Indian Antiquary Vol 46

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032538/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURF, NUM 18M ATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &o., &o. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART, C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A. HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARAY, ' AND PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. VOL. XLVI.--1917. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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h y Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 drinied by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS .. 133 PAGE 1 * PAGE PROTEASOR S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR PROFESSOR K. B. PATHAK :AVL., M.A. - NEW LIGHT ON GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA. 287 THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAKABALIPUR 49, 65 V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T. - BHIMRAO. R. AMBEDKAR, M.A. - THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF CASTES IN INDIA .. .. .. .. 81 MADURA. 22, 36, 67, 74, 96, 119, 156, L. D. BARNETT : 183, 209, 237, 272 ALPHABETICAL GUIDE TO SINHALESE FOLK K. AMRITA ROW, M.A. LORE FROM BALLAD SOURCES :. Sup. 117 THE DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN PRAXRIT .. 33 JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET .. .. .. 128 SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI :D. C. BHATTACHARYYA, M.A. - Kavyamimamsa of Rajaokhara .. .. 135 Banabbatta's Guru .. .. . 63 HIRALAL AMRITLAL SHAH:The Mahimnastava and its Author .. SOME REMARKS SUPPLEMENTING "THE Magha and His Patrons .. MANUSMRITE IN THE LIGHT OF SOME G. E. L. CARTER, LC.8. - RECENTLY PUBLISRED Texts" .. .. 95 Notes on Sind .. .. SOME INTERESTING PARALLELS .. .. 233 RELIGION IN SIND .. .. .. .. 205 SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E., D.Sc., K. N. D. - D.LITT. :The Notion of Kingship in the Sukraniti, by A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN R. G. Pradhan, B.A., LL.B. .. .. 48 CENTRAL ASIA, 1913--16 .. . 109,137, N. B. DIVATIA, B.A.: 165, 193, 221, 249 THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND WITH V. S. SUKTHANKAR : SPECIAL REFERRNOM TO GUJARATI .. 297 Kalidasa's Meghadwa or the Cloud Messenger 79 R. E. ENTHOVEN, C.I.E., I.C.S. - An Account of the Different Existing FOLKLORE OF THE GUJARAT Sup. 125, 137, 149 Systems of Sanskrit Grammar .. .. 13 J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E. SIB R. C. TEMPLE, BART. - JAMES BURSS, C.I.E., LL.D. .. .. 1 ORIGINAL PAPERS RELATING TO THE Y. R. GUPTE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY ON NEW Yuna D Intercourse between India and the Western . 1761.. .. .. .. World from the Earliest Times to the Fall Notes From Old Factory Records .. 48, 64, of Rome, by H. G. Rawlinson, M.A., 79, 106, 192, 920, 248, 275, 304 LE.8. .. .. .. 164 JOIN FAITHFULL FLEET AND THE INDIAN K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BAR.-AT ANTIQUARY" .. .. .. .. 129 LAW: JOB CHARNOCK-HIS PARENTAGE AND WILL 256 Tas HISTORICAL POSITION OF KALKI AND AUSTRLA'COMME ROLAL VENTURE IN THE HIS IDENTIFICATION WITH YASODHARMAN. 145 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY .. .. .. 277 Architecture and Sculpture in Mysore .. 248 L. P. TESSITORI :Bandhu-britya of the Mudra Rakshasa .. 275 Aitihasaka Rasa Samgraha, by Vijaya Vijnapri-Triveni, Jaina Epistle .. .. 276 Dharma Suri .. .. .. .. 133 P. V. KANE, M.A., LL.M. - DR. A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D.:OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA THE KADAMBEA PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION OF LITERATURE .. .. .. .. MALAVALLI .. .. .. .. .. NANIGOPAL MAJUMDAR, B.A. - ABDUL WALI: A HABAHA STONE INSCRIPTION .. .. Surgeon Gabriel Boughton .. .. .. 47 Kalideas and Kamandaks .. .. H. WILBERFORCE-BELL: RAMESH CHANDRA MAJUMDAR : Corruptions of English in the Indian Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Vernaculars.. .. .. Department, for the year 1916, Bangalore, G. YAZDANIS by Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar, M.A. 135 History of Aurangzeb, Vol. III, by Prof. TE DATE OF KANISHKA .. .. .. 261 Jadu Nath Sarkar, M.A.... .. .. 04

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CONTENTS PAGE MISCELLANEA. Surgeon Gabriel Boughton, by Abdul Wali .. .. Banabhatta's Guru, by D. C. Bhattacharyye .. Notes on Sind, by G. E. L. Carter .. .. .. The Mahimnastava and its Author, by D. C. Bhattacharyya Magha and his Patrons, by D. C. Bhattacharyya .. .. Kalidasa and Kamandaka, by Nanigopal Majumdar .. Bandhu-bhritya of the Mudra Rakshasa, by K. P. Jayaswal . .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. 63 .. 133 .. 164 .. 191 220 .. 275 .. .. .. .. NOTES AND QUERIES. Corruptions of English in the Indian Vernaculars, by H. Wilberforce-Bell ... .. .. .. 28 Notes from Old Factory Records, by Sir R. C. Temple .. ..48, 64, 79, 106, 192, 220, 248, 276, 304 BOOK-NOTICES. The Notion of Kingship in the Sukraniti, by K. N. D. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 48 History of Aurangzeb, Vol. III, by G. Yazdani .. .. .. .. Kalidasa's Meghaduta or the Cloud-Messenger, by V. S. Sukthankar .. An Account of the different Existing Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, by V. S. Sukthankar .. Aitihasika Rasa Samgraha, by L. P. Tessitori .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Kavyamimamsa of Rajaekhara, by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri .. .. .. .. .. 135 Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department for the year 1916, Bangalore, R. C. Chandra .. .. .. . .. .. 135 Intercourse between India and the Western World from the Earliest Times to be Fall of Rome, by Y. R. Gupte .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 164 Architecture and Sculpture in Mysore, by K. P. Jayaswal Vijna pti-Triveni, a Jaina Epistlo, by K. P. Jayaswal .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 276 ... 246 SUPPLEMENTS. Alphabetical Guide to Sinhalese Folklore from Ballad Sourcer, by L. D. Barnetti. Folklore of the Gujarat, by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., I.C.S. .. .. . .. .. 117 126, 137, 149 PLATES. The Antiquities of Mahabalipur, No. 1-12 .. .. .. facing pp. 49, 52, 53, 65, 67, 68, 69, 73 John Fait full Fleet .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. facing p. 128 Sketch Maps I & II to illustrate the position of Mt. Eiros .. Dr. James Burgess, C.I.E., LL.D. .. . . 133 221

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XLVI--1917. JAMES BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D. BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S., (RETD.), PH.D., C.L.E. In the person of Dr. James Burgess, who died at Edinburgh on the 3rd October in his eighty-fifth year, there has passed away an accomplished scholar and zealous worker who played a great part in the development of Indian historical and archaeological research, and Sir Richard Temple and I have lost a valued friend of long standing. The following sketch is offered as a tribute to his memory and an attempt to give an idea of what he achieved during some fifty years of active life and solid hard work. Dr. Burgess was born on the 14th August, 1832, at Kirkmahoe in Dumfriesshire, Scotland. He was educated chiefly at Glasgow, with a view to adopting the profession of teaching. And he went to India in 1855 as Professor of Mathematics in the Doveton College at Calcutta. In 1861 he became Head of a large school at Bombay, the Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy Parsee Benevolent Institution, and it was this move that led to his taking up the line of work in which he became so prominent. His interest in archaeological matters was aroused by the remains at Elephanta and the Kanheri Caves, and the other places which residence at Bombay gave him the opportunity of visiting during vacations. And the first fruits of the work which he was thus led to begin appeared in his "Temples of Satrunjaya," published in 1869, and his "Rock-cut Temples of Elephanta," which followed in 1871.1 Soon after that came his first great service to the scientific world, which was done in 1872 by starting this journal, the Indian Antiquary. His objects were to bring together in one publication, of a suitable size for illustrations, the work in all the various lines of Indian historical and archaeological research which was being done by scholars both in India and elsewhere ; to draw more workers into the field; to provide a medium of communication between writers who lived and worked in far different localities, and to make accessible in English translations and abstracts work that was being turned out by some of our European scholars in other languages. A glance through the Lists of Contents of the early volumes will show how many prominent scholars, both European and Indian, responded at once to his call, and availed themselves of the advantages that he offered by joining the ranks of his supporters and contributors, and how quickly new workers were attracted and brought into this field of research, and the pages of the volumes themselves are full of most valuable matter which he was thus the means of laying before us, including many contributions by himself both in separate papers and in editorial footnotes. He carried on this publication, in monthly issues and yearly volumes, chiefly at his own cost, for thirteen years, and wound up the series by a penultimate contribution of quite exceptional interest and value, namely, Here and below I mention only his most prominent works, nearly all of which have been taken into the general series of the Archeological Survey of India, though a few of them, besides these two, were not written officially. Various other publications by him or prepared under his direction are to be found in the brochures or subsidiary smaller volumes of the Bombay and Madras Surveys, and in separately issued descriptive books and collections of photographs. A nearly full list of them all can be got from the bibliography attached to his article on Indian architecture in the Imperial Gazetteer of India, along with the lists which are given at the end of the annual report of the Director-General of Archeology

