Epigraphia Indica Vol 26

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032580/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXVI (1941-42)
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1985

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXVI.
I
अत्नासिमपानश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
NEW DELHI
1985

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Reprinted 1985
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : Rs. 80.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area,
New Delhi-110015

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHÆOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXVI.
1941-42.
EDITED BY Dr. N: P. CHAKRAVARTI
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed by the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India,
1952.

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CONTENTS.
The names of the contributors are arranged alphabetically,
Pago.
118
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ALTRAR, A.S., Prof. :
No. 12. Two Yups Inscriptions from Barnals: Krita Years 284 and 335 . . . ... 27. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli . . 32. Mangraon Inscription of Vishnugupta's time; the year 17 . . . .
39. A Fragmentary Inscription of King Malayavarman . . . . . CHAKRAVARTI, 8. N., M.A.:
No. 17. Bihar Kotra Inscription of Naravarman's time; (Malava) Year 474 . . DAS GUPTA, C. C., M.A.:
No. 23. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Indravarman . . . . . DEBATT, MORESHWAB G., B.A. - No. 34. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Govindaraja: Saka 732. . .
14. Balsane Inscription of the time of Krishna ; Saks 1106 GANGULY, D. C., M.A., Ph.D. :No. 14. Date of Ashrafpur Plato .
. . . . . . GARDE, M. B., B.A.:
No. 11. Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupts and Ghatotkachagupta; G. E. 116 . . GHOSH, A., M.A.: No. 16. Parasuramesvara Temple Inscriptions . . .
24. A Buddhist Tract in a Stone Inscription in the Cuttack Museum .
33. Khadipada Image Inscription of the time of Subhakars GROSBAL, R. K., M.A. No. 5. Two Eastern Ganga Copper-plate Grants from Sudava
6. Kamanli Plate of Govindachandra, King of Kanauj; V. S. 1184 . 18. Dhavalapeta Plates of Maharaja Umavarman . 26. Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman: Ganga year 358 .
31. A Note on the Balasore Plate of Bhanu[datta) . . KHARZ, G. H. :
No. 43. Anoge Plates of Kadamba Jayakesin (II); Saka 1066 . . . . KRISHNA DETA, M.A.: No. 30. Nalanda Seal of Vishnugupta
36. Rajghat Plates of Govindachandradeva; V. 8. 1197 . . LASTMSARATAN RAO, N., M.A. -
No. 49. A Note on the Biroda Plates of (Bhoja) Devaraja . . . . MAJUMDAR, R. O., LT. COLONEL, M.A., Ph.D.:
No. 16. Chittagong Copper-plate of Kantideva . . . . . . . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Prof. :
No. 3. Rajim Stone Inscription of the Nala king Vilasatunga .
21. Kothuraka Grant of Pravarasena II. . . . . . 26. Dongargaon Stone Inscription of the time of Jagaddeva ; Saka 1034 , 28. A Note on the date of the Somavamsi kings of Southern Kosala .
35. Ratanpur Stone Inscription of the reign of Prithvideva II: the (Kalachuri) year 915 41. Date of Mathura Pedestal Inscription of Kanishka
12. Dates of some early Kings of Kausambi . . . . . . » 48. Epoch of the Ganga Erm . . . . . . . . . . 16 14A
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVI
Page. 282
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MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Prof. AND DIKSHIT, M. G., M.A.:
No. 40. A Copper-plate Grant of Silshara Chhadvaideva . . . . MIRASHT, V. Y., M.A., Prof.:-, AND MAHAJAN, D. B.:
No. 20. Basim Plates of Vakataka Vindhyasakti IJ . . . NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., Prof.
No. 13. Gurzala Brahmi Inscription PANCHAMUKHI, R. S., M.A.:
No. 4. Venkatapur Inscription of Amoghavarshs ; Saka 828 . . . PANIGRAHT, KRISHNA CHANDRA, M.A.:
No. 7. Baripada Museum Plato of Devanandadeva, . . .
→ 38. Baudh Plates of Salonabhanja . . . . RAMANATHA AYYAR, A. S., B.A.:
No. 8. A Note on the date of Chols Gandaraditya . . . . . > 10. A Note on the Battle of Vallala; A.D. 911-2 . . . » 22. A Note on the dates of three Rashtrakuta Kinge . .
» 29. Two Records of Parantaka I from Takkolam . . . . RANDLE, H. N., Dr.:
No. 1. India Office Plate of Lakshmanasena SANKALIA, H. D., M.A., LL.B., Ph.D. AND UPADHYAYA, S.C., M.A., LL.B. :
No. 16. An Inscription of Jaitugi: Saka 1188 . . . . . . SANKALIA, H. D., M.A., LL.B., PH.D.
No. 47. A Copper-plate Grant of Chalukya Vijayaditya ; Saka 632 . . SIRCAR, DINES CHANDRA, M.A., Ph.D.:No. 19. Spuriousness of the Nalanda Plate of Samudragupta . . .
46. A Note on the Bajaur Casket of the Reign of Menander . . VASUDEVA PODUVAL, R., B.A.
No. 37. Capo Comorin Inscription of Kulottunga Chola I . . . VENKATARAMANAYYA, N., M.A., PA.D. :
No. 2. Rajahmundry Museum Plates of the Telugu Choda Annadeva . VYAS, AKSHAYA KERTY, M.A., SAMSKRITI PT.
No. 9. Bijholi Rock Insoription of Chahaman Somesvara : V. S. 1226 .
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186 318
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INDEX By H. K. Narasimhaswami, B.Sc., and 8. Vijayaraghavaobari, M.A. Title Page Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections . .
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No. 1. India Office Plate of Lakshmanasena
2. Rajahmundry Museum Plates of the Telugu Choda Annadeva (I)
3. Rajahmundry Museum Plates of the Telugu Choda Annadeva (II)
"
"
19
"
31
"
33
29
39
"
39
29
"
"
39
"
19. Indian Museum Plates of Ganga Indravarman
20. A Buddhist Tract in a Stone Inscription in the Cuttack Museum
21. Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman; Ganga year 358.
22. Dongargaon Stone Inscription of the time of Jagaddeva; Saka 1034
23. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: A.-Grant of the time of Agguka II; [Gupta] Samvat 513
,, 24. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: B.-Grant of king Jaika II
2222222
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LIST OF PLATES.
26. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: D.-Grant of Ranaka of a subordinate Saindhava Branch; G. 8. 555
.. 27. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: E.-Grant of King Agguka III; [Gupta] Samvat 567
"
19
4. Rajim Stone Inscription of the Nala King Vilasatungs
5. Venkatapur Inscription of Amoghavarsha; Saka 828.
6. Two Eastern Ganga Copper-plate Grants from Sudava. A.-Plates of Devendravarman; [Ganga] Year 184
7. Two Eastern Ganga Copper-plate Grants from Sudava, B.-Plates of Anantavarman; [Ganga] year 204.
8. Kamauli Plate of Govindachandra, King of Kanauj; V. S. 1184
*
9. Baripada Museum Plate of Devanandadeva
10. Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatotkachagupta; G. E. 116
11. Two Yupa Inscriptions from Barnala: Krita Years 284 and 335
12. Gurzala Brahmi Inscription
13. Parasuramesvara Temple Inscriptions
14. Bihar Kotra Inscription of Naravarman's time; [Malava] year 474
15. Dhavalapeta Plates of Maharaja Umavarman
16. Vakataka Inscription in Cave No. XVI at Ajanta
17. Basim Plates of Vakataka Vindyasakti II
18. Kothuraka Grant of Pravarasena II
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.. 28. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: F.-Grant of King Jaika II; [Gupta] Samvat 596
,, 29. Palaeographical Chart relating to the date of the Somavamsi Kings of Southern
•
Kosala
30. Nalanda Seal of Vishnugupta
31. Mangraon Inscription of Vishnugupta's time; the year 17
32. Khadipada Image Inscription of the time of Subhakara
33. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Govindaraja; Saka 732 34. Rajghat Plates of Govindachandradeva; V. S. 1197 35. Baudh Plates of Salonabhanja
(wrong for Jaika I).
25. Six Saindhava Copper-plate grants from Ghumli: C.-An incomplete Grant of King Ranaka
36. A Fragmentary Inscription of King Malayavarman
37. A Copper-plate Grant of Silahara Chhadvaideva
.
38. Asoge Plates of Kadamba Jayakesin (II); Saka 1055
39. Balsane Inscription of the time of Krishna; Saka 1106
40. Chittagong Copper-plate of Kantideva.
41. Copper-plate Grant of Chalukya Vijayaditya; Saka 632
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39 39
33
67 72 between pages 78 and 79 to face page
117
120
125
127
131
134
143 .between pages 152 and 153 160 and 161 168 172
176
183
between pages
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33
to face page
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39
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23
39
23
39
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33
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39
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33
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"3
33
to face page
"3
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23
39
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6 and 7 42 and 43
48
56
62
.between pages 214 and 215
to face page
35
64
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33
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to face page
200
206
210
228
239
246
248
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39
.between pages 252 and 253
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to face page
272 and 273 » 278 and 279 281 .between pages 290 and 291 308 and 309 312 317
""
.between pages 324 and 325
220
224
LA

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Page 56, line 7.-For your read got.
33
33
33
32
20
"3
39
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,, 114, f. n. 4.-For Rashtrakutas and their Times read Rashtrakutas and their Times.
115, last line. For 'si' after date read 'is'.
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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
163, line 14 from bottom-Insert a comma after for.
169, f. n. 9.-For f. n. 8 rezd f. n. 1.
171, f. n. 6.-Supply the number 6 for this footnote.
181, f. n. 4.-For Nava-ahasankacharita read Navasahasankacharita.
199, line 4 from bottom.-Read... . presupposes a large kingdom', etc.
199, line 2 from bottom.-For adminisration read administration.
39
"200, text line 10.-For fi: read
fei:.
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64, line 7.-For sattya read sattya (ya).
65, lines 16-17.-For kōsambaḥ read kōśāmraḥ(?)
72, line 3.-For Sri-Chadra(ndra) read Sri-Chandra.
78, line 2.-For Airavaṭṭa read Airavaṭṭa.
do. text line 1.-For Ojjyani read Ojjayani.
100, line 1.-For [Bha]=rathe vara read [Bha]ratheevara.
103, f. n. 7. For संस्कृत read संस्कृत.
106, f. n. 19. — For स्वाषाय read स्वाध्याय.
*1
39
118, f. n. 4.-For vice versa read vice versa.
131, f. n. 5.-For Limakara read Himakara.
134, text lines 2-3.-For Kuttura read Kuttupu. 136, f.n. 9.-For Nandivamran read Nandivarman.
141, line 3-For Akasapadda read Akāsapadda.
141, line 11.-Insert a comma after Brihaspatisava.
141, f. n. 2, line 15.-Insert a comma after Kadambas.
142, f. n. 2.--Supply the number 2 for this footnote.
154, f. n. 2.-Read ' in other', etc.
202, f. n. 1.-For krityō° read krityō°. 204, line 30.-For Jaika II read Jaika I.
207, f. n. 2.-Read the real spelling, etc..
221, f. n. 3.-Read-alōky=āt.
226, text line 34. — For स्मत्तव्यं read स्मर्तव्यं.
» 237, f. n. 3.-For bove read above and for '64 a ter No. 66 read p. 64.
244, last paras-For Panchayat read Panchayat.
245, line 3.-For Panchayat read Panchayat.
245, add at the end of para. 2. [God Kesava or Gopinatha consecrated by a chief or a person or in his name is called after him. The god Mitra-Kesavadeva may have been originally installed by one Mitra or in his name. See the following instances :
(1) Kirti-Gōpināt a installed in the name of one Kirti (S. I.I., Vol. IV,No. 700). 2) Ananta-Gopinatha temple (No. 299 of 1915 in A. R. on Epigraphy for 1916) and (3) Tribhuvanamalla-Kesavadēva (S. I. I., Vol VI, Nos 630, 635.f)C.R.K.).
230, line 12 from bottom.-For daugher read daughter.
236, f. n. 3.-Read' Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar... Purusgupta'.

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viii
Page 270, f. n. 3.-For Rasthṭraküṭa read Rashtrakuta.
275, f. n. 4.-Insert 'of' after 'inscription'.
283. The page number ought to be 283 and not 28.
292, text line 60. - For सामान्येयं read सामान्योयं.
39
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
13
[VOL. XXVI

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XXVI.
No. 1.-INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
BY DR. H. N. RANDLE, LONDON. This is the plate to which Nalini Kanta Bhattasali drew attention in 1927 under the title "The Lost Bhowal Copper-Plate of Laksmana Sena Deva of Bengal,”! and its reappearance fully confirms the conclusions reached by Bhattasali on the evidence of a report (fortunately printed in the Calcutta Gazette, May 14, 1829) of a meeting of the Asiatic Society held on May 6, 1829. From this it appears that Walters, Magistrate of Dacca, had obtained the plate from Golak Narayan Roy, zamindar of Bhabyal and presented it to the Society. Although the
translation' furnished by the Pandit of the Dacca City Court was, as H. H. Wilson, the Society's Secretary, pointed out, almost entirely a product of his own invention, it included a few proper names which are to be found in the present plate,- Jye Seen (Vijayasēna), Goree Pereah (Gauri priyā, line 1), Mulla Seen (Vallalasēna ?), the Sybolenee river (Saivalini, line 23) and Beer Seen (Virasēna, line 6). And the Pandit rightly said that the inscription commences with an invocation of Narayunu." Wilson recognised it as an ordinary land-grant of a Sēna king, reading the date (really 27, as Bhattasali conjectured) as 37, and remarking that the imperfect condition of the plate rendered it very problematical whether it would hereafter be more satisfactorily deciphered." The plate was forgotten for half a century, until Navinachandra Bhadra in his Bhāöyālēr itihāsa (1875) gave a brief account of the finding of it ;' and then again forgotten for another half century, until Bhattasali's article appeared in 1927. In 1930 I turned out from a safe in the India Office Library a number of copper-plates, and ascertained that, with three or four possible exceptions, all had been published. The present plate was one of these exceptions. Subsequent
1 Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. III (1927), pp. 89-96. I published a preliminary notice of the reappear. ance of the plate in the same journal, Vol. XV (1939), pp. 300-302, and the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal then claimed it. It has now been restored to the possession of the Society
Bhattasali points out that the Asiatic Society's proceedings were not printed before 1821. and again not between 1827 and 1829. In 1829 they were printed in the monthly " Cleanings of Science". which, however, may not have included the May proceedings.
Wilson did not allow for the subsequent discovery of other similar plates which supplement the imperfeu. tions of is one.
The relevant passage is at p. 26. I am indebted to my colleague Mr. R. H. Williams, Assistant Keeper at the India Office Library, for the following translation. "At Bhãoyal, amongst the Chandals was a certain Chashi Nigarl who was accustomed to do accounts and had even procured some books. Some time previously he bad found a copper-plate with some characters on it, opposite the aforementioned hermitage of Maghi. At the instance of & zamindar who formerly lived in the place, the late Mahatma Golak Nārāyana Raya Chaudhuri, many attempts were made to read this inscription, but no one was able to identify it. It was sent to a certain learned Englishman of Dacca ; but there too no one was able to decipher it, so it was forwarded to Calcutta. Again in that olty no one could read it, so at last it has been sent to England ".

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
examination, in the light of Bhattasali's article, has convinced me that it is the Bhowal (Bhaōyal) copper-plate. In view of the fact that H. H. Wilson was afterwards Librarian to the East India Company, it is not difficult to suppose that it came to the East India House with him.
Walters' account of the find-spot of the plate is as follows:-" About thirty miles north of the city of Dacca, a few miles above the site of the ancient fortress of Akdala, and a short distance from the banks of the river Luck'iah, is situated Mowza Rajabary, appertaining to pergunnah Bhowal, and included in the modern division of thannah Jamalpore. At this place, on the crest of a low hill, stands an ancient building called by the natives Moggee's Mut (Maghir matha). It is built in the usual pyramidal form of Hindoo muts, but of considerable solidity, and contains a small vaulted apartment... Close to the mut is a tank of some magnitude... At a distance of about two miles to the north-west of the mut stood the palace of Raja Chandal... A large tank called Dunwa Digee, and the scattered remains of old brick buildings, evince that the spot was once the habitation of man.. About forty years ago the accompanying copper tablet was dug up by a Koonch ryot, at a short distance from the mut. It was conveyed to the Bhowal zemindar, Luckhenarain Rae, from whose son, Golucknarain Rae it has now been obtained". These topographical clues should be sufficient, but they are not in fact easily intelligible to a person using modern maps and gazetteers, since Bhowal and "Mowza Rajabary" are unknown to the Gazetteers and are not to be found on modern maps, while the Jamalpur of modern maps is not 30 miles but 90 miles to the north-west (not north) of Dacca. The distance from Dacca, and proximity to the river Lakhya or Lakshya remain the only useful pointers to modern maps. The Lakhya figures on the maps1 as the name of that stretch of river which runs roughly north and south through the Kaliganj and Rupganj sections of the Dacca District. Older maps are helpful, and the map of the western districts of the Dacca Division contained in Volume V of Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal (1875) marks in the Dacca district of the division, " Jaidebpur or Bhowal", and " Bhowal or Nagari". There is no doubt that the former locality is the relevant one as the names of zamindars mentioned in Mr. Walters' account show. The plate must have been found in the extreme north of the Dacca District since Walters located Mowza Rajabary 30 miles north of Dacca and must then have been brought to Jaydebpur (otherwise called Bhowal). The thana Kapasia appears to be indicated as the locality of the find. An account of Bhowal and "Capassia" will be found in James Taylor's Sketch of the Topography and Statistics of Dacca (Calcutta, 1840, pp. 110-118).
The India Office plate is a single plate measuring 13 x 12 inches, weighing 7 lbs., and having 59 lines incised upon it, 30 on the obverse and 29 on the reverse. The seal, projected from the top edge in the shape of an inverted shield or heart, carries the usual Sena device, the image of Sadasiva, 3 inches in diameter, fixed by a stout central bolt almost inch in diameter which projects about inch on the reverse. There is a certain amount of corrosion, which affects especially the proper right side of the reverse, so that the first ten or twelve aksharas of many lines in the latter half of the inscription are more or less illegible. But (as Bhattasali had rightly conjectured)
1 See Survey map-sheets of Bengal (1 mile to the inch-1919), 78. L. 12 and 79. I. 9.
1 See Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers, Dacca (1912), pp. 183 f., under Jaydebpur.
As to Walters' "thannah Jamalpore ", which included the "pergunnah Bhowal", Bengal map-sheet 79. I. 9 shows a Jamalpur and a Jamalpur Chak near and on the Lakhya river in the Källganj part of Dacca District, Neither appears on Hunter's map; but Jumalpoor is marked as the headquarters of a thana on the map in Principal heads of the history and statistics of the Dacca Division (Calcutta, 1868). The same map shows "Joydebpoor or Bhowal" some 12 miles west of Jumalpoor, and Kapasia some 30 miles north of Dacca. Ekdalla is marked about 5 miles north-east of Jumalpoor.

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No. 1.)
INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
this plate so closely resembles the Mādhāinagar plate of Lakshmaņasēnal that the lacune over a large part of it can be supplied from the Mädhāinagar plate. In fact Banerji's and Majumdar's reading and translation of that part of the Mädhāinagar plate which is identical with lines 1-24, 27-34, 43-45 and 49-57 of the present plate render a fresh reading and translation of these passages superfluous, except in so far as the India Office plate happens to supply lacune in the Madhainagar plate. But it seemed more convenient to transcribe and translate the whole. The engraver seems to have made no mistakes in reproducing his copy, although he was not always careful in forming his characters. The usual ambiguities (r, v, ch; 8, 9;h, ng; dh, p, y; some conjuncts; and vowel marks) therefore present occasional difficulty, and in combination with the effects of corrosion) make the reading of some characters, especially in unfamiliar place. names, open to doubt.
The deed was issued by the Mahārājadhiraja Ari-rāja-Madana-Sankara Lakshmaņasonadöva (lines 28 and 57-8). The name of the place of issue has been doubtfully read in the Madhāinagar grant as Dhāryyagrāma. In the present plate it is again doubtful (line 24). The grant is dated on the 6th day of the month Kārttika in the year 27, and was executed by Sankaradhara, the Gauda-Mahāsāndhivigrahika as dúta (lines 57-59). It is a conveyance of land to Pāthaka Padmanabhadõva-sarman, son of Mahādēva[dēva]-Sarman, grandson of Jayadeva-sarman and great-grandson of Buddhadēva[?]-Sarman, of the Maudgalya götra and the Aurva, Chyavana, Bhārgava, Jāmadagnya and Apnavāna pravaras, a follower of the Kauthuma sākhā of the Sama-vēda (lines 45-7). The motive of the gift is to win merit for the Mahādevi ..padovi and the Mahādēvi Kalyāpadēvi (line 48) The land conveyed consists of two adjacent estates, of the annual value of 400 kapardaka-purānas, in the Paundravardhanabhukti, one at least (possibly both) being in the Vațumbi chaturaka of the Vaśchasa (?) avritti of that bhukti. Both portions of land have as their southern boundary Jaladändi, while the village Khivöläpändi forms the eastern boundary of one and the western boundary of the other. That on the west is bounded on the north and west by the Suja-nadi(?). That on the east (which perhaps fell in a different chaturaka) is bounded on the north by Valēngavēnada' (?), and on the east by Simhadāvilli (?), by the southern part of Kaimajagrāvāļi (?) and apparently by a water-exit. The lands conveyed comprised four part-estates (khanda-kshetra) named Kavilli, Chuschall, Gāndoli and Dāhipă. Measurements are given, but they are not intelligible. There is possibly a reference to a 22-hasta unit of measurement. I cannot identify on the maps any of the places named; but the find-spot may indicate that they are to be looked for in the north of the Daoca District.
The invocation and genealogy in thirteen stanzas, identical with those of the Mädhäinagar inscription, occupy the first 23 lines of the plate. The remainder is in prose, with the exception of the dharm-ānu samsinaḥ ślokāh (vv. 14-19)* which are given precisely as in the Mädhāinagar plate up to the point to which that plate is legible. The list of officials addressed corresponds in every respect with that found in other Sēna grants. But the amplification of Lakshmaņasēna's titles which occupies six lines in the Madhāinagar plate is here reduced to two lines (lines 26 and 27, probably corresponding to two of the three illegible lines in the Mädhāinagar plate). Lakshmanasēns is described in both plates as Gaudēšvara-paramēsvara-paramanārasimhaparamabhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja, but the present plate omits the description of him (given in
Edited by R. D. Banerji, with facsimile. in J. P. A. S. B., new series, Vol. 3 (1909), pp. 467-476 ; and by N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 106-116 (Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, 1929). [Bee below p. 9 n. 3.-Ed.]
[See below p. 8 n. 16.-Ed.] and verse introducing the dita (v. 20).--Ed.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
lines 30-32 of the Mädhäinagar plate) as paramadikshita, parama-brahmakshatriya, vikalikritaKalingal and vikrama-va fikrita-Kämarupa. It does not seem, however, that the omission here has any significance. The references to Kalinga and Kāmarüpamade in the verse prasasti (lines 19 and 20) were presumably regarded as a sufficient record.
The date of the inscription, if Lakshmaņasēna's reign was c. 1170-1200 A.D., must be fixed at c. 1197 A. D., and therefore very near the time of his overthrow by Muhammad Bakhtiyar. And this dating cannot be far wrong if we accept as I think we must the solid evidence of four passages in Vallalasēna's Adbhuta-sāgaras (not to mention the colophon found in late MSS. of the royal author's Dāna-sāgara), which give Saka dates for the commencement of the Adbhuta-sägara (1090-1168-69 A.D.), for the completion of the Dāna-sägara (1091-1169-70 A.D.), and for the carly part (not necessarily the first year) of Vallalasēna's reign (10821160-61 A.D.). There is
1 As read by Majumdar. Banerji reads -kalanka. * Here called Prāgiyotinha.
The doubts which have arisen about Lakshmanasēna's date are due to difficulties in the interpretation of two eras (used later but never by the Senas themselves) :
(a) the Lakshmana sanoat, which Kielhorn determined as commencing in 1118-19 A.D. (Ind. An., 1890, p. 1). (b) the atita-rajya Lakshmarasina era used in Asökachalla's inscriptions.
As to (a) there was never any real reason for Kielhorn's very natural assumption that 1118-19 A.D. was the date of Lakshmanasēna's accession. The question whether it is to be taken as the date of his birth or as the date of Vijayasēna's accession, or as the date of some other landmark in Séna history, is still sub judice. But, what. ever the solution may be, it need not prevent the supposition that Lakshmanasena's reign commenced c. 1170 A.D.
As to (6), the interpretation of the atita rajya era as commencing from the overthrow of Lakshmansečna ia in itself the obvious interpretation, and it seems to fit in with facts and probabilities. Contrary views are mentioned in the following note.
• Maintained by R.C. Majumdar, "Chronology of the Sena Kings', in J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XVII (1921), pp. 7-16. and D. C. Bhattacharyya, 'Date of Lakshmanasena and his predecessors', in Ind. Ant., Vol. LI (1922), pp. 145-148 and 153-158. The contrary opinion is maintained by R. D. Banerji in J. A. 8. B., Vol. IX (1913), p. 277. He holde that the Lakshmana sanoaters (1118-19 A.D.) dates from the accession of Lakshmapasēns and that the Abbkachella inscriptions (Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 27) dated in years 51 and 74 of the Lakshmana afsta-rajya era refer to the samo epoch, their dates being therefore equivalent to 1169-70 A.D. and 1192-3 A.D. For a later discussion of the problem see P. C. Barat in J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 1-9. Barat gives four passages from the Adbhuta-sågara which take 1090 Saka as the initial date for various caloulations; and each passage mentions that this is the year in which the Adbhuta-sagara was commenced. It seems quite impossible to reject this evidence. Barat's readjusted chronology is :
Vijayasõna b. 1069 aco, 1006 died or retired . . . . . . . . 1158 Vallalasēna b. 1094 acc. 1168 died or retired . . . . . . . . 1168
Lakshmanasēna b. 1119 acc. 1168 died or retired . . . . . . . . 1182
The scheme is acceptable with the exception of the last date. The present plate shows that Lakshmanaa na Tuled 27 years at least. Minbaj ibn Sirkj in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri states that " Rai Lakhminya" had been on the throne for eighty years when he was attacked by Muhammad Bakhtiyar at Nadiya. Minhaj's statement must mean that Lakshmaņasēna was then 80 years old. This would date the attack in 1198-99 A.D.
D. C. Bhattacharyya, loc. cit., gives the reference to the passages in Muralidhar Jha's edition of the Adbhutasagara (Benares, 1905), pp. 4, 125, 235 and 236.
• See J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XI (1915), p. 347.
* The length of the reign of Vijayasēna (Vallalasēna's predecessor) depends on the reading and interpretation of the date in his Barrackpur plate (Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 282). Banerji read it as 32, Bhattacharyys as 61. Bhandarkar (List, No. 1683; p. 236, note 1) accepts the reading 61, but suggests that the year could be referred to the Chalukya Vikrama era, giving 1137-8 A.D. as a date for Vijayaana. Bhandarkar's suggestion will not fit in with the date given in the Adbhuta-sagara (=1160-61 A.D.) for the early part of Vallalasēna's reign.

Page #16

No. 1.]
INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
then no difficulty in accepting the tradition that it was in fact this Lakshmanasēna, and no other, whose overthrow by Muhammad Bakhtiyār is related in the T'abagāt- - Väsiri, an event variously dated from 1194 to 1207 A.D.
TEXT.
Obverse. 1 Siddham [l*) Om namo Nārāyanāya | Yasyrankė sarad ambud-orasi tadil-lēkh=ēva
Gauri priyā dēh-ārddhēna Harim samā]sritam=a[ bhū]d=yasy=āti. 2 chitram vapuh | dīpt-ārkka-dyuti-lochana-traya-rucha ghoram dadhāno mukham dēvas
tvāṁ sa nirasta-dänava-gajah pushṇātu Panchananah !! [1*] Svar-gGa3 ngā-jala-puņdarikam=amrita-prāvāra-dhārā-griham śpingāra-druma-pushpam-Isvara-sikh
alankāra-muktā-maņih kehir-ambhõnidhi-ji4 vitam kumudini-vřind-aika vaihäsiko jiyan-Manmatha rajya? paushtika-mahā sānti
dvijas-chandramāḥ il 2*]* Tribhuvana-jaya-sambhri. 5 t-arthao-kļiptaih kratubhir=avārita1o-sattriņā="marāņām a janishata tad-anvayē dharitri
valaya-visrinkhala-kirttayo narēndrāḥ 1 [3*]" 6 Paurānibhiḥ kathābih prathita-guna-gaņē Virasēnasya varsē Karpņāța-kshatri-]
yāņām-ajani kua siro-clāma 7 Sämantasēnaḥ kṣitvá nirviram=urvvi-talam=a dhika]tarám2 tripyatā nāka-nadya
m nirņpilkto yēna (yudhyad-ripu-rudhira)-kana. 8 kir[wn]a-dhāraḥ kṣipāṇaḥ!! [4*]ia Virāņām=adhidaivatamiripu-[chamū]-már-ā[oka
ma]lla-vratas-tasmā[d]=vismayaniya [saurya-mash]i[ma] 9 Hēmanta sēno='bhavat 1 kshirõd-adhalr]a-válsaső Vasumati-dēvyā yadiyam yaso
ratnasy=ēva Su]mēru-mauli-mi10 litan) kshauma-sriyan pushyati | 15*] Ajani Vijayasēnas=tējas[7]m rābir=asmāt
samara-vil srima]rānsām] bhūbhritām=. 11 ka-sēshah 11*1 iha jagati xishēhē vēna ramsasya pūrvvaḥ purusha iti sudhāmsau
kēvalam] raja-sav(b)dahi! 6*1 Bhū-chakrar
See Raverty's translation (Bibliotheca Indica, Work No. 78, published in 1881), pages 554-568. Raverty (footnote, p. 359) argues for the date 1194. From the side of Sēna chronology a date near 1198 would seem to be indicated
+ Square brackets are used to indicate what is illegible but has been supplied. Round brackets indicate & Decessary emendation. A single dot enclosed within square brackets indicates an illegible element in an akshara. * Represented by a symbol.
Metre : Sārdūlarikridita. "The Madhāinagar plate has prādara.. I find no authority for either word. [Probably we have to take pra-tri here in the sense of 'to fill'. See Monjer-Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary under pri-eri.-Ed. • Madhāinagarmihasako.
:Madhainagar.raja. Metre : Sārdalurikridita.
This is the reading also in Madhāinagar. 10 Madhxinagar vidhitit.. [Reading in M. adeo seems to be c rita.Ed.] 11 Metre: Pushpitāgrā.
12 [Reading both here and in Madbainagar is clearly -n pi na tarine tripyata, 1.c., not being fully satisfied even after, etc.-Ed.) 1 Metre : Sragdhara.
1 Metre : Sardalavikridita. Metre: Malini.

Page #17

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
12 kiyad-ētad-avṛitam-abhud-yad-Vamanasy-amghriņā Nāgānām kiyad-aspadam yad1= urasa la[ngh]anti güḍhanghrayaḥ | ēk-āhā
13 d-yad-anürur-añchati kiyan-matram tad-apy-amva(mba)ra[m] yasy-et-īva yaso hriya tribhuvana-vyāptya-pi no tripyati || [7] Tasmäd=aśē[sha-] 14 bhuvan-otsava-parvvan-endur-vVallälasena-jagatīpatir=ujjagama yaḥ kevalam na khalu sarvva-[narē]svarānām ēkaḥ 88
15 magra-vidushām-api chakravartti(1) || [8*]*
Chalukya-bhūpala-kul-e[ndu-le]kha
tasya [priy=abhu-]
16 d=va(ba) humana-bhūmir-lLakshmi-Prithivyõr-api Vasudeva-Devakasu[ta]-deh-antara[bhya]m-iva
Parapar10-antaḥpura-mauli-ratnam11
Ramadēvi || [9*13 Etabhyam1 [éri]mal-La
chakreis yan-maya-janma-nissaha
[VOL. XXVI.
17
kshmanasēna-mürttir-ajani kshmapala-Nārāyaṇaḥ milan-nidrāndha-vach-cha[ñchalat | kri-116 18 ahton-adhi-payödhi kalichakam-iva [tyaktvä?] pramugdham] vapuh " [10] DripyadGaudesvara-sri-hatha-harana-kala yasya kauma
19 ra-keliḥ Kälingen-anganābhiḥ0 pratipada dhadas-chakrire yasya yünaḥ yen=
asau Käsirājaḥ samara
20 bhuvi jito yasya nistrimsa2-dhara-bhiruḥ Pragjyotishendras-charana-23ja-rajasa nirmmamē kārmmaṇāni || [11*24 A-kau
1 Mädhäinagar reading doubtful, and unintelligible. Banerji reads asyadarpam, Majumdar abhyudaryam. The India Office plate is clear and intelligible.
The illegible akshara is so read by Majumdar in the Madhäinagar plate. Banerji reads lapsanti.
So read by Banerji in the Mädhäinagar plate. Majumdar reads ēkāhō, remarking that the sign for is not clear, but seems to be intended.
Majumdar reads "nam vyäpy-a, Banerji na-vyäpy-a°. Vyäptyä is clear on this plate. Metre Sürdülavikridita.
Mädhäinagar käraṇendur. Pärvvanendur is clear on this plate.
* Madhäinagar vivudham. India Office plate clearly vidusham.
Mädhäinagar vartti.
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
10 The India Office plate appears to read parapară", not dharadhara as in the Mädhäinagar plate. [Obviously the intended reading is dharadhav-antahpura.-Ed.]
11 Mädhäinagar ratna-. The India Office plate shows clearly the anusvära which the metre demands.
12 Tasya is clear. Majumdar's reading tasya must be mistaken.
18 Metre Upajāti.
14 Illegible in the Mädhäinagar plate.
15 These two syllables, illegible in the Mädhäinagar plate, are fairly clear here. But a mark attached to ya suggests dya. If it is not accidental, rakshed must be read.
16 Mädhäinagar reads milad-vimbänuvachchanchalat-kri°. The India Office plate clearly has milan-ni. What follows is only partly legible, and remains unintelligible. [Reading seems to be -anuva(ba)ndha-chchhalat. -Ed.]
17 The India Office plate is more legible than the Mädhäinagar plate, but I have failed to obtain an intelligible reading.
18 Metre Sürdülavikrīḍita.
1 These two aksharas, apparently illegible in the Mädhäinagar plate, are quite clear here. Majumdar reads
ǎeid.
So also the Madhäinagar plate. The remainder of this pada is illegible in the Madhäinagar plate, except the last three aksharas, read as ve yasya purvvah. The India Office plate, but for one akshara, is legible. [See next note.-Ed.] The last word cannot be purvvah.
31 [Reading seems to be pratipadam-uva(pa)das-chakrirë. The idea is that the king of Kalinga accompanied by his wives often presented gifts to him (even) when the latter was young.-Ed.]
22 Illegible in the Mädhäinagar plate.
23 Illegible in the Madhainagar plate.
24 Metre Sragdhara (not Särdülavikridita, as inadvertently stated by Majumdar).
1

Page #18

INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
Obverse.
HAIRAHMILSINAFRARIERRE25वान 42500RMEMADARMEनाखान्यातना TEMPETIMADARAalaकामकलाकामा
laurIPATEST Regiatiमराजमारवाया Taasaand ERATRIKANSLATION proteinetupitni AR
R EATRE माया लाल
AATA 8NimsutraEAVETERANTERASTRA
संघमासान मा NARMER 10 मामिग माझा
ARA
10 Fakissula land
शाख 12 सापयामेंटर मगा (CREAT
R E माध्ययायामाचारमा जनालामा हानामा 14 Hardwaani बिहानी
as Bना सती उनकी कामाला 16 जामाता व बागायती शास्तालमा 18ELHAHarivamanifi का TARE रामायाला माता श्यति
चाम 20ोलाmaraमाला या
महामाहा नियोजना संघमामातीतारामी शहरमा विहलामाजियातियो यो तालमा मनाला शाट राइमाम अन्यारी THEMANTIMATE Marati
PERITARA 28Tamwali राजधान र सामान 26
मारकासालासपतामहराजाज 28 विमान को मामिला कता पर 28
TETभाया यशाता साहका 80 Faranth indiaHIKH
, 30
ल को EिRMITRATEारमा
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
BOALE: ONE-HALF
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

Page #19

Reverse.
शमगावोग हातात घten 814vlatineer कलमाला राहतमान शाकानियकाल
HASHA मा मना HEARHETA Brinanime PETER मानवी 34 SHAH TRAi H ai
माजी महाशा 98 A BITTER. तहानायक शमशारा 38
R ETARYAगानन्यात कामूक मारावावा. 98THACatalya SRDAR
नातामा 38 READ TESH
मामला सामना 4022ndustr alia AERNEजा शाहजहाजात 40
Naid कोलायतिमामारीका 42 Mine
मा पनि जानुपातसयामाझमा काजल भरा Exay in mins रामाTHE 4EMission N SAR कपाताडावर HEAD
NERATE IN यानक जाता
9
.
LARSHED
ARTIONमातमी वातान 48. Ram RFT जायाराम
AHADEMORE Datauntyाराकाशमा हात मिशन माता। 50 Inमहामनीdstiate
सवाल esta WAITI55 भाताला मीत्र 621Hinmastratilsकामशान
inspiratnaSITARA 54 sharinfor SHARMATMASATER समापन
His LEAST शायमा TRAINMEANIN. STMERARARIAT
I
ज्ञात लोट 58 MAAVAG का
मजहबदलामाका 58 LeARALAMRAPी महान ERATORS

Page #20

No. 1.)
INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
21 mära samara-jayinä kurvvat=õrvvīm=avīrām=ētēn=āmi katham-iva disām=i[4]itāro
vimuktah'l [a]shta[.Jangē va22 pushi kalayā tasya të-shtau pravishţāḥ pra[dhva]stēti prabhavati na bi kshattriya
päm kripanah || [12*] Yatr=ärāma-druma-dala-[ru] 23 chă Saivaliny=arddha-spingāḥ (pra)syandy-ambho-janapada -guņair=yēshu [r]āmāñchitā
bhūḥ prāņān muñchanty=avanipatayo 24 no cha naryän-anēna grämäs=të tē sapadi dadirë kõtisaḥ sāsanāni? || [13*]*
Tē khalu........grāma'-parisara-sa25 măvā[sitja 10grima[j-jaya-skandhjāvårū[t] paramēsvara-parama-Vai[shnjava-params
bhattāraka-mabārāsjädbirä]ja-sri-Vallā. 26 lasēna-dēva-pādānudhyā[ta-] vi....ra-jagad-dhanya-Ma[m]dara-pramathita-sõma'-sama
rasagara-samas-aditya-Sril.] Lakshm=iva" Sē27 na-kula-kusēsha(sa)ya-vikäsa-vasarakara 13-Gaudēsvara-paramosvara-parama. Narasimha
parama-bhattāraka-mahārā. 28 jādhirāja-brimal-Lakshmaņasēna-dēva-pādā vijayinah samupagat-āsēsha-rāja-rājanyaka
rājñi-rā[naka-rā]29 japutra-rājāmātya-mahāpurõhita-mahādharmmādhyaksha-mahäsändbivigrabika-mahäsēna
pati-mahāmudrādhi[kļi)30 t-ántaranga - v(b)şihaduparika - mahākshapatalika - mahāpratihāra - mahābhõlgika - mahā-)
pīlupati-mahāganastha-dauḥ1 Those two padas, illegible in the Mädhäinagar plate, are fortunately clear.
* First akshara illegible. The omitted character in the third akshara looks legible but I have failed to identify it. The metre requires a conjunct consonant. [Possibly ashta-prange and used as qualifying vapushi.-Ed.]
. [Reading may be prahvibhüte.-Ed.]
In these two padas again the India Office plate supplies the lacuna in the Madhinagar plate. Metre Mandalranta. • I would read Sairaliny=ür[d]dhva[ganga) sasya-vyāja[j*janapada.-Ed.]
The India Office plate supplies with certainty the last four syllables of the first pada, and (less certainly) the whole of the second pada. It supplies the second half of the third pada and the whole of the fourth pada, illegible in the Midh&inagar plate. Naryan however remains unintelligible. [Reading is naryav-anëna, narvau meaning the two objects of human desire, viz., heaven and earth.-Ed.)
Metre: Mandakränta.
Majumdar reads nirgate khalu Dhäryyagráma-, etc. It seems clear that the India Office plate follows the Madhainagar plate in this line. But ni is followed by a punctuation mark, apparently read as orgao by Majumdar. The akshara following the punctuation mark can only be read, with Majumdar, as te. It is the demonstrative pronoun anticipating Lakshmanasinadēva-pădā) in line 28. The place-name may be the same as in the MädhäiDagar plate. As it stands I should read Phupphagrama. But corrosion produces such strange effects that what now looks like Phu might once have been Dha. Superscript r easily disappears, so that the second akshara might be -ryya.
10 From this point up to the word Gaudēévara in line 27 the Mädhāinagar version, so far as legible, differ widely from the present inscription. These two and a half lines (25-27) of the India Office plate replace no less than seven lines (25-32) in the Mädhäinagar plate (three of which are altogether illegible). The lines omitted in the India Office plate include references to Lakshmaņasēna as having "crippled " Kalinga and subdued Kimaripa
1 [To me the reading appears to be dhyāto nija-bhuja....... Mandara-pramathit-asima-.-Ed.] 11 [Correct reading is samasidita-Gauda-Lakshmika-.-Ed.)
1. For the preceding phrase compare the Edilpur grant of Kētavasēna, line 41, Sena-kula-kamaia-vikard. bhaskana. From the word Gaudēdvara up to the middle of line 34 the present inscription is identioal with the corresponding part (line 33-39) of the Mädhāinagar plate.

Page #21

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
Reverse. 31 sādhi[ka]-chauro[ddha)raņika-nau-vaba)la-hasty-asva-go-mahish-āj-āvik - ādi - vyāppitaka
gaulmika-dandapāsi32 ka-dandanayaka-vishayapaty-ādin anyāms-cha sakala-rāja-păd-opajivino='dhyaksba
prachär-oktān-ih-äkirtti. 33 tan chatta-bhatta-jātiyān janapadãn kshētrakaran vrā(brā)hmaṇān yrā(brā)hman-õttarão
yath-arham månayanti võ(bo)dha34 [yanti) samădisanti cha matam-astu bhavatam yatha sri-Paundravarddhana-bhukty.
antahpāti-Vābchas-āvsitty-antarggata-Vatumvi'-chatu35 rakē pūrvvē Khāvölāpāndiḥ simāldakshiņė Jaladāņdi [h] simā paschimē
Sujanadie simā uttarë=pi tatha 36 [simā l ittbajn=chatuḥ-sim-āvachchhinnah Kavilll-Chunchali-Gandoli-Dəhipat -khanda-kahētra-samēta-Väpa.
.........chaturakā pūrvēl (Tr]adapāsalamvanni10-bhū-sūtra-dvayam Simhadāvilli tathā Kaimajagrāvāļi' paschima-ka. 38 ndas-tatha..............jiprastariyat.cbatuh-sūtra.bbūs=taj-jala-nirggama-jābrah" sima
daksbiņē Jaladāņdih sima 39 paschimē Khāvõ[lāpāņdiḥ si]mā uttarē Valēngavēnadah" simā | itthan=chatuh-sim
āvachchhinno mā40 .....
....makësa-dēva-dēšah | ittham=ētāv=upari-likbita-bhū-sim. avachchhinnau (11? dvāvimsati-hastē.
37
.....
The initial vowel follows. There is a tendency to separate the different categories in this list by not apply. ing sandhi, and by using a punctuation mark (a dot or short upright line).
• Vaschala is an improbable name. The second akshara remains doubtful. And, but for the fact that avritti is always read in Sěna plates the name of an administrative division of land I should have read the last three akshara as ci-fitty.
Vafumvimbi) seems clear.
This is clear. The same name appears to occur in line 39, in describing the western boundary of the second lot of land granted.
This is clear. The name recurs in line 38. in describing the southern boundary of the second lot of land granted
• Reading doubtful. The character read d could be h or d.
I take these to be the names of four separate khanda-kshetrus, and I find confirmation for this assumption in the phrase khanda-kahētru-chatushaya in line 42. The names are quite legible. There appears to be a danda after each name.-Ed.)
• Perhaps Ripa®. • There is no trace of the doubling of v.
1. This appears to give the name of a field. I am indebted to the Editor for the reading bh istra-drayani Simhadāvilli.
11 [To me the reading appears to be Chēmadagrārati.-Ed.] 11 This seems to conceal & place-name.
13 The partly obliterated mark below the character & is probably . But the neaning of sūtru remains obscure in such a compound.
11 -jäsrah conveys no meaning to me, but I cannot read it in any other way. (To me the reading appears to be janal for Skt. yanah --Ed.)
15 What remains legible suggests this reading. The same village has been mentioned above, line 35.
16 [Reading seems to be Vanahara-nadah which may be identical with the river Banar, N. N. E. of Jaydevpur --Ed.)
11 The mark which I have taken as a punctuation sign is an unusual angular mark.

Page #22

No. 1.)
INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
41 [na parimitah]'....
..va-bhū-samēta-kākino dvāvimšati-yashțy. adhika-pädik-õpēta-dronik-anvita 42 ........dasa.......... .......... kau samvatsarēna kapardaka-purāņa-bata
chatushtay-otpattikau khanda-kshētra-chatushțaya-sa43 [mējta................................................. ........... kiyad=ēka
bhū-bhāgau sa-jhāta vitapau sa-jala-sthalau sa-gar[tt-Ösha44 rau sa-guvāka-nārikēlau sahya-das-āpa]rādhau parihțita-sarvva-pidāv=a-chatta-bhatta
pravēśāv=a-kinchist-pra-] 45 [grāhyau triņa-yūti-gb]charal-paryantau Buddha]dēvasarmmaṇaḥ prapautrāya Jaya
dēvasarmmaṇaḥ pautrāya Mahādēva46 [dēva]sarmmaņah putrāya Maudgalya-sa-gotrāya Aurvva-Chyavana-Bhārggava-Jäma
dagny- Apnavāna-pravarāya? Sama-vēda-Kauthuma. 47 sā[khā]-charan-ā[nudhyāyi]nē Pāțhaka-sri-Padmanābhadēvasarmmaņē pu[nyē-ha]ni
vidhivad=udaka-pūrvvakam bhagava48 [ntam Sriman-Nā]rāyaṇa-bhattara]kam=uddisya mahādēvi.........pādēvi-mahādēvi
Kalyanadēvy[0]} [punya-prā]pti-ni. 49 (mittam)........
....samastēna sata-chatushţay-otpattikām bhūmim=utsșijy=ā-chandr-ärkka-kshiti-sama-kalam yava50 d-bhūmi-chchbidra-Jnyäyēna tämra-šāsanikristya praldattāv-a.gmäbbiħ tad-bhavadbbiḥ
sarvvair=ēv=ānumantavyam | bhāvi. 51 [bhir-api nsipa]tibhir=apabaraņē naraka-pāta-bhayāt pälanē dharmma-gauravāt sāsanan
idam pālaniyam [1] bhava52 nti cb=ātra dharmm-ā[nuśamsinah] slökāh | Bhūmim yaḥ pratigshṇāti yaś=cha bhūmim
prayachchhati ulbhau tau) punya-ka[rmmā]ņau ni. 53 yatam gvarga-gaminau || [14*) Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha dattā rājabbih Sagar-ădibbih
yasya yasya ya[dā bhūmis) tasya tasya] tadā
1 If -na is present it is a subsequent addition above the line ; parimitah is vaguely outlined on the damaged surface, I think. But the reading is conjectural.
' I owe the reading of the fifth pravara-name to the Editor. Dr. N. K. Bhattasali had suggested that either Vatsya or Savarnna is required as the götra, in view of the first four pravaras. At that time the name of the fifth pravara had not been read.
In this name the first akshara is so ambiguous that I do not venture to read it. It must give the name of one of the two queens. The first akshara resembles Sri; but this gives no intelligible name. It is possible that an initial vowel has combined by sandhi with the last vowel in mahadevi. [The correct reading is Sri(Sri)gadevi, & name not unfamiliar in inscriptions. A Telugu inscription in the Bhimēsvara temple at Dräkshārame, dated Saka 1050, mentions Sriyyādēvi, the mahadēvi of Anantavarman(-Chodaganga). (8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1195). Another Telugu record in the temple of Késavasvāmin, on a hill near Konidena, dated Saka 1075 gives Sriyamahadevi as the name of the mother of the Telugu Choda chief, Mahimandalesvara TribhuvanamalladevaChode-Mahārāja (8. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 634).-Ed.)
I have no doubt that two queens are meant. The termination, as the plate now stands, looks like the singular (Kalyānadēvyā)); but there is room for the additional stroke which would turn this into -devyöh. UD. fortunately, the names found in other plates for Lakshmanasēna's consorts are diversely read. In the Sabity Parishad plate of Visvarūpasēna (line 25) Banerji reads Tattanadēvi, Majumdar T'yashtanadēvi. In Who Edilpur plate of Késavasēna (line 23) Majumdar read the name of Lakshmanasēna's other consort as Chandridevi, but in the Madana pādā plate of Visvarūpaséna (line 21) he reads it as Tadadevi, while Vasu reads Tandndevi. [I would read the name of the queen in l. 25 of the Sahitya Parishad plate as Srimaty=Alhanadeur. The name of the queen in l. 21 of the Madanapādā plate is certainly Tādādēvi as read by Majumdar. If the name road w Chandrādēvi in the Edilpur plate of Késavaséna 1. 23, is identical with Tādadēvi, which appears porsible, the Sons records so far known have furnished the names of at least four queens of Lakshmanagēna, viz., Sriyadovi, Kalyāṇadēvi, Alhanadēvi and Tāļādēvs. See the following noto.--Ed.)

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10
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
54 phalath(lam) | [15] [Asphöjayanti pitaro valgayanti pitämahal | bhimid-atkulē jātaḥ sa nas-trata bha]vishyati || [16] Sha
55 [shtim] varsha-sahasrani sva]rgge tishṭhati bhumidaḥ | akshēptā ch-anumanta cha [ta]ny-eva narak[e vaset] [ 17*] Svadattam paradaṭtām vā [yō] 56 [ha]rēta vasundharam(rām) | [sa] vishṭhāyām krimir-bhūtva pitribhiḥ saha pachyate [18] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(bu)-vi(bi)ndu-löläm śriyam-anuchintya
57 [manushya-vital-cha | [sakalam-idam-udährital-cha vu(bu)ddhvi na hi purushaib para-kirtayo vilōpyaḥ || [19] Ari-rāja-Madana-Sankara-narapatir-akaron-mantri-sata-mukhyam(khyam) [*] Sankaradharam=ihu dutam Gauḍa-mahasandhivigrahikam(kam) [ 20*1
58
59 Sri ni maha[-sa]m ni | śrīma[d-rā]ja ni[?] | śri-Madana-Sankara ni. | śrīmat sanga. samaya-ni. | sarh. 27 ka. dinë 6.
TRANSLATION.
Success. Om. Adoration to Nārāyaṇa.
(V. 1) May the god Pañchanana give you prosperity, in whose embrace his beloved Gauri is like the lightning flash on the bosom of an autumn cloud, whose resplendent form rests with half his body in Hari; who makes his countenance terrible with three eyes shining like the burning sun; who as a lion (pañchanana) has vanquished the elephants who are the dänavas."
(V. 2) Victory to the Moon, the lotus in the stream of the heavenly Ganges, the fountain of ambrosia-showers, the flower on the tree of love, the pearl adorning the head of the Lord;-(the Moon) whose being is from the milky sea and who alone can make the lotus-clusters smile, the priest in the great rite which augments the kingdom of Love.
(V. 3) In his (ie., the Moon's) line were born princes who offered sattras to the Immortals incessantly, the sacrifices being performed with the wealth gathered during their conquest of the three worlds; princes whose fame was not confined within the girdle of the globe.
(V. 4) In Virasōna's family, the tale of whose virtues is told in Pauranic histories, Samantasōna was born, a garland on the brow of the race of Karṇāta kshatriyas-who, being fully satisfied after leaving the face of the earth without a warrior, cleansed in the heavenly stream his sword, its edge dripping with the blood of opposing foemen.
(V. 5) From him was Hemantasēna, the presiding deity of warriors, whose sworn purpose was the destruction of the armies of bis enemies, whose majesty and might were objects of wonder; whose fame, like a jewel in the crown of the Sumeru mountain, bears the beauty of the silken (upper) garment of the goddess of Earth, the lower being the milky ocean.
1 [Metre: Arya; the second pada is short by one syllabic instant.-Ed.]
The reading and interpretation of sanga-samaya-ni are doubtful. See the footnote to this line in the transla.
tion.
I am indebted to the Editor for the reading of the aksharas °s-tväm sa, and for the now intelligible translation of this clause.
[See above, p. 5 n. 12.-Ed.]
Märänkamalla is, as Majumdar points out, parallel to Märänkavira in the Deōpara inscription (line 10, there also applied to Hemantasena), and occurs in a verse ascribed in the Saduktikarṇamrita to Umapatidhara, the poet who composed the Dööpära inscription (J. P. A. 8. B., 1906, p. 161, verse 5, referred to by Majumdar, p. 193). Since verses 4 and 6 of the Mädhäinagar (and India Office) plate are parallel to verses 5 and 16 of the Dööpara inscription it has been suggested that Umapatidhara is the author also of this prabasti. See J. P. 4. 8. B., Vol. V (1909), p. 469 (referred to by Majumdar, p. 107).

Page #24

No. 1.)
INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
(V. 6) From him was born Vijayasēna, a mass of splendour, the only remainder of princes moving about in battles, by whom the name "King" was suffered in this world only in the case of the Moon, as being the progenitor ancestor of his house.
(V. 7) His fame is not satisfied with even the pervasion of the three worlds, (thinking) as it were with shame : “How extensive could the circuit of the earth be which was covered by the foot of the Dwarf! How large the abode of the Nägas (ie., the nether world) which the serpents traverse on their bellies ! How spacious the sky which the thighless one (i.e., Aruna) crosses in a single day!"
(V. 8) From him issued Vallalasöna, lord of the earth, full moon of the whole world's rejoicing, who was sole suzerain pot indeed of all princes alone but also of all learned men.
(V. 9) Rāma dövi, the crest.jewel of far and near harems, the crescent moon of the family of the Chalukya princes, who was an object of deep veneration even for Lakshmi and Prithivi, was his consort.
(V. 10) From these two, who were as Vasudēva and Dēvaki themselves re-incarnated, was born Nārāyana bimself in the form of the illustrious King Lakshmaņasēna,........3
(V. 11) Whose sport in youth was the art of taking away by violence the fortune of the proud King of Gauda; whose....when a young man were made by the prince of Kalinga by means of women ;' by whom that king of Kāśl was defeated on the field of battle ; fearing the edge of whose sword the lord of Prāgiyotisha performed magic rites with the dust from his feet.
(V. 12) How has he, who has from his very boyhood been victorious in battles rendering the earth empty of warriors, spared the guardians of the regions? (Because) these eight have entered his body consisting of eight principal parts, each according to his share (kalā) and the sword of kshatriyas does not act when (an enemy has) already fallen (or has sought refuge).'
(V. 13) Where, with the beauty of the foliage of the garden trees, are) the half-curves of the Saivalini, in which the eartb is thrilled with the beauties of the denizens of the moving water. Princes lose their lives, but not thereby (the merit of their gifts). These villages [and] royal charters in tens of millions at one time have been given.
1 (See above, p. 6 n. 10.-Ed.]
*[The idea apparently is that the king had several consorts among whom were counted also Lakshmi (1..., sovereignty) and Prithivi (i.e., earth, territory). The last two were held in high esteem, but Ramadevi was respect. ed even by them. With this description of Vallalasēna we may compare that of Dilipa in Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa, I, 32: "Kalatravantam=ātmānam=avaródhe mahaty-api tayā mēnë manasvinya Lakshmya cha vasudhadhipah II", to which Mallinātha's comments are: "tay, Sudakshinaya, Lakshmya cha......Vasudhadhipa itywanena Vasudhaya ch=ēti gamyate."--Ed.)
The reading of the rest of verse 10 is too uncertain to admit of translation.
•The reference to Kalinga remains unintelligible, in the absence of a complete reading. I conjecture the meaning to be that tribute on pratipad days in the shape of a gift of women was paid by the ruler of Kalinga to Lakshmanasēns, when the latter was a young man. There is no evidence of Lakshmaņasēna's sporting with or receiving gifts of Kalinga ladies. See above, p. 6 n. 21.-Ed.)
• The reference is obscure. (Kamarupa is traditionally famous for sorcery.-Ed.] . fof. ashtanan dik-palanan mátrábhir=nirmmito nipah. Also Manuemriti, VII, 4-7.--Ed.) * The translation follows the Editor's reading. See above p. 7, nn. 2, 3.-Ed. .Naryan is clear, but not intelligible. [Read maryav. See above p. 7, n. 7.-Ed.)
• The construction is at least awkward, and leads me to suspect that I have misread something. According to my reading the translation would be: where the river is like the heavenly Ganges (i.e., Mandakini) on account of the beauty of the gardens and foliage (found along its banks); where the earth, on account of the merits of the country (janapada), is so thrilled that her hair stands on end in the guise of the (standing) crops; (where) the rulers would fain give up their lives but not the two supreme objects of desire-heaven and earth-and therefore divers villages were given by them) in great numbers by means of granta.-Ed.]

Page #25

12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
(LI. 24-28) His Majesty, from his illustrious camp of victory pitched in the environs of.......! -grima, meditating on the feet of the mighty prince, the devout worshipper of Vishnu, His most excellent Majesty the King of Kings Vallalasõna-döva :-His most excellent Majesty the King of Kings the victorious Lakshmanasõna-döva, the Moon churned up by Mount Mandara out of the wealth of the... world, the Aditya of battles, the Sri of the ocean (of knowledge); the Lakshmi of word-composition, the sun that opens the lotus of the Sēna family, the lord of Gauda, the mighty prince, the devout worshipper of Narasimha :
(Ll. 28-32) to the assembled chiefs, chieftains, and queens, the Ränakas, the nobles, the royal councillors, the Chief Priest, the Minister for Justice, the Minister for Peace and War, the Commander-in-Chief, the Keeper of the Seal, the Antaranga, the Brihaduparika, the Superintendent of Accounts, the Chamberlain, the Mahābhogika, the Mahāpilupati, the Mahāganastha, the Daussādhikas, the Superintendents of Police, those in charge of ships, troops, elephants, horses, cows, buffaloes, goats, sheep and the like, overseers of forests, Dandapädikas, Dandanāyakas, officers in charge of districts (vishayapati), etc., and all other servants of His Majesty named in the list of officials and not here mentioned
(L. 33) to persons belonging to the Chatta and Bhatta class, to the people in general, cultivators, Brāhmaṇas, and the chief Brāhmaṇags_
(LI. 34-37) (His Majesty as aforesaid) sends greeting As is fit and notification and command:Be it noted by you that (two parcels of land, as follows) (1) in the chaturaka Vaţumbi which forms part of the avritti Väschaba (?) situated in the bhukti Paundravarddhana, land bounded on the east by Khāvālāpāndi, on the south by Jaladándi, on the west and likewise the north by Sujanadi(?)-the land] thus defined by four boundaries, together with the part-lands Kaville, Chunchali, Gandoli and Döhipă ;
1 See above, p. 7, n. 9.
* Sågara may have a double reference to (1) the sea, from which Sri emerged at the churning of the openn, (2) the four sågaras or encyclopædias composed by Vallalasēna (Adbhuta , Danao, Pratishthio and Achara-adgara),
although Lakshmanasēna was part-author of the first only. [According to my reading this portion should be translated as : who has obtained the sovereignty of Geuda by churning the boundless ocean of battles with the Mandara (mountain) in the shape of his own arm. ... See p. 7, notes 11, 12.-Ed.)
* It is not to be supposed that any of the officials and others to whom the rescript is addressed were in fact assembled. The list appears to cover four categories
(a) the court or personal entourage of the King, (6) the great Ministers of State, usually marked by the prefix Maha-, (c) officials not of the highest rank, probably intended to be specified in the plural (from daussidhika to
vishayapati), (d) petty officials and the general public.
Adhyaksha-prachára is the title of the chapter on officials in the Kaufiliya Artha-datra. There was no doubt a Séna Civil List defining the various officers and their duties.
Majumder (op. cit. pp. 182-188) has an appendix on terms denoting official titles in Sēna inscriptions. Ho relies in the main on J. P. Vogel's Antiquities of Chamba State: Part 1, Inscriptions of the pre-Muhammadan period (Arch. Survey, New Imperial Series, Vol. XXXVI, 1911); referring also to the Mahävyutpatti (Csoma de Koros ed. and transl., 4. 8. B. Memoira, Vol. IV. No. 1, 1910, PP. 29-35) and other sources. The following among his references may be mentioned in particular.. Antaranya, court-physician (Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 43); Uparika (Brihaduparika), viceroy (Vogel p. 123 ; Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 113 ff., the Demodarpur plates); Gaulmika (Vogel p. 127; Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 263 ; Gupta Inscr., p. 52; Mahavyutpatti, p. 33); Chaffa, head of a pargana (Vogel pp. 130-132; Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, 296, 299, ibid., XI, 19, 296, 299): Chauröddharanika (Vogel p. 129): Dandapse fika one who holds the rod and rope' (Vogel, p. 129); Bhatta (Vogel p. 132; Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 18; and reference to Mahavyutpatti, p. 31); Mahakshapatalika (Vogel p. 133); Mahäpilupati (Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, 43; Mahävyutpatti, p. 30); Mahapratīhāra (Vogel p. 135; Gupla Inscr., p. 190); Mahabhogika or Mahabhögapati (Vogel p. 130; Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 253, note 6).

Page #26

No. 1.]
INDIA OFFICE PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
13
(Ll. 37-40) (2) in the chaturaka............, land bounded on the east by two sutras of land and Simhaqavillt situate in................, also by the southern portion of Kaimajagravadi, also by the water-exit situate in....................; on the south by Jaladändi; on the west by Khåväläpändi; on the north by Valõngavēnada,' tbe land thus defined by four boundaries and being the demesne of..........makosa-dova,
(Ll. 40-43) (these two parcels of land) thus measured and defined each by its own boundaries above mentioned,....
.......comprising a drönika and one quarter plus 22 yashtis ..........................................by the 22 cubit (measure)....... ......producing 400 kapardaka-purānas annually, with the four part-fields.......... ...... being two parts of one estate, with undergrowth and saplings, water and dry ground, broken ground and barren ground, betel and cocoanut trees ; saving the ten sins (?). exempt from all annoyances, without right of entry by Chattas and Bhattas, free from all dues, with grass, yüti, pasturage and boundaries :
To the Pathaka Padmanbhadova-sarman, follower of a school of the Kauthuma branch of the Sāma vēda, of the Maudgalya götra and the Aurva Chyavana Bhargava Jåmadagnya and Apnavāna pravaras, son of Mahädēvadēva-sarman, grandson of Jayadēva-barman and greatgrandson of Buddhadēva(?)-farman :
(Ll. 48-50) on a holy day, in due form, with the water-rite, in the name of the holy one, the glorious lord Nārāyana, to win merit for the Mahadevi... pådovi and the Mahadevi Kalyanadövi
We renounce for so long as the Moon and Sun and Earth endure..................this land producing in all 400 (kapardaka-purānas,) and by the bhumichchhidra rule, having turned this into a title deed on copper We hereby give it.
(Ll. 50-51) This is to be observed by you all without exception. By princes to come also this charter is to be maintained, from the fear of being cast into Hell if they should take away (the land granted) and from the high esteem of virtuous conduct if they maintain it. And in this connection there are verses enjoining (such) virtuous conduct : [Here follow six of the customary verses.]
(Ll. 57-58) The King, Ari-rāja-Madana-Sankara, has made the Gauda-mahäsāndhivigrahika Sankaradhara, chief of a hundred councillors, his agent.
(L. 59) His Majesty's secretary. The Mahāsāndhivigrahika's' secretary. The secretary for the royal documents of His Majesty the King the illustrious Madana-Sankara', In the year 27 on day 6 of Kärttika.
(Chemadagrävafi? See above p. 8 n. 11.-Ed.) *[See above, p. 8 n. 16.-Ed.]
[See above, p. 9 n. 3 and n. 4.-Ed.) Ari-raja-Madana-Sankara was the special title assumed by Lakshmanasēna. See, for example, the Edilpur copper-plate of Kobavasõna, line 43.
Sri I take to be a symbol for royalty (the King) here.
• The abbreviation ni appears to correspond to the final syllable in karanani found in the last line of other Sēna plates, and to have some such meaning as is conveyed in the translation secretary'. [This abbreviation probably stands for nibaddham.--Ed.)
Abbreviated here, Mahasam.
Sanga-samaya ni is obscure. I take it to mean "secretary for completed contracta", registration officer. (I was inclined to read singa-sa[TR.) saptavi, taking saplavi as a contraction for saptavimod, and understanding sånga-samvatsaré to mean " in the completed year". But this is hardly justified.) (To me the reading appears to be Sähasamaya ni.-Ed.]
The reading brimad-raja ni is doubtful; and ni following Madana-Sankara is again doubtful. The royal secretary cannot be thrice mentioned (Sri ni : Srimad=rja ni Sri-Madana-Sankara ni). The translation given does not correspond with these doubtful readings, but may possibly oonvoy the intended meaning.

Page #27

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
No. 2.-RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA.
BY N. VENKATARAMANAYYA, M.A., PH.D., UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS. These plates were originally discovered at Annavaram near Tuni in the East Godavari District; and they are at present deposited in the Municipal Museum at Rajahmundry. The following description of the condition of the plates is given in the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, for 1911-12 :
“There are at present only four plates, the first of which is written on the inner side while the rest are written on both sides. The plates are not held together by a ring, and it is perhaps for this reason that we find some of them missing from the set. They roughly measure 11t" by 5%", and bear a circular hole on the left margin which was evidently meant to receive the ring. From the numbering of the plates found on their inner faces, not far from the ring hole, it is gathered that the missing plates must be the 2nd, 5th, 6th and one or more after the 7th."
The plates are engraved in the Telugu characters of the early 15th century, resembling the alphabet of the other inscriptions particularly of the Reddi kings of the period, and call for no special remarks. As the letters are deeply cut the inscription offers no difficulty in decipherment.
Orthography: The cerebral la is frequently used in the place of the dental la, e.g. nikhila (1, 1. 1), akhila (1. 3,), kamala (1.3); khēlanti (IV, 1. 38), taļēshu (1. 37), etc. Sa is occasionally substituted for sa as in Singa (III, 1. 10), Singaya (VII, L. 8), etc. The anusvāra is invariably employed for the nasal ; occasionally the letter following the anusvāra is needlessly doubled as in prasamnnā in I, 1.5; the consonant following the rëpha is doubled in certain places, e.g., upasargga (IV, . 38), jägartti, (III, 1. 26), mürtti (III, 1. 23), etc. The text abounds in scribal errors which have been duly taken notice of and the necessary corrections have been indicated either in the body of the text or in the foot-notes accompanying it.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the text so far available, which is entirely in verse, consists of 68 complete verses and parts of two others. Of these, 47, including the two fragments, are in the Vasantatilaka, 17 in the Arya, 4 in the Upajati, 1 in the Drutavilambita, and 1 in the Sārdülavikridita metres.
The four plates bear the numbers 1, 3, 4 and 7. Ca the assumption that they all belong to one Bet of plates conveying a single gift, it has been gathered that the missing plates of the collection are the 2nd, 5th and 6th and also, one or more after the 7th, since the subject matter in this lastmentioned plate is not complete. But there are some difficulties militating against such an assumption. The verses on plates marked 1 and 7 are numbered while those on the plates marked 3 and 4 are not likewise numbered. Further, we have no clue in the plate marked l or in the other marked 7 to connect them, so far as their subject matter is concerned, with the rest, i.e., those numbered 3 and 4, which are however continuous and interconnected. From this we get the first
1J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, p. 172. [The plates are now roported to be missing. -Ed.)
Part ii, pp. 79-80. Mr. V. Apparso, who contributed an article on these plates (J. 4. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 172 f.), observes that 'the rims of these plates are slightly raised'. Moreover, he gives the measurements of the plates differently. They measure, according to him, 11 by 6'. The inclusion by him of the 7th plate among the missing is probably due to his failure to notice that the last of the set bears the number 7.
See below p. 48 n. 5.--Ed.]

Page #28

No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA.
15
impression that these four plates do not belong to one single set but are odd plates of different grants which have been accidentally found together. They may belong to more than one set, probably three, if we take the view that the plate marked 1 belongs to one set, those marked 3 and 4 to another and the one with No. 7 to a third'.
However, this may not be the case and it is likely that they are all of one single set. Two factors are common to the plates. They are written in the same characters and style and contain the same variety of metres employed for the verses contained in them. The failure of the engraver to number the verses on the plates III and IV bas probably to be attributed to his negligence, a tendency wbich has manifested itself even on the first plate. In the first plate, the first seven verges are correctly numbered; but the eighth verse bears the number 21, and the ninth has no number at all. This clearly indicates that the engraver has already abandoned the practice of numbering the verses. That may account for the absence of numerical figures to indicate the number of verses on plates III and IV. The seventh plate does not, however, admit of this explanation. As stated above, the verses on this plate are numbered ; it opens with the 29th and closes with the 52nd verse. Why does the engraver revert again to the practice of numbering the verses, having abandoned it once before ? A more important point which has to be taken notice of in this connection is the incompatibility of the figures attached to the verses with the number of the plate. It may be stated here that all the plates in this collection, contain 14 lines of writing except the last which has 16 lines on each of its two faces. Now, the first plate which is inscribed on only one side contains 9 verses. Taking roughly this to be the number of verses on each face of the remaining five plates, viz., II, III, IV, V and VI, they should have contained 90 verses on the whole. This, togetber with the 9 verses on the first plate, would come to 99 verses ; and the seventh should bave begun with the 100th verse and not the 29th. We have to assume that either the engraver for some unknown reason reverted to the plan of numbering the verses commencing again a fresh series somewhere about the middle of the inscription; or the plate under consideration belongs to a different set altogether. Neither of these alternatives is entirely free from difficulties. On the one band, it is hard to believe that an engraver wbo had deliberately sbandoned the scheme of enumeration had developed a fresh interest in it; and on the other the incompatibility of the number of the plate (viz., 7) with the numbers of the verses therein (viz., 29 to 52), still remains unexplained, even though we take the plate as belonging to another set for the sake of argument.
In conclusion we may leave the matter open for decision later on when the missing plates happen to be discovered, and, for the present, treat all the plates as belonging to one set since this does not lead to any complications.
Contents: The nine verses in the first plate are devoted to the invocation of several gods of the Hindu pantheon. The first three verses contain the praises of Sarasvati; verse 4 is devoted to the Boar incarnation of Vishnu, verse 5 to Gaņēša, verse 6 to the Sun and the Moon, verse 7 to Durgā Mahishasura-mardini, verse 8 to Kshētrapāla, and verse 9 to Siva. The 36 unnumbered verses in plates III and IV describe the genealogy of the donor and the schievements of himself and his ancestors.
There was a king (his name is lost) who married Annemāmbă; and to them was born a king called Eruva Bhima. He married Prolambikā; and their son was Dama who married
1 In support of this view, it may be stated that the first plate which measures 11.75' by 4.8° differs in its dimensions from the rest, each of which measures 119' by 6-3'. These measurements are obtained from the imprensions in my possession m the original which is unfortunately lost is no longer available.

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16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
Lakshmi. They begot Soma, the husband of Sürämbika, and from them was born Gamgadhara, the husband of Irugămbika, who bore the title of Arigamdaragamḍa (a hero to hostile heroes). Gamgadhara and Irugămbika had a son, Kamarāja, who, on account of his great devotion (bhakti) to Siva came to be popularly known as Bhaktiraja. Even in his youth Bhaktiraja won a victory over the heroes, Boggara and other Yavana (Muhammadan) chiefs, in the neighbourhood of the town of Gulapumḍi; in the eastern direction, after winning a victory over the Gajapati in battle at Pañchadhara, he installed the Koppula chief on his throne. He also subdued king Simga near the town of Bharanipăḍu in a battle; vanquished with considerable prowess Daburu-Khānu and others with their rakshasa forces near Pedakomḍapuri; and, defeated, as if in mere sport, king Annavõta in the vicinity of the city of Süravara. Bhaktiśvara married Annemāmba, and founded a city called Kalyana which became famous as Kāmapuri, the crest-jewel of the Andhra country. The sound of the bells indicating the hours when worship was offered to god Siva from the sunrise onwards entered the minds of the people walking along the streets of the city through the path of their ears and destroyed their sins. The learned men of the city became involved in discussion about the values of things by looking at musk and other valuable commodities exhibited for sale in the streets of the city.
Bhaktiśvara begot a son, the great Annadeva who surpassed Jayamta in beauty, and Mrigamka (Moon) in brilliance, and who was as liberal as the tree of wish (pärijäta) in the distribution of gifts. Annadeva reduced, by the prowess of his arm, the hostile kings to the position of harlots. Having gone to the help of the king of the Turushkas (the Muhammadans), he overcame with the sole help of his sword, the Karnata army at Sagara; and like Śiva capturing the Tripuri he took Jaggavaga and (two ?) other cities from his enemies. Annadeva of the Chōdakula fostered gods and Brahmans with care, and having become endowed with all kinds of wealth (aiśvarya) by their favour, he was greatly devoted to the worship of god Viśvanatha.
Annadeva married Irugambika, a sister of king Pimnumḍi, and a daughter of Chakravarti of the solar family and had by her a son called Virabhadra. Annadeva defeated on the borders of Attili all the southern kings who were hostile to him, and offered protection to 10,000 of the enemy's forces who took refuge within the walls of that city. For the purpose of protecting his friend, he performed a heroic sacrifice with Pinayundi-raja as adhvaryu on the sacrificial altar of Kamkarapartti on the bank of the Gautami (i.e., Godavari), making the Kannada and other enemies the sacrificial victims. Being desirous only of fame, he offered protection to the family of Kataya-Vēma, who bowed to his feet. While Annadeva was ruling the earth, people lived without trouble, sporting happily in the sugarcane fields and areca palm groves. The wealthy city of Mummaḍi-Prōlavāra, the crest-jewel of his country, was a resort of the merchants from all quarters.
King Annadeva worshipped Śiva six times a day waving innumerable lights at the lotus-feet of the god; he presented a thousand cows to the deity, and strictly observed the rule of feeding the Brahmans daily. He built a beautiful gilded mansion of seven storeys ornamented with the gilded images of damsels bearing golden fan, fly-whisk, flag and an umbrella with pearl tassels. He fed everyday sumptuously Saiva-Brahmanas, ascetics and yogins; made a gift called Gösahasra to Brahmans in the presence of the god Virabhadra of Paṭṭesa; and performed the dāna called Saptasagara to quench their thirst, as it were. Having surpassed Parasurama by
1 The significance of 'vesy-anganayita-virödhi-dharatalendro' is not quite clear. [The idea seems to be that these kings were made to attend on various persons, probably at the Royal court, as the harlots have to entertain men without any choice on their part.-Ed.]

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17
giving lands to Brāhmans along with the gift called the Suvarna-Mēru, Annadēva resembled Raghunāyaka. He caused the shrine of Virabhadra, the lord of Gömukhagiri, and the pinnacle of the temple of Bhimēbvara of Drakshäráma, the crest.jewel of the Andhra country who had been worshipped by the former Choda monarchs of his family, to be overlaid with gold. He also granted several villages to god Visvēsvara of Kasi, the patron-deity of his family, and founded for the habitation of Brahmans, a village called (after him) Uttama-Ganda-Chod-Anpadovavaram in Visari-nandu at the confluence of the rivers Ganga and Pimnasāni. Annadēva also gave to Brāhmans (Mahājanas) an agrahāra called Annadēvavaram on the bank of the Gamga near the western boundary of Pallari-Sailavaram, and performed the marriages of several Brahman couples.
The last or the seventh plate contains the names of donees who received spittis in a village, the name of which is lost. Of these, the following twenty-two received the opittis directly from the king, the donor: No. Name of the donee. Father's name.
No. of sharee
receipod.
Götra.
.
1
1 2 3
. . .
5 6 7
. .
.
Simgaya . . KOcbanarya . Bharadvāja . Ramachandra. . Kövdri Rama . . Kaumdinya . Bhaskara
• Nrihari . . . . Kaumdirrye . Nāriyane.
Kächibhatta . . Käsyapa Aubhalinda
• Godaparti Vallabha. Kayapa . Varadays. . • Viddhaya . . Atreya . . Gamgadharéaladta . Sririm. Adima (Peda) Simh. Kaundinya .
gaya. Simgana .
Gauraya . . . . Bharadrāja . Purushottama . . Aditya - Harita . . Tallaya .
Chimnipi Kachaya, Harita . . Visvēsvara .
Amnama . . Kaumdinys . Amnams . . . . Gopalabbatte . Harita . Annaya . . . Mumajapi Gangadhara . Keundings Lakshmana . . Vallabhaa . . Bharadwaja . Sädappula (Sädu Appala 1). Vallabha . . . Kaundinya . Datadigada Naga . . Någaya. . . Kiyepa . Mallikarjuna .. . Rājukonda Mallaya Kikympa . Madugåri Lakkana
Bharadvājs . • Kolalapalli Adima (Poda) Kidyape .
Simgaya. Srirama .
Kardukäri Aubhala Harita . Ananta . . . Srikrinhnamayy. . Artvuton . Aubhaile .
Davaya . . . . Bkilendirildi .
.
8 9 10 11 12 13 14 18 16 17 18
.
.
. . . . .
. .
20 21 23
. .
. ..

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
One of the twenty-two donees, (No. 1) Simgays, son of Kūchanarya of the Bhāradvāja-gotra, is said to have been a friend of the king (avanipati-mitran), probably the donor of the agrahāra. Besides the twenty-two donees enumerated above, there were two others who did not receive their shares directly from the original donor but from the other donees. The Mahājanas, i.e., the Brahmans who received shares in the agrahāra, granted one writti to Janardana, son of Sarvadēva of the Kauṁdinya-gotra, and another to the god Kēdāra-Mahēsvara who was set up with devotion by Madhava, son of Kaljaja Kommarāja.
The inscription is important as it furnishes valuable information about the history of the Eruva branch of the Telugu Choda family. A few more records of the family including the Madras Museum Plates of Bhaktiraja, have been published; but the historical information that could be gleaned from them is so meagre that little more than the names of the princes of a few generations is known. But the present grant gives a fairly full account of the part played by the members of the family in the affairs of their respective ages. Seven generations of the family, as noticed already, are described in this grant and the names mentioned in it agree, with some variations, with those furnished in the Madras Museum Plates of Bhaktirāja. The genealogical lists given in these two records are subjoined hereunder for the purpose of comparison
Present Plates: ........=Annemámbá Eruva-Bhima m. Prolambika
The Madras Museum Plates.
Karikals Nalla-Bhima Dáma m. Lakshmi
Söma m. Sarimbika Gangadhara m. Irugamba, d. of Kåmabhips of the Lunar race and a sister of Vérnga
bhupati. Bhaktiraja
Dama m. Lakshmi
88ma m. Sarambika Gangadhara . Irugåth biki
Kimarija or Bhaktáraja m. Annemin ba Annadēvs m. Irugarh bika
Virabhadra
Five generations of the Eruva Chiefs are mentioned in the Madras Museum Plates, while the present charter, however, enumerates seven generations. The name of the father of Eruva-Bhima and the husband of Annemámbā is not known, as it is lost with the second plate. Besides, it also includes Annadēva and Virabhadra, a son and grandson respectively of Bhaktirāja, not mentioned in the Madras Museum Plates, thus making up a pedigree of seven generations. Though the names of the remaining members of the family are common to both the charters, there are certain variations which must be noticed. Nalla-Bhima of the Madras Museum Plates is spoken of in the present charter as Eruva-Bhima. The difference is not material. Bhima is the actual name of the prince and the terms Nalla' and 'Eruva 'appear to have been prefixed to it to indi. cate the complexion of his body and the principality over which he held sway respectively. Again the name Bhaktiraja is said to be a sobriquet, acquired by the prince on account of his excessive devotion (bhakti) to the god Siva, his real name being Kamarāja. Lastly the present charter
*.0. R., Vol. V, pp. 128 ff,

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No. 2.) RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA.
19
mentions the wives of all the chiefs of the family excepting Annadēva's son Virabhadra who was probably unmarried at the time, whereas the Madras Museum Plates refer to the names of the wives of only three. The differences between the two genealogical lists are not of much consequence ; they may therefore be taken to be genuine accounts of the family pedigree.
While describing the military activity of Annadēva and his ancestors, the inscription incidentally reveals the political condition and the inter-state relations in South India during the 15th century A.D. It alludes to wars between the South Indian states in which the Eruva chiefs were involved. A brief description of the political geography of these warring states is necessary for a clear understanding of the events mentioned in this record. At the beginning of the fifteenth century there were five major kingdoms besides a few independent or semi-independent principalities : (1) The largest and the most powerful of the kingdoms was no doubt the kingdom of Karnāta or Vijayanagara. It embraced the whole of South India south of the river Krishna, excluding the coastal strip comprising portions of the present Nellore, Guntur and Kistna Districts which formed an integral part of the independent kingdom of Kondavidu. (2) The territory under the sway of the Reddis of Kondavidu extended along the east coast during the palmy days of their power, from Kandukūr in the Nellore District to the shores of the Chilka lake in the north ; but by the beginning of the 15th century it fell into two independent subdivisions generally hostile to each other. The southern half was governed from Kundavidu, the original capital, whereas the city of Rajahmundry became the capital of the northern kingdom. (3) On the north of the Redại kingdom lay the dominions of the Gajapatis of Orissa, who, on account of their ancient connection with Southern Kalinga (Ganjam, Vizaga patam and the East Godavari Districts), were vitally interested in the affairs of the Reddi kingdom. (4) To the west of the Reddi, the south-west of the Gajapati, and the north of the Vijayanagara territories lay the Velama kingdom of Telingāṇa with the ancient city of Warangal as its capital, and the forts of Rachakonda and Devarakonda as its main strongholds. Despite the encroachments of the Bahmani Sultans who had succeeded in annexing a considerable slice of the kingdom including the fort of Golkonda, the Velamas still held sway over an extensive dominion comprising Nalgonda, Mahbubnagar, Warangal, Medak, Adilābād, and Karimnagar Districts of the present Hyderabad state. (5) On the west of Telingāna and the north of Karnāța extended the territory of the Bahmani Sultans comprising the whole of the south-western Deccan from Golkonda in Telingāņa to the shores of the Arabian sea in the west. Within these major kingdoms, especially in the dominions subjected to the authority of the Reddis. there flourished several small principalities whose loyalty and submissiveness were conditioned by the capacity of the paramount power to exact obedience. Three such principalities deserve notice in this connection: (1) Eruva, a small principality on the borders of the Nellore, Kurnool and Guntur Districts of the Madras Presidency, was the seat of one of the numerous branches of the Telugu Choda family, of which Annadēva, the donor of the present grant, and his father Bhaktisvara were distinguished members. (2) Korukonda, a hill-fort in the Godavari valley at a distance of about nine miles to the north of Rajahmundry was the capital of the Mañchikonda chiefs who ruled over a small territory comprising the districts of Pāņāra, Kona, Kuravāta, and Chengara. (3) The coastal strip from the banks of the Gautami to Simhachalam in the Vizagapatam District was originally under the Koppula chiefs who had Pithāpuram in the East Goda. vari District, as their capital, but with the advent of the Mañchikonda chiefs, their authority in the Gödāvari valley came to an end ; and they were obliged to retire eastwards into the hilly region in the western part of the present Vizagapatam District, where they appear to have been ruling at the time of Bhaktiraja's victory at Panchadhāra.

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20
Harihara II
As the ruling families of several of the states mentioned above were connected by marriage alliances which influenced the course of events described in the present record, a chart showing their inter-relationship is given below:
VIJAYANAGARA RAJAHMUNDRY I
Kāta
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Måra
KONDAVIDU
A daughter m. Kata II Kundragiri Anitalli T Hariharamba
m. No. 1 Vēma.
Prolaya Vēma
1
Vēma m. Doddäzabika Annavõta Annavěma
[VOL. XXVI.
TELUGU CHODAS RAJAHMUNDRY II
of Eruva
Bhaktiraja
m. No. 2 Virabhadra.
Kumaragiri A danghter. m. Bhimalimga Annadeva
Vēmāmbikā m.
Virabhadra
Dodda
1. Vēma 2. Virabhadra 3. Dodda 4. Anna.
Allida
Of the Bruva chiefs mentioned in this charter, only three viz., Eruva-Bhima, Bhaktiraja and Annadeva, deserve any notice here.
1. Brava Bhima has been identified with a certain Mailama-Bhima, a chief of unknown origin, whose military exploits are recounted in a few Telugu Chatu verses, but this identification is not beyond question. It is pointed out that the mother of Mailama-Bhima, as indicated by the name itself, was Mailama, whereas it is definitely stated in the present inscription that the name of Eruva Bhima's mother was Annemamba. These two persons, therefore, could not have been identical. Apart from the literary reference, there is an epigraph assignable to the middle of the 13th century at Talla-Prodduțür in the Cuddapah District which gives some definite information about the activities of Eruva-Bhima. This epigraph which consists of a single verse in the Utpalamālā metre, states that Visara-nandu, Chakraghoṭṭa, Manniya, Vadde Tekkali, Manthena, Vengi, Kalinga and other countries were ruined by an invasion of Eruva-Bhima. The circumstances in which he had undertaken this expedition are not known. It may be remembered that Bhima was but the chief of a small principality, and with his limited resources he could not have by himself embarked on a prolonged military campaign, and successfully penetrated to Chakrakōṭṭa in the Bastar State. He must have had a powerful ally, whom he might have actually assisted in subjugating the places mentioned in the Talla-Prodduṭur epigraph. To discover who this ally was, the age in which Bhima himself lived must be ascertained at first. Bhaktiraja, the fifth in descent from Bhima, made a gift of the village of Kandavakolanu or Kadavakolanu on Monday the 7th November A.D. 1356 to a bachelor called Viśvanatha at Srisaila."
1 V. Prabhakara Sastri-Chatupadya-maniman jari, ii, p. 58.
T. N. Ramachandran-J. O. R., Vol. V, p. 132. V. Apparao believes that Mailama-Bhima was also known as Eruva-Bhima. How this could have been possible, he does not, however, explain (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, Pp. 175-6).
No. 308 of 1935-6 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection; published in Bharati Vol. XV, p. 158. J. O. R., Vol. V, p. 334.

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No. 2.] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA.
21
Taking this year to be the first year of his reign and allowing a deration of 25 years for each generation, we get 1356—(4 x 25)=A.D. 1256 as the approximate date of the commencement of Bhima's reign. The whole of the Telugu country including the principality of Eruva acknowledged the supremacy of the Kakatiyas at this period. As a matter of fact the officers of the Kakatiya king Ganapati were engaged in reducing Vēngi and Kaļingal; and it is not unlikely that they might have subdued portions of the Central Provinces including Chakraghotta. Therefore it is not improbable that Bhima, who from all accounts appears to have been a distinguished warrior, followed the Käkatiya armies and contributed much to their success.
2. Bhaktiraja also was a great warrior. The present inscription gives a full account of his achievements. He is said to have waged war successfully with several chiefs.
i. Wbile he was still a youth, Bhaktirāja defeated Boggara and other Muhammadan warriors in a battle in the neighbourhood of Gulapündi.
ü. He defeated in the east the Gajapati near Pañchadhāra, and installed the Koppula chief on his throne.
iii. Near the city of Bharaṇipădu, he defeated the famous warrior Singa.
iv. In the vicinity of Pedakondapuri he overthrew the demoniac armies of Daburu-Khānu and others.
v. He overcame Annavõta in a battle near the town of Suravara.
These achievements of Bhaktirāja must be assigned to a period subsequent to A.D. 1366, the year in which he granted the village Kadavakolanu to the Saiva ascetic Visvēsvara of Sriparvata ; for, in the charter recording this grant, though his valour is praised in general terms, no specific mention is made of any enemy whom he had overthrown in battle. It is unlikely that the author of the prasasti would have failed to mention his victories, had he any to his credit at that time. Moreover, the earliest known record of bis son and successor Annadēva is dated in Saka 1310, Vibhava, i.e., A.D. 1388-89. Bhaktirāja's reign may be taken to have terminated some time before that year. He probably ascended the throne in A.D. 1356 itself; and it is not probable that he could have won any note ble victory so early in bis reign.
i. Victory over Boggara :- According to the present Rajahmundry Museum Plates, his victory over the Muhammadans under Boggara and others was won while he was yet a youth. This clearly indicates tbat he was a young man at the time of his accession to his ancestral throne, and harmonizes well with the comparatively long period suggested for his reign by the inscriptions mentioned above. Boggara is a Sanskrit corruption of Bughra, a name common enough among the Mussalmans of the 14th century A. D. It is not possible, however, to identify the bearer of this name in the present context. Nor is it possible to fix the locality where the encounter took place. Gulapundi is no doubt the same as Gollapudi; but as several villages in the Telugu country go by that name, no definite conclusions can be reached about its identity. It may, however, be remembered in this connection that this was Bhaktirāja's first victory, won by him while he was still a youth. As he was a scion of the Eruva family and as his only known inscription records the gift of a village to a religious teacher residing at Sriparvata, it may be reasonably assumed that Gulapūņdi where he defeated Bughra Khan was situated somewhere in the southern Telugu country.
Hyderabad Archeological Series, No. 3, ii. p. 16, Upparapalli Inscription of the reign of Ganapatidēvs -Cf. M. Somkhara Sarma, Kakatiyas and Kalinga, Kalinga-Sanichika, p. 381.
* No. 254 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
A village called Gollapudi is found in the Bapatla taluk of the Guntur District; another in the Bezwada taluk and a third in the Nuzvid division of the Kistna District.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
i. Victory over the Gajapati king:- Bhaktirāja's second victory was won over the Gajapati at Panchadhara in the Vizagapatam District. As this victory is said to have led to the installation of the Koppula chief on bis throne, it is reasonable to infer that the Koppula chief, whose territory extended up to Simbachalam in the Vizagapatam District, was expelled from his country by the Gajapati and that Bhaktirāja assisted the dispossessed chief to win back his dominions. It may be pointed out here that the Koppula chiefs were ousted, as mentioned already, from the Godavari Valley by Mañchikonda Mummadi-Nāyaka and his brothers (Madras Epigraphical Report 1911-12, Part II, para. 68, and above, Vol. XIV, p. 96) and the attack of the Gajapati on their dominions appears to have been somehow connected with the invasion of the Mañchikonda chiefs. The Gajapati seems to have attacked the Koppulas either in concert with Mummadi-Nayaka or on his own account, taking advantage of the confusion caused in their dominions by the Mañchikonda invasion. The Gajapati whom Bhaktiraja defeated at Pañchadhāra must have been Vira-Bhanudēva (? A.D. 1350 to 1378), son and successor of Narasimha III ; and the Koppula chief on whose bebalf he waged war upon the Gajapati was probably Käpaya II or one of his cousins. Bhaktirāja, it may be recollected, was the ruler of a minor principality in the southern Telugu country; and his strength and resources must have been limited. The circumstances under which he managed not only to wage war successfully on the Gajapati, the powerful king of Kalinga, but also to restore, in the teeth of his opposition, the Koppula chief to his ancestral dominions are not even hinted at.
To understand the political situation under which these events came to pass, it is necessary to recapitulate briefly the history of the east coast of the Telugu country during the years that immediately succeeded the fall of the Kakatiya monarchy. The Muslim rule, if it had ever been effectively established, lasted only & short while. The actual administration of the country remained in the hands of the Hindus. The country was partitioned among a host of petty kings, seventy-five in number, according to the Kaluvacheru grant of Anitalli dated A.D. 14234; and they, having united together under the leadership
1 The Donepündi grant of Namaya-Nayaka of A.D. 1338 (above, Vol. IV, p. 356) and the Simbachalam inscrip tion of his son Prola II, dated A.D. 1388 (8. 1. I., Vol. VI, No. 822) which give the genealogical account of the Koppula family yield the following pedigree:
Kāpa of the Koppula family
Prðleys 1
Nāmays (A.D. 1337 to 1379, above, Vol. IV, p. 356; 8. 1. 1., Vol. VI, No. 924).
Prilaya II
(? A.D. 1388). The date of the latter inscription is unfortunately partially effaced. The last two figures preserved in the ohronogram ; khendu i.e., '10' (ibid., 1. 9) enable us to restore the date completely. It is said that Prola II. the donor of the inscription under consideration, was the son of Námaya, grandson of Prola I and great-grandson of Kapaya. Namaya mentioned in this record is identical with the donor of the Dönepondi grant dated 8. 1269. He slao figures as the donor of another epigraph at Simhachalam (8. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 924) dated 8. 1291. His son Prðlaya could not have been living in 8. 1210. Since the latest of Namaya's inscriptions is dated in 8. 1291. the first two figures of the date of Prolaya II in the inscription must be 13. It is therefore obvious that the date of the inscription in question is 6. 1310 (=A.D.1388).
Besides the chiefs mentioned in the above pedigree, Koppula-Poli Näyandu, evidently an earlier member of the family who flourished about A.D. 1269 (8.12., Vol. IV, No. 765), and a certain Koppula Kapaya-Nayaka (8. I . Vol. VI. No. 821) who lived about A.D. 1360 are referred to in the inscriptions. Their poeition in the family pedigree cannot be ascertained at present.
* Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. I, p. 107.

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No. 2.] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 23
of a certain Prōlaya-Nayaka, expelled the Muhammadans and re-established the Hindu independence. Prōlaya was succeeded by Kapaya, and after the demise of the latter the petty chiefs asserted their independence; but soon the stronger subdued their weaker neighbours and laid the foundations of powerful kingdoms. One of these was the Reddi chief Prōlaya-Vēma, the ruler of Addanki, in the southern fringe of the present Guntur District. He welded together the small states in the coastal region to the south of the Krishna into a strong kingdom, and extended his territory further by bringing the whole of the east coast as far as the frontier of Orissa under his sway. His victories on the east coast are detailed in a copper-plate charter dated in A.D. 1336, where, among other things, it is said that he crushed the honour of Kalingaraya, burnt the abode of Oddiyaraya and confounded the Raya of Janturnaḍu, sported in the waters of Kundiprabha (the Gunḍlakamma), Sabyajā (the Krishna) and Gautami (the Godavari), and that he granted many agrahāras to the Brahmans, and established satras (feeding houses) in the country lying on both the banks of as well as in between the rivers Brahmakundi (the Gundlakamma), Krishnavēņi, Godavari and Mahanadi1. It is obvious that Vêma's military activity extended over the whole east coast from the river Gundlakamma in the south to Cuttack on the banks of the Mahanadi in the north. He does not, however, appear to have retained all his northerr conquests; and his authority in the north of the Godavari did not perhaps long outlast the period of conquest, for the Gajapati seems to have soon reasserted his power and recovered the country as far as the Godavari, as is covertly alluded to in the charter under consideration. Moreover, an epigraph at Pañchadharala in the Vizagapatam District dated A.D. 1403, suggests that Chōda II, the grandfather of the Kōna-Haihaya chief Chōda III, who must have lived about the middle of the 14th century A.D., was an ally, if not actually a subordinate of the Gajapati. Chōda II probably ousted the Koppula family from its hereditary possessions with the help of the Gajapati; and the dispossessed member turned for help to Annavõta, who, by this time, had succeeded his father Vēma on the throne of Kondavidu. As a matter of fact, Annavõta's presence in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry at a striking distance from the southern frontier of Kalinga about this time is testified to by an inscription at Draksharama of A.D. 1357. Moreover, in one of Annavěma's early records dated A.D. 1371 it is stated that Annavõta overthrew his enemies from the Krishna to the Godavari, thence as far as the Vindhyas. There is thus sufficient evidence to justify the assumption that Annavõta had marched with his army against the Gajapati about A.D. 1357 to drive him back and restore the Koppula chief to his throne; and Bhaktiraja, who must have been a subordinate of Annavõta at that time, had accompanied him and distinguished himself in the campaign. If what is said above is not unreasonable, it may be stated that the battle of Pañchadhara mentioned in this charter appears to have been a decisive engagement, which finally brought the campaign to a close.
iii. Victory at Bharanipadu :-Bhaktiraja is said to have vanquished a king called Singa in the vicinity of the city of Bharanipadu. This king still remains unidentified. There were at
1 No. 5 of 1919-20, above, Vol. XXI, pp. 267 ff.
8. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 657.
8. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1387.
Andhrapatrika (Annual Number 1922, p. 168).
Jitva briy-Anapota-bhulalapatir-viran-arätin balad
a Krishna-tațini-tatad-bhuvanam-apy-à Gautami-srotasabl
à Vindhyaditi yat-kavindra-vachanam
yasy-apadana-stutau
pratyabdam pratipaksha-déba-jayinas-tal-pürvapakshayitam ||
In the Annual Report on Epigraphy (Southern Circle) for 1911-12, Part ii, p. 80, it is said that Bhaktiraja killed a king called Singa close to the town of Bharanipadu. This is not quite accurate as the text of the inscription has vyanaishit meaning only 'vanquished'.

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this time two kings of this name. One of them was the Velama ruler of Răchakonda in the present Nalgonda District of the Nizam's State, who was assassinated at the siege of Jallipallis in Saka 1283, Sárvari, (A.D. 1361-62) by Tambala Bommajiyya'; the other was a brother of Mummadi. Nāyaka, the ruler of Körukonda in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry. According to the Srirangam plates dated A.D. 1358-59, Mummadi-Nayaka who conquered the countries of Pānāra, Kõna, Kuravāța, Chengara and others lying on either bank of the river Gödāvari, allowed his younger brother Singaya' to govern the principality of Kötyapuri. Now, the king Singa whom Bhaktirāja vanquished must have been one of these two chiefs. It may be noted that most of Bhaktiraja's activities were confined to the valley of the Godavari, and he does not appear to have had any connection with Telingana where Singa of Rachakonda was ruling. Moreover, the Velugățivārivamsāralia which enumerates the enemies of the Velama king does not mention Bhaktirāja among his foes. Therefore, it is unlikely that he should have come into conflict with Bhaktiraja. There is, on the other hand, much presumptive evidence for believing that Singa mentioned in the present charter is identical with Singa, one of Mummadi-Nayaka's younger brothers. It may be noted that Mummadi who conquered the territory on both the banks of the Gödāvari entrusted the government of Kötyapuri and Tādipaka to his younger brothers Singa and Ganna respectively. Kötyapuri is identical with Kottham in the Tuni division and Tädipāka with Tātipäka in the Razole taluk of the East Godavari District. This territory originally belonged to the Koppula chiefs. According to the Dönepündi grant of A.D. 1338, Koppula Nämaya-Nayaka was ruling at that time the Andhrakhanda-mandala' extending from the banks of the Gautami river i.e., the Godavari) to Kalinga' with the city of Pithāpuri as bis capital. Now, in the Srirangam plates of Mummadi-Nayaka dated A.D. 1358, it is stated. as noted already, that he conquered the country on both the banks of the Gõdāvari. It follows from this that Mummadi-Nayaka wrested this territory from Nämaya-Nayaka between A.D. 1338 and 1358. As Mummadi married a niece of the famous Andhra-Suratrāra Kāpaya-Nayaka, a fact which is particularly mentioned in the records of Mummadi and his brothers, it is not unlikely that he should have received the help of his powerful relative in effecting the con quest. If Bhaktirāja, as stated in the present grant, had restored the Koppula chief to his kingdom, be could not have accomplished the task without coming into conflict with Mummadi-Nayaka and his brothers. Therefore the Singa who sustained a defeat at Bharanipadu at the hands of Bhaktirāja has to be identified with Singa, the younger brother of Mummadi-Nāyaka of the Körukonda family.
iv. The victory at Pedakonda :-The town Pedakonda, where Bhaktirāja won a victory over the Muhammadans under Daburu-Khānu, is identical with Pedakonda in the Bhadrachalam taluk of the East Godavari District. The original form of Daburu-Khānu which is but a Telugu corruption of the name of the chief, cannot be definitely restored, as it may stand for Dabir Khan or Zafar Khan. In any case, his identity cannot be established with certainty, though it may be yurmised that he must have been connected with one of the Muslim sovereigns who invaded Tilang at this time.
1 The Velugõivari-zan cavali, p. 23. * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 96. * The Velugöfiväri-vam savaļi, pp. 17-18.
.K. Rama Sastri and T. A. Gopinatha Rao have suggested different identifications for Kotyapuri. The former identifies it with Köțipalli on the Vriddha Gautami (above, Vol. XIII, p. 261); and the latter with a place called Koti in the Rajahmundry taluk of the East Godavari District (ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 89).
. Above, Vol. IV, p. 371. • Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 272; Vol. XIV, p. 95.

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The Delhi Sultan, Firüz Tughluq made an attack upon Jäjnagar in 761 A.H. (October-November, A.D. 1360); he marched upon the city of Banārasi (Cuttack), the capital of the Gajapati. On the approach of Firüz, the Gajapati, Vira-Bhanudēva II, crossed the Mahanadi and retreated towards Tilang. The Sultan pursued him for a day, but giving up the pursuit busied himself in the neighbourbood. Though the Sultan himself abandoned the pursuit, be might have entrusted the task to Zafar Khān, the pretender to the throne of Lakhnauti, who appears to have accompanied him during the expedition. It is not unlikely that this Muslim chief should have advanced as far as the Gödāvari where he might have been opposed at Pedakonda by Bhaktirāja and repulsed. This is one possibility. The other is that Bhaktirāja might have come into conflict with the forces of the Babmani Sultan, and won a victory over them near Pedakonda. The Bahmani armies invaded Tilang during the period of Bhaktiraja's rule on two occasions, once during the reign of 'Alā-ud-din Hasan and then again in the time of his son and successor Muḥammad Shah I. As the second invasion did not proceed beyond Filampatan or Vēlampatan, a place which is said to bave been at a distance of eight days' journey from Kalyan,* the army could not have reached Pedakonda on the eastern bank of the Godavari in the Ghats. But the invasion which was led by 'Ali-uddin himself in person in A.D. 1357, appears to have swept over the whole of Tilang. Sayyid Ali gives a brief account of the invasion in his Burhān-i-Ma'āşir. ** After spending some time in pleasure in his capital, he (the Sultan) was again desirous
of conquering the country of Tilang........ For nearly a year he travelled through the country of Telingana, and having taken possession of the district of Bhonāgir,
he overthrew the idol-temples and instead of them built mosques and public schools." Sayyid 'Ali's account is corroborated by the evidence of the contemporary inscriptions. An epigraph of Pillalamarri near Warangal which may belong to A.D. 1357 records that the temple of Erukēsvaradeva which was destroyed by Sultan 'Alā-ud-din was rebuilt by a certain Erapotu Lernka, a servant of Kapaya-Nayaka, the lord of the Andhra country. The invasion did not stop with Bhõnāgir but spread south-eastwards towards the sea, and reached Dharanikõța on the banks of the Krishņā. An epigraph in the temple of Amarēgvara at Amarāvati in the Guntur District dated 22nd July A.D. 1361, describes how Kētays Vēma, an officer of king Anavõta of Kondavidu, repulsed the Muslim cavalry and re-installed the image of Amarēsvara, which had evidently been destroyed by the invaders. Kētaya was assisted in the battle by Malla, one of king Anavõta's paternal uncles. In an unpublished copper-plate charter of Sivalinga Reddi, a descendant of Malla, dated A.D. 1413, it is said that Malla defeated 'Alā-ud. din and other Turushka warriors. Therefore, the Bahmani invasion was checked by the Reddis at Dharaņikota and turned back. Though 'Ala-ud-din's activities in other parts of Tilang are not known, he appears to have reduced the country from Bhònägir to the banks of the river Gödāvari to subjection. His dominions', according to Sayyid 'Ali, extended from the east side of Daulatābād to Bhönägir and the river Gödāvari both north and south sides--to
The Tarikh-s-Mubarak Shahi (G. O. S. LXIII), PP. 135-38. • Briggs : Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 303. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 152. • Telingana Inscriptions, p. 163. $8.1. I., Vol. VI, No. 226. • Local Records, Vol. III, p. 469.
Vemadhipasyavarajo='pi MallaBharallabho'sau jagan-obba-gandah Allávadin-adi-Turushka-mallan Aamullasad-bhalla-ganan vijitya |

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the river Ganga': An officer who probably bore the name of Dabir or Zafar Khan and who was in the service of Sultan 'Ala-ud-din might have attempted to cross the Ghats through the valley of the Gõdāvari and found his path barred at Pedakonda by Bhaktirāja, who having inflicted a defeat on his forces, had compelled him to retreat.
v. Victory at Sürararam -The last military achievement attributed to Bhaktiraja in these plates is a victory which he is said to have won over a certain king called Annavõta at Süravaram. The identity of this king cannot be definitely established, as there were two contemporaries of Bhaktirāja who bore this name. One of them was the Reddi ruler, Anavõta, the son of Prolaya Vēma, who has been already mentioned in an earlier context. The other was Anavõta, the son of Rāvu Singa, the king of Rachakonda in Tilang. Which of these two was the king who sustained defeat at the hands of Bhaktiraja on the battlefield of Sūravaram cannot be determined at present with certainty. We may, however, attempt to solve the problem by ascertaining the location of Suravaram, the site of the battle, which may perhaps throw some light on the subject. The place, however, cannot be identified definitely. Several villages of the name of Sūravaram or Surapuram are mentioned in the Postal Directory and the List of Villages in the Madras Presidency.
Village. Taluk or Division.
District. 1. Säravaram . . . . . Chicacole . . . . Ganjam. 2. Süravaram . . . . . Palakonda . . . . Vizagapatam. 3. Süravaram . . . . . Bhadrachalam . . E. Godavari. 4. Sūravaram . . .
Bhadrachalam . . E. Godavari. 6. Saravaram-Annavaram . . Tuni . . . . E. Godavari. 6. Saravaram . . . . .Nuzvid . . . . Kistna. 7. Sūrapuram . . . Nidadavole . . . W. Godavari.
Assuming that all these villages were in existence during the period under consideration, it is difficult to discover which of these was actually the site of the battle. Of these, Süravaram in the Chicacole taluk of the Ganjam District may be excluded from the present discussion, as it lay outside the Reddi dominions. All the other villages must have been included in the Reddi kingdom, as they are situated in the deltas of the Ksishņā and the Gödāvari. It is interesting to note
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 152. The description of the boundaries given here is rather vague; and the translation agrees with the original text closely. In the published Persian text, the passage describing the boundaries runs as follows:
دکن در قبضه اقتدار ر ضبط بندگان درگاه بالجمله سلطان را درین مدت اکثر بلاد رقلاع ملک
شمال و جانب
جانب گیتی پناه در آمد . چانچه از جانب شرق دولت آباد تا بهروزیرر آب گرداوری
- So...a voi vain (Tarikh-i-Burhan-i-Ma'āgit, p. 28). It is rather difficult to understand how the Godavari could have formed the boundary of Sultan 'Ala-ud-din's territory both on the north and the south. The idea which the author wanted to convey was probably that 'Ali-ud-din's dominions extended from Bhönägir to the G3dāvari and also from Gödāvari to (Pen) Ganga.
Mr. T. N. Ramachandran asserts that the identity of Anavõta, who was defeated at Saravaram, 'becomes clear from the Vanapalli plates of Anna Vēma dated Saka 1300' (J.O. R., 1931, p. 133.). It is true that the inscription in question mentions the Reddi king Anavõta, but does not offer any clue which may lead to the identification of Bhaktiraja's enemy. The Vanapalli plates, as a matter of fact, have no bearing on the present problem.

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27
that no village of the name of Süravaram is found in Tilang, as far as it can be ascertained from the available records. Nor is there any evidence to show that Anavõta of Rāchakonda had ever led an expedition to the coastal region. Taking all these facts into consideration, the probability appears to be that the person who suffered defeat at Sūravaram was not Anavõta of Rachakonda, but the Reddi ruler of Kondavidu of that name. Another fact which lends support to this view must be noticed in this connection. During the latter part of the reign of Anavõta there was a widespread rebellion against his authority in the northern part of his kingdom, and he lost control over the territory beyond the Krishņā. Though the incidents of this rebellion are not yet fully known, the total absence of the Reddi inscriptions between A.D. 1363 and 1371 seems to indicate that the power of the Reddis suffered an eclipse. The attack on Dharanikota by Māda, the younger brother of Anavõta of Rāchakonda, and the defeat of Anavõta-Reddi in battle and his flight must also be assigned to this period." Taking advantage of the troubles that had beset bis overlord, Bhaktiraja appears to have joined the rebels, and asserted his independence. Anavõta appears to have made an attempt to put down the rebellion and reassert his authority. The rebel forces, however, proved too much for his strength and he sustained defeat at the hands of Bhaktiraja.
Two more facts are mentioned in the present inscription about Bhaktiraja. (1) He laid the foundations of a new city which he called after his own name Kāmapuri; and it seems to have been made the capital of his principality. The situation of Kamapuri is not definitely known, as no village of that name is found at present in the east coast of the Telugu country. There are, however, two villages bearing the name of Kāmavaram which is generally believed to be a corruption of Kāmapuram. One of them is now a deserted village in the Ellavaram division of the East Godavari District ; and the other is situated in the Vizianagaram taluk of the Vizagapatam District. Besides these villages there is a Kamavarapupidu in the Ellavaram division, and a Kāmavarapukota, the headquarters of a taluk of that name in the West Godavari District. Mr. V. Apparao believes that the latter is identical with the town founded by Bhaktirāja. (2) He also married Annemāmbā by whom he had a son called Annadēva. Bhaktirāja had according to Nissanku Kommana, a contemporary writer, another son called Bhima or Bhimalinga, of whom nothing is said in this inscription. This has probably to be attributed to the want of cordiality between the brothers, the causes of which will be explained presently.
I Madras Ep. Rep., 1915, part ii, para. 59. This record (No. 20 of 1916) which was set up at Srisailam in A.D. 1377 by an officer of Kondavidu refers to certain events which seem to have taken place before Anavēma's accession. It is said that Anavēma destroyed a number of forts both on land and in the water (sthalu-durga and jaladurga) in the deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari. This region was, according to Eura Preggada's Haritamsa under the way of Prölaya Vema (Hariva, part ii, 2: 1:4:1); and it was included in the dominions subjected to the authority of Anavõta until A.D. 1357, as shown by the Dräksharamam epigraph cited above. There would have been no occasion for Anavema to conquer, much less to destroy the sthalu-durgas and jula-duryas in the deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari, had there been no rebellion in this region. Anavema's authority was recognized in the Godavari valley from the very beginning of his reign, as shown by his inscriptions (above, Vol. 111, pp. 286 ff. ; 8.1.1., Vol. VI, Xo. 785 ; ibid., Vol. V, No. 115 ; above, Vol. III, pp. 59 ff. : No. 446 of 1893 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection). Therefore, the rebellion referred to above must have broken out before Anavema's accession. Probably Anavēma himself was benefited by the rebellion : for, in the Srisailam inscription mentioned above, Anavēma is said to have been the lord chosen by the damsel of sovereignty in a svayamvuru (rajya-rama. ramani-swayamvara-labdhanayake). This is a covert statement which alludes to the illegal assumption of sovereignty by Anasema, setting aside his nephew Kumāragiri, the rightful heir to the throne. Anavota probably died unexpectedly while the rebels were etill at large; and taking advantage of the prevailing confusion in the kingdom, Anavema seized the throne ignoring the claims of his young nephew.
2 The Velugõivari-carsavali, vv. 80, 81. 3J. 4. H.R. S., Vol. I, p. 181. • Nissanku Kommana : Sivalila vilasan. Above, Vol. XIII, p. 241 (see note 100 p. 29 below).

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How long Bhaktirāja continued to rule his principality after the events described above is not quite clear. According to an epigraph summarised by the Mackenzie Surveyors, his son and successor Annadēva was crowned in the city of R(K?)āmavaram on Aśvija, śu. 10, of the year Parabhava corresponding to Saka 1259. The date is unfortunately irregular. The Saka and the cyclic years do not agree. The cyclic year Parābhava does not coincide with Saka 1259 but with Saka 1289. As the Saka year given in the record yields a date far too early for the coronation of Annadēva, it must be rejected as inaccurate. If, on the other hand, the cyclic year is taken to be correct, Annadēva's coronation may be said to have taken place in A.D. 1366. Much however cannot be built on the basis of the information furnished by this inaccurately dated record especially as the original is not available for our examination. The earliest genuine record of Annadēva is a short epigraph dated Saka 1310, Vibhava (A.D. 1388); and it registers the gift of Kanchanapalle to the temple of Siva at Tripurantakam in the Markapur taluk of the Kurnool District. He seems to have passed under a cloud during the next sixteen years; and when at the end of this period he emerges into light again, he is found ruling with full titles of sovereignty in the neighbourhood of Drāksbārāmam. There is reason to believe that he was in exile, for, in the first place, the provenance of the inscriptions of Kumāragiri-Reddi who ascended the throne in or about A.D. 1382 clearly shows that the lower Godavari valley wherein lay the family estates of Annadēva was included in the Reddi kingdom. The Komāragirivaram grant dated A.D. 1408-09 clearly states that Kumāragiri-Reddi bestowed on Kätaya Vēma the Eastern kingdom with Rājamahendranagara as its headquarters. It is obvious that the lower Gödāvari valley was under the control of Kumāragiri at the time of his death which took place in or about A.D. 1404. Moreover, in the Anaparti grant dated A.D. 1390, it is said that the east coast up to Simhädri (i.e., Simhachalam in the Vizaga patam District) acknowledged Kumäragiri's rule ; and that he, being desirous of bequeathing to his young son, Anavöta II, a larger kingdom than he possessed, planned the conquest of fresh territories extending to the east of that hill. Secondly Vēdagiri I, the Velama king of Dēvarakonda in Telingana (Nalgonda District of the Hyderabad State), a contemporary of Kumāragiri, is said to have offered protection to Annadēva.? It follows from these facts that Annadēva was living abroad owing to the occupation of his territories by the Reddi kings.
The circumstances which led to the displacement of Annadēva may now be envisaged briefly. Anavēma who seized the throne of Kondavidu on the death of his elder brother, planned an expedi. tion against the rebels in the deltas of the Kộishņā and the Gödāvari, and brought them soon under control. According to the Srisailam epigraph cited above, Anavēma " demolished the jala-durga of Divi (Kistna District) and captured all the jala-durgas at the confluence of the Gautami (i.e., Gödāvari) and the sea, broke open the sthala-durgas of Rājamahēndra, Niravadyanagara (Nidadavole in the West Godavari District) and others; and planted pillars proclaiming his glory at the foot of the Simhachalam and the Vindhyas". Anavēma seems to bave made use of force as well as diplomacy in re-establishing his authority. He crippled the strength of the Telugu Chōdas who were a formidable obstacle in his path, by creating dissensions among the members
Mac. M88. 15-4-4, pp. 231 ff. The epigraph in question is said to have been engraved on a slab lying outside the postern (diddi gumman) gate of the fort of Rajahmundry. Its present whereabouts are not known.
: No. 254 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * No. 421 of 1893 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. 18. I. I., Vol. V, Nos. 7, 155 ; above, Vol. IV, pp. 328-9.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, p. 210. • Ibid, pp. 203-4. * The Velugöfivuri-vamšāvaļi, 122. * No. 20 of 1915 : Mudras Kp. Rep., 1915, part ii, para. 59.

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of the family. Bhaktiraja was probably dead by this time; and differences seem to have arisen between his sons regarding succession. Taking advantage of this, Anavēma entered into an alliance with his son Bhima or Bhimalinga, and secured his support and loyalty permanently by bestowing on him the hand of his daughter in marriage.1 Annadeva must have felt helpless against this combination, and sought refuge in his ancestral estate of Eruva, where he seems to have kept up a precarious existence up to 1388 A.D. The expansion of the Vijayanagara kingdom towards the east seems to have ousted him even from this place of refuge, and he became a wanderer seeking his fortunes in the courts of the Deccan. This accounts for the inveterate hostility which he displayed in later life towards the Reddis and their allies, the Rayas of Vijayanagara.
3. The first achievement of Annadeva that is described in these plates is the assistance which he rendered to the Turushka king in defeating the king of the Karņāta at Sagara. This statement clearly indicates that Annadeva entered into an alliance with the Bahmani Sultan. The Karnata army that is mentioned in the inscription is the army of Vijayanagara; and Sagara is a city of that name on the northern bank of the Krishna in the Gulburga District of the Nizam's Dominions. It stood on the frontier between Gulburga and Vijayanagara, and constantly figured in the wars between the two kingdoms. It follows from this that the Turushka king who was engaged in fighting with the Karnataka army was the Bahmani Sultan. Now between A.D. 1388, the date of Annadeva's Tripurantakam record, and A.D. 1416 when he appears to have died,
1 The marriage of Bhimalimga with the daughter of king Anavēma is referred to by contemporary Telugu writers. According to Niééamku Kommana, Allaḍa married Vēmāmbika, the daughter of Bhimalimga who was the son of Chola-Bhakti-kshitiévara:
Ma: Bharita-brinidhi-yam-mahiramanud-oppen-Jola-Bhakti-kshilisvara-sunumd-agu Bhimalimga-manujesa-breshthu sat-putri bhasvara-karunya-dasa-jan-avana-vidha-samdhatri Vêmämbikan variyiñchen-bati-bhakti-gaurava-dridha-vyä para-nity-ambikan || (Sivaliläviläsam, canto 1.) Srinatha states that Vêmämbika was a grand-daughter (i.e., daughter's daughter) of king Anavěma of Kondavidu :
Ma: Anavema-kshitipälu-pautri-yagu-Vemamba-Mahādēvikin
29
ghanud ayy-Allaya-bhumi-pälunaku samgrama-sthali-gamḍīvul
tanayul Vema-vibhundu Vira-vasudh-adhyakshundu Dodda-prabhu
dunun Annayyayu bahu-vikrama-kal-ätöpa-pratap-öddhatul || (Käsikhandamu, canto 1, v. 32).
It is obvious that Vêmamba's parents were Bhimalimga, the son of Chōla Bhaktiévara and an unnamed daughter of king Anavēma.
Chola Bhaktiśvara
Bhimalimga m.
Anavema
I
daughter
T
Vēmāmbika m. Doddaya Alla
2 An epigraph (S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 113) at Palivela dated January A.D. 1417 states that Doddama-Reddi Allada destroyed the family of Kataya-Vema's enemy completely and restored the kingdom to his children. These were Kataya-Vema's son Kumaragiri who succeeded him on the throne of Rajahmundry, and daughter Anitalli who married Virabhadra-Reddi, the second son of Allaḍa (Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. II, p. 108). Now, the present grant makes it quite clear that Annadeva was fighting with Kataya-Vema's family about A.D. 1416. So far as we are aware, the only enemy of Kataya-Vēma who having displaced the latter's children occupied their kingdom was Annadeva. Therefore, the enemy of Kataya-Vema whom Allada-Reddi destroyed with the whole of his family before January A.D. 1417 in order to restore Kataya-Vema's children to their paternal kingdom must have been none other than Annadeva. Any doubt that may still linger in our minds is completely set at rest by the poet Srinatha who flourished at the court of Vema and Virabhadra, sons of Allada-Reddi. He states that Allada destroyed the overweening pride of Virabhadra and Annadeva of the Solar family:
Bhanumat-kula-Virabhadr-Annadev-ādi-garva-samrambhambu-gāku chēsi (Bhīmēśvara-púrāņam, 1: 62).
It is therefore certain that Allaḍa-Reddi came into conflict with Annadeva-Choda and his sou Virabhadra and killed them before January 1417 A.D.

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there was one major conflict between the Bahmani Sultan and the king of Vijayanagara in which the city of Sagara played an important part. Firüz Khan and Ahmad Khan, the nephews of Mahmud Shāh Bahmani, rose up in revolt in 800 A.H. (A.D. 1397) against the latter's son Shams-ud-din in Sagar. Though defeated in war and reconciled ostensibly to the Sultan, who again received them into favour, they did not give up their designs upon the throne, and treacherously seized it on the 14th February, A.D. 1397.1 Firüz Khan ascended the throne and assumed the title of Firüz Shah Bahmani. The Hindu chiefs who held estates from the Bahmani Sultan in the neighbourhood of Sagar revolted immediately as a protest against Firuz Shāh's usurpation. Though the Bahmani historians do not explicitly mention this rebellion, they refer to an invasion of Devaraya of Vijayanagara and the suppression of the Hindu rebels at Sagar by Firüz Shāh. According to Firishta, Dévariya invaded the territories of the Raichur Doab in 801 A.H. with the object of capturing the forts of Mudkal and Raichûr, but Firüz Shāh moved towards Sagar to frustrate his attempt. "After this ", says he," he put to death a Zemindar, with seven or eight thousand Hindoos, who had long been very refractory "2 Sayyid 'Ali more definitely alludes to a rebellion of the Hindu chiefs. According to him, Firüz Shāh declared a jihād on Vijayanagara in 802 A.H. (A.D. 1399) and "marched towards Sagar. When the chiefs of that district heard of the Sultan's approach, they tendered their submission, and paid the revenue of the country into the royal treasury, and so remained secure from attack by the army." It is evident that about A.D. 1398-99 there was a Hindu rebellion in the district of Sagar against the Bahmani Sultan; and the rebels actually took possession of the fort. Nizām-ud-din Ahmad declares that the first action of Sultan Firuz Shāh, after his accession to the throne, was an attack upon the fort of Sagar where some rebels who had taken possession of it had defied his authority. But the Sultan declared war upon the king of Vijayanagara, even before he marched to put down the rebels. Very probably the rebels secured help from the king of Vijayanagara, and placed the stronghold of Sagar in his hands; otherwise, there could have been no battle at Sagar, as stated in this inscription between the forces of the Bahmani Sultan and the Karnataka army. Another fact which seems to throw some light on this problem may be mentioned here. In the Tāladipika of Sāļuva Gopa-Tippa, one of the tālas is called Sagaradurggādivi pāçak', i.e., he who first broke into the fort of Sagar'. This is, indeed, a curious name for a tāļa ; but Tippa states in explanation of the name that the desya-tālas, forty-one in mumber, were named by him after his titles.5 Therefore, Sāluva Göpa-Tippa had the title of Sagaradurggādivipātah'. Much is not known of Tippa's military activities, and the Sāļuva inscriptions so far as they are known do not allude to the capture of Sagara by Tippa or his immediate ancestors. Probably like the names of other tülas, Samburāyasthäpakah', 'Dakshinasuratrāņavi pātaḥ', the Sagaradurggădiripātah' was also calied after one of his ancestral titles. In that case, it alludes to the capture of Sagara (Sagar) by one of the early chiefs of the Sāļuva family in the service of the king of Vijayanagara. As there is no other known earlier instance of a Vijayanagara attack on the fort, the title perhaps had its origin in the capture of Sagar about this time.
1 Burhan-i-Ma'āşir (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 185); Briggs : Ferishta, Vol. II, pp. 359-60. * Briggs: Perishta, Vol. II, p. 370. * Burhan-i-Ma'āşir (Ind., Ant. Vol. XXVIII, p. 186). • Tabaqät-i-Akbari (Bib. Ind.), iii. p. 13.
شده بودند - آوا بگو شمال آن گروه متوجه شد -
رچون در قلعه سنگر بعضی مردان متهم
Mysore Or. Mas. Library, No. 3809, 10th fol. f. I am obliged to Mr. M. Ramakrishna Kavi for extracting for my use this portion from his own copy of the Tafadipika.

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Annadēva evidently joined Firüz Shāh in his expedition against the fort of Sagar in A.D. 1398-9 and helped him to defeat the Karnatakas and regain the fort. The help which he rendered to Firüz Shāh could not have been substantial. As a prince living in exile, he could not have had a large following. Firuz Shāh was an ambitious king. He had designs on Telingana and the rich deltas of the Krishņā and the Godāvari. A pretender to the sovereignty of this region would be a pliable tool in his hands, and could be used to his advantage when occasion arose. Moreover, it was desirable to secure an ally who might embarrass the king of Vijayanagara on the east coast in the event of a war in which he might become involved. These considerations prompted Firūz Shāh to enter into an alliance with Annadēva and associate him in his war with the Karnatakas.
The second achievement attributed to Annadēva is the conquest of Jaggaväga, and other enen.v cities. Though at the present state of knowledge the identification of these cities and the enemies to wbom they belonged is not possible, the capture of these cities seems to indicate Annadēva's return from Gulburga. An inscription in the Bhimēśvara temple at Dräksbārāmam! clearly shows that Annadēva had not only returned to his native country before July 1404 A.D., but had managed to regain the power which he had lost some years earlier. As Dräkshärāmam is in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry which at this time served the Reddis as the capital of their northern possessions, it is impossible that Annadēva could have gained a footing in this region without coming into conflict with them, specially with Kātaya-Vēma, who was then ruling over this part of the Reddi kingdom. The absence of Kataya Vēma's inscriptions during the early years of his reign (A.D. 1404-07) in Rajahmundry and its neighbourhood seems to suggest that very probably he had temporarily lost control over his capital immediately after the death of his brother-in-law and sovereign, Kumāragiri-Reddi in A.D. 1403 though he appears to bave recaptured it before A.D. 1408. The titles, Räjādhirāja,' and 'Purvasimhāsanādhiśvara' which Annadēva assumed about this times were probably meant to proclaim his own sovereignty and the triumph which he won over his Reddi adversaries. The circumstances which facilitated Annadēva's return from Gulburga, and the re-establishment of his authority in the Godavari delta must be explained here, in order to present the facts enumerated in the inscription under consideration in their true perspective. Anavēma died probably in A.D. 1381 and his nephew Kumāragiri-Reddi succeeded him on the throne of Kondavidu. Kumāragiri's accession was not, bowever, peaceful and uncontested. The Tottaramūdi plates which declare that his brother-in-law, 'the powerful Kataya-Vēma placed him on the throne and protected him even as Srikrishna protected Yudhishthira ', allude covertly to some opposition which Kätaya-Vēma had to overcone before he placed Kumāragiri on the throne, and to the sovereign powers which he exercised on luis behalf after his accession. It is evident that Kumāragiri left the onerous task of governing the kingdom to his powerful brother-in-law, and contented
1S. 1. I., Vol. IV, 1347.
. My reasons for thinking so are: (1) No trace of him is found before this date in the region of the Godavarl; (2) Anarima and Kumāragiri-Reddi were in actual possession of this region from A.D. 1371 to 1403 ; and (3) the Velama king Peda-Vedagiri is said to have offered protection to Annadēva 'Ala-Choda-Bhaktindru Anadēvara. junu bemp=āra-gache' (The Velugotivāri-va sävali, p. 122).
The word kachu implies some danger which threatened Annadēva; (4) Annadēva was, after all, a petty chief as yet unknown to fame. It is not likely that his greatness reached the Bahmani court and induced Firüz Shah to court alliance with him. Judging in the light of these facts, it appears to me that Annadēva who was at Dēvarakonda joined the Velamas who were the friends of Firüz Shah and helped the latter to take Sagar.
Mac. M88., 15. 4. 4, p. 233. J.A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, p. 213. 5.1.I., Vol. IV, 1347.

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himself with the enjoyment of sensual pleasures. When his only son, Prince Virannavõta, died a premature death some time after A.D. 1390, Kumaragiri, who was left without any heir except bis distant cousins, resolved to reward his brother-in-law for the valuable services rendered by him. Therefore, he conferred on Käțaya-Vēma the eastern territories with Rajabmundry as its capital, and left the remaining part of the kingdom to one of his cousins who might be successful in seizing his throne. Accordingly, on bis death, the Reddi territories which had hitherto remained under the authority of a single monarch were divided into two kingdoms, practically hostile to each otber. Peda-Kömati-Vēma, who succeeded him on the throne of Kondavidu, did not naturally acquiesce in the division of the kingdom effected by Kumāragiri and was inclined to question the right of Kātaya-Vēma to rule at Rajahmundry.
Another factor which contributed to the removal of the obstacles from the path of Annadēva was the confusion that arose in the kingdom of Vijayanagara, consequent upon the illness which afflicted Harihara II in A.D. 1403. His three sons Bukka II, Virūpäksha I, and Dēvarāya I repaired from their respective provinces to the capital, and were each busy in concerting measures to seize the throne. The death of Harihara II in A.D. 1404 was the signal for the outbreak of a civil war which racked the kingdom for two years. Kātaya-Vēma who expected help from Vijayanagara, owing to his political and family alliance with Harihara II, could hope for little or no assistance from his ally under the circumstances. It was at this juncture that Annadeva considered it expedient to return to his native country, and make an effort to recover his patri. mony. There is reason to believe that his restoration was partly due to a Velama invasion of the Rajahmundry kingdom. Rāvu-Singa II, the ruler of Warangal and Rācbakonda, invaded, probably at the instance of Sultan Firüz Shāh Bahmani, the Godavari delta and overran the country as far as the frontiers of Orissa. His cousin, Peda Vēdagiri, the chief of Devarakonda who formerly gave asylum to Annadēva, co-operated with him in the enterprise, and destroyed, according to the Velugotivāri-vam dāvali, the fort of Bendapūdi (Tuni division of the East Godavari District) which belonged to Kātaya-Vēma. These statements are corroborated by the evidence of a few inscriptions of Peda-Vēdagiri's officers at Simhachalam and Srikūrmam, both of which were included in the dominions of Kätaya-Vēma. One of these records registers the gift of 10 ganda-mādas to the temple of Srikürmam by Pins Mada-Nayadu, son of SingamaNāyadu, a younger brother of Recherla Sūra-Nayadu of Dēvarakonda in A.D. 1405. The
Lila-grihán=kanaka-ratna-chayair anekan prasadam=unnata-filhair Grihardja-sarjñam!
korida-sararsi cha vidhaya Vasarhtariyah kalf-radhanasi (1) sah äramata priyabhil || The Komaragirivaram Grant (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, pp. 209-10).
* Local Records, XXII, p. 166.
The marriage between Kataya-Vöma's son, Kata-Prabhu, and Harihara's daughter is mentioned in the Vemavaram grant (above, Vol. XIII, p. 242).
• Som (Sneh 1)-ollasini Parafika-nipatau sandh-ann-sandhayana kaih lanyaratna-samarpanat Gajapalau sambandha-gandhaspridi Recherl-anvaya-barnginam narapatin drashuni rané sahasam sambhavyan sa (na ?) hi Gautami-parisara-kahudra-kshamäbhrid-gane ||
(Visvēsvara, Chamatkara-chandrika-Madras Government Or. Mss. Lib., R. No. 2679, p. 114). See Introduction to Kataya.Vēma's Commentary on Kalidasa's Sakuntalam.
Kataya-Vēma conquered the country between Simhachalam and the Vindhyas between A.D. 1385 and 1390. This is brought out by the following passage in the Anaparti grant :
Tammit-Simhadri-paryanta-prachya ēva mahisvarah Jalavyās=tansmahipalan-adhund jaya-lilaya !
T'at6 Vindhyadri-Simhadri-madhyavarti-mahisvaran Jitva tad-deba-durgeshu niyujya --adhikarinah || J. 4. H. R. S., Vol. XI, p. 204 (vv. 27 and 36).
8.1. ., Vol. V, No. 1242.

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identity of the Sūrā-Nāyadu mentioned in this record is disclosed by another at Simhāchalam dated A.D. 1407. He was the Pradhāni or the Minister of (Peda) Vēdagiri-Nāyadu of Dēvarakonda. It follows from this that the Velamas who invaded the kingdom of Rajahmundry about A.D. 1404 remained in the eastern districts for three or four years. As Annadēva was a protégé of Peda-Vēdagiri, and as the Velama invasion roughly coincided with Annadēva's return to his native country, it seems reasonable to conclude that the Velama invasion was undertaken to reinstate the latter in his ancestral estates.
What happened in the Gödāvari delta in the years that immediately followed Annadēva's return is not known. A study of the Reddi inscriptions of this period, however, leads to the conclusion that the successors of Kumāragiri had completely lost control over the coastal region between the Krishņā and the Gõdāvari. Whereas the inscriptions of Kumāragiri are found in this region as in the other parts of the Reddi kingdom, no inscription of his successors- neither of Pedakòmaţi-Vēma nor of Kāțaya-Vēma,- has been so far discovered. The inscriptions of the early years of Kāțaya-Vēma's reign are not found anywhere to the west of Pithāpuram and Peddapuram ; and none of Pedakòmati-Vēma is found on the north of the Krishņā. A part of this region, if not the whole of it, probably passed into the hands of Annadēva. . Kataya-Vēma was thus hemmed in between two enemies during these years. On the east were the Velamas in the neighbourhood of Simbachalam, and on the west was Annadēva in the neighbourhood of his capital. Kātaya Vēma must have been driven out of his capital and maintained a precarious hold on the Pithapuram-cum-Peddapuram region, biding his time to dislodge bis enemy. He perceived, at last, a chance of obtaining help from Vijayanagara. Dēvarāya I who emerged successfully out of a civil war ascended the throne in A.D. 1406; but he bad to face a simultaneous attack delivered by two of his neighbours. Pedakòmați-Vēma who could not reconcile bimself to the loss of the districts of Addanki and Srisailam despatched an expedition into the Udayagiri-rajya and occupied a large part of the present Cuddapah District. At the same time, Firüz Shāh attacked Vijayanagara from the north. Dēvarāya, however, successfully withstood these attacks, and within the course of the next three or four years consolidated his position in the kingdom. It was at this time that Kāțaya-Vēma set out for Vijayanagara and reached Ahõbalam in the Kurnool District about the end of A.D. 1410. It is not known whether he actually proceeded to Vijayanagara to solicit help from Dēvarāya. Taking into consideration the serious situation in which Kataya Vēma was involved, it is difficult to believe that his visit to Ahobalam in the interior of the Vijayanagara kingdom was not actuated by political motives. The presence of the Vijayanagara armies on the banks of the Godavari fighting against Annadēva during the succeeding years, as mentioned in the inscription under review, clearly shows that Vēma succeeded, whether he actually met Dévarāya or not, in obtaining help.
Now this brief narrative of the political developments in the kingdom of Rajahmundry furnishes the clve for a clear understanding of the events mentioned in this inscription. Kātaya. Vēma seems to have abandoned the caution which characterised his early actions, some time after his return from Vijayanagara and embarked on a policy of aggression. Though he still maintained his bold on the eastern bank of the river, his enemy was in possession of the opposite bank. It was necessary that he should control both the banks of the river to ensure the safety 1 Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1100.
? Local Records, Vol. XXII, p. 166. Briggs : Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 383.
No. 84 of 1915 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * Two epigraphs, one at Polavaram on the west bank of the Godavari ( No. 1293 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) and another at Palakol in the Narsapur tāluk of the West Godavari District (S. 1. 1., Vol. V, No. 145) dated A.D. 1408 and A.D. 1413 respectively show that Annadeva was the master of the weetern bank,

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of bis dominion, and free himself from the ever-present threat of attack. The conquest of the district of Attili (Tanuku division, W. Godavari District) and the capture of that town and the fort by the southern kings referred to in the present inscription, point out clearly that Vēma lavnched an attack upon his enemy's territory. The number and identity of the southern kings are not known, though it may be confidently asserted that the tributary princes and the nobles of Vijayanagara were certainly among them. Annadēva was not disposed to allow this affront to his authority to pass unavenged. Having quickly gathered together his friends and followers, he marched at their head to chastise the invaders. He came upon the army of Kātaya-Vēma's southern allies in the vicinity of Attili, and inflicted on thein a crusbing defeat. A large body of the enemy's forces numbering 10.000 men who were stationed in the fort of Attili were compelled as a consequence of defeat to surrender to him.
While Annadēva was engaged in taking possession of the fort of Attili, one of his friends wbo is unfortunately not mentioned by name in the inscription, came into conflict with a contingent of the Vijayanagara (Kannada) army at Kankaraparti on the Gautami (ie. the Gödāvarī). Confronted with a superior force, he was unable to cope with the situation, and stood in grave peril of destruction. Intelligence of the sad plight of his friend having reached Annadēva, he hastened with his troops to rescue his frier d. As soon as he arrived at Kankaraparti, he lost no time in engaging himself in action. Led by his brother-in-law, Pina-Undirāja, his army fell upon the Karnatakas and hacked them to pieces. It was an overwhelming disaster to KātayaVēma's side, his allies were nearly annihilated and his family had to surrender to his enemy, abjectly begging him to spare their lives.
Two points demand explanation here. (a) It is said that Annadēva rescued some friend who was assailed by the Karnatakas at Kankaraparti. The inscription gives no help to establish his identity. A passage from Burhān-i-Ma'āsir, however, seems to throw some light on the problem. Describing the events during the last years of Firuz Shāh Bahmani, Sayyid Ali states that the Sultan led an army into Telingana and subjugated the country as far as Rajahmundry.
The Sultan ", says he," being determined to conquer Telingāņa proceeded in that direction till having got near Rajahmundry he conquered meny forts and districts of that country, and having taken the whole of that territory he consigned it to the agents of government, and then set out for his capital"? Sayyid Ali does not give the date of this expedition : but he mentions a number of events which had taken place before and after the dispatch of the expedition. However, a comparison with Ferishta's account of these events. may enable is to determine
1 Though the identity of the southern kings is not disclosed in the inscription, it is not difficult to conjec. ture who they were. In the south, more strictly south-west, of Annadeva's dominions were the kingdoms of Kondavidhu and Vijayanagara. It is not likely that they should have joined together to attack Annadēva : for. in the first place, the relations between Kondavidu and Vijayanagara were anything but friendly at this time : and secondly Pedakömati. Vema, the king of Kondavidlu, who was hostile to Kataya Vema would not have helped him or his family by making an attack upon Amadēva. The king of Vijayanagara was related to KātayaVema, au pointed out already, by marriage alliance. At Sagar the former encountered at first Annadeva as an ally of the Bahmani Sultan; and then according to the present record he was fighting with the latter at Kamkareparti on the Godavari as an opponent. Moreover, according to Srinatha's Bhimēérara-puranam. 1 : 62 (above Vol. XIII, p. 241), the king of Karnāta was an ally of Allāda who restored Kataya Vema's children to their kingdom. Taking into consideration all these facts, it is not unreasonable to suppose that one of the souther kings referred to in the present record was the king of Karnataka and that he came there with his forces to help Kätaya. Voma ard his family.
? Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 187.

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Nil.
Nil.
roughly the time when the expedition was undertaken. The facts mentioned by botb the historians are given in the following schedule, for the purposes of comparison : Sayyid 'Ali
Ferishla. (1) Firüz Shah's second war with Vijayanagara ; and his capture
Nil. of Bhānūr and Musalkal. (2) One year after this, he invaded Mabür and made peace with the The Sultan invaded Rāya.
Gondvana i.e. Má
hur in 815 A.H. (3) Hushyar and Bēdār rose to prominence . . . . .
Nil. (4) Death of Kbwāja-i-Jahān, the prime minister of the Sultan . (5) The invasion of Telingāna as far as Rajahmundry, and the con
quest of the country . . . . . . . (6) The siege of Pāngal . . . . . . . . The siege of Nalgonda
Pāngal in 820 A.H. It is obvious that Fīrīz Shāh's expedition to Rajahmundry took place between 815 A.H. and 820 A.H.
Another fact which seems to have some bearing on the subject must be taken into considera - tion here. Notwithstanding the uniform success which attended his arms, and the comparative ease with wbich he subjugated the country, Firūz Shāh is said to have returned to his capital without making an attempt to capture Rajahmundry, although he marched victoriously to the neighbourhood of the city. The reason for his failure to take advantage of the opportunity to capture the city is not quite apparent. Rajahmundry was an important stronghold in the lower valley of the Gõdāvari, and it was the seat of a flourishing Hindu kingdom. The temptation to plunder the city, if not actually to take possession of it, must have been too strong for an orthodox and ambitious Muhammadan king like Firüz Shāh to overcome. Therefore, the return of the Sultan without oven making an attempt to invest the city must be attributed to some obstacle which compelled him to turn back and hasten honiewards.
A few incidental remarks thrown out by the Muslim, historians, wbile describing the siege of Pāngal-Nalkonda by Firūz. Shāh in the middle of 820 A. H. (August, A.D. 1417), seem to suggest that the Sultan was con pelle:l to return by the arrival of a fresh Vijayanagara arn.y in the east. Firishta states that in the middle of the vear 820 A. H., the Sultan made an attack on Pangal commonly known as Nalkonda iu his day, a fort which stood at a distance of eighty farsangs or two hundred and forty wiles from Adõni on the banks of the Tungabhadrā. The authenticity
1 Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. II, pp. 389-90. There are two forte named Pångal in Telingāņa. One of them atands, at a distance of about seventy miles to the east of Adoni, in the Mahbubnagar District of Hyderabad State. This could not have been the Pāngal besieged by Firüz Shāh, as the distance between this fort and Adoni is seventy miles and not two hundred and forty as stated by Firishta.
There is another Pangal, adjoining the town of Nalkonda, the headquarters of the District of the same name in Hyderabad. In fact, Pāngal and Nalkonda are so near each other that they may be regarded as two different suburbs, as it were, of the same town. Moreover, the distance between this fort and Adoni roughly agrees with that given by Firishta.
The name Bilconda which is found both in Briggs' translation and the publishod Persian text (Naval Kishore Press) of Firishta is a corruption of Nalkonda, due to a scribal error commonly met with in Persian mss., lithographs, etc. Some scribe, either due to negligence or ignorance, shifted the dot indicating the phonetic value of the initial letter noon' (u) from the top to the bottom, and changed it into 'be'( ). Consequently, Valkonda ( 3jci) was transformed into Bilkonda ( sh). In one of the mss. in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal the name of the fort in spelt as Malkonda:
در اواسطه سال مذکور قصد تغير پاگل که درین وقت به ملکونده شهرت دارد از قلعه اديني تانجا هشتاد فرسنگ است شده بانصوب لشکر کشید •
-Cat. of Arab. and Pereian mes, in the Library of R. A. S. B. No. D 57 fol. 332A.

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of Forishta's account is corroborated by the evidence of two inscriptions both dated July, A.D. 1417, at Vedadri in the Nandigama taluk of the Kistna District. They refer to the occupation of Vöda palli-Vazirabad and Srirangarājukonda (Vēdädri) on the banks of the Krishna in the eastern country by Sarakhu Maluka Jainādi Vodaya (Sharq ? Malik Zian-ud-din), an younger brother of Masliad-i-Aly Habib Nizani-ul-Mulk, one of the favourite ministers of Sultan Firūz Shah'. As Vödapalli-Vazirābād, where Malik Zian-ud-din was ruling in A.D. 1417, is situated at the junction of the Musi with the Krishni at a distance of about thirty miles in the south-east of Pangal-Nalkonda, there is no scope for any doubt about the identity of the fort invested by the Sultan. The causes of this attack are not fully explained by the Muslim historians. From Firishta's account it would appear that it was an act of unprovoked aggression. "Without regarding his relationship to the Ray of Beejanuggur", says he," he marched and commenced the siege, which extended to two whole years."2 Sayyid 'Ali asserts, on the contrary, that the Sultan was compelled to march against Vijayanagara, though he does not mention the circumstances which rendered the invasion obligatory. Kháli Khan, however, states that Firüz Shāh's narch upon Pangal.Nalkonda was due to ar invasion of his territories by the king of Vijayanagara. "At this time (i.e. after 818 A. H.)", says be," the intelligence of the advance of Rāy of Bijanagar with numerous forces on the territories of Islam arrived. Sultan Firüz Shah having gathered bis troops marched in that direction personally to oppose him with the army and the materials of war." If the evidence of Sayyid Ali and Khāfi Khan could be relied upon, Firuz Shah appears to have marched to the eastern Telingāna to ward off an attack of the king of Vijayanagara on bis dominions in that region. Firüz Shāh was an ally, and, according to the Muhammadan historians, the overlord, of the Velamas whose territory extended from Dēvarakonda and Rājukonda in the south to the Godavari in the north. Though this region did not properly forma part of the Sultan's kingdom, it may be termed the territory of Islam (bilād-i-Islam), as its rulers, the Velanias, paid tribute and owed probably allegiance to him. It is not known when the fort of Pāngal-Nalkonda, which stands close to their principal capital Rājukonda, fell into the hands of the king of Vijayanagara. Probably Dēvarāya I seized it in the absence of the Velama forces, when they accompanied the Sultan during his expedition to the Godavari valley. The reduction of this fort, and the consequent submission of the dependent territory must have brought under the control of Dēvarāya an important strategic position which commanded the route along wbich his armies had to pass on their way to the east coast. If, on the other hand, the fort of Pāngal-Nalkonda had been in the possession of the king of Vijayanagara even earlier, the Babmani territory which he invaded at this time must bave extended further eastwards into the coastal region which was recently conquered by the Saltar. In any case, the Vijayanagara attack on the possessions of Firuz Shāh in the east must have threatened the Sultan's rear, and compelled him to retreat from the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry abandoning his designs of further conquest.
However, the date of this invasion is not knowu. Khafi Khan places it sometime after 818 A. H. (A.D. 1415-16). As the Vijayanagara invasion imn.ediately preceded Firüz Shah's
Nos. 306 and 307 of 1924 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. Sayyid 'Ali gives a brief account of Nizam-ul-Mulk and his colleague and friend 'Ain-ul-Mulk in the Burhan-i-Wa'asir.
" At this time (about 815 A. H.) two slaves named Hushyår and Bedår who, by royal favours and rank, were Gintinguished above all courtiers, had various dignities conferred on them, and most of the important affairs of government and army were conducted according to their judgment and opinion. Bēdar was given the title of Nizâm-ul-Mulk, and Hushyar that of 'Ain-ul-Mulk", (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII., p. 187). * Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 390.
Burhan-i-Ma'asir (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVIII, p. 188). . Muntakhab-ul-Labab (Bib. Ind.), iii, p. 63.
بلاد اسلام رسید • سلطان فیروز شلة درین آران خبر حركت رائے بیانگر بالشکر بے کران طرف مقابل ار لشکر کشیده خود را مع فوج رمصالح معاربه به آن * سمت رسانید -
Muntakhab-ul-Lubab (Bib. Ind.), iii, pp. 62-3.

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attack on Pängal-Nalkonda in 820 A. H., it seems to have taken place probably in the previous year. Sayyid Ali, it may be remembered, describes Firuz Shab's invasion of Telingana immediately before his attack on Pāngal-Nalkonda, suggesting thereby that one preceded the other. Taking all these facts into consideration it seems reasonable to assign Firuz Shah's expedition against the kingdom of Rajahmundry to the year 819 A. H. (1416-17 A.D.). Now, this appears to be the time when Annadeva was waging war on Kataya-Vēma and his allies in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry. As Firüz Shah was an old friend and ally of Annadēva, it is not unlikely that he came to assist the latter at his invitation. Since Firuz Shah is said to have got near Rajahmundry and turned back without proceeding against the city, he was probably the friend whom Annadeva rescued from the Karnatakas on the battlefield of Kamkaraparti.
37
(b) The other problem which stands in need of elucidation is the manner of Kataya- Vēma's disappearance from the scene of his activities. Nothing is said about him in the present inscription though it speaks of the surrender of his family to Annadeva. It is certain that Vēma did not fall into the hands of Annadeva. Neither is it likely that he perished in a battle with Annadeva, nor being defeated by bim could have taken to flight leaving his family at the tender mercies of his enemy; for, in either casc, Annadeva would not have failed to include these facts in the list of his achievements given in the present charter. Therefore, the only reasonable alternative is to assume that Kaṭaya-Vēma died elsewhere under circumstances which are not known at present. Though nothing can be said definitely about the manner of his death, it is certain that the event itself had taken place between March and August 1416 A.D.; for, in the first place, he was still ruling at Rajahmundry according to an epigraph at Draksharamam dated March A.D. 1416.". But another epigraph at Palivela dated in the month of January A.D. 1417 alludes to his death and the destruction of Kataya-Vema's enemy, evidently Annadeva, at the hands of Allaḍa; and a third epigraph dated August A.D. 1416 refers to the establishment of the power of Allaḍa in the kingdom. It follows from this that Käṭaya-Vema's death took place between March and August A.D. 1416. As Firuz Shah led his troops as far as Rajahmundry in A.D. 1416, it is not unreasonable to believe that Vēma might have perished in the invasion while attempting to check the advance of the Muslim army.
1 Sayyid Ali places Firüz Shah's expedition to Rajahmundry before his attack on Pängal (Nalkonda). Firishta assigns the commencement of the siege of Pängal-Nalkonda to 820 A. H. Khäft Khän places the Vijaya. nagara invasion of Bahmani dominions in the east (which in my opinion compelled Firüz Shah to retreat from the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry) sometime after 818 A. H.
Assuming that the position taken up by me is correct, Firüz Shah must have been in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry at the time of the Vijayanagara invasion. If the Vijayanagara invasion took place after 818 A.H. and the siege of Pangal-Nalkonda commenced in 820 A. H., Firüz Shah's Rajahmundry expedition which, as I understand the situation, took place between these two dates, may be reasonably assigned to 819 A. H.
2 Kataya-Vēma was in Ahōbalam at the end of A.D. 1410. Hostilities between him and Annadeva must have commenced sometime after his return to his capital; it is not possible to determine the exact duration which elapsed between Vema's return and the commencement of hostilities.
Above, Vol. IV, P. 330.
S. I. I., Vol. V., No. 113; see note 2 on p. 29 above.
5 Ibid., No. 133.
Tradition preserved in the family records and the prasasti of the Koppunülla chiefs (Mack. Mss. 15. 4. 3, pp. 112-13) alludes to a battle in which a scion of the family, called Gajarow Tippa, defeated the army of Kataya. Vēma at Gundukolanu, a village in the Ellore taluk of West Godavari District. Moreover, the family prasasti embodies a biruda, viz., Kataya-Vemuni-tala-gonda-ganda (the hero who took the head of Kataya-Vēma) which points to Vema's death at the hands of Gajarow Tippa or some other member of his family, probably at Gundu. kolanu itself. If this tradition could be relied upon, Vêma appears to have died in a battle with the Velamas, to which community the Koppunulla family belonged. Taking into consideration the time of Vema's death as well as the friendly relations that subsisted between the Velamas and Firüz Shah, the Koppunulla chiefs seem to have accompanied Firüz Shah's army during the Telingana invasion and killed Vēma at Gundukolanu. In that case, the engagement at Gundukolanu must have preceded that of Attili.

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[VOL. XXVI.
4. Besides the achievements of Annadeva and his father enumerated above, the plates under edition give also an account of their religious beliefs and pious benefactions. Annadeva and his father were both staunch Saivas. Though the latter was originally named Kamaraja by his parents, he acquired, on account of his excessive devotion (bhakti) to the god Śiva, the sobriquet. Bhaktiraja, by which he was commonly known to his contemporaries (III, 1. 8). Kāmapuri, his capital, appears to have been a strong Saiva centre. The allusion to the sound of the bells echoing in the streets of the city from early dawn onwards suggests that the inhabitants were given more or less exclusively to the worship of the god of the place who was Šiva (III, 11. 18-19). Though the present charter does not mention any of Bhaktiraja's deeds of charity, information gleaned from other sources represents him as a patron of Saiva divines and institutions. The Madras Museum Plates register his gift of the village of Kandavakolanu, probably identical with Kaḍavakolanu a small station on the M. S. M., N. E. line in the Guntur District, to the great ascetic Visvesvara or Viśvanatha of Śriparvata. And the Telugu poet Srinatha speaks of his grant of two villages Cheruvada and Atukuru to the shrine of god Mallikarjuna at Srisaila.?
Annadeva seems to have inherited his love of the Saiva creed from his father. He was a Paramamohēsvara and most of his inscriptions record his benefactions to Saiva shrines. Annadeva was accustomed to offer worship to Siva six times a day, beginning with san-rise (IV, 1. 40); he added a-gopura of seven storeys (sapta-bhauma) to the temple of Siva probably at Mummadi-Prōlavaram (IV, ll. 43-44); gilded the temple of Virabhadra at Pattesa and the vimana of the shrine of Bhimesvara at Draksharama (IV, 11. 50-52); and granted several villages to god Visvesvara of Käsi, the deity of his family..
1 J. O. R., Vol. V, p. 142.
1 Sivaratri-mahatmyamu, 1: 16.
Though Annadeva was an ardent devotee of Siva, he was not a follower of the fanatical Vira-Saiva sect which gained the enthusiastic support of a large number of people in his time. He was, as evidenced by the term Paramamahesvara, a member of the Pasupata community', the members of which notwithstanding their bias to Siva, did not approve of the Vira-Saiva tenets denouncing the Vedas and the social system based on them. That accounts for the praise bestowed upon such deities as Vāņi and Hari in the opening verses of this charter, and the liberal munificence of Annadeva to Brahmans. Annadeva, in observance of a vow, as it were, fed daily a large number of Brahmans-Saiva as well as non-Saiva, ascetics and yogins (IV, 11. 40-41; H. 45-46). He gave also to Brähmans a thousand cows in the vicinity of the temple of Virabhadra at Pattesa on the bank of the Gautami, and supplemented it with the gifts. Saptasagara and Hiranya-mēru (IV, 11. 47-49). In addition to these, he granted them two villages, Uttamaganda-Chod-Annadēvavaram in the district of Visiri situated at the junction of the Pinnasäni and the Gamga, and Annadēvavaram on the bank of the Gamga to the west of Palluri-Sailavaram. These benefactions show that Annadeva's deeds of charity to temples and Brahmans were as numerous as his victories on the field of battle.
8. I. I., Vol. IV, 1347.
See Bhandarkar: Vaishnavism, Saivism, etc., p. 119. [The title Paramamahebrara would only show that he was a Saiva, and not necessarily of the Pasupata sect.-Ed.]
The Saptasagara is the fourteenth mahadana in the list of the sixteen mahadanas described by Hemadri. The ritual connected with the performance of this dana may be briefly described thus: Brahmans must be invited on an auspicious day and requested to perform the punyähavachana or purificatory ceremony. In a mandapa which is specially erected for the purpose, the images of some deities must be installed on a vedi or platform. This must be followed by the performance of vriddhiéräddha, or the braddha for ensuring prosperity.

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5. Annadēra's family : Bhaktirāja had, as stated in an earlier context, two sons, Annadēva and Bhima-Linga. The latter married a daughter of king Annavēma, and got by her a daughter called Vēmāmba ; and she espoused Allāda and gave birth to four sons, Vēma, Virabhadra, Dodda and Anna.
Annadēva narried Irugămbikā, the daughter of Chakravarti of the Solar race, and a sister of Pina-Undirāja who helped him to win the victory over the Karnatakas at Kamkaraparti (III, 1. 28, IV, 11. 29, 33-34). Pina-Undirāja and his father Chakravarti were probably related to Pedalindiraja of the Solar race who granted the village of Ravulaparti to Brahmans in Saka 13041, though the exact connection between the two families is not definitely known. Annadeva had by Irugamba, a son called Virabhadra (IV, 1. 30). Though no information is furnished by the present Plates about Virabhadra's activities, a line in Srinatha's Bhimesraru-purām suggests that he helped his father in fighting against his enemies and was consequently slain by Allāda.
6. The date on which the Rajahmundry Museum Plates were issued is not known, owing to the loss of some plates belonging to the set. Nevertheless it is not impossible to discover the probable date when the gift was made. As the inscription describes the submission of Vēma's family to Annadēva, the gift must have been made after the occurrence of this event. We have already stated that Kātava-Vēma died about the middle of A.D. 1416, and that his family submitted to Annadera about the end of the same year. Now it is stated in an epigraph at Palivela dated 17th January A.D. 1417 that Dodda ya Alla. after the death of Kätava-Vēma. destroved the family of the latter's enemy completely. The enemy referred to in this inscription, as pointed by Mr. V. Apparao in his article on the Rajahmundry Plates, was Annadiva. The defeat, if not the destruction, of Annadeva and his son Virabhadra is alluded to by the poet Srinatha in the introduction to his Bhinnerunt primum. It follows from this that Annadēva did not long survive his victory. Therefore, the Rajahmundry Plates which he issued after Kataya Vema's death must be assigned to the end of A.D. 1416.
Seven golden kundas (vessels) 21' x 21' or 10' x 10' in dimensions (height and width) and weighing from 7 to 1,000 palas, according to the means of the donor, must be secured. They should be placed first on sesamum and then on the skin of an antelope. Next, each of the seven pots should be filled with salt, milk, ghee, molasses, curds, sugar and water respectively to symbolise the seven oceans of the Hindu mythology: and the images in vold respectively of Brahman, Vishnu, Siva, Surya, Indra, Lakshmi and Parvati, and gems and grains of different varieties must be added to them. Twenty-five Brāhmans (8 Ritciks, 8 drarapalakas, 8 japa-Brahmanas and 1 guru) have to be engaged, and hômas for all the gods installed in the manda pa must be performed. When the home for Varuna is completed, the yajamina has to bathe and go around the vedi three times chanting mantras. On the second day the home has to be performed a thousand timex: and finally the kuwdas must be given away as a gift to the Brahmans. (Hemaclri. Chaturvirgo.chintamuwi. Dina khanda (Bibl. Ind.), ('h... pp. 337-339).
The Suvarnamēru comes under Mērudānas. The representation of the Mēru mountain can be made in any kind of metal or grain. In case it is made of grain, it is called the Dhanya Jeru. If it is suvarna or gold Meru. the representation must have three ridges weighing three palas. When the representation of the Meru is rendy. worship is offered to it in the prescribeul manner. And then on occasions like colipses, it is presented as a gift to a Brāhman invited for the purpose. This dawe is given to propitiate the god Variha, (Hêmädri, op. cit., pp. 391-92.)
1 Madras Ep. Rep., 1918, Part ii, p. 173. 2 Bhimēsvara-puranam, 1 : 62. * 8.1.., Vol. V, No. 113.
J. 4. H. R. S., Vol. I, p. 179. 5 Bhimabeura-puranam, 1 : 62.

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7. The names of several territorial divisions, rivers, towns and villages are mentioned in this inscription.
I. Territorial divisions :
(1) Attili-sima; (2) Visari-nadu. II. Rivers :
(1) The Gamgā, (2) the Gautami, (3) the Pimnasāni. III. Towns - (1) Attili, (2) Jaggavāga, (3) Kāmapurī, (4) Kāsi, (5) Mummadi-Prõlavāra, (6) Sagara,
(7) Sūravarapattana. IV. Villages :(1) Bharanipädu, (2) Chod-Annadēvavara, (3) Drāksbārāma, (4) Gulapūmdi, (5) Kārkara
parti, (6) Palluri-Sailavara, (7) Panchadhāra, (8) Pattesa, (9) Pedakonda. In addition to these, the name of a hill called the Gömukhagiri with a temple dedicated to Gõmukhagirīśvara, evidently named after the bill on which the shrine was built, is also mentioned.
Some of these towns and villages have been already identified in the course of the preceding discussion. The rest are taken up here for consideration.
Attili-sima was so called after Attili, which was evidently the headquarters of the district. Attili is at present situated in the south-west of the Tanuku taluk of the West Godavari District. It stands at the junction of two roads on a canal named after it. The boundaries of the Attilisima are not known; and it is not possible, in the absence of the necessary data, to demarcate even roughly the area included in the district.
The situation of Visari-nāņdu is not so easily ascertained. Visari-nāņdu figures in an epigraph belonging to the middle of the 13th century among the countries conquered by EruvaBhima, one of Annadēva's ancestors. As Annadēvavaram, the object of the present grant included in this district, is said to have been situated at the junction of the Pinnasāni and the Gamgā (another well-known name of the Godāvari), it is certain that Visați-nāņdu extended along the bank of the Gödāvari; and as no tributary of the Godavari is known at present by the name of the Pinnasāni, and as no village of Chôd-Annadēvavaram or Annadēvavaram can be located on the bank of the river, the position of Visari-nāņdu cannot be defined exactly at present.
Of the rivers mentioned in the plates, Gamgā, as explained already, is another name by which the Gödāvari is frequently referred to in inscriptions as well as in literature. The poet Srinātha who was a contemporary of Annadēva states that the river Gamgā flowed touching the western wall of the city of Rajahmundry. The Gautami is also another well-known name of the Gödāvari. As Pattesa, famous for its shrine of Virabhadra, is said to be on the bank of the river, it should be identified with the Akhanda-Gautami, i.e., the Gautami before it divides itself into the seven branches known collectively by the name of Sapta-Gödāvaram. The identity of the Pinnasāni, which must have been a small stream flowing into the Gödāvari, is, as stated already, not known.
8. Of the towns mentioned in the record, Attili, Kāmapuri, Sagara and Suravaram have been identified already. Nothing is known about Jaggaväga; Käsi is, of course, the famous city of Benares. The situation of Mummadi-Prolavāra of which a glowing account is given in the present inscription cannot be ascertained definitely. Mr. V. Apparao identifies it with Muramanda-Polavaram (probably the same as Murumanda in the Rajahmundry taluk of the East Godavari District):3
1 No. 308 of 1935-36 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection ; Bharati, Vol. XV, p. 158. ? Kāśikhandam, I : 58. ? J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, p. 181.

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41
9. Of the villages mentioned in the charter Gulapundi, Panchadhāra and Pedakonda have already been taken into consideration. Some of the remaining villages can be easily identified. Drākshārāma which is celebrated for its famous Siva temple is still a place of some importance. It stands on the north bank of the Iñjaram canal in the Ramachandrapuram taluk of the East Godavari District. Kāmkaraparti is identical with the modern village of Kākaraparru, on the west bank of the Godavari. It is at present included in the Tanuku taluk of the West Godavari District. Pattesam stands on a picturesque island in the Gödāvari and is at present included in the Rajahmundry taluk. On a craggy hill, which was known in the days of Annadēva as the Gõmukhagiri, are the temples of Gömukhagirisvara and Virabhadra, whither large numbers of pilgrims still flock to attend the annual festival in the month of February.
The situation of the remaining three villages is not known. No village bearing the name of Bharanipādu seems to be in existence at present. There is, however, a village of the name of Bhariņikam in the Anakapalle taluk of the Vizagapatam District. As Bhaktiraja was active in this region fighting with the Gajapati at Panchadhara, it is not impossible that Bharanipadu where be defeated king Singa should have been identical with Bhariņikam.
While engaged in editing these plates, I received considerable assistance from several scholars. Mr. Bhavaraju V. Krishnarao kindly furnished me, at my request, with a set of im. pressions of these plates, taken afresh from the originals in the Rajahmundry Museum. The Epigraphist to the Government of India secured from the same scholar, for my use, the impressions of the Anaparti plates of Kumāragiri-Reddi which are in his possession. Mr. C. R. Krishna. macbarlu, Superintendent for Epigraphy (Madras), checked my transcript and helped me to determine the correct reading of the text in certain places. Mr. M. Ramakrishna Kavi and Dr. V. Raghavan rendered invaluable help in the correction and interpretation of the text. Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and Messrs. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar and N. Lakhsminarayan Rao revised the manuscripts of the introductory portion of this article and offered me several useful suggestions. I am grateful to these scholars and offer them my heart-felt thanks for their generous and ungrudging help.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 प्रोकारवविखिम्'वाग्विभवस्य सृष्टेराद्या शरत्तुहिनदीधितिचंद्रिकामा [*] सर्वेश्वरादिसक
कामरवं
2 facem aron a HT47C7 Hanna ri(C)? I 1[11*] FIT HTC fafeto e
greuaranfeat 3 मसंभवमुख्यवंद्या [*] हंसावदातवपुरागममौळिमृग्या चिन्मात्रमूर्तिरवतादखिळ4 ude() [1211*] cafefeuiathraiefertat u tariat
आस्वादितेंदुवि5 yearst T itfucaramat Haala (a)a1 [1*] 3[11*] atuailfe
दग्दष्टधराधरस्य यस्यां-3
As such are is
Regarding the use of la for la attention is drawn to the remarks on orthography on p. 14. too frequent in the text no correction is made.
* Read Teat. •The anusvåra is written in the next line.

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6 गर्क निखिलवारिधयः प्रधाः । स्वेदाबुबिंदुवदुदंचितसत्व(ख)हत्तेरामात्यसौ किरितनुहरि7 रस्तु भूत्यै ॥41[1"] यस्य त्रिलोकजननी जननी भवानी यम्यश्वरः स्त्रिजगतां
___ जनको गिरीश: [*] यस्य स्मृतिनिखिक[वि]8 मतमोविवस्वान् सोयं करौंद्रवदनो जयताकुमारः [*] 51[0*] हेमाद्रि गर्भविपु.
लैकपुरोपकंठमा9 कारभूतमहितावधिपर्वताने । विश्वं प्रबोधयितुमुञ्चलितो' प्रदीपो देवायेव जयता10 मिह पुष्पवंती [*] 6 1[*] यां [स]स्तुवत्ति(ति) गिरिजां प्रततिं च मायां लक्ष्मी
गिरं सकलमृष्टिनिदानरूपा(पाम्) । दुl र्गा प्रचुड"महिषासुरमर्दनी सा भर्गकम विभवा भवताप्रसन्ना [*]7[*] क्रीड
अदा शृति पुटांचिततिग्म12 भानुषडावतंसपदलंभितचंद्रबिंब: । उहामधुंगरवपूरितपद्मजांड: क्षेत्रेवरो दिशतु स13 शुभानि नित्य (त्यम्) [*] 211 [*] गंगातरंगतनुशौकरतारकार्ति(भिः) संसेव्यमानहिम
रश्मिक(का)किरीटं(टम्) । अहांगकांतम14 हिमादिगुणोलसंतमाराधयामि मनसा शिवमष्टमूर्ति(तिम् [19n*] अध्यामितुः
खशुरमंदिरप
Second Plate (lost).
Third Plate; First Side. 1 लामरकामिनीभिः । युद्धांगणा(णे) निहतवीरवरो(र) स्व कांता विष्णोरिवाधितनयाभ
वदवेमावा ॥ 2 जातस्तयोरभवदेवभौमभूपस्त्रैलोक्यगीतविमकात्मयशःप्रतापः [*] प्रोलांबिकाप3 तिरनेककळाप्रवीणो भूलोककल्पतरुरिंदुरिवाक्षिपेयः ॥ लक्ष्मीपत(ति)स्तदनु दाम
नृपालचं4 द्रो जातस्तयोर्जगति विष(अ)तधर्ममूर्तिः । सूरांबिकापतिरभूदथ सोमभूपः क्षीराबुध5 वि ततो जगतामुपास्वः [*] गंगाधरोजन(नि) तयोरिरुगांबिकायाः प्राणखरः
प्रधितमान
Read er: * The Telugu numeral figure 1 denoting the number of the plato, is inscribed just above the line. • Read यमरखि
Road मादि • Read "मुज्ज्वलितो. • Read प्रचा
Read अति • The numeral 21 is wrongly introduced for 8 here.

