * ravirAviko nAmAvAzIkRtaH ku pratini N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 3977 E'36-290-x-290'48. SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS. 2 8 SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 39 ] A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN 281 varma, the words cheto mama occurring at its beginning cannot be confidently construed. The beginning of the fourth line can be definitely restored as [yadilyar yasah ; it obviously referred to the king's fame. We are told that its constant proclamation stunned people into deafness and raised tears of joy in their eyes, as described in the remaining part of the line. The next three lines seem to refer to the marriage of the king. In 1. 5 apparently the hope is expressed that a certain lady may ascend the bed of dalliance of the king. In 1. 6 there is a reference to a brahmachan ; it was probably the smoke of the sacrifice in his marriage which blinded the eyes of the damsels moving in the sky, as stated in the remaining portion of the line. The term enam of the next line (1.7), which is placed in close juxtaposition with king Malava, probably refers to the bride, the marriage with whom was described in the previous line. L. 8 refers to a worldconquering warrior, who was killed, obviously by the hero of the record. The conquests (jitani) nientioned in the next line must also be attributed to him. It is unfortunate that the portions of our record which mentioned the name of the enemy killed by Malayavarman and, gave further details of his conquest, should not have been preserved in the fragment now available. But from the data supplied by the Kuretha plate of king Malayavarman and the accounts of the Muslim historians, we can well infer as to what may have been described in this part of the record. Qutbu-d-din Aibak had captured the fort of Gwalior from the Pratiharas in 1196 A. D. The Kuretha plate of Malayavarman claims that this fort was recaptured by the king from the Muslims, and the Muslim historians also admit that in the confusion that followed the death of Aibak, the Hindus were able to recapture the fort and retain it in their possession till it was stormed by Iltutmish in 1232 A. D. It is probably this exploit of king Malayavarman that is referred to in II. 8 and 9 of our record. We are told that the opponent of Malayavarman was killed. It would appear that the Muslim general, who was in charge of the fort of Gwalior, died fighting when he lost the fort to king Malayavarman. The word jitani (conquests), which alone is preserved in the next line, obviously referred to the further achievements of our hero. What remains of the record makes it fairly clear that it was a very important historical record, giving the Hindu version of the recapture of Gwalior. It is a pity that only a fragment of it should have been found. TEXT, 1 . . . . . ... 2 Arauad i gydanty[at] o.. 3 qat i wanga ame() ufuata (1) .... 4 [uretja pa i Tua ya: gazilefacat ya rafi[fat: 1 ] 5 tajJI hi saH / lIlAtalpamasau tavaiva hi 1 PRAS. W.C., 1915-6, p. 59. * Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. II, p. 379. * From an ink-impression. * Metre : Sragdhara. * Metre : Sardulavikridita. XVI-1-5

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282 6 sa (brahmacArI | dhUmayakemba (mya) raparavadhUvA (mA) vyavarSa vi 7 nohari anAM malayacitovara vizvavijayo nAmAvazeSokataH / formfor :. 8 9 10 * ... " * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . * 1 Metre: Mandakranta. * Metre Sardulavikridita. [VOL. XXVI No. 40-A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., AND M.G. DIKSHIT, B.A. This grant was first brought to notice by the late Mr. R. D. Banerji in the Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for 1919-20, pp. 55-6. No information is available about its original find-spot. It was in the collection of the late Mr. Gerson Da Cunha and was purchased by the Trustees of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, in 1919. It has since been preserved in that Museum. In the aforementioned report Mr. Banerji has given a brief and, in some respects, incorrect account of the grant, but it has nowhere been critically edited so far. In view of its historical importance, we edit it here with the kind permission of the authorities of the Prince of Wales Museum, which we secured through the good offices of Mr. G. R. Gyani, M.A., Curator of the Archaeological Section of the Museum. The grant is engraved on three copper-plates, of which the first and the third bear writing on one side only and the second on both the sides. The plates measure about 7-4" broad and 6" high. Their total weight is 175 tolas. At the centre of the top of each plate there is a hole" .5" in diameter for the ring which originally held all the plates together, but no ring or seal has yet been found. The inscription contains 76 lines of writing, of which twenty are written on the inner side of the first plate, twenty-one and twenty on the first and the second side respectively of the recond plate and the remaining fifteen on the inner side of the third plate. The writing is throughout in an excellent state of preservation. The characters are of the Nagari alphabet resembling those of the Sinda prince Adityavarman's grant dated Saka 887. Like the latter record, the present grant is written in a cursive hand. The technical execution is very bad as the record has throughout been written and engraved in a most negligent manner. Several letters, being very crudely and imperfectly formed, are changed quite out of recognition. There are, besides, mistakes of orthography, omissions of letters, and words and in two places (viz., in lines 20 and 21 ) of nearly half a verse. As Mr. Banerji Dr. Altekar has cited two passages from it and discussed some historical information contained in it in his Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 106 and 109, but he has not included it in his list of Silahara inscriptions in the Ind. Cul., Vol. II, pp. 430 ff. Banerji's statement that the copper-plates were not joined together as there is no hole in any one of them is incorrect. Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 164 ff.

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No. 40] A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAB ARA CHHADVAIDEVA 283 has remarked, these defects make the task of the decipherer none too enviable. In the genealogical portion which is in verse, the metre and the context often help him to make a lucky guess, but these aids also fail him when he has to read the formal portion, especially that which contains place-names. The subjoined transcript, therefore, shows, notwithstanding our best attempts, some lacuna and uncertain readings, but nothing of historical interest has, we hope, been left undeciphered. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written partly in verse and partly in prose. The initial genealogical portion in lines 1-39 is in verse. Then follows the formal portion in prose in lines 39-61. The usual benedictive and imprecatory verses occur in lines 62-74. The record finally closes with a sentence in prose, mentioning the royal sanction of the grant. As shown below, the present inscription records a grant by a Silahara prince of North Konkan, but the draft of the genealogical portion used here is altogether different from that of the later grants of the Northern Silaharas. Curious as it might appear, however, it has one hemistich and one complete verse in common with the Kharepatan plates dated Saka 930 of the Silahara Rattaraja who ruled over South Konkan. As regards orthography, we may point out that the vowel ri is used for ri as in triloki, 1. 6; the consonant preceding and following ris doubled as in puttro, 1.8; tarppit-, 1. 3 ; v is throughout used for b and the final n is in some places wrongly changed to anusvara, see bhagava, 1. 31. The inscription is one of the Silahara Mahasamanta Chhadvaidoval of North Konkan. The object of it is to record that Chhadvaideva executed the grant which had been made by the illustrious Vajjadadeva', son of the illustrious Goggi, who, as shown below, was Chhadvaideva's elder brother and predecessor on the throne. It seems that the grant though promised by Vajjada I had not been reduced to writing during his lifetime. Lines 75-6 tell us that on coming to know of it, Chhadvaideva granted the present charter recording the religious gift (dharmadaya") without any alterations. The grant was of some land situated in the eastern part of the village Salanaka in the vishaya of Panada. It was bounded on the east by the boundary of Manchakapalli, on the south by the road leading to Vakola and some salty land, on the west by a ditch and on the north by the junction of two streams. The grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. The donee was the Brahmana Chadadeva? of the Kasyapa gotra who was a student of the Rigveda and was then residing at Janhupura.' 1 The first hemistich of verse 7 of the present record appears as the first half of verse 3 in the Kharepatan plates, while verse 11 which describes Kpishna III occurs in the same context as verse 6 in the latter grant. See above, Vol. III, p. 298. # The name of this prince occurs four times (not twice as said by Banerji), viz., in verses 16 and 25 in the metrical portion and in lines 42 and 75 in the prose portion. In the first two cases its reading is not quite certain owing to the extremely cursive nature of the letters, but in the last two cases the reading is undoubted. The form must have been Chhadaya in v. 25, Chhadvai in all other cases. Owing to the carelessness of the drafter of the record the text in l. 49 seems to convey that Chhadvaideva himself made the grant. Lines 74 and 75, however, make it clear that it had already been made by Vajjada (I) and that Chhadvaideva only caused it to be recorded on the copper-plates. * Banerji seems to have read dharmmo=yan (instead of dharmmadayoryan) in 11. 74-5. He doubtfully translated it as this law'. * Banerji gives the name of the village as Salapraka in one place and as Salapaka in another. The name probably occurred in two places, viz., in lines 44-5 and 57-8, but the reading in the latter place is uncertain. * Banerji read the name of the vishaya as Malada, but the impression before us certainly reads Panada. * The name is clearly Chadadeva, not Chadadeva as read by Banerji. According to Banerji the donee was a Brahmacharin of the Vajasanya (branch of the Yajurveda), but the text in linea 54-5 seems to read vahuricha-80-urahmachurine. XVI-1-5

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284 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI The inscription is not dated and in the absence of the necessary details the lunar eclipse mentioned in it cannot be verified. But as shown below, Chhadvaideva was a feudatory of the Rashtrakuta Emperor Krishna III. As the latter is known to have reigned from A. D, 939 to A. D. 967, the record under discussion can be assigned to the middle of the 10th century AD. It may be noted in this connection that the Bhadana grant of Chhadvaideva's nephew Aparajita, who apparently succeeded him is dated Saka 919 (A. D. 987). As stated above, the characters of the present grant resemble those of the Sinda Adityavarman's grant which is dated Saka 887 and therefore both the grants belong to the same period. The insoription opens with two mangala-flokas in praise of Vishnu and Siva, the second of which usually occurs in the beginning of Rashtrakuta records. The inscription then proceeds to give the genealogy of the Rashtrakutas to whom the Northern Silaharas owed allegiance. After mentioning such mythological and legendary ancestors as the moon, Budha, Pururavas, Ayu, Yayati and Yadu, the inscription introduces the Rashtrakuta family in verse 6. The next verse mentions the following rulers : Dantidurga ; his uncle, Krishnarija (1); Govinda (II) ; Nirupama Dhruva); his son Jagattunga (i e., Govinda III); his son Amoghavarsha (I); his son Akalavarsha fi. e., Krishna II) and his grandson Indra (III). Verse 8 states that Indra III's brother Amo: ghavarsha (III) completely eradicated the former's son Gojjiga (i.e., Govinda IV) who had acted unjustly and ruled the earth so as to please Sive. It will be noticed that the present record omits the name of Amoghavarsha II, the elder son of Indra III, who preceded Govinda IV. Again, it does not state what injustice Govinda IV had committed. It has been suggested that the injustice was in respect of Govinda's elder brother Amoghavarsha II. From the Bhadana grant we know that the latter ruled only for a year. The Deoli and Karhad plates of Krishna III stato that Amoghavarsha went to heaven soon after his father as if out of love for him. The premature death of this prince is regarded as suspicious. It has been suggested that it was brought about or at least hastened by Govinda IV and confirmation of this is sought in the following verse which occurs in Govinda's own Sangli' and Cambay" grants : sAmarthe sati ninditA pravihitA nevAgraja krUratA va(ba)ndhulIgamanAdibhiH kucaritarAvarjitaM nAyazaH / zaucAyaucaparAGmukhaM na ca bhiyA paizAcyamaGgokataM svAganAsamasAhasaca muvI yaH sAhasAzIbhavat / which means "Ignominious cruelty was not practised (by him) with regard to (his) elder brother, though he) had the power ; (he) did not obtain infamy by evil courses such as (illioit) inter-oourse with the wife of (his) brother; (he) did not through fear resort to diabolical conduct which is 1 See Altekar's Rashfrak , oto. pp. 116 and 122, and above, Vol. XXI, p. 262. * Banerji's statement that both the verses are devoted to the praise of Siva and Umi is not quite oorrect, * Three other Silahara grants are known to have opened with the genealogies of the Rashtrakatas, viz., the Kharepatan plates of Rattaraja (above, VoL, III, pp. 297 ff.), the Bhadana grant of Aparajita (ibid., pp. 267 ff.), and another grant of the same king which has not yet been published. See Vaidya, History of Mediaepal Hindu India, Vol. II, pp. 349 ff. Banerji's statement that Amoghavarsha mentioned in v.8 is Amoghavarsha II and that he was uprooted In battle by Govinda IV is absolutely wrong. * Altekar, Rashtraktifas, etc., p. 106, Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 249, . Above, Vol. VII, p. 36.

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No. 40 ) A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA 285 indifferent to what is pure and impure; (but) by (his) munificence and unparalleled heroic deeds he became Sahasanka in the world". This is supposed to be a case of protesting too much and it is believed that Govinda IV, if not actually caused, at least hastened the death of his elder brother, had incestuous connection with his wife and usurped his throne. But one would like to have stronger evidence to prove these serious charges. The aforementioned verse institutes a comparison between Govinda IV and the Gupta king Sahasanka (i.e., Chandragupta II). It states that though Govinda IV resembled Chandragupta II in munificence and daring, he did none of the heinous crimes of which the latter was guilty. We must remember that a similar comparison occurs in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I. He is described therein tus feeling ashamed when he was compared with a Gupta prince known for liberality (evidently Chandragupta II-Vikramaditya) as the latter had killed his brother and married his wife. In the Kavyamimamsa of Rajasekhara again we have a comparison between Ramagupta and Karttikeya who has elsewhere been shown to be the Gurjara-Pratihara king Mahipala I of Kanauj. It seems that it was the practice of court-poets to institute such comparisons between their patrons and well-known princes of the Gupta dynasty and to show the superiority of the former to the latter. It would be unwise and unjust to see unintended insinuations in such comparisons. Besides, we have no other reference to the alleged evil actions of Govinda IV in any records of his successors, some of whom had little love for him and therefore would not have refrained from mentioning them if they had been true. From other inscriptions we know that Amoghavarsha III fomented A rebellion among the feudatories of Govinda IV, which cost the latter his life. The present record also states that Amoghavarsha completely uprooted: Govinda IV. It is therefore noteworthy that the Deoli and Karhad plates of Amoghavarsha's son Krishna III refer to Govinda's dissolute life, but are silent about these charges. On the other hand, they intimate that Amoghavarsha II died a natural, though pren.ature, death. In the absence of further evidence, therefore, we are not inclined to hold Govinda IV guilty of the murder of his elder brother. To the glorification of Amoghavarsha III the present inscription devotes two more verses. Verse 9 states that with the water of his coronation Amoghavarsha washed away his taints as well As his wealth and greatly purified his self. Verse 10 states that he surpassed the god of love in handsome form and that, as he had three white royal umbrellas, he was as it were waited upon by the moon in three forms, mistaking him for Mahesa (Siva). Amoghavarsha's handsome form is described in the Bhadana grant of Aparajita also, but that he had three royal umbrellas indicative of his suzerainty over three countries is stated nowhere else. The record under discussion does not specifically mention these countries, but the Deoli plates? of Amoghavarsha's son Krishna III, which were issued soon after his accession, mention some victories which he hnd gained while he was a crown-prince. We learn that Krishna killed Rachhyamalla (Rachamalla), 1 This translation is practically the same as Dr. D. R, Bhandarkar's (above, Vol. VII, p. 44), except that bandhu has been rendered as a brother and not as relative' in view of the information supplied by the recently published extracts from the De-Chandragupta, Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 248. * Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII, pp. 201 ff. . Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 328 ff. Even these statements appear to be suspicious. They seem to imply that Govinda died of consumption As a result of bis dissolute life. But the present record and the Vikramarjunavijaya of Pampa show that he lost his life in a rebellion of his feudatories fomented by Amoghavarsha III and his son Krishna III. . Above, Vol. III, p. 271. Ibid., Vol. V, pr. 192 ff. The verses occur also in the Karhad plates of the same king which were lowed Bointtine later.

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286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI the ruler of Gangapati or Gangavadi and gave his kingdom to Bhutarya (or Butuga) and that he defeated and reduced to a sad condition the Pallava Anniga. Bhutarya and Anniga are known from other records also as the rulers of Gangavadi and Nolambavadi respectively. They were contemporaries of Amoghavarsha III. Gangavadi and Nolambavadi were thus included in the Rashtrakuta Empire during the time of Amoghavarsha III, though they were actually governed by his feudatories. These were evidently two of the three countries implied in v. 10. The third country must of course have been Kuntala, the home-province of the Rashtrakutas. Krishna III who succeeded Amoghavarsha III is eulogised in five verses (11-15), but the description is merely conventional. He is said to have made several new grants and restored old ones and to have overthrown four kinds of feudatories. The genealogy of Rashtrakuta rulers stops with Krishna III, during whose time the present grant was evidently made. With verse 16 begins the description of the Silahara dynasty. The dynastic name appears here in the form Silara. Verse 17 mentions the Vidyadhara Jimutavahana, the son of Jimutaketu, who offered his body to save serpents. His descendants assumed the form of Silara in order to give protection to the ocean when it was harrassed by the arrow of (Jamadagnya, i.e., Parasurama)". Since then the princes of this dynasty came to be known as Silaras. This is a novel interpretation of the dynastic name which, so far as we know, occurs nowhere else. The text does not make clear what is meant by Silara and no Sanskrit dictionary gives this word. The dynastic name sometimes appears in the form Silahara and is then usually taken to mean 'food on a rock' with reference to the story of the Vidyadhara Jimutavahana who sat on a rock to serve as foca to Garuda. Verses 20-25 name the following Silahara princes: Kapardin (I); his son Pulasakti; his son Kapardin (II); his son Vappuvana; his son Jhanjha; his younger brother Goggi; his son Vajjada (I); and finally, his younger brother Chhadvaya (or Chhadvaideva), the donor of the present plates. The description of all these princes is quite conventional and altogether devoid of historical interest. About Chhadvaideva we are told that he bore the title Mahasamanta and attained the right to the five great (musical) sounds. The importance of the present inscription lies in this that it has brought to notice a prince of the Silahara dynasty who was not known from any other source. The Bhadana plates dated Saka 919, which were issued by Vajjada I's son Aparajita, give the same genealogy as the record before us, but they omit the name of Chhadvaideva. This prince is not again mentioned in any of the numerous later records of the Silaha.as. The reason for this omission is not clear. It cannot be said that Chhadvaidev a's name was omitted because he was a collateral; for, as Banerji has already pointed out, Silahara records invariably mention Jhanjha, though his progeny did not reign, and he was succeeded by his brother Goggi. Another instance is that of Arikesarin 1 See e. g., above, Vol. IV, p. 351, and Vol. X, pp. 54 ff. The Karhad plates of Krishna III also mention four kinds of feudatories, but they are said to have received different kinds of treatment at his hands. See above, Vol. IV, p. 285. In verse 15 of the present inscription there is an interesting comparison of Krishna III with a physician, based on a play on the words mandalin, narendra, etc., but the verse is not completely legible. The Brahmanda Purana (III, 57, vv. 47 ff) graphically describes the consternation in the ocean caused by Parasurama's arrow. It further states that Varuna, the lord of the ocean, ultimately submitted to Parafurama and withdrew the ocean from the Surparaka-kshetra. The Purana does not of course make any mention of the Silaras. Banerji's statement that the name of Vajjadadeva is omitted in the genealogy of the Silara family in the second plate is not correct; for his name occurs in the second half of verse 24, though in a corrupt form.

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No. 40] A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA 287 alias Kesiraja who ascended the throne after his brother Vajjada II. He was succeeded by his nephew Chhittarajadeva, the son of Vajjada II, but his name is not omitted in the later records1 of the Silaharas. Chhad vaideva again was not probably a usurper; for, in the present record, he not only states that the grant had been promised by his elder brother and was only executed by himself, but also pays a tribute of praise to him in verse 24. Nor does he seem to have been only a regent during the minority of his nephew Aparajita; for he claims the title Mahasamanta for himself and does not even mention his nephew, the de jure ruler of the kingdom. The record may therefore be suspected to be spurious. Apart from the absence of the date, however, there does not seem to be any cause for suspicion. As stated before, the characters, though very carelessly written and engraved, are of the age to which the record refers itself. There are no discrepancies in the description of the Rashtrakuta and Silahara genealogies which occur in verses 7-15 and 20-25 respectively. On the other hand, the grant furnishes certain details which, though not met with in other records, are not inconsistent with their evidence. It is of course true that the draft of the genealogical and formal portions of the grant differs from that used in later Silahara grants, but that is because no particular draft had yet become stereotyped in the Silahara secretariat. Even in the Bhadana grant of Aparajita, which was made some years later, the stereotyped draft has not been used. There does not therefore appear any reason why the present grant should not be regarded as genuine. This is the earliest known copper-plate grant of the Silahara dynasty of North Konkan. Some earlier inscriptions of this dynasty have of course been discovered at Kanheri", but they are all inscribed on stone. The last of them which belongs to the reign of Kapardin II is dated Saka 799. The next inscriptional date of this dynasty so far known was Saka 919, furnished by the Bhadana grant of Aparajita. There was thus a gap of 120 years during which we had no record of this dynasty. The present grant though undated belongs to this period. Like the Kanheri stone inscriptions, it belongs to a time when the Rashtrakutas held imperial sway over North Konkan. Like the present record two other Silahara grants open with a Rashtrakuta genealogy, viz. the Bhadana grant of Aparajita, dated Saka 919, and the Kharepatan grant of Rattaraja, dated Saka 930, but the Rashtrakutas had then been overthrown by Tailapa, the founder of the Later Chalukya dynasty. The present record is thus of special interest as it shows what position the Silaharas enjoyed during the heyday of Rashtrakuta paramountcy. As Mr. Banerji has already pointed out, the record under discussion shows that the Silaharas did not then assume such high-sounding titles as Mahamandalesvara Tagarapura-paramesvara, Abhimanamahodadhi, Gandakandarpa, which we find in the later records of Aparajita, Chhittaraja and others. They had to content themselves with the modest title of Mahasamanta which we notice also in the earlier inscriptions of Pulasakti and Kapardin II. In the absence of any information about the original findspot of the present plates, it is difficult to locate definitely the places mentioned in it. But we tentatively suggest the following identifications. Papada, the headquarters of the Papada-vishaya may be Poinad about 8 miles 1 See, for instance, the Bhandup plates of Chhittaraja (above, Vol. XII, pp. 250 ft.); the Prince of Wales Museum plates of Mummuni, ibid., Vol, XXV, pp. 53 ff., etc. Ind, Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 133 ff. A third of the same type, dated Saka 915, which belongs to the reign of Aparajita was discovered some years ago, but is now untraceable. See C. V. Vaidya, History of Medieval Hindu India, Vol. II, pp. 349 ft. and Altekar, Rashtrakutas, etc., p. 110. See below, p. 288, f.n. 1. In two Kanheri inscriptions the title is Mahasamantasekhara. In the third no title is mentioned at all. It may be noted, however, that none of these is an official record of the Silaharas,

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288 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA north by east of Alibag, in the Kolaba District of the Bombay Presidency. The village Salapaka in which the donated land was situated may be Salinde which lies about 6 miles south by east of Poinad. Manchakapalli is possibly represented by Pale about a mile to the north of Salinde. Vakola may be Koleti which lies about 4 miles to the south. The map shows two small streams joining each other to the north of Salinde as stated in the present grant. Janhupura where the donee was residing we are unable to identify. [VOL. XXVI TEXT' [Metres: Verses 1-5, 18, 19, 27-20 and 31-33 Anushtubh ; vv. 6 and 21 Upajati; vv. Tand 13 Sragdhara; vv. 8, 9, 12, 16, 24 and 25 arya; v. 10 Upendravajra ; vv. 11, 14, 17 and 20 Vasan tatilaka; v. 15 Sardulavikcrigita ; vv. 22 and 23 Giti; v. 26 Indravajra ; v. 30 Salini ; and v. 34 Pushpitiligod.] First Plate 1 [1*] zrIrvvatAM navodyAnarAjI bAyatane cayA ' vAyatanecayA // [1] / miyaH somayA cAstAM rAjo 2 sa vatryAddedhasA dhAma yatrAbhikamalaM zataM (tam) / [ha]raya yasya kamalaMjatam // [ 2* J 3 maicAdacerabhUrisurdhA[:] tarpitAmaraH / caMdramA jagadAnandakandakandalanaJcamaH // [ 3 // *] 4 tasyAMgajana (bu)dhI vidu (bu)ghAdhomapUjitaH sutaH purUravA tasyApyAyurajAyata n[8n*] From ink-impressions. Expressed by a symbol. []raya yasya kAndukyA 5 evama saMtAna jAyamAneSu rAjasu / yayAtirabhavattasya dhanurabhUdiha // 5 // *] 6 argent tilakAyamAno vaMzo yadUnAmabhavatpRthivyAM (bhyAm) / zrIrAikUTAparanAmadheyo 7 [ya]cAbhilebhe harirA[ma] jamma // [Q // * ] tacAsohantidurgaH prabhurapi ca tataH kRSNa]rAjaH pi 8 yAtrIviMdarAjastadanu ti (ni) rupamocyAvjagattuMgadevaH / pucIyAmodhaka 1 After this article was sent to the press we noticed Mr. A. S. Gadre's account of two unpublished copperplate inscriptions of the Silahara Aparajita, dated Saka 915. (Proceedings and Transactions of the Ninth AllIndia Oriental Conference, p. 880.) These inscriptions were found at Murupda-Janjira in the Koliba District of the Bombay Presidency, and are now preserved in the Baroda Museum. One of them registers the grant of an orchard in the village Salapaka lying in the Papada district. These places are evidently identical with those of the same names mentioned in the present grant of Chhadvaideva, which we have located in the Kolaba District. This account has unexpectedly confirmed our readings of the place-names and their identifications proposed above. The two grants have since been published by Mr. Gadre in Important Inscriptions from the Baroda State, Vol. I, pp. 35 f. The expression means who resorts to (Vishnu) whose eyes are long like a fresh garden-lotus'. Read -sudh-amus tarppil Read tatastrilski.

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No. 40.] 9 [C] sakalaguNanidhiH tasya cAkAlava (paM) 10 bhImaH prajAH // [ 7 // * ] zrImAta (na) moghava[ya] manyA A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA. 17 rya kaM 11 yakRtaM sA (so') moghaM [ sva]ya' mazAtpRthvIM (dhvIm ) // [ 8 // * ] prabhi [ Se] kajalena samaM tapasvi[Su]' zreyase sa yena 12 mucchR[ya]" / paer [a] yamadhyava 13 sa rarAja mo rUpajitezudhanvA / upAsyamAnaH zarAvaduneva trirUpatAmetya mahe[za] 14 budhyA // [ 10 // *] zaMbho: vaDA[na] ivAtrimuneriveMdra rAmo pathA dazarathasya jayaM[taH ] / 15 tasyAMgajopi caturaMbu (bu) dhimekhalAyA bharttA bhuvaH samabhavadbhavi kRSNarAjaH // [11 // * ] satya16 pi [lA] bharaNe jAnAgopi prasAdhanavizeSaM (dham) 1 yo mahati bhujena savA kuva mAra 299 tahaptA bhadrarAjaH prathitap[] sA bhrAtAsya suta (saM) samUlamunmUlya / samUlamunmUlya / gojjiga loke 60 DGA dhanAnIva malAnanIyatAtmA parAM 18 [atri]" lulupuravanipAH pUrvvajA 19 tA yeta (na) tenyepi muktA 110 // [12 // *] lakSmyA nAgeMdrakarNAtizayacapalatA yauvanasyAyuvazca 10 (dhAna) (ja) hA zuddhiM (Dim ) // [ // *] sitAta vismarantaH / saMsArAsArabhA [vaM] manasi kalaya dattAstebhA (bhya ) ica -2 gAtva: 13 zivabhavanajuSAM koTizaH kAMcana 1 Here sandhi has not been observed. This danda is superfluous. Dr. Altekar reads 8-amoghamayam. See his Rashtrakutas, etc., p. 106, n. 59. Perhaps samoghapriyam is the intended reading. Amogha is a name of Siva. Dr. Altekar doubtfully reads tapas-chiyub, ibid., p. 109, n. 68. The context requires a reading like tapasvibhih. The context requires a reading like samunmrijya. * Dr. Altekar reads malad=but the aksharas are clearly as read above. : Read-buddhya. The two aksharas lost here were Hare as seen in verse 3 of the Kharepatan grant of Rattaraja; above, Vol. III, p. 298. * There is a play on this word which means (1) & blue lotus, and ( 2 ) the orb of the earth. 10 This danda is superfluous. Read brahmadhyal=liupur. 11 The context requires a reading like teshan-cha, 18 Perhaps gavas is intended.

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290 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXVI. 20 // [13 // *] tasminprazAsati mahIM samahIdharedrA(drA) si[ha]ghuto caturuvatva(nya)danidyakAMcI[m] / ga[tvA ?] hi Second Plate; First Side. 21 'tAnatija[vAnmAyAvino ghAti]kA[na] caMDAnmaMDalino [vi]luptasamayAnu22 dhru(ba)tya [saMtrAsayan ?] / - - - - - maMtradharmarabhasAn]i daMDena pApiMDi?]23 [kAn?] [sA]maMtAMzcaturopi yena dalatA kA[maM] nareMdrAyitaM(tam) [15 // *] tasmiva(n) zAsa24 ti pRthvI [kRSNanare(ndre) narAdi(Si)paH zrImAna(n) [*] zI[lA] rAmalavaMze sakala guNAlaMkRte . . . 25 - // [16 // *] vidyAdhara[*] [sva]caritAparitAnyakottijI [mUta[ka]tutanayo nayavikramAdyaH [*] 26 jI[matavAhana iti pra[thi]taH pRthivyAM] zrImAn*] svakAyamupadAya sudeg(2)daJcatA27 hon / 17 // *] [gandharva ?] - - [zrutvAhiJca divi [1](pri)ya(yam) / guNAnurAgA[jjanmA ?]thaM []28 vajA [yama] zizriyat(n) [18 // *] jAmadagnyazarAtra(tra)[staH] zolAracchapanA tadA / [sAga][ro*] 29 rakSita[staizca prApustannAma pU[va]jAH [19 // *] zIlAranAmni taTa[]yayena' devaH 30 sA[kSA]dabhA nijabhujAjitakAmadevaH / [prA] rAtisidhu(nyU)mupama[thya] kare ka31 pardI lakSmIma[patta] sata(tu)kAMnaNa kaMkaNena [20 // *] ta[syAtma]jo [yaH] pulazaktinA[mA*] 32 [pRthUpamaH pArthasamAnItiH / [prAsItpra(tya)[thi]vyA(vyAM) prathitapratApaH samasta33 sAmantanatAMghra(ni)[bhUpa]: // [21 // *] tasyApyaparaH zrImAnkapaddinAmAbhavatAmA nUpa 1 The akshara sa which was at first omitted is written below the line. - Read simha. The further portion of this fourteenth verse has been omitted inadvertently. The first seven aksharas of this verse have been omitted. * Perhaps the name of the donor Chhadvai occurred at the end of this verse. Read bhavach= Chhadrai fin which case the metre of this verse will be Gili.-B. C. C.] The akshara at the beginning of the next line has two matras at the top. * The context requires a reading like amunichatahin, but it would involve a hlatus. The reading is uncertain here. Besides, one atalara Is wanting. . Read sakshad=babhau* Read kilichana. 10 Read bhanalunto.

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A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA. ACTIkatA mAyAkI vAcavA yA viksavAmazAhAsarohIvAyata VaamanabhaTAMkA simalakara jayakSiAkA ikalayAkamela kara bAbA ra sAta lAlasalAIka yAcA kamajojobA mAnA jAtAmA sAmAnyayAdhanA va yAvA sabatIta mojamAmAI Adha-mAsasvAmIbATavakAvalyA 6 vA bAhara bhI tamAmAmadhyasyavaH tataHzayADa bA 8 rAmAzA vAkAntakuTimImA sAnu mAsvAyajamAnITAdita jana kulamuvatImA bAno lukAliyA nAdAbakSamatA maan| kAmanApAmA mA yo kevI kAmanA manina braamgaaddgumlaa| 10 yi yazodhaNe TomanAyojanakAzalama mahimaciyugamana 12 maharA samarthakA sIdhamalA ke lIyonAmAyA to lAta nA siMhAra yuvaka premamA AAKAyAmAtA uganA mAkasamAdalabAhayalasiyamale para 14 Tata jAnisalabandaramAyacAyatarAkhalAyA nyAyAlatalaciokakujaka vikRyAyAma 16mAna liAkArAyasoyama bahasa mahAlAta kala DioNka mAdA cazamAzA lAlAlakAsithatanAso vA mAyamarIkanyA 18 vAla pAnasara vimAnasAmAnAmA damaka sakalayA 18 __ lalAvamikAdakAsakAlA tathATAmacanda 20 RACET mA kamADInimaMtavaTAmiDIyo yamabATa - famil SAR 'tAlita AUR AANBkAhaba ed PHdAtayaH ( nAma MER LasIThI yAtAkAradaER A@gii kara desaANsaravadera laa| vikApatarAritA mAratAnA kohiDovatana sAla para 24 ASkuma hilobAkAyadAna RAGEkAsanakakalAtaviyAguparasurAgyA " MIGRanAmaya zusa gavatAmATAramA ANSTpAtikamakAmAsa: mArakara isamanca:sAIDarUhAtamATApyavaramala tumamavArakA kavilavAkavAkyAjavadA paharA mata 2 FAmAvalI likhAvazAkhAparatA:samata 32 kamAla gADA zubhAiyaTanAvabAdAmA dalAlaTEEO mArisamA sudhAratUdamyAnna kara saka34 lAtAUga maharAjyasalAranAkA rasttavA ARRe:- 9) kaTarA thAhA nagumAuag dilI nArasidI zikSAzAsapA upavinako mAtA kAlarahivarAma vApasa tilA vAkavara kAralA phaTataTakachalAdata divA tApikA jA sakatAta matimIlalo tarAiTaranAka TAvAbalamA kAyArAmAra vaanttirnaa| SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rus. No.3977836-290-x-290'48.

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-- - - - - Relations zalatA rahatAsA-sAmakitAnA kAgo zAdI dharajA rAnItAiTa vAnharasatahattavAzamA hA 44 japayAghavA.vAlAvadhItAvalApA 44 14 ghAmamA vA nisaghajAnITarkiesImAnAmA HAL.nitAlAsaciva panarAyacA vi.se mAhavAgaH46 kharataragatako yAdamA mAnavasamAcATIkA ulalAvAca padamAnata(barakAraAyatanasanarata48 tAtigamanera yAtAyAkAnayAdI janatA 50amAvasyA kAna napAlana tathA thAhA navA navA TAyalinamAna kI mudrAkSazakSAmajaNArA 52kA nakArAtala kalakattA yA ga na KA yA tinaM zAsita pratiyAnI svAta vAparAmurAda ratanalA pahAjA vAjavI sari rAkhina sAlAnApanapatalA bAstajayakAra mAlasamA bhagavAyA rAga zurayatA tayAkanavAlomA yA yAdavA koTAmA tAtApAna kavacAyAgAlA DAOmakA dama rAmakAvarapyAya saniyAla kA yAgantimapanA gAyA180 FAUTTAR(sahA yA bArAvadhavAratamA 15EER thA to lisnaanaayaa| tIyesurI agAyiyojanA yI davintu yAvA va to nalAmI mata honaa| yaha varAha hai| nyA mate tyAcA pAyA lokA kAtiyAnTa yA yA vAnara calA jAtAnA navaNe ta yAvAsati cha tayAyAvarIla sadasyA vivAha vAnA vA so dAgadA mAnatAtA jayanana truupaalaapaacshaanyesaa| vistAra do yA dona pAyA mokna pani kAnunabAra / tilanikaEiE: satAyatamAma SHAR naMgUra kararatamA jativAtavAsAtUna rAdityavAM jiyA navagavA ma jAnAkA sAvana mAra yinItimAta navIna TAva bAjAra bhAvanA yAvA, jIyAlI rAdhAvana mAyavatastAsamavedanA yA KARE

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No. 40.] A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA. 34 tiH / vappuvanoti (mi) taza[kti ]: zAsita [ bhUmaMDalobhavatta [ smA] t // laga [ 22 // *] 22 // * ] jhaH 37 fa: / [tenA zrI mAcha ? ] 38 [ya] nRpo va ( ba ) linibhobhavatyAgAt / mahAhareriva ripavo dhvastA hyaH ( hyA ) saMraca 39 ti nAmnaMva // [25 // * ] sa cAnekaghoTakA[rU]DhacAra (?) hA (cA)TabhaTavini[[ja]tapratipakSasImaM40 tinInayanavAri[ dhA] rA[pravA] ha[Sau ]tamalinIkRtakaro" [zrA ? ]rAtiya[zo] va[guMTha ] 41 [va] jayalakSmIkalyANaparaMparAbhyudayaH samadhigata[paM] carmA [hA] zabda (bda) mahA 35 gaudhe saMcaho bho) gIyate jagatyaniyAM (rAm) prAsaMDala iva tasmAdabhavatsa] [prAmikaM ] dviguNabhaMjha iti ga 36 guNaiH [vi]ditaH ' / [ 23 // * ] tasyApyanujo jayavA[n *] gogginpo mAyo ?][ [smA]) vapi kIrti[saMpa // [ / 24 // *] tasyApyanujaH This akshara is superfluous. $ Read -kara. * For the form of chchha here, see the same akshara in Sitara-chchhadmana in 1. 28 above. required. Second Plate; Second Side. 42 sAbhatAta) [bhI]I devaH sammaneiva yathAsaMva ( ba ) dhyamAnakA [[] zaulkikagautvi (hima) kacau 43 re (ro) [ ] raNikAn kIrtitA'nbhaviSyadvarttamAnakAMzca [ bhU* ] bhUtaM ( iM ) [dhU]na (n) carAdIn [pra]ti [vi]jya (zya) 44 citakaparyazca ( ? ) 8 samanuvo (bo) ghayatyevaM ya[ thA] pANADa' viSayAMtaH pAti" sAla [Na ] 45 kaprAme prAcyAM dizi " yasya cAghATanAni [pU] to [ maM] cakapalle (llI ) sImA / dakSiNato 46 va[ko] lAvi [ dhyA] 2 lava[Na]carikA ca / pazcimataH 13 [ tapArupyaMtikArisaM kAnibA ? ]ga 1 Read gunair viditab. * The text is very corrupt here. One would expect a reading like tasyapi Vajjadi= bhut. * Read Sriman & Chhadaya. 1 The usual expression is kirttit-akirtitan. * [Could the intended reading be pratinivasinab krishakamacha ? B. C. C. ] Banerji read the name of the vishaya as Malada, but the aksharas are clearly as read above. 291 12 Read -vithih. 18 We are not certain about the reading of these eleven aksharas. saka 10 Banerji gives the name of this village as Salapraka in his account of the plates and as Salapaka in the heading of the section; see P. R. A. S. I. W. C. for 1919-20, p. 55. But both the readings are incorrect. 1 Here some word denoting the object of the gift (such as kshetra-trayam which occurs below in 1. 57 ) is 'loa

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292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vor. xxVI. 47 tavaM ca / uttarato jhirikAdvayasaMgamaH / evaM caturAghATa[no]pala[kSi]taM sa48 vRkSamAlAkulaM poDhakasa[me]taM gaMhi[rAtaTe kAra[jAva[bha] sametatalagaTi[sa](?) 49 nivAtakSetra mayevaM jalaparaSArAnipAta[mi']taM [nivAtA]vanocatati(Di)[*]()da50 vinAzajIvitamavalokya jalalavalolataralataraM cAsAraM saM[sAmavetya 51 putrapautrAnva[yo]pabhogyamAcaMdrArkA[f]vakSitisamakAlInatayA pitrorA[tma*] 62 na[zca] hikA[ma]SmikapuNyaya[zobhivRddha[ye] viSupra(mA)sena tanattA (?)yoga[4] 53 [ha]NaparvaNi []gAri kAryA]tiyoM' hastio]dakapUvvaM (va) [sa]kalasurAsurAbhya[cci-] 64 tacaraNa kamala]--- zrImacchivabhaTTArakaM [prapUjya ?] [kAzyapasagotra[va(ba)]haca]sa55 [va(ba)]hmacAri[Ne*] vedavedAM[ga]vedAnti purANamImAM[sAsma]tinyAya(yA)bhijJa][janha]pu56 ranivAsine cADAdeva[bhaTTAya 'vesadhavavalacarakAgnihotraRtuki57 yA[]pasarpaNA[tyaM] prA[mamadhya(dhye) "pralayavAva[mA] na(ne)na zrIkSatata[4]' sa[za ? 58 kagA(prA)[mAntaH*]pAtipAnapoDhakasahitaM tA[5][zAsanena pravatta(tam) / tavAgAmi59 nRpatibhi[zca] bhUdAnA . . . . . puNyaphalamavetya dharma[dA yoyaM 60 pratipAlanA(nI)yaH / yataH sAmAnyeyaM [bhUdAna[pAlana ?]puNya61 phalAvAptiH / tathA coktaM bhagava[tA] vedavyAsena [vyA]se[na] [*] Third Plate. 62 agnei]rapa[tyaM] prathamaM suvarNa bhU[vaSNa]vI [sUryasutAzca gAvaH / lAka63 [4]yaM tena bhavedhi(khi) battaM yaH kAMcanaM gaM(gAM) ca mahIM ca [yasmA"]vAva(dA) vadyAt [126 // *] 1 The reading of this and the next seven akaharas is uncertain. * These three aksharas are uncertain. * This tithi occurs when the fourteenth of the dark fortnight of a month falls on a Tuesday. * One akshara is illegible here. [The reading looks like -charaya-nakha-[ma]nirm.-N.L.R.] . Read vaibadeva-bali. * We are not certain about the reading of these eight aksharas. Perhaps some expression like lad-vishaya manena denoting the intended measure is required. Perhaps kshetra-trayan is meant, but line 49 mentions only one kahetra. . Perhaps the intended reading is Salanaka as in lines 44-45 above. *Vivakahararare illegible here. The context requireesome expression like bhiidanaayaadmanyari. 14 These five aksharas are doubtful.

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No. 41.) DATE OF MATHURA PEDESTAL INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA. 293 64 ya sauvarNa(Na) vasudhArA(ghI)zasAnaya[:] / gava(vA)[JcokhArako] yatra tatra gacchati [bhU65 [mi]vAH / / 27 // *] kalpakoTi[sa]hasrANi [ka]lpakoTi[zatAni ca / nivaste puruSo 66 loke (kSi)[ti]dAnaM dadAti yaH // 28 // *] va(ba)habhirva[su]SA bhuktA ] rA[ja]bhiH sagarAdibhiH / 67 ya[sya] yasya ya[vA] bhU[mi]stasya tasya tadA phalaM(lam) [26 // *] [sarvAne]tAnbhAvinaH pAthi(pi)veMdrA68 bhUyo] [bhUyo] yAcate rA[mabha[va] | [sAmAnyoyaM ba[ma]setuna (na)pANAM pA(kA)le kAle pA69 sanIpo] bhavatiH / / 30 // *] [STi][SarSahavANi] [sva]geM ti[8]ti bhUmivaH / mAcchettA 70 namitA ca tAnyeva naraka(ke) baset // 31 // *] svabata(sA) paravattAM vA yo hareta vasuMdharA (rAm) / 71 [sa] vi[SThA]yAM kRmibhUtvA kR[mi]bhiH saha pacyate // 32 // *] gAmeko suvarNameka bhUme72 rapyekamaMgula(lam) / haranarakamApnoti [yA]ta(va)vAha(bhU)tasaMplava(vam) [ 33 // *] iti kamala73 balAbu(bu)vi(vi)ndulolAM zriyamavalo[ya] mani]SyajIvitaM ca / [a]tivimalama74 [no]bhirAtmanIna[na] hi puruSa]: parakIrtayo vilopyAH // [34* // ] dharmadA]yo75 yaM zrIgo[ggisutazrIva[ja](jja)Dadevavi[hi]taH zu(zru)taH / yathavaM tathA zrIcchavaide76 vaH [zAsanaM dadAti // NO. 41.-DATE OF MATHURA PEDESTAL INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. This inscription was discovered at Mathura by Rai Bahadur Pandit Radha Krishna. It is incised on the pedestal of a broken statue of the Buddha. It has been edited before, with a photo-lithograph, by Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni in this journal, above, Vol. XIX, pp. 96 f. It is proposed to discuss the date of this epigraph here in view of its importance for the Kushana period of Indian history. 1 Read -manavakal * The correct form would be nivasati, but it would not suit the metre. Read ramall.

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294 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. The date of this inscription was read by Sahni as Maharaja-Devaputrasya Kanishkasya samvatsare 10 4 Pausha-masa-divase 10, i.e., on the 10th day of the month of Pausha in the year 14 of Maharaja Deva putra Kanishka. Sahni referred this inscription to the reign of Kanishka, the great founder of the Kushana era. His reading of the date and the consequent attribution of the record have not generally been called in question. But even a cursory glance at the photo-lithograph which accompanies his article will show that the date has been misread. As in other Kushana records, it is expressed in numerical symbols. The year of the date is shown by two symbols, the second of which is undoubtedly 4 as read by Sahni. The first symbol, however, does not stand for 10. This will be quite clear from the fact that it is not identical with the symbol for 10 used further on in the same line to denote the day. I read this symbol as 50, so that the date of the record is 50 4, i.e., the year 54. In support of my reading I call attention to the form of the symbol which occurs in another Mathura inscription of the same year, edited by Buhler. There the form is the same as in the present inscription with only this difference that, whereas the symbol appears quite vertical in the former, it is slanting in the latter. It is a cursive form of the usual symbol for 50 which consists of an arc open to the right, with both the ends turned inside. See, for instance, the form of the symbol in the Ginja inscription of Bhimasena, dated in the year 52. In both the aforementioned Mathura inscriptions of the year 54, the lower and upper curves of the symbol are turned into loops. An intermediate form is shown by the symbol used in another Symbols for 50 used in the Brahmi records of Mathura, OR 1 2 3 4 inscription found at Mathura itself, which is dated in the year 50. In this only the lower curve has been turned into a loop. The value of this symbol is clearly shown by two inscriptions from Mathura dated in the years 52 and 57 where the date is given both in words and in numerical symbols. The Mathura pedestal inscription is thus dated on the 10th day of the month Pausha in the year 54 during the reign of Maharaja Deva putra Kanishka.? As already remarked by Sahni, 1 It has of course been pointed out by some that the characters of this inscription are too developed for the reign of the great Emperor Kanishka, the founder of the Kushana era ; for, it shows the cursive forms of m, & and h which are believed to have become current in the Gupta age. But the difficulty is sought to be removed by one scholar by referring the date to the Kalachuri-Chedi era of A. D. 248-49 (See Ind. Cult., Vol. IV, p. 413). Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has accepted the reading of the date given by Sahni (above, Vol. XXI, p. 2). * See above, Vol. XIX, pl. facing p. 97 and No. 4 of the symbols reproduced here. * Above, Vol. I, p. 391, No. XXI, and plate. See No. 3 of the symbols reproduced here. Buhler at first read this symbol as 80, but in view of another inscription from Mathura (above, Vol. II, p. 210, No. 38, and plate), in which the year 57 is given both in words and numerical symbols, he took it to be equivalent to 50. Vincent Smith read the same symbol as 40, but, as Luders has shown, it undoubtedly stands for 50. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, p. 105. * See No. 1 of the symbols reproduced here. Above, Vol. II, p. 203, No. XVII, and pl. See No. 2 of the symbols reproduced here. * Above, Vol. II, p. 203, No. XVIII, and p. 210, No. XXXVIII, and plates. * This will also explain why the characters of this inscription are somewhat more developed than those in the rooords of Kanishka I. As a matter of fact, the looped , ocours throughout in a Mathura Brahm inscription of the year 25 as shown by Buhler (above, Vol. I, pp. 372-73). M with an unjoined middle and cursive h occurs in an inscription of Saka 127 at Jasdan (Kathiawad) as pointed out by D. K. Bhandarkar (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 2-3).

