Laghuprabandhsangrah

Author(s): Jayant P Thaker
Publisher: Oriental Research Institute Vadodra
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001844/1

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laghuprabandhasaGgrahaH LAGHU-PRABANDHA-SANGRAHA Edited With a Critical Study of the Text By JAYANT P. THAKER, M.A. satyaM zivaM sundarama Oriental Institute Baroda 1970 lernational For Pale Sesonal use only

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laghuprabandhasaGgrahaH LAGHU-PRABANDHA-SANGRAHA Edited With a Critical Study of the Text By JAYANT P. THAKER, M.A., Research Officer and Post-Graduate Teacher in Sanskrit and Prakrit, Oriental Institute, M. S. University of Baroda IRAO U SRUJA SAY NERSITY OF OF BAROO satyaM zivaM sundarama Oriental Institute Baroda 1970

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First Edition, Copies 500 1970 ( All rights reserved ) Price Rs. 2012 Printed by Shri Ramanlal J. Patel, Manager, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda Press (Sadhana Press ), near Palace Gate, Palace Road, Baroda and published by Dr. B. J. Sandesara, Director, Oriental Institute, Baroda, March 1970.

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PREFACE The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda has started a series of publications called "M. S. University of Baroda Research Series'. In this series will be published selected research-works of high quality of the teachers, and the theses of the research students of this University. The research-work The Laghu-prabandha-sangraha' by Shri J. P. Thaker, Research Officer, Oriental Institute, Baroda is published in this series. We acknowledge with thanks the financial help received from the University Grants Commission, New Delhi which gave us a grant of half the cost of this publication. Baroda, Dated 29th January, 1970.* B. K. ZUTSHI Registrar

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FOREWORD Mr. J. P. Thaker collaborated with me in the preparation of the Lexicographical Studies in 'Jaina Sanskrit' which was serially published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute (VIII. 2; IX. 3-4; X; XI and XII. 1) and then was brought out in a book-form in 1962 as M. S. University Oriental Series, no. 5. It dealt with three most well-known Prabandha-texts, viz. the Prabandha-cintamani of Merutungasuri ( 1305 A.D.), the Prabandha-kosa of Rajasekharasuri ( 1349 A.D.) and the Puratana-prabandha-sangraha. It is a matter of gratification that Mr. Thaker has continued his researches in this particular branch of Sanskrit literature and prepared a critical edition and a comprehensive study-lexicographical, historical and cultural-of an unpublished Prabandha-text which is probably the oldest so far as our present knowledge goes. The Laghu-prabandha-sangraha is a valuable addition to the corpus of Prabandha-texts published so far, and I trust that it will be useful in a variety of ways to the researchers of mediaeval Sanskrit literature and especially of its peculiar idiom known among scholars as "Jaina Sanskrit' and also to the students of mediaeval Indian History and Culture. Oriental Institute, Baroda. January 27, 1970. B. J. SANDESARA Director

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EDITOR'S PREFACE The Laghu-prabandha-sangraha is edited for the first time in the present volume. I have tried to make the edition as critical as was possible. The Introduction, together with the Appendices, comprises a critical study of the text. This study has led me to the following conclusions: (1) All the ten prabandhas of this anonymous work are from the pen of one and the same author. (2) In the case of the prabandhas whose versions are available elsewhere, the version of our text is the oldest one. This small work is brimming with the peculiar characteristic features of the Prabandha-style and of so-called "Jaina Sanskrit ". (4) It has considerable bearings on contemporary history. (5) It throws much light on contemporary culture. (3) As such, this volume will, in my humble opinion, make a very valuable, important and useful addition to the Prabandha-literature explored so far. I request the learned readers to make due corrections in the printed matter as per the Corrigenda and humbly seek their indulgance for the same. I have earnestly endeavoured to utilize the valuable work in the field put forth in the past by learned scholars through patient researches and feel highly indebted to those purva-suris for the inspiration and help that I could secure from them. A special mention must be made here of my indebtedness to Dr. D. C. Sircar's "Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India" and Dr. A. S. Altekar's paper on "A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad (From the Earliest Times down to the Moslem Conquest) published on pp. 1-54 of volumes LIII (1924) and LIV (1925) of the Indian Antiquary, for most of the Geographical data furnished in Appendix B (3). I feel highly obliged to Dr. D. C. Sircar, the veteran Historian of our land, who was kind enough to reply promptly to a query sent by me regarding king Madanabhrama and the situation of his Capital Kanti. I also take this opportunity to express my deep sense of gratitude to a number of friends and well-wishers but for whose help-in one way or another

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viji the present volume would not have taken the shape in which it is being presented now. My foremost thanks are due to Dr. B. J. Sandesara, the Director of our Institute. I had the privilege of running up to him every now and then for guidance and he always encouraged me by spending his precious time in discussions not only on vital points but also on certain minute points. In fact, it was he who entrusted to me the task of editing this work. I am also grateful to him for taking the trouble of writing a Foreword to the present work. I am equally grateful to Dr. U. P. Shah, Deputy Director and General Editor and Head of the Ramayana Department of the Institute, who also was always happy to guide and enlighten me on my problems whenever I approached him. I am highly indebted to my worthy colleague Sri J. S. Pade Sastri, who has been the witness of my work and worries during my researches on the present text and who was kind enough to spare time for going through every line of the press-copy of the text, the Introduction and the Appendices occasionally offering valuable suggestions. I had the pleasure of holding occasionally interesting discussions on different topics concerning my researches with such local scholars and friends as Pt. L. B. Gandhi, Retired Jaina Pandita of the Oriental Institute, Dr. R. N. Mehta, Head of the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History and Dean, Faculty of Arts of our University, Dr. A. N. Jani, Head of the Department of Sanskrit in the Faculty of Arts, and Pt. B. L. Shanbhogue, Research Officer in the Oriental Institute (now retired ), to all of whom I express here my deep feelings of gratitude. I am equally thankful to my learned colleague Dr. S. D. Parekh, with whom I discussed some points regarding the Vikramadityapancadanda-cchatra-prabandha and who so kindly lent to me his personal copy of his typed Thesis in Gujarati entitled "A Critical Edition of Panca-danda-ni Varta of an Unknown Gujarati Prose-writer ( Before 1682 A.D.)" which I was allowed to keep with me for several months. I am also grateful to Sri M. M. Desai, Assistant Lecturer in Gujarati in the Faculty of Arts, for preparing for me a very accurate, decent and careful y of Ms. G. which was the main codex. His knowledge of Sanskrit helped him considerably in deciphering the readings of this early fifteenth-century Ms. written throughout in Prsthamatras. I would fail in my duty if I do not remember with gratitude the affectionate services of Sri P. H. Joshi, M.A., formerly Research Assistant in the Manuscript Department of the Oriental Institute and now Proof-Reader in the Ramayana Department, and my son Sri Himamsu J. Thaker, a student of B.E. IV (Metallurgy ), both of whom helped me occasionally in preparing the Index to the Introduction. Sri Himamsu also helped me considerably in the tedious task of putting down, in the press-copy of the Introduction and the Appendices,

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the references to the lines and pages of the printed text corresponding to those of the press-copy of the text. I am highly thankful to the University Grants Commission and the M. S. University of Baroda for their encouraging generosity in equally bearing the cost of the publication of this work. I also express my gratefulness to Sri Ramanabhai J. Patel, Manager of the M. S. University of Baroda Press and other members of the staff of the Press for excellent and efficient printing of this work. J. P. THAKER Oriental Institute, Baroda, 26th January, 1970.

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ABBREVIATIONS Abl. Acc. adj. adv. AHI Ap. BSPS cent. CG Ch(s). Dat. decl. DHNI ed. Eng. f. FGS fn(s). GDAMI -Atmanepada -Ablative --Accusative -adjective -adverb -An Advanced History of India by R. C. Majumdar etc. ---Apabhramsa -Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series -circa -century -Chaulukyas of Gujarat by A. K. Majumdar -Chapter(s) --Dative -declension -The Dynastic History of Northern India by H. C. Ray -edited by, edition, editor -English -feminine -Forbes Gujarati Sabha, Bombay -foot-note(s) ---The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India by Nundo Lal Dey -Genitive --gerund -Gujarata-no Madhyakalina Rajaputa Itihasa by D. K. Sastri -Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Baroda -Gujarata, Gujarati -Gujarata Vernacular Society, Gujarata Vidya Sabha, Ahmedabad -The History of Bengal by R. C. Majumdar -History of Classical Sanskrit Literature by M. Krishnamachariar -Indian Antiquary -indeclinable -Instrumental -Jaina atmananda Sabha -Jaina Agama Sahitya-mam Gujarata by B. J. Sandesara -Journal of the Gujarat Research Society -Journal of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda Gen. ger. GMRI GOS Guj. GVS HB HCL IA ind. Inst. JAS JASG JGRS JMSU

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JOI JPI KJG KSS 1(1). LCV lit. Loc. LPS LSJS m. Mar. mod. Ms(s). mt. n. no. Nom. NPG NPS NSP Obl. OI P. p(p). - Journal of the Oriental Institute -Jaina Parampara-no Itihasa by Muni Darsanavijaya etc. Ksantisuri Jaina Granthamala Kasi Sanskrit Series -line(s) --Literary Circle of Mahamatya Vastupala and Its Contribution to Sanskrit Literature by B. J. Sandesara - literally, literature --Locative ---Laghu-prabandha-sangraha -Lexicographical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit' by B. J. Sandesara and J. P. Thaker ----masculine -Marathi - modern -manuscript(s) -mount -neuter -number -Nominative Nagari-pracarini Granthamala --Nagari-pracarini Sabha --Nirnaya Sagara Press -Oblique case Oriental Institute, Baroda -Parasmaipada ---page(s) Prabandha-cintamani of Merutungasuri -person -Pracina Gurjara Granthamala ---Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources by G. C. Choudhary -Prabandha-kosa by Rajasekharasuri - Prakrit -plural - Punjab Oriental Series --past passive participle -Puratana-prabandha-sangraha --pronoun - Part(s) -Ramalala Cunilala Modi Lekha Sangraha PC pers. PGG PHNIJS PK Pkt. pl. POS p.p.p. PPS pron, Pt(s). RCMLC

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xii respy. RPG SGAMI sing. SJS Sk., Skt. SPI tr., Trans. ---respectively -Rajasthana Puratana Granthamala ---Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India by D. C. Sircar -singular -Singhi Jaina Series --Sanskrit Solankios ka Pracina Itihasa by G. H. Oza --translation --verb --Vocative - Volume(s) --Vidyabhavana Sanskrit Series - Vividha tirtha-kalpa or Kalpa-pradipa by Jinaprabha Voc. Vol(s). VSS VTK

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Xvi 48. Majumdar, A. K. : Chaulukyas of Gujarat, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1956. 49. Majumdar, R. C. : The History of Bangal, Vol. I, University of Dacca, Dacca, 1943. 50. Majumdar, R. C., : An Advanced History of India, Macmillan & Co., Raychaudhuri, H. C. London, 1950. and Datta, Kali kinkar 51. Malayagiri : Avasyakusutara-vrtti, Pts. I-III, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918, 1932, 1936. 52. Malayagiri : Nandisutra-vstti, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1924. 53. Mammata Kavya-prakasa with the Commentary Sanketa of Manikyacandrasuri, ed. R. Shama Sastry, Sanskrit Series no. 60, University of Mysore, Mysore, 1922. 54. Mehta, B. N. and * Gujarati-English Dictionary, Vols. I-II, M. C. Mehta, B. B. Kothari, Baroda, 1925. 55. Mehta, R. N. : Kaumarika-khanda-A Study, JMSU, Vol. XIV, No. 1, pp. 39-48, Baroda, 1965. 56. Merutungasuri : Prabandha-cintamani, ed. Muni Jinavijaya, SJS no. 1, Calcutta, 1933. 57. Modi, M. C. : Apabhramsa-pathavali, GVS, Ahmedabad, 1935. 58. Monier Willams : A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1872. 59. Muni Darsana- : Jaina Parampara-no Itihasa (Guj. ), Pt. II, vijaya, Muni Jnana- Caritra Smaraka Granthamala no. 54, Ahmedabad, vijaya and Muni 1960. Nyayavijaya 60. Muni, Jayantavi- : Holy Abu, translated from Gujarati by U. P. Shah, jaya Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Bhavanagar, 1954. 61. Muni, Jinavijaya : ed. Jaina-pustaka-prasasti-sangraha, Pt. I, SJS no. 18, Bombay, 1943. 62. Muni, Jinavijaya : Pracina Gujarata-na SamskTtika Itihasa-ni Sadhana samagri (Guj.), Gujarati Sahitya Sabha-Karyavahi 1933-34, Ahmedabad, 1934. ed. Puratana-prabandha-sangraha, SJS no. 2, Calcutta, 1936.

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xvii 64. Muni Ratna Prabha : Sthaviravali, Sramana Bhagavan Mahavira Vol. V, Vijaya & Thaker, Pt. II, Jaina Siddhanta Society, Ahmedabad, 1950. J. P. 65. Navajivana Publi- ; Sartha Gujarati Jodanikosa, Gujarat Vidya peeth, shing House Ahmedabad, 1949. 66. Nihsankasarnga- : Sangila-ratnakara, Anandasrama, Poona, 1896. deva 67. Oza, G, H. : Solankiomka Pracina Itihasa (Hindi), Pt. I, Ajamer. 68. Padmana bha Kanhadade-prabandha (Old Guj. ), ed. K. B. Vyas, RPG no. 19, Jodhpur, 1953. 69. Pansikar, W. L. : ed. Isadyastottarasatopanisadah, NSP,Bombay, 1932. 70. Parekh, S. D. : A Critical Edition of Pancadanda-ni Varta of an Unknown Gujarati Prose-Writer (Before 1682 A.D.) (Guj.), Unpublished Thesis, Baroda, 1961. 71. Parekh, S, D. Some Works on the Folk-Tale of Pancadandacchatra by Jain Authors, Proceedings and Transactions of the All-India Oriental Conference Twentieth Session, Bhubaneshwar, October 1959, Vol. II, Part I, pp. 131-140, Poona, 1961. 72. Prabhacandra : Prabhavaka carita, ed. Muni Jinavijaya, SJS no. 13, Bombay, 1940. 73. Rahman, Abdul Sandesarasaka (Ap. ), ed. Hajariprasada Dvivedi and Visvanatha Tripathi, Hindi-Grantha-Ratna kara, Bombay, 1960. 74. Rahman, Abdul : Sandesarasaka (Ap.), ed. Muni Jinavijaya and Harivallabha Bhayani, SJS no. 22, Bombay, 1945. 75. Rajasekhara Kavya-mimamsa, ed. C. D. Dalal & R. A. Sastry, GOS no. 1, Baroda, 1934. 76. Rajasekharasuri : Prabandha-kosa, ed. Muni Jinavijaya, SJS no. 6, Calcutta, 1935. 77. Ratnamandiraganin: Upadesatarangini, Yasovijaya Granthamala, Dharmabhyudaya Press, Benares, Vira S. 2437= 1911 A.D. 78. Ray, H. C. : The Dynastic History of Northern India, Vols. I-II, University Press, Calcutta, 1931 & 1936. 79. Sadhale, G. S. : Upanisad-Vak ya-mahakosa, Vols. I-II, Gujarati Printing Press, Bombay, 1940-1941.

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xviii 80. Sandesara, B. J. : * Alavesara' (Guj.), Gujarati Sahitya Parisad Patrika, Ahmedabad, December 1943. 81. Sandesara, B. J. Itihasa ane Sahitya (Guj. ), Gurjara Grantharatna Karyalaya, Ahmedabad, 1966. 82. Sandesara, B. J. : Itihasa-ni Kedi (Guj. ), Padmaja Prakasana, Baroda, 1945. 83. Sandesara, B.J. : Jagannathapuri ane Orisa (Guj. ), Sastum Sahitya Vardhaka Karyalaya, Ahmedabad, 1951. 84. Sanoesara, B. J. Jaina Agama Sahitya-mam Gujarata ( Guj. ), GVS, Ahmedabad, 1952. 85. Sandesara, B. J. : Khedavala Brahmano-ni Trana Atako : Vagvya para-ni Drstie (Guj.), Buddhiprakasa, Vol. 99, pp. 24-27, Ahmedabad, 1952. 86. Sandesara, B. J. : Literary Circle of Mahamatya Vastupala and Its Contribution to Sanskrit Literature, SJS no. 33, Bombay, 1953. . 87. Sandesara, B.J. ed. Pancadandacatuspadi (Guj. ), Buddhiprakasa, Vol. 79, pp. 73 ff, Ahmedabad, 1932. 88. Sandesara, B.J. Pauntara-Puntara (Guj. ), Buddhiprakasa, Vol. 95, pp. 224-225, Ahmedabad, 1948. 89. Sandesara, B.J. : Sabda ane Artha (Guj.), University of Bombay, Bombay, 1954. 90. Sandesara, B.J. : ed. Varnaka-samuccaya ( Old Guj. ), Pts. I-II, PGG nos. 4 & 8, M. S. University, Baroda, 1956 & 1959. 91. Sandesara, B. J. : ed. Pracina Phagu-Sangraha (Old Guj.), PGG and Parekh, S. D. no. 3, M. S. University, Baroda, 1955. 92. Sandesara, B.J. : Lexicographical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit'. and Thaker, J.P. M. S. University Oriental Series no. 5, Baroda, 1962. 93. Sandesara, B.J. : Some Important Vocables from Sanskrit Commenand Thaker, J. P. taries on Jaina Canonical Texts, JOI, Vol. XV, Nos. 3-4, pp. 406-456, Baroda, 1966. 94. Sarmma, : Gujarati-Hindi Sabdakosa, Jayadeva Brothers, Ganesadatta Baroda, 1924. 95. Saragadhara Sarngadhara-paddhati, ed. P. Peterson, Bombay, 1888.

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xix 96. Sarvanandasuri : Jagadu-caritra, with Guj. Trans. etc., Maganalala Dalapatarama Khakhkhara, Bombay, 1898. 97. Sastri, Durgasan- : Aitihasika Samsodhana (Guj.), Gujarati Sahitya kara K. Parisad, Bombay, 1941. 98. Sastri, Durgasan- : Gujarata-no Madhyakalina Rajaputa Itihasa (Guj. ), kara K. Pts. I-II, GVS, Ahmedabad, Second ed. 1953. 99. Seha, H. T. : Paia-sadda-mahannavo, Prakrit Text Series Vol. 7, Prakrit Text Society, Varanasi, 1963. 100. Shah, P. B. : ed. Sva. Ramulala Cunilala Modi Lekha Sangraha (Guj.), Pts. I-II, Patana, 1953, 1965. 101. Shah, U. P. : Natha Siddhom-ki Pracina Silpa Murtiyam (Hindi), Nagari-Pracarini Patrika, Vol. 62, Nos. 2-3, pp. 174 202, V. S. 2014 = 1958 A. D. 102. Sircar D. C. The Sakta Pithas, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-108, Cal cutta, 1948. - 103. Sircar D. C. : Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1960. 104. Somadharmaganin: Upadesa-saptati, ed. Muni Caturavijaya, JAS, Bhayanagar, V. S. 1971 1915 A. D. 105. Somesvaradeva Kirti-kaumudi, ed. Muni Punyavijaya, SJS no. 32, Bombay, 1961. 106. Somesvaradeva : Surathotsava-mahakavya, ed. Pt. Sivadatta and K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay, 1902. 107. Sridharadasa Sadukti-karnamrta, POS no. 15, Motilal Banarsi Dass, Lahore, 1933. 108. Srivastava, Jnana Sabda Kosa (Hindi), Jnana-mandala Ltd. Mukundilala Banaras, V. S. 2013=1957 A. D. 109. Subhasilaganin Pancasati-prabodha ( prabandha )-sambandha or Prabandha-pancasati, ed. Mrgendra Muni, Suvasita Sahitya Prakasana, Surat, 1968. 110. Thakore, : ed. Gurjara-rasavali, GOS no. 118, Baroda, 1956. B. K., Desai, M.D. & Modi, M. C. 11. Tivadi, Gorelala : Bundelakhanda ka Sarksipta Itihasa (Hindi ), Nagari-pracarini Patrika ( New-Series ), Vol. XII, pp. 321-481, NPS, Benares, V. S. 1988=1932 A.D.

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XX 112. Vardhamanasuri : Vasupujyu-caritu, ed. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome, Jaina Dharma Prasaraka Sabha, Bhavanagar, 1910. 113. Vasu, Nagendra- : Hindi Visvakosii, Vol. XVI, Calcutta, 1928. natha 114. Vijayarajendrasuri : Abhidhane-rajendra Kosa, Vols. 1-VII, Jainaprabha. kara Printing Press, Ratalam, 1913 ff. 115. Virji, K. J. : Ancient History of Saurashtra, Indian History and Culture Series no. 1, Konkan Institute of Arts and Sciences, Bombay, 1955. 116. Yasahpala : Moha-parajaya, ed. Muni Caturavijaya, GOS no. 9, Baroda, 1918. 117. Yasascandra : Mudrita-kunudacandra Prakaranu, Yasovijaya Granthamala no. 8, Dharmabhyudaya Press, Benaras, Vira S. 2432 = 1906 A.D. 2. Manuscripts 1. Purnacandrasuri : Vikramadityasya Pancadandacchatra-prabandha, no. 2376 of OI, Baroda. 2. Ramacandrasurii Pancadandatapatra-prabandha, no. 2111 of OI, Baroda. Dated V.S. 1556 = 1500 A.D. 3. Vijayakusala : Vikramaditya-pancadandacchatra-caritra, no. 24271 of OI, Baroda. Dated V.S. 1777=1721 A.D. 4. Subhasilaganin : Vikramaditya-vikrumacaritra-caritra, no, 12407 of OI, Baroda. 5. Anonymous Madanabhrama-maharaja-prabandha, no. 2356 of Pravartaka Kantivijayaji Collection, Atmananda Jaina Jnanamandira, Baroda.. 6. Anonymous : Madanabhrama-raja-prabandha, no. 681 of OI, Baroda. 7. Anonymous : Laghu-prabandha-sangraha, no. 82 of Department of Gujarati, Faculty of Arts, Baroda. Dated V. S. 1465=1409 A.D. 8. Anonymous Vikramadi ya-dana-katha, no. 1169 of OI, Baroda. Dated V. S. 1791=1735 A.D. 9. Anonymous : Vikramaditya-pancadanda-prabandha, no. 14273 of OI, Baroda.

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CONTENTS vii X-xii Pages PREFACE FOREWORD EDITOR'S PREFACE ABBREVIATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY xiii-xx CONTENTS xxi-xxiji Part I Introduction 1-127 1. The Critical Apparatus 1-15 Detailed Account of the Manuscripts 1-5 Mutual Relation of the Manuscripts 5-15 II. The Constitution of the Text 15-17 III. The Prabandha Literature 17-20 IV. The Study of the Text 21-36 The Title and Extent 21 The Contents 21-36 1. The Story of Jagaddeva 21-22 2. The Story of the Great King Madanabhrama 22-23 The Story of the Five-handled Royal Umbrella of Vikramaditya 23-28 The Story of the Construction of the Lake Sahasralinga 5. The Story of the Raulanis Siddhi and Buddhi 29-30 6. The Story of Namala the Female Florist 30-31 7. The Story of the Jugglers Ganaya and Manaya 31-32 8. The Story of Kumari Rana 33 9. The Story of Srimata 33-35 10. The Story of Gala Sri Varddhamanasuri 35-36 The Concluding Stanza 36 V. Relation With Other Prabandha-Works 37-81 1. Jagaddeva-prabandha 37-41 2. Madanabhramamaharaja-prabandha 41-56 3. Vikramaditya-pancadandacchatra-prabandha 56-59 4. Sahasralingasarah-prabandha 59 Siddhi-Buddhi-Raulani-prabandha 59-66 6. Namala-malini-prabandha 66 7. Ganaya-Manaya-Indrajali-prabandha 66-68 29

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xxii 68 68-80 81 81 8. Kumari-rana-prabandha 9. Srimata-prabandha 10. Gala-Sri-Varddhamanasuri-prabandha Conclusion _VI. Probable Sources VII. Language and Style VIII. Authorship and Date IX. Bearings on History 1. Jagaddeva-prabandha 2. Madanabhramamaharaja-prabandha Vikramaditya-pancadandacchatra-prabandha Sahasralingasarah-prabandha 5. Siddhi-Buddhi-Raulani-prabandha Namala-malini-prabandha Ganaya-Manaya-Indrajali-prabandha 8. Kumari-rana-prabandha 9. Srimata-prabandha ). Gala-Sri-Varddhamanasuri-prabandha Conclusion X. Cultural Gleanings XI. A Brief Critical Appreciation la 81.. 82-88 88-91 91-117 91-93 93-100 101 101-108 108-109 109 110-112 112 112-114 114-116 116-117 117-126 126-127 . INDEX TO INTRODUCTION 129-144 Part II The Text 1-2 laghuprabandhasaGgrahaH 1. jagaddevaprabandhaH 2. madanabhramamahArAjaprabandhaH 3. vikramAdityapaJcadaNDacchatraprabandhaH sahasraliGgasaraHprabandhaH 5. siddhibuddhiraulANIprabandhaH 6. nAmalamAlinIprabandhaH gaNayamaNaya-indrajAliprabandhaH 8. kuMArIrANAprabandhaH zrImAtAprabandhaH 10. gAlAzrIvardhamAnasUriprabandhaH 18-17 18-19 20-21 22-23 24-26 28-29 30-31

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xxiii Part III Appendices 32-123 APPENDIX-A: A LEXICOGRAPHICAL STUDY 32-88 89-118 89 90 APPENDIX-B: INDEX OF NAMES Introductory Note 1. Historical Names Names of Doubtful Historicity 3. Geographical Names 4. Mythological Names 5. Miscellaneous Names 91-102 103-113 114-116 117-118 APPENDIX-C: TRANSLATION OF VERSES OCCURRING IN LPS 119-121 APPENDIX-D: PADA-INDEX TO VERSES 122-123 CORRIGENDA Introduction Index to Introduction Text Appendices 124-128 124-125 125 126 126-128

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| NAnujAya nyaaprmaavaashaandyaaditaabaaddaannyaacaajgaadvaaprmaanaarinndhvlaajgaadaavaaniittaataa| rAjAdivaMgata pakSAnenigavalarAjyadAyaramAkApijagAvamalalagazipamAnanadhAtAdizAnirganazAka tyANAkATipAraparamazihinivAsAnIdagahilaDanaukApakAlonalIkaDAyacaMdhyAkApasAdApasamAdirAlA rAekAgatitarAmImAyAnagAvAgaNyAmAganAmIzAsakSimatAvAgatApanayAsAvapizAlivAnarAvamA hAthiyATa kvAranisAragantanAganA liilaavtiivmrhaadissnnaagvaadaanuyaayaamaanemaaNbaa| laMparidaranamaMdhAraNAgarikaTisvApunaryAta nahAtadAtayAmAtAzyAkApilAgyavAnAnanamaH AkAvitAmsApinAkinAgatAhanakayavA rokatAnuyAyAcAkSakSarAjApaladinAjJAyAko zitAmilitA abhinavasAravizAlAlAca nAkAvA kurvatayA virachAlAdisAlaya ketu likAyAdavAdariddhAnamajiAtAmAhI sAdhanakurvatayAnajAnImAjagAidhaka vidhAmA nikasAtidAtAramatAmaNayAnAmavidha pAsavAIyAvAyAMganAmRtyanirmibIghAjavAdayA tAjagAdAvaNamunnAryamaMviSNadanIyayAvayAyalAgAjaNAdhipAdasmIrasyapahAyadyAnattavApAnapAtAmA DisaramyayahadamirAnayAtajAbAdamArIpanAnaviyadAsagAgAnAlagAdamIrasyAmAragavASA DamAnahAnAsamapraviSTApadamAganitAzAyadAtAzrIjayasivAdavadammAvAyAmilAmAgajapAtAgAya surasyAhahAhAtasAdApadiAtAlagAvavabaMdhAsaNvAzavananadiyaTakavAvaliAlAravAzrApAlA Folio No. 1a of Ms. G of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha

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bAparaNAraMgAlAdAyakAtyAyomadanajAmArAjArAekArAtiyAmAhAmAjhaMdAbArIlagamamAdhanAmalTrAsa ladhAsadamapAtapayaMtAjItirAmIpariNItAnivasadamAtamAenAlAsImAdhApaharAjInAvAvaMdanImayA divAisIghaNarANIdhanAmAMsaravAzAlichAlatikAlavilAsazilasigAvamalUvanalasikArIha mbhAnA sIvAvagAyaNamANikikAnAgAvaliAgalAvaliAvadhanakalApraSTatakalAAsadasakalAAramAvalI kAlAcaMdAtalI sugatihiMsagotAmula limAlAiliAkamalAvatIkalAvatIlAlAitIpatra tisaravI lAritAmA vizvavijayalaTa hU~AmANikalaramakAbAbAsamatalagAyAnakA pAyAvahAsasamayasiMhAsanAsudharmamaya saMtAsavasamayAghADavA jIyAlIgavAkA jAsazyayAtamImAmAcadaramyArAgavA vAsaratyAvarvasyAdijhivimAmavicamAdadANAyAyu zAzrimAyogadhanasakvAinannA gAyokilAdAsadhAgavAnAmayamughasamayAva dikAdhavamarIkSavApAsavizrAmarakSA, vidhipatIrAhikamalAkadArahANInAmAvAdikA nAmadhaanegavegavADIpragagirivAdIkSArayAravAdInaMdanavAdA suvarmamayAghATImaNamayAmAlAnaMda yAyAtalAdalI gAyAgaMsAmayArADInadArAnidAyatakardamamANDikarImAyAjJAsAnAmyAnI saagaakraalottpaakiitaaptidaablshaalaamaaldaakaadmiirmiiyaakmlnaalaaraaboddiiyskaadmiinii| jiMdavihAdIyazamadananumarAyAibidumAnanagaridAsAnAlikAkAlikApanAtikaapariNItA Folio No. 1b of Ms. G of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha .

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INTRODUCTION 1. The Critical Apparatus The text of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha, edited in the present volume for the first time, is based on the following three manuscripts : [1] G.= BARODA, Faculty of Arts, Department of Gujarati, No. 82. Dated V. S. 1465 (c. A. D. 1409) [ 2 ] K. = BARODA, Pravartaka Kantivijayaji Collection, Atmananda Jaina Jnanamandira, No. 2356, Undated. [3] 0. = BARODA, Oriental Institute, No. 681. Undated. DETAILED ACCCUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPTS This manuscript belongs to the Department of Gujarati, Faculty of Arts, M. S. University of BARODA and bears no. 82. It is dated V.S. 1465 (C. A. D. 1409); written in Devanagari characters, throughout in Pysthamatras, on thick, sticky, durable country paper, 10.75 X 4.4 inches in size, with side margins of I.2 inches and a space of 0.6 inches left out at the top as well as the bottom. It consists of 10 folios, the first 9 ones having 14 lines to a page and about 42 letters to a line, and the last one possessing 13 lines to a page and about 41 letters to a line. Margins are marked with a thick red line drawn between two thin black lines. The folio-numbers are written at the bottom of the right margin on the reverse of each folio. Each page has a square or oblong space left out in the middle varying in size from 1.1" to 1.5", which contains an illuminatory red - orb of about 0.4" radius. On the reverse of each folio the side margins also contain similar but somewhat smaller orbs. This is a peculiarity of early paper Mss. in imitation of the palm leaf ones. The middle orb has a small hole through which a thin string would pass as is the practice for palm-leaf manuscripts. There are three cases of marginal additions of letters left out while copying, five of supra lineam and two of infra lineam ones, all propria manu. At one place (folio 7b, line 11 ) the letters 'nathaprasade' are repeated in the right margin, not in Prsthamatras, evidently with the intention of removing confusion of the original writing, propria manu. The top-space on the last page contains the following remark, secunda manu:

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Gam 7 Pothi 12 Pa 39 Patra 10. This remark obviously notes the total number of folios of this Ms. which is the twelfth Ms. of the bundle of Mss. numbered 7 which in all comprises 39 folios. The figure 39 written in a different hand on the top corner of the left margin on the same page supports this inference. Evidently, therefore, this remark as well as the figure 39 is, in all probability, written at a later stage by an owner of the Ms. There are no corrections, nor any marginalia. No pigment is used for erasures, which, being far and few between, are sometimes marked by two or three vertical strokes above the letter, sometimes by trying to rub out the letters and sometimes by daubing over the letters with the same black ink. Especially when the same letters are wrongly repeated, erasure is made by a line drawn over the portion to be erased. In one case (fol. 5b, line 3) erasure is marked by a single line drawn below the portion invariably touching the letters to be erased. The writing is throughout in Pysthamatras, excepting, of course, very few places where ordinary matras are used. Double dandas are mostly used for marking the commencement and close of sections and chapters. Everywhere else a single danda is employed. It is used inadvertently. It is frequently put where it is not at all required. In a few cases it wrongly separates letters of the same word, e.g. pul ttalika'. Likewise at places it is avoided where it is needed. Final m is always written as an anusvara. For para savarna also anusvara is generally used. At places anusvara and the initial vowel of the next word are placed side by side, e.g. 'Vasantakridayam udyane'. The visarga (:) is unnecessarily introduced at several places, while avagraha (s) is often dropped. The letter eis generally written as q. Likewise 8 and i have always taken the forms of E and respy. Similarly az is written as and Zasa. Occasionally a has taken a form which can very easily be confused with .. At one place (24.15) the scribe has not been able to decipher correctly the term All of the archetype and has copied it down as 4134 which is equivalent to ! In the same way, at another place (25.19 ) the letter of the original Ms. could not be properly deciphered and is copied down in G as 57, though the whole word with 3 for does not seem to make any sense: It is mahIyajai which ought to have been mahIyalai ( = Sk. mahItale). Colophons and post-colophon entries are daubed over with red chalk. Almost everywhere even the single dandas--including those often inadvertently introduced-and the first few letters of every prabandha also are daubed over with red chalk.

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The condition of the Ms. is fairly good. The writing is fairly legible but generally incorrect. Though the last prabandha is not dated, the post-colophon entry at the close of the first prabandha viz. the Jagaddeva-prabandha states that it was written on Thursday, the fifth day of the dark half of the month of Caitra in the Samvat year 1465 (c. A, D. 1409): " o 884 ara a s an poste Il sit: 113 11" (Fol. 1a, last line). Moreover, the whole Ms. is written in one hand. The Ms., therefore, must be regarded as dated V. S. 1465 (c. A. D. 1409 ). The fact that only the first prabandha bears the date of copying need not raise any doubt regarding the completeness of the Ms. For, although the close of the second prabandha is marked by the following colophon and postcolophon entry : "Il 3 11 at 27THERIETAU: HATA: 11 3 11 eft: il v Had 94917: " and is at the same time followed by as many as eight prabandhas and only a similar benediction closes the tenth or the last prabandha, it has to be pointed out that the completion of the work is indicated by a Prakrit verse that stands the last; vide : 11 3 11 hela&# 1 : 11 3 JH H90 da#117 [:] tamil rAyANa daMtidaMte pAmaraloANa vasahakhaMdhammi / suhaDANa khaggiagge mahilANa payohare lacchI // 1 // zrIH / / k This codex belongs to the Pravartaka Kantivijayaji Collection of the Atmananda Jaina Jnanamandira, BARODA, bearing no. 2356. Though undated, it appears to be about 200 years old. It is written in Devanagari characters on paper, 10.3 X 4.4 inches in size, with the side-margins of 0.6" each and a space of 0.4" left out at the top as well as the bottom. The margins are ruled in double black lines. This codex contains only one of the prabandhas viz. the Madanabhramamaharajaprabandha and consists of one folio, with 36 lines in all and about 63 letters to a line, the folio being unnumbered. Both the pages have a decorative space of the shape of a Vedika or a sacrificial altar of thirteen padas left out in the middle, its minimum measurement being 0.3" and maximum 1.3", and only four letters are written in the four directions within the same.

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There are only two cases of supra lineam additions: at one place (1, 4) the figure 28 is added and at the other (1, 5) the letter which was left out while writing, both propria manu. There are no other corrections nor any marginalia. No pigment is used for erasures, which are generally marked by two small vertical strokes above the letters concerned; if only a portion of a letter is to be erased, only one such stroke is placed above the particular portion. There are two cases of erasures indicated by the omission of the head-lines. At one place is converted to a by making the portion covered by the letter a thicker than the remaining portion of the letter regarded as erased! There is one case of being written as sahasra occurs twice in both of which cases it is written as sahazra kha and stha have always taken the forms of and respy., while is simply written as . The parasavarna is not employed and final m also is changed to an anusvara. In one case has replaced g. Likewise a has taken the form of a anusvara in the name af is once omitted through oversight. sukhAsanAdhirUDhA has become sukhAsanAdirUDhA for the same reason. which is to be . The word and the Similarly At one The danda is very frequent but scarcely inadvertently employed. place the danda is erased by a small vertical stroke above. At a few places such a stroke above the space between two letters indicates that a danda is inadvertently left out there. Such abbreviations as daksina, pascideg, uttadeg are used for the forms of the names of the directions. Likewise the abbreviations Madana and Madeg replace the name Madanabhrama. The Prsthamatras are resorted to in all the cases where two matra-strokes have to be shown. The single colophon is not distinguished in any way, (say, by daubing over with a red chalk or so) from the other portion of the text. The condition of the Ms. is good, but at a number of places the writing is worn out and has become indistinct. Of course, in every such case the letters could be deciphered with the help of a magnifying glass. The writing is decent, legible and fairly correct. O This codex belongs to the Oriental Institute, BARODA, bearing Accession No. 681. Though undated, it appears to be about two hundred years old. It is written in Devanagari characters on paper not so thick and durable as that of G. It is 10.2 X 4.4 inches in size with side margins of 1 inch each and a space of 0.4 inches left out at the top and the bottom. The Ms. contains only one of the prabandhas viz. Madanabhramarajaprabandha and consists of two folios with 15 lines to a page and about 43 letters to

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a line. Margins are ruled with three red lines. The folio-numbers are written at the bottom of the right margin on the reverse of each folio. Each page has a decorative space of the shape of a sacrificial altar of thirteen padas left out in the middle, its minimum and maximum measurements being 0.3" and 1.3" respy. There are three cases of supra lineam additions, propria manu, but there are no corrections nor any marginalia. In line 2 on folio I a space of two letters is left out since the writing on the obverse has spoiled the paper on the reverse. Erasures are indicated in ways more than one viz. by not drawing the head-line of the letter to be erased, by placing two or three vertica above the letter to be erased or the portion thereof desired to be erased. At two places a danda is erased by drawing cross-wise a black line over it. At one place the letter a is changed to a by simply writing down the latter over the former. Likewise there is a case of a written over a which latter is to be deemed as erased, and in one case the syllable u is changed to y in a similar way. At one place in the word sukhasanadirudha two vertical strokes are placed above the letter di evidently to cancel it and probably to correct it to dhi, but, for one reason or another, the revised entry of dhi is not made anywhere. Final m is always written as an anusvara and the employment of parasavarna also is mostly avoided. The letter E is generally written as q and 8 as y. The employment of the danda is quite regular. The Pysthamatras are resorted to in most of the cases where two malrastrokes have to be shown. : Not only the colophon but also other portions of the text at haphazard intervals are lightly daubed over with red chalk. No. 5177 is put in the middle blank space on the last page in Gujarati script by a later hand. The left margin contains the writing 'Ra 5' in the same line as the above number, beneath which is written the word 'Dhana'. The significance of these remarks is not known. Probably these are remarks put by an owner of the Ms., no. 5177 evidently standing for the number of the Ms. in his collection. The condition of the Ms. is gocd and the writing is legible and fairly correct. MUTUAL RELATION OF THE MANUSCRIPTS Out of these three Mss. only G contains the full text as presented in this volume, while K and O contain only one prabandha viz. that of King M a da nabhra m a. These three Mss. do not display anything like recensions, but they

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belong to the same text-tradition. There are a number of variations among them but all minor. A comparative study of the three Mss. tempts us to believe that Ms. G is the oldest Ms., K is a copy of it with corrections and additions here and there and O is a copy of K. A few instances may be examined here: (1) Fn. 24: The reading artzai3 of G has become artist in K and is Sanskritised in o as dvArapAlaka. ( 2 ) Fn. 44: H100 of G becomes more in K wbich is refined as mANikyathaMbha in o. (3) Fn. 49: gaofaat 07571919i garant pe of G is reduced in K to svarNamaya 16 vApI pUtalI 16 due to the obvious reason of the difficulty of proper deciphering of ardit. This is copied down in O as svarNamaya sola vApI pUtalI 16. (4) Fn. 73 : strInau parihAru of G is slightly revised in K as strInau parihAra which is still refined in O as strInu parihAra. (5) Fn. 786 : zrIpArzvanAthanau prAsAdu of G has become zrIpArzvaprAsAda in K and zrIpArzvanAthaprAsAda in 0. (6) Fn. 88: K adds: fam : * ?000 FTUETTESATTAR, which is copied down by O with slight changes as : fa# RTE 2000 Th TilAlamauktikamayam. (7) Fn. 94: G 4aitalarie, K degTZITT, O OZTT. (8) Fn. 99: G reads #ayathra faar, K abbreviates as fo tali faat and misunderstands this abbreviation and copies as FA FA faat. (9) Fn. 105: G reads faqt, K Raat, while o altogether omits the word, probably through oversight. (10) Fn. 107: G ifta fyzi, K sista talizat, O Ses Tadtai. (1) Fn, 108: G ia: becomes an a: in K which again suffers a slight change in aanta: of O. (12) Fn. 112: ich of G is corrected to fight in K. The scribe of Ms. O could not decipher properly and copied this word in his Ms, as agt.

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(13) Fn. 120: G jIvitavyanA jAgesara is revised in K as jIvitavyanA jAgezvara which is copied in Owith a scribal error as jIvatavyanA jAgezvara. (14) Fn. 124 : Mashanat of G is revised in K as Ostiant, which is copied down in Oas garbhazvara. (15) Fn. 125: ciMtitaciMtAmaNi of G becomes aciMtitaciMtAmaNi in K which is reduced in 0 to affalafot which may either be regarded as the reading of K with a inadvertently dropped by the scribe or as a corruption of a reading to; the former alternative appears to be more probable in the present case. (16) Fn. 128: Greads Thefti *98 gala, which is reduced in K to rAjabIDakanai saMtAni by inadvertent omission of the letters ja and daM. The term at produced by this corruption is naturally not understood by the scribe of Ms. O who revises the phrase as 70 593 Haifa. (17) Fn. 133: G trihuM rAyana u AMbala u is revised in K as cihuM rAyanu AMbalu, the scribe not correctly deciphering the word fag. This is copied down with slight changes in o as cihuM rAyanu AMbilau. (18) Fn. 135: G 3FTIANAT FTTEIT, K 32*1184TUS queit, 0 udayazAsanataNu deNahAra. (19) Fn. 137: G Hhafera faszt, K fant, O Anafelat. (20) Fn. 14o: G kAnhaDArAyajayakezanI kumari has become kAnhaDarAyakezataNI FAT in K due to haplographical omission of 54 and other revisions made by the scribe. This is copied in 0 as 1514.gaut falf retaining the haplographical omission and adding two scribal uncertainties in and H. Moreover, the preceding word 197ram of G is omitted both by K and 0. (21) Fn. 143: G caulakya cakravartiH is revised in K as caulukyacakravatI which is copied in a careless manner in Oas caulukyacakravarti. (22) Fn. 144: ofteat: is revised in both K and O as oftet. (23) Fns. 148, 149: Ghisa Tara is revised in K as affaqat haaa amAtyena, which is copied in o with one scribal error as tasminUvasare mAIdevena amAtyena.

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(24) Fns. 154, 155: S 19 = faga of G is revised in Kass Tilaut faga, which is still revised (but wrongly ) by the scribe of O as 9 lakSapadAtyo vidyate. (25) Fn. 163 : : afetar of G is corrected in K as a giferaf. ritar, which is copied down in O with the scribal omission of the repha thus : Tu algatai. (26) Fn. 175: G 371: gfe at: is changed in K to 27 * 3Trafega Here the word 39: is added to the original reading which is perhaps not clear to its scribe who, however, missed the visarga while writing down and on finding out this error afterwards he put a small vertical stroke above s to indicate that a visarga is to be inserted there. The scribe of Ms. O first wrote 371 372909fesa: thinking that the stroke indicated an additional 1, but afterwards became conscious of its absurdity in light of a: and replaced this I with a visarga, (27) Fn. 184 : TTTM a i of G is revised (?) in K with a re petition of kathaM as kathaM rAjyalIlAM kathaM na karoSi. The scribe of Ms. O became conscious of this repetition which he omitted while copying the reading of K. (28) Fn. 190: Gagfa fa fa Hoti:, K 281 a 2011, 0 381 fagut. (29) Fn, 191: G does not enumerate the eight damsels presented to Ja ya simha by Ma dana bhrama; while K and give their names in the same order with slight differences as noted below: K: nAmAni / prIttimatI 1 priyatamA 2 abhISTavaktA 3 kAmapriyA 4 mRgalocanA 5 caMdavadanA 6 pRthulazroNI 7 manoharA 8. 0: nAmAni / prItimatI priyatamA 2 abhISTavakA 3 kAmapriyA 4 mRgalocanA 5 caMdabadanA 6 pRthulazroNI 7 manoharA 8. Thus in the first name fer is rightly corrected by O as fa but it has not numbered the name as 1. Name no. 3 appears to be in reality feat, which is written down in K as oathil probably due to the influence of an inaccurate pronunciation ; while correcting this reading O rightly inserts the repha but misses the takara! The sixth name is again wrongly spelt in K which is blindly copied down in O.

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( 30 ) Fns. 193, 194: G samapitAH / gRhItvA nirgataH K pradattAH / rAjA gRhItvA cacAla OFFI 151 zetat 71. (31) Fn. 194deg: sukhAsanAdhirUDhA of G is erroneously copied in K as sukhAsanAdi T. The scribe of Ms. O first copies K as it is but afterwards becomes aware of the corruption and tries to erase Re putting two small vertical strokes above it. He does not insert fo in place of this fe, probably because the readings of G are not before him. As such his corrected reading becomes a variant of the original reading of G with no change in the sense : sukhAsanArUDhA. (32) Fn. 197 : G reads suvarNamayAputtalikAbhirdorakasaMcAreNa jalpitaM. K tries to improve upon this text in its reading svarNamayaputtalikAbhidorakasaMcArakena afech. O simply copies down the text of K dropping inadvertently the letters #4: Ngam T TE TIT# fei. (33) Fn. 199: G reads FITTO tecroft. K changes the order and revises these names as pRthulazroNI 1 manoharA 2. This is in keeping with the names of the eight damsels added by K. O misses one I while copying K: pRthulazreNI 1 manoharA 2. This is only a scribal error since the names of the eight damsels are copied down in the previous passage quite correctly. ( 34 ) Fn. 201. Fn. 20r: zrIpattane samAgataH of G is corrected in K to pattane samAgataH which is copied down in O with an erroneous addition of a 1: q@ qalar. (35) Fn. 202: G has the following colophon: 4779AEITIFY: FATA:. This is slightly condensed in Kas: gefa stacat TTS1904:, which is again condensed by 0 in its colophon which runs thus : iti madanabhramarAjAprabaMdha:. The following are a few instances wherein Mss. G and K agree but o differs: (1) Fn. 38: G, K read tahi which is corrected in O as ta . (2) Fns. 39, 40: G, K give these two names : erat i a i . O has only one name 44319 in their place. ( 3 ) Fns. 45, 46G. K read 514673 773 which is given in 0 as 11417 E.

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10 (4) Fn. 50: 7120 PR0 of G, K is corrected by O as tare 830. (5) Fp. 67: G and K fto. K has placed small vertical strokes near the head-lines of both the 'x's in order to separate these words from each other by putting a danda after each as is done by it at many other places. O reads against this : ag eft. Are we to understand that the vertical strokes of K are mistaken by the scribe of O as anusavaras while directly copying down the text of K in his Ms. O ? Some instances of G and O coinciding against the readings of Kare mentioned below: (1) Fn. 122: G and O read #411HER which is corrected in K to mamatAmahezvara. ( 2 ) Fn. 170: G, O have fact against 25 of K. It appears that thinking that afar is the correct word much more in usage than qafqat the scribe of Ms. K revised the reading of G to gafant, but O, while copying from K, Sanskritised the term hafal in its reading a gafatin which accidentally coincides with that of G. (3) Fn. 61*: KFTAdeg for guio of G, 0. (4) Fns. 88, 118": Ti and Ea are scribal errors of K against the correct readings #algrat and ITT of G and O. (5) Fn. 140deg: K reads sting fa for stiftrafi of G, O. Now we may turn to the similarities of K and O against G a few instances whereof are given below : (1) Fn. 22 : K, O drop the word gai. (1) Fn. 28: K, O have are for aint He of G. (2) Fn. 31: The first of the names of the female friends is a against G Ali. (3) Page 3: K, O regularly number the first nine of the female friends, while G does not give numbers with the names (vide fn. 33), ( 4 ) Fn. 35: K, O omit the name vir and add AT EI. ( 5 ) Fn. 37: The order of the names all and art is changed in K, O.

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(6) Fn. 41: K, O add the no. 28 at the end of the list of twentyeight female friends. (7) Fn. 42: fagift: qft of G is replaced in K, O by d adifugan:. (8) Fn. 43: K, O read (9) Fn. 47 : (10) Fn. 48: (II) Fn. 57: ( 12 ) Fn. 58 : (13) Fn. 60 : (14) Fn. 61: ( 15 ) (16) Fn. 65 (17) Fn. 68: ramIyai. II G by replacing it with gavAkSAgre. (21) for 2 of G. G rUpAnau UtaNIyAvaha is revised in K, O to rUpAnu UtaNIAvaTa. G suvarNa becomes svarNadeg in K, O. K, O have avoided the confusion of K, O add a 8. Fns. 62, 9: : caMdrayotsnA of G is revised to caMdrajyotsnA in K, O. of K, O is naturally the Sanskritisation of G fazi. of K, O is a revision of the original Ga ( 18 ) Fns. 69-71 : choDIyaI, kAdamInAM and vicchoDIyaI of G have respectively become choDIi, kAdramanAM and bolIi in K, O. (19) Fn. 72: K madana0 rAyanai and O madanabhramarAyanahUM display a later revision of the original reading of G madana bhramahuI. K, O read 4 vedikA suvarNamayA 4 for G suvarNamayavedikA 4 . 'nAma of G is corrected to 'nAmAni. (20) Fn. 74: eka nAlika | bIjI kApAlika / is the reading of K, O for G nAlika 1 kApAlikA 2. (25) Fn. 9: Fn. 76 : strIkApAlika prasUta strI of G is revised in K, O to kApAlika prasU t. The best way would be to take this initial ft of G with the previous word of disregarding the danda separating them. (26) Fn. 80 (27) Fn. 81: =kSA ) nAmapre of ( 22 ) Fn. 77: rAjAnai 2 niyama of K and rAjAnaI 2 niyama of 0 are later revisions of the original rAyarihaI niyama 2 of G. (23) Fn. 78: K, O omitat as unnecessary. (24) Fn. 78% of K, O is a revision of G of G viz. tahAM tion in the original G mahAprasAdapAtra. of K, O is a revision of the original reading devapUjA karai. of K, O is a revision of Gaane. 1 of K, O may be an attempt at avoiding exaggera

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J2 ( 38 ) Fn. 82: 37**: of K, O may be a simpler alternative for G SGTA MA. (29) Fn, 83: K, O have 15: karar alT: against G 134atmin agt 110( =313770) 11:. The scribe of K has probably failed to understand the faulty reading for of G and has tried to make it easily understandable by amending it in this curious way. O has just copied K. (30) Fn. 84: HTTE is corrected to try in K, O. (31) Fns. 85-86: dehasthUlatvAt gAtrazaithilyatvAt of G is corrected to dehe sthUla cara alamia by the scribe of K, while that of O has copied down the reading of K with the scribal error in degzaithalyAt. (32) Fn. 90: Age of K, O is a correction of G . (33) Fn. 92 : G 3474471 becomes 71 in K, O. (34) Fn. 95: G 31: is exalted to ai in K, O. (35) Fn. 96: G 37fE arsa: is simplified in K. O as ofeggi afa yadA calati tadA. (36) Fn. 97: G Siraslanrft is slightly revised in K, O as siiraleant. (37) Fn, 100: K, O add the phrase da na sh 3h for clarity of sense. (38) Fn. 104: Ggf is revised in K, as ga. ( 39 ) Fn, 109: apaat is omitted by K, O. (40) Fn. 110: G 21417: becomes 2017: in K, O. (41) Fn. III: G Hat e in: is read in K, O as #qafe: fegat. (42) Fn. 11deg: qe of G has become qe in K, O evidently through scribal error. ( 43 ) Fn. 113: Te replaces in K, O cale of G. (44) Fn. 114: aftala: of K, O appears to be the Sanskritisation of G viNajArau. (45) Fn. IIT: KO read parIcchatI parinu paramahaMsa against parIcchatI parinA paramahaMsa of G. (46) Fn. 118: K, O omit the address tada EFTF. (47) Fn. 123: K, O art is a revision of G 35 . (48) Fn. 126: Alaff of G is changed to fit in K, O. (49) Fn, 129: K, O go4a2 salateha is an attempt to correct G caulakyavaMza ayonIsaMbhama.

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13 ( 50 ) Fn. 130: K, O F ars is a scribal error for G FITT5. (51) Fn. 131: K, O read ofzaak faa5974a198aa for G #1127777 vizvajananayanAnandana / (52) 131deg: G18 lakSa 92 sahasramAlavalakSmIkacagrahavigrapANi is corrected in Kas 18 lakSa bANUsahasramAlavakacagrahavyagrapANi, which is copied down in O with the evident scribal error of "sahasa for degsahasra'. ( 53) Fn, 132: Ga tao is corrected to if ao in K, 0. (54) Fn. 136: 1747 TT of K, O is a revision of G 1373 TJ. ( 55 ) Fn. 138: Gazi is not understood in its true sense and hence K revises it to oa part, which is simply copied down by 0. (56) Fn. 139: The epithet zeazak is omitted in K and O. (57) Fris. 141, 142: 1316: and dig: of G are reduced respy, to rAjahaMsa and degavataMsa in K,O. (58) Fn. 146: star of G is reduced to retain K, 0.' (59) Fns. 146", 147: K, :O omit azi 3r 31,3it : 1 970 ae cfaat gratuvara: STATI Just4: : agua: ! (60) Fn. 151: at aqai of G is corrected to at ayat in K, O. (61) Fns. 153, 179: K. O omit x prefixed in G to tadata and madanabhrabhena respy. (62) Fn. 154 : 319 of G is revised in K, O to its Sanskrit form 74. (63) Fns. 156-157: 330 379r: 913 TETTHET 316i gia of G is reduced to 120 azvA SoDaza gajA rAjJA bheTAM lAtvA yAtu in K, O, probably due to scribal error of K and blind copying of O. (64) Fn. 158: fa5744: of G is corrected in K, O to fath. (65) Fn. 159: 47 of G becomes aftft in K, O. (66) Fn. 160: aktuai of G becomes netga in K, O. (67) Fn. 161: The Flaskea of G is revised in K, 0 to F IAST. (68) Fn. 162 : ?) replaces in K, Ogget of G. (69) Fn. 161 : quut tai of K, O is evidently a correction of G quoft kRyatAM which latter is a scribal error for praguNI kriyatA. (70) Fn. 165: The erroneous reading of K, O EA fa for the correct one of Gaza appears to have been influenced by the regional language. (71) Fn. 166: engajai of G is wrongly corrected in K, O to GEETHAI

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14 (72) Fn. 167: K, O read qutila for Gaguftanci. This change is evidently made under the direct influence of point no. 69. (73) Fn. 168: G 1715 4 98 Thi Ba I F ARTU is changed in K, O to gAU 5 raNakSetraM kArApitaM / pratolIkaTakAMtare. (74) Fn. 169: quiet of G is corrected to quit: in K, O. (75) Fn. ITI: K, 0 navayauvanAbhirAmA is a revision of G navyayUvanAbhirAmA. (76) Fn. 172: RUMIT Of G is heightened to asi titt in K, 0. (77) Fn. 174 : fear of G is corrected in K, O to lear:. (78) Fn. 177: #fo is dropped by K, O. (79) Fn. 178: 17 #Thia: of K, O is an evident ( but imperfect) correction of the scribal error in the reading of G dvayo rAjJomalarjAta:. (80) Fn. 180 : K, O have Faraid for G TA. (81) Fns. 181, 182: Bar: and at: of G are corrected in K, O as mat and flat respy. (82) Fn. 183: G strakatdargia is simplified in K,O to straiste. 83) Fn. 184(r) : K, O change the order of die Fi. (84) Fn. 186: K,O add a suitable reply to the speech of Mada nabhrama: raati A ges 419 TETI (85) Fn. 189: K, O omit til. (86) Fns. 195, 196: The visarga is wrongly dropped in K, O in the read ings vajrapaJjarAcchAditAH and samAgatAH of G. It cannot be argued that in both these cases the singular is intended and hence the visarga is dropped; because that would not suit the plural in Erhaat: and other allied terms. There are no significant readings peculiar to G alone over and above those already noted in the foregoing pages. The obvious reason for this fact is that K has copied G faithfully correcting its so many scribal inaccuracies. K displays very few notable peculiarities of its own, the most glaring one being the occasional use of short forms e.g. afoto (fn. 53), ufo (fn. 3770 (fn. 55") for the respective directions and Ho (fn. 99 ) and 770 (fn. 72 ) for CTA. Being the latest of the three codices, O presents more peculiarities of readings than the other two: (1) Fn. 53: O adds fafet after aliaf.

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15 ( 2 ) Fn. 56 : kailAsahAsa for kailAzahAsa proves its inclination towards figurative expressions. ( 3 ) Fn. 87 : prakaTIbhavati for pragaTIbhavati is one of the instances of its inclination towards correctness of Sanskrit expressions. (4) Fn. 98: Sometimes glaring scribal errors take place during its endeavour in the directions noted above. Thus it has not properly understood the reading asmatsvAmina: Reading this asmat as asman it runs to correct it to an which gives us a curious variant in asmin svAbhinaH ! (5) Fns. 102, 187: The forms and are confused. (6) Sometimes it omits certain terms as superfluous: e.g. the address is dropped at fn. 127 and the term ar is dropped from - zrIjayasiMhadeva at fn 145. (7) Sometimes changes are made due to non-understanding of the real sense but in an attempt at refining the original; e.g. fn. 134: gAjaNavai is wrongly turned to gAjagaDaya. Similar is the case of raNavaTTaH which is reduced to 1 by O (fn. 152) due to the same reason. 173) of the other two Mss. is an inclined towards Sanskrit expressions ( 8 ) kaTakasaMmukhaM against kaTakasanmukhaM ( in instance of its being more than the other two. It becomes clear from the above account that G, being archaic in its readings, is the oldest of the three Mss. consulted. It is not possible at the present stage of our knowledge to determine its exact archetype. Its incorrect language and numerous Prakritic and Old Gujarati passages tempt one to guess that most of the stories are taken from folklore. It is also evident from the above discussions that K is a hurried copy of G, but that the scribe has revised the copy carefully and made suitable changes to make it accurate. Its writing is far more correct than that of G which it has improved upon considerably during the process of being copied down. O does not appear to have before it the Ms. G. It is a copy of K, sometimes a blind one inasmuch as it has retained several scribal inaccuracies of K and at places has misunderstood certain signs of K which are presented by O in an altogether different way. Its inclination towards Sanskritisation and refinement can easily be noticed at a number of places. All the same the scribe is not conversant with the language nor is he intelligent enough to avoid certain silly errors. II. The Constitution of the Text For one of the prabandhas three Mss. could be consulted, but for the rest

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16 of the text only one Ms. was available and the Ms. concerned also was considerably defective. The editor has tried to correct all scribal errors, but care is taken not to meddle with the peculiarities of the language and style, since this work is written in the so-called "Jaina Sanskrit". Hence faulty forms of the names of the directions are not revised. Many names and other words lack Sanskrit case-terminations. Likewise at several places Prakrit and Old Gujarati terms, expressions and even whole sentences and passages are met with. In all such cases the original spelling is retained in the re-constructed text as far as possible; because these cannot be deemed as mere scribal errors. A glaring example in this regard is the specch of Vilh u Vamani on pp. 6 and 7, which is not completely Sanskritised in the re-constructed text since it indicates dialectical or colloquial influence. Likewise the name Jayasimha sometimes takes the colloquial form Jayasingh which, as such, must be retained in the re-constructed text. The editor has not tried to Sanskritise the names and epithets of the members of the court of King Jayasimha and those of other personages also, for they possess a purely dialectical touch and cannot be deemed as mere scribal corruptions. Certain words, however, placed among purely Sanskrit wordings, are changed to their original Sanskrit form considering such cases as those of scribal errors; e.g. visvasena (18.17) replaces the original visvasena in the re-constructed text. A lexicographical note on all peculiar words and expressions is presented in Appendix 'A', In the presentation of the re-constructed text the usual system of brackets is not followed for evident reasons. The re-constructed text is presented in a running way and the original readings of the Mss. (including variant readings) are given in the footnotes on each page for ready reference both to the original readings or variants and to the consituted text. The re-constructed text is divided into suitable paragraphs and punctuation marks also are scrupulously resorted to in the modern fashion. The dandas in the Mss. could not be relied upon, as they are placed there quite inadvertently, sometimes even separating letters of the same word! Therefore, in oider to present an easily readable text, they are disregarded and all punctuations are made in the modern fashion. Likewise the avagrahas also are employed in the re-constructed text wherever the editor felt that they were required for facility of understanding. At very few places the editor has made small insertions, especially at the close of trabandhas or sections thereof. The titles and serial numbers of the

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17 prabandhas are also introduced by the editor. All such insertions are placed within square brackets [] in order to distinguish the same from the text as reproduced from the Mss. In the case of Old Gujarati and Prakrit words etc, also the editor has tried to retain the original spelling as far as possible. The same is the case with the Old Guj. and Pkt. verses. Though the original sources of most of them could not be traced (as they seem to form part of floating lit. or folk-tales), care is taken to present them in as understandable a form as possible and every word thereof is explained in the Lexicographical Study (Appendix 'A'). Names of persons, places etc. are printed in bold types for facility of the readers. III. The Prabandha Literature The Dictionary meaning of the term 'Prabandha' is 'a continued or connected narrative or discourse'as also any literary work or composition'. As an instance of the employment of the term in the former sense may be quoted the pithy line from Magh a's Sisupalavadha II. 73: sta fosa FRFT: gaat TET:'; while its use in the latter sense may be illustrated by the prominent line from the introductory portion of Kalidasa's Malavikagnimitra displaying the peculiar manner of the poet's introducing himself to his audience: ..... aftag Tat Hanat onafamatai garurafata ..... - In Dramaturgy the term prabandha' denotes a special type of gana. The fourth Adhyaya of Nihsan ka sarnga deva's Sangitaratnakara (Twelfth century A.D.) is itself named Prabandha-Adhyaya [ Anandasrama ed. of 1896 A.D., pp. 271-354). To a student of the mediaeval Sanskrit literature, however, the term * prabandha' bears a peculiar technical sense, first of a historical anecdote, so to say, and then of a form of literature allied to the so-called Caritas. At the very outset of his Prabandhakosa ( 1349 A.D.) Rajasekha ra. suri tries to make a distinction between Caritas and Prabandhas, according to which the Caritas are the life-stories of the Tirthankaras right from Rsa bha natha up to Ma ha vira, of (ancient ) kings including the mythological Sovereigns or Cakrins and of the religious pontiffs up to

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18 Aryarak sitasuri (who died in the year 557 after Mahavira, i.e., in 30 A.D.); while the biographies of (prominent personages who flourished after the time of Aryarak sita are pronounced by him as Prabandhas. It is not clear whether this distinction is made by Rajasekhara suri himself or he owes it to some older authority. In any case, however, as Dr. B. J. Sandesara* rightly points out, this type of distinction in nomenclature has not been always observed in actual compositions, because the works dealing with the life of persons like Kumara pala, Vastupala and J agad u who flourished as late as the 12th and the 13th centuries have been styled as Caritas, e.g. the Kumarapalacarita of Jina mandanaga nin (1335-36 A. D.), the Vastupalacarita of Jina harsa (1441 A.D.) and the Jagaducarita of Sarvar, anda (14th cent. A. D.). Turning to the Prabandhas actually available, we can generalise that Prabandha is a form of literature of historical anecdotes widely cultivated especially by mediaeval Jaina writers of Western India, written in a regional style of Sanskrit which may be described as simple, popular, colloquial Sanskrit as contrasted to the Classical Sanskrit. These historical anecdotes do add to our historical knowledge. All the same their motives are "to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or when the subject is purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with pleasant entertainment." The Prabandhavali of Jin a bhadra (1234 A. D.) is the earliest available dated Prabandha- collection. Only one Ms. of this work, dilapidated in condition, is preserved in a Bhandara at Patana (North Gujarata) locally known as Sangha-no Bhandara. In the well-known compilation of prabandhas made by Muni Pinavija yaji and published by him as No. 2 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1936 A. D. under the name of Puratana-prabandha-sangraha this Prabandhavali was the main Ms. (viz. Ms. P) which he has described on pp. 2-20 of bis Hindi Introduction to the work. It comprises 40 prabandhas in simple prose a majority of which deal with historical personages of Western India with the exception of a few which are taken from folklore. Three of the four Apabbramsa verses occurring in the Pythviraja / tatra zrIRSabhAdivardhamAnAntAnAM jinAnAm, cakrayAdInAM rAjJAm, RSINAM cAryarakSitAntAnAM vRttAni caritAni ucyante / tatpazcAtkAlabhAvinA tu narANAM vRttAni prabandhA iti / - PK, p.1, II. 19-20. * LCV, p. 144. Buhler, Life of Hemacandracarya, p. 3

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19 prabandha of this Prabindhavali "are traced in a corrupt form to the Prthviraja-raso ascribed to poet Canda, a friend and contemporary of Pythviraja, the last Hindu sovereign of Delhi. These citations have gone a long way to show that the published Pythviraja-raso is not a later work in toto, as some scholars are inclined to believe, but that the Raso has very old nucleus, which is earlier than at least 1234 A. D., the date of Jinabhadra's work."+ The following may be enumerated, in their chronological order, as other outstanding specimens of the Prabandha Literature : (1) The Prabhavakacarita of Prabha candra (1277 A.D.), written throughout in verse, first published by the Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay in 1909 A.D. and then in a more perfect form by Muni Jina vija yaji as no. 13 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1940 A.D. It contains 22 prabandhas relating the life-stories of the principal Svetambara pontiffs right from Vajra. swamin (c. Ist cent. B.C.) up to Hem a cand racarya (12th cent. A.D.), in continuation of Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan or Sthaviravalicarita. It includes important historical anecdotes regarding a number of great kings and poets of outstanding importance. (2) The Prabandhacintamani of Merutun gacarya (1305 A.D.), as a specimen of the Prabandha form par excellence, gives a large number of historical dates, a feature not common in Sanskrit literature. "It is a principal source-book of the history of medieval Hindu Gujarata from the times of Cauluk ya Mularaja to the end of the Hindu rule, i.e., it covers roughly the period from the middle of the 19th cent. to the end of the 13th cent. A.D."* It was published by Muni Jina vija y aji as no. I of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1933. It contains in all 135 prabandhas under main topics divided into 5 Prakasas. (3) The Kalpa-pradipa or Vividhatirthakalpa of Jina prabha (1333 A.D.) is a unique work, important from both historical as well as geograpbical view-points, serving as a guide-book, so to say, for all the prominent holy places of Jaina religion which existed in the 14th cent. It comprises 61 Kalpas or chapters out of which 12 are hymns, 7 are biographies and the rest are descriptions of holy places of pilgrimage. It was published by Muni Jinavija y aji as no. 10 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1934 A.D. It + PPS, Introduction, pp. 8-10; LCV, p. 145. * LSJS, P. 2.

