Laghuprabandhsangrah

Author(s): Jayant P Thaker
Publisher: Oriental Research Institute Vadodra
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001844/1

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लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः
LAGHU-PRABANDHA-SANGRAHA
Edited With a Critical Study of the Text
By
JAYANT P. THAKER, M.A.
सत्यं शिवं सुन्दरम
Oriental Institute
Baroda 1970
lernational
For Pale Sesonal use only

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लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः
LAGHU-PRABANDHA-SANGRAHA
Edited With a Critical Study of the Text
By JAYANT P. THAKER, M.A., Research Officer and Post-Graduate Teacher in Sanskrit and Prākrit, Oriental Institute,
M. S. University of Baroda
IRAO U
SRUJA SAY
NERSITY OF
OF BAROO
सत्यं शिवं सुन्दरम
Oriental Institute
Baroda 1970

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First Edition, Copies 500
1970
( All rights reserved )
Price Rs.
2012
Printed by Shri Ramanlal J. Patel, Manager, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda Press (Sadhana Press ), near Palace Gate, Palace Road, Baroda and published by Dr. B. J. Sandesara,
Director, Oriental Institute, Baroda, March 1970.

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PREFACE
The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda has started a series of publications called "M. S. University of Baroda Research Series'. In this series will be published selected research-works of high quality of the teachers, and the theses of the research students of this University.
The research-work The Laghu-prabandha-sangraha' by Shri J. P. Thaker, Research Officer, Oriental Institute, Baroda is published in this series.
We acknowledge with thanks the financial help received from the University Grants Commission, New Delhi which gave us a grant of half the cost of this publication.
Baroda, Dated 29th January, 1970.·
B. K. ZUTSHI Registrar

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FOREWORD
Mr. J. P. Thaker collaborated with me in the preparation of the Lexicographical Studies in ‘Jaina Sanskrit' which was serially published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute (VIII. 2; IX. 3-4; X; XI and XII. 1) and then was brought out in a book-form in 1962 as M. S. University Oriental Series, no. 5. It dealt with three most well-known Prabandha-texts, viz. the Prabandha-cintamani of Merutungasūri ( 1305 A.D.), the Prabandha-kośa of Rājasekharasuri ( 1349 A.D.) and the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha.
It is a matter of gratification that Mr. Thaker has continued his researches in this particular branch of Sanskrit literature and prepared a critical edition and a comprehensive study-lexicographical, historical and cultural-of an unpublished Prabandha-text which is probably the oldest so far as our present knowledge goes.
The Laghu-prabandha-sangraha is a valuable addition to the corpus of Prabandha-texts published so far, and I trust that it will be useful in a variety of ways to the researchers of mediaeval Sanskrit literature and especially of its peculiar idiom known among scholars as “Jaina Sanskrit’ and also to the students of mediaeval Indian History and Culture.
Oriental Institute, Baroda. January 27, 1970.
B. J. SANDESARA
Director

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EDITOR'S PREFACE
The Laghu-prabandha-sangraha is edited for the first time in the present volume. I have tried to make the edition as critical as was possible. The Introduction, together with the Appendices, comprises a critical study of the text. This study has led me to the following conclusions:
(1)
All the ten prabandhas of this anonymous work are from the pen of one and the same author.
(2) In the case of the prabandhas whose versions are available elsewhere, the version of our text is the oldest one.
This small work is brimming with the peculiar characteristic features of the Prabandha-style and of so-called "Jaina Sanskrit ".
(4) It has considerable bearings on contemporary history. (5) It throws much light on contemporary culture.
(3)
As such, this volume will, in my humble opinion, make a very valuable, important and useful addition to the Prabandha-literature explored so far.
I request the learned readers to make due corrections in the printed matter as per the Corrigenda and humbly seek their indulgance for the same.
I have earnestly endeavoured to utilize the valuable work in the field put forth in the past by learned scholars through patient researches and feel highly indebted to those purva-sūris for the inspiration and help that I could secure from them. A special mention must be made here of my indebtedness to Dr. D. C. Sircar's "Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India" and Dr. A. S. Altekar's paper on "A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad (From the Earliest Times down to the Moslem Conquest) published on pp. 1-54 of volumes LIII (1924) and LIV (1925) of the Indian Antiquary, for most of the Geographical data furnished in Appendix B (3).
I feel highly obliged to Dr. D. C. Sircar, the veteran Historian of our land, who was kind enough to reply promptly to a query sent by me regarding king Madanabhrama and the situation of his Capital Kanti.
I also take this opportunity to express my deep sense of gratitude to a number of friends and well-wishers but for whose help-in one way or another

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viji
the present volume would not have taken the shape in which it is being presented now. My foremost thanks are due to Dr. B. J. Sandesara, the Director of our Institute. I had the privilege of running up to him every now and then for guidance and he always encouraged me by spending his precious time in discussions not only on vital points but also on certain minute points. In fact, it was he who entrusted to me the task of editing this work. I am also grateful to him for taking the trouble of writing a Foreword to the present work.
I am equally grateful to Dr. U. P. Shah, Deputy Director and General Editor and Head of the Rāmāyaṇa Department of the Institute, who also was always happy to guide and enlighten me on my problems whenever I approached him. I am highly indebted to my worthy colleague Sri J. S. Pade Šāstri, who has been the witness of my work and worries during my researches on the present text and who was kind enough to spare time for going through every line of the press-copy of the text, the Introduction and the Appendices occasionally offering valuable suggestions. I had the pleasure of holding occasionally interesting discussions on different topics concerning my researches with such local scholars and friends as Pt. L. B. Gandhi, Retired Jaina Pandita of the Oriental Institute, Dr. R. N. Mehta, Head of the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History and Dean, Faculty of Arts of our University, Dr. A. N. Jani, Head of the Department of Sanskrit in the Faculty of Arts, and Pt. B. L. Shanbhogue, Research Officer in the Oriental Institute (now retired ), to all of whom I express here my deep feelings of gratitude. I am equally thankful to my learned colleague Dr. S. D. Parekh, with whom I discussed some points regarding the Vikramādityapañcadanda-cchatra-prabandha and who so kindly lent to me his personal copy of his typed Thesis in Gujarāti entitled "A Critical Edition of Pañca-danda-ni Vārtā of an Unknown Gujarāti Prose-writer ( Before 1682 A.D.)” which I was allowed to keep with me for several months.
I am also grateful to Sri M. M. Desai, Assistant Lecturer in Gujarāti in the Faculty of Arts, for preparing for me a very accurate, decent and careful
y of Ms. G. which was the main codex. His knowledge of Sanskrit helped him considerably in deciphering the readings of this early fifteenth-century Ms. written throughout in Prşthamátrās.
I would fail in my duty if I do not remember with gratitude the affectionate services of Sri P. H. Joshi, M.A., formerly Research Assistant in the Manuscript Department of the Oriental Institute and now Proof-Reader in the Rāmāyaṇa Department, and my son Sri Himāmśu J. Thaker, a student of B.E. IV (Metallurgy ), both of whom helped me occasionally in preparing the Index to the Introduction. Śrī Himāmśu also helped me considerably in the tedious task of putting down, in the press-copy of the Introduction and the Appendices,

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the references to the lines and pages of the printed text corresponding to those of the press-copy of the text.
I am highly thankful to the University Grants Commission and the M. S. University of Baroda for their encouraging generosity in equally bearing the cost of the publication of this work.
I also express my gratefulness to Śrī Ramaṇabhāi J. Patel, Manager of the M. S. University of Baroda Press and other members of the staff of the Press for excellent and efficient printing of this work.
J. P. THAKER
Oriental Institute, Baroda, 26th January, 1970.

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ABBREVIATIONS
Abl. Acc. adj. adv. AHI Ap. BSPS
cent. CG Ch(s). Dat. decl. DHNI ed.
Eng.
f. FGS fn(s). GDAMI
-Ātmanepada -Ablative --Accusative -adjective -adverb -An Advanced History of India by R. C. Majumdar etc. ---Apabhramsa -Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series -circa -century -Chaulukyas of Gujarat by A. K. Majumdar -Chapter(s) —Dative -declension -The Dynastic History of Northern India by H. C. Ray -edited by, edition, editor -English -feminine -Forbes Gujarāti Sabhā, Bombay -foot-note(s) ---The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India
by Nundo Lal Dey -Genitive --gerund -Gujarāta-no Madhyakālīna Rājapūta Itihāsa by D. K. Sastri -Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Baroda -Gujarāta, Gujarāti -Gujarāta Vernacular Society, Gujarāta Vidya Sabhā, Ahmedabad -The History of Bengal by R. C. Majumdar -History of Classical Sanskrit Literature by M. Krishnamachariar -Indian Antiquary -indeclinable -Instrumental -Jaina ātmānanda Sabhā -Jaina Āgama Sahitya-mām Gujarāta by B. J. Sāņdesarā -Journal of the Gujarat Research Society -Journal of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda
Gen. ger. GMRI GOS
Guj.
GVS HB HCL
IA
ind. Inst. JAS JASG JGRS JMSU

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JOI
JPI KJG KSS 1(1). LCV
lit.
Loc.
LPS LSJS
m. Mar. mod. Ms(s). mt. n. no. Nom. NPG NPS NSP Obl. OI P. p(p).
- Journal of the Oriental Institute -Jaina Paramparā-no Itihāsa by Muni Darśanavijaya etc. Kșāntisūri Jaina Granthamālā Kāśi Sanskrit Series -line(s) --Literary Circle of Mahāmātya Vastupāla and Its Contribution
to Sanskrit Literature by B. J. Sāņdesarā - literally, literature --Locative ---Laghu-prabandha-sangraha -Lexicographical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit' by B. J. Sāndesarā
and J. P. Thaker ----masculine -Marățhi - modern -manuscript(s) -mount -neuter -number -Nominative
Nāgari-pracāriņi Granthamālā --Nāgari-pracāriņi Sabhā --Nirnaya Sagara Press -Oblique case
Oriental Institute, Baroda -Parasmaipada ---page(s)
Prabandha-cintamani of Merutungasūri -person -Prâcina Gurjara Granthamāļā ---Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources by G. C.
Choudhary -Prabandha-kośa by Rajasekharasuri - Prākrit -plural - Punjab Oriental Series --past passive participle -Purātana-prabandha-sangraha --pronoun - Part(s) -Rāmalāla Cunilāla Modi Lekha Sangraha
PC
pers. PGG PHNIJS
PK Pkt. pl. POS p.p.p. PPS pron, Pt(s). RCMLC

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xii
respy. RPG SGAMI
sing.
SJS
Sk., Skt. SPI tr., Trans.
---respectively -Rajasthāna Purātana Granthamälā ---Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India by
D. C. Sircar -singular -Singhi Jaina Series --Sanskrit
Solankios kā Prācina Itihāsa by G. H. Oza --translation --verb --Vocative - Volume(s) --Vidyābhavana Sanskrit Series - Vividha tirtha-kalpa or Kalpa-pradipa by Jinaprabha
Voc. Vol(s). VSS VTK

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3-4, pp. 406-456, Baroda, 1966. 94. Sarmma,
: Gujarāti-Hindi Sabdakośa, Jayadeva Brothers, Gaņeśadatta
Baroda, 1924. 95. Śārågadhara
Sarngadhara-paddhati, ed. P. Peterson, Bombay, 1888.

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xix
96. Sarvānandasūri : Jagadū-caritra, with Guj. Trans. etc., Maganalāla
Dalapatarāma Khakhkhara, Bombay, 1898. 97. Šāstrī, Durgāśan- : Aitihāsika Samsodhana (Guj.), Gujarāti Sāhitya kara K.
Parişad, Bombay, 1941. 98. Šāstrī, Durgāśan- : Gujarāta-no Madhyakālina Rājapūta Itihasa (Guj. ), kara K.
Pts. I-II, GVS, Ahmedabad, Second ed. 1953. 99. Seha, H. T. : Pāia-sadda-mahaņnavo, Prakrit Text Series Vol. 7,
Prakrit Text Society, Vārāṇasī, 1963. 100. Shah, P. B. : ed. Sva. Rāmulála Cuniläla Modi Lekha Sangraha
(Guj.), Pts. I-II, Pātana, 1953, 1965. 101. Shah, U. P. : Nátha Siddhom-ki Prācina Silpa Mūrtiyām (Hindi),
Nāgarī-Pracāriņi Patrikā, Vol. 62, Nos. 2-3, pp. 174
202, V. S. 2014 = 1958 A. D. 102. Sircar D. C.
The Sākta Pithas, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-108, Cal
cutta, 1948. - 103. Sircar D. C. : Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval
India, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1960. 104. Somadharmaganin: Upadeśa-saptati, ed. Muni Caturavijaya, JAS,
Bhayanagar, V. S. 1971 1915 A. D. 105. Someśvaradeva Kirti-kaumudi, ed. Muni Punyavijaya, SJS no. 32,
Bombay, 1961. 106. Someśvaradeva : Surathotsava-mahakāvya, ed. Pt. Śivadatta and
K. P. Parab, NSP, Bombay, 1902. 107. Sridharadāsa
Sadukti-karnāmrta, POS no. 15, Motilal Banarsi Dass, Lahore, 1933.
108. Śrīvāstava,
Jñāna Šabda Kośa (Hindi), Jñāna-mandala Ltd. Mukundilāla
Banaras, V. S. 2013=1957 A. D. 109. Subhaśīlaganin Pañcasati-prabodha ( prabandha )-sambandha or
Prabandha-pañcaśati, ed. Mrgendra Muni, Suvāsita
Sāhitya Prakāśana, Surat, 1968. 110. Thākore,
: ed. Gurjara-rāsávali, GOS no. 118, Baroda, 1956. B. K., Desäi, M.D.
& Modi, M. C. 11. Tivādi, Gorelāla : Bundelakhanda kā Sarkşipta Itihāsa (Hindi ),
Nāgari-pracāriņi Patrikā ( New-Series ), Vol. XII, pp. 321-481, NPS, Benares, V. S. 1988=1932 A.D.

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XX
112. Vardhamānasúri : Vāsupūjyu-caritu, ed. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome,
Jaina Dharma Prasāraka Sabhā, Bhāvanagar, 1910. 113. Vasu, Nagendra- : Hindi Visvakoșii, Vol. XVI, Calcutta, 1928.
nātha 114. Vijayarājendrasūri : Abhidhāne-rājendra Koşa, Vols. 1-VII, Jainaprabhā.
kara Printing Press, Ratalām, 1913 ff. 115. Virji, K. J. : Ancient History of Saurashtra, Indian History and
Culture Series no. 1, Konkan Institute of Arts
and Sciences, Bombay, 1955. 116. Yasahpāla
: Moha-parājaya, ed. Muni Caturavijaya, GOS no. 9,
Baroda, 1918. 117. Yaśascandra : Mudrita-kunudacandra Prakaranu, Yasovijaya
Granthamālā no. 8, Dharmabhyudaya Press, Benaras, Vira S. 2432 = 1906 A.D.
2. Manuscripts 1. Pūrņacandrasuri : Vikramādityasya Pañcadandacchatra-prabandha,
no. 2376 of OI, Baroda. 2. Rāmacandrasūrii Pañcadandatapatra-prabandha, no. 2111 of OI,
Baroda. Dated V.S. 1556 = 1500 A.D. 3. Vijayakusala : Vikramaditya-pañcadandacchatra-caritra, no. 24271
of OI, Baroda. Dated V.S. 1777=1721 A.D. 4. Subhaşīlaganin : Vikramaditya-vikrumacaritra-caritra, no, 12407 of
OI, Baroda. 5. Anonymous
Madanabhrama-maharaja-prabandha, no. 2356 of Pravartaka Kāntivijayaji Collection, Atmānanda
Jaina Jñanamandira, Baroda.. 6. Anonymous : Madanabhrama-raja-prabandha, no. 681 of OI,
Baroda. 7. Anonymous : Laghu-prabandha-sangraha, no. 82 of Department
of Gujarati, Faculty of Arts, Baroda. Dated V. S.
1465=1409 A.D. 8. Anonymous
Vikramādi ya-dana-kathä, no. 1169 of OI, Baroda.
Dated V. S. 1791=1735 A.D. 9. Anonymous : Vikramaditya-pañcadanda-prabandha, no. 14273 of
OI, Baroda.

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CONTENTS
vii
X-xii
Pages PREFACE FOREWORD EDITOR'S PREFACE ABBREVIATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY
xiii-xx CONTENTS
xxi-xxiji Part I Introduction
1-127 1. The Critical Apparatus
1-15 Detailed Account of the Manuscripts
1-5 Mutual Relation of the Manuscripts
5-15 II. The Constitution of the Text
15-17 III. The Prabandha Literature
17-20 IV. The Study of the Text
21-36 The Title and Extent
21 The Contents
21-36 1. The Story of Jagaddeva
21-22 2. The Story of the Great King Madanabhrama
22-23 The Story of the Five-handled Royal Umbrella of Vikramāditya
23-28 The Story of the Construction of the Lake Sahasralinga 5. The Story of the Raulāņis Siddhi and Buddhi
29-30 6. The Story of Nāmala the Female Florist
30-31 7. The Story of the Jugglers Gaņaya and Maņaya
31-32 8. The Story of Kumārī Rāņā
33 9. The Story of Srīmātā
33-35 10. The Story of Gālā Sri Varddhamānasūri
35-36 The Concluding Stanza
36 V. Relation With Other Prabandha-Works
37-81 1. Jagaddeva-prabandha
37-41 2. Madanabhramamahārāja-prabandha
41-56 3. Vikramāditya-pañcadandacchatra-prabandha
56-59 4. Sahasralingasarah-prabandha
59 Siddhi-Buddhi-Raulāņi-prabandha
59-66 6. Nāmala-mālini-prabandha
66 7. Gaņaya-Maņaya-Indrajāli-prabandha
66-68
29

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xxii
68
68-80 81
81
8. Kūmārī-rāņā-prabandha 9. Srimata-prabandha 10. Gāla-Śri-Varddhamānasūri-prabandha
Conclusion _VI. Probable Sources
VII. Language and Style VIII. Authorship and Date IX. Bearings on History
1. Jagaddeva-prabandha 2. Madanabhramamahārāja-prabandha
Vikramāditya-pañcadandacchatra-prabandha
Sahasralingasarah-prabandha 5. Siddhi-Buddhi-Raulani-prabandha
Namala-malini-prabandha
Ganaya-Manaya-Indrajali-prabandha 8. Kūmāri-rāņā-prabandha 9. Srimata-prabandha ). Gālā-Sri-Varddhamānasūri-prabandha
Conclusion X. Cultural Gleanings XI. A Brief Critical Appreciation
ल
81.. 82-88 88-91 91-117 91-93 93-100 101 101-108 108-109 109 110-112 112 112-114 114-116 116-117 117-126
126-127 .
INDEX TO INTRODUCTION
129-144
Part II
The Text
१-२
लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः १. जगद्देवप्रबन्धः २. मदनभ्रममहाराजप्रबन्धः ३. विक्रमादित्यपञ्चदण्डच्छत्रप्रबन्धः
सहस्रलिङ्गसरःप्रबन्धः ५. सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणीप्रबन्धः ६. नामलमालिनीप्रबन्धः
गणयमणय-इन्द्रजालिप्रबन्धः ८. कुंआरीराणाप्रबन्धः
श्रीमाताप्रबन्धः १०. गालाश्रीवर्धमानसूरिप्रबन्धः
१८-१७ १८-१९ २०-२१ २२-२३ २४-२६
२८-२९ ३०-३१

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xxiii
Part III
Appendices
32-123
APPENDIX-A: A LEXICOGRAPHICAL STUDY
32-88
89-118
89
90
APPENDIX-B: INDEX OF NAMES
Introductory Note 1. Historical Names
Names of Doubtful Historicity 3. Geographical Names 4. Mythological Names 5. Miscellaneous Names
91-102 103-113 114-116 117-118
APPENDIX-C: TRANSLATION OF VERSES OCCURRING IN LPS
119-121
APPENDIX-D: PADA-INDEX TO VERSES
122-123
CORRIGENDA
Introduction Index to Introduction Text Appendices
124-128 124-125 125 126 126-128

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Page #26

| णानुजाय न्यापरमावाशानदयादिताबाडानन्याचाजगादवापरमानारिणधवलाजगादावानीटाता।
राजादिवंगत पक्षानेनिगवलराज्यदायरमाकापिजगावमललगशिपमाननधातादिशानिर्गनशाक त्याणाकाटिपारपरमशिहिनिवासानीदगहिलडनौकापकालोनलीकडायचंध्याकापसादापसमादिराला राएकागतितरामीमायानगावागण्यामागनामीशासक्षिमतावागतापनयासावपिशालिवानरावमा हाथियाट क्वारनिसारगन्तनागना लीलावतीवमरहादिष्णागवादानुयायामानेमांबा। लंपरिदरनमंधारणागरिकटिस्वापुनर्यात नहातदातयामाताश्याकापिलाग्यवानाननमः आकाविताम्सापिनाकिनागताहनकयवा
रोकतानुयायाचाक्षक्षराजापलदिनाज्ञायाको शितामिलिता अभिनवसारविशालालाच
नाकावा कुर्वतया विरछालादिसालय केतु लिकायादवादरिद्धानमजिातामाही
साधनकुर्वतयानजानीमाजगाइधक विधामा निकसातिदातारमतामणयानामविध
पासवाईयावायांगनामृत्यनिर्मिबीघाजवादया ताजगादावणमुन्नार्यमंविष्णदनीययावयायलागाजणाधिपादस्मीरस्यपहायद्यानत्तवापानपातामा डिसरम्ययहदमिरानयातजाबादमारीपनानवियदासगागानालगादमीरस्यामारगवाषा डमानहानासमप्रविष्टापदमागनिताशायदाताश्रीजयसिवादवदम्मावायामिलामागजपातागाय सुरस्याहहाहातसादापदिातालगाववबंधासण्वाशवननदियटकवावलिालारवाश्रापाला
Folio No. 1a of Ms. G of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha

Page #27

बापरणारंगालादायकात्यायोमदनजामाराजाराएकारातियामाहामाझंदाबारीलगममाधनामल्ट्रास लधासदमपातपयंताजीतिरामीपरिणीतानिवसदमातमाएनालासीमाधापहराजीनावावंदनीमया दिवाइसीघणराणीधनामांसरवाशालिछालतिकालविलासशिलसिगावमलूवनलसिकारीह म्भाना सीवावगायणमाणिकिकानागावलिागलावलिावधनकलाप्रष्टतकलाासदसकलाारमावली कालाचंदातली सुगतिहिंसगोतामुल लिमालाइलिाकमलावतीकलावतीलालाइतीपत्र तिसरवी लारितामा विश्वविजयलट हूँामाणिकलरमकाबाबासमतलगायानका पायावहाससमयसिंहासनासुधर्ममय संतासवसमयाघाडवा जीयालीगवाका जासश्ययातमीमामाचदरम्यारागवा
वासरत्यावर्वस्यादिझिविमामविचमाददाणायायु शाश्रिमायोगधनसक्वाइनन्ना गायोकिलादासधागवानामयमुघसमयाव दिकाधवमरीक्षवापासविश्रामरक्षा, विधिपतीराहिकमलाकदारहाणीनामावादिका नामधअनेगवेगवाडीप्रगगिरिवादीक्षारयारवादीनंदनवादा सुवर्ममयाघाटीमणमयामालानंद यायातलादली गायागंसामयाराडीनदारानिदायतकर्दममाण्डिकरीमायाज्ञासानाम्यानी सागाकरालोटपाकीताप्तिदाबलशालामालदाकादमीरमीयाकमलनालाराबोडीयसकादमीनी। जिंदविहादीयशमदननुमरायाइबिदुमाननगरिदासानालिकाकालिकापनातिकअपरिणीता
Folio No. 1b of Ms. G of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha
.

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INTRODUCTION
1.
The Critical Apparatus
The text of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha, edited in the present volume for the first time, is based on the following three manuscripts :
[1] G.= BARODA, Faculty of Arts, Department of Gujarati, No. 82.
Dated V. S. 1465 (c. A. D. 1409) [ 2 ] K. = BARODA, Pravartaka Kāntivijayaji Collection, Ātmānanda
Jaina Jñānamandira, No. 2356, Undated. [3] 0. = BARODA, Oriental Institute, No. 681. Undated.
DETAILED ACCCUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPTS
This manuscript belongs to the Department of Gujarāti, Faculty of Arts, M. S. University of BARODA and bears no. 82. It is dated V.S. 1465 (C. A. D. 1409); written in Devanagari characters, throughout in Pysthamātrās, on thick, sticky, durable country paper, 10.75 X 4.4 inches in size, with side margins of I.2 inches and a space of 0.6 inches left out at the top as well as the bottom. It consists of 10 folios, the first 9 ones having 14 lines to a page and about 42 letters to a line, and the last one possessing 13 lines to a page and about 41 letters to a line. Margins are marked with a thick red line drawn between two thin black lines. The folio-numbers are written at the bottom of the right margin on the reverse of each folio. Each page has a square or oblong space left out in the middle varying in size from 1.1" to 1.5", which contains an illuminatory red - orb of about 0.4" radius. On the reverse of each folio the side margins also
contain similar but somewhat smaller orbs. This is a peculiarity of early paper Mss. in imitation of the palm leaf ones. The middle orb has a small hole through which a thin string would pass as is the practice for palm-leaf manuscripts.
There are three cases of marginal additions of letters left out while copying, five of supra lineam and two of infra lineam ones, all propria manu. At one place (folio 7b, line 11 ) the letters 'nāthaprāsāde' are repeated in the right margin, not in Prsthamātrās, evidently with the intention of removing confusion of the original writing, propria manu. The top-space on the last page contains the following remark, secunda manu:

Page #29

Gam 7 Pothi 12 Pa 39 Patra 10.
This remark obviously notes the total number of folios of this Ms. which is the twelfth Ms. of the bundle of Mss. numbered 7 which in all comprises 39 folios. The figure 39 written in a different hand on the top corner of the left margin on the same page supports this inference. Evidently, therefore, this remark as well as the figure 39 is, in all probability, written at a later stage by an owner of the Ms.
There are no corrections, nor any marginalia. No pigment is used for erasures, which, being far and few between, are sometimes marked by two or three vertical strokes above the letter, sometimes by trying to rub out the letters and sometimes by daubing over the letters with the same black ink. Especially when the same letters are wrongly repeated, erasure is made by a line drawn over the portion to be erased. In one case (fol. 5b, line 3) erasure is marked by a single line drawn below the portion invariably touching the letters to be erased.
The writing is throughout in Pysthamåtrās, excepting, of course, very few places where ordinary mātrās are used. Double daņdas are mostly used for marking the commencement and close of sections and chapters. Everywhere else a single danda is employed. It is used inadvertently. It is frequently put where it is not at all required. In a few cases it wrongly separates letters of the same word, e.g. pul ttalikā'. Likewise at places it is avoided where it is needed. Final m is always written as an anusvāra. For para savarna also anusvāra is generally used. At places anusvāra and the initial vowel of the next word are placed side by side, e.g. 'Vasantakrīdāyām udyāne'. The visarga (:) is unnecessarily introduced at several places, while avagraha (s) is often dropped. The letter eis generally written as q. Likewise 8 and i have always taken the forms of E and respy. Similarly az is written as and Zasa. Occasionally a has taken a form which can very easily be confused with .. At one place (24.15) the scribe has not been able to decipher correctly the term All of the archetype and has copied it down as 4134 which is equivalent to ! In the same way, at another place (25.19 ) the letter of the original Ms. could not be properly deciphered and is copied down in G as 57, though the whole word with 3 for does not seem to make any sense: It is महीयजइ which ought to have been महीयलइ ( = Sk. महीतले).
Colophons and post-colophon entries are daubed over with red chalk. Almost everywhere even the single daņdas--including those often inadvertently introduced-and the first few letters of every prabandha also are daubed over with red chalk.

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The condition of the Ms. is fairly good. The writing is fairly legible but generally incorrect.
Though the last prabandha is not dated, the post-colophon entry at the close of the first prabandha viz. the Jagaddeva-prabandha states that it was written on Thursday, the fifth day of the dark half of the month of Caitra in the Samvat year 1465 (c. A, D. 1409):
“ o 884 ara a s an poste Il sit: 113 11" (Fol. 1a, last line). Moreover, the whole Ms. is written in one hand. The Ms., therefore, must be regarded as dated V. S. 1465 (c. A. D. 1409 ).
The fact that only the first prabandha bears the date of copying need not raise any doubt regarding the completeness of the Ms. For, although the close of the second prabandha is marked by the following colophon and postcolophon entry :
"Il 3 11 at 27THERIETÀU: HATA: 11
3 11 eft: il v Had 94917: ” and is at the same time followed by as many as eight prabandhas and only a similar benediction closes the tenth or the last prabandha, it has to be pointed out that the completion of the work is indicated by a Prākrit verse that stands the last; vide :
11 3 11 hela&#
1 : 11 3 JH H90 da#117 [:] tamil रायाण दंतिदंते पामरलोआण वसहखंधम्मि । सुहडाण खग्गिअग्गे महिलाण पयोहरे लच्छी ॥१॥ श्रीः ।।
к
This codex belongs to the Pravartaka Kāntivijayaji Collection of the Atmānanda Jaina Jñānamandira, BARODA, bearing no. 2356. Though undated, it appears to be about 200 years old. It is written in Devanāgari characters on paper, 10.3 X 4.4 inches in size, with the side-margins of 0.6" each and a space of 0.4" left out at the top as well as the bottom. The margins are ruled in double black lines.
This codex contains only one of the prabandhas viz. the Madanabhramamahārājaprabandha and consists of one folio, with 36 lines in all and about 63 letters to a line, the folio being unnumbered. Both the pages have a decorative space of the shape of a Vedikā or a sacrificial altar of thirteen padas left out in the middle, its minimum measurement being 0.3" and maximum 1.3", and only four letters are written in the four directions within the same.

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There are only two cases of supra lineam additions: at one place (1, 4) the figure 28 is added and at the other (1, 5) the letter which was left out while writing, both propria manu. There are no other corrections nor any marginalia. No pigment is used for erasures, which are generally marked by two small vertical strokes above the letters concerned; if only a portion of a letter is to be erased, only one such stroke is placed above the particular portion. There are two cases of erasures indicated by the omission of the head-lines. At one place is converted to a by making the portion covered by the letter a thicker than the remaining portion of the letter regarded as erased! There is one case of being written as सहस्र occurs twice in both of which cases it is written as सहश्र ख and स्थ have always taken the forms of and respy., while is simply written as . The parasavarna is not employed and final m also is changed to an anusvāra. In one case has replaced g. Likewise a has taken the form of a anusvāra in the name af is once omitted through oversight. सुखासनाधिरूढा has become सुखासनादिरूढा for the same reason.
which is to be . The word
and the Similarly
At one
The danda is very frequent but scarcely inadvertently employed. place the danda is erased by a small vertical stroke above. At a few places such a stroke above the space between two letters indicates that a danda is inadvertently left out there. Such abbreviations as dakṣina, paści°, utta° are used for the forms of the names of the directions. Likewise the abbreviations Madana and Ma° replace the name Madanabhrama. The Prṣṭhamatrās are resorted to in all the cases where two mātrā-strokes have to be shown. The single colophon is not distinguished in any way, (say, by daubing over with a red chalk or so) from the other portion of the text.
The condition of the Ms. is good, but at a number of places the writing is worn out and has become indistinct. Of course, in every such case the letters could be deciphered with the help of a magnifying glass.
The writing is decent, legible and fairly correct.
O
This codex belongs to the Oriental Institute, BARODA, bearing Accession No. 681. Though undated, it appears to be about two hundred years old. It is written in Devanagari characters on paper not so thick and durable as that of G. It is 10.2 X 4.4 inches in size with side margins of 1 inch each and a space of 0.4 inches left out at the top and the bottom.
The Ms. contains only one of the prabandhas viz. Madanabhramarâjaprabandha and consists of two folios with 15 lines to a page and about 43 letters to

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a line. Margins are ruled with three red lines. The folio-numbers are written at the bottom of the right margin on the reverse of each folio. Each page has a decorative space of the shape of a sacrificial altar of thirteen padas left out in the middle, its minimum and maximum measurements being 0.3" and 1.3" respy.
There are three cases of supra lineam additions, propria manu, but there are no corrections nor any marginalia. In line 2 on folio I a space of two letters is left out since the writing on the obverse has spoiled the paper on the reverse. Erasures are indicated in ways more than one viz. by not drawing the head-line of the letter to be erased, by placing two or three vertica above the letter to be erased or the portion thereof desired to be erased. At two places a danda is erased by drawing cross-wise a black line over it. At one place the letter a is changed to a by simply writing down the latter over the former. Likewise there is a case of a written over a which latter is to be deemed as erased, and in one case the syllable u is changed to y in a similar way. At one place in the word sukhasanâdirūdhā two vertical strokes are placed above the letter di evidently to cancel it and probably to correct it to dhi, but, for one reason or another, the revised entry of dhi is not made anywhere. Final m is always written as an anusvāra and the employment of parasavarna also is mostly avoided. The letter E is generally written as q and 8 as y. The employment of the danda is quite regular.
The Pysthamātrās are resorted to in most of the cases where two mālrāstrokes have to be shown.
: Not only the colophon but also other portions of the text at haphazard intervals are lightly daubed over with red chalk.
No. 5177 is put in the middle blank space on the last page in Gujarāti script by a later hand. The left margin contains the writing 'Ra 5' in the same line as the above number, beneath which is written the word 'Dhana'. The significance of these remarks is not known. Probably these are remarks put by an owner of the Ms., no. 5177 evidently standing for the number of the Ms. in his collection.
The condition of the Ms. is gocd and the writing is legible and fairly correct.
MUTUAL RELATION OF THE MANUSCRIPTS
Out of these three Mss. only G contains the full text as presented in this volume, while K and O contain only one prabandha viz. that of King M a da nabhra m a. These three Mss. do not display anything like recensions, but they

Page #33

belong to the same text-tradition. There are a number of variations among them but all minor. A comparative study of the three Mss. tempts us to believe that Ms. G is the oldest Ms., K is a copy of it with corrections and additions here and there and O is a copy of K. A few instances may be examined here:
(1) Fn. 24: The reading artzai3 of G has become artist in K and
is Sanskritised in o as द्वारपालक. ( 2 ) Fn. 44: H100 of G becomes more in K wbich is refined as
माणिक्यथंभ in o.
(3) Fn. 49: gaofaat 07571919ı garant pe of G is reduced in K to
स्वर्णमय १६ वापी पूतली १६ due to the obvious reason of the difficulty of proper deciphering of ardit. This is copied down in O as
स्वर्णमय सोल वापी पूतली १६. (4) Fn. 73 : स्त्रीनउ परिहारु of G is slightly revised in K as स्त्रीनउ परिहार
which is still refined in O as स्त्रीनु परिहार. (5) Fn. 786 : श्रीपार्श्वनाथनउ प्रासादु of G has become श्रीपार्श्वप्रासाद in K and
श्रीपार्श्वनाथप्रासाद in 0.
(6) Fn. 88: K adds: fam : * ?000 FTUETTESATTAR, which is
copied down by O with slight changes as : fa# RTE 2000 Th Tiलालमौक्तिकमयम्.
(7) Fn. 94: G 4aitalarie, K °TZITT, O OZTT. (8) Fn. 99: G reads #ayathra faar, K abbreviates as fo tali faat
and misunderstands this abbreviation and copies as FA FÁ
faat. (9) Fn. 105: G reads faqt, K Raat, while o altogether omits the
word, probably through oversight. (10) Fn. 107: G ifta fyzi,
K sista talizat,
O Ses Tadtai. (1) Fn, 108: G ia: becomes an a: in K which again suffers a
slight change in aanta: of O. (12) Fn. 112: ich of G is corrected to fight in K. The scribe of
Ms. O could not decipher properly and copied this word in his Ms, as ágt.

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(13) Fn. 120: G जीवितव्यना जागेसर is revised in K as जीवितव्यना जागेश्वर
which is copied in Owith a scribal error as जीवतव्यना जागेश्वर. (14) Fn. 124 : Mashanat of G is revised in K as Ostiant, which is
copied down in Oas गर्भश्वर. (15) Fn. 125: चिंतितचिंतामणि of G becomes अचिंतितचिंतामणि in K which is
reduced in 0 to affalafot which may either be regarded as the reading of K with a inadvertently dropped by the scribe or as a corruption of a reading to; the former alternative appears to
be more probable in the present case. (16) Fn. 128: Greads Thefti *98 gala, which is reduced in K to
राजबीडकनइ संतानि by inadvertent omission of the letters ज and दं. The term at produced by this corruption is naturally not understood by the scribe of Ms. O who revises the phrase as 70 593 Haifa.
(17) Fn. 133: G त्रिहुं रायन उ आंबल उ is revised in K as चिहुं रायनु आंबलु,
the scribe not correctly deciphering the word fag. This is copied
down with slight changes in o as चिहुं रायनु आंबिलउ. (18) Fn. 135: G 3FTIANAT FTTEIT,
K 32*1184TUS queit,
0 उदयशासनतणु देणहार. (19) Fn. 137: G Hhafera faszt,
K
fant,
O Anafelat. (20) Fn. 14o: G कान्हडारायजयकेशनी कुमरि has become कान्हडरायकेशतणी
FAT in K due to haplographical omission of 54 and other revisions made by the scribe. This is copied in 0 as 1514.gaut falf retaining the haplographical omission and adding two scribal uncertainties in and H. Moreover, the preceding word 197ram of G is omitted both by K and 0.
(21) Fn. 143: G चौलक्य चक्रवर्तिः is revised in K as चौलुक्यचक्रवती which is
copied in a careless manner in Oas चौलुक्यचक्रवर्ति.
(22) Fn. 144: ofteat: is revised in both K and O as oftet.
(23) Fns. 148, 149: Ghisa Tara is revised in K as affaqat haaa
अमात्येन, which is copied in o with one scribal error as तस्मिनूवसरे माईदेवेन अमात्येन.

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(24)
Fns. 154, 155: S 19 = faga of G is revised in Kass Tilaut faga, which is still revised (but wrongly ) by the scribe of O as ९ लक्षपदात्यो विद्यते.
(25)
Fn. 163 : : afetar of G is corrected in K as a giferaf. ritar, which is copied down in O with the scribal omission of the repha thus : Tu algatai.
(26) Fn. 175: G 371: gfe at: is changed in K to 27 * 3Trafega
Here the word 39: is added to the original reading which is perhaps not clear to its scribe who, however, missed the visarga while writing down and on finding out this error afterwards he put a small vertical stroke above s to indicate that a visarga is to be inserted there. The scribe of Ms. O first wrote 371 372909fesa: thinking that the stroke indicated an additional 1, but afterwards became conscious of its absurdity in light of a: and replaced this
I with a visarga, (27) Fn. 184 : TTTM a i of G is revised (?) in K with a re
petition of कथं as कथं राज्यलीलां कथं न करोषि. The scribe of Ms. O became conscious of this repetition which he omitted while copying the reading of K.
(28) Fn. 190: Gagfa fa fa Hoti:,
K 281 à 2011,
0 381 fagut. (29) Fn, 191: G does not enumerate the eight damsels presented to
Ja ya simha by Ma dana bhrama; while K and give their names in the same order with slight differences as noted below: K: नामानि । प्रीत्तिमती १ प्रियतमा २ अभीष्टवक्ता ३ कामप्रिया ४ मृगलोचना ५
चंदवदना ६ पृथुलश्रोणी ७ मनोहरा ८. ०: नामानि । प्रीतिमती प्रियतमा २ अभीष्टवका ३ कामप्रिया ४ मृगलोचना ५ चंदबदना
६ पृथुलश्रोणी ७ मनोहरा ८. Thus in the first name fer is rightly corrected by O as fa but it has not numbered the name as 1. Name no. 3 appears to be in reality
feat, which is written down in K as oathil probably due to the influence of an inaccurate pronunciation ; while correcting this reading O rightly inserts the repha but misses the takāra! The sixth name is again wrongly spelt in K which is blindly copied down in O.

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( 30 ) Fns. 193, 194:
G समपिताः । गृहीत्वा निर्गतः K प्रदत्ताः । राजा गृहीत्वा चचाल
OFFI 151 zetat 71. (31) Fn. 194°: सुखासनाधिरूढा of G is erroneously copied in K as सुखासनादि
T. The scribe of Ms. O first copies K as it is but afterwards becomes aware of the corruption and tries to erase Re putting two small vertical strokes above it. He does not insert fo in place of this fe, probably because the readings of G are not before him. As such his corrected reading becomes a variant of the original
reading of G with no change in the sense : सुखासनारूढा. (32) Fn. 197 : G reads सुवर्णमयापुत्तलिकाभिर्दोरकसंचारेण जल्पितं. K tries to
improve upon this text in its reading स्वर्णमयपुत्तलिकाभिदोरकसंचारकेन afech. O simply copies down the text of K dropping inadvertently the letters #4: Ngam T TE TIT# fei.
(33) Fn. 199: G reads FITTO tecroft. K changes the order and revises
these names as पृथुलश्रोणी १ मनोहरा २. This is in keeping with the names of the eight damsels added by K. O misses one I while copying K: पृथुलश्रेणी १ मनोहरा २. This is only a scribal error since the names of the eight damsels are copied down in the previous
passage quite correctly. ( 34 ) Fn. 201.
Fn. 20r: श्रीपत्तने समागतः of G is corrected in K to पत्तने समागतः which is copied down in O with an erroneous addition of a 1:
qə qalar. (35) Fn. 202: G has the following colophon: 4779AEITIFY: FATA:.
This is slightly condensed in Kas: gefa stacat TTS1904:, which is again condensed by 0 in its colophon which runs thus :
इति मदनभ्रमराजाप्रबंध:. The following are a few instances wherein Mss. G and K agree but o differs:
(1) Fn. 38: G, K read tahi which is corrected in O as ta . (2) Fns. 39, 40: G, K give these two names : erat i a i .
O has only one name 44319 in their place. ( 3 ) Fns. 45, 46G. K read 514673 773 which is given in 0 as 11417
E.

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10
(4) Fn. 50: 7120 PR0 of G, K is corrected by O as tare 830. (5) Fp. 67: G and K fto. K has placed small vertical strokes
near the head-lines of both the 'x's in order to separate these words from each other by putting a danda after each as is done by it at many other places. O reads against this : ag eft. Are we to understand that the vertical strokes of K are mistaken by the scribe of O as anusavāras while directly copying down the text of K in his Ms. O ?
Some instances of G and O coinciding against the readings of Kare mentioned below: (1) Fn. 122: G and O read #411HER which is corrected in K to
ममतामहेश्वर. ( 2 ) Fn. 170: G, O have fact against 25 of K. It
appears that thinking that afar is the correct word much more in usage than qafqat the scribe of Ms. K revised the reading of G to gafant, but O, while copying from K, Sanskritised the term hafal in its reading a gafatin which accidentally coincides with that
of G. (3) Fn. 61*: KFT° for guio of G, 0. (4) Fns. 88, 118": Ti and Ea are scribal errors of K against
the correct readings #algrat and ITT of G and O. (5) Fn. 140°: K reads sting fa for stiftràfi of G, O.
Now we may turn to the similarities of K and O against G a few instances whereof are given below :
(1) Fn. 22 : K, O drop the word gai. (1) Fn. 28: K, O have are for aint He of G. (2) Fn. 31: The first of the names of the female friends is a
against G आलि. (3) Page 3: K, O regularly number the first nine of the female
friends, while G does not give numbers with the names (vide
fn. 33), ( 4 ) Fn. 35: K, O omit the name vir and add AT EI. ( 5 ) Fn. 37: The order of the names all and art is changed
in K, O.

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(6) Fn. 41: K, O add the no. 28 at the end of the list of twentyeight female friends.
(7) Fn. 42: fagift: qft of G is replaced in K, O by д adifugan:.
(8) Fn. 43: K, O read
(9) Fn. 47 : (10) Fn. 48:
(II) Fn. 57:
( 12 )
Fn. 58 : (13) Fn. 60 : (14) Fn. 61: ( 15 ) (16) Fn. 65
(17) Fn. 68:
रमीयइ.
II
G by replacing it with गवाक्षाग्रे.
(21)
for 2 of G.
G रूपानउ ऊतणीयावह is revised in K, O to रूपानु ऊतणीआवट. G सुवर्ण becomes स्वर्ण° in K, O.
K, O have avoided the confusion of
K, O add a
8.
Fns. 62, 9: : चंद्रयोत्स्ना of G is revised to चंद्रज्योत्स्ना in K, O. of K, O is naturally the Sanskritisation of G fazi. of K, O is a revision of the original Ga
( 18 ) Fns. 69-71 : छोडीयई, कादमीनां and विच्छोडीयई of G have respectively become छोडीइ, काद्रमनां and बोलीइ in K, O.
(19) Fn. 72: K मदन० रायनइ and O मदनभ्रमरायनहूं display a later revision of the original reading of G मदन भ्रमहुई.
K, O read ४ वेदिका सुवर्णमया ४ for G सुवर्णमयवेदिका ४ . 'नाम of G is corrected to 'नामानि.
(20) Fn. 74: एक नालिक | बीजी कापालिक । is the reading of K, O for G नालिक १ कापालिका २.
(25) Fn. 9:
Fn. 76 : स्त्रीकापालिक प्रसूत स्त्री of G is revised in K, O to कापालिक प्रसू t. The best way would be to take this initial ft of G with the previous word of disregarding the danda separating them.
(26) Fn. 80 (27) Fn. 81:
=क्षा ) नामप्रे of
( 22 ) Fn. 77: राजानइ २ नियम of K and राजानई २ नियम of 0 are later revisions of the original रायरिहई नियम २ of G.
(23) Fn. 78: K, O omitat as unnecessary.
(24) Fn. 78%
of K, O is a revision of G
of G viz. तहां

tion in the original G महाप्रसादपात्र.
of K, O is a revision of the original reading देवपूजा करइ.
of K, O is a revision of Gaane.
1 of K, O may be an attempt at avoiding exaggera

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J2
( 38 ) Fn. 82: 37**: of K, O may be a simpler alternative for G SGTA
MA.
(29) Fn, 83: K, O have 15: karar alT: against G 134atmin
agt 110( =313770) 11:. The scribe of K has probably failed to understand the faulty reading for of G and has tried to make it easily understandable by amending it in this curious way. O has
just copied K. (30) Fn. 84: HTTÉ is corrected to try in K, O. (31) Fns. 85-86: देहस्थूलत्वात् गात्रशैथिल्यत्वात् of G is corrected to देहे स्थूल
cara alamia by the scribe of K, while that of O has copied
down the reading of K with the scribal error in °शैथल्यात्. (32) Fn. 90: Åge of K, O is a correction of G . (33) Fn. 92 : G 3474471 becomes 71 in K, O. (34) Fn. 95: G 31: is exalted to ai in K, O. (35) Fn. 96: G 37fE arsa: is simplified in K. O as ofeggi afa
यदा चलति तदा. (36) Fn. 97: G Siraslanrft is slightly revised in K, O as siiraleant. (37) Fn, 100: K, O add the phrase da na sh 3h for clarity of
sense. (38) Fn. 104: Ggf is revised in K, as ga. ( 39 ) Fn, 109: apaat is omitted by K, O. (40) Fn. 110: G 21417: becomes 2017: in K, O. (41) Fn. III: G Hat e in: is read in K, O as #qafe: fegat. (42) Fn. 11°: qe of G has become qe in K, O evidently through
scribal error. ( 43 ) Fn. 113: Te replaces in K, O cale of G. (44) Fn. 114: aftala: of K, O appears to be the Sanskritisation of G
विणजारउ. (45) Fn. IIT: KO read परीच्छती परिनु परमहंस against परीच्छती परिना परमहंस
of G. (46) Fn. 118: K, O omit the address tada EFTF. (47) Fn. 123: K, O art is a revision of G 35 . (48) Fn. 126: Alaff of G is changed to fit in K, O. (49) Fn, 129: K, O go4a2 salateha is an attempt to correct G
चौलक्यवंश अयोनीसंभम.

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13
( 50 ) Fn. 130: K, O F ars is a scribal error for G FITT5. (51) Fn. 131: K, O read ofzaak faa5974a198aa for G #1127777
विश्वजननयनानन्दन । (52) 131°: G१८ लक्ष ९२ सहस्रमालवलक्ष्मीकचग्रहविग्रपाणि is corrected in Kas १८
लक्ष बाणूसहस्रमालवकचग्रहव्यग्रपाणि, which is copied down in O with
the evident scribal error of "सहस for °सहस्र'. ( 53) Fn, 132: Gà tao is corrected to if ao in K, 0. (54) Fn. 136: 1747 TT of K, O is a revision of G 1373 TJ. ( 55 ) Fn. 138: Gazi is not understood in its true sense and hence
K revises it to oa part, which is simply copied down by 0. (56) Fn. 139: The epithet zeazak is omitted in K and O. (57) Fris. 141, 142: 1316: and dig: of G are reduced respy, to
राजहंस and °अवतंस in K,O. (58) Fn. 146: star of G is reduced to retain K, 0.' (59) Fns. 146", 147: K, :O omit azi 3r 31,3it : 1 970 ae cfaat
gratuvara: STATI Just4: : agua: ! (60) Fn. 151: at aqai of G is corrected to at ayat in K, O. (61) Fns. 153, 179: K. O omit x prefixed in G to tadata and
मदनभ्रभेन respy. (62) Fn. 154 : 319 of G is revised in K, O to its Sanskrit form 74. (63) Fns. 156-157: 330 379r: 913 TETTHET 316i gia of G is reduced
to १२० अश्वा षोडश गजा राज्ञा भेटां लात्वा यातु in K, O, probably due to
scribal error of K and blind copying of O. (64) Fn. 158: fa5744: of G is corrected in K, O to fath. (65) Fn. 159: 47 of G becomes aftft in K, O. (66) Fn. 160: aktuai of G becomes netga in K, O. (67) Fn. 161: The Flaskea of G is revised in K, 0 to F IAST. (68) Fn. 162 : ?) replaces in K, Ogget of G. (69) Fn. 161 : quut tai of K, O is evidently a correction of G quoft
कृयतां which latter is a scribal error for प्रगुणी क्रियता. (70) Fn. 165: The erroneous reading of K, O EA fa for the
correct one of Gaza appears to have been influenced by the
regional language. (71) Fn. 166: engajai of G is wrongly corrected in K, O to
GEETHAI

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14
(72) Fn. 167: K, O read qutila for Gaguftanci. This change is evidently
made under the direct influence of point no. 69. (73) Fn. 168: G 1715 4 98 Thi Bå I F ARTU is changed in K,
O to गाऊ ५ रणक्षेत्रं कारापितं । प्रतोलीकटकांतरे. (74) Fn. 169: quiet of G is corrected to quit: in K, O. (75) Fn. ITI: K, 0 नवयौवनाभिरामा is a revision of G नव्ययूवनाभिरामा. (76) Fn. 172: RUMIT Of G is heightened to asi titt in K, 0. (77) Fn. 174 : fear of G is corrected in K, O to lear:. (78) Fn. 177: #fo is dropped by K, O. (79) Fn. 178: 17 #Thia: of K, O is an evident ( but imperfect)
correction of the scribal error in the reading of G द्वयो राज्ञोमलर्जात:. (80) Fn. 180 : K, O have Faraid for G TA. (81) Fns. 181, 182: Bar: and at: of G are corrected in K, O as mat
and flat respy. (82) Fn. 183: G strakatdargià is simplified in K,O to straište.
83) Fn. 184® : K, O change the order of die Fi. (84) Fn. 186: K,O add a suitable reply to the speech of Mada nabhrama: raati
A
ges 419 TETI (85) Fn. 189: K, O omit til. (86) Fns. 195, 196: The visarga is wrongly dropped in K, O in the read
ings वज्रपञ्जराच्छादिताः and समागताः of G. It cannot be argued that in both these cases the singular is intended and hence the visarga is dropped; because that would not suit the plural in Erhaat: and other allied terms.
There are no significant readings peculiar to G alone over and above those already noted in the foregoing pages. The obvious reason for this fact is that K has copied G faithfully correcting its so many scribal inaccuracies.
K displays very few notable peculiarities of its own, the most glaring one being the occasional use of short forms e.g. afoto (fn. 53), ufo (fn.
3770 (fn. 55") for the respective directions and Ho (fn. 99 ) and 770 (fn. 72 ) for CTA.
Being the latest of the three codices, O presents more peculiarities of readings than the other two:
(1) Fn. 53: O adds fafèt after aliaf.

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15
( 2 ) Fn. 56 : कैलासहास for कैलाशहास proves its inclination towards figurative expressions.
( 3 ) Fn. 87 : प्रकटीभवति for प्रगटीभवति is one of the instances of its inclination towards correctness of Sanskrit expressions.
(4) Fn. 98: Sometimes glaring scribal errors take place during its endeavour in the directions noted above. Thus it has not properly understood the reading अस्मत्स्वामिन: Reading this अस्मत् as अस्मन् it runs to correct it to an which gives us a curious variant in अस्मिन् स्वाभिनः !
(5) Fns. 102, 187: The forms
and
are confused.
(6) Sometimes it omits certain terms as superfluous: e.g. the address is dropped at fn. 127 and the term ar is dropped from - श्रीजयसिंहदेव at fn 145.
(7) Sometimes changes are made due to non-understanding of the real sense but in an attempt at refining the original; e.g. fn. 134: गाजणवइ is wrongly turned to गाजगडय. Similar is the case of रणवट्टः which is reduced to 1 by O (fn. 152) due to the same reason. 173) of the other two Mss. is an inclined towards Sanskrit expressions
( 8 ) कटकसंमुखं against कटकसन्मुखं ( in instance of its being more than the other two.
It becomes clear from the above account that G, being archaic in its readings, is the oldest of the three Mss. consulted. It is not possible at the present stage of our knowledge to determine its exact archetype. Its incorrect language and numerous Prakritic and Old Gujarāti passages tempt one to guess that most of the stories are taken from folklore. It is also evident from the above discussions that K is a hurried copy of G, but that the scribe has revised the copy carefully and made suitable changes to make it accurate. Its writing is far more correct than that of G which it has improved upon considerably during the process of being copied down. O does not appear to have before it the Ms. G. It is a copy of K, sometimes a blind one inasmuch as it has retained several scribal inaccuracies of K and at places has misunderstood certain signs of K which are presented by O in an altogether different way. Its inclination towards Sanskritisation and refinement can easily be noticed at a number of places. All the same the scribe is not conversant with the language nor is he intelligent enough to avoid certain silly errors.
II. The Constitution of the Text
For one of the prabandhas three Mss. could be consulted, but for the rest

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of the text only one Ms. was available and the Ms. concerned also was considerably defective. The editor has tried to correct all scribal errors, but care is taken not to meddle with the peculiarities of the language and style, since this work is written in the so-called “Jaina Sanskrit". Hence faulty forms of the names of the directions are not revised. Many names and other words lack Sanskrit case-terminations. Likewise at several places Prākrit and Old Gujarāti terms, expressions and even whole sentences and passages are met with. In all such cases the original spelling is retained in the re-constructed text as far as possible; because these cannot be deemed as mere scribal errors. A glaring example in this regard is the specch of Vilh û Vāmaņi on pp. 6 and 7, which is not completely Sanskritised in the re-constructed text since it indicates dialectical or colloquial influence. Likewise the name Jayasimha sometimes takes the colloquial form Jayasingh which, as such, must be retained in the re-constructed text.
The editor has not tried to Sanskritise the names and epithets of the members of the court of King Jayasimha and those of other personages also, for they possess a purely dialectical touch and cannot be deemed as mere scribal corruptions. Certain words, however, placed among purely Sanskrit wordings, are changed to their original Sanskrit form considering such cases as those of scribal errors; e.g. visvasena (18.17) replaces the original visvasena in the re-constructed text.
A lexicographical note on all peculiar words and expressions is presented in Appendix 'A',
In the presentation of the re-constructed text the usual system of brackets is not followed for evident reasons. The re-constructed text is presented in a running way and the original readings of the Mss. (including variant readings) are given in the footnotes on each page for ready reference both to the original readings or variants and to the consituted text.
The re-constructed text is divided into suitable paragraphs and punctuation marks also are scrupulously resorted to in the modern fashion. The dandas in the Mss. could not be relied upon, as they are placed there quite inadvertently, sometimes even separating letters of the same word! Therefore, in oider to present an easily readable text, they are disregarded and all punctuations are made in the modern fashion. Likewise the avagrahas also are employed in the re-constructed text wherever the editor felt that they were required for facility of understanding.
At very few places the editor has made small insertions, especially at the close of trabandhas or sections thereof. The titles and serial numbers of the

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prabandhas are also introduced by the editor. All such insertions are placed within square brackets [] in order to distinguish the same from the text as reproduced from the Mss.
In the case of Old Gujarati and Präkrit words etc, also the editor has tried to retain the original spelling as far as possible. The same is the case with the Old Guj. and Pkt. verses. Though the original sources of most of them could not be traced (as they seem to form part of floating lit. or folk-tales), care is taken to present them in as understandable a form as possible and every word thereof is explained in the Lexicographical Study (Appendix 'A').
Names of persons, places etc. are printed in bold types for facility of the readers.
III. The Prabandha Literature
The Dictionary meaning of the term 'Prabandha' is 'a continued or connected narrative or discourse'as also any literary work or composition'. As an instance of the employment of the term in the former sense may be quoted the pithy line from Màgh a's Siśupālavadha II. 73:
sta fosa FRFT: gaat
TET:';
while its use in the latter sense may be illustrated by the prominent line from the introductory portion of Kālidāsa's Mālavikāgnimitra displaying the peculiar manner of the poet's introducing himself to his audience:
..... aftag Tat Hanat onafamatai garurafata
.....
- In Dramaturgy the term prabandha' denotes a special type of gāna. The fourth Adhyāya of Nihsan ka śārnga deva's Sangitaratnākara (Twelfth century A.D.) is itself named Prabandha-Adhyāya [ Anandāśrama ed. of 1896 A.D., pp. 271-354).
To a student of the mediaeval Sanskrit literature, however, the term • prabandha' bears a peculiar technical sense, first of a historical anecdote, so to say, and then of a form of literature allied to the so-called Caritas.
At the very outset of his Prabandhakośa ( 1349 A.D.) Rājasekha ra. sûri tries to make a distinction between Caritas and Prabandhas, according to which the Caritas are the life-stories of the Tirthankaras right from Rşa bha nātha up to Ma há vira, of (ancient ) kings including the mythological Sovereigns or Cakrins and of the religious pontiffs up to

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Aryarak sitasûri (who died in the year 557 after Mahavira, i.e., in 30 A.D.); while the biographies of (prominent personages who flourished after the time of Aryarak sita are pronounced by him as Prabandhas. It is not clear whether this distinction is made by Rajasekhara sūri himself or he owes it to some older authority. In any case, however, as Dr. B. J. Sāņdesarā* rightly points out, this type of distinction in nomenclature has not been always observed in actual compositions, because the works dealing with the life of persons like Kumāra pāla, Vastupala and J agad û who flourished as late as the 12th and the 13th centuries have been styled as Caritas, e.g. the Kumārapālacarita of Jina mandanaga nin (1335-36 A. D.), the Vastupālacarita of Jina harşa (1441 A.D.) and the Jagadūcarita of Sarvār, anda (14th cent. A. D.).
Turning to the Prabandhas actually available, we can generalise that Prabandha is a form of literature of historical anecdotes widely cultivated especially by mediaeval Jaina writers of Western India, written in a regional style of Sanskrit which may be described as simple, popular, colloquial Sanskrit as contrasted to the Classical Sanskrit. These historical anecdotes do add to our historical knowledge. All the same their motives are "to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or when the subject is purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with pleasant entertainment.”
The Prabandhāvali of Jin a bhadra (1234 A. D.) is the earliest available dated Prabandha- collection. Only one Ms. of this work, dilapidated in condition, is preserved in a Bhandāra at Pāțaņa (North Gujarata) locally known as Sangha-no Bhandāra. In the well-known compilation of prabandhas made by Muni Pinavija yaji and published by him as No. 2 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1936 A. D. under the name of Purātana-prabandha-sangraha this Prabandhāvali was the main Ms. (viz. Ms. P) which he has described on pp. 2-20 of bis Hindi Introduction to the work. It comprises 40 prabandhas in simple prose a majority of which deal with historical personages of Western India with the exception of a few which are taken from folklore. Three of the four Apabbramsa verses occurring in the Pythviraja
। तत्र श्रीऋषभादिवर्धमानान्तानां जिनानाम्, चक्रयादीनां राज्ञाम्, ऋषीणां चार्यरक्षितान्तानां वृत्तानि
चरितानि उच्यन्ते । तत्पश्चात्कालभाविना तु नराणां वृत्तानि प्रबन्धा इति । - PK, p.1, II. 19-20. * LCV, p. 144.
Bühler, Life of Hemacandrācārya, p. 3

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prabandha of this Prabındhävali “are traced in a corrupt form to the Prthviraja-rāso ascribed to poet Canda, a friend and contemporary of Pythvirāja, the last Hindu sovereign of Delhi. These citations have gone a long way to show that the published Pythvirāja-räso is not a later work in toto, as some scholars are inclined to believe, but that the Rāso has very old nucleus, which is earlier than at least 1234 A. D., the date of Jinabhadra's work.”†
The following may be enumerated, in their chronological order, as other outstanding specimens of the Prabandha Literature :
(1) The Prabhāvakacarita of Prabhá candra (1277 A.D.), written throughout in verse, first published by the Nirņaya Sāgara Press, Bombay in 1909 A.D. and then in a more perfect form by Muni Jina vija yaji as no. 13 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1940 A.D. It contains 22 prabandhas relating the life-stories of the principal Svetāmbara pontiffs right from Vajra. swāmin (c. Ist cent. B.C.) up to Hem a cand rãcārya (12th cent. A.D.), in continuation of Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan or Sthaviravalicarita. It includes important historical anecdotes regarding a number of great kings and poets of outstanding importance.
(2) The Prabandhacintāmaņi of Merutun gācārya (1305 A.D.), as a specimen of the Prabandha form par excellence, gives a large number of historical dates, a feature not common in Sanskrit literature. “It is a principal source-book of the history of medieval Hindu Gujarāta from the times of Cauluk ya Mūlarāja to the end of the Hindu rule, i.e., it covers roughly the period from the middle of the 19th cent. to the end of the 13th cent. A.D."* It was published by Muni Jina vija y aji as no. I of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1933. It contains in all 135 prabandhas under main topics divided into 5 Prakāśas.
(3) The Kalpa-pradipa or Vividhatirthakalpa of Jina prabha (1333 A.D.) is a unique work, important from both historical as well as geograpbical view-points, serving as a guide-book, so to say, for all the prominent holy places of Jaina religion which existed in the 14th cent. It comprises 61 Kalpas or chapters out of which 12 are hymns, 7 are biographies and the rest are descriptions of holy places of pilgrimage. It was published by Muni Jinavija y aji as no. 10 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1934 A.D. It
+ PPS, Introduction, pp. 8-10; LCV, p. 145. * LSJS, P. 2.

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includes prabandhas, in prose and in verse, composed both in Sanskrit as well as in Prākrit.
(4) The Prabandhakośa or Caturvimsatiprabandha of Rajasekhara sūri (1349 A.D.) consists of 24 extensive and interesting prabandhas, the first and the last ones being Bhadrabāhu-Varaha-prabandha and VastupalaTeja pāla-prabandha respy. The seventh prabandha viz. that of Malla vādisūri is written throughout in verse, while the rest are in the usual simple colloquial Sanskrit prose. It was first published by the Forbes Gujarāti Sabhā, Bombay in 1932 A.D. and then by Muni Jinavija y aji as no. 6 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1935 A.D.
(5) The Bhojaprabandha of Ballala (c. 16th cent. A.D.). There are six different works named Bhojaprabandha by Ballăla, Merutunga Rāja vallabha, Vatsarāja, śubha sila and Padma gupta Ballāla's work, however, is the only prominent one, which was first published from Calcutta and then from Bombay (Nirņaya Sāgara Press, revised in 1928 A.D.). Being an amusing piece of proso-poetic composition purporting to commemorate the liberal patronage of king Bhoja of Māla vā it describes how he succeeded to the throne and presents a series of anecdotes about his relations with the many poets and literary lights that thronged his court.* The portions introducing the celebrities like Kālidāsa, Bhavabhūti, Dandin, Mã gha etc. who flourished at different periods of time are of no value from historical point of view, but are useful for entertainment as well as for developing present wit.
Not only does this Prabandha Literature possess importance from historical and geographical points of view but also--and much more from the viewpoint of Sanskrit lexicography on account of its peculiarly simple mass-appealing language which is replete with rare and obsolete words, back-formations, hyper-Sanskritism and all the more with words, expressions and syntactical peculiarities of the regional dialects. A lexicographical study of three of these works viz. the Prabandhacintāmani, the Prabandhakośa and the Purātanaprabandhasangraha is presented by Dr. B. J. Sāņdes arā and the present editor in their “ Lexicographical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit '” published from Baroda in 1962 as no. 5 of the M. S. University Oriental Series.
The present text also is a work of the prabandha-style. As will be evident from the following pages, though a small work of 31 printed pages, it is very important from historial and lexicographical points of view, and as such it makes a very healthy addition to the Prabandha Literature.
* HCL, pp. 501-2.

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IV. The Study of the Text
THE TITLE AND EXTENT Though the present work is named here as Laghu-prabandha-sangraha, it must be pointed out that no such title is mentioned anywhere either in the body of the text or in its colophons. All the same the cover of Ms. G bears this title in a modern hand, and, since it does not contradict any known fact and suits the contents etc. of the text, the same has been accepted as the title of the work in the present edition. This name is significant inasmuch as the work contains short anecdotes relating to certain historical personages or incidents. It comprises in all to such laghu-prabandhas. The first prabandha bears the age of the Ms. in its post-colophon entry, while the close of the whole work is marked by a Prākrit subhāșita placed at the end of the coth prabandha.
THE CONTENTS
The stories narrated in the LPS may briefly be rendered into English as under:
1. THE STORY OF JAGADDEVA
Jagaddeva, son of Paramāra king U da yāditya of Ujjayini, was very generous. When the king expired, Raņa dha vala, Ja gadde va's step-brother, was enthroned by the ministers, but the people honoured Ja gaddeva. Consequently the ministers engaged murderers and the noble prince left the city.
He entered the border-town of the very powerful king Parama di of Kalyāņa ko ţipura which was offered by the queen to the harlots for maintenance. Having taken his meals at the place of a merchant he started wandering in the city.
Being recognized as a fortunate man with excellent characteristics by the chowrie-maid of Queen Lilà vati, who beheld him from her balcony concealing (or, abandoning-pariharan- ) one betel-roll and asking for another by keeping his hand on his shoulder, he was summoned in. When the king gave him audience, a large-eyed lady covered her head while paying him respects and in return Jag a ddeva made a brotherly endowment to her of three hundred thousand coins.
On seeing his magnanimity the minister played a trick. A Bhavāi-performance was undertaken wherein the king began to dance and the minister played upon the tabor. Jagaddeva put off his pupusya (=turban?), bestowed it upon the minister and asked him to choose a boon. The chief

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horse of Hammira, the ruler of Gäjaņa, and the principal elephant of Gajapati, the king of the Gaudas, were asked for.
With sixteen companions Jagaddeva entered the camp of Ham mira who had attacked Pattana, defeated him, took away the horse and exercised conciliation between Ja ya simhadeva and Hammira. He also procured the elephant from Gajapati of Gauda and sent both the animals to the requirer.
2. THE STORY OF THE GREAT KING MADANABHRAMA
King Madanabhrama of Kánti possessed as many as 5585 queens and goco ordinary wives. His palace called Viś va vija ya had among other things a golden lion-throne, 4 golden pillars, 16 golden images of damsels in budding youth, 120 Gavākşas or windows, 4 golden altars, 4 square enclosures, 4 step-wells, 4 orchards, a golden time-piece, a silver arch and a small lake named Candrajyotsnā which was fortified with a huge wall. He used to give audience only twice a year and for the rest of the period he remained in the midst of his woman-folk.
Once king Ja ya sim hadeva of Gujarāta camped in the vicinity of this city after his twelve-year victory-tour. Enraged at Mada nabhrama's bard's refusal to eulogize him, Ja ya simhadeva lingered there for four months with the intention of fighting against Ma dan a bhrama.
Minister Māide va tried in vain to inform his king of the situation through maids. At last Vilhū the dwarf, a great favourite of the king, succeeded in taking him to the terrace of the palace wherefrom he beheld the waterproof-textile tents of Ja ya simha's camp. Naturally the king enquired about it and she caught the opportunity to explain the situation, describing king Jaya simha in very high terms,
Under the circumstances Ma da na bhrama declared that he would give audience on the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Śrāvana.
On the fixed day he sent Madhava, the officer in charge ot the city gates, with a present of 120 horses and 16 elephants and ordered the minister to give Jay a simha all that he wanted. He also instructed him to prepare the field of battle unalarmed in case the alien king still insisted on fighting.
On the sixteenth day thereafter the battle-field was prepared in an area of about ten miles. A silken screen was inserted between the city-gates and
.