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No. 41.] DATE OF MATHURA PEDESTAL INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA. 295 this is a peculiar date, for it is recorded in a Hindu solar month instead of in seasons as in other Brahmi inscriptions from Mathura. This should not, however, cause any suspicion, for we have now another Kushana Brahmi inscription from Mathura which also has a peculiar date. The latter is recorded in the Macedonian month Gurppiya.1 This new reading of the date of the Mathura pedestal inscription presents a problem to which we may now turn. As stated before, the inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharaja Devaputra Kanishka. The reign of this Kanishka overlaps that of Huvishka. We have had till now records of Kanishka dated in the years 2-23, those of Vasishka dated in the years 24 and 28 and those of Huvishka dated in the years 28-60. It has therefore been supposed that Kanishka was succeeded by Vasishka in the year 24 and the latter by Huvishka in the year 28. Huvishka is known to have ruled at least till the year 60. How is it then that this Maharaja Devaputra Kanishka appears suddenly at Mathura in the year 54? The discovery of the Ara inscription dated in the year 41 which referred itself to the reign of Maharaja, Rajatiraja, Devaputra, Kaisara Kanishka, the son of Vajheshka, had also presented a similar difficulty; for its date also fell in the reign of Huvishka. Two explanations of this sudden appearance of Kanishka in the year 41 were given. According to R. D. Banerji who indentified Kanishka of the Ara inscription with the great founder of the Kushana era, the only explanation of the synchronism of Kanishka and Huvishka,.... is that, after the first ten years of Kanishka's reign, Huvishka was left in charge of Indian affairs with full imperial titles, while the former attended to the long war in the frontier and in trying to reclaim the lost provinces.'s This explanation was adopted by Mr. Vincent Smith in the third edition of his Early History of India. As an inscription of Vasishka dated in the year 24 was subsequently found, Smith suggested the following reconciliation of the known data :- Vasishka and Huvishka were sons of Kanishka, who both acted in succession as Viceroys of Upper India while their father was warring beyond the mountains. Vasishka, of whom no coins are known, seems to have predeceased his father, who was succeeded in his whole empire by Huvishka.' Dr. Luders, on the other hand, suggested that Kanishka of the Ara inscription who calls himself the son of Vajheshka was different from the homonymous great Emperor. He was the latter's grandson, being the son of Vasishka (called Vajheshka in the Ara inscription) who is known to have ruled at least from the year 24 to the year 28. He thus described the course of events:- Kanishka was followed by Vasishka between the years 11 and 24. After Vasishka's death, which occurred probably soon after Sam. 28, there was a division of the empire. Kanishka II took possession of the northern portion of the kingdom. In India proper, Huvishka made himself king. The reign of Kanishka II endured at least as far as Sam. 41, the date of our (i.e., Ara) inscription. But before Sam. 52 Huvishka must have recovered the authority of the northern portion of the empire, for in this year he is mentioned as king in the Kharoshthi inscription which was found at Wardak to the south west of Kabul'. This theory was adopted by Dr. Sten Konow. He pointed out that Huvishka did not make himself independent before the year 40, for until then he is simply styled Maharaja Devaputra. Soon after that 1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 55 ff. 2 The latest date of Kanishka is the year 23 recorded in a stone inscription in the Curzon Museum of Archaeology, Mathura. An. Rep., A. 8. I., for 1920-21, p. 35. It is very desirable that this record should be published. Luders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 149a and 161. Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 51 ff. and Luders' List, etc., No. 56. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 59. V. A. Smith. Early History of India (Third Ed.), p. 270. We now know that Kanishka I continued to rule till the year 23; see note 2 above. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 135.

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. he declared his independence and began to issue coins in his own name. We cannot tell,' says Dr. Konow, 'whether Kanishka II survived this new departure of Huvishka by more than a year, or if it was brought about by rumours of his approaching death.'' The date of the Mathura pedestal inscription throws fresh light on these problems. In the first place, the proximity of its date to that of the Ara inscription shows that the Kanishkas mentioned in the two records are identical. Secondly, it is clear that this Kanishka must be distinguished from the great Emperor Kanishka who founded the Kushana era. Before the discovery of this date 54, it was possible to argue that the year 41 of the Ara inscription was of the reign of Kanishka I, for a reign of 41 years is not very unlikely. But it is improbable, though not impossible, that Kanishka I ruled for 54 years. This Kanishka of the Ara and Mathura pedestal inscriptions may therefore be caled Kanishka II. As conjectured by Luders, Vajheshka is probably identical with Vasishkawho may have been a son of Kanishka I and who is known to have ruled from the year 24 to the year 28. Kanishka II seems thus to have been a grandson of Kanishka I, for in India grandsons are often named after their grandfathers. As stated before, the reigns of Huvishka and Kanishka II are overlapping. So long as only one inscription of Kanishka II was known, it was possible to explain this by supposing that Kanishka II ruled over the northern and Huvishka over the southern parts of the great Kushana empire ; for, the inscription of Kanishka II was found at Ara near Peshawar, while the inscriptions of Huvishka were found in the vicinity of Mathuri and Aligarh in the United Provinces. But now this inscription of Kanishka II comes from the same part of the country over which Huvishka was ruling. And what is more, its date (year 54) falls just midway between the years 50 and 58 recorded in inscriptions of the reign of Huvishkafound at Mathura itself. It is again noteworthy that in all these three inscriptions of the years 50, 54 and 58 found at Mathura. both huvishka and Kanishka II bear the ordinary title of Maharaja. In the Ara inscription dated in the year 41, Kanishka II bears the imperial titles Rajatiraja and Kaisara, while in the Wardak inscription dated in the year 50, Huvishka also bears the imperial title Rajatiraja. It will be noticed that the aforementioned Mathura inscriptions of both Huvishka and Kanishka mention no such imperial titles in connection with either of them. To reconcile these apparently contradictory data, it may be suggested that there was a civil war in the Kushana Empire after the death of Vasishka. At first Kanishka II was victorious and he ruled as Emperor till the year 41. Some time between 41 and 50 he suffered reverses at the hands of Huvishka who reduced him to a subordinate position. Soon thereafter both of them were defeated by some one else and made to assume the subordinate rank of Maharaja. 10. I. I., Vol. II, pt. i., p. lxxxi. * Luders thought that the use of the patronymic in the Ara inscription was intended to distinguish Kanishka II from Kanishka I (Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 135). The argument now loses its force, because in the present inscription which belongs to the reign of the same king Kanishka II no such patronymic has been waed. Vasishka is undoubtedly identical with Vajheshka, Vajhushkn of inscriptions and Jushka of the Rajalaran. gini. Sten Konow has already shown that j, jh and 8 are attempts at rendering the voiced s. See C. I. I., Vol. II, pt. i., p. 163-Ed.] 4 An inscription of the reign of Huvisbka dated in the year 45 from the collection of Pandit Bhagwanlal w found in the Library of the Bombay University, but its original find-spot is not known. J. Bom. Br. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, pp. 269 ff. * Laders' List, etc., Nos. 51 and 42: above, Vol. XIV, p. 138. . In two of these (viz., in those of the years 50 and 54) the title Devapuira is used in addition to Maharaja(a).

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No. 42.) DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI. 297 Such a reconstruction of Kushana history, however, does not seem probable ; for, the titles mentioned in these private records may be merely matters of accident. We notice the same thing in the case of Kanishka I. The records of the years 2 and 3 of his reign mention only the title Maharaja. Even this title is absent in the subsequent record of the year 5.2 Then we find the title Rajatiraja in the records of the years 7, 8 and 11,* but it is absent again in those of the years 9 and 10. We cannot therefore draw any conclusion from the absence of the imperial titles in the records of Huvishka and Kanishka II. How then are we to explain this strange phenoluenon of both Huvishka and Kanishka II ruling at Mathura in the years 50-58? I think the only theory which can explain it is that of the joint rule of these kings. In the Andhau inscription of Saka 52, we have a very similar case of Chashtana and his grandson Rudrada man ruling jointly in Malwa and Kathiawad. Another analogous instance is that of the Rashtrakuta princes Karka and his younger brother Govinda who were ruling in Gujarat jointly from Saka 732 to Saka 748.' Kanishka and Huvishka may similarly have ruled jointly at least during the period from the year 41 to the year 54. No. 42.-DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. From several stone inscriptions discovered at Kosam (ancient Kausambi) and Ginja in the United Provinces and Bandhogarh in the Rewah State, we have come to know the names of some ancient rulers of Kausambi. The records are dated in an era, the beginning of which is still to be determined. It is proposed to examine the question in this article and to suggest a solution. The records at Kosam and Ginja, which have been published, may be chronologically arranged as follows. Their date portions are also given below for ready reference. (1) Ginja inscription of Maharaja Bhimasena (year 52)_Maharajasya Sri-Bhimasenasya sa[ri."]vatsare 50 2 gimba-pakshe 4 divasa 10 2. 1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 212; and Luders' List, etc., No. 925. Ibid., No. 18. * Ibid., No. 21 : above, Vol. XVII, p. 11 and . I. I., Vol. II, pt. i, pp. 138 ff. * Luders' List, etc., Nos. 22 and 23. . Above, Vol. XVI, pp. 23 ff. * For a discussion of this problem, see J. R. A. 8. for 1926, pp. 659 ff. * Karka's grants are dated in Saka 734, 738, 743 and 748 and those of his younger brother Govinda in Saka 732.735, and 749. In his grants Govinda does not say that he made them with the permission of his elder brother, Agnin he pays in them a tribute to Karka which makes the theory of a civil war and usurpation of the kingdom by Govinda unlikely. As the villages granted by these brothers are in the same part of the country, nay, in some cases are situated within a few miles of one another, the theory that there was a division of the kingdom between them is also untenable. Dr. Altekar has suggested that Govinda was governing Gujarat as a deputy for his elder brother while the latter was acting as a regent for the boy king Amoghavarsba I, but the discovery of Govinda's grant dated Saka 732 has shown that Govinda was holding Gujarat even before the denth of the Rawhtrakata Raperor Govinda III. We must therefore suppose that the two brothers were ruling jointly in Gujarat. Cunningham, A.S.R. Vol. XXI, Pl. XXX, and above, Vol. III, Pl. facing p. 306. 60 DGA (2)

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298 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (2) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Bhadramagha (year 81)-Maharajasya iri-Bhadramaghasya sa[m*]vatsare ekasite 80 1 grishma-pakshe dvitiye 2 divase panchame 5. 5. (3-4) Allahabad Museum (Kosam) inscriptions of Maharaja Bhadramagha (year 87)2Mahar[aljasya sri-Bhadramaghasya sa[m]vatsare sapt[a]site 80 7 varsha-paksha tritiya 3 divasa [VOL. XXVI. (5) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Bhadramagha (year 88)-Maharajasya sri-Bhadram[aghasya] [samvatsa]re 80 8 varsha-paksha 3 divasa 5. (6) Kosam inscription of Makaraja Vaisravana (year 107)-[Ma]h[a]r[a]jasya sri-Vaisrava[nasya] samvatsare sapt-ottara-satime 100 7 grishma-pakshe saptame 7 divase prathame. (7) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Sivamagha (date lost)[Maharajasya iri-Sivamaghanya sa[tivatsare]....[varsha-pakshe] 2 divase prathame 1. (8) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Bhimavarman (year 130) Maharaja-sri-Bh[i]mavarnanam samvatsa[re*] tri[m]s-ottara-satime 100 30 grishma-pakshe prathame 1 di[vase]. (9) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Bhimavarman (year 139)-Mahar[a]jasya sri-Bhimavarmmanah samva[t] 100 30 9....2(?) diva 7. The records found at Bandhogarh have not yet been published, but from the information occasionally communicated by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist, we learn that they are records of the reigns of the Maharaja Vasishthiputra Bhimasena (year 51) and his son Pothasiri (year 86) (? 76) and grandson Bhadadeva (year 90). Two other small inscriptions discovered at Bandhogarh record each the construction of a cave by the Rajan Vaisra vana, son of the Mahasenapati Bhadrabala. They are not dated. Two sealings, one of Rajan Vasishthiputra Bhimasena and the other of Maharaja Gautamiputra Sivamagha were found during excavations at Bhita. 10 They contain among others the devices of the bull and the tree-in-railing, which, as stated below, occur on the coins of the kings of Kausambi. Some coins of Prishthasriya with the same devices were also discovered at Bhita. As conjectured by Dr. Motichandra, 12 this Prishthasriya is probably identical with Pothasiri of the Bandhogarh inscription. Again, a hoard of copper coins has recently been discovered at Saton in the Fatehpur District of U. P. It has been described by Dr. Motichandra.13 It contained the coins of Bhadramagha, Vaisravana, Sivamagha and Bhimavarman. These coins have the same devices of the bull and the tree-in-railing. Again, Dr. Allan's Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum (Ancient India), pp. 157-58, describes some coins with the legend Jayama[gha*]. It is Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 253 ff., and plate. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 245 ff., and plate. Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 160, and plate. Jayaswal read the date as 86. (History of India, 150 A.D.-350 A.D., p. 230.) According to Dr. Konow this inscription is of the same date as Nos. 3 and 4 above. 4 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 146 ff., and plate. 5 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 159, and plate. Ind. Cl., Vol. III, pp. 177 ff., and plate. C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 266 ff., and plate. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar refers the date of this record to the Chidi era (see his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 173, n. 3), while Mr. A. Ghosh refers it to the Gupta cra (Ind. Cul., Vol. III, pp. 178 ff), both on palaeographic grounds. Its characters do not materially differ from those of other Kosam inscriptions listed here. Its date must therefore be referred to the same reckoning. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 146, n. 2. J. N. 8. I., Vol. II, p. 101. 10 An. Rep. A. S. I. for 1911-12, p. 51. 11 Ibid., p. 66. 12 J. N. S. I., Vol. II, p. 99, n. 18. Ibid., pp. 95 ff.

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No. 42.] DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI. 299 not known if this legend is complete, for these coins are not illustrated there. Perhaps it is not, for I saw with Dr. A. S. Altekar some Kausambi coins from the collection of Rai Bahadur B. M. Vyasa, on which the king's name appears to be Vijayamagha. Some of the Kausimbi coins found in the excavations at Bhita had the incomplete legends (i) viya (? ja), (ii) vi- and (iii) yama. They also probably belong to the same king Vijayamagha. From all this material we can arrange these kings chronologically as follows: Places where stone records have been found. Name of King. Title. Years. Places where sealing was found. Places where coins were found. 1 Bhita. 90 Vasishthiputra-Bhima- Rajan, Maha 51, 52 sena. raja. Prishthafriya, son of (Not known) 86 (1 76) (1). Bhadramagha, son of Maharaja, Ma- 81, 87, 88, Maharaja, Ma- 81, 87, 88, (2). hasonapati. Vaisravana, son of (3) Rajan, Mahi- 107 raja. Gautamiputra Siva Maharaja (Date lost) magha. Bhimavarman. Maharaja 130, 139 Vijayamagha . . Ginja, Bandho-Bhita . garh. Bandhogarh . Kolam, Bandho garh. Kosam . 1 Kosam. . Bhita. Kosam . . 4 5 Fatehpur, Kosam. Fatehpur, Kosam. Fatehpar. Fatehpur. Kosam, Bhita. 61 7 The order of succession from Bhimasena to Vaisravana is settled by the relationship these kings bore to one another. I place Sivamagha after Vaisravana, because the characters of his Kosam record appear to be somewhat more cursive than those of Bhimasena's record. Vijayamagha is tentatively placed last of all, because his coins have been found only in the vicinity of Kausambi. These kings held the country from Kosam to Bandhogarh, a large part of which was included in the ancient Chedi or Dahala. It is not definitely known where they had their capital, but it is not unlikely that they ruled from Kausambi, the ancient capital of the Vatsa country, where the records and coins of most of them have been found. It will be noticed that the known dates of these kings range from the year 51 to the year 139. They evidently refer to one and the same reckoning, but it is nowhere specified. The inscriptions, again, do not mention any contemporary kings and thus afford no definite clue to the period in which these kings flourished. We have therefore to examine this question in the light 1 An. Rep. A. . I. for 1911-12, p. 67. ? I have suggested here that the year 86 found in a record of Prishthafriya from Bandhogarh is a mistake for 76, because it overlaps the dates of his son Bhadramagha. After this article had been sent to the press, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, in reply to an enquiry in this connection, informed me that as many as five records of the reign of Pothasiri (Prishthasriya) dated in the year 86 have been discovered at Bandhogarh and that the reading of the number of the year is decidedly 86, as it is expressed not only in symbols but also in words (chhasite). He also informe me that there is another inscription pertaining to the reign of the same king, which is dated in the year 87. There is thus no mistake about the reading and the dates undoubtedly overlap. One way of explaining this would be to distinguish between Maharaja Bhadramagha and Mahasenapali Bhadrabala or Bhadadeva (Bhadradeva) and to suppose that the former was ruling at Kosam and the latter, like his father Prishthasriya and son Vaisravana, was holding Bandhogarh. But as the coins of Prishthasriya and Vaibravana have been found at Bhita, at Kosam and near Fatehpur, it seems that the rule of these kings extended to the Vatea country in the north. Perhape Prishthafriya and his son Bhadramagha or Bhadrabala were ruling jointly. For similar cases of joint rule in ancient India, see above, p. 297. The Purinas state that nine kings named Megha ruled in Kosala which usually denotes modern Chhattis. parh. But no coins or records of the kings of this dynasty have been found there.

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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [VOL. XXVI. of other evidence, more or less indefinite, of palaeography, language and the mode of dating adopted in these records and the stratification of the level at which their coins and seals were found. As regards palaeography the following peculiarities have been noticed :(1) The medial short i is shown by a small curve on the top of a letter as in the Kushana inscriptions. In the Gupta records this curve is brought down much lower on the left of the letter. (2) The medial e is generally indicated by a short horizontal stroke to the left as in the Kushana inscriptions. In the Gupta records the matra is usually placed on the top. (3) The medial o is shown by a concave curve as in the Kushana inscriptions. In the Gupta records, the vowel is shown by two matras turned in opposite directions. (4) The right verticals of g, t and $ are of the same length as the left ones. This is a pecu liarity of the Kushana records. In the Gupta inscriptions the right verticals of these letters are much elongated. (5) Gh, p and y are rectangular as in the Kushana period. In the Gupta period these letters become round and cursive. (6) N has a curved base as in the Kushana records, but no loop except in the late inscrip tion of Vaisravana's reign. This letter became looped in the Gupta period. (7) M and h have the later, so-called eastern, forms known from Gupta records, though on the coins of these kings m has the archaic shape of the Kushana period. (8) S appears both in looped and unlooped forms. The unlooped form of it was generally current in the Kushana period and the looped one in the Gupta period. As regards language, these records bear affinity to the Kushana rather than to the Gupta records. They are written in a mixed dialect which was current in the Kushana age. Such Prakrit expressions as etaya puruvaya for etasyam purvayam or satime for satatame are used side by side with correct Sanskrit forms. The language of the Gupta records is generally good Sanskrit. The method of dating adopted in these records is slightly different from that of the Kushana records from Mathura. The dates are recorded in years and seasons, but instead of mentioning the number of months within the seasons as in the Kushana records from Mathura, they state the number of fortnights like the Satavahana records from the Deccan. In North India such season dates were current during the Kushana perin., but they seem to have gone out of use in the Gupta age as there is not a single certain date of that age recorded in seasons. 1 Luders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 1122-26. * Mr. R. D. Banerji drew attention to the date of a Mathuri Brahmi inscription which he took as indicating a compromise between solar month dates and season dates. He read the date as Vijaya-rajya sain 100 10 3 Kartika Hema*]nta ma[sa 3] disva]sa 20 (above, Vol. II, p. 210, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 46). But the facsimile shows that the reading Hemanta is extremely uncertain. Incidentally it may be pointed out that the date of the record appears to be 110, not 113. Mr. A. Ghosh mentions three season dates of the Gupta period, but they too are not certain. Of these the first one, viz., the date of the Kosam inscription of Bhimavarman (year 139) refers to the same era as those of the other Kosam inscriptions of this dynasty, as shown above. The date of the Mathura inscription of Chandragupta II is not a season date as shown by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. As there was an intercalary month in the Gupta year 61, Dr. Bhandarkar's suggestion that the lost letters of the date were Ashadha-mase is quite plausible. As for the date of the Mathura inscription No. XXXVIII, (above, Vol. II, p. 210), its attribution to the Gupta period rests only on palaeographic evidence which is not quite certain. See also J. R. A. 8. for 1903, p. 11. In South India the custom of using season dates lingered much longer; for we have some records of the Vakatakas and the Vishnukundins of the fifth and sixth centuries A. D., which have season datee. See above, Vol. II, p. 262; Vol. IV, p. 197; Vol. XVII, p. 339, eto.

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No. 42.] DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI. 301 As regards the evidence of stratification, it may be pointed out that the sealings of Bhimasena and Sivamagha were found during excavations at Bhita at the level of the lower floor of Nagadeva's house all the finds of which belong to the Kushana period. According to Sir John Marshall the house was deserted, owing to some catastrophe, in the Kushana period. Having thus stated the nature of the evidence available for determining the age of these records, let us proceed to examine the theories advanced so far. (I) Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni referred the date of the Kosam stone inscription of Bhadramagha to the Gupta era. The years 51-139 of these records would, on this supposition, correspond to A.D. 370--458. This theory does not appear plausible ; for, though these inscriptions exhibit some forms of letters (such as m with unjoined middle, the cursive h and the looped 8) which are believed to have become current in the Gupta period, the general appearance of their characters is pre-Gupta. The evidence of language and the manner of dating is also against this theory as stated above. (II) The second theory, which has been advocated by Dr. Jayaswal, and Messrs. N. G. Majumder, A. Ghosh and Krishna Deva, refers these dates to the Chedi era. It is pointed out that these Kosam records show greater maturity than is evident in the Kushana, without approximating to the Gupta in cursiveness. They thus belong to the period of transition between the Kushana and the Gupta. The system of dating and the mixed nature of the language are also - believed to point to the same period. These records are, therefore, assigned to some time from the third to the fourth century A.D.'. The only era in this period to which the dates could be referred is the Chedi era of A.D. 248-49. This theory has much plausibility and the fact that some of these records come from that part of the country which in ancient times was known as Chedi lends colour to it. The origin of the Chedi era is still uncertain. The earliest certain date of this era so far known is the year 207 recorded in the Pardi plates of the Traikutaka Dahrasena. The era was current in Gujarat, Konkan and northern Maharashtra down to the beginning of the eighth century A.D. It is found used in the records of the Traikutakas, Kalachuris, Western Chalukyas and their feudatories. Later on it was taken by the Kalachuris to the United Provinces and Chhattisgarh when they founded their kingdoms there. But no dates of the first two centuries of this era have been found till now. The discovery of these Kosam records which apparently belong to the third or fourth century A. D. seemed to supply the early dates of the era which had been missing so far. This theory does not, however, appear to be convincing ; for, if these dates are referred to the Chedi era, Bhadramagha, Vaisravana and Bhimavarman become the contemporaries of the Gupta Emperors, Chandragupta I, Samudragupta and Chandragupta II. That the Guptas extended their sway to Allahabad and the Ganges-Jumna Doab soon after their rise appears clear from an oft-quoted statement in the Puranas. If these rulers of Kausambi (36 miles from Allahabad) were ruling in the fourth century A. D., they must have acknowledged the suzerainty of the Guptas. It seems strange therefore that none of these records mentions the name of any Gupta overlord. The explanation that these are private records will not avail, because even when Vaisravana records his excavation of a cave at Bandhogarh he does not name any suzerain. + An. Rep. A. 8. 1. for 1911-12, pp. 34, 51, 66 ff. ? Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 255. 3 The dates of the Uchchakalpa records which are earlier are referred by some to the Chedi era, but this does not soem to be the correct view. See above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 171 ff. * anu-Ganga Prayagam cha Saketam Magadhamg-tatha etan janapadan sarvan bhokshyante Gupta-vambajab|| Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 53.

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302 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. Secondly, it does not appear credible that the Gupta Emperors allowed these feudatories to strike coins in their own names. The Guptas seemed to have valued highly the Imperial prerogative of issuing their own coinage; for, instead of allowing the coins of the Kushanas to circulate in their kingdom, they issued a varied and magnificent coinage of their own. When Chandragupta II exterminated the Western Saka Satraps and annexed Malwa and Kathiawad he issued fresh silver coins to meet the needs of the people of the newly acquired provinces. It may be urged that the coins of these Kausambi kings are all of copper, while no copper coins of Chandragupta I and Samudragupta have yet been found. The first Gupta king whose copper coins have been discovered is Chandragupta II. Chandragupta I and Samudragupta may therefore have allowed these coins to circulate in their kingdom for the sake of convenience. But this argument does not explain why Bhimavarman who was a contemporary of Chandragupta II was allowed to strike coins in his own name. From inscriptional records we know of some feudatories of the Guptas, but the coins of none of them have been found. It is extremely unlikely that the Guptas made an exception in the case of these feudatories of Kausambi. (III) The third theory is that these dates refer to the Kushana era founded by Kanishka. The palaeographical evidence detailed above shows that these Kosam records must be classed with the Kushana and this has indeed been admitted even by the advocates of the second theory. But they point out that some of the letters, viz., m, s and h, have more developed forms which are usually met with in Gupta records. It is, however, not realized that if these dates are referred to the Chedi era, the resemblances should be many more and striking; for, Vaisravana and Bhimavarman become then the contemporaries of Samudragupta and Chandragupta II. The stone pillar on which Harishena's prasasti of Samudragupta is incised is believed to have originally stood at Kausambi itself. The inscription was incised about A.D. 360, i.e., somewhat earlier than the inscription of Vaisravana and much earlier than those of Bhimavarman. A comparison of Harishona's prasasti with the Kosam records will show that its characters are much more developed than those of the latter. It exhibits throughout the looped n, sh and s; the right verticals of g, t and are elongated and the letters are generally cursive, instead of being squat and square. In all these respects the letters of the Kosam records, especially those of Bhimavarman's inscription dated in the year 130, present decidedly early forms approximating those of the Kushana. As for the letters m, s and h, it may be pointed out that the so-called eastern Gupta forms of these occur much earlier than the age of the Guptas and as far west as Mathura and Jasdan in Kathiawad. Buhler pointed out long ago that the looped form of s occurs throughout in a Mathura inscription dated in the year 20 of the era of Kanishka. Dr. D. R. Bhandarakar has recently drawn attention to the Allan, Catalogue of Indian Coins, Gupta Dynasties, p. lxxxvii. Prof. C. J. Brown thinks that Samudragupta did not mint copper coins because in the time of the Guptas, the bazars must have been full of Kushana copper money (The Coins of India, p. 42). 2 R. D. Banerji states in his Age of the Imperial Guptas (p. 214) that he saw two copper coins of Samudragupta They have not been published. 3 C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 2. 4 V. A. Smith, Early History of India (third ed.), p. 282. This prasasti does not mention Samudragupta's performance of the Aevamedha sacrifice. According to Dr. H. R. Divekar, the expression kripana-din-anathatura-jan-oddharana-ma(sa)ttra-dikeh-abhyupagata-manasah in 1. 26 indicates the intention of Samudragupta to perform the sacrifice (Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. VII, p. 165). But this is incorrect. Sattra-diksha is used there only for a metaphorical description, the figure being rupaka. For an exactly similar idea, see apann-abhaya-sattreshu dikshitah khalu Pauravah in Kalidasa's Sakuntala, Act II, v. 16. Above, Vol. I, pp. 372-73.

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No. 42.] DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI. 303 occurrence of the so-called eastern forms of m and h in a Western Kshatrapa record of Saka 127 (A. D. 205). The Gupta forms of these letters were thus not unknown in the second and third centuries A. D. But it may be objected that these forms occur only sporadically in the aforementioned records of the Kushana period. They do not show that these forms had become current at the time. To prove this we must have some record which definitely belongs to the Kushana period and exhibits all these forms together as in the Kosam inscriptions under consideration. Such a record is not difficult to find. I draw attention to the Mathura pedestal inscription of the reign of Kanishka. The characters of this inscription closely resemble those of the Kosam records. They include the so-called Eastern Gupta forms of the letters m, s and h. In other respects, such as the forms of the medial vowels, of n, v, sh, etc., they are akin to other Kushana records, though they are somewhat more cursive. The date of this record should give a clue to the age of the Kosam records under discussion. This Mathura inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharaja Devaputra Kanishka. It is dated on the 10th day of Pausha in the year 54. As shown elsewhere, this Kanishka must be identified with Kanishka II whose Ara inscription is dated in the year 41. The date 54 must of course be referred to the era started by Kanishka I. The beginning of this era is still uncertain, but most scholars are now in favour of identifying it with the Saka era of A. D. 78. In view of the similarity of the characters used in this Mathura pedestal inscription of the year 54 and the Kosam records of the years 52-139, it seems certain that all these records. are dated in the same era, viz., the Kushana era founded by Kanishka. And this is but natural; for Kanishka carried his arms as far as Pataliputra in the east. In the south his empire extended at least up to the Narmada. His era seems to have been current throughout his extensive empire long after his death. Inscriptions dated in it have been found at Sarnath in the east, Sanchi in the south and Wardak near Kabul in the north-west. Once an era becomes current in a part of the country and the people become accustomed to use it, it continues to be used long after the founder or his family has ceased to rule. The era of Harsha continued to be used long after him, though his empire crumbled to pieces almost immediately after his death. We do not know who founded the so-called Kalachuri-Chedi era. But it was used in Gujarat, Knokan and Maharashtra for several centuries after the memory of its founder had faded from the public mind. The same thing must have happened in the case of the Kushana era. It is not known if the Vatsa and Chedi countries were included in the Kushana Empire during the reign of Huvishka; for, no inscriptions of the king have been found there. R. D. Banerji conjectured from the absence of Kushana records between the years 60 and 74 that during the last years of Huvishka's reign the Kushana Empire in India was convulsed by civil 1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 2 f. 2 Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 96 f., and plate. See for the discussion on the date of this record, above, pp. 293 ff. Dr. Sten Konow places the beginning of this era in A. D. 128-29 (C. I. I., Vol. II, pt. i, p. xc v). Though this era is usually called the Chedi era, it does not seem that it originated in the Chedi country; for, its early dates come from the Bombay Presidency. The name Chedi-samvat occurs for the first time in a record of the year 919 (A. D. 1167-68) from Chhattisgarh. It was then current in the Chedi country. In an earlier record of the year 831 (A. D. 1079) the date is introduced with the words Chedibasya samvat evidently because it was used by the Kalachuris who were then ruling over the Chedi country. The connection of the Kalachuris with this era does not go before the year 347 (A. D. 595). It is conjectured from the discovery of the impression of a medal of Huvishka under the Vajrasa..a throne inside the temple of Bodh Gaya that the Empire of Huvisha included Bihar (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 60).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. wars and revolution. If the kings of Kausambi were at first feudatories of the Kushanas, they must have asserted their independence in this period. No'inscriptions of the reign of Vasudeva have been found outside the Mathura region. The kings of Kausambi may therefore have been virtually independent during his time. After the death of Vasudeva, there was no power in North India which could have held them in subjection till the rise of the Guptas. The last known king of this line is Vijayamagha, but we need not suppose that the dynasty ended with him. His successors may have continued to rule at least over the territory round Kausambi til the rise of the Guptas. Balavarman who is mentioned in the Allahabad prasasti as one of the rulers of Aryavarta (North India) exterminated by Samudragupta may have been ruling at Kaubambi. His name does not of course end in magha, but this presents no difficulty: for magha was not the invariable suffix of the names of these kings. R. D. Banerji proposed to identify this Balavarman with the homonymous ancestor of Bhaskaravarman of Aggam. But the identification does not appear to be correct for two reasons. Firstly, Balavarman was ninth in ascent from Bhaskaravarman. From the Harshacharita he seems to have come to the throne about A. D. 600. Taking 25 years as the average period of each reign, we find that this BalaVarman of Assam must have ruled from circa A. D. 375 to 400. He was thus a contemporary of Chandragupta II, not of Samudragupta. Secondly, we find Kamarupa (Assam) included in the list of border kingdoms, the rulers of which paid homage and tribute to Samudragupta. Its ruler was not therefore exterminated by the Gupta Emperor. Balavarman is therefore more likely to have been & ruler of Central India who was overthrown and whose territory was annexed by Samudragupta. He may have been ruling at Kausambi. That Kausambi was directly under the rule of the Guptas appears clear not only from the aforementioned statement in the Puranas about the extent of the Gupta kingdom, but also from the prasasti on the stone pillar at Allahabad, which seems to have originally stood at Kausambi. Thus the theory that the dates of these Kings of Kausambi refer to the Kushana (or Saka) era presents no difficulties. It harmonises all data satisfactorily and squares with our present knowledge of the history of Central India in the pre-Gupta period. No. 43.-ASOGE PLATES OP KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II) ; SAKA 1055. By G. H. KHARE, POONA. The plates were originally edited by me from the reading, etc., supplied by Mr. Damutatyx Bokade of Hubli, Dharwar District. Afterwards I was able to acquire the plates in question for the Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala, from their owner, Ganapatarao Inamdar of Asoge, Khanapur, Belgaum District and re-edited them from the originals with facsimiles. I again edit them here for the benefit of English-knowing scholars. 1 R. 1). Banerji, Prehistoric Ancient and Hindu India, p. 131. 2 K. D. Banerji, Age of the Imperial Guptas, p. 13. K. P. Jayaswal on the other hand, suggested that Balvarman was the second or abhisheka name of Kalyanavarman who is mentioned as the ruler of Pataliputra in the Kaumudimahotsava, see his History of India, etc., p. 142, but the historicity of the drama is not above. suspicion. The view that these kings flourished in the second and third centuries A. D. has also been supported by Mr. G. 8. Chatterji (Jha Commemoration Volume, pp. 101 ff.), Dr. Motichandra (J. N. 8. I., Vol. II, pp. 95 ff.) and Dr. Sten Konow (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 2.5 ff.). * G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval fistory of the Dekkan (Marathi) Vol. I p. 211 et sey. . Ibid. Vol. II, p. 9 el seq.

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No. 43.] ASOGE PLATES OF KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II); SAKA 1055. 305 The record consists of three plates, measuring 8"x6" in dimensions. The plates were, as informed by Mr. Bokade, originally strung on a circular ring, the two ends of which were soldered into a seal bearing the figure of a boar in relief. I was, however, unable to acquire the seal. The inner sides of the first and the third and both the sides of the second plate are inscribed, containing 49 lines of writing in all. The sides contain 12, 13, 12 and 12 lines respectively. The rims of the plates being raised, the writing is perfectly preserved. The whole set weighs 170 tolas. The charter is written in Devanagari characters of the 12th century of the Christian era, which closely resemble those found in the Kadamba inscriptions of the time and call for no special remarks. Prishthamatras are invariably used. The form of th in sthi is peculiar and resembles that of chh. It occurs in ll. 1, 10, 21, 38. A danda appearing at the end of 11. 1, 17, 18, 23, 38, 43 and 44 stands to serve the purpose of a hyphen, showing that the word is continued in the next line. About orthography three points deserve mention here. B is generally substituted by vas vibharti (1. 3), Kadamva (1. 10), vivudho (1. 47), etc., and e by s in some cases, as in saurya (1. 21) Galagesvara (1. 28), sake (1. 38). Visarga followed by and s is invariably changed to s and a respectively. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse throughout. The following place-names occur in this grant: Konkana (1. 8); the river Malapraharini (1. 25); Palasi-desa (1. 29); the kampana Kalagiri including the village Kupattoggarika (1. 33). Konkana does not require any elucidation. Malapraharini is evidently the old name of the modern Malaprabha. Palasi is the modern Halsi in the Khanapur taluqa of the Belgaum District. There is a shrine called Galagesvara at the village of Baloge, which is evidently identical with the one mentioned in the record, as it is situated on the bank of the river Malaprabha, the Malapraharini of the inscription. It is some 2 miles to the west of Khanapur. The kampana Kalagiri is referred to in a similar inscription. The Postal Village Directory of the Bombay Circle notes Kalagiri as a deserted village in Khanapur. It may be the old Kalagiri. Kupattoggarika seems to be Kopulgeree of the Indian Atlas, sheet 41, shown some 3 miles due south-east of Khanapur. The details of the date, as given in 11. 38-40, are the Saka year 1055, expressed by the words sara (5), sara (-5) and asa (-10), the cyclic year Pramadin, the first day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna, Saturday and the solar eclipse. According to the Indian Chronology by Pillai, the expired Saka year 1055 coincides with the cyclic year Pramadin and there was a solar eclipse on the newmoon day of Magha of that year which fell on Friday. But as the period after the occurrence of the eclipse is also reckoned as auspicious for making grants, Saturday, the first day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna, is cited here as the day of the grant. 60 DGA. 1 For other references to Palast and its variants Palasika, Palasige, etc., see Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part II, pp. 285, 288, 289, 298 note 2, 358 note 1, 451, 452, 456, 460, 476, 486, 565, 568-570. 2 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. IX, pp. 279 and 280. But the Indian Altas (published in 1852 A. D.), sheet no. 41, does not show this village. Tables, page 87.

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306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. But it should also be borne in mind that Mr. Pillai has given the mean ending moment of the newmoon day there. The Christian equivalent of the date is 27th January A. D. 1134. The object of the inscription is to record a grant, by Kadamba Jayakobin II of Goa, of the village Kupattoggarika to one Sivasakti, a 'store of penance ', for the worship of the God Galagesvara, for the repairs of his temple and for the accomplishment of satras on auspicious occasions such as Chaitra, pavitra, etc. After the first two benedictory verses praying for the favour of Hari and Siva, the record goes on to describe the origin and genealogy of the Kadambas of Goa. From the drops of sweat of Siva fallen at the foot of a kadamba tree sprang Trilochana-Kadamba, who resided in the Konkana and from whom the family got the name Kadamba. In this family was born Jayakesin (I), who received the title Raya pitamaha by his successfully reconciling the Chalukya and Chola kings at Kanchi who were hostile to each other. This fact has been also referred to in the Kiri-Halasige plates thus cAlukyacolabhUpAlI kAMcyA mitre viSAya yaH / pemaTTitUryanirghoSopyAsIdrAyapitAmahaH // From him was born Vijayaditya who begot Jayakesin (II). The only fact recorded about him in this inscription is that a certain king gave his daughter in marriage to him. Unfortunately the name of either the king or his daughter is not mentioned here, but we know these names from other records. For instance, the same Kiri-Halasige plates have the following verse - bhUbhRtvANaparAyaNaH pRthuyazA gAMbhIryaratnAkaraH zrIpermADinRpaH payoniSinibhaH somAnujAM kanyakAm / yasmai vismayakAribhUrivibhavavattva (sve)bhakozAdibhiH khyAtaH zrIpataye sa mailalamahAdevIM kRtArthobhavat // This verse apparently states that the King Permadi (=Chalukya Vikramaditya VI) gave his daughter Mailalamahadevi, the younger sister of Somesvara III, to him. There is perhaps one more fact recorded about Jayakesin (II). The 13th verse begins with the phrase KritaBhogapur-avaso which means that he made Bhogapura his residence. If we accept this meaning, we must try to identify Bhogapura. But as it is mentioned singly, we are practically helpless in the matter. 1 (What Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai has shown at the cited place evidently refers to the Christian equivalent of the amavdays of the month of Maghs in the year concerned, which is Friday, 26th January A. D. 1134, without referring to the exact duration of that lithi. The solar eclipse, however, appears to have taken place in the early hours of the following day, namely Saturday, 27th January A. D. 1134, when the amavdaya ended about two hours and a half after the mean sun-rise, the rest, or the major part, of that day thus being counted as the first day of the bright fortnight of the month of Phalguna, the tithi mentioned in the inscription. This is made clear by referring to Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 270. From this it follows that the donation was both actually made and recorded on the same day, though by a few hours' difference the recording fell on the following tithi. The date of the record may thus be regarded as perfectly regular.-B. C. C.] . J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. IX, p. 242. * Ibid. The fact is also clearly mentioned in the Degumve, Halsl, and Golihalli inscriptions (ibid., pp. 267, 279, 288, 298), Goa plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 289) and the first Narendra inscription (above, Vol. XIII, p. 298) and inforred in the second Narendra inscription (ibid., p. 316).

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No. 43.] ASOGE PLATES OF KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II); SAKA 1055. This record extends the period of Jayakesin's reign by 8 years; for, the present charter is issued in Saka 1055 and the last known date of Jayakasin II, as recorded by the late Dr. Fleet and as found in inscriptions published since then, is Saka 1047. All the same I must confess that this record does not throw any light on his political relation to the successor of the Chalukya King Vikramaditya. This record has nothing to show whether he acknowledged the Chalukya supremacy. After the 25th verse appear two usual imprecatory verses. The last two stanzas tell us that one Somadeva, son of Trailokyadeva, of the Upamanyu gotra drafted the grant, and an artisan named Ramadeva engraved it. 307 TEXT [Metres: Vv. 1-8, 13-24, 27, 29 Anushtubh; vv. 9, 11, 12 Sardalavikridita; v. 10 Arya; v. 25 Gatha ; v. 26 Salini; v. 28 Vasantatilaka.] First Plate. 1 zrI [ // * ] bhUyAdvibhUtyaM bhavatAM sa varAhavapurhariH [1*] potrapratisthitA ya dadyAnmaulI yasya 2 spa mustAstaMbA (bA) yate mahI // 1 // *] sa zivazivaM 3 himadyutiH [*] vi (bi) bharti nAkanalinImRNAlazakalazriyaM (yam) 4 rAgAM vijaye zaMbho: katicidAspadaM (dam) / calaMlATaphalake zramasve [2 // * ] purA pu 5 bo(f) [111*] (ba) talamAptebhyastebhyo netratrayAcitaH [*] caturbhu 6 jassamabhava svo (tsye) yaMdheryaSaro naraH [ // 4 // * ] zaktimAnvivu (bu) dhAnaMdaka7*Ara: [*] trilocanayA (mA) 8 sa nAgavallIkalite kadalIkhaMDamaMDite / cakAra koMkaNe vA vi (vi) adbhutavikramaH [ // 5 // *] 9 saM vilAsavasatirica (viSa) ra (ram) (6 // *] tataH pravavRte 10 maMlaH / amlAnakamalollAso 11 davikhyAto rAjahaMsopazobhitaH / 12 ho himava[14]dgireH // [ 8 // * ] mahesva (eca) ratasthitiH [1011*] kAdaMva (ba) paabhaMga iva gaMgAyAH pravA etasma 'jayakezibhUpatirabhUvaMbhoSigarbho 1 Bombay Gazeteer, Vol. I, part II, p. 568 and Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, 298, 316. Prof. Moraes in his Kadamba Kula (p. 197), seems to extend this period to A. D. 1147 (S. 1070 current), because Jayakeain II's son succeeded him in that year. But unless records of the intermediate period are found, that will not be the final conclusion. There may have been other causes, such as chaos, which may have prevented the son from succeeding his father before 8. 1070 current. [Two inscriptions of the reign of Jayakakin II bearing the date Saks 1058, have been noticed in the An. Rep. on 8. I. E. for 1925-26 (Nos. 453 and 461 of Appendix C). Another record of the same ruler (ibid., No. 450) probably belongs to A. D. 1138 (Kalayukta).-N. L. R.] Prepared from the original plates. The two circles representing the sign of visarga are separated, one appearing at the top and the other at the bottom of the letter va. Evidently the engraver first omitted the visarga inadvertently and later on, discovering his mistake, inserted it in the manner described above for want of space. 4 The form of briMga resembles very much that of hi. Read etasmizi

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL.XXVI. Second Plate; First Side. 13 va ratnarapihitazcakAra saphala yastyAsiMhAsana (nam) / nizza14 koMkataTe gRhItasamarI cAlukyacolASipau kRtvA rAyapi15 tAmaheti mahatImA prasiddhi gataH [1 eu*] tasmAdvijayAdityassatyavatA16 mANorguNaH praguNaH [*] jAtassa yasya kIrtivilasati loke patAkeva // [10 // *] 17 jAtosmAjjayakezidevanRpatissI(ssA)kSAdivAghokSajaH loNIra18 saNavakSiNassumanasAmAnaMdasaMbohaMdaH / yo bAlyo(bAlye)pi yazodayApa19 rigatassatyollasanmAnaso vRSTodAraparAkramo ba(ba)lijaye 20 lakSmyA samAliMgitaH // 11 // *] asyosA(sA)hasakhasya sAhasavato nissaM(zza)ka21 sau(zauryasthite:(te)mAhAtmA mahanIyamAnamahasaH kiM varNayAmo vayam / 22 yasmai vismayavAnvitIrya vidhinA sarbasvabhUtAM sutAM sArtha vAjigajana23 jena pRthivInAthaH kRtArthobhavat // [12 // *] kRtabhogapurAvAso vi24 lAsavasatipaH / sa puSNanarmisArthasya viviSArthamanoravAn / [13 // *] 25 saritsahyAvisaMbhUtA zaivali garbhiratarA [[*] malaprahAriNItyasti tA Second Plate ; Second Side. 26. papApApahAriNI / [14 // *] bhatrakSetramayodbhUtaskUjajinamArjanAt / prA. 27 ptA parazurAmasya svasya nAmno yathArthatAn(m) / [15 // *] tasyAstIresti bhagavAna 28 svayaMbhUrbhuktimuktivaH / zaMbhuH prasiddhastho(sthaulyena galagesva(zva)rasaMzayA / / 16 // *] 29 dattabhaktajanAnandaH palasIdezabhUSaNa(Nam) / prakaTIkRtamAhAtmyastatta30 darasamarpaNAt / / 17 // *] tasmai pUjopacArArtha jIrNoddharaNakarmaNe / ta31 [SA] caitrapavitrAdiparvaNe satrasiddhaye // 18 // *] tattadbhogavibhUtyartha 32 bhaktinirbha(bha)ramAnasaH / mahAmAhesva(iva)raH prAdAjjayakezimahI33 patiH / / 19 // *] kaMpaNe kAlagiryAlye kUpaTToggarikAbhidhaM(Sam / ) prAmaM tribhoga34 saMpannaM sarvavA(bA)pAvivajjitaM(tam) [ 20 // *] namasyaM sarvalokasya yAvadAcaMdratA ' Thian appearn more likons.