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 McCrindle's translation of Ptolemy's Geography of India and Southern Asia. Then, but only because by that time he found his hands quite full with the official duties which had devolved upon him, he made over the journal, at the end of 1884, to Sir Richard Temple and myself. Meanwhile, from 1868 to 1873 Dr. Burgess was the Secretary of the Bombay Geographical Society. His work in this capacity and what he was doing as Editor of the Indian Antiquary, along with the two small books which he had published on Elephanta and Satrunjaya, attracted the attention of Government, and led to cfficial recognition of his special qualifications. It had already been realized by the Government of India that the extensive historical and archeological remains of India deserved a better fate than that the exploration of them should continue to be left to private and intermittent enterprise. A first step was taken in 1870, when General Sir Alexander Cunningham, who, indeed, had been cmployed previously for some years on official archaeological exploration but had retired from active service, was recalled to India to be at first Archeological Surveyor to the Government of India, and then when a staff of Assistants was provided for him, to be Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India. His time, however, and that of his Assistants was fully filled by work in Northern India. It was recognized that separate arrangements must be made for the South. And a second step was taken in January, 1874, when Dr. Burgess was appointed to be the Archeological Surveyor and Reporter to Government for Western India. He was peculiarly fitted for such a post by having already a clear appreciation of the different classes of Indian architecture, a quick perception of the salient features which called for description and illustration, habits of close observation and socuracy partly innate and partly due to his mathematical training, great skill as a draftsman and photographer, and a winning manner which got for him the cordial co-operation of other scholars in supplying readings and translations of inscriptions, the only part of the work which he could not deal with in person. And the selection of him for the newly made office was quickly justified by his production of a series of fine large volumes, handsomely got up and richly illustrated, and full of most liseful matter. In 1874 ap, eared his "Report on the First Season's Operations in the Belgaum and Kaladgi Districts;" in 1876, his "Report on the Antiqnities of Kathiawad and Kachh," including a contribution by E. Thomas on the "Sah" and Gupta coins; and in 1878, his "Report on the Antiquities in the Bidar and Aurangabad Districts in the Territories of H. H. the Nizam." During this period he started, by a "Provisional List of Architectural and other Archaeological Romains in Western India," which was issued in 1875 aNo. 4 of the brochures of the Bombay Archaeological Survey, & series of compilations, framed subsequently both for Bombay and for other parts in an amplified and more detailed form, the usefulness of which has been found very great. Also, he perfecced and taught to us who were cooperating with him the process of making the squeezes and impressions, both plain and inked, which enabled us to substitute real facsimiles of the inscriptions on stone for the small-scale photographs and the unreliable reproductions from eye-copies, tracings, and rubbings touched up by hand, which had been previously the only wa 8 of illustrating such records. In 1881 Madras was added to Dr. Burgess's sphere of work, and be became Archaeological Surveyor and Reporter to Government for Western and Southern India. He then brought out in 1883 his fourth volume for Western India, namely, a "Report on the Buddhist Cavetemples and their Inscriptions," the inscriptions being given mostly from a preliminary treatment of them by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, published in 1881 in No. 10 of the brochures of the Bombay Survey, which was revised and added to by Professor Buhlor. In the same year he produced his fifth volume for Western India, a "Report on the Elura Cave Temples and the Brahmanical and Jaina Caves in Western India," with a treatment by Professor Buhler of the Nanaghat and Kayheri inscriptions and the Dasavatara inscription at Elura. In the meantime, in intervals of leisure Dr. Burgess had found time to co-operate with

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JANUARY, 1917) JAMES BURGESS Janes Fergusson in writing another volume of very primary importance, "The Cave temples of India," which was published in both their names in 1880. In March, 1886. Dr. Burgess Busseeded Sir A. Cunningham as Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India. One of the first things that he did in his new office was to place the archaeological arrangements throughout India on a more systematic footing by putting Mr. Cousens and Mr. Rea, who were already his Assistants, in full charge of the work in Western India and Madras respectively; by getting Dr. Fuhrer appointed for the North-West provinces and Oudh as an addition to the existing staff in Northern India; and by securing the appointment of Professor Hultzsch as Government Epigraphist, with the duty of collecting and publishing the inscriptional records of the Madras-Presidency and training a staff of assistants to help in carrying on that work and any extension of it. Another thing that he did in his new capacity was to start a sicond now journal, which, also, has played a most important part in Indian historical research. From 1872 the principal organ for the publication of the ancient records of India, the inscriptions on stone and copper which are found in such great numbers, especially in the South, had been the Indian Antiquary. But the pages of this journal were becoming insufficient for the increasing amount of material that was being collected. A separate journal, devoted exclusively to the inscriptions, was found necessary, and Dr. Burgess provided it by starting the Epigraphia Indica, which he brought out with the help of Professor Hultzsch and Dr. Fuhrer, to provide for the inscriptions other than those which were specially the sphere of Professor Hultzsch's work. Owing to certain difficulties caused by special arrangements which had to be made in the Government Press at Calcutta, the first volume of this new series, issued in periodical instalment, was not finished till 1892, by which time Dr. Burgess had left India But it was followed by vol. 2 without any undue delay in 1894. Here, again, a perusal of the Lists of Contents of the two volumes will show how successful he was in securing at once full support for his new undertaking. The pages of the two volumes are rich with epigraphic work by, amongst others, Professors Bihler and Kielhorn. And a noticeable feature in them is found in Professor Jacobi's "Tables for the Computation of Hindu Dates in Inscriptions," which Dr. Burgess, estimating quite rightly the usefulness of them, published in vol. I, pp. 403-460, and vol. 2, pp. 487-498. This was a somewhat new line of inquiry, and very important one. It had been started, on proper lines for the first time, by Mr. Shankar Balkrishna Dikshit, in 1887, in the Indian Antiquary, vol. 16, pp. 113-122, where he showed us how to get the true European equivalents for Hindu dates by means of tables published in Marathi by Proiessor Kero Lakshman Chilatre. Professor Jacobi took the matter in hand on European lines in the same journal vol. 17, pp 145-181, and then recast and extended his tables and methods in the two contributions for which Dr. Burgess so judiciously found a place in the Epigraphia Indica, thus laying fully the foundations of a branch in our work the superstructure of which has been continued elsewhere by Sh. B. Dikshit, Mr. Sewell, and other scholars. Meanwhile, Dr. Burgess went on energetically with his own special work, and gave us in 1887 the first volume in the archaeological series for Madras, namely, "The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta in the Krishna District," with texts and translations of by Professor Buhler of the inscriptions of Aoka at Diauli and Jaugada, and in 1888, in co-operation with Mr. Cousong, a volume on "The Antiquities of the Town of Dabhoi in Gujarat," Dr. Burgess left India in 1889, to settle down in his home at Edinburgh, but not by any means to lead a life of leisure : he had many unpublished materials on hand; and he applied himself steadily to worki g them up for publication. He was busy in the first place, down to 1894, with the editing of the Epigraphia Indica, which then, from the beginning of its third volume, was taken over by Professor Hultzsch. In 1896 he gave us & volume on "The Muhammadau Architecture in Gujarat." In 1900 he published Part 1 of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1917 #work on "The Muhammadan Architecture of Ahmedabad." In 1901 he gave us, in his private capacity, a small but valuable book entitled "Buddhist Art in India," being a translation, made by Miss A. C. Gibson and revised and enlarged by himself and enriched with additional illustration, of Professor Albert Grunwedel's "Handbuch" on this topic, which had been published in 1893. In 1903, again in co-operation with Mr. Cousens, he gave us a volume on "The Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat." And in 1905 he produced Part 2 of "The Muhammadan Architecture of Ahmedabad." This was his last official publication. But even then his activity by no means came to an end. He wrote the account of Indian architecture which was published in 1908 in the new edition of the Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. 2, pp. 155-205. In 1910, in co-operation with Mr. Phena Spiers, he gave us a revised edition of Fergusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architecture," originally published in 1876, which he brought up to date in the light of all the more recent knowledge that had been acquired since then and of his own special acquaintance with the subject. And in 1913 he gave us "The Chronology of Modern India, A. D. 1494-1894," as a complement to the well-known book on the earlier chronology, from ancient times down to the beginning of the sixteenth century, which had been published in 1899 by Miss C. Mabel Duff (Mrs. Rickmers). As may have been gathered from some things said above, Dr. Burgess was an expert mathematician This branch of knowledge he never deserted, finding in it the relaxation from ordinary work which all of us need in some form or another. In 1898 he was awarded the Keith Medal of the Royal Society of Edinburgh for a paper in which he propounded a new process in the Error-function Definite Integral. And it was this side of his attainments that enabled him to give us in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1893, pp. 717-761, a most instructive paper entitled "Notes on Hindu Astronomy and the History of our Knowledge of it." It is to be regretted that he did not write more in this line of research, which has been much neglected since the time when Whitney publiabed his notes and illustrations to the translation of the Surya-Siddhanta. When Dr. Burgess gave us his "Chronology of Modern India," his health had broken down to such an extent that he was no longer capable of any continuous efforts ; it began to fail, in fact, about ten years ago, and it was only under stress of great pain and increasing feebleness that he finished his last two publications. He was afflicted by serious weakness of the heart, and by a complaint which made severe surgical operations necessary from time to time. Life was a heavy burden to him for the last few years during which he was never free from discomfort, if not actual pain, and was, indeed, for much of the time in bed. But he always had the consolation that his mind remained clear, which enabled him up to the very last to take a practical interest in any topics that were submitted to him for elucidation, and the devoted attentions of a wife and daughters who helped him in keeping up his communications with friends at a distance whenever he could not write letters in person. He bore his sufferings with signal patience and resignation, under the influence of his natural fortitude and the deep religious convictions that he held, and has passed at last to rest, to be missed greatly by all who had the privilege of knowing him. Dr. Burgess's merits and work received recognition in various quarters. He was made LLD of the University of Edinburgh in 1881, and Companion of the Order of the Indian Empire in 1885. He was an Honorary Associate of the Royal Institute of British Architests; an Honorary Member of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society, the American Oriental Society, and the Royal Philosophical Society of Glasgow; and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh and of the University of Bombay. And he was an Honorary Associate of the Finno-Ugrian Society, and a Corresponding Member of the Ethnological Society of Berlin and of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences. He was also a Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, which he joined in 1886, and of which he was at the time of his death almost the oldest surviving member; a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society, and a Member of the Societe Asiatique, Paris,