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Ja ya simha's army. King Madana bhrama arrived and 700 youthful damsels riding mares with due erotic decorations were sent against the hostile army. They forcefully marched towards it and retreated in no time. Ja y asimha's cavalry pursued them and entered the eastern gates along with their king. Both the kings met; Madan a bhra ma conduced king Jayasimha deva to his palace and adored him. Mutual love having sprung forth, king Madanabhrama pronounced to king Jaya sih adeva that since he roamed about outside his kingdom for as many as twelve years he was a notorious king. He advised him to stay at home and enjoy royal pastimes.
Ja ya sim hade va admitted this and M a da na bhra ma, being pleased with him, presented to him, at the time of departure, eight excellent damsels possessed of beauty as well as puberty. On suddenly learning that they were offered to the king of Gujarata, six of them died near the citygates due to heart-bursting and the rest two nained Mayūrāņi or Manoharā and Pethūrāņi or Pșthulaśroņi were brought to Pattana, where the king was received with due festivities.
3. THE STORY OF THE FIVE-HANDLED ROYAL UMBRELLA OF
VIKRAMADITYA
Once, while returning from his usual round of the city of Ujjayini, king Vikramaditya beheld a lady taunting from her balcony a scavenger woman who had stopped her sweeping work in honour of the royal procession and expressing her despise for the king inasmuch as he did not possess a royal umbrella of five handles. Having returned to his palace he summoned the lady
ers approached and greeted him. The king asked them to prepare a fi ve-handled parasol for him. They replied that they would make such a parasol for him only who fulfilled their five desires. The king agreed and asked what he had to do.
Desire 1:
They replied: "In the first instance, having defeated the lady within three days you shall marry her."
She came there with full pomp in company of her maids. The king could not win till the evening of the second day. That night he went to her ward

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and overheard the ladies there speaking out that the king was going to be defeated the next morning.
Pained at this he went out to the temple of the Yaksa who regarded entering into dispute with Deva da maņi as a folly on his part and advised him to go to Indra's heaven where she was to dance that very night.
The king went to the heaven by virtue of the power of Agnivetäla who transformed himself into a bee and broke down Deva dama pi's crest. ornament of Campaka flowers when she was fully engrossed into dancing, which, in its turn, broke one of her anklets while dropping down from her head. Vikramā dit ya picked up them both and the third thing that he took away was the betel-roll which was offered to her by Indra himself. Deva da maņi was so engrossed in dancing that she did not notice this.
Thereafter both of them returned home. The next morning when she went to the palace for continuing the game, the king was still in his bed and had to be awakened. When she remarked that the king had slept for a very long period, he retorted that being invited by Indra at a dance-performance he had to go to his heaven the previous night and that when the dancing girl, with all pride, would not cover her body, he caught hold of her crest-ornament. He showed it to her and she missed the expected dice. Likewise he also showed the anklet as well as the betel-roll and in this way she missed the dice thrice. The king won and married her. Thus was secured the first handle.
Desire 2:
"Bring the jewels from the second storey of the palace of king Trambasena of the city of Tram ba va ti."
Vikra m āditya went to Tram bā vati, when the king's meals. prepared outside, were being brought into the palace through attendants. He mixed himself among them and entered the palace which compi than 50 apartments. At sunset he began to move from one apartment to another but did not find the jewels. Then he entered a third one along with a low-caste dame. It was the residence of the virgin princess and was locked after the dancing girls dispersed.
After a while a letter was delivered to the princess through a balcony, which she read after opening the trellis. She took the jewels and mounted a red she-camel which was brought there. Her dvipați, however, was left there. Vikramā dity a slipped it down beneath the lattice and as the man sent

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by her for taking it entered the lower part for holding it up, he cut off his head with his sword, took the dvipati himself, mounted the she-camel and drove along the way to another country quite tacitly.
On the princess' enquiry he replied that he intended to hand her over to the gambler Caturanga in the east where she was lost at stake. Sorrowfully thinking in her mind that she missed the mark both ways she observed taciturnity
Having traversed a distance of eight to nine miles they alighted from the dromedary. He fell asleep while she kept awake. Suddenly, however, she saw a pair of lions bounding towards them and awakened the king who fatally pierced them both with a single arrow which he asked her to fetch back; and on her not doing so he threatened her with death. She besought him not to kill her, which he consented to on the condition that she would not disclose this feat of his to anybody.
Again he drove further and, as the sun rose, she was delighted to see that he was quite handsome. They alighted in the outskirts of a city and he went inside for fetching food leaving her alone beneath a tree on the riverbank, when a bawd approached her acting astonishment at her sight and exclaiming :
"O my niece! where had you been ? It is an auspicious day that you are found out !” With these words she conduced the princess to her residence along with the dromedary and arranged for her marriage with a royal officer's son who was praised by the woman-folk for killing a rat by means of an arrow!
She observed the situation, formed detachment and became ready to burn herself alive. None could dissuade her from her determination, Highly pressed, she narrated her tale while mounting the pyre.
At this very moment Vikram ādity a, who was wandering in search of the princess, arrived there and was recognized by her due to the dvipați. He disclosed his identity and the officer fell at his feet. Then having wedded the bride he returned to Ujjayini with royal pomp.
Thus was secured the second handle.
Desire 3 :
The old ladies commanded Vikramaditya to find out the real character of Umadevi, wife of Soma śar man, a Brahmana of Ujjayini, whose residence was marked by a tamarind tree standing at its gate,

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It was a school with 63 resident pupils. The king disguised himself as a student and secured admission there. At night, when Soma śarman and the pupils were all asleep, Uma
up, climbed the tamarind tree and gave it a blow with her cudgel, at which the tree rose up from the ground, root and branch, and moved into the air. The king, who was feigning asleep, observed all this. The next day he climbed the tree earlier and waited for the night, when, again, the same process took place. The tree went to another island and stopped near a big temple, where she alighted and bowed down to 64 Yoginis. Meanwhile the Kşetra pāla came to the scene and, saluted by Umā devi, he aske she was not offering the victims. She replied that the 64 pupils and their preceptor were suitable victims for the Yoginis and himself. She requested him to wait till the 14th day of the dark half of the nionth of Asvina, when, having placed the wooden slab-seats on the mystical diagrams drawn on the ground smeared with cow-dung, having adored the cudgel, offered the oblations and tied the holy string to the hand, her lady-cook would take the solemn vow and perform obeissance.
The king, who had concealed himself, listened to these talks and silently mounted the tree, which duly returned to its original place. The next morning he reported to the preceptor that all 65 of them were going to be victimized on the fourth day thence.
On the fixed day Umā devi performed all ceremonies upto the tying of the string. As she was about to take the solemn vow, however, the king cut off the string, caught hold of the cudgel and mounted the tamarind tree with his fellow-students and the preceptor. Getting a blow from the cudgel, the tree flew to another island where it was made to descend near a deserted city.
Alighting from the tree, he straight-way went to the palace where he found the princess all alone, who informed him that a giant at rage had destroyed the city as well as its king and that he intended to marry her. She requested him to go away in order to avoid an immature death, since the giant was about to arrive.
The dauntless king remained there concealed and no sooner did the giant arrive there than he killed him with a stroke of his sword. Thereafter he married the princess and, having climbed the tamarind tree, returned to the orchard of his city.
Now the K setra pāla went that day to Soma sarman's house where he found none but Umā devi. Consequently the oblation-offering was performed by cutting Umā devi herself to pieces.

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Som a śar man was sent to his house safe and sound.
Thus was secured the third handle.
Desire 4:
The old ladies commanded again: “Offer gifts to the royal priest". The Purohita, however, would not accept any gift not earned by the 20 nails!
Now, while going to attend the marriage-ceremony of the four daughters of the snake Aliñjara in the city of Pātāla, the female florist Marudi and her friend Savitri, whose formal lamentation at the loss of her sister U mādevi was duly removed by her, engaged the king, disguised as a porter, as their flower-basket-bearer.
Marūdi opened their way to the nether-world by removing a slab with the help of her cudgel and on reaching the city of Pātāla they went in leaving the porter, the flower-basket and the cudgel on the bank of a lake. The king, however, threw the flower-basket in the lake, cunningly followed them, mounted the horse kept ready for the bride-groom, wedded the brides and turned back.
When Mar ūdi returned to the lake, she did not find the porter there and as she began to think as to what the matter was, the king arrived and made a call: “ Come along, all of you !” He opened the nether-gate with the help of the cudgel and came up along with them and his arrival at Ujjayini was duly festivated.
(The priest accepted the gifts ) and thereby was secured the fourth handle.
Desire 5 :
The old ladies said: “Let the minister be a receptacle first of your disgrace and then of your grace!”
Now the minister's youngest daughter-in-law was conversant with the speeches of all creatures. One day she learnt through the speech of a jackal that her father-in-law would be bereft of all his prosperity within six months. Thence she started concealing jewels in cow-dung cakes.
At last the impending day broke, when, for test, the king humiliated and exiled the minister after forefeiting all his property.

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When the minister's family left the city, the youngest daughter-in-law carefully took with her the cow-dung cakes. They settled in another city, where she used to bring out the jewels one after another, with the help whereof the men, who secured this or that occupation in the city, managed for the maintenance of the house-hold. The daughter-in-law hired a house and stayed there along with her two elder sisters-in-law. They used to purchase woodpieces and other things which were brought by the men who stayed elsewhere and gave them food etc. in return.
In due course, again, she learnt from a jackal's speech that the king would go there for reconciliation; and the next day he met them, honoured them and invited them to go back with him. They agreed.
Meanwhile, a juggler set in a spectacle, wherein he displayed a mangotree yielding fruits out of season. Bending the branches with the help of his magic staff he filled a large plate with mangoes and offered it to the king of the city, who, in his turn, being covetous of an ever-yielding mango-tree got him cut short. Consequently the magician's attendants flew away missing behind the magic-staff which was caught hold of by Vikra māditya, who was present there incognito.
Now it was not possible to get the inangoes in absence of the magic-wand. Consequently the king proclaimed that he would marry his four daughters to that man who could hand over to him all the mangoes on that tree. Vikramaditya accepted the task and bending a branch of the tree by means of the wand he displayed the mangoes to the king, who, therefore, gave his four daughters to him in marriage. Immediately after this Vikra madit ya made all members of the minister's family climb the mango-tree which rose up, root and branch, at a blow of the wand. He left the tree by the side of the tamarind tree in the M a häkāla park in the outskirts of Ujjayini and entered the city with due honour and pomp.
The charge of the Chief-minister's office was again bestowed upon the minister. In this way disgrace and grace were displayed by the king in turn, which made up the fifth handle.
Thus was the five-handled royal umbrella prepared for him and heid over his head.

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4. THE STORY OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE LAKE SAHASRALINGA
One day a Vyāsa related the following story during his expositions delivered in the court of king Jaya sii ha deva of Pāțaņa:
" In the reign of king Riņa malla of Suradhāra pura in Saurāştra there was a well where it was very difficult to get water. All the same a Candāla woman one day quenched the thirst of a calf with the water of that well.
By the power of this meritorious deed she was born as the daughter of king Viśva deva of Kanauja, Kamalāyati by name, and was given in marriage to Va ya ra sala, Riņa malla's son. On seeing scanty water in that very well she remembered her past birth and got constructed a lake."
Having listened to this story king Jayasim hade va got constructed the Lake Sahasralinga on the site of the Durlabha-lake.
5. THE STORY OF THE RAULĀŅIS SIDDHI AND BUDDHI
Once upon a time, four Brāhmaṇas from Pāța na set out for pilgrimage. While returning after taking medicinal herbs from Kedara, they paid respects to Anādi Rāula in a cave, who, being pleased to hear them speaking in the Gujarati language, enquired from where they were hailing. They replied that they hailed from Pāța ņ a where ruled king Jaya sim hadeva who enjoyed the title of Siddha-cakravartin.
At that very moment the Raulānis Siddhi and Buddhi arrived there from Kamar ū-pith a in the country of Gauda. Over-hearing the reply of the Brāhmaṇas they determined to oblige the king to give up the title of Siddha-cakravartin and straight-way went to the royal court of Pāțaņa, where the king paid to them due respects and, blessed by them, he enquired about their preceptor etc. Having given their particulars, they commanded him to give up the title Siddha-cakravartin since, they argued, if he was a Siddha he could not simultaneously become a Cakravartin. The king managed for their lodgings and began to think over the problem in order to find out a suitable solution.
A few days after, Sakariyā Så ha Hari pala enquired of his son, minister Sajjana, whether there was any news in the royal court,

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Sajjana told him about the Raulānis, at which the old man exclaimed that it was a matter of pleasure rather than that of sorrow. This conversation was over-heard by minister Santu who was passing by on his way home. He reported the matter to the king, who, on his part, sent a palanquin to Haripala for fetching him to the court. He, however, refused to go to the court, at which the king sent minister Santu personally for the purpose.
Haripala went with him and was duly honoured by the king. He played a nice trick. He got prepared a small sword with its blade made of sugar and its handle, of iron. This glistening sword was handed over to the king, while in court, under the pretext that it was received as a gift from certain king. The king put it in his mouth and swallowed the blade. The remaining part viz. the handle was given to the Raulānis, but they could not swallow it and, thus defeated, they flew away; while due honour was bestowed upon Haripala.
6. THE STORY OF NAMALA THE FEMALE FLORIST
Once, when king Jayasimhadeva returned to Pāta na after a victory-march, his mother Maya naladevi informed him that on his setting out she had taken a vow to Lord Parsvanatha of Dabhoi that if her son returned safe and sound, he would enter the city of Patana after having bowed down to Him. At this he again set out for pilgrimage.
This is how Parsvanatha of Dabhoi originated: In ancient times in order to fulfil a religious vow of Ganga king Santanu himself prepared this idol and threw it into a well. For helping Parikşit Taksaka acted as Dhanvantari and charmed the fig-tree with the holy Darbhagrass. Hence the name Dabhoipura.
Out of the two temples there viz. those of Vaidyanatha and Parsvanatha the king visited the latter, where he learnt that the florist Namala was a woman of the Padmini type since bees thronged around her.
He bowed down to the deity with an offering of a nose-gay of flowers and took lodgings. Then he sent for the florist lady through Dujanasala and Satrusala, the sons of Huna Thepaniyà. Decked with flowerornaments she approached him, and, at his offer, she agreed to become his wife on the condition that none would insult her. Then they returned to the
Capital.

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Now Na mala the florist used to go to the Pañcasarā Pārsvanātha temple for paying homage to the deity on the eighth and fourteenth days of every lunar fortnight, seated in a closed palanquin. Once, while she was passing along in this fashion, Lilù, the daughter of Kelhaņasimha Modha, an oil-grinder, turned away her face while bowing down to her feet on the way. She complained about this to the king, who went to the residence of the oil-man along with her. There they were duly respected. When Lilū, who was standing at the entrance of the worship apartment, bowed down to her, Nāma la asked why she had turned away her face the other day.
“Because the odour of the oil-lamp had spread into your litter,” replied Lilū!
Another incident occurred when Nāmala was passing by the residence of Jālhā ka the washerman, while going to the temple of Pañ căsară Pārsvanātha. His seven daughters-in-law, who were busy cloth-printing, ran to the balcony for having a sight of the queen, when, however, their sisterin-law contemptuously questioned them what it was to look at.
Feeling indignation at this she complained about it to the king, who went there accompanied by her. Now the king suddenly got an itchy sensation on his back and one of the daughters-in-law spoke out:
“O Nam a la ! scrap His Majesty's back!"
Pleased at this the king bestowed upon her a hundred thousand coins. Another daughter-in-law repeated the words and was rewarded with double the amount. In this manner the royal couple got delighted,
7. THE STORY OF THE JUGGLERS GAŅAYA AND MANAYA
One day when king Ja ya simhadeva was sitting on the bank of the lake Sahasralinga, a disputation took place between Māņik ya candra, Deva sūri's disciple, and Kumuda candra, the Diga m bara pontiff. At that time Pradyumnas üri, who enjoyed the title of 'Deaf Sara's va ti', arrived there and pronounced a blessing praying divine protection for them. The king tested the capacity of the young disciple Malaya. c'andra by putting before him two quarters of a stanza for being completed, which was done immediately by him to the former's utmost satisfaction,

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As a result of this Yasodhara, the royal priest, entrusted to the Sūri his two sons Khimadhara and Devad hara both of whom turned out experts.
While returning from abroad they stopped at Kamarûpa in the Gauda country out of fear from the Mughals. There they put up at the place of a juggler named Gajarāja, who taught them his art as also the art of dramaturgy. By virtue of the magical ointment that was applied to their forehead, however, they could cast their glances only up to the distance of 12 Yojanas.
Once they went to a foreign country in the east, where they started a spectacle in the king's audience taking female forms. Pleased at that the king bestowed upon them much wealth with which they returned to Kama rūpa and secured the title of 'jugglers Gana ya and Mana ya'. When, however, Gaja rāja started preparations for their marriage, they left the place after due deliberations and traversed a distance of as many as 12 Yojanas. By virtue of the magical ointment they could see only the waters of a river. They prepared a fresh pigment of certain other herbs on applying which to their forehead they beheld that a battle was being waged on the bank of the river Varunāśā near Pātaņa between king Ja ya sim hadeva and king Para mādi, the latter having camped there. By the power of their magic lore they reversed the hostile army from the river-bank as a consequence whereof king Para mádi had to take to his heels.
Then they entered the city but found that their house as well as their hereditory priest-hood was occupied by their relatives. They began wandering about in the city being themselves quite invisible.
Then one day Devad hara entered the lake Sahasralinga in the form of a crocodile and began to sport in the waters. His brother Khima dhara would go abegging and bring grains there in the evening when both would meet and eat whatever is received. The king sent for as many as 700 fisher-men from Stambha tirtha in order to catch the mischievous crocodile, but they could not succeed. Forced by anxiety, the king made a proclamation in reply whereof Khimadhara begged for eight days' time.
The crocodile was then brought out with the help of 4 buffaloes that were sent into the waters. He, however, first took the form of an elephant, then of a lion and finally met his brother having resumed his own form as Deva dhara.
The king having been pleased with them both, they regained their house as well as priest-hood,

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8. THE STORY OF KOMĀRI RĀŅĀ
In the city of Kidi-ma i kodi ruled king Küm ári Rånå ka, who was habituated to go to sleep while 16 ladies massaged his legs with bells tied to their hands and to wake while they sang and played upon such musical instruments as lutes and flutes.
Once he woke up in the last watch of the night on hearing repeated sounds of conch-blowing and on enquiry he learnt that certain persons were going for pilgrimage to Soma nātha, Pasu patinātha, Anantaśaya na and Ráme s vara.
Immediately he decided to go for pilgrimage and set out, on an auspicious day, towards Sau răstra. When he passed through Pattana and reached the outskirts of Cāņdas a mā (mod. Cåņas mã in North Gujarata), he met a merchant who was constructing a lake there. He confidentially deposited with the merchant 19 jewels enwrapped in a piece of black cloth. When, however, the king returned from his pilgrimage, the deceiptful trader refused to return the deposit. A strife arose out of this, which led them both to king Jayasimha, who gave an ordeal, accepting which the trader declared: “The water shall not remain enclosed in this lake, if I have accepted the deposit of jewels." Instantly the banks of the lake broke forth and the water gushed out. Thence is the lake known as Phutelâu the broken one'.
King Ja ya simhadeva was pleased at this, the curse to the pond was duly nullified and with royal permission a special cottage was constructed on the bank of the tank, which was known as Desanlarakuți 'the cottage of the foreigner', where resided Kumāri Rāņā practising penance till death.
9. THE STORY OF ŚRIMĀTĀ
In the city of Lakh a ņā vati ruled king Lakhan a sena. Once when he entered his harem, minister U māpati Sridhara, who was an excellent astrologer, calculated the position of the heavenly luminaries and found out that a son would be born to the queen but that at the age of 32 he would fall in love with a girl of the lowest class. Consequently he stopped going to the royal court and on learning the real cause of his absence the king sent the queen to a distant village where she delivered a son.

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At the age of 5 of 7 years or at the age of 12 years) the prince enquired of his mother about his father and on learning the fact from her he took the vow of celebacy and bore matted hair on his head along with 500 boys of the warrior clan.
Meanwhile the king expired and he was erthroned after great persistence. The minister, however, avoided seeing his face by sitting behind a curtain.
Now at the age of 32 the king was fascinated by a nice song sung by a maiden of the Mälanga class. Both exchanged gesticulations indicative of the rendezvous. The minister missioned a man to observe secretly what happened between them. The girl conversed with the king and great joy prevailed. Feeling ashamed of having been observed by the spy in that horripilated condition, the king became ready to burn himself alive. The minister got prepared a red-hot iron-doll of the dimensions of a virgin of 16 years, which the king was about to embrace when, all of a sudden, he was caught by the minister who then saw his face for the first time.
In course of time this king Ratnapuñja arrived once at Srimala pura, where, while going to the park for spring-sports, he beheld coming in front of him a pregnant lady carrying in her hands an unbroken cocoanut. fruit (or unbroken rice grains and a cocoanut-fruit) upon which was sitting a spotted owlet making an indistinct sound. An astrologer from the Maruland explained the significance of the omen thus:
us.
“The next morning the woman will deliver a son who will become the king of the country.”
She was forthwith caught by police-inen at the king's command and was taken to a forest for being burried alive, where, out of terror, slie delivered a son whom she placed among the young ones of a doe, whereafter she was burried in the ground.
The doe allowed the human babe to suck her breasts as did her own offsprings. The mint started striking new coins with the impression of a deer. This automatic change in the currency-dye was reported to the king, who questioned the police-men. The latter showed to the former the exact place where the woman was burried. The child also was seen there with milk dropping down in his mouth from the roots shooting forth from the branches of a fig-tree on the bank of a lake.
Thereafter the child was left across the city-gates but was covered over by the chief royal elephant, was protected by the chief royal steed, by the cows and even by the bull.

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Leirg informed of this at day-break the king arrived at the spot and took up the babe in his hards, when, instantly, the following verse slipped out of the latter's mouth:
यो मे गर्भस्थितस्याऽपि
वृत्तिं कल्पितवान् पयः । शेषवृत्तिविधानाय
The ST EAS441 27: 11* "Is He, who had managed for my subsistence even before my birth by creating mother's milk, asleep or dead row that it is time to manage for my further maintenance ?!”
The king adopted the boy as his son, named him Śripuñja and enthroncd him at the appropriate time.
This king Sripuñja begot a monkey-faced daughter named Srimātā, who, one day, on hearing songs eulogizing mt. Arbud mt. A bu), recollected her past birth, and, being pressed by her father, she told him that in the previous birth she was a female monkey who jumped upon the top of a peak of the mountain over the lake called Kayakunda, curious to see an attractive scene, when, bitten by a snake from the bamboo-groves, she expired. In due course her body dropped down into the Kāyākunda but the head still remained hargirg in the bamboo-grove over the lake; that was why she did not have a human head.
The king made an enquiry and caused the head be thrown down in the lake and forth with the princess' head turned human.
All the same de ermined not to marry, she set out for pilgrimage and finally settled on the same mountain practising penance, in course whereof Rasiya ka, a nerdicant, was stupefied by her. After death Srimātā became the tutelary deity of the mountain.
10. THE STORY OF GĀLĀ SRI VARDDHAMĀNASORI
King Bfha spati Rāņa ką was ruling over Vāma nasthali, the miniature Kaś mira, where lived the pontiff Varddha mâna
* This verse is found in Särngadharapaddhati as no. 312 with slight vari. ants. Also found in Subhāşitaratnabhändägära as verse 4 on p. 75 in the section on Santoşaprašamsă and PPS .P. 84. verse 270.

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sūri. When this Sūri delivered his usual religious sermons, 12 pontiffs used to sit at his each side. On his right, again, were placed nine cups in the flowerportico for accumulating the nectar of the nine sentiments flowing from the expounder's nice speech! On his left, however, was kept a dagger which would work upon his tongue in case of a corrupted utterance or a repetition !
One day there arrived at Sripattana (mod. Prabhās a Pāța ņa in Sa u rāşțra) a dialectician from the Gauda country, Deva ma hānanda by name, who had 84 puppets tied to his legs. He placed straw and water at the entrance of the temple of Somanāth a and pronounced this challenge:
“If there is any dialectician, let him enter into a dialectical contest with me; or else let him stand before me in the manner of a beast!"
Three days having lapsed, goddess Sarasvati commanded Varddhamana sūri at night to go to Sripatta na to vanquish the disputant and asked him to sip the nectar-water from a water-pot.
Thereupon the pontiff caused two of his disciples, Vāghalau and Singhalau by name, to sip it, as a consequence whereof arose in them a huge wave of knowledge. Them he sent along with the people who approached him at the command of the goddess.
The preceptor protected them (through his spiritual powers) against the floods of the river Deyi, paralysing the flow whereof he enabled them to cross the river safely. All concerned were wonder-struck at this.
Having reached Deva pattana the two disciples commenced the contest which continued for as many as 18 days. At last the dialectician was defeated and died of heart-bursting. The wealth left by the dying disputant was utilized in erecting twenty-four Jaina monasteries furnished with residential accommodation for monks.
This Varddha māna sûri composed the Vasupujya caritra.
THE CONCLUDING STANZA
to the glory of kings lies in the tusks of elephants, of paupers in the shoulders of bulls, of warriors in the tip of (their) swords (and) of ladies in (their) breasts."

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V. Relation With Other Prabandha-Works
Out of the ten prabandhas included in the present work four are not traced anywhere else, a minor incident of one in found elsewhere, one has as many as eight Sk. versions and several in mod. Indian languages and the remaining four stories are met with in some other Prabandha works with certain variations. In order to get a distinct idea of the exact position of the Laghuprabandha-sangraha in the Prabandha literature as such, it is necessary for us to make a comparative study of all the available versions of these prabandhas. Such a study is attempted here in as brief a form as possible.
1. JAGADDEVA-PRABANDHA

A relevant story of Jagaddeva appears in passage No. 213 (PP, 114-116) of the Prabandha-cintamani (PC) of Merutunga (1305 A.D.). The Puralana-prabandha-sangraha (PPS) refers to Jagad dev a twice viz. in passage no. 52 in the Madanabrahma-Jayasimhadeva-priti-prabandha (p. 25) and in passage no. 198 bearing the title Jagaddeva-prabandha itself (p. 85). Its passage no. 260 (p. 90) presenting the story of king Jaya candra of Kanyakubja as found in codex G alone mentions certain epithets of king Paramarddin of Kalyāṇakaṭaka which are similar to those found in LPS. Likewise, PC describes in passage 214 (p. 116) king Paramarddin in a way which on the whole supports the epithets given in LPS. A comparative study of all these versions is given in the following table:

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No.1
The Version of the Lagh-prabandha-sangraha
(LPS)
The Version of the Prabandha-cintamani
( PC )
The Version of the Purâiana-prabandha-sangraha
(PPS)
3
4
1
Jagaddeva, son of king U day a- ! (p. 114:) Jag addeva, a ditya Para måra of Ujjayini, Ksatriya, a champion in donagenerous, liked by all; but his step- tion, fighting and cornpassion. brother Ramadhavala succeeds his father and attempts on jagadde va's life are made. He leaves his land.
(p. 25:) Jagaddeva of the Para mära dynasty was made the commander by king Siddharāja Ja ya simha for fighting against King Mada na brahmalı.
3.

Arrived at the border-town of the (pp. 114-115:) Though honoured kingdom of king Paramadi of by Siddha-cakra varttin, Kalyān ako tipura, who was he went to the Kuntala country Parama-riddhi-nivāsa, Nidrā-gahiladau, being invited by king Parama - Kopakālānali, Rudra and Avandhya- 1 rd din who was charmed by his kopa-prasada. This town was given to excellences. This king was Paraharlots for their maintenance by the marddin or destroyer of his queen. Jagaddeva dined at a mer- enemies. When he was announced chant's place, was observed by a maid of by the door-keeper to the king, the
(p. 90:) King Jaya candra could not bear such epithets of king Para marddinas Kopukalāgnirudra, Avandhyakopaprasāda and Rayadrahavola and therefore attacked his kingdom and went up to his capital Kalyāņa kata ka.

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queen Lilā vati and, recognized as dancing girl, who was engaged at a noble man, he was called in, King reco that time in dance-performance begnized him and invited bim to his court. i fore his council having removed a!l When he entered the same, a broad- her clothes and wearing only a small eyed ( dancing girl ) covered her head petticoat of flowers, instantly out of respect. Jag a ddeva covered herself with her upper garrewarded her with three hundred ment and bashfully sat down. Alter thousand coins.
due formalities when she was commanded by the king to continue her dance, she replied that since Jagaddeva, the only man in the world, had arrived there, she was ashamed of displaying herself unclothed, for ladics act freely only in presence of ladies. As a reward for this excellent tribute to him Jag addeva handed over to the dancer the pair of precious silken garments (pradhāna-pariühanadukülam Laksyamūlyāiulycdbhat: - patayugam] that were just then offered to him by the king.

(p.116: ) King Para mard din enjoyed great prosperity, exemplary for the whole world. For the whole day and night, excepting the period

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4! This magnanimity is eulogized by
, means of the following verse:
दरिद्रान् सृजतो धातुः
कृतार्थान् कुर्वतस्तव । न जानीमो जगदेव
2117217H 5 Minister plans to utilize the over
generosity of Jagaddeva. A spectacle was commenced wherein the king danced and the minister played upon a tabor. When Jagaddeva was pleased and gave a gift to the minister, they chose the boon that he should fetch them the chief horse of Ham mira, the king of Gajana, and the chief elephant of Gajapati Gaudes vara. He fulfilled this desire and succeeded in making a truce between Hammira and king Siddha rája Ja ya sim ha.
3 of sleep, he was engaged in the practice of wielding his sword. Daily this cruel king used to kill one cook and as such he was attended upon by as many as 360 cooks in a year. Consequently he bore the title of Kopakālānala or 'destructive fire incarnate when in wrath'.
P (p. 115:) Some verses are given in (p. 85:) In this prabandha menpraise of Ja gad de va's generos- tion is made of Jagaddeva's ity. Verse no. 254 runs thus: bestowing generous gifts upon the
reciters of eulogistic verses. Out of दरिद्रान् सृजतो धातु :
these four verses, the second (no. कृतार्थान् कुर्वतस्तव ।
272) runs thus: जगदेव ! न जानीमः
दरिद्रान् सृजतो धातुः कस्य हस्तो विरंस्यति ।
कृतार्थान् कुर्वतस्तव । जगदेव ! न जानीमः
कः श्रमेण विरंस्यति ॥

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It becomes evident from this comparative study that ( 1 ) only one incident viz. that of the dancing girl is common to the stories of LPS and PC, where also there is no similarity in wording nor much in the details, the LPS account being very succinct. (2) The capital of king Para marddin (called Para mādi in LPS) is stated in LPS to be Kalyana koti. pura and in PPS as Kalyāņa kata ka, while PC simply mentions him as the king of the Kuntala country. (3) Some of the epithets of king Para marddin are common to all the three versions, being strikingly similar even in their wordings. (4) The fourth quarter of the eulogistic verse Daridrān etc. varies in all the three versions : The reading kasya hasto viramsyati (PC) is the best one, while the readings kaḥ śramena viramsyati (PPS) and katham viśramyate karah (LPS) are not up to the mark. (5) The Bhaväi-yatrā incident and its corrolaries are found only in LPS.
Under the circumstances it is not possible to pronounce any sort of inter. relation of these versions, though it must be admitted that the language of the LPS version is more archaic than that of the rest.
2. MADANABHRAMAMAHĀRĀJA-PRABANDHA
This very interesting story appears in PK as prabandha no. 21 named Madanavarma-prabandha in passage nos. 107 and 108 (pp. 90-93) and in PPS
bandha no. 15 entitled Madanabrahma-Tayasimhadeva-pritiprabandha in passage nos. 51 and 52 (pp. 24-25). Its main incident is related also in prabandha no. 13 of PPS viz. Dhårādhvamsa-prabandha consisting of passage no. 47 (p. 23). Jinama danaganin's Kumārapāla-prabandha (1436 A.D.) also narrates this story (Jaina Atmānanda Sabhā, Bhāvanagar edition of 1915 A.D., pages 8-9); but his version is practically the same as that of PK similar also in the wording. As such it cannot be regarded as an independent version,
A comparative study of these versions is displayed in the following table. Jinama ndana's version, which is practically the same as that of PK, is not included in the present study.

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Sr.
No.
The Version of the
LPS
The Version of the PK
The Version of the
PPS
2
I Madan a bhrama, king of the (p. 91:) Mada na varman, (p. 24:) Mada na brahma, king
city of Kanti in Vangala- king of Mahobak a pura in the of Kantipurī, the best of all desa. East.
cities.
2
अमात्य माइंदेव । बारोउलगउ माधव । मल्हू
42
3

He had 5535 154: froitat: and 9000 भोगपत्नीs. The four पट्टराज्ञीs were : Bāvana, Candana, Sumayadevi and Sighaņa rāņi.
(p. 24:) Maag nigga: STRATTI सेनापतिः सांइदेवः । बारओलगउ माधव देवः ।
(p. 24:) TFT vigtis a:gTHEE ३६००० पिंडविलासिन्यः । मुख्यदेव्यश्चतस्रः । बावन १, [चन्दना २, सुमाया ३, सींघण ४ ।
al Names of 29 maid-servants of these
chief queens are stated.
(p. 24:) Names of 4 maid-servants of each of these four are given. Some of these names are included in the list of LPS, the names Saú, Susila, Daksa maņi, Vallabhà (maids of queen Canda nã), Kam-u, Kāmala (maids of Su māyā), Amrtama yi, Amsta vatsalā

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and Vaca na vatsală (maids of Singhaņa devi) being absent there. Meri, Hammiri, Fatū and Falū are given here as the chief favourites of the king. We find the name Fulu in the LPS list.] Ali, Alati, Alavi, Alavesari and Vilū Vā ma n i are given as कौतुकपात्रs. The first four of these are the first four in the LPS list, while at a later stage Vilhū - Vāmaņi is stated in LPS as the king's महाप्रसादपात्र.

(p. 24:) गज ३३३०, तुरंगम लक्ष ५, पदाति लक्ष २१।
6
विश्व विज य-धवलगृहम् ।
(p. 24 :) तस्य धवलं गृहम् । योजनप्रमाण : प्राकारस्तत्र धवलगृहं सप्तदशभूमिकम् ।
माणिकथंभ चउकी ।... पूतली १६ ।
गवाक्ष १२० । तेषां मध्ये चतुर्दिक्ष चत्वारो गवाक्षा मुख्याः । पूर्वस्यां दिशि वि मा न वि भ्रम १. दक्षिणायां पुष्पा भरण २, पश्चिमायाँ गन्धर्वसर्व स्व ३, उत्तरायां के लास हा स ४ ॥
(p. 24:) तत्र सप्त[ दश ? ] भूमौ गवाक्ष ४ । आदौ वि मा न वि भ्रमः पूर्वस्याम् । उत्तरस्यां कै लाश हा सः। दक्षिणस्यां पुष्पा भ र णः । पश्चिमायां गन्धर्व सर्व स्वः। एते चत्वारो मुख्या गवाक्षाः । सर्वे स्वर्णमयाः। नानाकौतुकोपशोभिताः । अपरे ११६ । एवं १२० तहगर्गे ।
गवाक्षानामग्रे सुवर्णमयवेदिका ४ । चउरी ४ ।
| (p. 24 :) वाप्यश्चतस्रश्चतुर्दिक्षु । क्षी रो द वा पी १,

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3
वापी ४ : हंस विश्राम १, सुधा नि धि २, क्षी रो हि ३, कमल के दार ४ वापीनाम ।
कमल के दारा २, हंस विश्राम वापी ३, मुधानिधि : ४ एवं ।
10/ वाटिकानाम 8: अनंगरंग वा डी १, धारा। गिरि वा डी २, अंधार घोर वा डी ३, नं द न -
वा डी ४ । तत्रारघट्ट ४ । सुवर्णमया घटी । रूप्यमया माला। चंद्र यो ना तलावली | पगथीआरां सारूआर । बरंडी उदार ।।
(p. 24 :) तदनु पुरमध्ये चन्द्र ज्यो त्वा तटाकिका धवलगृहप्रवेशप्रत्यासन्ना नानारत्ननिंबद्धा । तस्याश्चतुदिक्षु वाटिका-धा रा गिरिः सर्वपयोगिभिवृक्षैविराजितः ।
तिहां यक्षकर्दमना पिंड करी मेल्हीयई । सोनांरूपानां सींगा करी छांटणां कीजइ ।
(p. 9I:) क्रियन्ते प्रतिरथ्यं छण्टनानि यक्षकमैः।

12 तिहां खेलइ बेलई ....विच्छोडीयई । म द न भ्रम
रायहई बिहुं स्त्रीनउ ... देवपूजा करइ ।।
13 | रायतणई वी ल्हू वामणी महाप्रसादपात्र। सर्व
कलाकुशला राज्ञो देहे स्तनाभ्यामुदत्तनं करोति ।
(p. 24 :) ... वी लू वा म यो कौतुकपात्राः ।
14
| राज्ञः स्त्रीणां २५ वर्षोपरि आभरणत्यागः । ठालां पोलां वाजणां आभरण उतरई । देहस्थूलत्वात् ।। गावशैथिल्यात् परिहारः।

| वर्षमध्ये वेलाद्वयं प्रगटीभवति । दिने २ टंक । (p. 9:) स नारीकुञ्जरः सभायां कदापि नोप- (p. 24 :) तथा वर्षमध्ये सर्वावसरः २-एको १,००० स्वर्णहीरालालमौक्तिकमयम् । महणाष्ट. विशति । केवलं हसितललितानि तनोति । प्रत्यक्ष
लितानि तनोति । प्रत्यक्ष | म हा न व म्याम्, अपरश्चै वा ष्ट म्या म् । एवमिन्द्र

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| म्या म् । चैत्राष्टम्याम् । दक्षिणायां पुष्पा भर ण- इन्द्रः।
Tata... ghet fagfal
समानो राज्यं पालयति । सोलही सोल १६ नृत्यं सदा नृपाग्रे कुर्वन्ति।
16

Once, while on return journey (p. 91:) While returning home (p. 25:) Once, while returning from to his capital after continuous after conquering such countries his conquest-march, king Jaya - conquests for twelve years, king of the South as Mahārāstra, sim hade va of Gujarata reached Ja y asimhadeva camped at Tilanga, Karnata and the outskirts of the city of Kānti. a distance of five gavyūtis from Pandy a king lavasimha | Thinking that he
Pāņd y a, king ) a ya simha Thinking that he could not get a the outskirts of the city of camped on the border-line. There, match in fighting anywhere and reKanti. There a bard of Kānti in the evening, he sat with full pomp membering a couplet laying down that met the bard of Jayasimha - in bis assembly, when an alien bard Kānti was so prominent among the deva and eulogized Madana. arrived and praised the assembly in cities as the Jāti among flowers, he bhrama. The other bard request. these words: “TET! TATIT hat: decided to see it; and his army, though ed him to sing a eulogy of his king | श्रीसिद्धराजस्य सभा मदनवर्मण इव मनोविस्मय- unwilling, had to follow him. He (viz. Ja ya sim had eva) in
camped near the city gates. reward whereof he promised to give him suitable gifts, He, however,
When asked by the king, the bard Impressed by the golden peaks of the replied that he used to sing eulogies replied:
city-rampart and the golden mansionof none else than bis own king
tops, he exclaimed, Ma da nabhrama. This matter
" देव ! पूर्वस्यां महोबकं नाम पत्तनं स्फारम् । तत्र मदनवर्मा नाम पृथ्वीपाल: प्राज्ञस्त्यागी भोगी
"qafak ATAT: ” was reported to king Jayasimha,
धर्मी नयी नल इव, पुरूरवा इव, वत्सराज इव, who, being enraged, stayed there
पुनरवतीर्णः पृथिव्याम् । तं राजानं तच्च पुरं यः खलु during the monsoon (or, for four
नित्यं पश्यति सोऽपि वर्णयितं न पारयति । केवलं months) with the intention of fight
43444#arusho za tari agri hraifer I...” ing with Ma da nabhrama.
45

At the bard's suggestion Jaya

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simha sent one of his ministers with him to examine the correctness of the bard's statement. The minister returned and reported to the king thus:

“अवधारय स्वामिन् ! गतस्तत्राहम् , दर्शितं भट्टेन तत्पत्तनम् । तदा वसन्तमासोत्सवस्तत्र प्रवर्त्तते । गीयन्ते वसन्तान्दोलकादिरागैगीतानि । भ्रमन्ति दिव्यशृङ्गारा नार्यः। मकरध्वजलक्षभ्रान्तिमुत्पादयन्तो विलसन्ति युवानः। क्रियन्ते प्रतिरथ्यं छण्टनानि यक्षकईमः । प्रासादे प्रासादे सङ्गीतकानि । देवे देवे । महापूजा। भोजनवाराः साराः प्रतिसदनम् । राजकीयसत्राकारे तु दालिकूरावस्रावणानि मुत्कलानि न मुच्यन्ते किन्तु गतयां नियन्त्र्यन्ते, तदा सघण्टो हस्ती निमज्जति । राजाश्ववाराः परितः पुरं भ्रमन्तो बीटकानि ददते लोकाय । कर्पूरैयूं लिपर्वोदयः । रात्री विपणीन् वणिजो न संवृणन्ति; उद्घाटान् विमुञ्चन्ति । प्रातरागत्योपविशन्ति । एवं नीतिः । व्यवसायोऽप्याचारमात्रेणैव [तत्र देशे लोहखानिवत्सुवर्णरूप्यखानीवहन्ति तेन सर्वः कोऽपि ] सिद्धार्थत्वात् । राजा तु कीदृगप्यास्ते, मया स न दृष्टः । इदं तु श्रुतम्-स नारीकुञ्जरः सभायां कदापि नोपविशति । केवल हसितललितानि तनोति । प्रत्यक्ष इन्द्रः।"

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17
The minister sent a report though a maid, who could not get an opportunity to convey the same to the king. At last on the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Sravana Vilhū Vamaņi requested him to go to observe the game of Andhavedha. The king went to the terrace, when rain had stopped. He cast a glance at his city and saw the alien army. He asked:
"ate, विणजारउ ।
,,
This gave the opportunity to Vilhu Vāma ni who pronounced several excellent epithets for him and reported that it was not the camp of any trader but of king Jayasimhadeva of Guja
rāta who wanted to fight. She
On hearing this king Siddharaja marched towards Ma ho baka and camped at a distance of eight krosas from it.
(p. 92) This was reported by the ministers to Madanavarman who was surrounded by a thousand ladies in the excellent garden. He described Jayasimha as a Kabāḍī Rājā and commanded to give him whatever amount he wanted but asked them to convey to him that if he wished to capture their city or land, they would give a fight. The message was conveyed to Siddharaja, who, wonderstruck, demanded 96 crores of gold. Though offered the same, he did not move away. When asked, he replied:
" मत्रिपुरुहूता: ! तं लीलानिधिं भवत्प्रभुं दिदृक्षे । ”
(p. 25:) The minister closed the fortress, equipped the army and reported in writing to the king, who observed the alien army from the terrace and sent his instructions according to which Madhava deva, the officer in charge of the city-gates, was sent with 16 horses and certain other suitable gifts. King Siddhanatha did not accept these welcome-gifts and conveyed his desire to fight. Madana brahm an informed that he would go for fighting the next Tuesday.

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describes king Jaya simha in very high but realistic terms. The king commanded to decorate the gaväksa Puspabharaṇa on the eighth day of the bright half of Śrāvana. Minister Māide v a equipped the army and having reported that the enemy possessed five hundred thousand Sähana and nine hundred thousand Păila, asked the king who should lead the army against Jay a sim hadeva. Madhava, the officer in charge of the city-gates, was summoned ( whom the king commanded ) : “Go and offer a gift of 120 horses and 16 elephants. Also give him whatever he requires. If he wants nothing but fight,
केनाऽपि मुरट्टो न मोडितः, स्कन्धखजिर्नाऽपनीता, नादो नोत्तारितः । तदा रणक्षेत्रं प्रगुणीक्रियताम् ।"
18
A battle-field was prepared in an
(p. 92 :) With the king's consent

(p. 25:) A battle-field was prepared.

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area of 5 gavyūlis. A silken curtain Siddarāja went to the garden The Ksatriyas cut off trets etc. in all separated the two sides. The king with a few men. There stood alert the directions. The minister made the arrived. 700 charming and well- a hundred thousand guards outside army ready for fighting, decorated mare-riding young dam- the palace-rampart. He was allowsels were sent to face the enemy ed to go in with four persons. On the fixed day Ja ya simha - army. They went forward and then Therein he beheld seven entrances deva appointed Jagad de va suddenly retreated pursued by adorned with golden arches, step-wells Para māra as the commander and Jayasimha's cavalry. They all, of rajata and mahārajata, damsels fifteen others also were kept ready. with king Jaya simha, entered dexterous in the costumes and languthe city by the eastern gate. The ages of different countries, attendants On the other hand, Madana bra htwo kings met. Madanabhrama engrossed in vocal and instrumental | man rose on Tuesday and, after the led Jay a simha to his palace music, an orchard surpassing the
cleansing of teeth etc., performed the with hospitality. They became Nanda na, summer - houses deity-worship. There took place a friends. Then Madana bhrama ! (Hima-gyhas), birds like Hamsas
spectacle. Then he took his meals and gave the following advice :
and Särasas. golden utensils, gar- the betel-roll, got ready the horses.
ole ments as tender as plantain-petals, himselt we
himself wore the armour and accom" 1877fSat TSI VERT: 713- huge flower-baskets enhancing sexual panied by 16 armoured ladies he startpoi a fost o ? xieras atac de passion, and finally
ed with a royal umbrella carried over परिभ्रमसि ? राजकेलिं कुरु ।"
him by a young lady and chowries साक्षादिव मदनं मधुरे वयसि वर्तमानं मितमुक्ता- fanned on both sides by two ladies. 96472 Halsu H AYTEat Observing spectacles at this place and तामरसाक्षं तुङ्गघोणमुपचितगात्रं मदनवर्माणमपश्यत्। that he took eight days to complete
his journey through his capital. He Madana varman went for
came out on the ninth day. ward to receive him, embraced him, and seated him on a golden seat with | On the battle-field was held a curtain the words:
separating the two sides. The soldiers

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2
3

50
"FAST ! youth a fanfarfer: of Jay a siņ hadeva went forafqatsfel"
ward well-equipped. When the curtain
was removed, Jagaddeva and his Siddharāja replied: " These
party beheld the king surrounded by sweet words are false; the epithet
damsels. They went back. Their king 4161' employed by you for me
asked, "Why have you retreated ?" before your ministers reveals the
Jagaddeva replied :" With whom fact."
are we to fight? Your Majesty may Ma da na var man laughed better observe the situation yourself.” and asked: "O Siddhesa! who Ja ya simha deva dismounted told you like that?"
from his horse and rushed forward.
King Mada na brahman too got Siddhesa replied: “The same
down. Both embraced each other and ministers of yours! With what
friendship prevailed. A great recepmotive did you use bad words for
tion festival took place. Siddhame ?"
nätha approached the gates along
with the king observing a number of Mada navarman replied :
spectacles and listening to a number of "da! H ah, tai sifat, NTT musical instruments. In this way they 7578f:, F 90, Jalfe gou: mici 2771 took nine days to reach the pond grad, aafu wa a pont, ad faday, Candrajyotsnå, having taken तत् कथं न कनाडिकस्त्वम् ।"
ablutions wherein, they arrived at the Siddhesa said:
gate of the Dhavalagrha observing the

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| "सत्यं सत्यम् , एतादृशः कर्वाटिक एवाहम्। orchard Dharagiri the trees
त्वमेवायं धन्यो यस्येत्थं शर्माणि । त्वयि दृष्टेऽस्माकं / whereof were covered with gold. The जीवितं सफलम् । चिरं र
minister having performed auspicious
ceremonies, both entered the palace. Madanavar in a n showed him ISiddhanatha, on his part, was
ondants his treasury. his wonder-struck like a villager on perworship-room and the like. Their ceiving the charm that prevailed there. friendship was enhanced.
His mind experienced great astonishment at the varieties of the dinner and the like.
51

19/ राज्ञा मदनभ्रमेण तुष्टेन राज्ञो अष्टदिकरिका विच- (p. 92 :) विंशत्युत्तरं पात्रशतं स्वाङ्गसेवकं | (p. 25 :) मासान्ते मुत्कलापयामास । राज्ञा हस्त्य
क्षणाः सुलक्षणा रूपयौवनवत्यः सुशृङ्गारिताः समर्पिताः। सिद्धराजाय व्यतरत् । तेन प्रीतो जयसिंहदेवः श्वादीन्युपढौ कितानि । जयसिंहदेवस्तु पात्राष्टकं ययाचे। गृहीत्वा निर्गतः । सुखासनाधिरूढा वज्रपञ्जराच्छा-सन्यं गृहीत्वा धारां जित्वा पत्तनमणहिल्लपुरं नृपेणापितम् । राजा मुत्कलाप्य पत्तनोपरि चलितः । दिताः प्रतोलीद्वारे समागताः । तदा १६ सुवर्णमय
प्रविष्टः । तेषां १२० मध्यादर्ध पथि मृतं मार्दवात् , | पात्राष्टकं यावत्पुरप्रतोल्यामागतं सुखासनादि संहृत्य..... पुत्तलिकाभिर्दोरकसञ्चारेण जल्पितम् । “यूयं गूर्जर- शेषं पत्तने प्रविष्टम् । पत्तनप्रवेशोत्सवे श्रीपाल- तावन्निर्गमे उक्तम्-अग्रे पत्तनं क ?। जनरुक्तम्-'पत्तनं राज्ञो दत्ताः ।" तदा षण्णां हृदयस्फोटो जातः । | कविना सिद्धराजोपश्लोकना
दूरे' इति श्रुत्वा षण्णां हृदयसङ्कटो जातः । इतो द्वयस्योमायूराणी पेथूराणी द्वे गृहीते । राजा श्रीजयसिंह
पर्याच्छादनं दत्तम् । द्वयं जीवितम् । तन्नृपेण सह क्रमेण
Then are quoted two verses. देवो विजययात्रानन्तरं कुशलेन श्रीपत्तने समागतः।
पत्तने प्राप्तम् । माऊ नाम एकस्याः, परस्याः पेथू । प्रवेशो जातः । श्रीमदनभ्रममहाराजाप्रबन्धः । .. एवमन्यैरपि भणितानि ।। इति मदनवर्मप्रबन्धः ॥ | अद्यापि माऊहराणि पेथूहराणि च पात्राणि भूयन्ते ।
एवं श्रीजयसिंहदेवः कान्तीं गत्वा समागतः ।। इति मदनब्रह्मनृपतेर्जयसिंहदेवस्य प्रीतिप्रबन्धः ॥

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52
As stated above, the Dharadhvansa-prabandha of PPS (p. 23)also contains the main story of the present prabundha, wherein a special motive is mentioned for Ja ya simha's visit to Kanti. It will be more usef the relevant portion here than to give a summary or even an English rendering of the same, so that the reader may be enabled to compare its wording with that of LPS. Passage no. 47 runs thus :
मालवमण्डले उज्जयिनी पुरी अपरा धारा । तत्र राजा यशोवर्मा । इतश्च पत्तने श्रीजयसिंहदेवः । मालवं जेतुं प्रयाणमकरोत् । समीपभमौ गतः प्रतिज्ञामकरोत्-यद्धारा लात्वा भोक्ष्ये। इतो धारायां गव्यूति ५ मध्येऽयोमयाः क्षुरिकाः क्षिप्ता: सन्ति । प्रतोल्यो दत्ताः । कपाटेषु योजितेषु सम्मुखानि नाराचानि । तत्र गजस्याप्यवकाशो नास्ति । धाराया: प्रत्यासन्नैरपि भवितुं न शक्यते । अथ सिद्धराजप्रधानः कणिकाया धारा कृता। तस्या भने ५०० परमारा युद्ध्वा मृताः । द्वादशवार्षिके विग्रहे सिद्धनाथे खिन्ने बर्बरको वेताल: प्राह-देव ! यदि यशःपटहः करी किराडूवास्तव्यो जेसलपरमारस्तत्र प्रेष्यते, गजारूढेन तेन धारा गृयते अन्यथा न। राज्ञोक्तम्- स करी कास्त ? । कान्त्यां मदनब्रह्मनृपतेरस्ति । जयसिंहदेवस्तु कियता परिकरेण तत्र गतः । वर्षाकालोऽस्ति । पुर्या द्वारे स्थितः । मांइदेवमत्रिणो मिलितः। आदिश्यतां कार्यम् । नृपदर्शनमवलोक्यते । नृपो महानवम्यां विना दर्शन न ददाति | जयसिंहदेवः स्थितः । इतो गाढे धर्मेऽभिजायमाने नृप उपरितनभूमौ आकाशे प्राप्तः । पुरमवलोक्य पुराद् बहिर्दृशं ददौ। मदनकपटै : कृष्णान् चतुरकान् दृष्ट्वा प्राह-अरे ! पूरे किमिदं दृश्यते । देव ! गूर्जरत्रानृपतिर्देवदर्शनार्थी प्राप्तोऽस्ति । अरे ! नृपो न किन्त्वेष कबाडी । य एवंविधे वर्षाकाले भ्राम्यति । आकार्यताम् | जयसिंहदेवस्तूपायनमादायाययौ । श्रीमदनब्रह्मेण राज्ञा सत्कृतः। आगमनकारणं पृष्टम् । राज्ञोक्तम्यशःपटहः करी विलोक्यते । किमर्थम् ? | देव! तेन विना द्वादशवार्षिको विग्रहो न भज्यते । राज्ञोक्तम्-गजानानयत । जनैरुक्तम्-प्रसिद्धानां मध्ये स नास्ति । सिद्धराजः कृष्णवदनो जातः । इत एकेनाधोरणेनोक्तम्- देव ! स यशःपटहः करी । तं समानाय्यत । नृपेणोक्तम् -यद्यमुना कार्य सरति तदा गृहाणान्येपि हस्त्यश्वादयः । देव ! पूर्णमनेनैव । राजा[ज्ञा]* परिधाप्य करिणं दत्त्वा चोक्तम्-अतः परं विग्रहो न कार्य: । यत: स्वल्पायुषि जीवलोके राज्यस्य सौख्यं नानुभूयते तत्तस्य को गुणः। नृपस्तु [ नृपेण तु]* धारायां गत्वा सगौरबं जेसलपरमार आहूतः।
The following points are brought out by the above comparison :
In The king is named differently in all the four accounts. The subsequent depiction of his character as a Närikunjara' indeed offers significance to the name Madana bhrama, or even Madana b rahman, which would mean that the name Madana var man might be a later revision. The fact, however, appears to be quite different. Madana var man was his real name, It is observed that sometimes the repha or the syllable r is not only pronounced but also written down by scribes in a wrong way, as going with the previous consonant. Thus varma' वर्म] or barma' [बर्म]-there being an adheda or non-difference between 'v' [व] and 'b' []-would become brama [ब्रम]. Now another scribe, while copying down the Ms., could not make out this brama [ ब्रम] and regarded it as a wrong spelling of brahma [ब्रह्म]. This gave the king an altogether new name viz. Madana b rahman! Still another copyist considered this 'brama' [ब्रम] as a wrong spelling of bhrama [भ्रम] due to
* These corrections in square brackets are inserted by the present editor.

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phonetic similarity, and thereby was brought out the name Madana b h ra m a. The term brahma' [] is pronounced by illiterate persons as bhrama [9] and in that way also the name 'Madana bhram a' can be derived from the name 'Madana brahman'. In short, the king's real name was Madanavar man and the rest two forms are derived from the same through scribal and phonetic peculiarities.
[2] The capital of this king is Kanti in Bengal according to LPS, Kānti, the best of all cities, according to PPS, and M a hoba k a pura in the east according to PK.
(3] LPS and PPS give an account of the king's luxuriant private life and the prosperity of his city, agreeing in the mention of the names of the four chief queens, of the four main gavāksas, the total number of gavāksas and the names of the four principal vāpās, but differing in other details. All these details are altogether absent in the version of PR, which too, however, depicts the same in its own way. This depiction of PK is well-arranged and polished as compared to the other two versions.
[ 4 ] According to all the three versions Ja ya simha camps near this city while returning from his conquest-march. They differ, however, regarding the factor that led him there. Thus LPS states it to be his enragement due to a bard's not agreeing to eulogize any one else than his own king Ma dan a bhrama: in PK a bard compares his majestic court to that of M a da na varman, he sends a minister to verify the bard's statement and on receiving his report he marches to Mahobak a; while according to PPS feeling that he could not get a match in any battle and remembering a couplet praising Kānti as the best of cities, he encamps in its outskirts and on beholding the Kapiśirşas of the city-wall and the dandakalaśas of the mansions all golden he feels that he was mistaken in going there. The second account of PPS appearing in its Dhārā-dhvansa-prabandha mentions a special motive for this viz. to procure the elephant Yasah patala from Madan abrah man for breaking open the gates of Dhārā.
(5) In PPS there is no difficulty in informing the king of the arrival of the alien force, which the minister does through a written report. In PK the ministers personally approach him for the purpose. In the LPS account, however, Vilbū Vām ani, the favourite of Mada na bhrama, had to play a trick in order to take him to the palace-terrace wherefrom he could see the alien encampment. Here the king's believing it to be the camp of a wandering trader rather than that of an enemy appears natural under the circumstances. This, again, gives a nice opportunity to the intelligent maid to address her master in luxuriant terms and at the same time to draw a

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realistic picture of the seriousness of the situation to the king who was so much engrossed in pleasures. This was necessary in order to awaken valiant spirit in him at the critical juncture. The second account of PPS depicts him going to the terrace just in order to get relief from gharma! On beholding the black tents made of water-proof textile he enquires about them and is informed of the arrival of the king of Gujarata to see him.
[6] In LPS account the king commands to offer to Jayasimha a gift of 120 horses, 16 elephants and whatever else he wants; in PK 96 crores of gold mohurs are actually offered to him as per his demand, whereafter also he does not go away; while the PPS account mentions a gift of 16 horses and certain other things worth offering, which were, however, not accepted by Siddharaja who wanted nothing but a battle. Such a question does not arise in the second account of PPS where, being permitted, Jayasimha sees him with certain gifts, secures from him the required elephant and refuses to accept anything else.
[7] A battle-field is prepared and a curtain is placed in the accounts of both LPS and PPS, whereafter, however, LPS simply states that the king arrived there; while according to PPS he gives a fixed day for going there, starts in an easy way on that day and takes as many as eight days for reaching the field. This type of incident has no scope in the accounts of PK and Dhara-dhvamsa-prabandha.
[8] According to LPS 700 mare-riding well-ornamented damsels in budding youth march towards the hostile army and suddenly turn back and enter the city through the eastern gate, pursued by Jayasimhadeva's cavalry. The kings then meet and become friends. According to PPS, on the other hand, it is the enemy-party, headed by Jagaddeva Paramara, that rushes to attack but retreats on beholding the king surrounded by young women, whereafter Jayasimhadeva, after brief conversation with Jagaddeva, actually runs towards Madanabrahman who, too, is enthusiastic in embracing him. Thus they become friends. This incident also finds no scope in the PK and Dhara-dhvamsa-prabandha accounts.
[9] According to LPS Jayasimhadeva is taken to the palace with due hospitality; while in PPS they go to the palace in the same luxuriant way and take nine days to reach there. They enter the palace after bathing in the pond Candrajyotsna when the minister performs certain auspicious ceremonies. The PK and Dhara-dhvamsa-prabandha accounts have no scope for this incident also.
[10] King Siddhanatha of PPS was simply wonderstruck at the

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charm that prevailed there. He was also well impressed by the dainties that were served. Nothing of this sort is seen in the LPS account and the PPS second account. PK, however, gives certain details of the excellences observed there.
(11) In LPS Madana bhrama advises J a ya sim hade va to stay at hcme and enjoy the royal glory rather than wander after conquests and earn the notorious title of Kasthakabādika. The PPS account has nothing parallel to this, but it states that Ja ya simha stayed there for one month. The second account of PPS relates him advising, at the time of departure, not to entertain fights any longer, since his royalty would turn futile if the royal pleasures are not enjoyed during the very short span of human life. Against these two brief accounts a happy conversation is related in PK wherein Siddharāja complains about Madana varman's abusing him as
kabādi' before his ministers and Madana varman explains how he was so, with which Siddhesa agrees. Then he is taken round the treasury, the worship-apartment, etc.
[12] According to LPS Mada na bhrama, being pleased with Jay a simha deva, offered to the latter eight excellent damsels who were so tender that six of them died of heart-bursting on being informed of their having been presented to the king of Gujarāta and only two, named Mä yūrāņi and Pethūrāņi, were taken to Pattan a. The PPS account slightly differs. There it is stated that over and above the elephants, the horses, etc. that were offered to him, Jaya sim hadeva asked for eight damsels. The cause for the heart-bursting of six of these is stated here to be their being informed, on their own enquiry, that Pattana was far away from there. The names of the survivors are given here as Mā ū and Pethū. PK gives the number of the damsels offered as 120, a half whereof are stated to have expired on the way due to excessive tenderness.
[13] The names of the eight damsels offered to Siddharāja are found in the LPS account only. PPS gives their number as eight but does not name them; while according to PK the number of damsels was 120, which number itself speaks for the absence of their names there !
(14) It appears from the above study that, though a few details of the LPS account are not found elsewhere, it is certainly the oldest of all these four versions of the story. It is archaic in language and style and quite simpler in expression. The PPS and PK accounts are definitely polished ones, and out of these two, again, the PK account is more polished and well-arranged not only in language but also in the theme itself.

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(15) The employment of Old Gujarati expressions and Prākrit words is quite frequent and therefore noteworthy in the case of LPS as compared to the other versions of this story. Occasionally even Old Gujarāti case-terminations are met with in the LPS version. This fact is quite significant and separates it from all other versions. It can safely be concluded, therefore, that, though all these versions are from Prabandha works written in the so called "Jaina Sanskrit” which is cultivated under the influence of the Prakrits and regional dialects, the characteristic features of this type of mixed Sanskrit are realized in the language and style of LPS in a far more proportion than those of the other Prabandha works, especially those wherein are met with the versions of the story under discussion.
(16) The grandeur of the two speeches of Vilh ü . Vä maņi is a unique feature of the LPS version, which is altogether absent in the other ones. In the first speech she addresses her king with a series of charining epithets with the apparent motive of making him realize the seriousness of the situation; while the other speech goes ahead to the realization of her aim through a majestic and realistic sketch of the hostile king.
(17) The statement "Avāsamāhi śripārsvanātha-nau prasīd 14 tihām deva pājā karai" also is found only in LPS. It evidently manisests the king as a follower of the Jaina faith, which statement does not appear to get support from any other source. Probably it might be a later interpolation. All the four versions pronounce Caitrāsťami, Mahāstami and Mahānavami as holy days of great festivity, which fact would tempt us to regard him as one following the Sākta tradition or the sect of goddess-worship. Moreover the statement that "he always lived in the midst of women and took ablutions in the lake Candrajyotsnā if he happened to behold the face of a man” (LPS 5. 6-7 ) lends support to the presumption that he was a Sākta.
[18] It is only LPS which presents a highly valorous speech of this king in the sentence: "Anyatha yadi yuddham kartukämo'sti kenā'pi muratto na moditaḥ, skandhakharjjir nä'panitā, nādo nottāritaḥ 1” (LPS 7. 13-15). Against this, the PPS version simply has " Agāmike mangalavāre tava sraddhām püray syāvaḥ 1" (PPS 25.11); while PK makes him pronounce these words: "Yadi nah puram bhuvam ca jighrkşasi, tadă yuddhamı karisyāmaḥ | Atha'rthena irpyasi tadâ'rtham grhana 1 ..... so'pi jivatu ciram, yo vittārtham krcchrāņi karmāni kurváno'sti 1" (PK 92. 5-8). This is quite significant inasmuch as it would lend support to the ancient character of LPS.
3. VIKRAMADITYA-PANCADAŅDACCHATRA-PRABANDHA There are several versions of this story which is cultivated in Sanskrit,

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Prakrit and some of the modern Indian languages. The following nine versions are available in Sanskrit:
[1] The version of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha.
[2] Vikramadityasya Pañcadaṇḍacchatra-prabandha by Pūrṇacandrasuri [early 15th cent. A.D.]. This work in Sanskrit prose was edited by A. Weber on the basis of a manuscript preserved in the British Museum, London and was published in the Philosophical and Historical Annals of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Berlin as early as 1877 A.D. Mss. of this work are available also at the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Śrī Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñānamandira, Pātana, the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad and the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. The printed text does not bear the author's name, which, however, is supplied by the other Mss. It is throughout written in simple language and brief style. For our purpose OI Ms. no. 2376 has been referred to. Mostly written in Prsthamātrās, it consists of 8 folios; our story, however, ends in the middle of Folio no. 8".
[3] Vikrama-caritram of Upadhyaya Devamurti [c. V. S. 1471 1415 A.D. ]. This is a Sanskrit Mahakavya of 14 Sargas, Sarga IV consisting of the Pañcadanḍakatha. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no. 686; in Śri Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñanamandira, Paţa na. Throughout writter in the Anustubh metre, this work abounds in Figures of Speech and lengthy descriptions not lacking, of course, poetic merit.
[4] Vikramaditya-vikramacaritra-caritra by Subhasilaganin [V. S. 1490 1434 A.D. ]. This Sanskrit Mahākāvya in 12 Sargas is edited by Pt. Bhagavāndāsa and published in two volumes in Sri Hemacandracārya Granthamālā, Ahmedabad in 1925 A.D. The 9th Sarga consists of the Pañcadanḍacchatrakatha. It is written in simple but effective language. A Ms. of this work is available in the Oriental Institute, Baroda, its no. being 12407. For our purpose this Ms. is utilized. It comprises in all 340 folios; but our portion is narrated on folios 234 to 267. The story is related here in a brief way and long descriptions are mostly avoided.
[5] Pañcadaṇḍacchatra-prabandha of an unknown author, in Sanskrit prose [ 15th cent. A.D.]. It is written in very simple Sanskrit prose. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no. 1782 in Śri Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñāna. mandira, Pātana.
[6] Another Pancadaṇḍacchatra-prabandha of unknown authorship, in Sanskrit prose [ 15th cent. A.D.]. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no. 1780 in Sri Hemacandracārya Jaina Jñānamandira, Pāţa ņ a.
8

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[7] Pañcadaṇḍātapatra-prabandha by Ram acandrasuri of the Purnimagaccha [ 1490 V. S. 1434 A.D.]. This Prabandha in Sanskrit verse is edited and published by Pt. Hiralala Hamsarāja of Jamanagar in 1912 A.D. under the title Pañcadandatmakam Vikramacaritram. The name of the author and the date of composition are missing in the printed text; but the same are supplied by the Mss. of the work preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda and Sri Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñanamandira, Patana. Mss. of this work are also available at the Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner, the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad and Amera Sastrabhaṇḍāra, Jaipur. For our purpose OI Ms. no. 211I is utilized. The Ms. comprises 69 folios. The writing is mostly in Prsthamātrās. It is dated 1556 V. S. = 1500 A.D.
58
[8] Vikramaditya-Pañcadandacchatra-caritra
by Vijaya kusala [ 16th cent. A.D.]. A Ms. of this Sanskrit prose work is preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda as no. 24271, which is referred to for our purpose. It consists of 19 folios and is dated 1777 V. S. 1721 A.D. The author follows here the story narrated by Ramacandrasuri (our no. 7). Even the wording is very similar to that of no. 7, and often the same. The author makes a brief but frank statement to this effect: "Rāmacandrasűrikṛtād uddharitam".
[9] Vikramaditya-pañcadanḍa-prabandha by an unknown author [ 16th cent. A.D. J. A Ms. of this work in Sanskrit prose is preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda as no. 14273, which is referred to for our purpose. It has 7 folios in all.
Over and above these, we get a number of versions of this story in Old Gujarati-Rajasthani as well. It may be pointed out that this story is purely a folk-tale and it need not be considered as a 'prabandha' in the true sense of the term. Moreover, none of the above-mentioned versions is found in a Prabandha-work. As such it has no historical importance whatsoever. A comparative study of the same will, therefore, be out of place here. Those readers who are interested in it may refer with advantage to "A Critical Edition of Pañcadanda-ni Varta of An Unknown Gujarati Prose-Writer (Before 1682 A.D.) by the present editor's learned colleague Dr. S. D. Parekh. is his Ph.D. Thesis in Gujarati (June 1961), wherein he has also presented a nice" comparative study of literary works on the same theme in Sanskrit and Gujarati" on pages 18-255. A typed copy of the thesis is available for reference in the University Library, Baroda.
It
"

42
It will suffice for our purpose to state that a close study of all these

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versions leads us to the conclusion that the version of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha is the oldest of all the versions of the story available at present.
4. SAHASRALINGASARAH-PRABANDHA
This prabandha is not found anywhere else. The Prabandhacintamani relates a story about the construction of this lake in passages 100-102 on pp. 62-64, which is, however, altogether different from the one given in our text. In passage no. 96 (p. 58 ) also the Prabandhacintamani states when king Ja ya simha Siddharāja got the lake constructed. There also no clue to the story of LPS is given. At the first place it is stated that a trader wanted to have a share in the construction of the lake, which, however, was refused by king Siddharāja. While the king was engaged in his great attack on Māla vā, the funds were exhausted and the work of the construction of the lake lingered on that account. The merchant availed of the opportunity by making his son steal the ear-ornament tādarka ) of the wife of a wealthy man and then paying three hundred thousand coins as a penalty for the same. This amount was utilized for the construction of the lake; but when the king returned and learnt about the penalty paid, he returned the amount to the merchant remarking that the son of a koțidhvaja merchant cannot steal a tādanka but that it was the mischief of the tricky merchant who was refused a share. At the other place it is stated that the king engaged sacivas and silpins for the construction of Sahası alitigadharmasthāna and that while the work was going on with full speed, he marched against Māla vå. The LPS, however, informs us that on hearing the story of a Mátanga girl, who, by virtue of the merit secured by her through the quenching of the thirst of a vatsika by fetching water from a deep well, became a princess in the next birth and, remembering her previous birth on seeing very little water in the same well, got constructed a lake,-king Jay a sim hadeva got constructed the lake Sahasralinga on the site of the lake Durlabhasaras.
S. SIDDHI-BUDDHI-RAULĀŅI-PRABANDHA
This prabandha appears at two other places: (1) Purātana-prabandhasangraha, passage 76 on p. 36: The story is related here in an abridged form comprising only four printed lines. It is found in codex Gonly, and, as stated by Muni Jinavija y aji, the learned editor, in his Introduction in Hindi (pp. 18-19), this Ms. is—with the single exception of the Vikramaditya-prabandha--a miscellaneous collection of short notes prepared by the scribe himself while reading the stories somewhere or while listening to the

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same in oral tradition. He rightly contends that, though the name of the scribe or the age of the Ms. is not given, we can infer from the Patasähi-nāmāvali given at the end of the Ms. that it was copied down some time after V. S. 1407 1351 A.D.) in the reign of king Peroja, i.e., Pheroz eshah of Delhi who came to the throne in that year.
(2) Prabandha-pañcaśati, also called Pañcasati-prabodha-sambandha and Kathakośa, by Subhasilaganin, disciple of Laksmisă garasūri of the Tapagaccha. Composed in V. S. 1521 (=1465 A.D.), it consists of 600 stories divided into four chapters. It is being published by Muni Mrgendravijayaji of Surat. The present editor happened to see a few printed formes of the work lying with Dr. U. P. Shah, Dy. Director and General Editor and Head of the Rāmāyaṇa Department, Oriental Institute, Baroda, and found that prabandha no. 97 (PP. 54-55) was the Siddhi-huldhi-raulāṇi-prabandha. It relates the story in greater details. A comparative study of the three versions of this prabandha is furnished in the following table:

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Sr. Version of Laghu-prabandha- Version of Purātana-pra
No.
sangraha (LPS )
bandha-sangraha (PPS)
I
I
2
Four Dvija-pilgrims from Pattana were returning after gathering medicinal herbs grown at Kedara. There they paid homage to Ana di Raula who was gladdened by their Gurjara tongue and asked:
कस्मात् समागताः ? "
'श्रीपत्तने सिद्धचक्रवर्त्तिश्रीजय सिंहदेवराज्यात्समागता: । ” was the reply. अस्मिन्नवसरे गौडदेशे काम रूपीठपुरात् सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणी आगता । ताभ्यां श्रुतम् । " सिद्धचक्रवर्त्तरिदं मोचयावः । " इति मत्वा श्रीपत्तने राजसभायां
सुखासनारूढा
समागता । राज्ञा नता ।
3
Version of Prabandha-pañcasati of Subhasilaganin
On returning from pilgrimage, king Siddharāja stayed at Bagasthula on the lake Sahasralinga. Meanwhile many Dvijas went for pilgrimage. While searching medicinal herbs in Himālaya, they saw a Yogin सिद्धिबुद्धिनाम्न्यौ रउलाणीत्यभिधाने द्वे भुल्लिके तत्रोपविष्टे दृष्टे | They saluted them. The Yoginis asked:
66
कुतः समायाता यूयम् ? "
" श्रीपतनात् was the reply.
"
4
"Who is the king there?"
" सिद्धचक्रवत्र्त्ती जयसिंहदेवः । "
They were angry :
" रे रे द्विजा ! यदि तस्य चेत् सिद्धत्वं तदा चक्रवर्त्तित्वं कुतः ? यदा चक्रवर्त्तित्वं
"
तदा सिद्धत्वं कुतः ?
Thus thinking, they came to biruda. King saw them from his road mounted on plantain-leaves.
Pattana for testing the court going along the He respected them.
1.9

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/
They bestowed blessings श्रीसिद्धि-बुद्धियोगिनीभ्यां कदली- On enquiry they revealed their mission. ततश्चोत्तारको and a conversation ensued पत्रासनोपविष्टाभ्यां श्रीसिद्धराजो दापितस्तयोः, दिनानि ब्रजन्ति, राजा सन्देहेऽपतत् । ( one Ms. D has: wherein they gave their in- जयसिंहः सिद्धराजत्वं पृष्टः । एवं किमुत्तरं दातव्यमनयो, षण्मासा गताः...). troduction and at last pro- विषि(प )गणेन गज्ञाः ...... nounced their purpose : " राजनू ! त्वं बिरदं सिद्धचक्रवर्तित्वं मुञ्च | यदि सिद्धः ततश्चक्रवती कथम् ? एकं बिरदं मुन्न।"
। उत्तारकः कारितः । राजा मचिन्तो जान:!
-62

(Ms. D : अन्ये युरेकहरिपालसाकरीयापुत्रः सज्जनः शर्कराफलं केलयित्वा भूपोपान्तेऽयात् ।).
अनावसरे सान्तूआसचिवेन राज्ञोऽग्रे पृच्छा कृता, किमर्थ दुर्बलो भवान् ? राजाऽवग्-सिडिबुद्धि समागमन-तत्पृच्छाभ्यामहं दुर्बल:, किमुत्तरं दीयते !
Then Sajja na gave Sarkarāphala in the king's hand. King hesitated and then accepted.
4. One day, while minister | एवं विषि( पणेन राज्ञा रात्रो Sajja n a told this to his father. On knowing the
Santu was going home, | वीरचर्यायां सजनसाकरीयाकः : king's anxiety. his father exclaimed: "My son ! What Sakariyasa ha Hari. पुत्रेण समं योगिनीप्रतिमलत्वं वदन can we do? Now none honours us. In the reign of king | pala enquired of his son श्रुतः ।
Karna de va many such kuhedās had been broken

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Sajjana about rāja-vṛtta, he was informed of the raulāņi-vṛtta and he ex
claimed:
" वत्स ! एतत्सुखावहम् । ' एतन्मत्रिणा श्रुतम् ।
It was reported to the king who sent a litter; but he (ie., Haripala) did not go. Then Santū was sent. After ablutions and deityworship, he took meals
minister
along with the (i.e., Santu). Thereafter
three verses of light conver
sation are given.
तत्र गता राज्ञा मानं दत्तम् ।
प्रातराकार्य सन्मानित: ।
by me.
"
एषा वार्ता प्रासादाधःस्थेन मन्त्रिणा श्रुता ।
When the matter was reported to the king, he summoned Haripala thrice. The latter, however, refused to go by arguing that thereby धर्मध्यानभङ्गो भवति ! '
Then Santu himself approached him and told him that he was sent by the king in order to take him to him. He was welcomed by Haripala who performed deityworship and took his meals along with the minister. Then they went to the king sitting in a litter.
A conversation between the king and Haripala: "काका ! सर्वावसरे किमद्यकल्ये नागम्यते ?" हरपालेनोक्तम् । " आती नरा धर्मपरा भवन्ति । तथा त्वमात्तौ सत्यां 'काका' कथयसि, अन्यथा नामापि न गृह्णासि ।
39
35
" पूर्ण हास्येन, किन्तु तथा क्रियतां यथा मम नाम न याति ।
Then the old man asked for a säralohamayi muşti, which was given.
63

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Haripāla asked for eight days' time and went home.