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20 includes prabandhas, in prose and in verse, composed both in Sanskrit as well as in Prakrit. (4) The Prabandhakosa or Caturvimsatiprabandha of Rajasekhara suri (1349 A.D.) consists of 24 extensive and interesting prabandhas, the first and the last ones being Bhadrabahu-Varaha-prabandha and VastupalaTeja pala-prabandha respy. The seventh prabandha viz. that of Malla vadisuri is written throughout in verse, while the rest are in the usual simple colloquial Sanskrit prose. It was first published by the Forbes Gujarati Sabha, Bombay in 1932 A.D. and then by Muni Jinavija y aji as no. 6 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1935 A.D. (5) The Bhojaprabandha of Ballala (c. 16th cent. A.D.). There are six different works named Bhojaprabandha by Ballala, Merutunga Raja vallabha, Vatsaraja, subha sila and Padma gupta Ballala's work, however, is the only prominent one, which was first published from Calcutta and then from Bombay (Nirnaya Sagara Press, revised in 1928 A.D.). Being an amusing piece of proso-poetic composition purporting to commemorate the liberal patronage of king Bhoja of Mala va it describes how he succeeded to the throne and presents a series of anecdotes about his relations with the many poets and literary lights that thronged his court.* The portions introducing the celebrities like Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti, Dandin, Ma gha etc. who flourished at different periods of time are of no value from historical point of view, but are useful for entertainment as well as for developing present wit. Not only does this Prabandha Literature possess importance from historical and geographical points of view but also--and much more from the viewpoint of Sanskrit lexicography on account of its peculiarly simple mass-appealing language which is replete with rare and obsolete words, back-formations, hyper-Sanskritism and all the more with words, expressions and syntactical peculiarities of the regional dialects. A lexicographical study of three of these works viz. the Prabandhacintamani, the Prabandhakosa and the Puratanaprabandhasangraha is presented by Dr. B. J. Sandes ara and the present editor in their " Lexicographical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit '" published from Baroda in 1962 as no. 5 of the M. S. University Oriental Series. The present text also is a work of the prabandha-style. As will be evident from the following pages, though a small work of 31 printed pages, it is very important from historial and lexicographical points of view, and as such it makes a very healthy addition to the Prabandha Literature. * HCL, pp. 501-2.

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21 IV. The Study of the Text THE TITLE AND EXTENT Though the present work is named here as Laghu-prabandha-sangraha, it must be pointed out that no such title is mentioned anywhere either in the body of the text or in its colophons. All the same the cover of Ms. G bears this title in a modern hand, and, since it does not contradict any known fact and suits the contents etc. of the text, the same has been accepted as the title of the work in the present edition. This name is significant inasmuch as the work contains short anecdotes relating to certain historical personages or incidents. It comprises in all to such laghu-prabandhas. The first prabandha bears the age of the Ms. in its post-colophon entry, while the close of the whole work is marked by a Prakrit subhasita placed at the end of the coth prabandha. THE CONTENTS The stories narrated in the LPS may briefly be rendered into English as under: 1. THE STORY OF JAGADDEVA Jagaddeva, son of Paramara king U da yaditya of Ujjayini, was very generous. When the king expired, Rana dha vala, Ja gadde va's step-brother, was enthroned by the ministers, but the people honoured Ja gaddeva. Consequently the ministers engaged murderers and the noble prince left the city. He entered the border-town of the very powerful king Parama di of Kalyana ko tipura which was offered by the queen to the harlots for maintenance. Having taken his meals at the place of a merchant he started wandering in the city. Being recognized as a fortunate man with excellent characteristics by the chowrie-maid of Queen Lila vati, who beheld him from her balcony concealing (or, abandoning-pariharan- ) one betel-roll and asking for another by keeping his hand on his shoulder, he was summoned in. When the king gave him audience, a large-eyed lady covered her head while paying him respects and in return Jag a ddeva made a brotherly endowment to her of three hundred thousand coins. On seeing his magnanimity the minister played a trick. A Bhavai-performance was undertaken wherein the king began to dance and the minister played upon the tabor. Jagaddeva put off his pupusya (=turban?), bestowed it upon the minister and asked him to choose a boon. The chief

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02 horse of Hammira, the ruler of Gajana, and the principal elephant of Gajapati, the king of the Gaudas, were asked for. With sixteen companions Jagaddeva entered the camp of Ham mira who had attacked Pattana, defeated him, took away the horse and exercised conciliation between Ja ya simhadeva and Hammira. He also procured the elephant from Gajapati of Gauda and sent both the animals to the requirer. 2. THE STORY OF THE GREAT KING MADANABHRAMA King Madanabhrama of Kanti possessed as many as 5585 queens and goco ordinary wives. His palace called Vis va vija ya had among other things a golden lion-throne, 4 golden pillars, 16 golden images of damsels in budding youth, 120 Gavaksas or windows, 4 golden altars, 4 square enclosures, 4 step-wells, 4 orchards, a golden time-piece, a silver arch and a small lake named Candrajyotsna which was fortified with a huge wall. He used to give audience only twice a year and for the rest of the period he remained in the midst of his woman-folk. Once king Ja ya sim hadeva of Gujarata camped in the vicinity of this city after his twelve-year victory-tour. Enraged at Mada nabhrama's bard's refusal to eulogize him, Ja ya simhadeva lingered there for four months with the intention of fighting against Ma dan a bhrama. Minister Maide va tried in vain to inform his king of the situation through maids. At last Vilhu the dwarf, a great favourite of the king, succeeded in taking him to the terrace of the palace wherefrom he beheld the waterproof-textile tents of Ja ya simha's camp. Naturally the king enquired about it and she caught the opportunity to explain the situation, describing king Jaya simha in very high terms, Under the circumstances Ma da na bhrama declared that he would give audience on the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Sravana. On the fixed day he sent Madhava, the officer in charge ot the city gates, with a present of 120 horses and 16 elephants and ordered the minister to give Jay a simha all that he wanted. He also instructed him to prepare the field of battle unalarmed in case the alien king still insisted on fighting. On the sixteenth day thereafter the battle-field was prepared in an area of about ten miles. A silken screen was inserted between the city-gates and .

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23 Ja ya simha's army. King Madana bhrama arrived and 700 youthful damsels riding mares with due erotic decorations were sent against the hostile army. They forcefully marched towards it and retreated in no time. Ja y asimha's cavalry pursued them and entered the eastern gates along with their king. Both the kings met; Madan a bhra ma conduced king Jayasimha deva to his palace and adored him. Mutual love having sprung forth, king Madanabhrama pronounced to king Jaya sih adeva that since he roamed about outside his kingdom for as many as twelve years he was a notorious king. He advised him to stay at home and enjoy royal pastimes. Ja ya sim hade va admitted this and M a da na bhra ma, being pleased with him, presented to him, at the time of departure, eight excellent damsels possessed of beauty as well as puberty. On suddenly learning that they were offered to the king of Gujarata, six of them died near the citygates due to heart-bursting and the rest two nained Mayurani or Manohara and Pethurani or Psthulasroni were brought to Pattana, where the king was received with due festivities. 3. THE STORY OF THE FIVE-HANDLED ROYAL UMBRELLA OF VIKRAMADITYA Once, while returning from his usual round of the city of Ujjayini, king Vikramaditya beheld a lady taunting from her balcony a scavenger woman who had stopped her sweeping work in honour of the royal procession and expressing her despise for the king inasmuch as he did not possess a royal umbrella of five handles. Having returned to his palace he summoned the lady ers approached and greeted him. The king asked them to prepare a fi ve-handled parasol for him. They replied that they would make such a parasol for him only who fulfilled their five desires. The king agreed and asked what he had to do. Desire 1: They replied: "In the first instance, having defeated the lady within three days you shall marry her." She came there with full pomp in company of her maids. The king could not win till the evening of the second day. That night he went to her ward

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24 and overheard the ladies there speaking out that the king was going to be defeated the next morning. Pained at this he went out to the temple of the Yaksa who regarded entering into dispute with Deva da mani as a folly on his part and advised him to go to Indra's heaven where she was to dance that very night. The king went to the heaven by virtue of the power of Agnivetala who transformed himself into a bee and broke down Deva dama pi's crest. ornament of Campaka flowers when she was fully engrossed into dancing, which, in its turn, broke one of her anklets while dropping down from her head. Vikrama dit ya picked up them both and the third thing that he took away was the betel-roll which was offered to her by Indra himself. Deva da mani was so engrossed in dancing that she did not notice this. Thereafter both of them returned home. The next morning when she went to the palace for continuing the game, the king was still in his bed and had to be awakened. When she remarked that the king had slept for a very long period, he retorted that being invited by Indra at a dance-performance he had to go to his heaven the previous night and that when the dancing girl, with all pride, would not cover her body, he caught hold of her crest-ornament. He showed it to her and she missed the expected dice. Likewise he also showed the anklet as well as the betel-roll and in this way she missed the dice thrice. The king won and married her. Thus was secured the first handle. Desire 2: "Bring the jewels from the second storey of the palace of king Trambasena of the city of Tram ba va ti." Vikra m aditya went to Tram ba vati, when the king's meals. prepared outside, were being brought into the palace through attendants. He mixed himself among them and entered the palace which compi than 50 apartments. At sunset he began to move from one apartment to another but did not find the jewels. Then he entered a third one along with a low-caste dame. It was the residence of the virgin princess and was locked after the dancing girls dispersed. After a while a letter was delivered to the princess through a balcony, which she read after opening the trellis. She took the jewels and mounted a red she-camel which was brought there. Her dvipati, however, was left there. Vikrama dity a slipped it down beneath the lattice and as the man sent

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25 by her for taking it entered the lower part for holding it up, he cut off his head with his sword, took the dvipati himself, mounted the she-camel and drove along the way to another country quite tacitly. On the princess' enquiry he replied that he intended to hand her over to the gambler Caturanga in the east where she was lost at stake. Sorrowfully thinking in her mind that she missed the mark both ways she observed taciturnity Having traversed a distance of eight to nine miles they alighted from the dromedary. He fell asleep while she kept awake. Suddenly, however, she saw a pair of lions bounding towards them and awakened the king who fatally pierced them both with a single arrow which he asked her to fetch back; and on her not doing so he threatened her with death. She besought him not to kill her, which he consented to on the condition that she would not disclose this feat of his to anybody. Again he drove further and, as the sun rose, she was delighted to see that he was quite handsome. They alighted in the outskirts of a city and he went inside for fetching food leaving her alone beneath a tree on the riverbank, when a bawd approached her acting astonishment at her sight and exclaiming : "O my niece! where had you been ? It is an auspicious day that you are found out !" With these words she conduced the princess to her residence along with the dromedary and arranged for her marriage with a royal officer's son who was praised by the woman-folk for killing a rat by means of an arrow! She observed the situation, formed detachment and became ready to burn herself alive. None could dissuade her from her determination, Highly pressed, she narrated her tale while mounting the pyre. At this very moment Vikram adity a, who was wandering in search of the princess, arrived there and was recognized by her due to the dvipati. He disclosed his identity and the officer fell at his feet. Then having wedded the bride he returned to Ujjayini with royal pomp. Thus was secured the second handle. Desire 3 : The old ladies commanded Vikramaditya to find out the real character of Umadevi, wife of Soma sar man, a Brahmana of Ujjayini, whose residence was marked by a tamarind tree standing at its gate,

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26 It was a school with 63 resident pupils. The king disguised himself as a student and secured admission there. At night, when Soma sarman and the pupils were all asleep, Uma up, climbed the tamarind tree and gave it a blow with her cudgel, at which the tree rose up from the ground, root and branch, and moved into the air. The king, who was feigning asleep, observed all this. The next day he climbed the tree earlier and waited for the night, when, again, the same process took place. The tree went to another island and stopped near a big temple, where she alighted and bowed down to 64 Yoginis. Meanwhile the Ksetra pala came to the scene and, saluted by Uma devi, he aske she was not offering the victims. She replied that the 64 pupils and their preceptor were suitable victims for the Yoginis and himself. She requested him to wait till the 14th day of the dark half of the nionth of Asvina, when, having placed the wooden slab-seats on the mystical diagrams drawn on the ground smeared with cow-dung, having adored the cudgel, offered the oblations and tied the holy string to the hand, her lady-cook would take the solemn vow and perform obeissance. The king, who had concealed himself, listened to these talks and silently mounted the tree, which duly returned to its original place. The next morning he reported to the preceptor that all 65 of them were going to be victimized on the fourth day thence. On the fixed day Uma devi performed all ceremonies upto the tying of the string. As she was about to take the solemn vow, however, the king cut off the string, caught hold of the cudgel and mounted the tamarind tree with his fellow-students and the preceptor. Getting a blow from the cudgel, the tree flew to another island where it was made to descend near a deserted city. Alighting from the tree, he straight-way went to the palace where he found the princess all alone, who informed him that a giant at rage had destroyed the city as well as its king and that he intended to marry her. She requested him to go away in order to avoid an immature death, since the giant was about to arrive. The dauntless king remained there concealed and no sooner did the giant arrive there than he killed him with a stroke of his sword. Thereafter he married the princess and, having climbed the tamarind tree, returned to the orchard of his city. Now the K setra pala went that day to Soma sarman's house where he found none but Uma devi. Consequently the oblation-offering was performed by cutting Uma devi herself to pieces.

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27 Som a sar man was sent to his house safe and sound. Thus was secured the third handle. Desire 4: The old ladies commanded again: "Offer gifts to the royal priest". The Purohita, however, would not accept any gift not earned by the 20 nails! Now, while going to attend the marriage-ceremony of the four daughters of the snake Alinjara in the city of Patala, the female florist Marudi and her friend Savitri, whose formal lamentation at the loss of her sister U madevi was duly removed by her, engaged the king, disguised as a porter, as their flower-basket-bearer. Marudi opened their way to the nether-world by removing a slab with the help of her cudgel and on reaching the city of Patala they went in leaving the porter, the flower-basket and the cudgel on the bank of a lake. The king, however, threw the flower-basket in the lake, cunningly followed them, mounted the horse kept ready for the bride-groom, wedded the brides and turned back. When Mar udi returned to the lake, she did not find the porter there and as she began to think as to what the matter was, the king arrived and made a call: " Come along, all of you !" He opened the nether-gate with the help of the cudgel and came up along with them and his arrival at Ujjayini was duly festivated. (The priest accepted the gifts ) and thereby was secured the fourth handle. Desire 5 : The old ladies said: "Let the minister be a receptacle first of your disgrace and then of your grace!" Now the minister's youngest daughter-in-law was conversant with the speeches of all creatures. One day she learnt through the speech of a jackal that her father-in-law would be bereft of all his prosperity within six months. Thence she started concealing jewels in cow-dung cakes. At last the impending day broke, when, for test, the king humiliated and exiled the minister after forefeiting all his property.

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28 When the minister's family left the city, the youngest daughter-in-law carefully took with her the cow-dung cakes. They settled in another city, where she used to bring out the jewels one after another, with the help whereof the men, who secured this or that occupation in the city, managed for the maintenance of the house-hold. The daughter-in-law hired a house and stayed there along with her two elder sisters-in-law. They used to purchase woodpieces and other things which were brought by the men who stayed elsewhere and gave them food etc. in return. In due course, again, she learnt from a jackal's speech that the king would go there for reconciliation; and the next day he met them, honoured them and invited them to go back with him. They agreed. Meanwhile, a juggler set in a spectacle, wherein he displayed a mangotree yielding fruits out of season. Bending the branches with the help of his magic staff he filled a large plate with mangoes and offered it to the king of the city, who, in his turn, being covetous of an ever-yielding mango-tree got him cut short. Consequently the magician's attendants flew away missing behind the magic-staff which was caught hold of by Vikra maditya, who was present there incognito. Now it was not possible to get the inangoes in absence of the magic-wand. Consequently the king proclaimed that he would marry his four daughters to that man who could hand over to him all the mangoes on that tree. Vikramaditya accepted the task and bending a branch of the tree by means of the wand he displayed the mangoes to the king, who, therefore, gave his four daughters to him in marriage. Immediately after this Vikra madit ya made all members of the minister's family climb the mango-tree which rose up, root and branch, at a blow of the wand. He left the tree by the side of the tamarind tree in the M a hakala park in the outskirts of Ujjayini and entered the city with due honour and pomp. The charge of the Chief-minister's office was again bestowed upon the minister. In this way disgrace and grace were displayed by the king in turn, which made up the fifth handle. Thus was the five-handled royal umbrella prepared for him and heid over his head.

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29 4. THE STORY OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE LAKE SAHASRALINGA One day a Vyasa related the following story during his expositions delivered in the court of king Jaya sii ha deva of Patana: " In the reign of king Rina malla of Suradhara pura in Saurastra there was a well where it was very difficult to get water. All the same a Candala woman one day quenched the thirst of a calf with the water of that well. By the power of this meritorious deed she was born as the daughter of king Visva deva of Kanauja, Kamalayati by name, and was given in marriage to Va ya ra sala, Rina malla's son. On seeing scanty water in that very well she remembered her past birth and got constructed a lake." Having listened to this story king Jayasim hade va got constructed the Lake Sahasralinga on the site of the Durlabha-lake. 5. THE STORY OF THE RAULANIS SIDDHI AND BUDDHI Once upon a time, four Brahmanas from Pata na set out for pilgrimage. While returning after taking medicinal herbs from Kedara, they paid respects to Anadi Raula in a cave, who, being pleased to hear them speaking in the Gujarati language, enquired from where they were hailing. They replied that they hailed from Pata n a where ruled king Jaya sim hadeva who enjoyed the title of Siddha-cakravartin. At that very moment the Raulanis Siddhi and Buddhi arrived there from Kamar u-pith a in the country of Gauda. Over-hearing the reply of the Brahmanas they determined to oblige the king to give up the title of Siddha-cakravartin and straight-way went to the royal court of Patana, where the king paid to them due respects and, blessed by them, he enquired about their preceptor etc. Having given their particulars, they commanded him to give up the title Siddha-cakravartin since, they argued, if he was a Siddha he could not simultaneously become a Cakravartin. The king managed for their lodgings and began to think over the problem in order to find out a suitable solution. A few days after, Sakariya Sa ha Hari pala enquired of his son, minister Sajjana, whether there was any news in the royal court,

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39 Sajjana told him about the Raulanis, at which the old man exclaimed that it was a matter of pleasure rather than that of sorrow. This conversation was over-heard by minister Santu who was passing by on his way home. He reported the matter to the king, who, on his part, sent a palanquin to Haripala for fetching him to the court. He, however, refused to go to the court, at which the king sent minister Santu personally for the purpose. Haripala went with him and was duly honoured by the king. He played a nice trick. He got prepared a small sword with its blade made of sugar and its handle, of iron. This glistening sword was handed over to the king, while in court, under the pretext that it was received as a gift from certain king. The king put it in his mouth and swallowed the blade. The remaining part viz. the handle was given to the Raulanis, but they could not swallow it and, thus defeated, they flew away; while due honour was bestowed upon Haripala. 6. THE STORY OF NAMALA THE FEMALE FLORIST Once, when king Jayasimhadeva returned to Pata na after a victory-march, his mother Maya naladevi informed him that on his setting out she had taken a vow to Lord Parsvanatha of Dabhoi that if her son returned safe and sound, he would enter the city of Patana after having bowed down to Him. At this he again set out for pilgrimage. This is how Parsvanatha of Dabhoi originated: In ancient times in order to fulfil a religious vow of Ganga king Santanu himself prepared this idol and threw it into a well. For helping Pariksit Taksaka acted as Dhanvantari and charmed the fig-tree with the holy Darbhagrass. Hence the name Dabhoipura. Out of the two temples there viz. those of Vaidyanatha and Parsvanatha the king visited the latter, where he learnt that the florist Namala was a woman of the Padmini type since bees thronged around her. He bowed down to the deity with an offering of a nose-gay of flowers and took lodgings. Then he sent for the florist lady through Dujanasala and Satrusala, the sons of Huna Thepaniya. Decked with flowerornaments she approached him, and, at his offer, she agreed to become his wife on the condition that none would insult her. Then they returned to the Capital.

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31 Now Na mala the florist used to go to the Pancasara Parsvanatha temple for paying homage to the deity on the eighth and fourteenth days of every lunar fortnight, seated in a closed palanquin. Once, while she was passing along in this fashion, Lilu, the daughter of Kelhanasimha Modha, an oil-grinder, turned away her face while bowing down to her feet on the way. She complained about this to the king, who went to the residence of the oil-man along with her. There they were duly respected. When Lilu, who was standing at the entrance of the worship apartment, bowed down to her, Nama la asked why she had turned away her face the other day. "Because the odour of the oil-lamp had spread into your litter," replied Lilu! Another incident occurred when Namala was passing by the residence of Jalha ka the washerman, while going to the temple of Pan casara Parsvanatha. His seven daughters-in-law, who were busy cloth-printing, ran to the balcony for having a sight of the queen, when, however, their sisterin-law contemptuously questioned them what it was to look at. Feeling indignation at this she complained about it to the king, who went there accompanied by her. Now the king suddenly got an itchy sensation on his back and one of the daughters-in-law spoke out: "O Nam a la ! scrap His Majesty's back!" Pleased at this the king bestowed upon her a hundred thousand coins. Another daughter-in-law repeated the words and was rewarded with double the amount. In this manner the royal couple got delighted, 7. THE STORY OF THE JUGGLERS GANAYA AND MANAYA One day when king Ja ya simhadeva was sitting on the bank of the lake Sahasralinga, a disputation took place between Manik ya candra, Deva suri's disciple, and Kumuda candra, the Diga m bara pontiff. At that time Pradyumnas uri, who enjoyed the title of 'Deaf Sara's va ti', arrived there and pronounced a blessing praying divine protection for them. The king tested the capacity of the young disciple Malaya. c'andra by putting before him two quarters of a stanza for being completed, which was done immediately by him to the former's utmost satisfaction,

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32 As a result of this Yasodhara, the royal priest, entrusted to the Suri his two sons Khimadhara and Devad hara both of whom turned out experts. While returning from abroad they stopped at Kamarupa in the Gauda country out of fear from the Mughals. There they put up at the place of a juggler named Gajaraja, who taught them his art as also the art of dramaturgy. By virtue of the magical ointment that was applied to their forehead, however, they could cast their glances only up to the distance of 12 Yojanas. Once they went to a foreign country in the east, where they started a spectacle in the king's audience taking female forms. Pleased at that the king bestowed upon them much wealth with which they returned to Kama rupa and secured the title of 'jugglers Gana ya and Mana ya'. When, however, Gaja raja started preparations for their marriage, they left the place after due deliberations and traversed a distance of as many as 12 Yojanas. By virtue of the magical ointment they could see only the waters of a river. They prepared a fresh pigment of certain other herbs on applying which to their forehead they beheld that a battle was being waged on the bank of the river Varunasa near Patana between king Ja ya sim hadeva and king Para madi, the latter having camped there. By the power of their magic lore they reversed the hostile army from the river-bank as a consequence whereof king Para madi had to take to his heels. Then they entered the city but found that their house as well as their hereditory priest-hood was occupied by their relatives. They began wandering about in the city being themselves quite invisible. Then one day Devad hara entered the lake Sahasralinga in the form of a crocodile and began to sport in the waters. His brother Khima dhara would go abegging and bring grains there in the evening when both would meet and eat whatever is received. The king sent for as many as 700 fisher-men from Stambha tirtha in order to catch the mischievous crocodile, but they could not succeed. Forced by anxiety, the king made a proclamation in reply whereof Khimadhara begged for eight days' time. The crocodile was then brought out with the help of 4 buffaloes that were sent into the waters. He, however, first took the form of an elephant, then of a lion and finally met his brother having resumed his own form as Deva dhara. The king having been pleased with them both, they regained their house as well as priest-hood,

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33 8. THE STORY OF KOMARI RANA In the city of Kidi-ma i kodi ruled king Kum ari Rana ka, who was habituated to go to sleep while 16 ladies massaged his legs with bells tied to their hands and to wake while they sang and played upon such musical instruments as lutes and flutes. Once he woke up in the last watch of the night on hearing repeated sounds of conch-blowing and on enquiry he learnt that certain persons were going for pilgrimage to Soma natha, Pasu patinatha, Anantasaya na and Rame s vara. Immediately he decided to go for pilgrimage and set out, on an auspicious day, towards Sau rastra. When he passed through Pattana and reached the outskirts of Candas a ma (mod. Canas ma in North Gujarata), he met a merchant who was constructing a lake there. He confidentially deposited with the merchant 19 jewels enwrapped in a piece of black cloth. When, however, the king returned from his pilgrimage, the deceiptful trader refused to return the deposit. A strife arose out of this, which led them both to king Jayasimha, who gave an ordeal, accepting which the trader declared: "The water shall not remain enclosed in this lake, if I have accepted the deposit of jewels." Instantly the banks of the lake broke forth and the water gushed out. Thence is the lake known as Phutelau the broken one'. King Ja ya simhadeva was pleased at this, the curse to the pond was duly nullified and with royal permission a special cottage was constructed on the bank of the tank, which was known as Desanlarakuti 'the cottage of the foreigner', where resided Kumari Rana practising penance till death. 9. THE STORY OF SRIMATA In the city of Lakh a na vati ruled king Lakhan a sena. Once when he entered his harem, minister U mapati Sridhara, who was an excellent astrologer, calculated the position of the heavenly luminaries and found out that a son would be born to the queen but that at the age of 32 he would fall in love with a girl of the lowest class. Consequently he stopped going to the royal court and on learning the real cause of his absence the king sent the queen to a distant village where she delivered a son.

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34 At the age of 5 of 7 years or at the age of 12 years) the prince enquired of his mother about his father and on learning the fact from her he took the vow of celebacy and bore matted hair on his head along with 500 boys of the warrior clan. Meanwhile the king expired and he was erthroned after great persistence. The minister, however, avoided seeing his face by sitting behind a curtain. Now at the age of 32 the king was fascinated by a nice song sung by a maiden of the Malanga class. Both exchanged gesticulations indicative of the rendezvous. The minister missioned a man to observe secretly what happened between them. The girl conversed with the king and great joy prevailed. Feeling ashamed of having been observed by the spy in that horripilated condition, the king became ready to burn himself alive. The minister got prepared a red-hot iron-doll of the dimensions of a virgin of 16 years, which the king was about to embrace when, all of a sudden, he was caught by the minister who then saw his face for the first time. In course of time this king Ratnapunja arrived once at Srimala pura, where, while going to the park for spring-sports, he beheld coming in front of him a pregnant lady carrying in her hands an unbroken cocoanut. fruit (or unbroken rice grains and a cocoanut-fruit) upon which was sitting a spotted owlet making an indistinct sound. An astrologer from the Maruland explained the significance of the omen thus: us. "The next morning the woman will deliver a son who will become the king of the country." She was forthwith caught by police-inen at the king's command and was taken to a forest for being burried alive, where, out of terror, slie delivered a son whom she placed among the young ones of a doe, whereafter she was burried in the ground. The doe allowed the human babe to suck her breasts as did her own offsprings. The mint started striking new coins with the impression of a deer. This automatic change in the currency-dye was reported to the king, who questioned the police-men. The latter showed to the former the exact place where the woman was burried. The child also was seen there with milk dropping down in his mouth from the roots shooting forth from the branches of a fig-tree on the bank of a lake. Thereafter the child was left across the city-gates but was covered over by the chief royal elephant, was protected by the chief royal steed, by the cows and even by the bull.

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35 Leirg informed of this at day-break the king arrived at the spot and took up the babe in his hards, when, instantly, the following verse slipped out of the latter's mouth: yo me garbhasthitasyA'pi vRttiM kalpitavAn payaH / zeSavRttividhAnAya The ST EAS441 27: 11* "Is He, who had managed for my subsistence even before my birth by creating mother's milk, asleep or dead row that it is time to manage for my further maintenance ?!" The king adopted the boy as his son, named him Sripunja and enthroncd him at the appropriate time. This king Sripunja begot a monkey-faced daughter named Srimata, who, one day, on hearing songs eulogizing mt. Arbud mt. A bu), recollected her past birth, and, being pressed by her father, she told him that in the previous birth she was a female monkey who jumped upon the top of a peak of the mountain over the lake called Kayakunda, curious to see an attractive scene, when, bitten by a snake from the bamboo-groves, she expired. In due course her body dropped down into the Kayakunda but the head still remained hargirg in the bamboo-grove over the lake; that was why she did not have a human head. The king made an enquiry and caused the head be thrown down in the lake and forth with the princess' head turned human. All the same de ermined not to marry, she set out for pilgrimage and finally settled on the same mountain practising penance, in course whereof Rasiya ka, a nerdicant, was stupefied by her. After death Srimata became the tutelary deity of the mountain. 10. THE STORY OF GALA SRI VARDDHAMANASORI King Bfha spati Rana ka was ruling over Vama nasthali, the miniature Kas mira, where lived the pontiff Varddha mana * This verse is found in Sarngadharapaddhati as no. 312 with slight vari. ants. Also found in Subhasitaratnabhandagara as verse 4 on p. 75 in the section on Santosaprasamsa and PPS .P. 84. verse 270.

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36 suri. When this Suri delivered his usual religious sermons, 12 pontiffs used to sit at his each side. On his right, again, were placed nine cups in the flowerportico for accumulating the nectar of the nine sentiments flowing from the expounder's nice speech! On his left, however, was kept a dagger which would work upon his tongue in case of a corrupted utterance or a repetition ! One day there arrived at Sripattana (mod. Prabhas a Pata na in Sa u rastra) a dialectician from the Gauda country, Deva ma hananda by name, who had 84 puppets tied to his legs. He placed straw and water at the entrance of the temple of Somanath a and pronounced this challenge: "If there is any dialectician, let him enter into a dialectical contest with me; or else let him stand before me in the manner of a beast!" Three days having lapsed, goddess Sarasvati commanded Varddhamana suri at night to go to Sripatta na to vanquish the disputant and asked him to sip the nectar-water from a water-pot. Thereupon the pontiff caused two of his disciples, Vaghalau and Singhalau by name, to sip it, as a consequence whereof arose in them a huge wave of knowledge. Them he sent along with the people who approached him at the command of the goddess. The preceptor protected them (through his spiritual powers) against the floods of the river Deyi, paralysing the flow whereof he enabled them to cross the river safely. All concerned were wonder-struck at this. Having reached Deva pattana the two disciples commenced the contest which continued for as many as 18 days. At last the dialectician was defeated and died of heart-bursting. The wealth left by the dying disputant was utilized in erecting twenty-four Jaina monasteries furnished with residential accommodation for monks. This Varddha mana suri composed the Vasupujya caritra. THE CONCLUDING STANZA to the glory of kings lies in the tusks of elephants, of paupers in the shoulders of bulls, of warriors in the tip of (their) swords (and) of ladies in (their) breasts."

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37 V. Relation With Other Prabandha-Works Out of the ten prabandhas included in the present work four are not traced anywhere else, a minor incident of one in found elsewhere, one has as many as eight Sk. versions and several in mod. Indian languages and the remaining four stories are met with in some other Prabandha works with certain variations. In order to get a distinct idea of the exact position of the Laghuprabandha-sangraha in the Prabandha literature as such, it is necessary for us to make a comparative study of all the available versions of these prabandhas. Such a study is attempted here in as brief a form as possible. 1. JAGADDEVA-PRABANDHA A relevant story of Jagaddeva appears in passage No. 213 (PP, 114-116) of the Prabandha-cintamani (PC) of Merutunga (1305 A.D.). The Puralana-prabandha-sangraha (PPS) refers to Jagad dev a twice viz. in passage no. 52 in the Madanabrahma-Jayasimhadeva-priti-prabandha (p. 25) and in passage no. 198 bearing the title Jagaddeva-prabandha itself (p. 85). Its passage no. 260 (p. 90) presenting the story of king Jaya candra of Kanyakubja as found in codex G alone mentions certain epithets of king Paramarddin of Kalyanakataka which are similar to those found in LPS. Likewise, PC describes in passage 214 (p. 116) king Paramarddin in a way which on the whole supports the epithets given in LPS. A comparative study of all these versions is given in the following table:

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No.1 The Version of the Lagh-prabandha-sangraha (LPS) The Version of the Prabandha-cintamani ( PC ) The Version of the Puraiana-prabandha-sangraha (PPS) 3 4 1 Jagaddeva, son of king U day a- ! (p. 114:) Jag addeva, a ditya Para mara of Ujjayini, Ksatriya, a champion in donagenerous, liked by all; but his step- tion, fighting and cornpassion. brother Ramadhavala succeeds his father and attempts on jagadde va's life are made. He leaves his land. (p. 25:) Jagaddeva of the Para mara dynasty was made the commander by king Siddharaja Ja ya simha for fighting against King Mada na brahmali. 3. Arrived at the border-town of the (pp. 114-115:) Though honoured kingdom of king Paramadi of by Siddha-cakra varttin, Kalyan ako tipura, who was he went to the Kuntala country Parama-riddhi-nivasa, Nidra-gahiladau, being invited by king Parama - Kopakalanali, Rudra and Avandhya- 1 rd din who was charmed by his kopa-prasada. This town was given to excellences. This king was Paraharlots for their maintenance by the marddin or destroyer of his queen. Jagaddeva dined at a mer- enemies. When he was announced chant's place, was observed by a maid of by the door-keeper to the king, the (p. 90:) King Jaya candra could not bear such epithets of king Para marddinas Kopukalagnirudra, Avandhyakopaprasada and Rayadrahavola and therefore attacked his kingdom and went up to his capital Kalyana kata ka.

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queen Lila vati and, recognized as dancing girl, who was engaged at a noble man, he was called in, King reco that time in dance-performance begnized him and invited bim to his court. i fore his council having removed a!l When he entered the same, a broad- her clothes and wearing only a small eyed ( dancing girl ) covered her head petticoat of flowers, instantly out of respect. Jag a ddeva covered herself with her upper garrewarded her with three hundred ment and bashfully sat down. Alter thousand coins. due formalities when she was commanded by the king to continue her dance, she replied that since Jagaddeva, the only man in the world, had arrived there, she was ashamed of displaying herself unclothed, for ladics act freely only in presence of ladies. As a reward for this excellent tribute to him Jag addeva handed over to the dancer the pair of precious silken garments (pradhana-pariuhanadukulam Laksyamulyaiulycdbhat: - patayugam] that were just then offered to him by the king. (p.116: ) King Para mard din enjoyed great prosperity, exemplary for the whole world. For the whole day and night, excepting the period

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4! This magnanimity is eulogized by , means of the following verse: daridrAn sRjato dhAtuH kRtArthAn kurvatastava / na jAnImo jagadeva 2117217H 5 Minister plans to utilize the over generosity of Jagaddeva. A spectacle was commenced wherein the king danced and the minister played upon a tabor. When Jagaddeva was pleased and gave a gift to the minister, they chose the boon that he should fetch them the chief horse of Ham mira, the king of Gajana, and the chief elephant of Gajapati Gaudes vara. He fulfilled this desire and succeeded in making a truce between Hammira and king Siddha raja Ja ya sim ha. 3 of sleep, he was engaged in the practice of wielding his sword. Daily this cruel king used to kill one cook and as such he was attended upon by as many as 360 cooks in a year. Consequently he bore the title of Kopakalanala or 'destructive fire incarnate when in wrath'. P (p. 115:) Some verses are given in (p. 85:) In this prabandha menpraise of Ja gad de va's generos- tion is made of Jagaddeva's ity. Verse no. 254 runs thus: bestowing generous gifts upon the reciters of eulogistic verses. Out of daridrAn sRjato dhAtu : these four verses, the second (no. kRtArthAn kurvatastava / 272) runs thus: jagadeva ! na jAnImaH daridrAn sRjato dhAtuH kasya hasto viraMsyati / kRtArthAn kurvatastava / jagadeva ! na jAnImaH kaH zrameNa viraMsyati //

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It becomes evident from this comparative study that ( 1 ) only one incident viz. that of the dancing girl is common to the stories of LPS and PC, where also there is no similarity in wording nor much in the details, the LPS account being very succinct. (2) The capital of king Para marddin (called Para madi in LPS) is stated in LPS to be Kalyana koti. pura and in PPS as Kalyana kata ka, while PC simply mentions him as the king of the Kuntala country. (3) Some of the epithets of king Para marddin are common to all the three versions, being strikingly similar even in their wordings. (4) The fourth quarter of the eulogistic verse Daridran etc. varies in all the three versions : The reading kasya hasto viramsyati (PC) is the best one, while the readings kah sramena viramsyati (PPS) and katham visramyate karah (LPS) are not up to the mark. (5) The Bhavai-yatra incident and its corrolaries are found only in LPS. Under the circumstances it is not possible to pronounce any sort of inter. relation of these versions, though it must be admitted that the language of the LPS version is more archaic than that of the rest. 2. MADANABHRAMAMAHARAJA-PRABANDHA This very interesting story appears in PK as prabandha no. 21 named Madanavarma-prabandha in passage nos. 107 and 108 (pp. 90-93) and in PPS bandha no. 15 entitled Madanabrahma-Tayasimhadeva-pritiprabandha in passage nos. 51 and 52 (pp. 24-25). Its main incident is related also in prabandha no. 13 of PPS viz. Dharadhvamsa-prabandha consisting of passage no. 47 (p. 23). Jinama danaganin's Kumarapala-prabandha (1436 A.D.) also narrates this story (Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavanagar edition of 1915 A.D., pages 8-9); but his version is practically the same as that of PK similar also in the wording. As such it cannot be regarded as an independent version, A comparative study of these versions is displayed in the following table. Jinama ndana's version, which is practically the same as that of PK, is not included in the present study.

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Sr. No. The Version of the LPS The Version of the PK The Version of the PPS 2 I Madan a bhrama, king of the (p. 91:) Mada na varman, (p. 24:) Mada na brahma, king city of Kanti in Vangala- king of Mahobak a pura in the of Kantipuri, the best of all desa. East. cities. 2 amAtya mAiMdeva / bAroulagau mAdhava / malhU 42 3 He had 5535 154: froitat: and 9000 bhogapatnIs. The four paTTarAjJIs were : Bavana, Candana, Sumayadevi and Sighana rani. (p. 24:) Maag nigga: STRATTI senApatiH sAMidevaH / bAraolagau mAdhava devaH / (p. 24:) TFT vigtis a:gTHEE 36000 piMDavilAsinyaH / mukhyadevyazcatasraH / bAvana 1, [candanA 2, sumAyA 3, sIMghaNa 4 / al Names of 29 maid-servants of these chief queens are stated. (p. 24:) Names of 4 maid-servants of each of these four are given. Some of these names are included in the list of LPS, the names Sau, Susila, Daksa mani, Vallabha (maids of queen Canda na), Kam-u, Kamala (maids of Su maya), Amrtama yi, Amsta vatsala

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and Vaca na vatsala (maids of Singhana devi) being absent there. Meri, Hammiri, Fatu and Falu are given here as the chief favourites of the king. We find the name Fulu in the LPS list.] Ali, Alati, Alavi, Alavesari and Vilu Va ma n i are given as kautukapAtras. The first four of these are the first four in the LPS list, while at a later stage Vilhu - Vamani is stated in LPS as the king's mahAprasAdapAtra. (p. 24:) gaja 3330, turaMgama lakSa 5, padAti lakSa 21 / 6 vizva vija ya-dhavalagRham / (p. 24 :) tasya dhavalaM gRham / yojanapramANa : prAkArastatra dhavalagRhaM saptadazabhUmikam / mANikathaMbha caukI / ... pUtalI 16 / gavAkSa 120 / teSAM madhye caturdikSa catvAro gavAkSA mukhyAH / pUrvasyAM dizi vi mA na vi bhrama 1. dakSiNAyAM puSpA bharaNa 2, pazcimAyA~ gandharvasarva sva 3, uttarAyAM ke lAsa hA sa 4 // (p. 24:) tatra sapta[ daza ? ] bhUmau gavAkSa 4 / Adau vi mA na vi bhramaH pUrvasyAm / uttarasyAM kai lAza hA sH| dakSiNasyAM puSpA bha ra NaH / pazcimAyAM gandharva sarva svH| ete catvAro mukhyA gavAkSAH / sarve svrnnmyaaH| nAnAkautukopazobhitAH / apare 116 / evaM 120 tahagarge / gavAkSAnAmagre suvarNamayavedikA 4 / caurI 4 / | (p. 24 :) vApyazcatasrazcaturdikSu / kSI ro da vA pI 1,

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3 vApI 4 : haMsa vizrAma 1, sudhA ni dhi 2, kSI ro hi 3, kamala ke dAra 4 vApInAma / kamala ke dArA 2, haMsa vizrAma vApI 3, mudhAnidhi : 4 evaM / 10/ vATikAnAma 8: anaMgaraMga vA DI 1, dhaaraa| giri vA DI 2, aMdhAra ghora vA DI 3, naM da na - vA DI 4 / tatrAraghaTTa 4 / suvarNamayA ghaTI / rUpyamayA maalaa| caMdra yo nA talAvalI | pagathIArAM sArUAra / baraMDI udAra / / (p. 24 :) tadanu puramadhye candra jyo tvA taTAkikA dhavalagRhapravezapratyAsannA nAnAratnaniMbaddhA / tasyAzcatudikSu vATikA-dhA rA giriH sarvapayogibhivRkSaivirAjitaH / tihAM yakSakardamanA piMDa karI melhIyaI / sonAMrUpAnAM sIMgA karI chAMTaNAM kIjai / (p. 9I:) kriyante pratirathyaM chaNTanAni yksskmaiH| 12 tihAM khelai belaI ....vicchoDIyaI / ma da na bhrama rAyahaI bihuM strInau ... devapUjA karai / / 13 | rAyataNaI vI lhU vAmaNI mhaaprsaadpaatr| sarva kalAkuzalA rAjJo dehe stanAbhyAmudattanaM karoti / (p. 24 :) ... vI lU vA ma yo kautukapAtrAH / 14 | rAjJaH strINAM 25 varSopari AbharaNatyAgaH / ThAlAM polAM vAjaNAM AbharaNa utaraI / dehasthUlatvAt / / gAvazaithilyAt prihaarH| | varSamadhye velAdvayaM pragaTIbhavati / dine 2 TaMka / (p. 9:) sa nArIkuJjaraH sabhAyAM kadApi nopa- (p. 24 :) tathA varSamadhye sarvAvasaraH 2-eko 1,000 svarNahIrAlAlamauktikamayam / mahaNASTa. vizati / kevalaM hasitalalitAni tanoti / pratyakSa litAni tanoti / pratyakSa | ma hA na va myAm, aparazcai vA STa myA m / evamindra

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| myA m / caitrASTamyAm / dakSiNAyAM puSpA bhara Na- indrH| Tata... ghet fagfal samAno rAjyaM pAlayati / solahI sola 16 nRtyaM sadA nRpAgre kurvnti| 16 Once, while on return journey (p. 91:) While returning home (p. 25:) Once, while returning from to his capital after continuous after conquering such countries his conquest-march, king Jaya - conquests for twelve years, king of the South as Maharastra, sim hade va of Gujarata reached Ja y asimhadeva camped at Tilanga, Karnata and the outskirts of the city of Kanti. a distance of five gavyutis from Pandy a king lavasimha | Thinking that he Pand y a, king ) a ya simha Thinking that he could not get a the outskirts of the city of camped on the border-line. There, match in fighting anywhere and reKanti. There a bard of Kanti in the evening, he sat with full pomp membering a couplet laying down that met the bard of Jayasimha - in bis assembly, when an alien bard Kanti was so prominent among the deva and eulogized Madana. arrived and praised the assembly in cities as the Jati among flowers, he bhrama. The other bard request. these words: "TET! TATIT hat: decided to see it; and his army, though ed him to sing a eulogy of his king | zrIsiddharAjasya sabhA madanavarmaNa iva manovismaya- unwilling, had to follow him. He (viz. Ja ya sim had eva) in camped near the city gates. reward whereof he promised to give him suitable gifts, He, however, When asked by the king, the bard Impressed by the golden peaks of the replied that he used to sing eulogies replied: city-rampart and the golden mansionof none else than bis own king tops, he exclaimed, Ma da nabhrama. This matter " deva ! pUrvasyAM mahobakaM nAma pattanaM sphAram / tatra madanavarmA nAma pRthvIpAla: prAjJastyAgI bhogI "qafak ATAT: " was reported to king Jayasimha, dharmI nayI nala iva, purUravA iva, vatsarAja iva, who, being enraged, stayed there punaravatIrNaH pRthivyAm / taM rAjAnaM tacca puraM yaH khalu during the monsoon (or, for four nityaM pazyati so'pi varNayitaM na pArayati / kevalaM months) with the intention of fight 43444#arusho za tari agri hraifer I..." ing with Ma da nabhrama. 45 At the bard's suggestion Jaya

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simha sent one of his ministers with him to examine the correctness of the bard's statement. The minister returned and reported to the king thus: "avadhAraya svAmin ! gatastatrAham , darzitaM bhaTTena tatpattanam / tadA vasantamAsotsavastatra pravarttate / gIyante vasantAndolakAdirAgaigItAni / bhramanti divyazRGgArA naaryH| makaradhvajalakSabhrAntimutpAdayanto vilasanti yuvaanH| kriyante pratirathyaM chaNTanAni yakSakaImaH / prAsAde prAsAde saGgItakAni / deve deve / mhaapuujaa| bhojanavArAH sArAH pratisadanam / rAjakIyasatrAkAre tu dAlikUrAvasrAvaNAni mutkalAni na mucyante kintu gatayAM niyantryante, tadA saghaNTo hastI nimajjati / rAjAzvavArAH paritaH puraM bhramanto bITakAni dadate lokAya / karpUraiyUM liparvodayaH / rAtrI vipaNIn vaNijo na saMvRNanti; udghATAn vimuJcanti / prAtarAgatyopavizanti / evaM nItiH / vyavasAyo'pyAcAramAtreNaiva [tatra deze lohakhAnivatsuvarNarUpyakhAnIvahanti tena sarvaH ko'pi ] siddhArthatvAt / rAjA tu kIdRgapyAste, mayA sa na dRSTaH / idaM tu zrutam-sa nArIkuJjaraH sabhAyAM kadApi nopavizati / kevala hasitalalitAni tanoti / pratyakSa indrH|"

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17 The minister sent a report though a maid, who could not get an opportunity to convey the same to the king. At last on the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Sravana Vilhu Vamani requested him to go to observe the game of Andhavedha. The king went to the terrace, when rain had stopped. He cast a glance at his city and saw the alien army. He asked: "ate, viNajArau / ,, This gave the opportunity to Vilhu Vama ni who pronounced several excellent epithets for him and reported that it was not the camp of any trader but of king Jayasimhadeva of Guja rata who wanted to fight. She On hearing this king Siddharaja marched towards Ma ho baka and camped at a distance of eight krosas from it. (p. 92) This was reported by the ministers to Madanavarman who was surrounded by a thousand ladies in the excellent garden. He described Jayasimha as a Kabadi Raja and commanded to give him whatever amount he wanted but asked them to convey to him that if he wished to capture their city or land, they would give a fight. The message was conveyed to Siddharaja, who, wonderstruck, demanded 96 crores of gold. Though offered the same, he did not move away. When asked, he replied: " matripuruhUtA: ! taM lIlAnidhiM bhavatprabhuM didRkSe / " (p. 25:) The minister closed the fortress, equipped the army and reported in writing to the king, who observed the alien army from the terrace and sent his instructions according to which Madhava deva, the officer in charge of the city-gates, was sent with 16 horses and certain other suitable gifts. King Siddhanatha did not accept these welcome-gifts and conveyed his desire to fight. Madana brahm an informed that he would go for fighting the next Tuesday.

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describes king Jaya simha in very high but realistic terms. The king commanded to decorate the gavaksa Puspabharana on the eighth day of the bright half of Sravana. Minister Maide v a equipped the army and having reported that the enemy possessed five hundred thousand Sahana and nine hundred thousand Paila, asked the king who should lead the army against Jay a sim hadeva. Madhava, the officer in charge of the city-gates, was summoned ( whom the king commanded ) : "Go and offer a gift of 120 horses and 16 elephants. Also give him whatever he requires. If he wants nothing but fight, kenA'pi muraTTo na moDitaH, skandhakhajirnA'panItA, nAdo nottAritaH / tadA raNakSetraM praguNIkriyatAm / " 18 A battle-field was prepared in an (p. 92 :) With the king's consent (p. 25:) A battle-field was prepared.

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area of 5 gavyulis. A silken curtain Siddaraja went to the garden The Ksatriyas cut off trets etc. in all separated the two sides. The king with a few men. There stood alert the directions. The minister made the arrived. 700 charming and well- a hundred thousand guards outside army ready for fighting, decorated mare-riding young dam- the palace-rampart. He was allowsels were sent to face the enemy ed to go in with four persons. On the fixed day Ja ya simha - army. They went forward and then Therein he beheld seven entrances deva appointed Jagad de va suddenly retreated pursued by adorned with golden arches, step-wells Para mara as the commander and Jayasimha's cavalry. They all, of rajata and maharajata, damsels fifteen others also were kept ready. with king Jaya simha, entered dexterous in the costumes and languthe city by the eastern gate. The ages of different countries, attendants On the other hand, Madana bra htwo kings met. Madanabhrama engrossed in vocal and instrumental | man rose on Tuesday and, after the led Jay a simha to his palace music, an orchard surpassing the cleansing of teeth etc., performed the with hospitality. They became Nanda na, summer - houses deity-worship. There took place a friends. Then Madana bhrama ! (Hima-gyhas), birds like Hamsas spectacle. Then he took his meals and gave the following advice : and Sarasas. golden utensils, gar- the betel-roll, got ready the horses. ole ments as tender as plantain-petals, himselt we himself wore the armour and accom" 1877fSat TSI VERT: 713- huge flower-baskets enhancing sexual panied by 16 armoured ladies he startpoi a fost o ? xieras atac de passion, and finally ed with a royal umbrella carried over paribhramasi ? rAjakeliM kuru / " him by a young lady and chowries sAkSAdiva madanaM madhure vayasi vartamAnaM mitamuktA- fanned on both sides by two ladies. 96472 Halsu H AYTEat Observing spectacles at this place and tAmarasAkSaM tuGgaghoNamupacitagAtraM mdnvrmaannmpshyt| that he took eight days to complete his journey through his capital. He Madana varman went for came out on the ninth day. ward to receive him, embraced him, and seated him on a golden seat with | On the battle-field was held a curtain the words: separating the two sides. The soldiers

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2 3 50 "FAST ! youth a fanfarfer: of Jay a sin hadeva went forafqatsfel" ward well-equipped. When the curtain was removed, Jagaddeva and his Siddharaja replied: " These party beheld the king surrounded by sweet words are false; the epithet damsels. They went back. Their king 4161' employed by you for me asked, "Why have you retreated ?" before your ministers reveals the Jagaddeva replied :" With whom fact." are we to fight? Your Majesty may Ma da na var man laughed better observe the situation yourself." and asked: "O Siddhesa! who Ja ya simha deva dismounted told you like that?" from his horse and rushed forward. King Mada na brahman too got Siddhesa replied: "The same down. Both embraced each other and ministers of yours! With what friendship prevailed. A great recepmotive did you use bad words for tion festival took place. Siddhame ?" natha approached the gates along with the king observing a number of Mada navarman replied : spectacles and listening to a number of "da! H ah, tai sifat, NTT musical instruments. In this way they 7578f:, F 90, Jalfe gou: mici 2771 took nine days to reach the pond grad, aafu wa a pont, ad faday, Candrajyotsna, having taken tat kathaM na kanADikastvam / " ablutions wherein, they arrived at the Siddhesa said: gate of the Dhavalagrha observing the

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| "satyaM satyam , etAdRzaH karvATika evaahm| orchard Dharagiri the trees tvamevAyaM dhanyo yasyetthaM zarmANi / tvayi dRSTe'smAkaM / whereof were covered with gold. The jIvitaM saphalam / ciraM ra minister having performed auspicious ceremonies, both entered the palace. Madanavar in a n showed him ISiddhanatha, on his part, was ondants his treasury. his wonder-struck like a villager on perworship-room and the like. Their ceiving the charm that prevailed there. friendship was enhanced. His mind experienced great astonishment at the varieties of the dinner and the like. 51 19/ rAjJA madanabhrameNa tuSTena rAjJo aSTadikarikA vica- (p. 92 :) viMzatyuttaraM pAtrazataM svAGgasevakaM | (p. 25 :) mAsAnte mutkalApayAmAsa / rAjJA hastya kSaNAH sulakSaNA rUpayauvanavatyaH suzRGgAritAH smrpitaaH| siddharAjAya vyatarat / tena prIto jayasiMhadevaH zvAdInyupaDhau kitAni / jayasiMhadevastu pAtrASTakaM yyaace| gRhItvA nirgataH / sukhAsanAdhirUDhA vajrapaJjarAcchA-sanyaM gRhItvA dhArAM jitvA pattanamaNahillapuraM nRpeNApitam / rAjA mutkalApya pattanopari calitaH / ditAH pratolIdvAre samAgatAH / tadA 16 suvarNamaya praviSTaH / teSAM 120 madhyAdardha pathi mRtaM mArdavAt , | pAtrASTakaM yAvatpurapratolyAmAgataM sukhAsanAdi saMhRtya..... puttalikAbhirdorakasaJcAreNa jalpitam / "yUyaM gUrjara- zeSaM pattane praviSTam / pattanapravezotsave zrIpAla- tAvannirgame uktam-agre pattanaM ka ? / janaruktam-'pattanaM rAjJo dattAH / " tadA SaNNAM hRdayasphoTo jAtaH / | kavinA siddharAjopazlokanA dUre' iti zrutvA SaNNAM hRdayasaGkaTo jAtaH / ito dvayasyomAyUrANI pethUrANI dve gRhIte / rAjA zrIjayasiMha paryAcchAdanaM dattam / dvayaM jIvitam / tannRpeNa saha krameNa Then are quoted two verses. devo vijayayAtrAnantaraM kuzalena zrIpattane smaagtH| pattane prAptam / mAU nAma ekasyAH, parasyAH pethU / pravezo jAtaH / zrImadanabhramamahArAjAprabandhaH / .. evamanyairapi bhaNitAni / / iti madanavarmaprabandhaH // | adyApi mAUharANi pethUharANi ca pAtrANi bhUyante / evaM zrIjayasiMhadevaH kAntIM gatvA samAgataH / / iti madanabrahmanRpaterjayasiMhadevasya prItiprabandhaH //

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52 As stated above, the Dharadhvansa-prabandha of PPS (p. 23)also contains the main story of the present prabundha, wherein a special motive is mentioned for Ja ya simha's visit to Kanti. It will be more usef the relevant portion here than to give a summary or even an English rendering of the same, so that the reader may be enabled to compare its wording with that of LPS. Passage no. 47 runs thus : mAlavamaNDale ujjayinI purI aparA dhArA / tatra rAjA yazovarmA / itazca pattane zrIjayasiMhadevaH / mAlavaM jetuM prayANamakarot / samIpabhamau gataH pratijJAmakarot-yaddhArA lAtvA bhokssye| ito dhArAyAM gavyUti 5 madhye'yomayAH kSurikAH kSiptA: santi / pratolyo dattAH / kapATeSu yojiteSu sammukhAni nArAcAni / tatra gajasyApyavakAzo nAsti / dhArAyA: pratyAsannairapi bhavituM na zakyate / atha siddharAjapradhAnaH kaNikAyA dhArA kRtaa| tasyA bhane 500 paramArA yuddhvA mRtAH / dvAdazavArSike vigrahe siddhanAthe khinne barbarako vetAla: prAha-deva ! yadi yazaHpaTahaH karI kirADUvAstavyo jesalaparamArastatra preSyate, gajArUDhena tena dhArA gRyate anyathA n| rAjJoktam- sa karI kAsta ? / kAntyAM madanabrahmanRpaterasti / jayasiMhadevastu kiyatA parikareNa tatra gataH / varSAkAlo'sti / puryA dvAre sthitaH / mAMidevamatriNo militH| AdizyatAM kAryam / nRpadarzanamavalokyate / nRpo mahAnavamyAM vinA darzana na dadAti | jayasiMhadevaH sthitaH / ito gADhe dharme'bhijAyamAne nRpa uparitanabhUmau AkAze prAptaH / puramavalokya purAd bahirdRzaM ddau| madanakapaTai : kRSNAn caturakAn dRSTvA prAha-are ! pUre kimidaM dRzyate / deva ! gUrjaratrAnRpatirdevadarzanArthI prApto'sti / are ! nRpo na kintveSa kabADI / ya evaMvidhe varSAkAle bhrAmyati / AkAryatAm | jayasiMhadevastUpAyanamAdAyAyayau / zrImadanabrahmeNa rAjJA stkRtH| AgamanakAraNaM pRSTam / rAjJoktamyazaHpaTahaH karI vilokyate / kimartham ? | deva! tena vinA dvAdazavArSiko vigraho na bhajyate / rAjJoktam-gajAnAnayata / janairuktam-prasiddhAnAM madhye sa nAsti / siddharAjaH kRSNavadano jAtaH / ita ekenAdhoraNenoktam- deva ! sa yazaHpaTahaH karI / taM samAnAyyata / nRpeNoktam -yadyamunA kArya sarati tadA gRhANAnyepi hastyazvAdayaH / deva ! pUrNamanenaiva / rAjA[jJA]* paridhApya kariNaM dattvA coktam-ataH paraM vigraho na kArya: / yata: svalpAyuSi jIvaloke rAjyasya saukhyaM nAnubhUyate tattasya ko gunnH| nRpastu [ nRpeNa tu]* dhArAyAM gatvA sagaurabaM jesalaparamAra aahuutH| The following points are brought out by the above comparison : In The king is named differently in all the four accounts. The subsequent depiction of his character as a Narikunjara' indeed offers significance to the name Madana bhrama, or even Madana b rahman, which would mean that the name Madana var man might be a later revision. The fact, however, appears to be quite different. Madana var man was his real name, It is observed that sometimes the repha or the syllable r is not only pronounced but also written down by scribes in a wrong way, as going with the previous consonant. Thus varma' varma] or barma' [barma]-there being an adheda or non-difference between 'v' [va] and 'b' []-would become brama [brama]. Now another scribe, while copying down the Ms., could not make out this brama [ brama] and regarded it as a wrong spelling of brahma [brahma]. This gave the king an altogether new name viz. Madana b rahman! Still another copyist considered this 'brama' [brama] as a wrong spelling of bhrama [bhrama] due to * These corrections in square brackets are inserted by the present editor.

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53 phonetic similarity, and thereby was brought out the name Madana b h ra m a. The term brahma' [] is pronounced by illiterate persons as bhrama [9] and in that way also the name 'Madana bhram a' can be derived from the name 'Madana brahman'. In short, the king's real name was Madanavar man and the rest two forms are derived from the same through scribal and phonetic peculiarities. [2] The capital of this king is Kanti in Bengal according to LPS, Kanti, the best of all cities, according to PPS, and M a hoba k a pura in the east according to PK. (3] LPS and PPS give an account of the king's luxuriant private life and the prosperity of his city, agreeing in the mention of the names of the four chief queens, of the four main gavaksas, the total number of gavaksas and the names of the four principal vapas, but differing in other details. All these details are altogether absent in the version of PR, which too, however, depicts the same in its own way. This depiction of PK is well-arranged and polished as compared to the other two versions. [ 4 ] According to all the three versions Ja ya simha camps near this city while returning from his conquest-march. They differ, however, regarding the factor that led him there. Thus LPS states it to be his enragement due to a bard's not agreeing to eulogize any one else than his own king Ma dan a bhrama: in PK a bard compares his majestic court to that of M a da na varman, he sends a minister to verify the bard's statement and on receiving his report he marches to Mahobak a; while according to PPS feeling that he could not get a match in any battle and remembering a couplet praising Kanti as the best of cities, he encamps in its outskirts and on beholding the Kapisirsas of the city-wall and the dandakalasas of the mansions all golden he feels that he was mistaken in going there. The second account of PPS appearing in its Dhara-dhvansa-prabandha mentions a special motive for this viz. to procure the elephant Yasah patala from Madan abrah man for breaking open the gates of Dhara. (5) In PPS there is no difficulty in informing the king of the arrival of the alien force, which the minister does through a written report. In PK the ministers personally approach him for the purpose. In the LPS account, however, Vilbu Vam ani, the favourite of Mada na bhrama, had to play a trick in order to take him to the palace-terrace wherefrom he could see the alien encampment. Here the king's believing it to be the camp of a wandering trader rather than that of an enemy appears natural under the circumstances. This, again, gives a nice opportunity to the intelligent maid to address her master in luxuriant terms and at the same time to draw a

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54 realistic picture of the seriousness of the situation to the king who was so much engrossed in pleasures. This was necessary in order to awaken valiant spirit in him at the critical juncture. The second account of PPS depicts him going to the terrace just in order to get relief from gharma! On beholding the black tents made of water-proof textile he enquires about them and is informed of the arrival of the king of Gujarata to see him. [6] In LPS account the king commands to offer to Jayasimha a gift of 120 horses, 16 elephants and whatever else he wants; in PK 96 crores of gold mohurs are actually offered to him as per his demand, whereafter also he does not go away; while the PPS account mentions a gift of 16 horses and certain other things worth offering, which were, however, not accepted by Siddharaja who wanted nothing but a battle. Such a question does not arise in the second account of PPS where, being permitted, Jayasimha sees him with certain gifts, secures from him the required elephant and refuses to accept anything else. [7] A battle-field is prepared and a curtain is placed in the accounts of both LPS and PPS, whereafter, however, LPS simply states that the king arrived there; while according to PPS he gives a fixed day for going there, starts in an easy way on that day and takes as many as eight days for reaching the field. This type of incident has no scope in the accounts of PK and Dhara-dhvamsa-prabandha. [8] According to LPS 700 mare-riding well-ornamented damsels in budding youth march towards the hostile army and suddenly turn back and enter the city through the eastern gate, pursued by Jayasimhadeva's cavalry. The kings then meet and become friends. According to PPS, on the other hand, it is the enemy-party, headed by Jagaddeva Paramara, that rushes to attack but retreats on beholding the king surrounded by young women, whereafter Jayasimhadeva, after brief conversation with Jagaddeva, actually runs towards Madanabrahman who, too, is enthusiastic in embracing him. Thus they become friends. This incident also finds no scope in the PK and Dhara-dhvamsa-prabandha accounts. [9] According to LPS Jayasimhadeva is taken to the palace with due hospitality; while in PPS they go to the palace in the same luxuriant way and take nine days to reach there. They enter the palace after bathing in the pond Candrajyotsna when the minister performs certain auspicious ceremonies. The PK and Dhara-dhvamsa-prabandha accounts have no scope for this incident also. [10] King Siddhanatha of PPS was simply wonderstruck at the

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55 charm that prevailed there. He was also well impressed by the dainties that were served. Nothing of this sort is seen in the LPS account and the PPS second account. PK, however, gives certain details of the excellences observed there. (11) In LPS Madana bhrama advises J a ya sim hade va to stay at hcme and enjoy the royal glory rather than wander after conquests and earn the notorious title of Kasthakabadika. The PPS account has nothing parallel to this, but it states that Ja ya simha stayed there for one month. The second account of PPS relates him advising, at the time of departure, not to entertain fights any longer, since his royalty would turn futile if the royal pleasures are not enjoyed during the very short span of human life. Against these two brief accounts a happy conversation is related in PK wherein Siddharaja complains about Madana varman's abusing him as kabadi' before his ministers and Madana varman explains how he was so, with which Siddhesa agrees. Then he is taken round the treasury, the worship-apartment, etc. [12] According to LPS Mada na bhrama, being pleased with Jay a simha deva, offered to the latter eight excellent damsels who were so tender that six of them died of heart-bursting on being informed of their having been presented to the king of Gujarata and only two, named Ma yurani and Pethurani, were taken to Pattan a. The PPS account slightly differs. There it is stated that over and above the elephants, the horses, etc. that were offered to him, Jaya sim hadeva asked for eight damsels. The cause for the heart-bursting of six of these is stated here to be their being informed, on their own enquiry, that Pattana was far away from there. The names of the survivors are given here as Ma u and Pethu. PK gives the number of the damsels offered as 120, a half whereof are stated to have expired on the way due to excessive tenderness. [13] The names of the eight damsels offered to Siddharaja are found in the LPS account only. PPS gives their number as eight but does not name them; while according to PK the number of damsels was 120, which number itself speaks for the absence of their names there ! (14) It appears from the above study that, though a few details of the LPS account are not found elsewhere, it is certainly the oldest of all these four versions of the story. It is archaic in language and style and quite simpler in expression. The PPS and PK accounts are definitely polished ones, and out of these two, again, the PK account is more polished and well-arranged not only in language but also in the theme itself.