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2
8
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క త పురపాడు భావ మనుజాడింపాది డిడింద శయన్య శకత్వము రామతా ద్రౌసాయోగిపండు దినినా భవతాసనా BIC. తెర స్మౌత సుహ రి 6 ఆ బేల దేశరమునివ్వరని జోభవ వేడడం చితవిక బాగా త అలా తెలుగు సంగా 27తో ఆయనను తిర 18 తమోదిన జయచంద్ర పడిన ఆయన కుమాలో కూడిన విద్యలో తెవు 68 65 కొరకు మజా అవదిలితే అవి నాదమై తాము యేయుణ 10 మహారుద్రవంతో (మాంసకు సంతగిరి శృతి భమాయాం తిరిగిపోస్తుల పేడిక్రీడా
విభుడదు వాన రమ ని తెగ విభవాభావ సంబరాలకి 12 న భూదేవత్వ నివేదెల అభి రచంద్రబింబ : ఉద్దెముక్కంగ ందపూరితుడండి ఈ అన్ని డిలియ తను నీకే తతా రవి తనం సత్యవడి లంగ్ సైన్స్ దౌత్యయ మితు వనాటముతు తిమ్మ
14. చూడరులో
కురనుండి 14
iii, a.
తురవాలండి. పని తన కొడ 12. అండజవదను బందంలో ఆమే
శ్రీ జనర్తకి త్రిలింస్ బానిలో పరేళ్ళ తరుండుడివా డి వి య శ్రీనును జాతకం గతినిక్స్ ) అదరమ్య ఏనూరాధనం ధరించండ శతానుభూత 8వంతో జరతానువానిగం గోడ రోజన తంయోరుగాంబ మా ప్రకోప రంత్ర పఠమాన దృరవారం ఉరితమితీయంభుదాస్తవంతి వర ముత్తమం దోశగ 30 యాని శ్రీబాగ్య కార్యమ్ జాతిపెని తురక బాబు బాబా పరాజయ నామ సంతయు అతడి శక్షరానంకంబొడియే మాదిని తిన ప్రశ్నలన జనం జయ రాజా రావు మరా బావా
12
భూతక్యన్ 2 త యస్తె జనాబండకొండటంతో బలాడబురుషు ముఖ్యాల సూరవరపడిన సంవిదా, నిత్యాలంలో వే246 సవత్తర గొరుగామ్న మాయాలోకి ఎంత మా బురోయనదని మీ తమకుండా రాము 14. 6389 3టినా పుర్ మాతనాననిచుకొందుము.నయ్యరత నామం.
i.
16
20
RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA-(I).
24
వ కావాలి వస్బప రాద్య గతత్తుదో డిది అచండిరాబాని రండి నియ్యవ్యాణివర భయంతో భవతి ప్రసంగినా భారతిని వికె రెడపు జైలుకువలు పాడడముల కి తుర్వ దుర
iii,b.
మంది అశ్వాలని 2
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Rea. No. 1990 E'39-275.
BOALE: ONE-HALF.
2017
10
మంచికాలము
విశ్వం సహ సమినాము మరి నివ్స్ 19వి సామెతను సాంబడి నడినా ట్రామ దాను. (అనిపినిభారంము అంతరాములు లంగ కన్మగనా బిర్యం చిరగుతవ్యుల జాతకం 18 | స్వదృసంజయతి రామపురియన్సర్యం లో కాస్త నిశి దిబరినీరు ఏడయాడి మోకాన్ని ప18. ఆదివార దేవతయు తినినమును విషం దురవారం శ్రీరామవు (యంగ్యంత హితపుణ్య సంగమ
గాని ఎడ్వర్గ
భవవనం 22 MIG-13
తపడేదేవాడినించే ఏ సజయరి రామపురిప్పు దివ్యంబ నిరసన
మహి
స్తున్నదిశ నతిరుగము వారి తె॥టెండర్ల వలయం తకి ఇ తల్లి తూనే తన వినండమూడి నిర్యగనాయి తతీరాద్రి ఆరు కిలో విభన పెడితే చేతురుతో
సం
మన తణి దండను తిని బవా త్రి వరిఖతడవాగము ఖఖపడితే రా వాయ జగతి బొగ్గరంలో నటి బావ్యరసశ్వరు కవి తనమైనది . భర పైని నా ఉదాహ హా భక్తిముక oo కుందవనప్పుడు గొంటి కాయ) వాకుడు
12
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12
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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తెలంగుం
30
బసవమ్ వన్న రవిరాయని తబల ను నో ది చూడా జగరిరులనుండనిస్తూ. 32. వరిచేనే రణ్య ప్రభావంలో అదర్య భూఅది నయ్యుడిననాయైస ప్రశా 34. విమానం ది నిరాదరాని
బాగభర ము నాడి డయవరు పంది నిజం మనం సో ఎపివు అలిలని సర్యాని నమ్రానింరక్షితా ధన సమితి. సరివడ్యం అంతరాన ఉమ్మ వాడె భుజఠర వే జయ నమసా
ప్రభుతనిధ్యం
ప్రమ సమరయన వ్రాయండి బతికరనోగడభ్యసరత్ గురుభయతిషు గపడు యజ్ఞభ్రకాసతీసుదోదన జీవబూది పరిభిసన రహితమను జాని ఉమ పూర య జార త ఒతీయ ఉల్లి ఎదవి తంత్ర వనె సుపులేలో.. సురే తరము కొంతిననమును రామనుజన డిగాగరమధాన్యం ఒనివాస అండనంది పవనార పనిము అమ్మమబంగా నిహ ప్రా లిల జందిచుకదం భవాంత నేను చెయరాప్పోడి నిరాజయ నిరా
36
38
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ie,b
అడర్ అంతరలో జగతి రాజకర కర నియ్యం రావు జనభావము? 44 మంత్రంకితన పని మండునుగడయ సమ సంబరాన పాడిపాడు నడవ మాదుర్యముఖ్యరని వద్ద అసిమ నిత్యంనడానే విభని పైను 46 చరిజెంద్ర బడి యోగిలం బ్రహ్మ దయద్యకైన విజయతామయము నడవ ప్రార్థని * వర్దన్నంబరం డిజెండ్రని రాయగనా, సహస్రంధం దంతదను నిముశ్రీ 48. శాంసడనన్న ప్రతిజ్ఞ అదిగనకు కనాలికా మదరాసు నుండ్రి ముఖ్యముత్తము
AP G జై భచూత్ర దాచడు వరకు జమ డబ్బు డా ఉపరమనాయర్ ఎడు 50 3 గోముఖగితంబ ఉపాలయోమ బాతి బొమ్మ దయఃప్రతి
పాత్రయముడవరాయ ప్రమాణ ఏర్పడే ఆయననుడాయియెన గ్రామా దర్మపలకు మించడం శ్రీరాము పంబ మయ నిదత్పందం ఎంద్ర స్థితి సురేఉరగ మరియన చోడా నడవం మయం పనికి నిదినంచేసి మామి ఉరడానఉలవరముత్తను గొండ ప్పురేంగంగార ఉబుననవిలి 54. బసనేనిసంతం ఉనన్నదని జనారంబం ॥ పల్లరింవర్ పర్చిన నిమి గంగా తీరం నడవదించ మన వాగ్రహారతియు వనమున నినుడాయి మహాజనె డా మ పరిప సిరిని ప్రసర్వ విద్యవలేనిది వరువ
56
8
10
iv,a.
12
కాకిచుకోమను
14
క్యాలి
vii, a.
బాల 252 2
దార్శ రచని పరిమితండ్రి పేజీన్య్య తనయ్యెంగయినా నృగొ అ బహుదామయూఖ రేవూరి రామా ఒరామచంద్రం ఆ 2 బారాదాగాడు అప్రదేశ్ మృత్పరాయ వాడ : 13 || శౌండిన్య గో గ్రాంబుజ సంయలి. 4 . అ బాస్తరదిశ హ రిస్తూ జ లాంగాగమ సంపత్తి.ర అభాగినుడా భాగవతాంతరం!! శాఖబజ్ఞతనయఃకాశ్యపగొ రెభవం మంతనారాయణ ©బాగిణితి గా క్రీవము
20-23
3) జయర్ని గుడి పత్తి వ ల్ల భ తనయ, అయా భకండ్రనామాత్ర బాగి కాని : సున్నా! 6 రేఖలు నాయుడి సయరవయవా
రవ్విన 1331
నా బాగ నాని దుః| రామాంజి మరోగయనయోగంగా దరస్త్రవిందం: తపాలెం బాగియజు ఉంది దాన మిశBAX రాయ త్రి తనయ యోరిడాన భాగడా జగ౦బ జ బానుయం 2 గదాని ప్ర హరితవత న డె లియాజ ననుకో ఒక పురు కొత్త
అనండి సంహరితవత మర్యాద చంద్ర దేఖ సర్కశాస్త్రడిని. ప్రజయనామను దిశ 81951 7.ండినుముకాబోత చంద్ర మూర్తి లి యంత్రము ని యంజ సభాగ్య భావాన తనతందం సినీ
రా రా et
30
32
84
42
44
56
36
46
38
48
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14
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No. 2. ] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA.
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6 धनो नृपाल: । साक्षाहिरीशमिव यं विबुधा[:*] स्तुवंति धर्मेकमूर्तिमरिगंडरगंड
कीर्ति(तिम्) [*] 7 गंगाधरादिरुगमाविकया समेतासौभाग्यशौर्यमहितोजनि कामराजः । यचंद्र8 चूडचरणांबुरुहकभक्त्या भक्तीश्वरायमगागुवनेषु पश्चात् [*] प्रति युवेव गु- . 9 लडिपुरस्य शूरान् यो बोगगदियवनाधिपतीनजैषीत् । प्राची च कोप्युल
पतिहिशि 10 येन पंचधारांगणे गजपति जयताभ्यषेचि ॥ शूराग्रणि(णी)भरणिपाटिपरोसमीप यः
शि(सिं)गil भूतळपतिं कद[ने] व्यनैषोत् । यस्तेजमा च पेड(द कीडपुरौसमीपे रक्षोयनान्
दबुरुखानु12 मुखानज(ज)षोत् [*] येनैव सूरवरपट्टनसंनिधाने वीराबवोतन्पतिर्विजितो विनो
दात् । तस्याग्रहीत् कर13 सरोकहमनेमांबा भक्तीखग(र)स्य गिरिजव शाकमोळे: ॥ भनीखरोयमथ निर्मित
वानुदाराम14 जु(ज्ज)भमाणविभवां पुरमात्मनाना । या पुण्य शोलमनुजाश्रयण ज(ज)गत्यां कस्वार. नामक
Thirl Plate; Second Side. 15 मनिय्य'तरापराभूत् ॥ आंध्रावतंसमिह कामपुरी प्रसिद्धा विस्तारिसर्वविभवा
मुक्तक18 भूमिः । [जि]त्वामरेंद्रनगरी क्षपितात्मपुण्यामुज़ु(ज)भने सततसंचरदन(दब)दाना ।
हर्येषु य17 7 निशि निर्भरकामतंत्रकांताकुचातरगम्भृगनाभिरेणौ । नित्यं चरन्मितगुरप्यभज
ककिभा18 4 5(ध्रु)वं जयति कामपुरीयमुयाया॑म्) ॥ यथानुवौथि विचरवरुणोदयादिवेकास
सूचि19 तशिवार्चनकर्मयज्ञः । घंटारवः शृति पधेन मनः प्रविश्य तत्राप्यचं हरति कामपुरीI Read नीयः * Rearl fat.

Page #59

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
20 यमोद्या । यत्रांगणे महितपुण्यफलैकगम्ये कस्तूरिकाद्यगणितार्थ्य'गणं निरीक्ष्य ।
विहहणो21 भवदनंतपदार्शवादी सर्वोपि सा जति कामपुरी पृथिव्यां [1] भक्तोखरस्य
तनयो महि22 तोबदेव'स्तस्याभवज्जगति जंगमपारिजात: [[*] सौंदर्यसीमपरिभूतजयंतकी23 तिविण्यनिद्भुतनवीनमृगांकमूर्तिः ॥ वेश्यांगनायितविरोधिधरातकेंद्रो बाहुप्रताप24 विभवादनदेवभूपः । भूत्वा तुरुष्कनृपतेस्मगरे सहाय: कर्नाटसैन्यमसिमावसखो 25 व्यनेषोत् ॥ उदंडवृत्तिविभवात्रिपुरीमिवेशो यो जग्गवागमुखवेरिप(पु)राण्यजैषीत् । सं26 जीवनं सुरवरदिजपुंगवानां जागर्त्ययं जगति चोडकुलाब्रदि(दे)वः ॥ भाग्योन(ग्यत्रोतः
सुक्कत27 वान् सुरविप्रवर्यविश्वासविस्तृतसमस्तविभूतिभेदः । श्रीविश्वनाथचरणार्चनसक(क्त)भक्तिभृत्यु 28 जयो जयतु चोडकुलांन(लाबोदेवः ॥ श्रीचक्रवर्तितनयामिरुगांबिकां यः सूर्यान्व
वायसु
Fourth Plate; First Side. 29 कतैकफलं सुशीला(लाम्) ॥ (1) पिंगँडिभूपसहजा ललनाललामभाग्योव्रतामुदवर
[हिरि]जामिवेशः ॥ 30 श्रीवीरभद्रनृपतिर्भवनैकवीरो यस्यात्मजत्वमगमद्रविम(व)शदीपः । सोयं विनिर्जित
समस्तवि31 रोधिभूपो जागर्ति चोडकुलमंडनमन(मन)देवः ॥ येनैव भूविदितमतिलिसीनि
सर्वानिर्जित्य दक्षि32 बदिगीश्वरवैरिभूपान् । तत्पट्टनावरणमध्यगताच नम्रास्मन(संरक्षिता दशसहस्रमिता
विपचाः [*]
IRead °गचितार्थ
Read °पदार्थ + The Telugu numeral figure 3 indicating the number of the plate is inscribed between the letters de and .
The anusvira is inscribed at the beginning of the next line. The syllable it is written below the line.

Page #60

No. 2. RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA. 45
33 अध्वर्युभूतपिनयुंडिन्नृपेण येन श्रीगौतमी निकटकांकCOपर्त्तिवेद्यां । आलभ्य कन(क) डमुखा[रि]
34 पशूनकारि वीराध्वरो निजसुहृत्परिरक्षणायै ( 2 ) ॥ पादांबुजप्रणतकाटयवेमवंशः ' कोयै
कवत्स
35 लतया समरक्षि येन । सोयं विभाति शरणागतभूपरक्षादीक्षागुरुर्जयति च कु
मनुजाम्म
36 लांन(लान्न)देवः ॥ यस्मिन् प्रशासति महोमनदेवभूपे सर्वोपसर्गरहिता देव । पूगेक्षुकान
37 नतकेषु मुदा रमंते नित्ये (त्यो) वसवो विजयतेयमुदारतेजाः ॥ यद्देश एव वितर्तचुवने
सुपक्कशाल्या
38 दिसस्यभरि सहकारसांद्रे । सर्वोपसर्गरहिते सुकृतैकगमै (म्ये) खेळंति नूनममरा
मनुजावता
39 राः ॥ यहेशमौळिमणिमुम्मु डिप्रोलवार
शंखाद्यनेकनिधि
40 नित्यनिवासभूमिं स्मृत्वा भियेव धनदोभजदीशसख्यं (ख्यम्) || पादपद्मो नित्यां
42 वः
नानादिगागतमहावणिजां निवासं (सम्)
1
41 न ( त्याच ) दाननियमार्चितभूमिदेवः । गोराज के तनसमर्पितगोसहस्रो विश्वाजते विमळवंश
भवन (वोन) दे
षट्कालपूजितमदाशिव
The letter va in vamhéah is written above the line.
॥ नित्यं गिरोशचरणावरुणोदयादिवेळ (का) सु षट्स्वपि मुदायुतसंख्य दीपैः 1 नीराजयन्विम
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
43ळचोडकुलांन (लान ) देवो जागर्ति राजपरमेश्वर एष भूम्यां (म्याम्)
नचामरकेतुमुक्ताच्छ
44 [at] हेमललनांकितसप्तभौमं (मम्) । मौवर्णमंदुमुकुटाय मम[प्ये] कां[तां (तं) मोधं]
समुझ
45 सति चोडकुलांन (लान ) देव: ॥ माधुर्यमुख्य रसषविलामिसृष्टनित्यांन (त्यान्न) दानविभवापडतक्षु[धा]र्ति । [शै]
॥ चामौकारव्यज

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46
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
46 वद्दिजेंद्र जटियोगिकुलं प्रहृष्टं यत्पहने विजयतामयमन (मन्त्र) देवः ॥ श्रीगौतमीनिकट - 47 पट्टेसवीरभद्रप्रांत हजेंद्रनिकराय गर्वा सहस्रं (स्त्रम्) । दत्त्वा (त्त्वा) तत्तृषमसौ मथितुं किळादाची48 डॉन ( डान ) देवनृपतिर्ज्जलधिं (धीं) ख मप्त ॥ येनाखिकामपि धगं स सुराद्रिमुख्यामुतप्तकांचनमया (य)
49 ददता द्विजेभ्यः 1 भूमात्रदः पटु जितः किळ जामदग्न्य थोडांन (डाम्र) देवरघुनायक एष भाति ॥
50 येनैव' गोमुखगिरीवर वीरभद्रदेवालयो महितहेममयः कृतोभूत् । श्रीकाशिकाधि51 पतये कुलदेवतायै ग्रामाच विनृपतय' ममदायि येन ॥ सौवर्णमात्म कुलशेखरचीडवंद्य [द्रा]
52 क्षादिरामपुरभीमय मोधश्रृंगं ( गम् ) । अधस्थलीम कुटरत्नमकारि येन चोडांन (डान ) देवधरणीतळनाय[केन] ॥
53 येयं लसद्दिस6ि9नोटिसमाख्य देश चोडांन (डाम्र) देववरमुत्तमगंडपूर्व (र्वम्)
भुवन विश्वत
54 पिंन (पित्र) सानि संगेन (ग) देवनृपतिर्द्विजसादकर्षीत् ॥ पलृरिशैलवरपश्चिमसोभित्र गंगातीन (न) देववरना
1 गंगातटे
35 ववहा ग्रहारः । पुण्येन येन समदायि महाजनेभ्यश्वोडोन ( डाव ) देवधरणीपतिरष भाति ॥ येनो
56 भयान्वयविनिर्मळ विप्रवर्या विद्यीन (द्यो ) ता विधिवदुद्दहनं प्रणीताः
तिल [केन च]
। सूर्यान्व (वा) य
Fifth and Sixth Plates missing.
Seventh Plate; First Side.
1 भारद्दाजकुलार्णवपूर्ण सुथा (धा) रश्मिरवनिपतिमित्रं [*] श्रीकूचनाय्र्यतनयः शिं(सिं)गयना
2 मा हिजेन्द्र इह भागो ॥29
[को]हिन्य"गोत्राब्धिसुधामयूखः कोवूरिरामात्मज -
Rend 'faga.
• Read 'नाममडा.
Read आचारवामागम
रामचंद्रः । श्रा
3 चारवा' गामतत्व (त्व) दर्शी भागोह मृत्युंजयपादभक्त: ॥30॥ कौंडिन्यगोत्रांबुजसूयते
The Telugu numeral figure 4 denoting the number of the plate preceded by a vertical stroke is inscribed here between the letters ra and go.
Read विश्वपतये.
• Read जिसादकार्षीत्. Read if.

Page #62

No. 2. ] RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA.
4 [:] श्रीभास्कर[:] श्रोतृहरेस्तनूजः । सांगागमे संचित कोर्त्तिरत्र भागी सदाचारवतां वरेण्यः ।[1*]31॥
काश्यपगोचाब्धिपूर्णहिम रश्मिः 1 नारायणोत्र भागी ज्योति:
6 तत्व (त्व) ज्ञः [*]1321[*] श्रगूडप लभतनयः श्रीयोभकेंद्रनामात्र । भागी काश्यपगोत्रः पुण्यस्मा
7 चंद्रमा विद्वान् ॥33॥ आत्रेयगो तिलको वि[व]यनामद्दिजातिवरस्नुः । यजुरणं
वचन्द्रयशा
8 वरदयनामात्र भागवान्विप्रः [* ]1341 [* ]
श्रीरामादिमशिं (सिं) गयतन [ यो] गंगाधर
द्रविद्र [1*]
9 कौडिन्यगोत्र पात्रं भागो यजुषां निधानमिह पुण्यः [* ]35 1 [ । *] श्रीगौरयविप्रेश्वर - '
तनय[:] श्री
10 [सिं] गनायो विद्वान् । भारद्दाजकुलांबुजभानुयशा
देवप्रि
11 यतनयो हरिवंशपद्माक 1 याजुषमणिरत्नाकरतेजाः
5 श्री [का] चिभहतनयः
शास्त्रकर्म
47
पुरुषौ (षो) समो
[*]1371[*]
12 चिंणिपिकूचयभूसुरनंदनो हरितवंशमहार्णवचंद्रमाः । सकळशास्त्रथ (र) हस्य विदं13 शवानिह हि तलयनाम सुधीश्वरः [1*]381[1*] काँडिन्यवंशार्णवचंद्रमूर्त्ति [: *] श्रीयंन (यत्र) मच्मा सु
14 ग्नंदनोत्र [1*] विश्वेश्वरो याजुषभाग्यदेवं लब्धांशवानच मतां वरेण्यः [*] [39] [[* ] गोपाळ भट्ट[[त्म]ज एष
15 पुण्यः श्रीयंन (यन्त्र) माख्यो हरितान्ववाय: । ज्योतिर्विदग्रेसरकीर्त्तिरत्र लब्धांशवानागमपारहवा [* ] 40 ॥
17
भागवानत्र ॥36॥ आदित्यावनि
Seventh Plate; Second Side.
16 मुंजपिगंगाधरवरतनय[: * ] कांडिन्यवंशवार्ध्वो (ध) दु: [ 1 *] अश्रय[नामा भागो जु] निधिरत्र सं
1 The letter ra is inscribed below the line just under sa and ta.
* Read कौण्डिन्य..
लम्बा:
मताचारः [[*][41][[*] श्रीभारद्दाजान्वयवल्लभधरणीसुरात्मजः पुण्यः 1 लक्ष्मणनामा विप्रो वेदविद[द] (विद)

Page #63

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
18 शिवान्धन्यः [i*]142[1*] सादप्युलविबुधवरो वलभदयानभानुमान्पुण्यः । काडि'न्य
वंशतिल19 को भागी वेदकमूर्तिरिह साधुः [*]143[i*] श्रीमवागविदत्तनयो निगमैक
मूर्तिरिह भागी । इंडि20 गडनागनामा काश्यपगोत्राब्धिपूर्णिमाचंद्रः [*]1441[i*] श्रीराजुकौडमलयतनया:*]
श्रीमलिकार्जुनाख्या21 नः । काश्यपगोत्रपवित्रो भागी निखिळागमैकतत्व(व)ज: [*]1451[i*] मंडुंगूरि लक्क
नाख्यो मान्यो विदुषां समस्तशा22 स्वज्ञः । भारद्वाजकुलार्णवचंद्रो भागीह वेदतत्व(त्त्व)नः [[*]1461[[*] कोललपलिपुरा
दिमशिं(मि)गयतनयो य23 जुनिधिः पुण्यः । श्रीकृष्णविजनामा काश्यपगोत्रा(त्रो) गृहीतभागोत्र [[*]]47[*]
श्रीकंदुकूरियौभकतन24 या:*] श्रीरामनामात्र भागी [*] याजुषमणिगणजलधिह (ह)रितान्वयावतंसयशाः
[*]1481[*] श्रीकृष्णम25 स्वतनया' यजुराकरबुचिरमितगुणकातिः । श्रीमाननंतनामा भागी श्रीवत्मवंशवाझुदुः
[*]1491[*] 28 श्रीभारहाजकुलो देवयधरणीसरात्मजः पुण्यः । भौमळनामा भागी यजुरध्वयनकशुद्ध
'बुद्धिरिशह [[*]]50[i*] श्रीसर्वदेवतनयाय जनार्दनाय कांडिन्य गोत्रतिलकाय महाजनेंद्राः ।
ते सर्व एव स28 मुदीरितशासनाय स्वीयैकभागसदृशं व्यतरविहांश(शम्) [*]]511[*] भक्त्या कल्ज
कोम्पराजतनयनाच 29 प्रतिष्ट(ठा)पितत्रीकेदारमहेश्वराय महसे श्रीमाधवन विजाः । सर्वे ते स्थिरभागमे
कमदुराचंद्रार्कमा30 [तारकं] . . . . [आसा]दित् भोगभाग्यमुषमा स्थैर्याय कौतूहलात् [152॥*]
I Read कौडिन्य.
• Poad मडगरि.
• Read The Telugu numeral figure 7 denoting the number of the plate is inscribed at the beginning of the line.
'Read कौंडिन्य. [I would read the portion as : ra-chandr-arkkam=arkhambaj-drvorivar-(Sn=t) odita-dqa-bhagya etc.-N. L. R.]

Page #64

vii,b.
16
విడి లేని
18
తన అనారప్పల ని బదరించి ఓ బాడిది ఉరమ్యతలిలో నాదుని కాశదేవత శివలో
RAJAHMUNDRY MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TELUGU CHODA ANNADEVA (II).
16
22 42
ఇందిన అనేక రెండవ కలి 03 ఏడ యా బాసు న కాంచెన్నవంగరం 18 మున్నాగయన కృతాన్యని గమనము కలిగి దాబా ఖడుంది. మరో కేంద్ర గణ శాఖ 20 బాగి కోగలు మండుతె అనేకున జరునోపత్యం భోగి, తగరం వెల్లిపురా దయ తనయో 8:52 12 J Potter 9 రియో భక తప "నా ప్రజలందరితో కొని SH DR జనాభా 14 26 ప్రభావడి జర్ లో డిచ య దర్శకోసా రాతి : పుణ్యద్రి బాబక్షన్ మాబారియజురద్య యనమదల 20, 26 or వలసయయ జనాడు సాయం...? శ్రీ వృత్ర తంకాయ మ హాజ నంది : అసలే వస మడికి సనా శ్రీజ బాగని ధశరవ రనిభాంతం భర్య అమ్మ రాజత నయనా అని 28 ఆపో జర్మన్ రాయము కer & సౌర 3 నమేడం చంద్రరూ
.
గా
30
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rse. No. 1990 E'30-275.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
30
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 3.)
RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA.
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No. 3.-RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M. A., NAGPUR.. Rajim is a well-known holy place, 28 miles south by east of Raipur, the head-quarters of the Raipur District in the Central Provinces. It is situated on the eastern bank of the Mahanadi at the junction of the Pairi with that river. A fair is held there for a fortnight from the full-moon day of Māgha in honour of the god Rājivalochana. The principal temples at Rūjim are those of Rājivalochana, Ramachandra and Kulēsvara. They have been described in detail by Mr. Beglar and General Cunningham in the Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol. VII, pp. 148-56 and Vol. XVII, pp. 6-20, respectively. Mr. Cousens! and Mr. Longhurst who visited the place in 1903 and 1907 have also written notes on them in their respective Progress Reports.
As early as 1825 Mr. Richard Jenking, who was Resident at Nagpur, drew attention to three inscriptions at Räjim, of which he sent eye-copies and facsimiles to Mr. W. B. Bayley, Vice President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal'. One of these was the copper-plate inscription of Tivaradēva, which has since been edited by Dr. Fleet in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, pp. 291 ff. The remaining two were stone inscriptions, one of which, viz., that of Jagapala, was later on edited by Dr. Kielhorn in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII. pp. 135 ff. The third inscription has, however, remained unpublished so far. Jenkins had sent a copy and a facsimile of this record also to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, but as it was too much mutilated to be decipherable with any degree of satisfaction", no transcript of it was published in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV which contained transcripts, imperfect of course, of the other two. The inscription was, for the first time, very briefly noticed by Dr. ( then Mr.) D. R. Bhandarkar in Cousens' Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India for 1903-04, p. 48. He drew attention to the names of the princes Andapānala. Přithvirāja, Virūparāț and Vilāsatunga and of the Sūtradhāra Durgahastin and stated that the inscription recorded the erection of a temple of Vishnu. He, further, assigned the record to about the middle of the 8th century A. D. This account was followed by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berars, but he, for the first time, correctly read the name of the king Nala in line 6. Owing presumably to its mutilated condition, the inscription has so far received little attention, but as it is the only stone record of the Nala dynasty found in the Central Provinces, I edit it here from the original stone, Cunningham's facsimile and inked estampages taken under my supervision.
Like the aforementioned inscription of Jagapāla, the present record is incised on a slab of stone which is built into the left hand wall of the mandapa of the temple of Räjivalochana, The record contains 22 lines and at present covers a space 3' 8" broad and 1' 4" higb. Some aksharas have, however, been lost on the right and left sides under the lime border.
1 P. R. A. S. W. 1. for 1903-04, pp. 24 ff.
Ar. Rep. A.S.E.C. for 1907-08, p. 35. • Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 501 and 511. • Loc. cit.
Dr. Bhandarkar seems to have wrongly read khyatoandapanala iti instead of khyāto nripo Nala iti in line 6. These words were for the first time correctly read by R. B. Hiralal.
First ed. (1916), p. 103 ; second ed. (1932), p. 112. Hiralal read the word Pandava in line 4, which, if correct, would connect this family with the Sómavamśis. But I do not find it anywhere in this record.
Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharla, while editing the Podigadh inscription, remarked that that was the first stone record of the Nala dynasty discovered till then (above, Vol. XXI, p. 155).
. 4. 8. 1., Vol. XVII, plate IX.

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This was the state of things even in Cunningham's time, but since then the lime border has made further encroachments so that some aksharas on either side, which appear clear in his facsimile, have since become invisible. The writing has, again, suffered considerably in the middle and specially on the proper left. Besides, as several letters have now become choked up with oily dust, the inscription does not yield a satisfactory estampage. I have, therefore, mainly relied on Cunningham's facsimile which is quite clear though somewhat touched up by hand. I have, however, checked some doubtful readings by a personal examination of the original record.
The characters are of the proto-Nagari type resembling those of the Sirpur stone inscription of Maha-Sivagupta-Bälärjuna'. The stroke of the medial a is often placed on the top of letters see päda- and tasy-abhu-both in 1. 6, and śri-hari in 1. 15; kh has two forms, one in which the right limb contains a loop and the other in which it is without it, see e. g., duḥkha-, 1. 15 and saukhy-, 1. 3; j is generally tripartite; in some places its upper bar is reduced to a wedge as at the top of other letters, but the central bar has not completely bent down, see dvija-, 1. 3 and vijay-, 1. 12; p is open at the top as in vapusho 1. 5; y is throughout bipartite, see śriyam-, 1. 4; in its subscript form the letter has an elongated rectangular shape as in the aforementioned Sirpur stone inscription; the right limb of is not brought down as in the proper Nagari alphabet; d and have developed serifs at their lower ends, while h is without a tail, see vadanti and alpa-saram, both in 1. 14 and vihita in 1. 18; a final consonant is indicated by an encircling curve in bhāvāt, 1. 14 and by a slanting stroke at the bottom as in upärjaniyam, 1. 14. The language is Sanskrit and the record is composed metrically throughout. There are twenty-nine verses in all, none of which is numbered. The orthography exhibits the usual peculiarities of the reduplication of a consonant after r and the use of v for b, see chandr-ärkka- and Vali-, both in 1. 5.
The inscription is one of a king, probably Viläsatunga, of the Nala dynasty. The object of it. is to record the construction, by the king, of a temple dedicated to Vishnu. It opens, as might be expected, with some verses invoking the blessings of that god. There are as many as five verses of this type, of which the first is almost completely lost. The fourth verse is in the form of a dialogue between Hari (Vishnu) and Lakshmi, while the fifth describes the Dwarf incarnation of Vishnu. Verse 6 which is partly defaced apparently glorifies a royal family which by means of double entendre is compared with the sun. The next verse describes Nala as one who had surpassed the god of love by his splendid form and whose lotus-like feet were kissed by the bee-like crest-jewels of a crowd of hostile kings who submitted to him. This Nala is plainly the well-known legendary king of that name glorified in the Mahabharata. The record next proceeds to describe, in verses 8 and 9, Prithviraja who, like the stream of the Revä (Narmada), was venerated by all people and was, like Mandhātri, created by God as He found the world tainted by the attack of the Kali age. Verses 10-12 are devoted to the glorification, equally conventional, of Prithviraja's son Viruparāja. Verse 14 mentions Vilasatunga who was probably a son of Viruparaja. The next three verses (15-17) were probably devoted to his praise, but they are very badly mutilated. It was pro
1 The facsimile is misleading in a few places. See for instance agre in 1. 16 and purushena in 1. 18, which cannot be read as such from the facsimile, but are clear in my estampage.
Above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 ff.
Some word like vam saḥ is lost at the end of line 5.
No word specifying this relation occurs in the extant portion, but the word vilasina in the ablative or genitive case in verse 14 probably refers to Viruparija.

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RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA.
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bably this king Vilăsatunga who erected the excellent and lofty temple of Vishnu which is described in verses 19-22. This is followed by the usual prayer to future rulers to preserve the religious monument and the hope that it would last for ever. The prasasti, as the inscription is called in verse 28, was composed probably by Durgagola. It was incised by the artisan (Sutradhāra) Durgahastin, son of Jalahastin.
The inscription is not dated, but on palaeographic grounds it was considered to be not later than the 8th or 9th century A.D. by Cunningham' and was referred to about the middle of the 8th century by D. R. Bhandarkar. As stated before, its characters resemble those of the Lakshmaņa temple inscription of Maha-Sivagupta-Bālārjuna at Sirpur. I have stated elsewhere the evidence on which I place Tivaradēva in circa A.D. 530-550 and his grand-nephew Maha-Sivagupia in the first half of the seventh century A.D. The Nala kings mentioned in the present inscription seem to have established themselves in the Raipur District some time after Maha-Sivagupta. It may, therefore, not be wrong to assign the present record to about A.D. 700.
Until recently the Nala dynasty was known only from references to them in the Aihole inscription of Pulakēsin II and some records of the Later Chālukyas of Kalyāņi. In the former, Kirtivarman I, the father of Pulakēģin, is called the night of destruction to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas. Dr. Fleet thought that the territory of the Nalas lay in the direction of Bellary and Karnūl, because a copper-plate inscription from the Karnül District records the grant, by Vikramaditya I of the Early Chalukya dynasty, of the village Ratnagiri in the Natavādi vishaya, which according to Dr. Fleet, is identical with the modern Ratnāgiri in the Madaksira täluka of the Bellary District. The discovery of the Rithapur plates of Bhavadattavarman showed that the Nalas had extended their sway, for a time at least, to the ancient Vidarbha. These plates are inscribed in box-headed characters resembling those of the Vākātaka grants. They were issued from Nandivardhana which I have shown elsewhere to have been the Vākātaka capital before the foundation of Pravarapura. The occupation of this important city in the heart of the Vākāțaka territory points to the conclusion that the Nalas had invaded the Vākāțaka kingdom and established themselves for a time in Vidarbha. This is again confirmed by the statement in the Bālāghāt plates that the Vākātaka Přithivishēņa II raised his sunken family.11 He seems to have driven out the Nalas from Vidarbha and to have even carried the war into the enemy's territory.
1 Verse 20 shows that the king built the temple for the increase of the religious merit of his son who had died.
* Beglar thought that the inscription contained two dates--one 870 or 879 and the other seven hundred and odd, the units and tens being mutilated, A. 8. I. R., Vol. VII, p. 152, but this is wholly incorrect. What Beglar supposed to be the figures 870 or 879 is only the word utkiruna in 1. 22.
• A.8. I. R., Vol. XVII, p. 7. .P. R. A. 8. W. I., for 1903-04, p. 48. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 18 ff. and Vol. XXIII, p. 118. . Above, Vol. VI. Pp. 1 ff. "See, for instance, the Kauthēm grant of Vikramaditys V, Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI, p. 15.
• Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, part II, p. 363. The Nalavādi-vishaya is also mentioned in the Dayyamdinne plates of Vinayāditya dated Baka 614. See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 24 ff.
• Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 ff. The king's name appears wrongly na Bhavattavarman in this inscription. 10 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 210 ff. u Above, Vol. IX, p. 271.

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[VOL. XXVI.
The Podagadh stone inscription states that Bhavadattavarman's son restored the glory of his family and re-settled the capital Pushkari which had been devastated by the enemy. This enemy was probably none other than the Vākāțaka Prithivishēņa II.
The Podagadh stone inscription points to the south-eastern portion of Mahākõsala, comprising the Bastar State and the adjoining Jeypore Agency, as the home of the Nalas. The Purānas also state that the Nalas ruled over Kõsalawhich must be taken to mean Dakshina Kösala or Mahākosala. No predecessors of Bhavadatta were so far known, but recently in 1939 a hoard of gold coins of the Nala dynasty was discovered at the village Edenga in the Kondegion tahsil of the Bastar State. This hoard comprised coins of three kings, viz., Varäha, Bhavadatta and Arthapati. It seems that Varaha preceded Bhavadatta who was himself followed by Arthapati. From the Rithapur plates we know that Arthapati was a son of Bhavadattavarman. He evidently succeeded Bhavadatta and ruled for a time in Vidarbha, but was ultimately driven out by Prithivishēna II. Skandavarman, another son of Bhavadatta, is known from the Podāgadh inscription. He rehabilitated the fortune of his family as stated above.
As Bhavadatta, Arthapati and Skandavarman were thus contemporaries of Narēndrasēna and Prithivishēna II, they must have ruled in the south-eastern part of Mahākosala in the second half of the fifth century A.D. The Drug, Raipur and Bilaspur Districts, which lay to the north of their territory, were held by the kings of the so-called Sarabhapura dynasty; for their inscriptions have been found at Ārang, Khariar," Raipur, Sirangarh and Sirpur. These kings at first ruled from Sarabhapura, but subsequently their capital was shifted to Srīpura, modern Sirpur, about 35 miles north by east of Rūjim in the Raipur District. This dynasty was overthrown by the Early Sömavamsis.11 As I have shown elsewhere, Udayana, the founder of this dynasty wag ruling in Central India, for a stone inscription found at Kālañjar records his construction of a temple of Vishņu evidently at Kālañjara. He or his sons seem to have invaded Mahākosala probably during a campaign of their Maukhari suzerain Isvaravarman or Iśānavarman. Inscriptions of Udayana's grandson Isõnadēva and great-grandson Tivaradēva
1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 153 ff. Pargiter's Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 51.
For a detailed account of this hoard, see my article in the Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, No. I, pp. 29 ff.
4 The editor of the Rithapur plates took Arthapati mentioned towards the close of the record as an epithet (meaning the lord of wealth') of Bhavadatta himself, but this is incorrect. See loc. cit. p. 33.
The name of this prince, which occurs at the end of line 5 of the Podagadh inscription is partly mutilated. It has been tentatively read as Skandararman, but the subscript members of the ligatures &k and nd are not clear and it may be suggested, in view of the close similarity in the letters & and a in the alphabet of the period, that the intended name was Arthavarman. But the reading Sri Arthararmmarà in place of Sri-Skanda. varmmand in lines 5-6 of that inscription would involve a hiatus and it appears doubtful if the name Arthapati would have been shortened into Artha or Arthavarman. I therefore take this prince to be different from Arthapati.
C.1.1., Vol. III, pp. 151 ft. Abore, Vol. IX, pp. 179 f. Ilid., Vol. III, pp. 196 ff.
lb d., Vol. IX, pp. 281 ff. and Vol. XXII, pp. 15 fi'. 10 Ir.d. Hist. Quurt., Vol. X, 12. 100 fr.
11 Hiralal was of opinion that the sonavantis prece ted the kings of Sarabhapura, but this view is not correct, see above, Vol. XXII, p. 17. n. 3.
12 Alove, Vol. XXIII, PP. 116 ff.

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No. 3.) RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA.
have been found in the Raipur and Bilaspur Districts, which were previously under the rule of the kings of Sarabhapura. These Early Sõmavamsis ruled from Srīpura. It has been already stated that a copper-plate inscription of Tivaradēva has been found at Räjim itself. The plates were issued from Sripura and record the king's grant of the village Pimparipadraka in the Pēņthāma-bhukti to a Brāhmaṇa. It has been doubted whether this inscription belongs to Räjim at all, for neither of the two places mentioned in it was identified in the vicinity of Rājim. But such a doubt can no longer be entertained ; for the village Pimparipadraka is evidently Piprod which lies only 3 miles north-west of Rajim. The Sõmavaṁsīs continued to rule in Chhattisgarh for some generations after Tivaradeva ; for copper plates and stone inscriptions of his grand-nephew Mahā-Sivagupta alias Balärjuna have been found at Mallārs in the Bilaspur District and at Sirpur and Arang in the Raipur District. It is not known how long their rule lasted in Chhattisgarh, for the later records of the dynasty have been found far away to the east in the Sambalpur and Cuttack Districts of Orissa and the Pātnā and Sonepur States in the Eastern States Agency. A stone inscription at Arang mentions Raņakēsarin who was probably a brother of Mahā-Sivagupta and another at Sirpur names Sivanandi as a son of the same king, but it is not known if either of them came to the throne. The present inscription shows that the Sõmavamsis were ultimately ousted from Chhattisgarh by their southern neighbours, the Nala kings.
The Aihoļe inscription shows that the Nalas suffered & crushing defeat at the hands of Kirtivarman I some time in the latter half of the sixth century A.D. As stated before, this Chalukya king is called the night of destruction to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas. It seems, however, that the Nalas, like the Mauryas, were not totally exterminated. Like other princes of Kõsala and Kalinga, they must have submitted to Pulakēsin II also, but they found a favourable opportunity for expansion when the Chalukyan kingdom was overrun by the Pallavas at the end of Pulakēsin's reign. They invaded the country of their northern neighbours, the Sõmavam īs, whom they drove to the east. The present inscription mentions three Nala princes, Prithvirāja, Virüparāja and Vilăsatunga. None of these names is known from any other record and their exact relation to the successors of Bhavadattavarman cannot be determined.'
The history of Mahākõsala during the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. is still shrouded by a thick veil of obscurity. We do not therefore know how long the rule of Nalas lasted in this territory. An inscription on the architrave of the door of the sanctum in an exquisitely carved temple at Päli about 12 miles north of Ratanpur records the construction of the temple by Vikramaditya, son of Malladēva. I have elsewhere to shown this Vikramaditya to be Vikramaditya I of the Bāņa dynasty, who was a son of Malladēva. He was also
1 P. R. A. S. W. 1. for 1903-04, p. 25. 2 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 116, n. 5. 3 Ibid., p. 113.
P. R. A. S. W. I. for 1903-04, pp. 49-50. * See the tabular statement above, Vol. XI, pp. 198 ff.
Hiralal has shown that Ranakēsarin mentioned in the Arang inscription was a brother of Maba-SivaguptaBalärjuna, above, Vol. XI, p. 185.
P. R. A. S. W. 1. for 1903-04, p. 49.
The Mauryas were ruling in Konkan till the reign of Pulake in II at least, see verses 20 and 21 of the Aihole inscription.
See verse 26 of the Aihole inscription. 10 Pr weedings of the Third Indian History Congress.

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[Vol. XXVI.
called Jayamēru and Biņa-Vidyadharal and flourished from circa A.D. 870 to 895. No other inscription of the Banas has been discovered anywhere else in the Central Provinces. Hence we cannot say if they had extended their sway to the Raipur District in the south-west. In any case the rule of the Nalas must have ended towards the close of the 9th century when the Kalachuri Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala, the son of Kökalla I, conquered the country of Páli from the lord of Kösala.
We have seen above that the present inscription records the construction of a temple of Vishnu. The temple where the inscribed slab is set up at present is also dedicated to Vishņu under the name of Rajivalochana (lotus-eyed). The image worshipped in it is made of black stone and is a common representation of Vishņu with the usual symbols of the mace, the discus, the conch and the lotus. As Cunningham has shown', the temple is built on a peculiar plan, its most striking features being the shape of the mandapa which is oblong instead of square and the sculptures on the pilasters which are large single figures, like those on Buddhist stūpa railings, instead of clusters of sinall figures as is usual in Brahmanical temples. This plan is evidently old and so the inscription is prima facie in its original position. Cunningham referred the construction of the temple to the 5th century A.D. on the supposition that the copper-plate inscription of Tivaradēva refers to it. This, of course, is incorrect; for the plates merely record the gift of a village to a Brāhmana and have no connection with the temple. Cousens drew attention to the fact that in plan the Rājīvalochana temple at Rājim is a copy of the Lakshmaņa temple at Sirpur of the latter temple he found only the garbhagriha standing, while the mandapa was in ruins. Relying on the statement of some people of Sirpur that several pillars and other sculptures had been taken from there to Bājim, Cousens suggested that the pillars, pilasters, door-frames and some sculptures used in the Räjivalochana temple were brought from Sirpur and that the ruined temple of Lakshmana was rifled for the purpose. He thought that the slab containing the present inscription also possibly came from the Lakshmana temple and recorded its erection. As stated before, when Cousens visited Sirpur the mandapa of the Lakshmana temple was in ruins. He recommended its fallen debris to be removed. When this was done, a large inscription of Maha-Sivagupta-Bälärjuna was disclosed in it. This record has since been edited by R. B. Hiralal in this journal'. It registers the construction of a temple of Vishņu by Väsatā, the mother of Mahā-Sivagupta. It is therefore plain that the present inscription could not have originally belonged to the Sirpur temple. Unfortunately it mentions no place-name which could have decided its original position indisputably. But it is inconceivable that a king who prays to future rulers for the preservation of his own religious monument would rifle a similar edifice of a past king to obtain rady made building materials. It does not also seem likely that the Sirpur temple
See Gudimallam plates, above, Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff.
* See verse 23 of the Bilhari stone inscription, above, Vol. I, p. 256 and verse 12 of the Benares plates of Karna, ibid., Vol. II, p. 306.
A.S. I. R., Vol. XVII, p. 9.
4 P. R.A.S. W. 1. for 1903.04, p. 24. For the plans of the two temples, see A. S. I. R. Vol. XVII, plates V and XV with corrections in the latter pointed out by Cousens, loc. cit. Though the temple at Sirpur is now called the temple of Lakshmana, it was originally dedicated to Vishnu, see below.
64.8. 1. R., Vol. VII, p. 41. • Loc. cit., p. 25. 1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 ff.
It is noteworthy in this connection that the present record describes in verse 22 the trouble and expense that one has to incur in erecting a unique temple.

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had fallen in ruins before the Räjivalochana temple was constructed; for the interval between the dates of the two records of the Sõmavamsi and Nala kings is not more than a century at the most.
We do not know what was the capital of these later Nala kings, but it is not unlikely that like the Sõmavambis, they retained Sirpur as the seat of government. In that case they must have employed the artisans of that place to construct their temple at Räjim. And it should cause no surprise if the artisans adopted a plan with which they were familiar. This is probably the reason why there is such a close agreement between the plans of the two temples at Rājim and Sirpur. The tower of the Rājīvalochana temple which, unlike that of the Lakshmana temple, is in the Dravidian style, must have been rebuilt in later times when the original one had fallen down.
TEXT.:
[Metres : Verse 1 Mandākrāntā ; vv. 2, 5, 20, 21 Sragdharā ; vv. 3, 4, 8-12, 15, 22, 24-26 Sārdūlavikridita ; vv. 6, 13 Āryā ; v. 7 Vasantatilakā; vv. 14, 17, 18, 23 U pajāti; v. 16, 19 Indravajrā ; v. 27, 29 Anushtubh ; v. 28 Praharshiņi.]
1...... "[*] ----UUUUU--u--W
--, ----UUUUU-- aft प्राप्तक्षीणानुप
-uu - - - - - - [11811*] - - - - - - UUUUU--u-- - - - - - 2 -U-cuuuuuu--v-[nif][:(**)] fa[8]e
[शीरसिन्धुं] व्यदधदम][at] सम्प्रदृष्टः सुराणाम्प्राप्तवीर्यः स दिश्याच्छ्रियमनुप
Atatrafolaua ??] [1211*] TR 04(7 ?)sfawati [cm*] - - - 919[At u-uu
It should however be noted that the use of decorative horse-shoe arches is common to the towers of both the temples.
? Mr. Longhurst thinks that the architecture of the temples at Räjim is clumsy, lacks correct proportion and is painfully modern'. Was the tower of the Räjivalochana templo as well as its mandapa reconstructed by Jagapāla in the 12th century A.D. ? It is to be noted, however, that his inscription built into a wall of the mandapa records in line 14 the construction of a prasada (temple) in honour of Rama, though it opens with an obeisance to Nārāyana. Perhaps he did not make any distinction between the two. Even now the image in the temple is popularly believed to be that of Ramachandra. Cousens, however, suggested that the slab was brought over from another temple at Räjim, viz., that of Ramachandra and set up in this one to lend importance to it. See P. R. A. 8. W. 1. for 1903-04, p. 26.
* From Plate IX, A. S.I. R., VOL. XVII, the original stone and inked estampages.
The record may have opened with an obeisance to Vishnu. • The correct grammatical form would be vyadadhāda
The context requires & reading like apy=ūrijitam val. 7 Restore sya malarh.

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3 [वरा
4
7
9
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
~ सौख्योचिताम् I । प्रोत्फुल्ला[म्बु(म्बु) ]रुहस्थितद्दिजव्[] रा ] वि(वि)वष्क्रियं सारसी सन्तापमश्म (राम) चमः स जगतः [गणसुखायास्तु वः ||[ २||* ] कस्त्वं देवि हरिः स्पृशस्यपसर क्रोडीकृतः कचया निपुणा मुख
[प्र]
तस्याभूब्रि[ज*]
न[ग][स्य * ]
-
यति मा चमा । | (१) वाग्भिर्व [तु] कीया प्रकटितं कर्मणा धि[ग्मा ?]च्च का [मे] रतिः सत्यवः श्रियमित्यपास्तरभसां निष्यन्प्रभुः पातु यः ॥[ ४॥ *] मौर्यलेन्द्रशृङ्गप्रपतनरभसा[दु] यदम्बोधिवोचि[व्यासङ्गा [स]
लोच्छलदति
घोरम् । उचेप्योंगोन्द्रलीलाविरचितवपुषो व्यस्तचन्द्रातारं यस्याभूरियमध्यात्यय व स व (ब) लिश्रीनिहन्ता हरि[ व्वंः ] ॥[ ५॥ * ] जयति प्रथितमहीभृ[तु]ङ्गशिरोनिहितनिजपादः । [निल्यो) दिप्रतापी (प.) [पूर्खा ]दिल्ली [41*] 6 [* ] सोडिलासिनिजरूपजितमरोपि शान्तामनान्भुवि सदा सृहणीयत्तः । ख्यातो प्रयतारिचक्रचूडामणिभ्वमरचुम्बि (वि)तपादपद्मः ॥[७॥*]
नृपो नल इति
भूभृतो विन्ध्यस्ये[व]
--
[VOL. XXVI.
-
-
[१]टातिकान्तीयते । एष्वाराज इति क्रमोपचविनीं वि(वि)स्वच्छ्रियं निलां सेव्यः सर्व्वजनस्य पापविगमाद्रेवाप्रवाहोपमः ॥[८॥*] व जुगुप्सितः [स]म[ गुणैः [१]
व[वै]र्योतस्स यो धि - । 8 [नि * ]चिन्त्यातिकलिप्रपातमलिनामालोक्य चितिपति[मा] [] [करव्यात म] कार्यो
[मि]त्राणां 13 - । [वि*] ख्यातो हिमवानिवा
दः पुत्रः पतिर्भूतां पते नाम विरूपराज प्रति यो दिम्बन्दिन्द[स्तुतम् ॥१०॥*] [रू*]पेणाप्रतिम: [ श्रुतेन च पां सत्यान्वितस्त्या [शौय्य ?] स्वायतन कार्य परमिति
1
[][ []
1 Some four aksharas like dbhavō vambah are lost here. It is curious to note that the name Sri-Purnnaditya in characters of the 8th century A. D. occurs on two pillars of this temple at Rajim, 4. 8. I. R., Vol. XVII, Plate X. [The visarga-sandhi in the preceding word -prata po does not justify the proposed reading Paranṇaditya in the present instance.-B. C. C.]
-
* The last seven aksharas of this verse were probably Mandhari-raj-opamab. The context requires a reading like brutēna vimalab.
• Restore s=dyāgināths.
. . . .1
•
लोकस्थितिं धात्रा सर्व्वगुणेः कृत: म: ॥[ ॥ *] तस्योच्चै[पुधे ?]श्वरव्यति

Page #74

No. 3.]
RAJIM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE NALA KING VILASATUNGA.
57
10 ~ सकलं कीर्त्तिजगद्धाम्यते ॥[११॥*] शत्रुघ्नोतिव(ब)लेन - ८ [मद*]नो
द[]ण कोर्ल्स -, - त्यारामतनुर्बु(g)]धः पृथुरणे भौमः प्रतापेन च । - - - - -
-- - ----, --- --- ----- प्यः कृतः ॥१२॥*] प्रति[प*
11 [*]दयभाजः सवितुरि -- इमानुरागधरः । . . णपरा . . . . . . . .
[॥१३॥*] विलासिनस्तुङ्गत[मा] »--, विलासतुङ्गः - --
- - - - - -- - -- -- -- [॥१४॥*] -- [ख I]लताभिघात ~~
- 12 - [शङ्का रिबन्दाम्भुवं पश्येमान समोस्त्यनेन विजयाधी[शं ?] स्तु[वं तेन्यतः ।
प -- --- --- -- -, मन्ये धोरपि - - [वसु ?]धा(धां) कालेन [ना] - - - [॥१५॥*] [म*]त्वा . स्वदेहान्तरिते[न] ---- [व]] त्य[मु]धाखिलानि*]
13 [*]न्तस्तमुद्दिश्य विधान[]ष्टदाना(न)क्रियाभिर्बनु सद्य एव ॥[१६॥*] यथोच्चि?] पि - भूतलो[के] पु[ना] 0--00 मेव [राज्ञा]म् । युगस्य य
--, पूर्तम्प पश्य*]न्ति परं स्मृतिजाः ॥[१७॥*] ~ - जे[भ्यः] चातुर्यशा[स्त्र] -
|
14 - भावात् [*] धर्मस्य मूलं च यशो वदन्ति - [*]स्मात्तदुपार्ज
नौयम् ॥१८॥*] मत्वा चलं जीवितमल्पसारं [वु(बु)डा] बचिलीर्तनमेव कायम् । कौतिः स्थिरा यस्य स [जो]वलोके तत्पण्यमूर्तिनिरिजीप] एव [uren*] ----- राज्ञा दशवदनभुजोस्मि[प्तक[लास*].
15 [शृ*]ङ्गीहारि [खे]न धाम्ना स्फुरदमलसुधा[नि]त्यन[व्ये ?]न्दुनेदाम्] । देवस्यागेष
दुःखप्रभवभयनुदः कारितं स्थानमुच्चैर्विष्णोः पुण्याभिवृद्धौ [त्रि]दशजनसुखातिथ्यभाजा सुतस्य ॥२०॥*] प्राता[ो लाकरोचिय॑तिकरविलसच्चारुवामाधराभां वि(बि)भाणं भूमिभाजा 0
1 The akaharas lost here and at the beginning of the next line may have been sw-visn.

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48
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
16 ~ [द]ममलं दृश्यते दृष्टिरस्याम् । यहूरादेव सिझेरपरमतिमाषणं भूरिधान:
पुण्याधार सुमेरोः शिखरमिव [प]तल्लोलगङ्गाप्रवाहम् ॥२१॥*] अग्रे तावदुपप्रमाण[कर*]णं प्रख्यात -- - केशप्राय[मिदं*] व्ययेन महता सम्भा
रसम्पादनम् ।*] 17 तत्सिद्देरल[मुसु खस्य पुनरप्या[भो]गचिन्ता . परा लोके सर्बललामकीर्तनकतामा
यास एवादितः ॥[२२॥*] कर्तुर्वरं पालयिता मतो मे पा[ल्य] निरायासमपे---। सर्वोतिलोभा -- परं यमदर्शतां याति - पि राज्ञां
(नाम्) ॥२३॥*] विध्वस्तैः प -- 18 - रेन च परा: पापात्मनां सम्पदः साधूनामपि पूर्वपुण्यविहिता दृश्यन्त
एवोव (ज्व)लाः । तस्माइर्मफलप्रपञ्चरचितं दृष्ट्वा विचि[] 1-1 [तत्तत्त्वं पुरुषेण येन गुणिना --- वि[क][म्य* ]ते ॥[२४॥*] मत्वैवं स्वशरीरका
कतिभि[वि][द्धि][र*]19 [प्य*] स्थिरं लेलालोक -- - सुखमपि प्रत्यूहजालाहतम् । श्रुत्वा शक्र
पुरस्मरा[च] विभवः, पुस्थात्मभिः सेविता: कार्यः कौत[न*]दानपालनविधी धर्मस्य यत्नः [परः ॥२५॥*] --- विकासिनो मतिम[तां] भासन्ति'
भाचो(वा) -, 20 - - - [यु ?]तदुग्धसिक्थि ?]धवला - - [ति] वक्षस्थले] । यावगन्धवहो
वि - न्ति च जगत्तावत्प्रयत्नादिमाशौर्तिम्पालयतः प्रिया [नर*]पतेसास्थया सज्जि]नाः ॥२६॥] भृत्यो मित्तमप[त्यं] - [अभू*]त्तस्यैव भूपतेः । दुर्ग
गोल इति -. . 21 - [॥२७॥*] ---
[तोन्यमार्गमा[] विनेया प्रविरचिता प्रशस्ति - - । राजे - - वचना वि[जातभावा सइत्तेत्यतिमहतादरेण मान्या ॥[२८॥*] जयहस्ति][सु*मेयं प्रशस्तिः
शिल्पयालि[ना] [*] 22 उत्कीर्णा सूत्रधारण [साधुना] दुर्गहस्तिमा ॥[२८॥*]
1 Restore jagat. • These akskaras are almost clear in the estampage. * This and the next pada must have begun with gavat. • This is incorrect for भासन्ते. • Some word like nidrati is expected bere, but the first akshara appears like ha • Restore prājiab. - Reatore rabaha

Page #76

No. 4.)
VENKATAPUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828.
OD
No. 4.-VENKATAPUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828.
BY R. S. PANCHAMUKH, M.A., DHARWAR. The inscription which is edited here for the first time was copied by Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, M.A., in the field season of 1926-27 and included in the List of the Bombay-Karnatak Inscriptions copied during the year 1926-27 as No. 82. It is standing on the site of the ruined village Venkatāpur in the Gadag taluk of the Dharwär District, close to the temple of Verkstēka which is a modern construction of within fifty years. The place was visited by me along with the Superintendent for Epigraphy, in 1933-34 and again in 1935-36 when the inscription was examined by me in situ and its photograph and fresh impressions were taken under ny supervision. I edit the record below with the kind permission of Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, B.A. the Superintendent for Epigraphy.
The inscription is engraved on a pillar-like black stone which, being broad at the base, gradually tapers at the top and the inscribed portion measures 2' 10' in length and 11" and 1' 6' in breadth at the top and bottom respectively. The top of the inscribed portion contains two sections one below the other. The first section bears the figure of a linga while the second has that of a cow and a sucking calf. The height of individual letters ranges between t" and 13".
The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets which developed in the Kannada districts of the Bombay Presidency in the 10th century A.D. and are regular for the period to which the record belongs. They exhibit round forms as against the antique, square and upright type that characterised the records of Amõghavarsha Il and his predecessors. They resemble the writing of the Soraţür inscription of Krishna II dated in Saka 805and as in that record, the talekattu of the lettors is distinctly curved and crescent-like, in contrast with tbe horizontal straight lines found in the earlier inscriptions. Besides these observations generally applicable to the inscriptions of the early tenth century A.D. which marks the period of transition is the evolution of the Kannada alphabet, the following points may be noted in the palæography of the present record (1) The initial vowel i (irpatte, 1. 3) is f the archaic type and the initial vowel e is used in Brenāga (1. 16). (2) Among the consonants, only three principal test letters, viz., j, b, and are used : j is of the later cursive form as in the Nandavādige inscription of Saka 822 (824), cf. rājadhirdja (11. 7-8), rājyabhio (1.8), Chandralēja (1. 13), etc. The letter b is presented tbroughout in its later cursive form. The letter l is used in its cursive form without the inward miniature representation of the principal part of the old square character, but peculiarly enough, it has a talekattu on the right-hand curve which is not met with in any record of this early period: cf. vallabha (1. 7), Beļvolam (1.9), sokkaltanar (1. 17), etc. In only one case, this letter appears without the talekattu, viz., sale (1. 9). (3) The record uses freely the special forms of n, m and y. The secondary form of n is used in onduttarar (1.9), n-ale (1. 10), Erenāga (1. 16), etc.. The secondary form of m is used in emba (1. 3), mahārāja (1. 7), münürumam (1. 10), etc. For the secondary form of y, see ottenfaneya (1. 3), dasamiyur (1. 6), vriddhiyondu (1. 9), Māyirmma (1. 11), etc. V seems to have been written in its special cursive type in one case only, viz., per-ggāvunda (1. 12). Th is unusually open at the left top which is curved inside to mark the aspiration : cf. prithuvi (L. 7). D cannot be distinguished from d except in one case, baļdarappode (1. 18). The aspirate ph is used with a cross stroke on the right curve in phalan (1. 23). The Dravidian and are found in 11. 18, 19, 21 and 16 and 20 respectively.
Mantravadi inscription : Saka 787 (above, Vol. VII, p. 198, plate), Sirar inscription : Saka 788 (ibid., p. 202), Nilgund inscription : Baks 788 (ibid., Vol. VI, p. 98, plate), Sorstar inscription of the time of Amoghavarsha, A.D. 869 (ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 176). . Above, Vol. XXI, p. 206 and plate.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 221, and plate in Vol. XI, p. 19.

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60
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
In regard to orthograghy, the following may be noted. (1) An anusvāra preceding a consonant in the body of a word is very often changed into the nasal of the class to which the following letter belongs, cf. =onduttara (1. 9), Mahasirivanta (1.10), etc. (2) Palatal é is substituted by a dental 8, cf. Saka...sata (11. 1-2), dasami (1. 5), etc. The language is ancient Kannada except the latter half of the imprecatory verse in Sanskrit beginning with bahubhir-vasudha datta, in which, it may be noted, sada is written wrongly for tadā (11. 21-22). On the expression onduttaram, attention may be drawn to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao's remarks above, Vol. XXI, p. 207. It may be added that a similar expression occurs in another record of Krishna II from the Mysore province dated in Saka 835 (in words), Prajapati, in the following passage: Akālavarshadēvana vijayarajyam onduttararam-adbisriddhige saluttire.
[VOL. XXVI.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of king Amoghavarsha and records the gift of a garden with one thousand creepers at Mävinuru, with proprietary rights (samya), made to Chandratēja-Bhaṭṭāra, pupil of Mallikarjuna-Bhaṭṭāra, by Bagega when the latter was the Perggavunda (senior gävunda) of Sirivura, Māyirmma was administering Mulgunda-twelve and Mahasirivanta was governing Belvola-three-hundred division. It is stated that Mugina Kādamma, Erenaga, Kuppa and Mada were holding the rights of okkaltana (cultivation rights) in the village and that if they were to destroy this gift, they would incur the sin of destroying Varanasi, the seven crores of ascetics, a tank, a garden and a cow.
The date of the gift is given as: Wednesday, the 10th day of the dark half of Kartika in the cyclic year Prabhava falling in the Saka year 828 (expired). The year Prabhava fell according to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, in Saka 829 (expired) while according to Sewell's Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, it was Saka 829 (current) i.e., 828 (expired) by the Northern system. In this year i.e., Saka 828 (expired), the lunar month Sravana was intercalated according to both the authorities and the details given in the record fell on Friday, November 14, A.D. 906 in which case, the weekday cited in the record would be a mistake. If Śrāvana were not intercalated, the details would regularly correspond, for the lunar month Aévina of the Ephemeris, to A.D. 906, October 15, Wednesday. But, for Prabhava, according to the Southern system (Saka 829, expired), the date corresponded to A.D. 907, November 3, Tuesday; 73.
From the title Amoghavarsha borne by the king, the date and the alphabet of the record, it is evident that this inscription is a Rashtrakuta document. The biruda was assumed by more than one king of the family and the earliest of them was Nripatunga Amoghavarsha I to whose reign the present inscription will naturally have to be assigned. But this possibility is precluded by the date Saka 828 which falls right towards uue close of his son Krishna's reign, which, according to the Hirebidri inscription, began in Saka 800, the latest known date for his father being Saka 799, Phalguna, śu. 10 (March, A.D. 878). If it is not a mistake on the part of the copyist-scribe or the engraver, we have to presume that Krishna II also bore, like his father, the biruda Amoghavarsha
During the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. Belvola-three-hundred was held by a succession of Governors viz., Devannayya, in A.D. 866, 869, 872 and Saka 793, Vijaya (=probably A.D. 873)" Mangatōrana in A.D. 893 and Mahasirivanta in A.D. 901, 90710 and 918.11 It is not certain
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sorab, 88.
Bombay-Karnatak Collection No. 100 of 1935-36.
This is the date of completion of the Jayadhavalatika of Virasena during the reign of Amoghavarsha L
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 98 ff.
B. K. No. 140 of 1926-27.
• Ibid., No. 246 of 1928-29.
Ibid., No. 20 of 1926-27.
"Ibid., No. 105 of 1926-27. Ibid., No. 60 of 1926-27.
10 The Venkatapar inscription under publication (ibid., No. 82 of 1926-27).
11 Ibid., No. 184 of 1932-33.

Page #78

No. 4.]
VENKATAPUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828.
61
whether these officers were related to each other as fatber and son and inherited the governorship as an ancestral estate or were appointed there from time to time like the governors of a province in modern days. From the Hebbal inscription of Saka 896 (A.D. 975), it is learnt that the district was presented to the Ganga king Būtuga II as balivali (dowry) at the time of his marriage with the Rashtrakūta princess Rēvakanimmadi, the daughter of Amõghavarsha III Baddega. It was subject to the Ganga power since then as can be gathered from the Rõn inscription of A.L. 942 and the Kurtaköti inscription of A.D. 946 where the Ganga prince is called the bhāva (brother-in-law) of Krishna III. The Atakur inscription of Krishna III and Būtuga II dated Saka 872 (A. D. 949-50)* states, however, that Ksishņa III was pleased with the valour of Būtuga displayed in the killing of the Chola prince Rājāditya in the battle of Takkõlam and granted to him as reward the districts of Banavåse, Purigere. Belvola, Kisukādu and Bāgenādu. This would show that Bütuga was dispossessed of his hold over the Belvola district in the interval between A.D. 946 and A.D. 949-35. But the circumstances under which this event must have happened are not apparent. It is not unlikely that his elder brother Rachamalla called Rachyimalla in the Deõli plates of Krishna III (A.D. 940) by ousting whom fron. Gangavādi, Bütuga had been placed on the throne, attempted to regain his power and wrested from hirt a portion of the territory including Belvola some time after A.D. 946. Būtuga must have sought the assistance of his brother-in-law Krishna III and with his help killed Rachamalla. This latter incident is mentioned in the subsidiary inscription on the top of the Atakur stone dated Sala 872 (A.D. 949-50) as an event of recent occurrence and so must have happened before the battle of Takkolam so that Krishna III could present Būtuga the districts mentioned above. Perhaps on the death of Rāchamalla, the territory including Beļvola was formally annexed by Krishna III as an overlord and victor, to the Rashtrakūta kingdom 80 that he could grant it to Bütuga in token of his services at the Takkõlam battle. Belvola was held by Marasimha II in A.D. 970' and after the subversion of the family by the Western Chāļukyas in about A.D. 975, it passed to the family of Kannapa and Sobhanarasa the officers of the Western Chāļukyas.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Beļvola-three-hundred is the well-known district comprising portions of the modern Gadag, Rõn and Navalgund taluks of the Dhārwär District. Mulgunda-twelve was named after Mulgund the modern village of that name in the Gadag taluk. M&vinuru where the gift was made I am not able to trace. This is perhaps identical with Māvinūru at which, according to the Konnür inscription, twelve nivartanas of land were granted to the Jaina sanctuary founded by Bankeys at Kolanūra. Kielhorn, wbo edited the record, bas identified this village with the modern Mannoor 8 miles east by south of Konnür.
TEXT.10 1 Svasti (ll*] Sa(Sa)ka-npipa-kal-atite-sarh2 vatsara-sa(sa)tamgal-entunura 3 irppattontaneya" Prabhavam-emba va
1 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 350 ff.
* B. K. No. 175 of 1926-27. • Ibid., No. 126 of 1926-27.
• Above, Vol. VI, p. 55. Above, Vol. V, pp. 188 ff.
. Above, Vol. VI, p. 65. "B. K, Nos. 21 and 149 of 1926-27.
* See above, Vol. XX, pp. 65 €. . Above, Vol. VI. p. 28. 1. From the ink-impression and original stone. 11 The letter ya is engraved below the line in small character.

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62
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
4 risham pravarttise [l*] tad-varshābhya5 ntara Karttikä(ka)-misa bahasa dasa(ba)6 mlyurh Budhavárad-andu [8va*]sty-Amogha7 varsha prithuvi-vállabhath mahārājādbi8 rāja paramērva(sva)ra bhattarara räjyabhi9 vriddhiy-onduttararh sale Belvolarh mu10 nurumam Mahåstrivantan=ale Mu 11 Igundu(da) pannera qumar M&yirmman=āle Si12 rivurake Bagega perggāvundam-aguttire 13 Mallika(kā)rjtma-Bhattarara sishyar-Chandratja14 Bhattarargge Māvtntrol Bagege(nu) kotta 15 săvira(m) basliya tōntada sāmyama Mugina 16 Kādammantım Erenāgantar Kuppanum Mada17 num-okkaltanam geyye mattam-alliy=018 kkal=ellam=i(i)dan=aliye baldar-appodrella 19 Vāraṇāsiyumann'-elköți tapodhanamumam 20 kereyuman=ārämeyuma kavileyu21 man=alida păpam=akku yasya ya22 sya yadā bhūmi(mis-)tasya tasya sadā (tada) 23 [pha]lam mangalam
No. 5.-TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA.
BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. The two sets of copper-plates, which form the subject of the present paper, were found in course of some excavations near the temple of Dharmalingēsvara at the village of Sudava! (or, Sudaba) situated in the eastern division of the Parläkimēdi Estate in the Ganjām District of the Madras Presidency. At the time of the discovery, the plates were deposited in a mud-pot. They were received for examination by the Assistent Archæological Superintendent for Epigraphy from the Agent and Diwan to the Raja Bahadur of Parläkimēdi. They have been moticed in the Annual Report on South Indian pography for the year 1920-21 (C. P. Nos. 1 and 2, page 93), and published for the first time by Pandit Satya Narayana Rajaguru of Parla. kimēdio. I now re-edit the two records from two sets of ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India.
A.-Platos of Devondravarman, son of Guptrpava ; [Ganga) Year 184. These are three plates of copper, each measuring about 71 by 3)". Towards the proper right end of each plate there is a ring-hole, a little above " in diameter, through which the plates slide on to a copper-ring of sth diameter. The ends of the ring were soldered to a circular seal of 11" in diameter. It bears in relief on a counter-sunk surface the figure of a
1 Read. Väramärijuma.
In J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, p. 272 and 1. 1. Q., Vol. XI, p. 300, the ind-spots of these reourds are said to be Adays instead of Budave. These two names perhaps indicate one and she mame place.
• J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 271 ft.

Page #80

VENKAT.APUR INSCRIPTION OF AMOGHAVARSHA; SAKA 828.
vrees
room
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: ONE-QUARTER.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTL.

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No. 5.)
TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA.
63
bull, couchant to right, and a crescent above it. The edges of the plates are slightly raised into rims so as to protect the writing. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 102 tolas. The first and the third plates bear writing on their inner faces only, while the second one is engraved on both sides. Three of the inscribed faces of the plates have six lines of writing apiece, while the fourth has seven, the total coming to twenty-five lines in all, the last line containing only three or four letters. The inscription is on the whole in a good state of preservation.
The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets and resemble those of the Chicacole! (Year 183), Trilingi (Year 192) and Siddhāntam (Year 195) plates of Dēvēndravarman, the donor of the present grant, already known to us.
Some of the palæographical features of the inscription are the following: (1) initial a occurs in line 5 and initial à in l. 22, (2) the form of medial ä in tā of mätā (1. 9) is noteworthy, and (3) the final form of t occurs once only in püruvāt (1. 16); the letter is smaller in size and is anderscored once.
The numerical symbols for 100, 80 and 4 occur in the date which is given in l. 24.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Excepting the three customary verses and one mentioning the writer towards the end, the whole of the record is in prose.
Among the orthographical peculiarities of the record may be mentioned the following: (1) the occurrence of the jihuümüliya in lines 1 and 14, (2) the use of the upadhmānīya in lines 6 and 9, (3) the doubling of before y in sattya-, ttyāga- (1.7) and parihrittya (1.9), according to Panini, viii, 4, 47, (4) the doubling of consonants after 1, (5) the doubling of consonants before 1, the exceptions being in lines 18 and 19, (6) the use of anusvāra in place of final m in ll. 12, 20 and 21, (7) the change of visarga into s before dental 8 (11. 1, 2, 4, 8 and 9), (8) substitution of anusvāra by guttural nasal before a palatal sibilant in nistrinka (1. 4) and vansyena (1. 22).
The inscription records the gift of the village of Haduvaka which was situated in the district (vishaya) called Pushyagiri-pañchāli to the learned Brāhmana teacher Patanga-Sivachārya, who was the guru of the donor. The original donee again made over one half of the village to the god ?) Yagēsvara-bhattāraka and the other half to his own disciples and disciples' disciples. The gift was issued from Kalinganagara on the occasion of the termination of the dikshā ceremony of the donor. The donor was Mahārāja Dēvēndravarman, son of Gunārņava. The writer of the charter was Pallavachandra, son of Mätsichandra, who belonged to the Apürvanața family. The witness of the gift was mahāmahattara Savaranandisarman and the engraver was Sarvachandra, the son of Khandichandra, the bhogika.
The date, given in words as well as in figures, is the Year 184, which presumably refers to the Ganga era.
Of the localities mentioned, Kalinganagara has been variously located at modern Kalingapatám or at Mukhalingam. The village of Haduvaka is evidently the same as Sudava (or, Sudaba), the findspot of our inscription. The district of Pushyagiri-pañchāli in which the village granted was situated, I am unable as yet to identify.
Palæographically, our inscription has to be placed in the second half of the 7th century
A.D.
1 Above, Vol. III, pp. 130 ff. and plates. .1.H. Q., Vol. XI, pp. 300 ff. and plates.
Above, Vol. XIII, PP, 213 ft. and plates.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
TEXT
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti[i*] Sakala-vasumati-tala-tilakāyamānas-sarvv-artu-sukha-ramaniyad-vijaya
vatak Kalinganagara2 vasakān-Mahēndr-achal-amala-sikhara-pratishthitasya charāchara-guros-sakala-bhuvana
nirmman-aika-sūttradhārasya 3 bhagavato Gökaroņasvāminas-charana-kamala-yugala-praņāmād=vigalita-kali-kalanko
Gāng-āmala-ku4 la-tilako nija-nistrinsa(strimla)-dhār-õpārjjitasé-sakala-Kaling-adhiräjya[b*) pravitata
chatur-udadhi-taranga-me 5 khal-āvani-tal-amala-yaśāḥ anēk-ahava-sarkahõbha-janita-jaya-sabda[b] pratāp-āvanata
samasta-samanta-chakra-chū6 dā-mani-prabhā-mañjari-puñja-rañjita-charanah paramamāhāśvarð mātā-pitri-pad-anudhyato naya-vinaya-sauryy-[au-)
Second Plate; First Side. 7 däryya-sattya-ttyaga-sampadām-adhara-bhūtaḥ sri-Gunārnnava-sūnur-mmahārājaḥ brima
[d*]-Dēvēndravarmmā Pushyagiri8 panchali-vishayē Haduvaka-grāmē sarvva-samavētān=kuțumbinas-sama(mä)jāapayati [1]
Viditam=astu bhavatā[m*) yath=āsmā. 9 bhir-ayam grāmas-sarvva-karaih parihsitty-ā-chandr-arkka-pratishtham mātā-pittror
atmanas-cha puny-abhivriddhayē vēda10 vēdāng-ētihāsa-purāņa-nyāya-vidyā-eva-siddhant-adhigatāya bhagavat-Patanga-Sivachar
yyāya guravē di11. ksh-õttara-kälē guru-pūjāyai dattastēn=āpi pratigrihya Yägēsvara-bhattarakäy=årddharh
sva-bishya-prasi12 shyēbhyo-py-arddhamm(m)"ity=ēvam=viditvā yath-oohita-bhagabhogam-npa nayanta[b]
sukham prativasat=ēti[l*] grāmasya simá-li
Second Plate; Second Side. 13 ngāni bhavanti [*] Pūrvvasyān=disi Gunahāri gartta tata(to)" dakshinasyān=disi
simantē? S-aiva garttă paschima(mē)na kadamba14 vșikshaḥ tatas-chiñchā-vrikshaḥ nimba[8*) tata[b*) sarjja-vrikshaḥ tatā[k-ä*]lyam
timira-vrikshah tatal Pisach-ali-karaka-vrikshaḥ 15 tatāk-ali-paschima-simäntē taţāk-āly-uttarė bhallātaka-vrikshaḥ tata(t) jambū-vrikshah
Chullavēņa From ink-impressions.
Denoted by a symbol. • Read mana. Read -õpárjjila sa kala.. . The predicate dattah is understood here. . [The reading is garta-dakshinasyanadibi.-B. O. C.]
Here we have an example of tautology. We have to read either dakakimaaniadifi or simply dakahiyaสนาม

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Two EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. A.-PLATES OF DEVENDRAVARMAN; [GANGA] YEAR 184.
ਤਰਨਤਾਰਨ 22
ਹਰ ਲਈ ਹੈ ਪਰ 27, 2017 4
ਕਰ 14 ਨੂੰ 02 01 05 ਮਨਵਿਰ ਹਵਾਲਗਸ ਅਤੇ ਹਰਬੰਸਪੈਸਲ ਪੂਰਨਤਾ ਅਮਰਥਨ ਇਰਾਨੀਆ, ਅਮਰ
ਦਰ
6
.
12
ii,a.
ਸਭਾ 1-135 ਰਨ ਕਰਨ ਵਲ ਵਰਣਨ ਆ 8. ਬਰੈਮਟਨਾਵਾਂ ਸਵੈਗਰਾ ਨਕ---ਅਰਾਜ ਦੀ ਪਰਿਚਿਤ ਕਰਜਈ ਆਈ ਕਿ ਅੰਡਰਟ 10 ਟਨ ਰਹਿ ਗਈ ਦਰਅਸਲ ੩, ਗੁਲੇਰ ਦੇ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਕਾਰਨ ਇਸ ਦੇ 12
10
ii,b.
14
ਕਰ 27 2015 (7) ਰਾਣੀਕੇ ਹਨ ਉਹ ਕੱਲ ਵਰਗ ਬਣਾ ਦਾ ਆਬਕ ਦਿਨ ਇਕ 14 - @ 16. ਸਰਮ ਕੇਵਲ 16 ਪੁਭਦਰਸਾਉ 1818
20
ਗੁਰਬਾਣੀ 2002 ਬਾਰ 20 ਰਾਖਿ ਲੇਹ॥ਪਰ ਮਹ ਕੈਟਰੀਨਗਰ ਗੁਰਨਜਰਮਨ 22 ਲਾਅ ਉਪਕਰਣਾਨਕਤਾ ਅਤਾ ਅਤੇ 24 ਫਰਾਰ ਹੋਣ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਡਰਨ ਤਾਰਨ ਦੀ ਭਰ
22
iii.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: SIX-TENTHS.
24
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 5.)
TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA.
65
16 uttara-sīmāntē Chullavēņa-pūrvvāt sālmalī-vfikshaḥ tato dvitiyõ=pi sālmalī-vrikshah
kosa17 mbaḥ saptaparņņa(rņņā) vși(bři)hat-chhi(ch-chhi)lā tato vālmīka-sabito jambu
vitapaḥ chiñchā-jambū[s*] tata[s*) taţāk-ālyä[m*) madhūka18 vșikshaḥ tata[h*] pūrvvēņa s=aiva Guņahāri garttrēti [ll] bhavishyatas-cha
rājñaḥ prajñāpayati [l*) dharmma-kra
Third Plate. 19 ma-vikramair=avāpya mahim-bhavadbhir=ayam danadharmmõ=nupālanīyāyah) [ll*]
Vyāsa-gītās=ch=ātra slöka(kā) bhavanti [l*) 'Bahubhi(bhi)r=vva20 sudhā dattā va(ba)hubhiš=ch=ānupālitā [l*) yasye yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya
tadã phala(lam) [lli*] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām vā ya21 tnād-raksha Yudhishthira [l*] mahi(hi)n=ma(m=ma)himatām śrēshthaḥ(tha) dānāt
chhrësch-chhrē)yõ=nupālanam(nam) [12*] Shashtim varshsha-sahasrāņi sva22 rgg mödati bhūmidaḥ [*] ākshēptā ch=ānumantā cha tänyrëve naraka
*vasēd=ity-Apūrvvanața-vanáyē vamấyē)na Mätpicha23 ndrasya sūnunā [*] likhitam Pallavachandrēņa sāsanam sva-mukh-ājõaya [114*1
mahāmahattara-Savaranandisarmmana[h*}' pratyaksham-iti [l*] prava24 rddhamāna-vijaya-rājya-samvatsara-satē chatur-āsītē 100 80 4 [l*] uthirnnem
Khandichandra-bhogika-tanayēna "Sarvvachandrēn=ētiḥ(ti) [II*] 25 [? U*]māpati?
B.-Plates of Anantavarman, son of Dāvēndravarman ; [Ganga] Year 204.
These are three sheets of copper, with their edges slightly raised in order to protect the writing. They measure 6" by 31". Towards the proper right end of each plate there is a ring-hole through which the plates slide on to a thick ring of copper measuring 3}" in diameter. The ends of the ring were secured and soldered to a circular seal which measures 11" in diameter. It bears in relief, on a counter-sunk surface, the figure of a bull, conchant to right, surmounted by 4 crescent. Below the bull there is a floral design. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 138 tolas. The first and the third
1 Metre : Sloka (Anushubh); and in the following three verses. * Read vaset [113*] iti.
* The same person was responsible for drafting the Chicacole (Year 183) and Trilingi (Year 192) plates of Dévendravarman.
He figures also as & witness in the Chicacole and Trilingi records of Devendravarman. The Chicacole inscription, however, calls him & mahattara, for a note on which term, see abovo, Vol. XVIII, p. 78, f. n. 6. Dr. E. Hultzach's explanation of the first component of his (the witness'e) name (above, Vol. III, p. 134, f. n. 3) seems to be unwarranted; for, Savara need not always signify the savage tribe. In fact, Savara is only another name of Siva who is the object of devotion of the donor of our grant.
. For a note on bhogika, see above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 59 and 64 ; also Fleet, C. 1. 1., Vol. III, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 100, f. n. 1.
• He also engraved the Chicacole and Trilingi plates of Devendravarman. The name of the father of the en. graver of the latter grant has been misread (1. H.Q., Vol. XI, p. 302) as Chandrabhogika, whereas it is clearly Khandichandra on the facsimile. Cf. plate III (opp. p. 301), wrongly numbered there as Plate II (Reverse).
This was probably the name of the rooord-keeper (akshatálin) or some other official at his office. The reading rooms to be Magha-di 1.-B. C. C.]

Page #87

EPIGRAPHTA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
plates are inscribed on their inner faces only, while the second one contains writing on both of its sides. The inscription consists of thirty-two lines, each of the inscribed faces of the plates containing eight lines of writing.
The characters of the inscription belong to the Southern class of alphabets and resemble those of the Ganjam Plates of Maharaja Jayavarman and the Dhanantara Plates of SamantaVarman.
The orthography of the inscription calls for no special remarks. It shows almost the Aame features as those that gocar in the roard of Dēvēndravarman dealt with under A above.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of one imprecatory verse, the whole of the ingeniption is in proee.
The inscription records the gift of the village of Talatthåra situated in the district (vishaya) of Kröshtukavarttani, to the learned Brāhmana Vishnusmãebärys who belonged to the Pārbara göra and hailed from Spiógátikā-agrahāra in the Kämarūpa vishaya. The occasion for the gift was a marriage ceremony (kanyadāsa). The donor of the grant was Mahārāja Anantavarman, son of Mahārājādhirāja Dēvendravarman, who belonged to the family of the Gangas (Ginga-kula). The grant was made at the request of the king's brother, Jayavarman.
The date, given in words as well as in figures, is sokka-trayodasi of the month of Margeirsha of the Year 204 (of the Ganga eral. The engraver was Kuykli, the son of Nádimachi.
of the localities mentioned, the Kröshtukavarttani-vishaya is mentioned in some of the early and later Ganga inscriptions. It has been identified by Dr. E. Hultzsch with modern Chicacole. The Kämarūpa-vishaya may not necessarily signify the famous country of the same name in Eastern India. Perhaps it is just another (hitherto unknown) district of ancient Kalinga. I am unable to identify at present both this and the Sriigātikā-agrahāra as well as the village granted. Besides these, our inscription contains a medley of geographical names (chiefly those of hillocks, etc.) which marked the boundaries of the village of Tälatthera These, however, seem impossible to identify without a local investigation.
Paleographically, our inscription is to be referred to the last quarter of the 7th or the Arst quarter of the 8th century A.D.
Above Vol. XXIII, pp. 261-63 and plates. * Above Vol. XV, pp. 276 ff. and plates.
Apart from the one under discussion, there is another grant of Anantavarman, son of Dēvēndravarman, (nee Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1918-19, p. 14, No. 8 and J. A. H. R. 8.. Vol. VIII, pp. 188-190 and plates). This record, however, does not seem to be genuine ; for, the script appears to be too late for the reign of Anantavarman, and further the record, which abounds in groes mistakes in composition, is not dated.
E. 9., Urlām plates of Hastivarman (Year 8), above, Vol. XVII, PP. 332 ff.; Chicacole plates of Devendravarman, father of the donor of the present grant (Year 183), above, Vol. III, pp. 131 ff., etc.
Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff. [In fact, Dr. Hultzach has only pointed out that the district of Kröshțukavartant also occurs in the Chicacole plates of Dévēndravarman but he has not identified it with Chicacole as stated by Mr. Ghosh here as well as on p. 196 of Volume XXIV, above. The vishaya has, however, been identified by Mr. G. Ramadas with the country to the north of the river Vatsadhara in the Ganjam District (Journal of the Mythic Soroty, Vol. XIV, p. 263).-Ed.)

Page #88

4 FT
#Oh Jhe 200, ਕਪਾਲ ਜੋ ਸਰਗਰ 98552 ਸਕਰਗੇ, ਚੱਠੇਵ ਉ-੪੪ਠਕੇਸਰਾ ਸਰਕਰ 4 ਹੈਨ×ðynon੪੪% ੪੪ ਸਹਸ ਨਕਸ ੪੮੪ਧ ਹਾਣ ਸਕ§ਹਾਕ ਕਈ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ 725 ਕਣ ਹੱਥਾ
ii,a.
Two EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA. B.-PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; [GANGA] YEAR 204.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ree. No. 2015 E'40-290.
ਸਪਨ ਮਨਚਾਰ 10 ਸਾਲਾ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਨ, ਨਕਲ, Sarah 10 DXFSS=0; ਣ ਨੂੰ ਨ 12 ਏਕ outਨਤਕਨਾ੪ਘਟਨਾ, 12 anghera ਹੁਣ
28
8
14 ਜਨਕ ਨੇ ਸੰਗ ... 14 30 ਫੇਸ Ğ ਜੋਹਲ ਨ 16 ਨੂੰ ਹੱਲ ਕਰਾਰ 216 2
ii,b.
ਵਰਣਨ:00 A 18/ਕਪਤਾ &nd Jugh gon. 18 ਹੋਰਨਾ੪੪੨ ਧਨ ਪ
205
ਪਉਣਕ ਨੂੰ ਹਾਲਕ 20 22 Fausto a 228 220 dows ਨਯa rough raghu dooਉ ਕਰ 24 ਵਿਚ ਟਣਕ ੇ ਨਾ 8 ਏd
22
of 24
iii.
ਫਾਲ 26
ਅਵਰ Sha 20882 8ਟਰload #247 nu To Tag 2793702025718928 pau 588CF
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82 82859 ZTAA wa 30 ਹ੧੪
-3-5014
26 ( ਹੈ ਕ
ਸਤ
SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
32
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 5.1
TWO EASTERN GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM SUDAVA.
67
TEXT.
First Plate 1 Om Svasti [l*] Vijayavataḥ Kalinganagarăn-Mahēndr-achala-sikhara-pratishthitasya 2 bhagavató Gokarpņasvāminah praņāmäd=vigalita-kali-kalankah srimad-Gā3 nga-kula-tilako nija-nistri[m*]k-õpārjjita-Kaling-adhirājya[h*) pravitata-cha4 tur-udadhi-taranga-mālā-mēkhal-āvani-tal-amala-yaśāḥ anēk-a 5 hava-samkshobha-janita-jaya-savda (bda)[b*] pratap-āvanata-samasta-samanta-cha6 kra-chūdā-mani-prabhā-mañjari-rañjita-charaṇā mātā-pitsi-pād-anuddhyātah para7 mamāhēsvara-bri-mahārājādhiraja-Dēvēndravarmma-sūnur-mmahārāja-srima8 D-Anantavarmmā Krðshtukavarttanyā[m] Talatthērē sarvva-samavētān-ku(n-ku). tumvi(mbi)na[h*) 88
Second Plate; First Side. 9 mājõāpayati' [l*] Viditam-astu bhavatā[m*) yath=āya[m*) grāmõ=smad=bhrātrā éri
"Jayavarmma10 på mätā-pittror-ātmanas-cha puny-ābhivri(vși)ddhay?=bbyartthitēna mayā vēda-vēdārga
pa(pā)rage11 bhya[h*) Kámarupa-vishaya-Śringâţik-āgrahāra-vāstavyēbhya[h*) Pārādara-sagot
tre[bhyo) 12 Vishņusomāchā[r*]ya-pădēbhyo vivāha-samayē kanyā-dānamundaka-pū13 rvvar kļitv=ă-chandr-arkka-pratishtham sarvva-kara-bharān=muktvā datuastad-evam
vudhvā(buddhva) 14 yath-ochita-bha(bhā)gabhogam upanayantah sukham vasat-ēti [l*) adhună simā-linga15 ni kramēņa sthitāni I(Aisanyám Dēvaparvvata-sikharah tat-pūrvvēna giri-vața-va16 na-rāji-purusha-chchhāyay-appachēru-maddbyēna Tālatthēra-Hēmasringa-tādappara[h*]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 17 trilite Buruli-vilmikah pe(p&jrvvaty&(tya)-girivateh dhātu-karaũja[+] Varantapura
tri(tri)18 kūțe chinchā-vana-rāji-panchūrgula-vibhīta[h*) Kõnga-parvvatē pūrvv-ivatārē giri19 vatah salla-pattharë kösämrah chiñchi vāpi-pürrv-ālih parvvata-sik harē Dumülli20 tri(tri)kūtah pūrvvă dika(k)| dakshinëna chiúchā-parikti[l*] Soma-vātaka-tri(tri)ku
1 Prom ink-impressions. • Expressed by a symbol.
• He has been identified by Mr. S. N. Chakravarti (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 281) with Maharaja Jayarar. maddva of a Ganjam grant and by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar (A List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 386, f. 7) with a king of the same name mentioned in another inscription from Ganjām (I. H.Q., Vol. XII, Pp. 491 ff.
"This description appears to presuppose the position of the sun at an angle of 45° over the horison." (above, Vol. III, p. 134, f. n. 1).
According to Dr. Hultzachita meaning might be the point at which three roads meet"); vee above, Vol. II, p. 20, f. 2. 7.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
21 të rādhana-chinchā-pankti[h*) Dhāra-văţaka-tri(tri)kūtē chiñchā-vana-rāji-rāja22 mārgga[h] chiñchā-vālmikaḥ Kavāța-sandhi-vălmikaḥ punaḥ Kavăța-sandhi-tõra-vālmi23 kaḥ nikhāt[-]pala[b] nimva(mba)-vālmikaḥ dakshiņā dika(k) paschimēna Kapāta
saddhiḥ(ndhiḥ) ku24 dunga-pankst*]i[h*] vaku[la*?]-vana-rāji-taţāk-ālish*] sõma-vibhīta-sõna-kapittha-garttā
chiÕcha
Third Plate. 25 drumah?.......... chiñchā-vana-rāji-sālmali Pipū-parvvata-sikharaha26 ppachēruḥ saptaparņņa[h*) tri(tri)kūtē chiñchā paschimă dika(k)l uttarēņa vēņu-vana-rā27 ji mõdakē rādhanaḥ Kõrkkanta-sikharē tādapparaḥ tři(tri)kūtaḥ sõma-druma[8=*] 28 tataḥ parvvata-sikharēņa Salavadēva-parvvata-sikhara iti [l*) a29 ttra cha Vyāsa-gītāḥ [l*] Sva-dattām para-dattām=vā(ttām vā) yatnād=raksha Yudhi
shthi- . 30 ra [l*] mahi[m*] mahimatā[m*] śrēshtha dānāch-chhē(chhrē)yo-nupālanam(nam) 1 (1)
mi(i)ty-ēvam-ādi prava31 rddhamana-vijaya-rājya-samvatsara-sata-dvayê Chatur-uttarē 204 Märgasir
shsha-su32 kla-paksha-ttrayõdaśyām dattam-idam sāsanam-utkir nam Nädimachi-su(su)nu-Kuyali
likhinā [ll*]
No. 6.—KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. S. 1184.
By R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. This plate belongs to what might be called & remarkable 'hoard of twenty-five copperplate inscriptions which were discovered in October 1892 in the village of Kamauli, near the confluence of the Barnā and the Ganges at Benares. They have been deposited in the Provincial Museum at Lucknow since July 1893. Three of this lot were studied by Mr. Arthur Venise and the rest by Dr. F. Kielhorn. Of the present record Dr. Kielhorn did not give us the text, but contented himself with furnishing a brief notice. I now edit the inscription from the excellent ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India. I am also indebted to Dr. Chakravarti for generously placing at my disposal an advance proof of a paper from his pen on another Gähadaväla inscription, namely that of Jayachchandra.
This is a single sheet of copper measuring 1' 4" by 1'" and is engraved on one side only. At the top centre there is a ring-hole, about 1a" in diameter, through which passed
ring. The circular seal, which connected the ends of the ring, measures a little over 21 in diameter. It bears on it in relief on & slightly counter-sunk surface the conventionalised
After this follow some five or six syllables which are too obecure to admit of a definite reading. 1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 347 ff. 3 Ibid, Vol. IV, pp. 97 ff. • Ibid, p. 111, No. I. Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 291 ff.

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No. 6.] KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. S. 1184. 69
figure of Garuda, the mount of Vishnu, with the hands folded in devotion. From his widespread wings and the poise of his legs, he seems to be in the act of flying. Across the centre of the seal runs the legend Srimad-Govindachadra(ndra)devah. And below it, in the lower semicircle, is engraved the figure of a conch-shell. The entire margin of the seal is rayed or rather serrated. The plate along with the ring and the seal weighs 359 tolas.
The plate contains twenty-five1 lines of writing. The inscription is on the whole in a good state of preservation.
The characters are the usual Nagari of the 12th century A.D. Attention may however be called to some of their outstanding features. These are :-(1) initial a occurs in line 1, a in 11. 1 and 20, i in 11. 8 and 9, u in 1. 21; (2) examples of consonants kh, gh and th are found in 11. 13, 9 and 25 respectively; (3) the signs for dh, ch and v are sometimes almost identical in form; cf. vividha (1. 12), adiśati cha (1. 14) and vasumati (1. 5) respectively; (4) the letter r shows two forms, cf. e.g. -avaruddha- (1. 8) and bhattaraka (1. 10); (5) similarly the letter g has two forms, one of which is looped, cf. Govindachandraḥ (1. 8) and galita- (1.7) respectively; (6) signs for conjuncts dg and ng are hardly distinguishable, eg. divan-gatasu (1. 2) and śrimad-Gadhipur- (1. 4); (7) bh shows two forms as in bhagabhōgakara (1. 20); (8) dental & has also two forms, e.g. asid (1. 1) and Sagar-adibhiḥ (1. 23); (9) medial ō is composed in two different ways as in akunth-otkantha- (1. 1) and sa-gartt-ōsharaḥ (1. 15).
The numerals 1, 4, 5, and 8 are contained in the date in line 16. The sign indicating the continuation of an incomplete word at the end of a line consists of one vertical with a slanting stroke to its right.
Among orthographical features worth noticing are the following:-(1) both the letters b and v are invariably indicated by the sign for the latter, (2) the consonants are usually doubled after r, (3) the letters and s have been used promiscuously in a number of cases, (4) anusvāra is used for a class nasal in many instances as in samkham (1. 21), vasuṁdharām (1. 24), (5) final form of m occurs in nijam (1. 2), phalam and vasumdharām (1. 24).
The language is Sanskrit. There are altogether fifteen verses, composed in various metres, of which the first praises Vishnu and his consort Lakshmi, the next eight describe the several kings of the dynasty coming before the donor of the grant, and the remaining six are imprecatory and benedictory ones. Barring these, the rest of the inscription is in prose. There are quite a number of errors, both of omission and of commission, in the text, which will be noted in their proper places.
The inscription is one of the Paramabhaṭṭāraka, Mahārājādhirāja Paramēśvara, Paramamāhēśvara, Asvapati-Gajapati-Narapati-Rajatray-adhipati Govindachandra, and records that, on the Manvādi, Friday, the full-moon tithi of Karttika of the (Vikrama) Year 1184, after bathing in the Ganges at Varanasi, he made a gift of the village of Bhāni, situated in the pattală called Maḍavattala, together with its pāṭakas, to the Mahapurohita Jägusarman, son of the Dikshita Vilha, and grandson of the Dikshita Purushottama. The donee belonged to the Bandhula gōtra having the triple pravara of Bandhula-AghamarshanaVisvamitra. The village was given subject to payment of taxes called bhāgabhōgakara, pravanikara and kutaka3, but inclusive of certain fundamental rights such as mining, fishing, etc. The gift was announced formally in the presence of a number of high officials of the State. The writer of the grant was Thakkura Viśvarupa.
Or rather twenty-six, the last consisting of but six letters.
*He belonged further to the Vajasaneya bakha (cf. e. g., above, Vol. IV, p. 103, text 1. 20; p. 107, text 1. 18,
etc.).
[In fact, these taxes were to be paid to the donee. Cf. above, Vol. IV, p. 99.-B.C.C.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
Inscriptions mentioning Govindachandra known so far (including the Basāhi, Kamauli and Båhan plates which speak of him as Mahārājaputra) range over a period of Vikrama Sanhvat 1161-1211 for A.D. 1104-1154), i.e. exactly fifty years. The present record of Govindachandra belongs to V. 8. 1184. There is another record of the same king which also is dated in the same year.
The inscription under discussion does not furnish us with any facts that are already not known except that it refers to one or two new place-names. The genealogy of the donor is given once in verses 2-9 and again in II. 10-12, this time with the exclusion of Yašovigraha and Mabichandra, the first two members of the Gābadavāla family. Mahichandra's son was Chandradēva who is claimed to have acquired the kingdom of Gadhipura (i.e., Kanyakubja) by the prowess of his own arm and to have protected the holy tirthas of Käsi, Kusika, Uttara-Kosals and Indrasthāna after he had acquired them'. The Sēt-Mahēt inscription of Vidyadhara, which is dated in V.8. 1176, however, as suggested by Dr. H. C. Ray,' somewhat tends to undermine the former claim by reason of the fact that it speaks of two persons, of Rashtrakūta origin, named Gopāla and Madana, ruling about this time in and about Kanyakubja. In fact, one of them, Gopāla, is actually called Gadhipuradhipa. It seems that Chandradēva, as claimed in the Basāhi plates (V. S. 1161), after the death of his two mighty contemporaries, viz., kings Bhõja and Karna, 10 found the time opportune and the field open to extend his influence in the Ganges-Jumna doāb by establishing his capital at the most fiercely-contested-for city in the whole history of mediaeval India. Shortly afterwards, however, the imperial capital seems to have been lost to the Gahadavala govereign, following, presumably, an expedition led by the Rashtrakūţa ruler of Kanauj, probably Gopāla (Gadhipurädhipa) of the Sēt-Mahēt inscription. Madana, the son and successor of Göpäla, appears however to have soon lost this advantage once for all.
Indeed, Kanyakubja seems to have changed hands again during the otherwise uneventful) rule of Madanapäla; for as has been recorded in the Basāhi and Kamauli plates, maharūja pudra Govindachandra made in those years (V.8. 1161-62) gifts of villages situated in the Jiãvati-pattalā which again was situated in the Pañohäla-dēša. And Kanyakubja, as is well-known, was the first city of the Panchāla country. These two records therefore mark the re-passage of Kansuj into the hands of the Gahadavāla kings who from now on held the capital to themselves till almost the end of their dynasty. The Rashtrakūta interregnum in Kanyakubja (during the regime of Gāhadavāla kings) may therefore be said to have lasted
*Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff. *Above, Vol. II, pp, 358 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 14 ff.
For a list and résumé of all known inscriptions (except one or two that have been discovered latterly) of Govindachandra, se H. C. Ray, The Dynastic History of Northern India: Early Mediaeval Period, Vol. I, pp. 516-628.
Vit., Bhadavapk grant (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 291 ff. Tālā Inscription', D. R. Bhandarkar, A List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 266). Dr. Bhandarkar's suggestion (ibid, f. n. 6) that the grant is spurious has been deemed unconvincing by the Editor (ibid).
• Bhandarkar's List, No. 204. Vidyadhara's father Janaka was according to this inscription the minister (sachira) of Gopala.
Dynastic Hist., Vol. I, p. 507. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff.
He has been variously identified with his famous Paramāra or Gurjara-Pratthåra namesake (Ind. An., Val XIV, pp. 101' ff.: H. C. Ray, Dynastic History, Vol. I, p. 607, t. n. 1).
10 Generally identified with the great Kalacburi king Lakshmi-Karpa.

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No. 6.] KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. 8. 1184. 71
roughly from 1095 to 1105 A.D., approximately ten years. It was perhaps during this interval that the Gahaḍavalas moved on temporarily to some other city, possibly as suggested by Dr. V. A. Smith and then by Dr. H. C. Ray, to Benares or some region near to it.
Govindachandra, the donor of the present record, succeeded his father Madanapala on the throne. He is described here as one who by his creeper-like long arms secured the elephant which was the newly acquired) kingdom' (navarajya). This latter term has been taken by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti to refer to the kingdom to which Govindachandra suoceeded as a matter of course after his father Madanapala. On this same expression Dr. Kielhorn observed that "the sovereignty over Kanyakubja is described as having been newly acquired, even when Govindachandra, the grandson of Chandradeva, was reigning." This circumstance in our opinion finds a satisfactory explanation in the fact (suggested above) that it was Govindachandra who re-established the supremacy of his line over Kanyakubja and the territories depending on it.
It was Govindachandra again who, significantly enough, assumed, as in the present instance, first of all the members of his family, the ambitious titles of asvapati-gajapatinarapati-raja-tray-adhipati originally used by the Kalachuri kings of Dahala from LakshmiKarga onwards. This fact acquires an added significance from the evidence furnished by the Bengal Asiatic Society's plates of Govindachandra (V. S. 1177). This inscription records transference of the gift of a village which was originally granted to another person by the Kalachuri king Yaśaḥ-Karna, son and successor of Lakshmi-Karna. It seems therefore to have been rightly held by Dr. N. P. Chakravartis that, taking advantage of the favourable turn of events following the death of Lakshmi-Karna, Govindachandra "wrested a part of the Kalachuri kingdom, probably from Yaśaḥkarna himself, and to mark the occasion assumed the birudas hitherto used by Kalachuri kings".
Of the localities mentioned, Käsi, Uttarakōsala and Indrasthana have been identified10 with the present Benares, Ayodhya and Indraprastha (or Delhi) respectively. Kušika, Gādhipura and Kanyakubja have generally been identified with one and the same place, viz., modern Kanauj. The village granted and the pattala in which it was situated I am unable to identify.
1 The earliest date for Chandradeva known so far is 1090 A.D. (cf. his Chandravati plate, V. S. 1148, above, Vol. IX, pp. 302 ff.). Taking him to be a contemporary of the Rashtrakuta king Gopala (for whose son Madana's reign we have a date in 1119-20 A.D. as recorded in the Set-Mahet inscription and who has been rightly supposed to be a feudatory of Govindachandra; cf. H. C. Ray, op. cit., p. 507, f. n. 5), we may reasonably allow him an uninterrupted reign of five years before the imperial capital passed on, though for a short time, to the Rashtrakūtas.
Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 507.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 6.
Chandradeva, the grandfather of Govindachandra, is once (above, Vol. IX, p. 324) referred to as merapati, a title which (among others) was also assumed by the Kalachuri king Yasah-Karna, who has been supposed by Dr. Ray (op. cit., Vol. II, p. 788) to be a contemporary of Chandradeva. It has indeed been suggested by Dr. Ray (op. cit., Vol. I, p. 508) that the assumption of such a title by Chandradeva may indicate some conflict with the Kalachuri kings. In fact, as has been pointed out by Dr. Ray, Chandradeva claims (above, Vol. XIV, p. 193) to have defeated a narapati-gajapati, titles which are assumed by Yasah-Karna himself.
'J. A. 8. B., Vol. XXXI, pp. 123 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 292.
There is also an interesting numismatic evidence which goes to support the contention that Govindachandra extended his dominions at the expense of the Kalachuri rulers of Dahala (H. C. Ray, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 531).
10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 8, f. n. 46.
Oxford History of India, 1923, p. 195.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 292.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
The date of the record is given, both in words and in decimal figures, as Manvādi, Friday, the full-moon tithi of Kärttika of the year 1184 and "regularly corresponds, for Vikrama-Samvat 1184 expired, to Friday, the 21st October A.D. 11271
TEXT. [Metres :Vv. 1, 3, 10, 11, 13-16, Anushţubh ; v. 2, Indravajrā; vv. 4, 7, Särdülavikridita ; vv. 5, 6, 8, Vasantatilakā; v. 9, Drutavilambita, v. 12, Salini.] 1 Om Om Svasti || Akunth-otkantha-Vaikuntha-kantha-pītha-lathat-karaḥ samrarbhaḥ sur
at-arambhë sa Sriyah drēgasēæstu vaḥ ||-[1*] Asid-Asītadyuti-vamsa-jäta h(jäta-)kshmäpä2 la-mālāsu divan=gatásu sākshād-Vivasvăn=iva bhūri-dhamnă nämna Yasovigraha ity
udārah || [2] Tat-suto-bhūn-Mahichandrago-chandra-dhama-nibhan-nijam yēnei. 3 pa pā)ram-akushā(pā)ra-pārē vyāpāritam yaśaḥ || [3*] Tasy-ābhūtetanayo nay-aika-rasi
(si)kah krānta-dvishan-mandalo vidhvast-õddhata-vira-yodha-timirah Sri-Chadra(ndra)
davonțipah yên=ödāratara 4 pratāpa-samit-ášēsha-praj-opadravan Srimad-Gadhipur-adhirajyam-asaman-dör-vvikra
mēn-árjjitam || [4] Tirthāni Kāsi-Kusik-Ottarakosal-Endrasthānīyakani paripa5 layat=ābhigamya | hēm=ātma-tulyam=anisa(sa)n-dadatā dvijēbhyo yễn=ãnkitā? Vagu
mati. Satasasetulābhiḥ || [5*] Tasy-ātmajo Madanapāla iti kshitindra-chudāmanit6 revvijayatē nija-gotra-chandraḥ 1 yasy-abhishēka-kalas-õllasitaiḥ payõbhiḥ prakshālitar
kali-rajah-patalan-dharitryāḥ H [6*] Yasy=āsīd-vijaya-prayāņa-samayē tung-ā7 chal-ochchais-chalan-mädyat-kumbhi-pada-kram-āsama-bhara-bhrasya(sya)n-mahi-mandalē 1
chūdāratna-vibhinna-tālu-galita-styān-assig-udbhăsitaḥ 8Śēshaḥ pësha-vasä(6ā)d-iva
kshanam-888u kro8 de nilin-ánanaḥ || [7*] Tasmād=ajāyata nij-ayata-vā(bā)ha-valli-va(ba)ndh-āvaruddha-nava
rājya-gajo narendraḥ sāndr-amrita-drava-muchā[m*) prabhavo gavām yo Govinda
chandra iti cha9 dra(ndra) iv=āmvumbu)rāsē($ē)ḥ || [8*] Na katham-apy-alabhanta rana-kshamāms-tisțishu
dikshu gaján=atha vajriņaḥ kakubhi vaba)bhramur-Abhramuvallabha-pratibhatā iva
yasya ghatā-gajāḥ || [9*) Sõ= 10 yah samasta-raja-chakra-samsēvita-charaṇaḥ l' paramabhattāraka-maharajadhiraja-params
(mē)śvara-paramamāhēsva[ra* )-nija-bhuj-õpārjji[ta* 1-sri-Kanyakuðj(bj)-ādhipatya - sriChandradēva-pád-anu.
1 Above, Vol IV, p. 111. From the ink-impression kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India,
Expressed by a symbol. [The first symbol answers to siddham or siddhir-astu. See above, Vol. XVII, p. 362-Ed.)
Here follows a sign for continuation of the word.
Also called Mahiala (e. g. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff.), Mahfyala (e. g. above, Vol. II, p. 359, text, 1. 2), and Mahftala (e. g. Ind 4 nt., Vol. XVIII, pp. 14 ff.). In some records (6.g. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 15, text, 1. 1), it is he who stands at the head of his line instead of Yašovigraha.
He is also known as Chandråditys (above, Vol. XIV, p. 194) and once, simply as Chandra (above, Vol. IX, p. 324).
Tho conjunct ik in this word seems rather imperfectly engraved on the impression.
De: Kielhorn thinks (Ind. 4., Vol. XVII, p. 140, a. 45; Ibid, Vol. XVIII, p. 11, n. 14, ato.) that this pbroad should more properly bo read as Stahan sainhawak darius.
. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.

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KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V.S. 1184.
(রাজধানীর কতুবঠকে : ঈদ
| সিলসিলবরটি ছাদটিজেনরী जनालामा वन तासासारा विवानिवत्रारतमा नानाटयमा वियदरासातसुतावादी संवा मतितनिवासना 2
मनपा नीत यापारिनटाराला नव्या नवनमा नामक राशिक-शावपि मालाविनायतवास्योपान मानावावास्यामानादारताई। 41YALS ताराप्रकाप ग्रीनहावि पुरविगहानमा मायाविकामपा हिताती हानिका(हाजाकात कामालट्रमानीयकानिपा4
तातगया दिमाम तुल्य मानलादता दाइयायनाहि तावासभतीरातशमुलानिमातथा महामनपालजनिदिती र वडोनापा 61तिनिलगाववरचा सिविककलशावलिनिवासातिःपालनकालालम्पटलबारबारायास्यासादिकमध्यागमनाय नसा
बाजरालमा कतिपटकनासलचा महीनालाबडालनतितिनतालूगल नमानारगुजालितःागवायवमादिवकपमामाका 81 ली नाननीनमारकायतनितीमतवादतिवनवउदनवाडागडानारामनायायवमता प्रललागवाव्यागाविश्वजनिक - 18
वासुबासमानक वनशलततरणकमातम पदिऊगडानप्तवज्ञापनककालतनुतममुतवत पतितास्वयंपाच टागजामले 10 अतन गडात के माल विनवरा परमतारक महागडाविराउपवनसवरन माह बानगुडापहियाक माडकाविषयीववादवचारात 10
तारकमहायनावाड्यबानवरयाममातयोगदनपालादवपारावधानबरमतदाबामहाराजाधिराङपरमपावनमारक 12 निगड पनि तरपनिबाट बाहिनिविविवतियोविवारवादमानिधीगविश्वरवाविरुपामारदासपबलायोसपारक-मानी समान दामि।
मानावादाने डनगदी नगणता नदियाऊ नाही युवाइमविपरितप्रती तानसेनापतिलायोगादिकालपटलिकनिषानपित्रिकानम्नरिकहतकारक गिनिजाकरम्हानाजा कलाविकारिस पानापतितावमा गादिशतिक्यताविदितमयुत्तवनागपावलावतयाम-सकलाल सलाटलला १:०२सकर : मानीव समनकामन वाटिकाविटामा झातियातनपटीमासाहीत्यराघाटविसु मखानापर्मवरावगी बावकरात
सरकारकमा सिरक्त पर पानीमायाबायो र कटि-पिनं ५८४ साविक दिल कशानहानगम्यायानगाया नावाचावतम रे। मानजनपिनमा पटिय वानिमिवारपाटन महासचिवमा सामाजक्षिाविसकालागरमजयनावसुवर्गक उदा गुदवः। अनावमयतापायालनदविवाद विनर तामातापावामनरायमावियन नयनमसर यासियरयगाकातकला नातकरबनदिक पूर्वनको निखिल बायबलापानिज प्रतियामि वीरत सायालयीनुषोतम पो नाथदीकितावासा वायनाएको वरले यो का मसीय याबदाई सासनी व पपी नामचायाहीट नावाजतरप्रवाणन वक्रट कति मायालयांना ज्ञाविदयालय-120 बा १५3/19 वानवाजा गया कारावाणिय प्रतियाविनापराहना की नियत मानिनः। गतल द्रासन
सदन बाद शाम सहपाविशानिफेलमेत पुरावा नानादिनःपा(धवन्दात माया यादवानसभामा माया। KAJलातकाल पालीनता रानव मसरता नाईनिस गवधिनिःदिया मास्व टाटान नियमानम्तरा!
नापरता पायात मजा मावि छायमिन दा विनिः यद माना गा मेकाटिएम कवमिरकामता 24 रकमा जातिमा दाद तयानाकरया व पिता पति तिवामन पा करमदानासाना बीमाका
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE : ONE-HALF,
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Ra. No. 2013E40-290.

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Page #98

No. 6.] KAMAULI PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, KING OF KANAUJ; V. 8. 1184. 73
11 dhyāta-paramabhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsvara-paramama[hē*]kva[ra*)-éri-Mada
napaladēva-pád-anudhyāta-paramabhattāraka-mahārājadhiraja-persmēsvara-paramamā
hēsva12 rasvapati-gajapati-narapati-rāja-tray-adhipati-vividha-vidyā-vichära-Váchaspati-Srimad-Gô
vindachandradēvē vijayi Madavattala-pattalāyām sa-pāțaka-Bhāns-gra(grā)ma
nivāsi13 no nikhila-janapadān-upagatān=api cha rāja-rajñi-yuvarāja-mantri-purõhita-pratīhāra-sēn
āpati-bhāņdāgārik-akshapatalika-bhisbag-naipi(mi)ttik-intahpurika-dūta-keri-tu14 raga-pattan-akarasthāna-gõkul-adhikari-purushān-äjñāpayati võ(bő)dhayaty-ādisati cha
yatha / viditam-astu bhavatām-upari-likhita-grāmaḥ sal-jala-sthalaḥ sa-löha-lavan-ā15 karah [ga]masy(tsy)-Ukarab sa-gartt-Ösharah sa-madhūk-amra-vana-vātikā-vitapa-triņa
yüti-gochara-paryanta b) 8-Orddhårddhv-a)dhas-chatur-āghăta-visu(su)ddhah (BV&)
simā-paryantas-chatur-asīty-adhika-sat-aika16 daśa-samvatsarē Kārttikē māsi sukla-pakshē paurņimāyām Manvādau Sukra-dinē-nkērpi
Samvat 1184 Kärttika-sudi 15 Sukrē brimad-Vārāṇasyarh sri-Gamgāyām snätvā
vidhivan-mantra-de17 va-muni-manaja-bhūta-pitți-gaņāms-tarpayitvå timira-patala-pāțana-patu-mahasam-Ushna
rochisham-upasthay-Aushadhipatisa (sa)kalabēkharam samabhyarchya tribhuvana
trātur-Väsudēva18 sya pūjām vidhaya prachura-pāyasēna havishă Havirbhujam hutvā mātā-pitrõr-ātmanag
cha punya-ya60-vivșidha(ddha)yē tad-état-parama-ra(Sra)ddhayā samyatibhūya
gõkarnna-kuša-la19 tã-püta-kara-tal-odaka-pūrvvam-asmābhir=Vvadhu(Bandhu)la-gotriya Vamdhu(Bandhu)l
Aghamarsha)na-Visvāmitra-trih(tri)-pravariya dikshita -sri-Purushottama -pautrāya
dikshita-bri-Vilhão-putrāya mahāpuro20 hita-bri-Jāgūsa(sa)rmmaņē? a-chandr-arkkam būsaniksitya pradatto matvă yatha-diyama
na-bhāgabhögakara-pravaņikara-kütaka-prabhțiti-samast-ādāyān-ājñāvidhēyibhūya 21 dāsyatha 1*|| Bhavanti ch=ātra punya-ślākāḥ || Bhūmim yaḥ pratigsihnä(hņā)ti yas-tu
bhūmim prayachchhati 1 ubhau tau punya-karmāņau niyatau(tam) [sva]rgga-gaminau
U [10*] Samkhamh bhadr-âsanam chchha(chha)
Dr. Kielhorn doubtfully read this word (above, Vol. IV, p. 111) as Madarala (+)'. But there is a trace of tta (rather weakly engraved) between va and la. Compare this ta with the same sign in pattaldydi.
- This word was hesitatingly read by Dr. Kielborn (above, Vol. IV, p. 111) as Rari (1)'. Unfortunately the two letters have been engraved in a slovenly manner and in a smaller size. It seems, however, possible to read the second letter as ni. As regards the first it may well be a disjointed pd, or as I have surmised, bha.
. For a note on the terma jala-sthala, etc., see Ind. An., Vol. LI (1922), pp. 73 ff.
«"This word is explained to denote persons who or whose ancestors have performed a great sacrificial' ceremony, such as a jyotishfoma." (Above, Vol. IV, p. 98, f. n. 7.)
. He is also called Purāsa. (Above, Vol. IV, p. 103, text 1. 21; p. 107, text 1. 18; p. 109, text 1. 19, etc.)
• He is otherwise known as Vilbāka (above, Vol. II, p. 360, text l. 13) and Vödaśarman (above. Vol. IV, p. 121, text L. 26).
He is apparently the same as Purðhita Jaguka who served under Govindachandra's father Madanapals (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 101 ff.) No less than ten copper-plate inscriptions from Kamauli record grants made in favour of this high priest. He is variously called Mahadikshita Mahapurðhita Jága (above, Vol. IV, p. 117, 1, 18 and p. 120, No. P.), Jägāks (ibid, p. 103, 1. 21) and Jugüks (ibid, p. 107, 1. 19). He is also onco (ibid, p. 126, No. T.) referred to as Yájšavalkys in an inscription of Jayachchandrs.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
22 trarh var-ásvi vara- vähaņā(na)h 1 bhūmi-dānasya chihnāni phalam-ētat-Purandara || [11]
Servvăn-ētän-bhävinaḥ parthivēndrā[n*j bhūyo bhūyo yachatē Rämabhadraḥ || (1)
sāmānyo23 ya dharmmasētur'-nripäņām kālē kālē pälaniyo bhavadbhiḥ || [12*] Va(Ba)hubhir
Vasudhå dattä rajabhih Sagar-ādibhiḥ | yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada 24 phalam! [13*] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām vā yo harēta vasundharam 1 sa vishțhāyām
krimir-bhütvä pitribhiḥ saha majjati || [14*] Gām ēkām hiranyam=ēkam cha bhū
mi(mē)r-apy=ēkam-angula 1 25 haran-narakam=āpnēti yāvad-äha(bū)ta-saṁplavam(vam) || [15*] Thakkura-sri- Visva
rūpēņa tāmvra(mra)patto-yam likhitam-idam.npip-ājñay-ēti 1 Mangalam mahā-srih l"
26
..
..
..
..
..
..
1
NO. 7.-BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA.
BY KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRAHI, M.A.
This copper-plate was in possession of the Raja and Ruling Chief of the Dhenkanal State, Orissa. In 1930 the late Pandit Tarakeswar Ganguly of Calcutta got it from him and deposited it in the Archæological Museum at Baripada in the Mayurbhanj State. I am thankful to Mr. P. Acharya, the State Archæologist of Mayurbhanj, for kindly allowing me to edit it.
It is a single plate inscribed on both sides, the first side containing seventeen lines and the second eighteen lines of writing. When handed over to me, it was found to have been covered with a thin coat of verdigris and consequently some portions of the writing were quite illegible. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, the Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, who had the opportunity to examine the plate, very kindly arranged its cleaning by chemical treatment and also sent me an excellent set of inked impressions. To Dr. Chhabra I also owe a number of useful suggestions in preparing this article. The transcript given by me is based on the original as well as on the inked impressions. The inscription is, on the whole, in good preservation except that the first and the last lines of the first side and the first four apd the last two lines of the second side have been very much corroded. The letters are deep-cut and well-formed. The plate measures 11" x 6". It has & seal attached to its left-hand side, which measures 27" in diameter, resembles in form & full-blown lotus exhibiting two rows of petals and contains a medallion superimposed on the inner row of the same. Inside the medallion, the inner diameter of which is about 14", occur in relief the figures of a couchant humped bull, of a crescent with a star almost touching its hump and of a club-shaped object below its mouth, while underneath the bull there runs in one line the legend fri-Dévānandadēvasya underlined with two parallel straight lines, and at the bottom there occurs, also in relief, the figure of an expanded lotus flower. The plate together with tbe seal weighs about 143 tolas.
1 The technical word dharmastu occurs for the first time in some of the inscriptions of śātavāhana kings from Nasik (of. above, Vol. VIII, p. 60, 1. 11, p. 65, 1. 13, do.). According to Dr. E. Sonart (ibid, p. 64), "Dharmasitu, in religious phraseology, especially that of inscriptions till a rather recent period, denotes figuratively a foundation as a bridge, a dam of merit', which enables its author to get over the ocean of disara".
* This danda is unnecessary. * This line of the verge has one syllable in excess. Read gamekath marnam-Ikars cha as elsewhere.
Road either tamrapatfo-yam likhits or famrapaffe likhitam-idan.
. Her follows what appears to be a trisyllabio myatio formula, cited thrice, the reading and meaning of which I am unable to offer.

Page #100

No. 7.)
BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA.
The characters belong to the northern type of alphabet and closely resemble in form those of the Ganjam plate of Dandimahādēvi of the year 1804. We have here examples of the initial vowels a in Archohananasa, 1. 29; i in iti, 1. 9; and ai in Airāvaļa, 1. 24; as well as of the Consonants jh in jharkāriņi, 1. 4; dh in godhā, 1. 22. The letter n shows two different forms, as in n-aiva, 1. 3; and in vanē, l. 4. No distinction has been made in the form of medial u and i, 88 may be exemplified by the words sphurita- and tura-, l. 5, while the medial u is represented by two different signs as is seen in suvisuddha-, 1. 6. In many instances the superscript r is not clearly marked.
The language is Sanskrit. The record is composed partly in verse and partly in prose. The text contains some mistakes of spelling as well as of grammar, which have been pointed out in their proper places. As regards orthography, the following peculiarities deserve notice: (1) A consonant after 1 is usually reduplicated; (2) s has been used for & in many places, e.g. in surisuddha-, l. 6 and rachanais-chandr., 1. 15; (3) n has been employed for anusvāra in tivränsumāli, 1. 11; (4) b is represented by the sign for v; (6) in some cases sandhi has not been observed, e.g. Sriman Jayānanda, II. 2-3, (6) sign of avagraha has been used in you'bhut, 1. 8.
The record does not contain any date, but the Talmul plate of Dhruvanandadēva', having the introductory portion identical with that of the present one, records & date at the end of the inscription. Mr. A. Banerji-Sastri, the editor of this grant, has not been able to give the correct reading of the text. His reading of the date is also erroneous. The record has been re-edited and further commented upon by Mr. N. Tripathi', but he has also failed to interpret the date. He first explained the symbols for the date as representing 200-+-80+3(-283), and later as 200+80+1 (-281). Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has given this date as the year 293 and has suggested to refer it to the Harsha era. If this view is accepted, and there is no reason to reject it, the date in question would correspond to A.D. 899, which would roughly be the date of the present inscription as well.
The inscription opens with a description of the place of issue of the grant, the name of which has inadvertently been omitted by the scribe but may be ascertained from the Talmul plate of Dhruvanandadēva as being Jayapura. Then the lines 2-24, mostly composed in verse, give a genealogical account, beginning with Jayānanda and ending with Dévånanda, in course of which the qualities and the achievements of the rulers have been poetically described. The object of the inscription has, then, been set forth, which was to record the grant by the king Dēvānanda of the village Lambēva', situated in the vishaya of Potodā in the Airāvatta mandala, to one Bhatta Brahmadhara, son of Saktidhara, son of Adityadhara, who belonged to the Känva-bākha of the White Yajurvēda, and to the Kšishnätröya götra, and was a member of the Bhata community of Jambama-Nārāyaṇapura, originally hailing from Pundravarddhana.
As to the family of the donor, it is called Nandodbhava or simply Nanda, as may be inferred from the terms Nand-odbhava-vamsa, and Nanda-kula occurring in 1.2 and 1. 17 respectively.
1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 137 ff. J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XV, pp. 87 ff. and plates ; Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 2043.
J. B.O. R. 8., Vol. XVI, pp. 457 ff. and Vol. XVII, pp. 196-7. • Bhandarkar's List, No. 2043. [800 below p. 79, n. 5.-Ed.] A similar instance is found in the namo Sallodbhava.

Page #101

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
Mr. Tripathi concludes from these expressions (also occurring in Dhruvananda's plate) that the family of Jayānanda was an offshoot of the Imperial Nandas of Magadhat. But this conclusion does not seem to have been based on sufficient data. What seems to be probable is that the suffix ananda was peculiar to the names of this family as turiga, kara, stambha and the like were peculiar to the names of some other royal families of Orissa. And, as these suffixes gave distinct names to these families, the suffix ananda did the same in the case of the royal family of Jayānanda. The confusion between nanda and ananda seems to have been one as between kara and akara, illustrated in the case of the Kara family of Orissa, in which the second component part of some names is not kara, but akara, e.g. Subhākara. This Nanda family of Orissa is not known from any other source except from the Talmul plate of Dhruvānandadēvs referred to above, and the present record. With the help of the genealogies given in these two charters, we can construct the following genealogical table of this family :
Jayānanda
Parananda
Sivẫnanda
Dēvānanda, surnamed Vilāsatunga.
Dhruvananda, surnamed Vilisatunga. It should be noted in this connection that though the relation between the first four members has been specifically mentioned 48 that of father and son, the same between Dēvānanda and Dhruvānanda is not clear from their records. At any rate, that Dhruvānanda was a sucCessor of Dēvānanda is evident from his plate which mentions his name after that of Dēvā. nanda' • As has been said above, the name of Jayapura, the description of which occurs in the opening part of the inscription, has probably been omitted through the carelessness of the scribe.
1J. B.O. R. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 469.
(Mr. Panigrahi seems to have mixed up the genealogies given in the two records. Moreover, the present inscription apparently mentions two Dēvānandas, while Mr. Panigrahi obviously takes these two as referring to one and the same person. Below are given, for the sake of comparison, the genealogical lists 48 supplied by the Talmul plate and the present inscription. Talmul Plate
Baripada Museum Plate Jayānanda
Jayananda Parānanda
Parananda Sivånanda
Sivẫnanda Dāvananda
Dēvānanda (I) Vilăsatunga-Dhruvananda.
Vilăsatunga-Dāvananda (II). While Dhruvananda is said to be Paramasaugata, Dēvānanda (II) is stated to be Paramamihekvara; otherwise their descriptions agree word for word. The apparent relation between Dhruvananda and Devananda (II) is that of brothers, one professing the Budhist faith, the other adhering to the Saiva creed, though the seals of both of them bear & Nandi emblem. In this case, we will have to admit that Divānanda (II) is called after his father's name, which is improbable though not impossible, considering the case of five Maitraka kings of the name of Stāditya (III–VII), of whom each succeeding one was a son of the prooading one; see Bhandarkar's List, P. 394.-B.C.C.]

Page #102

No. 7.)
BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA.
77
This place, presumably the capital of the Nanda family of Orissa, has been identified with Jajpur of the Cuttack district by Dr. A. Banerji-Sastri and with Jeypur or Jeypore, the headquarters of a big estate of the same name in the newly constituted Koraput district of Orissa, by Mr. N. Tripathi. Both of these identifications are open to serious objections. As Jajpur cannot be regarded as a corruption of Jayapura, and as it was known as Virajās in the eighth or ninth century A.D., when it was held as capital by the Bhauma kings of Orissa, the identification proposed by Dr. Banerji-Sastri should be ruled out of consideration. As regards Mr. Tripathi's proposed identification, though no objection can be taken to it from phonetic point of view, several considerations prevent us from taking it as conclusive. On an examination of the pl.ce-names mentioned in this grant and others, it is revealed that Airăvatta mandala which included the vishaya of Potoda has been mentioned in the Talmul plate of Dhruvānandadēva and also in the Balijhari plates of Uddyotakēšari Mahābhavagupta". This mandala must be taken to bave comprised a tract of land along the Mahanadi river in view of the fact that the gift village Kontalanda, mentioned in the last-named charter, has pointedly been spoken of as situated on the bank of that river. So, if Jayapura is to be taken identical with Jeypur of the Koraput District, we have to suppose that the territories ruled over by Dēvānanda and Dhruvän anda extended far to the south-west of the Mahanadi river on the north. But their dominion over such vast territories is not warranted by their records which do not even give the title of mahārāja before their names, nor mention a single conquest to their credit. They must have been feudatories of some paramount power in Orissa as is indicated by their titles Paramabhaltāraka Samadhigata pafchamahäsabda Mahasamantadhipati. Begides, Jayānanda, the first known ruler of the family, probably the founder of the dynasty, has been credited with the coaquest of the whole of Gôndrama, which, as will be shown below, meant the hilly tracts now ruled over by the feudatory chiefs of Orissa, but never any tract along the Bay of Bengal. The last but not the least important is the fact that if these plates of the Nanda family were issued from Jeypur of the Koraput district, it is rather strange that the southern influence so conspicuong on the copper-plates issued from Kalinganagara and Svētaka should have been completely absent from the palaeography of their records. I should, therefore, suggest the identification of Jayapura of our records with Jaipur, a village situated in the Dhenkanal State from which and from the adjoining Narasinghpur State all the three copper-plate grants mentioning the name of Airāvatta 'mandala are reported to have hailed. Jayapura, as its name suggests, was possibly founded by Jayānanda, the first ruler of the Nanda family.
Among the other geographical names occurring in the inscription, Göndrama, which is also mentioned in four other copper-plate inscriptions of Orissa, is always found in conjunction with sakala . all', and in one plate with ashţāda sa 'eighteen'. It is thus clear that it was a geographical expression meaning a group of eighteen tracus of land and seems to be the same as ashţādas afavi-rājya (eighteen forest chiefdoms) of the Betul plates of Samkshobha. The name ashtādasa Gondrama applied to these tracts wos probably due to the predominence of the Gond tribe over other aboriginal tribes inhabiting these parts and seems to have survived in the geographical expression athara gadhjät still applied to all the feudatory states of Orissa by the people, though as a matter of fact their number at present is not eighteen but twenty-four. It should be 1J. B. O. R. 8. Vol. XV, p. 89.
Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 457 f. Pt. B. Misra. Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, p. 89. J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XVII, p. 17, text l. 33, Bhandarkar's List, No. 2076.
J. B.O.R.S., Vol. II, pp. 402 (text L. 18), 406 (text 1. 9) and 418 (text I. 1.) and Vol. VI, p. 230 (text I. 13). . Above YOL VIII, p. 287 (text L. 9) and discussion on p. 186.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
noted in this connection that the credit of having conquered the whole of Göndrama given to Jayānanda in this record may just be an exaggeration. Airavatta, after which the vishaya of that name was called, has been identified with Ratigarh in the Banki Police Station of the Cuttack district. Potoda and Lambēva may provisionally be identified with Potal in the Hindol State and Limbu in the Narasinghpur State respectively. Pundravarddhana is the well-known ancient name for North Bengal. I cannot suggest any identification for JambameNāråyaņapura.
TEXT.
Obverse. 1 Om svasty=akalita-kali-kāla-kalmasha-pravēs-āvakākād=vijit-ādēsh-Ojiyani-guna-nikarāt
(Jayapurāt*]* || 2 Va(Ba)bhūva Nand-odbhava-va(van)ba-sambhavaḥ sya-vikram-ā krānta-samasta
Göndramah (1) dharādhipo dhamma(rmma)dharaḥ pudhimin=sriman-Ja3 yānanda iti pravirah! [1*]* Yasmin=rājani dinamrakshara-yugandēh=iti n=aiva brutam
D=ātankā[h*) kussiti* kuto na cha 4 mpishā dvandvan=na ch=āsīn=nțiņāḥ(ņām) l() sa[rvvaryyā]m=ava(ba)lā sahāya-vikal
ālapkāra-jbankāriņi kshivā yaty-ajanē vanē ya. 5 di puna-vvä(r=vvā)[rttā] Dilīpē nsipē [ 2* ]' Kanaka-ruchira-kāntiḥ prõnnataḥ purit-asa
sphurita-vimala-ratnaḥ sāra-dulla (rlla)nghya-mütti(rtti)h [l*] 6 vu(bu)dha-jana-nuta-pădő Mēru-vat-tabya sākshāt=priyatama-tanayo=bhach-chhi(ch=chhrī)
Paränanda-nama(ma) || [3*]* Tasya(sy=ā)pi ch-asīt-suvisu(su)ddha7 paksho vasañ=janānāṁ khalu mânasē cha [l*) hansõ(hamso) yathā hansa(hamsa)-(sama
na-kirtti[r*]-nnāmni śivānanda iti prasiddha8 \ || [4*]* Tasy=ābhūttanayas=tļiņīksita-ripu-vrata-svalat-pāvako vā(ba)l-aiņānka iv=anvay.
amva(mba)ra-gato yo='bhūtsrist=pri)9 ya[h*) prāņinām(nam) (D) tāra(ru)nyő taruņi-vilochana-putair=āpita-cup-amrito Dāvā
nanda iti prasiddhim-aga10 mad=yaḥ svair-guņair=nni[r]mmalai) || [5*]' Durvvär-ari-kar-indra-kumbha-dalanē sphūjja
(rija)t-karaḥ kēsari baśvan=mâna11 vati-mukh-āvja(hja)-jayakfit=tivränsu(vrámáu)māli sadā (1) tasmād=ēva Vilā(sa*]tus.
ga-npipatibhū(r-bhū)tag=gatām=agrani12 ya(r=ya)sy=ôchchaiḥ sa(sa)rad-indu-dhāma-dhavalam nityam yasõ(66) varddhatē || [6*]"
Nakshatr-ävali-bāra-damakavati nitya(tyam) 13 nabho-mandirë jösnājyotsnā)-chandana-lē[pa]n-ātidhavalā sānd(ndr)-andhakār-āmva(mba)
rā [l*l [ya*]sy=ētu(ttu)iga-sudha-gri14 he=tidhavalē dig-yoshitān=darppaņē sva(svam) rūpamvam va)ra-kāmin-iva rajani chandr
Ananā pasya(syalti !! [7*]' Yasy=oJ. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVII, p. 4:
From the original and inked impressions. Represented by a symbol. This name has been supplied here from Dhruvananda's plato, J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XV, p. 90. Metre : Upajati. • Read kufrutih or kueritih. * Metre : Sardúlavikridita.. Metre : Walini. Metre : Upajati.

Page #104

Reverse.
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Page #105

श्रीद
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 2006 E'40-275.
14
16
म
BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA.
Obverse.
क्लिदार गजावरा 2 लागार हिंदी गेमही ट्रातील
कोकलग
सवाखाली या मालालालमहानिलकण अवतार लीलवल कवक निस्काकः 783 दिলकেনএज रुचियात सहारा गाराला गारा टाह (सायमा गोल ग्रामाि
मुगाला वयात चाकायालयाायाालय मालगायतलमिला राम दया वा गृप महासेतुलीमाली लगा है या किसी
सरगना
वनी या पाकमा लसनमादिव खिलाक है गुपतिन रनावताना बस के विकास एक मलय गातिरा बना रहा कनानामारिया उड़ाया भारतद्वा सिनिन यंत्र को मिलने रामप्रसाद दिवा
हटिया एक
तोल हराम राम प्रधा लाग तक न विसर दिया गया नी
SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #106

No. 7.)
BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA.
16 chchaiḥ sita-mandirā[d=dhva]ja-disi(si) prātu(tta)ăga-hatt-avali su(su)bbrä сbaru-sudhā
vikāra-rachanais(6)=chandr-ātapa-sparddhini 16 dürād=bhāti dfisab(sah) padan=gatavati lokasya se[Behā]rino ni(ni)härőtkarabhadharada
iva sa(ba)nair-Mmandāki17 ni syandati] | [8*]* Sa Sri(sri)-Nanda-kul-amva(mbu)j-akara-raviḥ sad-vansa(sa)
dipā(dipő) nfipas(k)=chang-arāti(ti)-vadhū-mukh-ávja(bja)-dasa(buka)
Reverse. 18 [bhřid=rakt-anta-dirgh-ekshanah] ---UU-U-u pulakikurvvan=jana[=pheshtitaih
satya-tyāga-ka(ku)läbhi19 [māna-vi]naya yasy=ăngajāḥ sad-gupāḥ || [9*}' Dipyat-pratäp-a[na]la-[plusht-ārājti-mūrttis
chatur-ambhodadhi®-paryanta-bhränta20 (sat-kirtti]ya(r=ya)th-[chista-[paryyavasthā]pita-varnpa-cha[tu*]shtayaḥ parit-besha
pranayi-jana-manõrathah sajjana-jan-321 [na]nda-dāyi rakt-āmva(mba)ra-pramandita-kaladhanta-dollikā-chamara-pralamyismbi]te -
prānta-krõda dēša vinyasta-mayūra-cha22 ndrikä-nikara-sita-chchhatr-avabbassmāna-aita-dhātumaya-gödha-sifi)kharikrita- 18hits
lõchan-amva(mba)ra-dhvaja[b*) pe23 ramamāhēsvara- mati-pițri-păd-anudhyāta-parama-bbattāraka-samadhigata-paicha
mahāśavda(bda)-mahāsāma24 ntidhipati-Srl Dövānandadávaḥ kusah. Airåvatta-mandala-samva(mba)ddha-Potodā
vishayē bhavishyad-yathā25 käla-bhävino rajakana rāja-putră[n*] Vrā(brā)hma[nal-purogan=simantan-niviai-janape
dăn=adhikariņaḥ sa-ka26 raņān=anyā[m]=cha chăța-bhata-vallabha jati(ti)yān=rāja-påd-opajivinaḥ sarvvan-yath
ārbam mānayati võ(bă)dhayati kusa27 layaty=ādisati ch=ānyata(t)[11*] Viditam=astu bhavatām=ētad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddha-*]
Lamvā(mbā)va -grām-õdaya sa-jala-stha[lab*] 28 Ba-gartt-āvaskara[b] prajñāyamáns-phatu[b*)-simā-paya(rya)ntab Pundandra)varddhana
vinirggata-Jamva(mba)ma-Narayanapura-Bhata(tta) 29 gāmánya-Käpva-4ākha-Yajurvvēdi(di)-Krishṇātrē[ya-götrāyal Archchananasa-$ & v&satl
hotā? richavāvana-vat dityadhvaya 30 Adityaddh(dha)ara-sutascha Saktiddha(dha)ra-aita-Vasma(Brahmal)ddhara-bhāta! || **
mäta-pitrör åtmanasucha punya yas-bhivri
1 This reading is clear in Dhruvananda's plate. The correct form of the last word is syandamana. * Metre : Sardūlavi kridita. * Read ambhodhi• Read rajanakan as in the Talmul plate. >[The reading seems to be Lamvé(be)da.-B. C. C.] • (Possibly the intended reading is .grama 'yan.-B. C. C.
This evidently refers to the tryäraněya Pravars of the donee, and it to be corrected as Atrey-Archchananana-Syavas-eti hötre. Compare Götra pravaranibandhakadamba, p. 87.-B. C. C.)
• The sense after hota is not clear. . We have probably to amend the reading as Adityadhara-sutasya Saktidharaaya sulaya Brahmadhara-chattaya. 10 This sign of punctuation is not needed.

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80
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
31 ddhaye tamvra1-éasanena pradatto-smābhib[*] yatas-tamva1-säsana-darśanad-asmaka(tkā)ry-a[nu*]rōdhaja(d=ya)tha-kala
32 [phala)-niyam-Opabhujyamin&(na)[sya*] na kin-kaya pata(ri)panthi(nthi)nä bhā(bha)vitavya[][] MA[bh]d-aphala-each(fat)ka vab para-da
35 t-ti parthiva(väb) [1] sva-data(tt)[t] phala]m-äna[ntyamh] para-dat-[Anupalanē] [*] Sva-datta[m-para-datta"]m-vä yö hareta vasundharam [*] sa vi(vi)shṭhā[yam*] [kri]34 [mir-bhütva pitribbih saha pachyata] [*] [Va(Ba)hubhir-vasudha dettä raja][bhiḥ Sagaradibhiḥ*] yasya yasya [yada*] [bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam] [*] [Iti] 35 [kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-löläm . . . . . ]
TRANSLATION.
(L. 1) Om. Hail From [Jayapura] which is exempted from the ingress of vices of the Kali Age and has surpassed all the qualities of Ujjayani.
(Verse 1) There was born in the Nandödbhava family a virtuous, extremely intelligent and surpassingly heroic king named Jayananda, who, by dint of his own valour, subjugated the whole of Gōndrama.
(V. 2) It was during his kingship that the poor twin letters dehi (i.e. 'give') were never heard; no diseases, no fraud from anywhere and no false quarrel ever occurred among the people, (so much so that even) a drunken woman, with her ornaments jingling, could pass through a desolate forest at night unescorted (without being molested by any robber on the way), whereas such (a state of perfectly good rule) is ascribed to king Dilipa.
(V. 3) He had a son, most beloved to him, the illustrious Parananda by name, who, being of splendid golden complexion, dignified, having his ambitions fulfilled, bedecked with glittering flawless jewels, his person being unassailable by warriors, (and) deeply honoured by the learned, evidently resembled the Maru (mountain) which is (likewise) endowed with pleasing brilliance on account of its gold, is very lofty, has occupied large space, is possessed of sparkling pure gems, with its bulk unscalable by adventurers (and) its foot frequented by the gods.
1 Read tämra.
Only some traces of the rest of the verse are to be seen on the plate; it may be supplied as friyam-anuchintya manushya-jivilan-cha | sakalamidam-udahritan-cha buddhot nahi purushaiḥ para-kirtlays vilõpуāḥ ||
Every word in the passage farvaryyam, etc., has a special significance. Thus farvaryydm at night, an opportune time for committing robbery; abald woman, literally 'powerless one' whom it is easy to assail or overpower; sahaya-vikala without any escort or companion, so that the crime can be perpetrated without any fear of immediate detection; alabara-jhankarist her ornaments making a jingling noise, thereby assuring a handsome booty; kahied drunken, thus too senseless to offer any resistance; ajané vane in a jungle where there is no human being near by, so that there is no resouing even if the victim shouts for help.
The author of the inscription indulges in poetio fancy, asserting that Jayananda's virtues have mistakenly been attributed to Dilipa. The description of Dilipa alluded to is echoed in the following verses:
Yasmin mahimh éasati väninindak nidra vihar-ardha-pathi gatanām Valo-pin-derashsayad-ambukani kö lambayed-aharandya hastam ||
(Raghuvashia, VI, 75). Na kil-anuyayus tasya räjänő rakshitur yalab Vyavrittä yat-para-svēbhyaš brutau taskarašā stilā || (Ibid., L. 27). Trayah babda na jiryani Dilipasya nivilant Svadhyaya-ghoshöjd-ghōchō diyatām iti vai traya || (Mahabharata, XIII (Santiparvan), 20, 79).
The last verse rather presents a contrast: with Dilipa a request never passed unfulfilled, while in Jayananda's reign it never came to utter a request.

Page #108

No. 7.]
BARIPADA MUSEUM PLATE OF DEVANANDADEVA.
(V. 4) He, too, had a son, who was well-known by the name of Sivananda, had faithful allies, and verily won the hearts of his pepole (and) whose fame shone forth like the sun, (who was thus) quite as a swan with pure white wings, dwelling in the Manasa (lake).
81
(V. 5) He had a son, called Devananda, who proved a veritable blazing fire to his enemies reduced to the state of straw, who, having ascended in the sky of his family, like a new moon endeared himself to (all) beings, whose nectar of beauty, in youth, maidens drank to their heart's content using their eyes as goblets, (and) who acquired renown through his stainless qualities.
(V. 6) He was a roaring lion in tearing asunder the frontal globes of the great elephants of the irresistible enemies and was always a sun in winning over the lotus-like faces of zealous women. On that account the present king was (known) as Vilasatunga. He is the foremost among the pious and his fame, as white as autumnal moon-light, is intensely increasing everyday.1
(V. 7) The night having moon as her face, dense darkness as her garment, stars as a string of necklace, and appearing excessively fair due to the besmearing of sandal paste of moon-light, beholds, just like a beautiful woman in the chamber of the sky, her own image in his lofty and extremely white palace, which is a mirror to the ladies of the quarters.
(V. 8) From his white palace, towards the banners, the beautiful and white row of tall shops, on account of their whitewash, becoming a rival to the moon-light, looked at from a distance by the people moving about, appears like the Ganges gently flowing down from the Himalaya mountain.
(V. 9) This king, the light of the noble family, is a very sun to the lotus-lake (in the form) of the prosperous Nanda family, is a very moon to the lotuses that are the faces of his fierce enemies' wives, having large eyes with red ends.....excessively delighting the people with his doings. Truth, charity, family-pride and humility are his inborn good qualities.
(Ll. 19-24) The illustrious Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahāsāmantādhipati Dēvānandadēva, who has through the blazing fire of his prowess consumed the bodies of his enemies, whose good fame has travelled as far as the four oceans, who has placed the four varnnas in their proper positions, fulfilled the desires of all the suppliants, gives delight to the virtuous men, who has a cloth-banner (with the emblem) of the red-eyed snakes wearing on their heads the alligators made of white
[Mr. Panigrahi's above rendering of this verse seems to be responsible for the confusion he has made in the genealogy. It may be pointed out that the author has used the past tense in describing the first four rulers, while in the case of Viläsatunga he employs the present tense, thereby indicating that the charter was issued by Vilasatunga who has clearly been spoken of as tasmad.......bhütab 'who has been born from him (i.e. from Devananda)'. This Viläsatunga and the second Devananda mentioned in 1. 24 have been taken by me as referring to one and the same person because the descriptive attributes place them in apposition to each other and there is no such word used as tasmat or tasya to indicate their relation otherwise.
The sixth verse may thus be explained as follows: "It was from him that the king Vilasatunga has been born, who, clapping his hands, appears a very lion for tearing asunder the frontal globes of his enemies' huge elephants that are difficult to check, who always wins over a repeatedly offended lady (as easily) as the sun causes, a k a lotus-bud to unfold, who ranks foremost among the virtuous (and) whose glory, as bright as the light of autumnal moon, ever grows further and further."-B. C. C.]

Page #109

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
metal, that floats on the white umbrella held over the golden litter covered with red cloth, inlaid with peacock feathers in its inner side and with chowries hanging down (from it), who is a devout worshipper of Siva, who has acquired (title to) the five mahāśabdas (and), who meditates on the feet of his father and mother, being in good health ;
(LI. 24-32) duly honours, intimates to, enquires after the health of and commands all those that will in course of time be, (viz.,) chiefs, princes, all the inhabitants of the country headed by Brāhmanas, feudatories, functionaries along with the karanas, and others of the class of Chăța, Bhata and Vallabha, dependent on the king, in the Pötödā vishaya included in the Airavatta mandala: “Be it known to you that the income of the village Lambēva", along with its land and water, along with its pits and their contents, included in this vishaya (of Potoda), up to the four well-known boundaries, has been granted by Us, by means of a copper-plate charter, for the increase of the glory and religious merit of our parents and of Ourself, to Bhatta Brahmadhara, son of Saktidhara, son of Adityadhara, hailing from Pundravardhana, a member of the Bhatta community of Jambama-Nārāyanapura, a student of the Kaņva sūkhā of the Yajurvēda, belonging to the Krishnätrēya götra, a hoti having the triple pravara of) [ Atreya-] ĀrchanānasaSyāvāśva,..... Wherefore, seeing this copper charter and having regard for our deed, nobody should cause any obstruction to him while he is regularly enjoying the seasonal yields of the
gift).”
(LI. 32-35) [Here follow four of the customary verses.]
No. 8.-A NOTE ON THE DATE OF CHOLA GANDARADITYA.
By A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. In the short interval of about 32 years between Parāntaka who ruled from A.D. 907 to at least A.D. 953, and Rajarāja I whose date of accession was A.D. 985, five members, viz., Rajakēsarin Gandarāditya, Parakësarin Ariñjaya, Rajakësarin Sundara-Chola, Parakēsarin Aditya II and Parakësarin Uttama-Chöļa, have to be acoounted for. As they are usually designated in inscriptions, by their dynastic titles of Parakēsarin or Rājakësarin, their identity has to be determined only by the internal evidence in the records, if any. The exact periods when these kings ruled are also not specified, except in the case of Parakēnarin Uttama-Chola whose date of accession has been fixed to be A.D. 969-70%.
With the help of three records belonging to a Rājakesarivarman copied from the Trichinopoly District, all of which are palæographically attributable to the 10th century A.D. and
[ This epithet, I think, is to be split up into two, one ending with avabhasamāna and the other beginning with sitadhatu. Their construction is rather clumsy, but the first evidently describes the king's sedan (dollikd) and the second the royal banner over the palace. They may be translated as follows: "whose gold medan decorated with a red cloth, is flanked y suspended chowries, has its interior furnished with the feathers of the peacock's tail (their eyes being seen prominently), (and) shines forth with a white umbrella (spread over); whom banner with a snake (emblem) is surmounted by an alligator made of white metal (siladhatu)".-B.C.C.]
* This seems to be the translation of gram-odaya. The word udaya does also mean "income' but its adjuncts sa-jala-sthalah, etc., do not justify the reading udaya in the text. The intenue reading as suggested above (p. 79, n. 6) is probably gråmõ='yam, in which case the gift consists of the village itself.-B. C. C.)
[See above p. 79, n. 5.-Ed.)
There is a solitary rooord dated in the 48th year of the king at Vanamaladinne in the Chittoor District (No. 200 of 1931-32 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion).
No. 456 of the Madras Epigraphical collootion for 1908,

Page #110

i
No. 8.]
A NOTE ON THE DATE OF CHOLA GANDARADITYA.
88
evidently relate to one and the same king of that title, an attempt is made herein to fix the initial date of Rājakēsarin Gandarāditya. The records under reference are : Place. Details of date.
Remarks. 1. Allari . . 5th year, Kanni, lunar eclipse . Mentions the son of Virabola-Irukkuvél. 2. Pālor .
Ditto . . Mentions Mahimālaya-Irukkuvēl alias Parintakap
Viradőlan. 3. Do. . .
Ditto . .
Ditto.
From the surnames Parāntaka and Virachola of the Irukkuvēl chief named Mahimalaya figuring in the two Pālūr inscriptions (Nos. 2 and 3), it can be inferred that this chief had been a contemporary of Parāntaka alias Vira-Chola, and that the Rājakësarivarman, in whose records also he figures, was evidently one who came after this Chola king.
The occurrence of a lunar eclipse in the Kanyā month cited in the records is, however, an important astronomical detail, which is helpful in fixing the date. In the period of fifty years from A.D. 940 to 990, there were only three years in which such an eclipse occurred, viz.':
1. A.D. 954, September 15, Friday ; bu.15 0.35); Uttiraţtādi (Uttara-Bhādrapadā) (.15); 2. A.D. 955, September 4, Tuesday; bu.15 (92); Pūrattādi (Pūrya-Bhādrapada) (.50)
and Uttiraţtādi (f. d. n. .49); and 3. A.D. 973, September 15, Monday ; bu.15 (.25); Uttiraţtādi (.03). Of these, the last date may be left out of account as it would definitely fall in the 4th year of the reign of Parakēsarivarman Uttama Chõļa. The remaining two dates which are fortunately contiguous to each other and are removed by & period of one year only, would yield either A.D. 949-50 or A.D. 950-51 as the initial date of this Rājakësarivarman.
However, a record from Nirppalanio in the Pudukkottai State said to be dated in the 10th year of a Rājakēsarivarman states that Mahimālaya-Irukkuvēl alias Parāntakan-Virabolan, who is identical with the chief figuring in the Pālār inscriptions noted above, made a gift to the temple at Nirppalani, while he visited the temple at Tiruppălatturai during & lunar eclipse, which occurred in the Uttiraţtādi-nakshatra in the month of Kanya. As the other details are identical, the regnal year read as 10 appears to be a mistake for 5; and Uttiraţtādi-nakshatra must have also been the star quoted in the portion lost in the Allur inscription. It is quite possible also that the king had bestowed gifts to the four temples at Allūr, Pālūr, Nirppalani and Tiruppalatturai, all situated near to each other, on the same religious occasion of a lunar eclipse, while staying at the last-mentioned temple. A.D. 954 September 15, Friday, with Uttiraţtädi. nakshatra may therefore be selected as the date of these three records, in preference to the other date in A.D. 955. As this day fell in the 5th year of this king Rājakēsarivarman, the date of his accession would lie between A.D. 949, September 16 and A.D. 950, September 15.
1 No. 366 of the same collection for 1903. * No. 346 of the same collection for 1918. • No. 348 of the same collection for 1918.
In this record the portion containing the name of the nakshatra during which the eelipse occurred is built in, and the expression parrina is alone visible. The missing words were probably Uttiraffadi-nakshatrattu parrina as in the Nirppalani inscription.
According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, some other years in which snoh an folipa oooarred were A.D. 871, 889, 890, in the reign of Aditya I, a Rajakesarin ; but the records cannot palmographinally be attributed to that king.
• Inscriptions in the Pudukkolfas State, No. 30.

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84
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
Who was this Rajakesarivarman, whose date of accession was A.D. 949-50? We know from the Atakur record1 that the combined armies of Rashtrakuta Krishna III and the Ganga Būtuga had defeated the Chōla army led by prince Rajaditya at Takkōlam in the North Arcot District and that this Chōla prince had also lost his life in the encounter. This record is dated simply in Saka 872, current, Saumya, corresponding to A.D. 949-50; but in the absence of other details, its exact date cannot be calculated. From the foregoing facts it can, however, be inferred that soon after the death of the eldest prince Räjäditya in the end of A.D. 949, Parantaka had nominated his second son Gandaraditya as the heir-apparent in the beginning of A.D. 950, and that the latter began to count his own regnal years from this year onwards.
As some records dated in the 8th year are definitely assignable to Gaṇḍarāditya, his reign may have extended from A.D. 950 to 957 at least. His end is cryptically described in the expression Merkelundarulina-Detar' i.e., he who was pleased to proceed west', but its significance is not quite clear. It is possible that he had lost his life in one of the skirmishes with Rashtrakuta Krishna III's army in occupation that may have occurred in the western frontier, and that this event, was sought to be euphemistically expressed as a journey to the west', from which, however, the king probably never returned alive.
No. 9.-BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. BY SAMSKRITI PT. AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAS, M.A., UDAIPUR.
The rock inscription under description was at first published by Kaviraja Syamaldās of Udaipur in 1886, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LV, part I (pp. 14-15, 28-32 and 40-46) together with some other epigraphs. Since then it has been dealt with by many scholars in connection with the genealogy of the Imperial Chähamana dynasty of Sakambhari. But the transcript of the record as published by the Kaviraja was far from satisfactory' and the necessity for re-editing it properly has frequently been felt by scholars. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, it appears, was to re-edit it', but as he has not been able to undertake the work so far, I have taken up the task at the instance of Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India.
Bijholi is a small fortified picturesque town situated in 25° 10' N. and 75° 20' E., about 112 miles north-east of Udaipur. Its position is in the midst of what is known as the uparamāla or the uppermost table-land called Pathar, in the Aravalli Hills. This table-land extends from Bārolli and Bhainsarorgarh in the south to Jahazpur in the north through Menal, Bijholi and Mandalgarh, once forming an important portion of the Imperial Chāhamana dominions of Sambhar and
1 Ante, Vol. VI, p. 51.
The statement in verse 21 of the Larger Leiden plates of Rajaraja I that after Räjäditya, Gandaraditya succeeded to the throne, has to be taken to refer to this heir-apparency only (ante, Vol. XXII, p. 256).
No. 176 of 1907 and No. 574 of 1908 which are records of a Rajakesarivarman refer to Pillaiyar (Prince) Arikulakesarin, who was the younger brother of Gandaraditya.
It may be mentioned that the same dates have been suggested by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri in his Colas, Vol. I, p. 180. The facts noted above support his chronological scheme for this period.
The transcript of the record which the Kaviraja later on published in the Vira-vinoda (Part I, pp. 383-89) is far better than the one under reference.
Above, Vol. V, Appendix, p. 22, n. 3; H. C. Ray's Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, p. 1082, n. 1. Above, Vol. XII, p. 222.

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Ajmer. It now forms a part of the State of Udaipur. It is very rich in archeological remains, being possessed of numerous ancient monuments now mostly in ruins, of superb architectural and sculptural beauty, such as the temples at Bärolli and Menal which Col. Todi and James Fergusson bave so highly eulogised. The localities of Jahāzpur, Māndalgarh, Bijholi, Menāl, etc., comprised in this tract, are also the find-spots of a number of epigraphs important for the chronology of the Imperial Chahamăna dynasty. In fact, every nook and corner of this picturesque table-land has to narrate & story about itself through either sculptures, epigraphs or architectural remains. Princes of the Hūņa tribe, it is said, were the first founders of towns like Bijholi here, and were the paramount lords of the whole country extending from near the Koţă border to the precincts of Būndi." This Hūna possession, in course of time, came under the Imperial Chāhamāna control through conquest and subsequently passed into the hands of the Guhilots of Mewar and is still in their possession.
Thus, Bījholiis an important archeological site with certain ancient temples of unique design and elaborate sculptures, still surviving. The place is at present held by one of the sixteen firstclass Umarāvas or vassals of the Rāņās of Udaipur, who is called the Rão of Bijholi. He is an offshoot of the Paramāra family, whose ancestors had come to Mewār from Jagner between Agra and Baiana in about A.D. 1610.
The first antiquarian who visited this place was Col. James Tod who has described it in his Annals and Antiquities of Rājasthān, Vol. III, pp. 1797-1800 (W. Crooke's ed.). Later on, Mr. Carlleyle, assistant to Major-General Alexander Cunningham of the Archeological Survey of India, paid a visit to the place and described it and its antiquities in the A. S. R., Vol. VI, pp. 234-62. Subsequently some other scholars, such as Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, also had oocasion to visit the place. Mr. Carlleyle stayed at Bijholi for about five days during which period he examined all that was of archeological interest and importance there, minutely describing them in his Report ; but unfortunately due to heavy rains which prevented him from further exploration, he could not find the rock inscription under description the existence of which he knew from Tod only. He has, therefore, not been able to tell anything about the present record.
The inscription is engraved on a flat undulating rock under & Mahuvā (Bassia latifolia) tree, within the encircling wall, towards the north of the big reservoir of water attached to the shrine of Pārsvanātha situated about three-quarters of a mile to the south-east of the town of Bijholi. Tod has described this site in his "Personal Narrative ", but his account is somewhat vague and confused, for, he here speaks of no less than five temples to Pārsvanatha, the twenty-third of the Jain pontiffs, all of considerable magnitude and elaborate architectural details'. But in reality, there is only one large Jain temple dedicated to Pärsvanātba with four small shrines on its four corners, &9 Mr. Carlleyle rightly observes'. Moreover, the architectural details of the temple of Pārsvanātha which Tod mentions as elaborate are really anything but elaborate. The whole style and execution of the temple is, as a matter of fact, so commonplace that there is hardly
* Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. III, pp. 1762-60 and 1796-1806 (W. Crooke's ed.). • Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 448-451. • Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vel. VI, p. 234.
• For the various spellings of this geographical place as used by various scholars, see Ray's Dy. Hie., Vol. II, p. 1081, n. 7.
Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. VI, p. 242.

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anything of artistic interest. This temple of Pārsvanātha with the reservoir and the orchard attached is, at present, a Digambara Jain property and is under the supervision of Patavāri Hiralal Kamdār", a devout Digambara Jain and a lover of antiquity.
The surface of the rock containing the inscription is not smooth but rough and undulating. and hence it is very difficult to take impressions of the record. The rock has suffered for centuries from exposure and it was only very recently that Rão Savāi Krishna Singh, the grandfather of the present Rao Savzi Kesari Singh of Bijholi, erected a small roof over the rock for protection. Wherever the rock was originally defective, it has been left blank; but now the portion of the rock used for engraving has also peeled off at places, and thus some of the important portions of the text have totally been destroyed. As regards measurement, the first line of writing on the rock is 5' 3" long and the last complete line is 12' in length, the intervening lines gradually increasing in length both ways as we proceed downwards. The height of the inscription between the first and the last line is 3' 6". There are in all thirty lines of writing on the rock, of which the last one is even less than half.
Regarding palæography there is practically nothing remarkable. The initial vowel i which is used three or four times in the whole inscription, however, appears in its ancient form made up of two dots and & comma below, the modern form of the letter being totally absent. The consonant jh which occurs twice in two different geographical names, viz., Morājhari (1. 11) and Laghu-Viihoki (1. 29) is somewhat confusing, having been so formed as to appear like kr. The form of n is through. out similar to that of t except for a small notch on the lowest extremity of the left-hand side loop which is often imperceptible. G in its reduplicated form is throughout represented as gn.
In respect of orthography the most conspicuous point to be noted is the indiscriminate uge of the sibilants, particularly the dental and the palatal, throughout the inscription, e.g., Nātāsoūsēna (1. 2), Pārsvanāthaḥ (1. 4), subha-tatiḥ and chaturvvinsatih (1. 6), sauryēna (1. 10), etc., of which the use of 8 in place of & is more frequent than vice versa. Almost the same is the case with regard to the use of vand 6, for examples, cf. -nitamvini-, vibhrati and miruvadha-vodho (1.8), vabhūva (1. 12), sad-vuddhi-vaṁdhura (1. 13), etc., and -baryah (1. 8), -ballin (1. 18) and banam (1. 20). J is used in lieu of y in jam na(yan-na) (1. 8) and bhārijayor- (1. 14). The sound of kh is sometimes represented by its proper sign, while in some cases the sign for 8h is employed in its stead. Con. sonants following a superscript r are often reduplicated, e.g., in nishth-ärppitaṁ (1. 1), karmm. Onmülana- (1.5), mirggatah (1. 12), and so on; sometimes they are left single, as in gambhiry-audāryabalva)ryah (1.8), [da]rbayāmi (1. 19), etc. Nasals are throughout represented by anusvāra, the only exception being Ganga( ngā)nātha (1. 21). The sign for avagraha is employed about ten times.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and except for a few grammatical inaccuracies, the composition is free from errors. The clerical and engraving mistakes are, however, considerable. Thus, sandhi is not observed in some cases, while in others it is wrong. The transitive root sū, 'to beget, to produce is used intransitively in fri-Jāsato=stüta (1. 13). The verbal noun samandiri in samanātri koti-lingänā (1. 21) is tiged for its causative form samanāpayitri. Some of the verses contain paronymous words and thus convey double meanings. The whole epigraph is in verse except adoration to Vitarāga in the beginning and & portion after the last verse in l. 29, commencing with the date in numerals and terminating with the last line, recording various donations of land made by different persons for the maintenance of the Pārsvanātha temple, which are in prose.
II am indebted to this gentlemen as well as to Sadha Sitaramdās, both residents of Bijholt, for the kind help they extended to me when I was there in connection with the preparation of transcript of the rooord wder edition.
Ojha, Rajaputāne bi Itihdes, Vol. II, p. 1198.

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The inscription is indeed difficult' as admitted by scholars like Professor F. Kielhorn! This difficulty is, to some extent, due to careless engraving, but it chiefly lies in the ambiguous phraseology of certain verses of historical importance. Consequently their contents are open to more than one explanation. Some other historically important verses add to this difficulty by being overloaded with metaphors.
It is a Digambara Jaina record inasmuch as its main object is to record the erection of a temple to Pārsvanātha, the twenty-third Jain pontiff, by a pious Digambara Jain named Lolāka! But its importance lies in the long list it supplies of the princes of the Imperial Chāhamāna dynasty of Sambhar and Ajmer. The authentic and complete history of this ruling family is still not known. Till before A.D. 1875 the only source of information regarding the history of this dynasty was the well-known Prithviraja-rāso, an epic poem written in the old Rajasthani dialect, supposed to be the work of the famous bard Chanda who was a contemporary and the court-poet of the Chauhan Prithviraja. But the authenticity and the antiquity of the said work have been seriously doubted. In the words of Mr. Vincent A. Smith we find that “the Chanda's Räesa, as we now have it, is misleading, and all but worthless for the purposes of the historiant". It was in the year 1875 that a birch-bark manuscript copy of an historical poem in Sanskrit called the Prithviraja. vijaya, written in Săradă characters, was discovered by Dr. Bühler in Kashmir in course of his tour in search of Sanskrit manuscripts. The discovery of this fragmentary manuscript threw fresh light on the history and chronology of the Imperial Chāhamăna dynasty. A short account of this poem was first brought to the notice of scholars by Mr. J. Morison in his article entitled " Some Account of the Genealogies in the Prithvirāja-vijaya", published in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII, pp. 188-192. This work is proved to have been composed during the lifetime of Prith. virāja, the great Chauhan Emperor, from the fact that the poet Jayaratha, who flourished about A.D. 1200$, has quoted certain verses in his work, the Vimarsinis, from this poem, and as such, the historical information it contains is genuine. The antiquity of this poem and therefore its historical accuracy is also vouched for by the fact that a commentary on it was written as early as about the middle of the fifteenth century 'by the well-known historian Jõnarāja, the author of the second 'Rājatarangini and the commentary on the Kirātārjuniya written in A.D. 1448. The order of chronology of the Chāhamāna princes as given in this poem also found full support from the Harsha stone inscription of Chāhamāna Vigraharāja dated in V. S. 1030, which mentions seven successive princes from Güvaka (I) to Vigraharāja (II). But as the list supplied by this inscrip. tion was shorter than that given in the poem, some inscription of this period with a long list of these princes, exactly corresponding to that found in the poem, was a.requisite so as to leave no room for suspicion. This desideratum has been supplied by the present rock inscription and therein lies its importance. The chronology of the Imperial Chahamāna dynasty as given in the Prithvīrāja-vijaya and as verified from the Bījholi rock inscription is, thus, to be accepted as authentic.
To take up now the contents of the record, we find that it opens with a salutation to Vītaraga in a small prose sentence. In v. 1 adoration is paid to that divine light produced in the (supreme) soul which has manifested itself in the form of the formula' syāt'. V. 2 describes Rishabhadēva.
1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 82.
* This name is variously spelt in the inscription as Loläka (v. 49), Lollaka (v. 61), Lolika (v. 18) and Lolaka (v. B3).
J. A. 8. B., 1888, part I, no. I, pp. 5-86. • Ibid., 1881, p. 29.
Duff's Chronology of India, p. 171. • Bombay edition, p. 84. Above, Vol. II, pp. 116 ff. and Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, pp. 67.64.

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the first Jaina Tirthankara. Then is described Sāntinātha, the sixteenth pontiff, in v. 3. In v. 4 are mentioned the marvellous activities of Nēminātha, the twenty-first Tirthankara, who is said to have blown the Pañchajanya conch of Lord Krishna by means of the breath of his nose, pulled his bow Sāroga with his thumb and shook Halabhpit with his finger. Then Pārsvanátha, the twenty-third apostle is described in v. 5. V. 6 is devoted to the description of Varddhamana (Mahāvīra), the last Jaina Tirthankara. In v. 7 is adored the goddess of speech under two of her appellations, Sāradā and Bhārati. Vv. 8-9 mention other divinities in a general way.
Then begins the genealogical portion covering vv. 10-28. V. 10, the first couplet of this portion, poetically describes the Chāhamăna-vámea where the expression Sri-Chāhamāna-kshitirāja-vamsah comprising its first quarter is open to two different explanations. Almost all scholars appear to have taken this compound to mean Sri-Chāhamāna ēva kshitirāja-vaṁsah 'the royal or princely dynasty known as Chāhamāna ', for they regard the genealogy contained in this inscription to begin from Samantal; but the compound expression as well means Sri-Chāhamāna-kshitirājasya vambah the family of the illustrious prince Chāhamāna , in which case the present genea. logy suggests itself to start from Chāhamăna, the eponymous prince born from the Sürya-mandala to whom the Prithvirāja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahākāvya of Nayachandra Sūri trace the origin of the tribe. Nothing, however, is said of him here as also in the two poems referred to above. It hardly needs any mention that the birth of this prince of great antiquity from the Sun, as recorded in ancient works like the Prithvirāja-vijaya, clearly indicates the relation of the Chāhamāna princes to the race of Kshatriyas emanated from the Sun, and that the theory of their origin from the firepit of Vasishtha on Mt. Abu as first propounded by Chanda, the author of the Rāso, is merely & misleading fabrication.
In the next verse (v. 11) is given the description of Sākambhară (Sakambhart), the guardian deity of the Chāhamāna race, born as the wife of Vishņu. Most interesting to noto in the present verse is the mention of the second prince of the Prithvīrāja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahdkdvya list's, named Vāsudēva, as carving out his principality round the lake Sākambhară (Sambhar) which region is here said to have become his mother or mother-country (jan-iva, 1. 6). The author has evidently referred to Vāsudēva by the variant Vishnu-a fact which has totally escaped the attention of scholars. Our author, it will be seen as we proceed further, is fond of employ. ing variants in case of proper names, both geographical and genealogical. The word tato=pi towards the end of this verse also indicates that the verse mentions some prince in descent from the one mentioned in the previous verse, who is undoubtedly Vishņu or Väsudēva; and it thus also proves that Chāhamāna in the foregoing verse is used as the name of a prince and not as a mere family title. It is, thus, gratifying to find the genealogical lists of the Chāhamana princes of Sambhar as given in the present rock inscription and the two historical poems referred to above, corresponding from the very starting point.
V. 12 is undoubtedly one of the difficult verses found in this portion for which scholars have offered more than one explanation. The verse describes a prince named Sāmamta who has been regarded as the very first prince mentioned in the present inscription. But taking Chāhamāna as the first prince on this list as already discussed above, this prince is the third in order of descrip. tion. He, of course, seems to be the first prince of this line who had established himself with some
IJ.R.A. 8., 1913, p. 270 ; above, Vol. V, Appendix, p. 22, no. 154 ; Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, pp. 1062 and 108182; Ojhā, Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 363.
1J. R. A. s., 1913, p. 263.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, pp. 55-73,

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stability in his ancestral land and maintained his position as a ruler. Neither the present inscription nor the said historical poems throw any light on the relation in which this prince stood to his predecessor; but as all these three records appear to be unanimous in placing Sāmamta after Vishnu or Väsudēva, it seems reasonable to believe the former as the son of the latter. As to the various explanations offered for this verse, we find scholars like C. V. Vaidya inclined to accept the first half of it as quite independent of the second half taking it to mean that “There was a Brāhmin of Srivate gotra formerly in Ahichchhatrapura"; and the second half of it according to them means that “From him was (descended or born) king Samanta of many sāmantası ". In this explanation the text Purnnatallē(llo) finds no meaning. Dr. H. C. Ray, however, accepts Pūrņpatalla as a proper name of the prince who succeeded Samanta, but his explanation of the third quarter of the verse Sämanto=nanta-sämmtah seems to be quite different. He appears to take Sämanto-narta as meaning Samanta who was also known as Ananta'; and the other sāmamta at the end of the quarter means a feudatory prince'acoording to him. He, thus, takes the verse to mean that in Vishnu or Väsudēva's lineage was born Sāmanta also known as Ananta, who was a feudatory prince and a vipra, in the Vatsa-gotra at Ahichchhatrapura. From him was born Purnatalla. The above explanation is certainly based on the meaning, as first given by professor Kielhorn' and later on, having been a little modified' by himself, now generally accepted by scholars, of the second quarter of v. 13 of the Harsha stone inscription that Güvaks (from whom starts the genealogy in that inscription) attained pre-eminence as a hero in the assembly of prince Nāgāvaloka', and also on the fact that in vv. 16 and 28 of that very epigraph, the country which the princes of this dynasty governed has been called 'Ananta or Ananta-gôchara'. He, thus, seems to have tried to explain the name Ananta-gôchara by 8.gguming that it was called as such after the other name of Samanta, which, as found in the present epigraph was Ananta. And as Gūvaka (I) is regarded a feudatory prince, Dr. Ray is inclined to accept sāmamta at the end of the third quarter of the present verse as meaning
a feudatory prince', thereby making prince Sāmamta also a feudatory. But the generally accepted explanation of the Harsha stone inscription text is itself not final. Kielhorn had himself to change the theory he first propounded regarding this chiefship of the Chāhamana princes.
The plain meaning of the present verse of our record seems to be that formerly a vipra named Samarhata having numerous feudatory princes was born or descended in the Vatsa-götra at Ahichchhatrapura. After him came the prince Parnnatalla' (v. 12).
The use of the term vipra in connection with a ruling prince decidedly of the Kshatriya stock is found not only in this inscription but also in many others of various ruling dynasties where the princes are sometimes called vipra and sometimes mahidēva. A correct explanation of the use of such terms has not yet come forth. In my article on the first and third slabs of Kumbhalgarh inscription', I have tried to show that such usage has nothing to do with the origin or blood of the princes and seems to have some bearing on their divine habits which they might have acquired. I am, now, further inclined to think that the word mahidēva must have originated
10. V. Vaidya, History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. II, p. 93. * Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, pp. 1061-62. * Above, Vol. II, p. 117.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 62, n. 1. *Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1064. • Above Vol. IX, p. 62, n. 1. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 308.