8. एका क्षुरिका कृता । लोहमयी मुष्टिः । तेन सप्तदिनान्ते सितां कावल- तस्याः क्षुरिकायाः शर्करामयं फलकं कारितं तथा यथा चन्द्रहासलोहभ्रान्ति
फलं शर्करामयं कृतम् । पाहुडमिषेण | यित्वा ( ?) धुरिकादयं विधाय पर- प्राप्ता । राजवेलीतुल्याऽभूत् सा प्रतिका(हा )रश्च स्वर्णमयः कारितः सान्तूहस्ते दत्तम् । मुखे क्षिप्तम् । राज्ञा फलं मंडल-मेटामिषेण राझेऽर्पितम् । राज्ञा प्रदत्ता राज्ञोऽग्रे तत्स्वरूपं धीप्रपञ्चयुक्तं निवेदितम् । प्रगे राजा सभायामुपविष्टः, गलितम् । मुष्ी रउलाणीयोग्या दत्ता । | फलद्वयं भक्षयित्वा लोहमुष्टिद्वयं सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणीद्वयं तत्रागात् । मत्री प्राह-- "राजन् ! रउलाण्योर्बहूनि न गलति । तदा हारितम् । प्रयाता । योगिनीद्वय[। य भक्षण ]हेतोरपितम् । दिनानि ययुः । किमपि कलां दर्शय । कामप्यनयोः कलां विलोक्य विसर्ग्यतां च ।" हरिपालः सम्मानितः।
ताभ्यां न भक्षितम् ॥
यदा तेनेदं सरोषमुक्तं, तदा राज्ञा सबहुमानं रउलाणीद्वयं पृष्टं- “भो ! कथ्यता भवतीभ्यां का कला ज्ञायते, को गुर्युवयोः ?" ताभ्यामुक्तम् - "मचलनाथो गुरुरावयोः।" राज्ञाऽप्युक्त"मस्माकमपि स एव गुरुः।"
अत्रान्तरे प्रतीहारः समागतः, प्रणामं कृत्वा “देव ! कल्ये कटकाधीश्वरेण प्रमादिभूपेन भवतां कृते प्रामृतं कृतमस्ति। " राज्ञोक्तं "किं किम् ?" प्रतीहारेणोक्तं-"द्वारे सन्ति अमात्यास्त एव निवेदयिष्यन्ति ।" राज्ञा समाकारिताः । आयाताः, प्रणामं कृत्वा व्यजिज्ञपन्- "देव ! षोडशरूप्यहस्तिनः, द्वादशपेटिकामडिभृताः, पृष्टौ प्रयाणकत्रये सन्ति । देव ! तव कृते बङ्गालदेशाधीशेन क्षुरिका भव्या बहुवस्तुयुता प्रेषिताऽभूत् । सा क्षुरिका प्रमाडिभूपेन प्रेषिताऽस्ति । राज्ञोक्त-प्रथम निष्काश्यतां, तेन च पट्टकूलविण्टनकसप्तमध्यान्निःकाश्य राज्ञः करे समप्पिता। राज्ञा स्वयं दृष्टा वर्णिता च । सभासदान् प्रदर्शिता । ...... यावदाज्ञा क्षुरिकाफलं भक्षितं तावदन्येन करे धृत्वोक्तम्- “ देव ! युष्माभिर्यथाऽऽत्मीयकला दर्शिता तत्फलकतीक्ष्णं
सारमयं भक्षितं तथा रउलाणीभ्यामपि दर्यते कलास्तदा वरं,...... तावत्ताभ्यामुक्तं| "देव ! त्वमेवेदृशशक्तियुक्तः युक्तं सिद्धचक्रवर्तिनाम बिरुदं तव, नान्यस्य शक्तिरी| दृशी।" लोकः सर्वोऽपि विस्मितः । ते योगिन्यौ भूपं सन्मान्य स्वस्थानं ययतुः। पूर्वमत्रिण बहुद्रव्यदानात् सन्मानयामास । राज्ञस्ततः श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य सिद्धचक्रवर्तिविरुदं प्रकटयभूत् ।

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65
The following observations are brought out by the above comparison:
(1) In LPS there are four pilgrims; in Prabandhapañcasati there are many. The Kedara of the former is replaced by Himalaya in the latter. In the former Anadi Raula converses with them and the. Raulānis, just arriving, overhear the same. In the latter the Raulāņis are stated to be sitting there and they converse with the pilgrims in a longer way.
(2) In LPS the Raulaņis are stated to have arrived at the royal court in Sukhasana or litter, while in the rest two versions they are depicted as mounted on plantain-leaves.
(3) The conversation between the king and the Raulaņis that is found in our text is absolutely absent in the other two versions.
(4) Subhasilaganin's version inserts a new point viz. minister Santua's question and the king's revealing the fact that he was worrying due to the Ra ulanis' challenge. The statement there that the king accepted, after hesitation, the sarkaraphala given by Sajjana is confusive and out of place,
(5) In LPS and Prabandhapañcasati minister Säntü overhears the conversation between Sajjana and his father, though, of course, the minister's name is not given in Subhasilagapin's text. In the PPS version, however, the king himself, during his nocturnal viracarya, overhears their talks. In LPS the old man tells his son that the occasion was beneficial to the king; while in Prabandhapañcaśaii he complains that though a number of such problems were solved by him in Karna deva's court, he was not being honoured by his son.
(6) LPS states that a litter was sent to bring Haripala; while according to the Prabandhapañcaśati he rejected the king's summons thrice. Such details are avoided in the abridged version of PPS.
(7) The three verses of post-dinner chit-chatting form a peculiarity of LPS alone; while the interesting talks between the king and Haripala are found only in Subhasilaganin's version.
(8) According to PPS seven days lapse thereafter; according to Prabandhapañcaśali, eight days. This is altogether avoided by the LPS version.
(9) The final incident is narrated extensively by Subhasilaganin, and PPS makes only an abrupt statement to that effect; while LPS describes the same in a succinct but clear way through very short but sweet sentences
9

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66
avoiding all sorts of conversations and other details presented by Subhasila gaṇin.
Thus the version of Subha silaganin is the longest one, that of PPS is a brief summary of the story, and that of LPS presents, so to say, a pointed account. The differences noted above do not allow any inter-relation among the three versions. Though certain details given in our text are not found in the other two versions, the archaic nature of the language and style and simplicity and pointedness of expression lead us to conclude that the version of our text is definitely the oldest of the three. It cannot be said that the author of the LPS was the first writer of this story. As in the case of other stories of the present text, the story as such is taken by him from the floating literature or oral tradition and it is moulded by him in his own way omitting unnecessary details and retaining those that have a bearing on its main theme,
6. NĂ MALA-MALINİ-PRABANDHA
This prabandha is not found in any other Prabandha-work.
7. GANAYA-MANAYA-INDRAJALI-PRABANDHA
This prabandha has two parts: The first is the background viz. the contest between Kumuda candra and Manikya, Deva sūri's disciple. It contains only two short speeches of Kumuda candra and two short retorting speeches of Māņiky a. In several works this incident is narrated in details where such pieces of conversation also are given. The wording of the conversation given in PC, however, is similar to that of LPS. Passage no. 109 (pp. 66-68 ) of PC contains the description of this historical dispute between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras. The counterpart of the first part of the conversation is found on p. 68 (lines 1-3) of PC, where it takes place between Kumu da can dra and Hemacandra, who is described as having just crossed the borders of śaiśava. The counterpart of the second part of the conversation occurs on p. 67 (lines 5-7), where it is between Kumuda candra and Ratna prabha who is stated there as Deva sūri's first disciple, Let us compare the two versions in the following table ;

Page #94

Serial
No.
LPS Version
PC Version
2
3
1
[Kum udaca ndra asks Manikya:]
" तक्रं पीतम् ?"
(p. 68:) Kum udacandra asks Hemacandra who is described as किनियतिक्रान्तशैशव :
“ पीतं तकं भवता ?"
[Maniky a retorts :)
"तकं वेतं, हरिद्रा पीता।"
Hema candra retorts:
"जरातरलितमतिः किमेवमसमअसं षे ? श्वेतं तक पीता हरिद्रा ।"

[Kumud acandra:]
"आकाशे का वार्ता ?"
(p.67:) [Conversation between Kumudacandra and Hem a candra:]
[Māņi kya :)
" यत् क्षपणकस्य मस्तकं द्वात्रिंशत्पलं भवति ।
" कुत आयातस्त्वम् ?" “स्वर्गात् ।” "स्वर्ग का का वार्ता ?" “कुमुदचन्द्रदिगम्बरशिरः पञ्चाशीति पलानि ।' " तर्हि किं प्रमाणम् ?" “छित्त्वा तोल्यताम् ।"

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68
It is evident that in LPS this part of the prabandha is only the starting point of the background for the main story that follows. PC, however, is actually describing the incident.
The second part of the prabandha contains the story of the brothers Khimadhara and Devadhara who later on became known as the magicians Ganaya and Manaya. The latter portion of this part is met with in Purātana-prabandha sangraha as passage no. 70 (p. 36). Comprising only two lines and a half, it gives a very brief account, as under:
गयणामयणाभ्यामिन्द्रजालविद्या साघिता । ततः पत्तने नूतने सहस्रलिङ्गसरसि गयणो निजविद्य प्रकाशयितुं मकररूपेण प्रविश्योपद्रवति । बहुभिरुपायैरलब्धे तत्र राज्ञा पटहो वादितः । लघुभ्रात्रा मयणेन धी याचयित्वा निष्कासितः । प्रसादितौ तौ राज्ञा ॥
It is evident that the PPS version is only a brief summary, not necessarily of the story as presented in our text, but, may be, of some oral version of the same. It is taken from codex G which, as already observed, contains only brief jottings from earlier accounts, written or oral, compiled after 1351 A.D.
8. KOMARI-RANA-PRABANDHA
The matter of this prabandha is not traced in any other Prabandha-work in any form. The story, as it appears in our text, is, beyond doubt, an interesting folk-tale.
9. ŚRIMĀTĀ-PRABANDHA
This prabandha is traced in some other prabandha-works also. The story may be divided into two parts: (1) the story of king Lakhanasen a and his minister Uma patisridhara, and (2) the story of king Ratnapuñja and his daughter Srimata. In some versions the latter part only is found, in some others the two parts form the matter of two separate prabandhas. The story of this prabandha occurs in the following works:
(1) Prabandhacintamani of Merutungasuri (1305 A.D.): Passages nos. 204 and 205 of the fifth Prakasa on pages 109-110 contain the latter part of the story and as such they are named at the end as Sripunjaraja-tatputrīśrimālā-prabandha. The former part of the story is found in passage no. 209 of the same Prakasa on pages 112-113, which is named Lakṣmaṇascnomapatidharayoḥ prabandhaḥ. In this version the story appears in more details.

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69
(2) Vividhatirthakalpa or Kalpapradipa of Jinaprabhasūri (13081333 A.D.). Verses 3-24. of the eighth Kalpa called Arbudadrikalpa (page 15) contain the latter part of the story, the former one being altogether absent in this book. This versified version avoids or reduces all details such as dialogues etc.
(3) Puratanaprabandhasangraha.
(a) Passage no. 196 on p. 84 is the thirtyeighth prabandha called Srimätä-prabandha. It contains the latter part of the story. This version is according to Mss. B and P.
(b) Another version of the latter part of the story is given just below the above one on pp. 84-85 as passage no. 197. It is found in only one out of the five codices viz. Ms. no. G, which is rightly inferred to have been copied down in the reign of king Peroja, i.e., Pherozeshah of Delhi who came to the throne in V. S. 1407 (1351 A.D.).
A comparative study of all these versions is given in the following table :

Page #97

Sr. No.
I
2
3
LPS Version
2
King Lakhana sena of (the city of) Lakhan avati. Uma patiśrī. dhara, pradhāna.
राजा निःपुत्रः ।
मन्त्री अतीव गणकः ।
When once king went into his harem, mini
ster noted gaganavela
PC Version
3
(p. 112:)
Śrilakṣmaṇasena, king of the nagari of Lakhaṇāvati in Gauḍa country, reigned long, his kingdom being looked after by saciva named Umâpatidhara who was sarvabuddhinidhana.
Vividhatirthakalpa (VTK) Version
PPS Version A PPS Version B
5
(p. 84 :)
Lakhanavatipuri in the east. King Lakhaņa
sena.
I
6
70

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l and found that he would beget a son who would definitely fall in love with a Matangi at the age of 32.
So he stopped going to the court. King enquired and sent queen away to a village where she delivered a son.
.
5
21
When 5 or 7 years old (or, 12 years old), he learnt about his father after enquiry. He took vow of celebacy.
71

6
King died. He succeed. ed him, but minister did not see his face.
At 32, he fell in love (pp. 112-113:) ! with her. Minister's King Lakşmanaspy observed him and, sena became mālangi ashamed, he became-sanga-parka-kaladkaready for kāşthabha- | bhājana. Aware of

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-
3
ksana. When about to | king's prakrtikrirala embrace red-hot iron- and anäkalaniyatā, he idol, he was caught by | (i.e. minister) wrote the minister who saw some verses on the his face (for the first beam. King saw and time).
inferred him as the writer and dismissed him. Later on his one verse saved him from being murdered and improved the king who re-appointed him as the minister (pradhânica. kāra).

72
8 पश्चात् स रत्नपुओ राजा (P. I09:)
(p. 15:) तस्यान्वये राजा रत्नपुञ्जः। (p. 84:) श्रीमालपुरे आयातः । . अथ श्रीरत्नमालनगरे श्रीरत्न- श्रीरत्नमालनगरे
| पुरा रत्नपुरे रत्नशेखरो शेखरो नाम राजा। | राजाभूद् रत्नशेखरः ।
राजाऽऽसोत् । 9...राज्ञो वसन्तक्रीडायाम् उद्याने | Orce, after he returned | | सोऽनपत्यतया दूनः
तस्य राजपाट्यां व्रजतः काचित् | तेन दिग्विजयव्यावृत्तेन प्रवेशगच्छत: काचित् स्त्री सगर्भा अग्रे from digyātrā, on his
स्त्री सगर्भा अक्षतपात्रकरा महोत्सव.... तीति पृष्टः ।
प्रेषीच्छाकुनिकान् चहिः ॥३॥ समागता । हस्ते अक्षतनालि- enquiry about their
सम्मुखा जाता। नृपेणाक्षत- ताभिः संतानाभावान्नति | केरम् । तस्योपरि स्थिता दुर्गा welfare, the guild-lea
शिर[:]स्थां काष्ठभारिण्या- | पात्रनालिकेरोपरि दुर्गा निविष्टा | कथितम् । ततः संतानहेतो| स्वरं करोति । नैमित्तिकेन माख- ders replied that they ! स्ते दुर्गा दुर्गतस्त्रियाः। । दृष्टा । नृपेण शाकुनिकः पृष्टः। नवांतःपुरचिकी राजा शाकु

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10
शाकुनिकेनोक्तम् । " प्रभाते अस्या गर्भो राजा भविष्यति । "
सा स्त्री राज्ञा तलारपार्श्वात् गर्त्तायां क्षेपिता । तस्मिन् समये तैः सा गृहीता । भयभीता, वनमध्ये | सुतोत्पत्तिर्जाता । पूर्व हरिणीनां
were not happy as the king had no successor to protect the koṭidhvajakulākula city. Persuading the king to marry again for progeny, they went to the śakunāgāra with one of the chief astrologers on the day when the sun entered the constellation Pusya. कामपि दुर्गतनितम्बिनीमासन्नप्रसव काष्ठभारवाहनैकवृत्ति शिरोधिरूढदुर्गामालोक्य शकुनवित् तामक्षतादिभिरभ्यर्चयन् तैः किमेतदिति पृष्ट: प्राह- यः कश्चिदस्या आधाने पुत्रः स एवात्र नृपो भावी, चेद्बृहस्पतिमतं प्रमाणमि "त्यसम्भाव्यं वृत्तान्तममुममन्यमानाः मानोन्नताय नृपाय व्याघुट्य यथावस्थितं तत्स्वरूपं निवेदितवन्तः ।
66
अथ खेदमेदुरमना नृप आप्तपुरुषैस्तां गतपूरीकत्तु प्रारभ्यमाणामिष्टं दैवतं स्मरेत्यभिहिते सा मरणभयव्याकुला प्रदोषकाले याव
वीक्ष्य व्यजिज्ञपन् राज्ञे भाव्यस्यास्त्वत्पदे सुतः ॥४॥ | | भावी |
तेनोक्तम् - अस्याः सुतोऽथ नृपो निकेन बहिनिकांतः । ततः
शाकुनिकेनापन्नसत्त्वां कामपि कामिनी काष्ठभारवाहिनीमुद्रीक्ष्यास्याः सुतस्तव राज्ये
भविता एवं जगाद |
राज्ञादिष्टा सगभव
साहन्तुं तन्नरैर्निशि । गते क्षिप्ता कायचिन्ताव्याजात्तस्माद्वहिर्निरैत ||१||
राज्ञा आरक्षक आदिष्टःयदेनां प्रछन्नं पुराद्वहिनीत्वा
(p. 85 : )
ततो विषिण्ण ( ०षण्ण ) मनसा
गर्त्तायां क्षिप । सा तलारेण राज्ञा सा गर्त्तायां क्षेपिता । नृपादेशाद्वहिनीता । तयोक्तम् । तथा प्रसूय बालो मुक्तः ।
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बालकास्सन्ति । तेषां पाश्चे मुक्तः। त्ताननुज्ञाप्य शङ्काभङ्गं कुरुते | सासूत सूनु भयार्ता -क मां नयांसे ? । तेनोक्तम्- ! नवप्रसूता हरिणी तं निजस्ततः क्षिप्ता। हरिण्या स्तन्यपानं | तावत्सा प्रसूतं पुत्रं तत्र परित्यज्य | द्राक् च झाटान्तरेऽमुचत् । मारयिष्यामि । तया भयभीत-न्येन जीवयति । कारितः।
पुनरुपागता गर्तापूरीकृत्य पुनरपि | गर्त चानीय तवृत्ता- योक्तम्-अहं बहि भूमी राज्ञे विज्ञपयांचक्रुः । अथ काचि- नमिस्तरघाति सा ॥६॥ यास्यामि । सा गता। भयान्मृगी सन्ध्याद्वयेऽपि पयःपानं | पुण्यरितार्भ स्तन्यं चा- दर्भ: पपात । सा चीवरेणा। कारयन्ती तमनुदिनं वृद्धिमन्तं पीपसन्ध्यावये मृगी। वेष्ट्याययो । तमरिता सा। कारयामास ।
स बालो एकया हरिण्या दृष्टः । कृपया स्तन्यं पायितः । सा प्रतिदिनं तं पालयति।

11
लुब्धकेन एकेन बाल स्तन्यं । अथ टंकशालायां हरिण्यं किता टशालायां हरिणप्रिया द्रम्मा । तस्मिन्नवसरे देव्या महालक्ष्भ्याः प्रवद्धेऽस्मिष्ट इशाला जाताः । मुद्रापराबत्तों जज्ञे । राज्ञे । पुस्तष्कशालायां हरिण्याश्चतुर्णा | महालक्ष्म्याः परोऽन्यदा कापाययन्ती मृगी दृष्टा । नृपाय । द्रम्नाः पतति । निवेदितः ।
पादानामधः शिशुरूपं नाणक मृग्याश्चतुणा पादाना- निवेदितं बालरवरूपम् । नूतनं सायमानमाकर्ण्य क्वचिन्न- मधो नूतननाणकम् । बीनो नप उत्पन्न इति प्रसृनया | जातं श्रुत्वा शिशुरूपं वार्त्तया औरत्नशेखर:- | लोके वार्ता व्यज़म्मत 11८11/
12 | तलाराः पृष्टाः । तैः स्थानकं -सैन्यानि प्रतिदिशं तं शिशुं | नव्यो नृपोऽभून्कोऽपीति
दर्शितम् । बालको दृष्टः । सरस्तीरे विशसितुं प्राहिगोत् । तैयत्नादव- | श्रुत्वा प्रेषीद् भटान्नपः। वटवृक्षशाखाया वडवाय्या दुग्धं लोक्य लब्धोऽपि बालहत्याभीतैः | तद्वधायाथ तं दृष्ट्वा । मुखे पतितम् । पश्चात् प्रतोली- स सायं पुरगोपुरे गोकुलखुररवैर्य- सायं ते पुरगोपुरे ।।९।। द्वारे मुक्तः । राजपट्टहस्तिना उपरि | थायं बालो विपन्नः सन् स्वयमप- | बालहत्याभियाऽमुश्चन् आच्छादितः । पाश्वेन रक्षितः। वादाय न भक्तीति दूरस्थैर्यावन्मु- थस्यायतः पथि।
राज्ञा तलारः पृष्टः । तेनोक्तन । राजा तथा विज्ञायानीय च -सा मृत्युवेलायां बहिभूमौ गोयुरद्वारि सायं मुक्तः । । गता । नृपेण बालस्ततः समा- तत्रस्थो बाल: संडेन रक्षितः । नीय पुरपरिसरे मुक्तः। यथा ततो राजा समानीय स बालो धेनोश्चरणपातेन मरति । इन-लालित :स्तस्य बालस्य क्षुधितस्य वाक्य

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13
गोभिः रक्षितः । सण्डेन रक्षितः । राज्ञे प्रभाते कथितम् । राजा तत्राऽऽयातः । बालः करे धृतः । बालेन श्लोकः परितः ।
" यो मे गर्भस्थितस्याऽपि
वृत्तिं कल्पितवान् पयः । शेपवृत्तिविधानाय किंवा सुप्तोऽथ वा मृतः ॥ " इति कथितम् | राजा गृहीतः । श्रीपुञ्जनाम दत्तम् !
राज्यं दत्तम् । तन्य तुता श्री माता मुखं वानर्या देहं स्त्रियाः ।
क्तस्तावत्तत्रायातं गोकुलं तं मृत्तिमन्तं पुण्यपुञ्जमिव बालमालोक्य तैरेव पदैः स्तम्भितमिव तस्थौ । अथ पाश्चात्यपक्षात्पुरो भूय वृषभो वृषभासुरं तं शिशु पदानामन्तराले निधाय गोधनं सकलमपि प्रेरयामास । अथ तं वृत्तान्तं नृपोSवधायें तैः सामन्तनगरलोकैस्तं बालमानीय पुत्रीयमाणः श्रीपुञ्ज इति दत्ताभिधानः प्रवर्द्धयामास ।
"
14 एकस्मिन्नवसरे बटुकैरर्बुदाचल- तेन वैराग्येण विपयविमुखतां गीतानि गायितानि । तदा कुमार्या विभ्राणा श्रीमातेति नामधेयं जातिस्मरणमुत्पेदे । राज्ञा पृष्टम् । बगार । सा कदाचिज्जातजातितयोक्तम् । 'किं जातम् ? स्मृतिः पितुरये स्वं पूर्वभवं निवेअर्बुदाचले गिरिशिखरशृङ्गे काया | दितवती - ' यदहमदा पुरा कुण्डोपरि चित्रकं दृष्ट्वा वंशी - कपिपत्नीत्वमनुभवन्ती कस्यापि | यालिना विलग्ना मृता । शरीरं शाखिन कायाकुण्डे गलित्वा पतितम् । तावन्मात्रे मनुष्यमथं देहम् ।
बभूव ।
भूपस्तस्याऽभवत् सुता । | श्रीमाता रूपसंपन्ना
अथ श्रीरत्नशेखरे राज्ञि दिवं श्रीपुञ्जात्यः क्रमात्सोऽभूद् कालेन नृपतिना राज्यं दत्तम् || - श्रीपुंजराजा गते तस्य राज्ञः कृताभिषेकस्य साम्राज्यं पालयतः पुत्री सम जनि । सा च सम्पूर्णसर्वाङ्गावयवसुन्दराऽपि कपिमुखी ।
श्रीपुञ्जस्य राज्यं पालयतः श्रीपुंजराज्ञः पुत्री श्रीमाता क्रमेण पुत्री जाता । तस्याः | मर्कटमुखी जाता | शरीरं दिव्यं, मुखं वानयः ।
केवलं लवगानना ॥१२॥
शाखान्तरं तदतुल्येन
तत्तथैव स्थितं भाग्यामुत्पन्नम् । देकस्तृक्षा पुरोऽभवत् ॥ १०॥ ' यो मे गर्भस्थितस्यापि तत्प्रेर्य स चतुष्पादा
न्तराले तं शिशुं न्यधात् ॥ तच्छ्रुत्वा मत्रिवोधात्तं
राजाऽमंस्तौरसं मुद्रा ||११||
एकस्याः शाखायाः सञ्चरन्ती केनापि शिल्पेन विद्धतालुः
तद्वैराग्यान्निविषया जातु जातिस्मरा पितुः । न्यवेदयत् प्राग्भवं स्वं
यदाऽऽलं वानरी पुरा ||१६||
वृत्ति कल्पितवान् पयः । शेषवृत्तिविधानाय स किं सुप्तोऽथवा मृतः ॥ काचिद्धेनुर्नवप्रसूता तत्रागत्य पाययति । नृपेण चिन्तितं न म्रियते । स धवलगृहे आनीतः । श्रीपुचेति नाम
कृतम् ।
सञ्चरन्त्यर्बुदं शाखि
शाखां तालुनि केनचित् । विद्वा मृष्यथ रुण्ड मे कुण्डेऽपतत्तरोरधः ||१४||
क्रमेण प्रौढा जाता । कोऽपि न याचते । तस्याः खेदपराया जातिस्मरणमुत्पेदे | पाश्चात्यभवो दृष्टः । तया नगरमध्ये शब्दः पातितः । यः कोऽपि मरुस्थल्याः समायातः सो ऽभ्येतु । एकः पुरोऽभूत् । कुमार्या पृष्टः-अर्बुदं वेत्सि ? । सर्व वेद्मि । तत्र कामिततीर्थाग्रे
|
तस्या जातिस्मरणं जातमितिपुरा अर्बुदाचले मर्कटी फा ददाना शाखया विद्धा । कुंडोपरि गलित्वा देहं पतितम् । शिरो शाखायां विनमेव स्थितम् । ततो देहं मानवाकारं कुंडपतनप्रभावादजनि । ततस्तत्रागत्य शिरोऽपि तया तत्र क्षिप्तं कुंडे |
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अद्यापि मस्तकं तिष्ठति ।” राज्ञा पञ्चत्वमासदम् । तदधोवत्तिनि | तस्य कामिततीर्थस्य | कुण्डमस्ति, तस्य तटे वंशतद्विलोकयित्वा मध्ये क्षिप्तम् । कामिततीर्थकुण्डे यावद्गलितं वपुः | माहात्म्यान्नृतनुर्मम । जाल्यस्ति । तत्र जाल्या वानरी
पपात तावत्तीर्थातिशयान्मामकं मस्तक तु तथवास्त. समग्रं मनुष्यमयं जातम् ।
शिरो लग्नमस्ति | इतो मत्सवपुर्मानुषाकारमभवत् । यन्मस्तकं
ऽद्याप्यतः कपिमुख्यहम् ॥१५ काशाव्यमादाय तत्र गत्वा तु तत्तथैवास्ते तेनाहं कपिवदना। श्रीपुोऽक्षेपयच्छीर्ष
| श्रीपुोऽक्षेपयच्छीर्ष तच्छिरो जलान्तः क्षिप्त्वा अथ श्रीपुञ्जनृपस्तस्यास्तन्मस्तकं
कुण्डे प्रेध्य निजान्नरान् । समागच्छ । स तत्र गत्वा यावकुण्डे प्रक्षेपयितुं निजाना प्तपुरुषा
| ततः सा नृमुखी जन्ने- ज्जले क्षिपति तच्छिरस्तावदेव न्समादिदेश । तैस्तु सुचिरात्तत्र
कुमार्याः श्रीमाताया मुखं तदवस्थं विलोक्य तथाकृते सा
दर्शनीयं जातम् । नृपेण पृष्टाश्रीमाता मानवानना समजनि ।
वत्से! किमिदम् १। तयोक्तम्-देव ! मरुस्थल्यामष्टादश[शती देशमध्ये नन्दिवर्द्धनो नाम पर्वतस्तत्र कामिततीर्थमस्ति । तस्य तीरे वंशजाली। तत्राहं पूर्वभवे वानरीरूपाऽधिरूढा | फालच्युता वंशकीलेन विद्धा मृता । मम शरीरं गलिवोदके पतितम् । तत्प्रभावादहं तव पुत्री जाता। शिरस्तत्र स्थितम् । अतो मे ईदृशं मुखम् । अधुना जनः प्रेषितः । तेन शिरसि जले क्षिप्ते वदनं स्वभावे जातम् ।

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15| पाणिग्रहणं न कृतम् । तीर्थयात्रा | ततःप्रभृति सा मातरपितरावनु- तपस्यच्चाबुंदे गिरी ॥१६॥ | इतस्त स्मिन्नरे समायाते परिणय- | ततोऽर्बुदे तपस्यंतीं तां तत्र
कृत्वा तस्मिन्नेव नगे तपश्चक्रे । | ज्ञाप्याऽर्बुदसंख्यगुणा तस्मिन्नेवा- , व्योमगाम्यन्यदा योगी नपरा मुखी जाता । अतिनिर्ब- | रसीयाकनामा योगी ददर्श । रसियाको भरटकः स्तम्भितः । ऽर्बुदे तपस्यन्ती, कदाचिद्गगन- दृष्ट्वा ता रूपमोहितः। न्धेन पितरावापृच्छय, बहु-प्रार्थितं तेनेति-यन्मम पत्नी मृत्वा पर्वताधिष्ठायिका जाता।। गामिना योगिना ददृशे । स च खादुत्तीर्यालपत् प्रेम्णा
परिकरेण अर्बुदादादाययौ। | भव । तयोक्तम्-दादशपया तत्सौन्दर्यापहृतहृदयो गगनादुत्तीर्य | मां कथं वृणुषे शुभे ! ॥१७॥ तत्र तपः कत्तुं प्रारेभे। इत- | विधेहि एकरात्रिमध्ये । तेन प्रेमालापपूर्वकं 'वं मां कथं न सोचेऽत्यगादाद्ययामो
स्तत्र रसीभर तपस्त्री त पः। तथाकृते श्रीमात्रा कृत्रिम
करोति । स तां दृष्ट्वा क्षुब्धः। कुकुटा वासिताः । कृत्रिमशुनवृणोषि ?' इति पृष्टा सेत्यवादीत्- रात्रेस्तावदतः परम् ।
पाणिग्रहणार्थ ययाचे । तयो- श्चरणयोर्विलग्नाः । ततो हृदय'साम्प्रतं तावरक्षणदायाः प्रथमो | ताम्रचूडरुतादर्वाक् यामो व्यतीतः, तुर्ययामम्य ताम्र
कयाचिद्विद्यया यदि ॥१८॥क्तम्-यदि सूर्योदयाद अर्वाक स्फोटनेनस स्वयं विनष्टः ।
द्वादश पाजा अत्र पर्वते चूडेषु रुतमकुर्वाणेषु यद्यस्मिन्नगे शैलेऽत्र कुरुषे हृद्याः कयाचिद्विद्यया द्वादशपद्या हृद्याः
करोषि, तदा त्वां परिणये।
पद्या द्वादश तहि मे। कारयसि ततो भवन्तमभिकं करो
| तेन तपःशक्तया शीघ्रं चकार।
वरः स्या इति, चेटैः स्वैमीति तदुक्तिसमनन्तरमेव तत्र
इति कियत्यपि रात्रिशेषे श्री. | द्वियाम्याचीकरत्स ताः ॥१९॥ कर्मणि चेटकपेटकं नियोज्य याम
मातया तपःप्रभावात्कुक्कूट: द्वयेन निर्मापिते सर्वपद्यानिवडे | स्वशक्तया कुर्कुटरवे ।
स्वरः कृतः। स तं श्रुत्वा श्रीमाता स्वशक्तिवैभवेन कृतक- कृतके कारिते तया।
विभातमिति कृत्वा क्षुब्धः । ताम्रचूडखं कारयन्ती, तेनागत्य | निषिद्धोऽपि विवाहाय
हृदयस्फोटान्मृतो व्यन्तरो 'विवाहाय सज्जीभवे 'त्यभिदधे।
नास्थात्तकैतवं विदन् ॥२०॥
जातः । साऽपि सपश्चात्तापा 'तव पद्यायां निष्पाद्यमानायां सरित्तीरेऽथ तं स्वस्रा वैश्वदेवे प्रवेश कृत्वा देवी कुक्कुटरवः समजनिष्टे'ति तयोक्ते । क्लप्तवीवाहसम्भृतिम् । श्रीमात जाता । 'भवन्मायया कृतकं कृकबाकुरवं | सोचे त्रिशूलमुत्सृज्य को न वेत्ति ?' इत्युत्तरं ददान:, । विवोढुं संनिधेहि मे ॥२१॥ स सरित्तीरे तज्जाम्योपढौ कित- तथा कृत्वोपागतस्य विवाहोपहारः, श्रीमात्रा 'समस्त. पदयोर्विकृतान् शुनः । विद्यामूलं तत्रिशूलमिहैव विहाय नियोज्य साऽस्य शूलेन पाणिपीडनाय सन्निहितो भवे- हृद्यस्तेन वधं व्यधात् ॥२२॥
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I
2
3
त्याहूय, प्रेमोपहृतचित्ततया तत्तथा कृत्वा सामीप्यमुपागतः । तलादयोः कृतकान् शुनो नियोज्य हृदये तेन त्रिशूलेनाहत्य मारितः । इत्थं निःसीमशीललीलायितेन स्वं जन्मातिवाहितवती । तस्यानखण्डशीलायां व्यतीतायां श्रीपुञ्जराजा तत्र शिखरबन्धरहितं प्रासादमाकारयत् । यतः षण्मासान्ते तस्य गिरेरधोभागवत्ती अर्बुदनामा नागो यदा चलति तदा पर्वतकम्पो भवति । अतः शिखररहितास्तत्र सर्वेऽपि प्रासादा: ।
4
इत्याजन्माखण्डशीला जन्म नीत्वा स्वराप सा । श्रीपुञ्जोऽशिखरं तत्र तत्प्रासादमचीकरत् ||२३|| षण्मासान्तेऽर्बुदाख्योऽस्याधोभागेऽद्रेश्वलत्यहि: ।
ततोऽद्रिकम्पस्तत्सर्वे प्रासादाः शिखरं विना ॥ २४
5
6
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The following observations are brought out by the above comparison:
(1) Only the PC version has the former part of the prabandha, and,
though certain points of LPS version are absent there, it is a more polished and detailed one inasmuch as Lakh anasena of LPS becomes Srilakṣmaṇasena in PC, the name of his country viz. Gauda is given there and pradhana U māpatiśri
dhara becomes Sarvabuddhinidhāna saciva Umāpatid hara. (2) In PC king Lakşmaņa sena himself, and not his son, falls in
love with a Mátangi.
(3)
The story, thereafter, takes altogether a different turn in PC.
(4) The A version of PPS simply states that Lakhana sena was the
king of Lakha nāvati in the east and then immediately turns to Ratnapuñja who is mentioned as his descendent, thus joining the two parts. PC, however, has two separate prabandhas completely in. dependent of each other.
(5)
The second part of the prabandha is found in all the other four versions, the king's name being Ratnapuñja in LPS and PPS A versions, while the rest of the versions have Ratnase khara. Similarly Srimāla pura of LPS is not found in the other versions, it being named Ratna mala na gara in PC and VTK and Ratnapura in PPS B version, PPS A version simply carrying forward the city of Lakhaņā vati. According to LPS and PPS A versions the king himself saw the pregnant woman. PC gives an altogether different motif and the guildleaders of the capital city, while going to the sakunāgāra, are stated there to have beheld her. VIK briefly follows PC in this regard but states that the king sent astrologers and not the guild-leaders, while PPS B version combines the two motifs.
(6)
(2) The motif of the poor woman's going to pass stools is absent in LPS
and PPS B versions, but all the versions agree in mentioning that her infant was nourished by a she-deer, VTK pronouncing that he sucked her milk at the two twi-lights.
(8) The sudden automatic change in the currency coins at the mint is pro
nounced by all versions except PPS A, where a hunter is stated to have reported to the king that an infant was being nourished by a she-deer. PC and VTK give details in this regard and the resemblance in their wording indeed strikes us.

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(9)
(10)
The verse recited by the child before the king occurs in LPS and PPS A versions only, but it definitely offers significance to the king's adopt. ing him as his son. A significant incident causing jātismarana is given by LPS alone. PPS A version is unique in inserting Śrimātā's announcement and sending a man to Arbuda. It also adds that, when mature, she lived in dispair since nobody liked to marry her. Likewise, PPS B version differs from all the rest by stating that the princess herself went to Arbuda cala and threw the monkey-head in the kunda.
(1) PC and VTK state that the Yogin, while passing through the air,
beheld her and, having descended, asked for her hand. According to PPS A version, however, he was practising penance on the same mountain. The other two versions are silent on the point. The PC and VTK versions do not name the Yogin, while PPS A calls him Rasiau tapasvin, PPS B names him as Rasīyāka and LPS gives his name as Rasiyākaḥ bharat kah.
(12) The versions differ in the description of his death also. PC and VTK
say that having enticed him to go to her for marriage ceremony placing aside his trident, Śrim ātā troubled him with dogs produced through miraculous powers and struck him dead with his trident. PPS B version does not refer to the trident at all and states that, being troubled by the dogs, he died of heart-bursting; while PPS A version does not mention even the dogs and simply states that, shocked at the artificial cock-crow, he died of heart-bursting. Our text, on the other hand, cuts short the interesting incident in a senter ce of three words
only viz. Rasiyāko bharațakah stambhitaḥ. (13) PPS A is unique in stating that Srimāta, repenting on the Yogin's
death, (committed suicide) by entering the Vaišvadeva-fire. (14) The VIK version coincides with PC version in most of the details,
strikingly resembling it even in the wordings, to such an extent that orie is tempted to deem it as the version of the PC put into verse.
The above observations lead us to the conclusion that none of these versions preceded the version of our text, which, as in the case of other prabandhas, represents the oldest stratum of the story in view of the language, style and depiction of the story as such. The other versions are enlarged and polished ones, while the PPS B version contains brief jottings from one or more other accounts of the story either read by the author somewhere or heard by him through oral tradition.

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10. GALA-SRI-VARDDHAMANASURI-PRABANDHA
The matter of this prabandha is not traced anywhere else.
CONCLUSION:
The fore-going comparative study leads us to the following conclusions:
(I) Out of the ten prabandhas of LPS four viz. those of Sahasralinga saraḥ, Namala-malini, Kumarirana and Gālāśrivarddhamana sūri are unique inasmuch as they are not traced anywhere else.
(2) One prabandha viz. that of Jagaddeva has very few details of a minor incident and a few epithets common with another Prabandha-work.
(3) Two small portions of another one viz. the Ganaya-manaya-indrajäli-prabandha are found in two different works, one having mostly the same wording in changed order and another a very brief account.
(4) Different versions of three prabandhas viz. those of bhrama-mahārāja, the Raulānis Siddhi and Buddhi and Śrimātā appear in one or more of the standard Prabandha-works.
(5) As many as eight other versions of the remaining one viz. Vikramaditya-pañcadanda cchatra-prabandha are available in Sanskrit and several others in Prakrit and some of the modern Indian languages.
Madana
(6) The archaic, simple and direct nature of the language and style of the present text shows that its versions of the different prabandhas are the earliest ones-which factor enhances the importance of LPS all the more.
VI. Probable Sources
The fore-going discussions have revealed the fact that the prabandha versions of the present text are the earliest among the ones available at present. Thus it is not possible to find out any literary sources for any of the prabandhas of LPS. In all probability the floating literature, the oral traditions, the popular folk-tales may rightly be regarded as the real sources of the stories of these prabandhas.

It may also be noted that the LPS, though containing the earliest available versions of the stories concerned, can in no way be considered as a sourcebook for the later writers, because its versions are mostly succinct and certain important details given therein are absent in these later works, which, at the same time, present such other details as are absent in LPS.
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VII. Language and Style
The literary medium cultivated by the mediaeval Jaina writers of Western India is a type of mixed Sanskrit wbich is significantly styled as 'Vernacular
skrit' by Dr. Hertel and as Jaina Sanskrit' by scholars like Prof. Bloomfield, Dr. A. N. Upadhye and Sri M. D. Desăi, probably on the analogy of Gāthā-Sanskrit' of the Buddhist texts termed by Dr. Edgerton as Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit'. There is, however, a very important difference between the two viz. that the so-called 'Jaina Sanskritis fundamentally based on the grammatical and other traditions of Classic-ul Sanskrit, while the Gathā-Sanskrit' is mostly Sanskritized Pali. The salient features of Jaina Sanskrit' are back-formations, hyper-Sanskritisms and Prakritic and dialectical or regional influence on the syntax giving rise to solecisms arising from ungrammatical Sanskrit and Prākritism, ignoring of delicate gramn atical distinctions and tendency towards simplification of the language*. In short, it can be described as simple, popular, colloquial, regional Sanskrit as contrasted to the highly elevated Classical Sanskrit, and, as such, it reminds us of the language and style of the great Epics and the Pu ānas.
The Laghu-prubandha-sangraha, being a Pr..bandha-work of the thirteenth century as it is, shares evidently these linguistic features. Though tbe whole work is written in Sanskrit, at places Prākrit and Old Gujarati words, expressions, phrases, clauses and even sentences are introduced. Occasionally even nonSanskrit paragraphs and verses are met with. This evidently gives a powerful colloquial touch, which fact, however, makes the language difficult, if not impossible, to understand for those who have no knowledge of the Prākrits or the regional language.
As to orthographical peculiarity, two glaring instances will suffice for our purpose. Jayasimha at times becomes Jayasingha ( 18.2) since the latter is the colloquial form of the name. Likewise the name of the king Paramar. ddin is spelt here as Paramādi (1.9; 25.14, as well as Parimādi 25.13) and never as Paramarddin. There are copious instances of abnormal Sandhi. Sandhi is observed very loosely. It is observed at one place and not observed at another in the same sentence. Instances of double Sanchi are also met with; e.g. tasyāh agre is rendered as tasyä'gie (12.8 ) the intermediate stage whereof will naturally be tasyā agre. Instances of definitely wrong Sindhi are
* Even non-Jaina texts of the mediaeval age display this feature. To cite but one instance, vide Kotyar ka-mahatmya, VIII. 34:
"qara lem: a mai og at:
alfat: Fry EETÈ AFiqh ga: ya: 11"

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also not rare ; e.g. rājño åvåse ( 14.18) for rājña avāse. All cases of an anusvåra followed by a vowel are deemed as scribal errors and as such they have been corrected by the editor while reconstituting the text. At the same time we meet with such places also where a difficult Sandhi is quite nicely observed ; eg. Caturaśītiputtalakaś-caraṇāv-adho baddhah ( 30.7-8 ).
Cases of change of gender also are met with; e.g. Catvär aḥ kanyāh pariņiya ( 15 2 -22 ); lakṣa 2 daltā (23.7; Sankhadhvanıḥ śrut a (27.5); dina h (25.24 ; deham striyah (29.11 ); manusyamıyam deham ( 29.16).
Numerous instances of peculiar declensions are noted : [1] Ungrammatical forms of the names of directions are met with ; e.g. dakșiņāyām (4.4; 5.5), Uttarāyām 14.5). [2] The word rājan, even as the final member of à compound, does not drop its final n and retains its usual forms; e.g. paramadirājā (1.9), madanabhramarājānam (5.13), gūrjararajñaḥ ( 9.3), parimădirājñaḥ ( 25.13). [3] Locative is mostly used for Accusative of place; e.g. Śipattane samāgataḥ ( 2.5; 9.5), gūậare gatvā (2.6), okațake gatva ( 5 10), svāvāse galvā (10.9), āvāse gataḥ ( 12 5; 11.18), yakşabhuvane gatah ( 10.21), svarge gataḥ ( 11.11', nagare praptau ( 13.4), grhe nītā ( 13.8), ujjayinyam gataḥ (13.15). [4] Dative of sampradāna is replaced by Genitive, e.g. kurja, arājño dattāḥ (9.3), tasya tvām-arppavisvāmi (12.16-17), putrasya dattă 13.8), purohitasya danum diyatīm ( 15.8), teşāņ yacchati (16.14), tasya .. dāsyāmi ( 17. 6-7), mantriņaḥ ... dattā (17.14). [5] Genitive replacing Accusative; e.g. obhattasya militaḥ (5.10-11 ). [6] The word samam takes Genitive instead of Instrumental ; e.g. parimāļirājñaḥ samam yuddham jāyate ( 25.13).
There is an instance of double abstraction of an abstract noun; e.g. śaithilyatvật (5-3).
Cases of change of pada also are met with ; e.g. Vyâc ( 1 Ā.) takes parasmai-pada in yācan (1.13) and yācathah (2.2).
Several instances of causal forms with the augment -apaya. are noted; e.g. bhalāpya (12.4, cf. Guj. equivalent bhalāvi), parinapaya (17.9, cf. Guj. equivalent paraṇāva), parināp:yişyâmi ( 17.10, cf. Guj. equivalent paraṇāvisa), cațāpya ( 17.12, cf. Guj. equivalent caļāvi ).
A few peculiar compounds also are worth noting. One of them is kopakālānali (1.8). Some others are conspicuous on account of lack of Sandhı between the members; e.g. saptaśata - aśvikārūdhāḥ (8.3), marú. di - ārāminya (15.73 ), namala-ārāmiņi (22.17), matangi-ahhilāsah ( 28.4).

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There are places where causal forms are used in the sense of ordinary past passive participles and ordinary ones definitely carry a causal sense. Sark hadhvanih śrutä jägarita hi (27.5) is an instance of the former case where jās arit. ħ means nothing more than jágytań. Likewise, gäyitāni in batukairarbudācalagitāni gayitāni (29. 11-12) stands simply for gitāni. Similarly, patatā tasyā nūpuram bhagnam (11.13 ) and rājñā tad-vilokayitvå madhye kşi ptam (29. 16-17 , are instances of the latter case, where bhagnam and kşiptam definitely stand for the causal forms bhanjitam and kşefitam respectively. Likewise in rajñā bhojanārtham dhānyāni bāhye pacitvå madhye niy ante (12. 4-5) the actions convey indeed a causal sense. Similarly the present tense has sometimes replaced the past ; e.g. tvam kutra gala 'si? (13.7 ) which has to be translated in the context as “where had you been?"
Instances of the verb being influenced by the number and gender of the noun nearest to it are also noticed ; e.g. årámikena kimśuka puspäni sahakāra. m. ñjari dva y am bhețāyām kr ta m (28.16). Similar is the case of ekā ksurikā králohamayi mustih ! phalam sarkarāmayam k sta mi pāhudamisena da t ta mi mukhe kșiptami (21. 19-20 ) where dattam and kşiptam are governed by phalam, while they ought to have been governed by kşurikā which was handed over, and not merely its blade, under the pretext of a gift.
A number of non-Sanskrit words have been employed; e.g. talāvali ( 4.10; 5.6), pa arhiärām (4.10 ), varandi (4.10 ). Non-Sanskrit names are employed even without the usual case-terminations; e.g. page 4. Not only Old Gujarati expressions but even whole sentences are introduced in Sanskrit passages; e.g. 3. 2-3; 4. (- ; 5. 2-3; "tetula etalaum i' 'etalai ketalaum ?' 19. 1-2. Gujarāti case-terminations and actual Gujarāti verbal forms also are met with; e.g. 4. 11-16; 5.1. Even purely Sanskrit sentences reveal tremendous influence of the regional dialects. It will be worth-while here to cite a few instances of the same: rājño vibhâte hårir-bhavisyati ( 10.20 ), adya rājan! nidrā ghana tarà ! (11.17), manaścintitapāśukā cuk kită să (11.20), rājyam mantrine bhala pya ( 12.4), sa n d him cajitaḥ ( 12.14), harita'si 'you have been lost at stake' (12.16), särthe gataḥ (14.6), sarthe nità (15.17), rājñā purohitasyā'g re uktam ( 15.9), salya ud g h à fita ( 15.18), ghoț u ka urdhvo'sti (15.21), dig at rã yām culilah (22.4), mukham macak od itam (22.19), nāmalu pā da u patita (22.22), tāsām par śve prstim ( 27.5-6), tasya sa mipe... ekânte arpitāni (27.12-13), srijayasimha pärśve āgatau ( 27.14-15), mātuḥ par sve pityurttam prstam (28.7), k ap är än i dattāni (30.8 ), tatra patitāvayá vratınāns pārśvāt mundapã r s vāt dramma pañcakam simāyām gyhnanti ( 30.11-12 ),

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patram choţit a m (31.1), param - a vasaro nahi (5.16), ayam vanijā, ako nani (6.10 ). tasyā nytyantyāḥ śirasaś campakapuspatodar am trodita m ( 11 12 ).
At places looseness of language or even incorrectness creeps in due to colloquial influence; e.g. sripatta ne siddhacakravartti-srijayasimhadeva aji åt samägatahi (2015), sid lhacak uvartter - biradam mocayāvah ( 20.7). In the sentence mama sutah kuśalena samesyati tadā śrīpārsvanātham natvā paścât paltanamadhye samagamisyati 1 (22.5-6) the word yadā is dropped from its usual place before mama and the word paścät is introduced after natvā due to the influence of the regional language. Likewise the formula dabhoi nā pārsvanăthotpattih ( 22.7) possesses the Gujarati termination for the Genitive case in a Sanskrit sentence.
Instances of incorrectness even otherwise are also met with; e.g. ācāmlikām- uttīrja ( 14.17-18)'having descended from the tamarind tree', namalanā mnyā pañcasarāvandanāya y antyä rajakajālhākāvā asamipe samăgatai ( 23.2-3), saptavadhūh ( 23.3) in the sense of the seventh daughter-inlaw', rätrau umåd. vi somaśarmmani supte śişyesu suplesu svayam-utthaya dan. dena ācāmlikām cațitvå å hatā (14 3-4) where what is meant is that U mã. devi gave a blow to the tamarind tree after mounting it, tadā srideva sūriņām sisjo mānikvas-tutra kumudacandrakṣapanake na samom våduḥ kṣt aḥ, '24. 2-3 ), yavanikāntaritah sthiyate 1 ( 28.9).
The liberty given by Sanskrit Grammarians by not enjoining any fixed prisition in a sentence for such of its constituents as the subject, the object and the verb is sometimes misused by our author. For instance, in the sentence ta ā rājā rcsás uno vix rahāya madanabhramena samam caturmăim-avasthitah (5.14-15) the meaning intended is that 'king Siddharāja stayed there for waging a battle against kirg Mada na bhrama' and not at all that ' he stayed there with Madanabhrama for fighting' as would ord narily be taken according to the sequence of the words!
One more instance of inaccuracy is furnished by the word śripattana which is employed not less than five times (20.2, 5; 24.2; 24.2; 27 II) to denote Patta na or Aņ a hilla pura Pattana (mod. Păţaņa) in North Gujarata and only once ( 30.7) in the sense of the holy place of pilgrimage popularly known as Prabhāsa På ţa na or Soma na tha Pat a ņa in Sa u raş ţra otherwise called here as Deva pattana ( 30.21; 31.2).
Past passive participles are very frequently employed in place of verbs, which renders the language all the more easy. At the same time such nice verbal

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forms as alekhi (2.10), samay yau (16 2; 28.16), darśyatām (17.10), acikathat (18.14), jujñe (29.1; 30.16), utpede 29 12), cakre (29.18) and jagmuḥ (30.18 not only add to the charm of the language but also vouch for the author's knowledge of Sanskrit Grammar.
Long descriptions of all sorts are carefully avoided. Compounds are not rare and they become confusive when Prakrit or dialectical names and epithets are compounded The language is quite simple and unassuming all throughout and is rarely figurative, with the exception, of course, of the two rem rkable speeches of Vilhu Vamani (6.5-10; 6.12-7.4). Auuprasa, however, appears at many places (eg. 13.6, 7, 8; 25.15; 28.7-8) in a natural way.
The most out-standing features of the style of the LPS are directness, simplicity and succinctness. All the prabandhas are related in a story-telling
marner. This feature is so striking that the reader or the listener feels that the story is being told to him orally in the most traditional way. As a consequence they are grasped quite easily and promptly. Dialogues are mostly short, constituted of very short sentences and this makes them all the more effective (e.g. 12.20 ff.). Occasionally the expressions become pointed. The dialogue between minister Maideva and king Madanabhrama (7.1015) may be cited as an instance in the point. The brief speech of Madanabhrama there (7.12-15) nicely brings out the heroic sentiment. The personality of this king is nicely developed through his only two brisk speeches (page 7).
Such pithy sentences as "Aho ubhayabhraṣṭā jātā!" (12.18) enhance the charm of the narrative, which at times becomes rythmical; e.g. bhavyam jatum militä yat-tvam (13.7).
Humour also is not altogether absent. The brief dialogue of dialectic disputation between Manikya suri and Kumudacandra (244-7) may be cited as an instance in the point.
Succinctness is the most glaring characteristic feature of the style of LPS. At times the verb is dropped. Take, for instance, the following: asminnavusar: ekadā śrij yasimhadevo dvādaśavarṣam yāvat digvijayam kṛtvā kāntyāḥ parisire pañcaguvyūtiparāg uttarakaś-cakre | ( 5.8-9). Here a verb is required after parisar.. The difficulty is not solved by removing the danda separating the two sentences. Likewise in kasmin galvā sthitaḥ (16.13) some such word as nagare is required after kasmin in order to complete the sense. Similarly in sahakāre caṭapy dandena "hataḥ (17.12) the subject of ahataḥ viz. saḥ, i.e. sahakāraḥ, is missing. In dvalrimśadvarṣe panigītam gāyati | (28.10), again, the subject viz. matangi is dropped. Occasionally even ca is dropped;

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e.g. yadi a pa śabdah puna rukt am sameti tadā tayà jihvánvásah kriyate i ( 30.5-6). At times succinctness of style puts at stake even clarity of sense; e.g. nädalinau viprataritau, śirasi lepo daftaħ (25.5; tatprabhāve na pattane varuņāśānaditațe samam tāva'à śrijayasimhadevasya parimadıräjñaḥ samam yuddham jāyate 1 ( 25.12-13: here something like dysțam yat is necessary before pattane ); madhye paribhramanti punar-na prakațayanti i (25.15-16: here the latter half means that they remained invisible'); pāralā jāgartti viņāvumśädikān látvā gayanti (27.3-4: lāvatā must be inserted after jigartti ). Two more instances in the point are: gajarūpa-simharúfair kylam ! ( 26.1) and kasmin dine (27.5).
In the narration of the former birth of Śrimātā (20.14-16) there is no mention at all of her being a monkey nor can one understand the same froin the context. One would not be able to know it unless one learns the s me from other versions of the story! In fact the Srima. a-prubandha in our text is very brief as compared to its versions elsewhere. Moreover, an inconsistency occurs in the fifth story of the Vikramaditya-pañcadanducchatra-prabandha. At the outset it is stated that the minister had seven sons and seven daughters-in-law (16.9), and, a few lines after, while in exile, only three daughters-in-law are specified : bhāțake. i adhvá gyhitam 1 tatra jyeșthapatnīduuyam átmana vadhu - tray a m sthitam I ( 16.15).
It has however, to be noted that the author does rise to considerable poetic heights at certain occasions. He bursts into a series of nice epithets in Vilh u Vām a ņi's address to king Madan abbiama. Though a mixture of Sanskrit, Prākrit and Old Guj. languages, the whole passage is highly poetic :
“Mahāraju! caturacakravarttin ! nāgarikanarendra ! paricchati paji-nå paramahamsa ! hiyali-nā hamsaraja ! antahkarana-na nåājana ! puranapui uși tłuma ! jivituvia na jāgesara ! hydan agarbha garbheśvaru ! mamatāmaheśrara ! aluv śvara ! lilāluhtaga, bheśvara ! cintilacintamani ! kodi-ni kamadhenu ! kamata vastu nā kalpavrașa! saubhāgyasundara ! bhogapurandara ! mukuradhvajävitāra! rājyaliks nisrnjarahāra ! srimadanabhramar ijendra ! ayam vanijayako nalii ” ( 6.5-10).
The second speech of Vilhů anani, again, bursts into very nice epithets for king Siddharāja Ja ya simha (6.12 -7.4):" ...visvajananayanānandana | 18 laksa 92 sahasra målavalakşmikucagrahavigrupāni I vairira. yumurattaghurutta | aśvapali-gajapati narapati-trihum raya nau ambalau i gåjanavaihummis ahrday antasalya jayaśı isaimuara | udaki śasana-nau dayanaharu i ... samastadigvalayavijuyi praudhapratāpi 1...., the poetic fancy reaching a climax with the expression “...tatkuksisarovararajahamsah ". It may be noted

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by the by that these epithets are not found in the other versions of the prabandha examined by the editor for comparison.
In short, the language is very simple and unassuming; the diction is direct and the style is forceful, sharing the peculiar features of Jaina Sanskrit', and the powerful collcquial influence has offered a realistic touch to the narrative. The lexical material, which is an important feature of the language and style of L''S, is dealt with in Appendix 'A'.
VIII. Authorship and Date
The name of its author is not furnished by the text of the LPS, nor can it be known from any other source. All the same, the unitorm nature of the contents and the homogeneity of the style of all the ten prabandhas are conducive to the conclusion that the present work is not a compilation of pratandhas composed by different authors as would ordinarily be 11. ferred from the title Laghu-prabandha sangraha, but that the whole has come from the pen of a single author. Though nothing is known about th: personat history of the author otherwise, on the evidence of the text itself some remarks can sately be passed regarding the same.
Firstly, the type of the language einployed by him throughout the work is the one cultivated by mediaeval Jaina authors of Western India and known as Jaina Sanskrit' which fact is a sufficient evidence for pronouncing our author to be a mediaeval Jaina author of Western India.
Secondly, there are a few Gujarati phrases and sentences introduced in the body of the text, and what is more striking is that Madana bhrama, king of Kanti in Bengal, is made to speak in Gujarati. Occasionally we also meet with distinctly Gujarāti case-terminations. These circumstances lead us to the conclusion that the author belonged to Gujarāta. Moreover, such expressions as kuņa re vinajāruu' 6.4) induce one to infer further that in all probability he hurled from orth Gujaraia; because though 'kunu' is found commonly used in Old Gujarati for modern Gujarati kona' 'who', it is retained even today in the dialects of North Gujarāta alone. The fact that Pattana or Aņa hila pura Pattana ( modern Pāța ņa), the capital of the great king Siddharāja Ja ya simha, who appears in as many as six out of the ten prabandhas of LPS, is situated in North Gujaråta, in a way, supports this inference.
Date of Composition
It is not possible for us to arrive at a definite date of the composition of

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the LPS. On the basis of Internal Evidence, however, we can fix a particular period during which it must have been composed beyond any doubt,
Lower Limit:
At the close of the Jagaddeva-prabandha the following post-colophon entry is made:
"Sam. 1465 vaise caitra vadi 5 guruvāre'lekhi "
As the whole manuscript is written in the same hand, this date viz. V. S. 1465 ( = 1409 A.D.) must be regarded as the age of the manuscript. The date
omposition of the text must naturally be earlier than the date of copying. This furnishes the lower limit. Upper Limit:
Some historical personages appear in the different prabandhas of the LPS.
Firstly, Siddharāja J a ya simha, the great king of Gujarāta, the period of whose reign is regarded as the golden period in the history of Gujarāta, appears in six out of the ten prabandhas. The period of his reign is from 1094 to 1143 A.D. Naturally, therefore, our text was composed after 1143 A.D.
Secondly, there is a reference to king Paramadi of Kalyāņako tipura (1. 8-9 ) in the Jaga ideva-prabandha. In the Ganaya-inanayaindrajāli-prabandha ( 25. 12-14) there is a reference to a battle between king Ja ya simha and king Parimādi. Both these references are, in all probability, to king Para marddin also known as Vikramaditya VI, who belonged to the Cāluky a dynasty of Kalyã aka ța ka in South India. According to standard works on history he reigned during yo;6-1127 A.D. Therefore, our text was composed after 1127 A.D.
Thirdly, the Madanabhrama-prabandha (pp. 3-9) relates the story of king Madana bhrama who is called Madan abrahman in PPS and Mada na varman in PK. LPS states that he ruled at Kanti in Bengal; according to PPS he ruled at Kanti, the best of cities; while PK pronounces him to be the king of Mahoba ka in the east. Madanabrahman of PPS and Mada na ya r man of PK are identified with king M a da na varma de va of the Candela dynasty who ruled at Maho bã in Bundelakh anda during 1129-1163 A.D. Our text was, therefore, composed after 1163 A.D.
Fourthly, Jag a ddeva of the Jagaddeva-prabandha (pp. 1--2) was the prince of king Ud a yāditya of the Paramāra dynasty. This Uda. 12

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yaditya ruled at Ujjayini from 1060 A.D. to 1087 A.D. The story in our text starts with the demise of this Udayaditya.
Fifthly, the last prabandha relates the story of Sri Varddha mäna. sūri (pp. 30-31), who, in the end, is reported to have composed the Vasupujyacaritra. This last statement is very important from the view-point of fixing the date of composition of our text. Because it is stated in the Praśasti at the close of the Vasupujyacarita* that it was composed by Vardhamāna sūri at the instance of his pupil Ahladana in V, S. 1299= 1243 A.D.:
tato'sau vidhi vidhyarka
sankhye vikramavatsare 1 ācāryas-caritam cakre
vāsupujyavibhor-idam 11 29 11 (p. 471).
According to the Nāg, ndragaccha-fattāvali also Acārya Vardhamani. sūri, who is rumbered nine there, instructed Dandanayaka Ahlādana of the Gallakukula and inspired him to get repaired the Vāsu pūjya - swāmin temple of the Māgendrugaccha at Pātana and at the request of the same Dandınāyaka he composed the Vásupūjyacarita of the extent of four Surgas and 54-4 granthas at Påtana in V. S. 1299 (= 1243 A.D.), while residing in the Upāśraya adjoining to the same temple. †
As our author makes a definite statement that the pontiff composed the Vasupujyacarilia (31.3), he must, beyond doubt, have composed his LPS after that incident, i.e., after 1243 A.D.
On the evidence of the above facts we can safely conclude that the Laghu-prabandha sangraha was composed some-time between 1243 A.D. and 1409 A.D.
Now we have already seen in the Chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha-Works that in almost all the cases where different versions of the prabandhas are available the version of the LPS is definitely earlier than all the rest including those found in the Prabandhacintamani of Merutunga and the Prabandhak»śa of Rāja Śrkhara and that in no case the LPS
* Edited by Dr. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome and published by Sri Jaina Dharma Prasāraka Sabha, Bhà va nagara in 1910 A.D.
1 Jaina Parampara-no' Itihāsa (in Gujarati), part II, by Muni Darśa na vija y aji, Muni Jña navija yaji and Muni N yāya. vija yaji, Ahmedabad, 1950 A.D., pp. 5, 676.

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version is later than the rest. The PC was composed in 1305 A.D. and the PK was compost d in 1349 A.D. This fact enables us to narrow the duration of the probable period of the composition of the LPS and conclude that it was composed, in all prabability, some-time betw en 1243 4.D. ani 1305 4 D. or, to be precise, during the latier half of the thirteenth century.
IX. Bearings on History
The Prabandhas are historical anecdotes. The present text is a P. abandhawork. As such it will be interesting to examine it from the historical point of view and try to find out its bearings on history. It is intended here to furnish only an out-line of the historical data gathered from each individual prabandha and examine the same briefly in the light of known history, etc. and not to enter into long discussions regarding the same.
1. JAGADDEVA-PRABANDHA Jagaddeva, the hero of the prabandha, is a historical figure. He is stated here to be one of the two sons of Para mara king Uda yāditya of Ujjayini and step-brother of Raņa dha vala. This is corroborated by history. His father U da yāditya ruled from 1060 A D. to 1087 A.D Jagadde va is stated here to have quitted his country after the demise of his father, when his step-brother Raņa dha vala was enthroned and he found his lite in danger. Elsewhere also we find similar references
He is stated to have gone then to the kingdom of king Paramādi of Kalyāņa koți pura. This Para māļi can easily be identified with king Vikramāditya VI of the Western Cālu ky a dynasty who ruled at Kalyā ņ a ka ța ka (mod. Kalyāņa near Bombay) during 1076-1126 A D. § and enjoyed the title of Paramarddin. Some other contemporary kings also bore this title, but this particular "Paramarddin” was really a powerful king.* Moreover, one Ja gaddeva's connection with this king is also mentioned by PC [p. 114). The name of the queen of this Paramarddin is given here as Lilavati. The interes
† GMRI, P. 523.
Vide, e.g., A. K. Forbes, Råsa Måla or The Hindu Annals of the Province of Gujarat, Gujarati Trarslation, Third edition, Vol. I, 1922, Pp. 165-200.
Ş Vide GMRI, P. 537. * Vide CG, PP. 79-80.