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ASOGE PLATES OF KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II); SAKA 1055. dAmodinAtanavatA svnaatvdnibhaapcipaataaytaamo| ymusaatvaasaatmdii| sUtapirAvarizavadadyAnmAlAmatyA 2 dimadAti vittatinAnilinInAgAlurAnAmaricamAnA! nAgAvidArAnAticidAtyAcakkulalAraparanAkyamAna dakviAkardavanalamAptattyAsAtyAnavayAcitamcatatA sammamanavAravaTavatAnasammAnamAvivAdakA sada vAparatAnAcanakadavAnAvicaitAvikAma mnaagvliicaaltkdliiymddhtaakaataakaakaagvaa|| mavilAsavamatismitAtatApUvattavAradaraNItAgAna 10 malAyamAnavAmAnAmosAmAdanakRtAta tipkAdavapa 10 datiyAtAnAhAnAmApAgAtitamAyAnagaDavagaMgodazA patA 12 padAdimAtaramapatAmaharAtanUpAtaratnadAnAdhigAtI/ 12 iia. ECHNOpencam4 vivAdhAna nakArna saphalamatyAgAdAmanAja ko 14 tAkanAragahItyamAnAcAtsukyAcAtnAvipilibAnAmApA 14 tAmAda nimadatImavAprasidigatamatimAditayAditAtmatAvanA 16 magaNAguNa gupasAtatsadAyakAnavilasAtAlAkavatAkavA 16 jAtAmATAka zAdavanpatisAdAhivAmahAkAlImA vigtrsaatyaalsnmaanaasaadaavaadaaspnaakaamaavlimiittr| manasAmAna damAdAhadAyAvAlyApiTArAdidApaNa 18 20lAsamA ligita mAyAmAhasaratesmohimavAtA ji sAla 20 sAsita modomAmahanatamAnamadamaki vomAvAna 22 ttaasmetimaamuuvaaciniimnitijaamnntaayutiisaaiinaanigaa| 22 janapatitIjAptAtatAtIlatatAktatAnAgaputAvAsAti, 2lAsanatina.pAmaputimAnasyAnAtAnammAnArakhAnA, 24 sanimAdisantAgAtalimitimAmalapahA mAgIvAsinI SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA CALOUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No.3977 E'36-290-X-29048.

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26 pApApAtANIdidividAitasyUsAhadinamAIjAtAmA tApanagarAmatyavatyanAmApAvAlAnayAtIlalitagavAna 28 vasananAkamukkidamAnupasivAsAlyanagalAgatvasamasyA 28 nAnAnaHpalasIdAnaptAgApaTItamAhAtyAta 30 smpii|gaanaa tAtmapADApacAnAvasAmAhAkamANAta 30 nAvapavivAdiparvAgasavasidAmAtatAjhAgavinatAkA 32 najinisamAjasaH mahAmadinamaH pAdAkSAyAkkazima 32 panikapAkAlAgasArAta pAhAmanikAtivAyAmAnAlA 34 sapaNe sarva vAlavivakSitIjamayasIlAkyamAvadAcadatA 34 rapisihacApyATapUrvasImAsamanvitAtAgAjinAgariyA 38 rANAksApAniAvAvAnisamAsamucapAgAtAnADakAtA 36 sapanAjasamanyApAsaditapuramA vidyAvadotavadAna iii. T a gtanabadline 38 0 vimAnakAkSAtAyAtamA narAgAgAni pramAdhiparivAnA phAllAnarApAsyapatipahivAmAnAmIpUjAgAmA 40 sarvapA tAmAtAmAmAvivacivacAnipAnazAkAkAgavata 40 AgAminUpAnatya dhAmnATasapAtyatAmitiA sAmAnyATiyA 42 vimAsatarnupANI kAmakAlipAlajImAlavAvAsanitA 42 nAvinaHpAvinidAnAsAnAyAmAcAtarAmavAvA tiiprtaavaadmaadaartvsuNsaamaaptivvsdyaa| 4 viThAmAjAtatimiyI zAnirApadasArAtAlAlA 48 gAragArtigAtAdUgatiDAnamattAnatAtAvAsAmodavAta 46 vAsanAdedinIvAlA yAdavatajananupamayAgAva 48 nAzitA kazAlA lAmAdevAnivaH zucimAlavAnAra 48 lAtahAsAjinaparAmajAnAmigaladAya

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No. 44.) BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA ; SAKA 1106. 309 35 rakaM / prasiddhacaturAghATa pUrvasImAsamanvitaM(tam) [21 // *] taponiSThAgariSThasya 36 zivazaktestaponidheH / vAridhArAM samasa(sa)jya pANI tatpaMDikAta37 [2] [ // 22 // *] sarvapradhAnasaMmatyA purohitapurassaro(raH) [*] vidyAvadAtavadane Third Plate. 38 vidvadvargi(ga)ntikasthite // [23 // *] sA(zA)ke zarazarAzAMke pramAdiparivatsare / 39 phAlgune zuddhapakSasya pratipaddivase zubhe / / 24 // *] sUryoparAge sauli(hni) 40 sarvaparvottamottame / atraiva citracAritraH prAha zrIkoMkaNezvaraH [*] 41 prAgAmibhUpAnabhyarthya dharmoyaM pAlyatAmiti // [2 // *] sAmAnyoyaM 42 dharmaseturnRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / sarvAnetA43 bhAvinaH pArthiveMdrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmacaMdraH // [26 // *] sva. 44 dattA paradattAM vA yo hareta vasuMdharAm / SaSTi varSasahasrA45 Ni viSThAyAM jAyate krimiH / / 27 // *] zrIzAradApadasarobahalola46 bhuMgaH khyAti gato jagati jaGgamabhAratIti / zrIsomavavi47 vu(bu)dho vyadadhAdidaM zrItrailokyadevatanubhUrupamanyugotraH] [28 // *] 48 analpazilpakuzalo rAmadevAbhidhaH zuciH / alikhanikhi49 lArthazazzAza(sa)naM nRpazAsanAt [26 // *] maMgala(laM) * mahAzrI[:*] No. 44.-BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA B SAKA 1106. BY MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, B.A., BOMBAY. The following inscription is carved on the lintel of the entrance door of a temple at Balsane, in the Pimpalner taluka of the West Khandesh District of the Bombay Presidency, a place well known for its several temples in the Chalukyan style. It has been noticed several times previously: in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XII (Khandesh), p. 4333; by Burgess and Cousens in the Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, f. 55 ; by R. D. Banerji in the Annual Progress Report, Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year 1918-19, p. 45; and again by Cousenst in his Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 26. Its I This inscription, however, does not find a place in the Progress Report,A.S.I.,W.C., for 1891-92, where the Balsane temples are described, for the first time, by Mr. Consena.

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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. text and facsimile have, however, not yet been published. The brief notices of its contents are both inadequate and inaccurate. I copied it in March 1941, when I accompanied Mr. R. G. Gyani, M.A., the Curator, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, on an archaeological tour in Khandesh. Its estampage, published here, I owe to the authorities of the P. W. Museum, Bombay. I am obliged to the Government Epigraphist for giving me an opportunity to edit it in this journal I have also to thank Mr. G. H. Khare, of the Bharata Itihasa Sambodhaka Mandala, Poona, and Mr. S. K. Dikshit, M.A., for some suggestions. The inscribed piece of the lintel, which is smoothly dressed, measures about 4+x}". The inscription consists of five long lines and two very short ones added at the left end. The letters are deeply carved and are in an excellent state of preservation. The characters are the usual type of the Nagari alphabet and regular for the period in which the record was inscribed. While most of the letters exhibit the fully developed forms as they are found in the present day Nagari, some of them, such as ch, j, , dh, b, bh, 1, $, etc., appear in a transitory stage. The initial i (1. 3), 1 (1. 5) and 2 (1. 2) show their early forms. The language is Sanskrit, but the composition of the record is very faulty, though most of the mistakes are due to the carelessness of the scribe. Except for the portions giving the particulars of the date and the name of the architect, the inscription is in verse. As regards orthography, b and v, 6, sh and 8 are generally differentiated, but sometimes confounded. The forms like pumnya for punya (1. 1), samahvae for samahvaye (1.2), sthai for sthayi (1.5), etc., are mere phonetic variations. There are a number of other mistakes that are pointed out in giving the text. The inscription opens with an invocatory stanza. The next verse describes that in the Gargya family was born one Somesvara-Pandita, son of Padmanabha, & poet of great renown. His son was the illustrious Mahaluka-Pandita, who became famous by his personal good qualities. He is stated to have helped a king named Krishna in obtaining the earth. From this we are perhaps to infer that Mahaluka-Pandita served under that king either as a minister or as a priest. He is further described as a well-known mathematician and a knower of dharma. The object of the inscription is to record that the Pandita repaired the Royal Matha (Raja-matha), standing on the banks of a river, at Balasanaka, for the inhabitance of Brahmins. In the last verse a hope is expressed that the matha should last through hundreds of kalpas. At the end it is stated that the engraving was done by the architect Danda. The date of the inscription is given three times, twice in the second line in words and numerical figures and once again at the termination of the record, as the Saka year 1106, but without any specification of the month, fortnight, tithi or week-day. It does not therefore admit of verification. It corresponds to A. D. 1184. Banerjit was the first to give an abstract of the contents of this inscription and to discuss its bearings. His rendering of it, however, is not all correct. In his account we do not find any mention of the name of Mahaluka-Pandita, who repaired the matha. He takes the epithets of Mahaluka as those of Somesvara whom he treats as the minister of Krishna. Evidently his decipherment of the record was imperfect. To the same defect is to be attributed his statement that Somesvara "held the king Krishnaraja in the palm of his hands". The passage in question, as already shown, refers to Mahaluka and may literally be rendered as "one who quickly does or makes over the earth in the palm of the hand of the king Krishna ". 1 Loc. cit.

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No. 44.) BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA ; SAKA 1106. 311 As regards the identification of this king Krishna, Banerji has rightly pointed out that he cannot be the Rashtrakuta or the Paramara prince of that name, as their known dates are far remote from the period of the present inscription. Mr. Sachindra Chandra Majumdar," who has further discussed this inscription, follows Banerji's account. According to him, Krishna belongs to the Nikumbha-vamsa. Two inscriptions of this family have been found at Patan, near Chalisgaon, in the East Khandesh District. According to them there were two kings of that name in the Nikumbha family. Mr. Majumdar identifies the Krishna of the present inscription with Kfishnaraja II of the Nikumbha family, who was alive in Saka 1070. He seems to suggest that the Balsane inscription is a posthumous record of Krishnaraja II. His arguments in favour of the above identification appear to be farfetched and based on several suppositions. He takes it for granted that the matha was not repaired during the reign of Krishna. He also suggests the possibility of Somesvara (actually Mahaluka) having outlived Ktishnaraja II by over 36 years, which is improbable, if not impossible. In Khandesh, the Nikumbha-vamba, the dynasty with which he has tried to connect the Krishna of our inscription, ruled in the vicinity of Patan, which is about 64 miles, south by west of Balsand, where the present record is found. It seems hardly possible that petty chieftains like the Nikumbhas should have wielded their power over such a great distance. Taking these things into consideration, it is clear that the king Krishna of our inscription could not have been the Nikumbha prince of that name, as held by Mr. Majumdar, and should therefore be located somewhere else. It is well known to the students of history that there were several minor feudatory families ruling in Khandesh (Seunadesa, of those times) during the Yadava period. Many of these go under the general name of Abhiras or Ahirs, of whom Khandesh has still a very large population. Gauli rajas, or the Cowherd kings, as they are sometimes called, have several traditions current about them. According to one, the structures in the so-called Hemad panti or the late Chalukyan style of architecture are said to be the works of these rulers.* Singhana, the great Yadava king, is stated to have won several victories over the Cowherd Kings, which are referred to in his inscriptions. Of the many Abhira-kulas, we know of one family from Bhambhagiri. Singhana's victory over one Lakshmideva, the lord of Bhambhagiri, is mentioned in the Ambe Inscription No. 2 1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. L (1921), pp. - 58 f. * Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 39 ff.; above, Vol. I, p. 338 ff. Besides these two inscriptions, another fragmentary inscription, belonging probably to the same family and containing the names of Krishnaraja (II), Indra and Govana (III), was discovered by the late Mr. V. K. Rajwade, the well-known Maratha historian, in the river-bed at Patan. He published his account of this inscription in the first volume of the Marathi magazine Prabhata of Dhulis. This inscription, which he reports to have been removed to Chalisgaon, cannot be traced now. The earliest Yadava inscription in Khandesh is the Vaghli inscription of Maurya Govindaraja, Saka 991. referring to the reign of Seuna (Seunachandra II) of the Early Yadava dynasty (above, Vol. II, p. 225 ff.): and the latest, so far known, is the Methi inscription of Krishna, Saka 1176, belonging to the Later Yadava dynasty. See Samsodhaka (Quarterly Journal of the Rajwade Samsodhana Mandira, Dhulia), Vol. VI, Nos. 3-4, p. 213 ff. Methl, situated about 30 miles to the north of Dhulia, the headquarters of the West Khandesh District, on the Dhulia Dondafoho road, has several temples of the Yadava period. * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XII, p. 450. * See his Mardi inscription (line 40). G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan in Marathr). Vol. I, p. 43. For later Abhiras or Cowherds (Gopaka-Palakas) during the reign of Yadava Krishna, soe ibid., VOL. II. p. 14.

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312 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. of his general Kholesvara. Hemadri, in his Vratakhanda,' mentions the name of this prince 88 Lakshmidhara. The defeat of the lord of Bhambhagiri is also mentioned in the Paithan and Purshottampuri plates of Ramachandra. Prof. Mirashi, who has edited the Purshottampuri plates, has suggested that Bhambhagiri may possibly be Bhamer, four miles to the south of Nizampur, in the Pimpalner taluka of the West Khandesh District. Balsane, where the present inscription is found, is situated within a radius of ten miles from Bhamer, being only seven miles north by east of the latter place. If Prof. Mirashi's identification of this place is accepted as correct, the king Ktishna of our inscription, may possibly belong to the Abhira family of Bhambhagiri. He may have therefore been an ancestor of Lakshmideva above referred to. No other details regarding the king Krishna having been given in the inscription, our suggestion is only tentative and provisional. Further research in the matter may prove its correctness or otherwise. As regards the geographical names the only place referred to here is Balasanaka, which is obviously modern Balsane, where the inscription is found. The river mentioned in it, not by name, refers to the modern Borai (Burray, of the maps), by the side of which the matha is situated. Cousens' statement to the effect that Kesara was the old name of it, is obviously due to the confusion in the reading. TEXT" [Metres :-v. 1. Varnkastha ; v v. 2-3. Sardulavikridita ; v. 4. Upajati.] 1 bhavaMtu vo brahmapadAmja(mja)reNavaH svapArasaMsArasamudrasetavaH / aghoSakakSakSayadhUmaketavaH sarvaca (g)taarinena.8 [1211*] 2 T Trental(a) w ith Har[: 1*] stelazacaifa: mfaterataiatza1af9fa: 1 10 u f a: P80EUR [fa]"2 [*] 3 yadvAcaH pracuropacAracaturAH zrutvA budhAH sAMprataM prakhyAtAdyakavIMdravAgvilasite jAtAH FATTOTT: [1211*] ( TE)aitheafsa te Fata[:*] sfest(at) quia[:] 1 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 64. * Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan, Appendix, p. 171. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 314 ff. * Above, Vol. XXV, p. 199 ff. . Ibid., p. 203. * Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhar, p. 27. From the original stone. * The letter vah is written separately from the rest of the inscription on account of some flaw in the stone. . The reading seems to be ' sri which may be corrected into 'chchhri.-B. C. C.) 10 The word Sake was tirst written, and subsequently restored to Sake by erasing the horizontal stroke, which has come out faintly in the estampage. 11 Roard shnd-dar. 11 Flaw in the stone. Only faint traces of the akshara in the brackets are visible. (Exclnding the numerals the rest of this date portion reads as if it were a part of the verge, in the Sardulavikridita metre, but is obviously not so. The form chandral hib is incorrect for chandraih.-B. C. C.]

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BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA; SAKA 1106. Left side. matadAtadAdA pavArasAsamaDasetanama yo tamAsamatavatA pamanAnAmaUravAsa pahAtApamApadApamAnavAsApataparavAnAyakavA spana yatakAtalekatArapijAgA jitpAvaracivovatana jamadatanisanamAmanivAsatAvasyAzyayakalparAtaba do sUbAre / Right side. vAkavAka ketavasadeva panyApavayukA maravara paritaHkavisAla kA patA vaspatikAsAbaharAba dUvAlisinemAta samaMdAdamAvasImahala paritadIyasimana loTo (matatAmasjei solamA sarasAdampAnadAsAA kArayaDa 4 raghAtAta dayAla vivitA zaka 10 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA. SCALE: THREE-TENTHS. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 3977 E'36-20042-x-29048.

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No. 45.] CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OF KANTIDEVA. 313 4 *(Be l ga: Farah market fore(er) (ar) I nt(s)forcat garanterarPage #399
314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. sculptures in Bengal, by a trefoil arch with flagstaffs on both sides. The seated lion is represented with mouth open and all the four paws in front. Across the lower panel of the seal is the legend Sri-Kantidevah. The letters are engraved in bold relief on a raised space. The seal is supported, at its lower end, by two figures of serpents, with raised hoods, whose interlaced tails and parts of the bodies are soldered both to the raised rim of the seal and the plate. On the body of the plate, at about 4 inches from the bottom and 5 inches from the proper right side, there is an oval hole which has partly cut through its whole depth. As there are writings on both sides of it, and not a single letter is lost, the hole must have existed before the plate was engraved. The plate contains seventeen lines of writing, which cover a space 6 inches high. The remaining part of the front and the whole of the back side are blank. The plate was discovered, some time about 1920, by Prof. J. N. Sikdar, in an old temple at Chittagong, locally known as Bara-akhara. According to the Mohunt (Chief priest) of the temple, the plate was lying there since its foundation. The plate is now preserved in the Dacca Museum. The inscription which the plate bears was edited by Prof. D. C. Bhattacharya, M.A., and Prof. J. N. Sikdar, M.A., in the Modern Review for November, 1922, pp. 612-14. As this number of the Journal is not easily available and some important historical points were not dealt with properly there, I re-edit the record from the original plate. For the sake of brevity I shall refer to the joint-editors as DJ. The record is incomplete. It contains only the formal portion of the grant, and ends abruptly just where we should expect a detailed account of the land granted. It is, therefore, not exactly a land-grant, but one that was intended to be used as such. An apt parallel is furnished by the Kedarpur plate of Srichandra (above, Vol. XVII, pp. 188-92). The present plate supports the view of the editor of the Kedarpur plate, that such unfinished plates were kept ready in office and filled in with the remaining portion at the time of the actual grant. The characters are neatly engraved and the plate is in such a good state of preservation that not a single letter presents any difficulty in reading. The alphabet closely resembles that used in the Pala records of the ninth century A. D. It is, however, difficult to accept DJ's contention that the inscription is to be placed earlier than the Ghosrawa inscription1 of Devapala's time. They are of opinion that though "the characters mainly resemble those in the Ghosrawa inscription.......... the letters bh and th are in ancient forms". A comparison of bh in va(ba)bhuvur- in 1. 2 of Ghosrawa inscription with that in "bhashitaBharata in 1. 6 of the present record does not show any material difference. As regards th, the letter read as such by DJ in line 6 is really rth and hence shows a different form. On the other hand DJ have failed to note that the Ghosrawa inscription preserves distinctly older forms of kh, n, and which are not to be found in the present record. It is true that the later forms of these letters are also to be met with in the records of Devapala. But this only proves that the present record is perhaps slightly later, rather than earlier, than the time of Devapala. On the whole, it would be more reasonable to assign the record on palaeographic grounds to the ninth century A. D., rather than to 750-850 A. D. as suggested by DJ. In view of the advanced forms of some letters it may be even somewhat later. The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of line 1 containing the name of the locality whence the charter was issued and the preamble of the grant beginning with sa khalu (1. 13), the rest of the record is in verse. The composition shows that the author was proficient in Sanskrit. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 307-12.

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No. 45.] CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OP KANTIDEVA. 315 As regards orthography, the following points may be noted. Final consonants like and tare represented by distinct symbols (cf. m in lokam, 1. 8: kshayam. 1. 12: t in varat and vasakat, 1.1; bhut, 1. 7), while a slanting stroke is added below n (mahan in 1. 10). The sign for denotes b as well. Consonants are not doubled after r, the only exceptions being Varddhamana in 1 1 and kirtti, in 1. 11. The inscription refers to three generations of a Buddhist family. The first name is Bhadradata, obviously an error for Bhadradatta. He was devoted to the Buddha and defeated his enemies. His son Dhanadatta married Vindurati (Bindurati), a devotee of Siva and a daughter of a great king. The issue of this marriage was king Kantideva who is styled Patamasaugata, Paramesvara and Maharajadhiraja. It is obvious that neither the father, nor the grandfather of Kantideva was a king, and he must either have inherited his throne from his maternal grandfather or carved out an independent kingdom for himself. As to the locality of the kingdom, the record furnishes us two clues. The reference to future kings of the Harikela-mandala in l. 16 leaves no doubt that it was included within his kingdom. It is just possible also that Harikela sonstituted his entire dominion, though this is by no means certain. For, the future kings of Harikela might have been selected for admonition only on the ground that the land to be granted was situated there. The lexicographer Hemachandra explains Harikela as a synonym of Vanga, while Vanga, Samatata and Harikela are mentioned in the Ma jusrimulakalpa as distinct localities. According to two manuscripts preserved in the Dacca University Library, Harikola, which may be taken as & variant of Harikela, is synonymous with Sylhet. I-tsing also describes Harikela as the eastern limit of E. India. It is thus clear that like many other geographical terms, Harikela was used both in a broader sense, as a synonym of Vanga, and in a narrower sense to denote various parts of it. Harikela of this inscription is obviously a variant of the usual form Harikela. The kingdom over which Kantideva ruled must, therefore, be located in Vanga, though its exact position is difficult to determine. The only other clue in this respect is furnished by the mention of Vardhamana-pura as the city from which the plate was issued. Vardhamana is the name of a well-known city in West Bengal which gave the name Vardhamana-bhukti to & territorial division in ancient Bengal. As no other city of this name is known in ancient or modern Bengal, the Vardhamana-pura of our plate should be identified with the city of Burdwan, if there is no insuperable objection against it. The expression Harikela-mandala led DJ to infer that Kantideva "was only a local chieftain of a comparatively small territory (mandala) which subsequently (during the supremacy of the Chandra kings) developed and lent its name to the whole of East Bengal ". DJ were wrong in thinking that a mandala denotes only a small territorial unit. For, this term is also used along with big kingdoms and territorial units as is evidenced by the expressions "Ganda-mandala " and " Varendri mandala" Harikela-mandala may, therefore, well denote the whole of Vanga 1 Abhidhanachintamani, v. 957. [Monier Williams gives "Harikellya' and oxplains it as the country of Bengal.-C. R. K.) 2 Ed. by Ganapati Sastri, pp. 232-33. * Rupachintamanikosha (No. 1451) and Rudrakshamahatmya (No. 21416). * Takakusu, I-tsing, p. xlvi. Rajatarangini, IV, 148. * Ramacharita by Sandhyakaranandin, Kaviprasasti, v. 1.

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316 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. proper, s.c., S. and E. Bengal, and the conquest, temporary or permanent, of Vardhamana by & king of Vanga cannot be regarded as improbable. It may be noted in this connection, that according to a Chinese map Harikela comprises the coastal region between Samatata and Orissa. Further, we know that king Govindachandra, who flourished early in the eleventh century A. D., and possibly also other Chandra kings before him, ruled over the whole of E. and 8. Bengal right up to the Bhagirathi river, and their original kingdom is said to be that of Harikela. The two geographical names, Vardhamana and Harikela-mandala, therefore, justify the assumption that Kantideva was the ruler of Vanga, i.e., S. and E. Bengal, and had conquered & portion of W. Bengal, right up to Burdwan, when the present plate was issued. Of course this must be regarded as a tentative theory only, based on the very insufficient data that are available at present. There can hardly be any doubt that the collapse of the Pala power in the second half of the ninth century A. D., caused by the Pratihara invasions, gave opportunity to Kantideva (or his maternal grandfather who is described in 1. 7 as a great king) to carve out an independent kingdom in E. and S. Bengal. It is also likely that Kantideva ruled over both his own territory, Harikela, and the kingdom of his maternal grandfather which probably included Vardhamana. It is to be noted that Radha (W. Bengal) and Vanga (S. and E. Bengal).constituted separate independent states almost throughout the Pala period after the death of Devapala, though they were occasionally brought into subjection by powerful rulers like Mahipala I and Ramapala. Kantideva was undoubtedly a Buddhist as the title Saugata is applied to him (1. 14). The seal of the plate is, however, somewhat unique. The figure of the lion enshrined in a temple evidently stands for the Buddha, and we meet with lions in exactly the same pose, carved under Buddha images. But the figures of two serpents are not, so far as I know, found along with the lion in Buddhist images. If we remember that the serpent and the lion are the symbols of the two last Jaina Tirthamkaras, Parsvanatha and Mahavira, the seal might be regarded as & Jaina symbol. The invocation to Jinendra which means both Mahavira and the Buddha, might also lend support to the view that the king was Jaina. But the expression Saugata. applied to Kantideva, definitely precludes this view, as it can only mean a Buddhist, and not a Jains. It is also possible that the serpents are used here as symbols of Siva, for we know that 1 The map is printed at the end of Vol. II of the French Translation of Hiuen Tsang's Records by 8. Julien. It is entitled "Map of Central Asia and India published in Japan in 1710 on the basis of (or in accordance with) the accounts of Fa-Hien and Hiuen Tsang". Rampal plate of Srichandra, v. 6 (Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, by N. G. Majumdar, pp. 4,7). The verse, as interpreted by Dr. R. G. Basak (above, Vol. XII, p. 141) means that the founder of the Chandra royal family was the chief support of the king of Harikela, which he ultimately occupied. In any case there is no doubt that the Chandras came into the possession of the kingdom of Harikola. It may be noted that the Chandra kings, like Kantideva, were Buddhists. It is very probable that the Chandras suoceeded Kantideva's family in the kingdom of Harikela. Cf. e.g., the image of Bodhisattva (Buddha) in the Mathura Museum (Coomaraswamy, Hist. Ind. Indonesian Art fig. 84). * Mr. T. N. Ramachandran, Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, informs me that a motif "almost similar" to that on the seal "occurs on a Digambara Jaina Nava-Devata (metallic) plate now in the Tiruparuttikunram temple, K&bchipuram" (Cf. Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples by T. N. Ramachandran, Pl. XXXVI, fig. 2).

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CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OF KANTIDEVA. Seal. (From a photograph). mUlAyA smAtApAyAnapattAsakA yo pakira lapavitA sAphAkArayalamA lAka duloraloka pakayA sakhyAmArapadAsAvisa 43thI jinakA ki va lAkararUpayA dyAvakitapaca 4 pa: sarayakarAlAsapAyAnAca 6mAtmA-pagamAyA darAbavimyAmAnAvAvamayataH kamapipAla yo yo nAgorAyapha.murulAva 8 bhUtApahI vikatA yAvaM mudatava ciyA naaso| pAmagAma va vile pAkatAmA ivalA hAdarU yA pAnAmAsapAca mANa: sunavAzamAha sa ya ka vidhAna 10 kI ( IzA masabhApata pAvala yo yA navAmAna kA 12 eka gavAkara kamya kAmAvalapitAmyA 12 yAThAmavApi picara sAla hasanA karAyA gayA 14 kA rakabA paramAnApAtAdhara pA14 pAzAta: pagaloyA kA samApana mArunApAra kA 16 diva : kushaalii| sAvika lAparale kAti pupanAmamAtA ki 16 taapytivimiraat:| SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. SURVEY OP INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.

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No. 45.] CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OF KANTIDEVA. 317 the mother of Kantideva was a devotee of that great God. In any case it is noteworthy that the combination of lion and serpents is not met with in the seals of any other royal family in Bengal. TEXT. [Metres : v. 1, Vasantatilaka; vv. 2--3, Arya'; vv. 4, 6, Sloka ; v. 5, Sardulavikridita.] 1 Om Svasti [II*] Srimaj-jaya-skandhavarat Varddhamana-pura-vasakat [11*] 2 Yo dharma-ratna-kiranair=apavidhya sandra[m*) moh-andhakara-patalan sakalam tri3 lokam aloka-lokam=anayat=sa jayaty=udara(ro) durvara-Mara-visara4 sya jayi Jinendrah || [1*] Tad-bhakti-valita-daktir-bhuja-dvay-aurjitya-vijita-ripu5 darpah sa jayati dharm-aika-ratah khyatah sri-Bhadradato(tta) yah || [2*] Tasya su6 bhashita-Bharata-Purana-Ramaya'n-artha -vit-tanayah [] *) namna sri-Dhanadattah 7 prakatita-mahim-anvayo yo=bhut || [3*] Tasya gauri mahabhubhtit-suta vu(bu)dba8 guru-stuta [*patni Vinduratir=nama ya va(ba)bhuva Siva-priya [4*) Tasya bhoga 9 nidana-dana-salilair=ardriksit-orjad-bhuja-sphurjad-vajra-va(ba)l-arjit-aji-vija10 ya-prajya-pratape mahan | saumyah suntita-vag=arati-bhaya-ksid-vikhyata11 kirttir=yaso jyotsna-hara-tushara-kunda-dhavalam yo yatavan=atmajah || [5*] 12 Yag=cha kurvan=jagat-tushtyai hiranya-kasishu(pu)-kshayam n=avalamvi(mbi)tavan=ma13 yan=dana-varir=api prabhuh [6*] Sa khalv-akhila-jana-mano-bhiram-abhigami14 k-aneka-guna-ratna-bhushanah | Paramasaugato mata-pitsi-pa15 d-anudhyatah Paramesvaro Maharajadhirajah srimana(n) Ka16 ntidevah kusali | Harikela-mandale bhavi-bhupatims-tad-atma-hi17 tam-idam vo(bo)dhayati viditam=astu vah | 1 Vindurati must have been quite an influential personality in her husband's family who were Buddhists. She herself was a devotee of Siva and continued as such even after her marriage. She did even more. The insoription describes her husband not as one well versed in the Tripi faka, but as one well versed in the Mahabharata, the Puranas and the Ramayana. This acquisition on Dhanadatta's part may be ascribed to his wife's influence on him. This would again depict her as a very strong character. It was, perhaps, to preserve each other's tolerance that neither had the other converted to his or her own religious creed. Viewed in this light, the composite character of the seal, affixed to the copper plate, exhibiting both Bauddha and Saiva emblems, becomes plain. I am in. debted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra for this suggestion. [It may be noted that Buddha himself is seated on a serpent couch and in one instance is flanked by a lion on each side : see, Longhurst, Bud., Ant., of Nagarjunikonda, A. &. Memoir, No. 54, plates XI (c) and XXIII (b). Five-hooded nagas are also prominently figured on Buddhist pilasters, ibid., plate XXV, figures b and C.-C. R. K.] * Expressed by a symbol. * This ya looks more like yo, the medial 6 being similar to that found in jy of jyotma below in l. 11. * DJ. road tha and then corrooted it to riha. The latter is, however, really tha. . DJ. read bhaga but bhoga is clear. The translation of DJ is accordingly faulty.

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3 18 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI. TRANSLATION (L. 1) Om! Hail! From his residence, the royal camp of victory (or capital) at the city of Vardhamana (V. 1) Victorious is Jinendra (Buddha) who triumphed over the vast, irresistible forces of Mara and brought all the three worlds into the domain of light by having dispelled the dense mass of darkness (caused by) passion (moha) by means of the ray of the jewel (which was) religion (dharma). (V. 2) Victorious is he who is known as Sri-Bhadradatta and solely devoted to religion ; (who) humbled the pride of enemies by conquering (them) by means of the strength of his pair of arms, and whose prowess was increased through devotion to the Buddha. (V. 3) He had a son named Sri-Dhanadatta who was well-versed in the meaning of witty sayings, the Bharata (i.e., the Mahabharata), the Puranas and the Ramayana, and whose glory was always manifest. (V. 4) His wife, named Vindurati, was fair in complexion, the daughter of a great king, praised by the learned and the elderly persons, and a favourite of Siva. (V. 5) Her son, who acquired great splendour by victory in battles gained by the strength of thunder (or thunder-like destructive weapon) shining from his hands rendered vigorous by being moistened with the water (poured on the occasion of making) gifts which were the causes of his enjoyment, who was noble, charming, truthful and pleasant in speech, and cause of the terror of the enemies; whose glory was well known, and who was possessed of fame, as white as moonlight, necklace (of pearls), snow and kunda (flower). (V. 6) Who, the lord, spent gold, food and clothing for the satisfaction of the world, and had always water for gifts, but never took resort to fraud. L. 13. Now, he, who was decorated (endowed) with many jewels of virtues, and inviting and agreeable to the hearts of all the people; the great devotee of Sugata (Buddha), who meditated on the feet of his parents ; Paramesvara Maharajadhiraja, the illustrious Kantideva, being in good health, informs as follows the future kings of Harikela-mandala, for the sake of their own welfare : "Be it known to you". No. 46.-A NOTE ON THE BAJAUR CASET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER. BY DINES CHANDRA STRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY. Some Kharoshthi inscriptions on a damaged steatite casket, found at Shinkot in the Bajaur tribal territory, have been published in this journal* by the late Mr. Nani Gopal Majumdar. There are two dates in the record. The first of them is a year of the reign of the Maharaja Minedra (Minendra)* who has been identified with the Indo-Greek king Menander. 1 The epithets given to Vindurati also apply to Durga who was Gauri (by name), mahabhubhrit-aula (the daughter of the great mountain, i.e., the Himalaya), Budhaguru-stula (praised by the preceptor of Gode) and Siva priya (spouse of Siva). ? The poet means to convey that although the king resembled Vishnu, he did not like the latter, take resort to fraud. The resemblance is based on the applicability to Vishnu of the expressions Hiranyaka dipw-bahaya (destruction of Hiranyakasipu) and Danav-ari (enemy of demons). * Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 1 ff. * Mr. Majumdar ignores the e-sign of ne in Minedrasa. I am inclined to take Minendra as a perfectly Sapekritized form of the Greek name. Other Indian forms are Menandru of the coins and Milinda and Milindra of her bure.

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No. 46.] A NOTE ON THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER. 319 Unfortunately, however, the portion of the casket that contained the date, is broken and lost. The second date is Year 5; but there is no reference to the reign of any king. Mr. Majumdar, chiefly on palaeographic grounds, divided the inscribed passages of the record into two groups and pointed out that the two dates referred to above belong to the two different groups. It was also sug. gested by him that "the difference in age between the two sets of inscriptions was probably a little more than fifty years". He assigned the first date referring to the reign of Menander to the second century B. C. but the second date, i.e., Year 5 of an unspecified reign, to the first century B. C. I am, however, inclined to believe that both the dates belong to Menander's reign and that the first date is a year falling between the accession and the fifth regnal year of the king. According to Mr. Majumdar, the first group of the inscribed passages consisting of sections A, A-1, A-2 and B has letters formed by bold and deeply incised strokes, while in the second group containing sections C, D and E, the writing is shallow and the letters are smaller in size. Group I again has the cerebral >> with a rounded head; but in group II, it shows an acute angle in its head. Further, in the former group, dental n has a long sweep in the top curve, while in the latter it has taken the angular or hook-like appearance. The dental s is of the closed type in group I; but in group II, it is open-mouthed, that is to say, it shows a gap at the upper left side of the crowning loop. Mainly on these grounds, the two groups have been placed by Mr. Majumdar more than half a century apart from each other. His theory was also influenced by the use of the word sakamuni in group I and of sakimuni in group II, and also by the passage sa sariatri kaladre occurring in the latter group. Mr. Majumdar seems to have further considered the fact that Menander's reign is usually assigned by numismatists to the second century B. C., while Vijayamitra's coins are said to bear the legend in Brahmi characters of the first century B. C. Let us examine these points one by one. Deeply incised strokes are a peculiarity only of section A. The size of letters in E is at least as big as that of the letters of any section of group I. The size of letters, moreover, is of little importance when passages of a particular record are incised in different sections. The head of the cerebral >> in prana-sameda of A-2 (as also in prana-sameda of A) is angular and not round. In C, line 1, Mr. Majumdar reads vijayamitra........; but there is a with the lower part of two following letters quite clear after that passage. It is interesting to note that the head of this n, though a little damaged, appears to be the only instance of the round-headed cerebral n in the whole inscription. It may be noticed in this connection that the head of a is usually round; but sometimes it is angular, and sometimes a is hardly distinguishable from v. As regards the dental n, we have three types slightly differing from one another. N in takemunisa of A-2 (which is practically of the same type as n in minedrasa of A) shows a little less curved neck than the n-s of all the sections excepting E. In E, n has an angle about the middle of the upper curve. Closed dental s is peculiar to A ; but the mouth of sin prana-sameda of A-2 is only halfclosed (=half open). It is usually half closed in D; but in a few cases the open-mouthed type is also noticed. In vesrakhrasa masasa divasa, only the third s is fully open-mouthed. But the most interesting point is that none of the two s-signs in B (which belongs to group I according * Op. cit., p. 2. Compare, e.g., the Bhattiprolu Casket Inscriptions (above, Vol. II, ff. 323 ff. and platos) and the Mathara Lion Capital Inscriptions (C. I. I., Vol. II, part i. pp. 30 ff. and plates). Round-headed n cannot be an indication of early dato. It is found in the inscriptions of th. Saytho- K i ns Build in the Central Asian documents. . OF. bhudrao in section D, line 1. C. apomua in section D), line 2

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320 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI, to Mr. Majumdar) is of the closed type. The above observations would show that the grouping of the inscribed passages into two broad groups with a difference of more than fifty years between them is rather difficult to justify. There are of course reasons to believe that more than one man were responsible for the engraving of the passages. If, however, B is to be grouped with A, it is not even impossible to suggest that one man incised the two groups in different periods. As regards the form sakimuni, it may be noted that in Central Asian Kharoshthi documents both arogi and arogiya for arogya are sometimes found in the same inscription. We now come to section D which contains the passage sa sariatri kaladre. The section reads: ime sarira paluga-bhudrao na sakare atrita [*] sa sariatri kaladre [*] nosadhro na pimdoyakeyi pitri grinayatri [] *) tasa ye patre apomua: vashaye pamchamaye 4 1 Vetrakhrasa masasa divasa pamchavisraye iyo pratrithavitre Vijayamitrena a pracharajena bhagravatu Sakimunisa Sama-sambudhasa sarira [] *). 'Mr. Majumdar translates : " This corporeal relic having been broken is not held in worship with zeal. It is decaying in course of time, (and) is not honoured ; (and here) by the offering of alms and water ancestors are no longer propitiated : (and) the receptacle of that (relic) has been cast aside. (Now) in the fifth year and on the twenty-fifth day of the month of Vaisakha, this has been established by Vijayamitra,' who dias no king as his adversary', namely) the corporeal relic of the lord Sakimuni (s.e., Sakyamuni), the one who is truly enlightened." I am inclined to suggest some modifications in Mr. Majumdar's translation. Na sakare atritaSanskrit na satkarena (or, satkaraih) adritam, "has not been honoured by homages". This seems to refer to the fact that the relic established by Viyakamitra (Viryakamitra) which was broken, had never been worshipped. It should also be remembered that if homages are once begun to be paid, they are never easily discontinued. As regards na grinayatri, I would prefer "is not propitiated " instead of Mr. Majumdar's "no longer propitiated ". Sa sariatri kaladre-Sanskrit tat siryate kalatah," it is decaying in course of time". By "time" Mr. Majumdar means a period of more than fifty years. But a relic well preserved in a stone casket would not literally decay even in by far longer a period. The verb siryate is therefore used in a broader sense to mean " is wasting away without being cared for ", just like the Bengali verb nashta-hawa, literally "to decay ", but actually " to be without (proper) use". Siryate seems to be used to emphasize the absence of worship and the want of persons devoted to the relic established by Viryakamitra and to justify Vijayamitra's action in taking away the casket. No sadhro-Sanskrit no (=na) Graddhah " nobody is respectful (towards the relic)". The word sraddha usually means the person having respect and not the thing respected. According to Mr. Majumdar, apomua corresponds to Sanskrit a pamukta, cast aside'; but in that case the o-sign cannot be explained. I prefer avamukta, 'taken away', or better avamuktva-avamuchya 'having taken away'. Tasa ye patre apomua may then be translated : "after having taken away the receptacle of (or, from) that See, e.g., Boyer-Rapson-Senart, Kharopthi Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 288 : Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 242. Mr. Majumdar reads na : but the o-sign seems to be clear both in his plate and in the original now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Mr. Majumdar does not prefer a full stop after kaladre. - Mr. Majumdar prefers a full stop after a pomua. His plate suggests pido yakeyri for pirkdoyakevi which, however, seems to be the reading of the original. Read dinase. Mr. Majumdar reads diosas- parchavi fraye. * Op.cit., p. 8. . Why not Visakhamitra 1-C.R.K.)

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No. 46.) A NOTE ON THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER. 321 (relic)". The word iyo corresponds to Sankarit iha," at this place "'1 and not to idam," this, namely, the relic" as suggested by Mr. Majumdar. The last sentence of Section D of the Bajaur inscription may therefore be translated : "after having taken away the receptacle from that (broken relic previously established by Viryakamitra), a (new) relic of the lord sakyamuni, the perfectly enlightened one, has been established here by the apratyakraja Vijayamitra on the twenty-fifth day of the month of Vaisakha in Year 5". Apratyakraja means a king having no equal, i.e., an unrivalled king. This title is applied both to Viryakamitra and to Vijayamitra. As Viryakamitra, who used the year of Menander's reign, was very probably a feudatory of the Indo-Greek king, a pratyakraja appears to be a feudatory title. Like the first date of the inscription, Year 5 thus seems to refer to the reign of the overlord and not to that of Vijayamitra as taken by Mr. Majumdar.' The overlord was apparently Menander whose name has already been mentioned once in the record and has therefore not been repeated. What seems to me to be the fact is that Viryakamitra died soon after he had established the casket. He may have had a wish to replace the broken relic by a fresh one; but death seems to have stood in his way. A fresh relic for that casket was secured by his immediate successor (probably his son), Vijayamitra who took away the casket, put a fresh relic into it and established it with the usual ceremony. The difference between the two events need not have been more than four or five years, and I am inclined to assign both of them to the period covered by the first five years of Menander's reign. Viryakamitra in his later years and Vijayamitra in his earlier years were probably feudatories of the Indo-Greek king. As regards the date of Menander, it must be admitted that no definite assertion is possible in the present state of our knowledge. Indian tradition ascribes him to a period five hundred years after the parinirvana of the Buddha. But no date can be calculated from this tradition, A8 "five hundred " is a round number and as there is a large number of traditional dates for the Buddha's parinirvana. If we accept the Ceylonese date of 544 B. C., we arrive at about the middle of the first century B. C. Numismatists usually assign Menander to about the middle of the second century B. C. It must, however, be remembered that no less an authority than Gardner placed him in circa 110 B. C.* Elsewhere? I have tentatively assigned Menander's reign to the period circa 115-90 B.C. If this date is accepted the Bajaur inscriptions may be ascribed to about the end of the second century B.C. There is then no difficulty in assigning the coins of Vijayamitra, who may have had a long reign extending beyond Menander's death, to the first quarter of the first century B.C. Cf. garuda-dhwaje ayari barite ia heliodorena, lines 1-2 of the Beenagar pillar inscription (Rapson, Ancient Tedia, p. 157) Elsewhere I have suggested "a king who is not equal to the Maharaja ", i.e., a foudatory ruler. See Sircar, Belect Inscriptions bearing on Indian History and Civilisation (in the press). p. 104. * Op. cit., p. 3,4,5. . Cf. mama parinibbanato panca-a88a-sate atikkante ete upajjiasanti (Trenckner, Milindapasiho, p. 3). . Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri (Political History of Ancient India, 4th ed., p. 323) prefers this date. He is inclined to place Menander later than Heliokles, Strato I and Strato II. * Smith, Early History of India, 4th ed., p. 268. Select Inscriptions in the press), p. 102. The lettere in the Bajaur rooord seems to indicato a transitional ago which la possibly to bo placed a little later than the early Indo-Greek period. 60 DGA

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322 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. No. 47.--A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632. BY H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LI.B., Ph.D., POONA. The copper-plate grant which is edited here for the first time belonged originally to the Satara Museum. It was presented to that Museum by Rao Saheb S. K. Duduskar of Satara. Since this Museum was closed down by the Government of Bombay in 1938-39 and its collection transferred to the newly opened Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute at Poona, the plates are now exhibited in the Museum of this Institute. For a long time the writer was under the impression that the grant had been published before and so no attempt was made to edit it. Subsequent inquiry, however, showed that it had not been published in any of the known research journals. Hence it is now edited. The grant is engraved on three copper-plates. Of these the first and the third plates are engraved on the inner side only. The plates seem to have been cleaned, subsequent to the presentation, because at present there are no signs of rust except at a few places. They are broken and effaced at several places. Each plate measures about 94 inches by 4 inches. The ring, which originally fastened the plates, is almost round, having a diameter of 3 inches. The seal attached to it is oval, 1-7 inches in length and 17 inches in breadth with a figure of varaha in relief, facing left. The plates weigh 778 tolas and the ring with the seal 481 tolas. Plate I has 12 lines of writing of which large portions of lines 1, 2, 10, 11 and 12 are obliterated. Plate II (a) has 10 lines of writing. This is inscribed clearly in a bold hand, but a few letters, particularly of lines 1 and 2 are filled with verdigris. Plate II (6) has also 10 lines of writing and is the best preserved part of this grant. Plate III has 12 lines of writing. The letters in the first 8 lines are small and crowded together, making the reading difficult, whereas a few letters have become indistinct in the last line. So far fourteen inscriptions of Vijayaditya are published. Of these seven are copper-plates. In these, except for the grant portion, the text of the inscription is almost identical with that of our plate. As usual the entire grant is in Sanskrit and in prose but for the benedictory and imprecatory verses. The script is of the South Indian variety, identical in almost all respects with that noticed in other records of the Chalukya family. Attention is, however, drawn to different types of la, cf. sakala, 1. 2, sakalotta, lines 7 and 17, nikkila, line 21, bala, line 16, sakala, line 30, vilasita, line 38. Gaulu.., line 35, chanchala, line 38, phala, line 41 and pala, line 41, kulam-alan, line 4, Pulakesi, line 5 and mandala, line 6, lanchhana, line 4, and Chalikyanan, line 4, samunmulita, line 21, and several times in vallabha, lines 5, 7, 9, 14, 19, 31. Dravidian la is met with in palidhvaja, lines 18, 25, and palayamanairs, line 26. Initial i is found in iva, line 28, and the sign for upadhmaniya in orasikah parasimukhio in l. 24, paraih-palayamanair, lines 25-26 and in visvambharah-prabhur in l. 28. The final m is usually changed to anusvara, and the consonant reduplicated after T. The grant is dated on the Karttika paurnima of Saka 632, in the 14th year of the rule of the Chalikya king Vijayaditya, Satyasraya Sri-Prithivivallabha Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Bhattaraka. It records the donation of a village, named Karuva, near Karahatanagara, on the bank of the Krishna(-Venpa), and a field called ........ -pattikameasuring 1 Six of these are published as under :-Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 125, 130, 132; above, Vol. X. p. 14: Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV, p. 425 ; Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly, Vol. IX, ii, p. I. [See foot-note l on p. 326.Ed.).

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A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632. TEN 101 12 ii.a. TITAJI Toro SOOME 716 1012305 22rKJECTS SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36-290 - X-290'48.