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56 (15) The employment of Old Gujarati expressions and Prakrit words is quite frequent and therefore noteworthy in the case of LPS as compared to the other versions of this story. Occasionally even Old Gujarati case-terminations are met with in the LPS version. This fact is quite significant and separates it from all other versions. It can safely be concluded, therefore, that, though all these versions are from Prabandha works written in the so called "Jaina Sanskrit" which is cultivated under the influence of the Prakrits and regional dialects, the characteristic features of this type of mixed Sanskrit are realized in the language and style of LPS in a far more proportion than those of the other Prabandha works, especially those wherein are met with the versions of the story under discussion. (16) The grandeur of the two speeches of Vilh u . Va mani is a unique feature of the LPS version, which is altogether absent in the other ones. In the first speech she addresses her king with a series of charining epithets with the apparent motive of making him realize the seriousness of the situation; while the other speech goes ahead to the realization of her aim through a majestic and realistic sketch of the hostile king. (17) The statement "Avasamahi sriparsvanatha-nau prasid 14 tiham deva paja karai" also is found only in LPS. It evidently manisests the king as a follower of the Jaina faith, which statement does not appear to get support from any other source. Probably it might be a later interpolation. All the four versions pronounce Caitrastami, Mahastami and Mahanavami as holy days of great festivity, which fact would tempt us to regard him as one following the Sakta tradition or the sect of goddess-worship. Moreover the statement that "he always lived in the midst of women and took ablutions in the lake Candrajyotsna if he happened to behold the face of a man" (LPS 5. 6-7 ) lends support to the presumption that he was a Sakta. [18] It is only LPS which presents a highly valorous speech of this king in the sentence: "Anyatha yadi yuddham kartukamo'sti kena'pi muratto na moditah, skandhakharjjir na'panita, nado nottaritah 1" (LPS 7. 13-15). Against this, the PPS version simply has " Agamike mangalavare tava sraddham puray syavah 1" (PPS 25.11); while PK makes him pronounce these words: "Yadi nah puram bhuvam ca jighrksasi, tada yuddhami karisyamah | Atha'rthena irpyasi tada'rtham grhana 1 ..... so'pi jivatu ciram, yo vittartham krcchrani karmani kurvano'sti 1" (PK 92. 5-8). This is quite significant inasmuch as it would lend support to the ancient character of LPS. 3. VIKRAMADITYA-PANCADANDACCHATRA-PRABANDHA There are several versions of this story which is cultivated in Sanskrit,

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57 Prakrit and some of the modern Indian languages. The following nine versions are available in Sanskrit: [1] The version of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha. [2] Vikramadityasya Pancadandacchatra-prabandha by Purnacandrasuri [early 15th cent. A.D.]. This work in Sanskrit prose was edited by A. Weber on the basis of a manuscript preserved in the British Museum, London and was published in the Philosophical and Historical Annals of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Berlin as early as 1877 A.D. Mss. of this work are available also at the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Sri Hemacandracarya Jaina Jnanamandira, Patana, the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad and the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. The printed text does not bear the author's name, which, however, is supplied by the other Mss. It is throughout written in simple language and brief style. For our purpose OI Ms. no. 2376 has been referred to. Mostly written in Prsthamatras, it consists of 8 folios; our story, however, ends in the middle of Folio no. 8". [3] Vikrama-caritram of Upadhyaya Devamurti [c. V. S. 1471 1415 A.D. ]. This is a Sanskrit Mahakavya of 14 Sargas, Sarga IV consisting of the Pancadandakatha. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no. 686; in Sri Hemacandracarya Jaina Jnanamandira, Pata na. Throughout writter in the Anustubh metre, this work abounds in Figures of Speech and lengthy descriptions not lacking, of course, poetic merit. [4] Vikramaditya-vikramacaritra-caritra by Subhasilaganin [V. S. 1490 1434 A.D. ]. This Sanskrit Mahakavya in 12 Sargas is edited by Pt. Bhagavandasa and published in two volumes in Sri Hemacandracarya Granthamala, Ahmedabad in 1925 A.D. The 9th Sarga consists of the Pancadandacchatrakatha. It is written in simple but effective language. A Ms. of this work is available in the Oriental Institute, Baroda, its no. being 12407. For our purpose this Ms. is utilized. It comprises in all 340 folios; but our portion is narrated on folios 234 to 267. The story is related here in a brief way and long descriptions are mostly avoided. [5] Pancadandacchatra-prabandha of an unknown author, in Sanskrit prose [ 15th cent. A.D.]. It is written in very simple Sanskrit prose. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no. 1782 in Sri Hemacandracarya Jaina Jnana. mandira, Patana. [6] Another Pancadandacchatra-prabandha of unknown authorship, in Sanskrit prose [ 15th cent. A.D.]. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no. 1780 in Sri Hemacandracarya Jaina Jnanamandira, Pata n a. 8

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[7] Pancadandatapatra-prabandha by Ram acandrasuri of the Purnimagaccha [ 1490 V. S. 1434 A.D.]. This Prabandha in Sanskrit verse is edited and published by Pt. Hiralala Hamsaraja of Jamanagar in 1912 A.D. under the title Pancadandatmakam Vikramacaritram. The name of the author and the date of composition are missing in the printed text; but the same are supplied by the Mss. of the work preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda and Sri Hemacandracarya Jaina Jnanamandira, Patana. Mss. of this work are also available at the Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner, the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad and Amera Sastrabhandara, Jaipur. For our purpose OI Ms. no. 211I is utilized. The Ms. comprises 69 folios. The writing is mostly in Prsthamatras. It is dated 1556 V. S. = 1500 A.D. 58 [8] Vikramaditya-Pancadandacchatra-caritra by Vijaya kusala [ 16th cent. A.D.]. A Ms. of this Sanskrit prose work is preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda as no. 24271, which is referred to for our purpose. It consists of 19 folios and is dated 1777 V. S. 1721 A.D. The author follows here the story narrated by Ramacandrasuri (our no. 7). Even the wording is very similar to that of no. 7, and often the same. The author makes a brief but frank statement to this effect: "Ramacandrasurikrtad uddharitam". [9] Vikramaditya-pancadanda-prabandha by an unknown author [ 16th cent. A.D. J. A Ms. of this work in Sanskrit prose is preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda as no. 14273, which is referred to for our purpose. It has 7 folios in all. Over and above these, we get a number of versions of this story in Old Gujarati-Rajasthani as well. It may be pointed out that this story is purely a folk-tale and it need not be considered as a 'prabandha' in the true sense of the term. Moreover, none of the above-mentioned versions is found in a Prabandha-work. As such it has no historical importance whatsoever. A comparative study of the same will, therefore, be out of place here. Those readers who are interested in it may refer with advantage to "A Critical Edition of Pancadanda-ni Varta of An Unknown Gujarati Prose-Writer (Before 1682 A.D.) by the present editor's learned colleague Dr. S. D. Parekh. is his Ph.D. Thesis in Gujarati (June 1961), wherein he has also presented a nice" comparative study of literary works on the same theme in Sanskrit and Gujarati" on pages 18-255. A typed copy of the thesis is available for reference in the University Library, Baroda. It " 42 It will suffice for our purpose to state that a close study of all these

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59 versions leads us to the conclusion that the version of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha is the oldest of all the versions of the story available at present. 4. SAHASRALINGASARAH-PRABANDHA This prabandha is not found anywhere else. The Prabandhacintamani relates a story about the construction of this lake in passages 100-102 on pp. 62-64, which is, however, altogether different from the one given in our text. In passage no. 96 (p. 58 ) also the Prabandhacintamani states when king Ja ya simha Siddharaja got the lake constructed. There also no clue to the story of LPS is given. At the first place it is stated that a trader wanted to have a share in the construction of the lake, which, however, was refused by king Siddharaja. While the king was engaged in his great attack on Mala va, the funds were exhausted and the work of the construction of the lake lingered on that account. The merchant availed of the opportunity by making his son steal the ear-ornament tadarka ) of the wife of a wealthy man and then paying three hundred thousand coins as a penalty for the same. This amount was utilized for the construction of the lake; but when the king returned and learnt about the penalty paid, he returned the amount to the merchant remarking that the son of a kotidhvaja merchant cannot steal a tadanka but that it was the mischief of the tricky merchant who was refused a share. At the other place it is stated that the king engaged sacivas and silpins for the construction of Sahasi alitigadharmasthana and that while the work was going on with full speed, he marched against Mala va. The LPS, however, informs us that on hearing the story of a Matanga girl, who, by virtue of the merit secured by her through the quenching of the thirst of a vatsika by fetching water from a deep well, became a princess in the next birth and, remembering her previous birth on seeing very little water in the same well, got constructed a lake,-king Jay a sim hadeva got constructed the lake Sahasralinga on the site of the lake Durlabhasaras. S. SIDDHI-BUDDHI-RAULANI-PRABANDHA This prabandha appears at two other places: (1) Puratana-prabandhasangraha, passage 76 on p. 36: The story is related here in an abridged form comprising only four printed lines. It is found in codex Gonly, and, as stated by Muni Jinavija y aji, the learned editor, in his Introduction in Hindi (pp. 18-19), this Ms. is--with the single exception of the Vikramaditya-prabandha--a miscellaneous collection of short notes prepared by the scribe himself while reading the stories somewhere or while listening to the

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60 same in oral tradition. He rightly contends that, though the name of the scribe or the age of the Ms. is not given, we can infer from the Patasahi-namavali given at the end of the Ms. that it was copied down some time after V. S. 1407 1351 A.D.) in the reign of king Peroja, i.e., Pheroz eshah of Delhi who came to the throne in that year. (2) Prabandha-pancasati, also called Pancasati-prabodha-sambandha and Kathakosa, by Subhasilaganin, disciple of Laksmisa garasuri of the Tapagaccha. Composed in V. S. 1521 (=1465 A.D.), it consists of 600 stories divided into four chapters. It is being published by Muni Mrgendravijayaji of Surat. The present editor happened to see a few printed formes of the work lying with Dr. U. P. Shah, Dy. Director and General Editor and Head of the Ramayana Department, Oriental Institute, Baroda, and found that prabandha no. 97 (PP. 54-55) was the Siddhi-huldhi-raulani-prabandha. It relates the story in greater details. A comparative study of the three versions of this prabandha is furnished in the following table:

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Sr. Version of Laghu-prabandha- Version of Puratana-pra No. sangraha (LPS ) bandha-sangraha (PPS) I I 2 Four Dvija-pilgrims from Pattana were returning after gathering medicinal herbs grown at Kedara. There they paid homage to Ana di Raula who was gladdened by their Gurjara tongue and asked: kasmAt samAgatAH ? " 'zrIpattane siddhacakravarttizrIjaya siMhadevarAjyAtsamAgatA: / " was the reply. asminnavasare gauDadeze kAma rUpIThapurAt siddhibuddhiraulANI AgatA / tAbhyAM zrutam / " siddhacakravarttaridaM mocayAvaH / " iti matvA zrIpattane rAjasabhAyAM sukhAsanArUDhA samAgatA / rAjJA natA / 3 Version of Prabandha-pancasati of Subhasilaganin On returning from pilgrimage, king Siddharaja stayed at Bagasthula on the lake Sahasralinga. Meanwhile many Dvijas went for pilgrimage. While searching medicinal herbs in Himalaya, they saw a Yogin siddhibuddhinAmnyau raulANItyabhidhAne dve bhullike tatropaviSTe dRSTe | They saluted them. The Yoginis asked: 66 kutaH samAyAtA yUyam ? " " zrIpatanAt was the reply. " 4 "Who is the king there?" " siddhacakravatrttI jayasiMhadevaH / " They were angry : " re re dvijA ! yadi tasya cet siddhatvaM tadA cakravarttitvaM kutaH ? yadA cakravarttitvaM " tadA siddhatvaM kutaH ? Thus thinking, they came to biruda. King saw them from his road mounted on plantain-leaves. Pattana for testing the court going along the He respected them. 1.9

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/ They bestowed blessings zrIsiddhi-buddhiyoginIbhyAM kadalI- On enquiry they revealed their mission. tatazcottArako and a conversation ensued patrAsanopaviSTAbhyAM zrIsiddharAjo dApitastayoH, dinAni brajanti, rAjA sandehe'patat / ( one Ms. D has: wherein they gave their in- jayasiMhaH siddharAjatvaM pRSTaH / evaM kimuttaraM dAtavyamanayo, SaNmAsA gatAH...). troduction and at last pro- viSi(pa )gaNena gajJAH ...... nounced their purpose : " rAjanU ! tvaM biradaM siddhacakravartitvaM muJca | yadi siddhaH tatazcakravatI katham ? ekaM biradaM munn|" / uttArakaH kAritaH / rAjA macinto jAna:! -62 (Ms. D : anye yurekaharipAlasAkarIyAputraH sajjanaH zarkarAphalaM kelayitvA bhUpopAnte'yAt / ). anAvasare sAntUAsacivena rAjJo'gre pRcchA kRtA, kimartha durbalo bhavAn ? rAjA'vag-siDibuddhi samAgamana-tatpRcchAbhyAmahaM durbala:, kimuttaraM dIyate ! Then Sajja na gave Sarkaraphala in the king's hand. King hesitated and then accepted. 4. One day, while minister | evaM viSi( paNena rAjJA rAtro Sajja n a told this to his father. On knowing the Santu was going home, | vIracaryAyAM sajanasAkarIyAkaH : king's anxiety. his father exclaimed: "My son ! What Sakariyasa ha Hari. putreNa samaM yoginIpratimalatvaM vadana can we do? Now none honours us. In the reign of king | pala enquired of his son zrutaH / Karna de va many such kuhedas had been broken

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Sajjana about raja-vrtta, he was informed of the raulani-vrtta and he ex claimed: " vatsa ! etatsukhAvaham / ' etanmatriNA zrutam / It was reported to the king who sent a litter; but he (ie., Haripala) did not go. Then Santu was sent. After ablutions and deityworship, he took meals minister along with the (i.e., Santu). Thereafter three verses of light conver sation are given. tatra gatA rAjJA mAnaM dattam / prAtarAkArya sanmAnita: / by me. " eSA vArtA prAsAdAdhaHsthena mantriNA zrutA / When the matter was reported to the king, he summoned Haripala thrice. The latter, however, refused to go by arguing that thereby dharmadhyAnabhaGgo bhavati ! ' Then Santu himself approached him and told him that he was sent by the king in order to take him to him. He was welcomed by Haripala who performed deityworship and took his meals along with the minister. Then they went to the king sitting in a litter. A conversation between the king and Haripala: "kAkA ! sarvAvasare kimadyakalye nAgamyate ?" harapAlenoktam / " AtI narA dharmaparA bhavanti / tathA tvamAttau satyAM 'kAkA' kathayasi, anyathA nAmApi na gRhNAsi / 39 35 " pUrNa hAsyena, kintu tathA kriyatAM yathA mama nAma na yAti / Then the old man asked for a saralohamayi musti, which was given. 63

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Haripala asked for eight days' time and went home. 8. ekA kSurikA kRtA / lohamayI muSTiH / tena saptadinAnte sitAM kAvala- tasyAH kSurikAyAH zarkarAmayaM phalakaM kAritaM tathA yathA candrahAsalohabhrAnti phalaM zarkarAmayaM kRtam / pAhuDamiSeNa | yitvA ( ?) dhurikAdayaM vidhAya para- prAptA / rAjavelItulyA'bhUt sA pratikA(hA )razca svarNamayaH kAritaH sAntUhaste dattam / mukhe kSiptam / rAjJA phalaM maMDala-meTAmiSeNa rAjhe'rpitam / rAjJA pradattA rAjJo'gre tatsvarUpaM dhIprapaJcayuktaM niveditam / prage rAjA sabhAyAmupaviSTaH, galitam / muSI raulANIyogyA dattA / | phaladvayaM bhakSayitvA lohamuSTidvayaM siddhibuddhiraulANIdvayaM tatrAgAt / matrI prAha-- "rAjan ! raulANyorbahUni na galati / tadA hAritam / prayAtA / yoginiidvy[| ya bhakSaNa ]hetorapitam / dinAni yayuH / kimapi kalAM darzaya / kAmapyanayoH kalAM vilokya visargyatAM ca / " haripAlaH smmaanitH| tAbhyAM na bhakSitam // yadA tenedaM saroSamuktaM, tadA rAjJA sabahumAnaM raulANIdvayaM pRSTaM- "bho ! kathyatA bhavatIbhyAM kA kalA jJAyate, ko guryuvayoH ?" tAbhyAmuktam - "macalanAtho gururaavyoH|" rAjJA'pyukta"masmAkamapi sa eva guruH|" atrAntare pratIhAraH samAgataH, praNAmaM kRtvA "deva ! kalye kaTakAdhIzvareNa pramAdibhUpena bhavatAM kRte prAmRtaM kRtmsti| " rAjJoktaM "kiM kim ?" pratIhAreNoktaM-"dvAre santi amAtyAsta eva nivedayiSyanti / " rAjJA samAkAritAH / AyAtAH, praNAmaM kRtvA vyajijJapan- "deva ! SoDazarUpyahastinaH, dvAdazapeTikAmaDibhRtAH, pRSTau prayANakatraye santi / deva ! tava kRte baGgAladezAdhIzena kSurikA bhavyA bahuvastuyutA preSitA'bhUt / sA kSurikA pramADibhUpena preSitA'sti / rAjJokta-prathama niSkAzyatAM, tena ca paTTakUlaviNTanakasaptamadhyAnniHkAzya rAjJaH kare smppitaa| rAjJA svayaM dRSTA varNitA ca / sabhAsadAn pradarzitA / ...... yAvadAjJA kSurikAphalaM bhakSitaM tAvadanyena kare dhRtvoktam- " deva ! yuSmAbhiryathA''tmIyakalA darzitA tatphalakatIkSNaM sAramayaM bhakSitaM tathA raulANIbhyAmapi daryate kalAstadA varaM,...... tAvattAbhyAmuktaM| "deva ! tvamevedRzazaktiyuktaH yuktaM siddhacakravartinAma birudaM tava, nAnyasya zaktirI| dRshii|" lokaH sarvo'pi vismitaH / te yoginyau bhUpaM sanmAnya svasthAnaM yytuH| pUrvamatriNa bahudravyadAnAt sanmAnayAmAsa / rAjJastataH zrIjayasiMhadevasya siddhacakravartivirudaM prakaTayabhUt /

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65 The following observations are brought out by the above comparison: (1) In LPS there are four pilgrims; in Prabandhapancasati there are many. The Kedara of the former is replaced by Himalaya in the latter. In the former Anadi Raula converses with them and the. Raulanis, just arriving, overhear the same. In the latter the Raulanis are stated to be sitting there and they converse with the pilgrims in a longer way. (2) In LPS the Raulanis are stated to have arrived at the royal court in Sukhasana or litter, while in the rest two versions they are depicted as mounted on plantain-leaves. (3) The conversation between the king and the Raulanis that is found in our text is absolutely absent in the other two versions. (4) Subhasilaganin's version inserts a new point viz. minister Santua's question and the king's revealing the fact that he was worrying due to the Ra ulanis' challenge. The statement there that the king accepted, after hesitation, the sarkaraphala given by Sajjana is confusive and out of place, (5) In LPS and Prabandhapancasati minister Santu overhears the conversation between Sajjana and his father, though, of course, the minister's name is not given in Subhasilagapin's text. In the PPS version, however, the king himself, during his nocturnal viracarya, overhears their talks. In LPS the old man tells his son that the occasion was beneficial to the king; while in Prabandhapancasaii he complains that though a number of such problems were solved by him in Karna deva's court, he was not being honoured by his son. (6) LPS states that a litter was sent to bring Haripala; while according to the Prabandhapancasati he rejected the king's summons thrice. Such details are avoided in the abridged version of PPS. (7) The three verses of post-dinner chit-chatting form a peculiarity of LPS alone; while the interesting talks between the king and Haripala are found only in Subhasilaganin's version. (8) According to PPS seven days lapse thereafter; according to Prabandhapancasali, eight days. This is altogether avoided by the LPS version. (9) The final incident is narrated extensively by Subhasilaganin, and PPS makes only an abrupt statement to that effect; while LPS describes the same in a succinct but clear way through very short but sweet sentences 9

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66 avoiding all sorts of conversations and other details presented by Subhasila ganin. Thus the version of Subha silaganin is the longest one, that of PPS is a brief summary of the story, and that of LPS presents, so to say, a pointed account. The differences noted above do not allow any inter-relation among the three versions. Though certain details given in our text are not found in the other two versions, the archaic nature of the language and style and simplicity and pointedness of expression lead us to conclude that the version of our text is definitely the oldest of the three. It cannot be said that the author of the LPS was the first writer of this story. As in the case of other stories of the present text, the story as such is taken by him from the floating literature or oral tradition and it is moulded by him in his own way omitting unnecessary details and retaining those that have a bearing on its main theme, 6. NA MALA-MALINI-PRABANDHA This prabandha is not found in any other Prabandha-work. 7. GANAYA-MANAYA-INDRAJALI-PRABANDHA This prabandha has two parts: The first is the background viz. the contest between Kumuda candra and Manikya, Deva suri's disciple. It contains only two short speeches of Kumuda candra and two short retorting speeches of Maniky a. In several works this incident is narrated in details where such pieces of conversation also are given. The wording of the conversation given in PC, however, is similar to that of LPS. Passage no. 109 (pp. 66-68 ) of PC contains the description of this historical dispute between the Svetambaras and the Digambaras. The counterpart of the first part of the conversation is found on p. 68 (lines 1-3) of PC, where it takes place between Kumu da can dra and Hemacandra, who is described as having just crossed the borders of saisava. The counterpart of the second part of the conversation occurs on p. 67 (lines 5-7), where it is between Kumuda candra and Ratna prabha who is stated there as Deva suri's first disciple, Let us compare the two versions in the following table ;

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Serial No. LPS Version PC Version 2 3 1 [Kum udaca ndra asks Manikya:] " takraM pItam ?" (p. 68:) Kum udacandra asks Hemacandra who is described as kiniyatikrAntazaizava : " pItaM takaM bhavatA ?" [Maniky a retorts :) "takaM vetaM, haridrA piitaa|" Hema candra retorts: "jarAtaralitamatiH kimevamasamaasaM Se ? zvetaM taka pItA haridrA / " [Kumud acandra:] "AkAze kA vArtA ?" (p.67:) [Conversation between Kumudacandra and Hem a candra:] [Mani kya :) " yat kSapaNakasya mastakaM dvAtriMzatpalaM bhavati / " kuta AyAtastvam ?" "svargAt / " "svarga kA kA vArtA ?" "kumudacandradigambaraziraH paJcAzIti palAni / ' " tarhi kiM pramANam ?" "chittvA tolyatAm / "

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68 It is evident that in LPS this part of the prabandha is only the starting point of the background for the main story that follows. PC, however, is actually describing the incident. The second part of the prabandha contains the story of the brothers Khimadhara and Devadhara who later on became known as the magicians Ganaya and Manaya. The latter portion of this part is met with in Puratana-prabandha sangraha as passage no. 70 (p. 36). Comprising only two lines and a half, it gives a very brief account, as under: gayaNAmayaNAbhyAmindrajAlavidyA sAghitA / tataH pattane nUtane sahasraliGgasarasi gayaNo nijavidya prakAzayituM makararUpeNa pravizyopadravati / bahubhirupAyairalabdhe tatra rAjJA paTaho vAditaH / laghubhrAtrA mayaNena dhI yAcayitvA niSkAsitaH / prasAditau tau rAjJA // It is evident that the PPS version is only a brief summary, not necessarily of the story as presented in our text, but, may be, of some oral version of the same. It is taken from codex G which, as already observed, contains only brief jottings from earlier accounts, written or oral, compiled after 1351 A.D. 8. KOMARI-RANA-PRABANDHA The matter of this prabandha is not traced in any other Prabandha-work in any form. The story, as it appears in our text, is, beyond doubt, an interesting folk-tale. 9. SRIMATA-PRABANDHA This prabandha is traced in some other prabandha-works also. The story may be divided into two parts: (1) the story of king Lakhanasen a and his minister Uma patisridhara, and (2) the story of king Ratnapunja and his daughter Srimata. In some versions the latter part only is found, in some others the two parts form the matter of two separate prabandhas. The story of this prabandha occurs in the following works: (1) Prabandhacintamani of Merutungasuri (1305 A.D.): Passages nos. 204 and 205 of the fifth Prakasa on pages 109-110 contain the latter part of the story and as such they are named at the end as Sripunjaraja-tatputrisrimala-prabandha. The former part of the story is found in passage no. 209 of the same Prakasa on pages 112-113, which is named Laksmanascnomapatidharayoh prabandhah. In this version the story appears in more details.

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69 (2) Vividhatirthakalpa or Kalpapradipa of Jinaprabhasuri (13081333 A.D.). Verses 3-24. of the eighth Kalpa called Arbudadrikalpa (page 15) contain the latter part of the story, the former one being altogether absent in this book. This versified version avoids or reduces all details such as dialogues etc. (3) Puratanaprabandhasangraha. (a) Passage no. 196 on p. 84 is the thirtyeighth prabandha called Srimata-prabandha. It contains the latter part of the story. This version is according to Mss. B and P. (b) Another version of the latter part of the story is given just below the above one on pp. 84-85 as passage no. 197. It is found in only one out of the five codices viz. Ms. no. G, which is rightly inferred to have been copied down in the reign of king Peroja, i.e., Pherozeshah of Delhi who came to the throne in V. S. 1407 (1351 A.D.). A comparative study of all these versions is given in the following table :

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Sr. No. I 2 3 LPS Version 2 King Lakhana sena of (the city of) Lakhan avati. Uma patisri. dhara, pradhana. rAjA niHputraH / mantrI atIva gaNakaH / When once king went into his harem, mini ster noted gaganavela PC Version 3 (p. 112:) Srilaksmanasena, king of the nagari of Lakhanavati in Gauda country, reigned long, his kingdom being looked after by saciva named Umapatidhara who was sarvabuddhinidhana. Vividhatirthakalpa (VTK) Version PPS Version A PPS Version B 5 (p. 84 :) Lakhanavatipuri in the east. King Lakhana sena. I 6 70

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l and found that he would beget a son who would definitely fall in love with a Matangi at the age of 32. So he stopped going to the court. King enquired and sent queen away to a village where she delivered a son. . 5 21 When 5 or 7 years old (or, 12 years old), he learnt about his father after enquiry. He took vow of celebacy. 71 6 King died. He succeed. ed him, but minister did not see his face. At 32, he fell in love (pp. 112-113:) ! with her. Minister's King Laksmanaspy observed him and, sena became malangi ashamed, he became-sanga-parka-kaladkaready for kasthabha- | bhajana. Aware of

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- 3 ksana. When about to | king's prakrtikrirala embrace red-hot iron- and anakalaniyata, he idol, he was caught by | (i.e. minister) wrote the minister who saw some verses on the his face (for the first beam. King saw and time). inferred him as the writer and dismissed him. Later on his one verse saved him from being murdered and improved the king who re-appointed him as the minister (pradhanica. kara). 72 8 pazcAt sa ratnapuo rAjA (P. I09:) (p. 15:) tasyAnvaye rAjA rtnpunyjH| (p. 84:) zrImAlapure AyAtaH / . atha zrIratnamAlanagare zrIratna- zrIratnamAlanagare | purA ratnapure ratnazekharo zekharo nAma raajaa| | rAjAbhUd ratnazekharaH / rAjA''sot / 9...rAjJo vasantakrIDAyAm udyAne | Orce, after he returned | | so'napatyatayA dUnaH tasya rAjapATyAM vrajataH kAcit | tena digvijayavyAvRttena pravezagacchata: kAcit strI sagarbhA agre from digyatra, on his strI sagarbhA akSatapAtrakarA mahotsava.... tIti pRSTaH / preSIcchAkunikAn cahiH // 3 // samAgatA / haste akSatanAli- enquiry about their sammukhA jaataa| nRpeNAkSata- tAbhiH saMtAnAbhAvAnnati | keram / tasyopari sthitA durgA welfare, the guild-lea zira[:]sthAM kASThabhAriNyA- | pAtranAlikeropari durgA niviSTA | kathitam / tataH saMtAnaheto| svaraM karoti / naimittikena mAkha- ders replied that they ! ste durgA durgtstriyaaH| / dRSTA / nRpeNa zAkunikaH pRssttH| navAMtaHpuracikI rAjA zAku

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10 zAkunikenoktam / " prabhAte asyA garbho rAjA bhaviSyati / " sA strI rAjJA talArapArzvAt garttAyAM kSepitA / tasmin samaye taiH sA gRhItA / bhayabhItA, vanamadhye | sutotpattirjAtA / pUrva hariNInAM were not happy as the king had no successor to protect the kotidhvajakulakula city. Persuading the king to marry again for progeny, they went to the sakunagara with one of the chief astrologers on the day when the sun entered the constellation Pusya. kAmapi durgatanitambinImAsannaprasava kASThabhAravAhanaikavRtti zirodhirUDhadurgAmAlokya zakunavit tAmakSatAdibhirabhyarcayan taiH kimetaditi pRSTa: prAha- yaH kazcidasyA AdhAne putraH sa evAtra nRpo bhAvI, cedbRhaspatimataM pramANami "tyasambhAvyaM vRttAntamamumamanyamAnAH mAnonnatAya nRpAya vyAghuTya yathAvasthitaM tatsvarUpaM niveditavantaH / 66 atha khedameduramanA nRpa AptapuruSaistAM gatapUrIkattu prArabhyamANAmiSTaM daivataM smaretyabhihite sA maraNabhayavyAkulA pradoSakAle yAva vIkSya vyajijJapan rAjJe bhAvyasyAstvatpade sutaH // 4 // | | bhAvI | tenoktam - asyAH suto'tha nRpo nikena bahinikAMtaH / tataH zAkunikenApannasattvAM kAmapi kAminI kASThabhAravAhinImudrIkSyAsyAH sutastava rAjye bhavitA evaM jagAda | rAjJAdiSTA sagabhava sAhantuM tannarairnizi / gate kSiptA kAyacintAvyAjAttasmAdvahirniraita ||1|| rAjJA ArakSaka AdiSTaHyadenAM prachannaM purAdvahinItvA (p. 85 : ) tato viSiNNa ( 0SaNNa ) manasA garttAyAM kSipa / sA talAreNa rAjJA sA garttAyAM kSepitA / nRpAdezAdvahinItA / tayoktam / tathA prasUya bAlo muktaH / 73

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bAlakAssanti / teSAM pAzce muktH| ttAnanujJApya zaGkAbhaGgaM kurute | sAsUta sUnu bhayArtA -ka mAM nayAMse ? / tenoktam- ! navaprasUtA hariNI taM nijastataH kssiptaa| hariNyA stanyapAnaM | tAvatsA prasUtaM putraM tatra parityajya | drAk ca jhATAntare'mucat / mArayiSyAmi / tayA bhayabhIta-nyena jIvayati / kaaritH| punarupAgatA gartApUrIkRtya punarapi | garta cAnIya tavRttA- yoktam-ahaM bahi bhUmI rAjJe vijJapayAMcakruH / atha kAci- namistaraghAti sA // 6 // yAsyAmi / sA gtaa| bhayAnmRgI sandhyAdvaye'pi payaHpAnaM | puNyaritArbha stanyaM cA- darbha: papAta / sA ciivrennaa| kArayantI tamanudinaM vRddhimantaM pIpasandhyAvaye mRgii| veSTyAyayo / tamaritA saa| kArayAmAsa / sa bAlo ekayA hariNyA dRSTaH / kRpayA stanyaM pAyitaH / sA pratidinaM taM paalyti| 11 lubdhakena ekena bAla stanyaM / atha TaMkazAlAyAM hariNyaM kitA TazAlAyAM hariNapriyA drammA / tasminnavasare devyA mahAlakSbhyAH pravaddhe'smiSTa izAlA jAtAH / mudrAparAbattoM jajJe / rAjJe / pustaSkazAlAyAM hariNyAzcaturNA | mahAlakSmyAH paro'nyadA kApAyayantI mRgI dRSTA / nRpAya / dramnAH patati / niveditaH / pAdAnAmadhaH zizurUpaM nANaka mRgyAzcatuNA pAdAnA- niveditaM bAlaravarUpam / nUtanaM sAyamAnamAkarNya kvacinna- madho nUtananANakam / bIno napa utpanna iti prasRnayA | jAtaM zrutvA zizurUpaM vArttayA auratnazekhara:- | loke vArtA vyaz2ammata 11811/ 12 | talArAH pRSTAH / taiH sthAnakaM -sainyAni pratidizaM taM zizuM | navyo nRpo'bhUnko'pIti darzitam / bAlako dRSTaH / sarastIre vizasituM prAhigot / taiyatnAdava- | zrutvA preSId bhttaannpH| vaTavRkSazAkhAyA vaDavAyyA dugdhaM lokya labdho'pi bAlahatyAbhItaiH | tadvadhAyAtha taM dRSTvA / mukhe patitam / pazcAt pratolI- sa sAyaM puragopure gokulakhuraravairya- sAyaM te puragopure / / 9 / / dvAre muktaH / rAjapaTTahastinA upari | thAyaM bAlo vipannaH san svayamapa- | bAlahatyAbhiyA'muzcan AcchAditaH / pAzvena rkssitH| vAdAya na bhaktIti dUrasthairyAvanmu- thasyAyataH pthi| rAjJA talAraH pRSTaH / tenoktana / rAjA tathA vijJAyAnIya ca -sA mRtyuvelAyAM bahibhUmau goyuradvAri sAyaM muktaH / / gatA / nRpeNa bAlastataH samA- tatrastho bAla: saMDena rakSitaH / nIya puraparisare muktH| yathA tato rAjA samAnIya sa bAlo dhenozcaraNapAtena marati / ina-lAlita :stasya bAlasya kSudhitasya vAkya

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13 gobhiH rakSitaH / saNDena rakSitaH / rAjJe prabhAte kathitam / rAjA tatrA''yAtaH / bAlaH kare dhRtaH / bAlena zlokaH paritaH / " yo me garbhasthitasyA'pi vRttiM kalpitavAn payaH / zepavRttividhAnAya kiMvA supto'tha vA mRtaH // " iti kathitam | rAjA gRhItaH / zrIpuJjanAma dattam ! rAjyaM dattam / tanya tutA zrI mAtA mukhaM vAnaryA dehaM striyAH / ktastAvattatrAyAtaM gokulaM taM mRttimantaM puNyapuJjamiva bAlamAlokya taireva padaiH stambhitamiva tasthau / atha pAzcAtyapakSAtpuro bhUya vRSabho vRSabhAsuraM taM zizu padAnAmantarAle nidhAya godhanaM sakalamapi prerayAmAsa / atha taM vRttAntaM nRpoSvadhAyeM taiH sAmantanagaralokaistaM bAlamAnIya putrIyamANaH zrIpuJja iti dattAbhidhAnaH pravarddhayAmAsa / " 14 ekasminnavasare baTukairarbudAcala- tena vairAgyeNa vipayavimukhatAM gItAni gAyitAni / tadA kumAryA vibhrANA zrImAteti nAmadheyaM jAtismaraNamutpede / rAjJA pRSTam / bagAra / sA kadAcijjAtajAtitayoktam / 'kiM jAtam ? smRtiH pituraye svaM pUrvabhavaM nivearbudAcale girizikharazRGge kAyA | ditavatI - ' yadahamadA purA kuNDopari citrakaM dRSTvA vaMzI - kapipatnItvamanubhavantI kasyApi | yAlinA vilagnA mRtA / zarIraM zAkhina kAyAkuNDe galitvA patitam / tAvanmAtre manuSyamathaM deham / babhUva / bhUpastasyA'bhavat sutA / | zrImAtA rUpasaMpannA atha zrIratnazekhare rAjJi divaM zrIpuJjAtyaH kramAtso'bhUd kAlena nRpatinA rAjyaM dattam || - zrIpuMjarAjA gate tasya rAjJaH kRtAbhiSekasya sAmrAjyaM pAlayataH putrI sama jani / sA ca sampUrNasarvAGgAvayavasundarA'pi kapimukhI / zrIpuJjasya rAjyaM pAlayataH zrIpuMjarAjJaH putrI zrImAtA krameNa putrI jAtA / tasyAH | markaTamukhI jAtA | zarIraM divyaM, mukhaM vAnayaH / kevalaM lavagAnanA // 12 // zAkhAntaraM tadatulyena tattathaiva sthitaM bhAgyAmutpannam / dekastRkSA puro'bhavat // 10 // ' yo me garbhasthitasyApi tatprerya sa catuSpAdA ntarAle taM zizuM nyadhAt // tacchrutvA matrivodhAttaM rAjA'maMstaurasaM mudrA ||11|| ekasyAH zAkhAyAH saJcarantI kenApi zilpena viddhatAluH tadvairAgyAnniviSayA jAtu jAtismarA pituH / nyavedayat prAgbhavaM svaM yadA''laM vAnarI purA ||16|| vRtti kalpitavAn payaH / zeSavRttividhAnAya sa kiM supto'thavA mRtaH // kAciddhenurnavaprasUtA tatrAgatya pAyayati / nRpeNa cintitaM na mriyate / sa dhavalagRhe AnItaH / zrIpuceti nAma kRtam / saJcarantyarbudaM zAkhi zAkhAM tAluni kenacit / vidvA mRSyatha ruNDa me kuNDe'patattaroradhaH ||14|| krameNa prauDhA jAtA / ko'pi na yAcate / tasyAH khedaparAyA jAtismaraNamutpede | pAzcAtyabhavo dRSTaH / tayA nagaramadhye zabdaH pAtitaH / yaH ko'pi marusthalyAH samAyAtaH so 'bhyetu / ekaH puro'bhUt / kumAryA pRSTaH-arbudaM vetsi ? / sarva vedmi / tatra kAmitatIrthAgre | tasyA jAtismaraNaM jAtamitipurA arbudAcale markaTI phA dadAnA zAkhayA viddhA / kuMDopari galitvA dehaM patitam / ziro zAkhAyAM vinameva sthitam / tato dehaM mAnavAkAraM kuMDapatanaprabhAvAdajani / tatastatrAgatya ziro'pi tayA tatra kSiptaM kuMDe | 75

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adyApi mastakaM tiSThati / " rAjJA paJcatvamAsadam / tadadhovattini | tasya kAmitatIrthasya | kuNDamasti, tasya taTe vaMzatadvilokayitvA madhye kSiptam / kAmitatIrthakuNDe yAvadgalitaM vapuH | mAhAtmyAnnRtanurmama / jAlyasti / tatra jAlyA vAnarI papAta tAvattIrthAtizayAnmAmakaM mastaka tu tathavAsta. samagraM manuSyamayaM jAtam / ziro lagnamasti | ito matsavapurmAnuSAkAramabhavat / yanmastakaM 'dyApyataH kapimukhyaham // 15 kAzAvyamAdAya tatra gatvA tu tattathaivAste tenAhaM kpivdnaa| zrIpuo'kSepayacchIrSa | zrIpuo'kSepayacchIrSa tacchiro jalAntaH kSiptvA atha zrIpuJjanRpastasyAstanmastakaM kuNDe predhya nijAnnarAn / samAgaccha / sa tatra gatvA yAvakuNDe prakSepayituM nijAnA ptapuruSA | tataH sA nRmukhI janne- jjale kSipati tacchirastAvadeva nsamAdideza / taistu sucirAttatra kumAryAH zrImAtAyA mukhaM tadavasthaM vilokya tathAkRte sA darzanIyaM jAtam / nRpeNa pRSTAzrImAtA mAnavAnanA samajani / vatse! kimidam 1 / tayoktam-deva ! marusthalyAmaSTAdaza[zatI dezamadhye nandivarddhano nAma parvatastatra kAmitatIrthamasti / tasya tIre vNshjaalii| tatrAhaM pUrvabhave vAnarIrUpA'dhirUDhA | phAlacyutA vaMzakIlena viddhA mRtA / mama zarIraM galivodake patitam / tatprabhAvAdahaM tava putrI jaataa| zirastatra sthitam / ato me IdRzaM mukham / adhunA janaH preSitaH / tena zirasi jale kSipte vadanaM svabhAve jAtam /

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15| pANigrahaNaM na kRtam / tIrthayAtrA | tataHprabhRti sA mAtarapitarAvanu- tapasyaccAbuMde girI // 16 // | itasta sminnare samAyAte pariNaya- | tato'rbude tapasyaMtIM tAM tatra kRtvA tasminneva nage tapazcakre / | jJApyA'rbudasaMkhyaguNA tasminnevA- , vyomagAmyanyadA yogI naparA mukhI jAtA / atinirba- | rasIyAkanAmA yogI dadarza / rasiyAko bharaTakaH stambhitaH / 'rbude tapasyantI, kadAcidgagana- dRSTvA tA ruupmohitH| ndhena pitarAvApRcchaya, bahu-prArthitaM teneti-yanmama patnI mRtvA parvatAdhiSThAyikA jaataa|| gAminA yoginA dadRze / sa ca khAduttIryAlapat premNA parikareNa arbudaadaadaayyau| | bhava / tayoktam-dAdazapayA tatsaundaryApahRtahRdayo gaganAduttIrya | mAM kathaM vRNuSe zubhe ! // 17 // tatra tapaH kattuM praarebhe| ita- | vidhehi ekarAtrimadhye / tena premAlApapUrvakaM 'vaM mAM kathaM na soce'tyagAdAdyayAmo statra rasIbhara tapastrI ta pH| tathAkRte zrImAtrA kRtrima karoti / sa tAM dRSTvA kssubdhH| kukuTA vAsitAH / kRtrimazunavRNoSi ?' iti pRSTA setyavAdIt- rAtrestAvadataH param / pANigrahaNArtha yayAce / tayo- zcaraNayorvilagnAH / tato hRdaya'sAmprataM tAvarakSaNadAyAH prathamo | tAmracUDarutAdarvAk yAmo vyatItaH, turyayAmamya tAmra kayAcidvidyayA yadi ||18||ktm-ydi sUryodayAda arvAka sphoTanenasa svayaM vinaSTaH / dvAdaza pAjA atra parvate cUDeSu rutamakurvANeSu yadyasminnage zaile'tra kuruSe hRdyAH kayAcidvidyayA dvAdazapadyA hRdyAH karoSi, tadA tvAM prinnye| padyA dvAdaza tahi me| kArayasi tato bhavantamabhikaM karo | tena tapaHzaktayA zIghraM ckaar| varaH syA iti, ceTaiH svaimIti taduktisamanantarameva tatra iti kiyatyapi rAtrizeSe zrI. | dviyAmyAcIkaratsa tAH // 19 // karmaNi ceTakapeTakaM niyojya yAma mAtayA tapaHprabhAvAtkukkUTa: dvayena nirmApite sarvapadyAnivaDe | svazaktayA kurkuTarave / svaraH kRtH| sa taM zrutvA zrImAtA svazaktivaibhavena kRtaka- kRtake kArite tyaa| vibhAtamiti kRtvA kSubdhaH / tAmracUDakhaM kArayantI, tenAgatya | niSiddho'pi vivAhAya hRdayasphoTAnmRto vyantaro 'vivAhAya sajjIbhave 'tybhiddhe| nAsthAttakaitavaM vidan // 20 // jAtaH / sA'pi sapazcAttApA 'tava padyAyAM niSpAdyamAnAyAM sarittIre'tha taM svasrA vaizvadeve praveza kRtvA devI kukkuTaravaH samajaniSTe'ti tayokte / klaptavIvAhasambhRtim / zrImAta jAtA / 'bhavanmAyayA kRtakaM kRkabAkuravaM | soce trizUlamutsRjya ko na vetti ?' ityuttaraM dadAna:, / vivoDhuM saMnidhehi me // 21 // sa sarittIre tajjAmyopaDhau kita- tathA kRtvopAgatasya vivAhopahAraH, zrImAtrA 'samasta. padayorvikRtAn zunaH / vidyAmUlaM tatrizUlamihaiva vihAya niyojya sA'sya zUlena pANipIDanAya sannihito bhave- hRdyastena vadhaM vyadhAt // 22 // 77

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I 2 3 tyAhUya, premopahRtacittatayA tattathA kRtvA sAmIpyamupAgataH / talAdayoH kRtakAn zuno niyojya hRdaye tena trizUlenAhatya mAritaH / itthaM niHsImazIlalIlAyitena svaM janmAtivAhitavatI / tasyAnakhaNDazIlAyAM vyatItAyAM zrIpuJjarAjA tatra zikharabandharahitaM prAsAdamAkArayat / yataH SaNmAsAnte tasya gireradhobhAgavattI arbudanAmA nAgo yadA calati tadA parvatakampo bhavati / ataH zikhararahitAstatra sarve'pi prAsAdA: / 4 ityAjanmAkhaNDazIlA janma nItvA svarApa sA / zrIpuJjo'zikharaM tatra tatprAsAdamacIkarat ||23|| SaNmAsAnte'rbudAkhyo'syAdhobhAge'drezvalatyahi: / tato'drikampastatsarve prAsAdAH zikharaM vinA // 24 5 6 78

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79 The following observations are brought out by the above comparison: (1) Only the PC version has the former part of the prabandha, and, though certain points of LPS version are absent there, it is a more polished and detailed one inasmuch as Lakh anasena of LPS becomes Srilaksmanasena in PC, the name of his country viz. Gauda is given there and pradhana U mapatisri dhara becomes Sarvabuddhinidhana saciva Umapatid hara. (2) In PC king Laksmana sena himself, and not his son, falls in love with a Matangi. (3) The story, thereafter, takes altogether a different turn in PC. (4) The A version of PPS simply states that Lakhana sena was the king of Lakha navati in the east and then immediately turns to Ratnapunja who is mentioned as his descendent, thus joining the two parts. PC, however, has two separate prabandhas completely in. dependent of each other. (5) The second part of the prabandha is found in all the other four versions, the king's name being Ratnapunja in LPS and PPS A versions, while the rest of the versions have Ratnase khara. Similarly Srimala pura of LPS is not found in the other versions, it being named Ratna mala na gara in PC and VTK and Ratnapura in PPS B version, PPS A version simply carrying forward the city of Lakhana vati. According to LPS and PPS A versions the king himself saw the pregnant woman. PC gives an altogether different motif and the guildleaders of the capital city, while going to the sakunagara, are stated there to have beheld her. VIK briefly follows PC in this regard but states that the king sent astrologers and not the guild-leaders, while PPS B version combines the two motifs. (6) (2) The motif of the poor woman's going to pass stools is absent in LPS and PPS B versions, but all the versions agree in mentioning that her infant was nourished by a she-deer, VTK pronouncing that he sucked her milk at the two twi-lights. (8) The sudden automatic change in the currency coins at the mint is pro nounced by all versions except PPS A, where a hunter is stated to have reported to the king that an infant was being nourished by a she-deer. PC and VTK give details in this regard and the resemblance in their wording indeed strikes us.

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80 (9) (10) The verse recited by the child before the king occurs in LPS and PPS A versions only, but it definitely offers significance to the king's adopt. ing him as his son. A significant incident causing jatismarana is given by LPS alone. PPS A version is unique in inserting Srimata's announcement and sending a man to Arbuda. It also adds that, when mature, she lived in dispair since nobody liked to marry her. Likewise, PPS B version differs from all the rest by stating that the princess herself went to Arbuda cala and threw the monkey-head in the kunda. (1) PC and VTK state that the Yogin, while passing through the air, beheld her and, having descended, asked for her hand. According to PPS A version, however, he was practising penance on the same mountain. The other two versions are silent on the point. The PC and VTK versions do not name the Yogin, while PPS A calls him Rasiau tapasvin, PPS B names him as Rasiyaka and LPS gives his name as Rasiyakah bharat kah. (12) The versions differ in the description of his death also. PC and VTK say that having enticed him to go to her for marriage ceremony placing aside his trident, Srim ata troubled him with dogs produced through miraculous powers and struck him dead with his trident. PPS B version does not refer to the trident at all and states that, being troubled by the dogs, he died of heart-bursting; while PPS A version does not mention even the dogs and simply states that, shocked at the artificial cock-crow, he died of heart-bursting. Our text, on the other hand, cuts short the interesting incident in a senter ce of three words only viz. Rasiyako bharatakah stambhitah. (13) PPS A is unique in stating that Srimata, repenting on the Yogin's death, (committed suicide) by entering the Vaisvadeva-fire. (14) The VIK version coincides with PC version in most of the details, strikingly resembling it even in the wordings, to such an extent that orie is tempted to deem it as the version of the PC put into verse. The above observations lead us to the conclusion that none of these versions preceded the version of our text, which, as in the case of other prabandhas, represents the oldest stratum of the story in view of the language, style and depiction of the story as such. The other versions are enlarged and polished ones, while the PPS B version contains brief jottings from one or more other accounts of the story either read by the author somewhere or heard by him through oral tradition.

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81 10. GALA-SRI-VARDDHAMANASURI-PRABANDHA The matter of this prabandha is not traced anywhere else. CONCLUSION: The fore-going comparative study leads us to the following conclusions: (I) Out of the ten prabandhas of LPS four viz. those of Sahasralinga sarah, Namala-malini, Kumarirana and Galasrivarddhamana suri are unique inasmuch as they are not traced anywhere else. (2) One prabandha viz. that of Jagaddeva has very few details of a minor incident and a few epithets common with another Prabandha-work. (3) Two small portions of another one viz. the Ganaya-manaya-indrajali-prabandha are found in two different works, one having mostly the same wording in changed order and another a very brief account. (4) Different versions of three prabandhas viz. those of bhrama-maharaja, the Raulanis Siddhi and Buddhi and Srimata appear in one or more of the standard Prabandha-works. (5) As many as eight other versions of the remaining one viz. Vikramaditya-pancadanda cchatra-prabandha are available in Sanskrit and several others in Prakrit and some of the modern Indian languages. Madana (6) The archaic, simple and direct nature of the language and style of the present text shows that its versions of the different prabandhas are the earliest ones-which factor enhances the importance of LPS all the more. VI. Probable Sources The fore-going discussions have revealed the fact that the prabandha versions of the present text are the earliest among the ones available at present. Thus it is not possible to find out any literary sources for any of the prabandhas of LPS. In all probability the floating literature, the oral traditions, the popular folk-tales may rightly be regarded as the real sources of the stories of these prabandhas. It may also be noted that the LPS, though containing the earliest available versions of the stories concerned, can in no way be considered as a sourcebook for the later writers, because its versions are mostly succinct and certain important details given therein are absent in these later works, which, at the same time, present such other details as are absent in LPS. II

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82 VII. Language and Style The literary medium cultivated by the mediaeval Jaina writers of Western India is a type of mixed Sanskrit wbich is significantly styled as 'Vernacular skrit' by Dr. Hertel and as Jaina Sanskrit' by scholars like Prof. Bloomfield, Dr. A. N. Upadhye and Sri M. D. Desai, probably on the analogy of Gatha-Sanskrit' of the Buddhist texts termed by Dr. Edgerton as Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit'. There is, however, a very important difference between the two viz. that the so-called 'Jaina Sanskritis fundamentally based on the grammatical and other traditions of Classic-ul Sanskrit, while the Gatha-Sanskrit' is mostly Sanskritized Pali. The salient features of Jaina Sanskrit' are back-formations, hyper-Sanskritisms and Prakritic and dialectical or regional influence on the syntax giving rise to solecisms arising from ungrammatical Sanskrit and Prakritism, ignoring of delicate gramn atical distinctions and tendency towards simplification of the language*. In short, it can be described as simple, popular, colloquial, regional Sanskrit as contrasted to the highly elevated Classical Sanskrit, and, as such, it reminds us of the language and style of the great Epics and the Pu anas. The Laghu-prubandha-sangraha, being a Pr..bandha-work of the thirteenth century as it is, shares evidently these linguistic features. Though tbe whole work is written in Sanskrit, at places Prakrit and Old Gujarati words, expressions, phrases, clauses and even sentences are introduced. Occasionally even nonSanskrit paragraphs and verses are met with. This evidently gives a powerful colloquial touch, which fact, however, makes the language difficult, if not impossible, to understand for those who have no knowledge of the Prakrits or the regional language. As to orthographical peculiarity, two glaring instances will suffice for our purpose. Jayasimha at times becomes Jayasingha ( 18.2) since the latter is the colloquial form of the name. Likewise the name of the king Paramar. ddin is spelt here as Paramadi (1.9; 25.14, as well as Parimadi 25.13) and never as Paramarddin. There are copious instances of abnormal Sandhi. Sandhi is observed very loosely. It is observed at one place and not observed at another in the same sentence. Instances of double Sanchi are also met with; e.g. tasyah agre is rendered as tasya'gie (12.8 ) the intermediate stage whereof will naturally be tasya agre. Instances of definitely wrong Sindhi are * Even non-Jaina texts of the mediaeval age display this feature. To cite but one instance, vide Kotyar ka-mahatmya, VIII. 34: "qara lem: a mai og at: alfat: Fry EETE AFiqh ga: ya: 11"

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also not rare ; e.g. rajno avase ( 14.18) for rajna avase. All cases of an anusvara followed by a vowel are deemed as scribal errors and as such they have been corrected by the editor while reconstituting the text. At the same time we meet with such places also where a difficult Sandhi is quite nicely observed ; eg. Caturasitiputtalakas-caranav-adho baddhah ( 30.7-8 ). Cases of change of gender also are met with; e.g. Catvar ah kanyah pariniya ( 15 2 -22 ); laksa 2 dalta (23.7; Sankhadhvanih srut a (27.5); dina h (25.24 ; deham striyah (29.11 ); manusyamiyam deham ( 29.16). Numerous instances of peculiar declensions are noted : [1] Ungrammatical forms of the names of directions are met with ; e.g. daksinayam (4.4; 5.5), Uttarayam 14.5). [2] The word rajan, even as the final member of a compound, does not drop its final n and retains its usual forms; e.g. paramadiraja (1.9), madanabhramarajanam (5.13), gurjararajnah ( 9.3), parimadirajnah ( 25.13). [3] Locative is mostly used for Accusative of place; e.g. Sipattane samagatah ( 2.5; 9.5), guaare gatva (2.6), okatake gatva ( 5 10), svavase galva (10.9), avase gatah ( 12 5; 11.18), yaksabhuvane gatah ( 10.21), svarge gatah ( 11.11', nagare praptau ( 13.4), grhe nita ( 13.8), ujjayinyam gatah (13.15). [4] Dative of sampradana is replaced by Genitive, e.g. kurja, arajno dattah (9.3), tasya tvam-arppavisvami (12.16-17), putrasya datta 13.8), purohitasya danum diyatim ( 15.8), tesan yacchati (16.14), tasya .. dasyami ( 17. 6-7), mantrinah ... datta (17.14). [5] Genitive replacing Accusative; e.g. obhattasya militah (5.10-11 ). [6] The word samam takes Genitive instead of Instrumental ; e.g. parimalirajnah samam yuddham jayate ( 25.13). There is an instance of double abstraction of an abstract noun; e.g. saithilyatvat (5-3). Cases of change of pada also are met with ; e.g. Vyac ( 1 A.) takes parasmai-pada in yacan (1.13) and yacathah (2.2). Several instances of causal forms with the augment -apaya. are noted; e.g. bhalapya (12.4, cf. Guj. equivalent bhalavi), parinapaya (17.9, cf. Guj. equivalent paranava), parinap:yisyami ( 17.10, cf. Guj. equivalent paranavisa), catapya ( 17.12, cf. Guj. equivalent calavi ). A few peculiar compounds also are worth noting. One of them is kopakalanali (1.8). Some others are conspicuous on account of lack of Sandhi between the members; e.g. saptasata - asvikarudhah (8.3), maru. di - araminya (15.73 ), namala-aramini (22.17), matangi-ahhilasah ( 28.4).

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There are places where causal forms are used in the sense of ordinary past passive participles and ordinary ones definitely carry a causal sense. Sark hadhvanih sruta jagarita hi (27.5) is an instance of the former case where jas arit. h means nothing more than jagytan. Likewise, gayitani in batukairarbudacalagitani gayitani (29. 11-12) stands simply for gitani. Similarly, patata tasya nupuram bhagnam (11.13 ) and rajna tad-vilokayitva madhye ksi ptam (29. 16-17 , are instances of the latter case, where bhagnam and ksiptam definitely stand for the causal forms bhanjitam and ksefitam respectively. Likewise in rajna bhojanartham dhanyani bahye pacitva madhye niy ante (12. 4-5) the actions convey indeed a causal sense. Similarly the present tense has sometimes replaced the past ; e.g. tvam kutra gala 'si? (13.7 ) which has to be translated in the context as "where had you been?" Instances of the verb being influenced by the number and gender of the noun nearest to it are also noticed ; e.g. aramikena kimsuka puspani sahakara. m. njari dva y am bhetayam kr ta m (28.16). Similar is the case of eka ksurika kralohamayi mustih ! phalam sarkaramayam k sta mi pahudamisena da t ta mi mukhe ksiptami (21. 19-20 ) where dattam and ksiptam are governed by phalam, while they ought to have been governed by ksurika which was handed over, and not merely its blade, under the pretext of a gift. A number of non-Sanskrit words have been employed; e.g. talavali ( 4.10; 5.6), pa arhiaram (4.10 ), varandi (4.10 ). Non-Sanskrit names are employed even without the usual case-terminations; e.g. page 4. Not only Old Gujarati expressions but even whole sentences are introduced in Sanskrit passages; e.g. 3. 2-3; 4. (- ; 5. 2-3; "tetula etalaum i' 'etalai ketalaum ?' 19. 1-2. Gujarati case-terminations and actual Gujarati verbal forms also are met with; e.g. 4. 11-16; 5.1. Even purely Sanskrit sentences reveal tremendous influence of the regional dialects. It will be worth-while here to cite a few instances of the same: rajno vibhate harir-bhavisyati ( 10.20 ), adya rajan! nidra ghana tara ! (11.17), manascintitapasuka cuk kita sa (11.20), rajyam mantrine bhala pya ( 12.4), sa n d him cajitah ( 12.14), harita'si 'you have been lost at stake' (12.16), sarthe gatah (14.6), sarthe nita (15.17), rajna purohitasya'g re uktam ( 15.9), salya ud g h a fita ( 15.18), ghot u ka urdhvo'sti (15.21), dig at ra yam culilah (22.4), mukham macak od itam (22.19), namalu pa da u patita (22.22), tasam par sve prstim ( 27.5-6), tasya sa mipe... ekante arpitani (27.12-13), srijayasimha parsve agatau ( 27.14-15), matuh par sve pityurttam prstam (28.7), k ap ar an i dattani (30.8 ), tatra patitavaya vratinans parsvat mundapa r s vat dramma pancakam simayam gyhnanti ( 30.11-12 ),

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85 patram chotit a m (31.1), param - a vasaro nahi (5.16), ayam vanija, ako nani (6.10 ). tasya nytyantyah sirasas campakapuspatodar am trodita m ( 11 12 ). At places looseness of language or even incorrectness creeps in due to colloquial influence; e.g. sripatta ne siddhacakravartti-srijayasimhadeva aji at samagatahi (2015), sid lhacak uvartter - biradam mocayavah ( 20.7). In the sentence mama sutah kusalena samesyati tada sriparsvanatham natva pascat paltanamadhye samagamisyati 1 (22.5-6) the word yada is dropped from its usual place before mama and the word pascat is introduced after natva due to the influence of the regional language. Likewise the formula dabhoi na parsvanathotpattih ( 22.7) possesses the Gujarati termination for the Genitive case in a Sanskrit sentence. Instances of incorrectness even otherwise are also met with; e.g. acamlikam- uttirja ( 14.17-18)'having descended from the tamarind tree', namalana mnya pancasaravandanaya y antya rajakajalhakava asamipe samagatai ( 23.2-3), saptavadhuh ( 23.3) in the sense of the seventh daughter-inlaw', ratrau umad. vi somasarmmani supte sisyesu suplesu svayam-utthaya dan. dena acamlikam catitva a hata (14 3-4) where what is meant is that U ma. devi gave a blow to the tamarind tree after mounting it, tada srideva surinam sisjo manikvas-tutra kumudacandraksapanake na samom vaduh kst ah, '24. 2-3 ), yavanikantaritah sthiyate 1 ( 28.9). The liberty given by Sanskrit Grammarians by not enjoining any fixed prisition in a sentence for such of its constituents as the subject, the object and the verb is sometimes misused by our author. For instance, in the sentence ta a raja rcsas uno vix rahaya madanabhramena samam caturmaim-avasthitah (5.14-15) the meaning intended is that 'king Siddharaja stayed there for waging a battle against kirg Mada na bhrama' and not at all that ' he stayed there with Madanabhrama for fighting' as would ord narily be taken according to the sequence of the words! One more instance of inaccuracy is furnished by the word sripattana which is employed not less than five times (20.2, 5; 24.2; 24.2; 27 II) to denote Patta na or An a hilla pura Pattana (mod. Patana) in North Gujarata and only once ( 30.7) in the sense of the holy place of pilgrimage popularly known as Prabhasa Pa ta na or Soma na tha Pat a na in Sa u ras tra otherwise called here as Deva pattana ( 30.21; 31.2). Past passive participles are very frequently employed in place of verbs, which renders the language all the more easy. At the same time such nice verbal

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86 forms as alekhi (2.10), samay yau (16 2; 28.16), darsyatam (17.10), acikathat (18.14), jujne (29.1; 30.16), utpede 29 12), cakre (29.18) and jagmuh (30.18 not only add to the charm of the language but also vouch for the author's knowledge of Sanskrit Grammar. Long descriptions of all sorts are carefully avoided. Compounds are not rare and they become confusive when Prakrit or dialectical names and epithets are compounded The language is quite simple and unassuming all throughout and is rarely figurative, with the exception, of course, of the two rem rkable speeches of Vilhu Vamani (6.5-10; 6.12-7.4). Auuprasa, however, appears at many places (eg. 13.6, 7, 8; 25.15; 28.7-8) in a natural way. The most out-standing features of the style of the LPS are directness, simplicity and succinctness. All the prabandhas are related in a story-telling marner. This feature is so striking that the reader or the listener feels that the story is being told to him orally in the most traditional way. As a consequence they are grasped quite easily and promptly. Dialogues are mostly short, constituted of very short sentences and this makes them all the more effective (e.g. 12.20 ff.). Occasionally the expressions become pointed. The dialogue between minister Maideva and king Madanabhrama (7.1015) may be cited as an instance in the point. The brief speech of Madanabhrama there (7.12-15) nicely brings out the heroic sentiment. The personality of this king is nicely developed through his only two brisk speeches (page 7). Such pithy sentences as "Aho ubhayabhrasta jata!" (12.18) enhance the charm of the narrative, which at times becomes rythmical; e.g. bhavyam jatum milita yat-tvam (13.7). Humour also is not altogether absent. The brief dialogue of dialectic disputation between Manikya suri and Kumudacandra (244-7) may be cited as an instance in the point. Succinctness is the most glaring characteristic feature of the style of LPS. At times the verb is dropped. Take, for instance, the following: asminnavusar: ekada srij yasimhadevo dvadasavarsam yavat digvijayam krtva kantyah parisire pancaguvyutiparag uttarakas-cakre | ( 5.8-9). Here a verb is required after parisar.. The difficulty is not solved by removing the danda separating the two sentences. Likewise in kasmin galva sthitah (16.13) some such word as nagare is required after kasmin in order to complete the sense. Similarly in sahakare catapy dandena "hatah (17.12) the subject of ahatah viz. sah, i.e. sahakarah, is missing. In dvalrimsadvarse panigitam gayati | (28.10), again, the subject viz. matangi is dropped. Occasionally even ca is dropped;

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e.g. yadi a pa sabdah puna rukt am sameti tada taya jihvanvasah kriyate i ( 30.5-6). At times succinctness of style puts at stake even clarity of sense; e.g. nadalinau viprataritau, sirasi lepo daftah (25.5; tatprabhave na pattane varunasanaditate samam tava'a srijayasimhadevasya parimadirajnah samam yuddham jayate 1 ( 25.12-13: here something like dystam yat is necessary before pattane ); madhye paribhramanti punar-na prakatayanti i (25.15-16: here the latter half means that they remained invisible'); parala jagartti vinavumsadikan latva gayanti (27.3-4: lavata must be inserted after jigartti ). Two more instances in the point are: gajarupa-simharufair kylam ! ( 26.1) and kasmin dine (27.5). In the narration of the former birth of Srimata (20.14-16) there is no mention at all of her being a monkey nor can one understand the same froin the context. One would not be able to know it unless one learns the s me from other versions of the story! In fact the Srima. a-prubandha in our text is very brief as compared to its versions elsewhere. Moreover, an inconsistency occurs in the fifth story of the Vikramaditya-pancadanducchatra-prabandha. At the outset it is stated that the minister had seven sons and seven daughters-in-law (16.9), and, a few lines after, while in exile, only three daughters-in-law are specified : bhatake. i adhva gyhitam 1 tatra jyesthapatniduuyam atmana vadhu - tray a m sthitam I ( 16.15). It has however, to be noted that the author does rise to considerable poetic heights at certain occasions. He bursts into a series of nice epithets in Vilh u Vam a ni's address to king Madan abbiama. Though a mixture of Sanskrit, Prakrit and Old Guj. languages, the whole passage is highly poetic : "Maharaju! caturacakravarttin ! nagarikanarendra ! paricchati paji-na paramahamsa ! hiyali-na hamsaraja ! antahkarana-na naajana ! puranapui usi tluma ! jivituvia na jagesara ! hydan agarbha garbhesvaru ! mamatamahesrara ! aluv svara ! lilaluhtaga, bhesvara ! cintilacintamani ! kodi-ni kamadhenu ! kamata vastu na kalpavrasa! saubhagyasundara ! bhogapurandara ! mukuradhvajavitara! rajyaliks nisrnjarahara ! srimadanabhramar ijendra ! ayam vanijayako nalii " ( 6.5-10). The second speech of Vilhu anani, again, bursts into very nice epithets for king Siddharaja Ja ya simha (6.12 -7.4):" ...visvajananayananandana | 18 laksa 92 sahasra malavalaksmikucagrahavigrupani I vairira. yumurattaghurutta | asvapali-gajapati narapati-trihum raya nau ambalau i gajanavaihummis ahrday antasalya jayasi isaimuara | udaki sasana-nau dayanaharu i ... samastadigvalayavijuyi praudhapratapi 1...., the poetic fancy reaching a climax with the expression "...tatkuksisarovararajahamsah ". It may be noted

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88 by the by that these epithets are not found in the other versions of the prabandha examined by the editor for comparison. In short, the language is very simple and unassuming; the diction is direct and the style is forceful, sharing the peculiar features of Jaina Sanskrit', and the powerful collcquial influence has offered a realistic touch to the narrative. The lexical material, which is an important feature of the language and style of L''S, is dealt with in Appendix 'A'. VIII. Authorship and Date The name of its author is not furnished by the text of the LPS, nor can it be known from any other source. All the same, the unitorm nature of the contents and the homogeneity of the style of all the ten prabandhas are conducive to the conclusion that the present work is not a compilation of pratandhas composed by different authors as would ordinarily be 11. ferred from the title Laghu-prabandha sangraha, but that the whole has come from the pen of a single author. Though nothing is known about th: personat history of the author otherwise, on the evidence of the text itself some remarks can sately be passed regarding the same. Firstly, the type of the language einployed by him throughout the work is the one cultivated by mediaeval Jaina authors of Western India and known as Jaina Sanskrit' which fact is a sufficient evidence for pronouncing our author to be a mediaeval Jaina author of Western India. Secondly, there are a few Gujarati phrases and sentences introduced in the body of the text, and what is more striking is that Madana bhrama, king of Kanti in Bengal, is made to speak in Gujarati. Occasionally we also meet with distinctly Gujarati case-terminations. These circumstances lead us to the conclusion that the author belonged to Gujarata. Moreover, such expressions as kuna re vinajaruu' 6.4) induce one to infer further that in all probability he hurled from orth Gujaraia; because though 'kunu' is found commonly used in Old Gujarati for modern Gujarati kona' 'who', it is retained even today in the dialects of North Gujarata alone. The fact that Pattana or Ana hila pura Pattana ( modern Pata na), the capital of the great king Siddharaja Ja ya simha, who appears in as many as six out of the ten prabandhas of LPS, is situated in North Gujarata, in a way, supports this inference. Date of Composition It is not possible for us to arrive at a definite date of the composition of

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the LPS. On the basis of Internal Evidence, however, we can fix a particular period during which it must have been composed beyond any doubt, Lower Limit: At the close of the Jagaddeva-prabandha the following post-colophon entry is made: "Sam. 1465 vaise caitra vadi 5 guruvare'lekhi " As the whole manuscript is written in the same hand, this date viz. V. S. 1465 ( = 1409 A.D.) must be regarded as the age of the manuscript. The date omposition of the text must naturally be earlier than the date of copying. This furnishes the lower limit. Upper Limit: Some historical personages appear in the different prabandhas of the LPS. Firstly, Siddharaja J a ya simha, the great king of Gujarata, the period of whose reign is regarded as the golden period in the history of Gujarata, appears in six out of the ten prabandhas. The period of his reign is from 1094 to 1143 A.D. Naturally, therefore, our text was composed after 1143 A.D. Secondly, there is a reference to king Paramadi of Kalyanako tipura (1. 8-9 ) in the Jaga ideva-prabandha. In the Ganaya-inanayaindrajali-prabandha ( 25. 12-14) there is a reference to a battle between king Ja ya simha and king Parimadi. Both these references are, in all probability, to king Para marddin also known as Vikramaditya VI, who belonged to the Caluky a dynasty of Kalya aka ta ka in South India. According to standard works on history he reigned during yo;6-1127 A.D. Therefore, our text was composed after 1127 A.D. Thirdly, the Madanabhrama-prabandha (pp. 3-9) relates the story of king Madana bhrama who is called Madan abrahman in PPS and Mada na varman in PK. LPS states that he ruled at Kanti in Bengal; according to PPS he ruled at Kanti, the best of cities; while PK pronounces him to be the king of Mahoba ka in the east. Madanabrahman of PPS and Mada na ya r man of PK are identified with king M a da na varma de va of the Candela dynasty who ruled at Maho ba in Bundelakh anda during 1129-1163 A.D. Our text was, therefore, composed after 1163 A.D. Fourthly, Jag a ddeva of the Jagaddeva-prabandha (pp. 1--2) was the prince of king Ud a yaditya of the Paramara dynasty. This Uda. 12

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90 yaditya ruled at Ujjayini from 1060 A.D. to 1087 A.D. The story in our text starts with the demise of this Udayaditya. Fifthly, the last prabandha relates the story of Sri Varddha mana. suri (pp. 30-31), who, in the end, is reported to have composed the Vasupujyacaritra. This last statement is very important from the view-point of fixing the date of composition of our text. Because it is stated in the Prasasti at the close of the Vasupujyacarita* that it was composed by Vardhamana suri at the instance of his pupil Ahladana in V, S. 1299= 1243 A.D.: tato'sau vidhi vidhyarka sankhye vikramavatsare 1 acaryas-caritam cakre vasupujyavibhor-idam 11 29 11 (p. 471). According to the Nag, ndragaccha-fattavali also Acarya Vardhamani. suri, who is rumbered nine there, instructed Dandanayaka Ahladana of the Gallakukula and inspired him to get repaired the Vasu pujya - swamin temple of the Magendrugaccha at Patana and at the request of the same Dandinayaka he composed the Vasupujyacarita of the extent of four Surgas and 54-4 granthas at Patana in V. S. 1299 (= 1243 A.D.), while residing in the Upasraya adjoining to the same temple. + As our author makes a definite statement that the pontiff composed the Vasupujyacarilia (31.3), he must, beyond doubt, have composed his LPS after that incident, i.e., after 1243 A.D. On the evidence of the above facts we can safely conclude that the Laghu-prabandha sangraha was composed some-time between 1243 A.D. and 1409 A.D. Now we have already seen in the Chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha-Works that in almost all the cases where different versions of the prabandhas are available the version of the LPS is definitely earlier than all the rest including those found in the Prabandhacintamani of Merutunga and the Prabandhak>>sa of Raja Srkhara and that in no case the LPS * Edited by Dr. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome and published by Sri Jaina Dharma Prasaraka Sabha, Bha va nagara in 1910 A.D. 1 Jaina Parampara-no' Itihasa (in Gujarati), part II, by Muni Darsa na vija y aji, Muni Jna navija yaji and Muni N yaya. vija yaji, Ahmedabad, 1950 A.D., pp. 5, 676.