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JANUARY, 1917) THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 ORIGINAL PAPERS RELATING TO THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY ON NEW YEAR'S DAY 1761. BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, BART. Introductory Note. The violent cyclone which occurred at Pondicherry on the 1st January 1761 is historically important, as it happened at a crisis in the blockade of that place and inspired the French with hopes of immediate succour. The Seven Years War was at that time drawing to a close, but the Anglo-French quarrel in India was still undetermined, and Colonel (Sir) Eyre Coote, in command of the troops at Madras, after a successful action at Wandiwash and the capture of Arcot, in January 1760, had set about the reduction of Pondicherry, which was held by the Count De Lally. But as the British foroos were not strong enough for an assault, he decided to closely invest the place, and at the same time a strict blockade by land and sea was kept up from May to the end of December 1760, with the help of a squadron under Admiral Charles Stevens and Rear Admiral (Sir) Samuel Cornish. Its fall seemed inevitable, unless it could be relieved by a French fleet, as it was known that the inhabitants were suffering from want of provisions. Then, on New Year's Day 1761, a cyclone broke upon the coast in full fury, and it appeared impossible that any ship could have escaped. Indeed, it was at first generally believed that the entire English squadron had perished, and Lally dispatched an urgent message to the French Resident at Pulicat, begging him to lose no time in forwarding supplies for the "saving of Pondicherry." But though three ships had foundered with almost all hands, three were stranded and four dismasted, the French soon realized that their adversaries were not rendered powerless. A part of the squadron, under Admiral Cornish, which had been refitting at Trincomalee, escaped the storm, and returned to Pondicherry on the 6th January. Colonel Coote sent to Madras for all the armed vessels and stores available, and meanwhile get about the erection of a fort to protect the men who were salving the wrecks. The Council at Madras responded to the call for assistance, and thus, in a few days, the English were again formidable at sea." All hope of relief being now at an end, the garrison, "having no Provisions left," capitulated on the 15th January 1761. There are several contemporary accounts of this cyclone among the India Office Records, 28 well as information collected by Robert Orme, and a report drawn up by him, somo seventeen years after the event. There are also descriptions in the Logs of some of the Vessels of Admiral Stevens' squadron, preserved at the Public Record Office. By the courtesy of the authorities, I now give these accounts in their original wording. A certain amount of repetition is unavoidable, but as each narration contains details not found in the -other accounts, it has seemed advisable to print all the reports in their entirety. The whole collection forms a valuable addition to the history of cyclones in India in the 18th century.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 = Colonel Coote's Account of the Storm as recorded in his Journal, Tuesday 30th December 1760.-The surf ran so high this day that no stores could be landed. Wede: sday 31st December 1760.-The surf so great this day that no boat or Catamaran could go off to bring any stores on shore. Thursday 1st January 1761.- Very cloudy weather all this morning. In the evening about 8 o'clock, it began to blow hard. At ten the most violent storm arose that has been known in the memory of mail, and continued 'till 2 in the morning. Friday 2nd January 1761.-The storm which happened last night almost ruined our batteries and working tools, destroyed intirely all our Pandalls (pandal, a thatched shed] in Camp, and killed several black people. His Majesty's ships Newcastle, Queenborough and Protector drove on shore to the southward of Arioncopang?; all but five or six men in the crew saved. The Duke of Aquitaine, Sunderland, and Duke storeship foundered about one o'clock this morning. Only three men are saved out of those two men of war, and seven blacks out of the Duke ; the America, Panther, Medway and Falmouth entirely dismasted and laying at anchor to the southward; no news yet of the Norfolk, Admiral Stevens, but fear she is lost. Wrote immediately to the Governor and Council of Bombay to acquaint them with this unhappy catastrophe, and requested they would immediately dispatch Captain Tideman and the men of war there to the Coast, and at the same time to send as much powder as they could possibly spare. Wrote also to the Governor and Council of Madras, and desired they would immediately send supplies of stores to the army, in the room of those lost on board the Duke. Ordered all the Mussola (mussoola, masula, a surfboat) boats and Catamarans from the northward to assist the ships to the southward and those ashore off Arioncopang, also ordered provisions and arrack to be sent for the use of the sailors belonging to the Newcastle, Queenborough and Protector. Wrote to the officer commanding at Cudalore to dispatch immediately all his Mussola boats and Catamarans to assist the ships, and to send for those at Porto Novo and Deve Cotah. ... Sunday 4th January 1761.-This morning Admiral -Stevens arrived in the Norfolk without any damage, also the Grafton, Captain Parker. Intercepted a letter from Mr. (Monsieur) Lally to one Mr. [Monsieur) Raymond at some of the neutral ports, in which he desires him, in the most pressing manner, to send some rice to Pondicherry, and to rur all risques and hazard every thing to effect it, if it was only half a Garces at a time. He acquaints him that, as the English fleet was entirely destroyed, he had it once more in his power to save Pondicherry. Wrote to the Governor and Council of Madras to dispatch immediately all the armed vessels there to join the ships before Pondicherry. Wrote also to Admiral Stevens and sent him a copy of Mr. Lally's intercepted letter, at the same time represented to him my uneasiness least any boats with provisions should get into the * Orme MSS., India, Vol. VIII. pp. 1986-7. ? Ariankuppam, near Pondicherry. Porto Novo, on the Coast of 8. Arcot, 32 miles South of Pondicherry, Devikotta, a Maratha Fort. * See Infra for a translation of this letter. A menuro, varying from about 8,000 to 9,000 lbe avoirdupois.