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11. s taatu 29ASERS E22mkee 3 3 PE f' Je ) FICEUTE J932JJL7 33 villlaa SubikS Tam/ 3615 AM ES: innn 3.3 35.0 m ? 93 83 jan 125 cinnn

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No. 47.) A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632. 323 25 nivartanas at Karahatanagara, to Bhanudeval')karmman, son of BhavisarmmaGaulusada (?) and grandson of Damodarafarmman, made by Vijayaditya from his camp of victory at Karahatanagara at the request of (prince) Vikramaditya. The grant is written by Mahasandhivigrahika Niravadya Punyavallabha. It was this very person who also wrote the Ruyagad plates of Saka 625, the Nerur grant of Saka 627, the Elapur plates of Saka 626 and possibly the Naravan plates of Saka 664, where the name preceding Punyavallabha is read as Sri-Ativati. Thus this writer lived almost conterminously with his master Vijayaditya and also during some part of the reign of his son Vikramaditya II. [He was probably the son of Rama Punyavallabha, the composer of Vinayaditya's grants : see Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 85 and above, Vol. XXII, p. 24. Punyavallabha was perhaps their family name.-C. R. K.] Historically the grant is not very important because it is neither the earliest, nor the latest grant of Vijayaditya. Nor does it give any new information about the political events of that time. Geographically this would be the second grant of Vijayaditya from the Satara District and the first grant actually granting a village in that district. Karahatanagara, which is also mentioned as Karahata, is the ancient Karahakata of the early Brahmt inscriptions from Bharahut, and the modern Karad. "Karuva-grama' is either Koregaon or Karva about 6 and 4 miles respectively from Karad. Both are on the right bank of the Ktishna. My colleague, Dr. S. M. Katre, tells me that linguistically Karva would be a more probable derivation from Karuva, but in the case of proper names, he added, one might not expect a very accurate derivation, and Koregaon would not be improbable. Personally I am inclined to identify Koregaon with the Karuva of the plate, because the map shows some ruins of ancient temples at the place. Perhaps an earlier reference in Chalukya inscriptions to the river Krishna-Veppa is in a grant of Vinayaditya. It refers to, as has been already pointed out, 10 not to the single stream of the Koishna which rises at Mahabaleshwar but to the combined streams of the Krishna and Vena which, after meeting at Sangam-Mahuli, flow as one stream. TEXT.11 * First Plate. 1 [svasti jayatyAvi]SkRtaM viSNordhvArAhaM sobhi[tArNavaM / dakSiNonnatavaM]STrAma[vidhAnta bhuvanaM ag: [11*] [ft 2 matAM sa]kalabhuvanasaMstUyamAnamAnavyasa[gotrANAM hArito]putrANAM saptalokamAtRbhissa [See foot-notes 3 and 4 on p. 325 below.-Ed.] * Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly, March-June 1929, Vol. X, 1, p. 14. The first is the Rayagad plates, above, Vol. X, p. 14. * Ibid., p. 16, probably as a district. * Ibid., Appendix, Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 706, 763, 707, 809. * Survey Sheet, No. 47 K/3 and 7. [See foot-note 5 on p. 325.-Ed.] * Survey Sheet, No. 47, K/3 and 7. .. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 88. There the name of the river is spelt as Krishpa-V&epa. 10 Bombay Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 334, n. 2. 11 From the original plates and photographs, Letters broken away or effaoed have been restorod with the help of the published plates.

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324 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. 3 [ptamAta miramivaLitAnA kArtikevaparirakSamAptakalyAgiparaM]parAmAM bhagavAnArAyaNapra 4 [sAdasamAsAritavarAhalAJchanA[ga]vIkRtAvamahI bhUtAM] cAlikyAnAM kulamalaM. bkariSNorazvapAvabhUSasnAnapavitrIkRtagAtrasya mopula ke zivallamamahArAjasya 6 [sa]na: parAkamAkAntavanavAsyAdiparanRpatimamamaNibaddhavizubakIrtiH] 7 [ko]rtivarmapRthivIvallabhamahArAjastasmAtmajastArasamaktamakalota8 [rApa]vezvarazrIharSavarmanaparAjayopAttaparamezvarasamba[sta*]sya sa[syA 'ayabhI9 [pRthivI vallabhamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarasya priyavanayasya pra[zAtanaya10 [sya saGgamAtrasahAyasya vikalAbhiSAnipra varaturaMgamekenavotsAritA 11 [zeSavijigISoravanipatitritayAntaritAM sva]guro[*] zriyamAtmasAtkRtya] 12 [prabhAvakulizavalitapA]DaekoLa [keraLakaLabhraprabhRtibhU[bha] Second Plate ; First Side. 13 [sabhravibhramasyAnanyA vana kAJcIpatimukuTacuMktipAdAMbujasya vi14 kamAdityasatyAba[yadhIthivI vallabha[mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezva 16 rabhaTTArakasya priyasU[no pi][rAzayA bAlenduzekharasya tArakArA[ti]ri16 va daityabalamatisamuddhataM [rAjyakAJcI]patibalamavaSTabhya kara17 vIkRtakame vi)rapArasaukasi[halAdi]dvIpAdhipasya sakalotarA18 pathanAthamathanopArjitoNitapALijAvisamastapAramazvayaM19 cihnasya vinayAdityasatyAzrayazrIpRthivIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAja20 paramezvarabhaTTArakasya priyAtmajazzazava evASigatAzeSAstra zA]21 [stro] dakSiNAzAvijayini pitAmahe samunmUlitanikhilakaNTaka 22 [saMhatikttarApathavijigISo[gurora]prata evAha[vavyApA There is a crack in the plate here. [Reading seems to be Chera.-N. L. R.]

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No. 47.} A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632. 325 Second Plate; Second Side 23 ramAcarannarAtigajaghaTApATanavizIThamANakRpA[NadhArassamapravipra 24 hAsarassatsAhasarasika parAkamukhIkRtazatramaNDalo [gaMgA yamunApA 25 LidhvajapaDa(paTaha)ThakA(kkA)mahAzabdacihnakamANikyamataMgajAdInpitRsAtkuva'npa28 24paLAyamAnarAsAdya kathamapi vidhivazAvapanItopi pratApa(pA)veva vi[pa]. 27 yaprakopamarAjakamutsArayanvatsarAja ivAnapekSitAparasahAyaka 28 stavavAhAnirgatya svabhujAvaSTaMbhaprasAbitAzeSavizvaMbhara prabhura29 khaNDitazaktitrayatvAtzatramababhaJjanatvAdudAratvAniravAyAdhasta ba.]ng30 banAzrayassakalapAramaizvaryavyaktihetupALidhvajAdhujvalaprAjyarAjyo 31 vijayAdityasatyAdhayazrIpRthivIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAja[paramezvarama 32 dvArakassarvAnavamAjJApayati viktimastu bosmAbhi zAzivRttiSa ___Third Plate. 33 dazateSu zakavarSeSvatoteSu pravarddhamAnavijayarAjyasaMvatsare caturDa(6)[] vartamAne karahATana]ga kArti(ti)kacaurNamAsyAM vikramAditya vizAphnayA -- 34 ramadhivasati jayaskandhAvAre tyusi*] gotrAyaH 35 dAmodarazarmaNaH pautraH(vAya) gaulusababhavi zarmaNaH putrAya bhAnudevazarmaNe kRSNave gNAnadI 36 pUrvataTasthaH karahATanagarasamIpasthaH kAravanAmagrAmo dattaH [*] - - karahATanagare - 1 This reading seems to be certain. The following word is probably vijnapanaya as suggested here, the whole expression referring to a common Chalukya practice of making a grant at the request of the crown-prince. It must be noted, however, that the word for the crown-prince' is omitted here. [Grants were also made at the request of a feudatory or a high officer.-C. R. K.] * All the letters are much worn out here, but from the traces of a few of them, they probably refer to the name of the Brahmapa's gotra. [Reading is Atreya-gbtraya-N. E. R.] * This namo appears strango, through the reading is certain. [Reading is Colla.[Shjadagavi-sarmmaral. Spadagavi here apparently stands for shadangavid.-N. L. R.) . [Reading seems to be NagullasarmmaresN. L. R.) (Reading is Karue-nama.-N. L. R.] [Beading in punab.-N. L. R.]

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326 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXVI. 37 -' paTTikAnAma paJcaviMzatinivartanaM kSetraM bata() [*] tAgAmibhirasmadvezya [nya ca rA[jabhi] rAyurezva[D] 38 dInAM vilasitamadhirAMzucaJcalamavagacchaddhirAcandrAkkaMdharArNava[sthiti] samakA[laM] yazazci39 cImu(Sa)bhi[*] svadattinirvizeSaparipAlanIyamuktaJca 'bhagavatA [va][vyA sena vyAsena [*] 4. 40 hubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhissagarAdibhi[]sya (bhiH / yasya) yasya yadA [bhUmistasya tasya 41 tadA phalaM [*] svandAtuM sumahacchakyaM duHkhamanyasya pAla[naM] [[*]vA[naM] vA pAla42 naM vetti(ti) dAnAcchu yonupAlanaM [ // *] svavattA paravattAM vA yo hare43 ta vasundharA [*] SaSThi(STi)varSasahasrANi viSTA(SThA)yAM jAyate] kumiH [*] ma44 hA[sA]ndhivigrahikazrIniravadhapuNyavallabhena likhitamidaM zAsana] . . . No. 48.-EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR, The question of the epoch of the Ganga era has been discussed by several scholars during the last sixty years and various dates ranging from A. D. 349-50 to A. D. 877-78 have been proposed as marking the foundation of the era. The palaeography of early Ganga grants dated in that era shows that it must have been founded some time about the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century A. D. Mr. R. Subba Rao, who for the first time worked on some positive data, fixed A. D. 494-95 as the initial year of the Ganga era. Subsequently, Mr. J. C. Ghosh, working on the dates of some Ganga and Kadamba grants came to the conclusion that the Ganga era started in A. D.496.. This conclusion was accepted by Mr. Subba Rao in the paper which he read before the Seventh Oriental Conference in 1933. But the epoch does not 1 These letters seem to mention the name of the field, ending in paffika. [Reading seems to be Ambra(Amra)paffika.-N. L. R.) * For the commencement of the era Mr. G. Ramdas has proposed A. D. 349-50 (J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVIII. B.2911. Mr. Subba Rao, A. D.494 (J.A.H. R.S., Vol. V, pp. 287 fi.), Mr.J.C.Ghosh,A.D.498(Ind.anti. Vol. LXI, pp. 237ff.),Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao, A.D. 497-98(J.A.R.B.S., Vol. XL, pp. 101.), Dr. R.C.Majumdar some date between A. D. 550 and 567 (Ind. Cul., Vol. IV, p. 179 ff.), Mr. R. D. Banerji, A. D. 741 (History of Orissa. Vol. I, p. 239), Mr. Majumdar, A. D. 772 (J. B.O. R.S., Vol. II, pp. 361-62) and Mr. R.Sewell and D. B.B. K. Aiyangar, A. D. 877-78 (Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 58.). [See also A. R. 8.1. E., 1931-32, p. 46.C.R. KI .J.A. H. R. S., Vol. V, pp. 272 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, pp. 237 ff. . Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh AU-India Oriental Conference, p. 519. In his latest article on the subject (Proceedings and Transactions of the Tenth All-India Oriental Conference, PP. 472 ff.), Mr. Subba Rao shifta the initial your of the era toA.D.509.

Page #416
No. 48.] EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA, 327 suit all cases. Besides, Mr. Subba Rao has not given any further details about the Ganga era, viz., whether the years of the era cited in epigraphic records were current or expired and the months purnimanta or amanta and what were the initial month and tithi of the Ganga year.' These questions are indeed difficult to settle ; for Ganga records do not generally give sufficient details for the verification of their dates. They mention, for instance, that certain grants were made on the occasion of lunar or solar eclipse, or ayanas, but they do not generally state in what particular months and years these eclipses: and ayanas' occurred. Nor do they mention any week-day, nakshatra, etc., in connection with the dates on which the grants were recorded. The absence of such details has led to a great divergence of opinion. Mr. G. Ramdas, for instance, rejects the Saka year 419 as the initial year of the Ganga era, because a certain solar eclipse did not occur in a particular year calculated according to that epoch, while Mr. J. C. Ghosh justifies his epoch of the era on the ground that though in certain cases the solar eclipses did not occur in the particular years, they occurred in the preceding years.' 1 See, for instance, the dates of the Santa-Bommali plates of Nandavarman, the Ponduru plates of Vajrahasta II and the Indian Museum plates of Devendravarman, discussed below. All these would appear irregular according to this epoch * In his article on the Ganga era in Ind. Oul., Vol. II, pp. 508 ff., Mr. J. C. Ghosh has attempted to prove that the era commenced on the purnimanta Sravana v&. di. 1 in A. D. 496. But the only definite evidence which he oitoo in favour of his view is the date of the Siddantam plates (above, Vol. XIII, pp. 213 ff.). Other dates can well be explained according to the epoch fixed in the present article, and one date definitely goes against Mr. Ghosh's opooh as admitted by him. As regards the date of the Siddantam plates, the grant recorded in them was made on the occasion of the Dakshinayana and the plates were issued on Sravana va. di. 5. Mr. Ghosh says that the date of the grant and that of the issue of the plates were identical, viz., the 21st June, A. D. 691, which, according to him, proves his epoch. According to my calculations, however, the dates were not identiqal. In A. D. 691-92, which, according to Mr. Ghosh, corresponds to the Ganga year 195, the tithi purnimanta Sravana va. di. 5 no doubt fell on the 21st June A. D. 691 as it ended 20 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise that day, but the Karkataka sankrants occurred next day (the 22nd June, A. D. 691) 16 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. As the plates could not have been issued before the sankranti, Mr. Ghosh's epoch is impossible. As regards the date of the Urlam plates, (above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff.) on which he relies for proving that the months of the Ganga era were purnimanta, it may be pointed out that it conflicts with the date of the Ponduru plates (discussed below, p. 329) which mentions a week-day and is therefore quito definite. Wo must therefore suppose that in 1.23 of the Urlam plates the mention of the fortnight was inadvertently omitted. The only exceptions so far known are the dates of the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III (Ind. And, Vol. XIII, pp. 120 ff.) and the Indian Museum plates of Devendravarman (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff.). For the reading of the latter, see below p. 329. The Chicacole plates of Dovondravarman mention the lunar month and tithi in connection with Udagayana, but if Udagayana means Uttarayara-aanueranti, the date is impossible, see above, Vol. IV, p. 131, n. 2. * The only exception so far known is the Ponduru grant of Vajrahasta II (J. A. H, R. 8., Vol. XI, pp. 7 d.) * J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVIII, p. 280. Ind. Anf., Vol. LXI, p. 238.

Page #417
398 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. The latest attempt to fix the epocha of the era is that of Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao. From the scanty material available Mr. Krishna Rao has tried to prove that (1) the Ganga era commenced in the Saka year 419 (A. D. 497-98) and (2) the Ganga year began on the amanta Bhadrapada bahula 13. According to Mr. Krishna Rao therefore the era commenced on Bhadrapada va. di. 13 in the Saka year 419 (Monday, the 11th August, A. D. 497). He has examined the dates of 10 Ganga records and claimed that they can be satisfactorily explained according to his epoch of the era. He has shown that in most cases the solar eclipses occurred in the particular years of the Ganga ers, while in one case only, the eclipse occurred a few months before the commencement of the particular Gangs year. As the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III dated Gn. 128 show, these grants were sometimes recorded some months after they were actually made. So the result may be held to be satisfactory. There are, however, certain difficulties presented by this epoch, which Mr. Krishna Rao has not noticed. In this article on this subject in J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, pp. 19 ff., Mr. Krishna Rao has stated in several places that the Ganga era commenced in the expired Saka year 419. He has also conjectured that the Ganga year commenced on amanta Bhadrapada va. di. 13. So in order to convert a Garga year into an expired Saka year, we must add 418 when the date falls on any tithi from the amanta Bhadrapada va. di. 13 to Phalguna amavasya and 419 when it falls on any tithi from Chaitra su. di 1 to Bhadrapada va. di. 12. The epoch of the Ganga era, i.e., the year immediately before the commencement of the era, should thus be Saka 418-19. But Mr. Rao has almost throughout applied the epoch Saka 419-20 to get the equivalent of the Ganga dates. See for instance the following (1) Gn. 127 (Margasirsha full moon)=$. 546. (2) Gr. 154 (Margasirsha new moon)=$. 573. (3) Gn. 221 (Askadha tu. di. 5)-6. 641. (4) Gn. 251 (Chaitra new moon)-8. 671. (5) Gn. 304 (Jyeshtha ,, ,, )=8. 724. (6) Gn. 397 (Margasirsha , , )-S. 816. One would therefore suppose that he is in favour of applying the epoch Saka 419-20. But see the following equivalent of the Ganga date 500 given by him, which is possible only with the epoch of Saka 418-19: (7) Gn. 500, Ashadha-masa dina 5, Adityavara=S. 919 (Sunday, the 13th June, A. D. 997). Mr. Krishna Rao has not shown how to reconcile this date with the preceding ones. Again 1 J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, pp. 19 ff. * Nine of these he calculated in his article (loc. cit.) and one later on (ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 147 f.). * Viz.. the date of tho Chionoole plates of Satyavarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 11 ff. * J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, p. 148.

Page #418
No. 48.) EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA. 329 his equivalents of the Santa-Bommali plates of Indravarman II' and the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III do not appear to be correct even according to his epoch. The question of the commencement of the Ganga era must therefore be examined afresh and an epoch proposed which would satisfactorily explain all the published verifiable dates of the era. Among the dates of the Ganga era published so far, that of the Ponduru plateso is most important as it contains the mention of a week-day. The date, Gn. 500 Ashadha-masa dina 5, Adityavara, regularly corresponds to Saka 919, Sunday, the 13th June, A. D. 997. On that day the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashadha ended 3 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. This date shows Gn. 500=S. 919 and therefore Gn. 0-$. 419. It also shows that the month Ashadha had begun only four days before, on the first tithi of its bright fortnight. This proves that the months of the Ganga year were amanta. Let us next take the date of the Indian Museum plates of Devendravarman. These plates are dated in the Ganga year 308. No further details of the date are given, but we learn from line 20 that the plates were intended to record a grant made on the occasion of a solar eclipse in the month of Magha. Supposing that the solar eclipse occurred in the same Ganga year in which the grant was recorded, we find that the only year which would correspond to Gn. 308 is Saka 728. In this year there was a solar eclipse in amanta Magha on the 11th February, A. D. 807. It is noteworthy that this is the only solar eclipse in amanta Magha in the period Saka 711728. This proves the untenability of the epochs proposed by Messrs. Subba Rao and Krishna Rao. It further corroborates the conclusion we have already drawn, namely, that the months of the Ganga year were amanta. Now according to this date Gn. 308=$. 728 and therefore Gn. 0-$. 420. For the calculation of this date, Mr. Krishna Rao has relied on the reading (Ganga) Year 87, Jycshtha divass 10, given by Raja Bahadur L. H. Jagadeva in J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IV, p. 23. Mr. Krishna Rao has supposed that the grant was made on the very day on which it was recorded and that the tithi fell on a Wednesday coupled with the nakshatra Hasta and the yoga Vyatipata (of which there is no mention at all in the grant). By an elaborate calculation he has shown that this combination of the tithi, week-day, nakshatra and yoga took place on the 24th May, A. D. 584. But according to his epoch mentioned above, this tithi in Jyeshtha should fall in A. D. 585, not 584. It is noteworthy that the combination of the tithi, etc., does not occur in A. D. 585. Again, the correct reading of the date is Jyeshtha divasa 30 as recently given by Mr. R. K. Ghoshal (above, Vol. XXV, pp. 194 ff.). The akshara 16, which together with O here denotes the lithi, signifies 3 in other records also. See, a... the Chicacole plates of Dovondravarman II (ibid., Vol. III, p. 133). If the Ganga year began in Bhadrapada, there is no reason why the lunar eclipse in Margadirsha, men. tioned in the Chicacole plates dated [Gn.) 128, Chaitra di. 15, should be referred to Gn. 127, for Gn. 128 was current at the time of the eclipse. The date of this grant was read as 100 by Mr. M. Narasimham (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IX, part iii, pp. 23 ff.) and as 700 by Mr. G. Ramdas (ibid., Vol. XI, p. 12). The correct date given above was first pointed out by Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao (ibid., Vol. XI, p. 147). For the verification of the dates, etc., I have used throughout Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris. * Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff. * The editor of these plates has not read the aksharas after Magha-mase in l. 20. There appear clenr traces of five akaharas after that word, the first two of which are certainly purya and the last, [4). The omittod exprension seerus therefore to be surya-grahani. 60 DGA

Page #419
330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. The third important date is that of the Santa-Bommali plates of Nandavarman, the son of Anantavarman 1. These plates record a grant which was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse in some unspecified month. The plates are dated on Ashadha dina panchami in the [Ganga) year 221. On the analogy of the dates of the aforementioned Ponduru and Indian Museum plates, this date may be taken to be the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of the amanta Ashadha. From the evidence of the Ponduru plates one would expect that the Ganga year 221 would correspond to the Saka year 640. But there was no solar eclipse in that year, nor even in the preceding year. There was, however, one in the amanta Jyeshtha of Saka 641. The proximity of this eclipse to the date Ashadha su. di. 5 (on which day the grant was recorded) indicates that the equivalent is probably correct. This date shows Gn. 221-8. 641 and therefore Gn. 0=S. 420. The only way in which we can reconcile the date of the Ponduru plates with those of the Santa-Bommali and the Indian Museum plates is to suppose that the former date is stated in the current year and the latter two in expired years. Mr. Krishna Rao, who did not notice the possibility of some Ganga dates being in current years and others in expired ones, took the aforementioned date of the Santa-Bommali plates as showing that the Ganga and Saka years were not concurrent and that the Ganga year commenced in some month after Jyeshtha. Such a supposition does not appear to be necessary. In fact the aforementioned dates of the Santa-Bommali and Indian Museum plates show that the Ganga year began in some month before Ashadha su. di. 5 and ended in some month after Magha. It appears probable therefore that, like the Saka year, the Ganga year also began on amanta Chaitra su. di. 1. The fourth important date is that of the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III, viz., Chaitra di 15 in the [Ganga) year 128. In the absence of further details this date does not admit of verification, but in lines 10-11 the plates mention a lunar eclipse which occurred in the month of Margasirsha. We have seen above that the Ganga and Saka years were probably concurrent. The lunar eclipse must therefore have occurred in Gn. 127. This year, if current, would correspond to S. 546 and, if expired, to $. 547. In both these years there was a lunar eclipse in the month of Margasirsha. This date also may therefore be said to corroborate the epoch of the Ganga era fixed above. The foregoing examination of these four Ganga dates which contain details for verification has shown that the Ganga era began in the expired Saka year 420 (A. D. 498-99), probably on the first tithi of the bright half of the amanta Chaitra. To convert a date of the Ganga era into that of the Saka era we have therefore to add 419 if the Ganga year was current, and 420 if it was expired. Let us now state in a tabular form all the Ganga dates which contain some details for verification to see what was the proportion of current and expired years. It must be remembered in this connection that many Ganga records mention a solar eclipse, but give no particulars about the year and month in which it occurred. In such cases the identification of the corresponding Saka year is likely to be doubtful. 1 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 185 ff. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 120 ff.

Page #420
Dates of the Ganga Era with their equivalents in the Saka era. No. 48.) Name of record. Serial No. Name of King. Whether Correspond. Ganga year ing Saka was current year. or expired. Remarks. Particulars of the date in the Ganga era. 8. 507. Expired. 30. Santa-Bommali Plates | Indravarman II' aliaal (n.) year 87, Jyeshtha divasa (above, Vol. XXV, pp. Rajasimha. 194 ff.) In S. 507, Jyeshtha had 30 days (from the 5th May to the 3rd June A.D. 585). 2 | Parlakimedi Plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 131 Indravarman II alias (Gn.)year 91, Magha dina trin- $. 510 or S. Rajasimha. . T eatima, 30. Current or In both these years 8. 510 and 511 Magha bad thirty days (from the 24th December A. D. 588 to the 22nd January A.D. 589 and from the 12th January to the 10th February A.D. 590 respectively). Current or There was a lunar eclipse in Marexpired. gasiraha in both S. 546 and s. 547. 3 Chicacole Plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 120 Indravarman III . (Gn.) year 128, Chaitra di. 15 and a lunar eclipse in the previous Margadirsha. S. 547 or S. 548. EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA. 8. 873. Current. Tekkali Plates (above | Indravarman III, eon Vol. XVIII, pp. 309 ff.) of Dinarnava. (n.) year 154, and a solar eclipse in an unspecified month. There was a solar eclipse in Mar gabirsha in S. 573 only, none in 8. 574. & Tekkali Plates (Ind. His Quart., Vol. XI, pp. 30 Devendravarman 1, son of Gunarnava [Gn.) year 192, and a lunar 8. 611 or 8. eclipse in an unspecified 1612. month. Current or expired. There was a lunar eclipse in Mar. gabirsha in both S. 611 and 612. 6 8. 641. Expired. Santa-Bommali Plates (J. Nandavarman, son of [Gn.) year 221, Ashadha dina A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, Anantavarman I. panchami and a solar eclipse p. 187.) in an unspecified month. There was a solar eclipse in Jyesh tha in S. 641, none in $. 639 and $. 640. 1 The years of the Saka era given above are all expired. * The months mentioned in the Remarks column are all amanta. * In his Genealogical Table of Early Ganga Kings (Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 386) Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar does not number this Indravarman. * Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar calls him Indravarman II. having omitted to number Indravarman II as stated in the foregoing note. 331

Page #421
Serial No. Name of record. 7 Chiosoole Plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 273 ff.) Dates of the Ganga Era with their equivalents in the Saka era-contd. 8 Alamanda Plate (above, Vol. III, p. 17 ff.) Indian Museum Plates (Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff.) 10 Chicacole Plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 10 ft.) 11 Chidivalasa Plates (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 146 ff.) 12 Ponduru Name of King. (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, pp. 7 ff.) Devendravarman II, son of Anantavar man.. Anantavarman II, son of Rajendra varman. Devendravarman II, son of Rajendra varma 1. Satyavarman, of Devendravarman III. Plates Vajrahasta (II). Devendra. varman IV, son of Bhupendravarman. Particulars of the date in the CorrespondGanga era. ing Saka year. [Gn.] year [2] 51 and a solar 8. 671. eclipse in an unspecified month. son [Gn.] year 351, and a solar 8. 770. eclipse in an unspecified month. [Gn.] year 308, Magha-mas 8. 728. surya-grahan[8]. 724. expired. [Gn.] year 304, and a solar 8. 723 or S. Current or eclipse in an unspecified month. [Gn.] year 397 with a solar eclipse in an unspecified month. [Gn.] year 500, Ashadha masa dina 5, Adityavara(e). Whether Ganga year was current or expired. 8. 816 or S. 817. Expired Expired. Current. Current or expired. S. 919 (Sun- Current. day, the 13th June, A.D. 997). Remarks. There was a solar eclipse in Chai tra in 8. 671, none in 8. 670. There was one solar eclipse in Jyeshtha in 8. 723 and two in Jyeshtha and Margaetreha in 8. 724. There was a solar eclipse in Magha in 8. 728 but there was no such solar eclipse in Magha in the period from SS. 711 to 8. 727. There was a solar eclipse in Jyeahtha in S. 770, none in 8. 771. There were two solar eclipses in Jyeshtha and Margastraha in 8. 816 and also two more in Jyeshtha and Karttika in SS. 817. In S. 920, the tithi fell on a Thursday. 1 The symbol for hundreds is omitted here, but as shown by Mr. Krishna Rao (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, pp. 27 ff.), it must have been one for 200. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXVI.

Page #422
No. 48.) EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA. 333 The above examination of the twelve dates of the Ganga era which contain some details for verification has shown that the view that the Ganga era was started on Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 explains all the dates satisfactorily. We found that according to this epoch the eclipses occurred in the respective Ganga years (current or expired) mentioned in the records and in two cases even in the specified months, and where the week-day or the number of solar days in a month was given they could be completely verified. Of the twelve dates examined above, three are in current years, four in expired years and the remaining five doubtful, being in either current or expired years. Of the doubtful dates also, a majority is likely to be in expired years ; for, as Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar has pointed out," the Hindu's usual, not invariable, way of expressing a date is not in the year so and so ', but after so many years had elapsed since such and such an event took place.' " Even if we leave these doubtful dates out of account, the expired years of the Ganga era are more in number than the current ones, which is in accordance with the practice observed in the case of the dates of the Vikrama, Saka, Kalachuri and other eras. We can therefore conclude that the Ganga era commenced on Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 (the 14th March, A. D. 498). Let us next see if this epoch of the Ganga era conflicts with any known data. Certain synchronisms of Ganga kings with princes of other dynasties are either known definitely or are conjectured by scholars. We have to see if they can be satisfactorily explained with the present epoch. 1. From the Godavari plates of Prithivimulas we learn that the Adhiraja Indra fought in company with other chiefs who united to overthrow a certain Indrabhattaraka. These plates are dated in the twenty-fifth year of the increasingly victorious reign, apparently of Prithivimula. The date does not contain any details for verification. Dr. Fleet who edited the plates conjectured at first? that the Adhiraja Indra was the king Indravarman of the Ganga dynasty who made the Chicacole grant dated [Gn.) year 128. He further identified Indrabhattaraka defeated by the Adhiraja Indra with Indraraja, the younger brother of Jayasimha of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. The name of this Indraraja is omitted in most Chalukyan records, because, according to Dr. Fleet, he, being slain in this battle, did not ascend the throne. If this identification is correct, it does not conflict with our epoch of the Ganga era ; for According to it, the Adhiraja Indra was ruling in S. 548 (128+420) and the Eastern Chalukya prince Indraraja also flourished in the same period as he must have fought the battle during the reign of his elder brother Jayasimha (S. 549 to 579 or 582). 1 Collected Works of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Vol. III, pp. 288 f. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 398. * Ibid., Vol. XXV, pp. 266 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXIV, pp. 120 ff. . J. Bom. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 114 ff. * The expression pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara which introduces the date in these plates coeurs in all the early grants of the Ganga kings (with an expression like Gang@ya-tamka prefixed to it in the case of some later ones), but this is no sure index of the Ganga era, for the expression occurs in the records of other dynasties also. See e.g., 11. 25-6 of the Chikkulla plates of the Vishnukundin Vikramendravarman (above, Vol. IV, p. 197: L. 14 of the Ipur plates of the Vishnukundin Madhavavarman, (ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 337, and Il. 21-2 of the Tandivida grant of Prithivi-Maharaja, ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 98). Later on he identified him with the Ganga king Indravarman (II) who issued the Parlakimedi grant dated Cn. 91. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 131. . Since then, his Kondanaguru grant has been discovered and published (abovo, Vol. XVIII, pp. 1 ff.).

Page #423
334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXVI. The identification of Indrabhattaraka with Indraraja, the younger brother of Jayasimba, has, however, been called in question, and that perhaps rightly, for, the characters of Prithivimula's grant appear to be earlier than those of Jayasimha's grants. Prof. Kielhorn suggested that Indrabhattaraka was identical with the Vishnukundin Indrabhattarakavarman mentioned in the Chikkulla plates and his view has since then been generally accepted. The identification of the Adhiraja Indra is however more difficult; for though there seems little doubt that he belonged to the Ganga dynasty, there were as many as three kings in that dynasty who bore the name Indravarman. Some scholars identify the Adhiraja Indra with the Ganga king Indravarman I who issured the Jirjingi plates in Gn, 39, because like the Vishnukundin Indrabhattaraka, he also is said to have won many battles wivn four-tusked elephants. The description, however, appears to be conventional; for it occurs in some grants of other dynasties also. If we identify the Adhiraja Indra with Indravarman II of the Ganga dynasty, he becomes a contemporary of the Vishnukundin Indrabhattarakavarman ; for the former was ruling at least from Gn. 87 to Gn. 91 (i.e., from A. D. 585 to 598) and the latter probably flourished from circa A. D. 570 to 600 as shown by me elsewhere. This synchronism also may therefore be said to be in agreement with the epoch. 2. The Kadamba chief Ranaka Dharmakhedi, the son of Bhimakhedi, was a feudatory of two Ganga kings, Anantavarman and his son Devendravarman. His Mandasa plates which were issued during the reign of his suzerain Anantavarman are supposed to be dated $. 976 (or 967)." Another grant of his, recorded in the Simhipura (also called Santa-Bommali) plates during the reign of Anantavarman's son Devendravarman, is dated in the Ganga-Kadamba era 520.' According to the epoch fixed above, the latter date would correspond to S. 940. This date is earlier by 36 (or 27) years than the date of the Mandasa plates, instead of being later as it should be, since it belongs to the succeeding reign. This is the main reason which has led Dr. R. C. Majumdar to bring down the epoch of the Ganga era to some date between A. D. 550 and 557. This discrepancy, I submit, is solely due to a wrong interpretation of the aforementioned date of the Mandasa plates. This date has been read as Sak-abda-nava-sataka-sapta-rasa-mata which has been taken to denote S. 913 by Mr. G. Ramdas and S. 976 (or 967) by Dr. R. C. Majumdar. I have no doubt that the intended date is Sak-abda-nava-sataka-saptadasa-mite, i.e., S. 917. It may be noted that the record has been very carelessly written and engraved. The scribe has confused sa and sa in several places in it. The facsimile shows that the reading here is saptarasa (not sapta-rasa) which is evidenty a mistake for saptadasa. Perhaps the scribe was unconsciously influenced by the Prakrit of his time which had corrupted Sanskrit Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 195. See also Jouveau-Dubreuil's Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 91. * Indravarman I was ruling in Gn. 39, Indravarman II in Gn. 87-91 and Indravarman III in Gn. 128-64. 3 See e.g., the Khamkhed plates of Pratapabila (above, Vol. XXII, p. 95): Bagumra plates of Nikumbhallabakti (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 267) and the Ellora plates of Dantidurga (above, Vol. XXV, p. 30). . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 21. J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVII, pp. 175 ff. The expression denoting the date used in this grant is read Sakabda-nana-Sataka-sapta-rasa by the editor Mr. G. Ramdas, who took sapta-rasa as denoting 7 plus 6 (rasa signifying the number six, because there are six flavours). So according to him the plates are dated $. 913. Dr. R. C. Majumdar on the other hand took the same expression to mean 76 (or rather 67 according to the saying ankasya vama gatib). According to him therefore the date of the grant is S. 976 (or rather, S. 967). See Ind. Cul., Vol. IV. Pp. 174 ff. * J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, PP. 171 ff. * The Ganga-Kadambn era has been admitted by all scholars to be identical with the Ganga era. * Ind. Cul., Vol. IV, PP. 174 ff. . It may be noted that the system of word-numerals is not met with in other Ganga reoords of the period. The numerals were then written and read as we do them now.

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No. 48.) EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA. 335 saptadata into saptarasa. The date of the Mandasa plates is thus s. 917 which agrees admirably with the date Gn. 520 ($. 940) of the same chief Dharmakhedi's Simhipura graht. The difference between the dates of the two grants is only 23 years which perfectly squares with the fact that the former grant was made by the aforementioned Kadamba chief during the reign of his Ganga suzerain Anantavarman and the latter during that of Anantavarman's son Devendravarman. 3. We have seen above that the Ganga king Anantavarman's son Devendravarman was ruling in Gn. 520. Another grant recorded in his Chicacole plates' mentions the Ganga king Anantavarman's son Maharajadhiraja Madhukamarnava as ruling in Gn. 526. The proximity of these two dates suggests that Devendravarman was another name of Madhukamarnava. Messrs. G. Ramdas and Subba Rao have identified this Ganga king Anantavarman with Vajrahasta II alias Aniyankabhrma, who had a son named Madhukamarnava, on the assumption that all the rulers of the Ganga family were called alternately Anantavarman and Devendravarman. Dr. R. C. Majumdar has, however, objected to this assumption. The assumption', he says, 'rests on the fact that for some generations, the Ganga kings were named in succession Anantavarman and Devendravarman. But it would be unreasonable to conclude from this that their predecessors were also so named, so long at least as we do not get any satisfactory evidence for the same.' The necessary evidence is now supplied by the Ponduru grant of Vajrahasta (II). As already stated this grant is dated Gn. 500. It was made by Vajrahasta, the son of Kamarnava. As this grant was made 20 years earlier than Dharmakhedi's Simhipura grant of Gn. 520 which belongs to the reign of Anantavarman's son Devendravarman, it appears quite plausible that Anantavarman was another name of Vajrahasta (II). From these three grants then we get the following genealogy of these Ganga kings Kamarnava - Vajrahasta alias Anantavarman Madhukamarnava alias Devendravarman This genealogy is perfectly possible if we identify these princes with Kamarnava I, Vajrahasta II and Madhukamarnava III mentioned in the Nadagam, Ganjam and other records of Vajrahasta III. Here I may anticipate an objection. I have identified above Madhukamarnava who was ruling in Gn. 526 with Devendravarman who was on the Ganga throne in Gn. 520. But it may 1 Sanskrit numerals change their d into r in the Prakrits and modern North-Indian languages. 1 J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVIII, pp. 272 ff. * Dr. C. Narayan Rao and Mr. Subba Rao read this date as 528. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VIII, p. 170. J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVII, pp. 180-81. Ind. Cul., Vol. IV, pp. 175 ff. * Above, Vol. IV, pp. 183 ff. : XXIII, pp. 67 ff. In fairness to Dr. R. C. Majumdar I must state that this genealogy is also possible according to the epoch (some date between A. D. 550 and 557) proposed by him, if we Gasume that Madhukamarnava was another name of Rajaraja (I).Devendravarman. The overwhelming evidence of other dated records set forth above would, however, preclude that epoch altogether.

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336 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXVI. be objected that this goes against the evidence of the Nadagam and other plates of Vajrahasta III : for according to them, Madhukamarnava III ascended the throne 19 years before his nephew Vajrahasta III. The latter's accession is known to have taken place in $. 960. Deducting 19 years from this, we get S. 941 as the date of the accession of Madhukamarnava III. This conflicts with the statement in the Simhipura plates that Devendravarman (with whom we have identified Madhukamarnava III) was ruling in Gn. 520, i.e., S. 940. In connection with this I have to point out that the reign-periods of the several Ganga kings mentioned in the Nadagam and other plates are not exact, but only approximate ; for they do not mention any months and days in addition to the years of their reigns. If Madhukamarnava III reigned for 19 years and a few months, he might have been on the throne in $. 940 (perhaps towards the close of it), when the Simhipura grant was made. I may add that the epoch of the Ganga era fixed Above will not be affected in the least even if we identify Devendravarman of the Simhipura plates with one of Madhukamarnava's elder brothers, Kamarnava II and Gundams II who preceded him on the throne and ruled for six months and three years respectively.! We have thus seen that the view that the Ganga era was started on Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 presents no difficulties and squares with all the known data. Before concluding this article it would not be out of place to discuss what political event it commemorates. From a Vakataka inscription in cave No. XVI at Ajanta,' we learn that Harishena, the last known Vakataka king, had something to do with Andhra and Kalinga. Unfortunately the inscription is very badly damaged in the portion where the names of these countries are mentioned together with a number of others such as Kuntala, Avanti, Kosala and Lata. Perhaps Harishena raided these countries and made their kings acknowledge his suzerainty. That he did Bo in Andhra appears quite probable from the marriage of the Vishnukundin prince Madhavavarman I with a Vakataka princesse who was perhaps a daughter or some near relative of Harishena. From several grants found in the Ganjam District, we know that in the fourth and fifth centuries A. D., Kalinga was held by some princes whose names ended in varman, such as Saktivarman, Umavarman, Chandavarman, Anantavarman, etc. They must have been obliged to submit to the mighty Vakataka king Harishena. From recent researches in Vakataka history it seems probable that Harishena closed his reign about A. D. 500, and this, we find, is also approximately the time when the Ganga era was started. The conjecture may therefore be hazarded that it marks the establishment of a new kingdom in Kalinga when the power of the Vakatakas declined towards the close of the fifth century A. D. 1 The exact date of the coronation of Vajrahasta III mentioned in the Nadagam and other plates corresponds, according to Kielhorn, to Sunday, the 9th April, A. D. 1038. Messrs. J. C. Ghosh and Subba Rao identify him with Kamarnava II who ruled only for half a year (Ind.) Ant. Vol. LXI, p. 237 and Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh Au-India Oriental Conference, p. 519), while Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao takes him to be Gundama II, who ruled for 3 years (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, p. 21). * A. 8. W. I., Vol. IV, p 125. . Above, Vol. IV, p. 196 . Above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff., Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff., Vol. XXIV, pp. 47 ff., oto. * Ahove, Vol. XXVI, pp. 148-9. MGIPC_S1-60 DGA-18-5-51---265.

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No. 49 ) A NOTE ON BIRODA PLATES OF (BHOJA) DEVARAJA 337 No. 49.- A NOTE ON SIRODA PLATES OF (BHOJA) DEVARAJA BY N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, VOTACAMUND The valuable inscription on these plates was edited in this journali by the late Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu. In 1943, when I was studying the record in connection with the early history of Western India, I examined the text of the inscription as published by the learned editor and checked the reading with the excellent facsimile accompanying the article. As a result of this scrutiny I was convinced that the name of the dynasty of Devaraja had not been correctly decis phered. Mr. Charlu read the word, indicating the name of the family to which Dovaraja belonged, as Gominam and claimed that he had discovered a hitherto unknown dynasty on the West Coast of India, viz., that of Gomins. His reading was accepted by many scholars, one of whom has even tried to identify this Devaraja with the Rashtrakuta prince of the same name figuring in the Pandarangapalli plates of Avidheya' and the Undikavatika grant of Abhimanyu, though he has not been able to explain satisfactorily how the family name Gomin could be connected with the Rashtrakutas. Let us examine the disputed reading with the help of the photographic reproduction of the plates. The syllable that first roused my suspicion about the incorrectness of the reading of the dynastic name is the one that has been read as mi in the given reading Chandrapurad-Gominars (line 1). If we compare this letter with mi in bhumis-(line 12) and bhumidah (line 13) it becomes clear that its shape is altogether different. If it is not mi, what else can it be? The letter very closely resembles ja of vijaya- in line 17 and the superscript of the conjunot letter jya in rajya in the same line. It is well known that the medial a sign of ja is usually added to the horizontal stroke at the centre of the letter. Even in the present case it starts from the central stroke, goes up and turns to the left round the letter in a curl. Thus, it is obvious that the whole syllable should be read as ja. This led me to scrutinize the reading of the preceding letter, namely, d-Go in Chandrapurad-Gominam. On a careful examination of the subscript I came to the conclusion that it answers more to bh than to g. We may compare, for instance, bha in bhavishyad=(line 2), bhu in prabhu (line 4) and bhya in svamibhyarn (line 6), eto. It may be noted that ga is more upright than bha which is a little slanting. With these two emendations, the word has to be read as Bhojanam and not Gominam. Further it appears to me that the syllable after Chandra is an initial i and not pu (of. initial u in uktafi-cha in line 10); what is seen at the bottom of the letter obviously denotes length. It is to be observed that in this record the sign of p is open at the top (cf. puny-Opachayaya in line 5). If this correction also be accepted, the whole expression would read Chandraurad=Bhojanan. Accordingly, the name of the family of the donor-king Devaraja is Bhoja and not Gomin, whil the name of the capital of the territory of this line of rulers, viz., the Bhojas, round about Goa on the West Coast, W88 Chandraura. The 1 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 143 ff. with 1 plate. * An. Bhand, Ori. Res. Inst., Vol. XXV, pp. 43 ff. * Mys. Arch. Rep. 1929, pp. 197 ff. In this record the name of Devaraja's family is not given. * Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 163 ff. The termination fra is the Sanskritized form of the Dravidian word ar meaning village or town and crrog. ponds to Sanskrit pura. Such village names, ending in ura, are found in many Sanskrit inscriptions; the following are a few instances from records ranging from the 4th to the 9th century, after Christ :-Kofflina (Allaha bad pillar inscription of Samudragupta, C.I.L., Vol. III, p.-13); Kangura (Mattepad plates of Damodaravarman, above, Vol. XVII, p. 329), Chendalara (Chendalar plates of Pallava Kumara-Vishnu, sbovo, Vol. VIII, p. 235), Vaffira (Mahakufa pillar insoription of the Western Chalukya King Mangaloba, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 17), Cherwpira (Chipurapallo plates of the Eastern Chalukya-King Vishnuvardhans I, Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16) Kumulara (Timmapuram plates of the same king, above, Vol. IX, p. 318), Audraka (Surat plates of Sryakraya Staditys of the Gujarat Chaloky family referred to on p. 231, Vol. VIII, above) and Lattalira (Nilgund inscription of the Rashtrakuta king Amoghayarsha I, above, Vol. VI, p. 103). 16 DGA

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338 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI discovery of some copper plates of the Bhoja dynasty during the years 1948 and 1949 has confir. med the correctness of my reading of the family name. These are noticed in the sequel. Now, it is known from the 13th rock edict of Asoka that the Bhojas and the Pitinikas (within his territory) were conforming to his instruction in morality: Dr. Hultszch who regards them as tribes says that they have to be looked for in the west. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, however, explains the word Petenika (Pitinika) as one who enjoys hereditary property' and takes BhojaPetenikas as one word meaning the rulers called Bhojas'. He also considers them to be the same as the Mahabhajas who were minor rulers holding the present Thana and Kolaba Districts of the Bombay State. Inscriptions mentioning them are found at Bedsa, Kanheri and Kuda. From these we learn that they were responsible for the excavation of many of the caves in these localities. The Bhojakas are mentioned also in the Hathigumpha inscription of the Kalinga king Khara vela, which says that he caused the Rathikas and the Bhojakas to bow down at his feet." According to Dr. Jayaswal the expression Bhojas, as opposed to Petenikas, means non-hereditary leaders who observed the Bhaujya form of constitution mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana. To him, thus, the Bhojas appear to be so called because they followed that special form of constitution. He also points out that the name still survives in the modern caste-name Bhojaka found in the Indian State of Cutch in the Kathiawad Agency Dr. B. C. Law who has collected almost all the references to the Bhojas is of the view that the Bhojas were a very ancient tribe whose princes held not only the Satvats, near the Ganges, in subjection, but also ruled over the Vidarbha (Berar) and, according to a passage in Kautilya's Arthasastra, even over the Dandaka, the region round Nasik. It may be added that the Dasakumaracharita of Dandin also places the Bhojas in Vidarbha. We have, however, no means of ascertaining whether, or in what way, the Bhojas mentioned in the rock edict of Asoka as well as in the cave inscriptions of Western and Eastern India noticed above were related to the ruling dynasty of the Bhojas of Goa, one of whose scions was Devaraja of the Siroda plates. Recently a number of copper plates have been discovered in and near the Goa territory. A notice about them by Mr. R. S. Panchamukhi, Director of the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, is found on page 99 of the Summary of Papers submitted to the 15th Session of the AU-India Oriental Conference. They comprise three charters. Two belong to the Bhojas, while the third pertains to the Maurya dynasty (of Konkan), though Mr. Panchamukhi has taken them all to be Bhoja grants. Both the Bhoja grants refer themselves to the reign of Prithivimallavarman, one dated in the first (prathama) regnal year and the other in the 25th regnal year. The earlier record, issued from 10. 1. 1., Vol. I (Inscriptions of Asoka), pp. 46 and 48, text-line 9. * Ibid., p. 48, f.n. 11. * Asoka (1932: 2nd edition), pp. 34-35. *Arch. Sur. of Western India, Vol. IV, p. 90, (Bedsa ins. No. 3); p. 85 (Kuda ins. No. 6); Luders' List, Nos. 1021, 1037, 1045, 1052, 1058. Above, Vol. XX, p. 79. .K. P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity (1943 : 2nd edition); p. 80. * Ind. Cult., Vol. I, p. 384. Yatha Dandakyo nama Bhojah kamad-brahmara.kanyam-abhimanyamanus=sa. bandhu-rashtro vinanaca. (Arthasastra, edited by Shana Sastri, 2nd edition, 1924, p. 11, 11. 13-14). This PASSage is also found in the Kamasutra of Vatayayana who apparently copied it from Kautilya (Kamastilra, Banaras edition, adhikarana 1, adhyaya 2, sutra 44). See also studies in Kamasutra by H. C. Chakaladar, pp. 84 f. Vidarbho nama janapadah/tasmin-BMjavamsa-bhrishanan....................Punyavarma namsasit (Uchchhuasa 8); Early History of the Deccan (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii), p. 143 and note 2; An. Bhand. Ori. Res. Inst., Vol. XXVI (1945), pp. 20, 22. . These are shortly to be published in this journal. * Mr. Panchamukhi gives the date of the former as the 13th year and of the latter as the 15th year. My reading of the dates is based on an examination of the original plates.