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91 version is later than the rest. The PC was composed in 1305 A.D. and the PK was compost d in 1349 A.D. This fact enables us to narrow the duration of the probable period of the composition of the LPS and conclude that it was composed, in all prabability, some-time betw en 1243 4.D. ani 1305 4 D. or, to be precise, during the latier half of the thirteenth century. IX. Bearings on History The Prabandhas are historical anecdotes. The present text is a P. abandhawork. As such it will be interesting to examine it from the historical point of view and try to find out its bearings on history. It is intended here to furnish only an out-line of the historical data gathered from each individual prabandha and examine the same briefly in the light of known history, etc. and not to enter into long discussions regarding the same. 1. JAGADDEVA-PRABANDHA Jagaddeva, the hero of the prabandha, is a historical figure. He is stated here to be one of the two sons of Para mara king Uda yaditya of Ujjayini and step-brother of Rana dha vala. This is corroborated by history. His father U da yaditya ruled from 1060 A D. to 1087 A.D Jagadde va is stated here to have quitted his country after the demise of his father, when his step-brother Rana dha vala was enthroned and he found his lite in danger. Elsewhere also we find similar references He is stated to have gone then to the kingdom of king Paramadi of Kalyana koti pura. This Para mali can easily be identified with king Vikramaditya VI of the Western Calu ky a dynasty who ruled at Kalya n a ka ta ka (mod. Kalyana near Bombay) during 1076-1126 A D. SS and enjoyed the title of Paramarddin. Some other contemporary kings also bore this title, but this particular "Paramarddin" was really a powerful king.* Moreover, one Ja gaddeva's connection with this king is also mentioned by PC [p. 114). The name of the queen of this Paramarddin is given here as Lilavati. The interes + GMRI, P. 523. Vide, e.g., A. K. Forbes, Rasa Mala or The Hindu Annals of the Province of Gujarat, Gujarati Trarslation, Third edition, Vol. I, 1922, Pp. 165-200. S Vide GMRI, P. 537. * Vide CG, PP. 79-80.

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92 ting incident of Bhavdi-yatra wherein this king danced and his minister played upon the tabor is altogether novel and appears to be of doubtful historicity. The wording of the text, however, indicates that Jaga ddeva went not to the capital viz.. Kalyana kotipu ra but to a town (nagarum ) situated on the border-line which was presented by the queen of king Para. marddin to the courtesans for their maintenance. The name of the ruler of the place does not occur thereafter and hence the confusion is not cleared. Thus the name Lilava ti is not that of Para marddin's queen but of the queen of the ruler of the border-town which was offered to the harlots as grasa, no matter whether he was Para marddin himself or someone else. If he be a small ruler, the incident of Bhavai ya'ra is quite probable. There is a reference in this prabardha to Gajan a dhipa Hammira and Gajapati Gaudes vara. The reference here is to an attack on Pattana by this Hammira and Jagadde ya's success in bringing about a truce. It cannot be determined whether this Hammira was a Rajapula chief reigning at certain place called Gajanagad ha or he was a Muslim invader from Ghazni. In all probability the word 'Ilammira' is derived from the Arabic term Amira' meaning (1) a nobleman' and ( 2 ) the king of Afghanistan'. Therefore any Muslim Commander may be termed Hamira'or' Hammira'. Now the Dohad Inscription dated V. S. 1196 = 1140 A.D. informs us that Siddha raja had defeated one Sindhu raja. A description of the battle between Siddhar aja and Sindhuraja is met with in Somesvara's Kirtikaumudi as well as Suratho'sava. Especially Kirtikaumudi II, 26 is noteworthy for our purpose. It runs thus: asatyaharisainyena prakSiptAne bhUbhRtA / baddhaH sindhupatiyena vaidehIdayitena vA / / i.e., just as Vaidehiday ila, ie. Rama, bound the ocean by getting a number of mountains [bhubhrt] thrown therein through the army of innumerable monkeys [ hari ); in the same way he (i.e. Siddhar aja) bound, i.e. caught, Sindhupati after the fall of a number of kings (bhubhrt ] at (the hands of) huge cavalry [harisainyena ]. Now veteran historians contend that this Sindhupati or Sin. dhu raja might be a Muslim ruler of Sindh a. * The expression Gajaaadhipa-hammira' of our text, in all probability, refers to this Sindhuraja. In the next prabandha viz. Madanabhrama-prabandha also Siddha * Vide DHAI, l'ari II. p. 972; CG, p. 81.

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93 raja is described as 'Gajanavai-hammira-hydayantasalya'. Both these references probably pertain to one and the same incident. It is difficult to identify Gaja pati Gaudesvara also. Generally the term 'Gajapati' is used in literature in the sense of the head of the elephantcorps of an army. It is also used to denote the kings of Orissa; the name of a dynasty itself was Gaja pati. 'Gaudesvara' would literally mean the king of the Gaud a country'. Right from the second half of the ninth century A.D. the title Gaudesvara' became the official style of the reigning emperors of Bengal, and the city of Gauda is identified with Laksmana vati in the Malda district of Bengal. It is very difficultwell nigh impossible-to coincide these two into one individual. All the same, the readers are requested to refer to the discussion regarding A sva pati, Gajapati and Nara pati in the next prabandha. The magnanimity of Jagaddeya is noted elsewhere also + and the incident of the dancing girl is found in PC: but the incident of Bhavai-yatra seems to be a unique feature of LP3. 2. MADANABHR I MAMAHARAJA-PRABANDHA There are two main characters in this prabandha viz. king Madana. bhrama and king Jayasimhadeva. The latter is none else than Siddharaja J ay a simha, the great king of Gujarata, who ruled at Patana during 109--1143 A.D. and enjoyed such titles as Siddhacakra. vartin' etc. The former is named Madan abrahman in PPS (pp. 2325 ) and Mada na var man in PK (pp. 90 93). According to LPS he was the king of Ka nti in Bengal. According to PPS his capital was the excellent city of Kanti. PK states that he was the king of Ma ho ba kapora in the east. Ma da na var man of PK is identified by veteran historians as king Mada na varman of the Candela dynasty who is believed to have ruled at Ma ho ba in Bundela khan da during 11291163 A.D. Since the story in all the versions examined by us is practically the same, it can be concluded beyond any doubt that our king Madana - bhrama of Kanti was the same as the Candela king Madana. var man of Maho ba. We have already noted that the original name Ma dana - var man' has taken the forms 'Madana-bra h man' and M a d a na-bhra ma' through scribal errors and peculiarity of pronunciation. These names are significant inasmuch as the king was highly I Vide HB, Vol. I, p. 13. + Vide, e.g., PC, pp. 114-115; PPS, p. 85,

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94 prosperous ant given to amorous pleasures. All the same it is not easy to explain how the name 'Mahoba ka' became 'Kanti'! The on'y explanation of the situation is that 'Kanti' might be another name of the city of 'Ma hoba ka'! Because LPs places this Kanti in Bengal, which is indeed far ciful; or, at the most, we can say that the scribal errors might have turned 'Candeladesa' to 'Vangaladesa'*. The names of the minister and the gate-officer of Mada na bhrama are common to LPS and PPS, while that of the Commander-in chief is given differertly. PK is silent on the point. There is no criterion for proving the historicity of these names; but the matter is quite insignificant. The same is the case with the names of the queens, their maids and the like. . Certain important facts regarding Siddharaja Ja ya simha, as found in this prabandha, are, however, historical beyond doubt. He is stated here to have been a descendent of the three brothers Raja, Bija and Dandaka, which is an established fact. Secondly, a lis. of his six predecessors right from the founder of the Cauluk y a dynasty is giv, 1 here in the correct chronok gical order: (1) Mularaja, (2) Camundaraja, (3) Vallabh a raja, (4) Durla bharaja, (5) Bhima and (6) Karna de va, the last on being his father. Moreover, Siddharaja Jayasimha is described here as "18 laksa 92 sahasra malavulaksmi kaca-graha-vigra-pani" (6. 14-15) and "70 sahust e-gurjara-dharadhisvurah" (7-4). It is very difficult, well nigh impossible, today to attempt a true interpretation of these two statements. These figures may indicate either the annual income or the population or the total number of villages. The first statement may be regarded as indicative of the total population of the Mala va land rather than the annud income or the number of villages in that territory. It is also not improbable that it may be indicative of the amount received by Siddharaja Jayasimha as a tribute from the king of the Malava land. On the other hand, the second statement does not appear to display either the total population or the annual * In his letter dated the 3rd September 1964 Dr. D. C. Sircar, a veteran historian, states: "There being no noteworthy place called Kantipuri in Bengal, King Mada na bhrama of Kantipuri in Va ngala' seems to be imaginary or due to corrupt reading. On the other hand, Chandella Madana varman of Mahoba was a contemporary of Jay a simha Siddharaja, and purvasmin disi does not o.fer any difficulty at all. It is not impossible that Vangaladese is a mistake for Chandeladese."

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95 income of the then Gujarata. And to say that it shows the number of villages comprising the Gujarata of those medieval times may be considered as an exaggeration at the present state of our knowledge. Perhaps it might be indicative of the population of the genuine land of Gujarata not considering the territories conquered by the Gujarati kings ! More probable than even this is to believe it to state the streng h of the army of Gujarata. All the same the same text states later on (7. 10-11 ) that Jay a simha had encamped near Kantipuri with an army consisting of five hundred thousand sahinas and nine hundred thousand padati; ! Of course, this army might have included the divisions of the feudatories also. In these circumstances nothing more definite than these probabilities can be pronounced on the point at this juncture. Siddharaja Ja ya simha is described here as the vanquisher of the three kings called A S va pati, Gajapati and Narapati (6. 15 16). It is very difficult to identify these three kings. The term 'Asrapati' is used in literature to denote the kings of Delhi. Likewise, the term 'Gajpati' is found employed in the sense of kings of Orissa, a royal dynasty itself being nam d'Gajapati'. One fails to understand, however, as to the kings of which place used to be called a aj ati's. One thing is certain: The king whose cavalry was more powerful than the other divisions of his army inight have been known as 'AS va pati'. He wb) possessed a very powertul elephant-torce might have been called 'Gajapati'. In the same way, the king having a mighty force of foot-soldiers might have been denoted by the term 'Narapati'. The kings of Delhi have been well-renowned for their very powerful cavalry. Similarly, the elephants of Orissa are also famous + The very idea, however, of Siddharaja's relations, of fight or truce, with the rulers of Delhi and Orissa appears baseless at the present state of our knowledge. All the same if we go deep into the matter, we do gain some light. It is a well-known fact that the power of the Ca ha ma na or Cau han a rulers of Sa kambhari, Ajamera and Naddula was solely due to their very strong cavalry. Therefore the term Asva pati' can well be applied to a Ca ha mana ruler. An inscription of the Caha mana king A saraja of Nad dula, dated V. S. 1200 ( =1144 A.D.) describes him as a Padu padmopajivin of Mahirajaih raja Jayasimha. Moreover, he accompanied Siddha. Iaja, with his army, in his great attack on Mala va. Therefore there is no doubt that having been subdued by Siddharaja, he had become his + Dr. B. J. Sandosara, Jagannathapuri ane Orisa (Guj.) p. 299.

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95 feudatory.* But the 'AS va pati' in question appears to be different from this A saraja. He was A naka or Ainoraja of Saka mbhari, a powerful contemporary of Siddharaja. As an inscription of Siddharaja is discovered from a well in Sa ka mbhari, it can be inferred that Siddharaja must have conquered the place, may be for a very short period. We know that Hemacandra's Duyasrayamahakavya does not give any details of Siddharaja's fights with the Rajasthan a rulers. All the same, in the same work, on meeting Anaka on the battlefield, Kumara pala reminds him of the fact that he (i.e. A naka) had to bow down to his predecessor Siddharaja J a y asimha. + Som esvara's Kartikaumudi also clearly states that having defeated Arnoraja, Siddharaja married his daughter Kancana de vi to him. 1 This shows that a fight did take place between Siddha raja and Arnoraja. Siddharaja's offering his daughter in marriage to the defeated king may be regarded as indicative of his magnanimous nature and fore.sight. All the same the fact that he had to give his daughter to him shows Arnoraja's importance. Moreover, in a post-colophon entry dated Thursday, the second day of the bright half of the month of Asadha in V. S. 1198 ( =11.42 A.D.), A rnoraja is described as Samasta-rajavail samalankrtaparamabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja--paramesvara'. $ Thus Arnoraja or A na ka, the Ca ha ma na ruler of Saka mbhari, was definitely a powerful contemporary of Siddhara ja and as such he appears to have been meant by the term 'Asva pati' of our text. Now let us turn to Gajapati'. The elephants of the forests of Central India are quite famous. Consequently the term 'Gajapati' may be taken to denote the king of Mala va. The incident of Siddharaja's attack on Yas o varman, the Para mara king of Mala va, and his vanquishing and capturing him alive is described at length in such standard works as Hemacandra's Dvyasrayamahakavya, Some s vara's Kirtikau. mudi, Bala candra's Vasanta-vilasi, Mesutunga's Prabandhacintamani, Ja ya sin ha suri's Kumarapalabhupalacarita and Jina mandana's Kumarapalaprabandha. In some places the fight is stated to be with Nara varman ( 1105-1133 A.D.) and elsewhere with his son and successor * Vide CG, p. 70 and GMRI, p. 295. + Vide Dvyasrayamahakavya, XVIII. 84-86 and commentary thereon: pp. 474-476 of the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts Series Edition. A Vide Kirtikaumudi, II. 26-28. SS Vide Jainapustaka-prasastisangraha, p. 101; also vide for details, CG, p. 71 and GMRI, pp. 295-295.

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97 Tasovarman (1133-1135 A.D.). At a number of places it is stated that the fight continued for as many as twelve years. We may not take the literal meaning of 'twelve years'. All the same it appears from all these accounts that the battle between Gujarata and Mala va must have lasted for a pretty long period. Yasovar ma n ruled only for about three years. Therefore, the struggle must have started during the reign of Nar a varman and must have continued in Ya sovar man's reign also resulting in his defeat. The Paramura kings of Mala va have come to be regarded as powerful since the age of Munja and Bhoja, and a very long duration of the fight as well as the importance given to the same by so many authors of repute is an evidence for regarding Naravar man and Ya so varnan as very powerful contemporaries of Siddharaja. As such Gajapati' may be taken to denote either of these, or, more probably, Yasovar ma n. 'The incident of Ya sovarman's successful attack on Patana in the absence of Siddharaja and his returning with the pilgrimage-merit incurred by Siddharaja, which was tactfully offered to him by the shrewd minister of Gujarata, corroborates cur conclusion in the matter Now let us try to find out the probable meaning of the term Narapati'. One of the Western Caluky a rulers of Kalyana or the Kada mba kings of Goa or the Sila hara kings of Kor ka na appears to have been meant by it. The rulers of these dynastys are considered powerful, but none of them has ever become prominent due to either a powerful cavalry or a powerful elephant--force. Consequently they must have mostly relied on their foot-soldiers. Vikramaditya VI (1076-1126 A.D.) of the Western Caluky a dynasty was popularly known as Para mard din, and in the well-known inscription of Talavada, Ja y asimha is described as " Paramarddi-mardadka" or "subduer of Para ni arddin". That Paramarddin must be none else than this Vikrama dit ya VI of Kal y an a. Certain other contemporary kings also bore the title " Paramarddin", but this "Para marddin" was very powerful as compared to other ones of his age.* As such the term 'Narapati' may be taken to mean this Para marddin Vikra madit y a VI of Kalya n a. J a y a kesin I of the Kadam ba dynasty of Goa reigned during 1050-1080 A.D. Minala devi or M a y an alladevi, mother of Siddharaja J a y asim'h a, was his daughter. Karna de va's marriage with Ma ya n alladevi is regarded as political, having special concern with his victory over the Lata territory. He lost La ta after * Vide CG, PP. 79-80 :: G. H. Oza, Solankiom-ka Pracija Itihasa (Hindi), Part I, p. 117. 13

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98 three years, but thereafter he permanently joined it with his Gujarata. SS The authors of the Prabandhas are quite well-known for their habit of confusing historical chronology. Therefore this Jaya kesin I also may be meant by the term 'Narapati' of our text. The Prabandha-works have described at length the defeat of Mallikarjuna, the Silahara king of Konkana, at the hands of the army of Siddharaja's successor Kumarapala. The Silahara kings of Konkana bore the title Rajapitamaha'. The king of Gujarata does not appear to have benefitted by this victory over Mallikarjuna, which fact also would hint at his powerfulness. In short, the term 'Narapati', in all probability, denotes this Mallikarjuna, referring thereby to a future fight! In this way, the terms Asvapali Gajapati and Narapati' most probably denote Arnoraja of Sakambhari, Naravarman or Ya so varman of Malava and Mallikarjuna of Konkana respectively. It will be interesting to note that these three kings are also referred to by Merutunga suri in his PC under peculiar circumstances: $1 tataH krameNa trayoviMzatihastapramANaM paripUrNa prAsAdaM kArayAmAsa / tatra prAsAde'zvapati gajapati narapatiprabhRtInAmuttamabhUpatInAM mUtI: kArayitvA tatpuro yojitAmala khAM mUrti nirmApya dezabhaGgo'pi tAn prAsAdasyAbha yAcitavAn / [PC, p. 61.3 When Siddharaja got erected the famous huge artistic and majestic temple of Rudramahalaya [ Rudramahakala prasada] at Siddhapura (in North Guj.), he got prepared a full-size mansion of the measure of twenty-three hastas, established therein the statues of such excellent kings as A svapati, Gajapati, Narapati etc., placed his own statue in front of them, with folded hands, and appealed thereby to them that even in the event of the defeat of Gujarata (at their hands) that particular temple (viz. Rudramahalaya) should not be disturbed. It is evident from this reference also that these three kings were very powerful ones and that Siddharaja always entertained fear from them. It is curious that such an important reference could not draw the attention of Sri Durgasankara Sastri, the renowned author of GMRI, and other veteran historians. The name of Siddharaja's another is Minaladevi according to LPS. She has been named elsewhere as Mayapallade vi and SS Vide CG, p. 39. Vide GMRI, pp. 347-351; CG, pp. 113-115.

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Minajadevi also. She is described here as having surpassed in chastity such ancient ideals of chastity as Ahal ya, Arundh a ti, Sati, Tar a and Mandodari. We are reminded in this connection of the great historical dialectics between the Syetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas which took place in Siddharaja's court, the parties being Deva suri and Kumuda candra. In order to prove the theory that women also, on account of their chastity and virtues, are eligible for final beatitude, Deva suri, the Svetambara pontiff, put forth the li illustration of queen-mother Minala devi, which fact supports the statement of the LPS. She is stated here to be the princess of Kan had a Jay a kesa', which is a fact, as this J ay a kesa was none other than) Ja ya kesinl of the Kadam ba dynasty of Kannada - Karnataka - Goa, who is believed to have flourished during 10501080 A.D. King Siddha raja Jayasimha is described here as Gajanavaihawmira-hydayantasalya' or an arrow destroying the heart of Hammira, the master of Gajana' (6.16). This Hammit a might either be the ruler of some such place as Gaja na gadha or the king of Ghazni! In the previous pravundha also we get a reference to 'Gajanadhipa Hammira' who is stated there to have undertaken an attack on Pata sa, when, lowever, Jag a ddeva Para mara secretly crept into his camp along with sixteen companions, surrendered him, took away his chief royal elephant and finally brought about a truce between him and Siddha raj a (p. 2). Both these references appear to be concerning one and the same incident and the problem of Hammira's historicity is discussed by us there with the conclusion that he must have been a Muslim king of Sindha. Now let us turn to the main theme of this prabandhu. The twenty-third verse of Canto II of Some svara's Kirtikarmudi specifically state the king of Ma ho baka paid a tribute to Siddharaja under the pretext of treating hini as a guest : "ITTAR 49 frafe: Aqua The Fanfat " In all the prabandhas dealing with the story of Ala da na bhram a or Mada na brahman or Madan a varman we have noticed at siddha raia receives this thing or that from him. All the same it must also be noted that in all these descriptions we do feel a constant impress

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FQO ion of a sort of elderliness on the part of Madanabhrama, and an inscription from Kalahjar a appears to support the same. It reads thus: . . "Barstaa ufitat: auta gotta gia #a: 1*** Thus it specifically states that Mad a n a va rima n defeated the king of Gujarata as did K ss n a, Kam sa. On the evidence of all these facts we can definitely,say that a battle must have taken place between the two and after a truce, both must have exchanged gifts as a token of friendship. But Sri Durga sa n kara Sastri rightly contends that a contemporary inscription must be regarded more authentic than later Prabandhas, and, as such, perhaps Siddharaja had to suffer more than Ma dana var man in order to see that the king of Mala va did not get any help from hin. 'Because though the Prabandha-writers of Gujarata furnish interesting descriptions of the incident, none of them has ever claimed a definite victory of Siddharaja over Ma da na varma li. In all the versions "Siddha raja is stated to have enjoyed Ma dana. var man's hospitality and to have received certain gifts from him-mostly those of extremely tender damsels-wherefore he returns with a friendly heart. Likewise, in all the versions, except one, the king of Mahoba ka advises him not to entertain fights but to enjoy the royal gloy. In their depiction of all other victories of Siddharaja we do not meet with such points at all. At the same time there is the other side of the shield also ! In the epithets of Siddharaja put in the mouth of Vilh u Vamani we get references not only to his noble family and parents but also to his feats of valour. On the other hand, when the same Vilhu Vamani gives out a long series of excellent epithets for her own master Madan a varman, i.e., Mada na bhrama of LPS, we find all of them indicative of his very tender feelings and passionate nature, but none hinting even to the slightest extent at any feat of valour or victory on his part ! And this fact, being very significant, cannot be ignored. His very short speech viz., " Kenapi muratlo na mloditah, skundhakharjjir-na'punita, nido notturitah 1 " which he delivers to his gate officer is the only matter that we get indicative of his valour! * Vide Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, XVII (1848), p. 318. + Vide GMRI, p. 299.

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101 3. VIKRAMADITYA-PANCADANDACCHATRA-PRABANDHA This is a very nice folk-tale which need not be regarded to have any bearing on history. 4. SAHASRALINGASARAH-PRABANDHA The names of as many as thirty-two courtiers of Siddharaja Jayasimha are mentioned at the commencement of this prabandha. Some of them are referred to elsewhere also. We may take up each of them in turn for necessary discussions : (1) SANTU, also called S a m pat kara, was the first Governor of Lata under Caulukya king Karnadeva (1064-1094 A.D.). He was later appointed as the Chief Minister. Kara's young successor Siddharaja Jayasimha, according to PPS (p. 35), received his training in state-craft under the guidance of Santu, who was also the patron of poet Bilhana. He seems to have wielded supreme power till 1123 A.D. whereafter, in wrath, he resigned and went to Dhara. In due course, however, Jayasimha realized his loyalty to him even while staying at Dhara and recalled him to Patan a. While returning, however, he died on his way at A hada near Udayapura. He is stated to have been a native of Baroda, the names of his parents being Varanaga and Somapuri.* (2) ABHADA VASAHA was a generous merchant to whom are devoted separate prabandhas in such prominent works as PC, PK and PPS. He seems, however, to have come into prominence during Kumarapala's reign. (3) DHARAVARASA CADALLAU is the same as Dhara varsa, the Para mara king of Candravati. He is known to history as a valiant feudatory of the court of Patan a. Dhara varsa flourished during 1164 A.D. to 1220 A.D., i,e., during the reign of Kumarapala! May be, an earlier king of the same family is meant by this later name.SS (4) SAMARASI RAULA CITRAUDAU would naturally mean Samarasimha Ravala of Cittoda. This king, however, ruled * Vide PHNIJS, p. 259; GMRI, pp. 248, 263, etc. SS Vide GMRI, p. 525.

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102 over Mevada as late as 1274 to 1302 A,D. He gave way to the army of Alauddin Khilji of Delhi marching against Karna Vag hela, the last Hindu king of Gujarata. Thus he was not a contemporary of Siddharaja. The epithet Citrauda u does not allow us to identify the king mentioned here with Samarasimha of the Sonagara Ca u hana family who ruled at Jhalora from 1183 A.D. to 1186 A.D. ! Probably the author of LPS has wrongly named the latter as the former since the latter might have been more familiar to him due to nearness of time. (5) PAHLANA RANAU also cannot be identitied with any known contemporary ruler. This name might refer to Prahla da nadeva, the founder of modern Palana pura in North Gujarata, who also was a contemporary of Kumara pala! The authors of the Prabandha-- works are known for confusion of chronology. (6) LONADHAULA MAGAUDIU, i.e. Luna dha vala Magodiya, also cannot be identified with any known contemporary personage. The epithet 'Magaudiu' suggests that he hailed from a place called Maga udi, probably inodern Magodi near Dahega ma in Ahmedabad district of Gujarat a (7) KANHADADE RAULA JALAURAU can be easily identified with Ka n h au adeva or Krsnade va, Kumar a pala's brother-inlaw, who, being a very powerful courtier of Siddha raja, helped Kumara pala ia securing the throne. PC (p. 78 ) appends the epithet 'Rajakula' to his name and PPS appends the epithet 'Naddula'. He was 'Rijakula', which was one of the titles borne by the feudatories of Pata na; but the term Vadduli' would lead us to think that he belonged to the Ca uhana family of Nad dula! The term 'Jalaurau' of our text is confusive, for our author seems to confuse this Kanhada deva with the king of Jhalora of that name ( 1282-1297 A.D.), the hero of Padmanabha's excellent Old Gujarati work called Kanhodade-prubandha ! (8) GODRAHIYAU PARAMARA GAJARAULA does not seem to be known to history. He was, as can be inferred from this reference, a Para. mar a ruler of Godhra, i.e., modern Panca m a h a la district of Gujarata. It cannot definitely be confirmed whether he is the same person as Gajasimha, son of Alhana deva Ca ha mana of Nadd ula (1153-1162 A.D.) who was a feudatory of Kumara pala. (9) SALHU BHELADIU VAGHELAU also is not known to history. He seems to have been Salh or Salhana of the Vaghe la branch

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103 of the Cauluky as hailing from certain place called Bhelad i, probably the village of that name near Disa in North Gujarat a. (10) SILANU KUTIGIU is described in other Prabandha-works as an intelligent jester ( kantukin). PC (p. 74) cites an incident wherein Sila na, the jester, is stated to have tactfully propitiated king Siddha. raja enraged at his pronouncing the expression "Bedayam samudro mugnah", by interpreting it as "the ocean in the form of the Mala va king Ya so varman sank in the boat in the form of Gujarat a." Another prabandha in PC (p. 96 ) and one in PK (p. 99 ) relate how intelligently jester Silan a forced king Aja ya pala to refrain from destroying the Jaina temples constructed by his predecessor Kumara pala. PPS (pp. 47-48 ) relates this tactful incident with special reference to the temples on Tara pa gadha (mod. Tar a' g a bills in North Gujarata). Sila na may be a historical figure; all the same it is difficult to believe that the jester of Siddharaja's court and that of Ajay a pa were one and the same person. We may contend, however, that he was very young when he started his career as a jester in Siddhar a ja's court and continued his job all through Kumara pala's sway and in his old age he was able to teach a lesson to the latter's successor Aja y a pala. Of course, the PC and PPS stories definitely mean an old man. (11) Nothing is known about Ma da na Tangadin. The epithet. Tangadiu' might be indicative of his place of residence. (12) HARAPALA SAKARIU : The epithet. Sakariu' indicates that he was a well-known merchant of sugar-candy or sugar. In the next prahandha there is reference to Sa ka riya sa ha Haripala, father of Siddha raja's minister Sajjana. The story of that prabandha is given in details by Subha silaganin in prabandha no. 97 of his Prabandha-pancasati or Pancasati-prabodhasambandha, composed in V. S. 1521 = 1465 A.D. There Harip a la says to his son Sajjana: "My son! What can we do? Now none honours us. In the reign of king Karna de va many such Kuhedas (i.e., problems ) had been broken (i.e., solved ) by me." The king addresses Hari pala as 'kaka'' uncle' and the latter retorts that he is being addressed in that way because the king is in difficulty and that otherwise he would never remember him. In the end it is stated that the king honoured the ex-minister with generous gifts: Purvamantrinami bahudravyad arat saumanayamasa. t It appears from these re + Vide the relevant portion in the chapter on " Relation With Other Prabandha-Works "

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104 ferences that Ha rapala. Saka ri'u alias Sakariya saha Haripala, father of minister Sajjana of the court of Siddharaja Ja y asimha, was a minister of Siddharaja's father Karna de va and that he might have retired after Siddharaja came to the throne, The term saha may indicate that he was a merchant, which supports our interpretation of the term 'Sakarin'. (13) DHANAPALA PHOPHALIU : Here also the epithet * Phophaliu' can be interpreted to mean either a merchant trading in betel-nut [Guj. phophala < Pkt. popphala < Skt. puga phala ) or one hailing from a village called Phop ha la or Phophalia such as the two villages called N anum Phophalium and Motum Phophalium in Baroda District of Gujarata. Nothing more is known of this courtier. (14) MALAU BHELADIU: The epithet 'bheladiu' suggests that Malau hailed from certain village named Bhelad 1-probably the one situated near Disa in North Gujarata. (15) MADANA TAMBADIU : The epithet 'tambaoiu', again, suggests both the profession of a copper-smith or a dealer in copper vessels as well as the native place of Mada na which appears to have been Tramba. vati, i.e., modern Khambhata or Cam ba y.' (16) VAYA JALA PASTAGIU: He appears to be the same as Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who is known from inscriptions to have been the Dandanayaka of Nad dula (mod. Na dola in Rajasthana) during the reign of Kumara pala (1143-1173 A.D.), and the same as Va y a jaladeva, the Mahamandalesvara of Narma data ta or the Lat a territory in the reign of Aja ya pala (1173-1176 A.D.). PC (p. 97) mentions one Vaya jaladeva as Aja ya pala's gate-keeper who murdered him. PPS (P. 48) gives the name of the murderer of Aja ya. pala as Vaija lade v a. This Va ya jalade va or Vaijaladeva is most probably identical with the Ca ha mana Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who was a very influencial officer at the court of both Kumarapala and Ajay a pala. + The epithet 'pastagiu', as found in our text, clarifies that he was a vegetable-vender. He might have represented his guild in Siddharaja's court and, in all probability, he might have been appointed on the dignified post only at a later stage. (17) JHALAU RANAU: This cannot be regarded as a proper name. A feudal vassal might have been popularly known by this family name. Nothing more is known about him.. + Vide GMRI, pp. 320, 324, 334 ; PHNIJS, pp. 278, 288,

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105 ( 18 ) JHALAU MANGO: A Rsatriya of the Jhala family. PC (p. 72) relates that he used to thrust into the ground two paracis (= Desi parai, an iron instrument for digging) before taking his seat in the court. A voracious eater, he was asked by the king why he moved unarmed, to which his simple reply was that whatever was available at the emergency became his weapon. Just for test an elephant was once directed towards him all of a sudden. Immediately he struck a dog against its trunk and twisted its tail, which resulted into the death of the elephant. He is stated there to have fallen on the field of battle while fighting against the Muslims near Patana, where a memoir is known as the altar of Ma ngu. This last statement speaks for his historicity. ( 19 ) SA DHA SEKHARA: Nothing is known about this courtier, but he appears to have belonged to the Sodha clan of the Raja putas. (20) KAVISARVABHAUMA PANDITA SOMESVARU: No 'scholar' and excellent poet' named Somes vara is known to have flourished during the reign of Siddharaja. One Somesvara Para mara of Kiradu is noted to have been a feudatory courtier of this king. The present reference, therefore, seems to have confused this Ksatriya courtier Som esvara with the renowned poet Some svara, the author of Kirtikaumudi etc., who flourished later under the patronage of minister Vastu pala. . (21) PANDITA JAYADEVA: None of this name is known to have flourished during Siddharaja's reign. A minstrel of this name flourished in the reign of his successor Kumara pala according to the Rasa Mala [Guj. ed., 1922, Vol. I, pp. 279-280). One Pandita Ja y a de va, again, is stated to have fourished in the days of the great minister Vastu pala*. The authors of the Prabandhas are known for their habit of placing personages of different ages together, ( 22 ) PANDITA SORU : This name probably refers to Sura, whose brother Soma was Siddharaja's treasurer according to Some. S vara's Kirtikaumudi [III. 8-9). This Soma was the grand father of the great minister Vastupala, This Sur a's father Can da pra sada and grand-father Canda pa also were ministers. Vide GMRI, p. 313. * Vide, e.g., PC, p. 103. S Vide GMRI, p. 442, 14

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106 (23) PANDITA LAVANYASARMAN: Nothing is known about this scholar. (24) BHADUACHAU VAJRAVAYARAGARA PANDITA VAYARASIHA: Nothing is known of this courtier except, of course, that he was a jeweller [vajra + akara] hailing from Bharuca or Broach situated on the bank of the Narma da and referred to in ancient literature as Bhrgukaccha or Bharukaccha (also cf. its Hindi version Bhadauca and English Broach), as is evident from the two epithets. (25) HARIHARA \'YASA: Here also confusion of chronology seems to have taken place, as this appears to refer to poet Harili ara who flourished at the court of Vis aladeva (1244-1262 A.D.) and his successor Arjuna deva (1262-1275 A.D.). ( 26 ) DAMODARA: In all probability this has reference to an earlier personage viz. Damodara or Damara or Da mara who successfully worked as the Ambassador of Siddharaja's grand-father Bhimadeva I (1022-1064 A.D.) at the court of king Bhoja of Mala v a. If he was a courtier of Siddharaja ( 1094-1143 A.D.) also, as appears from this reference, the fact should be regarded as an important addition to the known history. Interesting instances of his present wit and intelligence are narrated in other Prabandha-works; vide, e.g., PC, pp. 30-34, 51-52; PPS, pp. 16, 21, 23. Also vide the Duvasrayamahakavya of Hema candra, Sarga IX, verses 17-64. (27) MUKUNDA: Nothing is known about him. ( 28 ) SRIKANTHA VYASA : Not known to history as yet. Should we take this to refer to the famous poet $ripala who definitely was a favourite courtier of Jayasim ha? (29) SAMALA PONTARU: 'Ponlaru' is the same as Old Guj. puntara' 'an elephant-driver'. PC (p. 59 ) refers to Ja y asimha's elephant-driver Samala, who, mounting the elephant Ya sah - pa t a la along with the king, succeeded in breaking forth the strong bolted gates of Dhara. PK (pp. 51-52 ) refers to 5 y ma la, elephant-driver of Kumara pala, who, at a very critical juncture in his master's fight against na ka, informed him that one Ca had a ku mara, failing in securing the throne after Siddharaja's demise when the latter's sandals ruled for about thirty days before Kumarapala was enthroned, had gone away S Vide GMRI, PP. 220-226

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107 to the enemy-side. This implies that this Sy & ma la was in service during Siddharaja's reign as well. (30) SAMALA SOLAJOANAU DOTU: Appears to have been a very speedy royal messenger who was reputed to traverse a distance of sixteen yojanas (i.e., about 128 miles) in a watch probably mounting a she-camel. (31) NARANU BAIMKARU is not noted anywhere else, but appears to be a songster (baimkara or baikara) named Narayana. (32) SOLA BAIMKARU also, though not mentioned elsewhere, seems to be another songster of Ja y asimha's court. Over and above these the following also are mentioned as the members of the royal court (1) Suhasola, (2) Ucitabola, (3) Malakara, (4) Malakara, (5) Kautigiya, (6) Kalahatiya, (7) Nacagara, (8) Vesagara, (9) Kaviyara, (10) Kathagar, (11) Ritilaga, (12) Rangacarya and (13) Vyasa. These are not proper nouns but they are epithets indicative of different types of profession. As these terms are dealt with in the Lexicogra phical Study, the readers are requested to refer to Appendix 'A' for their connotations in order to avoid repetition. This whole passage is very important from the historical point of view not only because so many historical personages are mentioned therein, but also for the fact that it shows in this way that all the guilds-good (pavitra) and bad (bhanda)-were represented in the royal court. Subsequent to this list is the story of Ka malavati which does not seem to have any bearing on history. What is important for our purpose is the last statement informing that on listening to the story king Ja yasimhadeva got constructed a (new) lake called Sahasralinga on the site of the (old) lake Durlabhasarah. The statement in the SarasvatiFurana (composed during the final years of Jayasimha's reign) that once Siddharaja began to think as to how the old water-less lake to the north of the capital, which was constructed by Durlabharaja, could again be filled with water (XV, 101-102), the one in the Prabhavakacarita that poet Sripala had written a prasasti of the Durlabhasarah (Hemacandrasuri-prabandha, verse 205) and another in the PC (p. 64) that Sripala composed the prasasti of the lake Sahasralinga corroborate this pronouncement of our text. In later works such as the Moharajaparajaya and Hammiramadamardana we get nice descriptions of the city of Patana,

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108 wherein also there is no reference to two lakes near the capital but only one. Sri Durgasan kara Sastri infers that this new lake was constructed in :190-91 V. S. = 1134-1135 A.D. by turning the flow of the Sarasvati towards it through canals. roo8 Siva-temples, 108 Devi-temples and a temple of the ten incarnations adorned the banks of this excellent lake-which was one of the four great things accomplished by the great king according to PC (p. 75). At the centre of the lake there was an islet upon which was erected a temple of Rudresvara, which has now been turned into a mosque. The beauty of this lotus-covered, swan-teaming lake was further enhanced by a towering snow-white column of victory, of which no traces are now left. To judge from the taunt of the Banaras king to Siddharija Jaya. simha's Ambassador at his court about the use of the water of this lake by the populace of Ana hill a pattan a though it was Siva-nirmalyu, this tank must have served the purpose of water-supply for the citizens of Pata n a.* The Sukytasankirttana (II. v. 35 ) calls it Siddhasuras. The Sarasvatipurana, PC, etc., however, clearly state the name Sahasralinga. The present text also bears a testimony to this name which is mentioned in such Old Guj. poems as the Samara Rasu as well. It is worth noting that the Ain-e-Akabari too calls the lake Sahasanak.t 5. SIDDHI-BUDDHI-RAULANI-PRABANDHA This story is very interesting and the trick exercised by Haripala in order to establish the king's capacity and eligibility for bearing the title "Siddhacakravartin' has indeed a realistic touch. It is not always advisible to reject all such incidents as mere intellectual exercises having no bearing on history. The present editor is inclined to regard Anadi Raula and the Raulanis Siddhi and Buddhi also as historical personages. The other characters are already known to history. They are the ministers Santu, Haripala and Sajjana and king Jaya simha - deva. Sajja na was a Dandanayaku during the reign of both Siddha. $ GMRI, pp. 300-303. * Vide Altekar A. S.: A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad, IA, Vol. LIII, p. 12; GMRI, pp. 300-303. Vide RCMLS, I, pp. 1-2.

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IOg raja Ja yasimha and Kumara pala. He was appointed as the first Governor of Saurastra by Jay asimha. After nine years of service there he ventured the well-known repairs of the Neminatha temple in V. S. 1185 ( = 1129 A.D.) at the expense of the state, for which he was first rebuked by the king, who, however, gave his consent soon after being pleased at the minister's intelligence, boldness and sincerity. During Kumara. pala's sway he worked as the Governor of Cittoda also. He was killed by Arnoraja's son V yaghraraja. $ The other three personages are already noted by us. 6. NAMALA-MALINI-PRABANDHA The name Namala of one of the queens is not seen elsewhere. PPS (p. 38 ) refers to one Na maladevi, sister of Kumara pala inarried to Prata pamalla. PK (pp. 86-88 ) likewise refers to Na mala devi, queen of serpent-king Vasuki of the city of Krau nca harana in the nether world ! These, however, have nothing to do with the present story. Similarly The pa niya H una, his sons Dujan asala and Satru. sala, Kelhanasim Modha, his daughter Lil u and Jalh a k a the washer-man are of doubtful historicity inasmuch as nothing is known about them from any other historical source. The present editor is not inclined, however, to reject altogether this interesting story as having no bearing on history. No super-human element is employed therein and there is nothing extra-ordinary about it. In fact all such stories, when the exaggerative details are removed, together form the character of the hero. The Vaidyanatha and the Parsvanatha temples at Dabhoi as also the Pan casara Parsvanatha temple at Patana are historical places. The name of Jay a si mha's mother is given here as May a n aladevi. We have known her name Minala devi (v.l. Minalladevi) in the Madanabhrama-prabanhha. Elsewhere she is also called Maya - na lla devi. We have already established her historicity in the discussions on the Aladanabhrama-prabandha. $ Vide PHNIJS, pp. 134, 250, 268, 278, 357, 375-76; GMRI, pp. 271, 279-80, 309, 377.

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110 GANAYA-MANAYA-INDRAJALI-PRABANDHA The very first incident of this prabandha is one of the very significant historical events of the reign of Jay a simha Siddharaja viz. the great dialectical dispute between the Svetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas. The Svetambara leader was the great pontiff Deva suri ot Gujarat a, the preceptor of Kalikalusarvajiia Hema c andra suri, while the leader of the Digambaras was Ku muda candra, the great pontiff from Karnataka. The contest took place in the court of Jaya. simha, the king himself being in the chair. It is stated to have occurred on the full-moon day of the month of Vaisakha in the year 1181 V. S. = 1125 A.D. It continued for sixteen days, one of the main problems of contest being whether women were eligible for salvation. Deva suri contended that they were, possessing as they did the 'sattva'. Along with the examples of ancient paragons of chastity he advanced the contemporary illustration of May a naIlade vi, the king's mother. This contest resulted in the total defeat of the Digambaras as a consequence whereof the Svetambaras grew very powerful, and it was probably due to this victory that Devasuri began to be called Vadi Deva suri. This monumental incident was immortalised by Yasasca n dra, a contemporary poet, who composed a drama called Mudrtakumudacandruprakaranit, its main theme being this contest. Thereafter it was described in such other works as the Prabhavakacarita (1277 A.D.) and the Prabanilhacitamani ( 1305 8.D.). In our prabandha the whole incident is not narrated but it is mentioned only as a back-ground to the main story. Other personages mentioned in this connection are Manik ya, Malay a c a li dra and Pra d y u mna suri. Manik ya, a disciple of Deva suri, is also mentioned in Mudritakumudacandra-prakarana as one of the participants of the contest. He is not known from other sources as a prominent personage. He cannot be identified with Manik y a candra suri of the Rajagaccha, the author of the first commentary on Ma mm a t a's Kavyaprakasa known as Sanketa (V. S. 1216) and a contemporary of Vastupala. The short conversation between Kumudacandra and Manik ya candra is given in a slightly different manner 4 Vide Prabhavakacarita of Prabha sandra (1277 A.D.), pp. 278-296. . Vide PC, pp. 67-68; Sandesara B. J.: Itihasa-ni kedi ( in Gujarati), p. 52.

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III in the account of PC wherein a part of the conversation is between Ratnapra bha and Kumuda candra and the rest between Hema candra and Kumud : candra, the mention of Maniky a candra being altogether absent there. Malay a candra may be identified with Mala ya giri, the wellknown contemporary scholar who wrote Sanskrit commentaries on several Jaina canonical works. Pradyumna suri may be identified with the pontiff of that name belonging to the Parnatallagaccha , because he was grand-preceptor of Deva suri who wrote a Vrtti on his Malasuddhiprakarana or Sihanakaprakarana, and in the present context he is stated to have arrived at the place of contest and bestowed blessings. It is not possible, however, to identify Yas odhara who is stated here to have been Javasimha's Purohita, and the same is the case with his sons Khimadhara and Deva dhara who are stated to have afterwards turned out powerful magicians known respectively as Gana y a and Mana y a. The character of the magician Gajaraja of the Kamar up a country also is of doubtful historicity. here is a reference in this prebandha to a battle between Ja ya - simha deva and Parima di or Para mad i. It is stated that the army of Paramad i had camped on the bank of the river Varuna sa (mod. Banasa) and that, by the force of the magic powers of these two magician brothers, he and his army flew away. In short, this refers to ja ya simha's victory over a king called Para marddin. As already remarked during discussions on the first prabandha, this king was most probably Vikramaditya VI of the Western Calu k y a dynasty who ruled at Kalyana from V. S. 1132 ( =1076 A.D.) to V. S. 1182 (=1126 A.D.) and bore the title of Paramarddin. The Talwara inscription (c. 1135 A.D.) also specifically mentions J a ya simba as the vanquisher of Para marddin. Sri D, K. Sastri is of the opinion that this victory of Jay a simha over Para marddin may better be taken to mean that over a feudatory of Ja ga deka malla II (V. S. 1194-1206 = 1138-1150 A.D.) ruling over the teritory of Konkana than over Jag a deka malla's grand-father Vikra maditya VI (V. S. 1132-1182 = 1076-1126 A.D.)* The present editor, however, does not see any valid reason for shifting the status of Paramarddin from the powerful king Vikramaditya VI to a feudatory of his grand-son, when the former was Vide GMRI, p. 297

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11? a contemporary of the victorious king, as, to be more accurate, his senior contemporary. 8. KOMARIRANA-PRABANDHA The story of Kumariran a ka, king of the city of Kid ima nkodi, on the face of it, does not seem to have any bearing on history. There is a reference therein to a lake called Phutelau (lit. : broken') stated to be situated near Canda sa ma (mod. Cana s ma in North Gujarata), which was constructed by a wealthy trader of that place, whose defiance of trust resulted in the breaking forth of the lake and the water flowing away from it. A lake near the village named Rup a pura, two miles away from Canas ma, is still called Bandhelun (lit. : bound') which is contrary to the name given here. One would be inclined, therefore, to believe that the Phutelau or broken lake was repaired or reconstructed afterwards and as such it was called Bandhelum or bound as contrasted to the tanks which do not possess any built border or steps for going down into them. The reference here to the lake Sahasralinga and the foreigner's hermitage (desantarakuti) does not appear to have any significance from the historical point of view. 9. SRIMATA-PRABANDHAY This prabandha commences with the story of king Lakh a na se na of La k han a vati and his minister Uma patisridhara. This story also occurs elsewhere, of course with differences, as already noted in the chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha-Works. This L a khan asena is identified with king Laksmana sena of the Sena dynasty of Bengal, who, though assigned different dates by different scholars, appears to have reigned from 1179-1206 A.D. As a powerful contemporary of Jayacandra of Varanasi (1170-1194 A.D.), he seems to have distinguished A similar story is found in the Kaumarika-khanda of the MahesvaraBhanda of the Skandapurana; Ka u marika, however, has the face of a goat and not that of a monkey which Srima ta is stated here to be possessing, Readers interested may refer to Dr. R. N. Mehta's 'Kaumarika-khandaA study', JMSU, XIV. 1, pp. 39-48.

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113 himself as a conqueror as well as a patron of learning. His capital L a k hana vati is the city of La k sana vati or Lak s mana vati which is identified with the city of Gauda and not actually founded by, but more probably renamed after, this king Laksma na se na.* No other information is available about this king-other than what is already noted in the chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha--Works. Likewise nothing is known regarding his descendents also. Therefore, the present prabandha must be regarded as informative in this regard. His minister's name appears elsewhere as U m a patid har a. He also is a historical personage. He was a highly learned minister. Ja y adeva, the renowned author of the Gitagovindakavya, who also was a courtpoet of this Laksmana sena, mentions U ma patid hara as one of his fellow court-poets. The Saduktikarnampta quotes about go verses of Uma pati dhara. + Our prabandha adds one more plume in the cap of this learned minister viz. that he was a skilled astrologer. When he became sure that the queen would deliver a son who would fall in love with a girl of the Malarga class at the age of 32 years, he stopped going to the royal court. On learning this the king sent the queen away to the countryside where she delivered the son, who, at the age of seven (or twelve ) years, took a vow not to marry at all. When the king expired, he was enthroned with great persistence, but minister U mapatis ridhar a always kept a curtain between himself and the king as he did not wish to see the latter's face. The destined did occur at the age of 32 years. The minister's spy saw him in an awkward position. Being ashamed, the king prepared himself for kasthabhaksana or self-emolution, and when he was going to embrace a red-hot iron-statue of the dimensions of a damsel in budding youth, the minister caught him and prevented him from undergoing the ordeal. Then the minister saw the king's face for the first time. The name of this king, the son of Laksmana sena, is given here as Ratnapunja. The A version of PPS follows LPS, while elsewhere he is called Ratnasekhara. The second part of the story commences with the statement that king Ratnapun ja thereafter went to Srimalapura. In PC and VTK versions he is the king of Ratna mala nagara, PPS B version pronounces the name of his capital as Ratnapura, while PPS A version * Vide PANIJS, pp. 54, 61-63 ; AHI, p. 188; SGAMI, p. 110. Vide V. 4. + Vide PHNI JS, P. 61. 15

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114 simply carries forward the city of Lakhan avati itself. LPS does not mean that Ratnapunj a ceased to be the king of L a k h a na vati but it simply states that (once ) in spring he went to Srimalapura. There, while going to the garden for spring sports, he saw a pregnant woman holding unbroken rice-grains and a cocoanut-fruit upon which sat an owlet ( durga ) producing notes. The king's astrologer foretold that her son would become the king. Before being buried alive by his police-men she delivered a son who started to be nourished by a she-deer and suddenly there occurred an automatic change in the coinage-dye, the new coins having the impression of the child being protected by the deer. The efforts of the king's men were of no avail when the infant was protected by the royal elephant, the royal horse, the cows and the bull. At last king Ratnapunj a adopted him and later on this adopted prince, named Sripunja, became the king. And his daughter was Srimata. In this way there is no break in the story as related in LPS. It appears from the whole account that not only Laks ma na sena but also Ratnap u nja and Sripunja may be historical personages, though, of course, we have no other evidence for the same. We are not in a position to pronounce that the story of Srimata also may be regarded historical for evident reasons. It may be noted, however, that even today there is a shrine of Rasiya Valama (lit. : 'the lover named Rasiya') on mt. A bu ragarded as the abode of the mendicant of that name, which fact can be regarded as hinting at the historicity of the character of Srim a ta whom Rasiya loved and wanted to marry and who, on that account, killed him through miraculous powers. 10. GALA-SRIVARDDHAMANASORI-PRABANDHA This prabandha starts with the statement that a small king called Brhaspatirana ka ruled at Va manasthali (which is popular as ) miniature Ka smira. The name of this ruler is not seen anywhere else and one cannot say definitely whether the name of the ruler of the place at that time (i.e, in the first half of the 13th cent. A.D.) was BIha spati. All the same it is certain that during that period the town of Va manasthali was under the sway of small rulers known as Th a k kuras, PK narrates how Vira dh a v ala of Dha vala k k a ka (mod. Dho!a. ka) first requested Sanga na and Cam un da, the ruler-brothers of

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115 Vamanasthali, to surrender, as they happened to be the brothers of his queen Jaya taladevi, and then killed them. + Although the story given here is not found elsewhere, V ar ddhamanasuri is definitely a historical figure in view of the final statement of this prabandha viz. that he composed the Vasupujyacaritra. The Prasasti at the close of the Vasupujyacarita states that Acarya Varddhamanasuri of the Nagendragaccha instructed Dandanayaka Ahlada na of the Gallakakula and inspired him to get repaired the Vasupujyasvamin temple of the Nagendragaccha situated at Patana and that at the request of the same Dandanayaka he composed the Vasupujyacarita of the extent of 4 Sargas and 5494 Granthas in V. S. 1299 (= 1243 A.D.) while staying at the Upasraya adjoining the same temple at Patana. At the commencement of the prabandha he is called Kapolasrivarddhamanasurih which evidently would mean that the pontiff belonged to the Kapola community. This reference naturally hints at the fact that the Kapola community of the Vaniks is at least as old as the first half of the thirteenth century A.D. The closing formula of the p:abandha, however, reads: Galasrivarddhamanasuriprabandhah'. The prefix gala here appears to denote the name of the pontiff's native place viz. mod. Gala, a village in Saurastra, situated in the former Dhrangadhra state. The statement that while delivering sermons he used to keep nine vessels on his right side for holding nectar in the form of the nine sentiments [rasa juice'] (produced from his speech) and a knife on his left in order to incise the tongue if incorrect language or pronunciation or even repetition took place may be regarded as poetic exaggeration. All the same it hints at such of his qualities as sweetness and accuracy of speech. = The incident of the contest between the dialectician Dev amahananda hailing from the Gauda country and Varddhamana - suri's two disciples Va ghalau and Singhalau that is stated here to have taken place at Sripattana or Devapattana, ie., med. Prabhasa Patana, in Saurastra, and lasted for eighteen days, is also not traced in any of the Prabandha-works referred to by the present editor. All the same it is not advisible to reject all such accounts of the prabandhas as imaginary. Though at present we have no evidence for their historicity, it is not at all improbable that in future when many more works are allowed to see the light of the day and much more information is + Vide PK, pp. 103-104; also Vastupalacarita of Jinaharsa, Ch. II,

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116 available on the basis of archaeological finds etc., some such evidence may be had. CONCLUSION It will be seen from the above discussions that LPS, as a Prabandhawork, displays considerable bearings on contemporary history. Therein we come across certain facts which are corroborated by known history. Regarding certain other incidents we get information from some other sources as well, wherefrom we can inser their historicity to a certain extent of certainty. The historicity of some other events cannot be ascertained at the present state of our knowledge. There are still others which have to be pronounced fictitious on account of certain superhuman and miraculous elements. We also meet with names of several persons whose historical nature is known from other sources, no information about them being available from the present text. Likewise several other persons appearing in the stories of LPS have to be considered of doubtful historicity in absence of sufficient evidence from known history. Still others appear imaginary on their very face. It is not advisible to reject as fictitious all the names and events about whose historicity we do not possess sufficient evidence at present. This is all the more true especially in the case of the names of the courtiers of Siddharaja J a y sim ha mentioned at the commencement of the Sahasralingasarah-prabandha. Some of these persons are known to have flourished in his age, some are known to have flourished either in the reigns of his predecessors or even in those of his successors. The Prabandha-writers are well-known for confusing chronology, but they place before us the historical anecdotes in a very interesting manner. In the light of these facts we hesitate to pronounce the remaining ones as altogether fictitious and are inclined to note them down as merely of doubtful historicity at present with the hope that future researches will throw light of them. It must be noted that the motive of the authors of the Prabandha-works is not at all furnishing history but, as Buhler puts it, it is really 'to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or when the subject is purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with pleasant entertainment.' Therefore even historical events may he found enwrapped with interesting tales having no concern with history as such. It is, therefore, a very hard task to separate history from all such environments, and for that we have naturally to take help of other sources of + Vile Buhler: Life of Hemacandra, p. 3.

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historical information such as archaeological finds, numismatic materials, literary works, etc. All the prabandhas, however, - no matter whether they are historical, semi-historical or even fictitious -- are important for cultural and historical information in a broad sense. The present editor does not wish to go into detailed discussions on all such points in the present chapter. His main intention here is to place before the readers the facts which reveal the importance of LPS from the historical point of view. X. Cultural Gleanings The cultural data that can be gleaned out from the text of the Laghuprabandha-sangraha at a glance may be rendered as under : The caste-system was quite rigid. A learned Brahmana enjoyed supremacy over all the rest to such an extent as the sons of the royal priest of Pata na, on return from their study-tour, are stated to have bestowed blessings upon the king himself ( 25.2 ). Vaisyas were rich traders, who at times utilized their wealth in construction of such public places as lakes (27.12 ff.). The traders used to move to distant cities for trading. They moved in groups and used to camp in the outskirts of the cities where they wished to exchange commodities (6.4, 10). For tents they used such waterproof textiles as wax-cloth or oil-cloth (6.4). Such classes as those of Ghancikas or Oil-men were really deemed low. A king, when gone to such a one's place, was not expected to accept food from him and, as such, was offered two mudra-ratnas-one as the usual gift and the other for meals ( 22.20-21). The Matangas or Candalas were naturally held in contempt. A minister is stated not to be seeing his king's face since the former came to learn that the latter was destined to fall in love with a Matanga girl (28.9). Likewise, the king, having been observed in that condition, was so much ashamed of having loved her that he was prepared to kill himself by embracing a red-hot iron-statue ( 28.12-14). Other occupations that have secured a mention in our text are those of astrologers ( 28.3 ff.; 28.18), gardeners ( 22.1, II, 17; 23.9 ; 28.16), washermen (23.2), cloth-printers (23.3), fisher-men ( 25.23 ff.), and bamboo-workers

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118 men. (10.4). Khambhata (= Cambay) was a strong-hold of fisherAs many as seven hundred experts were called from there for catching the magic crocodile in the lake Sahasralinga of Pata na (25.21). Kanavrlti or regular begging for maintenance is also referred to at one place (25.22). Streets used to be named after the profession of the residents (10.4). Such ascetics as the Bharatakas (9.13), the Vratins (30.12), the Yatis (31.3) and the Kapalikas (4.14, 15) are also mentioned. There is an interesting reference to the Raula class of ascetics. Anadi Raula, penancing in a cave near Kedares vara, was pleased to hear the Gujarati language, which indicates that he hailed from Gujarat a. His two disciples, the Raulanis named Siddhi and Buddhi hailing from the Kamarupa country, possessed extra-ordinary powers. These Raulas were the followers of M a tsyendranatha and Goraksana tha, that is to say, they belonged to the Natha-sect (pp. 20-21). Even today in North Gujarata there is a class of Bavas known as Ravalas or Ravaliyas who probably belong to the same class. As regards family-life, there is a reference to quarrels between stepbrothers in royal families (1. 5-7). There were separate apartments in palaces, where the kings used to perform their daily worships (4.16). The daily course of Devapujana was inevitable after bath and before meals and could not be avoided-especially by retired persons-even when an important guest arrived or even if one was urgently called by the king with due respects (21.5). It was an easy-going life and chit-chatting usually followed meals (21.6 ff). At places where many people used to dine together, for instance schools, female cooks were employed (14.12). The taunting relations of sisters-inlaw are also hinted at (23.3-4). The marriage-ceremony is referred to at 13.8-9; 14.22-23; 15.14, 20-21 and 25.10. Polygamy prevailed in the society. There is mention of four sisters being married to one man at a time ( 15.14, 21-22). Women were quite free in their speeches even in the presence of the king and the queen (pp. 22-23). Ladies of high families such as queens used to move in litters covered by tight curtains called Vajra-panjara (9.1; 22.17). There is a reference to an oil-lamp inside this Vajra-panjara, the smell whereof collected into the litter occupied by queen Namala, which is stated to have struct forth on the face of a girl who tried to hold up the curtain to pay

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119 respects to the queen on the way! (22.17-23.1). Of course, the girl states this as an excuse for her suddenly turning away her face from the queen ! There were residential schools where all responsibilities regarding the maintenance etc. of the students lay solely upon the preceptor (13.22-14.2). Students used to traverse to distant lands for learning different lores (p. 25). Very few references are noted regarding costumes. Thus Kaccolika or a blouse is referred to at 1.16, where, of course, the term stands for dress' as such. Dvitati (1211, 12, 14; 13.13) also is mentioned, which was perhaps the same as the modern Dupatta, a long sheet of cloth worn by ladies over their shoulders. Putla kula or fine silk is also mentioned (8.2). Such ornaments as a necklace (6.10), the anklets (11.13, 21 ) and the todara or head-ornament of flowers for ladies ( 11.12, 13, 20; 22.12 ) are referred to. There is a general reference to flower-ornaments ( 22.13). Beautiful young ladies decked with ornaments are referred to twice (8.3, 15). There is a mention also of anointment of human body with fragrant pigments (5.2). At one place there is mention of golden bells [ Suvarna-ghargharakas ] tied to the hands of sixteen maids that massaged the legs of a king while he went to bed (27.3). A dialectician from the Gaud a country is stated to have decorated his legs by tying to them as many as eighty-four dolls ( in order to indicate so many victories in dialectical contests ) (30.7-8). There is a reference to special decorations of palace windows at certain occasions ( 7. 6-7). Flower-pavilions used to be specially prepared for religious expositions by veteran pontiffs ( 30.4). The following pastimes have secured mention in our text: (a) A game of dice, probably chess ( 11.20-21). (t) Spectacles called Bhavoi ( 2.1) and Nataka ( 17.1; 25.7). (c) Andhivedha or Andhivedha--a peculiar game played by girls, which continued for days together ( 5.18). It is difficult to find out what exactly this game might have been. Probably it might be the same as the game called Andhala pata in Gujarati. (d) Parrot-pairs used to be tamed and trained by kings (and wealthy persons as well ) (6.1). (e) There is a general reference to the spring-pastime [ Vasanta-k rida] of kings ( 28.27). (1) Samasyaparti or completing of half-verses was a pastime among the learned ( 24.19-25.1). It was a sort of test of talents as well. (g) Magic shows too were not uncommon ('17.1 ff. ; 25.4, 8, 13-14).