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JANUARY, 1917] THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 7 garrison, and recommended his ordering armed boats to keep constantly cruizing in shore, so as to prevent any thing getting in to their relief. Received advice from Negapatam that a boat loaded with provisions sailed from that port; acquainted Admiral Stevens with this immediately.... Tuesday 6th January 1761.-The late storm having raised the sea so high as to wash away the Star redoubt, which was built between the Sea and the river to the Southward and thereby leave that part uncovered, I ordered the Engineers to mark out a fort capable of containing 300 men, so as intirely to cover the southward and prevent the enemy from sending out any parties to molest the seamen at the wrecks. Received a letter from Admiral Stevens, desiring me to send armed boats to cruize before Pondicherry. Wrote him for answer that I had none fit for that purpose, and even if I had, there were no proper people on shore to man them; also informed him that I had intelligence from the different neutral ports of several boats lading with provisions for the enemy, and that I made no doubt of his taking the necessary measures to prevent their getting into Pondicherry. This day Admiral Cornish in the Lenox, with the York and Weymouth, arrived here, all well. Colonel Coote's Report of the Storm to the Council at Fort St. George. Consultation, 4th January 1761.-This morning came in the following letter from Colonel Coote Commanding the Army before Pondicherry. To the Honble. the President and Council of Fort St. George. Gentlemen,-After the most terrible night of wind and rain that I ever was witness to, I have this morning the most dismal prospect. Our fleet (I am afraid) entirely destroyed. Four of the ships we see dismasted and two more on shore. The beach is covered with peices of wrecks; the Army almost in as great distress, having our Tents, Huts, and every thing belonging to us destroyed. Great numbers of the black people, men, women and Children have been killed. I fear greatly for the Ship Duke; she had the greater part of her stores on board. It is absolutely necessary that you, Gentlemen exert your utmost [endeavours] (by sending us as speedy supplys as possible) to make up for this unfortunate disaster, and to enable us at the same time to push on the Siege with vigor. I am by this shocken Scene of confusion so hurried, which prevents me from saying any thing further at present, than that I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and most humble Servant, EYRE COOTE. Oulgaret, 2d January 1761. To which was returned the following Answer : To Eyre Coote Esqr., Commander-in-Chief. SIR, We received this morning your favour of the 2d Instant with the unfortunate news of the sufferings the Fleet and Army have sustained by a storm of wind on the 1st Instant. The misfortune is great; so much the greater must our ardor be in preventing * Rear Admiral Samuel Cornish, Cr. Bt. 1766, died 1770. See the Dict. Nat. Biog. for a notice of him. He succeeded Admiral Charles Stevens in command of the squadron, on the death of the latter in April 1761. 1 Madras Military Consultations, Range 251, Vol. 47, pp. 1-3. * Oulgaret, one of the four communes of Pondicherry.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1917 the advantages the Enemy might otherwise make of our distress. Whatever can be done by us shall not be wanting. We had some part of the gale here, but the Falmouth, loaded with Stores, fortunately rode it out. We dispatch her to you this night. Two ships, (the Lord Mansfield and Sandwich) arrived from Bengal, shall in a few days carry you a further supply of Gunpowder. All our Carpenters are set to work to make more platforms, which shall also be forwarded to you as soon as they are finished, as well as every other store our Garrison affords. We remain &ca., GEORGE PIGOT, &ca., Council. Colonel Coote's further Report of the damage caused by the Storm." Consultation, 5th January 1761.-The folowing letter received from Colonel Coote, with further particulars of the loss sustained by the Storm of wind on the 1st Instant. To the Honble. the President and Council of Fort St. George. GENTLEMEN,-After I had the honor of writing to you yesterday, I went along the Sea Side to the Southward of Pondichery, where I had a most miserable prospect of our shattered fleet. It is not in my power to describe the horror of the night of the 1st and the dreadful effects of it. The best account I can give you is the following. There are three ships on shore; most of the crews will be saved. The names are the Newcastle, Queenborough and Protector. Three ships have foundered, the Duke of Aquitaine, Sunderland and Duke Storeship; the two former had but one man saved, and the latter seven blacks. Four large ships are entirely dismasted; who they are, I do not exactly know, nor can I tell any thing of the few remaining Ships of the Squadron. Should the Revenge be carried at Madras I beg you would dispatch her immediately, and whatever armed Vessels you can collect, as we have not at present even a boat to block up the place. I sent off an express yesterday to Bombay, by way of Anjengo, in order to hurry round the Ships of war there, and I am doing every thing in my power to help the distressed people here, as well as to carry on the Attacks on this place. The Storm has almost rendered useless every thing I have hitherto done; yet I hope by a little activity and perseverence to get the better of this misfortune. Head Quarters, 3d January 1761. I have the honor to be, &ca., EYRE COOTE. Measures taken by the Council at Fort St. George in consequence of the above Report. Such a Calamitous and unexpected accident to our Fleet at this time is indeed a very melancholy event. We, however flatter ourselves that Admiral Cornish, with his Division, consisting of five ships of the Line, has escaped the Effects of the Storm, and that we shall in a few days hear of his arrival on the Coast to renw the blockade by Sea. In the mean time, that every precaution in our power may be taken to prevent the Enemy's getting in supplies by that means, RESOLVED that the Lord Mansfield and Sandwich, which imported here from Bengal the 3rd Instant do take on board as much Gunpowder as they can receive for the Siege of Pondichery, and proceed to the Southward with all Expedition for that Service. * Madras Military Consultations, Range 240, Vol. 47, pp. 3-5.

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JANUARY, 1917) THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 And Ordered that Mr. Milton, the Commisary General of Stores at Camp, be wrote to for an account of the stores that had been landed from the Duke, that all possible means may be taken for replacing the deficiency occasioned by the loss of that Ship. Ordered that Pattamars (pathmar, a foot runner, messenger) be dispatched to Bombay and Bengal with Advices of the late disaster which has happened to the Fleet, and to request of the Gentlemon at Bombay to communicate the same to the Commanders of any of his Majesty's ships there, that they may be prepared to execute such orders as they may receive from the Admiral, from whom as yet we have received no Advices since the Accident. We are uncertain what measures he may think most expedient to take for refitting the disabled Ships and as a part of our battering Cannon is lost in the Duke, It is AGREED to request they will supply us with this Article as far as they are able. Report of the Storm sent to Bombay, 5th January 1761, by the Council at Fort St. George. Honble. Sir and Sirs,-Since our last of the 20th Ultimo, we have received your favor under date the 27th November. Admiral Stevens, with the Norfolk, Sunderland, Falmouth and Protector, joined the five Ships under Captain Haldane's Command off Pondichery the 26th of last Month, and the Queenborough a day or two after, having left Tricamallay ( Trincomallee, Ceylon ) the 16th, and parted from the Lenox, Grafton, Weymouth, York, Salisbury, Tartar Sloop and Compagnie des Indes, French Prize, under Admiral Cornish, off Point Pedro. "1 After this favorable account of the chief part of the Squadron being safe on the Coast, it is with pain we proceed to describe the very unfortunate Catastrophe which happened by the effects of a most violent gale of wind off Pondicherry the 1st Instant. All the particulars we have as yot received of this unhappy event are as follow. The Newcastle, Queenborough and Protector drove ashore near Ariancopang, the crews saved; the Duke of Aquitaine, the Sunderland, and the Company's Ship Duke laden with Stores for the Siege, founder'd ; of the two former, only one was saved, and a few Lascars of the latter. The Norfolk, America, Medway, Falmouth and Panther rode it out, but were obliged to cut away all their Masts, and we hear are otherwise much damaged; the Liverpool Frigate put to Sea, and has not since been heard of. The Elizabeth, South Sea Castle and Hermione, French Prize, we understand were sent round to Bombay from Trincomalay, and that the Tyger was left at the last mentioned place to compleat her Repairs. As we are quite uncertain what measures the Admiral may think most expedient to take for refitting the disabled Ships, we can only give you this early notice, and request that you will be pleased to communicate the same to the Commanders of any of His Majesty's Ships with you, that they may be prepared to execute such orders as they may receive from the Admiral. The Instant we are informed of his resolution, we shall dispatch another Pattamar to you. We have had no certain accounts of Admiral Cornish since Mr. Steevens left him off Point Pedro, as abovementioned, but a private letter just received mention[ 8 ] five Ships being seen to the Northward of Pondichery, which we hope to be his division. Our Camp has also suffered by the Storm, but we are exerting our utmost endeavours to press the Siege with Vigour, and prevent, as far as we are able, the advantages the Enemy # Madras Military Consultations, Range 251, VOL. 47. 11 A point at the extreme N. E. of Ceylon, near Point Palmyra.

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10 [JANUARY, 1917 might otherwise reap from this Calamity. Some reports speak of the arrival of the Ships destined to your Presidency at Anjengo. We hope it is true and are persuaded your Honor &c., will not lose a moment to give us all the Assistance in your power. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The Lord Mansfield and Sandwich from Bengal imported here the 2d Instant. Their arrival is very opportune to assist in carrying Stores for the siege of Pondichery. They have Salt Petre on board for your Presidency. Whether we can send them round conveniently with the present circumstances of Affairs we cannot yet determine. You may, however, depend that nothing but absolute necessity shall induce us to detain them. 1 Our call for Gunpowder is so great that we hope your Honor &c., will excuse our repeated Request that you will send us as large a supply as you can possibly spare and find conveyance for; and as we have lost a part of our battering Cannon for the Siege of Pondichery, if you can assist us in this Article with some 18 or 24 pounders, they will be very acceptable. We are &c., GEORGE PIGOT, &c., Council. Admiral Charles Steevens' Report of the Storm to the Council at Fort St. George.12 Consultation 7th January 1761.-Received the following letter from Admiral Steevens to the President and Council at Fort St. George. GENTLEMEN,-On the first Instant, observing the weather squally and unsettled, I made every necessary disposition to prepare His Majesty's Ships under my Command for going to Sea, if I found myself under an absolute necessity of running out with the Squadron. At eight o'clock at night it began to be squally, the wind at N. W. by N. and at ten, I found myself under an absolute necessity of 'cutting my cable, and making a signal for the squadron to do the same, driving off under a Reef'd Mizen. From half past ten to half past eleven the wind increased, blowing very hard; at twelve it became moderate, and continued so till near one a'clock; then the wind shifted to the S. E. Quarter, and continued to blow harder than it did before, till about 3, the Norfolk at that time standing to the N. E. under a Reef'd Foresail, and when I could sound, only shoaled my water from 17 to 14 fathom, which soundings I kept till the weather moderated. At 7 o'clock in the morning saw Sadrass1 to the W. N. W., distant 5 Leagues. I then thought it necessary to haul off the land till the weather settled, having received no other damage than splitting a Reef'd Mainsail and Mizen, and losing my long boat; during the Storm I made (from the Ships labouring) 4 feet water. Yesterday I spoke with the Liverpool at Sea, who had lost all her Masts, and soon after spoke with the Grafton, and left her to take care of the said Ship, as I pushed here this morning with all possible expedition, to be ready to assist the distressed ships of the squadron. The Grafton and Liverpool are come to an Anchor off this place, and from the Grafton I am informed that on the 28th Ultimo, at about 30 Leagues off the Land He saw Rear Admiral Cornish with the York and Weymouth in Company. Enclosed I transmit you the best account I can at present learn of the unfortunate lost and distressed Ships of the Squadron. 12 Madras Military Consultations, Range 251, Vol. 47, pp. 12-15. 13 Sadras (Seven Pagodas) in Chingleput District, then a Dutch settlement. T