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No. 49 ] A NOTE ON SIRODA PLATES OF (BHOJA) DEVARAJA Vrishibhinikheta, registers the grant made by the king of a piece of land to a Brahmana, named Ma[tvalrya, of the Agnivesya gotra. The land was situated in the village of Bhagalapallika in the Kupala[pa]kata ahara. The grant was made for the increase of merit of the king's mother Chetasadevi at the request of his brother Satrudamana on the 13th day of the bright half of the month of Jyeshtha in the first year of the king's reign. At the end of the inscription we are told that it was the gift of Chetasadevt, described as Nellikabalika. The charter was written by Devaarmacharya of the Bharadvaja gotra. The later grant was issued from Prithiviparvata and states that the king made a gift of a plot of land in the village of Malara in Kupalakata to a Brahmana, named Damarya, of the Bharadvaja gotra. The gift was made for the merit of the king himself on the 10th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Sravana in the 25th year of the king's reign. The ajnapti of the grant was Nidhivara and the writer was Buddhadasa of the Kamboja cotra. The inscriptions on both these sets of plates are written in the Sanskrit language and in the southern alphabet assignable to about the 7th century A. C. Another copper-plate record of this dynasty was discovered early in 1950 by Mr. P. B. Desai, M.A., Epigraphical Assistant, at the village of Hire Gutti in the Kumta taluk of the North Kanara District which adjoins Goa. The document, issued by king Asankitaraja of the Bhoja lineage, registers the grant, made by him, of the village Sundarika in the Dipaka vishaya to a vihara which had possibly been erected by himself (sva-vihara). The invocation to the Buddha at the commencement of the inscription shows beyond doubt that the monastery (vihara) to which the gift was made was Buddhistic. It is also noteworthy that this set of plates bears a seal depicting the figure of an elephant which was evidently the emblem of this royal family. The language of this grant is likewise Sanskrit. Though the record is not dated its palaeography would place it in the same period, namely about the 7th century A. C.1 Yet another copper-plate inscription of this dynasty, falling in that very period, has been discovered by Mr. R. S. Panchamukhi. I have not seen this record, but, according to Mr. Panchamukhi, it registers a gift of land, made by Dharmamaharaja Kapalivarman of the Bhoja family to a certain Svamikaraja who, in his turn, granted it to a Brahmana, named Bhavarya. The land was situated at the village of Sivapuraka. The grant was issued from the king's camp at Pamasakhetaka." Thus we have, in all, five inscriptions of this dynasty, all on copper plates. Of these, the Siroda plates of Devaraja happen to be the earliest, as they are palaeographically referrable to the 4th century A. C., while the rest belong to about the 7th century. They disclose the names of four ruling monarchs, namely, Devaraja, Prithivimallavarman, Asankitaraja and Kapalivarman. Chetasadevi, the queen of Prithivimallavarman, and Satrudamana, the latter's brother, are two others, brought to light from one of these documents. We have seen that these grants were issued from four different places, viz., Chandraura, Vrishibhinikheta, Prithiviparvata and Pamasakhetaka. Chandraura has been considered to be identical with Chandor in Goa. The other places may also have to be looked for around that region which appears to have been the dominion over which the Bhojas held sway. The relationship in which the four rulers of the family stood to one another and the order of succession of the three last named kings, viz., Prithivimalla, Asankita and Kapali, are points to be determined only by future discoveries. 339 Incidentally, I may also briefly notice the Maurya grant here, which is interesting in its own way. It records the order of the illustrious Anirjitavarman, the Mauryya Maharaja, issued 1 This record is also being edited in this journal. Fifteenth All-India Oriental Conference (1949), Summaries of Papers, p. 99. * Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 145. 3A

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340 ZPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI from the victorious Kumaradvipa, to the inhabitants and officials of twelve villages (dvadabagramyah). The order announces that a gift of certain lands, tank, garden and house-site was made by the king to a Brahinana, named Hastyarya, of the Harita gotra. The gift was made with the object of securing the welfare or final beatitude (ni[b]dreyas-artthan) of Nagapadda, Malladatta, Achala and the king himself. The inscription is dated the 10th day of the 7th fortnight.of He[manta*] in the 29th year, apparently of the king's reign. This mode of recording dates in seasons and fortnights is not usually met with in inscriptions of a period later than the 6th century. Consequently this record may be placed in the 6th century, and palaeography does not militate against this view. In the Aihole inscription of Pulikesin II, his father Kirtivarman I is stated to have been the night of doom to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas'' Pulikobin II himself claims a decisive victory over the Mauryas in the Konkapas. Evidently it is to this Maurya family that Anirjitavarman belonged. on dato (Ancient India, No. 8, 1 An Eastern Chalukya inscription of a later period (7th century) olting p. 49) is the only one of its kind that I know of, . Above, Vol. VI, p. 4, text-line 4, Ibid., p. 6, text-line 10,

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INDEX. BY H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI AND S. VIJAYARAGHAVACHARI [The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure to footnotes and add. to additions. The following other abbreviations are also used :au.=author; ca.=capital; ch.=chief; Chron.=Chronicle ; ci.=city; co.=country: com. composer: dl. district; dn.division; do..ditto; dy.=dynasty; E... Eastern ; engr. Eengraver; ep.= epithet ; f. -female ; feud.feudatory; gen.-general; Hist. Historical; k.king; l. locality ; l.m. linear measuro or land measure; m.-male; min. minister; mo.=mountain; myth.mythological; 1.name; N.-Northern; off. office or officer ; pr.=prince ; . queen; rel.=religious; ri.=river; 8. Southern ; 8.a.-some 88; sur.-surname; te. templo; Tel.=Telugu; t.d.territorial division; tit.title; in.=town; tq.=taluq; vi. village; W.-Western; wok.=work.] A. Page. 149 . 340 4, initial, . 63, 69, 75, 132 4, medial, . 60, 63, 166, 174, 187 A note on the Bajaur Casket of the reign of Menander,. . . . .. . 318 a-bhadappavesa, privilege, . . . 149, 153 a-bhasachchhatra-pravesya, privilege,. . 160 Advidhanachintamani, lexicographical wk., . 316 . Abhimanamahodadhi, lit., . . 287 Abhimanyu, Rashtrakuta k., . 337 Abhira, dy. . . . 95, 303, 311 and n. Abu, Mt., vi., . . . . 88, 101, 204 Abulfeida, Muhammadan historian, . . 274 Achala, m-, . . a-chammangalika, privilege, . . . 153 acharas, the five-, . . . . . . 107 n. Achara-sagara, wk., . . . 12 n. a-charasanacharmangara, privilege, 160 a-chara-siddhika, privilege, . 149, 153 Adava, vi., 8.a. Sudava, . . . 62 n. Adbhutasagara, wk., . , 4 and *., 12 n. Addaka, Chapa k., . . . . . 191 Addanki, co., . . . . . . 23, 33 Adilabad, dt., . . . . . . 19 Adipur Plate of Durjayabhafija, 276 Adikebava, god, 269 Adikesava-ghatta, l., . 269, 270 Aditya, m., . . . . 17, 47 Aditya I, Chola k., 83, n., 113 n., 114 and n., 230, 233, 121 Page. Adhyaksha prachara, & chapter in the Artha Sastra, . . . . . . . 121. Adoni, tab., . . .35 and n. a-dadha-dadhi-gahanam, privilege, . . agama, rel. literature, afure, . . . . 106 n. Agastisvaram, vi... . . . 274 Age of the Imperial Guptas, wk., . . 302, n. Agguka, Saindhava k., . . 191, 192, 193, 196, 200, 201, 205, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 220, 222, 223, 224 Agguka I, do., . . . . 189, 190, 196, 203 Agguka II, do., . . 193, 196, 197, 198, 209 Agguka III, do., . 194, 195, 196, 218 Aghata, I., 8.a. Ahada, Agni, god, . . . Agnish(oma, sacrifice, 120, 122, 141, 151, 164, 169 Agodaka, vi., 8.a. Agrodaka or Agroha, . 117n. Agra, ci., . . . 85 agrahara, tenure, . .. . 133 Ahade, m., . . . . . . 100 ahara, t.d., . . . . 159, 338 Ahavamalla, sur. of the Chalukya k., Somo. Avara I, . . . . . . . 179 Ahichchatrapura, vi., . 89, 90, 103 a-hirannadhannappanayappadeya, privilege, 152 Ahivarman, k., . . . . 187 Ahmad Khan, Bahman co., * * * Ahobalam, vi.. . . . . . 33, 37 n. . 166 ai, initial, ai, medial, . 166, 177 Aiholo Inscription of Pulakekin II, 51, 53 and 1., 340 Ain-ul-Mulk, tit., . . : 36 n. Airavata, Indra's elephant, . 104 n. Airavatta-mandala, t.d., . , 76, 77, 79, 82 Airikina, s.a. Eran, province, . . . 116 Aitareya Brahmana, . . . .. 338 Ajanta, ni.. . . . . . 141, 142, 148 234 75 Aditya II, Parakesarin, do., . Adityadhara, m., . . . Adityan-Kannaradeva, Chola pr., Adityasena, Later Gupta k., . Adityavarman, Sinda pr., . Adhai-din-ka-jhapada, l., . . adhaka or a dhika, grain-measure Adhirdja Indra, Ganga pr., . adhvaryu. . . . . . . 82 75, 79 and n., 82 . 233 .242, 243 and . . . . 282 94 . 127 and n. . 333, 334 . . 16

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342 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI 25 182 272 Page. Ajayadova or Ajayaraja, Chahamana k., 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 101, 104 Ajayameru, ci., 8.4. Ajmer . 93, 99, 101, 107 Ajmer, ci., 8.a. Ajayameru, . , 93, 94, 101 Ajmer, dt., . . . . . . 84, 87 Ajanta Inscription of the Vakataka dy.. . . . . 142, 144, 145, 146, 148 ajfiapli, off. . . . . . . 154, 339 Akalavarsha (Krishna II). Rashtrakaja k., . . . 165 1., 231 n., 284 Akhanda-Gautami, 8.a. Godavart, Ti., . a-khatta-chollaka-venesika, privilege,. . 149, a-karada, privilege,. . . . . 153 a-karadayi, privilege, . G-kara-yollaka-vinesi-khaffardsam, privilege, 149 Akasapadda, vi., 139, 140, 141, 151, 154 Akdala, fortress, . . . . . Akshapa falika, off.... . . . . Akshabalin, off, . . 65 n., 175 Alaki, ci., . . . . . . 219, 223 Alamanda Plates of Anantavarman II, 174, 332 Alampuram, vi., . . . . 124 Ala-ud-din, Bahmani Sultan, . . . 26 A n. Ala-ud-din Hasan, do. . . . a-lavapakeppa-kkhanaka, privilege, 149, 162 a-lavanaklinnakreni-khanakah, privilege, 161 and n. Alhapa or Alhanadeva, Chahamana k., 95, 96, 97 Alhana, Parigrahi, m., . . . . 100, 112 Alha nadevi, Sena q. . . . . Alini, 'swarm of bees'; female Jaina devotees, . . . . . 102 and n. Allada, Reddi ch., . , 20, 29 n., 34 n., 37, 39 Allahabad Museum Yupa, . . . 121 Allahabad Museum (Kosam) inscriptions of Maharaja Bhadramagha,. . . 298 Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra gupta, . . . . . 136, 337 n. Allavadin, 3.a. Alauddin, Bahmani Sultan, 25 n. alligator, emblem on banner, . . 82. Allar, vi., . . Allaraks, vi... . . . . 337 n. a-lona-gula-chchhobham, privilege, . . 149 alphabets Box-headed, . . . . 61, 137, 156 Brahml, . . ! . 124, 319 Gupta, . . . . . . . 115, 236 Kannada, . 59 Kushana-Brahmt, . . 295 Kutila, . . Nagarl 59, 69, 166, 177, 256, 268, 280, 282, 305, 310 Nail-hoaded, Northern, . . . . . 75, 130 Proto-Nagari, . . . . 60,197 Proto-Oriya, . . . . 276 Page. alphabets :-contd. Sarada, 87 Southern, . . 59, 63, 66, 132, 174, 249 South-Indian, 137 Tamil, . . . . 275 Telugu, Amana, Yadava k., . . . . . 128 Amaravati vi., . . . . . . 25, 149 Amaravati, Myth.ci., . 200, 204, 213 Amarekvara, god, . . Amatya, off.,. . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 Amavali-pattala, dn., . . 269, 270 Amba, vi., . . . Ambakutti, m., . . 235 Ambaprasada, ch., 'the lord of Aghata' . 92 Ambe Inscription No. 2, . . 311 Ambika, goddess, . . . 100, 110, 266 Ammaraja II, E. Chalukya k., . 164 n. Amnama, donee, . . . . . 17, 47 Amoda Plates of Jajalladeva II, . 267 n. Amoghavarsha, Rashtrakafa k. . . 59 n., 60, 62, 163, 165, 332 Amoghavarsha I, do.. . . 59, 337, 60 n., 251, 284 Amoghavarsha II, do. . . . 182, 163, 284 Amoghavarsha III, Baddega, do.. . . 61, 164, 232, 284 Amraprasada, Guhila pr.. . . . . . Amrubin Jamal, Muslim gen., . . . 189 Antapanibarmman, donee, . . 269, 272 Amtari, a.a. Uparamvala Antari, t.d. . 200, 101, 112 Amvata, m.,. . . . . * 99, 106 A pahilapattana, Chapa ca.. . . 190, 191, 92 209 . 171, 174 Ananda, m., disciple of Buddha, Ananda, dy.. . . . . . Ananda, name sufir. . . . Anangapala III, Tomara pr., . . Ananta or Ananta-gochara, co., . Ananta, 8.a. Samamta, Chahamana pr., . Ananta, donee, . . 17, 48 Anantapala, Kalackuri pr.. 263 n. Anantapala, m., off. . . . . 267 Anantapala, poet, . . 287 Anantavarman or Anantavarman-Chodaganga, E. Ganga k... . . . 9 n., 65, 66and r., 67, 171 7., 174, 175 and n., 176, 257, 258, 334, 335, 336 Anaparti Plates of Kumaragiri Reddi, 28, 32 n., 41 Anapota or Anavota, Reddi ch., 23 n., 25, 26 n., 27 and . Anastu Plates. . . . . . 250 241 127

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INDEX 343 Page. Apatti, s.a. ajnapti, off.,. . . 151 and n. Anavema or Annavema, Reddik., . .23, 27 n., 28, 29 and 11., 31 n. Anavota or Annavota, Rachakonda ch., 26 and 1. Anavota, Reddik.,. . . . 25 Anavota II, do.. . Anbil Plates of Sundara-Chola, .114, 233 Andapanala, wrong reading for nripoNala, . . . . 49 and n. Andhau Inscription of Saka 52, . . 297 ,dy., . . . 151 *., 229 Andhra, co.,. . . 16, 17, 25, 43, 149, 150, 182, 336 Andhra-patha or Andhapatha, co.,. . 150 Andhrakbamdamandala, 1.d., . '. Andhra-Suratrana, til., . 24 Angara, vi., . . . 244, 245, 246 Anirjitavarman, Maurya k. of Konkan. . 339, 340 Anitalli, Reddi princess, . . . 20, 22, 29 n. Aniyankubhima alias Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k.. . . . . . . . 335 Anna, Annadeva or Annayya, Telugu-Choda k., . . . . 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 27, 28, 29 and n., 31 and 1., 32, 33 and n., 34 and n., 37 and n., 38, 39, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47 Annadevavaram, vi., . 17, 38, 40, 46 Annavaram, vi, . Annavema, Reddi k., . . : 20,26 n., 39 Annavota, do.. . . 16, 20, 21, 23, 26 Annemamba, q. of Bhaktiraja,. . . 15, 16, 18, 20, 27, 42, 43 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, wk.,. 85 Anniga, Nolamba-Pallara pr.,. . . 286 Antaranga, off., . . . : 7, 12 and n. Antiquities of Chamba State, wk. . . 12 n. Antah purika, off. . . . . . 272 anusvara, . . . . . 41 n., 44, 60, 63, 75, 86, 102 n., 103 n., 139, 166, 171, 174, 198, 276 Do. substitution by guttural nasal, . 63 use of, in place of final n., . Do. used for a class nasal, . . 14, 69 Do. class nasal used for,. . 139 nasals represented by . 86 shown by a crescent, 156 Do. wrong use of,. . Do. changed into final m., . 269 Apabhramsa, dialect, . . . 179 Aparagangeya, Chahamana pr., . . 96 Aparajita, k., . . . . . 241 Aparajita, Sitahara k., . . . 163, 284, 287 a-parampara-balivadda-gahanam, privilege, 149 a-parumpara-go-balivardda, privilege, . 149, 152, 160 Pago. Apara-samudr-adhipak, ep. . . 190 Apara-Surdah framan dala-mar dana, op., 190, 196, 204, 213, 219, 228 Aphsad Inscription of Adityasens . : 242 a-pupphakkhiragghana, privilege, . .149, 152 G-pushpakahira-sandaha, privilege, . . 180 Apurvanata, family, . . . 63 Ara Inscription of Kanishka, . . . 295, 296 and n. Ara Inscription of Kanishka II, . 303 Arabs, . . . . . . . . 186, 190, 192, 198 Arang, vi.. . . . . . * 52, 53 and *., 227 #., 229 n. Arang Plates of Bhimasena II, . . .227, 228, 229. arafphasamuvinayika, privilege,. .149, 162 Aravalli Hills, mo.,. . . . 84 Arbuda, mo., . . . . . . 183, 184 Arigarh daraganda, til., . . . . . 16, 43 Arikesarin, Chalukya ch., . . . . 164 .. Arikosrin alias Kekirkja, Silahara pr., 288_87 Arikulakesarin, Pillaiyar, Chola pr.,. 84 n. Arifijaya, Parakesarin, Chola k. 82 Arirajamadana-Sankara, tit., . . 3, 10, 13 and 1. Arporaja, Chahamana k., . . . 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 104 Arthapati or Arthavarman, Nala k., . . 62 and . Arthasdatra, wk., . . . . 338 and n. Aruna, myth. person, Arupadatta, off. . 239 Arungamitrasvamin, donce, . . . 239 Aryakhamda, dn., . . . . 106 . Aryavarta, co., . . . . 94, 96, 104 asana-charman, Asankitarija, Bhoja k., . . . Asapuri, goddess, . . . . . 92 Ashtadaba-Gondrama, territory, Ashtadasatavi-rajya, chiefdom, . . . Ashrafpur Copper-plate of Devakhadga, 125, 126 Asika, s.a. modern Hansi, vi., . . . 95, 96 Asoge Plates of Kadamba Jayakesin (II), 304 Aboka, Maurya k.,. . . 141 ., 338 and n. Asokachalla, k., . . . . . 41). Asokittana (Rasolittana), co., . . . 92 Agund, vi., 8.a. Akasapadda, . . 141, 162 Abvapati-Gajapati-Narapati-Rajatray-odhi. pati, tit., . . . 9, 71 abvamedha, sacrifice, . . . . . 136,324 181 339 Do. 63 77 77 Do. Do. 164

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344 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI 34, 168 Page. Atakor Insoription of Ktishna III, . 01, 84 a-lana-battha-gahanam, privilege, . 149 athara gadijat, geographical expression, Atharva na or Atharvapika-chara De, 6.a. Atharvaveda, . . 139, 162, Athmallik state, Atimukta, god, . . . atiratra, sacrifice, .. Attili, vi., . . . 371., 40 Attili, 1.d., Attili-sima, t.d., . . 40, 44 Attivarman, Kandara k., . . . 139 n. Atukuru, vi., . . . . 38 atyagnishtoma, sacrifice, done, . . . 120 . au, initial form, . . . . . 131 ., 137, 186, 177 Aubhala or Aubbelendra, donee, 17, 47, 48 salikars s.a. limakara, . . . . 131 m. aulikara-Idichhano, emblem, 131 and 1. avagraha, . . . * 76, 86, 171, 178 avaha, privilege, . . Avanivarman, E., . . . . 192. Avanivarman II, k., . . . . 217 Avanti, co., . . . . . . 336 Avidheya, Rashtrakufa I., . . . 337 Avimuktajja or Avimaktarya, h., . .242, 244, 246 dopitti, 1.d., . . . . . . 3, 8, 12 Ayodhya, ci., . . . . Ayodhya, tn., o.a. Uttara Kotala, . . 71 Ayo, Myth..., 284 . vreye . . . . 16.3 Page. Bagenadu, dt., . . . . . 61 Balaghat, I., . . . . . 180 Baghera, vi... . . . . . 101 Bagumra Plates of Indra III,. . . 163 . Bahmani Sultans, . . . 19, 82 Bahmani Dominions, . . . . 37 m. Bahukadhavala, Saindhava k., . . . 196 bahuorihi, . . . . . . 260 . Baina, tn., . . . . . . 85 Baliditya, k., . . . . . Bala, Baladitya, Gupta k., . 237, 238 n. Baladhibita, off. . . . . . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 Balaghat Plates of Prithivishena II, 61, 139 ., 160 Balarjuna 1.a. Maba-Sivagupta, Somavans k., 63 and 70., 227 Balasanaka, a.a. Balsane, vi., . . .310, 312 Balaane Inseription of the time of Krishna, 311 Balasore Plate of Bhanudatta,. . 239 Balavardhana, ch., . . . . . 121 Balavarman, Chalukya ch., . . 191, 192 and n., 196 Balavarma, ruler of Aryavarta, k., . . 304 bali-chant-vaibadew-agnihotra-kratu, rites, 254 Balijhari Plates of Uddyotakesari Mahabhavagupta, 77 bafivali, dotory, . . . , 61 Ballaha, s.a. Vallabha, tit., , . 231 Ballala I, Hoyrala k., . 182 Ballala, au.. . 250 Baloda, vi., . . * 229 n. Bambani, si., . . : .257, 258, 266 Bans, poet, . . . . . . Bana, dy. . . . . . 53, 54, 113, 114 and . Banadhiraja, tit. of Prithvipati II, 112, 113 Banar, ri., . . . . . . 8*. Ba paraja, Bana ch., . . Banarasi, s.a. Cuttack, ci., . . . 25 Banavase, dt., . . . . Bana-Vidyadhara 8.a. Vikramaditya I, Bara ch.. . . . . . . 64 Bandhuvarman, Malava k., . 131 and . . 238 n. 113 . b, cursive form of- . . . . 69 , indicated by a sign, . . . . 69 b, represented by . . . . . 75, 269, 805 o de o, indicated by separate signs, . 132 Badaznaka, vi., . . 206 Badakhimedi Copper-plates of Indravarman, 186 Bidami, Chalukya ca., . . 231 Badami Stone Inscription of Mangalda, 124 Badauva, s.a. Vadauva, vi., . . 102 Baddega; a.a. Amoghavarsha, Rashtraka pa k., 232 Badaun insoription of Lakhapapala, 270 . Badv., vi.. . . . . . . 118, 119, 121 Badri Yupa Inscriptions, . . 121,128 m. Bagoga, , off, . . . 60, 62 Bandiraka, wrong for Nandirata, oi., Bankeya, m., . . . . . Bannahalli Plates of Krishnavarman II, Barada, in.. . . . . . . . . 141 *: . 189 and >>., 109 . 190 268 Bardis, vi., . . . . . Bartlapura, Barbla, 6.a. Varblapurs, ui..

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INDEX 345 70 Page. Baripada Museum Plate of Dovanandadeva, 74 Barni, ri. . . . 68, 269 Barnala, ., . . 118 Baroda Plates, . . 250 Barolli, oi., . . 84, 85, 101 Barrackpur Plate of Vijayasena, 4 n. Barsinga, 8.. Bhethibringa, i.. 168 Barwani Plate of Subandhu, 301 n. Basihi Plates of Govindachandra, . . Baskrb, 8.a. Vaibali, oi., . . . 116 Basah Beal, . 116 Basim, 3.a. Vatsagulma, ., . . 148 Basim Plates of Vakataks Vindhyasakti II, 137, 141 And n., 146, 148 Baudh Plate of Salonabhanja, Baudh Plates of Kanakabhanja Baudhayana, aw. . 168 Baudhayana-Dharmasutra, wol., . 158 and n. Baudhgarh, vi., . . . . Bayana, tn., . . * 93, 94 Bodar, Muslim slave, m., . . . .35,38 . Bedsa, L., . . 338 and n. Beojanuggur (Vijayanagara), ca., Boer Soen (Virasena), Sena k., . Begun, estate, . . . . . . 101, 102 Bellary, d., . . . . . . Belor: Plates of Pravarasena II, . . 148, 156 and 1., 157 and n. Belvola-three-hundred, 1.d., . , 60, 61, 36 Page. Bhadrabula, Kaubambe k., . 298, 299. Bhadradatta, ch., . . . . . 318,817, 318 Bhadradeva, m., . . . . . 115, 117, 118 Bhadramagha, Kausarbi k., . 298, 299 and m., 301 Bhadrapura, 8.a. Bhandak, si., . . Bhadrasena, Vakapaka k., (') . Bhadrilary&, 8.a. Bhaddilajja, m.. . bhaga-bhoga-kara, tax, . . . Bhagalapallika, Di., . . . 338 Bhagavan, god, . . 124 Bhagavata, follower of the Bhagavata form of Vaish pavism, . . . . . . . . 136 Bhagavata Purana, wk., . . . . 244 1. Bbagtrathl, ri.. . . . . . 316 Bhsingaror or Bhainsarorgarh, oi., 84, 101 Bhaktirkja or Bhaktikvara, ..a. Kimarija, Tel. Choda k., . . . . . 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23 and n., 24, 25, 26 and 1., 27, 28, 29, 38, 39, 41, 43, 44 bhallataka, tree, . . . . . Bhamaba, commentator,. . . . . 161 n. Bhabhagiri, principality, . . 311, 31 Bhamer, 3.a. Bhambhagiri, vi., . 312 Bhammu, m.,, . . . . . . 269, 278 Bhandagarika, off., . . . . . Bhandak, vi., . . 182, 183, 227. Bhandak Insoription of Nannarajadhiraja, 227 and . Bhandup Plates of Chhittaraja, . . . 287 7. Bhani, vi., . . . 69, 73 Bhatija, dy. . . . 279 Bhanu or Bhanudatta, k., . . ..239, 240 and . Bhanudova-barmman, donee, . . 323, 326 Bhanur, vi., .. . . . . . 35 Bhaoyal, s.c. Bhowal, vi., . . 1 r., 2 Bhagyaler itihaaa, wk., . . 1 Bhara, 8.a. Bharakiva, clan, . . . 147, 189 Bharadvaja- Angirasa-Vatea pravara,. . 269, 278 Bharadvaja-kanda,. . . . . 119 Bhara pipadu, di., . ... 16, 21, 23 and 1., 24, 40, 41, 43 Bharasiva or Bhara, clan, . . . . 147, 159 Bharata, epic hero,. . 191, 201, 205 Bharatesvara, god,. . . . . 100, 109 Bharati, goddess of speech, . ' 88, 103 272 62 Benares, ci., . . . . . . 40, 68, 71 Bonaro Plates of ayachchandradiva, Benares Plates of Karpa, Bendapudi, fort., . . Bengal Asiatic Society Plates of Govinda chandra, . . . . . . Bennakata, dt., . . . . . . 140 . Bosnagar Pillar Inscription, Betul Plates of Sathkshobha, 77, 228 69 bh, two forms of . . . . . bha, . . . 241 Bhadadeva, Kaubambi k., . . 298 Bhadana grant of Aparajita, , . 163, 284 and n., 285, 287 Bhadapa, s.a. Bhadaun, l., . 270 Bhadapa-Nandapa, vi.,. 269 Bhadavana grant of Govindachandradeva of Kansoj, . . . . . . 70 1. Bhaddilajjs (Bhadrilarya), m.,. . .162, 164 And. Bharinikan, s... Bharapipadu, vi., 16 DGA

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346 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI 272 236 250 . 167 167 204 Page. Bhartsidovarys, a.a. Bhattidevajja, donec, 164 Bhiokara, donee, . . . . . . . 17, 47 Bhaskaravarman, k., of Assam or Kamardpa, 146 1., 304 bhafa, off., . . 82, 169, 199, 202, 206, 211, 218, 220 Bhtela, o.a. Bhetalika, d., 210 bhatte, off., . . 12., 13, 211 bhafta, tit., . . . . . . 122 Bhafta, community, . . . . 78, 82 Bhatta, ep., . . . Bhaffaputra, ep., . . Bhattasvamika, m., . Bhattidevajja, ... Bhartridevaryys, m., 162, 154 Bhattimahara, ... . . 131, 132 Bhattiprolu Casket Inscription, . . . 319. Bhattotpala, au.. . . . . . 168 n. Bhaujya, . . Bhama, dy., of Orissa, 77, 126 bhava, brother-in-law, . 61 Bhavadatta or Bhavadattavarman, Nala k., 51, 52, 53, 1571. Bhavadeva, k., . . . . . 227 . Bhavanaga, Vakafaka k... 159 Bhavirys, donce, . . . . . 339 Bhavattavarman, wrong for Bhavadatta varman, Nala k., . . . . . Bhavifarmma-Gaulu sada (1), M., . 323 Bhetikringa, vi.. . . . . . 167, 168, 96 Page. Bhimavarman, Kansarbi k., 298, 299, 301, 302 Bhinmal, ci.,. . . ... 101, 204 Bhishag, doctor, off. . . . . Bhita, vi., . . . . 298, 299 Bhitart Pillar Inscription of Skandagupta, 136 Bhitart Seal of Kumaragupta II, Bhobhiks, ., . . Bhogapura, ci., . . . 306 bhogika, off., . . . . . 63, 65 n. Bhoja, tribe,. . . 337, 338 and 1., 339 Bhoja, Paramara k., . 70, 92, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184 Bhoja, Silahara pr., . . . . . 182 *. Bhoja I, Pralihara k., . . . . 191 Bhojadeve, do. . . . . . 186 Bhojakata, dl., . . . . . 140 . Bhojaprabandha, tok. 250 Bhonagir, dt., . . . . . . 26, 28 Bhowal, t.d., . ' : Bhowal Copper-plate of Lakshma pasenadeva of Bengal, the lost . Bhrigu, rishs, . . . . Bhrigudeva, donce,. . . . 167, 171 Bhrigukachha, 8.a. Broach, tri., . . . Bhritta 8.a. Bhatta, . . . . 123 bhukti, i.d., . . . . . . 3, 8, 12 bhumichchhidranyaya, . . 9, 13, 254 Bhumlias, dy., . Bhumliki or Bhumli, a.a. Bhutambilika, vi. 186, 188 Bhupendravarmadeva, Ganga k., (?) . . 166 Bhutambilika, 6.. Bhumli of Ghumli, Saindhava ca.. . . . . . 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 192, 193, 194, 197, 200, 204, 210, 213, 219, 223, 225 Bhatarya (Betuga), Ganga pr., . . 286 Bhuvaneswar, vi... . . . 126 Bihar Kotra, vi.. . . . 130 Bijholi Rook Inscription of Chahamana Somebvara, . . . 84, 87 Bijholt, Bljolta or Vijholi, vi., . . 84, 85, 101, 102, and . Bijaygadh, vi.. . . . . . 118 bhikshuni, Buddhist nun, . . 173 bilad-i-Islam (territory of Islam), . . 36 Bilaspur, dt.,. . . . 52, 53 Biloonda, tn., corruption of Nalkonda, 35 n. Bilhari, ri., . . . . . 182 ... biruda, . . . . . . . Boar, emblem on seal, . . . . Bodhana, Bhatta-, m., . . . . Bodhgaya, L., . . . . Bodh-Gaya Inscription of Mahanaman, 227 188 169 Bhetalika, vi.. . . . . Bhikshu, Buddhist monk, . . bhikshu-samgha, . . . Bhillamala, a.a. Bhinmal, vi... . . . Bhilodia, vi... . Bhima, epic hero, . . . Bhima, Gujarat-Chalukya k.. . Bhima II, E. Chalukya k., . . Bhima, Eruva ch., . . - Bhima or Bhimalinga, Tel. Chodak., . . 209, 210, 211 178 . 131, 132 . 204, 223, 225 248 192 179 . 164, 232 40 20, 21, 27, 29, 39 . 99, 101 . 91., 17, 31, 38 . 29 n., 34 78., 39 and 1. * 334 . 297, 298, 299, 301 .227, 229 Bhima-vena, I., Bhimegvara, god, . . . Bhimdovara-puranar, wole, Bhimakhedi, Kadamba ch., Bhimasena, Kaubambi k., . . . 305 Bhimasena IT, 88mavarii . 243

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INDEX 347 Bataga II, Ganga ch., . . . Pago . 61, 84, 282 158 112 161 Cambay Plates of Govinda IV, . . . 163 Capassia, a.a. Kapasia, vi.. . . . 3 Cape-Comorin, vi., . . Capo-Comorin Insoription of Kulottunga Chola I, . . . Chachchiga, ., . . . . . 93, 104 Chaohchula, m., . . . . 99, 106 Chadadeva, m., . . . .283, 291 Chahamana, dy., . . . . 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 101, 103 Chahamina, eponymous founder of the dy. 88, 97 Chibamans, Marwar branch of . 91 Chahaminas, Sonagara branch of . . 98 Chahanda, Paramara cs., . . . . Chaitys-geha, te., . Chakradeva, off. . . . . . 187, Chakradurga, tr., . . Chakrapani, god., uncer . Chakravarti, k., of the Solar raco, t he Solar raco. . . . 10, 38, Chakraghotta or Chakrakotta, vi., 20, 21 Chalukya, dy.. . . . . 11, 53, 94, 97, 164 m., 179, 181, 186, 191, 196, 231, and .., 232, 324, 306 Chalukyan, Eastern-, . . .837 1., 340 *. Chalukyas, Early dy., . . 141 >>. Chalukyas, Western, dy., . Chalukyae, Gujarat, dy.,. . 186, 189, 337*. Chimarwara, ... ancient Charmmani. hauha, vi., . . . . 251 Chamatkara-chandrika, wk., . . 92 n. Chammak, vi.. . . . . . Chammak Plates of Pravarans II, 144, 166 . . . 280 . . Page. Boggars, .a. Bughra, . . 16, 21 Bonthikavitaka, I., . . . . 157, 158, 160 Bothad, s.a. Bonthikavataka, vi., . . brahmacharin, . . . . 281, 283 1. brahmaddya, tenure, . . . Brahmadova, Kalachuri general, 256 n., 257 and 1., 261 +.., 264 Brahmadhara-bhatta, donee, . 75, 79 n., 82 Brahmakundi, o.a. Gu dlakamma, ri., 23 Brahman, god, te, of, . . . 99 Brahmapa, . . 82, 90, 110, 121, 133, 139, 150, 162, 164, 166, 167, 168, 175, 186, 200, 239, 338, 339 Brahma papalli grant of Karkka SuvarpaVarsha, . . . . . 250 Brahmanda Purana, wk., . . . . 141, 144 *., 161 n., 286. Brahmani, ri., . . . . 168 Brahmapuraka, mod. Bahmni, wi., . . 147 Brihaduparika, off., . . . . 7, 12 and n. Brihaspati, au.. . . . 246 . Brihaspati, preceptor of the gods, Brihaspatisave, sacrifice, . . . 159 Brihatkatha, wk., . . . . . 140 1. Brihatkathamanjari, wk., . 140 *. Brihatphalayana, dy., . . 138, 139 Btihatproshtha, vi., . . . . 133 Brihatproshtha Grant of Umavarman, 132, 133 1., 134, 135 n. Brihatsam hita, wk., . . . .177, 158 1., 204 British Musoum Plates of Charudovi,... 188 *. Broach, s.c. ancient Bhrigukachcha, in., . Buddha, . . . . . . . 124, 171, 174, 321, 339 Buddha, figures of . . . 172 Buddhadasa, writer, 839 Buddhadova-sarman, m., . . . 3, 9, 13 Buddhaja, 6.a. Buddharys, m., . . . 152, 164 Buddharya, 4.a. Buddhaja, donee, .. 164 Budha, myth. ancestor of the Silaharas, 284 Budhagupta, Gupla k., . 235, 238 >>. Badhaguru-stata, 8.a. Parvati, goddess, 318 . Bughra, or Bughra Khan, 8.. Boggara, Muslim chief, . . . . Bakka II, Vijayanagara k., Bulandshahar, tr., . . . 96 Bhadi, State, . . . . Burdwan, ..a. Ancient Vardhamanapura, al., 316 Burhan-i-Ma'dair, wk., . . 26, 30., 34, 36 . 285 92 147 Chammalalai, vi., . 230, 232 Chamunda, Chalamana ., , 02, 98, 104 Chamunda or Chamundarijs, Saindhoes k., 190, 101, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, and 1., 218, 294 Chamundaraja II, Saindhava k., 222 Chanaka, a.a. Nachna, vi., Chanda, 8.a. Chahanda, 189 Chanda, poel, . . . . . 87, 88 Chandaja, donee, . . . . . 162, 164 Chandana, Chahamina k., . . . 90, 91, 98, 104 150 Chandaprabhu, od Chandavarman, Kalinga k., . . 188 , . 184, 838 . 207 Chands, goddess, . . . .

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348 EPIGRAPIA INDICA [VOL. XXyf 339 Page. Chandor, vi., . Chandra, Chandraditya or Chandradova, Gaha davala k., . . . . . 70, 72 and 1., 270 Chandra, Chahamana k., . . 90, 98, 103 Chandrabhogika, m., . . . . 65 n. Chandradeva, k. of Kanauj, . 71 and n. Chandradevi, Sena . . . 9 n. Chandraditya, ep. of Vish pugupta, . . 237 Chandragupta I, Gupta k., . . . 116, 136, 301, 302 Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . . . 116, 117, 136, 148, and n., 156, 238, and 1., 300 1., 301, Page. Chitasidevi, Bhoja q. . Chhadaya or Chhadvai, 8.. Chha aideva, silahara pr., . . . . . 283 * Chhadvaideva, A Copper-plate grant of Silahars . . . . 282 Chhadvaideva, Silahara pr., 283, 284, 288, 291 Chhampapaka, o.a. Chavand, vi.. . 222, 223 Chhandogya or Chhandoga, . . . 136, 167 Chhattisgarh, dl., . . . 53, 227 n., 229 Chhittarajadeva, Silahara pr., . . . 287 100 302, 304 156 Chandragupta II-Vikramaditya, Gupta k., 285 Chandragupta II, s.a. Dovagupta, Gupla k., Chandrapura, 8.a. mod. Chandur, vi., . . Chandraraja II, Chahamana k., . . . Chandrarya, 8.a. Chandaja, dones, . . 154 Chandrasena, m., . 144 Chandratroya, family, . . . . Chandrateja-Bhattara, donee, . . . 60, 62 Chandraura, ca., . . . 337, 339 Chandravati Plate of Chandradeva, 71 n., 269 Chapa, family, . . . . 189, 190 191, 193, 196, 208, 209 Chara, off. . . . . . . . . . . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 charana, Vajasaneyi . . . . 176 n. Oharauye, vi.. . . . .257, 258 Charcoal, . . 156 Charmmanihauha, 8.a. Chamarwara, vi.. . Charudevi, Pallava q. . . . 138 . Chaahala, . . . . . . 118 Chashtana, saka k., . . . . 198, 297 Chafa, off.. . . . . . . 82, 189 Chafta, off. head of a Pargana, . . . Chatupadyamanimanjari, wk., . . 20 n. Chaturaka, 1.d., . . . . . 3, 8, 12 Chaturvargachintamani, w., . * 39 n. Chaturvaidya-grama, . . . . 160 Chauhan, family, . . Chaulukya, dy. . . 179, 180n. Chaurdddharapika, off. . . . 12 n., 220 Chedi, kingdom, . . . . 299 Chedi, co., . . . . 303 Chema dagravati, vi., (?). 8 n. Chendalir Plates of Pallava Kum Vishnu, . . . 337 n. Chendalira, di, . Chengara, 1.d., . . . , 19, 24 Chora, dy, . . . . .31, 324 n. Cherupura, ti, . 337 n. Cheruvida, wi. . . . . 38 Chhoti Bijolia, 8.a. Laghu Vijholi, vi.. . 102 Chhunni, 8.a. Chundaskila, vi., . . . 445 Chicacole Plates of Devendravarman, 63, 65 1.,66 1., 327 1., 332 Chicacole Plates of Dovendravarman II, 329 n., 332 Chicacole Plates of Indravarman III . 327 n. 328, 329, 330, 331 Chicacole Plates of Satyavarman, . . 174, 176 328 n. 382 Chicholi, o.a. Chifchapalli, vi., . . 168 Chidambaram, vi... . . . 274 Chidivalasa Plates of Devendravarman IV 332 Chikati Zamindari,. . . . . Chikkulla Plates of Madhavavarman, 229 Chikkulla Plates of the Vishnukupdin Vik. ramendravarman, . . . . 333. Chilka, lake, . . . . . 19 chincha, tree, . . . . . . . 64, 68 chincha-jambu (P) tree, Chisichapalli, vi., . . Chipurapalle Plates of E. Chalukya Vishnuvardhana I, . . . 337 11. chira, writing with strokes, . . . 246 >>. chirika, document,. . . 246 . chir-tsann-afvamedh-aharltub, ep. of Samu. dragupta, . . . 136 chithika, document, . . . . . 246 n. Chitrakanthe, name of horse, . . . 324 Chitor Inscription, . . . . 92 Chitrarathasvamin, god,. . . * 138 . Chittagong Copper-plate of Kantideva, 313 chitthi, document, . . . . 246 s. Choda II, Kona-Baihaya ch., . . . Choda III, do.. . . . Chod-Annadevavaram, w., . . Cbodakula, family, . . . . . 16, 44 ... . . . . 337. Chola, dy.,' . . 61, 82, 83, 84, 113 and 1., 114, and 11., 163, 230, 231, 232 233, 234, 274, 306, 324 Chola-Rashtrakuta alliance, . . .231, 232 Cholapuram, vi.. . . . . . 276 chollaka, water-pot,. . . . 168 ..