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I20 Eating of betel-leaves was a common practice among royal families and other higher classes (1.12-13). Betel-rolls used to be offered in concerts also (11.14, 21). A farewell was characterized by betel-rolls. One desirous of taking leave would ask for a betel-roll and offering of the same meant bidding adieu ( 13.11 ). In those days journey was no easy task. The services of such animals as horses (8.4; 15.21; 30.20 ), mares (8.3) and dromederies ( 12.11, 14; 13.8) were utilized for the purpose. When the travellers reached a village or a town on the way, the male members used to go inside for managing for food, etc., while the females waited along with the vehicles in the outskirts on the bank of a river or a pond( 13.4-5). Such interested rogues as the bawds also appear to avail of such opportunities ( 13.6 ff.). We get mention of pilgrimage also ( 29.18). People used to go for the purpose in big groups. Their going was marked by conch-blowings ( 27.5 ff.), which inspired others to join them or to follow them thereafter. Pilgrims used to wrap their precious belongings such as gems in black cloth and deposit the same with rich merchants. On return they used to get back the deposits. Sometimes the merchant concerned would bluntly deny having accepted any deposit at all and the depositor would be obliged to file a suit in the court of law (p. 27). As regards food and drinks, we find references to food in general (13.4), to the cooking of food ( 12.5), to turmeric [ haridra ] ( 24.5), rice ( 28.17) and butter-milk ( 24.5). Our text does not furnish any special referenee to any particular disease, nor to any type of remedies. All the same, there is a casual mention of itching sensation on the back of king Siddharaja J a y asimha with a joking remark by the daughter-in-law of a washerman asking the queen to scrap his back (23.5-6). There is a single reference to the well-renowned medicinal herbs of the Himalayan regions which pilgrims used to take with them while returning home ( 20.2). We also meet with references to certain medicinal anointments on the fore-head that were supposed to enable one to visualize very far cbjects ( 25.5-6, II ff.). References to certain customs are also met with in our text. Thus the custom of burning oneself alive publicly either out of dejection ( 13.10 ff.) or as an expiation for a sin committed by one ( 28.12-13) is mentioned. This custom was popularly known as Kastha-bhaksana. It was customary to ask for a betel-roll as a symbol of fare-well ( 13.10IT). The relatives of a traveller who did not return for a considerably long

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121 period of time were accustomed to taking possession of his house as well as his means of maintenance (25.15 ff.). Proclamations of challenges for performing very difficult tasks were made with the beating of drums at the crossways of the cities. He who wished to accept the challenge used to touch the drum with his palm ( 17.5-8; 25.24). There is a reference to certain ceremony called Haraliya (?) performed in order to free ladies from formal mourning when a fixed number of days lapsed after the demise of a very near relative. This had usually to be done before any auspicious ceremony could take place in their relations so that they might be in a position to attend the same (15.15-17). There is a reference to a pregnant lady moving with a cocoanut-fruit and unbroken rice-grains in her hands (28.17-18). This may probably hint at the performance of the Simanta-ceremony celebrating the first pregnancy. A Yaksa, residing in a place called Yaksabhuvana situated in the outskirts of the city, appears to have been believed to be the protector of the king (10.21-11.10). People also believed in the sixty-four Yoginis and the K setrapala, human oblations to whom would best be offered at midnight of the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month of Asvina, which is popularly known in Gujarata as Kali Cau lasa (14.6 ff.). Taking a religious oath in order to propitiate deities for the welfare of one's near relatives was so com. mon that even queen-mother Ma yan alla devi is stated to have taken such an oath for the safe return from victory-march of her son king Siddhar aja J a ya simha, who, at her word, fulfills the oath by going to Da bhoi for paying respects to the deity Pars y a natha, even before entering his capital ( 22.3 ff.). The belief in the auspicious and inauspicious indications of the cries of a jackal or an owlet is also noted here ( 16.10-20; 28.18 ff.). There is a reference to the remembering of one's past birth also ( 20.12 ). Certain persons dying during penance-practising are stated to have become, after death, the tutelary deities of the places concerned ( 29.19). Offering water to the thirsty-especially to creatures of the cow. family-was believed to earn great merit ( 18.16 ff.). The following flora and fauna bave secured a mention in our text. Flora : There is a reference to the tree in general ( 13.4). At one place the celestial trees also are mentioned 16.9). The banian-tree (Vata-vyksa ) along with its branch-roots dropping milk in the mouth of a mother-less infant is also referred to ( 29.2-3). There is a mention of bamboo-groves ( 29.15). The tamarind tree is made the tool of certain magic performances (13.21; 16

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I 22 14.4, 5, 13, 16, 17-18; 15.1; 17.13). The mango-tree and its fruits are also referred to ( 17.1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 13). There is a reference to clusters of mango-flowers presented by the gardener to the king who arrived for Springpastimes (28.16). The Kimbuka flowers too are mentioned in the same connection ( 28.16). The Campaka flowers were used as head-ornaments (11.12). There is a reference to the lotus-flower also ( 4.12 ). Similarly there is mention of flower-clusters (15.17, 19, 20 ), their use for the decoration of the head of young ladies ( 22.12 ), flower-ornaments for the whole female body ( 22.13) and flower-pavilions ( 30.4). The cocoanut-fruit is also referred to at one place (28.18) as an auspicious one. Fauna : The horse is referred to at several places (2, 3, 6; 6.15; 7.12; 8.4; 15.21; 29.4; 30,20). There is mention also of the mare (8.3), the elephant (2.3, 7; 6.15; 7.12; 26.1; 29.3), the lion (12.18; 26.1 ), the dromedary ( 12.11; 12.14; 13.8); the jackal (16.10; 16.18), the buffalo ( 26.1 ), the bull ( 29.4), the cow (6.9; 29.4), the calf (18.16), the deer ( 28.21 ; 29.1 ) and the monkey (29.11). The mouse (13.9) and the serpent (29.14) also are mentioned. Among the aquatic animals especially the crocodile is referred to (6.9; 25.21 ; 26.1); while among winged animals the parrot-pair (6.1), the swan (6.6; 7:3), the owlet (28.18 ) and the wasp ( 11.12; 22.11 ) are mentioned. Among public places are stated lakes (4.10; 5.6 ; 15.18, 20; 16.1 ; 18.19; 19.4, 5, 10, 11; 24.2; 25.21; 27.12, 15, 17, 19; 29.2), ponds ( 18.14), wells ( 18.15, 18; 22.8), step-wells (4.6,7), parks (4.8, 9; 15.1; 28.17) and temples ( 14.6; 22.10, 11). Over and above a general reference to all arts ( 5.1), we get a few references to particular arts as well. Thus the description of the palace of king Ma da na bhrama of Kanti named Visvavijaya (pp. 4-5; 6.2) having 120 windows, 4 altars, 4 cauris, 4 step-wells, 4 orchards, a golden time-piece, a small lake, a special apartment for worship, an akasabhumi, etc. is a nice instance of developed art of architecture. Another king's palace is stated to be consisting of as many as 50 apartments (12.6). There were lattices in the apartments which had to be opened in order to get sufficient light for reading especially in the evening (12.10). There is a reference to an idol of a Jaina Tirthankara (22.8). An iron statue of the dimensions of a girl in budding youth is mentioned at 28.13. Sixteen golden dolls speaking through string-contrivance are referred to at 9.1. All these references speak for the art of sculpture. Singing on the part of boys (batukas) is referred to at one place ( 29.11). At another ladies' singing with the help of such musical instruments as the

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123 lute, the flute, etc. is mentioned (27.3-4). Likewise, there is a reference to conch-blowing also (27.5). Dance-performances are also mentioned (11.9-12; 12.8). Similarly there is a mention of the teaching of the science of dramaturgy [Bharahasastram ] (25.6). Dramas used to be performed at palaces (25.7). Here there is a reference to males taking the parts of females (25.7). The nine sentiments of literature are also referred to at one place ( 30.3-5). In the same way we get a reference to the art of letter-writing also ( 12.10). The kings were supreme in their powers. They could order burying alive even of ladies just out of their personal interests ( 28.20 ); but, when pleased, they would not hesitate in bestowing generous gifts (1.9-10; 23.7). One king is stated to be habituated to go to sleep while sixteen young ladies massaged his legs with golden bells tied to their hands and to rise up while they sang with lute, flute, etc. (27.2-4). Another big king is stated to have had as many as 5500 queens and gooo wives (3.3-4). Very few of these queens enjoyed the status of chief queens (3.4), each of whom used to have a retinue of several female friends that attended upon her (3.5-10). We get references to the royal umbrella (10.2, 7, II; 13.15; 17.15, 16), the usual royal procession (10.3) and the royal priest ( 15.8, 9, 10). There were special chowriebearers for queens (1.12). At the same time there are references to the royalcourt, wherein all types of professions-good as well as bad-appear to have been represented (18.2-13). The Vyasas used to tell interesting and instructive tales to the members of the royal couit (18.13 ff.). Good kings tried to take lesson from such tales (19.4-5). They used to take counsel of respectable old personages at critical junctures (p. 21). At times ministers had to employ spies to have a check on the kings' behaviour ( 28.11 ). Monarchs used to receive precicus gifts from other rulers ( 21.20). References to victory marches are also met with (5.8 ; 22.2; 9.5; 22.4). Foot-soldiers are referred to at 1.11; 7.11. Cavalry is mentioned at 8.3. Armies are referred to at 5.10; 6.2; 8.2, 3; 25.13, 14. References to the army in its four divisions are also met with (7.8; 13.15), and there is specific mention of battles also (7.5, 10, 14, 15; 8.1; 25.13). Assailing armies generally camped at a distance of five gavjutis from their target city (5.9). Armours also have not missed a mention (7.8). The procedure of appointing the commander of a troop on the field of battle is also referred to ( 7.10 ), and references to such weapons as the sword (ksurika 21.19; 30.5; karavala 12.13; khadga 14.23 ), the lance ( salya 13.8, 10, 14) and the arrow (12.20; 13.9) are also met with.

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124 Literary battles also were in vogue ( 24-3; 30.20-31.2; 31.8). It was customary among dialecticians to throw straw and water in the residence of an opponent as a token of challenge for an open dialectical contest ( 30.8). A dialectician from Bengal, having been intoxicated due to a succession of victories, used to tie to (lit. beneath his legs as many as 84 put!alakas ( 30.7-8). The great disputation with him is stated to have continued for no less than eighteen days (31.1). Being defeated at last, he died of heart-bursting (31.1-2). It was the usual practice, as appears from our text, to utilize the wealth belonging to a defeated and dead disputant for purposes of the Teligion of the victorious dialectician ( 31.2 f1.). There is a reference to a peculiar mode of justice through ondeals acceptable to the parties concerned (27.15 ff.; 28.13 ff.). References to policeofficers are also met with in our text (28,20; 29.2). There is a reference to locking rooms from inside ( 12.8). The cities were surrounded by protective walls and possessed huge gates through which alone one could secure an entry therein ( 8.2, 5; 9.1; 29.3). Usually cities were situated in vicinity of rivers ( 13.4). The streets of the cities were, in many cases, tiamed after the coinmunities dwelling therein or the profession of the same ( 10.4). Labourers ( 15.11, 17, 19: 16.1) used to wait for work at cross-roads in the city-bazaars ( 15.11, 12). At one place it is tauntingly stated that the weight of the head of a ksa panaks was just 32 palas ( 24.7). Pala was the unit of weighing and the usual table of weights given elsewhere is as under : 1 Pala = 4 Karsas, I Karsu = 16 Masas, Masa = 8 Gunjas; one Gunia being equal to 2;grains, and Similarly yojana (25-5, II) and gavyuli are stated among the measures of distances. A yojana is roughly equivalent to eight miles and a gavyuti to two miles. Among metals special reference is made to gold ( 4.2, 9, IT; 9.1; 27.3), silver ( 4.2, 9, 11 ), copper ( 4.1 ) and iron ( 28.13). As to coinage we get references to the Drammas ( 29.1; 30.12 ). The mint also is referred to once ( 47.13). Among precious belongings are mentioned gems ( 12.3, 7, II; 16.11, 14; 22.20; 27.13, 14).

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Mahanastami and Caitrastumi are mentioned among main festive days (5.4-5). Mahanastami appears to be the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Asvina, even today known as Mahastami; and Caitrastami is most probably the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Caitra. Both these holy days are today characterized with goddess-worship and are celebrated as such throughout the whole nation by Hindus irrespective of their sects. Among fuels are mentioned wood-pieces ( 16.16) as well as dung-cakes ( 16. 11, 13, 13-14). Kaccolakas or cups ( 30.4) and Kamandalus or water-pots ( 30.14) are mentioned here among utensils. At one place (20.4) there is reference to the Gujarati language. At another (74) we meet with a statement that Siddharaja J a y asimha was the king of the Gurjar a land of 70 thousands. This may probably mean either the population of the main land of Gujarata proper or it may indicate the army of Gujarata proper. A few lines after ( 7.11), however, it is stated that Siddha raja's army comprised 5 hundred thousand horsemen and 9 hundred thousand foot-soldiers. This large number included, of course, the armies of his feudatories also. A similar statement regarding Mala va appears at 6.14-15, where king Siddharaja is stated to have been engaged in catching hold of the hair of the Mala v a glory of 18,92,000. The term 'glory' (laksmi) tempts us to consider this figure as the amount of tribute paid to Siddha raja by the king of Mala va. It does not appear fair to regard it as indicative of the statistics of the annual income of that land, which, in all probability, would have been much more. There is a single reference to a golden time-piece (4.9). Two modes of expression also can be noticed. The bashfulness of females used to be indicated by covering the head ( with the upper garment) (1.16). The other reference is to the mode of requesting for a second betel-roll and chewing one. This is stated to have been done by placing one's palm on the shoulder (1.12-13). Such a gesticulation indicated probably the noble birth of the man (1.13). As regards general vices, we get references to prostitutes, bawds and gambling. The institution of prostitutes was a well--recognized one and could procure monetary aid from queens (1.9-10). There is a specific statement that the queen of the powerful king of Kalyana koti pura called Para madi (i.e. Para marddin) donated a city on the borderline to prostitutes for maintenance. The bawds, too, had a place in the society and could nourish in their business. They were always in search of lovely

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1 26 girls whom they first enticed and then sold off in marriage even to high-placed Government officers (13.6-8). Gambling was another vice. There is a reference to one Caturanga-dyuta kara (12.16). Beautiful girls-including princesses - used to be put at stake by gamblers who had no blood-relation with them and they had to be surrendered by them to the winners (12.16-17). The moral degradation of the merchant clan is suggested by the refusal by one of them to return deposits bluntly stating that he had received no deposits at all ( 27.12 ff.). It may, however, be noted that this might well be considered as a solitary instance inasmuch as people confidently used to deposit precious belongings with them, which fact suggests that the receivers of such deposits were in full confidence of the people. A keen sense of hospitality is indicated by the references to the point that we find in the text. Strangers used to dine at the place of big merchants (1.11). It is stated that minister Santu had to dine with Sakariya Sa ha Haripala when the former went to the latter's residence with a request from the king to go with him to the royal court (21.5 ff.). XI. A Brief Critical Appreciation The fore-going critical and comparative study of the text of LPS can itself be regarded as a critical appreciation of the same. In order to put it. in a nutshell, however, let us, in fine, have a bird's eye-view of the above discussions which would naturally lead us to the following conclusions : [1] LPS includes ten prabandhas the longest one being the Vikramadityapancadandacchatra-prabandha comprising eight pages and the shortest being the Kumariranaka-prabandha of only one page. [2] Only one Ms. of the whole text is available, while three Mss. were examined for the Madanabhramamaharaja-prabandha. . [3] Four of these prabandhas are unique inasmuch as they could not be traced anywhere else. [4] In the case of the rest of the prabandhas different versions of whole stories or of parts thereof are met with. [51 The archaic nature of the language and style of LPS, however, compels us to conclude that its versions are the oldest of all the availableones.

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127 [6] Prabandhas are regarded as historical anecdotes. LPS displays a good deal of bearings on history, and furnishes so many fresh historical points, which require investigation in the light of other sources of historical information, and, if supported by future researches, tend to throw considerable new light on mediaeval history. [7] LPS throws much light on contemporary society also. [8] The language and style of LPS are brimming with the peculiarities of the so called "Jaina Sanskrit ". [9] Thus LPS is an important Prabandha text displaying a very early stage of Prabandha literature, presupposing none of the known prominent Prabandha works, delineating a sufficiently clear picture of contemporary society, and having considerable bearings on mediaeval history. [10] As will be seen from Appendix "A", the text of LPS furnishes a good deal of material highly significant and interesting from linguistic and lexicographical points of view. [11] As such the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha makes indeed a very useful, interesting and enlightening addition to the Prabandha literature, imbibing to the brim as it does all the peculiarities of the Prabandha-style and of the so ealled "Jaina Sanskrit ". Being very important especially from the historical, cultural and linguistic points of view, it is expected to inspire scholars to try to unearth more and more precious literary jewels of its type which outwardly appear dark and filthy but yield a powerful and wholesome flash of light when brushed and rubbed and scratched in an appropriate manner. J. P. THAKER

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Index to Introduction Note: This Indosing in the Devanagated in the Index Note: This Index is arranged according to the English Alphabet. It also includes words occurring in the Devanagari script (which are transliterated here). Abbreviated forms are also included in the Index so that no important reference may be missed. Entries of significant words from Chapter X "Cultural Gleanings" (pp. 117-126) such as 'caste-system', 'customs', 'mare', litters', etc. are made here, but references to them in other Chapters are excluded. The figures indicate the respective pages. Abhada Vasaha 101 Amstavatsala, maid 42 Abu, mt. 35, 114 Anadi Raula 29, 61, 65, 108, 118 Acalanatha 64 Anahilapura Pattana, city 88 A Critical Edition of Pancadanda-ni Anahillapattana, city 108 Varta of An Unknown Gujarati Prose: Anahillapura 51 writer (Before 1682 A.D.) 58 Anahillapura Pattana 85 adyakalya 63 Anaka, king 96, 106 Afghanistan 92 Anandasrama 17 Agnivetala 24 Anangarangavadi, orchard 44 Abada, village 101 Anantasayana 33 Ahalya 99 Andhala pata, game 119 AHI 113 fn Andharaghoravadi, orchard 44 Abladana 90 Andhavedha, game 47, 119 -Dandanayaka 90, 115 Andhivedha, game 119 Ahmedabad 57, 58, 90 fn. Andolaka, musical mode 46 -district 102 anklets 119 Ain-i-Akabari 108 Anup Sankrit Library, Bikaner, 58 Ajamera 95 Anustubh 57 Ajayapala, king 103, 104 Apabhramsa 18 Alati, maid 43 Arabic 92 Alauddin Khilji, king 102 Arbuda, mt. 36, 75, 77, 80 Alavesari, maid 43 Arbuda, snake 78 Alavi, maid 43 Arbudacala, mt. 75, 80 Alhanadeva Cahamana, king 102 architecture 122 Ali, maid 43 Arjunadeva, king 106 Alinjara, snake-king 27 armours 123 Altekar, A. S. 108 fn. Arnoraja, king 96, 98, 109 Amera Sastrabhandara, Jaipur 58 arrow 123 Amira 92 Arundhati 99 Amstamayi, maid 42 Aryaraksitasuri 18

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130 Asaraja, king 95, 96 Bharukaccha 106 Asvapati 87, 93, 95, 96, 98 Bharatakas 118 Atmananda Jaina Jnana-mandira, Bhavabhuti, poet 20 Baroda 1,3 Bhavai 21, 119 - yatra 41, 92, 93 back-formations 82 Bheladi, village 103, 104 Bagasthala 61 Bheladiu 102, 104 baikara 107 Bhima, king 94 baimkara 107 Bhimadeva I, king 106 Balacandra, poet 96 Bhoja, king 20, 97, 106 Ballala, author 20 Bhojaprabandha 20 Ballini, Dr, Ambrogio 90 fn. Bhsgukaccha 106 bamboo-grove 121 Bija, ksatriya 94 Banaras 108 Bikaner 58 Banasa, river 111 Bilhana, poet 101 Bandhelum 112 "Bloomfield, Prof. 82 Bangala 64 blouse 119 banian-tree 121 Bombay 19, 20, 91 Barbaraka Vetala 52 Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts Baroda 1, 3, 4, 20, 57, 58, 60, 101 Series 96 fn. -district 104 Brahmana 117 Bavana, queen 42 Brhaspati, an authority on Astrology Bavas 118 bawd 120, 125 Bshaspati, king 114 * Bedayam samudro magnah' 103 Bphaspati Ranaka, king 35, 114 Bengal 53, 88, 89, 93, 94, 94 fn., British Museum, London 57 112, 124 Broach 106 Berlin 57 Buddhi, Raulani 29, 61, 62, 64, 81, betel-nut 104 108, 118 betel-roll 120 * Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit' 82 Bhadauca 106 Buddhist texts 82 Bhadrabahu-Varaha-prabandha 20 buffalo 122 BhaNuachau 106 Buhler 18 fn., 116, 116 fn. Bhaduachau Vajravayaragara Pandita bull 122 Vayarasiha 106 Bundelak handa 89, 93 Bhagavandasa, Pt. 57 butter-milk 120 Bhandara 18 Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Cadailau 101 Poona 57 Cahadakumara, ksatriya 106 Bharahasastram 123 Cahamana, dynasty 95, 96, 102, 104 Bharuca 106 Caitrastami 44, 45, 56, 125 73

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131 Cakrin 17 copper 124 Calcutta 20 costumes 119 calf 122 cow 122 Calukya, dynasty 89 crocodile 122 - Western, dynasty 91, 97, 111 Cambay 104, 118 Dabhoi 30, 85, 109, 121 Campaka-flower 122 --pura 30 Camunda, king 114 Dahegama 102 Camundaraja, king 94 Daksamani, maid 42 Canasma 33, 112 Damara 106 Canda, poet 19 Damara 106 Candala 117 Damodara 106 Candana, queen 42 dance-performances 123 Candana, queen 42 Dandaka, ksatriya 94 Candapa, minister 105 Dandanayaka 90, 104, 108, 115 Candaprasada, minister 105 Dandin, poet 20 Candasama 33, 112 Deaf Sarasvati' 31 Candeiadesa 94, 94 fn. deer 122 Candela, dynasty 89, 93 Delhi 19, 60, 69, 95, 102 Candrahasaloha 64 deposits 120, 126 Candrajyotsna, lake 22, 44, 50, 54, 56 Desai, M, D. 82 Candravati, city 101 Desantarakuti 33, 112 Candrayotsna, lake 44 Desi 105 Carita 17, 18 Devadamani 24 caste-system 117 Devadhara 32, 68, 111 Caturanga, gambler 25, 126 Devamahananda, dialectician 36, 115 Caturvimsatiprabandha 20 Devanagari 1, 3, 4 Cauhana, dynasty 95, 102 Devapattana, city 36, 85, 115 -Sonagara 102 Devasuri 31, 66, 85, 99, 110, 111 Caulukya, dynasty 19, 94, 101, 103 Devi-temples 108 cavalry 123 Deyi, river 36 CG 91 fo., 92 fn., 96 fn., 97 fn.. 98 fn. Dhanapala Phophaliu 104 Chandella, dynasty 94 Dhanvantari 30 chess 119 Dhara, city 51, 52, 53, 99, 101, 106 Chief Minister 101 Dharadhvamsa-prabandha 41, 52, 53, Citraudau 102 Cittoda 101, 109 Dharagiri, orchard 44, 51 cocoanut-fruit 121, 122 Dharagirivali, orchard 44 coinage 124 Dharavarasa Cadailau 101 .conch-blowing 120, 123 Dharavarsa, king 101 congregations 18 Dhavalakkaka 114 54

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132 DHNI 92 fn. Dholaka 114 Dhrangadhra 115 dice 119 Digambara 31, 66, 99, 110 Disa 103, 104 Dohad Inscription 92 drama 123 Dramaturgy 17, 123 Dramma 74, 124 dromedary 120, 122 Dujanasala 30, 109 dupatta 119 Durlabha-lake 29 Durlablaraja, king 94, 107 Durlabhasaras, lake 59, 107 dvipati 24, 25, 119 Dvyasrayamahakavya 96, 96 fn., 106 Edgerton, Dr. 82 elephant 122 English 106 Epics 82 Gajanagadha 92, 99 Gajanavai 87, 93, 99 Gajanavai-hammira 87, 93, 99 Gajanavaihammirahrdayantasalya 87, 93, 99 Gajapati, dynasty 93 -king 22, 40, 87, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97,98 Gajapati Gaudesvara 92, 93 Gajaraja, juggler 32, 111 Gajaraula 102 Gajasimha 102 Gala, village 115 Galasrivarddhamanasuri 81 Gallakakula 90, 115 gambling 125, 126 gana 17 Ganaya, juggler 32, 68, 111 Gandharvasarvasva, gavak sa 43 Ganga 30 Gatha-Sanskrit: 82 Gauda 22 - city 93, 113 -country 29, 32, 36, 61, 70, 79, 93, 115, 119 Gaudesvara 40, 92, 93 Gayana, juggler 68 gems 124 Ghancika 117 Ghazni 92, 99 giant 26 Gitagovindak avya 113 GMRI 91fn., 96fn., 98, 98fn., 100fn., 101 fn., 104 fn., 105 fn., 106 fn., 108 fn., 109 fn., 111 fn. Goa 97, 99 Godhra 102 Godrahiyau Paramara Gajaraula 102 gold 124 Goraksanatha 118 Guj( arata ), North 98 Gujarata 22, 23, 45, 47, 54, 55, 88, 89, 93, 95, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, 110, 118, 121, 125 . Falu, maid 43 Fatu, maid 43 female cooks 118 Five-handled parasol 23 --royal umbrella 28 floating literature 17 flower-ornaments 119, 122 flower-pavilions 119, 122 flute 123 folklore 15, 18 folk-tales 17 foot-soldiers 123 Forbes, A. K. 91 fn. Forbes Gujarati Sabha, Bombay 20 Fulu, maid 43 Gajana 22, 40, 87, 92, 93, 99 Gajanadhipa Hammira 92, 99

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133 -medieval Hindu 19 --North 18, 83, 85, 88, 102, 103, 104, 112, 118 Gujarata, the golden period in the history of 89 Guj( arati ) 83, 95 fn., 104, 105 Gujarati 58, 84, 85, 88, 90 fn., 91 fn., 110 fn., 119 -kings 95 - language 29, 118, 125 . -script 5 Gujarati, Deptt. of, Faculty of Arts, Baroda 1 Gurjara-dharadhisvara 94 Gurjara-land 125 Gurjara-rajan 51, 83, 94 Gurjara tongue 61 Gurjaratra-nrpati 52 Hemacandrasuri 110 Hemacandrasuri-prabandha 107 Hertel, Dr. 82 Hima-grhas 49 Himalaya 61, 65 Himalayan regions 120 Hindi 97 fn., 106 Hindu 102, 125 Hindu Annals of the Province of Gujarat 91 fn. Hiralala Hamsaraja, Pt. 58 History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad 108 fn. horse 120, 122 Huna 30, 109 Huna Thepaniya 30 hyper-Sanskritism 20, 82 IA 108 fn. Incarnations, ten 108 India -- Central 96 --South 89 --Western 18, 82, 88 Indra 24, 44, 45, 46 iron 124 iron-statue 117, 122 Itihasa-ni kodi 110 fn. Hamira 92 Hammira 22, 40, 87, 92, 99 Hammiramadamardana 107 Hammiri 43 Hamsavisramavapi, stepwell 44 Haraliya 121 Harapala Sakariu 63, 103, 104 haridra 120 Harihara, poet 106 Harihara Vyasa 106 Haripala, minister 30, 63, 64, 65, 103, 104, 108, 126 Haripala-sakariya 62 hasta, measure 98 HB 93 fn. HCL 20 fn. heaven 24 Hemacandra 19, 66, 67, 96, 106, 111 Hemacandracarya 19 Hemacandracarya Granthamala, Ahmedabad 57 Hemacandracarya Jaina Jnanamandira, Patana 57, 58 jackal 122 Jagaddeva 21, 22, 37, 38, 39, 40, 50, 54, 81, 89, 91, 92, 93 Jagaddeva Paramara 49, 54, 99 Jagaddeva-prabandha 3, 37 Jagadekamatla II, king 111 Jagadu, merchant 18 Jagaducarita 18 Jagannathapuri ane Orisa 95 fn. Jaina 99, 110 -authors, mediaeval 88 --canonical works 111

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134 -faith 18, 56, 116 Jinabhadra 18, 19 --religion, prominent holy places of 19 Jinabhadrasuri 69 -temples 103 Jinaharsa 18, 115 fn --writers, mediaeval 18, 82 Jinamandana 41, 96 Jaina atmananda Sabha, Bhavanagara Jinamandanaganin 18, 41 41 Jinaprabha 19 Jaina Dharma Prasaraka Sabha, Bhava- JMSU 112 fn. nagara 90 fn. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Jaina Parampara-no Itihasa 90 fn. 100 fn. Jainapustaka-prasasti-sangraha 96 fn. juggler 28 " Jaina Sanskrit" 16, 56, 82, 88, 127 Jaina Tirthankara 122 Kabali 50, 52, 55 Jaipur 58 Kabadika 50 Jalaurau 102 Kabali Raja 47 Jalhaka, the washerman 31, 85, 109 kaccolaka 125 Jamanagar 58 kaccolika 119 Jati, flower 45 Kadamba, dynasty 97, 99 jatismara 75 Kailasahasa, gavaksa 43 jatismarana 75, 80 Kailasahasa, ga vaksa 43 jatismrti 75 Kaka 63, 103 Jayacandra, king 37, 38, 112 Kalahatiya 107 Jayadeva, Pandita 105 Kalanjara, inscription from 100 Jayadeva, poet 113 Kali Caudasa 121 Jayakesa, king 99 Kalidasa, poet 17, 20 Jayakesin I, king 97, 98, 99 Kalikalasar vajna 110 Jayasimha, king 8, 16, 22, 23, 33, 45, Kalpa-pradipa 19, 69 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 62, 84, Kalyana 91, 97, 111 89, 95, 97, 101, 106, 107, 109, Kalyanakataka 37, 38, 41, 89, 91 110, 111 Kalyanakotipura 21, 38, 41, 89, 91, Jayasimhadeva, king 22, 23, 29, 30, 92, 125 31, 32, 33, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, Kamala, maid 42 52, 54, 55, 59, 61, 64, 85, 86, 87, 93, Kamalavati, princess 29, 107 107, 108, 111 kamandalu 125 Jayasimha Siddharaja, king 59, 94 fn., Kamarupa 32, 111, 118 110 Kamaru-pitha 29 Jayasimhasuri 96 -pura 61 Jayataladevi, queen 115 Jesala Paramara 52 Kamitatirtha 75, 76 Jhala - kunda 105 76 Jhalau Mangu 105 Kamsa 100 Jhalau Ranau 104 Kam-u, maid 42 Jhalora 102 Kanauja 29

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135 Kanavrtti 118 khattapatta 82 fn. Kancanadevi, princess 96 Khimadhara 32, 68, 111 Kanhadade-prabandha 102 Kidi-mankodi, city 33, 112 Kanhadade Raula Jaiaurau 102 Kimsuka-flower 122 Kanhadadeva 102 Kiradu 105 Kanhada Jayakesa' 99 Kiradu 52 Kannada 99 Kirtikaumudi 92, 96, 96 fn., 99, 105 Kanti, city 22, 42, 45, 51, 52, 53, 88, Konkana 97, 98, 111 89, 93, 94, 122- Kotidhvaja 59 Kantipuri, city 42, 94 fn., 95 Kotyarka-mahatmya 82 fn. Kanyakubja 37 Krauncaharana, city 109 Kapalikas 118 Krsna 100 Kapola 115 Krspadeva 102 Kapolaarivarddhamanasuri 115 Ksatriya 38, 49, 105 karavala 123 Ksetrapala 26, 121 Karna, king 101 Ksirodavapi, stepwell 43 Karnadeva, king 62, 65, 94, 97, 101, Ksirohi, stepwell 44 103, 104 ksurika 123 Karnata 45 kuhedas 62, 103 Karnataka 99, 110 Kumarapala, king 18, 96, 98, 101, Karna Vaghela, king 102 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 109 Kasmira, miniature 35, 114 Kumarapalabhupalacarita 96 Kastha-bhaksana 113, 120 Kumarapalacarita 18 Kasthakabadika 55 Kumarapala-prabandha 41,96 Kathagara 107 Kumarirana, king 81 Kathakosa 60 Kumari Ranaka, king 33, 112 Kaumarika 112 fn. Kumudacandra 31, 66, 67, 85, 86, 99, Kaumarika-khanda 112 fn. 110, 111 * Kaumarika-khanda-A Study' 112 fn. Kuntala, country38, 41 Kautigiu 103 Kautigiya 107 lake 122 Kavisarvabhauma Pandita Somesvaru Lakhanasena, king 33, 68, 70, 79, 112 105 Lakbanavati, city 33, 70, 79, 112, 113, Kaviyara 107 114 Kavyaprakasa 110 Lakhanavatipuri, city 70 Kayakunda 35, 75 Laksanavati, city 113 Kedara 29, 61, 65 Laksmanasena, king 70, 71, 79, 112, Kedaresvara 118 113, 114 Kelhanasim Modha 31, 109 Laksmanavati, city 93, 113 khadga 123 Laksmisagarasuri 60 Khambhata 104, 118 lance 123

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136 Lata, territory 97, 104 Madanavarma-prabandha 41 - first Governor of 101 Madhava 22, 42, 48 Lavanyasarman, Pandita 106 Madhavadeva 42, 47 LCY 18 fn., 19 fn. Magauli 102 L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad Magaudiu 102 57, 58 Magha, poet 17, 20 letter-writing, art of 123 magic show 119, 121 Lexicographical Studies in 'Jaina Magodi 102 Sanskrit' 20 Mahakala park 28 Life of Hemacandracarya 18 fn., 116 fn. Mahakavya 57 Lilavati, queen 21, 39, 91, 92 Mahamandalesvara 104 Lilu 31, 109 Mahanastami 44-45, 125 lion 122 Mahanavami 44, 52, 56 litter 118 maharajata 49 London 57 Maharastra 45 lotus-flower 122 Mahastami 56, 125 LSJS 19 fn. Mahavira, Tirthankara 17, 18 Lunadhaula Magaudiu 102 Mahesvara-khanda 112 fn. Lunadhavala Magodiya 102 Mahoba, city 89, 93, 94 fn. lute 123 Mahobaka, city 45, 47, 53, 89, 94, 99, Madana 104 100 Madana, cupid 49 Mahobakapura, city 42, 53, 93 Madanabhrama, king 5, 8, 14, 22, 2 Maideva, minister 22, 48, 86 42, 44, 45, 49, 51, 52, 53, 55, 83. Malakara 107 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94 fn., 99. Malakara 107 100, 122 Malau 104 Madanabhrama-maharaja, king 81 Malau Bheladiu 104 Madanabhramamaharaja-prabandha 3 Malava Madanabhrama-prabandha 109 glory 125 Madanabhramurajaprabandha 4 --king 103 Madanabrahma, king 42 -- laksmi 87, 94 Madanabrahma-Jayasimhadeva-priti-pra --land 94 bandha 37, 41 -mandala 52 Madanabrahman, king 38. 47. 49. 50. Malava 20, 59, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100. 51, 52, 53, 54, 89, 93, 99 106, 125 Malavikagnimitra 17 Madana Tambaaiu 104 Malayacandra 31, 110, 11 Madana Tangadiu 103 Malayagiri, scholar 11 Madanavarmadeva, king 89 Malda, district 93 Madanavarman, king 42, 45, 47, 49 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 89, 93, 94 fn.Malhu 42 99, 100 Mallavadisuri 20

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137 Modha 3), 109 Moharajaparajaya 107 monkey 122 Motum Phophalium, village 104 mouse 122 M. S. University, Baroda 1 M. S. University Oriental Series 20 mudra-ratna 117 Mudritakumudacandraprakarana 110 Mughals 32 Mukunda 106 Mularaja, king 19, 94 Mulasuddhiprakarana II Muni, Darsanavijayaji 90 fn. Muni Jinavijayaji 18, 19, 20, 59 Muni, nanavijayaji 90 fn. Muni, Mrgendravijayaji 60 Muni, Nyayavijayaji 90 in. Munja, king 97 Muslim 99, 105 Mallikarjuna, king 98 Mamideva, minister 42, 52 Mamimdeva, minister 42 Mammata, author 110 Manaya, juggler 32, 68, 111 Mandodari 99 Mangalavara 56 mango-flowers 122 mango-tree 122 Mangu, ksatriya 105 -altar of 105 Manikya 66, 67, 85, 110 Manikyacandra 31, 110, 111 Manikyacandrasuri 110 Manikyasuri 86 Manohara, damsel 23 mare 120, 122 marriage-ceremony 118 Marudi, florist 27, 83 Maru-land 34 Maru-sthali 75, 76 Matanga 113, 117 Matsyendranatha 118 Mau, damsel 51, 55 Mauhara 51 Mayana, juggler 68 Mayanaladevi 30, 109 Mayanalladevi 121 Mayanalladevi 97, 98, 109, 110 Mayurani, damsel 23, 51, 55 Mehta, Dr. R. N. 12fn. Meri, maid 43 Merutunga 20, 37, 90, 96 Merutungacarya 19 Merutungasuri 68, 98 metals 124 Mevada 102 Minaladevi 98, 109 Minaladevi 97, 98 Minalladevi 109 mint 124 Nacagara 107 Naddula 95, 102, 104 Naddula 102 Nadola 104 Nagendragaccha 90, 115 Vagendragacchapatlavali 90 Nala 45 Namala, florist 30, 31 Namala, queen 84, 85, 109, 118 Namala-aramini 83 Namala-malini 81 Namaladevi 109 Nandana, garden 49 Nandanavadi, orchard 44 Nandivarddhana, mt. 76 Nanum Phophalium, village' 104 Naranu Baimkaru 107 Narapati 87, 93, 95, 97, 98 Naravarman, king 96, 97, 98 Narayana 107

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138 Narmada, river 106 Narmada-tata 104 Nataka 119 Natha-sect 118 necklace 119 Neminatha temple 109 nether-world 27, 109 Nihsan kasarngadeva, author 17 Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay 19, 20 non-Jaina texts 82 fn. non-Sanskrit 82, 84 OI 57, 58 oil-cloth 117 Old Guji arati) --language 87 --- poems 108 --- words 106 Old Gujarati --case-terminations 56 ---expressions 16, 56, 84 -language 58, 88 ---passages 15, 16 --terms 16 - verses 17 ---Words etc. 17, 82, 84 -- Work 102 Oriental Institute, Baroda 1, 4, 57, 58, 60 Orissa 93, 95 owlet 122 Oza, G. H. 97 fn. Pancudandakatha 57 Pancadandatapatraprabandha 58 Pancadandaimakam Vikra nacaritrami 58 Pancamahala district 102 Pancasara 85 Pancasara Parsvanatha 31, 109 Puscasat i-prabodha-sambandha 60,103 Pandya, country 45 paraci 105 parai 105 Paramali, king 21, 32, 38, 41, 83, 89, 91, 111, 125 Paramara, dynasty 21, 45, 49, 52, 54, 89, 91, 96, 97, 99, 101, 102 Paramarddi-marddaka 97 Paramarddin, king 37, 38, 39, 41, 82, 89, 91, 92, 97, 111, 125 Paramarddin Vikramaditya VI, king 97 Parekh, Dr. S. D. 58 Pariksit 30 Parimadi, king 83, 87, 89, 111 Parisistaparvan 19 parks 122 parrot-pair 122 Parsvanatha 30, 85, 109, 121 Parsvanatha of Dabhoi 30 pastagiti 104 pastimes 119 Pasupatinatha 33 Patala 27 Patana 18, 29, 30, 32, 57, 58, 85, 88, 90, 93, 97, 99, 101, 102, 105, 107, 108, 109, 115, 117, 118 pattakula 119 Pattana 22, 23, 33, 51, 52, 55, 61, 68, 85, 87, 88, 92 Sripattana (in the sense of Pattana) 51, 83, 85 Pc. 37, 41, 66, 68, 70, 79, 80, 91, 93, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 105fn., 106, 107, 108, 110 fn., 111, 113 pada 3,5 Padmagupta, author 20 Padmanabha, poet 102 Padmini 30 Pahlana Ranau 102 Palanapura 102 Pancadandacchatrakatha 57 Pancadandacchatraprabandha 57

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139 Peroja, king 60, 69 Prabandha-Adhyaya 17 Pethu, dainsel 51, 55 Prabandhacintamani 19, 37, 38, 59, 68, Pethuhara 51 90, 96, 110 Pethurani, danisel 23, 51, 55 Prabandhakosa 17, 18 fn., 20, 90 Pherozeshah, king 60, 69 Prabandha-pancasati 60, 61, 65, 103 Philosophical and Historical Annals of Prabandhavali 18, 19 the Royal Academy of Sciences in Prabhacandra, author 19, 110 fn. Berlin 57 Prabhasa Patana 36, 85, 115 PHNIJS 101 fn., 104 fn., 109 fn, 113fn. Prabhavakacarita 19, 107, 110, 110 fn. Phophala 104 Pradyumnasuri 31, 110, 111 phophala 104 Prahladanadeva, king 102 Phophalia 104 Prakrit 3, 16, 17, 20, 21, 56, 57, 81, Phophaliu 104 82, 86, 87 Phutelau 33, 112 Prakritic PK 18 fn., 41, 42, 53, 54, 55, 56, 89, influence 82 91, 93, 94, 101, 103, 106, 109, 114, --passages 15 115fn. Prakritism 82 Pkt. 104 Pramali, king 64 polygamy 118 prasasti 107, 115 ponds 122 Pratapamalla 109 Pontaru 106 Pravartaka Kantivijayaji Collection, Poona 57 Baroda 1.3 popphala 104 prostitutes 125 PPS 19 fn. 35 fn., 41, 42, 52, 53, 54, Prsthamatras 57, 58 55, 56, 65, 66, 68, 70, 79, 80, 89, Prthulasroni, damsel 23 93, 94, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, Pothviraja, king 19 109,113 Prthviraja-prabandha 18-19 Prabardha 2, 3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, Prthviraju-raso 19 20, 21, 37, 40, 41, 52, 58, 59, 60, pugaphala 104 66, 68, 69, 79, 80, 81, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101, puntara 106 103, 105, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, Puranas 82 115, 117, 126, 127 Puratana-prabandha-sangraha 18, 19 fn., -collection 18 37, 38, 59, 61, 68, 69 - compilation of 18 Purnacandrasuri, author 57 -- form of literature 17, 18, 19 Purnatallagaccha 111 -Literature 17, 19, 20, 37, 127 Purnimagaccha 58 ---style 20, 127 Purohita 27, 83, 84, 111 ----Work 37, 56, 58, 66, 68, 81. Pururavas 45 82, 91, 98, 102, 103, 106, 115, Puspabharana, gavaksa 43, 45, 48 116, 127 --writers 100, 116 Raja, ksatviya 94

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Rajagaccha 110 Rajakula 102 'Rajapitamaha' 98 Rajaputa 105 Rama 92 Ramacandrasuri, author 58 Ramesvara 33 Ranadhavala, prince 21, 91 17 Rajasthana 96, 104 Rajasekharasuri, author 17, 18, 20, 90 Rudramahakalaprasada, temple 98 Rudramahalaya, temple 98 Rudresvara, temple 108 Rupapura, village 112 Rajasthani, language 58 rajata 49 Rajavallabha, author 20 Ranau 102, 104 Rangacarya 107 Rasa Mala 91 fn., 105 Rasiau 77, 80 Rasiya 114 Rasiyaka 35, 77, 80 Rasiyaka 77, 80 Rasiya Valama 114 Raso (Prthviraja--) 19 Ratnamalanagara 72, 79, 113 Ratnaprabha 66, 67, 111 Ratnapunja, king 34, 68, 72, 79, 113, 114 Ratnapura, city 72, 79, 113 Ratnasekhara, king 72, 74, 75, 79, 113 Raula 29, 61, 65, 102, 108, 118 Raulani 29, 61, 63, 64, 81, 108, 118 Ravala 101, 118 Ravaliyas 118 RCMLS 108 fn. residential schools. rice 120 --grains, unbroken 121 Rinamalla, king 29 Ritilaga 107 Rome 90fn. royal priest 117, 123 140 119 royal procession 123 royal umbrella 123 Rsabhantha -Tirthankara Sadha Sekhara 105 Saduk tikarnamrta 113 saha 104 Sahasanak, lake 108 Sahasralinga 107, 108, 112 59 -lake 29, 31, 59, 61, 68, 107, 108, 118 -sarah 81 Sajjana, minister 29, 62, 63, 65, 103, 104, 108 Sakambhari 95, 96, 98 -dharmasthana Sakariu 103, 104 Sakariya 62, 126 Sakariyaka 62 Sakta 56 Sakariyasaha Haripala 29, 62, 103, 104, 126 -tradition 56 Sakunagara 73, 79 Salhana 102 Salhu 102 Salhu Bheladiu Vaghelau 102 salya 123 Samala 106 Samala Pontaru 106 Samala Solajoanau Dutu 107 Samara Rasu 108 Samarasimha, king 101, 102 Samarasi Raula Citraudau 101 samasyapurti 119 Samideva 42

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141 Sampatkara, minister 101 Sandesara, Dr. B.J. 18, 20, 95fn., 110fn. Sangana, king 114 Sangha-no Bhandara 18 Sangitaratnakara 17 Sanketa, commentary 110 Sanskrit 13, 15, 16, 20, 57, 58, 82, 84, 85 - Classical 18, 82 - colloquial 18 -Grammar 86 --Grammarians 85 -Language 56, 81, 87 -Lexicography 20 - literature 19 - literature, mediaeval 17 -Mahakavya 57 -mixed 82 -- regional 82 regional style of 18 --ungrammatical 82 Sanskritisation 11, 12, 15 Sanskritise 16 Sanskritised 6, 10, 16 Pali 82 santanu 30 Santu, minister 30, 62, 63, 64, 65, 101, 108, 126 Sarasvati, goddess 36 Sarasvati, river 108 Sarasvatipurana 107, 108 Sarngadharapaddhati 35 fn. Sarvananda, author 18 Sastri, D. K. 111 Sastri, Durgasankara 98, 100, 108 Sati 99 Satrusala 30, 109 Sau, maid 42 Saurastra 29, 33, 36, 85, 109, 115 Savitri 27 sculpture 122 Sen dynasty 112 sentiment 123 sermon 18 serpent 122 SGAMI 113fn. Shah, Dr. U. P. 60 Siddha-cakravartin 29, 93 Siddha-cakravarttin 38, 61, 62, 64, 85, 108 Siddhanatha, king 47, 50, 51, 52, 54 Siddhapura 98 Siddharaja, king 45, 47, 49, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 61, 62, 85, 92, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 125 Siddharaja Jayasimha, king 38, 40, 62, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 101, 104, 108, 116, 120, 121, 125 Siddhasaras, lake 108 Siddhendra, king 50 Siddhesa, king 50, 55 Siddhi, a Raulani 29, 61, 62, 64, 81, 108, 118 Sighanarani, queen 42 Silahara, dynasty 97, 98 Silana, jester 103 Silanu Kautigiu, jester 103 silver 124 Simanta-ceremony 121 Sindha 92, 99 Sindhupati 92 Sindhuraja 92 Sinduri, maid 47 Singhalau 36, 115 Singhana, queen 42 Singhanadevi, queen 43 Singhi Jaina Series 18, 19, 20 singing 122 Sircar, Dr. D. C. 94 fn.

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142 Sisupalavadha 17 Sura 105 Siva-nirmalya 108 Suradharapura 29 Siva-temple 108 Surat 60 Sk. 37 Surathotsava 92 Skandapurana 112fn. Suru, Pandita 105 Skt. 104 Susila, maid 42 Sodha 105 suvarna-ghurgharakas 119 Sola Bainkiru 107 Svetambara 19, 66, 99, 110 Solajoanan Duiu 107 swan 122 Solankiom-ka Pracina lihasei 97 fn. sword 123 Soma, treasurer 105 Syamala 106, 107 Somanatha 33, 36 Somanatha Patana 85 Taksaka 30 Somapuri 101 Talavala, inscription of 97, 111 Somasarman, Brahmana 25, 26, 27, tamarind-tree 121 85 Tambadiu 104 Somesvara Paramara 105 Tangadiu 103 Somesvara, poet 92, 96, 99, 105 Tankasala 74 Somesvaru, Pandita 105 Tapagaccha 60 spring-pastime 119, 122 Tara 99 Srikantha Vyasa 105 Taranagadha 103 Srilaksma asena 71, 79 Taranga hills 103 Srimalapura 34, 72, 79, 113, 114 temple 122 Srimata, princess 35, 68, 75, 76, 77, textile, water-proof 117 80, 81, 87, 112., 114 Thakkura 114 Sripala, poct 51, 106, 107 Thepaniya Huna 109 Sripattana 36, 115 Tilanga, country 45 Sripunja, king 35, 75, 76, 78, 114 Tirthankara 17, 122 Stambhatirtha 32 todara 119 step-well 122 Trambasena, king 24 Sihanakapiakarana 111 Trambavati, city 24, 104 turmeric 19 120 Sthaviravalicarita Subhasila, author 20 Ucitabola 107 Subhasilaganin, author 57, 60, 65, 66, 103 Udayaditya, king 21, 89, 90, 91 Subhasitaratnabhandagara 35fn. Udayaditya Paramara, king 38 Sudhanidhi, step-well 44 Udayapura 101 Suhasola 107 Ujjayini 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 38, 52, Sukrtasankirttana 108 83, 90, 91 Sumaya, queen 42 Umadevi 25, 26, 27, 85 Sumayadevi, queen 42 Umapatidhara, minister 70, 79, 113

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143 Umapatisridhara, minister 33, 68, 70, Visupujyacaritu 90, 115 79, 112, 113 Vasupujy.caritra 36, 90, 115 University Library, Baroda 58 Vasupujyaswamin temple 90, 115 Upadhyaya Devamurti, author 57 vata-vsksa 121 Upadhye, Dr. A. N. 82 Vatsaraja 20, 45 Vayajaladeva 104 Vacanavatsala, maid 43 Vayajala Pastagiu 104 Vadi Devasuri 110 Vayarasala, prince 29 Vaghalau 36, 115 Vayarasiha, Pandita 106 Vaghela, dynasty-branch 102 Vedika 3 Vaidehidayita 92 * Vernaculer Sanskrit' 82 Vaidyanatha temple 30, 109 Vesagara 107 Vaijaladeva 104 Vetala, Barbaraka 52 Vaijja 104 Vijayakusala, author 58 Vaijjaladeva 104 Vikrama-caritram 57 Vairirayamurattagharatta 87 Vikramaditya, king 23, 24, 25, 28 Vaisradeva 77 Vikramaditya VI, king 89, 91, 97, -fire 80 111 Vaisja 117 Vikramaditya-pancadandacchalra-caritra Vajra-panjara 118 58 Vajrasvamin 19 Vikramaditya-pancadanda-prabandha Vajravayaragara 106 58 Vallabha, maid 42 Vikramaditya-prabandha 59 Vallabharaja, king 94 Vikramadityasya PacadandacchatraVamanasthali 35, 114, 115 prabandha 57 Vangala 94fn. Vikramaditya-vikramacaritra-caritra Vangaladesa 42, 94, 94 fn. 57 Vanik 115 Vilhu the dwarf 22 Varanaga 101 Vilhu Vamani 16, 43, 44, 47, 53, 56, Varanasi 112 86, 87, 100 Varddhamanasuri 35, 36, 90, 115 Vilu Vamani 43, 44 Vardhamanasuri 90 Vimana-vibhrama, gavak sa 43 Varunasa, river 32, 87, 111 Viracarya 62, 65 Vasanta, musical mode 46 Viradhavala, king 114 vasanta-krida Visaladeva, king 106 Vasantamasotsava 46 Visvadeva, king 29 Vasantavilasa 96 Visvavijaya, palace 22, 43, 122 Vastupala, minister 18, 105, 110 Vividha-thirtha-kalpa 19, 69, 70 Vastupalacarita 18, 115fn. Vratins 118 Vastupalu-Tejapala-prabandha 20 VTK 70, 79, 80, 113 Vasuki 109 Vyaghraraja, king 109

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144 Vyasa 29, 106, 107, 123 wasp 122 wax-cloth 117 Weber, A. 57 wells 122 Yasah-pataha, elephant 52 Yasah-patala, elephant 53, 106 Yasascandra, author 110 Yasodhara, purohita 32, 111 Yasovarman, king 52, 96, 97, 98, 103 Yatis 118 Yogin 61, 77, 80 Yogini 26, 62, 64, 121 Yaksa 24, 121 Yaksabhuvana 83, 121

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||shriiH // lghuprbndhsnggrhH| [atha jagaddevaprabandhaH // 1 // ] ujjayinyAM paramAravaMze udayAdityo rAjA / tatputro jagaddevaH' / aparamAtRjo rnndhvlH| jagaddevo'tIva daataa| rAjA divaM gataH / pradhAnai raNadhavalAya rAjyaM dattam / paraM sarvaH ko'pi jagaddevamavalagati' : pradhAnena ghAtAH kssiptaaH| nirgtH| kalyANakoTipure paramariddhinivAso nidrAgahilaDau' kopakAlAnalI rudro-'vandhyakopaprasAdaH paramADirAjA rAjyaM karoti / tasya sImAyAM nagaram / rANyA paNyAGganAnAM grAsavidhau dattam / tatrA''gataH / pattayaH sarve'pi vaalitaaH| nagaramadhye zreSThigRhe bhuktvA puraparisare gacchan rAjJIlIlAvatIcAmarahAriNyA gavAkSasthayA'gretanaM tAmbUlaM pariharan skandhasyopari karaM kRtvA punaryAcan dRSTaH / tadA tayA jnyaatm| ayaM ko'pi bhAgyavAn / uttamaH / AkAritaH / sthaapitH| kenA'pi bhaTTena kayavAraH kRtH| tadA AsvAdAnte raajnyoplkssitH| rAjJA AkArito militH| asminnavasare vizAlalocanayA" kayavAraM kurvatyA zira AcchAditam / lakSatrayaM kaJcalikAyogyaM dattam / daridrAn sRjato dhAtuH kRtArthAn kurvtstv| na jAnImo jagaddeva kathaM vizrAmyate karaH // Note: The original readings of the manuscript, wherever vary ing from the reconstructed text, are stated in these footnotes for ready reference: 1. jagadevaH. 2. jagadevo atIva. 3. raNadhavala. 4. jagadeva. 5. ghAtA kSiptA nimrataH. 6. paramariddhinivAsa / nIdra. 7. rudr| adhyakopaprasAda. 8. rAjJA lIlAvatIcamarahAriNyA. 9, gavAkSasthayA / agretanaM, 10. tayA AzvAdante. 11. deglocanA. 12. sRjito. 13. kurvatastavaH,

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atidAtAraM matvA upAyaH kRto matriNA / bhavAiyAtrAyAM rAjA nRtyti| mantrI pakhAje" vAdayati / jagaddevena" pupupyamuttArya mantriNe dattam / " varaM yAcathaH / " " yataH gAjaNAdhipahammIrasya paTTAzva AnetavyaH / gajapatigauDezvarasya ptttthstyaaneyH|" tajjJAtvA hammIraH" zrIpattane vigrahArtha smaagto'sti| tatra gatvA hammIrasya gUDare gatvA poDazabhirjanaiH samaM prvissttaaH| hammIro jitH| azvo gRhiitH| zrIjayasiMhadeva-hammIrayormelaH kRtH| gajapatigauDezvarasya paTTahastI gRhItaH / dvau prhitau| [iti ] jagaddevaprabandhaH // 1 // saM. 1465 varSe cetra vadi 5 guruvAre'lekhi // zrIH / / 14. paSA. 15. jagadeve. 16. yAcayaH. 17. goDesvararaya paTTahastirAnayaH. 18. tajJA vA hammIra. 19. gauDezvarasya padRhastidRhItaH. 20. lilekhi.

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[atha madanabhramamahArAjaprabandhaH // 2 // ] vaGgAladeze" kAntyAM puryA madanabhramo rAjA rAjyaM kroti| amAtya mAIdeva / bAro ulagau" mAdhava / malhU selahatha / sahasra 5 zata 5 paJcAzIti rAzyaH pariNItAH" / navasahasrabhogapalyaH / tAsAM madhye" paTTarAzyaH" 4 : bAvana 1, candana 2, sumayAdevI 3, sIghaNarANI 4 / tAsAM sakhyaH / Ali -Alati alavi. alavesari-phUlU phUlasirI-vaulU-vaulasirI kapUrI -hamIrI'-sIMgArI". guNamANiki-kastUrI-kapUraDI-nAgaveli-gajaveli"-vacanakalA-amRtakalA-sahasrakalA-ratnAvalI muktAvalI - candrAvalI-sugati-haMsagatisulalita - koili-kamalAvatI-kalAvatI - lIlAvatI"-prabhRtisakhIbhiH parivRtAH / Note: The constitution of the text of this l'rabandha is based on three manuscripts. The main codex belonging to the Gujarati Department of the M, S. University of Baroda is designated here as G, the one consisting of this one Frabandha only and preserved in the collection of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, is given the sigma 0, and the third one, again comprising this Prabandha only, belong. ing to the Pravartaka Kantivijaya Collection, Baroda, is referred to here by the symbol K. 21. 0. aMbAladeze. 22. 0., K. omit this word. 23. G. AmAtya mAIdeva; 0. amAtya mAideva. 24. 0. dvArapAlaka; K. bAra ulaga. 25. 0. pAMca sahasra pAMca saI paMcyAsI; K. pAMca sahazra pAMca sai paMcyAsI. 26. G. rAjJI pariNItA; 0., K. rANI pariNIta. 27. G., O., K. degpatnI. 28. 0., K. tanmadhye, 29. G., 0., K degrAjJI. 30.G., 0., K. sakhI. 31. 0., K. ali. 32. K. bulU 7 va ulasirI 8; the order of these two names is changed thus in O.: vaulasirI 7 bUlU 8. 33.0., K. number these names up to this one from I to g. 34. G. hammIrI. 35. 0., K. omit this. 36. G. omits this. 37. 0., K. change the order of these two names; K. reads nagaveli for nAgaveli. 38. G., K. sahasakalA. 39. 0. kamalAvalI. 40. 0. omits this name. 41. 0., K. add after this the total number of these names viz. 28. 42. 0., K. pra. sakhImitAH ,

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45 e 52 vizvavijaya dhavalagRham / mANikathaMbha * cukii| trAMbAnau" talagaTTe / rUpAna UtaNIyAvadR" / suvarNamaya siMhAsana / suvarNamaya staMbha 4 / suvarNamayA SoDazavarSIyA pUtalI 16 / gavAkSA 120 / teSAM madhye caturdikSu catvAro " gavAkSA mukhyAH / pUrvasyAM dizi vimAnavibhrama 1, dakSiNAyAM puSpAbharaNa 2, pazcimAyA gandharvasarvasva " 3, uttarAyAM kailAsahAsa" 4 / 55 4 58 gavAkSAnAmagre suvarNamayavedikA 4" / caurI 4 / vApI 4: haMsavizrAma 1, sudhAnidhi 2, kSIrohi" 3, kamalakedAra 4 vApInAma | 57 61 610 vATikAnAma' 4H anaMgaraMgavADI 1, dhArAgirivADI 2, aMdhAraghoravADI 3, naMdanavADI 4 / tatrAraghaTTa 4 " / suvarNamayA ghaTI / rUpyamayA mAlA / caMdrayotsnA talAvalI / pagathIAra sArUAra / baraMDI udAra / tihAM yakSakardamanA piMDa karI melhIyaiM / " sonAMrUpAnAM sIMgA karI chAMTaNAM kIjai / tihAM" khelai" velai jhIla " / kAdamI ramIyai " / kamalanA bhArA choDIyaI " / kAdamInAM piMDa vicchoDIyai~" / madana bhramarAyahU" bihuM strInau parihAru / " nAlika 1 kApAlikA 2, " nAlika anya pariNIta" / kApAlika prasUtastrI / rAyarihaI niyama 2" krodhavirodha 2 dehi nhiiN| AvAsamAhi" zrIpArzvanAthanau prAsAdu" tihAM devapUjA karai " / 43. 0., K. gRha. 44. O. mANikyathaMbha; K. mANika'. 45. 0. trAMbA. 46. G. talagaTa. 47. 0., K. rUpAnu UtaNIAvaTa 48 0 svarNamayasiMhAsaNi / svarNamayastaMbha |; K. svarNamaya siMhAsana | svarNamayastaMbha / 49. G. vArSIyA; 0 svarNamayasolavApI; K. svarNamaya 16 vApI. 50. G. gavAkSa / vIsa 120 ; K, gavAkSa 120 / . 51. G. 'kSuzcatvAro. 52. G. mukhyA. 53. G. dakSaNAyAM; K. abbreviates as dakSiNA ; O adds dizi after this. 54. O pazcimadizi; K. abbreviates as pazci' 55. G. sarvazva 55. K. abbreviates as utta. 56. G. K. kailAza. 57. G. gavAkSenAma'gre O, K. gavAkSAgre. 58. 0., K. 4 vedikA suvarNamayA 4. 59. 0. kSarohi. 60. O, K. vATikAnAmAni 61. G. omits tatrAraghaTTa 4. 61a. K. svarNa 62. O, K. caMdrajyotsnA 63. 0. pagathIarAM. 64. O., K. melhIi. 65. O, K. tatra. 66. G, O, K. Selai. 67. O. belaI jhIlaI 68. O., K. yakSakardame ramIi. 69. O, K. choDIi. 70. O., K. kAdamanAM. 71. O, K. gholIi. 72. 0. madanabhramarAyanaI; K. abbreviates as madana rAyanai. 73. O strInu parihAra; K. strInau parihAra. 74. O, K. eka naalik| bIjI kApAlika / 75 0 paraNIta 76. G. strIkApAlika 77. 0. rAjAnaI 2 niyama / ; K. rAjAnai 2 niyama / 78. O, K. omit 2 dehi nahIM, 7ca. O, K. AvAsamadhye 78b. o. zrIpArzvanAthaprAsAda 1; K. zrIpArzvaprAsAda / 79. O, K. tatra pUjA kIjai.

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80 rAyaNa" vIlhUvAmaNI mahAprasAdapAtra " / sarvakalAkuzalA rAjJo dehe stanAbhyAmudvarttanaM karoti / rAjJaH strINAM 25 varSopari AbharaNatyAgaH " / ThAlAM polAM vAjaNAM AbharaNa Utarai " / dehasthUlatvAt " / gAtrazaithilyatvAt " parihAraH / varSamadhye velAdvayaM pragaTIbhavati / dine 2 TaGka 1000 svarNahIrAlAlamauktikamayam " / mhnnaassttmyaam| caitrASTamyAm " / dakSiNAyAM puSpAbharaNagavAkSe" kAntIsanmukhamAyAti / tadA sarvaH ko'pi namati / puruSamukhamavalokya candrayotsnAtalA valImadhye" snAnaM karoti / anyathA strIvRndamadhye tiSThati / asminnavasare ekadA zrIjayasiMhadevo dvAdazavarSaM yAvat digvijayaM kRtvA kAntyAH parisare / paJcagavyUtiparAg* uttArakazcakre " / aNahilapuraM prati yadA calati tadA" aMgArasauDinagArI" zrIjayasiMhadevakaTa ke gatvA mahArAjabhaTTasya militaH / madanabhramasya kayavAraH kRtaH / bhaTTenoktam / 66 " asmatsvAminaH" kayavAraM kuru / yathAtyAgaM yacchAmi / 1 tenoktam / " madanabhramarAjAnaM " vinA anyasya rAjJaH kayavAraM na karomi / " tena bhaTTena rAjJo'gre uktam / tadA rAjA roSAruNo vigrahAya madanabhrameNa ' samaM caturmAsImavasthitaH / 102 83 mantriNA sakhIpArzvAt rAjA vijJApitaH / paramavasaro nahi / zrAvaNa zudi 5 divase'' vIlhUvAmaNyA rAjA vijJaptaH / " gavAkSe sAMUsuzIlAbhyAm " AndhAvedhe ramantIbhyAM dinatrayaM jAtam | tatra vilokanAyAssgamyatAm / dz 80. O, K. rAjJo. 81. O, K. prasAdapAtra. 82. O., K. stanAbhyAmabhyaMgaH |. 83. G. ArbhaNatyAgaH; O, K. rAjJaH 25 varSopari strItyAgaH / 84. G. Utara 85. O., K. dehe sthUlatvAt . 86. O gAtrazaithalyAt ; K. gAtrazaithilyAt 87 prakaTIbhavati 88. G. omits this sentence ; K. dine 2 TaM 1000 | cUrNahIrAlAla / maukikamayaM / 88a. K. caitrAtrayAM / 89. 0 puSphA 900, K. 'saMmukhamAyAti 91. O, K. caMdrajyotsnA". 92. 0., K. anyadA. 93. G. kAMtyA. 94. 0. parAga; G. parAk. 95. G. kRtaH 96. G. aNihalapuraM prati calitaH / . 97. O, K. aMgAra suDinagArI 98 0. asmin svAminaH 99. 0. mama rAjAnaM; K. abbreviates as ma rAjAnaM. 100 G. omits this sentence. 101. G., O, K. bhramena. 102. 0. rAjJA. 103. G. paraM avasaro. 104. G. sudi. 105. K. dine; O omits this word. 106. G. sAUsusIlAbhyAM ; O, K. sAMUsusIlAbhyAM 107. G. AMdhIvedhe ramaMtIbhyAM ; 0. AMdhAvedha ramatIbhyAM ; K. AMdhIvedha ramatIbhyAM.