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ting incident of Bhavði-yātrā wherein this king danced and his minister played upon the tabor is altogether novel and appears to be of doubtful historicity. The wording of the text, however, indicates that Jaga ddeva went not to the capital viz.. Kalyāņa kotipu ra but to a town (nagarum ) situated on the border-line which was presented by the queen of king Para. marddin to the courtesans for their maintenance. The name of the ruler of the place does not occur thereafter and hence the confusion is not cleared. Thus the name Lilāva ti is not that of Para marddin's queen but of the queen of the ruler of the border-town which was offered to the harlots as grāsa, no matter whether he was Para marddin himself or someone else. If he be a small ruler, the incident of Bhavāi ya'ra is quite probable.
There is a reference in this prabardha to Gåjan á dhipa Hammira and Gajapati Gaudes vara. The reference here is to an attack on Pattana by this Hammira and Jagadde ya's success in bringing about a truce. It cannot be determined whether this Hammira was a Rajapüła chief reigning at certain place called Gājaņagad ha or he was a Muslim invader from Ghazni. In all probability the word 'Ilammira' is derived from the Arabic term Amira' meaning (1) a nobleman' and ( 2 )
the king of Afghanistan'. Therefore any Muslim Commander may be termed Hamira'or' Hammira'. Now the Dohad Inscription dated V. S. 1196 = 1140 A.D. informs us that Siddha rāja had defeated one Sindhu rāja. A description of the battle between Siddhar äja and Sindhurāja is met with in Someśvara's Kirtikaumudi as well as Suratho'sava. Especially Kirtikaumudi II, 26 is noteworthy for our purpose. It runs thus:
असत्यहरिसैन्येन प्रक्षिप्ताने भूभृता । बद्धः सिन्धुपतियेन वैदेहीदयितेन वा ।।
i.e., just as Vaidehiday ila, ie. Rāma, bound the ocean by getting a number of mountains [bhūbhrt] thrown therein through the army of innumerable monkeys [ hari ); in the same way he (i.e. Siddhar äja) bound, i.e. caught, Sindhupati after the fall of a number of kings (bhūbhrt ] at (the hands of) huge cavalry [harisainyena ].
Now veteran historians contend that this Sindhupati or Sin. dhu räja might be a Muslim ruler of Sindh a. * The expression
Gåjaạädhipa-hammīra' of our text, in all probability, refers to this Sindhuraja. In the next prabandha viz. Madanabhrama-prabandha also Siddha
* Vide DHAI, l'arı II. p. 972; CG, p. 81.

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rāja is described as 'Gājaṇavai-hammira-hydayāntaśalya'. Both these references probably pertain to one and the same incident.
It is difficult to identify Gaja pati Gaudeśvara also. Generally the term 'Gajapati' is used in literature in the sense of the head of the elephantcorps of an army. It is also used to denote the kings of Orissā; the name of a dynasty itself was Gaja pati. 'Gaudeśvara' would literally mean
the king of the Gaud a country'. Right from the second half of the ninth century A.D. the title Gaudeśvara' became the official style of the reigning emperors of Bengal, and the city of Gauda is identified with Lakşmaņā vati in the Malda district of Bengal. It is very difficultwell nigh impossible-to coincide these two into one individual. All the same, the readers are requested to refer to the discussion regarding A śva pati, Gajapati and Nara pati in the next prabandha.
The magnanimity of Jagaddeya is noted elsewhere also † and the incident of the dancing girl is found in PC: but the incident of Bhavai-yātrå seems to be a unique feature of LP3.
2. MADANABHR I MAMAHĀRĀJA-PRABANDHA
There are two main characters in this prabandha viz. king Madana. bhrama and king Jayasimhadeva. The latter is none else than Siddharaja J ay a simha, the great king of Gujarāta, who ruled at Patana during 109--1143 A.D. and enjoyed such titles as Siddhacakra. vartin' etc. The former is named Madan abrahman in PPS (pp. 2325 ) and Mada na var man in PK (pp. 90 93). According to LPS he was the king of Kā nti in Bengal. According to PPS his capital was the excellent city of Kānti. PK states that he was the king of Ma ho ba kapora in the east. Ma da na var man of PK is identified by veteran historians as king Mada na varman of the Candela dynasty who is believed to have ruled at Ma ho bã in Bundela khan da during 11291163 A.D. Since the story in all the versions examined by us is practically the same, it can be concluded beyond any doubt that our king Madana - bhrama of Kānti was the same as the Candela king Madana. var man of Maho bà. We have already noted that the original name
Ma dana - var man' has taken the forms 'Madana-bra h man' and M a d a na-bhra ma' through scribal errors and peculiarity of pronunciation. These names are significant inasmuch as the king was highly
I Vide HB, Vol. I, p. 13. † Vide, e.g., PC, pp. 114-115; PPS, p. 85,

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prosperous ant given to amorous pleasures. All the same it is not easy to explain how the name 'Mahoba ka' became 'Kanti'! The on'y explanation of the situation is that 'Kanti' might be another name of the city of 'Ma hoba ka'! Because LPs places this Kanti in Bengal, which is indeed far ciful; or, at the most, we can say that the scribal errors might have turned 'Candeladeśa' to 'Vangaladeśa'*.
The names of the minister and the gate-officer of Mada na bhrama are common to LPS and PPS, while that of the Commander-in chief is given differertly. PK is silent on the point. There is no criterion for proving the historicity of these names; but the matter is quite insignificant. The same is the case with the names of the queens, their maids and the like.
. Certain important facts regarding Siddharaja Ja ya simha, as found in this prabandha, are, however, historical beyond doubt. He is stated here to have been a descendent of the three brothers Rāja, Bija and Dandaka, which is an established fact. Secondly, a lis. of his six predecessors right from the founder of the Cauluk y a dynasty is giv, 1 here in the correct chronok gical order: (1) Mūlarāja, (2) Cámundarāja, (3) Vallabh a rāja, (4) Durla bharāja, (5) Bhima and (6) Karna de va, the last on being his father.
Moreover, Siddharāja Jayasimha is described here as "18 laksa 92 sahasra malavulakṣmi kaca-graha-vigra-pāņi" (6. 14-15) and "70 sahust e-gürjara-dharādhiśvurah" (7-4). It is very difficult, well nigh impossible, today to attempt a true interpretation of these two statements. These figures may indicate either the annual income or the population or the total number of villages. The first statement may be regarded as indicative of the total population of the Māla va land rather than the annud income or the number of villages in that territory. It is also not improbable that it may be indicative of the amount received by Siddharāja Jayasimha as a tribute from the king of the Màlava land. On the other hand, the second statement does not appear to display either the total population or the annual
* In his letter dated the 3rd September 1964 Dr. D. C. Sircar, a veteran historian, states: “There being no noteworthy place called Kantipuri in Bengal, King Mada na bhrama of Kantipuri in Va ngāla' seems to be imaginary or due to corrupt reading. On the other hand, Chandella Madana varman of Mahoba was a contemporary of Jay a simha Siddharaja, and pūrvasmin disi does not o.fer any difficulty at all. It is not impossible that Vangāladeśe is a mistake for Chandeladeše."

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income of the then Gujarata. And to say that it shows the number of villages comprising the Gujarāta of those medieval times may be considered as an exaggeration at the present state of our knowledge. Perhaps it might be indicative of the population of the genuine land of Gujarāta not considering the territories conquered by the Gujaräti kings ! More probable than even this is to believe it to state the streng h of the army of Gujarāta. All the same the same text states later on (7. 10-11 ) that Jay a simha had encamped near Kantipuri with an army consisting of five hundred thousand sāhinas and nine hundred thousand padāti; ! Of course, this army might have included the divisions of the feudatories also. In these circumstances nothing more definite than these probabilities can be pronounced on the point at this juncture.
Siddharāja Ja ya simha is described here as the vanquisher of the three kings called A Ś va pati, Gajapati and Narapati (6. 15 16). It is very difficult to identify these three kings. The term 'Aśrapati' is used in literature to denote the kings of Delhi. Likewise, the term 'Gajpatı' is found employed in the sense of kings of Orissã, a royal dynasty itself being nam d'Gajapati'. One fails to understand, however, as to the kings of which place used to be called a aj ati's. One thing is certain: The king whose cavalry was more powerful than the other divisions of his army inight have been known as 'AŚ va pati'. He wb) possessed a very powertul elephant-torce might have been called 'Gajapati'. In the same way, the king having a mighty force of foot-soldiers might have been denoted by the term 'Narapati'. The kings of Delhi have been well-renowned for their very powerful cavalry. Similarly, the elephants of Orissã are also famous † The very idea, however, of Siddharaja's relations, of fight or truce, with the rulers of Delhi and Orissä appears baseless at the present state of our knowledge.
All the same if we go deep into the matter, we do gain some light. It is a well-known fact that the power of the Cā ha má na or Cau han a rulers of Så kambhari, Ajamera and Naddula was solely due to their very strong cavalry. Therefore the term Aśva pati' can well be applied to a Cå ha māna ruler. An inscription of the Cāha māna king A saraja of Nad dūla, dated V. S. 1200 ( =1144 A.D.) describes him as a Pādu padmopajivin of Mahirajāih rāja Jayasimha. Moreover, he accompanied Siddha. Iāja, with his army, in his great attack on Māla vā. Therefore there is no doubt that having been subdued by Siddharāja, he had become his
† Dr. B. J. Sándosarā, Jagannāthapuri ane Orisa (Guj.) p. 299.

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feudatory.* But the 'AŚ va pati' in question appears to be different from this Ā śarāja. He was Ā nāka or Aiņorāja of Sāka mbhari, a powerful contemporary of Siddharåja. As an inscription of Siddharāja is discovered from a well in Sa ka mbhari, it can be inferred that Siddharāja must have conquered the place, may be for a very short period. We know that Hemacandra's Duyāśrayamahākávya does not give any details of Siddharaja's fights with the Rajasthan a rulers. All the same, in the same work, on meeting Anāka on the battlefield, Kumāra pala reminds him of the fact that he (i.e. Ā nāka) had to bow down to his predecessor Siddharāja J a y asimha. † Som eśvara's Kārtikaumudi also clearly states that having defeated Arņorāja, Siddharăja married his daughter Kāñcana de vi to him. 1 This shows that a fight did take place between Siddha rāja and Arnorāja. Siddharāja's offering his daughter in marriage to the defeated king may be regarded as indicative of his magnanimous nature and fore.sight. All the same the fact that he had to give his daughter to him shows Arnorāja's importance. Moreover, in a post-colophon entry dated Thursday, the second day of the bright half of the month of Āsādha in V. S. 1198 ( =11.42 A.D.), A rņorāja is described as Samasta-rajāvail samalankrtaparamabhattáraka-mahārājādhirāja--parameśvara'. $ Thus Arnorāja or A nå ka, the Cā ha mã na ruler of Śāka mbhari, was definitely a powerful contemporary of Siddharā ja and as such he appears to have been meant by the term 'Aśva pati' of our text.
Now let us turn to Gajapati'. The elephants of the forests of Central India are quite famous. Consequently the term 'Gajapati' may be taken to denote the king of Māla vā. The incident of Siddharāja's attack on Yaś o varman, the Para mara king of Māla vā, and his vanquishing and capturing him alive is described at length in such standard works as Hemacandra's Dvyaśrayamahākavya, Some s vara's Kirtikau. mudi, Bāla candra's Vasanta-vilāsı, Mesutunga's Prabandhacintamani, Ja ya siņ ha sūri's Kumărapālabhūpālacarita and Jina mandana's Kumārapalaprabandha. In some places the fight is stated to be with Nara varman ( 1105-1133 A.D.) and elsewhere with his son and successor
* Vide CG, p. 70 and GMRI, p. 295.
† Vide Dvyāśrayamahākāvya, XVIII. 84-86 and commentary thereon: pp. 474-476 of the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts Series Edition. A
Vide Kirtikaumudi, II. 26-28.
§ Vide Jainapustaka-praśastisangraha, p. 101; also vide for details, CG, p. 71 and GMRI, pp. 295-295.

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Tasovarman (1133-1135 A.D.). At a number of places it is stated that the fight continued for as many as twelve years. We may not take the literal meaning of 'twelve years'. All the same it appears from all these accounts that the battle between Gujarăta and Māla vā must have lasted for a pretty long period. Yasovar ma n ruled only for about three years. Therefore, the struggle must have started during the reign of Nar a varman and must have continued in Ya śovar man's reign also resulting in his defeat. The Paramüra kings of Māla va have come to be regarded as powerful since the age of Muñja and Bhoja, and a very long duration of the fight as well as the importance given to the same by so many authors of repute is an evidence for regarding Naravar man and Ya śo varnan as very powerful contemporaries of Siddharāja. As such Gajapati' may be taken to denote either of these, or, more probably, Yasovar ma n. 'The incident of Ya śovarman's successful attack on Păţaņa in the absence of Siddharāja and his returning with the pilgrimage-merit incurred by Siddharāja, which was tactfully offered to him by the shrewd minister of Gujarāta, corroborates cur conclusion in the matter
Now let us try to find out the probable meaning of the term Narapati'. One of the Western Cāluky a rulers of Kalyāņa or the Kada mba kings of Goā or the Šilà hāra kings of Kor ka na appears to have been meant by it. The rulers of these dynastys are considered powerful, but none of them has ever become prominent due to either a powerful cavalry or a powerful elephant--force. Consequently they must have mostly relied on their foot-soldiers. Vikramaditya VI (1076-1126 A.D.) of the Western Cāluky a dynasty was popularly known as Para mard din, and in the well-known inscription of Talavādā, Ja y asimha is described as " Paramarddi-mardadka” or “subduer of Para ni arddin". That Paramarddin must be none else than this Vikramā dit ya VI of Kal y ăņ a. Certain other contemporary kings also bore the title " Paramarddin", but this "Para marddin” was very powerful as compared to other ones of his age.* As such the term 'Narapati' may be taken to mean this Para marddin Vikra mădit y a VI of Kalyā ņ a.
J a y a kesin I of the Kadam ba dynasty of Goa reigned during 1050-1080 A.D. Minala devi or M a y an allādevi, mother of Siddharaja J a y asim'h a, was his daughter. Karna de va's marriage with Ma ya ņ allādevi is regarded as political, having special concern with his victory over the Laţa territory. He lost Lã ţa after
* Vide CG, PP. 79-80 :: G. H. Oza, Solankiom-kā Prācīja Itihāsa (Hindi), Part I, p. 117. 13

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three years, but thereafter he permanently joined it with his Gujarata. § The authors of the Prabandhas are quite well-known for their habit of confusing historical chronology. Therefore this Jaya kesin I also may be meant by the term 'Narapati' of our text.
The Prabandha-works have described at length the defeat of Mallikarjuna, the Silahara king of Konkana, at the hands of the army of Siddharaja's successor Kumarapala. The Silahara kings of Konkana bore the title Rajapitāmaha'. The king of Gujarāta does not appear to have benefitted by this victory over Mallikarjuna, which fact also would hint at his powerfulness. In short, the term 'Narapati', in all probability, denotes this Mallikarjuna, referring thereby to a future fight!
In this way, the terms Asvapali Gajapati and Narapati' most probably denote Arnorăja of Sakambhari, Naravarman or Ya so varman of Malava and Mallikarjuna of Konkana respectively.
It will be interesting to note that these three kings are also referred to by Merutunga suri in his PC under peculiar circumstances:
$1
ततः क्रमेण त्रयोविंशतिहस्तप्रमाणं परिपूर्ण प्रासादं कारयामास । तत्र प्रासादेऽश्वपति गजपति नरपतिप्रभृतीनामुत्तमभूपतीनां मूती: कारयित्वा तत्पुरो योजितामल खां मूर्ति निर्माप्य देशभङ्गोऽपि तान् प्रासादस्याभ याचितवान् । [PC, p. 61.3
When Siddharaja got erected the famous huge artistic and majestic temple of Rudramahālaya [ Rudramahākāla prāsāda] at Siddhapura (in North Guj.), he got prepared a full-size mansion of the measure of twenty-three hastas, established therein the statues of such excellent kings as A svapati, Gajapati, Narapati etc., placed his own statue in front of them, with folded hands, and appealed thereby to them that even in the event of the defeat of Gujarata (at their hands) that particular temple (viz. Rudramahālaya) should not be disturbed. It is evident from this reference also that these three kings were very powerful ones and that Siddharaja always entertained fear from them. It is curious that such an important reference could not draw the attention of Sri Durgāśankara Sastri, the renowned author of GMRI, and other veteran historians.
The name of Siddharaja's another is Minaladevi according to LPS. She has been named elsewhere as Mayapallade vi and
§ Vide CG, p. 39.
Vide GMRI, pp. 347-351; CG, pp. 113-115.

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Minajadevi also. She is described here as having surpassed in chastity such ancient ideals of chastity as Ahal ya, Arundh a ti, Sati, Tår å and Mandodari. We are reminded in this connection of the great historical dialectics between the Syetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas which took place in Siddharaja's court, the parties being Deva sūri and Kumuda candra. In order to prove the theory that women also, on account of their chastity and virtues, are eligible for final beatitude, Deva sûri, the Svetambara pontiff, put forth the li illustration of queen-mother Minala devi, which fact supports the statement of the LPS. She is stated here to be the princess of Kän had a Jay a keśa', which is a fact, as this J ay a keśa was none other than) Ja ya kesinl of the Kadam ba dynasty of Kannada - Karnataka - Goa, who is believed to have flourished during 10501080 A.D.
King Siddha raja Jayasimha is described here as Gājanavaihawmira-hydayāntaśalya' or an arrow destroying the heart of Hammira, the master of Gajana' (6.16). This Hammit a might either be the ruler of some such place as Gaja na gadha or the king of Ghazni! In the previous pravundha also we get a reference to 'Gajanadhipa Hammira' who is stated there to have undertaken an attack on Päţa şa, when, lowever, Jag a ddeva Para mara secretly crept into his camp along with sixteen companions, surrendered him, took away his chief royal elephant and finally brought about a truce between him and Siddha ráj a (p. 2). Both these references appear to be concerning one and the same incident and the problem of Hammira's historicity is discussed by us there with the conclusion that he must have been a Muslim king of Sindha.
Now let us turn to the main theme of this prabandhu. The twenty-third verse of Canto II of Some svara's Kirtikarmudi specifically state the king of Ma ho baka paid a tribute to Siddharaja under the pretext of treating hini as a guest :
"ITTAR 49 frafe: Aqua The Fanfát "
In all the prabandhas dealing with the story of Ala da na bhram a or Mada na brahman or Madan a varman we have noticed
at siddha raia receives this thing or that from him. All the same it must also be noted that in all these descriptions we do feel a constant impress

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ion of a sort of elderliness on the part of Madanabhrama, and an inscription from Kālaħjar a appears to support the same. It reads thus:
. .
"Barstaa ufitat: auta gotta gia #a: 1*** Thus it specifically states that Mad a n a va rima n defeated the king of Gujarāta as did K șs n a, Kam sa. On the evidence of all these facts we can definitely,say that a battle must have taken place between the two and after a truce, both must have exchanged gifts as a token of friendship. But Sri Durgā sa n kara Šāstri rightly contends that a contemporary inscription must be regarded more authentic than later Prabandhas, and, as such, perhaps Siddharaja had to suffer more than Ma dana var man in order to see that the king of Mala vā did not get any help from hin. 'Because though the Prabandha-writers of Gujarāta furnish interesting descriptions of the incident, none of them has ever claimed a definite victory of Siddharāja over Ma da na varma li. In all the versions "Siddha raja is stated to have enjoyed Ma dana. var man's hospitality and to have received certain gifts from him-mostly those of extremely tender damsels-wherefore he returns with a friendly heart. Likewise, in all the versions, except one, the king of Mahoba ka advises him not to entertain fights but to enjoy the royal gloy. In their depiction of all other victories of Siddharāja we do not meet with such points at all.
At the same time there is the other side of the shield also ! In the epithets of Siddharāja put in the mouth of Vilh u Vāmaņi we get references not only to his noble family and parents but also to his feats of valour. On the other hand, when the same Vilhū Vāmaņi gives out a long series of excellent epithets for her own master Madan a varman, i.e., Mada na bhrama of LPS, we find all of them indicative of his very tender feelings and passionate nature, but none hinting even to the slightest extent at any feat of valour or victory on his part ! And this fact, being very significant, cannot be ignored. His very short speech viz.,
" Kenapi muratło na mloditaḥ, skundhakharjjir-nä'punita, nido notturitaḥ 1 "
which he delivers to his gate officer is the only matter that we get indicative of his valour!
* Vide Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, XVII (1848), p. 318. † Vide GMRI, p. 299.

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3. VIKRAMADITYA-PANCADANDACCHATRA-PRABANDHA
This is a very nice folk-tale which need not be regarded to have any bearing on history.
4. SAHASRALINGASARAH-PRABANDHA
The names of as many as thirty-two courtiers of Siddharāja Jayasimha are mentioned at the commencement of this prabandha. Some of them are referred to elsewhere also. We may take up each of them in turn for necessary discussions :
(1) SANTU, also called S a m pat kara, was the first Governor of Lata under Caulukya king Karnadeva (1064-1094 A.D.). He was later appointed as the Chief Minister. Kara's young successor Siddharāja Jayasimha, according to PPS (p. 35), received his training in state-craft under the guidance of Santů, who was also the patron of poet Bilhana. He seems to have wielded supreme power till 1123 A.D. whereafter, in wrath, he resigned and went to Dhara. In due course, however, Jayasimha realized his loyalty to him even while staying at Dhara and recalled him to Patan a. While returning, however, he died on his way at A haḍa near Udayapura. He is stated to have been a native of Baroda, the names of his parents being Varanaga and Somapuri.*
(2) ABHADA VASAHA was a generous merchant to whom are devoted separate prabandhas in such prominent works as PC, PK and PPS. He seems, however, to have come into prominence during Kumarapala's reign.
(3) DHARAVARASA CADALLAU is the same as Dhara varsa, the Para mara king of Candravati. He is known to history as a valiant feudatory of the court of Patan a. Dhara varsa flourished during 1164 A.D. to 1220 A.D., i,e., during the reign of Kumarapala! May be, an earlier king of the same family is meant by this later name.§
(4) SAMARASI RAULA CITRAUDAU would naturally mean Samarasimha Rävala of Cittoda. This king, however, ruled

* Vide PHNIJS, p. 259; GMRI, pp. 248, 263, etc.
§ Vide GMRI, p. 525.

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over Mevada as late as 1274 to 1302 A,D. He gave way to the army of Alauddin Khilji of Delhi marching against Karna Väg hela, the last Hindu king of Gujarata. Thus he was not a contemporary of Siddharāja. The epithet Citrauda u does not allow us to identify the king mentioned here with Samarasimha of the Sonagara Ca u hāņa family who ruled at Jhalora from 1183 A.D. to 1186 A.D. ! Probably the author of LPS has wrongly named the latter as the former since the latter might have been more familiar to him due to nearness of time.
(5) PĀHLAŅA RĀŅAU also cannot be identitied with any known contemporary ruler. This name might refer to Prahlā da nadeva, the founder of modern Palana pura in North Gujarāta, who also was a contemporary of Kumāra pala! The authors of the Prabandha-- works are known for confusion of chronology.
(6) LOŅADHAULA MAGAUDIU, i.e. Lūņa dha vala Magodiya, also cannot be identified with any known contemporary personage. The epithet 'Magaudiu' suggests that he hailed from a place called Maga udi, probably inodern Magodi near Dahegā ma in Ahmedabad district of Gujarat a
(7) KĀNHADADE RĀULA JĀLAURAU can be easily identified with Kā n h au adeva or Krşņade va, Kumar a pāla's brother-inlaw, who, being a very powerful courtier of Siddha rāja, helped Kumāra pāla ia securing the throne. PC (p. 78 ) appends the epithet 'Rājakula' to his name and PPS appends the epithet 'Naddula'. He was 'Rījakula', which was one of the titles borne by the feudatories of Pāța na; but the term Vadduli' would lead us to think that he belonged to the Ca uhaņa family of Nad dūla! The term 'Jalaurau' of our text is confusive, for our author seems to confuse this Kānhada deva with the king of Jhalora of that name ( 1282-1297 A.D.), the hero of Padmanabha's excellent Old Gujarāti work called Känhodade-prubandha !
(8) GODRAHIYAU PARAMĀRA GAJARAULA does not seem to be known to history. He was, as can be inferred from this reference, a Para. már a ruler of Godhra, i.e., modern Pañca m a h à la district of Gujarāta. It cannot definitely be confirmed whether he is the same person as Gajasimha, son of Alhaņa deva Cå ha måna of Nadd úla (1153-1162 A.D.) who was a feudatory of Kumāra pala.
(9) SĀLHU BHELADIU VĀGHELAU also is not known to history. He seems to have been Salh or Sålhana of the Vāghe là branch

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of the Cauluky as hailing from certain place called Bhelad i, probably the village of that name near Disa in North Gujarat a.
(10) SILANU KUTIGIU is described in other Prabandha-works as an intelligent jester ( kantukin). PC (p. 74) cites an incident wherein Sila na, the jester, is stated to have tactfully propitiated king Siddha. rāja enraged at his pronouncing the expression "Bedāyām samudro mugnah", by interpreting it as "the ocean in the form of the Māla va king Ya so varman sank in the boat in the form of Gujarat a." Another prabandha in PC (p. 96 ) and one in PK (p. 99 ) relate how intelligently jester Silan a forced king Aja ya pala to refrain from destroying the Jaina temples constructed by his predecessor Kumāra pāla. PPS (pp. 47-48 ) relates this tactful incident with special reference to the temples on Tāra pa gadha (mod. Tär a' g å bills in North Gujarāta). Sila na may be a historical figure; all the same it is difficult to believe that the jester of Siddharāja's court and that of Ajay a pā were one and the same person. We may contend, however, that he was very young when he started his career as a jester in Siddhar å ja's court and continued his job all through Kumara pāla's sway and in his old age he was able to teach a lesson to the latter's successor Aja y a pāla. Of course, the PC and PPS stories definitely mean an old man.
(11) Nothing is known about Ma da na Tangadin. The epithet. Tangadīu' might be indicative of his place of residence.
(12) HARAPĀLA SĀKARIU : The epithet. Sākariu' indicates that he was a well-known merchant of sugar-candy or sugar. In the next prahandha there is reference to Sa ka riyä sä ha Haripāla, father of Siddha rāja's minister Sajjana. The story of that prabandha is given in details by Subha silaganin in prabandha no. 97 of his Prabandha-pañcaśati or Pancasati-prabodhasambandha, composed in V. S. 1521 = 1465 A.D. There Harip a la says to his son Sajjana: "My son! What can we do? Now none honours us. In the reign of king Karna de va many such Kuhedās (i.e., problems ) had been broken (i.e., solved ) by me.” The king addresses Hari pala as 'kākā'' uncle' and the latter retorts that he is being addressed in that way because the king is in difficulty and that otherwise he would never remember him. In the end it is stated that the king honoured the ex-minister with generous gifts: Pürvamantrinami bahudravyad ārät saumanayāmasa. t It appears from these re
† Vide the relevant portion in the chapter on " Relation With Other Prabandha-Works "

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ferences that Ha räpala. Sāka ri'u alias Sakariya sāha Haripāla, father of minister Sajjana of the court of Siddharaja Ja y asimha, was a minister of Siddharaja's father Karņa de va and that he might have retired after Siddharāja came to the throne, The term sāha may indicate that he was a merchant, which supports our interpretation of the term 'Säkarin'.
(13) DHAŅAPĀLA PHOPHALIU : Here also the epithet • Phophaliu' can be interpreted to mean either a merchant trading in betel-nut [Guj. phophala
< Pkt. popphala < Skt. pūga phala ) or one hailing from a village called Phop ha la or Phophalia such as the two villages called N anum Phophalium and Moțum Phophalium in Baroda District of Gujarāta. Nothing more is known of this courtier.
(14) MĀLAU BHELADIU: The epithet 'bheladiu' suggests that Malau hailed from certain village named Bhelad 1-probably the one situated near Disā in North Gujarāta.
(15) MADANA TAMBADIU : The epithet 'tambaơiu', again, suggests both the profession of a copper-smith or a dealer in copper vessels as well as the native place of Mada na which appears to have been Tramba. vati, i.e., modern Khambhāta or Cam ba y.'
(16) VAYA JALA PASTĀGIU: He appears to be the same as Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who is known from inscriptions to have been the Dandanāyaka of Nad dūla (mod. Na dola in Rajasthana) during the reign of Kumāra påla (1143-1173 A.D.), and the same as Va y a jaladeva, the Mahamandalesvara of Narma data ţa or the Läţ a territory in the reign of Aja ya pala (1173-1176 A.D.). PC (p. 97) mentions one Vaya jaladeva as Aja ya pala's gate-keeper who murdered him. PPS (P. 48) gives the name of the murderer of Aja ya. pāla as Vaija lade v a. This Va ya jalade va or Vaijaladeva is most probably identical with the Cå ha măna Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who was a very influencial officer at the court of both Kumarapala and Ajay a pāla. † The epithet 'pastāgiu', as found in our text, clarifies that he was a vegetable-vender. He might have represented his guild in Siddharāja's court and, in all probability, he might have been appointed on the dignified post only at a later stage.
(17) JHĀLAU RĀŅAU: This cannot be regarded as a proper name. A feudal vassal might have been popularly known by this family name. Nothing more is known about him..
† Vide GMRI, pp. 320, 324, 334 ; PHNIJS, pp. 278, 288,

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( 18 ) JHALAU MANGO: A Rşatriya of the Jhālā family. PC (p. 72) relates that he used to thrust into the ground two pārācis (= Desi pārāi, an iron instrument for digging) before taking his seat in the court. A voracious eater, he was asked by the king why he moved unarmed, to which his simple reply was that whatever was available at the emergency became his weapon. Just for test an elephant was once directed towards him all of a sudden. Immediately he struck a dog against its trunk and twisted its tail, which resulted into the death of the elephant. He is stated there to have fallen on the field of battle while fighting against the Muslims near Pāțaņa, where a memoir is known as the altar of Mā ngū. This last statement speaks for his historicity.
( 19 ) SA DHĀ SEKHARĂ: Nothing is known about this courtier, but he appears to have belonged to the Sodhā clan of the Rāja pūtas.
(20) KAVISĀRVABHAUMA PAŅDITA SOMESVARU: No 'scholar' and excellent poet' named Somes vara is known to have flourished during the reign of Siddharāja. One Someśvara Para māra of Kiradu is noted to have been a feudatory courtier of this king. The present reference, therefore, seems to have confused this Ksatriya courtier Som eśvara with the renowned poet Some śvara, the author of Kirtikaumudi etc., who flourished later under the patronage of minister Vastu pāla.
. (21) PAŅDITA JAYADEVA: None of this name is known to have flourished during Siddharāja's reign. A minstrel of this name flourished in the reign of his successor Kumāra pala according to the Rāsa Mālā [Guj. ed., 1922, Vol. I, pp. 279-280). One Pandita Ja y a de va, again, is stated to have fourished in the days of the great minister Vastu păla*. The authors of the Prabandhas are known for their habit of placing personages of different ages together,
( 22 ) PAŅDITA SORU : This name probably refers to Sūra, whose brother Soma was Siddharāja's treasurer according to Some. Ś vara's Kirtikaumudi [III. 8-9). This Soma was the grand father of the great minister Vastupala, This Sūr a's father Can da pra såda and grand-father Canda pa also were ministers.
Vide GMRI, p. 313. * Vide, e.g., PC, p. 103. Ş Vide GMRI, p. 442,
14

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(23) PAŅDITA LAVAŅYAŚARMAN: Nothing is known about this scholar.
(24) BHADUACHAU VAJRAVAYARĀGARA PANDITA VAYARASIHA: Nothing is known of this courtier except, of course, that he was a jeweller [vajra + akara] hailing from Bharuca or Broach situated on the bank of the Narma dā and referred to in ancient literature as Bhrgukaccha or Bharukaccha (also cf. its Hindi version Bhadauca and English Broach), as is evident from the two epithets.
(25) HARIHARA \'YASA: Here also confusion of chronology seems to have taken place, as this appears to refer to poet Harili ara who flourished at the court of Vis aladeva (1244-1262 A.D.) and his successor Arjuna deva (1262-1275 A.D.).
( 26 ) DĀMODARA: In all probability this has reference to an earlier personage viz. Damodara or Damara or Da mara who successfully worked as the Ambassador of Siddharaja's grand-father Bhimadeva I (1022-1064 A.D.) at the court of king Bhoja of Måla v a. If he was a courtier of Siddharāja ( 1094-1143 A.D.) also, as appears from this reference, the fact should be regarded as an important addition to the known history. Interesting instances of his present wit and intelligence are narrated in other Prabandha-works; vide, e.g., PC, pp. 30-34, 51-52; PPS, pp. 16, 21, 23. Also vide the Duvāśrayamahākāvya of Hema candra, Sarga IX, verses 17-64.
(27) MUKUNDA: Nothing is known about him.
( 28 ) SRIKANTHA VYASA : Not known to history as yet. Should we take this to refer to the famous poet $ripala who definitely was a favourite courtier of Jayasim ha?
(29) SĀMALA PONTĀRU: 'Ponlāru' is the same as Old Guj. puntära' 'an elephant-driver'. PC (p. 59 ) refers to Ja y asimha's elephant-driver Samala, who, mounting the elephant Ya śaḥ - pa ţ a la along with the king, succeeded in breaking forth the strong bolted gates of Dhärā. PK (pp. 51-52 ) refers to 5 y ma la, elephant-driver of Kumara pala, who, at a very critical juncture in his master's fight against
nā ka, informed him that one Cå had a ku mara, failing in securing the throne after Siddharaja's demise when the latter's sandals ruled for about thirty days before Kumarapala was enthroned, had gone away
Ş Vide GMRI, PP. 220–226

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to the enemy-side. This implies that this Sy & ma la was in service during Siddharaja's reign as well.
(30) SAMALA SOLAJOANAU DOTU: Appears to have been a very speedy royal messenger who was reputed to traverse a distance of sixteen yojanas (i.e., about 128 miles) in a watch probably mounting a
she-camel.
(31) NARANU BAIMKARU is not noted anywhere else, but appears to be a songster (baimkära or baikara) named Narayana.
(32) SOLA BAIMKARU also, though not mentioned elsewhere, seems to be another songster of Ja y asimha's court.
Over and above these the following also are mentioned as the members of the royal court (1) Suhāsolā, (2) Ucitabola, (3) Malakara, (4) Malakara, (5) Kautigiya, (6) Kalahaṭiya, (7) Nacagara, (8) Vesagara, (9) Kaviyara, (10) Kathagar, (11) Ritilaga, (12) Rangācārya and (13) Vyasa.
These are not proper nouns but they are epithets indicative of different types of profession. As these terms are dealt with in the Lexicogra phical Study, the readers are requested to refer to Appendix 'A' for their connotations in order to avoid repetition. This whole passage is very important from the historical point of view not only because so many historical personages are mentioned therein, but also for the fact that it shows in this way that all the guilds-good (pavitra) and bad (bhanda)-were represented in the royal court.
Subsequent to this list is the story of Ka malavati which does not seem to have any bearing on history. What is important for our purpose is the last statement informing that on listening to the story king Ja yasimhadeva got constructed a (new) lake called Sahasralinga on the site of the (old) lake Durlabhasarah. The statement in the SarasvatiFurana (composed during the final years of Jayasimha's reign) that once Siddharaja began to think as to how the old water-less lake to the north of the capital, which was constructed by Durlabharaja, could again be filled with water (XV, 101-102), the one in the Prabhavakacarita that poet Sripala had written a prasasti of the Durlabhasarah (Hemacandrasuri-prabandha, verse 205) and another in the PC (p. 64) that Sripala composed the prasasti of the lake Sahasralinga corroborate this pronouncement of our text. In later works such as the Moharajaparajaya and Hammiramadamardana we get nice descriptions of the city of Patana,

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wherein also there is no reference to two lakes near the capital but only one. Sri Durgāśan kara Sastri infers that this new lake was constructed in :190-91 V. S. = 1134-1135 A.D. by turning the flow of the Sarasvati towards it through canals. roo8 Siva-temples, 108 Devi-temples and a temple of the ten incarnations adorned the banks of this excellent lake-which was one of the four great things accomplished by the great king according to PC (p. 75). At the centre of the lake there was an islet upon which was erected a temple of Rudreśvara, which has now been turned into a mosque. The beauty of this lotus-covered, swan-teaming lake was further enhanced by a towering snow-white column of victory, of which no traces are now left. To judge from the taunt of the Banaras king to Siddharija Jaya. simha's Ambassador at his court about the use of the water of this lake by the populace of Aņa hill a pattan a though it was Siva-nirmālyu, this tank must have served the purpose of water-supply for the citizens of Pata ņ a.* The Sukytasankirttana (II. v. 35 ) calls it Siddhasuras. The Sarasvatipurāņa, PC, etc., however, clearly state the name Sahasralinga. The present text also bears a testimony to this name which is mentioned in such Old Guj. poems as the Samarā Rāsu as well. It is worth noting that the Ain-e-Akabari too calls the lake Sahasanak.t
5. SIDDHI-BUDDHI-RAULĀNI-PRABANDHA
This story is very interesting and the trick exercised by Haripāla in order to establish the king's capacity and eligibility for bearing the title "Siddhacakravartin' has indeed a realistic touch. It is not always advisible to reject all such incidents as mere intellectual exercises having no bearing on history. The present editor is inclined to regard Anādi Rāula and the Raulāņis Siddhi and Buddhi also as historical personages.
The other characters are already known to history. They are the ministers Santū, Haripāla and Sajjana and king Jaya simha - deva. Sajja na was a Dandanāyaku during the reign of both Siddha.
$ GMRI, pp. 300-303.
* Vide Altekar A. S.: A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad, IA, Vol. LIII, p. 12; GMRI, pp. 300-303.
Vide RCMLS, I, pp. 1-2.

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räja Ja yasimha and Kumāra pala. He was appointed as the first Governor of Saurästra by Jay asimha. After nine years of service there he ventured the well-known repairs of the Neminātha temple in V. S. 1185 ( = 1129 A.D.) at the expense of the state, for which he was first rebuked by the king, who, however, gave his consent soon after being pleased at the minister's intelligence, boldness and sincerity. During Kumāra. pala's sway he worked as the Governor of Cittoda also. He was killed by Arnorāja's son V yāghraråja. $ The other three personages are already noted by us.
6. NÄMALA-MĀLINI-PRABANDHA
The name Nāmala of one of the queens is not seen elsewhere. PPS (p. 38 ) refers to one Nă maladevi, sister of Kumāra pāla inarried to Pratā pamalla. PK (pp. 86-88 ) likewise refers to Nã mala devi, queen of serpent-king Vāsuki of the city of Krau ñca haraṇa in the nether world ! These, however, have nothing to do with the present story. Similarly The pa niyā H ūņa, his sons Dujan asala and Satru. sala, Kelhaņasim Modha, his daughter Lil ū and Jälh ā k a the washer-man are of doubtful historicity inasmuch as nothing is known about them from any other historical source.
The present editor is not inclined, however, to reject altogether this interesting story as having no bearing on history. No super-human element is employed therein and there is nothing extra-ordinary about it. In fact all such stories, when the exaggerative details are removed, together form the character of the hero.
The Vaidyanatha and the Parsvanatha temples at Dabhoi as also the Pañ căsarā Pārsvanātha temple at Patana are historical places.
The name of Jay a si mha's mother is given here as May a ņ aladevi. We have known her name Miņala devi (v.l. Minalladevi) in the Madanabhrama-prabanhha. Elsewhere she is also called Maya - ņa llă devi. We have already established her historicity in the discussions on the Aladanabhrama-prabandha.
$ Vide PHNIJS, pp. 134, 250, 268, 278, 357, 375-76; GMRI, pp. 271, 279-80, 309, 377.

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GANAYA-MANAYA-INDRAJĀLI-PRABANDHA
The very first incident of this prabandha is one of the very significant historical events of the reign of Jay a simha Siddharāja viz. the great dialectical dispute between the Svetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas. The Svetambara leader was the great pontiff Deva sūri ot Gujarat a, the preceptor of Kalikālusarvajíia Hema c andra sūri, while the leader of the Digambaras was Ku muda candra, the great pontiff from Karnataka. The contest took place in the court of Jaya. simha, the king himself being in the chair. It is stated to have occurred on the full-moon day of the month of Vaisakha in the year 1181 V. S. = 1125 A.D.
It continued for sixteen days, one of the main problems of contest being whether women were eligible for salvation. Deva sūri contended that they were, possessing as they did the 'sattva'. Along with the examples of ancient paragons of chastity he advanced the contemporary illustration of May a naIlāde vi, the king's mother. This contest resulted in the total defeat of the Digambaras as a consequence whereof the Svetāmbaras grew very powerful, and it was probably due to this victory that Devasûri began to be called Vadi Deva sûri.
This monumental incident was immortalised by Yasasca n dra, a contemporary poet, who composed a drama called Mudrtakumudacandruprakaranit, its main theme being this contest. Thereafter it was described in such other works as the Prabhāvakacarita (1277 A.D.) and the Prabanılhacitamani ( 1305 8.D.). In our prabandha the whole incident is not narrated but it is mentioned only as a back-ground to the main story.
Other personages mentioned in this connection are Manik ya, Malay a c a li dra and Pra d y u mna sûri. Màņik ya, a disciple of Deva sūri, is also mentioned in Mudritakumudacandra-prakarana as one of the participants of the contest. He is not known from other sources as a prominent personage. He cannot be identified with Måņik y a candra súri of the Rajagaccha, the author of the first commentary on Ma mm a ţ a's Kavyaprakāśa known as Sanketa (V. S. 1216) and a contemporary of Vastupala. The short conversation between Kumudacandra and Manik ya candra is given in a slightly different manner
4 Vide Prabhāvakacarita of Prabhä сandra (1277 A.D.), pp. 278-296. . Vide PC, pp. 67-68; Sāņdesară B. J.: Itihāsa-ni kedi ( in Gujarāti), p. 52.

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in the account of PC wherein a part of the conversation is between Ratnapra bha and Kumuda candra and the rest between Hema candra and Kumud : candra, the mention of Maniky a candra being altogether absent there.
Malay a candra may be identified with Mala ya giri, the wellknown contemporary scholar who wrote Sanskrit commentaries on several Jaina canonical works.
Pradyumna sūri may be identified with the pontiff of that name belonging to the Pärnatallagaccha , because he was grand-preceptor of Deva sūri who wrote a Vrtti on his Malaśuddhiprakarana or Sihānakaprakarana, and in the present context he is stated to have arrived at the place of contest and bestowed blessings.
It is not possible, however, to identify Yaś odhara who is stated here to have been Javasimha's Purohita, and the same is the case with his sons Khimadhara and Deva dhara who are stated to have afterwards turned out powerful magicians known respectively as Gana y a and Maņa y a. The character of the magician Gajarāja of the Kamar up a country also is of doubtful historicity.
here is a reference in this prebandha to a battle between Ja ya - simha deva and Parimă di or Para måd i. It is stated that the army of Paramăd i had camped on the bank of the river Varuņā śã (mod. Banása) and that, by the force of the magic powers of these two magician brothers, he and his army flew away. In short, this refers to ja ya simha's victory over a king called Para marddin. As already remarked during discussions on the first prabandha, this king was most probably Vikramaditya VI of the Western Cālu k y a dynasty who ruled at Kalyāņa from V. S. 1132 ( =1076 A.D.) to V. S. 1182 (=1126 A.D.) and bore the title of Paramarddin. The Talwārā inscription (c. 1135 A.D.) also specifically mentions J a ya simba as the vanquisher of Para marddin. Sri D, K. Šāstri is of the opinion that this victory of Jay a simha over Para marddin may better be taken to mean that over a feudatory of Ja ga deka malla II (V. S. 1194-1206 = 1138-1150 A.D.) ruling over the teritory of Konkaņa than over Jag a deka malla's grand-father Vikra māditya VI (V. S. 1132-1182 = 1076–1126 A.D.)* The present editor, however, does not see any valid reason for shifting the status of Paramarddin from the powerful king Vikramaditya VI to a feudatory of his grand-son, when the former was
Vide GMRI, p. 297

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a contemporary of the victorious king, as, to be more accurate, his senior contemporary.
8. KOMĀRIRĀŅĀ-PRABANDHA
The story of Kumārirán a ka, king of the city of Kid ima nkodi, on the face of it, does not seem to have any bearing on history. There is a reference therein to a lake called Phūtelău (lit. : broken') stated to be situated near Canda sa má (mod. Căņa s mā in North Gujarāta), which was constructed by a wealthy trader of that place, whose defiance of trust resulted in the breaking forth of the lake and the water flowing away from it. A lake near the village named Rūp a pura, two miles away from Cāņas mā, is still called Bandhelun (lit. : bound') which is contrary to the name given here. One would be inclined, therefore, to believe that the Phütelău or broken lake was repaired or reconstructed afterwards and as such it was called Bandhelum or bound as contrasted to the tanks which do not possess any built border or steps for going down into them.
The reference here to the lake Sahasralinga and the foreigner's hermitage (deśāntarakuți) does not appear to have any significance from the historical point of view.
9. SRIMĀTĀ-PRABANDHAY
This prabandha commences with the story of king Lakh a ņa se na of La k han å vati and his minister Umā patisridhara. This story also occurs elsewhere, of course with differences, as already noted in the chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha-Works. This L a khan asena is identified with king Lakşmaņa sena of the Sena dynasty of Bengal, who, though assigned different dates by different scholars, appears to have reigned from 1179-1206 A.D. As a powerful contemporary of Jayacandra of Vārāṇasi (1170-1194 A.D.), he seems to have distinguished
A similar story is found in the Kaumärika-khanda of the MaheśvaraBhanda of the Skandapurāna; Ka u mārikā, however, has the face of a goat and not that of a monkey which Srimā tā is stated here to be possessing, Readers interested may refer to Dr. R. N. Mehta's 'Kaumārikā-khandaA study', JMSU, XIV. 1, pp. 39-48.

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himself as a conqueror as well as a patron of learning. His capital L a k haņā vati is the city of La k şanā vati or Lak s maņā vati which is identified with the city of Gauda and not actually founded by, but more probably renamed after, this king Lakşma ņa se na.* No other information is available about this king-other than what is already noted in the chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha--Works. Likewise nothing is known regarding his descendents also. Therefore, the present prabandha must be regarded as informative in this regard.
His minister's name appears elsewhere as U m á patid har a. He also is a historical personage. He was a highly learned minister. Ja y adeva, the renowned author of the Gitagovindakāvya, who also was a courtpoet of this Lakşmaņa sena, mentions U mã patid hara as one of his fellow court-poets. The Saduktikarņāmpta quotes about go verses of Umā pati dhara. † Our prabandha adds one more plume in the cap of this learned minister viz. that he was a skilled astrologer. When he became sure that the queen would deliver a son who would fall in love with a girl of the Mälarga class at the age of 32 years, he stopped going to the royal court. On learning this the king sent the queen away to the countryside where she delivered the son, who, at the age of seven (or twelve ) years, took a vow not to marry at all. When the king expired, he was enthroned with great persistence, but minister U māpatiś ridhar a always kept a curtain between himself and the king as he did not wish to see the latter's face. The destined did occur at the age of 32 years. The minister's spy saw him in an awkward position. Being ashamed, the king prepared himself for kāşthabhaksana or self-emolution, and when he was going to embrace a red-hot iron-statue of the dimensions of a damsel in budding youth, the minister caught him and prevented him from undergoing the ordeal. Then the minister saw the king's face for the first time.
The name of this king, the son of Lakşmaņa sena, is given here as Ratnapuñja. The A version of PPS follows LPS, while elsewhere he is called Ratnasekhara.
The second part of the story commences with the statement that king Ratnapun ja thereafter went to Srimälapura. In PC and VTK versions he is the king of Ratna māla nagara, PPS B version pronounces the name of his capital as Ratnapura, while PPS A version
* Vide PANIJS, pp. 54, 61-63 ; AHI, p. 188; SGAMI, p. 110.
Vide V. 4. † Vide PHNI JS, P. 61.
15

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simply carries forward the city of Lakhan ävati itself. LPS does not mean that Ratnapuñj a ceased to be the king of L a k h a ņā vati but it simply states that (once ) in spring he went to Srimālapura.
There, while going to the garden for spring sports, he saw a pregnant woman holding unbroken rice-grains and a cocoanut-fruit upon which sat an owlet ( durga ) producing notes. The king's astrologer foretold that her son would become the king. Before being buried alive by his police-men she delivered a son who started to be nourished by a she-deer and suddenly there occurred an automatic change in the coinage-dye, the new coins having the impression of the child being protected by the deer. The efforts of the king's men were of no avail when the infant was protected by the royal elephant, the royal horse, the cows and the bull. At last king Ratnapuñj a adopted him and later on this adopted prince, named Sripuñja, became the king. And his daughter was Srimātā.
In this way there is no break in the story as related in LPS. It appears from the whole account that not only Laks ma na sena but also Ratnap u ñja and Sripuñja may be historical personages, though, of course, we have no other evidence for the same. We are not in a position to pronounce that the story of Srimātā also may be regarded historical for evident reasons. It may be noted, however, that even today there is a shrine of Rasiyā Vālama (lit. : 'the lover named Rasiya') on mt. A bu ragarded as the abode of the mendicant of that name, which fact can be regarded as hinting at the historicity of the character of Śrim ā tā whom Rasiyā loved and wanted to marry and who, on that account, killed him through miraculous powers.
10. GĀLA-SRIVARDDHAMANASORI-PRABANDHA
This prabandha starts with the statement that a small king called Brhaspatirāņā ka ruled at Vå manasthali (which is popular as ) miniature Kā śmira. The name of this ruler is not seen anywhere else and one cannot say definitely whether the name of the ruler of the place at that time (i.e, in the first half of the 13th cent. A.D.) was BỊha spati. All the same it is certain that during that period the town of Và manasthali was under the sway of small rulers known as Țh a k kuras, PK narrates how Vira dh a v ala of Dha vala k k a ka (mod. Dho!a. kā) first requested Sänga ņa and Cām un da, the ruler-brothers of

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Vämanasthali, to surrender, as they happened to be the brothers of his queen Jaya taladevi, and then killed them. †
Although the story given here is not found elsewhere, V ar ddhamanasuri is definitely a historical figure in view of the final statement of this prabandha viz. that he composed the Väsupujyacaritra. The Prasasti at the close of the Vasupujyacarita states that Acarya Varddhamanasüri of the Nagendragaccha instructed Dandanayaka Ahlada na of the Gallakakula and inspired him to get repaired the Vasupujyasvamin temple of the Nagendragaccha situated at Patana and that at the request of the same Dandanayaka he composed the Vasupujyacarita of the extent of 4 Sargas and 5494 Granthas in V. S. 1299 (= 1243 A.D.) while staying at the Upasraya adjoining the same temple at Patana.
At the commencement of the prabandha he is called Kapolaśrivarddhamanasuriḥ which evidently would mean that the pontiff belonged to the Kapola community. This reference naturally hints at the fact that the Kapola community of the Vaniks is at least as old as the first half of the thirteenth century A.D. The closing formula of the p:abandha, however, reads: Gālāśrīvarddhamanasuriprabandhaḥ'. The prefix galā here appears to denote the name of the pontiff's native place viz. mod. Gālā, a village in Saurastra, situated in the former Dhrangadhra state.
The statement that while delivering sermons he used to keep nine vessels on his right side for holding nectar in the form of the nine sentiments [rasa juice'] (produced from his speech) and a knife on his left in order to incise the tongue if incorrect language or pronunciation or even repetition took place may be regarded as poetic exaggeration. All the same it hints at such of his qualities as sweetness and accuracy of speech.
=
The incident of the contest between the dialectician Dev amahananda hailing from the Gauda country and Varddhamana - suri's two disciples Và ghalau and Singhalau that is stated here to have taken place at Sripattana or Devapattana, ie., med. Prabhasa Patana, in Saurastra, and lasted for eighteen days, is also not traced in any of the Prabandha-works referred to by the present editor. All the same it is not advisible to reject all such accounts of the prabandhas as imaginary. Though at present we have no evidence for their historicity, it is not at all improbable that in future when many more works are allowed to see the light of the day and much more information is
† Vide PK, pp. 103-104; also Vastupalacarita of Jinaharsa, Ch. II,

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available on the basis of archaeological finds etc., some such evidence may be had.
CONCLUSION
It will be seen from the above discussions that LPS, as a Prabandhawork, displays considerable bearings on contemporary history. Therein we come across certain facts which are corroborated by known history. Regarding certain other incidents we get information from some other sources as well, wherefrom we can inser their historicity to a certain extent of certainty. The historicity of some other events cannot be ascertained at the present state of our knowledge. There are still others which have to be pronounced fictitious on account of certain superhuman and miraculous elements. We also meet with names of several persons whose historical nature is known from other sources, no information about them being available from the present text. Likewise several other persons appearing in the stories of LPS have to be considered of doubtful historicity in absence of sufficient evidence from known history. Still others appear imaginary on their very face.
It is not advisible to reject as fictitious all the names and events about whose historicity we do not possess sufficient evidence at present. This is all the more true especially in the case of the names of the courtiers of Siddharāja J a y sim ha mentioned at the commencement of the Sahasralingasarah-prabandha. Some of these persons are known to have flourished in his age, some are known to have flourished either in the reigns of his predecessors or even in those of his successors. The Prabandha-writers are well-known for confusing chronology, but they place before us the historical anecdotes in a very interesting manner. In the light of these facts we hesitate to pronounce the remaining ones as altogether fictitious and are inclined to note them down as merely of doubtful historicity at present with the hope that future researches will throw light of them.
It must be noted that the motive of the authors of the Prabandha-works is not at all furnishing history but, as Bühler puts it, it is really 'to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or when the subject is purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with pleasant entertainment.' Therefore even historical events may he found enwrapped with interesting tales having no concern with history as such. It is, therefore, a very hard task to separate history from all such environments, and for that we have naturally to take help of other sources of
+ Vile Bühler: Life of Hemacandra, p. 3.

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historical information such as archaeological finds, numismatic materials, literary works, etc. All the prabandhas, however, - no matter whether they are historical, semi-historical or even fictitious -- are important for cultural and historical information in a broad sense.
The present editor does not wish to go into detailed discussions on all such points in the present chapter. His main intention here is to place before the readers the facts which reveal the importance of LPS from the historical point of view.
X. Cultural Gleanings
The cultural data that can be gleaned out from the text of the Laghuprabandha-sangraha at a glance may be rendered as under :
The caste-system was quite rigid. A learned Brāhmana enjoyed supremacy over all the rest to such an extent as the sons of the royal priest of Pāța na, on return from their study-tour, are stated to have bestowed blessings upon the king himself ( 25.2 ). Vaisyas were rich traders, who at times utilized their wealth in construction of such public places as lakes (27.12 ff.). The traders used to move to distant cities for trading. They moved in groups and used to camp in the outskirts of the cities where they wished to exchange commodities (6.4, 10). For tents they used such waterproof textiles as wax-cloth or oil-cloth (6.4).
Such classes as those of Ghâñcikas or Oil-men were really deemed low. A king, when gone to such a one's place, was not expected to accept food from him and, as such, was offered two mudrā-ratnas-one as the usual gift and the other for meals ( 22.20-21).
The Mātangas or Cāndalas were naturally held in contempt. A minister is stated not to be seeing his king's face since the former came to learn that the latter was destined to fall in love with a Mātanga girl (28.9). Likewise, the king, having been observed in that condition, was so much ashamed of having loved her that he was prepared to kill himself by embracing a red-hot iron-statue ( 28.12-14).
Other occupations that have secured a mention in our text are those of astrologers ( 28.3 ff.; 28.18), gardeners ( 22.1, II, 17; 23.9 ; 28.16), washermen (23.2), cloth-printers (23.3), fisher-men ( 25.23 ff.), and bamboo-workers

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men.
(10.4). Khambhata (= Cambay) was a strong-hold of fisherAs many as seven hundred experts were called from there for catching the magic crocodile in the lake Sahasralinga of Pata na (25.21). Kanavṛlti or regular begging for maintenance is also referred to at one place (25.22). Streets used to be named after the profession of the residents (10.4).
Such ascetics as the Bharaṭakas (9.13), the Vratins (30.12), the Yatis (31.3) and the Kapalikas (4.14, 15) are also mentioned. There is an interesting reference to the Raula class of ascetics. Anādi Raula, penancing in a cave near Kedares vara, was pleased to hear the Gujarati language, which indicates that he hailed from Gujarat a. His two disciples, the Raulāņis named Siddhi and Buddhi hailing from the Kamarupa country, possessed extra-ordinary powers. These Raulas were the followers of M a tsyendranatha and Goraksana tha, that is to say, they belonged to the Natha-sect (pp. 20-21). Even today in North Gujarata there is a class of Bavas known as Ravalas or Ravaliyas who probably belong to the same class.
As regards family-life, there is a reference to quarrels between stepbrothers in royal families (1. 5-7). There were separate apartments in palaces, where the kings used to perform their daily worships (4.16). The daily course of Devapujana was inevitable after bath and before meals and could not be avoided-especially by retired persons-even when an important guest arrived or even if one was urgently called by the king with due respects (21.5). It was an easy-going life and chit-chatting usually followed meals (21.6 ff).
At places where many people used to dine together, for instance schools, female cooks were employed (14.12). The taunting relations of sisters-inlaw are also hinted at (23.3-4).
The marriage-ceremony is referred to at 13.8-9; 14.22-23; 15.14, 20-21 and 25.10. Polygamy prevailed in the society. There is mention of four sisters being married to one man at a time ( 15.14, 21-22).
Women were quite free in their speeches even in the presence of the king and the queen (pp. 22-23). Ladies of high families such as queens used to move in litters covered by tight curtains called Vajra-panjara (9.1; 22.17). There is a reference to an oil-lamp inside this Vajra-panjara, the smell whereof collected into the litter occupied by queen Namala, which is stated to have struct forth on the face of a girl who tried to hold up the curtain to pay

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respects to the queen on the way! (22.17-23.1). Of course, the girl states this as an excuse for her suddenly turning away her face from the queen !
There were residential schools where all responsibilities regarding the maintenance etc. of the students lay solely upon the preceptor (13.22-14.2). Students used to traverse to distant lands for learning different lores (p. 25).
Very few references are noted regarding costumes. Thus Kaccolikā or a blouse is referred to at 1.16, where, of course, the term stands for dress' as such. Dvitați (1211, 12, 14; 13.13) also is mentioned, which was perhaps the same as the modern Dupattā, a long sheet of cloth worn by ladies over their shoulders. Putla küla or fine silk is also mentioned (8.2).
Such ornaments as a necklace (6.10), the anklets (11.13, 21 ) and the todara or head-ornament of flowers for ladies ( 11.12, 13, 20; 22.12 ) are referred to. There is a general reference to flower-ornaments ( 22.13). Beautiful young ladies decked with ornaments are referred to twice (8.3, 15). There is a mention also of anointment of human bɔdy with fragrant pigments (5.2). At one place there is mention of golden bells [ Suvarna-ghargharakas ] tied to the hands of sixteen maids that massaged the legs of a king while he went to bed (27.3). A dialectician from the Gaud a country is stated to have decorated his legs by tying to them as many as eighty-four dolls ( in order to indicate so many victories in dialectical contests ) (30.7-8). There is a reference to special decorations of palace windows at certain occasions ( 7. 6-7). Flower-pavilions used to be specially prepared for religious expositions by veteran pontiffs ( 30.4).
The following pastimes have secured mention in our text:
(a) A game of dice, probably chess ( 11.20-21). (t) Spectacles called Bhavõi ( 2.1) and Nāțaka ( 17.1; 25.7). (c) Andhīvedha or Andhivedha--a peculiar game played by girls, which
continued for days together ( 5.18). It is difficult to find out what exactly this game might have been. Probably it might be
the same as the game called Andhaļā pāțà in Gujarāti. (d) Parrot-pairs used to be tamed and trained by kings (and wealthy
persons as well ) (6.1). (e) There is a general reference to the spring-pastime [ Vasanta-k rida]
of kings ( 28.27). (1) Samasyāpārti or completing of half-verses was a pastime among
the learned ( 24.19-25.1). It was a sort of test of talents as well. (g) Magic shows too were not uncommon ('17.1 ff. ; 25.4, 8, 13-14).

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Eating of betel-leaves was a common practice among royal families and other higher classes (1.12-13). Betel-rolls used to be offered in concerts also (11.14, 21). A farewell was characterized by betel-rolls. One desirous of taking leave would ask for a betel-roll and offering of the same meant bidding adieu ( 13.11 ).
In those days journey was no easy task. The services of such animals as horses (8.4; 15.21; 30.20 ), mares (8.3) and dromederies ( 12.11, 14; 13.8) were utilized for the purpose. When the travellers reached a village or a town on the way, the male members used to go inside for managing for food, etc., while the females waited along with the vehicles in the outskirts on the bank of a river or a pond( 13.4-5). Such interested rogues as the bawds also appear to avail of such opportunities ( 13.6 ff.).
We get mention of pilgrimage also ( 29.18). People used to go for the purpose in big groups. Their going was marked by conch-blowings ( 27.5 ff.), which inspired others to join them or to follow them thereafter. Pilgrims used to wrap their precious belongings such as gems in black cloth and deposit the same with rich merchants. On return they used to get back the deposits. Sometimes the merchant concerned would bluntly deny having accepted any deposit at all and the depositor would be obliged to file a suit in the court of law (p. 27).
As regards food and drinks, we find references to food in general (13.4), to the cooking of food ( 12.5), to turmeric [ haridrà ] ( 24.5), rice ( 28.17) and butter-milk ( 24.5).
Our text does not furnish any special referenee to any particular disease, nor to any type of remedies. All the same, there is a casual mention of itching sensation on the back of king Siddharāja J a y asimha with a joking remark by the daughter-in-law of a washerman asking the queen to scrap his back (23.5-6). There is a single reference to the well-renowned medicinal herbs of the Himālayan regions which pilgrims used to take with them while returning home ( 20.2). We also meet with references to certain medicinal anointments on the fore-head that were supposed to enable one to visualize very far cbjects ( 25.5-6, II ff.).
References to certain customs are also met with in our text. Thus the custom of burning oneself alive publicly either out of dejection ( 13.10 ff.) or as an expiation for a sin committed by one ( 28.12-13) is mentioned. This custom was popularly known as Kāștha-bhakşana.
It was customary to ask for a betel-roll as a symbol of fare-well ( 13.10IT). The relatives of a traveller who did not return for a considerably long

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period of time were accustomed to taking possession of his house as well as his means of maintenance (25.15 ff.). Proclamations of challenges for performing very difficult tasks were made with the beating of drums at the crossways of the cities. He who wished to accept the challenge used to touch the drum with his palm ( 17.5-8; 25.24). There is a reference to certain ceremony called Harāliyā (?) performed in order to free ladies from formal mourning when a fixed number of days lapsed after the demise of a very near relative. This had usually to be done before any auspicious ceremony could take place in their relations so that they might be in a position to attend the same (15.15-17).
There is a reference to a pregnant lady moving with a cocoanut-fruit and unbroken rice-grains in her hands (28.17-18). This may probably hint at the performance of the Simanta-ceremony celebrating the first pregnancy.
A Yakşa, residing in a place called Yakşabhuvana situated in the outskirts of the city, appears to have been believed to be the protector of the king (10.21-11.10). People also believed in the sixty-four Yoginis and the K setrapala, human oblations to whom would best be offered at midnight of the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month of Ăśvina, which is popularly known in Gujarăta as Kāļi Cau lasa (14.6 ff.). Taking a religious oath in order to propitiate deities for the welfare of one's near relatives was so com. mon that even queen-mother Ma yan alla devi is stated to have taken such an oath for the safe return from victory-march of her son king Siddhar āja J a ya simha, who, at her word, fulfills the oath by going to Da bhoi for paying respects to the deity Pārś y a nátha, even before entering his capital ( 22.3 ff.). The belief in the auspicious and inauspicious indications of the cries of a jackal or an owlet is also noted here ( 16.10-20; 28.18 ff.). There is a reference to the remembering of one's past birth also ( 20.12 ). Certain persons dying during penance-practising are stated to have become, after death, the tutelary deities of the places concerned ( 29.19). Offering water to the thirsty-especially to creatures of the cow. family-was believed to earn great merit ( 18.16 ff.).
The following flora and fauna bave secured a mention in our text.
Flora : There is a reference to the tree in general ( 13.4). At one place the celestial trees also are mentioned 16.9). The banian-tree (Vata-výkşa ) along with its branch-roots dropping milk in the mouth of a mother-less infant is also referred to ( 29.2-3). There is a mention of bamboo-groves ( 29.15). The tamarind tree is made the tool of certain magic performances (13.21;
16

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14.4, 5, 13, 16, 17-18; 15.1; 17.13). The mango-tree and its fruits are also referred to ( 17.1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 13). There is a reference to clusters of mango-flowers presented by the gardener to the king who arrived for Springpastimes (28.16). The Kimbuka flowers too are mentioned in the same connection ( 28.16). The Campaka flowers were used as head-ornaments (11.12). There is a reference to the lotus-flower also ( 4.12 ). Similarly there is mention of flower-clusters (15.17, 19, 20 ), their use for the decoration of the head of young ladies ( 22.12 ), flower-ornaments for the whole female body ( 22.13) and flower-pavilions ( 30.4). The cocoanut-fruit is also referred to at one place (28.18) as an auspicious one. Fauna :
The horse is referred to at several places (2, 3, 6; 6.15; 7.12; 8.4; 15.21; 29.4; 30,20). There is mention also of the mare (8.3), the elephant (2.3, 7; 6.15; 7.12; 26.1; 29.3), the lion (12.18; 26.1 ), the dromedary ( 12.11; 12.14; 13.8); the jackal (16.10; 16.18), the buffalo ( 26.1 ), the bull ( 29.4), the cow (6.9; 29.4), the calf (18.16), the deer ( 28.21 ; 29.1 ) and the monkey (29.11). The mouse (13.9) and the serpent (29.14) also are mentioned. Among the aquatic animals especially the crocodile is referred to (6.9; 25.21 ; 26.1); while among winged animals the parrot-pair (6.1), the swan (6.6; 7:3), the owlet (28.18 ) and the wasp ( 11.12; 22.11 ) are mentioned.
Among public places are stated lakes (4.10; 5.6 ; 15.18, 20; 16.1 ; 18.19; 19.4, 5, 10, 11; 24.2; 25.21; 27.12, 15, 17, 19; 29.2), ponds ( 18.14), wells ( 18.15, 18; 22.8), step-wells (4.6,7), parks (4.8, 9; 15.1; 28.17) and temples ( 14.6; 22.10, 11).
Over and above a general reference to all arts ( 5.1), we get a few references to particular arts as well. Thus the description of the palace of king Ma da na bhrama of Kanti named Visvavijaya (pp. 4-5; 6.2) having 120 windows, 4 altars, 4 cauris, 4 step-wells, 4 orchards, a golden time-piece, a small lake, a special apartment for worship, an ākāśabhūmi, etc. is a nice instance of developed art of architecture. Another king's palace is stated to be consisting of as many as 50 apartments (12.6). There were lattices in the apartments which had to be opened in order to get sufficient light for reading especially in the evening (12.10). There is a reference to an idol of a Jaina Tirthankara (22.8). An iron statue of the dimensions of a girl in budding youth is mentioned at 28.13. Sixteen golden dolls speaking through string-contrivance are referred to at 9.1. All these references speak for the art of sculpture.
Singing on the part of boys (batukas) is referred to at one place ( 29.11). At another ladies' singing with the help of such musical instruments as the

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lute, the flute, etc. is mentioned (27.3-4). Likewise, there is a reference to conch-blowing also (27.5).
Dance-performances are also mentioned (11.9-12; 12.8). Similarly there is a mention of the teaching of the science of dramaturgy [Bharahaśāstram ] (25.6). Dramas used to be performed at palaces (25.7). Here there is a reference to males taking the parts of females (25.7). The nine sentiments of literature are also referred to at one place ( 30.3-5).
In the same way we get a reference to the art of letter-writing also ( 12.10).
The kings were supreme in their powers. They could order burying alive even of ladies just out of their personal interests ( 28.20 ); but, when pleased, they would not hesitate in bestowing generous gifts (1.9-10; 23.7). One king is stated to be habituated to go to sleep while sixteen young ladies massaged his legs with golden bells tied to their hands and to rise up while they sang with lute, flute, etc. (27.2-4). Another big king is stated to have had as many as 5500 queens and gooo wives (3.3-4). Very few of these queens enjoyed the status of chief queens (3.4), each of whom used to have a retinue of several female friends that attended upon her (3.5-10). We get references to the royal umbrella (10.2, 7, II; 13.15; 17.15, 16), the usual royal procession (10.3) and the royal priest ( 15.8, 9, 10). There were special chowriebearers for queens (1.12). At the same time there are references to the royalcourt, wherein all types of professions-good as well as bad-appear to have been represented (18.2-13). The Vyāsas used to tell interesting and instructive tales to the members of the royal couit (18.13 ff.). Good kings tried to take lesson from such tales (19.4-5). They used to take counsel of respectable old personages at critical junctures (p. 21). At times ministers had to employ spies to have a check on the kings' behaviour ( 28.11 ). Monarchs used to receive precicus gifts from other rulers ( 21.20).
References to victory marches are also met with (5.8 ; 22.2; 9.5; 22.4). Foot-soldiers are referred to at 1.11; 7.11. Cavalry is mentioned at 8.3. Armies are referred to at 5.10; 6.2; 8.2, 3; 25.13, 14. References to the army in its four divisions are also met with (7.8; 13.15), and there is specific mention of battles also (7.5, 10, 14, 15; 8.1; 25.13). Assailing armies generally camped at a distance of five gavjūtis from their target city (5.9). Armours also have not missed a mention (7.8). The procedure of appointing the commander of a troop on the field of battle is also referred to ( 7.10 ), and references to such weapons as the sword (kşurikā 21.19; 30.5; karavāla 12.13; khadga 14.23 ), the lance ( salya 13.8, 10, 14) and the arrow (12.20; 13.9) are also met with.