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itself in connection with ruling princes as its very formation shows. Having them been applied to vipras or Brähmins, most divine and venerable as they stood in the social rank of the age, it seems to have become a synonym of vipra in course of time, so much so that thereafter the latter came in use to denote royalty in place of the former. Even to-day the application of the term mahärdja, undoubtedly a princely title, to a Brahmin is not unfrequent; and the terms Brāhmana, Vipra, Mahārāja, Mahideva, etc., appear to have become almost synonymous. Thus, vipra may have been used here for Mahideva & ruling prince' who, in the present case, as we Gow from other sourcos, was a Kshatriya of the solar race.
The theory of Kshatriyas having götrae like Vatsa, Vasishtha, etc., has been sufficiently discussed by scholars and it is unnecessary to dilate on it here.
The identification of Ahichchhatrapura which is here stated to have been Sämanta's original Best of government has also been a subject of much discussion. As the original home of the Chahamānas is also called Sapädalaksha in many other inscriptions, some scholars like BhagVänlal Indrajit and Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar are inclined to regard this name as the original Sangkrit form of the modern name Siwālik which is a range of hills below Dehra Dun in the Sahāranpur District, U. P., and thus, according to them, this Ahichchhatra must have been a town in that region in the Upper Ganges-Jumna Valley, from where the dynasty migrated southwards. But the testimony of the two literary works referred to abovo, viz., the Prithvīrāja-vijaya and the Hammira-mahakävya, as also the evidence and the provenance of the earliest inscriptions of the tribe so far discovered, and the identification of most of the places mentioned therein, would suggest the Sākambhari region to have been the cradle of this race. The epigraphic as well as the literary tradition regarding the capture of Delhi, the capital of the Tomaras, by the Chāhamānas as supported by references to occasional conflicts between some of the earlier princes of both the tribes would also indicate the movement of the latter to have been northwards from Sambhar and not towards Sambhar from the north. This Ahichcbhatrapura, therefore, has to be identified with some place in the Sakambhari-pradesa itself where Vishnu (Vasudēva), the predecessor of Sāmanta, had carved out his principality. Rai Bahadur Ojha has identified it with Nāgapura, modern Nageur in the Jodhpur State
After Purnatalla came the princes Jayarāja, Vigrahanpipa, Chandra, Gopēndraka, Darllabha, Gavala, Sabinpipa, Güvāka, Chandana, Vappayarāja, Vimdhyansipati, Sirhbarát, Vigraha, Durllabha (II), Gurdu, Vakpati and his younger brother Viryarāma (v. 18).
Except a bare enumeration of these princes, even the relation in which each succeeding prince stood to his immediate predecessor is not known from this verse for which we may resort to the Prithvirõja-vijaya and the Harsha stone inscription. Thus, the former states that Jayarāja was the von of Samanta, Vigrahanripa and Chandra were respectively the son and grandson of Jayarāja, Gopēndraka was the brother of Chandra, and Durllabha was Chandra's son, i.e., Gopēndraka's tephew. We have no other information from any source regarding these first five princes. Only vague praise is assigned to them in certain literary works due to which some scholars regard them as insignificant. The last prince of this category, viz., Durllabhs or Durlabharāja is stated in the Prith. vj. to have been succeeded by his son Govindaraja, but the present record places Gūvaka after Durllabha. According to Rai Bahadur H. B. Särda, Güvaka and Govindaraja are
1 Bomboy Gazetteer, Vol. I, part I, p. 157 and p. 158, n. 1. • Nagarf-Prachdripf Patrikd, Vol. II, part III, 100 leo J.P. 4.8. B., Vol. XVIII (1928), p. 289 Ray, Dy. His. Vol. II, p. 1062

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both identical ; and the Harsha stone inscription of V. S. 1030 referred to above, gives the genealogy of the Chāhamāna princes up to Vigraharāja II (Vigraha of the present verse) from Gūvaka who has been unanimously identified with Gūvaka of the present inscription. Thus, Gūvaka of the inscription of V. S. 1030, Govindarāja of the said historical poem and Gūvaka of this record is one and the same prince. According to the explanation of the second quarter of verse 13 of the Harsha stone inscription as first given by Prof. Kielhorn, this Güvaka was a feudatory prince attaining pre-eminence as a hero in the court of Nägivalóka, who has been identified with the Pratihara Nagabhata II (A. D. 815). Regarding the above explanation Prof. Kielhorn himself had, later on, felt some doubt as already alluded to by me above, and the verse can be explained in a different way also. It is, however, strange to note that Major Erskine has omitted this name in his list of princes of this dynasty, though the name is found in all the records including the one under description.
According to the Prith. vij., Güvaka was succeeded by Chandrarāja (II) whom our author calls Sasinpipa. His fondness for using synonyms in proper names is here again displayed as in the case of Vishnu (Vāsudēva).
Güvāka, the next prince mentioned here, styled Güvaka (II) in both the Prith. vij. and the Harsha stone inscription, was the son of Chandrarāja. He was succeeded by his son Chandana to whom is attributed by the latter record the slaying in battle of a Tõmara prince whose name according to Kielhorn is Rudrēnas which he equates with Rudra päla. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar takes this name to be Rudra His son and successor was Vappayarāja called Väkpatirāja in the Prith. vij. who is said in the Harsha inscription to have put to flight one Tantrapāla. The samo inscription gives him the title Mahārāja. He had three song of whom the youngest named Lakshmana established himself at Nādol and was the founder of the Mārwär branches of the Chāhamānas. His successor was Vimdhyansipati whom scholars like Sardar and Ray8 do not regard a prince at all, evidently being misled by the text Vappayarāja-Vindhyansipatiḥ of Kavirāja Syāmaldās's faulty transcript. But the text on the rock is Vappayarāja Vindkyanripati, & dual form, evidently containing the names of two princes; and Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar is right when he takes him as the successor of Vappayarāja. It may be noted in this connection that excepting the names Sasinpipa and Viryarāma, this verse mentions all other names either in a combination of two or three. Nothing, however, is known of Vimdhyansipati from any source. He was succeeded by Simharāt, the son of Vappayarāja, who is stated in the Harsha inscription to have subdued a Tomara Nayaka or chief Salavana', and built a Siva temple which the Prith. vij. locates at Pushkar. His title was Mahārājādhiraja. Next prince was Vigraha (Vigraharāja II), the son of Simharät. The Harsha stone inscription of V. S. 1030, which is the oldest record of the dynasty so far discovered, belongs to the reign of this prince. The Prith. vij. assigns to him the conquest of the country as far south as the Narmadā and the defeat of the
HJ. R. A. 8., 1913, pp. 265-66. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, Pp. 239-40 and Vol. XLII, p. 58. * Vaidya, His. Med. Ind., Vol. II, p. 95. • Rajputana Gazetteers, Vol. III-B, p. 65. 5 Above, Vol. II, p. 121, v. 14 and p. 117 and n. 3. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 58, n. 2. "J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 270.
Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1063. • Bhandarkar, List of Inecriptions of Northern India, PP. 51 and 381.
10 Sone scholars have taken 'Salavana' to mean together with Lavapa'. In that case the name of the Tomara Nayaka remains unknown.

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Gurjara prince Mūlarāja who fled to the fort of Kanthädurga in Cutch. He is also stated to have built a temple to the goddess Āsāpuri, one of his family guardians, at Bhrigukachchha (Broach) in Gujarat. After him came Durllabha, his younger brother, regarding whom we have no information except that his minister's name was Mädhava. The Kinsariya inscription", however, states that he earned the epithet Durlanghyamēru and conquered the country called Asökittana (Rāsõsittana). His successor was his son Gumdu, whom the Prith. vij. calls Govindatāja (II). According to the Prabandhakota, he won a victory over Sultan Mahmud. If this Sultan is identified with Mahmud of Ghazni, the event will be one that took place in A.D. 10253 when he was on his way to Sõmanātha through Jaisalmer and Mallani. But as the event does not find mention in an authentic work like the Prith. vij., some scholars are doubtful regarding the reliability of this statement of the Prabandhakosa. Govindaraja was succeeded by his son Väkpatințipa (Vakpatirāja II), who, according to the Prith. vij., rent asunder with his dagger the mouth of Ambāprasāda, the lord of Aghāța (mod. Ahad near the Udaipur Railway station) and thus sent him to the abode of Yama. This Ambāprasāda is the same as Amraprasāda of the Chitor inscription of V. S. 1331', who was the son of the Guhila prince Saktikumāra. The last prince mentioned in this verse is Viryarāma whose name is followed by the word anujah showing that he was the younger brother of Vākpatinfipa and therefore one of the sons of Gumdu as accepted by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar'. Dr. Ray, however, calls him the son of Väkpati. He was killed by the Paramāra prince Bhöja (A.D. 1010-1055), according to the Prith. vij. The word anujah with which ends this verse has also to be construed with the first prince mentioned in the next verse viz., Chāmumda, who is definitely stated in the said poem to be the brother of Viryarāma.
After (Chămumda whose epithet was Rāņaka-vara, came Simghata, his brother Dusala and Visala. After him (Visala) came his son Prithvirāja, and thereafter his son Ajayadēva (v. 14).
Chamunda, as has already been noticed, was the younger brother of Viryarāma whom he gucceeded. The Prith. vij.calls him Chāmundarāja and attributes to him the building of a temple dedicated to Vishnu at Narapura (mod. Narwar in the Kishengarh territory) situated at a distance of about 15 miles from Ajmer.
He is stated here to have been succeeded by Simghata whose name is missing elsewhere. His relation with his predecessor is also not known but he is accepted as the prince who succeeded Chamumda both by Kielhorn' and by Bhandarkar.
After him came his brother Düsala called Durlabha or Durlabharāja (III) in the Prith. vij. He was also called Virasimha. As to whose son he was, there is no clue in the present epigraph. The Prith. vij. calls him the son of Viryarāma', but Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar regards bim as the son of Chămumda. He is here stated to be the brother of Simghata and if he was the son of Chāmumda as Dr. Bhandarkar believes, then simghata, whose relation with his predecessor is not yet known, was also an elder son of Chamunda. He is stated in the said historical poem to have been killed in a battle with the Mätangas (Mlëchchhas or Musalmāns).
1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 56-61.
Gaidavahood, B. 8. S.). Introduction, p. oxxxvi, note. • Duff's Chronology of India, p. 113.
Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1069. 6 Bhavnagar Sanskrit and Prakrit Inscriptions, pp. 74-78. .J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 272, n. 1. * Above, Vol. VIII, Appendix I, p. 14. # Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, pp. 51 and 381. .Ray, Dy. His., VOL. II, p. 1069, and J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 270.

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His suceessor was Visala, Vigraharāja (III) of the Prith. vij. and Visvala of the Hammira-mahakāvya. The former poem states that he gave to Udayāditya of Malwā (A.D. 1059-1087) a horse named Saranga with the aid of which he vanquished Karna, the Gurjara prince. The present in scription gives Rājadēvi as the name of his queen.
His successor was his son Přithvīrāja (I) whose queen's name as found here is Rāsalladēvi. The Prith. v. attributes to him the killing of a body of 700 Chaulukyas who had come to rob the Brāhmaṇas of Pushkara-tirtha. Only one inscription of his reign, viz., the Rēvasā stone inscription dated in V.S. 1162 (A.D. 1105) has been found. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar takes him to be the son of Durlabha? and not that of Visala as recorded in both the Prith. vij. and the present epigraph.
The next prince was Ajayadēva, the son of Přithvirāja (I), called Ajayarāja alias Salhaņa in the Prith. vij. His queen's name as recorded in this verse is Somalladēvi, called Sömalēkhả in the said poem according to which she used to coin fresh rūpakas every day. The same poem attributes to the reign of this prince the foundation of the city of Ajayamēru, modern Ajmer. Dr. Bhandarkar regards him as the son of Visala."
Verse 15, which contains the achievements of Ajayadēva, is another important verse in the present record as whatever historical information is derived from this and the following verses is not found elsewhere. Ajayadēva is stated here to have killed three heroes Chachchiga, Simdhala and Yasörāja towards the identification of whom no scholar seems to have yet made any attempt. Perhaps a clue to their identity is to be found in the expression Srimārgga-Durdd-ānvitam at the end of the first half of this verse. Anvitam appears to mean connected or associated with ', and the first two words seem to be the names of two geographical places with which the heroes mentioned were connected. Thus, it is evident that these heroes were associated with the localities of Sri. mārgga and Durdda. The word vīra shows that probably they did not belong to any of the principal ruling families, but may have been feudatories of an inferior rank of some one of them. Srimärgga as it stands, appears to have been used as a variant of Sripathā or Sripatha which has been identified by J. F. Fleets with modern Bayānă in the Bharatpur State. The tendency of our author's mind towards the use of synonyms is here again discernible. We, thus, find that it was Ajayadēva who took the first step towards conquering the northern plains of India and extending the boundary of his ancestral territory which attained its culminating point in the reign of his grandson Vigraharāja (IV) as we shall presently see. This northward expansion seems to have begun in two different directions--one through Bayānā in direct north and the other through Durdda which on phonetic grounds may be identified with modern Duddai or Dūdhai in central India in the neighbourhood of the Chāhamāna domain in an easterly direction. The latter place seems to have been important in the ancient country of Jējākabhukti governed by the Chandratrēyas. This country itself, as known from one of the stone inscriptions found at Madanpur, a little way to the south-east of Dudhai, was completely conquered in V. S. 1239 by Prithviraja, the great Chahamāna ruler, who was the son of Sõmēśvara and grandson of Arņārāja. Ajayadēva was, thus, the first powerful king of this lineage who took the initiative in enlarging his kingdom and carving out a path for his descendants for further expansion. That he actually brought the country as far as Bayānā under his own control is also evidenced by the discovery of certain silver and copper coins bearing his name which are frequently found in Rajputāna and Mathura". The latter half of the verse mentions his other exploit which was the tying of one Sollana, a commanderin-chief (Damdanāyaka-varah), to a camel in the field of battle. This fact is also corroborated from
1 P. R. A. 8., Western circle, 1909-10, p. 52.
Bhandarkar, List of Inscriptions of Nothern India, pp. 61 and 381. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 239. • Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1084. Ibid., p. 1071.

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the Prith. vij. which states that he defeated Sulhana, the king of Mālwā. But as there was no king of this name ruling over Mālwă during that period, it seems to have been the name of a general as mentioned here, of the then Paramāra prince, possibly Naravarman, ruling over Malwa.
V. 16 mentions Arnorāja as the son and successor of Ajayadēva. The next verse (v. 17), the interpretation of which is rather difficult, appears to contain some important historical fact under the veil of metaphor. The first half of it seems to mention the retaliation this prince had on the kingdoms of Kusa and Vārapal. We already know that his father Ajayadēva had extended his dominion both towards the north up to Bayānā and towards the east up to Dūdhai; and the kingdoms lying beyond these localities must have naturally cherished hostility for Arņorāja who was now a formidable neighbour. They might have even attacked him, but he seems not only to have repulsed the attack but also to have added fresh territories to his father's dominion. He, thus, took the second step towards the paramount sovereignty of Aryävarta lying between the Himalaya and the Vindhya, which his son Vigraharāja (IV) was destined to enjoy for the first time, having himself taken the third step by way of capturing Delhi and Hänsi, as we shall just see. Kuća, as the name of a kingdom, may denote Kuśasthala or Kanaujo where the route may have been northwards from Dūdhai already in possession. The kingdom of Kanauj had been fast fading in importance at this time due to the increasing influence of the Chāhamānas. Vārana is the well-known ancient name of Bulandshahar near Delhi which was, during this period, under the control of Dödas or Dodiyas, one of the thirty-six royal races of the Rājputs mentioned by Tod. An inscription dated in V. S. 1233 found at Bulandshahar mentions sixteen generations of this dynasty which ruled there. Arņorāja might have made further progress by proceeding to this place from Bayānā making the ruling prince there his tributary. He, thus, seems to have still further enlarged his kingdom northwards up to Bulandshahar and Kanauj. The next half of the verse appears to contain an account of his relation with the Paramāra kingdom of Mālwă. We know from a stone inscription found in the Adhāi-din-kā-jhõpada at Ajmer and now preserved in the Rajputana Museum, that Arnorāja's father Ajayadēva had conquered the country up to Ujjain, the capital of Mälwā. This clearly shows the hostility existing between the two kingdoms. Ajayadēva is also stated in the previous verse to have barbarously treated Söllana, the Damdanāyaka of the Mālwă prince. Arņõrāja is here stated to have shown disrespect to one called Nirvväņa-Nārāyana and thus brought him to humiliation. Nirvana-Nārāyana, as we already know, was the epithet of the Paramāra prince Naravarman who was a contemporary of both Ajayadēva and Arņörāja, and what is mentioned here plainly refers to him. The text bhanga-karanan Sri Dērarājam prati, the couvluding portion of the verse, also seems to refer to Naravarman, who, having been called Nirvvāņa-Nārāyana is looked upon as Dēvaraja, the lord of gods. The employment of the term Dērarāja is evidently for the sake of suiting the other sense of the verse relating to the ocean (Arnorāja). This prince might have thus attacked the Mālwa country and subdued its ruler either independently or he may have assisted his father-in-law, the Chaulukya prince Jayasimha (Siddharāja) who waged war against Naravarman, continuing for full twelve years in order to avenge himself of the latter's attack on his capital in his absence when on a pilgrimage to Sõmanātha The Prith. tij. states that he also completely vanquished the Musalmāns (Mätangas) who came across the desert (Marusthali).
[ From the context Kusavarana seems to comprise only one kingdom.-Ed.] *N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 111. • Ibid., p. 23 .v. Barana : Elliot's History of India, Vol. II, p. 458. Ojha, Raj. Itihs., Faac. I, p. 239.
Bhandarkar's List, p. 397. • Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, pp. 969-70. Ibid., p. 1073 and J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 273.

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4
His son was Vigraharaja (v. 18). Sajjana, the only wicked person on earth, took his way towards (the home of) Kritamta'; and Kumtapala, the keeper of lance, came to a state of utter lancelessness (v. 20). He, due to resentment made Jävälipura, a city of flames; Pallikā, an insignificant village; and Nad(dd)üla, like a bed of reeds (v. 21). He is stated to have made his fame take rest on each street of towns and on each roof of dwellings, which was fatigued due to the capture of Dhillika and was lagging behind owing to the acquisition of Asika' (v. 22).
2
This Vigraharaja, the son of Arņōrāja, was the monarch in whose reign the Chahamana power attained its climax. He may rightly be called the first Chahamana Emperor of India, justifying what has been spoken of him in the small Delhi Siwälik Pillar inscription' dated in V. S. 1220 (A.D. 1164). The identification of Sajjana mentioned in v. 20 is somewhat difficult. This name may refer itself to the Damḍadhipati whom Chaulukya Jayasimha had appointed to superintend the affairs of Surashtra which he conquered having defeated and killed in battle the Abhira ruler Navaghana. If this identification is correct, then the southward extension of the Chahamana domain as far as Vindhya as recorded in the inscription of V. S. 1220 referred to above, becomes justified to some extent. Kumarapala, the contemporary Chaulukya prince, was indeed a formidable monarch and the country of Surashtra was a part of his dominion. But Vigraharaja was no less powerful, and hostilities between these two neighbouring powers had already broken out afresh with the accession of Kumarapala who had twice attacked his father Arņōrāja3. It is thus possible that this Chahamana prince extended his arms against Surashtra in order to avenge himself, and, having killed its governor Sajjana who might have grown very old by this time, took that land in his possession. Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji has already drawn the attention of scholars to an inscription of Sajjana dated in V. S. 1176 (A.D. 1120) located in the temple of Neminatha at Girnär.
As regards the identification of Kumtapāla who had to throw away his weapons (v. 20) in presence of Vigraharaja, we have no difficulty. Muhaņota Naiņasi informs us that when Kitu or Kirtipāla, the founder of the Sonagara branch of the Chahamānas, took possession of Jalor, the ruling prince there was Paramara Kuntapala. Vigraharaja, as we already know, was a contemporary of Chaulukya Kumarapala and so was Alhaṇadeva, the father of Kitu. Thus, Vigraha and Albana were both contemporaries; and as Kuntapala of Jalor was living when attacked by Kitů, it goes without saying that he was a contemporary of Alhana and also of Vigraha. Thus, our prince seems to have invaded the Paramāra territory of Kumtapala and even set fire to his capital town Javälipura, i.e., Jalor (v. 21), the reason for which is, however, not known. This hard stroke at the hands of this powerful monarch must have rendered Kuntapala very weak, and this is why Kirtipāla took no time in turning bim out of Jalor soon after, and establishing himself there as the founder of the Sõnagara branch. He also reduced Pallikä (modern Pāli in Jodhpur State), a flourishing town in ancient times, to a state of utter insignificance (v. 21). IIe is also mentioned to have turned the town of Naddula (mod. Nadol) into a bed of reeds (v. 21). Nadol, at this time, was invaded and ultimately annexed to the Chaulukya Empire by Kumarapala due to a predecessor of Alhana ruling there, siding with Arņōrāja, his enemy, in the fight that took place between the two princes in V. S. 1207, and was put in charge of a Dämḍanayaka named Vaijaka". It was Alhaṇadeva who regained his ancestral dominion of Nadol through constant assistance to Kumarapala which secured him the favour of the Chaulukya ruler who ultimately
Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 969.
Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part I, pp. 176-77.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 218 ff.
* Ibid., p. 1073.
His Khyata, part I, p. 152; Ojha, Sirohi rajya ka Itihasa, p. 179. 'Above, Vol. IX, p. 83, n. 8.
Above, Vol. XI, p. 70.

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restored him his territory. This allegiance of Alhaņa to Kumārapāla must have caused the indignation of Vigraharaja who devastated Nädol as mentioned here and avenged the breach of faith.
His last exploit mentioned was the capture of Dbillikā (Delhi) and the acquisition of Asikā (Hänsi) (v. 22) from the Tomara prince Anangapāla III. This, as I have already mentioned, was the third and the last step taken by this prince towards completion of the task set afoot by his grandfather Ajayadēva and successfully carried out by bis father Arnorāja, viz., the extension of Empire. Arnorāja had already reached Bulandshahar and Kanauj, and his son, the presnt prince, proceeding still further towards the north, brought the entire Aryāvarta under his control. Hitherto we certainly knew from other records that he was a paramount sovereign ruling over the whole of Hindustan lying between the Himalaya and the Vindhya, but it looked rather abrupt as to how he could make so vast an acquisition in course of a single generation. Our epigraph now clearly shows that the acquisition was not abrupt but gradual and was the result of constant acti. vities covering three successive generations. By this extension he naturally came into contact and conflict with the Yāminis of Ghazni and the Punjab, whom he totally exterminated as stated in the Siwālik Pillar inscription. The portraiture of this prince' will be partial if we fail to note that he was not only a distinguished warrior but also a distinguished man of letters. As the author of the Harakēli-nāšaka, he ranks among the best dramatists of India. His court-poet Somadēva was the author of the Lalita-Vigraharāja-nātaka'. He was so great a patron of learning that with his death the name “the friend of poets” disappeared.
After him came Prithvirāja (II), the son of Vigraharāja's elder brother (v. 23). It is indec strange to note that the latter had an elder brother whose name is not recorded in the present genealogy. A clue to this mystery is found in the Prith. vij. which, though omitting bis name, states that the eldest son of Arnorāja or the elder brother of Vigraharāja "rendered to him (his father) the same service as Bhrigu's son (i.e., Parasurăma) had rendered to his mother." This statement shows that he murdered his father. The name of this parricide is, however, mentioned in the Hammira-mahākāvya as Jagadēva, who is there also stated to have succeeded his father. It is quite possible that after murdering his father he might have ascended and held the throne for some time, but as a parricide he must have naturally lost all support from his subjects, and before he could consolidate his position on the throne, he seems to bave been ousted easily by his younger brother Vigrabarāja. It is due to this dark character that he has been passed over in silence by our author. He is, however, not ignorant of bim as he mentions the present prince Prithviraja, as his son. The Prith. vij. mentions a son of Vigraharāja named Aparagāngeya who was his rightful successor, but it also states that he died very young and unmarried. Thus the throne passed on to Pțithvirāja. This prince is here stated to have been very charitable, donating a village named Mörājhari to Pārsvanātha (v. 24) the erection of whose temple the present inscription records. It may be noted that Col. Tod and Mr. Carlleyle have read the name of this village as Morakara? and Morakūro respectively, the former regarding it as an independent village situated just where the Pārsvanátha temple now stands, and the latter as another name of Vindhyavalli (Bijholi). But though the third constituent syllable of the name of this village looks like kera or ku, it has to be understood as jha. This sign occurs in a slightly altered form in
1 Ibid., p. 71.
. Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. I, p. 155. ! Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 201-212.
*J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 276. . Ibid., p. 274.
. J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 276. + Tod, Rājasthan, Vol. III, p. 1799 (W. Crooke's ed.).
Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, p. 234.

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BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226 97
the name of another village mentioned towards the end of 1. 29, viz., Laghu-Vijhōli, the reading of which is certain. It is, therefore, reasonable to read the name of this village as Möräjhari, i.e., ' a stream of pea-cocks'. No village of this name is, however, now known near about Bijholi. Mörakarā as the name of a village occurs in the Nãḍol plates1 of the Rajaputra Kirtipāla of V. S. 1218, as being one of the twelve villages appertaining to Naddūlai which Alhaṇadeva and his heirapparent Kelhaṇa were pleased to give to Kirtipāla. Thus, Mōrakarā or Mōrakara was a part of Kirtipāla's possession in Märwär at that time, and our prince could not legally donate it. This Prithviraja is also mentioned to have attacked a prince named Vastapāla whose handsome elephant, Manasiddhi by name, he took away (v. 25). Vastapala is difficult of identification. He may, on phonetic grounds be identified with Vasantapala of the Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, with whose daughter prince Vigraharaja is represented to be in love. Although no prince of this name living at this period has yet been known, he surely seems to have been one contemporary of Vigraharaja as also of his successor Prithviraja. The name, according to Prof. Kielhorn, looks as if belonging to the Tomaras of Delhi'.
Prithviraja was succeeded by Someśvara (v. 26). We know from other sources that the latter was the third son of Arņoraja from his Chaulukya queen Kanchanadevi, the daughter of Jayasimha Siddharaja, and thus was one of the uncles of Prithviraja. According to the Prith. vij., he passed the prime of his youth in the court of his maternal grandfather Jayasimha and uncle Kumarapala. He is also stated to have assisted the latter in his compaign against Kōnkan. Our epigraph appears to suggest the fact of passing his youth in the Chaulukya court by saying that he obtained his paternal kingdom through the grace of Somesvara (Somesvaral-ladhva(bdha)-rajyas-, v. 26), the famous god in Surashtra, who must have been a tutelary deity of the Chaulukya princes. It does not mention any historical event of his reign except that he earned through valour the biruda of Pratapalamkesvara (v. 27) and that he, with a desire to gain heaven, endowed Pärśvanätha on the bank of the Reva with a village named Rēvaṇā in śāsana, i.e., in absolute charity (v. 28). It is worth noticing that this prince as well as his predecessor, both donated a village each, to this god. It is evident that the inscription was engraved on the rock when the erection of the temple was finished in V. S. 1226, the first year of the reign of Sōmēśvara. Thus, Prithviraja's donation must have been made when the image was already installed, and his successor Sōmēśvara made his donation when the deity was enshrined in the temple. It may also be mentioned here that this installation earned for the spot a very wide reputation and within a decade the spot became so holy to the Digambaras that a mythological treatise called the Uttama-sikhara-purāna was composed and engraved on a larger rock nearby. Some scholars have called this treatise, the Unnata-sikhara-purana, but it is a mistake. It remains unpublished.
The following is the genealogy of the Imperial Chahamana dynasty according to the present rock inscription:--
1. Chāhamana (the progenitor).
1
2. Vishnu (Vasudeva).
3. Sāmamta.
I
4. Pūrṇnatalla.
5. Jayaraja (8. of 3).
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 202, n. 1.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 67.
Ojha, Raj. Itihs., Fasc. I, p. 364; Erskine, Raj. Gaz., Vol. II-A, p. 100.

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6. Vigrabanripa (8. of 5). L
7. Chandra (s. of 6).
I
8. Gōpendraka (b. of 7).
9. Durllabha (I) (s. of 7).
10. Güvaka (-Govindaraja, s. of 9).
Guvaka
T
11. Sasinripa (=Chandrarāja II, s. of 10).
T
12. Güvāka (s. of 11).
13. Chandana (s. of 12).
I
14. Vappayaraja (-Vakpatirāja, s. of 13).
15. Vindhyanṛipati.
I
16. Simbarat (s. of 14).
T
17. Vigraha (s. of 16).
18. Durllabha (II) (b. of 17).
19. Gumdu (-Govindaraja, s. of 18).
20. Väkpatinṛipa 21. Viryarāma (s. of 19). (b. of 20).1
23. Simhghata.
22. Chamumḍa
(b. of 21).
25. Visala (m. Rājadēvi).
Prithvirai
26. Prithviraja (I), (8. of 25, m. Rasalladēvi).
24. Düsala (b. of 23).
I
27. Ajayadeva (8. of 26, m. Sōmalladēvi).
1
28. Arnórāja (s. of 27).
[VOL. XXVI.
29. Vigraharaja (8. of 28).
30. Prithviraja (II), (s. of the elder brother of 29). T
31. Sömesvara.
1 Taking the word anujah at the end of v. 13 to refer to both 21 and 22.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226.99
From v. 29 the inscription describes the genealogy of the person who constructed the templa to Pārsvanātha. This portion opens with a fresh title, viz., Atha Kārāpaka-vams-anu kramah (1. 12), where the word käräpaka, although regarded by some to be a family names of the Vaisyas like Prägvāta, etc., is decidedly a grammatical formation from the root kri. It does not appear to be the proper name of his family, for he is said in v. 31 to have descended in the Prägvāța-vamón.
When the gods and the demons churned the ocean in the reign of Nārāyaṇa, at the site holy to Nēminātha (v. 29), a distinguished family, taken recourse to by the group of gods, was produced, which was located by Satamanyu (i.e., Indra) at Srimāla-pattana (v. 30). It was the Prāgvātavamsa wherein was born one Vaisravana (v. 31). He built a temple to Jina at Tadäga-pattana and also many a temple at Vyāghrēraka and other places (vv. 32-33). He begot a son named Chachchula (v. 34). His son was Subhamnkara; from him was born Jäsata whose son was Punyarāśi (v. 35). The temple of Varddhamana situated at Närāņaka was built by the last named (v. 36). He had two wives who gave birth to four sons. Amvata and Padmata were born of one wife while Lakshmata and Dēsala of the other (vv. 37-38). They seem to have constructed temples to Vira (i.e., Mahāvīra), at Naravara (v. 39). Lakshmata had I wo sons, Munindu and Rāmēmdu by name, while Dēsala had six sons named Duddakanātha, Mõsala. Vigadi, Dévasparsa, Siyaka and Rāhaka, in order of birth (vv. 40-42). They erected a temple to Varddhamāna at Ajayamēru (v. 43). Of them Siyaka, an ornament to Śrēshthins, beautified the great fort of Mandalakara (v. 44). He built (probably at Mandalakara) a beautiful temple of Nēminātha (v. 46). He had two wives, Nāgasri and Māmatā by nanie, of whom the former gave birth to three sons and the latter to two (v. 47). Thus Siyaka had five devout sons (v. 48). Nāgadēva, Lolāka and Ujjvala, in order of birth, were born of the former wife, and Mahidhara and Dēvadhara of the latter (v. 49). Ujjvala had two sons, Durllabha and Lakshmana by name (v. 50). Lõllaka was a special creation of god in whom were combined certain unique virtues (v. 51). He, the abode of celebrity, once came to the flourishing town of Viri[Chyava]lli and there (saw) some person standing before him (in dream] (v. 52). He asked as to who he was, what was the reason of his coming there and from wbere he came, to which the latter replied that he was Phaņisvara (the holy serpent) and said that Pār. gvanātha would come over there himself from the nether world for enlightening him (v. 53). Having got up in the morning, he did not utter anything, for, the mind is not free from corruption in a state of dream (v. 54). Lõlāka had three wives, Lalitā, Kamalasri and Lakshmi by name, resembling the very goddess of fortune (v. 55). The holy serpent, then (being ignored by Löläka) went to his devout wife Lalita sleeping at night and said. “O blessed one! hear me. I am Dharana, the holy serpent; come, I show you) the illustrious [Pārsvanātha]" (v. 56). She then replied that what he said regarding the deliverance and worship of the deity by herself was not proper satya), and that it was her husband who was the right person to lift up, worship and erect a temple for the god (v. 57). The serpent again approached Lolika and observed, " O you devout, virtuous and wealthy! Pārsvę (the Tirthankara) bas come over up to the bank of the river Rêvati. Lift him up and have the virtue of erecting a chaitya-gēha (temple) for the Jina, whereby you will obtain all worldly prosperity” (vv. 58-59). The serpent then describes the glory of the Bhima-vana where Pār. Svanātha meant to manifest himself mentioning the natural rocks of stone with which the vana is strewn over, as the blocks hurled down from the sky by the foolish Kamatha te obstruct his penance (v. 60). It is in the Bhima-vana that the Uttamādrisikhara is situated like an eleveted stage, where lie the holy tirthas and temples of Varalūika, Atimukta, Ghatëśvara, Kumārēdvara, Saubhāgyēsvara, Dakshiņēsvara, Märkkamda (Märkandēya), Rimchchhēsvara, Umbarësvara, Brahman, Mahyēśvara, Kuțilēsa, Karkkarēba, Kapilēsvara, Mahānäla, Mahākāla,
Vaidys, His. of Med. Ind., Vol. III, p. 391.

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100
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
ē vara, [Bha ]=rathēsvara, Ka(Ki)rttinätha, Kēdāra,.. ..., Sargamēša, Putīša, Mukh Vatēsvara, Nityapramödita, Siddhisvara, Gayėśvara, Gamgäbhoda, Sömēsa, Gangānātha, Purantaka, Kutila, Svarnnajālēgvara and Kapiladhārā (vv. 61-66)". Neither untimely death, nor disease, nor famine, nor want of rains is here visible (v. 67). The tirtha of Köțisvara cannot be adequately described where the manifestation of a phallus of Siva takes place every six months (v.68). It is here that Pärávanātha will now reside and enlighten the living beings (v. 69). Having beard these words of the lord of serpents, as Lolāka woke up in the morning and dug the earth himself, he at once saw the illustrious Vibhu in the proximity of the reservoir (v. 70). The place, where there had been no worship of Jina and other acts of piety had now become an abode of (Jaina worship) (v. 71). Due to Siyaka coming there, Padmā, Kshētrapala, Ambikā, Jvālini and the serpent Dharana also came out from inside the reservoir (v. 72). Owing to the advent of Pārkvanātha here, the column holy to the attendant deity Yaksha, situated on a hill (at the former residence of the god) fell in the Näga-hrada, the pond of serpents (v. 73). The Yaksha also appeared before the chaste Lakshmana in dream, saying that he would also go where his lord Päráva was (v. 74). Vy. 75-85 describe the sanctity of the Rēvati-kumda and the merits derivable from a bath therein. A poetical description of the temple as well as of the piety of Lõlāka is also given. From v. 83 we learn that Lõlāka's religious preceptor was one Jinachandra Sûri in accordance with whose injunctions the former brought into being this holy site. Vv. 86-87 describe the surroundings of the temple: the river Rēvati to the east as also the pura (abode) of the deity; matha-sthāna or monastery to the south; the reservoir of water to the north ; and from north to south, an orchard adorned with multifarious plantation. All these constructions including the seven āyatanas, i.e., temples (big and small), were caused to be made by Lolika.
The author of the inscription was one Guņabhadra, a mahā-muni, who belonged to the Mā[thu*]ra Sangha (v. 88). This Samgha is a sub-division of the well-known Kāshtha-Samgha.
The record was written by Kēs(f)ava, the son of Chhitiga belonging to the Naigama lineage of the Kāyastha caste (v. 89).
The chief masons who constructed the temple to Pārsvanátba were sutradhāra Harasiga (Harasimha), his son Pālhana and grandson Ahada (v. 90).
The record was engraved by Govinda, the son of Nāniga, and Dēlhaņa, the son of Palhaņa. (The temple to) the deity was completed on Thursday, the third day of the dark fortnight of the month of Phālguna in the year 1226 of the Vikrama era, when it was Hasta nakshatra, Dhțiti yoga and Taitila karana, corresponding to A.D. 1170, Thursday the 5th February, taking the month to be purnimānta as also expired (vv. 92-93).
The rest of the epigraph is in prose beginning with the date in numerals. It records various donations made to the temple by certain persons. Thus Guhila-putra Rāval Dădhara and Mahattama Ghanasi(sim)ha donated one kshetra-dohalie lying midway between the villages of Kāmvā and Rēvanā. Gauda Soniga and Väsudēva, residents of the village Khadumvarā gave one dohalika. Mahattama Limvadi and Popali of the village Rāyatā in the Amtari sub-division (pratiganaka) gave one kshetra-dohalikā. Pārigrahi Ajhana, residing in the village of Vadauva, donated one kshetra-dohalikā. Guhila-putra Raval Vyāhard and Mahattama Māhava, associated with the village of Laghu-Vijhõli, gave one kshetra-dohalika.
1 I have noticed below that some of these gods and sites can be identified. * This I came to know from learned Digambara Jain ascetic, Mahavirakirti by name.
Inul. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 133, n. 21.
• Dohalt or dohalika is a local term applied to a piece of land of any size given for charitable purpose, free of rent.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 101
An attempt may now be made towards identification of some of the geographical places mentioned in the latter part of the inscription. Srimāla-pattana (v. 30) is the well-known Bhinmāl, the capital city of the ancient province of Gurjaratră, situated about 50 miles west of Mt. Abu.
Tadäga-pattana (v. 32) I am unable to identify. Vyāghrēraka (v. 33) is the same as Vavvē. (ghē)raa where Vigraharāja is represented to be, in the fourth Act of the Lalita-Vigraharāja-nataka?. It is to be identified with modern Baghēra? about 47 miles to the south-east of Ajmer. Nārāņaka (v. 36) may be identified with Narain in the Sambhar nizāmat in the State of Jaipur, on the Rajputana-Malwa Railway, 41 miles west of Jaipur city and 43 miles north-east of Ajmer". Naravara (v. 39) is the ancient Narapura situated in the Kishengarh territory at a distance of about 15 miles from Ajmers. Ajayamēru (v. 43) is evidently the modern Ajmer founded by the Chāhamāna prince Ajayadeva or Ajayarāja between A.D. 1100 and 11256. Mandalakara (v. 44) is the modern Mandalgarh in the State of Udaipur.
Vindhyavalli (v. 52) is the ancient Sanskrit name of Vījholi or Bijholi. It is also popularly known as Bijoliā or Bijoliyã which is derivable from the Skt. form Vindhyavallikā.
Bhima-vana (v. 60) seems to be the ancient name of the extensive forest round about the range of hills containing the great table-land called the Pathār. Uttamādriśikhara (v. 61) appears to be the ancient name of the uppermost table-land popularly called the Ūparamála, extending from Bārolli and Bhainsaror in the south to Jahāzpur in the north. The tirtha of Varalāika is a tank near Bijholi whose embankment is strewn over with ancient temples now in ruins. Mahānāla (v. 63) refers itself to Menál vividly described by Tod? The temple of Mabākāla (v. 63), is situated well preserved outside Bījholi itself as also that of Svarnṇajālēśvara (v. 66), now called Hazārēšvara. Kapiladhārā (v. 66) appears to be another name of Mandakini, the holy reser. voir existing at Bijholi near the Mahākāla temple. Gamgābhāda (v. 65) is evidently the Gangābhēva at Bārolli mentioned by Tod. The god Nityapramodita (v. 65) obviously belongs to Dhōd in the Jahāzpur District of Mewar, where an inscription dated in V. S. 1225 has been found recording the erection of the temple by Kumārapāla, a feudatory of Prithvidēva, the Chāhamāna lord of Sākambhari.10
Rēvati (v. 86) is a small river flowing by the side of the Pārsvanātha temple from which the Rêvati-kunda reservoir (v.75), in front of the temple, bas derived its name.
Kāṁvā (1. 29) is the modern Kämā about two miles east of Bijholi. Rēvaņā (1. 29) seems to be the ancient name of modern Randbõlapurā about four miles north-east of Bijholi. This is the same village which was donated to Parávanātha by prince Somēśvara. Khadunvarā (1.29) appears to be the modern Khadipura about 6 miles south-east of Bijholi. Rāyată (1. 29) is the village of the same name in the estate of Begūn, about 11 miles south-east of Bijholi. The Amtari sub-division (pratiganaka) as mentioned here is quite identical with Uparamvāla Antari of which
1 Dey, Geogr. Dic., p. 192.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 202 and ibid., n. 1. * Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, p. 136. • Imperial Gazetteer of India (new edition), p. 370. 6 J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 272, n. 2. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 163.
Tod, Rajasthan, Vol. III, pp. 1800-05 (W. Crooke's ed.). * Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, pp. 243-49.
Tod, Rajasthan, Vol. III, pp. 1766-68 (W. Crooke's ed.). 1. Ray, Dy. Hia., Vol. II, p. 1079.

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102
EPIGRAPHITA (NTICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
the feudatory Kumārapala is stated in the inscription of V. 3. 1225 referred to above, to be the chief'. It is ever now the name of the tract which comprises the estate of Begin, Singoli, Kadvāsa, Ratangarh Khedi, etc. Vadauva (1. 29) is the modern Badauva about 3 miles south of Biitoli. Laghu Vijholi (1.29) is called Chhoti Bijolia at present, and is about 3 miles west of Bijnoli.
Lastly it may be mentioned that this site is regarded by the Digambara Jains to be holy exclusively to their religion, but v. 71 of the present epigraph clearly indicates that it had become as such only after the manifestation of Parávanātha taking place in the beginning of the thirteenth century of the Vikrama era. That the whole table-land had been a Brahmanic tirtha centuries before this period, and is even now no less so, hardly needs any mention.
TEXT.. 1 सिद्धम् । ॐ नमो वीतरागाय ॥ चिद्रूपं सहजोदितं निरवधि जानकनिष्ठा
पितं । नित्योमौलितमुल्लसत्परकलं स्यात्कारविस्फारित(तम्) [1] सुव्यक्तं परमाङ्गतं शिवसुखानंदास्पद शास्त्र(श्वतं । नौमि स्तोमि जपामि यामि शरण तळ्योतिरात्मो स्थित(तम्) ॥१॥ नास्तं गतः कुग्रहसंग्रहो न । नी तीव्र
तेजा
2 - - [व]: । - - - - नैव सुदुष्टदेहोऽपूर्वो रवि स्तात्स
मुदेवषो' वः ॥२॥ [स*] भूयाच्छोशांति: शुभविभवभंगीभवभृतां । विभोर्यस्थाभाति स्फुरितनखरोचिः करयुगं(गम्) । विनम्राणामेषामखिलकतिनां मंगलमयीं । स्थिरौकत लक्ष्मौसुपरचितरज्जुव्रजमिव ॥३॥ नाशा(सा)स्वा(खा)सेन
येन प्रबलबलभृता पूरितः पांचजन्यः ।। 3 ---- -- वरदलमलि[नो पाद]पयापदेशः । हस्तांगुष्ठेन शांग्ग
(शा) घ(ध)नुरतुलव(ब)ल क्लष्टमारोप्य विष्णो । रंगुल्यांदोलितोयं इल"भृदवनतिं तस्य नेमेस्तनोमि ॥8॥ प्रांशप्राकारकांता त्रिदशपरिदृढव्यहारुडावकाश।
1 Ray, Dy. His., Vol. II, p. 1079. * Transcribed from the original rock at Bijholt.
Indicated by a symbol. . Read siravadhi.
This danda is snperfluous. •Metre: Sardillavikridita.
The word Vrisha indicates the name of the first Tirtbankara Rishabhadeva, who (by breaking the ouphonic combination) is to be regarded as aurisha, s.e., not having to ascend the second sign of the zodise, in contrast to the Sun.
Metre : Indravajra. .Metre: Sitharini.
1. The word alini means & swarm of bees'. It may also mean female Jaina devotees'. But it hero means something else which was vanquished by the toes of his feet.
11 There is an anuspära over bluri, which is redundant. 11 Metre: Sragdhara. 11 Read präkära kasutam.

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No. 9.1 BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 103
वाचाला केतुकोरि[व]णदनणुमणोकिंकिणीभिः समंतात् । यस्य व्याख्यानभूमी
महह किमिदमित्याकुलाः कौतुकेन प्रेक्षते प्राणभाज: 4 [स भु*वि] विजयतां तीर्थकत्यार्ख(च)नाथः । वहतां वईमानस्य वईमान
महोदयः । वईता वर्षमानस्य वईमान[मह] दयः ॥६॥ सारद सारदा स्तौमि सारदानविसारदा(दाम) । भारती भारतों भक्तभुक्तिमुक्तिविशारदा(दाम)' ॥७॥ निःप्रत्यूहमुपास्महे जिनपतौनन्यानपि स्वामिनः । श्रीनाभयपुरस्मरान् पर
योनिधौन् । ये ज्यो(ज्योतिःपरभागभाज5 नतया मुक्तात्मतामाथि]ताः श्रीमन्मुक्तिनितंवि(बि)नौस्तनतटे हारश्रियं वि(बि)चति
॥८॥1 भव्यानां हृदयामिरामवसतिः सद्य[म][*] स्थितिः कम्र्मोन्मूलनसंगतिः सु(शु)भतति: निर्वा(|)धवो(बो)धोइतिः [1] जीवानामुपकारकारणरतिः श्रेय:श्रियां संमृतिः देयान्मे भवसंभृतिः शिव[मतिं जैने चतुचिस(मोतिः neml श्रीचाहमानक्षितिराजवंशः पौर्वोप्यपूर्बो नि(न) जडावनः । भिबो
न चां6 [गो*] [न च] रंध्रयुक्तो नो निःफल: सारयुतो नतो नो ॥१०॥" लावण्यनिर्म
लमहोज्व(ज्व)लितांगयष्टिरच्छोच्छलच्छचिपयःपरिधानधा[चौ][ । उत्तगपर्वतपयोधरभारभुग्ना शाकंभ[स]जनि जनौव ततोपि विष्णोः ॥११॥ विप्रः श्रीवत्सगोत्रभूदहिच्छ[*]पुरे पुरा । सामंतोनंतसामंतः पूर्वत (लो) नृपस्ततः ॥१२॥ तस्माच्छोजयराजविग्रहनृपौ श्रीचंद्रगोपेंद्रकी तस्माद्दी] भगूवको शशि
1 The word tirthakrit is used as a variant for Tirthankara. Metre : Sragdhara. * Of Varddhamana, i.e., Mahavira, the twenty-fourth apostle.
of the town of Varddhamāna with which is associated the birth of Mahavira. .Metre: Anushtubh. • There is an anusvára over sd, which is superfluous.
* The verse apparently aims at adoring the goddess of eloquence under two of her names, vie., Sirada and Bhāratt. The author appears to adore her as the latter in the form of the writti called Bharati defined a 'भारती सतपायो वागव्यापारी नटाययः ।' (Sahitya-darpaya, ch. VI, v. 29).
Metre: Anushfubh. . Read Nishpratyūham=. 10 This danda is superfluous. IMetre: Sardialavikridita. 13 Read -tatiranio. 11 Read sansritirdiyan=. 14 Read Jaini. 16 This na is to be construed with both bhinnd and am[90*) according to the käk-akahi-golabu maxim, 16 Read nishphalal. 11 Metre: Indravajra.
11 Strictly speaking, the form should have been Sakanbharf, but the addition of fap for the fominino form bere suggests that the author has regarded the word Sakambhara as belonging to ajdi-gang,
"Metre: Vasantatilaka.

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104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
7 नृपो गूवाक' सञ्चंदनौ [*] श्रीमहप्पयराजविध्यनृपती श्रीसिंहरावि(डिग्रही ।'
श्रीमदुर्लभग दुवाक्पतिनृपाः श्रीवौर्यरामोऽनुजः ॥१३॥ [चामुंड]ोऽवनिपे(पो)ऽति(थ) च' राणकवरः श्रोसिंघटो दूसलस्तङ्गाताथ ततोपि वोसलनृपः श्रीराजदेवीप्रियः [*] पृथ्वीराजनृपीथ तत्तनुभू(भ)वो रासलदेवौविभुस्तत्पुत्रीजयदेव इत्यवनिपः
सोमलदेवीपतिः ॥१४॥ हत्वा चञ्चिगसिंधलाभिधयसो(शो)राजादिवौरत्रयं । 8 क्षिप्रं क्रूरकृतांतवक्त्रकुहरे श्रीमार्गदुद्दी(ही)न्वितं(तम्) । श्रीमन्मो[म]णदंडनायकवर:
संग्रामरंगांगणे जौवने(ववे)व नियंत्रित: करभके येन - - - [क्षि] सात् ॥१५॥' अोराजोस्य सूनुईतहृदयहरिः सत्ववांशि(वाच्छि)ष्टसौमो गांभीर्यौदार्यब(व)र्यः समभवद[चि]रालध्व(सब्ध)मध्यो न दीनः । तच्चित्रं जन(यव) जाद्य (घ)स्थितिरवृतमहापंकहेतुर्ब मथ्या न श्रीमुक्तो न दोषाकररचितरतिर्ब विजिहाधि
सेव्य: ॥१६॥ यदाज्यं 9 यदाज्यं कुशवारणं प्रतिकृतं राजांकुशेन स्वयं । येनात्रैव नु" चित्रमेतत्पुन मन्या
महे तं प्रति । तच्चित्र प्रतिभासते सुकतिना निर्बाणनारायणन्धक्काराचरणेन भंगकरणं श्रीदेवराजं प्रति ॥१७॥' कुवलयविकासकर्ता विग्रहराजीजनि(नौ)[स्तु(ति)] नो चिचं(त्रम्) । तत्तनयस्तच्चित्रं य[व] जड क्षीणसकलंकः ॥१८॥" भादानत्वं चक्र भादानपते: परस्य भादानः" [*] यस्य दधत्करबालः करालतां
1 The syllable ka, having been first left by mistake, was later on engraved above the line. * This danda is superfluous.
• Metre : Sardulavikridita. •This is a superfiuous syllable.
There is a superfluous virama stroke below tla. • Better read Dattui or kshiptra.
Metre : Sardūlavikridita. .Metre: Sragdhara. . These three syllables are repeated by mistake. 10 This danda is superfluous. 11 The medial o sign here resembles the virama stroke. 13 Read m-tad-apunar-, taking apunar as meaning na punar.
1This is one of the ambiguous verses in the record. It may be noted that what is mentioned in its first half as not appearing strange is to be construed both with the prince and with the ocean (arnórája); and what is mentioned in the second half, is to be taken as strange with reference to the ocean only. It would thus mean :•that the ocean whose director is the moon (raj-amkudena), handed over (pratikritaris) the mad elephant chuba. våranan), i.e., Airavata, to Indrs (Devaraja of the second half); and that the prince who was a goad to kings Indiankuitna), revenged (pratikritam), the kingdom of Kusa and Virapa (Kuba-Varanam), is not to be wondered at. But that he (the prince), having insulted Nirvvāna-Narayana, brought about the ruin of Devarāja (meaning god of gods, i.e., the same Nirvväņa-Nārāyana, the Paramāra prince Naravarman), is really strange with reference to the orean which neither insulted Narayapa (Vishpu) nor ruined Divarija (Indra).'
1 Metre : Arya. 18 Means the act of absorbing lustre,' with reference to parasya.
16 This word is adjectival to yasya in the third quarter. It means of him who was bha-patib (the most m. ustrious) and adana-patih (all acquiring).
1 Means 'emitting forth lustre'. It qualifies karabalab.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 105
10 करतलाकलितः ॥१८॥ कृतांतपथसज्जोभूत्सज्जनोसज्जनो भुवः । वैकुंत" Qतपालो
गा[द्यत]वै कु[स]पालकः ॥२०॥ जावालिपुरं ज्वाला[पुर कता पनिकापि पल्लोव । नह(ड)लतुभ्यं रोषावदूरदू)लं येन सौ(शौ)येण ॥२१॥' प्रतोखा च बलभ्यां च येन विवामितं यथः । ढिक्षिकाग्रहणांतमाथिकालाभलंभित(तम्) ॥२२॥ तज्येष्ठमालपुत्रोऽभूत्पृथ्वीराजः पृथूपमः । तस्मादजितहमांगो'
हमपर्वतदानतः ॥२३॥ अतिधर्मरतेना11 पि पार्श्वनाथस्वयंभुवे । दत्त मोरझरोग्राम भुमिमुक्ति हेतुना ॥२४॥ स्वादि.
दाननिवहेईशभिर्महद्भिस्तोलानरैर्बगरदानचयैव विप्राः । येनाञ्चिताचतुरभूपतिवस्तपालमाक्रम्य चारुमनसिद्धिकरौ ग्रहोसः ॥२५॥० सोमखरामध्व(ब्ध)राज्यस्ततः सोमेस्त्र (ख)रो नृपः [*] सोमेस्ख(ब)र"नतो यस्माननः सोमेस्त्र(खोरो भवत् ॥२६॥ प्रतापलंकेस्व(ख)र इत्यभिख्यां यः प्राप्तवान् प्रौढपृथुप्रतापः [1]
यस्याभिमुख्ये वरवैरिमुख्याः केचिभता केचिदभिट्ठताश्च ।२७॥ येन श्री12 पार्श्वनाथाय रेवातोरे स्वयंभुवे । सा(शा)सने रेवणाग्राम दत्त स्वाय कांक्षया
॥२८॥ छ ॥ अथ कारापक"वंशानुक्रमः ॥ तीर्थे श्रीनेमिनाथस्य राज्ये नारायणस्य च । अंभीधिमथनाहेवव(ब)लिभिव(ब्ब) लशालिभिः ॥२॥ निर्गतः प्रवरो वंशो ह(द)वहंदैः समाश्रितः । श्रीमालपत्तने स्थाने स्थापितः शतम. न्युना ॥३०॥ श्रीमालशैलप्रवरावचूलः प(पूर्वोत्तरः सत्वगुरुः सुत(त): । प्राग्वाटवंशोऽस्ति व(ब)भूव तस्मिन्मुक्तोपमो वैश्रवणाभिधानः" ॥३१॥ तडागपत्तने येन कारित
1 Metre : Arya. * Read vaikurtyarh, the state of lancelessness'. Metre : Anushubh.
• Hēmånga here means the mountain Sumöru. That he (the prince) gave in charity gold in heaps shows that he had earned the said golden mountain itself. . Read datto.
•Read -grams. ? Read-muktyol-cha.
"Metre: Anushtubih. • Tõlanargir, i.e., 'in men's weight'. Tole à samantat nara yčsharh, taib. [Possibly the reading is tolabharairs meaning tulabhārair-.-Ed.]
10 Metre : Vasantatilaki. 11 Umaya sahitah samah, ēvambhūto ya Ibarah Sivah, tasmai natal. 12 Sah Um-edvarah Umayah itvarah patih arthat Sivah abhavat. - Read =mritah.
MMetre : Upajati. 15 Sasana, with reference to land-grants, means in local circles absolute charity.' 16 Read dattah.
17 Karapaka does not seem to be the proper name of any Vaibya family as some scholars have thought (C. V. Vaidya, His. Med. Ind., Vol. III, p. 391). It is a wrong form from the root kri in a double causative sense which is found also in other inscriptions. It refers to him who caused the erection of the Parivanatha temple.
18 The word Va(Ba)libhih conveys the idea of the whole demon class according to the maxim' pradhanyena vapadesa bhavanti' for, Bali was the chief of that class.
10 If we take vai as a particle of affirmation, the name of this person would be Sravana. "Metre : Indravajra.

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106
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXVI.
13 जिनमंदिरम्) । [ती|] भ्रांत्वा यस(श)स्तत्वमेकत्र स्थिरतां गतां(तम्) ॥३२॥
योऽचौकरच्चंद्रस(श)रि(चि)प्रभाणि व्याघ्ररकादौ जिनमंदिराणि । कौर्तिमारामसमृद्धिहतोर्विभांति कंदा इव यान्यमंदाः ॥३॥ कल्लोलमांसलितकीर्तिसुद्धा. (धा)भमुद्रः । सह(ह)जिवं(ब)धुरवधूधु(ध)रणे [री(रे)श: ।] [भूति ]. पकारकरणप्रगुणांतरात्मा श्रौचच्चुलस्वतनयः [- - -] पदेऽभूत् ॥३४॥' शुभंकरस्तस्य सुतोजनिष्ट शिष्टमंहिष्ठः परिकीर्त्यकौतिः ॥1) श्रौजासटोसूत'
तदंगजन्मा यदंगजन्मा खलु पुण्यरासि(शि): ॥३५॥" मंदिरं वर्च14 मानस्य श्रीनाराणकसंस्थितं(तम्) । भाति यत्कारितं स्खौयपुण्यस्कंधमिवोज्व(ज्वलं.
(लम) ॥३६॥ चत्वारश्चतुराचाराः पुत्राः पाचं शुभश्रियः । अमुष्यामुष्यधर्माणो व(बभूवुर्भाज(य)योईयोः ॥३०॥1 एकस्यां हावजायतां श्रीमदाम्बटपाटो । अपरस्यां [स] तौ जाती'] [श्रीमल्ल मटदेसलौ ॥३८॥" पाकाणां नरवर वीरवैश्मकारणपाटवं(वम्) । प्रकटित स्वीयवित्तेन घा(धा)नु(तु)नेव महीतलं(लम) ॥३८॥ पुत्री पवित्रौ गुणरत्नपात्रौ विशुद्धगाची समसौ(शी)लसत्त्यो(त्यौ) [1]
व(ब)भूवतु क्षमटकस्य जैत्रो मुनींदुगमेंहभिडो(धौ) प्रस(श)स्त्तौ(स्तो) ॥४०॥ 15 16षटुं(टखं)डागमबद्धसौहदभरा:18 षड्जीवरक्षेश्वराः षट (ड्भ)देंद्रिय वस्य(श्य)तापरिकरा:18
'षदमक(कल्ट)तादरा: [*] षट्षं (टखं)डावनिकीर्तिपालनपराः ष(षा)टगु(ग)1 Metre : Anush'ubh.
* The simile here is rhetorically a bit faulty inasmuch as the subject of comparison is in the neuter gender, while the standard of comparison is in the masculine. IMetre: Upajati.
This danda is superfluous. SDhar-diak should be expounded as Dharatach=dsanilabacha meaning "lord Vishnu in his Karma incarnation when he upheld the earth.'
Syllables within these brackets are wanting in the text. They have neither been engraved, nor due space has been left for them.
7 Metre: Vasantatilaki. • The transitive verb sü'to beget or produce ' is here used intransitively. . This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 10 Metre : U pajati.
11 Metre: Anushtubh. 18 Read Prakirnar as adverbial to the verb in the third quarter and also as predicate to the subject of the fourth quarter. [Reading of these three syllables is uncertain.-Ed.]
18 Better read Nrirare to suit the metre. 14 Better change this verb to prathitam for the sake of the metre.
15 The religious and the philosophical principles finding mention in this as well as in verse 48, decidedly belong to the Digambara Jaina school of thought.
"घटखंडागम appears to refer to the agaman or religious literature pertaining to the six divisions of the cosmos, called dravyas which are जीव, धर्म, अधर्म, आकाश, काल and पुगल.
" षडलीवs are पृथ्वी, आप, तेजस, वायु, वनस्पति and बस of which the former five are regarded m PITK being possessed of one afty only, while the last is the name given to itas possessed of more than one इन्ट्रिय. ___There are only five इन्द्रिया, vir., 'स्पर्शनरसनघ्राणचतुश्रीवाणि' (Umāsvāmi's Tattvārthasatra, Ch. II, si. 19); but hat which is regarded as an affey seems to have also been included here. "षटकर्म of. श्रावक are enumerated in the following couplet of the Umasvimisrāvakachara:
देवपूजा गुरूपास्ति: खाधाय: संयमस्तपः ।
दानं चेति ग्रहस्थानां षटुर्माणि दिने दिने । 10 According to the Digambara Jaina doctrine, there are six of the earth of which one is the words between the Ganges and the Indus, and the rest are a s outside this region.

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No. 9. ] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 107
स्यचिंताकराः षट(ड)ध्यंव(बु)जभास्करा[:*] समभवः षदेडदे)शलस्यांगजाः ॥४१॥ श्रेष्टो(ष्ठी) दुद्दकनाथकः प्रथमकः श्रीमोसली वोगडिवस्पर्श इतोपि सौयकवरः श्रीराहको नामतः । एते तु क्रमतो जिनक्रम युगांभोजकभंगोपमा मान्या राजशतवदान्यमतयोः राजति जंव(ब)त्सवाः ॥४२॥ हम्य श्रीवर्डमान
स्थाजयमेरोर्बिभूषणं(णम्) [*] कारितं यैमहाभागैबि. ___16 मानमिव माकिना(नाम्) ॥४॥ तेषामंत: थिय: पाचं सौयकः श्रेष्टि(ष्ठि)भूषणं
(णम्) । मंडलकरमहादुर्ग भूषयामास भूतिना ॥४४॥ यो न्यायांकुरसेचनेकजलदः कीर्ति(त)विधानं परं । सौजन्यांवु(बु)जिनोविकासनरविः पापाट्रिभेदे पविः [*] कारुण्यामृतवारिधेविलसने राकाश[सं(शां)]को[प]मी नित्यं साधुजनोपकारकरणव्यापारव(ब)डादरः ॥४५येनाकारि जितारिनमिभवनं देवद्रिथंगोहरं चंचकांचनचारुदंडकलसथेणिप्रभाभास्वर(रम) । खेलखेचरसंदरोथमभरं भंजडजोहौजनतेष्टापदशैलसं(थ)गजिनभृत्योद्दामसमश्रियं(यम्) ॥४६॥ श्रीसोयकस्य
भार्ये हे 17 सौ" नागश्रीमामटाभिधे(धे) । आद्यायास्तु स्त्र(ब)यः पुत्रा द्वितीयायाः सुतहयं(यम्)
॥४७॥ पंचाचारपरायणात्ममतयः । पंचांगमंचोज्व(ज्ज्व)ला:13 1 पंचज्ञानविचारणासुचतुराः । पंचेंद्रियार्थोज्जयाः । श्रीमत्पंचगुरुप्रणाममनस:1 पंचाणुशुद्धव्रता." पंचते
1 I do not know the exact conception of ury . It is, perhaps identical with the sixfold political expedients, vir., संधि, विग्रह, यान, आसन, इधौभाव and आश्रय.
षड्दृष्टि here seems to have been used for षड्दर्शन, viz., लोकायतिक, सौगत, सांख्य, योग, प्राभाकर and जैमिनीय. • Read samabhavan.
• Metre : Sardūlavikridita. •Krama here means 'foot'.
• Read -matayb. 'Meaning "joy of Jambo(-dripa)'.
* Metre: Anushtubh. • The correct form of this word in the sense of 'splendour ' should be bhitya. 10 This danda is superfluous.
11 This syllable seems to be superfluous. "The five भाचार are दर्शनाचार, 'ज्ञानाचार, वीर्याचार, चारित्राचार and तपाचार aa given in the following gåtha :
दंसणणाणपहाणे वौरियचारित्तवरतवायार । पप्पं परं च जुजन सी पायरिश्री मुणी झो ॥
(Nimichandra's Drarya-sangraha, ch. III, gd. 52). "पंचांगमंच appears to refer to mantras classified under five heads, tiz., आह्वान, स्थापन, संनिधिकरण, पूजन and feedia, for the worship of the god.
पंचज्ञानs are embodied in the sitra 'मतिश्रुतावधिमन:पर्ययकवलानि ज्ञानम् ।' (Umāsvāmi's Tattrārthasatra, ch. I . 9).
The five इन्द्रियार्थs are embodied in the ritra 'स्पर्शरसगंधवर्णशब्दातदर्था, ।' (Umāsvāml's Tattrarthasutra, ch. II, Bl. 20).
"The five गुरु arb पर्वत, सिद्ध, पाचार्य, उपाध्याय and सर्वसाधु as embodied in the well-known sacred Jaina mantra,
शमी घरहताणं गमी सिद्धार्थ शमो पाइरीयाणं ।
शमी उवायाणं शमी लीए सब्बसाइणं ॥ 11 These five ads are embodied in the following sutra :'हिंसाऽनृतस्तेयाब्रह्मपरियहभ्यी विरतितम् ।'
(Umāsvāmi's Tattrarthasūtra, ch. VII, s. 1).

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108
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXVI.
तनया रह[तवि]नयाः श्रीसौयकवेष्ठिनः ॥४८॥ माद्य[:*] श्रीनागदेवोऽभूनोलाकश्चोज्व(ज्ज्व)लस्तथा । महौधरो देवधरो हावेतावन्यमाजी ॥४८॥ उज्व(ज्ज्व)लस्यांगजन्मानौ श्रीम[६]ल्लभलक्ष्मणौ । अभूतां भवनोद्धासियसो(शो)दुर्लभ
लक्ष्मणौ ॥५०॥ गांभीर्य जलधे: स्थिरत्वमचलातेज18 खिता(तt) भास्वतः । सौम्यं चंद्रमस: सु(श)चित्वममरथो(स्रो)तस्विनीतः पर(रम्)
[*] एकैकं परिग्राह्य विस्ख(ख)विदि[तो] यो वेधसा सादरं मन्ये वो(बो)जकृते कृतः सुक्ततिना सः लोल्लकवेष्टि(ष्ठि)नः ॥५१॥ अथागमन्[दिरमे]ष कोर्तेः श्रीवि[ध्यवलीं धनधान्यब(व)ल्ली(लोम्) । तत्रालु[लोचे ह्यभि*][तल्पसुप्त:] कंचिवरेस (शं) पुरतः स्थितं सः ॥५२॥ उवाच कस्त्वं किमि हाभ्युपेतः कुतः स तं प्राह फणोख(ख)रोह(हम्) । पातालमूलात्तव देशनाय [श्री* पार्श्वनाथः स्वयमेष्यतीह ॥५३॥ प्रातस्तेन समुत्थाय न क(किं)चन विवेचितं
(तम्) । स्वप्नस्यांतममनोभावा यतो वातादिदूषिताः ॥५४॥ लोला19 कम्य] प्रियास्तियो(स्रो) व(ब)भूवुर्मानस: प्रियाः ॥(1) ललिता कमलबीच लक्ष्मी
लक्ष्मीसनाभयः ॥५५॥ ततः स भक्तां ललितां व(ब)भाष गत्वा प्रियां तस्य निसि(शि) प्रसुप्ता(प्ताम्) [0"] शृणुष्व भद्रे धरणोहमेहि श्री[पार्श्वनाथं "] [खलु दर्शयामि ॥५६॥ तया स चोतो [म] - ----- य[त्व(त्त्वं) ब(न) हि] सत्यमेतत् । श्रीपार्श्वनाथस्य समुद्दति स प्रासादमर्चा च करिष्यतौह ॥५७॥ गत्वा पुनर्लोलिकमेवमूचे भो भक्तशक्तानुगतातिरक्त ।' देवे धने धर्मविधौ जिनेष्टौ औरवतीतौरमिहाप पार्खः ॥५८० समुरैनं
कुर(क) धर्मकार्य त्वं कारय भौजिनचे20 त्यगेहं । येनाप्सासि श्रीकुलकीर्तिपुत्रपौत्रोरुमंतानसुखादिवञ्चि हिम्) ॥५॥ तदे]
[तनी*]माख्यं ब(व)नमिह निवासी जिनपतेस्त एते ग्रावाणा:(ण:) शठकमठ"मुक्ता गगनतः । सधा(दा)रा[मः] [शत दुपचयतः कंडसरित(तो)स्त दवैतत् स्थान
~ निगमं प्राप परम(मम्) ॥६०॥12 अत्रास्त्युत्तममुत्तमादि(द्रिसिष(शिखर 1 Metre : Sardūlavikridita.
Metre : Anushubh. * This danda is superfluous.
Something like sangrahah has to be understood here as object to kritah. [The correct reading is Lollakah Srishtishthi)nah in which case Lollakah is the object of kritab.-Ed.]
Visarga is here ungrammatical. It seems to have been retained for the sake of the metro. Better read sukritin-asau.
• Metre: Upajāti.
Satyam here seems to have been used in the sense of uchitam, ' right or proper'. * The virāma sign here resembles that of medial i. . This mark of punctuation is joined to the top line of the previous syllable. 10 Metre : Indravajra.
11 Kamatha, also called Kamatha-purusha, is a mythological figure in Jaina religion who had disturbed the ponance of Parsvanātha by hurling down blocks of stone from the sky,
11 Metre : Sikharini.

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No. 9.] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. 8. 1226. 109
साई(धि)ष्ठमंचोच्छ्रितं । तीर्थं श्रोवरलाइकाच परमं देवोतिमुक्ताभिधः । सत्यधात्र घटेख(ख)र: सुरनतो देवः कुमारख(ख)र सौभाग्येख(ख)रदक्षिणेख(च)रसुरौ मार्कडरिख(ख)रौ ॥६॥ सत्यीवरेख(ब)रो देवो ब्रह्ममयेव(ख)रा
वपि । कुटिA लेशः कर्करेशो यचास्ति कपिलेख(ख)रः ॥२॥ महानालमहाका[लभरथेव(ख)रस
जकाः । श्रोत्रिपुष्करतां प्राप्ताः संति] त्रिभुवनार्चिताः ॥६॥ क(को)र्तिना. थं(थ)च(च) [केदार:*] .. .. .. .. मिस्वामिनः [*] संगमौस:(मेशः) पुटीस(स)च मुखेख(ख)विटेव(स)राः ।।६४] नित्यप्रमोदितो देवो सिहेख(ख)रगया (2)(ख)राः [] गंगाभेदाच*] सोमौ(मे)शः गन()नाथवि पुरांतकाः ॥६४(६५)॥ संसानों' कोटिलिंगानां यत्रास्ति कुटिला ना(न)दी । वर्मजालेख(ब)रो देवः समं कपिलधारया: ॥६५(५६)' नाल्पमृत्युर्व वा रोगान
दुर्भिक्षमवर्षण(णम्) । यत्र देवप्रमावेन कलि22 पंकप्रधर्षण (णम्) ॥६६(६७), षण्मासे जायते यत्र शिवलिंग स्वयंभुव(वम्) ।
तत्र कोटीख (ब)र तीर्थे का बाधा क्रियते मया ॥६७(६८)॥ इत्येवं ज - - - - - -- --- - -- - - -- -: क्त्वावतारक्रिया(याम्) । कर्ता पार्श्वजिनेख (ख)रोच छपया सोथाद्य वासः पते: मनोर्थे (बै) क्रियिकाः*] प्रियस्त्रिभुवनप्राणिप्रबोधं प्रभुः ॥६८(६८) इत्याकर्ण्य वचो विभाव्य मनसा तस्योरगखामिनः स प्रातः प्रतिवु(बु)ध्य पारू (ख)मभित: घोणी विदार्य क्षणात् । तावत्तत्र विभं ददर्य सहसा निःप्राकृताकारिणं कंडाभ्यर्सत एव धाम दधतं स्वायंभुवं बौदि. तं(तम्) ॥६८(७०)
1 This danda is superfluous. *Metre: Sardulavikridita. .Metre: Anushtubh. First gå was engraved which was afterwards made ya.
Either omit visarga and read Somi(me)sa-Ganganatha-, or read Somi(mē)60. •Omit Tri for the sake of the metre.
This verbal noun is here used for its causative form samhondpayitri.
Read °dhāraya. . The syllable du has a superfluous medial & stroke. ** Read -prabhāvēna. 11 Read patih. "Bead mishprakrit-akariparika

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110
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
23 नायो(सी)द्यत्र जिनेंद्रपादनमनं नो धर्मकर्मार्जनं [न] [सानं"] न विलेपनं न
च तपो ध्यान न दानाचन(नम्) । नो वा सन्मुनिदर्शनं [न] [ ~~ --- -- -[छत्रेतविखिलं बभूव सदन] ---- ८ - [७०(७१)] सत्कुंडमध्यादथ निजंगाम श्रीसौयकस्यागमनेन पद्मा । श्रीक्षेत्रपालस्तदयावि(बि)का च [श्रीज्वा]लिनो श्रीधरणोरगेंद्रः ॥७१(७२) यदा. वतारम कार्षीदव पार्श्वजिनेख(ख)र [] तदा नागदे यक्षगिरिस्तंव:(बः) प्रपात' सः ॥७२(७३) यक्षोपि दत्तवान् स्वप्नं लक्ष्मणः' व्र(ब्रह्मचारिणः ।
तत्राहमपि यास्यामि यत्र पार्श्वविभुमम ॥७३(७४)° रेवतीकंड24 नौरेण या नारी मानमाचरेत् [*] सा पुत्रं भर्तृसौभाग्यं [ल]मी च*] [ल]भते
स्थिर(रम्) ॥७४(७५) ब्राह्मणः क्षत्रियो वापि [वै] श्यो वा शूद्र एव वा। रेव*]तीनानकर्ता [य:*] स प्राप्नोत्युत्तमा गतों(तिम्) ॥७५(७६) ध[नं] धा[नं(न्य)] ध[रा धाम धैर्य धौरेयतां धियं(यम्) । धराधिपतिसन्मानं लक्ष्मी चाप्रोति पुष्कला(लाम्) ॥७६(७७) तीर्थाश्चर्यमिदं जनेन विदितं यहीयते सांप्रतं कुस्(ठ)प्रेतपिशाचकुज्वररुजाहौनांगगंडापहं(हम्) । संन्यासं च चकार निर्गतभयं घूकसृगालीद्दयं काको नाकमवाप देवकलया किं किं न संप
द्यते ॥७७(७८) साध्यं जन्म कृतं धनं च सफलं नौता प्रसिद्धिं मतिः । 25 सहर्मोपि च दर्शितस्तनुरुहखप्रोर्पित[:*] सत्यता(ताम्) । ---- रदृष्टिदूषि
तमनाः सदृ(ट्ट)ष्टिमार्गे तो जेनि] - - - [सुकति]ना श्रीलोलकवेष्ठिनः ॥७८(७८) किं मेरोः अंगमेतत् किमुत हिमगिरीः कूटकोटिप्रकांडं किं वा कैलासकूट किमथ सुरपते स्वर्विमानं विमान(नम्) [*] पत्थं यत्तळते स्म प्रतिदिनममरम(म)र्त्यराजोत्करैर्वा मन्ये श्रीलोलकस्य विभवनभरणादुच्छ्रितं कीर्तिपुंज(जम्) ॥७६(८०)° पवनधुतपत(ता)कापाणितो भव्य मुख्यान् पटुपटहनिनादादास्यत्येष जैनः । कलिकलुषमथोच्चै रमुत्सारयेहा त्रिभुवनवि
1 Remnants of some of the lost syllables within these brackets are no doubt visible, but are difficult of restora tion.
*Metre: Sardalavikridila. * Metre : Indravajra. • Read makarshid for the sake of the metre, taking a to mean samantal. Or read om akaroda
Read papata. •Metre: Anushtubh.
Omit visarga and read Lakshmana-vra/brahmao * This danda is superfluous. • Read aurapatih. 10 Metre : Sragdhard.

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No. 9. ] BIJHOLI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA SOMESVARA: V. S. 1226. 111
26 [भु][ला*]भान्नृत्यतोवालयोयं (यम्) ॥८० (८१) ॥ [काश्चि *][त्स्था]नकमाधरंति दधते काविच्च गीतोत्सवं काश्चिद्दि (द्दि भ्रति तालव (कं) स (सु) ललितं कुर्व्वति नृत्यं च काः । काश्चिद्दाद्यमुपानयंति निभृतं । वौणास्वरं काश्चन यत्रो चैईज किंकिणौयुवतयः केषां मुदे नाभवन् ॥ ८१ (८२ ) ॥ यः सद्वृत्तयुक्तः सुदीप्तिकलितस्त्रा सादिदोषोज्झितश्चिंताख्यातपदार्थदान चतुरश्चिंतामणेः सोदरः । सोभूच्छ्रीजिनचंद्रसूरिसुगुरुस्तत्पादपंकेरुहे यो भृंगायत एव लोलकवरस्तीर्थं चकारैष सः ॥ ८२ (८३) रेवत्याः सरितस्तटे तरुवरा यत्राह्वयंते भृशं ॥" 27 शाखावा (बा) हुलतोत्करैर्द्र [रस्]रान्पुंस्कोकिलानां रुतैः । मत्पुष्पोच्चयपत्रसत्फलचयेरानि[][लै*]र्व्वारिभिर्भो भोभ्यर्चयता 'भिषेकयत वा श्रीपार्श्वनाथं विभुं (भुम् ॥ ८३ (८४) यावत्पुष्करतीर्थ सैकतकुलं यावच्च गंगाजलं यावत्तारक चंद्रभास्करकरा (रा) यावच्च दिक्कुंजराः । यावच्छ्रोजिनचंद्र शासनमिदं यावन्म[हें] ट्रं पदं तावत्तिव्य (ष्ठ ) तु ध: " प्रशस्तिस्ति' सहितं जैनं स्थिरं मंदिरं (रम् ) ॥ ८४ (८५)॥ पूर्व्वतो रेवतीसिंधुद्देवस्यापि पुरं तथा । दक्षिणस्यां मठस्थानमुदीच्यां कुंडमुत्तमं (मम् ) ॥८५ (८६)।! दक्षिणोत्तरतो वाटी नानावचैरलंकृता । कारित 28 लोलिकेनैतत् सप्तायतन संयुतं (तम् ) ॥ ८६ (८७)|| श्रीमन्मां (मा) [थु*]रसिं (सं) घेभूगुणभद्रेण' महामुनि[:] कता प्रस (श) स्तिरेषा व (च) कवि [कं ] ठ[वि] भूषणा (म्) ||८७ (८८) | नैगमान्वयकायस्थ छोतिगस्य च सूनुना । लिखिता केस (श) वेनेदं (यं) मुक्ताफलमिव (वो ) ज्व (ज्व) ला ॥८८ ( ८ ) |! 8 हरसिग " सूत्रधाराय 2 तत्पुत्रो पाल्हणो भुवि । तदंगजेमाह डेनापि " निम्मापित" जिनमंदिरं (रम् ) ॥८८ (२०) || नानिगः (ग) पुत्रगोविं दपाल्हण सुतदेल्हणौ" । उत्कीर्णा प्रस (श) स्तिरेषा च" कीर्तिस्तंभं (भः) प्रतिष्ठितं (तः) ॥२८० (६१) ॥ प्रसिद्धिमगमद्देवः काले विक्रमभाखतः । षहिं (डिं) स (श) हा दशशते
फाल्गुने कृष्णपचके ॥६१ (६२) ||
1 Metre : Malini.
This danda is superfluous.
• Metre : Sardūlavikridita.
This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
6 Read =bho bhd archchayat abhishchayata.
• Read tat. This syllable is so misshaped that its proper reading is difficult. It, however, looks like dyab. The syllables sasti are superfluous.
# Metre : Anushtubh.
• Read [d=Gunabhadrō.
10 Better read mukta-phala-vad=.
11 Read Harasimhab.
12 Read siūtradharas.
13 Read_tat-sutēnāhadēnāpi.
14 Read nirmmitam.
15 As in verse 88 here also the first half is in active and the second half in passive voice.
10 This letter is superfluous.

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113
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
29 []तीयायां तिथौ वार गुरु(रौ) स्ता(ता)रे च हस्तके । धृतिनामनि योगे च
करणे तैतिले तथा ॥[२](८३)॥' [संवत् १२२६ फाल्गुन वदि ३ [] कावारवणाग्रामयोरंतराले गुहिलपुं(पु)वरा दाधरमह घणसी(सिं)हाभ्यां दत्त(त्ता) क्षेत्रडीहलो १ [*] खदंवगग्रामवास्तव्यगोडसोनिगवासुदेवाभ्यां दत्त(त्ता) डोहलिका १ [*] आंतरोप्रतिगणके रायताग्रामौयमह(ह)त्तमलींवडिपोपलिभ्यां दत्त(त्ता) क्षेत्रडोहलिका १ [*] वडौवाग्रामवास्तव्यपारिग्रही पाल्हणेन दत्त(त्ता) क्षेत्रडोहलिका
१ [1] लघुवीझोलोग्रामसं गुहिलपुत्ररा व्याहरूमह(ह)त्तममाहवा. 30 [भ्यां द]त्त(त्ता) क्षेत्र डोहलिका १ [1] व(ब)हुभिर्वसुद्धा(धा) भुक्ता राजभिर्भरताद
य(दिभिः) । यस्य यस्य [य]दा भूमौ तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) ॥ ॥छ॥
No. 10.-A NOTE ON THE BATTLE OF VALLALA: A.D. 911-2.
BY THE LATE MR. A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
A record dated in the 6th year of a Choļa king Parakësarivarman at Pullamangai in the Tanjore District reads as follows:
Svasti Sri [[*] Ko-pParakāsariparma[r*]kku yandu aravadu Kilar-kārrattu brahmadhyam Pullamarigalattu Tiruvāland urai-Mahadeva[r*]kku sembiyan-MahābaliVānarāyar sirukālai-sandikku iru-nāli arisiyalum arai-ppidi neyy-&mirdälum nisadamum
tiruvamidu bēvadarku vilaikku virru-kkudutta nilam.............. and it registers a gift of land by Sembiyan-Mahābali-Vänaraya to the temple of Tiruvāland uraiMahādēva at Pullamangalam, a brahmadēya in Kilár-küfram, in the 6th year of king Parakēsarivarman. The record can palæographically be attributed to the 10th century A. D., and it must therefore belong either to Parāntaka I (A. D. 907-53) or to Uttama-Chōļa (A. D. 970-986), the only two Parakësarins who ruled for at least 6 years in this period.
Now from the Sholinghur records dated in the 9th year of the Chola king, specified only by the title of Parakēsarivarman and identified with Parantaka I, it is learnt that the Gangs chieftain Prithivipati II was given the title of Bånadhiraja', while the Udayēndiram Plates 11 of the 15th year of Madiraikoņda Parakēsarivarman (Parāntaka I) state that this chieftain was
1 Metre: Anushpubh. +Ra° probably stands for Rauta or Rival.
Maham stands for महत्तम. modern Méhta. •The letter kshe is misshaped.
Parigrahi seems to be an official title of a revenue collector. • Sam probably stands for samgata or sambaddha associated or connected with '. * There are three indistinct signs after this pair of dandas.
*[I have to record here with deep regret that Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar breathed his last without seeing this article finally printed. By his death we have lost a sound scholar of South-Indian History.-Ed.]
• No. 659 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921.
1. Ante, Vol. IV, pp. 221-25. It may be noted that the king in this record is also specified by the title of Ko.pPankesarivarman only, without the epithet of Madiraikopda'.
11 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, No. 76.

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No. 10.)
A NOTE ON THE BATTLE OF VALLALA : A. D. 911-2.
113
called . Sembiyan-Mahābali-Vänaraya'. As the latter title occurs also in this record of the 6th year of a Parakēsarivarman, it is reasonable to assume that this king is identical with Parantaka I', though the title of Madiraikonda' which he had assumed from the 3rd year onwards is lacking. The record cannot be attributed to the other Parakësarin, Uttama-Chöļa, for the reason that Piritipatiyar (Pțithivipati II), son of Māsamaraiyar (Mārasimha), who figures in an epigraphe of the 24th year of Rājakēsarivarman (Aditya I), corresponding to A. D. 895, cannot possibly have been living so late as the 6th year of Uttama-Chõļa, corresponding to A. D. 975. It may therefore be inferred that the title of Sembiyan-Mahābali-Vāņarāya' together with the chiefship over the Bana territory, had been conferred on Prithivipati II, before the 6th year of the Chola king Parantaka I, corresponding to A. D. 912-13.
Parāntaka I had assumed the title of Madiraikonda', i.e., he who took Madura' from the 3rd year of his reign, and so his first southern expedition against the Pandya king of Madura must have taken place in about A. D. 909-10.5 As Přithivipati had been granted the title of • Bāņādhirāja 'before A. D. 912-13, as noted above, the northern campaign in which this Ganga feudatory had helped his suzerain against a Bāņa chieftain, success in which had evidently earned for him both the Båņa title and the Bāņa territory, must have occurred between A. D. 910 and 912-13, i.e., in about A. D. 911-12. As the Sholinghur record particularly mentions that Prithivipati had won distinction in a battle called Vallāļa and thus vindicated his fitness for the possession of a particle of the sun', presumably his position as a feudatory of the Chola king of the Solar race, it is possible that this battle was fought in this Bana campaign only, in about A. D. 911-12.
The Udayēndiram Plates state that before his 15th year Parintaka had defeated two Bana chieftains and a Vaidumba chief. It is not definitely stated who they were, and whether the two Băņas had been worsted in a single campaign or in two separate engagements. Three inscriptions of Māvali-Bāņarāja which are attributable to Vijayāditya-Prabhumēru are dated in Saka 820, 827 and 832 (A. D. 898 to 910), without mentioning the names of any overlords. It is evident from this that the Bana chiefs who had been feudatories of the Pallava rulers of Kañchi had declared their semi-independence, after the extinction of that dynasty by the Chõla king Aditya l'. In the absence of other similarly dated records of Bāņa chiefs soon after A. D. 909-10, in this region, it may be inferred that they had met with reverses at the hands of the Chola conqueror Parāntaka, who allying himself with the Ganga chieftain Pțithivipati II on his north-western frontier had probably defeated them in the battle of Vallala in A. D. 911-12.
1 It may be noticed that a record of Parantaka, 11th year, engraved in the same temple (No. 558 of 1921) closely resembles the present inscription in point of palmography.
• Several inscriptions attributable to Parantaka I simply call him a Parakösarivarman without the distinguishing titles-e.g., No. 378 of 1917, 443 of 1907, etc. So the absence of the title is no bar against the identi. fication of the Parakesarivarman of No. 559 of 1921 above with Parantaka I. • Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 88. No. 157 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1928, eto.
The date of accession of Parintaks I fell between January and July, A. D. 907.
• Ante, Vol. IV, p. 224, V-8. The Cholas belonged to the solar race, and a Prithivipati also assumed the title of Vira-Chola, the poet seems to suggest that he acquired a spark of the Sun' (ibid., p. 225, f. n. 5).
8. I. I., Vol. II, No. 76. . Ante, VoL XI, pp. 229-240 and No. 168 of 1921.
.There is a record of a Binarija dated in Saka 810, which may belong to Vijayaditya or his father Vikra miditya Bapavidyadhara (8. 1. 1., Vol. III, No. 44). This date which is equivalent to A. D. 888 givos an indication as to when the Pallava power was destroyed and Aditya I overran Tondai-maqdalam.

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The two Bana opponents may have been Vijayäditya-Prabhumēru, whose dated records come up to A. D. 909-10 and who probably lost his life in this battle, and his son Vikramaditya who figures as the heir-apparent in the Guḍimallam Plates1.
One other point of historical interest may be considered in this connection. The Kanyakumari inscription of the 7th year of the Chōla king Viraräjëndradeva (A. D. 1069) states that Parantaka had earned the title of Vira-Chōla' by his victory over the unconquered Krishnaraja and narrates this event after his conquest of Madura. In verse 9 of the Sholinghur record noted above, which contains the captatio benevolentix, Parantaka is mentioned with this title of Vira-Chōla' and from the Tamil verse at the end of that inscription it is evident that his Ganga feudatory Prithivipati had also assumed the same title of his overlord. So if the Kanyakumari record's statement can be relied on, Parantaka who had assumed the title of Vira-Chōla' before A. D. 916, must also have defeated a Krishnaraja before that date.
Who was the powerful Krishnaraja who lived in this period? The only king whom Parantaka could have met in battle on his north-western frontier at this time was the Rashtrakūta Krishna II who reigned from about A. D. 879 to 912; and the political situation in this period was such as to render plausible the Chola and the Rashtrakuta kings ranging themselves on opposite sides. We may therefore have to suppose that Krishna II had come to the help of the Banas, as against the Chōla Parantaka I and the Ganga Prithivipati II, and had probably suffered defeat in the battle of Vallala noted above. If specific references to this event are absent in records of Krishna II, it is only to be expected; for the king would not have mentioned his own reverses in his inscriptions, and further A. D. 912 fell almost in the end of his reign. It is, however, inexplicable why the other Chōla documents, such as the Anbil, Leiden and Tiruvalangaḍu copper-plate records are silent in regard to this achievement of Parantaka I, while it is only the later Kanyakumari inscription that has made particular mention of it. This point has to be elucidated only by future discoveries.
Vallala, the scene of the fight, may perhaps be identified with Tiruvallam in the Gudiyattam taluk of the North Arcot District, which was an important place in the old Bāņa territory, and which an invading army was likely to attack first. It was called Tikkäli-Vallam in the early times, and it is possible that the name of Valla' was transformed into Vallala' by the encomiast of the Sholinghur record, to suit the metrical exigencies of the Sanskrit verse in which he has introduced this village-name.
1 Ante, Vol. XVII, p. 3.
* Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. III, p. 143, v. 58,
Ante, Vol. IV, p. 224. The same verse occurs also in the Udayendiram Plates (8. I. I., Vol. II, p. 385) with the word Ekaviraḥ substituted for Vira-Chōlab. Dr. Hultzsch has wrongly identified the Vira- Chōla of this verse with Prithivipati, whereas it refers to the Chōla king Parantaka only.
In this connection, the possibility of attributing a few records from the Punganur taluk of the Chittoor District to Krishna II, requires further investigation. (Epig. Rept. for 1933-34, Part II, para. 8.) The Uttara purana's reference to Krishna's elephants having gone as far as Kumari may, however, be only conventional praise. (Altekar, Rashtrakutas and their Times, p. 97, f. n. 27.)
It is possible that Aditya I had married the daughter of the Rashtrakuta Krishna II and had a son called Kannaradeva by her; and when Parantaka succeeded to the Chola throne, Krishna II may have felt some grudge against the Chola king, resulting in his own joining the Bana side.

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No. 11.) TUMAIN INSC. OF KUMARAGUPTA & GHATOTKACHAGUPTA; G. E. 116. 115
No. 11.-TUMAIN INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAGUPTA AND GHATOTKACHAGUPTA;
G. E. 116. BY M. B. GARDE, B.A., DIRECTOR OF ARCHÆOLOGY, GWALIOR STATE. This inscription was discovered by me in February 1919, in the course of an exploration tour, at Tumain, a large village in the Guna District of Gwalior State. It was mentioned in my Annual Administration Report for Vikrama Samvat 1975 (A. D. 1918-19) and a short note was published in the Indian Antiquary Vol. XLIX (1920), pp. 114-15. It is now edited with full text, translation and facsimile.
The stone on which it is inscribed was found stuck up in a wall of a small dilapidated mosque at Tumain. It is now preserved in the Archæological Museum at Gwalior. Unfortunately the left (proper right) part (probably more than one half) of the stone is broken off and missing, and consequently the first half of all the lines, lost. The inscribed surface of the stone measures about 24' broad by 7" high. The surviving part of the inscription contains only six lines of writing, but the missing part had a portion of one more line. The epigraph is written in Gupta characters of the Souchern variety, the average size of letters being '. The recovered portion of the record is well preserved and the text can be read with certainty with the exception of a few letters. The language is Sanskrit, which is generally correct. It is noteworthy that the present tense is used in the sense of the historic past in two places: vandyate and jayati in line 1. There are a few mistakes of copying or engraving, e.g., kamalar mattyan for kamalam-achchham, vandyetė for vandyatē, and sarhaih for sanghaih in line 1, prithivyām for prithivyām and veräjāmānė for virājamānē in line 4. Sunhadēva for Sanghadēva in line 5, and bringa for bringa in line 6.
The sign of punctuation at the end of the quarters and halves of verses, or at the end of complete verses, is expressed either by a single horizontal stroke as in lines 1 and 4, or by two upright strokes as in lines 3, 4 and 6. But where the verses or their halves end in a final m or in a visarga, the sign of punctuation is not expressed at all. The final m at the end of verses, their halves or quarters is never combined with the following consonant but is expressed, as is usual at this period, by reducing the size of the letter and placing a horizontal stroke over it (e.g. lines 1, 2 and 4).
As regards orthography, it is enough to note that a consonant is often doubled after 1, e.g. kirttir-bhuj-arijitāṁ in line 3; t' is doubled before r in loka-ttray-ante in line 1; the sign of jihvamüliya occurs in tatak-kaniyan in line 5.
As remarked above, this is a fragmentary inscription, having lost the first part of each line. The recovered text is wholly in verse. Line 1 gives us a portion of a verse in Mălini metre and the first line of the following verse, & Sragdharā. Line 2 contains a complete Upajäti. Line 3 consists of the latter half of a Vasantatilakd followed by the first half of an Upendravairā. Line 4 has preserved an almost complete verse and the first quarter of another, both in Upajäti metre. In line 5 we have the last quarter of an Indravajrā or perhaps Upajāti verse followed by a complete Upendravajrā. Parts of two verses in Upendravajrā metre have survived in line 6. The existing portion of the epigraph thus comprises 11 verses, 3 of which have been completely recovered while 8, partially. From the calculation of the missing letters of the verses, and of the average space covered by each letter it would appear that the whole composition consisted of nearly sixteen verses.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a temple of a god (whose name is lost) by five brothers residing at Tumbayana. The names of the brothers in the order of seniority were Haridēva, Sridēva, Dhanyadēva, Bhadradēva and Sanghadēva. The date si

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recorded in words as one hundred and sixteenth year of the kings (of the Gupta dynasty), which is equivalent to A.D. 435. No season, month or day is specified. In the genealogical portion, the first existing verse seems to allude to Samudragupta. The next verse eulogiges his (son and) successor Chandragupta as one who conquered the earth extending as far as the oceans. In line 2 Kumăragupta is described as Chandragupta's son, who protected the whole earth as his lawful wife. Line 3 follows with the name of Ghatotkachagupta who is compared to the moon and is praised as having attained the fame of his ancestors.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Kumāragupta who is described as shining (i.e. ruling) over the earth as the sun in winter, in the year 116 of the (Gupta) kings. Thus Chandragupta and Kumāragupta of our inscription are the same as Chandragupta II and his son Kumāragupta I of the Imperial Gupta dynasty.
The main historical importance of the inscription lies in the information it contains about Ghatotkachagupta. That he was a member of the Imperial Gupta family is shown by the manner in which he is referred to in this inscription. His mention immediately after Kumāragupta who was occupying the imperial throne at the time of the inscription is perhaps to be explained by the hypothesis that Ghatotkachagupta was then holding the office of the governor of the province of Airikiņa (Eran) which included Tumbavana (Tumain), the provenance of the inscription. Unfortunately the word expressing the exact relationship between Kumāragupta (the ruling Emperor) and Ghatotkachagupta (the provincial governor) is lost in the missing portion of the inscription. Ghatotkachagupta was probably & son or possibly a younger brother of Kumāragupta I.
So far, the name of Ghatotkachagupta was known from two documents: (1) & clay seal found at Basich bearing the inscription Sri Ghatol kachaguptasya, and (2) a coin' in the St. Petersburg collection which according to Mr. Allan bears on the obverse traces of a marginal legend ending in Guptah and beneath the king's arm Ghafo with a crescent above, and on the reverse a legend which seems to read Kramādityaḥ.
The late Dr. Bloch was inclined to identify Ghatotkachagupta of the Basāļh seal with Maharāja Ghatotkacha, the father and predecessor of Chandragupta I and this view was accepted by the late Dr. V. A. Smith. But Mr. Allan pointed out the difficulties in the way of this identification and surmised that Ghatotkachagupta was probably a member of the Imperial Gupta family, who held some office at the court of the Yuvarāja at Vaisāli (Basāph) during the reign of Chandragupta II. The Ghatostkachagupta) of the coin in the St. Petersburg collection is believed by Mr. Allan to be still another Ghatotkachagupta on the ground that the style and weight of the coin place it about the end of the 5th century, and he says that it therefore cannot be referred either to Ghatotkacha, the father of Chandragupta I, or to Ghatotkachagupta of the Basāļh seal. Mr. Allan's view is corroborated by our inscription. There is little doubt that the Ghatotkachagupta of our inscription who, in G. E. 116, was probably the governor of Airikina, during the reign of Kumāragupta I, is identical with the Ghatotkachagupta of the Basah seal.
Two place names oocur in this inscription. These are Vațodaka in line 4 and Tumbavana in line 6. Tumbavana which is mentioned in six of the votive inscriptions' on 1 See line 3 of the text.
1 A.R., A.8.1., for 1903-04, pp. 102 and 107. Allan's Catalogue of the coins of the Gupta dynasties, etc., Introduction, p. liv, p. 149 and plate XXIV. 3. • J.R.A. . for 1905, p. 163 and Early History of India (1914 ed., p. 280, Note 1).
Allan's Catalogue, Introduction, pp. xvi-Ivi and liv. Allan's Catalogue, Introduction, pliv.
Nou. 16, 178, 18, 20, 21, and 848 in Montements of Sanchi, Vol. I, pp. 301, 302, and 335. Also abovo, Vol. X, Appendix, Laders' Liet, Nos. 450, 201, 202, 110, and K20.

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Page #145

TUMAIN INSCRIPTION OF KUMARAGUPTA AND GHATOTKACHAGUPTA; G. E. 116.
២.11 ខមjg7PH4aEQ82ក
មកថ្មី១០០ខ្ញុំបាទ Rangyat aga៛reqq=&reu n, * iPana14qaeya-jHgu6g=eaAJឱ្យមead !
យកអ្នកសិលខ្លួន an a84Rx8a\l HD
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. និង M» zoiwo-zgo.
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 11.] TUMAIN INSC. OF KUMARAGUPTA & GHATOTKACHAGUPTA; G. E. 116. 117
the balustrade of the great Stapa at Silichi and also in Brihatsamhita (XIV, 15) of Varahamihira, is no doubt to be identified with Tumain where our inscription was discovered. Tumain is an ancient site and some of its monumental and sculptural antiquities go back to the period to which our inscription belongs. It is six miles to the south of Tukneri Station on the Bina-Kotah branch line of the G. I. P. Railway, and about fifty miles to the north-west of Eran (ancient Airikina).
Vatödaka is very probably modern Badoh which is a small village in the Bhilsa District of Gwalior State, about 10 miles to the south of Eran, and which is an old place having in its neighbourhood monumental relics of the late Gupta and a small rock inscription of the early Gupta period.
TEXT. 1 [रिय॑स्य लोकत्रयान्ते । चरणकमल(ल)मत्त्व (च्छ) वम्य(न्योते सिहसई ) [*]
राजा श्रीचन्द्रगुप्तस्तदनुजयति यो मेदिनी सागरान्ताम् 2 -- श्रीचन्द्रगुप्तस्य महेन्द्रकल्पः कुमारगुप्तस्तनयस्म[मग्राम्] [*] ररक्ष साध्वीमिव
धर्मपत्नीम् वीर्याग्रहस्तरुपगुध भूमिम् [॥*] 3 [--] गौरः क्षित्यम्बरे गुणसमुहमयूखजालो नामोदितस तु घटोत्कचगुप्तचन्द्रः
[l*] स पूर्वजानां स्थिरसत्वकीर्तिर्भुजार्जितां कीर्तिमभिप्रपद्य ॥1) 4 [गुप्तान्वया*3]नां वसुधखराणा[म] समाशते षोडशवर्षयुक्तो । कुमारगुप्ते नृपतौ प्रि(पृ)
थिव्याम् विराजा(ज)माने शरदौव सूर्ये ॥ वटोदके साधुजनाधिवासे .5 तरीदेव इत्यजितनामधेयः [॥*] तदग्रजोभूदरिदेवसंजस्ततोनुजो यस्तु स धन्य
देवः [*] ततोवरो यश्च स भद्रदेवस्तता कनीयानपि सङ्क(क)देव[:॥*] 6 - नसक्तचित्ताः समान[]त्ताकति[भावधौराः कता]लया[स्तुम्बवने बभूवुः ॥ अकारयंस्ते गिरि[थि]()ङ्गतुङ्ग शशिप्रभं] देवनिकेतनं-1].
TRANSLATION. L. 1. Whose lotus-like beautiful foot was adored by multitudes of Siddhas (sages) throughout the three worlds. After him king Sri Chandragupta conquered the earth as far as the oceans.
L. 2. Sri Chandragupta's son Kumāragupta who resembled the great Indra, embraced and protected the whole earth like & virtuous wife, with his mighty hands.
L. 3. The moon bearing the name Ghatotkachagupta, fair ...... and having a network of rays (in the form) of a multitude of virtues rose in the sky (in the form) of the earth. He whose goodness and fame were steady, having attained the glory won by his ancestors with (the prowess of their own) arms.
L. 4. In the year one hundred and sixteen of the lords of the earth (in the Gupta dynasty) when king Kumāragupta was shining (i.e. ruling) over the earth like the sun in the winter. At Vatodaka which was the abode of good people,
1 Compare Agodaka (Agrödaka) on coins-Agrohs; Prithūdaka-Pacha.
This inscription is engraved on a tablet prar a panel of sculptures representing the Sapta Malpikas, both carved in rook on a hill. It was dated but the portion giving the year and month, has peeled off, leaving behind only buba-divast trayodabyan. It mentions Vishaydsvara Maharaja Jayatedna. The rooord is badly damagod and is unpublished so far.
• The portion within square brackets is conjecturally restored.

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L. 5. (there lived a person) who bore the distinguished appellation Srīdēva. His elder brother was Haridēva by name. The brother born after him was Dhanyadēva. His younger brother was Bhadradēva and next (younger) to him was Sanghadēva.
L. 6. Of minds attached to.........of similar manners, of noble appearance and disposition, (they had) their home at Tumbavana (where) they built a (temple) of god (..........), shining like the moon and lofty like a mountain peak.
No. 12.-TWO YUPA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BARNALA: KRITA YEARS 284 AND 335.
By Dr. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY,
The two yūpa inscriptions, that are being published here for the first time, were discovered by the late Rai Bahadur Daya Ram Sahni at Barnala in the Jaipur State with the assistance of Thakur Sheonath Singhji of Kānota. Barnāla is a small village, belonging to the Thakur Sahib of Barnāla, about eight miles from the Lalsote-Gangapur fair-weather road. The two stone yüpas or sacrificial pillars, on which these inscriptions have been inscribed, were discovered in a large tank, close to the village. Each of the yüpas had been broken into two pieces at a height of about 6 and 6 feet respectively from the bottom. The Government Epigraphist for India kindly sent to me ink-impressions of these records with a request to edit them for the Epigraphia Indica ; I am doing so accordingly.
The late Rai Bahadur Sahni has noticed these inscriptions in his report on Archeological Remains and Excavations at Sambhar during Samvat years 1993 and 1994 (1936-37 and 1937-38 A.D.), pp. 3 ff. Therein he gives the following description of the yüpas: “The girdle or pāta which is well executed round the two pillars at Mathura is absent in the Barnāla pillars as well as in those from Badvă. The projecting chashāla is square in one of the Barnāla yūpas and octagonal in the other. Like the Mathura pillars those under notice are square at the base but only up to a height of 3 6" and 4' 5" respectively. The wreath is not represented. Yüpa No. 1 at Barnāla (Pl. XVII, a), which is 21' 21' in height including the lower square portion is, as far as I am aware, the highest yūpa so far known to us." As to their present whereabouts, he says: “Both these yüpa pillars have been removed from Barnala to the Hawa Mahal in the city of Jaipur, where portable antiquities unearthed during the excavations of last three seasons have been displayed for the benefit of the public."
In my paper on Three Maukhari Inscriptions on Yūpas, Kțita Year 295', I have discussed in detail the general problems connected with the nature and significance of the yüpas or sacrificial pillars. I would refer the reader to that paper for information on this point.
As on the yüpas at Badva and Bijaygadh, the inscriptions on both these yüpas have been engraved in long vertical lines to be read from top to bottom. The engraver has not followed the more convenient method of inscribing the record in short horizontal lines engraved one below the other, which is followed on the yūpa in the Allahabad Municipal Museum. The inscription on the pillar A is of one line only, while that on the pillar B is in two lines, inscribed on two adjacent facets of the octagonal shaft. The first line is 8' 5" and the second 9 long. Both the inscriptions have been sadly mutilated; it is an irony of fate that the
1 Srideva seems to have been the most important or influential among the brothers, as his name is given precedence over that of his elder brother. 1 Ante, Vol. XXIII, pp. 42 ff.
Ibid, Vol. XXIV, pp. 245 ff. . In the Report, above referred to, it has been stated that the first line is 9' and the second 8' 8. A glance at the platu will show that the first line is shorter than the second and not vice verad.

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mutilations should have led to the disappearance of only the names of the sacrificers, who bad taken so much trouble to enlighten the posterity about the sacrifices which they had performed.
As will be presently shown, the inscriptions belong to the 3rd century A. D. and their characters bear a general resemblance to those of other contemporary records from northern India, especially with those on the yūpas of Badva and the Allahabad Municipal Museum. The characters on the yüpa A have been very neatly and carefully engraved, but those on the yüpa B have been inscribed in such a slipshod and careless manner that the task of deciphering them becomes very difficult. Subscripts of conjuncts and medial vowel signs are very often omitted or very badly executed ; and in some cases it would appear that words have been wrongly spelt. We shall have to speak more about this point, when we discuss this inscription.
The language of the inscription A may be described as Sanskrit, with occasional influence of Prakrit, as when sa-gottasyal and punna have been written for sa-gotrasya and punya respectively. The inscription B may be described as being written in incorrect Prakrit, with occasional mixture of Sanskrit expressions like suddhasya in l.1 and dharm o vardhdha[tām) in 1.2.
The orthography of the records calls for no particular remarks.
Symbols for numerals for 200, 80 and 4 appear in the inscription A and for the numerals 800, 90, 30, and 5 appear in the inscription B. They are similar to those found in contemporary records in northern and western India. In the reoord B, the two small strokes that were necessary to be attached to the symbol for 100 in order to convert it into 300 have been joined together so as to form an angle with each other, usually the additional strokes are written horizontally one below the other.
INSCRIPTION ON THE YUPA A. The inscription opens with the auspicious word siddham and then proceeds to state its time. Its date is the 15th day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra of the Krita year 284. As is well known, the Kțita era is the same as the Vikrama era, and so the date of the record would be 228 A. D. The earliest inscription in the Vikrama era so far discovered is that on the Nändsä yüpa, which is dated in the Ksita year 282. Our inscription would then be the second earliest record of this era. It is 11 years earlier than the Badvä yüpa records, which are dated in the Ksita year 295.
After stating its precise date, the record proceeds to inform us that on the date mentioned, seven yūpas were erected by a person whose götra was Sõbartpi and whose name ended in-varddhana. The gotra is spelt as Söhartta, but it is obviously the same as Sõbatsi, which occurs among the gotras of the Bhāradväjakānda, having the option of three or five pravaras. It is very sad that the mutilation of the record should have occurred just on that part where the name and the parentage of the sacrificer were mentioned. His name ended in varddhana, as observed already. The two letters immediately preceding varddhana cannot be made out; but the two next preceding letters appear to have been rājño, to judge from the traces they have left behind. It would therefore appear that the sacrificer was a king bearing a name of five letters, the last three of which were varddhana. We can also see the
1 [See below p. 120, n. 8.-Ed.]
[See below p. 120, n. 11.-Ed.] See ante Vol. XXIII, pp. 48-52 for a discussion on the Krita era. aufa: tai .. rament qurulu 40 wafai GXrapravaranibandha kadamba
(Second edition), p. 56. [See below p. 120, n. 8. -Ed.]

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traces of the letters rājho after the word sa-gottasya. Then follows space for two, or possibly three letters, which is now practically blank; but thereafter we can discern faint traces of the letters pa and tta. It would therefore appear that after giving the götra of the sacrificing king, the record had proceeded to give his parentage. His father was also a king and had a name of two or three letters. The restoration here suggested leaves no space for the letter sya coming after putra; probably that letter had been dropped. It is also possible that it may have been destroyed when the pillar was broken into two.
The concluding portion of the record reads, yūpa-sattakam) punnaval. I do not know the extent of the damage to the yūpa subsequent to this portion; it however appears very probable that the record ended with the words punnava[rdhakoan) bhavatu), expressing the hope that the sacrificial performance may increase the merit of the performer. The reference to the group of seven yūpas may show that the king had performed seven sacrifices; they were very probably the seven Soma sacrifices, technically known as Sapta-Soma-samstha. The sacrifices included in this group were Agnish Oma, Atyagnishtoma, Ukthya, Shoda sin, Vājapēya, Atirātra and A ptöryāma. The Allahabad Municipal Museum yüpa commemorates the performance of these very sacrifices.
The inscription clearly refers to a group of seven yūpas. The yüpa of the record B does not belong to this group, as it commemorates a sacrifice performed 51 years later. It is therefore not unlikely that a diligent search in the locality may lead to the discovery of more sacrificial pillars.
TEXT. Siddham Kritēhi 200 80 4 Chaittra-sukla-pakshasya pam(ă)chadasi [1*] Sohartta sagõttasya' [rājño')...p[u]tt[ra]sya (räjño')..varddhanasya yüpa-sattakāko puņņa".-va[rddhakam bhavatu *]
TRANSLATION, Be it auspicious! The full-moon day of the month of) Chaitra of the year 284 by the Krita (reckoning). May this group of seven sacrificial pillars of king ....varddhana, son of king..... of Sobartpi götra, [increase] the merit (of the sacrificer)!
[See below n. 10.-Ed.) • Katyayana-Srauta-Sutra, X, 9, 27. [But see below n. 10.-Ed.] · Edited from an ink-impression. . The stop nu is indicated by a small letter ma written below the line. • The full-stop is indicated by the rather unusual device of two dots, written like a visarga.
* Read Sohartri. The medial mätra for o looks to some extent like the medial i matra; but since the Götra pravaranibandhakadamba gives Sohartri as the name of the götra, we must read the first letter as a rather irregular so.
The reading appears to be correotly Söharttri-sagottranya. The curl representing the medial si in the syllable riti is partly discernible, and so is also the sign for the subscript r in the letter tira. Besides, otherwise the lengthening of the right-hand stroke of the second t in the syllables concerned is unaccountable.-B. C. C.1
• There are faint traces of these letters. 1. Read saptakam. [The reading appears to be yapo sa[trako, the sign of the medial o in po resembling that in að of Snartiyi. The wrong visargs sandhi betrays the Prakrit influence. The reading of the second syllable is doubtful, inasmuch as it cannot be ascertained whether it is tra or correctly ttri though it seems to be the former. In any case, the subscript is pretty clear. We may correct the reading as yāpaḥ saftrika), meaning
the pillar connected with a snorifice'. The particular sacrifice is, however, not specified. According to this reading, thus, there is no mention of seven yüpas.-B. C. C.)
11 Read punya. [I see traces of a subscript ya below the second ; thus the reading is punnya, and according to my interpretation, we may restore this portion as punnyart vardalhatan or purngar varddhatu as is commonly found in similar inscriptions.-B. C. C.)

Page #150

Two YUPA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BARNALA: KRITA YEARS 284 AND 335.
late nu
Left Half
1 , 12 0 1 3
19
Right Half
Left Half
Right Half
Af 449
6
(
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: ONE-EIGHTH.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea, Nov 2038 E'40 =300.

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No. 12.)
TWO YUPA INS. FROM BARNALA: KRITA YEARS 284 AND 335.
121
Inscription on the Yüpa B. This inscriptijn does not begin with the auspicious word siddham, as does the inscription on the yüpa A; it traightway proceeds to give its date according to the Krita, i.e., Vikrama era. Its date is the fifteenth day, i. e., the full-moon day of the bright half of the month of Jy shtha of the Ksita year 335. The name of the month is spelt as Jasha; there can be, however, no doubt that the word is intended to stand for Jyäshtha. Jasha for Jyështha is but the first example of the carelessness of the engraver of this record. The date of the record is therefore 279 A. D.
It would be convenient to discuss the decipherment of the remaining portion of the record from its end; I therefore proceed to do so. The last four letters of the second line are very clear ; they read dharmmo vardhdha. It is clear that the last word is intended to be varddhatām ; the record ends with the hope that religion may prosper. The word preceding dharmmo is clearly priyatām ; the subscript of pri is faintly visible and its medial i mātrā is slightly damaged. The next preceding word clearly reads Vashța and there is a dot after the last letter, which is clearly a remnant of a visarga. I think we have to correct this word into Vishnuḥ. The subscript ţa can also be taken as an ill-executed na ; the medial é mātrā was left out in the word Jyestha in l. 1, and a similar mistake seems to have been repeated here. The concluding expression Vishnuh priyatāṁ dharmmo varddhatām would remind us of the expressions Priyant[@]m-Agnayah and punaḥ punah pritim=iyān=Maheśvara iti, which occur at the end of the inscriptions on the Isāpur and Allahabad Municipal Museum yüpas respectively. The royal sacrificer of the Allahabad Museum yüpa was a Saiva advocate of the Vedic sacrificial religion ; in the present case the sacrificer was a Vaishnava champion of the Vedic rites.
Immediately preceding the emended word Vishņu there is a triangular symbol, which is almost identical with the symbol occurring at the end of the inscription on the yūpa of Balavardhana, found at Badva'. This form is therefore not a letter but a mere symbol, marking the end of the main announcement of the record.
Immediately before this concluding symbol, there is another, which clearly stands for 90. Out of the five letters preceding 90, the first is clearly da, the second looks like a damaged kshi, the third is an with a subscript, the fourth is a da or da and the fifth is a ta. When we recollect how the Badvä yüpa inscriptions end with the expression Trirätra-sammitasya dakshinyan(n) gavāri sahasram, it will be at once clear that these five letters are intended to stand for dakshinyam(nā) dāta(dattā). The reading of the third letter only is rather doubtful here ; the subscript looks like that of ar; but the main letter is a n or n, and so the context as well as the use in the Badvă records would show that it was intended to be nya for an original nã.
These five letters therefore refer to the dakshina given to the priests on the occasion of the sacrifice and the symbol for 90 describes its amount. What then were the ninety objects that were given at the end of the sacrifice ?
The name and the description of the 90 things donated to the Brāhmaṇas is given in the preeeding seven letters; for the four letters preceding this group of seven clearly read yajña ishta to be corrected into yajñā ishţāḥ. The first of these seven letters is a să or sa ; the second one is va or vri; the third is a conjunct of which the second letter is ta and the first very probably $; the fourth is clearly an initial i; the fifth is certainly & va; the sixth is a vā; and the seventh a ga. But savvasta iva vägā as the description of the ninety articles given in dakshina gives no
* See ante, Vol. XXIII, Plate facing p. 52.

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(VOL. XXVI.
meaning whatsoever. We shall have to emend the text rather drastically, remembering all the while that the engraver was a person who was capable of writing Jasha for Jyēshtha and Vashta for Vishnu.
I would suggest, not without very great diffidence, that savvasta iva vāgā should be emended into savatsā ina gāvo. The dakshinā given at the sacrifices commemorated on the Badvi yupas consisted of kine. The same was probably the case here. Vāgā should therefore be changed into gāvd ; an engraver who writes Vashta for Vishnu is certainly capable of writing vägā for gāvo. Savvasta does not give any sense, and since it is an adjective of gāvo, it is but reasonable to emend it into savatsā. The context now shows that iva should be changed into eva. The record therefore states that a dakshina of 90 cows, not alone but each accompanied with its calf, was given on the occasion.
And what was the occasion ? It is mentioned in the opening portion of the second line. Here again the first two letters have been peeled off. The third letter had & subscript r, the fourth is ra and the fifth tra; then comes the numeral 5, which is followed by the words yajña ishta, as observed already. It is very clear that the 3rd, 4th and 5th letters were intended to be trirātra ; this part on the record then states that five Triratra sacrifices were performed when the honorarium of 90 cows along with their calves was given.
As in the case of the inscription on the yüpa A, the name of the sacrificer must have followed immediately after the word panchadafi in the 1st line. The two letters after this word read bhritta, which have obviously to be corrected into bhatta. After this a considerable portion of the inscription has been peeled off and about six or geven letters have been obliterated completely. They contained the name of the sacrificer. His title bhatta would suggest that he was a Brahmana and not a king or a general.
The last five letters of the first line are very clear; they are to be read 48 tri ta vo na du. Tritavanašu however gives no sense. With great hesitation I would emend this word into Tritavanéshu; the five Triratrs sacrifices seem to have been performed by the Brāhmana sacrifioer not in a village or in a town but in a holy forest known as Trita forest.
One more lacunse, that of the two letters at the beginning of the second line, remains to be considered. The following word here is trirätra, and the obliterated word was probably an adjective of that sacrifice. The full and real name of the Triratra sacrifice, which was an amalgam of Agnishtöma, Ukthya and Atiratra, was Garga-trirātra'; it is possible that the two obliterated letters were gargga and what remain of them gives some support to this conjecture.
Our record therefore commemorates the performance of five Trirätra or perhaps Gargatrirätra sacrifices by a Brāhmaṇa sacrificer on the full moon day of Jyēshtha of the Krita year 335, corresponding to 279 A. D. The dakshiņā prescribed for a Trirätra sacrifice was one thousand cows. But our sacrificer was probably not rich enough to give it, and so he contented himself by giving only eighteen cows per sacrifice, but each accompanied by a calf. He was a Vaishnavite also, so he ends the inscription with the hope that Vishņu would be pleased and religion promoted by his action.
I now give below the reading of the record along with the suggested emendations.
Bänkhayana Srautasütra, XVI, 21.

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No. 13.]
GURZALA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION.
123
TEXT, 1 Kritēhi 300 30 5 Jasha'(Jyështha)suddhasya path(i)chadasī[l*) Bhritta(Bhatta).............. Ttitavanafu(Tritavanēshu ?)
2 [Garga ?][t]r[i]ra(ra)tra 5 yajñaljñā) ishta(shțā) savvasta(savatsā) ilē)va vāgā (gavo) dakshinya(på) dátā(datta) 90.• Vashtaḥ(Vishņuh) priyatām dharmmo vardhdha(tām*].
TRANSLATION The 15th day of the bright fortnight of the month) of Jyēshtha of the year 335 by the Ksita (reckoning). Five (Garga) Trirätra sacrifices were performed by Bhatta......in Trita forests (). 90 cows, which were accompanied by their) calves, were given as dakshina.
May (god) Vishnu be pleased! May Dharma increase !
No. 13.-GURZALA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION.
BY PROP. K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS.
The inscription edited below is found engraved on a grey marble slab set up behind the Travellers' Bungalow,' about two furlongs to the north of it, at Gurzäla in the Palnad taluk of the Guntur District. There are on the spot several similar slabs which are uninscribed and which must be the relics of some ancient structure that has now disappeared. An impression of the inscription was placed in my hands some time ago by Dr. M. Rama Rao, but I found subsequently from Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, Superintendent for Epigraphy, that he had secured a much better impression of the record, and it is from this impression which he has kindly placed at my disposal that I edit the record which is listed as No. 335 of the Epigraphical Collection of Madras in the An. Rep. on S. I. Epi. for the year 1936-37, and discussed in paragraph 10 of Part II.
The slab containing the inscription measures 5' x19" ;8 in its centre is carved a pillar with apparently a bulbous base and a double bulbous capital; the shaft of the pillar shows a slight tapering, being 3' wide at the bottom, and less than 21 at the top, its height being about 2. The capital comprises two oviform members, each 3" high, the upper one being broader (54") than the lower (43") at its horizontal axis. This capital is surmounted by an abacus 3" high above which stand three cones alongside of one another, looking like the battlement of a fortress. Our inscription comprises three lines, two incised to the proper right, and the third to the left of the carved pillar, all lines running from the capital of the pillar to its base.
1 Edited from an ink-impression,
* Both below ja and sha, there appear to be some depressions, which appear like traces of subscript letters, now peeled off. They may however be also due to the stone not being well dressed.
• Faint traces of the subscript ya can be traced in the impression. • The subscript ta is partly broken. * The letter looks like tri, but it is read as nya on the analogy of the Badvă records. See introduction.
• After the numeral 90, there is a symbol here, similar to that occurring on the Badva ripa inscription A.
It is understood that the slab has since been removed to the Taluk office compound, Gurzala. . This measurement is furnished by Dr. Rama Rao.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVI.
The script of the inscription is Brahmi very similar to that of the well-known inscriptions from Nāgārjunikonda edited in Epigraphia Indica some years ago by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, and may be taken to belong to the third century A. D. The average height of the letters, if we neglect the flourishes, is about one inch. The fourth letter in l. 3 which I read as ļu may be compared with the same letter in a somewhat later Western Chalukya inscription, viz., the Bädāmi stone inscription of Mangaliba.
The three vertical strokes at the end of the last line seem to be an ornamental stop as in G-3 (above, Vol. XXI, plate opp. p. 62) and not a symbol for three which usually comprises similar horizontal strokes. The language of the record is Prakrit. The object of the inscription is to record the gift of a field by a certain Noduka-siri to the Bhagavān, the Lord of Halampura, for securing longevity for the donor. The date of the record is given as the tenth day of the 8th fortnight of summer in the fourth regnal year of Mahārāja Siri-Rulupurisadata, whose name shows that he is a hitherto unknown king of the Ikshvāku line, members of which have left many inscriptions in the neighbourhood from which our record comes. The method of dating adopted is common in Ikshvāku records. The location of Halampura where the temple of the Bhagavān was located is somewhat difficult to determine. In the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, Madras, for 1936-37, it is suggested that Halampūra
may be identified preferably with Allüru in the Nandigama taluk of the Kistna district which is not far removed from Gurzala, though there are two villages of the name Alampuram, one in the Nizam's Dominions and the other in the Tanuku taluk of the West Godavari district'. Alampur in the Nizam's Dominions seems best to satisfy the requirements of the case by its name and the known antiquity of its monuments. It is situated at the apex of the Raichur Doab on the western bank of the Tungabhadrā, a little distance before its junction with the Krishna. In spite of its distance from the Palnād region, this place must have been easily accessible by river, and it teems with antiquities, temples and other structures, some account of which will be found at pages 7-13 of the Annual Report of the Archeological Department of H. B. H. the Nizam's Dominions for 1926-27.
Another place much nearer Gurzäla and about 20 miles east of it, though not so rich in antiquarian remains, that comes in for consideration here, is Nägulavaram in the Palnãd taluk itself. The name has the same meaning as Halampūra (plough-city), and Sewell noted an old Vishnu temple and another temple of Siva in the place and an illegible inscription in the latter. The place has yielded two inscriptions listed in the Madras Collection. It is possible that the Halampūra-sāmin of our inscription is identical with the deity in one of these shrines.'
There is nothing in our inscription to indicate that the Bhagavan Halampūra-sāmin to whom the field was given was the Lord Buddha, and it must be noted that our record differs in some respects from the generality of Nagarjunikonda inscriptions in that it does not begin with the usual Siddham namo Bhagavato but simply sidham, and in that the purpose of the gift precedes the name of the donor. It seems possible that the endowment was not that of a Buddhist. But seeing that some at least of the temples of Alampur show traces of having originally been Buddhist structures, perhaps converted later into Hindu temples, the other possibility cannot also altogether be ruled out at present, that is, if the identification of Halampūra with Alampur is accepted.
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. X, pl. opposite p. 59, 1. 4. i bre also ibid., Vol. VII, p. 37.
• Sewell. Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras, Vol. I, p. 61; Nos. 216 of 1927 and 30€ of 1931 of the Madras Epigraphical collection ; Survey map 56P/NW. (l'=2 miles).

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Page #157

GURZALA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION.
サイトラン ERNAのひで
goo.
やすりできます) 531M 25 31 22
T EACH
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No.2075640-290.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #158

DATE OF ASHRAFPUR PLATE.
125
No. 14.)
TEXT. 1 Sidhar Bhagavate Halampura-sämine apaņo ayuvadhinikah 2 Noduka-siri khetam sampada[ttām] Mahārajasa 3 Siri-Rulupurisadātasa sa ta 4 gi 8 diva 10 IN
TRANSLATION Success! To the Bhagavān, Lord of Halampūra, a field was given (by) Noduka-siri for the increase of his own life on the tenth day in the eighth fortnight of summer in the fourth (regnal) year of Mahārāja Siri-Rulupurisadāta.
No. 14.-DATE OF ASHRAFPUR PLATE.
By D. C. GANGULY, M.A., Ph. D. (LONDON).
A copper-plate inscription was discovered in 1884-1885 at the village Ashrafpur, in the Narayanganj Sub-Division, Dacca District, Bengal. Mr. Ganga Mohan Laskar published this inscription with a facsimile in the Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, No. VI.
The inscription is dated Samvat 13 Pausha di 6
: Mr. Laskar reads the date as
Samvat 10 3 (=13) Pausha 20 5 (-25). Dr. R. C. Majumdar agrees with Mr. Laskar in thinking that there are two symbols expressing the year-number, and two symbols expressing the day of the month. But according to him the first symbol of the year-number is 7, and the second one representa 3 or 9. He thus reads the year-number as 73 or 79, which he refers to the Harsha Era. The day of the month according to him is 20 8 (-28). If Dr. Majumdar's reading is accepted it will follow that in the same inscription both the figure-numerals and letter-numerals have been used side by side. Dr. Basakstates that the first symbol in the reading of the year-number is really a puzzling one".
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar discusses this inscription under No. 1394 in his List of Inscriptions of Northern India. He accepts with a query mark Dr. Majumdar's reading of the year-num ber as 73, and refers it to the Harsha Era. In the foot-note he, however, remarks that "it has
[Reading rooms to be ayuvadhanike.- N. L, R.) • Canoel the length of the final vowel and read : sampadattar. . J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XIX, pp. 375 ff.
History of North-Eastern India, P. 203.
Above, Vol. XX, Appendix, pp. 190-191. • Dr. Bhandarker does not correctly represent Dr. Majumdar's view when he says that Dr, Majumdar made the year-number of the inscription as 70 3 or 70 9. It has already been pointed out that Dr. Majumdar takes the first symbol as 7, and the second one ss 3 or 9, which according to him makes 73 or 79,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
perhaps to be read as 60 3". According to him the day of the month is to be read as 20 5, and not as 20 8, as has been suggested by Dr. Majumdar.
On close examination I find that the year-number is expressed by only one symbol in the inscription. This is clearly & symbol for 7.
A comparison of this symbol with the symbol for 7, mentioned in the Damodarpur copperplate No. 1,' and in the Mallasărul copper-plate' of Gopachandra, will convince one of the correctness of my reading.
Thus the date of the Ashrafpur copper-plate should be read neither as 73 nor as 63 but as 7, which is obviously the regnal year of the king Dēvakhadga, during whose reign the inscription was issued.
No. 15.-PARASURAMESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY A. GHOSH, M. A., PATNA.
of the five inscriptions edited here, the principal one is found on the top of the southern doorway of the mandapa attached to the Parasurămēsvara temple at Bhuvaneswar, District Puri. It has been noticed in some official publications, but so far as I am aware, the text has never been published before.
The inscription occupies an area of 22" x 6" and runs to three lines. The letters are rather carelessly engraved, many of them being ill-formed; their size ranges from 14' to t". The language is Sanskrit, but there are some grammatical mistakes ; thus, in the first sentence the nominative has been given a passive form, while the verb is in the active voice. Some grammatical error also makes the last three letters of the second line unintelligible. Rules of sandhi have not been observed in naivedya-ādhakari in line 2. A serious prthographical mistake occurs at the beginning of the third line, where apy=ādhika appears as apyinādhika. In the same line kaschin=na is spelt as kaschin na.
The script belongs to about the first half the ninth century A. D., being somewhat later than the local inscriptions of the Bhaumas; note particularly the somewhat archaic form of the palatal sibilant in the latter set. The temple of Parasurămēsvara has, on architectural and other considerations, been regarded as one of the earliest, if not the earliest, of the temples of Bhuvaneswar. The present inscription, along with those noticed below, sets the lower limit of the date of the construction of the temple.
The object of the inscription is to record some daily offering in favour of Päräsökvarabhattaka, by which word is probably meant the god installed in the temple, as well as of those
1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 130. * Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 165.
List of Ancient Monuments in the Orissa Division, Government of Bengal, 1896, p. 64; Puri District Gazetteer, p. 242, where its contents have been wrongly noticed.
• Compare, for example, the Dhauli cave inscription of Santikara, above, Vol. XIX, p. 263.
The date of its constrution ranpes, according to different scholars, from the fifth or sixth oentury to the eighth century (M. M. Ganguly, Orissu and Her Romains, p. 273; Puri District Gazetteer, p. 241).

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Page #161

PARASURAMESVARA TEMPLE INSCRIPTIONS.
18
बाजपणास व पतले विवो कार उपाय. पाटा' CTERS 12, टब वायरल
राम र योगस कसम
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: ABOUT A QUARTER.
BURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #162

No. 16.)
AN INSCRIPTION OF JAITUGI, SAKA 1188.
127
who were to cook (?) the offering to the god. It should be noted in this connexion that the name of the god (and consequently of the temple) is given here as Pārāsësvara; if we are justified in amending the word, we may regard Parēsēśvara or perhaps Parāśarësvara as the old name of the temple ; surely the correction to Paraburāmēsvara, its present name, would be too daring.
On the eastern wall of the temple there are a few more short inscriptions in nailheaded characters of about the eighth century A. D. Four of them, reproduced here, read : (1) Käthadarirdrasya (Sanskrit Käshthadaridrasya ?) ; (2) Pravedakānam, followed by a symbol, probably a punctuation mark; (3)-prāna ; and (4) Sri-Prasītarapr[a]na1
TEXT. 1 Om Srimat-Prapittrāchāryāņa Pārāsāśvara-bhattakāya 2 prabhāta-kālē nityam naivēdya-ādhakam kritavān [l*] tam pakvi3 nāmapyi(py)=ādhika-dvayam dātavyari [1*] yah (kab]ch[i]ņ(n=) na dasyati kshë(?)ttra4 pälah sa mahā-pātakēna saha samvadhyatē cha |
TRANSLATION. on. (Arrangement) has been done by the illustrious Prapitträchärya for the offering of an adhakas (of grain ) for the Lord Pārāsāśvara every morning. Also to the cooks (?) of that (grain) two ādhikas are to be given. The keeper of the field (?) who will not give them) (will be invested) with great sin and will be bound (or killed).
No. 16.-AN INSCRIPTION OF JAITUGI, SAKA 1188.
BY H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LL. B., Ph. D. (LOND.), POONA, AND
S. C. UPADHYAYA, M. A., LL. B., BOMBAY. This inscription, which is preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, is now published with the courtesy of (now) the ex-Curator, Mr. G. V. Acharya, and the Trustees. It is not known whence it came, but, as will be shown below, it must be from the vioinity of Bombay.
The record is inscribed on a rectangular stone, 3'5" X 1'11". The inscribed portion, which contains 20 lines, covers a space of 1'8}" x 1'1". It is not in a good state of preservation. Several letters are broken and the last five lines cannot be completely deciphered. The average size of letters is ". Below the inscribed portion is cut out a rectangle, 11" x 10", which contains an ass-sculpture, usual in inscriptions of this period from Konkan.' Right on the top, the stone is deeply cut into a rectangle, 6"x13" x 11", which contains a representation of the Sun on the right and the Moon on the left and a double Kalasa in between.
1 Nos. (3) and (4) are probably identical. The letters of the last one are ornamentally treated. • The correction to Pavittracharya or Pramittracharya may be suggested.
* I am not sure of the correct reading of this ill-formed letter and conjecturally read it as kvi, regarding the word pakvin to be an incorrect derivative of the root pach. Tan probably stands for tat. (The intended reading may be tapasvinam .-Ed.) • [What has been read as cha appears to me to be only a part of the mark of punctuation.-B. C. C.]
Adhaka is a measure of grain; the word adhika occurring in the next line is obviously a smaller monsure.
[The word samvadhyatē is evidently meant for samoadhyate, an equivalent of satyujyate. According to my reading, the meaning would simply be is united with great sin '.-B. C. C.)
Of. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 270.

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[VOL. XXVI.
The inscription is in prose and the language Sanskrit and perhaps old Marathi in the latter part (11. 15-20). As regards the script and orthography there is nothing new to note. It is dated in Saka 1188 Kshaya Samvatsara, Māgha Vadi 15, Wednesday. This would regularly correspond to Wednesday, the 26th January A. D. 1266,9 provided the reading of the date is correct.
The main object of the inscription seems to be to record the gift of land (unfortunately the details of this cannot be deciphered) to a Brāhmaṇa Vaidēva, a Jyotishi (i.e., an astronomer or astrologer) in the reign of Jaitugi, who is called Mahäräjädhiraja, Räyapitāmaha, Korikanachakravartin. The ministers of the king were the Mahāmätya Sri-Udaiprabhu, Mahäsändhivigrahi Māināyaka, Srikarani Chanda(?)prabhu, and others (whose names cannot be clearly read).
In the absence of the dynastic title it is difficult to identify the king. The tenor of the inscription-birudas of the king, names of ministers-would incline one to place the king either among the princes of the Silähära dynasty of Konkan or of the Yādava dynasty of Devagiri. The grounds for referring the king to the former dynasty are that :(1) The king bears the title Konkanachakravarti which was usually borne by the Silähära
kings. (2) The names of the ministers-Mahāsāṁdhivigrahi Māināyaka and Srikarani Chanda
prabhu are found among the ministers of the last known Silahāra ruler Sömēsvaradēva ; hence probably the ministers referred to in the inscriptions of Sömēsvaradēva
and our inscription are identical. However, there are certain objections against aasociating Jaitugi of the inscription with the Silāhāra dynasty. They are : (1) Among the Silāhāras no king of this name is known so far, either from inscriptions
or otherwise. (2) Till now it is supposed, on the authority of Hēmādri? (whose account was supported by
the absence of epigraphic or other evidence), that Sömēsvaradeva is the last Silahāra ruler of Northern Konkan, for the dynasty was swept out of existence when he was
defeated and killed and Konkan annexed by Mahādēva, the Yādava ruler of Devagiri. If, in spite of these objections, Jaitugi is to be considered a Silāhāra king, then we have to suppose that he was either a son or a descendant of Sõmēsvaradēva, who regained Konkan for & brief period, during the closing years of Mahādēva's regime (which may have been a disturbing period for the Yadava empire, for immediately after Mahādēva, before the rightful heir Rāma. chandrs could succeed him, Amana occupied the throne for a year or so).
1 For the features already noted of the writers' comments above, Vol. XXIII, p. 270.
S. K. Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 16.
• Kahaya seems to be the most likely name of the samvatsara, as the first letter looks like ksha, the second is illegible, the rest are undoubtedly sarua, though they cannot be clearly read. For the reading of the date and some other suggestions I am indebted to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao. (H. D. S.) *[See n. 7 p. 129.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 279-280. • Ibid.
Raja prasasti, I, werde, 49; II, versen, 17-18 in Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 273 and p. 276 respectively.
. For soon after this we have Yadava records mentioning Krishnadeva and Jäidēva as governors of Konkan. See J. R. A. 8., Vol. V, p. 178 and above, Vol. XXIII, p. 282.
• Bomd, Gaz., op. cit., p. 247 citing Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 317.

Page #164

No. 16.]
AN INSCRIPTION OF JAITUGI, SAKA 1188.
129
However, if the above be accepted, then we will have an hitherto unknown Silāhāra king continuing the dynasty after Sömēsvaradēva and in a sense contradicting the account of Hēmādri cited above.
The argument in favour of identifying Jaitugi with one of the kings of the same name of the Yädava dynasty would be, besides the tenor of the inscription, that the name exactly tallies with that of the Yādava ruler.
But no king of this name lived in the period to which the inscription refers itself. Secondly no Yadava ruler is known to have used the title Konkanachakravarti, though to judge from the victories of Jaitugi I, Simhana and Ramachandradēva, Könkaņ must have formed a part of the Yādava empire.?
Whatever be the dynasty to which Jaitugi of the inscription belonged, the inscription is written after the style of the inscriptions of this period, and must have been issued from a place somewhere in Konkaņ. The fact, moreover, that it was issued to record a gift to an astrologer affords further evidence of the patronage of such people in Konkaņ at that time.
Text. 1 af (TI)(HC P855 we'fia2 Araaf pul gü ve - - - q[#]3 स्तराजावलौसमलंकृत महाराजाधिरा4 ज रायपितामह' कोंकणचक्रवर्ति यो5 जैतुगिदेवरायकल्याणविजयराज्ये 6 महामात्य श्रीउदैप्रभु महासा[धि*]षिग्रही 7 माइनायक श्रीकरणी चन्दप्रभु जस8 ferate ame[t] vient fast[a*] 9 - helaif afurat 1 - - - - - -10
Unless the reading of the date is doubted. For if the date is read as Saka 1129, Māgha Vadi 9 (Ag done previously by us and which corresponds regularly to 24th January A. D. 1207) then the inscription would fall in the reign of Jaitugi I, who is known from his three inscriptions (see Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., pp. 370-373 and references cited there) to have made extensive conquests. Subhana's son Jaitugi II is out of question for he is believed to have predeceased Simhana.
? The other king of this name is found among the Paramāras of Malwa, but his dates are V. S. 1292 and 1300 (Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, above, Vol. XXIII, Appendix, p. 397 and f. a. 14) thus falling outside the two probable readings of the date of the record.
• Patna Inscription of Simhana, above Vol. I, p. 343, verse 18. • This letter is defaced, cf. note 3, p. 128 above. 5 Doubtful. • This title is very common. For references see Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 150 and 230. - Reading doubtful. [The reading appears to be Dadu-N.L. R.] * Illegible.
May be pa. 10 Letturs illegible.

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130
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XXVI.
10 - - 0 - - Toe staat? OTHİNT - - 11 af 2 - - - - 12 h -- TH -* vreifafauaa 13 area meilfalutare alw[a] 14 – Acaiyaar CAT , - - - - - - 15 - - - OTT - - - - - - amet
- - - - - ufan? .... aetatea - # - - - - - o - - - -
[#caya (CTI) - - - - - - - - _8
-
No. 17.-BIHAR KOTRA INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN'S TIME : [MALAVAT
YEAR 474.
By S. N. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., BOMBAY. The stone bearing the subjoined inscription, which is edited here for the first time, was discovered at Bihar Kotra in the Rajgadh State, Malwa, and is now exhibited in the Archæological Section of the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay.
The document consists of six lines of writing engraved on a stone slab measuring 1' 4"x1'2" xy" and is well preserved. The characters belong to the Central Indian variety of the Southern alphabet which in its simplest form closely agrees with the Western variety of the same alphabet. 10 The following palæographical peculiarities may be noticed. The most important common characteristics of the Southern alphabet are found in the open top of the letters gh, p. sh, and s and also in the retention of the tripartite y and of the long stroke on the right of 1. The letter m does not show the ancient form. It has a straight base-stroke in all cases, which indicates the influence of the Northern alphabet.
The language is Sanskrit. The orthography suggests the following remarks. A conBonant is doubled before and after r as in puttrēna (1.4), châturddisar and sarvva (1.5). The final m of a word remains unchanged and is denoted by the sign of final m, in siddham (1.1) and dvitīyāyām (1. 3).
1 The reading may be vishaye. + [Reading may be dri-jhēpa.-N. L. R.) Reading doubtful.
Letters illegible. * This letter is defaced. • Illegible.
Though some letters are legible, sense cannot be made out. The whole line is illegible.
Jt was noticed by Mr. G. V. Acharya in the Annual Report of the Prince of Wales Museum for the year 1938-39, p. 12 and pl. facing p. 12. [This inscription has been noticed by me in An. Rep. A. 8. R. 1938-39 where I have discussed in detail the question of Naravarman's successors including Vishnuvardhana.-Ed.1
10 Bühler's Indian Palæography, Eng. ed., pp. 61-2.

Page #166


Page #167

BIHAR KOTRA INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN'S TIME; [MALAVA] YEAR 474.
20
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 2083 E 41 -290.
(From a photograph).
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.

Page #168

No. 17.]
BIHAR KOTRA INSCRIPTION OF NARAVARMAN'S TIME.
131
The inscription records the digging of a reservoir in the name of the bhikshusargha of the four quarters for the quenching of thirst of all beings. The gift was made by one Virasēna, son of Bhattimahara, on the second day of the bright half of the month of Srāvana in the reign of Mahārāja Naravarman, when four hundred and seventy-four years had elapsed, i.e., in A. D. 417-18.
Naravarman is already known to us from the Mandasor inscription of the Malava year 461, in which he is mentioned as the son of Simbavarman and the grandson of Jayavarman. He is mentioned also in the Gangdhar inscription of his son Visvavarman of the Māla va year 480. Again, Visvavarman is mentioned in the Mandasor inscription of his son Bandhuvarman, who was a contemporary and also the feudatory of the Emperor Kumăragupta I. The inscription of Bandhuvarman states that while Bandhuvarman was governing at Dasapura (Mandasor), the guild of silk-weavers built at that city a temple of the Sun in the Mälava year 493 and that the same guild restored part of the temple, which fell into disrepair under other kings, in the Mālava year 529. The entire inscription was actually composed and engraved at the latter date. But it does not give us any information about the successors of Bandhuvarman. Here, the present record comes to our help. Naravarman is described as 'aulikara'. Now, in the Mandasor inscription of the Mälava year 589, the family of Yaśödharman or Vishnuvardhana is mentioned as the lineage that had the aulikara-lañchhana. Evidently, Naravarman of our record and Yasodharman belonged to the same family. Thus Yaśõdharman, whose arms penetrated as far as the Himalayas, who was lord of the countries which were not possessed ever by the Guptas or the Hūņas, and to whose feet obeisance was made even by the famous Hūna king Mihirakula, can no longer be regarded as a military adventurer of the type of Saśānks of Gauda (first quarter of the seventh century) and Yaśövarman of Kanauj (first half of the eighth century). For, from the present record we know at least one of his predecessors.
TEXT. 1 [Si*]ddham'[i*] Srir®-mmahārāja-Narvarmmañaḥ aulikarasya 2 rājyalo-samvatsarë chaturshu varsha-satēshu chatu[h*)1 Above, Vol. XII, p. 315. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, No. 17. Ibid., No. 18.
*[Prabhākara of the Mandasor inscription of V. 524 was perhaps the successor, if not the son of Bandhuvarman.-Ed.)
. A satisfactory explanation of the word aulikara has not yet been obtained. But lånchhana " is the techni. cal term for the principal emblem impressed by kings on the copper-seals attached to their charters, and is quite distinct from the emblem on their dhvajas or banners." Thus, the Kadambas of Banavāsl had the sukhacharendra-dhraja or rånara-mahadhtaja, but the simha-lanchhana on the seals of their grants and on their coins. So also the Chalukyas had the varāha-lañchhana. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 151, note 4. Aulikara may be synonymous with Limakara. ---Ed.)
From the original stone. *The word stands in front of, and between, lines 1 and 2.
* The word bri, forming the first part of a compound word, is used with a vibhakti. As a separate word it is used in the third case-ending, meaning saha or yukta. But in the present inscription it is used in the first case-ending. There are other instances of this usage; e.g., Srirsmmaharaj. Omavarmma in the Dhavalapets copper-plates of Umavarman (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. X, p. 144). -Ed.)
The form of the initial au in the present record differs from that occurring in the same word aulikara (1. 5) in the Mandasor inscription of Yaçõdharman of the Malava year 589. In the latter inscription the stroke indicating the length of au is attached to the upper part of the letter; in the former the lower part of the letter curves to the left and not to the right as in the Mandasor inscription, which expresses the length of the vowel. The letter looks more like than au.Ed.)
10 There is a vertical stroke before the word rajya, which apparently forms part of a letter. What looks like an e-mātrā in rajya is merely & scratch.

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132
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
3 [sa*) ptatēshu: Srāvana-sukla-dvitiyāyām Bhattimaha4 ra-bat-puttrėna Virasēnēn-ayam-udapānaḥ khāni5 tas-chāturddisam bhikshu-samgham-uddiśya sarvva-satvānām 6 trishņā-kshayāy=āstu[l*]
No. 18.-DHAVALAPETA PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN.
BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. The copper-plates, which bear the subjoined inscription, were turned up by a farmer while digging his land in the village of Dhavalapēta, situated about twelve miles from Chicacole in the Vizagapatam District of Madras. The last plate of the set was melted and destroyed by the cultivator under the impression that it was made of gold. Fortunately, however, the remaining two plates of the set ultimately found their way into the hands of Mr. Manda Narasimham, in whose possession they lie at present. The plates were noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1937-388 and the inscription was published for the first time by the present owner of the plates, Mr. Narasimham. I now re-edit the record from a set of excellent ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India
These are two plates of copper measuring 65" by 23" and having their edges plain. The plates slide on, through a hole at the proper right margin of each of them, to a copper-ring the ends of which are soldered on to an elliptical seal, 31' by 21" in size. In the depression of the seal there is inscribed in relief a four-line legend in the same characters as those of the plates. The inscription on the scal is, however, in a very imperfect state of preservation. It is just possible that it ends, as in the case of the seal of the Bțihatproshthā grant', with MahārājOmavarmmasya. The inscription itself, which is in an excellent state of preservation, runs into twelve lines with four lines given to each of the three platese. The first plate, which has been slightly damaged, is inscribed on its inner side only; while the second one contains writing on both of its faces.
The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets. They closely resemble those of the Brihatpröshthā plates of Umavarman and the Rägolu plates of Saktivarmano. Some of their leading features are the following: (1) the initial a occurs once in asty- (1. 4) and a in ā-sahasrāṁsu- (1.6) and (2) the final forms of m and t, which are engraved in smaller characters, are found in karttavyam (1.9) and Sunagarāt (1. 1) respectively. The letter chha occurs in Chhandoga (1. 5).
In respect of orthography, the following points deserve notice. (1) A consonant has been invariably doubled after and only once before it (Cf. kkrama, I. 11). (2) Both b and v have been indicated by separate signs. The rules of sandhi have been faitbfully adhered to.
The language is Sanskrit and the whole of the extant portion of the record is in prose. The inscription is incomplete, owing to the fact that the last plate of the set had been foolishly destroyed.
1 Read 8a-chatuh-saptatishu.
After Astu there are faint traces of two slanting strokes. These may be soratohes rather than the mark of pürnavirama, i.e. full-stop. C. P. No. 22. J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. X, pp. 143-44 ans plates.
Above, Vol. XII, p. 4. • The complete inscription must have run into 16 lines at least, granting another four lives in allition for the missing plate. Above, Vol. XII, pp. 4-6 and plates.
Ibid., pp. 1-3 nod plates.

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No. 18.]
DHAVALAPETA PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN.
133
The engraver has done his work neatly. He has, however, left a few evidences of occasional remissness on his part as will be evident from two or three minor corrections in the text of the inscription (Cf. lines 4 and 6) which he inserted subsequently.
The inscription is one of Mahārāja Umavarman. It was issued from Sunagara. It records the gift of the village of Kuttura including the road (passing through it). The village was situated in the Mahendra bhöga. The donee was a Brāhmaṇa named Khallasvāmin, who belonged to the Vatsa götra and was a student of the Chhandöga sākha. The gift village was constituted into a free-hold agrahāra. After announcing the nature of the gift, the record urges the householders of the village to honour the same. The names of the writer and the engraver of the inscription and, what would have been of outstanding importance to us, the date, have not been preserved owing to the fragmentary nature of the inscription.
The chief interest of the record under discussion naturally centres round the personality of its donor. As many as three separate copper-plate inscriptions (including the present one) have come to light up till now, with their provenances remarkably restricted in area. Each of these inscriptions speaks of a king called Umavarman. For convenience' sake, I append the relevant data in tabular form as follows:
Place
Name of Inscription.
of
Distinctive
titles of Donor-King.
Year.
Scribe.
Origin.
1. Tékkali' (Ganjam District)
. Vardhamanapura
Maharaja
.
.
Kēšavadēva, a resident of Pishta pura.
30
Matrivara restored).
(name
Maharāja, Kaling.
adhipati. Maharaja .
2. Brihatpröshtha. (Vizagapatam Simhapura
District). 3. Dhavalapēta (Vizaga patam Sunagara
District).
.
not preserv- not preserved. ed.
J.A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, pp. 53-54. Also noticed in the Ann. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1934-35 (C. P. No. 13). It is noteworthy that although the plates came from the Ganjam District, the place from which they were issued, viz., Vardhamanapura, has been identified (Ann. Rep. on S.-I. E., p. 52) with Vadama situated in the Palkonda taluk of the Vizagapatam District. Further the scribe of this record professes to have been a resident of Pishtapura, identified with modern Pithapuram in the same district.
? Above, Vol. XII, pp. 4-6.
3 Dr. E. Hultzsch's reading of this word as Sihapura (Above, Vol. XII, p. 5, Text, line 1) does not appear to be borne out by the facsimile of the inscription. The correct reading, I believe, is, as elsewhere, Simhapura. The medial i sign of Si with an anusara enclosed in its top loop, is clearly visible in the facsimile. cf. in this connection the word Simhapura in the Kömarti Plates of Chandavarman (Abovo, Vol. IV, plate facing p. 144, line 1).
• The Tiritthāņa Plates of Chandavarman (Ann. Rep. on S.-I. Epigraphy for 1934-35, C. P. No. 12), which is being edited by me for publication in the present journal, has for its scribe & person called Desaksha pataladhikrita Rudradatta, son of Mátrivara. The damaged conditition of the Bribatproshthi grant prevented Dr. E. Hultzsch from correctly deciphering (Above, Vol. XII, p. 5, Teat, line 16) the name of the writer of the same. This name has now been happily restored by Mr. O. R. Krishnamacharlu (An. Rep. on 8.-1. E. for 1934-35, p. 51 and Ann. Rep. of the Arch. Suru. Ind., 1934-35, p. 64) as Matrivara, who has further been identified with his namesake mentioned in the Tiritthāna grant as being the father of its writer, Rudradatta. Thus, the Brihatproshthi and the Tiritthāna grants, between themselves, reveal the existence of family of scribes who plied their trade in two royal courts of ancient Kalinga. The pedigree of this family, or Father a part of it as far as known, may be set forth as follows:
Haridatta
Mátsivars
Rudradotta

Page #171

134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
Scholars have widely differed on the question of the identity of the Umavarman of the records mentioned above. Some have sought to differentiate the donor of the Bțihatproshtha grant from that of the other two; while others are less sure on the matter.
To be sure, the problem, though admittedly of a ticklish nature, does not seem entirely beyond the range of a solution.
Of one thing we may at once regard ourselves as fairly sure: viz., a decided affinity between the Bțihatproshtha grant and the record under discussion. Both of them come from the Vizagapatam District of Madras. Of more practical importance for our present purposes is the palæography of the inscriptions concerned. They show the same thick-set ductus of writing; the characters have in both cases a tendency to assume a squat and rounded shape. The phraseology, especially in the formal parts of the two records, is almost identical in both. Lastly, the seals of the two grants present the same features.
In short, the Bțihatproshthā and the Dhavalapēta records betray a striking homogeniety and family-likeness which eliminate the supposition of some mere chance or coincidence : a fact which justifies the assumption that the two records may have been drafted under the auspices of an identical ruler, and if not by an identical hand, at least by persons not far removed from each other in point of time. To be more precise, it brings the Dhavalapēta grant very near to the date (Year 30) given in the Bțihatproshthā grant. In fact, I believe that the Umavarman of the Bșihatproshthā grant is to be regarded as identical with his namesake of the record under discussion.
There is also, I think, reason to believe that the Dhavalapēța plates were issued immediately before the Bșihatpröshtha grant: for, in the latter record Umavarman is made to assume the ambitious (though, at this period, all too common) title of Kalingādhipati', which is absent in the Dhavalapēta plates. The Bțihatproshthā grant, therefore, seems to have been issued on the occassion of some notable military success won by Umavarman at the expense of some local ruler.
I am at present not in a position to identify the localities mentioned in the inscription.
Palæographically, our inscription has to be referred to the first half of the 5th century A. D. As such, it falls into line with such other early records from Kalinga as the Kōmarti Plates of Chandavarman', Jirjingi Plates of Indravarman', etc.
TEXT.3
First Plate. | Örn Svasti [*] Sunagarāt paramadaivata-bappa-bhattāraka-păd-a2 nudhyātaḥ srir-mmahārāj-Omavarmmā Mahēndra-bhögë Kuttu3 ra grāmē sarvva-samanvāgatān=kutumbinas-samājõapa4 (yalti [l*) asty-ěsha grāmõ=smābhir=ātmana [h*] puny ayu[r*]- yaső-bhivsiddha
1 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. and plates. 2 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 281 ff. * From ink-impressions. • The ornamental symbol representing Om has been engraved at the beginning of line 2.
5 The letter na had been originally passed over by the engraver and was subsequently inserted at the foot of the line.
The letter ya of yaso- has been engraved below the line, the correction being i ndicated by a little x mark at the top.

Page #172

DHAVALAPETA PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN.
స
..
19
నాటిక
a.a.
కందముగా గ్రామ కంగ గ
8
Pythagaria 123
ii,b.
జ ని
అంత విశ్వం
10.00
కను
HT
C
"
a ntinayyaana
BCALE: ACTUAL BIZE,
N. P. CHAKRAVARTHY
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.

Page #173


Page #174

No. 19.)
SPURIOUSNESS OF THE NALANDA PLATE OF SAMUDRAGUPTA.
135
Second Plate; First Side. 5 yē Vatsa-sagātrāva Chhandöga-sabrahmachāriņē brāhma6 na-Khallasväminē ā-sahasrāmśu-sasi -tāraka-pratishtha7 m agrahāra[m] kritvā sarvva-kara-parihäraischa parihsitya 8 sampradattas-saha vățakēna[l*] tad-evan viditvā yushmäbhiḥ
Second Plate ; Second Side.
9 pūrvv-ochita-maryyādā(da)y=āpasthānam karttavyam[l*) yach=ch=ātra 10 kimchid-utpadyatē mēya-hirany-adi tat-garvvam=11 panēyam[*] bhavishyatas-cha rājño vijñāpayati[l*) dharmma-kkrama12 [vikra]māņām-anyatama-yogād=avāpya mahim-anusäsata.
TRANSLATION.
(L1. 1-4) Om Hail! From Sunagara, the illustrious king (Mahārāja) Umavarman, who is & devout worshipper of the gods and devoted to the feet of (his) father, commands all the householders en masse at the Village of Kuttura (which is situated) in the Mahendra-bhöga (as follows) :
(L1. 4-8) “We have granted this village including the road' (passing through it), for the increase of (Our) own religious merit, life and fame, to the Brāhmana, Khallasvämin, who belongs to the Vatsa götra and who is a religious student of the Chhandöga sākhă, after making it an agrahāra, which is to last as long as the sun, the moon and the stars, and exempting it from the liability of paying all taxes.
(L1. 8-11) “Having known this, you should regard (this gift) with the honour as obtaining beretofore; you should also surrender to the donee) whatever grows on this (soil) (in the shape of) grain (mēya), gold, etc."
(L1. 11-12) The King further exhorts the future rulers (as follows): "Having obtained possession of the earth either by right, or by succession, or by valour and ruling (it)............
No. 19.–SPURIOUSNESS OF THE NALANDA PLATE OF SAMUDRAGUPTA.
BY DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY. There is a controversy over the character of the Nalandā Plate of Samudragupta dated in the year 5. In A. S. I., An. Rep., 1927-28, p. 138, Dr. Hirananda Sastri says, "As in the latter document (i.e., the Gayā Plate) so in the one under notice (i.e., the Nālandā Plate), the epithets of Samudragupta from Sarva-raj-ochchhēttuh (line 1) to Lichchhivi-dauhitrasya (line 4) are given in the genitive case, but Kumāradevyām-utpannah Paramabhāgavató mahārājādhiraja-Sri-Samudraguptah in the nominative case. Obviously, therefore, this new plate must also be treated as spurious". Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, however, points out that “one ungrammatical clause, which is common to both, is not enough to stamp either as spurious. On the other hand, the alphabet of this Plate (i.e., the Nālandā Plate) is really of the time of Samudraguptn, though
1 This word, which the scribe forgot to engrave, has been inserted at the top of the line.
Following the text of the Brihatproshtha grant, one might restore the rest of this sentence as asubasatam-pravrittakamsidan-danam sad-dharmmam-anupabyadbhiralahograharo-nupälyah[l*].
• The other alternative meanings of this word văţaka such as "garden', orchard', etc., do not seem to be applicable horo.

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that of No. 1540 (i.e., the Gaya Plate) is of the 8th century"! Thus while Dr. Sastri declares the record to be spurious, Dr. Bhandarkar admits the possibility of its genuineness. Mr. A. Ghosh, who has recently edited the Nālandā plate, is," on the whole, inclined to think that the genuineness of the present Plate is not above suspicion ". Mr. Ghosh rightly points out that the authenticity of the Nalanda record would indicate an abnormally long period for three generations, viz., Samudragupta, Chandragupta II and Kumāragupta I. Further, he points out the indiscriminate use of v and b which is abundant in both the Gaya and Nalanda Plates as a "feature, remarkable for the Gupta period ". He, however, does not lay much emphasis on this point. Such use is not found in the genuine records of the early Gupta kings. This characteristic, therefore, appears to suggest that the record is a late forgery.
Samudragupta's epithet chir-õtsann-āśvamēdh-āhurttuḥ is, again, very suspicious. It is only used in the records of his successors and is conspicuous by its absence from the elaborate description of his achievements in the Allahābād pillar inscription. It is indeed highly improbable that Samudragupta performed the horse-sacrifice before the fifth year of his reign or of the Gupta era.
The most important point in this connection is, in my opinion, the title Paramabhāgavata applied to the name of Samudragupta in both the Gayā and Nālandā Plates. That Samudragupta was not a Paramabhāgavata is proved beyond doubt by the striking facts that he is nowhere given that title and that several records of the later members of his family mention the names of Samudragupta and his predecessors without that title, but, at the same time, apply it to the names of all his successors. The Gupta genealogy given in the Bhitari pillar inscription of Skandagupta, may be cited as an example.
That Samudragupta was not a Paramabhāgavata is proved not only by the inscriptions, but also by the evidence of coins. The title is found with the names of Chandragupta II, Kumāragupta I and Skandagupta on a number of their coin-types, but not with the name of Samudragupta on any of his numerous types. • The above facts prove that as Chandragupta I was the first Mahārājādhirāja, so was Chandragupta II the first Paramabhāgavata among the Gupta emperors. There is reason to believe that the latter king was at the root of the great popularity of the Bhāgavata religion and of such titles as Paramabhāgavata from the 4th-5th century A. D. Samudragupta might have been a Vaishnava', but he was evidently not a Bhagavata, i.e., follower of the Bhagavata form of Vaishộavism.
There is thus hardly any doubt that the epithets of Samudragupta in the Nalanda Plato were copied from the records of his successors. The Nālanda Plate is therefore forged and is certainly later than the time of Samudragupta".
1 List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 2075, n. 1. Dr. Bhandarkar lays great stress on the early script used in the Nalanda Plate. It is, however, always very easy for a forger to copy the script only four centuries older. * Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 50 ff. Ibid., p. 51. Ibid., p. 52.
Ibid., p. 50. • There is not a single instance of the indiscriminate use of vand 6 in any of the genuine records of the Gupta kings edited by Fleet in C. I. I., Vol. III. The earliest use noticed there is in the Khoh grant of Hastin dated in the Gupta year 156 (Ibid., p. 94).
C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 52 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 225, n. • Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, pp. 161-62.
The Garuda emblem on his coins may suggest that his religion was Vaishnavism. But this is not beyond dovht. Sälankāyana Dévavarman was & Paramamahekara, but Nandivamran II a Paramabhagavata. They, however, not only used the same Saivite emblem on their seals, but also advorated their devotion to Chitrari thasvimin, the family deity of the Sulankiyanas (Sircar, Successors of the Satavahanas, Caloutta, 1939, p. 84). Such emblems appear to have been connected with the faith of the founder of a particular roval line.

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No. 20.-BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II. BY MAHĀMAHÕPĪDHYĀYA PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A. AND D. B. MAHAJAN, B.A.
These plates were discovered by Pandit Vasudev Sastri Dhanagare at Bāsim. the headquarters of the Bāsim tālukā of the Akola District in Berār. They were brought to the notice of scholars at the second session of the Indian History Congress held at Calcutta in December 1939 when Mr. Y. K. Deshpande read an article on them contributed by him jointly with Mr. D. B. Mahajan, B.A., Superintendent of Land Records, Akola. The article is expected to be published soon in the Proceedings of the Congress. We re-edit the inscription here with the consent of Pandit Dhanagare and Mr. Y. K. Deshpande.
The copper-plates are four in number, each measuring 6·1' broad and 3:4" high. The first and fourth plates are inscribed on one side only and the other two on both the sides. Their ends are neither fashioned thicker nor raised into rims; still the inscription is in a good state of preservation. About 1.2" from the middle of the proper right edge of each plate, there is a round hole .25" in diameter for the ring which holds the plates together. The ring, however, has no seal. The total weight of the plates together with the ring is 47 tolas. The inscription contains thirty lines of writing which are equally distributed on the six inscribed faces of the four plates.
The characters are of the box-headed variety of the South Indian alphabet, resembling those of the copper-plate inscriptions of Pravarasēna II. As in the latter, the medial au is bipartite, see pautrasya, 1. 3; kh has a loop at the bottom in likhitam, l. 29 and rakkhāpedha, 1. 25, but not in kkhanaka, I. 20 and rakkhadha, 1. 25; t and n are not distinguished in many places, both being denoted by the same looped form, see =vvachanat, 1. 5 and hēmantā, 1. 28; in anumannati, 1. 26, on the other hand, n appears without a loop exactly like t. It is again noteworthy that the lingual n has an identical form whether it is used as a subscript or a superscript letter, see a-hiranna-dhānna l. 20, while in the grante' of Pravarasēna II, the Talagunda inscription of Käkusthavarman and other records of the period, the subscript n has generally the same form as the dental n. Numerical symbols for 30, 7 and 4 occur in lines 28 and 29 of the text and those for 1 to 4 on the first inscribed side of the respective plates. Of these, the symbol for 4 in line 29 is noteworthy; for it consists of the sign for ka with an additional curve, not at the top as usual, but at the right side of its horizontal bar. In the margin of the same plate, the symbol is exactly like ka. A final consonant is indicated by its short form without a box at the head, see =trachanāt, 1. 5. Finally a crescent-like curve ig used here and there as a mark of punctuation which is redundant in most cases. The language of the inscription is partly Sanskrit and partly Prākrit. The genealogical portion of the grant in lines 1-5 is in Sanskrit; the formal portion which follows is in Prakrit, but like the Hirahadagalli plates, the present inscription closes with a benedictory sentence in Sanskrit. It is noteworthy that as in the early Prākrit inscriptions of the Pallavas and
1 The article has been published since this was sent to the presa. See Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Third Session, pp. 449 ff. and plates.
* All the complete grants of Pravarssons II, which have been published so far, have a round seal with a metrical legend, but without any device, nee, e.g., the seal of the Tirodi plates, above, Vol. XXII, plate freing p. 173.
See, e.g., muarona in l. 45 of the Pattan plates of Pravarasēns II, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 87. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 25 and n. 2. Seo Buhler's Indische Palacographie, Tafel IX.
In the Hirabadagalli plates (above, Vol. I, pp. 2 ff.) the expression is Svasti 98-brahmana-Ukhaka-rachakaIratribhya iti, while in the present grant it is Siddhiraasta.

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Bțihatphalāyanas, there are no benedictive or imprecatory verses at the end. The Sanskrit portion calls for no special notice except that the götra of the Väkätakas which is usually given as Vishnuvriddha, appears here in the form Vrishnivsiddha. The former is evidently the correct form, for it is the only form of the götra given by the standard works' on götras and pravaras. The Präkrit portion of the inscription deserves careful study; for, this is one of the few copper-plate grants from South India which contain a detailed portion in Präkrit. Even in this portion, however, the language is influenced by Sanskrit ; see, for instance, the Sanskrit expressions svasti-śānti-vāchanē, ll. 8-9, 8a-mañcha-mahākarana, l. 24 and adamyamānam, 1. 25, which are inserted in the midst of Prākrit sentences. As shown below, the present grant has many technical expressions mentioning exemptions granted to the donees which are common to the grants of the Pallava Sivaskandavarman, but unlike the latter the present inscription shows several instances of double consonants, though cases of single consonants doing duty for double ones are by no means rare, see, e.g., chātuvvejja-ggāma-majjātā, 1. 19, a-puppha-kkhira-ggahana, l. 21, Vidhijjesi, 1. 13, Sivajjesi, 1. 16, etc. and contrast them with Revatijesi, 1. 18, Chandajesi, l. 14, etc. In some respects the language of the present record does not strictly conform to the rules of Prakrit grammarians, see, e.g., tinnā (Sanskrit, trayah) in l. 17 instead of tinni laid down by Vararuchi, VI, 56; tiesa in l. 27 instead of tassa?. Other noteworthy forms are se in l. 19 in the sense of tasya, ya in II. 7, 19, 25 and 26 meaning cha, and the euphonic nasal in etthan-gāme in l. 9. As for the dialect used, it is, as might be expected, the Mahārāshtri, see, e.g., āpuno (for the regular appano) in 1. 8, but it is curious to note that this record found in the heart of Mahārāshtra exhibits some peculiarities which are usually ascribed to the Saurasēni; see, e.g., the softening of th into dh in Adhivvanika, 1. 9 and the verbal forms rakkhadha, rakkhāpedha, pariharadha and pariharā pedha? in lines 25 and 26 and dānis in l. 8. On the other hand, we have hardening of d into t in -majjātā, l. 19, as in the Paisachi'. These forms show that the peculiarities of the several dialects were not strictly confined to the provinces after which they were named.
Especially noteworthy are the forms in si (or, sim) used in the sense of the dative, e.g., Jivujjesinh (Sanskrit, Jivāryāya), Ruddajjesi (Sanskrit, Rudrāryāya), etc., in 11. 10-18. Accord ing to grammariansło the dative case has disappeared from the Präkrits, its place being taken by the genitive. The genitive singular of nouns in a usually ends in 88a (written as sa in very early records) and this is the form which is invariably found in other Prākrit inscriptions. In the present grant, on the other hand, we find the form in si (or sin") used throughout. It
1 See, e.g., the Götra prararanibandhakadamba, pp. 44, eto. · [See below p. 153, n. 4-Ed.) • Vararuch, VI, 6 mentions tissä as genitive singular in the feminine. Ibid., VI, 11.
Similarly ya is used in this sense in line 6 of the Mayidavõlu plates (above, Vol. VI, p. 87) and in line 12 and 14 of the Ellore plates of the Salankayana Dévavarman, ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 58 and 59.
• Vararuchi, V, 46. The Hirahadagalli plates have appara in l. 8. In Saurasēni the form would be attano.
Vararuchi, XII, 3. It may be noted that the Mayidavõlu plates of Sivaskandavarman in l. 20 and the British Museum plates of Chirudēvi (above, Vol. VIII, p. 146) in l. 11 have pariharatha and parihardpetha.
Hémachandra lays down danish in VIII, 4, 277, but says that the final anusara is optionally dropped (VIII, 1. 29). The Hirahadagalli plates (1.7) have the same form sa here, while the Mayidavõlu plates (1. 5) and the Kondamudi plates (above, Vol. VI, p. 317, 1. 7) havo dani.
It is noteworthy that -majatäye occurs in L. 45 of the Hirahadegalli plates and majadaya in I. 18 of the Mayidavõlu plates. Both these records are of the same period and come from the same part of South India.
10 Vararuchi, VI, 64. 11 Sm is used only in three or four placea in II. 10-12

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seems to have been modelled on the genitive plural forms of pronouns, e.g., jesin, tesin, kesin, etc., just as the pronominal form etāna is made on the analogy of bāmhaņānal which accompanies it in 1. 17. This form in si has survived in old Marathi works like the Lilācharitra and the Jñānēsvari and is plainly the source of the modern Marathi affix sa. Scholars have long been in doubt about the origin of this affix. Some derived it from the Prākrit affix 884, but as Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar has pointed out the form in sa does not occur in old Marāthi works which throughout exhibit only the form in si. Other origins of this affix have been suggested. Bhandarkar traced it to the Sanskrit word samas and Rajavade to āsa* (meaning near'). The numerous forms in si which occur in the sense of the dative in the present inscription leave no doubt that this affix is the real parent of the Marāthi affix sa.
The only orthographical peculiarities that call for notice are the reduplication of a consonant after 7 (as in Dharmma-, l. 1) and anusvāra (in kata[m]uva, 1. 26 and sā[m*]vuchchharam, 1. 28), the use of for y in karejja, 1. 26 and kerejjāma, I. 28, and the use of the class nasal in place of an anusvāra in Sanskrit and Prākrit words, see, e.g., Vindhya saktēr, and Nandikadasa, 1.5, a-chamm-angālika, l. 22 and sa-mancha-mahākarana, 1. 24, etc.
Like other finished Väkātaka grants, the present inscription opens with the word drishtam, seen', the auspicious word siddham being written in the margin of the first plate as in the Hirahadagalli plates of Sivaskandavarman. The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Vākātaka king, the Dharmamahārāja Vindhyasakti. The object of it is to register the grant, by Vindhyasakti, of the village Ākāsapadda? which was situated near Tākālakkhõppaka on the road going north from Nandikada. The donees were certain Brāhmaṇas of the Atharvana charana or Atharvavēda. Brāhmaṇas of this Vēda, though now practically non-existent in the Central Provinces and Berär, were apparently not so rare in the age of the Vākātakas; for, the Tirodi plates of the Vākāțaka king Pravarasēna II also register the grant of a village in the Balaghāt District of the Central Provinces to a Brahmana of the Atharvavēda. The names of all the donees mentioned in lines 10-18 end in ajja (or, aja, Sanskrit, ārya) as in the early grants of the Pallavas, Brihatphalayanas and Anandas. The land or the revenue of the village was divided into four parts, of which three were assigned to eight Brāhmaṇas and the remaining one to one Brāhmaṇa. The shares of the former, again, were not equal; four of them received only half a share and the remaining four, two shareglo each.
Forms like etāna are, of course, recognised by Vararuchi, VI, 4. *R. G. Bhandarkar, Wilson Philological Lectures (publ. in 1914), p. 204.
According to Bhandaskar the origin of the Marathi affix sa is the same as that of Hindi sē, Gujarati a or syū and Sindhi se or 87, ibid, p. 251.
Rajvade, Jnanēšvarichi Vyakarana, (Marathi), p. 11.
This word does not occur in the beginning of the unfinished Balaghat plates of Prithivishēna II (above Vol. IX, p. 270) and the unfinished Drug plate, (ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 212.)
. In the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta (above, Vol. xv, plate facing p. 42). on the other hand, drishtam is written in the margin and siddham in the first line.
* The name of the village is used in the plural just like Valarakesu in inscription No. 13 at Kārlē (above, Vol. VII, p. 57).
* Above, Vol. XXII, p. 172.
• The text has addhaka in l. 10, which probably means a half'. Compare amsik-addha in l. 21 of the Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman (above, Vol. VI, p. 317). Addhika which occurs in I. 39 of the Hirahadagalli plates (above, Vol. I, p. 9 and n. 24) has, however, been translated by Bühler as labourers'.
10 Pala in . 15 corresponds to pali bhiga or pati-bhāga in the Hirahadagalli plates (II. 12, 13, etc.. passim). In the Görantla plates of Attivarman patri is used in the sense of a measure of land. Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 103. Is parti or para identical with ifaka which is mentioned as a measure of land in the Gunaighar copper plate of Vainyagupta ! See Ind. His. Quart., Vol. VI, pp. 45 ff.