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JANUARY, 1917) THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 11 I have only at present to beg the favor you will please to get Ships or Vessels to send down to the Squadron all the provisione the Agent Victualler has wrote to Mr. Morge about, as we are in great want of thos0 Articles; as also all the Massoolah boats you can possibly get for the service of the squadron to water the Ships, and save what stores we can out of the wrecked Ships, as we have lost all our Long Boats, and most part of the other boats. I am &ca., CHARLES STEEVENS. Norfolk, off Pondichery, 4th January 1761. Account of the Loss sustained by the floot in the late Storm. Aquitain, founder'd, one man saved only. Sunderland, a few saved, the Ship founder'd. Queenborough, lost, the people saved. Medway, America, Panther, Falmouth and Liverpool, distasted. Newcastle, ashore, the People saved. Duke, Company's Ship, founder'd at her Anchors. Protector, lost, people saved. In answer to which the following draft was prepared, and Ordered to be immediately wrote fair and dispatched. To Charles Steevens, Esqr., Rear Admiral of the Red and Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Squadron in India, Sir,-Amidst the deepest concern on account of the disaster which has befallen those ships of your squadron which remained in Pondichery road, it is a great consolation to us to learn by your letter of the 4th Instant that you are safe with His Majesty's Ship Norfolle and that the Ships which were not yet arrived with Mr. Cornish has been seen in good condition since the storm. We beg, Sir, you will rely on our utmost endeavours to render you all possible assistance in this your distress; we would even anticipate your wishes if we knew how. The Lord Mansfield and Sandwich, lately arrived from Bengal, having provisions on board for the use of the Squadron, shall be dispatched to you without delay; the former we beleive will sail tomorrow, and the other the next day. The Revenge and Tartar Sloop, arrived here, shall be returned to you as soon as the stores Mr. Morse has to send you can be put on board. The Admiral Watson and Fort William Sohooner shall be also sent back as soon 88 they arrive, and we have this day dispatched to you 13 Mansoolah boats, which are all we have, except a very few reserved for the necessary services of the settlement. We have the honor to be &ca., GEORGE PIGOT &ca., Council. Further Reports from Colonel Cooto: Effect of the news of the disaster wrought by the Storm on the garrison at Pondloborty.14 Consultation 7th January 1761.-Two Letters from Colonel Coote read as follows.-To the Honble. the President and Council of Fort St. George. Gentlemen,- I have the pleasure to inform you that a ship appeared this morning, which we take for Admiral Steevens, whom every body gave over for lost. I have the honor to inclose you copy of a letter I intercepted from Mr. Lally, by which you will see how absolutely necessary it is to send here all the armed vessels at Madras. As I have not had the least intelligence as yet from 14 Madras Military Consultations, Range 261, Vol. 47, pp. 16-17.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 thence, I am unsagy about the fate of the Falmouth witia our stores, and to know whether you have had the gale so violent with you as we have had it here. I have the honor to be &ca., EYRE COOTE.. Head Quarters, 4th January 1761. The intercepted Letter mentioned by Colonel Coote is from Mr. Lally to Mr. Reymond, the French Resident at Pullicat, 16 importing that the English Squadrop is entirely distroyed by the effects of the late storm, and therefore enjoining him to send boats laden with rice to Pondichery by every possible means. To the Honble. the President and Council of Fort St. George. Gentlemen, ... The Ship which we yesterday took for Admiral Steevens proves to be really his; he has met with no damage. The Grafton is also arrived; she spoke with Mr. Cornish on the 28th of last month. I have doa., EYRE COOTE. Head Quarters, 5th January 1761. A True Copy of Boneral Lally's Intercepted note to Mr. Raymond, brought to the Commander in chlof the 4th January 1701.18 Translation. PONDICHERY, 2d Jamury 1761. Mr. Raymond, -The English squadron is no more, Sir; out of the twelve ships which they had in our Road, seven have perished, Crews and all ; four are rased (or dismasted) and it appears that there is but one frigate that hath escaped : therefore lone not an instant to send us Cholingues upon Chelingues, 17 loaded with Bioe. The Dutoh have nothing to foar now. Besides, aooording to the rights of the nations, they are only not to send provisions themselves, and we are no more blookt up by the sea. The saving of Pondichery has been in your hands once already: If you miss this opportunity, it will be intirely your fault; don't forget also some small Chelingues. Offer large rewards. I expect seventeen thousand Maratos (Marathas) within these four days. In short, riak overy thing, and send us some Rice, should it be but half a Garoe at a time. (Signed) L. Captain Amook's Account of the Storm at Pondicherry, 1st January 1761, as given to Robert Ormo in London in April, 1778.18 On the first of January 1761 the weather was so bad and the sea ran so high that no boats could pass from ship to ship; there being strong indioations of a severe gole in the afternoon, Admiral Stevens made some preparations for putting to sea with the fleet (if it should be necessary), oonsisting of the Norfolk of 74 Guns where his flag flow, the Duc d'Aquitaine of 64, the America, Medsay, Panther, Sunderland of 60, the Falmouth and Newcastle of 50. the Liverpool of 28, and the Queenborough of 20, the remaining part of the fleet 15 Puliont, in Chingloput District, where the Dutch bad settlement. * Orme M88., India, Vol. VI. p. 2043. 1 Chelingo, cholingue, co., (Arab. shalandi) curgo row-bost and for discharging troops: 1 Orme MSS., Vol. 68, p. 219.

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JANUARY, 1917) THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 13 not having yot joined him from Ceyloan. The wind continued off the land till 9 P. M., when it began veering to the Northward, at which hour it is supposed the Admiral put to sea; but the violence of the gale and the darkness of the night prevented the squadron from the knowlodge of his intentions, and they consequently lay at anohor as long as their cables would hold them. About 10 o'clock all the Ships were adrift, having parted their cables ; about midnight the wind shifted to the S. E. and blew with exceeding violence, and exhibited in the morning the dreadful scene of four ships in the offing dismasted and several driven ashore on the beach: this was not however the most melancholy circumstance. The Duc d'Aquitaine, commanded by Sir William Hewit, and the Sunderland by Captain Colvill foundered in the gale, and out of both ships only nine men were saved, who were taken up by the Panther's boat in the morning, having been six hours driving about in the sea on pieces of the Masts and Yards which had been cut away. The Ships which were obliged to out away their Masts were the America, Capt. Haldane, Medway, Tinker, Falmouth, Brereton and Panther, Affleck; and the Newcastle, Collins and Queenborough, Daniel, were driven ashore near Areocapang, where being out of the reach of the guns of Pondicherry, their hulls were only lost, the crews, stores and provisions being all saved. of the whole number of Ships lying the preceding day off Pondicherry, the Admiral's ship and Liverpool now remained to be accounted for: it was a general apprehension that the former had foundered, but the Liverpool having been stationed to the southward of the fleet and at a greater distance from the shore, had probably put to sea. On the 3d in the afternoon, these fears were removed by the Admiral's flag appearing and with him the Liverpool, who had been dismasted; the Norfolk had suffered no damage, having put to sea, when the other ships, not being able to see or hear his signal, were obliged to lye at Anchor untill their cables parted. Robert Ormo's Queries to Captain Amlock regarding the Storm, with the Captain's Answers, 19 Queries. Did they anchor again or drive before the North storm until obliged to turn again to the land when it changed to the S. E., and then, having shoaled their water, anchor again; Or had they been able to avoid anchoring until the wind fell? I speak now more particularly of the ships which were riding in the morning, the America, Medway, Panther ard Falmouth. At what time did these ships cut away their masts? Did they leave any one of the masts standing? Is it known whether the Duke of Acquitaine and Sunderland foundered at their anchors, or when adrift, and at what part of the gale did they founder ? At what time of the gale were the Newcastle and Sunderland driven ashore ? Did they anchor again after they first parted their cables and then part them again, and so drive ashore ? It is more probable that they drove ashore whilst adrift. From the first I have a note that the masts of the Duke of Acquitain and Sunderland appeared the next morning just above the water. In what sounding did they founder ? Answers. About 10 o'clock all the ships were adrift, having parted their cables. In regard to the Panther she parted her S. B. [starboard bower) Cable about 9 o'clock, let go hor B. B. best bower and brought up at 2 Cables an (sic) end by which she rode about 20 minutes, when that cable parting, she put to sea and set the roofed courses and Orme M88., Vol. 63, pp. 313.296.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 stood off. The mainsail almost immediately split to pieces. Continued standing to the eastward under F. S. and reefed and balanced mizen, the wind voering to the N. E., and blowing violently: between 11 and 12 it died away suddenly, which being a certain indication of its shifting to the southward and redoubling its violence, hauled up the F. S. [foresail] and wore with the fore stay sail': in veering, narrowly escaped being on board the Newcastle. The wind at 12 o'clock burst from the 8. E., with amazing force, which broached the ship too, and laid her on her beam ends. Cut away the mizen mast to endeavour at veering, but to no effect; the ship not righting and being full of water, cut away the mainmast, which broke below the upper deck and tore up the deck ; the ship then was so filled with water between decks that the men could not stand at the pumps. The mainmast providentially soon broke near the gunwale, on which the ship righted : Souttled the lower deck and freed the ship of water by the pumps. The wind continued with great violence from the eastward, and the ship consequently driving on the shore till about two, during which time were employed clearing away as much as possible of the wreck; then let go the sheet anchor to prevent driving under the guns of Pondicherry, but not bringing up, were obliged to cut away the foremast, by which the bowsprit was also lost. She then brought up and rode safe in twelve fathoms water.20 The Norfolk, 74 guns, Captain Kempenfelt. Admiral Steven's ship. Captain Kempenfelt's letter to Admiral Pocock, which I have, gives an account of what happened to her in the storm.21 The Duke of Acquitaine, 64 guns, Sir William Hewit. Mr. Cuthbert (April 2d. 1778), thinks she overset as she was endeavouring to cut her masts after she had parted her cables; this is in the S. E. part of the gale. The Sunderland, 60 guns, Captain Colville. Mr. Cuthbert says she would not cut away her masts, and the sea tore out her bows. When the Sunderland was on her beam ends and it was proposed to Captain Colvill to out away the maste, he replied, "of what use will the ship be against the enemy without masts," and attempted to cut away the main mast when it was too late. The Liverpool, 28 guns, Captain (Richard Knight]. She was at anchor to the north of the other ships, put out to sea without sail. On the S. E. gale all her masts without sail were carried away. She made the land on the [1] off of Palliacate [Pulicat], and fell in with the Norfolk at sea. The Panther, 60 guns, Captain Afflook. Parted her cables at about 10. Was riding by her last cable when the storm ceased, and that cable was half cut through at the bows. The America, 60 guns, Captain Haldane. As the Panther, for what I know of her. The Medway, 60 guns, Captain Tinker.22 As the Panther, for what I know of her. The Falmouth, 50 guns, Capt. Brereton. The same as the Panther for what I know of her. The Newcastle, 50 guns, Captain Collins, 18 Drove ashore nearly opposite to the fort of Ariancopang; at what hour, what happened to her before, I don't know. 80 For further details soe the extract from the Log of the Panther, which follows that of the Norfolk, sinfra. See infra for this socount. 2 For details of what happened to the usedway, see the extract from her Log, infru.