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Literary battles also were in vogue ( 24-3; 30.20-31.2; 31.8). It was customary among dialecticians to throw straw and water in the residence of an opponent as a token of challenge for an open dialectical contest ( 30.8). A dialectician from Bengal, having been intoxicated due to a succession of victories, used to tie to (lit. beneath his legs as many as 84 put!alakas ( 30.7-8). The great disputation with him is stated to have continued for no less than eighteen days (31.1). Being defeated at last, he died of heart-bursting (31.1-2). It was the usual practice, as appears from our text, to utilize the wealth belonging to a defeated and dead disputant for purposes of the Teligion of the victorious dialectician ( 31.2 f1.).
There is a reference to a peculiar mode of justice through ondeals acceptable to the parties concerned (27.15 ff.; 28.13 ff.). References to policeofficers are also met with in our text (28,20; 29.2). There is a reference to locking rooms from inside ( 12.8).
The cities were surrounded by protective walls and possessed huge gates through which alone one could secure an entry therein ( 8.2, 5; 9.1; 29.3). Usually cities were situated in vicinity of rivers ( 13.4). The streets of the cities were, in many cases, tiamed after the coinmunities dwelling therein or the profession of the same ( 10.4).
Labourers ( 15.11, 17, 19: 16.1) used to wait for work at cross-roads in the city-bazaars ( 15.11, 12).
At one place it is tauntingly stated that the weight of the head of a ksa panaks was just 32 palas ( 24.7). Pala was the unit of weighing and the usual table of weights given elsewhere is as under :
1 Pala = 4 Karşas, I Karşu = 16 Māsas,
Māsa = 8 Guñjās; one Guñia being equal to 2;grains,
and
Similarly yojana (25-5, II) and gavyūli are stated among the measures of distances. A yojana is roughly equivalent to eight miles and a gavyūti to two miles.
Among metals special reference is made to gold ( 4.2, 9, IT; 9.1; 27.3), silver ( 4.2, 9, 11 ), copper ( 4.1 ) and iron ( 28.13).
As to coinage we get references to the Drammas ( 29.1; 30.12 ). The mint also is referred to once ( 47.13). Among precious belongings are mentioned gems ( 12.3, 7, II; 16.11, 14; 22.20; 27.13, 14).

Page #152

Mahaņāştami and Caitrāstumi are mentioned among main festive days (5.4-5). Mahaņāştami appears to be the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Aśvina, even today known as Mahāstami; and Caitrāstami is most probably the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Caitra. Both these holy days are today characterized with goddess-worship and are celebrated as such throughout the whole nation by Hindus irrespective of their sects.
Among fuels are mentioned wood-pieces ( 16.16) as well as dung-cakes ( 16. 11, 13, 13-14).
Kaccolakas or cups ( 30.4) and Kamandalus or water-pots ( 30.14) are mentioned here among utensils.
At one place (20.4) there is reference to the Gujarāti language. At another (74) we meet with a statement that Siddharāja J a y asimha was the king of the Gurjar a land of 70 thousands. This may probably mean either the population of the main land of Gujarāta proper or it may indicate the army of Gujarăta proper. A few lines after ( 7.11), however, it is stated that Siddha räja's army comprised 5 hundred thousand horsemen and 9 hundred thousand foot-soldiers. This large number included, of course, the armies of his feudatories also. A similar statement regarding Māla vā appears at 6.14-15, where king Siddharaja is stated to have been engaged in catching hold of the hair of the Mala v a glory of 18,92,000. The term 'glory' (lakşmi) tempts us to consider this figure as the amount of tribute paid to Siddha rāja by the king of Māla vā. It does not appear fair to regard it as indicative of the statistics of the annual income of that land, which, in all probability, would have been much more.
There is a single reference to a golden time-piece (4.9).
Two modes of expression also can be noticed. The bashfulness of females used to be indicated by covering the head ( with the upper garment) (1.16). The other reference is to the mode of requesting for a second betel-roll and chewing one. This is stated to have been done by placing one's palm on the shoulder (1.12-13). Such a gesticulation indicated probably the noble birth of the man (1.13).
As regards general vices, we get references to prostitutes, bawds and gambling. The institution of prostitutes was a well--recognized one and could procure monetary aid from queens (1.9-10). There is a specific statement that the queen of the powerful king of Kalyäņa koți pura called Para mádi (i.e. Para marddin) donated a city on the borderline to prostitutes for maintenance. The bawds, too, had a place in the society and could nourish in their business. They were always in search of lovely

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girls whom they first enticed and then sold off in marriage even to high-placed Government officers (13.6-8). Gambling was another vice. There is a reference to one Caturanga-dyūta kära (12.16). Beautiful girls-including princesses - used to be put at stake by gamblers who had no blood-relation with them and they had to be surrendered by them to the winners (12.16-17).
The moral degradation of the merchant clan is suggested by the refusal by one of them to return deposits bluntly stating that he had received no deposits at all ( 27.12 ff.). It may, however, be noted that this might well be considered as a solitary instance inasmuch as people confidently used to deposit precious belongings with them, which fact suggests that the receivers of such deposits were in full confidence of the people.
A keen sense of hospitality is indicated by the references to the point that we find in the text. Strangers used to dine at the place of big merchants (1.11). It is stated that minister Säntū had to dine with Sakariya Så ha Haripāla when the former went to the latter's residence with a request from the king to go with him to the royal court (21.5 ff.).
XI. A Brief Critical Appreciation
The fore-going critical and comparative study of the text of LPS can itself be regarded as a critical appreciation of the same. In order to put it. in a nutshell, however, let us, in fine, have a bird's eye-view of the above discussions which would naturally lead us to the following conclusions :
[1] LPS includes ten prabandhas the longest one being the Vikramadityapañcadandacchatra-prabandha comprising eight pages and the shortest being the Kumarirānāka-prabandha of only one page.
[2] Only one Ms. of the whole text is available, while three Mss. were examined for the Madanabhramamahāraja-prabandha. . [3] Four of these prabandhas are unique inasmuch as they could not be traced anywhere else.
[4] In the case of the rest of the prabandhas different versions of whole stories or of parts thereof are met with.
[51 The archaic nature of the language and style of LPS, however, compels us to conclude that its versions are the oldest of all the availableones.

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[6] Prabandhas are regarded as historical anecdotes. LPS displays a good deal of bearings on history, and furnishes so many fresh historical points, which require investigation in the light of other sources of historical information, and, if supported by future researches, tend to throw considerable new light on mediaeval history.
[7] LPS throws much light on contemporary society also.
[8] The language and style of LPS are brimming with the peculiarities of the so called "Jaina Sanskrit ".
[9] Thus LPS is an important Prabandha text displaying a very early stage of Prabandha literature, presupposing none of the known prominent Prabandha works, delineating a sufficiently clear picture of contemporary society, and having considerable bearings on mediaeval history.
[10] As will be seen from Appendix "A", the text of LPS furnishes a good deal of material highly significant and interesting from linguistic and lexicographical points of view.
[11] As such the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha makes indeed a very useful, interesting and enlightening addition to the Prabandha literature, imbibing to the brim as it does all the peculiarities of the Prabandha-style and of the so ealled "Jaina Sanskrit ". Being very important especially from the historical, cultural and linguistic points of view, it is expected to inspire scholars to try to unearth more and more precious literary jewels of its type which outwardly appear dark and filthy but yield a powerful and wholesome flash of light when brushed and rubbed and scratched in an appropriate manner.

J. P. THAKER

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Page #156

Index to Introduction
Note: This Indosing in the Devanagated in the Index
Note: This Index is arranged according to the English Alphabet. It also includes
words occurring in the Devanāgari script (which are transliterated here). Abbreviated forms are also included in the Index so that no important reference may be missed. Entries of significant words from Chapter X “Cultural Gleanings” (pp. 117-126) such as 'caste-system', 'customs', 'mare', litters', etc. are made here, but references to them in other
Chapters are excluded. The figures indicate the respective pages. Ābhada Vasāha 101
Amstavatsalā, maid 42 Ābu, mt. 35, 114
Anādi Răula 29, 61, 65, 108, 118 Acalanātha 64
Anahilapura Pattana, city 88 A Critical Edition of Pañcadanda-ni Anahillapattana, city 108
Värtā of An Unknown Gujaräti Prose: Anahillapura 51
writer (Before 1682 A.D.) 58 Anahillapura Pattana 85 adyakalya 63
Anāka, king 96, 106 Afghānistān 92
Ānandāśrama 17 Agnivetāla 24
Anangarangavādi, orchard 44 Ābada, village 101
Anantaśayana 33 Ahalyā 99
Andhaļā pāță, game 119 AHI 113 fn
Andhäraghoravādi, orchard 44 Āblādana 90
Andhāvedha, game 47, 119 -Dandanāyaka 90, 115 Andhivedha, game 119 Ahmedabad 57, 58, 90 fn.
Åndolaka, musical mode 46 -district 102
anklets 119 Ain-i-Akabari 108
Anup Sankrit Library, Bikaner, 58 Ajamera 95
Anuştubh 57 Ajayapāla, king 103, 104
Apabhramsa 18 Alati, maid 43
Arabic 92 Alāuddin Khilji, king 102
Arbuda, mt. 36, 75, 77, 80 Alavesari, maid 43
Arbuda, snake 78 Alavi, maid 43
Arbudācala, mt. 75, 80 Alhaņadeva Cāhamāna, king 102 architecture 122 Ali, maid 43
Arjunadeva, king 106 Aliñjara, snake-king 27
armours 123 Altekar, A. S. 108 fn.
Arņorāja, king 96, 98, 109 Āmera Šāstrabhaņdāra, Jaipur 58 arrow 123 Amira 92
Arundhati 99 Amstamayi, maid 42
Aryarakṣitasūri 18

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Asarāja, king 95, 96
Bharukaccha 106 Aśvapati 87, 93, 95, 96, 98
Bharatakas 118 Ātmānanda Jaina Jñana-mandira, Bhavabhūti, poet 20 Baroda 1,3
Bhavāi 21, 119
- yātră 41, 92, 93 back-formations 82
Bheladi, village 103, 104 Bagasthala 61
Bheladiu 102, 104 baikāra 107
Bhima, king 94 baimkāra 107
Bhīmadeva I, king 106 Bālacandra, poet 96
Bhoja, king 20, 97, 106 Ballāla, author 20
Bhojaprabandha 20 Ballini, Dr, Ambrogio 90 fn.
Bhșgukaccha 106 bamboo-grove 121
Bija, ksatriya 94 Banaras 108
Bikāner 58 Banāsa, river 111
Bilhaņa, poet 101 Bandhelum 112
"Bloomfield, Prof. 82 Bangāla 64
blouse 119 banian-tree 121
Bombay 19, 20, 91 Barbaraka Vetāla 52
Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts Baroda 1, 3, 4, 20, 57, 58, 60, 101
Series 96 fn. -district 104
Brāhmaṇa 117 Bāvana, queen 42
Brhaspati, an authority on Astrology Bāvās 118 bawd 120, 125
Bșhaspati, king 114 * Bedāyām samudro magnah' 103
Bphaspati Rāņāka, king 35, 114 Bengal 53, 88, 89, 93, 94, 94 fn.,
British Museum, London 57
112, 124 Broach 106 Berlin 57
Buddhi, Raulāņi 29, 61, 62, 64, 81, betel-nut 104
108, 118 betel-roll 120
* Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit' 82 Bhadauca 106
Buddhist texts 82 Bhadrabāhu-Varāha-prabandha 20
buffalo 122 BhaŅūachau 106
Bühler 18 fn., 116, 116 fn. Bhaduachau Vajravayarāgara Pandita bull 122 Vayarasiha 106
Bundelak haņda 89, 93 Bhagavāndāsa, Pt. 57
butter-milk 120 Bhaņdāra 18 Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Cadailau 101 Poona 57
Cāhadakumāra, ksatriya 106 Bharahaśāstram 123
Cāhamāna, dynasty 95, 96, 102, 104 Bharuca 106
Caitrāştami 44, 45, 56, 125
73

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Cakrin 17
copper 124 Calcutta 20
costumes 119 calf 122
cow 122 Cälukya, dynasty 89
crocodile 122 - Western, dynasty 91, 97, 111 Cambay 104, 118
Dabhoi 30, 85, 109, 121 Campaka-flower 122
--pura 30 Cāmunda, king 114
Dahegāma 102 Cāmundarāja, king 94
Dakşamaņi, maid 42 Cānasmā 33, 112
Dámara 106 Canda, poet 19
Dāmara 106 Candāla 117
Damodara 106 Candana, queen 42
dance-performances 123 Candanā, queen 42
Dandaka, kşatriya 94 Caņdapa, minister 105
Dandanāyaka 90, 104, 108, 115 Candaprasāda, minister 105
Dandin, poet 20 Cāņdasamā 33, 112
Deaf Sarasvati' 31 Candeiadeśa 94, 94 fn.
deer 122 Candela, dynasty 89, 93
Delhi 19, 60, 69, 95, 102 Candrahāsaloha 64
deposits 120, 126 Candrajyotsnā, lake 22, 44, 50, 54, 56 Desai, M, D. 82 Candrāvati, city 101
Deśāntarakuţi 33, 112 Candrayotsnā, lake 44
Deší 105 Carita 17, 18
Devadamaņi 24 caste-system 117
Devadhara 32, 68, 111 Caturanga, gambler 25, 126
Devamahānanda, dialectician 36, 115 Caturvimsatiprabandha 20
Devanāgarī 1, 3, 4 Cauhāna, dynasty 95, 102
Devapattana, city 36, 85, 115 -Sonagarā 102
Devasūri 31, 66, 85, 99, 110, 111 Caulukya, dynasty 19, 94, 101, 103
Devi-temples 108 cavalry 123
Deyi, river 36 CG 91 fo., 92 fn., 96 fn., 97 fn.. 98 fn. Dhanapāla Phophaliu 104 Chandella, dynasty 94
Dhanvantari 30 chess 119
Dhārā, city 51, 52, 53, 99, 101, 106 Chief Minister 101
Dhārādhvamsa-prabandha 41, 52, 53, Citraudau 102 Cittoda 101, 109
Dhārāgiri, orchard 44, 51 cocoanut-fruit 121, 122
Dhārāgirivāļi, orchard 44 coinage 124
Dhārāvarasa Cadāilau 101 .conch-blowing 120, 123
Dhārāvarşa, king 101 congregations 18
Dhavalakkaka 114
54

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DHNI 92 fn. Dhoļakā 114 Dhrängadhrā 115 dice 119 Digambara 31, 66, 99, 110 Disā 103, 104 Dohad Inscription 92 drama 123 Dramaturgy 17, 123 Dramma 74, 124 dromedary 120, 122 Düjaņasala 30, 109 dupațță 119 Durlabha-lake 29 Durlablarāja, king 94, 107 Durlabhasaras, lake 59, 107 dvipați 24, 25, 119 Dvyāśrayamahäkävya 96, 96 fn., 106
Edgerton, Dr. 82 elephant 122 English 106 Epics 82
Gājanagadha 92, 99 Gajanavai 87, 93, 99 Gājanavai-hammīra 87, 93, 99 Gajanavaihammîrahrdayantasalya 87,
93, 99 Gajapati, dynasty 93 -king 22, 40, 87, 92, 93, 95, 96,
97,98 Gajapati Gaudeśvara 92, 93 Gajarāja, juggler 32, 111 Gajarāula 102 Gajasimha 102 Gāļā, village 115 Gālāśrīvarddhamanasūri 81 Gallakakula 90, 115 gambling 125, 126 gåna 17 Gaņaya, juggler 32, 68, 111 Gandharvasarvasva, gavāk sa 43 Gangā 30
Gāthā-Sanskrit: 82 Gauda 22
- city 93, 113 -country 29, 32, 36, 61, 70,
79, 93, 115, 119 Gaudeśvara 40, 92, 93 Gayaņā, juggler 68 gems 124 Gháñcika 117 Ghazni 92, 99 giant 26 Gitagovindak ävya 113 GMRI 91fn., 96fn., 98, 98fn., 100fn., 101 fn., 104 fn., 105 fn., 106 fn.,
108 fn., 109 fn., 111 fn. Goa 97, 99 Godhrā 102 Godrahiyau Paramāra Gajarāula 102 gold 124 Goraksanātha 118 Guj( arāta ), North 98 Gujarāta 22, 23, 45, 47, 54, 55, 88,
89, 93, 95, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, 110, 118, 121, 125 .
Falü, maid 43 Fatū, maid 43 female cooks 118 Five-handled parasol 23
--royal umbrella 28 floating literature 17 flower-ornaments 119, 122 flower-pavilions 119, 122 flute 123 folklore 15, 18 folk-tales 17 foot-soldiers 123 Forbes, A. K. 91 fn. Forbes Gujarāti Sabhā, Bombay 20 Fülü, maid 43
Gājaņa 22, 40, 87, 92, 93, 99 Gājaņādhipa Hammira 92, 99

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-medieval Hindu 19 --North 18, 83, 85, 88, 102, 103,
104, 112, 118 Gujarāta, the golden period in the
history of 89 Guj( arāti ) 83, 95 fn., 104, 105 Gujarāti 58, 84, 85, 88, 90 fn., 91 fn.,
110 fn., 119 -kings 95 - language 29, 118, 125 .
-script 5 Gujarāti, Deptt. of, Faculty of Arts,
Baroda 1 Gurjara-dharădhisvara 94 Gurjara-land 125 Gūrjara-rājan 51, 83, 94 Gurjara tongue 61 Gurjaratra-nrpati 52
Hemacandrasūri 110 Hemacandrasūri-prabandha 107 Hertel, Dr. 82 Hima-grhas 49 Himālaya 61, 65 Himālayan regions 120 Hindi 97 fn., 106 Hindu 102, 125 Hindu Annals of the Province of Gujarat
91 fn. Hīrālāla Hamsarāja, Pt. 58 History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad
108 fn. horse 120, 122 Hūņa 30, 109 Hūņa Țhepaniyā 30 hyper-Sanskritism 20, 82
IA 108 fn. Incarnations, ten 108 India
-- Central 96 --South 89
--Western 18, 82, 88 Indra 24, 44, 45, 46 iron 124 iron-statue 117, 122 Itihasa-ni kodi 110 fn.
Hamira 92 Hammira 22, 40, 87, 92, 99 Hammiramadamardana 107 Hammiri 43 Hamsavisrāmavāpi, stepwell 44 Haraliyā 121 Harapāla Sākariu 63, 103, 104 haridrá 120 Harihara, poet 106 Harihara Vyāsa 106 Haripāla, minister 30, 63, 64, 65, 103,
104, 108, 126 Haripāla-sākarīyā 62 hasta, measure 98 HB 93 fn. HCL 20 fn. heaven 24 Hemacandra 19, 66, 67, 96, 106, 111 Hemacandrācārya 19 Hemacandrācārya Granthamälā,
Ahmedabad 57 Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñänamandira,
Pāțaņa 57, 58
jackal 122 Jagaddeva 21, 22, 37, 38, 39, 40, 50,
54, 81, 89, 91, 92, 93 Jagaddeva Paramāra 49, 54, 99 Jagaddeva-prabandha 3, 37 Jagadekamatla II, king 111 Jagadū, merchant 18 Jagadücarita 18 Jagannāthapuri ane Orisă 95 fn. Jaina 99, 110
-authors, mediaeval 88 --canonical works 111

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134
-faith 18, 56, 116
Jinabhadra 18, 19 --religion, prominent holy places of 19 Jinabhadrasūri 69 -temples 103
Jinaharsa 18, 115 fn --writers, mediaeval 18, 82
Jinamandana 41, 96 Jaina ātmānanda Sabhä, Bhävanagara Jinamaņdanaganin 18, 41
41 Jinaprabha 19 Jaina Dharma Prasāraka Sabhā, Bhāva- JMSU 112 fn. nagara 90 fn.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Jaina Parampará-no Itihäsa 90 fn.
100 fn. Jainapustaka-prasasti-sangraha 96 fn.
juggler 28 “ Jaina Sanskrit” 16, 56, 82, 88, 127 Jaina Tirthankara 122
Kabāļi 50, 52, 55 Jaipur 58
Kabadika 50 Jälaurau 102
Kabāļi Rājā 47 Jālhāka, the washerman 31, 85, 109 kaccolaka 125 Jāmanagar 58
kaccolikā 119 Jāti, flower 45
Kadamba, dynasty 97, 99 jātismară 75
Kailāsahāsa, gavākṣa 43 jātismarana 75, 80
Kailāśahāsa, ga vākşa 43 jātismrti 75
Kaká 63, 103 Jayacandra, king 37, 38, 112
Kalahațīyā 107 Jayadeva, Pandita 105
Kālañjara, inscription from 100 Jayadeva, poet 113
Kaļi Caudaśa 121 Jayakeśa, king 99
Kālidāsa, poet 17, 20 Jayakesin I, king 97, 98, 99
Kalikālasar vajña 110 Jayasimha, king 8, 16, 22, 23, 33, 45, Kalpa-pradipa 19, 69
47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 62, 84, Kalyāņa 91, 97, 111 89, 95, 97, 101, 106, 107, 109, Kalyāņakațaka 37, 38, 41, 89, 91
110, 111 Kalyāņakoţipura 21, 38, 41, 89, 91, Jayasimhadeva, king 22, 23, 29, 30,
92, 125 31, 32, 33, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, Kāmala, maid 42 52, 54, 55, 59, 61, 64, 85, 86, 87, 93, Kamalāvati, princess 29, 107
107, 108, 111 kamandalu 125 Jayasimha Siddharāja, king 59, 94 fn., Kāmarüpa 32, 111, 118
110
Kāmarū-pīțha 29 Jayasimhasūri 96
-pura 61 Jayataladevi, queen 115 Jesala Paramāra 52
Kämitatīrtha 75, 76 Jhālā
- kunda 105
76 Jhālau Māngũ 105
Kamsa 100 Jhālau Rāņau 104
Kam-ū, maid 42 Jhālora 102
Kanauja 29

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135
Kaņavrtti 118
khattapațța 82 fn. Kāñcanadevi, princess 96
Khimadhara 32, 68, 111 Kānhadade-prabandha 102
Kidi-mankodi, city 33, 112 Kānhadade Rāula Jāiaurau 102 Kimśuka-flower 122 Kānhadadeva 102
Kirādu 105 Kānhadā Jayakeśa' 99
Kirādū 52 Kannada 99
Kirtikaumudi 92, 96, 96 fn., 99, 105 Känti, city 22, 42, 45, 51, 52, 53, 88, Konkaņa 97, 98, 111
89, 93, 94, 122- Koțidhvaja 59 Kāntipuri, city 42, 94 fn., 95
Koțyarka-mahatmya 82 fn. Kānyakubja 37
Krauñcaharana, city 109 Kāpālikas 118
Krsna 100 Kapola 115
Krspadeva 102 Kapolaấrivarddhamānasūri 115
Kşatriya 38, 49, 105 karavāla 123
Kșetrapāla 26, 121 Karņa, king 101
Kşirodavāpī, stepwell 43 Karņadeva, king 62, 65, 94, 97, 101, Kșīrohi, stepwell 44
103, 104 kşurikā 123 Karnāta 45
kuhedās 62, 103 Karņāțaka 99, 110
Kumārapāla, king 18, 96, 98, 101, Karņa Vāghelā, king 102
102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 109 Kāśmira, miniature 35, 114
Kumārapālabhūpālacarita 96 Kāştha-bhakşaņa 113, 120
Kumārapālacarita 18 Kāșthakabadika 55
Kumarapala-prabandha 41,96 Kathagara 107
Kūmārīrāņā, king 81 Kathakośa 60
Kumāri Rāņāka, king 33, 112 Kaumãrikā 112 fn.
Kumudacandra 31, 66, 67, 85, 86, 99, Kaumārikā-khanda 112 fn.
110, 111 • Kaumārikā-khanda-A Study' 112 fn. Kuntala, country38, 41 Kautigiu 103 Kautigīyā 107
lake 122 Kavisārvabhauma Pandita Somesvaru Lakhaṇasena, king 33, 68, 70, 79, 112
105 Lakbaņāvati, city 33, 70, 79, 112, 113, Kaviyara 107
114 Kävyaprakāśa 110
Lakhaṇāvatīpuri, city 70 Kāyākunda 35, 75
Lakşaņāvati, city 113 Kedāra 29, 61, 65
Lakṣmaṇasena, king 70, 71, 79, 112, Kedāreśvara 118
113, 114 Kelhanasim Modha 31, 109
Lakṣmaṇāvatī, city 93, 113 khadga 123
Lakşmīsāgarasūri 60 Khambhāta 104, 118
lance 123

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136
Lāța, territory 97, 104
Madanavarma-prabandha 41 - first Governor of 101
Madhava 22, 42, 48 Lāvanyaśarman, Pandita 106
Madhavadeva 42, 47 LCY 18 fn., 19 fn.
Magauļi 102 L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad Magaudiu 102
57, 58 Māgha, poet 17, 20 letter-writing, art of 123
magic show 119, 121 Lexicographical Studies in 'Jaina Magodi 102
Sanskrit' 20 Mahākāla park 28 Life of Hemacandrācārya 18 fn., 116 fn.
Mahākāvya 57 Līlāvati, queen 21, 39, 91, 92
Mahāmaņdaleśvara 104 Līlū 31, 109
Mahaņāştami 44-45, 125 lion 122
Mahānavami 44, 52, 56 litter 118
mahārajata 49 London 57
Mahārāştra 45 lotus-flower 122
Mahāştami 56, 125 LSJS 19 fn.
Mahāvīra, Tirthankara 17, 18 Lūņadhaula Magaudiu 102
Maheśvara-khanda 112 fn. Lūnadhavala Magodiyā 102
Mahobā, city 89, 93, 94 fn. lute 123
Mahobaka, city 45, 47, 53, 89, 94, 99, Madana 104
100 Madana, cupid 49
Mahobakapura, city 42, 53, 93 Madanabhrama, king 5, 8, 14, 22, 2
Mäideva, minister 22, 48, 86 42, 44, 45, 49, 51, 52, 53, 55, 83. Malakara 107 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94 fn., 99. Malakara 107
100, 122
Mālau 104 Madanabhrama-mahārāja, king 81
Mälau Bheladiu 104 Madanabhramamahārāja-prabandha 3
Mälava Madanabhrama-prabandha 109
glory 125 Madanabhramurājaprabandha 4
--king 103 Madanabrahma, king 42
-- lakṣmi 87, 94 Madanabrahma-Jayasimhadeva-prīti-pra
--land 94 bandha 37, 41
-mandala 52 Madanabrahman, king 38. 47. 49. 50. Mälavā 20, 59, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100. 51, 52, 53, 54, 89, 93, 99
106, 125
Malavikāgnimitra 17 Madana Tambaạiu 104
Malayacandra 31, 110, 11 Madana Tāngadiu 103
Malayagiri, scholar 11 Madanavarmadeva, king 89
Malda, district 93 Madanavarman, king 42, 45, 47, 49 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 89, 93, 94 fn.Malhü 42
99, 100 Mallavādisūri 20

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Modha 3), 109 Moharājaparājaya 107 monkey 122 Moțum Phophalium, village 104 mouse 122 M. S. University, Baroda 1 M. S. University Oriental Series 20 mudra-ratna 117 Mudritakumudacandraprakaraņa 110 Mughals 32 Mukunda 106 Mūlarāja, king 19, 94 Mūlaśuddhiprakarana II Muni, Darśanavijayaji 90 fn. Muni Jinavijayaji 18, 19, 20, 59 Muni, ñānavijayaji 90 fn. Muni, Mrgendravijayaji 60 Muni, Nyāyavijayaji 90 in. Muñja, king 97 Muslim 99, 105
Mallikarjuna, king 98 Mamideva, minister 42, 52 Māmimdeva, minister 42 Mammata, author 110 Maņaya, juggler 32, 68, 111 Mandodari 99 Mangalavāra 56 mango-flowers 122 mango-tree 122 Mangū, kșatriya 105
-altar of 105 Manikya 66, 67, 85, 110 Māņikyacandra 31, 110, 111 Māņikyacandrasūri 110 Māņikyasūri 86 Manoharā, damsel 23 mare 120, 122 marriage-ceremony 118 Marūdi, florist 27, 83 Maru-land 34 Maru-sthali 75, 76 Mátanga 113, 117 Matsyendranātha 118 Māù, damsel 51, 55 Māūhara 51 Mayaņa, juggler 68 Mayaņaladevi 30, 109 Mayaņalladevi 121 Mayanallādevi 97, 98, 109, 110 Māyūrāni, damsel 23, 51, 55 Mehta, Dr. R. N. 12fn. Meri, maid 43 Merutunga 20, 37, 90, 96 Merutungācārya 19 Merutungasūri 68, 98 metals 124 Mevāda 102 Minaladevi 98, 109 Minaladevi 97, 98 Minalladevi 109 mint 124
Nācagara 107 Naddūla 95, 102, 104 Naddulā 102 Nādola 104 Nāgendragaccha 90, 115 Vāgendragacchapatļāvali 90 Nala 45 Nāmala, florist 30, 31 Nāmala, queen 84, 85, 109, 118 Nāmala-ārāmiņi 83 Nāmala-mālini 81 Nāmaladevi 109 Nandana, garden 49 Nandanavādi, orchard 44 Nandivarddhana, mt. 76 Nānum Phophalium, village' 104 Naraņu Baimkäru 107 Narapati 87, 93, 95, 97, 98 Naravarman, king 96, 97, 98 Nārāyana 107

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Narmadā, river 106 Narmadā-tata 104 Nāțaka 119 Nātha-sect 118 necklace 119 Neminātha temple 109 nether-world 27, 109 Nihsan kasarngadeva, author 17 Nirnaya Sāgara Press, Bombay 19, 20 non-Jaina texts 82 fn. non-Sanskrit 82, 84
OI 57, 58 oil-cloth 117 Old Gují arāti)
--language 87 --- poems 108
--- words 106 Old Gujarāti
--case-terminations 56 ---expressions 16, 56, 84 -language 58, 88 ---passages 15, 16 --terms 16 - verses 17 ---Words etc. 17, 82, 84
-- Work 102 Oriental Institute, Baroda
1, 4, 57, 58, 60 Orissă 93, 95 owlet 122 Oza, G. H. 97 fn.
Pancudandakathā 57 Pañcadandatapatraprabandha 58 Pañcadandāımakam Vikra nacaritrami 58 Pañcamahāla district 102 Pañcāsarā 85 Pañcāsarā Pārsvanātha 31, 109 Puscasat i-prabodha-sambandha 60,103 Pāņdya, country 45 pārāci 105 pārāi 105 Paramāļi, king 21, 32, 38, 41, 83, 89,
91, 111, 125 Paramāra, dynasty 21, 45, 49, 52, 54,
89, 91, 96, 97, 99, 101, 102 Paramarddi-marddaka 97 Paramarddin, king 37, 38, 39, 41, 82,
89, 91, 92, 97, 111, 125 Paramarddin Vikramāditya VI, king 97 Parekh, Dr. S. D. 58 Parīksit 30 Parimādi, king 83, 87, 89, 111 Parisiştaparvan 19 parks 122 parrot-pair 122 Pārsvanātha 30, 85, 109, 121 Pārsvanātha of Dabhoi 30 pastägiti 104 pastimes 119 Pasupatinātha 33 Pātāla 27 Pāțaņa 18, 29, 30, 32, 57, 58, 85, 88,
90, 93, 97, 99, 101, 102, 105, 107,
108, 109, 115, 117, 118 pattaküla 119 Pattana 22, 23, 33, 51, 52, 55, 61, 68,
85, 87, 88, 92 Srīpattana (in the sense of Pattana)
51, 83, 85 Pc. 37, 41, 66, 68, 70, 79, 80, 91, 93,
98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 105fn., 106, 107, 108, 110 fn., 111, 113
pada 3,5 Padmagupta, author 20 Padmanābha, poet 102 Padmini 30 Pāhlaņa Rāņau 102 Pālanapura 102 Pañcadandacchatrakathā 57 Pañcadandacchatraprabandha 57

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139
Peroja, king 60, 69
Prabandha-Adhyāya 17 Pethū, dainsel 51, 55
Prabandhacintämaņi 19, 37, 38, 59, 68, Pethūhara 51
90, 96, 110 Pethūrāni, danisel 23, 51, 55
Prabandhakośa 17, 18 fn., 20, 90 Pherozeshah, king 60, 69
Prabandha-pañcasati 60, 61, 65, 103 Philosophical and Historical Annals of Prabandhāvali 18, 19
the Royal Academy of Sciences in Prabhäcandra, author 19, 110 fn. Berlin 57
Prabhāsa Pāțaņa 36, 85, 115 PHNIJS 101 fn., 104 fn., 109 fn, 113fn. Prabhāvakacarita 19, 107, 110, 110 fn. Phophala 104
Pradyumnasūri 31, 110, 111 phophala 104
Prahladanadeva, king 102 Phophalia 104
Prākrit 3, 16, 17, 20, 21, 56, 57, 81, Phophaliu 104
82, 86, 87 Phútelãu 33, 112
Prākritic PK 18 fn., 41, 42, 53, 54, 55, 56, 89,
influence 82 91, 93, 94, 101, 103, 106, 109, 114,
--passages 15 115fn.
Prākritism 82 Pkt. 104
Pramāļi, king 64 polygamy 118
praśasti 107, 115 ponds 122
Pratāpamalla 109 Pontāru 106
Pravartaka Kantivijayaji Collection, Poona 57
Baroda 1.3 popphala 104
prostitutes 125 PPS 19 fn. 35 fn., 41, 42, 52, 53, 54, Prsthamätrās 57, 58
55, 56, 65, 66, 68, 70, 79, 80, 89, Prthulaśroni, damsel 23 93, 94, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106,
Pộthvīrāja, king 19 109,113
Prthviraja-prabandha 18-19 Prabardha 2, 3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,
Prthvīrāju-rāso 19 20, 21, 37, 40, 41, 52, 58, 59, 60,
pūgaphala 104 66, 68, 69, 79, 80, 81, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101,
puntara 106 103, 105, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114,
Purāņas 82 115, 117, 126, 127
Purātana-prabandha-sangraha 18, 19 fn., -collection 18
37, 38, 59, 61, 68, 69 - compilation of 18
Purņacandrasūri, author 57 -- form of literature 17, 18, 19 Pürņatallagaccha 111 -Literature 17, 19, 20, 37, 127 Pūrnimägaccha 58 ---style 20, 127
Purohita 27, 83, 84, 111 ----Work 37, 56, 58, 66, 68, 81. Purūravas 45
82, 91, 98, 102, 103, 106, 115, Puşpābharaṇa, gavākṣa 43, 45, 48
116, 127 --writers 100, 116
Rāja, kşatviya 94

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Rajagaccha 110 Rājakula 102 'Rajapitāmaha' 98 Rājapūta 105
Rāma 92
Rāmacandrasūri, author 58
Rameśvara 33
Raṇadhavala, prince 21, 91
17
Rajasthāna 96, 104
Rājasekharasūri, author 17, 18, 20, 90 Rudramahākālaprāsāda, temple 98 Rudramahalaya, temple 98 Rudreśvara, temple 108 Rūpapura, village 112
Rājasthānī, language 58 rajata 49
Rajavallabha, author 20
Rāṇau 102, 104 Rangācārya 107
Rāsa Mālā 91 fn., 105
Rasiau 77, 80
Rasiya 114
Rasiyaka 35, 77, 80 Rasiyaka 77, 80 Rasiyä Välama
114
Rāso
(Pṛthvīrāja--) 19
Ratnamalanagara 72, 79, 113 Ratnaprabha 66, 67, 111
Ratnapuñja, king 34, 68, 72, 79, 113,
114
Ratnapura, city 72, 79, 113
Ratnasekhara, king 72, 74, 75, 79, 113 Raula 29, 61, 65, 102, 108, 118
Raulāņi 29, 61, 63, 64, 81, 108, 118 Rävala 101, 118
Rāvaliyās 118
RCMLS 108 fn. residential schools.
rice
120
--grains, unbroken 121 Rinamalla, king 29 Ritilaga 107
Rome 90fn.
royal priest 117, 123
140

119
royal procession 123 royal umbrella 123 Ṛṣabhantha
-Tirthankara
Sadha Sekhara 105 Saduk tikarṇāmṛta 113 säha 104
Sahasanak, lake 108
Sahasralinga 107, 108, 112
59 -lake 29, 31, 59, 61,
68, 107, 108, 118 -sarah 81
Sajjana, minister 29, 62, 63, 65, 103,
104, 108
Śākambhari 95, 96, 98
-dharmasthāna
Sakariu 103, 104
Sakariya 62, 126 Sakariyāka 62
Śākta 56
Sākariyāsāha Haripala 29, 62, 103,
104, 126
-tradition 56
Śakunāgāra 73, 79
Salhaṇa 102
Sälhu 102
Sälhu Bhelaḍiu Vaghelau 102 salya 123
Sāmala 106
Samala Pontāru
106
Samala Solajoaņau Dūtu 107 Samarā Rāsu
108 Samarasimha, king 101, 102 Samarasi Raula Citrauḍau 101

samasyapurti 119 Sāmideva 42

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Sampatkara, minister 101 Sāņdesarā, Dr. B.J. 18, 20, 95fn.,
110fn. Sāngana, king 114 Sangha-no Bhandāra 18 Sangitaratnākara 17 Sanketa, commentary 110 Sanskrit 13, 15, 16, 20, 57, 58, 82, 84,
85
- Classical 18, 82 - colloquial 18 -Grammar 86 --Grammarians 85 -Language 56, 81, 87 -Lexicography 20 - literature 19 - literature, mediaeval 17 -Mahākävya 57 -mixed 82 -- regional 82
regional style of 18
--ungrammatical 82 Sanskritisation 11, 12, 15 Sanskritise 16 Sanskritised 6, 10, 16
Pāli 82 śāntanu 30 Sāntū, minister 30, 62, 63, 64, 65,
101, 108, 126 Sarasvati, goddess 36 Sarasvati, river 108 Sarasvatipurảņa 107, 108 Sårngadharapaddhati 35 fn. Sarvānanda, author 18 Šāstrī, D. K. 111 Šāstrī, Durgāśankara 98, 100, 108 Sati 99 Satrusala 30, 109 Sāū, maid 42 Saurāştra 29, 33, 36, 85, 109, 115 Sāvitri 27
sculpture 122 Sen dynasty 112 sentiment 123 sermon 18 serpent 122 SGAMI 113fn. Shah, Dr. U. P. 60 Siddha-cakravartin 29, 93 Siddha-cakravarttin 38, 61, 62, 64, 85,
108 Siddhanātha, king 47, 50, 51, 52, 54 Siddhapura 98 Siddharāja, king 45, 47, 49, 51, 52,
54, 55, 59, 61, 62, 85, 92, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105,
106, 107, 125 Siddharāja Jayasimha, king 38, 40,
62, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 101, 104, 108, 116, 120, 121,
125 Siddhasaras, lake 108 Siddhendra, king 50 Siddhesa, king 50, 55 Siddhi, a Raulāņi 29, 61, 62, 64, 81,
108, 118 Sighanarāṇī, queen 42 Silahāra, dynasty 97, 98 Silaņa, jester 103 Silaņu Kautigiu, jester 103 silver 124 Sīmanta-ceremony 121 Sindha 92, 99 Sindhupati 92 Sindhurāja 92 Sindūrī, maid 47 Singhalau 36, 115 Singhaņa, queen 42 Singhaṇadevī, queen 43 Singhi Jaina Series 18, 19, 20 singing 122 Sircar, Dr. D. C. 94 fn.

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142
Šiśupălavadha 17
Sura 105 Siva-nirmālya 108
Suradharapura 29 Siva-temple 108
Surat 60 Sk. 37
Surathotsava 92 Skandapurana 112fn.
Sūru, Pandita 105 Skt. 104
Susīlā, maid 42 Sodhā 105
suvarna-ghurgharakas 119 Sola Bainkīru 107
Svetāmbara 19, 66, 99, 110 Solajoanan Düiu 107
swan 122 Solankiom-ká Prácina lihasei 97 fn. sword 123 Soma, treasurer 105
Śyāmala 106, 107 Somanātha 33, 36 Somanātha Pāțaņa 85
Takşaka 30 Somapuri 101
Talavāļā, inscription of 97, 111 Somaśarman, Brāhmana 25, 26, 27, tamarind-tree 121 85
Tambadiu 104 Someśvara Paramāra 105
Tāngadiu 103 Someśvara, poet 92, 96, 99, 105 Tankaśälā 74 Somesvaru, Pandita 105
Tapāgaccha 60 spring-pastime 119, 122
Tárā 99 Srikantha Vyāsa 105
Taranagadha 103 Śrīlakṣma asena 71, 79
Târangā hills 103 Srimālapura 34, 72, 79, 113, 114 temple 122 Srimätä, princess 35, 68, 75, 76, 77, textile, water-proof 117 80, 81, 87, 112., 114
Thakkura 114 Srīpäla, poct 51, 106, 107
Thepaniya Hüņa 109 Sripattana 36, 115
Tilanga, country 45 Sripuñja, king 35, 75, 76, 78, 114 Tirthankara 17, 122 Stambhatirtha 32
todara 119 step-well 122
Trambasena, king 24 Sihānakapiakarana 111
Trambavati, city 24, 104
turmeric 19
120 Sthavirávalicarita Subhasila, author 20
Ucitabola 107 Subhaśīlaganin, author 57, 60, 65, 66, 103
Udayāditya, king 21, 89, 90, 91 Subhășitaratnabhändāgära 35fn.
Udayāditya Paramāra, king 38 Sudhānidhi, step-well 44
Udayapura 101 Suhäsola 107
Ujjayini 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 38, 52, Sukrtasankirttana 108
83, 90, 91 Sumāyā, queen 42
Umādevi 25, 26, 27, 85 Sumayādevi, queen 42
Umāpatidhara, minister 70, 79, 113

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Umāpatiśrīdhara, minister 33, 68, 70, Visupūjyacaritu 90, 115 79, 112, 113
Väsupūjy.caritra 36, 90, 115 University Library, Baroda 58 Vasupujyaswāmin temple 90, 115 Upādhyāya Devamūrti, author 57 vața-vşkşa 121 Upādhye, Dr. A. N. 82
Vatsarāja 20, 45
Vayajaladeva 104 Vacanavatsalā, maid 43
Vayajala Pastāgiu 104 Vādi Devasūri 110
Vayarasala, prince 29 Vāghalau 36, 115
Vayarasiha, Pandita 106 Vāghelā, dynasty-branch 102
Vedika 3 Vaidehidayita 92
• Vernaculer Sanskrit' 82 Vaidyanātha temple 30, 109
Vesagara 107 Vaijaladeva 104
Vetāla, Barbaraka 52 Vaijja 104
Vijayakušala, author 58 Vaijjaladeva 104
Vikrama-caritram 57 Vairirayamuraţtagharațța 87
Vikramāditya, king 23, 24, 25, 28 Vaiśradeva 77
Vikramaditya VI, king 89, 91, 97, -fire 80
111 Vaišja 117
Vikramaditya-pañcadandacchalra-caritra Vajra-pañjara 118
58 Vajrasvāmin 19
Vikramāditya-pañcadanda-prabandha Vajravayarāgara 106
58 Vallabhā, maid 42
Vikramāditya-prabandha 59 Vallabharāja, king 94
Vikramadityasya PacadandacchatraVāmanasthali 35, 114, 115
prabandha 57 Vangāla 94fn.
Vikramāditya-vikramacaritra-caritra Vangäladeśa 42, 94, 94 fn.
57 Vanik 115
Vilhū the dwarf 22 Varaņāga 101
Vilhū Vāmani 16, 43, 44, 47, 53, 56, Vārāṇasi 112
86, 87, 100 Varddhamānasūri 35, 36, 90, 115 Vilu Vāmaņi 43, 44 Vardhamānasūri 90
Vimāna-vibhrama, gavāk şa 43 Varuņāśā, river 32, 87, 111
Viracaryà 62, 65 Vasanta, musical mode 46
Vīradhavala, king 114 vasanta-krida
Visaladeva, king 106 Vasantamāsotsava 46
Viśvadeva, king 29 Vasantavilāsa 96
Viśvavijaya, palace 22, 43, 122 Vastupāla, minister 18, 105, 110 Vividha-thirtha-kalpa 19, 69, 70 Vastupälacarita 18, 115fn.
Vratins 118 Vastupälu-Tejapāla-prabandha 20 VTK 70, 79, 80, 113 Vāsuki 109
Vyāghrarāja, king 109

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144
Vyāsa 29, 106, 107, 123
wasp 122 wax-cloth 117 Weber, A. 57 wells 122
Yaśaḥ-pațaha, elephant 52 Yaśah-patala, elephant 53, 106 Yaśascandra, author 110 Yasodhara, purohita 32, 111 Yaśovarman, king 52, 96, 97, 98, 103 Yatis 118 Yogin 61, 77, 80 Yogini 26, 62, 64, 121
Yakşa 24, 121 Yakşabhuvana 83, 121

Page #172

॥श्रीः
॥
लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः।
[अथ जगद्देवप्रबन्धः ॥ १॥] उज्जयिन्यां परमारवंशे उदयादित्यो राजा । तत्पुत्रो जगद्देवः' । अपरमातृजो रणधवलः। जगद्देवोऽतीव दाता। राजा दिवं गतः । प्रधानै रणधवलाय राज्यं दत्तम् । परं सर्वः कोऽपि जगद्देवमवलगति' : प्रधानेन घाताः क्षिप्ताः। निर्गतः।
कल्याणकोटिपुरे परमरिद्धिनिवासो निद्रागहिलडउ' कोपकालानली रुद्रो-ऽवन्ध्यकोपप्रसादः परमाडिराजा राज्यं करोति । तस्य सीमायां नगरम् । राण्या पण्याङ्गनानां ग्रासविधौ दत्तम् ।
तत्राऽऽगतः । पत्तयः सर्वेऽपि वालिताः। नगरमध्ये श्रेष्ठिगृहे भुक्त्वा पुरपरिसरे गच्छन् राज्ञीलीलावतीचामरहारिण्या गवाक्षस्थयाऽग्रेतनं ताम्बूलं परिहरन् स्कन्धस्योपरि करं कृत्वा पुनर्याचन् दृष्टः । तदा तया ज्ञातम्। अयं कोऽपि भाग्यवान् । उत्तमः । आकारितः । स्थापितः। केनाऽपि भट्टेन कयवारः कृतः। तदा आस्वादान्ते राज्ञोपलक्षितः। राज्ञा आकारितो मिलितः। अस्मिन्नवसरे विशाललोचनया" कयवारं कुर्वत्या शिर आच्छादितम् । लक्षत्रयं कञ्चलिकायोग्यं दत्तम् ।
दरिद्रान् सृजतो धातुः
कृतार्थान् कुर्वतस्तव। न जानीमो जगद्देव
कथं विश्राम्यते करः ॥ Note: The original readings of the manuscript, wherever vary
ing from the reconstructed text, are stated in these footnotes for ready reference:
१. जगदेवः. २. जगदेवो अतीव. ३. रणधवल. ४. जगदेव. ५. घाता क्षिप्ता निम्रतः. ६. परमरिद्धिनिवास । नीद्र. ७. रुद्र। अध्यकोपप्रसाद. ८. राज्ञा लीलावतीचमरहारिण्या. ९, गवाक्षस्थया । अग्रेतनं, १०. तया आश्वादन्ते. ११. °लोचना. १२. सृजितो. १३. कुर्वतस्तवः,

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अतिदातारं मत्वा उपायः कृतो मत्रिणा । भवाइयात्रायां राजा नृत्यति। मन्त्री पखाजे" वादयति । जगद्देवेन" पुपुप्यमुत्तार्य मन्त्रिणे दत्तम् । “ वरं याचथः ।"
" यतः गाजणाधिपहम्मीरस्य पट्टाश्व आनेतव्यः । गजपतिगौडेश्वरस्य पट्टहस्त्यानेयः।"
तज्ज्ञात्वा हम्मीरः" श्रीपत्तने विग्रहार्थ समागतोऽस्ति। तत्र गत्वा हम्मीरस्य गूडरे गत्वा पोडशभिर्जनैः समं प्रविष्टाः। हम्मीरो जितः। अश्वो गृहीतः। श्रीजयसिंहदेव-हम्मीरयोर्मेलः कृतः। गजपतिगौडेश्वरस्य पट्टहस्ती गृहीतः । द्वौ प्रहितौ।
[इति ] जगद्देवप्रबन्धः ॥ १ ॥ सं. १४६५ वर्षे चेत्र वदि ५ गुरुवारेऽलेखि ॥ श्रीः ।।
१४. पषा. १५. जगदेवे. १६. याचयः. १७. गोडेस्वररय पट्टहस्तिरानयः. १८. तज्ञा वा हम्मीर. १९. गौडेश्वरस्य पदृहस्तिदृहीतः. २०. लिलेखि.

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[अथ मदनभ्रममहाराजप्रबन्धः ॥२॥] वङ्गालदेशे" कान्त्यां पुर्या मदनभ्रमो राजा राज्यं करोति। अमात्य माईदेव । बारो उलगउ" माधव । मल्हू सेलहथ । सहस्र ५ शत ५ पञ्चाशीति राश्यः परिणीताः" । नवसहस्रभोगपल्यः । तासां मध्ये" पट्टराश्यः" ४ : बावन १, चन्दन २, सुमयादेवी ३, सीघणराणी ४। तासां सख्यः । आलि -आलति अलवि. अलवेसरि-फूलू फूलसिरी-वउलू-वउलसिरी कपूरी -हमीरी'-सींगारी". गुणमाणिकि-कस्तूरी-कपूरडी-नागवेलि-गजवेलि"-वचनकला-अमृतकला-सहस्रकला-रत्नावली मुक्तावली - चन्द्रावली-सुगति-हंसगतिसुललित - कोइलि-कमलावती-कलावती - लीलावती"-प्रभृतिसखीभिः परिवृताः । Note: The constitution of the text of this l'rabandha is based
on three manuscripts. The main codex belonging to the Gujarāti Department of the M, S. University of Baroda is designated here as G, the one consisting of this one Frabandha only and preserved in the collection of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, is given the sigma 0, and the third one, again comprising this Prabandha only, belong. ing to the Pravartaka Kāntivijaya Collection, Baroda, is referred to here by the symbol K.
२१. ०. अंबालदेशे. २२. 0., K. omit this word. २३. G. आमात्य माईदेव; 0. अमात्य माइदेव. २४. ०. द्वारपालक; K. बार उलग. २५. ०. पांच सहस्र पांच सई पंच्यासी; K. पांच सहश्र पांच सइ पंच्यासी. २६. G. राज्ञी परिणीता; 0., K. राणी परिणीत. २७. G., O., K. °पत्नी. २८. 0., K. तन्मध्ये, २९. G., 0., K °राज्ञी. ३०.G., 0., K. सखी. ३१. 0., K. अलि. ३२. K. बुलू ७ व उलसिरी ८; the order of these two names is changed thus in O.: वउलसिरी ७ बूलू ८. ३३.0., K. number these names up to this one from I to g. ३४. G. हम्मीरी. ३५. 0., K. omit this. ३६. G. omits this. ३७. 0., K. change the order of these two names; K. reads नगवेलि for नागवेलि. ३८. G., K. सहसकला. ३९. ०. कमलावली. ४०. 0. omits this name. ४१. 0., K. add after this the total number of these names viz. २८. ४२. 0., K. प्र. सखीमिताः ,

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४५
e
५२
विश्वविजय धवलगृहम् । माणिकथंभ * चउकी। त्रांबानउ" तलगट्टे । रूपान ऊतणीयावदृ" । सुवर्णमय सिंहासन । सुवर्णमय स्तंभ ४ । सुवर्णमया षोडशवर्षीया पूतली १६ । गवाक्षा १२० । तेषां मध्ये चतुर्दिक्षु चत्वारो " गवाक्षा मुख्याः । पूर्वस्यां दिशि विमानविभ्रम १, दक्षिणायां पुष्पाभरण २, पश्चिमाया गन्धर्वसर्वस्व " ३, उत्तरायां कैलासहास" ४ ।
५५
४
५८
गवाक्षानामग्रे सुवर्णमयवेदिका ४" । चउरी ४ । वापी ४: हंसविश्राम १, सुधानिधि २, क्षीरोहि" ३, कमलकेदार ४ वापीनाम |
५७
६१
६१०
वाटिकानाम' ४ः अनंगरंगवाडी १, धारागिरिवाडी २, अंधारघोरवाडी ३, नंदनवाडी ४ । तत्रारघट्ट ४ " । सुवर्णमया घटी । रूप्यमया माला । चंद्रयोत्स्ना तलावली । पगथीआर सारूआर । बरंडी उदार ।
तिहां यक्षकर्दमना पिंड करी मेल्हीयइं ।" सोनांरूपानां सींगा करी छांटणां कीजइ । तिहां" खेलइ" वेलइ झील " । कादमी रमीयइ " । कमलना भारा छोडीयई " । कादमीनां पिंड विच्छोडीयइँ" ।
मदन भ्रमरायहू" बिहुं स्त्रीनउ परिहारु । " नालिक १ कापालिका २, " नालिक अन्य परिणीत" । कापालिक प्रसूतस्त्री । रायरिहई नियम २" क्रोधविरोध २ देहि नहीँ। आवासमाहि“ श्रीपार्श्वनाथनउ प्रासादु" तिहां देवपूजा करइ " ।

४३. 0., K. गृह. ४४. O. माणिक्यथंभ; K. माणिक'. ४५. ०. त्रांबा. ४६. G. तलगट. ४७. 0., K. रूपानु ऊतणीआवट ४८ 0 स्वर्णमयसिंहासणि । स्वर्णमयस्तंभ |; K. स्वर्णमय सिंहासन | स्वर्णमयस्तंभ । ४९. G. वार्षीया; 0 स्वर्णमयसोलवापी; K. स्वर्णमय १६ वापी. ५०. G. गवाक्ष । वीस १२० ; K, गवाक्ष १२० ।. ५१. G. 'क्षुश्चत्वारो. ५२. G. मुख्या. ५३. G. दक्षणायां; K. abbreviates as दक्षिणा ; O adds दिशि after this. ५४. O पश्चिमदिशि; K. abbreviates as पश्चि' ५५. G. सर्वश्व ५५. K. abbreviates as उत्त. ५६. G. K. कैलाश. ५७. G. गवाक्षेनामऽग्रे O, K. गवाक्षाग्रे. ५८. 0., K. ४ वेदिका सुवर्णमया ४. ५९. ०. क्षरोहि. ६०. O, K. वाटिकानामानि ६१. G. omits तत्रारघट्ट ४. ६१a. K. स्वर्ण ६२. O, K. चंद्रज्योत्स्ना ६३. ०. पगथीअरां. ६४. O., K. मेल्हीइ. ६५. O, K. तत्र. ६६. G, O, K. षेलइ. ६७. O. बेलई झीलई ६८. O., K. यक्षकर्दमे रमीइ. ६९. O, K. छोडीइ. ७०. O., K. कादमनां. ७१. O, K. घोलीइ. ७२. ०. मदनभ्रमरायनई; K. abbreviates as मदन रायनइ. ७३. O स्त्रीनु परिहार; K. स्त्रीनउ परिहार. ७४. O, K. एक नालिक। बीजी कापालिक । ७५ 0 परणीत ७६. G. स्त्रीकापालिक ७७. ०. राजानई २ नियम । ; K. राजानइ २ नियम । ७८. O, K. omit २ देहि नहीं, ७ca. O, K. आवासमध्ये ७८b. o. श्रीपार्श्वनाथप्रासाद 1; K. श्रीपार्श्वप्रासाद । ७९. O, K. तत्र पूजा कीजइ.

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८०
रायण" वील्हूवामणी महाप्रसादपात्र " । सर्वकलाकुशला राज्ञो देहे स्तनाभ्यामुद्वर्त्तनं करोति । राज्ञः स्त्रीणां २५ वर्षोपरि आभरणत्यागः " । ठालां पोलां वाजणां आभरण ऊतरइ " । देहस्थूलत्वात् " । गात्रशैथिल्यत्वात् " परिहारः ।
वर्षमध्ये वेलाद्वयं प्रगटीभवति । दिने २ टङ्क १००० स्वर्णहीरालालमौक्तिकमयम् “। महणाष्टम्याम्। चैत्राष्टम्याम् " । दक्षिणायां पुष्पाभरणगवाक्षे" कान्तीसन्मुखमायाति । तदा सर्वः कोऽपि नमति । पुरुषमुखमवलोक्य चन्द्रयोत्स्नातला वलीमध्ये" स्नानं करोति । अन्यथा स्त्रीवृन्दमध्ये तिष्ठति ।
अस्मिन्नवसरे एकदा श्रीजयसिंहदेवो द्वादशवर्षं यावत् दिग्विजयं कृत्वा कान्त्याः परिसरे । पञ्चगव्यूतिपराग्* उत्तारकश्चक्रे " । अणहिलपुरं प्रति यदा चलति तदा" अंगारसउडिनगारी" श्रीजयसिंहदेवकट के गत्वा महाराजभट्टस्य मिलितः । मदनभ्रमस्य कयवारः कृतः । भट्टेनोक्तम् ।
66
"
अस्मत्स्वामिनः" कयवारं कुरु । यथात्यागं यच्छामि ।
१
तेनोक्तम् । “ मदनभ्रमराजानं " विना अन्यस्य राज्ञः कयवारं न करोमि । " तेन भट्टेन राज्ञोऽग्रे उक्तम् । तदा राजा रोषारुणो विग्रहाय मदनभ्रमेण ' समं चतुर्मासीमवस्थितः ।
१०२
८३
मन्त्रिणा सखीपार्श्वात् राजा विज्ञापितः । परमवसरो नहि । श्रावण शुदि ५ दिवसे'' वील्हूवामण्या राजा विज्ञप्तः ।
" गवाक्षे सांऊसुशीलाभ्याम् " आन्धावेधे रमन्तीभ्यां दिनत्रयं जातम् | तत्र विलोकनायाssगम्यताम् ।

ܕܙ
८०. O, K. राज्ञो. ८१. O, K. प्रसादपात्र. ८२. O., K. स्तनाभ्यामभ्यंगः |. ८३. G. आर्भणत्यागः; O, K. राज्ञः २५ वर्षोपरि स्त्रीत्यागः । ८४. G. ऊतर ८५. O., K. देहे स्थूलत्वात् . ८६. O गात्रशैथल्यात् ; K. गात्रशैथिल्यात् ८७ प्रकटीभवति ८८. G. omits this sentence ; K. दिने २ टं १००० | चूर्णहीरालाल । मौकिकमयं । ८८a. K. चैत्रात्रयां । ८९. 0 पुष्फा ९००, K. 'संमुखमायाति ९१. O, K. चंद्रज्योत्स्ना". ९२. 0., K. अन्यदा. ९३. G. कांत्या. ९४. ०. पराग; G. पराक्. ९५. G. कृतः ९६. G. अणिहलपुरं प्रति चलितः ।. ९७. O, K. अंगार सुडिनगारी ९८ 0. अस्मिन् स्वामिनः ९९. ०. मम राजानं; K. abbreviates as म राजानं. १०० G. omits this sentence. १०१. G., O, K. भ्रमेन. १०२. ०. राज्ञा. १०३. G. परं अवसरो. १०४. G. सुदि. १०५. K. दिने; O omits this word. १०६. G. साऊसुसीलाभ्यां ; O, K. सांऊसुसीलाभ्यां १०७. G. आंधीवेधे रमंतीभ्यां ; 0. आंधावेध रमतीभ्यां ; K. आंधीवेध रमतीभ्यां.

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१८९
राजा समेतः । शुकसारिकाभ्यां राजा ताभ्यां ज्ञापितः । वचनविनोदः कृतः । आकाशभूमौ आयातः "" । तावता मेघो वृष्ट्वा स्थितः ।"" नगरी अवलोकिता । कटकं दृष्टम् । तदा पृष्टम्
१११a
66
" अरे सिंदूरी, "" ए मीणकप्पडि" कुण रे विणजारउ" । " इति कथितम् । तदा वील्हूवामण्या अवसरो लब्धः । तयोक्तम् । महाराज ! चतुरचक्रवर्त्तिन् "" ! नागरिकनरेन्द्र"" ! परीच्छती परिना" परमहंस ! हीयालीना हंसराज "" ! अन्तःकरणना नारायण ! पुराणपुरुषोत्तम "" ! जीवितव्यना जागेसर ! हृदयगर्भ - गर्भेश्वर"! ममतामहेश्वर ! अलवेश्वर ! लीलाललितगर्भेश्वर ! चिन्तितचिन्तामणि५ ! कोडिनी कामधेनु ! कामित वस्तुना कल्पवृक्ष ! सौभाग्यसुन्दर ! भोगपुरन्दर ! मकरध्वजावतार ! राज्यलक्ष्मीशृङ्गारहार ! श्रीमदनभ्रमराजेन्द्र ! अयं वणिजारको नहि । "
'कोऽयम् ? "
66
.१२६
:6
सा वक्ति । राजन् !
६९
१३०.
! अयं राज - बीज - दण्डकनइ संतानि । चौलुक्यवंश अयोनी संभव श्रीमूलराज १ चामुण्डराज २ वल्लभराज ३- दुर्लभराज४ - भीम५ श्री कर्णदेवनन्दन । विश्व जननयनानन्दन । १८ लक्ष ९२ सहस्र मालवलक्ष्मीकचग्रहविग्रपः णि १० । वैरिरायमुरट्टघरट्ट ३२ । अश्वपति- गजपति - नरपति - त्रिहुं रायनउ जयश्रीसईवर । उदकि शासननउ
१३३
१३४
३५
१३६
१०८. ०. राजा word. ११०. O., K. ११२. ०. सिंहरी ; G. ११५. G., O, K. ११८. O., K. omit this address.
अबलउ | गाजण वइ हम्मीर हृदयान्तशल्य ५ । दयणहारु । राउन उराउ | समस्तदिग्वलयतत्रागतः ; K. राजा तत्र गतः. १०९. O., K. omit this आगतः . १११. O, K. मेघवृष्टिः स्थिता. १११८. O., K. पृष्ट. सींदूरी. ११३. O, K. ए कप्पहे. ११४. 0. K. वणिजारकः. 'चक्रवर्ति. ११६. ०. नागरिकनरेंद्रः. ११७. O., K. परिनु. ११९. G. पुरुषोत्तमः, १२१. O. हृदयगर्भेश्वर. १२४. ०. 'गर्भेश्वर ; G. गर्भेसर. १२६. O., K. साह. १२७. 0. १२९. G. चौलक्यवंश
११८. K. नाराइण. १२०. ०. जीवतव्यना जागेश्वर ; K. जीवितव्यना जागेश्वर. १२२. G., 0. महेश्वर. १२३. G. अलवेसर. १२५. O. अचिंतचिंतामणि; K. अचिंतितचिंतामणि omits this word. १२८. ०. राजपीडकनइ ; K. राजबीडकनइ. अयोनीसंभमु. १३०. O, K. चामंडराज. १३१. ०., K. 'कर्णदेवनइ. १३१०. ०. १८ लक्ष बाणू सहसमालवकच ग्रहव्यग्रपाणि; K. १८ लक्ष बाणू सहस्रमालवकचग्रहव्यग्रपाणि । १३२. G. वैर . १३३. ०. चिहुं रायनु आंबिलउ ; K. चिहुं रायनु आंबल ।. १३४. ०. गाजणवय १३५ ०. उदयशासनतणु देणहार; K. उदकशासनतणउ देणहार. १३६. ०., K. रायनु राय.

Page #178

विजयी" प्रोढप्रतापी। अहिल्या-अरुन्धती-सती-तारा-मन्दोदरीनइकारि१८ सतीचक्रचूडामणि रायनरवेलि कान्हडाराय जयकेशनी कुमरि माता श्रीमीणलदेवि तरकुक्षिसरोवरराजहंसः । निजकुलावतंसः। चौलुक्यचक्रवर्ती । ७० सहस्रगूर्जरधराधीश्वरः" । राजाधिराज । राजा श्रीजयसिंहदेव कहीयइ । तव विग्रहार्थ समागतः ।"
तदा राज्ञा आदेशो दत्तः । "श्रावण सुदि ८ दिने पुष्पाभरणगवाक्षः
शृङ्गारणीयः५० ।"
तत्राऽऽगतः। माईदे" अमात्येन नमस्कृतः।
चतुरङ्गदलेन५० सर्वसन्नाहेन समं
" युद्धाय आदेशो" दीयताम् । कस्य रणवट्टः१५२ क्रियते ? श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य ५ लक्ष साहण ९ लक्ष पदातयो विद्यन्ते । विमृश्यताम् ।"
द्वारपालको माधव आकारितः। “ १२० अश्वाः५६ षोडश गजा राज्ञो भेट्टा ५० लात्वा यातु । राजानं विज्ञपय" । अन्यद् यद् विलोक्यते तद्दीयताम् । अन्यथा यदि युद्धं कर्तुकामोऽस्ति केनाऽपि मुरट्टोन मोडितः, स्कन्धखजिर्नाऽपनीता,६३ नादो नोत्तारितः। तदा रणक्षेत्रं प्रगुणीक्रियताम् ।” . १३७. 0. समस्त दिग्विजय ।। K. समस्तदिग्वलयविजय।. १३८. 0., K. °नइ अनुसारि. १३९. 0., K. omit this word. १४०. 0. काहडरायकेसतणी कुमारि; K. कान्हडरायकेशतणी कुमारि. १४०a. K. श्रीमीणलं. १४१. 0., K. हंस. १४२. 0., K. "तंस. १४३. G. चौलक्यचक्रवर्तिः; ०. चौलुक्यचक्रवर्ति. १४४. G. धीत्वरः; ०. धीश्वर; K. °धीश्वर. १४५. 0. omits राजा. १४६. 0., K. कहीइ. १४६a. G. शृंगारिणीयः; 0., K. omit these two sentences from तदा राज्ञा to शृङ्गारणीयः. १४७. 0., K. omit this. १४८. ०. तस्मिन्वसरे माईदेवेन ; K. तस्मिन्नवसरे माईदेवेन. १४९. G. आमात्येन. १५०. G. चतुरंगुदलेन. १५१. G. आदेशा, १५२. ०. रणभट्ट ।. १५३. 0., K. omit श्री. १५४. G. लाष. १५५. G. पाइल विद्यते; 0. पदात्यो विद्यते. १५६. 0., K. अश्वा. १५७. 0., K. राज्ञा भेटां. १५८. G. विज्ञपयः. १५९. 0., K. add किंचिद् here. १६०. 0., K. तद्दीयते. १६१. G. क कामोऽस्ति. १६२. 0., K. मरटो. १६३. G. स्कंधः षर्जि'; 0. स्कंधे षाजि नापनीता; K. स्कंधे षाजि - पनीता. १६४. G. प्रगुणीकृयतां; 0., K. प्रगुणीयता...

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षोडशदिने५ षोडशजनानां
१७०
.१७२
युद्धं प्रगुणितम् । गाऊ ५ प्रमाणं रणक्षेत्र कृतम् । प्रतोलीकटकान्तराले " द्वयोः पार्श्वयोः १९ पट्टकूलयवनिका बद्धा । मदनभ्रमो राजा आयातः । सप्तशतअश्विकारूढा नव्ययौवनाभिरामाः सशृङ्गारा युवत्यः कटकसन्मुखं' प्रहिताः । समीपे गत्वा वलिताः । ताभिः समं श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य अश्वाः पृष्टिमा १५ पूर्वदिशि प्रतोल्यां प्रविष्टाः । राजाऽपि साथै आनीतः । द्वयो राज्ञो -
१७२
१७६
.२७८
मेंलो ।
८०
श्रीमदनभ्रमेण राजा आवासे नीतः । भक्तिः कृता " । प्रीतिर्जाता ८२ ।
१७९
श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्याऽये राज्ञोक्तम् ।
१८३
(6
' त्वं काष्ठकबाडिको
राजा । गृहे स्थितः कथं राजलीला " न करोषि ?
द्वादशवर्षं यावत् बा कथं परिभ्रमसि ? राजकेलिं कुरु ।
99
जयसिंहदेवोक्तम् ! " सत्यं त्वयि दृष्टेऽहं काष्ठकबाडी" राजा ।
१११८६

१९१८
३
राज्ञा"" मदनभ्रमेण" तुष्टेन राज्ञो" अष्टदिक्करिका विचक्षणाः" सुलक्षणा रूपयौवनवत्यः १९ नामानि प्रीतिमती १०१ प्रियतमा २ अभीष्टवक्रा " कामप्रिया ४ मृगलोचना ५ चन्द्रवदना ६ पृथुश्रोणी मनोहरा ८ सुशृङ्गारिताः १२ समर्पिताः १३ । गृहीत्वा निर्गतः १४ । सुखासनाधिरूढा "
१९१०
७
१९४०
१६५. O., K. षोडशमे दिने. १६६. O, K. राजानां १६७. G. प्रगुणीकृतं. १६८. O., K. गाऊ ५ रणक्षेत्र कारापितं । प्रतोलीकटकांतरे, १६९. G. पार्श्वयो. १७०. G. वद्धा; K. पट्ट
कूलजवनिका बद्धा. १७१. G. 'यूवनाभिरामा; O, K. नवयौवनाभिरामा. १७२. O., K. सुशृंगारा. १७३. ०. संमुखं. १७४. G. प्रहिता १७५ 0 अवं अश्वापृष्टिलमः ; K. अश्व अश्वापृष्टिलग्नः १७६. G. प्रविष्ठा 0., K. प्रविष्टः १७७. 0., K. omit अपि. १७८. G. लर्जातः ; O, K. राज्ञो मेलो जातः १७९. G. भ्रमेन; O, K. मदनभ्रमेन. १८०. O., K. स्वावासे. १८१. G. कृताः. १८२. G. 'जताः १८३. O, K. श्रीजयसिंहस्याग्रे. १८३०. G., O, K. काष्ट. १८४. O, K. राज्यलीलां K. adds another कथं here. १८४. 0., K. कथं बाह्य. १८५. 0., K. काष्ट. १८६. G. omits these two lines. १८७. ०. राजा. १८८. G., 0. भ्रमेन; K. भ्रमे १८९०., K. omit this word. १९०. ०. अष्टो विलक्षणा; K. अष्टौ विचक्षणा. १९१. G. omits the passage from नामानि to मनोहरा ८. १९१. 0. omits figure १ . १९१b. O., K. वक्ता. १९१८. O., K. चंदवदना. १९२. G. सुरूंगारिताः १९३. ०. प्रदत्ता राजा; K. प्रदत्ताः । राजा. १९४. 0., K. चचाल. १९४८ 0 सुखासनारूढा; K. सुखासनादिरूढा. 0. has afterwards erased दि after ना by drawing small verticle strokes above it.