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The plates are dated in the 37th year (expressed in numerical symbols) evidently of the reign of the donor Vindhyasakti, on the 4th day of the first fortnight of Hēmanta. This date does not admit of verification and there is no reference to any era, but that the record must be referred to an early period in the age of the Vākātakas appears not only from the use of the Prakrit language in its formal portion but also from the manner of dating it ; for such a seasondate is met with only in one other Vākāțaka inscription, viz., the Dudia platest of Pravarasēna II. The present grant was written by the Sēnāpati Vaņhu (Vishņu) and was issued from Vatsagulma. Only one other grant is known to have been issued from this place, viz., that recorded in the India Office plate of the Vākāțaka king Dēvasēna.
Vatsagulma was probably the capital of Vindhyasakti. It seems to have continued to be the Vākāțaka capital at least down to the time of Dēvasēna and evidently attained great importance in course of time; for it gave its name to a particular style. In the opening verse of his Prākrit play Karpüramañjari, Rājasekhara mentions Vachchhomi (which plainly corresponds to the Sanskrit Vätsagulmi) as a riti together with the Māgadhi and the Panchāli. Vachchhomi is clearly identical with Vaidarbhi. The latter form is derived from the name of the country of Vidarbha and the former from that of its capital Vachchhoma (Vatsagulma). Dr. Randle has shown by reference to the Kamasutra that the Vatsagulma country was situated in the south and that it corresponds to the Vākātaka kingdom." Rajasekhara also tells us in his Karpuramañjarithat Vachchhoma was situated in the Dakshiņāpatha. The importance of Vatsagulma as a centre of culture is suggested by the same author in his rhetorical work Kāvyamīmāṁsā. In the third adhyāya of it, Rājasēkhara states that the mythical Kavyapurusha married the Sahityavidya at Vatsagulma in Vidarbha which is the pleasure-resort of the god of love. Vatsagulma was evidently known as a centre of learning in the time of Rājaśēkhara. This place is identical with Bāsim where the present plates were found. It is now regarded as a holy kshetra and there are said to be as many as 108 tirthas in it, associated with different gods and sages. The place-nam is variously derived. The Jayamangalā, a commentary on the Kāmasūtras states that Vatsa and Gulma were two uterine brothers and princes of Dakshiņāpatha. The country settled by them came to be known as Vätsagulmaka. The local Mühātmya gives an altogether different derivation. It states that Vatsa was a sage who by his very severe austerities made an assemblage (gulma) of gods come down and settle in the vicinity of his hermitage. Since then the place came to be known as Vatsagulma.? Nāndikada, which was apparently the headquarters of a district, is probably identical with Nanded, the chief town of a district of the same name in the Nizām's dominions. Takalakkhóppaka and the donated village Akāsapadda which was situated near it cannot be definitely identified. From the description in line 6 we learn that they lay on the road going to the North from Nändikada. Now, on the road which connects Nanded with Bāsim which lies about 75 miles to the north of it, there are two villages Tākaligőhan and Tā':ali about 40 and 43
1 Above, Vol. III, p. 262.
New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, p. 180. • Loc. cit., p. 179.. • See Karpūramanjari (Harvard Oriental Series ed.), p. 26.
Gaekwad's Oriental Series, ed. (1986), p. 10.
• Kamasutra (Nirnayasagara Proes ed.), p. 295. The Brilatkatha also mentions that Vatsa and Gulma wire souls of a Brāhmaṇa and maternal uncles of Gunādhya, but it does not state that they founded a city Das med Vataagilma. See Brihatkathamanziari, 1, 3, 4, and Kathasaritsägara, I, 6, 9.
1 Alola District Gazetteer, pp. 325 ff.
Similar naures ending in kaja (6.9., Elijalata, Einnükata) occur in other grants of the Vakatakne as names of districts.

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miles respectively from Nändēd. One of these may represent ancient Täkälakkhõppaka. About seven miles to the west of Takaligohan there is still a small village named Asund which is possibly identical with Akasapadda. The identification of Nândikada with Nanded, which is almost certain, shows that Vindhyasakti was ruling over southern Berar and the northern parts of the Nizam's Dominions.
Having thus disposed of the formal part of the grant, let us now turn to the historical information furnished by it.
The present inscription gives the following genealogy of the donor Vindhyasakti : Pravarasēna, his son Sarvasēna and the latter's son Vindhyasakti. In connection with Vindhyasakti, the inscription purports to state that he had performed the Agnishtöma, Aptöryāma, Vajapěya, Jyotishtöma, Bțihaspatisava Sädyaskra and four Asvamëdhas, and that he was a Häriti putra (a son, i. e., a descendant of Hariti) and Dhar mamahārāja. These two latter epithets are found applied to a Väkätaka king in the present grant only; for, they are nowhere mentioned in any of the grants of Prabhāvatiguptă, Pravarasēna II and Prithivishēņa II. They seem to have been adopted from the grants of the Kadambas. As only one Vindhyasakti is known to history, viz., the one who is mentioned in the Väyu and Brahmānda Purāņas and in the stone inscription in cave No. XVI at Ajantā, it was at first naturally supposed that the donor of the plates was identical with the celebrated founder of the Vākāțaka dynasty. The use of the Prākrit language in a portion of this record lent colour to this view ; for, all other known Vākātaka inscriptions-whether on stone or on copperare invariably in Sanskrit. The Bāsim plates were therefore supposed to carry the genealogy of the Väkāțakas two generations before Vindhyasakti. A closer examination of the record has, however, shown that this identification cannot be upheld. The genealogical portion of the grant is faulty in construction; for it seems to repeat the epithet Dharmamahärāja three times in connection with Vindhya akti'. Besides, it credits Vindhyasakti with the performance of almost the same number of identical sacrifices as those mentioned in connection with Pravarasēna I in all other Väkätaka grants. It seems therefore that the expressions sri-Pravarasēna
The title Dharmamaharaja, which Hindu kings assumed in the early centuries of the Christian era, seems to have been suggested by the analogous one Dharmamahamitra which appears as the title of a high official in the inscriptions of Asöka. We find it for the first time in the Hirahadagalli grant of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman. It is, however, noteworthy that the title was mentioned in Pallava granta only in connection with the name of the contemporary ruling king : for, in the early Sanskrit grants of the Pallavas which mention three generations (e. 9., the Pikira and Mangalûr grants of Simbavarman, above, Vol. VIII, p. 162; Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 155), the title is applied only to th, ruling king who mad, th, particular gift. This is probably the T-880 why the title does not occur ia the Mayidavõlu plates of Sivaskanda varman, for he was only a Yuvarija when he isaued the plates. The Kadambas adopted this title from the Pallaves after whom thay rose to power. Their graats, however, mention this title even in connection with the ancestors of the ruling kings, see, e.g., the Bannahalli plates of Krishnavarman II, above, Vol. VI, pp. 18 ff. The present Basim plates have adopted the same custom ; for, as shown below, they mention this title in connection with the name of all the three kings. Pravarasēna, Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti. In some later Kadamba géants we find the title mentioned in coanection with the names of old kings only, which shows that it went out of use in course of tiine. Like the Kadambas the Early. Chalukyas also called themselves Häritiputras, but they rose to power long after the Väkitakas.
This view is maintained in the article which was read at the Caloutta session of the Indian History Congress.
This was first pointed out by Dr. D. C. Siroar in his note on the present plates published in the Inch Hist. Quart., Vol. XVI, pp. 182 ff. The repetition may, however, be attributed to the carelessness of the drafter of the record. An analogous instancy is furnished by the Devagiri plates of the Kadamba Yuvardja Dévavarman. which apply the epithet Dharmamaharaja twice to his father Krishnavarman, seo Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 33-34.
Soe, e.9., the Pattan plates of Pravarnaina II, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 85. The list is the same Hacept that the Basim plates mention Jyotishioma in place of U kthya, Shodasin aud Alipadra.

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pautrasya in 1. 3 and śri-Sarvvasena-putrasya in 1. 4 are to be taken as śri-Pravarasenasya pautrasya and tri-Sarvvasenasya putrasya, so that the preceding adjectival expressions in the genitive case including the epithet Dharmamahārājasya would agree with śri-Pravarasenasya and sri-Sarvvasenasya respectively. According to this construction, all the three kings, Pravarasena Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti, would receive the epithet Dharmamahārāja and there would thus be no tautology. Besides, the expression Agnishtöm-aptoryyama......chatur-aśvamedha-yajinaḥ and Samraja[*] would now qualify śri-Pravarasenasya, showing that it was he, and not Vindhyasakti, who performed these sacrifices and assumed the title of Samrat. This is quite in accordance with the statement in other Vākāṭaka grants. Pravarasēna, who heads the genealogical list in the present plates, would thus be Pravarasena I who, according to the Puranas, was the son of Vindhyasakti. The Vākāṭaka king who granted the present plates should therefore be called Vindhyasakti II. He thus becomes the great-grandson of Vindhyasakti I. The genealogy in the present plates would thus be as follows
Pravarasēna I I
(son)
Sarvasena
(son) Vindhyalakti II
This would therefore be a different branch of the Väkäṭaka family; for, according to the genealogy in several inscriptions of Pravarasena II and Prithivishēņa II, Pravarasēna I was succeeded by his grandson Rudrasena I, the son of Gautamiputra who probably did not come to the throne1.
Let us next consider if we could adduce any other evidence to prove the existence of this hitherto unknown branch of the Vākāṭaka family.
In this connection we would draw attention to the stone inscription in cave No. XVI at Ajanta. This inscription has been edited thrice before, first by Dr. Bhau Daji with 'a tolerably accurate facsimile' in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VII, pp. 53-74, then by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in the Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, pp. 69-73 and finally by Dr. Bühler in the Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV, pp. 124-28. Dr. Bühler's transcript is accompanied by a lithograph of the record from a facsimile prepared by Pandit Bhagwanlal. This lithograph has been somewhat worked up by hand. As it is, it seems to show that the inscribed stone is quite smooth where the inscription is well preserved, but those who have visited Ajanta and seen the inscription in situ know that it is just the reverse. This lithograph must therefore be used with caution and important readings of it must be verified from mechanical copies of the record. As we were suspicious about certain readings in the transcripts of Bhagwanlal and Bühler, we requested the Government Epigraphist for Tlia to lend us a fresh estampage of the inscription. We are grateful to him for complying with our request and sending us an excellent estampage3.
The Ajanta inscription is very much worn especially in the middle and on the left hand side, but Bhagwanlal has, with his wonted skill, transcribed all that could be deciphered in his days. We give below his transcript of the first nine lines of the record for ready reference.
1 Gautamiputra does not seem to have ascended the throne because in later Vākāṭaka grants the epithet Vākāṭakānāṁ Mahārājasya which invariably precedes the names of ruling kings is not prefixed to his name. See above, Vol. XXII, p. 175, n. 1.
See A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, Plate LVII.
The estampage is reproduced here with the kind permission of Mr. G. Yazdani, M.A., O.B.E., Director of Arceology, Hyderabad State.

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BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II.
[१] उदीर्णलोकत्रयदीषवन्हिनिर्व्यापनो'
प्रणम्य पूवीं प्रवच्ये क्षितिपानुपूर्वी म्] [] [२] महाविमर्द्देष्वभिष्टद्धशक्तिः क्रुद्धस्सुरैरप्यनिवार्य [ वीर्यः ] [] रणदानशक्तिः द्विज प्रकाशी भुवि विन्ध्यशक्तिः [॥]
[३] पुरन्दरोपेन्द्रसमप्रभावः खबाहुवोर्थ्यार्जितस [र्व्वलोकः] [i] [य]शकानां बभूव वाकाटकवंशकेतुः []
[४] रणे[षु] हर्य्युत्थितरेणुजालसञ्छादितार्क
......
नरातोम्कृत्वा[भि]वादप्रवणाञ्चकार [u]
[५] [विनि]र्जितारि [स्मर] राजकार्य्यश्चकार पुण्येषु परं प्रय[न] [1] नरेंद्रमौलिविन्यस्तमणिकिरणलोटक्रमाम्बुजः
[4] प्रवरसेनस्तस्य पुत्रोभूद्दिकसत्रवेन्दीवरेक्षण' रविमयूख [रुद्र ? सेनः] प्रवरसेनस्य जितसर्व्वसेनस्तुतोभवत्
[८]
[७] पार्थिवेन्द्रस्य [प्रशशास ] धर्मेण मेदिनीम् कुन्तलेन्द्रवि प्रवरसेनस्य पुत्रोभूत्प्रवरोज्र्ज्जितोदारशासनप्रवर [:] [1]
सम्यक् [n]
[८] तस्यात्मजोभून्नरदेव
नैर्नृदेवराजस्य
[1]
[॥] तस्यात्मज X कामत
भूः [ ॥] पुण्यानुभावात्चितिपस्य
6 Devasena.
6 Harishepa.
[]
मवाप्य राज्यमष्टशब्दको
1 Vindhyaśakti.
2 Pravarasēna.
3 (Rudra ?)sēna.
4....
143
भुवि देवसेन [: ।] यस्योपभोगैर्श्वलितैर्व्विपाव
य★ प्रशशास
In his introduction to this inscription Bhagwanlal gave the following list of Vākāṭaka princes mentioned in it :
The reading appears to be saini-nirvodpand.
The reading is-pravanamé-chakara as noted by Bühler.
* Bühler read [ari-] before narendra- in l. 5 and -endivar-ekshanah in 1. 6. See also, above, Vol. VIII, p. 27.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
He further remarked, From the broken state of the inscription it is not clear whether Pravarasēna was a son of Vindhyasakti, or, as is probable, of a member of the Vindhyasakti family. Of his son only -sena is legible, preceded by a faintly traceable form like dra, so that the name may have been Bhadrasena, Chandrasena, Indrasena, Rudrasena, etc.' Bhagwanlal seems to have adopted the reading Rudrasena, because this name occurs soon after that of Pravarasēna Is in the Siwani and Chammak plates of the Vākāṭaka Pravarasēna II, which had been discovered before. This list was next revised by Bühler in the introductory note to his transcript of the record in A. S. W. I., Vol. IV, p. 128. Bühler thought that he could read, in the middle of line 7, the aksharas pra (or, pri)thivi which showed a name like Prithivishēņa. As Rudrasena was mentioned in the immediately preceding line he identified this prince with Prithivishēņa, the son of Rudrasena I, mentioned in the Vākāṭaka land-grants. Again, he proposed to read further on in the same line, Pravarase[nas-ta]sya putro-bhut....in place of Bhagwanlal's Pravarasenasya putro-bhut, and this Pravarasena he identified with Pravarasēna II. According to him therefore the Vākāṭaka princes mentioned in the Ajanta inscription were as follows:
Vindhyasakti,
I
(son?)
Pravarasēna I,
(son) (Ru)drasina I,
(son) Prithivabiga,
I
(son) Pravarasēna II,
(son)
(son)
[VOL. XXVI.
Devasena,
(son) Harishēna.
He also pointed out that the name of one prince, Rudrasena II was omitted after Prithivishēņa.
1 Burgess and Indraji-Inscriptions in the Cave-Temples of Western India, A. S. W. I., p. 69.
Scholars are now agreed that this Pravarasena was the son of Vindhyasakti himself; for, he is evidently identical with Pravira mentioned in the Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas as the son of Vindhyasakti. See Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 50.
He was Pravarasena's grandson.

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BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II.
146
BAKTI I
no nomine
From the land-grants of Pravarasēna II and Pțithivishēņa II we get the following genealogy -
Pravarasēna I,
(son) (Gautamiputra),
(son) Rudrasēna I,
(son) Prithivishēna I,
(son) Rudrasēna II,
(son) Pravarasēna II;
(son) Narendrasēna,
(son)
Pțithivishēņa II. If we compare this list with Bühler's revised genealogy of Vākāțaka princes mentioned in the Ajanta inscription, two discrepancies in the latter at once strike us-(i) Rudrasēna I was not the son of Pravarasēna I, but was his grandson and (ii) Pravarasēna II was not the son of Pțithivishēņa I, but was his grandson. Fortunately, the Ajaņtā inscription is quite clear in the portions which describe these relationships, so that there is not the least doubt about the readings. In the former case the inscription reads [Rudra?]sēnah Pravarasēnasya jita-sarvaSēnassuto=bhavat in line 6 and in the latter case, [Prithivi ?]shënaḥ........ Pravarasēnas-tasya putrd=bhūt=prapar-Orjjit-odara-sāsana-pravaraḥ. We must therefore suppose either that the poet committed mistakes in describing these relationships or that some of the readings of the royal names given by Bhagwanlal and Buhler are incorrect. The former alternative does not appear likely; for the inscription was composed under the direction of the Vākāțaka king Harishēna's minister and is on the whole very correctly written. It is, however, very much abraded in the portion where the names of Rudrasena and Prithivishēņa are supposed to occur and consequently mistakes in reading are not unlikely. On referring to the excellent estampage supplied by the Government Epigraphist we found that the reading Rudrasēnah was extremely doubtful. Both Bhagwanlal and Bühler also were not certain about it, but Bhagwanlal thought that he saw a faintly traceable form like dra. He proposed to read Rudrasenah evidently because Väkätaka land-grants mention a Rudrasēna, soon after Pravaragēna I. This reading was also adopted by Bühler. Referring to the lithograph used by both of them, we find that the upper member of the ligature is quite uncertain, but there appears a loop below it. This has evidently been taken to be the subscript r of dra. There are several instances of the subscript r in this lithograph, but in none of them is it denoted by a loop; it is always denoted by a hook open to the left. The estampage of the Government Epigraphist does not clearly show even this loop. The preceding akshara nu is of course oompletely gone as admitted by both Bhagwanlal and Buhler. The reading Rudrasenah is, therefore, to say the least, extremely doubtful.

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146
-
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXVI.
Let us see if we could restore this royal name. The extant portion of this verse shows that the prince whose name is partially lost was a son of Pravarasēna who has now been identified by all scholars with Pravarasēna I. The Bäsim plates suggest that he might be Sarvasēna and the reading Sarvvasēnah would suit the metre as well as Rudrasēnaḥ. The latter part of the verse in l. 6 would therefore read Sarvvasēnah Pravarasēnasya jita-sarvva-8ēnassuto=bhavat. The resulting yamaka makes this reading quite plausible. The poet who composed this Ajaņtā inscription was fond of using yamakas based on proper names' as will be seen from the following lines -
2 wauwafa: ...... grau: ...... farazafe: 1
7 प्रवरसेनस्तस्य पुत्रोभूषवरोजितीदारशासनप्रवरः । 10-11 fetita: ....... Fearasefarufaatana
14 xfaut fifashieca: 1
The description jita-sarva-sēnaḥ of this prince was evidently suggested by his name Sarvasēna. The Bāsim plates have now shown that Sarvasēna was a son of Pravarasēna. This Pravarasēna, with whom the genealogy in the Bāsim plates begins, must therefore, be identified with Pravarasēna I.
In the middle of the next line (7) Bühler read the aksharas pra (or, pri) this and thought that they formed part of the royal name Prithivishēna. This prince he identified with Prithivishēna I. Referring to the lithograph used by him, we find that the akshara which he read as thi has
tapoging top and is open below. It cannot therefore be read as thi, for, in other places in uus suscription, th has invariably & round top and is closed at the bottom. See, for instance, prathito in line 15, prathsta-gun-opabhoga in line 21, etc. The akshare appears to be fri of which the lower curve representing is indistinct in that lithograph. The following akshara is clearly vin. In the new estampage we find clear traces of dhya following vim. Especially the elongated curve representing subscript y is unmistakable. The two following aksharas are almost certainly sēnaḥ. The name thus appears to be fri-Vindhyasēnah. This prince we identify with Vindhyasakti of the Bāsim plates.
As regards the remaining names we are in complete agreement with Bühler. They are Pravarasēna, Dēvasēnao and Harishēna. Between Pravarasēns and Dēvasēna we have lost the name of a prince who, according to the inscription, came to the throne when he was a boy only eight years old. I do not, however, agree with Bühler's view that this Pravarasēna was
1 For another instance of the use of yamakas based on personal namo, so the 'Nidhanpur plates of Bhiskaravarman, above, Vol. XII, pp. 66 ft.
* Otherwise, there is no special point in saying that he conquered all armies. One would rather expect an exprossion like jita-sarva-lokah or jita-sarvua-rajab.
It is possible to read Sarvvasēnah from the traces in the new estampage, but we prefer to rely for the reading Saruvasenah on the wording of the description in l. 6.
• Traces of the subscript can be clearly seen in the new estampage.
Thoso akaharas were doubtfully read as shënah by Bühler.
. I do not agree with Jayaswal's view (History of India, etc., pp. 75 & 79) that Davas na abdicated in favour of bis son Harishēna. The description in L. 13 is intended to glorify Hastibhoja, to whom Dēvasena consigned the cares of government. Similar statements ocour in other records, see, e.g., above, Vol. XXV, p. 14 (line 17 of the text). Harishēna is introduced for the first time in the noxt verse of that inscription.

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BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II.
147
Pravarasēna II, of whom several land-grants have come down to us. The names Vindhyagēna (or, Vindhyasakti) and Sarvasēna of his father and grandfather respectively show that he was different from Pravarasēna II, the son of Rudrasēna II and grandson of Přithivishèņa I. The genealogy of this branch of the Vākāțaka family can be stated as follows :
Vindhyasakti I,
(son) Pravarasēna 1,
(son) Sarvasēna,
(son) Vindhyasakti II (or, Vindhyasēna),
(son) Pravarasēna II
son (Name lost),
Dēvasēna,
son
Harishēņa. We know from the Purānas that Pravarasēna I had four sons who became kings. They apparently divided his extensive kingdom among themselves after his death. Gautamiputra who was probably his eldest son, seems to have predeceased him. Therefore, Rudrasēna I, the son of Gautamiputra, succeeded Pravarasēna I. An inscription of this king has been discovered at Deotek in the Chandā District of the Central Provinces,' not very far from Pauni where an ancient record of a king of the Bhāra clan (the later Bhārasivas) has been found." He may, therefore, have acquired by inheritance the territory of the Bhärasivas also. The copper-plates of his great-grandson Pravarasēna II record gifts of land at Chammak near Ellichpure in the Amraoti District, Chandrapura (modern Chandur) in the Wardhā District, Pattan in the Betul District, Tirödi? in the Balaghat District and Brahmapūraka (modern Bahmni) in the Bhandārā District. Pravarasēna II was therefore ruling over the northern parts of modern Berăr and the territory comprised in the Siwani, Betul, Bālāghāt, Nagpur, Bhandārā, Wardhā and Chåndā Districts of the Central Provinces. We do not know how much of this territory was acquired by Pravarasēna II or his immediate ancestors. But since the inscriptions of no other branch of the Vākātaka family have been found in these districts, we may suppose that the whole of the aforementioned territory was under the rule of Rudrasena I also. His ogpital was probably Nandivardhana which is mentioned as the place of issue in the earliest
In a combined genealogy of the two branches the son of Rudrasena II may be called Pravarasena III. • Proceedings and Transactions of the Eighth Oriental Conference, Mysore, pp. 613 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 11 ff. . C. 1. I., Vol. III, pp. 235 ff.
Above, Vol. III, pp. 258 ff. Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (second ed.), p. 93. • Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 81 f. * Ibid., Vol XXII, pp. 167 ff. • C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 234 ff. and above, Vol. XXI, p. 211, A. R.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
copper-plate grant of this branch, viz., the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta1 and the Bēlora plates of her son Pravarasena II. Later on Pravarasēna II founded Pravarapura and shifted his seat of government there.
Prithivishēņa II is the last known member of this branch. Scholars have long been in doubt about the relation of this Prithivishēņa with Devasena and Harishēņa. S. Krishnasvami Aiyangar thought that the Väkäṭaka family branched forth after Pravarasēna II, Narendrasēna, the father of Prithivishēņa II, being a brother of the Vākāṭaka prince whose name is lost in the Ajanta inscription. Jayaswal, on the other hand, identified Narendrasena with this latter prince. The foregoing discussion will make it plain that the two branches had separated long before, i.e., after the reign of Pravarasēna I and that Devasena and Harishēņa belonged to a different line from that of Narendrasena and Prithivishēņa II.
Only five inscriptions of this second branch of the Väkäṭaka family have been discovered so far, viz., the present Basim plates of Vindhyasakti II, a fragmentary copper-plate inscription of Devasena and three stone inscriptions of the reign of Harishēna, discovered at or near Ajanța, one of his feudatory in Cave No. XVII and two of his minister Varahadeva in cave No. XVI and the Ghatotkacha caves at Gulwada, about 11 miles west of Ajanța. The provenance of these inscriptions shows that this branch ruled over southern Berar and the northern parts of the Nizam's Dominions. Both the known copper-plate inscriptions of this branch have been issued from Vatsagulma which seems to have continued to be the seat of their government to the last.
According to the genealogy of the Vatsagulma branch fixed above, Vindhyasakti II and his son Pravarasēna II were the contemporaries of Prithivishēņa I and his son Rudrasena II of the other branch. From the grants of Prabhavatigupta we know that Rudrasena II was the son-inlaw of Chandragupta II (A. D. 380-413). He may therefore have come to the throne in circa A. D. 40010. This is also the approximate date of the close of Vindhyasakti II's reign. As we have seen, Vindhyasakti II was the great-grandson of Vindhyasakti I. In view of the abnormally long reigns assigned in the Puranas to Vindhyasakti I and Pravarasena Il and the date, the thirty-seventh regnal year, of the present plates of Vindhyasakti II, we shall not be wrong if we assign 150 years to the four reigns of Vindhyasakti I, Pravarasēna I, Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti II. Vindhyasakati I, the founder of the dynasty, seems, therefore, to have risen to power about A. D. 250. Vindhyasakti II was followed by four kings whose reigns must have
1 Above, Vol XV, pp. 39 ff.
Ibid., Vol., XXIV, pp. 260 ff.
Annals of the Bhandarakar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. V, p. 35.
Jayaswal, History of India, 150-350 A. D., p. 76.
New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, pp. 177 ff.
A. 8. W. I., Vol. IV, pp. 128 ff.
Loc. cit., pp. 122 ff.
Loc. cit., pp. 138 ff. The name of Varahadeva is lost in this inscription, but line 16 refers to the sons, apparently of Hastibhöja, the minister of the Väkataka king Devasõna, mentioned in 1. 10, and Varahadeva was probably one of them.
This place is identical with Basim, see above, p. 140.
10 Vincent Smith places the marriage of Rudrasena II with Prabhavatigupta at the time of Chandragupta It's invasion against the Saka satraps of Gujarat and Surashtra somewhere about A. D. 395'. J. R. A. S. for 1914, pp. 325 ff.
11 According to the Puranas Vindhyaéakti ruled (or, perhaps lived) for 96 years and Pravarasēna I for 60
years.

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BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II.
149
covered about a century. We may therefore place Harishēņa, the last of them, about A. D. 475500.
The present grant is thus the earliest copper-plate grant of the Vākātakas. In its Präkrit portion it has several expressions which in their Sanskrit form were already known from the grants of Prabhāvatiguptă and Pravarasēna II. It is noteworthy that most of them find mention in the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants of the Pallava Sivaskandavarman as will be seen from the following table! :
NO.
Expression in the Basim
plates.
Corresponding expression in the Hirabadagalli or Mayidavolu plates
ápuno vijaya-vejayike ayu-bala-vaddhanike
R-rattha-samvinayika a-lavaņa-kenna-kkhanaka a-puppha-kkhira-ggahana a-parampara-go-balivardda a-chära-siddhika a-chamm-angalika a-bhada-ppress A-khattā-cbollaka-venesika savva-jäti-parihara-parihitam
appana kula-gottasa dham-äyu-bala-ymo-vadha
nike vijayavejayike (H.) a-raţtha-samvinayikam (H.) a-lona-gula-chchhobham (H.) a-dūdha-dadhi-gahanam (H.) a-pārampara-balivadda-gahanam (H.) a-tana-kattha-gahanam (H.) a-bhada-papesar (M.) a-kara-yollaka-vinesi-khatti-visam (H.) sava-parihirehi pariharito (M.)
8
The close similarity in many of these expressions is very striking. It shows that the drafter of the Vakitaka grant has borrowed the expressions from some earlier Pallava grant. Besides these, we may notice the following points of similarity between the records of the Vākāțakas and the Pallavas : (1) Vākāțaka grants, when complete, begin with drishtam which corresponds to ditham seen on the outer side of the first plate of both the Mayidavölu and Hirahadagalli granta. (2) The Riddhapur plates of Prabhāvatiguptābegin like the Pallava Sanskrit grants with the words Jitan Bhagavată.. (3) A number of Vedic sacrifices are enumerated in the beginning of both the Väkāțaka and early Pallava grants. (4) The words ājña svayam at the end of the Tirödi plates recall similar expressions sayam-anatam and anati saya ti dattā at the close of the Hirahadagalli and Mayidavolu plates respectively.
These similarities are surely not accidental. As the rule of the Pallavas never extended to the Central Provinces and Berar, we cannot explain them as due to the employment, by the Vākāțakas, of the clerks who were previously in the Secretariat of the Pallavas. The striking similarities in several expressions pointed out above clearly presuppose some connection of the V&katakas with the Pallavas and this is corroborated by the discovery of an inscription of a Väkätska householder on a pillar at Amaravati in the Andhra country. That the rule of the
The similarities between the Sanskrit expressions in the Vakataka grants and the Prakrit grants of the Pallovas have been notioed before. See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 14, n. 1, and Nagpur University Journal, No. 3, Pp. 22 ff.
The expressions taken from the Hirabadagalli plates (above, Vol. I, pp. 6 ff.) are shown as (H) and thom from the Mayidavola plates (above, Vol. VI, pp. 86 ff.) as (M).
J.A. 8. B., (N. 8.), Vol. XX, p. 68. . Above, Vol. XV, p. 267.

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Pallavas extended to the Andhra country in the north is well known; for the Mayidavolu plates record the grant of a village in the Ardhāpatha (Andhra-patha) to two Brähmaņas. Mere discovery of a pilgrim record at a holy place is, of course, no clear evidence that the pilgrim was a resident of that or even of a neighbouring country, but in conjunction with close similarity in a number of technical expressions such as is noticed nowhere else, it may be taken to point to some sort of connection between the two royal houses. We shall not therefore be wrong in supposing that the Vākāțakas had their original home in the South.
- This conclusion is again corroborated by the findspots of Väkätaka inscriptions. The earliest known inscription of the Väkäţakas has been discovered at Deotek in the Chandi District. It records the construction of a dharma-sthāna by Rudrasēna who, on the evidence of palæography, has been identified with Rudrasēna I. Besides the present plates, several copperplate inscriptions of Pravarasēna II and Prithivishēņa II have been discovered in different parts of the Central Provinces and Berār. The only records connected with the Vākātaka dynasty which have been discovered in the regions to the north of the Narmadā are the Nachna and Ganj inscriptions of Vyāghradēva, a feudatory of the Väkātaka king Prithivishēņa. As Prof. Dubreuil and Rao Bahadur Dikshit have shown, he must be identified with Prithivishēna II on the evidence of palæography. Vyāghradēva is, therefore, probably identical with the Uchchakalpa prince Vyaghra who, we know, was ruling over the adjoining territory. The Bālāghāt plates of Prithivishēna II state that the ruler of Mälwi was a feudatory of his father Narēndrasēna and it is not unlikely that Prithivishēņa's own authority was recognized in Central India towards the close of the fifth century A. D. The Nachnă, and Ganj inscriptions, therefore, do not in any way go against the foregoing conclusion about the original home of the Vākatakas.
The late Dr. Jayaswal recently advanced the theory that the Vákatakas originally hailed from Bāgāt in the Orcha State. In support of his view he has tried to show that three coins discovered at Kosam and another place in North India were issued by Prevarasēna I, Rudrasēna I and Prithivishēna I. The first two, according to him, bear the dates 76 and 100 respectively which he refers to the era of A. D. 248. This era, though called by the name of the Chēdi or Kalashuri era, was, according to Jayaswal, really started by the Vākätakas. But Jayaswal's readings of the legends and figures on the coins are extremely doubtful. Besides, his theory that the Chēdi era was really founded by the Vākāțakas is disproved by the fact that the Vākātakas themselves never used it, but dated all their records in regnal years. According to the Puranas Vindhyasakti's son Pravira, who has been rightly identified with Pravarasēna I, ruled at two places Purikā and Chanakā.' Jayagwal's identification of Chanaka with Nachná
1 Two of these expressions occur in some inscriptions (e.... Näsik, inscriptions Nos. 3 and 4) of the Sāta yabanas from which the Pallavas had evidently taken them. That the Andhra country had been ruled by the Satavahanas before it came under the rule of the Palla vas is well known.
* Proceedings and Transactions of the Eighth Oriental Conference, pp. 613 ff. *C.1.1., Vol. II, pp. 233 ff. . Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 12 ff. • Ibid. Vol. XXIII, pp. 171 ff.
History of India, 150-350 A. D., p. 67. * Ibid., pp. 108 ff.
• Dr. A. S. Altekar has shown that the alleged coin of Rudrasena has no traces of the letters Rudra, bat. symbol which looks like a trident or triratna. J. R. A. 8. B., Vol. II, Num. Suppl. No. XLVI, p. 29.
We adopt the reading suggested by Jayaswal, Bhõkshyanti cha samah shoshino Pwrikan Chanakini cha vai. See History of India, etc., p. 16.

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No. 20.]
BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II.
161
cannot be accepted in the absence of corroborative proof. As for Purikä, it was situated according to the Harivansal at the foot of the Rikshavat (modern Satpurā) mountain and, therefore, in the Central Provinces or Berar. Vindhyasakti, the first ancestor of the Vakātakas, may have been so called because he extended his power to the foot of the Vindhya mountain in the north. There is thus no valid argument against our view that the Vākātakas had their original home in the South.
TEXT.:
First Plate. 1 सिचम्' [*] दृष्टम् [*] वत्सगुल्माधर्ममहाराजस्था मिष्टीमातीर्थ्यामवाजपेयज्योति2 टीमसहस्पतिसवसाधस्क(स्क्र)चतुरश्वमेधयाजिनस्ममाज(जी) - 3 णिच सगोत्रस्य हारितीपुत्रस्य श्रीप्रवरसेनपौवस्य 4 धर्ममहाराजस्य श्रीसद्धसेनपुत्रस्य धर्ममहाराजस्य 5 "वाकाटकानां । चि(थो)विष्यशक्तचनात् [[*] नान्दोकडस "उत्तरमग्गे
Second Plate; First Side, 6 ताकालक्खोप्यकामासे पाकासपहेसु अम्हसन्तका साब्वायोगणि7 युत्ता पाणत्ति भडा सेसा य साच्चरन्तर(कु)लपुत्ता भाणितव्वा [*] आहोहिं 8 "दाणि पापुणी विजयवेजयिक पायुबलवरणिके" स्वस्ति
IVishnuparvan, adhyaya 38, V. 21-22.
* Tho Vayu and Brahmanda Puranas no doubt mention Vindhyabakti (I) and Pravirs at the end of the section about the kings of Viditä, but that is probably because like the Andhra they had extended their power to North India.
• From ink-impressions. We have derived somo help from Dr. D. C. Sircar's transaript of the plates which sppeared in the I. H. Q., Vol. XVII, pp. 112 ff. while this article was going through the pross.
• This word is written in the margin on a level with L 3. • The mark denoting the length of this vowel is faint. • Other Väkātaka plates name this götra as Vishnuvsiddha. See, e.g., above, Vol. XXIII, p. 85.. - Read श्रीप्रवरसेनस्य पौचस्य.. Bee above, p. 142. • Read श्रीसबसेनस्य पुचस्व. . Opposite this line in the margin there is a mark for 1, denoting the number of the plate. 10 This mark of punctuation is superfluous. 11 The engraver first incised då which he afterwards altered to w. 13 Anatti (Sanskrit, Ajiapti) is the same as Dataka who was to see to the execution of the royal order.
19 Compare ajña-sanchari-kulaputr-adhikritäh in the Sanskrit grants of the Vikatakas. See, e.g., above, Vol.XXII, p. 172..
1. In the margin on the left there is a sign for 2, denoting the number of this plato.
15 Hēmachandra (VIII, 1, 29; IV, 277) gives both dans and dapith in the Saurant. Daai ooours in the Hirshadagalli plates also (above, Vol. I, p. 5).
16 Prakrit grammarians give appano as the correct form in the Maharashtri, see Vararachi, . 48 (Bhimaba's commentary); Hēmachandra VIII, 3, 56. ___ Hultzach takes similar expressions which occur in lines 5-6 of the Mayidavolu plates as Migndhi noniina, tives. We would prefer to take them as locative singular forms, denoting purpose. In the Himahadagalli aad British Museum plates, the gerund katina or kätümanis follows - vaddhaniyan or addhaniye.

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152
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
9 भान्तिवाचने रहामुत्तिके धामास्थाणे एस्थकामे आधिव्वणिकचर10 णम पाचक ।' भालन्दायणसगोत्तेसिं जिवुजेसिं कपिछल
Second Plate ; Second Side. ll सगीत्तेसि । रुहल्जेसि । श्राविष्ठायण सगोत्तेसि । भाडिदेवज्जेसि 12 कोसि[क]सगोत्तेसि । देण्जेसि । कोसिकसगीत्तेसिं । वेण्डुल्जेसि । 13 कोसौ(सि)कसगोत्तेसि । विधिव्जेसि । पैप्पलादिसगीत्तेसि । पितु14 जेसि भालन्दायणसगीतेसि चान्दसि कोसिकसगीन्ते(त)सि जेजे15 सि । पदे(टे )हि दोहि भालन्दायणसगोत्तेसि बुद्धजेसि कोसिकसगीत्तेसि ।
Third Plate; First Side. 18 भाहिलनेसि । कीसिकसगोत्तेसि । सिवनेसि । कोसिकसगीत्तेसि 17 हरिखजेसित्ति एताण' बाम्हणाण भागा तिरुणा' ३ कीसिकसगीत्तेसि 18 वतिजेसि । भागी १ चउत्थोत्ति पाचन्दादिचलिकी अपुव्वद19 त्तीय दत्तो । पुखरायाणमते य से चातुम्वेव्जग्गाममज्जाता परिहार वित20 राम ।। तं जथा अरसंब्विणयिक । अलवणकरण" क्सनक । अहिररुण धारण
Third Plate ; Second Side. 21 प्रणयष्यदय । पपुष्फक्विरगहण । अपरम्परगीबलिवई [1]
1. Such an expression does not occur in the Sanskrit charters of the Vakatakas.
. The softening of th into dh is characteristic of the Saurasēni. See also rakkhadha, rakkhāpedha, pariharadha and pariharapedha in 11. 25-26 below.
The signs of punctuation in lines 10-18 are superfluous.
The anu svara on siis very faint, but it is there,
. The götra Srāvishtha or Srāvishthiyana is not mentioned in the Gorapravaranibandhakadamba, but the Sangoli grant of the Kadamba king Harivarman (above, Vol. XIV, p. 167) names some Brāhmanas of the Bravishtha götra and it is noteworthy that like the donees of the present grant, they all belonged to the Atharvavēda.
• The Hirahadagalli plates (1..27) have clai bamhandnarist. + The correct form is tinni in all genders. See Vararuchi, IV, 56. • In the margin on the left, on a level with this line, there is a sign for 3, denoting the number of this plate. . This is genitive singular of tad, ibid., VI, 11.
10 This form of the word (with the hardening of d into t) occurs in line 45 of the Hirahadagalli plates. According to Prakrit grammarians this is a characteristic of the Paisicht dialect.
11 Tho marks of punctuation in lines 20-27 are superfluous, ___u This seeing to correspond to krani in the Sanskrit charters of the Vakatakas. See 1. 32 of the Pattan plates, above, Rol.XXIII, p.87.
J: The purve on na seems to have been capoelled.

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BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II.
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པཱསཎྜཏྟི, །༡ཋབྦཾ། ཀཅིགྷ༡ཁཱཊཏྟཱཐི, པཱུ༧ནཱ ཀཝེ༡༠m, ཋ་ཌི ཁཊིཏ ཁ ཝུཏྟཱནཱིཏི ཝཉྫིཉྙཱ ● ནཱཀཝཱཏི, བྷིཎཾནཱམི, ཝིཉྫཀཾ ཤྭཀལྐཏྲཾ, ༧ཞ; 972.87སྐརཌ3 བྷྱཿ98=3 ཁཤིཥཤཱཀཞE7 14 ཤི༐ལྤ3ཊâ་ྟ་ིརྱaའཊཊ་སི ཊ8Lཏུ1ཟཏྟཱཀྐ?
SCALE: THREE-FOURTH8.
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SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA

Page #193

tti,4.
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“ བྲད ལྷམྱལ་ 213ng, /74/sy༣ gp
30

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No. 20.]
BASIM PLATES OF VAKATAKA VINDHYASAKTI II.
153
22 प्रचारसिविक । पचम्मकालिक । प्रभडप्यावेस पखाचोमकवेणे23 सिक । प्रकरद । अवह । सणिधि । सोपणिधि । सकुतुप्पन्त । 24 समञ्चमहाकरण । सावजातिपरिहारपरिहितच [*] जती उपरिलि25 खित । भासणं चादम्प(म्य ?)माण करता रक्खध रबडापेध य परिहरध
Fourth Plate. 26 परिहरापेध य [*] जो वु पाबाधं करन कतव्व अनुमपति' 27 तिम्म एतेहि । उपरिलिखितेहिं । ब्राम्हणेहिं । परिकुपित' सदि]28 निग्रह करजामत्ति [*] साब्वच्छर ३० ७ हमन्ता(न्त)पक्वं पढमं 29 [दि]व[स] ४ समुपासस्थि' लिखितमिमं शास[न] सेणापतिणा 30 वण्डण इति ॥ सिधिरस्तु । - "
TRANSLATION.
(Ll. 1.---5) Success! Seen". From Vatsagulma By the order of the Dharmamaharaja 14 the illustrious Vindhyasakti (IT) of the Vakatakas, (who is) the son of the Dharmamahārāja, the illustrious Sarvasana (and) grandson of the Dharmamahārāja, the illustrious
1 The engraver at first incised da which he later changed to cha.
• This corresponds to sa-kfipt-Opakfipta in the Sanskrit charters of the V&katakas. Soo abovo Vol. XXII, p. 173 and Vol.XXIII, P.87.
• The anusvåra on na is very faint in the impression. • [The reading seems to be basana-vadam=pamānam karjta, Skt. basana-vidas pramdnath kritod.-B.C.C.]
One letter after ma has been cancelled. . Read tassa. - Read parileupitehi veditassa. Compare Vol. XXII, p. 173 and Vol.XXIII, p. 87.
• In the margin on the loft, almost on a level with this line, there is a symbol for 4, denoting the number of the plate.
. The last three akaharas of this word are incised over others which have been cancelled. 10 Read Vanhuna. 11 There is an ornamental symbol between these two sets of dandas.
11 That is, this engraved charter has been seen and approved. This word is absent in unfinished charters, See above VOL. XXII, p. 168.
u That is, this charter was issued from Tateagulma.
14 Floot translated this epithet as pious' (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 34ff.) and Kielhoras law-abiding' Labove, Vol. III, p.144). The intended meaning in Brahmanical recorda must have been 'Defender of the Vedio religion' (dharma-rakshako maharajab). The expression Kaliyuga-doah-avasanna-dharm-ddahurana-nilya-Bannaddha which is applied to Pallava kings in later Sanskrit charters conveys the same idea.
16 For the construction, see the discussion abovo, pp. 141-2.

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154
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
.
.
[Vo4. XXVI.
Pravarasēna (I), the Samrät and the son (i.e., & descendant) of Hāriti, (who was) of the Vrishņivsiddha götra and who performed Agnishtöma, Àptöryāma, Vājapēya, Jyotishtöma, Brihaspatisava, Sädyaskrs and four Advamēdhas
(LI. 5—7) The Ajnapti' and soldiers who are employed by us in all departments as well as other touring (officials) of noble birth in the village) Akäsapadda (which is situated) near Tākālakkhoppaka on the northern road from Nândikada should be caused to be addressed (as follows) —
(Ll. 7-19) For Our victory (in war), for the increase of (Our) life and power, for invoking blessings and peace (for U8) and for religious merit in this and the next world, We have now granted this village to the following members of the Atharvanika charana® in this village as a new gift which is to be enjoyed as long as the moon and the sun will endure, (in the following proportion, viz.,) three parts, (in figure) 3, (of it) to these following) Brāhmaṇas---half (a share)' (being given) to Jivujja (Jivärya) of the Bhālandāyana götra, to Ruddajja (Rudrārya) of the Kapiñjala göra, to Bhättidevajja (Bhartsidēvārya) of the Srāvishthāyana götra, to Deaja (Dēvārya) of the Kausika götra, to Veņhujja (Vishnvārya) of the Kausika götra, to Vidhijja (Vidhyarya) of the Kaubika götra, to Pituja (Pitryärya) of the Paippalādi götra, to Chandaja (Chandrarya) of the Bhālandayana götra, (and) to Jetthaja (Jyēshtharya) of the Kausika götra; (and) two shares (being given) to Buddhaja (Buddhārya) of the Bhālandāyana götra, to Bhāddilajja (Bhadrilārya) of the Kausika götra, to Sivajja (Sivārya) of the Kausika götra, (and) to Harinnaja (Hiranyārya) of the Kausika götra—and the fourth part, (in figure) 1, to Revatija (Rēvatyärya) of the Kausika götra.
(Ll. 19-24) And we grant the following exemptions from restrictions for it (which are) incident to & village belonging to Brāhmaṇas proficient in the four Vēdas, as approved by the former kings, viz., it is to be exempt from the entrance of) the District Police ;8 it is to be exempt from the purchase and digging of salt ; it is to be exempt from the presents of gold and grain; it does not entitle (the State) to (the royalties on) flowers and milk, (dnd) to the customary cows
Hariti was a sage from whom the Kadambas and the Chalukyas also traced their descent. See, e.g., the Tálagunda inscription of Käkusthavarman, above, Vol VIII, p. 31 and the Mahakūta inscription of Mangalesa, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 16.
This record mentions Jyotishtöma in place of Ukthya, Shodasin and Atirätra which are mentioned in ot er Vakataka records among the sacrifices performed by Pravarasena I.
Anatti (Sanskrit, Ajñapti) is mentioned at the close of many records and corresponds to the Drütaka who also figures in other inscriptions in the same capacity. He was entrusted with the execution of the royal order.
The usual expression in other Vakataka records is Sarv-adhyakaha-niyoga-niyuktah who are employed by the order of the General Superintendent.'
In other Vikataka records vaijayike qualifies dharma-sthana and the whole expression means at our victorious place of religious worship'. The Dootek stone inscription mentions a dharma-sthana of the Våkataka king Rudrasēna I. . That is, of the Atharvavöda. .
See above, p. 139, n. 9. • We follow Senart in the explanation of a-raftha-damusayika, se above, Vol. VII, pp. 65-66.
Pranaya seems to mean a customary present or razarana offered to the king. See pranaya-kriya in the Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman, abovo, Vol. VIII, p. 44,
20 These were taxes in kind paid to the State, see above, Vol. XXII. p. 176.

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No. 21.)
KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II.
155
and bullocks; it is not to provide pasture, hides and charcoal"; it is not to be entered by soldiers; it is not to provide cots, water-pots' and servants; it is exempt from taxes; it is not to provide horses; it carries with it the right to treasures and deposits, to major and minor taxes and to platforms and important documents (); and it is to be exempted with immunities of all kinds..
(Ll. 24-28) Wherefore, you protect it, cause it to be protected, exempt it and cause it to be exempted, not repressing the order written above?.
Whoever will cause trouble or approve of it when caused, upon him, when complained against by the aforementioned Brähmanas who have taken offence, we will inflict punishment together with a fine.
(LI. 28-30) In the year 39 (and) 7, in the first fortnight of winter, the day 4. In Our presence', this order has been written by the Senapati Vanhu (Vishnu).
May there be success!
NO. 21.-KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M. A., NAGPUR. The existence of these plates was brought to my notice by my friend and former student Dr. W. S. Barlinge who had seen them when they were brought to Nagpur in March 1940. At my request Mr. W. V. Grigson, I. C. S., Joint Secretary to Government, Central Provinces and Berar, very kindly caused a search for them to be instituted. They were ultimately traced by Mr. V. H. Mujumdar, Naib Tahsildar of Hinganghāt, at the instance of Mr. B. A. Smellie, Deputy Commissioner of Wardha. They were found in the possession of Mr. Baburao Madhavrao Athole, Mokasdar of Jāmb. & village about 7 miles north by east of
1 The expression a-prampara-go-balivardda in I. 21 corresponds to a parampara-balivadda-gahanam of the Hirabadagalli plates and a-parampara-baliva[ darn) of the Mayidavõlu plates. These latter expressions have been taken to denoto exemption from the obligation of furnishing by turns draught cattle for the progress of royal officers'. In former times it was considered to be the duty of villagers to supply means of transport for the touring of royal officers. Sometimes, & small tax, called prayana-danda was levied for the purpose. See Rajasevakānām vasali-danda-prayāna-dandau na stah in the Paithan grant of Ramachandra, Ind. Ant, Vol. XIV, p. 318. But the use of the word go in addition to balivardda in Vakataka grants rather indicates that the village was exempted from the obligation of giving to the State the first calf-male or female-of every cow in the village. The Manusmriti (adhyaya VII, v. 130) also mentions a tax on cattle.
This and similar expressions which follow exempt the donee from the obligation of supplying grass for feeding horses, hides (which were used as seats, cf. asana-charman in the grants of Pravarasina II), charcoal for cooking, cots, water-pote, servants and draught cattle, for the royal officers when they were encamped in the village during their tours.
Chöllaka is plainly identical with cholaka in the Mayidavõlu plates and yollaka in the Hirahadagalli plates. Hultzach derives chõllaka from chullaki, a kind of water-pot. Venesika corresponds to vin isi in the Mayidavõlu and vinēsi in the Hirabadagalli plates. This word is omitted in the translations of Bühler and Hultzsch. We derive it from the Sanskrit vainasika which the dictionaries give in the sense of a slave, a dependent, or a subject. The obligation to provide servants for touring officers is perhaps meant here.
Lexicons give vaha in the sense of a horse.
See above, Vol. XXII, p. 175. • We are not certain about the meaning of this expression.
[Or abiding by the order written above'. Sasana-vada' here and vachana in l. 5 above imply the same thing. See p. 153, n. 4.-B. C.C.]
. This corresponds to ajšia svayam Our own order' in the Tirodi plates. Cf. sayam-anatarh and anati saya. ti datta in the Hirahadagalli and Mayidavolu plates respectively.

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156
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
Hingangbăţ, in the Hinganghāt tahsil of the Wardhi District. In November 1940 the plates were sent to the Nagpur Museum where they were cleaned by Mr. M. A. Suboor, Coin Expert of the Museum. For the excellent facsimiles which accompany this article I am obliged to Mr. Suboor who copied the plates at the Government Press, Nagpur. I have also to thank Dr. S. S. Patwardhan, Curator of the Nagpur Museum, for his kind help in discovering this interesting record.
The copper-plates are four in number, each measuring 8" by 4:11". The first and fourth plates are inscribed on one side only and the remaining two on both the sides. When the plates reached the Nagpur Museum, they were held together by a ring, but its ends were neither joined by a pin nor soldered. The seal which it must have carried is not forthcoming now. All the plates are in a good state of preservation, and there is consequently no uncertainty in the reading anywhere. The weight of the four plates is 1851 tolas and that of the ring is 16 tolas.
The record consists of 36 lines, six being written on each inscribed face of the four plates. The characters are of the box-headed variety and resemble those of the other grants of the Vākātaka king Pravarasēna II. The following peculiarities may be noted: the box is in some cases fixed to the back of j, instead of being added at the top, see mahäräja- in l. 7 and 8; in some other cases the box is not added at all, see mahārāja- in l. 14; the sign of the upadhmāniya which occurs in 1l. 13, 15 and 33 has in all cases a box at the top which is not noticed in other records ; final m which is written in a smaller size has a box-head in siddham, but not in drishtam, both in l. 1; the anusvāra is shown by a crescent and the medial au is bipartite everywhere; kh is without a loop at the bottom in both the places where it occurs, see khanaka-, l. 27 and likhita, 1. 36; the lingual d is distinguished from the dental d in danda, 1. 11, but not in Manduki- , l. 18 and Kaundinya, 1. 19; the subscript t is, in some cases, looped, but as in the Bēloră plates the loop is elongated in order to distinguish it from n, see bhaktasya, l. 4 and vritter- , 1. 12; finally, single and double dots are used here and there to denote punctuation which is redundant in most cases.
The language is Sanskrit and except for an imprecatory verse in 11. 34-35, the record is in prose throughout. Like other Vākāțaka copper-plate inscriptions it contains some mistakes of grammar and orthography which are corrected in the subjoined text and the foot-notes added to it. As regards orthography, we find that consonants are reduplicated before and after r as in paräkkram- , l. 5 and murddh-, 1. 6; th is reduplicated before y in Bhāgiratthy- , 1.6 and visarga before p is changed to upadhmāniya in 11. 13, 15 and 33.
Like other finished Vākātaka grants, the present record opens with the word drishtam geen'. The plates were issued by Pravarasēna II of the Vākātaka dynasty from Nandivardhana. His genealogy is traced here exactly as in his other grants, his maternal grandfather Chandragupta II being called Dāvagupta. It may, however, be noted that the present plates spell some proper names somewhat differently from other Väkäţaka records discovered so far. The medial i of ti in Prabhāvatiguptă, for instance, is invariably short in all the records discovered tail now and the shortening can be justified by a grammatical rule, but the present plates read in l. 15 Prabhāvatigupta quite clearly. Similarly vi in Prithivishēna has a long medial vowel here, whereas it is usually short in other records.
1 In other grants of Pravaraačna II, kh bas a loop at the bottom, see, e.g., likhitan in 1. 36 of the Siwani plates, C. 1. I., Vol. III, PL. XXXV; but it is noteworthy that in the Chammak platus issued in the same regnal year it is unlooped, see khanaka., 1. 28, ibid., Pl. XXXIV.
. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 260. • Above, Vol. XV, p. 42, n. 10. See Påņini, VI, 3, 03. • In the Belora plates (Set A) the medial of vi is long as here, See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 264.

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No. 21.)
KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II.
157
The object of the present inscription is to record the grant, by Pravarasēna II, of the village Kothuraka which was situated in the territorial division (ähära) of Supratishtha. The village lay to the west of the Umā river, to the north of Chiñchäpalli, to the east of Bönthikavitaka and to the south of Mandukigrama. The donee was the celibate Brāhmana Kāluttaka who belonged to the Kaundinya götra and the Taittiriya sākha of the Black Yajurvēda. The grant was made at the victorious place of religious worship (vaijayikê dharma-sthānē) and is dated on the twelfth lunar day of the bright fortnight of Ābvina in the second regnal year. The dutaka was Chakradēva and the scribe Nägavarman. Neither of these is known from any other Vākātaka grant.
The grant recorded on the Bēlorā plates (Set B), discovered two years ago, was so far the earliest one of Pravarasēna II, being dated in his eleventh regnal year. The present grant is still earlier, as it was made in the second year after his accession. It has fully confirmed some of the conclusions drawn from the Bēlorā plates. There is now no doubt that PravaraBēna II was different from Divākarasēna, the Yuvarāja, for whom his mother Prabhāvatigupta was acting as a regent even in the thirteenth year after his accession as a boy-prince.* Again, like the Poona plates of Prabhāvatigupta and the Bēloră plates (Set A) of Pravarasēna II, the present plates also were issued from Nandivardhana. This place was, therefore, undoubtedly the earlier capital of the Vākātakas before the foundation of Pravarapura by Pravarasēna II. As these plates were issued in the beginning of Pravarasēna's reign, they do not enable us to state when the capital was shifted to Pravarapura.
The donee of the present plates is called gana-vājin. It may therefore be conjectured that the grant was made on the occasion of a gana-yāga at which he officiated as a priest. The term gana-yāga can, however, be variously interpreted. It may mean a sacrifice performed for a gana or guild. Such sacrifices performed for a multitude of men were, however, discouraged in ancient times. Both Manu and Vishnu regard the Brähmanas who officiated at such sacrifices as unfit for invitation to a śräddha. As the present grant was made by a king and not by a guild, this meaning of gana-yāga is evidently inapplicable here. The Vāchaspatya explains ganayajsia as a sacrifice performed by a number of brothers and sisters and cites Kätyāyana-Srautasütra 22, 11, 12 and 25, 13, 29 in support of this interpretation. But this explanation also is unlikely in the present case. The Manusmriti (III, 164) enjoins that the priest who offers sacrifices to Ganas should be avoided at a frāddha. The expression gaņānāri yajakaḥ is variously taken by the commentators of Manu. Nārāyaṇa and Nandana take it to mean one who sacrifices for ganas, i.e., many persons or guilds, but such persons are already excluded by Manusmriti III, 151. Other commentators including Mēdbätithi and Kullüka think that Vinayaka- or Gaņēša-hõma may be meant by gana-yāga. The Mänava-Grihyasutra (II, 14) and the Yājflavalkyasmriti (I, 271 ff.) mention almost in identical terms a rite for the
1 I have pointed out before that this expression invariably occurs in the grants of Pravarasina II, which were made at the capital. See above, Vol. XXII, p. 170.
· See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 262.
• Ibid., Vol. XV. pp. 39 ff. Both the Poons and the Belor, plates spell the name of this place as Nandivardhana with long medial vowel in nd which led Dr. Randle to think that the place might be different from the Nandivardhans mentioned in the Rithapur plates of the Nala king Bhavadattavarman (above, Vol. XIX, p. 102). See New Ind. Ant., Vol. II, p. 177. The place-name is spelt here exactly as in Bhavadattavarman's plates.
4 Manuemriti, III, 151; Vishnwamriti, LXXXII, 8-9. A passage from the Yamaamriti cited in the Panalara-Dharmasarhita (Bom. Sanskrit Series, No. XLVIII, p. 368) mentions freni-yajaka-ydjaldh iu the same context.

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158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
propitiation of Vinayakas, but it is not known if the priest who performed the rite incurred any guilt. Dr. Bühler's suggestion, therefore, that the reference in Manusmriti III, 164, may be to the gana-hömas mentioned by Baudhāyana-Dharmasūtra appears to be preferable. Baudhāyana lays down the following procedure for the performance of the gana-hömas. A person who has purified himself by certain restraints should after fasting for three days and nights' commence the performance of the sacred rite, making offerings of boiled rice and clarified butter and reciting certain mantras in the morning, at midday and in the evening. At the end of one week during which these homas are continued, he should feed Brāhmaṇas, and distribute to them cows, land, sesamum and gold. These gana-homas are to be performed by a person for himself. A Brāhmana is, however, allowed to perform the rite for his teacher, father and mother, but for none else. If he performs it for others through greed, he is tainted by sin and perishes like one who has swallowed poison. Baudhāyana, however, says later on (IV, 8, 10) that through a desire of removing one's guilt one may cause these oblations to be offered by men who have been engaged for money in case one is unable to do it; a man need not torment himself.' This means, as explained by the commentator Govindasvāmin, that the wealthy man who engages a priest for the performance of the rite will be freed from sin, but the latter will be tainted by guilt. This explains why the priests who performed gana-homas for others out of greed were avoided at a bräddha. Naturally few people must have come forward to do the rite and those who did it received a high reward. The case is analogous to that of the first annual śräddha in honour of a dead person or to that of a śrāddha at an eclipse. The donee of the present plates seems to have performed such a gana-homa for Pravarasēna II from whom he received a village as his sacrificial fee.
As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Nandivardhana has already been identified with Nagardhan or Nandardhan near Rämtek in the Nāgpur District. Köthuraka, the donated village, cannot now be traced. Its site seems to be occupied by Mangaon on the right bank of the Wunnā, about 2 miles north by west of Jämb, since all the boundary villages mentioned in the present plates can be identified in its vicinity in their respective directions. Thus Chinchāpalli is Chicholi which also is situated on the right bank of the same river Wunnā, half a mile to the south of Mangaon ; Bonthikavăţaka is now called Bothad and Mandukigrama, Mändgaon, about 31 miles to the north by west and 2 miles to the north respectively from Mangaon, The Wardha District Gazetteer records a tradition that Māndgaon is named after one Māņdo ķishi who is said to have done penance on the Wunnā river. The present grant, however, shows that the ancient name of the pl.ce was Mandukigrama. The identification of these three boundaries shows that the Umă river which formed the eastern boundany of the donated village is none other than the Wunnā. No place exactly corresponding to Supratishtha, the headquarters of the āhāra in which these villages were situated, can now be traced, but it seems to have comprised roughly the territory now included in the Hisganghāt tahoil. This āhāra was already known from the Poonn plates of Prabhāvatiguptă, but no clue to its identification was so far available. It is now furnished by the present plates
1 R. G. Bhandarkar, Vaishnavism, Saivism etc., pp. 147 ff. Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, adhyaya II (Sudhakar Dwivedi's ed., Vol. I, p. 91) also mentions gana-yagas which the commentator Bhattotpala explains 1 guhyaku-pujana, the worship of the demigods called guhyakas.
* See his Laws of Manu, S. B. E., Vol. XXV, p. 106.
Bawihavana-Dhrmasitra, Prahna IV, adhyâyas 7 and 8. See Bühler's translation in S. B. E., Vol. XIV.
Pp. 329 ff.
* See Govindasvämin's commentary on Baudhayana-Dharnasutra, IV, 8, 9.
Wardha District Gazetteer, (1906), p. 250.

Page #200

No. 21.]
KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II.
159
which show that Prabhāvatīguptā's plates, though discovered in far-off Poona, originally belonged to the Hinganghāt tahsil. These plates record the grant of the village Danguna which was situated in the Supratishthāhāra and lay to the east of Vilavaņaka, to the south of Sirshagrāma, to the west of Kadāpiñjana and to the north of Sidivivaraka. None of these places have been identified so far. Two of them I have been able to trace in the vicinity of Hinganghāt. Vilavaņaka seems to be Vani, about 21 miles to the west and Kadāpiñjana may be Kadhājan 3 miles to the south by east of Hinganghāt. Hinganghāt seems therefore to occupy the same position as the ancient village Danguņa. The latter place-name appears to have been changed to Hingan in course of time, ghāt being added to it as it was a fording place on the Wunnā. It is noteworthy that the name of the village Kavadghāt on the opposite bank of the same river also ends in ghāt.
TEXT..
First Plate. 1 द्रि(ह)टम् [*] सिद्धम् [*] वस्त(स्ति) नन्दिवईनात् ।*] अग्निष्टोमाप्तामोक्थ्य
षोडश्यतिराव2 वाजपेयबृहस्य(स्प)तिसवसाद्यस्क्रचतुरखमेधयाजिनः विष्णुबह
3 सगोत्रस्य सम्राट' वाकाटकानाम्महाराजश्रीप्रवरसमस्य सूनो सूनो 4 अत्यन्तखामिमहाभैरवभक्तस्य ॥ असंभार'सनिवेशितशिवलिङ्गो5 [६]हनशिवसुपरितुष्टसमुत्पादितराजवंशानाम् पराक्रमाधिगतभागी6 रथ्यमलजलमूर्वाभिषिक्तानां दशाश्वमेधावभृथखाताना(नां) भारशिवानां
Second Plate; First Side. 7 महाराजश्रीभवनागदौहित्रस्य गौतमि(मी)पुत्रस्य पुत्रस्य । वाकाट8 कानाम्महाराजश्रीरुद्रसेनस्य सूनोः अत्यन्तमाहेश्वरस्य ॥" 9 सत्याजवकारुण्यशौर्यविक्रमनयविनयमाहाव्यधीमत्व(त्त्व)10 पात्रगतभ[क्तित्वधर्मविजयित्वमनोनर्माल्यादिगुणस्मस
1 The coppersmith with whom the platos were found originally hailed from Ahmednagar, See above, Vol. XV, p. 39.
From ink-impressions.
Here and in many places below, rules of sandhi have not been observed. . Read Samrd.jo. . Read sinob sünõb. • This mark of punctuation is superfluous.
The anus dra is misplaced. Read arusa-bhara. • This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

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160
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
11 पेतस्य । वर्षशतमभिवईमानकोशदण्डसाधनसन्तान12 पुत्रपौत्रिण[:] युधिष्ठिरहत्तेर्वाकाटकानाम्महाराजवीपृथिवी
Second Plate; Second Side. 13 सेनस्य' सूनोभंगवतयक्रपाणे प्रसादा(दो)पार्जितश्रीसमुदयस्य 14 महाराजत्रि(श्री)रुद्रसेनस्य सूनोः महाराजाधिराजश्रीदेवगुप्त15 सुताय(या) प्रभावतीगुप्ताय(या)मुत्पत्वस्य ॥ शम्भोरप्रसादति(त)कात16 युगस्य ।' वाकाटकानाम्परममाहेश्वरमहाराज श्रीप्रवरसेन17 स्य वचना[*] । सुप्रतिष्ठाह(हा)रे ।' उमानद्या अपरपाखें । चिंचापल्या' 18 उत्तरे पावें ।' बोन्थिकवाटकस्य ।' पूर्वे पार्श्वे ।' मण्डकिग्रामस्य
Third Plate; First Side. 19 दक्षिणे पाखें । कोथुरकबामग्रामः कौण्डिन्यसगोत्र । तैत्तिरिक गणयावि20 कालुद्दकब्रह्मचारिणे दत्ता' [*] यतोममन्तकाः सर्वाद्ध्यावनियोगनियुक्ता 21 आचासंचारिकुलपुत्राधिक्वताः भट्टा'चाचाच विषुतपूर्वयानाचापयि22 तव्या' विदितमस्तु वः यथेहास्माभिरात्मनो धर्मायुर्बलविजयश्चर्यवि23 वृदये इहामुत्रहितार्थमात्मानुग्रहाय वैषयिक धम्म(मप्र)खाने अपूर्वद24 त्या(त्या) उदकपूर्वमतिसृष्टः [*] यथास्योपचिता' पूर्वराजानुमताचातुर्वेद्य
Third Plate; Second Side. 25 ग्राममर्यादान्वितराम स्तद्यथा अकरदायि अभटच्छ"प्रावश्या:] अपा26 रम्परगोबलवह[:]2 अपुष्पक्षौरसन्दोह[*] पवा(चा)रासनचाङ्गार:*] अल
This mark of punctuation is superfluous. . Read Sri-Prithivishinaaya. . Read Chirichapallya. • Read Taittiriya-. • Read dattab. • Read bhata- as in other Väkätaka grants. . Read visruta-pürvaajayajia payitabyah. - Read °sy-bchitarin. . Read maryyadam vitaraması, 10 Read akara-dayi. u Read .chchhätra- as in other Väkätaka grante. U Read-balivarddah.

Page #202

KOTHURAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II.
20.0
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Page #203

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Page #204

No. 22.]
A NOTE ON THE DATES OF THREE RASHTRAKUTA KINGS.
161
27 वणक्लिन्नक्लेनीखनकः' सर्ववेष्टिसपरिहारपरिहतः सनिधिः 28 सोपनिधि:*] सक्लिप्तोपक्लिप्त [:] पाचन्द्रादित्यकालि(लो)यः पुत्रपौत्रानु गा* 29 मिकः भुञ्जता(तो) न केनचिझ्याघातयितथ्यः सर्वक्रयाभि'स्मरक्षितव्य[:*] 30 परिवयितव्यचा(च) [*] यथास्पच्छासनमगणयमानः स्वल्पामपि परिबार्धा
Fourth Plate. 31 कुर्यात्कारयित वा तस्य ब्राह्मणर्वेदितस्य सदण्डं निग्रहं कुर्य्याम ॥ 32 अस्मिंश्च धर्मादरकरणे अतीतानेकराजदत्ता सचिन्तनपरिपालन 33 कृतपुण्यानुकीर्तनपरिहारात्य न कीर्तयाम: [*] व्यासगि(गो)तश्चात्र श्लोक प्रमाणी34 कर्त्तव्य[:] [[*] स्वदत्ता परदत्ता वा हरेद्यो वे वसुन्धरा[[*] । गवां शत
सहस्रस्य 35 हन्तुहरति दुष्कृत(तम्)' । [॥१॥*] संवत्सरे द्वितीये अश्वयुज'मासशक्लबादण्या(श्या) ।' 36 चकदेवदूतक:10 नागवर्माणा लिखित[म*] । ॥ * ॥
No. 22.-A NOTE ON THE DATES OF THREE RASHTRAKUTA KINGS.
BY THE LATE: MR. A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS:
Indra III-A. D. 916-27 (1) The Rashtrakūta king Indra III had the distinctive title of Nityavarsha', while his son Govinda IV had the titles of Prabhūtavarsha' and Suvarnavarsha'. The earliest record in which this Prabhūtavarsha (i. e., Govinda IV) figures is one from Dandāpurl in the BombayKarnatak, which is dated in Saka840 (expired), Pramāthin, Makara-sankramapa, corresponding
1 Read - rimi-khanakah. . Read sarupa-vishti-parihara. • Read sa-klipt-opakļiptal. • Read sarva-kriyābhir,
Read karavasnd. • Read raja-datta-salichintano-paripalanaim. 1 Metre: Anushtubh. 8 Read Alvayuja
. This mark of punctuation is superfluous. 10 Read Chakkradeva-dalakars. 11 There is a floral design between these two sets of dandas. WInd. Ant. Vol. XII, p.222, and B.K.No.83 of 1933-34.

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162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
to A. D. 918, December 23, while the latest date Saka 857 (wrong for Saka 856), Vijaya, corresponding to A. D. 933-34 is furnished by three records1 from Honnali in the Mysore State. On the strength of these, Mr. Altekar has concluded that Indra III had died in about A. D. 917 and that Govinda IV, who succeeded him, probably after a short rule of one year of his elder brother Amoghavarsha II, had actually reigned for about 15 years from A. D. 919 to 934.
This statement seems to require modification in the light of some other inscriptions of Indra III which have been copied from the Bellary and Cuddapah Districts of the Madras Presidency and from Bombay-Karnatak. One of these from Kuḍatani" in the Bellary District is dated in Vikrama, which corresponded to Saka [842], (=A. D. 920-21). Another from Kadabagere in the same district belonging to the reign of Nityavarsha Indra-Vallabha is dated in Saka 844, Chitrabhānu, corresponding to A. D. 922, September 9. A third from Asundi in the BombayKarnatak, belonging to a Nityavarsha, bears the Saka year 847 and the cyclic year Parthiva (=A. D. 925-26). One other record of the same Nityavarsha from Halaharavi in the Bellary District is stated to be dated in the same cyclic year Parthiva, but the Saka year appears to have been wrongly quoted therein as 854. Yet another record recently copied from Kamalapuram in the Cuddapah District, furnishes for Nityavarsha Indra-narendra the date Saka 848, Parthiva, Uttarayana-sankramana. The actual wording is as follows:
Svasti[*] Nityavarsha Prithivivallabha Mahārājathiraja Paramesvara Paramabhaṭṭāraköttarōttarābhivriddhi-pravardhamana-vijaya-Mahāraṭṭa-rajyadol-Indra-narendrana rajyam saluttire Pallavadhiram Mulki-aynuruvan-aluttire Svasti samadhigata-pañcha-mahāśabda mahāsāmantaṁ vikranta-Raman vikranta-Bhiman.........Svasti Saka-nripa-kälätita-samvatsaranPärtthiva-samvatsaram pravarttise tadvarsh-äbhyantar
gal=entunúra-nālvatt-enṭaneya öttarayana-samkrāntiy-andu etc.
[VOL. XXVI.
The full astronomical details of the date are not given, but the date may be equated to A. D. 925, December 23. From the Bombay-Karnaṭak come two records belonging to a Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha, of which one from Gadag in the Dharwar District is dated in Saka 840,- Bahudhanya, corresponding to A. D: 918, July 18. From the distinctive title Nityavarsha', it may be assigned to Indra III himself, for whom therefore the new title of Nirupama' appears to be indicated in this epigraph. If this is accepted, the other record of the same king Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha from Haleritti dated in Saka 850, Sarvadhari, Pushya-A. D. 927, December, may also be considered to belong to Indra III, in which case Saka 850 will be the
1 Ep. Carn,, Vol. VII, Hn. 21 to 23.
• Rashtrabajar and their Times, p. 108.
No. 47 of 1904 of the Madras Epigl. collection.
South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. IX, No. 57.
B. K. No. 162 of 1926-27.
No. 540 of 1915 of the Mad. Epigl. colln. In 8. I. I., Vol. IX, No. 62, this record has been taken to be one of Govinda IV, taking the Saka year as correct and the cyclic year Parthiva as wrong; but the latter has been taken as correct above, the Saka year 854 being considered as wrongly quoted instead of Saka 847.
No. 235 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1937-38.
Nos. 184 of 1932-33 and 47 of 1933-34 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection.
In para. 38 of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1916, it has been suggested that Nityavarsha was probably a title of Govinda IV, like that of his father Indra III, on the consideration that No. 540 of 1915 dated in Saka 854, Parthiva, could belong to the former only. Taking Pärthiva as correct and equating it to Saka 847 and not 854, the record may be taken to belong to Indra III, for whom the Kamalapuram inscription (No. 235 of 1937-38) furnishes the date Saka 848, Parthiva. There does not seem to be therefore any necessity for postulatIng the title of Nityavarsha' to Govinda IV, for whom the titles known are ' Prabhutavarsha' and 'Suvar Bavaraha' only.

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163
No. 22.)
A NOTE ON THE DATES OF THREE RASHTRAKUTA KINGS.
latest date known 80 far for him. It is therefore possible that Nityavarsha Indra III, whose date of accession was February 24, A. D. 915, actually reigned till at least the end of A. D. 927. He may have continued for some time longer.
Govinda IV (A, D. 930-34). The Cambay plates of Govinda IV: dated in Saka 852-(May 10, A. D. 930). contain an important item of information which, in the light of the facts noted above, receives a new significance. It is stated therein that when the king, having come from his capital Mänyakhēts, was staying at a village called Kapitthakä on the day specified, on the occasion of the pattabandha festival, he performed the great tulābhāra ceremony and also made munificent donations to Brahmans and temples. In fact his gifts to Brāhmans are stated to have been as many as 600 agrahāras and 3,00,000 suvarnas, while those to temples aggregated to 800 villages and 4,00,000 suvarnas and 32,00,000 drammas in coin. Even allowing for an excusable exaggeration in regard to these details, such exuberant liberality was hardly rivalled by any other Räshțrakūta sovereign.
Dr. Bhandarkar who has edited these plates in the Epigraphia Indica' has argued that the patfabandha cannot refer to a royal coronation ceremony, for the reasons that Govinda figures in an inscription of A. D. 918, that it is unnatural to expect that the king will have gone to a village away from his capital for the paffabandha ceremony, and that the period of 11 years from A. D. 919 to A. D. 930 is too great an interval for Govinda to have continued simply as an heir-apparent. In view, however, of the discovery of distinct records dated in A. D. 922 and 925, and possibly also in A. D. 927 for Indra III, as pointed out above, the event glorified in the Cambay plates may very reasonably be considered to have been the coronation of Govinda IV himself, the magnitude of the gifts detailed therein indicating clearly an occasion of considerable importance. It may be noted that Indra III also celebrated his paftabandha ceremony at & village named Kurundaka, as stated in the Nausāri copper-plate grant of this king dated in A. D. 915, and that even longer terms of heir-apparency are not unknown, for to quote but one instance, the Chola prince Rajadhiraja (A. D. 1018-53) was a crown-prince for over 20 years till A. D. 1044, before he became the reigning king. The inference seems therefore to be warranted that Indra III continued to reign as king till at least A. D. 927, and that Govinda IV succeeded to the Rashtrakūta throne in May, A. D. 930, after a short interval of a year or so, in which his elder brother Amõghavarsha II had perhaps reigned, as indicated by the statement in the Bhadana plates of Aparājita-Silāhāra.
In this case, one small point seems to require elucidation as to why, while an elder son was living, the younger Govinda should have been chosen heir-apparent in about A. D. 918, whereas Amõghavarsha's claim for succession should have been recognised only later at the time of Indra's death. It must have been this acknowledgment of the rightful claim of Amõghavarsha that appears to have incited the darker traits in Govinda's character; for if the sententioua denials made in the Sangli plates that Govinda did not act cruelly towards his elder brother' mean anything, they seem to indicate that Govinda may have indirectly helped in the removal of his elder brother, whose existence had barred his way to the Rashtrakūta throno.
1 Nausar copper-plate referred to in the Bom. Gas., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 415.
Asie, Vol. VII, p. 27.
Ante, Vol. VII, p. 27, f. n.'2. • Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 415. According to the Bagumri plates, Indra Af purformed a tulapuruska. dana at & village named Kurundaka (ante, Vol. IX, p. 24).
Quoted in Altekar, loc. cit., p. 105.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
The actual reign of Govinda IV is thus reduced to a short period of about four years only-from May, A. D. 930 to the middle of A. D. 934. Owing to his wicked life, this king, it is stated, was very unpopular, and his ministers and feudatories' conspired to oust him. The Eastern Chāļukya king Bhima II claims to have defeated the army of Govinda IV in about the year A. D. 934'; and this defeat must have been the signal for the discontented elements at the Rashtrakūta capital to flare up into activity. The result was that Govinda was deposed, and Amöghavarsha III, an uncle of Govinda in 8 collateral line, a religious man already welladvanced in years,' was chosen by the feudatories to be the king. It is not definitely stated anywhere that Govinda died on this occasion-he may perhaps have lived some years longer; but his career as a Rāshtrakūta king probably ended with A. D. 934.
Krishna III (A. D. 939-67). The records of Krishna III found in the Kannada country are most of them dated in Saka years, while his numerous Tamil records in the Tondai-mandalam, following apparently the procedure in vogue in the Tamil districts, mention only his regnal years. However, an inscription from Pädürt in the Tirukkōyilür Taluk of the South Arcot District is of interest in this connection, as quoting his regnal year 26, coupled with the astronomical details-Vrischika, ba. 3, Wednesday, Mrigaśirsha. Even here the omission of the Saka and the cyclic years is unfortunate, but the English equivalent can, however, be calculated.
Now. Amoghavarsha III, the father and predecessor of Ksishna III, was alive on December 3, A. D. 939.5 So the date of accession of Kộishņa III must have been somewhere in the neighbourhood of this date, and his 26th year would fall in the interval between A. D. 960 and 970. On verification it is found that A. D. 964, October 26, Wednesday, and no other date in this interval, agrees so well with the given details. This being a day in the 26th regnal year of the king, the date of his accession must have been some day between October 27, A. D. 938 and October 26, A. D. 939.
As stated already, Krishna's predecessor Amõghavarsha was alive on December 3. A. D. 939. If so, how can the date of accession of his successor Krishņa III be some date prior to October 27, of the same year? For this to be possible, we shall have to suppose that Krishna had been formally anointed yuvarāja during the last days of his father himself; and when we take into consideration the fact that Amõghavarsha III was already a man of advanced age with a deeply religious bent of mind at the time of his selection as king, there is nothing out of the ordinary in his having associated his son Kțishna along with himself in the administration, and in bis having actually anointed him some time prior to his own demise. A record' from the Sorab Taluk of the Mysore State furnishes Saka 861 (=A, D. 939), December 23rd, as the earliest date for Krishna III with the imperial titles. The Dēõli plates dated approximately on 30th April A. D. 940, mention that Kțishņa succeeded to the throne only after Amõghavarsha's death and
1 Among such feudatories the Chafukys chieftain Arikēsarin, the patron of the poet Pampa, was one Ante, Vol. VII, p. 34.
• The Kaluobum harru grant of Ammarija II, ante, Vol. VII, p. 177. • Altekar, Rashtrakūkas and their Times, p. 111. • No. 281 of 1936-37 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
Isamudra inscriptiou dated in Saks 861, Vikärin=A. D. 939, December 3 (Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Cd. 77).
• According to the Indian Ephemeris, the tithi was current till 54 and the nakshatra till 48 of the day. (An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy for 1936-37, p. 47).
Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sorab 476. The details are Saka 861, Vikarin, Uttarayana, Monday=A.D. 939, Dovember 23, Monday.
• Ante, Vol. V, p. 188.

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No. 23.)
INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN.
165
this statement is not in conflict with what had been said above; for Krishna's actual coronation asking 'must have occurred only after the death of Amõghavarsha sometime towards the end of A. D. 939, though he may have been anointed yuvarāja a few months earlier, and calculated the subsequent dates of his reign retrospectively from this initial date.
The two limits, namely, October 27, A.D. 938, and October 26, A. D. 939, between which the date of accession of Krishna III fell may therefore be accepted. They may, however, be narrowed down somewhat.
As Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has shown above, Vol. XXI, p. 262, Krishna must have passed away a short time prior to February, A. D. 967, (i.e.) towards the end of A.D. 966 or in the beginning of A. D. 967. It may therefore be inferred that the accession of Krishna III was calculated from August or September A.D. 939, though his actual coronation as king' took place only in December of that year, that he reigned for 27 full years and a portion of the 28th year, and that his death may have occurred in about December, A. D. 966, or January A. D. 967.1
No. 23.-INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN.
By C. C. Das GUPTA, M.A. This set of copper-plates was found in a village of the Badakhimedi estate in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency and was acquired, along with eight other similar sets, for the Archæological Section of the Indian Museum through Mr. S. Rajaguru, Municipal Councillor, Parlakimedi. Two of the nine sets belong to the Ganga king Indravarman', one of which has already been edited by Mr. P. N. Bhattacharyya of the Archæological Section of the Indian Museum. The other I edit here, with the kind permission of Mr. T. N. Ramachandran, Officiating Superintendent of the Archæological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
This set consists of three copper-plates, each measuring 7" x 3", strung together by means of & copper-ring at their one end which was held by a seal of 1}" diameter marked with the figure of a couchant bull. Altogether they weigh 89 tolas including the ring. The first plate is engraved on one side only, the second and third on both their sides. The inscription consists of 40 lines, each side of the plates containing 9 lines except the last which contains only 4
lines.
1 In a long footnote Mr. Altekar has tried to fix the period of Krishna's reign (Rashtrakūtas and their times, pp. 122, 123); but he has taken the Kilār record to be dated in the 30th year (instead of 20th, as revised). He has also equated the details of the Kolagallu record (No. 236 of 1913) to A. D. 988, February 17th, instead of A. D. 967, February 17th, as calculated in ante, Vol. XXI, p. 262. It may be noted that an inscription from the Mysore State (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Holalkere 23) of the reign of Akälavarsha Prithivivallabhs is dated in Saks 891. Vibhava. The astronomical details therein do not work correctly for Vibhava. Further as Krishna is stated to have died at the time of the Kolagallu inscription (17th February, 967) the Holalkere record of a later dato for him is inexplicablo. There seems to be some mistake either in the actual year quoted in this document, or there must have been some jumbling of the southern and northern cycles of reckoning. Records of Khottiga dated in Saks 890, Prabhava, and Saka 890, Vibhava, are known (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 531 and ibid., Vol. XI, Cd. 50).
An. Rep. A. 8. 1., 1935-36, p. 110, F. & G. Of the nine sets of copper-plates the other eight have already been edited. (Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff., pp. 78 ff., pp. 141 ff., pp. 261 ff., and Vol. XXIV, pp. 120 ff.).
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 78 ff.

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106
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI
The characters used in this inscription belong to the South Indian Nagari type and may be assigned to the 10th century A.D. With regard to the formation of individual letters, it may be pointed out that ē, t, th, p and u have two signs each, as found in the following examples : vishaė (1.9) and ētad (1.13); "vatas (1.1) and onātah (1.22); nātha (1.6) and "thivi (1.9); parama (1.8) and pratio (1.28); ovatas- (1.1) and ovāsinah (1.3). Besides d and n have three forms each, as found in the following examples : pädā (1. 6), khátādi (1. 15) and paradao (1. 28); nivão (1.3), nichaya (1. 4) and onēka (1. 7). So far as the medial vowels are concerned, i has five signs as found in Svētkā (1.1), karana (1.2), bhatão (1. 3), samanta (.4), odhyāto (1.6); i three signs as found in svasti (1. 1), shatki (1. 4), giri (1.6); i two signs as in Kalio (1.5), kirti (1. 18); u three different signs as in bhuja (1.4), mätyuo (1. 11), bhutvā (1. 26); è three signs as found in Svētkā (1.1), śēsha (1. 4), madhe (1. 15); ai two signs as found in kaidi" (1. 15), vārunai (1. 30); o six signs as found in guro (1. 1), hétor= (1.2), Kolāula (1. 6), grāmoo (1. 13), Gośvão (1. 17), yönyāni= (1. 30); au two signs as found in gauravit (1. 22), gau° (1. 22). The language of the record is Sanskrit and the composition is in prose except that eight of the customary verses occur in 11. 23–34. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) In certain cases a is used instead of a as in akshēptā (1. 27). (2) u has been wrongly placed instead of au as it is found in ubhau (1. 29). (3) In vishae (.. 9), the vowel é is substituted for ye. (4) Sometimes the letter ñ is wrongly used instead of ś, as in otan-cha (1. 14). (5) In 1. 12 the form rāttra has been used for Sanskrit răshtra apparently due to the influence of the local dialect. (6) Sometimes has wrongly given place to th, as in sashthim (1. 26). (7) n is used instead of TM as in Gökarnē" (1. 3). (8) As in many other inscriptions of this period, no separate sign for b has been employed, it being invariably expressed by the sign for v. (9) é is wrongly used for 8 and sh as in "kasya (1.3) and sashthim (1.26) respectively. (10) sh is wrongly used for 6 and 8 as is found in shatki (1. 4) and shalila (1. 20) respectively. (11) 8 is wrongly used for sh and $ as in "ghosa (1. 7) and dasa (1. 15) respectively. (12) Anusvāra is wrongly dropped as in bhavatā (1. 13) and also wrongly used as in samnka (1. 24). (13) In the like manner visarga is sometimes omitted, as after nichaya (1. 4) while it is also wrongly used as in vahubhih (1. 23). Other errors in writing have been noticed in the text or the footnotes accompanying it.
Indravarman mentioned in this inscription is the same as Indravarman noted in the other Badakhimedi copper-plates on account of the following reasons. First, the script used in both these inscriptions is exactly the same. Secondly, the drafts of both these inscriptions are of the same nature. Thirdly, both were issued from Svētaka, written by Sri Samanta and engraved by Svayambhu. If we study the Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman,' the Badakhimedi copperplates of Indravarman and the present record, then we can form the following genealogical table :
Mahindravarman
Prithivivarman
Indravarman #GõBvõmini
1 There is a great similarity between this inscription and the plates of Bhupendravarmadēva (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 266 ff.) which, from the palaeographical point of view, have been rightly ascribed to the 10th century A. D. The Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman (ibid., Vol. IV, p. 198 ff.) who is the father of Indravarman mentioned in this and the other set of copper-plates (ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 78 ff.) should necessarily be ascribed to the 10th or the latter half of the 9th oentury A.D. and not to the 12th or 13th century a suggested with doubt by Kielhorn nor to the 12th oentury as held by Mr. Bhattachay .
• Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 78 ff. • Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 198 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 78$

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No. 23.]
INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN.
167
The fact that Indravarman had a younger brother named Danārṇava who succeeded him to the throne may be proved in the following way. It is apparent that Bhattaputra Durgakhaṇḍin, son of Bhatta Bodhana of the Vatsa götra and the Chhandogya charana, the donee in one. of the Badakhimedi copper-plates of Indravarman1 is the same as Bhatta Durgakhandika, the donee of Danārṇava's grant, coming likewise from the Badakhimedì estate, as the names of the donee's father, götra and charana are the same as in the former. The grantor in the first record is Indravarman while in the second it is Danārṇava, both of them being the sons of Prithivivarman. From the above facts it may be concluded that Indravarman and Dānārṇava are brothers. There is still further evidence to show that Indravarman was elder than and preceded Danārṇava. In the Ganjam plates of Prithivivarman the writer and the engraver of the grant are respectively Samdhivigrahin Sri Samanta and kāṁsyakāra Śrī Samanta Svayambhu. These two persons also figure in the same capacity in both the Badakhimedi copper-plates of Indravarman, one of them being under discussion, but not in the grant of Dänärpava. This proves that Indravarman was elder than and preceded Dānārņava, because had it been exactly opposite, then the writer and the engraver of Danārṇava's grant would have been those whom we have found in the Ganjām plates of Prithivivarman. Thus the genealogy of this royal family taking the grant of Danārṇava into consideration will be as follows:
Mahindravarman Prithivivarman
Indravarman=Gösvāmini
Dānārṇava.
The object of this inscription is to record a gift of land, by Indravarman, situated in the village Bhethiéringa in Patanikhanda-vishaya on the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Phalguna for the benefit of his parents and self, to Lōkamādhava, Svayambhukesvara and some other Brahmanas named Kesava, Daupa, Sōmapa, Viṭhu, Madhusudana, Dhanasarman, Ganapati, Bhrigudēva, Dēvasarman, Savarapa and Durgakhandi.
The places mentioned in this inscription are Svētaka, Nandagiri, Köläulapura, Pațanikhaṇḍa-vishaya and Bheṭhieringa. As regards Svētaka, Mr. R. Subba Rao has observed, "It would apppear from the Sthalapurana that the region round about Sri-Kurmam was called Svetaka Pushkarani (sic); and probably the donor had his capital at Śrī-Kurmam." Mr. Sarma, however, identifies it with the modern Chikați Zamindari in the Sompeta taluk of the Ganjam District. Kōlaulapura has been identified by Rice with the modern Kolar in the east of Mysore and Nandagiri with Nandidrug, the well-known fortified hill to the west of the Kolar District, Mysore. He proposed these two identifications in connection with the Gangas of Mysore; but if we accept them in connection with the Gangas of Orissa, then we presume that the Gangas
1 Ibid.
2 Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 264.
3 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 198 ff.
I am wholly indebted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, M.A., M.O.L., Ph. D. (Lugd.), for kindly permitting me to make full use of an unpublished article of him regarding this genealogical point. This valuable paper of his will be ere long published in the Epigraphia Indica. [It has since been published, above, Vol. XXV, p. 240-Ed.] It may be that this Durgakhandi is the same as Durgakhandin mentioned in the other Badakhimedi copper-plates of Indravarman (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 78 ff.) and the grant of Dinārṇava (ibid, Vol. XXIII p. 264).
J. A. H. R S., Vol. III, p. 184.
J. O. R., Vol. XI, p. 58.
Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 32.

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168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
of Orissa migrated from Mysore region. Regarding this point Dr. H. C. Roy has observed, "From the fact that they occasionally describe themselves a, lords of the city of Kölähala it is clear that they considered themselves to be a branch of the Gangas of Mysore. But the story of their migration and settlement from Kolar to Ganjām and the details of their subsequent history must in the present state of our knowledge remain shrouded in considerable obscurity. ...... In the first half of the 11th century we find another series of kings claiming descent from the same line as the above....... That they also traced their descent from the Gangas of Kolar is proved by the Vizagapatam grant of Anantavarman Chodaganga, which clearly mentions Kölähala, the founder of Kölāhalapura, in the Gangavādi-vishaya, as one of his ancestors. The same inscription distinctly says that Kämärņava, a distant descendant of Kölāhala, leaving Kölāhalapura with his brothers, came to the Mahendra mountain, and having conquered Bäläditya through the favour of the god Gökarnasvāmin, took possession of the Kalinga countriug"'1 and Vajrahasta (the earliest Ganga prince for whom we have any authentic record) is the seventeenth prince from Kamarnava. This shows that there is sufficient ground for holding the theory of the migration of the Gangas of Orissa from the Mysore region. But for the distance one would feel tempted to identify Bhēthisringa with Barsinga on the Brahmani river. I cannot suggest any identification for Pataņikhanda-vishaya.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti (l*) Svētkā(tak-ā)dhishthānād-bhagavatag=charāchara-guro* sakala-sasānka-kre
(bē)2 khara-dharabya'll sthity-utpati(tti)-pralaya-karana-hētõr-Mahēndrāschala-sikha3 ra-nivāsinah srimad-Gökarnē(rņē)bvara-bhattārakaśya(sya) charana-kamal-ārädhan-āvāpta4 punya(nya)-nichaya[h*]ll'shatki(sakti)-trayab'-prakarsh-anurañjita-sēsha-samanta-chakra[b]*
sva(sva)-bhuja-va(ba). 6 la-parakram-äkrintal -sakala-Kali(li)ng-adhirajya[b*) paramamābēsvarā māstā]6 pitsi-pād-anudhyāto Gang-amala-kula-tilaka[h*] bri- Nā(Na)nda-giri-nātha[h*] Köläula pura
paT ttana-vini(ni)rgata-kāmvalya-varaya-ghosa(shah) Ilma(a)nēka-jaya-jayā(ya)-sadva"-prachanda
dandi8 ta[h*ll' mä(ma)hārājādhirāja-paramāśvara-para''mabhattāraka-bri-rājā Indravarmadēva[h*]
kusha(sa)
* Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 448-49.
I am wholly indebted to Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, M.A., F.R.A.8. B., for this identification. • Expressed by & symbol. • Read gurob. . Read basatka. • Read dharasya.
The sign of punctuation is unnecessary. The sign somewhat resomblon the modern Någari letter ga with out the top bar.
# Road Mahendr-achala. . This visarga is not required; read traya. 10 Read -anuranjit-abisha. 11 Read dabda. 11 This ra appears below the line.

Page #212

INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN.
থেও কানায়
এখন বলোগে। [
হ (জি ' পদম' হল। বো:
s s5Fন্ধ নাৎসিবা। গুন ১৪৪ ) এর নু%A7ণমাল ( রঃ ১।
দা?'a -\+পণীবানুম,মোন। বাং37:6sS:১াল নিপেলামকেওলাইসেল 6 গনীন'৯০)JAণ:ঠাক যুদেই। ৭৭শাসক (\( 7rQয়া/৩১ ৭৯,কুঞ্জন 5 wf.la/ এই কৰা ? /N. ৩
,a. 109ার্কের্তিামনিমানবহঃত্রর
২/Gqলমাণিজনৈঃশবন হারায়। দার্জিজtণমা!৫.ভলপদ্ম
শুণাবলমষ্টলুকমপকে । 14 5:4{\'ফি(36ঙন লুঙি72 -(১ায়ু
ব্রিফাষায না পৰে গ্ৰছুলকর। 16 জ’থ:3ীলামৃ7Qানবন্ধে 16 দপ্ত। তাইথেন্ত্রীমশ্বালামু । 6:58 3
সৗর নয় ।
iii,a. * 0LTgcলই হলো:শ্রবণপস্থিল :
34 fলনীয় নমঃ । ঠাইৰণৰ :14.১ ১৫নং বাগ(হেত। :)
ভাইনাইন 'বনমাত্ৰথয়। • GOানমপে লীলা-শ্রীহ 2
৯) 47 টি অদণনকাছে :14 এনাল
ভেসিকঞ্জ৭ঠকম 14 :না? ''২( দামেঘমন: 3c7calf'এয়ডcti6 ম ন / ;
a,b,
(কোণঠানমা:ওঁ | lga) 2.73 ব] 5
এ র নান এt"পএনিম উইহিল তা S. (৭২
০
শিক্রস্বেচ্ছামনাথপ(44 20 bিah 2 (S! না ' বাঈ: 20 লিখতে সমক'ঠানবিং মুনাফলস্তান। ৩ || ৭ মাত্রা আশাবৰ ২০
9/17 ভাই'৭[লাইভ: বাংলা পল) 2/357৭৭/মারুফল 24 সন'ণ'ণ/142,7672নায়াসেইনফidা । 26 5 জেয়াল। (৫ জ (ওমেন 23-টু' হাউসঃণিyঠ বেওয়ায় ঐ হা
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. REd. No. 2094 E+1. 310.

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No. 23.]
INDIAN MUSEUM PLATES OF GANGA INDRAVARMAN
9 li śri-Prithivi(vi)varmasya (naḥ) su(su)tah Patani-khanda-vishae (ye)|||
Second Plate; First Side,
ári-sāmanta
10 yatha-kal-dbysi-mahäsimanta
|ja
11 maty-utpari'-dapdanayaka-vishayapati-gå(grä)mapati(tin)]
bhi bha)ta
12 samanta-rāṭṭrakuṭa-kuṭumvina | janapadānaḥ(dān) samādisha (sa)ti viditam-astu bhavata[m] êtad-vishaya-samandha -grāmō-ya[m*] || Bhethisringō nama sa-jalasthal-ārā
13
14 nya' chatub-si(si)m-pa-adhasrōtra-fahitina | lakshitañ(tas) cha | Arapaduņi-grā
15 m-ardhdha(rddha)-Pārāpadra-khātādi-khāmbhāra-samitēna | tasya madhē10 bhu(bhu)mi
169
-rājanaka-rä(ja*]putra-kumara(mārā)
anya(nyām)ś=cha
dasa (sa)kaidi
16 mēkam-ñchaḥ śrī-Lōkamādhavasyal datam13 | apara-ardhdha-ansa"-bhaṭṭārakaSvayambhuke
17 sarasya1s ||3 apara-ardhdha-ansa" vrāhmaṇānāñ-cha1 || śrī-Gōśvā(sva)maņikasya jē(jyē)shṭhapu
18 traḥ śri-Ganga-Svayambhukasya ragni1 śri-Ela | tasya dharma-kirti[r]=jagati
Second Plate; Second Side.
|| ih-aiva Phalgupa-masa-sulka"-paksha chaturdasi(6) P
19 paristhāpitam-ñcha
parili -
20 kshitam-ñcha | mata-pitō(tro)r-atmanas-cha || punya(nya)-pavardhayōha sha(sa)liladhara-purab
chata
The letter read as ta looks more like dra or du. The name of the vishaya may thus be Padrani or Paduni, more probably the latter which also occurs below in line 14 as the name of a village. See below f. n. 9.-B. C. C.]
Read -oparika-.
Read rashtrakuta-kutumbina.
Read samhaddha.
* Dandas unnecessary. There is a symbol after the dandas, which resembles the symbol of om in the beginning.
The sign of punctuation is unnecessary. The sign somewhat resembles the modern Nagari letter ga without the top bar.
"Read -aranyak.
Possibly we have to read chatuh-sim-öpalakshitaḥ. [The reading adhaerotra obviously corresponds to adhas-ch-ördhva.-B. C. C.]
10 Read madhye.
11 Read měkam cha. [Can the intended reading be ek-améah? -B. C. C.]
12 Read Lökamādhavaya.
13 Read dattaḥ.
14 Read apar-årddh-améab.
1 Read -varaya.
• This ra appears below the line. [Can it be that the intended reading is aparam Paduni-gram-årdha-etc.? See above f. n. 8.-B. C. C.]
10 Read brahmanebhyab-cha.
17 Read rajni.
18 Read pratishthäpitäs-cha.
19 Read bukla.
20 Read parilikhilancha
21 Read pravriddhaye.

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170
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
21 rēņai | chandr-ārka-sthiti-sama-kāla[m] a-kari(ri)-kfitya pratipădito=smābhiḥr
yatam | 22 sâsana-darashanā[ta]h dharma-gatra'vät=asmād-gauravă cha | na kēna-chipta(t-pa)
ripanthina(na) 23 bhavivya || tathā cha pathyatē dharma-shā(sā)strē Va(Ba)hubhiḥ[r](bhir)-vasu(su)dhā
datā? rājāna. Sagar-ādi24 bhiḥ [l*] yasya yasya yadā bhu(bhū)mi[h*] Il tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Má bhuya
(bhād=a)phala-sam(sa)rkā va[h*] 25 para-datāti parthivä[h*310 || Sha(Sva)-datām(ttām) para-datām-vä(ttam vä) yö harēti(ta)
vashu(su)ndhara[m*] | Sa(sa) vishthấyä[m*] 26 krimi[r=*] bhu(bhūytvā piçribhish*) saha pachyatē || Sashthim=varisha(Shashtim varsha)
ba(sa)habrā(srā)ņi ávargam(svargē) mödati bhu(bhü)27 mida[h*] | a(a)kshēptā ch=ānumantyä(ntā) dhä(cha) [tâny*-) ova narakam vrajötah(t) [ll] Sva(sva)-dānāt=phalam kuryā-pa?
Third Plate; First Side. 28 para-datā(tt-ā)nupālanam [il Bhu(Bhū)mi[m*) yaḥb(yah) pratigțihnā(hņā)ti tasyal bhu
(bhū)mi[m] prayachchhati [18] 29 ubhaü(bhau) tau punya(nya)-karmāņau ni(ni)yatau sva(sva)rga-gāminau || atham(Yas=ta)
hārayatē bhu(bhū)mi[m*] 30 mandavudhi(buddhis-)tamā(mā)vpitā(tah) [l*) sa vadhou vāruņai[h*) pāsai(taih) tirya
-yonyāñecha jāyatē || A31 nyāya(77)na hari(hți)tā bhu(bhūmir-anyäyēna tu haritā || häratë harayarntañ-chadahaty
32 shatpaṁmam(saptamam) kulam | Iti kamala-dal-amvu/mba-vimdux(bindu)-lla[m]
bri(sri)yam=anu38 chintä(ntya) [ma*]nusya(shya)-icji)vitarh sha sa kalam-idam=udahri(dāhpi)tam [cha*]
vudhā(buddhvā) na hi purushai[h*) pa[ra*]-kirtayo 34 vilõpyä[h|l*] likshi(khi)tam-ida mahāsam(sa)ndhivigrahi-bri-Samantēna | utkirna
(tkirņa) -
1 Read purahaaram.
* The sign of punctuation is unnecessary. The sign somewhat resembles the modern Nägari letter ga with out the top bar.
. Read bhir=yalah. . This ra appears below the line.
Read darkanād-dharmma-gauravidaemad-gawrandch-cha. • Read bhavilavyan.
Read datta. • Read räjabhib. . Read para-datteeti. 1. Second half of the verse missing here but occurs in 11. 27-28. 11 This é is initial.
12 Read phalam-anantyan as found in many instances. This half of the verse should coour in L. 26, M noticed above.
11 Read yas-cha. 16 Read baddho. 16 Read tiryag. 16 Road haraló hårayalal-cha.

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No. 24.) A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM. 171
36 i-chah disanaḥ kärisa(sya)kärs- breshthi -dri Samanta-Sva(Sva)yambhună Napab
sho(a) tēna II 36 šehhitazid(ta) õ=oha sri Gosvä(svä)miņikēna || tachharvam. pramāņam-iti || [ohha) ||
Third Plate ; Second Side. 37 Bhattaputra Kosava || apara Dāupa || punaḥ Sõ(86)mapā || punaḥ Vithu ||| 88 punuḥ(naḥ) Madhusä(sū)dana || punuḥ(nah) Dhanabarma || apara Bhattapatra-vastavya
Ganapati 39 Bhrigudēvas=cha || apara Dēvasha(ta)rma apara Savarapaḥ || Durgakhandi ||
ebhi(bhyo) 40 brāhmaṇēbhõ(bhyo) dataṁ(ttam) || 0 ||
No. 24.- A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM.
By A. GHOSH, M.A., PATNA. The stone-slab containing the following inscription is housed in the Provincial Museum of Orissa, Cuttack. Professor G. S. Das, the Secretary of the Museum, informs me that there is no record in the Museum to show the findspot of the inscription or the year of its discovery.. My thanks are due to Professor Das for his permission to edit the inscription in the pages of this journal.
The inscription is engraved on both sides of a slab of stone, 1'6" X 12" X 4", there being 11 lines on the obverse and 10 on the reverse. The letters are neatly and clearly engraved, their average size being 7". The characters belong to about the tenth century A. D. and do not call for any special remarks. As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to (1) the use of the avagraha sign in Whitvå-'bhyantaraṁ (1. 12); (2) the non-duplication of the consonant after the superscript r in sarva (1.2 et passim), mārga (1. 6), dharma (1. 17), antarya (1. 19); contrast, however, chürna (. 15); (3) the use of anusuára for the class-nasal in mantra a. 7), abhyamtaram (1. 12), gandha (1. 14), bhavanti (1. 16), sangha (1. 17), Ananda (Il. 18 and 21), mamda (1. 18) and amtarya (1. 19); and (4) the use of v for b throughout
The text of the inscription is a quotation of some Buddhist dhärani followed by a discourse on the use and virtues of the dharani. The tract purports to have been uttered by the Buddha himself to his disciple Ananda, though I have not succeeded in locating it in the Buddhist texts that I have consulted. It is said in the text that the dharani should be written and thrown inside a charitya, by which act one acquires the virtue of erecting a lao of Tathāgata-chaityas. We have archæological evidence that this practice of enshrining sacred texts was followed all over India. At Nālandā, for instance, besides some bricks ingcribed with the Pratityasamutpäda-sitra. or its shorter version ye dharma, etc., there have been found a large number of terracotta tablets bearing on them the text of some dharani. The minuteness
1 Visarga is superfluous. Read Ost-cha. . Read lisanan.
Are we to read Nripa? [This Napa may be identical with Nape, the engraver of the Toktall pratos of Anantavarman; see below p. 176, text 1. 25.-Ed.)
. Read tataram. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 194 ff.; Vol. XXIV, pp. 20fF.
Cf. An. Rep. Arch. Surv., Eastern Circle, 1915-16, p. 38.

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192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
of the characters on these tablets often forbid an aceurate decipherment of the inscriptions. But on examining some of them on which the inscriptions are somewhat clear, I found that at least two give the same dharani as is contained in the present inscription, together with a few extra lines at the beginning and at the end.
The practice of immuring sacred objects including inscribed religious texts inside votive stūpas took & somewhat different form in some Buddhist sites. At Nālandā and Paharpur, for instance, hoards of lumpe of clay, encasing two plaques with figures of Buddha, Tară, etc., or inscribed with the Buddhist formula, have been found within the core of single votive stūpas. The origin of this custom seems to be explained by & passage in the Divyāvadäna' in which the Buddha enumerates the different ways of worshipping a chaitya, viz., by circumambulation, throwing a lump of clay, placing a heap of mukta-flowers, putting & garland, dedicating a lamp and anointing with perfumes.
TEXT.
Obverse. 1 * I * r I 48 ART | Arrat(at)fufen १ जुलु बुलु । शतरश्मिसंचोदिते । सर्वतथागताभि3 tanufafaran I TUTTA I (T)&TUTETI 4 fafar farer anufafea i H i6 # TAI ANA ATH I F&qythat I was 6' grafata ir
(at)fantofelufer
1 The tablets referred to here are two of the six hundred tablets that were found together in 1915-18 in Stapa Site No. 2 and are now in the Arobrological Museum at Nalanda, bearing the register numbers 2-42 and 2.193. The text of the former is given below:
1 oth namo bhagavate vipula-vadana-kanchan-Akshi2 pta-prabhāsa-kë(7)tu-pürvva-tathāgataya namo bhagava3 to Säkya-inunaye tathāgatäy=ărhatë samyak-saun vu bu)ddhaya 4 tad-yathi Orh vô(bodhi vo(bo)dhi vo(bo)dhi sarva-tathagata-góchara dhara 5 har hars prahara prahara mahi-võ(bodhi-chitta-dbare chulu chulu kata-raimi-sam6 cbodite sarva-tathagat-abhishikte guna-gana-matë vu(bu)ddha-gan-avaha7 po mili mili gagana-tala-sarva-lathagat-adhishthite na8 bhastalē sama sama sarva-papa-prasamané sarva-påpe-vibodhano 9 hul hulu mahi-vo(bo)dhi-márga-samprasthite Barva tathigata-pratishthita 10 buddhē svāhā sarta-tathagala-vyavalokite jaya jays sv.. 11 ha hutu huru jaya-mukhē svāhā ēka-chaitya-kritēna 12 laksha (ksham) kritā bhava[n]ti pratitya-samutpădată
13 five illegible letters, followed by a symbol denoting vajra. The portions italicized above are somewhat different from the corresponding portions of the text appearing in the stone incription edited here. No. 2-193 gives the same text in 11 lines, the only differenoe being that the word dhara (1. 4 above) is repeated twice and that after jaya-mukh (1.11 above) it repeate the Buddhist formula ye dharmd, etc., instead of the portion beginning with Ika-chastya-kritena.
. Rxcavations at Paharpur, Memoirs of the Archæological Survey of India, No. 56, p. 83. Divydvadana, ed. Cowell and Neil, pp. 78-79.

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A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM,
এক
Obverse. wazA ৰজাৰশ্ৰৱঞ্জা’বাবার; বুবুল কালৰ বাবেল এবং স্নেকাংবধনষবাগৰম্ভ প ।। 'সুল বার্তা সংস্ন: +
ও বাহৰৰললুলজীবoাখা ও
* ষাপ্রলয়লুলত্রকা। ৪ বনাবীবল্পবাককবহাল৪ কবির এনএন oঙ্কা বাডজুবাহানা ফখo
Reverse.
12 সাবানববন্ধহেযব 12
শ্বনানঘন নলামাবাদ, * বহাগৰৰবৰবন্যামুই ৭
বাবরুরসালিনি । 16 मिनिःषक दलोवनाम दमपटकहरवय 16
প্রবেরি বকসুর 18 এর আনন্দসবিনয়কলস ৪
সেফাসসিইল নাযায়। ৫০ সাল না স্বাচনকালীনলীমা ৩০
মাত্র অনলা এহেসুসূদত্মা
SCALE : ONE-FOURTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 2097 E'41-310.

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No. 24.) A BUDDHIST TRACT IN A STONE INSCRIPTION IN THE CUTTACK MUSEUM. 173
7 ते । सर्वतथागतप्रतिष्ठित वाहा । मूलमंत्रः । स8 तथागतगोचरव्यवलोकिते जय जय स्वाहा । उदये । - ७. रु पयमुखे साहा । उपद*]यं [*] यः कश्चिनिर्वा 10 भिक्षुषो वा उपासको वा उपासिका वा । भन्यो वा । य(य) 11 कचित्] बाचः कुले पुत्रो वा कुले दुहिता वा -
Reverse. 12 []मां धारणी[] [f]लखित्वाऽभ्यंतरं प्रक्षिप्य चैत्य["] क13 [रिष्यति । तेनैकेन चैत्येन वतन लचं तथागत14 चैत्यानां कृतं भवति । ते च चेत्या:*] सर्वगंधपुष्पधूप15 चूखंचावर' च्वध्वजपताकाभिदिपकरणे. पू. 18 जिता भवंति । न केवलं चैत्यमेवमपि तु बु(बु)हरवं ध17 मैरवं संघरवं चैवविधैरुपकरणः पूजितं भवति । 18 एवष(म्म)यानंद संक्षिप्तेन देथितं मंदपुण्यानां प्रयु 10 रि-जानां मिथ्यादृष्टिवैमतिकाना(ना) यानांतर्य20 कारिणां पल्पायुष्का' नरकति[य"]ग्योनियमलोकपरा21 यशानां सत्वा(खा)नामा(?)य य-सा(१)मानंद रहखा[ना*) [*] .
TRANSLATION.
(LI.9-21) Whichever person, (be he) a monk or a nun or a male lay-worshipper or a femalo lay-worshippor or any son of a noble family or a daughter of a noble family having faith. constructs a chaitya after having written this dhāraņi and thrown it inside by the construotion of that single chaitya, a lac of Tathagata-chastyas will have been constructed by him.
1 Read कश्चिाबः. • Read कुलपुची वा कुखदुहिता वा. • Danda unnecemary. • Road °चामर .
Read alaffar
• Read Ogumayo (Intended reading seems to be maparibuddhanamh. The letter after ni soems to be malformed he soord out. -Ed.)
• Rond 'कारिचामन्यायुष्याची • Linea 1.9 give the text of the dharani which it is not possible to translato.

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174
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVI.
Those chaityas are worshipped with the accessories of all perfumes, flowers, incenses, powders, chowries, umbrellas, flags, banners, etc. Not only a chaitya, but the Jewel of the Buddha, the Jewel of the Law, and the Jewel of the Order are worshipped with such accessories. O Ananda, thus has been indicated in brief by me, for the sake of persons who have small virtues, ......who are of a wrong disposition due to false sight, who create obstacles (?) in the Vehicle, who have a short life, whose refuge is in hell, in a birth as a lower animal or in the world of Yama, (and) 0 Ananda, ......(of?) householders.
No. 25.-TEKKALI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; GANGA YEAR 358.
BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M. A., CALCUTTA. The plates forming the subject of the present paper were received for examination by the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, from the Rājā Bāhādur of Tekkali in the Ganjām District of Madras, in whose ownership they lie at present. They were noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1935-36. I now edit the inscription for the first time from ink-impressions kindly supplied by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy in charge of the office of the Government Epigrapbist for India.
According to the information kindly supplied by the office of the Government Epigraphist, these are three sheets of copper measuring approximately 5%" by 28". Towards the proper rigbt end of each plate, there is a ring-hole, about in diameter, through which the plates slide on to a copper ring about t" thick and 21" in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered on to the protruding bottom of a small circular seal about 7" in diameter. It bears in relief on a counter-sunk surface the figure of a bull facing proper left. The weight of the plates along with the ring and the seal is 57 tolas,
The characters belong to the Southern class of alphabets with a sprinkling of northern forms here and there. They generally resemble those of the Alamanda plates of Anantavarman, the Chicacole plates of Satyavarman' and the Indian Museum plates of Dēvēndravarman. An important palaeographic feature of the present inscription is that some of the letters show two alternative forms: sucb, for example, are n (Cf. bhavana and anēka, 1. 4), bh as in prabha (1.9) and bhavana (1.4), mas in amara (L. 1) and chudāmani (1.5), v as in vara (1. 10) and vinaya (1. 12), and 8 as in samasta (1. 9). The conjunct śri in l. 16 (in both cases) is also noteworthy.
Among orthographical features worth Lulearg are the following: (1) boths and & have been promiscuously used throughout, (2) medial signs like a and i have often been omitted, (3) consonants before or after r are occasionally doubled, and (4) anusvära or visarga have been left out in a large number of cases.
The language is Sanskrit; with the exeeption of a verse and a balf coming at the end, the whole of the record is in prose. The composition is extremely faulty. There are altogether three plates of which the first and the third are engraved on their inner sides only, while the second one bears writing on both of its faces. Each of the inscribed plates, except the last one
1 No. 3 of 1935-36; pp. 5 and 59 ff. * Above, Vol. III, pp. 17 ff. and plate.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 10 ff. and plate. * Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff. and plate.
• Stray cases of vernacularisation such as savachhrara (1. 23), athavanašad (1. 24) or siloka (1. 26) that occur are a far too common feature of inscriptions of this age from Kalings.

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No. 25.)
TEKKALI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; GANGA YEAR 358
175
which has eight lines, contains seven lines of writing, the complete record thus running to twentynine lines. Both the scribe and the engraver have executed their work very carelessly. The inscription is however on the whole in a good state of preservation.
The inscription apparently records the gift of the village of Siņicharana (no district has been mentioned) to a Brāhmaṇa called Vithubhata (Vishņubhatta), son of Harichandra, belonging to the Sāņdilya gotra. The donor was the king Anantavarman, son of Mahārāja Dēvēndravarman, who belonged to the Ganga kula. The gift, which was issued from Kalinganagara, was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse.
The writer of the record was the Samanta Mātrisiri and the engraver was the Akshaśālin Napa.
The date given in words) is the Year 358 of the prosperous victorious reign of the Gangas.
The chief interest of the present record lies in the date and the personality of its donor. As has been mentioned above, the record belongs to Anantavarman, son of Dēvēndravarman, and is dated in the Ganga Year 358. This date precludes any possibility of identifying the father of the donor of the present record with any other person than Dévēndravarman, father of SatyaVarman. For the last-named, we have an inscription dated in the Year 3512 of the Ganga era, This last date again is fairly near to that of our inscription, vis., 358. I, therefore, suggest that Anantavarman of the present inscription was a brother of Satyavarman of the Chicacole plates. This satisfactorily adjusts the date of the inscription and finds a place for its donor in the Ganga pedigree in the following fashion :
Dēvēndravarman (III)
Satyavarman (Year 351)
Anantavarman (III)
(Year 358) Of the localities mentioned, Kalinganagara occurs frequently in inscriptions of Ganga kings. It bas generally been identified with modern Kalingapatam or with Mukhalingam. I am bowever unable at present to locate the village granted.
Palaeographically, the Tekkali plates of Anantavarman may be referred to the third quarter of the 9th century A.D.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om Svasty(ti) (II*] Amarapur-ānukāriņa[h*) sa (sa)rv-artu-gukba-rama
2 pi(ni)yad-vijayavata[ho] Kalinganagarādhdhivasaka. Mabe
1 I follow the revised reading reported (D. R. Bhandarkar, A List of Inscriptions of Northern India. p. 203 and f. n. 4) to have been suggested to Dr. E. Hultzach by Mr. Ramamurti, viz., -bata-tray.qilaparichisalbay. The palaeography of the inscription absolutely contradicts such an early date as the Year 151 as suggested (ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 12, text, 1.35) by Dr. J. F. Floet. This seems to me to be a definite case of remigenees on the part of both the engraver and the scribe.
[This relationship has already been pointed out in the An. Rep. on 8.-1. Epigraphy, 1935-36, p. 6.-Ed.1
Divēndravarman, the father of Satyavarman, and, as I have shown, also of Anantavarana of the procent record, has variously been called as Do III or Do IV (see, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 76 and f. n. 7). In my genealogical scheme, I have followed D. R. Bhandarkar (List, p. 386, column 2, No. 14) and R. D. Banerii History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 234) in taking Dévēndravarman of our inscription as Do III and his son m Ananta. varman III.
. From ink-impressions. • Denoted by & symbol.
• The intended reading seems to be Kalinganagar-adhiudeakál. The word adhiudeaka should, however.ba corrected into odaaka.

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[VOL. XXVI.
3 dr(ndr)-acha[l-ā]mala-si(si)khara-pratiti(shthi)tasi(sya) sa-chara(ra)cha[ra*} 4 guro[h] sakala-bhabhu)vana-nirmma-anēkal-sūtra5 dhārasi(sya) sasā(kā)nka-chu(cbū)dāmaʼni-bhagava6 to Gokarnnasamina=charana-kamala-ju(yu)gala7 praṇama(ņāmā)d=vigata-kali-kala-kalanka[b*) anēk-.
Second Plate ; First Side. 8 bava-sachhõ(rksho)bha-janita-jaya-sanda pratāpa(p-)vana9 ta-samasta (sta)-samasta-sama-chakrē(kra)-chüddaņi-prabbabha)-ma10 ñjari(ri)-pujalñja)-rañjita-vara-chara na[h*) sita-kumuda11 kudēdvu(nd-endv-a)vadāta-yashē(sā) dhvast-arati-kula(1-2)cha12 lo naya-vinaya-daya(yā)-dana-dāñchakshinya-sarja13 därjya-sati-työg-adhvile-guna-sampadā[m=s*]dbāra-bhū14 tö(tah) paramamahēsvarő mamā)tä-pitri(tri)
Second Plate ; Second Side. 15 pād-anudhvā(dhyā)[to] Gang-āmala-kula-tilako mahāra(ra)16 ja-sri-Dēvērtra(ndra)varmma-sūnu-sri-Anantavarmma17 dēvaņa(võna) udaka-pūrvra(rvva)[m*] kritvā sūrjya(ryya)-grab-8para(ra)g& 18 sapradatali | 12 Kandilya-gotra-Harichandra-su19 nu-Vithubhatēņa(na) upă[r*]jitam vā[i?] | 20 Sinicharana-gra(grā)mõ=1&ya[*] rõ[ka?]-kutuvinal 21 ..i sada-hala-bhūmi-chaturanghata(r-äghāta)- 15chbēda
Third Plate. 22 si(fi)l-ankitam taţākēna sa(sa)hita[*] | Ga[**]gāya-va[th*)23 sa-pravadhvamana-vijutyall-răjya-sayachhrara"-sa(ka)ta24 rtrini-athavanāśāds || likbitam=idam Matrisiri-la25 matēņa | utkirnnama akbasălina" Napāņa | ada1 Read - nirmman-aika. . Note the northern form of m. * Read Gokarnnasvaminat, • Read - Sabdah. - The word samasta is repeated needlessly. • Road -sämanta-. * Read -chdamani.. . Note the northern form of bh. . Read dhvast-arali.. 10 Read - dakshinya-saury-andäryya-satya-tyag-adi-. 11 Read sampradattah. 13 This might be restored as Sandilya rather than as Kaundinga. 1 The letter ya was subsequently inserted, rather below the line of writing.
* Read kutumbinah. [Reading may be Ro[ku]lufuvina dui-zada, eto., 1.c. in addition to the villago, the gift seems to have consisted of 200 halas of land belonging to the cultivator Roka (1) and also a talába.
The name of the village appears to be Viisipicharana. In fact the mark after Vai would show that the word is meant to be continued in the next line. Perhaps it was meant to be an agrahara village which was mostly inhabited by the Brahmins of the White Yajurveda belonging to the Vajasaney charada.-Ed.]
15 This word appears to have been engraved somewhat above the proper line of writing. 16 Kead -gravarddhamana-vijaya-. 11 Read -samvatsara. 10 Read -tray-ashfaparichalat, or better -trayan s-dahfaparichadol. 1Read -amanlēna. 10 Read utkirnnar. u Read akshasalind.

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TEKKALI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN; GANGA YEAR 358.
t,b.
25762
350t a (
ਓ ਨੂੰ83 'ਚ
ਉਹ ਟ ਨGS ਤ
ਕ ਰ । 1 ਨੂੰ ਫਾਈਨਲ
ਝ ਨਵੇਂ7 ਨੂੰ
5 ਮਈ ੧ :
-
:
.
3
3
- 22
8 ਪਾਣ8ਣ ਹੈਪਟਾਪ 1 | 2 S7
ਚਲਜ 3 ਅਤੇ 3
10
L
12 ਕ ਹ ਲੈ ਗ ਹvZਟ
ਨਾ ਨੇ ?? ਬੱਲੇ 1 147 ੪ ਤੋਂ ੫੪ਨ ਨੇ 3. 4
LR 1h
So
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wirotur
SURVKY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.
8CALE: THREE-FOURTH8.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rgd. No. 2098 E41. 290

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No. 26.]
DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. 177
26 na achar || vātötapi Vya(vyā)sa-gitā-silõkā bbuvati [1*] 27 "Yasya(sya) yasya(sya) yada(dā) bhūmi tasi(s-tasya) tasya tada phala[m*] [l*] Sa-data 28 para-datarm=vāk yo harēti(ta) vasu[n*]dharā[m*] [l*) sa vithayās krimi29 ri putvā pitsibbi[h*] sa(sa)ba da(pa)chyatē (II)
No. 26.-DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAGADDEVA ; SAKA 1034.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. In October 1939 Mr. M. G. Deshmukh, M.A., my former student and a research scholar of the Nagpur University, told me about a stone inscription at Dongargāon, a village about 10 miles from Pusad in the Yeotmal District of Berar. I gave him the necessary materials for taking an estampage of the record. He copied it with the assistance of Mr. Tatvavadi, Tahasildar of Pusad. His estampage, though not perfect, was sufficiently clear to show that it was a record of the time of the Paramāra prince Jagaddēva, which had not been noticed in the late Rai Bahadur Dr. Hiralal's Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar. I published a short note on its contents and historical importance in the local papers in February 1940. As the estampage taken by Mr. Deshmukh was not sufficiently good for reproduction, I requested the Government Epigraphist for India to copy the record for me. In compliance therewith Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra kindly supplied me with excellent estampages from which I edit the record here.
Dongargāon is, as its name signifies, situated on a hill. There are two old temples here, one of which is in a fair state of preservation. The other one is very much dilapidated. Its mandapa alone is now standing, the garbhagriha having fallen into ruins. The present inscription is incised on the architrave of the door of the old garbhagriha of this temple. The writing covers & space 4' 31" broad and 7%" high, and consists of eight lines. It has suffered a good deal by exposure to weather, some aksharas in the first and last lines and at either end of the remaining ones having now become almost illegible. Besides, the stone was not originally well dressed and the technical execution of the record also is not satisfactory. It is, however, possible to read with patience and perseverance almost the whole of it except about a dozen aksharas which have become altogether illegible in lines 1, 5, 7 and 8. The characters are Nāgari, regular for the period to which the record refers itself. The size of the letters is .7" in the first six lines, but is reduced to 6" in the seventh line and to .5" in the eighth for want of space. Worthy of note is the use of double prishtha-mātrās in several places. In other inscriptions of the same period, one of the two mātrās denoting the medal ai and au is usually placed on the top of a letter, while the other becomes a prishtha-mātrā. This is noticed in the present inscription also in puny-odayāy=aitat in 1. 7. But in all other cases both the mātrās of the medial ai and au appear as prishtha-mātrās.? In many cases the letters p and y as well as
1 Read Slökā bhavanti.
• The engraver has carelessly left out the first half of this oft-repeated verse, viz., Bahubhirevasudha dattā rajabhik Sagar-adibhib.
. Read Spa-dattan. * Read -dattath vů. 5 Road vishthayan. • Read krimir-hüvi.
I have noticed a similar use of double prishtha-matras in an old Marathi manuscript of the Mahanubhava sect from Berar.

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and n have closely similar forms; b, as distinguished from v, is indicated in one place by a rectangular sign almost identical with that for p, see babhüva, 1. 2; in all other cases, it is denoted by the sign for v. The sign of the avagraha occurs twice in l. 4. The language is Sanskrit and the record is, on the whole, correctly written. It evinces here and there the poet's fondness for alliteration. Except for the customary obeisance to Siva in the beginning and the usual imprecation, the partioulars of the date and the name of the writer at the end, the inscription is metrically composed throughout. It contains fourteen verses, all of which áre numbered. The orthography shows the usual peculiarities of the reduplication of a consonant following r and the use of v for b.
The inscription belongs to the reign of the Paramāra prince Jagaddāva. The object of it is to record that Jagaddēva granted the village Dongaragrāma to the Brahmana Srinivāsa and that the latter erected there a temple which he dedicated to Siva for the religious merit of his father Srinidhi. The inscription was written by Visvasvamin. The date is given in the last line as the full-moon tithi of Chaitra in the Saka year 1034 (expressed in decimal figures only), the cyclic year being Nandana. This date corresponds to Friday, the 15th March A. D. 1112. It does not admit of verification, but it may be noted that the cyclic year corresponding to the expired Saka year 1034 was Nandana according to the southern lunisolar system. This is the only dated record of the reign of Jagaddēva and the only Paramāra inscription found in Berar. Another inscription of Jagaddēva's reign was discovered some years ago at Jainad in the Adilābād District of the Nizam's Dominions, but it is undated.
By way of introduction the inscription gives the genealogy of the king Jagaddēva. Like other Paramāra records it mentions that the royal family was descended from the eponymous hero Paramāra who was born from the sacrificial fire of Vasishtha when the latter was enraged by Visvāmitra forcibly seizing his kāmadhënu. In his family which by its noble warlike deeds gurpassed the solar and lunar races, was born Bhöja who resembled Rāma by his noble qualities. We are next told that when the Mālava country sank under the attacks of three enemies, Udayāditya, the brother (bhrātā) of Bhoja, came to its rescue. This is the first record in which the relationship of Udayāditya to Bhoja is so clearly stated. Some Paramära inscriptions describe Udayāditya as meditating on the feet of Bhöja, but they do not mention how he was related to Bhöja. The Nagpur Museum stone inscription dated Vikrama Samvet 1161 has indeed been known for a long time to refer to Udayaditya as a bandhu of Bhöja, but as bandhu signifies in Sanskrit the sense of a distant relative as well as that of a brother, Udayaditya was supposed by scholars to be remotely related to Bhöja. The aforementioned Jainad inscription mentions Bhoja as the pitfivya (uncle) and Udayāditya as the father of Jagaddēva. This clearly implies that Udayāditya was a brother of Bhöja, but as a stone inscription at Udayapur gives an altogether different genealogy for Udyāditya from that of Bhoja, namely, that he was the son of Gyātā, grandson of Göndala and great-grandson of Sūravira of the Paramāra family, it was supposed that Udayāditya belonged to a minor branch of the Paramāra clan and was a distant cousin of Bhoja. The present inscription which tses the word bhrātā to indicate the relationship leaves no doubt that Udayāditya was Bhoja's real brother, The evidence of the Udayapur inscription which is a very late record? has to be rejected in view
1 Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 54 f. * See, e.g., the Shërgadh insoription of Udayaditya, above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 132 ff. • Above, Vol. II, pp. 180 ff. • This view was first expressed by Prof. Kielhorn and has since been adopted by others.
J. A. 8. B., Vol. IX, p. 549. . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 56. ? It is dated Vikrama Samvat 1562. See D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 124.

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No. 26.)
DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. 179
of the testimony of three very early documents, viz., the Nagpur Museum, Jainad and Dongargāon inscriptions.
The present record states in verse 5 that Udayāditya rescued the Mālava country when it was attacked by three kings. The invaders are not specifically mentioned here, but from verse 32 of the Nagpur Museum stone inscription we learn that two of them were Karna and the king of Karnāta. As I have shown elsewhere,' this Karna was the homonymous Kalachuri king, the son of Gārgéyadēva, who ruled from A. D. 1041 to circa 1072. Karna invaded Malwa twice. In this first invasion which occurred soon after the death of Bhöja, his ally was the Chaulukya king Bhima of Gujarāt.» Jayasimha, the successor of Bhoja, who was dethroned, solicited the aid of the powerful Chālukya king Sömēsvara I-Ahavamalla. The latter sent his son Vikramaditya VI who turned back the invaders and reinstated Jayasimha. About fifteen years later, Karna again attacked Malwa. The political situation in the Deccan had considerably changed in the meanwhile. Ahavamalla was dead and was succeeded by his eldest son Sõmēsvara II. The latter was, however, apprehensive of his ambitious younger brother Vikramaditya VI and therefore must bave readily allied himself with the mighty Kalachuri Emperor Karna and helped him in his invasion of Malwa. This time the allied arms attained greater success. The Nagpur Museum stone inscription states that the lord (svämin), who was plainly the Paramdra king Jayasimha, was submerged when the Karnāta king, Karna and other princes joined (one another from different sides) like mighty oceang. Kalachuri inscriptions do not generally mention this event, because they nowhere give a detailed account af Karna's conquests. The recently discovered Rewah stone inscription of the time of Karna also does not mention it, though it describes Karna's campaigns against other kings, but that is evidently because the event occurred long after A. D. 1048-49 which is the date of that inscription. Karna's extermination of the royal family of Malwa is however mentioned in an Apabhrasa verse to which I have drawn attention elsewhere. The Chalukya records are not altogether silent about this achievement of Somēśvara II. The Sudi stone inscription dated Saka 996 (A.D. 1075) mentions the Chalukya king as a blazing fire to the ocean that is the race of the Mälavyas'.
It is nowhere specifically stated who was the third invader of Malwa. But it seems probable that the reference is to the Western Ganga chief Udayaditya. From several records in the Kanarese country we know that this Udayāditya and the valiant Hoysala prince Ereyanga joined Sõmēbvara in his attack on Malwa. Ereyanga in particular is said to have
1 Above, Vol. II, p. 185. In verse 32 of this inscription Kielhor read mab-aranao-Opama-milat. Karunāja-Karuna-prabhum=urvipala-kadarthitam. Kielhorn's edition of the inscription is not accompanied by a facsimile of the record, but the late Mr. C. V. Vaidya ingeniously suggested that the correct reading should be - Karnnáfa-Karnna-prabhrity-urvvipăla-. (See his History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. III, pp. 169–70, n.) I have examined the original in the Nagpur Museum. The medial vowel of the akshara following pra is clearly ri, not, and the following akshara also is tyu, not mu as read by Kielhom. It is plain therefore that the Mälava country was invaded by a confederacy of more than two kings.
- Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 107, 1. • Mērutunga's Prabandhachintamani, tr. by Tawnoy, pp. 74 ff.
• As shown below, Karna's ally this time was Sömesvara II who ascended the throne in Saks 991. Karpa was succeeded by his son Yasahkarna in circa A.D. 1072. His campaign in Malwa must therefore be dated in circa A.D. 1070.
• Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 101 ff. • Loc. cit., p. 107.
D. C. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty p. 128.

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trampled down the Mälava army, plundered the Mālava king's hill fort and burnt and devastated Dhärā. Jayasimha succumbed to this powerful attack and for & time it seemed as if the Paramāra kingdom was completely wiped out. The terrible disaster that befell the Mälava country on this occasion is graphically described in the Nagpur Museum stone inscription which likens it to the catastrophe of world-destruction when mighty oceans sweep over and submerge the earth. In this hour of need Udayāditya, the brother of Bhöja, rose to the occasion. He routed the enemies' forces and rescued the Mālava country just as the Primeval Boar had uplifted the earth at the time of pralaya. The latter part of the Udayapur stone inscription of the time of Udayāditya,' which has recently been discovered, states that Udayāditya inflicted & crushing defeat on the lord of Dāhala who could have been none other than the Kalachuri Karna.
The present inscription states further that though Udayāditya had several song he longed to have one more who would be after his heart. He therefore devoutly prayed to Siva and by the god's favour obtained the son Jagaddēva. After Udayāditya's death, the inscription proceeds to state, Royal Fortune offered herself to Jagaddēva, but he renounced her in favour of his elder brother, being apprehensive of incurring the sin of parivitti (i.e. marrying before an elder brother marries). Two other sons of Udayāditya are known from inscriptions, viz., Lakshmadēva and Naravarman who succeeded him one after the other. Jagaddēva is mentioned in certain Hoysala recordat as the king of Malwa. As his name is not mentioned in other Paramāra inscriptions, he was supposed to be identical with Lakshmadēvas whom the Nagpur Museum stone inscription mentions as the son and successor of Udayaditya. The present inscription, however, makes it plain that Jagaddēva was different from both Lakshmadēva and Naravarman and that, though he could have easily ascended the throne of Malwa, he relinquished it in favour of his elder brother Lakshmadēva.
· Jagaddēva was probably the youngest son of Udayāditya. The description in verse 8 suggests that he was a favourite son of his father and was nominated by him as his successor, According to the Ras Mala, Udayaditya had two wives, one of the Wäghelā clan and the other of the Solanki. The former bore to him a son named Raņadhavala and the latter Jagaddēval. Ranadhavala was the elder son and the heir-apparent. Jagaddēva was younger by two years. As Udayāditya was completely under the influence of Raņadhavala's mother who ill-treated Jagaddēva, the latter left Malwa and took military service under Siddharāja. Javasimha of Gujarat. He served him for eighteen years, but when he came to know that Siddharăja was planning an invasion of Malwa, he returned to his native country where he was affectionately welcomed by his father who nominated him as his successor. After his father's death, Jagaddēva ascended the throne of Malwa and ruled for 52 years.
1 Annual Report of the Archaological Department of the Gwalior State for 1925-20, p. 13. This clearly shows that the king Karna who was responsible for the destruction of Jayasimha was the Kalachuri and not the Chanlukya king of that name.
* The text hae tasya salav=api putrahu which shows that Udayaditya had at least three sons at the time.
• Parivitti is used here in the sense of parivedana, for the word generally denotes an elder brother who remains unmarried. See Manusmriti, adhyaya III, v. 171. Manu says that in such cases both the elder and younger brothers, the girl married by the younger brother, the person who gives her in marriage and the officiat. ing priest all go to hell. Ibid., adhyāya III, v. 172.
Neo, e.g., Kp. Carn., Vol. II, p. 168. •D. U. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 142. Ras Mala, ed. by H. G. Rawlinson, Vol. I, pp. 117 ff. The editor of the Ras Mala spells the names a Kindhuwu und Jug Dev.

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No. 26.]
DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034.
181
The foregoing account of Gujarat bards cannot, of course, be accepted in its entirety, but it is to a certain extent corroborated by the present inscription. The tenor of the description in verse 6, for instance, suggests that Jagaddēva was a half-brother of Lakshmadēva who perhaps bore the biruda of P "avaia. He seems also to have been nominated by Udayaditya as his successor, but the present inscription leaves no doubt that he never ascended the throne of Malwa1.
When Jagaddēva relinquished his claim to the throne of Malwa in favour of his elder brother Lakshmadēva, he seems to have gone to Kuntala in search of fields and pastures new'. The present inscription states in verse 9 that the king of Kuntala treated Jagaddeva very affectionately. He called him the first among his sons, the lord of his kingdom, his right arm, nay, his very self. This king of Kuntala was plainly the contemporary king of the later Chalukya dynasty who was Vikramaditya VI (A. D. 1076-1126). He seems to have appointed Jagaddeva to govern the country to the north of the Godavari which he had then recently wrested from the Paramāras. This territory was for some time the battle ground of contending powers. During the time of the Rashtrakutas the Narmada was apparently the southern boundary of the Paramāra kingdom. When Siyaka attempted to invade the Rashtrakuta territory, he was opposed by Khōṭṭiga, the contemporary Rashtrakuta king, on the bank of the Narmada. The latter was however defeated by the Paramara king who followed up his victory and stormed the Rashtrakuta capital Manyakheta. Subsequently the Godavari seems to have been fixed as the southern boundary of the Paramāra kingdom. This state of things continued for some time even after the last Rashtrakuta king had been overthrown by Tailapa III, the founder of the later Chalukya dynasty. This appears plain from the account of Merutunga who states that when Tailapa harassed Muñja by sending raiders into his country and the latter determined to march against him, his prime minister Rudraditya advised him to make the river Godavari the utmost limit of his expedition and not to advance beyond it. After Muñja was defeated and taken captive, the Chalukyas seem to have advanced northward and conquered much of the territory previously held by the Rashtrakutas, but they were soon driven out by Sindhuraja, the brother and successor of Muñja. The Navasähasänkacharita of the Paramāra king's court-poet Padmagupta describes this achievement of Sindhurāja in the following words: who (i.e., Sindhuraja) with his sword red with missiles recovered his kingdom (svarajya) which had been occupied by the lord of Kuntala who overran all directions just as the sun, whose harbinger is Aruna, assumes possession of the day that was before enveloped in dense darkness spread in all directions.' The svarajya recovered by Sindhurāja must have been the southern portion of the Paramara kingdom including the northern parts of Maharashtra and Vidarbha which had been annexed by Tailapa. Since then we get some Paramāra records from that part of the country. A copper-plate inscription found at Kalvan in the Nasik District records a grant of land to a Jain sage at the tirtha of Kalakālē vara, 10 miles west of Kalvan, while the surrounding country was governed by Yasovarman, a feudatory of Bhoja. Towards the end of Udayaditya's reign the Chalukya Emperor Vikramaditya VI made an incursion into Vidarbha and occupied parts of it for some time. A stone inscription
1 The authors of the aforementioned Hoysala inscriptions also had apparently no accurate knowledge of the status of Jagaddēva.
* Above, Vol. XXI, p. 47.
• Prabandhachintamani, Tawney's tr., p. 33.
Nava-àhasankacharita, Canto I, v. 74.
Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 69 ff. The inscription does not indicate any anarchical state of things as supposed by the editor.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
dated Saka 1008 (A. D. 1087) found at Sītābaldi, & suburb of Nagpur, states that the Rāshtrakūta Dhādībhandaka was governing the country as a feudatory of Vikramaditya VI. Curiously enough this is also the last known date of Udayāditya's reign. When Jagaddēva came to the court of Vikramaditya VI, he seems to have been placed by the latter in charge of Berar and the northern portion of the Nizam's Dominions. As already stated, there is another inscription of his reign, namely that found at Jainad in the Adilabad District of the Nizam's Dominions. Jainad is only 65 miles almost due east of Dongargaon.
The territory to the east of the Wardhā river was however soon reconquered by the Paramāras. The Nagpur Museum stone inscription which seems originally to have belonged to Bhāndak in the Chåndā District' mentions that Lakshmadēva, the son and successor of Udayāditya, endowed & temple, evidently at Bhāndak, with the gift of two villages. The surrounding country continued in the possession of Naravarman, the brother and successor of Lakshmadēva, as the Nagpur Museum stone inscription belongs to his reign. It is dated Vikrama Samvat. 1161 (A.D. 1104-5), i.e., about eight years before the present inscription of Jagaddēva's reign.
From other records also we know that Jagaddēva was an ally of Vikramāditya and took an active part in his military campaigns. Mērutunga states that Jagaddēva, though honoured by Siddha (i.e., Siddharāja-Jayasimha of Gujarāt), was earnestly invited by the glorious king Paramardin end so he went to the country of Kuntala. It is well known that Paramardin was & biruda of Vikramaditya VI. The Jainad inscription mentions Jagaddēva's victories in Andhra, Chakradurga and Dõrasamudra which were evidently won in the cause of Vikramaditya VI. Jagaddēva's invasion of Dorasamudra is attested to by Hoysala inscriptions also. We are told that the Emperor (Vikramaditya VI) sent Jagaddēva at the head of a large Chalukya army to invade the Hoysala country. He penetrated as far as Dorasamudra, the Hoysala capital, but was there defeated by Ballāla I, Vishņuvardhana and Udayāditya, the valiant sons of the Hoysala king Ereyanga.
The self-ebnegation, chivalry and liberality of Jagaddēva made him far-famed. There is no country, village, worla or assembly where Jagaddēva's fame is not sung day and night,' says the present inscription. That this is not an altogether empty praise is shown by the numerous tales about his bravery and munificence which are recorded by Gujarat chronicles. The subhashita No. 1261 in the Sarngadhara paddhati seems to praise the liberality of this very Jagaddēva.
According to the Rās Mālā Jagaddēva lived to the age of eighty-five. Before his death he is said to have placed his son Jagaddhavala on the throne, but no records of his reign have yet come to light. The Paramäras, however, continued to hold parts of the Central Provinces long after the time of Jagaddēva. Their capital was Chahanda which is probably identical with Chanda, the chief town of the Chåndā District of the Central Provinces. Two stone inscriptions found at Ambā near Möminābād in the Bhir District of the Nizam's Dominions mention a Paramára king named Bhoja,' the ruler of Chāhanda, who was defeated by Khõlēsvara, the
Above, Vol. III, pp. 304 ff.
Hiralal thought that the inscription originally belonged to Bilhări, but this is incorrect. See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 117, n. 6. As I have shown there, some of the places mentioned in it can be identified in the Chanda District.
Prabandhachintamani, Tawney's tr., p. 186. . Ep. Carn., Vol. II, p. 168. "See, e..., Räs Mälä, Vol. I, pp. 117 ff.; Prabandhachintamani, pp. 186 ff. • G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 64 and 74.
* This Bhoja' is different from the homonymous Silahana prince, the ruler of Kolhapur, who was overthrown by Binghapa. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 524.

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2
DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. Left side.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Reg. No. 2100 E41-290.
रानवा प्राय
प
याला 4
जापानमा भिसाप कुत्र वाताना रूप बुवा रहा • वारा तापमान पहेला महावि तुला भरण्यापे भवन
निए
8
पतस्तु पालन
तिव्वती दिशि निशर
2 नगर कार
बिना
अ
Right side.
4 वाला मंत्रालयामा जादा मला भूरिम वारिता 40 महारा
दि
• पाल पुषा चारुकला नाईके
8 ल
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH.
अब तिघात निरमाया 12
श्री.
जल
8
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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DONGARGAON STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAGADDEVA; SAKA 1034. 183
general of the Yadava Emperor Singhana. One of these inscriptions is dated Saka 1150 (A.D. 1228-29). Another stone inscription written in old Marāthi has been discovered at Bhandak (called Bhadrapura therein), now a village 16 miles north-west of Chånda. It records the jirnoddhāra (renovation) of a temple dedicated to Näga-Nārāyana. The name of the Ränā Pavāra (Paramāra) who was ruling there is now illegible. The inscription contained a date in the Saka era, but the last two figures of it are now lost owing to the breaking off of the upper right hand corner of the stone. Rai Bahadur Hiralal conjecturally read it as 1308.1 This is the last record of the Paramāras found in the Central Provinces and Berar.
There is only one place-name in the present inscription, viz., Dongaragrams which is plainly identical with Dongargāon where the inscription has been found.
TEXT.. 1 [ओं] नमः शिवाय । कुर्वन्वः पातु जगतां प्रभवस्थितिसंहित)तोः । तिसः
--- विश्वं यत्र [स]वर्तकः ।। अस्त्यर्बु(ब्बुद इति ख्यातः प्रतीच्यां दिशि पर्वतः भेखलाद्यन्तसंचारिकूर्मराजदिवाकरः । कामधेनुं
[हृतवते 2 विश्वामित्राय कुप्यतः । वसिष्ठात्तत्र होमाग्नौ परमारी व्यजायत ।। तहन्से
क्षत्रचरितैः पुष्फ(ष्य)वन्तान्वयाधिके । बभूव भोजदेवाख्यो राजा रामसमी
गुणैः ।।। ततो रिपुत्रयस्कन्दैमम्नां मालव[मेदिनीम्] । उ3 परब्रुदयादित्यस्तस्य भ्राता व्यवईत ॥ यस्याच्छया दिशा: कोर्ध्या भुवनानि
परैर्गुहाः । [काष्ठाः] परा व(ब)लादेव काव्यैर्व्याप्यन्त चार्थितः । तस्य
सत्वपि पुत्रेषु स्वसम्मतमुतैषिणः । हराराधनतो जज्ञे जगहेवी म[हो]4 पति: ।। दिवं प्रयाते पितरि स्वयं प्राप्तामपि श्रियम् । परिवित्तिभयात्त्यका . योऽग्रजाय न्यवेदयत् ।। पुत्राणाम्प्रथमोऽसि राज्यविषयस्वामी भुजो दक्षिण:
सर्वास्खेव हरिसु जङ्गम [१]5 यत्सोमा जयो मूर्तिमान् । पात्मैवेति च सप्रसादमुदितो यः कुन्तलक्ष्मामृता
ताद्रूप्यन्दधदेव दक्षिणदियालक्षारतां पुथति ।।। पर्थिप्रत्यर्थिनो यस्मिन्या(न्वा)लैः वर्षेच वर्षति । दैन्यसैन्य निधि] मुखा --
1 In his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar Hiralal gives the date 88 Friday, the 10th of the dark fortnight of Margasirsha in the Saka year 13[08] bearing the name Kshaya which he says corresponds to Friday, the 16th November A.D. 1386. But my personal examination of the stone has shown that the reading is incorrect in one respect, viz., that the tithi was of the bright fortnight. The date, if the reading of the year is correct, would correspond to Friday, the 30th November A.D. 1386. ? From inked estampages.
• Expressed by a symbol. • Metre of verses 1-8: Anushtubh.
• Read तदंश. • Metre : Sardūlavikridita.
? Read as--,

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देशो न स ग्रामो न न गोयते |११|
झापालेन श्रीजगद्देवमात्रा 1 पु[ख्याधा][' श्रीम(या)सहि
6 [[ ] तमुपासते |१०| न स
न तवदिवं यत्र जगद्देवो
8 [व्याघात] कृत्वातिचिप्ययो
श्रीनिवासेन [ सूनुना
7 जाय |१२| तहत्तडोङ्गरग्रामे श्रीनिधे[:] श्रेयसां निधेः | विद्यावृत्तनिवासेन ॥१३॥ पितुः पुष्पोदयातकारितं शिवमन्दिरम् । चाकल्पं कल्पतां भूमेर्भूषणाय निरत्ययम् । १४ । अत्र पत्र देवाय ग्रामे[मिन्धय [योगियासप्रचि-१]
]
[VOL. XXVI.
मिच्छति स पञ्चमहापातकेर्लिप्यते । शकसंवत्
१०३४ नन्दनसंवारे पेचां मासनं लिखितमिति । लेखको विवा[मो] [*] १०३४ तथांक १५ [1* ]
TRANSLATION.
स लोको न सा सभा । भाचन्द्रार्क शासनीकृत्य तेन डोहरपामनामा ग्रामी ग्रामो दत्तः
Om! Salutation to Siva !
(Verse 1) May Siva, causing the three states of the creation, maintenance and destruction of the worlds..........protect you!
' (V. 2) In the western quarter there is a mountain known as Arbuda, round the girdle (i.e., the middle part) of which from one end to the other revolve the lord of tortoises and the sun.
(V. 3) Through Vasishtha who became angry with Visvāmitra who had taken away (his) kāmadhānu (cow of plenty), there was born Paramāra from the sacrificial fire on that (mountain).
(V. 4) In his family which by its hercic deeds surpassed the races of the sun and the moon? there was born a king named Bhoja who resembled Rama in excellences.
(V. 5) After (him) there flourished his brother Udayaditya who uplifted the earth which had sunk under the attacks of three enemies.
(V. 6) The quarters and worlds were perforce occupied by his pure fame, the caverns by his enemies and the farthest directions by the poems of his supplicants.
1 Metre of verses 10 and 11: Anushiubh.
• Read पुण्याधारो.
• Metro : Salini.
(V. 7) To him who, though he had (several) sons, desired to have (another) son after his heart, was born the king Jagaddēva through (his) devotion to Hara.
• Metre of verses 13 and 14: Anushtubh.
* One akshara is illegible here. [The text form अत्र देवाय to हतुमिच्छति seems also to be in verse.Ed.]
• Z... Vishnu in his tortoise incarnation.
"Pushpavanta means both the sun and the moon, see above, Vol. XXII, p. 60.

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(V. 8) When his father went to heaven, he, renouncing for fear of (incurring the sin of) parivitti1 Royal Fortune who had offered herself to him, presented her to his elder brother. (V. 9) You are the first among my sons, the lord of my kingdom, my right arm, such a victory incarnate in all regions, (nay), my very self' He who was thus graciously addressed by the lord of Kuntala, is adorning the southern direction, having attained that very position.
(V. 10) When he showers gold and arrows on (his) supplicants and enemies, they giving up their treasure of poverty and forces (respectively), wait upon him without any apprehension.
(V. 11) There is not that country, that village, that community, that assembly (or) that (place) where Jagaddēva is not praised day and night.
(V. 12) That king, named the illustrious Jagaddēva, has granted by means of a charter (and) as a source of religious merit, the village Dongaragrama to the Brahmana Srinivasa (to be enjoyed by him) as long as the moon and the sun will endure.
(Vv. 13-14) In that Dongaragrāma granted by him, Srinivasa, the abode of learning and character, (who) is the son of Srinidhi, the store of blessings, has caused (this) temple of Siva to be constructed for the attainment of religious merit by (his) father. May it, faultless as it is, serve to adorn the earth until (the time of) world-destruction.
(Lines 7-8) He who would desire to appropriate after causing obstruction and snatching away what has been given by Srinivasa to the god in this village, would be contaminated by the five great sins!
In the Saka year 1034, the cyclic year Nandana, on the full-moon day of Chaitra, this charter has been written. The scribe is Viśvasvamin. (In the year) 1034 (on the fifteenth tithi of Chaitra), also in figures 15.
No. 27.-SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI.
BY DR. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY.
The six copper-plate grants, which I am editing here, were discovered early in 1936 near Ghumli in the Nawanagar State of Kathiawar in the course of digging on the road side. They were briefly noticed by the Government Epigraphist for India in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for the year 1936-37, pp. 102-05. M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker has published their text along with brief notes in his Report on the Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions found at Ghumli. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India, very kindly sent to me a good set of the ink-impressions of these plates with a request to edit them in the Epigraphia Indica. I am doing so accordingly. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, made to me a number of valuable suggestions in connection with the present paper, which have been incorporated in it. I am grateful to him for his kind help.
The twelve copper-plates found at Ghumli contain the six records edited here, A consisting of three plates, C of one, and B, D, E, and F of two each. All of them record grants made by the rulers of the Saindhava family, which is at present known to have been ruling at ancient Bhūtāmbilika or modern Ghumli from c. 740 to 920 A. D. The original name of the capital, which is uniformly spelt as Bhūtāmbilika in our records, used to be popularly
1 I.e. marrying before an elder brother marries. A man who did so was believed to go to hell.

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contracted into Bhūmilikā, as shown by the Dhiniki plates of Jāikadēva. Bhūmilika was later on contracted into Bhumli, and the present name Ghumli is a mere variant of it.
As very little is known at present about the history of the Saindhaves of Ghumli, it will be convenient to discuss it here in a connected manner in the light of the valuable information supplied by the present six charters and other contemporary epigraphs. This will obviate the necessity of repetition, while editing the different charters. The dynasty was ruling in Westeri Käthiāwar, with its capital at Bhūtāmbilikā or Ghumli, which is situated about 25 miles north-east of Porbandar in a gorge of the Barda hills. Though once the capital of a fairly prosperous dynasty for about two centuries, its present site is nothing but a heap of ruins. All is now a jungle, where once a multitude of human beings resided. Very little remains at present as evidence of its former glory save a few remnants of a royal palace, a huge image of Hanumān with a large bathing reservoir by its side and some ruins of insignificant temples. To judge from the present ruins, ancient Bhūtāmbilikā was about a mile in length and about half a mile in breadth. Its population may, therefore, have been about 15,000. The ground-plan of the town resembles a widespread fan. The ramparts of the town were strong and massive and were surrounded by a deep ditch.
Before the discovery of the present plates, very little was known about the Saindhavas of Saurashtra. The earliest reference to them is in a grant of the Gujarāt Chālukya ruler Pulakēsi Janasraya, dated in the year 490 of the Traikutaka era, corresponding to A. D. 738-9, where they are mentioned among the kings defeated in the Arab raid that was repulsed at Naosari by the Chalukyas'. The next reference to them is in the Gwalior Prasásti of Bhöjadēva, the 8th verse of which describes the Saindhavas as being overwhelmed by the Pratihāra emperor Nägabhatat. Nothing, however, was known about the precise locality of the Saindhava kingdom or the history and achievements of any particular ruler of the house. The Morbi plate, issued by king Jāīka whom we can now assign to this dynasty, was known, but as the plate recovered was the second one of the set, it could not be ascertained to which dynasty the grantor belonged.
The discovery of the present copper-plates now enables us to state definitely that the Saindhavas, who are referred to in the above records, were ruling in Westeru Käthiāwār. Charter F of the present set, issued by Jāika II in Gupta Era 596 or A.D. 915-6 gives us the longest genealogy of the family. According to it, king Pushyadēva, who flourished seven generations earlier, was its founder. The name of the family is given here as Jayadratha-vama al. 2). All the other charters, however, state that Saindhava was the name of the family. This discrepancy can be easily explained. According to the Mahābhārata king Jayadratha, the son-in-law of Dhritarashtra, was a ruler of the Sindhu-dēša or Sindh. So those rulers who claimed descent from him could be described both as hailing from Sindh (Saindhava) and as ornaments of the Jayadratha family (Jayadratha-vamsa-sēkhara). In the earlier charters the first name is preferred, while in the latest one, the last one is introduced. The reason for this is not far to seek. As will be shown presently, Pushyadēva was probably an immigrant in Kathiawår from Sindh; so though he himself claimed to be descended from Jayadratha, he was known to his contemporaries as a Saindhava ruler. This name, therefore, was long in vogue. Later on when the tendency to claim an origin from a Puranic hero became quite
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 155. : J. R. A. 8., Vol. V, (1839), pp. 73-80. • Bombay Gazelteer, Vol. I, part 1, p. 109.
An. Rep. A. S. 1., 1903-04, p. 281. . Ind. Ant., Vol. II, pp. 257-8.

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common in the 9th and 10th centuries, Jāika II reverted to the original name of the family, viz., Jayadratha-varsa.
The time of Pushyadēva, the earliest ruler of the dynasty, can be only approximately determined. His grandson's great-grandson has issued Charter A in G. E. 513 (A. D. 832-3); he may, therefore, be presumed to have ruled from c. G. E. 415 to 435 (c. A. D. 734-754).
We have now to consider the question whether this Pushyadēva is to be identified with the chief Pushyāṇa whose clay seal was found at Wala (ancient Valabhi) in Käthiāwār. The legend on this seal reads as follows:
1 Jayadrathād=avyavachchhinna-rāja2 vambasya srir=mmahā (r]āj-A[Alivarma[nah) 3 sūnõ[r]=mahārāja-mahā[sēnā-)
4 pati-Pushyēna[sya)' It will be seen from the above legend that the seal belonged to Mahäräja Mahäs sënā pati Pushyāņa, son of Mahārāja Ahivarman, who claimed an uninterrupted descent from Jayadratha. Pushyadēva, the founder of the dynasty which has issued the present charters, is also described as an ornament of the Jayadratha family in Charter F. The name Pushyadēv& of our charter is merely a paraphrase of the name Push yêņa of the seal, as both the terms ina and dēva indicate a lord or a king in Sanskrit. The variation in the spelling of the name need not therefore be regarded as throwing any impediment in the way of the proposed identification. Just as we have common variations like Govindadēva and Govindarāja we may as well have parallel forms like Pushyadēva and Pushyēņa, as both dēva and ina denote a ruler.
As against the proposed identification it is possible to argue that the characters of the seal of Pushyēna are somewhat earlier than those of the middle of the 8th century A. D., which is the probable time of Pushyadēva. There is some force in this argument; especially the mātrā for medial ā would undoubtedly suggest that the record belongs to the 6th century A. D. Letters ma, na and ha on the seal, however, show & form which is seen to be current in the Valabhi records of the middle of the 8th century A. D. The mātrās for medial à may therefore be instances of the survival of archaic forms, which we very often meet with in ancient Indian palæography. It is not impossible that Pushyēņa may have selected these archaic mātrās to render forgery difficult. All things considered, it therefore looks very probable, though not absolutely certain, that Jayadratha-vaṁsa-sēkhara Pushyadeva, the founder of the Saindhava house, is identical with Pushyēņa of the Wala seal, who claimed an unbroken descent for his family from Jayadratha. The legend of the seal is in some places defective, but if the restoration proposed by Bühler is correct, it would appear that like many other founders of ruling families, Pushyadēva began his career as a general and ended by founding a feudatory principality. He seems to have been a feudatory of the Maitrakas of Valabhi. The same was probably the case with his son Kțishộarāja, at least during the first half of his reign.
According to tradition, Bhūtāmbilikā, i.e. Ghumli, where the present plates were discovered, was the old capital of the Jethvā Rājpūts, whose present representatives are the Rāņās of Porbandar. There are various theories in the field about the origin of the term Jethva. Dr. Wilson has traced the origin of the name to the term Jāt, and has suggested tribal conganguinity between the Jāts and Jethvās. Jackson thinks that the Jethvās are very probably
1 See the genealogical table on p. 196. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 145; see also ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 274-5. • Bomlay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part 1, p. 145.

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descended from the White Huns; he holds that the term Jethvā is probably derived from Yetha, the shortened Chinese form of Ye-ta-i-li-to or Epthalite, which was the name of the ruling class of the White Huns. According to the bardic tradition, the clan has derived its name from Jetha, the 95th ruler in the traditional genealogy of the rulers of Porbandar. M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker thinks that the Jethvās were so called because they represented the senior branch of the Saindhavas of these grants. In support of this view he points out how charters A and B prove the supersession of the senior line of Krishnarāja by the junior branch of Jāika I and observes: The descendants of Jãika as coming to the throne of Bhümli were probably called Bhūmlias and the descendants of Kțishộarāja, who was jyēshtha, were called Jethvās '.3
That all the above theories about the origin of the Jethvás are fanciful and untenable can now be conclusively proved. The description of the founder of our house as the crest-jewel of the Jayadratha family and the claim made in the legend on his seal that he was directly descended from Jayadratha make it clear that the rulers of Porbandar eventually came to be known as Jethvās, not because they belonged to any foreign stock like that of the White Huns or Jāts or represented the senior line of the Saindhavas, but because they claimed the epic hero Jayadratha as the founder of their family. Sanskrit Jayadratha becomes Jetha in Prakrit through the intermediate forms Jairath and Jaiath. Vā was added at the end of the term Jetha under the influence of the quantity law' of phonetics.
The theory of their descent from Jayadratha is, however, quite unknown to the modern Jethvās, whose present representatives, the Rāņās of Porbandar, trace their origin to Hanuman, the famous hero of the Rāmāyana. Hanuman also is the emblem on their flag.
The emblem of the Saindhavas of Bhūtāmbilikā is, however, fish. This was but natural also; they claimed to be the masters of the western ocean and so must have proudly claimed fish to be their emblem, as did their contemporaries the Pāņdyas of the extreme south. The difference in the seal emblems however need not go against the well established tradition that the Jethvās of Porbandar originally hailed from Bhūtāmbilika. The emblem on the seal or banner may have changed in later times. That the Jethvās also had once fish or 'makara as their emblem on their banner would appear very probable from the fact that in their genealogy Makaradhvaja figures immediately after Hanumān, the founder of the family. This mysterious personage, Makaradhvaja, appears so early in their genealogy simply because Makara or fish was on their dhvaja or banner in early times, as Hanuman was in later days. The change of the emblem from fish to Hanumān may have been uur to the Jethvās becoming in later times the devotees of Rāma and his faithful servant Hanuman. That in early medieval times the kings of Bhūtāmbilikā venerated Hanumān along with Makara is rendered very probable, as pointed out by Bühler, by the circumstance that on the brackets of one of the ruined temples at Ghumli, the monkey emblem appears side by side with that of the fish. Further support is lent to this view by the presence of a huge image of Hanumān near the remnants of the old palace in the ruins of Ghumli. In later times when the sea voyage became forbidden and the Jethvas lost their command over the sea, the figure of Hanuman must have begun to appeal to them more than that of the fish. This must bave led to the eventual abandonment of the fish emblem. During the period of our charters, however, the fish emblem was the only emblem of the dynasty; it invariably appears in the case of each of our five complete sets of copper-plates either on the
i luid. ? Ibid. ; Vol. VIII-Kathiawar, pp. 621-2. 3 M. M. Shastri, The Report on the Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions found at Chumli, p. 6.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 153.

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seal or at the end of the last plate. It also appears at the end of the genuine Morbi and the spurious Dhiniki plates of king Jaika, who belonged to the same house.1
We have seen above that Pushyadeva, the founder of the Saindhava dynasty, flourished between c. 515 and 535 G. E. (c. 734 and 754 A. D.). He began his career as a military commander and ended by founding a feudatory family. Though he claimed to belong to Jayadratha family, he and his descendants were generally known as Saindhavas, probably because they were among the emigrants from Sindh who had to leave that province after its conquest by the Arabs in 712 A.D.
A copper-plate grant of the Gujarat Chalukya ruler Pulakesi Janasraya, dated in the year 490 of the Traikuṭaka era (A.D. 738-9), describes an Arab raid that had just then taken place and shows how it had overpowered the Saindhava, Kachchha, Saurashtra, Chapa and Gurjara chiefs. It is almost certain that the Saindhavas who are mentioned here have to be identified with the family of our charters, whose founder Pushyadeva was at that time just trying to settle down in some northern corner of Kathiawar. The chief who suffered from the Arab raid was probably Pushyadeva himself, as the approximate period of his reign is A.D. 734-754.
The Saindhavas were at that time mere feudatories as their own charters, as well as those of their contemporaries, would clearly show. They could therefore hardly have dreamt of claiming for themselves any imperial position or titles; in fact they never claimed these at any time in their career. And yet the Dhiniki plates, purporting to be issued in Samvat 794 (A.D. 738) refer to their grantor, king Jāikadēva, as an imperial ruler enjoying the titles Paramabhaṭṭāraka, Mahārājādhiraja and Paramesvara. This Jaikadeva was no doubt intended to be a Saindhava chief, for his capital was Bhumilika and seal emblem the fish. The long genealogy of the Saindhavas given in Charter F reaches back to the second quarter of the 8th century A.D. but knows of no chief named Jaikadeva ruling at that time. It is therefore clear that the Dhiniki grant is a forgery; this conclusion is also supported by some other circumstances like the palæography of the plates and the non-occurrence of the eclipse on the date given in the plates. The data of the Dhiniki plates therefore cannot cast any doubt on the conclusion above arrived at, viz. at c. 740 A.D. Pushyadeva and not Jaikadeva was the ruling Saindhava king, and that he was a mere feudatory.
Pushyadeva or Pushyēņa was succeeded by his son Krishṇarāja and the latter by his son Agguka I, whose rule may be approximately placed in the periods from 435 to 455 G. E. (A.D. 754 to 774) and from 455 to 475 G. E. (A.D. 774 to 794) respectively. During the reigns of these two monarchs also, Kathiawar suffered a good deal from Arab invasions. As these were naval invasions coming direct from Sindh, and as the Saindhavas were in those days the leading Hindu naval power of Kathiawar, they must have borne the brunt of attack. It must be said to their credit that they eventually came out victorious from the struggle and did not succumb to it like the Maitrakas of Valabhi. In c. 760 A.D. Hasham, the governor of Sindh, sent Amru bin Jamal with a fleet of barks to the coast of Barada and the invasion was repeated 20 years later. The Muslim historians tell us that though the last expedition succeeded in capturing the town of Barada, sickness swept away a great portion of the army and the remaining were swept, away in a shipwreck on the coast of Persia. The experience was so bitter that, we are told, the Muslims were deterred from making further attempts at aggrandisement in that direction.
1 [It may be recalled that the emblem on Jayadratha's banner was a boar, varaha.-B. C. C.J
2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. part 1, p. 109.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 151.
Elliot and Dowson. History of India, Vol. I, p. 444. There is some doubt about the spelling of the name of the place attacked but Dowson feels satisfied that the spelling is really Barada.

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The town of Barada attacked by the Muslims may have been either the village Bardia, which is ton miles to the north-west of Porbandar, or Bhutambilikä itself, which is situated in the vicinity of the Barada hills. From the Muslim version of the expedition it appears that though the Muslims were successful in the beginning, they had eventually to leave the country. For aught we know, the sickness of the army may have been as much responsible for this evacuation as the bravery of the Saindhava defenders. It is really a pity that Charters A and B, which take the genealogy back to the time of Agguks I should have indulged in merely a general description of his bravery, instead of giving us a vivid account of this definite historic achievement. In Charter F, however, we have a vague reference to the repulsing of the Muslim invasion, when we are told that Agguka showed the greatness of Varáha when he easily rescued his country, which was being drowned in an ocean of naval force sent by powerful enemies (11. 4-5). The naval supremacy of the Saindhavas, to which five of our charters expressly refer, must have been of great help to them in driving back the Arabs. This achievement of theirs was indeed noteworthy, when we remember the modest size of their principality.
Agguks I was succeeded by his son Rāņaka, who may be presumed to have ruled from c. G. E. 475 tu 496 (A. D. 794 to 814). M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker has attributed Charter C (his Plate A) to this ruler; it will, however, be shown in the introduction to that plate how this attribution is untenable. We have so far recovered no grant given by this ruler.
No contemporary grants of the first four rulers of the Saindhava family have so far been recovered, but there is no doubt that they were mere feudatories as statod above. The epithet Apara-Surāshträmandala-mandana used in connection with the members of this family in most of its genuine records shows that its sphere of influence never extended much beyond Western Käthiawår. It would, however, appear that they had developed considerable naval strength, for our charters invariably describe them as the masters of the Western Ocean. The Mers, who were prominent among the subjects of the Saindhavas, were well known for their maritime activities. Arab historians admit that they were a great maritime power in Käthiawår during the 8th and the 9th centuries. They must obviously have enabled their rulers, the Saindhavas, to rule the Western Ocean. The title A para-samudr-ūdhipati taken in all our complete charters by the Saindhavas is therefore no empty boast. In seeking to retain the command over the seas, the Saindhavas had shown a foresight evinced by few rulers of ancient India.
Two sons of king Rāņaka figure in Charters A and B. Of these Kộishộarāja II was the elder and Jalka I was the younger. They were half-brothers, for Jāika is expressly described 88 & vaimātro bhrätä in Charter A. Krishnarāja II succeeded his father in due course in c. 495 G. E. (A. D. 814). A large number of florid epithets have been used to describe his glory and valour in Charter A and one or two of them undoubtedly refer to some contemporary political events. He is described as full of enthusiasm in troubling the host of his enemies, the Chäpins, in 1. 15 of Charter A. The same observation has been made in almost identical words about his younger brother Jāika I and the latter's two sons, kings Chămunda and Agguka. These four rulers were ruling from o. 814 to 874 A. D., as will be shown, and they all seem to have been at war with the Chäpins or the Chapas. There were two Chapa families ruling in Northern Gujarat and North-east Käthiäwär at this time. The one founded by Vanarāja was ruling at Apahilapattana since o. 765 A. D., while the other to which king Dharanivarāba of the Haddala plates of the Saka year 836 belonged, was ruling at Wadhwan since c. 850 A. D. Since in all our records the Saindhavas describe themselves as the lords of Western Saurāshtra
Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. I, p. 114 and pp. 619-31. . See the genealogical and chronological tablo, p. 196.

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only, it is almost certain that the Chapa enemies of kings Chamunda and Agguka (c. 849 to 874 A. D.) were Chapa kings Vikramärka and Adḍaka of Wadhwan, who were the great-grandfather and grandfather respectively of king Dharaṇīvaraha. If there were no ancestors of Vikramarka ruling at Wadhwan before his time, then the Chapa enemies of Krishnaraja II and his brother Jaika I, who ruled from c. 814 to 849 A. D., would be Chapa rulers Yogaraja and Ratnaditya of the Anahilapaṭṭana dynasty, who were ruling during the first half of the 9th century A. D.1 The fact that as many as four successive Saindhava kings are seen to be at war with the Chapas would show that there was a hereditary feud between these two neighbouring dynasties, as was the case between the Pallavas and the Chalukyas or between the Rashtrakutas and the Pratihāras. The fights, however, must have been mostly of the nature of frontier skirmishes.
Charter A describes king Krishnaraja II as a ruler who had, like Bharata propitiated Rama by his steady and proper behaviour (1. 15). This statement has also been made with reference to his brother Jäika I and the latter's son Agguka in Charters B and D. It is almost certain that a double entendre is intended to be conveyed by the expression Bharata iv-achalad-uchita-samaradhita-Ramaḥ. The identity of king Rama to whom kings Krishnaraja and Jäika I had shown unswerving loyalty is not difficult to find out. These rulers were ruling from c. 814 to 849 A. D., as will presently be shown; the overlord to whom they were devotedly loyal must be the Pratihāra emperor Rāmabhadra, who ruled from c. 833 to 836 A. D. From the 8th verse in the Gwalior prasasti of Prathihara Bhōja I we learn that the Saindhavas were among the rulers signally defeated by the Pratihāra emperor Nagabhața II, who is known to have ruled from c. 805 to 833 A. D. The Saindhava kings, who must have felt the brunt of the rising Pratihāra power under Nagabhaṭa II, must have been Rāņaka I (c. 794 to 814 A. D.), Krishnaraja II (c. 814 to 824 A. D.), and his younger brother Jaika I (c. 824 to 849 A. D.)". It would appear that the campaign in Kathiawar was entrusted by Nagabhata II to the crownprince Ramabhadra, who, on its successful termination, seems to have been appointed Viceroy over the western provinces by his father Nagabhata. After their defeat by the Pratihāras, Krishnaraja II and Jaika I appear to have remained loyal to the royal Viceroy Ramabhadra and are, therefore, fittingly described as propitiating Rama by their steady and proper behaviour. This statement has been made also in connection with Agguka, son of Jaika I, in Charter D, though he was not a contemporary of Ramabhadra either as a crown-prince or as an emperor, the period of his reign being c. A. D: 849 to 869. It is, however, not difficult to explain how this mistake has taken place. In our present set of charters, a number of epithets have been bodily transferred from one ruler to another in several places. The use of Bharata iv-achaladuchita-samaradhita-Ramaḥ in the case of Agguka would be an illustration of this tendency.
From the time of Krishnaraja II (c. 820 A. D.), the Saindhavas became the feudatories of the Pratihāras as shown above. The Pratihāras, however, were not able to exercise the same rigorous control over their administration as they had imposed upon the government of many of their other feudatories. The Una plates of Balavarmans show that the members of the feudatory Chalukya house, which was ruling contemporaneously with the Saindhavas as a feudatory of the Pratihāras in Southern Kathiawar, could not make any land-grants without the consent of the officers of the imperial government. The grant of Dharaṇīvaraha, who was ruling as a Pratihāra feudatory at Wadhwan in Northern Käthiäwär, shows that he did
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, P. 193.
An. Rep. A. S. I., 1903-04, p. 280.
During the reign period here assigned to Jaika I, the period of his regency is also included. See below p. 194.
Ante, Vol. IX, pp. 1 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 193.