Page #177
189 rAjA sametaH / zukasArikAbhyAM rAjA tAbhyAM jJApitaH / vacanavinodaH kRtaH / AkAzabhUmau AyAtaH "" / tAvatA megho vRSTvA sthitaH / "" nagarI avalokitA / kaTakaM dRSTam / tadA pRSTam 111a 66 " are siMdUrI, "" e mINakappaDi" kuNa re viNajArau" / " iti kathitam / tadA vIlhUvAmaNyA avasaro labdhaH / tayoktam / mahArAja ! caturacakravarttin "" ! nAgarikanarendra"" ! parIcchatI parinA" paramahaMsa ! hIyAlInA haMsarAja "" ! antaHkaraNanA nArAyaNa ! purANapuruSottama "" ! jIvitavyanA jAgesara ! hRdayagarbha - garbhezvara"! mamatAmahezvara ! alavezvara ! lIlAlalitagarbhezvara ! cintitacintAmaNi5 ! koDinI kAmadhenu ! kAmita vastunA kalpavRkSa ! saubhAgyasundara ! bhogapurandara ! makaradhvajAvatAra ! rAjyalakSmIzRGgArahAra ! zrImadanabhramarAjendra ! ayaM vaNijArako nahi / " 'ko'yam ? " 66 .126 :6 sA vakti / rAjan ! 69 130. ! ayaM rAja - bIja - daNDakanai saMtAni / caulukyavaMza ayonI saMbhava zrImUlarAja 1 cAmuNDarAja 2 vallabharAja 3- durlabharAja4 - bhIma5 zrI karNadevanandana / vizva jananayanAnandana / 18 lakSa 92 sahasra mAlavalakSmIkacagrahavigrapaH Ni 10 / vairirAyamuraTTagharaTTa 32 / azvapati- gajapati - narapati - trihuM rAyanau jayazrIsaIvara / udaki zAsananau 133 134 35 136 108. 0. rAjA word. 110. O., K. 112. 0. siMharI ; G. 115. G., O, K. 118. O., K. omit this address. abalau | gAjaNa vai hammIra hRdayAntazalya 5 / dayaNahAru / rAuna urAu | samastadigvalayatatrAgataH ; K. rAjA tatra gataH. 109. O., K. omit this AgataH . 111. O, K. meghavRSTiH sthitA. 1118. O., K. pRSTa. sIMdUrI. 113. O, K. e kappahe. 114. 0. K. vaNijArakaH. 'cakravarti. 116. 0. nAgarikanareMdraH. 117. O., K. parinu. 119. G. puruSottamaH, 121. O. hRdayagarbhezvara. 124. 0. 'garbhezvara ; G. garbhesara. 126. O., K. sAha. 127. 0. 129. G. caulakyavaMza 118. K. nArAiNa. 120. 0. jIvatavyanA jAgezvara ; K. jIvitavyanA jAgezvara. 122. G., 0. mahezvara. 123. G. alavesara. 125. O. aciMtaciMtAmaNi; K. aciMtitaciMtAmaNi omits this word. 128. 0. rAjapIDakanai ; K. rAjabIDakanai. ayonIsaMbhamu. 130. O, K. cAmaMDarAja. 131. 0., K. 'karNadevanai. 1310. 0. 18 lakSa bANU sahasamAlavakaca grahavyagrapANi; K. 18 lakSa bANU sahasramAlavakacagrahavyagrapANi / 132. G. vaira . 133. 0. cihuM rAyanu AMbilau ; K. cihuM rAyanu AMbala / . 134. 0. gAjaNavaya 135 0. udayazAsanataNu deNahAra; K. udakazAsanataNau deNahAra. 136. 0., K. rAyanu rAya.

Page #178
vijayI" proddhprtaapii| ahilyA-arundhatI-satI-tArA-mandodarInaikAri18 satIcakracUDAmaNi rAyanaraveli kAnhaDArAya jayakezanI kumari mAtA zrImINaladevi tarakukSisarovararAjahaMsaH / nijkulaavtNsH| caulukyacakravartI / 70 sahasragUrjaradharAdhIzvaraH" / rAjAdhirAja / rAjA zrIjayasiMhadeva kahIyai / tava vigrahArtha samAgataH / " tadA rAjJA Adezo dattaH / "zrAvaNa sudi 8 dine puSpAbharaNagavAkSaH zRGgAraNIyaH50 / " ttraa''gtH| mAIde" amAtyena nmskRtH| caturaGgadalena50 sarvasannAhena samaM " yuddhAya Adezo" dIyatAm / kasya raNavaTTaH152 kriyate ? zrIjayasiMhadevasya 5 lakSa sAhaNa 9 lakSa padAtayo vidyante / vimRzyatAm / " dvArapAlako mAdhava aakaaritH| " 120 azvAH56 SoDaza gajA rAjJo bheTTA 50 lAtvA yAtu / rAjAnaM vijJapaya" / anyad yad vilokyate taddIyatAm / anyathA yadi yuddhaM kartukAmo'sti kenA'pi muraTTona moDitaH, skandhakhajirnA'panItA,63 nAdo nottaaritH| tadA raNakSetraM praguNIkriyatAm / " . 137. 0. samasta digvijaya / / K. smstdigvlyvijy|. 138. 0., K. degnai anusAri. 139. 0., K. omit this word. 140. 0. kAhaDarAyakesataNI kumAri; K. kAnhaDarAyakezataNI kumAri. 140a. K. zrImINalaM. 141. 0., K. haMsa. 142. 0., K. "taMsa. 143. G. caulakyacakravartiH; 0. caulukyacakravarti. 144. G. dhItvaraH; 0. dhIzvara; K. degdhIzvara. 145. 0. omits rAjA. 146. 0., K. kahIi. 146a. G. zRMgAriNIyaH; 0., K. omit these two sentences from tadA rAjJA to zRGgAraNIyaH. 147. 0., K. omit this. 148. 0. tasminvasare mAIdevena ; K. tasminnavasare mAIdevena. 149. G. AmAtyena. 150. G. caturaMgudalena. 151. G. AdezA, 152. 0. raNabhaTTa / . 153. 0., K. omit zrI. 154. G. lASa. 155. G. pAila vidyate; 0. padAtyo vidyate. 156. 0., K. azvA. 157. 0., K. rAjJA bheTAM. 158. G. vijJapayaH. 159. 0., K. add kiMcid here. 160. 0., K. taddIyate. 161. G. ka kAmo'sti. 162. 0., K. maraTo. 163. G. skaMdhaH Sarji'; 0. skaMdhe SAji nApanItA; K. skaMdhe SAji - panItA. 164. G. praguNIkRyatAM; 0., K. praguNIyatA...

Page #179
SoDazadine5 SoDazajanAnAM 170 .172 yuddhaM praguNitam / gAU 5 pramANaM raNakSetra kRtam / pratolIkaTakAntarAle " dvayoH pArzvayoH 19 paTTakUlayavanikA baddhA / madanabhramo rAjA AyAtaH / saptazataazvikArUDhA navyayauvanAbhirAmAH sazRGgArA yuvatyaH kaTakasanmukhaM' prahitAH / samIpe gatvA valitAH / tAbhiH samaM zrIjayasiMhadevasya azvAH pRSTimA 15 pUrvadizi pratolyAM praviSTAH / rAjA'pi sAthai AnItaH / dvayo rAjJo - 172 176 .278 meMlo / 80 zrImadanabhrameNa rAjA AvAse nItaH / bhaktiH kRtA " / prItirjAtA 82 / 179 zrIjayasiMhadevasyA'ye rAjJoktam / 183 (6 ' tvaM kASThakabADiko rAjA / gRhe sthitaH kathaM rAjalIlA " na karoSi ? dvAdazavarSaM yAvat bA kathaM paribhramasi ? rAjakeliM kuru / 99 jayasiMhadevoktam ! " satyaM tvayi dRSTe'haM kASThakabADI" rAjA / 11186 1918 3 rAjJA"" madanabhrameNa" tuSTena rAjJo" aSTadikkarikA vicakSaNAH" sulakSaNA rUpayauvanavatyaH 19 nAmAni prItimatI 101 priyatamA 2 abhISTavakrA " kAmapriyA 4 mRgalocanA 5 candravadanA 6 pRthuzroNI manoharA 8 suzRGgAritAH 12 samarpitAH 13 / gRhItvA nirgataH 14 / sukhAsanAdhirUDhA " 1910 7 1940 165. O., K. SoDazame dine. 166. O, K. rAjAnAM 167. G. praguNIkRtaM. 168. O., K. gAU 5 raNakSetra kArApitaM / pratolIkaTakAMtare, 169. G. pArzvayo. 170. G. vaddhA; K. paTTa kUlajavanikA baddhA. 171. G. 'yUvanAbhirAmA; O, K. navayauvanAbhirAmA. 172. O., K. suzRMgArA. 173. 0. saMmukhaM. 174. G. prahitA 175 0 avaM azvApRSTilamaH ; K. azva azvApRSTilagnaH 176. G. praviSThA 0., K. praviSTaH 177. 0., K. omit api. 178. G. larjAtaH ; O, K. rAjJo melo jAtaH 179. G. bhramena; O, K. madanabhramena. 180. O., K. svAvAse. 181. G. kRtAH. 182. G. 'jatAH 183. O, K. zrIjayasiMhasyAgre. 1830. G., O, K. kASTa. 184. O, K. rAjyalIlAM K. adds another kathaM here. 184. 0., K. kathaM bAhya. 185. 0., K. kASTa. 186. G. omits these two lines. 187. 0. rAjA. 188. G., 0. bhramena; K. bhrame 1890., K. omit this word. 190. 0. aSTo vilakSaNA; K. aSTau vicakSaNA. 191. G. omits the passage from nAmAni to manoharA 8. 191. 0. omits figure 1 . 191b. O., K. vaktA. 1918. O., K. caMdavadanA. 192. G. surUMgAritAH 193. 0. pradattA rAjA; K. pradattAH / rAjA. 194. 0., K. cacAla. 1948 0 sukhAsanArUDhA; K. sukhAsanAdirUDhA. 0. has afterwards erased di after nA by drawing small verticle strokes above it.

Page #180
vajrapaJjarAcchAditAH" pratolIdvAre smaagtaaH| tadA 16 suvarNamayaputtalikAbhirdorakasacAreNa" jalpitam / " yUyaM gUrjararAjJo dattAH / " tadA SaNNAM hRdayasphoTo jAtaH / mAyUrANI pethUrANI" dve gRhiite| rAjA zrIjayasiMhadevo vijayayAtrAnantaraM kuzalena pattane samAgataH / pravezo jAtaH / / zrImadanabhramamahArAjAprabandhaH samAptaH // zrIH // zubhaM bhavatu lekhakapAThakayoH // [iti madanamramamahArAjaprabandhaH // 2 // ] 195. 0., K. degcchAditA. 196. (0., K. samAgatA. 197. G. suvarNamayA; 0. svarNaputtalikAbhidorakasaMcArakena; K. svarNamayaputtalikAbhidorakasaMcArakena. 198. 0. hRdayaM sphoTo. 199. 0. pRthulazreNI 1 manoharA 2; K. pRthulazroNI 1 manoharA 2. 200. G., O., K. dvau gRhIto. 201. G. zrIpattane samAgataH; 0. pattane samAgatAH. 202. 0. iti madanabhramarAjAprabaMdhaH; K. iti zrImadanabhramarAjAprabaMdhaH // 1 // zrIH // . Mss. O., K. end here. 203. leSaka

Page #181
[atha vikramAdityapaJcadaNDacchatraprabandhaH // 3 // ] zrIvikramAdityasya pAMcadaMDIyA chatrasambandho likhyate // anyadA ujjayinyAM zrIvikramAdityo rAjapATikAM kRtvA valamAno nagaramadhye gaJchakaseryA agre Agacchan zRNoti / seryAH parisaram ekA strI pramArjayatI sthitA / tadA ekayA5 gavAkSasthayA pRSTam- " re kathaM sthitA?" tayoktam-" rAjA samAyAti / " punaH gavAkSasthayA kathitam / "na dIThau yurAu ! jANe pAMcadaMDIu chatra dharAvai chai !" etat zrutvA svAvAse06 gatvA tamyA AkAraNaM prahitam / tadvaddhAH samAgatAH / rAjA va pitaH / rAjJA pRSTam " pAMcadaMDikaM chatraM kurvantu / " " tatkRte kurmaH yo asmadIyavItAni paMca karoti / " rAjJoktam- " ahaM kariSyAmi / " " tataH kRtvA smrpyissyaamH|" rAjA vadati / " kathyatAm / " [1] tAH kathayanti / "prathamam etAM striyaM phalahakatrayeNa jitvA pariNaya / " sA sametA sazRGgArA sakhIvRtA / rAjA na jayati / eko divaso jAtaH / dvitIyadinamapyabhavat / tasya rAtrau tasmin pATake gatvA vilokitam / saharSA vadanti / " rAjJo vibhAte haaribhvissyti|" tat zrutvA vikhinno nagarAnnirgato yakSabhuvane gataH / tAvatA yakSa AyAtaH / pRSTam / " ko'yaM pathikaH ?" 204. liSyate. 205. ekadA. 206. svAAvAse. 207. vitAni. 204. samarpayiSyAmi. 209. rAjJorvibhAterhAribhaviSyati.

Page #182
"" rAjJA sAhasamavalambya pRSTam / " tvaM kaH ? " aham asya purasya rAjJo rakSakaH !" 66 rAjJaH kaSTaM kathaM na spheTaye: ? "C tadA avalokitam / " rAjA mahAmUrkho" jAtaH / devadamaNisaMvAdaH kathaM kriyate ? eka upAyo'sti / yadi karoti tadA kathayAmi / " " tvaM kathaya / " rAjJo'gre kathayiSyAmi / " tadA rAjA caraNau patitaH / " ahaM vikramAdityaH / " 66 adya indrasya svarge nRtyAvasarossyA asti / tatra sA yAsyati / tvamapi tatra yAhi / tatra ko'pyupAyo labhiSyate / " 11 rAjA agnivetAla balena svarge gataH / indrAsthAne devadamaNyA nRtyamArabdham | agnivetAlena bhramararUpaM kRtvA tasyA nRtyantyAH zirasazcampakapuSpatoDaraM ?? troDitam / patatA tasyA nUpuraM bhagnam / rAjJA toDaraM nUpuraM 14 bhagnaM gRhItam / tRtIyaM rAjJA 15 svayaM hastaM dattam indrasya tasyA bITakamapi gRhItam / tayA vyagrayA na dRSTam / rAjJA gRhItam / 216 gRhe samAgataM dvayam / vibhAte dvayoH krIDA jAtA / rAjA na jAgartti / jAgaritaH / tayA kathitam / " adya rAjan ! nidrA ghanatarA ! " tadA rAjJA kathitam / sarvagarvA zarIraM na saMvarati / " 66 adya rAtrau indreNa nimantritaH / nRtye gataH / sA tadA toDaraM gRhItaM darzitaM tasyAstadA manazcintitapAzakA cukkitA sA | ekavelaM jAtam / nUpuraM"2 bITakaM 3 trayaM darzitam / trivelaM tena saGketena pAzakA cukitA, jitA, pariNItA // prathamo " daNDo jAtaH // 217 210. spheTayaH. 211. mUrSo. 212. labhaSyati. 213. zirasa caMpaka. 214. nUparaM 215. rAjJa. 216. jAtAH 217 manaH ciMtita 218, nUpara. 219. prathamaM.

Page #183
[2] dvitIyaM vitauM / "trambAvatyAM puryAM trambaseno rAjA / tasya AvAsAt dvitIyabhUmeH20 ratnAni gRhItvA Agaccha / " tadA rAjA rAjya mantriNe bhalApya nirgataH / tatra gataH / rAjJA bhojanArtha dhAnyAni bAhye pacitvA madhye nIyante / janAnAM zirasi dIyante / teSAM madhye bhUtvA AvAse gataH / tatra 50 apavarikAH / bhuktvA22 tAsAM madhye sthitaH / sandhyAyAM niHsRto dvitIyabhuvane23, ratnAni na / tRtIyabhuvane vRddhayA vRSalyA samaM gtH| tatra rAjakanyA kumArI tiSThati / tasyA'gre 16 solahikA nRtyaM kurvanti / nRtyaM visarjitam / tayA tAlaka dattam / kanyA madhye'sti / so'pi tatra sthitaH / . asminnavasare gavAkSe kanyAyA lekhaH kenA'pyarpitaH / jAlikAmudghATya vAcitaH / tatra raktasaNDhI AnItA'sti / sA ratnAni lAtvA tAmArUDhA / dvipaTI madhye vismRtaa| tasyA AnayanAya puruSaH prahitaH / etAvatA vikramAdityena zayyAyA dvipaTI gavAkSAdho muktA / sa pumAn tAM grahItum26 adhaH praviSTaH / tadA rAjJA karavAlaM lAtvA tasya zirazcheditam / tAM dvipaTIM gRhItvA svayaM saNDhI caTitaH / maunavAnevAnyaviSayamArge yAti / tadA tayA pRSTam / " tvaM kutra yAsyasi ?" tenoktam ! " pUrvasyAM dizi caturaGgaGtakAradvAre hAritA'si / tasya vAmapayiSyAmi / " tadA tayA cintitam / " aho ! ubhayabhraSTA jAtA !" maunamAzritya sthitA / ... 12 yojanamatikramya uttIrya suptaH / sA jAgatiH / tadA siMhadvayamAgatam / tayA jAgaritaH / tena ekavANena viddhau mRtau / tadA kathitam / "re ! bANamAnaya31 / " nA''nayati / " nA''neSyasi , tadA mArayAmi / " " mA mAraya33 / " 220. dvitIyabhaumau. 221. apavarikA. 222. bhuktA. 223. nisRto dvitIyA. 224. vRSalAsamaM. 225. vismRtAH, 226. gRhItuM. 227. ziraccheditaM. 228. hAritAsti. 229. sthitAH. 230. jAgatiH. 231. bANamAnayaH. 232. nAnayaSyati. 263. mArayaH.

Page #184
13 234 " madIyametaccaritraM kasyA'gre noccariSyasi tadA na mArayAmi / " "" evaM noccariSyAmi / " punarapi calitaH / tAmagre upavezya 25 gRhItA sA sUryodaye taM surUpaM dRSTvA raJjitA / ekasminnagare prAptau / tatra nadyAM tAM vRkSatale muktvA rAjA svayam annArthaM gataH madhye tAvatA ekA kuTTinI samAyAtA / tayA sA dRSTA / vismitA | "re bhAgine yi 35 ! tvaM kutra gatA'si ? bhavyaM jAtaM militA yat tvam / " _237 karabhIsametAM tAmAnIya gRhe nItA / zalyahastaputrasya dattA / vivAhArambho maNDitaH / tena mUSako bANena hataH / pAtitaH / tAbhiH prazaMsitaH / tayA dRSTaM svarUpam 38 / tadA tasyA vairAgyaM jAtam / kASThabhakSaNAya sA sajjIbhUtA / sthApitA na tiSThati / zalyahastAt bITakaM yAcitam / na dadAti / pRSTaM punaH sA na kathayati / " citAgatA kathayiSyAmi " 1 tatra sarvaM gatam / tayA vRttAntaH kathitaH / 239 asminnavasare vikramAdityo'pi vilokanAya samAyAtaH / dvipaTIdarzanena upalakSitaH / prakaTIbhUtaH / zalyahastazcaraNau patitaH / rAjA kanyAM pariNIya [ratnAni ca gRhItvA ] 40 caturaGgasenopeta ujjayinyAM gataH / pravezo jAtaH // dvitIyo daNDazchatrasya' jAtaH // . 241 [3] "" vRddhAnAM pArzve rAjJA pRSTam / 'punaH kathyatAm / tRtIyaM vitauM / " umAdevIcaritraM vilokya kathyatAm / 66 66 kA sA ? " 'asyAm ujjayinyAM somazarmadvijasya bhAryA umAdevI / tasya gRhasya dvAre AcAmlikAvRkSasyA'bhijJAnam / 39 93 245 tatra ziSyANAM *5 lekhazAlA'sti / tatra ziSyarUpaM kRtvA paThanAya gataH / 234. noccariSyati. 235. upavizya. 236. bhAgine'yi 237. 'hasti' 238. surUpaM. 239. ciMtAgatA kathayaSyAmi, 240. zilyahasta caraNau patitaH 2400. The context at , the commencement of the story requires such a phrase 241. daMDa chatrasya, 242. UmA 243. 'zarmA' 244 UmA ? 245. ziSyAnAM.

Page #185
agre'pi ziSyAH 63 triSaSTayaH56 paThanti / teSAM bhojanAdikaM svayaM yacchati / so'pi caraNau lagitvA tatra sthitaH / tatraiva bhute / rAtrau umAdevI somazarmaNi supte ziSyeSu supteSu svayamutthAya daNDena AcAmlikA caTitvA AhatA / utpttitaa| sA dRSTA"" kapaTanidrayA suptena / dvitIyadine rAjA AcAmlikAyAM caTitvA sthitaH / rAtrau punarapi tayA utpATitA / sAthai gataH / paradvIpe prAsAde gatvA uttaritA / 64 yoginyo namaskRtAH / tAvatA kSetrapAla AyAtaH / so'pi tayA nataH / tadA kSetrapAlenoktam / " tvaM kathaM baliM na yacchasi ?" / tayoktam / "64 catuHSaSTiziSyAH saGkhyeyAH / 65 paJcaSaSTimayo'yaM paNDitaH tava yogyaH / yoginInAm -- 64 yoginInAM 64 ziSyA baliyogyA jaataaH| kRSNacaturdazIdine gomayamaNDalopari paTTalakAn muktvA daNDaM pUjayitvA baliM kRtvA dorakaM kare baddhA yAvatA saGkalpaM kRtvA namaskAraM kariSyati sUdA asmadIyA / pracchannena rAjJA sarva zrutam / punarapi ArUDhaH / AcAmlikA ttraivaa''gtaa| prabhAte paNDitasyA'gre niveditam / " 4dine paJcaSaSTijanAnAM maraNamasti / " tayA tasmin caturdazIdivase sarva kRtam / dorako baddhaH / yAvatA saGkalpaM karoti tAvatA rAjA dorakaM troTayitvA daNDaM gRhItvA AcAmlikAmArUDhaH 64 ziSyapaNDitaiH252 samam / daNDenA''hatA utpATitA / paradvIpe zUnyapure uttAritA / AcAmlikAmuttIrya puramadhye rAjJo AvAse gataH / rAjakanyA ekA dRSTA / sanmukhamAgatA / rAjJA pRSTam / " kathaM zUnya" puram , tvam ekAkinI katham ? " tayA kathitam / " rAkSaso ruSTastena nagaraM vinAzitaM sarAjakam / tenA'haM pariNayanAya sthApitA'smi / adhunA sameSyati" / tvaM yAhi / akAle mA mara / " rAjJA kathitam / " bhayaM mA kuru / " pracchannIbhUya sthitaH / yadA vivAhasAmagrI50 lAtvA rAkSasaH sametaH tadA khaDGgenA''hatya mAritaH / 246. triSaSTaya.247. tAM dRSTvA. 248. saMkhyAH . 249. pracchanena. 250. gatAH. 251. rAjJA. 252. ziSyA. 253. sUnyapure. 254. sUnyaM. 255. pariNanAya. 256. samesyati. 257. sAmagrI.

Page #186
15 rAjJA sA pariNItA / punaH AcAmlikAmAruhya svapure vATikAyAM samAgataH / pravezo jAtaH / kSetrapAlastasmin dine somazamadvijagRhe samAyAtaH / tatrA'nyaH258 ko'pi nahi / tAm umAdevIM59 65 khaNDAni kRtvA balividhAnaM kRtam / dvijaH61 svagRhe prahitaH // rAjJastRtIyo daNDaH saJjAtaH / [4] punA rAjJA pRSTam / " kathyatAm / " tAbhizcaturtha vitauM pRSTam / " purohitasya dAnaM dIyatAm / " rAjJA purohitasyA'gre52 uktam / " dAnaM gRhANa / " purohitenoktam / " rAjan ! viMzatinakhopArjitaM binA dAnaM na gRhnnaami"|" rAjJA tadarthamupakramaH prArabdhaH / sandhyAyAM vAhina5 veSaM kRtvA catuHpathe gatvA sthitaH / marUDIArAmiNyA asminnavasare sAvitryA agre kathitam / " pAtAlapure aliJjaranAgasya caturNAM kanyAnAM vivAho'sti / tatra nimantritA'smi / tvamapi Agaccha / " " madbhaginyA umAdevyAH267 zoko'sti / " harAlIyA kAritA / zoka vimocya sArthe nItA / puphaDAlAkagrahaNe yogyaM madAkaM vAhitra" rAjAnaM cakAra / marUDImAlinyA daNDena zalyA udghaattitaa| pAtAlapure gtaa| saraupakaNThe daNDakaM DAlakaM puSpANAM madAkaM vAtriM muktvA madhye gatA saa| tAvatA rAjA puSpaDAlakaM sarasi prakSipya daNDaM gRhItvA tatrA''gataH / tAvatA varapariNayaMnasAmagrI03 kurvantaH santi / ghoTaka Uo'sti / tena caTitvA daNDaM kare lAtvA rAjA catvAraH kanyAH pariNIya valitaH / 258. tatrA'nya. 259. UmAdevI. 260. paMDAni. 261. kRtadvija. 262. puna rAjA. 263. purohitatasyAgre. 264. gRhNAmi. 265. vAhetrAM. 266. kathaM. 267. UmA. 268. vimucya. 269. vAhetraM. 270. udaghATitA. 271. vAhetrAM. 272. sarazi. 273. 'paraNayanAsAmAgrI. 274. pariNItAyaH.

Page #187
tAvatA" sA sarasi samAyAtA / sa vAhitrako na dRSTaH / yAvacintayati tAvat rAjA samAyayau / kathitam / " Agacchantu sarve / " daNDenA'dhodvAramudghATya tAbhiH samaM nirgataH / ujjayinyAM pravezo jAtaH / [ purohitena dAnaM svIkRtam] // caturthoM daNDo'bhavat // [5] rAjJA punaH pRSTam / " paJcamaM vitauM kathyatAm / " tAH kathayanti / " mantriNo'pakalAM kRtvA kalAM kuru / " " krissyaami|" rAjJo matriNaH80 sapta putrAsteSAM sapta vadhvaH / laghuvadhUH281 sarvajAtInAM svarAn jAnAti / ekadA zivAyAH svaraH282 zrutaH / " SaNmAsamadhye 83 lkssmiiryaasyti|" tajjJAtvA chagaNakAnAM madhye ratnAni kSipati / ekadA rAjJA parIkSArtha sarva gRhItvA apamAnaM datvA niHkAsitaH85 / matrI sakuTumbo nirgataH / tadA vadhvA chagaNakAni sArthe nItAni / kasmin gatvA sthitaH / vadhUH chagaNakamadhyAdekaM ratnaM niHkAzya teSAM yacchati / puruSA gRhanirvAhaM kurvanti / nagaramadhye karma kurvanti / bhATake vadhvA gRhItam / tatra jyeSThapatnIdvayam AtmanA vadhUtrayaM sthitam / yatkASThAdikamAnayanti te puruSAstAH pracchannavRttyA gRhnnnti| annAdikaM yacchanti / anyatra te tiSThanti / punaH kiyadbhirdinaiH zivAyAH susvaro jAtaH / tayA jJAtaM rAjA manApanAya samepyati / anyadine rAjA samAgataH / sarve'pi militAH sanmAnitA AkAritAH / tairmAnitam / 275. tA. 276. vAhetrako. 277. daMDenAdhadvAra". 278. In view of the command at the commencement specified in the sentence "purohitasya dAnaM dIyatAm '', a sentence of this type is required here to complete the story. Hence it is added by the editor. 279. abhavat. 280. maMtriNa. 281. vadhU. 282. zivayA svaraM. 283. SaTmAsa. 284. tajJAtvA. 285. niHkkAsitaH. 286. sakuTaMbo nirgataH / stadA. 287. vadhU. 288. karma. 289. jeSTa'. 29.. vRtyA gRhatei. 291. samesyati.

Page #188
/ asminnavasare kenA'pi indrajAlinA nATakaM maNDitam / akAle AmraH22 phalitaH prkttiikRtH| daNDena zAkhA nAma yitvA AmrANAM sthAlaM bhRtvA rAjJe arpitam / parijanasamIpe53 daNDo muktaH / rAjJA sadAphalitasahakAralobhena indrajAlI vinAzitaH295 / tasya parijano naSTaH / daNDo vismRtaH / rAjJA vikramAdityena guptaveSeNa daNDo gRhItaH / daNDaM vinA AmrANi grahItuM ko'pi na zaknoti / rAjJA paTaho vAditaH / " yo'sya sArANi sahakArANi me yacchati tasyA'haM kanyAcatuSkaM pariNAyya59 dAsyAmi / " vikramAdityena paTaho hastena chibitaH / rAjJA AkAritaH / " darzaya / " vikramAdityenoktam / " prathamaM kanyAH prinnaapy|" rAjJA kathitam / " pUrvam AmrANi daryatAm / pazcAtpariNApayiSyAmi / " sagrahaM kRtam / daNDena zAkhAM nAmayitvA AmrANi darzitAni / kanyAcatuSkaM pariNIya sarva mantrikuTumba ra sahakAre caTApya daNDenA''hataH / sahakAram utpATayitvA82 ujjayinyAM mahAkAlavane 3 AcAmlikAtarusamIpe sahakAro muktaH / madhye pravezo jAtaH / mantriNaH zrIkaraNamudrA dattA / apakalAM kRtvA kalA kRtA / paJcamo daNDo jAtaH / paJcadaNDIyaka" chatraM kRtam / zirasi dhRtam // rAjAzrIvikramAdityasya paJcadaNDacchatraprabandhaH // [iti vikramAdityapaJcadaNDacchatraprabandhaH // 3 // ] 292. Amra. 293. parijano samIpe. 294. phlitH| sahakAra. 295. vinAzita. 296. parijAno. 297. gRhItuM. 298. yo asya. 299. pariNAya. 300. kanyA pariNApayaH. 301. maitRkuTaMbaM, 302. sahakAra utpATitvA, 303. mahaMkAla'. 304. degdaMDiyakaM,

Page #189
[atha sahasraliGgasara prbndhH||4||] anyadA zrIpattane rAjazrIjayasiMghadevo rAjyaM karoti / rAjasabhAyAM mantrI sAntU AbhaDavasAha / dhArAvarasa caDAilau / samarasI rAula cItra uDau / pAlaNa raannu| lUgadha ula mguddiiu| kAnhaDade rAula jAla uru| godrahIyau paramAra gajarAula / sAlhu bhelaDI u vAghelau / sIlaNu kutigIu / madana tAMgaDIu / harapAla sAkarIu / dhaNapAla phophalIu / mAlau bhelaDIu / madana tAMbaDIu / vayajala pastAgIu / jhAlau rANau / jhAlau mAMgU / saDhA sekhraa| kavisArvabhauma paMDita somevaru / paMDita jayadeva / paM. sUru / paM. lAvaNyazarmA / bhaDUachau vajravayarAgara paM. vayarasIha / harihara vyAsa / dAmodara / mukunda / zrIkaNTha vyaas| sAmala potAru / sAmala solajoaNau dUtu / naraNU baiMkAru / sola baiMkAru / suhAsolA, ucitabolA, malakara, mAlakara, kautigIyA, kalahaTIyA, nAcagara, vesagara, kavIyara, kathagara, rItilaga, raGgAcArya-pramukhasabhAsInapavitrabhaMDamaNUyAkaprabhRtisabhAyAM rAjJo'ye vyAsena kSaNaH praarbdhH| taTAkapramANakathAmacIkathat / surASTrAyAM suradhArapure riNamallo rAjA / tatra ekakUpe jalaM duHkhAvaham / tatraikadA ekayA mAtaGgayA vatsikA tRSAkrAntA jalaM pAyitA / tatpuNyaprabhAveNa kanUjadeze vizvasenanRpagRhe10 kamalAvatI putrI jAtA / suradhArapurAdhIzariNamallasutavayarasalena pariNItA / tasminneva kUpe jalaM stoka dRSTvA jAtismaraNamutpannam / sarovaraM kAritam / yAtvA bharnA saha gavAkSe sthitA / saro jalabhRtaM vIkSya tayeti kathitam / 305. maMtR. 306. The ms. adds here the number 4. 307. seSarA. 308. The ms. adds here the number 4. 309. The ms. adds here the number 4. 310. visvasena. 311. tasminnava. 312. stokaM. 313. yatvA.

Page #190
66 'tetalai etalauM / 19 (C elai ketalauM ? tatsvarUpaM bharturniveditam / 314. rAjA. 315. sarasthAne. "9 taccaritraM zrukhA zrIjayasiMhadevena rAjJA" durlabhasaraHsthAne"" sahasraliGgaM saraH kAritam || [ iti sahasraliGgasaraH prabandhaH // 4 // ] ""

Page #191
[atha siddhibuddhirulaanniiprbndhH||5||] anyadA zrIpattanAt catvAro dvijA yAtrAM gatAH kedAre USadhIM lAtvA mArgAdvalitAH / tatra giriguphAyAm anAdirAulo nataH / zuddhiH pRSTA / rAulo gUrjaravANyA raJjitaH / pRSTam / " kasmAt samAgatAH10 ?" " zrIpattane siddhacakravartizrIjayasiMhadevarAjyAtsamAgatAH / " asminnavasare gauDadeze kAmarUpIThapurAt siddhibuddhiraulANI AgatA / tAbhyAM zrutam / " siddhacakravarteviradaM mocayAvaH / " iti matvA zrIpattane rAjasabhAyAM sukhAsanArUDhA samAgatA" / rAjJA natA / AzIrvAdo dattaH / " amara kAyA / akSaya kanda / anama daNDa / navakoDi sauMrakSA karau cAmuNDA / " rAjJA zuddhiH pRSTA / " bhavatAM ko guruH19 ?" " anAdirAulaH32 / " " kA uli:21 ? " "amara uliH22 / vajrauli: 322 / " " padaM kim ? " "kAkapadaH / markaTapadaH25 / " " panthAH324 kaH ?" "gorakhapanthAH325 / mInanAthapanthAH / matsyendra panthAH25 / lIlAdepanthAH326 / muktAderANIpanthAH / asmAkam amaraulipanthAH / rAjan ! tvaM biradaM siddhacakravartitvaM muzca / yadi siddhaH tatazcakravartI28 katham ? ekaM biradaM muzca / " uttArakaH kAritaH / rAjA sacinto jAtaH / 316. mArgAvRlitAH. 317. samAgatA. 318. sukhAsanA ArUDhA / sAmAgatAH / . 319. guru. 320. rAula. 321. uli. 322. uli. 323. pada. 324. paMthA. 325. goraSathaH. 326. degpaMthaH. 327. yedi. 328. vartiH.

Page #192
anyadA sAntumantriNA gRhaM gacchatA sAkariyA sAhaharipAlena sutasajjanasya pArzve rAjavRttaM pRSTam / tena raDalANIvRttaM kathitam / tenoktam / 66 vatsa ! etatsukhAvaham / " etanmatriNA zrutam / rAjJe niveditam / sukhAsanaM prahitam / nAssyAti / pazcAt sAntaH prahitaH / tadA bhojanAvasaraH / snAnaM devapUjanaM bhojanaM mantrisahitaM kRtam / tadanu goSThI kRtA / 331 ghaDIyA raDai ThabakkaDau 21 329 mUkannena suddAi / jaNu jANai dina accha mahauM jAuM diNujAi // 1 // vahaMta iMjanakI upara uvayAra vilAsa so kahi karasya kajja kima jai vihaDasyai kalAsu // 2 // dIhAjaM tibalaM tinahu jima girinijharaNAI | lahU aulagai dhammakari sUa - nizcaMta kAI // [ 3 // ] 332 333 tatra gatA rAjJA mAnaM dattam / ekA kSurikA kRtA / lohamayI muSTiH / phalaM zarkarAmayaM kRtam / pAhuDamiSeNa dattam / mukhe kSiptam / rAjJA phalaM galitam / muSTIraulANIyogyA dattA / na galati / tadA hAritam / prayAtA / haripAla : sammAnita: 335 I [ iti ] siddhibuddhiraulANIpravandhaH // 5 // 329. sAMtU. 330. bhojanavasaraH 331. maMtR. 332. miSena. 333. mujhe. 334. muSTi. 335. haripAla samAnitaH,

Page #193
[atha nAmalamAlinIprabandhaH // 6 // ] anyadA zrIjayasiMhadevo digvijayaM kRtvA zrIpattane sametaH / tadA mAtrA mayaNaladevyA uktam / " yadA tvaM digyAtrAyAM calitaH tadA mayA DabhoIyA pArzvanAthasya mAnitaM yat3" mama sutaH kuzalena sameSyati38 tadA zrIpArzvanAthaM natvA pazcAt pattanamadhye samAgamiSyati / " yAtrAM prati clitH| DabhoInA pArzvanAthotpattiH-pUrva zAntanena rAjJA gaGgAnimittam abhigrahapUraNAya svayaM pratimA kRtA / kUpamadhye muktA parIkSidvAharAyAM takSikena, dhanvantariNA DarmeNa vaTa uJjitaH iti DabhoIpuram / tatra vaidyanAthaH zrIpArzvanAthaH prAsAda 2 / rAjA pArzvanAthaprAsAde gataH / tatra nAmalamAliNIparito bhramarAn bhramanto dRSTvA padminI strI jnyaataa| puSphatoDaraM dattam / devo nataH / uttArakaH kRtaH / haNaThepaNIyAsutadUjaNasalazatrasalapArthAt sA AkAritA / sA kusumAbharaNAni52 lAtvA sametA / rAjJoktam / " tvaM matpatnI bhava / " " ahaM tadA bhavAmi yadA mamA'pamAnaM ko'pi na yacchati / " mAnitaM, patnI kRtA / pattane AgataH / ekadA nAmala -ArAmiNI sukhAsanopaviSTA"2 vajrapaJjaraM DhAlayitvA aSTamIcaturdazItithau paJcAsarAzrIpArzvanAthanamaskaraNAya sameti / mArge moDhakelhaNasIghAMcikasutayA lIlUnAmnyA caraNau patantyA mukhaM macakoDitam / rAjJo'gre rAvA kRtA / rAjA nAmalasahito ghAMcikagRhe gataH / AsanAdinA saMmAnitaH / mudrAratnadvayaM dattam / eka bheTAyAM dvitIyaM bhojanArtham / zrIharadvAre sthitA lIlUH" nAmalapAdau patitA / pRSTam / " tadA kathaM mukhaM moTitaM tvayA ?" 336. mAtA. 337. yata. 338. samesyati. 331. thotpattipUrvaM. 340. muktvA parIkSivAharAyAM. 341. mAliNi. 342. kusamA . 343. degsanepaviSTA. 344. lIlU.

Page #194
23 * sukhAsane tailadIpagandho lagnaH iti mucakoTitam / 35 anyadA nAmalanAmnyA paJcAsarAvandanAya yAntyA rajakajAlhA kAvAsasamIpe samAgatA / tasya saptatradhUcchimpannakaM kurvantI gavAkSe vilokanAya sametA / tadA tAsAM svasrA uktaM yat -- "re AulihUlI ! kiM vilokyate ? " 345 tat zrutam / rAjJo'gre rAvA kRtA / rAjA tayA saha tatrA''gataH / rAjJaH pRSTau kharjiyAtA / tat ekayA vadhvA kathitam / nAmala ! pRSTiM khaNDuhalya rAjA 66 "" raJjitaH / lakSaprasAdo dattaH / dvitIyayoktamU, lakSa 2 dattA / rAjarAjJIdvayaM hRSTaM jAtam *8 // 348 [ iti ] nAmalamAlinIprabandhaH // 6 // 345. saptavadhU cchipannakaM. 346. Sarji. 349. 'mAliNi'. 347. dvitIyoktaM. 348. jotaM.

Page #195
[ atha gaNayamaNaya- indrajAliprabandhaH // 7 // ] anyadA zrIpattane sahasraliGgasarasi zrIjayasiMhadeva upaviSTaH / tadA zrIdevasUrINAM ziSyo mANikyastatra kumudacandrakSapaNakena samaM vAdaH 351 kRtaH / " takraM pItam ? " takaM zvetaM haridrA pItA / " " AkAze kA vArtA ? " 66 yat kSapaNakasya 353 mastakaM dvAtriMzatpalaM bhavati / " tatra badhirasarasvatIzrI pradyumna sUrayaH AyAtAstadA''zIrvAdo dattaH / 66 5 apANipAdo mano manaskaH pazyatyacakSuH sa zRNotyakarNaH / sa vetti vizvaM na hi tasya vettA zivo'pyarUpI sa jino'vatAdvaH' laghuziSyo malayacandraH 2.355 kiM vetti ? " rAjJoktam / " agrespi laghuziSyA dakSA bhavanti / " sahiM kArya sahasA ahiyaM benADae parivasaMti / " 66 jar3a UNA cuNaNagayA ahiyA pAhuNayA AyA ! rAjJA malayacandrapArzve samasyA pRSTA / 356 malayacandreNoktam" / 354 " varSAkAle payorAziH kathaM garjitavarjitaH ? 19 // " " guptasuptajagannAthanidrA bhaGga bhayAdiva // 1 // " 350. kumadacaMdakSapanakena. 351. vAda. 352. svetaM. 353. kSapanakasya. 354. vitAdvaH. 355. malayacaMdra. 356. rAjA. 357. 'caMdreno ke.

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pUritA / rAjA hRSTo jAtaH / rAjJaH purohitena yazodhareNa dvau sutau khImadhara-devadharau paThanAya tatra muktau / gurubhiH padmahasto dattaH / dakSau jAtau / mudgalabhayena videze gatau valamAnau gauDadeze kAmarUpe prAptau / gajarAja indrajAlI, tasya sadane gatau / paThanAya sthApitau / nAdalInau vipratArito, zirasi lepo dattaH / dvAdazayojanAtparaM dRSTayA na pazyataH / bharahazAstraM zikSitau / USadhI darzitA / pUrvasyAM dizi videze gatau / rAjJa AsthAne nAke ko taMtra strIrUpaM kAritau / rAjA raJjitaH / bahu dravyaM dattam / gRhe AgatAH / gaNaya-maNaya-indrajAlibiradaM 10 labdham / gajarAjena tayorvivAhAdika ArambhaH262 prArabdhaH / tadA tau vimRzya nirgatau / dvAdazayojanAnyAgatau / paraM zirolecapramANena nadIjalaM pazyataH / dvitIyena anyauSadhasya zirasi lepo dattaH / tatprabhAvena pattane varuNAzAnadItaTe samaM tAvatA zrIjayasiMhadevasya parimADirAjJaH samaM yuddhaM jAyate / taTe kaTakamuttaritamasti / tAbhyAm indrajAlavidyayA taTAt kaTakavaiparItyaM kRtam / paramADiH pranaSTaH65 / madhye prAptau / gRhe gotriNo vasitAH / gurupadaM gRhItam / madhye paribhramanti punarna prakaTayanti / utsakana UtAvalA sarai na ekU kaja / duhina hoi mahIyajai viviro laha [i] aja // ekadA'vasare sahasraliGgasarasi makararUpaM kRtvA praviSTaH / jalakelIM karoti / dvitIyaH kaNavRttiM kRtvA sandhyAyAM sameti / milityA bhuJjate 60 / rAjJA stambhatIrthAt dhIvarAH AkAritAH saptazatAste'pi nirjitAH / rAjA sacinto jAtaH / DaGgarako vAditaH / tasya bhrAtrA khImadhareNa chivitaH, aSTo dinA 358. rAjJa parohitena yazodhareHNa. 359 SIma'. 360. videze. 361. darzitAH. 3610. jAlI. 262. AraMbha. 363. zarolepaHpramANena. 364. iMjAla'. 365. vaiparatyaM kRtyaM paramADi pranaSTaH. 366, prakayaMti. 366a. bhuMjate. 36 1. stipi, 368. bhrAtA SImadhareNa chibitA.

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26 yAcitAH / mahiSAzcatvAro madhye muktAH pazcAt devadhararUpaM kRtvA melitaH / AzIrvAdo dattaH / yAcitaH / AvAsA labdhAH / pUrvagurupadaM dattam / rAtriM raTati / 369 | makara AnItaH / gajarUpa - siMharUpaM kRtam / rAjA raJjitaH / pUrvagrAso rAti raDai na koI sA vA viNu sUriyA / saMdhArai sahU koha muhu dekhI milimi 2 karada || iti gaNaya- maNaya- indrajAli" -prabandhaH || 7 || 369. muktvAH / 370. devI, 371, iMdrajAlI.

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[atha kUArIrANApravandhaH // 8 // ] kIDImaGkoDInagare kUArIrANAko rAjyaM karoti / rAtrau 16 striyaH10 suvarNaghargharakAn kare baddhvA pAdau campanti yAvatA nidrA sameti / yAvatA jAgarti vINAvaMzAdikAn lAtvA gAyanti / praharacatuSkam eSA raajysthitiH| kasmin dine pAzcAtyapahara 1 samaye zaGkhadhvaniH zrutA / jAgaritaH / tAsAM pArthe pRSTam / "kiM zrUyate ?" tAbhiruktam / " soraThIyA somanAtha nepAlapAzupati / anantasena rAmasenaM prati yAtrAM yAnti // " rAjJA gaditam / " ahamapi yAsyAmi / " zubhadine clitH| surASTrAyA upari calitaH / zrIpattanamadhye bhUtvA cANDasamAparisare gataH / tatra vyavahArI kazcit saraH kArayati / tasya samIpe rAjJA 19 ratnAni kRSNavastreNa bandhayitvA ekAnte apitAni / rAjA yAtrAM kRtvA valitaH / yAcitAni ratnAni / tena vyavahAriNA na dattAni / jhakaTako jAtaH / zrIjayasiMhapArthe Agatau / na mAnitam / divyaM sarasi kRtam / " yadi mayA gRhItAni tadA jalaM mA tiSThatu / " saraH sphuTitam / jalaM gatam / adyApi phUTe lAu prasiddhaM vidyate / rAjA jayasiMhadevastuSTaH / yAcitvA sahasraliGgavizApatA ca yAcitA" rAjJA dattA / tataH saraupakaNThe" dezAntarakuTI kAritA / cirakAlaM tapastaptvA svarga yayau // [iti ] kUArIrANAprabandhaH // 8 // . 371. strI. 372. valitaH. 353. sahastaliMgavizApaM. 374. yAcitAH // . 375. saraHupakare. 345. kUArI'.

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[ atha zrImAtA -prabandhaH // 9 // ] lakhaNAvatyAM lakhaNa seno 35 rAjA / umApatizrIdharaH pradhAnaH / rAjA niHputraH / mantrI atIva gaNakaH / ekadA rAjA antaHpure gataH / mantriNA gaganavelA gRhIta / sutopattiH dRSTA / dvAtriMzadvarSapramANe jAtake mAtaGgI - abhilApo bhaviSyati iti sthitaM jJAtvA sabhAyAM na sameti / 377 rAjJA kAraNa pRSTam / rAjJI bAhyabAhyagrAme muktA / putroM jAtaH / varSa 5 atha 7 saptasamaye mAtuH pArzve pitRvRttaM pRSTam / mAtrA kathitam / tadA pANigrahaNAbhigraho gRhItaH / zirasi jaTA paJcazatarAjaputraiH sahA''ropitA / tAvatA rAjA vipannaH 378 / mahatA'parodhena rAjyaM dattam / mantrI mukhaM nA'valokayati / yavanikAntaritaH sthIyate / 279 dvAtriMzadvarSe pANigItaM gAyati / mohitaH / saGketaH kRtaH / tAvatA mantriNA AtmIyo naraiH pracchannavRttyA prahitaH / tena svarUpaM dRSTam / tayA rAjJo'gre uktam / mahAprasAdo jAtaH / camatkRto hRSTastadA " vilokitaH / lajjitaH / kASThabhakSaNArthaM sajjIbhUtaH / mantriNA SoDazavarSapramANA lohaputtalikA 12 agnivarNA kRtA / yAvadAliGganaM dadAti tAvatA mantriNA jhallitaH / mukhamavalokitaM mantriNA | 382 pazcAt sa ratnapuJjo rAjA zrImAlapure AyAtaH / tAvatA vasantaRtuH samAyayaiau / ArAmikena kiMzukapuSpANi " sahakAramaJjarIdvayaM bheTAyAM kRtam / rAjJo vasantakrIDAyAm udyAne gacchataH kAcit strI sagarbhA" agre samAgatA / haste akSatanAlikeram / tasyopari sthitA durgA svaraM karoti / naimittikena " mAravazAkunikenoktam / " prabhAte asyA garbho rAjA bhaviSyati / " 386 sA strI rAjJA talArapArzvAt garttAyAM kSeSitA / tasmin samaye taiH sA gRhItA / bhayabhItA, banamadhye sutotpattirjAtA " / pUrvaM hariNInAM bAlakAssanti / teSAM pArzve muktaH / taiH kSiptA / hariNyA 9 stanyapAnaM kAritaH / 373. laSaNAvatyAM laSaNaseno. 377. gRhItA: 378. rAjApi pannaH / . 379. prachannavRttyAH 380. prAsAdo. 381. dRSTa. 382. pU / talikA 383. muvalokitaM. 384 puSpAni, 385. garbhA, 386. naimittakena 387 vana 388. 'jatAH 389. hiriNyA.

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29 390 3.1 zAlAyAM hariNapriyA drammA jAtAH / mudrAparAvartto jajJe / rAjJe niveditaH / talArAH pRSTAH / taiH sthAnakaM darzitam / bAlako dRSTaH / sarastIre vaTavRkSazAkhAyA vaDavAyA? dugdhaM mukhe patitam / pazcAt pratolIdvAre muktaH / rAjapaTTahastinA upari AcchAditaH / paTTAzvena rakSitaH 92 / gobhiH rakSitaH / saNDena rakSitaH / rAjJe prabhAte kathitam / rAjA tatrA''yAtaH / bAlaH kare dhRtaH / bAlena zlokaH paThitaH / " yo me garbhasthitasyA'pi vRttiM kalpitavAn payaH / zeSavRttividhAnAya kiMvA supto'tha vA mRtaH // 1 // " iti kathitam / rAjJA gRhItaH / zrIpuJjanAma dattam / rAjyaM dattam / tasya sutA zrImAtA mukhaM vAnaryA dehaM striyA:25 | ekasminnavasare" baTukaikhudAcalagItAni gAyitAni / tadA kumAryA jAtismaraNamutpe / rAjJA pRSTam | " kiM jAtam ? " tayoktam / " arbudAcale girizikharazRGge- " kAyAkuNDopari citrakaM dRSTvA vaMzIyAlinA vilamA mRtA / zarIraM kAyAkuNDe galitvA patitam / tAvanmAtraM manuSyamayaM deham / adyApi mastakaM tiSThati / " rAjJA tadvilokayitvA madhye kSiptam / samagraM manuSyamayaM jAtam / pANigrahaNaM na kRtam / tIrthayAtrAM kRtvA tasminneva nage tapazcakre / rasiyAko bharaTakaH stambhitaH / mRtvA parvatAdhiSThAyikA jAtA // iti zrImAtAprabandhaH // 9 // 390. pRSTA. 391. vaDavAvA. 392. rakSataH 393. rakSato rAjJe. 394 . zeSA. 395. striyaH 396. ekasmin vasare. 397. 'zivara'.

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[atha gAlAzrIvardhamAnasUriprabandhaH // 10 // ] vAmanasthalyAM laghukAsmIrAyAM8 bRhaspatirANAko rAjyaM karoti / tatra kapolazrIvarddhamAnasUrayaH santi / vyAkhyAnasamaye pArzvadvayodaza 2 AcAryA upavizanti / pupphagRhamadhye navakaccolakAni navarasAmRtaM grahItuM dakSiNato mucyante / vAmAGge kSurikA / yadi apazabdaH punaruktaM sameti tadA tayA jihvAnyAsaH kriyate / ___ ekadA zrIpattane devamahAnandanAmA gauDikaH sametaH / caturazItiputtalakAzcaraNAvadho baddhAH santi / somanAthasya dvAre tRNapAnIyaM muktam / kapATAni dattAni / . " yaH ko'pi vAdI vidyate sa vAdaM karotu / anyathA pazurbhUtvA tiSThatu / " dinatrayaM jAtam / tAvatA sarasvatyA rAtrI AcAryAyoktam / " tvaM vAdinaM jaya / " ___" ahaM tatra no yAmi / tatra patitAtvayA vatinAM pArthAt muNDapArdhAt drammapaJcaka sImAyAM gRhNanti / " " te sarve'pi AkAraNAya smessynti|" bhAratyA' kathitam / " kamaNDalA amRtajalaM gRhANa, piba / " tadA vAghalau-siMghalau-ziSyadvayaM pAyitam / mahAvidyArgalaM jajJe / patitAtvayAnAM bhAratyA proktam / " guravo mnaapyntu|" militvA tatra sarve jagmuH / caraNau patitAH / " prasAdaM kRtvA pAdamavadhArayantu, vAdina jayantu / " dvau ziSyo azvArUDhau prahitau / deyInadIpUre azvau zaktyA pravAhitau / gurubhiH rakSitA lngghitaaH| nadI stambhitA / te camatkRtAH devapattane samAyAtAH / 398. laghukAsmIrA. 399. pAzvadvayo dvAdaza. 400. upavizati. 401. gRhItuM. 4.2. dakSiNo. 403. sametyaMti. 404. bhArityA. 405. manApayatu. 406. zaSyo. 40... staMbhitAH. 408. camatkRtA.

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ziSyAbhyAM patraM choTitam / aSTAdazadinAni vAdo jAtaH / vAdI jito hRdayAsphoTena mRtaH / patitAtvayaiH zrIdevapattanamadhye tasya dravyeNa caturviMzatipauSadhazAlAH kAritAH / yatInAM vasatisthitirabhUt / taiH zrIvAsupUjyacaritraM kRtam / / [ iti ] gAlAzrIvarddhamAnasUriprabandhaH // 10 // zubhaM bhavatu lekhakapATakayoH50 zrotRNAm / / rAyANa daMtidaMte pAmaraloANa vasahakhaMdhammi / suhaDANa khaggi-agge mahilANa payohare lacchI // zrIH / / [iti laghuprabandhasaGgrahaH // ] 40., dravyena. 410. pAThakayo.

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APPENDIX-A A Lexicographical Study Introductory Note: No study of such texts as the present one can be regarded as complete in absence of a lexicographical study of the same. In other words, the lexicographical study forms a very important part of the critical study of a mediaeval text of the nature of LPS. The evident reason for this is that the Sanskrit language in such texts has become so simple, popular and colloquial and is so replete with rare and obsolete words, back-formations and hyper-Sanskritism, regional words, expressions and even syntax, that a Sanskrit scholar, not possessing sufficient knowledge of both the Prakrits as well as the Old regional language, cannot grasp the proper sense. Scholars like Prof. Zachariae, Prof. Schmidst, M. Bloomfield (the first scholar to draw attention to the importance of the study of this type of language termed by him as "Jaina Sanskrit "), Dr. Hertel (who terms such literary medium as Vernacular Sanskrit '), Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Dr. B. J. Sandesara, Sri Mohanalal Dalicand Desai and Dr. (Miss) Helen M. Johnson have furnished lists of peculiar words occurring in certain texts. The Lexicographical Studies in "Jaina Sanskit" [LSJS] prepared by Dr. B. J. Sandesara and the present editor and published from Baroda as No. 5 of the M. S. University Oriental Series in 1962 A. D., however, is the first BOOK of its kind, inasmuch as it presents in a book-form a study of the peculiar words occurring in three representative Prabandha works viz. PC, PK and PPS, occasionally adding notes, comparisons with different modern Indian languages and quotations from Old Gujarati literature. The authors of the LSJS have also published a paper on "Some Important Vocables from Sanskrit Commentaries on Jaina Cononical Texts" in JOI, XV, 3-4. A lexicographical study of the LPS on the same lines is presented in the following pages. The LFS appears more saturated with the regional tinge than any other known work in " Jaina Sanskrit ". Not only do we find there nonSanskrit words and expressions, but also sentences, short paragraphs and even verses in Old Guj. and Pkt. languages as also Old Guj. case-terminations. At places Old Guj. words have so nicely been inter-mingled with the Sk. words that the task of separating them therefrom is indeed a hard nut to crack. It is considered advisible, therefore, to include in this study every non-Sk. word..

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33 over and above the peculiar and typically Jaina Sanskrit words. The Old Guj. and Pkt. words are placed here not in their crude form like the Sk. words but in the form in which they occur in the text; then the forms are explained and etemology given in all the cases where it is possible to do so. Comparison with modern Indian languages is furnished wherever possible and sample references (and quotations where essential) from Old Guj. lit. are also added where necessary. References to similar usages in PC, PK and PPS are also given, for details whereof the readers are requested to see the corresponding pages of the LSJS mentioned there. In this way, the present study may be regarded as being in continuation of the LSJS. The main intention of the editor is to furnish full information regarding the peculiarities of the language of the LPS, which, in proportion to its bulk, imbibes in it all the specialities of the Prabandha style, more so than any other known Prabandha work including PC, PK and PPS. The references to the LPS are to the respective pages and lines of the printed text. The figures of references to LSJS indicate the respective pages of LSJS and the small brackets contain the names of the respective texts from which the usages are recorded there. For abbreviations used here the readers may refer to the list of abbreviations displayed at the outset of the book. bhane aGgArasauDinagArI ind. [1]' before, to', sa na zisitsu still 5.14; 8.8; 11.7; 13.1 ; 14.14; 15.9, 13; 18.13; 22.19; 23.5; 28.11. (2) 'near, by'. 7556f 3117287.. 10.4. [3] 'in front'. Ta at Ata AMAT I 28.17. (4) 'formerly, in the past '. BTusi fragt: 3 faqet: q8ffai 14.1; Basfogfezt HTI 24.14. Sk. 3 > Pkt. 371> Old Guj. 1977, 17. Mod. Gui. AgaLa, agAu: Hindi Age. The Guj. word AgaLa does possess all these four shades of meaning. the meaning is not clear, but appears to be a proper noun being the name of the bard of king Madana bhrama. 5.10. v, 'sets.' for 8%AF 27.9. This is a corrupted form of 3774#*, 3rd pers. sing. present of Pkt. V 37TH Pkt. 377 > Old Guj. 39, 3715 > Mod. Guj. 277. Also cf. Hindi, Mar, 315. adj. 'very generous, highly magnanimous'. mfagiati har 3919: afut 1 2.1. acchamai bhatidAtR

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adhiSThAyikA anantasena antaHkaraNanA apakalA apavarikA abhigraha ayonI saMbhava bhalavezvara ava + V lag 34 f. a tutelary deity'. 29.19. m. Old Guj. corruption of Sk. a. 27.9. Vide decl. of minds'. aa: f. m. f. 'a room, an apartment'. 12.6. cf. Guj. . Vide LSJS 43 (PK), 105 (PPS). . 6.7. [ is Old and Mod. Guj. m. termination for Gen. (pl. and pl. of address). ] adj. 'disgrace, disfavour, dishonour'. fasi ya hoj 16.7; 17.14. cf. Guj. ' inconvenience, illness, harm'. Vide klA. adj. lit. not born from the female organ of generation'. 6.13. This is a title of Mularaja (942-997 A.D.), the founder of the Caulukya dynasty at Patana; probably because his mother expired before his birth and he was brought out of the womb safe and alive. [Vide GMRI 144.] V. 'a religious vow'. 22.8; 28.7. [A Jaina technical term.] Vide LSJS 7 (PC), 105 (PPS). avandhyakopaprasAda adj. lit.: 'master of beauty', hence foremost among the handsome'. 6.8. This is a peculiarly Old Guj. word, its more frequent form being a. The first member of the compound has come from old Dravidian alava-adava denoting beauty, while the second one is Sk. isvara. For quotations and discussion regarding this vocable vide Gurjararasavali p. 130deg; B. J. Sandesara : (1) Alavesara' in Gujarati Sahitya Parisad Palrika, December 1943, (2) Sabda Cane Artha' (Guj.), pp. 121, 123,154. This is one of the nice epithets of King Madanabhrama (1094-1143 A.D.). whose wrath and favour are never futile '. 1.9. It is a title of King Parimadi of Kalyanakotipura, i.e., Paramarddin of Kalyana (1076-1126 A.D.). sia_c1sa 'to attend upon, to be attached to. dattam / paraM sarvaH ko'pi jagaddevamavalagati / 1. 5-6. cf. Desi olaggA ; Pkt. olagga ; Old Guj. olaga; Old Mar. olaMga, voLaga, voLagavaTa, uliga; Mod. Guj oLaga; Kannada ULiga; Mar. oLagaNe. Vide

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35 ulagai ; also vide LSJS 106 avalagA, 14 ulagA, 115 olagA (PPS) all in the sense of service'. avasara m. 'a festival'. adya indrasya svarge nRtyAvasaro'syA asti | II.9. cf. Old Guj. sara 'a dance performance' ( in a temple or an assembly). Vide LSJS 8 ( PC), 43 ( PK), 107 ( PPS). azvikA f. 'a mare'. 8.3. ahiya adj. 'more'. Nom. sing. n. bhahiyaM 24.15; Nom. pl. m. ahiyA 24.18. Pkt. ahiya < Sk. adhika. ahilyA f. a corruption of Sk. ahalyA. 7.1. bhAulihUlI t. a term of address to a brother's wife ? re bhAulihUlI! kiM vilokyate ? 23.4. AkAraNa n. 'a call, summoning'. etat zrutvA svAvAse gatvA tasyA bhAkA. raNaM prahitam / 10.9: sarve'pi AkAraNAya sameSyanti / 30.14. Vide A+/kR. bhAkAzabhUmi 1. 'a terrace at the top of a palace'; lit.: + the sky-floor'. 6.2. mA+VF (causal) 'to call, to summon, to invite '. bhAkArita: 1.14, 15; 7.12; 178; bhAkAritAH 16.19% AkAritA 22.13. Vide AkAraNa. bhAcAmlikA f. 'a tamarind tree'. 13.21; 14.4, 5, 13,16, 17-18; 15.13 17.13. In folk-tales this tree is connected with ghosts and the like. Here also it is said to be connected with magic and incantations. cf. Old Guj. AMbili; Mod. Guj. AMbalI; Hindi imalI. Vide LSJS44 AcAmlika ( PK ). bhAndhAvedha [v.!. AMdhIvedha ]m. a type of game of long duration, especially played by girls. gavAkSe sAU-suzIlAbhyAm AMdhAvedhe ramantIbhyAM dinatrayaM jAtam / tatra bilokanAyA''gamyatAm / 5.18-19. bhAMbalau [v.1. AMbalu, AMbila u] decl. 'a match, a destroyer'. trihuM rAyanau AMbala u| 6.16. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj, AmalA ' a destoyer' Page #207
36 bhAyA.. aArAmika ArAmiNI bhAsvAda ucitabolA . . ..... VuJja utsarAyAm uttAraka ( have) come'. 24.18. Nom. pl. m. of Pkt. Aya, p.p.p. of Pkt. VAba Page #208
37 (4) ( causal ) ' to put off ( garments) :. jagadevena pupuSyamuttArya gaviNe dattam / 2.2. (5) (causal)' to remove'. nAdo na uttArita:17. 14-15. cf. Guj. VUtara in all these shades of meaning. Vide uttAraka, Utaraha; also vide LSJS IO (PC), 46 ( PK), HI ( PPS). ud+/pada v. 'to be raised', ( causal) 'to lift up'. svayamutthAya daNDena AcAmlikA caTitvA AhatA / utpttitaa| 14. 3-4; rAtrau punarapi tayA utpaattitaa| 14.5-5%3 daNDenA''hatA utpttitaa| 14.173 sahakAramutpATayitvA .... AcAmlikAtarusamIpe sahakAro muktH| 17. 12-13. cf. Guj. VUpaDa , (causal) VupADa. Vide LSJS 46 (PK ). uda ki [v.1. udaka, udaya ] decl. ' in water'? udaki zAsananau dayaNahAru / 6.17. Loc. sing. of Old Guj. udaka n. Page #209
uli uvayAra UNA Utaraha katAvalA 37607 24.17. Nom. pl. m. of Pkt. Sk. 3. cf. Guj., nom. pl. m. of adj. j. UtaNIyAvaha [./. UtaNIbhAvaTa ] m. a pavement (of silver)'?az_zaqiqag | 4.2. Vide 3. USadhI ekU etalai 38 < Sk. avalagati. Vide ava + V lag; also vide LSJS 106 avalagA, 114, 115 (PPS) all in the sense of service'. f. 'a line, a row'. 20.13, 14,19. decl. Commonly used in Old Guj. in this sense; cf., e.g., Varnaka-samuccaya (Pracina Gurjara Granthamala No. 8), 116.11, 130.19, 130.20, 145.6, 198.5. Also cf. Mod. Guj. oLI, oLya, oLa. V. obligation, benevolence'. Nom. sing. of Pkt. 3 m. Sk. 3 m. decl. 'less'. " 'lose strength, become useless, be removed'. at det VlaI 31 Sag | 5. 2-3. 3rd pers. pl. of Old Guj. VUtara = Pkt. VUtara < Sk. ud + V tRR. cf. Guj / kAra, VUtarI jA exactly in this sense. Vide ud + V tR. decl. 'basty'. 388 A FALISI ME a CH | 25. 17-18. Nom. plm of Old Guj. utAvalA < Pkt. uttAvala = uttApa + ala (suffix) Page #210
39 etalarDa decl. 'this much'. $75 gass | 19.1. Nom. sing. n. of Old Guj. 9703. Prevalent in Old Guj. ; vide e.g. Gurjararasavali 1.391. Mod. Guj. vzg < Old Guj. (735 Mod. Guj. makat. Vide gratits; also ride LSIS 13 (PC), 55 (PK) ; 234 (PPS) safirl, which, like the vocable in question, is evidently an oblique form of safirg, an Ap. derivative of Sk. gen. n. 'a cup-shaped vessel'. 30.4. cf. Pkt. s, isa; Guj. lo, mas; Hindi ikt. Vide LSTS 11 (PC), 48 (PK), 115 (PPS). n. 'a work, a task'. 25 Nom. sing. HK Og H 25.18; Acc. sing. #37 21.13. Old Guj., Ap., Pkt. 209 n. < Sk, arg n. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar, fra n. f. 'a blouse, dress in general'. 3971 alt fra TV 1.16. [Here there is a ref. to the ancient custom of the brother's offering a Kanculika to his sister as a token of his love for her, which custom is still prevalent in different parts of India. ] cf. Guj. wicht, alat. Vide LSJS 48 (PK) FORT; II (PC), 115 (PPS) . f. 'the profession of begging grains for maintaining oneself and the family'. 25.22. Vide LSJS 49 (PK), 116(PPS). decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the king ; lit.: "exposers of (religious) stories". 18.12. Nom. pl. of Old Guj. a t m. < Pkt. 24,4 < Sk, TATT derived from Sk. 41+ V . cf. Guj. 747C, 4111. decl. with (my) ear'. I 19 JTIT ! 21.8. Inst. sing. cf. Old Guj. 7 m , Page #211
40 kapola kapola kamaNDalA kamalanA kayavAra karaha adj. belonging to or hailing from the sub-caste of Banias called Kapola'. 30.3. decl. 'from the water-pot'. kamaNDalA amRtajalaM gRhANa, piba | 30. 14-15. This is evidently a corruption of kamaNDaloH (Abl. sing. of Sk. kamaNDalu n.), for more probably of kamaNDalAt (Abl. sing. of kamaNDala n., a Pkt, and Guj. derivative of Sk. kamaNDalu)! decl. 'of lotuses'. kamalanA bhArA choddiiyii| 4.12. [nA is the Guj. termination of Gen. pl. m.] m. praising'. kenApi bhaTTena kayavAraH kRtaH / ... raajnyoplkssitH| 1.14-15, asminnavasare vizAlalocanayA kayavAraM kurvatyA zira AcchAditam / 1.15-16%; madanabhramasya kayavAraH kRtH| bhaTTenoktam-"asmatsvAminaH kayavAraM kuru / yathAtyAgaM yacchAmi / " tenoktam-" gadanabhnamarAjAnaM vinA anyasya rAjJaH kayavAraM na kromi|" 5.II-13. The word is prevalent in Old Guj. in this sense. cf., e.g., Pracina Phagu Sangraha ( Prucina Gurjara Granthamala, No. 3), 49.16. cf. Mar. kaivAra in the sense of" favouring, supporting". * does, performs'. AvAsamAhi zrIpArzvanAthanau prAsAdu tihAM devapUjA karai / 4.16. muhu dekhI milibhi 2 karai / / 26.7. 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj. and Pkt. /kara Pkt. karai > Ap. kari> Old Guj. kari, kare >Mod. Guj., Hindi kare, Vide karai, karau, karisyai, karI, kIu, kIjai. v, will do, will perform'. so kahi karisyaha phaja 21.13. 3rd kari karisyaha

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41 karI pers. sing. future I of Pkt. V FR < Sk. V 5. Pkt. afea < Sk. gaffeafa. cf. Guj. equivalents #2, #3, 45. Vile me, 43, Hf, *, 3, . v. having prepared'. faci 79 at fe at cetag 14.11. Gerund of Old Guj. / < Pkt. Va < Sk. V . the Mod. Guj. parallel form would be at, a. Vide #k, #3, #, firar, 13, AT. decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the king ; 'trobble players'? 18.12. Nom. pl. of Old Guj. mas. kalahaTIyA Viu f. 'grace, favour'. 16.7; 17.14. Vide apakalA. kavisArvabhauma adj. an epithet of Pandita Somesvara, mentioned in the present text as a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha and probably the same as the well-known contemporary of Minister Vastupala; lit. : 'a sovereign among poets, the poet laureate'. 18.8. kavIyara m. a type of pleasure-servants of the king; lit. : *a poet'. 18.12. This ta' appears to be the same as ' ' mentioned in the description of sabhA along with lekhaka, 79, faci etc. in line 20 on p. 13 of the Varnakasamuccaya. However, the exact meaning is not clear. It does not mean merely a poet'. Its lit. meaning would be'a poet-maker'. kahi pron. where'. fark Fra 21.13. Ap. ( also e, f 311) < Pkt, fia, fi and Pali apta < Sk. Afha + faa. #8775 [v.l. ] v. is called '. 7.4. 3rd pers. sing. present passive of Old Guj. V ' to tell, to say' Page #213
kAdamInAM kArya kASTakabADika kASThakavADI kASThabhakSaNa kima kIu kI jai kuNa decl. m. adj. n. ind. adj. adj. quarrelsome and foolish'. 8.9. cf. Guj, Hindi, Mar. kabADI. Vide kASThakabADI; also vide LSJS 4g kabADin, 50 karbATika (PK); 116 fea (PPS). V. 42 pron. Pracina Phagu Sangraha 15.30. It is prevalent in the dialects of north Guj. even now. 'of mud'. 4.13. Gen. pl. n. Old (and Mod.) Guj. of , which, in all probability, is a scribal error for Old Guj. m. mud'< Pkt. m. > Pkt. kAka, kAga > Old Guj. kAga > Mod. Guj. kAga, kAgaDo. same as kA kabADika. 'burning oneself alive'; lit.: being eaten away by wood'. 13.10; 28.12. The use of the word 8 in this sense is fairly common in Old Guj. and also to some extent in Mod. Guj. Vide, for instances, LSJS 52 (PK), 120 (PPS). ' how, why ' so kahi karisyara kajja kima jai vihaDasyai kalAsu // 21. 13-14. Old Guj. and Ap. f< Pkt. f Page #214
kutigIu kumari kRSNacaturdazI ketalauM koi ko Di koDInI kAmadhenu kopakAlA lin m. 43 vali 2.38, 105, 106 etc. etc. cf. Mod. Guj.,, ; Hindi kuna, kauna. same as kautigIyA. 18.6. f. ' a daughter, a princess. '. 7.2. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. kumari f. Pkt. > Old Guj. > Mod. Guj., Hindi, not only in the original m. but also extended to f. and n. m. decl. a crore'. 20.9. Nom. sing., pl. f. of Old Guj. e. Mod. Guj. t Page #215
BTUT kSapaNaka kSetrapAla khagga-agge V khaNDDahala vaMdhammi khajji khelai 753 m. m. m. 44 V. was as powerful as the very destructive fire. 1.8. Vide LSJS 234 (PC). 'a festival'. vyAsena kSaNaH prArabdhaH 18.13. cf. Mar. . Vide LSJS 13 (PC), 124 (PPS). decl. 'in the tip of the sword'. suhaDANa khaggi-agge 31.8. agge is Loc, sing. of Fkt. n. Page #216
garttA Vgal gahilaDau gAU gAlA Vide nidrAgahilaDaDa; also LSJS 129 grathila, 130 grahilatA (PPS ) and rs grathilAcArya ( PC ). m. 'a distance of two miles'. 8.1. cf. Pkt., Guj. z. nanag [v.l. a) gefegzuzaneu adj. an epithet of king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Gujarata; lit.: 'an arrow (or a thorn) for the destruction of the heart of Hammira, the master of Gajana'. 6.16. It might probably be :, which would mean a thorn (pierced) in the heart of....'. girizikharazRGga guphA gUDara madas goSThI 45 f. 'a pit (specially dug out for burying some-body alive )'. 28.20. v. [I] 'to swallow, to eat up'. nisaq 21.20, nafa 21. [2] to drop down'. nfaat 29.15. cf. Guj. gaLavu, gaLI januM in both these senses. Vide LSJS 127 (PPS) for another meaning of this root. decl. 'intoxicated, drowsy'. f 1.8. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. < Pkt. +3 (suffix) < Sk. + ila ( suffix ). cf. Mod. Guj. gahelo- gahelaDo, ghelo-ghelaDo; Hindi mahilA-gahilaDA. adj. belonging to or hailing from the village named Gala (in Saurastra). 31.4. n. the top of a summit of the mount'. 29.14. zikhara and zRGga being synonymous the compound girizikharais a translation compound. f. a cave'. 20.3. n. cf. Guj. . Vide LSJS 128 (PPS). 'a camp'. f. tatra gatvA hammIrasya gUDare gatvA SoDazabhirjanaiH samaM praviSTAH / hammIro jitaH / ava gRhItaH / zrIjayasiMhadeva - hammIrayo meMlaH kRtaH / 2.5-7. Vide LSJS 128 guDDara, guptodara and 129 gurUdara ( PPS ) - all in the sense of'a tent'. adj. belonging to or hailing from Godraha (mod. Godhra, the principal town of the Pancamahala District of Gujarata)'. 18.5. Nom. sing. m. of Old. Guj. da. 'conversation, chit-chatting'. 21.6. cf. Guj. st.