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वज्रपञ्जराच्छादिताः" प्रतोलीद्वारे समागताः। तदा १६ सुवर्णमयपुत्तलिकाभिर्दोरकसचारेण" जल्पितम् ।
" यूयं गूर्जरराज्ञो दत्ताः ।” तदा षण्णां हृदयस्फोटो जातः । मायूराणी पेथूराणी" द्वे गृहीते। राजा श्रीजयसिंहदेवो विजययात्रानन्तरं कुशलेन पत्तने समागतः । प्रवेशो जातः ।। श्रीमदनभ्रममहाराजाप्रबन्धः समाप्तः ॥ श्रीः ॥ शुभं भवतु लेखकपाठकयोः ॥
[इति मदनम्रममहाराजप्रबन्धः ॥२॥]
१९५. 0., K. °च्छादिता. १९६. (0., K. समागता. १९७. G. सुवर्णमया; 0. स्वर्णपुत्तलिकाभिदोरकसंचारकेन; K. स्वर्णमयपुत्तलिकाभिदोरकसंचारकेन. १९८. ०. हृदयं स्फोटो. १९९. 0. पृथुलश्रेणी १ मनोहरा २; K. पृथुलश्रोणी १ मनोहरा २. २००. G., O., K. द्वौ गृहीतो. २०१. G. श्रीपत्तने समागतः; 0. पत्तने समागताः. २०२. 0. इति मदनभ्रमराजाप्रबंधः; K. इति श्रीमदनभ्रमराजाप्रबंधः ॥१॥ श्रीः ॥. Mss. O., K. end here. २०३. लेषक

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[अथ विक्रमादित्यपञ्चदण्डच्छत्रप्रबन्धः ॥३॥] श्रीविक्रमादित्यस्य पांचदंडीया छत्रसम्बन्धो लिख्यते ॥
अन्यदा उज्जयिन्यां श्रीविक्रमादित्यो राजपाटिकां कृत्वा वलमानो नगरमध्ये गञ्छकसेर्या अग्रे आगच्छन् शृणोति । सेर्याः परिसरम् एका स्त्री प्रमार्जयती स्थिता । तदा एकया५ गवाक्षस्थया पृष्टम्- " रे कथं स्थिता?"
तयोक्तम्-" राजा समायाति ।"
पुनः गवाक्षस्थया कथितम् । “न दीठउ युराउ ! जाणे पांचदंडीउ छत्र धरावइ छइ !"
एतत् श्रुत्वा स्वावासे०६ गत्वा तम्या आकारणं प्रहितम् । तद्वद्धाः समागताः । राजा व पितः । राज्ञा पृष्टम्
" पांचदंडिकं छत्रं कुर्वन्तु ।" " तत्कृते कुर्मः यो अस्मदीयवीतानि पंच करोति ।" राज्ञोक्तम्- “ अहं करिष्यामि ।" " ततः कृत्वा समर्पयिष्यामः।" राजा वदति । " कथ्यताम् ।”
[१] ताः कथयन्ति । “प्रथमम् एतां स्त्रियं फलहकत्रयेण जित्वा परिणय ।"
सा समेता सशृङ्गारा सखीवृता । राजा न जयति । एको दिवसो जातः । द्वितीयदिनमप्यभवत् । तस्य रात्रौ तस्मिन् पाटके गत्वा विलोकितम् । सहर्षा वदन्ति । " राज्ञो विभाते हारिभविष्यति।"
तत् श्रुत्वा विखिन्नो नगरान्निर्गतो यक्षभुवने गतः । तावता यक्ष आयातः । पृष्टम् । “ कोऽयं पथिकः ?"
२०४. लिष्यते. २०५. एकदा. २०६. स्वाआवासे. २०७. वितानि. २०४. समर्पयिष्यामि. २०९. राज्ञोर्विभातेर्हारिभविष्यति.

Page #182

""
राज्ञा साहसमवलम्ब्य पृष्टम् । " त्वं कः ? "
अहम् अस्य पुरस्य राज्ञो रक्षकः !"
66
राज्ञः कष्टं कथं न स्फेटये: ?
"C
तदा अवलोकितम् । “ राजा महामूर्खो" जातः । देवदमणिसंवादः कथं क्रियते ? एक उपायोऽस्ति । यदि करोति तदा कथयामि । "
" त्वं कथय । "
राज्ञोऽग्रे कथयिष्यामि । "
तदा राजा चरणौ पतितः । " अहं विक्रमादित्यः । ”
66
अद्य इन्द्रस्य स्वर्गे नृत्यावसरोsस्या अस्ति । तत्र सा यास्यति । त्वमपि तत्र याहि । तत्र कोऽप्युपायो लभिष्यते । ”
११
राजा अग्निवेताल बलेन स्वर्गे गतः । इन्द्रास्थाने देवदमण्या नृत्यमारब्धम् | अग्निवेतालेन भ्रमररूपं कृत्वा तस्या नृत्यन्त्याः शिरसश्चम्पकपुष्पतोडरं ?? त्रोडितम् । पतता तस्या नूपुरं भग्नम् । राज्ञा तोडरं नूपुरं १४ भग्नं गृहीतम् । तृतीयं राज्ञा १५ स्वयं हस्तं दत्तम् इन्द्रस्य तस्या बीटकमपि गृहीतम् । तया व्यग्रया न दृष्टम् । राज्ञा गृहीतम् ।
२१६
गृहे समागतं द्वयम् । विभाते द्वयोः क्रीडा जाता । राजा न जागर्त्ति । जागरितः । तया कथितम् । " अद्य राजन् ! निद्रा घनतरा ! "
तदा राज्ञा कथितम् । सर्वगर्वा शरीरं न संवरति । "
66
अद्य रात्रौ इन्द्रेण निमन्त्रितः । नृत्ये गतः । सा

तदा तोडरं गृहीतं दर्शितं तस्यास्तदा मनश्चिन्तितपाशका चुक्किता सा | एकवेलं जातम् । नूपुरं“२ बीटकं ३ त्रयं दर्शितम् । त्रिवेलं तेन सङ्केतेन पाशका चुकिता, जिता, परिणीता ॥ प्रथमो " दण्डो जातः ॥
२१७
२१०. स्फेटयः. २११. मूर्षो. २१२. लभष्यति. २१३. शिरस चंपक. २१४. नूपरं २१५. राज्ञ. २१६. जाताः २१७ मनः चिंतित २१८, नूपर. २१९. प्रथमं.

Page #183

[२] द्वितीयं वितउं । “त्रम्बावत्यां पुर्यां त्रम्बसेनो राजा । तस्य आवासात् द्वितीयभूमेः२० रत्नानि गृहीत्वा आगच्छ ।”
तदा राजा राज्य मन्त्रिणे भलाप्य निर्गतः । तत्र गतः । राज्ञा भोजनार्थ धान्यानि बाह्ये पचित्वा मध्ये नीयन्ते । जनानां शिरसि दीयन्ते । तेषां मध्ये भूत्वा आवासे गतः । तत्र ५० अपवरिकाः । भुक्त्वा२२ तासां मध्ये स्थितः । सन्ध्यायां निःसृतो द्वितीयभुवने२३, रत्नानि न । तृतीयभुवने वृद्धया वृषल्या समं गतः। तत्र राजकन्या कुमारी तिष्ठति । तस्याऽग्रे १६ सोलहिका नृत्यं कुर्वन्ति । नृत्यं विसर्जितम् । तया तालक दत्तम् । कन्या मध्येऽस्ति । सोऽपि तत्र स्थितः । .
अस्मिन्नवसरे गवाक्षे कन्याया लेखः केनाऽप्यर्पितः । जालिकामुद्घाट्य वाचितः । तत्र रक्तसण्ढी आनीताऽस्ति । सा रत्नानि लात्वा तामारूढा । द्विपटी मध्ये विस्मृता। तस्या आनयनाय पुरुषः प्रहितः । एतावता विक्रमादित्येन शय्याया द्विपटी गवाक्षाधो मुक्ता । स पुमान् तां ग्रहीतुम्२६ अधः प्रविष्टः । तदा राज्ञा करवालं लात्वा तस्य शिरश्छेदितम् । तां द्विपटीं गृहीत्वा स्वयं सण्ढी चटितः । मौनवानेवान्यविषयमार्गे याति । तदा तया पृष्टम् । “ त्वं कुत्र यास्यसि ?"
तेनोक्तम् ! " पूर्वस्यां दिशि चतुरङ्गङ्तकारद्वारे हारिताऽसि । तस्य वामपयिष्यामि ।"
तदा तया चिन्तितम् । " अहो ! उभयभ्रष्टा जाता !” मौनमाश्रित्य स्थिता । ... १२ योजनमतिक्रम्य उत्तीर्य सुप्तः । सा जागतिः । तदा सिंहद्वयमागतम् । तया जागरितः । तेन एकवाणेन विद्धौ मृतौ । तदा कथितम् । “रे ! बाणमानय३१ ।" नाऽऽनयति ।
" नाऽऽनेष्यसि , तदा मारयामि ।"
" मा मारय३३ ।"
२२०. द्वितीयभौमौ. २२१. अपवरिका. २२२. भुक्ता. २२३. निसृतो द्वितीया. २२४. वृषलासमं. २२५. विस्मृताः, २२६. गृहीतुं. २२७. शिरच्छेदितं. २२८. हारितास्ति. २२९. स्थिताः. २३०. जागतिः. २३१. बाणमानयः. २३२. नानयष्यति. २६३. मारयः.

Page #184

१३
२३४
“ मदीयमेतच्चरित्रं कस्याऽग्रे नोच्चरिष्यसि तदा न मारयामि । "
""
एवं नोच्चरिष्यामि । ”
पुनरपि चलितः । तामग्रे उपवेश्य २५ गृहीता सा सूर्योदये तं सुरूपं दृष्ट्वा रञ्जिता । एकस्मिन्नगरे प्राप्तौ । तत्र नद्यां तां वृक्षतले मुक्त्वा राजा स्वयम् अन्नार्थं गतः
मध्ये
तावता एका कुट्टिनी समायाता । तया सा दृष्टा । विस्मिता |
“रे भागिने यि ३५ ! त्वं कुत्र गताऽसि ? भव्यं जातं मिलिता यत् त्वम् । "
_२३७
करभीसमेतां तामानीय गृहे नीता । शल्यहस्तपुत्रस्य दत्ता । विवाहारम्भो मण्डितः । तेन मूषको बाणेन हतः । पातितः । ताभिः प्रशंसितः । तया दृष्टं स्वरूपम् ३८ । तदा तस्या वैराग्यं जातम् । काष्ठभक्षणाय सा सज्जीभूता । स्थापिता न तिष्ठति । शल्यहस्तात् बीटकं याचितम् । न ददाति । पृष्टं पुनः सा न कथयति । " चितागता कथयिष्यामि " 1 तत्र सर्वं गतम् । तया वृत्तान्तः कथितः ।
२३९
अस्मिन्नवसरे विक्रमादित्योऽपि विलोकनाय समायातः । द्विपटीदर्शनेन उपलक्षितः । प्रकटीभूतः । शल्यहस्तश्चरणौ पतितः । राजा कन्यां परिणीय [रत्नानि च गृहीत्वा ] ४० चतुरङ्गसेनोपेत उज्जयिन्यां गतः । प्रवेशो जातः ॥ द्वितीयो दण्डश्छत्रस्य' जातः ॥
. २४१
[३]
""
वृद्धानां पार्श्वे राज्ञा पृष्टम् ।
'पुनः कथ्यताम् ।
तृतीयं वितउं । " उमादेवीचरित्रं विलोक्य कथ्यताम् ।
66
66
का सा ? "
'अस्याम् उज्जयिन्यां सोमशर्मद्विजस्य भार्या उमादेवी । तस्य गृहस्य द्वारे आचाम्लिकावृक्षस्याऽभिज्ञानम् ।
39
93
२४५
तत्र शिष्याणां *५ लेखशालाऽस्ति । तत्र शिष्यरूपं कृत्वा पठनाय गतः ।

२३४. नोच्चरिष्यति. २३५. उपविश्य. २३६. भागिनेऽयि २३७. 'हस्ति' २३८. सुरूपं. २३९. चिंतागता कथयष्यामि, २४०. शिल्यहस्त चरणौ पतितः २४००. The context at , the commencement of the story requires such a phrase २४१. दंड छत्रस्य, २४२. ऊमा २४३. 'शर्मा' २४४ ऊमा ? २४५. शिष्यानां.

Page #185

अग्रेऽपि शिष्याः ६३ त्रिषष्टयः५६ पठन्ति । तेषां भोजनादिकं स्वयं यच्छति । सोऽपि चरणौ लगित्वा तत्र स्थितः । तत्रैव भुते ।
रात्रौ उमादेवी सोमशर्मणि सुप्ते शिष्येषु सुप्तेषु स्वयमुत्थाय दण्डेन आचाम्लिका चटित्वा आहता । उत्पटिता। सा दृष्टा"" कपटनिद्रया सुप्तेन ।
द्वितीयदिने राजा आचाम्लिकायां चटित्वा स्थितः । रात्रौ पुनरपि तया उत्पाटिता । साथै गतः । परद्वीपे प्रासादे गत्वा उत्तरिता । ६४ योगिन्यो नमस्कृताः । तावता क्षेत्रपाल आयातः । सोऽपि तया नतः ।
तदा क्षेत्रपालेनोक्तम् । “ त्वं कथं बलिं न यच्छसि ?" ।
तयोक्तम् । “६४ चतुःषष्टिशिष्याः सङ्ख्येयाः । ६५ पञ्चषष्टिमयोऽयं पण्डितः तव योग्यः । योगिनीनाम् -- ६४ योगिनीनां ६४ शिष्या बलियोग्या जाताः। कृष्णचतुर्दशीदिने गोमयमण्डलोपरि पट्टलकान् मुक्त्वा दण्डं पूजयित्वा बलिं कृत्वा दोरकं करे बद्धा यावता सङ्कल्पं कृत्वा नमस्कारं करिष्यति सूदा अस्मदीया ।
प्रच्छन्नेन राज्ञा सर्व श्रुतम् । पुनरपि आरूढः । आचाम्लिका तत्रैवाऽऽगता। प्रभाते पण्डितस्याऽग्रे निवेदितम् । “ ४दिने पञ्चषष्टिजनानां मरणमस्ति ।"
तया तस्मिन् चतुर्दशीदिवसे सर्व कृतम् । दोरको बद्धः । यावता सङ्कल्पं करोति तावता राजा दोरकं त्रोटयित्वा दण्डं गृहीत्वा आचाम्लिकामारूढः ६४ शिष्यपण्डितैः२५२ समम् । दण्डेनाऽऽहता उत्पाटिता । परद्वीपे शून्यपुरे उत्तारिता । आचाम्लिकामुत्तीर्य पुरमध्ये राज्ञो आवासे गतः । राजकन्या एका दृष्टा । सन्मुखमागता ।
राज्ञा पृष्टम् । “ कथं शून्य" पुरम् , त्वम् एकाकिनी कथम् ? "
तया कथितम् । “ राक्षसो रुष्टस्तेन नगरं विनाशितं सराजकम् । तेनाऽहं परिणयनाय स्थापिताऽस्मि । अधुना समेष्यति" । त्वं याहि । अकाले मा मर ।"
राज्ञा कथितम् । “ भयं मा कुरु ।” प्रच्छन्नीभूय स्थितः । यदा विवाहसामग्री५० लात्वा राक्षसः समेतः तदा खड्ङ्गेनाऽऽहत्य मारितः ।
२४६. त्रिषष्टय.२४७. तां दृष्ट्वा. २४८. संख्याः . २४९. प्रच्छनेन. २५०. गताः. २५१. राज्ञा. २५२. शिष्या. २५३. सून्यपुरे. २५४. सून्यं. २५५. परिणनाय. २५६. समेस्यति. २५७. सामग्री.

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१५
राज्ञा सा परिणीता । पुनः आचाम्लिकामारुह्य स्वपुरे वाटिकायां समागतः । प्रवेशो जातः ।
क्षेत्रपालस्तस्मिन् दिने सोमशमद्विजगृहे समायातः । तत्राऽन्यः२५८ कोऽपि नहि । ताम् उमादेवीं५९ ६५ खण्डानि कृत्वा बलिविधानं कृतम् । द्विजः६१ स्वगृहे प्रहितः ॥ राज्ञस्तृतीयो दण्डः सञ्जातः ।
[४] पुना राज्ञा पृष्टम् । “ कथ्यताम् ।" ताभिश्चतुर्थ वितउं पृष्टम् । “ पुरोहितस्य दानं दीयताम् ।” राज्ञा पुरोहितस्याऽग्रे५२ उक्तम् । “ दानं गृहाण ।” पुरोहितेनोक्तम् । “ राजन् ! विंशतिनखोपार्जितं बिना दानं न गृह्णामि"।"
राज्ञा तदर्थमुपक्रमः प्रारब्धः । सन्ध्यायां वाहिन५ वेषं कृत्वा चतुःपथे गत्वा स्थितः ।
मरूडीआरामिण्या अस्मिन्नवसरे सावित्र्या अग्रे कथितम् । “ पातालपुरे अलिञ्जरनागस्य चतुर्णां कन्यानां विवाहोऽस्ति । तत्र निमन्त्रिताऽस्मि । त्वमपि आगच्छ ।”
“ मद्भगिन्या उमादेव्याः२६७ शोकोऽस्ति ।” हरालीया कारिता । शोक विमोच्य सार्थे नीता । पुफडालाकग्रहणे योग्यं मदाकं वाहित्र" राजानं चकार ।
मरूडीमालिन्या दण्डेन शल्या उद्घाटिता। पातालपुरे गता। सरउपकण्ठे दण्डकं डालकं पुष्पाणां मदाकं वात्रिं मुक्त्वा मध्ये गता सा। तावता राजा पुष्पडालकं सरसि प्रक्षिप्य दण्डं गृहीत्वा तत्राऽऽगतः । तावता वरपरिणयंनसामग्री०३ कुर्वन्तः सन्ति । घोटक ऊोऽस्ति । तेन चटित्वा दण्डं करे लात्वा राजा चत्वारः कन्याः परिणीय वलितः ।
२५८. तत्राऽन्य. २५९. ऊमादेवी. २६०. पंडानि. २६१. कृतद्विज. २६२. पुन राजा. २६३. पुरोहिततस्याग्रे. २६४. गृह्णामि. २६५. वाहेत्रां. २६६. कथं. २६७. ऊमा. २६८. विमुच्य. २६९. वाहेत्रं. २७०. उदघाटिता. २७१. वाहेत्रां. २७२. सरशि. २७३. 'परणयनासामाग्री. २७४. परिणीतायः.

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तावता" सा सरसि समायाता । स वाहित्रको न दृष्टः । यावचिन्तयति तावत् राजा समाययौ । कथितम् । “ आगच्छन्तु सर्वे ।” दण्डेनाऽधोद्वारमुद्घाट्य ताभिः समं निर्गतः । उज्जयिन्यां प्रवेशो जातः । [ पुरोहितेन दानं स्वीकृतम्] ॥ चतुर्थों दण्डोऽभवत् ॥
[५] राज्ञा पुनः पृष्टम् । " पञ्चमं वितउं कथ्यताम् ।" ताः कथयन्ति । “ मन्त्रिणोऽपकलां कृत्वा कलां कुरु ।” " करिष्यामि।"
राज्ञो मत्रिणः८० सप्त पुत्रास्तेषां सप्त वध्वः । लघुवधूः२८१ सर्वजातीनां स्वरान् जानाति । एकदा शिवायाः स्वरः२८२ श्रुतः । " षण्मासमध्ये ८३ लक्ष्मीर्यास्यति।” तज्ज्ञात्वा छगणकानां मध्ये रत्नानि क्षिपति ।
एकदा राज्ञा परीक्षार्थ सर्व गृहीत्वा अपमानं दत्वा निःकासितः८५ । मत्री सकुटुम्बो निर्गतः । तदा वध्वा छगणकानि सार्थे नीतानि । कस्मिन् गत्वा स्थितः । वधूः छगणकमध्यादेकं रत्नं निःकाश्य तेषां यच्छति । पुरुषा गृहनिर्वाहं कुर्वन्ति । नगरमध्ये कर्म कुर्वन्ति । भाटके वध्वा गृहीतम् । तत्र ज्येष्ठपत्नीद्वयम् आत्मना वधूत्रयं स्थितम् । यत्काष्ठादिकमानयन्ति ते पुरुषास्ताः प्रच्छन्नवृत्त्या गृह्णन्ति। अन्नादिकं यच्छन्ति । अन्यत्र ते तिष्ठन्ति ।
पुनः कियद्भिर्दिनैः शिवायाः सुस्वरो जातः । तया ज्ञातं राजा मनापनाय समेप्यति । अन्यदिने राजा समागतः । सर्वेऽपि मिलिताः सन्मानिता आकारिताः । तैर्मानितम् ।
२७५. ता. २७६. वाहेत्रको. २७७. दंडेनाधद्वार". २७८. In view of the command at the commencement specified in the sentence "पुरोहितस्य दानं दीयताम् '', a sentence of this type is required here to complete the story. Hence it is added by the editor. २७९. अभवत्. २८०. मंत्रिण. २८१. वधू. २८२. शिवया स्वरं. २८३. षट्मास. २८४. तज्ञात्वा. २८५. निःक्कासितः. २८६. सकुटंबो निर्गतः । स्तदा. २८७. वधू. २८८. कर्म. २८९. जेष्ट'. २९.. वृत्या गृहतेि. २९१. समेस्यति.

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। अस्मिन्नवसरे केनाऽपि इन्द्रजालिना नाटकं मण्डितम् । अकाले आम्रः२२ फलितः प्रकटीकृतः। दण्डेन शाखा नाम यित्वा आम्राणां स्थालं भृत्वा राज्ञे अर्पितम् । परिजनसमीपे५३ दण्डो मुक्तः । राज्ञा सदाफलितसहकारलोभेन इन्द्रजाली विनाशितः२९५ । तस्य परिजनो नष्टः । दण्डो विस्मृतः । राज्ञा विक्रमादित्येन गुप्तवेषेण दण्डो गृहीतः । दण्डं विना आम्राणि ग्रहीतुं कोऽपि न शक्नोति । राज्ञा पटहो वादितः । " योऽस्य साराणि सहकाराणि मे यच्छति तस्याऽहं कन्याचतुष्कं परिणाय्य५९ दास्यामि ।"
विक्रमादित्येन पटहो हस्तेन छिबितः । राज्ञा आकारितः । “ दर्शय ।" विक्रमादित्येनोक्तम् । “ प्रथमं कन्याः परिणापय।" राज्ञा कथितम् । “ पूर्वम् आम्राणि दर्यताम् । पश्चात्परिणापयिष्यामि ।"
सग्रहं कृतम् । दण्डेन शाखां नामयित्वा आम्राणि दर्शितानि । कन्याचतुष्कं परिणीय सर्व मन्त्रिकुटुम्ब र सहकारे चटाप्य दण्डेनाऽऽहतः । सहकारम् उत्पाटयित्वा८२ उज्जयिन्यां महाकालवने ३ आचाम्लिकातरुसमीपे सहकारो मुक्तः । मध्ये प्रवेशो जातः । मन्त्रिणः श्रीकरणमुद्रा दत्ता । अपकलां कृत्वा कला कृता । पञ्चमो दण्डो जातः ।
पञ्चदण्डीयक" छत्रं कृतम् । शिरसि धृतम् ॥ राजाश्रीविक्रमादित्यस्य पञ्चदण्डच्छत्रप्रबन्धः ॥
[इति विक्रमादित्यपञ्चदण्डच्छत्रप्रबन्धः ॥ ३ ॥]
२९२. आम्र. २९३. परिजनो समीपे. २९४. फलितः। सहकार. २९५. विनाशित. २९६. परिजानो. २९७. गृहीतुं. २९८. यो अस्य. २९९. परिणाय. ३००. कन्या परिणापयः. ३०१. मैतृकुटंबं, ३०२. सहकार उत्पाटित्वा, ३०३. महंकाल'. ३०४. °दंडियकं,

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[अथ सहस्रलिङ्गसर प्रबन्धः॥४॥]
अन्यदा श्रीपत्तने राजश्रीजयसिंघदेवो राज्यं करोति । राजसभायां मन्त्री सान्तू आभडवसाह । धारावरस चडाइलउ । समरसी राउल चीत्र उडउ । पालण राणउ। लूगध उल मगउडीउ। कान्हडदे राउल जाल उरउ। गोद्रहीयउ परमार गजराउल । साल्हु भेलडी उ वाघेलउ । सीलणु कुतिगीउ । मदन तांगडीउ । हरपाल साकरीउ । धणपाल फोफलीउ । मालउ भेलडीउ । मदन तांबडीउ । वयजल पस्तागीउ । झालउ राणउ । झालउ मांगू । सढा सेखरा। कविसार्वभौम पंडित सोमेवरु । पंडित जयदेव । पं. सूरु । पं. लावण्यशर्मा । भडूअछउ वज्रवयरागर पं. वयरसीह । हरिहर व्यास । दामोदर । मुकुन्द । श्रीकण्ठ व्यास। सामल पोतारु । सामल सोलजोअणउ दूतु । नरणू बइंकारु । सोल बइंकारु । सुहासोला, उचितबोला, मलकर, मालकर, कउतिगीया, कलहटीया, नाचगर, वेसगर, कवीयर, कथगर, रीतिलग, रङ्गाचार्य-प्रमुखसभासीनपवित्रभंडमणूयाकप्रभृतिसभायां राज्ञोऽये व्यासेन क्षणः प्रारब्धः। तटाकप्रमाणकथामचीकथत् ।
सुराष्ट्रायां सुरधारपुरे रिणमल्लो राजा । तत्र एककूपे जलं दुःखावहम् । तत्रैकदा एकया मातङ्गया वत्सिका तृषाक्रान्ता जलं पायिता । तत्पुण्यप्रभावेण कनूजदेशे विश्वसेननृपगृहे१० कमलावती पुत्री जाता । सुरधारपुराधीशरिणमल्लसुतवयरसलेन परिणीता । तस्मिन्नेव कूपे जलं स्तोक दृष्ट्वा जातिस्मरणमुत्पन्नम् । सरोवरं कारितम् । यात्वा भर्ना सह गवाक्षे स्थिता । सरो जलभृतं वीक्ष्य तयेति कथितम् ।
३०५. मंतृ. ३०६. The ms. adds here the number ४. ३०७. सेषरा. ३०८. The ms. adds here the number ४. ३०९. The ms. adds here the number ४. ३१०. विस्वसेन. ३११. तस्मिन्नव. ३१२. स्तोकं. ३१३. यत्वा.

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66
'तेतलइ एतलउं ।

१९
(C
एलइ केतलउं ?
तत्स्वरूपं भर्तुर्निवेदितम् ।
३१४. राजा. ३१५. सरस्थाने.
"9
तच्चरित्रं श्रुखा श्रीजयसिंहदेवेन राज्ञा" दुर्लभसरःस्थाने"" सहस्रलिङ्गं सरः कारितम् ||
[ इति सहस्रलिङ्गसरः प्रबन्धः ॥ ४ ॥ ]
""

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[अथ सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणीप्रबन्धः॥५॥]
अन्यदा श्रीपत्तनात् चत्वारो द्विजा यात्रां गताः केदारे ऊषधीं लात्वा मार्गाद्वलिताः । तत्र गिरिगुफायाम् अनादिराउलो नतः । शुद्धिः पृष्टा । राउलो गूर्जरवाण्या रञ्जितः । पृष्टम् । “ कस्मात् समागताः१० ?"
" श्रीपत्तने सिद्धचक्रवर्तिश्रीजयसिंहदेवराज्यात्समागताः ।"
अस्मिन्नवसरे गौडदेशे कामरूपीठपुरात् सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणी आगता । ताभ्यां श्रुतम् । “ सिद्धचक्रवर्तेविरदं मोचयावः ।" इति मत्वा श्रीपत्तने राजसभायां सुखासनारूढा समागता" । राज्ञा नता । आशीर्वादो दत्तः ।
“ अमर काया । अक्षय कन्द । अनम दण्ड । नवकोडि सउंरक्षा करउ चामुण्डा ।" राज्ञा शुद्धिः पृष्टा । “ भवतां को गुरुः१९ ?"
" अनादिराउलः३२ ।" " का उलि:२१ ? " "अमर उलिः२२ । वज्रउलि: ३२२ । " " पदं किम् ? " "काकपदः । मर्कटपदः२५ ।”
" पन्थाः३२४ कः ?" “गोरखपन्थाः३२५ । मीननाथपन्थाः । मत्स्येन्द्र पन्थाः२५ । लीलादेपन्थाः३२६ । मुक्तादेराणीपन्थाः । अस्माकम् अमरउलिपन्थाः । राजन् ! त्वं बिरदं सिद्धचक्रवर्तित्वं मुश्च । यदि सिद्धः ततश्चक्रवर्ती२८ कथम् ? एकं बिरदं मुश्च ।"
उत्तारकः कारितः । राजा सचिन्तो जातः ।
३१६. मार्गावृलिताः. ३१७. समागता. ३१८. सुखासना आरूढा । सामागताः ।. ३१९. गुरु. ३२०. राउल. ३२१. उलि. ३२२. उलि. ३२३. पद. ३२४. पंथा. ३२५. गोरषथः. ३२६. °पंथः. ३२७. येदि. ३२८. वर्तिः.

Page #192

अन्यदा सान्तुमन्त्रिणा गृहं गच्छता साकरिया साहहरिपालेन सुतसज्जनस्य पार्श्वे राजवृत्तं पृष्टम् । तेन रडलाणीवृत्तं कथितम् । तेनोक्तम् । 66 वत्स ! एतत्सुखावहम् ।" एतन्मत्रिणा श्रुतम् । राज्ञे निवेदितम् । सुखासनं प्रहितम् । नाssयाति ।
पश्चात् सान्तः प्रहितः । तदा भोजनावसरः । स्नानं देवपूजनं भोजनं मन्त्रिसहितं कृतम् । तदनु गोष्ठी कृता ।
३३१
घडीया रडइ ठबक्कडउ
२१
३२९

मूकन्नेन सुद्दाइ ।
जणु जाणइ दिन अच्छ
महउं जाउं दिणुजाइ ॥ १ ॥
वहंत इंजनकी
उपर उवयार विलास
सो कहि करस्य कज्ज
किम जइ विहडस्यइ कलासु ॥ २ ॥
दीहाजं तिबलं तिनहु
जिम गिरिनिझरणाई |
लहू अउलगइ धम्मकरि
सूअ - निश्चंत काई ॥ [ ३ ॥ ]
३३२
३३३
तत्र गता राज्ञा मानं दत्तम् । एका क्षुरिका कृता । लोहमयी मुष्टिः । फलं शर्करामयं कृतम् । पाहुडमिषेण दत्तम् । मुखे क्षिप्तम् । राज्ञा फलं गलितम् । मुष्टीरउलाणीयोग्या दत्ता । न गलति । तदा हारितम् । प्रयाता । हरिपाल : सम्मानित: ३३५
I
[ इति ] सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणीप्रवन्धः ॥ ५ ॥
३२९. सांतू. ३३०. भोजनवसरः ३३१. मंतृ. ३३२. मिषेन. ३३३. मुझे. ३३४. मुष्टि. ३३५. हरिपाल समानितः,

Page #193

[अथ नामलमालिनीप्रबन्धः ॥ ६ ॥] अन्यदा श्रीजयसिंहदेवो दिग्विजयं कृत्वा श्रीपत्तने समेतः । तदा मात्रा मयणलदेव्या उक्तम् ।
" यदा त्वं दिग्यात्रायां चलितः तदा मया डभोईया पार्श्वनाथस्य मानितं यत्३" मम सुतः कुशलेन समेष्यति३८ तदा श्रीपार्श्वनाथं नत्वा पश्चात् पत्तनमध्ये समागमिष्यति ।" यात्रां प्रति चलितः।
डभोईना पार्श्वनाथोत्पत्तिः-पूर्व शान्तनेन राज्ञा गङ्गानिमित्तम् अभिग्रहपूरणाय स्वयं प्रतिमा कृता । कूपमध्ये मुक्ता परीक्षिद्वाहरायां तक्षिकेन, धन्वन्तरिणा डर्मेण वट उञ्जितः इति डभोईपुरम् । तत्र वैद्यनाथः श्रीपार्श्वनाथः प्रासाद २ ।
राजा पार्श्वनाथप्रासादे गतः । तत्र नामलमालिणीपरितो भ्रमरान् भ्रमन्तो दृष्ट्वा पद्मिनी स्त्री ज्ञाता। पुष्फतोडरं दत्तम् । देवो नतः । उत्तारकः कृतः । हणठेपणीयासुतदूजणसलशत्रसलपार्थात् सा आकारिता । सा कुसुमाभरणानि५२ लात्वा समेता । राज्ञोक्तम् । “ त्वं मत्पत्नी भव ।"
" अहं तदा भवामि यदा ममाऽपमानं कोऽपि न यच्छति ।" मानितं, पत्नी कृता । पत्तने आगतः ।
एकदा नामल -आरामिणी सुखासनोपविष्टा"२ वज्रपञ्जरं ढालयित्वा अष्टमीचतुर्दशीतिथौ पञ्चासराश्रीपार्श्वनाथनमस्करणाय समेति । मार्गे मोढकेल्हणसीघांचिकसुतया लीलूनाम्न्या चरणौ पतन्त्या मुखं मचकोडितम् । राज्ञोऽग्रे रावा कृता । राजा नामलसहितो घांचिकगृहे गतः । आसनादिना संमानितः । मुद्रारत्नद्वयं दत्तम् । एक भेटायां द्वितीयं भोजनार्थम् ।
श्रीहरद्वारे स्थिता लीलूः" नामलपादौ पतिता । पृष्टम् । “ तदा कथं मुखं मोटितं त्वया ?"
३३६. माता. ३३७. यत. ३३८. समेस्यति. ३३१. थोत्पत्तिपूर्वं. ३४०. मुक्त्वा परीक्षिवाहरायां. ३४१. मालिणि. ३४२. कुसमा . ३४३. °सनेपविष्टा. ३४४. लीलू.

Page #194

२३
* सुखासने तैलदीपगन्धो लग्नः इति मुचकोटितम् ।
35
अन्यदा नामलनाम्न्या पञ्चासरावन्दनाय यान्त्या रजकजाल्हा कावाससमीपे समागता । तस्य सप्तत्रधूच्छिम्पन्नकं कुर्वन्ती गवाक्षे विलोकनाय समेता । तदा तासां स्वस्रा उक्तं यत् — “रे आउलिहूली ! किं विलोक्यते ? "
३४५
तत् श्रुतम् । राज्ञोऽग्रे रावा कृता । राजा तया सह तत्राऽऽगतः । राज्ञः पृष्टौ खर्जियाता । तत् एकया वध्वा कथितम् । नामल ! पृष्टिं खण्डुहल्य राजा
66
""
रञ्जितः । लक्षप्रसादो दत्तः । द्वितीययोक्तमू, लक्ष २ दत्ता । राजराज्ञीद्वयं हृष्टं जातम् *८ ॥
३४८

[ इति ] नामलमालिनीप्रबन्धः ॥ ६ ॥
३४५. सप्तवधू च्छिपन्नकं. ३४६. षर्जि. ३४९. 'मालिणि'.
३४७. द्वितीयोक्तं.

३४८.
जोतं.

Page #195

[ अथ गणयमणय- इन्द्रजालिप्रबन्धः ॥ ७ ॥ ]
अन्यदा श्रीपत्तने सहस्रलिङ्गसरसि श्रीजयसिंहदेव उपविष्टः । तदा श्रीदेवसूरीणां शिष्यो माणिक्यस्तत्र कुमुदचन्द्रक्षपणकेन समं वादः
३५१
कृतः ।
" तक्रं पीतम् ?
" तकं श्वेतं हरिद्रा पीता । "
" आकाशे का वार्ता ? "
66
यत् क्षपणकस्य ३५३ मस्तकं द्वात्रिंशत्पलं भवति । ”
तत्र बधिरसरस्वतीश्री प्रद्युम्न सूरयः आयातास्तदाऽऽशीर्वादो दत्तः ।
66
5
अपाणिपादो मनो मनस्कः पश्यत्यचक्षुः स शृणोत्यकर्णः ।
स वेत्ति विश्वं न हि तस्य वेत्ता शिवोऽप्यरूपी स जिनोऽवताद्वः'
लघुशिष्यो मलयचन्द्रः
२.३५५ किं वेत्ति ? "
राज्ञोक्तम् । " अग्रेsपि लघुशिष्या दक्षा भवन्ति । "
सहिं कार्य सहसा अहियं बेनाडए परिवसंति ।
"
66
जड़ ऊणा चुणणगया
अहिया पाहुणया आया ! राज्ञा मलयचन्द्रपार्श्वे समस्या पृष्टा ।
३५६

मलयचन्द्रेणोक्तम्" ।
३५४
" वर्षाकाले पयोराशिः कथं गर्जितवर्जितः ?
19
॥"
" गुप्तसुप्तजगन्नाथनिद्रा भङ्ग भयादिव ॥ १ ॥ "
३५०. कुमदचंदक्षपनकेन. ३५१. वाद. ३५२. स्वेतं. ३५३. क्षपनकस्य. ३५४. विताद्वः. ३५५. मलयचंद्र. ३५६. राजा. ३५७. 'चंद्रेनो के.

Page #196

पूरिता । राजा हृष्टो जातः ।
राज्ञः पुरोहितेन यशोधरेण द्वौ सुतौ खीमधर-देवधरौ पठनाय तत्र मुक्तौ । गुरुभिः पद्महस्तो दत्तः । दक्षौ जातौ । मुद्गलभयेन विदेशे गतौ वलमानौ गौडदेशे कामरूपे प्राप्तौ । गजराज इन्द्रजाली, तस्य सदने गतौ । पठनाय स्थापितौ । नादलीनौ विप्रतारितो, शिरसि लेपो दत्तः । द्वादशयोजनात्परं दृष्टया न पश्यतः । भरहशास्त्रं शिक्षितौ । ऊषधी दर्शिता ।
पूर्वस्यां दिशि विदेशे गतौ । राज्ञ आस्थाने नाके को तंत्र स्त्रीरूपं कारितौ । राजा रञ्जितः । बहु द्रव्यं दत्तम् । गृहे आगताः । गणय-मणय-इन्द्रजालिबिरदं १० लब्धम् ।
गजराजेन तयोर्विवाहादिक आरम्भः२६२ प्रारब्धः । तदा तौ विमृश्य निर्गतौ । द्वादशयोजनान्यागतौ । परं शिरोलेचप्रमाणेन नदीजलं पश्यतः । द्वितीयेन अन्यौषधस्य शिरसि लेपो दत्तः । तत्प्रभावेन पत्तने वरुणाशानदीतटे समं तावता श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य परिमाडिराज्ञः समं युद्धं जायते । तटे कटकमुत्तरितमस्ति । ताभ्याम् इन्द्रजालविद्यया तटात् कटकवैपरीत्यं कृतम् । परमाडिः प्रनष्टः६५ ।
मध्ये प्राप्तौ । गृहे गोत्रिणो वसिताः । गुरुपदं गृहीतम् । मध्ये परिभ्रमन्ति पुनर्न प्रकटयन्ति ।
उत्सकन ऊतावला
सरइ न एकू कज । दुहिन होइ महीयजइ
विविरो लह [इ] अज ॥ एकदाऽवसरे सहस्रलिङ्गसरसि मकररूपं कृत्वा प्रविष्टः । जलकेलीं करोति । द्वितीयः कणवृत्तिं कृत्वा सन्ध्यायां समेति । मिलित्या भुञ्जते ६० ।
राज्ञा स्तम्भतीर्थात् धीवराः आकारिताः सप्तशतास्तेऽपि निर्जिताः । राजा सचिन्तो जातः । डङ्गरको वादितः । तस्य भ्रात्रा खीमधरेण छिवितः, अष्टो दिना
३५८. राज्ञ परोहितेन यशोधरेःण. ३५९ षीम'. ३६०. विदेशे. ३६१. दर्शिताः. ३६१०. जाली. २६२. आरंभ. ३६३. शरोलेपःप्रमाणेन. ३६४. इंजाल'. ३६५. वैपरत्यं कृत्यं परमाडि प्रनष्टः. ३६६, प्रकयंति. ३६६a. भुंजते. ३६ १. स्तिपि, ३६८. भ्राता षीमधरेण छिबिता.

Page #197

२६
याचिताः । महिषाश्चत्वारो मध्ये मुक्ताः पश्चात् देवधररूपं कृत्वा मेलितः । आशीर्वादो दत्तः । याचितः । आवासा लब्धाः । पूर्वगुरुपदं दत्तम् । रात्रिं रटति ।

३६९ | मकर आनीतः । गजरूप - सिंहरूपं कृतम् । राजा रञ्जितः । पूर्वग्रासो
राति रडइ न कोई सा वा विणु सूरिया । संधारइ सहू कोह
मुहु देखी मिलिमि २ करद ||
इति गणय- मणय- इन्द्रजालि" -प्रबन्धः || ७ ||
३६९. मुक्त्वाः । ३७०. देवी, ३७१, इंद्रजाली.

Page #198

[अथ कूआरीराणाप्रवन्धः ॥ ८॥] कीडीमङ्कोडीनगरे कूआरीराणाको राज्यं करोति । रात्रौ १६ स्त्रियः१० सुवर्णघर्घरकान् करे बद्ध्वा पादौ चम्पन्ति यावता निद्रा समेति । यावता जागर्ति वीणावंशादिकान् लात्वा गायन्ति । प्रहरचतुष्कम् एषा राज्यस्थितिः।
कस्मिन् दिने पाश्चात्यपहर १ समये शङ्खध्वनिः श्रुता । जागरितः । तासां पार्थे पृष्टम् । “किं श्रूयते ?"
ताभिरुक्तम् । " सोरठीया सोमनाथ नेपालपाशुपति । अनन्तसेन रामसेनं प्रति यात्रां यान्ति ॥" राज्ञा गदितम् । " अहमपि यास्यामि ।"
शुभदिने चलितः। सुराष्ट्राया उपरि चलितः । श्रीपत्तनमध्ये भूत्वा चाण्डसमापरिसरे गतः । तत्र व्यवहारी कश्चित् सरः कारयति । तस्य समीपे राज्ञा १९ रत्नानि कृष्णवस्त्रेण बन्धयित्वा एकान्ते अपितानि । राजा यात्रां कृत्वा वलितः । याचितानि रत्नानि । तेन व्यवहारिणा न दत्तानि । झकटको जातः । श्रीजयसिंहपार्थे आगतौ । न मानितम् । दिव्यं सरसि कृतम् । “ यदि मया गृहीतानि तदा जलं मा तिष्ठतु ।”
सरः स्फुटितम् । जलं गतम् । अद्यापि फूटे लाउ प्रसिद्धं विद्यते ।
राजा जयसिंहदेवस्तुष्टः । याचित्वा सहस्रलिङ्गविशापता च याचिता" राज्ञा दत्ता । ततः सरउपकण्ठे" देशान्तरकुटी कारिता । चिरकालं तपस्तप्त्वा स्वर्ग ययौ ॥
[इति ] कूआरीराणाप्रबन्धः
॥ ८ ॥
. ३७१. स्त्री. ३७२. वलितः. ३५३. सहस्तलिंगविशापं. ३७४. याचिताः ॥. ३७५. सरःउपकरे. ३४५. कूआरी'.

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[ अथ श्रीमाता -प्रबन्धः ॥ ९ ॥ ]
लखणावत्यां लखण सेनो ३५ राजा । उमापतिश्रीधरः प्रधानः । राजा निःपुत्रः । मन्त्री अतीव गणकः । एकदा राजा अन्तःपुरे गतः । मन्त्रिणा गगनवेला गृहीत । सुतोपत्तिः दृष्टा । द्वात्रिंशद्वर्षप्रमाणे जातके मातङ्गी - अभिलापो भविष्यति इति स्थितं ज्ञात्वा सभायां न समेति ।
३७७
राज्ञा कारण पृष्टम् । राज्ञी बाह्यबाह्यग्रामे मुक्ता । पुत्रों जातः । वर्ष ५ अथ ७ सप्तसमये मातुः पार्श्वे पितृवृत्तं पृष्टम् । मात्रा कथितम् । तदा पाणिग्रहणाभिग्रहो गृहीतः । शिरसि जटा पञ्चशतराजपुत्रैः सहाऽऽरोपिता । तावता राजा विपन्नः ३७८ । महताऽपरोधेन राज्यं दत्तम् । मन्त्री मुखं नाऽवलोकयति । यवनिकान्तरितः स्थीयते ।
२७९
द्वात्रिंशद्वर्षे पाणिगीतं गायति । मोहितः । सङ्केतः कृतः । तावता मन्त्रिणा आत्मीयो नरैः प्रच्छन्नवृत्त्या प्रहितः । तेन स्वरूपं दृष्टम् । तया राज्ञोऽग्रे उक्तम् । महाप्रसादो जातः । चमत्कृतो हृष्टस्तदा " विलोकितः । लज्जितः । काष्ठभक्षणार्थं सज्जीभूतः । मन्त्रिणा षोडशवर्षप्रमाणा लोहपुत्तलिका १२ अग्निवर्णा कृता । यावदालिङ्गनं ददाति तावता मन्त्रिणा झल्लितः । मुखमवलोकितं मन्त्रिणा |
३८२
पश्चात् स रत्नपुञ्जो राजा श्रीमालपुरे आयातः । तावता वसन्तऋतुः समाययैौ । आरामिकेन किंशुकपुष्पाणि " सहकारमञ्जरीद्वयं भेटायां कृतम् । राज्ञो वसन्तक्रीडायाम् उद्याने गच्छतः काचित् स्त्री सगर्भा" अग्रे समागता । हस्ते अक्षतनालिकेरम् । तस्योपरि स्थिता दुर्गा स्वरं करोति । नैमित्तिकेन " मारवशाकुनिकेनोक्तम् । " प्रभाते अस्या गर्भो राजा भविष्यति । "
३८६
सा स्त्री राज्ञा तलारपार्श्वात् गर्त्तायां क्षेषिता । तस्मिन् समये तैः सा गृहीता । भयभीता, बनमध्ये सुतोत्पत्तिर्जाता " । पूर्वं हरिणीनां बालकास्सन्ति । तेषां पार्श्वे मुक्तः । तैः क्षिप्ता । हरिण्या ९ स्तन्यपानं कारितः ।
३७३. लषणावत्यां लषणसेनो. ३७७. गृहीता: ३७८. राजापि पन्नः । . ३७९. प्रछन्नवृत्त्याः ३८०. प्रासादो. ३८१. दृष्ट. ३८२. पू । तलिका ३८३. मुवलोकितं. ३८४ पुष्पानि, ३८५. गर्भा, ३८६. नैमित्तकेन ३८७ वन ३८८. 'जताः ३८९. हिरिण्या.

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२९
३९०
३.१
शालायां हरिणप्रिया द्रम्मा जाताः । मुद्रापरावर्त्तो जज्ञे । राज्ञे निवेदितः । तलाराः पृष्टाः । तैः स्थानकं दर्शितम् । बालको दृष्टः । सरस्तीरे वटवृक्षशाखाया वडवाया? दुग्धं मुखे पतितम् । पश्चात् प्रतोलीद्वारे मुक्तः । राजपट्टहस्तिना उपरि आच्छादितः । पट्टाश्वेन रक्षितः ९२ । गोभिः रक्षितः । सण्डेन रक्षितः । राज्ञे प्रभाते कथितम् । राजा तत्राऽऽयातः । बालः करे धृतः । बालेन श्लोकः पठितः ।
“ यो मे गर्भस्थितस्याऽपि
वृत्तिं कल्पितवान् पयः ।
शेषवृत्तिविधानाय
किंवा सुप्तोऽथ वा मृतः ॥ १ ॥ "
इति कथितम् । राज्ञा गृहीतः । श्रीपुञ्जनाम दत्तम् । राज्यं दत्तम् ।
तस्य सुता श्रीमाता मुखं वानर्या देहं स्त्रिया:२५ | एकस्मिन्नवसरे" बटुकैखुदाचलगीतानि गायितानि । तदा कुमार्या जातिस्मरणमुत्पे ।
राज्ञा पृष्टम् | " किं जातम् ? "
तयोक्तम् । “ अर्बुदाचले गिरिशिखरशृङ्गे- " कायाकुण्डोपरि चित्रकं दृष्ट्वा वंशीयालिना विलमा मृता । शरीरं कायाकुण्डे गलित्वा पतितम् । तावन्मात्रं मनुष्यमयं देहम् । अद्यापि मस्तकं तिष्ठति । "

राज्ञा तद्विलोकयित्वा मध्ये क्षिप्तम् । समग्रं मनुष्यमयं जातम् । पाणिग्रहणं न कृतम् । तीर्थयात्रां कृत्वा तस्मिन्नेव नगे तपश्चक्रे । रसियाको भरटकः स्तम्भितः । मृत्वा पर्वताधिष्ठायिका जाता ॥
इति श्रीमाताप्रबन्धः ॥ ९ ॥
३९०. पृष्टा. ३९१. वडवावा. ३९२. रक्षतः ३९३. रक्षतो राज्ञे. ३९४ . शेषा. ३९५. स्त्रियः ३९६. एकस्मिन् वसरे. ३९७. 'शिवर'.

Page #201

[अथ गालाश्रीवर्धमानसूरिप्रबन्धः ॥ १०॥]
वामनस्थल्यां लघुकास्मीरायां८ बृहस्पतिराणाको राज्यं करोति । तत्र कपोलश्रीवर्द्धमानसूरयः सन्ति । व्याख्यानसमये पार्श्वद्वयोदश २ आचार्या उपविशन्ति । पुप्फगृहमध्ये नवकच्चोलकानि नवरसामृतं ग्रहीतुं दक्षिणतो मुच्यन्ते । वामाङ्गे क्षुरिका । यदि अपशब्दः पुनरुक्तं समेति तदा तया जिह्वान्यासः क्रियते ।
___ एकदा श्रीपत्तने देवमहानन्दनामा गौडिकः समेतः । चतुरशीतिपुत्तलकाश्चरणावधो बद्धाः सन्ति । सोमनाथस्य द्वारे तृणपानीयं मुक्तम् । कपाटानि दत्तानि ।
. " यः कोऽपि वादी विद्यते स वादं करोतु । अन्यथा पशुर्भूत्वा तिष्ठतु ।"
दिनत्रयं जातम् । तावता सरस्वत्या रात्री आचार्यायोक्तम् । “ त्वं वादिनं जय ।"
___“ अहं तत्र नो यामि । तत्र पतितात्वया वतिनां पार्थात् मुण्डपार्धात् द्रम्मपञ्चक सीमायां गृह्णन्ति ।"
" ते सर्वेऽपि आकारणाय समेष्यन्ति।" भारत्या' कथितम् । “ कमण्डला अमृतजलं गृहाण, पिब ।”
तदा वाघलउ-सिंघलउ-शिष्यद्वयं पायितम् । महाविद्यार्गलं जज्ञे । पतितात्वयानां भारत्या प्रोक्तम् । “ गुरवो मनाप्यन्तु।"
मिलित्वा तत्र सर्वे जग्मुः । चरणौ पतिताः । “ प्रसादं कृत्वा पादमवधारयन्तु, वादिन जयन्तु ।"
द्वौ शिष्यो अश्वारूढौ प्रहितौ । देयीनदीपूरे अश्वौ शक्त्या प्रवाहितौ । गुरुभिः रक्षिता लङ्घिताः। नदी स्तम्भिता । ते चमत्कृताः देवपत्तने समायाताः ।
३९८. लघुकास्मीरा. ३९९. पाश्वद्वयो द्वादश. ४००. उपविशति. ४०१. गृहीतुं. ४.२. दक्षिणो. ४०३. समेत्यंति. ४०४. भारित्या. ४०५. मनापयतु. ४०६. शष्यो. ४०... स्तंभिताः. ४०८. चमत्कृता.

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शिष्याभ्यां पत्रं छोटितम् । अष्टादशदिनानि वादो जातः । वादी जितो हृदयास्फोटेन मृतः । पतितात्वयैः श्रीदेवपत्तनमध्ये तस्य द्रव्येण चतुर्विंशतिपौषधशालाः कारिताः । यतीनां वसतिस्थितिरभूत् । तैः श्रीवासुपूज्यचरित्रं कृतम् ।।
[ इति ] गालाश्रीवर्द्धमानसूरिप्रबन्धः ॥ १० ॥
शुभं भवतु लेखकपाटकयोः५० श्रोतृणाम् ।।
रायाण दंतिदंते
पामरलोआण वसहखंधम्मि । सुहडाण खग्गि-अग्गे
महिलाण पयोहरे लच्छी ॥ श्रीः ।।
[इति लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः ॥]
४०., द्रव्येन. ४१०. पाठकयो.

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APPENDIX-A
A Lexicographical Study
Introductory Note:
No study of such texts as the present one can be regarded as complete in absence of a lexicographical study of the same. In other words, the lexicographical study forms a very important part of the critical study of a mediaeval text of the nature of LPS. The evident reason for this is that the Sanskrit language in such texts has become so simple, popular and colloquial and is so replete with rare and obsolete words, back-formations and hyper-Sanskritism, regional words, expressions and even syntax, that a Sanskrit scholar, not possessing sufficient knowledge of both the Prakrits as well as the Old regional language, cannot grasp the proper sense. Scholars like Prof. Zachariae, Prof. Schmidst, M. Bloomfield (the first scholar to draw attention to the importance of the study of this type of language termed by him as "Jaina Sanskrit "), Dr. Hertel (who terms such literary medium as Vernacular Sanskrit '), Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Dr. B. J. Sāṇḍesarā, Sri Mohanalal Dalicand Desăi and Dr. (Miss) Helen M. Johnson have furnished lists of peculiar words occurring in certain texts. The Lexicographical Studies in "Jaina Sanskit" [LSJS] prepared by Dr. B. J. Sāṇḍesarā and the present editor and published from Baroda as No. 5 of the M. S. University Oriental Series in 1962 A. D., however, is the first BOOK of its kind, inasmuch as it presents in a book-form a study of the peculiar words occurring in three representative Prabandha works viz. PC, PK and PPS, occasionally adding notes, comparisons with different modern Indian languages and quotations from Old Gujarati literature.
The authors of the LSJS have also published a paper on "Some Important Vocables from Sanskrit Commentaries on Jaina Cononical Texts" in JOI, XV, 3-4.

A lexicographical study of the LPS on the same lines is presented in the following pages. The LFS appears more saturated with the regional tinge than any other known work in " Jaina Sanskrit ". Not only do we find there nonSanskrit words and expressions, but also sentences, short paragraphs and even verses in Old Guj. and Pkt. languages as also Old Guj. case-terminations. At places Old Guj. words have so nicely been inter-mingled with the Sk. words that the task of separating them therefrom is indeed a hard nut to crack. It is considered advisible, therefore, to include in this study every non-Sk. word..

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33
over and above the peculiar and typically Jaina Sanskrit words. The Old Guj. and Pkt. words are placed here not in their crude form like the Sk. words but in the form in which they occur in the text; then the forms are explained and etemology given in all the cases where it is possible to do so. Comparison with modern Indian languages is furnished wherever possible and sample references (and quotations where essential) from Old Guj. lit. are also added where necessary. References to similar usages in PC, PK and PPS are also given, for details whereof the readers are requested to see the corresponding pages of the LSJS mentioned there. In this way, the present study may be regarded as being in continuation of the LSJS. The main intention of the editor is to furnish full information regarding the peculiarities of the language of the LPS, which, in proportion to its bulk, imbibes in it all the specialities of the Prabandha style, more so than any other known Prabandha work including PC, PK and PPS.
The references to the LPS are to the respective pages and lines of the printed text. The figures of references to LSJS indicate the respective pages of LSJS and the small brackets contain the names of the respective texts from which the usages are recorded there. For abbreviations used here the readers may refer to the list of abbreviations displayed at the outset of the book.
भने
अङ्गारसउडिनगारी
ind. [1]' before, to', sa na zisitsù still 5.14; 8.8; 11.7;
13.1 ; 14.14; 15.9, 13; 18.13; 22.19; 23.5; 28.11. (2) 'near, by'. 7556f 3117287.. 10.4. [3] 'in front'. Ta at Ata AMAT I 28.17. (4) 'formerly, in the past '. BTùsì fragt: 3 faqet: q8ffai
14.1; Basfogfezt HTI 24.14. Sk. 3 > Pkt. 371> Old Guj. 1977, 17. Mod. Gui. आगळ, अगाउ: Hindi आगे. The Guj. word आगळ does possess all these four shades of meaning. the meaning is not clear, but appears to be a proper noun being the name of the bard of king Madana
bhrama. 5.10. v, 'sets.' for 8%AF 27.9. This is a corrupted form of
3774#*, 3rd pers. sing. present of Pkt. V 37TH Pkt. 377 > Old Guj. 39,
3715 > Mod. Guj. 277. Also cf. Hindi, Mar, 315. adj. 'very generous, highly magnanimous'.
mfagiati har 3919: afut 1 2.1.
अच्छमइ
भतिदातृ

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अधिष्ठायिका
अनन्तसेन
अन्तःकरणना
अपकला
अपवरिका
अभिग्रह
अयोनी संभव
भलवेश्वर
अव + V लग्
34
f.
a tutelary deity'. 29.19.
m. Old Guj. corruption of Sk. a. 27.9. Vide
decl. of minds'. aa:

f.
m.
f.
'a room, an apartment'. 12.6. cf. Guj. . Vide LSJS 43 (PK), 105 (PPS).
.
6.7. [ is Old and Mod. Guj. m. termination for Gen. (pl. and pl. of address). ]
adj.
'disgrace, disfavour, dishonour'.
fasi ya hoj
16.7; 17.14. cf. Guj. ' inconvenience, illness, harm'. Vide क्ला.
adj. lit. not born from the female organ of generation'. 6.13. This is a title of Mularāja (942-997 A.D.), the founder of the Caulukya dynasty at Patana; probably because his mother expired before his birth and he was brought out of the womb safe and alive. [Vide GMRI 144.]
V.
'a religious vow'. 22.8; 28.7. [A Jaina technical term.] Vide LSJS 7 (PC), 105 (PPS).
अवन्ध्यकोपप्रसाद adj. lit.:
'master of beauty', hence foremost among the handsome'. 6.8. This is a peculiarly Old Guj. word, its more frequent form being a. The first member of the compound has come from old Dravidian alava-aḍava denoting beauty, while the second one is Sk. iśvara. For quotations and discussion regarding this vocable vide Gurjararasavali p. 130°; B. J. Sāṇḍesarā : (1) Alavesara' in Gujarati Sahitya Parişad Palrikā, December 1943,
(2) Sabda Cane Artha' (Guj.), pp. 121, 123,154. This is one of the nice epithets of King Madanabhrama (1094-1143 A.D.).
whose wrath and favour are never futile '. 1.9. It is a title of King Parimadi of Kalyāṇakoțipura, i.e., Paramarddin of Kalyāņa (1076-1126 A.D.).
sia_c1så
'to attend upon, to be attached to. दत्तम् । परं सर्वः कोऽपि जगद्देवमवलगति । 1. 5-6. cf. Desi ओलग्गा ; Pkt. ओलग्ग ; Old Guj. ओलग; Old Mar. ओलंग, वोळग, वोळगवट, उलिग; Mod. Guj ओळग; Kannada ऊळिग; Mar. ओळगणे. Vide

Page #206

35
उलगइ ; also vide LSJS 106 अवलगा, 14 उलगा, 115 ओलगा
(PPS) all in the sense of service'. अवसर
m. 'a festival'.
अद्य इन्द्रस्य स्वर्गे नृत्यावसरोऽस्या अस्ति | II.9. cf. Old Guj. सर 'a dance performance' ( in a temple or an assembly).
Vide LSJS 8 ( PC), 43 ( PK), 107 ( PPS). अश्विका
f. 'a mare'. 8.3. अहिय
adj. 'more'. Nom. sing. n. भहियं 24.15; Nom. pl. m. अहिया
24.18. Pkt. अहिय < Sk. अधिक. अहिल्या
f. a corruption of Sk. अहल्या. 7.1. भाउलिहूली t. a term of address to a brother's wife ? रे भाउलिहूली! किं
विलोक्यते ? 23.4. आकारण
n. 'a call, summoning'. एतत् श्रुत्वा स्वावासे गत्वा तस्या भाका.
रणं प्रहितम् । 10.9: सर्वेऽपि आकारणाय समेष्यन्ति । 30.14. Vide
आ+/कृ. भाकाशभूमि 1. 'a terrace at the top of a palace'; lit.: + the sky-floor'.
6.2. मा+VF
(causal) 'to call, to summon, to invite '. भाकारित: 1.14, 15; 7.12; 178; भाकारिताः 16.19% आकारिता 22.13.
Vide आकारण. भाचाम्लिका
f. 'a tamarind tree'. 13.21; 14.4, 5, 13,16, 17-18; 15.13
17.13. In folk-tales this tree is connected with ghosts and the like. Here also it is said to be connected with magic and incantations. cf. Old Guj. आंबिलि; Mod. Guj.
आंबली; Hindi इमली. Vide LSJS44 आचाम्लिक ( PK ). भान्धावेध [v.!. आंधीवेध ]m. a type of game of long duration, especially played by
girls. गवाक्षे साऊ-सुशीलाभ्याम् आंधावेधे रमन्तीभ्यां दिनत्रयं जातम् ।
तत्र बिलोकनायाऽऽगम्यताम् । 5.18-19. भांबलउ [v.1. आंबलु, आंबिल उ] decl.
'a match, a destroyer'. त्रिहुं रायनउ आंबल उ। 6.16. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj, आमला ' a destoyer' Page #207

36
भाया..
अारामिक
आरामिणी भास्वाद उचितबोला
.
.
.....
Vउञ्ज
उत्सरायाम् उत्तारक
( have) come'. 24.18. Nom. pl. m. of Pkt. आय, p.p.p. of Pkt. Vआब Page #208

37
(4) ( causal ) ' to put off ( garments) :. जगदेवेन पुपुष्यमुत्तार्य
गविणे दत्तम् । 2.2. (5) (causal)' to remove'. नादो न उत्तारित:17. 14-15. cf. Guj. Vऊतर in all these shades of meaning. Vide उत्तारक, ऊतरह; also vide LSJS IO (PC), 46 ( PK), HI
( PPS). उद्+/पद
v. 'to be raised', ( causal) 'to lift up'. स्वयमुत्थाय दण्डेन
आचाम्लिका चटित्वा आहता । उत्पटिता। 14. 3-4; रात्रौ पुनरपि तया उत्पाटिता। 14.5-5%3 दण्डेनाऽऽहता उत्पटिता। 14.173 सहकारमुत्पाटयित्वा .... आचाम्लिकातरुसमीपे सहकारो मुक्तः। 17. 12-13. cf.
Guj. Vऊपड , (causal) Vउपाड. Vide LSJS 46 (PK ). उद कि [v.1. उदक, उदय ] decl.
' in water'? उदकि शासननउ दयणहारु । 6.17. Loc. sing. of
Old Guj. उदक n. Page #209

उलि
उवयार
ऊणा
ऊतरह
कतावला
37607
24.17. Nom. pl. m. of Pkt. Sk. 3. cf. Guj., nom. pl. m. of adj. j. ऊतणीयावह [./. ऊतणीभावट ] m. ⚫ a pavement (of silver)'?az_zaqiqag | 4.2. Vide
3.
ऊषधी
एकू
एतलइ
38
< Sk. अवलगति. Vide अव + V लग्; also vide LSJS 106 अवलगा, 114, 115 (PPS) all in the sense of service'. f. 'a line, a row'. 20.13, 14,19.

decl.
Commonly used in Old Guj. in this sense; cf., e.g., Varnaka-samuccaya (Prācīna Gurjara Granthamala No. 8), 116.11, 130.19, 130.20, 145.6, 198.5. Also cf. Mod. Guj. ओळी, ओळ्य, ओळ.
V.
obligation, benevolence'. Nom. sing. of Pkt. 3 m. Sk. 3 m.
decl. 'less'.
"
'lose strength, become useless, be removed'. at det Vlaİ 31 Sag | 5. 2-3. 3rd pers. pl. of Old Guj. Vऊतर = Pkt. Vऊतर < Sk. उद् + V तॄ. cf. Guj / कार, Vऊतरी जा exactly in this sense. Vide उद् + V तृ.
decl. 'basty'. 388 A FALISI ME a CH | 25. 17-18. Nom. plm of Old Guj. उतावला < Pkt. उत्तावल = उत्ताप + अल (suffix) Page #210

39
एतलर्ड
decl. 'this much'. $75 gass | 19.1. Nom. sing. n. of Old
Guj. 9703. Prevalent in Old Guj. ; vide e.g. Gurjararāsāvali 1.391. Mod. Guj. vzg < Old Guj. (735 Mod. Guj. makat. Vide gratits; also ride LSIS 13 (PC), 55 (PK) ; 234 (PPS) safirl, which, like the vocable in question, is evidently an oblique form of safirg, an Ap. derivative
of Sk. gen. n. 'a cup-shaped vessel'. 30.4. cf. Pkt. s, isa; Guj.
lo, mas; Hindi ikt. Vide LSTS 11 (PC), 48 (PK),
115 (PPS). n. 'a work, a task'. 25 Nom. sing. HK Og H 25.18; Acc. sing.
#37 21.13. Old Guj., Ap., Pkt. 209 n. < Sk, arg n. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar, fra n. f. 'a blouse, dress in general'. 3971 alt fra TV
1.16. [Here there is a ref. to the ancient custom of the brother's offering a Kanculikā to his sister as a token of his love for her, which custom is still prevalent in different parts of India. ] cf. Guj. wicht, alat. Vide LSJS 48 (PK) FORT; II
(PC), 115 (PPS) . f. 'the profession of begging grains for maintaining oneself
and the family'. 25.22. Vide LSJS 49 (PK), 116(PPS). decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the king ; lit.: "exposers
of (religious) stories". 18.12. Nom. pl. of Old Guj. a t m. < Pkt. 24,4 < Sk, TATT derived from
Sk. 41+ V . cf. Guj. 747C, 4111. decl. with (my) ear'. I 19 JTIT ! 21.8. Inst. sing. cf. Old
Guj. 7 m , Page #211

40
कपोल
कपोल
कमण्डला
कमलना
कयवार
करह
adj. belonging to or hailing from the sub-caste of Banias
called Kapola'. 30.3. decl. 'from the water-pot'. कमण्डला अमृतजलं गृहाण, पिब | 30.
14-15. This is evidently a corruption of कमण्डलोः (Abl. sing. of Sk. कमण्डलु n.), for more probably of कमण्डलात् (Abl. sing. of कमण्डल n., a Pkt, and Guj. derivative of
Sk. कमण्डलु)! decl. 'of lotuses'. कमलना भारा छोडीयई। 4.12. [ना is the Guj.
termination of Gen. pl. m.] m. praising'. केनापि भट्टेन कयवारः कृतः । ... राज्ञोपलक्षितः। 1.14-15,
अस्मिन्नवसरे विशाललोचनया कयवारं कुर्वत्या शिर आच्छादितम् । 1.15-16%; मदनभ्रमस्य कयवारः कृतः। भट्टेनोक्तम्-"अस्मत्स्वामिनः कयवारं कुरु । यथात्यागं यच्छामि ।" तेनोक्तम्-" गदनभ्नमराजानं विना अन्यस्य राज्ञः कयवारं न करोमि।" 5.II-13. The word is prevalent in Old Guj. in this sense. cf., e.g., Prācīna Phāgu Sangraha ( Prūcina Gurjara Granthamalā, No. 3), 49.16. cf. Mar. कैवार in the sense of" favouring, supporting". * does, performs'. आवासमाहि श्रीपार्श्वनाथनउ प्रासादु तिहां देवपूजा करइ । 4.16. मुहु देखी मिलिभि २ करइ ।। 26.7. 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj. and Pkt. /कर Pkt. करइ > Ap. करि> Old Guj. करि, करे >Mod. Guj., Hindi करे,
Vide करइ, करउ, करिस्यइ, करी, कीउ, कीजइ. v, will do, will perform'. सो कहि करिस्यह फज 21.13. 3rd
करि
करिस्यह

Page #212

41
करी
pers. sing. future I of Pkt. V FR < Sk. V 5. Pkt. afea < Sk. gaffeafa. cf. Guj. equivalents #2, #3, 45.
Vile me, 43, Hf, *, 3, . v. having prepared'. faci 79 at fe at cetag 14.11.
Gerund of Old Guj. / < Pkt. Va < Sk. V . the Mod. Guj. parallel form would be at, a.
Vide #k, #3, #, firar, 13, AT. decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the king ; 'trobble
players'? 18.12. Nom. pl. of Old Guj. mas.
कलहटीया
Viu
f. 'grace, favour'. 16.7; 17.14.
Vide अपकला. कविसार्वभौम adj. an epithet of Pandita Someśvara, mentioned in the
present text as a courtier of Siddharāja Jayasimha and probably the same as the well-known contemporary of Minister Vastupāla; lit. : 'a sovereign among poets,
the poet laureate'. 18.8. कवीयर
m. a type of pleasure-servants of the king; lit. : *a poet'.
18.12. This ta' appears to be the same as ' ' mentioned in the description of सभा along with लेखक, 79, faci etc. in line 20 on p. 13 of the Varnakasamuccaya. However, the exact meaning is not clear. It does not mean merely a poet'. Its lit. meaning would
be'a poet-maker'. कहि
pron. where'. fark Fra 21.13. Ap. ( also e, f 311)
< Pkt, fia, fi and Pāli apta < Sk. Afha + faa. #8775 [v.l. ] v. is called '. 7.4. 3rd pers. sing. present passive of
Old Guj. V ' to tell, to say' Page #213

कादमीनां
कार्य
काष्टकबाडिक
काष्ठकवाडी काष्ठभक्षण
किम
कीउ
की जइ
कुण

decl.
m.
adj.
n.
ind.
adj.
adj. quarrelsome and foolish'. 8.9. cf. Guj, Hindi, Mar. कबाडी. Vide काष्ठकबाडी; also vide LSJS 4g कबाडिन्, 50 कर्बाटिक (PK); 116 fea (PPS).
V.
42
pron.
Pracina Phagu Sangraha 15.30. It is prevalent in the dialects of north Guj. even now.
'of mud'. 4.13. Gen. pl. n. Old (and Mod.) Guj. of , which, in all probability, is a scribal error for Old Guj. m. mud'< Pkt. m. > Pkt. काक, काग > Old Guj. काग > Mod. Guj. काग, कागडो.
same as का कबाडिक.
'burning oneself alive'; lit.: being eaten away by wood'. 13.10; 28.12. The use of the word 8 in this sense is fairly common in Old Guj. and also to some extent in Mod. Guj. Vide, for instances, LSJS 52 (PK), 120 (PPS).
' how, why ' सो कहि करिस्यर कज्ज किम जइ विहडस्यइ कलासु ॥ 21. 13-14. Old Guj. and Ap. f< Pkt. f Page #214

कुतिगीउ
कुमरि
कृष्णचतुर्दशी
केतलउं
कोइ
को डि
कोडीनी कामधेनु
कोपकाला लिन्

m.
43
vali 2.38, 105, 106 etc. etc. cf. Mod. Guj.,, ; Hindi कुन, कौन.
same as कउतिगीया. 18.6.
f.
' a daughter, a princess. '. 7.2. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. कुमरि f. Pkt. > Old Guj. > Mod. Guj., Hindi, not only in the original m. but also extended to f. and n.
m.
decl. a crore'. 20.9. Nom. sing., pl. f. of Old Guj. e. Mod. Guj. t Page #215

BTUT
क्षपणक
क्षेत्रपाल
खग्ग-अग्गे
V खण्ड्डहल
वंधम्मि
खज्जि
खेलइ
753
m.

m.
m.
44
V.
was as powerful as the very destructive fire. 1.8.
Vide LSJS 234
(PC).
'a festival'. व्यासेन क्षणः प्रारब्धः
18.13.
cf. Mar. . Vide LSJS 13 (PC), 124 (PPS).
decl. 'in the tip of the sword'. सुहडाण खग्गि-अग्गे 31.8. अग्गे is Loc, sing. of Fkt. n. Page #216

गर्त्ता
Vगल्
गहिलडउ
गाऊ
गाला
Vide निद्रागहिलडड; also LSJS 129 ग्रथिल, 130 ग्रहिलता (PPS ) and rs ग्रथिलाचार्य ( PC ).
m. 'a distance of two miles'. 8.1. cf. Pkt., Guj. з.
nanag [v.l. a) gefegzuzaneu adj. an epithet of king Siddharāja Jayasimha of Gujarata; lit.: 'an arrow (or a thorn) for the destruction of the heart of Hammira, the master of Gajana'. 6.16. It might probably be :, which would mean a thorn (pierced) in the heart of....'.
गिरिशिखरशृङ्ग
गुफा
गूडर
madas
गोष्ठी
45
f. 'a pit (specially dug out for burying some-body alive )'. 28.20.

v. [I] 'to swallow, to eat up'. nisaq 21.20, nafa 21.
[2] to drop down'. nfaat 29.15.
cf. Guj. गळवु, गळी जनुं in both these senses.
Vide LSJS 127 (PPS) for another meaning of this root. decl. 'intoxicated, drowsy'. f 1.8. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. < Pkt. +3 (suffix) < Sk. + इल ( suffix ). cf. Mod. Guj. गहेलो- गहेलडो, घेलो-घेलडो; Hindi महिला-गहिलडा.
adj. belonging to or hailing from the village named Gāļā (in Saurāṣṭra). 31.4.
n. the top of a summit of the mount'. 29.14.
शिखर and शृङ्ग being synonymous the compound गिरिशिखरis a translation compound.
f. a cave'. 20.3.
n.
cf. Guj. . Vide LSJS 128 (PPS).
'a camp'.
f.
तत्र गत्वा हम्मीरस्य गूडरे गत्वा षोडशभिर्जनैः समं प्रविष्टाः । हम्मीरो जितः । अव गृहीतः । श्रीजयसिंहदेव - हम्मीरयो मेंलः कृतः । 2.5-7.
Vide LSJS 128 गुड्डर, गुप्तोदर and 129 गुरूदर ( PPS ) - all in the sense of'a tent'.
adj. belonging to or hailing from Godraha (mod. Godhra, the principal town of the Pañcamahāla District of Gujarāta)'. 18.5. Nom. sing. m. of Old. Guj.
da.
'conversation, chit-chatting'. 21.6. cf. Guj.

st.