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not or perhaps dared not omit to mention the name of his feudal lord, Mahendrapāla, through whose favour he was enjoying his principality. All the Saindhava grants, including the Morbi plate of Jāikadēva, have, however, been issued without any permission, express or implied, of the imperial power or its local representatives. The dutaka of Charter B is no doubt an officer named Pratihara Krishna. There is nothing to indicate that he was a local representative of the imperial power. The utmost that can possibly be said is that he may have belonged to the same ethnic stock to which the Pratīhāra emperors belonged. He was, however, no doubt an officer serving under Jāika I and executing his orders. He owed no allegiance to the Pratihāras, nor was he responsible to them like Dhika of the Unā plates, who is found signing the charter of the feudatory king Balavarman on behalf of his imperial master. Probably Krishna, the dütaka, was holding the office of the Pratihāra (chamberlain) in the royal court, as was the case with many other dutakas.
It is also worth noting that if we leave the veiled reference to their loyalty to emperor Rāmabhadra, the Saindhavas nowhere acknowledge the Pratihāras as their overlords. When however we remember that eastern, southern and northern Käthiāwār was under the suzerainty of the Pratihāras from the time of Nāgabhata II to that of Mahendrapāla, when we note how the Pratihāras claim to have defeated the Saindhavas, and when due allowance is made for the fact that the Saindhavas never claim to be anything more than mere feudatories, the conclusion becomes irresistible that their overlords were no other rulers than the imperial Pratihāras of Kanuuj even during the latter half of the 9th century and onwards. They were, however, able and clever enough to secure for themselves a much larger share of internal autonomy than was ever conceded to their eastern and southern neighbours. The valuable assistance which the Saindhava navy could give to the Pratihāras in their struggles with the Arabs was probably the main reason for this preferential treatment.
Let us resume our account of the reign of Krishnarāja II. He is described in Charter A as ridiculing Duryodhana and drinking the blood of Duśśāsana like Bhima. It is possible that here also there may be a pun and a veiled reference to Krishnarāja's fight with some real historical kings named Duryodhana and Duśśāsana, hitherto unknown to us. This, however, is not very probable; for the expression showing comparison to Bhima has been used also with reference to Jāika I in Charter B, Agguka in Charter D and Chāmunda in Charter E. All these kings could not have fought with the same rulers Duryodhana and Duśśisana. It is therefore very improbale that any historic events lie concealed in the above comparisons,
Krishnarāja is further described as a ruler who had pleased the inhabitants of Parvata, and who therefore resembled Sarkara, who was a source of delight to the relations of (Himalaya) Parvata (mountain). The expression containing the above description has been used with reference to three other rulers, Jāika I and his sons Chāmunda and Agguka. The inhabitants of the mountainous regions who were pleased with these four rulers were obviously the residents of the territory round about the Barada hills, in the vicinity of which Bhūtāmbilikā, the Saindhava capital, was situated. It is therefore clear that this city had become the Saindhava capital at least as early as the reign of Krishnaraja I (c. 820 A.D.). Unless we assume that the draftsman of Charter F is guilty of anachronism, we shall have to concede that Bhūtāmbilikū was the Saindhava capital even as early as the time of Pushyadēva, for he has been described in that Charter as Bhatāmbilik-ābhidhāna-nagari-gariyah. etc. (1.1).
The tradition represents the Jethvās as ruling at Morbi before they were established at Ghuli. Our charters are however silent on the point. Nor does the Morbi plate of Jäikadēva
See Balevirman's plates ante, Vol. IX, p. 6, text 1. 36 ; see also Avanivarman's plates, ibid., p. 9; text I. 52 ? Ayte, Vol. V, p. 291, text I. 8., Vol. XIX, p. 301, text I. 27.

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support the above tradition. This plate was issued in A.D. 904, that is to say, long after Bhūtāmbilikā had become the Saindhava capital; nor does it state that Morbi was the original home of the Jethvās. For aught we know, if the first Morbi plate is discovered, it will be found to have been issued from Bbūtāmbilikā like all other Saindhava charters; it may have been taken to Morbi by the donee or his descendants.
Krishnaraja died comparatively young; for Charter A shows that his son and successor Agguka II was a young boy at his death, and that the administration had to be carried on by his uncle Jāika. Since this charter is issued in 513 G. E. (A.D. 832-3), and since by that time the plan of usurpation of Jāika was almost complete, we may place the death of Kțishộarāja IL in c. 505 G. E. (c. 824 A.D.). He thus had a short reign of about ten years only.
Poor Agguka, the son and successor of Krishnaraja II, shared the usual fate of minor rulers, who have the misfortune of having as their guardians ambitious and unscrupulous uncles. Agguka had such an uncle in Jäika and he was his step-uncle too. In Charter A, ll. 23-24, Jāika no doubt boasts that though Kamalā (Royal Fortune) was anxious to be united to him in preference to Agguka, her rightful lord, he spurned her wily overtures and decided to be the disinterested guardian of his young and inexperienced nephew. This profession however is belied by the indications given by other parts of the charter; he does not give the usual titles of a reigning feudatory to his nephew but takes them for himself. The grant of the village also has been made, not in the name of the minor heir, but in that of the so-called regent himself. In the colophon of the charter, its writer also refers to Jäika, and not to Agguka, as the reigning king. It is therefore clear that the plans of usurpation of Jāika were almost complete when Charter A was issued in A.D. 832-3. The actual usurpation took place before the issue of Charter B, where we find wika I mentioning himself as the ruling king, and omitting all reference to his elder brother and his son in the genealogy. This charter is unfortunately not dated, and so we can get only an approximate idea of the time of usurpation. We have already seen that at the time of the issue of Charter A in 513 G. E. the usurpation was almost complete except in name; the actual supersession could not have been delayed probably beyond 515 G. E.
It would appear that Jāika I allowed Agguka to rule as a feudatory under himself after he had usurped the throne, exercising jurisdiction over a portion of his kingdom. For we find Agguka's son Ránaka issuing the land-grant mentioned in Charter C. Unfortunately this charter is incomplete and so its date is not known. We would not be far wrong if we assume that after his supersession in c. 515 G. E. (835 A. D.), Agguka continued to rule as his uncle's feudatory for another 25 years. His son Rāņaka may therefore be taken to have ruled from c. 540 to 560 G. E. (c. 859 to 879 A. D.).
Let us now revert to the career of the usurper Jāika I. He and his descendants eventually became the leaders of the Saindhava family. As shown already, he ascended the throne in c. 515 G. E. (c. 834 A. D.). As he succeeded an elder brother and his minor son, he may be presumed to have ruled only for about 15 years, i.e., up to c. 530 G. E. (A. D. 849). As shown already, he continued to remain a loyal feudatory of the Pratibāra emperor Rāmabhadra. In his reign also there were several skirmishes with his eastern neighbours, the Chāpas of Wadhwan.
Jāika I died in c. 849 A. D., leaving behind him two sons, Chamundarāja and Agguka. Charters D, E and I make it absolutely clear that the little Saindhava kingdom was further gubdivided between these brothers on the death of Jāika I. Rāņaka, a grandson of Jāika I, through his son Agguka, is seen to be issuing Charter D in 555 G. E. ; 12 years later, i.e., in 567 G. E., another grandson of Jāika I, named Agguka, through his son Chămundarāja, is found to be giving Charter E. In the genealogy of Charter F issued in 596 G. E., Agguka And Rånaka of Charter D are altogether passed over ; Jāika I is stated to have been succeeded by his son

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Chamundarāja and the latter by his son Agguka III and this last by his son Jäika II. It is therefore clear that both the sons of Jāika I founded separate ruling houses.
Our charters do not make it clear as to which of the two sons of Jäika I was the elder one. It would however appear that Agguka was the younger one, as he and his son are passed over in the genealogy of Charter F. In Charter D Rāņaka, the grantor, is stated to have been placed upon the throne by his father Agguka in his own lifetime. This may probably be due to Agguka's apprehension that his elder brother may resume his principality after his death.
Sinoe Charter D of king Ränaka is issued in 555 G. E. and Charter E of his cousin Agguka ' in 667 G. E., it is possible to argue that there was no further subdivision of the Saindhava kingdom after the death of Jaika I. Räņaka, the grantor of Charter D, may have died soon after that charter was issued in 555 G. E. and may have been succeeded by his uncle Chamundarāja ; the latter after a naturally short reign may have been succeeded by his son Agguka, the grantor of Charter E, some time before 567 G. E. As against this view, it may be pointed out that Ránaks of Charter D had a grown-up son named Jāika, who was acting as Yuvarāja in 555 G. E. In the normal course of events, therefore, his succession could not have devolved upon his uncle. It is further to be noted that in Charter E issued in 667 G. E. there is a statement made in II. 5-6 that the Saindhava family had at that time numerous branches and leaves', aparimita-snigdhatara-para-bakha-sanchaya-sali. It is interesting to note that this statement does not occur in the earlier charters of the Saindhava family. It would therefore show, in the light of the further evidence of Charters C and D, that there were at least three branches of the Saindhave family ruling in Western Käthiāwar during the third quarter of the 9th century A. D. The Saindhava kingdom was no doubt a small one, but this tripartite division need not only on that account be pronounced as improbable, as the example of the Patvardhans ruling in the Southern Marathi Country at present would show. The small patrimony of this Sardar family of the Peshwas. hardly equal to a normal district in British India, has been divided into four petty kingdoms of Sangli, Miraj, Mirajmalā, and Kurandwäd.
Members of all the three Saindhava houses are seen to be issuing their grants from Bhūtāmbilikā. Though there is some evidence of mutual jealousy, we do not find them fighting with one another. It would therefore appear that they were all staying at Bhūtāmbilikā, their ancestral capital, but ruling over different parts of their ancestral kingdom, more like members of a federation than as rulers of separate states. Our charters supply some evidence about the manner in which the ancestral territories were divided among the three branches, but it is very difficult to interpret. Charter C would show that the district of Pachchhatri was under the seniormost branch of Kșishộarāja,' while Charter D would indicate that the district of Suvarna. mafjarl was allotted to the juniormost branch of Agguka.' But Charters B, E, and F show that both the above districts were included in the kingdom of the branch founded by Jāika I. We can reconcile these oonflicting statements only by assuming that the seniormost and juniormost branches were ruling not over the whole but part of the two districts mentioned above, and that the leading family founded by Jāika I held sway over portions of both of them.
Let us now resume the history of the family. It will be convenient to finish first the account of the juniormost branch of Agguka. This ruler succeeded his father Jaika I in c. 530 G. E. (c. 849 A.D.); his reign may therefore be placed between 530 and 550 G. E. (c. 849869 A.D.). In Charter D issued by his son Rāņaka, this ruler has been described in adjectives which have been used for his predecessors in earlier grante; they therefore do not enable us to get a clear idea of his personality or achievements.
Cf. the expression : yatha maya sta-bhujyamana-Pachchhatri-vishay-antahpåti- in Charter C, 1. 18. ! Cf. the expression: yatha mayd ora-bhujyamana-Subarnamarijari-vishaya- in Charter D, 11. 27-8.

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Agguka was succeeded by his son Räpaka. His copper-plate grant, Charter D of our series, has been issued in 555 G. E. (A. D. 8745). We may therefore place his reign between c. 550 G. E. and 570 G. E. (c. 869-889 A. D.). From his charter we learn that his father had abdicated in his favour and participated in his coronation himself. The probable implication of this statement has been already discussed on the preceding page. The description of this ruler in Charter D does not enable us to form any opinion about his achievements, as it is all conventional. Nor does it throw any light on contemporary history.
Already in 555 G. E. (A. D. 874-5) Rāņaka had a grown-up Yuvarāja named Jāíka who figures as the dutaka of Charter D. It is not known whether this prince succeeded his father. His name has been omitted in the long genealogy given in Charter F issued in 596 G. E., but that may be due to his having belonged to a collateral branch. There are no indications of the independent existence of this branch having come to an end with Rāņaka, and we may therefore well 8.88ume that the crown prince Jäika of Charter D ruled from o. 570 to 590 G. E. (A. D. 889-909).
Let us now resume the history of main Saindhava branch, which was continued by Chămundarāja, the eldest son of Jāika I. This ruler may be presumed to have ruled from c. 530 to 556 G. E. (o. 849 to 874 A.D.). Charters E and F describe this ruler; his description is however all conventional and useless for the purpose of reconstructing sober history.
Chămundarāja was succeeded by his son Agguka III. As be has issued Charter E in 567 G. E., we may place his reign from c. 555 to 580 G. E. (874 to 899 A. D.). Charters E and F no doubt introduce some new expressions in the description of this ruler. No specific historio events have however been mentioned, and so we can say hardly anything definite about his achievements.
Agguka III was succeeded by his son Jāika II. As he has issued Charter F in 596 G. E., his reign may be safely placed from c. 580 to 600 G. E. (c. 899 to 919 A.D.). His charter compares him with a number of gods and heroes, but mentions not a single historic exploit.
King Jaika of the Morbi plate is most probably to be identified with this ruler. That plate was issued in 585 G. E. when this ruler was on the throne. As only the concluding plate of the Morbi grant has been recovered, the names of the family and ancestors of king Jāika are not known. The fish emblem at the end of that plate would however show that he belonged to the Saindhava family. LI. 5-7 of the Morbi plate of Jaika are identical with 11. 31-2 of the Charter F in our set. Both the charters have been composed by the same individual, Jhöjjha. Deddaka the engraver of the Morbi plates was a brother of Madhusudana, the engraver of our Charter F of Jāika II, as both of them have been described as sons of Sankara. It is therefore almost certain that the Morbi plates of 585 G. E. were issued by the same Jäiks, who has issued our Charter F in 596 G. E. Had there not been another Jāika, son of king Rāņaka of Charter D, ruling at this time in the 3rd Saindhava branch, the above identification would have become a mathematical certainty. We have however seen that the rule of this Jäska has to be placed from c. 570 to 590 G. E. He could thorefore well have issued the Morbi plates of 585 G. E. with the fish emblem at the end. We however notice from Charters E and F that Jhõijha, the composer of these records, was a protégé of kings Agguka III and Jāika II belonging to the main Saindhava branch. It is this very person who has composed the Morbi record. This circumstance would show that king Jäike of the Morbi record is more likely to be Jāika II, son of
1 R. G. Bhandarker reads this king's name as Jainka (Ind. Ant., Vol. II, pp. 257-8). This is no don bt a possible reading, but the form of the second letter of this name as given in Charter D, 1.7 of thin sot shows that the name was toally Jälka

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[VOL. XXVI.
Agguka III of the main branch, than king Jäika, son of king Rāņaka of the third Saindhava branoh.
We shall now briefly consider the extent of the Saindhava kingdom. From c. 850 A.D. the Chåpas had been established at Wadhwan in Northern Käthiāwār as is made clear by the Haddālā grant of Dharapivaráha. The ancestors of the Chälukys chief Balavarman had been established in Southern Käthiâwâr a few decades earlier, as their Unā grants show. The kingdom of the Saindhaves could therefore not have extended beyond the western portion of Käthiāwār. They themselves also do not claim to be ruling over any larger area, as the description of their family Apara-Surüshtra-mandala-mandana in our grante shows. Villages granted by them are also all situated in Western Käthiāwar.
Many of the rulers, whose history has been discussed above, are described as having distinguished themselves on battle-fields. These wars may refer either to their naval conflicts with the Arabs of Sindh or to ordinary skirmishes with their eastern neighbours. As already pointed out above, they were the feudatories of the Pratiháras, but they do not seem to have taken any part in any of the famous campaigns of their imperial sovereigns. The Unā plates show that Bāhukadhavala, the grandfather of the grantor, had taken active part in the campaigns of his overlord against the Palas and the Rashtrakūtas. The Saindhavas do not seem to have emulated the example of their neighbours in the south-east. They probably felt that they need not exhaust their limited resources in order to strengthen the power of their imperial masters.
We now append below a genealogical tree of this family along with its branches. The names of the rulers of the main branch are given in BOLD type. Approximate time of their rule is given in each case in A. D. Charters issued by different rulers are shown after their names with years in Gupta Era.
1. PUSHYADEVA
734-754
2. KRISHNARĀJA I
754-774
3. AGGUKAI
774-794
4. RANAKA
794-814
6. KRISHNARĀJA II
814-824
7. JATKAI (Charter B) 834-849
6. AGGUKA II (Charter A,
824-834 G. E. 513) 834-859*
8. CHIMUNDARAJA
849-874
Agguka 849-869
Rånaka (Charter C) 869-879
9. AGGUKA III (Charter E, Rânaka (Charter D,
874-899 G. E. 567) 869-889 G. E. 556)
10. JAIKA II (Charter F, Jāika
899-919 G. E. 596) 889-909 1 Ind. An., Vol. XII, pp. 193 ff. * This in the time of his rule'n a foudatory of his uncle, Jarka I and cousin Chamundarija.

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No. 27.]
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Very little is known at present about the history of the Saindhavas subsequent to the middle of the 10th century A. D. Bhūtāmbilikā continued to prosper for at least another three hundred years; for when Lieut. Jacob had visited the site of Ghumli in 1838 he could trace in its ruins inscriptions dated in the years 1062 and 1229 A. D. The bardic account which attributes the ruin of the city to a Muslim invasion from Sindh in o. 1313 A. D., therefore, seems to be substantially correct."
A.-Grant of the time of Agguka II ; [Gupta] Samvat 513. This grant has been engraved on a set of three copper-plates, which have been held together by two rings passing through two holes near the edge. The ends of the rings have been soldered together, and one of them has been impressed with a seal bearing the emblem of a fiss, which was the insignia of the dynasty. The size of the first plate is 134' x 83", of the second, 1311" X 81", and of the third, 13" X 818". The total weight of the plates, rings and the seal is 3264 tolas. The engraving of the record is very deep and shows on the back of each plate. That is probably the reason why the central plate does not as usual bear the inscription on both the sides.
There are 12 lines on the first plate, 15 on the second and 18 on the third. After the first plate was inscribed, it was realised that the record could not be finished in three plates unless not only was the number of lines per plate increased, but also the size of the letters reduced. Both these steps were taken by the engraver, as can be seen by a glance at the plates. The engraving has been well done and mistakes are few. They have been indicated in the text and notes and no further comment is necessary here.
The characters of the record are proto-Nāgari ones and bear a general resemblance to those of the Rādhanpur plates of Govinda III, which were issued from northern Gujarat 24 years earlier. The forms of the letters na, ra and ka of the latter record slightly differ from those in the present one; but they are similar to those in Charters D, E and F of this series.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and its style is of the courtly poetry. It is very florid and abounds in long compounds; the writer spares no pains in producing a remarkable array of alliterative phrases. There is an abundance of similes and metaphors, though they are of the usual hackneyed type. There are several expressions with a double entendre, as is the case with the works of Bäņa and Subandhu. Our record may be confidently cited as a good example of poetic prose, written in a style, which has always excited admiration of the Pandit educated in the old fashion.
The above observations about the language and style hold good of all the charters that are being edited here. It may therefore well be concluded that the Saindhava rulers, who had in their secretariate officers of such remarkable literary ability, must have been great patrons of Sanskrit literature. The fact that the dutaka of the present charter is a poet named Bāla would show that men of literary attainments could get responsible posts in the Saindhava administration.
The colophon at the end of the record tells us that its composer was Kapila, son of Vikkata, who was an ornament of the Sakas. Gujarat and Käthiāwār were under the Saka rule for more than three centuries and this must have resulted in the settlement of a large
1 J. R. A. 8., Vol. V, pp. 75 and 77. • Kathasar Gazetteer, p. 625. • Ante, Vol. VI, p. 244-5,

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Saka population in these provinces. Our record would show that even when four centuries had elapsed since the disappearance of the Saka rule, the Sakas retained some individuality of their own and could be distinguished from the general population. Probably they had formed a caste of their own, but were otherwise completely Hinduised. When this separate Saka caste completely merged in Hindu society is not known at present.
Though a Ŝaka, Kapila, the composer of our record, shows a remarkable command not only over Sanskrit language but also over its difficult kävya style. And this need not cause any surprise, for as early as the second century A. D., we find Rudradaman, the third king of the Saka house of Chashtana, claiming that he was a master of Sanskrit grammar and logic and could compose both prose and poetry of a very high order. The available evidence would thus show that, though foreigners, the Sakas conceived a great fascination for Sanskrit language and culture and became its patrons and devotees at least in Käthiäāwār.
The usual imprecatory verses apart, the record is in prose with the exception of two verses occurring at its fag end. The first of these gives us information about the name and family of the composer and the second one summarises the contents of the grant by mentioning once more the names of the grantor, the grantee, the village granted and the time of the grant. Since the donee speaks of himself in the first person in this verse, it may be well doubted whether it really formed part of the original record. In copper-plate charters, we do not usually come across the phenomenon of the donee himself stating at the end that he had got the grant from such and such a king on such and such an occasion. It would appear that the last verse was probably composed by the donee himself and added in the space available at the bottom of the plate.
The orthography calls for only a few remarks. In a conjunct of which r is the first member, the second letter is usually doubled; cf. garova in 1. 3. (2) The anusvara before sa is indicated sometimes by a guttural nasal as in vansa in 1. 7 and sometimes by the dental 'one as in vansa in l. 34 and in bhransa in l. 35-6. (3) The rules of sandhi are usually followed, but there are a few mistakes in this connection; cf. karavalaiva for karavāla iva, 1. 6, dharmmaḥ murttimän for dharmmo murttimän, 11. 10-11, etc.
The copper-plates record a grant of a village made in the reign of the Saindhava king Agguka II, son of Krishnaraja. The actual grantor is, however, Jaika, the uncle of the ruling king who was a minor when the grant was made. This is rendered quite certain by ll. 23-4 of the record, which state that though embraced by the goddess Kamala, who was anxious for dalliance on his chest, Jaika thought that his nephew ought to be protected and reared by him. At the time of the issue of the charter, Jaika therefore professed to be a mere regent, administering the government on behalf of his minor nephew. Agguka however was a mere puppet; for the charter does not give him any legal titles whatsoever. The regent on the other hand is described with all the usual titles of a ruling feudatory. How he eventually superseded his nephew has been already discussed above in the general introduction (ante, p. 193).
The grant is dated; it was made in Samvat 513 on the 12th day (of an unspecified month) on the occasion of Uttarayana. As the dates in the remaining charters of this series, when given, are expressly declared to be referring to the Gupta era, there can be no doubt whatever that the date of this charter is also to be referred to the same era. The Uttarayana of 831 A. D. took place on Pausha krishna 1, of 832 A. D. on Pausha krishna 12, and of
Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 44. Sabdarttha-gandharvva-nyay-ädyānām vidgānāṁ mahatinam parana-dharanavijñāna-prayog-dvápta-vipula-kirttinä....... ephuja-laghu-madhura-chitra-kanta-labdasamayödär-alamkrita-gadya
padya.....

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833 A. D. on Pausha krishna 7. It is therefore clear that our grant was made on Pausha krishna 12 of the Gupta Samvat 513, which corresponds to Sunday, the 22nd of December 832 A. D. The date of the charter is given at its end and in numerals only. The symbols for the numerals are rather unusual, but a comparison with those in charter F, where the date is given both in words and in numerals, makes it quite clear that the correct reading is 513.
The grantee of the record was Madhava, son of Kalyana, who was a Rigvēdin Brāhmana of the Samkritya götra and a resident of Somēśvara, which is obviously to be identified with famous Sömanåtha. He was given the whole village of Dhankatirtha and one tenth the share of the village of Gulamikā in order to enable him to perform the usual Brahmanical rites and Bacrifices. These villages were situated in the district of Pachchhatri, which was being governed by the grantor himself. Pachchhatri, the headquarters of the district, is probably to be identified with the modern village Pachhtardi, six miles to the west of Ghumli. Dhankatirtha, the village granted, is obviously the same as Dhănk in Gondal state, situated about 25 miles east of Ghumli. Dhänk is situated on the outskirts of a hill of the same name and figures as a holy place in Jain tradition. I am unable to identify Gula mikā, one tenth of whose revenues were also assigned to the donee.
A large number of officers are mentioned in this record, while the grant is being announced by the king. They are the following: 1. Mantri, 2. Purohita, 3. Amatya, 4. Janapada, 5. Yuvarāja, 6. Rajasthaniya, 7. Pramātri, 8. Balādhikrita, 9. U parika, 10. Vishayapati, 11. Saulkika, 12. Dussādhasādhanika, 13. Choroddharanika, 14. Vaikshēpika, 15. Chara and 16. Bhata. All these officers are mentioned in Charters B and D also. In Charter C, Nos. 4 and 7 are omitted but Sēnā pati has been added ; in Charter E, Nos. 1 and 2 are dropped ; in Charter F, Nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 9 and 11 are not mentioned and Dēsādhipati has been added. Among these officers the functions of Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 10, 11, 13, 15 and 16 are quite clear. No. 4 Janapada cannot obviously refer to people in general; it probably refers to representatives of people or members of the Janapada assembly, though one would like to have a more convincing evidence about the existence of such a body at this period. No. 6 Rajasthaniya means a viceroy, No. 8 Balādhikrita denotes the commander-in-chief; No. 9 Uparika was a provincial viceroy under the Gupta administration, superior in status to Vishayapati or the district officer, who is here also mentioned after the U parika!. No. 12 Dussādhasādhanika probably denoted those officers of the Choroddharanika class, who were entrusted with the difficult task of apprehending dacoits and other dangerous criminals. I am unable to offer any suggestions about the function of No. 14 Vaikshēpika.
Most of these officers are mentioned in charters issued by each of the three branches of the Saindhava kingdom. The original kingdom was a small one and its branches must have been quite tiny; one may therefore well doubt whether even the parent kingdom had all these officers working in its administration. This suspicion becomes stronger when we remember that in Charter F, which is the most business-like and carefully drafted document of this series, a large number of these officers are omitted. It is interesting to add that the officers dropped out in this charter are just those whose existence otherwise appears to be doubtful. One wonders whether in this small kingdom Mantrins would have existed as a class of officers separate from the Amātyas ; they are omitted in this record. A viceroy presuppones ange kingdom, which the Saindhavas did not possess ; Rājasthāniya is omitted in Charter F. Ther) was no room for both the Vishayapatis and Uparikas in the Saindhava adminis ration; the latter of them have been omitted in Charter F. It would therefore appear that some of the officers mentioned in
1 Vividhakalpatirtha, edited by Sri-Jinaprabhasuri, p. 1.
*[The office of U parika has been discussed above, Vol. XXIV, p. 184 and also in the D. R. Bhandari Volume, Calcutta, 1940, pp. 231-33, whereiu has been explained to correspond to that of a Magletrata B. a.).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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our grants did not really function in the Saindhava administration ; they are merely mentioned to make the list exhaustive.
Among the commoners to whom the grants have been announced, only Brāhmaṇas and traders are mentioned. This would show that as early as the 9th century A.D.Gujarat and Käthiāwār had developed their present commercial traditions and that merchants bad come to be recognised as a class as important as the Brāhmaṇas. The bracketing of the Vaisyas with the Sūdras in the Gitā and the Dharmaśāstra literature would thus be giving us not a correct idea of the position which the merchant class occupied in a commercial province like Käthiāwār.
TEXT
First Plate. 1 ॐ स्वस्ति [*] स्वस्तिलकामरावतीसम्भवहिस्पर्दिभूताम्बिलिकाभिधानमगरीगरीयोपरख
(स)राष्ट्राम2 ण्डलमण्डनोपरसमुद्राधिपतिरासीत्संपूर्ण प्रकाशशरविशाकररश्मिप्रतानविशदनिजयशोरा3 शि:(शि)श्यामलितसगर्वशत्रुसामन्तसोमन्तिनोवदनारविन्दद्युतिः प्रलयकालविजृम्भितज्वलनज्वा
लावली4 कल्पानल्पप्रसरत्प्रतापः स्वहृदयसमोहितहितविभवदानहेलाजलावादितसकल सुमोक: सम5 ररसभरधरीडरीजितजितप्रणतवेरिशिरीरत्नदृष्यमाणस्फुरचरणनखमयूखखचितपा6 दपौठप्रान्तः करवाल(ल द)वापवर्जितसहजकलशकः परिवाररक्षानपेक्षितस्पष्टदृष्टशतिरन
टाभि7 मुखापतविपक्षक्षतिविहामूलप्रणतीत्तरोत्तरप्रवाशालिश्रीमसैन्धववङ्ग(वंश)शेखरः समधि8 गतायेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्तश्रीमदग्गुकः [*] तस्य जननमस्यचरितवन्द्यानिन्धहिजसमूह
मोह9 हारिहारिहत्तपालितप्रजासमुनवच्छरच्छशधरकरनिकरधवलयशीराशिराशिषां परमविसं10 वादि स्थानमास्थाननिविष्टेष्टसामन्तचक्रक्रमरक्षादाच्योदय(द्योयापिकीय॑मानकोसिः साक्षादि
वधर्मः 11 मूर्त्तिमानिव निजजनपदपुण्वसम्भारः सकललोकपरिशुद्धिहेतुस्थिरसरस्वतीसङ्गतिसेव्यतया 12 सुचिरमचलितमर्यादो नतिजलोपिलीपितदुष्टचेष्टितः समुद्रकरणिमुहहब
1 Edited from ink impressions.
* Indicated by a symbol. Read either dana.jala-hela-, or samāhladita instead of jal-ahladita, as is done in Charters B and D. reading of Charter E, dana-phala-samahladita is the best.
• Sandhi rules have not been always followed in this charter.
The

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: A.-GRANT OF THE TIME OF AGGUKA II; [GUPTA) SAMVAT 513.
ও সাদাম কমায় সাস! 5 T4 fy Y}{2, Jafls/27 (7) স যা ঘ্রাণ 2 (2rথ হা/য়াZি//
2 6/পাস পy ( যা 2 (w/ Qর কথা | | | :গ্রা:শি স&ধস থA/ xবিহy(
Q২)দি যে/ফায়ে হে, 'গ'লামী । | ০ থে!! ম খবহ/স': //বি, স৪ে৫ঠিওসমযোংলােয় ঝকঝ সুন্না:কাম, ' ৩২/ক, ৫া] (হিংস/সর্থভিত্যি নয় র ধ nষম বকধ? ।
t/০ %কত রাখি / ক রি ক VেE24/7 29/0/৫ পথিমাস ষ্টে, ৪।
200/স৪ে/৯ (সিম/লসা সতীত্ব হঞ্জা (মে এম'৷ স্বযz* বy:##। ৫ে । ৪ ? সাফমডা-পযুমম সময়মকস / সমম? ৫৫ মিক্স স্র মা ও ৪।
সেই ফAZ/ (যে সg/Ay Ayz 0y ক) ৪ কy Qয় যে যাণেyফ্রি / (৫ । যাবস্থায় মায়াম সেহে য য ব ত ম ক কুড়োকেই মামীকে য4 /। * 10
%সে সত্রে মম যব ধ0j4:বা যে মেক ৭ খ্রিস্থের জন্য সীসস সস | 12 | সুরম/যন্ত সমযৗথaঠ মা'যো (৫/ফাস (সঃ 5 মৃধক ত্ব।
12
|
- ০৪
# সিই/u6xy5Oca (503) Ar (2!মাথmO খাদ্য পান। 14
মমযেযq{স/Qদযymmক সব বঞ্চ{rgয় কম। /mymকসায়/} 14
সঠিক সামঞ্জস্যর্থব স্কা% বাসযা স্বত্ব সমস/J PAমনা । 16 | বোর্থেত যায়। ককসবাঠে কণ্ঠস্বীকারত্ব সম' ( কলহ 16।
যায়।হঠন গঠকঠ7:প্ন স্থা!y 85 সে২ মকবাহিকৎসসম। 18 / এমএনএয়া /শনি !
কলা ৮থ ৪৫ হন।(ফব্রিাঞ্জ ফান্ধী/ব। সহ Pr(করি সবাঠ*ী/নাঞ্জাবির সকা কিy: Aখাসিy aখঃ) ১r, mam &/ঠ (ষ্টিথো -বাজার " নাকyqক !} // ঝঙ্কা go 'সীমাহফি-এ সক'র'@'
ধারীস্বত্বরিকাহফিসিরী(৪৭ ব্যাক প্রস্থান। 22 পেস সকো জমক্ষমতায়ন (ত্রা
সেন স্ক) সাথী হ'ফুঞ্জকেশবেস 22 কাসাফায়! সমযvত27/8 এই এা সয়াসসযযযাক কgrd ofথা । খোক. যােনি যদিছিস?/বত্র বর্ষি সমর্থগে!/ // যেথাস নাম) 24
* পসই হা0িzvi কি করে বেময়মন্ডয়' লওঁৱ U১৮/ত্র (যার মযহা বঞিাস»ি ফarrণী সা:সমানে সক/ 26 মৰিক ১.সি pজন gaading
»
1:20সেইবার সয়াস। না Cে/27/২ মুস ; /* মৈশা /০ ১৪ [ jek@s/Uসিকতাৰ ৫১ৰি ফ2}y f6st/৫ ২১। ২) * #সা # HAV746*99/14/4/22/৬৫, যঠে বস 2/4/১/৫/! ২৭ ২/২১এ4.5/য় । ৭ ম (a(সানব স ম?/5] A/৮} Page #253


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No. 27.)
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% 3D
Second Plate. 13 णेषु च चापघटितरटटनिनियतगुणसङ्गिमार्गाणगणप्रोत्सारितारातिरौलित14 मलमूलदुश्चरितपरिणामी रणरणकदानदक्षचक्षुर्विक्षेपी विपक्षनारीणां श्रीराणकस्मृतीभवत्त-'
स्थापि 15 चापिरिपुसार्थकदर्थनासमर्थप्रीत्यर्पदुमाहभरी भरत इवाचलदुचितसमाराधितरामो भार
समक्ष18 पि(ब)तीयपार्थ इवापार्थकीकृतजगदुदितकीर्तिदुईरधनुरी कीदर व सततरुधिरपान
करणास्फुरणोक्त17 दुश्शासनीसदुपहसितदुयो(यो)धनश्च सर्वतः स्वगळतः समुसारितरिपतिमिरनिकरी दिन
कर इव वर्षमा18 नतेजीराशिरशिशिरप्रतापसन्तापितातिदृप्तसपनयनः माधवेव (प्रियसत्योतिदूरविक्षिप्त
नरकोपद्र19 वाशः शङ्कर स्वाभिनन्दितपार्वतीयजनो जनोदितसहजपुरुषकारातिरककरदीक्कतप्रातिरा
ज्यभूभृदुल्करः(र) 20 ऐक्षि कपाणपाणिरपि रिपुभिरभिभवीभूतभयस(सं)चान्तनयनैयनैपुणसाभ(फोल्यप्रकटीभव
त्पुण्यसभारी भा1 रतीमाधुर्यसमानन्दितसकलप्रणयिजनी जननीचरणारविन्दवन्दनसंवर्वितकीर्तिप्रतानीतनुतनु
शोभाभा22 विततरुणीजनमनःप्रसरी(र) श्रीकणराजाभिधानीतिधन्यस्तनयोभूत्तस्य माता वैमात्री
ज्येष्ठं तब्बतमुचितकु23 लक्रमागताक्रान्तसिङ्गा(सिंहासनमपि परित्यज्य श्रीमदम्गुकाख्यं ख्यातपौरुषपुरुषजयिस
त्वधामवक्षस्थलोलौलाला24 लसया कमलया निस्सामालिजितो' अयमेव निजपिटप्रवहितमदीयलालनपालनयोग्य
इति समरपत25 शातितशत्रुशौटीर्यो धैर्यनिधिरधौराणां रणेषु रक्षिता क्षतकलिकलोवत्रिमदानाभ्यासा
भ्यीकतकपर्णवर्ण
1 Read-bhavat Tasy-api. . Read=bhüt 1 Tasya. • Road nidiankamalingits='yamstva.

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28 नः स्ववपुषि पूषेव विकसितपद्माकरः सत्क्रियाप्रवर्त्तितसकललोकच कश्चनापरप्येतामोस्ति नास्तीति कौ
27 तूहलिम्मा यत्कीर्त्या जगन्नम्यते स समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्त श्रोजाईक
[VOL. XXVI.
Third Plate.
28 सर्व्वानेवात्मीयान्मत्रि (न्त्रि) पुरोहितामात्यजनपदर्युवराजराज स्थानीयप्रमाष्टबलाधिकृतीप29 रिकविषयपतिशौल्किकदुस्साधसाधनिक चोरोचरणिक वैद्येपिक चारभटादिसमस्तराजपुरुषा(घ)30 मस्त (स्त) विवासिब्राह्मणोत्तरान्वणिमहत्तरकुटुम्बिनस्समनुबोधयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा
मया स्वभुज्यमानपच्छत्रीप्रावे (दे)
31 शिकतोर्थाभिधानग्रामस्त (स्व) सीमापर्यन्तो सहित [: * ] सोमेश्वरवास्तव्यचातु
गुलमिकाभिधानग्रामस्य दशा (शांश) न
32 र्व्वद्यसामान्यसांक्कृत्य सगोत्चबह्वृचसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणचतुर्वेदमाधवाय कल्याणपुत्तायोदकातिसर्गेण
द्वादश्या
33 मुदगयने दत्तो बलिचरुवैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रब्रह्मयो' सर्पणार्थं मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिटाये [*] पती
34 स्यैनं भुच्यतो न केनचित्परिपन्यना कार्या [*] भाविभिरपि नृपतिभिरस्मद्दम्य (इंश)जैरन्यैव सामान्यं भूमिदानफलमभिवा
35 व्छद्भिरनित्यान्यैश्वर्याणि मानुष्यकमपि प्रबलमारताहतपद्मिनीपचनिहितजललवलोलमाकलय्य दु परिहरन्ध (i)
36 न्म(म)क्षणिकच जीवितमालोक्यातिप्रचुरकदर्थनासचितमर्थजातमनिलसङ्गिदीपशिखाचच्चलमालोच वाच्यताच्यु
37 तिकामेरमलमण्डलशरदिन्दुद्युतिधवलयशोवितानच्छवनभोभागमात्मानमिच्छद्भिरतिस्वच्छमनो
1 Read either krityö or kriyo°.
1 The letters yama are repeated through inadvertence.
भिराकाच्छ
38 न्दतोयमयमस्मदायोनुमन्तव्यो (व्यः) [1*] व्यासादिमुनिनिगदितभूमिहरण पापपरिपाकजनिताच यामीर्यातना म
39 नसि निधाय पूर्व्वधार्मिकनृपपरिकल्पितपञ्चमहापातकसमय श्रावणाच्च चिन्तयित्वा भूयो भूयो याच्यमानेरिदं न प्रस्म

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40 र्तव्यं स्मृतिकारोपदिष्ट(ष्टम्) [*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*]
आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ स्वदत्तां परदत्ता वा 41 यो हरेत्तु वसुन्ध (राम्) [*] गवां शतसहस्रस्य हन्तुः प्राप्नोति किल्बि(ल्वि)प:(षम्)
[*] बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्मगरादिभि[*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य
तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) ॥ 42 यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रीनानि धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि [*] निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि
तानि को नाम साधु: पुनराददीत ॥ विन्ध्याटवीष्वतीयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिन:*]
कृष्णाह43 यो हि जायन्ते ब्रह्मदायापहारका[:*] ॥ वहस्तीयं समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासा
मन्तश्रीजाईकस्य श्रीराणकपुत्रस्य [*] दृतकोत्र महत्तमबालकविः [*] 44 श्रीजाई(इ) केमलयश[:*]प्रसराप्तविश्खे बि(वि)श्वासिताप्तगुरुबन्धुजने स्वराज्यं (ज्यम्) [*]
भंज(भुञ्ज)त्यदोलिखदिह स्वधिया प्रसूतो यो विक्कटास कपिलस्तिलकः शका
नां(नाम्) ॥ 45 श्रीजयसेनो मह्यं ग्राममदाहकतीर्थनामानं(नम्) [*] गुलमयिकाग्रामदशान्श (शांग)सहित
मतिभक्तिरुदगयने ॥ संव ५०० १०३
B.-Grant of king Jāika I. This grant has been written on a set of two copper-plates, which have been inscribed on one side only. The plates have two holes near the edge, intended for the two rings to secure them together. Only one of these rings has been preserved and its ends have been soldere l together and impressed with a seal with the emblem of the fish, which was the insignia of the dynasty. The weight of the plates together with the ring and the seal is 3481 tolas. The size of each plate is 131" x 10"
___There are 18 lines on the first plate and 19 on the second. The engraving has been mc.ty done and the duct of the handwriting is graceful. The characters and language of this charter are similar to those of Charter A. The record is in prose with the exception of the inprecatory stanzas, and the concluding verse, which is identical with the penultimate vere.. of Charter A. The composer of this record is the same Šaka Sanskrit poet Kapila, who had drafted Charter A.
As far as orthography is concerned, attention may be drawn to the occurrence of upadhmāniya in 11. 30 and 35 in the expressions duhpariharao and hantuh prūpnóti respoctively.
The charter records a village-grant made by Mahāsāmanta Jāika I, son of king Räņaka. He is identical with the same person who had issued Charter A as regent for his nephev, Agguka I, who was then the de jure king. In the genealogy of this grant, however, there is no reference to Agguka or his father who was the elder brother of Jāika I, both of who were expressly mentioned as the occupants of the Saindhava throne in Charter A. The reason is not
The shortening of I is required for metrical reasons; the correct spelling is Jätka. The same occurs also in Charter A, I. 35. The form should, however, be dush parihara.-Ed.

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far to seek. We have already seen how Jaika I had almost become a de jure king in Gupta Samvat 513, when Charter A was issued. By the time of the issue of the present charter, the usurpation was complete, and Jäika must have issued instructions to his secretariate that the names of his elder brother and his son should be eliminated from future copper-plate genealogies in order to remove all traces of his usurpation from the ken of the posterity.
The present charter is not dated, but for reasons already explained above in the general introduction (ante, pp. 193-194), its time of issue will probably be as early as 515 G. E. (834-5 A. D.)
[VOL. XXVI.
The grantee is a Samavēdin Brāhmaṇa of the Vatsa götra, Bhaṭṭasvamika by name, who was a son of Kulachandra. The revenues of the village of Dadhipadraka were assigned to him in order to enable him to perform the usual scriptural sacrifices without feeling any anxiety for his livelihood.
The village Dadhipadraka was situated in the district of Pachhchatri, which is the same as Pachhtardi, 6 miles west of Ghumli, as shown already. The boundaries of Dadhipadraka have been given and they enable us to state that the village has either disappeared or changed its name to Deolia, which is now a village 13 miles north-east of Ghumli. For to the east and north of this village are the river Varatu and the village Shedkäi respectively which are obviously identical with the river Varatrōyi and the village Seḍhäkhäikä, which also were to the east and north of the village Dadhipadraka, which was granted to the donee. Bhillamala, which was the original place of residence of the donee is to be identified with modern Bhinmal, which is 80 miles to the north of Patan and 40 miles to the east of Mt. Abu.
The occasion of the gift was the performance of the Pushyasnana ceremony by the king. From the Brihatsamhita of Varahamihira we learn that this ritual was recommended to kings by astrologers of old for the purpose of averting disaster and promoting prosperity, both of themselves and of their kingdom1. A number of deities were invited at the bath, which was given usually at a holy place. The water was mixed with numerous medicinal and auspicious drugs. Any day of the month, when the moon was in the lunar mansion of Pushya, could be selected for the purpose; but the most suitable time was the full-moon day of the month of Pausha. It is most probable that Jaīka II utilised the first Pausha month after his usurpation for this purpose in order to avert the possible visitation of divine wrath at his unjustifiable conduct.
From ink-impressions. Indicated by a symbol.
TEXT."
First Plate.
1 ॐ स्वस्ति [1*] स्वस्तिलकामरावतोसम्भवर्द्धिस्पर्द्धिभूताम्वि (म्बि)लिकाभिधाननगरीगरीयोप
रसुराष्ट्रामण्डलम
2 ण्डनोपरममुद्राधिपतिरासीत्संपूर्ण प्रकाशशर विशाक र रश्मि प्रतान विशदनिजयशोराशिः (शि) श्याम
* नास्ति लोके स उत्पाती यी ह्यनेन न शाम्यते । मंगलं चापरं नास्ति यदम्मादतिरिच्यते ॥
अधिराज्यार्थिनो राज्ञः पुत्रजन्म च कांचतः । तत्पूर्वमभिषेके च विधिरेष प्रशस्यते ॥
Chap. 48, 84-5.

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3 लितसगर्वशत्रुसामन्तसौमन्तिनौवदनारविन्दद्युतिः प्रलयकालविजम्भितज्वलनज्वालावलौकल्पा
नल्यप्रसर4 प्रतापः स्वहृदयसमोहितहितविभवदानहेलासमाह्वादितसकलसुहल्लोकः समररसभरधरोडु
रोजितजित5 प्रणतवैरिशिरोरत्नघृष्यमाणस्फुरचरणनखमयूखखचितपादपीठप्रान्तः करवाल(ल इ)वापवर्जि
तसहजकल6 इशङ्कः परिवाररक्षानपेक्षितस्पष्टदृष्टशक्तिरनष्टाभिमुखापतहिपक्षक्षतिष्विहामूलप्रणतोत्तरोत्तरप्र
वृद्धा7 ग्रशालिथीमत्सैन्धववङ्ग (वंश)शेखरः स समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्तश्रीमदमाक: [*]
तस्य जननमस्यचरितवंद्या8 निन्द्यहिजसमूहमोहहारिहारिवृत्तपालितप्रजासमुद्भवच्छरच्छशधरकरनिकरधवलयशोराशिराशिषां
पर9 मविसंवादि स्थानमास्थाननिविष्टेष्टसामन्तचक्रक्रमरक्षादाच्योदय(द्य)यापिकीच॑मानकीर्तिः
साक्षादिव धर्मः(ो) 10 मूर्त्तिमानिव निजजनपदपुण्यसम्भारः सकललोकपरिशुदिहेतुस्थिरसरस्वतीसङ्गतिसेव्यतया
सुचिरमच11 लितमर्यादी नतिजलोपिलोपितदुष्टचेष्टितः समुद्रकरणिमुद्दहवणेषु च चापघटितरटटनि
नियत12 गुणसनिमार्गणगणप्रीत्मारितारातिरुन्मीलितमलमूलदुवरितपरिणामी रणरणकदानदक्षचक्षु
विक्षेपो 13 विपक्षनारीणां श्रीराणकम्मुतीभवत्त' स्यापि चापिरिपुसार्थकदर्थनासमर्थप्रोत्सर्पदुस्साहसभरों
भरत इ. 14 वाचलदुचितसमाराधितरामी भारतमल्लत्चि()तीयपार्थ इवापार्थकीकंतजगदुदितकीर्त्तिदुई
रधनुर्द्धरी की15 दर इव सततरुधिरपानकरणास्फुरणीकृतदुश्शासनीसक्कदुपहसितदुर्योधनश्च सर्वतः स्वगतः
समुत्सारित
1 The usual punctuation mark at the end of the sentenoe is omitted here. Read -utsäha-bharo.

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[VOL. XXVI.
18 रिपतिमिरनिकरी दिनकर इव वईमानतेजोराशिरशिशिरप्रतापसन्तापितातिदृप्तसपत्नयन:
शार्ङ्गधन्वेव प्रियसत्यी17 तिदूरविक्षिप्तनरकीपद्रवाशकः शङ्कर इवाभिनन्दितपार्वतीयजनी जनोदितसहजपुरुषकारा
तिरेककरदीक18 तप्रातिराज्वभूभृदुल्करः(र) ऐक्षि कृपाणपाणिरपि रिपभिरभिभवोद्भूतभयसंभ्रान्तनयनैयनैपुण
Second Plate.
19 साफल्यप्रकटीभवत्पुण्यसम्भारो भारतीमाधुर्यसमानन्दितसकलप्रणयिजनो जननीचरणार20 विन्दवन्दनसंवहितकीर्तिप्रतानीतनुतनुशीभाभाविततरुणीजनमनःप्रसरस्मस(म)धिगताशेषमहा
शब्द21 महासामन्तबीजाईकम्मनिवात्मीयाभत्रि(वि)पुरोहितामात्यजनपदयुवराजराजस्थानीयप्रमा
बला22 धिक्कतोपरिकविषयपतिशीरिककदुस्माधसाधनिकचीरीदरणिकवैक्षेपिकचारभटादिसमस्तराजपु
रुषा(षां)23. स्त(स्त)निवासिब्राह्मणोत्तरान्वणिनहत्तरकुटुम्वि(म्बि)नस्ममनुबोधयत्यस्तु वविदितं यथा
मया स्वभुज्यमानपच्छ24 चोप्राव(द)शिकपूर्वप्रसिइदधिपद्राभिधानग्रामस्म(स्व)सौमापर्यन्तस्माघाटश्च तत्र चाघाट
नानि । यत्र पूर्वती वर25 सोयी नदी दक्षिणतचोरणाणकाभिधानो “ग्रामः पश्चिमतस्मेण्टूरकग्राम उत्तरतोपि
बाडाणकग्रामः 28 सेढाखाका चग्रा(चाग्र)हा[ः।*] एवं समस्ताघाटपरिच्छिन्नः श्रीभिलमालवास्तव्यतच्चा
___तुर्वेद्यसामाज्यवा27 सगीत्रच्छान्दीगसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणभट्टखामिकाय कुलचन्द्रपुचायीदकातिसर्गेण पुथस्नानविधी 28 दत्तो बलिचस्वैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रब्रह्मक्कयो'सर्पणार्थं मातापित्रीरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिचय [i*]
अतोस्थे(स्यै)नं भुञ्चतो न के
1 Read either krityoo or kriyoo.

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2
i.
88
বর্ষবাহি শ্রমিক মান্ধার
10. 10
24
SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: B.-GRANT OF KING JAIKA II.
18.
26
শিমুল কামনায় অবসিটি কম্বল
12 12
14 মামনি 14
1 / 16
28
30
কথায়, মাদ্রাস মানব না নাম নেয়ার বিদ
পিএনবি কিখন ও কা যত্ন বা তরল (
ii.
36
20. 20 মান সানাকা
22
पाल सालि रधिनिरिरुितो
মাসী সামরিক
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
সাবন্ধিক জ্বলিব কঠিক
ETC
2
করিয়া ভাজিরাল গ্রামা
अ दी
सी ाলকা ফিবা সাদা মংলা থিম বা এল কলাম উপত দাथিও শতকরা একা যথাদান
সশস্ত্র
ার দ্য শাসযন্ত্র
যন্ত্র
18
সুশিয়ার
কলমা যোয্যবাত্মা কি
32 বিরল এলা প্রকাম সুজুজ কারা মান্নান শিক্ষ ছিল হলো। 32
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
আমায 26 সষ। শিকা, দশ বিশ
24
3494
28
30
36
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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29 नचित्परिपन्थना कार्या [*] भाविभिरपि नृपतिभिरस्पदन्य(इंश)जैरन्या सामान्य
भूमिदानफलमभिवाञ्छद्भिरनित्यान्यैश्वर्याणि मा30 नुष्यकमपि प्रबलमारुताहतपद्मिनीपत्रनिहितजललवलोलमाकलय्य दुपरिहरभन्य(मंश)
क्षणिकञ्च जीवितमालीक्या31 तिप्रचुरकदर्थनासञ्चितमर्थजातमनिलसङ्गिदीपशिखाचञ्चलमालोच वाचताच्युतिकामरमल
मण्डलशरदिंदुद्यु32 विधवलयशोवितानच्छबनभोभागमात्मानमिच्छद्भिरतिखच्छमनोभिरामच्छन्दतीयमयम स्महर्म
दायोनुमन्तव्यो(व्यः) [*] व्यासादि33 मुनिनिगदितभूमिहरणपापपरिपाकजनिताच यामीर्यातना मनसि निधाय पूर्वधार्मिक
नृपपरिकल्पितपञ्चमहापा34 तकसमयश्रावणाञ्च चिन्तयित्वा भूयो भूयो याच्यमानैरिदं न प्रस्मर्तव्यं मृतिकारोप
दिष्टं(ष्टम्) [i*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि खर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः ।। 35 आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् । स्वदत्ता परदत्ता वा यो हरेत्तु
वसुन्धरां(राम्) । गवां शतसहस्रस्य हन्तु प्राप्नोति किल्विषं(षम्) ॥ स्वहस्तो36 यं समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्तवीजाईकस्य [*] तदादिष्टद्रतकोच प्रतिहारकष्णः
[*] श्रीजाई(१)के मलयशःप्रसराप्त37 विश्वे चि(वि)वासिताप्तगुरुबन्धुजने स्वराज्यं(ज्यम्) [*] भंजत्यदोलिखदिह खधिया प्रसूतो
यो विकटात्म कपिलस्तिलकः शकाना:(नाम्) ॥
C.-An incomplete grant of King Rapaka. This charter was originally engraved on two plates, but only the first of them has been recovered. It is much bigger in size than the other plates of this find, being 168" x 1211' in dimensions. Its weight is3174 tolas, which is almost equal to the combined weight of the three plates of Charter A. There are two holes at the bottom intended for the two rings for holding the plates together. The second plate as well as the two rings are untraceable.
There are 22 lines engraved on this plate. The engraving on no other plates of this set is go shabby, slipshod and careless as that on this plate. Every line teems with mistakes and oongideration of space renders their enumeration impossible here. They can be seen in the text and the appended footnotes. Apart froin mistakes of engraving, there are mistakes of pronunciation
1 Letters yama have been wrongly repeated. * The shortening of T is required for metrical purpose.
The res spelling is atka.

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like shyāmalita for byāmalita in l. 2, sunü for sūnu in l. 11, jaso for yaso in l. 1, yano for jano in 1. 7, eto. Then there are mistakes of grammar, too, like samabhavaḥ for samabhavat in II. 10-11. The draftsman also has made his own-humble contribution to the prevailing chaos by framing & sentence at the end of the plate (11. 18-22), the syntax of which is very defective.
The form of some characters of this record is considerably different from that of the Charters A and B. Ma and na are quite indistinguishable; cf. simantini in l. 2. The forms of the characters ga and sa are also somewhat different from those in Charters A and B. There are two forms of ha; both of them can be seen in the word mahāmahindhra in l. 14.
The record contains a grant of Mahāsāmanta Rāņaka, who was a son of king Agguka and a grandson of king Kfishparāja. In his Report on Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions found at Ghumli, M. M. Shastri Hathibhai Harishanker has advanced the view that Ränaka, the grantor of this plate, should be identified with Ranaka, the father of Jāika I, who according to the genealogy given in Charter F, was a son of Agguka and grandson of Krishnarāja. He therefore regards this charter as the earliest of the present set. It is also possible to argue that the unusually large size of the copper-plate might probably indicate that it belongs to an earlier period, when the size of the copper-plates of its charters was not yet standardised by the secretariate of the dynasty. This argument is of course not very strong.
In view of the genealogical data of Charter F, the above view undoubtedly appears as the most plausible one, but there are serious difficulties in accepting it. A comparison of the text of the present charter with that of Charters A and B makes it clear that it presupposes the knowledge of the latter and is based upon them. Thus the expression hêl-ählädita-sakalasuhril-lokah in l. 3 of the present charter gives no meaning whatsoever, it is an unintelligent abbreviation of sva-hridaya-samihita-hita-vibhava-dana-hēlā-samahlādita-sakala-suhril-lokaḥ of Charters A and B, 1. 4; similarly karavāla iva parivāra-nirapēkshah in l. 5 of this charter presupposes a knowledge of karavāla iv=āpavarjita-sahaja-kalarka-sankah parivāra-raksh-anapēkshitaspashta-drishta-saktih of Charter A, 1. 6 and Charter B, 11. 5 and 6. The present charter is thus later than Charters A and B, and cannot be therefore attributed to Rāņaka, the father of the donor of Charter B, though the names of his father and grandfather were Agguka and Krishnarāja respectively.
It is no doubt possible to rebut the force of the above argument by contending that the titsent charter does not presuppose a knowledge of Charters A and B, but that all of them are
based upon a still earlier grant, which served as the prototype for all the three charters. This - contention is however purely hypothetical and will continue to remain so, till an earlier grant is actually discovered and shown to be the prototype of the drafts of the three charters.
There is another and a more serious objection to M. M. Shastri's view. If we accept it, the approximate time of king Ränaka, the donor, would be 794-814 A.D.'. Now the concluding five lines of the record would show that queen Kshēmēbvari was his wife. This Kshēmējvari was very probably either a daughter or a sister of the Chāpa king Kshēmarāja or Kshēmēśvara, the son of Yögarāja, who is traditionally known to have ruled from 841 to 880 A.D." It is not very likely that a daughter or & sister of a king, who was ruling from c. 841 to 880 A.D., could have been married to another whose reign period is known to be c. 794 to 814 A.D. Kshēmēśvara was no
1 Ante, p. 106. See the genealogical table
Kinge Harshagupta and Mahiadnagupta of the later Gupta dynasty had sisters named Harshagupta and Mahisinaguptl respectively.
• Prabandhachintamani, p. 14 (Singhi Jain Granthamala ed.).

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doubt a man of about 40 at the time of his accession, but even this circumstance does not render the marriage of a daughter or a sister of his with Rānaka possible.
If Rānaka, the donor of our charter is not the same as Rāņaka, the father of Jāika I, as suggested by the genealogy in Charter F, with whom then are we to identify him? The answer to this question is supplied by the data in Charter A. That charter was issued by Jāika as regent, when Agguka, the son of his half-brother Krishnarāja, was ruling as a minor. Rāņaka, the grantor of our plate, was a son of this Agguka. It would be seen that the names of his father and grandfather were Agguka and Ranaka respectively, as was the case with the grantor of our plate. A glance at the genealogical and chronological table given on p. 196 shows that the approximate time of the rule of this Rāņaka was A.D. 859 to 879. It was thus possible for him to marry Kshēmēbvari who was presumably a daughter of the Chapa king Kshēmurja, since the latter is known to have ruled from c. 841 to 880 A.D.
As against the view here proposed, it is possible to argue that it requires us to suppose that the Saindhava kingdom, which was already very small, was divided into as many as three branches during the latter part of the 9th century A.D. Known facts about divisions and subdivisions of kingdoms in India would show that there was nothing very unusual in it. The testimony of Charter F would further show that our hypothesis is almost inevitable ; for II. 5 and 6 of that charter show that during the latter half of the 9th century the Saindhava family tree had a number of branches (sākha-sanchaya). We should not therefore be surprised if the data available at present showed that there were three branches ruling simultaneously at that time.
It is interesting to note that the claim to the overlordship of western Saurashtra has not been advanced in this charter on behalf of the grantor, as has been done in the remaining charters of this set. This was probably due to the fact that after the usurpation of Jāika I, the branch of Krishnarāja, though representing the senior line, was reduced to a humble status and did not wield much power and influence. To judge from the present charter, it would appear that it could not command the services of good poets and engravers also. The literary scholars of the day seem to have preferred the patronage of Jāika and his descendants, who had become the leading members of the Saindhava family.
The present charter is not dated, but since the grantor was a son of Agguka II, who was & minor in 513 G. E., we may presume that it may have been issued in c. 550 G. E. If the grant was in memory of a departed queen of the donor, as seems to be the case, then its date may probably be about a decade later. The present charter was thus very probably granted in the same decade in which Charter D, dated 555 G. E., was issued.
The charter records the donation of the village Bhëtālikā situated in the district of Pachchhatri. The name of the donee does not occur in the first plate, which alone has been so far recovered. The concluding four lines of the first plate contain a part of the record, which described its object. Besides being incomplete, this portion is rather obscure, and so we cannot get a definite idea on the subject. If the emendations suggested by me in the text are correct, the record would seem to sanction a grant for the purpose of erecting a temple in memory of queen Kshēmēsvari, who appears to have married the donor in a svayamvara. Or, it may be that the grant was made at the request of queen Kshēmēśvari; this alternative, however, appears to me as less probable.
As observed already, Kshēmokvari was very probably a daughter of king Kshēmarāja of the Chåpa dynasty, who was a western neighbour of king Rāņaka and ruling almost contemporaneously with him. M. M. Shastri has advanced & curious suggestion in this connection; he thinks that Kshēmēśvari may have been a queen of Chāpa king Kshēmēsvara of Anahilapattana, living

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[VoL. XXVI.
at Ghumli in separation from him. There is nothing in the record to bear out this suggestion. The concluding sentence is no doubt difficult to construe; but it is almost certain that the word ätmiyāyāh in l. 18 has to be construed with rājni-Kshēmēsvaryāḥ in l. 22; Kshēmēśvari was thus a queen of the donor. L. 19 describes her as superior to thousands of women in her character. She therefore was not likely to be a lady living in a kind of judicial separation from her husband ; such women were held in contempt by Hindu society. In ll. 21-22, the donor is referring to her constancy to the marriage vow taken in the presence of the sacred fire. She must therefore have been his own wife, and not the wife of a contemporary of his living in separation at his capital.
The village granted was Bhētālikā, situated in the district of Pachchhatri. As its boundaries are not given, it is difficult to identify it with certainty. M. M. Shastri has suggested that it should be identified with Vadala, which is now a railway station on the Junagad State Railway, about 7 miles north of Junagad. There is, however, another village named Bhātēla, about 24 miles north-north-east of modern Pachhtardi, whose name has a greater phonetic resemblance to that of Bhētālikā. It is more probable that this may have been the village granted.
TEXT.:
First Plate. 1 ॐ स्वस्ति [[*] भूताम्बि(बि)लिकातः [*] आशी(सौ)त्संपूर्णप्रकाशशरनि(नि)शा
कररश्मी(श्मि)प्रतानविष(श)दनिषजसो(निजयशो)2 राशिया(श्या)मलितसमस्तशत्रुसामंतसीमंतिनीवदखारविन्दु(न्द)द्युतिः प्रलयकालविज़ुभितज्व3 लनज्वालावलीकल्पा(प्र)तापप्रसर(गे) हेलावादितसकलसुघल्लोकः प्रणमदु(टू)जितानेकसर4 मनिर्यिंतमहाभियनराजंबो जिझतदीर्घोष्णनिश्वासपवनस्पर्ष(0)निर्मलतरीभवन(ब)खदर्पण5 छाया:(यः) पृथिव्यामाञ्चयो(य)भूत[*] करवालेव' परिवारनिरवपेक्षः केवल एव
निर्बु(यूंढानेकसमरसाहस6 महोत्सवः श्रीमसैन्धववंशप्रसूत: समधिगताशेषमह(हा)सामंतश्रीकृष्णराजः [*] तस्य प्र. 7 थितानेकगुणगणसमाजादितसज्जनजनमन[:*]प्रसर[:*] केवलं जननिजभुजवीर्योपार्जितप्रणति
यमो8 प्रभुज्यमानलक्ष्मी(मी)विभवती(स्ती)क्षणोत्खातकरवालनिशितदा(धा)राविस्फुरत्किरणनिवहदूरो
सा1 M. M. Shastri, Report on Twelve Copper-plate Inscriptions f and at Ghumli, p.9. •bid, p. 14.
Edited from ink-impression. • Indicated by a symbol. • The letter looks like khnd read vadand. • Read .samara-nirjila-mahabhijana-rājany-8°.
Read karavila iva. • The letter va in this word is superfluous, road nirapakahab. • Road pranayi-janar

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI:
C.-AN INCOMPLETE GRANT OF KING RANAKA.
न
16
सार
सिरिय ARO RAM
का सामना या दर हा
प संसारमा याचा तुर कार के ।
मालिका
210
याबी हानिया
असून हे का कारक
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALOUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, REO.No.2096E41. 290.

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No. 27.]
SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI.
211
9 रितरिपुतिमिरनिकरो बहुवा(धा) दुर्बारवैरिकरिक(क)ठनिर्दलितनिपतनंदेमल'मुक्ताफलचर्चि10 तसंग्रामभूमि अनवरतप्रवृत्तदानार्दोक्कतकरो दिग्ज इवात्मजः श्रीमदग्गुकाभिधानः स11 मभवः(वत्) [i*] तस्य 'सुनूरनवरतनिपतनच्छरशा(सी)त्कारसू(शू)न्योक्कतरिपुष्ठरापिट्ठो अना
रतप्र12 ज्वलदूर्जितप्रतापानलनुष्टसकलहिषदिन्धनसमूह[*] परिभ्रमःनि(मन्त्रि)मलज(य)शःप्रत्यग्र
दंति13 दंतम(स)दावदाता(ध)वलोक्कतसकलदिकु(क)चक्रवालः संकल्पोचितफलनिकरच्छायोप
14 तो महामहिन्ध्र' इव प्रकामान(ने)कद्दिजसमाश्रयो नाबा:(ना) समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दम
15 हासामंतश्रीराणकः भू(सु)विदित[:*] सर्वान(ने)वात्मीयां(यान्) खान्मधि(वि)प(पु)री
हितामात्यसेनापतियुवराज16 राजस्थानीयबलाधिक्कतोपरिकविश(ष)यपतिशीरिककदुःसाध्यसाधनिकचोरोद्धरणिकक्षेपिकभट्ट
(ट)चार17 भटादिसमस्तराजपुरुषांत निवासिनः ब्राह्मणोत(त्त)रान्*ि] वणिक्म(न)हत्तरकुटुम्बि(म्बि)न:
समनुबोध(ध)यत्यस्तु व[:*] सं18 विदितं यथा मया स्वभुज्यमानपच्छत्रीविषयां(या)न्तःषा(पा)तिभेटालिकाभिधानग्राम:(म)
आत्मीयाया[:*] प्रचुरतरविम19 लगुणगणविजितान्यस्त्रीसहश्र(सं) चरिता(त) स्वभावचरित मानसेन विचार्याव्यभिचार्य
तीर्थ (थ) कौलपुत्र(च)माकल20 य्य स(सं)यममवडा(धा)व्यंजनपृती(प्रीति)जननमती वृत्तमालोच शौचं विलोक्य सकल
लोकप्त(प्र)
I Read •nipatad-amala-. . Read .bhūmir-anavarata.. . Read dig-gaja. * Read sūnuo. * The letter na in this word is superfluous; read -ripalach-chharao. • Read -dharapithosnārata.
Read maha. mahidhra. . Read purushana=tan-nivåsino.
The word charita is used in the sense of tushta. 10 Read .jananam sali-. 11 This reading is rather doubtful. The letter prooeding chanh has a faint resemblance to a defective say.

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(Vol. XXVI.
He[:*)
ATACITUTefa
21 marfagat(a) f(a)f#gai(at) Rafaune
कत्वाग्निसा22 f tualarcafafanuzSaufra[a*]arn
Taaruf
D.-Grant of Rāņaka of a subordinate Saindhava branch, G. S. 555. This grant has been engraved on a set of two copper-plates, each of which is 12" x 9" in size. Near the edge of the plates there are two holes intended for the rings to secure the plates together. Only one ring has been preserved. Its ends are however not embossed with any seal. The fish emblem of the dynasty appears at the end of the inscription on the second plate. This method of putting the seal of the dynasty immediately at the end of the inscription is followed in the remaining charters of this series, as also in some other plates jęsued by its later members. In a way it is no doubt a better method to prevent additional matter being interpolated in the documents in the space lying vacant at the end of the record, 89 was done by the grantee of Charter A. The seal emblem on the ring does not prevent such & tampering with the original record.
The weight of the plates together with the ring is 331 tolas. 24 lines are engraved on the first plate and 22 on the second. Though the duct of the handwriting of the present charter is graceful, its engraving has been done very carelessly. As a consequence it teems with cristakes, though they are not so numerous as those in Charter C. The left side of the first plate has not been properly dressed. The engraving instrument has slipped from the engravere bands in several places. In 1. 36 however the engraver bas corrected a mistake and inserted the letter mā (ma), which was accidentally omitted, just below the line near its proper place.
The observations made about the language and characters of Charter A hold good about this record also. Only a few additional remarks are necessary. The form of ne of the record is of the normal type and differs from that in Charter B, where it can be hardly distinguished from that of ma. The distinction between the forms of the letters 8 and šis real, though rather subtle. The form of the letter tha in särtha in l. 7 is noteworthy. The mark for an aragraha appears in a few places, e.g., gariyo para in l. 1, Duśśāsanā='saksid in l. 9, etc., lut it is omitted in most cases. The mistakes of sandhi are quite numerous in the record. The punctuation is very defective, the punctuation mark being unnecessarily inserted in several places : sce 11. 11, 12, 16, 20, 31, 37, 38, etc.
The charter is partly in prose and partly in verse. The metrical portion consists as usual d the imprecatory verses occurring at the end, and of two verses coming thereafter giving the date of the record and the name of the composer. In 11. 30-1, there are two more verses in the dryā metre, which give the names of the donees. These verses are not easy to detect, because some of the adjectives qualifyirg a noun in the first of them occur in the earlier prose Tortion. The composer of the record is Vakula, son of Vitthaka.
following
1 Read pratyaksha-nishthala.
1: is difficult to construe this sentence satisfactorily: I would tentatively suggest the construction :-emate we were: wefallat fara sfa 1
kead-imittayo. . My attention was drawn to these verse. by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra.

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No. 27.)
SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI.
213
The grantor of the present charter is Mahāsämanta Sri-Rāņaka, who was a grandson of king Jāika I of Charters A and B through his son Agguka. Ll. 21-24 of the record inforna us that Agguka, the father of the donor, eventually subdued the desire for pleasures, which be had long enjoyed, and decided to crown his son himself, noticing how Lakshmi, the goddess of Royal Fortune, had become eager to be united with his son Rāņaka, who had become quite capable of bearing the burden of administration. The coronation of the son took place in the lifetime and under the supervision of the father. How Agguka, the father of Ránaka, was probably not the eldest son of his father Jāika I, and how his abdication in favour of his son was probably due, less to vairāgya and more to an apprehension that bis elder brother Cha. mundarāja may resume his principality after his death, has been already shown in the general introduction (ante, pp. 193-194).
The date of the present charter is given in words in I. 44 ; we are told that it was issued when five hundred and fifty-five years of the Gaupta-samaya had elapsed. As the name and day of the month are not given, the precise date cannot be ascertained. We can only ees that it was issued sometime in A.D. 874-5.
The village granted by the charter was Pippalapadra, situated in the district of Suvarnamañjari. Half of its revenues were assigned to a group of temples dedicated to Hari, Haridaśva (the sun), Vināyaka and the Divine Mothers, which were erected on the outskirts of the city by Sivarudra, who was a karpatin, i.e., an ascetic dressed in rags. The donee of the other half of the village is curiously enough not specified; we are told that it was assigned to kasmaichin=matha-patayē, to a certaic head of a matha. This matha-pati was probably not the chief priest in charge of the temple, where these deities were installed; for then the wording should have been étan=matha-pataye. L. 32 also refers to the separate enjoyment of the property by the group of the temples and the chief of the matha. The chief of the matha was also to utilise the property for the upkeep of the temple and its worship; he was therefore associated probably with another temple. Like numerous temples and mathas of the medieval period in South India, this matha may also have been a religious and educational establishment; our record, however, has nothing to say on the point.
Of the places mentioned in this grant, Pippalapadra, the village granted, must have been one of the numerous villages in western Käthiāwār which bears at present the name of Piplia. It is not possible definitely to identify Suvarnamañjari the headquarters of the district in which this village was situated. It may be one of the villages bearing the name Sonpur, which exists at present in northern Käthiāwār. Or, it may be the village Sõnwäriä, which is 12 miles north-east of Ghumli. The latter identification looks phonetically more probable, but there is one circumstance going against it. The village Dadhipadraka, given in Charter B. was so close to Sõnwăriā, that one would expect it to be located in Suvarnamañjari district, and not in Pachchhatri district as that charter states. I am unable to identify Dēndanibhatta village, to which the first donee belonged.
• TEXT.:
First Plate. । ॐ स्वस्ति [*] स्वस्तिलकामरावतीसंभवस्पिर्धिभूतांबिलिकाभिधाननगरौगरीयोपरम
राष्ट्रामण्डलमण्ड
1 An alternative reading etan-math-adhipataye would have suited the exigencies of the metre as well. . From ink-impressions. 2 Indicated by a symbol.

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214
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
2 नोपरसमुद्राधिपतिरासीसंपूर्णप्रकाशशरविशाकररश्मिप्रतानविशदनिया(ज)ययोराशिः(शि)श्या
मलितसगर्वश3 चुसामन्तसीमन्तिनोवदनारविन्दद्युतिः प्रलयकालविजृम्भितज्वलनज्वालावलीकल्पानल्पप्रसरण
तापः ख4 दयसमोहितहितविभवदानहेलासमानादितसकलसुलोकः समररसभरधरोडरोजितजितपण
तवैरिशिरो5 रा(र)बष्यमाणस्फुरञ्चरणनखमयखखचितपादपीठप्रान्त: करवाल इवापवर्जितसहजकलङ्क
शङ्कः प6 रिवाररक्षानपेक्षितस्पष्टदृष्टयक्तिरनष्टाभिमुखापतविपक्षक्षतिष्विहामूलप्रणतोत्तरोत्तरप्रहवाग्रशा
लिथी7 मत्सैन्धववंशशेखरः समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्तश्रीजाईकः [*] सुतोभवत्तस्यापि
चापिरिपुसार्थकदर्थ8 नासमर्थः प्रोत्सर्पदुत्माहभरो भरत इवाचलदुचितचरितसमाराधितरामी भारतमल्लस्तु(ट)
तीयः(य)पार्थ इवापार्थकोक्क9 तजगदुदितकीर्तिः(ति)दुईरधनुईरो कोदर इव सततरुधिरपानकरणास्फुरणौक्कतदुःशास
नोऽसक्दपसहि(हसि)तदुर्योधन10 च । सर्वतः स्वगर्वतः समुत्सारितरिपुतिमिरनिकरी दिनकर इव प्रबईमानतेजोरा
शिरशिशिरप्रतापसंतापिताति11 दृप्तसामन्तसपत्नयनः शार्ग(ग)धन्वेव' (प्रि)यसत्योति[दूर*]विक्षिप्तनरकोपद्रवशः ।
शङ्कर इवाभिनन्दितपार्वतीयजनो ज- . 12 नोदितसहजपुरुषकारातिरेककरदीक्कतप्रातिराज्यभूभृदुत्करः । ऐक्षि कपाणपाणिभिरपि रिपु
भिरभिभवोद्भु(डू)तसम्धा13 तनयनर्बयनैपुणसाफल्यप्रकटीभवत्पुण्यसंभार:(रो) भारतीसमानन्दितप्रणयिजनो जननीचरणा
रविन्दवन्दनस(सं)14 म्व(व)ईितकीर्तिप्रतानोऽतनुतनुशोभाभाविततरुणीजनमनःप्रसरः समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहा
सामन्तश्रीमदग्गुकः [*]
1 What looks like a medial a sign here is due to the slipping of the instrument.
The danda is unrecessary here.

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: D.GRANT OF RANAKA OF A SUBORDINATE SAINDHAVA BRANCH; G. S. 555.
असारमा सरस्वती लामा राटी कयादि (क(रूपाउलवार परागसमा ( RANTh प एका पस जाकरमानापमान र मासिकासकामा दीय मामध सनि:
पकार (लाइलकत्या कापसपनाया या नाटयसमयमा मासिक बसुरीकाममवर सरपवर युवा कपिल र पसिना र यसलर मसरख रसयन
करवाया गया स बक वापराला भीरमा भिडला परपल तडामलजलदार सदर पर शासक का टायर समराका पाटावरसम्व सरमळ सुरूवर पदावा सादर मा दरबार मोरया या रसद र समाजका साकारतकाअम् व्यायालय
काशयकार यसपा क ललक उरला सभा र प.सदर 10 सरवटी तस मी (एम कारक करपदयमामाका गानास्वास्थ एक समय में दाम 10
कामसपा मारकर घटा सामिपूरका र सानदाखयाकमा मीराको 12मरमटक पुपयापारिक
कारवा5 रुपालापापपरियार 12 कायम मलसापकरीयरममा पठीसाकलापमाननीय हवयमा मारको माया कारबिर तकली ...सब मतदारपटाखसम्मान समारबीमार 14
18. कराय(समान(मरमामामुमधमाकपा(यक मत्वमा मधमलामा सन 186 मारामार बह 18कमबनी हत्या यं सयुजित मियाबिटा दमाद को 10
म सधमा सलका समाप महत्वापार भय नरव 18यका खासा पसभरका माय बाविसानिमिरजासता चलकपूरजवपापाय 18 रम्य
तापमापयासह पर ताकावर पिया कर घाघरामा मारिरथा कुपिया एक ली(यप की भरमार मानलार समिफब-छमतमामा (छन्दका काममा सरस 20 सरकार
पसारंव(सामरस्य चकोतवचार करायला Lipधल पर मेरा यार कामदार परमपमपाकरगया 2 मममममम
पापमयता समस्या ल या. पर
मामल
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. RED No. 2096E41. 290.

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या पोटOTERA यथा धाया का सामोपचारमा वा पापा को पूर्वानुमाया जा र मनिला काय क (प.क.या पर रासस माह पुक 20 कयास
पदुमके समान वय या सरदार नायब मया कुडामह NER बायरन (Minay we पसार रेममुमार का कहकर कुमार रावल मा यसपटासाटसका काम कारटमा मोटारी चाल. साकुर की (पष्ट करवाया जाण्याकका तक कि रत बन रहार कप का राय सर र ल्यूक या सरसो 30 पानमालक व कारतर करायल पर/यालयमा समापलया जाममा रसायमा र एक मकान या
सत्य र सामाँ माय मा साधनाम कम (यर स्कादिरादि करप 32 को विपतिविधिमा सही र केन्या मामाकमारक ८० सम्म य रायू ( पति /स्वरमा किन Khम
फलाट पारिसमा पर 65 सायम करवटाऊन कलाकन्या या धर कतिपयचकरा स (यतमबEY मिसटी पहनता र स्तरमा कामयी गुहा शुलिकाधक चमार व विरातिय पारामायमर यू. कसा करावा हामी सदस्य का कसा कायम 30
EN माया सारिमुनि सारा महामायाकका कारवाया का मामलाई कसभाका रपिकप मटापातक समय
साव धाका सायात मपरम पश्या या 38 पर राप बाई सन्ट सरासरी पनि रिलाल तक डुमर सकियकवाय वाईपवार, या 40वाटप टपावर-नाटा वा बाट सारराष्टर साराष्ट यी समाधासुधका पदामिनी का 40
कार दाग र पटार गोष्ट सालारना या यदिशाका पवार रपटा लघुकथा व धुकं घुमा 42स की
टपक पक भासावा या सलमानक पदमा कालिका मा 42 पुमा
छ।सुदा तापा कमायाव्यमय मृत्यसमा हस्त माहमा र या सारी वीस याच्या या वन समाधी मान समय में स्वीपालक पार ॥ सदन14 सासएम टंडा पटानी करनी मल मालवी पालन केटीरूह ह क म यता अध्यकु न कर सशक की कमी
RAENT

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No. 27.]
SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI.
215
15 तस्माच्च शक्तियुतः शंकरादिव शिखिवाहनः श्रुतिविशुद्धमानसी मुरारिनाभिपद्मादिवः(व)
कमलयोनिः सकललोकलीच16 नानन्दकरः क्षीरसागरादिव रजनिकरः कलिकलङ्कमलिनोक्तं कृतयुगसंभवं सच्चरित
चित्रमिवोन्मूलयितुं ।' धर्मादिवाजा17 तशत्रुः समुत्पन:(नः) समासवप्रणयिजनो(न)मनःसमीहितार्थसकललोकसंपादनक्षमः क्षघि
(पि)तविपक्षब(व)वमललोचना18 नवरताश्रुजलसंतापशमितकोपानलप्रसरो निरतिशयनिशितानस्तं(स्त्रिं)शविद्यातापरिक्षिप्तवर्मि
स्थुिमेघहन्द19 स्यन्दद'नवरतरतोदबिन्दुधार(रा)सारतयासक्तदुपदर्शिताकालजलदहष्टिविनमोनभदोषापगमा
सादितीदयो भा
तादितादया भा20 नुरिवानुरक्तमण्डलो विपक्षभूभन्मस्तकन्यस्तसान्द्रारुणपादश्च । मेररिव स्थितिमान(न्) ।'
विबुधजनानंदितमानसश्च 21 स्वादुजलोदन्वानिव गभीरो मधुररसाशंसितगुणसमृदिश्च । यश्च जोवि(वोतव पित्रा
चिरक(का)लोपभुक्तानां विषय(या)22 खां निहत्ताभिलाषेण सांप्रतमयमेवाखण्डलसमानधामा महावराह इव भुवो मण्डल
भरधुरी वोढु(ढुं) स23 मर्थ इति मन्यमानेन तसमागमोत्कण्ठितां च राजलक्ष्मी(क्ष्मी) परिकलयता समक्षि
(मुत्क्षि)प्तमङ्गलकलशेन वपाणि24 नाभिषिय सिङ्का(सिंहासनमधिरोपितः समधिगताशेषम[हा*]शब्दमहासामन्तवीराणकः
स
Second Plare. 25 नेवात्मीयामंत्रिपुरोहितामात्यजनपदयुवराजराजस्थानीयप्रमात्रि(ट)बलाधितोपरिक26 विषयपतिशौकिकदुःसाधसाधनिकचोरोदरणिकवैशेपिकचारभटादिसमस्तराजपुरुषान्(षां)27 त(स्त)विवासिब्राह्मणोत्तरावणिनहत्तरकुटुम्बिनः समनुबोधयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा
__मया स्वभुज्यमानसुवर्ण28 मंजरीविषयसंग्रहीतपिप्पलपदाभिधानग्रामस्थाईममुना देण्डनीभवामभुवा भशंखधर
पौत्रेण पू1 The danda is unnecessary here.
Read -8ampāta. * The correct form is ayandamana.
The danda is unnecessary.
Betwoen the letters tla and ra, there is space for one letter, where probably a letter was first engraved and then erased.

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216
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
निगाह
29 मंसूनुना वसिष्ठगोत्रण बढ़चसब्रह्मचारिणा शिवरुद्राभिधानेन कर्पटिना बाद्यालोपरि
सरमनु सबि]ि . 30 शिताभ्यः ।
हरिहरिदश्वविनायकमावभ्यो भक्तिभारमुबहता । दत्तं करभीगयुतं सहदण्डदशापराधं चा(च) [१] अस्यैवा
परमई ग्रामस्य तथैवि*] करभरीपत(तम्) । कस्मेचिन्मठपतये देवालयपालनारतये ।[२]
एवमिमं स[म स्तमपि ग्राम भंज32 ती देवकुलानां मठस्य वाप्युपकनसरस चं' खण्डस्फुटितादिमांनाचमाचरतो न केन
चिद्देशाधिपतिना परिपंथ33 ना कार्या । भाविभिरपि भद्रपतिभिरमहंशजैरन्यैर्वा सामान्य भूमिदानफलमवगच्छद्धिः
(बि)रनित्यान्यैश्वर्याणि । 34 मानुष्यकमपि प्रबलमारताहतपधिनोपत्रनिहितजललोलमाकलय्य दुःप(दुष्प)रिहरभंशं
क्षणिकच्च जोवि35 तमालीक्यातिप्रचुरकदर्थनासंचितमर्थजातमनिलसंगिदीपशिखाचंचलमालोक्य । वाचताच्युति
कामैरम36 लमडलशरदिन्दुधुतिधवलयशोवितानच्छत्रनभोभागमात्मानमिच्छशिरतिस्वच्छमा (म)नोभिरात्म
छ(क)दतोयमस्म37 बर्मदायीत(नु)मन्तव्यः । व्यासादिमुनिनिगदितभूमिहरणपरिपाकजनिताच यातना मनसि
निधाय पूर्वधार्मिक38 नृपपरिकल्पितपञ्चमहापातकसमयधावणं च चिन्तयित्वा भूयो भूयो याच्यमानैरिदं
न प्रस्मर्त्तव्यं ॥ - 39 तिकारीपदिष्ट(टम) ॥ षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि वने तिष्ठति भूमिदः । आच्छेना(त्ता)
चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥[३] खदत्तां परदत्ता वा
This punctuation mark is intended to separate the preceding prose portion from the following two verses. • Read täpy-uparana-sarasan cha. . For mamonacha', read Rathakarao. • This punctuation mark is unnecessary. . This letter ma (ma), which was left out, has been later engraved below the line under the letter .

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40 यी हरतु(त्तु) वसुन्धरां(राम्) । गवां शतसहस्रस्य हतः(न्तः) प्राप्रोति नि(कि)ल्बि(लिष)
(षम) [*] विन्ध्याटवौष्वतीयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः । कृष्णाह41 योभिजायन्ते देवदायापहारकाः [५*] लोहचूरर्णाश्मचूर्ण' च विषञ्च जरयेवरः ।
ब्रह्मखं त्रिषु लोकेषु कः पुमाञ्ज42 रयिथति ॥[६] यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि धर्मार्थयशस्कारा*]णि ।
निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम सा43 धुः पुनराददीत [*] बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य
यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लम्) [८] 44 संवत्सरपंचशती सपंचपंचाशतं समधिराध । गोप्ते सर्पति समये ग्रामं श्रीराणकः
प्रादात् [*] स्वहस्ती45 यं समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्तवीराण[क*]स्य ॥ श्रीराणके महीभृति विद्वक
सूनौ च लिपिक
46 रे वकुले । स्वयमत्र दूतकोभूयुवराजो जा(जा)ई(इ) कः श्रीमान् ॥[१०]nd
E.-Grant of king Agguka III ; Gupta Samvat 567. This grant has been engraved on a set of two-copper plates, which were once secured together by means of two rings passing through two holes pierced near the edge. Only one of these rings has been preserved at present. There is no fish seal of the dynasty embossed at the place where its ends have been joined together as is the case with the rings of Charters A and B. We find the fish emblem appearing at the end of the charter on the second plate as is the case with Charters D and F.
The size of the first plate is 149" x 90' and that of the second 141%" x 94". The weight of both the plates together with the extant ring is 3867 tolas.
There are 18 lines on the first plate and 19 on the second. Generally speaking the characters are similar to those of Charter D, but the form of the letter sa is slightly different. It is interesting to add that the characters of this charter show a close resemblance to those of the Una plates of Avanivarman IIP issued 16 years earlier from South Rathiawar. The engraver of the charter was a good calligraphist, and his flourishes of medievale, ai, o andau are graceful. There are however several mistakes in engraving and they become very numerous in the last four or five lines. At two places, however, in 11. 13 and 17, two accidentally omitted letters, la and na respectively, have been engraved just below their proper place.
1 The shortening of T is required for metrical purpose.
There is a circular symbol between two sets of dandas at the end of the lino. • Ante, Vol. IX, plate between pp. 130-131.

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218
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXVI.
With reference to orthography, attention may be drawn to the use of the avagraha. In some cases like pri(pri)ya-satyo='cidūra- 11. 9-10, its use is normal, but in two cases it has been used when a preceding à has been coalesced with a succeeding a ; cf. Bhūtāmvilik-a'bhidhānaI. 1 and sāratay=ā'sakrid, 1. 16.
The language of the charter is ornate Sanskrit. Te writer Jhöjjha, who was & son of Madhava, has introduced some new similes and metaphors, which to some extent relieve the monotony which cannot but be felt by a reader of the present series of charters. This game writer has composed Charter F of the present series issued in Gupta Samvat 596, and the Morbi plate of Jāika issued in Gupta Samvat 585. Jhöjjha obviously seems to have lived to a ripe old age.
The present charter records a village-grant made by Mahäsämantă dhipati Agguka III of the main Saindhava house, who was a son of king Chamundarāja and grandson of Jäika I. We have already discussed the circumstances, which make it very probable that Agguka III represented the senior of the two lines founded by the two sons of Jäika I (ante, pp. 195-196). We may only add here that the title of Agguka III Mahāsāmantadhipati is more exalted than that of his cousin Rāņaka of Charter D, which is merely Samantādhipati.
The date of the present grant is given in words in its penultimate verse, which states that it was made on a new moon day when five hundred and sixty-seven autumns had elapsed according to the Gupta era. As the month of the new moon is not given, the precise date of the grant cannot be found; it must have been issued sometime in A.D. 886-7.
The donees of this grant were two brothers, Rudra and Sägara, song of Guhēs vara, who were Yajurvēdin Brāhmaṇas of Vatsa götra residing at Góműtrikā situated in the district of Kāryāyātakachchha. The grant was given to the donees not for their own individual use, but for being utilised for the purpose of the local Brāhmaṇa assembly, of which they were probably trustees or leading members ; cf. brahma-samsad-upabhögyatayai, 1.25. The precise purpose of the grant is not stated; it is however probable that the Brāhmaṇas of Gömūtrikā, which appears to have been a holy place, may have been maintaining some educational institutes or temples or both, and the gent may have been intended to meet the expenses in that connection.
The village granted was Harishēņa paka, situated in the district of Svarapamañjari. Its boundaries not being given, it cannot be identified with certainty ; but it is probably the same as the modern village Hariāsana, situated in Nawanagar state as has been suggested to me by the Dewansaheb of Porbandar after a careful enquiry. I am unable to identify the village Gomūtrikā from which the donee hailed or the district of Kāryāyātakachchha, in which it was situated.
In 1. 23 of the present charter there are a large number of fiscal terms mentioned in connection with the revenues of the village granted, the purport of which is difficult to make out. It would appear that some of them like vaitanki and chingolā are Sanskritised forms of Präkrit words. They are not to be met with either in Sanskrit or Präkrit dictionaries. Bhāga-bhôga-kara and da'āparādha-danda are usual expressions in land grants and require to comment. Dāni in old Gujarati denoted a customs officer; so sarvoa-prīt-abhyāgāmi-dānyu would probably denote octroi duties on articles imported. Potra means a boat, and so potrā may lenote the tax on articles imported in boats. Märgaka might denote some levy realised from persons who had got back their lost articles, or it may be a levy on goods collected on the roadside (before they entered a city), as suggested to me by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra.

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TEXT.1
First Plate.
1 ॐ खस्ति [*] स्वस्त्य(स्ति)लकालकासम्भवहिस्पर्विभूताम्बि(म्बि)लिकाऽभिधाननगरोगरी
योपरसुराष्ट्रामण्डलमण्ड2 नीपरसमुद्राधिपतिरासीसंपूर्मशरविशाकररश्मिप्रतानविशदयशोराशिश्यामलितसगर्वसामन्तसो
मन्तिनोवद3 नारविन्दद्युतिः प्रलयकालविजृम्भितज्वलनज्वालावलीकल्पानल्पप्रसरत्प्रतापः स्वहृदयसमी
हितहितविभवदान4 फलसमाल्हा(ह्वा)दितबन्धुजनः समररसभरोडुरोजितजितप्रणतवैरिशिरीरत्नस्थमाणस्फुरचरण
नखमयूखख. 5 चितपादपीठप्रात्त(न्तः) करवाल वापवर्जितसहजकलङ्कशङ्कः परिवाररक्षानपक्ष्या(क्षा)
तिस्पष्टदृष्टशक्तिरपरिमितस्निग्ध6 तरपत्त्रशाखासञ्चयशालिश्रोमत्सैन्धववंशशेखरः समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्ताधिपतिश्री
जाईकः [*] सुतोभव7 तस्यापि चापिरिपुसार्थकदर्थनासमर्थप्रोत्सर्पदुत्साहभरी भारतमनः(झ)ट(स्तृ)तीयः(य)पार्थ
इवाशाबवीततजगदुदितकीर्तिदुई8 रधनुईरो वृकोदर इव सततरुधिरपानास्फुरणीकृतदुःशास'नोसक्कदपहसितदुर्योधनश्च सर्वतः
खगवतः समुत्सा9 रितरिपुतिमिरनिकरो दिनकर इव वईमानतेजोर शिरशिशिरप्रतापसंतापितोत्तुंगक्ष्माभृदंगः
शार्ङ्गधन्वेव पृ(प्रि)यस10 त्योऽतिदूरविक्षिप्तनरकोपद्रवाशङ्कच श(शं)कर इवाभिनन्दितपार्वतीयजनो जनोचितसहज
पुरुषकारातिरेककरदोक्ल11 तप्रातिराज्यभूभृत(द) भारतीमाधुर्यसमानन्दित सकलप्रणयिजनमनःप्रसरः समधिगताशेष
महाशब्दमहासामन्तथी
1 From ink-impressions. ? Indicated by a symbol. * This avagraha is unnecessary.
The engraver first engraved the letter sa and then transformed it into sa without erasing the loop of la. A very small ta has boun unnecessarily engraved above the line between ndi and ta.

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220
. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
12 चामुण्डराजाभिधानोतिधन्यस्तनयोभवत्त'माञ्च शक्तियुक्तः शङ्करादिव शिखिवाहनः अति
विशवमानसो मुरारिनाभिपना13 दिव कमलयोनिः सकललोकलोचनानन्दकरो रखाकरादिव रजनिकरः कलिकलङ्क
मलिनीकृतकृतयुगसंभवं सञ्च14 रितचित्रमिवोन्मील[यि*]तुं धर्मादिवाजातशत्रुसमुत्पनः(व.) समासनप्रणयिजनमनासमोहि
ताधिकफलसम्पादनक्षमः क्ष15 पितविपक्षब(व)ध्वमललोचनानवरतश्रुत जलसंपातशमितकोपानलप्रसरो निरतिशयनिशितनिस्तूं
(स्त्रिं )शविद्युल्लतापरिक्ष16 तवर्मिरिपुमघवन्दस्यन्दद'नवरतरतोदवि(वि)न्दुधारासारतयाऽ सक्कदुपदर्शिताकालजलदष्टिविश्व
मोप(ज)नमदो17 षापगमासादितोदयो भानुरिवानुरतामण्डलो विपक्षभूमस्तकन्यस्तारुणपादश्च मेकरिव
स्थितिमान् विबुधजनानन्दि18 तमानसश्च प्रणतसमस्तनृपगणमसृणपृथुललाटतटशिलादृष्यमाणचरणनखमयु(यू)खविक्षेपो
Second Plate. 19 ज्वलीकतनिजमहिमसंचयः समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामबा(ता)धिपतिश्रीमदगुकः सर्वा
नेवात्मीयानमात्य
20 पुरोहितजनपदयुवराजराजस्थानीयोपरिकबलाधिकृतविषयपतिशौरिककदुःसाधसाधनिकचौरोध
रशिकवैसे21 पिकचारभटादिसमस्तराजपुरुषान्' तत्रिवासिब्राह्मणोत्तरान् वणिग्म(न)हत्तरकुटुबि(म्बि)नश्च
समनुबोधयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं य- . 22 था मया स्वभुज्यमानवसमज(अ)यभिधानविषयसम्बद्ध्यमानः पु(पू)-प्रसिद्धचतुहिक्य(क्व)
रिच्छिन्(ब)खसीमासमवेतः सभोगभागः सद
1 The sentence enda with bhavat, and so there should have boenadanda after that word. · The letter la is inscribed below the line under the letter ma. * Read either navarata-sruta-jala- or -navarat-āśru-jala.. • The correct form is syandamana. . This avagraha mark is unnecessary.
The lotter na is written below the line between the letters nå and ndi. 7 Read -purushairneslam-.

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Six SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: E-GRANT OF KING AGGURA III; GUPTA SAMVAT 567.
G
OTIONARIKNORKolलतकमसमामा सरकार मात्र HTTORGANINHA सयकामा काय
Now a बाकायमसायासारवाहमा भLUTICOASTRATIOजालावन्या म ला पगल्यास 1.
ves foसकालवामपल्यालाहमाननवाजलासस MAHARASHTRAanaपवमहामावतातगादशकसमारत - R
o yare ETARATीरासारवासादानापारतकातरम 8NTERVIEWडवर लाल क लासका सार यस सस्थावकरावलासरावकशाला (६पर
व लापतापसाली पदारगावकार(२० । 10 NCELL करतापOVIE या कायाकलाजारासदायक सालियब के बयान 10 MANISA मालीकाटोसमामा ल्यकलाकार मरमतरतानषगदानश्यामाका KARISMA कटारा
पानवासातसुहमाळमायाजा यया 12 RATAPER लाल कलाम का
जालका कामकलाकालरासस 4 (vernancer Ivoto18 गालाकारक माटतातकरारसायकलमास 14
लाला काला MASOTR(पालभलकोमामलखानपातसयल (न ताजा समापन 1°EN-W5वाकर 34VATENT विपासायासरघरमताका कार सवार लोडामर से 16 | und रितोग्यासातवा (LGCAR असक कामशालायायजभवन (TOSमा AMITRA
MARCकलनापलाल बलदवारसा शुलना 18
22
NATIONACHAमाशरफकारसह काहायाताया 20ALASS VIS UALINICOणयपालमा करारमा तयार कशापायला 20 (११ लायसमक तामSERUITMकबुतलपुरा पावर हासतम्यावासाय य सभनयबास म सराकानसकस समजवत पर रामरावार, 22
2. सा-NEW सातारात पाहााकपा के तेल कायदादिला नाहक परयामायालय (NIOANTATOरवारजापति
(सपाकामकायायातकालययावसाहकलाहकार 24 (5,13 (7वेसGIO(करसापालासमुहारमा वासावधाससपर मारः। 28 /गराका सापशिस) सरासायसाहिश्यवहायारा:यतयायितीसरा टोलमयरमान 28
1111 12/काका यासत CIAGENAसर्थ महासामागरात रामास्टलमानुपातिकमाया 28 No 5 साली हिलातरी पाकलायात विशालकायापाली भलियरत 28 LANKanxio
लाभावालालका गबहसराकार परमधार मायटोन 30 : 01 36
1/4/21 सालधारकामा कारावास्य (SITE 30 NITS OTIVAT:
तार सारयायामाहालकामवालवालाविराब राख MAPNALालाला ताराला कसा रामाकरण-राधापक वयसलय 32
NAHATER NIGAM सायमहासकारातकाला वालियाका
15 (ADMRCBासाकी मालामालाराम 3000mAvaimchalोटारसुचारमान याला
अ
पुल 36 12/102460
TIरखा
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. RED.No. 2006E41.290.
SCALE: TWO-FIFTH8.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 27.]
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23 खदयापराधः सर्वपाताभ्यागामिदान्युपोषामार्गकपाहुणकवेष्टकोचिङ्गोलादिनिमित्तनैमित्ति
कपुरस्मरसमयोपादानस24 हितः सहचमालाकुल:(लो) देवदायब्रह्मदायवों हरिषेणाणकाभिधानग्रामः कार्यायात
कच्छविषयात:(न्त:)पातिगोमूधिका25 भिधानस्थानवास्तव्यवच्छ(स)सगोत्रवाजिमाध्यन्दिनसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणगुहेश्व[र"]सतरुद्रसागरा
भ्यां ब्रह्मसंसदुपभोग्यतायै पयः26 पूर्वमासूर्याचन्द्रमसाब(व)धेः सन्तत्युपयोगाय स्वपुन्य(ख)यशोभिवृद्धये ब्रमदायः प्रति.
पादितोस्य च भुंजती न केनचिद्देशाधि27 पतिना परिपन्थना कार्या [*] भाविभिरपि तृपतिभिरस्मइंशय(ज)रण्या सामान्य
भु(भूमिदानढ(फ)लमनित्याग्यश्वर्याणि मानुष्यकमपि 28 प्रव(ब)लमारुताहतपद्मिनोपत्रस्थितजल[ल*]वलोलमाकलय्य दुःप(दुष्य)रिहरदुःखं क्षणिक
च जीवितमालीक्य अतिप्रचुरक29 दर्थनासञ्चितमर्थजातमनिलसंगिदीपशिखाचञ्चलमालोच्च वाच्यतायुतिकामैरतिस्त्रच्छमनोभिर.
यमस्मधर्मदायोनुम30 तव्यः [*] व्यासादिमुनिनिगदितभूमिहरणपापपरिपाकजनिताच यातनाः(ना) मनसि
__ निधाय पूर्वधार्मिकनृपपरिकल्पितपञ्च31 महापातकममयः(य)धावणां च चिन्तयित्वा भूयो भूयो याच्यमान्यगच्छित भिरिदमनुस्म
त्त(त)व्यं स्मृतिकारीपदिष्टं वचः [*] षष्टिं वर्ष32 सहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] आच्छता(त्ता) चानुमंता च तान्येव नरकं(क)
वसेत् ॥ वदत्ता परदत्ता म्वा(वा) यो हरेन्तु(त्त) वसुन्धरा (राम) [*] गवां शतसहस्र
33 स्य हंतुः प्राप्नोति किल्विषं(षम्) ॥ यानीह दत्तानि पू(पु)रा नरेन्द्रनानि धर्मा
यशस्कराणि [*] निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः
1 Read =i sirya-chandr-aradhih. The vedic expression, suryd-chandramasau, denoting the dual divinity of the sun and the moon, was in the writer's mind here; he has combin! "ith the word avadheh following. A sandhi has been wrongly made here between the
i rst sentonoe and the firs word of the next sentence. Read pratipäditah I Asya
Read alokvati-. • Read Onair-agamibhir=.

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222
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXVI.
34 पुनराददीत ॥ बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा
Helene HCI (W) # fa FACE()fa(fa) (at)
35 Fungfer quafasifaay [1*] MACHETE (A)? qu(ET) a fe
goa: want then faciat: a nd he un36 युय(त)षष्टिसहिते शरदां शतपं(प)ञ्चके गते गौप्ते [*] वर्भानुयोगम(मि)न्दी दधति
शुचाविदमदाक्षितियः(पः) । इयमभ्यलेखि सुधिया वन्वे(म)ततिर्मा
37 yer anda [*] gruan maHST antsima afautem
l
x for
an
F.-Grant of king Jāíka II ; Gupta Samvat, 596. This record has been engraved on a set of two copper-plates, which have been held together by means of two rings passing through two holes made near the edge. The fish symbol, the insignia of the dynasty, is not embossed on either ring, but is engraved at the end of the second plate. The size of the 1st plate is 134" x 10%" and that of the 2nd 131" x 10", and the weight of both the plates and the rings is 4954 tolas. They are thus much heavier than the other plates of this set.
21 Vines have been engraved on the first plate and 20 on the second. The engraving has been done fairly well, though there are several mistakes. The mātrās for medial i and i show graceful and sweeping curves; the same is the case with the left side limb of la. The language and the characters are similar to those of Charter E issued by the father of the present donor. As there have been introduced as many as geven ancestors of the donor in the genealogy, and as only two plates were to be used for the record, the description of the earlier rulers has been done briefly in two or three adjectives only. Many of the phrases and expressions used in this connection are new, though unfortunately most of them are quite useless for the purpose of the historian.
As to orthography, the only observation that need be made is about the punctuation. It is very defective. A large number of punctuation marks have been unnecessarily used in the record; see ll. 13, 17, 21, 23, 24, etc.
The grant recorded in this charter was made by Mahāsāmantādhipati Śri-Jāika II, son of king Agguka who had issued Charter E. The present charter gives the longest genealogy, going back to the 7th ancestor of the donor. It has been already discussed in the general introduction. We may only add here that the members of the collateral families founded by Krishnarāja, brother of Jāika I and by Agguka, brother of Chamundarāja II, are naturally omitted from this genealogy.
The charter has been dated both in words and in numerals; II. 39 and 40 inform us that it was issued on the full-moon day of Ashādha when five hundred and ninetysix years had elapsed according to the Gupta era. In the absence of further details, the exact date cannot be verified, but it was most probably Thursday, the 29th of June 915 A.D., when there was the full-moon day of Ashüdha.
The charter records that the revenues of the village Chhampāņaka were assigned to Sāhā' Janardana and others to be spent for Nanna-mathikā, which had been founded by a merchant

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No. 27. ). SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI.
223
named Nanna, hailing from Bhillamāla or modern Bhinmal. This Nanna-mathikä may have been a mere temple like Purushottama-mathika to the north-east of which it was situated. But Nanna as the name of an Indian deity is not known, and the temples named after their founders usually bear an isvara suffix added to their founders' names. Thus a temple founded by Nanna would be known as Nannēsvara and not merely as Nanna-mathikā. Mathikā or matha also denotes a place where spiritual and educational lessons are imparted, and Il. 27-8 lay down that Sāhe Janārdana and others, who were to hold the property, were expected to be engaged in sacred studies. It is therefore probable that what Nanna brad done was to found a school or college rather than a temple; or his temple itself may have become a seat of learning, as was the case with so many shrines of ancient and medieval periods. One-fourth of the revenue of the village was to be utilised for feeding Brāhmaṇas every day; these may have included the poor students of the college. Three-fourths of the income was to be utilised for the expenses of the matha, probably consisting of the pay of the teachers, stipends to students, and worship of the temple, if it was included in the matha establishment.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Svarnamañjari and Bhillamāla have been already met with. The village Chhampāņaka that was granted was probably the same as modern Chāvand, situated about 15 miles north of Junagad. If we are correct in holding that the rather cryptic expression, which gives the boundaries of the village, states that the village Isvarāņaka was to its north, then the above identification would become very probable, for to the north of modern Chāvand is situated the villiage of Isvaria. Other boundary villages however cannot be traced in the survey maps.
TEXTI
First Plate. 1 ॐ स्वस्ति [*] स्वस्तिलकालकासंभवस्पिर्दिभूतावि(बि)लिकाभिधाननगरीगरीयोपर- सुचा(रा)ष्ट्रामण्डलमण्डनोऽपर
2 समुद्राधिपतिथीमज्जयद्रथवंशशेखरः श्रीपुथदेवाभिधानः क्षितिपतिर्बभूव । तस्य च
कुवलयदलश्यामलैक3 चारुकरभाजमानानवद्यपुष्करतया' विनायकोकतसा(स)कलसपत्नमण्डलः श्रीकृष्णराजनामा
न(त)नयोभवत् । 4 तस्यापि विपुलविपुलविप्रतोकपयोधिबलजलनिमनखभूमण्डलोडरणसौकर्यलीलाप्रकटितमहा5 वराहहिमा श्रीमदग्गुकाभिधान स्तस्यापि निशितनिस्त(स्त्रि)शपातक्षतविपक्षक्षतिक्षरत्क्षत
जराज्यनुरज्यमा
1 From ink-impressions. * Indicated by a symbol. 3 The word pushkara is here used in the unusual sense of a sword. 4 The word tanayal has been probably omitted here through inadvertence.

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224
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
6 नाजिक्षितितलजयश्रीः श्रीराणकनामा' तस्य च प्रणमदूजितानंतसामतमसृणपृथुसलाट
तटशिलाथाणा7 थमाणस्फुरश्चरणनखमयूखविक्षेपोव्वल(लो) कतनिजमहिमसंचयः ।' भनेकनिकपटबलिप(ब).
धप्रबंधप्रकटित 8 सातिरेककृतयुगव्यवस्थः । एकाचुतोरस्थमावस्थानावसौदानसयेव विया समा(वि)त
सावयवः श्रीजाई. 9 कनामा सूनुरभूत । तस्य च समग्रशरविधाकररश्मिप्रतानविपदयथोरापिण्यामलितस
गर्वशत्रुसामंत10 सौमतिनौवदनारविंदद्युतिः प्रलयकालविज़ुभितव्वलज्ज्वलनज्वालावलीकल्पानल्पासरप्रतापः
थौचा
11 मुण्डराजाभिधानस्तनयस्तस्माच(च) भक्तियुक्तः शक(क)रादिव शिखण्डिवाहनः श्रुतिविशु
[*]मानसो मुरारिनाभि12 मलिनादिव नलिनयोनिः सकललोकलोचनानंदकरो रवाकरादिव रजनिकरः कलिक
लंकमलिनी13 त कतयुगसंभव सच्चरितचित(च)मिवोपीलयितुं धम्मा(आ)दिवाजातशत्रुः समुत्पन:(च) ।'
सकलप्रणयिजनमः 14 नासमोहिताधिकफलसंपादनकल्पपादपः पितविपक्षप(व)ध्वमा(म)ललोचनानवरत ताज
लसंपा1B तशमितकोपानलप्रसरो बहुविपक्षपशवधसिदिसमरमखदीज्ञाचार्यः । श्रीमदम्मुकाभिधा
नोतिधन्ध16 स्तनयीभवत्त स्व च तुरगखरखरमुखोत्खातबहलबलधूलीवितानजायमानसमदकरिकरटगलि17 सदानजलसोकरासारजनितपंकानुबंधः छपाणधाराभिहतायतध(व)र्मशतसमुद्रीविडिस्फुनिंग
खद्यो18 तमालाखचितसमरदुर्हिन: । पृथुर्यशसि । अजातशत्रुवचसि । तपनस्तेजसि । मरु
त्तरसि कंदर्पो वयसि । च
1 A word like oltah has to be supplied here. From Charters A and B, we know that Räņaka was a son of Agguka.
This punctuation mark is unnecessary. The letter ra is defectively engraved ; the right hand hotizontal stroke is missing. After-bhavat, a punctuation mark should have been inserted to mark the end of the sentenou.

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Sıx SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI: F.GRANT OF KING JAIKA II; GUPTA SAMVAT 596.
624 TATAR TO CART TER M ANY, C 21
1 7 रमले.१.१५.१११ सहित कालापान सरकारलाहायला No कार कायर पुष्पराकी कसा वारसपत कर(२९४ी शुमाकाका सनम 41 2A Verpoपापा TAI TOTसक माला लगाकर
कार गरिमा नकार (हिरपार करा व कसा हमारा भाग। 6 दिसायकलाकामालालारहिट मार सरलपाल र हालतमा /सबसला
मिलमारलिटरमाकर पqyaaya THI कि किकृतयुगात सुनकर मार डामाजिर र काममा समस्याहर
मामास513)मेरा कामहरा सदमा साना 1012 महिनीवर पहिय/6:/कGिEAN लगदपावलीका सपना काला 10 मराठा साम्रा सालस किक निक्षलवादरू, न ससुधाकरपुरका
मामबरसादकताकर पदकमा रन पदरहकर कालकलाकारका कायराम (भतीजी1111दिन सहमतामाकवालाका 701 (
GOOसापार रमति पापमाललिकासमा | सरला पापितमा समसमावी कलाटाहासमायर कार पालिका ELE? यसरमासागर (सुपगुसकर पर लगाकर मारकर 10
"ब मोकासासह कलाका[५१.पालमा हर रेट बारादरी सारा FACTAR मजदुपए सलमायामाबुनपा करना 18 MANTISTERESTIOn बार पास समीकवचालाक गदा कलमामापुर
पर 2 स्टाक माकटरा कचाका कामकराना नात 20 Tier
Agar मा समाधानका
22रा OM/TOबयान सागर (८ पहारी
रे, कला,सालारमामयूरक सर सरकार मgaliकामदारको MOREur E72 BAHREE मामा कासयामा करारमाहापा MART FROLAGE 05/07 (2 प र मायामालाला हमककाम्या
NEHAसकस ट15631/लाहार घाटामाटालमसाटासमद सकावल्पाहावरान 28 METRIOसन र २५६१४५मासा कर मनु यह
28 LIVEहर १(६.15 JAN 3120 अतरूणायकमा चारा 30 के लिए 14 मा समलिक र यहा बारा (30
सूर्यादा का पूरा सपा मारला त्या त्यावर 92616 REGकर
पास करावारुस्सलाबाला यार 32 ट, 313 8 0 सी तिर AkRENER 34 /3 0 (
संयम माहिरा शव मिभिए साल 34 । तर वन (शुप1ि947 मई करायायायामाबरला 38 घर तरहरामामा २.५
इनकार किनकिन अगरज *CLE८ साठा लेगमा CREAMPARKालपुरलरकारिताका कायाकला 38 मिगर घर ला ८५ रो०१८ / 4 की महिमा करतल सहि सागरी समरस पानी में -
151(C. १ का रो रोकर 9179277 कितनायुमहीन New Hot Anandp/'' का 11 नि गन इससरसारका लागी SOCIरा सा का सामना
N. P. OHAK MAVARTI.
SCALE: TWO-FIFTH8.
BURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 27.]
SIX SAINDHAVA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS FROM GHUMLI.
225
19 नको मित्रांजसि ।' समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामंताधिपतित्रौजाईकः सनिवामात्य
युवराजराजपु20 पदेशाधिपतिविषयाधिकृतदुःसाक्ष्यसाधनिकचौरोहरणिकवैशेपिकचारभटादिकसमस्तराज21 पुरुषा(धान्) समाज्ञापयपत्येवं यथा । मया स्वममंजरीविषयसंव(ब)हामानछपाणकाभि
Second Plate. 22 धानग्रामः सभोगभागः सबक्षमालः सदण्डदशापराध: करहिरण्यादानयुतः समस्तीपा. 23 दानसहितः । दानीमार्गणकादियथादेशकालराधमाणसमस्तोपादानसहितो देवदायब
(ब्रह्मदा24 यवर्जः । खूषापटक ईखराणक । भ्रमरकक । हुडुवि(बि)लिकाख्यश्चतुर्भि:
प्रतिगोष्ठीयामैः पूर्खादिदिक(ङ)मध्या25 वस्थितैराघाटायमानः स्वभुवा कृतसीमापरिच्छिति(त्तिः) प्राक्तनसमस्तस(श)स्तसीमापर्यंतो
भूताम्बि(म्बि)लिकापत्तन26 स्वतलमध्यवत्ति(ति)प(पु)रुषोत(त्त)ममधि(ठि)कासंनिहितपूर्वोत्तरदिग्मागावस्थितायै श्रीभिलमा
लोयव्यवहरक(हारिक)नंनवतप्र27 तिष्ठायै तबामांकितायै नवमधि(ठि)कार्य तदुपयोगिव्ययनिमित्त साहेजनाईनादिषु क्त
पालनाविधिषु यथाकालं 28 भवत्सु खाध्यायिषु स्वधर्मयशोभिवृद्धये पयःपूर्वमा शशांकतपनामवस्थितः प्रतिपादितः ।
चतुर्थश्च भागोस्य 29 ब्राह्मणानां प्रातिदिवसिकभोजनव्यये कर्तव्यः । भागवयं तु मधि(ठि)काव्यये व्ययो
कार्य[म्] । अस्य चैवमुपयोगे व्रजतो 30 न केनचिद्देशाधिपतिना व्यासेधः परिपंथना वा कार्या । भाविभिश्व भूमिपतिभिः
सामान्यं भूमिदानफलं ।' अनित्या31 न्येश्वर्या[णि*] मानुष्यकमपि प्रबलमारुताहतपद्मिनीपत्रस्थितजललवलोलमाकलय्य दुःप
(दुष्य)रिहरदुक्वं(दुःख) क्ष
1 The meaning of this clause is not clear. Probably a word denoting quality has been omitted after Janako, and we have to read for the last four letters mitram-anjasi a friend in straightforwardnesa. Aijos, n. means velocity and aijasa adj. has the sense of honest, straightforward.
* This punctuation mark is unnecessary .The letter pa is redundant, read eamd.jridpayalyan

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226
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
32 णिकं च जीवितमालोच्यातिप्रचुरकदर्थनासंचितमर्त्यजातमनिलसंगिदीप(प)शिखाचंचलमा
लोयायमस्मर्म33 दायोनुमंत[व्य*]: । व्यासादिमुनिनिगदितपूर्वधार्मिकनृपपरिकल्पितपंचमहाष(पा)तकसम
यथावणां च चिंतयित्वा प्र34 तियाचनानुबद्ध्यमानै[:*] स्मत्तव्यं स्मृतिकारोपदिष्टं वचः । षष्टि(ष्टि) व(वर्षसहस्राणि
स्वर्गे तिष्ठति [भू*]मिदः ।'] आच्छेत्ता चानुमं35 ता च तान्येव नरकं वसेत् [*] बहुभिर्बसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिर्य
(भिः । यस्य [यस्य*] यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) [*] स्वदत्ता प36 रदत्तां वा यो हरेत्तु वसंधरा(राम्) [*] गवां शतसहस्रस्य हं(ह)न्तुः प्रापोति
किल्विषं(षम्) ॥ विध्या(न्ध्या)टवि(वी)वतोयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः । महाहयो हि जा(जा)यंते व्र(ब्रह्मदायापहारिणः [*] इति कमलदलांबुबिंदुलोला
थियममुचिंत्य मनुष्यजीवितं च [*] स38 कलि मिदमुदाहृतं च बुध्वा(वा) न हि पुरुषैः परकीयो विलोप्या: [*] षड
धिकनवतिसमये शरदा मतपंचके मते गौ39 से । अहिताषाढीपर्वणि भूपतिरन(नं) च सनत्या । [*] इयमभ्यलेखि सुधिया वर्म
. ततिधिवश्य सनयेन । गुण40 पति शासनसंज्ञा झोज्झन पटे नृपादेशात् [*] अंकतोपि संवत् ५००, ८०, ।
(५८) पाषाढयदि १०,1, (१५) खातोयं श्रीजाई41 कस्य ॥ उतिरन्तेदमिह सूत्रधारशंकरसुतमधुसूदननि(न) ।
The second pa has been engraved below the line under the first pa.
The letter cha bas been engraved below the line between na and aa. There is no verb in the verse; bhupatirzinan dadau bhakty would therefore be a better reading.
'Letters kasya have been engraved at the end of this line, just before the fish symbol. The division of the king's signature in this queer way may be due to two causes. The idea to engrave the royal sign manual may hove opcurred later after the whole record was engraved; the space left at the end of l. 40 was utilised for this purpose and when this was found insufficient, the two concluding letters were shoved in between the space lying Vacant between the two symbols and the fish symbol at the end of the last line. Or, the engraver Madhusudana thought that the whole record, including the royal signature, could be finished in 1. 40, but befove finishing that line he hurried to record his own name in 1. 41. When eventually l. 40 was later com. pleted and it was discovered that the last two letters of the king's signature could not be accommodated in that line, there was no alternative but to put them between the symbols at the end of l. 41. Had the engraver been not impatient to put his own name before finishing the record, this queer division of the king's Rape would not have been necessitated.
Read Utkirynam-idam. Probably the form of the word in the text discloses the standard of the knowledge of Banskrit of the engravers' class.
. There are two conch-like symbols after the punctuation mark. They are followed first by the letters karya and then by the fish symbol. The first symbol looks like the oth symbol.

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No. 28.)
A NOTE ON THE SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA.
227
No. 28.- A NOTE ON THE DATE OF THE SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA.
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. In his article on the date of the Pandava or Sömavamsi kings of Southern Kösala, Mr. A. Ghosh has attempted to show that the date (viz., the second quarter of the sixth century A. D.) which I had tentatively assigned to Tivaradēva of the Sõmavaṁsi dynasty is too early. According to him Tivaradēva may be placed in the last quarter of the seventh century A. D.
The main argument advanced by Mr. Gbosh is paleographical. He has shown by a palæographical chart that the test letters bh, y, 6, 8, and h in the so-called Bhandak inscription of Nannarājādbirāja, the father of Tivaradēva and the Sirpur inscription of Mahā-Sivagupta alias Bālārjuna, the grand-nephew of Tivaradēva, are more developed than those of the Arang copper-plate inscription of Bhimasēna II. This latter inscription comes from Chhattisgarh and as such its evidence is most valuable. Following the late R. B. Hiralal who has edited the plates in this Journal, Mr. Ghosh takes the date of this inscription to correspond to A. D. 601. As the inscription of Nannarāja exhibits more developed forms of the test letters, Mr. Ghosh thinks that the ascription of that inscription to a date earlier than A. D. 650 is a palæographical impossibility. He therefore tentatively places Tivaradēva, the son of Nannarāja or Nannadēva, in the last quarter of the seventh century A. D.
It is indeed true that the aforementioned test letters have more developed forms in the inscriptions of Nannarāja and Maha-Sivagupta-Bālārjuna, but these inscriptions need not on that account be referred to a date later than A. D. 650. As the accompanying palæographical charts will show, these test letters had assumed these later forms even before A. D. 600, for we find all of them in the Bodh Gayā inscription of Mahanaman, dated A. D. 588. In this inscription bh and have a hollow wedge attached to the left corner; y has become bipartite; & in some cases shows its right vertical stroke projecting a little above its top and the right limb of h hangs down. The same developed forms are noticed in the Madhuban plate of Harsha, dated A. D. 631°. It may be objected that both these inscriptions come from North India and consequently their evidence is inadmissible for fixing the date of such southern records as the inscriptions of Nannarāja and Maba-Sivagupta. I would, in that case, invite attention to the forms of the test letters in the plates of the time of Sasanka, dated A. D. 619-20. which come from the Ganjam District. In all these inscriptions which range in dates from A. D. 588 to 631, we find the same developed forms of the test letters that we notice in the inscriptions
1 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 266 ff.
J.R. 4. 8., for 1905, pp. 617 ff. As I have shown olsewhere (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 116 ff.), the inscription did not probably belong to Bhandak, but came originally from some place in Chhattisgarh.
After this note was sent to the press, my friend Mr. Y. K. Deshpande of Yeotmal who has recently returned from England supplied me an extract from a manuscript (Marathi, D 46) deposited in the India Office Library, London. This MS. contains an account of the inscriptions in Chhattisgarh by Vinayakrao Aurangahadkar who was in the service of Mr. Richard Jenkins, the British Resident at Nagpur from 1807 to 1826. In this account Aurangabadkar states that the stone slab containing the inscription of Bhavadeva was affixed to A large temple at Arang. He gives a transcript and a short description of the contents of this record which leave no doubt about its identity. This has unexpectedly corroborated my conjecture about the provenance of this inscription which was long in doubt.
. Above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 ff. . Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 342 ff.
The lettera in this chart have been tracell as accurately ay possible from the published facsimile plates of the recorde.
• Above, Vol. VII, p. 158.

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[VOL. XXVI.
of Nannarāja and Maha-Sivagupta. These forms may have become current about A. D. 550. This will show that the dates which I had assigned to Tivaradēva and Maha-Sivagupta are not altogether wide of the mark.
How then are we to reconcile the evidence of the Arang plates? As shown by Mr. Ghosh, these plates present earlier forms of the test letters, but they are dated A. D. 601. I think there is a mistake in the reading of the date which is given in lines 12-13 of the inscription. R. B. Hiralal read the date as Guptānām savvatsara-sate 200 80 2 Bhadra di 10 8 and translated it as in the year of the Guptas in hundreds 200, 80 2 (in the month of) Bhädra, on the day 10 8 (?)'. It is plain that the writer intended to give the year of the date both in words and in figures, but omitted inadvertently some expression like dvy-asity-uttarë after samvatsara-satë. Is there a similar mistake in the expression samvvatsara-sate also, the intended expression being samvvatsara-sata-dvayet? I do not think so, because firstly, the characters of the inscription are, as shown above, much earlier than A. D. 601-2 to which the record will have to be assigned if the intended reading is saṁuvatsara-lata-dvayê dvy-asit-yuttare ; secondly, the symbols which follow give the date 182, not 282. As in other records of the period, the date is expressed here by numerical symbols. The first symbol stands for 100, since the horizontal bar which is added on the right of its vertical to change it into one for 200 is wanting here. The date of the Arang plates is thus G. E. 182 (not 282) which corresponds to A. D. 501-2. This fits in admirably with the evidence of its early characters.
None of the inscriptions of the kings of Sarabhapura and those of Somavamsi kings is dated in any era. The dates of these kings can therefore be fixed only approximately. In my article on the Thakurdiyā plates of Maha-Pravararāja, I tentatively assigned Tivaradēva to the period 530 to 650 A. D. on the supposition that he was a contemporary of the Vishņukundin MadhavaVarman I who is known to have married a Vākāțaka princess. The contemporaneity of Tivaradēva and Madhavavarman I was suggested by the expression Trivara-nagara which occurs in two inscriptions of the latter. Mr. Ghosh takes Trivara-nagara to mean the city of Tripuri, but this interpretation is doubtful because the name of the city current in the sixth century A. D. was Tripuri', not Trivara. Even if Trivara is regarded as a partially Prakritized form of Tripuri, it is not clear why such & corrupt form should occur not once but twice in records which are throughout written in good Sanskrit. The other arguments of Mr. Ghosh are more or less conjectural.
1 Dr. Hoernle has shown that subsequent to A. D. 540 the cursive bipartite form of y is found in undisputed possession of the field (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 35), but the Hapāhi stano inscription dated A. D. 554, in which the old tripartite form of y is used together with the later bipartite form of the letter, indicates that the older form persistod a little longer.
* Compare the wording of the dates of Nos. 1267, 1270, 1275, 1280, 1284, 1290, etc., in Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India.
Compare the wording nav-oltarbda-lata-dvaye of the date of No. 1298 of Bhandarkar's List. I do not think that the expression avvalera-bald in the date of the Arang plates is nominative dual (meaning two hundred years); for the locative (and not the nominative) is generally used in such cases. See the wording of the dates cited in note 2 above.
"See the Ipor plates, above, Vol. XVII, pp. 334 ff. and the Pulombūru plates, J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. VI,
Pp. 178.
** The T'ripurivishaya is mentioned in the Betul plates of Sankshobha, dated G. E. 199 (A. D. 518-19), above, Vol. VIII, pp. 284 ff.

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N. P, CHAKRAVARTI,
ĀRANG PLATES OF BHIMASENA I, A. D. 501.
BHĀNDAKC?) INSCRIPTION OF NANNARĀJĀDHIRĀJA
BODH GAYA INSCRIPTION OF MAHĀ NĀMAN A.D. 588.
SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA. PALAEOGRAPHICAL CHART RELATING TO THE DATE OF THE
PLATES OF THE TIME OF SASANKA RĀJA A. D. 619.
☆
g le
MADHUBAN PLATE OF .HARSHA A.D. 631.
BURVEY OY INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 28.]
A NOTE ON THE SOMAVAMSI KINGS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA.
229
It is not of course altogether unlikely that Tivaradēva flourished a few years later than the period I have tentatively assigned to him. The inscriptions of Bhimasena II, the kings of Sarabhapura and the Sõmavam i kings come from the same part of Chhattisgarh'. These kings seem to have flourished in the order stated above. As e have already seen, Bhimasēna II was ruling in A. D. 501-2. He seems to have been overthrown soon afterwards by a king of Sarabhapura, probably Maha-Jayarāja, who coming from the East guems to have established himself in Chhattisgarh. The plates of his cousins Mahā-Sudēvarāja and Mahā-Pravararāja also have been found in Chhattisgarh. We may assign about thirty years to the reigns of these three princes. Maha-Pravararāja, the last king of this line, seems to have been overthrown by Indra bala, the son of Udayana, who may have invaded the country during the campaign of the Maukhari king Isänavarman against an Andhra king. No inscriptions of Indrabala have been discovered in Chhattisgarh, but those of his sons Nannarāja and Isänadēva have been found there. We may assignr abo it thirty years to the reigns of these princes. The stone inscription of Nannarāja thus may have been incised about A. D. 550. This would account for the developed forms of the test letters in that record.
Tivaradēva the son of Nannarāja or Nannadēva may thus have come to the throne about A. D. 560. He was probably a contemporary of the Vishņukuņțin king Madhavavarman I whose Pulombūru plates suggesting his victory over Tivaradēva, I have tentatively assigned to A. D. 565. Tivaradēva becomes also & contemporary of Suryavarman, the Maukhari prince mentioned in the Hasāhā stone inscription dated A. D. 554. This Sūryavarman is probably identical with the homonymous king of the Varman family great on account of its supremacy over Magadha', whose daughter Vāsață was married to Tivaradēva's nephew Harshagupta.
1 The inscription of Bhimasena was found at Arang, those of the kings of Sarabhapura at Arang, Kharisr, Sirpur, Raipur, Sārangarh and Thakurdiya and of the Sõmavami kings at Kharod, Räjim, Baloda, Sirpur and Arang. It is not of course absolutely certain that the copper-plate inscription of Bhim 18ēna II found at Arang properly belongs to Chhattisgarh, as the identification of the place-names mentioned in it is not beyond doubt. But in the following discussion I have taken for granted that Bhimasēns II was ruling in Chhattisgarh. Sara, the first king mentioned in the Arang plates of Bhimasēna II, is perhaps identical with Süryaghosha mentioned in the stone inscription of Nannarāja, who originally built the temple of Sugata (Buddha) which was later on repaired during the reign of Nannaraja. In Sanskrit Süra and Sarya are synonyms.
The capital of those princes until the time of Maha-Pravararaja was Sarabhapura, which may be identical with Sarabhgarh in the Gangpur feudatory state in Orissa.
* This period might appear unusually short for three reigns, but we have to remember that the total of the known reign-periods of these three kings is not more than 18, viz., 5 years of Jayarāja (Arang plates), 10 years of Sudēvarāja (Raipar plates) and 3 years of Pravararaja (Thakurdiya platos).
• Some scholars take this Madhavavarman to be the third prince of that namo, notwithstanding the fact that like Mädhavavarman I of the Chikkulla plates (above, Vol. IV, pp. 193 ff.) he is credited with the performance of 11 A svamēdhas and 1,000 sacrifices. These scholars take Madhavavarman who is similarly described in the Ramatirtham platos to be Madhavavarman II. As Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao has observed, "other princes of the dynasty, who had not the fortune of being called Madhavavarmans, are not credited with having performed any sacrifices. It cannot be explained why the family tradition made the colobration of horse-sacrifice, etc. the monopoly of Madhavavarmans". Journal of the Department of Letters, Cal. Univ., Vol. XI, p. 48. It sooms therefore better to identify these three princes.
The characters of this inscription are not earlier than those of the Arang platos na Mt. Ghogh thinks. It presonte the bipartite y in several places, see e.g., yoshito, 1. 1; yauvang, 1. 8; W, 1. 9; nadihayira 1. 14, etc.; the right hand vertical of 6 in some cases rises a little above its top, see varaa-abrun., 1. 8: mégb. adatki, l. 6, oto; b) and have a wedge on the loft though it is not yot hollow. The inscription thug clearly appears to be later than the Arang plates.

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The contemporaneity of Tivaradeva and Suryavarman makes this matrimonial alliance of the two royal families quite likely. The capital of the Maukharis was not, of course, situated in Magadha, but the country was probably included in the Maukhari Empire during the reign of Isanavarman, the father of Süryavarman, as he is said to have carried his arms as far as Gauda. Until another king of the name Suryavarman becomes known, it seems better to accept this identification.
The Sōmavaméi kings thus flourished in Chhattisgarh in the sixth and seventh centuries A. D.
No. 29. TWO RECORDS OF PARANTAKA I FROM TAKKOLAM.
BY THE LATE MR. A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
Takkolam is a village in the Arkonam taluk of the North Arcot District. It has an old temple of the Chōla type, which contains epigraphs dating from the time of the early king Aditya I, one of which has already been published1. The god of this temple was in ancient times called Tiruvural-Mahadeva, because of the existence of a natural spring in the temple precincts and this name has been Sanskritised into the present appellation of Jalanatheśvara.
The two short inscriptions published below as A and B are engraved on a narrow belt on the base of the central shrine of this temple. The characters in which they are engraved are attributable to the 10th century A. D. and the language of the record is fairly correct Tamil. A few omissions of letters are noticeable here and there, due perhaps to the carelessness of the engraver. In point of orthography, there is nothing very particular to notice, except that the letter ra is written both in the ordinary manner and with the secondary length added as a separate symbol. Sanskrit letters are used for some words such as Parantakadeva, Dhanmasana, etc., in record A, while they are in Tamil characters in the other epigraph. The verbal suffix ārōm is spelt as a separate word in some instances, and also in combination with the preceding verb in other cases. The Dakshiņāmurti shrine on the southern side hides from view some portions in both the records but as their wording is nearly identical, the missing words can be surmised and the full texts of the records restored fairly completely.
The records are dated in the 31st year of Madiraikonda Parakēsarivarman, i.e., Parantaka I, and they register two gifts of 30 kalañju each made by the daugher of Sōlaperumanadigal (i.e., the Chōla king) Parantaka (A. D. 907-953) who is also further described as the Mahādiviyar (queen) of Govinda-Vallavaraiyar. Her personal name is mentioned in the record B as Viramādēviyār. These gifts are stated to have been left separately in the charge of the ur (assembly) of the two villages Chammalalai in Damar-kōṭṭam and Urāḍagam in Manayilköṭṭam, for the supply of oil for burning a perpetual lamp each in the temple of TiruvuralMahādēva at Takkolam. The records are important in that they mention a Govinda-Vallavaraiyar as the son-in-law of Parantaka I; and though the dynasty to which he belonged is not specified, it is possible to identify him with the Rashtrakuta king Govinda IV for whom records are found from about A. D. 918 to at least A. D. 933-34.
The name Govinda-Vallavaraiyar is composed of two parts-Govinda' the personal name and Vallavaraiyar' the dynastic title. From Rashtrakuta copper-plate grants it is learnt that
1 Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 81. The historical and other facts connected with this village have been mentioned at some length in that article.
* Nos. 245 and 246 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921.

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No. 29.)
TWO RECORDS OF PARANTAKA I FROM TAKKOLAM.
231
Dantidurga, an early king of this dynasty, who defeated the Chāļukya king Kirtivarman of Badāmi, was the first to assume the title of Prithivivallabha'. This title curtailed into . Vallabha' (and Ballaha') became a particular biruda of the subsequent kings of this family, and was used either by itself or in conjunction with the respective proper names of the kings, such as Nirupama-Vallabha, Indra-Vallabha, Krishna-Vallabha', etc. The kings bearing the personal name of Govinda were also similarly referred to as Govinda-Vallabha' or GojjigaVallabha', by the addition of the title Vallabha' to their name of Govinda or Gojjiga. A bilingual record from Tiruvorriyür' in the Chingleput District dated in the 18th year of the Rashtrakūta king Kannaradēva 'who took Kachchi and Tañjai' (i.e.), Křishna III, registers a gift made by a merchant of Mänyakhēta, the Rashtrakūta capital, who is described as "vaisyo Vallabha bhūmipāla-mahito yo Mänyakhet-ot(d)bhavah'. The Tamil counterpart of the same epigraph refers to this merchant as a Vallavaraiyar kata kattu vyāpāri'. Another inscription from the same temple refers to Krishna III as. Vallavaraiyar Kannaradēva ', and registers a gift made by his mother Pūlaichchi-Rāniyār. From these instances, it is evident that the Rashtrakūta kings used the title of Vallabha' and its Tamil equivalent of Vallavaraiyar' to indicate their dynasty, in the same way as Pandiyanār signified a Pandya king and Sēramänär'a Chëra ruler. Govinda-Vallavaraiyar of the records under consideration can therefore be identified as a member of the Rashtrakūta family. Though the titles Vallavaraiyar and Pallavaraiyar may have been sometimes used by petty nondescript chieftains in later times, the fact that this Govinda-VallaVaraiyar had married the daughter of the powerful Chola king Parantaka marks him out as a great personage presumably of royal status.
Who could have been this royal personage by name Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, who belonged to the Rashtrakūta dynasty and who flourished in this period ? From the records copied hitherto in the Madras Presidency as well as in the Bombay-Karnatak, it is learnt that there was such & king answering to the name of Govinda-Vallabha or Göyinda-Vallabha, who flourished in the first half of the 10th century A.D. His earliest record is dated in Saka 840 corresponding to December A.D. 918, and his last record so far known bears the date Saka 855 corresponding to A.D. 933-4. He was thus & contemporary of Parāntaka, and there is nothing inherently improbable in his having married a daughter of that Chola king. In fact it can be inferred from some Chola records that Chola-Rashtrakūta alliances dated from the time of Krishna II himself, as will be shown in the sequel. 1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII, pp. 11 ff. and ante, Vol. VI, p. 191.
It is more probable that the biruda of Vallabha' which had been borne by the Chalukya kinge was adopted by the Rashtrukātas as their political successors.-N. L. R.)
38. 1. 1., Vol. IX, No. 59 (No. 73 of 1904) wherein the king is called Indra-Vallabha, while in No. 67 the form Indra.Ballaha occurs. Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha occurs in B. K. No. 47 of 1933-34.
+ Krishna II was called Krishna-Vallabha (ante, Vol. VII, p. 190 and f. n. 1). Krishna III was called Akalavarsha and was referred to as Vallabha also (ante, Vol. IV, p. 278). In No. 562 of 1915 the king is referred to us Ratta-Ballaba only.
No. 297 of 1918 (8. I. I., Vol. IX, No. 61). He was also called simply as Vallabha-Narendra (ante, Vol. VII, p. 27).
• The form Gojjiga-Vallabha occurs in Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 249, Gojjiga being a local dialectical form of Govinda.
No. 177 of 1912. • No. 179 of 1912. The actual expression is Vallavaraiyar Kannaradevar tāyar Palaiochi-Raniyir. • No. 297 of 1918 of Govinda-Vallabha is dated in Saka 863 (8. I, I., Vol. IX, No. 61). 10 Sångli plates of Govinda IV are dated in S. 855 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 249). 11 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII, p. 223, also B. K. No. 63 of 1933-34.
12 No. 540 of 1915 is datod in Saka 854 and the Sangli plates in S. 836. Also Ep. Carn., Vol. VIL Honnali. Nos. 21-23.

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[VOL. XXVI.
From the facts known about the reign of Govinda, the trend of events between the years A. D. 930 and A. D. 940 may be surmised to have been the following: Govinda IV was an unpopular king and his ministers and feudatories were conspiring to depose him. In about A. D. 934, Govinda IV went to the help of the Eastern Chāļukya king Yuddhamalla, when the latter was hard-pressed by Bhima II, but in the fight that ensued the Rashtrakūta army suffered a crushing defeat. At the same time in the beginning of A. D. 935, the political upheaval at the Rashtrakūta capital came to a head, resulting in the accession of Amõghavarsha III, and Govinda IV unable to face the strong party of his enemies at home, fled to the court of his father-in-law Parantaka I. Govinda's records in the Rashtrakūta territory stop with A. D. 933-4 and from about A.D. 935-6, his successor Amoghavarsha III was in occupation of the Rashtrakūta throne, helped by his able and ambitious son Krishna III. It is possible that as a fugitive Govinda IV kept on for some time in the Chõļa territory, where he was probably staying at the time of the Takkõlam records in A. D. 937. From the statement in the Sudi plates of the Ganga chief Būtuga II that on the death of Baddega (Amöghavarsha) he had helped Křishna III to secure the Răshtrakūta throne from the possession of a certain Lallēya (?), it may be surmised that there was some disturbance soon after Amõghavarsha's death in the beginning of the year A. D. 940. Who this Lallēya was is not clear. It is possible that about this time Govinda IV with the help of Parantaka I had made a feeble attempt to regain his throne and that, being unsuccessful, he had also lost his life in this venture. If this is conceded, Krishna III's invasion of Chõla territory which must have occurred some time after his accession and before A. D. 914, as testified to by the Siddhalingamadam record of his 5th year, attains an additional significance, for it must have been as much a war of aggression, as it was one of revenge against the Chola king Parantaka for the help he had rendered to his rival Govinda IV. Though some of the foregoing statements may not be capable of individual proof at present, there is nothing implausible in the sequence of the events, as surmised here, the correctness of which will have to be confirmed by future discoveries.
As regards the subject matter of the records, it is stated that the two gifts of 30 kalanju each were left in the custody of the Ur-assembly of the two villages Chammalalai and Urāda gam. These villages must have been situated near enough to Takkõlam itself, to be able to measure the stipulated quantity of oil daily to the temple of Tiruvūral-Mahādēva for the maintenance of the perpetual lamps. Failure to supply the oil was liable to a fine of 81 kūnam for every day of default, which had to be paid to the Dhanmāsanam, i.e., the court of justice, which functioned in every village in ancient times and looked after the judicial life of the village com munity. Such conditions and penalties are of the usual type found in Chöla records of this period.
Note on Chöla-Rashtrakūta relationship. It has been stated above that the Chõla-Rashtrakūta matrimonial alliances had probably commenced even from the time of Krishna II himself. In this connection, a Tamil record from Tirumalavādi in the Trichinopoly District is of considerable interest.
1 Ante, Vol. III, pp. 179-80, N. 51 to 54. These plates, owing to certain irregularities in the date portion, were considered spurious, but are now accepted as fairly reliable, in so far as the matter contained in them is concerned.
No. 375 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. The Sadi plates of A. D. 938-9 mention the conquests of Kțishna III ; but the date portion of that record is, as mentioned above, suspect.
A village Urödagam alias Pallavamalla-Chaturvedimangalam in Kalattor nadu is mentioned in No. 259 of 1913.
No. 14 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1920.

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No. 29.)
TWO RECORDS OF PARANTAKA I FROM TAKKOLAM.
233
It is dated in the 27th year of the Chola king Rājakēsarivarman and registers a gift of 10 kalaniju of gold and a lamp-stand by a lady named Iļango-Pichchi, who is described as the daughter (magalar) of Vallavaraiyar, and who was probably the senior queen (munnam pugunda müttadēviyār) of Sola-perumāņadiga! (i.e., the Chola king). The high regnal year 27, as well as the absence of the historical introduction Tirua maga!-pola 'ot Rajarāja I in it, favour its attribution to the early king Aditya I (A. D. 870-907). As the Anbil plates of Sundara-Chola state that Aditya I had built on both the banks of the Kāvēri tail stone temples in honour of Siva, the Tirumalavādi temple along with some others in its vicinity, may correctly be presumed to have come into existence in the reign of this Chola king. The astronomical details contained in the present record---namely, 27th year, Tulā, Saturday and Bharani which give the equivalent A. D. 897, October 15, Saturday, which is correct for Aditya I, whose initial date has been determined to have been A. D. 870 or 871", support this surmise.
Sufficient reasons have been adduced in a previous paragraph to show that Vallavaraiyar' was a dynastic title used by the Răshtrakūta kings of this period. The personal name of Vallavaraiyar, the father of the donatrix in the present record, has unfortunately not been specified. As it was not uncommon for the kings of this dynasty to be referred to by their simple dynastic title, the Vallavaraiyar of the Tirumalavādi record may be identified with Krishna II, who reigned from A. D. 878 to 913 and was consequently a contemporary of Aditya I (A. D. 870-907). From these facts, it may be presumed that Aditya I had married a daughter of Krishna II.
The possibility of such a matrimonial alliance having taken place gets confirmation, thoug! in an indirect manner, from another circumstance. The ordinary Prākpit form of Krishna is Kanha, but we find that the Rashtrakūta kings of the name of Krishna are referred to in their records by the name of Kannara'. This latter form is peculiar to the Kanna:12 language of the Rashtrakūta dynasty. Now a record dated in the 8th year of a Rājakesarivarman, palæographically assignable to the reign of Aditya I, makes mention of a prince called Adityan-Kannaradēva, who from the way in which his name has been expressed can be recognised as a son of Aditya and who is also specifically described as the son (pillaiyar) of Sõlaperumânadigal. As this name Kapnaradēva 'is foreign to the Chola dynasty and has not been met with as a name of any of their kings, it may be inferred that this particular cognomen for the Chola prince was due to some Rashtrakūta associations and influence. If, as stated above, Aditya had married the daughter of Vallavaraiyar, i.e., Kộishna II alias Kannaradēva, it may be
1 A portion of the record is damaged. The relevant portion reads :-sola perumi..............................ikku muppam pagunda müttadeviyar Iļango-pPichchi Tirumaluvadi-pPerumanadigalukku nonds..................' and further on " Ivvaippil Vallavaraiyar magalär Iļango-pPichchi vaiytta vilakku." It may be noticed that the lady is eslled only 'müttadēviyar'. The name Pichchi may be derived from the Sanskrit word Bhikeha or it may be equivalent to the Kannada Bijja; but it is not clear why the honorific suffix of ar is not mentioned with her name.
The characters in which this record is engraved are attributable to the 11th century A. D., but when it is remembered that the Srivimäna of the temple was renovated under the orders of Rajaraja I (28th year) and that the old inscriptions were re-engraved in the 14th year of Rājēndra-Chöļa I. (S. 1. I., Vol. V, Noa. 651 and 652) the later age of the writing is easily accounted for. 3 Ante, Vol. XV, p. 50.
Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 85.
Ante, Vol. IV, p. 336. • No. 38 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1895 (S. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 595).

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expected that his son by this alliance may have been given the name of his maternal grandfather Kapnara. This appears to have actually been the case.
As it was Parantaka I who had succeeded Aditya I, it may have to be presumed that either the Chola prince Kannaradēva bad predeceased his father, or that his claims for succession were superseded by the more powerful Parāntaka, the son of Aditya, probably by another queen. This may perhaps explain the attitude of Krishna II towards Parantaka I, with whom he appears to have come into conflict as early as A. D. 912, with unfavourable results to himself.
TEXT OF A. 1 Svasti Sri Madirai-[konda ko-pParaköbaripanma[r*]kku yāndu mup
patto[*rāvadu Dāmar-kkottattu=ttan kürta-[ch*]Chammalalai ūron-kaiyy-eluttu [I*] Solaperumāņadiga! Parantakadēvar tirumagalär Govinda-Vallavaraiyar mādēviyār. Takkölattu Tiruvural-Mädēvarkku nandāviļakk-o.......... ppon kondu chandir-ādittta-varai nisadam ulakk-ennai attuvām=anom[l*] I[v*]veņņai muţtil dhanmāsanattu nisadi ettarai-kāņan daņdappattum nisadi u............ m=ānā[m*] [I*] Ivv-ennai tanda vandārkku nisadam i[r*]andu boru kuduppom= ānõ[m*) [ll] Tiru?.......... sadam ulakk-ambaời tiruvuņņāligaikkēy kondu vandu attuvām=āņom[11*].
TRANSLATION. Hail ! Prosperity!
In the thirty-first year of king Parakēsarivarman, who took Madura, this is the writing (written agreement) of the Ur of Chammalalai, ( a village) in the sub-division of the same name in Dämar-kottam.
The amount which the daughter of the Chola king Parantakadēva, (and) the queen of Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, endowed for a perpetual lamp to the god) TiruvuralMahidöva of Takkölam is [thirty kalanju). Receiving this gold, we shall supply daily (one) ulakku of oil, as long as the moon and the sun (endure).
If there is default in the supply of this oil, we shall supply daily the ulakku of oil, after paying to the Dhanmasanam a fine of eight and a half kanam (for) every day (of default). We shall give two meals a day to those who come to collect this oil.........We shall bring and supply this oil at the central shrine (itself) at one ulakku per day.
TEXT OF B.• 1 Svasti Sri [ll*] Madirai-konda ko-pParakēdaripanma[r*]kku yāndu muppatt
oprávadu Manaiyil-kõttattu Purisai-nāțţu (Urā]dagatt=ūrām kaiyy-eelu(elu)ttu
* This practice of naming grandson after the paternal, preforentially, or tho maternal grandfather was common. Such instances from other royal families can be oited.
* Anke, p. 114. • No. 245 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921, • The letter vi is engraved below the lino.
• The stone is damaged here. The missing syllables mouklu saitta pong muppadin kalanju [l*]i' may be supplied from B.
• The missing syllables are fakku ennai afturd'. + The syllables which are missing here cannot easily be guessed. • No. 246 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921.

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No. 30.1
NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA.
235
[1] Solaperumānadiga! Pirāntakadēvar tirumagaļär Goviynda-Vallavaraiyar mahamaha)dēviyār Viramădēviyār Takkõlattu TiruvuralMäha(Maha)dēvarkku nundā-vi[la]kku [onrukku*) vaiyttapon muppadin kalañju [l*).............. ņai aţtuvām-āņām [l*] I[v*]v-ennai muttil tanmmä(nmā)danattil nisadi ettarai-kāņam daņdapattu[m*] nisadam uļakku ennai attusvõ)........... naiykku' tanda-vandă[r*]kku nisa*]dam irandu söru kuduppom āņām ū[ro]m [l*) ur kūļi.................'n küdattāņ Ambakuţţi magan Tambattannēn [l*Jivai en[n=e* luttu [!l*]
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity!
In the thirty-first year of king Parakēsarivarman who took Madura, this is the writing (written agreement) of the Or of Urādagam, (a village) in Purisai-nādu, (a sub-division) of Manaiyil-kottam.
The gold which Viramadēviyar, the daughter of the Chola king Pirantakadēva, (and) the queen of Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, endowed for a perpetual lamp to (the god) Tiruvural-Mabädēva of Takkõlam is thirty kalañju. Receiving this gold, (we) the Or shall supply (one) ulakku of oil daily.
If the supply of oil fails, we shall supply the ulakku of oil daily, after paying the Dhanmāsaram a fine of eight and a half kānam (for) every day (of default). We shall give two meals a day to those who come to collect this oil.
1, Tambattan, son of Ambakuţti,........., this is my writing (signature).
No. 30.- NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA.
BY KRISHNA DEVA, M.A., DELHI. This terracotta seal of Vishnugupta was excavated from Monastery Site No. 1 at Nalanda in 1927-28 together with the seals of Narasimhagupta, Kumāragupta II, Budhagupta and Vainyagupta. It is fragmentary and only a quarter of the original seal consisting of the lower portion of the right half remains, the rest being broken and irretrievably lost. The extant fragment is of the shape of a triangle with the sides measuring 3" x 24" x 27' and contains portions of the last four lines of writing. There is no doubt that like the other Gupta seals from Nalanda. this seal was also oval in shape, as is indicated by the curvature of its edge, and contained representation of Garuda, flanked by the sun and the crescent, in the missing upper portion. On the analogy of the above mentioned seals, it may also be presumed that the full legend on this ran into eight lines, the upper four of which, though lost, may be restored from the other known seals with reasonable certainty.
The seal being the direct impression from a negative matrix, the legend stands out in relief. The execution of the writing is fairly neat and elegant. The charaoters of the inscription
1 The missing syllables were probably *-ppon kondu chandr-aditya-varai nisadam ufakku en'. 2 The missing syllables were probably m=anom [lo] Ivo-en'. • The syllables klu appear to be superfluous. • The missing syllables in this portion cannot be correctly restored.
* These seals are edited in Hirananda Sastri's Nalanda and its Epigraphical Material (4. 8. 1., Memoir No. 66), pp. 64 ff., pl. VIII.

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belong to the so-called Eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet and closely resemble those of the Bhitarf and Nalanda seals of Kumāragupta II. M and h are of the developed Eastern type. S has both the looped and unlooped varieties, the former as in tasya (1.3) and the latter as in Narasimhao (1.2). The height of the letters varies between yo to is". The language is Sangkrit and the legend is in prose.
In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) DK has been invariably doubled in conjuction with a following y as in pădānuddhyāto (1l. 2 and 3). (2) T is everywhere doubled in conjunction with a following r as in puttras (11.2 and 3). (3) The Upadhmāniya sign has been used in Onnah-Paramao (1.4).
The seal belongs to the Paramabhāgavala-Mahārājādhiraja Vishnugupta of the Imperial Gupta family. Like the other Gupta seals, it records the genealogy of a succession of Gupta kings ending with Vishnugupta. Up to the name of Kumāragup'a occurring in line 3, its legend, though only partially preserved, is identical with that on the Bhitari and Nālandă seals of Kumaragupta II, who was so far the last known sovereign in the connected genealogical succession of the Imperial Guptas. The present seal tells us that the issuer of this, viz. Vishnugupta, was the son and successor of Kumāragupta II, who in his turn was the son and successor of Narasimhagupta. The seal, therefore, is of great importance inasmuch as it carries the genealogy of the Gupta suvereigns & generation further than was hitherto known. It is unfortunate that the name of the mother of Vishnugupta and the wife of Kumāragupta II, which would, if known, have constituted a valuable addition to our knowledge, has been lost in the broken portion of the last line.
The seal also shows that the name of the father and predecessor of Narasimhagupta should be spelt as [P]a[rugupta*) (1.1) and not Puragupta as was hitherto done. The reading Parugupta is unmistakable on the fragmentary Nālandă seal of Narasimhagupta and is also fairly clear on the originals of those of Kumāragupta II. The medial ů sign in the first letter of the name Purugupta is indicated by an additional stroke attached to the base of the letter, besides the downward elongation of its right limb, the latter sign by itself denoting the short medial as in puttras (11.2 and 3). In the secund letter of the name, viz. ru, the medial u is shown by a small hook turned to left and joined to the foot of r. Palæographical considerations apart, the name Purugupta yields more plausible sense than Puragupta and fits better in the series of the grand and dignified names of the Gupta kinga. As has been pointed out by Mr. Jagannath, the first part of the Gupta nomenclature constituted the real or substantive name and yielded satisfactory meaning independently of the latter half, viz.gupta, which being family surname was a mere adjunct. Pura, by itself, is neither a complete nor & dignified name while Púru is both. Púru with the more common variant Puru may, like Vainya in Vainyagupta's name, either signify the homonymous epic hero of the lunar race who was the ancestor of the Kauravas and the Põndaves, or may alternately mean abundant or great.
The Gupta chronology as known from the joint testimony of the seals of Narasimhagupta, Kumäragupta II and Vishnugupta is drawn below in a table form. The other Gupta records do not take us very far in this respect, as they end the genealogical list with Skandagupta who is called therein as the son and successor of Kumăragupta I. Fortunately for us, the Mañjufrimú
1 J. 4. 8. B. Vol. LVIII, pt. 1, p. 89; Ind Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 225.
Hirnanda Bastri, loc. cit. pl. VIII, 6, 1.8.
Journal of U. P. Hidorical Society, Dec. 1940, p. 101. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar also independently arrivo! at the reading Purugu fa

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No. 30.)
NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA.
237
lakalpa' (henceforth called MMK.), which is a literary work of the 8th 9th centuries A. D., has preserved a skeleton of the Gupta history and chronology which may prove very valuable for & study of the subject. The succession according to this work is also shown below in juxtaposition to the list of the seals. In each case the rulers previous to Kumāragupta I have been omitted, since there is practically complete unanimity on the earlier Gupta chronology. Succession according to Seals.
Succession arording to MMK. Kumāragupta (1)
Malandra Pūrugupta
S-initialled Narasimhagupta
Bala Kumāragupta (II)
Kumāra (IT)
Vishộugupta That Mahindra is same as Kumāragrupta I will be admitted on all hands. The identity of Bāla (Būlāditya) and Narasimhagupta also is beyond doubt. Kumāra(gupta II) is common to both the seals and the MMK. The name U (Ukārākhya) of the MMK., however, appears to be puzzling. But an examination of Vishnugupta's coins shows on the obverse between the king's feet the letter U, which no doubt is identical with U of the MMK, and represented probably the abbreviation of some viruda or nickname of Vishnugupta who is konwn from coins to have had another viruda, viz. Chandrāditya. As regards the S-initialled (Sakārādya) king of the MMK., it will be readily recognised that he is the well-known king Skandagupta, son of Kumāragupta I. Against this name the succession list of the seals shows Pūrugupta. As all other names on one list correspond with those on the other, the presumption is that Skandagupta should be equated with Pūrugupta. It is, however, exactly at this point that the controversy starts. Pūrugupta, misspelt as Puragupta, has been so far supposed to be a brother and collateral of Skandagupta. Some scholars think that there was partition of the Gupta empire either during or after Skandagupta's reign, Skandagupta and his descendants ruling over some provinces and the collateral branch of Purugupta over the remaining portion of the kingdom. Others hold that Pūrugupta's branch succeeded Skandagupta or his descendants on the undivided imperial throne. All these theories rest on the supposition that Pūrugupta and Skandagupta were two different entities. This misconception arose from the fact that while the scholars took care to note Skandagupta and Pūrugupta being cach called son of Kumāragupta I, they ignored that the Gupta records referred to each as tatpūdānudhyāta in relation to Kumāragupta I. That the phrase tatpadūnudhyāta bad the technical sense of immediate successor in the imperial Gupta documents is clear from its omission in the case of Chandragupta II, who is invariably called tatparigrikāta or tatpūda parigrihita in relation to his father, Samudragupta. The substitution of the usual tatpūdūnudhyāta by the improvised phrase tatparigrihita or tatpädaparigrihita is significant and was necessitated by the fact that Chandragupta II did not directly succeed his father but was preceded in the Imperial succession by his brother Rāmagupta. Skandagupta and Pūrugupta, therefore, each of whom is called the son and immediate successor of Kumāragupta I, must be taken as one and the same
1 Jayaswal's edition, vv. 645 ff. ; Imperial History of India, p. 33.
See Allan, Catalogue of Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, pl. XXIII, 9. Jayaswal identified U of the NAK. with Prokāsāditya, whose coins also show the letter U (Imperial History of India, p. 39). If this identification be accepted, Prakabiditya will become another biruda of Vishnugupta.
0.1.1., Vol. III, p. 27 (1.0). p. 50 (1. 19), p. 53 (1.4); bove, Vol. xv, p. 41 (1.4); 4. S. I., Memor No. 66, .61! 1. Si, p. 65 (1.3), p. 66 (1. 3).

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person. That Skandagupta was known by more names than one is attested by the epithet vividhälehya, given him by the MMK., which further informs us that he was also called Devarāja, this being the favourite name also of his grandfather, Chandragupta II°. It is likely that Skandagupta came to be known as Pūrugupta meaning the Great Gupta in recognition of the unique service that he rendered to his family by inflicting a crushing defeat on the Hūņas, who had threatened the stability of the Gupta empire. Moreover, the absence of Pūrugupta's coins, when the issues of all his royal predecessors and of all his successors including Narasimbagupta, Kumāragupta II and Vishnugupta have been recovered, is not a little puzzling and can only be explained on the hypothesis of Pūrugupta's identity with one of the Gupta kings whose coins are known. Finally, there is no incontrovertible evidence in favour of a division of the empire either during or immediately after Skandagupta's reign to justify the assumption of Skandagupta and Pūrugupta being collaterals. The MMK., on the other hand, explicitly states that the division and disintegration set in after the reign of the king U, i.e. Vishộugupta, who is the third in descent from Skandagupta or Pūrugupta. Thus, the joint testimony of the seals and the MMK., supported by the foregoing considerations, leaves no doubt as to the identity of Purugupta with Skandagupta.
The accuracy of the succession list of the seals, independently confirmed by the MMK., is further borne out by numismatic evidence. The Kālighāt hoards contained besides Chandragupta II's coins those of Narasimhagupta, Kumāragupta II and Vishnugupta. This not only lends support to the succession of the last three sovereigns as given in the seals and the MMK., but also attests the statement of the MMK. that the period following Vishộugupta's time was troublous, as is indicated by the hoard having been buried presumably at the fag end of his reign. Yet another corroborative evidence is provided by the comparative weights of the coins. It is admitted by numismatists that the Gupta Coins tended to increase in weight with lapse of time and generally the heavier a Gupta Coin, the later is its date. Confining ourselves to the issues of the last three rulers, we find that the average weight of Narasimhagupta's Class I is 1465 grains and of his Class II 146. Kumāragupta II's Class I weighs 143, while the two varieties of Class II give an average of 149-2 and 147-2. The coins of Vishnugupta average 148-3. It is further significant that the issues of no other Gupta king average anywhere between 146 and 148 grains. This progressive increase in weight standard affords an additional confirmation of the genealogical succession from Narasimhagupta through Kumāragupta II to Vishnugupta, as contained in the seal under discussion.
Jayagwal's edition, v. 647.
* That Skandagupta also shared with Chandragupta II the biruda of Vikramaditya, with the variant Kramaditya, is known from coins. It is interesting to note that Skandagupta is referred to as Vikramaditya, king of Ayodhyā, in Paramartha's Life of Vasubandhu, which also informs us that Baláditya Was Vikramaditya's crown-prince and successor (Allan, Catalogue of Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, p.1 ). This confirms the testimony of the MMK, that Skandagupta was succeeded by Bala.
The coins formerly attributed to him really belong to Budhagupta, gee Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 691. Jayaswal's edition, v. 675. • Allan, Catalogue of Coins of the Gupla Dynasties, p. cxxvi.
• Dr. Altekar has identified Vishnugupta of the coins with the homonymous ruler of the Later Gupta family of Magadha, who flourished in the eighth century A. D., as is known from his newly discovered inscription dated in the year 117 (Harsha era)-723 A. D. (Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Vol. III, Part I, pp. 57 ff.). The learned professor had obviously no knowledge of the seal of an earlier Vishnugupta, which is under discussion. I think, he will now agree that the coins really belong to the Vishnugupta of the present seal.
* Allan, loc. cit., p. cxxxiv.

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Page #305

NALANDA SEAL OF VISHNUGUPTA.
ASETEUTEL
SIC
STTETELE
(From a photograph).
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE

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No. 31.)
A NOTE ON THE BALASORE PLATE OF BHANU[DATTA).
239
TEXT.1 1.... hārājādh[i]r[@]ja-sr[i*)-(P*]a .... 2.... h[a]r[**lifa*]dhiraja-sri-Narasirnha(guptas]-tasya puttras-tat-pādanuddh[y]
t[o]. 3...rājādhiraja-bri-Kumāraguptas-tasya puttras-tat-pädānuddhyāto Ma[hā]4. . . . nnah-Paramabhāgavato Mahārājādhirāja-sri-Vishnug[u][ptaḥll*].
No. 31.-A NOTE ON THE BALASORE PLATE OF BHANU[DATTA).
BY R. K. GHOSHAL, M.A., CALCUTTA. In a previous issue of this journal," the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar published four copper-plate insoriptions belonging to three different chiefs who ruled over the region now covered by the Balasore District of Orissa. One of these speaks of a 'king' (Mahārāja) called Bhanudatta and is dated in the year 5 on the 17th day of Phālguna. One more copper-plate grant, however, belonging apparently to the same personage, had been discovered, some time earlier, but somehow it escaped the notice of Mr. Majumdar. This plate was turned up in course of ploughing a field near the modern town of Balasore in Orissa. The owner of the holding, the late Mr. Ziauddin, lately Lecturer at the Visva-Bhārati of Dr. Rabindranath Tagore, made over the plate to Mr. Haridas Mitra who published a paper on the same in 1935%.
This is, in common with the Sörö plates, & single sheet of copper bearing inscription on both sides. It measures 7.2" by 3.7". The record is complete in eighteen lines. A seal, which appears to have been soldered on to the central left margin of the plate, is reported to bave been destroyed.
The inscription is one of Mahapratīhara, Maharāja, Mahāsdmanta Bhānu. It records & gift which was issued from the royal encampment (vāsaka) at Sarőpha, of the village of Nandirata' to four Brāhmaṇas, named Priyamitrasvămin, Vātamitrasvāmin, Dhruvamitrasvămin and Arungamitrasvāmin, belonging to the Vatsa gora and to the Vājasanēya charana (of the Yajurvēda). Before its formal sanction, the gift was announced before a number of officials entrusted with administration of the district (vishaya) called Sarēphāhāra. The grant was written by the Sandhivigrahika Arupadatta and heated' (tapitar) by the Pudānalaka Pratishthitachandra. The date given (in figures only) is Year 5, the 4th day of Mārgasirsha.
There can be no doubt that the present record belongs to Mahārāja Bhānudatta already known to us from the Sörö inscription. The general character of the plates, the
1 From the original as well as from excellent photographs which I owe to the kindness of the Director General of Archæology in India.
. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 197 ff. and plates. • Ibid., p. 203.
• The exact findspot has not been mentioned. One may however presume that it cannot have been very far from the place where the Sörð plates were found.
• Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XI, pp. 611 ff. and plato. • Mitra roads Sagadha.
The name of the village appears to be somewhat damaged. I onnnot however 100 Bandiroka ruml by Mr. Mitaa (I. 8. 9., Vol XI, p. 621).

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script, the names of donees and the officers responsible for execution of the documents leave no room for doubt as to the identity of both Bhanu and Bhanudatta as being one and the same person. The present record presumably belongs to an earlier part of Bhanu[datta]'s career in fact, the dates given suggest a little over three months' priority over the Sōrō record.
The chiefs of the Sōrō plates must have ruled over a severely circumscribed area, and that too at the pleasure of some higher power. Bhanudatta and perhaps Somadatta (of the Sōrō plates), between whom some kinship has been claimed, may well have worked as deputies to an overlord whose personality remains obscure: he is apparently vaguely referred to as -Parambhoivaka in the inserphon
The date given is the year 5, the 4th day of Märgasirsha. The year is apparently regnal. Palæographically, our record is to be assigned to the second half of the sixth century A. D.
Of the localities mentioned, Sarepha has already been identified by Mr. N. G. Majumdar with Sörö in the Balasore District of Orissa. It was apparently the headquarters of the district (vi-haya) called Sarephāhāra in the present inscription. I am unable to locate the village Nandirata.
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 200.
I would suggest that he may have been the Paramadevatädhidaivata, Paramabhattaraka Sambhuyasas (enended reading) mentioned as the overlord of a chief called Maharaja Sivaraja in the Patiäkellä (Cuttack District, Orissa) plate (above, Vol. IX, pp. 287 ff. and plate) and also in 'Plate A' of the Sōrō grants (ibid, Vol. XXIII, pp. 201-202 and plate). From the joint evidence of the Patiäkellä and the Soro plates it is reasonable to assume that Sambhuya sas ruled as an independent ruler over the wide tract of country anciently known as Tösalt and now roughly covering the districts of Balasore, Puri and Cuttack. Maharaja Somadatta and Mahārāja Bhānudatta of the Sōrō plates were evidently more or less equal in status to Maharaja Sivaraja of the Patiäkellä grant. It seems very significant that both Somadatta and Bhanudatta hold such feudatory titles as Mahapratīhāra, Mahasamanta, Mahabulädhikrita, etc.

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No. 32 ] MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17
241
No. 32-MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17
BY PROF. A. 8. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY Mangraon is a small village in the Buxar Sub-Division of the Shahābād District of the Province of Bihar, situated about 14 miles south-west of Buxar. The existence at this place of the present inscription, which is being edited here for the first time was brought to my notice by Mr. Narmadeshver Roy, & 4th year student of the Benares Hindu University, and . son of Babu Braj Mohon Roy, the Zamindar of the village. Mr. Narmadeshver Roy supplied me with a fairly good clay-impression of this record in December 1940. As however some pointa were not clear from the impression, I visited the village on the 14th of March 1941 in order to inspect the inscribed tablet and take its ink-impressions for publication. From local enquiries I learnt that the stone tablet was recovered during the excavation of a well several decades ago by Choudhari Rambaran Roy, the grandfather of the present Zamindar. The tablet lay in the Zamindar's family all these years, defying the attempts at decipherment of the simple village folk as well as of the more learned touring officers.
The present size of the tablet is 13" by 11". But I learn that its original size was bigger, as it was recently chipped in order to make it more portable. Luckily these chipping operations have not damaged the record in any way. In fact the present record is the best preserved record, 80 far discovered, of the Later Guptas of Magadha.
The inscription consists of nine lines. Each line is ll' in length and contains on the averago 27 letters. The height of an ordinary letter is about inch; conjuncts with subscripts are about # inch high.
In l. 9, the record describes the engraver as an expert and a glance at the record will show that the praise is fairly well deserved. The engraver has incised the inscription in a very beautiful manner. He believed in ornamental flourishes for medial vowels and has introduced them wherever convenient. But even this talented engraver has committed a few mistakes, to which attention will be drawn in due courso.
The characters of the present record closely resemble those of the Udaypur inscription of Aparajita, dated Vikrama Samvat 7189 and the Jhālrāpātan inscriptions of king Durgagana', one of which is dated in (Vikrama) Samvat 746. The ornamental variety of medial vowels of the present record is seen in a further developed form in the above records. The characters of the present record also bear a general resemblance to those of the Aphsado and Dão-Baranánk inscriptions hailing from Bihär and belonging to almost contemporary times. They exhibit the characteristics of the so-called Kutila characters; for the letters va, ta, pa, ma, bha, etc., show . distinot slanting curve or line at their right hand bottoms. It is interesting to note that the medial. vowels a, i, i, e, and 8 are denoted in two ways. The usual forms of these medial vowela occur only sparingly in the record; the forms with artistio flourishes and graceful curves predominate in every line; cf. më in parameswara, 1.1; po in tapovana, 1. 2; vi and ti in siddhayatana tirthāvagāhana, 1.4; etc.
Numerical symbols for 10, 7 and 2 occur in l. 2. The numerical symbol for 10 is an ornamental variety of the usual symbol; the other two have the normal forms.
1[The inscription has since been presented to the Patna Museum.-Ed.) • Above, Vol. IV, plate facing p. 30. • Ind. Ant., Vol. V, plates facing pp. 180 and 181. • Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, VOL IIL, No. 12.
Ibid., No. 46.