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INDEX 349 Choroddharapika, off.. . . . Page . 199, 202, 206, 211, 216, 291 . . 3, 8, 12 . . . . 150 n. . . 150 , . 244 n. . . 155 Chunchali, vi.. . Coins, gold , of the Nala, . Coin of Rudrasena, . . . Coins, Vakataks . . . Coorg, 8. a. ancient Kutukka, co., Cota, exemption from supply of Chronogram : K8 (10). . . Bara (5), . . . Cuddapah, di. . . Cuttack, d., . . . . 338 305 305 20, 33 23, 63 . 140 . . . 198 Page. Dans, of.. . 218 Dantidurga, Rashfrakupa k., . , . 281, 284 Dantivarman, Rajaputra-, Rashtrabufa pr.. 251 Dalakumaracharitra, sot... . Dasapura, . a. Mandasor, vi., . . Daulatabad, 11., . . . . Daupa, donce, . . . . . . 167, 171 Daussadhika, of., 78, 12 and .. days, lunarbright fortnight :1st, . . . 306 2nd, . . 132, 242 4th, 10th, 339, 340 12th * 161 13th, 68, 279, 336 14th, 169 15th (Purpima), . 69, 73, 120, 121, 128 128, 131, 185, 260, 269, 272, 322 days, lunar dark fortnight: lst, . . . . . 3rd, . . . . . 100, 111, 112, 164 7th,. . . . . . . 225 10th, . . . . . 60, 183 *. 15th (Amavidya), . . . . 306 n. days of the month : 10th, . . . . . . . 294 days of the week :Sunday, . . * . 269, 272, 328 Monday, . . . . . 20, 83 Tuesday, . . 83 60, 128, 129, 164 Thursday, . . . .. .100, 112 Friday, . . 60, 73, 83, 178, 183, 306 Saturday, . . . . 233, 305 Dayyamdinne Plates of Vinayadity, . 51. Deaja, doncs, . . 152, 154 Doddaka, engt. 195 Dehipa, vi., . . . 3, 8, 12 Delha pa, engr.. . . 100, 111 Delhi, Tomara ca... 90 Delhi Siwalik Pillar Inscription, Dendanibhatta, vi., . . . 213, 215 Doo-Barapark Inscription of Jivitagupta II, 241, 242, 243 Deoli plates of Krish pa III, . . 61, 164, 284 Deopara Inguription, . . . . 10 . Deotek, vi.. . . . . . . 147, 150 Defadhipati, off., . . . . 190, 202 DElakshapataladhikrita, tit., . 133 n. Desala, m., 99, 106, 107 desya-talas, . 30 Devadatta, com., . . 246 121, 123 ON 8 d, distinguished from d, . . d, three forms of --. d with developed serif, Dabir Khan or Daburu Khan, s. a. Zafar Khan, c., * * . 16, 21, 24, 26, 43 Dacca, ci., . . . . . . 2 Dadhara, m.,. . . . 100, 112 Dadhipadraka, vi... . 204, 206, 213 Dahala, co., . . . . 71, 180, 299 Pahala, co., Kalachuri kings of . . 71 n. Daivaha, ri.,. . . . . 270 dakshina, . . 122 Dakshina Kosala, co., . 52 Dakshinamurti, god, . Dakshi papatha, co., . . Dakshinasuratrapavipatab, name tala, . . 30 Dakshi nesvara, god, te, of . . . 99, 109 Dama, Tel. Choda k., * 15, 18, 42 Dimar-kottam, da.. . . . . . Damarya, donee, . . . . 339 Dan dadhipati, of... . . Dandanayaka, off., . . . . 93, 94, 95 Damodaragarmman, m.,. . . 323, 325 Damodaravarman, k. of the Ananda gotra, 337 n. Damodarpur Copper-plate No. 1 . . 126 Damodarpur Plates . . . . 12 n. Danarnava, Ganga pr., . 167 Danasagara, wk., . . . . . 4, 12 r. Dananari, ep., of Vishnu, . . . . 318 R. danda, mark of punctuation, 249 Danda, architect, . 310 Dandaka, l.,. . 338 and n. Dandapadika, off... 8, 12 and n. Dandapur, vi. . 161 Dandimahadevi, ., . . Dandin, author, . 338 and .. Danguna, vi., . . . . . . 159 Wednesday, 95 95 . 75

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360 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI . . . 128 192 80 Page. Duradhars, ... . . . . 99, 108 Diretri, co. Divagiri Plates of Kadambe Yuvarija Devavarman, . . 141 *. Deragupts, Gupta k. . . . 160, 243 Devakhadga, k., . . . . 126 Duvakt, myth. f., . 11 Devananda or Devanandadevs, Nanda .of Orissa, 74, 75, 76 and 1., 78, 70, 81 and .. Dorappayys off.. . Devapala, Rashtrabifa ch., . . . 270 m. Devapla, Pala k.,. . . .814, 316 Deraparvvata, mo., . . . 67 Devaputra, til. 204, 296, 298 *., 303 Devarija, ep., . 94 Divanija, Bhoja k.,. . 337, 338, 339 Lerarkja, .. a. Indra, myth. hero, 104 and n. Dorarja, .. a. Standagupta, .. . 238 Divarokodi, w., . . 10, 28, 31 ., 32, 33, 36 Dovaraya I, Vijayanagara k.. . 30, 32, 33, 36 Dev&rys, .. a. Deaja, donee, . . . 154 Detatarman, donce,. . . . . 167, 171 Direde, Vaba gabal., 140, 143, 144, 148 and n., 147, 148 and s. Deruparks, ., . . . . . 99, 107 Danavarman, Ywardjakadamba t.141 n. Devavarman, Salanbayana k.,. 136., 138. Devaya, ., . . . . . . 17, 48 Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., 62, 63, 64, 65 and 1.., 88 and 1., 67, 175 and ., 334, 335 Dvichandragupta, sok. . . . . 286 n. dh, without the horn on the left, . . 256 Dhadibhandaka, Raakpraketa feud., 182 Dhanedetta, ch., . . 315, 317, and s., 818 Dhadantan Platos of Samantavarman, . Dhanapati, engr., . . Dhanapati, sculptor, 267 Dhanatarman, donee, . 171 Dhangaon, vi., . , . . 268 . Dhaka-tfrtha, &. a. Dhank, vi., 199 Shata nam, 'court of justice, 232, 234, 235 Dhanyadeva, M., . . 116, 117, 118 Dhanya-Meru, pith,. . . . 89 . Dhar, br. . . . . 180 Dharana, wyth. serpent, 99, 100, 108, 110 dirapt,. . . . 171, 173 Dherapikota, vi., . . . 25, 27 Dhanpivariha, Chapa ch., . . 190, 191 Dhamana, Traibufaka k.. 301 Dhiravitaka, I., , . dharmicidaya, reh gift, . Dharmakhodi, Ranakar, Kadamba ch.. . Dharmalingesvara, god, . . . . *82 Birmamahdmatra, tit., , . . 141. Page. Dharmamalaraja, tit., 139, 141 and R., 149, 161, 163, 339 Dharmasastra, sk., . . . . . dharma-sthana, . . 180 Dharyyagrams, ti. Dhaoli Cave Inscription of Santikara, 126 n., 248 n. Dhavalapeta Coppor-plates of Umavarman, 131 m. Dhenkanal Plates, 248 . Dhliks, I., . Dhillika, tn., . . . 95, 96, 108 Dhiniki Plates of Jaikadeva, . . . 186, 189 Dhod, I., . . . . . 101 Dhritarashtra, epic k., . . . 186 Dhruvamitrasvamin, donee, Dhruvananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 76, 77, 79 n. Dhruvarkja, Rashfrabafa k., . . . 252 Dhurjati (Siva), god, . . . 257, 266 Digambara Jain, sect, 86, 87, 97, 102, 108 . diksha, ceremony. diksha, ceremony. . . . . . . . 63 Diltpe, myth..., . . 11 n., 78, 80 and . Dipaks-vishuya, i.d., . . . . 339 Divakarasena, Vakafaka pr., . . . 167 Divi, fortress, . . . . . Divydvadana, Buddhist wl., . , 172 and n. Dodas or Dodiyas, Rajput family. . . 94 Dodda, Reddi ch., . . . . . 20, 89 Doddambika, Reddi princess, . . . 20 Doddaya Alls, Reddi ch., . . . 29 R.; 39 dohali, dhalika or kahetra-dhalika,. 100 and .. Donoplodi Grant of Namaya Nayaka, 22, 24 Dongaragrama, s.a. Dongargaon, vi., 177, 178, 182, 184, 186 Dornsamudra, Hoyeala ca. . . . 182 double consonante, use of . . . 138 Draksharama, oi., 97., 17, 23, 27 1., 28, 31, 37, 38, 40, 41, 46 dramma, coin, . . . . . . 163 draught oattlo, exemption from supply of 155 . Suayasangraha, wk., . . 107. Drug Plate, . . . . 139. Duddakanatha, 11., . . . . 99, 107 Dudhai, k., . . 94 Dudia Plates of Pravarasena II, 140 Durdda, 8. a. Duddai or Dudhai, l., . 93 Durga, goddess, 274,318 . Durgagana, k., . . . . . 241 Durgagola, 7., 51, 58 Durgahastin, artisan, . . 49, 51, 58 Durgakhandi, donee, . . '167 and 1., 171 Durga Mahishasura-mardini, goddess,, 16 Durjayabhafija, Bharija ch., . , 276, 277 Durlabha, Chahamana k., 90, 92, 93, 98, 103, 104 Durlabha (II), Chahamana pr., . . . 90, 98 Durlabha, ., . . . . . 99, 108 . 86 267 08 283 334

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INDEX 361 92 Page. Dwrlanghyamen, til.. . Duryodhana, epic hero, 192, 201, 206, 214 Dasala, . a. Durlabha or Durlabharaja III, Chahamana k., . . . . 92, 98, 104 Dubiana, ep. hero, . , 192, 201, 208, 219 Duanddhyasddhanika, off., 199, 202, 206, 211, 218, 220 Dutaka, of... 151 7., 167, 161, 192, 196, 197, 203, 207, 251 dedrapalakas, . . . . 89. Dynasties of the Kali Age, wk.. Kali Age, wk., . 62 m., 144 .. Page. Eran, . a., Airikina, vi.. Erapotu Lenka, of., . Erenaga, 7.,. . . . 60, 62 Erayanga, Hoyaala pr., . 179, 182 Erra Preggads, u., . . . . . 27 . Erukclvaradeva, god, . Eruva, co., . . . 18, 19, 21, 29 Eruva chiefs, . . . . 18, 19, 20, 21 Eruva-Bhima, 8. a. Mailama-Bhima, ch., . 20 *. Eruva-Bhima, Tel. Choda k., . 15, 18, 20, 40, 42 35 174 164 Fa-Hien, Chinese traveller, . . 316 farsang, l.m.,. . . . Firishta, . 25, 30 and 1., 33 1., 34, 36 and 1., 36 and n. 37. Filampatan, .. a. Velampatan, tr., . . 25 Firus Shah, Bahmani k., 30, 31 and 1., 32, 33, 34, 35 and 1., 36, 37 and n. Firuz Tughluq, Delhi Sultan . . . flah, emblem of the Saindhavas,. 188, 217. fortnights : 7th of Hemanta, 340 Full-stop, indicated by two dots like a visarga, . . . . . 120 26 169 323 g, two forms of . Gadag, vi.. . . . . . . 162 Gadhipura, 8. a. Kanauj, tn., . . 70, 71, 72, 271 Gadhipuradhipa, ep., . . . . 70 Gahadavala, dy., . 68, 70, 71, 268, 269, 270 4, initial vowel, . . . . 50 4 medial, . . . 166, 300 . . . . 188, 441 two signs for 4, omission of medial sign for . . Eastern Chalukya, dy. . Rastern Ganga, dy., . . 62 Eelipecs :Lunar, . . 83, 283 Solar, . . 176, 306, 306 . Edeng&, vi., 52 Edilpur Grant of Kesavasena, 7., 9., 13. Ekdalla, vi.,. . . FIA, S., (?) . . Elapur Plates, . . elephant, emblem on seal, . 339 Ellavaram, dn., . . Ellore Plates of Salankayana Devavarman, 138 n. Ephalite, tribe. . . . . . Era atita-rajya-Lakshmanasens, . . . 4*. Chalukya-Vikrama, . Chidi, . . . 150, 301 and n., 303 . Ganga, . . . Ganga-Kadamba, . . . 334 Gupta, 136 and n., 186, 190, 196, 197, 198, 199, 204, 209, 213, 218, 222, 301 Harsha, . . . 76, 120, 243, 303 Hijra, . . . . . 30, 38, 37 n. Kalachuri or Kalachuri-Chedi, 150, 257, 294 n., 303 Kita, .. a. Vikrams, 118, 119 and n., 120, 121, 122, 123 Kushana (or Saks), 204 and 1., 303, 304 Lakshmana-samvat, . . . . 4*. Manvadi, . . . . , 69, 72, 73 Saka, .4n., 97., 21, 24, 28, 39, 60, 128, 161 and 1., 163, 164, and 1., 165 16., 178, 179 n., 182, 183 and n. Traikutaka, . . . . 186 189 Vikrams, 69, 70, 71 7., 100, 102, 111, 119, 121, 178, 182 and . * 62, 63, 175 family, . . Gajapati, dy., . , 16, 19, 21, 22, 23, 32 n., 41 Gajarow Tippa, ch., of the Koppunilla . . . . . . 37 n. Galagebvara, god, . . . 306 Gamga, ri., . . . 17, 38, 40, 46 Garngabhoda, god., . . . . 100, 101, 109 Gamgadhara, Telugu Choda pr., 16, 18 Gangadharomdra, M., . . . . 17, 47 Gangadhara, Murjapi- m.,. . . 17, 47 Ganga-Yamund-palidhwaja-pataha-dhakka, the five mahalabdas, . * 325 gana, guild, . . . 157 gara-homa, sacrifice, . . 158 Gawapati or Ganapati-deva, Kakatiya k., 21 and 167 Ganapati, donee, . . . Ganapati Bhattaputra-vastavya, donee, Gapasitha, Mahatma, m., . . gara-yaga or gara-yajia, . . . gana-yajin, . . . . Gandakandarpa, lit., . . . . . 112 187 167 287 .

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352 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI . 100 . . . 887 87 77 66 Page. Gandariditya, Rajakosarin, Cholak., 82, 83, 84 and n. Gandharavidi-mandala, t. d.,. 276, 277, 278 Gandolt, vi... . . . . 3, 8, 12 Gapeta, god, , , . . 15 Gandia-homa or Vinayaka-homa, sacrifice,. 157 Ganga, ri., . * 26, 81, 106 n., 111 Gangi (Pen), ri., . . . . 26 n. Ganga, dy., . . . . 61, 84, 165, 175 Gangas of Mysore, . . . . 167, 168 Gangas of Orissa, . . 167 Gangabheda, god, Gangadhara, Telugu Choda k.,. . 42, 43 Ganga Era, Epoch of the . . . 326 Ganga era, commencement of . 333 Gangaikondacholapuram, &. a. Kanyakumari, 274 Gangakula, dy.... 67, 176 Ganganatha, god, . . 100, 100 Gangapati or Gangavidi, 1. d., 286 Gangavadi, 1. d., . . 61, 168 Gangdhar Inscription of Visvavarman, . 131 Gangeyadova, Kalachurik. . . . 179 Gangeya-vamsa, dy.. . 176 Gangpur, state, . . 229 n. Ganjam Plate of Dandimahadev! . 76 Ganjam Plates of Maharaja Jayavarman, . Ganjam Plates of Prithvivarman, 166 and n. Ganjam Plates of Sasinka, Ganna, Korukonda ch., . . . . 24 Garga-triratra, sacrifice. . . 122, 123 Gargya, family, . . . . . . . 310 Garuda, myth. bird, . . . . 265 1. Garuda, emblem on seal, , 69, 235, 268 Garuda, emblem on Samudragupta's coins, 136 n. Gauda, co., . . . 11, 131, 230, 250, 257 Gauda-Mahasandhivigrahika, tit., . . 3, 10, 13 Gauda-mandala, t. d., . Galdavaho, wk., : . . . 92 n. Gaudisvara, tit. of Lakshmanasena,. 3, 6, 7 Gauli-rajas, dy., . . . 311 Gaulmika, off.. . . . . .8, 12 . Gauraya, 11., . . 17, 47 Gaurl, goddess, . . . . 5, 318 m. Gautami, s. a. Godavarl, ri., 16, 19, 23 and n., 28, 34, 38, 40, 45, 46 Gautamiputra, Matronymic, til.. . . 298 Cautamiputra, Vakafaka k., 142, and n., 145, 147, 159 Gaya Plate of Samudragupta, . . 135, 136 Gayesvara, god, . . . . 100, 109 gh, . . . . . . . . 69 Ghana tha, Mahattama, m., . . . 100, 118 Ghatavara, te, of . . . . . 99 Ghatotkachagupta, Gupta k. 116, 116, 117 Page. Ghosrawa Inscription of Devapala's time, 314 Ghumli, vi., , . 185, 188, 192, 197, 199, 204, 210, 213 Gita, philosophical wk., . . . . 200 Gifja Inscription of Bhimasena, 297, 299 Godavari, 8. a. Gautami, ri., 23, 24, 25, 26 and 1., 31 and n., 33 and 1., 34 and 1., 35, 36, 181 Godavarl Plates of Prithivimula, . . 333 Goehhabari, . a. Gandharavadi, t. d., . 277 Goggi, Silahara k.,. . . . 283, 286, 291 Gojjiga (Govinda IV), Rashtrakufa k., 231 and n., 284 Gokarnasvamin, god, . 64, 67, 168, 176 Gokarneevara, god, . . . . . 168 Golkonds, fort, . . . . . 19 Gollapadi, 8. a. Gulapundi, oi., 21 and .. Comind. . . . . Gomine, . . . 387 Gomukhagiri, mo... . 17, 40, 41, 46 Gomukhagirtavars, god, 40, 41 Gomutrika, vi., . 218, 221 Gonarajs, &#... Gond, tribe. . . Gondal, State, . . 190 Gondala, k., . . 178 Gondrama, t. d., . 77, 78, 80 Gondvana, 8. a. Mahur, co., Gopala, Pala k., . 244 Gopala, Rashfrakufa ch., of Kansuj,. 70 and 7., 71 n. Gopalabhatta, m., . . . . . 17, 47 Gopachandra, k., . . . . . 126 Gopondraka, Chahamana k., 90, 98, 103 Gorantla Plates of Attivarman,. . . 139. Gosahasra, gift of cows, . . . . 16, 45 Gothalt, vi.. . . . . 257, 258, 266 Gotras :Agnivebya,. . . . . . 338 Atreya, . 17 260 Bhalandayana, 152, 154 Bharadvaja, 17, 18, 46, 47, 48, 269, 273, 339 Bandhula, Vandhula or Vadhula,. . 69, 73 . . . . . 17, 47, 48, 389 Kamboja, . . . . . . Kapijala, . . . . . 162, 164 Kaayapa, . 17, 47, 48, 278, 278, 283, 291 Kaundinya or Kaundilya, 17, 18, 46, 47, 48, 167, 160, 176 and . Kausika, . . . . . 102, 164 Krish patroya, . . . , 78, 79, 89 Maudgalya,. . 8, 9, 18 Paippaladi, . . . . . 152, 184 Paradara, . . 68, 67 . 86 247 Atri,

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INDEX Page. . . . 23 Pago Gunabhadra, m., com, . . . . 100, 111 Gunadhya, au., . 140 *. Gunahart, stream (1), . 64, 65 Gunaighar Copper-plate of Vainya Gupta, . 139. Gunamava, E. Gasiga k., . . 62, 63, 64 Gundlakamma, 2.. Kundiprabha or Brahmakundi, ri., . Gundama II, E. Gariga k., . 336 and n. Gundukolanu, vi.. . . . . . 37 n. Gupta, dy., 116, 131, 208 n., 228, 236, 237, 301 Guptas, Later of Magadha, dy... 241, 243 Gupta coins, . . . . . . Gupta seals, . . . . . 235, 236 Gurjara, kingdom,, . . . . 189 Gurjara-Pratibara, dy. . . 70 n. Gurjaratra, province, . 101 Gurppiya, Macedonian month,. . 295 gurue, the five . . 107 R. Guruala Brahmi Inscription, 1231 Guvaka, *. a. Govindaraja, founder of the Chahamana family, 87, 89, 90, 91, 98, 103, 104 . . 91 Guvaka II, Chakamana k., Gwalior Prasasti of Bhojadeva Gyata, Paramara k., . . . . . 178 Gotras contd. Samkritya,. . 199 Sandilya, . . . 175, 176 n. Savar na, . . * 9 n. Sohartsi or Sohartta, 119, 120 and . Sravishtha or Sravisthayana, . . 152. Srivatea, 17, 48, 89, 103 Upamanyu, . . . . . . 307 Vadhala, . . . . . . 73 Vasishtha,. . 90, 216 Vstaa, . 89, 90, 133, 135, 167, 204, 218, 221, 239 Vataya. . . . . . . 9r. Vish puvriddha, , 138, 151 n., 159 Vrishnivyiddha 8. a. Vish puvriddha 161, 154 Gorapravaranibandhakadamba, wok., 79 n., 119 71., 120 n., 138 n., 152. Goula, m... . . . . . 276, 278 Gorana (III), ch. of the Nikumbhavamsa, 311 1. Govinda, Rashtrakita k., . . 231, 232 and n., 297 Govinda, m., engr.,. . . . . 100 Govinda II, Rashtrakita k., . . . 284 Govinda III, do. 197, 250 Govinda IV, 161, 162 and ., 163, 164, 230, 232 Govindachandra, Gahadavala k.. . 68, 69, 70 and n., 71 and n., 72, 73 and n., 269, 272 Govindaraja, Chahamana k., . 90, 91 Govindaraja, Gujarat Rashtrakita k., .250, 251, 252 Govindaraja II, 8. a. Gumdu, Chahamana k., 92 Govindasvamin, commentator, . . . 158 Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, Rash fraktfa k., .230, 231, 234, 235 Goyinda-Vallabha, &. a. Govinda-Vallabha, 231 gramapali, ofl. . . Gudimallam Plates, . . . 54 n., 114 Guhesvara, m., 218, 221 Guhila-putra,. . . 100 Guhila, dy., . 92 Guhilots, family, of Mewar, guhyaka, demi-god, . . 1.58 n. guhyaka-pajana, . . 158 n. guild of silk-weavers, . 131 Gulamika, vi.,. . 199, 202, 203 Gulapundi, 8. a. Gollapudi, vi., 16, 21, 40, 41, 43 Gulburga, in., . . . * 29, 31 Gulma, pr., . . . . Gulma, m., . . . 140 n. Gulwada, vi., . 148 Gumdu, s. a. Govindaraja II, Chalamann k., 90, 92, 98, 104 * 169 162 94 1, cursive form of . . . . 294 n. Haddali Plates of Dharanivaraha, . 190, 196 Haduvaka, 8. a. Sudava, vi.. . . . 63, 64 haia, 1. m., . . . * 176 n. Halabhrit, 8. a. Paragurama, epic hero, 88, 102 Halaharavi, vi., . . 162 Halampura, vi., . . 124 Halampura-samin, god, . . . . 124, 125 Haleritti, vi., . . . Hammira-mahakavya, wk., 88, 90, 93, 96 Hansi, en., Hanuman, epic hero, . 186, 188 Hara, god. . . . . . . Haraha Stone Inscription, . . 228 n., 229 Harakeli-na taka, wk., . . . . 96 Harasiga, mason, . . . 100, 111 Harasimha, 8. a. Harasiga, mason, , . 100 Hari, &. a. Vishnu, god, . . 5, 38, 50, 213 Harichandra, m., . . . . 175, 176 Haridasva (Sun), god, . . . . 213 Haridatta, m., . . .. . 133 * Harideva, m., . . . . 115, 117, 118 Harihara II, Vijayanagara k... 20.32 and n. Hariharam ba, Vijayanagara princese, . 20 Harikeln, co., synonymour with Vanga. . . 315 Harikeliya, co., of Bengal, . . . 8:52. 16 DGA

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364 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI. Page. Page. Hoysala, dy., . . . . . 179, 182 Hudumbilika, vi., . . . . 225 Huna, tribe, . . . . . 85, 131, 238 Hushyar, m., . . . 35, 36 R. Huvishka, Kushana k... 295, 296, 297, 303 and 1. Hwui Lun, m., Korean pilgrim, . . 243 281 140 Harikola, 8. a. Harikela, synonymous with Sylhet . . . . . 315, 316 n. Harikala-mandala, t. d.,. . 315, 316, 317, 318 Harippaja, donee, . . . . . 152, 154 Harishena, Vakataka k.. . 143, 144, 145, 146 and n. 147, 148, 149, 302, 336 Harishenanaka, 8. a, Hariagana, vi., 218, 221 , caye, . . . . . . 154 and n. Haritiputras, . . . . 141 and 7., 151 Hariva nea, wok., . . 27 n., 151 Harivarman, Kadamba k., . . 152 n. Harsha, k. of Kanauj, . . . 243 and n. Harshacharita, wk.. . . . 304 Harshagupta, Gupta k., . . . 208 n., 229 Harshagupta, Gupta princess, . . * 208 n. Harsha Stone Inscription of Chahamana Vigraharaja, . . . 87, 89, 90, 91 Hasham, Muslim governor, . . 189 hasta, 224, 1. m., . . . . 3, 8, 13 Hastin, Gupta k.,. . . . . 136 n. Hastibhoja, min., . . . 146 n., 148 n. Hastivarman, E. Ganga k., . 66 n. Hastyarya, donee, . . . . . 339 Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, 338 Hazirosvara, s. a. Svarnnajalesvara, god. 101 Hebbal inscription, Heliokles, Indo-Greek k., . . . 321 n. Hemachandra, lexicographer,. . . 138 n., 151 n., 315 Homadri, au.. . . 38 n., 39 11., 128, 129, 312 Hemanga, 8. a., Sumeru, mo., . 105 and n. Hemantasena, Sena k., . . . . 5, 10 Hemasringa, I. (?) . . . . . 67 hides, exemption from supply of- . . 155 Hieun Tsang, Chinese Traveller, . . 316 n. Himagiri, mo... . . . . . 110 Himalaya, mo., . . 81, 94, 96, 132, 192 Hindol Plates, . . . . . 248 r. Hindustan, co., . . . 96 Hirahadagalli Plates of Sivaskandavaraman, 137 and 1., 138 1., 139, and n., 141, n., 149 and n., 151 n., 152 n., 155 n. Hiran, Ti., . . . . . . 251 Hiranyakasipu, demon k., . . . 318 n. Hiranyakasipu-kshaya, ep. of Vishnu, 318 m. Hiranyameru, a gift, . . . . 38 Hiranyarya, 8.a. Harinnaja, donee, . . 154 Hire Gutti, vi, . . 339 noma, sacrifices,, 39 n. Honnali, vi., . . . . 162, 231 horesman, emblem on seal, 280 horse-sacrifice, , . horses, exemption from feeding . . 155 hotri, . . . . . . . i, three signs for . . i, ancierit form of- . . . 4, initial . . . . . . . . . . 75, 322 , medial. . . . . . 166 and n. 300 Ikshvaka, family or dy. . . . . Ilango-Pichchi f.,. . . 233 and n. Iltutmish, Muslim ruler, . India Office Plate of Devasena, . . India Office Plate of Lakshmanasena, 1, 3 Indian Museum Plates of Devendravarman, m, . . . , 174, 327 7., 329, 332 'Indra, god, . . 30 7., 104 7., 117 Indra, Gujarat Rashtrakuta k., . . 250 Indra, ch. of lhe Nikumbha-vamsa,. . 311 *. Indra-Ballaha, 8. a. Indra-Vallabha, 231 n. Indra or Indravallabha Rashtrakuta k. .. 231 and n. 251, 252 Indra III do. . 161, 162 and R., 163 and 1., 284 Indrabala, k., . . . 229 Indrabhattarakavarman, Vishnukundin k., 334 Indraraja or Indrabhattaraka, E. Chalukya 61 . . . 333 334 Indraprastha, 8. a. Indrasthana, ci., . . 71 Indrasena, Vakataka k., (?) . . . 144 Indrasthana, 8.a. Indraprastha, ci., . . 71, 72 Indrasthana, tirtha, . . . . 70, 271 Indravarman, Ganga k., . . . 134 165, 166 and n., 167, 168 Indriyas, Five- . . . . . 108 n. Indus, Ti., . . . . . . 108 n. Injaram, vi., . . . . . . 41 Ipur Plates of the Vishnukundin Madhavavarman, . . . . . .228 n., 333 n. . ZGO W 000 Irugambika, Telugu Choda princess, . 16, 18, 39, 42, 43, 44 Irukkuvel, family,. . . . . 83 Isamudra Inscription, . . . Isanadeva, 8.a. Isanavarman, . . 229 Isanadova, Somavamsi k., . . . 52 Ibanavarman, Maukhari k., . . 243 82

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Lapur, vi., Yapa inscriptions at - Isvara, m., engr., Ievarapaka, s. a. Ievaria, vi., Iavarasena, Abhira k., Iavaravarman, Maukhari k., Itihasa, Itsing, Chinese traveller, j, tripartite, j, cursive form, j, used for y, Jagadeva, Chahamana pr., Jagaddeva, Paramara pr., Jahazpur, l., Jaidebpur or Bhowal, dr., Jaideva, Governor of Konkan, Jagaddhavala, Paramara k., Jagattunga (Govinda III), Rashtrakuta k., . Jagapala, ch., Jaggavaga, vi., Jagner, vi., Jaguka, Jagu or Jaga, 8. a. Jaguearman, donee,. Jagusarmman, m., do., Jainka, s. a. Jaika, Jaipur, tn., Jaisalmer, tn., Jaitugi, Silahara k., Jaitugi I, Yadava k., 73 n. 69, 73 84, 85 2 128 n. 186, 188, Jaika or Jayikadeva, Saindhava k., 189, 192, 193, 195 and n., 196, 203, 206, 207, 214, 217, 218, 219, 224, 226 Jaika I, do., 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196 and n., 203, 204, 208, 209, 213, 218, 222 Jaika II, Jainad, vi., Jainad Inscription of Jagadeva's reign, Page. 121 257, 267 223 303 52 64 243, 244 and n., 315 and n. * Jajalladeva II, Kalachuri k., Jajjulla, m., Jajnagar, ci., Jajpur, tn., Jaladandi, vi.,. Jala-durga, Jalahastin, m., Jalanathe vara, god, Jallipalli, vi., . INDEX 50 59 86, 139 96 177, 178, 180, 181 and n., 183, 184, 185 182 284 49, 55 n. 16, 31, 40, 44 85 . 186. 187, 194, 195, 196, 204, 222 178, 182 178, 179, 182 195. 77 92 127, 128, 129 129 and x. 257 250 25 77 3, 8, 12, 13 28 51 230 24 Jalor, tn., Jamadagni, s. a. Parasurama, myth. hero, Jamalpore, Thannah, dn., Jamb, I., Jambama (Jamvama)-Narayanapura, vi., Page. 95 46, 286 2 and 1. 158 75, 78, 82 64, 65 107. 70. 199, 202, 206, 215, 220 18, 48 222, 228 283 23 39. 129 99, 106 121, 122, 123 269, 273 265 257, 258 95, 105 68, 73. 3, 9, 13 Jambu, tree, Jambu-dvipa, co., Janaka, min.,. Janapada, off.. Janardana, m., Janardana, Sahe, m., Janhupura, vi., Janturnadu, co., Japa-Brahmanas, Jasajinayaka, m., Jasata, m., Jasha, s. a. Jyeshtha, Jatanayiva, m., Jatesvara, ch., Jateevara, s. a. Kamarnava, E. Ganga pr., Javalipura, s. a. Jalor, ci., Jayachandra, Gaha davala k., Jayadevasarmman, m., Jayadebpur, tn., Jayadhavalaika, wk., Jayadratha, myth. k., Jayadratha-varsa, family, Jayadratha-vamsa-sekhara, ep., Jayakesin II, Kadamba k., Jayamagha, Kaubambi k., Jayamangala, wk., Jayameru, s. a. Vikramaditya I, Bara k., Jayamta, goa,. Jayanada, Nanda k. of Orissa, . Jayapura, tn.,. Jayaraja, Chahamana pr., Jayaraja, k., Jayaratha, poet, Jayasena, m.,. Jayasimha, Chalukya pr., Jayasimha Siddharaja, Chalukya k., Jayasimha, Paramara k., Jayatsena, unidentified k., (?) Jayavarman, Brihatphalayana k., Jayavarmman, E. Ganga k., Jayavarman, Malava k., Jejakabhukti, co., . : . * 2 n. 60 %. 186, 187, 188, 189 m. 186, 187 186, 223 306 298 140 54 16 75, 76 and l., 77, 78, 80 and ". 355 . 75, 76, 77, 78, 80 90, 97, 103 Jetha, ruler of Porbundar, k, Jetha, 8. a. Jayadratha, Jethva, probably 8. a. Yetha or Epthalite, family, 229* 87 203 94, 95 97 179, 180 and n. 117 m. 139 n. 66, 67 131 93 188 188 188, 192

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI * 256 30 286 Page. Jethva or Jat, dy., 187, 188, 193 Jetthaja, donee, . . . . 152, 154 Jh, rare form of , . . Jhilripitan Inscription of king Durgagana 241 Jbajba, Silahara pr.. . . . 288, 291 Jbojjhn, m., . . . . . 195, 218 JIAVatf-pattali, t. d., . . . . 70 jihad, . . . , jihvimuliya, sign for . Jim taketu, myth. k., .. Jimatavahana, Vidyadhara, myth. k., ancestor of the Silaharas, 286 . . . . . . 99, 100 Jinachsitys,. . Jinachandrasuri, rel. preceptor, . . 100, 111 Jinamandiram, . . . . . 106 Jinindra, synonym for Mahavira or Buddha, 316 Jirjingi Plates of Ganga Indravarman, . 134, 334 jiruddAdra, . . . . . . 183 Jlvirya, 8. a. Jivujja, donce, . . Jivitagupta, Laler Gupta k., . 943 and n., 244 Jivitagupta II, do., . . 242 Jivujja, m., . . . 152, 154 Jiandbari, Marathi wk., . 139 Jinanddvaricha Vyakarana, Marathi wk., 139-. Jug Deva 8. a. Jagaddeva, ch., . . 180. Junagadh Inscription of Rudradaman, . 154 n. Junagadh rock Inscription of Skandagupta, 250 Jungrar Plate of Bhotavarman, 278 n. Jushka, 3. 4. Vadishka, . 296. Jvilapura, vi. . . . . Jvilini, Jain desty,. . . 100, 110 Jye Soen (Vijayasena), Sena k., . . . Jyoshtharya, 8. a. Jetthaja, donce, . . 154 Jyotisht, astronomer or astrologer, 128, 130 Page Kairara, tit., . . . . . 295 kakapada, sign for,. . . . . 269 Kakaraparru, 8.a. Kamkara pasti, vi., . . Kakatiya, dy.. . . . 21 and n., 22 Kakusthavarman, Kadamba k.,. . 137, 154 >>. Kalabhra, dy. . . . 324 Kalachuri, dy, . 70 n., 71 and 16., 179, SC and n., 301 Kilagiri, dt., . . . . . 305 Kalakalesvara, goil, . . . . 181 Kalafjar or Kalanjars, vi.. kafaniju, coin, . . . 230, 2333 234,235 kalada, . . . . . . . 127 Kalattur-nadu, dn., . . 232 *. Kalidasa, aut., . . . 11 n... 32 ... 302 . Kaligan), dn., . . . . . . 2 and *. Kalighat hoard of coins, . . . 238 Kalikkudi, vi.. . . . . 274 Kalinga, co... . 7n., 1l and n., 19, 20, 21 and 1., 22, 24, 53, 84, 86, 134, 168, 174 n., 338 108 336 105 Kalinga, Southern-, . . . . 18 Kalingadhipati, til., . . . . 133, 134 Kalinganagara, ci.,. . . 63, 64, 67, 77, 176 Kalingaraya, k. of Kalinga . . , 23 Kalinga-Sarichika, wk., 21 . Kalinga patam, 5.a. Kalinganagara or Mukhalingam, ci. . . . . . . . . 63, 175 . Kaljara Kommaraja, m... . . . 18, 48 Kaluchumbargu Grant of Ammaraja II, 164*. Kauttaka, donee, . . . . . 187, 180 Kiluvacheru Grant of Anitalli, . . . Kalyana, ci. . Kalyana, M., . . . . . . 199, 202 Kalyanadevi, Sena q., . . . .3, 9, 13 Kalyanavarman, Kaubambi k., . 340 n. Kama, a.. Kamva, vi.. . . . . 101 Kimabhupa, Lunar k., . . 18 Kamadhenu, divine cow, . 178, 183, 184 Kamala, goddess of fortune, . 193, 198, 201 Kamalapuram, vi.. . . . . . 162 Kamalasri, f., . . . . . 99, 108 Kamapuram, vi.. . . . . . 27 Kamapuri, 8.a. Kalyana, w., 16, 27, 40, 43, 44 Kamaraja, 8.. Bhaktiraja, Tel. Choda k., 16, 18 38, 43 Kamarnava, s.c. Jatesvara, E. Ganga pr., . 258 Kimarnava, Ganga pr., . . . . 168 Kamarnava II, E. Ganga k., . '. 336 and m. Kamarupa, co.. . . . . 4, 77., 11 r. Kamarupa-vishaya, Ld., . . . 86, 87 Kachcha, family, . 189 Kachchi, 8. a. Kanchi, Hallava ca., . . 231 Kachibhatta, 7., . . . 17, 47 Kadaba Plates, 261 Kadabagere, vi., . 162 Kadamba, dy.. .. . . 152. Kadath bas of Banavasi, dy., . 61, 63, 131. 141 and *., 154 r., 340 Kadarba, tree, Kadamma, Mugina-, m., . . Kadapitijana, 3.a. Kadhajan, I., Kadavakolanu, vi., . . . 20, 21, 38 Kailasa, mo... Ksimajagravadi, vi.(?). . . Kaintrigarh, s.a. Khatyi, dl., . , . 277

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INDEX 357 Page. 68 97 Page. Kamasutra, wk., . . 140 and 1.,388 . Kamatha, myth. figure, . , 99, 108 and n. Kamauli Plate of Govindachandra of Kanauj, . . . . Kamavaram (Ramavaram), vi., . . Kamavarapukota, vi., . Kamavarapupadu, vi.,. 27 Kamobi, ca., . . . 306 Kamgra, vi., . . . 3377 Kamkaraparti, vi., . 16, 34 and n., 37, 39, 40, 41, 45 komayakara, engt., . . . . 167 Kamv., 8. a. Kama, vi., . 100, 101, 112 dinam, coin . . 232, 234, 235 Kanauj, kingdom . 68, 70, 94, 96, 131, 192, 270 n. Kichanadevt, Chahamana q., . . Kichanapalle, si.. . . Kasichi, Pallava ca., . . . 113 Kandarpa, 4. a. Kama, god, , , 224 Kandavakolanu, o. a. Kadavakolanu, vi... 20, 38 Kaphe, Prakrit from of Krishna, . . 233 Kinheri, L., . 287, 338 Kanishka, Kwahana k., . . . . 294 and 5., 295 and n., 302 303 Kanishka I, Kushara k.. . 295 n., 296 and ., 297, 303 Kanishka II, Kushana k., . 295, 296 and 1., 297, 303 Kannada, (s. a. Vijayanagara), co., . , 16, 34 Kannape, of, . . . 61 Kannaradeva, pr.,. . . 114 n., 231 and 1., 233, 234 Kandi, 8. a. Parvati, goddess,. . Kanni-Kavalaa, ep., 274 Kanthadurga, fort, . . 92 Kantideva, k., . 315, 317, 318 Kanyabhagavatt, goddess, . . 276 Kanyddana,. . . 66 Kanyakubja, ci., . . 70, 71, 72 Kanyakumari, vi., . . 274 Kanyakumari Inscription, . . 114 Kanya-Patariyar, goddess, 275 Kapa, Koppula ch., . . . 22 n. Kapadvanj plates of Krishna II, 251, 252 n. Kapalivarman, Bhoja k., . . 339 Kapardaka-purana, coin, . 3, 9, 13 Kapardin (I), Silahara pr.. . . . 286 Kapardin II, do., . . 286 Kapasia, thana-, 8. a. Capassia, * 2 and >>. Kapaya-Nayaka, Koppula ch., .22 1., 23, 24 Kipeya II, do., . 22 Kapila, m., . . . 197, 198, 203 Kapiladhari, 3.a. Mandakini, ri., 100, 110, 109 Kapilesvara, god, . . . . 99, 109 Kapittha, tree, Kapitthaka, vi., . . . . . 162 Kavillt, vi., . . . . . 3, 8, 12 kara, a name suffix, Kara, a royal family of Orissa, Karahata, Karabatanagara or Karahakata, 322, 323, 325 karana, off., . . 82 karana, Taitila . . . 100, 112 Karapaka, . - 99, 105 and 1. Karhad Plates of Krishna III, 284 286 Karikala, Telugu Choda k., . . 18 Kuritalia Stone Inscription of Lakshmanak raja, . . . . . . 243 Karka, Karkka or Karkka Suvarnavarsha, Rashtrakifa k., . . . 250, 251, 253, 297 Karkkaroba, god . . . . 99, 109 Karna, Gurjara pr., . . . . 93 Karna, Kalachuri k., . 54 n., 70, 179, 180 and Karnata or Karnataka, 8.a. Vijayanagara, kingdom . 16, 19, 29, 30, 31, 34 and 1, 37, 39, 44, 179 and 1., 244 r. Karnatakshatriya, community, . . 5, 10 karpafin, . . . . . 213, 216 Karpuramari jari, Prakrit dramatic work, 140 and Karle, vi., . . . 139 n. Karttikeya, 8.a. Mahipala I, Gujara-Prati kara k. of Kanauj, . . . . 285 Karuva, Karuvagrama or Karue, sa. Kore gaon, vi... . . 322, 323, 325, and n. Karyayatakachchha, dt., . . . 218 Kashthi-samgha, Jain sub-sect, . . 100 Kadi, kingdom(?) . . . . . Kasi, o.a. Benares, 17, 38, 40, 70, 71, 72, 271 Kasiraja, k., . . . . Kasikhandamu, Tel. wk., 29 n., 40 n. Kasikhanda, wk., . . . . . 270 Kabyapa, sage, . . . . 277 Kata I, Reddi ch., . Kata II, do. . . . . . 20 Kata-Prabhu, do. . 32 n. Kataya-Vema, do., . . 16, 28, 29 n., 31, 32 and 1., 33, 34 and ., 37 and 1., 39, 45 Kafaya-Vemuni-tala-gonda-gonda, tit., . 37 . Kathasaritsagara, wk., . . . 140 1. Kathin wAI, Co., . . . . 197, 200 Katyayana-Srautasutra, wk., . . 120 n., 157 Kaumodaki, mace of Vishnu, . . . 267 Kaumudimahotsava, wk. . 304 n. Kausam bi, ca. of Vatsa co., . . . 299 Kautbem Grant of Vikramaditya V, . 51 Kaufilya-Arthasastra, wk., . 12 1., 338 and . . . . 274

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358 Kavadghat, vi., Kavera, co., Kaveri, ri., Kavi Plates of Govindaraja, Kavyamimamsa, wk., by Rajasekhara, Kavyaprakasa, wk., Kavyapurusha, myth. personality, Kayastha, caste, Kedara-Maheevara, god, Kodarpur Plate of Srichandra, Kelha padeva, Chahamana k., Kerala, dy., Kesava, god, Kesava, m., Kebaya, scribe, Khadipura, 8.a. Khadumvara, vi., Khadumvara, 8.a. Khadipura, vi,. Khifi Khan, mang kho Khallasvamin, m., khanda-kshetra, Kesavadeva, M., Kesavasvamin, te. of Ketaya Vema, off., kh., kh., two forms of-,. kh represented by sh., kh, without loop, kh, wrongly used for sh, Khadipada, vi., Khadipada Image Inscription of the time of Subhakara, . Khandichandra-bhogika, m., Kharavela, k. of Kalinga, Khariar, vi., Kharod, vi., Khatya-vishaya, dt., Khavolapandi, vi., Khijjingakotta, Bhanja rulers of-, Khinjali, Bhanja rulers of-, Khoh Grant of Hastin, Kholeavara, gen.. Khottiga, Rashtrakuta k., Khwaja-i-jahan, off., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Khyata, wk., Kilalapa, demon, Kilar-kurram, t.d., Kiratarjuniya, wk., Kiri-Halasige Plates 159 324 233 249, 250 140, 285 250 n. 140 100, 111 18, 48 314 97, 280 324 246 111, 167, 171 100 133 . Kharod Stone Inscription of Ratnadova III, . Kharepatan Plates of Silahara Rattaraja, . Page. . 247 101 100, 101, 112 9 n. 25 69 36, 37 n. 133, 135 3, 8 53, 65 338 52, 229 n. 229 n. 50 86 156 269 247 Kirtipala, s.a. Kita, Chakamana k., founder of the Sonagara branch,. 257 n., 258 283, 284 n., 287 276, 277, 278 3, 8, 12, 13 277 277 136 182, 312 165 m., 181 35 95. 245 112 87 306 95, 97 Kirtivarman I, W. Chalukya k., Kirtivarman, do., Kirttinatha, god, Kisukadu, dt.,. Kitu, 8.a. Kirtipala, . Kokalla I, Kalachuri k., Kolahala, ci., Kolahala; Myth. founder of Kolahalapura, Kolaulapura, 8.a. modern Kolar, Koleti, vi., Kolhapur, kingdom, . Komaragirivaram Grant, 61 95 54 168 168 167, 168 288 182. 28, 32 n. 133 m., 134 19, 24 138 n., 139 n. 333. 19, 20, 23, 27, 28, 31, 32, 34 n. 52 67 9. 244. 53 m., 97, 127, 128, 129, 305, 306, 340 128, 129 61 77 16, 19, 21, 22 and n., 23, 24, 43 37. 305 19, 24 52, 53, 54, 257, 266, 336 227 256 . . 150, 297 301 298, 300 m. 298 298 65 85 258. 258 157, 158, 160 155 24. 24. 100 $100, 109 .274,275 24 337 24. 238. Komarti Plates of Chandavarman, Kona, co., Kondamudi Plates of Jayavarman, Kondanagaru Plates of Indraraja, Kondavidu, t.d., Kondegaon, tahsil, Konga-parvata. mo., Konidena, vi.,. Konka, co., Konkan or Konkana, co.,. [VOL. XXVI Kota, state, Kotapattana, vi., Kotgadh, vi. Kothuraka, vi., Kothuraka Grant of Pravarasena II, Koti, vi., identified with Kotyapurt. Kotipalli, s.a. Kotyapuri,vi., Kottavara, tirtha, Kotlevara, god, Page. 51, 53, 340 231, 324 100, 109 Kottar, vi., Kottham, s.a. Kotyapuri, vi., Kottura, vi., Kotyapuri, e.a. Kottham, vi., Kramaditya, s.a. Vikramaditya, * * Konkanachakravartin, tit., . Konnur, vi., Kontalanda, vi., Koppula, family Koppunulla chiefs, Kopulgere, 8.a. Kupattogarika, vi., Korukonda, hill-fort, Kosala, co., Kosala, Southern-, co., Kosaladeba, kingdom, Kosam, 8.a. Kausambi, tn., Kosam Inscription of Bhadramagha,. Kosam Inscription of Bhimavarman,. Kosam Inscription of Maharaja Sivamagha, Kosam Inscription of Maharaja Vaisravana, Kosamba, tree, .