Page #217

गौडिक
ग्रास
घटी
घडीया
घनतरा
घरट्ट
घरक
घांचिक
घोटक
घडकी
उरी

adj. a resident of the Gauda country'. 30.7.
m.
• land given for maintenance'. 1. 10; 26.2 cf. Guj गरास. Vide LSJS 15 (PC), 60 (PK) and 130 (PPS).
f.
— an implement to measure time ' सुवर्णमया घटी। 4.9. cf. Hindi घडी. Vide घडीया; also vide LSJS 15 घटिका ( PC ); 131 घटी / मण्ड् (PPS ) which means to begin to measure time with a clepsydra eagerly awaiting the stipulated moment'.
f.
adj. f.
decl.
46
Vide LSJS 59 (PK) and 129 ( PPS ) for another meaning.
m.
m.
same as घटी. घडीया रडइ ठबक्कडर 21.7. Nom. sing. of Pkt. घडिया, घडीया f. < Sk. घटिका f. cf Guj घडियाळ f., n.
very much, for a considerably long period of time'. अद्य राजन् ! निद्रा घनतरा ! 11.17. cf Guj. adj. घणेरी f. Vide LSJS 131 घनतर and घनम् (PPS ).
·
a jingling bell '.
रात्रौ १६ स्त्री सुवर्णघर्घरकान् करे बद्ध्वा पादौ चम्पन्ति यावता निद्रा समेति । 27.2-3. cf. Guj . घूघरो m, घूघरी f. Vide LSJS 131 (PPS ) घर्घर, घुर्धरक, घुर्धरमाला [a string of little bells ( generally tied round the neck of a bullock ) known in Guj. as घूघरमाळ ]; 61 घुर्बुर ( PK ).
m.
' an oil - man'. 22.19, 20. cf. Pkt. घंचिय; Guj घांची. 'a horse'. 15.21.
'a grinding stone'.
वैरियमुरट्टघट्ट 6.15. Nom. sing. of Old Guj घरट्ट < Pkt. घरट्ट Pkt. चउक्किया > Old Guj चउकी > Mod. Guj. चॉकी.
decl. a square enclosure especially meant for auspicious ceremonies'. 4.6. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. चउरी f. Page #218

47
चट्
v. ' to mount, to ascend, to climb'. स्वयं सण्ढी चटितः। 22.14%3B
आचाम्लिका चटित्वा 14.4,5%; घोटक ऊोऽस्ति । तेन चटित्वा 15.21%; मन्त्रिकुटम्ब सहकारे चटाप्य 17.12. cf.Guj. Vचड%Hindi Vचढ़; Mar. V चढ.
Vide LSJS 61 (FK), 132 (PPS). decl. belonging to or hailing from, i.e., king of, Candravati
(in Rajasthana)'. धारावरस चडाइलउ 18.3. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. चडाइल,
चडाइलउ
चतुःपथ
n.?
'a market place'. 15.11. cf. Guj. 13; Mar. 7614. Vide LSJS 16 (PC), 62 ( PK ), 133 ( PPS).
चतुर्मासी
f. . the four months ( of monsoon)'. तदा राजा रोषारुमो विग्रहाय
मदनभ्रमेण समं चतुर्मासीमवस्थितः । 5.14-15. cf. Guj. चातुर्मास, चोमासुं.
Vide LSJS 16 ( PC), 6r ( PK ), 132 ( PPS ) चतुर्मासक. v. 'to shampoo, to knead'.
रात्रौ १६ स्त्री स्वर्णधर्मरकान् करे बश्वा पादौ चम्पन्ति 27.2-3. cf. Apabhramsav चंध: Vide, e.g., Hemacandra, Siddhahema. sabdanusāsana, VIII. iv. 395, his Vrthi whereon quotes the following Dūhā:
चिम्प
चरणौ /पत्
पुत्ते जाएं कवणु गुणु अवगुणु कवणु मुरण । जा बप्पीकी मुंहडी चम्पिजइ अवरेण ।। cf. Guj., Mar. / चांप and substantive चंपी f.
Vide LSJS 62 (PK), 133 (PPS). v. 'to fall at the feet of'.
चरणौ पतिताः । 30.18. cf. Guj. चरणे / पड.
Vide LSJS 133 चरणयोः (नि+)/पत् , चरणयोः /लग् (PPS ). decl. — belonging to or hailing from Citroda ( mod. Cittoda
in Rājasthāna)'. 18.4. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. चीत्रउडउ.
चीत्रउडउ
Vचुक्
to be missed'. त्रिवेलं तेन सङ्केतेन पाशका चुकिता, जिता, परिणीता ।। II.21-22. cf.
Guj., Hindi, Mar. / चूक. Vide / चुक्. v. same as V चु.
तदा तोड़रं गृहीतं दर्शितं तस्यास्तदा मनश्चिन्तितपाशका चुक्किता सा । II.20.
Vचुक्त

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48
चुणगगया
चैत्राष्टमी
छगणक
छांटणां
decl. 'gone for collecting or eating (grains)'. 24.17. Nom.
pl. m. of Pkt. चुणण + गय. Pkt. चुणण is an abstract noun derived for Sk. Vचि 'to collect'. Pkt. गय is p.p.p. of
Pkt. V जा Pkt. जइ > Old Guj. जइ. cf. Guj. जो.
छोडीयई

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49
decl. 'a man'. 79 g fa 3773AR 21.9. Nom. sing. of Old
Guj. and Pkt. gut m. < Sk. gam. Also cf. Mod. Guj. and Mar. 30.
जति
go away, pass away'. ataifa 21.15. 3rd pers. pl. present of Pkt. / जा Page #221

50
जालउरउ
जालिका
जिन
decl. ' belonging to or hailing from Jalora ( in Rajasthana)'.
18.5. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. जालउरउ. f. 'a drill or trellis'.
अस्मिन्नवसरे गवाक्षे कन्याया लेखः केनाऽप्यपितः । जालिकामुद्धाट्य वाचितः। 12.10. cf. Guj. जाळी 1., जाळियुं D.
Vide LSJS 18 (PC). m. 'a Tirthankara'. 24.12.
[A Jaina technical term.]
Vide LSJS 64 जिनकल्प ( PK ). ind. 'as, like'. जिम गिरि-निझरणाई । 21.16. Ap. जिम and जिव
> Old Guj. जिम > Mod. Guj. जेम; Hindi निमि, ज्यू,
ज्याँ, ज्यों. f. 'husband's elder brother's wife'. 16.15. cf. Guj. Horft
Vide LSJS 138 ज्येष्ठ, ज्येष्ठपत्नी (PPS).
जिम
ज्येष्ठपत्नी
झकटक
Vझल्ल
झालउ
m. a quarrel, a dispute'. 27.14. cf. Pkt. ज(-झ-)गड; Guj.
झघडो; Hindi झघड़ा; Mar. झगडा.
Vide LSJS I38 झकटक, झगड (PPS); 65 झगटक ( PK). v. to catch, to hold'. यावदालिङ्गानं ददाति तावता मत्रिणा झल्लितः।
28.13-14. cf. Guj. V झाल. Vide LSJS 19 V झाल (PC). decl. belonging to or hailing from the Rajapūta tribe known
as Jhala. 18.7. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. झाल 3. cf.
Guj. झालो. v. [1]'bath is being taken, watersport is being under
taken'? तिहां खेलइ वेलइ झीलह। 4.12. 3rd pers. sing. pass. present of Old Guj. V झील 'to bathe, to undertake watersports' Page #222

ठबक्कडउ
ठालां
डङ्गरक
भ
डालक
डालाक
Vढाल्
तणइ
तहार
तलावली
ind.

decl.
m.
m.
n?
n. ?
V.
तलगड [./ तलगट ] m.
ind.
51
a Pkt. onometopoetic word for the sound made by a clock. घडीया रडइ ठबक्कडउ 21.7.
m.
' empty, useless' ठालां पोलां वाजणां आभरण ऊतरह । 5.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of Old Guj. adj. ठालुं < Pkt. ठलिय emptied '. cf. Mod. Guj. ठालं, the equivalent form also being ठालां. 'a drum'. 25.24 :
cf. Guj . डंगोरो.
(
' डङ्गरको वादित: ' is an idiomatic expression meaning
"2
" proclaimed, made a declaration ". cf. Guj. डंगोरो वगडाव्यो exactly in the same sense. Vide पटह.
'the Darbha grass."
धन्वन्तरिणा डर्भेण वट उञ्जितः इति डभोईपुरम् । 22.9. cf Guj . डाभ, डाभडो.
fa basket, especially containing flowers ( and fruits ) '. 15.19,20.
cf. Sk. डलक n., डलक n. ; Pkt. डल n., डलग n., डल्ला f. ; Guj. डालं D. डाली f.; Hindi डाला m., डाली f. ; Mar. डोली f.
Vide डालाक.
same as डालक. 15.17.
'to drop, to unfold '.
एकदा नाम आरामिणी सुखासनोपविष्टा वज्रपञ्जरं ढालयित्वा ....... नमस्करणाय समेति । 22.17 - 18.
cf. Pkt. / ढाल > Guj / ढाळ. Vide LSJS 140 V ढाल ' to pour out, to cast off ' ( PPS ).
'a pavement (of copper)'? ataas ang | 4.1.
Vide त्रांबानउ
'a police-officer
28.20 29.2. cf. Old Guj. तलार.
Vide LSJS 141 तलार, तलारक, तलारक्ष (PPS ); 67 तलारक्ष ( PK ). f. a small pond'. 4. 10; 5.6.
cf. Pkt. तलाव ; Guj. तळाव, तळावडी (Diminutive ); Hindi
तालाब.
' of ' - रायतणइ वील्हूवामणी महाप्रसादपात्र । 5.1. Old Guj termination for Genitive case in feminine. It is adjectivally related to the noun qualified taking its gender and number. cf. Mod. Guj. तणी.

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52
ताङ्गडीउ
adj. probably belonging to or hailing from certain place
called Taigada or Tangada'? 18.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. तांगडीउ.
ताम्बडीउ
adj. (1) a copper-smith or a dealer in copper-vessels ';
(2) belonging to or hailing from Trambavati (mod.
Khambhāta, Cambay) or certain other place called Tambada or Tambada'. 18.7. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. ताम्बडीउ.
तालक
n.
a lock'. 12.8. cf. Guj. arg; Hindi afl. Vide LSJS 67 (PK), 142 (PPS).
तालकंदा
तावता
तिहां
तिहां
तृणपानीयम् /मुच्
v. 'to lock'. तया तालकं दत्तम्। 12.8. cf. Guj. ताकुंदे. Vide
VET [2]; also vide LSJS 142 ( PPS ). ind. [1] ' meanwhile'. I0.21; 13.6; 14.6; 15.19; 16.1;
28.8, 10, 15; 30.10. [2] 'then, at that time'. तावता वरपरिणयनसामग्री कुर्वन्तः
सन्ति । 15.20-21; 25.12. ind. there'. 4.11, 12, 16. Old Guj. indeclinable. Sk. 07
> Pkt. तहि, तहिं, तहियं > Old Guj. तहि, तहिं, तिहां > Mod.
Guj. तहीं, तिहां, त्यहां, त्यां. v. 'to throw grass and water (in the residence of an
opponent)'. एकदा श्रीपत्तने देवमहानन्दनामा गौडिकः समेतः । चतुरशीतिपुत्तलकाश्चरणावधो बद्धाः सन्ति । सोमनाथस्य द्वारे तृणपानीयं मुक्तम् । कपाटानि दत्तानि । “यः कोऽपि वादी विद्यते स वादं करोतु । अन्यथा पशु वा तिष्ठतु ।" 30.7-9. This refers to the custom of throwing grass and water in the residence of an opponent as a challenge for dialectical disputation.
Vide LSJS I9 तृणोदकप्रक्षेप (PC). adv. ' in the meantime, during this much time'. तेतलइ
caos | 19.1. Prevalent in Old Guj.; vide, e.g., Gurjara
rashvali 6.109. cf. Pkt. तेत्तिल, तित्ति; Ap. तेत्तुल; Guj. तेटले. n. a head-ornament, probably something like a tassel'.
तस्या नृत्यन्त्याः शिरसश्चम्पकपुष्पतोडरं त्रीडितम् । पतता तस्या नूपुरं भग्नम् । राज्ञा तोडरं नूपुरं भन्नं गृहीतम्। II.12-13, 20; 22.12. cf. Desi तोडर 'a tassel'; Old and Mod. Guj. टोडर in the same sense. Vide LSJS 65 टोडर (PK).
तेतलइ
.
तोडर

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53
निहुँ
- ब्रांबानउ [v... नावानु] decl. ' of copper'. ब्रांबान उ तलगट्ट। 4.1, नउ and नु are Old
Guj. terminations for Genitive sing. m. Sk. ताम्र n.>Pkt. तंब n. > Old. and Mod. Guj. बांबु n. 'copper'. Vide
तलगट्ट. adj. 'three' अश्वपति-गजपति-नरपति-त्रिह रायनउ आंबलउ। 6.15-16.
Old Guj. त्रिहुं, त्रिहु, त्रिहउं Page #225

Ap. दिण m. n. Page #226

देह
afe
दोरक
द्रम्म
द्वय
fat
धम्म
धरावद्द छह
धवलगृह
55
n. ' body'. मुखं वानर्या देहं स्त्रिया: 29.11; तावन्मात्रं मनुष्यमयं देहम् 29.15-16. A gender peculiarity.
Vide LSJS 69 (PK), 148 (PPS).
[I] decl.:
[2] verb:

m.
m.
n.
decl.
' in the body', i.e., fa 4.15-16. tion for Loc. sing.]
n.
"
gives, offers'. When taken in this sense, in the same sentence it becomes 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj. Vदे < Sk. V दा; thus देहि देव हि for इ may also be meant for emphasis.
in himself'. naked fan z ¶¶¶ ['body' + Old Guj. termina
' a string'. 9.1; 14.11, 15, 16. cf. Guj. a, a; Hindi डोरा; Mar. डोर, डोरा.
f.a sheet of cloth worn over the shoulders'.
13,14; 13.13.
Here the reference is to that worn by ladies. cf. Guj. दुपट्टो, Hindi, Mar. दुपट्टा.
Vide LSJS 69 (PK).
a principal coin (current in ancient and mediæval India). 29.1; 30.12. cf. Guj.,, etc.; Greek Drachme' and Persian Dirham'. Vide Rufa ; also vide LSJS 21 (PC), 69 (PK), 149 (PPS). 'both'.11.16. This is a peculiar usage of the vocable, because what is meant by the sentence is that both went to their respective residences'.
4
religion, piety'. 21.17. Acc. sing. of Pkt. m. < Sk. m.
V.
' is possessing '. जागे पांचदंडीउं छत्र धरावइ छइ ! 10 7-8 घरावर is 3rd pers. sing. pres. of Old Guj. √ < Pkt. √ Page #227

vafa
'नइ
इकारि
'न उ
नहीं
F
नाचगर
नाद
नियंतउ
निझरणाई
निद्राग हिलडड

f.
ind.
decl.
adj. f. surpassing'.
decl.
56
' sound'. शङ्खध्वनिः श्रुता ।
decl.
A gender peculiarity. cf. Hindi af f.
decl.
'of'. 6.12. Old Guj. termination for Genitive case conjoined with Loc., the corresponding Mod. Guj. one being ने. Thus राजबीजदण्डकनइ संतानि = in the progeny of Rāja, Bija and Dandaka.
27.5.
अहिल्या - अरुन्धती - सती- तारा-मन्दोदरीनइकारि 7.1.
' of ' स्त्रीनउ परिहारु । 4.14; श्रीपश्विनाथनउ प्रासादु 4.16; रायनउ 6.16; शासननउ 6.17 ; राउनउ राउ 6.17 ; etc., etc. Old Guj. Gen. sing. m. termination, wherefrom has come down the Mod. Guj. termination .
m. pride'.
यदि युद्धं कर्तुं कामोऽस्ति केनाऽपि मुरो न मोडितः स्कन्धखज्जिर्नाऽपनीता नादो aka: 7.13-15. cf. equivalent idiomatic Guj. expression ' नाद उतारवो'.
'not'. 4.16. Prevalent in Old and Mod. Guj. and Hindi; Sk. a.
" of'.: -22.7; 6.6; etc., etc. A declension of ਸਤ.
a type of pleasure-servants of the king; lit.: 'dancers'. 18.12. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. a. Guj. (and several modern Indian languages) < Pkt. Guj झरणां; Hindi झरणे. an epithet of king Paramadi of Kalyan kotipura, i.e., Paramarddin of Kalyāņa (1076-1127 A.D.); lit.: in

Page #228

57
निस् +/काश
निस् + /कास्
toxicated with sleep'. 1.8. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. गहिलड Pkt. पक्खाउज्ज n. > Old Guj. पखवाज, पखाज f. cf. Guj. पखाज, पखवाज f.; Hindi पखावज f.; Mar. पखवाज m. Vide LSJS 155 पखाउज, पखाउजी (PPS).
नी
पखाज
पगथीआ[...
]रां decl. 'the flight of steps for going down in a pond or a
lake'. चंद्रयोत्स्ना तलावली । पगथीमारां सारूआर। वरंडी उदार । 4.10. cf. Guj. पगथियो n. pl., पगथार m., पगथारियां n. pl.
पञ्चदण्डियक
adj. 'possessing five handles'. पञ्चदण्डियकं छत्रं कृतम् । 17.15.
The five-handled royal umbrella of Vikramāditya, which is referred to here, is described as under in an anonymous Old Guj. poem called Pañcadanda-catushadi dated V. S. 1556 (=1500 A.D.): " पांचइ दंडक रीते छत्र, सासू नीपायुं ते छत्र; मेघाडंवर तेहनूं नाम, जोतां दीसइ अति अभिराम. मणि, माणिक, मोति गुण घणी, जाली ओपई तिहां अति घगी: तिहां हीरामाणिक, अति सार, वितपति दीसह अति हि उदार. वाडिवावि तणा आकार, पदम सरोवरना अवतार; तेहमाहिई पंकजमणि वृन्द देखी आणई सहू आणंद. मोती रत्न तणां झूमणां लहलहतां दीसइ अति घणां%B सात हाथ फिरतु विस्तार चउ पखेरि छिइ फिरतु हार".
--Verses IoT-104 of Adesa V: p. 74 of Buddhiprakasa Vol. 79 (1932 A.D.) where the work is edited by Dr. B. J. Sandesara. The name of the umbrella is given

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58
पटह
there as Meghadambara as is evident from verse 101.
Vide पांचदंडिक, पांचदंडीउ, पांचदंडीया. m. a drum'. 17.5, 8.
cf. Pkt. पडहो; Old Guj. पडह; Mod. Guj. पडो. [पटहो वादितः at the first reference is an idiomatic ex. pression meaning "proclaimed, made a declaration". cf. Guj. पडो वगडाव्यो exactly in this sense.]
Vile डङ्गरक. n. 'a fine or silken garment'. प्रतोली-कटकान्तराले द्वयोः पार्श्वयोः
पट्टकूल यवनिका बद्धा। 8.2. cf. Old Guj. पटउल; Mod. Guj. पटकूळ, पटोईं. Vide पट्टलक; also vide LSJS 24 ( FC.), 72
(PK), 156 (PPS). m. probably same as पट्टकूल. कृष्ण चतुर्दशीदिने गोमयमण्डलोपरि
पहलकानू मुक्त्वा दण्डं पूजयित्वा बलि कृत्वा .. ...14.10-II. cf. Old Guj. पटउल n.; Mod. Guj. पटोढुं n. — a kind of fine silk garment worn by women', which may be regarded to have been derived from Sk. पटोल n. ' a kind of cloth'.
पटकूल
पट्टलक
पतितात्वय
m.
'a non-believer in Jainism'? तत्र पतितात्वया वतिनां पार्थात् मुण्डपार्थात् द्रम्मपञ्चकं सीमायां गृहन्ति । 30.12-13, पतितात्वयानां भारत्या प्रोक्तम् । I7; पतितात्वयैः श्रीदेवपत्तनमध्ये तस्य द्रव्येण चतुर्विंशतिपौषधशालाः कारिताः। 312-3. [The exact meaning of this vocable is not clear. Should it be qfaarz4? In that case the term would mean of ignoble birth, a low-born one'. The Ms., however, clearly reads त्व at all the three places.]
पद्महस्त
m. lit.: 'a lotus-like hand'. 25.3. राज्ञः पुरोहितेन यशोधरेण द्वौ
सुतौ खीमधर-देवधरौ पठनाय तत्र मुक्तौ । गुरुभिः पद्महस्तो दत्तः । दक्षी जातौ । 25.2-3. [The normal usage in Sk. would be हस्तपश्च, but here the order is inverted just as in Pkt. In all probability this refers to the Padmahasta posture of the Nātyaśāstra implying bestowing of blessings. ]
Vide LSJS 24 (PC), 73 (PK). decl. in the breast(s)'. महिलाण पयोहरे लच्छी 31.9.
Loc. sing. of Old Gaj. and Pkt. पयोहर m. Page #230

59
परिना.
परि + /नी
Paramarddin of Kalyana (1076-1127 A.D.); lit.: 'abode of great prosperity'. 1.8. Old Guj. fifa f.
< Pkt. रिद्धि f. < Sk. ऋद्धि f. cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. रिद्धि. decl. 'of a fairy'? परीच्छती परिना परमहंस ! 6.6. Gen. pl. of
address of Old Guj. परि f. ना is Old and Mod. Guj. termination for Gen. pl. The vocable परि-परी in this
sense is of Persian origin. v. (causal ) · to marry, to wed'.
परिणपय 17.9%8 परिणापयिष्यामि 17.10. cf. Guj. /परणाव; the first reference would be translated
into Guj. as 'परणाव' and the second as 'परणावीश'. decl. 'abandonment'. मदनभ्रमरायहई बिहुँ स्त्रीनउ परिहारु। 4.14.
Nom. sing. of Old Guj. परिहार m. < Pkt. परिहार m. Page #231

60
पाणिगीत
पादम् +अव +
पामर
n. probably' a song accompanied by clappings of hands',
such as the Garabă of Gujarāta. 28.10. v. 'to give the pleasure of one's company, to honour by
one's presence at'. प्रसादं कृत्वा पादमवधारयन्तु, वादिनं जयन्तु । 30.18-19. cf. Old Guj. Vपाउधार; Mod. Guj. V पधार. Vide LSJS74 ( PK ), 161 (PPS); also 157 पदम् + अव+
Vधृ (PPS) and 25 पादौ + अव + Vधृ (PC). adj. 'poor'. 31.7.
Vide LSJS 25 ( PC), 162 ( PPS); also 74 पामरी (PK). ind. [1] 'through'.
मत्रिणा सखीपार्थात् राजा विज्ञापितः। 5.16, 22.13; 28.20. [2] ' from'. तत्र पतितात्वया वतिनां पार्थात् मुण्डपार्धात् द्रम्म
पञ्चकं सीमायां गृह्णन्ति । 30.11-12. cf. Mod. Guj, पासे, पासेथी (in both these senses) < Old Guj. पासि, पासिं Page #232

पुत्तलिका
पुपुष्य
पुफ
पुष्क
पूतली
पृष्टि
पृष्टिः V लग्
पतारु

f.
n.
n.
f.
n.
'a flower'. पुफडालाकग्रहणे योग्यं मदाकं वा हित्रं राजानं चकार । I5.17. This word is prevalent in Old Guj.; Vide, eg., Prācina Phagu Sangraha (Pracina Gurjara Granthamālā No. 3 ) ; 9.27ab :
61
v.
same as पुत्तलक. 9.1; 28.13.
cf. Pkt. पुत्तलिआ f.; Old Guj पूतली f. [eg Gurjarardsāvalī, 1.326, 333; 5.40]; Mod. Guj. पूतळी f.; Hindi पुतली f.; Mar. पुतळी f. Vide पूतली.
'a turban'?
decl.
भवाईयात्रायां राजा नृत्यति । मन्त्री पखाजं वादयति । जगद्देवेन पुपुष्यमुत्तार्य मन्त्रिणे दत्तम् | 2.1 -2.
मस्तक पुफना मुगट रचीया,
कुबजार क्रिष्णनि चंदन चरच्यां
Old Guj. पुफ < Pkt. पुष्फ < Sk. पुष्प. Vide पुष्फ.
same as पुफ. 22.12; 30.4.
cf. Pkt. पुष्फ < Sk. पुष्प.
'a doll, a statue'.
f.
' the back'. राज्ञः पृष्टौ खजिरायता । तत् एकया वध्वा कथितम् । " नामल ! पृष्टिं खण्डहलय ।" 23. 5-6 cf. Skt. पृष्ठिका f. > Pkt. get f., fat f., at f. > Old Guj. ff., > Mod. Guj. पूठ f., पूंठ f., पीठ f.; Hindi पीठ f.; Mar. पाठf.
सुवर्णमया षोडशवर्षीया पूतली १६ । 4.2.3. cf Old Guj - पूतली; Mod. Guj. पूतळी; Hindi पुतली; Mar. पुतळी. Vide पुत्तलक, पुत्तलिका.
Vide, पृष्टि: Vलग् ; also vide LSJS 165 पृष्टि, पृष्ठि, etc. (PPS ); 26 पृष्ठि (PC).
'to go behind, to pursue (with a hostile intention), to chase' समीपे गत्वा वलिताः । ताभिः समं श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य अश्वाः पृष्टिर्लग्नाः पूर्वदिशि प्रतोत्यां प्रविष्टाः । 8.4-5. cf. Guj. Vपूंठे लाग. Vide पृष्टि; also vide LSJS 26 पृष्ठे / लग्, पृष्ठलग्न ( PC.); 76 पृष्ठलग्न ( PK. ); 165 पृष्ठे (ठौ) / लग्, पृष्ठिलग्न, पृष्टिधावित
( PPS ).
'an elephant-driver'. 18.10. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. पोतार. The word is prevalent in Old Guj. literature in the forms पतार, पुंसार, पूंतार, पोहोतार and पोहोतार. Vide, veg., Kesavadāsa's Srikyşņalīlākāvya, XVIII. 30 :

Page #233

पोला
ATTI
gnet-V2
प्रति
प्रतो ली
" कुवलापीड पाडी ताड्यो तेणे, पोंहोतार उतारी हर्षे हणे; दंत काढी वाढी सूंढ्य घसी, जन करता 'जय जय जय ' हसी." Also vide Sāņdesară B. J.: Paūntāra-Püntāra' (Guj.)
in Budddhiprakāśa, September 1948. decl. 'hollow, useless, empty show'.
grat tot ar 37/HTU 775 5.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of Old and Mod. Guj. adj. 95 probably derived from
Pkt. 1. f. 'a Jaina monastery'. 31.2.
[ A Jaina technical term. )
Vide LSJS 26 (PC), 77 (PK), 166 (PPS). v. to give audience, to make a public appearance'. 5.4.
cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. 4 val. ind. for'. qat afa apa: 1 22.6.
[Used peculiarly in this sense under dialectical influ
ence. ] f. 'a gate'. 8.2, 5; 9.1; 29.3. Vide LSJS 27 (PC), 77
(PK), 167 (PPS). decl. 'a temple'. 4.16. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. s1912 m.
< Pkt. & Sk, SH m. m.? 'a day'? "Tax gat feri 677 focal q$0741" ...
राजा न जयति । एको दिवसो जातः । द्वितीय दिनमप्यभवत् । तस्य रात्रौ तस्मिन् पाटके गत्वा विलोकितम् । सहर्षा वदम्ति । "राज्ञो विभाते हारिर्भfacufat." 10.17-20. Subhasilagamin, in his Vikramaditya-vikramacaritra-caritra, uses faar ' 'three times' for g -vide OI Ms. no. 12407 fol. 235*, lines 2-3. Pürşacandrasûri, in his Pañcadandacchatraprabandha, employs '779794 ' which may perhaps mean three rounds'-vide OI Ms. no. 2376, fol.19 line 11. Rāmacandrasűri, in his Pañcadandātapalraprabandha, does not give any such specification and simply puts the condition of defeating the girl-vide OI Ms. no. 2111, fol. 2% line 5. The meaning of our vocable
fi is not clarified by these usages. The context in our text implies that the sense intended there is that of a day' and not either of a time' or 'an inning'.
प्रासादु
फलहक

Page #234

फोफलीउ decl. (1) 'a trader in betel-nut'. Guj. 1776 < Old Guj.
1965 < Pkt. 104 < Sk. 9197; [2] belonging to or hailing from a place called
Phophala or Phophaliā'. 18.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. 3. cf. Guj.
फोफळियो. बइंकार
decl. 'a songster'. 18.11. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. FR,
7917. (Vide, e.g., Varnakasamuccaya (Prācina Gurjara Granthamālā--4), 49.16.] Vide LSJS 27 (PC), 169 (PPS) where the term apart is used in Sanskrit, while it is known to be prevalent
in Old Guj., Ap. and Pkt. बधिरसरस्वती adj. a title of the Jaina pontiff Pradyumnasūri, who was
a senior contemporary of Siddharāja Jayasimha and grand-preceptor of Acărya Hemacandra; lit.: Deaf
Sarasvati, Goddess of Learning'. 24.8. ATTITAITU (v. l. artist & GITTIS) decl. an officer protecting the city-gates';
lit. : 'the servant (attending) at the gate'. 3.3. cf. Guj. t in the sense of a door, a gate'. Nom. sing.
m. of Old Guj. बारोउलग. cf. Desi ओलग्गा; Pkt. ओलग्ग; Old Guj. n; Old Mar. tan, 9121, altaz, afet; Mod. Guj. ओळग: Kannada ऊळिग; Mar. ओळगणे. Vide LSJS 34 वार 'a gate'(PC 29.28 ); 106 377 'service' ( PPS 79.1-6, 112.26-29, 115.22-24); 114 3 SITT service' (PPS 53.33 ); 115 T service' (PPS 54.13); 149 atas
(PPS 25.7, 8); 171 7771913 (PPS 24.32). बाद्यबाद्यग्राम
m. 'a village other than or distant from one's own place'.
28.6. cf. Guj. qattia. बाह्ये
ind. 'outside'.
195ý 977 ate RA ? 8.10;
91 92 al of HET I 12.4-5. [The peculiarity of this usage is that this vocable does not depend on any noun for its existence and adverbially
occurs quite independently. ] n. 'a title'. 20.7, 20; 25.8.
cf. Guj. Arz. Vile LSJS 79 facz (PK); 28 (PC), 79 (PK), 171 (PPS) fare.
बिरद

Page #235

64
decl.
of two, of both'. 65AIR fag atas furs 1 4.14. Gen. Obl. of Old Guj. fa < Pkt. fa < Sk. fa. Vide, e.g., Gurjararāsāvali 1.84, 291, 674; 2.345; 3.115; 6.344, 347; also Varna kasamuccaya 137.7 fai Tift and 137.14 faz #
on both sides', where the aspiration of a to may be regarded either for emphasis or due to the influence of the Gen. Obl, form fàg. cf. Old Guj. a' two', as both'; Mod. Guj. a, 3.
बीटक
n. 'a roll of betel-leaf'. 11.14, 21. cf. Guj. etj; Hindi
बीडा m.; Mar. बिडा m. Vide बीटकं /दा, बीटकं याच ; also vide LSJS 28 (PC), 79 (PK), 171 (PPS); also 28 til f.( PC ).
ez V1
v.
to permit to bid adieu '. aft alfa 1 Tafal 13.11. [ This has reference to the custom of offering a roll of betel-leaf to a person bidding good-bye. ] Vide aften, to vanq; also vide LSJS 172 (PPS).
बीटकं याच
वेनाइए
decl.
भट्ट
m.
to seek permission for bidding adieu'. eftcs faa 13.11. Vide aftra, atzá Vat; also vide LSJS 172 (PPS).
in Bennādaa'. 24.16. Loc, sing. of Pkt. aas34 < Sk. dala, 'an ancient town on the bank of the river Bennā in the south', which, though difficult to identify, is connected with certain historical personages, as is evident from the references in the Agama literature of the Jainas. 'a bard'. 1,14; 5.10, II. cf. Guj. 1. Vide LSJS 80 (PK), 173 (PPS); also 58 114942 (PK), 173 Haya (PPS). belonging to or hailing from Bhadūacha (mod. Bharūca or Broach in South Guj.)'. 18.9. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. 95313 < Sk. 45* < hy. cf. Guj. Het and Hindi HIST, a surname meaning' belonging to or hailing from Broach'.
one who lives on vulgar joking and acting'. 18.13. cf. Guj. His.
#7433
decl.
adj.

Page #236

भयं कृ
भरटक
Vभलू
भवादयात्रा
भव्य
भाटके V ग्रहू
भारा
भेटा
भेट्टा [.1 भेटा ]
भेडी
मगउडीउ
V मचकोड्
9

v.
'to be alarmed'.
भयं मा कुरु । 14.22.
m.
a contemptuous term for a Saiva ascetic'. 29.18. cf. Guj. भरडो.
Vide LSJS 80 (PK ), 173 (PPS ).
v.
( causal) 'to entrust or consign to the care of . तदा राजा राज्यं मत्रिणे भलाप्य निर्गतः । 12.4. cf. Guj / भळाव. Vide LSJS 80 ( PK ).
f. a vulgar type of drama'.
भवाइयात्रायां राजा नृत्यति । मन्त्री पखाजं वादयति । जगद्देवेन पुपुष्यमुत्तार्य मणेि दत्तम् । 2.1 -2 cf. Guj, Mar. भवाई.
adj.
V.
decl.
65
f.
f.
' excellent'. 13.7.
' to hire on rent'. भाडे Vs. For भाटक cf. Guj भाडु; vide LSJS 173 (PPS).
cf. Guj . भलुं. Vide LSJS 173 ( PPS ). भाटके वध्वा गृहीतम् | 16.15. cf Guj Hindi भाडा; Mar. भाडें;
' bundles'. कमलना भारा छोडीयई । of Old Guj. Mod. Guj. भारा.
'a present'.
मुद्रारस्नद्वयं दत्तम् | एक भेटायां द्वितीयं भोजनार्थम् । 22.20-21; आरामिकेन किंशुकपुष्पाणि सहकारमञ्जरीद्वयं भेटायां कृतम् | 28.16.
cf. Desi भिट्ट, भिट्टा; Guj, Hindi, Mar. भेट f. Vide भेट्टा; also vide LSJS 175 (PPS).
4.12. Nominative pl. भारो m. Sk. भाराः > Pkt. भारा > Old and Vide LSJS 174 भार ( क ), भारिका ( PPS ).
same as भेटा. 7.12 cf. Desi मिट्टा; Guj, Hindi, Mar. भेट f. decl. 'belonging to or hailing from certain place called Bheladi, probably the village of that name situated near Nom. sing. m. of Old equivalent would
Disă in North Guj.'. 18.5,7. Guj. भेलडीउ. The Mod. Guj भेलडियो.
be
decl. belonging to or hailing from a place called Magaudi, probably modern Magodi near Dahegama in Sabarakāņṭhā district of Guj.'. 18.4. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. मगउडीउ. The Mod. Guj. equivalent would be मगोडियो.
V.
' to twist, to distort, to turn aside पतन्त्या मुखं मचकोडितम् । 22.19. cf. Guj / मचकोड.

लीलूनाम्न्या चरणौ

Page #237

मणूयाक
मण्ड्
मदनश्रम यहई
मदाक
मध्ये
V मन्

65
Vide V मुचकोट्, V मुद्.
m.
f a personage, a man ' ' प्रमुखसभासीनपवित्रभंड मणूयाकप्रभृतिसभायां .... 18.13. cf Sk. मनुज ( क ) >Pkt मणुअ > Ap मय > Old Guj . मणूअ मणूय.
' to set up, to start
v.
विवाहारम्भो मण्डितः 13.9;
अस्मिन्नवसरे केनापि इन्द्रजालिना नाटकं मण्डितम् । अकाले आम्रः फलितः प्रकटीकृतः । 17.1-2 cf. Old Guj / मंड; Mod. Guj., Mar. V गांड; Kanarese माडु 'to do'. Vide LSJS 81 ( PK ), 176-7 (PPS).
decl. “ of king Madanabhrama' मदनभ्रमरायहहूं बिहुं स्त्रीनउ परिहारु 4.14. [ हुई is Oid Guj termination of Genitive case.] Vide हूइं .
adj. proud, intoxicated'; lit.: moving tortuously out of pride or intoxication'. पुफडालाकग्रहणे योग्यं मदाकं वाहित्रं राजानं चकार । 15.17, सरउपकण्ठे दण्डकं डालकं पुष्पाणां मदाकं वाहिश्रं मुक्त्वा मध्ये गता सा । 18-19. Probably from Sk. मद + / अक्.
ind.
' inside ' मध्ये नीयन्ते | 12.5; कन्या मध्येऽस्ति । 12.9; द्विपटी मध्ये विस्मृता । 12.11; अन्नार्थं गतः मध्ये | 13.4-5; 15.19; 25.15; 26.1; 29.17.
[This is a peculiar usage inasmuch as the vocable is employed independently, as an indeclinable, and does not rely at all upon any noun or pronoun for its existence. ]
( causal )
[ 1 ] ' to agree, to consent'.
" त्वं मत्पत्नी भव ।" " अहं तदा भवामि यदा ममाsपमानं कोपि न यच्छति ।" मानितम्, पत्नी कृता । 22.14-16.
[ 2 ] ' to admit . झकटको जातः । श्रीजयसिंहपार्श्वे आगतौ । न मानितम्। 27.14-15.
[ 3 ] ' to conciliate, to reconcile'. तथा ज्ञातं राजा मनापनाय समेष्यति । अन्यदिने राजा समागतः । सर्वेऽपि मिलिताः सन्मानिता आकारिताः । तैर्मानितम् | 16.18 - 20; पतितात्वयानां भारत्या प्रोक्तम् । " गुरवो मनाप्यन्तु । " 30.17.
[4] ' to take a religious oath before a deity in order to propitiate the same'.
यदा त्वं दिग्यात्रायां चलितः तदा मया डभोईया पार्श्वनाथस्य मानितं

Page #238

यत् मम सुतः कुशलेन समेष्यति तदा श्रीपार्श्वनाथं नत्वा पश्चात् पत्तनमध्ये
Africa | 22.4-6. cf. Guj., Hindi VAT and causal ✓ hata in all these senses. Vide LSJS 177-178 (PPS).
मलकर
m. 'a wrestler' (as a type of pleasure-servants of the
king). 18.12. The term 'A' is prevalent in Old Guj. and Ap. in two senses viz. 'a wrestler' and ' a garlard'. Vide Prācina Phāgusangraha 14.25, 19.30 and Gurjararāsāvali 1.571 for its use in the sense of a wrestler' and Sandeśarāsaka 135 and Gurjararāsävalī 3.64, 5.10 for its use in the sense of a garland'. In the present context the words 'मलकर' and 'मालकर' appear side by side and therefore the former is taken by us in the former sense and the latter in the latter sense.
Vide A127. महणाष्टमी
f. This appears to be equivalent to hate t, which would
evidently mean the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Āśvina', the holy day for the worship of goddess Durgā. B i nataafa i HEUTTOITIH
7185914 I 5.4-5. Vide šareift. महिलाण
decl. of women'. HETT T167 as 31.9. Gen. pl. of Pkt. Heat f. < Sk.
H f. Pkt. AfETU = Sk. HSTAH. महीयजइ decl. 'on the surface of the earth’. EIE ARTIE 25.19.
This is evidently a scribal corruption of Pkt. petet,
which is Loc. sing. of Pkt. Hetq n. < Sk. netan. Alfor# [ v. l.°40, oft* m. [1] 'a pillar of victory';
[2] 'an auspicious pillar erected in the pavi
lion specially prepared for the performance of certain auspicious ceremonies such as the
sacred thread and marriage ceremonies'.
Aforja agafti 4.1. cf. Guj. AlotPÜH. मारव
adj. "an inhabitant of the Maru land or Māravāda'. 28.18.
Vide LSJS 83 (PK ), 181 (PPS ).
मालकर
m. 'a florist'; lit. :' a garland-maker' (as a type of plea
sure-servants of the king). 18.12. [The term 'ATE is prevalent in Old Guj, in the sense of a garland'.

Page #239

मालिणी
(Page #240

Vमुट्
v. (causal) 'to twist, to distort, to turn aside'. मुख
मोटितम् 22.22-23. cf. Pkt. Vमोड; Ap. /मोड [ vide, e.g., Sandesarāsaka 25°: अरु अंगु मोडइ | and 68°: पउ मोडवि]; Old Guj. /मोड [vide, e.g., Varnakasamuccaya 90.14 मोडइ, also 118.22, 163.6]; Guj., Hindi, Mar. (मुख) Vमोड. Vide /मचकोड्, Vमुचकोट, मोड्; also vide LSJS 30 मुखमोटना f. (PC), 182 मुखमोटन n. ( PPS ).. 'an individual'; lit.: a head'. तत्र पतितात्वया वतिनां पाश्चात् मुण्डपार्थात् द्रम्मपञ्चकं सीमायां गृह्णन्ति । 30.12-13. Vide LSJS 183 (PPS) मुण्ड[ण्डि ]क n. 'a tax levied per head, especially at places of pilgrimage', which is known in Guj. as
मूडकुं, मुंडकुं. m. a Muslim'; lit.: 'a Mughal'. मुदलभयेन विदेशे गतौ वलमानौ
गौडदेशे कामरूपे प्राप्तौ । 25.3-4.
मुद्गल
मुद्रा
मुद्रारत्न
मुर[v.l. मरह]
The word is used here in the general sense of a Muslim' or 'a foreign invader'. Vide LSJS 84 ( PK 109. 17-18) and 183 ( PPS 80.12%3B
85.10 ) for a similar use of the word. f. — the coinage-dye'. मुद्रापरावर्तों जज्ञे । 29.1.
Vide मुद्रारत्न; also vide LSJS 183 ( PPS ) for another
peculiar sense of this vocable. n. 'a jewel-coin, a jewel current as a coin'. मुद्वारत्नद्वयं
दत्तम् । एक भेटायां द्वितीयं भोजनार्थम् 1 22.20-21.
Vide मुद्रा. m. 'pride'. वैरिरायमुरघरट्ट 6.15; यदि युद्धं कर्नुकामोऽस्ति केनाऽपि मुरहो
न मोडितः......7.14. The word is prevalent in Ap. and Old Guj. in the forms मरट्ट and मरट. Vide, e.g., गजोल्लिय-तणु परिसेसिय-पवर-मरदृउ-Apabhram sapāthāvali 4.55 ( Tihuyana Sayambhu's Balapanhu); Varnakasamuccaya 69.18: किरि कंदर्प तणउ मरह, 183.17: तरु[ण] तणां भांजइ मरह, 203.1: मनि मेल्हिय मरट माण, अरिअण मानह आण. cf. Guj. मरड. Vide
मुरघरट्ट adj. ' destroyer of pride'; lit.: 'a grinding stone for the
___pride'. वैरिरायमुरघरह 6.15. Vide मुर, घरट्ट, वैरिरायमुरघर. decl. 'face'. मुहु देखी मिलिमि २ करइ। 26.7. Acc. sing. Ap. of
Pkt. मुह Page #241

decl. 'me'. a ITTE I 21.8. Acc. sing. of Old Guj. first
personal pron., being an Old Guj. equivalent of Sk. A14
and Pkt. #. v. to die'.
FT 14.21. This grammatical peculiarity is significant inasmuch as this very form is very common in Pkt. as well as both Guj. and Mar.
Vide LSJS 184 Hpa (PPS 6.28 ) and af (PPS 84.9). m. 'a reconciliation'. ithafarna: H:1 2.7;
all Ugåst 51a: 1 8.5-6. cf. Guj., Mar. #a; Hindi aa.
Vide LSJS 85 (PK). v. are being placed'. faci zmiar fie #eetag i 4.11.
3rd pers. pl. passive present of Old Guj. VE < Pkt. V (also VE) to place, to put'. cf. Guj., Hindi Vi exactly in this sense.
मेल
मेल्हीयई
Vमोड
मोढ
यक्षकर्दम
v. to twist, to distort', i.e., 'to break', Farsta a
Alfa:..... 7.14. cf. Pkt., Guj., Hindi, Mar. V HE. Vide vyt; also vide LSJS 30 entzat f. (PC), 182 genza n. (PPS), 185 hiza n. (PPS). Also vide LSJS
30 (PC) for another meaning. m. 'a surname of oil-men'. HTf Alchemataifauna -
AlF41.., 22.18-19. cf. Guj. . Vide Varnakasamuccaya 204.24 where his is mentioned as one of the 84 jñātis
or sub-castes. m. 'a fragrant ointment consisting of camphor, agallo
chum, musk, kakkola and saffron'. 4.11. [Vide Amarakośa II. vi. 133: ' TIYE ETTER 47:1'] The word is prevalent in Old Guj. also; vide, e.g., Varnakasamuccaya 28.2-3 Set TU FAT, FER पोतां दीधा छइं.
Vide LSJS 85 (PK). f. 'a curtain'. 8.2; 28.9. v. 'to ask for, to beg'.
9197 1.13; May: 2.2. [A grammatical peculiarity.)
lafat
0[ v. l. Vयाच

Page #242

यावता
यावता... तावता
योग्य
रउलाणी
रङ्गाचार्य
रडद्द
रणव[ . . भट्ट
V// रम्
रमीयइ
राउ

ind [1]
adv.
adj.
m.
when '.
m.
[2] 'till'.
71
14.12; 27.3.
decl.
27.3.
' as soon as, no sooner than '.
यावता सकलं करोति तावता राजा दोरकं त्रोटयित्वा 14.15-16; यावदालिङ्गनं ददाति तावता मन्त्रिणा झलितः । 28.13-14.
Vide LSJS 186 (PPS).
' meant for '.
लक्षत्रयं कबुलिका योग्यं दत्तम् | 1.16;
६५ पञ्चषष्टिमयोऽयं पण्डितः । तव योग्यः । 14-9-10;
Vide LSJS 186 (PPS. 111.21-22, 23, 24, 26, 27; 112. 7). f. 'a female anchorite, probably belonging to the anchorite community popularly known in North Guj. as Rāvalas or Rāvaliyas'. 20.6; 21.2, 21, 23. cf. Guj. रावळाणी.
'a stage-director', mentioned here among the pleasureservants of the king. 18.13.
v. [I]
...
राज्ञा फलं गलितम् । मुष्टी रउलाणीयोग्या दत्ता । 21.20 21. cf. Guj . जोग, जोगुं.
?
I weeps, cries'. 26.4. 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj• and Pkt. 1 / रड ' to weep' < Sk. V रट्. Pkt. रडइ = Sk. रटति. Also cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. Vरड.
[2]
' sounds, rings' घडीया रडइ ठबक्कड 21.7 3rd pers. sing present of Old Guj and Pkt. / रड 'to sound, to ring' < Sk. / रट्. Pkt. रडइ = Sk. रटति. commandership on the field of battle दीयताम् । कस्य रणव[ ७.८. °भ ]हः क्रियते ? 7. 10. cf. Guj. रणवट.
युद्धाय आदेशो
v.
' to play ' गवाक्षे सांऊ- सुशीलाभ्याम् आन्धावेधे रमन्तीभ्यां दिनत्रयं जातम् । 5.18. [A grammatical peculiarity.]
V.
' plays or sports are being undertaken' कादमी रमीयइ । 4. 12. 3rd pers. sing. passive present of Old Guj / रम < Pkt. Vरम < Sk. Vरम्. The form in question is equivalent to Sk. रम्यते.
'a king'. राउनउ राउ | 6.17; न दीठउयु राउ ! 10.7. Nom. sing of Old Guj राज m. < Ap. राउ m. < Pkt. राओ m.

Page #243

राउल
राजपाटिका
राणउ
राणा
राणाक

m.
f.
decl.
m.
72
< Sk. राजा m. This vocable is fairly prevalent in Old Guj.; vide, e.g., Gurjararāsāvalī page 293 for copious references in that text cf. Mod. Guj., Mar. राव and the title ' राव साहेब '.
[ 1 ] 'a Rājaputa chief '.
गजराउल 5. cf.
समरसी राउल 18.3, कान्हडदेराउल 4, Guj. रावळ (eg बाप्पारावळ ), राओल (e.g. महाराओल of Kaccha ). VideLSJS 188 ( PPS ); also 31 ( PC ), 87 ( PK ) राजकुल.
[2] • belonging to a community of anchorites populary called Ravaļas or Rāvaliyās in North Guj.' 20. 3,12. Cf. Guj. रावळ.
— a royal procession'. I0.3.
[ In Old Guj. the word रायबाडी - रयवाडी is commonly used in the sense of a royal procession'. In the dialect of North Gujarāta the word tat, a derivative of this, is often heard'.]
Vide LSJS 31 (PC) राजपाटिका, 87 (PK ) राजपाटी, 188 (PPS ) राजपाटिका, राजपाटी.
'a feudatory ruler '.
पाहण राणउ 18.4, झालउ राणउ 7. राण m. < Pkt. रायण्ण, राण m. राणो m.; Hindi, Mar. राणा m.
Vide राणा, राणाक; also vide LSJS 32 (PC) राणक; 88 ( PK ) राण, राणक, राणा 189 ( PPS ) राण, राणक, राणा, राणिमा.
'a feudatory ruler '.
कुंआरी राणाप्रबन्ध: 27.21.
Nom. sing. of Old Guj. < Sk. राजन्य m. cf. Guj.
cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. राणा m.
Videराण, राणाक; also LSJS 32 ( PC ) राणक; 88 (PK ) राण, राणक, राणा; 189 ( PPS ) राण, राणक, राणा, राणिमा.
m. ' a feudatory ruler '.
कुंआरीराणाको राज्यं करोति । 27.2;
बृहस्पतिराणाको राज्यं करोति । 30.2.
cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. राणा.
Vide राणउ, राणा; also vide LSJS 32 (PC) राणक; 88 ( PK ) राण, राणक, राणा; 189 (PPS ) राण, राणक, राणा,
राणिमा.

Page #244

73
राणी
राति
... f. 'a queen'. राण्या पण्याङ्गनानां ग्रासविधै। दत्तम् | I.10; मायूराणी
पेथूराणी द्वे गृहीते। 9.4. cf. Guj., Mar. राणी and Hindi रानी < Pkt. रण्णी, राणी, राणिआ < Sk. राज्ञी.
Vide LSJS 189 (PPS). decl. 'at night'. रातिं रडइ न कोइ 26.4. Loc. sing. of Old Guj.
राति f. (also रात f.) < Pkt. रत्ति f. Page #245

74
रीतिलग
TITS [v.l.
रूप्य
Van
decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the king ; lit.: decora
tors, experts at make-up'? 18.13.
Nom. pl. of Old Guj. Als m. decl. of silver'. ETIAS 171 4.2. Genitive sing, of
Old Guj. रू' n. Page #246

लाल
लेखशाला
लोआण
'वइ
वज्रपञ्जर
वज्रवयरागर
वडवायी
वणिजारक
वरण्डी
•/ वलू

m.
f.
' a school'. तत्र शिष्याणां लेखशालाऽस्ति । 13.22.
cf. Old Guj . लेहसाल f., लेसाल f., नेसाल f.; Mod. Guj. निशाळ f. Vide LSJS 33 (PC), 194 (PPS); also 89 (PK) and 194 लेखशालिक (PPS ).
decl.
75
'a ruby'; lit : ' of red colour '.
दिने २ टङ्क १००० स्वर्णहीरालाल मौक्तिकमयम् । 5.4-5.
decl.
m.
— a ruler, a king' ; lit : ' a husband'. गाजणवइ हम्मीर हृदयान्तशल्य | 6.16. Old Guj and Pkt. वइ < Sk. पति.
' of the people'. 31.7. Gen. pl. of Pkt. लोअ m. लोक m.
n.
— a litter-curtain, the litter enclosers' सुखासनाधिरूढा वज्रपञ्जराच्छादिताः प्रतोलीद्वारे समागताः । 8.15 - 9.1; एकदा नाम आरामिणी सुखासनोपविष्टा वज्रपञ्जरं ढालयित्वा ... 22.17.
m.
V.
< Sk.
f. ' the root branch or an adventitious root of a banyan tree'. 29.2-3.
cf. Guj . वडवाई.
• a jeweller'. 18.9. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. वज्रत्रयरागर m. The word बयरागर or वरागर (Old Guj and Pkt) is derived from Sk. बज्र n. 'a jewel ' + आकर m. a mine. Sk. वज्र > Pkt. वर ; Sk. आकर > Pkt. आगर. The author of LPS is perhaps not aware of this derivation and therefore prefixes the word वज्र ! The term वयरागर is fairly common in Old Guj.; Vide, e.g., Prācina Phāgu-sangraha 17.2; 20.7; 22 19. Also Varnakasamuccaya 59.4 ; 82.20; 167.4.
'a ( travelling) merchant ( who carried his goods in a caravan )'. 6.10. cf. Sk. वाणिज्य + कार : > Pkt. वाणिज्ज + आरो; Guj. वणजारो; Hindi बंजारा; Mar. वणजार.
Vide विणजारउ; also vide LSJS 34 वणिज्याकार ( PC ); 90 वणिज्यारक (PK ); 200 वाणिज्यकारक (PPS ).
f. a compound wall'. 4. 10. cf. Desi वरंडिया; Guj . वरंडी, वरंडो, वंडी, वंडो, वंढी, वंढो; Mar. वंडी. Vide LSJS 34 वरण्डक (PC).
' to turn back, to return'.
वालिता: ( causal ) I.II; वलिताः 8.4; 20.3;

Page #247

वलंति
वसगा
वसह
वसाह
वस्तुना
agaż
वाघेलउ
वाजणां
aifti
arst

V.
m.
m.
76
decl. 'helpless'. 26.5. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. and Pkt.
वसगा f. < Sk. वशगा f.
a bull'.
31.7.
Pkt. वस < Sk. वृषभ.
वलमानः 10.3;
वलितः 15.22; 27.13; मानौ 25.3.
cf. Pkt.; Guj., Mar. Vq; Hindi V.
' return'.
of Pkt. Vवल < Sk. Vवलू. Mar. / वळ; Hindi V बल. 90 (PK) and 197-198 /
Vide af; also vide LSJS 90 (PK), 197-19S (PPS). fà fà a 21.15. 3rd pers. pl. present Pkt. वलंति = Sk. वलन्ति cf. Guj., Vide; also vide LSJS (PPS).
decl.
a surname of Vaniks or the trading class. 18.3. cf. Guj. . Vide; also vide LSJS 34 (PC) and 198 (PPS); also 38 (PC).
decl. of a thing'. a ag! 6.9. Gen. pl. (of address) m. of Old Guj. f. < Pkt. and Sk. at n. or in address in Old and
at is Gen. termination m. pl. Mod. Guj.
V. 'bear, carry, endure'.
aaż aa A3 92 374r fasta |
21.11-12. 3rd pers. pl. present of Old Guj. and Pkt. V वह < Sk. Vवहू. Pkt. वर्हतई . cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. V.
Sk.
decl. 'belonging to or hailing from the Rajapūta clan called Vaghela'. 18.5. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. 13.
— producing a musical sound'. ठालां पोलां वाजणां आभरण 5.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of the present participle of Old Guj. < Pkt. √ Page #248

वार
वाहरा
वाहि (क)
विग्र [v. Z. व्यग्र ]
विच्छोडीयई
विणजारउ
विणु
वितउं

m. ' a day' गुरुवारे 2.10.
Vide LSJS 99 सोमवार ( PK ).
f. ' a succour, an aid, a help'.
...परीक्षिवाहरायां तक्षिकेन, धन्वन्तरिणा डर्मेण वट उञ्जितः इति डभोईपुरम् । 22.8-9. cf. Pkt. V बाहर < Sk. V वि + आ + Vहृ; Guj. वार f., वहार f. Vide LSJS 203 ( PPS ); also 199 वहारा (PPS ).
m.
77
adj.
'a porter or a labourer, especially one who is either paid less or is not paid at all'.
सन्ध्यायां वाहिनं वेषं कृत्वा चतुःपथे गत्वा स्थितः । 15.11-12; पुफडालाकग्रहणे योग्यं मदाकं वाहिनं राजानं चकार | 15.17, 19; स वाहित्रको न दृष्ट: । 16.1. cf. Guj. वहींतरो, वैतरो, वेठियो exactly in the same sense. The word seems to have been derived from Sk. वहितृ ' one who carries '.
n.
— occupied with, engaged in '. १८ लक्ष ९२ सहस्र - मालवलक्ष्मीकचग्रहविग्रपाणि । 6.14-15. The word fan is a dialectical contraction of व्यग्र. Vide LSJS 203 विग्रता ( PPS ).
कादमीनां पिंड
v.
— are being thrown, are being let loose' विछोडीयई । 4.13•
3rd pers. pl. passive present of Old Guj / विच्छोड 'to throw, to let loose' < Pkt. / विच्छोड < Sk. वि + V छुट् ( causal ). cf. Old and Mod. Guj Vवछोड; Hindi V बिछोड.
decl. a travelling merchant who carried his goods in a cararvan'. कुण रे विणजारउ । 6.4. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. विणजार m. < Pkt. वाणिज्ज + आर m. < Sk. वाणिज्य + कार m. cf. Guj. वणजारो; Hindi बंजारा ; Mar. वणजार. Vide वणिजारक; also vide LSJS 34 वणिज्याकार ( PC ), 90 वणिज्यारक (PK ), 200 वाणिज्यकारक (PPS ).
ind. ‘without, in absence of '. सा वसगा विणु सूरिया 26.4-5. Sk. बिना > Pkt. विण > Ap. विणु > Old Guj. विणु. Very common in Old Guj.; vide, e.g., Gurjararāsāvali 1.200, 604, 642; 6.10, 80. cf. Mod. Guj. fan and Hindi faa ( both in poetry ).
a wish, a desire, a desired object". द्वितीयं वितउं ॥ 12.2; 13.18; 15.8; 16.6. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. faa n.

Page #249

विभात
fa + van
fa+vate

V.
78
वतुं and its pl. at are very common in Old Guj. lit. exactly in this sense. Vide, e.g., the following lines from an anonymous Old Guj. poem named Pañcadanḍacatuspadi dated V. S. 1556 (= 1500 A.D.), where the pl. form 'qai' is used in the same context when the king is asked to fulfill the five 'aat' or 'desires' if he wished to have a five-handled royal umbrella:
V.
" पांच वतां पहिलं जउ तुम्हें,
करिसिउं नृप जे देसिउं अम्हे;
पांचदंडीउ छत्र तु देव,
n.
' morning'. तस्य रात्रौ तस्मिन् पाटके गत्वा विलोकितम् । सहर्षा वदन्ति । राज्ञो विभाते हारिर्भविष्यति । 10. 19 - 20; विभाते द्वयोः क्रीडा जाता । 11.16.
करि सिउं वली तुम्हारी सेव. "
कहि राजा " कहिसिउं जे तुम्हे,
वतां पांच करिसिउं अम्हे. "-37-38s of Adesa I, p. 74 of Buddhiprakāśa Vol. 79 (1932) where the poem is edited by Dr. B. J. Sandesară. cf. Mod. Guj. n. 'a thing experienced; misery, suffering'. Subhaśilagapin, Pūrṇacandrasūri, Ramacandrasuri and other writers on the story of Pancadandacchatra have employed the term adeśa a command' for the five faas of LPS. Also cf. Mod. Guj., Mar. at to befall (of calamities), to be obliged to suffer ( calamities)'.
to bite, to strike '.
वंशीयालिना विलग्ना मृता ।
29.15.
Vide; also vide LSJS 92 (PK), 205 (PPS); also 32 (PC), 88-89 (PK) and 191-192 (PPS) for different senses of V लग्.
to require'. quigotr¤à ad 7.13. [This can be rendered into Guj. thus, every word retaining the same sequence in the translation also: 'बीजुं जे जोईए ते a.] Vide LSJS 92 (PK), 205 (PPS); also 107 अव + V लोकू (PPS ).

Page #250

fafart
fage775
वीत
वृद्ध
Vवृध्
वेलइ
वेसगर
$ftongreace
saagika
व्यास
शल्य हस्त
79
decl. a hole, a hollow, a scope'. fat [] 25.20. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. fafat m., contaminated for Pkt. विवर m. < Sk. विवर m.

V. 'will break down, will be reduced'.
सो कहि करिस्य कज्ज किम जइ विहडस्यइ कलासु ॥ 21.13-14. 3rd pers. sing. Future I of Pkt. fage Pkt. वेसगर > Guj. वेष (श) गरुं.
a merchant'.
cf. Guj . वहेवारियो.
Vide LSJS 36 (PC), 94 (PK), 209 (PPS).
'a Brāhmaṇa who expounds the Puranas in public'. 18.10, 13. Vide LSJS 210 (PPS).
'a royal officer'; lit.: the wielder of a lance'. 13.10-11, 14. cf. Old Guj. सेलहु ( हू) त, सेलुत, शेलुत. We .

Page #251

शल्या
शिखरशृङ्ग
शुदि
शुद्धि
शैथिल्यत्व
श्रीकरणमुद्रा
श्री हरद्वार

f.
n.
adv.
n.
f.
80
get copious references to these forms in Old Guj. literature; for quotations and discussion vide Säṇḍesarā, B. J., Kheḍāvāļa Brāhmaṇoni trana Atako: Vägvyāparani Drṣṭie' (Guj.), Buddhiprakāśa, January 1952, pp. 24-27. The word has survived in Mod. Guj. as, a surname of the Kheḍāvāla Brāhmaṇas. Vide ; also vide LSJS 210 (PPS); also 39-40
(PC).
in the bright fortnight'. 5.16.
[ It is used adverbially being a contraction of Sk. + दिने Too and by usage it has become an expletive, even as बहुल + दिने ब. दि. af in Guj.]
Vide सुदि.
f. information'. 20.3, II.
Vide LSJS 212-213 (PPS).
'a huge slab (of stone)'.
मरूडीमालिन्या दण्डेन शल्या उद्घाटिता । पातालपुरे गता । 15.18. cf. Guj., a contamination of Sk. ff.
'the top of a summit'. 29.14.
[A translation compound. ]
=
=
'looseness, the state of being enfeebled'. 5.3[ A grammatical peculiarity.]
'the charge of the Chief-minister's office'. 17.14. The word is very common in inscriptions and colophons of Mss. of mediaeval Gujarāta.
Vide LSJS 37 (PC), 95 (PK); also 89 ( 1214 श्रीकरण (PPS }.
(PK),
n. 'the entrance of the apartment of worship in a house '. श्रीहरद्वारे स्थिता लीलू: नामलपादौ पतिता । 22.22. Sk., when not the first member of a compound, is reduced to in Pkt. and Old Guj. To illustrate: Sk. faae > Pkt. and Old Guj. fange; Sk. fia> Pkt. and Old Guj. पिइहर, पियहर > Mod. Guj पियर ; Sk. मातृगृह > Pkt. and Old Guj. > Mod. Guj. ; Sk. > Pkt. and Old Guj. जमहर > Mod. Guj जौहर, झमोर. In the same fashion Sk, ' the holy apartment of worship in a house' > Pkt. and Old Guj. after. ' श्री ' remains

Page #252

सईंवर
सउंरक्षा
सग्रह
सि
सण्ड
सण्डी
सती चक्रचूडामणि
संतानि
II

decl.
m. 'a husband chosen by the bride herself ' जयश्री सईंवर । 6.17. This is a special meaning of the term suitable to the context. Ordinarily it is the ceremony in which a bride herself makes the choice of a groom fron among the assemblage of candidates gathered there'. Old Guj. सइंवर m. < Pkt संयंवर m. < Sk. स्वयंवर m. Vide जय श्री सईवर.
n.
81
intact as a special case in the present text, evidently because the writing is in Sanskrit.
m.
protection'. नवकोडि सउंरक्षा करउ चामुण्डा ।
20.9-10.
Acc. sing. of Old Guj. सउंरक्षा f. a colloquial form of Sk. संरक्षा f. obtained through the dialectic peculiarity of the nasal pronunciation.
decl.
' persistence' ?
विक्रमादिश्येनोक्तम् ।
राज्ञा आकारितः । " दर्शय । परिणापय ।" राज्ञा कथितम् । “ पूर्वम् आम्राणि दर्यताम् । पश्चात्परिणापयिध्यामि । " सग्रहं कृतम् । दण्डेन शाखां नामयित्वा आम्राणि दर्शितानि । कन्याचतुष्कं परिणीय...... 17.8-12.
,י
decl. sixty'. 24.15. Acc. sing. f. of Pkt. सट्ठि < Sk. षष्टि; appears, in the present context, to have been used in the sense of Ablative.
' a bull'.
29.4.
cf. Pkt. संड; Guj• सांढ; Hindi साँड़; Mar. सांड Vide LSJS 216 (PPS).
f. a dromedary, a she-camel'.
तत्र रक्तसण्डी आनीताऽस्ति । 12.11, 14. cf. Desi संढी ; Guj. सांदणी; Hindi साँड़नी ; Mar. सांडणी. Vide LSJS 216 सण्डि ( PPS ).
" प्रथमं कन्याः
adj. an epithet of Miņaladevi, the mother of king Siddharāja, Jayasimha of Gujarāta; lit : ' crest-jewel of the circle of chaste women '. 7.2.
' in the progeny (of ) ' अयं राज-बीज दण्डकनइ संतानि । 6.12. Loc. sing. of Old Guj . संतान m. < Pkt. संतान m. < Sk. सन्तान m. इ is the Old Guj Loc. sing. termination and as such Old Guj. संतानि = Sk. सन्ताने.