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(VOL. XXVI
The main record is in prose; the names of the writer and the engraver ere, however, given at the end in one Anushtubh verse. The language is Sapskrit; the only influence of Prakrit that we can trace is in the name of the donor Avimuktajja, whose spelling is obviously & Prekritisation of the original word Avimuktarya. Curiously enough the rules of sandhi are disregard ed in that portion of the record which gives the different epithets of the donor; in other places, however, they are followed. In 1. 8 in the concluding portion of the imprecatory sentence both the writer and the engraver have committed mistakes ; they will be indicated in the notes to the text.
Orthography calls for a few remarks only. V is written for b: cf. prativaddha for pratibaddha in I. 3, kutumvinär for kutumbinām in l. 5., etc. When is the second letter in & conjunct, the first one is doubled only when it is & l, not otherwise ; of. Mittra. 1. 3. grāmake, 1. 8.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharajadhiraja-Paramasvara-bri-Vishpugupta. Neither the name of the dynasty of the king nor his genealogy has been given in the record; but there can be no doubt that he is to be identified with king Vishnugupta of the dynasty of the Later Guptas of Magadha, who was the grandson of Adityasēns and the father of Jivitagupta II. The find-spots of the Aphead', Bhahpur', and Mandār hill' insoriptions of the former and the Deo-Baranark inscription of the latter show that they were ruling over the Shāhābad and Gayā Districts of Bihăr, our inscription, hailing from the Shāhābåd District. shows that the kingdom of Vishnugupta mentioned in it included that area. The Shāhpur inscription of Adityasēna belongs to 672 A. D. The time of his grandson Vishnugupta would be the first quarter of the 8th century A. D. and the palæography of our record shows that its Vishnugupta flourished at about the same time. We cannot suppose that Vishnugupta of the present record may have been a homonymous and contemporary feudatory of Vishnugupta, the grandson of Adityasēna. For even a wandering monk has not forgotten to give him his full imperial titles in the short tablet ordered to be engraved by him.
The present inscription, which is the first record of Vinhpugupta's reign to come to light, is dated on the second day of the bright halt of the month of Srāvana In the 17th roghal year of the emperor Vishnugupta. The year is given first in words as 'samvatsarë saptadast and then in numerals as sanoat 10, 7.
The form of the stop in sawiwat is rather unusual. The form of the stop * in pratipdchita vom 1. 7. le indicated by the normal form of ma with a slanting but disconnected stroke given below. We therefore expeof that in masivat also should be similarly indioated by the normal form of a with a wanting stoke below the letter. What we actually have is however some thing different. There is no wanting sroka below this letter and the usual triangular serif with ite have above is aboant. The multing symbol bears close resemblance to the symbol for 100 aneurring on the silver coins ournent in the home provinces of the Gupta empire, and I had there fone once held that the date given in numerals was not identioal with that given in words, that
*Ibid, No. 42. * Ibid., No. 43. Poids Nee 44 and 4 Ibid., No. 48,
Compare for instance the symbol for 100 on the colpa of Skandegupta illustrated in Allan'a Catalan of Indian Coina, Gupta Dynasties, Pl. XXI, No. 14-14.
Journal of Numismatic Socidy of India, 1941, p. 67,

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No. 32) MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17
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it was to be read as aanwa 100, 10, 7, and that it was to be referred to the Harsha era. A reconsideration of the question in the light of the observations kindly forwarded to ma by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra has led me to the conclusion that though the disputed symbol bears a close resemblanco to the symbol for 100 occurring on the silver coins of Skandagupta, we have to take it as an upusual form of the stop, which sometimes occurs side by side with its normal form. In the Karitalki stone inscription of Lakshmanarāja', dated (Kalachuri) samvat 593, we have the ordinary form of the stop t in the word jagat in 1. 2 and that of the stop m in the word iyam in l. 14 ; whereas the special form of the stop , fairly similar to the disputed letter in the present epigraph, cours in the word samvat in l. 14. The symbol for 100 on the coins of Skandagupta is not used even in contemporary inscriptions; it is therefore unlikely to be revived in a record, which is more than two hundred years later than the coins. I therefore now think that the record gives the same date once in words and then again in numerals.
The chronology of the Later Guptas of Magadha is still not definitely settled. Let us see if we oan determine the date of Vishnugupta mentioned in the present record. The founder of the line, Mädhavagupta, seems to have survived his patron and friend, king Harsha, by about 10 years. For, his son Adityasēna, who is known to have performed three horse-sacrifices', is seen to be assuming not even imperial titles in his Shāhpur inscription belonging to 672 A. D. We therefore presume that his martial exploits must have been performed subsequent to 672 A. D. and that he must have ruled at least for a decade more. The commencement of his reign and the end of that of his father Madhavagupta should therefore be placed in c. 655 A. D. The duration of his reign would be c. 655 to 682 A. D. The account, which Hwui Lun, a Korean pilgrim and contemporary of I-tsing, has left of a temple built at Bodhagayā, supports the view that Adityasēna died and was succeeded by Dēvagupta in c. 682 A. D. For, this pilgrim was living at Nalandā from c. 675 to 686 A. D. and refers to & temple then recently built by the king 'SunArmy and to the willingness of the then ruling king of Eastern India, king Dēvavarman, to restore the site of the dilapidatod China temple to Chinese prieste, if they would come to India from China. Now it is clear that king Sun-Army who had built the temple can be none other than Adityaleun) nafarmy), and king Dēvavarman, who had succeeded him not long before o. 886 A. D., is obviously the same as Dēvagupta, the son of Adityasēns and the father of Vishņugapta, the king of the present record. Dēvagupta may therefore with fair certainty be presumed to have begun to rule in c. 688 A. D. and to have ended his reign in o. 702 A. D. The commencemont of the reign of Vishnugupta would thus be in c. 702 A. D. We now know for the first time from the present record that he ruled at least for 17 years; his reign therefore may have lasted from c. 702 to c. 726 A. D.5
The reign period of Jivitagupta II, the successor of Vishnugupta, would be the second quarter of the 8th century A. D. Very probably he was the Gauda king overthrown and killed
1 The ers used by Adityasena in his Shāhpar inscription, dated in the year 66, is usually taken to be the Haraha era; she Fleet, Corpus, Vol. III, pp. 208-10. There is therefore nothing improbable in assuming that his grandson Vishnugupta may have continued the same reckoning. The opening expression in the D86-Barapark inscription of Jivitagupta II, the son of the Vishpugupta of the present record, is a close copy of the opening erpression in the charters of Harshs. This would show that the later Gupta secretariate was under a consider able influence of the traditions of Harsha's administration. The use of the Harsha ers in its documents need thus cause no surprise.
. Ante, Vol. XXIII, plate facing p. 260. My attention was drawn to this plate by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra. See Deoghar inscription. Corpua, Vol. II, pp. 212-13, n. 3. Beal, Life of Hien Trony. Introduction, pp. Iuxvi-i.
To is intereeting to note that the your 117 of the Harsha ors, gorresponding to 723 A. D. can fall within this period; wabovo n. 1.

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by Yakövarman of Kanauj. This incident probably took place in o. 745 A. D. Jivitagupta is the last king of the Later Gupta line known so far. After his death there seems to have arisen enarchy in Eastern India, which was put an end to by Gopāla, the founder of the Pāla dynasty, whose accession is usually placed in c. 755 A. D. The present record thus tends to show that the interval between Jivitagupta and Gõpāla was a short one of about ten years.
Vishnugupta of the present record cannot be identified with the king who issued gold coins of the heavier weight standard with the letters vi and shnu written perpendicularly under the arms on the obverse side ; for the latter flourished in the last quarter of the 5th century and was a son of Kumāragupta II as shown by a fragmentary seal of his, recently discovered and published1
Let us now proceed to consider the main contents of the inscription. It records a grant made on the second day of the bright half of the month of Srāvana of the 17th regnal year of Vishnugupta by & person named Avimuktajja or Avimuktarya. As the very name suggests, this person was a Saiva and our record describes him in II. 3-4 as a worthy whose body had been sanctified by baths at several Saiva holy places. He is further described as devoted to the teachings of his own system and a resident of Kutukka country. Where this Kutukka country was situated is not easy to find out. Avimuktajja was a much travelled man and it is not impossible that his Kuţukkadēsa may not have been situated in the province of Bihär. He may have made a donation to a temple in Bihär, because its sanctity may have appealed to him. If, however, we assume that Kuukkadēša is a mistake for Kukkutadeśa, then Avimuktajja becomes & Bihāri ; for there was a hill called Kukkutapädagiri near Gaya in Bihār, which has been mentioned both by Yuan Chwange and I-tsinge. The country round Gaya may well have been known as Kakkutadēla and it may perhaps have been misspelt as Kuțukkadēša in our record
The donation was for the purpose of burning a lamp in the temple of Subhadrēšvara located in the village of Angāra. The record however does not enable us to find out how exactly the arrangement was made for burning the lamp. LI. 5-6 state that Avimuktajja purchased from all the householders of the village of Angara the quantity of one pala of oil (every day) to last till such time as the moon, the sun and the earth may endure. The usual practice in ancient India, when it was intended to bum a lamp at a temple, was to make an investment, the interest of which would be sufficient to meet the daily expenses of the necessary oil. What Avimuktajja seems to have done was to hand over to the householders of Angära a sum of money sufficient for this purpose : the latter, or more correctly their Panchayat, then guaranteed to him that in return for the deposit kept with them, they would undertake to supply one pala of oil to the manager of the Subhadrēsvara temple. Avimuktajja thus managed to purchase for perpetuity one pala of oil every day; his tablet has therefore been fittingly described as keraya-chirikā or
1 Ante, Vol. XXVI, pp. 235 ff.
Watters, Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, p. 143. • Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion, by I-tsing, Introduction, p. xxxii.
• It may be pointed out that Kutaka-desa is mentioned in the Bhagavala Purana (Skandha 3, ch. 6) in connection with the wanderings of Rishabhadeva (cf. Konka-Venka-Kupakan dakshina=Karnapakan dekan-yadrich ckhay-dpagalas). Kutaka is identified with Gadag in the Dhärwer District of the Bombay Province. There are severai ancient temples in the town and its neighbourhood and there is nothing against its being identical with Kutukks of the present record. Avimukta was & much travelled person and it is not unlikely that he made amall endowment in the temple of Subhadrevara in the course of his pilgrimage to reputed Saiva shrines. Me. C. R. Krishnamacharlu points out that the modern Coorg country is meant by Kutukka. Kudagam (modern Coorg) appears in early Tamil literature so far back as the 2nd century A. D.-Ed.)

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NO. 32)
ANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME ; THE YEAR 17
248
'a purchase document' in the last line. It is unfortunate that the record should not have given us more details of this arrangement; if this had been done, we would have got a weloome glimpse of the Panchayat administration and the rates of interest prevailing in Bihar at the time.
The village of Angāra where the Subhadrēsvara temple was situated, must have obviously been either the village of Mangraon where the tablet exists, or its close neighbour, Sangraon, where there are the remains of a Siva temple still existing. Mangraon and Sangraon are in fact twin villages, hardly separated by a furlong from each other. It is not impossible that Sangraon and Mangraon may together have constituted the village Angāra, mentioned in our record. In Mangraon, there is no Siya temple at present. In Sangraon, on the other hand, there is a Siva temple, which is quite modern in its structure, but which is situated on a mound, about 15 feet high, which undoubtedly represents the ruins of an earlier temple. A little scratching of the surface done by us during our visit to the place revealed the existence of buried walls. The present temple contains au image of Siva, but it is not at present locally known as Subhadrësvara. There can, however, be little doubt that the present Siva temple is built over the remains of the temple of Subhadrēsvara mentioned in our record.
The interpretation of the locative clause, Chundaskila..pushpa-palca. (ll 2-3) presents somo difficulty. The last letter of this clause, te, cannot be read as ngë, as becomes quite clear from its comparison with nigd and gra in Angāra-grāmakė in 1. 5. Pushpa-patta denotes & strip of flower garden. It was attached (pratibaddha) to Sri-Mitra-Kēšavadēva situated (pratishthita) in the penance grove at Chundaskila. It is possible to interpret pratishthita as residing '; the record would then purport to state that the garden belonged to a person called Sri-Mitra-Kësavadēva, who resided (perhaps as a samnyasin) in the penance grove at Chundaskila. A better meaning can be obtained by supplying the term devälaya after deva or by emending it into that expression. The expression would then refer to a flower garden attached to the temple of Sri-Mitra-
K ava situated in the penance grove at Chundaskilà. The close association of the sun and Vishnu in one temple suggested by the expression under review is, however, not frequently met with. The syntactical connection of the locative pushpa-paffe is not very clear. Probably we have to suppone that Avimuktajja was residing in that garden at Chundaskila, when he decided to make the present grant to the temple in Angāra. There is nothing improbable in this; for, as will be soon shown, the distance between Angāra village and Chundaskila was only about six miles. Alternatively, if we take Sri-Mitra-Ķēšavadėya as the name of an individual, the expression may refer to a flower garden (in Angāra village) that may have been laid out by him. The first interpretation is more probable.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Angara has been already identified above, either with Mangraon or its close neighbour Sangraon. Mr. S. V. Sohoni, I.C.S., Sub-Divisional Officer, Buxar, informs me that there is a village named Chhunni, only six miles to the north-east of Margraon. His suggestion that Chundaskilä should be identified with it is perfectly sound. Mr. Sohoni further informs me that the Buxar Sub-Division is even now traditionally known as the place of the penance grove of the famous sage Vibvāmitra ; Rāma is said to have killed Tätakā somewhere within its boundaries. Even today there exist a number of localities in this region known as penance groves ; the penance grove of Chundaskilä mentioned in our record must be one such locality. We may perhaps hazard one more conjecture. Kilalapa means a demon and Sunda, the husband of the notorious Tatakāl, may have been known as Sunda-kilalapa. Is it not unlikely that his forest or vana, which subsequent to his wife's death may have become
Ramayana, I, 24, 26,

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tapovana of Aryan rishis, may have been known as Sunda-kilalapa-tapovana and later corrupted into Chundaskila-tapovana of our record? Philology would show that such a change is but natural. If this conjecture is correot, it would follow that the village Chhunni in the Buxar SubDivision was once upon a time believed to be the place of residence of Taṭaka and her husband Sunda.
TEXT 1
1 ॐ [*] महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीविष्णुगुप्तदेवप्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्य2 सम्यमरे सप्तदमे सम्वत् १० •
'
3 प्रतिष्ठितश्रमिकोशवदेवप्रतिव(ब) चपुष्पपट्टे स्वसिधान्ताभिरत' -
4 शिवसिहायतनतोर्वावगाहनपविचोचततनुः कुटुबदेशी
5 य' अविमुखाः पङ्गारग्राम सकसकुटुम्वि(स्थि)नां सकामादाचन्द्रा6 र्वाचितिसमकालीन" तेलस्य पक्षमेकमुपक्षीय भगवतः
anagefa(fra)at
fegærestenacitar
7 बोमम्बरदेव प्रदोपार्थं प्रतिपादितवान् । एवं योधया
8 करीति यदचापार्थ स्तनद' बाप्नोतीति । लिखिता देवदत्तेन
9 संचिता कचौरिका । उत्कोच सूत्रधारण कुलादित्वेन धीमता ॥
Π
[VOL. XXVI
1 From the original tablet and ink-impression.
Denoted by a symbol.
Read bhirato 'noka-.
TRANSLATION
Om. On the second day of the bright half of (the month of) Sravana of the seventeenth victorious and prosperous regnal year of Mahārājädhiraja Paramesvara Sri-Vishnugupta, (while residing) in the flower garden attached to (the temple of) Sri-Mitra and Kesava, situated in the penance grove of Chundaskila, Avimuktajja (i.e., revered Avimukta), a resident of the Kujukka country, who was devoted to his own native doctrine and whose body had been sanctified by baths at numerous holy places connected with Siva, purchased from the householders of the village of Angara one pala of oil (per day), to last contemporaneejisly with the moon, the sun and the earth, and offered it to the holy Subhadresvara for the purpose of a lamp. He who will wet at naught this arrangement will get whatever sin is here.
This concise document of sales was composed by Devadatta and engraved by the talented mason Kuladitya.
Read 'debiyб='vi°.
Read 'jjö='ngara..
The anusvära has been written not above the letter na but in a line with its horizontal line.
"Here the text is defective and its restoration is not free from difficulty. The neuter yad would sugget that the expression papad should follow; the reading trapaya ia however clear and so it appears that the word apaya was also before the mind of the composer. If, however, we prefer to read this word, we shall have to change yad into yo. The letter sta following yam seems to be a mistake of the engraver for sa; we want a sah to correspond with yah coming earlier. The next letter looks like na, but it is to be corrected into ta. The succeeding letter is less likely to be ma than da, with an unnecessary stroke toits right, caused by the slipping of the instrument. The restoration therefore should be yad-atra papa sa tad-avapnoti; the emendation yo-trapoyassa tam avapnoti is less likely to have been intended by the composer.
[Both chirika and its variant chithika (Hindi chithi) have been used in the sense of a document in the Lekhapaddhati, pp. 16, 57. This book is however a late work belonging to the fifteenth century; the use of the word chirika in the present record in the sense of a document is therefore noteworthy. Krayachirika is indeed synonym of braya-lekhya which is defined by Brihaspati as follows:
Griha-kahar-adikan kritva tulya-mally-akshar-invitam patram karayat yat tu kraya-lekhyam tadauchyat8|| The word chira also denotes a manner of writing with strokes'.-B. C. C.]
"

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MANGRAON INSCRIPTION OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME
OF VISHNUGUPTA'S TIME; THE YEAR 17.
বক্ষক যখন ভয়েজ
অয়নবেশগ্রহওহরল-বেশ ধনবৰেণ(মাসুম। এমন সমবাগ। • নদিনবদৰেশ্ৰমএস
বয়সী
এবীতিহেমলেৰবষয়
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, Rs. No. 3977 E'36 -290 =x-ago'48.

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No. 83.)
KHADIPADA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF SUBHAKARA
No. 33.-KHADIPADA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SUBHAKARA
By A. Gaosa, M.A., New DELHI Khadipada is a small village, about 24 miles to the south-east of Bhadrak, a subdivisional town in the Balasore District, and about 8 miles to the north-west of Jajpur, an important town in the Cuttack District. I visited the place in May 1940, on the basis of some valuable information from Professor G. S. Das, B.A. (London), Secretary, Provincial Museum, Cuttack ; and found that the remains of the place consisted of a low mound and some Buddhist sculptures, including some colossal statues of the Buddha, all of which bespeak the former existence of a modest Buddhist establishment at the place. Among other sculptures I found a half-buried image of Padmapāņi (height 41'), which was fully dug out in my presence and revealed the existence of an inscription on its proper left edge. The image has now been removed to the Provincial Museum, Cuttack, and I am thankful to Professor Das for supplying me with two inked impressions of the inscription as well as for consenting to my editing it in the pages of this journal.
The inscription consists of only one line and is about 4' in length. The letters are earefully engraved, their size ranging from to 1*'. As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to the doubling of the consonants m and n after r in dharmma and utkirnna, and of before r in süttradhära; contrast, however, acharya. A curious mistake occurs in the word Rahularuchinām, the correct form being -näma. The record is undated but palæographical considerations load us to ascribe it to the seventh century A. D. The characters are more or less similar to those of the Ganjam plates of Sasanka', which, being of an undisputable date, form an important land mark in South-eastern Palæography. A point which should be noted here is that though the letter bh presents an earlier form in this inscription, the letter å has certainly a later form. Generally speaking, however, the difference in age between these two inscriptions could not have been very great.
The inscription refers itself to the time of Subhakara, who, to judge from the name, no doubt belonged to the Bhauma dynasty. The genealogy of the Bhatma kings was in a great confusion till recently owing to the different readings of the dates in their inscriptions and to the indeterminateness of the era to which they were to be referred. However, with the discovery of the Talcher plates of Sivakara', the genealogy, irrespective of the readings of the numerical symbols, can now be regarded as fairly established. According to the genealogy worked out by Misra on the basis of the available data there were four kings of the name of Subhākara, the Neulpar plates belonging to the first king of that name. If we compare the letters of the present inscription with those of the Neulpur grant, we find that the latter have on the whole a more developed appearance. Thus, the letter ch in the latter has a proto-Nagari form, while this in. scription has the archaic Gupta type. Particularly noticeable is the difference between the forms of the letter bh : while the letter in our inscription has a straight horizontal baseline, the Neulpur grant has & hollow (or even filled up) wedge attached to the lower left corner of the latter. The letter h is denoted by two signs in the present inscription, one being of the so-called Western Gupta type, very similar in appearance to bh (cf. ha in mahā) and the other a screw like form (cf. hu in
1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 143. *B. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, p. 40. • Ibid., p. 71.
*Above, Vol. XV, 1. The date of the plates has been read as 8 by the editor, B4 by Mistra (loc. cit.), and 200 4 by Bhandarkar (List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1751n.). The genealogy proposed by Bhan. darkar on p. 380 of his List can no longer be accepted.

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[VOL. XXVI
Rahula); while in the Neulpur grant only the latter and more developed form is met with. At the same time, it must be noted that has an archaic appearance in the Neulpur grant1. this single exception, all other letters in the grant are more developed than in this inscription. With All these facts tend to show that Subhakara of the present inscription was earlier in date than the author of the Neulpur charter, who is the first king of that name in the Bhauma lineage till now known. This new Subhakara may have existed between Lakshmikara, who is the earliest known member of the dynasty, and Kahemankara, from whom we have an unbroken genealogy for nine generations.
The inscription records the dedication of the image by Rahularuchi, who is styled Mahamandalacharya and Paramaguru, i.e., 'the teacher of the great division' and 'the supreme preceptor. The former does not sound like a self-assumed title, but seems to be a dignity conferred or recognized by a political authority. As the earlier Bhaumas are known to have been Buddhists, it is likely that there was a state pontiff of Buddhism under them. It also appears from this term that the area over which they held sway had the status of a mandala, or, in other words, they began their political career as Mandalapatis, till the later members of the dynasty assumed the full-fledged independent titles of Paramabhattaraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramesvara.
TEXT
Om Sri-Subhakaradeva -rājye mahamandalacharya-paramaguru-Rahularuchi-nām tasya daya"]-dharmmd-yam utkirupath Kudha (1)-sättendhárpa"
No. 34.-PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA: SAKA 732
BY MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, B. A., POONA
This set of three copper-plates, with one of the two rings and the seal, is preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. It was purchased from Mr. Sanabhai Bhundarbhai Master, of Vadaj, Baroda State, in 1938. It is reported that one Thakore Vajesing found it while ploughing his field at Bhilodia, near Vadaj. It was through the kind offices of the Curator, Mr. R. G. Gyani, M.A., that I gained access to the original plates. He also supplied me
1 It is too much to say that still retains the old Kushan form' in the Neulpur grant (above, Vol. XV, p. 2). In most cases the right vertical of the letter distinctly projects over the horizontal top line which is certainly a late Gupta or even a post-Gupta development.
It is, however, possible to explain away the difference between the two inscriptions by saying that the Neulpur grant is inscribed in a cursive script and therefore exhibits a more developed form, both the kings being really identical. I set no great store by this argument especially because a paleographical comparison of the present inscription with the Dhauli cave inscription of Santikara (above, Vol. XIX, p. 263), most probably the son of Subhakara of the Neulpur grant, also shows that the latter has decidedly later forms than the former. As it is impossible that the script would appreciably change in the course of a single generation, we have to separate the two inscriptions by a sufficiently long time.
• Hindol plates, J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVI, p. 69.
The earlier rulers call themselves Parama-saugata in their inscriptions. A change of creed is for the first time noticed in the case of Queen Tribhuvanamahadevi who was a Parama-taishpati (Dhenkanal plater, J. B. O. B. B.. Vol. II, p. 419) and in describing whose death the Talcher plates say: bheje padam sà Harth (Misra, lee. cit., p. 32). After her the rulers are Parama-mahiivaras.
Expressed by a symbol.
The letter bhd looks like bhau in the impression. [Reading appears to be Suha for Subha.-Ed.] 'Bead nama.
Viearga unnecess

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KHADIPADA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SUBHAKARA.
Left side
ดูช่วง 313)มีบาง'ยย ทรง A
Right side
1.
59 (Thai5455
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Re๑. No. 3977 E36-310 -*-sio'48.
SCALE: ONE-THIRD
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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with its ink-impressions. I am indebted to him as well as to the trustees of the Museum for kindly allowing me to edit them here for the first time. I am also grateful to Prof. V. V. Mirashi, M. A., of the Nagpur University, for revising my readings and for many valuable suggestions.
These are three copper-plates, each measuring about 9' X 7". Their ends are either raised or thickened to protect the inscription. At the top of each plate, there are two holes about 3' apart, and each t' in diameter, meant for securing the plates together by means of two rings of which at present there is only one left. The ends of this ring which is about }" in thickness and 31' in diameter, are soldered into the socket of a seal, 13" in diameter. This seal had some figure in relief on its countersunk surface, but nothing can be made out from what remains. The weight of the plates together with the seal and the ring is 121 tolas.
The plates are fairly well preserved. Some letters here and there, especially in the second plate, are damaged by verdigris and they have to be made out from the traces left and with the help of similar inscriptions.
There are fifty-four lines in all, of which fourteen are inscribed on the first plate, seventeen and fifteen on the first and second sides respectively of the second plate and the remaining eight on the third plate. The letters are beautifully formed and deeply engraved. The spacing of the words in the third plate is very much scattered.
The characters are of the Southern type of alphabet and regular for the period and locality in which the plates were issued. They resemble the script of the Torkhēdē plates. The following palaeographic peculiarities may be mentioned. In the formation of the letter pa, a superscript resembling ā-mātrā appears above the proper left of the vertical, in many places, e.g., in pratāpāh (1l. 4. 8); nripa (1. 10); kshmāpatih (1. 12), etc. It is also noticed in the letter ma in pratimäni and nāma (1. 44); As also in the formation of sha when it occurs in a conjunct letter, e.g., in rakshatā (1. 10), shashtim varsha- and tishthati (1. 45), and in -āšavishv=atoyāsu (1. 46), etc.
In lines 51-52, in the sign-manual of the king, the characters show a variety of the Northern alphabet, about twice the average size of the letters in the grant and resemble closely those of the sign-manual in the Kāvi plates of Govindarāja.
The language is Sanskrit and the composition of the record is partly in verse and partly in prose. As regards orthography, there is very little that attracts our attention. The congonants followed by r are, as a rule, reduplicated. See e.g., sargg-odbhavah (1. 23), mārgganair=nna (1. 26), etc., the exceptions being such as niruriti (1. 28), varsha (1. 45), etc. In such words as ruddha (1.2), samarttha (1. 6), mūrddhan (1. 10), etc., the first of the resultant two aspirants is correctly changed to its corresponding sonant or surd, as required by the case, while this rule is not observed in the case of durbhbhiksham (1. 22).
The virāma sign consists of a horizontal line over the letter instead of a serif below its vertical Rs in Nāgari; cf. 11. 9, 12, 18 and 46. A pair of dandas is used as a mark of punctuation. Mistakes are rare and the rules of sandhi have been followed correctly. As regards the peculiar
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 53.
* This fentare is also noticed in ja in jatah 1. 28, ta in tunga, 1.2, etc., bha in babhava, I. 15, sa in spusham, 1. 3, sa in mraku, 1. 10, etc.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. XVI.1.5

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compound, kunda-kusuma-bri (1. 18), Dr. Fleet has already drawn our attention to it while editing the Barodāt plates.
The plates were issued by Govindarāja, son of Indra, of the Gujarāt branch of the Rashtrakūta dynasty. He is styled Prabhutavarsha and is described as Mahāsāmantādhipati, who had won all the Mahāšabdas.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant by Govindarāja, of the village Usauņaka, in the Vāhāula Chaturasīti on the full-moon day of Vaišākha, which was recorded on the seventh day of the dark fortnight of the same month in the expired Saka year 732 (expressed in numerical figures only). This date is, therefore, recorded according to the amānta scheme of lunar months and corresponds to Monday, 29th April, A.D. 810".
The donee was the Brahmin Bhõbhika, of the Atri götra, a religious student of the Sāma vēda and who is described in the plates as residing in the village Charmmanihauha after having come there from the Gauda country. The charter was written by Jajjulla, son of Padmanābha, who was the officer in charge of peace and war.
The early history of the Gujarāt bra nch of the Rashtrakūta dynasty is known to us from the following seven records : The Barodā platego (Saka 734), the Nausāri plates (Saka 738), the Anastu plates (Saka 739), the Surat plates (Saka 743), the Brāhmaṇapalli grant? (saka 746) issued by Karkka Suvarnavarsha; the Tõrkhēdē plates (Saka 735) and the Kävi plates (Saka 749) issued by his younger brother Govindarāja, the donor of the present plates.
Our record being the earliest of these grants, its importance in the history of the Gujarat Rāshtrakūtas is very great.
The Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakūta dynasty was founded by Indra, when his elder brother Govinda III of the Imperial line of the Rashtrakūtas installed him on the throne of the Läțamandala, after his conquests in the north. This event is placed in oiroa 800 A.D. by Dr. Altekar and a very short rule is attributed to Indra.
1 Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 160. f.n. 18. His remark runs: "This instance of the use of Sri in a Bahuurihi compound, without the Samdsänta affix ka, is somewhat unusual. But Mr. K. B. Pathak has supplied me with an analogous inatanoe, which is given in the Kavyaprakada, Calcutta edition, 10th ullasa, p. 422,-Avitatha-man öratha-pathaprathanehu praguna-garima-gita-erth | surataru-sadrifah sa bhavan abhilashaniyah kshitiévaro na kaya || ". (Instead of kehiTharo, the correct reading is kehitibuara.) In fact, such ccnpounds are not unusual. The affix la is optional, and instances where it is not employed can be multiplied. The celebrated poet Magha shows a
striking predilection for such a use, as may be evidenced by his sisupälavudha, I, 24; III, 82; IV, 68; XI, 64, 66. 67. XVI, 86. Of these, XI, 64 may be found quoted in Ballala's Bhojaprabandha, verse 279. An epigraphical instance is furnished by the Junagadh rook inscription of Skandagupta in the word prithu-dri, O.I.I., Vol. III, p69, text 1. 3; p. 61, text I. 24. Here, however, Dr. Fleet has not commented upon the compound.-B.C.C.]
• Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. II, p. 22, * Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 156. *J, B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 131.
Annual Report, Archaeological Department, Baroda State (1939), p. 22. • Above, Vol. XXI, p. 133.
Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 77. • Ibid., VOL. III, p. 53.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 145. 10 Altekar, Rashpraküpas and Their Times, p. 79.

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Indra was succeeded by his eldest son Karkka Suvarnavarsha. It appears that he ruled jointly with his yonger brother Govindarāja or at least deputed him to govern some parts of Gujarāt. The position of Govindarāja, in this respect, has always been a vexed question.
On account of the difficulty of two rulers granting villages in the same territory, it was formerly conjectured that some sort of enmity existed between the two brothers and probably Govindarāja came to the throne as a usurper. The praise of Karkka Suvarņavarsha in our plates, as well as in other grants of Govindarāja, establishes the harmony between the two brothers. Dr. Altekar thinks that Govindarāja may have been a "princely regent" appointed by Karkka, but the view that he was entrusted with the administration of Gujarat in the absence of Karkka during the hostilities regarding the installation of Amõghavarsha I on his throne, or during his minority, is now hardly tenable from the early date of our record. That Govinda III was still living when our plates were issued, is indicated by the dates of an unpublished plates (Saka 733), the Lõhāra grant (Saka 734) and the suspected to be spurious Kadaba plates (Saka 735). According to Prof. Mirashi, Amõghavarsha I was a fairly grown up boy of sixteen, when he came to the throne in circa Saka 736. The reason why Karkka wanted to rule in company with Govindarāja should, therefore, be sought somewhere else than in his absence from Gujarāt to help Amõghavarsha I. It is also noteworthy to see that Karkka does not think of his own son Rājaputra Dantivarman as the probable candidate for the governorship of Gujarāt, who appears as the dutaka in his Baroda plates' issued only two years after the date of our record. We have to take it, therefore, that both the brothers were ruling jointly or at least either of them had the full authority to make donation of lands without each other's consent.
Unfortunately, our plates do not throw any additional light on the history of the Rashtrakūtas. Many verses of these plates have occurred in various Rashtrakūta records. Six of them, viz., (2, 7, 8, 11, 13 and 14) and (2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 11) are repeated in the Tõrkhēdes and Kävi plates of Govindaraja respectively, but most of them can be read together in the Kāpadvanaj plateslu of Krishna II, where they follow the same order as is found in our plates. The only new verse occurring in this grant (v. 15) describes Govindarāja in the usual panegyric terms and is not important historically.
As regards the geographical names occurring in the grant, Vāhāula, which was the headquarters of the division consisting of eighty-four villages including the donated village, may be identified with Vähoră, a village about 4 miles south-east of Bhilodia, the find-spot of the plates, in the Baroda State. The village Charmmanihauha, where the donee was residing, is probably identical with Chamarwārā, about midway between Bhilodia and Váhorā, and the donated village Usauņaka with Wäsan, about 2 miles north-east of Chämarwārā. Both Chāmarwārā and Wāsan are on the right bank of the Hiran river which is a tributary of the Orsang. 11 The Gauda country from where the donee came is obviously the eastern part of Bengal.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 180; ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 197. 2 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 68. * Noticed by Diskalkar, J. B. B. R. A. S. (N. S.), III, p. 187.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 212. 5 Above, Vol. IV, p. 332. 6 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 217. ? Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 156. 8 Above, Vol. II, p. 53.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 145. 10 Above, Vol. I, p. 53. u I am obliged to Prof. Mirashi for the identification of Charmmanihauha and Uganda

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श
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVI
TEXT
[ Metres :-Vv.1,7, 13, 16, 18, 20 and 21 Anushtubh; vv. 2 and 4 Arya ; vv.3 and 19 Upajāti; vv. 5, 6, 9, 10, 11 and 15 Vasantatilakā; vv. 8 and 17 Indravajrā; v. 12 Sārdülavikridita ; v. 14 Vamsastha; v. 22Salini.]
First Plate 1 भों' पासोन्मुरारिसंकाशः कृष्णराजः पितेः पतिः । [अममेयवसोर्हाता] साचाधर्म 2 इवापर: ॥ १॥*] शुभतु तुङ्गतुरगप्रहारेणूई सारविकिरण (णम्) [*] पौपि न 3 भो निखिलं प्राहदालायते स्पष्ट (ष्टम्) ॥२॥*] तस्यात्मजः श्रीध्रुवराजनामा महा
नुभावो
4 प्रहतप्रतापः ॥1) प्रसाधिताशेषनरेन्द्रचक्र: क्रमेण बालावपुर्ब (मी) [भूव] [] 5 शशधरकरनिकरनिभं यस्य यशः सुरनगाग्रसानुस्थः [*] परिगौय[ते समन्ता]6 विद्याधरसुन्दरीनिवहै: ॥[४] तस्याप्यभूवनमारभृतेः समर्त्यः पा7 ोपमः पृथुममानगुणो गुणनः [*] दुर्वाग्वैरिवनितातुलतापरेत8 गोविन्दराज इति सूनुरिनप्रतापः ॥[५॥"] यस प्रभोश्चतुरचारउ [दार
9 कोर्तेरासदिवाविरुपमस्य पितुः सकाशात ॥0) सत्स्वप्यनेकतनये• 10 षु गुणातिरेकान्मूहभिषिचनृपसम्मतमाशु राज्य(न्यम्) [n*] रचता ये11 न नि:शेषं चतुरम्भोधिसंयुतं(तम्) (0) राज्यं धर्मेष लोकानां कता तुष्टिः प12 रा इदि [७n*] भाता तु तस्येन्द्रसमानवीर्यः श्रीमान् भुवि भापतिरिन्द्र'13 राजः [0] शास्ता बभूवाइतकीर्तिरतिइत्तलाटेश्वरमण्डलस्त्र ॥[८॥*] य14 स्थानमात्रजयिनः प्रियसाहसस्य मापालवेष.
Second Plate; First Side 15 फलमेव बभूव सैन्यं (1) मुक्खा(ला) च सर्वभुवने16 वरमादिदेवं नावन्द्य(न्द)तान्धममरेष्वपि यो मन
1 From original plates and impressions. 'Expressed by a symbol.
Restored from Kapadvanaj plates of Krishna II ; above, Vol. I, p. 52. •Read chārurarudara-.

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PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA; SAKA 732.
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N. P. CHAKRAVARTI Rta, No. 3977 E36-290 -8-29༠*4e,
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALOUTTA.

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PRINCE OF WALES MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDARAJA
253
17 खो [2] पद्यापि या सुरकिवरसिध] सी(सा)ध्वविद्याधराधिपतयो गु18 पपक्षपातात् ॥(1) मायन्ति कुन्दकुसमथि यशो यथा स्वधामस्थिताः 19 सहचरीकुचदत्तहस्ताः ॥[१०॥*] सूनुर्बभूव खलु तस्स महानुभावः 20 शास्त्राय॑बोधसुखलालितचित्तवृत्तिः [0] यो गौणनामपरिवारमु21 वाह पूर्व श्रीक:राजसभगव्यपदेश सुच्चैः [११॥] राज्ये यस्य न तस्वर22 स्य वसतिफ्धेः प्रसूतिम॒ता दुर्भि(भि)वं न च विनमस्य महिमा नेवो23 पसर्गोद्भवः [*] क्षीणः शत्रुगणः प्रतापविनता(तो)येषारिवर्मास्तथा नो 24 वि[६]त्परिपन्थिनी प्रभवती(ति) क्रूरा खलानां मतिः ॥[१२॥*] बहषस्थोनुजस्तस्य
सैवि25 तः सततं बुधैः [*] [गोविन्दराजो भूपालः साक्षाच्छभुरिवापरः ।[१॥"]
फलोन्मुखैरापतितैर्विदूरतः 26 समं समन्ताहुणपक्षपातिभिः [*] महाहवे दानविधौ च मार्ग कुण्डि] [यस्य
सदैव 27 मानसं [१४॥"] अन्तःस्थितेश्वरशिरोधृतरामचन्द्र-'नमुधारतविभावित[सवमूर्तिः?]
[*] लो28 कस्य निइतिकरः स्पृहणीयमा जातः सदामृतमयत्वगुणेन यब [१] [स
परमेश्व-] 29 : समधिगताशेषमहाशब्दमहासामन्ताधिपत(ति)प्रभूतवर्षश्रीगोविन्दराजदेवः सर्वा]30 नेव भाविभूमिपालान्समनुबोधयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं । यथा मया माता[पिबोरामम-] 31 च पुण्ययशोभिवृष्ये ॥ ऐहिकासुभिकफलावाप्त्यर्थं चर्मनिही ह?]ग्राम[वास्तव्य]
Second Plate ; Second Side 32 गौडदेशादायातायसगोषच्छन्दोगसब्रह्मचारि[बामणभोभिकाय [भजयपुवा]
ISee above, p. 250, n. 1.
*One akshara is illegible here, of which the subscript yya is seen on the plate. (I would read Schyötat-oudharoes.-B.C.C.]
Only faint traces of the words in the brackets can be seen on the plates, (The portion possibly reads sa che Lajērva.-B. C. C.]
Only faint traces of these words are seen on the platos.

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[VoL. XXVI
33 य बलिचस्वैग्या(ब)देवाग्निहोत्रा(च)नातुक्रियायुस(स)प्पणात्य वाहालचतुरथो त्यन्तर्गत
_ - - - 34 उसौणकग्रामः सहिरण्यादान: सभोगभागः सदण्डदशापराधः स(स्व)[सौमापर्यन्तः] 35 समस्तराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयो भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाद्य महावेशा[ख्यामुदका-] 36 तिसर्गेण प्रतिपादिती यतोस्य भुजतो ग कैविद्यासचे प्रवर्तितव्य(व्यम) । आगामि
भद्र]37 [प]तिभिरप्यमित्यान्यैखर्यास्यस्थिरं मानुष्यं सामान्यञ्च भूमिदानफलं तदपहरणे पा. 38 पञ्चावगच्छनिरयमस्महायोनुमत्त(न्तव्यः परिपालयितव्यच [*] तथाचोक्तं पुराणमहर्षि]39 [भिः ॥ बहुभिर्वस[धा] भुत्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिर्यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य
तस्य 40 [तदा] फल(लम्) [१] उक्तञ्च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन ॥ अग्नेरपत्यं
प्रथमं सुवर्ण 41 भूइँणवीसूर्यसुताच गावः [1] लोकास्त्रयस्तेन भवन्ति दत्ता यः काञ्चनं गा42 च महोच्च दद्यात् ॥[१७॥*] सर्वेषामेव दानानामेकजन्मानुगं फल(लम्) (0)
हाठ(ट)कपिति43 गौरीणां सप्तजन्मानुश (ग) फल (लम्) [१८॥*] यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्र (ई)नानि
धर्मायत44 नोकतानिः(नि।) निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनरा ददौ]45 त [१en*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्त्रों तिष्ठति भूमिदः ॥() आच्छेत्ता [चानु-] 46 मन्ता च तान्येव नरले वसेत् ॥[२०॥"] विभ्याटवौष्वतीयासु श[ष्क-]
Third Plate 47 कोटरवासिनः [*] च्यायोभिजायन्ते 48 भूमिदायापहारिणः ॥[२१] उत्तच भगवता रामभ
I Probably two akaharas preceded the word Usaunaks. (The original seems to read वारसौचक-C.R.K.j find अपरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य
After this the soribe wrote the wory but subsequently cancelled it.

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49 hou o gafaarattaa: una mena a 42 ora 50 TAHE: [1*] warnt aggurat e aria uretant51 wafa: [720*] Ferite fare tue afe52 Pirulagte mi farfegagna situat 53 [#]yraffaufilluargaagaafar Taquar54 [at]ataxia opp ån[*] age o
TRANSLATION (Lines 28-36.) And now the king Sri Govindarāja alias Prabhutavarsha the Paramisvara, the overlord of the feudatory kings, who has acquired (the right to the use of all the (five) musical instruments, commands all the future kings :
"Be it known to you (all) that, for the enhancement of the religious merit and renown of Our parents and Ourself, in this world and the next, the village Usauņaka situated in the Vāhāula (sub-division of eighty-four (villages), has been granted (by U8) with libation of water, on the Mahā. Vaisakhi day, for the performance of the rites such as Bali, Charu, Vaišvadēva, Agnihotra, Kratu, etc., to the Brahmin Bhõbhika, son of Bhatta Jaya, of the Atri götra, a religious student of Samavēda, residing in the village Charmmanihauha, an immigrant from the Gauda country, with all the assessments and the proceeds of the punishments for) faults and ten offences, limited by the boundaries of this village), without any interference from the royal officers, according to the customs of the cultivable and uncultivable lands (bhūmi-chchhidra-nyāyēna), in which, while being enjoyed, nobody should cause any hindrance."
(Lines 51-54.) This is the sign-manual of the illustrious Govindaraja himself, son of the illustrious Indrarājadēva. This charter has been written by me, Jajjulla, son of Padmanābha, the officer in charge of war and treaties.
(Dated this) the seventh (day) of the dark half of the month of) Vaisakha when sovon hundred and thirty two years had elapsed since the time of the Saka king.
No. 35.-RATANPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF PRITHVIDEVA II;
THE [KALACHURI] YEAR 915
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M. A., NAGPUR This inscription was brought to notice as early as 1825 by Sir (then Mr.) Richard Jenkins who published a short account of it in the Asiatic Researcher, Vol. XV, pp. 504-5. It has since
1 An ornamental device precedes the dandas. * There is a sign after va, which cannot he taken for that of 6. Read . • There is a blank space for one akshara after .
• Jenking' account of this record was based on the report of his assistant Sastrt Vinayakrao Anandrao Aurangabadkar who examined this and some other records at Sirpur, Raipur and Ratenpur. The mantiscript of his report written in the Mödl characters is still preserved in the India Office Library, London. An autograph copy of it was kindly supplied to me by the Librarian, Dr. H. N. Randle. As shown below, the report is incorrect in several places,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVI
been referred to twice in this journali by Dr. Kielhorn and has also been briefly noticed by Rai Bahadur Hiralal in his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar. It is edited here for the first time from the original stone which is now preserved in the Central Museum, Nagpur.
According to a manuscript history of Ratanpur, the stone bearing this inscription was discovered within the Badal Mahal' of the fort at Ratanpur, 16 miles north of Bilaspur in the Bilaspur District of the Central Provinces. More than 75 years ago one Reva Ram Kayastha of Ratanpur prepared a transcript of the inscription for the Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces, which is now included in the aforementioned MS. history of Ratanpur. The stone was then apparently in a state of good preservation, for Reva Ram's transcript has no lacunæ. It has since then suffered in a most deplorable manner especially in the middle of lines 5-35 where from 3 to 39 aksharas have been lost in each line. Lines 13 and 14 have been completely effaced except for a few aksharas at one end. In the extant portion also, several letters here and there have become partly or wholly illegible. Unfortunately Reva Ram's transcript affords little aid in such places, as it is full of inaccuracies, judging from the extant portions of the record. A patient examination of the original has enabled me to prepare the subjoined transcript from which it is possible to form & general idea of the whole record.
The inscribed portion measures 2' 91' broad and l' 91' high and contains 36 lines. The characters are Nägari. The medial diphthongs are shown by prishtha-mātrās; is still without a dot, see, e.g., bhririga-, 1, 2; the rare jh occurs in jhāmkritain, 1. 24 and jhamkāra, I. 27; the upper loop of th is not open, see pratyarthi-prithvipatau, 1. 20; in its subscript form the letter is still laid on its side, see pāntha-, 1. 24; finally, dh has not yet developed a horn on che left, see dhārādharāna, I. 2. The language is Sanskrit. Except for om namah Sivāya in the beginning and the date at the end, the whole record is metrically composed. It contains 45 verses, all of which seem to have been numbered. The orthography does not call for any notice except that the consonant following is generally reduplicated and v is throughout used for b.
1 Above, Vol. 1, p. 33 and Vol. V, Appendix, p. 60, n. 1.
Second ed., pp. 127 ff. This is also probably the inscription mentioned by Cunningham's assistant, Beglar, in A. 8. I. R., Vol. VII, p. 215, though he says that it is dated a 979; for his description of it fits the present record. The centra of the slab which is a large one', says he is worn quite smooth; it opens with an invocation to Siva.
• Jenkins also says that the stone was within the fort of Ratanpur, near the Badal Mahal' (Asiatic Researcher, Vol. XV, p. 505). Beglar, however, was told by some people at Bilaspur that the slab originally cane from Dhangaon (i.e., Dhanpur, now & village in the Pendrá Zam indari in the Bilaspur District, which contains several ruins). If the object of the inscription was to record the gift of a village in honour of Siva under the name Sömanātha, installed at Kumarākota (see vv. 36-39), the inscription may have been originally put up at that place and later on removed to Ratanpur. • Drug District Gazetteer (1909), p. 47. This is referred to below as the Ratanpur MS.
Jenkins' account of the contents of this inscription which was based on the report of Aurangabadkar is equally incorrect; for accordi ng to him the present inscription contains a list of nine Rajās in the order of succes. sion from father to son, including the one by whose order the inscription was engraved. Aurangabadkar's MS. mentions five of these, viz., Prithvipā la, Brahmadēva, Rudradēva, Prithvidēva and Sridēva. The extant portion shows the names of Prithvipala, Brahmadēva and Prithvidēva only. The other names seem to be due to mislection, for they do not occur in the manuscript history of Ratanpur algo. Further, Jenkins speaks of Prithvidēva as a fortunate king who in his old ago resigned his kingdom called Kösaladesa to his son. This is evidently an in. correot interpretation of verse 21 of the present inscription. What the verse really means is that Prithvidēva, who is identical with the Kalachuri king Prithvidēva II of Ratanpur, called Brahmadeva to his capital and entrasting the government of his kingdom to him, led a life free from oute.

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The inscription is one of Brahmadēva, a feudatory prince of Prithvidēva II of the Kalachuri dynasty of Ratanpur. The object of it is to record the religious and charitable works of Brahmadēva at several places. It is dated in Samvat 915 (expressed in decimal figures only) of an unspecified era. This date must of course be referred to the Kalachuri era. The year, if expired, would correspond to A.D. 1163-64. This is the last known date for Prithvidēva II, for the next certain Kalachuri datel 919 belongs to the reign of his successor Jäjalladēva II.
The inscription opens with the customary obeisance to Siva, which is followed by three verses invoking the blessings of the deity. The next verse describes Šēsha, the lord of serpents. Verses 5-8 eulogise the Talahāri-mandala which is called an ornament of the earth. Then begins a description of the family of Brahmadēva who put up the present record. His father Prithvipāla is eulogised in verses 9 and 10 as a very valiant and famous personage. His son Brahmadēva was the foremost of the feudatories (māndalik-õgrani), evidently, of the Kalachuri king of Ratanpur (v. 11). The next nine verses (12-20) describe his valour, handsome form, learning and charity. The only point of historical interest mentioned in the extant portion is that he obtained a victory on Jațēsvara who is evidently identical with the homonymous son of Anantavarman-Chōdaganga. We are next told that Přithvidēva, the lord of Kösala, called him from the Talahäri-mandala and entrusting the government of his country to him obtained peace of mind (v. 21). This Prithvidēva is evidently the second prince of that name in the Kalachuri dynasty of Ratanpur.
The next eighteen verses (22-39) describe the benefactions of Brahmadēva. He constructed a temple of Dhürjati (Siva) at Mallala and excavated a tank evidently at the same place. The religious merit of the former he assigned to his lord Přithvidēva. Besides these, be built ten shrines of Tryambaka (Siva) and dug two lotus-ponds at some place the name of which is lost. At Varēlāpura he constructed a grand temple of Srikantha and at Ratnapura he built nine shrines of Parvati. At the latter place he excavated also a large step-well and two tanks, one on the north and the other on the south of the city. Several other religious and charitable works of Brahmadēva are next mentioned, viz., a tank at the village Göthāli, a temple of Dhūrjați at Nārāyaṇapura, tanks at Bamhaņi, Charauya and Tējallapura, a temple of Siva at Kumarāköta and a mango-grove as well as a charitable feeding-house evidently at the same place. Verse 39 records that he donated the village Löņākara to the god Sõmanātha who is probably identical with the deity installed in the temple at Kumarākõta.
The next two verses (40-41) are devoted to the description of Anantapāla of the Gauda lineage, who was a keeper of records, and his son Tribhuvanapāla who composed the present prasasti. Then are mentioned the scribe Kumārapāla and the engravers Dhanapati and Isvara (vv. 43-44). The prasasti closes with a verse expressing the hope that the kirtti (evidently the temple of Sömanātha at which the present prasasti was originally put up) may last for ever.
Brahmadēva, the chief of the Talahari-mandala was at first a feudatory of the Kalachuri king Prithvidēva II. He seems to have taken a leading part in the defeat of Jațēśvara alias
1 Hiralal read the date of the Amõdá plates of Jājalladēva II (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 209 ff.) as 912, but ht: reading of the third figure of it is probably incorrect in view of the date of the present inscription which belongs to the reign of his father Prithvideva II.
Kumārapāla belonged to the race of Sahasrarjuna from whom the Kalachuris also traced their descent. He is mentioned as the scribe in some other records also, viz., in the Ratanpur stone inscription of Prithvidēva II, dated V. 1207, (above, Vol. 1, pp. 45 ff.) and Mallar stone inscription of Jajalladeva II, dated K. 919 (ibid., Vol. I, pp. 39 ff., etc. He had also considerable poetic talent ; for he composed the Sheorinārāvan stone inscription of the reign of Jäjalladēva II, dated K. 919 (Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1242) and the Kharod stone inscription of Ratnadēva III, dated K. 933 (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 159 11.).
XVI.1-5

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
We know from several records1 that
Kāmārṇava, the son of Anantavarman-Chōḍaganga. Chōdaganga invaded the Kalachuri kingdom and suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Ratnadēva II, the father of Prithvidēva II. But that Jaṭesvara also attempted a similar invasion which met with the same fate is not so well known. The defeat of Jatesvara is mentioned in one other record only, viz., in the Kharod stone inscription of Ratnadēva III. Unfortunately the verse in that record which describes this event is partly mutilated, but my personal examination of the record in situ has yielded the further details that Jatesvara was made captive by Prithvidēva II. Verse 17 of the present record which describes Brahmadeva as well known for imprisoning a mighty foe may refer to the same event. Brahmadeva afterwards became Prithvidēva's trusted minister and was entrusted with the government of the whole kingdom.
[VOL. XXVI
As for the localities mentioned in the present inscription, Mallala is evidently modern Mallar, 16 miles south-east of Bilaspur. Varēlāpura or Barēlāpura is Barēla, 10 miles south of Ratanpur. Nārāyaṇapura and Bamhani still retain their old names; the former is situated on the Mahanadi in the Raipur District, while the latter is 4 miles north by east of Akaltara. Rai Bahadur Hiralal identified Kumarakōta with Kotgaḍh', but from some other records" the old name of the latter appears to have been Vikarṇapura. Gōthali, Charauya and Tējallapura cannot now be traced, but the last of these may have been situated not very far from Sheorinārāyan, for it seems to have been founded by Tejalladeva, a Kalachuri prince of a collateral branch, who is mentioned in an inscription at Sheorinārāyan. Finally, Talahari-mandala is probably identical with the ancient Taraḍamsaka-bhoga mentioned in the Mallar plates of Maha-Sivagupta. It is highly glorified in the present inscription probably because Mallar and other places where Brahmadeva constructed his religious and charitable works were included in it. It seems thus to have comprised the southern portions of the Bilaspur and Janjir tahsils and the northern portion of the Raipur District.
TEXTR
[Metres Vv. 1, 4-6, 11-17, 19, 21, 22, 28, 31, 37, 38, 40 and 45, Sardulavikriḍita; vv. 2, 3, 9 and 20 Sragdhara; vv. 7 and 26 Mälini; vv. 8, 10, 18, 24, 29 and 43 Vasantatilaka; v. 23 Mandäkräntä; vv. 25, 27, 32-36 and 39 Anushṭubh; v. 30 Giti; vv. 41, 42 and 44 Arya.] 1 [सिद्धिः"] ओं नमः शिवाय ॥ यथामी [करकु* ]म्भसन्निभकुचद्वंद्दस्य रत्युत्सव क्रोडानेह शैलराजदुहितुर्व्वकारविन्दस्य च 1 नि:प (निष्प) र्यायदिदृक्षयेव नेत्रत्रयं स श्रेयांसि समातनोतु भवतामन्दुचूडा
भगवान्धत्ते
4.
1 See, e.g., above, Vol. I, p. 40 and p. 47; Vol. XXI, p. 163 and Vol. XXIII, p. Above, Vol. XXI, p. 163.
I read the last quarter of verse 9 of this record as kärägara-niväsi-va(ba)ndishu
pital.
Above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 120.
• From the original stone in the Central Museum, Nagpur, and inked estampages, Expressed by a symbol,
ER
- dharam(?) pra
See his Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (second ed.), p. 127. The name of the place is not Kōṭapattana as stated by Hiralal, but Kumarakōṭapattana.
A stone inscription which was originally found at Kotgaḍh and is now at Akaltara (Bhandarkar's List, No. 1585) records the construction of a tank and a temple of Revanta by Vallabharaja, another feudatory of Ratnadēva II and Prithvidēva II. Another stone inscription of the same feudatory found at Ratanpur, while enumerating the benefactions of Vallabharaja, mentions the same tank and temple of Revanta as situated at Vikarnapura. This shows that Vikarnapura was the ancient name of Kotgaḍh. Is Kumarakōta identical with Dhangaon See above, p. 256, n. 3.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1242.

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2 [मणि:*] ॥१॥ य[त्क]ण्ठो भूति - -1 [ध*]वलपरिसरः कज्जलन्दीवरालीभृङ्गश्रेणी
न्द्रनीलोपलगवलतमःस्तीमलक्ष्मीविडम्वी(म्बी) । भाति प्रालेयभूभृत्कटकतट इव
श्यामलनांवु(बु)भाराप्ती धाराधरेण प्रभवतु ।' 3 [भ]वतां स थिये नीलकण्ठः ॥२॥ व्र(ब)ोद्रोपद]चंद्रद्युमणिकुलगिरिमासमुद्रादिरूपै
ोकं संक्रान्तवि(बि)म्ब(म्ब) नखमुकुरतले यत्पदामा(मा)गुलौनाम् । दृष्ट्वा
शैलेंद्रपुत्रौ परिणयसमये विस्मयं प्राप लज्जानम्रीभूतान4 नेदुः स हरतु दुरितं पार्वतीवल्लभो वः ॥३॥ यत्क्रोडे जठरैककोटरकुटीविश्रान्त
विश्वश्चिरं लक्ष्मीपाणिसरोजलालितपदो निद्राति नारायणः । किञ्चानेकफणामणि
व्यतिकरै रत्नाकरत्व दधावम्भी5 धिर्बिदधातु शर्म जगतां शेषः स भोगोखरः ॥४॥ उत्फुल्लांबु(बु)रु हे[:] [सरो
भिरभितो गुञ्जहिरेफैर्वृतं] - - - पवनोलसत्कदलिकारोचिष्णुभिर्भूषितम् । .
उद्यानैः कलकण्ठकूजितभरव्याकष्टपुष्पायुधैर6 स्ति श्रीतलहारिमण्डलमिदं विश्वम्भराभूषणम् ॥५॥ उन्मीलनवनी[लनीरज] - - -
- -- ---- --- - [वाचाल]-*
दिसण्डले । सङ्गीतिध्वनिपूर्णका]ि कुहरैरध्यापकैः कौतुकादन्तेवा7 सिगणस्व यत्र पठतो नावद्यमाकर्ण्यते ॥६॥ इह फणिपति -----
- --Uuuuuu - - - - - - - । भ्रमति यशसि शुभ्रे यस्य विष्वक्चकोराः शशधरकरवु(बु)याद्यापि
धाव
8 न्ति सोत्काः ॥७॥ यहाटके झटिति धूम
तिः स्पृशन्ती व्योमाङ्गणे] . UU-U--I-- -UUU-U - U थालोकिता जलदजालधिया ध्वनद्भिः ॥८॥ पृथ्वीपालस्ततीभूत्करतलक
The missing aksharas may have been charcha. 2 This danda is superfluous.
* The Ratanpur MS. reads gunjad-dvirëph-avalir=amr-adeh pavan-ollasat which makes no good senso. Perhaps the original reading was e-amr-ady-opavan-ollasat.
• The Ratanpur MS. furnishes here the fairly satisfactory reading vana-sräuyam (syandan-) maranda-sprihabhramyad-bhüri-madhuvral-ali-vitatām (virutair)=vachala-din-mandalē.
The mising aksharas can be supplied with the help of the Ratanpur MS. s räkänaiha-karpura-para-pra chura-rajata-ratah-kshira-här-adik-abha.

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[Vol. XXVI
9 लितक[खगा]हतानां संग्रामे कंधराभ्यो रिपुधरणिभुजा[मुत्पत] -~--।
- ज्योति: क्षणाई नयति निजतनुं पात्रातां] भौरुताया: ॥८॥ यस्यासिपा10 तदलितारिकारी]न्द्रकुम्भपीठोच्छलदिमलमौक्तिक[शन] हारा । - - - - - -
v-uv-u----u-uuu-u - u
-1 ॥१०॥ [क्रीडामन्दिरमिंदुगौरयशसां सौ(शौर्यस्य विश्रामभूः सूनुर्माण्ड। लिकाग्रणीः समजनि श्रीव(ब्रह्मदेवस्ततः । [निस्त्रि]शाहतवीर वैरिवनिता] - -
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ---- [॥११॥"] [संग्रामे] हतवीरवैरिनिव हैहे वोभवद्भिद्रुतं कुर्वाणा युधि
संकथां पथि मु12 हुर्बाकोकसां सङ्गताः । नाकालध्वनतोभिरामरमणा ------- -- - - -
-- -- - - - - [॥१२॥*] - - - - - - - - लिमदः श्रीम]प्ति होयतः प्रोद्यचक्रधरो
दिजातिदयितो 13 भोगिप्रकाण्डस्थितिः । उन्मोल[व] - ---vu-u-uuu ---- -- - [12 pull
-u -u-uuu---u-- - -- -uu-u-uuu
-|- --vu-u-uuu --- --- ----uv-v-uv---- - - - [॥१४॥*] -
- - - रजटल[श्यामांशका] कान्तिमत्सान्द्रस्फारपयोधरा न15 वरता येन प्रिया स्वाक्कता । रागात्कोशमपास्य -- - -- ---
-- ----vu-u-uuu--cu-cu - [॥१५॥*] - - [खगलताभिघा ततडिति []ध्यहिषमण्डलीकण्ठोडच्छदसूक्प्रवाहनिव है :सं
|
-
--
)
- The Ratanpur MS. reads the second half of this verse askirttir=bhuvain(ri) gagana-mandalam=avikarturin kinti (kränta ?) tadid-dhavala-kantir=iraranaya(?)
The Ratanpur Ms. reads the following seven aksharas as simanta-chandr-ambuda[h*] which may be correct; but the reading of the fourth pada cannot be restored.
| The Ratanpur Ms. reads samlipa-nuch a chandramāh. This bears no relation to the aotual text which is quite clear here. This clearly shows the unreliability of the readings in the MS.

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16 चरे स[]र । येनाक्रम्य ज[टेख]री' रिपुटप[:] [क्रू]र --- ---
-- - --- -- --- ---- [१६॥*] - -- - -- [रितमः] स्तोमे सहस्रद्युतिः प्रद्युम्नः प्रमदाजने
[सुरगुरुः सम्यग्गिरां निर्सये ॥(1) 17 विख्या[तो व(ब)]लिवैरिव(ब)न्धनविधी कृष्णो न कृष्णद्युतिः - - - - - -
u-uuu-----v _ [291*] – -ucu -~-~- दधानः सत्त्वप्रियो घनरसप्रकराभिरामः । लब्धो(ब्धो)वतिः
प्रभुतयाऽखिलवाहि18 नौनां रत्नाकरीयमपि नाश्रयदो जडानाम् ॥१८॥ ये लीला - - -
vu--- -- ----uv-u-uuu
--- -- - । ये रामोडतसे तुवं(ब)धरुचिरा यस्य प्रचे तःपुरी
नारोनाभिनिपीतसिन्धुपय19 स: कोल् धरान्ताः श्रिताः ॥१८॥ यद्पालोकनोत्कागत[वरललनावकपंकेरहाण']
------- [द्रविणवितरणे याचकानां निकाये । भिक्षा दानाय
चास्महुवनमयमितीवामरौधैः प्रणुत्तो रक्षायै हाट20 काटेस्तटभुवमनिशं भास्करो वं(ब)भ्रमीति ॥२०॥ प्रानौते तलहारिमण्डलवराच्छी.
कोशल[स्वा][मिना*] [पृथ्वी देवानरेखरेण परमप्रेम्णा गुणानां निधौ । हस्तन्यस्त
कपाणपा[त]निहतप्रत्यर्थिपृथ्वीपती यस्मिन्नराज्यधुरं । समयं परमा लब्धा(ब्धा) मनोनिवृतिः ॥२१॥ वाता[न्दोलित] -[ज?] स(श)तदलप्रा
लयवि(बिंदूपमा लक्ष्मी -८८ - - विलसितप्रायाञ्चसावस्थितिम् ।
[खद्योतोन्मि]षितानुकारमवनीच[a] नृणां यौव[नं] - -5 [पार्जितभूरिभूति22 रभजद्यो धर्ममेवादृतः ॥२२॥ कुर्बाणाभिर्जग ८ ---- सप्ताश्व सप्ते[:]
खेदखेदं पवनविचलवैजयन्तीभिराभिः । तेनो - - प्रचुरकुमुदामोदिदिक्वाकवाले मलालेऽस्मिन् लवलधवलं धूर्जटे[ी]म चक्रे ॥२३॥ उ
1 This historically important name is missing in the Ratanpur MS. which reads instead yudh-arvad (?) ripu. aripa! Aurangabadkar's account also makes no mention of this king vanquished by Brahmadera.
The Ratanpur MS. reads the last pada of this verse as fyāma yasya cha karnika kharatará süla yao nirm. lum. This may be adopted, but karnika, in the sense of an arrow, is neuter. Perhaps iyama yasya kriparika is the correct reading.
• The aksharas in th bracket are supplied from the Ratanpur MS. They have left faint traces on the slab. * This royal name is missing in the Ratanpur M$. It is fairly clear on the original stone. -Restore laury-5. "Restore tphulla-.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXVI
(
23 फुलपाजकदम्ब(म्ब)विराजमानं पौराङ्गनास्तनतटौदलितोHिमालम् । - - सरो
वरमकारि - नौरखेलम्मरालकुलसङ्कलितं [समन्तात्] ॥२४॥ प्रासाद
स्था[स्य] चन्द्रां]शकुन्दसुन्दररोचिषः । पृथ्वीदेवनरेन्द्राय पुण्यं 24 पुण्यात्मने ददौ ॥२५॥ दश भवनवराणि यम्व(म्ब)क[स्थे]दुरोचिर्विकचकुमुदकुन्दस्फा
टिकाद्रि -- । [अरचयदलघूनि प्रौढदोर्दण्डलीला] . . ---- -- -- ॥२६॥ अत्रैव [पयसि] - - - -
[सु*] खरझांकतैः । पान्यश्रुतिप25 थाहादि चारु पुष्करिणीद्दयम् ॥२७॥ तेनोदारमकारि तत्र पवनोद्देनत्पताकाकुलं
श्रीकण्ठस्य [सुधांशधामधवलं] श्रीमहरेलापुरे. । यत्रावासमवाप्य चाप्यतितरां
तत्याज देवश्चिरप्रा -- - मंवि(बि)कापरिवृढः कैलासवासमझाम् ॥२८॥ 26 प्रालेयशैलदुहितुः कुमुदेंदुकुन्दनीहारहारलवलोधवलानि तेन । सर्वोत्तमानि [पवनप्रच
लत्यताकान्यमंलि हानि नव रत्नपुरे कतानि ॥२८॥ क्रीड[बगर]पुरन्ध्रौपीनस्तन
जनितवीचि विक्षोभाम् । विपुलतरामिह वापीच्चाकार रुचिरां 27 विचित्रसोपानाम् ॥३०॥ व्याकोचावु(बु)जपुनगुञ्जदलिनीझंकारवाचालितं खेलरिमराल
संकुलतटं तेनोत्तरस्यां दिशि । श्रीमद्रत्नपुरस्य दक्षिणदिशि प्रोद्दामकामानना - - - - - - - - रुचिरं चक्रे तडागहयम् ॥३॥
गोठालो'ना28 म[नि ग्रा]मे चाका]र सरसी शुभाम् । अनिमेषदृशां वृन्दैर्दिवमध्यासितामिव ॥३२॥
सुधांशधवलं [तत्र धूर्जटेर्धाम] निर्मितम् । नारायणपुरे तेन पताकोलिखिताम्व(म्ब)रम् ॥३॥ अकारि [सरसौ] -
~~विराजिता । भारतीव कथा तेन व(ब)म्हणीग्राम29 स विधौ] ॥३४॥ चरौयनानि विस्तौम ग्राभे रम्यं सरोवर(रम्) । चकार तेजलपुरे ~
राजितम् ॥३५॥ निर्मितं मन्दिरं रम्यं कुमराकोटपत्तने । तेनैवान्यं यशोगशि[प्रकाशं पार्वतीपतेः ॥३॥ तेनैवाम्बवणं' कृतं घनत
Kestore ramyan.
Restore prabhāni. 3 The missing aksharas can be restored with the help of the Ratanpur MS. as snana-praskhalit-ambaran cla.
* Aurangabadkar read this place-Dame as Godali and the Ratanpur MS. as Godhali. The aksharas are closely as read above.
• The Ratanpur Ms. reads Sira-dhama-virajilam which may be correct. • Read të naivānvad.
toud-anura-vayait.

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30 रच्छायानिरस्ता[तपं] पाणिप्राप्यफलोत्करैर्मधुरसैः पान्यव्रजं प्रीणयत् । कूज[कोकिल]
काकलीव्यतिकरप्रारभ्यमान[स्म]रप्रौढाज्ञाविदलन्मनम्वितरुणीमानग्रहग्रन्थिकम् ॥३७॥
आकण्ठं विविधान्नपाननिवहे त्या मनोवा31 [ञ्छि]ते राशी - - - यस्य सततं सचे(त्रे) महासचि(त्रि)णः । इत्यं
कार्पटिकव्रजन रभसा -- [भवन्धारितो दिक्क मुखरोकरोति व(ब)हलः कोलाहलः प्रत्यहम् ॥३८॥ देवाय सोमनाथाय
[पु*]ण्यवान् । असौ लोणाकर] - -1 स32 ह्यदायैः स - ॥३॥ नियूंढ: कविपद्धतौ धुरि सतां व(ब)दास्पदः
सन्ततं --- धिगमप्रसादितमतिः सा - वादे सुधीः । आसोहिस्तुतकीर्तिरक्षपटलप्राप्तप्रतिष्ठः श्रियां] लीलागार - - पालविवु(बु)धो
गौडान्ववा33 योद्भवः ॥४०॥ विधुरिव दुग्धपयोधः प्रसाधिताशः कलानिधितिराम् । अभव[त्रिभुः
वनपालः] पालितसकलद्दिजस्तनुजः ॥४१॥ घनरसवतों गभीरां स्वच्छतरां कवि
विचाररमणीयाम् । सरसीमिव प्रशस्तिं त्रिभुवनपालो व्यधाडिवु(बु)धः ॥ 34 ॥४२॥ हारावलौमिव सुवृत्तगुणां गुणाढ्यां कान्त्यान्वितां घनरसप्रकरां प्रशस्तिम् ।
- - - [कलारचितप्रकर्षः] कौतूहलात्कुमरपालवु(बु)धो लिलेख ॥४॥ धनपतिनाना वतिना शिल्पिवरणवरेण च मनोज्ञा । उत्कीर्णा
प्रचुररसा प्र35 शस्तिरियमक्षरै रुचिरैः ॥४४॥ यावन्मण्डलमम्व(म्ब) रेम्व(म्ब)रमणेश्चण्डीशचूडामणि
चन्द्रः सान्द्रकरोल्करेण कुरुते -- -- कलाम् । यावदक्षसि चा. [स्ति] पद्मसदना कौमोदकीलक्ष्मणस्तावत्कीर्त्तिरियञ्चकास्तु विशदा विश्वम्भरामण्डले ॥४॥
36 सम्वत्
८१५ [॥*]
1 Read grāmasin * Read samanvitam. • The first two of the missing aksharas appear to be vela. Read ved-arth-adhigama. .P.ead sahitya
• The first three aksharas of this name are damaged, but from Aurangabadkar's mention of Anantapila as the father of Tribhuvanapāla, the aksharas can be restored as -maAnantar
• . The missing aksharas can be supplied with the help of the Ratanpur Ms. agdya-vimādana. Eisowhere the name of this scribe appears as Kumarapala. The second akshara of the name is shorteau hore for the sake of the metre, following the adage: api mashain mashariakuryachachhando-bhaiganna taray it.
- Read Sariseat.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
TRANSLATION
[VOL. XXVI
Success! Om! Adoration to Siva!
(V. 1) May the divine half-moon-crested (Siva) increase your welfare !--(he) who has three eyes as if because of his desire to see simultaneously, at the time of playful amorous enjoyment, the pair of gold-pitcher-like breasts and the lotus-like face of Parvati, the daughter of the mountain !
(V. 2) May that Nilakantha (i.e., Siva) grant you fortune!-(he) whose neck with a white surrounding on account of [the smearing of] ashes, imitating the beauty of collyrium, a row of blue lotuses, a line of bees, a sapphire, wild buffaloes and a mass of darkness, appears like the slope of a ridge of the snow-mountain, covered with a cloud, dark with the surcharge of water!
(V. 3) May that lover of Parvati remove your sin !-seeing in the nails of whose lotus-like feet as in the surface of a mirror the reflection of the universe in the form of Brahman, Indra, Vishnu, the moon, the jewel of heaven (ie., the sun), the principal mountains, the earth, the oceans and other things, the daughter of the lord of mountains (Parvati), at the time of her marriage, was struck with wonder, her moon-like face being bent in bashfulness!
(V. 4) May that lord of serpents, Sesha, grant happiness to the worlds!-(he) on whose lap tl:cre sleeps for a long time Narayana, in the unique cavity of whose belly as in a cottage there rests the universe and whose feet are caressed by the lotus-like hands of Lakshmi; and on account of the precious stones in whose numerous hoods the ocean came to be the store of jewels!
(V. 5) This famous province (mandala) of Talahari is the ornament of the earth--which is surrounded on all sides by tanks with full-blown lotuses and humming bees and is adorned with gardens which appear beautiful with plantain trees shining [in the groves of mangoes and other trees] and to which the god of love is attracted by the excessive warbling of cuckoos.
(V. 6) [In the Talahari province] where the regions are noisy [with the humming of bees hovering on] blooming, fresh, blue lotuses [in the desire for honey dripping from them], the teachers, the cavities of whose ears are, in admiration, filled with the musical sound, do not mark. the faulty (pronunciation) of crowds of pupils reciting (their texts).
(V. 7) Here, while its fair fame, resembling the lord of serpents, [the moon, camphor-powder, silver, milk, pearl-necklaces and others], is roaming in all directions, the chakōra birds even now eagerly fly (after it), mistaking it, for the rays of the moon.
(V. 8) In the sacrificial enclosures in it, the line of smoke, as it speedily touches the expanse of the sky, is looked at by the peacocks which scream in joy, mistaking it for a multitude of clouds.
(V. 9) Then there was born Prithvipāla. From the necks of the hostile princes struck by him with the sharp sword grasped in his hand. . . . for half a moment subjects himself to apprehension.
(V. 10) [Whose fame of bright lustre resembling lightning] and wearing a white necklace of spotless pearls scattered from the large, frontal globes of the best elephants of his enemies cleft by the strokes of his sword.... has gone from the earth to the region of the sky in order to divert itself.
(V. 11) From him was born the illustrious Brahmadēva, the foremost of feudatories, the play house of fame white like the moon, (and) the resting place of valour,-(he) who is to the

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parting line of hair of the wives of hostile warriors struck by his sword what a cloud is to the
moon...
(V. 12) [The heavenly damsels] gathering together again and again on the path of gods (i.e., in the sky) and conversing with crowds of host ile warriors killed on the battle-field as they speedily became gods. . . . . rumbling out of seasons.
(V. 13)... like the man-lion, he is the best of men; like Achyuta (Vishnu) wielding his uplifted discus, he leads a victorious army; like Vishnu who is fond of the bird (Garuda) and reclines on the best of serpents, he is fond of the Brahmanas and lives in the company of the best of kings (or, Naga princes?)
(V. 14) (This is completely effaced.)
(V. 15) Who accepted a beloved clad in a black garment. . . . who had lovely, compact and large breasts, and who just then fell in love with him. . . . Taking off furiously the sheath (of his sword)....
(V. 16) In the fight in which the strokes of his creeper-like sword appeared like (flashes of) lightning and in which it was difficult to move about on account of multitudes of streams of blood gushing forth from the necks of crowds of wrathful foes, he, having attacked the hostile king Jatesvara....
(V. 17) He is to his enemies what the sun is to a mass of darkness; he is Pradyumna to women (and) the preceptor of gods (i.e., Brihaspati) in the right judgment of speech; being well known for imprisoning (his) mighty (foe), he resembles Krishna (who in his Dwarf incarnation imprisoned Bali, but, unlike Krishna) he is not dark-complexioned. . .
(V. 18) Though (like the ocean) he is. . . . dear to all creatures, appears charming with his great vitality (as the ocean does with its abundant store of water), has attained a supreme position by his command of all armies (as the ocean has by its lordship over all rivers), and is a receptacle of precious things (as the ocean is a treasure of gems), he does not (unlike the ocean which gives shelter to water) give refuge to dullards.
(V. 19) The regions at the extremity of the earth. ... which appear beautiful with the magnificent bridge of Rama (and) those, the water of the ocean in which is absorbed by the navels of the women in the city of Varuna, have been resorted to by his fame.
(V. 20) This [Brahmadēva, who is the sun to] the lotuses which are the faces of the excellent ladies who come out of eagerness to see his handsome form, [may come] to our world to give away wealth to supplicants in charity '-Being as it were urged by gods through such apprehension, the sun moves continuously round the regions on the slopes of the golden mountain (Mēru) for its protection.
1 As the moon hidden behind a cloud is no more visible, so the parting of hair on the part of those ladies is no longer to be seen, they being too full of grief to attend to their toilet.
There is a play on the words chakra meaning (i) a discus and (ii) an army, dvijati meaning (i) the bird Garada and (ii) a Brāhmaṇa, and bhōgin meaning (i) a serpent and (ii) a Naga prince or an officer in charge of a Bhoga or Bhukti (sub-division).
This may refer to the imprisonment of Jatēśvara.
There is contradiction here, since the prince Brahmadēva is said to be Krishna and still not to have the complexion of Krishna, but the contradiction is only apparent, the figure being Virodhābhāsa.
The regions in all the four directions were described in this verse. The first hemistich which described the northern and eastern regions is almost completely lost. The description in the second hemistich refers to the southern and western regions.
The idea in this verse occurs also in verse 17 of the Mallär stone inscription, above, Vol. I, p. 41. XVI-1-5

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(V. 21) Consigning the yoke of the government to him who, being a treasure of merits, had been brought over from the Talahari-mandala and who killed hostile kings with the strokes of the Bword grasped in his hand, the king Prithvidēva (II), the lord of the famous Kösala country, obtained great mental happiness.
(V. 22) [Seeing that) on the orb of the earth .... is like dew-drops on (the petal of) a lotus ..........shaken by the wind, that wealth is of unsteady duration resembling mostly the flashes [of lightning) and that men's youth imitates (in fickleness) the shining of the fire-fly, he who had acquired abundant wealth [by valour] exerted himself for piety.
(V. 23) In this Mallala which renders the circle of regions fragrant with abundant [fullgrown] lotuses, he constructed a temple of Dhūrjati (Siva) (distinguished) by these banners set in motion by wind, which remove the perspiration, caused by fatigue, of the horses of the sun.
(V. 24) [And he constructed) a tank, which appears bea utiful with clusters of full-blown lotuses, the rows of the waves of which are broken by the protruding breasts of town ladies, and which in crowded on all sides with multitudes of swans sporting in water. ...........
(V. 25) The religious merit of this temple, the splendour of which is beautiful like that of the moon's rays and kunda flowers, he assigned to the king Pțithvidēva (II) of pious nature.
(V. 26) He....... constructed ten large and beautiful temples of Tryambaka (Siva), [bright] like moon-light, full-blown night-lotuses, kunda flowers and the mountain of crystals (i.e., Kailāsa).
(V. 27) At this very place he [constructed] two lotus-pools which delighted the ears of travellers with the sweet humming (of bees) .....in water.
(V. 28) He erected at the famous Varēlāpura, a temple of Srikantha (Siva), white like the lustre of the moon, and covered with flags fluttering in the wind; having received habitation in which, the god (Siva), the lord of Ambikā, has given up completely his longing for living on Kailāsa ......
(V. 29) By him there were built at Ratnapura nine cloud-kissing excellent temples of (Parvati) the daughter of the Himalaya, (which are) white like night-lotuses, the moon, kunda flowers, Bnow, pearl-necklaces and lavali (flowers and) the flags of which flutter in the wind.
(V. 30) He made here a large and beautiful well, with wonderful steps, the waves of which were stirred by the plump breasts of town ladies sporting (in its water).
(V. 31) In the northern and southern directions of Ratnapura he made two beautiful tanks which are rendered noisy by the buzzing of the swarms of bees humming on clusters of full-blown lotuses and the banks of which are crowded with numerous swans sporting (in their water).
(V. 32) At the village named Gothālī he made a pleasant tank which is occupied by crowds of fishes as heaven is by gods.
(V. 33) He constructed at Nārāyanapura a temple of Dhūrjați (Siva), white like the moon, which with ita flags scrapes the sky.
(V. 34) He made * tank near the village Bamhaņi, which, like the story of the Bharata is .. .
The wording of verse 28 may be taken to signify that the inscription originally came from Malláln, but notice similar wording in V. 30.
There is a play on the expression a-nimisha-dpis (lit., having unwinking eyes). It signifies (1) fishes and ti) gode.
• The verse apparently containnd an expression which by means of double entendre described both the tank and the story of the Mahabharata,

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(V. 35) He made a lovely large lake at the village called Charauya and [a beautiful temple of Siva) at Tējallapura.
(V. 36) At the town of Kumarākõta he made another lovely temple of (Siva) the husband of Parvati, resplendent like the mass of his own fame.
(V. 37) He himself planted a grove of mango trees which with their very dense shade removes the heat (of the sun) and with its multitude of fruits reached by the hand, pleases travellers and where the knot of stubborn reserve of proud young ladies gives way at the imperious command of the god of love, which is begun (to be communicated) by the mingling sweet notes of the warbling cuckoos.
(V. 38) Having partaken, to their hearts' content, of the various kinds of foods and drinks as desired in the charitable feeding house of the great sacrificer, such loud cries of pilgrims daily make the circle of regions resound, (viz.)........
(V. 39) To the god Sõmanātha the pious one granted [the village] Lõņākara together with all taxes..........
(V. 40) There was the learned Anantapāla of extensive fame, born in the Gauda lineage, who mastered the path of poets, who always secured a place at the head of good people, whose thoughts were rendered pure by his knowledge of the contents of the Vēdas), who was clever in literary discussions, who attained renown in the department of records (and) was a play-house of fortune.
(V. 41) (From him) was born Tribhuvanapāla who gives shelter to all Brāhmaṇas and who, being a treasure of arts, has (all) his desires completely fulfilled, even as from the milky ocean is produced the moon which, being the repository of digits, exceedingly adorns all quarters and maintains all (chakõru) birds.
(V. 42) The learned Tribhuvanapāla has composed this prasasti (eulogy) resembling a lake, - which is full of flavour (as a lake has abundant water), is profound (as a lake is deep) and clear and is pleasing to the thoughts of poets.
(V. 43) The wise Kumārapāla, who has attained excellence in learning and fine arts, has with eagerness written this prasasti resembling a necklace of pearls-which has the merit of (being composed in) good metres (as the necklace has that of having well-rounded pearls), which is rich in merits (as the necklace is in threads) and which (like the necklace) appears brilliant and is full of deep sentiments (as the necklace is possessed of great charm).*
(V. 44) This pleasant prasasti, abounding in sentiments, is incised in beautiful letters by the skilful and best sculptors named Dhanapati and Isvara.
(V. 45) As long as the moon, the gem of the sky and the crest-jewel of (Siva) the lord of Chandi, makes the orb (of the earth) white with its dense rays, as long as the lotus-dwelling (goddess of fortune) rests on the breast of the god who is distinguished by the mace) Kaumõdaki (.e., of Vishnu), even so long may this bright temples shine on the orb of the earth!
(L. 36) The Year 915.
!
1 There is a play on three expressiona bore which are intended to be construed with Tribhuvanapals and the moon.
* The expressions in the first hemistich of this verao are on account of double entendre intended to be construed with the prabasti (eulogy) as well as with the hardvali (pearl-necklace).
The text lua kirtti which means any work of public utility, calculated to render furious the name of the constructor of it'. See C. II., Vol. UI, p. 212, n. 6. It probably refers here to the temple of Samana na mationed in verses 36 and 39.

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No. 36-RAJGHAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA: V. S. 1197
BY KRISHNA DEVA, M.A., DELHI
The record edited below consists of two copper-plates which were unearthed 5' below surface from an ancient mound at Rājghāt in the northern outskirts of the city of Benares in the beginning of July 1940 in course of earth-work excavation by the East Indian Railway in connection with the project of the extension and remodelling of the Kashi railway station and the regirdering of the Dufferin Bridge on the Ganges. On receiving information of their discovery, Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, Director General of Archæology in India, promptly acquired them from the railway authorities through Mr. S. J. P. Cambridge, Engineer-in-charge of the project. I am grateful to Rao Bahadur Dikshit for kindly according me permission and every facility to edit the plates which are now deposited in the Bharat Kala Bhavan, Benares.
The mound from which the plates were recovered is situated immediately to the east of the Kashi goods yard. Though the actual findspot has been levelled down to a depth of about 8' below the top of the mound and abuts on the compound of the office of the said project, marking the middle of its northern boundary line, the continuation of the mound in the north, which is perched by some Muslim graves and a well, still stands intact and attests the original contour and height of the mound. An examination of the cutting of the mound revealed traces of old structural remains at the same level with the findspot of the plates, superimposed by a later concrete floor of perhaps the Muslim period. In view of the continued occupation in antiquity of the Rajghāt site from the Sunga to the Gähadavāla period, which has been proved by the subsequent excavations of the Archeological Department, it is quite likely that the plates were found from the Gähadaväla stratum, if not actually from the house of the grantee of the charter.
The set consists of two copper-plates, each measuring 15' x111". Their edges are fashioned thicker and raised into rims for the protection of the writing which is inscribed on one side only of each plate. They are held together by a circular ring which passes through a ring-hole of " diameter. The ring-hole is pierced through the middle of the bottom of the first plate and the
top of the second. To the ring is affixed a circular seal, measuring 27" in diameter and bearing · within a thin circular border and concentric band of incised indentations, representations of flying
Garuda in the upper field and the farkha in the lower, with the legend Srimad-Govindachandradevah, engraved in Nāgari in the middle. The plates with the ring and seal weigh 551 tolas. The plates were found securely packed in a roughly fashioned sandstone box made of two similar carved trays put one above the other, each of which measures 24" X 18" X3". Originally the trays must have been held together by means of a string for which a number of grooves have been incised all along their outer edges. The inner recess of the stone receptacle was carved nearly to the size of the plates and a special projection with a deeply cut groove was provided in the middle of its width to accommodate the ring and the seal.
The plates are in an excellent state of preservation and the execution of the writing is careful and elegant. Altogether there are 35 lines of writing of which the first plate contains 18 lines and the second 17 lines. The height of the letters is '. The characters of the inscription are Nägari and the language Sanskrit. With the exception of 9 verses in the beginning and 10 imprecatory and benedictory verses in the end, the rest of the record is in prose. Like other Gähadavāla records, the first verse of this is introductory in praise of Lakshmi and Vishņu and the following eight are devoted to the eulogy of a succession of Gahadavāla rulers ending with the donor of the grant.

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In respect of orthography the following points are worth noting : (1) B is invariably denoted by the sign for v, e.g., vāhu-valli-vaddh- (1.9), =āmvu (1.10), vabhramur= (1.11), Kanyakuvj(11. 12-13), vodhayaty- (1. 18), etc. (2) Sk has been wrongly substituted for kh in sesharaṁ (1. 22) and kh for sh in garttökharah (1. 19). (3) S has been incorrectly used for fin yasah (1.3), Käsi (1.5), satasas= (1.6), -ādisati (1. 18), visuddhah (1. 20), sāsanam (1. 35), etc. and & for sin samdr(1. 10), tēnā pati (11. 16-17), sahasrāni (1.28), vasundharāṁ (1. 29), etc. (4) Combinations of consonants and nasals have been indiscriminately represented by either anusvāra or a nasal of the same class, e.g., akunth-olkantha and ärambhë (1.1), sankitā (1. 6), mandale (1.8), mantri- (1. 16), etc., as against Mahichamdras= (ll. 2-3), narēndraḥ (1. 10), Govimdachandra (1. 15), samplavam (1. 32), vindu (1. 33), etc. (5) A consonant following has very often been doubled, e.g., dör-vikramēn-ārijitam (1.5), -Opārijtta- (1. 12), sa-parnn- (1. 19), tarppayitva (11. 21-22), gökarnna (1. 23), purvvakaṁ (1. 24), karmmānau and svargga- (1. 27), dharmmah (1. 33), etc., the few exceptions being havirbhujaṁ (1. 23), sētur=nripānā (1. 34), etc. (6) Anusvāra has been rightly changed into final m at the end of the metrical stanza in =ārijitam (1. 5), phalam (1. 31) and samplavam (1. 32), but not at the end of the second quarter as in vasundharāṁ (1. 29), arigula” (1. 31), etc. (7) Kāka pada sign has been used at the end of lines 9, 12 and 24 to show in each case that the last word could not be completed in that line and is continued in the next line. (8) Ornamental scroll patterns have been introduced between the dandas in lines 15, 26 and 35. Similar ornamental designs also occur in other Gähadavāla records like the Sabēth-Mahëth plate of Govindachandradēva (V. S. 1186).
The donor of the grant is the Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramēsvara Paramamähës. vara Govindachandradēva, the Gahadavāla ruler of Kanauj and Benares, of whom as many as forty-three records dating from V. S. 1171 to V. S. 1211 (A.D. 1114-1154) are already known. The present record repeats the draft of the other copper-plate grants of the ruler, the only new information which it yields being contained in the grant portion. The usual genealogy is given in verses 2-9 and again in lines 11-15.
The date of the grant is recorded both in words and in decimal figures in lines 20-21 as Sunday, the Kärttiki or the 15th day of the bright half of Kärttika in the (Vikrama) Samvat 1197, which regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 27th October, A.D. 1140. This date is not of much interest us we already have a grant of the ruler dated in V. S. 1197.*
The object of the grant is to record the gift of the village Bhadapa-Namdapa together with its pātakas, in the Amaväli-pattalā to the Brahmin Bhatta-Antapāņiśarmman, of the Bhāradvāja-götra and the three pravaras, Bhāradvāja, Angirasa and Vatsa, son of Bhämmu and grandson of Jatanāyiva. The gift was made by Govindachandradēva after bathing in the Ganges at Väräņasi in the Adikāśava-ghatta. The Chandravati plate of Chandradēva of V. S. 1156, which also refers to the god Adikēšava, is the earliest record to mention the AdikēsaVa-ghatta which is described as janita-Surasarid-Varan-aghamarshana," implying that it was situated on the sacred confluence of the Ganges and the Barnā. The present situation of the Adikēšava ghāt exactly conforms to this description and it is interesting to note the close promixity of the ghāt to the findspot of the present copper-plates. Two other Gahadavāla
1 Above, Vol, XI, pp. 22 ff.
See R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, pp. 369 ff. * Above, VOL. IV, p. 111. • Above, Vol. XIV, p. 198, 1.16.

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records mention the Adiköbava-ghatta' and three more the god Adikēšava", whose shrine then, as now, was situated on the ghäf bearing the same name. But the earliest epigraphioal reference to this deity, probably the family deity of the Gahadavālas, is found in the following verse occurring in the Chandrävati plates of Chandradēva of V. S. 1150%.
हैमानि येन मणिभिः खचितान्यनये
दत्तानि विष्णुहरये च विभूषणानि ।
काश्यां व्यभूषयदनकसुवर्सरब
fuifcagafaut: afat farag
[
1*]
This gives us the valuable information that the image of Adikēšava was installed by Chandradēva in or before V. S. 1150. It is true that the Kāsi-Khandat of the Skanda-Purāna contains references to Adikēšava, but as the age of the work is uncertain and the references are purely of a mythological character, it does not help us to determine whether or not the shrine existed before Chandradēva's period. In the absence of any contradictory evidence, we shall be justified in presuming that Chandradēva was the builder of the Adikēšava shrine, which comes into prominence only from the 12th century A.D. onwards.
Fortunately the localities mentioned in the grant can nearly all be identified. Bhädapa, the first component of the compound name of the gift village Bhädapa-Närdapa, is the same as the modern Bhadaün village, which is hardly quarter of a mile to the west of Rajghat where the plates were found. The latter half of the compound, viz. Nämdapa, is perhaps represented by Nadesar, situated in Benares Cantonment, about 2 miles further west. I am, however, unable to identify Amaväli-pattala . This may be identical with the Amvuāli-pattalā, mentioned in the Benares plate of Jayachchandradeva of V. S. 1234", wherein it is described as Daivahā-pare, i.e., situated across the Daivaha (river).
1J.R.A.S., 1995, p. 787; J. A. S. B., Vol. LVI, Part I, p. 109, 1. 19. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 252; Above, Vol. IV, p. 119. 1.18 and p. 124, 1. 24.
. Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 192 ff. For the verse see plate opposite p. 191, 1.6. It is strange that the editor of this record omitted even to transcribe some new and historically important verses occurring at the beginning of the record. Some of the verses are also found in the Chandravati plate of V. S. 1156, which is edited together with the former record. Among such verses are the following which throw light on the vexed question as to who the immediate predecessors of the Gabarlavālas were on the throne of Kananj:
भासौद(शे)षनरनाथकिरीटकोटिसंघट्टितलसन्मणिपादपीठः। प्रौदेवपालनृपतिस्त (स्वि)जगत्प्रगौतकुंदेंदुधामहिम करवकान्तकौति: ॥[२१] कालेन नास(श)मथ तस्य गतेन्ववाये दोईण्डविक्रमहठाजितकन्यकुञ्जः (मः)। क्षाबीयमव ब(ब)हुपवर थानुगम्यमानीनति विजयते भुवि भूपवंशः ॥[*] तस्मिन्वंशे समुत्पन्नी यशोविग्रहमंज्ञकः ।
This Dévapila is no doubt the honionymous chief of the Rästhtrakūta family, who has been eulogistically referred to in the Badaun inscription of Lakhanapala (above, Vol. I, p. 64, 1. 5). This further corroborates the view of Dr. Tripathi (Ristory w Kananj, p. 290) that a branch of the Rashtraktas ruled over Kananj immediately before the rise of the Gahadavalas.
. Chap. 58, vv. 17 ff.
Ini. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 139, 1. 20.

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m
TEXT 1
[Metres: Vv. 1, 3, 10-16, 19, Anushtubh ; v. 2, Indravajra; vv. 4, 7, Sardūlavikridita; vv. 5, 6, 8, 17, Vasantatilakā; v. 9, Drutavilambita ; v. 18 Salini.)
First Plate 1 ओं सिद्धिः ॥ अकुण्ठोत्कण्ठवैकुण्ठकण्ठपौठलुठल्करः । संरम्भः सुरतारम्भे स श्रियः
श्रेयसेस्तु वः [१॥*] आसोदशीतद्युति2 वंशजातक्ष्मापालमालासु दिवंगतासु । साक्षाद्विवस्वानिव भूरिधाखा नावा यशोविग्रह
इत्यु दारः ॥[२॥*] तत्सुतोभून्म3 होचंद्रश्च(च)द्रधामनिभं निजं । येनापारमकूपारपारे व्यापारितं यस.(श:) [३॥*]
तस्याभूत्तनयो नयेकरसिका:*] क्रान्तविषम4 एडलो विद्द(ड)स्तोहतधौरयोधतिमिरचीचंद्रदेवो नृपः । येनीदारतरप्रतापस(श)मिताशेष
प्रजोपद्रवं श्रीमहाधिपुराधि5 राज्यमसमं दोर्बिक्रमणार्जितम् [ ॥*] तीर्थानि कासि(शि)कुशिकोत्तरकोशलेंद्रस्थानी
यकानि परिपालयताभिगम्य । हेमात्म6 तुल्यमनिसं(शं) ददता हिजेभ्यो येनाहिता वसुमती स(श)तस(श)स्तुलाभिः [५॥*]
तस्यात्मजो मदनपाल इति क्षितोंद्रचूडामणिजि7 यते निजगोत्रचंद्रः । यस्याभिषेककलसोशसिते पयोभिः प्रचालितं कलिरजःपटलं
धरित्राः ॥[६॥*] यस्यासीहिजयप्रया8 णसमये तुझाचलोच्चैश्चलमाद्यत्कुभिपदक्रमासमभरवस्य(श्य)महीमण्डले । चूडारनवि
भिवतालुगलितस्त्यानासगुदा9 सित: शेषः पेषवशादिव क्षणमसौ क्रोडे निलौनाननः [७॥*] तस्मादजायत
निजायतवा(बा)हुवनिव(ब)हावाहनवरा-'
From the original plates and estani pages. Expressed by a symbol. Ka in Kasi occurs below the line and was obviously added subsequently.
• Almost all the other Gahadavila recorda substitute adhiganya for abhiyanye which have more the same thing.
• The amuspära everywhere appears on the right of the medial sign but here it op gun on the im • The kakapada sign ooeurs here.

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10 ज्यगजी नरेंद्रः । मां(सा)द्रामृतद्रवमुचां प्रभवो गवा(वां) यो गोविन्दचंद्र इति चंद्र
वाम्बु(म्बु)राः [८॥*] न कथमप्यलभन्त रणक्षमास्तिस11 बु दिक्षु गजानथ वषिणः । ककुभि व(ब)नमुरनमुवल्लभप्रतिभटा इव यस्य घटा
गजाः [*] सोयं समस्तरामचक्रसंसेवितचर12 वः ॥ परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरनिजभुजोपार्जितश्रीकन्यकु13 बा(मा)धिपत्यश्रीचंद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरश्रीमद
नपालदेवपा14 दानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहवरावपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजचया15 धिपतिविविधविद्याविचारवाचस्पतिश्रीमहोविंदचंद्रदेवी विजयी । । अमवालोपत्तलायाम् ।
सपाटक18 भादपनांदपग्रामनिवासिनो निखिसजनपदानुपगतानपि च राजरानीयुवराजमन्त्रिपुरोहित
प्रतीहारश(से)ना7 पतिभाण्डागारिकाक्षपटलिकभिषम्नैमित्तिकान्तःपुरिकदूतकरितुरगपत्तनाकरस्थानगोकुलाधि
कारिपुरुषा18 नानापयति वो(बो)धयत्यादिस(म)ति च [*] यथा विदितमस्तु भवता यथोपरिलि
खि[*]पामः सजलस्खल: सलोहलवणाकरः
Second Plate 18 समस(सा)करः सपर्खाकरः सगौख(ब)र: समधूकचूतवनविटपवाटिकावयूतिगीचर
__ पर्यन्तः सोमाकी)धचतुराधाट20 विमु(श): वसीमापर्यन्तः सप्तनवत्वधिकैकादस(श)शतसम्वत्सरे कार्त्तिका रविदिने
पातोपि सम्बत् ११८७ कार्तिक सु(श)दि १५ A रखी । पोह श्रीमहाराणस्यां श्रीमदादिकेशवघडे विधिव[5]ङ्गायां खात्वा मन्त्र देव
__ मुनिमनुलभूतपिढगांस्त22 [पीयित्वा तिमिरपटलपाटनपटुमहसमुष्णरोचिषमुपस्खायौषधिपतिशकलशेष(ख)रं समभ्यर्च
चिभुवनचातु
Imakapada
An ornamental pattern between two dundas occupies one inch of space bere. Between bhana and tam there is a gap marked by a danda at either end because of the interposition of the The reading sa-mala-akaran is also likely and will yield the same 030.
ring-hole

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RAJGRAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA; V. S. 1197.
R
B I SIL (Oilano करसरमा जरतारोघयोजनेनुर वाली रबी तिर 27 तागतमालाचागतासाझाारितमानितशतमाता मायाजाचादर दीवाल्माया नमार
तबदममा नजानताटा नामकाजाविनयमानमात्र नाया नायतवासनशानालामा 4नविताना इतनी गयोततिमिरशी नवादावामानादाप नगपूनावालामवाशवपालापट्यामदास 4
हमसमासानिकामगतिमानामानिसिक शिकावशाल छानायकानवापान मतानिनगमोहिमा 63 लामान मंदिर वाताजभोगायनादिनीत मनाप्रतम व लालानिमा माता मदनधानतिदिनानुडामगि6ि
याननिसाना उदय मानिसका तालासानामिनिमण्टोनिःपदानितकलिमाटलतात यातायामासाहितवपया 8 समाय माताला गल बायन नायनातासमनरनमा मही मारताबदारनातन्निन नानुगनिनना नाम गुन 8
सनातरादितदा माया काउनिली मानना नमविवाटा ननितानमनाइतालवद्वानहानतराल 10 गानाड शोदाम तदनं सत्ताघातानाठाता योगाविरततितकताव पाशमानकतामपानतन्त्र रागदामात्र 10
दिडामा डानतिनिामक नालितनमारमतवनपदिलातामाताटागडामासाटासमन्त्रगततकासाजातनवर 12TUTमनहारत महाराजा तिरातार मेरा परममाहस नितातापान यातना - 12
हाविता भनदादता दानथातसमले सात मटारातातिरानाचा मसरवर ममाहवश्रामदनवालदवा 14 Cया परमलटारकमहाराजाविरारामम.माह रावतगतवातनामयाजना 14
विविविवातिमा तानसानिया नहोनिंदनवाद तोतिरावार सायनतालीम बलायान मघाटका 16 लाटुनाट गामानतोमि नानिरिसलानपदानगवानतिजा ताजाटावरातमनियाराहि तन्नात्यावहाना 16
नजारामही ता पालना जिलामितितान वितावलावरगवत्र नाता रानागावालातकाविहान 18 नआएटानाचावयवादिसनितय मानादनम वनवाचार्यशाविलायामःजानकुलावर लतागातार 18
समताक यसमा शंकर भग वतनति पवाटिकारातियोत व शाहात पाचार नमःममा मात्र समानती वाले ताराम गानं असताकानिमानितिनमानाचिनकालातिनाउदा 20
जटाशनहारा सामनादितशतमतविक्ताहाया मात्रामादलमानननन्त्रता रगत 22 यिवातिमिपटलमंटनपमहसनुलागानिबममायाजसतानियत शिविरसम्ताविततनना 22
वन्दवमाप्रतातिनासहविगाह निर्वहनामानातिना मनापायौगालिवायांगातलाशल 24 नकारनालादताप्रतिक म मानिनामदातागा वाटतारदातजाहिरासतमति:पक्षाकतनाधित 24
पावायला सुनायटमगितमी बक्षिणायविडकियावतॉजनाशतावदानागनारामा दीयमान 26 जगालागतरपागकरदारपनि नदिायाना वातानिया वयदाना ना नवनित 26
नाकामिय दिहानियनत्रपियाडसिनतोता मासक नगिनियमनमानित।ग लगा 28 वसुनहरा मातरवाजामदानमातिनानिकलामतत्परतावधितालयानतिजातिलान, 28
नाताबमवावतानातन वासनादेवि दलातायाहारनतलासाविष्ठायनिता 30 मतानाचगानासहशाबाजीमय नतोगीकाटिप्रदाननत्रमिह निशानातलालजवाब 30
बाजाल मगरादिस्यिय मायदा मिलाजखानदारालमासताना तगा में कानमनपानामावला 32 मरता मानानियातदानमतमाता तालतिवममिदमलावरोतामापतिमान ममाविष्टा चाल्नामा: 32
मा म तलतिरप्रभा नागा नामसागरमाहाचाला कायानामहानतानावनात्रामवालानाबान 34 याग्रातातगमलामावागतमीलनाकालतालामाल नायालवावासादागवतिनात34
याशिवादिली तनावमा हे कालमा मसाजनमाननिकादितावा स मा
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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SBAL
(From a
photograph).

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No. 36]
RAJGĦAT PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRADEVA: V. 8. 1197
3
73
23 देिवस्य पूजा विधाय हविषा हविर्भुज इत्या मातापिचोरामनव पुस्खयशोभि
हाये गोकाकुशलता24 पूतकरतलोदकपूर्वक'मस्माभिः भारद्वाजगोपाय भारद्वाजागिरसवत्मविःप्रवरायः जतना
यिव25 पौत्राय भांमुपुत्राय भतपाणिस(ग)र्मणे ब्राणायाचंद्रा यावच्छासनोवत्व प्रदत्तो
मत्वा यथादीयमान26 भागभोगकरप्रवणिकरतुरुष्कदाप्रभृतिसादायानानात्रवणा(ण)विधेयोभूय दास्वथेति ।
भवन्ति चाच 27 पुण्यनोकाः ॥ भूमिं यः प्रतिग्रजाति यच भूमिं प्रयच्छति । उभौ तौ पुस्खक
आणी नियतं स्वर्गगामिनौ [१०॥*] शंखं भ28 द्रासनं च्छ(छ) वरावा(खा) वरवारणाः । भूमिदानस्य चिज्ञानि फलमेतत्पुरन्दर
[११॥*] षष्ठि (ष्टिं) वर्षसहवा(मा)षि वने वसति भूमि29 दः पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ।[१२॥"] स्वदत्ता परदत्ता
वा यो हरेत वश(सुन्धरां । स विष्ठायां क्वमिभूत्वा [पि]30 भिः सह मन्नति ।[१३॥*] तडागानां सह(से)ण वाजपेयस(शतेन च । गवां
कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न सध्यति ।[१४॥*] व(बहुभिर्वसुधा भु31 मा राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस तदा फलम् ॥[१॥*]
सुवर्णमेकं गामेको भूमेरप्येकमलं । 32 हरन(ब)रकमानोति यावदाइतसंप्रवम् [१६॥*] वातावविश्वममिदं वसुधाधिप(प)त्य
मापातमात्रमधुरा विषयोपभोगाः । प्रा33 णास्तुणाग्रजलविंदुसमा नराणां धर्मः सखा परमही परलोकयाने ॥[१७॥*] सर्वा
नेताभाविनी भूमिपालान्भूयो भू34 यो याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवतिः
॥[१८॥*] अस्मनोगे व्यतिक्रान्ते । 35 यः कषिवृपतिर्भवेत् । तस्याहं करलग्नोसि सा(या)सनं मा व्यतिक्रमदिति
[१॥*] यो ।
1 The anusvara here is redundant. *Read tri-pravarays. The kakapada sign occurs here. Between the two dandas occurs an ornamental design. • Expressed by a symbol. •Ornamental design. XVI-1-5

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 37.-CAPE COMORIN INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA I
By R. VASUDEVA PODUVAL, B.A., DIRECTOR OF ARCHEOLOGY, TRAVANCORE STATE Cape Comorin, also called Kanyakumari, is the southernmost point of India. It is, in some ancient records, mentioned as Kalikkuḍi1 situated in the Purattaya-nadu, a sub-division of UttamaChōla-valanādu, in Rājarāja-Ppāṇḍi-nāḍu (or-mandalam). Kanyakumari was named Gangaikondachōlapuram by Rajendrachōladēva I. It is situated at a distance of 3 miles from Agastiévaram, a village in the taluk of that name in the Trivandrum Division of the Travancore State. The name 'Kanyakumari' came into vogue after the virgin Goddess i.e., Parvati or Durga to whom the important temple in the place is dedicated. The place is variously known as Kanni, Kumari or Kanyakumari. It was included in the domain of the Pandya kings and formed its southern boundary. From time immemorial, the Pandyas were the guardians of Kanyakumari and its temple, one of their distinguishing titles being Kanni-kavalan, the guardian of Kanni i.e., Kanyakumari.
[VOL. XXVI
Kanyakumari is considered a very sacred place by the Hindus; and its antiquity can be traced to a remote past. "Those who wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done by women, since it is related that the Goddess once upon a time resided at the place and bathed."s
The Mahabharata and the Manimekalai speak of the sanctity of Kanyakumari. The author of Periplus (A.D. 85), Ptolemy (A.D. 150), the Muhammadan historian Abulfeida (A.D. 1203), the Venetian traveller Marco Polo (A.D. 13th century) and many Tamil poets of the Sangam age have made references to Cape Comorin.
The temple of the Goddess Kanyakumari is built on the very brink of the Indian Ocean. It has a large wealth of epigraphical material throwing light on the history of some of the South Indian dynasties such as the Chōlas, the Pandyas, Vijayanagara kings, and the royal house of Travancore. The inscription of Virarajendra is the most important one in the temple, and may be fitly called the Chola-vamsa-prasasti. It is extremely important for the history of the Chōlas as it contains much information hitherto unknown to history.
The existence of several Chōla inscriptions in Cape Comorin and its suburbs shows that the southern part of Travancore was once under the rule of Chōla kings in ancient days. Especially during the reign of Kulottunga I, the power of Chōla kings was considerably strengthened in the Tamil land. An inscription of Kulottunga at Chidambaram states that the king defeated an army at Kōṭṭar (in South Travancore) and burnt the fortress of the place. It also mentions that he erected a pillar of victory at the sea-coast.
1 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, p. 161.
Ibid., p. 164.
Purananuru (1894), pp. 8 and 21.
Tamil Nigundu.
Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly, p. 19; 1. A. S., vol. III, p. 87 ff.
• Mahabharata, Vanaparvan.
"Manimekalai (1931), pp. 57, 142 and 199.
Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 21--55, and T. 4. S., Vol. III, pp. 85-158 Above, Vol. V, p. 103 f

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No. 37]
CAPE COMORIN INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA I
The inscription edited below is engraved on a pillar on the north of the mani-mandapa in front of the utsava shrine of the Kanyabhagavati temple. It belongs to the fourteenth year of the reign of Kulottunga-Chōladeva I (A.D. 1084). The record is in sixteen lines and occupies a space of 24 inches square. Some of the letters in lines 11, 12, 14, 15 and 16 are indistinct. The language and script of the inscription are Tamil and bear a close resemblance to those of the Tirukkalukkungam record of Kulottunga I'.
There are four inscriptions of Kulottunga I already published in the Travancore Archaeological Series. Two of them are from the Siva temple at Cholapuram and one from Väriyur in South Travancore. The present one is the fifth of his records discovered in Travancore and the first noticed at Cape Comorin. It refers to certain arrangements for the feeding of Brahmins in the temple of Kanya-Paṭariyar at Kumari situated in Purattaya-naḍu, a sub-division of Uttamachōla-valanādu in Rājāraja-Ppāṇḍināḍu.
Of the geographical places mentioned in the record Rajaraja-Ppāṇḍināḍu is the tract of land which included Kanyakumari or modern Cape Comorin. Uttamachōla-vaļanāḍu is a division of the Rajaraja-Ppäṇḍinādu. Purattaya-nāḍu means a nadu which is outside the country. The country east of Kōṭṭār was known in the olden days as Purattaya-nāḍu or the country outside Venad It was a sub-division of Uttamachōla-valanaḍu mentioned above. Rayakkudi, Perunkudi and Sengalûr are villages contiguous to Kanyakumari.
TEXT
1 Svasti Sri[*]Kulottunga-[Cholade]- 9 nnirandum Perunkuḍi-chchālā
2 varku yāṇḍu [padionālāvadu]
10 bōgattil kalam irupattira[n]dum 11 Segalar-āņa Šika....mangalat
3 Irajaraja-Ppandi-nāṣṭu] Ut
4 tama-Chōla-valanāṭṭu Puratta
275
12 tu=kkalam panniraṇḍum ......
5 ya-naṭṭu-Kkumari-Kkannilya-paṭā]ri- 13 Chchättanĕri-kkalam irandum &
6 yar köyillil Brāhmaṇarai amidu
14................i-chcha
7 cheyya-kkarpitta kalam nam' Raya
8 kkuḍi-chchālābōgattir-kalam pa
15 labōgattil [aimpa]du' Brāhmaṇā
16 ramirda variyil-iṭṭukkuḍuttöm [||*]
18. I. I., Vol. III, p. 165 ff.
T. A. S., Vol. I, pp. 242-248.
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
In the 14th (regnal) year of Kulottunga-Chōladēva (I), We have given for the feeding of Brahmins in the Kanniya-Paṭariyar temple at Kumari belonging to Purattaya-nāḍu, a subdivision of Uttamachōla-valanaḍu in Rajaraja-Ppäṇḍinadu: 12 kalams from our Rayakkuḍi sālābhogam (i.e., endowment of land for the maintenance of a rest house, etc.), 2 kalams from Perunkuḍi sālābhogam, 12 kalams from Sengalur alias Sikā......mangalam and two kalams from ....Chattanĕri.
3 Travancore State Manual (1906), Vol. I, p. 180.
[Reading is Narrirayakkuḍi; and this village is apparently the same as Narrirakkudi mentioned in the Kanyakumari inscription Virarajendra (7. A. S., Vol. III, p. 149, text-line 440).-N. L. R.]
[Reading is Sikaranamangalattu.-N. L. R.]
[Reading is ga kalam närpattu effum.-V. V.] [Reading is nimanta.-V. V.]

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276
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVI
No. 38.-BAUDH PLATES OF SALONABHANJA
BY KRISHNA CHANDRA PANIGRARI, M.A., SAMBALPUR These copper-plates were sent to Mr.T. N. Ramachandran, M.A., Officiating Superintendent of the Archeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta, on the 9th July, 1939, by Mr. S. Roy, B.A., Bar-at-law, the Dewan of the Baudh State, Orissa. According to the information furnished by the latter, they were found by one Braja Padhan, a cultivator of Baudhgarh, the capital of the State, while cultivating his paddy field on the 4th July, 1939. I am indebted to Mr. Ramachandran for the kind permission he has given me for editing the plates.
They are three in number, each measuring about 8'51" across the centre, and are held together by a copper ring about 12" in circumference, which passes through the hole made in the top centre of each plate. The ends of the ring are secured by & seal containing the figure of a vase in relief, but no legend. The inscription consists of 42 lines of writing incised on both the sides of the middle sheet and on the inner face of the first and last sheets. The letters are wellformed and deep-cut, and the inscription is in perfect preservation. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh about 134 tolas.
The language is Sanskrit. The composition of the record is mostly in verse and partly in prose. It contains some grammatical and spelling mistakes which are corrected in their proper places. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted : (1) v is used for b invariably ; (2) a consonant following is in some cases reduplicated and in others left single, e.g., kirttih and Durjaya, 1.5; (3) 8 is often used for $ as in varsē. 1. 2; (4) anusvāra occasionally takes the place of a class nasal and a final m, for example, in mandal-, 1. 6, and varjitaḥ, 1. 16.
The characters used in the record are proto-Oriya and may be classed with those used in the Adipur plate of Durjayabhanja', the Mahadā plates of Yögěsvaradēvavarman, the Patna Museum plates of Sõmēs vara' and the Baudh plates of Kanakabhañja. The last named grant has been assigned to the third quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar. If this dating be accepted, the present plates must be placed in the middle or the third quarter of the sixteenth century A.D., because in the Baudh plates of Kanakabhañja, certain letters, such as p, m, 8, and y still retain their earlier forms and are found along with most other letters, without rounded tops, while in the present grant, they as well as most other letters show distinct rounded tops, which is a peculiarity of the modern Oriya script and which must have taken at least a century to develop. But in the last quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. we find full-fledged Oriya script, with very slight difference from the modern one in one copper-plate grant of Purushottamadēva, King of Orissa. The charter under review, therefore, cannot be assigned to the fifteenth century, much less to the sixteenth century A.D. It must be placed in the fourteenth century A.D. at the latest and consequently other plates containing proto-Oriya characters with less developed rounded tops must be pushed back to the thirteenth century A.D. or even earlier.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village Nayada situated in the Khatya- vishaya of the Gandharavādi- mandala to a Brahmin named Mahādēva, son of Krishna and grandson of Gõule, halonging to the Kāśyapa-gotra and the Yajurvēda by Mahamandalesvara Sri-Salónabhanjadēva, son of Durjayabhañja and grandson of Silabhañja.
1 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 172 f., and plate. * Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 218 f., and plato • Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 97 ff., and plat
J.B.. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 356-374, and plates. .lvd. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 355 ff., and plate.

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No. 38]
BAUDH PLATES OF SALONABHANJA
Salōnabhanja, the donor, is not known from any other record. Sōlanabhañja of the Baudh plates of Kanakabhañja, represented as the father of Ranabhañja and grandfather of Kanakabhañja, must be an altogether different person, since, in view of the foregoing palaeographical discussions, the two records cannot be regarded as belonging to one and the same period. The donor, unlike other Bhañja rulers of Khijjingakōṭṭa and Khiñjali', does not trace the origin of his family to a peahen's egg nor speaks of Vasishtha as the protector of the family. But like Kanakabhañja of the Baudh plates, he represents Kasyapa as the progenitor of his family-a name which is generally connected with the persons whose family name is unknown. It seems probable that this branch of the Bhañja family to which the donor belonged, forgot its ancient connection with the main Bhañja line and came to be regarded as a distinct dynasty.
Svarppapura from which Durjaya bhañja, the father of the donor, is said to have ruled, may be identical with modern Sonepur, the headquarters of the State of the same name. Gandharavadi and Khatyā may respectively be identified with Gōehhābāri in the Baudh State and Kainträgarh in the Athmallik State. The latter is situated on the north bank of the Mahanadi river and is not far from the headquarters of the Athmallik State. Since the gift village Nayaḍā included in the vishaya of Khatya is said to have the Mahanadi river as its northern boundary (1. 25), the identification of Khatyä with Kaintra is placed on surer grounds. The word garh (fort) which is generally added to the names of old places in Orissa, must have come to be associated with it later on. From the identification of the place-names given above, it seems clear that the territories ruled over by Salōnabhañja, his father and grandfather roughly comprised the tracts now known as Sonepur, Baudh and Athmallik States of Orissa.
TEXT'
277
First Plate
1 Siddham [*] Om namo Nārāyaṇāya || Svasti śri-Kasya (sya)po dhanyo mu
2 ni-mr-mi)nyas-tap-dhikab
tad-raal() Bhanja-vah-yam-sich-chhüra
3 sva-dharma-krita(t) || [1] Yō mandalam Gandharavāḍi-samjñam-utpadayāmāsa
bhu
4 jā-va(ba)lēna | va(ba)lēna Sōm-ōdbhava-bhuktam-äsit-sa śri-Silābhañja u
5 dāra-kirttiḥ || [2] Tasy-atmajo Durjayabhañja-nāmā nṛipo-vasat-Svarppapuronvasã
6 ch-cha yo mamḍal-esa (sa)n=nija-vā(bā)hu-viryad-asid-ranē sūra-jan-agraņi(ni)gyaḥ(jñaḥ)||[*]"
Expressed by a symbol.
Metre: Anushiubh,
1 J. B. O. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 356 ff.
Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol., XIII, pp. 418 ff.
J. B. O. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 429 ff. The editor of this document, Mr. B. C. Mazumdar, wrongly reads no(bo)dhayati as Baudha-pati, which also seems to have been accepted by Dr. Bhandarkar in his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1490.
From inked impressions and the original.
7 Metre: Upajati.
Before ch-cha there is a cancelled letter.
[The reading appears to be -agralegrayah which is presumably intended for -agrayir-yaḥ.-B. C. O. ]

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278
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ Vol. XXV
7 Fat-sūnuḥ éri-Salona» sakala-jana-mano-vāñchhit-artha-pradātā datta-kshmă-go
8 hirany-anna-krita-va(ba)hu-vri(bri)hat-pushkara(ri)ny-adi-va/ba)ndhaḥ || (D) nity-anush thāna-karma-praja
9 nita-yasas=ichchhädita-dvēshi-paska(paksha)h balvat samgrāma-mūrddhany-ari-nikarabiro
10 läghavēna nyavādāt || [4*}* Madhya-dēs-õdbhavo vipraḥ śruti-smsti-purāņa-vit || (1)
Då
11 mnā Gõula ity=kaich=chhāntah Käsyapa-gotrajaḥ [5*]Tat-putza) Kţishņa-nām=asid= Yaju
12 rvēda-vid=ātmavit [l*] vra(bra)hma-nyasta-manaskah san=nita kā[l]-avašēshakah || [6*** Tat-su
Second Plate ; First Side 13 nus-tärkiko jñāta vēdānto vēda-vit-kavih upisani14 Mahadevah Srimān=pătram sa uttamam(m) ! (7Khatyā-vishaya-sa15 mva(mba)ddham Gandharavādi-mandalē | Nayadă-grāmam=ētasmai sa16 rv-opadrave-varjitam(m) [8*]* Sa-nidhy-upanidhiñ=ch=ēmam s-opajāt-anya17 vastukam sa sri-Salonabhamjo-yam dattavan-pu18 nya-vriddhayē | 19 Prati-samvatsaram dēyam nripa-vandāpa19 n-arthakam(m) grām-ādhipatinā vāső-yugam=ēkazh nripe-pa20 ram(m) [10*1* Grāmat=ch=āyam pūrvasyār disi raja-prativa(ba)d-ha21 purushair=vishaya-pradhana-parushais-cha dsishta-sim-.22 rõpita-sil-āvachchhinnah dakshiņasyām=api disi tai23 r-dri[shta)-simā-samārōpita-silā-vichchhinnaḥ | paschi
Second Plate ; Second Side 24 mataḥ Tundaridhińgā-sīmā-vichchhinnaḥ | utta
1 This t is final, not conjoined with the following pu. • Metre: Sragdhara.
Metre : Anushubh.
. This means : " The village-lord, however, should every year present the king with a pair of garments as a token of respect for the king". The village-lord here undoubtedly refers to the donee, as the village granted was to be entirely his personal property. There is nothing unusual in Brahmins or priests making presents of shawls, etc., accompanied with their blessings, to the ruling chiefs, but to make & stipulation of that nature in & charter ss is done in the present instance, strikes as something very uncommon and revolting to the orthodox idea. Such a thing, so far as I know, is not met with in any other grant from Orissa or elsewhere. Still, I may obeerve that in the Orissa feudatory States there is a custom prevalent to this day, which requires every Brahmin holding rentfree land under a copper-plate grant to present the ruler with one rupee, a cocoanut and a sacred thread (upavila). Formerly that was done on the Orisse new year day, but now it is done at any time in the year. The non-prenentation of the last two items is generally tolerated, but the rupee is realised even through legal procedure. The head. man entrusted with the collection of these presents is called Panigrahi who enjoys the largest share of the land in Brahmin village (Fasana). This custom seems to be a vestige of the one spoken of in the present record. (It may be added that in some later inscriptions from Chambă (Antiquities of Chamba State, Part II, under publication), the Brahmin donees are likewise asked to pay certain annual tribute to the ruler. From the Jungrar plata of Bhötavarman (c. A. D. 1397.1436), for instance, we learn that the grantee was required to supply the king presumably every year, with four pieces of elephants' rugs.-B. C. C.)

Page #354

BAUDH PLATES OF SALONABHANJA.
3(কমলালেব র লাঘঘোনামু। 2 "ম( সর্ব 7 8ta সের (SU ঐ মা ঝুম:12 | ৪ ম স ত(C{{{সুলৰ বq5ঞ্জ শ্বথী মম! ! 4 (ল এ এলে {েগ্রাম ছ জ মা বক্স sীলা ফুড | 4 | যাৰ বাওঁ 2য় মজো কুমােলে গ্রো ব স্ব স্বলুপ্ৰণ ঘুণ। 6} ফ (BAলজে এস হানাৰীৰামলে ৫
sa'sপে৫েঃ (মামা বা থg fা হলাে। ৪A 23 2g dৰ (দৰ ৪ানগীঘ্রাণকমল। ৪ | fter endা স্কা{(৪০% ওলু 2 মগ্ৰামন্থৰ বৰণৰ 10 d_{{s এ যাই ।।মখ(৫(১ ( ইবনে ৪ঃ{2 (তথ্রল[a 3(io
গ্রামে গ্র24/S-gaীম পীর। 123 5ধু মিঃ ওসঙ্গী জানাৰ একতগুia
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* “য়া' , বৈজাই বদৰু ঐ35:( 14 মঞ্জবঅাত্র ২ 3 ইমং (থ যাবিং 14 | ' .: &বা মলল।.: (8থমেত (CH 16 CS$ ত\((46-ল (প্র-ফে মাজহাট ২
* 7.g Aং (-ম ডু লােণে এক, ( C = 3 18. । । ( তে কে ব্রেইন এ। | লা| 2ঐe। স্থল ভাব সার ব্র. জাে নামার 20 | গ্রাশো সাংবাচিঞ্জ | : : £ এ ঐ ১৪ এ রীরা।
* নিল তি'ঋলাের স্কুঞ্জ সুবে বা (।
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SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rag. No. 392x3 -2৪০- 290'48,
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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काकवावरतावा 32 लातारक माधवदाकघवाचार ।
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Page #356

No. 39 )
A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN
279
25 rato diki Mahānady-arddha-srotah-simā-vichchhinna26 h || Evam chatuh-simā-parichchhinnbəyam-asmad-Bhañja-varnsē 27 yē mandal-adhikāriņā bhavishyanti tair avasyam yathavat 28 paripälaniyah || tathā ch=āsminn=arthë maharshibhir=udähritar - 29 stram smaranti Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudhā dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-adibhiḥ | 30 yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadi phalam(lam) || [11*] Mā bhüd=aphala31 sankā vaḥ para-dattrēti pārthivah sva-dattāt=phajam=ādhikyam para-da32 tt-ānupālanē || [12*) Gām=ēkām svarņņam=ēkam=vā bhūmēr=apy=arddham=angu33 lar(lam) | haran-narakam=āpnöti yāvad=āhūta-samplavaḥ || [13*]" Sva-dattāṁ para
Third Plate 34 dattā vā yo harēta vasundharam(räm) kra(ksi)mir=bhūtah sa vishthā35 yām pitribhiḥ saha pachyatē (II) (14*}' Bhūmim yaḥ pratigrihņātı yas-cha bhū
36 mim prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmāņau niyatau svarga-gāminau [15*1'kiña cha
37 Mama va[*]sē pari(ri)kshiņē yaḥ kaschin=nripatir=bhavēt tasy=āham pāda-la38 gno=smi mama dattam na lopayēd=iti(d[ || 16*) iti) || 0 | Vakaisimg-āvasthitau para39 ma-vaishnava-samasta-prasasty-alamkrita-mahamandalesvara-bri-Sa40 lönabhamjadēvasya pravarddhamāna-vijaya-rājyē saptavinhsati41 tamē samvatsarē Phālguna-bukla-trayodasyam(byām).......... || 0 || 42 likhitam-idam tāma/mra)sāsanam=iti ||
No. 39.-A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN
By Prof. A. S. ALTEKAR, BENARES HINDU UNIVERSITY The inscription, which is here being edited for the first time, has been engraved on a stone fragment, which was lying with an overseer of the P. W. D. of the Kotah State, posted at Mongrol. When I visited this place in 1936 during the course of my archæological explorations organised by the state authorities, the overseer was good enongh to show me the inscribed piece lying with him. He could not say from where it was obtained, but it is obvious that it could not have been from a place far away from Mongrol. The stone fragment is very irregular in shape. Its breadth varies from five to ten inches, and its height from two to six inches. It is at present preserved in the office of the State Historian, Kotah.
1 Metre : Anushubh.
These two letters, which were probably miti, are cancelled.

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280
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXVI
Letters of nine lines are visible on the stone; of these the first is too fragmentary to permit any intelligent reading. The existence of a tenth line can be inferred from the slight traces of the tops of two of its letters that can be seen below the ninth line. The original line of the inscription was longer than the longest line preserved on the stone, but how much longer it was we cannot say. Nor can we make any conjecture as to how many lines the record originally contained.
The inscription has been very neatly engraved and the characters are the Nägari characters of the 13th century A. D. The language is Sanskrit and the record is, so far as the preserved portion shows, composed in verse. The composer was a good master of the ornate style of poetry, which was popular in contemporary times.
To judge from the fragments preserved, it would appear that the inscription contained the eulogy of a king named Malayavarman. His name appears thrice in the preserved portion, in 11. 2, 3 and 7, though in slightly varying forms. The pedigree of the king and the name of his house are not to be found in the present fragment, but there can be no doubt that king Malayavarman of our record is to be identified with the ruler of the same name belonging to the feudatory Pratihāra family ruling at Gwalior, who is known to us from his own plate found at Kurēthā in Gwalior State, dated Vikrama Samvat 1277, and from that of his brother Nrivarman, found at the same place and dated Vikrams Samvat 1304. It is unfortunate that both these records should still remain unpublished; we have only their brief summaries given by Dr. Bhandarkar in the Progress Report. A. S. W.C., 1915-16, p. 59. From these it appears that king Malayavarman belonged to the Pratīhāra family ruling at Gwalior, that his grandfather was Pratäpasimha and father Vigraha. His mother was Lalbanadēvi, daughter of the Chahamäna king Kalhapadēva of Nádol. He had a younger brother named Nțivarman. The identification of king Malayavarman of our record with the Pratibāra king mentioned in the above two records is based upon two grounds. Firstly, the palæography of our record shows that it may have belonged to the 13th century A. D. Secondly, Mongrol, where this inscribed stone was recovered, is only about 100 miles from Gwalior, which was under the rule of the Pratihāra kings Malayavarman and Nộivarman. It may further be pointed out that we do not yet know of any other king, named Malayavarman, ruling in this part of the country during the 12th or the 13th century A.D.
The Malayavarman of our record is further to be identified with the king of the same name, whose coins have been published by Cunningham in his Coins of Medieval India at p. 92 and Plate X. These coins have the crude figure of a horseman on one side and the king's name, written in three lines, on the other. The coins are rather unique, because after the king's name, they also give the year of their issue. Samvat 1280 and [12183 are the dates supplied by coins for Malayavarman, and his Kurēthā plate was issued in Vikrama Samvat 1277. It is thus clear that the Malayavarman of the coins is identical with the Malayavarman of the Kurēthā plate, as proved conclusively by their dates ; our Malayavarman can be no different personage. It may be added that the coins of Malayavarman are found at Gwalior, Jhansi and Narwar, which are not far distant from Kotah State, where this inscription was found.
We shall now briefly review the contents of the record. Only the letters -lyato- of the first line are visible, but we cannot make out any sense from then.. The second line opens with the name of king Malayavarman; what follows is too fragmentary to be made out. The third line once more mentions the name of the king as one 'in which the word malaya precedes the word
Bbaudarkar, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, Nos. 476 and 541.

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Page #359

2
A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN
O
या
शामनराव गोपः स्यातले याता वाचाता मग मला पाव ग्रेस किती (दिलक राननः पुनर्ववितावतिवद ताज्ञादिमातीतातत्मासातावेददि पुन ਵਹਰ ਕਰ ਗ ਰਹੇ ਸ तीनाद [[] ना मला किती खर • रविराविको नामावाशीकृतः कु प्रतिनि
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
Rea. No. 3977 E'36-290-x-290'48.
SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS.
2
8
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 39 ]
A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF KING MALAYAVARMAN
281
varma, the words chēto mama occurring at its beginning cannot be confidently construed. The beginning of the fourth line can be definitely restored as [yadilyar yasah ; it obviously referred to the king's fame. We are told that its constant proclamation stunned people into deafness and raised tears of joy in their eyes, as described in the remaining part of the line. The next three lines seem to refer to the marriage of the king. In 1. 5 apparently the hope is expressed that a certain lady may ascend the bed of dalliance of the king. In 1. 6 there is a reference to a brahmachañ ; it was probably the smoke of the sacrifice in his marriage which blinded the eyes of the damsels moving in the sky, as stated in the remaining portion of the line. The term ēnām of the next line (1.7), which is placed in close juxtaposition with king Malava, probably refers to the bride, the marriage with whom was described in the previous line. L. 8 refers to a worldconquering warrior, who was killed, obviously by the hero of the record. The conquests (jitāni) nientioned in the next line must also be attributed to him. It is unfortunate that the portions of our record which mentioned the name of the enemy killed by Malayavarman and, gave further details of his conquest, should not have been preserved in the fragment now available. But from the data supplied by the Kurēthā plate of king Malayavarman and the accounts of the Muslim historians, we can well infer as to what may have been described in this part of the record.
Qutbu-d-din Aibak had captured the fort of Gwalior from the Pratihāras in 1196 A. D. The Kurēthā plate of Malayavarman claims that this fort was recaptured by the king from the Muslims, and the Muslim historians also admit that in the confusion that followed the death of Aibak, the Hindus were able to recapture the fort and retain it in their possession till it was stormed by Iltutmish in 1232 A. D. It is probably this exploit of king Malayavarman that is referred to in II. 8 and 9 of our record. We are told that the opponent of Malayavarman was killed. It would appear that the Muslim general, who was in charge of the fort of Gwalior, died fighting when he lost the fort to king Malayavarman. The word jitāni (conquests), which alone is preserved in the next line, obviously referred to the further achievements of our hero.
What remains of the record makes it fairly clear that it was a very important historical record, giving the Hindu version of the recapture of Gwalior. It is a pity that only a fragment of it should have been found.
TEXT,
1 . . . . . ... 2 Arauad i gydanty[at] o.. 3 qat i wanga ame() ufuata (1) .... 4 [uretja pa i Tua ya: gazilefacat ya rafi[fat: 1 ] 5 तज्ञी हि सः । लीलातल्पमसौ तवैव हि
1 PRAS. W.C., 1915-6, p. 59. • Cunningham, A. 8. R., Vol. II, p. 379. • From an ink-impression. • Metre : Sragdharà. • Metre : Sardulavikridita. XVI-1-5

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282
6 स (ब्रह्मचारी | धूमयकेम्ब (म्य) रपरवधूवा (मा) व्यवर्ष वि
7 नोहरि अनां मलयचितोवर
विश्वविजयो नामावशेषोकतः ।
formfor
:.
8
9
10
•
...
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•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
•
1 Metre: Mandākrāntā.
• Metre Sardulavikridita.
[VOL. XXVI
No. 40-A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., AND M.G. DIKSHIT, B.A.
This grant was first brought to notice by the late Mr. R. D. Banerji in the Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for 1919-20, pp. 55-6. No information is available about its original find-spot. It was in the collection of the late Mr. Gerson Da Cunha and was purchased by the Trustees of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, in 1919. It has since been preserved in that Museum. In the aforementioned report Mr. Banerji has given a brief and, in some respects, incorrect account of the grant, but it has nowhere been critically edited so far. In view of its historical importance, we edit it here with the kind permission of the authorities of the Prince of Wales Museum, which we secured through the good offices of Mr. G. R. Gyani, M.A., Curator of the Archæological Section of the Museum.
The grant is engraved on three copper-plates, of which the first and the third bear writing on one side only and the second on both the sides. The plates measure about 7-4" broad and 6" high. Their total weight is 175 tolas. At the centre of the top of each plate there is a hole" .5" in diameter for the ring which originally held all the plates together, but no ring or seal has yet been found. The inscription contains 76 lines of writing, of which twenty are written on the inner side of the first plate, twenty-one and twenty on the first and the second side respectively of the recond plate and the remaining fifteen on the inner side of the third plate. The writing is throughout in an excellent state of preservation.
The characters are of the Nagari alphabet resembling those of the Sinda prince Adityavarman's grant dated Saka 887. Like the latter record, the present grant is written in a cursive hand. The technical execution is very bad as the record has throughout been written and engraved in a most negligent manner. Several letters, being very crudely and imperfectly formed, are changed quite out of recognition. There are, besides, mistakes of orthography, omissions of letters, and words and in two places (viz., in lines 20 and 21 ) of nearly half a verse. As Mr. Banerji
Dr. Altekar has cited two passages from it and discussed some historical information contained in it in his Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 106 and 109, but he has not included it in his list of Silähära inscriptions in the Ind. Cul., Vol. II, pp. 430 ff.
Banerji's statement that the copper-plates were not joined together as there is no hole in any one of them is incorrect.
Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 164 ff.

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has remarked, these defects make the task of the decipherer none too enviable. In the genealogical portion which is in verse, the metre and the context often help him to make a lucky guess, but these aids also fail him when he has to read the formal portion, especially that which contains place-names. The subjoined transcript, therefore, shows, notwithstanding our best attempts, some lacuna and uncertain readings, but nothing of historical interest has, we hope, been left undeciphered. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written partly in verse and partly in prose. The initial genealogical portion in lines 1-39 is in verse. Then follows the formal portion in prose in lines 39-61. The usual benedictive and imprecatory verses occur in lines 62-74. The record finally closes with a sentence in prose, mentioning the royal sanction of the grant. As shown below, the present inscription records a grant by a Silähāra prince of North Konkan, but the draft of the genealogical portion used here is altogether different from that of the later grants of the Northern Silāhāras. Curious as it might appear, however, it has one hemistich and one complete verse in common with the Khārēpātan plates dated Saka 930 of the Silāhāra Rattarāja who ruled over South Konkan. As regards orthography, we may point out that the vowel ri is used for ri as in triloki, 1. 6; the consonant preceding and following ris doubled as in puttro, 1.8; tarppit-, 1. 3 ; v is throughout used for b and the final n is in some places wrongly changed to anusvära, see bhagavā, 1. 31.
The inscription is one of the Silāhāra Mahāsāmanta Chhadvaidöval of North Konkan. The object of it is to record that Chhadvaidēva executed the grant which had been made by the illustrious Vajjadadēva', son of the illustrious Goggi, who, as shown below, was Chhadvaidēva's elder brother and predecessor on the throne. It seems that the grant though promised by Vajjada I had not been reduced to writing during his lifetime. Lines 75-6 tell us that on coming to know of it, Chhadvaidēva granted the present charter recording the religious gift (dharmadaya") without any alterations. The grant was of some land situated in the eastern part of the village Sālanaka in the vishaya of Pāņāda. It was bounded on the east by the boundary of Manchakapalli, on the south by the road leading to Vakolā and some salty land, on the west by a ditch and on the north by the junction of two streams. The grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. The donee was the Brāhmaṇa Chādādēva? of the Kāśyapa götra who was a student of the Rigvēda and was then residing at Janhupura.'
1 The first hemistich of verse 7 of the present record appears as the first half of verse 3 in the Khārēpatan plates, while verse 11 which describes Kpishna III occurs in the same context as verse 6 in the latter grant. See above, Vol. III, p. 298.
# The name of this prince occurs four times (not twice as said by Banerji), viz., in verses 16 and 25 in the metrical portion and in lines 42 and 75 in the prose portion. In the first two cases its reading is not quite certain owing to the extremely cursive nature of the letters, but in the last two cases the reading is undoubted. The form must have been Chhadaya in v. 25, Chhadvai in all other cases.
Owing to the carelessness of the drafter of the record the text in l. 49 seems to convey that Chhadvaideva himself made the grant. Lines 74 and 75, however, make it clear that it had already been made by Vajjada (I) and that Chhadvaidēva only caused it to be recorded on the copper-plates.
• Banerji seems to have read dharmmo=yan (instead of dharmmadayoryan) in 11. 74-5. He doubtfully translated it as this law'.
• Banerji gives the name of the village as Salaprāka in one place and as Salapaka in another. The name probably occurred in two places, viz., in lines 44-5 and 57-8, but the reading in the latter place is uncertain.
• Banerji read the name of the vishaya as Māläda, but the impression before us certainly reads Pāņāda. * The name is clearly Chädadēva, not Chadadēva as read by Banerji.
According to Banerji the donee was a Brahmacharin of the Vajasanya (branch of the Yajurvēda), but the text in linea 54-5 seems to read vahuricha-80-urahmachūrine. XVI-1-5

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The inscription is not dated and in the absence of the necessary details the lunar eclipse mentioned in it cannot be verified. But as shown below, Chhadvaidēva was a feudatory of the Rashtrakūta Emperor Krishna III. As the latter is known to have reigned from A. D, 939 to A. D. 967, the record under discussion can be assigned to the middle of the 10th century AD. It may be noted in this connection that the Bhädāna grant of Chhadvaidēva's nephew Aparajita, who apparently succeeded him is dated Saka 919 (A. D. 987). As stated above, the characters of the present grant resemble those of the Sinda Adityavarman's grant which is dated Saka 887 and therefore both the grants belong to the same period.
The insoription opens with two mangala-flókas in praise of Vishņu and Siva, the second of which usually occurs in the beginning of Răshtrakūta records. The inscription then proceeds to give the genealogy of the Rashtrakūtas to whom the Northern Silāhāras owed allegiance. After mentioning such mythological and legendary ancestors as the moon, Budha, Purūravas, Ayu, Yayati and Yadu, the inscription introduces the Rashtrakūta family in verse 6. The next verse mentions the following rulers : Dantidurga ; his uncle, Krishnarija (1); Govinda (II) ; Nirupama Dhruva); his son Jagattunga (i e., Govinda III); his son Amõghavarsha (I); his son Akālavarsha fi. e., Krishna II) and his grandson Indra (III). Verse 8 states that Indra III's brother Amo: ghavarsha (III) completely eradicated the former's son Göjjiga (i.e., Gövinda IV) who had acted unjustly and ruled the earth so as to please Sive. It will be noticed that the present record omits the name of Amõghavarsha II, the elder son of Indra III, who preceded Govinda IV. Again, it does not state what injustice Govinda IV had committed. It has been suggested that the injustice was in respect of Govinda's elder brother Amõghavarsha II. From the Bhādāna grant we know that the latter ruled only for a year. The Deoli and Karhad plates of Krishna III stato that Amoghavarsha went to heaven soon after his father as if out of love for him. The premature death of this prince is regarded as suspicious. It has been suggested that it was brought about or at least hastened by Govinda IV and confirmation of this is sought in the following verse which occurs in Govinda's own Sängli' and Cambay" grants :
सामर्थे सति निन्दिता प्रविहिता नेवाग्रज क्रूरता व(ब)न्धुलीगमनादिभिः कुचरितरावर्जितं नायशः । शौचायौचपराङ्मुखं न च भिया पैशाच्यमङ्गोकतं
स्वागनासमसाहसच मुवी यः साहसाशीभवत् । which means "Ignominious cruelty was not practised (by him) with regard to (his) elder brother, though he) had the power ; (he) did not obtain infamy by evil courses such as (illioit) inter-oourse with the wife of (his) brother; (he) did not through fear resort to diabolical conduct which is
1 See Altekar's Rashfrak , oto. pp. 116 and 122, and above, Vol. XXI, p. 262. • Banerji's statement that both the verses are devoted to the praise of Siva and Umi is not quite oorrect,
• Three other Silāhāra grants are known to have opened with the genealogies of the Rāshţrakātas, viz., the Kharépátan plates of Rattarāja (above, VoL, III, pp. 297 ff.), the Bhädäna grant of Aparajita (ibid., pp. 267 ff.), and another grant of the same king which has not yet been published. See Vaidya, History of Mediaepal Hindu India, Vol. II, pp. 349 ff.
Banerji's statement that Amöghavarsha mentioned in v.8 is Amoghavarsha II and that he was uprooted In battle by Govinda IV is absolutely wrong.
• Altekar, Rashtraktifas, etc., p. 106,
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 249, . Above, Vol. VII, p. 36.

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indifferent to what is pure and impure; (but) by (his) munificence and unparalleled heroic deeds he became Sāhasănka in the world". This is supposed to be a case of protesting too much and it is believed that Govinda IV, if not actually caused, at least hastened the death of his elder brother, had incestuous connection with his wife and usurped his throne.
But one would like to have stronger evidence to prove these serious charges. The aforementioned verse institutes a comparison between Govinda IV and the Gupta king Sāhasănka (i.e., Chandragupta II). It states that though Govinda IV resembled Chandragupta II in munificence and daring, he did none of the heinous crimes of which the latter was guilty. We must remember that a similar comparison occurs in the Sañjān plates of Amoghavarsha I. He is described therein tus feeling ashamed when he was compared with a Gupta prince known for liberality (evidently Chandragupta II-Vikramaditya) as the latter had killed his brother and married his wife. In the Kävyamimāṁsă of Rājasēkhara again we have a comparison between Rāmagupta and Kärttikëya who has elsewhere been shown to be the Gurjara-Pratīhåra king Mahipala I of Kanauj. It seems that it was the practice of court-poets to institute such comparisons between their patrons and well-known princes of the Gupta dynasty and to show the superiority of the former to the latter. It would be unwise and unjust to see unintended insinuations in such comparisons. Besides, we have no other reference to the alleged evil actions of Govinda IV in any records of his successors, some of whom had little love for him and therefore would not have refrained from mentioning them if they had been true. From other inscriptions we know that Amoghavarsha III fomented A rebellion among the feudatories of Govinda IV, which cost the latter his life. The present record also states that Amõghavarsha completely uprooted: Govinda IV. It is therefore noteworthy that the Deoli and Karhād plates of Amõghavarsha's son Krishna III refer to Govinda's dissolute life, but are silent about these charges. On the other hand, they intimate that Amõghavarsha II died a natural, though pren.ature, death. In the absence of further evidence, therefore, we are not inclined to hold Govinda IV guilty of the murder of his elder brother.
To the glorification of Amöghavarsha III the present inscription devotes two more verses. Verse 9 states that with the water of his coronation Amoghavarsha washed away his taints as well As his wealth and greatly purified his self. Verse 10 states that he surpassed the god of love in handsome form and that, as he had three white royal umbrellas, he was as it were waited upon by the moon in three forms, mistaking him for Mahēša (Siva). Amõghavarsha's handsome form is described in the Bhādāna grant of Aparājita also, but that he had three royal umbrellas indicative of his suzerainty over three countries is stated nowhere else. The record under discussion does not specifically mention these countries, but the Deoli plates? of Amõghavarsha's son Krishna III, which were issued soon after his accession, mention some victories which he hnd gained while he was a crown-prince. We learn that Krishna killed Rachhyamalla (Rāchamalla),
1 This translation is practically the same as Dr. D. R, Bhandarkar's (above, Vol. VII, p. 44), except that bandhu has been rendered as a brother and not as relative' in view of the information supplied by the recently published extracts from the De-Chandragupta,
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 248. • Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII, pp. 201 ff. . Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 328 ff.
Even these statements appear to be suspicious. They seem to imply that Govinda died of consumption As a result of bis dissolute life. But the present record and the Vikramärjunavijaya of Pampa show that he lost his life in a rebellion of his feudatories fomented by Amoghavarsha III and his son Krishna III.
. Above, Vol. III, p. 271.
Ibid., Vol. V, pr. 192 ff. The verses occur also in the Karhad plates of the same king which were lowed Bointtine later.

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the ruler of Gangapați or Gangavadi and gave his kingdom to Bhutarya (or Bütuga) and that he defeated and reduced to a sad condition the Pallava Anniga. Bhutarya and Anniga are known from other records also as the rulers of Gangavadi and Nolambaväḍi respectively. They were contemporaries of Amoghavarsha III. Gangavadi and Nolambavadi were thus included in the Rashtrakuta Empire during the time of Amoghavarsha III, though they were actually governed by his feudatories. These were evidently two of the three countries implied in v. 10. The third country must of course have been Kuntala, the home-province of the Rashtrakutas.
Krishna III who succeeded Amoghavarsha III is eulogised in five verses (11-15), but the description is merely conventional. He is said to have made several new grants and restored old ones and to have overthrown four kinds of feudatories. The genealogy of Rashtrakuta rulers stops with Krishna III, during whose time the present grant was evidently made.
With verse 16 begins the description of the Silahara dynasty. The dynastic name appears here in the form Silāra. Verse 17 mentions the Vidyadhara Jimutavahana, the son of Jimütakētu, who offered his body to save serpents. His descendants assumed the form of Silāra in order to give protection to the ocean when it was harrassed by the arrow of (Jamadagnya, i.e., Parasurama)". Since then the princes of this dynasty came to be known as Sīlāras. This is a novel interpretation of the dynastic name which, so far as we know, occurs nowhere else. The text does not make clear what is meant by Silära and no Sanskrit dictionary gives this word. The dynastic name sometimes appears in the form Silahara and is then usually taken to mean 'food on a rock' with reference to the story of the Vidyadhara Jimütavahana who sat on a rock to serve as foca to Garuda.
Verses 20-25 name the following Silahara princes: Kapardin (I); his son Pulaśakti; his son Kapardin (II); his son Vappuvana; his son Jhanjha; his younger brother Gōggi; his son Vajjada (I); and finally, his younger brother Chhadvaya (or Chhadvaideva), the donor of the present plates. The description of all these princes is quite conventional and altogether devoid of historical interest. About Chhadvaideva we are told that he bore the title Mahāsāmanta and attained the right to the five great (musical) sounds.
The importance of the present inscription lies in this that it has brought to notice a prince of the Silahara dynasty who was not known from any other source. The Bhadana plates dated Saka 919, which were issued by Vajjaḍa I's son Aparajita, give the same genealogy as the record before us, but they omit the name of Chhadvaideva. This prince is not again mentioned in any of the numerous later records of the Silaha.as. The reason for this omission is not clear. It cannot be said that Chhadvaidev a's name was omitted because he was a collateral; for, as Banerji has already pointed out, Silahāra records invariably mention Jhanjha, though his progeny did not reign, and he was succeeded by his brother Gōggi. Another instance is that of Arikesarin
1 See e. g., above, Vol. IV, p. 351, and Vol. X, pp. 54 ff.
The Karhad plates of Krishna III also mention four kinds of feudatories, but they are said to have received different kinds of treatment at his hands. See above, Vol. IV, p. 285. In verse 15 of the present inscription there is an interesting comparison of Krishna III with a physician, based on a play on the words mandalin, narendra, etc., but the verse is not completely legible.
The Brahmanda Purana (III, 57, vv. 47 ff) graphically describes the consternation in the ocean caused by Parasurama's arrow. It further states that Varuna, the lord of the ocean, ultimately submitted to Parafurăma and withdrew the ocean from the Sürpäraka-kshetra. The Purana does not of course make any mention of the Silāras.
Banerji's statement that the name of Vajjadadeva is omitted in the genealogy of the Silära family in the second plate is not correct; for his name occurs in the second half of verse 24, though in a corrupt form.

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alias Kesiraja who ascended the throne after his brother Vajjada II. He was succeeded by his nephew Chhittarajadeva, the son of Vajjada II, but his name is not omitted in the later records1 of the Silähäras. Chhad vaidēva again was not probably a usurper; for, in the present record, he not only states that the grant had been promised by his elder brother and was only executed by himself, but also pays a tribute of praise to him in verse 24. Nor does he seem to have been only a regent during the minority of his nephew Aparajita; for he claims the title Mahāsāmanta for himself and does not even mention his nephew, the de jure ruler of the kingdom. The record may therefore be suspected to be spurious. Apart from the absence of the date, however, there does not seem to be any cause for suspicion. As stated before, the characters, though very carelessly written and engraved, are of the age to which the record refers itself. There are no discrepancies in the description of the Rashtrakuta and Silahara genealogies which occur in verses 7-15 and 20-25 respectively. On the other hand, the grant furnishes certain details which, though not met with in other records, are not inconsistent with their evidence. It is of course true that the draft of the genealogical and formal portions of the grant differs from that used in later Silahāra grants, but that is because no particular draft had yet become stereotyped in the Silahāra secretariat. Even in the Bhadana grant of Aparajita, which was made some years later, the stereotyped draft has not been used. There does not therefore appear any reason why the present grant should not be regarded as genuine.
This is the earliest known copper-plate grant of the Silahara dynasty of North Konkan. Some earlier inscriptions of this dynasty have of course been discovered at Kanheri", but they are all inscribed on stone. The last of them which belongs to the reign of Kapardin II is dated Saka 799. The next inscriptional date of this dynasty so far known was Saka 919, furnished by the Bhadana grant of Aparajita. There was thus a gap of 120 years during which we had no record of this dynasty. The present grant though undated belongs to this period. Like the Kanheri stone inscriptions, it belongs to a time when the Rashtrakutas held imperial sway over North Konkan. Like the present record two other Silahāra grants open with a Rashtrakūta genealogy, viz. the Bhadana grant of Aparajita, dated Saka 919, and the Khārēpāṭan grant of Raṭṭaraja, dated Saka 930, but the Rashtrakutas had then been overthrown by Tailapa, the founder of the Later Chalukya dynasty. The present record is thus of special interest as it shows what position the Silahāras enjoyed during the heyday of Rashtrakuta paramountcy. As Mr. Banerji has already pointed out, the record under discussion shows that the Silahāras did not then assume such high-sounding titles as Mahamandalesvara Tagarapura-paramesvara, Abhimanamahodadhi, Gandakandarpa, which we find in the later records of Aparajita, Chhittaraja and others. They had to content themselves with the modest title of Mahasamanta which we notice also in the earlier inscriptions of Pulaśakti and Kapardin II.
In the absence of any information about the original findspot of the present plates, it is difficult to locate definitely the places mentioned in it. But we tentatively suggest the following identifications. Papada, the headquarters of the Papada-vishaya may be Poinad about 8 miles
1 See, for instance, the Bhandup plates of Chhittaraja (above, Vol. XII, pp. 250 ft.); the Prince of Wales Museum plates of Mummuni, ibid., Vol, XXV, pp. 53 ff., etc.
Ind, Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 133 ff.
A third of the same type, dated Saka 915, which belongs to the reign of Aparajita was discovered some years ago, but is now untraceable. See C. V. Vaidya, History of Medieval Hindu India, Vol. II, pp. 349 ft. and Altekar, Rashtrakutas, etc., p. 110. See below, p. 288, f.n. 1.
In two Kanheri inscriptions the title is Mahasamantasekhara. In the third no title is mentioned at all. It may be noted, however, that none of these is an official record of the Silähäras,

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north by east of Alibag, in the Kolaba District of the Bombay Presidency. The village Salapaka in which the donated land was situated may be Salinde which lies about 6 miles south by east of Poinäd. Mañchakapalli is possibly represented by Pale about a mile to the north of Salinde. Vakola may be Koleti which lies about 4 miles to the south. The map shows two small streams joining each other to the north of Salinde as stated in the present grant. Janhupura where the donee was residing we are unable to identify.
[VOL. XXVI
TEXT'
[Metres: Verses 1-5, 18, 19, 27-20 and 31-33 Anushtubh ; vv. 6 and 21 Upajāti; vv. Tand 13 Sragdharā; vv. 8, 9, 12, 16, 24 and 25 āryā; v. 10 Upendravajra ; vv. 11, 14, 17 and 20 Vasan tatilakā; v. 15 Sārdūlavikcrigita ; vv. 22 and 23 Giti; v. 26 Indravajra ; v. 30 Salini ; and v. 34 Pushpitiligod.]
First Plate
1 [1*] श्रीर्व्वतां नवोद्यानराजी बायतने चया ' वायतनेचया ॥[१]
। मियः सोमया चास्तां राजो
2 स वत्र्याद्देधसा धाम यत्राभिकमलं शतं (तम्) । [ह]रय यस्य
कमलंजतम् ॥ [ २* J
3 मैचादचेरभूरिसुर्धा[:] तर्पितामरः । चंद्रमा जगदानन्दकन्दकन्दलनञ्चमः ॥[ ३॥ *]
4 तस्यांगजन (बु)धी विदु (बु)घाधोमपूजितः
सुतः पुरूरवा तस्याप्यायुरजायत
n[8n*]
From ink-impressions.
Expressed by a symbol.
[]रय यस्य कान्दुक्या
5 एवम संतान जायमानेषु राजसु । ययातिरभवत्तस्य धनुरभूदिह ॥५॥*]
6 argent तिलकायमानो वंशो यदूनामभवत्पृथिव्यां (भ्याम्) । श्रीराइकूटापरनामधेयो
7 [य]चाभिलेभे हरिरा[म] जम्म ॥[Q॥ * ] तचासोहन्तिदुर्गः प्रभुरपि च ततः कृष्ण]राजः पि
8 यात्रीविंदराजस्तदनु ति (नि) रुपमोच्याव्जगत्तुंगदेवः । पुचीयामोधक
1 After this article was sent to the press we noticed Mr. A. S. Gadre's account of two unpublished copperplate inscriptions of the Silähära Aparajita, dated Saka 915. (Proceedings and Transactions of the Ninth AllIndia Oriental Conference, p. 880.) These inscriptions were found at Murupda-Janjira in the Koliba District of the Bombay Presidency, and are now preserved in the Baroda Museum. One of them registers the grant of an orchard in the village Säläpaka lying in the Papada district. These places are evidently identical with those of the same names mentioned in the present grant of Chhadvaideva, which we have located in the Kolabā District. This account has unexpectedly confirmed our readings of the place-names and their identifications proposed above. The two grants have since been published by Mr. Gadre in Important Inscriptions from the Baroda State, Vol. I, pp. 35 f.
The expression means who resorts to (Vishnu) whose eyes are long like a fresh garden-lotus'.
Read -sudh-amus tarppil
Read tatastrilski.

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9 [C] सकलगुणनिधिः तस्य चाकालव (पं)
10 भीमः प्रजाः ॥[ ७॥ * ] श्रीमात (न) मोघव[य]
मन्या
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA.
17 र्य कं
11 यकृतं सा (सोऽ) मोघं [ स्व]य' मशात्पृथ्वीं (ध्वीम् ) ॥ [ ८॥ * ] प्रभि [ षे] कजलेन समं तपस्वि[षु]'
श्रेयसे स
येन
12 मुच्छृ[य]" । पer [a] यमध्यव
13 स रराज मो रूपजितेशुधन्वा । उपास्यमानः शरावदुनेव त्रिरूपतामेत्य महे[श]
14 बुध्या ॥ [ १०॥ *] शंभो: वडा[न]
इवात्रिमुनेरिवेंद्र रामो पथा दशरथस्य
जयं[तः ] ।
15 तस्यांगजोपि चतुरंबु (बु) धिमेखलाया भर्त्ता भुवः समभवद्भवि कृष्णराजः ॥[११॥* ] सत्य16 पि [ला] भरणे जानागोपि प्रसाधनविशेषं (धम्) 1 यो महति भुजेन सवा कुव
मार
299
तहप्ता भद्रराजः प्रथितप्[]
सा
भ्रातास्य सुत (सं) समूलमुन्मूल्य । समूलमुन्मूल्य । गोज्जिग
लोके
60 DGA
धनानीव मलाननीयतात्मा परां
18 [atri]" लुलुपुरवनिपाः पूर्व्वजा
19 ता येत (न) तेन्येपि मुक्ता 110
॥ [१२ ॥ *] लक्ष्म्या नागेंद्रकर्णातिशयचपलता यौवनस्यायुवश्च 10 (धान)
(ज) हा
शुद्धिं (डिम् ) ॥ [ ॥*] सितात
विस्मरन्तः । संसारासारभा [वं] मनसि कलय
दत्तास्तेभा (भ्य ) इच -2 गात्व: 13 शिवभवनजुषां कोटिशः कांचन
1 Here sandhi has not been observed. This danda is superfluous.
Dr. Altekar reads 8-amōghamayam. See his Rashtrakutas, etc., p. 106, n. 59. Perhaps sämöghapriyam➡ is the intended reading. Amōgha is a name of Siva.
Dr. Altekar doubtfully reads tapas-chiyub, ibid., p. 109, n. 68. The context requires a reading like tapasvibhih.
The context requires a reading like samunmrijya.
• Dr. Altekar reads malād=but the aksharas are clearly as read above.
: Read-buddhyā.
The two aksharas lost here were Hare as seen in verse 3 of the Kharepätan grant of Rattaraja; above,
Vol. III, p. 298.
• There is a play on this word which means (1) & blue lotus, and ( 2 ) the orb of the earth.
10 This danda is superfluous.
Read brahmadhyāl=liupur.
11 The context requires a reading like ➡teshan-cha,
18 Perhaps gavas is intended.

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290
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXVI.
20 ॥[१३॥*] तस्मिन्प्रशासति महीं समहीधरेद्रा(द्रा) सि[ह]घुतो चतुरुवत्व(न्य)दनिद्यकांची[म्] । ग[त्वा ?] हि
Second Plate; First Side. 21 'तानतिज[वान्मायाविनो घाति]का[न] चंडान्मंडलिनो [वि]लुप्तसमयानु22 ध्रु(ब)त्य [संत्रासयन् ?] । - - - - - मंत्रधर्मरभसान्]ि दंडेन पापिंडि?]23 [कान्?] [सा]मंतांश्चतुरोपि येन दलता का[मं] नरेंद्रायितं(तम्) [१५॥*] तस्मिव(न्)
शास24 ति पृथ्वी [कृष्णनरे(न्द्रे) नरादि(षि)पः श्रीमान(न्) [*] शी[ला] रामलवंशे सकल
गुणालंकृते . . . 25 -॥[१६॥*] विद्याधर[*] [स्व]चरितापरितान्यकोत्तिजी [मूत[क]तुतनयो नयविक्रमाद्यः [*] 26 जी[मतवाहन इति प्र[थि]तः पृथिव्यां] श्रीमान्*] स्वकायमुपदाय सु°(2)दञ्चता27 होन् । १७॥*] [गन्धर्व ?] - - [श्रुत्वाहिञ्च दिवि [१](प्रि)य(यम्) ।
गुणानुरागा[ज्जन्मा ?]थं []28 वजा [यम] शिश्रियत्(न्) [१८॥*] जामदग्न्यशरात्र(त्र)[स्तः] शोलारच्छपना तदा ।
[साग][रो*] 29 रक्षित[स्तैश्च प्रापुस्तन्नाम पू[व]जाः [१९॥*] शीलारनाम्नि तट[]ययेन' देवः 30 सा[क्षा]दभा निजभुजाजितकामदेवः । [प्रा] रातिसिधु(न्यू)मुपम[थ्य] करे क31 पर्दी लक्ष्मीम[पत्त] सत(तु)कांनण कंकणेन [२०॥*] त[स्यात्म]जो [यः] पुलशक्तिना[मा*] 32 [पृथूपमः पार्थसमानीतिः । [प्रासीत्प्र(त्य)[थि]व्या(व्यां) प्रथितप्रतापः समस्त33 सामन्तनतांघ्र(नि)[भूप]: ॥[२१॥*] तस्याप्यपरः श्रीमान्कपद्दिनामाभवतामा नूप
1 The akshara sa which was at first omitted is written below the line. - Read simha.
The further portion of this fourteenth verse has been omitted inadvertently.
The first seven aksharas of this verse have been omitted.
• Perhaps the name of the donor Chhadvai occurred at the end of this verse. Read bhavach= Chhadrai fin which case the metre of this verse will be Gili.-B. C. C.] The akshara at the beginning of the next line has two matras at the top.
• The context requires a reading like amunichatähin, but it would involve a hlatus.
The reading is uncertain here. Besides, one atalara Is wanting. . Read sākshād=babhau• Read kilichana. 10 Read bhanalunto.

Page #370

A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA.
ACTीकता मायाकी वाचवा या विक्सवामशाहासरोहीवायत Vaamanaभटांका सिमलकर जयक्षिाका इकलयाकमेल
कर
बाबा र सात
लालसलाईक याचा
कमजोजोबा माना जातामा सामान्ययाधना व यावा सबतीत मोजमामाई आध-मासस्वामीबाटवकावल्या 6 वा
बाहर भी तमामामध्यस्यवः ततःशयाड बा 8 रामाशा वाकान्तकुटिमीमा सानु मास्वायजमानीटादित जन कुलमुवतीमा बानो लुकालिया नादाबक्षमता मान। कामनापामा मा यो केवी कामना मनिन बरामगाडगुमला। 10 यि यशोधणे टोमनायोजनकाशलम महिमचियुगमन 12 महरा समर्थका सीधमला के लीयोनामाया तो लात ना सिंहार युवक प्रेममा
AAKायामाता उगना माकसमादलबाहयलसियमले पर 14 Tata जानिसलबन्दरमायचायतराखलाया
न्यायालतलचिोककुजक विकृयायाम 16मान लिाकारायसोयम बहस महालात कल डिॉक मादा चशमाशा
लालालकासिथतनासो वा मायमरीकन्या 18 वाल पानसर विमानसामानामा दमक सकलया 18 __ ललावमिकादकासकाला तथाटामचन्द 20 RACET मा कमाडीनिमंतवटामिडीयो यमबाट
-
famil
SAR 'तालित AUR AANBकाहब
ed PHदातयः ( नाम
MER Lasीठी याताकारदER A@gी कर देसANसरवदेर
ला। विकापतरारिता मारताना कोहिडोवतन साल पर 24 ASकुम हिलोबाकायदान RAGEकासनककलातवियागुपरसुराग्या "
MIGRanामय शुस गवतामाटारमा ANSTपातिकमकामास: मारकर इसमन्च:साईडरूहातमाटाप्यवरमल तुममवारका
कविलवाकवाक्याजवदा पहरा मत 2 FAमावली लिखावशाखापरता:समत 32 कमाल गाडा शुभाइयटनावबादामा
दलालTEEO मारिसमा सुधारतूदम्यान्न कर सक34 लाताऊग महराज्यसलारनाका रस्त्तवा ARRe:- 9) कटरा थाहा नगुमाउag दिली नारसिदी शिक्षाशासपा
उपविनको माता कालरहिवराम वापस तिला वाकवर कारला फटतटकछलादत दिवा
तापिका जा सकतात मतिमीललो तराइटरनाक टावाबलमा कायारामार वान्ततिरना।
SCALE: THREE-FIFTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rus. No.3977836-290-x-290'48.

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--
-
-
-
-
Relations शलता रहतासा-सामकिताना कागो शादी
धरजा रानीताइट वान्हरसतहत्तवाशमा हा 44 जपयाघवा.वालावधीतावलापा 44 14 घाममा वा निसघजानीटर्किएसीमानामा HAL.नितालासचिव पनरायचा वि.से माहवागः46
खरतरगतको यादमा मानवसमाचाटीका उललावाच पदमानत(बरकारआयतनसनरत48
तातिगमनेर यातायाकानयादी जनता 50aमावस्या कान नपालन तथा थाहा नवा नवा
टायलिनमान की मुद्राक्षशक्षामजणारा 52का नकारातल
कलकत्ता या ग न KA या तिनं शासित प्रतियानी स्वात वापरामुराद
रतनला पहाजा वाजवी सरि राखिन सालानापनपतला बास्तजयकार मालसमा भगवाया राग शुरयता तयाकनवालोमा या यादवा कोटामा तातापान कवचायागाला DAOमका दम
रामकावरप्याय सनियाल का यागन्तिमपना गाया180 FAUTTAR(सहा या बारावधवारतमा
15EER था तो लिस्नानाया।
तीयेसुरी अगायियोजना यी दविन्तु यावा व तो नलामी मत होना। यह वराह है।
न्या मते त्याचा पाया लोका कातियान्ट या या वानर चला जाताना नवणे त यावासति छ तयायावरील सदस्या विवाह वाना वा सो दागदा मानताता जयनन तरूपालापाचशान्येसा।
विस्तार दो या दोन पाया मोक्न पनि कानुनबार । तिलनिकEिE: सतायतमाम SHAR
नंगूर कररतमा जतिवातवासातून रादित्यवां जिया नवगवा म जानाका सावन मार यिनीतिमात नवीन टाव बाजार भावना यावा, जीयाली राधावन मायवतस्तासमवेदना या
KARE

Page #372

No. 40.]
A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF SILAHARA CHHADVAIDEVA.
34 तिः । वप्पुवनोति (मि) तश[क्ति ]: शासित [ भूमंडलोभवत्त [ स्मा] त्
॥
लग
[
२२ ॥ *]
२२॥ * ] झः
37 fa: । [तेना श्री माछ ? ]
38 [य] नृपो व ( ब ) लिनिभोभवत्यागात् । महाहरेरिव रिपवो ध्वस्ता ह्यः ( ह्या ) संरच 39 ति नाम्नंव ॥ [२५॥ * ] स चानेकघोटका[रू]ढचार (?) हा (चा)टभटविनि[[ज]तप्रतिपक्षसीमं40 तिनीनयनवारि[ धा] रा[प्रवा] ह[षौ ]तमलिनीकृतकरो" [श्रा ? ]रातिय[शो] व[गुंठ ]
41 [व] जयलक्ष्मीकल्याणपरंपराभ्युदयः समधिगत[पं] चर्मा [हा] शब्द (ब्द) महा
35 गौधे संचहो भो) गीयते जगत्यनियां (राम्) प्रासंडल इव तस्मादभवत्स] [प्रामिकं ]
द्विगुणभंझ इति ग
36 गुणैः [वि]दितः ' । [ २३ ॥ * ] तस्याप्यनुजो जयवा[न् *] गोग्गिन्पो मायो ?][ [स्मा]) वपि कीर्ति[संप
॥[।२४॥*] तस्याप्यनुजः
This akshara is superfluous.
$ Read -kara.
● For the form of chchha here, see the same akshara in Sītāra-chchhadmana in 1. 28 above.
required.
Second Plate; Second Side.
42 साभतात) [भी]ई देवः सम्मनेिव यथासंव ( ब ) ध्यमानका [[] शौल्किकगौत्वि (हिम) कचौ
43 रे (रो) [ ] रणिकान् कीर्तिता'न्भविष्यद्वर्त्तमानकांश्च [ भू* ] भूतं ( इं ) [धू]न (न्) चरादीन् [प्र]ति [वि]ज्य (श्य)
44 चितकपर्यश्च ( ? ) 8 समनुवो (बो) घयत्येवं य[ था] पाणाड' विषयांतः पाति" साल [ण ]
45 कप्रामे प्राच्यां दिशि " यस्य चाघाटनानि [पू] तो [ मं] चकपल्ले (ल्ली ) सीमा । दक्षिणतो
46 व[को] लावि [ ध्या] 2 लव[ण]चरिका च । पश्चिमतः 13 [ तपारुप्यंतिकारिसं कानिबा ? ]ग
1 Read gunair viditab.
* The text is very corrupt here. One would expect a reading like tasyāpi Vajjadi= bhut.
● Read Sriman & Chhadaya.
1 The usual expression is kirttit-akirtitan.
● [Could the intended reading be pratinivasinab krishakāmacha ? B. C. C. ]
⚫ Banerji read the name of the vishaya as Mäläda, but the aksharas are clearly as read above.
291
12 Read -vithiḥ.
18 We are not certain about the reading of these eleven aksharas.
सक
10 Banerji gives the name of this village as Salapraka in his account of the plates and as Salapaka in the heading of the section; see P. R. A. S. I. W. C. for 1919-20, p. 55. But both the readings are incorrect.
1 Here some word denoting the object of the gift (such as kshetra-trayam which occurs below in 1. 57 ) is
'loa

Page #373

292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. xxVI.
47 तवं च । उत्तरतो झिरिकाद्वयसंगमः । एवं चतुराघाट[नो]पल[क्षि]तं स48 वृक्षमालाकुलं पोढकस[मे]तं गंहि[रातटे कार[जाव[भ] समेततलगटि[स](?)
49 निवातक्षेत्र मयेवं जलपरषारानिपात[मि']तं [निवाता]वनोचतति(डि)[*]()द50 विनाशजीवितमवलोक्य जललवलोलतरलतरं चासारं सं[सामवेत्य
51 पुत्रपौत्रान्व[यो]पभोग्यमाचंद्रार्का[f]वक्षितिसमकालीनतया पित्रोरा[त्म*]
62 न[श्च] हिका[म]ष्मिकपुण्यय[शोभिवृद्ध[ये] विषुप्र(मा)सेन तनत्ता (?)योग[4] 53 [ह]णपर्वणि []गारि कार्या]तियों' हस्तिो]दकपूव्वं (व) [स]कलसुरासुराभ्य[च्चि-] 64 तचरण कमल]--- श्रीमच्छिवभट्टारकं [प्रपूज्य ?] [काश्यपसगोत्र[व(ब)]हच]स55 [व(ब)]ह्मचारि[णे*] वेदवेदां[ग]वेदान्ति पुराणमीमां[सास्म]तिन्याय(या)भिज्ञ][जन्ह]पु56 रनिवासिने चाडादेव[भट्टाय 'वेसधववलचरकाग्निहोत्रऋतुकि57 या[]पसर्पणा[त्यं] प्रा[ममध्य(ध्ये) "प्रलयवाव[मा] न(ने)न श्रीक्षतत[4]' स[श ? 58 कगा(प्रा)[मान्तः*]पातिपानपोढकसहितं ता[५][शासनेन प्रवत्त(तम्) । तवागामि59 नृपतिभि[श्च] भूदाना . . . . . पुण्यफलमवेत्य धर्म[दा योयं 60 प्रतिपालना(नी)यः । यतः सामान्येयं [भूदान[पालन ?]पुण्य61 फलावाप्तिः । तथा चोक्तं भगव[ता] वेदव्यासेन [व्या]से[न] [*]
Third Plate. 62 अग्नेि]रप[त्यं] प्रथमं सुवर्ण भू[वष्ण]वी [सूर्यसुताश्च गावः । लाक63 [4]यं तेन भवेधि(खि) बत्तं यः कांचनं गं(गां) च महीं च
[यस्मा"]वाव(दा)
वद्यात् [१२६॥*]
1 The reading of this and the next seven akaharas is uncertain. • These three aksharas are uncertain. • This tithi occurs when the fourteenth of the dark fortnight of a month falls on a Tuesday. • One akshara is illegible here. [The reading looks like -charaya-nakha-[ma]nirm.-N.L.R.] . Read vaibadeva-bali.
• We are not certain about the reading of these eight aksharas. Perhaps some expression like lad-vishaya manena denoting the intended measure is required.
Perhaps kshetra-trayan is meant, but line 49 mentions only one kahetra. . Perhaps the intended reading is Salanaka as in lines 44-45 above. •Vivakahararare illegible here. The context requireesome expression like bhiidanaayaadmānyari. 14 These five aksharas are doubtful.

Page #374

No. 41.) DATE OF MATHURA PEDESTAL INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA.
293
64 य सौवर्ण(ण) वसुधारा(घी)शसानय[:] । गव(वा)[ञ्चोखारको] यत्र तत्र गच्छति [भू65 [मि]वाः ।। २७॥*] कल्पकोटि[स]हस्राणि [क]ल्पकोटि[शतानि च । निवस्ते पुरुषो 66 लोके (क्षि)[ति]दानं ददाति यः ॥ २८॥*] व(ब)हभिर्व[सु]षा भुक्ता ] रा[ज]भिः
सगरादिभिः । 67 य[स्य] यस्य य[वा] भू[मि]स्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) [२६॥*] [सर्वाने]तान्भाविनः
पाथि(पि)वेंद्रा68 भूयो] [भूयो] याचते रा[मभ[व] | [सामान्योयं ब[म]सेतुन (न)पाणां पा(का)ले काले पा69 सनीपो] भवतिः ।। ३०॥*] [ष्टि][षर्षहवाणि] [स्व]गें ति[8]ति भूमिवः । माच्छेत्ता
70 नमिता च तान्येव नरक(के) बसेत् ॥ ३१॥*] स्वबत(सा) परवत्तां वा यो हरेत
वसुंधरा (राम्) । 71 [स] वि[ष्ठा]यां कृमिभूत्वा कृ[मि]भिः सह पच्यते ॥ ३२॥*] गामेको सुवर्णमेक
भूमे72 रप्येकमंगुल(लम्) । हरनरकमाप्नोति [या]त(व)वाह(भू)तसंप्लव(वम्) [ ३३॥*] इति
कमल73 बलाबु(बु)वि(वि)न्दुलोलां श्रियमवलो[य] मनि]ष्यजीवितं च । [अ]तिविमलम74 [नो]भिरात्मनीन[न] हि पुरुष]: परकीर्तयो विलोप्याः ॥[३४*॥] धर्मदा]यो75 यं श्रीगो[ग्गिसुतश्रीव[ज](ज्ज)डदेववि[हि]तः शु(श्रु)तः । यथवं तथा श्रीच्छवैदे76 वः [शासनं ददाति ॥
NO. 41.-DATE OF MATHURA PEDESTAL INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. This inscription was discovered at Mathurā by Rai Bahadur Pandit Radha Krishna. It is incised on the pedestal of a broken statue of the Buddha. It has been edited before, with a photo-lithograph, by Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni in this journal, above, Vol. XIX, pp. 96 f. It is proposed to discuss the date of this epigraph here in view of its importance for the Kushāņa period of Indian history.
1 Read -manavakal • The correct form would be nivasati, but it would not suit the metre. Read ramall.