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INDEX 359 I ., . do. ., 23 Page. kerayachirila, 3.a. kraya ekchya, document, 244, 246 n. Kcish pa, god, . . . . . . 88, 265 Krish pa, delta of . 31 Krishna, Abhira k., . . 310, 312 Krishna, Pratihara ch., . 192, 207 Krishna II, Rashtrakufa k., 59, 60, 114 and n, 231, 232, 233, 234 Krishna III, . 61, 84, 164, 165 and n., 231 and n., 232 and n., 283 n., 284, 285 and n., 286 and n. Krishna, Yadava k., . . 311 n. Kyishpa, 8.a. Sahyaja, ri., 19, 23, and n., 25, 26, 27, and n., 29, 31, 33, 36, 124, 323 K ho dove, goperor of Kohlean, . , 128 n. Krish paraja, Rashtrakuta k., . . . 252 Krish naraja, 8.a. Krishna II, Rashtrakuta . . . 114 Krish paraja (I), do., 284 Krish paraja, Saindhava k., 187, 188, 189, 193, 194, 196, 201, 208, 209, 210, 222, 223 Krishnaraja II, doc, . 190, 191, 192, 193, 196, 198 Krishnaraja II, k. of the Nikumbha-vamsa, 311 n. Ksishina-Vallabha, 8.a. Krishna II, Rash trakufa k., . . . . . 231 and n. Krishnavarman II, Kadamba k., . . 141 n. Krish paveni, ri., . . Krishna Venna, ri., . . 322 Kroshtukavarttani, t.d., . . 66 and n., 67 Kshatrapa, Western-, dy.. . 303 Kshatriya, caste, . . . . . 90, 110 Kahemankara, Bhauma k., 248 Kshemaraja, Chapa k., . . . . 208, 209 Kshemesvara, 8. a. Kshemaraja, Chapa Kshemeovart, Saindhava q., . . . 208, 209 Ieshetra-dohali, l. m., . 100, 112 Kshetrapala, god . . . 15, 100, 110 Kuchanarya, m., . 17, 18, 46 Ktobaya, Chimnipi, m., . . 17, 47 Kuda, I., . . . 338 and n. Kudagam, 8.a. Coorg, co., . * 244 n. Kudatani, vi., . . 162 Kudha (?), m., . . 248 Kudunga, tree, . Kukkutadesa, co., . Kulachandra, m., . 204 Kaladitya, mason, . 246 Kulesvara, god, Kulluka, au., . . 157 Kulottunga I, Chola k., . . 274, 275 Kumara, Gupta k.,. . 237 Page. Kumaradvipa, ca., . . . . . 339 Kumaragiri, Reddi ch., . 20, 27 n., 28, 29 n., 31 and n., 32, 41 Kumaragupta, Gupta k., 115, 116, 117 235, 236, 239 Kumaragupta I, Gupta k.. . 131, 136, 236, 237 Kumaragupta II, Gupta k., . . 236, 237, 244 Kumarakota, I., . . 256 n., 257, 258, 267 Kumarakotapattana, vin, . . . . 258 n. Kumaramatya, off., . . . . . 169 Kumarapala, feud. ch., . , 95, 96, 101, 102 Kumarapala, m., scribe, 257 and n., 263 n., 267 Kumara-Vishnu, Pallava k., . . . 337 n. Kumaresvara, god, . . . . . 99, 109 Kumari, s.a.Kanyakumiri, vi., . . 114 n. Kumari, s.a. Parvati, goddess, . . 274, 275 Kuntapala, Paramara k., . . . . 95, 105 Kumalura, vi., . . . 337 no Kundiprabha, 3.a. Gundlakamma, ri.,. Kuntala, co., . . . 181, 183, 185, 286, 336 Kupalakata t..., . . . . . 339 Kupala pa]kata-, ahara, t.d., . . . 338 Kuppa, m., . * 60, 62 Kupattoggarika, vi.. . 305, 306 Kuravata, t.d., . . 19, 24 Kuretha plate of Malayavarman, 281 Kurma, incarnation of Vishnu, . . . 106 n. Kurundaka, vi., . . . 163 and n. Kurundwad, state, . 194 Kusa or Kusasthala, 8.a. Kanauj, kingdom, 94 Kusika. tirtha, . . .: 70 271 Kusika, 8.a. Kanauj, tn., . . 71, 72 Kusavarana, kingdom, . 94 n. kutaka, tax, . . * 69 Kutaka-desa, co., su, W., . . . . . . 244 n. Kutukka, co... 244 Kutila, ri., . * 100, 109 Kutila, kshatra, . 100 Kutilesa, god.. . : 99, 109 Kuttura, vi.. . . 133, 134, 135 Kutukka or Kutukka- lesa co., 8.1. Coorg: . 244 and n., 246 Kuyali, engr., . . . . . . 68, 68 23 68 244 I, cursive form of, . 59 1, different types or-, 322 I,. . 322 la, used for la, . . . . 14, 41 n. 1,. 59 Laghu Vijholi, s.a. Chhoti Bijolia, vi.,. 97, 100, 102, 112 Lakhanapala, Rashfrakuta ch., . * 270 n. Lakhnauti, in., . Lakhya, 8.u. Lakshya, ri. . 2 and n. 49 25

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360 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Var. XXVI 241 27 Page. m, doubling of --, after r, . . . 247 m, cursive form of , . . . . 294 n. m, final, . . . 69, 132, 156, 315, 322 ma,. . . . . . . . Mada, Rachakonda ch., . Mada, m., . . . * 60, 62 Madana or Madanapala, Rashtrakuta k., . 70, 71 n: Madanapada Plate of Visvarupasena, . 9 n. Madanapala, Gahadavala k. of Kanauj, 71 and n., 72, 73 and n., 271, 272 Madanpur, vi., . . 93 Madavattala, t.d., . . . . . 69, 73 Madhainagar Plate of Lakshmanasena 3, 4, 5 n., Madaupur, b.1.d., reishmanasena 6, 7, 10, 311 . 243 Page. Lakkana, Maduguri, m., . . . . 17, 48 Lakshmadeva, Paramara k., * 180, 181, 182 Lakshmana, epic hero, . . 51, 54 and n., 55 Lakshmana, Chahamana pr., . . . 91 Lakshmana, Kausambi k., . . . 304 n. Lakshmana, m., . . . 17, 47, 99, 100, 108 Lakshmanaraja, Chedi k., . . . 243 Lakshmanasena, Sena k., . 3, 4 and n., 5, 6, 7 and n., 9 n., 11 and n., 12 and n., 13 n. Lakshmata, m., . . . . . 99, 106 Lakshmi, goddess, . . 11 n., 39 n., 50, 69, 268 Lakshmi, Telugu-Choda princess, , 16, 18, 42 Lakshmi, f., . . . . . . 99, 108 Lakshmideva, Abhira feud, ch., . Lakshmidhara, lord of Bhambhagiri, s.a. Lakshmideva, ch., . 312 Lakshmikara, Bhauma k., . 248 Lakshmikarna, Kalachuri k., . . 70 n., 71 Lakshya, s.a., Lakhya, ri., Lalhanadevi, Pratihara q.. . . . 280 Lalita, f., . . . . . . 99, 108 Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, wk., 96, 97, 101 Lalleya, m., . . . . . . 232 Lambeva or Lamveva, vi., . 75, 78, 79 and n., 82 Languages : Hindi, . . 139 n. Kannada, . 60, 233 Magadhi . . . . . . 151 n. Marathi, . . 183 Prakrit, . 124, 137, 140, 141, 218, 233, 242 Sanskrit, . . 14, 50, 63, 66, 69, 75, 115, 119, 130, 137, 141, 156, 166, 174, 178, 197, 198, 218, 228, 236, 242, 249, 256, 268, 276, 280, 283, 305, 310, 314, 337 n., 339 Tamil, . 275 Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I, . . 84 n. Lata, co., . . . 336 Latan andala, t.d., 250, 252 Lattalura, vi., . 337 n. Lekhapaddhati, wk., 246 n. Lichchavi-dauhitra, ep. of Samudragupta, * 135 Lilacharitra, Marathi wk., . . . Limbu, t.d., . . 78 Limvadi, m., . . . 100, 112 Lion, seated inside a temple, einblem on seal, 313 Lokamadhava, m., . . . . . 167 Lolaka, 8.a. Lollaka, m., 87 n., 99, 100, 108, 110, 111 Lonakara, vi., . . . . . 257, 267 Luckiah, e.a. Lakhya or Lakshya, ri., .2 and n. 335 Madhava, m., . 18, 48, 218 Madhava, min., . . 92 Madhava, donee, . . 199, 202 Madhavagupta, Later Gupta k., Madhavavarman I, Vishnukundin k., 228, 229 and n., 336 Madhavavarman II, Vishnukundin k., . 229 n. madhuka, tree, . . . . . 65 Madhusudana, m., . . . . . 167, 171 Madhusudana, engr., . . . . 195 Madhukamarnava, E. Ganga k., . Madhukamarnava III, E. Ganga k., 336 Madhyadesa, dn. . . . . . 278 Maditaikonda, tit., . , 112 n., 113, 234 Madras Museum Plates of Bhaktiraja, 18, 19, 38 Madura, ci., . . . . . 113, 114, 235 Magha, dy., . . 299 n. Magha, poet, . . . . . . 250 n. Magadha, kingdom, . . 76, 228, 230, 238 n. Mahabaladhikrita, off . . . 240 n. Mahabhairava, god, 159 Mahabharata epic wk., 50, 186, 274 and n., 317 n. Mahabhavagupta, k., . . 77 Mahabhogapati, or Mahabhogika, off., 7, 12 and n. Mahabhojas, tribe, . . . . . 338 Mahab5dhimarga, Mahada Plates of Yogesvaradevavarman, . 276 mahadanas, the (16) gifts, 38 n. Mahadeva, Yadava k., . . . Mahadeva, m., . . . . . 276, 278 Mahadevadevasarmman, m.,. . 3, 9, 13 Mahadevi, ., . . . . 3, 9 n. Mahadeviyar, g., . Mahadharmmadhyaksha, off., Mahadikshita, tit., . 73 n. Mahaganastha, off., 7, 12 Mahajanar, . . . 17, 18 Maha-Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k., 229 Mahakuta Inscription of Mangalesa, 154 n., 337 n. Mahaluka-Pandita, donee, . . . 310 172 128 230 m, secondary form of, m, special form of, . .: 59

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INDEX 361 Page. 128 Tunik Ha, O., . . . 306 305 Mahamahattara, off., 63 Mahamandalacharya, of 248 Mahamandalesvara, off., . 9 n., 276, 279, 287 Mahamatya, off., . . . . Mahammad Shah I, Bahmani Sultan, 25 Mahamudradhikrita, off., Mahanadi, ri., . . . 23, 25, 49, 77, 277, 279 Mahanala, god, . . . , 99, 101, 109 Mahanaman, k., . 227 Mahanubhava, a sect, . 177 n. Mahakala, god, . . 99, 101, 109 Mahakosala, co., . . 52, 53 Mahakshapatalika, off. 7, 12 n. Mahapilupati, off., . . . . 7, 12 and n. Mahapratihara, off., . . . 19n., 239, 240 n. Maha.Pravararaja, Somavansi k., 228, 229 and n. Maha purohita, off., . . . 7, 69, 73 and n. Maharaja, tit., 63, 66, 77, 90, 91, 132, 133, 161, 175, 239, 240 n., 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 303, 318 Maharajadhiraja, tit., 3, 7, 66, 69, 91, 128, 129, 135, 136, 160, 162, 168, 189, 236, 239, 242, 246, 248, 269, 315, 317, 318, 322 324, 335 Maharajaputra, tit., . . . . . 70 Maharashtra, co., . . 181 Maharashtri, dialect, 138, 151 n. mahasabdas, . . . . . 82, 250, 325 Mahasamanta, off., 169, 203, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213, 214, 219, 220, 239, 240 n., 286, 287 Mahasamantadhipati, off., 77, 81, 218, 222, 250 Mahasamantasekhara, tit., . . . . 287 n. Mahasandhivigrahika, off., 7, 128, 129, 170, 255, 323, 326 Mahasenapati, off., . . 7, 298, 299 and n. Mahasenagupta, Gupta k., . . 208 n. Mahasenagupta, Gupta princess, . . 208 n. Maha-Sudevaraja, Sarabhapura k., , : 229 Mahasirivanta, off., . . . , 60, 62 Mahasivngupta.Balarjuna, Somavamsi k., 50, 51, 53 n., 54, 227, 228 Mahattama, s.a. Mehta, tit., . , 100, 112 n. Mahattara, . . . . . . 65 n. Mahava, Mahattama, m., . 100, 112 Mahavaraha, god, . . 215 Mabavira, Jain Tirthankara, 88, 99, 103 n.. 316 Mahavirakirtti, Jaina ascetic, . 100 n. Mahavyutpatti, off., . 12 n. Mahendra, mo., . . 168 Mahendra, Gupta k., 237 Mahendra-bhoga, dn., 133, 134, 135 Mahendrachala, mo., . 64, 67 Mahendra pala, Pratihara k., 192 Mahesa (Siva), god, . 285 Mahesvara, god, . . . . 121 Page. Mahiala or Mahiyala or Mahitala, 8.a. Mahichandra, Gaha davala k., 72 n. Mahichandra, Gahadavala k., 70, 72 Mahideva, . . . . . . 89, 90 Mahidhara, m., . . . , 99, 108 Mahimalaya, Irukkuvel ch., 83 Mahindravarman, Ganga k., . . 166, 167 Mahipala I, Pala k., 316 Mahmud of Ghazni, 8.a. Sultan Mahmud (1) 92 Mahur, 8.a. Gondvana, co., . mahuva (Bassia latifolia), tree, . . Mahyesvara, god, Mailalamahadevi, Chalukya princess and Kadamba g., . Mailama, Tel. Choda q., . 20 Mailama Bhima, 3.a. Eruva-Bhima (?), Tel. Choda ch., . . . . . 20 and n. Maitrakas of Valabhi, dy., , . 76 n., 187, 189 makara or fish, emblem, . 188 Makaradhvaja, myth. k., . . 188 Malada, t.d., . . . 283 n. Malapraharini, 8.a. Malaprabha, ri., Malara, vi., . 389 Malava or Malwa, co., . 93, 94, 129, 150, 178, 179 and n., 180, 181, 183 Malavya, dry., . . 179 Malayavarman, Pratihara ch., . . . 280, 281 Malkonda, 8.a. Nalkonda, tn., . . 35 n. Malla, Reddi k., . 25 and n. Malladatta, m., . 340 Malladeva, Bana k.,. 63 Mallala, 8.a. Mallar, vi., . . . 257, 258, 266 Mallani, in., . . Mallar, vi., . . 53 Mallar Stone Inscription of Jajalladeva, 257 n. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta . 258 Mallasarul Copper-plate of Gopachandra, Mallaya, Rajukonda, m., . . 17, 48 Mallikarjuna, donee, . i . . 17, 48 Mallikarjuna-Bhattara, teacher, . . 60, 62 Mallikarjuna, god, . . . . . 38 Mallinatha, commentator,. 11 n. Mamata, f., . . . . . . 99, 107 Marchakapalli, vi., . . . . 283, 288, 291 Mandalakara, s.a. Mandalgarh, vi., . 99, 101, 107 Manasa, lake, . . . . . . 81 Manasiddhi, name of an elephant, 97 Manava-Grihyasutra, wk., . 157 Manayil-kottam, dn., . * 230, 234 Manchikonda chiefs, dy., . . . . 19, 22 Mandakini (Ganges), ri., . 11 n. Mandakini, ri., . . . . . 79 Mandakini, 9.a. Kapiladhara, reservoir 101 Mandalapati, off. . . . . . 248 . . 92 126 16 DGA

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362 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI - Mandalika, oft., * . 12 and n. 280 168 Page. Mandalgarh, s.a. Mandalakara, vi., . 84, 86, 101 . 257 Mandaru, mo.,. . Mandar hill Inscription of Adityasena, . 242 Mandasa Plates of Kadamba Dharmakhedi, 334, 335 Mandasor, s.a. Dasapura, vi., . . . 131 Mandasor Inscription of Yasodharman 131 n. Mandgaon, vi., . . . Mandhatri, legendary k., , . , . 50 Mando Rishi, sage (?), . . . . 158 Mandukigrama, 8.a. Mandgaon, vi., . 167, 168, 160 Mangaliba, W. Chalukya k., . 124, 164 n., 337 n. Mangalur Grant of Simhavarman, . . 141 n. Mangaon, vi., . . . . . 168 Mangatorana, off., . . . . . 60 Mangraon, vi., . . . 241, 245 Mangraon Inscription of Vishnugupta's time, 241 Manimekalai, Tamil wk., . . 274 and n. Manjusrimulakalpa, wk., . * 236, 237, 316 Manniya, t.d., . , . Mannoor, vi., . . Manthena, dn., . Mantravadi Inscriptions, . 59 n. Mantrin, off., . . . 199, 200, 211, 216, 272 Manu, au., . . . . . 157, 180 n. Manusmriti, wk., . ll n, 155 11., 157 and n., 158, 180 n. Manyakheta, Rashfrakuta ca., . . 163, 181, 231 Mara, Reddi ch., . . 20 Maramaraiyar, 8.a. Marasimha, Ganga k., . 113 * Marankamalla, ep., . . . . . 10 n. Marankavira, ep., . . . 10 n. Marasimha, s.a. Maramaraiyar, Ganga k., . 113 Marasimha II, Western Ganga k., Marco Polo, M., Venetian traveller, 274 Mardi Inscription, . . . . 311 n. margaka, levy, . . . . . . Markkamda, 8.a. Markandeya, epic hero, . 99, 109 Marusthali, desert, * . . . . Marwar, kingdom, . . Magnad.i. Aly Habib Nizam-ul-Mulk, min., Matangas, Mlechchhas or Musalmans, 92, 94 matha-sthina, monastery, . . . 100 Mathura, vi., . . . . . . 93, 118 Mathura Inscription of Chandragupta II, 300 n. Mathura Lion Capital Inscriptions, , , Mathura pedestal Inseription of Kanishka, . 296 Mathura Samgha, Jaina sub-division, 100, 111 matra . . . . 187 Matrichandra, m., . . 63, 65 Matrisiri, Samanta , writer, . 175, 176 Matrivara, acribe, . . 133 and n. Mattepad Plates of Damodara varman, 337 n. NA[tva]rya, dmee, . . . Pago. Maukharis, dy., 229, 230 Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas, Three - 118 Maukhari empire, . Maurya, dy., . . . . . 61, 53 and n. Mauryas of Konkan, dy., . . . . 338, 340 Mavali Ba paraja, Bara k., . . . 118 Mavinuru, vi.,. . . 60, 62 Mayidavolu Plates of Sivaskandavarman, 138 n., 141 n., 149 and n., 150, 151 n., 185 n. Mayiramma, off., . . . . . 60, ** Medhatithi, commentator, . . . . 16. Mekala, co., . 299 n. Menal, 8.a. Mahinala, vi., 4, 85, 101 Merkelundarulina-Denar, ep. of Chola Gar daraditya, . . . . . . 84 Meru, mo., . . . 39 n., 78, 80, 216, 220 Merudana, 'a class of gifti, . . . 39 n. Merutunga, au., . . . 179 n., 181, 182 Methi Inscription of Ksishna,. . . 311 n. Metre : Anushtubh, 55, 65 n., 72, 103 n., 106 n., 107 n., 108 n., 109 n., 111 n., 112 n., 183 n., 242, 252, 258, 271, 277 n., 278, 279, 288, 307 Arya, 10 n., 14, 56, 104 n., 105 n., 212, 252, 258, - 288, 307, 317 Drutavilambita, . . . . 14, 72, 271 Gatha, . . . . . . . . 307 Giti, . . . 288 Indravajra, 65, 72, 102 n., 103 n., 108 n., 116, 252, 271, 288 Malini, 5 n., 78 n., 111 n., 116, 258 Mandakranta, . . 7 n., 55, 258, 282 n. Praharshini, . . . . . 65 Pushpitagra, . 5 n., 288 Salini,. . . . 72, 252, 271, 288, 307 Sardalavikridita, 5 ., 6 ., 14, 65, 72, 78 n., 79 n., 102 n., 103 n., 104 n., 107 n., 108 n., 109 n., 111 n., 183 n., 252, 258, 271, 282 R., 288, 307, 312 and n., 317 sikharini, . . . . . . 102 >>. Sloka (Anushtubh), . . . 85 ni, 317 Sragdhara, 5 n., 6 n., 55, 102 n., 103 12., 104 r., 115, 258, 278, 288 Upajati, 6n., 14, 55, 78 n., 108 n., 108 n., 115, 252, 277 n., 288, 312 Upendravajra, . . . . . 115, 288 Utpalamala, . . . . 20 Vambastha, . . . . . . 253, 312 Vasantatilaka, 6 n., 14, 66, 72, 103 n., 105 n., 108 n., 116, 252, 258, 271, 288, 307, 317 Mewar, Gubilots of -, dy., 86 Mihirakula, Huna k., 131 Milinda-panho, wk., . . . . . 321 n. 61 218 94 319 338

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INDEX 363 40 245 59 83 233 Page. Page. Minendra (Minendra) or Milinda, Indo-Greek Murumanda, s.a. Murumanda-Polavaram, k., . . . 318 and n., 319, 321 n. tn., . . Minhaj-ibn-Siraj, au., . . . 4 n. Musalkal, vi., .. Mitra, god, . . 246 Musi, ri., Mitra-Kesvadova, god, . . Mlechchha-kharda, dn., . 106 n. Mominabad, tn., . . . . 182 Months :-lunar, n, special form of, . . . . . Ashadha, . 222, 300 n. n, used for anusrara, 75 Asvina, Asvija or Asvayuja,. 28, 60, 157, 161 n, final, changed into anusvara, . 283 Bhadrapada, . : 228 n, dental, * 137, 319 Chaitra, 119, 120, 178, 185 n, two signs for, 166 Jyeshtha, 121, 122, 339 n, cerebral, . 319 Karttika, 3, 13, 60, 62, 69, 72, 73, 269, 272, n, doubling of -, after r, . 247 300 1.., 322 ", subscript, . . . . 137 Magha, . . . . 49, 128, 129, 306 n, without a dot, . . 256 Margasira or Margasirsha, 68, 183 n., 239, 240 Nadagam Plates of Vajrahasta III, 336 Phalguna, . . 60, 100, 111, 112, 169, 279, 305 Nadimachi, m., . . . 66, 68 Pausha or Pushya, , 125, 198, 199, 204, 294 Nadol, 9.a. Naddula, tn., . . . 91, 95, 96 Sravana, . . 60, 242, 244, 246, 339 Nalol Plates of Kirtipala, . . . 97 Vaisakha, . . . . 250, 255, 320, 321 Nadula or Naddula, .a. modern Nadol, vi., 95, 97, Months, solar : 105 Kanni (Kanya), Naga, Dumdigada --, donee, . . . 17, 48 Tula,. . . Nagubhata II, Pratihara k., . 186, 191, 192 Vrischika, . 164 Nagadeva, m., . . . . . 99, 108 Months, Macedonian : Naga-hrada, pond of serpents in Jain My Gurppiya,. . . 295 thology, . . . . . 100, 110 Moon, Myth. ancestor of the Silaharas, 284 Naga-Naraya na, god, Morajhari, vi., . . . . . 96, 97, 105 Nagapadda, m., . 3:10 Morakara or Morakuro, 8.a. Morajhari, vi., . 96 Nagapura, 8.a. Nagaur, in., 90 Morbi, ci., . . . . . . 192, 193 Nagardhan, 8.a. Nandivardhana, tn., 158 Morbi Plates of Jaikadeva, 186, 189, 192, 193, 195, Nagarjunikonda, l., . . 124 218 Nagasri, f., . . 99, 107 Mosala, m., . . . . . . 99, 107 Nagavaluka, pr., . . . 89 Mudkal, fort, . . . . . . . 30 Nagavaloka, s.a. Pratihara king Nagabhata, . 91 Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala, Nagavarman, off., . . . . 157, 161 churi k., . . . . . . 54 Nagaya, m., . . . . 17, 48 Muhammad Bhaktyar, gen., 4 and n., 5 Nagpur Museum Inscription of Paramara Muhpota Nainasi, au., . . 95 Lakshmadeva, . * 179, 182 Mukhalingam, vi., . 175 Nagulavaram, vi., . . 124 Mukhesvara, god, . . . . 100, 109 Naigama, lineage, . 100, 111 Malaraja, Gurjara pr., 92 Naimittika, off., 272 Mulgund, vi., . . . Nakshatras: Mulgunda-twelve, t.d., . . . . 60, 62 Bharani, 233 Mulla Seen (Vallalasena ?), Sena k., . Hasta, 100, 112, 329 n. Mummaai-Nayaka, Manchikonda ch., Mrigasirsha, : . 164 Mummadi Nayaka, Korukonda ch., . Purattadi (Purva-Bhadrapada), . 83 Mummadi.Prolavara, 8.a. Murumanda or Uttirattadi (Uttara-Bhadrapada),. 83 and n. Muramanda-Polavaram, tn., . . 16, 38, 40, 45 | Nala, Myth. k., . . . . . 50 Mummuni, Silahara pr., . 287 n. Nala, Nala k., . , 49 and n. Munimdu, m., . . 99, 106 Nala, dy., 49 and n., 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 157 n., 340 Mufija, Paramara k., 181 Nalanda, ci., 171, 172 and n., 235 and n., 243 Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, wk., 36 n. Nalanda Plate of Samudragupta, . . 135, 136 Murunda-Janjira, ci., 288 n. Nalanda seal of Kumaragupta II, 236 183 Mudkal, fort, imiddhadhavala, Kala 61 29 5A

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364 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vow XXVI 168 59 80 Page. Nalavadi-vishaya, t.d., . . 51 and n. Nalkonda, in., . . . . 35 and n. Nalla-Bhima, s.a. Eruva-Bhima, Tel. Choda king, . . . . . . . 18 Namaya Nayaka, Koppula ch., . . 22 n., 24 Namdapa, l., , . . . . . 270 Nanda, Nandakula or Nandodbhava, family, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81 Nandagiri, s.a. Nandidrug, . 167 Nandagirinatha, ep., . Nandana, commentator, . 157 Nandardhan, Nandivardhana, ci., 158 Nandavadige Inscription, . . . Nanded, identical with Nandikada, vi., . 140, 141 Nandi, emblem on seals, . . . . 76 n. Nandikada, vi., . . 139, 140, 141, 151, 154 Nandirata, ri., . . . . 239, 240 Nandivardhana, Vakutuka ca., . 51, 147, 156, 157 and n., 158, 159 Nandivarman II, Salan kayana k., . . 136 n. Nandodbhava family, Nandsa Yupa, . 119 Naniga. m., . . . . . . 100, 111 Nanna, m., . . . 223, 225 Nanna-mathika, te., . . . . 222, 223, 225 Nannaraja or Nannac'ova or Nannarajadhi raja, Somavamsi k., . . . 227, 228, 229 Naosari, vi., . . . . . 186 Nausari Copper-plate, . 163 and n. Napa, m., . . . 171 and n., 175, 176 Narain, 8. a. Naranaka, l., . . . 101 Nara naka, I., . . . . . 99, 101, 106 Narapura, 8. a. Naravara, vi., . . 92, 101 Narasimha III, Gajapati k., . . . Narasimhagupta, Gupta k., 235, 236, 238, 239. Narasinghpur State, . . . . 77 Naravan Plates, . . . . . 323 Naravara, 8. a. Narapura, vi., . 101, 106 Naravarman, Malava k., . . 103 and n., 131 Naravarman, Paramara pr., 94, 104 n., 180, 182 Narayana, god, . . 5, 13, 55 n., 99, 104 n., 105, 264, 277 Narayana, commentator, . . . . 167 Narayana, m., . . . . 17, 47 Narayanapura, vi., . . . 257, 258, 266 Narendrasena, Vakutaka k., 52, 145, 148, 150 Narmada. ri., . , . 50, 91, 150, 181, 303 Nasik, ci., . . . 74 n., 150 n Naudari plates, . 250 Navagbana, Abhira k., 95 Navalgund, tq., . 61 Navasahasankacharita, wk., 181 and n. Nayachandrasuri, au., 88 Nayata, vi., . . . .. 276, 277, 278 Page. nazarana, customary present, 164 n. Nellikabulika, ep., ? . . . . . . . 339 Nemichandra, Jain au., . 107 n. Neminatha, Jain pontiff, . 88, 95, 99, 105 Nerur Grant, . . . . . . 323 Neulpur Plates of Subhakara,. 247, 248 and n. Nidadavole, 8. a. Niravadyanagara, vi.. . 28 Nidhanpur Plates of Bhaskaruvarman, 146 n. Nidhivara, ajnapti, . . . . . 339 Nigandu, Tamil lexicon,. 274 n. Nikumbhe-vamsa, dy., . 311 Nilakantha, god Siva, . . 264 Nilgund Inscription of Amogliavarsha I, 59 *., 337 n. nimba, tree, . . . . . . 64 Niravadyanagara, fortress, 28 Niravadya-Punyavallabha, off., . . . 323, 326 Nirppalani, vi.. . . . . 83 and n. Nirupama (Dhruva), Rasktrakuta k., . . 284 Nirupama-Vallabha, do. . . 231 Nirvvana-Narayana, ep. of Paramara Nara varman, . . . . 94, 104 and n. Nissanku Kommana, Tel. au., . 27 and n., 29 n. Nityapramodita, god, 100, 101, 109 Nityararsha, Rashtrakuta tit., , 161, 162 and n. Nityavarsha Indra-Narendra, Rashtrakuta k., 162, 163 Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha, do. 162, 231 n. nivartana, 1. m., . . . . 61, 322, 326 Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, au., 30 Nizam-ul-Mulk, tit... 36 and n. Noduka-siri, donor,. . . . 124, 125 Nolambavadi, t. d., . 286 Nrihari, m., . . . . 17, 46 Nrivarman, Pratihara ch., . 280 Numerals, signs or symbols for : .: . 14, 69 2. . . . . 228, 241 . . . 14 14, 63, 67, 119,137 60 * 14, 137, 247 . . . . 69 4. . 241 137 30, 80, 100, . 200, . Nyaya. . . . . . . . 63, 119, 228 . 68, 228 .67, 119 64 . . . . . o, medial,.. octroi duties . Oddiyaraya, tit., , . . . . . . . . 69, 166, 241, 800 . . 218 . . 23

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INDEX 365 * 140 okkalatana, cultivation rights, Orcha State, Orissa, co., . Orsang, ri., . . . Page. * 60, 62 . 150 19, 32, 53 . 251 . . P . P. . . . . . . . 50 p, two signs for, 166 241 Pachchatardi, vi., . 199, 204 Pachchatri, vi., 206 Pachchatri, ln., . 194 and n., 199, 204, 210, 211, 213 Padma, Jain deily, . . . . 100, 110 Padmanabha, off., . . , 250 Padmanabba, poet, 310 Padmanabhadevasarman, Pathaka-, m., . 3, 9, 13 Padmagupta, poet, . . . . 181 Padmapani, form of Buddha, . . . 247 Padmata, m., . . 99, 106 Padur, vi., . . . 164 Paharpur, ri., . 172 and n. Pairi, ri., . . 49 Paisachi, dialect, 138, 152 n. Paithan Plates of Ramachandra, 155 n., 312 pala, nenit of weight, . . . 39 n., 244, 246 Pala, dy., . . . 196 Palakol, vi., . . 33 n. Palakonda, tq. . 26 Palasi-desa, 8. a. Halsi, co., . . 30.5 and n. Pale, 8. a. Manchikapalle, vi., Palha na, m., . . . . . . 100, 111 Pali, vi., * * . . . 53, 95 Pali, co., Palidhvaja, royal ensign, 324 Palivela, vi., . . . . . 29 n., 37, 39 Pallava, dy., . . . 53, 113 and 1., 137, 139, 141 n., 149, 150 and 1., 191, 337 n. Pallavachandra, m., . . . . . 63, 65 Pallavamalla-Chaturvedimangalam, Urodagam, vi., . . . 232 n. Pallika, 8. a. Pali, vi., . . . . 95, 105 Palluri-Sailavaram, vi., . . . 17, 38, 40, 46 Pamasakhotaka, ca., . . . . 339 painchariyamantra, . . . . . 107 n. Pampa, poet, . . . . . . 164 n., 285 n. Panada, t. d., . . . 283 and 1., 287, 288 n. Panara, 1. u.. . . . . . . 19, 24 Panchadhara, "., . . . 16, 19, 21, 22, 23, 40, 41, 43 Panchadharala, vi., . panchajanya, Vishnu's cunch, . 88 Panchala deba, co., . . Page. Panchali, dialect, . Panchamahapataka, 'the five great sins', 202 Panchanana, 3. a. Siva, god, . . . 5, 10 Panchayat, 'committee', . . . 244, 245 Pandarangapalli Plates of Avidheya, i 337 Pandava, family, . . . . . 49 n. Pandava, 8. a. Somavamsi, dy., . . 227 Pandiyanar, Pandya k., . . 231 Pandya, dy., . . . 113, 231, 274, 324 Pangal, fort, . . . . 35 and n., 37 n. Pangal, 8. a. Nalkonda, vi., . . . 35, 37 Pangal-Nalkonda, fort, panigrahi, off., . 278 n. Panini, grammarian, . . . 63, 156 16. Parakesarin, Chola tit., . . 82 Parakesarin, tit. of Uttama Chola, . . 113 Parakesarivarman, Chola tit., . . 112 and n., 113, 234, 235 Parakesarivarman, Madiraikonda, Cholu li., . . . . . 112, 230 Parakesarivarman, $. a. Parantaka I, Chola k., . . . . . . 113 n. Paramabhagavalu, ep., . . 236, 239 Paramabhugaratu, ep. of Chandragupta II, 136 Paramabhagavata, ep. of the Salankayana k. Vandivarman II, . . . . 136 n. Paramabhagu cata, ep. of Samudragupta, . 135 Paramabhaltaraka, lit., . 7, 69, 77, 81, 162, 168, 189, 240 and 1., 248 Paramubrahmakshatriya, ep., Paramadevatudhidaivatu, ep., . . 240 n. Parainadikshita, ep., Paramuguru, lit., . . . . 248 Paramamahesvara, tit., 38 and n., 69, 76 n., 136 n., 160, 248 n., 269 Paramanarusivha, lit., . . . . 3, 7 Paramura, dy., . 70, n., 85, 92, 94, 129 n., 177, 178, 181, 182 Paramara, eponymous hero, . . 178, 183, 184 Paramara kingdom, . . . . . 180 Paramardin, biruda of the Chalukya k. 288 Vikramaditya VI, ... . 182 .. .. 238 n. Paramartha, au., . .' . . 238 n. Paramasaugata or Saugata, Buddhist ep., . 76 n., 248 n., 315, 316, 317 Paramavaishnara, ep., . . . . 7, 279 Paramavaishnari, ep., . . . 248 n. Paramnesvara, lit., . . . 3, 7, 69, 162, 168, 189, 242, 246, 248, 269, 315, 317, 318, 322, 324 Parananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 76 and n., 78, 80 Parantaka, Chola k., , . 82, 83, 84, 113 n., * 114 and 1., 231 Paruntaka, sur. of Mahimalaya, , . 83 70

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366 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI 59 141 n. Page. Periplus, . . . . 274 Permadi (Vikramaditya VI), W. Chalukya 306 Perumana digal, ep., . . . . . 233 n. Peshwas, Mahratta ruling family, 194 Perunkudi, vi., . . . . 276 Petenika, Pitinika, frihe, 338 ph, Phanisvara, Myth. serpent, . . . 99, 108 Pikira Grant of Simhavarman, . Pillalamarri, vi., . . . . . 25 Pinnasani, ri., . . 17, 38, 40, 46 Pimnundi, Pina-Undi, Pinnundior Pinyundi, ch., . . . . . 16, 34, 39, 44, 45 Pina-Mada-Nayudu, Recherla ch., : . 32 Pimparipadraka, vi., . . . . Pippalapadra, s. a. Piplia, vi... 213 Piprod, 8. a. Pimparipadraka, vi., . Pirantakadeva, 8. a. Parantakadeva, Chola k., . '. . . . . 235 Piritipatiyar, 8. a. Prithvipati II, Ganga k., Pishtapura, 8. a. mod. Pithapuram, vi., . 133 and 321 53 53 113 Page. Parantaka I, Chola k., . . 112, 113, 230, 232, 234 Parantakadeva, do. . . . 230, 234 Parantakan.Viragolan, 8. a. Mahimalaya Irukkuvel, ch., . . . . . 83 Parabara-Dharmasamhita, wk., . . 157 n. Parasarebvara, s. a. Paradesvara, god, 126, 127 Parasika, co., . . . . . 324 . . Parasuramesvara, god, . 126, 127 Pardi Plates of the Traikutaka Dahrasena, 301 parigrahi, off., . . 112 n. parijata, myth. tree, . 16 Parinirvana, . . . parivedana, 8. a. parivitti, . 180 n. parivilli, a sin, . . . 180 and n., 185 Parlakimedi Plates of Indravarman II Rajasiroha, . . . . 331, 333 n. Parsva or Parovanatha, Jain Tirthankara, 85, 86, 87, 88, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105 and n., 108 and n., 109, 110, 111, 316 Parvati, goddess . . . 39 n., 201, 206, 257, 264, 274 paca, 'girdle'. . 118 Pasupata, sect, 38 and n. pataka, . . . . 69, 269 Pataliputra, ca., . 303, 304 n. Patanga-Sivacharya, teacher, . . . Patanikhanda-vishaya, t. d., . , 167, 168, 169 Pathaka, tit., . * 3,9 Pathar, l., . 84, 101 Patiakella Grant, * 240 n. Patna Inscription of Simhana, . . . 129 n. Patna Museum Plates o Somesvara, 276 paffabandha, ceremony, 163 pattala . . . . . . . 69, 71 Pattan, vi., . 147 Pattan Plates of Pravarasina II, 137 n., 141 n. Patteoa, vi., . . . 16, 38, 40, 41, 46 paffi, 8. a. pata or pataku, l. m., . . 139 n. Pulur, vi., . . . . 83 Patvardhan, Mahratta ruling family, . . 194 Paundravardhana-bhukti, dn., . . 3, 8, 12 Pauni, vi., . . . . . . 147 Pavira (Paramara), Rapam, . 183 Podakomati-Vema, Reddich., . * 32, 33, 34 n. Padakondapuri or Pedakonda, vi., . 16, 21, 24, 25, 26, 40, 41, 43 pedapalaka, off., . Poda-Undiraja, ch. of the Solar race, Peda-Vedagiri, Reddich., . . . Peddapuram, vi., . . Penthama-bhukti, dn., . perggavunda, off., 60, 62 Pithapuram, vi., . . .19, 24, 33 Pitryarya, 8. a. Pituja, donee, . . . 154 Pituja, donee, . . . . * 152, 154 Podagadh Inscription, . 49 n., 52 n. Poinad, 8. a. ancient Panada, ri., . 287 n. Polavaram, vi., . . 33 n. Poli-Nayandu, Koppula ch., . . 22 n. Ponduru Plates of Vajrahasta II, 327 n., 329, 332, 335 Poona Plates of Prabhavatsgupta, . 139 n., 148, 157, 158 Popali, m., . * . . 100, 112 Potal, t. d., . . 78 Pothasiri, 8. a. Prishthasriya, Kausambi k., . . . . . . 298, 299 7. Potoda, t. d., . 75, 77, 78, 79, 82 potra, tax, . 218 Prabandhachintamani, wk., . 179 n., 181 n., 182 n., 208 n. Prabandhakosa, wk., . . . . 92 Prabhakara, Malava k., . 131 n. Prabhavatigupta, Gupta q., . 139 n., 141, 148 and n., 149, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160 Prabhulavorsha, Rashtrakuta til., . 161, 162 n., 250 pradhani, off., . . . . 33 Pradyumna, god of love, . . . . 265 Pragjyotisha, co., . . * 4 n., 11 Pragjyotishendra, tit., . Pragvatavamsa, family,. . . 99, 105 239

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INDEX 367 Page. . 239 394 112 228 h. Page Prakasaditya ep., of Vishnugupta, . 237 n. Prithviraja-raso, poetical wk.,.. 87 pralaya, , . i 180 Prithvirojavijaya, wk., . . 87, 88, 90, 91, 02, pramatrin, off., . . . 199, 202, 206, 218 93, 94, 96 prapaya, customary present, . 154 n. Prithvishena, Vakataka k., 144, 145, 147, Prapittacharya, donor, . 127 and n. 166, 160 Pratapalamkesvara, ep., . . 97, 105 Prithvishena I, Vaka taka k., , . 145, 146, 160 Pratapasimha, Pratihara k., . 280 Prithvishena II, Vaka taka k., . 51, 52, 139 n., 141, pratiga paka, sub-division, . . .100, 101 142, 145, 148, 160 Prattbara, family, . . 186, 191, 192, 193, 280 Prithvivallabha, tit., . . . 162, 231, 322, 324 pratihara, off., . . . . . 192, 272 Prithvivarman, Ganga k., . 166 Pratishthitachandra, m., . Priyamitrasvamin, donee, . 239 Pratishtha-sagara, wk., . 12 n. Prolambika, Tel. Choda q., 16, 18, 42 Pratityasamutpada-sutra, Buddhist sacred Prolaya I, Koppula ch., . . . . 22 n. text, . . . . . . . 171 Prolaya II, Koppula ch., . . . . 22 n. Pravaras: Prolaya-Nayaka, Koppula ch., Atrey-archchananasa-syavasva, . 79: n., 82 Prolaya Vema, Reddik., . . 26, 27 n. Aurava-Chyavana-Bhargava-Jamadagnya Ptolemy, traveller, . . . 274 apnavana, . . . . Pulaichohi-Raniyar, Rashtrakuta q... 231 and R. Bandhula-Aghamarshana-Visvamitra, 69, 73 Pulakemi-Janasraya, Chalukya k., . 188, 189 pravanikara, tax, . . . . . Pulakosin II, W. Chalukya k., . 51, 53 and 1., 340 Pravarapura, Vakafaka ca., 51, 148, 157 Pulakesivallabha, W. Chalukya k., Pravararaja, k., . . . 229 n. Pulasakti, Silahara pr., . . . . 286 Pravarasena, Vaka taka k., . 141 and n., Pullamangalam, 8. a. Pullamangai, vi., 142, 143, 144 and n., 146, Pulomburu Plates of Madbavavarman, 151, 159, 160 229 Pravarasena I, do. . . 142, 144, 145, Pundravarddhana, vi., 76 146, 147, 148, 150, 154 Pundravarddhana, co., . . . 78, 79, 82 Prayerasena II, do. . . 137 and n., Punyarasi, m., . . . . . 99, 106 139, 141, and n., 142, 144, punyavachana, purificatory ceremony, 38 . 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 156 n., Punyavarma, k. of the Bhoja family, . . 338 n. - 156 and n., 167 and n., 168 Puramtaka, 8. a. Siva, god, . . .100, 100 Pravarasena III, do. . 147 Puranas, . . . 52, 64, 142, 148 and n., Pravira, I do. . 144 r., 150, 151 n. . 150, 301, 304, 317 n. prayana-danda, taz, . . . . 165 n. Purananuru, wk., . * 274 n. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Mummuni, 287 n. Purasa, m., 8. a. Purushottama, . 73 n. prish thamatras, . . . 177 and n., 305 Purattaya-naau, dt., 274, 276 prish fhamatras, to indicate medial dip. Purigere, dt., . . 61 thongs, . . . . . . 256 Purika, I., . . . . 160, 161 Prishtbasriya, Kausambi, k., 298, 299 and n. Puribai-nadu, dn., . 234, 236 Prithivimallavarman, Bhojn k., . . 338, 339 pirnimanta, . . 100, 327 Prithiviparvata, ca., . . . 339 Purpnaditya, Nala k., (8), 56 and n. Prithudaka, 8. a. Paoba, vi., . . 117 n. | Purnnatalla, Chahamana k., 89, 90, 97, Prithvi, godde88, . . . . 11 n. 103 Prithvideva, Chahamana k. of sakhambari, . 101 purdhita, off., . . . 199, 202, 206, 211, 216, Prithvideva, Kalachuri k., 256 n. 220, 272 Prithvideva II or Prithvipala, Kalachuri Purshottampuri Plates of Ramachandra, . $12 k., . . . . 257, 258 and n., 266 Purugupta or Puragupta, Gupta k., . 236 and n. Prithvipala, Kalachuri k., . atachuri k., . . . . 256 n., 264 237, 238 Prithvipati, Ganga k., . . 114 and n. Purushottama, m., . . 17, 47, 73 Prithvipati II, Ganga k., . 112, 113 and n. Purushottamadeva, k. of Orissa, 276 Prithviraja, Nala k., . . 49, 50, 53 Purushottama, Dikshita, . Prithviraja, Chahamana k., 92, 97, 104 Purushottama-mathika, te., Prithviraja I, do. . . 93, 98 Pururavas, Myth. k., . . . Prithviraja II, do. Purvasirnhasanadhtavara, cit. of Annadava, . . . 89 284 ... 96, 98

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI 245 Page. Pushkar, vi., , . 91 Pushkara-tirtha, I., . 93 Pushkar, Nala ca., . 52 pushpa-patta, . . Pushpavanta,. . 184 n. Pushyadeva or Pushyena, k., founder of the Saindhava dy., . 186, 187, 180, 192, 196, 223 Pashyagiri-panehali, t. d., . , . 63, 64 push yasnana, ceremony, . Pashyana or Pushyadeva, Saindhava ruler, 187 Putina, god. . . . . . 100, 109 204 Page. Rajahmundry, ci., . . 40 Rajahmundry, Redoi ca., . , . . 32 Rajahmundry Museum Plates of Annadeva, 14, 39 Rajaditya, Chola pr., . . . 61, 84 and n. Rajakesarin or Rajakesurivarman, Chola lit., . . 82, 83, 84 and n., 113, 233 Rajamahendra, fortress, . . 28 Rajamahendranagara, ca., 28 rajamatya, off., ... rajanaka, off. (?), . . 169 Rajan, tit., . 298, 299 Rajaputane ka Itihasa, wk. 86 n. rajaputra, . . . . 169 Rajaraja I, Chola k., , . . 82, 84 n., 233 Rajaraja (1)--Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., . . . . . . . 335 Rajarajap-Pandinalu, t. d., . , 274, 275 Rajabokhara, author, . .. 140, 285 Rajasthani, dialect, . 87 rajasthaniya, off., . . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Muslim ruler, . 281 R 220 63 315 50 89 254 * 24, 32 61, 285 50, 198 , doubling of consonant preceding and following . . . . 156, 283 , non-duplication and re-duplication of consonants after . . . . 171 >>, doubling of consonants after-, 50, 63, 69, 75, 86, 115, 132, 139, 249, 256, 269, 276, 322 , doubling of consonants before , r, consonants not doubled after --- with developed serif, . . . r, two forms of . . Rachakonda, fort, 19, 27 Rachakonda, principality, . Rachamalla, Ganga k., . Radha, t. d.,. . . 316 Radhanpur Plates of Govinda III, 197 Raesa, hist, wk., . . . Raghunayaka, myth, hero, 8. a. Rama, Raghuvamea, wk., Muuam 8a, W ., . . . 11n. . . Ragolu Plates of Saktivarman, . 132 Rahaka, m., . . . . 99, 107 Raban Plates of Govindachandra, Rahularuchi, religious preceptor, 248 Raichur, fort,. . . . Rai Lakhminya, 8. a. Lakshmanasena, Senak. 4 n. Raja, tit., 168 raja, 03., . . 272 Raja Chandal, k., . Rkjadhiraja, Chola k., 163 Rajadhiraja, tit., . . . . . Bajadevi, Chahamana q., . . . 93,.98, 104 Bussjagbat, suburb of Benares, . . . 268 Rajaghat Plates of Govindachandra, . 268 87 * 17 Rajaturangini, Hist. Sans. wk., . . 87, 315 n., Rajatiraja, tit., . . . 295, 296, 297 Rajondracholadeva I, Chola k., .. . 233 n., 274 Rajim, vi., . . . 49, 52, 53, 54, 55 and n., 229 n. Rajim Stone Inscription of the Nala king Vilasatunga, . . . . 49 Rajivalochana, god, . . 49, 54, 55 and n. rajni, off., . . . 272 Rajukonda, vi., . . . . . 36 Ramabhadra, epic hero, . . . , Ramabhadra, Pratihara k., . . 191, 192, 193 Rama or Ramachandra, epic hero, . 49, 55 n., 178, 184, 188, 191, 201, 205, 245 Ramachandra, Yadava k., . . 128, 129, 312 Ramachandra, m., . . . . . 17, 46 Ramacharita, wk., . . 316 n. Ramadeva, engraver, . . . . 307 Ramadevi, Sena q., . . . . 6, 11 and n. Ramagupta, Gupta k., 237, 285 Rama, Kovuri-, m., . 17, 46 Ramapala, Pala k., . . 316 Rama Punyavallabha, m., 323 Ramatirtham Plates of Madhavavarman II, 229 n. Ramayana, epic wk., 188, 317 Ramendu, m., . . . . . 99, 106 Rampal Plate of Srichandra, . 316 n. Ramtek, vi., . . . * 168 Ranas of Porbandar, . 187 Ranabhanja, Bhanja ch., . . 277 Rapadhavala, Paramara pr., . 1 80 70 30 31

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INDEX 369 Page. Rithapur Plates of Bhavadattavarman, 51,52 n., 157 n. Ritviks, . . . . . . 39 n. Roku(?), m., . : 176 n. Rudra m., donee, * 218 Ruddajja, donee, .. . 152, 154 Rudra, Tomara pr., 8.a. Rudra pala, . . 91 Rudradaman, Saka k., . . 198, 297 Rudradatta, scribe,. . 133 n. Rudradeva, Kalachuri k., . 256 n. Rudraditya, min., . . 181 Rudrakshamahatmya, wk., . 315 n. Rudrarva, s.a. Ruddajja donee, . 154 Rudrasena, Vaka taka k., . 143, 144, 145, 150, 159, 160 Rudrasena I, Vakataka k., . . 142, 144, 145, 150, 154 n. Ridrasena II, Vaka taka k., 144, 145, 147 and ni, 148 and n. Rudrapala, Tomara pr., . . . 91 Rulupurisadata, Ikhaku k., . 124, 125 rupaka, fig. of speech, . 302 n. Rupachintamanikosha, wk., 315 n. 88 Page. Ranaka, Saindhava k., 190, 193, 194, 195, 196, 203, 208, 209, 211, 212, 213, 215, 224 ranaka, off., . . . . . . 12 Ranaka I, Saindhava k., . . . . 191 Ranaka-vara, ep., . . . . . 92, 104 Ranakesarin, Somurarsi pr., . 53 and n. Rasalladevi, Chahamana q., . , 93, 98, 104 Ras Mala, wk., . . . 180 n., 182 and n. Rashtrakuta, dy., . . 60, 61, 70, 71 n., 84, 114, 161, 163, 164, 181, 182, 191, 196, 230, 231 and n., 232, 233, 337 and n. Raso, uk., Ratagarb, t. d., 78 Ratanpur, vi., . . . 53 Ratanpur Stone Inscription of the reign of Prithvideva II, . 255 Rathikas, tribe, . 338 Ratnadeva II, Kalachuri k., 258 and n. Ratnaditya, Chapa ruler, . . 191 Ratnagiri, vi., . . . 51 Ratnapura, vi., 257 Ratta Ballaha, Rash trakula k. Krishna III, 231 n. ratira, 8. a. rashtra, . . 166 Rattaraja, Silahara k., . 283 Ravula parti, vi., . Ravu Singa, Rachakonda ch. Ravu Singa, II, Velama ch., Rayas of Vijayanagara, . 29 Ravagad Plates, 323 Rayakkudi, vi., . 275 Raynpitamaha, tit.;. 128, 129, 306 Rayata, vi., . . . . . 100, 101, 112 Rera, ri., $. <<. Narmada, . . . 0, 97 Revakanimmadi, Rashtrakufa, princess, . 61 Revana, 6. a. Randholapura, ni., . 97, 100, 101, 112 Revanta, yod, le. of -, . . . . 258 1.. Revasa Stone Inscription, 93 Revati, ri., . , 99, 100, 101, 105, 108, 111 Revatija, m., . . . Revati-kunda, pond, . . .100, 101, 110 Revatyarya, 8. a. Revatija, donee, 154 Recharla, family, . . . 32 and n. ri vsed for ri, . . . . . . 283 Riddbapur Plates of Prabhavatigupti, . 149 Rikshavat, 3. a. mod. Satpura, mo.,. . 151 Rimchchhesvara, god, . . 99, 109 Rindhuwal, 3. a. Ramadhavala, . 180 n. repha doubling of the consonant following 14 Rishabhadeva, Jaina Tirthankara, 87 Rishabhadeva, teacher(?), . . . . 244 n. 26 32 (r), cursive form of-, . . . . 294 n. 8, dental, . . . . . . 69, 319 , looped and unlooped forms of . 300 8, used for e, . . . . 60, 75, 86, 268, 276 sa, Marathi affir, . . . . . 139 n. s, substituted for 8. . . . . 14, 305 sa-bhoga-bhaga, privilege, . . . . 254 Sacrifices : Agniebtoma, . . . . . 120 Aptoryama, . . . 120, 141, 151, 154, 159 Asvamedha, . . . 302 n. Atiratra. . . . 120, 122, 141 n., 164 n. Atyagnishtoma, . . . . . 120 Brihaspatisava, . . . 141, 154 Jyotishtoma, . . 141 and n., 151, 154 and n. Sadyaskra, . . . . . 141, 154, 159 Sapta-soma-salistha, . . . : 120 Shodasin . . . . . . 120 'Triratra, . . . 122, 123 Ukthya, *120, 122, 141 n., 154 n., 159 Vajapega, . . . 120, 141, 151, 154, 159 sa-danda-dae-aparadha, privilege, 254 Sadappula (Sadu Appula), m, . . 17 Sadasiva, image of.--, Sena emblem, . . 2 Sadasiva, god, . . . Saduktikarnamrita, wk., . Sagar, fort. . . . . 31 152, 154 10 n. 16 DGA