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gauDika grAsa ghaTI ghaDIyA ghanatarA gharaTTa gharaka ghAMcika ghoTaka ghaDakI urI adj. a resident of the Gauda country'. 30.7. m. * land given for maintenance'. 1. 10; 26.2 cf. Guj garAsa. Vide LSJS 15 (PC), 60 (PK) and 130 (PPS). f. -- an implement to measure time ' suvarNamayA ghttii| 4.9. cf. Hindi ghaDI. Vide ghaDIyA; also vide LSJS 15 ghaTikA ( PC ); 131 ghaTI / maND (PPS ) which means to begin to measure time with a clepsydra eagerly awaiting the stipulated moment'. f. adj. f. decl. 46 Vide LSJS 59 (PK) and 129 ( PPS ) for another meaning. m. m. same as ghaTI. ghaDIyA raDai ThabakkaDara 21.7. Nom. sing. of Pkt. ghaDiyA, ghaDIyA f. < Sk. ghaTikA f. cf Guj ghaDiyALa f., n. very much, for a considerably long period of time'. adya rAjan ! nidrA ghanatarA ! 11.17. cf Guj. adj. ghaNerI f. Vide LSJS 131 ghanatara and ghanam (PPS ). * a jingling bell '. rAtrau 16 strI suvarNaghargharakAn kare baddhvA pAdau campanti yAvatA nidrA sameti / 27.2-3. cf. Guj . ghUgharo m, ghUgharI f. Vide LSJS 131 (PPS ) gharghara, ghurdharaka, ghurdharamAlA [a string of little bells ( generally tied round the neck of a bullock ) known in Guj. as ghUgharamALa ]; 61 ghurbura ( PK ). m. ' an oil - man'. 22.19, 20. cf. Pkt. ghaMciya; Guj ghAMcI. 'a horse'. 15.21. 'a grinding stone'. vairiyamuraTTaghaTTa 6.15. Nom. sing. of Old Guj gharaTTa < Pkt. gharaTTa Pkt. caukkiyA > Old Guj caukI > Mod. Guj. caoNkI. decl. a square enclosure especially meant for auspicious ceremonies'. 4.6. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. caurI f. Page #218
47 caT v. ' to mount, to ascend, to climb'. svayaM saNDhI cttitH| 22.14%3B AcAmlikA caTitvA 14.4,5%; ghoTaka Uo'sti / tena caTitvA 15.21%; mantrikuTamba sahakAre caTApya 17.12. cf.Guj. VcaDa%Hindi Vcar3ha; Mar. V caDha. Vide LSJS 61 (FK), 132 (PPS). decl. belonging to or hailing from, i.e., king of, Candravati (in Rajasthana)'. dhArAvarasa caDAilau 18.3. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. caDAila, caDAilau catuHpatha n.? 'a market place'. 15.11. cf. Guj. 13; Mar. 7614. Vide LSJS 16 (PC), 62 ( PK ), 133 ( PPS). caturmAsI f. . the four months ( of monsoon)'. tadA rAjA roSArumo vigrahAya madanabhrameNa samaM caturmAsImavasthitaH / 5.14-15. cf. Guj. cAturmAsa, comAsuM. Vide LSJS 16 ( PC), 6r ( PK ), 132 ( PPS ) caturmAsaka. v. 'to shampoo, to knead'. rAtrau 16 strI svarNadharmarakAn kare bazvA pAdau campanti 27.2-3. cf. Apabhramsav caMdha: Vide, e.g., Hemacandra, Siddhahema. sabdanusasana, VIII. iv. 395, his Vrthi whereon quotes the following Duha: cimpa caraNau /pat putte jAeM kavaNu guNu avaguNu kavaNu muraNa / jA bappIkI muMhaDI campijai avareNa / / cf. Guj., Mar. / cAMpa and substantive caMpI f. Vide LSJS 62 (PK), 133 (PPS). v. 'to fall at the feet of'. caraNau patitAH / 30.18. cf. Guj. caraNe / paDa. Vide LSJS 133 caraNayoH (ni+)/pat , caraNayoH /lag (PPS ). decl. -- belonging to or hailing from Citroda ( mod. Cittoda in Rajasthana)'. 18.4. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. cItrauDau. cItrauDau Vcuk to be missed'. trivelaM tena saGketena pAzakA cukitA, jitA, pariNItA / / II.21-22. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. / cUka. Vide / cuk. v. same as V cu. tadA tor3araM gRhItaM darzitaM tasyAstadA manazcintitapAzakA cukkitA sA / II.20. Vcukta

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48 cuNagagayA caitrASTamI chagaNaka chAMTaNAM decl. 'gone for collecting or eating (grains)'. 24.17. Nom. pl. m. of Pkt. cuNaNa + gaya. Pkt. cuNaNa is an abstract noun derived for Sk. Vci 'to collect'. Pkt. gaya is p.p.p. of Pkt. V jA Pkt. jai > Old Guj. jai. cf. Guj. jo. choDIyaI

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49 decl. 'a man'. 79 g fa 3773AR 21.9. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. and Pkt. gut m. < Sk. gam. Also cf. Mod. Guj. and Mar. 30. jati go away, pass away'. ataifa 21.15. 3rd pers. pl. present of Pkt. / jA Page #221
50 jAlaurau jAlikA jina decl. ' belonging to or hailing from Jalora ( in Rajasthana)'. 18.5. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. jAlaurau. f. 'a drill or trellis'. asminnavasare gavAkSe kanyAyA lekhaH kenA'pyapitaH / jAlikAmuddhATya vaacitH| 12.10. cf. Guj. jALI 1., jALiyuM D. Vide LSJS 18 (PC). m. 'a Tirthankara'. 24.12. [A Jaina technical term.] Vide LSJS 64 jinakalpa ( PK ). ind. 'as, like'. jima giri-nijharaNAI / 21.16. Ap. jima and jiva > Old Guj. jima > Mod. Guj. jema; Hindi nimi, jyU, jyA~, jyoM. f. 'husband's elder brother's wife'. 16.15. cf. Guj. Horft Vide LSJS 138 jyeSTha, jyeSThapatnI (PPS). jima jyeSThapatnI jhakaTaka Vjhalla jhAlau m. a quarrel, a dispute'. 27.14. cf. Pkt. ja(-jha-)gaDa; Guj. jhaghaDo; Hindi jhaghar3A; Mar. jhagaDA. Vide LSJS I38 jhakaTaka, jhagaDa (PPS); 65 jhagaTaka ( PK). v. to catch, to hold'. yAvadAliGgAnaM dadAti tAvatA matriNA jhllitH| 28.13-14. cf. Guj. V jhAla. Vide LSJS 19 V jhAla (PC). decl. belonging to or hailing from the Rajaputa tribe known as Jhala. 18.7. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. jhAla 3. cf. Guj. jhAlo. v. [1]'bath is being taken, watersport is being under taken'? tihAM khelai velai jhiilh| 4.12. 3rd pers. sing. pass. present of Old Guj. V jhIla 'to bathe, to undertake watersports' Page #222
ThabakkaDau ThAlAM DaGgaraka bha DAlaka DAlAka VDhAl taNai tahAra talAvalI ind. decl. m. m. n? n. ? V. talagaDa [./ talagaTa ] m. ind. 51 a Pkt. onometopoetic word for the sound made by a clock. ghaDIyA raDai ThabakkaDau 21.7. m. ' empty, useless' ThAlAM polAM vAjaNAM AbharaNa Utaraha / 5.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of Old Guj. adj. ThAluM < Pkt. Thaliya emptied '. cf. Mod. Guj. ThAlaM, the equivalent form also being ThAlAM. 'a drum'. 25.24 : cf. Guj . DaMgoro. ( ' DaGgarako vAdita: ' is an idiomatic expression meaning "2 " proclaimed, made a declaration ". cf. Guj. DaMgoro vagaDAvyo exactly in the same sense. Vide paTaha. 'the Darbha grass." dhanvantariNA DarbheNa vaTa uJjitaH iti DabhoIpuram / 22.9. cf Guj . DAbha, DAbhaDo. fa basket, especially containing flowers ( and fruits ) '. 15.19,20. cf. Sk. Dalaka n., Dalaka n. ; Pkt. Dala n., Dalaga n., DallA f. ; Guj. DAlaM D. DAlI f.; Hindi DAlA m., DAlI f. ; Mar. DolI f. Vide DAlAka. same as DAlaka. 15.17. 'to drop, to unfold '. ekadA nAma ArAmiNI sukhAsanopaviSTA vajrapaJjaraM DhAlayitvA ....... namaskaraNAya sameti / 22.17 - 18. cf. Pkt. / DhAla > Guj / DhALa. Vide LSJS 140 V DhAla ' to pour out, to cast off ' ( PPS ). 'a pavement (of copper)'? ataas ang | 4.1. Vide trAMbAnau 'a police-officer 28.20 29.2. cf. Old Guj. talAra. Vide LSJS 141 talAra, talAraka, talArakSa (PPS ); 67 talArakSa ( PK ). f. a small pond'. 4. 10; 5.6. cf. Pkt. talAva ; Guj. taLAva, taLAvaDI (Diminutive ); Hindi tAlAba. ' of ' - rAyataNai vIlhUvAmaNI mahAprasAdapAtra / 5.1. Old Guj termination for Genitive case in feminine. It is adjectivally related to the noun qualified taking its gender and number. cf. Mod. Guj. taNI.

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52 tAGgaDIu adj. probably belonging to or hailing from certain place called Taigada or Tangada'? 18.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. tAMgaDIu. tAmbaDIu adj. (1) a copper-smith or a dealer in copper-vessels '; (2) belonging to or hailing from Trambavati (mod. Khambhata, Cambay) or certain other place called Tambada or Tambada'. 18.7. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. tAmbaDIu. tAlaka n. a lock'. 12.8. cf. Guj. arg; Hindi afl. Vide LSJS 67 (PK), 142 (PPS). tAlakaMdA tAvatA tihAM tihAM tRNapAnIyam /muc v. 'to lock'. tayA tAlakaM dttm| 12.8. cf. Guj. tAkuMde. Vide VET [2]; also vide LSJS 142 ( PPS ). ind. [1] ' meanwhile'. I0.21; 13.6; 14.6; 15.19; 16.1; 28.8, 10, 15; 30.10. [2] 'then, at that time'. tAvatA varapariNayanasAmagrI kurvantaH santi / 15.20-21; 25.12. ind. there'. 4.11, 12, 16. Old Guj. indeclinable. Sk. 07 > Pkt. tahi, tahiM, tahiyaM > Old Guj. tahi, tahiM, tihAM > Mod. Guj. tahIM, tihAM, tyahAM, tyAM. v. 'to throw grass and water (in the residence of an opponent)'. ekadA zrIpattane devamahAnandanAmA gauDikaH sametaH / caturazItiputtalakAzcaraNAvadho baddhAH santi / somanAthasya dvAre tRNapAnIyaM muktam / kapATAni dattAni / "yaH ko'pi vAdI vidyate sa vAdaM karotu / anyathA pazu vA tiSThatu / " 30.7-9. This refers to the custom of throwing grass and water in the residence of an opponent as a challenge for dialectical disputation. Vide LSJS I9 tRNodakaprakSepa (PC). adv. ' in the meantime, during this much time'. tetalai caos | 19.1. Prevalent in Old Guj.; vide, e.g., Gurjara rashvali 6.109. cf. Pkt. tettila, titti; Ap. tettula; Guj. teTale. n. a head-ornament, probably something like a tassel'. tasyA nRtyantyAH zirasazcampakapuSpatoDaraM trIDitam / patatA tasyA nUpuraM bhagnam / rAjJA toDaraM nUpuraM bhannaM gRhiitm| II.12-13, 20; 22.12. cf. Desi toDara 'a tassel'; Old and Mod. Guj. ToDara in the same sense. Vide LSJS 65 ToDara (PK). tetalai . toDara

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53 nihu~ - brAMbAnau [v... nAvAnu] decl. ' of copper'. brAMbAna u tlgtttt| 4.1, nau and nu are Old Guj. terminations for Genitive sing. m. Sk. tAmra n.>Pkt. taMba n. > Old. and Mod. Guj. bAMbu n. 'copper'. Vide talagaTTa. adj. 'three' azvapati-gajapati-narapati-triha rAyanau aaNblu| 6.15-16. Old Guj. trihuM, trihu, trihauM Page #225
Ap. diNa m. n. Page #226
deha afe doraka dramma dvaya fat dhamma dharAvadda chaha dhavalagRha 55 n. ' body'. mukhaM vAnaryA dehaM striyA: 29.11; tAvanmAtraM manuSyamayaM deham 29.15-16. A gender peculiarity. Vide LSJS 69 (PK), 148 (PPS). [I] decl.: [2] verb: m. m. n. decl. ' in the body', i.e., fa 4.15-16. tion for Loc. sing.] n. " gives, offers'. When taken in this sense, in the same sentence it becomes 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj. Vde < Sk. V dA; thus dehi deva hi for i may also be meant for emphasis. in himself'. naked fan z PPP ['body' + Old Guj. termina ' a string'. 9.1; 14.11, 15, 16. cf. Guj. a, a; Hindi DorA; Mar. Dora, DorA. f.a sheet of cloth worn over the shoulders'. 13,14; 13.13. Here the reference is to that worn by ladies. cf. Guj. dupaTTo, Hindi, Mar. dupaTTA. Vide LSJS 69 (PK). a principal coin (current in ancient and mediaeval India). 29.1; 30.12. cf. Guj.,, etc.; Greek Drachme' and Persian Dirham'. Vide Rufa ; also vide LSJS 21 (PC), 69 (PK), 149 (PPS). 'both'.11.16. This is a peculiar usage of the vocable, because what is meant by the sentence is that both went to their respective residences'. 4 religion, piety'. 21.17. Acc. sing. of Pkt. m. < Sk. m. V. ' is possessing '. jAge pAMcadaMDIuM chatra dharAvai chai ! 10 7-8 gharAvara is 3rd pers. sing. pres. of Old Guj. < Pkt. Page #227
vafa 'nai ikAri 'na u nahIM F nAcagara nAda niyaMtau nijharaNAI nidrAga hilaDaDa f. ind. decl. adj. f. surpassing'. decl. 56 ' sound'. zaGkhadhvaniH zrutA / decl. A gender peculiarity. cf. Hindi af f. decl. 'of'. 6.12. Old Guj. termination for Genitive case conjoined with Loc., the corresponding Mod. Guj. one being ne. Thus rAjabIjadaNDakanai saMtAni = in the progeny of Raja, Bija and Dandaka. 27.5. ahilyA - arundhatI - satI- tArA-mandodarInaikAri 7.1. ' of ' strInau parihAru / 4.14; zrIpazvinAthanau prAsAdu 4.16; rAyanau 6.16; zAsananau 6.17 ; rAunau rAu 6.17 ; etc., etc. Old Guj. Gen. sing. m. termination, wherefrom has come down the Mod. Guj. termination . m. pride'. yadi yuddhaM kartuM kAmo'sti kenA'pi muro na moDitaH skandhakhajjirnA'panItA nAdo aka: 7.13-15. cf. equivalent idiomatic Guj. expression ' nAda utAravo'. 'not'. 4.16. Prevalent in Old and Mod. Guj. and Hindi; Sk. a. " of'.: -22.7; 6.6; etc., etc. A declension of st. a type of pleasure-servants of the king; lit.: 'dancers'. 18.12. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. a. Guj. (and several modern Indian languages) < Pkt. Guj jharaNAM; Hindi jharaNe. an epithet of king Paramadi of Kalyan kotipura, i.e., Paramarddin of Kalyana (1076-1127 A.D.); lit.: in

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57 nis +/kAza nis + /kAs toxicated with sleep'. 1.8. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. gahilaDa Pkt. pakkhAujja n. > Old Guj. pakhavAja, pakhAja f. cf. Guj. pakhAja, pakhavAja f.; Hindi pakhAvaja f.; Mar. pakhavAja m. Vide LSJS 155 pakhAuja, pakhAujI (PPS). nI pakhAja pagathIA[... ]rAM decl. 'the flight of steps for going down in a pond or a lake'. caMdrayotsnA talAvalI / pagathImArAM saaruuaar| varaMDI udAra / 4.10. cf. Guj. pagathiyo n. pl., pagathAra m., pagathAriyAM n. pl. paJcadaNDiyaka adj. 'possessing five handles'. paJcadaNDiyakaM chatraM kRtam / 17.15. The five-handled royal umbrella of Vikramaditya, which is referred to here, is described as under in an anonymous Old Guj. poem called Pancadanda-catushadi dated V. S. 1556 (=1500 A.D.): " pAMcai daMDaka rIte chatra, sAsU nIpAyuM te chatra; meghADaMvara tehanUM nAma, jotAM dIsai ati abhirAma. maNi, mANika, moti guNa ghaNI, jAlI opaI tihAM ati ghagI: tihAM hIrAmANika, ati sAra, vitapati dIsaha ati hi udAra. vADivAvi taNA AkAra, padama sarovaranA avatAra; tehamAhiI paMkajamaNi vRnda dekhI ANaI sahU ANaMda. motI ratna taNAM jhUmaNAM lahalahatAM dIsai ati ghaNAM%B sAta hAtha phiratu vistAra cau pakheri chii phiratu hAra". --Verses IoT-104 of Adesa V: p. 74 of Buddhiprakasa Vol. 79 (1932 A.D.) where the work is edited by Dr. B. J. Sandesara. The name of the umbrella is given

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58 paTaha there as Meghadambara as is evident from verse 101. Vide pAMcadaMDika, pAMcadaMDIu, pAMcadaMDIyA. m. a drum'. 17.5, 8. cf. Pkt. paDaho; Old Guj. paDaha; Mod. Guj. paDo. [paTaho vAditaH at the first reference is an idiomatic ex. pression meaning "proclaimed, made a declaration". cf. Guj. paDo vagaDAvyo exactly in this sense.] Vile DaGgaraka. n. 'a fine or silken garment'. pratolI-kaTakAntarAle dvayoH pArzvayoH paTTakUla yavanikA bddhaa| 8.2. cf. Old Guj. paTaula; Mod. Guj. paTakULa, paToIM. Vide paTTalaka; also vide LSJS 24 ( FC.), 72 (PK), 156 (PPS). m. probably same as paTTakUla. kRSNa caturdazIdine gomayamaNDalopari pahalakAnU muktvA daNDaM pUjayitvA bali kRtvA .. ...14.10-II. cf. Old Guj. paTaula n.; Mod. Guj. paToDhuM n. -- a kind of fine silk garment worn by women', which may be regarded to have been derived from Sk. paTola n. ' a kind of cloth'. paTakUla paTTalaka patitAtvaya m. 'a non-believer in Jainism'? tatra patitAtvayA vatinAM pArthAt muNDapArthAt drammapaJcakaM sImAyAM gRhanti / 30.12-13, patitAtvayAnAM bhAratyA proktam / I7; patitAtvayaiH zrIdevapattanamadhye tasya dravyeNa caturviMzatipauSadhazAlAH kaaritaaH| 312-3. [The exact meaning of this vocable is not clear. Should it be qfaarz4? In that case the term would mean of ignoble birth, a low-born one'. The Ms., however, clearly reads tva at all the three places.] padmahasta m. lit.: 'a lotus-like hand'. 25.3. rAjJaH purohitena yazodhareNa dvau sutau khImadhara-devadharau paThanAya tatra muktau / gurubhiH padmahasto dattaH / dakSI jAtau / 25.2-3. [The normal usage in Sk. would be hastapazca, but here the order is inverted just as in Pkt. In all probability this refers to the Padmahasta posture of the Natyasastra implying bestowing of blessings. ] Vide LSJS 24 (PC), 73 (PK). decl. in the breast(s)'. mahilANa payohare lacchI 31.9. Loc. sing. of Old Gaj. and Pkt. payohara m. Page #230
59 parinA. pari + /nI Paramarddin of Kalyana (1076-1127 A.D.); lit.: 'abode of great prosperity'. 1.8. Old Guj. fifa f. < Pkt. riddhi f. < Sk. Rddhi f. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. riddhi. decl. 'of a fairy'? parIcchatI parinA paramahaMsa ! 6.6. Gen. pl. of address of Old Guj. pari f. nA is Old and Mod. Guj. termination for Gen. pl. The vocable pari-parI in this sense is of Persian origin. v. (causal ) * to marry, to wed'. pariNapaya 17.9%8 pariNApayiSyAmi 17.10. cf. Guj. /paraNAva; the first reference would be translated into Guj. as 'paraNAva' and the second as 'paraNAvIza'. decl. 'abandonment'. madanabhramarAyahaI bihu~ strInau prihaaru| 4.14. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. parihAra m. < Pkt. parihAra m. Page #231
60 pANigIta pAdam +ava + pAmara n. probably' a song accompanied by clappings of hands', such as the Garaba of Gujarata. 28.10. v. 'to give the pleasure of one's company, to honour by one's presence at'. prasAdaM kRtvA pAdamavadhArayantu, vAdinaM jayantu / 30.18-19. cf. Old Guj. VpAudhAra; Mod. Guj. V padhAra. Vide LSJS74 ( PK ), 161 (PPS); also 157 padam + ava+ VdhR (PPS) and 25 pAdau + ava + VdhR (PC). adj. 'poor'. 31.7. Vide LSJS 25 ( PC), 162 ( PPS); also 74 pAmarI (PK). ind. [1] 'through'. matriNA sakhIpArthAt rAjA vijnyaapitH| 5.16, 22.13; 28.20. [2] ' from'. tatra patitAtvayA vatinAM pArthAt muNDapArdhAt dramma paJcakaM sImAyAM gRhNanti / 30.11-12. cf. Mod. Guj, pAse, pAsethI (in both these senses) < Old Guj. pAsi, pAsiM Page #232
puttalikA pupuSya pupha puSka pUtalI pRSTi pRSTiH V lag patAru f. n. n. f. n. 'a flower'. puphaDAlAkagrahaNe yogyaM madAkaM vA hitraM rAjAnaM cakAra / I5.17. This word is prevalent in Old Guj.; Vide, eg., Pracina Phagu Sangraha (Pracina Gurjara Granthamala No. 3 ) ; 9.27ab : 61 v. same as puttalaka. 9.1; 28.13. cf. Pkt. puttaliA f.; Old Guj pUtalI f. [eg Gurjarardsavali, 1.326, 333; 5.40]; Mod. Guj. pUtaLI f.; Hindi putalI f.; Mar. putaLI f. Vide pUtalI. 'a turban'? decl. bhavAIyAtrAyAM rAjA nRtyati / mantrI pakhAjaM vAdayati / jagaddevena pupuSyamuttArya mantriNe dattam | 2.1 -2. mastaka puphanA mugaTa racIyA, kubajAra kriSNani caMdana caracyAM Old Guj. pupha < Pkt. puSpha < Sk. puSpa. Vide puSpha. same as pupha. 22.12; 30.4. cf. Pkt. puSpha < Sk. puSpa. 'a doll, a statue'. f. ' the back'. rAjJaH pRSTau khajirAyatA / tat ekayA vadhvA kathitam / " nAmala ! pRSTiM khaNDahalaya / " 23. 5-6 cf. Skt. pRSThikA f. > Pkt. get f., fat f., at f. > Old Guj. ff., > Mod. Guj. pUTha f., pUMTha f., pITha f.; Hindi pITha f.; Mar. pAThaf. suvarNamayA SoDazavarSIyA pUtalI 16 / 4.2.3. cf Old Guj - pUtalI; Mod. Guj. pUtaLI; Hindi putalI; Mar. putaLI. Vide puttalaka, puttalikA. Vide, pRSTi: Vlag ; also vide LSJS 165 pRSTi, pRSThi, etc. (PPS ); 26 pRSThi (PC). 'to go behind, to pursue (with a hostile intention), to chase' samIpe gatvA valitAH / tAbhiH samaM zrIjayasiMhadevasya azvAH pRSTirlagnAH pUrvadizi pratotyAM praviSTAH / 8.4-5. cf. Guj. VpUMThe lAga. Vide pRSTi; also vide LSJS 26 pRSThe / lag, pRSThalagna ( PC.); 76 pRSThalagna ( PK. ); 165 pRSThe (Thau) / lag, pRSThilagna, pRSTidhAvita ( PPS ). 'an elephant-driver'. 18.10. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. potAra. The word is prevalent in Old Guj. literature in the forms patAra, puMsAra, pUMtAra, pohotAra and pohotAra. Vide, veg., Kesavadasa's Srikysnalilakavya, XVIII. 30 :

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polA ATTI gnet-V2 prati prato lI " kuvalApIDa pADI tADyo teNe, poMhotAra utArI harSe haNe; daMta kADhI vADhI sUMDhya ghasI, jana karatA 'jaya jaya jaya ' hasI." Also vide Sandesara B. J.: Pauntara-Puntara' (Guj.) in Budddhiprakasa, September 1948. decl. 'hollow, useless, empty show'. grat tot ar 37/HTU 775 5.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of Old and Mod. Guj. adj. 95 probably derived from Pkt. 1. f. 'a Jaina monastery'. 31.2. [ A Jaina technical term. ) Vide LSJS 26 (PC), 77 (PK), 166 (PPS). v. to give audience, to make a public appearance'. 5.4. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. 4 val. ind. for'. qat afa apa: 1 22.6. [Used peculiarly in this sense under dialectical influ ence. ] f. 'a gate'. 8.2, 5; 9.1; 29.3. Vide LSJS 27 (PC), 77 (PK), 167 (PPS). decl. 'a temple'. 4.16. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. s1912 m. < Pkt. & Sk, SH m. m.? 'a day'? "Tax gat feri 677 focal q$0741" ... rAjA na jayati / eko divaso jAtaH / dvitIya dinamapyabhavat / tasya rAtrau tasmin pATake gatvA vilokitam / saharSA vadamti / "rAjJo vibhAte hArirbhafacufat." 10.17-20. Subhasilagamin, in his Vikramaditya-vikramacaritra-caritra, uses faar ' 'three times' for g -vide OI Ms. no. 12407 fol. 235*, lines 2-3. Pursacandrasuri, in his Pancadandacchatraprabandha, employs '779794 ' which may perhaps mean three rounds'-vide OI Ms. no. 2376, fol.19 line 11. Ramacandrasuri, in his Pancadandatapalraprabandha, does not give any such specification and simply puts the condition of defeating the girl-vide OI Ms. no. 2111, fol. 2% line 5. The meaning of our vocable fi is not clarified by these usages. The context in our text implies that the sense intended there is that of a day' and not either of a time' or 'an inning'. prAsAdu phalahaka

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phophalIu decl. (1) 'a trader in betel-nut'. Guj. 1776 < Old Guj. 1965 < Pkt. 104 < Sk. 9197; [2] belonging to or hailing from a place called Phophala or Phophalia'. 18.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. 3. cf. Guj. phophaLiyo. baiMkAra decl. 'a songster'. 18.11. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. FR, 7917. (Vide, e.g., Varnakasamuccaya (Pracina Gurjara Granthamala--4), 49.16.] Vide LSJS 27 (PC), 169 (PPS) where the term apart is used in Sanskrit, while it is known to be prevalent in Old Guj., Ap. and Pkt. badhirasarasvatI adj. a title of the Jaina pontiff Pradyumnasuri, who was a senior contemporary of Siddharaja Jayasimha and grand-preceptor of Acarya Hemacandra; lit.: Deaf Sarasvati, Goddess of Learning'. 24.8. ATTITAITU (v. l. artist & GITTIS) decl. an officer protecting the city-gates'; lit. : 'the servant (attending) at the gate'. 3.3. cf. Guj. t in the sense of a door, a gate'. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. bAroulaga. cf. Desi olaggA; Pkt. olagga; Old Guj. n; Old Mar. tan, 9121, altaz, afet; Mod. Guj. oLaga: Kannada ULiga; Mar. oLagaNe. Vide LSJS 34 vAra 'a gate'(PC 29.28 ); 106 377 'service' ( PPS 79.1-6, 112.26-29, 115.22-24); 114 3 SITT service' (PPS 53.33 ); 115 T service' (PPS 54.13); 149 atas (PPS 25.7, 8); 171 7771913 (PPS 24.32). bAdyabAdyagrAma m. 'a village other than or distant from one's own place'. 28.6. cf. Guj. qattia. bAhye ind. 'outside'. 195y 977 ate RA ? 8.10; 91 92 al of HET I 12.4-5. [The peculiarity of this usage is that this vocable does not depend on any noun for its existence and adverbially occurs quite independently. ] n. 'a title'. 20.7, 20; 25.8. cf. Guj. Arz. Vile LSJS 79 facz (PK); 28 (PC), 79 (PK), 171 (PPS) fare. birada

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64 decl. of two, of both'. 65AIR fag atas furs 1 4.14. Gen. Obl. of Old Guj. fa < Pkt. fa < Sk. fa. Vide, e.g., Gurjararasavali 1.84, 291, 674; 2.345; 3.115; 6.344, 347; also Varna kasamuccaya 137.7 fai Tift and 137.14 faz # on both sides', where the aspiration of a to may be regarded either for emphasis or due to the influence of the Gen. Obl, form fag. cf. Old Guj. a' two', as both'; Mod. Guj. a, 3. bITaka n. 'a roll of betel-leaf'. 11.14, 21. cf. Guj. etj; Hindi bIDA m.; Mar. biDA m. Vide bITakaM /dA, bITakaM yAca ; also vide LSJS 28 (PC), 79 (PK), 171 (PPS); also 28 til f.( PC ). ez V1 v. to permit to bid adieu '. aft alfa 1 Tafal 13.11. [ This has reference to the custom of offering a roll of betel-leaf to a person bidding good-bye. ] Vide aften, to vanq; also vide LSJS 172 (PPS). bITakaM yAca venAie decl. bhaTTa m. to seek permission for bidding adieu'. eftcs faa 13.11. Vide aftra, atza Vat; also vide LSJS 172 (PPS). in Bennadaa'. 24.16. Loc, sing. of Pkt. aas34 < Sk. dala, 'an ancient town on the bank of the river Benna in the south', which, though difficult to identify, is connected with certain historical personages, as is evident from the references in the Agama literature of the Jainas. 'a bard'. 1,14; 5.10, II. cf. Guj. 1. Vide LSJS 80 (PK), 173 (PPS); also 58 114942 (PK), 173 Haya (PPS). belonging to or hailing from Bhaduacha (mod. Bharuca or Broach in South Guj.)'. 18.9. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. 95313 < Sk. 45* < hy. cf. Guj. Het and Hindi HIST, a surname meaning' belonging to or hailing from Broach'. one who lives on vulgar joking and acting'. 18.13. cf. Guj. His. #7433 decl. adj.

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bhayaM kR bharaTaka VbhalU bhavAdayAtrA bhavya bhATake V grahU bhArA bheTA bheTTA [.1 bheTA ] bheDI magauDIu V macakoD 9 v. 'to be alarmed'. bhayaM mA kuru / 14.22. m. a contemptuous term for a Saiva ascetic'. 29.18. cf. Guj. bharaDo. Vide LSJS 80 (PK ), 173 (PPS ). v. ( causal) 'to entrust or consign to the care of . tadA rAjA rAjyaM matriNe bhalApya nirgataH / 12.4. cf. Guj / bhaLAva. Vide LSJS 80 ( PK ). f. a vulgar type of drama'. bhavAiyAtrAyAM rAjA nRtyati / mantrI pakhAjaM vAdayati / jagaddevena pupuSyamuttArya maNei dattam / 2.1 -2 cf. Guj, Mar. bhavAI. adj. V. decl. 65 f. f. ' excellent'. 13.7. ' to hire on rent'. bhADe Vs. For bhATaka cf. Guj bhADu; vide LSJS 173 (PPS). cf. Guj . bhaluM. Vide LSJS 173 ( PPS ). bhATake vadhvA gRhItam | 16.15. cf Guj Hindi bhADA; Mar. bhADeM; ' bundles'. kamalanA bhArA choDIyaI / of Old Guj. Mod. Guj. bhArA. 'a present'. mudrArasnadvayaM dattam | eka bheTAyAM dvitIyaM bhojanArtham / 22.20-21; ArAmikena kiMzukapuSpANi sahakAramaJjarIdvayaM bheTAyAM kRtam | 28.16. cf. Desi bhiTTa, bhiTTA; Guj, Hindi, Mar. bheTa f. Vide bheTTA; also vide LSJS 175 (PPS). 4.12. Nominative pl. bhAro m. Sk. bhArAH > Pkt. bhArA > Old and Vide LSJS 174 bhAra ( ka ), bhArikA ( PPS ). same as bheTA. 7.12 cf. Desi miTTA; Guj, Hindi, Mar. bheTa f. decl. 'belonging to or hailing from certain place called Bheladi, probably the village of that name situated near Nom. sing. m. of Old equivalent would Disa in North Guj.'. 18.5,7. Guj. bhelaDIu. The Mod. Guj bhelaDiyo. be decl. belonging to or hailing from a place called Magaudi, probably modern Magodi near Dahegama in Sabarakantha district of Guj.'. 18.4. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. magauDIu. The Mod. Guj. equivalent would be magoDiyo. V. ' to twist, to distort, to turn aside patantyA mukhaM macakoDitam / 22.19. cf. Guj / macakoDa. lIlUnAmnyA caraNau

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maNUyAka maND madanazrama yahaI madAka madhye V man 65 Vide V mucakoT, V mud. m. f a personage, a man ' ' pramukhasabhAsInapavitrabhaMDa maNUyAkaprabhRtisabhAyAM .... 18.13. cf Sk. manuja ( ka ) >Pkt maNua > Ap maya > Old Guj . maNUa maNUya. ' to set up, to start v. vivAhArambho maNDitaH 13.9; asminnavasare kenApi indrajAlinA nATakaM maNDitam / akAle AmraH phalitaH prakaTIkRtaH / 17.1-2 cf. Old Guj / maMDa; Mod. Guj., Mar. V gAMDa; Kanarese mADu 'to do'. Vide LSJS 81 ( PK ), 176-7 (PPS). decl. " of king Madanabhrama' madanabhramarAyahahUM bihuM strInau parihAru 4.14. [ huI is Oid Guj termination of Genitive case.] Vide hUiM . adj. proud, intoxicated'; lit.: moving tortuously out of pride or intoxication'. puphaDAlAkagrahaNe yogyaM madAkaM vAhitraM rAjAnaM cakAra / 15.17, saraupakaNThe daNDakaM DAlakaM puSpANAM madAkaM vAhizraM muktvA madhye gatA sA / 18-19. Probably from Sk. mada + / ak. ind. ' inside ' madhye nIyante | 12.5; kanyA madhye'sti / 12.9; dvipaTI madhye vismRtA / 12.11; annArthaM gataH madhye | 13.4-5; 15.19; 25.15; 26.1; 29.17. [This is a peculiar usage inasmuch as the vocable is employed independently, as an indeclinable, and does not rely at all upon any noun or pronoun for its existence. ] ( causal ) [ 1 ] ' to agree, to consent'. " tvaM matpatnI bhava / " " ahaM tadA bhavAmi yadA mamAspamAnaM kopi na yacchati / " mAnitam, patnI kRtA / 22.14-16. [ 2 ] ' to admit . jhakaTako jAtaH / zrIjayasiMhapArzve Agatau / na maanitm| 27.14-15. [ 3 ] ' to conciliate, to reconcile'. tathA jJAtaM rAjA manApanAya sameSyati / anyadine rAjA samAgataH / sarve'pi militAH sanmAnitA AkAritAH / tairmAnitam | 16.18 - 20; patitAtvayAnAM bhAratyA proktam / " guravo manApyantu / " 30.17. [4] ' to take a religious oath before a deity in order to propitiate the same'. yadA tvaM digyAtrAyAM calitaH tadA mayA DabhoIyA pArzvanAthasya mAnitaM

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yat mama sutaH kuzalena sameSyati tadA zrIpArzvanAthaM natvA pazcAt pattanamadhye Africa | 22.4-6. cf. Guj., Hindi VAT and causal hata in all these senses. Vide LSJS 177-178 (PPS). malakara m. 'a wrestler' (as a type of pleasure-servants of the king). 18.12. The term 'A' is prevalent in Old Guj. and Ap. in two senses viz. 'a wrestler' and ' a garlard'. Vide Pracina Phagusangraha 14.25, 19.30 and Gurjararasavali 1.571 for its use in the sense of a wrestler' and Sandesarasaka 135 and Gurjararasavali 3.64, 5.10 for its use in the sense of a garland'. In the present context the words 'malakara' and 'mAlakara' appear side by side and therefore the former is taken by us in the former sense and the latter in the latter sense. Vide A127. mahaNASTamI f. This appears to be equivalent to hate t, which would evidently mean the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Asvina', the holy day for the worship of goddess Durga. B i nataafa i HEUTTOITIH 7185914 I 5.4-5. Vide sareift. mahilANa decl. of women'. HETT T167 as 31.9. Gen. pl. of Pkt. Heat f. < Sk. H f. Pkt. AfETU = Sk. HSTAH. mahIyajai decl. 'on the surface of the earth'. EIE ARTIE 25.19. This is evidently a scribal corruption of Pkt. petet, which is Loc. sing. of Pkt. Hetq n. < Sk. netan. Alfor# [ v. l.deg40, oft* m. [1] 'a pillar of victory'; [2] 'an auspicious pillar erected in the pavi lion specially prepared for the performance of certain auspicious ceremonies such as the sacred thread and marriage ceremonies'. Aforja agafti 4.1. cf. Guj. AlotPUH. mArava adj. "an inhabitant of the Maru land or Maravada'. 28.18. Vide LSJS 83 (PK ), 181 (PPS ). mAlakara m. 'a florist'; lit. :' a garland-maker' (as a type of plea sure-servants of the king). 18.12. [The term 'ATE is prevalent in Old Guj, in the sense of a garland'.

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mAliNI (Page #240
VmuT v. (causal) 'to twist, to distort, to turn aside'. mukha moTitam 22.22-23. cf. Pkt. VmoDa; Ap. /moDa [ vide, e.g., Sandesarasaka 25deg: aru aMgu moDai | and 68deg: pau moDavi]; Old Guj. /moDa [vide, e.g., Varnakasamuccaya 90.14 moDai, also 118.22, 163.6]; Guj., Hindi, Mar. (mukha) VmoDa. Vide /macakoD, VmucakoTa, moD; also vide LSJS 30 mukhamoTanA f. (PC), 182 mukhamoTana n. ( PPS ).. 'an individual'; lit.: a head'. tatra patitAtvayA vatinAM pAzcAt muNDapArthAt drammapaJcakaM sImAyAM gRhNanti / 30.12-13. Vide LSJS 183 (PPS) muNDa[NDi ]ka n. 'a tax levied per head, especially at places of pilgrimage', which is known in Guj. as mUDakuM, muMDakuM. m. a Muslim'; lit.: 'a Mughal'. mudalabhayena videze gatau valamAnau gauDadeze kAmarUpe prAptau / 25.3-4. mudgala mudrA mudrAratna mura[v.l. maraha] The word is used here in the general sense of a Muslim' or 'a foreign invader'. Vide LSJS 84 ( PK 109. 17-18) and 183 ( PPS 80.12%3B 85.10 ) for a similar use of the word. f. -- the coinage-dye'. mudrAparAvartoM jajJe / 29.1. Vide mudrAratna; also vide LSJS 183 ( PPS ) for another peculiar sense of this vocable. n. 'a jewel-coin, a jewel current as a coin'. mudvAratnadvayaM dattam / eka bheTAyAM dvitIyaM bhojanArtham 1 22.20-21. Vide mudrA. m. 'pride'. vairirAyamuragharaTTa 6.15; yadi yuddhaM karnukAmo'sti kenA'pi muraho na moDitaH......7.14. The word is prevalent in Ap. and Old Guj. in the forms maraTTa and maraTa. Vide, e.g., gajolliya-taNu parisesiya-pavara-maradRu-Apabhram sapathavali 4.55 ( Tihuyana Sayambhu's Balapanhu); Varnakasamuccaya 69.18: kiri kaMdarpa taNau maraha, 183.17: taru[Na] taNAM bhAMjai maraha, 203.1: mani melhiya maraTa mANa, ariaNa mAnaha ANa. cf. Guj. maraDa. Vide muragharaTTa adj. ' destroyer of pride'; lit.: 'a grinding stone for the ___pride'. vairirAyamuragharaha 6.15. Vide mura, gharaTTa, vairirAyamuraghara. decl. 'face'. muhu dekhI milimi 2 kri| 26.7. Acc. sing. Ap. of Pkt. muha Page #241
decl. 'me'. a ITTE I 21.8. Acc. sing. of Old Guj. first personal pron., being an Old Guj. equivalent of Sk. A14 and Pkt. #. v. to die'. FT 14.21. This grammatical peculiarity is significant inasmuch as this very form is very common in Pkt. as well as both Guj. and Mar. Vide LSJS 184 Hpa (PPS 6.28 ) and af (PPS 84.9). m. 'a reconciliation'. ithafarna: H:1 2.7; all Ugast 51a: 1 8.5-6. cf. Guj., Mar. #a; Hindi aa. Vide LSJS 85 (PK). v. are being placed'. faci zmiar fie #eetag i 4.11. 3rd pers. pl. passive present of Old Guj. VE < Pkt. V (also VE) to place, to put'. cf. Guj., Hindi Vi exactly in this sense. mela melhIyaI VmoDa moDha yakSakardama v. to twist, to distort', i.e., 'to break', Farsta a Alfa:..... 7.14. cf. Pkt., Guj., Hindi, Mar. V HE. Vide vyt; also vide LSJS 30 entzat f. (PC), 182 genza n. (PPS), 185 hiza n. (PPS). Also vide LSJS 30 (PC) for another meaning. m. 'a surname of oil-men'. HTf Alchemataifauna - AlF41.., 22.18-19. cf. Guj. . Vide Varnakasamuccaya 204.24 where his is mentioned as one of the 84 jnatis or sub-castes. m. 'a fragrant ointment consisting of camphor, agallo chum, musk, kakkola and saffron'. 4.11. [Vide Amarakosa II. vi. 133: ' TIYE ETTER 47:1'] The word is prevalent in Old Guj. also; vide, e.g., Varnakasamuccaya 28.2-3 Set TU FAT, FER potAM dIdhA chaiM. Vide LSJS 85 (PK). f. 'a curtain'. 8.2; 28.9. v. 'to ask for, to beg'. 9197 1.13; May: 2.2. [A grammatical peculiarity.) lafat 0[ v. l. VyAca

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yAvatA yAvatA... tAvatA yogya raulANI raGgAcArya raDadda raNava[ . . bhaTTa V// ram ramIyai rAu ind [1] adv. adj. m. when '. m. [2] 'till'. 71 14.12; 27.3. decl. 27.3. ' as soon as, no sooner than '. yAvatA sakalaM karoti tAvatA rAjA dorakaM troTayitvA 14.15-16; yAvadAliGganaM dadAti tAvatA mantriNA jhalitaH / 28.13-14. Vide LSJS 186 (PPS). ' meant for '. lakSatrayaM kabulikA yogyaM dattam | 1.16; 65 paJcaSaSTimayo'yaM paNDitaH / tava yogyaH / 14-9-10; Vide LSJS 186 (PPS. 111.21-22, 23, 24, 26, 27; 112. 7). f. 'a female anchorite, probably belonging to the anchorite community popularly known in North Guj. as Ravalas or Ravaliyas'. 20.6; 21.2, 21, 23. cf. Guj. rAvaLANI. 'a stage-director', mentioned here among the pleasureservants of the king. 18.13. v. [I] ... rAjJA phalaM galitam / muSTI raulANIyogyA dattA / 21.20 21. cf. Guj . joga, joguM. ? I weeps, cries'. 26.4. 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj* and Pkt. 1 / raDa ' to weep' < Sk. V raT. Pkt. raDai = Sk. raTati. Also cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. VraDa. [2] ' sounds, rings' ghaDIyA raDai ThabakkaDa 21.7 3rd pers. sing present of Old Guj and Pkt. / raDa 'to sound, to ring' < Sk. / raT. Pkt. raDai = Sk. raTati. commandership on the field of battle dIyatAm / kasya raNava[ 7.8. degbha ]haH kriyate ? 7. 10. cf. Guj. raNavaTa. yuddhAya Adezo v. ' to play ' gavAkSe sAMU- suzIlAbhyAm AndhAvedhe ramantIbhyAM dinatrayaM jAtam / 5.18. [A grammatical peculiarity.] V. ' plays or sports are being undertaken' kAdamI ramIyai / 4. 12. 3rd pers. sing. passive present of Old Guj / rama < Pkt. Vrama < Sk. Vram. The form in question is equivalent to Sk. ramyate. 'a king'. rAunau rAu | 6.17; na dIThauyu rAu ! 10.7. Nom. sing of Old Guj rAja m. < Ap. rAu m. < Pkt. rAo m.

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rAula rAjapATikA rANau rANA rANAka m. f. decl. m. 72 < Sk. rAjA m. This vocable is fairly prevalent in Old Guj.; vide, e.g., Gurjararasavali page 293 for copious references in that text cf. Mod. Guj., Mar. rAva and the title ' rAva sAheba '. [ 1 ] 'a Rajaputa chief '. gajarAula 5. cf. samarasI rAula 18.3, kAnhaDaderAula 4, Guj. rAvaLa (eg bAppArAvaLa ), rAola (e.g. mahArAola of Kaccha ). VideLSJS 188 ( PPS ); also 31 ( PC ), 87 ( PK ) rAjakula. [2] * belonging to a community of anchorites populary called Ravalas or Ravaliyas in North Guj.' 20. 3,12. Cf. Guj. rAvaLa. -- a royal procession'. I0.3. [ In Old Guj. the word rAyabADI - rayavADI is commonly used in the sense of a royal procession'. In the dialect of North Gujarata the word tat, a derivative of this, is often heard'.] Vide LSJS 31 (PC) rAjapATikA, 87 (PK ) rAjapATI, 188 (PPS ) rAjapATikA, rAjapATI. 'a feudatory ruler '. pAhaNa rANau 18.4, jhAlau rANau 7. rANa m. < Pkt. rAyaNNa, rANa m. rANo m.; Hindi, Mar. rANA m. Vide rANA, rANAka; also vide LSJS 32 (PC) rANaka; 88 ( PK ) rANa, rANaka, rANA 189 ( PPS ) rANa, rANaka, rANA, rANimA. 'a feudatory ruler '. kuMArI rANAprabandha: 27.21. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. < Sk. rAjanya m. cf. Guj. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. rANA m. ViderANa, rANAka; also LSJS 32 ( PC ) rANaka; 88 (PK ) rANa, rANaka, rANA; 189 ( PPS ) rANa, rANaka, rANA, rANimA. m. ' a feudatory ruler '. kuMArIrANAko rAjyaM karoti / 27.2; bRhaspatirANAko rAjyaM karoti / 30.2. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. rANA. Vide rANau, rANA; also vide LSJS 32 (PC) rANaka; 88 ( PK ) rANa, rANaka, rANA; 189 (PPS ) rANa, rANaka, rANA, rANimA.

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73 rANI rAti ... f. 'a queen'. rANyA paNyAGganAnAM graasvidhai| dattam | I.10; mAyUrANI pethUrANI dve gRhiite| 9.4. cf. Guj., Mar. rANI and Hindi rAnI < Pkt. raNNI, rANI, rANiA < Sk. rAjJI. Vide LSJS 189 (PPS). decl. 'at night'. rAtiM raDai na koi 26.4. Loc. sing. of Old Guj. rAti f. (also rAta f.) < Pkt. ratti f. Page #245
74 rItilaga TITS [v.l. rUpya Van decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the king ; lit.: decora tors, experts at make-up'? 18.13. Nom. pl. of Old Guj. Als m. decl. of silver'. ETIAS 171 4.2. Genitive sing, of Old Guj. rU' n. Page #246
lAla lekhazAlA loANa 'vai vajrapaJjara vajravayarAgara vaDavAyI vaNijAraka varaNDI */ valU m. f. ' a school'. tatra ziSyANAM lekhazAlA'sti / 13.22. cf. Old Guj . lehasAla f., lesAla f., nesAla f.; Mod. Guj. nizALa f. Vide LSJS 33 (PC), 194 (PPS); also 89 (PK) and 194 lekhazAlika (PPS ). decl. 75 'a ruby'; lit : ' of red colour '. dine 2 TaGka 1000 svarNahIrAlAla mauktikamayam / 5.4-5. decl. m. -- a ruler, a king' ; lit : ' a husband'. gAjaNavai hammIra hRdayAntazalya | 6.16. Old Guj and Pkt. vai < Sk. pati. ' of the people'. 31.7. Gen. pl. of Pkt. loa m. loka m. n. -- a litter-curtain, the litter enclosers' sukhAsanAdhirUDhA vajrapaJjarAcchAditAH pratolIdvAre samAgatAH / 8.15 - 9.1; ekadA nAma ArAmiNI sukhAsanopaviSTA vajrapaJjaraM DhAlayitvA ... 22.17. m. V. < Sk. f. ' the root branch or an adventitious root of a banyan tree'. 29.2-3. cf. Guj . vaDavAI. * a jeweller'. 18.9. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. vajratrayarAgara m. The word bayarAgara or varAgara (Old Guj and Pkt) is derived from Sk. bajra n. 'a jewel ' + Akara m. a mine. Sk. vajra > Pkt. vara ; Sk. Akara > Pkt. Agara. The author of LPS is perhaps not aware of this derivation and therefore prefixes the word vajra ! The term vayarAgara is fairly common in Old Guj.; Vide, e.g., Pracina Phagu-sangraha 17.2; 20.7; 22 19. Also Varnakasamuccaya 59.4 ; 82.20; 167.4. 'a ( travelling) merchant ( who carried his goods in a caravan )'. 6.10. cf. Sk. vANijya + kAra : > Pkt. vANijja + Aro; Guj. vaNajAro; Hindi baMjArA; Mar. vaNajAra. Vide viNajArau; also vide LSJS 34 vaNijyAkAra ( PC ); 90 vaNijyAraka (PK ); 200 vANijyakAraka (PPS ). f. a compound wall'. 4. 10. cf. Desi varaMDiyA; Guj . varaMDI, varaMDo, vaMDI, vaMDo, vaMDhI, vaMDho; Mar. vaMDI. Vide LSJS 34 varaNDaka (PC). ' to turn back, to return'. vAlitA: ( causal ) I.II; valitAH 8.4; 20.3;

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valaMti vasagA vasaha vasAha vastunA agaz vAghelau vAjaNAM aifti arst V. m. m. 76 decl. 'helpless'. 26.5. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. and Pkt. vasagA f. < Sk. vazagA f. a bull'. 31.7. Pkt. vasa < Sk. vRSabha. valamAnaH 10.3; valitaH 15.22; 27.13; mAnau 25.3. cf. Pkt.; Guj., Mar. Vq; Hindi V. ' return'. of Pkt. Vvala < Sk. VvalU. Mar. / vaLa; Hindi V bala. 90 (PK) and 197-198 / Vide af; also vide LSJS 90 (PK), 197-19S (PPS). fa fa a 21.15. 3rd pers. pl. present Pkt. valaMti = Sk. valanti cf. Guj., Vide; also vide LSJS (PPS). decl. a surname of Vaniks or the trading class. 18.3. cf. Guj. . Vide; also vide LSJS 34 (PC) and 198 (PPS); also 38 (PC). decl. of a thing'. a ag! 6.9. Gen. pl. (of address) m. of Old Guj. f. < Pkt. and Sk. at n. or in address in Old and at is Gen. termination m. pl. Mod. Guj. V. 'bear, carry, endure'. aaz aa A3 92 374r fasta | 21.11-12. 3rd pers. pl. present of Old Guj. and Pkt. V vaha < Sk. VvahU. Pkt. varhataI . cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. V. Sk. decl. 'belonging to or hailing from the Rajaputa clan called Vaghela'. 18.5. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. 13. -- producing a musical sound'. ThAlAM polAM vAjaNAM AbharaNa 5.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of the present participle of Old Guj. < Pkt. Page #248
vAra vAharA vAhi (ka) vigra [v. Z. vyagra ] vicchoDIyaI viNajArau viNu vitauM m. ' a day' guruvAre 2.10. Vide LSJS 99 somavAra ( PK ). f. ' a succour, an aid, a help'. ...parIkSivAharAyAM takSikena, dhanvantariNA DarmeNa vaTa uJjitaH iti DabhoIpuram / 22.8-9. cf. Pkt. V bAhara < Sk. V vi + A + VhR; Guj. vAra f., vahAra f. Vide LSJS 203 ( PPS ); also 199 vahArA (PPS ). m. 77 adj. 'a porter or a labourer, especially one who is either paid less or is not paid at all'. sandhyAyAM vAhinaM veSaM kRtvA catuHpathe gatvA sthitaH / 15.11-12; puphaDAlAkagrahaNe yogyaM madAkaM vAhinaM rAjAnaM cakAra | 15.17, 19; sa vAhitrako na dRSTa: / 16.1. cf. Guj. vahIMtaro, vaitaro, veThiyo exactly in the same sense. The word seems to have been derived from Sk. vahitR ' one who carries '. n. -- occupied with, engaged in '. 18 lakSa 92 sahasra - mAlavalakSmIkacagrahavigrapANi / 6.14-15. The word fan is a dialectical contraction of vyagra. Vide LSJS 203 vigratA ( PPS ). kAdamInAM piMDa v. -- are being thrown, are being let loose' vichoDIyaI / 4.13* 3rd pers. pl. passive present of Old Guj / vicchoDa 'to throw, to let loose' < Pkt. / vicchoDa < Sk. vi + V chuT ( causal ). cf. Old and Mod. Guj VvachoDa; Hindi V bichoDa. decl. a travelling merchant who carried his goods in a cararvan'. kuNa re viNajArau / 6.4. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. viNajAra m. < Pkt. vANijja + Ara m. < Sk. vANijya + kAra m. cf. Guj. vaNajAro; Hindi baMjArA ; Mar. vaNajAra. Vide vaNijAraka; also vide LSJS 34 vaNijyAkAra ( PC ), 90 vaNijyAraka (PK ), 200 vANijyakAraka (PPS ). ind. 'without, in absence of '. sA vasagA viNu sUriyA 26.4-5. Sk. binA > Pkt. viNa > Ap. viNu > Old Guj. viNu. Very common in Old Guj.; vide, e.g., Gurjararasavali 1.200, 604, 642; 6.10, 80. cf. Mod. Guj. fan and Hindi faa ( both in poetry ). a wish, a desire, a desired object". dvitIyaM vitauM // 12.2; 13.18; 15.8; 16.6. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. faa n.

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vibhAta fa + van fa+vate V. 78 vatuM and its pl. at are very common in Old Guj. lit. exactly in this sense. Vide, e.g., the following lines from an anonymous Old Guj. poem named Pancadandacatuspadi dated V. S. 1556 (= 1500 A.D.), where the pl. form 'qai' is used in the same context when the king is asked to fulfill the five 'aat' or 'desires' if he wished to have a five-handled royal umbrella: V. " pAMca vatAM pahilaM jau tumheM, karisiuM nRpa je desiuM amhe; pAMcadaMDIu chatra tu deva, n. ' morning'. tasya rAtrau tasmin pATake gatvA vilokitam / saharSA vadanti / rAjJo vibhAte hArirbhaviSyati / 10. 19 - 20; vibhAte dvayoH krIDA jAtA / 11.16. kari siuM valI tumhArI seva. " kahi rAjA " kahisiuM je tumhe, vatAM pAMca karisiuM amhe. "-37-38s of Adesa I, p. 74 of Buddhiprakasa Vol. 79 (1932) where the poem is edited by Dr. B. J. Sandesara. cf. Mod. Guj. n. 'a thing experienced; misery, suffering'. Subhasilagapin, Purnacandrasuri, Ramacandrasuri and other writers on the story of Pancadandacchatra have employed the term adesa a command' for the five faas of LPS. Also cf. Mod. Guj., Mar. at to befall (of calamities), to be obliged to suffer ( calamities)'. to bite, to strike '. vaMzIyAlinA vilagnA mRtA / 29.15. Vide; also vide LSJS 92 (PK), 205 (PPS); also 32 (PC), 88-89 (PK) and 191-192 (PPS) for different senses of V lag. to require'. quigotr$?a ad 7.13. [This can be rendered into Guj. thus, every word retaining the same sequence in the translation also: 'bIjuM je joIe te a.] Vide LSJS 92 (PK), 205 (PPS); also 107 ava + V lokU (PPS ).

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fafart fage775 vIta vRddha VvRdh velai vesagara $ftongreace saagika vyAsa zalya hasta 79 decl. a hole, a hollow, a scope'. fat [] 25.20. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. fafat m., contaminated for Pkt. vivara m. < Sk. vivara m. V. 'will break down, will be reduced'. so kahi karisya kajja kima jai vihaDasyai kalAsu // 21.13-14. 3rd pers. sing. Future I of Pkt. fage Pkt. vesagara > Guj. veSa (za) garuM. a merchant'. cf. Guj . vahevAriyo. Vide LSJS 36 (PC), 94 (PK), 209 (PPS). 'a Brahmana who expounds the Puranas in public'. 18.10, 13. Vide LSJS 210 (PPS). 'a royal officer'; lit.: the wielder of a lance'. 13.10-11, 14. cf. Old Guj. selahu ( hU) ta, seluta, zeluta. We .

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zalyA zikharazRGga zudi zuddhi zaithilyatva zrIkaraNamudrA zrI haradvAra f. n. adv. n. f. 80 get copious references to these forms in Old Guj. literature; for quotations and discussion vide Sandesara, B. J., Khedavala Brahmanoni trana Atako: Vagvyaparani Drstie' (Guj.), Buddhiprakasa, January 1952, pp. 24-27. The word has survived in Mod. Guj. as, a surname of the Khedavala Brahmanas. Vide ; also vide LSJS 210 (PPS); also 39-40 (PC). in the bright fortnight'. 5.16. [ It is used adverbially being a contraction of Sk. + dine Too and by usage it has become an expletive, even as bahula + dine ba. di. af in Guj.] Vide sudi. f. information'. 20.3, II. Vide LSJS 212-213 (PPS). 'a huge slab (of stone)'. marUDImAlinyA daNDena zalyA udghATitA / pAtAlapure gatA / 15.18. cf. Guj., a contamination of Sk. ff. 'the top of a summit'. 29.14. [A translation compound. ] = = 'looseness, the state of being enfeebled'. 5.3[ A grammatical peculiarity.] 'the charge of the Chief-minister's office'. 17.14. The word is very common in inscriptions and colophons of Mss. of mediaeval Gujarata. Vide LSJS 37 (PC), 95 (PK); also 89 ( 1214 zrIkaraNa (PPS }. (PK), n. 'the entrance of the apartment of worship in a house '. zrIharadvAre sthitA lIlU: nAmalapAdau patitA / 22.22. Sk., when not the first member of a compound, is reduced to in Pkt. and Old Guj. To illustrate: Sk. faae > Pkt. and Old Guj. fange; Sk. fia> Pkt. and Old Guj. piihara, piyahara > Mod. Guj piyara ; Sk. mAtRgRha > Pkt. and Old Guj. > Mod. Guj. ; Sk. > Pkt. and Old Guj. jamahara > Mod. Guj jauhara, jhamora. In the same fashion Sk, ' the holy apartment of worship in a house' > Pkt. and Old Guj. after. ' zrI ' remains

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saIMvara sauMrakSA sagraha si saNDa saNDI satI cakracUDAmaNi saMtAni II decl. m. 'a husband chosen by the bride herself ' jayazrI saIMvara / 6.17. This is a special meaning of the term suitable to the context. Ordinarily it is the ceremony in which a bride herself makes the choice of a groom fron among the assemblage of candidates gathered there'. Old Guj. saiMvara m. < Pkt saMyaMvara m. < Sk. svayaMvara m. Vide jaya zrI saIvara. n. 81 intact as a special case in the present text, evidently because the writing is in Sanskrit. m. protection'. navakoDi sauMrakSA karau cAmuNDA / 20.9-10. Acc. sing. of Old Guj. sauMrakSA f. a colloquial form of Sk. saMrakSA f. obtained through the dialectic peculiarity of the nasal pronunciation. decl. ' persistence' ? vikramAdizyenoktam / rAjJA AkAritaH / " darzaya / pariNApaya / " rAjJA kathitam / " pUrvam AmrANi daryatAm / pazcAtpariNApayidhyAmi / " sagrahaM kRtam / daNDena zAkhAM nAmayitvA AmrANi darzitAni / kanyAcatuSkaM pariNIya...... 17.8-12. ,y decl. sixty'. 24.15. Acc. sing. f. of Pkt. saTThi < Sk. SaSTi; appears, in the present context, to have been used in the sense of Ablative. ' a bull'. 29.4. cf. Pkt. saMDa; Guj* sAMDha; Hindi sA~r3a; Mar. sAMDa Vide LSJS 216 (PPS). f. a dromedary, a she-camel'. tatra raktasaNDI AnItA'sti / 12.11, 14. cf. Desi saMDhI ; Guj. sAMdaNI; Hindi sA~r3anI ; Mar. sAMDaNI. Vide LSJS 216 saNDi ( PPS ). " prathamaM kanyAH adj. an epithet of Minaladevi, the mother of king Siddharaja, Jayasimha of Gujarata; lit : ' crest-jewel of the circle of chaste women '. 7.2. ' in the progeny (of ) ' ayaM rAja-bIja daNDakanai saMtAni / 6.12. Loc. sing. of Old Guj . saMtAna m. < Pkt. saMtAna m. < Sk. santAna m. i is the Old Guj Loc. sing. termination and as such Old Guj. saMtAni = Sk. santAne.