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The date of this inscription was read by Sahni as Mahārāja-Dēvaputrasya Kanishkasya samvatsare 10 4 Pausha-māsa-divase 10, i.e., on the 10th day of the month of Pausha in the year 14 of Mahārāja Dēva putra Kanishka. Sahni referred this inscription to the reign of Kanishka, the great founder of the Kushāna era. His reading of the date and the consequent attribution of the record have not generally been called in question. But even a cursory glance at the photo-lithograph which accompanies his article will show that the date has been misread. As in other Kushāņa records, it is expressed in numerical symbols. The year of the date is shown by two symbols, the second of which is undoubtedly 4 as read by Sahni. The first symbol, however, does not stand for 10. This will be quite clear from the fact that it is not identical with the symbol for 10 used further on in the same line to denote the day. I read this symbol as 50, so that the date of the record is 50 4, i.e., the year 54.
In support of my reading I call attention to the form of the symbol which occurs in another Mathurā inscription of the same year, edited by Bühler. There the form is the same as in the present inscription with only this difference that, whereas the symbol appears quite vertical in the former, it is slanting in the latter. It is a cursive form of the usual symbol for 50 which consists of an arc open to the right, with both the ends turned inside. See, for instance, the form of the symbol in the Ginjā inscription of Bhimasēna, dated in the year 52. In both the aforementioned Mathură inscriptions of the year 54, the lower and upper curves of the symbol are turned into loops. An intermediate form is shown by the symbol used in another
Symbols for 50 used in the Brāhmi records of Mathurā,
OR
1 2 3 4 inscription found at Mathurā itself, which is dated in the year 50. In this only the lower curve has been turned into a loop. The value of this symbol is clearly shown by two inscriptions from Mathurā dated in the years 52 and 57 where the date is given both in words and in numerical symbols.
The Mathurā pedestal inscription is thus dated on the 10th day of the month Pausha in the year 54 during the reign of Mahārāja Dēva putra Kanishka.? As already remarked by Sahni,
1 It has of course been pointed out by some that the characters of this inscription are too developed for the reign of the great Emperor Kanishka, the founder of the Kushāna era ; for, it shows the cursive forms of m, & and h which are believed to have become current in the Gupta age. But the difficulty is sought to be removed by one scholar by referring the date to the Kalachuri-Chëdi era of A. D. 248-49 (See Ind. Cult., Vol. IV, p. 413). Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has accepted the reading of the date given by Sahni (above, Vol. XXI, p. 2).
* See above, Vol. XIX, pl. facing p. 97 and No. 4 of the symbols reproduced here.
• Above, Vol. I, p. 391, No. XXI, and plate. See No. 3 of the symbols reproduced here. Bühler at first read this symbol as 80, but in view of another inscription from Mathură (above, Vol. II, p. 210, No. 38, and plate), in which the year 57 is given both in words and numerical symbols, he took it to be equivalent to 50. Vincent Smith read the same symbol as 40, but, as Lüders has shown, it undoubtedly stands for 50. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, p. 105.
• See No. 1 of the symbols reproduced here.
Above, Vol. II, p. 203, No. XVII, and pl. See No. 2 of the symbols reproduced here. • Above, Vol. II, p. 203, No. XVIII, and p. 210, No. XXXVIII, and plates.
* This will also explain why the characters of this inscription are somewhat more developed than those in the rooords of Kanishka I. As a matter of fact, the looped , ocours throughout in a Mathură Brāhm inscription of the year 25 as shown by Bühler (above, Vol. I, pp. 372-73). M with an unjoined middle and cursive h occurs in an inscription of Saka 127 at Jasdan (Kāthiāwād) as pointed out by D. K. Bhandarkar (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 2-3).

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this is a peculiar date, for it is recorded in a Hindu solar month instead of in seasons as in other Brahmi inscriptions from Mathura. This should not, however, cause any suspicion, for we have now another Kushāņa Brahmi inscription from Mathura which also has a peculiar date. The latter is recorded in the Macedonian month Gurppiya.1
This new reading of the date of the Mathura pedestal inscription presents a problem to which we may now turn. As stated before, the inscription refers itself to the reign of Mahārāja Devaputra Kanishka. The reign of this Kanishka overlaps that of Huvishka. We have had till now records of Kanishka dated in the years 2-23, those of Väsishka dated in the years 24 and 28 and those of Huvishka dated in the years 28-60. It has therefore been supposed that Kanishka was succeeded by Vasishka in the year 24 and the latter by Huvishka in the year 28. Huvishka is known to have ruled at least till the year 60. How is it then that this Mahārāja Devaputra Kanishka appears suddenly at Mathura in the year 54? The discovery of the Ārā inscription dated in the year 41 which referred itself to the reign of Mahārāja, Rājātirājā, Dēvaputra, Kaisara Kanishka, the son of Väjheshka, had also presented a similar difficulty; for its date also fell in the reign of Huvishka. Two explanations of this sudden appearance of Kanishka in the year 41 were given. According to R. D. Banerji who indentified Kanishka of the Ară inscription with the great founder of the Kushāņa era, the only explanation of the synchronism of Kanishka and Huvishka,.... is that, after the first ten years of Kanishka's reign, Huvishka was left in charge of Indian affairs with full imperial titles, while the former attended to the long war in the frontier and in trying to reclaim the lost provinces.'s This explanation was adopted by Mr. Vincent Smith in the third edition of his Early History of India. As an inscription of Väsishka dated in the year 24 was subsequently found, Smith suggested the following reconciliation of the known data :- Vasishka and Huvishka were sons of Kanishka, who both acted in succession as Viceroys of Upper India while their father was warring beyond the mountains. Vasishka, of whom no coins are known, seems to have predeceased his father, who was succeeded in his whole empire by Huvishka.' Dr. Lüders, on the other hand, suggested that Kanishka of the Ara inscription who calls himself the son of Vajheshka was different from the homonymous great Emperor. He was the latter's grandson, being the son of Vasishka (called Vajheshka in the Ara inscription) who is known to have ruled at least from the year 24 to the year 28. He thus described the course of events:- Kanishka was followed by Väsishka between the years 11 and 24. After Väsishka's death, which occurred probably soon after Sam. 28, there was a division of the empire. Kanishka II took possession of the northern portion of the kingdom. In India proper, Huvishka made himself king. The reign of Kanishka II endured at least as far as Sam. 41, the date of our (i.e., Ara) inscription. But before Sam. 52 Huvishka must have recovered the authority of the northern portion of the empire, for in this year he is mentioned as king in the Kharöshṭhi inscription which was found at Wardak to the south west of Kabul'. This theory was adopted by Dr. Sten Konow. He pointed out that Huvishka did not make himself independent before the year 40, for until then he is simply styled Mahārāja Devaputra. Soon after that
1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 55 ff.
2 The latest date of Kanishka is the year 23 recorded in a stone inscription in the Curzon Museum of Archaeology, Mathura. An. Rep., A. 8. I., for 1920-21, p. 35. It is very desirable that this record should be published.
Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 149a and 161.
Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 51 ff. and Lüders' List, etc., No. 56.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 59.
V. A. Smith. Early History of India (Third Ed.), p. 270.
We now know that Kanishka I continued to rule till the year 23; see note 2 above. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 135.

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he declared his independence and began to issue coins in his own name. We cannot tell,' says Dr. Konow, 'whether Kanishka II survived this new departure of Huvishka by more than a year, or if it was brought about by rumours of his approaching death.''
The date of the Mathurā pedestal inscription throws fresh light on these problems. In the first place, the proximity of its date to that of the Arā inscription shows that the Kanishkas mentioned in the two records are identical. Secondly, it is clear that this Kanishka must be distinguished from the great Emperor Kanishka who founded the Kushāna era. Before the discovery of this date 54, it was possible to argue that the year 41 of the Ārā inscription was of the reign of Kanishka I, for a reign of 41 years is not very unlikely. But it is improbable, though not impossible, that Kanishka I ruled for 54 years. This Kanishka of the Āra and Mathura pedestal inscriptions may therefore be caled Kanishka II. As conjectured by Lüders, Vajheshka is probably identical with Väsishkawho may have been a son of Kanishka I and who is known to have ruled from the year 24 to the year 28. Kanishka II seems thus to have been a grandson of Kanishka I, for in India grandsons are often named after their grandfathers.
As stated before, the reigns of Huvishka and Kanishka II are overlapping. So long as only one inscription of Kanishka II was known, it was possible to explain this by supposing that Kanishka II ruled over the northern and Huvishka over the southern parts of the great Kushāna empire ; for, the inscription of Kanishka II was found at Arā near Peshawar, while the inscriptions of Huvishka were found in the vicinity of Mathuri and Aligarh in the United Provinces. But now this inscription of Kanishka II comes from the same part of the country over which Huvishka was ruling. And what is more, its date (year 54) falls just midway between the years 50 and 58 recorded in inscriptions of the reign of Huvishkafound at Mathura itself. It is again noteworthy that in all these three inscriptions of the years 50, 54 and 58 found at Mathura. both huvishka and Kanishka II bear the ordinary title of Mahārāja. In the Ārā inscription dated in the year 41, Kanishka II bears the imperial titles Rājātirāja and Kaïsara, while in the Wardak inscription dated in the year 50, Huvishka also bears the imperial title Rājātirāja. It will be noticed that the aforementioned Mathura inscriptions of both Huvishka and Kanishka mention no such imperial titles in connection with either of them. To reconcile these apparently contradictory data, it may be suggested that there was a civil war in the Kushāņa Empire after the death of Väsishka. At first Kanishka II was victorious and he ruled as Emperor till the year 41. Some time between 41 and 50 he suffered reverses at the hands of Huvishka who reduced him to a subordinate position. Soon thereafter both of them were defeated by some one else and made to assume the subordinate rank of Maharaja.
10. I. I., Vol. II, pt. i., p. lxxxi.
· Lüders thought that the use of the patronymic in the Ara inscription was intended to distinguish Kanishka II from Kanishka I (Ind. Ant., Vol. XLII, p. 135). The argument now loses its force, because in the present inscription which belongs to the reign of the same king Kanishka II no such patronymic has been waed.
Vasishka is undoubtedly identical with Vajheshka, Vajhushkn of inscriptions and Jushka of the Rajalaran. gini. Sten Konow has already shown that j, jh and 8 are attempts at rendering the voiced s. See C. I. I., Vol. II, pt. i., p. 163-Ed.]
4 An inscription of the reign of Huvisbka dated in the year 45 from the collection of Pandit Bhagwanlal w found in the Library of the Bombay University, but its original find-spot is not known. J. Bom. Br. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, pp. 269 ff.
• Laders' List, etc., Nos. 51 and 42: above, Vol. XIV, p. 138.
. In two of these (viz., in those of the years 50 and 54) the title Dévapuira is used in addition to Maharaja(a).

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Such a reconstruction of Kushāna history, however, does not seem probable ; for, the titles mentioned in these private records may be merely matters of accident. We notice the same thing in the case of Kanishka I. The records of the years 2 and 3 of his reign mention only the title Mahārāja. Even this title is absent in the subsequent record of the year 5.2 Then we find the title Rājātirāja in the records of the years 7, 8 and 11,* but it is absent again in those of the years 9 and 10. We cannot therefore draw any conclusion from the absence of the imperial titles in the records of Huvishka and Kanishka II.
How then are we to explain this strange phenoluenon of both Huvishka and Kanishka II ruling at Mathură in the years 50-58? I think the only theory which can explain it is that of the joint rule of these kings. In the Andhau inscription of Saka 52, we have a very similar case of Chashtana and his grandson Rudradā man ruling jointly in Mālwa and Käthiāwād. Another analogous instance is that of the Rashtrakūta princes Karka and his younger brother Govinda who were ruling in Gujarat jointly from Saka 732 to Saka 748.' Kanishka and Huvishka may similarly have ruled jointly at least during the period from the year 41 to the year 54.
No. 42.-DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. From several stone inscriptions discovered at Kosam (ancient Kaušāmbi) and Giñjä in the United Provinces and Bāndhogarh in the Rewah State, we have come to know the names of some ancient rulers of Kausâmbi. The records are dated in an era, the beginning of which is still to be determined. It is proposed to examine the question in this article and to suggest a solution.
The records at Kosam and Giñjā, which have been published, may be chronologically arranged as follows. Their date portions are also given below for ready reference.
(1) Giñjā inscription of Mahārāja Bhimasēna (year 52)_Mahārājasya Sri-Bhimasēnasya sa[ri."]vatsarē 50 2 gimba-pakshē 4 divasa 10 2.
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 212; and Lüders' List, etc., No. 925.
Ibid., No. 18. • Ibid., No. 21 : above, Vol. XVII, p. 11 and . I. I., Vol. II, pt. i, pp. 138 ff. • Lüders' List, etc., Nos. 22 and 23. . Above, Vol. XVI, pp. 23 ff. • For a discussion of this problem, see J. R. A. 8. for 1926, pp. 659 ff.
* Karka's grants are dated in Saka 734, 738, 743 and 748 and those of his younger brother Govinda in Saka 732.735, and 749. In his grants Govinda does not say that he made them with the permission of his elder brother, Agnin he pays in them a tribute to Karka which makes the theory of a civil war and usurpation of the kingdom by Govinda unlikely. As the villages granted by these brothers are in the same part of the country, nay, in some cases are situated within a few miles of one another, the theory that there was a division of the kingdom between them is also untenable. Dr. Altekar has suggested that Govinda was governing Gujarat as a deputy for his elder brother while the latter was acting as a regent for the boy king Amõghavarsba I, but the discovery of Govinda's grant dated Saka 732 has shown that Govinda was holding Gujarat even before the denth of the Rawhtrakata Raperor Govinda III. We must therefore suppose that the two brothers were ruling jointly in Gujarat.
Cunningham, A.S.R. Vol. XXI, Pl. XXX, and above, Vol. III, Pl. facing p. 306. 60 DGA
(2)

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(2) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Bhadramagha (year 81)-Maharajasya iri-Bhadramaghasya sa[m*]vatsarē ēkasitē 80 1 grishma-pakshe dvitiye 2 divase pañchamē 5.
5.
(3-4) Allahabad Museum (Kosam) inscriptions of Mahārāja Bhadramagha (year 87)2Mahar[äljasya śri-Bhadramaghasya sa[m]vatsare sapt[a]site 80 7 varsha-paksha tritiya 3 divasa
[VOL. XXVI.
(5) Kosam inscription of Mahārāja Bhadramagha (year 88)-Mahārājasya śri-Bhadram[aghasya] [samvatsa]rē 80 8 varsha-paksha 3 divasa 5.
(6) Kosam inscription of Makäräja Vaisravana (year 107)-[Ma]h[a]r[a]jasya śri-Vaisrava[nasya] samvatsare sapt-ōttara-satime 100 7 grishma-pakshe saptame 7 divase prathame. (7) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Sivamagha (date lost)[Maharajasya iri-Sivamaghanya sa[tivatsare]....[varsha-pakshe] 2 divase prathame 1.
(8) Kosam inscription of Mahārāja Bhimavarman (year 130) Maharaja-śrī-Bh[i]mavarnaņām samvatsa[re*] tri[m]s-öttara-satime 100 30 grishma-pakshe prathame 1 di[vasē].
(9) Kosam inscription of Maharaja Bhimavarman (year 139)-Mahar[a]jasya śri-Bhimavarmmanah samva[t] 100 30 9....2(?) diva 7.
The records found at Bandhogarh have not yet been published, but from the information occasionally communicated by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist, we learn that they are records of the reigns of the Maharaja Vasishṭhiputra Bhimasena (year 51) and his son Pothasiri (year 86) (? 76) and grandson Bhadadeva (year 90). Two other small inscriptions discovered at Bandhogarh record each the construction of a cave by the Rajan Vaisra vana, son of the Mahasenapati Bhadrabala. They are not dated. Two sealings, one of Rajan Vasishṭhiputra Bhimasena and the other of Maharaja Gautamiputra Sivamagha were found during excavations at Bhita. 10 They contain among others the devices of the bull and the tree-in-railing, which, as stated below, occur on the coins of the kings of Kausāmbi. Some coins of Prishthasriya with the same devices were also discovered at Bhita. As conjectured by Dr. Motichandra, 12 this Prishthasriya is probably identical with Pothasiri of the Bandhogarh inscription. Again, a hoard of copper coins has recently been discovered at Säton in the Fatehpur District of U. P. It has been described by Dr. Motichandra.13 It contained the coins of Bhadramagha, Vaisravana, Sivamagha and Bhimavarman. These coins have the same devices of the bull and the tree-in-railing. Again, Dr. Allan's Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum (Ancient India), pp. 157-58, describes some coins with the legend Jayama[gha*]. It is
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 253 ff., and plate. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 245 ff., and plate.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 160, and plate. Jayaswal read the date as 86. (History of India, 150 A.D.-350 A.D., p. 230.) According to Dr. Konow this inscription is of the same date as Nos. 3 and 4 above.
4 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 146 ff., and plate.
5 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 159, and plate.
Ind. Cl., Vol. III, pp. 177 ff., and plate.
C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 266 ff., and plate. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar refers the date of this record to the Chidi era (see his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 173, n. 3), while Mr. A. Ghosh refers it to the Gupta cra (Ind. Cul., Vol. III, pp. 178 ff), both on palæographic grounds. Its characters do not materially differ from those of other Kosam inscriptions listed here. Its date must therefore be referred to the same reckoning.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 146, n. 2. J. N. 8. I., Vol. II, p. 101.
10 An. Rep. A. S. I. for 1911-12, p. 51. 11 Ibid., p. 66.
12 J. N. S. I., Vol. II, p. 99, n. 18. Ibid., pp. 95 ff.

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not known if this legend is complete, for these coins are not illustrated there. Perhaps it is not, for I saw with Dr. A. S. Altekar some Kausambi coins from the collection of Rai Bahadur B. M. Vyasa, on which the king's name appears to be Vijayamagha. Some of the Kausimbi coins found in the excavations at Bhita had the incomplete legends (i) viya (? ja), (ii) vi- and (iii) yama. They also probably belong to the same king Vijayamagha.
From all this material we can arrange these kings chronologically as follows:
Places where stone records have been
found.
Name of King.
Title.
Years.
Places where sealing was
found.
Places where coins were
found.
1
Bhiță.
90
Väsishthiputra-Bhima- Rajan, Maha 51, 52 sēna.
raja. Prishthafriya, son of (Not known) 86 (1 76)
(1). Bhadramagha, son of Mahārāja, Ma- 81, 87, 88,
Mahārāja, Ma- 81, 87, 88, (2).
hasonapati. Vaisravana, son of (3) Rajan, Mahi- 107
rāja. Gautamiputra Siva Mahārāja (Date lost)
magha. Bhimavarman. Mahārāja 130, 139 Vijayamagha . .
Giñjā, Bāndho-Bhita .
garh. Bandhogarh . Kolam, Bandho
garh. Kosam . 1 Kosam. .
Bhita. Kosam . .
4 5
Fatehpur,
Kosam. Fatehpur, Kosam. Fatehpar. Fatehpur. Kosam, Bhita.
61
7
The order of succession from Bhimasēna to Vaisravana is settled by the relationship these kings bore to one another. I place Sivamagha after Vaisravana, because the characters of his Kosam record appear to be somewhat more cursive than those of Bhimasēna's record. Vijayamagha is tentatively placed last of all, because his coins have been found only in the vicinity of Kaušāmbi. These kings held the country from Kosam to Bandhogarh, a large part of which was included in the ancient Chēdi or Dāhala. It is not definitely known where they had their capital, but it is not unlikely that they ruled from Kaušāmbi, the ancient capital of the Vatsa country, where the records and coins of most of them have been found.
It will be noticed that the known dates of these kings range from the year 51 to the year 139. They evidently refer to one and the same reckoning, but it is nowhere specified. The inscriptions, again, do not mention any contemporary kings and thus afford no definite clue to the period in which these kings flourished. We have therefore to examine this question in the light
1 An. Rep. A. . I. for 1911-12, p. 67.
? I have suggested here that the year 86 found in a record of Prishthafriya from Bandhogarh is a mistake for 76, because it overlaps the dates of his son Bhadramagha. After this article had been sent to the press, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, in reply to an enquiry in this connection, informed me that as many as five records of the reign of Pothasiri (Prishthasriya) dated in the year 86 have been discovered at Bāndhogarh and that the reading of the number of the year is decidedly 86, as it is expressed not only in symbols but also in words (chhasite). He also informe me that there is another inscription pertaining to the reign of the same king, which is dated in the year 87. There is thus no mistake about the reading and the dates undoubtedly overlap. One way of explaining this would be to distinguish between Maharaja Bhadramagha and Mahäsēnapali Bhadrabäla or Bhadadēva (Bhadradéva) and to suppose that the former was ruling at Kosam and the latter, like his father Prishthasriya and son Vaisravana, was holding Bandhogarh. But as the coins of Prishthasriya and Vaibravana have been found at Bhita, at Kosam and near Fatehpur, it seems that the rule of these kings extended to the Vatea country in the north. Perhape Prishthafriya and his son Bhadramagha or Bhadrabāla were ruling jointly. For similar cases of joint rule in ancient India, see above, p. 297.
The Purinas state that nine kings named Megha ruled in Kosala which usually denotes modern Chhattis. parh. But no coins or records of the kings of this dynasty have been found there.

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of other evidence, more or less indefinite, of palæography, language and the mode of dating adopted in these records and the stratification of the level at which their coins and seals were found. As regards palæography the following peculiarities have been noticed :(1) The medial short i is shown by a small curve on the top of a letter as in the Kushāņa
inscriptions. In the Gupta records this curve is brought down much lower on the
left of the letter. (2) The medial é is generally indicated by a short horizontal stroke to the left as in the
Kushāna inscriptions. In the Gupta records the mātrā is usually placed on the
top. (3) The medial o is shown by a concave curve as in the Kushāna inscriptions. In the Gupta
records, the vowel is shown by two mātrās turned in opposite directions. (4) The right verticals of g, t and $ are of the same length as the left ones. This is a pecu
liarity of the Kushāna records. In the Gupta inscriptions the right verticals of these
letters are much elongated. (5) Gh, p and y are rectangular as in the Kushāņa period. In the Gupta period these letters
become round and cursive. (6) N has a curved base as in the Kushāņa records, but no loop except in the late inscrip
tion of Vaisravana's reign. This letter became looped in the Gupta period. (7) M and h have the later, so-called eastern, forms known from Gupta records, though on
the coins of these kings m has the archaic shape of the Kushāņa period. (8) S appears both in looped and unlooped forms. The unlooped form of it was generally
current in the Kushāna period and the looped one in the Gupta period. As regards language, these records bear affinity to the Kushāņa rather than to the Gupta records. They are written in a mixed dialect which was current in the Kushāņa age. Such Prakrit expressions as ētāya puruvaya for ētasyām pūrvāyām or satime for satatamē are used side by side with correct Sanskrit forms. The language of the Gupta records is generally good Sanskrit.
The method of dating adopted in these records is slightly different from that of the Kushana records from Mathură. The dates are recorded in years and seasons, but instead of mentioning the number of months within the seasons as in the Kushāņa records from Mathurā, they state the number of fortnights like the Sātavāhana records from the Deccan. In North India such season dates were current during the Kushāņa perin., but they seem to have gone out of use in the Gupta age as there is not a single certain date of that age recorded in seasons.
1 Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 1122-26.
* Mr. R. D. Banerji drew attention to the date of a Mathuri Brahmi inscription which he took as indicating a compromise between solar month dates and season dates. He read the date as Vijaya-rajya sain 100 10 3 Kartika Héma*]nta mä[sa 3] disva]sa 20 (above, Vol. II, p. 210, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 46). But the facsimile shows that the reading Hemanta is extremely uncertain. Incidentally it may be pointed out that the date of the record appears to be 110, not 113. Mr. A. Ghosh mentions three season dates of the Gupta period, but they too are not certain. Of these the first one, viz., the date of the Kosam inscription of Bhimavarman (year 139) refers to the same era as those of the other Kosam inscriptions of this dynasty, as shown above. The date of the Mathurā inscription of Chandragupta II is not a season date as shown by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. As there was an intercalary month in the Gupta year 61, Dr. Bhandarkar's suggestion that the lost letters of the date were Ashadha-mase is quite plausible. As for the date of the Mathura inscription No. XXXVIII, (above, Vol. II, p. 210), its attribution to the Gupta period rests only on palæographic evidence which is not quite certain. See also J. R. A. 8. for 1903, p. 11. In South India the custom of using season dates lingered much longer; for we have some records of the Vakatakas and the Vishnukundins of the fifth and sixth centuries A. D., which have season datee. See above, Vol. II, p. 262; Vol. IV, p. 197; Vol. XVII, p. 339, eto.

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DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI.
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As regards the evidence of stratification, it may be pointed out that the sealings of Bhimasēna and Sivamagha were found during excavations at Bhițā at the level of the lower floor of Nägadēva's house all the finds of which belong to the Kushāna period. According to Sir John Marshall the house was deserted, owing to some catastrophe, in the Kushāņa period.
Having thus stated the nature of the evidence available for determining the age of these records, let us proceed to examine the theories advanced so far.
(I) Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni referred the date of the Kosam stone inscription of Bhadramagha to the Gupta era. The years 51-139 of these records would, on this supposition, correspond to A.D. 370—458. This theory does not appear plausible ; for, though these inscriptions exhibit some forms of letters (such as m with unjoined middle, the cursive h and the looped 8) which are believed to have become current in the Gupta period, the general appearance of their characters is pre-Gupta. The evidence of language and the manner of dating is also against this theory as stated above.
(II) The second theory, which has been advocated by Dr. Jayaswal, and Messrs. N. G. Majumder, A. Ghosh and Krishna Deva, refers these dates to the Chēdi era. It is pointed out that these Kosam records show greater maturity than is evident in the Kushāņa, without approximating to the Gupta in cursiveness. They thus belong to the period of transition between the
Kushana and the Gupta. The system of dating and the mixed nature of the language are also - believed to point to the same period. These records are, therefore, assigned to some time from
the third to the fourth century A.D.'. The only era in this period to which the dates could be referred is the Chēdi era of A.D. 248-49.
This theory has much plausibility and the fact that some of these records come from that part of the country which in ancient times was known as Chēdi lends colour to it. The origin of the Chēdi era is still uncertain. The earliest certain date of this era so far known is the year 207 recorded in the Pärdi plates of the Traikūtaka Dahrasēna. The era was current in Gujarat, Konkan and northern Maharashtra down to the beginning of the eighth century A.D. It is found used in the records of the Traikūtakas, Kalachuris, Western Chalukyas and their feudatories. Later on it was taken by the Kalachuris to the United Provinces and Chhattisgarh when they founded their kingdoms there. But no dates of the first two centuries of this era have been found till now. The discovery of these Kosam records which apparently belong to the third or fourth century A. D. seemed to supply the early dates of the era which had been missing so far.
This theory does not, however, appear to be convincing ; for, if these dates are referred to the Chēdi era, Bhadramagha, Vaiśravana and Bhimavarman become the contemporaries of the Gupta Emperors, Chandragupta I, Samudragupta and Chandragupta II. That the Guptas extended their sway to Allahābād and the Ganges-Jumna Doab soon after their rise appears clear from an oft-quoted statement in the Purānas. If these rulers of Kaušāmbi (36 miles from Allahabad) were ruling in the fourth century A. D., they must have acknowledged the suzerainty of the Guptas. It seems strange therefore that none of these records mentions the name of any Gupta overlord. The explanation that these are private records will not avail, because even when Vaisravaņa records his excavation of a cave at Bāndhogarh he does not name any suzerain.
+ An. Rep. A. 8. 1. for 1911-12, pp. 34, 51, 66 ff. ? Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 255.
3 The dates of the Uchchakalpa records which are earlier are referred by some to the Chēdi era, but this does not soem to be the correct view. See above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 171 ff. • anu-Ganga Prayagam cha Sākētam Magadhamg-tatha
ētān janapadan sarvan bhokshyantē Gupta-vambajāb|| Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 53.

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Secondly, it does not appear credible that the Gupta Emperors allowed these feudatories to strike coins in their own names. The Guptas seemed to have valued highly the Imperial prerogative of issuing their own coinage; for, instead of allowing the coins of the Kushānas to circulate in their kingdom, they issued a varied and magnificent coinage of their own. When Chandragupta II exterminated the Western Saka Satraps and annexed Malwa and Kathiawaḍ he issued fresh silver coins to meet the needs of the people of the newly acquired provinces. It may be urged that the coins of these Kausambi kings are all of copper, while no copper coins of Chandragupta I and Samudragupta have yet been found. The first Gupta king whose copper coins have been discovered is Chandragupta II. Chandragupta I and Samudragupta may therefore have allowed these coins to circulate in their kingdom for the sake of convenience. But this argument does not explain why Bhimavarman who was a contemporary of Chandragupta II was allowed to strike coins in his own name. From inscriptional records we know of some feudatories of the Guptas, but the coins of none of them have been found. It is extremely unlikely that the Guptas made an exception in the case of these feudatories of Kausāmbi.
(III) The third theory is that these dates refer to the Kushana era founded by Kanishka. The palæographical evidence detailed above shows that these Kosam records must be classed with the Kushana and this has indeed been admitted even by the advocates of the second theory. But they point out that some of the letters, viz., m, s and h, have more developed forms which are usually met with in Gupta records. It is, however, not realized that if these dates are referred to the Chedi era, the resemblances should be many more and striking; for, Vaisravana and Bhimavarman become then the contemporaries of Samudragupta and Chandragupta II. The stone pillar on which Harishēņa's prasasti of Samudragupta is incised is believed to have originally stood at Kausambi itself. The inscription was incised about A.D. 360, i.e., somewhat earlier than the inscription of Vaisravana and much earlier than those of Bhimavarman. A comparison of Harishona's prasasti with the Kosam records will show that its characters are much more developed than those of the latter. It exhibits throughout the looped n, sh and s; the right verticals of g, t and are elongated and the letters are generally cursive, instead of being squat and square. In all these respects the letters of the Kosam records, especially those of Bhimavarman's inscription dated in the year 130, present decidedly early forms approximating those of the Kushana. As for the letters m, s and h, it may be pointed out that the so-called eastern Gupta forms of these occur much earlier than the age of the Guptas and as far west as Mathura and Jasdan in Kathiawaḍ. Bühler pointed out long ago that the looped form of s occurs throughout in a Mathura inscription dated in the year 20 of the era of Kanishka. Dr. D. R. Bhandarakar has recently drawn attention to the
Allan, Catalogue of Indian Coins, Gupta Dynasties, p. lxxxvii. Prof. C. J. Brown thinks that Samudragupta did not mint copper coins because in the time of the Guptas, the bazars must have been full of Kushana copper money (The Coins of India, p. 42).
2 R. D. Banerji states in his Age of the Imperial Guptas (p. 214) that he saw two copper coins of Samudragupta They have not been published.
3 C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 2.
4 V. A. Smith, Early History of India (third ed.), p. 282. This prasasti does not mention Samudragupta's performance of the Aévamedha sacrifice. According to Dr. H. R. Divekar, the expression kripana-din-änäthatura-jan-öddharana-ma(sa)ttra-dikeh-äbhyupagata-manasah in 1. 26 indicates the intention of Samudragupta to perform the sacrifice (Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. VII, p. 165). But this is incorrect. Sattra-diksha is used there only for a metaphorical description, the figure being rupaka. For an exactly similar idea, see àpann-abhaya-sattrèshu dikshitah khalu Pauravah in Kalidasa's Sakuntala, Act II, v. 16.
Above, Vol. I, pp. 372-73.

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No. 42.]
DATES OF SOME EARLY KINGS OF KAUSAMBI.
303
occurrence of the so-called eastern forms of m and h in a Western Kshatrapa record of Saka 127 (A. D. 205). The Gupta forms of these letters were thus not unknown in the second and third centuries A. D.
But it may be objected that these forms occur only sporadically in the aforementioned records of the Kushāņa period. They do not show that these forms had become current at the time. To prove this we must have some record which definitely belongs to the Kushāņa period and exhibits all these forms together as in the Kosam inscriptions under consideration. Such a record is not difficult to find. I draw attention to the Mathura pedestal inscription of the reign of Kanishka. The characters of this inscription closely resemble those of the Kosam records. They include the so-called Eastern Gupta forms of the letters m, s and h. In other respects, such as the forms of the medial vowels, of n, v, sh, etc., they are akin to other Kushana records, though they are somewhat more cursive. The date of this record should give a clue to the age of the Kosam records under discussion.
This Mathura inscription refers itself to the reign of Mahārāja Devaputra Kanishka. It is dated on the 10th day of Pausha in the year 54. As shown elsewhere, this Kanishka must be identified with Kanishka II whose Ara inscription is dated in the year 41. The date 54 must of course be referred to the era started by Kanishka I. The beginning of this era is still uncertain, but most scholars are now in favour of identifying it with the Saka era of A. D. 78. In view of the similarity of the characters used in this Mathura pedestal inscription of the year 54 and the Kosam records of the years 52-139, it seems certain that all these records. are dated in the same era, viz., the Kushana era founded by Kanishka. And this is but natural; for Kanishka carried his arms as far as Pațaliputra in the east. In the south his empire extended at least up to the Narmada. His era seems to have been current throughout his extensive empire long after his death. Inscriptions dated in it have been found at Sarnath in the east, Sanchi in the south and Wardak near Kabul in the north-west. Once an era becomes current in a part of the country and the people become accustomed to use it, it continues to be used long after the founder or his family has ceased to rule. The era of Harsha continued to be used long after him, though his empire crumbled to pieces almost immediately after his death. We do not know who founded the so-called Kalachuri-Chedi era. But it was used in Gujarat, Knokan and Maharashtra for several centuries after the memory of its founder had faded from the public mind. The same thing must have happened in the case of the Kushāņa era.
It is not known if the Vatsa and Chedi countries were included in the Kushana Empire during the reign of Huvishka; for, no inscriptions of the king have been found there. R. D. Banerji conjectured from the absence of Kushana records between the years 60 and 74 that during the last years of Huvishka's reign the Kushana Empire in India was convulsed by civil
1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 2 f.
2 Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 96 f., and plate.
See for the discussion on the date of this record, above, pp. 293 ff.
Dr. Sten Konow places the beginning of this era in A. D. 128-29 (C. I. I., Vol. II, pt. i, p. xc v).
Though this era is usually called the Chedi era, it does not seem that it originated in the Chedi country; for, its early dates come from the Bombay Presidency. The name Chedi-samvat occurs for the first time in a record of the year 919 (A. D. 1167-68) from Chhattisgarh. It was then current in the Chedi country. In an earlier record of the year 831 (A. D. 1079) the date is introduced with the words Chedibasya samvat evidently because it was used by the Kalachuris who were then ruling over the Chedi country. The connection of the Kalachuris with this era does not go before the year 347 (A. D. 595).
It is conjectured from the discovery of the impression of a medal of Huvishka under the Vajrasa..a throne inside the temple of Bodh Gaya that the Empire of Huvisha included Bihar (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 60).

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wars and revolution. If the kings of Kausāmbi were at first feudatories of the Kushāņas, they must have asserted their independence in this period. No'inscriptions of the reign of Väsudēva have been found outside the Mathurā region. The kings of Kausāmbi may therefore have been virtually independent during his time. After the death of Väsudēva, there was no power in North India which could have held them in subjection till the rise of the Guptas.
The last known king of this line is Vijayamagha, but we need not suppose that the dynasty ended with him. His successors may have continued to rule at least over the territory round Kaušāmbi til the rise of the Guptas. Balavarman who is mentioned in the Allahābād prasasti as one of the rulers of Aryävarta (North India) exterminated by Samudragupta may have been ruling at Kaubambi. His name does not of course end in magha, but this presents no difficulty: for magha was not the invariable suffix of the names of these kings. R. D. Banerji proposed to identify this Balavarman with the homonymous ancestor of Bhaskaravarman of Aggam. But the identification does not appear to be correct for two reasons. Firstly, Balavarman was ninth in ascent from Bhaskaravarman. From the Harshacharita he seems to have come to the throne about A. D. 600. Taking 25 years as the average period of each reign, we find that this BalaVarman of Assam must have ruled from circa A. D. 375 to 400. He was thus a contemporary of Chandragupta II, not of Samudragupta. Secondly, we find Kämarūpa (Assam) included in the list of border kingdoms, the rulers of which paid homage and tribute to Samudragupta. Its ruler was not therefore exterminated by the Gupta Emperor.
Balavarman is therefore more likely to have been & ruler of Central India who was overthrown and whose territory was annexed by Samudragupta. He may have been ruling at Kausāmbi. That Kausāmbi was directly under the rule of the Guptas appears clear not only from the aforementioned statement in the Purānas about the extent of the Gupta kingdom, but also from the prasasti on the stone pillar at Allahābād, which seems to have originally stood at Kausāmbi.
Thus the theory that the dates of these Kings of Kausambi refer to the Kushāna (or Saka) era presents no difficulties. It harmonises all data satisfactorily and squares with our present knowledge of the history of Central India in the pre-Gupta period.
No. 43.-ASOGE PLATES OP KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II) ; SAKA 1055.
By G. H. KHARE, POONA. The plates were originally edited by me from the reading, etc., supplied by Mr. Dāmūtātyx Bokāde of Hubli, Dharwar District. Afterwards I was able to acquire the plates in question for the Bhārata Itihäsa Samsodhaka Mandaļa, from their owner, Ganapatarao Ināmdär of Asoge, Khānäpur, Belgaum District and re-edited them from the originals with facsimiles. I again edit them here for the benefit of English-knowing scholars.
1 R. 1). Banerji, Prehistoric Ancient and Hindu India, p. 131.
2 K. D. Banerji, Age of the Imperial Guptas, p. 13. K. P. Jayaswal on the other hand, suggested that Balvarman was the second or abhisheka name of Kalyāņavarman who is mentioned as the ruler of Påtaliputra in the Kaumudimahotsava, see his History of India, etc., p. 142, but the historicity of the drama is not above. suspicion.
The view that these kings flourished in the second and third centuries A. D. has also been supported by Mr. G. 8. Chatterji (Jha Commemoration Volume, pp. 101 ff.), Dr. Motichandra (J. N. 8. I., Vol. II, pp. 95 ff.) and Dr. Sten Konow (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 2.5 ff.).
• G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval fistory of the Dekkan (Marathi) Vol. I p. 211 et sey. . Ibid. Vol. II, p. 9 el seq.

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No. 43.]
ASOGE PLATES OF KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II); SAKA 1055.
305
The record consists of three plates, measuring 8"x6" in dimensions. The plates were, as informed by Mr. Bokāde, originally strung on a circular ring, the two ends of which were soldered into a seal bearing the figure of a boar in relief. I was, however, unable to acquire the seal. The inner sides of the first and the third and both the sides of the second plate are inscribed, containing 49 lines of writing in all. The sides contain 12, 13, 12 and 12 lines respectively. The rims of the plates being raised, the writing is perfectly preserved. The whole set weighs 170 tolas.
The charter is written in Devanagari characters of the 12th century of the Christian era, which closely resemble those found in the Kadamba inscriptions of the time and call for no special remarks. Prishthamäträs are invariably used. The form of th in sthi is peculiar and resembles that of chh. It occurs in ll. 1, 10, 21, 38. A danda appearing at the end of 11. 1, 17, 18, 23, 38, 43 and 44 stands to serve the purpose of a hyphen, showing that the word is continued in the next line.
About orthography three points deserve mention here. B is generally substituted by vas vibharti (1. 3), Kādamva (1. 10), vivudho (1. 47), etc., and é by s in some cases, as in saurya (1. 21) Galagèsvara (1. 28), säkě (1. 38). Visarga followed by and s is invariably changed to s and a respectively. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse throughout.
The following place-names occur in this grant: Konkana (1. 8); the river Malaprahariņi (1. 25); Palasi-desa (1. 29); the kampana Kalagiri including the village Küpaṭṭöggarikā (1. 33). Konkana does not require any elucidation. Malaprahāriņi is evidently the old name of the modern Malaprabha. Palasi is the modern Halsi in the Khanapur taluqa of the Belgaum District. There is a shrine called Galageśvara at the village of Baloge, which is evidently identical with the one mentioned in the record, as it is situated on the bank of the river Malaprabha, the Malaprahāriņi of the inscription. It is some 2 miles to the west of Khānāpur. The kampana Kalagiri is referred to in a similar inscription. The Postal Village Directory of the Bombay Circle notes Kalagiri as a deserted village in Khanapur. It may be the old Kalagiri. Kupaṭṭoggarikä seems to be Kopulgeree of the Indian Atlas, sheet 41, shown some 3 miles due south-east of Khanapur.
The details of the date, as given in 11. 38-40, are the Saka year 1055, expressed by the words sara (5), sara (-5) and aśä (-10), the cyclic year Pramadin, the first day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna, Saturday and the solar eclipse. According to the Indian Chronology by Pillai, the expired Saka year 1055 coincides with the cyclic year Pramadin and there was a solar eclipse on the newmoon day of Magha of that year which fell on Friday. But as the period after the occurrence of the eclipse is also reckoned as auspicious for making grants, Saturday, the first day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna, is cited here as the day of the grant.
60 DGA.
1 For other references to Palast and its variants Palasika, Palasige, etc., see Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part II, pp. 285, 288, 289, 298 note 2, 358 note 1, 451, 452, 456, 460, 476, 486, 565, 568-570.
2 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. IX, pp. 279 and 280.
But the Indian Altas (published in 1852 A. D.), sheet no. 41, does not show this village.
Tables, page 87.

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But it should also be borne in mind that Mr. Pillai has given the mean ending moment of the newmoon day there. The Christian equivalent of the date is 27th January A. D. 1134.
The object of the inscription is to record a grant, by Kadamba Jayaköbin II of Goa, of the village Küpattöggarikā to one Sivasakti, a 'store of penance ', for the worship of the God Galagēsvara, for the repairs of his temple and for the accomplishment of satras on auspicious occasions such as Chaitra, pavitra, etc.
After the first two benedictory verses praying for the favour of Hari and Siva, the record goes on to describe the origin and genealogy of the Kādambas of Goa. From the drops of sweat of Siva fallen at the foot of a kadamba tree sprang Trilochana-Kadamba, who resided in the Konkana and from whom the family got the name Kādamba. In this family was born Jayakēsin (I), who received the title Räya pitämaha by his successfully reconciling the Chalukya and Chola kings at Kāñchi who were hostile to each other. This fact has been also referred to in the Kiri-Halasige plates thus
चालुक्यचोलभूपाली कांच्या मित्रे विषाय यः ।
पेमट्टितूर्यनिर्घोषोप्यासीद्रायपितामहः ॥ From him was born Vijayāditya who begot Jayakēsin (II). The only fact recorded about him in this inscription is that a certain king gave his daughter in marriage to him. Unfortunately the name of either the king or his daughter is not mentioned here, but we know these names from other records. For instance, the same Kiri-Halasige plates have the following verse -
भूभृत्वाणपरायणः पृथुयशा गांभीर्यरत्नाकरः श्रीपेर्माडिनृपः पयोनिषिनिभः सोमानुजां कन्यकाम् । यस्मै विस्मयकारिभूरिविभववत्त्व (स्वे)भकोशादिभिः
ख्यातः श्रीपतये स मैललमहादेवीं कृतार्थोभवत् ॥ This verse apparently states that the King Permādi (=Chalukya Vikramāditya VI) gave his daughter Mailalamahādēvi, the younger sister of Sõmēsvara III, to him. There is perhaps one more fact recorded about Jayakēsin (II). The 13th verse begins with the phrase KritaBhögapur-āvāso which means that he made Bhögapura his residence. If we accept this meaning, we must try to identify Bhögapura. But as it is mentioned singly, we are practically helpless in the matter.
1 (What Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai has shown at the cited place evidently refers to the Christian equivalent of the amavdays of the month of Māghs in the year concerned, which is Friday, 26th January A. D. 1134, without referring to the exact duration of that lithi. The solar eclipse, however, appears to have taken place in the early hours of the following day, namely Saturday, 27th January A. D. 1134, when the amavdaya ended about two hours and a half after the mean sun-rise, the rest, or the major part, of that day thus being counted as the first day of the bright fortnight of the month of Phálguna, the tithi mentioned in the inscription. This is made clear by referring to Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 270. From this it follows that the donation was both actually made and recorded on the same day, though by a few hours' difference the recording fell on the following tithi. The date of the record may thus be regarded as perfectly regular.-B. C. C.]
. J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. IX, p. 242.
• Ibid. The fact is also clearly mentioned in the Degūmve, Halsl, and Göļihalli inscriptions (ibid., pp. 267, 279, 288, 298), Goa plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 289) and the first Narendra inscription (above, Vol. XIII, p. 298) and inforred in the second Narendra inscription (ibid., p. 316).

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No. 43.]
ASOGE PLATES OF KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II); SAKA 1055.
This record extends the period of Jayakeśin's reign by 8 years; for, the present charter is issued in Saka 1055 and the last known date of Jayakāśin II, as recorded by the late Dr. Fleet and as found in inscriptions published since then, is Saka 1047.
All the same I must confess that this record does not throw any light on his political relation to the successor of the Chalukya King Vikramaditya. This record has nothing to show whether he acknowledged the Chalukya supremacy.
After the 25th verse appear two usual imprecatory verses. The last two stanzas tell us that one Somadeva, son of Trailōkyadeva, of the Upamanyu götra drafted the grant, and an artisan named Ramadeva engraved it.
307
TEXT
[Metres: Vv. 1-8, 13-24, 27, 29 Anushṭubh; vv. 9, 11, 12 Särdalavikridita; v. 10 Arya; v. 25 Gāthā ; v. 26 Sālinī; v. 28 Vasantatilakā.]
First Plate.
1 श्री [ ॥ * ] भूयाद्विभूत्यं भवतां स वराहवपुर्हरिः [1*] पोत्रप्रतिस्थिता य
दद्यान्मौली यस्य
2 स्प मुस्तास्तंबा (बा) यते मही ॥१॥ *] स शिवशिवं 3 हिमद्युतिः [*] वि (बि) भर्ति नाकनलिनीमृणालशकलश्रियं (यम्)
4 रागां विजये शंभो: कतिचिदास्पदं (दम्) । चलंलाटफलके श्रमस्वे
[२॥ * ] पुरा पु
5 बो(f) [111*]
(ब) तलमाप्तेभ्यस्तेभ्यो नेत्रत्रयाचितः [*] चतुर्भु 6 जस्समभव स्वो (त्स्ये) यंधेर्यषरो नरः [ ॥४॥ * ] शक्तिमान्विवु (बु) धानंदक7*ार: [*] त्रिलोचनया (मा) 8 स नागवल्लीकलिते कदलीखंडमंडिते । चकार कोंकणे वा
वि (वि) अद्भुतविक्रमः [ ॥५॥*]
9 सं विलासवसतिरिच (विष) र (रम्) (६॥*] ततः प्रववृते
10 मंलः । अम्लानकमलोल्लासो 11 दविख्यातो राजहंसोपशोभितः । 12 हो हिमव[14]द्गिरेः ॥ [ ८ ॥ * ]
महेस्व (एच) रतस्थितिः [1011*] कादंव (ब) पअभंग इव गंगायाः प्रवा
एतस्म 'जयकेशिभूपतिरभूवंभोषिगर्भो
1 Bombay Gazeteer, Vol. I, part II, p. 568 and Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, 298, 316. Prof. Moraes in his Kadamba Kula (p. 197), seems to extend this period to A. D. 1147 (S. 1070 current), because Jayakeáin II's son succeeded him in that year. But unless records of the intermediate period are found, that will not be the final conclusion. There may have been other causes, such as chaos, which may have prevented the son from succeeding his father before 8. 1070 current. [Two inscriptions of the reign of Jayakākin II bearing the date Saks 1058, have been noticed in the An. Rep. on 8. I. E. for 1925-26 (Nos. 453 and 461 of Appendix C).
Another record of the same ruler (ibid.,
No. 450) probably belongs to A. D. 1138 (Kälayukta).-N. L. R.]
Prepared from the original plates.
The two circles representing the sign of visarga are separated, one appearing at the top and the other at the bottom of the letter va. Evidently the engraver first omitted the visarga inadvertently and later on, discovering his mistake, inserted it in the manner described above for want of space.
4 The form of ब्रिंग resembles very much that of हि.
Read
एतस्मिशि

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL.XXVI.
Second Plate; First Side. 13 व रत्नरपिहितश्चकार सफल यस्त्यासिंहासन (नम्) । निश्श14 कोंकतटे गृहीतसमरी चालुक्यचोलाषिपौ कृत्वा रायपि15 तामहेति महतीमा प्रसिद्धि गतः [1 eu*] तस्माद्विजयादित्यस्सत्यवता16 माणोर्गुणः प्रगुणः [*] जातस्स यस्य कीर्तिविलसति लोके पताकेव ॥[१०॥*] 17 जातोस्माज्जयकेशिदेवनृपतिस्सी(स्सा)क्षादिवाघोक्षजः लोणीर18 सणवक्षिणस्सुमनसामानंदसंबोहंदः । यो बाल्यो(बाल्ये)पि यशोदयाप19 रिगतस्सत्योल्लसन्मानसो वृष्टोदारपराक्रमो ब(ब)लिजये 20 लक्ष्म्या समालिंगितः ॥११॥*] अस्योसा(सा)हसखस्य साहसवतो निस्सं(श्श)क21 सौ(शौर्यस्थिते:(ते)माहात्मा महनीयमानमहसः किं वर्णयामो वयम् । 22 यस्मै विस्मयवान्वितीर्य विधिना सर्बस्वभूतां सुतां सार्थ वाजिगजन23 जेन पृथिवीनाथः कृतार्थोभवत् ॥[१२॥*] कृतभोगपुरावासो वि24 लासवसतिपः । स पुष्णनर्मिसार्थस्य विविषार्थमनोरवान् ।[१३॥*] 25 सरित्सह्याविसंभूता शैवलि गर्भिरतरा [[*] मलप्रहारिणीत्यस्ति ता
Second Plate ; Second Side. 26. पपापापहारिणी ।[१४॥*] भत्रक्षेत्रमयोद्भूतस्कूजजिनमार्जनात् । प्रा. 27 प्ता परशुरामस्य स्वस्य नाम्नो यथार्थतान्(म्) ।[१५॥*] तस्यास्तीरेस्ति भगवान 28 स्वयंभूर्भुक्तिमुक्तिवः । शंभुः प्रसिद्धस्थो(स्थौल्येन गलगेस्व(श्व)रसंशया ।।१६॥*] 29 दत्तभक्तजनानन्दः पलसीदेशभूषण(णम्) । प्रकटीकृतमाहात्म्यस्तत्त30 दरसमर्पणात् ।। १७॥*] तस्मै पूजोपचारार्थ जीर्णोद्धरणकर्मणे । त31 [षा] चैत्रपवित्रादिपर्वणे सत्रसिद्धये ॥ १८॥*] तत्तद्भोगविभूत्यर्थ 32 भक्तिनिर्भ(भ)रमानसः । महामाहेस्व(इव)रः प्रादाज्जयकेशिमही33 पतिः ।।१९॥*] कंपणे कालगिर्याल्ये कूपट्टोग्गरिकाभिधं(षम् ।) प्रामं त्रिभोग34 संपन्नं सर्ववा(बा)पाविवज्जितं(तम्) [ २०॥*] नमस्यं सर्वलोकस्य यावदाचंद्रता
' Thian appearn more likons.

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ASOGE PLATES OF KADAMBA JAYAKESIN (II); SAKA 1055.
दामोदिनातनवता सवनातवदनिभापचिपातायतामो। यमुसातवासातमदी। सूतपिरावरिशवदद्यान्मालामत्या 2 दिमदाति वित्ततिनानिलिनीनागालुरानामरिचमाना! नागाविदारानातिचिदात्याचक्कुललारपरनाक्यमान
दक्विाकर्दवनलमाप्तत्त्यासात्यानवयाचितम्चतता सम्ममनवारवटवतानसम्मानमाविवादका सद वापरतानाचनकदवानाविचइताविकाम मनागवलीचालतकदलीयमद्धताकाताकाकागवा।।
मविलासवमतिस्मिताततापूवत्तवारदरणीतागान 10 मलायमानवामानामोसामादनकृतात तिप्कादवप 10
दतियातानाहानामापागातितमायानगडवगंगोदशा पता 12 पदादिमातरमपतामहरातनूपातरत्नदानाधिगाती/ 12
iia.
ECHNOpencam4
विवाधान नकार्न सफलमत्यागादामनाज को 14 ताकनारगहीत्यमानाचात्सुक्याचात्नाविपिलिबानामापा 14
तामाद निमदतीमवाप्रसिदिगतमतिमादितयादितात्मतावना 16 मगणागुण गुपसातत्सदायकानविलसातालाकवताकवा 16 जातामाटाक शादवन्पतिसादाहिवामहाकालीमा विगतरसात्यालसन्मानासादावादासपनाकामावलिमीटर।
मनसामान दमादाहदायावाल्यापिटारादिदापण 18 20लासमा लिगित मायामाहसरतेस्मोहिमवाता जि साल 20
सासित मोदोमामहनतमानमदमकि वोमावान 22 टास्मेतिमामूवाचिनीमनितिजामनन्तायुतीसाईनानिगा। 22
जनपतितीजाप्ताततातीलतताक्ततानागपुतावासाति, 2लासनतिन.पामपुतिमानस्यानातानम्मानारखाना, 24
सनिमादिसन्तागातलिमितिमामलपहा मागीवासिनी
SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA CALOUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No.3977 E'36-290-X-29048.

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26 पापापाताणीदिदिविदाइतस्यूसाहदिनमाईजातामा
तापनगरामत्यवत्यनामापावालानयातीललितगवान 28 वसननाकमुक्किदमानुपसिवासाल्यनगलागत्वसमस्या 28
नानानःपलसीदानप्तागापटीतमाहात्यात 30 समपी।गाना तात्मपाडापचानावसामाहाकमाणात 30
नावपविवादिपर्वागसवसिदामातताझागविनताका 32 नजिनिसमाजसः महामदिनमः पादाक्षायाक्कशिम 32
पनिकपाकालागसारात पाहामनिकातिवायामानाला 34 सपणे सर्व वालविवक्षितीजमयसीलाक्यमावदाचदता 34
रपिसिहचाप्याटपूर्वसीमासमन्वितातागाजिनागरिया 38 राणाक्सापानिावावानिसमासमुचपागातानाडकाता 36
सपनाजसमन्यापासदितपुरमा विद्यावदोतवदान
iii.
T
a gtanabadline
38
० विमानकाक्षातायातमा नरागागानि प्रमाधिपरिवाना
फाल्लानरापास्यपतिपहिवामानामीपूजागामा 40 सर्वपा तामातामामाविवचिवचानिपानशाकाकागवत 40
आगामिनूपानत्य धाम्नाटसपात्यतामितिा सामान्याटिया 42 विमासतर्नुपाणी कामकालिपालजीमालवावासनिता 42
नाविनःपाविनिदानासानायामाचातरामवावा
तीपरतावादमादारतवसुंसामाप्तिववसदया। 4 विठामाजाततिमियी शानिरापदसारातालाला 48 गारगार्तिगातादूगतिडानमत्तानतातावासामोदवात 46
वासनादेदिनीवाला यादवतजननुपमयागाव 48 नाशिता कशाला लामादेवानिवः शुचिमालवानार 48
लातहासाजिनपरामजानामिगलदाय

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No. 44.) BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA ; SAKA 1106.
309
35 रकं । प्रसिद्धचतुराघाट पूर्वसीमासमन्वितं(तम्) [२१॥*] तपोनिष्ठागरिष्ठस्य 36 शिवशक्तेस्तपोनिधेः । वारिधारां समस(स)ज्य पाणी तत्पंडिकात37 [2] [॥ २२॥*] सर्वप्रधानसंमत्या पुरोहितपुरस्सरो(रः) [*] विद्यावदातवदने
Third Plate. 38 विद्वद्वर्गि(ग)न्तिकस्थिते ॥[२३॥*] सा(शा)के शरशराशांके प्रमादिपरिवत्सरे । 39 फाल्गुने शुद्धपक्षस्य प्रतिपद्दिवसे शुभे ।। २४॥*] सूर्योपरागे सौलि(ह्नि) 40 सर्वपर्वोत्तमोत्तमे । अत्रैव चित्रचारित्रः प्राह श्रीकोंकणेश्वरः [*] 41 प्रागामिभूपानभ्यर्थ्य धर्मोयं पाल्यतामिति ॥[२॥*] सामान्योयं 42 धर्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः । सर्वानेता43 भाविनः पार्थिवेंद्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः ॥[२६॥*] स्व. 44 दत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधराम् । षष्टि वर्षसहस्रा45 णि विष्ठायां जायते क्रिमिः ।।२७॥*] श्रीशारदापदसरोबहलोल46 भुंगः ख्याति गतो जगति जङ्गमभारतीति । श्रीसोमववि47 वु(बु)धो व्यदधादिदं श्रीत्रैलोक्यदेवतनुभूरुपमन्युगोत्रः] [२८॥*] 48 अनल्पशिल्पकुशलो रामदेवाभिधः शुचिः । अलिखनिखि49 लार्थशश्शाश(स)नं नृपशासनात् [२६॥*] मंगल(लं) · महाश्री[:*]
No. 44.-BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA B SAKA 1106.
BY MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, B.A., BOMBAY.
The following inscription is carved on the lintel of the entrance door of a temple at Balsaņē, in the Pimpalner tālukā of the West Khandesh District of the Bombay Presidency, a place well known for its several temples in the Chalukyan style. It has been noticed several times previously: in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XII (Khandesh), p. 4333; by Burgess and Cousens in the Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, f. 55 ; by R. D. Banerji in the Annual Progress Report, Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year 1918-19, p. 45; and again by Cousenst in his Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 26. Its
I This inscription, however, does not find a place in the Progress Report,A.S.I.,W.C., for 1891-92, where the Balsane temples are described, for the first time, by Mr. Consena.

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[Vol. XXVI.
text and facsimile have, however, not yet been published. The brief notices of its contents are both inadequate and inaccurate. I copied it in March 1941, when I accompanied Mr. R. G. Gyani, M.A., the Curator, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, on an archaeological tour in Khandesh. Its estampage, published here, I owe to the authorities of the P. W. Museum, Bombay. I am obliged to the Government Epigraphist for giving me an opportunity to edit it in this journal I have also to thank Mr. G. H. Khare, of the Bhārata Itihāsa Sambödhaka Mandala, Poona, and Mr. S. K. Dikshit, M.A., for some suggestions.
The inscribed piece of the lintel, which is smoothly dressed, measures about 4+x}". The inscription consists of five long lines and two very short ones added at the left end. The letters are deeply carved and are in an excellent state of preservation.
The characters are the usual type of the Nāgari alphabet and regular for the period in which the record was inscribed. While most of the letters exhibit the fully developed forms as they are found in the present day Nagari, some of them, such as ch, j, , dh, b, bh, 1, $, etc., appear in a transitory stage. The initial i (1. 3), 1 (1. 5) and 2 (1. 2) show their early forms.
The language is Sanskrit, but the composition of the record is very faulty, though most of the mistakes are due to the carelessness of the scribe. Except for the portions giving the particulars of the date and the name of the architect, the inscription is in verse. As regards orthography, b and v, 6, sh and 8 are generally differentiated, but sometimes confounded. The forms like pumnya for punya (1. 1), samāhvaē for samāhvayê (1.2), sthāi for sthāyī (1.5), etc., are mere phonetic variations. There are a number of other mistakes that are pointed out in giving the text.
The inscription opens with an invocatory stanza. The next verse describes that in the Gargya family was born one Somēśvara-Pandita, son of Padmanabha, & poet of great renown. His son was the illustrious Mahalüka-Pandita, who became famous by his personal good qualities. He is stated to have helped a king named Krishna in obtaining the earth. From this we are perhaps to infer that Mahalüka-Pandita served under that king either as a minister or as a priest. He is further described as a well-known mathematician and a knower of dharma. The object of the inscription is to record that the Pandita repaired the Royal Matha (Raja-matha), standing on the banks of a river, at Balasāņaka, for the inhabitance of Brahmins. In the last verse a hope is expressed that the matha should last through hundreds of kalpas. At the end it is stated that the engraving was done by the architect Dānda.
The date of the inscription is given three times, twice in the second line in words and numerical figures and once again at the termination of the record, as the Saka year 1106, but without any specification of the month, fortnight, tithi or week-day. It does not therefore admit of verification. It corresponds to A. D. 1184.
Banerjit was the first to give an abstract of the contents of this inscription and to discuss its bearings. His rendering of it, however, is not all correct. In his account we do not find any mention of the name of Mahalüka-Pandita, who repaired the matha. He takes the epithets of Mahalūka as those of Sõmēsvara whom he treats as the minister of Krishna. Evidently his decipherment of the record was imperfect. To the same defect is to be attributed his statement that Sõmēsvara "held the king Krishnarāja in the palm of his hands". The passage in question, as already shown, refers to Mahalūka and may literally be rendered as "one who quickly does or makes over the earth in the palm of the hand of the king Krishna ".
1 Loc. cit.

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No. 44.) BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA ; SAKA 1106.
311
As regards the identification of this king Krishna, Banerji has rightly pointed out that he cannot be the Rashtrakūţa or the Paramāra prince of that name, as their known dates are far remote from the period of the present inscription.
Mr. Sachindra Chandra Majumdar," who has further discussed this inscription, follows Banerji's account. According to him, Krishna belongs to the Nikumbha-vamsa. Two inscriptions of this family have been found at Patan, near Chalisgaon, in the East Khandesh District. According to them there were two kings of that name in the Nikumbha family. Mr. Majumdar identifies the Krishna of the present inscription with Kfishnarāja II of the Nikumbha family, who was alive in Saka 1070. He seems to suggest that the Balsaņē inscription is a posthumous record of Krishnarāja II. His arguments in favour of the above identification appear to be farfetched and based on several suppositions. He takes it for granted that the matha was not repaired during the reign of Krishna. He also suggests the possibility of Sömēsvara (actually Mahalūka) having outlived Kțishnarāja II by over 36 years, which is improbable, if not impossible. In Khandesh, the Nikumbha-vamba, the dynasty with which he has tried to connect the Krishna of our inscription, ruled in the vicinity of Pātan, which is about 64 miles, south by west of Balsand, where the present record is found. It seems hardly possible that petty chieftains like the Nikumbhas should have wielded their power over such a great distance.
Taking these things into consideration, it is clear that the king Krishņa of our inscription could not have been the Nikumbha prince of that name, as held by Mr. Majumdar, and should therefore be located somewhere else.
It is well known to the students of history that there were several minor feudatory families ruling in Khandesh (Seunadesa, of those times) during the Yadava period. Many of these go under the general name of Abhiras or Ahirs, of whom Khandesh has still a very large population.
Gauļi rājās, or the Cowherd kings, as they are sometimes called, have several traditions current about them. According to one, the structures in the so-called Hemäd panti or the late Chalukyan style of architecture are said to be the works of these rulers.* Singhaņa, the great Yadava king, is stated to have won several victories over the Cowherd Kings, which are referred to in his inscriptions.
Of the many Abhira-kulas, we know of one family from Bhambhāgiri. Singhana's victory over one Lakshmidēva, the lord of Bhambhāgiri, is mentioned in the Ambē Inscription No. 2
1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. L (1921), pp. - 58 f.
* Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 39 ff.; above, Vol. I, p. 338 ff. Besides these two inscriptions, another fragmentary inscription, belonging probably to the same family and containing the names of Krishnarāja (II), Indra and Govana (III), was discovered by the late Mr. V. K. Rajwade, the well-known Marātha historian, in the river-bed at Patan. He published his account of this inscription in the first volume of the Marathi magazine Prabhata of Dhulis. This inscription, which he reports to have been removed to Chalisgaon, cannot be traced now.
The earliest Yådava inscription in Khandesh is the Våghļi inscription of Maurya Govindaraja, Saka 991. referring to the reign of Seuna (Seunachandra II) of the Early Yadava dynasty (above, Vol. II, p. 225 ff.): and the latest, so far known, is the Méthi inscription of Krishna, Saka 1176, belonging to the Later Yadava dynasty. See Samsodhaka (Quarterly Journal of the Rajwade Samsodhana Mandira, Dhulia), Vol. VI, Nos. 3-4, p. 213 ff. Méthl, situated about 30 miles to the north of Dhulia, the headquarters of the West Khandesh District, on the Dhulia Dondafoho road, has several temples of the Yadava period.
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. XII, p. 450.
* See his Mardi inscription (line 40). G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan in Marathr). Vol. I, p. 43.
For later Abhiras or Cowherds (Göpaka-Pälakas) during the reign of Yadava Krishna, soe ibid., VOL. II.
p. 14.

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[VOL. XXVI.
of his general Khõlēsvara. Hēmädri, in his Vratakhanda,' mentions the name of this prince 88 Lakshmidhara. The defeat of the lord of Bhambhāgiri is also mentioned in the Paithan and Purshottampuri plates of Ramachandra. Prof. Mirashi, who has edited the Purshottampuri plates, has suggested that Bhambhägiri may possibly be Bhāmēr, four miles to the south of Nizâmpur, in the Pimpalnēr tälukā of the West Khandesh District.
Balsāņē, where the present inscription is found, is situated within a radius of ten miles from Bhămēr, being only seven miles north by east of the latter place. If Prof. Mirashi's identification of this place is accepted as correct, the king Kțishņa of our inscription, may possibly belong to the Abhira family of Bhambhāgiri. He may have therefore been an ancestor of Lakshmidēva above referred to.
No other details regarding the king Krishna having been given in the inscription, our suggestion is only tentative and provisional. Further research in the matter may prove its correctness or otherwise.
As regards the geographical names the only place referred to here is Balasāņaka, which is obviously modern Balsānē, where the inscription is found. The river mentioned in it, not by name, refers to the modern Böräi (Burray, of the maps), by the side of which the matha is situated. Cousens' statement to the effect that Kēsara was the old name of it, is obviously due to the confusion in the reading.
TEXT" [Metres :-v. 1. Varnkastha ; v v. 2-3. Sārdülavikridita ; v. 4. Upajāti.]
1 भवंतु वो ब्रह्मपदाम्ज(म्ज)रेणवः स्वपारसंसारसमुद्रसेतवः । अघोषकक्षक्षयधूमकेतवः सर्वच
(g)taarinena.8 [1211*] 2 T Trental(a) w ith Har[: 1*] stelazacaifa: mfaterataiatza1af9fa: 1
10 u f a: P80€ [fa]"2 [*] 3 यद्वाचः प्रचुरोपचारचतुराः श्रुत्वा बुधाः सांप्रतं प्रख्याताद्यकवींद्रवाग्विलसिते जाताः FATTOTT: [1211*] (
TE)aitheafsa te Fata[:*] sfest(at) quia[:]
1 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 64. * Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan, Appendix, p. 171. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 314 ff. • Above, Vol. XXV, p. 199 ff. . Ibid., p. 203. • Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhar, p. 27.
From the original stone. • The letter vaḥ is written separately from the rest of the inscription on account of some flaw in the stone. . The reading seems to be ' sri which may be corrected into 'chchhri.-B. C. C.)
10 The word Sakë was tirst written, and subsequently restored to Sake by erasing the horizontal stroke, which has come out faintly in the estampage.
11 Roard shnd-dar.
11 Flaw in the stone. Only faint traces of the akshara in the brackets are visible. (Exclnding the numerals the rest of this date portion reads as if it were a part of the verge, in the Sardulavikridita metre, but is obviously not so. The form chandral hib is incorrect for chandraih.-B. C. C.]

Page #396

BALSANE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KRISHNA; SAKA 1106.
Left side.
मतदातदादा पवारसासमडसेतनम यो तमासमतवता पमनानामऊरवास पहातापमापदापमानवासापतपरवानायकवा स्पन यतकातलेकतारपिजागा जित्पावरचिवोवतन जमदतनिसनमामनिवासतावस्याश्ययकल्परातब दो सूबारे ।
Right side.
वाकवाक केतवसदेव पन्यापवयुका मरवर परितःकविसाल का पता वस्पतिकासाबहराब दूवालिसिनेमात समंदादमावसीमहल परितदीयसिमन लोटो (मततामस्जेि सोलमा सरसादम्पानदासाआ कारयड 4 रघातात दयाल विविता शक १०
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 3977 E'36-20042-x-29048.

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No. 45.]
CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OF KANTIDEVA.
313
4 *(Be l ga: Farah market fore(er) (ar) I nt(s)forcat garanterarPage #399

314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
sculptures in Bengal, by a trefoil arch with flagstaffs on both sides. The seated lion is represented with mouth open and all the four paws in front. Across the lower panel of the seal is the legend Sri-Kantidevaḥ. The letters are engraved in bold relief on a raised space. The seal is supported, at its lower end, by two figures of serpents, with raised hoods, whose interlaced tails and parts of the bodies are soldered both to the raised rim of the seal and the plate. On the body of the plate, at about 4 inches from the bottom and 5 inches from the proper right side, there is an oval hole which has partly cut through its whole depth. As there are writings on both sides of it, and not a single letter is lost, the hole must have existed before the plate was engraved. The plate contains seventeen lines of writing, which cover a space 6 inches high. The remaining part of the front and the whole of the back side are blank.
The plate was discovered, some time about 1920, by Prof. J. N. Sikdar, in an old temple at Chittagong, locally known as Bara-akhara. According to the Mohunt (Chief priest) of the temple, the plate was lying there since its foundation. The plate is now preserved in the Dacca Museum.
The inscription which the plate bears was edited by Prof. D. C. Bhattacharya, M.A., and Prof. J. N. Sikdar, M.A., in the Modern Review for November, 1922, pp. 612-14. As this number of the Journal is not easily available and some important historical points were not dealt with properly there, I re-edit the record from the original plate. For the sake of brevity I shall refer to the joint-editors as DJ.
The record is incomplete. It contains only the formal portion of the grant, and ends abruptly just where we should expect a detailed account of the land granted. It is, therefore, not exactly a land-grant, but one that was intended to be used as such. An apt parallel is furnished by the Kedarpur plate of Srichandra (above, Vol. XVII, pp. 188-92). The present plate supports the view of the editor of the Kedarpur plate, that such unfinished plates were kept ready in office and filled in with the remaining portion at the time of the actual grant.
The characters are neatly engraved and the plate is in such a good state of preservation that not a single letter presents any difficulty in reading.
The alphabet closely resembles that used in the Pala records of the ninth century A. D. It is, however, difficult to accept DJ's contention that the inscription is to be placed earlier than the Ghosrawa inscription1 of Devapala's time. They are of opinion that though "the characters mainly resemble those in the Ghosrawa inscription.......... the letters bh and th are in ancient forms". A comparison of bh in va(ba)bhuvur- in 1. 2 of Ghosrawa inscription with that in "bhashitaBharata in 1. 6 of the present record does not show any material difference. As regards th, the letter read as such by DJ in line 6 is really rth and hence shows a different form. On the other hand DJ have failed to note that the Ghosrawa inscription preserves distinctly older forms of kh, n, and which are not to be found in the present record. It is true that the later forms of these letters are also to be met with in the records of Devapala. But this only proves that the present record is perhaps slightly later, rather than earlier, than the time of Devapāla. On the whole, it would be more reasonable to assign the record on palaeographic grounds to the ninth century A. D., rather than to 750-850 A. D. as suggested by DJ. In view of the advanced forms of some letters it may be even somewhat later.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of line 1 containing the name of the locality whence the charter was issued and the preamble of the grant beginning with sa khalu (1. 13), the rest of the record is in verse. The composition shows that the author was proficient in Sanskrit.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 307-12.

Page #400

No. 45.]
CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OP KANTIDEVA.
315
As regards orthography, the following points may be noted. Final consonants like and tare represented by distinct symbols (cf. m in lokam, 1. 8: kshayam. 1. 12: t in värāt and väsakāt, 1.1; bhūt, 1. 7), while a slanting stroke is added below n (mahān in 1. 10). The sign for denotes b as well. Consonants are not doubled after r, the only exceptions being Varddhamana in 1 1 and kirtti, in 1. 11.
The inscription refers to three generations of a Buddhist family. The first name is Bhadradata, obviously an error for Bhadradatta. He was devoted to the Buddha and defeated his enemies. His son Dhanadatta married Vindurati (Bindurati), a devotee of Siva and a daughter of a great king. The issue of this marriage was king Kāntidēva who is styled Patamasaugata, Paramēśvara and Mahārājādhirāja. It is obvious that neither the father, nor the grandfather of Kāntidēva was a king, and he must either have inherited his throne from his maternal grandfather or carved out an independent kingdom for himself.
As to the locality of the kingdom, the record furnishes us two clues. The reference to future kings of the Harikēlā-mandala in l. 16 leaves no doubt that it was included within his kingdom. It is just possible also that Harikēlä сonstituted his entire dominion, though this is by no means certain. For, the future kings of Harikēlā might have been selected for admonition only on the ground that the land to be granted was situated there.
The lexicographer Hēmachandra explains Harikēla as a synonym of Vanga, while Vanga, Samatata and Harikēla are mentioned in the Ma jusrimülakalpa as distinct localities. According to two manuscripts preserved in the Dacca University Library, Harikõla, which may be taken as & variant of Harikēla, is synonymous with Sylhet. I-tsing also describes Harikēla as the eastern limit of E. India. It is thus clear that like many other geographical terms, Harikēla was used both in a broader sense, as a synonym of Vanga, and in a narrower sense to denote various parts of it. Harikēlā of this inscription is obviously a variant of the usual form Harikēla.
The kingdom over which Käntidēva ruled must, therefore, be located in Vanga, though its exact position is difficult to determine. The only other clue in this respect is furnished by the mention of Vardhamāna-pura as the city from which the plate was issued. Vardhamāna is the name of a well-known city in West Bengal which gave the name Vardhamana-bhukti to & territorial division in ancient Bengal. As no other city of this name is known in ancient or modern Bengal, the Vardhamāna-pura of our plate should be identified with the city of Burdwan, if there is no insuperable objection against it.
The expression Harikēlā-mandala led DJ to infer that Kāntidēva "was only a local chieftain of a comparatively small territory (mandala) which subsequently (during the supremacy of the Chandra kings) developed and lent its name to the whole of East Bengal ". DJ were wrong in thinking that a mandala denotes only a small territorial unit. For, this term is also used along with big kingdoms and territorial units as is evidenced by the expressions “Ganda-mandala " and " Varēndri mandala" Harikēlā-mandala may, therefore, well denote the whole of Vanga
1 Abhidhanachintamani, v. 957. [Monier Williams gives "Harikëllya' and oxplains it as the country of Bengal.-C. R. K.)
2 Ed. by Ganapati Sāstri, pp. 232-33. * Rupachintamanikosha (No. 1451) and Rudrakshamähätmya (No. 21416). • Takakusu, I-tsing, p. xlvi.
Rajatarangini, IV, 148. • Ramacharita by Sandhyakaranandin, Kaviprasasti, v. 1.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
proper, s.c., S. and E. Bengal, and the conquest, temporary or permanent, of Vardhamana by & king of Vanga cannot be regarded as improbable. It may be noted in this connection, that according to a Chinese map Harikēla comprises the coastal region between Samatata and Orissa. Further, we know that king Govindachandra, who flourished early in the eleventh century A. D., and possibly also other Chandra kings before him, ruled over the whole of E. and 8. Bengal right up to the Bhāgirathi river, and their original kingdom is said to be that of Harikēla. The two geographical names, Vardhamāna and Harikēlā-mandala, therefore, justify the assumption that Kantidēva was the ruler of Vanga, i.e., S. and E. Bengal, and had conquered & portion of W. Bengal, right up to Burdwan, when the present plate was issued. Of course this must be regarded as a tentative theory only, based on the very insufficient data that are available at present.
There can hardly be any doubt that the collapse of the Pāla power in the second half of the ninth century A. D., caused by the Pratihära invasions, gave opportunity to Käntidēva (or his maternal grandfather who is described in 1. 7 as a great king) to carve out an independent kingdom in E. and S. Bengal. It is also likely that Käntidēva ruled over both his own territory, Harikēlā, and the kingdom of his maternal grandfather which probably included Vardhamāna. It is to be noted that Radha (W. Bengal) and Vanga (S. and E. Bengal).constituted separate independent states almost throughout the Pāla period after the death of Dēvapāla, though they were occasionally brought into subjection by powerful rulers like Mahīpāla I and Råmapala.
Kántidēva was undoubtedly a Buddhist as the title Saugata is applied to him (1. 14). The seal of the plate is, however, somewhat unique. The figure of the lion enshrined in a temple evidently stands for the Buddha, and we meet with lions in exactly the same pose, carved under Buddha images. But the figures of two serpents are not, so far as I know, found along with the lion in Buddhist images. If we remember that the serpent and the lion are the symbols of the two last Jaina Tirthamkaras, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvira, the seal might be regarded as & Jaina symbol. The invocation to Jinēndra which means both Mahāvira and the Buddha, might also lend support to the view that the king was Jaina. But the expression Saugata. applied to Kāntidēva, definitely precludes this view, as it can only mean a Buddhist, and not a Jains. It is also possible that the serpents are used here as symbols of Siva, for we know that
1 The map is printed at the end of Vol. II of the French Translation of Hiuen Tsang's Records by 8. Julien. It is entitled "Map of Central Asia and India published in Japan in 1710 on the basis of (or in accordance with) the accounts of Fa-Hien and Hiuen Tsang".
Rämpäl plate of Srichandra, v. 6 (Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, by N. G. Majumdar, pp. 4,7). The verse, as interpreted by Dr. R. G. Basak (above, Vol. XII, p. 141) means that the founder of the Chandra royal family was the chief support of the king of Harikēla, which he ultimately occupied. In any case there is no doubt that the Chandras came into the possession of the kingdom of Harikola. It may be noted that the Chandra kings, like Kántidëva, were Buddhists. It is very probable that the Chandras suoceeded Kantidéva's family in the kingdom of Harikēlā.
Cf. e.g., the image of Bodhisattva (Buddha) in the Mathura Museum (Coomaraswamy, Hist. Ind. Indonesian Art fig. 84).
• Mr. T. N. Ramachandran, Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, informs me that a motif "almost similar" to that on the seal "occurs on a Digambara Jaina Nava-Dévatá (metallic) plate now in the Tiruparuttikunram temple, K&bchipuram" (Cf. Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples by T. N. Ramachandran, Pl. XXXVI, fig. 2).

Page #402

CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OF KANTIDEVA.
Seal.
(From a photograph).
मूलाया स्मातापायानपत्तासका यो पकिर लपविता साफाकारयलमा लाक दुलोरलोक पकया सख्यामारपदासाविस 43थी जिनका कि व लाकररूपया द्यावकितपच 4
प: सरयकरालासपायानाच 6मात्मा-पगमाया दराबविम्यामानावावमयतः
कमपिपाल यो यो नागोरायफ.मुरुलाव 8 भूतापही विकता यावं मुदतव चिया नासो।
पामगाम व विले पाकतामा इवला हादरू या पानामासपाच माण: सुनवाशमाह स य क विधान 10 की (
ईशा मसभापत पावल यो या नवामान का 12 एक गवाकर कम्य कामावलपिताम्या 12
याठामवापि पिचर साल हसना कराया गया 14 का रकबा परमानापाताधर पा14
पाशात: पगलोया का समापन मारुनापार का 16 दिव : कुशाली। साविक लापरले काति पुपनाममाता कि 16
तापयतिविमिरात:।
SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
SURVEY OP INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.

Page #403


Page #404

No. 45.]
CHITTAGONG COPPER-PLATE OF KANTIDEVA.
317
the mother of Kāntidēva was a devotee of that great God. In any case it is noteworthy that the combination of lion and serpents is not met with in the seals of any other royal family in Bengal.
TEXT. [Metres : v. 1, Vasantatilakā; vv. 2—3, Arya'; vv. 4, 6, Sloka ; v. 5, Sārdülavikrīdita.] 1 Om Svasti [II*] Srimaj-jaya-skandhāvārät Varddhamāna-pura-vāsakāt [11*] 2 Yo dharma-ratna-kiraņair=apavidhya sāndra[m*) möh-āndhakāra-patalan sakalam tri3 lokam aloka-lokam=anayat=sa jayaty=udāra(ro) durvāra-Māra-visara4 sya jayi Jinēndraḥ || [1*] Tad-bhakti-valita-daktir-bhuja-dvay-aurjitya-vijita-ripu5 darpaḥ sa jayati dharm-aika-rataḥ khyātaḥ śri-Bhadradato(tta) yaḥ || [2*] Tasya su6 bhāshita-Bhārata-Purāņa-Rāmāya'n-artha -vit-tanayaḥ [] *) nămnā sri-Dhanadattaḥ 7 prakațita-mahim-ānvayo yo=bhūt || [3*] Tasya gauri mahābhūbhțit-sută vu(bu)dba8 guru-stutā [*patni Vinduratir=nāma yā va(ba)bhūva Siva-priya [4*) Tasyā
bhöga 9 nidāna-dana-salilair=ärdriksit-örjad-bhuja-sphūrjad-vajra-va(ba)l-arjit-āji-vija10 ya-prājya-pratāpē mahan | saumyaḥ sūnțita-väg=arāti-bhaya-ksid-vikhyāta11 kirttir=yaso jyotsnā-hāra-tushāra-kunda-dhavalam yö yātavān=ātmajaḥ || [5*] 12 Yag=cha kurvañ=jagat-tushtyai hiranya-kaśishu(pu)-kshayam n=āvalamvi(mbi)tavān=mā13 yān=dāna-värir=api prabhuḥ [6*] Sa khalv-akhila-jana-mano-bhirām-abhigāmi14 k-anēka-guna-ratna-bhūshaṇaḥ | Paramasaugato mātā-pitsi-pā15 d-anudhyātaḥ Paramēsvaro Mahārājādhirājaḥ śrīmāna(n) Ka16 ntidēvaḥ kusali | Harikēlā-mandalē bhāvi-bhūpatims-tad-ātma-hi17 tam-idam võ(bő)dhayati viditam=astu vaḥ |
1 Vindurati must have been quite an influential personality in her husband's family who were Buddhists. She herself was a devotee of Siva and continued as such even after her marriage. She did even more. The insoription describes her husband not as one well versed in the Tripi faka, but as one well versed in the Mahabharata, the Puranas and the Ramayana. This acquisition on Dhanadatta's part may be ascribed to his wife's influence on him. This would again depict her as a very strong character. It was, perhaps, to preserve each other's tolerance that neither had the other converted to his or her own religious creed. Viewed in this light, the composite character of the seal, affixed to the copper plate, exhibiting both Bauddha and Saiva emblems, becomes plain. I am in. debted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra for this suggestion. [It may be noted that Buddha himself is seated on a serpent couch and in one instance is flanked by a lion on each side : see, Longhurst, Bud., Ant., of Nagarjunikonda, A. &. Memoir, No. 54, plates XI (c) and XXIII (b). Five-hooded någas are also prominently figured on Buddhist pilasters, ibid., plate XXV, figures b and C.-C. R. K.]
* Expressed by a symbol. • This ya looks more like yo, the medial 6 being similar to that found in jy of jyotma below in l. 11. • DJ. road tha and then corrooted it to riha. The latter is, however, really tha. . DJ. read bhaga but bhoga is clear. The translation of DJ is accordingly faulty.

Page #405

3 18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.
TRANSLATION (L. 1) Om! Hail! From his residence, the royal camp of victory (or capital) at the city of Vardhamana
(V. 1) Victorious is Jinēndra (Buddha) who triumphed over the vast, irresistible forces of Mära and brought all the three worlds into the domain of light by having dispelled the dense mass of darkness (caused by) passion (möha) by means of the ray of the jewel (which was) religion (dharma).
(V. 2) Victorious is he who is known as Sri-Bhadradatta and solely devoted to religion ; (who) humbled the pride of enemies by conquering (them) by means of the strength of his pair of arms, and whose prowess was increased through devotion to the Buddha.
(V. 3) He had a son named Sri-Dhanadatta who was well-versed in the meaning of witty sayings, the Bhārata (i.e., the Mahābhārata), the Purānas and the Rāmāyana, and whose glory was always manifest.
(V. 4) His wife, named Vindurati, was fair in complexion, the daughter of a great king, praised by the learned and the elderly persons, and a favourite of Siva.
(V. 5) Her son, who acquired great splendour by victory in battles gained by the strength of thunder (or thunder-like destructive weapon) shining from his hands rendered vigorous by being moistened with the water (poured on the occasion of making) gifts which were the causes of his enjoyment, who was noble, charming, truthful and pleasant in speech, and cause of the terror of the enemies; whose glory was well known, and who was possessed of fame, as white as moonlight, necklace (of pearls), snow and kunda (flower).
(V. 6) Who, the lord, spent gold, food and clothing for the satisfaction of the world, and had always water for gifts, but never took resort to fraud.
L. 13. Now, he, who was decorated (endowed) with many jewels of virtues, and inviting and agreeable to the hearts of all the people; the great devotee of Sugata (Buddha), who meditated on the feet of his parents ; Paramēsvara Mahārājādhirāja, the illustrious Käntidēva, being in good health, informs as follows the future kings of Harikēlā-mandala, for the sake of their own welfare : "Be it known to you".
No. 46.-A NOTE ON THE BAJAUR CASET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER.
BY DINES CHANDRA STRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY. Some Kharoshthi inscriptions on a damaged steatite casket, found at Shinkot in the Bajaur tribal territory, have been published in this journal* by the late Mr. Nani Gopal Majumdar. There are two dates in the record. The first of them is a year of the reign of the Maharaja Minedra (Minēndra)* who has been identified with the Indo-Greek king Menander.
1 The epithets given to Vindurati also apply to Durga who was Gauri (by name), mahābhūbhrit-aula (the daughter of the great mountain, i.e., the Himalaya), Budhaguru-stula (praised by the preceptor of Gode) and Śiva priya (spouse of Siva).
? The poet means to convey that although the king resembled Vishnu, he did not like the latter, take resort to fraud. The resemblance is based on the applicability to Vishnu of the expressions Hiranyaka dipw-bahaya (destruction of Hiranyakasipu) and Dänav-ari (enemy of demons).
• Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 1 ff.
• Mr. Majumdar ignores the e-sign of ne in Minedrasa. I am inclined to take Minendra as a perfectly Sapekritized form of the Greek name. Other Indian forms are Menandru of the coins and Milinda and Milindra of her bure.

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No. 46.] A NOTE ON THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER.
319
Unfortunately, however, the portion of the casket that contained the date, is broken and lost. The second date is Year 5; but there is no reference to the reign of any king. Mr. Majumdar, chiefly on palæographic grounds, divided the inscribed passages of the record into two groups and pointed out that the two dates referred to above belong to the two different groups. It was also sug. gested by him that “the difference in age between the two sets of inscriptions was probably a little more than fifty years". He assigned the first date referring to the reign of Menander to the second century B. C. but the second date, i.e., Year 5 of an unspecified reign, to the first century B. C. I am, however, inclined to believe that both the dates belong to Menander's reign and that the first date is a year falling between the accession and the fifth regnal year of the king.
According to Mr. Majumdar, the first group of the inscribed passages consisting of sections A, A-1, A-2 and B has letters formed by bold and deeply incised strokes, while in the second group containing sections C, D and E, the writing is shallow and the letters are smaller in size. Group I again has the cerebral » with a rounded head; but in group II, it shows an acute angle in its head. Further, in the former group, dental n has a long sweep in the top curve, while in the latter it has taken the angular or hook-like appearance. The dental s is of the closed type in group I; but in group II, it is open-mouthed, that is to say, it shows a gap at the upper left side of the crowning loop. Mainly on these grounds, the two groups have been placed by Mr. Majumdar more than half a century apart from each other. His theory was also influenced by the use of the word sakamuni in group I and of sakimuni in group II, and also by the passage sa sariatri kaladre occurring in the latter group. Mr. Majumdar seems to have further considered the fact that Menander's reign is usually assigned by numismatists to the second century B. C., while Vijayamitra's coins are said to bear the legend in Brähmi characters of the first century B. C. Let us examine these points one by one.
Deeply incised strokes are a peculiarity only of section A. The size of letters in E is at least as big as that of the letters of any section of group I. The size of letters, moreover, is of little importance when passages of a particular record are incised in different sections. The head of the cerebral » in prana-sameda of A-2 (as also in prana-sameda of A) is angular and not round. In C, line 1, Mr. Majumdar reads vijayamitra........; but there is a with the lower part of two following letters quite clear after that passage. It is interesting to note that the head of this n, though a little damaged, appears to be the only instance of the round-headed cerebral n in the whole inscription. It may be noticed in this connection that the head of a is usually round; but sometimes it is angular, and sometimes a is hardly distinguishable from v. As regards the dental n, we have three types slightly differing from one another. N in takemunisa of A-2 (which is practically of the same type as n in minedrasa of A) shows a little less curved neck than the n-s of all the sections excepting E. In E, n has an angle about the middle of the upper curve. Closed dental s is peculiar to A ; but the mouth of sin prana-sameda of A-2 is only halfclosed (=half open). It is usually half closed in D; but in a few cases the open-mouthed type is also noticed. In vesrakhrasa masasa divasa, only the third s is fully open-mouthed. But the most interesting point is that none of the two s-signs in B (which belongs to group I according
* Op. cit., p. 2.
Compare, e.g., the Bhattiprolu Casket Inscriptions (above, Vol. II, ff. 323 ff. and platos) and the Mathara Lion Capital Inscriptions (C. I. I., Vol. II, part i. pp. 30 ff. and plates). Round-headed n cannot be an indication of early dato. It is found in the inscriptions of th. Saytho-
K i ns Build in the Central Asian documents. . OF. bhudrao in section D, line 1.
C. apomua in section D), line 2

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(VOL. XXVI,
to Mr. Majumdar) is of the closed type. The above observations would show that the grouping of the inscribed passages into two broad groups with a difference of more than fifty years between them is rather difficult to justify. There are of course reasons to believe that more than one man were responsible for the engraving of the passages. If, however, B is to be grouped with A, it is not even impossible to suggest that one man incised the two groups in different periods. As regards the form sakimuni, it may be noted that in Central Asian Kharöshthi documents both arögi and arogiya for ārögya are sometimes found in the same inscription.
We now come to section D which contains the passage sa sariatri kaladre. The section reads: ime sarira paluga-bhudrao na sakare atrita [*] sa sariatri kaladre [*] nosadhro na pimdoyakeyi pitri grinayatri [] *) tasa ye patre apomua: vashaye pamchamaye 4 1 Vetrakhrasa masasa divasa pamchavisraye iyo pratrithavitre Vijayamitrena a pracharajena bhagravatu Sakimunisa Sama-sambudhasa sarira [] *). 'Mr. Majumdar translates : " This corporeal relic having been broken is not held in worship with zeal. It is decaying in course of time, (and) is not honoured ; (and here) by the offering of alms and water ancestors are no longer propitiated : (and) the receptacle of that (relic) has been cast aside. (Now) in the fifth year and on the twenty-fifth day of the month of Vaišākha, this has been established by Vijayamitra,' who dias no king as his adversary', namely) the corporeal relic of the lord Sakimuņi (s.e., Säkyamuni), the one who is truly enlightened."
I am inclined to suggest some modifications in Mr. Majumdar's translation. Na sakare atritaSanskrit na satkārēna (or, satkāraih) ādritam, “has not been honoured by homages". This seems to refer to the fact that the relic established by Viyakamitra (Viryakamitra) which was broken, had never been worshipped. It should also be remembered that if homages are once begun to be paid, they are never easily discontinued. As regards na grinayatri, I would prefer "is not propitiated " instead of Mr. Majumdar's "no longer propitiated ”. Sa sariatri kaladre-Sanskrit tat siryatë kālatah," it is decaying in course of time". By "time" Mr. Majumdar means a period of more than fifty years. But a relic well preserved in a stone casket would not literally decay even in by far longer a period. The verb siryatē is therefore used in a broader sense to mean " is wasting away without being cared for ", just like the Bengali verb nashta-hawā, literally "to decay ", but actually " to be without (proper) use". Siryatë seems to be used to emphasize the absence of worship and the want of persons devoted to the relic established by Viryakamitra and to justify Vijayamitra's action in taking away the casket. No sadhro-Sanskrit no (=na) Graddhah " nobody is respectful (towards the relic)". The word sraddha usually means the person having respect and not the thing respected. According to Mr. Majumdar, apomua corresponds to Sanskrit a pamukta, cast aside'; but in that case the o-sign cannot be explained. I prefer avamukta, 'taken away', or better avamuktva-avamuchya 'having taken away'. Tasa ye patre apomua may then be translated : "after having taken away the receptacle of (or, from) that
See, e.g., Boyer-Rapson-Senart, Kharopthi Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 288 : Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 242.
Mr. Majumdar reads na : but the o-sign seems to be clear both in his plate and in the original now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Mr. Majumdar does not prefer a full stop after kaladre.
- Mr. Majumdar prefers a full stop after a pomua. His plate suggests pido yakeyri for pirkdoyakevi which, however, seems to be the reading of the original. Read dinase. Mr. Majumdar reads diosas- parchavi fraye.
• Op.cit., p. 8. . Why not Visakhamitra 1-C.R.K.)

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No. 46.) A NOTE ON THE BAJAUR CASKET OF THE REIGN OF MENANDER.
321
(relic)". The word iyo corresponds to Sankarit iha," at this place "'1 and not to idam," this, namely, the relic" as suggested by Mr. Majumdar. The last sentence of Section D of the Bajaur inscription may therefore be translated : "after having taken away the receptacle from that (broken relic previously established by Viryakamitra), a (new) relic of the lord sākyamuni, the perfectly enlightened one, has been established here by the apratyakrāja Vijayamitra on the twenty-fifth day of the month of Vaišākha in Year 5". Apratyakrāja means a king having no equal, i.e., an unrivalled king. This title is applied both to Viryakamitra and to Vijayamitra. As Viryakamitra, who used the year of Menander's reign, was very probably a feudatory of the Indo-Greek king, a pratyakräja appears to be a feudatory title. Like the first date of the inscription, Year 5 thus seems to refer to the reign of the overlord and not to that of Vijayamitra as taken by Mr. Majumdar.' The overlord was apparently Menander whose name has already been mentioned once in the record and has therefore not been repeated.
What seems to me to be the fact is that Viryakamitra died soon after he had established the casket. He may have had a wish to replace the broken relic by a fresh one; but death seems to have stood in his way. A fresh relic for that casket was secured by his immediate successor (probably his son), Vijayamitra who took away the casket, put a fresh relic into it and established it with the usual ceremony. The difference between the two events need not have been more than four or five years, and I am inclined to assign both of them to the period covered by the first five years of Menander's reign. Viryakamitra in his later years and Vijayamitra in his earlier years were probably feudatories of the Indo-Greek king.
As regards the date of Menander, it must be admitted that no definite assertion is possible in the present state of our knowledge. Indian tradition ascribes him to a period five hundred years after the parinirvana of the Buddha. But no date can be calculated from this tradition, A8 “five hundred " is a round number and as there is a large number of traditional dates for the Buddha's parinirvana. If we accept the Ceylonese date of 544 B. C., we arrive at about the middle of the first century B. C. Numismatists usually assign Menander to about the middle of the second century B. C. It must, however, be remembered that no less an authority than Gardner placed him in circa 110 B. C.• Elsewhere? I have tentatively assigned Menander's reign to the period circa 115-90 B.C. If this date is accepted the Bajaur inscriptions may be ascribed to about the end of the second century B.C. There is then no difficulty in assigning the coins of Vijayamitra, who máy have had a long reign extending beyond Menander's death, to the first quarter of the first century B.C.
Cf. garuda-dhwaje ayari barite ia heliodorena, lines 1-2 of the Beenagar pillar inscription (Rapson, Ancient Tedia, p. 157)
Elsewhere I have suggested "a king who is not equal to the Maharaja ", i.e., a foudatory ruler. See Sircar, Belect Inscriptions bearing on Indian History and Civilisation (in the press). p. 104.
• Op. cit., p. 3,4,5. . Cf. mama parinibbanato pañca-a88a-sate atikkante ete upajjiasanti (Trenckner, Milindapašiho, p. 3).
. Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri (Political History of Ancient India, 4th ed., p. 323) prefers this date. He is inclined to place Menander later than Heliokles, Strato I and Strato II.
• Smith, Early History of India, 4th ed., p. 268.
Select Inscriptions in the press), p. 102. The lettere in the Bajaur rooord seems to indicato a transitional ago which la possibly to bo placed a little later than the early Indo-Greek period. 60 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
No. 47.--A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632.
BY H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LI.B., Ph.D., POONA. The copper-plate grant which is edited here for the first time belonged originally to the Satara Museum. It was presented to that Museum by Rao Saheb S. K. Duduskar of Satara. Since this Museum was closed down by the Government of Bombay in 1938-39 and its collection transferred to the newly opened Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute at Poona, the plates are now exhibited in the Museum of this Institute. For a long time the writer was under the impression that the grant had been published before and so no attempt was made to edit it. Subsequent inquiry, however, showed that it had not been published in any of the known research journals. Hence it is now edited.
The grant is engraved on three copper-plates. Of these the first and the third plates are engraved on the inner side only. The plates seem to have been cleaned, subsequent to the presentation, because at present there are no signs of rust except at a few places. They are broken and effaced at several places. Each plate measures about 94 inches by 4 inches. The ring, which originally fastened the plates, is almost round, having a diameter of 3 inches. The seal attached to it is oval, 1-7 inches in length and 17 inches in breadth with a figure of varāha in relief, facing left. The plates weigh 778 tolas and the ring with the seal 481 tolas. Plate I has 12 lines of writing of which large portions of lines 1, 2, 10, 11 and 12 are obliterated. Plate II (a) has 10 lines of writing. This is inscribed clearly in a bold hand, but a few letters, particularly of lines 1 and 2 are filled with verdigris. Plate II (6) has also 10 lines of writing and is the best preserved part of this grant. Plate III has 12 lines of writing. The letters in the first 8 lines are small and crowded together, making the reading difficult, whereas a few letters have become indistinct in the last line.
So far fourteen inscriptions of Vijayāditya are published. Of these seven are copper-plates. In these, except for the grant portion, the text of the inscription is almost identical with that of our plate.
As usual the entire grant is in Sanskrit and in prose but for the benedictory and imprecatory verses.
The script is of the South Indian variety, identical in almost all respects with that noticed in other records of the Chālukya family. Attention is, however, drawn to different types of la, cf. sakala, 1. 2, sakalotta, lines 7 and 17, nikkila, line 21, bala, line 16, sakala, line 30, vilasita, line 38. Gaulu.., line 35, chanchala, line 38, phala, line 41 and pāla, line 41, kulam-alan, line 4, Pulakesi, line 5 and mandala, line 6, lañchhana, line 4, and Chalikyänän, line 4, samunmülita, line 21, and several times in vallabha, lines 5, 7, 9, 14, 19, 31. Dravidian la is met with in päļidhvaja, lines 18, 25, and palāyamānairs, line 26. Initial i is found in iva, line 28, and the sign for upadhmāniya in orasikah parāsimukhio in l. 24, paraih-palāyamānair, lines 25-26 and in visvambharah-prabhur in l. 28. The final m is usually changed to anusvāra, and the consonant reduplicated after T.
The grant is dated on the Kärttika paurnimā of Saka 632, in the 14th year of the rule of the Chalikya king Vijayaditya, Satyäsraya Sri-Prithivivallabha Mahārājādhiraja Paramēsvara Bhattāraka. It records the donation of a village, named Kāruva, near Karahātanagara, on the bank of the Krishna(-Venpā), and a field called ........ -pattikāmeasuring
1 Six of these are published as under :-Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 125, 130, 132; above, Vol. X. p. 14: Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV, p. 425 ; Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly, Vol. IX, ii, p. I.
[See foot-note l on p. 326.Ed.).

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A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632.
TEN
101
12
ii.a.
TITAJI Toro
SOOME 716
1012305
22rKJECTS
SCALE: SEVEN-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 3977 E'36-290 - X-290'48.

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11.
s
தாது 29ASERS E22ம்கே
3
3
PE
f' Jெ
) FICEUTE
J932JJL7 33 விழா
SubikS Tam/ 3615 AM ES:
இன்
3.3 35.0
ம
?
93 83 jan 125
சின்

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No. 47.) A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632.
323
25 nivartanas at Karahātanagara, to Bhānudēval')karmman, son of BhavisarmmaGaulusada (?) and grandson of Damodarafarmman, made by Vijayāditya from his camp of victory at Karahātanagara at the request of (prince) Vikramāditya. The grant is written by Mahāsāndhivigrahika Niravadya Punyavallabha. It was this very person who also wrote the Rüyagad plates of Saka 625, the Nerür grant of Saka 627, the Eläpur plates of Saka 626 and possibly the Naravan plates of Saka 664, where the name preceding Punyavallabha is read as Sri-Ativāti. Thus this writer lived almost conterminously with his master Vijayāditya and also during some part of the reign of his son Vikramaditya II. [He was probably the son of Rāma Punyavallabha, the composer of Vinayāditya's grants : see Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 85 and above, Vol. XXII, p. 24. Punyavallabha was perhaps their family name.-C. R. K.]
Historically the grant is not very important because it is neither the earliest, nor the latest grant of Vijayaditya. Nor does it give any new information about the political events of that time. Geographically this would be the second grant of Vijayaditya from the Satara District and the first grant actually granting a village in that district. Karahātanagara, which is also mentioned as Karahāta, is the ancient Karahakata of the early Brāhmt inscriptions from Bharahut, and the modern Karād.
"Kāruva-grāma' is either Koregaon or Karva about 6 and 4 miles respectively from Karād. Both are on the right bank of the Kțishņā. My colleague, Dr. S. M. Katre, tells me that linguistically Karva would be a more probable derivation from Käruva, but in the case of proper names, he added, one might not expect a very accurate derivation, and Koregaon would not be improbable. Personally I am inclined to identify Koregaon with the Kāruva of the plate, because the map shows some ruins of ancient temples at the place.
Perhaps an earlier reference in Chalukya inscriptions to the river Krishna-Veppa is in a grant of Vinayāditya. It refers to, as has been already pointed out, 10 not to the single stream of the Kộishņā which rises at Mahabaleshwar but to the combined streams of the Krishņā and Vēņā which, after meeting at Sangam-Māhuli, flow as one stream.
TEXT.11
· First Plate. 1 [स्वस्ति जयत्यावि]ष्कृतं विष्णोर्ध्वाराहं सोभि[तार्णवं । दक्षिणोन्नतवं]ष्ट्राम[विधान्त भुवनं
ag: [11*] [ft
2 मतां स]कलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमानव्यस[गोत्राणां हारितो]पुत्राणां सप्तलोकमातृभिस्स
[See foot-notes 3 and 4 on p. 325 below.-Ed.] • Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly, March-June 1929, Vol. X, 1, p. 14.
The first is the Rayagad plates, above, Vol. X, p. 14. • Ibid., p. 16, probably as a district. * Ibid., Appendix, Lüders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 706, 763, 707, 809. • Survey Sheet, No. 47 K/3 and 7.
[See foot-note 5 on p. 325.-Ed.] * Survey Sheet, No. 47, K/3 and 7. .. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 88. There the name of the river is spelt as Krishpa-V&epa. 10 Bombay Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 334, n. 2.
11 From the original plates and photographs, Letters broken away or effaoed have been restorod with the help of the published plates.

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3 [प्तमात मिरमिवळिताना कार्तिकेवपरिरक्षमाप्तकल्यागिपरं]परामां भगवानारायणप्र
4 [सादसमासारितवराहलाञ्छना[ग]वीकृतावमही भूतां] चालिक्यानां कुलमलं.
bकरिष्णोरश्वपावभूषस्नानपवित्रीकृतगात्रस्य मोपुल के शिवल्लममहाराजस्य
6 [स]न: पराकमाकान्तवनवास्यादिपरनृपतिमममणिबद्धविशुबकीर्तिः] 7 [को]र्तिवर्मपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजस्तस्मात्मजस्तारसमक्तमकलोत8 [राप]वेश्वरश्रीहर्षवर्मनपराजयोपात्तपरमेश्वरसम्ब[स्त*]स्य स[स्या 'अयभी9 [पृथिवी वल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरस्य प्रियवनयस्य प्र[शातनय10 [स्य सङ्गमात्रसहायस्य विकलाभिषानिप्र वरतुरंगमेकेनवोत्सारिता 11 [शेषविजिगीषोरवनिपतित्रितयान्तरितां स्व]गुरो[*] श्रियमात्मसात्कृत्य] 12 [प्रभावकुलिशवलितपा]डएकोळ [केरळकळभ्रप्रभृतिभू[भ]
Second Plate ; First Side.
13 [सभ्रविभ्रमस्यानन्या वन काञ्चीपतिमुकुटचुंक्तिपादांबुजस्य वि14 कमादित्यसत्याब[यधीथिवी वल्लभ[महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्व
16 रभट्टारकस्य प्रियसू[नो पि][राशया बालेन्दुशेखरस्य तारकारा[ति]रि16 व दैत्यबलमतिसमुद्धतं [राज्यकाञ्ची]पतिबलमवष्टभ्य कर17 वीकृतकमे वि)रपारसौकसि[हलादि]द्वीपाधिपस्य सकलोतरा18 पथनाथमथनोपार्जितोणितपाळिजाविसमस्तपारमश्वयं19 चिह्नस्य विनयादित्यसत्याश्रयश्रीपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराज20 परमेश्वरभट्टारकस्य प्रियात्मजश्शशव एवाषिगताशेषास्त्र शा]21 [स्त्रो] दक्षिणाशाविजयिनि पितामहे समुन्मूलितनिखिलकण्टक
22 [संहतिक्त्तरापथविजिगीषो[गुरोर]प्रत एवाह[वव्यापा
There is a crack in the plate here. [Reading seems to be Chëra.-N. L. R.]

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No. 47.} A COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; SAKA 632.
325
Second Plate; Second Side
23 रमाचरन्नरातिगजघटापाटनविशीठमाणकृपा[णधारस्समप्रविप्र
24 हासरस्सत्साहसरसिक पराकमुखीकृतशत्रमण्डलो [गंगा यमुनापा
25 ळिध्वजपड(पटह)ठका(क्का)महाशब्दचिह्नकमाणिक्यमतंगजादीन्पितृसात्कुव॑न्प28 २४पळायमानरासाद्य कथमपि विधिवशावपनीतोपि प्रताप(पा)वेव वि[प].
27 यप्रकोपमराजकमुत्सारयन्वत्सराज इवानपेक्षितापरसहायक
28 स्तववाहानिर्गत्य स्वभुजावष्टंभप्रसाबिताशेषविश्वंभर प्रभुर29 खण्डितशक्तित्रयत्वात्शत्रमबभञ्जनत्वादुदारत्वानिरवायाधस्त ब.]ng30 बनाश्रयस्सकलपारमैश्वर्यव्यक्तिहेतुपाळिध्वजाधुज्वलप्राज्यराज्यो
31 विजयादित्यसत्याधयश्रीपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराज[परमेश्वरम
32 द्वारकस्सर्वानवमाज्ञापयति विक्तिमस्तु बोस्माभि शाशिवृत्तिष
___Third Plate. 33 दशतेषु शकवर्षेष्वतोतेषु प्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्यसंवत्सरे चतुर्ड(६)[] वर्तमाने करहाटन]ग
कार्ति(ति)कचौर्णमास्यां विक्रमादित्य विशाफ्नया --
34 रमधिवसति जयस्कन्धावारे
त्युसि*] गोत्रायः
35 दामोदरशर्मणः पौत्रः(वाय) गौलुसबभवि शर्मणः पुत्राय भानुदेवशर्मणे कृष्णवे ग्णानदी
36 पूर्वतटस्थः करहाटनगरसमीपस्थः कारवनामग्रामो दत्तः [*] - - करहाटनगरे -
1 This reading seems to be certain. The following word is probably vijnapanaya as suggested here, the whole expression referring to a common Chalukya practice of making a grant at the request of the crown-prince. It must be noted, however, that the word for the crown-prince' is omitted here. [Grants were also made at the request of a feudatory or a high officer.-C. R. K.]
* All the letters are much worn out here, but from the traces of a few of them, they probably refer to the name of the Brāhmapa's gotra. [Reading is Atreya-gbtraya-N. E. R.]
• This namo appears strango, through the reading is certain. [Reading is Colla.[Shjadagavi-sarmmaral. Spadagavi here apparently stands for shadangavid.-N. L. R.)
. [Reading seems to be NagullasarmmarésN. L. R.)
(Reading is Karue-nama.-N. L. R.] [Beading in punab.-N. L. R.]

Page #415

326
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXVI.
37 -' पट्टिकानाम पञ्चविंशतिनिवर्तनं क्षेत्रं बत() [*] तागामिभिरस्मद्वेश्य [न्य च
रा[जभि] रायुरेश्व[D] 38 दीनां विलसितमधिरांशुचञ्चलमवगच्छद्धिराचन्द्राक्कंधरार्णव[स्थिति] समका[लं] यशश्चि39 चीमु(ष)भि[*] स्वदत्तिनिर्विशेषपरिपालनीयमुक्तञ्च ‘भगवता [व][व्या सेन व्यासेन [*] 4. 40 हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभि[]स्य (भिः । यस्य) यस्य यदा [भूमिस्तस्य तस्य 41 तदा फलं [*] स्वन्दातुं सुमहच्छक्यं दुःखमन्यस्य पाल[नं] [[*]वा[नं] वा पाल42 नं वेत्ति(ति) दानाच्छु योनुपालनं [॥*] स्ववत्ता परवत्तां वा यो हरे43 त वसुन्धरा [*] षष्ठि(ष्टि)वर्षसहस्राणि विष्टा(ष्ठा)यां जायते] कुमिः [*] म44 हा[सा]न्धिविग्रहिकश्रीनिरवधपुण्यवल्लभेन लिखितमिदं शासन] . . .
No. 48.-EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR,
The question of the epoch of the Gānga era has been discussed by several scholars during the last sixty years and various dates ranging from A. D. 349-50 to A. D. 877-78 have been proposed as marking the foundation of the era. The palaeography of early Gänga grants dated in that era shows that it must have been founded some time about the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century A. D. Mr. R. Subba Rao, who for the first time worked on some positive data, fixed A. D. 494-95 as the initial year of the Ganga era. Subsequently, Mr. J. C. Ghosh, working on the dates of some Gänga and Kadamba grants came to the conclusion that the Ganga era started in A. D.496.. This conclusion was accepted by Mr. Subba Rao in the paper which he read before the Seventh Oriental Conference in 1933. But the epoch does not
1 These letters seem to mention the name of the field, ending in paffika. [Reading seems to be Ambra(Amra)paffika.-N. L. R.)
* For the commencement of the era Mr. G. Ramdas has proposed A. D. 349-50 (J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVIII. B.2911. Mr. Subba Rao, A. D.494 (J.A.H. R.S., Vol. V, pp. 287 fi.), Mr.J.C.Ghosh,A.D.498(Ind.anti. Vol. LXI, pp. 237ff.),Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao, A.D. 497-98(J.A.R.B.S., Vol. XL, pp. 101.), Dr. R.C.Majumdar some date between A. D. 550 and 567 (Ind. Cul., Vol. IV, p. 179 ff.), Mr. R. D. Banerji, A. D. 741 (History of Orissa. Vol. I, p. 239), Mr. Majumdar, A. D. 772 (J. B.O. R.S., Vol. II, pp. 361-62) and Mr. R.Sewell and D. B.B. K. Aiyangar, A. D. 877-78 (Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 58.). [See also A. R. 8.1. E., 1931-32, p. 46.C.R. KI
.J.A. H. R. S., Vol. V, pp. 272 ff. • Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, pp. 237 ff.
. Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh AU-India Oriental Conference, p. 519. In his latest article on the subject (Proceedings and Transactions of the Tenth All-India Oriental Conference, PP. 472 ff.), Mr. Subba Rao shifta the initial your of the era toA.D.509.

Page #416

No. 48.]
EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA,
327
suit all cases. Besides, Mr. Subba Rao has not given any further details about the Gănga era, viz., whether the years of the era cited in epigraphic records were current or expired and the months pürnimānta or amānta and what were the initial month and tithi of the Gānga year.' These questions are indeed difficult to settle ; for Gänga records do not generally give sufficient details for the verification of their dates. They mention, for instance, that certain grants were made on the occasion of lunar or solar eclipse, or ayanas, but they do not generally state in what particular months and years these eclipses: and ayanas' occurred. Nor do they mention any week-day, nakshatra, etc., in connection with the dates on which the grants were recorded. The absence of such details has led to a great divergence of opinion. Mr. G. Ramdas, for instance, rejects the Saka year 419 as the initial year of the Gânga era, because a certain solar eclipse did not occur in a particular year calculated according to that epoch, while Mr. J. C. Ghosh justifies his epoch of the era on the ground that though in certain cases the solar eclipses did not occur in the particular years, they occurred in the preceding years.'
1 See, for instance, the dates of the Santa-Bommáli plates of Nandavarman, the Pondūru plates of Vajrahasta II and the Indian Museum plates of Devendravarman, discussed below. All these would appear irregular according to this epoch
* In his article on the Ganga era in Ind. Oul., Vol. II, pp. 508 ff., Mr. J. C. Ghosh has attempted to prove that the era commenced on the purnimanta Sravana v&. di. 1 in A. D. 496. But the only definite evidence which he oitoo in favour of his view is the date of the Siddantam plates (above, Vol. XIII, pp. 213 ff.). Other dates can well be explained according to the epoch fixed in the present article, and one date definitely goes against Mr. Ghosh's opooh as admitted by him. As regards the date of the Siddāntam plates, the grant recorded in them was made on the occasion of the Dakshiņayana and the plates were issued on Srāvana va. di. 5. Mr. Ghosh says that the date of the grant and that of the issue of the plates were identical, viz., the 21st June, A. D. 691, which, according to him, proves his epoch. According to my calculations, however, the dates were not identiqal. In A. D. 691-92, which, according to Mr. Ghosh, corresponds to the Gänga year 195, the tithi purnimanta Srävaņa va. di. 5 no doubt fell on the 21st June A. D. 691 as it ended 20 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise that day, but the Karkataka sankrants occurred next day (the 22nd June, A. D. 691) 16 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise. As the plates could not have been issued before the sankranti, Mr. Ghosh's epoch is impossible. As regards the date of the Urlām plates, (above, Vol. XVII, pp. 332 ff.) on which he relies for proving that the months of the Gânga era were purnimanta, it may be pointed out that it conflicts with the date of the Pondūru plates (discussed below, p. 329) which mentions a week-day and is therefore quito definite. Wo must therefore suppose that in 1.23 of the Urläm plates the mention of the fortnight was inadvertently omitted.
The only exceptions so far known are the dates of the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III (Ind. And, Vol. XIII, pp. 120 ff.) and the Indian Museum plates of Dévēndravarman (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff.). For the reading of the latter, see below p. 329.
The Chicacole plates of Dövöndravarman mention the lunar month and tithi in connection with Udagayana, but if Udagayana means Uttarayara-aanueranti, the date is impossible, see above, Vol. IV, p. 131, n. 2.
• The only exception so far known is the Pondūru grant of Vajrahasta II (J. A. H, R. 8., Vol. XI, pp. 7 d.) • J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XVIII, p. 280.
Ind. Anf., Vol. LXI, p. 238.

Page #417

398
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
The latest attempt to fix the epocha of the era is that of Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao. From the scanty material available Mr. Krishna Rao has tried to prove that
(1) the Ganga era commenced in the Saka year 419 (A. D. 497-98) and (2) the Ganga year began on the amänta Bhadrapada bahula 13.
According to Mr. Krishna Rao therefore the era commenced on Bhadrapada va. di. 13 in the Saka year 419 (Monday, the 11th August, A. D. 497). He has examined the dates of 10 Gānga records and claimed that they can be satisfactorily explained according to his epoch of the era. He has shown that in most cases the solar eclipses occurred in the particular years of the Gānga ers, while in one case only, the eclipse occurred a few months before the commencement of the particular Gängs year. As the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III dated Gn. 128 show, these grants were sometimes recorded some months after they were actually made. So the result may be held to be satisfactory.
There are, however, certain difficulties presented by this epoch, which Mr. Krishna Rao has not noticed. In this article on this subject in J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, pp. 19 ff., Mr. Krishna Rao has stated in several places that the Gānga era commenced in the expired Saka year 419. He has also conjectured that the Gänga year commenced on amānta Bhādrapada va. di. 13. So in order to convert a Gārga year into an expired Saka year, we must add 418 when the date falls on any tithi from the amänta Bhadrapada va. di. 13 to Phālguna amāvāsya and 419 when it falls on any tithi from Chaitra su. di 1 to Bhadrapada va. di. 12. The epoch of the Gānga era, i.e., the year immediately before the commencement of the era, should thus be Saka 418-19. But Mr. Rao has almost throughout applied the epoch Saka 419-20 to get the equivalent of the Ganga dates. See for instance the following
(1) Gn. 127 (Märgasirsha full moon)=$. 546. (2) Gr. 154 (Märgasirsha new moon)=$. 573. (3) Gn. 221 (Askādha tu. di. 5)-6. 641. (4) Gn. 251 (Chaitra new moon)-8. 671. (5) Gn. 304 (Jyēshtha „ „ )=8. 724.
(6) Gn. 397 (Mārgaśīrsha , , )-S. 816. One would therefore suppose that he is in favour of applying the epoch Saka 419-20. But see the following equivalent of the Gănga date 500 given by him, which is possible only with the epoch of Saka 418-19:
(7) Gn. 500, Ashādha-māsa dina 5, Adityavāra=S. 919 (Sunday, the 13th June, A. D. 997). Mr. Krishna Rao has not shown how to reconcile this date with the preceding ones. Again
1 J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, pp. 19 ff. · Nine of these he calculated in his article (loc. cit.) and one later on (ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 147 f.). • Viz.. the date of tho Chionoole plates of Satyavarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 11 ff. • J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, p. 148.

Page #418

No. 48.)
EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA.
329
his equivalents of the Santa-Bommāli plates of Indravarman II' and the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III do not appear to be correct even according to his epoch. The question of the commencement of the Gănga era must therefore be examined afresh and an epoch proposed which would satisfactorily explain all the published verifiable dates of the era.
Among the dates of the Gänga era published so far, that of the Pondūru platesø is most important as it contains the mention of a week-day. The date, Gn. 500 Ashādha-māsa dina 5, Adityavāra, regularly corresponds to Saka 919, Sunday, the 13th June, A. D. 997. On that day the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Ashādha ended 3 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. This date shows Gn. 500=Ś. 919 and therefore Gn. 0-$. 419. It also shows that the month Ashādha had begun only four days before, on the first tithi of its bright fortnight. This proves that the months of the Gänga year were amānta.
Let us next take the date of the Indian Museum plates of Dēvēndravarman. These plates are dated in the Gănga year 308. No further details of the date are given, but we learn from line 20 that the plates were intended to record a grant made on the occasion of a solar eclipse in the month of Māgha. Supposing that the solar eclipse occurred in the same Gānga year in which the grant was recorded, we find that the only year which would correspond to Gn. 308 is Saka 728. In this year there was a solar eclipse in amānta Māgha on the 11th February, A. D. 807. It is noteworthy that this is the only solar eclipse in amānta Māgha in the period Saka 711728. This proves the untenability of the epochs proposed by Messrs. Subba Rao and Krishna Rao. It further corroborates the conclusion we have already drawn, namely, that the months of the Gänga year were amānta. Now according to this date Gn. 308=$. 728 and therefore Gn. 0-$. 420.
For the calculation of this date, Mr. Krishna Rao has relied on the reading (Gänga) Year 87, Jyčshtha divass 10, given by Raja Bahadur L. H. Jagadeva in J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IV, p. 23. Mr. Krishna Rao has supposed that the grant was made on the very day on which it was recorded and that the tithi fell on a Wednesday coupled with the nakshatra Hasta and the yoga Vyatipāta (of which there is no mention at all in the grant). By an elaborate calculation he has shown that this combination of the tithi, week-day, nakshatra and yoga took place on the 24th May, A. D. 584. But according to his epoch mentioned above, this tithi in Jyēshtha should fall in A. D. 585, not 584. It is noteworthy that the combination of the tithi, etc., does not occur in A. D. 585. Again, the correct reading of the date is Jyështha divasa 30 as recently given by Mr. R. K. Ghoshal (above, Vol. XXV, pp. 194 ff.). The akshara 16, which together with O here denotes the lithi, signifies 3 in other records also. See, a... the Chicacole plates of Dövöndravarman II (ibid., Vol. III, p. 133).
If the Ganga year began in Bhadrapada, there is no reason why the lunar eclipse in Märgadirsha, men. tioned in the Chicacole plates dated [Gn.) 128, Chaitra di. 15, should be referred to Gn. 127, for Gn. 128 was current at the time of the eclipse.
The date of this grant was read as 100 by Mr. M. Narasimham (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. IX, part iii, pp. 23 ff.) and as 700 by Mr. G. Ramdas (ibid., Vol. XI, p. 12). The correct date given above was first pointed out by Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao (ibid., Vol. XI, p. 147).
For the verification of the dates, etc., I have used throughout Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris.
• Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff.
• The editor of these plates has not read the aksharas after Mägha-mase in l. 20. There appear clenr traces of five akaharas after that word, the first two of which are certainly pürya and the last, [4). The omittod exprension seerus therefore to be sürya-grahani.
60 DGA

Page #419

330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVI.
The third important date is that of the Santa-Bommāli plates of Nandavarman, the son of Anantavarman 1. These plates record a grant which was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse in some unspecified month. The plates are dated on Ashādha dina panchami in the [Ganga) year 221. On the analogy of the dates of the aforementioned Pondūru and Indian Museum plates, this date may be taken to be the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of the amānta Ashādha. From the evidence of the Pondūru plates one would expect that the Gānga year 221 would correspond to the Saka year 640. But there was no solar eclipse in that year, nor even in the preceding year. There was, however, one in the amānta Jyēshtha of Saka 641. The proximity of this eclipse to the date Ashādha su. di. 5 (on which day the grant was recorded) indicates that the equivalent is probably correct. This date shows Gn. 221-8. 641 and therefore Gn. 0=S. 420.
The only way in which we can reconcile the date of the Pondūru plates with those of the Santa-Bommāli and the Indian Museum plates is to suppose that the former date is stated in the current year and the latter two in expired years. Mr. Krishna Rao, who did not notice the possibility of some Gânga dates being in current years and others in expired ones, took the aforementioned date of the Santa-Bommāļi plates as showing that the Gānga and Saka years were not concurrent and that the Gānga year commenced in some month after Jyēshtha. Such a supposition does not appear to be necessary. In fact the aforementioned dates of the Santa-Bommāli and Indian Museum plates show that the Ganga year began in some month before Ashādha su. di. 5 and ended in some month after Māgha. It appears probable therefore that, like the Saka year, the Gānga year also began on amānta Chaitra su. di. 1.
The fourth important date is that of the Chicacole plates of Indravarman III, viz., Chaitra di 15 in the [Ganga) year 128. In the absence of further details this date does not admit of verification, but in lines 10-11 the plates mention a lunar eclipse which occurred in the month of Märgasīrsha. We have seen above that the Gānga and Saka years were probably concurrent. The lunar eclipse must therefore have occurred in Gn. 127. This year, if current, would correspond to S. 546 and, if expired, to $. 547. In both these years there was a lunar eclipse in the month of Mārgasirsha. This date also may therefore be said to corroborate the epoch of the Gānga era fixed above.
The foregoing examination of these four Gānga dates which contain details for verification has shown that the Gānga era began in the expired Saka year 420 (A. D. 498-99), probably on the first tithi of the bright half of the amānta Chaitra. To convert a date of the Gänga era into that of the Saka era we have therefore to add 419 if the Ganga year was current, and 420 if it was expired. Let us now state in a tabular form all the Ganga dates which contain some details for verification to see what was the proportion of current and expired years. It must be remembered in this connection that many Gänga records mention a solar eclipse, but give no particulars about the year and month in which it occurred. In such cases the identification of the corresponding Saka year is likely to be doubtful.
1 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 185 ff. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 120 ff.

Page #420

Dates of the Ganga Era with their equivalents in the Saka era.
No. 48.)
Name of record.
Serial No.
Name of King.
Whether Correspond. Ganga year ing Saka was current year.
or expired.
Remarks.
Particulars of the date in the
Ganga era.
8. 507.
Expired.
30.
Santa-Bommali Plates | Indravarman II' aliaal (n.) year 87, Jyēshtha divasa
(above, Vol. XXV, pp. Rājasimha. 194 ff.)
In S. 507, Jyështha had 30 days
(from the 5th May to the 3rd June A.D. 585).
2 | Parläkimedi Plates (Ind.
Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 131
Indravarman II alias (Gn.)year 91, Mágha dina trin- $. 510 or S.
Rājasimha. . T eatima, 30.
Current or In both these years 8. 510 and 511
Mágha bad thirty days (from the 24th December A. D. 588 to the 22nd January A.D. 589 and from the 12th January to the 10th
February A.D. 590 respectively). Current or There was a lunar eclipse in Märexpired. gasiraha in both S. 546 and s.
547.
3
Chicacole Plates (Ind.
Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 120
Indravarman III
.
(Gn.) year 128, Chaitra di.
15 and a lunar eclipse in the previous Märgadirsha.
S. 547 or S.
548.
EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA.
8. 873.
Current.
Tekkali Plates (above | Indravarman III, eon
Vol. XVIII, pp. 309 ff.) of Dinarnava.
(n.) year 154, and a solar
eclipse in an unspecified month.
There was a solar eclipse in Mär
gabirsha in S. 573 only, none in 8. 574.
&
Tekkali Plates (Ind. His
Quart., Vol. XI, pp. 30
Dēvēndravarman 1,
son of Gunārnava
[Gn.) year 192, and a lunar 8. 611 or 8.
eclipse in an unspecified 1612. month.
Current or
expired.
There was a lunar eclipse in Mär.
gabirsha in both S. 611 and 612.
6
8. 641.
Expired.
Santa-Bommáli Plates (J. Nandavarman, son of [Gn.) year 221, Ashādha dina
A. H. R. 8., Vol. II, Anantavarman I. panchami and a solar eclipse p. 187.)
in an unspecified month.
There was a solar eclipse in Jyesh
tha in S. 641, none in $. 639 and $. 640.
1 The years of the Saka era given above are all expired. • The months mentioned in the Remarks column are all amanta. * In his Genealogical Table of Early Gânga Kings (Inscriptions of Northern India, p. 386) Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar does not number this
Indravarman. • Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar calls him Indravarman II. having omitted to number Indravarman II as stated in the foregoing note.
331

Page #421

Serial No.
Name of record.
7 Chiosoole Plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 273 ff.)
Dates of the Gänga Era with their equivalents in the Saka era-contd.
8 Alamanda Plate (above, Vol. III, p. 17 ff.)
Indian Museum Plates (Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff.)
10 Chicacole Plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 10 ft.)
11 Chidivalasa
Plates (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 146 ff.)
12 Ponduru
Name of King.
(J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, pp. 7 ff.)
Devendravarman II, son of Anantavar man..
Anantavarman II, son of Rajendra
varman.
Devendravarman II, son of Rajendra
varma 1.
Satyavarman,
of Devendravarman III.
Plates Vajrahasta (II).
Devendra. varman IV, son of Bhupendravarman.
Particulars of the date in the CorrespondGänga era. ing Saka year.
[Gn.] year [2] 51 and a solar 8. 671. eclipse in an unspecified month.
son [Gn.] year 351, and a solar 8. 770. eclipse in an unspecified month.
[Gn.] year 308, Magha-mãs 8. 728. surya-grahan[8].
724.
expired.
[Gn.] year 304, and a solar 8. 723 or S. Current or eclipse in an unspecified month.
[Gn.] year 397 with a solar eclipse in an unspecified month.
[Gn.] year 500, Ashadha masa dina 5, Adityavara(e).
Whether Ganga year was current or expired.
8. 816 or S. 817.
Expired
Expired.
Current.
Current or expired.
S. 919 (Sun- Current. day, the 13th June, A.D. 997).
Remarks.
There was a solar eclipse in Chai tra in 8. 671, none in 8. 670.
There was one solar eclipse in Jyeshtha in 8. 723 and two in Jyeshtha and Margaétreha in 8.
724.
There was a solar eclipse in Magha in 8. 728 but there was no such solar eclipse in Magha in the period from §. 711 to 8. 727.
There was a solar eclipse in Jyeahtha in S. 770, none in 8. 771.
There were two solar eclipses in Jyeshtha and Margastraha in 8. 816 and also two more in Jyeshtha and Kärttika in §. 817.
In S. 920, the tithi fell on a Thursday.
1 The symbol for hundreds is omitted here, but as shown by Mr. Krishna Rao (J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, pp. 27 ff.), it must have been one for 200.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXVI.

Page #422

No. 48.)
EPOCH OF THE GANGA ERA.
333
The above examination of the twelve dates of the Gänga era which contain some details for verification has shown that the view that the Gānga era was started on Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 explains all the dates satisfactorily. We found that according to this epoch the eclipses occurred in the respective Gānga years (current or expired) mentioned in the records and in two cases even in the specified months, and where the week-day or the number of solar days in a month was given they could be completely verified. Of the twelve dates examined above, three are in current years, four in expired years and the remaining five doubtful, being in either current or expired years. Of the doubtful dates also, a majority is likely to be in expired years ; for, as Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar has pointed out," the Hindu's usual, not invariable, way of expressing a date is not in the year so and so ', but after so many years had elapsed since such and such an event took place.' ” Even if we leave these doubtful dates out of account, the expired years of the Gänga era are more in number than the current ones, which is in accordance with the practice observed in the case of the dates of the Vikrama, Saka, Kalachuri and other eras.
We can therefore conclude that the Gănga era commenced on Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 (the 14th March, A. D. 498).
Let us next see if this epoch of the Gänga era conflicts with any known data. Certain synchronisms of Ganga kings with princes of other dynasties are either known definitely or are conjectured by scholars. We have to see if they can be satisfactorily explained with the present epoch.
1. From the Godavari plates of Přithivimülas we learn that the Adhiraja Indra fought in company with other chiefs who united to overthrow a certain Indrabhattāraka. These plates are dated in the twenty-fifth year of the increasingly victorious reign, apparently of Přithivimüla. The date does not contain any details for verification. Dr. Fleet who edited the plates conjectured at first? that the Adhiraja Indra was the king Indravarman of the Ganga dynasty who made the Chicacole grant dated [Gn.) year 128. He further identified Indrabhattāraka defeated by the Adhiraja Indra with Indrarāja, the younger brother of Jayasimha of the Eastern Chālukya dynasty. The name of this Indrarāja is omitted in most Chalukyan records, because, according to Dr. Fleet, he, being slain in this battle, did not ascend the throne.
If this identification is correct, it does not conflict with our epoch of the Ganga era ; for According to it, the Adhiraja Indra was ruling in S. 548 (128+420) and the Eastern Chalukya prince Indrarāja also flourished in the same period as he must have fought the battle during the reign of his elder brother Jayasimha (S. 549 to 579 or 582).
1 Collected Works of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Vol. III, pp. 288 f. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 398. • Ibid., Vol. XXV, pp. 266 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XXIV, pp. 120 ff. . J. Bom. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 114 ff.
• The expression pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara which introduces the date in these plates coeurs in all the early grants of the Ganga kings (with an expression like Gang@ya-tamka prefixed to it in the case of some later ones), but this is no sure index of the Ganga era, for the expression occurs in the records of other dynasties also. See e.g., 11. 25-6 of the Chikkulla plates of the Vishnukundin Vikramēndravarman (above, Vol. IV, p. 197: L. 14 of the Ipûr plates of the Vishnukundin Madhavavarman, (ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 337, and Il. 21-2 of the Tändivida grant of Prithivi-Mahārāja, ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 98).
Later on he identified him with the Gänga king Indravarman (II) who issued the Parläkimedi grant dated Cn. 91. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 131.
. Since then, his Kondanagüru grant has been discovered and published (abovo, Vol. XVIII, pp. 1 ff.).

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The identification of Indrabhattaraka with Indrarāja, the younger brother of Jayasimba, has, however, been called in question, and that perhaps rightly, for, the characters of Prithivimūla's grant appear to be earlier than those of Jayasimha's grants. Prof. Kielhorn suggested that Indrabhattāraka was identical with the Vishņukundin Indrabhattārakavarman mentioned in the Chikkulla plates and his view has since then been generally accepted. The identification of the Adhirāja Indra is however more difficult; for though there seems little doubt that he belonged to the Gänga dynasty, there were as many as three kings in that dynasty who bore the name Indravarman. Some scholars identify the Adhiraja Indra with the Gånga king Indravarman I who issured the Jirjingi plates in Gn, 39, because like the Vishņukundin Indrabhattāraka, he also is said to have won many battles wivn four-tusked elephants. The description, however, appears to be conventional; for it occurs in some grants of other dynasties also. If we identify the Adhirāja Indra with Indravarman II of the Gänga dynasty, he becomes a contemporary of the Vishņukuņdin Indrabhattārakavarman ; for the former was ruling at least from Gn. 87 to Gn. 91 (i.e., from A. D. 585 to 598) and the latter probably flourished from circa A. D. 570 to 600 as shown by me elsewhere. This synchronism also may therefore be said to be in agreement with the epoch.
2. The Kadamba chief Rånaka Dharmakhēdi, the son of Bhimakhëdi, was a feudatory of two Gänga kings, Anantavarman and his son Dēvēndravarman. His Mandasa plates which were issued during the reign of his suzerain Anantavarman are supposed to be dated $. 976 (or 967)." Another grant of his, recorded in the Simhipura (also called Santa-Bommāli) plates during the reign of Anantavarman's son Dēvēndravarman, is dated in the Ganga-Kadamba era 520.' According to the epoch fixed above, the latter date would correspond to S. 940. This date is earlier by 36 (or 27) years than the date of the Mandasa plates, instead of being later as it should be, since it belongs to the succeeding reign. This is the main reason which has led Dr. R. C. Majumdar to bring down the epoch of the Gänga era to some date between A. D. 550 and 557.
This discrepancy, I submit, is solely due to a wrong interpretation of the aforementioned date of the Mandasa plates. This date has been read as Sak-ābda-nava-sataka-sapta-rasa-mata which has been taken to denote S. 913 by Mr. G. Ramdas and S. 976 (or 967) by Dr. R. C. Majumdar. I have no doubt that the intended date is Sak-ābda-nava-sataka-saptadasa-mitē, i.e., S. 917. It may be noted that the record has been very carelessly written and engraved. The scribe has confused sa and sa in several places in it. The facsimile shows that the reading here is saptarasa (not sapta-rasa) which is evidenty a mistake for saptadaša. Perhaps the scribe was unconsciously influenced by the Prakrit of his time which had corrupted Sanskrit
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 195. See also Jouveau-Dubreuil's Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 91. * Indravarman I was ruling in Gn. 39, Indravarman II in Gn. 87-91 and Indravarman III in Gn. 128-64.
3 See e.g., the Khamkhēd plates of Pratapabila (above, Vol. XXII, p. 95): Bagumrå plates of Nikumbhallabakti (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 267) and the Ellorā plates of Dantidurga (above, Vol. XXV, p. 30).
. Above, Vol. XXII, p. 21.
J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVII, pp. 175 ff. The expression denoting the date used in this grant is read Sakabda-nana-Sataka-sapta-rasa by the editor Mr. G. Ramdas, who took sapta-rasa as denoting 7 plus 6 (rasa signifying the number six, because there are six flavours). So according to him the plates are dated $. 913. Dr. R. C. Majumdar on the other hand took the same expression to mean 76 (or rather 67 according to the saying ankasya vama gatib). According to him therefore the date of the grant is S. 976 (or rather, S. 967). See Ind. Cul., Vol. IV.
Pp. 174 ff.
• J. A. H. R. S., Vol. III, PP. 171 ff. * The Ganga-Kadambn era has been admitted by all scholars to be identical with the Ganga era. • Ind. Cul., Vol. IV, PP. 174 ff.
. It may be noted that the system of word-numerals is not met with in other Ganga reoords of the period. The numerals were then written and read as we do them now.

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saptadata into saptarasa. The date of the Mandasa plates is thus s. 917 which agrees admirably with the date Gn. 520 ($. 940) of the same chief Dharmakhēdi's Simhipura graht. The difference between the dates of the two grants is only 23 years which perfectly squares with the fact that the former grant was made by the aforementioned Kadamba chief during the reign of his Ganga suzerain Anantavarman and the latter during that of Anantavarman's son Dēvēndravarman.
3. We have seen above that the Gänga king Anantavarman's son Dēvēndravarman was ruling in Gn. 520. Another grant recorded in his Chicacole plates' mentions the Gänga king Anantavarman's son Mahārājādhirāja Madhukāmărnava as ruling in Gn. 526. The proximity of these two dates suggests that Dēvēndravarman was another name of Madhukāmārnava. Messrs. G. Ramdas and Subba Rao have identified this Gånga king Anantavarman with Vajrahasta II alias Aniyankabhrma, who had a son named Madhukāmārnava, on the assumption that all the rulers of the Gänga family were called alternately Anantavarman and Dēvēndravarman. Dr. R. C. Majumdar has, however, objected to this assumption. The assumption', he says, 'rests on the fact that for some generations, the Ganga kings were named in succession Anantavarman and Dēvēndravarman. But it would be unreasonable to conclude from this that their predecessors were also so named, so long at least as we do not get any satisfactory evidence for the same.'
The necessary evidence is now supplied by the Pondūru grant of Vajrahasta (II). As already stated this grant is dated Gn. 500. It was made by Vajrahasta, the son of Kāmārņava. As this grant was made 20 years earlier than Dharmakhēdi's Simhipura grant of Gn. 520 which belongs to the reign of Anantavarman's son Dēvēndravarman, it appears quite plausible that Anantavarman was another name of Vajrahasta (II). From these three grants then we get the following genealogy of these Gänga kings
Kämärņava
-
Vajrahasta alias Anantavarman Madhukāmārnava alias Dēvēndravarman
This genealogy is perfectly possible if we identify these princes with Kāmārnava I, Vajrahasta II and Madhukāmārņava III mentioned in the Nadagam, Ganjām and other records of Vajrahasta III.
Here I may anticipate an objection. I have identified above Madhukāmärnava who was ruling in Gn. 526 with Dēvēndravarman who was on the Gānga throne in Gn. 520. But it may
1 Sanskrit numerals change their d into r in the Prakrits and modern North-Indian languages. 1 J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVIII, pp. 272 ff. • Dr. C. Narayan Rao and Mr. Subba Rao read this date as 528. J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VIII, p. 170.
J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVII, pp. 180-81.
Ind. Cul., Vol. IV, pp. 175 ff.
• Above, Vol. IV, pp. 183 ff. : XXIII, pp. 67 ff. In fairness to Dr. R. C. Majumdar I must state that this genealogy is also possible according to the epoch (some date between A. D. 550 and 557) proposed by him, if we Gasume that Madhukāmârnava was another name of Rājarāja (I).Dévendravarman. The overwhelming evidence of other dated records set forth above would, however, preclude that epoch altogether.

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be objected that this goes against the evidence of the Nadagām and other plates of Vajrahasta III : for according to them, Madhukamārnava III ascended the throne 19 years before his nephew Vajrahasta III. The latter's accession is known to have taken place in $. 960. Deducting 19 years from this, we get S. 941 as the date of the accession of Madhukämārnava III. This conflicts with the statement in the Simhipura plates that Dēvēndravarman (with whom we have identified Madhukämārnava III) was ruling in Gn. 520, i.e., S. 940.
In connection with this I have to point out that the reign-periods of the several Gănga kings mentioned in the Nadagam and other plates are not exact, but only approximate ; for they do not mention any months and days in addition to the years of their reigns. If Madhukāmārņava III reigned for 19 years and a few months, he might have been on the throne in $. 940 (perhaps towards the close of it), when the Simhipura grant was made. I may add that the epoch of the Gänga era fixed Above will not be affected in the least even if we identify Dēvēndravarman of the Simhipura plates with one of Madhukāmārņava's elder brothers, Kämārņava II and Gundams II who preceded him on the throne and ruled for six months and three years respectively.!
We have thus seen that the view that the Gänga era was started on Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 presents no difficulties and squares with all the known data. Before concluding this article it would not be out of place to discuss what political event it commemorates.
From a Vākāțaka inscription in cave No. XVI at Ajanţă,' we learn that Harishēņa, the last known Vakataka king, had something to do with Andhra and Kalinga. Unfortunately the inscription is very badly damaged in the portion where the names of these countries are mentioned together with a number of others such as Kuntala, Avanti, Kösala and Läta. Perhaps Harishēņa raided these countries and made their kings acknowledge his suzerainty. That he did Bo in Andhra appears quite probable from the marriage of the Vishnukuņdin prince Mädhavavarman I with a Vākāțaka princesse who was perhaps a daughter or some near relative of Harishēna. From several grants found in the Ganjām District, we know that in the fourth and fifth centuries A. D., Kalinga was held by some princes whose names ended in varman, such as Saktivarman, Umavarman, Chandavarman, Anantavarman, etc. They must have been obliged to submit to the mighty Vakataka king Harishēņa. From recent researches in Väkätaka history it seems probable that Harishëna closed his reign about A. D. 500, and this, we find, is also approximately the time when the Gänga era was started. The conjecture may therefore be hazarded that it marks the establishment of a new kingdom in Kalinga when the power of the Vakatakas declined towards the close of the fifth century A. D.
1 The exact date of the coronation of Vajrahasta III mentioned in the Nadagam and other plates corresponds, according to Kielhorn, to Sunday, the 9th April, A. D. 1038.
Messrs. J. C. Ghosh and Subba Rao identify him with Kämärņava II who ruled only for half a year (Ind.) Ant. Vol. LXI, p. 237 and Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh Au-India Oriental Conference, p. 519), while Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao takes him to be Gundama II, who ruled for 3 years (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XI, p. 21).
* A. 8. W. I., Vol. IV, p 125. . Above, Vol. IV, p. 196 . Above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff., Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff., Vol. XXIV, pp. 47 ff., oto.
• Ahove, Vol. XXVI, pp. 148-9. MGIPC_S1-60 DGA-18-5-51---265.

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No. 49.- A NOTE ON SIRODA PLATES OF (BHOJA) DEVARAJA
BY N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, VOTACAMUND
The valuable inscription on these plates was edited in this journali by the late Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu. In 1943, when I was studying the record in connection with the early history of Western India, I examined the text of the inscription as published by the learned editor and checked the reading with the excellent facsimile accompanying the article. As a result of this scrutiny I was convinced that the name of the dynasty of Dēvarăja had not been correctly decis phered. Mr. Charlu read the word, indicating the name of the family to which Dövarāja belonged, as Gomināṁ and claimed that he had discovered a hitherto unknown dynasty on the West Coast of India, viz., that of Gömins. His reading was accepted by many scholars, one of whom has even tried to identify this Dēvarāja with the Rashtrakūta prince of the same name figuring in the Pandarangapalli plates of Avidhëya' and the Undikaväţika grant of Abhimanyu, though he has not been able to explain satisfactorily how the family name Gömin could be connected with the Råshtrakūtas.
Let us examine the disputed reading with the help of the photographic reproduction of the plates. The syllable that first roused my suspicion about the incorrectness of the reading of the dynastic name is the one that has been read as mi in the given reading Chandrapurad-Gominārs (line 1). If we compare this letter with mi in bhūmis-(line 12) and bhumidah (line 13) it becomes clear that its shape is altogether different. If it is not mi, what else can it be? The letter very closely resembles ja of vijaya- in line 17 and the superscript of the conjunot letter jya in rājya in the same line. It is well known that the medial a sign of ja is usually added to the horizontal stroke at the centre of the letter. Even in the present case it starts from the central stroke, goes up and turns to the left round the letter in a curl. Thus, it is obvious that the whole syllable should be read as jā. This led me to scrutinize the reading of the preceding letter, namely, d-Go in Chandrapurād-Gomināṁ. On a careful examination of the subscript I came to the conclusion that it answers more to bh than to g. We may compare, for instance, bha in bhavishyad=(line 2), bhu in prabhu (line 4) and bhyā in svāmībhyarn (line 6), eto. It may be noted that ga is more upright than bha which is a little slanting. With these two emendations, the word has to be read as Bhojānāṁ and not Gömināṁ. Further it appears to me that the syllable after Chandra is an initial i and not pu (of. initial u in uktafi-cha in line 10); what is seen at the bottom of the letter obviously denotes length. It is to be observed that in this record the sign of p is open at the top (cf. puny-Opachayāya in line 5). If this correction also be accepted, the whole expression would read Chandraūrād=Bhojānāń. Accordingly, the name of the family of the donor-king Dēvarāja is Bhoja and not Gomin, whil the name of the capital of the territory of this line of rulers, viz., the Bhöjas, round about Goa on the West Coast, W88 Chandraūra. The
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 143 ff. with 1 plate. * An. Bhand, Ori. Res. Inst., Vol. XXV, pp. 43 ff. • Mys. Arch. Rep. 1929, pp. 197 ff. In this record the name of Dēvarăja's family is not given. • Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 163 ff.
The termination fra is the Sanskritized form of the Dravidian word ar meaning village or town and crrog. ponds to Sanskrit pura. Such village names, ending in ura, are found in many Sanskrit inscriptions; the following are a few instances from records ranging from the 4th to the 9th century, after Christ :-Kofflina (Allaha bad pillar inscription of Samudragupta, C.I.L., Vol. III, p.-13); Kangūra (Mattepad plates of Dämodaravarman, above, Vol. XVII, p. 329), Chendalara (Chendalär plates of Pallava Kumara-Vishnu, sbovo, Vol. VIII, p. 235), Vaffira (Mahakufa pillar insoription of the Western Chalukya King Mangalóba, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 17), Cherwpira (Chipurapallo plates of the Eastern Chalukya-King Vishnuvardhans I, Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16) Kumulára (Timmäpuram plates of the same king, above, Vol. IX, p. 318), Audraka (Sürat plates of Sryákraya Städitys of the Gujarat Chaloky family referred to on p. 231, Vol. VIII, above) and Lattalira (Nilgund inscription of the Rashtrakūta king Amoghayarsha I, above, Vol. VI, p. 103).
16 DGA

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discovery of some copper plates of the Bhoja dynasty during the years 1948 and 1949 has confir. med the correctness of my reading of the family name. These are noticed in the sequel.
Now, it is known from the 13th rock edict of Asoka that the Bhõjas and the Pitinikas (within his territory) were conforming to his instruction in morality: Dr. Hultszch who regards them as tribes says that they have to be looked for in the west. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, however, explains the word Petenika (Pitinika) as one who enjoys hereditary property' and takes BhojaPetenikas as one word meaning the rulers called Bhöjas'. He also considers them to be the same as the Mahābhājas who were minor rulers holding the present Thāņā and Kolabă Districts of the Bombay State. Inscriptions mentioning them are found at Bedsă, Kanheri and Kudā. From these we learn that they were responsible for the excavation of many of the caves in these localities. The Bhõjakas are mentioned also in the Häthigumpha inscription of the Kalinga king Khāra vela, which says that he caused the Rathikas and the Bhojakas to bow down at his feet." According to Dr. Jayaswal the expression Bhojas, as opposed to Petenikas, means non-hereditary leaders who observed the Bhaujya form of constitution mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana. To him, thus, the Bhõjas appear to be so called because they followed that special form of constitution. He also points out that the name still survives in the modern caste-name Bhöjaka found in the Indian State of Cutch in the Kathiawad Agency Dr. B. C. Law who has collected almost all the references to the Bhojas is of the view that the Bhöjas were a very ancient tribe whose princes held not only the Sātvats, near the Ganges, in subjection, but also ruled over the Vidarbha (Berar) and, according to a passage in Kautilya's Arthaśāstra, even over the Dandaka, the region round Nasik. It may be added that the Dasakumāracharita of Dandin also places the Bhöjas in Vidarbha. We have, however, no means of ascertaining whether, or in what way, the Bhojas mentioned in the rock edict of Asoka as well as in the cave inscriptions of Western and Eastern India noticed above were related to the ruling dynasty of the Bhõjas of Goa, one of whose scions was Dēvarāja of the Sirõda plates.
Recently a number of copper plates have been discovered in and near the Goa territory. A notice about them by Mr. R. S. Panchamukhi, Director of the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, is found on page 99 of the Summary of Papers submitted to the 15th Session of the AU-India Oriental Conference. They comprise three charters. Two belong to the Bhõjas, while the third pertains to the Maurya dynasty (of Konkan), though Mr. Panchamukhi has taken them all to be Bhöja grants.
Both the Bhõja grants refer themselves to the reign of Přithivimallavarman, one dated in the first (prathama) regnal year and the other in the 25th regnal year. The earlier record, issued from
10. 1. 1., Vol. I (Inscriptions of Asöka), pp. 46 and 48, text-line 9. * Ibid., p. 48, f.n. 11. • Asoka (1932: 2nd edition), pp. 34-35.
*Arch. Sur. of Western India, Vol. IV, p. 90, (Bedsă ins. No. 3); p. 85 (Kuda ins. No. 6); Lüders' List, Nos. 1021, 1037, 1045, 1052, 1058.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 79. .K. P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity (1943 : 2nd edition); p. 80.
* Ind. Cult., Vol. I, p. 384. Yatha Dandakyo nama Bhöjah kamäd-brahmara.kanyam-abhimanyamánus=sa. bandhu-rashtro vinanāca. (Arthaśāstra, edited by Shana Sastri, 2nd edition, 1924, p. 11, 11. 13-14). This PASSage is also found in the Kamasutra of Vatayāyana who apparently copied it from Kautilya (Kamastilra, Banaras edition, adhikarana 1, adhyāya 2, sutra 44). See also studies in Kamasutra by H. C. Chakaladar, pp. 84 f.
Vidarbho nama janapadah/tasmin-BMjavamsa-bhrīshanan....................Punyavarmá námsásit (Uchchhuasa 8); Early History of the Deccan (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii), p. 143 and note 2; An. Bhand. Ori. Res. Inst., Vol. XXVI (1945), pp. 20, 22.
. These are shortly to be published in this journal.
* Mr. Panchamukhi gives the date of the former as the 13th year and of the latter as the 15th year. My reading of the dates is based on an examination of the original plates.

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Vrishibhiņikhēta, registers the grant made by the king of a piece of land to a Brāhmaṇa, named Ma[tvalrya, of the Agnivěsya götra. The land was situated in the village of Bhagalapallika in the Kupala[pa]kața ähāra. The grant was made for the increase of merit of the king's mother Chetasādēvi at the request of his brother Satrudamana on the 13th day of the bright half of the month of Jyeshtha in the first year of the king's reign. At the end of the inscription we are told that it was the gift of Chetasādevt, described as Nellikabalika. The charter was written by Devaarmacharya of the Bharadvaja götra. The later grant was issued from Prithiviparvata and states that the king made a gift of a plot of land in the village of Malara in Kupalakata to a Brahmana, named Damarya, of the Bharadvaja götra. The gift was made for the merit of the king himself on the 10th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Sravana in the 25th year of the king's reign. The ajñapti of the grant was Nidhivara and the writer was Buddhadäsa of the Kamboja çötra. The inscriptions on both these sets of plates are written in the Sanskrit language and in the southern alphabet assignable to about the 7th century A. C.
Another copper-plate record of this dynasty was discovered early in 1950 by Mr. P. B. Desai, M.A., Epigraphical Assistant, at the village of Hire Gutti in the Kumta taluk of the North Kanara District which adjoins Goa. The document, issued by king Asankitaraja of the Bhoja lineage, registers the grant, made by him, of the village Sundarika in the Dipaka vishaya to a vihara which had possibly been erected by himself (sva-vihara). The invocation to the Buddha at the commencement of the inscription shows beyond doubt that the monastery (vihara) to which the gift was made was Buddhistic. It is also noteworthy that this set of plates bears a seal depicting the figure of an elephant which was evidently the emblem of this royal family. The language of this grant is likewise Sanskrit. Though the record is not dated its palaeography would place it in the same period, namely about the 7th century A. C.1
Yet another copper-plate inscription of this dynasty, falling in that very period, has been discovered by Mr. R. S. Panchamukhi. I have not seen this record, but, according to Mr. Panchamukhi, it registers a gift of land, made by Dharmamahārāja Käpälivarman of the Bhōja family to a certain Svamikarāja who, in his turn, granted it to a Brahmana, named Bhavarya. The land was situated at the village of Sivapuraka. The grant was issued from the king's camp at Pāmāsakhēṭaka."
Thus we have, in all, five inscriptions of this dynasty, all on copper plates. Of these, the Siroda plates of Devaraja happen to be the earliest, as they are palaeographically referrable to the 4th century A. C., while the rest belong to about the 7th century. They disclose the names of four ruling monarchs, namely, Devaraja, Prithivimallavarman, Asankitaraja and Käpälivarman. Chētasādēvi, the queen of Prithivimallavarman, and Satrudamana, the latter's brother, are two others, brought to light from one of these documents. We have seen that these grants were issued from four different places, viz., Chandraŭra, Vrishibhiņikhēta, Prithiviparvata and Pāmāsakhēṭaka. Chandraura has been considered to be identical with Chandor in Goa. The other places may also have to be looked for around that region which appears to have been the dominion over which the Bhojas held sway. The relationship in which the four rulers of the family stood to one another and the order of succession of the three last named kings, viz., Prithivimalla, Asankita and Käpäli, are points to be determined only by future discoveries.
339
Incidentally, I may also briefly notice the Maurya grant here, which is interesting in its own way. It records the order of the illustrious Anirjitavarman, the Mauryya Mahārāja, issued
1 This record is also being edited in this journal.
Fifteenth All-India Oriental Conference (1949), Summaries of Papers, p. 99.
* Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 145.
3A

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from the victorious Kumāradvipa, to the inhabitants and officials of twelve villages (dvadabagrāmyah). The order announces that a gift of certain lands, tank, garden and house-site was made by the king to a Brāhinana, named Hastyarya, of the Härita götra. The gift was made with the object of securing the welfare or final beatitude (ni[b]dreyas-artthan) of Nāgapadda, Malladatta, Achala and the king himself. The inscription is dated the 10th day of the 7th fortnight.of Hē[manta*] in the 29th year, apparently of the king's reign. This mode of recording dates in seasons and fortnights is not usually met with in inscriptions of a period later than the 6th century. Consequently this record may be placed in the 6th century, and palaeography does not militate against this view. In the Aihole inscription of Pulikēsin II, his father Kirtivarman I is stated to have been the night of doom to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas'' Pulikobin II himself claims a decisive victory over the Mauryas in the Konkapas. Evidently it is to this Maurya family that Anirjitavarman belonged.
on dato (Ancient India, No. 8,
1 An Eastern Chalukya inscription of a later period (7th century) olting p. 49) is the only one of its kind that I know of, . Above, Vol. VI, p. 4, text-line 4,
Ibid., p. 6, text-line 10,

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INDEX. BY H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI AND S. VIJAYARAGHAVACHARI [The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure to footnotes and add. to additions. The following other abbreviations are also used :au.=author; ca.=capital; ch.=chief; Chron.=Chronicle ; ci.=city; co.=country: com. composer: dl. district; dn.division; do..ditto; dy.=dynasty; E... Eastern ; engr. Eengraver; ep.= epithet ; f. -female ; feud.feudatory; gen.-general; Hist. Historical; k.king; l. locality ; l.m. linear measuro or land measure; m.-male; min. minister; mo.=mountain; myth.mythological; 1.name; N.-Northern; off. office or officer ; pr.=prince ; . queen; rel.=religious; ri.=river; 8. Southern ; 8.a.-some 88; sur.-surname; te. templo; Tel.=Telugu; t.d.territorial division; tit.title; in.=town; tq.=taluq; vi. village; W.-Western; wok.=work.]
Α.
Page.
149
.
340
4, initial,
. 63, 69, 75, 132 4, medial,
. 60, 63, 166, 174, 187 A note on the Bajaur Casket of the reign of Menander,. . . .
.. . 318 a-bhadappavēsa, privilege, . . . 149, 153 a-bhasachchhatra-prāvēšya, privilege,. . 160 Advidhanachintamani, lexicographical wk., . 316 . Abhimanamahõdadhi, lit., . .
287 Abhimanyu, Rashtrakūta k., .
337 Abhira, dy. . . . 95, 303, 311 and n. Abu, Mt., vi., . . .
. 88, 101, 204 Abulfeida, Muhammadan historian, . . 274 Achala, m-, . . a-chammangalika, privilege, . . . 153 acharas, the five-,
.
. . . . . 107 n. Achara-sägara, wk., .
. . 12 n. a-chärāsanacharmangara, privilege,
160 a-chära-siddhika, privilege,
. 149, 153 Adava, vi., 8.a. Sudava, . . . 62 n. Adbhutasāgara, wk., . , 4 and *., 12 n. Addaka, Chapa k., . . . . . 191 Addanki, co., . . . . . . 23, 33 Adilābād, dt., . . . . . . 19 Adipur Plate of Durjayabhafija,
276 Adikēbava, god,
269 Adikësava-ghatta, l., .
269, 270 Aditya, m., . . .
. 17, 47 Aditya I, Chola k., 83, n., 113 n., 114 and n., 230, 233,
121
Page. Adhyaksha prachära, & chapter in the Artha
Sastra, . . . . . . . 121. Adoni, tab., .
. .35 and n. a-dadha-dadhi-gahanam, privilege, . . agama, rel. literature,
afure, . . . . 106 n. Agastisvaram, vi... .
. . 274 Age of the Imperial Guptas, wk., . . 302, n. Agguka, Saindhava k., . . 191, 192, 193, 196,
200, 201, 205, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214,
220, 222, 223, 224 Agguka I, do., . . . . 189, 190, 196, 203 Agguka II, do., . . 193, 196, 197, 198, 209 Agguka III, do., .
194, 195, 196, 218 Aghāta, I., 8.a. Ahada, Agni, god, . . . Agnish(oma, sacrifice, 120, 122, 141, 151, 164, 169 Agodaka, vi., 8.a. Agrödaka or Agroha, . 117n. Agra, ci., .
. . 85 agrahāra, tenure, .
.. . 133 Ahade, m., . . . . . . 100 ahāra, t.d., . .
. . 159, 338 Ahavamalla, sur. of the Chalukya k., Sömo. Avara I, . . . .
. . . 179 Ahichchatrapura, vi., .
89, 90, 103 a-hirannadhannappanayappadėya, privilege, 152 Ahivarman, k.,
. . . . 187 Ahmad Khăn, Bahman co., • • • Ahobalam, vi.. . . . . . 33, 37 n.
. 166 ai, initial, ai, medial,
. 166, 177 Aiholo Inscription of Pulakekin II, 51, 53 and 1., 340 Ain-ul-Mulk, tit., . .
: 36 n. Airavata, Indra's elephant, .
104 n. Airāvatta-mandala, t.d., . , 76, 77, 79, 82 Airikina, s.a. Eran, province, . . . 116 Aitareya Brāhmana, . . . .. 338 Ajantă, ni.. . . . . . 141, 142, 148
234
75
Aditya II, Parakēsarin, do., . Adityadhara, m., . . . Adityan-Kannaradēva, Chöla pr., Adityasēna, Later Gupta k., . Adityavarman, Sinda pr., . Adhai-din-ka-jhăpadă, l., . . adhaka or a dhika, grain-measure Adhirdja Indra, Ganga pr., . adhvaryu. . . . .
.
. 82 75, 79 and n., 82 .
233 .242, 243 and . . . . 282
94 . 127 and n. . 333, 334 . . 16

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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182
272
Page. Ajayadova or Ajayarāja, Chahamana k., 92, 93, 94,
96, 98, 101, 104 Ajayamēru, ci., 8.4. Ajmer . 93, 99, 101, 107 Ajmer, ci., 8.a. Ajayamēru, . , 93, 94, 101 Ajmer, dt., . . . . . . 84, 87 Ajanta Inscription of the Vakataka
dy.. . . . . 142, 144, 145, 146, 148 ajfiapli, off. . . . . . . 154, 339 Akälavarsha (Krishna II). Rashtrakaja
k., . . . 165 1., 231 n., 284 Akhanda-Gautami, 8.a. Gödávart, Ti., . a-khatta-chollaka-venesika, privilege,. . 149, a-karada, privilege,. . . . . 153 a-karadayi, privilege, . G-kara-yollaka-vinesi-khaffärdsam, privilege, 149 Akasapadda, vi.,
139, 140, 141, 151, 154 Akdala, fortress, . . . . . Akshapa falika, off.... . . . . Akshabalin, off, . .
65 n., 175 Alaki, ci., . . . . . . 219, 223 Alamanda Plates of Anantavarman II, 174, 332 Alampuram, vi., .
. . . 124 Alä-ud-din, Bahmani Sultan, . . . 26 A n. Alä-ud-din Hasan, do. . . . a-lavapakeppa-kkhanaka, privilege, 149, 162 a-lavanaklinnakreni-khanakah, privilege, 161 and n. Alhapa or Alhanadēva, Chahamana k., 95, 96, 97 Alhana, Parigrahi, m., . . . . 100, 112 Alha nadēvi, Séna q. . . . . Alini, 'swarm of bees'; female Jaina
devotees, . . . . . 102 and n. Allada, Reddi ch., . , 20, 29 n., 34 n., 37, 39 Allahabad Museum Yupa, . . . 121 Allahabad Museum (Kosam) inscriptions
of Maharaja Bhadramagha,. . . 298 Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra
gupta, . . . . . 136, 337 n. Allávadin, 3.a. Alauddin, Bahmani Sultan, 25 n. alligator, emblem on banner, . . 82. Allar, vi., . . Allāraks, vi... .
. . . 337 n. a-lona-gula-chchhobham, privilege, . . 149 alphabets Box-headed, . .
. . 61, 137, 156 Brahml, . . !
. 124, 319 Gupta, . . . . . . . 115, 236 Kannada, .
59 Kushana-Brahmt, . .
295 Kutila, . . Någarl 59, 69, 166, 177, 256, 268, 280, 282, 305, 310 Nail-hoaded, Northern, . . . . . 75, 130 Proto-Nagari, . . . . 60,197 Proto-Oriya, . . . . 276
Page. alphabets :-contd. Sarada,
87 Southern, . . 59, 63, 66, 132, 174, 249 South-Indian,
137 Tamil, . .
. . 275 Telugu, Amana, Yadava k., . . . . . 128 Amaravati vi., . . .
. .
. 25, 149 Amaravati, Myth.ci., .
200, 204, 213 Amarékvara, god, . . Amatya, off.,. . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 Amaväli-pattalā, dn., .
. 269, 270 Ambā, vi., . . . Ambakutti, m., . .
235 Ambaprasāda, ch., 'the lord of Aghata' . 92 Ambe Inscription No. 2, . .
311 Ambika, goddess, . . . 100, 110, 266 Ammarāja II, E. Chalukya k., .
164 n. Amnama, donee, . . . . . 17, 47 Amöda Plates of Jajalladēva II, . 267 n. Amoghavarsha, Rashtrakafa k. . . 59 n.,
60, 62, 163, 165, 332 Amoghavarsha I, do.. . . 59, 337,
60 n., 251, 284 Amöghavarsha II, do. . . . 182,
163, 284 Amõghavarsha III, Baddega, do.. . . 61,
164, 232, 284 Amraprasada, Guhila pr.. . . . . . Amrübin Jamal, Muslim gen., . . . 189 Antapanibarmman, donee, .
. 269, 272 Amtari, a.a. Uparamväla Antari, t.d. . 200,
101, 112 Amvata, m.,. . . . . • 99, 106 A pahilapattana, Chapa ca.. . . 190, 191,
92
209
. 171, 174
Ananda, m., disciple of Buddha, Ananda, dy.. . . . . . Ananda, name sufir. . . . Anangapala III, Tomara pr., . . Ananta or Ananta-gochara, co., . Ananta, 8.a. Såmamta, Chahamana pr., . Ananta, donee, . .
17, 48 Anantapäla, Kalackuri pr..
263 n. Anantapāla, m., off. . . . . 267 Anantapāla, poet, . .
287 Anantavarman or Anantavarman-Chodaganga, E. Ganga k... . . . 9 n., 65, 66and r., 67, 171 7., 174, 175 and n., 176,
257, 258, 334, 335, 336 Anaparti Plates of Kumāragiri Reddi, 28, 32 n., 41 Anapota or Anavõta, Reddi ch., 23 n., 25, 26 n., 27
and . Anastu Plates. . . . . . 250
241
127

Page #432

INDEX
343
Page.
Apatti, s.a. ajñapti, off.,. . . 151 and n. Anavěma or Annavēmā, Reddik., . .23, 27 n.,
28, 29 and 11., 31 n. Anavõta or Annavõta, Rachakonda ch., 26 and 1. Anavõta, Reddik.,. . . . 25 Anavõta II, do.. . Anbil Plates of Sundara-Chõla,
.114, 233 Andapānala, wrong reading for nripoNala, . . . .
49 and n. Andhau Inscription of Saka 52, . . 297 ,dy., . .
. 151 *., 229 Andhra, co.,. .
. 16, 17,
25, 43, 149, 150, 182, 336 Andhra-patha or Andhāpatha, co.,. . 150 Andhrakbamdamandala, 1.d., . '. Andhra-Suratrana, til.,
.
24 Angára, vi., . . .
244, 245, 246 Anirjitavarman, Maurya k. of Konkan. . 339, 340 Anitalli, Reddi princess, . . . 20, 22, 29 n. Aniyankubhima alias Vajrahasta, E. Ganga
k.. . . . . . . . 335 Anna, Annadeva or Annayya, Telugu-Choda k., . . . . 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
27, 28, 29 and n., 31 and 1., 32, 33 and n., 34 and n., 37 and
n., 38, 39, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47 Annadēvavaram, vi.,
. 17, 38, 40, 46 Annavaram, vi, . Annavēma, Reddi k., . . : 20,26 n., 39 Annavõta, do.. . . 16, 20, 21, 23, 26 Annemāmba, q. of Bhaktiraja,. . . 15, 16,
18, 20, 27, 42, 43 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, wk.,. 85 Anniga, Nolamba-Pallara pr.,. . . 286 Antaranga, off., . . . : 7, 12 and n. Antiquities of Chamba State, wk. . . 12 n. Antah purika, off. . . . . . 272 anusvára, . .
. . . 41 n., 44, 60, 63, 75, 86, 102 n., 103 n.,
139, 166, 171, 174, 198, 276 Do. substitution by guttural nasal, . 63
use of, in place of final n., . Do. used for a class nasal, . . 14, 69 Do. class nasal used for,. .
139 nasals represented by .
86 shown by a crescent,
156 Do. wrong use of,. . Do. changed into final m., .
269 Apabhramsa, dialect, . . .
179 Aparagāngěya, Chāhamāna pr., . .
96 Aparajita, k., . . . . .
241 Aparajita, Sitähära k., . . . 163, 284, 287 a-parampara-balivadda-gahanam, privilege, 149 a-parumpara-go-balivardda, privilege, . 149, 152, 160
Pago. Apara-samudr-adhipak, ep. . .
190 Apara-Surdah framan dala-mar dana, op., 190, 196,
204, 213, 219, 228 Aphsad Inscription of Adityasens . : 242 a-pupphakkhiragghana, privilege, . .149, 152 G-pushpakahira-sandaha, privilege, . . 180 Apurvanata, family, . . .
63 Ara Inscription of Kanishka, . . . 295,
296 and n. Ara Inscription of Kanishka II, . 303 Arabs, . . . . .
. .
. 186, 190,
192, 198 Arang, vi.. . . . . .
• 52, 53 and *., 227 #.,
229 n. Arang Plates of Bhimasēna II, . . .227, 228,
229. arafphasamuvinayika, privilege,. .149, 162 Aravalli Hills, mo.,. . . .
84 Arbuda, mo., . . . . .
. 183, 184 Arigarh daraganda, til., . . .
. .
16, 43 Arikësarin, Chalukya ch., . . . . 164 .. Arikosrin alias Kēkirkja, Silähära pr., 288_87 Arikulakësarin, Pillaiyar, Chola pr.,. 84 n. Arifijaya, Parakesarin, Chola k.
82 Arirajamadana-Sankara, tit., . . 3, 10,
13 and 1. Arporaja, Chahamana k., . . .
93, 94, 95, 96, 97,
98, 104 Arthapati or Arthavarman, Nala k., . . 62
and . Arthasdatra, wk., . . . . 338 and n. Aruna, myth. person, Arupadatta, off. .
239 Arungamitrasvāmin, donce, . . . 239 Aryakhamda, dn., . . . . 106 . Aryavarta, co., . . . . 94, 96,
104 asana-charman, Asankitarija, Bhoja k., . . . Asapuri, goddess, . . . . .
92 Ashtadaba-Göndrama, territory, Ashtadasātavi-rājya, chiefdom, . . . Ashrafpur Copper-plate of Dēvakhadga, 125, 126 Asika, s.a. modern Hänsi, vi., . . . 95, 96 Asoge Plates of Kadamba Jayakēsin (II), 304 Aboka, Maurya k.,. . . 141 ., 338 and n. Asökachalla, k., . . . . . 41). Asökittana (Rāsõlittana), co., . . . 92 Agund, vi., 8.a. Akäsapadda, . . 141, 162 Abvapati-Gajapati-Narapati-Rajatray-odhi. pati, tit., . . .
9, 71 abvamëdha, sacrifice, . . . . . 136,324
181
339
Do.
63
77 77
Do.
Do.
164

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVI
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168
Page. Atakör Insoription of Kțishna III, . 01, 84 a-lana-battha-gahanam, privilege, .
149 athara gadijat, geographical expression, Atharva na or Atharvapika-chara De, 6.a.
Atharvavēda, . . 139, 162, Athmallik state, Atimukta, god, . . . atirätra, sacrifice, .. Attili, vi., . . .
371., 40 Attili, 1.d., Attili-sima, t.d., .
. 40, 44 Attivarman, Kandara k., . . . 139 n. Atukuru, vi., . .
. . 38 atyagnishtóma, sacrifice, done, . . .
120
. au, initial form, . . . . . 131 .,
137, 186, 177 Aubhala or Aubbelendra, donee, 17, 47, 48 salikars s.a. limakara, .
. . . 131 m. aulikara-Idichhano, emblem,
131 and 1. avagraha, . . .
• 76, 86,
171, 178 avaha, privilege, . . Avanivarman, E., . . . . 192. Avanivarman II, k., . . . . 217 Avanti, co., . . . . . . 336 Avidhëya, Rashtrakufa I., . . . 337 Avimuktajja or Avimaktärya, h., . .242, 244,
246 dopitti, 1.d., . . . . . . 3, 8, 12 Ayodhya, ci., . . . . Ayodhya, tn., o.a. Uttara Kötala, . . 71 Ayo, Myth...,
284
.
vreye
.
.
.
.
16.3
Page. Bāgenādu, dt., . . . . . 61 Balaghat, I., . . . . . 180 Baghēra, vi... . . . . . 101 Bagumra Plates of Indra III,. . . 163 . Bahmani Sultans,
. . . 19, 82 Bahmani Dominions, . . . . 37 m. Bahukadhavala, Saindhava k., . . . 196 bahuorihi, . . . . . . 260 . Baina, tn., . . . . . . 85 Baliditya, k., . . . . . Bala, Bäläditya, Gupta k., . 237, 238 n. Baladhibita, off. . . . . . 199, 202,
206, 211, 215, 220 Balaghat Plates of Prithivishēna II, 61, 139 ., 160 Balárjuna 1.a. Maba-Sivagupta, Somavans k., 63 and
70., 227 Balasanaka, a.a. Balsånē, vi., . . .310, 312 Balaane Inseription of the time of Krishna, 311 Balasore Plate of Bhanudatta,. .
239 Balavardhana, ch., . . . . . 121 Balavarman, Chålukya ch., . . 191, 192
and n., 196 Balavarma, ruler of Aryävarta, k., . . 304 bali-chant-vaibadew-agnihotra-kratu, rites, 254 Balijhari Plates of Uddyötakësari Mahabhavagupta,
77 bafivali, dotory, . . . ,
61 Ballaha, s.a. Vallabha, tit., , .
231 Ballala I, Hoyrala k., .
182 Ballala, au.. .
250 Balodā, vi., . .
• 229 n. Bambani, si., . .
: .257, 258,
266 Bans, poet, . . . . . . Bana, dy. . . .
. . 53, 54,
113, 114 and . Banadhiraja, tit. of Prithvipati II, 112, 113 Banar, ri., . . . . . . 8*. Bä parāja, Bana ch., . . Banarasi, s.a. Cuttack, ci., . . . 25 Banavase, dt., . . . . Bana-Vidyadhara 8.a. Vikramaditya I, Bara
ch.. . . . . . . 64 Bandhuvarman, Malava k., . 131 and
.
.
238 n.
113 .
b, cursive form of- . . . .
69 , indicated by a sign, . . . . 69 b, represented by . . . . . 75, 269,
805 o de o, indicated by separate signs, . 132 Bädažnaka, vi., . .
206 Badakhimedi Copper-plates of Indravarman, 186 Bidami, Chalukya ca., . .
231 Bädämi Stone Inscription of Mangalda, 124 Badauva, s.a. Vadauvā, vi., . .
102 Baddega; a.a. Amöghavarsha, Rashtraka pa k., 232 Badaun insoription of Lakhapapala, 270 . Badv., vi.. . . . . . . 118, 119,
121 Badri Yüpa Inscriptions, . . 121,128 m. Bagoga, , off,
. . . 60, 62
Bandiraka, wrong for Nandirata, oi., Bankeya, m., . . . . . Bannahalli Plates of Krishnavarman II, Barada, in.. . . . . .
. . . 141 *: . 189 and »., 109 . 190
268
Bardis, vi., . . . . . Bartlapura, Barbla, 6.a. Varblapurs, ui..