Page #253

82
संधार
सन्मानित
सन्मुखम्
सर्व
समं तावता
समीपे
v. 'consoles, comforts'. राति रडइ न कोई सा वसगा विणु सूरिया ।
संधारइ सहू कोइ मुहु देखी मिलिमि २ करइ ॥ 26.4-7. 3rd pers. sing. present of Pkt./संधार Pkt. सरइ > Old Guj. सरइ > Mod. Guj. सरे (छे). Used idiomatically with कज्ज or काज
'a task'. m. a dispute, a contest'. राजा महामूर्खा जातः । देवदमणिसंवादः
कथं क्रियते | II.4-5. decl. than a thousand'. सद्धि कार्यसहसा अहियं 24.15. Ablative
sing. of Pkt. सहस n. Sk. सहस्र > Pkt. सहरस, सहस. decl. 'all'. संधारइ सहू कोइ 26.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj.
pron. सहु Page #254

साकरीउ
सार
सारूआर
साथै
साह
साहण
सिद्धचक्रवर्त्तिन्

decl.
adj.
'all'.
यो अस्य साराणि सहकाराणि मे यच्छति तस्याऽहं कन्याचतुष्कं परिणाय्य दास्यामि । 17.6-7. cf Guj. सारं; Hindi सारा exactly in
this sense.
ind.
83
adj. — possessing a nice bank' ?
m.
same as साकरिया. 18.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. साकरीउ.
decl.
चंद्रयोत्स्ना तलावली । पगथीआरां सारूआर । वरंडी उदार । 4. I0. The word is prevalent in Old Guj. in a similar sense. Vide, eg., Varnaka samuccaya 3.3 मोतीना चउक, तेहमाहि साभार घाट, मेल्हाव्या पाट; 4.19 एकल पाट सारूयार घाट; 200. 18-19 ऊपरि पदमागर रतन बइठां छि; सारूआरु घाट, नीपनु पाट; 35.23 चउरंगली पाली, जडी मूठि सारऊ भर, त्रिहउबंधि जलोई. cf. Guj. सारो आरो m. a nice bank Vide LSJS 98 सार " excellent ' ( PK ); also 221-222 सारा in three different senses (PPS).
' along with, in company with ' साथै गतः 14.6; शोकं विमोच्य साथै नीता छगणकानि साथै नीतानि । 16.13.
The peculiarity of this usage of the vocable is that it does not need any noun for its existence and is quite independently used. Naturally this manifests the influence of Prakrit and regional dialects. cf. Guj. साथै ; Hindi साथ, साथ में. Vide LSJS 222 ( PPS ).
a surname of the 21.1. cf. Guj.
(PC).
राजाऽपि साथै आनीत: 8.5;
15. 16-17 ; तदा वध्वा
Vaniks or the trading community. . Vide वसाह; also vide LSJS 38
C
an army'. श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य ५ लक्ष साइण ९ लक्ष पदातयो विद्यन्ते । 7. 10-11. Nom. sing. ( as well as pl.) of Old Guj. साहण n. < Pkt साहण n. < Sk. साधन n. an army'. [ In the present context the word appears to denote an army excluding its foot-soldiers', or, perhaps, only — the cavalry '.] Vide LSJS 98 साहणसमुद्र ( PK ).
m.
a title of king Siddharāja Jayasimha of Gujarāta (1094-1143 A.D.) lit. a sovereign possessing miraculous powers. " " श्रीपत्तने सिद्धचक्रवर्तिश्रीजयसिंह देवराज्यात्समागताः । " 20.5, " सिद्धचक्रव विरदं मोचयावः ।" 7 " राजन् ! एवं

Page #255

04
बिरदं सिद्धचक्रवर्तित्वं मुञ्च । यदि सिद्धः ततश्चक्रवर्ती कथम् ? ..." 20.19-20.
सींगा
decl.
horn-shaped syringes'. Naistiai tam gizoni 1 1 4.11-12. Acc. pl. of Old Guj. Ato n. Page #256

सूअ
सूरिया
सेरी
सेलथ
सो
सोनांरूपानां
सोरठीया
सोल
atsatans
सोल हिका
स्कन्धवर्जि

V.
decl. the sun '.
f.
m.
decl.
decl.
pron.
' may
sleep, let...sleep'.
f 21.18. Corrupted form of Ap. 3, 3rd pers. sing. and pl. Imperative of Pkt. < Sk. V.
decl.
same as
decl. he' सो क.हि Pkt. pron. a.
85
· a street'.
सावसगा विणु सूरिया 26.4-5.
Acc. pl. of Pkt. sense of sing.
m, Mod. Guj. . fat.
'sixteen'. 18.11. Old Guj., Pkt., सोलह < Sk. षोडश. cf. Mod. Guj . सोळ; Hindi सोलह ; Mar. 1. Vide LSJS 227 (PPS); also 228 g (PPS).
'capable of traversing a distance of sixteen yojanas (1 yojana 8 miles) in a prahara ( 3 hours)'. 18.11. Nem. sing. m. of Old Guj. adj. Sk. - योजनक ( being a compound of सोल ' sixteen ' and जोअण 'yojana').
f.
a dancing girl in budding youth.'s & Atofga नृत्यं कुर्वन्ति । 12.8. The word et is common in Old Guj. literature also. Vide LSJS 227 सोलही (PPS).
f. lit.:
the itching of the shoulders', i.e., ' the emotion or desire for fighting'. अन्यथा यदि युद्धं कर्तुकामोऽस्ति केनाऽपि

Page #257

85
स्त्रीन
decl.
मुरट्टो न मोडितः, स्कन्धखर्जिर्नाऽपनीता, नादो नोत्तारितः । 7. 14-15. Vide खजि. of women'. 4.14. Gen. sing. of Old Guj. af f. Page #258

हरिणप्रिय द्रम्म
m. lit.: 'the Dramma-coin with the impression of a deer'.
टङ्कशालायां हरिणप्रिया द्रम्मा जाताः। 29.I. [The meaning given here is supported by PPS where this story is repeated on pp. 84-85 and where it is specifically stated that "अथ टङ्कशालायां हरिण्य तिा द्रम्माः पतन्ति ।" (p. 85, 1, 2). Likewise, PC (pp. 109-110), while presenting a somewhat longer version of the same story, states: " तस्मिन्नःसरे देव्या महालक्ष्म्याः पुरतष्टकशालायां हरिण्याश्चतुणां पादानामधः शिशुरूपं नाणकं नूतनं सजायमानमाकर्य...." (p. II0, 11. 2-3). Elsewhere we meet with references to भीमप्री० द्रम्मs, वीसलप्रिय द्रम्मs, etc. which would apparently mean the coins struck by king Bhima, king Visala etc. It can easily be inferred from the above discussion that all such types of coins bore the figures of the respective kings.] Vide द्रम्म.
हारि
f. 'a defeat'.
हीयालीना
" राज्ञो विभाते हारिर्भविष्यति ।” 10.20. cf. Pkt. हारि, हारिआ,
हारी; Guj., Hindi हार (f.). Vide / हृ. decl. [I] 'of a series of hearts'. हीयालीना हंसराज! 6.6.
Gen. pl. of address of Old Guj. हीयाली f. = हियुं n. • heart' + आली f. a series'. Old Guj. हियं
< Pkt. हिअ, हिअअ Page #259

हृदया स्फोट
होइ
हूई

88
v.
35
दत्ताः । तदा षण्णां हृदयस्फोटो जातः । 9.3-4 [PPS, while relating the same incident, uses the expression हृदयसङ्घः' (p. 25, 11. 27-28 ). ] Vide V स्फुट्, हृदयास्फोट.
m.
— bursting of the heart' वादी जितो हृदयास्फोठेन मृतः । 31.1-2, Vide Vस्फुट्, हृदयस्फोट; also vide LSJS 231 (PPS).
• becomes, takes place'.
दुद्दिन होइ महीयजइ 25.19.
3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj V हो < Pkt. V हो Page #260

APPENDIX-B
Introductory Note:
This Index is divided into five sections viz. [1] Historical Names, [2] Names of Doubtful Historicity, [3] Geographical Names, [4] Mythological Names and [5] Miscellaneous Names. [1] Comprises names of historical personages and dynasties. In [2] are entered names of personages of doubtful historicity. As already remarked in the Introduction while discussing the bearings of the present text on history, the editor does not believe that all of these persons are not historical. His firm contention is that at least some of them can easily be proved to be historical after due investigations. For instance, there is no doubt in his mind regarding the historicity of Jhalau Mängu, Manikya, Vayajala Pastagiu, Samala Pontāru, Silanu Kutigiu and Harapāla Sākarīu alias Sākariya-säha Haripāla. Names of all Geographical places such as countries, cities, towns, villages, mountains, rivers and tanks-historical or otherwise - are included in [3]; while [4] comprises names of mythological nature. The names of such personages as Gorakhanatha and Matsyendranatha are entered in this section. Names of miscellaneous nature are enlisted under [5], the most prominent entries there being those of Bharahaśāstram and Vāsupūjyacaritram.
INDEX OF NAMES
A brief note is appended to each entry under sections [2] to [5]. Such a note is not deemed necessary in the case of the Historical Names, regarding which the readers may better refer to the relevant portions of the Introduction particularly the Chapter on "Bearings on History". All the entries of this Appendix will also be found in the Index to Introduction to which the readers may refer for details about the same.
121
The references are to the respective pages and lines of the printed text of LPS. As a separate Index is appended to the Introduction, references to the pages of the Introduction are not included in the present Appendix. For abbreviations used here the readers may refer to the list of abbreviations given at the outset of the book.

Page #261

18.3
1.4
18.4
2.3,7
[1] HISTORICAL NAMES I अश्वपति 6.15 20 नरपति
6.16 2 आभडवसाह
21 परमाडि 1.9; 25.14; परिमाडि 25.13 उदयादित्य
22 परमारवंश
__1.4 4 उमापतिश्रीधर 28.2 23 पाहणराणउ 5 कर्णदेव 6.14 24 प्रद्युम्नसूरि
24.8 6 कान्हडदे राउल जालउरउ 18.4
25 बीज
6.12 7 कुमुदचन्द्र 24.3 26 भीम
6.14 गजपति
6.15-16 27 मदनभ्रम 3.2; 4.14; 5.II, 13, 14; गजपतिगौडेश्वर
6.10; 8.2, 7, 12; 9.6 10 गजराउल
18.5
28 मयणलदेवी 22.35 मीणलदेवि 7.2-3 II चामुण्डराज 6.13 29 मलयचन्द्र 24.13, 19, 21 12 चौलुक्यवंश 6.13; 7.3 30 मीणल[ ]देवि 7.2-3 13 जगद्देव 1.3, 4, 5, 6, 19; 2.2, 9 31 मूलराज
6.13 14 जयकेश 7.2 32 रणधवल
1.5, 5-6 15 जयसिंहदेव 2.7; 5.8, 10; 7.4, 33 राज
6.12 10-II; 8.4, 8, II; 9.5 34 लखणसेन
28.2 19.4; 20.5; 22.2; 24.2; 35 वर्द्धमानसूरि 30.3; 31.4 25.12-13; 27.14, 17.
4.4. -7 36 वल्लभराज जयसिंघदेव 18.2
6.13
___37 विक्रमादित्य 10.2, 3; 11.8; 12.11; 16 दण्डक 6.12
13.13; 17.4, 8, 9, 15 17 दामोदर
18.10 38 सज्जन
21.2. 18 दुर्लभराज
39 सान्तू
18.33 21.1,5 19 देवसूरि
24.3
6.14

Page #262

I अङ्गारसउडिनगारी
2 अनादिराउल
3 अभीष्टवक्रा
4 अमृतकला
[2] NAMES OF DOUBTFUL HISTORICITY
5 arafa
6 अलवेसरि 7 आलति
8 आलि [ 0.7. अलि ] 9 उमादेवी

-bard of king Madanabhrama of Kanti.
5.10.
an anchorite practising penance in a cave near Kedaresvara in the Himalaya s. The term राउल can be derived from Sk. राजकुल which means 'a Rāja pūta Chief' and which was borne by several Raja pūta rulers as a title. This fact suggests that this Ana di Raula might have been formerly a Rāja pūta ruler or at least belonged to the Raja pūta clan. It is stated in our text that he was pleased on hearing the Gurjara vāṇī or the Gujarati language, which implies that he might have hailed from Gujarata. He is stated to be an ascetic of the Natha sect and the teacher of the Raulanis Siddhi and Buddhi of Kamarūpithapura i.e. the city of Kā marupa in the Gauda country. Residing near the Kedaresvara temple, should he be regarded as a keeper of the temple? Can he be regarded as an ancestor of the community of anchorites popularly known as Ravalas or Ravaliyās in North Gujarata? 20.3, 12.
-one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by king Madanabhrama of Kanti to king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Guj. 8.13.
one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 3.7-8.
one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama. 3.5.
do.
3.6.
do.
3.5.
do.
3.5.
--the wife of a Brahmana of Ujjayini named Somasarman. Elsewhere this couple is stated

Page #263

IO कपूरडी
II कपूरी
12 कमलावती
14 कलावती
15 कस्तूरी
16 कापालिका
13 कमलावती [..°ली ] -one of the maids of the chief queens of king
Madanabhrama of Kanti. 3.9.
17 कामप्रिया
19 equefi
20 कोइलि
21 खीमधर
92
to be belonging to Soparak a. She wanted to sacrifice her husband and his 64 disciples to the Ksetrapala and the 64 Yoginis. King Vikramaditya is stated to have foiled this heinous task of Umadevi. 13.17, 19; 14.3; 15.4, 16.
22 गजराज
-one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama. 3.7.
do.
3.6.
- the princess of king Visvasena of Kanūja (mod. Kanauja). She is stated to have recollected the incidents of her previous birth. 18.17.

do.
18 कूकूं ] आरीराणा ( क ) - the fabulous ruler of the Kidimai ko dinagara or the city of ants'. 27.2, 21.
3.9.
do.
3.7.
-one of the two women rejected by king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 4.14, 15.
- one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by king Madanabhrama to king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Guj. 8.14.
-an oilman of Patana in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 22.18.
- one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama. 3.9.
-one of the two sons of Yasodhara, the Purohita of king Siddharaja Jayasimha of Patana. He first studied under Devasuri and his disciple Malaya candra and then under the juggler Gajaraja of Kamarupa and as such he became known as Ganaya the juggler. 25.2, 24.
-a juggler of Kamarupa in the Gaud a country, the preceptor of Ganaya and Manaya, the

Page #264

23 गजवेलि
24 गणय
25 गुणमाणिक
26 चन्दन
27 चन्द्रवदना
28 चन्द्रावली
29 जयदेव
30 जाल्हाक
31 झालउ राणउ
32 झालउ मांगू

93
jugglers of Patana in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 25.4, 10.
- one of the maids of the chief queens of M a da nabhrama. 3.7.
- the elder of the two juggler-brothers of Paṭana whose original name was Khimadhara. 25.8; 26.8.
-one of the maids of the chief queens of M a danabhrama. 3.7.
-one of the four chief queens of king Madanabhrama of Kanti. 3.4.
-one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Madanabhrama to Siddharaja Jayasimha. 8.14.
-one of the maids of the chief queens of Madanabhrama. 3.8.
-a scholar at the court of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 18.8.
a washerman and clothprinter of Patana in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 23.2.
-a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha, probably a feudatory belonging to the Jha la family.
18.7.
-a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha of Gujarata. PC (p. 72) relates that this Ksatriya of the Jha la family used to thrust into the ground two pārāci( an iron instrument for digging, Deśya päräi)s before taking his seat in the court. A voracious eater, he was asked by the king why he moved unarmed, to which his simple reply was that whatever was available at the emergency became his weapon. Just for test an elephant was once directed towards him all of a sudden. Immediately he held a dog and struck it against the elephant's trunk and then twisted its tail, which resulted in the death of the elephant. He fell on the field of battle while fighting against the Muslims near Patana,

Page #265

94
where a memoir is known as the altar of Māngū. 18.7-8.
33 Trama
34 TAUHS
35 देवदमणि
36 dant
37 LATAF
- king of the city of Tram bā vati (mod.
K ha m bhāta or Cam ba y). 12.2 -Durjana śal y a, one of the two sons of H ūņa
The pa niyā of Dabhoi. 22.13. - a woman of the wood-worker class residing in the
Gañchakaseri or 'wood-workers' street' of Ujjayini, whose bitter utterances were the root of the adventures of king Vikra māditya which terminated in his securing a five-handled royal
umbrella. 11.4, 11. -one of the two sons of Yasodhara, the Purohita of Siddharāja Ja ya simha, who first studied under Devas üri and his disciple Mala ya candra and then under the juggler Gaja rāja of Kā ma rūpa and as such who later on became known as the juggler Maņa ya of
Pāța ņ a. 25.2; 26.2. -a great dialectician hailing from the Gauda
country, who tied 84 puttalakas to his legs as a token of his victory over dialecticians all over the country, and who, being vanquished in his last dialectical contest at Prabhāsa Pātana, is
stated to have died of heart-bursting. 30.7. -a courtier of Siddharāja Jay a si mha. The
epithet Phophaliu indicates that either he was a trader in betel-nuts [ Guj. 1976 < Pkt. < Skt. qT4] or he hailed from a village named Phophala or Phophaliā. 18.6. - a courtier of Siddharāja Ja ya simh a. 18.3. - the songster named Nārāyaṇa, a courtier of
Siddharāja Ja y asimha. [cf. Guj. arcuit= Skt. 71149:. ] 18.11. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.7. -a lady of the Padmini type belonging to the gardeners' class of the town of Dabhoi. King
38 धणपाल फोकलीउ
39 ATTITTE T1533 40 HRUL 23518
41 91[ a boate
42 TH

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95
Siddharāja Jay a simha of Pāta na is stated to have married her. 22.11, 17, 20, 22; 23.2,
6,9. - one of the two women rejected by king Mada nabh ra m a. 4.14, 15.
43 FUSE
44 Tye SOTT
-one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Madanabhra ma to Siddharāja Ja y asimha, 8.14.
45 derroît
[v.l. qyzat ]
-one of the two survivers from among the eight damsels presented by Madanabhra ma to Siddh a răja Ja ya sim ha. The term rāni affixed to the name Pethū indicates that later on she became a queen of Siddhar äja. At PPS p. 25 also she is named dg. 9.4.
46 FATCAT
47 straf 48 godt
49 sati 50 217
51 gtgfa Top
-one of the eight charming damsels presented by Madanabhra ma to Siddharāja Jayasimha. 8.13. I do.
8.13. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada nabhra m a. 3.6. do.
3.6. -the first of the four chief queens of Mada na
bhra ma. 3.4. -king of Vāma nast h ali (mod. Vantha li in Sa u rā stra), in whose reign Vardh a manasūri, the author of the Võsupūjyacarita ( 1243 A.D.) is stated in our text to have flourished. His name is not found in the Väsupūjyacarita. 30.2. -the younger of the two juggler-brothers of Pāța ņ a whose original name was Devadhara. 25.8; 26.8. -a courtier of Siddharāja Jay a si mh a. 18.6. -a courtier of Siddharāja Ja ya simha. The epithet Tamba diu indicates that he was either a native of Tram bā vati (mod. K ha mbhāta or Cambay) or a copper-smith. 18.7.
52 HOTT
53 मदन ताङ्गडीउ 54 HT arasts

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06
55 HAIENT
-one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Mada na bhra ma to Siddharāja J a y asimha. 8.15.
56 HESH
-a female gardener of Ujjayini with whom the
great king Vikra māditya is said in our prabandha to have gone to the nether world in the guise of a porter. 15.13, 18.
57 Heng
-a royal officer of Mada n a bhra ma, who does not figure in the PK and PPS versions of the story. 3.3.
-- same as hie2a.
7.8.
58 AIR 59 18[ ]
---the Chief Minister of Madan a bhra ma, who
is called his Sarva-mantri-śreșjho måmidevaḥ sarvamudrādhikari in the PPS version. 3.3.
60 ATŪTUT
a disciple of Deva sūri. As stated in our prabandha, he appears to have taken a prominent part in the great dialectic disputation at the court of Siddharāja Jay a simha of Patana, which resulted in the historic defeat of the Digambara pontiff Kumud a candra. The contemporary drama Mudritakumudacandra also furnishes an evidence about his being a participant of the contest. PPS (p. 27) represents him as speaking out a verse in reply to one uttered by Kum u dacan dra's bhaủța. PC (p. 67) also puts the same verse in his mouth. There he is described as a scholar who, though a mere molecule at she feet of Deva sūri, surpassed even Cāņa ky a in intellectual powers. It was he who secured the huge palace-like mansion of minister Santū as a Pauşadhaśāla by simply reporting, when Santū wanted to know the opinion of Devas üri about that newly constructed building, that it could be praised only if it were a Pauşadhaśālā. (PPS p. 31.) 24.3.
51 TTT
--the officer in charge of the city-gates of Kānti,
the capital of Mada na bhra ma. 3.3; 7.12.

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97
62 Arcroft (v.l. nal]--one of the two survivers from among the eight
extremely tender beautiful damsels presented by Ma da na bhra ma to Siddha rāja Ja y asimha. She is called Mā ū at PPS p. 25. The term rāņi suffixed to her name may suggest that she
later on became his queen. 9.4. 63 मालउ भेलडीउ - a courtier of Siddharāja J ay a simha. The
epithet bheladiu suggests that he hailed from a place called Bheladi (probably modern Bheladi near Disā in North Gujarāta).
18.6. 64 94
--a courtier of Siddharāja Ja ya sim ha.
18.10. 65 graden
-one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.8. 66 72121
-one of the eight charming damsels presented by Ma da na bhram a to Siddha rāja Ja ya
simha. 8.14. 67 Trail
--royal priest of Siddharāja Jay a simha.
25.2. 68 TAGS
---king of Lakh a ņā vati and son of king Lakhaṇa sena, i.e., Lakşmaņa se na (1179-1206 A.D.). PPS (p. 84 ) mentions him as a descendent of Lakh a na sena. Sripuñja,
father of Srim ā tā, was his adopted son. 28.15. 69 parazit
--one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.8. 70 TRNATE
--a mendicant living on Mt. Ābu, who wished to marry Srimātā who went there for practising penance, which, however, resulted in his death. At present his abode on Mt. Ābu is known as the shrine of Ra siyā Vālama ʻthe lover called
Rasiya'. 29.18. 71 रिणमल्ल
-king of Sura dhāra pura in Saurāştra.
18.15, 17. 72 7777
--a scholar at the court of Siddharāja Ja y a
simha of Pațaņa. 18.9.

Page #269

73 लीलावती
74 लीलावती
75 लीलू.
76 लूणधउल मगउडीउ
98
-queen of king Paramāḍi, i. e. Paramarddin (1118-1150 A.D.), of Kalyanakotipura or Kalyāṇakataka. 1.12.

-one of the maids of the chief queens of Madanabhrama. 3.9.
-daughter of Modha Kelhanasimha, an oil-man of Patana in the reign of Siddharāja Jayasimha. 22.19, 22.
- लवणधवल मगोडियो in mod. Guj. A courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. The epithet Magaudiu suggests his hailing from a place named Ma ga u di-probably modern Magoḍī near Dahegama in Ahmedabad District. 18.4.
77 वउलसिरी
78 वउलू [ v. Z. बुल, बूलू.] -
79 वचनकला
80 वयजल पस्तागीउ
-one of the maids of the chief queens of Madanabhrama. 3.6.
do. do.
3.6. 3.7.
- a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. He appears to be the same as Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who is known from inscriptions to have been the Dandanayaka of Naḍdüla (mod. Nadola in Rajasthāna) in the reign of Siddharaja's successor Kumarapala (1143-1173 A.D.), and the same as Vayajaladeva, the Mahamandaleśvara of Narmadatata or the Lata territory in the reign of Kumarapala's successor Ajaya pala (1173-1176 A.D.). PC (p. 97) mentions one Vayajaladeva as Ajayapala's doorkeeper, who murdered him. PPS (p. 48) gives the name of the murderer of Ajaya pala as Vaijaladev a. This Vayajaladeva or Vaijaladeva is most probably identical with the Cahamana Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who was, as already noted, a very influencial officer of both Kumarapala and Ajayapāla. [Vide GMRI, pp. 320, 324, 334 and PHNIJS, pp. 278, 288.] The epithet Pastagiu, as found in

Page #270

99
our text, clarifies that he was a vegetable merchant. He might have represented in the royal court the guild of vegetable merchants. In all probability, he might have been appointed to the dignified post afterwards. 18.7.
81 an
- son of king Rina malla of Sura dhārapura in Sa u rästra. 18.18.
82 RTE
83 वाघलउ
84 farata 85 वील्हू वामणी
- a scholar at the court of Siddharāja Jaya
simha. The epithets Bhadū a chau and Vajra va yar ågara show that he was a jeweller ( vayarāgara=vajratakara] hailing from Bharūca or Broach, situated on the bank of the Narma dā and referred to in ancient literature as Bhțgukaccha or Bharukaccha;
cf. its Hindi version Bhad a uca. 18.9. - one of the two disciples of Vardha māna sūri, who were sent by him to Soma nátha, i.e. Prabhāsa Pāța na, where they vanquished the Gauda dialectician Deva ma hānanda after an eighteen-day contest. This was probably
his nick-name. 30.16. - king of the Kanūja country. 18.17. - a woman who was a great favourite of king Madan a bhrama. The epithet V âm ani
indicates that she was a dwarf. 5.1, 17; 6.5. -Satrusalya, one of the two sons of Hüņa
Țhepaniyā of Dabhoi. 22.13. -a courtier of Siddharāja Jay a si mh a.
18.10. - a king of Lakh a nā vati, adopted son of king
Ratna puñja and father of Srimātā. 29. 10. -- daughter of king Śrip uñja of Lakh a ņāvati, who practised penance at Mt. Ābu and, after death, became the Adhişth a yik å or tutelary deity of the mountain. 29.11, 20. - a courtier of Siddharāja Jay a si mh a.
Probably his name was Sekhara and he belonged
86 1787
87 sfraudella
88 sftgör
89 sftaran
90 सढा सेखरा

Page #271

100
QI FT
&
to the class of Rajapūtas known as Sodha.
18.8. TEJ-a courtier of Siddharāja Ja ya simha. The
epithet Citraudau (mod. Guj. Citrodo) implies his hailing from Citoda. Can he be identified with Samarasimha Sona garā Ca u hāņa (1183-1186 A.D.) of Jhālora who was a tributary of Bhim a deva II of Pāța na? Because it is the practice of the Prabandha-writers to put together personages who have flourished at different times, a glaring example whereof is the
Bhojaprabandha. 18.3. - one of the maids of the chief queens of Madana
bhrama. 3.8. ---a female attendant of the harem of king Mada nabhra na. 5.18.
92
€
93 Fish
94 TT giant
95
FT
ATSTO13
96 ATE HEST
#
-the elephant-driver named Sā mala', mentioned here as a courtier of Siddha rāja J a y asimha. PC (p. 59) mentions Sāmala as the elephant-driver of Siddharāja and PPS (pp. 51-52 ) mentions Syā ma la as the elephant-driver of Kumāra pāla. These were probably one
and the same person. 18.10. --Sām a la, a royal messenger who could traverse
(probably riding she-camels ) the distance of 16 yojanas (in a watch )', mentioned among the
courtiers of Siddharāja Ja ya simh a. 18.11. - Sālhu, hailing from certain village called Bheladi (probably the one near Disā in North Guj.), who belonged to the Vāgh elā family of Rāja pūtas'. He is mentioned among the courtiers of Siddha rāja Ja ya sim ha.
18.5. --a female friend of Marudi, the female gardener
of Ujjayini, and sister of Umā devī. 15.13. -one of the two disciples of Vardh a mana sūri, who were sent by him to Prabhas a Pāța na, where they vanquished the Gauda dialectician
97 Atlaît
98 सिंघलउ

Page #272

101
named Deva ma hānanda after an eighteenday contest. This appears to be his nick-name.
30.16. 99 सिद्धि-बुद्धि-रउलाणी -the Raulāņis, Siddhi and Buddhi, female
ascetics of the Nātha sect, disciples of Anādi Rāula. They hailed from Kā ma rūpapith a of the Gaud a country. Does the term
solut indicate that they originally belonged to the Rāja pūta clan? Or is it simply the feminine form of 133 which may denote the community of anchorites known as Rävalas or Rāvaļiyas?
20.6; 21.2, 21, 23. [v.l. ]-a female attendant of king Mada na bhrama,
probably his door-keeper. 6.4. 101 aneint
-one of the four chief queens of Ma da na
bhrama. 3.5. 102 FITTA
... one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhra m a. 3.6. 103 सीलणु कुतिगीउ - a courtier of Siddharāja J a ya simha. He
was a jester (Kutigiu = Kaulukin). For interesting stories of his intelligence vide PC pp. 74, 96; PK p. 99; PPS pp. 47-48. All these accounts show that he served as a highly intelligent jester three kings viz. Siddha rāja Jay a si mh a, Kumāra pala and Ajay a pāla. Thus in Siddharāja's times he might be quite young.
18.5-6. 104 gna
- one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.8. 105 guarea
- one of the four chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.5. I06 Tefa
--one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.9. 107 gsfien
- probably a female attendant of Mada na.
bhrama's harem. 5.18. 108 at
-a scholar-courtier of Siddharāja Ja y asimha. 18.9.

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102
109 saatio
. a Brāhmaṇa of Ujjayini. Elsewhere he is
stated to have belonged to So pāraka, 13.19; 14.3; 15.3.
110 FIATTE
- Som eśvara, a scholar-courtier of Siddha
rāja Jayasimha, who is called here Kavisārva
bhauma, i.e., the best of the poets. 18.8. --a songster-courtier of Siddha rāja J a y a
simha. 18.11.
III a a718
112 gifte
113 afi[v.l. f]A
114
7. Atats
115
19
-a Muslim chief who is stated here to have fought
against Siddharāja Ja ya simha. 2.3, 5,
5-6, 6,7; 6.16. --one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.6. -a courtier of Siddharāja J ay a simha ac
cording to the Sahasralingasarah-prabandha of LPS. The epithet Sāk ariu clarifies that he was either a dealer in sugar-candy or sugar, or a resident of a place called Sāk ariyā-might be the one situated
in the Sā bara kā n thā district of Gujarāta. --father of minister Sajja na of Siddharāja
Ja ya simha. The epithet Sakariya säha indicates that he was a very big merchant dealing in sugar-candy or sugar. It may also hint at his native place. This Haripāla of the SiddhiBuddhi-Raulāņi-prabandha seems to be identical with Har a pāla of the Sahasrulingasarah-prabandha.
21.1, 21. --a courtier of Siddha rāja J a y asi mha. 18.
9-10. - one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada na
bhrama. 3.8. -Țhe pa niyā, a Rāja pūta of Dabhoi,
whose surname was Hūņa. 22.12-13.
116 RET 51
117 anla
118 TO JAI

Page #274

II अणहिलपुर [07. आणि same as पत्तन. 5.9.
हलपुर ]
2 अनन्तसेन
3 अर्बुदाच
4 उज्जयिनी
5 कनूजदेश
6 कल्याणकोटिपुर
7 कान्ती
[3] GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

-Pkt. derivative of 4, Lord Visņu reclining on the serpent Sesa, whose holy place of pilgrimage is Srirangapaṭṭam Mysore. 27.9.
near
-Mt. A bu, the well-known hill-station marking the boundary between the regions of Rajasthāna and Gujarata, noted for the excellent Jaina temples constructed thereon in the mediaeval times. 29.12, 14.
-modern
Ujjain in Madhya Pradeśa, which prospered as the capital of Malava. 1.4; 10.3; 13.15, 20; 16.3; 17.13.
-the territory round about modern K a nauja or Kanoja, ancient Kanyakubja. 18.16-17. -the historical city of Kalyan a near Bombay.
1.8.
-probably another name of Mahobaka or Mahoba, the capital of Bundelakhanda. Our author places this city in Vangaladeśa (v. 1. Ambaladeśa). There is no noteworthy place of this name in Bengal or the territory round about Ambala in the Punjab. Kantipura was, however, the ancient name of Kathamaṇḍū, the capital of Nepala, which earned its modern name in Newārī year 715 (= 1595 A.D.) when king Laksminarasimha Malla got erected a huge wooden pavilion (Kāṣṭhamandapa) in the midst of the city for the worship of Gorakṣanatha, which still exists. This, however, does not appear to have any concern with the Kanti of our text, for king Madanabhrama of the place is a historical figure identified with king Madanavarman of Mahoba. 3.2; 5.5, 9.

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104
8 कान्हडा [v.l. काहड] -the Ka n n ada or Kar n a ta ka territory on
the western coast of the Indian Peninsula. 7.2. 9 कामरूप
-a well-known city in the Gauda country, at
present situated in Western Ass a m. 25.4. 10 कामरूपीठपुर
--same as the city of Kumarūpa. One of the famous seats of the Sakta sect; vide, e.g.:
औडाख्यं प्रथमं पीटं द्वितीयं जालशैलकम् । तृतीयं पूर्णपीठं तु कामरूपं चतुर्थकम् ॥ - Kālikāpurāņa, Van ga vā si ed., p. 410. Also pp. 79-80: देवीकूटे पादयुग्मं प्रथमं न्यपतत् क्षितौ । उड्डियाने चोरुयुग्मं हिताय जगतां ततः ॥
कात्यायनी चोड्डियाने कामाख्या कामरूपिणी (02. कामरूपके)। पूर्णेश्वरी पूर्णगिरौ चण्डी जालन्धरगिरी ॥ etc. 20.6.
II कायाकुण्ड
12 कीडीमङ्कोडीनगर
13 केदार
-a fabulous (?) lake on Mt. Abu, so holy that the .
limbs of the body of any infra-human creature, merged in its holy waters, were believed to turn
into human limbs! 29.14, 15. -a fabulous ( ? ) city, the capital of the fabulous king
named Kumar i-ra pa ka. 27.2. -a holy place of pilgrimage situated in the Himā
la ya s; one of the twelve famous Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva popularly known as Kedāranātha or Kedāres va r a. 20.2. -the Ganges, the holy river flowing from the western range of the Himalay as through the northern plain to the Bay of Bengal. Personified as the wife of king Santa nu of Hastināpura and mother of Pitām a ha Bhișma.
22.7. - cannot be located with certainty. Vide relevant discussions in the chapter on “Bearings on History" in the Introduction. 2.3; 6.16.
14 गङ्गा
15 गाजण

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105
16 TEST
-Gujarāta: three references:
[1] zhuzi the land of Gujarāta proper. 7.4. [2] Tia the king of Gujarāta. 9. 3.
[3] zszaruft the Gujarāti language. 20.4. -the eastern territory of India including modern
Bengal and Assam. 2.3; 20.6; 25.4. .
17 otseat
18 चाण्डसमा
19 MET
- a town in North Gujarāta, modern Cāņasmă, situated about 20 miles south to Päga ņ a. It is regarded as a holy place of the Jainas sacred to Bhatevā Pārśva nātha. Its Sanskrit name is given as Cand rã vati. According to a Jaina interpretation, as there are twelve windows in the mosque there meant for looking at the moon -Camda-, it is called Cām da sa mā, Cāņasa mā! Vide JPI, part II, p. 401. This is not at all convincing. The term Cānda sa mā of our text appears nothing more than Sanskritisation of
the modern name Cāņas mā! 27.12. ---modern town of Dabhoi in Baroda district
of Gujarāta, situated about 40 miles north-east of Broach and 20 miles south-east of Baroda. Its ancient name is Darbhāvati. In the Gira nāra Jaina Inscription of 1288 V.S. (=1232 A.D.) it is mentioned among important cities of Gujarāta. An interesting but fanciful derivation of its modern name Dabhoi' is given in our prabandha. The writer of the prabandha appears to have tried to connect • darbha' and 'vati' of its original name Darbhavati in this fanciful derivation by stating that a data or a banyan tree was sprinkled by the serpent Taksa ka who acted like Dhanvantari for helping Pariksit! This derivation does not, on the face of it, seem to carry any significance at all. All the same, it may be noted with interest that this historical town is surrounded by a fort and to the east of the gate popularly known as 'Hirabhāgola' after the name of the dexterous mason who built the rampart, is situated a temple of

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106
goddess Bhadrak å li in the fort-wall itself and on the rampart to the north of this temple is engraved a nice scene of the palace built for king Parikșit in the ocean! 22.4, 7, 9.
20 THAI MÅTTE
21 ratacit
----the temple of Pārs va nātha, the 23rd Tirtha
nkara of the J ainas, situated in Dabhoi. 22.
4, 7, 9-10, 11. -Kha mbhāta or Camba y. 12.2. Vide
स्तम्भतीर्थ. Its five names are enumerated in an Old Guj. anonymous poem called Pañcadanda-catuşpadi dated V.S. 1556 (= 1500 A.D.); vide: FUT THE FIEHT, HET I iz ara. 2 cd नंबावती वखाणीइ. भोगवती अभिरामः । लीलावती लीला करी, अमरावती तसु नाम. 3. (p. 62 of Buddhi-prakāśa of 1932 A.D. where the work is edited by Dr. B. J. Sāņdesarā).
22
TATE
----the lake at Pātana constructed by Cauluky a
king Durla bharāja (1010-1022 A.D.). According to LPS the famous lake Sahasralinga was constructed by his descendent Siddharāja Ja ya simha (1094-1143 A.D.) at the site of this Durlabhasaras and this statement is corroborated by other evidences as well. 19.4.
23
Senaat
--a river in Saurās tra, which had to be crossed
while traversing from Vām a nasthali (mod. Vanthali) to Deva pattana (mod. Prabhās a Pātana). It cannot be traced at present. Therefore it might be an insignificant rivulet. 30.20.
24
TTT
-Prabhāsa Pāța na in Saurastra. Also known as Som a natha Pāțaņa. An ancient holy place of pilgrimage consecrated to the temple of Som a nátha, one of the twelve Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. Situated on the southern coast of Saurās tra, it is perhaps one of the most ancient cities of India. It suffered several severe invasions by Muslims, the first being that by Ma h mud of Ghaz ni which took place on Thursday the 30th January of 1025 A.D.

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107
and the following two days, and the last by Muzaffar II in 1530 A.D., who committed the sacriledge of converting the temple into a mosque. The present temple was built under the direct supervision of the late lamented Sara dāra Vallabh abhai Patela, the great leader of Independence Movement and the then Deputy Prime-Minister of India, and the consecration ceremony was performed by the late lamented Dr. Rajendra Prasāda, the first President of India,
in May 1950. 30.21; 31.2. Vide 9219, Athart. - lit. : 'the hermitage of the foreigner'. The fabulous
(?) hut specially prepared on the bank of the lake Phū geläu for Kūmārīrāņā ka, the fabulous king of Kid ima n kodin a gara who is stated here to have dwelt there and spent his after-life in
practising penance. 27.19. -- the holy place of pilgrimage situated in Nepāla
in the outer ranges of the Himalayas, sacred to Paś up atinătha, one of the twelve Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. 27.8.
25 Janar
26 99292
27 1917 778919
--the temple of Pārsva nātha, the 23rd Tirthan. kara of the Jainas, situated at Pāțaņa. It is stated to have been built by the Cāpotkața or Cāvadā king Vana rāja who established the city of Pāțāņa or Aņ a hilla pura and ruled there from 746 A.D. to 805 A.D. As the name suggests the image was brought from Pañcā sara, the seat of his ancestors till the defeat and death of his brave father Jayasekhara or Jay aśikhari. Pañ cās a ra is at present a village near Rādha na pura in North Gujarāta on the border of the Desert of Kaccha in the Vadiyāra or Vadhiyā ra tract. 22.18; 23.2.
28 THT
-- modern Pāț a ņa in North Gujarāta on the
bank of the river Sarasvati, sixty miles north of Ahmedaba d. Vana rāja, the founder of the Capotka ţa or Cāvadā dynasty

Page #279

29 पातालपुर
30 फूटेलाउ

108
(746-942 A.D.) of Gujarat a, is stated to have established this capital city in 746 A.D. and to have named it Anahillapura Pattana in order to immortalise the name of a shepherd friend of his called Aņa hilla who had helped him in his odd days. Thenceforth it remained the capital of Gujarāta during the Caulukya and Vaghela periods as also the Muslim rule upto 1411 A.D., when it was abandoned in favour of Ahmedabad. The old capital was to the west of the present Pata na. 9.5; 18.2; 20.2, 5, 7; 22.2, 5, 16; 24.2; 25.12; 27.11. Vide aøge. -the fabulous capital of the nether world. 15.13-14, 18.
-stated to be the name of a lake near Candasama (mod. Caņas mã in North Gujarata), its literal meaning being that has over-run its banks'. During an ordeal given by king Siddharāja Jayasimha (1094-1143 A.D.) to the merchant of Caņas mā who got it constructed, its waters are stated to have flown away its banks having broken forth. It is stated that thenceforth it came to be called Phutelau (cf. Guj. Phuțelum). No tank of such a name is traced at present in the vicinity of Caņas mā. All the same, one in the outskirts of a village named Rupapura, one mile and a half south of Caņas mā, is locally known as Bandhelum Talava', i.e., 'the bordered pond, with its banks specially constructed'. This is quite contradictory to the name Phutelâu. One would, therefore, be inclined to spot there the lake mentioned in the LPS, if at all it can be regarded as historical. The statement of our text viz. 'adyapi Phuțelau prasiddham vidyate', i.e.,
Even today it is well-known as Phutelâu", however, may be regarded as sufficient evidence for its historicity. The tank near Rûpapura is a considerably big one having sixteen sides of 150 ft. each. It is believed to have been constructed in the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. A small pond is

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31 TEST

tog
constructed in the way of the water-flow towards this big tank with the evident intention of filtering the water that is to be preserved in it. Half way between Can asma and Rūpapura there is a place called 'Panca Deharam' or 'Five temples', where old constructions are found out on digging. Therefore it can be inferred that present Caņasma and Rupapura might have been parts of one big town or city. And this inference would lend support to the historicity of the tank in question. 27.17.
-a town on the banks of the river Benna in the Abhira country in the south. Other names of the place occurring in Pkt. literature are Benn āyada, Bennayada and Venatada. The form in our text appears to be a corruption of Bennayada. This place is referred to in such ancient Jain a texts as the Avaśyaka-cūrṇi [ Part I, p. 547 of Ratalãm edition ], Malaya giri's Vrtti on Avasyakasūtra (twelfth cent. ) [ pp. 519-20 of Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay edition], Malayagiri's Vrtti on Nandisutra (twelfth cent.) [p. 152 of Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay edition] and Bṛhatkathakośa of Harisena [p. 199 of Singhi Jaina Series ed.]. It is connected with such a historical personage as king Śrenika of Rajagṛha who begot a son called A bha y akumara by the daughter of a merchant of this place. The verse on p. 24 of our text, wherein the word Bennäḍaa occurs, is given in Malaya giri's Vrttis on Nandisutra and Avaśyakasutra, with slight variations. There a Buddhist monk asked a young Jaina monk: "Your Arhats are Omniscient and you are their sons. Therefore will you tell me the exact number of crows residing in this town?" The Jaina monk silenced the questioner by cleverly uttering the verse in question. [Vide for details B. J. Sandesara, Jaina Agamasahitya-mām Gujarata (Guj.), Ahmedabad, 1952, pp. 171-172.] 24.16.

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MIO
32 Allestimaal
33
34
--an upavana in the vicinity of the city of Ujjayini
(mod. Ujja i n). The famous temple of Mahakåla is situated to the east of the river Kś i pra in the south-east of the Piśä сa mu k t e śvara ghafa. It might be the central place of the Mahăk alavana. 17.13. the territory of Māla vā in Central India with Ujjain and Dhār as its capitals. The Skandapurāņa (Mäheśvarakhanda, Kaumārikakhanda, 39. 127 ff.) states that the Malava country consisted of 1,18,092 grămas or villages; while Vina ya candra's Kavyasikşă (vide Kāvyamīmāmsā, G. O. S. ed., pp. 248-249) gives the number of villages in that country as 9,00,092. In the light of these references, the epithet of king Siddharāja Ja ya simha viz. “18 lakṣa 92 sahasra málavalakşmikacagrahavigrapāņi” given in our text (LPS., 6.14-15) may be regarded as referring to the number of villages comprised by that country according to the author of our prabandha. Also cf. PC. 61.14, where Yaśo var man, the Māla va king, is stated to have said to king Siddharāja Ja ya simh a that he was the king of the Mālava country of 18,00,000 : “ Aham hi-aştādaśalak şapramánamálavadeśādhipah”. 6.15. - appears to mean Rame śvara, the holy place of
pilgrimage on the southern coast of India. The preceding word Anantasena seems to have influenced its form. There is a Rāmasenatirtha of the Jainas in Rajasthāna, described on pp. 234-235 of the Jaina Paramfară-no Itihāsa (Guj.) by Muni-tripuți, part II. The context of the present text, however, does not appear to mean this J aina
Tirtha. 27.9. -appears to be the same as the city of Laksmaņä vati in Bengal identified with the city of Gauda and named after king Lak ha nasena or Lakşma ņas e na (1179-1206 A.D.) of the Sena Dynasty. 28.2.
34 TARA
35 Saad

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36 वङ्गालदेश
37 वरुणाशा
38
वामनस्थली
39 विदेश 40 वैद्यनाथ
41 श्रीपत्तन
42 श्री मालपुर

III
-the country of Bangala, Bengal. Originally the name denoted only the Buckergunje region, but later on it came to be applied to the whole of East Bengal and still later to the whole of the Bengali-speaking area. The major part of the country lies in West Bengal in the Indian Union and East Bengal in Pakistana; but parts of it belong to the other neighbouring states like Bihara and Orissä. Vide गौड.
3.2.
-a river flowing near Patan a, modern Banāsa, which river has lent its name to the Banā sakantha district in North Guj. 25.12.
-modern Vanthali, about 8 miles south-west to Jūnāgaḍha in Sauraṣṭra. Probably the same as the Vamana-tirtha of the Mahābharata. An ancient temple of Va mana is still there. It is referred to in our text as also in
or
PPS (p. 114) as 'Laghukasmira' 'miniature Kaśmira' on account of its being a centre of learning and perhaps because of the natural beauty of its surrounding region. 30.2. -foreign country. 25.3; (in the east) 25.7.
-the temple of Lord Siva situated at Dabhoi in Baroda district. It is a historical place which has earned prominence through the well-known Vaidyanatha-prasasti. 22.9.
-same as Devapattana. 30.7. Vide aly. -probably the same as Bhinnamala or Sri
māla in Rajasthāna, situated about 80 miles to the north of Patana and 40 miles west of Mount Abu. The Śrīmāli Brāhmaṇas are stated to have hailed from this place, which was the native place of the great poet Magha. Since such an extra-ordinarily prosperous man as poet Magha of this community died due to extreme poverty though it was a rich community, king Bhoja of Dhara, who had enjoyed his hos

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II2
pitality with great wonder, is stated to have sarcastically declared that it was not 'Srimāla' but 'Bhilla māla' [vide PC, pp. 35-36). Mūlarāja, the founder of the Cauluky a dynasty of Gujarata, too, is stated to have hailed from this place. 28.15.
43 HEART
-the great lake near Pātaņa, constructed during
1134-1135 A.D.) by the great king Siddharāja Jay a simha-one of the great things accomplished by him (Vide PC, p. 75). It was constructed on the site of the Durlabhasaras which was constructed by his ancestor Durlabharaja (1010-1022 A.D.). 1008 si v a-temples, 108 Devi -temples and a temple of the ten incarnations of Lord Visnu adorned the banks of this lake. In its centre was situated an islet upon which was erected a temple of Rudreśvara, which has now been turned into a mosque. The beauty of this lotus-covered, swan-teaming lake was further enhanced by a towering snow-white column of victory, of which there are no traces left. To judge from the taunt of the Banaras king to Siddharāja J ay a simha's ambassador at his court about the use of the water of this lake by the populace of Aņa hillapattana though it was
Śiva-nirmālya', this tank must have served the purpose of water-supply for the citizens of Pāța ņa. The Sukstasankirttana (II. v. 35 ) calls it Siddhasaras. 18.1; 19.4-5, 6; 24.2; 25.21; 27.18.
41 TTURIT
--probably the same as Saradhāra near Rājakota in Saurāştra. This historical place was a capital town in mediaeval times. 18.15, 17.
Saurās ļra. 18.15; 27.11.
45 46
gersen
AM
—same as Devapaitana. The phallus of Somanātha is regarded as one of the twelve Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. The reference here is not to the town of that name but to the temple itself. The temple was re-built and a fresh phallus was installed at the pious hands of Dr. Rajendra Prasā da,

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47 स्तम्भतीर्थ
27
15
पचासरा पार्श्वनाथ

113
the first President of India, in May, 1950 A.D. through the great efforts of the late lamented Saradara Vallabhabhai Patela, the great patriot and leader of Independence Movement and the first Deputy Prime-Minister of India. 27.7; 30.8. Vide .
-modern Khambhata or Cam bay, the important historical port on the Gulf of Cambay. 25.23.
-(additional notes:) Established soon after 746 A.D., the year of Vanaraja's accession to the throne, it is definitely one of the oldest extant Jaina temples of Gujarat a. For interesting details regarding the temple and references to it in literature, vide Sandesara, B. J.: Śri Pañcăsarā Pārsvanatha-nă Mandira Viṣenā Keṭalāka Aitihäsika Ullekho' (Guj.), first published in the Acarya Śri Vijayavallabhasūri Smaraka Grantha, Bombay, 1956 and then in his book 'Itihasa ane Sahitya' (pp. 135-148), Ahmedabad, 1966.

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[4] MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES
Isfarar
2
erant
3 अलिअर
4 DECAT
-Name of a type of goblin known as Vetāla.
Having been vanquished by king Vikra māditya of Ujjayini (probably 56 B.C.) he is stated in folk tales to have served the great king often working wonders. 11.11, 12. Also vide
PC pp. 2, 3, 32; PPS p. 2 and PK pp. 80, 83. -wife of the great sage Vasiştha of the Vedic
age, who joined her husband in practising severe austerities and had a considerable share in his securing a permanent place among the Saptarşis or seven great sages. She is regarded as the highest pattern of conjugal excellence and wifely devotion.
7.1. -a serpent-chief dwelling in the city of Pātāla.
pura in the Nether-world. 15.14. - Ahal yā, the very charming wife of the sage Gautama, who won her by circumambulating thrice round a cow and thus securing the merit of three circumambulations round the earth, whereby Indra and other gods who took the trouble of going round the earth itself were defeated. Afterwards, however, she was ravished by Indra and was turned invisible by her husband's curse on that account. She was restored to her original form at the sight of Śri Rāma. [Vālmiki's Rāmāyana, I, 47.2831, 48.16: pp. 270 & 274 of Critical Edition, Baroda, 1959. ] She is regarded as one of the
five chastest women. 7.1. - the chief of the gods and the king of heaven. 11.9,
11, 14, 18. - the river Ganges, personified as the wife of king śānta nu of the Lunar race and mother of
Bhis ma Pitā ma ha. 22.7. -Gorakh anātha or Gorak şanātha, the
great saint of the Nātha sect and disciple of Matsyendranātha. 20.18.
5
6
7 otte

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8 चामुण्डा
-one of the nine forms of Goddess Durgå. 20.10.
9 तक्षिक
10
ART
11
araf
12 vaga
-Tak sa ka, the chief of one of the twentysix
serpent-clans. When eighteen serpent-clans were burnt to ashes in the serpent-sacrifice of king Ja na meja y a, the great-grand-son of Arjuna, the hero of the great Mahābhārata war, T a kșa ka was saved by the sage called Āstika. 22.8. -Tārā ma tī, the queen of king Hariscandra of the Solar race whose truthfulness was put to a severe test by the sage Viśvā mitra. This royal couple, along with their little prince Rohita, had to be sold off and suffer a lot for the sake of keeping a word. Tārāmati is regarded as one of the five chastest women. 7.1. - the physician of the gods, who came out of the
ocean with a cup of nectar in his hands at the close of the great churning of the ocean by the gods and the demons. The progenerator of the Indian
Science of Medicine. 22.9. --the grand-son of Arjuna, the Pāņd a va hero,
and son of Abhimā nyu and Uttarā. He ascended the throne of Hastināpura, after Yudhisthira at the age of 36 years. The Kali Age is said to have commenced with his reign. Though a pious king, he once placed a dead serpent on the neck of the sage Sa mīk a who, being engrossed in meditation, did not notice the king's arrival at his hermitage. As a consequence of the curse of Sa mika's son Śțngi, Parīkşit died of the bite of the serpent-chief Tak şaka when he was 96 years
old. 22.8. - the twenty-third Tirthank ar a of the J aina s.
References in the present text are to the idols of and temples consecrated in honour of Pārsvanātha4.16; 22.4, 5, 7, 9-10, 11. -Sarasvati, the goddess of learning. 30.14, 17.
Vide arradt.
13 qatar
14
at

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116
15 HEUTE
16 #erat
-Matsyendranātha, the founder of the
Nátha sect. 20.18. the Chief Queen of Rāvana, the great demonking of Lankā. She is regarded as one of the
five most chaste women. 7.1. -same as Matsyendranatha, as the name
itself shows. 20.18. - a female saint of the N a tha sect. 20.19. - a type of demi-gods. 10.21.
17
tarat
18 मुक्ता देराणी 19TET 20 tara
21 FT
-Lilādevi, a female saint of the Nath a sect.
20.18. -king Santa nu or śānta nu of the Lunar race who married Gan gā, the holy river Ganges personified, and afterwards Saty a vati or Matsya gandhā, both with certain conditions.
Father of Bhiş ma Pitā ma ha. 22.7. - the youngest of the sixteen daughters of Daksa
Prajā pati, who married Lord Siva against the desire of her great father. Once when her father started a sacrifice, she went there un-invited, was insulted and consequently she martyred herself by jumping into the sacrificial fire and burning down to ashes. Virabhadra, an attendant of Siva, therefore, destroyed the sacrifice and killed Dak şa. Tbenceforth the word Sati conveys the sense not only of a chaste woman but also of one who burns off herself with her husband's corpse not being able to bear separation from him. Sati was thereafter born as Pārvati. 7.1.
23
fait
goddess of learning. 30.10. Vide ud.

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[5] MISCELLANEOUS NAMES
I astiat
-one of the four parks attached to the palace of
Madan a bhrama. 4.6. 2 startattatet
Do. 4.8-9. 3 कमलकेदार
- one of the four step-wells in the palace-compound
of Mad a bhrama. 4.7. 4 RITATE
- one of the four principal Gavākşas that to the
north--of the palace of Mada na bhrama. 4.5. 5 PRITE
---one of the four step-wells in the palace-compound
of Mada n a bhrama. 4.7. 6 Trakaita
- one of the four principal Gavākşas in Mada na
bhrama's palace. 4.4-5. 7 FESTETI -a small pond in the palace-compound of
Madan a bhrama. [ Candrajyotsna > Candra
jotsnā > Candrayotsnā. ] 4.10; 5.6. 8 धारागिरिवाडी -one of the four parks in the compound of the palace
of Mada na bhrama. 4.8. 9 नन्दनवाडी
Do. 4.9. 10 goat[ v.l. 697 )atur - one of the four principal Gavákşas in Mada na
bhra ma 's palace. 4.4; 5.5; 7.6. II HTETTEL
-the science of Dramaturgy. Probably here there is
a reference to the Nāțyaśāstra of Bharata, the oldest available work on Poetics (including Dramaturgy), which can be placed not later than 300 A.D.
25.6. 12 वासुपूज्यचरित्रम् - the Vasupujyacaritam, a work in four Sargas
describing in 5494 verses the life-story of Vāsupūjya, the twelfth Tirthankara of the Jain a.s, along with the narration of his previous birth as king Pad mottar a. It is written throughout in the Anu ș t u bh metre, with the exception of the concluding verses of the Sargas which are in Vasantatilaká. As is evident from the Prasastiverses at the close of the fourth Sarga, it was

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118
composed by Vardha mã nas üri in V.S. 1299 (1243 A.D.) at the request of his pupil Daņd anã y a ka Āhlādana on the eve of the latter's getting repaired the temple of Vās u pūjy a at Aņa hilla n'a gara (i.e, mod. Pāța ņa). The poem is made Ahlādanānka by incorporating the term Ahlādana—which was the name of the author's disciple-in the last verse of each canto. Edited by Dr. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome and published by the Jainadharma Prasāraka Sabhā,
Bh 5 v a n a gara in 1910 A.D. 3.3. -one of the four chief Gayākşas of Mada na
bhrama's palace. 4.4. -name of the extra-ordinary palace of king
Madanabhrama. 4.1. -one of the four step-wells in the court-yard of Madan a bhrama's palace. 4.7.
13
Antalasta
14
farufarsa
15
guara
16
AFASTA
Do.
4.6.

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APPENDIX-C TRANSLATION OF VERSES OCCURRING IN LPS
Introductory Note:
Out of the eleven verses occurring in LPS only four are in Sanskrit. An
npt at furnishing a translation into English of all the verses, therefore, will not be out of place at the close of a study of the text. The details regarding the meaning, derivation and form of all the peculiar words occurring in these verses are given in APPENDIX-A.
Verse 1:
Page 1, lines 17-20: “We do not know, O Ja ga ddeva! how (can) rest the hand of the Creator ( who is engaged in ) producing poor persons (and) you (engaged in ) satisfying (them)!” Note: This verse occurs in PC and PPS with slight variations in
the last quarter, vide Introduction, p. 41.
Verse 2:
P.21, 11. 7-10: “The clock sounds in its peculiar way (which) makes me happy through (my) ears; people understand (that) the day sets, (while) I know (that) the day passes away!”
Verse 3:
P.21, 11. 11-14: “One endures for a long time the gleam of benevolence done to others; if gradual deterioration takes place, where will one perform one's task?!”
Verse
4:
P. 21. 11. 15-18:
“Days pass away (but) indeed do not return (even ) like the mountain-streams; (one may, therefore,) do (whatever ) little service (one can and ) may perform piety; why let (one) sleep unworriedly?!”
Verse
5:
P. 24, 11. 9-12 : “He has no hands nor legs; though mindless, He (can) entertain thoughts; though devoid of eyes, He does witness; though without ears, He does hear; He knows all (but) none indeed knows Him; though propitious, He possesses no form-may such Jina protect vou!”

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120
Note:
This verse contains Upanişadic thought. It occurs with slight variations in the Svetāśvatara Upanişat (3.19), Nāradaparivräjaka Upanişat (9.14) and Bhavasantarana Upanişat (2.45 ). Also cf. Kaivalya Upanişat 21, Sändilya Upanişat 2.1.2 and Subäla Upanişat 3.2 for similar wording and thought.
Verse
6:
Verse
7:
P. 24, 11. 15-18 : “There are more than sixty thousand crows in Bennātaţa; if (you find less, (others) have gone for eating and collecting grains (and) if more, guests have arrived to see their relatives ) !”. Note: This verse occurs with slight variations in Malaya.
giri's Vritis (12th Cent.) on Nandisūtra and Ava syukaSūtra ( on pp. 152 and 520 respy. of the Agamodaya
Samiti editions ). P. 24, 11. 20 & 22 : “Why is the ocean devoid of roaring in the monsoon ?' • Possibly out of fear of a break in the sleep of the Lord of the World ( who is ) asleep concealed (in it)!'” Note: This verse occurs in Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosa
(p. 121 ) with slight variations. There the first half is spoken by Vastupala and the second half by poet Someśvara who is stated to have been rewarded with sixty horses for this samasya-pürti.
Verse 8: P. 25, 11. 17-20 : .
“Don't be so eager; (for) no task is accomplished by haste! It is
a gloomy day on the earth; there is a scope for erring today!” Verse 9: P. 26, 11. 4-7 :
“(He) weeps at night, (as) there is no (affectionate relative ). She is helpless in absence of the sun. Every-body consoles her, (but) on looking at the face of others ) she produces the milimi milimi' sound." Note: This is a literal tentative translation. The subject of the
first sentence is . He'as per context. If the term via is taken to be in the Nom. as the subject, the translation
would be 'The night weeps....'! Verse 10: P. 29, 11. 6-9 ::
“ Has He, who created (mother's ) milk for my maintenance even

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before my birth, gone to sleep or expired (now that it is time) to manage for (my) further maintenance ?"
Note: This verse is found, with slight variations, as no. 312 of the Sarngadharapaddhati, as verse no. 4 in the section on Santosaprasamsā of the Subhāṣitaratnabhäṇḍāgāra (p. 75) and as verse no. 270 of PPS (p. 84).
Verse 11: P. 31, II. 6-9 :
121
"The glory of kings lies in the tusk of the elephant, of poor people in the shoulder of the bull, of excellent warriors in the tip of the sword (and) of women in the breasts!"
Note:
This is an oft-quoted stanza.

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APPENDIX-D

PADA-INDEX TO VERSES
Introductory Note:
This Index includes both Sanskrit and non-Sanskrit verses occurring in LPS. Since regular numbers are not given to the verses in the text, the references here are not to verse numbers but to the respective pages and lines of the printed text.
अपाणिपादो मनो मनस्कः
अहिया पाहुण्या आया
उत्सक न कतावला
कथं गर्जितवर्जितः
कथं विश्राम्यते कर
किं वा सुप्तोऽथ वा मृतः
कृतार्थान् कुर्वतस्तव
गुप्तसुप्तजगन्नाथ
घडीया रडई ठबक्कडउ
जइ ऊणा चुणणगया
जइ विहडस्यइ कलासु
जणु जाणइ दिन अच्छमइ
जिम गिरिनिझरणा
दरिद्रान् सृजतो धातुः
दीह वर्हतइं जन की उ
दीहा जंति वलंति न हु
दुद्दिन होइ महीयजइ
न जानीमो जगद्देव
- निद्राभङ्गभयादिव
पर उवयार विलास
पश्यत्यचक्षुः स शृणोत्यकर्ण:
पामरलोआण वसहखं धम्मि

२४.९
२४.१८
२५,१७
२४.२०
१.२०
२९.९
१.१८
२४.२१
२१.७
२४.१७
२१.१४
२१.९
२१.१६
१.१७
२१.११
२१.१५
२५.१९
१.१९
२४.२१
२१.१२
२४.१०
३१.७

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123
बेनाड परिवसंति
महिलाण पयोहरे लच्छी
मुहु देखी मिलिमि २ करइ
मूकन्नेन हाइ
यो मे गर्भस्थितस्याऽपि
राति रइ न कोइ सा
रायाण दंतिदंते
लहूअ उलगइ धम्म करि
वर्षाकाले पयोराशिः
वसगा विणु सूरिया
विविरो लह [इ] अज
वृत्तिं कल्पितवान् पयः
शिवोऽप्यरूपी सजिनोऽवताः
शेषवृत्तिविधानाय
सद्धिं कार्यसहसा अहियं
संधारइ सहू कोइ
सरइ न एकू कज्ज
स वेत्ति विश्वं न हि तस्य वेत्ता
सुहाण खग्गि-अग्गे
सूअ निश्चंत काई
सो कहि करिस्य कज किम
हउं जाउं दिणु जाइ
२४.१६
३६.९
२६.७
२१.८
२९.६
२६.४
३१.६
२१.१७
२४.२०
२६.५
२५.२०
२९.७
२४.१२
२९.८
२४.१५
२६.६
२५.१८
२४.११
३१.८
२१.१८
२१.१३
२१.१०

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उद्वर्तनं
о
м
о
н
м
д
ол
37
II
49
51
32
57 60
CORRIGENDA Line For
Read Introduction I JEFA 13 Jayasingh
Jayasingha 29 ot
of 12 Marūdi
Marūdi 13 fruits
fruit simha
sim 29 is .
was 28 breasts
teats variants
Variations PP,
pp. I Siddarāja
Siddharāja 17 च्छादन
'च्छादनं Sar krit
Sanskrit 600
625 पूर्वमन्त्रिण
पूर्वमन्त्रिणं 2 Prabandhapañcaśāti Prabandhapañcaśati Māniky a
Māņiky a Hem a candra Ratnaprabha prabandha-works Prabandha-works पाश्व
पाचे 10 नाणक
नाणक 9 राजा
राज्ञा नपरा मुखी
नपराङ्मुखी 17 ताम्रचूडखं
ताम्रचूडरवं 20 श्रीमात
श्रीमाता 12 Uttarāyām
uttarāyām 4 jā arit ḥ
jāgaritaḥ 31 27 II
27.11 3 (30.18
(30.18) 11 lhe
The last s
61 67
68
74
74
75
77
77
83

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87
14
29 14
90
94
19 II 23
100 IOI 109
4 29 31
i.e.
23-24 17-18
28
III III III 113 113 116 116
33
14 I (fn)
23 30
For
Read Śrimā ā-prabandha Śrimātā-prabandha alav svara
alaveśvara Nāg ndragaccha-pațțā- Nāgendragacchavali
pațțāvali 54 4
5494 Bhavāi yā rā
Bhavāi-yātrā 90 93
90-93 Paramarddi-mardadka Paramarddi-marddaka देशभङ्गोऽपि
देशभङ्गेऽपि TET:
गुर्जरेशः i, e. Madanabhrama- Madanabhramaprabanhha
prabandha Prabandhacitāmaņi Prabandhacintāmaņi the Kāmarūpa country Kāmarūpa Talwārā
Talavādā teritory
territory in
to PANIJS
PHNIJS of
on if
it Hemacandra
Hemacandrācārya fron, the Kāmarüpa country Kāmarüpa dromederies
dromedaries referenee
reference fulfills
fulfils availableones.
available ones. Index to Introduction Bikaner,
Bikaner Jagadekamatla
Jagadekamalla Mamideva
Māmideva Pañcadaņdātmakam Pañcadaņdātmakam Vividha-thirtha-kalpa Vividha-tirtha-kalpa
fn
Hem
116 118
12
from
118 120 120 II
7 24
126
last
129 133
3+
137 138
3 38
143

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For
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13
10
10
प्यभवत्
19 14
गृहीत्वा २४०
owww
2 पुपुष्यमु
पुपुष्यमु last गौडेरवररय
गौडेस्वरम्य मुक्तावली
-मुक्तावली 4 -दक्षिणायां
दक्षिणायां दिवसे'५
दिवसे०५ तद्दीयताम्९६०
तद्दीयताम्१६० 4 प्रमार्जयती
प्रमार्जयन्ती 7 दीठउ युराउ
दीठउयु राउ प्यभवत
गृहीत्वा 7५० 23 कृतद्विज.
कृत द्विज. सान्तू
सान्तू। मूकन्नेन
मू कन्नेन अच्छ
अच्छमइ मइह
हउं दिणुजाइ
दिणु जाइ वहंत इंजनकी
वहंतई जन कीउ उपर
पर कज
कज किम किम जइ दीहाज तिवलं तिनह
दीहा जंति वलंति न हु 17 लहू अउलगइ धम्मकरि
लहूअ उलगइ धम्म करि 18 सूअ
सूअ 23 वुद्धि
°बुद्धि 8 delete the danda and the comma. 15 स हिं कार्य सहसा
सर्व्हि कार्यसहसा उत्सकन
उत्सक न 20 लह [इ]
लह[[] 21 स्तम्भिता
स्तम्भिता'००
IO
N NNNNNNNNNNNNNNN NANHHHHHHHHHHHHunw.
OUL WIH
जइ
Appendices
II 18
Prakrits Sanskit
Prakrits Sanskrit
32

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24 35
N N N ww
28 34
6 34 13
3 32 23 3
25.17 of sing. pres. जन कीउ कोडिनी case. sense. Vगळ, Vगळी जा Old चोमासुं. from Vछुट् 10 Vढाल्
25.27 cf. sing. जनकीउ कोडीनी case sense. ] गळवू, गळी जq Old. चोगासुं. for
छुट्ट 140 Vढाल Old, ' three' Prakrits प्रतोली दिन "an 207 /मचक्कोड़ राजा Rājaputa heard'. राजा राजा
Old
22
'three'. Prākrits प्रतोली दुहिन
'an
23 32 26 last
5
20.7 Vमचकोड़ राजन् Rājapūta heard. राजन् राजन् राज्ञा
15
राजा
वज्र
16 बन 9 Vवल् ( PPS).
fulfill बीतक
वृद्ध 35 ) lit.: 4 सिंग
( PPS) Vवल. fulfil वीतक वृद्ध ); lit.: सिंग

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6
7 22
For Old. सोरठी सोलजोअणअ प्रमार्जयंती 139 Comprises Pāțāņa Pākistana Abhimanyu
86
Old सोरठीउ सोलजोअणउ प्रमार्जयन्ती 13.9 comprises Pāțaņa Pakistāna Abhimanyu
89
I07 111
.
115
22

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