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82 saMdhAra sanmAnita sanmukham sarva samaM tAvatA samIpe v. 'consoles, comforts'. rAti raDai na koI sA vasagA viNu sUriyA / saMdhArai sahU koi muhu dekhI milimi 2 karai // 26.4-7. 3rd pers. sing. present of Pkt./saMdhAra Pkt. sarai > Old Guj. sarai > Mod. Guj. sare (che). Used idiomatically with kajja or kAja 'a task'. m. a dispute, a contest'. rAjA mahAmUrkhA jAtaH / devadamaNisaMvAdaH kathaM kriyate | II.4-5. decl. than a thousand'. saddhi kAryasahasA ahiyaM 24.15. Ablative sing. of Pkt. sahasa n. Sk. sahasra > Pkt. saharasa, sahasa. decl. 'all'. saMdhArai sahU koi 26.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. pron. sahu Page #254
sAkarIu sAra sArUAra sAthai sAha sAhaNa siddhacakravarttin decl. adj. 'all'. yo asya sArANi sahakArANi me yacchati tasyA'haM kanyAcatuSkaM pariNAyya dAsyAmi / 17.6-7. cf Guj. sAraM; Hindi sArA exactly in this sense. ind. 83 adj. -- possessing a nice bank' ? m. same as sAkariyA. 18.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. sAkarIu. decl. caMdrayotsnA talAvalI / pagathIArAM sArUAra / varaMDI udAra / 4. I0. The word is prevalent in Old Guj. in a similar sense. Vide, eg., Varnaka samuccaya 3.3 motInA cauka, tehamAhi sAbhAra ghATa, melhAvyA pATa; 4.19 ekala pATa sArUyAra ghATa; 200. 18-19 Upari padamAgara ratana baiThAM chi; sArUAru ghATa, nIpanu pATa; 35.23 cauraMgalI pAlI, jaDI mUThi sAraU bhara, trihaubaMdhi jaloI. cf. Guj. sAro Aro m. a nice bank Vide LSJS 98 sAra " excellent ' ( PK ); also 221-222 sArA in three different senses (PPS). ' along with, in company with ' sAthai gataH 14.6; zokaM vimocya sAthai nItA chagaNakAni sAthai nItAni / 16.13. The peculiarity of this usage of the vocable is that it does not need any noun for its existence and is quite independently used. Naturally this manifests the influence of Prakrit and regional dialects. cf. Guj. sAthai ; Hindi sAtha, sAtha meM. Vide LSJS 222 ( PPS ). a surname of the 21.1. cf. Guj. (PC). rAjA'pi sAthai AnIta: 8.5; 15. 16-17 ; tadA vadhvA Vaniks or the trading community. . Vide vasAha; also vide LSJS 38 C an army'. zrIjayasiMhadevasya 5 lakSa sAiNa 9 lakSa padAtayo vidyante / 7. 10-11. Nom. sing. ( as well as pl.) of Old Guj. sAhaNa n. < Pkt sAhaNa n. < Sk. sAdhana n. an army'. [ In the present context the word appears to denote an army excluding its foot-soldiers', or, perhaps, only -- the cavalry '.] Vide LSJS 98 sAhaNasamudra ( PK ). m. a title of king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Gujarata (1094-1143 A.D.) lit. a sovereign possessing miraculous powers. " " zrIpattane siddhacakravartizrIjayasiMha devarAjyAtsamAgatAH / " 20.5, " siddhacakrava viradaM mocayAvaH / " 7 " rAjan ! evaM

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04 biradaM siddhacakravartitvaM muJca / yadi siddhaH tatazcakravartI katham ? ..." 20.19-20. sIMgA decl. horn-shaped syringes'. Naistiai tam gizoni 1 1 4.11-12. Acc. pl. of Old Guj. Ato n. Page #256
sUa sUriyA serI selatha so sonAMrUpAnAM soraThIyA sola atsatans sola hikA skandhavarji V. decl. the sun '. f. m. decl. decl. pron. ' may sleep, let...sleep'. f 21.18. Corrupted form of Ap. 3, 3rd pers. sing. and pl. Imperative of Pkt. < Sk. V. decl. same as decl. he' so ka.hi Pkt. pron. a. 85 * a street'. sAvasagA viNu sUriyA 26.4-5. Acc. pl. of Pkt. sense of sing. m, Mod. Guj. . fat. 'sixteen'. 18.11. Old Guj., Pkt., solaha < Sk. SoDaza. cf. Mod. Guj . soLa; Hindi solaha ; Mar. 1. Vide LSJS 227 (PPS); also 228 g (PPS). 'capable of traversing a distance of sixteen yojanas (1 yojana 8 miles) in a prahara ( 3 hours)'. 18.11. Nem. sing. m. of Old Guj. adj. Sk. - yojanaka ( being a compound of sola ' sixteen ' and joaNa 'yojana'). f. a dancing girl in budding youth.'s & Atofga nRtyaM kurvanti / 12.8. The word et is common in Old Guj. literature also. Vide LSJS 227 solahI (PPS). f. lit.: the itching of the shoulders', i.e., ' the emotion or desire for fighting'. anyathA yadi yuddhaM kartukAmo'sti kenA'pi

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85 strIna decl. muraTTo na moDitaH, skandhakharjirnA'panItA, nAdo nottAritaH / 7. 14-15. Vide khaji. of women'. 4.14. Gen. sing. of Old Guj. af f. Page #258
hariNapriya dramma m. lit.: 'the Dramma-coin with the impression of a deer'. TaGkazAlAyAM hariNapriyA drammA jaataaH| 29.I. [The meaning given here is supported by PPS where this story is repeated on pp. 84-85 and where it is specifically stated that "atha TaGkazAlAyAM hariNya tiA drammAH patanti / " (p. 85, 1, 2). Likewise, PC (pp. 109-110), while presenting a somewhat longer version of the same story, states: " tasminnaHsare devyA mahAlakSmyAH purataSTakazAlAyAM hariNyAzcatuNAM pAdAnAmadhaH zizurUpaM nANakaM nUtanaM sajAyamAnamAkarya...." (p. II0, 11. 2-3). Elsewhere we meet with references to bhImaprI0 drammas, vIsalapriya drammas, etc. which would apparently mean the coins struck by king Bhima, king Visala etc. It can easily be inferred from the above discussion that all such types of coins bore the figures of the respective kings.] Vide dramma. hAri f. 'a defeat'. hIyAlInA " rAjJo vibhAte hArirbhaviSyati / " 10.20. cf. Pkt. hAri, hAriA, hArI; Guj., Hindi hAra (f.). Vide / hR. decl. [I] 'of a series of hearts'. hIyAlInA haMsarAja! 6.6. Gen. pl. of address of Old Guj. hIyAlI f. = hiyuM n. * heart' + AlI f. a series'. Old Guj. hiyaM < Pkt. hia, hiaa Page #259
hRdayA sphoTa hoi hUI 88 v. 35 dattAH / tadA SaNNAM hRdayasphoTo jAtaH / 9.3-4 [PPS, while relating the same incident, uses the expression hRdayasaGghaH' (p. 25, 11. 27-28 ). ] Vide V sphuT, hRdayAsphoTa. m. -- bursting of the heart' vAdI jito hRdayAsphoThena mRtaH / 31.1-2, Vide VsphuT, hRdayasphoTa; also vide LSJS 231 (PPS). * becomes, takes place'. duddina hoi mahIyajai 25.19. 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj V ho < Pkt. V ho Page #260
APPENDIX-B Introductory Note: This Index is divided into five sections viz. [1] Historical Names, [2] Names of Doubtful Historicity, [3] Geographical Names, [4] Mythological Names and [5] Miscellaneous Names. [1] Comprises names of historical personages and dynasties. In [2] are entered names of personages of doubtful historicity. As already remarked in the Introduction while discussing the bearings of the present text on history, the editor does not believe that all of these persons are not historical. His firm contention is that at least some of them can easily be proved to be historical after due investigations. For instance, there is no doubt in his mind regarding the historicity of Jhalau Mangu, Manikya, Vayajala Pastagiu, Samala Pontaru, Silanu Kutigiu and Harapala Sakariu alias Sakariya-saha Haripala. Names of all Geographical places such as countries, cities, towns, villages, mountains, rivers and tanks-historical or otherwise - are included in [3]; while [4] comprises names of mythological nature. The names of such personages as Gorakhanatha and Matsyendranatha are entered in this section. Names of miscellaneous nature are enlisted under [5], the most prominent entries there being those of Bharahasastram and Vasupujyacaritram. INDEX OF NAMES A brief note is appended to each entry under sections [2] to [5]. Such a note is not deemed necessary in the case of the Historical Names, regarding which the readers may better refer to the relevant portions of the Introduction particularly the Chapter on "Bearings on History". All the entries of this Appendix will also be found in the Index to Introduction to which the readers may refer for details about the same. 121 The references are to the respective pages and lines of the printed text of LPS. As a separate Index is appended to the Introduction, references to the pages of the Introduction are not included in the present Appendix. For abbreviations used here the readers may refer to the list of abbreviations given at the outset of the book.

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18.3 1.4 18.4 2.3,7 [1] HISTORICAL NAMES I azvapati 6.15 20 narapati 6.16 2 AbhaDavasAha 21 paramADi 1.9; 25.14; parimADi 25.13 udayAditya 22 paramAravaMza __1.4 4 umApatizrIdhara 28.2 23 pAhaNarANau 5 karNadeva 6.14 24 pradyumnasUri 24.8 6 kAnhaDade rAula jAlaurau 18.4 25 bIja 6.12 7 kumudacandra 24.3 26 bhIma 6.14 gajapati 6.15-16 27 madanabhrama 3.2; 4.14; 5.II, 13, 14; gajapatigauDezvara 6.10; 8.2, 7, 12; 9.6 10 gajarAula 18.5 28 mayaNaladevI 22.35 mINaladevi 7.2-3 II cAmuNDarAja 6.13 29 malayacandra 24.13, 19, 21 12 caulukyavaMza 6.13; 7.3 30 mINala[ ]devi 7.2-3 13 jagaddeva 1.3, 4, 5, 6, 19; 2.2, 9 31 mUlarAja 6.13 14 jayakeza 7.2 32 raNadhavala 1.5, 5-6 15 jayasiMhadeva 2.7; 5.8, 10; 7.4, 33 rAja 6.12 10-II; 8.4, 8, II; 9.5 34 lakhaNasena 28.2 19.4; 20.5; 22.2; 24.2; 35 varddhamAnasUri 30.3; 31.4 25.12-13; 27.14, 17. 4.4. -7 36 vallabharAja jayasiMghadeva 18.2 6.13 ___37 vikramAditya 10.2, 3; 11.8; 12.11; 16 daNDaka 6.12 13.13; 17.4, 8, 9, 15 17 dAmodara 18.10 38 sajjana 21.2. 18 durlabharAja 39 sAntU 18.33 21.1,5 19 devasUri 24.3 6.14

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I aGgArasauDinagArI 2 anAdirAula 3 abhISTavakrA 4 amRtakalA [2] NAMES OF DOUBTFUL HISTORICITY 5 arafa 6 alavesari 7 Alati 8 Ali [ 0.7. ali ] 9 umAdevI -bard of king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 5.10. an anchorite practising penance in a cave near Kedaresvara in the Himalaya s. The term rAula can be derived from Sk. rAjakula which means 'a Raja puta Chief' and which was borne by several Raja puta rulers as a title. This fact suggests that this Ana di Raula might have been formerly a Raja puta ruler or at least belonged to the Raja puta clan. It is stated in our text that he was pleased on hearing the Gurjara vani or the Gujarati language, which implies that he might have hailed from Gujarata. He is stated to be an ascetic of the Natha sect and the teacher of the Raulanis Siddhi and Buddhi of Kamarupithapura i.e. the city of Ka marupa in the Gauda country. Residing near the Kedaresvara temple, should he be regarded as a keeper of the temple? Can he be regarded as an ancestor of the community of anchorites popularly known as Ravalas or Ravaliyas in North Gujarata? 20.3, 12. -one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by king Madanabhrama of Kanti to king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Guj. 8.13. one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 3.7-8. one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama. 3.5. do. 3.6. do. 3.5. do. 3.5. --the wife of a Brahmana of Ujjayini named Somasarman. Elsewhere this couple is stated

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IO kapUraDI II kapUrI 12 kamalAvatI 14 kalAvatI 15 kastUrI 16 kApAlikA 13 kamalAvatI [..deglI ] -one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 3.9. 17 kAmapriyA 19 equefi 20 koili 21 khImadhara 92 to be belonging to Soparak a. She wanted to sacrifice her husband and his 64 disciples to the Ksetrapala and the 64 Yoginis. King Vikramaditya is stated to have foiled this heinous task of Umadevi. 13.17, 19; 14.3; 15.4, 16. 22 gajarAja -one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama. 3.7. do. 3.6. - the princess of king Visvasena of Kanuja (mod. Kanauja). She is stated to have recollected the incidents of her previous birth. 18.17. do. 18 kUkUM ] ArIrANA ( ka ) - the fabulous ruler of the Kidimai ko dinagara or the city of ants'. 27.2, 21. 3.9. do. 3.7. -one of the two women rejected by king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 4.14, 15. - one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by king Madanabhrama to king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Guj. 8.14. -an oilman of Patana in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 22.18. - one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama. 3.9. -one of the two sons of Yasodhara, the Purohita of king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Patana. He first studied under Devasuri and his disciple Malaya candra and then under the juggler Gajaraja of Kamarupa and as such he became known as Ganaya the juggler. 25.2, 24. -a juggler of Kamarupa in the Gaud a country, the preceptor of Ganaya and Manaya, the

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23 gajaveli 24 gaNaya 25 guNamANika 26 candana 27 candravadanA 28 candrAvalI 29 jayadeva 30 jAlhAka 31 jhAlau rANau 32 jhAlau mAMgU 93 jugglers of Patana in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 25.4, 10. - one of the maids of the chief queens of M a da nabhrama. 3.7. - the elder of the two juggler-brothers of Patana whose original name was Khimadhara. 25.8; 26.8. -one of the maids of the chief queens of M a danabhrama. 3.7. -one of the four chief queens of king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 3.4. -one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Madanabhrama to Siddharaja Jayasimha. 8.14. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Madanabhrama. 3.8. -a scholar at the court of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 18.8. a washerman and clothprinter of Patana in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 23.2. -a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha, probably a feudatory belonging to the Jha la family. 18.7. -a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha of Gujarata. PC (p. 72) relates that this Ksatriya of the Jha la family used to thrust into the ground two paraci( an iron instrument for digging, Desya parai)s before taking his seat in the court. A voracious eater, he was asked by the king why he moved unarmed, to which his simple reply was that whatever was available at the emergency became his weapon. Just for test an elephant was once directed towards him all of a sudden. Immediately he held a dog and struck it against the elephant's trunk and then twisted its tail, which resulted in the death of the elephant. He fell on the field of battle while fighting against the Muslims near Patana,

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94 where a memoir is known as the altar of Mangu. 18.7-8. 33 Trama 34 TAUHS 35 devadamaNi 36 dant 37 LATAF - king of the city of Tram ba vati (mod. K ha m bhata or Cam ba y). 12.2 -Durjana sal y a, one of the two sons of H una The pa niya of Dabhoi. 22.13. - a woman of the wood-worker class residing in the Ganchakaseri or 'wood-workers' street' of Ujjayini, whose bitter utterances were the root of the adventures of king Vikra maditya which terminated in his securing a five-handled royal umbrella. 11.4, 11. -one of the two sons of Yasodhara, the Purohita of Siddharaja Ja ya simha, who first studied under Devas uri and his disciple Mala ya candra and then under the juggler Gaja raja of Ka ma rupa and as such who later on became known as the juggler Mana ya of Pata n a. 25.2; 26.2. -a great dialectician hailing from the Gauda country, who tied 84 puttalakas to his legs as a token of his victory over dialecticians all over the country, and who, being vanquished in his last dialectical contest at Prabhasa Patana, is stated to have died of heart-bursting. 30.7. -a courtier of Siddharaja Jay a si mha. The epithet Phophaliu indicates that either he was a trader in betel-nuts [ Guj. 1976 < Pkt. < Skt. qT4] or he hailed from a village named Phophala or Phophalia. 18.6. - a courtier of Siddharaja Ja ya simh a. 18.3. - the songster named Narayana, a courtier of Siddharaja Ja y asimha. [cf. Guj. arcuit= Skt. 71149:. ] 18.11. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.7. -a lady of the Padmini type belonging to the gardeners' class of the town of Dabhoi. King 38 dhaNapAla phokalIu 39 ATTITTE T1533 40 HRUL 23518 41 91[ a boate 42 TH

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95 Siddharaja Jay a simha of Pata na is stated to have married her. 22.11, 17, 20, 22; 23.2, 6,9. - one of the two women rejected by king Mada nabh ra m a. 4.14, 15. 43 FUSE 44 Tye SOTT -one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Madanabhra ma to Siddharaja Ja y asimha, 8.14. 45 derroit [v.l. qyzat ] -one of the two survivers from among the eight damsels presented by Madanabhra ma to Siddh a raja Ja ya sim ha. The term rani affixed to the name Pethu indicates that later on she became a queen of Siddhar aja. At PPS p. 25 also she is named dg. 9.4. 46 FATCAT 47 straf 48 godt 49 sati 50 217 51 gtgfa Top -one of the eight charming damsels presented by Madanabhra ma to Siddharaja Jayasimha. 8.13. I do. 8.13. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada nabhra m a. 3.6. do. 3.6. -the first of the four chief queens of Mada na bhra ma. 3.4. -king of Vama nast h ali (mod. Vantha li in Sa u ra stra), in whose reign Vardh a manasuri, the author of the Vosupujyacarita ( 1243 A.D.) is stated in our text to have flourished. His name is not found in the Vasupujyacarita. 30.2. -the younger of the two juggler-brothers of Pata n a whose original name was Devadhara. 25.8; 26.8. -a courtier of Siddharaja Jay a si mh a. 18.6. -a courtier of Siddharaja Ja ya simha. The epithet Tamba diu indicates that he was either a native of Tram ba vati (mod. K ha mbhata or Cambay) or a copper-smith. 18.7. 52 HOTT 53 madana tAGgaDIu 54 HT arasts

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06 55 HAIENT -one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Mada na bhra ma to Siddharaja J a y asimha. 8.15. 56 HESH -a female gardener of Ujjayini with whom the great king Vikra maditya is said in our prabandha to have gone to the nether world in the guise of a porter. 15.13, 18. 57 Heng -a royal officer of Mada n a bhra ma, who does not figure in the PK and PPS versions of the story. 3.3. -- same as hie2a. 7.8. 58 AIR 59 18[ ] ---the Chief Minister of Madan a bhra ma, who is called his Sarva-mantri-sresjho mamidevah sarvamudradhikari in the PPS version. 3.3. 60 ATUTUT a disciple of Deva suri. As stated in our prabandha, he appears to have taken a prominent part in the great dialectic disputation at the court of Siddharaja Jay a simha of Patana, which resulted in the historic defeat of the Digambara pontiff Kumud a candra. The contemporary drama Mudritakumudacandra also furnishes an evidence about his being a participant of the contest. PPS (p. 27) represents him as speaking out a verse in reply to one uttered by Kum u dacan dra's bhauta. PC (p. 67) also puts the same verse in his mouth. There he is described as a scholar who, though a mere molecule at she feet of Deva suri, surpassed even Cana ky a in intellectual powers. It was he who secured the huge palace-like mansion of minister Santu as a Pausadhasala by simply reporting, when Santu wanted to know the opinion of Devas uri about that newly constructed building, that it could be praised only if it were a Pausadhasala. (PPS p. 31.) 24.3. 51 TTT --the officer in charge of the city-gates of Kanti, the capital of Mada na bhra ma. 3.3; 7.12.

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97 62 Arcroft (v.l. nal]--one of the two survivers from among the eight extremely tender beautiful damsels presented by Ma da na bhra ma to Siddha raja Ja y asimha. She is called Ma u at PPS p. 25. The term rani suffixed to her name may suggest that she later on became his queen. 9.4. 63 mAlau bhelaDIu - a courtier of Siddharaja J ay a simha. The epithet bheladiu suggests that he hailed from a place called Bheladi (probably modern Bheladi near Disa in North Gujarata). 18.6. 64 94 --a courtier of Siddharaja Ja ya sim ha. 18.10. 65 graden -one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.8. 66 72121 -one of the eight charming damsels presented by Ma da na bhram a to Siddha raja Ja ya simha. 8.14. 67 Trail --royal priest of Siddharaja Jay a simha. 25.2. 68 TAGS ---king of Lakh a na vati and son of king Lakhana sena, i.e., Laksmana se na (1179-1206 A.D.). PPS (p. 84 ) mentions him as a descendent of Lakh a na sena. Sripunja, father of Srim a ta, was his adopted son. 28.15. 69 parazit --one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.8. 70 TRNATE --a mendicant living on Mt. Abu, who wished to marry Srimata who went there for practising penance, which, however, resulted in his death. At present his abode on Mt. Abu is known as the shrine of Ra siya Valama `the lover called Rasiya'. 29.18. 71 riNamalla -king of Sura dhara pura in Saurastra. 18.15, 17. 72 7777 --a scholar at the court of Siddharaja Ja y a simha of Patana. 18.9.

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73 lIlAvatI 74 lIlAvatI 75 lIlU. 76 lUNadhaula magauDIu 98 -queen of king Paramadi, i. e. Paramarddin (1118-1150 A.D.), of Kalyanakotipura or Kalyanakataka. 1.12. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Madanabhrama. 3.9. -daughter of Modha Kelhanasimha, an oil-man of Patana in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 22.19, 22. - lavaNadhavala magoDiyo in mod. Guj. A courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. The epithet Magaudiu suggests his hailing from a place named Ma ga u di-probably modern Magodi near Dahegama in Ahmedabad District. 18.4. 77 vaulasirI 78 vaulU [ v. Z. bula, bUlU.] - 79 vacanakalA 80 vayajala pastAgIu -one of the maids of the chief queens of Madanabhrama. 3.6. do. do. 3.6. 3.7. - a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. He appears to be the same as Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who is known from inscriptions to have been the Dandanayaka of Naddula (mod. Nadola in Rajasthana) in the reign of Siddharaja's successor Kumarapala (1143-1173 A.D.), and the same as Vayajaladeva, the Mahamandalesvara of Narmadatata or the Lata territory in the reign of Kumarapala's successor Ajaya pala (1173-1176 A.D.). PC (p. 97) mentions one Vayajaladeva as Ajayapala's doorkeeper, who murdered him. PPS (p. 48) gives the name of the murderer of Ajaya pala as Vaijaladev a. This Vayajaladeva or Vaijaladeva is most probably identical with the Cahamana Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who was, as already noted, a very influencial officer of both Kumarapala and Ajayapala. [Vide GMRI, pp. 320, 324, 334 and PHNIJS, pp. 278, 288.] The epithet Pastagiu, as found in

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99 our text, clarifies that he was a vegetable merchant. He might have represented in the royal court the guild of vegetable merchants. In all probability, he might have been appointed to the dignified post afterwards. 18.7. 81 an - son of king Rina malla of Sura dharapura in Sa u rastra. 18.18. 82 RTE 83 vAghalau 84 farata 85 vIlhU vAmaNI - a scholar at the court of Siddharaja Jaya simha. The epithets Bhadu a chau and Vajra va yar agara show that he was a jeweller ( vayaragara=vajratakara] hailing from Bharuca or Broach, situated on the bank of the Narma da and referred to in ancient literature as Bhtgukaccha or Bharukaccha; cf. its Hindi version Bhad a uca. 18.9. - one of the two disciples of Vardha mana suri, who were sent by him to Soma natha, i.e. Prabhasa Pata na, where they vanquished the Gauda dialectician Deva ma hananda after an eighteen-day contest. This was probably his nick-name. 30.16. - king of the Kanuja country. 18.17. - a woman who was a great favourite of king Madan a bhrama. The epithet V am ani indicates that she was a dwarf. 5.1, 17; 6.5. -Satrusalya, one of the two sons of Huna Thepaniya of Dabhoi. 22.13. -a courtier of Siddharaja Jay a si mh a. 18.10. - a king of Lakh a na vati, adopted son of king Ratna punja and father of Srimata. 29. 10. -- daughter of king Srip unja of Lakh a navati, who practised penance at Mt. Abu and, after death, became the Adhisth a yik a or tutelary deity of the mountain. 29.11, 20. - a courtier of Siddharaja Jay a si mh a. Probably his name was Sekhara and he belonged 86 1787 87 sfraudella 88 sftgor 89 sftaran 90 saDhA sekharA

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100 QI FT & to the class of Rajaputas known as Sodha. 18.8. TEJ-a courtier of Siddharaja Ja ya simha. The epithet Citraudau (mod. Guj. Citrodo) implies his hailing from Citoda. Can he be identified with Samarasimha Sona gara Ca u hana (1183-1186 A.D.) of Jhalora who was a tributary of Bhim a deva II of Pata na? Because it is the practice of the Prabandha-writers to put together personages who have flourished at different times, a glaring example whereof is the Bhojaprabandha. 18.3. - one of the maids of the chief queens of Madana bhrama. 3.8. ---a female attendant of the harem of king Mada nabhra na. 5.18. 92 EUR 93 Fish 94 TT giant 95 FT ATSTO13 96 ATE HEST # -the elephant-driver named Sa mala', mentioned here as a courtier of Siddha raja J a y asimha. PC (p. 59) mentions Samala as the elephant-driver of Siddharaja and PPS (pp. 51-52 ) mentions Sya ma la as the elephant-driver of Kumara pala. These were probably one and the same person. 18.10. --Sam a la, a royal messenger who could traverse (probably riding she-camels ) the distance of 16 yojanas (in a watch )', mentioned among the courtiers of Siddharaja Ja ya simh a. 18.11. - Salhu, hailing from certain village called Bheladi (probably the one near Disa in North Guj.), who belonged to the Vagh ela family of Raja putas'. He is mentioned among the courtiers of Siddha raja Ja ya sim ha. 18.5. --a female friend of Marudi, the female gardener of Ujjayini, and sister of Uma devi. 15.13. -one of the two disciples of Vardh a mana suri, who were sent by him to Prabhas a Pata na, where they vanquished the Gauda dialectician 97 Atlait 98 siMghalau

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101 named Deva ma hananda after an eighteenday contest. This appears to be his nick-name. 30.16. 99 siddhi-buddhi-raulANI -the Raulanis, Siddhi and Buddhi, female ascetics of the Natha sect, disciples of Anadi Raula. They hailed from Ka ma rupapith a of the Gaud a country. Does the term solut indicate that they originally belonged to the Raja puta clan? Or is it simply the feminine form of 133 which may denote the community of anchorites known as Ravalas or Ravaliyas? 20.6; 21.2, 21, 23. [v.l. ]-a female attendant of king Mada na bhrama, probably his door-keeper. 6.4. 101 aneint -one of the four chief queens of Ma da na bhrama. 3.5. 102 FITTA ... one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhra m a. 3.6. 103 sIlaNu kutigIu - a courtier of Siddharaja J a ya simha. He was a jester (Kutigiu = Kaulukin). For interesting stories of his intelligence vide PC pp. 74, 96; PK p. 99; PPS pp. 47-48. All these accounts show that he served as a highly intelligent jester three kings viz. Siddha raja Jay a si mh a, Kumara pala and Ajay a pala. Thus in Siddharaja's times he might be quite young. 18.5-6. 104 gna - one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.8. 105 guarea - one of the four chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.5. I06 Tefa --one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.9. 107 gsfien - probably a female attendant of Mada na. bhrama's harem. 5.18. 108 at -a scholar-courtier of Siddharaja Ja y asimha. 18.9.

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102 109 saatio . a Brahmana of Ujjayini. Elsewhere he is stated to have belonged to So paraka, 13.19; 14.3; 15.3. 110 FIATTE - Som esvara, a scholar-courtier of Siddha raja Jayasimha, who is called here Kavisarva bhauma, i.e., the best of the poets. 18.8. --a songster-courtier of Siddha raja J a y a simha. 18.11. III a a718 112 gifte 113 afi[v.l. f]A 114 7. Atats 115 19 -a Muslim chief who is stated here to have fought against Siddharaja Ja ya simha. 2.3, 5, 5-6, 6,7; 6.16. --one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.6. -a courtier of Siddharaja J ay a simha ac cording to the Sahasralingasarah-prabandha of LPS. The epithet Sak ariu clarifies that he was either a dealer in sugar-candy or sugar, or a resident of a place called Sak ariya-might be the one situated in the Sa bara ka n tha district of Gujarata. --father of minister Sajja na of Siddharaja Ja ya simha. The epithet Sakariya saha indicates that he was a very big merchant dealing in sugar-candy or sugar. It may also hint at his native place. This Haripala of the SiddhiBuddhi-Raulani-prabandha seems to be identical with Har a pala of the Sahasrulingasarah-prabandha. 21.1, 21. --a courtier of Siddha raja J a y asi mha. 18. 9-10. - one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na bhrama. 3.8. -The pa niya, a Raja puta of Dabhoi, whose surname was Huna. 22.12-13. 116 RET 51 117 anla 118 TO JAI

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II aNahilapura [07. ANi same as pattana. 5.9. halapura ] 2 anantasena 3 arbudAca 4 ujjayinI 5 kanUjadeza 6 kalyANakoTipura 7 kAntI [3] GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES -Pkt. derivative of 4, Lord Visnu reclining on the serpent Sesa, whose holy place of pilgrimage is Srirangapattam Mysore. 27.9. near -Mt. A bu, the well-known hill-station marking the boundary between the regions of Rajasthana and Gujarata, noted for the excellent Jaina temples constructed thereon in the mediaeval times. 29.12, 14. -modern Ujjain in Madhya Pradesa, which prospered as the capital of Malava. 1.4; 10.3; 13.15, 20; 16.3; 17.13. -the territory round about modern K a nauja or Kanoja, ancient Kanyakubja. 18.16-17. -the historical city of Kalyan a near Bombay. 1.8. -probably another name of Mahobaka or Mahoba, the capital of Bundelakhanda. Our author places this city in Vangaladesa (v. 1. Ambaladesa). There is no noteworthy place of this name in Bengal or the territory round about Ambala in the Punjab. Kantipura was, however, the ancient name of Kathamandu, the capital of Nepala, which earned its modern name in Newari year 715 (= 1595 A.D.) when king Laksminarasimha Malla got erected a huge wooden pavilion (Kasthamandapa) in the midst of the city for the worship of Goraksanatha, which still exists. This, however, does not appear to have any concern with the Kanti of our text, for king Madanabhrama of the place is a historical figure identified with king Madanavarman of Mahoba. 3.2; 5.5, 9.

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104 8 kAnhaDA [v.l. kAhaDa] -the Ka n n ada or Kar n a ta ka territory on the western coast of the Indian Peninsula. 7.2. 9 kAmarUpa -a well-known city in the Gauda country, at present situated in Western Ass a m. 25.4. 10 kAmarUpIThapura --same as the city of Kumarupa. One of the famous seats of the Sakta sect; vide, e.g.: auDAkhyaM prathamaM pITaM dvitIyaM jAlazailakam / tRtIyaM pUrNapIThaM tu kAmarUpaM caturthakam // - Kalikapurana, Van ga va si ed., p. 410. Also pp. 79-80: devIkUTe pAdayugmaM prathamaM nyapatat kSitau / uDDiyAne coruyugmaM hitAya jagatAM tataH // kAtyAyanI coDDiyAne kAmAkhyA kAmarUpiNI (02. kaamruupke)| pUrNezvarI pUrNagirau caNDI jAlandharagirI // etc. 20.6. II kAyAkuNDa 12 kIDImaGkoDInagara 13 kedAra -a fabulous (?) lake on Mt. Abu, so holy that the . limbs of the body of any infra-human creature, merged in its holy waters, were believed to turn into human limbs! 29.14, 15. -a fabulous ( ? ) city, the capital of the fabulous king named Kumar i-ra pa ka. 27.2. -a holy place of pilgrimage situated in the Hima la ya s; one of the twelve famous Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva popularly known as Kedaranatha or Kedares va r a. 20.2. -the Ganges, the holy river flowing from the western range of the Himalay as through the northern plain to the Bay of Bengal. Personified as the wife of king Santa nu of Hastinapura and mother of Pitam a ha Bhisma. 22.7. - cannot be located with certainty. Vide relevant discussions in the chapter on "Bearings on History" in the Introduction. 2.3; 6.16. 14 gaGgA 15 gAjaNa

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105 16 TEST -Gujarata: three references: [1] zhuzi the land of Gujarata proper. 7.4. [2] Tia the king of Gujarata. 9. 3. [3] zszaruft the Gujarati language. 20.4. -the eastern territory of India including modern Bengal and Assam. 2.3; 20.6; 25.4. . 17 otseat 18 cANDasamA 19 MET - a town in North Gujarata, modern Canasma, situated about 20 miles south to Paga n a. It is regarded as a holy place of the Jainas sacred to Bhateva Parsva natha. Its Sanskrit name is given as Cand ra vati. According to a Jaina interpretation, as there are twelve windows in the mosque there meant for looking at the moon -Camda-, it is called Cam da sa ma, Canasa ma! Vide JPI, part II, p. 401. This is not at all convincing. The term Canda sa ma of our text appears nothing more than Sanskritisation of the modern name Canas ma! 27.12. ---modern town of Dabhoi in Baroda district of Gujarata, situated about 40 miles north-east of Broach and 20 miles south-east of Baroda. Its ancient name is Darbhavati. In the Gira nara Jaina Inscription of 1288 V.S. (=1232 A.D.) it is mentioned among important cities of Gujarata. An interesting but fanciful derivation of its modern name Dabhoi' is given in our prabandha. The writer of the prabandha appears to have tried to connect * darbha' and 'vati' of its original name Darbhavati in this fanciful derivation by stating that a data or a banyan tree was sprinkled by the serpent Taksa ka who acted like Dhanvantari for helping Pariksit! This derivation does not, on the face of it, seem to carry any significance at all. All the same, it may be noted with interest that this historical town is surrounded by a fort and to the east of the gate popularly known as 'Hirabhagola' after the name of the dexterous mason who built the rampart, is situated a temple of

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106 goddess Bhadrak a li in the fort-wall itself and on the rampart to the north of this temple is engraved a nice scene of the palace built for king Pariksit in the ocean! 22.4, 7, 9. 20 THAI MATTE 21 ratacit ----the temple of Pars va natha, the 23rd Tirtha nkara of the J ainas, situated in Dabhoi. 22. 4, 7, 9-10, 11. -Kha mbhata or Camba y. 12.2. Vide stambhatIrtha. Its five names are enumerated in an Old Guj. anonymous poem called Pancadanda-catuspadi dated V.S. 1556 (= 1500 A.D.); vide: FUT THE FIEHT, HET I iz ara. 2 cd naMbAvatI vakhANIi. bhogavatI abhirAmaH / lIlAvatI lIlA karI, amarAvatI tasu nAma. 3. (p. 62 of Buddhi-prakasa of 1932 A.D. where the work is edited by Dr. B. J. Sandesara). 22 TATE ----the lake at Patana constructed by Cauluky a king Durla bharaja (1010-1022 A.D.). According to LPS the famous lake Sahasralinga was constructed by his descendent Siddharaja Ja ya simha (1094-1143 A.D.) at the site of this Durlabhasaras and this statement is corroborated by other evidences as well. 19.4. 23 Senaat --a river in Sauras tra, which had to be crossed while traversing from Vam a nasthali (mod. Vanthali) to Deva pattana (mod. Prabhas a Patana). It cannot be traced at present. Therefore it might be an insignificant rivulet. 30.20. 24 TTT -Prabhasa Pata na in Saurastra. Also known as Som a natha Patana. An ancient holy place of pilgrimage consecrated to the temple of Som a natha, one of the twelve Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. Situated on the southern coast of Sauras tra, it is perhaps one of the most ancient cities of India. It suffered several severe invasions by Muslims, the first being that by Ma h mud of Ghaz ni which took place on Thursday the 30th January of 1025 A.D.

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107 and the following two days, and the last by Muzaffar II in 1530 A.D., who committed the sacriledge of converting the temple into a mosque. The present temple was built under the direct supervision of the late lamented Sara dara Vallabh abhai Patela, the great leader of Independence Movement and the then Deputy Prime-Minister of India, and the consecration ceremony was performed by the late lamented Dr. Rajendra Prasada, the first President of India, in May 1950. 30.21; 31.2. Vide 9219, Athart. - lit. : 'the hermitage of the foreigner'. The fabulous (?) hut specially prepared on the bank of the lake Phu gelau for Kumarirana ka, the fabulous king of Kid ima n kodin a gara who is stated here to have dwelt there and spent his after-life in practising penance. 27.19. -- the holy place of pilgrimage situated in Nepala in the outer ranges of the Himalayas, sacred to Pas up atinatha, one of the twelve Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. 27.8. 25 Janar 26 99292 27 1917 778919 --the temple of Parsva natha, the 23rd Tirthan. kara of the Jainas, situated at Patana. It is stated to have been built by the Capotkata or Cavada king Vana raja who established the city of Patana or An a hilla pura and ruled there from 746 A.D. to 805 A.D. As the name suggests the image was brought from Panca sara, the seat of his ancestors till the defeat and death of his brave father Jayasekhara or Jay asikhari. Pan cas a ra is at present a village near Radha na pura in North Gujarata on the border of the Desert of Kaccha in the Vadiyara or Vadhiya ra tract. 22.18; 23.2. 28 THT -- modern Pat a na in North Gujarata on the bank of the river Sarasvati, sixty miles north of Ahmedaba d. Vana raja, the founder of the Capotka ta or Cavada dynasty

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29 pAtAlapura 30 phUTelAu 108 (746-942 A.D.) of Gujarat a, is stated to have established this capital city in 746 A.D. and to have named it Anahillapura Pattana in order to immortalise the name of a shepherd friend of his called Ana hilla who had helped him in his odd days. Thenceforth it remained the capital of Gujarata during the Caulukya and Vaghela periods as also the Muslim rule upto 1411 A.D., when it was abandoned in favour of Ahmedabad. The old capital was to the west of the present Pata na. 9.5; 18.2; 20.2, 5, 7; 22.2, 5, 16; 24.2; 25.12; 27.11. Vide aoge. -the fabulous capital of the nether world. 15.13-14, 18. -stated to be the name of a lake near Candasama (mod. Canas ma in North Gujarata), its literal meaning being that has over-run its banks'. During an ordeal given by king Siddharaja Jayasimha (1094-1143 A.D.) to the merchant of Canas ma who got it constructed, its waters are stated to have flown away its banks having broken forth. It is stated that thenceforth it came to be called Phutelau (cf. Guj. Phutelum). No tank of such a name is traced at present in the vicinity of Canas ma. All the same, one in the outskirts of a village named Rupapura, one mile and a half south of Canas ma, is locally known as Bandhelum Talava', i.e., 'the bordered pond, with its banks specially constructed'. This is quite contradictory to the name Phutelau. One would, therefore, be inclined to spot there the lake mentioned in the LPS, if at all it can be regarded as historical. The statement of our text viz. 'adyapi Phutelau prasiddham vidyate', i.e., Even today it is well-known as Phutelau", however, may be regarded as sufficient evidence for its historicity. The tank near Rupapura is a considerably big one having sixteen sides of 150 ft. each. It is believed to have been constructed in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. A small pond is

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31 TEST tog constructed in the way of the water-flow towards this big tank with the evident intention of filtering the water that is to be preserved in it. Half way between Can asma and Rupapura there is a place called 'Panca Deharam' or 'Five temples', where old constructions are found out on digging. Therefore it can be inferred that present Canasma and Rupapura might have been parts of one big town or city. And this inference would lend support to the historicity of the tank in question. 27.17. -a town on the banks of the river Benna in the Abhira country in the south. Other names of the place occurring in Pkt. literature are Benn ayada, Bennayada and Venatada. The form in our text appears to be a corruption of Bennayada. This place is referred to in such ancient Jain a texts as the Avasyaka-curni [ Part I, p. 547 of Ratalam edition ], Malaya giri's Vrtti on Avasyakasutra (twelfth cent. ) [ pp. 519-20 of Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay edition], Malayagiri's Vrtti on Nandisutra (twelfth cent.) [p. 152 of Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay edition] and Brhatkathakosa of Harisena [p. 199 of Singhi Jaina Series ed.]. It is connected with such a historical personage as king Srenika of Rajagrha who begot a son called A bha y akumara by the daughter of a merchant of this place. The verse on p. 24 of our text, wherein the word Bennadaa occurs, is given in Malaya giri's Vrttis on Nandisutra and Avasyakasutra, with slight variations. There a Buddhist monk asked a young Jaina monk: "Your Arhats are Omniscient and you are their sons. Therefore will you tell me the exact number of crows residing in this town?" The Jaina monk silenced the questioner by cleverly uttering the verse in question. [Vide for details B. J. Sandesara, Jaina Agamasahitya-mam Gujarata (Guj.), Ahmedabad, 1952, pp. 171-172.] 24.16.

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MIO 32 Allestimaal 33 34 --an upavana in the vicinity of the city of Ujjayini (mod. Ujja i n). The famous temple of Mahakala is situated to the east of the river Ks i pra in the south-east of the Pisa sa mu k t e svara ghafa. It might be the central place of the Mahak alavana. 17.13. the territory of Mala va in Central India with Ujjain and Dhar as its capitals. The Skandapurana (Mahesvarakhanda, Kaumarikakhanda, 39. 127 ff.) states that the Malava country consisted of 1,18,092 gramas or villages; while Vina ya candra's Kavyasiksa (vide Kavyamimamsa, G. O. S. ed., pp. 248-249) gives the number of villages in that country as 9,00,092. In the light of these references, the epithet of king Siddharaja Ja ya simha viz. "18 laksa 92 sahasra malavalaksmikacagrahavigrapani" given in our text (LPS., 6.14-15) may be regarded as referring to the number of villages comprised by that country according to the author of our prabandha. Also cf. PC. 61.14, where Yaso var man, the Mala va king, is stated to have said to king Siddharaja Ja ya simh a that he was the king of the Malava country of 18,00,000 : " Aham hi-astadasalak sapramanamalavadesadhipah". 6.15. - appears to mean Rame svara, the holy place of pilgrimage on the southern coast of India. The preceding word Anantasena seems to have influenced its form. There is a Ramasenatirtha of the Jainas in Rajasthana, described on pp. 234-235 of the Jaina Paramfara-no Itihasa (Guj.) by Muni-triputi, part II. The context of the present text, however, does not appear to mean this J aina Tirtha. 27.9. -appears to be the same as the city of Laksmana vati in Bengal identified with the city of Gauda and named after king Lak ha nasena or Laksma nas e na (1179-1206 A.D.) of the Sena Dynasty. 28.2. 34 TARA 35 Saad

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36 vaGgAladeza 37 varuNAzA 38 vAmanasthalI 39 videza 40 vaidyanAtha 41 zrIpattana 42 zrI mAlapura III -the country of Bangala, Bengal. Originally the name denoted only the Buckergunje region, but later on it came to be applied to the whole of East Bengal and still later to the whole of the Bengali-speaking area. The major part of the country lies in West Bengal in the Indian Union and East Bengal in Pakistana; but parts of it belong to the other neighbouring states like Bihara and Orissa. Vide gauDa. 3.2. -a river flowing near Patan a, modern Banasa, which river has lent its name to the Bana sakantha district in North Guj. 25.12. -modern Vanthali, about 8 miles south-west to Junagadha in Saurastra. Probably the same as the Vamana-tirtha of the Mahabharata. An ancient temple of Va mana is still there. It is referred to in our text as also in or PPS (p. 114) as 'Laghukasmira' 'miniature Kasmira' on account of its being a centre of learning and perhaps because of the natural beauty of its surrounding region. 30.2. -foreign country. 25.3; (in the east) 25.7. -the temple of Lord Siva situated at Dabhoi in Baroda district. It is a historical place which has earned prominence through the well-known Vaidyanatha-prasasti. 22.9. -same as Devapattana. 30.7. Vide aly. -probably the same as Bhinnamala or Sri mala in Rajasthana, situated about 80 miles to the north of Patana and 40 miles west of Mount Abu. The Srimali Brahmanas are stated to have hailed from this place, which was the native place of the great poet Magha. Since such an extra-ordinarily prosperous man as poet Magha of this community died due to extreme poverty though it was a rich community, king Bhoja of Dhara, who had enjoyed his hos

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II2 pitality with great wonder, is stated to have sarcastically declared that it was not 'Srimala' but 'Bhilla mala' [vide PC, pp. 35-36). Mularaja, the founder of the Cauluky a dynasty of Gujarata, too, is stated to have hailed from this place. 28.15. 43 HEART -the great lake near Patana, constructed during 1134-1135 A.D.) by the great king Siddharaja Jay a simha-one of the great things accomplished by him (Vide PC, p. 75). It was constructed on the site of the Durlabhasaras which was constructed by his ancestor Durlabharaja (1010-1022 A.D.). 1008 si v a-temples, 108 Devi -temples and a temple of the ten incarnations of Lord Visnu adorned the banks of this lake. In its centre was situated an islet upon which was erected a temple of Rudresvara, which has now been turned into a mosque. The beauty of this lotus-covered, swan-teaming lake was further enhanced by a towering snow-white column of victory, of which there are no traces left. To judge from the taunt of the Banaras king to Siddharaja J ay a simha's ambassador at his court about the use of the water of this lake by the populace of Ana hillapattana though it was Siva-nirmalya', this tank must have served the purpose of water-supply for the citizens of Pata na. The Sukstasankirttana (II. v. 35 ) calls it Siddhasaras. 18.1; 19.4-5, 6; 24.2; 25.21; 27.18. 41 TTURIT --probably the same as Saradhara near Rajakota in Saurastra. This historical place was a capital town in mediaeval times. 18.15, 17. Sauras lra. 18.15; 27.11. 45 46 gersen AM --same as Devapaitana. The phallus of Somanatha is regarded as one of the twelve Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. The reference here is not to the town of that name but to the temple itself. The temple was re-built and a fresh phallus was installed at the pious hands of Dr. Rajendra Prasa da,

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47 stambhatIrtha 27 15 pacAsarA pArzvanAtha 113 the first President of India, in May, 1950 A.D. through the great efforts of the late lamented Saradara Vallabhabhai Patela, the great patriot and leader of Independence Movement and the first Deputy Prime-Minister of India. 27.7; 30.8. Vide . -modern Khambhata or Cam bay, the important historical port on the Gulf of Cambay. 25.23. -(additional notes:) Established soon after 746 A.D., the year of Vanaraja's accession to the throne, it is definitely one of the oldest extant Jaina temples of Gujarat a. For interesting details regarding the temple and references to it in literature, vide Sandesara, B. J.: Sri Pancasara Parsvanatha-na Mandira Visena Ketalaka Aitihasika Ullekho' (Guj.), first published in the Acarya Sri Vijayavallabhasuri Smaraka Grantha, Bombay, 1956 and then in his book 'Itihasa ane Sahitya' (pp. 135-148), Ahmedabad, 1966.

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[4] MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES Isfarar 2 erant 3 aliara 4 DECAT -Name of a type of goblin known as Vetala. Having been vanquished by king Vikra maditya of Ujjayini (probably 56 B.C.) he is stated in folk tales to have served the great king often working wonders. 11.11, 12. Also vide PC pp. 2, 3, 32; PPS p. 2 and PK pp. 80, 83. -wife of the great sage Vasistha of the Vedic age, who joined her husband in practising severe austerities and had a considerable share in his securing a permanent place among the Saptarsis or seven great sages. She is regarded as the highest pattern of conjugal excellence and wifely devotion. 7.1. -a serpent-chief dwelling in the city of Patala. pura in the Nether-world. 15.14. - Ahal ya, the very charming wife of the sage Gautama, who won her by circumambulating thrice round a cow and thus securing the merit of three circumambulations round the earth, whereby Indra and other gods who took the trouble of going round the earth itself were defeated. Afterwards, however, she was ravished by Indra and was turned invisible by her husband's curse on that account. She was restored to her original form at the sight of Sri Rama. [Valmiki's Ramayana, I, 47.2831, 48.16: pp. 270 & 274 of Critical Edition, Baroda, 1959. ] She is regarded as one of the five chastest women. 7.1. - the chief of the gods and the king of heaven. 11.9, 11, 14, 18. - the river Ganges, personified as the wife of king santa nu of the Lunar race and mother of Bhis ma Pita ma ha. 22.7. -Gorakh anatha or Gorak sanatha, the great saint of the Natha sect and disciple of Matsyendranatha. 20.18. 5 6 7 otte

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8 cAmuNDA -one of the nine forms of Goddess Durga. 20.10. 9 takSika 10 ART 11 araf 12 vaga -Tak sa ka, the chief of one of the twentysix serpent-clans. When eighteen serpent-clans were burnt to ashes in the serpent-sacrifice of king Ja na meja y a, the great-grand-son of Arjuna, the hero of the great Mahabharata war, T a ksa ka was saved by the sage called Astika. 22.8. -Tara ma ti, the queen of king Hariscandra of the Solar race whose truthfulness was put to a severe test by the sage Visva mitra. This royal couple, along with their little prince Rohita, had to be sold off and suffer a lot for the sake of keeping a word. Taramati is regarded as one of the five chastest women. 7.1. - the physician of the gods, who came out of the ocean with a cup of nectar in his hands at the close of the great churning of the ocean by the gods and the demons. The progenerator of the Indian Science of Medicine. 22.9. --the grand-son of Arjuna, the Pand a va hero, and son of Abhima nyu and Uttara. He ascended the throne of Hastinapura, after Yudhisthira at the age of 36 years. The Kali Age is said to have commenced with his reign. Though a pious king, he once placed a dead serpent on the neck of the sage Sa mik a who, being engrossed in meditation, did not notice the king's arrival at his hermitage. As a consequence of the curse of Sa mika's son Stngi, Pariksit died of the bite of the serpent-chief Tak saka when he was 96 years old. 22.8. - the twenty-third Tirthank ar a of the J aina s. References in the present text are to the idols of and temples consecrated in honour of Parsvanatha4.16; 22.4, 5, 7, 9-10, 11. -Sarasvati, the goddess of learning. 30.14, 17. Vide arradt. 13 qatar 14 at

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116 15 HEUTE 16 #erat -Matsyendranatha, the founder of the Natha sect. 20.18. the Chief Queen of Ravana, the great demonking of Lanka. She is regarded as one of the five most chaste women. 7.1. -same as Matsyendranatha, as the name itself shows. 20.18. - a female saint of the N a tha sect. 20.19. - a type of demi-gods. 10.21. 17 tarat 18 muktA derANI 19TET 20 tara 21 FT -Liladevi, a female saint of the Nath a sect. 20.18. -king Santa nu or santa nu of the Lunar race who married Gan ga, the holy river Ganges personified, and afterwards Saty a vati or Matsya gandha, both with certain conditions. Father of Bhis ma Pita ma ha. 22.7. - the youngest of the sixteen daughters of Daksa Praja pati, who married Lord Siva against the desire of her great father. Once when her father started a sacrifice, she went there un-invited, was insulted and consequently she martyred herself by jumping into the sacrificial fire and burning down to ashes. Virabhadra, an attendant of Siva, therefore, destroyed the sacrifice and killed Dak sa. Tbenceforth the word Sati conveys the sense not only of a chaste woman but also of one who burns off herself with her husband's corpse not being able to bear separation from him. Sati was thereafter born as Parvati. 7.1. 23 fait goddess of learning. 30.10. Vide ud.

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[5] MISCELLANEOUS NAMES I astiat -one of the four parks attached to the palace of Madan a bhrama. 4.6. 2 startattatet Do. 4.8-9. 3 kamalakedAra - one of the four step-wells in the palace-compound of Mad a bhrama. 4.7. 4 RITATE - one of the four principal Gavaksas that to the north--of the palace of Mada na bhrama. 4.5. 5 PRITE ---one of the four step-wells in the palace-compound of Mada n a bhrama. 4.7. 6 Trakaita - one of the four principal Gavaksas in Mada na bhrama's palace. 4.4-5. 7 FESTETI -a small pond in the palace-compound of Madan a bhrama. [ Candrajyotsna > Candra jotsna > Candrayotsna. ] 4.10; 5.6. 8 dhArAgirivADI -one of the four parks in the compound of the palace of Mada na bhrama. 4.8. 9 nandanavADI Do. 4.9. 10 goat[ v.l. 697 )atur - one of the four principal Gavaksas in Mada na bhra ma 's palace. 4.4; 5.5; 7.6. II HTETTEL -the science of Dramaturgy. Probably here there is a reference to the Natyasastra of Bharata, the oldest available work on Poetics (including Dramaturgy), which can be placed not later than 300 A.D. 25.6. 12 vAsupUjyacaritram - the Vasupujyacaritam, a work in four Sargas describing in 5494 verses the life-story of Vasupujya, the twelfth Tirthankara of the Jain a.s, along with the narration of his previous birth as king Pad mottar a. It is written throughout in the Anu s t u bh metre, with the exception of the concluding verses of the Sargas which are in Vasantatilaka. As is evident from the Prasastiverses at the close of the fourth Sarga, it was

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118 composed by Vardha ma nas uri in V.S. 1299 (1243 A.D.) at the request of his pupil Dand ana y a ka Ahladana on the eve of the latter's getting repaired the temple of Vas u pujy a at Ana hilla n'a gara (i.e, mod. Pata na). The poem is made Ahladananka by incorporating the term Ahladana--which was the name of the author's disciple-in the last verse of each canto. Edited by Dr. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome and published by the Jainadharma Prasaraka Sabha, Bh 5 v a n a gara in 1910 A.D. 3.3. -one of the four chief Gayaksas of Mada na bhrama's palace. 4.4. -name of the extra-ordinary palace of king Madanabhrama. 4.1. -one of the four step-wells in the court-yard of Madan a bhrama's palace. 4.7. 13 Antalasta 14 farufarsa 15 guara 16 AFASTA Do. 4.6.

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APPENDIX-C TRANSLATION OF VERSES OCCURRING IN LPS Introductory Note: Out of the eleven verses occurring in LPS only four are in Sanskrit. An npt at furnishing a translation into English of all the verses, therefore, will not be out of place at the close of a study of the text. The details regarding the meaning, derivation and form of all the peculiar words occurring in these verses are given in APPENDIX-A. Verse 1: Page 1, lines 17-20: "We do not know, O Ja ga ddeva! how (can) rest the hand of the Creator ( who is engaged in ) producing poor persons (and) you (engaged in ) satisfying (them)!" Note: This verse occurs in PC and PPS with slight variations in the last quarter, vide Introduction, p. 41. Verse 2: P.21, 11. 7-10: "The clock sounds in its peculiar way (which) makes me happy through (my) ears; people understand (that) the day sets, (while) I know (that) the day passes away!" Verse 3: P.21, 11. 11-14: "One endures for a long time the gleam of benevolence done to others; if gradual deterioration takes place, where will one perform one's task?!" Verse 4: P. 21. 11. 15-18: "Days pass away (but) indeed do not return (even ) like the mountain-streams; (one may, therefore,) do (whatever ) little service (one can and ) may perform piety; why let (one) sleep unworriedly?!" Verse 5: P. 24, 11. 9-12 : "He has no hands nor legs; though mindless, He (can) entertain thoughts; though devoid of eyes, He does witness; though without ears, He does hear; He knows all (but) none indeed knows Him; though propitious, He possesses no form-may such Jina protect vou!"

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120 Note: This verse contains Upanisadic thought. It occurs with slight variations in the Svetasvatara Upanisat (3.19), Naradaparivrajaka Upanisat (9.14) and Bhavasantarana Upanisat (2.45 ). Also cf. Kaivalya Upanisat 21, Sandilya Upanisat 2.1.2 and Subala Upanisat 3.2 for similar wording and thought. Verse 6: Verse 7: P. 24, 11. 15-18 : "There are more than sixty thousand crows in Bennatata; if (you find less, (others) have gone for eating and collecting grains (and) if more, guests have arrived to see their relatives ) !". Note: This verse occurs with slight variations in Malaya. giri's Vritis (12th Cent.) on Nandisutra and Ava syukaSutra ( on pp. 152 and 520 respy. of the Agamodaya Samiti editions ). P. 24, 11. 20 & 22 : "Why is the ocean devoid of roaring in the monsoon ?' * Possibly out of fear of a break in the sleep of the Lord of the World ( who is ) asleep concealed (in it)!'" Note: This verse occurs in Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosa (p. 121 ) with slight variations. There the first half is spoken by Vastupala and the second half by poet Somesvara who is stated to have been rewarded with sixty horses for this samasya-purti. Verse 8: P. 25, 11. 17-20 : . "Don't be so eager; (for) no task is accomplished by haste! It is a gloomy day on the earth; there is a scope for erring today!" Verse 9: P. 26, 11. 4-7 : "(He) weeps at night, (as) there is no (affectionate relative ). She is helpless in absence of the sun. Every-body consoles her, (but) on looking at the face of others ) she produces the milimi milimi' sound." Note: This is a literal tentative translation. The subject of the first sentence is . He'as per context. If the term via is taken to be in the Nom. as the subject, the translation would be 'The night weeps....'! Verse 10: P. 29, 11. 6-9 :: " Has He, who created (mother's ) milk for my maintenance even

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before my birth, gone to sleep or expired (now that it is time) to manage for (my) further maintenance ?" Note: This verse is found, with slight variations, as no. 312 of the Sarngadharapaddhati, as verse no. 4 in the section on Santosaprasamsa of the Subhasitaratnabhandagara (p. 75) and as verse no. 270 of PPS (p. 84). Verse 11: P. 31, II. 6-9 : 121 "The glory of kings lies in the tusk of the elephant, of poor people in the shoulder of the bull, of excellent warriors in the tip of the sword (and) of women in the breasts!" Note: This is an oft-quoted stanza.

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APPENDIX-D PADA-INDEX TO VERSES Introductory Note: This Index includes both Sanskrit and non-Sanskrit verses occurring in LPS. Since regular numbers are not given to the verses in the text, the references here are not to verse numbers but to the respective pages and lines of the printed text. apANipAdo mano manaskaH ahiyA pAhuNyA AyA utsaka na katAvalA kathaM garjitavarjitaH kathaM vizrAmyate kara kiM vA supto'tha vA mRtaH kRtArthAn kurvatastava guptasuptajagannAtha ghaDIyA raDaI ThabakkaDau jai UNA cuNaNagayA jai vihaDasyai kalAsu jaNu jANai dina acchamai jima girinijharaNA daridrAn sRjato dhAtuH dIha varhataiM jana kI u dIhA jaMti valaMti na hu duddina hoi mahIyajai na jAnImo jagaddeva - nidrAbhaGgabhayAdiva para uvayAra vilAsa pazyatyacakSuH sa zRNotyakarNa: pAmaraloANa vasahakhaM dhammi 24.9 24.18 25,17 24.20 1.20 29.9 1.18 24.21 21.7 24.17 21.14 21.9 21.16 1.17 21.11 21.15 25.19 1.19 24.21 21.12 24.10 31.7

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123 benADa parivasaMti mahilANa payohare lacchI muhu dekhI milimi 2 karai mUkannena hAi yo me garbhasthitasyA'pi rAti rai na koi sA rAyANa daMtidaMte lahUa ulagai dhamma kari varSAkAle payorAziH vasagA viNu sUriyA viviro laha [i] aja vRttiM kalpitavAn payaH zivo'pyarUpI sajino'vatAH zeSavRttividhAnAya saddhiM kAryasahasA ahiyaM saMdhArai sahU koi sarai na ekU kajja sa vetti vizvaM na hi tasya vettA suhANa khaggi-agge sUa nizcaMta kAI so kahi karisya kaja kima hauM jAuM diNu jAi 24.16 36.9 26.7 21.8 29.6 26.4 31.6 21.17 24.20 26.5 25.20 29.7 24.12 29.8 24.15 26.6 25.18 24.11 31.8 21.18 21.13 21.10

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Page udvartanaM o m o n m d ol 37 II 49 51 32 57 60 CORRIGENDA Line For Read Introduction I JEFA 13 Jayasingh Jayasingha 29 ot of 12 Marudi Marudi 13 fruits fruit simha sim 29 is . was 28 breasts teats variants Variations PP, pp. I Siddaraja Siddharaja 17 cchAdana 'cchAdanaM Sar krit Sanskrit 600 625 pUrvamantriNa pUrvamantriNaM 2 Prabandhapancasati Prabandhapancasati Maniky a Maniky a Hem a candra Ratnaprabha prabandha-works Prabandha-works pAzva pAce 10 nANaka nANaka 9 rAjA rAjJA naparA mukhI naparAGmukhI 17 tAmracUDakhaM tAmracUDaravaM 20 zrImAta zrImAtA 12 Uttarayam uttarayam 4 ja arit h jagaritah 31 27 II 27.11 3 (30.18 (30.18) 11 lhe The last s 61 67 68 74 74 75 77 77 83

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125 Page Line 87 14 29 14 90 94 19 II 23 100 IOI 109 4 29 31 i.e. 23-24 17-18 28 III III III 113 113 116 116 33 14 I (fn) 23 30 For Read Srima a-prabandha Srimata-prabandha alav svara alavesvara Nag ndragaccha-patta- Nagendragacchavali pattavali 54 4 5494 Bhavai ya ra Bhavai-yatra 90 93 90-93 Paramarddi-mardadka Paramarddi-marddaka dezabhaGgo'pi dezabhaGge'pi TET: gurjarezaH i, e. Madanabhrama- Madanabhramaprabanhha prabandha Prabandhacitamani Prabandhacintamani the Kamarupa country Kamarupa Talwara Talavada teritory territory in to PANIJS PHNIJS of on if it Hemacandra Hemacandracarya fron, the Kamarupa country Kamarupa dromederies dromedaries referenee reference fulfills fulfils availableones. available ones. Index to Introduction Bikaner, Bikaner Jagadekamatla Jagadekamalla Mamideva Mamideva Pancadandatmakam Pancadandatmakam Vividha-thirtha-kalpa Vividha-tirtha-kalpa fn Hem 116 118 12 from 118 120 120 II 7 24 126 last 129 133 3+ 137 138 3 38 143

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126 Text Page Line For Read 13 10 10 pyabhavat 19 14 gRhItvA 240 owww 2 pupuSyamu pupuSyamu last gauDeravararaya gauDesvaramya muktAvalI -muktAvalI 4 -dakSiNAyAM dakSiNAyAM divase'5 divase05 taddIyatAm960 taddIyatAm160 4 pramArjayatI pramArjayantI 7 dIThau yurAu dIThauyu rAu pyabhavata gRhItvA 750 23 kRtadvija. kRta dvija. sAntU saantuu| mUkannena mU kannena accha acchamai maiha hauM diNujAi diNu jAi vahaMta iMjanakI vahaMtaI jana kIu upara para kaja kaja kima kima jai dIhAja tivalaM tinaha dIhA jaMti valaMti na hu 17 lahU aulagai dhammakari lahUa ulagai dhamma kari 18 sUa sUa 23 vuddhi degbuddhi 8 delete the danda and the comma. 15 sa hiM kArya sahasA sarvhi kAryasahasA utsakana utsaka na 20 laha [i] laha[[] 21 stambhitA stambhitA'00 IO N NNNNNNNNNNNNNNN NANHHHHHHHHHHHHunw. OUL WIH jai Appendices II 18 Prakrits Sanskit Prakrits Sanskrit 32

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127 Page Line For Read 24 35 N N N ww 28 34 6 34 13 3 32 23 3 25.17 of sing. pres. jana kIu koDinI case. sense. VgaLa, VgaLI jA Old comAsuM. from VchuT 10 VDhAl 25.27 cf. sing. janakIu koDInI case sense. ] gaLavU, gaLI jaq Old. cogAsuM. for chuTTa 140 VDhAla Old, ' three' Prakrits pratolI dina "an 207 /macakkor3a rAjA Rajaputa heard'. rAjA rAjA Old 22 'three'. Prakrits pratolI duhina 'an 23 32 26 last 5 20.7 Vmacakor3a rAjan Rajaputa heard. rAjan rAjan rAjJA 15 rAjA vajra 16 bana 9 Vval ( PPS). fulfill bItaka vRddha 35 ) lit.: 4 siMga ( PPS) Vvala. fulfil vItaka vRddha ); lit.: siMga

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128 Page Line Read 8A 6 7 22 For Old. soraThI solajoaNaa pramArjayaMtI 139 Comprises Patana Pakistana Abhimanyu 86 Old soraThIu solajoaNau pramArjayantI 13.9 comprises Patana Pakistana Abhimanyu 89 I07 111 . 115 22

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