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JANUARY, 1917] The Queenborough, 20 guns, Captain Daniel. The same as the Newcastle; I know no more of her.23 The Duke Storeship. She went ashore as the Newcastle and Queenborough: I know no more of her. The Weymouth, 60 guns, Captain Somerset. Name of Vessel. Coming from Trincomalley, anchored in the evening of the 1st of January in Negapatam road, saw signs of bad weather, and that the Dutch on shore had struck the top mast of their flag staff, from which Somerset confirmed his own opinion, and put to sea. The gale arose from the N. E., and it was with difficulty he weathered a spit of sand which runs off from the head of Ceylon, when having got sea room, and out of the strength of the run of the storm, all was well, but he carried in proportion to the wind more sail than [ever] in his life [before] to clear the sand. State of the Squadron after the Storm January 2d 1761.24 America Medway Newcastle Salisbury Tyger ::::: THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 Queenborough Duke of Aquitain Sunderland.. Falmouth Panther Grafton Lenox York.. Weymouth Norfolk Liverpool .::: :::::: No. of Guns. 60 60 50 50 60 20 64 60 50 60 70 74 60 60 74 28 Haldane Tinker Collins, alive Sir Wm. Baird Name of Captain. Daniel Sir William Hewit. Colvill *.. Brereton, alive Afleck Parker Ad. Cornish Somerset, alive Kempenfelt, Admiral Stevens, alive Knight Stranded-Protector [fireship]. Foundered-Duke [country vessel]. Dismasted Stranded Foundered Safe ::: ::: 1 3 8 9 State of Vessel Dismasted. Dismasted. Stranded. At sea, Well. At Madras, Well. Stranded. Foundered. Foundered. Dismasted. Dismasted. At sea, Well. 32 15 " Got through the storm. 13 For further particulars of the Newcastle and Queenborough, see the extracts from their Logs, infra14 Orme MSS., Vol. 63, p. 190.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1917 Part of a rough Sketeh of the Storm, composed by Robert Ormo in 1778.25 [The commencement of the document is missing. The opening sentenoe apparently refers to the weather at the close of the year 1760. The M.S. begins as follows-1 of December, although the same weather continued, a large swell came from the sea, and the surf beat so deep and heavy on the shore that no boats could pass, which continued thus through the night. The next morning the wind freshened and the sky was close and dusky, but without that hard irregularity which forebodes a storm. This aspect did not alter until 4 in the afternoon, but the wind did not increase until 8, when it began to blow in squalls every one stronger than the last until 10, when Admiral Stevens in the Grafton, commanded by Captain Kempenfelt, fired the signal for the ships to cut their cables and put out to sea. None heard the signal All were prepared, and some were already gono, but the wind was now grown so furious that none of the ships could get a single sail; however, as the wind was from the north, and the shore ran to the west, the meer drift carried them clear of the land until 12, when the wind ceased at once, and it fell stark calm. The symptom was known and the danger that was to follow not doubted. All hands were exerted to get the ship about with her head to the north, which they had scarcely done (when) the wind flew up from the south east and blew with much greater fury than the first storm from the opposite quarter; the foresail 27 although hall'd up in the bracquets and the mizon double reeft were tore away and shivered to pieces, but the foresail stood. The other ships, although they did not hear the signal, put out to sea, but unluckily later than the Admiral, all with the same impossibility of setting any sail, which; with the encreased violence of the storm from the N.W., prevented them from getting as far from the South and from the land, when it fell calm, and the tempest when it changed drove them all back towards Pondicherry, every minute shoaling their water; and as the last resource they all anchored with overy anchor they could get out, and most of them cut away all their maste. Nevertheless, the Newcastle of 64 guns,28 the Queenborough of 20, with the Protector which now served as a tender, parted their Cables and were driven ashore near one another a little below the bar of Arian Copang, but the Duke of Aquitain of 64 and the Sunderland of 70, commanded by the Captains (Sir Wm. Hewit] and [Colvill] unfortunately did not take the precaution of cutting away their masts, and pitching excessively as they turned to head the sea, could not buoy up against the immense wave; and the first that broke over them left them with such a weight of water that they lost all power to resist the following or to be moved even by the violence of the wind towards the shore, although it is to be supposed that all the three cut their cables in order to gain this last means of preservation, and all the three foundered in 7 fathoms water with 1,200 English sailors on board ; (only nine menja besides a hundred Lascars in the Protector, were saved to tell the tale. All this havock was finished in two hours, for the South West storm suddenly coased at half an hour past two in the morning, and the sea became quiet as it had been suddenly raised. Never did a town press [ed] to extremity behold so great a reverse for its preservation as the rising sun. Three ships stranded on the shore which a few days before had been their own; the masts 25 Orme MSS., Vol. 63. 26 These remarks refer to the Panthor. See Captain Afflecka account, ante, p. 10 27 Mainsail : see Captain Affleck's account. 2% In the list given ante, p. 1, the number of guns of the Newcastle is 50 and of the Sunderland 60. 29 This is the number given by Captain Affleck. See ante, p. 9.