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370 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI Page. 30 272 30 Page. sa-loha-lavan-akara, privilege, 272 Salonabhanjadeva, Bhanja ch., . 276, 277, 278, 279 salt, exemption from purchase and digging of, . . . . . . . 154 Saluva-Gopa-Tippa, author of the Taladi. pika, . . . . . . . Samamta, Chahamana pr., 88, 89, 90, 97, 103 8a-mancha-maha-karana, privilege, . 153 samanta, off., . . . . . . . 89, 169 Samantasena, Sena k., . . . . 5, 10 Samantavarman, Ganga k., . . . 66 Samatata, t..., . . . . . 315, 316 sa-matsy-akara, privilege,. . 272 Sambhar, Samburayasthapakah, name of a tala, . 30 Sambhuyabas, k., . . . . . 240 n. sardhivigrahin, off., . . Samgameka, god, . . . 100, 109 Samkshobha, Parivrajaka k., 77, 228 n. Samrat, tit., . . . 142, 154 Samudragupta, Gupta k., . . 116, 135, 136, 237, 302 and n., 304, 337 n. samya, proprietary rights, . . . . 60, 62 Sanchi, vi.. . . 117 sandhi, correct observance of- . . 132, 249 sandhi, rules of--, not observed, 75, 86, 126, 198, 90 75 n. 167 242 Sagar, ui., . . . , 30, 31 n., 34 n. Sagara, vi., . . . . 16, 29, 30, 40 Sagara, encyclopaediac wk., . . * 12 n. Sagara, donee, . . . . . . 218 Sagaradurggadivipa tah, name of a tala, sa-gartt-Oshara (?), privilege, . so-hirany-adana, privilege, . . 254 sahityadarpana, wk., . 103 n. Sahitya Parishad Plate of Visvarupasena, . 9 n. Sahityavidya, myth. personality, . . 140 Sahasanka (Chandragupta II), Gupta k., . 285 Sahasrarjuna, myth. ancestor of the Kalachuris, . . . . . 257 n. Saheth Maheth Plate of Govindachandradeva, . . . . . . . 269 Sahyaja 8.a. Krishna, ri., . 23 Sailodbhava, dy., . . Saindhava, dy., : . . 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200, 210, 212, 214, 219 Saindhava, kingdom, 193, 194, 196, 199, 209 Saivite emblem on Salankayana seals, . 136 n. Saiva, sect. . . . 21, 38 and n., 76 n., 121 Saiva-Brahmanas, sect, . i 16 Saivalini, ri., . . 1, 7, 11 ma-jalasthala, privilege . 272 Sajjana, off., . . . . . . 95, 105 Saka, dy., . . . 197, 198 Saka satraps, . . . . . . 148 n. Sakaradya, Gupta ep., : Sakhae - Chhandoga, . . . . . . 133 Kanva, . 75, 79, 82 Kanthuma, . . . . . 3, 9, 13 Taittiriya, . . 157 Vajasaneya, . . . . . 69 n. Sakambhara or Sakambhari, goddess, . . 88 Sakambhara, 8.a. Sambhar, lake, 88, 90, 101, 103 n. Sakambhari, Imperial Chahamanas of-, . 84 Kathacharendra-dhvaja, royal emblem, . . 131 n. Saktivarman, Kalinga k., . . . . sa-klipt-opa-kliptah, privilege, . 161 Saktidhara, m., . . 75, 79 and n., 82 Saktikumara, Guhila pr., . . . . 92 Sa-kutuppanta, privilege, . . . 153 sakuntalam, wk., . . 32 n., 302 n. Sakyamuni, 8.a. Buddha, 172 n., 320, 321 Salanaka, vi., . 283, 288 and n. Salankayana, dy., 136 n., 138 n. Salapaka, vi., . . . . . 283 n. Salapraka, vi., 283 n. Salavana, Tomara ch., 91 and n. Salinde, ri., . , 288 Salmoli, tree, . 237 336 sandhivigrahika, off., . . . . 239 Sangam age, . . . . . . 274 Sanghadeva, m., . 115, 117, 118 Sangli Plates of Govinda IV, . . 163, 231, n. Sangoli Grant of Harivarman, * 152 n. Sangraon, vi., . . . . . . 245 sa-nidhi, privilege, . . . . . 153, 161 8Q-nidhy-upanidhi, privilege, . 278 Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I, . 285 Sankhadhara, m., . 215 Sankara, god, . . . . 192, 201, 206, 214. 215, 219, 224 Sankaradhara, m., . . . . 3, 10, 13 sankha, emblem on seal, . . . . 268 Sankhayana Srautasulra, wk., . . . 122 n. Sankramanas :Makara, . . . . . 161 Uttarayana, . 164 n., 198 Santa-Bommali Plates of Indravarman II,. 329. 331 Santa-Bommali Plates of Nandavarman, . 327 n., 330, 331 Santikara, Bluumu k., . . . 126 n., 248 n. Santinatha, Jain Pontifs, Sapadalaksha, co., 8a-parnn-akara, privilege, . 272 99 65

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INDEX 371 40 231 . . 289 Shathikai, sua scriptores: Page. Sapta-Godavaram, ri., Sapta-matikas, goddesses, 117 n. saptaparnna, tree, . . 65 Saptasagara, a mahadana, 16, 38 and n. Sarabhapura, dy., . . 52 Sarabhapura, ci., . . 52 and n., 53, 228, 229 and n. Sarada, goddess of speech, . . 88, 103 and n. Sarakhu Maluka Jainadi Vodaya, 8.a. Sharq Malik Zian-ud-din, off., . . 36 Sarasvati, goddess, . . 15, 205 Sarepha, vi., . . 239, 240 Sarephahara, dn., . 239, 240 sarjja, tree, . . . 64 Sarangarh, vi., 52, 229 n. Saranga, name of a horse, . 93 Sarnga, Vishnu's bow,.. 88 Sarngadhara paddhati, wk., 182 Sarvachandra, engr., . 63, 65 Sarvadeva, m., . . . . 18, 48 sarv-adhyaksha-niyoga-niyuktah, off., . . 154 n. Sarvasena, Vakataka k.,. . 141. and n., 142, 143, 146, 147, 151, 153 Sarvva-raj-ochchhetta, ep. of Samudragupta, 135 sarvoa-vishti-parihara-parihtita, privilege, 161 and n. fasana, . . . . . . 97 Sasanka, k. of Gauda, . . . . 131, 227 Sasi-nripa, 8.a. Chandraraja II, Chahamana k., . . . . . . 90, 91, 98 Satamagha, Kausambi k., . . . . 304 n. Satamanyu, 8.a. Indra, god, . 99, 105 Satavahana, dy., . . 74 n., 136 n., 150, 300 satra, feeding house. * . 23 Satrudamana, pr., . Satvats, mo., . . 338 Satyasraya, tit., 322 Satyavarman, Ganga k., . 175 and n. Saubhagyesvara, te.of . . 90, 109 laulkika, off.,. 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220, 291 Sauraseni, dialect, . . 138 and n., 151 n., 152 n. Saurashtra, co., . . . . . 189, 209 Savara, s.a. Siva, . . . . . 65 n. Savaranandi-sarman, m., . * 63, 65 Savarapa, donee, . . . . . 167, 171 sava-pariharehi-pariharito, privilege,. . 149 savvajati pariharaparihitain, privilege, 149, 153 Sayyid Ali, au. of Burhan-i-M'-asir, 25, 30, 34, 35, 36 and n., 37 and n. se, Hindi affix, . . 139 n. se, Sindhi affix, . 139 n. Seasons of the year :gimha or grishma-paksha, . 297, 298 Hemanta, . . . . 140, 300 n., 340 Varsha, . . . . . . 298 Page. Sedhakhaika, 8.a. Shedkai, vi., . . . 204, 205 Sembiyan-Mahabali-Vanarayar, tit. of Prithvipati II, . . . . . 112, 113 Sena, dy., . . . , 2, 3, 4 n., 12 8ena pati, off., . . . . 199, 202, 211, 272 Sengalur, vi., . 275 Senturaka, vi., . . 206 Seramanar, Chera k., Sesha, lord of serpents, . . 257, 264 Set-Mahet Inscription of Vidyadhara, . 70, 71 n. Seuna (Seunachandra II), Yadava k., . * 311 n. Seunadesa, 8.a. Khandesh, t.d., . 311 sh, wrongly substituted for kh., . 269 Shadanana, god, shad-darsana,. . 107 n. shad-drishti, s.a. shad-dar sana, . . 107 n. shadgunya, 'the sixfold political expedients', 107 n. shadjiva, the six elements,' . . 106 n. Shams-ud-din, Bahamani ch., . . . 20 Shapur Inscription of Adityasena, 242, 243 n. shackarmas, . . . . . . 106 n. Shatkhamdagama, rel. wk., 106 n. Shedkai, 8.a. Seahakhaika, vi., . 204 Shergadh Inscription of Udayaditya, . . 178 n. Shodasin, sacrifice,. . 120, 141 n., 154 n. Shodasya, sacrifice, . . 169 Sholinghur record, . . . 112, 113, 114 Siddha, s.a. Siddharaja Jayasimha, Chau Lukya k., . Siddhas, sages,' . 117 Siddhalingamadam, vi., . Siddhanta, . . . . . . Siddhantam Plates of Devendravarman, 63,327 n. Siddharaja-Jayasimha, Gujarat Chalukya k., 180 Siddharaja, 8.a. Chalukya Jayasimha, k.,. 94 Siddhesvara, god, . . . . . 100, 109 Sidivivaraka, I., . . . . . 159 Sihapura, vi., . . 133 n. Sikhandi-Vahana, god, 224 Silabhanja, Bhanja ch., . 276 Siladitya, Maitraka k., . Silahara, dy., . . . 282 and n., 283 Silaharas, Northern-, dy., 283 Silara, 8.a. Silabara, dy., . . 286, 290 Simdhala, m., . . 93, 104 Simga, k., . . . . . . 16, 43 Simgana, m., . . . . . . 17, 47 Simgaya, m., . . . . . 17, 18, 46 Simgaya, Sriram-Adima (Peda)-, m., . 17, 48 Simgaya, Kolala palli Adima-, m., . . 48 Simgaya, Kolalapalli Adima (Peda)-, m., . 17, 18 Simghata, Chahamana k., . . . 92, 98, 104 Simhacbalam, vi.. . . 19, 22 and n., 28, 32 and n., 33 182 232 84 339 76 n. 16 DGA

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372 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI Page. Simhadavilli, vi., . . . . . 3, 8, 13 Sinhadri, s.a. Simhachalam, vi., 28, 32 n. Simhala, co.,. . . . . . 324. Simha-lanchhana, royal emblem, . . 131 n. Simhana, Yadava k., 129 and n. Simhapura, vi., . . 133 and n. Simharat, Chahamana k., . 90, 91, 98, 104 Sirin havarman, Malava k., . 131 Sinhavarman, Pallava k., 141 n. Simhipura (Santa-Bommali) Plates of Dhar. . . . . . . 334, 335 Sindhu, ri.. 186 93 32 111 Sindhu-dosa, 8.a. modern Sindh, co., . Sindhuraja, Paramara k.,. . 181 Singa, ch., . . . . 21, 24 Sjoga or Singaya, Korukonda ch., 24 and n., 41 Singa, Rachakonda ch., . . Singama Nayudu, Recherla ch., . Singhana, Yadava k., , 183 Singoli, estate,. . . 102 Sinichara na, vi., . . 175, 176 Siri-Rulupurisadata, Ikhaku k., . . . 124, 125 Sirivara, vi.. . . . . . . 60, 62 Siroda Plates of Devaraja, . 338, 339 Sirohi-rajya ka Itihasa, wk., . 95 n. Sirpur, vi., . 50, 51, 52, 53, 54 and n., 55, 229 n. Sirpur Stone Inscription of Maha-SivaguptaBalarjuna, . . . 50, 227 Sirshagrama, vi., 159 Sirur Inscription of Amoghavarsha, 59 n. Sidupalavadha, wk., . . . . . Sitabaldi, vi., . 182 Siva, god. . . 15, 16, 18, 28, 38, 39 n., 65 n., 82, 91, 100, 178, 180, 184, 233, 257, 275, 284 and n., 316 Sivakara, Bhauma k., . . 247 Sivalilavilasam, wk., . . . 27 n., 29 n. Sivalinga Reddi, Reddi k., . 25 Sivamagha, Gautamiputra., Kausambik., 298, 299, 301 Sivananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, . 76 and n., 78, 81 Sivanandi, Somavane pr., . . 53 Sivapriya, 8.a. Parvati, goddess, * 318 n. Sivapuraka, vi., 339 Sivaraja, k., . . 240 n. Sivaratri-mahatmyamu, wk., 38 n. Sivarudra, m., . . . . . . 213, 216 Sivarya, 8.a. Sivajja, donee, 154 Sivasakti, donee, . . . Sivaskandavarman, Paiiava i., . 138 and n., 139, 141 n., 149 Siwalik Hills, . . . 90 Siwalik Pillar Inscription, 96 Siwani Plates of Pravarasena II, 144, 156 n. Page. Siyaka, Paramara k., 181 Siyaka, m., . . . . 99, 100, 107, 110 Skandagupta, Gupta k., . . 136, 236, 237, 238 and n., 242 n., 243 Skanda-Purana, wk., 270 Skandavarman, Nala k.,. 52 and n. Snake, emblem on banner, . 82 n. Sobhanarasa, off., . . 61 Solanki, clan, . . . 180 Sollana or Sulhana, off., . 93, 94, 104 Soma, Telugu Choda pr., . 16, 18, 42 Somadatta, k., . . 240 and n. Somadeva, Court-poet of the Chahamana k., Vigraharaja, . . . . 96 Somadeva, m., . . 307 Somalekha, 4.9. Somalladevi, Chahamana g., Somalladevi, Chahamana q., . , 93, 98, 104 Somanatha, tn., . . 92, 94, 199 Somanatha, god, 256 n., 257, 267 Somapa, donee, . . 167, 171 Somavamsi, dy., . . 49 and n., 52 and n., 53, 55, 67, 227, 228, 229 and n., 230 Somesa, god, . . . . . 100, 109 Somesvara, 8.a. Somanatha, vi., . . 199, 202 Somesvara, Chahamana k., . 84, 93, 97, 98, 105 Somesvara I Ahavamalla, W. Chalukya k., 179 Somesvara II, do. . . . . 179 n. Somesvara III, do. . 306 Somesvaradeva, Silahara k., 128 Somesvara-Pandita, m., 310 Sonagara branch of the Chahamanas, 95 Sonepur, 8.a. Suvarnnapura, tn. 277 Soniga, m., . 100, 112 Sonwaria, vi., . 8-opajat-anya-vastukam, privilege, 278 8-opanidhi, privilege, . . . . 153, 167 Soratur inscription of Krishna II, 59 and n. Soro Plates of Bhanudatta, 239, 240 and n. sraddha, . . . 157, 158 sravaka, . . . . . . . 106 n. Sresh thin, com., 99 Sreshthibhushana, tit., 107 Srideva, Kalachuri k., * 256 n. Srideva, m., . . . 115, 117, 118 and n. Srikantha (Siva), god, . . 257, 266 srikarani, off., . . . . . . 128, 129 Srikrishna, god, . 31 Sriksishna, m., . 17, 48 Srikrishnamayya, m., 17,48 Srikurmam, vi., . . . . 32, 167 Srimala-pattana, 8.a. Bhinmal, ci., . 99, 101, 105 Srimalasaila, mo., . . . . 105 Srimargga or Srfpatha, l., 8. a. Bayana vi., . 03 Srinatha, poet, . . 29 n., 34 n., 38, 39, 40 213 306

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INDEX 373 Page. 9 n. Suravara or Suravaram, vi., . 16, 21, 26 and n., 27, 43 Saravarapattana or Saravaram, tn., Suravira, k., . . . . . . 178 Surparaka, I., . . . . 286 n. Surya, god, . . . 39 n. Suryaghosha, k. of the Varman family, 229 n. Suryavarman, Maukhari pr., . . .229, 230 stradhara, off., . Sutradhara, artisan, . 51, 100, 111 suvarna, coin, . . . 163 Suvarnamasjari, dn., 194, 213, 218 Suvarnameru, gift, . . . . 17, 39 n. Suvarnavarsha, tit., . . . . 161, 162 n. Svamikaraja, ch., . 339 Svarnamanjarl, 8.a. Suvarnamanjarl, dn., 223 Svarppajalesvara, god, . . 100, 101, 109 Svarppapura, 8.a. Sonepur, ca., . 277 Svayambhu, god, . . . 109 Svayambhu, m., . 166 Svayambhukesvara, donee, . . . 167, 169 Svayambha, Samanta-, engr., . . 171 Svayamvara, a form of marriage, 209 Svetaka, tn., . . . 77, 166, 167, 168 Svetaka-Pushkaranf, I., Sybolenee, 8.a. Saivalini, ri. syat, Jaina formula, 76 lanta.ee bara, Svete Page. Sringatika-agrahara, l., 66, 67 Srinidhi, m., . . . . . 178 Srinivasa, donee, . . . 178, 184, 185 Sriparvata, mo., * 21, 38 Sripura, 8.a. Sirpur, vi., . . 62, 63 Srirama, m., . . . . 17, 48 Srirangam Plates of Mummadi Nayaka, Srirangarajukonda (Vedadri), vi., . 36 Srisaila, mo., . 38 Srisailam, vi., . 20, 27 n., 33, 38 Sri Samanta, m., . 166 ari-samanta, off., . 169 Srivimana, . . . 233 n. Sriyadevi, Sena q.,. Sriya Mahadevi, Tel. Choda q.,. . 9 n. Sriyyadevi, E. Ganga q., . 9 n. Sryasraya Siladitya, Gujarat Chalukya k.,. 337 n. stambha, a name suffix, . . sthala-durga, fortress, . 28 St. Petersburg collection of coins, 116 Strato I, Greek k., . 321 n. Strato II, Greek k., . 321 n. stupas, votive-, .. . 172 sa, a Gujarati affix . . . 139 n. Subandhu, au., . . 197 Subandhu, k. of Mahishmati, . 301 n. Subhadresvara, god, 244 and n., 246 Subhakara, Bhauma k., . 76, 247, 248 and n. Subharkara, m., . . . . . 99, 106 Subbatunga, Rashtrakuta k., * 252 Sudaba, s.a. Sudava, vi., . 62, 63 Sudevaraja, k., . 229 n. Sudi Plates of Butuga II, 232 and n. budra, caste, . . . 110 Sugata (Buddha), te. of 229 n. Suja-nadi, ri., . . . 3, 8, 12 Sulhana, k., of Malwa, Sultan Mahmud, 92 Sumeru, mo., . 10 Sun, god, . . . . . . 15 Sun, god, temple of, 131 Sunagara, vi., . . 133, 134, 135 Sunda-kilalapa, demon, 45, 246 Sundara-Chola, Chola k., . 82, 233 Sundarika, vi., . Supratishtha, vi., 158 Supratishthahara, t.d., 157, 159, 160 Sura, 8.a. Surya, . . . . . 229 n. Surambika, Tel. Choda 9., 16, 18, 42 Sura-Nayudu, Recharla ch., . . 32, 33 Surapuram, vi., 26 Surashtra, co., 95, 97, 148 n. Surat Plates, Surat Plates of Sryabraya Siladitya, . . 337 n. 167 t, two signs for, . 166 t, final, . * 63, 132 t, final, symbol for, . . 315 t, final form resembling symbol for . 100, 242 t, doubling of-, before r, . . . 116, 247 i, doubling of--, before y, . 63 ta, . . . . . . . 241 Tabaqat-5-Akbari, wk., 30 n. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, wk., Tadadevi, Sena q., . 9 n. Tadaga-pattana, l., . . . . 99, 101, 105 Tadipaka, 8.a. Tatipaka, vi., . 24 Tagarapura-paramesvara, tit., . . 287 Tailapa II, W. Chalukya k., . . . 181, 287 Takalakhoppaka, vi., . 139, 140, 141, 161, 154 Takali, vi., . . 140 Takaligohan, vi., . . 140, 141 Takkolam, vi., . 61, 84, 230, 232, 234, 236 tala, . . . . . . 30 Taladipika, musical treatise, 30 and n. Talagunda Inscription of Kakusthavarman, 137. 154 n. Talahari-mandala, t.d., Talatthera, vi., . . . . . 267, 268, 264 . . 66, 67 TA

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374 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI 20 91 172 Page. Taloher Plates of Sivakara, . : 247 talekatfu, . . . 59 Talla-Proddatur, vi., Tallaya, m., . . . 17, 47 Talmul Plate of Dhruvanandadeva, 75, 76 and n., 77, 79 n. Tambala-Bommajiyya, ch., . . . 24 Tambattan, m., . . 235 Tandivada Grant of Prithvi-Maharaja, 333 n. Tandradevi (wrong for Tadadevi), 91. Tanjai, Chola ca., . 231 Tantrapala, ch., . . Tara, goddess, figures of Tarikh-i-Burhan-b-Ma 'asur', wk,, 26 n. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, wk., . 25 n. Tala Inscription, . . 70 n. Taradambaka-bhoga, t.d., . 258 Tataka, myth. f. demon . . 245, 246 Tathagata-chaitya,. . . 171, 173 Talipaka, 8.a. Tadipaka, vi., * 24 Tattanadevi, Sena q., . 9 n. Tattvarthasutra, wk., . . . 106 n., 107 n. Tejalladeva, Kalachuri pr., * * * 258 Tejallapura, di. . . . . 257, 258, 267 Tekkali, vi., . . . 133, 174 Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman, , 171 n., 174 Tekkali Plates of Devendravarman I, . 331 Tekkalt Plates of Indravarman III, . . 331 Telingana, co., . 19, 24, 25, 28, 31, 34, 35 and n., 37 and n., Telangana Inscriptions, wk., . 25 n. Telugu Cholas, dy., . . 20, 28 th, . . . . . . . 69 th, redaplicated before y, . 156 th, two signs for, . . 166 th, with the upper loop closed, . 256 . . . . . 229 n. Thakkura, tit., . . . . . Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja, . Tikkali-Vallam, 8.a. Vallala, vi., 114 Tilang, 8.a. Telingana, co., . , 25, 26, 27 timira, tree, . . . Timmapuram Plates of Vishouvardhana I, 337 n. Tiritthana Plates of Chandavarman, . . 133 n. Tirukkalukkunram, vi., . . . , 276 Tirumalavadi, vi.. . . . 232, 233 and n. Tirodi, vi., . . . . 147 Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II, . 137 n., 139, 149, 155 n. Tiruppalatturai, vi.,. 83 Tiruvalandurai-Mahadeva, god, . 112 Tiruvalangadu copper-plates, 114 Tiruvallam, s.a. Vall&la, vi., . 114 Tiruvorriyru,ni. . 231 Page. Tiruvural-Mahadeva, god, 230, 232, 234, 235 Tivaradeva, Somavarsi k., . 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 227, 228, 229, 230 Tomara, dy., . . . . 90, 91, 96, 97 Tomara Nayaka, m., . 91 n. Tondai-mandalam, co., . . 113 n., 164 Torkhede Plates of Govindaraja, .249, 250 Tosali, co., . 240 n. Tottaramuli Plates, 31 Traikutaka, dy., . 301 Trailokyadeva, m., . 307 Tribhuvana Mahadevi, Bhauma q., . . 248 n. Tribhuvanamalladeva Choda-Maharaja, Tel. Choda ch., . . . 9n. Tribhuvanapala, Kalachuri k., . . . 263 n. Tribhuvanapala, m., . . . . . 267, 267 Trilingi Plates of Devendravarman , 63, 65 n. Trilochana-Kadamba, ancestor of the Kadar ba dy., . . . Tripitaka, wk., 317 Tripurantakam, vi., . 28, 29 Tripuri, ci., . . 16, 44, 228 Tripurivishaya, dn., . . 228 n. triratna, symbol on coin, . 150 n. Tritavana, forest, . .. . 122, 123 Trivara, Trivara-nagara, 8. a. Tripuri, ci., 228 Tryambaka (Siva), god, . 257, 266 tuiabhara, ceremony, . . 163 tulapurushadana, gift, . i .' . 163 n. Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatotkachagupta, . . . . 115 Tumbavada, vi., . . . 115, 116, 117, 118 Tundaridhinga, l., . . . . . 278 tunga, a name suffix, . . . . Tungabhadra, ri., . . . . 36, 124 Turushkas, Muhammadans, 16, 29, 44 Tyashtanadevi, Sena q., . 9n. 306 Thakurdiya, vi., . . . 69 228 u, initial, 69 u, medial, virama sign resembling-, . . 108 n. u, medial sign for, . . . 236 u, two signs for-, . . 166 Uchchakalpa, family, . . . 150, 301 Udagayana, 3. a. Uttarayana-sankranti, . 327 n. Udai-prabhu, off., . . 128, 129 Udaipur, Ranas of . 86 Udayaditya, Paramara k., . 178, 179, 180 and n., 181, 182, 183, 184 Udayaditya, W. Ganga ch., 179 Udayaditya, Hoysala pr., . 182 Udayagiri-rajya, co., Udayana, k., i 229 33

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INDEX 375 94 234 113 337 206 Page. Udayana, Somavam si k.,. . Udayapur Stone inscription of the time of Udayaditya, . Udayediram Plates of Madiraikonda Para kesarivarman, . . . 112, 113, 144 n. Udaypur Inscription of Aparajita, . . 241 Uddyotakesari, sur. of Mahabhava-gupta, 77 Ujjain, ca. of Malwa, .. Ujjayani, ci., . . . . . . 78, 80 Ujjvala, m., . . 99, 108 . ulakku, liquid measure, Uma, goddess, . . 105 n. 284 Uma, 8. a. Wunna, ri., 157, 158, 160 Umapatidhara, au., . . . 10n. Umarava, off., . . . . . . 85 Umasvamin, au., . . . . 106 n., 107 n. Umusvamisravakachara, wk., . . . 106 n. Umavarman, E. Kalinga k., 131, 133, 134, 135, 336 Umbaresvara, god,. . . . . 99, 109 Una Plates of Balavarman, . . 191, 192, 196 Una Plates of Avanivarman II, . . 217 Undika vatika Grant of Abhimanyu, . Unnanaka, vi., . upadhmaniya, sign for, . . 63, 156, 203, 322 Oparamala, table land, . . 84 Uparamala, 8. a. Uttamadrisikhara, l., . 101 Uparamvala Antari, 8. a. Amtari, t. d., . 101 uparika, off.,. 12 n., 169 and n., 199 and n., 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 Upasaka, Buddhist disciple, . . . 173 Upasika, f. Buddhist disciple,. . . 173 Upparapalli Inscription of the reign of Gana patideva, . . . . . . 21 n. ur, 'assembly ', . 230, 235 ura, . . . 337 n. Uradagam, vi., , 232, 235 Urlam Plates of Hastivarman, i 66 n. Urodagam, vi., . . . . 232 n. Usaunaka, 8. a. Wasan, vi., . . . 250, 251 Uttama Chola, Chola k., . 82, 83, 112, 113 Uttamachola-valanadu, t. d., . . . 274, 275 Uttamagandachud-Annadevavaram, vi., . 17,38 Uttamadrisikhara, 8. a. Uparamala, . . 99, 101 Uttamasikharapurana, wk., . . . 97 Uttarakasala, 8. a. Ayodhya, tn., . 70, 71, 72, 271 Uttarapuruna, wk., . . . . . 114 n. Uttarayana-sankramana, . 162 Page. Vachaspalya, wk., . . . 157 Vachchhoma or Vatsagulma, ca. of Vidar. bha, . . . . 140 Valala, vi., . . . . . . 210 Vadama, 8. a. Vardhamanapura, vi., . 133 n. Vadauva, 8. a. Balauva, vi., . 100, 102, 112 Vadde Tekkali, t. d., . . . . 20 Vaghli Inscription of Maurya Govindaraja, 311 n. Vahora, 8. a. ancient Vahaula, vi., . 251 Vahula-chaturabiti, 3. a. Vahora, dn., 250 Vaideva, donec, . . . . . 128, 130 Vaidumba, family, . vaijaka, off., . . . 95 vaikshepika, off., . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 Vainyagupta, Gupta k., . . . 139 n., 235 Vaisali, vi., . . . . . . 116 Vaishnavite, a follower of Vaishnavism, . 122 Vaishnavism, rel., the Bhagavata form of --, 136 Vaishnava, sect, . . . . . 121, 136 Vaisinicharana, vi... . . 176 n. Vaibravana, Kausambi k., 298, 299, 300, 301, 302 Vaisravana, m., . . . . . 99, 105 Vaisya, caste, . . . . 99, 105 n., 110, 200 Vajasaneya, branch of the Yajurveda, . , 176 n., 239, 283 n. Vajheshka or Vajhushka, 8. a. Vasishka, Kushana k., . . . . 296 and n. Vajrahasta, Ganga k., 168 | Vajrahasta II alias Aniyanka-Bhima, 8. a. Anantavarman, E. Ganga k., . . . 335 Vajjada II, Silahara k., . . . . 287 Vajjadeva (I), Silahara k., 283, 286 and n. Vakataka, dy., . 51, 138, 140, 141, 149 and n., 150, 151 n., 152 n., 153 and n., 228, 300 n. Vakola, vi., . . . . . . 283, 288 Vakpati, Vakpatinripa or Vappayaraja, Chahamana k., 90, 91, 92, 98, 104 vakula, tree, . 68 Vakula, com., . . . . . 212 Valabhi, co., . . 187, 189 Valengavenada, ri., . 3, 8, 13 Vallabha, m., . 17, 47, 48 Vallabha, lit., . 231 and n. vallabha, off., . 82 Vallabha, Gudaparti, m., 17, 47 Vallabha-Narendra, . . 231 n. Vallabharaja, feud. ch., . 258 n. Vallala, 8. a. Tiruvallam, vi., 112, 113, 114 Vallalasena, Sena k. and au., . 4 and 'n., 6, 7, 11 and n., 12 Vallavaraiyar, tit., . . 230, 231, 233 and n. Valuraka, vi., 339 .. Vamsadhara, ri., . . . . 66 n. Vanahara, ri., . . . . . 8 n. 0,. . . v, indicated by a sign, v, two signs for, . v, used for b,. . . . . 241, 315 . 69 166 50, 86, 171, 242, 256, 276, 283

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376 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI . . Page. Vanamaladinne, vi., 82 n. Vanapalli Plates of Anna-Vema, 26 n. Vanaraja, Chapa ch., . . 190 Vanara-mahadhvaja, 8. a. Sakhacharendradhvaja, Kadamba ensign, 131 n. Vanavasi, ca., . . . . . . 324 Vanga, co., . . . . . . 315 Vanhu, Sena pati, scribe, . 140, 155 Vani, goddess, . . . . . . 38, 41 Vappayaraja, 8. a. Vakpatiraja, Chahamana k., . . . . . 90, 91, 98, 104 Vappuvana, Silahara pr., . 286 Varadaya, m., . . 17, 47 Varaha, god, . . . 39 n. Varaha, Nala k., . . . 52 Varaha, emblem, . 190 Varaha (boar), emblem on seal, 322 varaha, emblem on banner, . 189 n. Varahadeva, min., . . 148 and n. Varahamihira, au., . 117, 158 n., 204 Varalaika, tirtha, . . . . 99, 101, 109 Varana, ancient name for Bulandshahar, 1., 94, 104 and n. Varanasi, s. a. Benares, ci., 60, 69, 73, 269 Vararuchi, au., . 138 and n., 139 n., 161 n., 152 n. Vaiatu, 8. a. Varatroyi, ri., . .. . 204 Varatroyi, ri., . . . . . . 204, 206 Varddhamana, 8. a. Mahavira, Jain pontiff, 88, 99, 103 and n., 106, 107 Vardhamana or Vardhamana-bhukti, t. d., . 315, 316 Vardhamanapura, s. a. Burdwan, ci., 133 and n., 315 Varelapura, vi., . . 257, 258, 266 Varendri-mandala, t. d., 315 Variyur, vi., . . . 275 Varman, family, . 229 Varuna, lord of the Oceans, 39 n., 286 n. vasaka, camp, . . . . . . 239 Vasantapala, s. a. Vastapala, 97 Vasantapura, tn., . . . . . 67 Vasata, Somavarsi g., Vasata, princess of the Varman family, 229 Vaschasa-avritti, dn., . . . 3, 8, 12 Vasishka, Kushana k.,.. . 295, 296 and n. Vastha, 8. a. Vishnu, 122, 123 Vasishtha, rishi, . . 88, 178, 183, 184, 277 Vasishtbiputra, metronymic tii., 298 Vastapala, pr., . 97 Vasudeva, god, . 11, 73 Vasudeva, Chahamana pr., . . . 88, 89, 91 Vasudeva, Kaubambi k., . 304 Vasudeva, m., . . . . 100, 112 Vatamitrasyamin, donee, . 239 Vatesvara, god, 100, 109 Page. Vatodaka, identified with Badoh, vi., 116, 117 Vatsa, co., 303 Vatsa, pr., 140 Vatsa, m., 140 n. Vatsagulma, ca., . . . . . 163 n. Vatsagulma or Vatsagulmaka, 8. a. Basein vi., . . 140 and n., 148, 151, 153 and n. Vatsagulma branch of the Vakatakas, . 148 Vatsagulmi, 8. a. Vachchomi, vi., 140 Vatsyayana, au., . . . . . 338 n. Vattura, vi., . . . . . . 337 n. Vayu Purana, wk.,. 141, 144 n., 151 n. Vatumbi(Vatumvi)chaturaka, dn., . 3, 8, 12 Vedas, . . . . . . . 38, 64 Vedas : Atharva, . . . . . 139, 152 n. Kig, . . . 199, 283, 291 Sama, . . . . . 3, 9, 13, 204, 250 Yajur, . . . 29, 82, 239, 276, 278 * Yajur, black, . 157 Yajur, white, 75, 176 n. Vedadri, vi., . . . . . . 36 Vedagiri-Nayudu, ch. of Devarakonda, Vedagiri, Peda, Velama k., . 31 n. Vedagiri I, Velama k., . . Vedanga, . . . . . . 64 Vedasarman, 8. a. Vilha or Vilhaka, m., . 73 n. vedi, . . . . . . Velama, family, 19, 24, 28, 31 n., 32, 33, 36, 37 n. Velampatan, 8. a. Pilampatan, tn., . . 25 Velugotivarivansavali, wk., . 24 and n., 27 7., 28 n., 31 n., 32 Vema, Reddi k., 20, 25, 37 n. Vemamba or Vemahbika, Reddi princess, 20, 29 n., 39 n. 39 18 54 Vemabhupati, k., . Vemavaram grant, . 32 n. Venau, t. d., . . . 275 Venesika, a slave, 155 n. Vengl, co., . . 20, 21 Venhujja, donee, . 162, 164 Venka, co., . * 244 n. Venkatapur, vi., 59 Venkatesa, god, 59 Venna, Vena, ri., 323 Vibhu, 8. a. Parsvanatha, Jain Tirthankara, 100 Vidarbha, co., . . . . 61, 62, 140, 181, 338 and n. Viddhaya, m.,. * 17, 47 Vidhijja, 8. a. Vidhyarya, donee, . 162, 164 Vidyadhara, off., 70 and n. Vidisa, kingdom, . 161 n. Vigadi, m., . . . . . . 99, 107 . & OU.

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INDEX 377 322 83 Page. Page. Vigraha, or Vigraharaja, Chahamana k., 87, 90, 95, Vindurati, princess, . 315, 317 and n., 318 and n. 97, 98, 103, 104 Vipra, tit., . . . . . 89, 90 Vigraha, Pratthara k., . 280 Vira, 3. a. Mahavira, Jain pontiff, . . 99, 106 Vigraharaja II, Chahamana k., 91 Virabhadra, god, . . 16, 17, 38, 40, 41, 46 Vigraharaja III, do., 93 Virbhadra, Telugu Choda k., 16, 18, 19, 20, Vigraharaja IV, do., . . . 93, 94 29 n., 39, 44 vihara, . . 339 Virabhadra-Reddi, Reddi k., . . 20, 29 n., 39 Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., . . . Vira-Bhanudeva II, Gajapati k., . . 22, 25 Vijayaditya, A copper plate grant of Vira-Chola, 8. a. Parantaka, Chola k., . 83 Chalukya . . . . . .322 Vira-Chola, tit. of Prithvipati II, 113 n., 114 and n. Vijayaditya or Vijayaditya-Prabhumeru, Virachola, Irukkuvel ch., . . . . Bana ch., . . . . 113 and n., 114 Viraja, tn., . . . 77 Vijayaditya, Kadamba k., . 308 virama, sign for- . . 249 Vijayamagha, Kausambi k., 99, 303 and n. Viramadevigar, Rashtrakula q., 230, 235 Vijayamitra, feud. ch., . 319, 321 Vir-Annavota, Reddi k., . 32 Vijayanagara, kingdom, . 19, 20, 29, 30, 32, 33, Virarajendra, Chola k., . . 114, 274 34 n., 35, 37 n., 274 Virasaiva, xect., . 38 Vijayasena, Sena k., . . 1,4 n., 5, 11 Virasena, Sena k., 1, 5, 10 Vikaliksitakalinga, tit., . Virasena, au., . . 60 n. Vikarnapura, s. a. Kotgadah, vi., 258 and n. Virasena, m., . 131, 132 Vikkata, m., . . . . . i 197, 203 Virasimha, sur. of Dusala, Vikramaditya, tit. of Gupta k. Chandra Virasola, Irukkuvel ch., . . 83 gupta II, . . . . . 238 n. Virupaksha I, Vijayanagara k., . 32 Vikramaditya, Bana ch., . . 53, 113 n., 114 Viruparaja, Nala k., . . * 50 and n., 53 Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya k., . 51 Viruparat, do. . . . . . 49 Vikramaditya II, do., . . . . 323 Viryarama, Chahamana pr., 90, 91, 92, 98, 104 Vikramaditya V, do. . . . . 51 n. Visakhamitra, ch., . . . . . 320 Vikramaditya VI, do. ya vyao., . . 179, 181, 182 Visala, Chahamana k., 8. a. Vigraharaja III Vikramaditya-Satyasraya, do., . , . 324 or Visvala, . . . . 92, 93, 98, 104 Vikramarjunavijaya, wk., by Pampa, 285 n. Visa ra, Visari or Visari-nalu, t. d., 17, 20, 38, 40, 46 Vikramarka, Chapa k., . 191 visarga, . . . . . . . 305 Vikramavastkritakamarupa, tit., visarga, wrong use of, . . . . 120 n. Vilha, or Vilbaka, m., . . . 69, 73 and n. visarga, change of -- into 8., . 63, 108 n., 109 n. Vilasatunga, Nala k., . . 49, 50, 51, 53 visarga, omission of- . . . 174 Vilasatunga, Nanda k. of Orissa, 76 and n., vishayapati, off., 12 n., 169, 119, 202, 206, 211, 78, 81 and n. 215, 220 Vilavanaka, 8. a. Vani, vi., . . . 159 vishayesvara, off., 117 Vimarsini, wk., . . 87 Vishnu, god, 15, 39 n., 49, 50, 51, 52, 54 and n., Vinayaditya-Satyabraya, W. Chalukya k., 324 55 n., 68, 69, 92, 102, 103, 106 n., 121, 122, 124, Viniyaka, god, .. . . . 158, 213 157, 184 n., 268, 284 Vinayaka-homa, 8. a. Ganesa-homa, . . 157 Vishnu, 8. a. Vasudeva, Chahamana pr., 88, 89, 91, Vindhya or Vindhyadri, mo., 23, 28, 32 n., 94, 97 95, 96, 151, 203, 217 Vishnugupta, later Gupta k., . 235, 236, 237, 238 Vindhyansipati, Chahamana pr., 90, 91, 98, 104 and n., 239, 242, 243 and n., 244 Vindhyasakti, Vaka taka k., . 139, 140, 141 Vishnukunnin, dy., . . . . 229, 300 n. and n., 142, 143, 144 and n., 148 n., 150, 151 Vishnusmriti, wk., . . . . . 157 n. Vindhyasakti I, Vaka taka k., 147, 148, 151 Vishnusemacharya, donee, . . . . 66, 67 Vindhyabakti II, Vakataka k., . 137, 140, 142, Vishnuvardhana, Malava k., . . 130 n., 131 147, 153 Vishnuvardhana, Iloysala k., . . . 182 Vindhyasena, 8. a. Vindhyasakti, Vakalaka Vishnuvardhana I, E. Chalukya k., 337 n. k., . . . . . . . 147 Vishnvarya, 8. a. Venhujja, doner, 154 Vindhyavalli, tn., . . . 96, 99, 101, 108 Visvala, 8. a. Visala, . . . 93 Vindhyavallika, 8. a. Vindhyavalli or Bijboli, Visvamitra, rishi, . . 178, 183, 184, 245 tn., . . . . . . . 101 | Visvanatha, god. . . . . . 16. 44 4

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378 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI Page. 38 96 . 17, 47 284 Visvanatha, s. a. Visvesvara, ascetic, . Visvanatha, m., . 20 . Visvarupa, m., . . . 69, 74 Visvasvamin, writer, . . . 178, 184, 185 Visvavarman, Malava k., . . 131 Visvesvara, ascetic, . . . 21, 38 Visvesvara, au., . . . 32 n. Visvesvara, m., ." Visvesvara, 8. a. Siva, god. . . . 17, 38 Vitaraga, Jain deity, . . 86, 87, 102 Vithu, Vithubhata, (Vishnubhatta), donee, 167, 171, 175, 176 Vitthaka, m., . . . . 212 Vividhakalpatirtha, wk., . . . . 199 n. Viyakantitra (Viryakamitra), feud. ch., 320, 321 Vizagapatam grant of Anantavarman Chodaganga, . . . . vratas, the five , . . . . 107 n. Vratakhanda, wk., . 312 Vrikadara, 8. a. Bhima, epic hero, . 201, 205 Vriddha-Gautami, ri., . . . 24 n. vriddhi sraddha, rite, . . . 38 n. Vrisha, s.a. Rishbhadeva, Jain Tirthankara, 102 and n. Vpishibhinikhetak, ca., . . 338, 339 Vyaghra or Vyaghradeva, Uchchhakalpa pr., 150 Vyaghradeva, feud. ch., . . . . . 150 Vyaghreraka, vi., . . 99, 101, 106 Vyasa, sage, au, of the Mahabharata, 65, 68, 177, 202, 207 . 168 162 Page. Yama, god of Death, 92, 174 yamakas, use of, . . 146 and n. Yamasmriti, wk., . . . 157 n. Yaminis of Ghazni and the Punjab, tribe. Yasahkarna, Kalachuri k., . 71 and n., 179 n. Yasodharman, Malava k., . 131 and n. Yasoraja, ch., . . . . . 93, 101 Yasovarman, Maukhari k., 131, 181, 241 Yasovigraha, Gahadavala k., . 70, 72 Yavana, Muhammadan, 16 Yayati, Myth. k., . Ye-ta-i-li-to, 8. a. Epthalite, 188 Yetha, 8. a. Jethva,. . 188 Years : Cyclic :-- Bahudhanya, . . . . 162 (hitrabhanu 162 Kshaya, . 128 and n., 129, 183 n. Nandana, . . . 178, 184, 185 Parthiva, . 162 and n. Prabhava, . . . 28, 60, 61, 165 n. Prajapati, . . . . . 60 Pramathin, . . . . . 161, 305 Sarvadharin, Sarvarin, . 24 Saumya,. . . . . . 84 Vibhava, . . . . . 21, 28, 165 m Vijaya . . . . . . 60 Vikarin, 164 and n. Vikrama, . 162, 269, 272 Regnal: 14th, . . . . . . 294 . . . . . . 164 27th, 3 4th, . . . . . . 124, 12 5th, . . . . . 239 5th, . 320, 321 Ganga : 358 . 174, 175 Yogas :Dhriti, * 100, 112 Vyatipata, . . . .. . . 329 n. Yogin, . . . . . . . 16,38 Yogaraja, Chapa k.,. . . 191, 208 Yuan Chwang, Chinese Traveller, 244 and n. Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k., . 232 Yudhishthira, epic hero, . . 31, 65 Yudhishthiravritti, . . . . . 160 Yupa Inscriptions from Barnala, Two - 118 Yuvaraja, tit., . . 116, 141 n., 157, 164, 165, 194, 195, 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 217, 220, 272 26th, 180 W Wadhwan, Chapa ca., . 190, 191, 193, 196 Waghela, clan, . . . Wala, 8. a. ancient Valabhi, vi., 187 Wala seal, . 187 Warangal, tn., . . . 19, 25 Wardha, ri., . . 182 Wasan, s. a. ancient Usaunaka, vi.,. Water-pots, exemption from supply of - Western Ganga, dy., 179 White Huns, . . 188 Wunna, 8. a. Uma, ri., 158 Y 251 155 59 y, secondary form of, 59 y, special form of, . y, bipartite, . . 50 Yadu, Myth. k., 284 Yagesvara-bhattaraka, god (.). 63, 64 Yajnavalkya, a cognomen of Jagusarman 73 n. yajamana, off., Yajnavalkyasmriti, wk., . . 157 Yaksha, Jain deity, . . . 100, 110 1 39 n. | Zafar Khan, 8. a. Daburu Khanu, Muslim ch., . . . . . . . 24, 25

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