Page #434

INDEX
345
70
Page. Baripada Museum Plate of Dövānandadēva, 74 Barni, ri. . . .
68, 269 Barnala, .,
. . 118 Baroda Plates, . .
250 Bärolli, oi., . .
84, 85,
101 Barrackpur Plate of Vijayasēna,
4 n. Barsinga, 8.. Bhethibringa, i..
168 Barwani Plate of Subandhu,
301 n. Basihi Plates of Govindachandra, . . Baskrb, 8.a. Vaibali, oi., . . .
116 Basah Beal, .
116 Basim, 3.a. Vatsagulma, ., . .
148 Basim Plates of Väkätaks Vindhyasakti II, 137, 141
And n., 146, 148 Baudh Plate of Salónabhanja, Baudh Plates of Kanakabhañja Baudhayana, aw. .
168 Baudhayana-Dharmasūtra, wol., .
158
and n. Baudhgarh, vi., . . . . Bayanā, tn., . .
• 93, 94 Bodår, Muslim slave, m., . . . .35,38 . Bedsa, L., . .
338 and n. Beojanuggur (Vijayanagara), ca., Boer Soen (Virasēna), Sena k., . Begün, estate, . . . . . . 101, 102 Bellary, d., . . . . . . Belor: Plates of Pravarasēna II, . . 148, 156
and 1., 157 and n. Belvola-three-hundred, 1.d., . , 60, 61,
36
Page. Bhadrabüla, Kaubambe k.,
. 298, 299. Bhadradatta, ch., . . . . . 318,817,
318 Bhadradēva, m., . . . . . 115, 117,
118 Bhadramagha, Kausarbi k., .
298, 299 and
m., 301 Bhadrapura, 8.a. Bhåndak, si., . . Bhadrasena, Vakāpaka k., (') . Bhadrilary&, 8.a. Bhaddilajja, m.. . bhaga-bhoga-kara, tax, . . . Bhagalapallika, Di., . . .
338 Bhagavän, god, . .
124 Bhagavata, follower of the Bhagavata form of Vaish pavism, . .
. . . . . .
136 Bhagavata Purana, wk., . . . . 244 1. Bbägtrathl, ri.. . . . . . 316 Bhsingaror or Bhainsarorgarh, oi.,
84, 101 Bhaktirkja or Bhaktikvara, ..a. Kimarija,
Tel. Choda k., . . . . . 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23 and n., 24, 25, 26 and 1., 27, 28, 29,
38, 39, 41, 43, 44 bhallataka, tree, . . . . . Bhāmaba, commentator,.
. . . . 161 n. Bhabhägiri, principality, . . 311, 31 Bhamer, 3.a. Bhambhagiri, vi., .
312 Bhammu, m.,, . . . . . . 269, 278 Bhandagarika, off., . . . . . Bhandak, vi., .
. 182, 183,
227. Bhandak Insoription of Nannaräjādhiraja, 227
and . Bhandup Plates of Chhittarāja, . . . 287 7. Bhåni, vi., . . .
69, 73 Bhatija, dy. .
. . 279 Bhānu or Bhanudatta, k., . . ..239, 240
and . Bhanudova-barmman, donee, . . 323, 326 Bhānür, vi., .. . . . . . 35 Bhãöyal, s.c. Bhowal, vi., . .
1 r., 2 Bhagyalēr itihaaa, wk., . .
1 Bhara, 8.a. Bhārakiva, clan, . . . 147, 189 Bharadvaja- Angirasa-Vatea pravara,. . 269, 278 Bharadvaja-kända,. . . . . 119 Bhara pipădu, di., . ... 16, 21,
23 and 1., 24, 40, 41, 43 Bhárasiva or Bhāra, clan, . . . . 147, 159 Bharata, epic hero,. . 191, 201, 205 Bharatēsvara, god,. . . . . 100, 109 Bharati, goddess of speech, . ' 88, 103
272
62
Benares, ci., . . . . . . 40, 68,
71 Bonaro Plates of ayachchandradiva, Benares Plates of Karpa, Bendapūdi, fort., . . Bengal Asiatic Society Plates of Govinda
chandra, . . . . . . Bennákata, dt., . .
. . . . 140 . Bosnagar Pillar Inscription, Betul Plates of Sathkshobha,
77, 228
69
bh, two forms of . . . . . bha, . . .
241 Bhadadēva, Kaubambi k., . .
298 Bhädäna grant of Aparājita, , . 163, 284
and n., 285, 287 Bhadapa, s.a. Bhadaun, l., .
270 Bhadapa-Nándapa, vi.,.
269 Bhadavana grant of Govindachandradēva of
Kansoj, . . . . . . 70 1. Bhaddilajjs (Bhadrilārya), m.,. . .162, 164
And.
Bhariņikan, s... Bharapipádu, vi.,
16 DGA

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236 250
.
167
167 204
Page. Bhartsidovärys, a.a. Bhättidēvajja, donec, 164 Bhiokara, donee, . . .
. .
. .
17, 47 Bhaskaravarman, k., of Assam or Kamardpa, 146 1.,
304 bhafa, off., .
. 82, 169,
199, 202, 206, 211, 218, 220 Bhtēla, o.a. Bhētālika, d.,
210 bhatte, off., . .
12., 13,
211 bhafta, tit., . . . . . .
122 Bhafta, community, . . . . 78, 82 Bhatta, ep., . . . Bhaffaputra, ep., . . Bhattasvamika, m., . Bhattidēvajja, ... Bhartridèväryys, m., 162, 154 Bhattimahara, ... .
. 131, 132 Bhattiprõlu Casket Inscription, . . . 319. Bhattötpala, au.. . .
. . . 168 n. Bhaujya, . . Bhama, dy., of Orissa,
77, 126 bhava, brother-in-law,
. 61 Bhavadatta or Bhavadattavarman, Nala k., 51, 52,
53, 1571. Bhavadēva, k., . . . . . 227 . Bhavanāga, Vakafaka k...
159 Bhavirys, donce, . . . . . 339 Bhavattavarman, wrong for Bhavadatta
varman, Nala k., . . . . . Bhavifarmma-Gaulu sada (1), M., . 323 Bhētikringa, vi.. . . . . . 167, 168,
96
Page. Bhimavarman, Kansårbi k., 298, 299, 301, 302 Bhinmal, ci.,. . .
... 101, 204 Bhishag, doctor, off. . . . . Bhita, vi., . .
. . 298, 299 Bhitart Pillar Inscription of Skandagupta, 136 Bhitart Seal of Kumāragupta II, Bhobhiks, ., . . Bhögapura, ci., .
. . 306 bhögika, off., . . . . . 63, 65 n. Bhoja, tribe,. . . 337, 338 and 1., 339 Bhöja, Paramara k.,
. 70, 92,
178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184 Bhoja, Silahāra pr., . . . . . 182 *. Bhõja I, Pralihara k., . . . . 191 Bhöjadeve, do. . . . . . 186 Bhojakata, dl., . . . . . 140 . Bhojaprabandha, tok.
250 Bhönägir, dt., . . . . . . 26, 28 Bhowal, t.d., . ' : Bhowal Copper-plate of Lakshma pasēnadeva
of Bengal, the lost . Bhrigu, rishs,
. . . . Bhrigudēva, donce,. .
. . 167, 171 Bhrigukachha, 8.a. Broach, tri., . . . Bhritta 8.a. Bhatta, . . . .
123 bhukti, i.d., . . . . .
. 3, 8, 12 bhūmichchhidranyaya, . . 9, 13,
254 Bhumlias, dy., . Bhumliki or Bhumli, a.a. Bhutambilika, vi.
186, 188 Bhupendravarmadēva, Ganga k., (?) . . 166 Bhutambilika, 6.. Bhumli of Ghumli, Saindhava ca.. .
. . . . 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 192, 193, 194, 197, 200, 204, 210, 213,
219, 223, 225 Bhatarya (Betuga), Ganga pr., . .
286 Bhuvaneswar, vi... . . .
126 Bihar Kotra, vi.. . . .
130 Bijholi Rook Inscription of Chahamana Somēbvara, .
. . 84, 87 Bijholt, Bljoltā or Vijhõli, vi., . . 84, 85,
101, 102, and . Bijaygadh, vi.. . . . . . 118 bhikshuni, Buddhist nun, . .
173 bilad-i-Islām (territory of Islam), . . 36 Bilaspur, dt.,. .
. . 52, 53 Biloonda, tn., corruption of Nalkonda, 35 n. Bilhari, ri., . . . . . 182 ... biruda, . . . . . . . Boar, emblem on seal, . . . . Bodhana, Bhatta-, m., . . . . Bodhgaya, L., . . . . Bödh-Gaya Inscription of Mahānaman, 227
188
169
Bhëtālika, vi.. .
.
.
.
Bhikshu, Buddhist monk, . . bhikshu-samgha, . . . Bhillamåla, a.a. Bhinmal, vi...
. . .
Bhilodia, vi... . Bhima, epic hero, . . . Bhima, Gujarat-Chalukya k.. . Bhima II, E. Chalukya k., . . Bhima, Eruva ch., . . - Bhima or Bhimalinga, Tel. Chodak., .
. 209, 210,
211
178 . 131, 132 . 204, 223,
225 248 192
179 . 164, 232
40 20, 21, 27, 29, 39 . 99, 101 . 91., 17,
31, 38 . 29 n., 34 78., 39 and 1.
• 334 . 297, 298,
299, 301 .227, 229
Bhima-vena, I., Bhimēgvara, god,
. .
.
Bhimdóvara-puränar, wole,
Bhimakhēdi, Kadamba ch., Bhimasena, Kaubambi k., .
.
.
305
Bhimasēna IT, 88mavarii .
243

Page #436

INDEX
347
Bataga II, Ganga ch.,
.
.
.
Pago . 61, 84,
282
158
112
161
Cambay Plates of Govinda IV, . . . 163 Capassia, a.a. Kapasia, vi.. . . . 3 Cape-Comorin, vi., . . Capo-Comorin Insoription of Kulottunga
Chola I, . . . Chachchiga, ., . . . . . 93, 104 Chaohchula, m., . . . . 99, 106 Chadādēva, m., .
. . .283, 291 Chåhamāna, dy., .
. . . 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 101, 103 Chahamina, eponymous founder of the dy. 88, 97 Chibamáns, Marwar branch of .
91 Chāhaminas, Sõnagara branch of . .
98 Chahanda, Paramára cs., . . . . Chaitys-geha, te., . Chakradēva, off. . . . . . 187, Chakradurga, tr., . . Chakrapani, god., uncer
. Chakravarti, k., of the Solar raco, t he Solar raco.
.
. . 10, 38, Chakraghotta or Chakrakotta, vi.,
20, 21 Chalukya, dy.. . . . . 11, 53, 94, 97, 164 m., 179, 181, 186, 191, 196, 231, and ..,
232, 324, 306 Chalukyan, Eastern-, . . .837 1., 340 *. Chalukyas, Early dy., . . 141 ». Chalukyas, Western, dy., . Chalukyae, Gujarat, dy.,. . 186, 189, 337*. Chimarwårå, ... ancient Charmmani. hauha, vi., . . . .
251 Chamatkara-chandrika, wk., . . 92 n. Chammak, vi.. . . . . . Chammak Plates of Pravarans II, 144, 166
.
.
.
280
.
.
Page. Boggars, .a. Bughra, . . 16, 21 Bönthikavitaka, I., . . . . 157, 158,
160 Bothad, s.a. Bonthikavätaka, vi., . . brahmacharin, . . . . 281, 283 1. brahmaddya, tenure, . . . Brahmadova, Kalachuri general,
256 n.,
257 and 1., 261 +.., 264 Brahmadhara-bhatta, donee, .
75, 79
n., 82 Brahmakundi, o.a. Gu dlakamma, ri.,
23 Brahman, god, te, of, . . .
99 Brahmapa, .
. 82, 90, 110, 121, 133, 139, 150, 162, 164, 166, 167, 168, 175,
186, 200, 239, 338, 339 Brahma papalli grant of Karkka SuvarpaVarsha, . . .
. . 250 Brahmända Purana, wk., . . . . 141, 144
*., 161 n., 286. Brahmani, ri., .
. . . 168 Brahmapüraka, mod. Bahmni, wi., . . 147 Brihaduparika, off., . . . . 7, 12
and n. Brihaspati, au..
.
. . 246 . Brihaspati, preceptor of the gods, Brihaspatisave, sacrifice, .
. . 159 Brihatkatha, wk., . . .
. . 140 1. Brihatkathamañjari, wk.,
. 140 *. Brihatphalāyana, dy., .
. 138, 139 Bțihatproshtha, vi., . .
. . 133 Brihatproshtha Grant of Umavarman, 132, 133
1., 134, 135 n. Brihatsam hita, wk., . . . .177, 158
1., 204 British Musoum Plates of Chărudovi,... 188 *. Broach, s.c. ancient Bhrigukachcha, in., . Buddha, . . . . .
. . 124, 171,
174, 321, 339 Buddha, figures of . . .
172 Buddhadása, writer,
839 Buddhadova-sarman, m., . . . 3, 9, 13 Buddhaja, 6.a. Buddhårys, m., . . . 152, 164 Buddharya, 4.a. Buddhaja, donee, .. 164 Budha, myth. ancestor of the Silähäras, 284 Budhagupta, Gupla k., .
235, 238 ». Badhaguru-statā, 8.a. Parvati, goddess, 318 . Bughra, or Bughra Khan, 8.. Boggara,
Muslim chief, . . . . Bakka II, Vijayanagara k., Bulandshahar, tr., . . .
96 Bhadi, State, . . . . Burdwan, ..a. Ancient Vardhamanapura, al., 316 Burhan-i-Ma'dair, wk., .
. 26, 30.,
34, 36 .
285
92
147
Chammalalai, vi.,
. 230, 232 Chamunda, Chalamana ., , 02, 98,
104 Chamunda or Chamundarijs, Saindhoes k., 190, 101,
192, 193, 194, 195, 196, and 1., 218, 294 Chamundaraja II, Saindhava k.,
222 Chanaka, a.a. Nachna, vi., Chanda, 8.a. Chahanda,
189 Chanda, poel, . .
. . . 87, 88 Chåndaja, donee, . . . . . 162, 164 Chandana, Chāhamina k., . . . 90, 91,
98, 104
150
Chandaprabhu, od
Chandavarman, Kalinga k.,
.
.
188 , . 184, 838 . 207
Chands, goddess,
.
.
.
.

Page #437

348
EPIGRAPIA INDICA
[VOL. XXyf
339
Page. Chandor, vi., . Chandra, Chandrāditya or Chandradova, Gäha davāla k., . . . . . 70, 72
and 1., 270 Chandra, Chähamana k., . . 90, 98, 103 Chandrabhögika, m., .
. . . 65 n. Chandradēva, k. of Kanauj, . 71 and n. Chandrädēvi, Sena . . . 9 n. Chandrāditya, ep. of Vish pugupta, . . 237 Chandragupta I, Gupta k., . . . 116, 136,
301, 302 Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . . . 116, 117,
136, 148, and n., 156, 238, and 1., 300 1., 301,
Page. Chitasidėvi, Bhoja q. . Chhadaya or Chhadvai, 8.. Chha aidēva,
silahara pr., . . . . . 283 * Chhadvaidēva, A Copper-plate grant of Silahárs . . . .
282 Chhadvaidēva, Silāhāra pr., 283, 284, 288, 291 Chhampapaka, o.a. Chävand, vi.. . 222, 223 Chhandögya or Chhandöga, . . . 136, 167 Chhattisgarh, dl., . . . 53, 227 n., 229 Chhittarajadēva, Silāhāra pr., . . . 287
100
302, 304
156
Chandragupta II–Vikramāditya, Gupta k., 285 Chandragupta II, s.a. Dövagupta, Gupla k., Chandrapura, 8.a. mod. Chăndur, vi., . . Chandrarāja II, Chahamana k., . . . Chandrarya, 8.a. Chandaja, dones, . . 154 Chandrasēna, m., .
144 Chandrätröya, family, . . . . Chandratēja-Bhattāra, donee, . . . 60, 62 Chandraūra, ca., . .
. 337, 339 Chandrāvati Plate of Chandradēva, 71 n., 269 Chapa, family, . . .
. 189, 190
191, 193, 196, 208, 209 Chara, off.
. . . . . . .
. . . 199, 202,
206, 211, 215, 220 charana, Vâjasaneyi . . . . 176 n. Oharauye, vi.. .
. . .257, 258 Charcoal, . .
156 Charmmanihauha, 8.a. Chamarwära, vi.. . Charudēvi, Pallava q. .
. . 138 . Chaahala, . . . . . .
118 Chashtana, saka k., . . . . 198, 297 Chafa, off.. . . . . . . 82, 189 Chafta, off. head of a Pargana, . . . Chatupadyamanimanjari, wk., . . 20 n. Chaturaka, 1.d., . . . . . 3, 8, 12 Chaturvargachintamani, w., . • 39 n. Chăturvaidya-grāma, . . .
. 160 Chauhān, family, . . Chaulukya, dy. . .
179, 180n. Chaurðddharapika, off. . . . 12 n., 220 Chēdi, kingdom, .
. . . 299 Chēdi, co., . . .
. 303 Chēma dagrāvati, vi., (?).
8 n. Chendalir Plates of Pallava Kum Vishnu, . .
. 337 n. Chendalira, di, . Chengara, 1.d., .
. . , 19, 24 Chora, dy, . . . . .31, 324 n. Cherupūra, ti,
. 337 n. Cheruvida, wi. . . . . 38
Chhoti Bijõliä, 8.a. Laghu Vijhõli, vi.. . 102 Chhunni, 8.a. Chundaskilā, vi., . . . 445 Chicacole Plates of Dēvēndravarman, 63, 65
1.,66 1., 327 1., 332 Chicacole Plates of Dövēndravarman II, 329 n., 332 Chicacole Plates of Indravarman III . 327 n.
328, 329, 330, 331 Chicacole Plates of Satyavarman, . . 174, 176
328 n. 382 Chicholi, o.a. Chifchäpalli, vi., . . 168 Chidambaram, vi... . . .
274 Chidivalasa Plates of Dēvēndravarman IV 332 Chikati Zamindári,. . . . . Chikkulla Plates of Madhavavarman, 229 Chikkulla Plates of the Vishņukupdin Vik. ramēndravarman,
. . . . 333. Chilka, lake, . . .
. . 19 chincha, tree, . . . . . . . 64, 68 chincha-jambu (P) tree, Chisichāpalli, vi., . . Chipurapalle Plates of E. Chalukya
Vishnuvardhana I, . . . 337 11. chira, writing with strokes, . . . 246 ». chirika, document,. . .
246 . chir-tsann-afvamëdh-äharltub, ep. of Samu. dragupta, . . .
136 chithika, document, . . . . . 246 n. Chitrakanthe, name of horse, . . . 324 Chitor Inscription, . . . .
92 Chitrarathasvamin, god,. . . · 138 . Chittagong Copper-plate of Kantidēva, 313 chitthi, document, . . . .
246 s. Choda II, Kõna-Baihaya ch., . . . Choda III, do.. . . . Chod-Annadēvavaram, w., . . Cbödakula, family, . . . . . 16, 44
...
.
.
.
.
337.
Chõla, dy.,'
. . 61, 82, 83, 84, 113 and 1., 114, and 11., 163, 230, 231, 232
233, 234, 274, 306, 324 Chola-Rashtrakúta alliance, . . .231, 232 Cholapuram, vi.. . . . . . 276 chollaka, water-pot,.
. . . 168 ..

Page #438

INDEX
349
Choroddharapika, off..
.
.
.
Page . 199, 202, 206,
211, 216, 291 . . 3, 8, 12 . . . . 150 n. . .
150 , .
244 n. . . 155
Chunchali, vi.. . Coins, gold , of the Nala, . Coin of Rudrasena, . . . Coins, Vakataks . . . Coorg, 8. a. ancient Kutukka, co., Cota, exemption from supply of Chronogram :
K8 (10). . .
Bara (5), . . . Cuddapah, di. . . Cuttack, d., . . . .
338
305
305 20, 33 23, 63
.
140
.
.
.
198
Page. Dans, of.. .
218 Dantidurga, Rashfrakúpa k., . , . 281, 284 Dantivarman, Rajaputra-, Rashtrabufa pr.. 251 Dalakumaracharitra, sot... . Dasapura, . a. Mandasor, vi., . . Daulatabad, 11., . . . . Daupa, donce, . . . . . . 167, 171 Daussādhika, of.,
78, 12 and .. days, lunarbright fortnight :1st, . . .
306 2nd, . .
132, 242 4th, 10th,
339, 340 12th
• 161 13th,
68, 279, 336 14th,
169 15th (Purpima), . 69, 73, 120, 121, 128
128, 131, 185, 260, 269, 272, 322 days, lunar dark fortnight:
lst, . . . . . 3rd, . . . . . 100, 111, 112, 164 7th,. . .
. . . . 225 10th, . .
. . . 60, 183 *. 15th (Amávidya),
. . . . 306 n. days of the month :
10th, . . . . . . . 294 days of the week :Sunday, . .
• . 269, 272, 328 Monday, . .
. . . 20, 83 Tuesday, . .
83
60, 128, 129, 164 Thursday, . .
. .. .100, 112 Friday, . . 60, 73, 83, 178, 183, 306 Saturday, .
. . . 233, 305 Dayyamdinne Plates of Vinayadity, . 51. Déaja, doncs,
. . 152, 154 Doddaka, engt.
195 Dėhipă, vi., . .
. 3, 8, 12 Délha pa, engr.. .
. 100, 111 Delhi, Tómara ca...
90 Delhi Siwalik Pillar Inscription, Dēndanibhatta, vi., . .
. 213, 215 Doo-Barapärk Inscription of Jivitagupta II,
241, 242, 243 Deoli plates of Krish pa III, . . 61, 164, 284 Dēõpăra Inguription, . . . . 10 . Deotek, vi.. . . . . . . 147, 150 Defadhipati, off., . . . . 190, 202 DEläkshapataladhikrita, tit., .
133 n. Dēsala, m.,
99, 106, 107 desya-taļas, .
30 Devadatta, com., . .
246
121,
123
ON
8
d, distinguished from d, . . d, three forms of --. d with developed serif, Dabir Khan or Daburu Khan, s. a. Zafar Khăn, c., • •
. 16, 21, 24, 26, 43 Dacca, ci., . . . . . . 2 Dadhara, m.,. . .
. 100, 112 Dadhipadraka, vi... . 204, 206, 213 Dahala, co., . . . . 71, 180, 299 Pahala, co., Kalachuri kings of . . 71 n. Daivaha, ri.,. . . . . 270 dakshina, . .
122 Dakshiņa Kösala, co., .
52 Dakshinamurti, god, . Dakshi påpatha, co., . . Dakshiņasuratrapavipätab, name tála, . .
30 Dakshi nēsvara, god, te, of . . . 99, 109 Dāma, Tel. Chöda k.,
• 15, 18, 42 Dimar-köttam, da.. . . . . . Damarya, donee, .
. . . 339 Dan dadhipati, of... . . Dandanayaka, off., . . . . 93, 94, 95 Damodaragarmman, m.,. . . 323, 325 Damodaravarman, k. of the Ananda götra, 337 n. Damodarpur Copper-plate No. 1 . . 126 Damodarpur Plates . .
. . 12 n. Dånarnava, Ganga pr., .
167 Danasagara, wk., . . . . . 4, 12 r. Dananāri, ep., of Vishnu, . . . . 318 R. danda, mark of punctuation,
249 Danda, architect, .
310 Dandaka, l.,. .
338 and n. Dandapädika, off...
8, 12 and n. Dandapūr, vi. .
161 Dandimahadevi, ., . . Dandin, author, .
338 and .. Danguna, vi., . . . . . . 159
Wednesday,
95
95
.
75

Page #439

360
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVI
.
.
.
128
192
80
Page. Duradhars, ... . . . . 99, 108 Diretri, co. Divagiri Plates of Kadambe Yuvarija Dévavarman, . .
141 *. Deragupts, Gupta k. . . . 160, 243 Dévakhadga, k., . . . .
126 Duvakt, myth. f., .
11 Devananda or Dēvånandadēvs, Nanda .of
Orissa, 74, 75, 76 and 1., 78, 70, 81 and .. Dörappayys off.. . Dévapala, Rashtrabifa ch., . . . 270 m. Devapla, Pala k.,. .
. .814, 316 Déraparvvata, mo., . .
. 67 Dévaputra, til.
204, 296, 298 *., 303 Dévarija, ep., .
94 Divanija, Bhoja k.,. .
337, 338, 339 Lerarkja, .. a. Indra, myth. hero, 104 and n. Dörarja, .. a. Standagupta, .. .
238 Divarokodi, w., . . 10, 28, 31 ., 32, 33, 36 Dövarāya I, Vijayanagara k.. . 30, 32, 33, 36 Dev&rys, .. a. Deaja, donee, . . . 154 Détatarman, donce,. . . . . 167, 171 Direde, Vaba gabal., 140, 143, 144, 148 and n.,
147, 148 and s. Deruparks, ., . . . . . 99, 107 Danavarman, Ywardjakadamba t.141 n. Dévavarman, Salanbayana k.,. 136., 138. Devaya, ., . . . . . . 17, 48 Dévendravarman, E. Ganga k., 62, 63, 64, 65 and 1..,
88 and 1., 67, 175 and ., 334, 335 Dvichandragupta, sok. . . . . 286 n. dh, without the horn on the left, . . 256 Dhadibhandaka, Raakpraketa feud.,
182 Dhanedetta, ch., . . 315, 317, and s., 818 Dhadantan Platos of Samantavarman, . Dhanapati, engr., . . Dhanapati, sculptor,
267 Dhanatarman, donee, .
171 Dhangaon, vi., . ,
. . 268 . Dhaka-tfrtha, &. a. Dhank, vi.,
199 Shata nam, 'court of justice, 232, 234, 235 Dhanyadeva, M., .
. 116, 117, 118 Dhanya-Méru, pith,. .
. . 89 . Dhar, br. . . .
. 180 Dharana, wyth. serpent,
99, 100, 108, 110 dirapt,. . .
. 171, 173 Dherapikota, vi., .
. . 25, 27 Dhanpivariha, Chapa ch., . . 190, 191 Dhamana, Traibüfaka k..
301 Dhiravitaka, I., , . dharmicidaya, reh gift, . Dharmakhodi, Ränakar, Kadamba ch.. . Dharmalingesvara, god, . . . .
*82 Birmamahdmatra, tit., , . . 141.
Page. Dharmamalaraja, tit., 139, 141 and R., 149, 161,
163, 339 Dharmasastra, sk., . . . . . dharma-sthana, . .
180 Dharyyagrams, ti. Dhaoli Cave Inscription of Santikara, 126 n., 248 n. Dhavalapēta Coppor-plates of Umavarman, 131 m. Dhenkanal Plates,
248 . Dhliks, I., . Dhillika, tn., . . .
95, 96, 108 Dhiniki Plates of Jaikadēva, . . . 186, 189 Dhod, I., . . . .
. 101 Dhritarashtra, epic k., . .
. 186 Dhruvamitrasvamin, donee, Dhruvananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 76, 77, 79 n. Dhruvarkja, Rashfrabafa k., . . . 252 Dhurjati (Siva), god, . . . 257, 266 Digambara Jain, sect, 86, 87, 97, 102, 108 . diksha, ceremony. diksha, ceremony. .
. .
. . . . 63 Diltpe, myth..., . . 11 n., 78, 80 and . Dipaks-vishuya, i.d., . . . . 339 Divakarasēna, Vakafaka pr., . . . 167 Divi, fortress, . . . . . Divydvadána, Buddhist wl., . , 172 and n. Dodas or Dodiyas, Rajput family. . . 94 Dodda, Reddi ch., . . . . . 20, 89 Doddambikä, Reddi princess, . . . 20 Doddaya Alls, Reddi ch., . . . 29 R.; 39 dohali, dhalika or kahetra-dhalika,. 100 and .. Dönoplodi Grant of Nämaya Näyaka, 22, 24 Dongaragrăma, s.a. Dongargaon, vi., 177, 178, 182,
184, 186 Dornsamudra, Hoyeala ca. . . . 182 double consonante, use of . . . 138 Dräkshärama, oi., 97., 17, 23, 27 1., 28, 31, 37,
38, 40, 41, 46 dramma, coin, . . . . . . 163 draught oattlo, exemption from supply of 155 . Suayasangraha, wk., . . 107. Drug Plate, . .
. . 139. Duddakanátha, 11., . . . . 99, 107 Dudhai, k., . .
94 Dudia Plates of Pravarasēna II,
140 Durdda, 8. a. Duddai or Dudhai, l., .
93 Durgā, goddess,
274,318 . Durgagana, k., . . . . . 241 Durgagola, 7.,
51, 58 Durgahastin, artisan, . . 49, 51, 58 Durgakhandi, donee, . . '167 and 1., 171 Durga Mahishasura-mardini, goddess,,
16 Durjayabhafija, Bharija ch., . , 276, 277 Durlabha, Chahamana k., 90, 92, 93, 98, 103, 104 Durlabha (II), Chahamána pr., . . . 90, 98 Durlabha, ., . . . . . 99, 108
.
86 267
08
283 334

Page #440

INDEX
361
92
Page. Dwrlanghyamen, til.. . Duryodhana, epic hero,
192, 201, 206, 214 Dasala, . a. Durlabha or Durlabharaja III,
Chähamana k., . . . . 92, 98, 104 Dubiana, ep. hero, . , 192, 201, 208, 219 Duanddhyasddhanika, off., 199, 202, 206, 211, 218, 220 Dutaka, of... 151 7., 167, 161, 192, 196, 197,
203, 207, 251 dedrapalakas, . .
. . 89. Dynasties of the Kali Age, wk..
Kali Age, wk., . 62 m., 144 ..
Page. Eran, . a., Airikina, vi.. Erapotu Lenka, of., . Erenåga, 7.,.
.
. . 60, 62 Erayanga, Hoyaala pr., .
179, 182 Erra Preggads, u., . . . . . 27 . Erukčlvaraděva, god, . Eruva, co., . .
. 18, 19, 21, 29 Eruva chiefs, . . . . 18, 19, 20, 21 Eruva-Bhima, 8. a. Mailama-Bhima, ch., . 20 *. Eruva-Bhima, Tel. Choda k., . 15, 18, 20, 40, 42
35
174 164
Fa-Hien, Chinese traveller, . . 316 farsang, l.m.,. . . . Firishta, . 25, 30 and 1., 33 1., 34, 36 and 1., 36 and n.
37. Filampatan, .. a. Vēlampatan, tr., . . 25 Firüs Shah, Bahmani k., 30, 31 and 1., 32, 33, 34,
35 and 1., 36, 37 and n. Firüz Tughluq, Delhi Sultan . . . flah, emblem of the Saindhavas,.
188, 217. fortnights : 7th of Hemanta,
340 Full-stop, indicated by two dots like a
visarga, . . . . . 120
26
169 323
g, two forms of . Gadag, vi.. . . . . . . 162 Gädhipura, 8. a. Kanauj, tn., . . 70, 71, 72, 271 Gadhipuradhipa, ep., . .
. . 70 Gähadavāla, dy., . 68, 70, 71, 268, 269, 270
4, initial vowel, . . . .
50 4 medial, . .
. 166, 300 . . . . 188, 441 two signs for 4, omission of medial sign for . . Eastern Chalukya, dy. . Rastern Ganga, dy., . .
62 Eelipecs :Lunar, . .
83, 283 Solar, . .
176, 306, 306 . Edeng&, vi.,
52 Edilpur Grant of Kēšavasēna, 7., 9., 13. Ekdalla, vi.,. . . FIA, S., (?) . . Elapur Plates, . . elephant, emblem on seal, .
339 Ellavaram, dn., . . Ellore Plates of Salankäyana Děvavarman, 138 n. Ephalite, tribe. . . . . . Era
atita-rajya-Lakshmanasēns, . . . 4*. Chalukya-Vikrama, . Chidi, . . . 150, 301 and n., 303 . Ganga, . . . Ganga-Kadamba, . . . 334 Gupta, 136 and n., 186, 190, 196, 197, 198,
199, 204, 209, 213, 218, 222, 301 Harsha, . . . 76, 120, 243, 303 Hijra, . . . . . 30, 38, 37 n. Kalachuri or Kalachuri-Chēdi, 150, 257, 294 n.,
303 Kita, .. a. Vikrams, 118, 119 and n., 120, 121,
122, 123 Kushăna (or Saks), 204 and 1., 303, 304 Lakshmana-samvat, . . . . 4*. Manvadi, . . .
. , 69, 72, 73 Saka, .4n., 97., 21, 24, 28, 39, 60, 128, 161 and 1., 163, 164, and 1., 165 16., 178, 179 n., 182,
183 and n. Traikutaka, . . .
. 186 189 Vikrams, 69, 70, 71 7., 100, 102, 111, 119, 121,
178, 182
and .
·
62, 63, 175
family,
.
.
Gajapati, dy., . , 16, 19, 21, 22, 23, 32 n., 41 Gajarow Tippa, ch., of the Koppunilla
. . . . . . 37 n. Galagēbvara, god,
. . . 306 Gamgā, ri., . .
. 17, 38, 40, 46 Garngäbhoda, god., . . . . 100, 101, 109 Gamgadhara, Telugu Choda pr.,
16, 18 Gangadharomdra, M., . . . . 17, 47 Gangadhara, Murjapi- m.,. . . 17, 47 Ganga-Yamund-pålidhwaja-pataha-dhakka, the five mahalabdas, .
• 325 gana, guild, . . .
157 gara-homa, sacrifice, . .
158 Gawapati or Ganapati-dēva, Kakatiya k., 21 and
167
Ganapati, donee, . . . Ganapati Bhattaputra-vástavya, donee, Gapasitha, Mahatma, m., . . gara-yaga or gara-yajia, . . . gana-yajin, . . . . Gandakandarpa, lit., . .
. . .
112
187
167 287
.

Page #441

352
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVI
.
100
.
.
.
887
87 77
66
Page. Gandariditya, Rajakösarin, Cholak., 82, 83, 84 and n. Gandharavidi-mandala, t. d.,. 276, 277, 278 Gandolt, vi... . .
. . 3, 8, 12 Gapéta, god, , ,
. . 15 Gandia-homa or Vinayaka-hõma, sacrifice,. 157 Ganga, ri., .
• 26, 81, 106 n., 111 Gangi (Pen), ri., .
. . . 26 n. Ganga, dy., . . . . 61, 84, 165, 175 Gangas of Mysore, . .
. . 167, 168 Gangas of Orissa, . .
167 Gangabhēda, god, Gangadhara, Telugu Chöda k.,. . 42, 43 Ganga Era, Epoch of the . . . 326 Ganga era, commencement of .
333 Gangaikondacholapuram, &. a. Kanyakumari,
274 Gangakula, dy....
67, 176 Ganganatha, god, . .
100, 100 Gangapáti or Gangavidi, 1. d.,
286 Gangavādi, 1. d., . .
61, 168 Gangdhar Inscription of Visvavarman, . 131 Gangeyadova, Kalachurik. . . . 179 Gängěya-vamsa, dy.. .
176 Gangpur, state,
.
. 229 n. Ganjam Plate of Dandimahädēv! .
76 Ganjam Plates of Maharaja Jayavarman, . Ganjam Plates of Prithvivarman, 166 and n. Ganjam Plates of Sasinka, Ganna, Körukonda ch., . . . .
24 Garga-trirätra, sacrifice. . .
122, 123 Gärgya, family, . . . . . . . 310 Garuda, myth. bird, . . . . 265 1. Garuda, emblem on seal, ,
69, 235, 268 Garuda, emblem on Samudragupta's coins, 136 n. Gauda, co., . . . 11, 131, 230, 250, 257 Gauda-Mahasandhivigrahika, tit., . . 3, 10, 13 Gauda-mandala, t. d., . Galdavaho, wk., : . .
. 92 n. Gaudisvara, tit. of Lakshmanasēna,. 3, 6, 7 Gauli-rājas, dy., .
. . 311 Gaulmika, off.. . . . . .8, 12 . Gauraya, 11.,
. . 17, 47 Gaurl, goddess, . . . . 5, 318 m. Gautami, s. a. Godávarl, ri., 16, 19, 23 and n.,
28, 34, 38, 40, 45, 46 Gautamiputra, Matronymic, til.. . . 298 Cautamiputra, Vakafaka k., 142, and n., 145,
147, 159 Gaya Plate of Samudragupta, . . 135, 136 Gayēsvara, god, . . . . 100, 109 gh, . . . . . . . . 69 Ghana tha, Mahattama, m., . . . 100, 118 Ghatávara, te, of . . . . . 99 Ghatotkachagupta, Gupta k.
116, 116, 117
Page. Ghosrawa Inscription of Devapäla's time, 314 Ghumli, vi., , . 185, 188, 192, 197, 199, 204,
210, 213 Gita, philosophical wk., . . . . 200 Gifja Inscription of Bhimasēna,
297, 299 Gödāvari, 8. a. Gautami, ri., 23, 24, 25, 26 and 1.,
31 and n., 33 and 1., 34 and 1., 35, 36, 181 Gödāvarl Plates of Prithivimüla, . . 333 Göēhhābāri, . a. Gandharavadi, t. d., . 277 Goggi, Silāhāra k.,. . . . 283, 286, 291 Gojjiga (Govinda IV), Rashtrakufa k., 231 and n.,
284 Gökarnasvāmin, god, . 64, 67, 168, 176 Gokarnēévara, god, . . . . . 168 Golkonds, fort, . . . . .
19 Gollapadi, 8. a. Gulapundi, oi., 21 and .. Comind. . . . . Gömine, . . .
387 Gömukhagiri, mo... .
17, 40, 41, 46 Gömukhagirtávars, god,
40, 41 Gomůtrikā, vi.,
. 218, 221 Gönarăjs, &#... Gond, tribe. . . Gondal, State, . .
190 Göndala, k., . .
178 Göndrama, t. d., .
77, 78, 80 Gondvana, 8. a. Māhur, co., Gopala, Pala k., .
244 Gopāla, Rashfrakufa ch., of Kansuj,. 70 and 7.,
71 n. Gopālabhatta, m., . . . . . 17, 47 Gõpachandra, k., . . . . . 126 Göpöndraka, Chahamana k.,
90, 98, 103 Görantla Plates of Attivarman,. . . 139. Gosahasra, gift of cows, . . . . 16, 45 Göthält, vi.. . . . . 257, 258, 266 Götras :Agnivēbya,. . . . . .
338 Atrēya, .
17
260 Bhālandāyana,
152, 154 Bhäradvaja, 17, 18, 46, 47, 48, 269, 273, 339 Bandhula, Vandhula or Vadhula,. . 69, 73
. . . . . 17, 47, 48, 389 Kamboja, . . . . . . Kapijala, . . . . . 162, 164 Kāáyapa, . 17, 47, 48, 278, 278, 283, 291 Kaundinya or Kaundilya, 17, 18, 46, 47, 48,
167, 160, 176 and . Kausika, . . . . . 102, 164 Krish påtröya, . . . , 78, 79, 89 Maudgalya,. .
8, 9, 18 Paippaladi, . . . . . 152, 184 Parādara, . .
68, 67
.
86
247
Atri,

Page #442

INDEX
Page.
.
.
.
23
Pago Gunabhadra, m., com, . . . . 100, 111 Gunadhya, au.,
.
140 *. Gunahart, stream (1),
. 64, 65 Gunaighar Copper-plate of Vainya Gupta, . 139. Guņāmava, E. Gasiga k., . . 62, 63, 64 Gundlakamma, 2.. Kundiprabhā or
Brahmakundi, ri., . Gundama II, E. Gariga k., . 336 and n. Gundukolanu, vi.. . . . . . 37 n. Gupta, dy., 116, 131, 208 n., 228, 236, 237, 301 Guptas, Later of Magadha, dy... 241, 243 Gupta coins, . . . . . . Gupta seals, . . . . . 235, 236 Gurjara, kingdom,, . . . . 189 Gurjara-Pratibāra, dy. . . 70 n. Gurjaratră, province, .
101 Gurppiya, Macedonian month,. .
295 gurue, the five . .
107 R. Guruäla Brahmi Inscription,
1231 Güvaka, *. a. Govindarāja, founder of the
Chahamana family, 87, 89, 90, 91, 98, 103,
104
.
.
91
Gūvaka II, Chakamāna k., Gwalior Prasasti of Bhõjadēva Gyäta, Paramára k., .
. . .
.
178
Gotras contd. Samkritya,. .
199 Sandilya, . .
. 175, 176 n. Sävar na, . .
• 9 n. Sohartsi or Sohartta,
119, 120 and . Sravishtha or Srāvisthāyana, . . 152. Srivatea,
17, 48, 89, 103 Upamanyu, . . . . . . 307 Vådhala, . . . . . . 73 Vasishtha,. .
90, 216 Vstaa, . 89, 90, 133, 135, 167, 204, 218,
221, 239 Våtaya. . . . . . . 9r. Vish puvriddha,
, 138, 151 n., 159 Vrishnivýiddha 8. a. Vish puvriddha 161, 154 Görapravaranibandhakadamba, wok., 79 n., 119
71., 120 n., 138 n., 152. Goula, m... . . . . . 276, 278 Gorana (III), ch. of the Nikumbhavamsa, 311 1. Govinda, Rashtrakita k., . . 231, 232 and n.,
297 Govinda, m., engr.,. . . . . 100 Govinda II, Rashtrakita k., . . . 284 Govinda III, do.
197, 250 Govinda IV,
161, 162 and .,
163, 164, 230, 232 Govindachandra, Gahadavāla k.. . 68, 69, 70
and n., 71 and n., 72, 73 and n., 269, 272 Govindaraja, Chahamana k., .
90, 91 Govindarāja, Gujarat Rashtrakita k., .250, 251,
252 Govindaraja II, 8. a. Gumdu, Chahamana k., 92 Govindasvamin, commentator, . . . 158 Govinda-Vallavaraiyar, Räsh fraktfa k., .230, 231,
234, 235 Göyinda-Vallabha, &. a. Gövinda-Vallabha, 231 gramapali, ofl. . . Gudimallam Plates, . . .
54 n., 114 Guhēsvara, m.,
218, 221 Guhila-putra,. . .
100 Guhila, dy., .
92 Guhilots, family, of Mewar, guhyaka, demi-god, . .
1.58 n. guhyaka-pājana, . .
158 n. guild of silk-weavers, .
131 Gulamikā, vi.,. .
199, 202, 203 Gulapūndi, 8. a. Gollapudi, vi.,
16, 21, 40,
41, 43 Gulburga, in., . . .
• 29, 31 Gulma, pr., . .
. . Gulma, m., . .
. 140 n. Gulwadā, vi., .
148 Gumdu, s. a. Govindarāja II, Chalamann k., 90, 92,
98, 104
•
169
162
94
1, cursive form of . . . . 294 n. Haddali Plates of Dharanivaräha, . 190, 196 Haduvaka, 8. a. Sudava, vi.. . . . 63, 64 haia, 1. m., . . .
• 176 n. Halabhrit, 8. a. Paragurāma, epic hero, 88, 102 Hälaharavi, vi., . .
162 Halampura, vi., . .
124 Halampura-sämin, god, . . .
. 124, 125 Haleritti, vi., . . . Hammira-mahakävya, wk.,
88, 90, 93, 96 Hansi, en., Hanumăn, epic hero,
. 186, 188 Hara, god. . . . . . . Haraha Stone Inscription, . . 228 n., 229 Harakeli-nå taka, wk., . . . . 96 Harasiga, mason, . . .
100, 111 Harasimha, 8. a. Harasiga, mason, , . 100 Hari, &. a. Vishnu, god, . . 5, 38, 50, 213 Harichandra, m., . . . .
175, 176 Haridasva (Sun), god, . .
. . 213 Haridatta, m., . . ..
. 133 * Haridēva, m., . . . .
115, 117, 118 Harihara II, Vijayanagara k... 20.32 and n. Hariharam bā, Vijayanagara princese, . 20 Harikëln, co., synonymour with Vanga. . . 315 Harikëliya, co., of Bengal, . . . 8:52.
16 DGA

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364
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVI.
Page.
Page.
Hoysala, dy., . . .
. . 179, 182 Hudumbilika, vi., . . . .
225 Hūna, tribe, . . . . . 85, 131, 238 Hushyār, m., .
. . 35, 36 R. Huvishka, Kushana k... 295, 296, 297, 303 and
1. Hwui Lun, m., Korean pilgrim, . . 243
281
140
Harikola, 8. a. Harikēla, synonymous with
Sylhet . . . . . 315, 316 n. Harikala-mandala, t. d.,. . 315, 316, 317, 318 Harippaja, donee, . . . . . 152, 154 Harishēna, Vakataka k.. . 143, 144, 145, 146
and n. 147, 148, 149, 302, 336 Harishēņāņaka, 8. a, Hariāgana, vi., 218, 221
, caye, . . . . . . 154 and n. Haritiputras, . . . . 141 and 7., 151 Hariva néa, wok., . .
27 n., 151 Harivarman, Kadamba k., .
. 152 n. Harsha, k. of Kanauj, . . . 243 and n. Harshacharita, wk.. . . .
304 Harshagupta, Gupta k., . . . 208 n., 229 Härshaguptă, Gupta princess, . . • 208 n. Harsha Stone Inscription of Chāhamana Vigraharaja, . .
. 87, 89, 90, 91 Hasham, Muslim governor, . . 189 hasta, 224, 1. m., . . .
. 3, 8, 13 Hastin, Gupta k.,. . . . . 136 n. Hastibhõja, min., . . . 146 n., 148 n. Hastivarman, E. Ganga k., .
66 n. Hastyarya, donee, . . .
. . 339 Häthigumpha inscription of Kharavela, 338 Hazirösvara, s. a. Svarnnajälēsvara, god. 101 Hebbal inscription, Heliokles, Indo-Greek k., . . . 321 n. Hēmachandra, lexicographer,. . . 138 n.,
151 n., 315 Hömädri, au.. . . 38 n., 39 11., 128, 129, 312 Hemanga, 8. a., Sumēru, mo., . 105 and n. Hémantasena, Sena k., . . . . 5, 10 Hēmasringa, I. (?) . . . . . 67 hides, exemption from supply of- . . 155 Hieun Tsang, Chinese Traveller, . . 316 n. Himagiri, mo... . . . . . 110 Himālaya, mo., .
. 81, 94, 96, 132, 192 Hindol Plates, . . . . . 248 r. Hindustān, co., .
. . 96 Hirahadagalli Plates of Sivaskandavaraman, 137 and 1., 138 1., 139, and n., 141, n., 149 and n., 151 n.,
152 n., 155 n. Hiran, Ti., . . . . . . 251 Hiranyakasipu, demon k., . . . 318 n. Hiranyakasipu-kshaya, ep. of Vishnu, 318 m. Hiranyamēru, a gift, . . . . 38 Hiraṇyārya, 8.a. Harinnaja, donee, . . 154 Hire Gutti, vi, . .
339 noma, sacrifices,,
39 n. Honnali, vi., . . .
. 162, 231 horesman, emblem on seal,
280 horse-sacrifice, , . horses, exemption from feeding . . 155 hotri, . . . . . . .
i, three signs for . . i, ancierit form of- . . . 4, initial . .
.
. . . . .
. . 75, 322 , medial. . . . . . 166 and n. 300 Ikshvāka, family or dy. . . . . Ilango-Pichchi f.,. . . 233 and n. Iltutmish, Muslim ruler, . India Office Plate of Dēvasēna, . . India Office Plate of Lakshmaņasēna, 1, 3 Indian Museum Plates of Dēvēndravarman,
m, . . . , 174, 327 7., 329, 332 'Indra, god, . . 30 7., 104 7., 117 Indra, Gujarat Rashtrakūta k., . . 250 Indra, ch. of lhe Nikumbha-vamsa,. . 311 *. Indra-Ballaha, 8. a. Indra-Vallabha, 231 n. Indra or Indravallabha Rashtrakūta k. .. 231
and n. 251, 252 Indra III do. .
161, 162 and R.,
163 and 1., 284 Indrabala, k., .
. . 229 Indrabhattārakavarman, Vishnukundin k., 334 Indrarāja or Indrabhattāraka, E. Chalukya
61
.
.
. 333 334
Indraprastha, 8. a. Indrasthāna, ci., . . 71 Indrasēna, Väkäțaka k., (?) . . . 144 Indrasthana, 8.a. Indraprastha, ci., . . 71, 72 Indrasthāna, tirtha, . . . . 70, 271 Indravarman, Ganga k., . . . 134 165, 166
and n., 167, 168 Indriyas, Five- . . . . . 108 n. Indus, Ti., . . . . . . 108 n. Iñjarám, vi., . . . . . . 41 Ipur Plates of the Vishņukuņdin Madhavavarman, . . . .
.
.228 n., 333 n.
. ZGO W 000 Irugămbikä, Telugu Choda princess, . 16, 18, 39,
42, 43, 44 Irukkuvēl, family,. . . . . 83 Isamudra Inscription, . . . Isanadēva, 8.a. Isänavarman, . . 229 Isänadova, Sõmavamsi k., . . .
52 Ibānavarman, Maukhari k., . .
243
82

Page #444

Lapur, vi., Yapa inscriptions at -
Isvara, m., engr.,
Iévarapaka, s. a. Iévaria, vi.,
Iávarasena, Abhira k., Iávaravarman, Maukhari k., Itihasa,
Itsing, Chinese traveller,
j, tripartite,
j, cursive form,
j, used for y,
Jagadeva, Chahamāna pr., Jagaddeva, Paramāra pr.,
Jahazpur, l.,
Jaidebpur or Bhowal, dr.,
Jāidēva, Governor of Konkan,
Jagaddhavala, Paramāra k., Jagattunga (Govinda III), Rashtrakuta k., . Jagapala, ch.,
Jaggavāga, vi., Jagner, vi.,
Jāgūka, Jāgū or Jāga, 8. a. Jägüéarman, donee,.
Jagusarmman, m.,
do.,
Jainka, s. a. Jäika,
Jaipur, tn.,
Jaisalmer, tn.,
Jaitugi, Silähära k.,
Jaitugi I, Yadava k.,
73 n. 69, 73
84, 85 2 128 n. 186, 188,
Jäika or Jayikadēva, Saindhava k.,
189, 192, 193, 195 and n., 196, 203, 206, 207, 214, 217, 218, 219, 224, 226 Jäika I, do., 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196 and n., 203, 204, 208, 209, 213, 218,
222
Jaika II,
Jainad, vi.,
Jainad Inscription of Jagadeva's reign,
Page.
121 257, 267
223
303 52 64
243, 244 and n., 315 and n.
•
Jajalladeva II, Kalachuri k.,
Jajjulla, m.,
Jajnagar, ci., Jajpur, tn., Jaladandi, vi.,.
Jala-durga,
Jalahastin, m.,
Jalanathe vara, god, Jallipalli, vi.,
.
INDEX
50 59
86, 139 96 177, 178, 180, 181 and n., 183, 184, 185 182 284
49, 55 n. 16, 31, 40, 44 85
. 186. 187, 194, 195, 196, 204, 222 178, 182 178, 179, 182 195. 77 92
127, 128, 129
129
and x.
257
250 25 77
3, 8, 12, 13
28
51
230
24
Jalor, tn.,
Jamadagni, s. a. Parasurama, myth. hero, Jamalpore, Thannah, dn.,
Jamb, I.,
Jambama (Jamvama)-Narayanapura, vi.,
Page.
95 46, 286 2 and 1. 158 75, 78, 82 64, 65 107. 70.
199, 202, 206, 215, 220
18, 48 222, 228
283 23 39. 129 99, 106 121, 122, 123 269, 273 265 257, 258
95, 105 68, 73. 3, 9, 13
Jambu, tree, Jambu-dvipa, co., Janaka, min.,. Janapada, off.. Janardana, m.,
Janardana, Sähē, m., Janhupura, vi., Janturnādu, co., Japa-Brahmanas, Jasajinayaka, m., Jasata, m.,
Jasha, s. a. Jyeshtha, Jatanayiva, m.,
Jatesvara, ch.,
Jatēévara, s. a. Kamarnava, E. Ganga pr.,
Jävälipura, s. a. Jalor, ci., Jayachandra, Gäha davala k., Jayadevaśarmman, m., Jayadebpur, tn., Jayadhavalaikā, wk., Jayadratha, myth. k., Jayadratha-varsa, family, Jayadratha-vamsa-sekhara, ep., Jayakësin II, Kadamba k., Jayamagha, Kaubambi k., Jayamangala, wk.,
Jayamēru, s. a. Vikramaditya I, Bāra k., Jayamta, goa,.
Jayanada, Nanda k. of Orissa,
.
Jayapura, tn.,.
Jayaraja, Chahamâna pr., Jayaraja, k., Jayaratha, poet, Jayasena, m.,.
Jayasimha, Chalukya pr.,
Jayasimha Siddharaja, Chalukya k., Jayasimha, Paramāra k., Jayatsena, unidentified k., (?) Jayavarman, Brihatphalayana k., Jayavarmman, E. Ganga k., Jayavarman, Mälava k., Jējākabhukti, co.,
.
:
.
·
2 n. 60 %.
186, 187, 188, 189 m. 186, 187 186, 223
306 298
140
54 16
75, 76 and л.,
77, 78, 80 and ".
355
.
75, 76, 77, 78, 80 90, 97, 103
Jetha, ruler of Porbundar, k,
Jetha, 8. a. Jayadratha,
Jethva, probably 8. a. Yetha or Epthalite, family,
229* 87 203 94, 95 97 179, 180 and n.
117 m. 139 n. 66, 67 131 93
188 188
188, 192

Page #445

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVI
•
256
30
286
Page. Jethva or Jät, dy.,
187, 188, 193 Jetthaja, donee, . . . . 152, 154 Jh, rare form of , . . Jhilripitan Inscription of king Durgagana 241 Jbajba, Silahara pr.. . . . 288, 291 Jbojjhn, m., . . . . . 195, 218 JIÁVatf-pattali, t. d., . . . .
70 jihad, . . . , jihvimülīya, sign for . Jim takētu, myth. k., .. Jimatavāhana, Vidyadhara, myth. k., ancestor of the Silaháras,
286 . . . . . . 99, 100 Jinachsitys,. . Jinachandrasuri, rel. preceptor, . . 100, 111 Jinamandiram, . . . . .
106 Jinindra, synonym for Mahavira or Buddha, 316 Jirjingi Plates of Ganga Indravarman, . 134,
334 jiruddAdra, . . . . . .
183 Jlvirya, 8. a. Jivujja, donce, . . Jivitagupta, Laler Gupta k., . 943 and n., 244 Jivitagupta II, do.,
. . 242 Jivujja, m., . . .
152, 154 Jiandbari, Marathi wk.,
. 139 Jinanddvaricha Vyakarana, Marathi wk., 139-. Jug Deva 8. a. Jagaddēva, ch., . .
180. Junagadh Inscription of Rudradaman, . 154 n. Junagadh rock Inscription of Skandagupta, 250 Jungrar Plate of Bhotavarman,
278 n. Jushka, 3. 4. Vadishka, .
296. Jviläpura, vi. . . . . Jvilini, Jain desty,.
. . 100, 110 Jye Soen (Vijayasēna), Sena k., . . . Jyoshtharya, 8. a. Jetthaja, donce, . . 154 Jyotisht, astronomer or astrologer,
128, 130
Page Kairara, tit., . . . . . 295 käkapáda, sign for,.
. . . . 269 Kakaraparru, 8.a. Kāmkara pasti, vi., . . Kakatiya, dy.. . . . 21 and n., 22 Kakusthavarman, Kadamba k.,. . 137, 154 ». Kalabhra, dy.
. . . 324 Kalachuri, dy, .
70 n., 71 and 16., 179,
SC and n., 301 Kilagiri, dt., . . .
. .
305 Kalakalēsvara, goil, . . .
.
181 Kalafjar or Kalañjars, vi.. kafaniju, coin, . . .
230, 2333 234,235 kalada, . . . .
. . . 127 Kalattūr-nadu, dn.,
. . 232 *. Kalidasa, aut., . . .
11 n... 32 ... 302 . Kaligan), dn., . . . . . . 2 and *. Kalighat hoard of coins, . . . 238 Kalikkudi, vi.. .
. . . 274 Kalinga, co... .
7n., 1l and n., 19, 20, 21 and 1., 22, 24, 53, 84, 86, 134, 168, 174 n., 338
108
336
105
Kalinga, Southern-, . . . . 18 Kalingadhipati, til., . . . . 133, 134 Kalinganagara, ci.,. . . 63, 64, 67, 77,
176 Kalingaraya, k. of Kalinga . . , 23 Kalinga-Sarichika, wk.,
21 . Kalinga patam, 5.a. Kalinganagara or Mukhalingam, ci. . . . .
. . .
. 63, 175
. Kaljara Kommaraja, m... . . . 18, 48 Kaluchumbargu Grant of Ammarája II, 164*. Kauttaka, donee, . . .
. . 187, 180 Kiluvachēru Grant of Anitalli, . . . Kalyana, ci. . Kalyāņa, M., . . . . . . 199, 202 Kalyanadēvi, Sēna q., . . . .3, 9, 13 Kalyanavarman, Kaubambi k., .
340 n. Kämā, a.. Kämva, vi.. . . . . 101 Kimabhupa, Lunar k., . .
18 Kamadhenu, divine cow,
. 178, 183, 184 Kamalā, goddess of fortune, . 193, 198, 201 Kamalapuram, vi.. . . . . . 162 Kamalasri, f., . . . . . 99, 108 Kamapuram, vi.. . . . . . 27 Kamapuri, 8.a. Kalyana, w., 16, 27, 40, 43, 44 Kamaraja, 8.. Bhaktiraja, Tel. Chôda k., 16, 18
38, 43 Kamarnava, s.c. Jaţēsvara, E. Ganga pr., . 258 Kimarnava, Ganga pr., . . . . 168 Kamârnava II, E. Ganga k., . '. 336 and m. Kamarupa, co.. . . . . 4, 77., 11 r. Kamarupa-vishaya, Ld., . . . 86, 87
Kachcha, family, .
189 Kachchi, 8. a. Kanchi, Hallava ca., . . 231 Kachibhatta, 7., .
. . 17, 47 Kadaba Plates,
261 Kadabagere, vi., .
162 Kadamba, dy.. ..
. . 152. Kadath bas of Banavasi, dy., . 61, 63, 131.
141 and *., 154 r., 340 Kadarba, tree, Kadamma, Mügina-, m., . . Kadăpitijana, 3.a. Kadhajan, I., Kadavakolanu, vi., .
. . 20, 21, 38 Kailasa, mo... Ksimajagrävadi, vi.(?). . . Kaintrigarh, s.a. Khatyi, dl., . , . 277

Page #446

INDEX
357
Page.
68
97
Page. Kamasutra, wk., . . 140 and 1.,388 . Kamatha, myth. figure, . , 99, 108 and n. Kamauli Plate of Govindachandra of
Kanauj, . . . . Kámavaram (Rāmavaram), vi., . . Kamavarapukota, vi., . Kåmavarapupadu, vi.,.
27 Kamobi, ca., . . .
306 Kamgra, vi.,
.
. . 3377 Kamkaraparti, vi., .
16, 34 and n.,
37, 39, 40, 41, 45 komayakara, engt., .
. . . 167 Kámv., 8. a. Kämā, vi., . 100, 101, 112 dinam, coin . .
232, 234, 235 Kanauj, kingdom .
68, 70, 94, 96,
131, 192, 270 n. Kichanaděvt, Chahamana q., . . Kichanapalle, si.. . . Kašichi, Pallava ca., . . . 113 Kandarpa, 4. a. Käma, god, , ,
224 Kandavakolanu, o. a. Kadavakolanu, vi... 20, 38 Kaphe, Präkrit from of Krishna, . . 233 Kinheri, L.,
. 287, 338 Kanishka, Kwahana k., . . . . 294 and
5., 295 and n., 302 303 Kanishka I, Kushära k.. . 295 n., 296 and
., 297, 303 Kanishka II, Kushana k., . 295, 296 and 1.,
297, 303 Kannada, (s. a. Vijayanagara), co., . , 16, 34 Kannape, of, .
. . 61 Kannaradeva, pr.,. .
. 114 n.,
231 and 1., 233, 234 Kandi, 8. a. Pärvati, goddess,. . Kanni-Kavalaa, ep.,
274 Kanthadurga, fort, . .
92 Kantidēva, k.,
. 315, 317, 318 Kanyabhagavatt, goddess,
. . 276 Kanyddana,. . .
66 Kanyakubja, ci., . . 70, 71, 72 Kanyakumari, vi., . .
274 Kanyakumari Inscription, . . 114 Kanya-Patariyar, goddess,
275 Kapa, Koppula ch., .
. . 22 n. Käpadvanj plates of Krishna II, 251, 252 n. Käpålivarman, Bhoja k.,
. . 339 Kapardaka-purana, coin,
. 3, 9, 13 Kapardin (I), Silähåra pr.. .
. . 286 Kapardin II, do., . .
286 Kapasia, thāņa-, 8. a. Capassia, • 2 and ». Kapaya-Nayaka, Koppula ch., .22 1., 23, 24 Kipeya II, do., .
22 Kapila, m., . . .
197, 198, 203 Kapiladhari, 3.a. Mandakini, ri., 100, 110, 109
Kapilēsvara, god, . . . . 99, 109 Kapittha, tree, Kapitthaka, vi., . . . . . 162 Kavillt, vi., . . . . . 3, 8, 12 kara, a name suffix, Kara, a royal family of Orissa, Karahata, Karabātanagara or Karahakata,
322, 323, 325 karana, off.,
. . 82 karana, Taitila .
. . 100, 112 Käräpaka, .
- 99, 105 and 1. Karhad Plates of Krishna III, 284 286 Karikala, Telugu Chöda k., . . 18 Küritalia Stone Inscription of Lakshmanak rāja, . . . . .
. 243 Karka, Karkka or Karkka Suvarnavarsha,
Rashtrakifa k., . . . 250, 251, 253, 297 Karkkaroba, god . . . . 99, 109 Karna, Gurjara pr., . . . . 93 Karna, Kalachuri k., . 54 n., 70, 179, 180 and Karnata or Karnataka, 8.a. Vijayanagara, kingdom . 16, 19, 29, 30, 31, 34 and 1,
37, 39, 44, 179 and 1., 244 r. Karnatakshatriya, community, . . 5, 10 karpafin, . . . . . 213, 216 Karpüramari jari, Prakrit dramatic work, 140 and Karle, vi., . .
. 139 n. Kárttikëya, 8.a. Mahipala I, Güjara-Prati
kara k. of Kanauj, . . . . 285 Karuva, Käruvagrama or Karuē, sa. Kore
gaon, vi... . . 322, 323, 325, and n. Käryäyatakachchha, dt., . . . 218 Káshthi-samgha, Jain sub-sect, . . 100 Kädi, kingdom(?) . . . . . Käsi, o.a. Benares, 17, 38, 40, 70, 71, 72, 271 Käsirāja, k., . . . . Käsikhandamu, Tel. wk.,
29 n., 40 n. Käsikhanda, wk., . . . . . 270 Kabyapa, sage,
. . . . 277 Kata I, Reddi ch., . Kata II, do. . . . . .
20 Kata-Prabhu, do.
. 32 n. Kätaya-Vēma, do., . . 16, 28, 29 n., 31,
32 and 1., 33, 34 and
., 37 and 1., 39, 45 Kafaya-Vemuni-tala-gonda-gonda, tit., . 37 . Kathasaritsagara, wk., . . . 140 1. Kathin wẢI, Co., . . . . 197, 200 Katyayana-Srautasútra, wk., . . 120 n., 157 Kaumödaki, mace of Vishnu, . . . 267 Kaumudimahotsava, wk.
. 304 n. Kausam bi, ca. of Vatsa co., . . . 299 Kautbem Grant of Vikramaditya V, . 51 Kaufilya-Arthasastra, wk., . 12 1., 338 and .
.
.
.
274

Page #447

358
Kavadghat, vi.,
Kavera, co.,
Kāvēri, ri.,
Kavi Plates of Govindaraja,
Kavyamimämsa, wk., by Rajasekhara, Kavyaprakasa, wk.,
Kavyapurusha, myth. personality, Kayastha, caste,
Kēdāra-Maheevara, god, Ködärpur Plate of Srichandra, Kelha padeva, Chahamana k.,
Kerala, dy.,
Kesava, god,
Kesava, m.,
Kebaya, scribe,
Khadipura, 8.a. Khaḍumvara, vi.,
Khaḍumvara, 8.a. Khadipura, vi,.
Khifi Khăn, màng khớ
Khallasvamin, m.,
khanda-kshetra,
Kesavadeva, M.,
Kesavasvamin, te. of Ketaya Vēma, off., kh.,
kh., two forms of-,.
kh represented by sh.,
kh, without loop,
kh, wrongly used for sh,
Khadipada, vi.,
Khaḍipada Image Inscription of the time of
Subhakara, .
Khandichandra-bhōgika, m., Kharavela, k. of Kalinga,
Khariar, vi.,
Kharod, vi.,
Khatya-vishaya, dt., Khävöläpändi, vi.,
Khijjingakötta, Bhañja rulers of-, Khiñjali, Bhanja rulers of-,
Khöh Grant of Hastin,
Khölēávara, gen.. Khottiga, Rashtrakuta k., Khwaja-i-jahan, off.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Khyata, wk.,
Kilalapa, demon,
Kilar-kürram, t.d.,
Kirätarjuniya, wk.,
Kiri-Halasige Plates
159
324
233
249, 250
140, 285 250 n. 140 100, 111 18, 48 314 97, 280 324 246
111, 167, 171
100
133
.
Kharod Stone Inscription of Ratnadova
III, .
Khārēpātan Plates of Silähāra Rattarāja,
.
Page.
.
247 101
100, 101, 112
9 n.
25
69
36, 37 n.
133, 135
3, 8 53, 65 338 52, 229 n. 229 n.
50
86
156
269
247
Kirtipāla, s.a. Kita, Chakamana k., founder
of the Sonagara branch,.
257 n., 258 283, 284 n.,
287
276, 277, 278
3, 8, 12, 13
277 277 136 182, 312
165 m., 181
35 95.
245
112
87 306
95, 97
Kirtivarman I, W. Chalukya k., Kirtivarman, do.,
Kirttinätha, god,
Kisukādu, dt.,.
Kitū, 8.a. Kirtipāla, .
Kōkalla I, Kalachuri k.,
Kōlähala, ci.,
Kōlähala; Myth. founder of Kölähalapura, Kōläulapura, 8.a. modern Kōlär, Koleti, vi.,
Kolhapur, kingdom, . Komaragirivaram Grant,
61
95
54
168 168 167, 168 288 182. 28, 32 n. 133 m., 134
19, 24 138 n., 139 n. 333. 19, 20, 23, 27, 28, 31, 32, 34 n. 52 67 9. 244.
53 m., 97, 127, 128, 129, 305, 306, 340 128, 129
61 77
16, 19, 21, 22 and n., 23, 24, 43 37. 305 19, 24
52, 53, 54, 257, 266, 336 227 256 . . 150, 297 301 298, 300 m. 298
298 65 85 258. 258 157, 158, 160 155 24. 24. 100
$100, 109 .274,275
24 337
24. 238.
Kōmarti Plates of Chandavarman, Kōna, co.,
Kondamuḍi Plates of Jayavarman, Kondanagaru Plates of Indraraja, Kondaviḍu, t.d.,
Kondegaon, tahsil, Konga-parvata. mo., Konidena, vi.,. Kōnka, co.,
Konkan or Konkana, co.,.
[VOL. XXVI
Kōta, state, Kōtapattana, vi., Kötgadh, vi. Kōthuraka, vi.,
Kothuraka Grant of Pravarasēna II, Koti, vi., identified with Kötyapurt. Kotipalli, s.a. Kötyapuri,vi.,
Köttavara, tirtha,
Kōtlévara, god,
Page.
51, 53, 340
231, 324
100, 109
Köttär, vi.,
Kotṭhām, s.a. Kötyapuri, vi., Kottura, vi.,
Kötyapuri, e.a. Kotṭhām, vi., Kramaditya, s.a. Vikramaditya,
•
•
Konkanachakravartin, tit., . Konnür, vi., Kōntalanḍā, vi., Koppula, family Koppunulla chiefs, Kopulgere, 8.a. Kupattogarika, vi., Korukonda, hill-fort, Kōsala, co., Kōsala, Southern-, co., Kōsaladeba, kingdom, Kosam, 8.a. Kausambi, tn., Kōsam Inscription of Bhadramagha,. Kōsam Inscription of Bhimavarman,. Kōsam Inscription of Mahārāja Sivamagha, Kōsam Inscription of Maharaja Vaisravana, Kōsamba, tree,
.

Page #448
INDEX 359 I ., . do. ., 23 Page. kerayachirila, 3.a. kraya ekchya, document, 244, 246 n. Kcish pa, god, . . . . . . 88, 265 Krish pa, delta of . 31 Krishna, Abhira k., . . 310, 312 Krishna, Pratihara ch., . 192, 207 Krishna II, Rashtrakufa k., 59, 60, 114 and n, 231, 232, 233, 234 Krishna III, . 61, 84, 164, 165 and n., 231 and n., 232 and n., 283 n., 284, 285 and n., 286 and n. Krishna, Yadava k., . . 311 n. Kyishpa, 8.a. Sahyaja, ri., 19, 23, and n., 25, 26, 27, and n., 29, 31, 33, 36, 124, 323 K ho dove, goperor of Kohlean, . , 128 n. Krish paraja, Rashtrakuta k., . . . 252 Krish naraja, 8.a. Krishna II, Rashtrakuta . . . 114 Krish paraja (I), do., 284 Krish paraja, Saindhava k., 187, 188, 189, 193, 194, 196, 201, 208, 209, 210, 222, 223 Krishnaraja II, doc, . 190, 191, 192, 193, 196, 198 Krishnaraja II, k. of the Nikumbha-vamsa, 311 n. Ksishina-Vallabha, 8.a. Krishna II, Rash trakufa k., . . . . . 231 and n. Krishnavarman II, Kadamba k., . . 141 n. Krish paveni, ri., . . Krishna Venna, ri., . . 322 Kroshtukavarttani, t.d., . . 66 and n., 67 Kshatrapa, Western-, dy.. . 303 Kshatriya, caste, . . . . . 90, 110 Kahemankara, Bhauma k., 248 Kshemaraja, Chapa k., . . . . 208, 209 Kshemesvara, 8. a. Kshemaraja, Chapa Kshemeovart, Saindhava q., . . . 208, 209 Ieshetra-dohali, l. m., . 100, 112 Kshetrapala, god . . . 15, 100, 110 Kuchanarya, m., . 17, 18, 46 Ktobaya, Chimnipi, m., . . 17, 47 Kuda, I., . . . 338 and n. Kudagam, 8.a. Coorg, co., . * 244 n. Kudatani, vi., . . 162 Kudha (?), m., . . 248 Kudunga, tree, . Kukkutadesa, co., . Kulachandra, m., . 204 Kaladitya, mason, . 246 Kulesvara, god, Kulluka, au., . . 157 Kulottunga I, Chola k., . . 274, 275 Kumara, Gupta k.,. . 237 Page. Kumaradvipa, ca., . . . . . 339 Kumaragiri, Reddi ch., . 20, 27 n., 28, 29 n., 31 and n., 32, 41 Kumaragupta, Gupta k., 115, 116, 117 235, 236, 239 Kumaragupta I, Gupta k.. . 131, 136, 236, 237 Kumaragupta II, Gupta k., . . 236, 237, 244 Kumarakota, I., . . 256 n., 257, 258, 267 Kumarakotapattana, vin, . . . . 258 n. Kumaramatya, off., . . . . . 169 Kumarapala, feud. ch., . , 95, 96, 101, 102 Kumarapala, m., scribe, 257 and n., 263 n., 267 Kumara-Vishnu, Pallava k., . . . 337 n. Kumaresvara, god, . . . . . 99, 109 Kumari, s.a.Kanyakumiri, vi., . . 114 n. Kumari, s.a. Parvati, goddess, . . 274, 275 Kuntapala, Paramara k., . . . . 95, 105 Kumalura, vi., . . . 337 no Kundiprabha, 3.a. Gundlakamma, ri.,. Kuntala, co., . . . 181, 183, 185, 286, 336 Kupalakata t..., . . . . . 339 Kupala pa]kata-, ahara, t.d., . . . 338 Kuppa, m., . * 60, 62 Kupattoggarika, vi.. . 305, 306 Kuravata, t.d., . . 19, 24 Kuretha plate of Malayavarman, 281 Kurma, incarnation of Vishnu, . . . 106 n. Kurundaka, vi., . . . 163 and n. Kurundwad, state, . 194 Kusa or Kusasthala, 8.a. Kanauj, kingdom, 94 Kusika. tirtha, . . .: 70 271 Kusika, 8.a. Kanauj, tn., . . 71, 72 Kusavarana, kingdom, . 94 n. kutaka, tax, . . * 69 Kutaka-desa, co., su, W., . . . . . . 244 n. Kutukka, co... 244 Kutila, ri., . * 100, 109 Kutila, kshatra, . 100 Kutilesa, god.. . : 99, 109 Kuttura, vi.. . . 133, 134, 135 Kutukka or Kutukka- lesa co., 8.1. Coorg: . 244 and n., 246 Kuyali, engr., . . . . . . 68, 68 23 68 244 I, cursive form of, . 59 1, different types or-, 322 I,. . 322 la, used for la, . . . . 14, 41 n. 1,. 59 Laghu Vijholi, s.a. Chhoti Bijolia, vi.,. 97, 100, 102, 112 Lakhanapala, Rashfrakuta ch., . * 270 n. Lakhnauti, in., . Lakhya, 8.u. Lakshya, ri. . 2 and n. 49 25

Page #449
360 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Var. XXVI 241 27 Page. m, doubling of --, after r, . . . 247 m, cursive form of , . . . . 294 n. m, final, . . . 69, 132, 156, 315, 322 ma,. . . . . . . . Mada, Rachakonda ch., . Mada, m., . . . * 60, 62 Madana or Madanapala, Rashtrakuta k., . 70, 71 n: Madanapada Plate of Visvarupasena, . 9 n. Madanapala, Gahadavala k. of Kanauj, 71 and n., 72, 73 and n., 271, 272 Madanpur, vi., . . 93 Madavattala, t.d., . . . . . 69, 73 Madhainagar Plate of Lakshmanasena 3, 4, 5 n., Madaupur, b.1.d., reishmanasena 6, 7, 10, 311 . 243 Page. Lakkana, Maduguri, m., . . . . 17, 48 Lakshmadeva, Paramara k., * 180, 181, 182 Lakshmana, epic hero, . . 51, 54 and n., 55 Lakshmana, Chahamana pr., . . . 91 Lakshmana, Kausambi k., . . . 304 n. Lakshmana, m., . . . 17, 47, 99, 100, 108 Lakshmanaraja, Chedi k., . . . 243 Lakshmanasena, Sena k., . 3, 4 and n., 5, 6, 7 and n., 9 n., 11 and n., 12 and n., 13 n. Lakshmata, m., . . . . . 99, 106 Lakshmi, goddess, . . 11 n., 39 n., 50, 69, 268 Lakshmi, Telugu-Choda princess, , 16, 18, 42 Lakshmi, f., . . . . . . 99, 108 Lakshmideva, Abhira feud, ch., . Lakshmidhara, lord of Bhambhagiri, s.a. Lakshmideva, ch., . 312 Lakshmikara, Bhauma k., . 248 Lakshmikarna, Kalachuri k., . . 70 n., 71 Lakshya, s.a., Lakhya, ri., Lalhanadevi, Pratihara q.. . . . 280 Lalita, f., . . . . . . 99, 108 Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka, wk., 96, 97, 101 Lalleya, m., . . . . . . 232 Lambeva or Lamveva, vi., . 75, 78, 79 and n., 82 Languages : Hindi, . . 139 n. Kannada, . 60, 233 Magadhi . . . . . . 151 n. Marathi, . . 183 Prakrit, . 124, 137, 140, 141, 218, 233, 242 Sanskrit, . . 14, 50, 63, 66, 69, 75, 115, 119, 130, 137, 141, 156, 166, 174, 178, 197, 198, 218, 228, 236, 242, 249, 256, 268, 276, 280, 283, 305, 310, 314, 337 n., 339 Tamil, . 275 Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I, . . 84 n. Lata, co., . . . 336 Latan andala, t.d., 250, 252 Lattalura, vi., . 337 n. Lekhapaddhati, wk., 246 n. Lichchavi-dauhitra, ep. of Samudragupta, * 135 Lilacharitra, Marathi wk., . . . Limbu, t.d., . . 78 Limvadi, m., . . . 100, 112 Lion, seated inside a temple, einblem on seal, 313 Lokamadhava, m., . . . . . 167 Lolaka, 8.a. Lollaka, m., 87 n., 99, 100, 108, 110, 111 Lonakara, vi., . . . . . 257, 267 Luckiah, e.a. Lakhya or Lakshya, ri., .2 and n. 335 Madhava, m., . 18, 48, 218 Madhava, min., . . 92 Madhava, donee, . . 199, 202 Madhavagupta, Later Gupta k., Madhavavarman I, Vishnukundin k., 228, 229 and n., 336 Madhavavarman II, Vishnukundin k., . 229 n. madhuka, tree, . . . . . 65 Madhusudana, m., . . . . . 167, 171 Madhusudana, engr., . . . . 195 Madhukamarnava, E. Ganga k., . Madhukamarnava III, E. Ganga k., 336 Madhyadesa, dn. . . . . . 278 Maditaikonda, tit., . , 112 n., 113, 234 Madras Museum Plates of Bhaktiraja, 18, 19, 38 Madura, ci., . . . . . 113, 114, 235 Magha, dy., . . 299 n. Magha, poet, . . . . . . 250 n. Magadha, kingdom, . . 76, 228, 230, 238 n. Mahabaladhikrita, off . . . 240 n. Mahabhairava, god, 159 Mahabharata epic wk., 50, 186, 274 and n., 317 n. Mahabhavagupta, k., . . 77 Mahabhogapati, or Mahabhogika, off., 7, 12 and n. Mahabhojas, tribe, . . . . . 338 Mahab5dhimarga, Mahada Plates of Yogesvaradevavarman, . 276 mahadanas, the (16) gifts, 38 n. Mahadeva, Yadava k., . . . Mahadeva, m., . . . . . 276, 278 Mahadevadevasarmman, m.,. . 3, 9, 13 Mahadevi, ., . . . . 3, 9 n. Mahadeviyar, g., . Mahadharmmadhyaksha, off., Mahadikshita, tit., . 73 n. Mahaganastha, off., 7, 12 Mahajanar, . . . 17, 18 Maha-Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k., 229 Mahakuta Inscription of Mangalesa, 154 n., 337 n. Mahaluka-Pandita, donee, . . . 310 172 128 230 m, secondary form of, m, special form of, . .: 59

Page #450
INDEX 361 Page. 128 Tunik Ha, O., . . . 306 305 Mahamahattara, off., 63 Mahamandalacharya, of 248 Mahamandalesvara, off., . 9 n., 276, 279, 287 Mahamatya, off., . . . . Mahammad Shah I, Bahmani Sultan, 25 Mahamudradhikrita, off., Mahanadi, ri., . . . 23, 25, 49, 77, 277, 279 Mahanala, god, . . . , 99, 101, 109 Mahanaman, k., . 227 Mahanubhava, a sect, . 177 n. Mahakala, god, . . 99, 101, 109 Mahakosala, co., . . 52, 53 Mahakshapatalika, off. 7, 12 n. Mahapilupati, off., . . . . 7, 12 and n. Mahapratihara, off., . . . 19n., 239, 240 n. Maha.Pravararaja, Somavansi k., 228, 229 and n. Maha purohita, off., . . . 7, 69, 73 and n. Maharaja, tit., 63, 66, 77, 90, 91, 132, 133, 161, 175, 239, 240 n., 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 303, 318 Maharajadhiraja, tit., 3, 7, 66, 69, 91, 128, 129, 135, 136, 160, 162, 168, 189, 236, 239, 242, 246, 248, 269, 315, 317, 318, 322 324, 335 Maharajaputra, tit., . . . . . 70 Maharashtra, co., . . 181 Maharashtri, dialect, 138, 151 n. mahasabdas, . . . . . 82, 250, 325 Mahasamanta, off., 169, 203, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213, 214, 219, 220, 239, 240 n., 286, 287 Mahasamantadhipati, off., 77, 81, 218, 222, 250 Mahasamantasekhara, tit., . . . . 287 n. Mahasandhivigrahika, off., 7, 128, 129, 170, 255, 323, 326 Mahasenapati, off., . . 7, 298, 299 and n. Mahasenagupta, Gupta k., . . 208 n. Mahasenagupta, Gupta princess, . . 208 n. Maha-Sudevaraja, Sarabhapura k., , : 229 Mahasirivanta, off., . . . , 60, 62 Mahasivngupta.Balarjuna, Somavamsi k., 50, 51, 53 n., 54, 227, 228 Mahattama, s.a. Mehta, tit., . , 100, 112 n. Mahattara, . . . . . . 65 n. Mahava, Mahattama, m., . 100, 112 Mahavaraha, god, . . 215 Mabavira, Jain Tirthankara, 88, 99, 103 n.. 316 Mahavirakirtti, Jaina ascetic, . 100 n. Mahavyutpatti, off., . 12 n. Mahendra, mo., . . 168 Mahendra, Gupta k., 237 Mahendra-bhoga, dn., 133, 134, 135 Mahendrachala, mo., . 64, 67 Mahendra pala, Pratihara k., 192 Mahesa (Siva), god, . 285 Mahesvara, god, . . . . 121 Page. Mahiala or Mahiyala or Mahitala, 8.a. Mahichandra, Gaha davala k., 72 n. Mahichandra, Gahadavala k., 70, 72 Mahideva, . . . . . . 89, 90 Mahidhara, m., . . . , 99, 108 Mahimalaya, Irukkuvel ch., 83 Mahindravarman, Ganga k., . . 166, 167 Mahipala I, Pala k., 316 Mahmud of Ghazni, 8.a. Sultan Mahmud (1) 92 Mahur, 8.a. Gondvana, co., . mahuva (Bassia latifolia), tree, . . Mahyesvara, god, Mailalamahadevi, Chalukya princess and Kadamba g., . Mailama, Tel. Choda q., . 20 Mailama Bhima, 3.a. Eruva-Bhima (?), Tel. Choda ch., . . . . . 20 and n. Maitrakas of Valabhi, dy., , . 76 n., 187, 189 makara or fish, emblem, . 188 Makaradhvaja, myth. k., . . 188 Malada, t.d., . . . 283 n. Malapraharini, 8.a. Malaprabha, ri., Malara, vi., . 389 Malava or Malwa, co., . 93, 94, 129, 150, 178, 179 and n., 180, 181, 183 Malavya, dry., . . 179 Malayavarman, Pratihara ch., . . . 280, 281 Malkonda, 8.a. Nalkonda, tn., . . 35 n. Malla, Reddi k., . 25 and n. Malladatta, m., . 340 Malladeva, Bana k.,. 63 Mallala, 8.a. Mallar, vi., . . . 257, 258, 266 Mallani, in., . . Mallar, vi., . . 53 Mallar Stone Inscription of Jajalladeva, 257 n. Mallar Plates of Maha-Sivagupta . 258 Mallasarul Copper-plate of Gopachandra, Mallaya, Rajukonda, m., . . 17, 48 Mallikarjuna, donee, . i . . 17, 48 Mallikarjuna-Bhattara, teacher, . . 60, 62 Mallikarjuna, god, . . . . . 38 Mallinatha, commentator,. 11 n. Mamata, f., . . . . . . 99, 107 Marchakapalli, vi., . . . . 283, 288, 291 Mandalakara, s.a. Mandalgarh, vi., . 99, 101, 107 Manasa, lake, . . . . . . 81 Manasiddhi, name of an elephant, 97 Manava-Grihyasutra, wk., . 157 Manayil-kottam, dn., . * 230, 234 Manchikonda chiefs, dy., . . . . 19, 22 Mandakini (Ganges), ri., . 11 n. Mandakini, ri., . . . . . 79 Mandakini, 9.a. Kapiladhara, reservoir 101 Mandalapati, off. . . . . . 248 . . 92 126 16 DGA

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362 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI - Mandalika, oft., * . 12 and n. 280 168 Page. Mandalgarh, s.a. Mandalakara, vi., . 84, 86, 101 . 257 Mandaru, mo.,. . Mandar hill Inscription of Adityasena, . 242 Mandasa Plates of Kadamba Dharmakhedi, 334, 335 Mandasor, s.a. Dasapura, vi., . . . 131 Mandasor Inscription of Yasodharman 131 n. Mandgaon, vi., . . . Mandhatri, legendary k., , . , . 50 Mando Rishi, sage (?), . . . . 158 Mandukigrama, 8.a. Mandgaon, vi., . 167, 168, 160 Mangaliba, W. Chalukya k., . 124, 164 n., 337 n. Mangalur Grant of Simhavarman, . . 141 n. Mangaon, vi., . . . . . 168 Mangatorana, off., . . . . . 60 Mangraon, vi., . . . 241, 245 Mangraon Inscription of Vishnugupta's time, 241 Manimekalai, Tamil wk., . . 274 and n. Manjusrimulakalpa, wk., . * 236, 237, 316 Manniya, t.d., . , . Mannoor, vi., . . Manthena, dn., . Mantravadi Inscriptions, . 59 n. Mantrin, off., . . . 199, 200, 211, 216, 272 Manu, au., . . . . . 157, 180 n. Manusmriti, wk., . ll n, 155 11., 157 and n., 158, 180 n. Manyakheta, Rashfrakuta ca., . . 163, 181, 231 Mara, Reddi ch., . . 20 Maramaraiyar, 8.a. Marasimha, Ganga k., . 113 * Marankamalla, ep., . . . . . 10 n. Marankavira, ep., . . . 10 n. Marasimha, s.a. Maramaraiyar, Ganga k., . 113 Marasimha II, Western Ganga k., Marco Polo, M., Venetian traveller, 274 Mardi Inscription, . . . . 311 n. margaka, levy, . . . . . . Markkamda, 8.a. Markandeya, epic hero, . 99, 109 Marusthali, desert, * . . . . Marwar, kingdom, . . Magnad.i. Aly Habib Nizam-ul-Mulk, min., Matangas, Mlechchhas or Musalmans, 92, 94 matha-sthina, monastery, . . . 100 Mathura, vi., . . . . . . 93, 118 Mathura Inscription of Chandragupta II, 300 n. Mathura Lion Capital Inscriptions, , , Mathura pedestal Inseription of Kanishka, . 296 Mathura Samgha, Jaina sub-division, 100, 111 matra . . . . 187 Matrichandra, m., . . 63, 65 Matrisiri, Samanta , writer, . 175, 176 Matrivara, acribe, . . 133 and n. Mattepad Plates of Damodara varman, 337 n. NA[tva]rya, dmee, . . . Pago. Maukharis, dy., 229, 230 Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas, Three - 118 Maukhari empire, . Maurya, dy., . . . . . 61, 53 and n. Mauryas of Konkan, dy., . . . . 338, 340 Mavali Ba paraja, Bara k., . . . 118 Mavinuru, vi.,. . . 60, 62 Mayidavolu Plates of Sivaskandavarman, 138 n., 141 n., 149 and n., 150, 151 n., 185 n. Mayiramma, off., . . . . . 60, ** Medhatithi, commentator, . . . . 16. Mekala, co., . 299 n. Menal, 8.a. Mahinala, vi., 4, 85, 101 Merkelundarulina-Denar, ep. of Chola Gar daraditya, . . . . . . 84 Meru, mo., . . . 39 n., 78, 80, 216, 220 Merudana, 'a class of gifti, . . . 39 n. Merutunga, au., . . . 179 n., 181, 182 Methi Inscription of Ksishna,. . . 311 n. Metre : Anushtubh, 55, 65 n., 72, 103 n., 106 n., 107 n., 108 n., 109 n., 111 n., 112 n., 183 n., 242, 252, 258, 271, 277 n., 278, 279, 288, 307 Arya, 10 n., 14, 56, 104 n., 105 n., 212, 252, 258, - 288, 307, 317 Drutavilambita, . . . . 14, 72, 271 Gatha, . . . . . . . . 307 Giti, . . . 288 Indravajra, 65, 72, 102 n., 103 n., 108 n., 116, 252, 271, 288 Malini, 5 n., 78 n., 111 n., 116, 258 Mandakranta, . . 7 n., 55, 258, 282 n. Praharshini, . . . . . 65 Pushpitagra, . 5 n., 288 Salini,. . . . 72, 252, 271, 288, 307 Sardalavikridita, 5 ., 6 ., 14, 65, 72, 78 n., 79 n., 102 n., 103 n., 104 n., 107 n., 108 n., 109 n., 111 n., 183 n., 252, 258, 271, 282 R., 288, 307, 312 and n., 317 sikharini, . . . . . . 102 >>. Sloka (Anushtubh), . . . 85 ni, 317 Sragdhara, 5 n., 6 n., 55, 102 n., 103 12., 104 r., 115, 258, 278, 288 Upajati, 6n., 14, 55, 78 n., 108 n., 108 n., 115, 252, 277 n., 288, 312 Upendravajra, . . . . . 115, 288 Utpalamala, . . . . 20 Vambastha, . . . . . . 253, 312 Vasantatilaka, 6 n., 14, 66, 72, 103 n., 105 n., 108 n., 116, 252, 258, 271, 288, 307, 317 Mewar, Gubilots of -, dy., 86 Mihirakula, Huna k., 131 Milinda-panho, wk., . . . . . 321 n. 61 218 94 319 338

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INDEX 363 40 245 59 83 233 Page. Page. Minendra (Minendra) or Milinda, Indo-Greek Murumanda, s.a. Murumanda-Polavaram, k., . . . 318 and n., 319, 321 n. tn., . . Minhaj-ibn-Siraj, au., . . . 4 n. Musalkal, vi., .. Mitra, god, . . 246 Musi, ri., Mitra-Kesvadova, god, . . Mlechchha-kharda, dn., . 106 n. Mominabad, tn., . . . . 182 Months :-lunar, n, special form of, . . . . . Ashadha, . 222, 300 n. n, used for anusrara, 75 Asvina, Asvija or Asvayuja,. 28, 60, 157, 161 n, final, changed into anusvara, . 283 Bhadrapada, . : 228 n, dental, * 137, 319 Chaitra, 119, 120, 178, 185 n, two signs for, 166 Jyeshtha, 121, 122, 339 n, cerebral, . 319 Karttika, 3, 13, 60, 62, 69, 72, 73, 269, 272, n, doubling of -, after r, . 247 300 1.., 322 ", subscript, . . . . 137 Magha, . . . . 49, 128, 129, 306 n, without a dot, . . 256 Margasira or Margasirsha, 68, 183 n., 239, 240 Nadagam Plates of Vajrahasta III, 336 Phalguna, . . 60, 100, 111, 112, 169, 279, 305 Nadimachi, m., . . . 66, 68 Pausha or Pushya, , 125, 198, 199, 204, 294 Nadol, 9.a. Naddula, tn., . . . 91, 95, 96 Sravana, . . 60, 242, 244, 246, 339 Nalol Plates of Kirtipala, . . . 97 Vaisakha, . . . . 250, 255, 320, 321 Nadula or Naddula, .a. modern Nadol, vi., 95, 97, Months, solar : 105 Kanni (Kanya), Naga, Dumdigada --, donee, . . . 17, 48 Tula,. . . Nagubhata II, Pratihara k., . 186, 191, 192 Vrischika, . 164 Nagadeva, m., . . . . . 99, 108 Months, Macedonian : Naga-hrada, pond of serpents in Jain My Gurppiya,. . . 295 thology, . . . . . 100, 110 Moon, Myth. ancestor of the Silaharas, 284 Naga-Naraya na, god, Morajhari, vi., . . . . . 96, 97, 105 Nagapadda, m., . 3:10 Morakara or Morakuro, 8.a. Morajhari, vi., . 96 Nagapura, 8.a. Nagaur, in., 90 Morbi, ci., . . . . . . 192, 193 Nagardhan, 8.a. Nandivardhana, tn., 158 Morbi Plates of Jaikadeva, 186, 189, 192, 193, 195, Nagarjunikonda, l., . . 124 218 Nagasri, f., . . 99, 107 Mosala, m., . . . . . . 99, 107 Nagavaluka, pr., . . . 89 Mudkal, fort, . . . . . . . 30 Nagavaloka, s.a. Pratihara king Nagabhata, . 91 Mugdhatunga-Prasiddhadhavala, Nagavarman, off., . . . . 157, 161 churi k., . . . . . . 54 Nagaya, m., . . . . 17, 48 Muhammad Bhaktyar, gen., 4 and n., 5 Nagpur Museum Inscription of Paramara Muhpota Nainasi, au., . . 95 Lakshmadeva, . * 179, 182 Mukhalingam, vi., . 175 Nagulavaram, vi., . . 124 Mukhesvara, god, . . . . 100, 109 Naigama, lineage, . 100, 111 Malaraja, Gurjara pr., 92 Naimittika, off., 272 Mulgund, vi., . . . Nakshatras: Mulgunda-twelve, t.d., . . . . 60, 62 Bharani, 233 Mulla Seen (Vallalasena ?), Sena k., . Hasta, 100, 112, 329 n. Mummaai-Nayaka, Manchikonda ch., Mrigasirsha, : . 164 Mummadi Nayaka, Korukonda ch., . Purattadi (Purva-Bhadrapada), . 83 Mummadi.Prolavara, 8.a. Murumanda or Uttirattadi (Uttara-Bhadrapada),. 83 and n. Muramanda-Polavaram, tn., . . 16, 38, 40, 45 | Nala, Myth. k., . . . . . 50 Mummuni, Silahara pr., . 287 n. Nala, Nala k., . , 49 and n. Munimdu, m., . . 99, 106 Nala, dy., 49 and n., 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 157 n., 340 Mufija, Paramara k., 181 Nalanda, ci., 171, 172 and n., 235 and n., 243 Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, wk., 36 n. Nalanda Plate of Samudragupta, . . 135, 136 Murunda-Janjira, ci., 288 n. Nalanda seal of Kumaragupta II, 236 183 Mudkal, fort, imiddhadhavala, Kala 61 29 5A

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364 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vow XXVI 168 59 80 Page. Nalavadi-vishaya, t.d., . . 51 and n. Nalkonda, in., . . . . 35 and n. Nalla-Bhima, s.a. Eruva-Bhima, Tel. Choda king, . . . . . . . 18 Namaya Nayaka, Koppula ch., . . 22 n., 24 Namdapa, l., , . . . . . 270 Nanda, Nandakula or Nandodbhava, family, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81 Nandagiri, s.a. Nandidrug, . 167 Nandagirinatha, ep., . Nandana, commentator, . 157 Nandardhan, Nandivardhana, ci., 158 Nandavadige Inscription, . . . Nanded, identical with Nandikada, vi., . 140, 141 Nandi, emblem on seals, . . . . 76 n. Nandikada, vi., . . 139, 140, 141, 151, 154 Nandirata, ri., . . . . 239, 240 Nandivardhana, Vakutuka ca., . 51, 147, 156, 157 and n., 158, 159 Nandivarman II, Salan kayana k., . . 136 n. Nandodbhava family, Nandsa Yupa, . 119 Naniga. m., . . . . . . 100, 111 Nanna, m., . . . 223, 225 Nanna-mathika, te., . . . . 222, 223, 225 Nannaraja or Nannac'ova or Nannarajadhi raja, Somavamsi k., . . . 227, 228, 229 Naosari, vi., . . . . . 186 Nausari Copper-plate, . 163 and n. Napa, m., . . . 171 and n., 175, 176 Narain, 8. a. Naranaka, l., . . . 101 Nara naka, I., . . . . . 99, 101, 106 Narapura, 8. a. Naravara, vi., . . 92, 101 Narasimha III, Gajapati k., . . . Narasimhagupta, Gupta k., 235, 236, 238, 239. Narasinghpur State, . . . . 77 Naravan Plates, . . . . . 323 Naravara, 8. a. Narapura, vi., . 101, 106 Naravarman, Malava k., . . 103 and n., 131 Naravarman, Paramara pr., 94, 104 n., 180, 182 Narayana, god, . . 5, 13, 55 n., 99, 104 n., 105, 264, 277 Narayana, commentator, . . . . 167 Narayana, m., . . . . 17, 47 Narayanapura, vi., . . . 257, 258, 266 Narendrasena, Vakutaka k., 52, 145, 148, 150 Narmada. ri., . , . 50, 91, 150, 181, 303 Nasik, ci., . . . 74 n., 150 n Naudari plates, . 250 Navagbana, Abhira k., 95 Navalgund, tq., . 61 Navasahasankacharita, wk., 181 and n. Nayachandrasuri, au., 88 Nayata, vi., . . . .. 276, 277, 278 Page. nazarana, customary present, 164 n. Nellikabulika, ep., ? . . . . . . . 339 Nemichandra, Jain au., . 107 n. Neminatha, Jain pontiff, . 88, 95, 99, 105 Nerur Grant, . . . . . . 323 Neulpur Plates of Subhakara,. 247, 248 and n. Nidadavole, 8. a. Niravadyanagara, vi.. . 28 Nidhanpur Plates of Bhaskaruvarman, 146 n. Nidhivara, ajnapti, . . . . . 339 Nigandu, Tamil lexicon,. 274 n. Nikumbhe-vamsa, dy., . 311 Nilakantha, god Siva, . . 264 Nilgund Inscription of Amogliavarsha I, 59 *., 337 n. nimba, tree, . . . . . . 64 Niravadyanagara, fortress, 28 Niravadya-Punyavallabha, off., . . . 323, 326 Nirppalani, vi.. . . . . 83 and n. Nirupama (Dhruva), Rasktrakuta k., . . 284 Nirupama-Vallabha, do. . . 231 Nirvvana-Narayana, ep. of Paramara Nara varman, . . . . 94, 104 and n. Nissanku Kommana, Tel. au., . 27 and n., 29 n. Nityapramodita, god, 100, 101, 109 Nityararsha, Rashtrakuta tit., , 161, 162 and n. Nityavarsha Indra-Narendra, Rashtrakuta k., 162, 163 Nityavarsha Nirupama-Vallabha, do. 162, 231 n. nivartana, 1. m., . . . . 61, 322, 326 Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, au., 30 Nizam-ul-Mulk, tit... 36 and n. Noduka-siri, donor,. . . . 124, 125 Nolambavadi, t. d., . 286 Nrihari, m., . . . . 17, 46 Nrivarman, Pratihara ch., . 280 Numerals, signs or symbols for : .: . 14, 69 2. . . . . 228, 241 . . . 14 14, 63, 67, 119,137 60 * 14, 137, 247 . . . . 69 4. . 241 137 30, 80, 100, . 200, . Nyaya. . . . . . . . 63, 119, 228 . 68, 228 .67, 119 64 . . . . . o, medial,.. octroi duties . Oddiyaraya, tit., , . . . . . . . . 69, 166, 241, 800 . . 218 . . 23

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INDEX 365 * 140 okkalatana, cultivation rights, Orcha State, Orissa, co., . Orsang, ri., . . . Page. * 60, 62 . 150 19, 32, 53 . 251 . . P . P. . . . . . . . 50 p, two signs for, 166 241 Pachchatardi, vi., . 199, 204 Pachchatri, vi., 206 Pachchatri, ln., . 194 and n., 199, 204, 210, 211, 213 Padma, Jain deily, . . . . 100, 110 Padmanabha, off., . . , 250 Padmanabba, poet, 310 Padmanabhadevasarman, Pathaka-, m., . 3, 9, 13 Padmagupta, poet, . . . . 181 Padmapani, form of Buddha, . . . 247 Padmata, m., . . 99, 106 Padur, vi., . . . 164 Paharpur, ri., . 172 and n. Pairi, ri., . . 49 Paisachi, dialect, 138, 152 n. Paithan Plates of Ramachandra, 155 n., 312 pala, nenit of weight, . . . 39 n., 244, 246 Pala, dy., . . . 196 Palakol, vi., . . 33 n. Palakonda, tq. . 26 Palasi-desa, 8. a. Halsi, co., . . 30.5 and n. Pale, 8. a. Manchikapalle, vi., Palha na, m., . . . . . . 100, 111 Pali, vi., * * . . . 53, 95 Pali, co., Palidhvaja, royal ensign, 324 Palivela, vi., . . . . . 29 n., 37, 39 Pallava, dy., . . . 53, 113 and 1., 137, 139, 141 n., 149, 150 and 1., 191, 337 n. Pallavachandra, m., . . . . . 63, 65 Pallavamalla-Chaturvedimangalam, Urodagam, vi., . . . 232 n. Pallika, 8. a. Pali, vi., . . . . 95, 105 Palluri-Sailavaram, vi., . . . 17, 38, 40, 46 Pamasakhotaka, ca., . . . . 339 painchariyamantra, . . . . . 107 n. Pampa, poet, . . . . . . 164 n., 285 n. Panada, t. d., . . . 283 and 1., 287, 288 n. Panara, 1. u.. . . . . . . 19, 24 Panchadhara, "., . . . 16, 19, 21, 22, 23, 40, 41, 43 Panchadharala, vi., . panchajanya, Vishnu's cunch, . 88 Panchala deba, co., . . Page. Panchali, dialect, . Panchamahapataka, 'the five great sins', 202 Panchanana, 3. a. Siva, god, . . . 5, 10 Panchayat, 'committee', . . . 244, 245 Pandarangapalli Plates of Avidheya, i 337 Pandava, family, . . . . . 49 n. Pandava, 8. a. Somavamsi, dy., . . 227 Pandiyanar, Pandya k., . . 231 Pandya, dy., . . . 113, 231, 274, 324 Pangal, fort, . . . . 35 and n., 37 n. Pangal, 8. a. Nalkonda, vi., . . . 35, 37 Pangal-Nalkonda, fort, panigrahi, off., . 278 n. Panini, grammarian, . . . 63, 156 16. Parakesarin, Chola tit., . . 82 Parakesarin, tit. of Uttama Chola, . . 113 Parakesarivarman, Chola tit., . . 112 and n., 113, 234, 235 Parakesarivarman, Madiraikonda, Cholu li., . . . . . 112, 230 Parakesarivarman, $. a. Parantaka I, Chola k., . . . . . . 113 n. Paramabhagavalu, ep., . . 236, 239 Paramabhugaratu, ep. of Chandragupta II, 136 Paramabhagavata, ep. of the Salankayana k. Vandivarman II, . . . . 136 n. Paramabhagu cata, ep. of Samudragupta, . 135 Paramabhaltaraka, lit., . 7, 69, 77, 81, 162, 168, 189, 240 and 1., 248 Paramubrahmakshatriya, ep., Paramadevatudhidaivatu, ep., . . 240 n. Parainadikshita, ep., Paramuguru, lit., . . . . 248 Paramamahesvara, tit., 38 and n., 69, 76 n., 136 n., 160, 248 n., 269 Paramanarusivha, lit., . . . . 3, 7 Paramura, dy., . 70, n., 85, 92, 94, 129 n., 177, 178, 181, 182 Paramara, eponymous hero, . . 178, 183, 184 Paramara kingdom, . . . . . 180 Paramardin, biruda of the Chalukya k. 288 Vikramaditya VI, ... . 182 .. .. 238 n. Paramartha, au., . .' . . 238 n. Paramasaugata or Saugata, Buddhist ep., . 76 n., 248 n., 315, 316, 317 Paramavaishnara, ep., . . . . 7, 279 Paramavaishnari, ep., . . . 248 n. Paramnesvara, lit., . . . 3, 7, 69, 162, 168, 189, 242, 246, 248, 269, 315, 317, 318, 322, 324 Parananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, 76 and n., 78, 80 Parantaka, Chola k., , . 82, 83, 84, 113 n., * 114 and 1., 231 Paruntaka, sur. of Mahimalaya, , . 83 70

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366 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI 59 141 n. Page. Periplus, . . . . 274 Permadi (Vikramaditya VI), W. Chalukya 306 Perumana digal, ep., . . . . . 233 n. Peshwas, Mahratta ruling family, 194 Perunkudi, vi., . . . . 276 Petenika, Pitinika, frihe, 338 ph, Phanisvara, Myth. serpent, . . . 99, 108 Pikira Grant of Simhavarman, . Pillalamarri, vi., . . . . . 25 Pinnasani, ri., . . 17, 38, 40, 46 Pimnundi, Pina-Undi, Pinnundior Pinyundi, ch., . . . . . 16, 34, 39, 44, 45 Pina-Mada-Nayudu, Recherla ch., : . 32 Pimparipadraka, vi., . . . . Pippalapadra, s. a. Piplia, vi... 213 Piprod, 8. a. Pimparipadraka, vi., . Pirantakadeva, 8. a. Parantakadeva, Chola k., . '. . . . . 235 Piritipatiyar, 8. a. Prithvipati II, Ganga k., Pishtapura, 8. a. mod. Pithapuram, vi., . 133 and 321 53 53 113 Page. Parantaka I, Chola k., . . 112, 113, 230, 232, 234 Parantakadeva, do. . . . 230, 234 Parantakan.Viragolan, 8. a. Mahimalaya Irukkuvel, ch., . . . . . 83 Parabara-Dharmasamhita, wk., . . 157 n. Parasarebvara, s. a. Paradesvara, god, 126, 127 Parasika, co., . . . . . 324 . . Parasuramesvara, god, . 126, 127 Pardi Plates of the Traikutaka Dahrasena, 301 parigrahi, off., . . 112 n. parijata, myth. tree, . 16 Parinirvana, . . . parivedana, 8. a. parivitti, . 180 n. parivilli, a sin, . . . 180 and n., 185 Parlakimedi Plates of Indravarman II Rajasiroha, . . . . 331, 333 n. Parsva or Parovanatha, Jain Tirthankara, 85, 86, 87, 88, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105 and n., 108 and n., 109, 110, 111, 316 Parvati, goddess . . . 39 n., 201, 206, 257, 264, 274 paca, 'girdle'. . 118 Pasupata, sect, 38 and n. pataka, . . . . 69, 269 Pataliputra, ca., . 303, 304 n. Patanga-Sivacharya, teacher, . . . Patanikhanda-vishaya, t. d., . , 167, 168, 169 Pathaka, tit., . * 3,9 Pathar, l., . 84, 101 Patiakella Grant, * 240 n. Patna Inscription of Simhana, . . . 129 n. Patna Museum Plates o Somesvara, 276 paffabandha, ceremony, 163 pattala . . . . . . . 69, 71 Pattan, vi., . 147 Pattan Plates of Pravarasina II, 137 n., 141 n. Patteoa, vi., . . . 16, 38, 40, 41, 46 paffi, 8. a. pata or pataku, l. m., . . 139 n. Pulur, vi., . . . . 83 Patvardhan, Mahratta ruling family, . . 194 Paundravardhana-bhukti, dn., . . 3, 8, 12 Pauni, vi., . . . . . . 147 Pavira (Paramara), Rapam, . 183 Podakomati-Vema, Reddich., . * 32, 33, 34 n. Padakondapuri or Pedakonda, vi., . 16, 21, 24, 25, 26, 40, 41, 43 pedapalaka, off., . Poda-Undiraja, ch. of the Solar race, Peda-Vedagiri, Reddich., . . . Peddapuram, vi., . . Penthama-bhukti, dn., . perggavunda, off., 60, 62 Pithapuram, vi., . . .19, 24, 33 Pitryarya, 8. a. Pituja, donee, . . . 154 Pituja, donee, . . . . * 152, 154 Podagadh Inscription, . 49 n., 52 n. Poinad, 8. a. ancient Panada, ri., . 287 n. Polavaram, vi., . . 33 n. Poli-Nayandu, Koppula ch., . . 22 n. Ponduru Plates of Vajrahasta II, 327 n., 329, 332, 335 Poona Plates of Prabhavatsgupta, . 139 n., 148, 157, 158 Popali, m., . * . . 100, 112 Potal, t. d., . . 78 Pothasiri, 8. a. Prishthasriya, Kausambi k., . . . . . . 298, 299 7. Potoda, t. d., . 75, 77, 78, 79, 82 potra, tax, . 218 Prabandhachintamani, wk., . 179 n., 181 n., 182 n., 208 n. Prabandhakosa, wk., . . . . 92 Prabhakara, Malava k., . 131 n. Prabhavatigupta, Gupta q., . 139 n., 141, 148 and n., 149, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160 Prabhulavorsha, Rashtrakuta til., . 161, 162 n., 250 pradhani, off., . . . . 33 Pradyumna, god of love, . . . . 265 Pragjyotisha, co., . . * 4 n., 11 Pragjyotishendra, tit., . Pragvatavamsa, family,. . . 99, 105 239

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INDEX 367 Page. . 239 394 112 228 h. Page Prakasaditya ep., of Vishnugupta, . 237 n. Prithviraja-raso, poetical wk.,.. 87 pralaya, , . i 180 Prithvirojavijaya, wk., . . 87, 88, 90, 91, 02, pramatrin, off., . . . 199, 202, 206, 218 93, 94, 96 prapaya, customary present, . 154 n. Prithvishena, Vakataka k., 144, 145, 147, Prapittacharya, donor, . 127 and n. 166, 160 Pratapalamkesvara, ep., . . 97, 105 Prithvishena I, Vaka taka k., , . 145, 146, 160 Pratapasimha, Pratihara k., . 280 Prithvishena II, Vaka taka k., . 51, 52, 139 n., 141, pratiga paka, sub-division, . . .100, 101 142, 145, 148, 160 Prattbara, family, . . 186, 191, 192, 193, 280 Prithvivallabha, tit., . . . 162, 231, 322, 324 pratihara, off., . . . . . 192, 272 Prithvivarman, Ganga k., . 166 Pratishthitachandra, m., . Priyamitrasvamin, donee, . 239 Pratishtha-sagara, wk., . 12 n. Prolambika, Tel. Choda q., 16, 18, 42 Pratityasamutpada-sutra, Buddhist sacred Prolaya I, Koppula ch., . . . . 22 n. text, . . . . . . . 171 Prolaya II, Koppula ch., . . . . 22 n. Pravaras: Prolaya-Nayaka, Koppula ch., Atrey-archchananasa-syavasva, . 79: n., 82 Prolaya Vema, Reddik., . . 26, 27 n. Aurava-Chyavana-Bhargava-Jamadagnya Ptolemy, traveller, . . . 274 apnavana, . . . . Pulaichohi-Raniyar, Rashtrakuta q... 231 and R. Bandhula-Aghamarshana-Visvamitra, 69, 73 Pulakemi-Janasraya, Chalukya k., . 188, 189 pravanikara, tax, . . . . . Pulakosin II, W. Chalukya k., . 51, 53 and 1., 340 Pravarapura, Vakafaka ca., 51, 148, 157 Pulakesivallabha, W. Chalukya k., Pravararaja, k., . . . 229 n. Pulasakti, Silahara pr., . . . . 286 Pravarasena, Vaka taka k., . 141 and n., Pullamangalam, 8. a. Pullamangai, vi., 142, 143, 144 and n., 146, Pulomburu Plates of Madbavavarman, 151, 159, 160 229 Pravarasena I, do. . . 142, 144, 145, Pundravarddhana, vi., 76 146, 147, 148, 150, 154 Pundravarddhana, co., . . . 78, 79, 82 Prayerasena II, do. . . 137 and n., Punyarasi, m., . . . . . 99, 106 139, 141, and n., 142, 144, punyavachana, purificatory ceremony, 38 . 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 156 n., Punyavarma, k. of the Bhoja family, . . 338 n. - 156 and n., 167 and n., 168 Puramtaka, 8. a. Siva, god, . . .100, 100 Pravarasena III, do. . 147 Puranas, . . . 52, 64, 142, 148 and n., Pravira, I do. . 144 r., 150, 151 n. . 150, 301, 304, 317 n. prayana-danda, taz, . . . . 165 n. Purananuru, wk., . * 274 n. Prince of Wales Museum Plates of Mummuni, 287 n. Purasa, m., 8. a. Purushottama, . 73 n. prish thamatras, . . . 177 and n., 305 Purattaya-naau, dt., 274, 276 prish fhamatras, to indicate medial dip. Purigere, dt., . . 61 thongs, . . . . . . 256 Purika, I., . . . . 160, 161 Prishtbasriya, Kausambi, k., 298, 299 and n. Puribai-nadu, dn., . 234, 236 Prithivimallavarman, Bhojn k., . . 338, 339 pirnimanta, . . 100, 327 Prithiviparvata, ca., . . . 339 Purpnaditya, Nala k., (8), 56 and n. Prithudaka, 8. a. Paoba, vi., . . 117 n. | Purnnatalla, Chahamana k., 89, 90, 97, Prithvi, godde88, . . . . 11 n. 103 Prithvideva, Chahamana k. of sakhambari, . 101 purdhita, off., . . . 199, 202, 206, 211, 216, Prithvideva, Kalachuri k., 256 n. 220, 272 Prithvideva II or Prithvipala, Kalachuri Purshottampuri Plates of Ramachandra, . $12 k., . . . . 257, 258 and n., 266 Purugupta or Puragupta, Gupta k., . 236 and n. Prithvipala, Kalachuri k., . atachuri k., . . . . 256 n., 264 237, 238 Prithvipati, Ganga k., . . 114 and n. Purushottama, m., . . 17, 47, 73 Prithvipati II, Ganga k., . 112, 113 and n. Purushottamadeva, k. of Orissa, 276 Prithviraja, Nala k., . . 49, 50, 53 Purushottama, Dikshita, . Prithviraja, Chahamana k., 92, 97, 104 Purushottama-mathika, te., Prithviraja I, do. . . 93, 98 Pururavas, Myth. k., . . . Prithviraja II, do. Purvasirnhasanadhtavara, cit. of Annadava, . . . 89 284 ... 96, 98

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI 245 Page. Pushkar, vi., , . 91 Pushkara-tirtha, I., . 93 Pushkar, Nala ca., . 52 pushpa-patta, . . Pushpavanta,. . 184 n. Pushyadeva or Pushyena, k., founder of the Saindhava dy., . 186, 187, 180, 192, 196, 223 Pashyagiri-panehali, t. d., . , . 63, 64 push yasnana, ceremony, . Pashyana or Pushyadeva, Saindhava ruler, 187 Putina, god. . . . . . 100, 109 204 Page. Rajahmundry, ci., . . 40 Rajahmundry, Redoi ca., . , . . 32 Rajahmundry Museum Plates of Annadeva, 14, 39 Rajaditya, Chola pr., . . . 61, 84 and n. Rajakesarin or Rajakesurivarman, Chola lit., . . 82, 83, 84 and n., 113, 233 Rajamahendra, fortress, . . 28 Rajamahendranagara, ca., 28 rajamatya, off., ... rajanaka, off. (?), . . 169 Rajan, tit., . 298, 299 Rajaputane ka Itihasa, wk. 86 n. rajaputra, . . . . 169 Rajaraja I, Chola k., , . . 82, 84 n., 233 Rajaraja (1)--Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., . . . . . . . 335 Rajarajap-Pandinalu, t. d., . , 274, 275 Rajabokhara, author, . .. 140, 285 Rajasthani, dialect, . 87 rajasthaniya, off., . . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Muslim ruler, . 281 R 220 63 315 50 89 254 * 24, 32 61, 285 50, 198 , doubling of consonant preceding and following . . . . 156, 283 , non-duplication and re-duplication of consonants after . . . . 171 >>, doubling of consonants after-, 50, 63, 69, 75, 86, 115, 132, 139, 249, 256, 269, 276, 322 , doubling of consonants before , r, consonants not doubled after --- with developed serif, . . . r, two forms of . . Rachakonda, fort, 19, 27 Rachakonda, principality, . Rachamalla, Ganga k., . Radha, t. d.,. . . 316 Radhanpur Plates of Govinda III, 197 Raesa, hist, wk., . . . Raghunayaka, myth, hero, 8. a. Rama, Raghuvamea, wk., Muuam 8a, W ., . . . 11n. . . Ragolu Plates of Saktivarman, . 132 Rahaka, m., . . . . 99, 107 Raban Plates of Govindachandra, Rahularuchi, religious preceptor, 248 Raichur, fort,. . . . Rai Lakhminya, 8. a. Lakshmanasena, Senak. 4 n. Raja, tit., 168 raja, 03., . . 272 Raja Chandal, k., . Rkjadhiraja, Chola k., 163 Rajadhiraja, tit., . . . . . Bajadevi, Chahamana q., . . . 93,.98, 104 Bussjagbat, suburb of Benares, . . . 268 Rajaghat Plates of Govindachandra, . 268 87 * 17 Rajaturangini, Hist. Sans. wk., . . 87, 315 n., Rajatiraja, tit., . . . 295, 296, 297 Rajondracholadeva I, Chola k., .. . 233 n., 274 Rajim, vi., . . . 49, 52, 53, 54, 55 and n., 229 n. Rajim Stone Inscription of the Nala king Vilasatunga, . . . . 49 Rajivalochana, god, . . 49, 54, 55 and n. rajni, off., . . . 272 Rajukonda, vi., . . . . . 36 Ramabhadra, epic hero, . . . , Ramabhadra, Pratihara k., . . 191, 192, 193 Rama or Ramachandra, epic hero, . 49, 55 n., 178, 184, 188, 191, 201, 205, 245 Ramachandra, Yadava k., . . 128, 129, 312 Ramachandra, m., . . . . . 17, 46 Ramacharita, wk., . . 316 n. Ramadeva, engraver, . . . . 307 Ramadevi, Sena q., . . . . 6, 11 and n. Ramagupta, Gupta k., 237, 285 Rama, Kovuri-, m., . 17, 46 Ramapala, Pala k., . . 316 Rama Punyavallabha, m., 323 Ramatirtham Plates of Madhavavarman II, 229 n. Ramayana, epic wk., 188, 317 Ramendu, m., . . . . . 99, 106 Rampal Plate of Srichandra, . 316 n. Ramtek, vi., . . . * 168 Ranas of Porbandar, . 187 Ranabhanja, Bhanja ch., . . 277 Rapadhavala, Paramara pr., . 1 80 70 30 31

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INDEX 369 Page. Rithapur Plates of Bhavadattavarman, 51,52 n., 157 n. Ritviks, . . . . . . 39 n. Roku(?), m., . : 176 n. Rudra m., donee, * 218 Ruddajja, donee, .. . 152, 154 Rudra, Tomara pr., 8.a. Rudra pala, . . 91 Rudradaman, Saka k., . . 198, 297 Rudradatta, scribe,. . 133 n. Rudradeva, Kalachuri k., . 256 n. Rudraditya, min., . . 181 Rudrakshamahatmya, wk., . 315 n. Rudrarva, s.a. Ruddajja donee, . 154 Rudrasena, Vaka taka k., . 143, 144, 145, 150, 159, 160 Rudrasena I, Vakataka k., . . 142, 144, 145, 150, 154 n. Ridrasena II, Vaka taka k., 144, 145, 147 and ni, 148 and n. Rudrapala, Tomara pr., . . . 91 Rulupurisadata, Ikhaku k., . 124, 125 rupaka, fig. of speech, . 302 n. Rupachintamanikosha, wk., 315 n. 88 Page. Ranaka, Saindhava k., 190, 193, 194, 195, 196, 203, 208, 209, 211, 212, 213, 215, 224 ranaka, off., . . . . . . 12 Ranaka I, Saindhava k., . . . . 191 Ranaka-vara, ep., . . . . . 92, 104 Ranakesarin, Somurarsi pr., . 53 and n. Rasalladevi, Chahamana q., . , 93, 98, 104 Ras Mala, wk., . . . 180 n., 182 and n. Rashtrakuta, dy., . . 60, 61, 70, 71 n., 84, 114, 161, 163, 164, 181, 182, 191, 196, 230, 231 and n., 232, 233, 337 and n. Raso, uk., Ratagarb, t. d., 78 Ratanpur, vi., . . . 53 Ratanpur Stone Inscription of the reign of Prithvideva II, . 255 Rathikas, tribe, . 338 Ratnadeva II, Kalachuri k., 258 and n. Ratnaditya, Chapa ruler, . . 191 Ratnagiri, vi., . . . 51 Ratnapura, vi., 257 Ratta Ballaha, Rash trakula k. Krishna III, 231 n. ratira, 8. a. rashtra, . . 166 Rattaraja, Silahara k., . 283 Ravula parti, vi., . Ravu Singa, Rachakonda ch. Ravu Singa, II, Velama ch., Rayas of Vijayanagara, . 29 Ravagad Plates, 323 Rayakkudi, vi., . 275 Raynpitamaha, tit.;. 128, 129, 306 Rayata, vi., . . . . . 100, 101, 112 Rera, ri., $. <<. Narmada, . . . 0, 97 Revakanimmadi, Rashtrakufa, princess, . 61 Revana, 6. a. Randholapura, ni., . 97, 100, 101, 112 Revanta, yod, le. of -, . . . . 258 1.. Revasa Stone Inscription, 93 Revati, ri., . , 99, 100, 101, 105, 108, 111 Revatija, m., . . . Revati-kunda, pond, . . .100, 101, 110 Revatyarya, 8. a. Revatija, donee, 154 Recharla, family, . . . 32 and n. ri vsed for ri, . . . . . . 283 Riddbapur Plates of Prabhavatigupti, . 149 Rikshavat, 3. a. mod. Satpura, mo.,. . 151 Rimchchhesvara, god, . . 99, 109 Rindhuwal, 3. a. Ramadhavala, . 180 n. repha doubling of the consonant following 14 Rishabhadeva, Jaina Tirthankara, 87 Rishabhadeva, teacher(?), . . . . 244 n. 26 32 (r), cursive form of-, . . . . 294 n. 8, dental, . . . . . . 69, 319 , looped and unlooped forms of . 300 8, used for e, . . . . 60, 75, 86, 268, 276 sa, Marathi affir, . . . . . 139 n. s, substituted for 8. . . . . 14, 305 sa-bhoga-bhaga, privilege, . . . . 254 Sacrifices : Agniebtoma, . . . . . 120 Aptoryama, . . . 120, 141, 151, 154, 159 Asvamedha, . . . 302 n. Atiratra. . . . 120, 122, 141 n., 164 n. Atyagnishtoma, . . . . . 120 Brihaspatisava, . . . 141, 154 Jyotishtoma, . . 141 and n., 151, 154 and n. Sadyaskra, . . . . . 141, 154, 159 Sapta-soma-salistha, . . . : 120 Shodasin . . . . . . 120 'Triratra, . . . 122, 123 Ukthya, *120, 122, 141 n., 154 n., 159 Vajapega, . . . 120, 141, 151, 154, 159 sa-danda-dae-aparadha, privilege, 254 Sadappula (Sadu Appula), m, . . 17 Sadasiva, image of.--, Sena emblem, . . 2 Sadasiva, god, . . . Saduktikarnamrita, wk., . Sagar, fort. . . . . 31 152, 154 10 n. 16 DGA

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370 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI Page. 30 272 30 Page. sa-loha-lavan-akara, privilege, 272 Salonabhanjadeva, Bhanja ch., . 276, 277, 278, 279 salt, exemption from purchase and digging of, . . . . . . . 154 Saluva-Gopa-Tippa, author of the Taladi. pika, . . . . . . . Samamta, Chahamana pr., 88, 89, 90, 97, 103 8a-mancha-maha-karana, privilege, . 153 samanta, off., . . . . . . . 89, 169 Samantasena, Sena k., . . . . 5, 10 Samantavarman, Ganga k., . . . 66 Samatata, t..., . . . . . 315, 316 sa-matsy-akara, privilege,. . 272 Sambhar, Samburayasthapakah, name of a tala, . 30 Sambhuyabas, k., . . . . . 240 n. sardhivigrahin, off., . . Samgameka, god, . . . 100, 109 Samkshobha, Parivrajaka k., 77, 228 n. Samrat, tit., . . . 142, 154 Samudragupta, Gupta k., . . 116, 135, 136, 237, 302 and n., 304, 337 n. samya, proprietary rights, . . . . 60, 62 Sanchi, vi.. . . 117 sandhi, correct observance of- . . 132, 249 sandhi, rules of--, not observed, 75, 86, 126, 198, 90 75 n. 167 242 Sagar, ui., . . . , 30, 31 n., 34 n. Sagara, vi., . . . . 16, 29, 30, 40 Sagara, encyclopaediac wk., . . * 12 n. Sagara, donee, . . . . . . 218 Sagaradurggadivipa tah, name of a tala, sa-gartt-Oshara (?), privilege, . so-hirany-adana, privilege, . . 254 sahityadarpana, wk., . 103 n. Sahitya Parishad Plate of Visvarupasena, . 9 n. Sahityavidya, myth. personality, . . 140 Sahasanka (Chandragupta II), Gupta k., . 285 Sahasrarjuna, myth. ancestor of the Kalachuris, . . . . . 257 n. Saheth Maheth Plate of Govindachandradeva, . . . . . . . 269 Sahyaja 8.a. Krishna, ri., . 23 Sailodbhava, dy., . . Saindhava, dy., : . . 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200, 210, 212, 214, 219 Saindhava, kingdom, 193, 194, 196, 199, 209 Saivite emblem on Salankayana seals, . 136 n. Saiva, sect. . . . 21, 38 and n., 76 n., 121 Saiva-Brahmanas, sect, . i 16 Saivalini, ri., . . 1, 7, 11 ma-jalasthala, privilege . 272 Sajjana, off., . . . . . . 95, 105 Saka, dy., . . . 197, 198 Saka satraps, . . . . . . 148 n. Sakaradya, Gupta ep., : Sakhae - Chhandoga, . . . . . . 133 Kanva, . 75, 79, 82 Kanthuma, . . . . . 3, 9, 13 Taittiriya, . . 157 Vajasaneya, . . . . . 69 n. Sakambhara or Sakambhari, goddess, . . 88 Sakambhara, 8.a. Sambhar, lake, 88, 90, 101, 103 n. Sakambhari, Imperial Chahamanas of-, . 84 Kathacharendra-dhvaja, royal emblem, . . 131 n. Saktivarman, Kalinga k., . . . . sa-klipt-opa-kliptah, privilege, . 161 Saktidhara, m., . . 75, 79 and n., 82 Saktikumara, Guhila pr., . . . . 92 Sa-kutuppanta, privilege, . . . 153 sakuntalam, wk., . . 32 n., 302 n. Sakyamuni, 8.a. Buddha, 172 n., 320, 321 Salanaka, vi., . 283, 288 and n. Salankayana, dy., 136 n., 138 n. Salapaka, vi., . . . . . 283 n. Salapraka, vi., 283 n. Salavana, Tomara ch., 91 and n. Salinde, ri., . , 288 Salmoli, tree, . 237 336 sandhivigrahika, off., . . . . 239 Sangam age, . . . . . . 274 Sanghadeva, m., . 115, 117, 118 Sangli Plates of Govinda IV, . . 163, 231, n. Sangoli Grant of Harivarman, * 152 n. Sangraon, vi., . . . . . . 245 sa-nidhi, privilege, . . . . . 153, 161 8Q-nidhy-upanidhi, privilege, . 278 Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I, . 285 Sankhadhara, m., . 215 Sankara, god, . . . . 192, 201, 206, 214. 215, 219, 224 Sankaradhara, m., . . . . 3, 10, 13 sankha, emblem on seal, . . . . 268 Sankhayana Srautasulra, wk., . . . 122 n. Sankramanas :Makara, . . . . . 161 Uttarayana, . 164 n., 198 Santa-Bommali Plates of Indravarman II,. 329. 331 Santa-Bommali Plates of Nandavarman, . 327 n., 330, 331 Santikara, Bluumu k., . . . 126 n., 248 n. Santinatha, Jain Pontifs, Sapadalaksha, co., 8a-parnn-akara, privilege, . 272 99 65

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INDEX 371 40 231 . . 289 Shathikai, sua scriptores: Page. Sapta-Godavaram, ri., Sapta-matikas, goddesses, 117 n. saptaparnna, tree, . . 65 Saptasagara, a mahadana, 16, 38 and n. Sarabhapura, dy., . . 52 Sarabhapura, ci., . . 52 and n., 53, 228, 229 and n. Sarada, goddess of speech, . . 88, 103 and n. Sarakhu Maluka Jainadi Vodaya, 8.a. Sharq Malik Zian-ud-din, off., . . 36 Sarasvati, goddess, . . 15, 205 Sarepha, vi., . . 239, 240 Sarephahara, dn., . 239, 240 sarjja, tree, . . . 64 Sarangarh, vi., 52, 229 n. Saranga, name of a horse, . 93 Sarnga, Vishnu's bow,.. 88 Sarngadhara paddhati, wk., 182 Sarvachandra, engr., . 63, 65 Sarvadeva, m., . . . . 18, 48 sarv-adhyaksha-niyoga-niyuktah, off., . . 154 n. Sarvasena, Vakataka k.,. . 141. and n., 142, 143, 146, 147, 151, 153 Sarvva-raj-ochchhetta, ep. of Samudragupta, 135 sarvoa-vishti-parihara-parihtita, privilege, 161 and n. fasana, . . . . . . 97 Sasanka, k. of Gauda, . . . . 131, 227 Sasi-nripa, 8.a. Chandraraja II, Chahamana k., . . . . . . 90, 91, 98 Satamagha, Kausambi k., . . . . 304 n. Satamanyu, 8.a. Indra, god, . 99, 105 Satavahana, dy., . . 74 n., 136 n., 150, 300 satra, feeding house. * . 23 Satrudamana, pr., . Satvats, mo., . . 338 Satyasraya, tit., 322 Satyavarman, Ganga k., . 175 and n. Saubhagyesvara, te.of . . 90, 109 laulkika, off.,. 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220, 291 Sauraseni, dialect, . . 138 and n., 151 n., 152 n. Saurashtra, co., . . . . . 189, 209 Savara, s.a. Siva, . . . . . 65 n. Savaranandi-sarman, m., . * 63, 65 Savarapa, donee, . . . . . 167, 171 sava-pariharehi-pariharito, privilege,. . 149 savvajati pariharaparihitain, privilege, 149, 153 Sayyid Ali, au. of Burhan-i-M'-asir, 25, 30, 34, 35, 36 and n., 37 and n. se, Hindi affix, . . 139 n. se, Sindhi affix, . 139 n. Seasons of the year :gimha or grishma-paksha, . 297, 298 Hemanta, . . . . 140, 300 n., 340 Varsha, . . . . . . 298 Page. Sedhakhaika, 8.a. Shedkai, vi., . . . 204, 205 Sembiyan-Mahabali-Vanarayar, tit. of Prithvipati II, . . . . . 112, 113 Sena, dy., . . . , 2, 3, 4 n., 12 8ena pati, off., . . . . 199, 202, 211, 272 Sengalur, vi., . 275 Senturaka, vi., . . 206 Seramanar, Chera k., Sesha, lord of serpents, . . 257, 264 Set-Mahet Inscription of Vidyadhara, . 70, 71 n. Seuna (Seunachandra II), Yadava k., . * 311 n. Seunadesa, 8.a. Khandesh, t.d., . 311 sh, wrongly substituted for kh., . 269 Shadanana, god, shad-darsana,. . 107 n. shad-drishti, s.a. shad-dar sana, . . 107 n. shadgunya, 'the sixfold political expedients', 107 n. shadjiva, the six elements,' . . 106 n. Shams-ud-din, Bahamani ch., . . . 20 Shapur Inscription of Adityasena, 242, 243 n. shackarmas, . . . . . . 106 n. Shatkhamdagama, rel. wk., 106 n. Shedkai, 8.a. Seahakhaika, vi., . 204 Shergadh Inscription of Udayaditya, . . 178 n. Shodasin, sacrifice,. . 120, 141 n., 154 n. Shodasya, sacrifice, . . 169 Sholinghur record, . . . 112, 113, 114 Siddha, s.a. Siddharaja Jayasimha, Chau Lukya k., . Siddhas, sages,' . 117 Siddhalingamadam, vi., . Siddhanta, . . . . . . Siddhantam Plates of Devendravarman, 63,327 n. Siddharaja-Jayasimha, Gujarat Chalukya k., 180 Siddharaja, 8.a. Chalukya Jayasimha, k.,. 94 Siddhesvara, god, . . . . . 100, 109 Sidivivaraka, I., . . . . . 159 Sihapura, vi., . . 133 n. Sikhandi-Vahana, god, 224 Silabhanja, Bhanja ch., . 276 Siladitya, Maitraka k., . Silahara, dy., . . . 282 and n., 283 Silaharas, Northern-, dy., 283 Silara, 8.a. Silabara, dy., . . 286, 290 Simdhala, m., . . 93, 104 Simga, k., . . . . . . 16, 43 Simgana, m., . . . . . . 17, 47 Simgaya, m., . . . . . 17, 18, 46 Simgaya, Sriram-Adima (Peda)-, m., . 17, 48 Simgaya, Kolala palli Adima-, m., . . 48 Simgaya, Kolalapalli Adima (Peda)-, m., . 17, 18 Simghata, Chahamana k., . . . 92, 98, 104 Simhacbalam, vi.. . . 19, 22 and n., 28, 32 and n., 33 182 232 84 339 76 n. 16 DGA

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372 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXVI Page. Simhadavilli, vi., . . . . . 3, 8, 13 Sinhadri, s.a. Simhachalam, vi., 28, 32 n. Simhala, co.,. . . . . . 324. Simha-lanchhana, royal emblem, . . 131 n. Simhana, Yadava k., 129 and n. Simhapura, vi., . . 133 and n. Simharat, Chahamana k., . 90, 91, 98, 104 Sirin havarman, Malava k., . 131 Sinhavarman, Pallava k., 141 n. Simhipura (Santa-Bommali) Plates of Dhar. . . . . . . 334, 335 Sindhu, ri.. 186 93 32 111 Sindhu-dosa, 8.a. modern Sindh, co., . Sindhuraja, Paramara k.,. . 181 Singa, ch., . . . . 21, 24 Sjoga or Singaya, Korukonda ch., 24 and n., 41 Singa, Rachakonda ch., . . Singama Nayudu, Recherla ch., . Singhana, Yadava k., , 183 Singoli, estate,. . . 102 Sinichara na, vi., . . 175, 176 Siri-Rulupurisadata, Ikhaku k., . . . 124, 125 Sirivara, vi.. . . . . . . 60, 62 Siroda Plates of Devaraja, . 338, 339 Sirohi-rajya ka Itihasa, wk., . 95 n. Sirpur, vi., . 50, 51, 52, 53, 54 and n., 55, 229 n. Sirpur Stone Inscription of Maha-SivaguptaBalarjuna, . . . 50, 227 Sirshagrama, vi., 159 Sirur Inscription of Amoghavarsha, 59 n. Sidupalavadha, wk., . . . . . Sitabaldi, vi., . 182 Siva, god. . . 15, 16, 18, 28, 38, 39 n., 65 n., 82, 91, 100, 178, 180, 184, 233, 257, 275, 284 and n., 316 Sivakara, Bhauma k., . . 247 Sivalilavilasam, wk., . . . 27 n., 29 n. Sivalinga Reddi, Reddi k., . 25 Sivamagha, Gautamiputra., Kausambik., 298, 299, 301 Sivananda, Nanda k. of Orissa, . 76 and n., 78, 81 Sivanandi, Somavane pr., . . 53 Sivapriya, 8.a. Parvati, goddess, * 318 n. Sivapuraka, vi., 339 Sivaraja, k., . . 240 n. Sivaratri-mahatmyamu, wk., 38 n. Sivarudra, m., . . . . . . 213, 216 Sivarya, 8.a. Sivajja, donee, 154 Sivasakti, donee, . . . Sivaskandavarman, Paiiava i., . 138 and n., 139, 141 n., 149 Siwalik Hills, . . . 90 Siwalik Pillar Inscription, 96 Siwani Plates of Pravarasena II, 144, 156 n. Page. Siyaka, Paramara k., 181 Siyaka, m., . . . . 99, 100, 107, 110 Skandagupta, Gupta k., . . 136, 236, 237, 238 and n., 242 n., 243 Skanda-Purana, wk., 270 Skandavarman, Nala k.,. 52 and n. Snake, emblem on banner, . 82 n. Sobhanarasa, off., . . 61 Solanki, clan, . . . 180 Sollana or Sulhana, off., . 93, 94, 104 Soma, Telugu Choda pr., . 16, 18, 42 Somadatta, k., . . 240 and n. Somadeva, Court-poet of the Chahamana k., Vigraharaja, . . . . 96 Somadeva, m., . . 307 Somalekha, 4.9. Somalladevi, Chahamana g., Somalladevi, Chahamana q., . , 93, 98, 104 Somanatha, tn., . . 92, 94, 199 Somanatha, god, 256 n., 257, 267 Somapa, donee, . . 167, 171 Somavamsi, dy., . . 49 and n., 52 and n., 53, 55, 67, 227, 228, 229 and n., 230 Somesa, god, . . . . . 100, 109 Somesvara, 8.a. Somanatha, vi., . . 199, 202 Somesvara, Chahamana k., . 84, 93, 97, 98, 105 Somesvara I Ahavamalla, W. Chalukya k., 179 Somesvara II, do. . . . . 179 n. Somesvara III, do. . 306 Somesvaradeva, Silahara k., 128 Somesvara-Pandita, m., 310 Sonagara branch of the Chahamanas, 95 Sonepur, 8.a. Suvarnnapura, tn. 277 Soniga, m., . 100, 112 Sonwaria, vi., . 8-opajat-anya-vastukam, privilege, 278 8-opanidhi, privilege, . . . . 153, 167 Soratur inscription of Krishna II, 59 and n. Soro Plates of Bhanudatta, 239, 240 and n. sraddha, . . . 157, 158 sravaka, . . . . . . . 106 n. Sresh thin, com., 99 Sreshthibhushana, tit., 107 Srideva, Kalachuri k., * 256 n. Srideva, m., . . . 115, 117, 118 and n. Srikantha (Siva), god, . . 257, 266 srikarani, off., . . . . . . 128, 129 Srikrishna, god, . 31 Sriksishna, m., . 17, 48 Srikrishnamayya, m., 17,48 Srikurmam, vi., . . . . 32, 167 Srimala-pattana, 8.a. Bhinmal, ci., . 99, 101, 105 Srimalasaila, mo., . . . . 105 Srimargga or Srfpatha, l., 8. a. Bayana vi., . 03 Srinatha, poet, . . 29 n., 34 n., 38, 39, 40 213 306

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INDEX 373 Page. 9 n. Suravara or Suravaram, vi., . 16, 21, 26 and n., 27, 43 Saravarapattana or Saravaram, tn., Suravira, k., . . . . . . 178 Surparaka, I., . . . . 286 n. Surya, god, . . . 39 n. Suryaghosha, k. of the Varman family, 229 n. Suryavarman, Maukhari pr., . . .229, 230 stradhara, off., . Sutradhara, artisan, . 51, 100, 111 suvarna, coin, . . . 163 Suvarnamasjari, dn., 194, 213, 218 Suvarnameru, gift, . . . . 17, 39 n. Suvarnavarsha, tit., . . . . 161, 162 n. Svamikaraja, ch., . 339 Svarnamanjarl, 8.a. Suvarnamanjarl, dn., 223 Svarppajalesvara, god, . . 100, 101, 109 Svarppapura, 8.a. Sonepur, ca., . 277 Svayambhu, god, . . . 109 Svayambhu, m., . 166 Svayambhukesvara, donee, . . . 167, 169 Svayambha, Samanta-, engr., . . 171 Svayamvara, a form of marriage, 209 Svetaka, tn., . . . 77, 166, 167, 168 Svetaka-Pushkaranf, I., Sybolenee, 8.a. Saivalini, ri. syat, Jaina formula, 76 lanta.ee bara, Svete Page. Sringatika-agrahara, l., 66, 67 Srinidhi, m., . . . . . 178 Srinivasa, donee, . . . 178, 184, 185 Sriparvata, mo., * 21, 38 Sripura, 8.a. Sirpur, vi., . . 62, 63 Srirama, m., . . . . 17, 48 Srirangam Plates of Mummadi Nayaka, Srirangarajukonda (Vedadri), vi., . 36 Srisaila, mo., . 38 Srisailam, vi., . 20, 27 n., 33, 38 Sri Samanta, m., . 166 ari-samanta, off., . 169 Srivimana, . . . 233 n. Sriyadevi, Sena q.,. Sriya Mahadevi, Tel. Choda q.,. . 9 n. Sriyyadevi, E. Ganga q., . 9 n. Sryasraya Siladitya, Gujarat Chalukya k.,. 337 n. stambha, a name suffix, . . sthala-durga, fortress, . 28 St. Petersburg collection of coins, 116 Strato I, Greek k., . 321 n. Strato II, Greek k., . 321 n. stupas, votive-, .. . 172 sa, a Gujarati affix . . . 139 n. Subandhu, au., . . 197 Subandhu, k. of Mahishmati, . 301 n. Subhadresvara, god, 244 and n., 246 Subhakara, Bhauma k., . 76, 247, 248 and n. Subharkara, m., . . . . . 99, 106 Subbatunga, Rashtrakuta k., * 252 Sudaba, s.a. Sudava, vi., . 62, 63 Sudevaraja, k., . 229 n. Sudi Plates of Butuga II, 232 and n. budra, caste, . . . 110 Sugata (Buddha), te. of 229 n. Suja-nadi, ri., . . . 3, 8, 12 Sulhana, k., of Malwa, Sultan Mahmud, 92 Sumeru, mo., . 10 Sun, god, . . . . . . 15 Sun, god, temple of, 131 Sunagara, vi., . . 133, 134, 135 Sunda-kilalapa, demon, 45, 246 Sundara-Chola, Chola k., . 82, 233 Sundarika, vi., . Supratishtha, vi., 158 Supratishthahara, t.d., 157, 159, 160 Sura, 8.a. Surya, . . . . . 229 n. Surambika, Tel. Choda 9., 16, 18, 42 Sura-Nayudu, Recharla ch., . . 32, 33 Surapuram, vi., 26 Surashtra, co., 95, 97, 148 n. Surat Plates, Surat Plates of Sryabraya Siladitya, . . 337 n. 167 t, two signs for, . 166 t, final, . * 63, 132 t, final, symbol for, . . 315 t, final form resembling symbol for . 100, 242 t, doubling of-, before r, . . . 116, 247 i, doubling of--, before y, . 63 ta, . . . . . . . 241 Tabaqat-5-Akbari, wk., 30 n. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, wk., Tadadevi, Sena q., . 9 n. Tadaga-pattana, l., . . . . 99, 101, 105 Tadipaka, 8.a. Tatipaka, vi., . 24 Tagarapura-paramesvara, tit., . . 287 Tailapa II, W. Chalukya k., . . . 181, 287 Takalakhoppaka, vi., . 139, 140, 141, 161, 154 Takali, vi., . . 140 Takaligohan, vi., . . 140, 141 Takkolam, vi., . 61, 84, 230, 232, 234, 236 tala, . . . . . . 30 Taladipika, musical treatise, 30 and n. Talagunda Inscription of Kakusthavarman, 137. 154 n. Talahari-mandala, t.d., Talatthera, vi., . . . . . 267, 268, 264 . . 66, 67 TA

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374 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI 20 91 172 Page. Taloher Plates of Sivakara, . : 247 talekatfu, . . . 59 Talla-Proddatur, vi., Tallaya, m., . . . 17, 47 Talmul Plate of Dhruvanandadeva, 75, 76 and n., 77, 79 n. Tambala-Bommajiyya, ch., . . . 24 Tambattan, m., . . 235 Tandivada Grant of Prithvi-Maharaja, 333 n. Tandradevi (wrong for Tadadevi), 91. Tanjai, Chola ca., . 231 Tantrapala, ch., . . Tara, goddess, figures of Tarikh-i-Burhan-b-Ma 'asur', wk,, 26 n. Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, wk., . 25 n. Tala Inscription, . . 70 n. Taradambaka-bhoga, t.d., . 258 Tataka, myth. f. demon . . 245, 246 Tathagata-chaitya,. . . 171, 173 Talipaka, 8.a. Tadipaka, vi., * 24 Tattanadevi, Sena q., . 9 n. Tattvarthasutra, wk., . . . 106 n., 107 n. Tejalladeva, Kalachuri pr., * * * 258 Tejallapura, di. . . . . 257, 258, 267 Tekkali, vi., . . . 133, 174 Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman, , 171 n., 174 Tekkali Plates of Devendravarman I, . 331 Tekkalt Plates of Indravarman III, . . 331 Telingana, co., . 19, 24, 25, 28, 31, 34, 35 and n., 37 and n., Telangana Inscriptions, wk., . 25 n. Telugu Cholas, dy., . . 20, 28 th, . . . . . . . 69 th, redaplicated before y, . 156 th, two signs for, . . 166 th, with the upper loop closed, . 256 . . . . . 229 n. Thakkura, tit., . . . . . Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja, . Tikkali-Vallam, 8.a. Vallala, vi., 114 Tilang, 8.a. Telingana, co., . , 25, 26, 27 timira, tree, . . . Timmapuram Plates of Vishouvardhana I, 337 n. Tiritthana Plates of Chandavarman, . . 133 n. Tirukkalukkunram, vi., . . . , 276 Tirumalavadi, vi.. . . . 232, 233 and n. Tirodi, vi., . . . . 147 Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II, . 137 n., 139, 149, 155 n. Tiruppalatturai, vi.,. 83 Tiruvalandurai-Mahadeva, god, . 112 Tiruvalangadu copper-plates, 114 Tiruvallam, s.a. Vall&la, vi., . 114 Tiruvorriyru,ni. . 231 Page. Tiruvural-Mahadeva, god, 230, 232, 234, 235 Tivaradeva, Somavarsi k., . 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 227, 228, 229, 230 Tomara, dy., . . . . 90, 91, 96, 97 Tomara Nayaka, m., . 91 n. Tondai-mandalam, co., . . 113 n., 164 Torkhede Plates of Govindaraja, .249, 250 Tosali, co., . 240 n. Tottaramuli Plates, 31 Traikutaka, dy., . 301 Trailokyadeva, m., . 307 Tribhuvana Mahadevi, Bhauma q., . . 248 n. Tribhuvanamalladeva Choda-Maharaja, Tel. Choda ch., . . . 9n. Tribhuvanapala, Kalachuri k., . . . 263 n. Tribhuvanapala, m., . . . . . 267, 267 Trilingi Plates of Devendravarman , 63, 65 n. Trilochana-Kadamba, ancestor of the Kadar ba dy., . . . Tripitaka, wk., 317 Tripurantakam, vi., . 28, 29 Tripuri, ci., . . 16, 44, 228 Tripurivishaya, dn., . . 228 n. triratna, symbol on coin, . 150 n. Tritavana, forest, . .. . 122, 123 Trivara, Trivara-nagara, 8. a. Tripuri, ci., 228 Tryambaka (Siva), god, . 257, 266 tuiabhara, ceremony, . . 163 tulapurushadana, gift, . i .' . 163 n. Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatotkachagupta, . . . . 115 Tumbavada, vi., . . . 115, 116, 117, 118 Tundaridhinga, l., . . . . . 278 tunga, a name suffix, . . . . Tungabhadra, ri., . . . . 36, 124 Turushkas, Muhammadans, 16, 29, 44 Tyashtanadevi, Sena q., . 9n. 306 Thakurdiya, vi., . . . 69 228 u, initial, 69 u, medial, virama sign resembling-, . . 108 n. u, medial sign for, . . . 236 u, two signs for-, . . 166 Uchchakalpa, family, . . . 150, 301 Udagayana, 3. a. Uttarayana-sankranti, . 327 n. Udai-prabhu, off., . . 128, 129 Udaipur, Ranas of . 86 Udayaditya, Paramara k., . 178, 179, 180 and n., 181, 182, 183, 184 Udayaditya, W. Ganga ch., 179 Udayaditya, Hoysala pr., . 182 Udayagiri-rajya, co., Udayana, k., i 229 33

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INDEX 375 94 234 113 337 206 Page. Udayana, Somavam si k.,. . Udayapur Stone inscription of the time of Udayaditya, . Udayediram Plates of Madiraikonda Para kesarivarman, . . . 112, 113, 144 n. Udaypur Inscription of Aparajita, . . 241 Uddyotakesari, sur. of Mahabhava-gupta, 77 Ujjain, ca. of Malwa, .. Ujjayani, ci., . . . . . . 78, 80 Ujjvala, m., . . 99, 108 . ulakku, liquid measure, Uma, goddess, . . 105 n. 284 Uma, 8. a. Wunna, ri., 157, 158, 160 Umapatidhara, au., . . . 10n. Umarava, off., . . . . . . 85 Umasvamin, au., . . . . 106 n., 107 n. Umusvamisravakachara, wk., . . . 106 n. Umavarman, E. Kalinga k., 131, 133, 134, 135, 336 Umbaresvara, god,. . . . . 99, 109 Una Plates of Balavarman, . . 191, 192, 196 Una Plates of Avanivarman II, . . 217 Undika vatika Grant of Abhimanyu, . Unnanaka, vi., . upadhmaniya, sign for, . . 63, 156, 203, 322 Oparamala, table land, . . 84 Uparamala, 8. a. Uttamadrisikhara, l., . 101 Uparamvala Antari, 8. a. Amtari, t. d., . 101 uparika, off.,. 12 n., 169 and n., 199 and n., 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 Upasaka, Buddhist disciple, . . . 173 Upasika, f. Buddhist disciple,. . . 173 Upparapalli Inscription of the reign of Gana patideva, . . . . . . 21 n. ur, 'assembly ', . 230, 235 ura, . . . 337 n. Uradagam, vi., , 232, 235 Urlam Plates of Hastivarman, i 66 n. Urodagam, vi., . . . . 232 n. Usaunaka, 8. a. Wasan, vi., . . . 250, 251 Uttama Chola, Chola k., . 82, 83, 112, 113 Uttamachola-valanadu, t. d., . . . 274, 275 Uttamagandachud-Annadevavaram, vi., . 17,38 Uttamadrisikhara, 8. a. Uparamala, . . 99, 101 Uttamasikharapurana, wk., . . . 97 Uttarakasala, 8. a. Ayodhya, tn., . 70, 71, 72, 271 Uttarapuruna, wk., . . . . . 114 n. Uttarayana-sankramana, . 162 Page. Vachaspalya, wk., . . . 157 Vachchhoma or Vatsagulma, ca. of Vidar. bha, . . . . 140 Valala, vi., . . . . . . 210 Vadama, 8. a. Vardhamanapura, vi., . 133 n. Vadauva, 8. a. Balauva, vi., . 100, 102, 112 Vadde Tekkali, t. d., . . . . 20 Vaghli Inscription of Maurya Govindaraja, 311 n. Vahora, 8. a. ancient Vahaula, vi., . 251 Vahula-chaturabiti, 3. a. Vahora, dn., 250 Vaideva, donec, . . . . . 128, 130 Vaidumba, family, . vaijaka, off., . . . 95 vaikshepika, off., . 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 220 Vainyagupta, Gupta k., . . . 139 n., 235 Vaisali, vi., . . . . . . 116 Vaishnavite, a follower of Vaishnavism, . 122 Vaishnavism, rel., the Bhagavata form of --, 136 Vaishnava, sect, . . . . . 121, 136 Vaisinicharana, vi... . . 176 n. Vaibravana, Kausambi k., 298, 299, 300, 301, 302 Vaisravana, m., . . . . . 99, 105 Vaisya, caste, . . . . 99, 105 n., 110, 200 Vajasaneya, branch of the Yajurveda, . , 176 n., 239, 283 n. Vajheshka or Vajhushka, 8. a. Vasishka, Kushana k., . . . . 296 and n. Vajrahasta, Ganga k., 168 | Vajrahasta II alias Aniyanka-Bhima, 8. a. Anantavarman, E. Ganga k., . . . 335 Vajjada II, Silahara k., . . . . 287 Vajjadeva (I), Silahara k., 283, 286 and n. Vakataka, dy., . 51, 138, 140, 141, 149 and n., 150, 151 n., 152 n., 153 and n., 228, 300 n. Vakola, vi., . . . . . . 283, 288 Vakpati, Vakpatinripa or Vappayaraja, Chahamana k., 90, 91, 92, 98, 104 vakula, tree, . 68 Vakula, com., . . . . . 212 Valabhi, co., . . 187, 189 Valengavenada, ri., . 3, 8, 13 Vallabha, m., . 17, 47, 48 Vallabha, lit., . 231 and n. vallabha, off., . 82 Vallabha, Gudaparti, m., 17, 47 Vallabha-Narendra, . . 231 n. Vallabharaja, feud. ch., . 258 n. Vallala, 8. a. Tiruvallam, vi., 112, 113, 114 Vallalasena, Sena k. and au., . 4 and 'n., 6, 7, 11 and n., 12 Vallavaraiyar, tit., . . 230, 231, 233 and n. Valuraka, vi., 339 .. Vamsadhara, ri., . . . . 66 n. Vanahara, ri., . . . . . 8 n. 0,. . . v, indicated by a sign, v, two signs for, . v, used for b,. . . . . 241, 315 . 69 166 50, 86, 171, 242, 256, 276, 283

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376 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXVI . . Page. Vanamaladinne, vi., 82 n. Vanapalli Plates of Anna-Vema, 26 n. Vanaraja, Chapa ch., . . 190 Vanara-mahadhvaja, 8. a. Sakhacharendradhvaja, Kadamba ensign, 131 n. Vanavasi, ca., . . . . . . 324 Vanga, co., . . . . . . 315 Vanhu, Sena pati, scribe, . 140, 155 Vani, goddess, . . . . . . 38, 41 Vappayaraja, 8. a. Vakpatiraja, Chahamana k., . . . . . 90, 91, 98, 104 Vappuvana, Silahara pr., . 286 Varadaya, m., . . 17, 47 Varaha, god, . . . 39 n. Varaha, Nala k., . . . 52 Varaha, emblem, . 190 Varaha (boar), emblem on seal, 322 varaha, emblem on banner, . 189 n. Varahadeva, min., . . 148 and n. Varahamihira, au., . 117, 158 n., 204 Varalaika, tirtha, . . . . 99, 101, 109 Varana, ancient name for Bulandshahar, 1., 94, 104 and n. Varanasi, s. a. Benares, ci., 60, 69, 73, 269 Vararuchi, au., . 138 and n., 139 n., 161 n., 152 n. Vaiatu, 8. a. Varatroyi, ri., . .. . 204 Varatroyi, ri., . . . . . . 204, 206 Varddhamana, 8. a. Mahavira, Jain pontiff, 88, 99, 103 and n., 106, 107 Vardhamana or Vardhamana-bhukti, t. d., . 315, 316 Vardhamanapura, s. a. Burdwan, ci., 133 and n., 315 Varelapura, vi., . . 257, 258, 266 Varendri-mandala, t. d., 315 Variyur, vi., . . . 275 Varman, family, . 229 Varuna, lord of the Oceans, 39 n., 286 n. vasaka, camp, . . . . . . 239 Vasantapala, s. a. Vastapala, 97 Vasantapura, tn., . . . . . 67 Vasata, Somavarsi g., Vasata, princess of the Varman family, 229 Vaschasa-avritti, dn., . . . 3, 8, 12 Vasishka, Kushana k.,.. . 295, 296 and n. Vastha, 8. a. Vishnu, 122, 123 Vasishtha, rishi, . . 88, 178, 183, 184, 277 Vasishtbiputra, metronymic tii., 298 Vastapala, pr., . 97 Vasudeva, god, . 11, 73 Vasudeva, Chahamana pr., . . . 88, 89, 91 Vasudeva, Kaubambi k., . 304 Vasudeva, m., . . . . 100, 112 Vatamitrasyamin, donee, . 239 Vatesvara, god, 100, 109 Page. Vatodaka, identified with Badoh, vi., 116, 117 Vatsa, co., 303 Vatsa, pr., 140 Vatsa, m., 140 n. Vatsagulma, ca., . . . . . 163 n. Vatsagulma or Vatsagulmaka, 8. a. Basein vi., . . 140 and n., 148, 151, 153 and n. Vatsagulma branch of the Vakatakas, . 148 Vatsagulmi, 8. a. Vachchomi, vi., 140 Vatsyayana, au., . . . . . 338 n. Vattura, vi., . . . . . . 337 n. Vayu Purana, wk.,. 141, 144 n., 151 n. Vatumbi(Vatumvi)chaturaka, dn., . 3, 8, 12 Vedas, . . . . . . . 38, 64 Vedas : Atharva, . . . . . 139, 152 n. Kig, . . . 199, 283, 291 Sama, . . . . . 3, 9, 13, 204, 250 Yajur, . . . 29, 82, 239, 276, 278 * Yajur, black, . 157 Yajur, white, 75, 176 n. Vedadri, vi., . . . . . . 36 Vedagiri-Nayudu, ch. of Devarakonda, Vedagiri, Peda, Velama k., . 31 n. Vedagiri I, Velama k., . . Vedanga, . . . . . . 64 Vedasarman, 8. a. Vilha or Vilhaka, m., . 73 n. vedi, . . . . . . Velama, family, 19, 24, 28, 31 n., 32, 33, 36, 37 n. Velampatan, 8. a. Pilampatan, tn., . . 25 Velugotivarivansavali, wk., . 24 and n., 27 7., 28 n., 31 n., 32 Vema, Reddi k., 20, 25, 37 n. Vemamba or Vemahbika, Reddi princess, 20, 29 n., 39 n. 39 18 54 Vemabhupati, k., . Vemavaram grant, . 32 n. Venau, t. d., . . . 275 Venesika, a slave, 155 n. Vengl, co., . . 20, 21 Venhujja, donee, . 162, 164 Venka, co., . * 244 n. Venkatapur, vi., 59 Venkatesa, god, 59 Venna, Vena, ri., 323 Vibhu, 8. a. Parsvanatha, Jain Tirthankara, 100 Vidarbha, co., . . . . 61, 62, 140, 181, 338 and n. Viddhaya, m.,. * 17, 47 Vidhijja, 8. a. Vidhyarya, donee, . 162, 164 Vidyadhara, off., 70 and n. Vidisa, kingdom, . 161 n. Vigadi, m., . . . . . . 99, 107 . & OU.

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INDEX 377 322 83 Page. Page. Vigraha, or Vigraharaja, Chahamana k., 87, 90, 95, Vindurati, princess, . 315, 317 and n., 318 and n. 97, 98, 103, 104 Vipra, tit., . . . . . 89, 90 Vigraha, Pratthara k., . 280 Vira, 3. a. Mahavira, Jain pontiff, . . 99, 106 Vigraharaja II, Chahamana k., 91 Virabhadra, god, . . 16, 17, 38, 40, 41, 46 Vigraharaja III, do., 93 Virbhadra, Telugu Choda k., 16, 18, 19, 20, Vigraharaja IV, do., . . . 93, 94 29 n., 39, 44 vihara, . . 339 Virabhadra-Reddi, Reddi k., . . 20, 29 n., 39 Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., . . . Vira-Bhanudeva II, Gajapati k., . . 22, 25 Vijayaditya, A copper plate grant of Vira-Chola, 8. a. Parantaka, Chola k., . 83 Chalukya . . . . . .322 Vira-Chola, tit. of Prithvipati II, 113 n., 114 and n. Vijayaditya or Vijayaditya-Prabhumeru, Virachola, Irukkuvel ch., . . . . Bana ch., . . . . 113 and n., 114 Viraja, tn., . . . 77 Vijayaditya, Kadamba k., . 308 virama, sign for- . . 249 Vijayamagha, Kausambi k., 99, 303 and n. Viramadevigar, Rashtrakula q., 230, 235 Vijayamitra, feud. ch., . 319, 321 Vir-Annavota, Reddi k., . 32 Vijayanagara, kingdom, . 19, 20, 29, 30, 32, 33, Virarajendra, Chola k., . . 114, 274 34 n., 35, 37 n., 274 Virasaiva, xect., . 38 Vijayasena, Sena k., . . 1,4 n., 5, 11 Virasena, Sena k., 1, 5, 10 Vikaliksitakalinga, tit., . Virasena, au., . . 60 n. Vikarnapura, s. a. Kotgadah, vi., 258 and n. Virasena, m., . 131, 132 Vikkata, m., . . . . . i 197, 203 Virasimha, sur. of Dusala, Vikramaditya, tit. of Gupta k. Chandra Virasola, Irukkuvel ch., . . 83 gupta II, . . . . . 238 n. Virupaksha I, Vijayanagara k., . 32 Vikramaditya, Bana ch., . . 53, 113 n., 114 Viruparaja, Nala k., . . * 50 and n., 53 Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya k., . 51 Viruparat, do. . . . . . 49 Vikramaditya II, do., . . . . 323 Viryarama, Chahamana pr., 90, 91, 92, 98, 104 Vikramaditya V, do. . . . . 51 n. Visakhamitra, ch., . . . . . 320 Vikramaditya VI, do. ya vyao., . . 179, 181, 182 Visala, Chahamana k., 8. a. Vigraharaja III Vikramaditya-Satyasraya, do., . , . 324 or Visvala, . . . . 92, 93, 98, 104 Vikramarjunavijaya, wk., by Pampa, 285 n. Visa ra, Visari or Visari-nalu, t. d., 17, 20, 38, 40, 46 Vikramarka, Chapa k., . 191 visarga, . . . . . . . 305 Vikramavastkritakamarupa, tit., visarga, wrong use of, . . . . 120 n. Vilha, or Vilbaka, m., . . . 69, 73 and n. visarga, change of -- into 8., . 63, 108 n., 109 n. Vilasatunga, Nala k., . . 49, 50, 51, 53 visarga, omission of- . . . 174 Vilasatunga, Nanda k. of Orissa, 76 and n., vishayapati, off., 12 n., 169, 119, 202, 206, 211, 78, 81 and n. 215, 220 Vilavanaka, 8. a. Vani, vi., . . . 159 vishayesvara, off., 117 Vimarsini, wk., . . 87 Vishnu, god, 15, 39 n., 49, 50, 51, 52, 54 and n., Vinayaditya-Satyabraya, W. Chalukya k., 324 55 n., 68, 69, 92, 102, 103, 106 n., 121, 122, 124, Viniyaka, god, .. . . . 158, 213 157, 184 n., 268, 284 Vinayaka-homa, 8. a. Ganesa-homa, . . 157 Vishnu, 8. a. Vasudeva, Chahamana pr., 88, 89, 91, Vindhya or Vindhyadri, mo., 23, 28, 32 n., 94, 97 95, 96, 151, 203, 217 Vishnugupta, later Gupta k., . 235, 236, 237, 238 Vindhyansipati, Chahamana pr., 90, 91, 98, 104 and n., 239, 242, 243 and n., 244 Vindhyasakti, Vaka taka k., . 139, 140, 141 Vishnukunnin, dy., . . . . 229, 300 n. and n., 142, 143, 144 and n., 148 n., 150, 151 Vishnusmriti, wk., . . . . . 157 n. Vindhyasakti I, Vaka taka k., 147, 148, 151 Vishnusemacharya, donee, . . . . 66, 67 Vindhyabakti II, Vakataka k., . 137, 140, 142, Vishnuvardhana, Malava k., . . 130 n., 131 147, 153 Vishnuvardhana, Iloysala k., . . . 182 Vindhyasena, 8. a. Vindhyasakti, Vakalaka Vishnuvardhana I, E. Chalukya k., 337 n. k., . . . . . . . 147 Vishnvarya, 8. a. Venhujja, doner, 154 Vindhyavalli, tn., . . . 96, 99, 101, 108 Visvala, 8. a. Visala, . . . 93 Vindhyavallika, 8. a. Vindhyavalli or Bijboli, Visvamitra, rishi, . . 178, 183, 184, 245 tn., . . . . . . . 101 | Visvanatha, god. . . . . . 16. 44 4

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378 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXVI Page. 38 96 . 17, 47 284 Visvanatha, s. a. Visvesvara, ascetic, . Visvanatha, m., . 20 . Visvarupa, m., . . . 69, 74 Visvasvamin, writer, . . . 178, 184, 185 Visvavarman, Malava k., . . 131 Visvesvara, ascetic, . . . 21, 38 Visvesvara, au., . . . 32 n. Visvesvara, m., ." Visvesvara, 8. a. Siva, god. . . . 17, 38 Vitaraga, Jain deity, . . 86, 87, 102 Vithu, Vithubhata, (Vishnubhatta), donee, 167, 171, 175, 176 Vitthaka, m., . . . . 212 Vividhakalpatirtha, wk., . . . . 199 n. Viyakantitra (Viryakamitra), feud. ch., 320, 321 Vizagapatam grant of Anantavarman Chodaganga, . . . . vratas, the five , . . . . 107 n. Vratakhanda, wk., . 312 Vrikadara, 8. a. Bhima, epic hero, . 201, 205 Vriddha-Gautami, ri., . . . 24 n. vriddhi sraddha, rite, . . . 38 n. Vrisha, s.a. Rishbhadeva, Jain Tirthankara, 102 and n. Vpishibhinikhetak, ca., . . 338, 339 Vyaghra or Vyaghradeva, Uchchhakalpa pr., 150 Vyaghradeva, feud. ch., . . . . . 150 Vyaghreraka, vi., . . 99, 101, 106 Vyasa, sage, au, of the Mahabharata, 65, 68, 177, 202, 207 . 168 162 Page. Yama, god of Death, 92, 174 yamakas, use of, . . 146 and n. Yamasmriti, wk., . . . 157 n. Yaminis of Ghazni and the Punjab, tribe. Yasahkarna, Kalachuri k., . 71 and n., 179 n. Yasodharman, Malava k., . 131 and n. Yasoraja, ch., . . . . . 93, 101 Yasovarman, Maukhari k., 131, 181, 241 Yasovigraha, Gahadavala k., . 70, 72 Yavana, Muhammadan, 16 Yayati, Myth. k., . Ye-ta-i-li-to, 8. a. Epthalite, 188 Yetha, 8. a. Jethva,. . 188 Years : Cyclic :-- Bahudhanya, . . . . 162 (hitrabhanu 162 Kshaya, . 128 and n., 129, 183 n. Nandana, . . . 178, 184, 185 Parthiva, . 162 and n. Prabhava, . . . 28, 60, 61, 165 n. Prajapati, . . . . . 60 Pramathin, . . . . . 161, 305 Sarvadharin, Sarvarin, . 24 Saumya,. . . . . . 84 Vibhava, . . . . . 21, 28, 165 m Vijaya . . . . . . 60 Vikarin, 164 and n. Vikrama, . 162, 269, 272 Regnal: 14th, . . . . . . 294 . . . . . . 164 27th, 3 4th, . . . . . . 124, 12 5th, . . . . . 239 5th, . 320, 321 Ganga : 358 . 174, 175 Yogas :Dhriti, * 100, 112 Vyatipata, . . . .. . . 329 n. Yogin, . . . . . . . 16,38 Yogaraja, Chapa k.,. . . 191, 208 Yuan Chwang, Chinese Traveller, 244 and n. Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k., . 232 Yudhishthira, epic hero, . . 31, 65 Yudhishthiravritti, . . . . . 160 Yupa Inscriptions from Barnala, Two - 118 Yuvaraja, tit., . . 116, 141 n., 157, 164, 165, 194, 195, 199, 202, 206, 211, 215, 217, 220, 272 26th, 180 W Wadhwan, Chapa ca., . 190, 191, 193, 196 Waghela, clan, . . . Wala, 8. a. ancient Valabhi, vi., 187 Wala seal, . 187 Warangal, tn., . . . 19, 25 Wardha, ri., . . 182 Wasan, s. a. ancient Usaunaka, vi.,. Water-pots, exemption from supply of - Western Ganga, dy., 179 White Huns, . . 188 Wunna, 8. a. Uma, ri., 158 Y 251 155 59 y, secondary form of, 59 y, special form of, . y, bipartite, . . 50 Yadu, Myth. k., 284 Yagesvara-bhattaraka, god (.). 63, 64 Yajnavalkya, a cognomen of Jagusarman 73 n. yajamana, off., Yajnavalkyasmriti, wk., . . 157 Yaksha, Jain deity, . . . 100, 110 1 39 n. | Zafar Khan, 8. a. Daburu Khanu, Muslim ch., . . . . . . . 24, 25

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