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JANUARY, 1917] THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 of three which had been foundered, and the only four which remained in sight (on] the water covered with wreck and death which every waye brought to their strand. Nor was the prospect of their enemies et land less free from destruction in proportiog to the element in which it fell. All the tents and temporary cazernes [barracks] of the English army on the Red hill and in all their out posts were blown to pieces and torn from the ground; all the ammunition for the immediate service abroad was destroyed. Many of the natives attending the camp, from the natural weakness of their constitution, perished from the inclemency, and no vestiges remained in any order from the different battalions of Europeans, for all the soldiers have shad) been obliged to quit their arms in order to seek shelter where ever it was to be found. On the other hand, the sea had passed over the beach and overflowed the country, and, helped by the wind, had ruined all the batteries which the English had contractod [constructed] and employed against the town. But this inundation preserved the English army, for if the ground had been passable, 500 men marching out of the town with proper ammunition would for three hours no where have met fifty to oppose them. Captain Kempenfelt's 30 Account of the Storm. 31 On board the Norfolk, in Pondicherry Road, 30th January, 1761. SIR, I take this opportunity to address my respects to you and to convey some account of our Transactions here. After parting from you, we remaind all the S. W. Monsoon off Cuddilore in expectation of the French Squadron, of whose coming we had several reports, but they never appeared, either judging us too strong from the Reinforcement we had received, or unable from the want of Provisions and Stores. Our Army, after having reduced Karecal and all the Out Forts of the Enemy, except Gingy and Tegara, 32 formed the Blockade of Pondicherry and had some thoughts of commencing the Siege, but at last judged that they should not be able to go through with it till the Monsocn set in; thereupon it was deferred till that Season was over. Upon this, Mr. Stevens judged it Expedient to go to Trincomall with the most defective of the Ships to refit, and left five of the rest to continue the Blockade and risque the Monsoon; there [? these] were the America, Medway, Panther, Duke of Acquitain, and Newcastle. We arrived at Trinconomel the 29th of October, and the 16th of December sailed to return upon the Coast, with the Lenox, Grafton, York, Weymouth, Tiger, Sunderland, Falmouth, Salisbury and Queenboro', and that this might be sooner effected the Admiral directed each Ship to make the best of their way without waiting Company. The 25th of December we, with the Sunderland, Falmouth and Protector Fireship, joined our Ships before Pondicherry. They told us the Monsoon bad been very favourable. Our Army had opened some distant Batteries against the Town, and were landing Cannon, &ca., to advance their attacks. By Deserters we learnt that the place was in great Distress for Provision. The 1st of January we had a large swell hove in from the Eastward, and indeed for two days before we had it more than common, but the Sky appeared settled and the Breezes were regular, inclining off Shore in the Night and from the Sta in the Day, till the first, when 30 Richard Kempenfelt 1718-1762, notablo as the Admiral who went down in the Royal George - with twice four hundred men." See the notice of him in the Dict. Nal. Biog, 31 Orme MSS., Vol. 62, pp. 185-190. 32 Karikal, a French settlement on the Coromandel Coast, near Negapatam; Gingee (Chenji) a hill fortress in S. Arcot, 35 mls. N. W. from Pondicherry: Tiyaga Drug in S. Arcot, a hill fortress, situatod in 11deg48 N. Lat. and 9deg8' E. Long., on the road from Arcot to Trichinopoly.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 it blew the whole Day from the N. N. W. with a close Sky, but not a Windy aspect till the afternoon, when we reeft our Courses and prepared to put to Sea, tho' it did not blow any thing fresh till after 8, when it became Squally; at 10 we made the Signal to Cut. It immediately came on to blow 80 Violent that we could shew no Sail. However, we drifted off as the Wind was at North.33 At 12 it fell at once moderate, and the rain which was during the Gale ceased, and the Sky looked quiet and still. We set our Courses, and the Wind vereing to the S. E., we wore to the Starboard Tack. Scarce had we trim'd the Foresail, when of a sudden it flew up thick all round, and the wind came pouring down from the S. E., with a Fury and Impetuosity far beyond any thing I had ever seen. Our Mainsail, tho' close up in the Braces, was in a moment all in Rags, the Mizen the same, but the Foresail to a miracle stood. We were but in 16 fathom when we made the signal to wear, and the Wind hauling more out to the Eastward, gave us but little prospect of Clearing the Land. Every thing was prepared for cutting the Masts away and bringing up with a couple of Anchors in case we had thowled [sic, ? shoaled] our Water. I kept the Master to the Lead, and finding that we preserved our depth, which was 14 fathom, resumed hopes of saving the Ship and her Masts to[o). At 4 the Gale abaited, and at Daylight it was moderate enough to set the Topsails. When we looked round and could see no Ships, we had Melancholy apprehensions for the rest of the Squadron. If they had got off it must have been on the same Tack we did, and of course would have been in sight. The next Day we fell in with the Liverpool Dismasted, as Captain Knight said, by the meer force of the Wind, having no Sail set. The 4th we Anchored in Pondicherry Road again, which Exibeted a most Meloncholy scene, repleat with all the ruinous devastation of the most cruel Storm. Some ships there was riding, but all their Masts gone, others ashore and some sunk, their Masts appearing just above the Water, the Sea and Shore spread with Floating Carcasses and the ruins of Masts, Yards, etc. The particulars of which are these--the America, Panther and Falmouth, but their masts away and brought up with their Anchors; the Newcastle, Queenborough and Protector Fireship were ashore near Ariacupong, but saved all their people. The Duke of Aquitaine, Sunderland, and a large Ship belonging to the Company Ordnance Stores [the Duke), Foundered and only 15 Men, most of which Lascars, out of the whole, saved. This Gale acting with such Extream Violence, did not extend far. It was neither felt at Madrass34 nor Negapatam ; the Revenge, tho' not far off in the Offin at that time, had it not, and the Liverpool, who put out of the Road in the Forenoon of the 1st, bad the height of it at 8 at Night from the N.N. W., but had nothing of the S. E. Galo which with us was by much the most Violent. The 6th of January Admiral Cornish, joind us with the rest of the Ships from Trinonomal (Trincomalee). Luckey in having a long Passage, they had no Wind Extraordinary, only an uncommon Large Irregular Swell. Another remarkable thing is that tho' the Swell with us was prodigious large just before the Gale came on, yet it fell as the Wind increased, and in the height of the Storm the Sea was smooth. For two or three days after I never saw the water 80 smooth upon the Coromandel Coast This Gale, happening to [ 8'80 ) late in the Year, when the apprehentions of them are over, together with the Hazard of Provisions getting in to Pondicherry, on the preventing which the Reduction of the Place chiefly depended if the Squadron should be absent, were For further particulars, Bou the extracts from the Log of the Norfolk, which follows. 34 This is not quite correot. See the letter from the Council at Madras to Colonel Eyre Coote, of 4tb January 1761, ante, p. 4.

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JANUARY, 1917] THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 19 To the reasons that induced Mr. Stevens to defer too long the Signal for putting out. This disaster, great as it was, did not interrupt the Proceeding against Pondicherry, and the want of the Cannon lost in the Storeship was supplyed from the Newcastle. We got two Batteries advanced, of 10 Guns and 3. Morters, each near (the) N. W. Rastion, which soon destroyed all the Defences that opposed them there. . I am with perfect Respect Sir, Your most Humble and most Obedt. Servant, ADMIRAL POOOOK. RD. KEMPENFELT. Extract of the Log of the Norfolk, Captain Richard Komponfolt.86 Friday, 22 January 1761.- Fresh gales and bazey with rain ... the gale increasing at 8 and past 10, stormy wind with hard wind and sharp lightning from N. W. to N. E., at which time parted the Best Bower. Cut it at the Splice of the 2d Cable, Slipt the Kedge Anchor with 2 Hawsers bent to it, cast her Lead offshore to the Eastward, brac'd the yards up and kupt the Wind a point abaft the Beam to gain an Offing, not daring to set any Sail as no Canvas could hold against the violence of the Wind. At 11 the Longboat broke adrift ; lost in her all her Sails &ca, 1 past 11 had 3 foot of Water to Leeward on the Gun deck, Oonarioned by not being able to get on the Buoklers, hause, &u., also making great Quantities of Water from the Water Walls, Upper Works, and post rope holes, which obliged us to Souttle the lower Dook to let the Water down the Hold. At 12 the Gale began to Abate. Set the fore Mair and mizen Courses ; past 6 Saw Sail of the Squadron without Us, une of which appeared to have lost all her Masts. Show'd the Topp and Poop Lights. At l A.M., the wind Still Veering to the N. E., fired 3 Guns, the Signal vo wear, and Wore to the N. E. and brought her a little toc, on the Starboard Tack, so as to have the Wind about 2 points abaft the Beam; then hawling the Foretack on board, was suddenly attacked with a very violent Storm from uhe S. E Quarter, which laid the Muzzels of the Upper Deck Guns in the water, blew the Mainsail from the Yard (then close hauled up) and the Mizen from the Mast and Yard (haald close up in the Brails), and Foretopmast staysail a way out of the netting, and the Main topmast Staysail loose and split it, Unshipped, and blew over board the middle poop Lanthorr. Kept the wind sometimes one point and sometimes two points abaft th Beanu and shoald the Water Gradually. At 4 the Gale began to Abate Extract of the Log of the Panther, Captain Philip Affleck.so Friday, 20 January 1761.--At i A.M., the wind increas'd with great violence... haul'd up the Courses, but could not furl them ... At past 1 tbe ship lay so much on her beam ends and pressed with water both in the hold and between decks, were obliged to cut away the main mast to right her, which carried away the Mizen Mast. She then righted a little ... the ship falling off by the loss of her mast, so as not to clear the land, let go the sheet anchor, which not bringing ber up at & cable and a half, uut away the foremast and lost the bowsprit, in which she brought up in 3 fathoms... At 3 A. M., it began to moderate ; lost three Men, one with the Main Mast, one with the Bowsprit, and one with the Long boat, which Stove and Sunk at parting the S.B. (starboard bower) Cable, and 35 Captains' Loge, 643 (Public Record Office.) Captains' Logo, 666 (Public Record Omico.)

Page #24
20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 was Cut adrift. At daylight saw 4 Sail of dismasted Ships at Anchor, and 8 Ships stranded; launched & Cutter overboard, and took up 8 Men belonging to the Sunderland who foundered in the Gale. Extract of the Log of the Medway, Captain John Bladen Tinker.37 1st and 28 January 1761. Ship so very light that I apprehended she would not carry sail. At 10 stormy squalls and rain. At past 10 at night the ship drove, and as we came near the Admiral, in wh08c Hawse we rode, we cut the cable, loosd the yard arms of the Foresail in order to clear him and shoot farther from the shore. The sails split to peices, and as the long boat and hawser got foul of the rudder, we cut ber away... As we expected a second and more violent attack of the storm; as soon as the ship was about, the wind flew about to the South ward, and blowed so extremely bard that all the sails flew to Poices, and laid the ship Lee Gunwale under water. At 2 found the ship water logged, which obliged us to cutt away all the masts to right the ship ... Ordered the people to the pumps, there being upwards of 10 ft. water in her, found the platform of the magazine blown up, the powder barrels all stove and the powder all washed away. When the foremast went away, it carried away the short and kedge anchors, the davit, and one of the forecastle guns. Some of the wreck got foul of the sheet anchor, which obliged us to wear away some of the cable, to clear it from the ships bottom. In the morning at day light saw 3 sails within us dismasted, and 3 more that were drove ashore and lost ... Extract of the Log of the Newoastle.39 Friday 20 January 1761.- At eleven it blew 80 Extreamly hard N. W., that our Cables parted. Do. Cutt away the Romainder part of the Cables at the Manger Board and hoisted the Fore Topmast Staysails to Ware clear of the Panther, which Immidiately blew away. Then hoisted the fore stay sails, which also blew away. Soon after finding ourselves Clear of the Panther, then Entirely Luosed the Yards Arms of the Fore Sails, which blew Entirely to peices, and then Bunted the spritsails and Loosed the Yard arms of it, which Likewise blew away; soon after it fell Little Wind... In A Instant the Wind Encreased to a Haracan at S. E., the ship flew up to the Wind witb ber Lead to the Southward ; Do. Lasshed the Fore Topsails Yard to the Cap and Loosed the Goose Wings of the Fore Topgails to Endeavour to Ware the Ship. When she had fallen of to W. N. W., saw a sail Close on board of us right a head; we put the helm Down to run Clear of her, which she Immediately Broched to; then the Fore Topsails blew to peices, and soon after the Fore Topmast was blown over the Side ...At the time we bad four feet Water between Deck. and the Carpenters employed Soutling the Lower Deck ; at the same time we were Cutting away the Main Mast, at which time the Man at the Lead said there was 17 fadom Water, when she Instantly struck the ground and the Main Mast fell over the side. At 6 A. M., observed the Queenborough and the Protector fire ship on Shore to the North ward of us and the Duke of Acquitain Sunk without us, and the America, Panther Midway and Falmouth at ancher in the offing with all there masta gon; Do. employed Making Catamarrans to get the people on Shore. Extract of the Log of the Queenborough. Friday 22 January 1761. past 11 the fore topmast staysail blew all to pieces... at 12... B&W 4 or 5 ships, one upon the larboard beam balling us to get out of the 37 Captains' Logs, 593 (Public Record Office.) >> Masters Logs, 966 (Publio Record Office.) >> Master, Loga, 993 (Public Record Offic..)

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JANUARY, 1917) THE CYCLONE AT PONDICHERRY, 1761 21 way. Do. loos'd the topsail and backed a stern, not baving room to wear.. past ... the foresail and Mizen Topsail Blew all away to peices, Carried away the head of the Foremast in the wake of the Fore Yard Jibb Boom and Main Topmast and Main Yard Arm, Brought too and Carry'd away the Mizen Topmast. People employed pumping of the Ship. Found She made a Great Quantity of Water ... Do. Found the Ship to Strike very heavy. Do. Cutt away the Main Mast and Mizon Matt. We her, the Sea makeing a Free passage over Us. Description of the Storm of 1st January 1761, in a letter from (Brigadier General) Richard Smith, 40 to his Sister. [25th January 1761.) MY DEAR SISTER, The glorious sixteenth of January has crowned all our hopes! has given us the Aocomplishment of all our Wishes ! has finished a Ten Years War by a total Expulsion of our Enemies ! and this by the Reduction of Ponticherry, which is now an English Conquest ! Colonel Coote is the Favorito of Fortune. This grand Event has been brought about by Prudence and good Conduct. Nine Months were they blockaded, the four last very closely. Providence seemed to favour our Desigas. Our Army was by no means equal to a regular Attack. We were certain the Place must fall, if not relieved by a French Squadron, and we had no Idea of an Enemy's Fleet that could appear before ours. The 8th December we opened some Batteries of Cannon and Mortars, more to amuse, than from any Expectations of Suocess. These continued playing untill New Years Day. Perhaps we had been too sanguine in our Hopes, but that Night gave a Damp to all our Expectations and convinced our Army that without the Almighty is on our side, the Race is not always to the Swift nor the Battle to the strong. About Ten at Night there arose such a terrible Gale of Wind that surpassed the Memory of Man. In Camp all the Tents and Huts were demolished, our Batteries ruined, and many poor Objects died thro' the Violence of the Wind and Rain. But dismal as was such a scence, our Army had no Thouglats for themselves. Their Attention was ingrost for their Naval Friends. With how much Impatience did they wait for Morning. Too soon it came to discover such a scene of Horror! The Newcastle of 60 Guns," the Queenborough Frigate and Protector fireship were stranded on the Beachthe Crews saved. The Sunderland of 60 Guns, the Duc D'Aquitaine of 64 Guns foundered just without the surf; only two or three souls escaped. The Duke, a Country Vessel landed with Stores for the Siege, fouadered. The America, Medway, Falmouth and Panther of the Line, and the Liverpool Frigato dismasted. Admiral Stevens in the Norfolk, stood early out to Sea, and escaped. The rest of our Fleet were fortunately not returned on the Coast. Here was a scene of Distress, and at a Period, too when we were on the Point of accomplishing our Wishes. However, a few days made us appear formidable again at sea. Admiral Stevens returned ; Admiral Cornish with his Division arrived; the dismasted Ships got up Jury Masts, and we bad by the 10to Eleven Sail of the Linc. Our Damages by Land were soon repaired. On the 10th a Battery of Ten Pieces was opened with in six hundred Yards of the Walls. On the 13th We began our Approaches, and in that and the succeeding Night accomplished such a prodigious Task of Trenches and raised another Battery of eleven Pieces 40 Richard Smith, a purser's mate, entered the Company's service as Ensign, became Captain in 1758 (and A. D. C. to General Stringer Laurence) and Major in 1762. See Love: Vestiges of Old Madras (Indian Records Series ), II. 423 n. 4 Affleck's list, ante, has 50 guns.

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22 [JANUARY, 1917 within 4 or 500 Yards of the Walls, that it amazed the besieged. On the 15th this Battery was opened, and we then fixed [? fired] from thirty three Pieces of Cannon and nine Mortars. That same Evening Commissaries came from the Fort to capitulate. Colonel Coote would hearken to no Terms; surrender at Discretion was the Word. And to this they were obliged to submit, having no Provisions left.... Thus has fallen the famous Ponticherry, and since the Attack of the Bounds and Intrenchments in September, we have not lost but one Officer and less than twenty Men. Had we, like Lally, attempted at first a regular Attack, like him, we had been foiled. Now we have succeeded, what a Prospect does this open to us! If properly managed The Company will be soon reimbursed near 80 Lack of Rupees (their Debt from the Nabob), besides future Advantages. News of the loss of another boat in the Storm of 1st January, 1781. Consultation at Fort St. George, 26th January, 1761.42 The following Letter read from Mr. Claud Russel, Commissary to the Army. To the Honble. George Pigot Esq., President and Governor &ca., Council of Fort St. George. Honble, Sir and Sirs, The boat Physioramany which you were pleased to send me with a Cargo of Grain the 26th Ultimo, arrived at the King's Redoubt but two days before the late Storm. The Commander in Chief was then so anxious to have the Military Stores landed from the Duke, for which purpose every boat was employed, it was out of my power to have any of the grain brought ashore in that short interval, so that the whole must have perished with the Vessel, which has not been heard of since that unfortunate night THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CAMP BEFORE PONDICHERY, 12th January 1761. 1 have &ca., CLAUD RUSSEL. THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA, BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. Vol. XLV, p. 204.) De Nobilis retirement in 1645 and last days. About 1645 the active work of De Nobilis as a missionary came to a close. He thenceforward lived as a retired servant of God. Other men continued his work, and he gave simple advice. Even at this time of weakness ana old age, the father provincial thought so much of him that he sent him in 1648 to Jaffnapatam as the superior of the Ceylon mission. Too weak and blind to work, however, De Nobilis left Ceylon and went to Mylapore, where, in a small hut, he lived the last few months of his simple life. In these days he was attended by four Brahman converts, who carried him, whenever he wanted, to the church in their arms. His simple meal, taken once a day, consisted of herbs cooked in water and seasoned with salt and spice. On account of his blindness he never went out of his hut and spent almost all his time in dictating something to his attendants. One day in 1660, he was removed, on account of the fury of some Hindus, who had been provoked by the Christians, to the Christian quarters within the fortress. The change did him no 12 Madras Military Consultations, Range 251, Vol. 47, pp. 78-79.

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JANUARY, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA good, and soon he died. It is said that, at the point of death, he expressed the hope that the cabin from which he had been removed for safety's sake, would be safe and sound. while the fortress and the town would be no more; and that the prophecy was afterwards fulfilled; for "it is recorded that the French of Pondicherry drove the Portuguese out of Mylapore, and were in turn driven out by the Sultan of Golcondah, the ally of the Portuguese who, fearing the return of the French, razed the walls, and took the stones into the country, leaving only the little cabin." (Chandler). 23 Such were the life and labours of the remarkable man who founded the Jesuit Mission in Madura. Defects there were in his character. Questionable were his actions. Positively repulsive were some of the means he employed. But who will deny that for the acuteness of his vision, the profundity of his scholarship, the originality of his method, and the clearness of his view, he stands unrivalled in the history of Christianity in India? Who will deny that this "Romish Brahman", this saint and scholar, this sage and seer, was the most transcendental personality in the annals of Indian missions? By his merits and demerits, by his actions and sufferings, by his methods and means, he became a model and example, and though he never ceased to be looked on with a controversial eye, and though his career unfortunately introduced certain objectionable principles into the Christian propaganda, yet the success of the Christians was due to his genius, his skill and his example. As Chandler says, he was the greatest missionary in India of his century, and impressed upon the Madura mission, certain lasting features. "One was the adaptation of the life of the missionary to that of the people. Another was the appropriation of harmless customs and ceremonies for Christian use. A third was the thorough study of the vernacular with a view to influency of speech and writing, and accurate knowledge of the literature of the people." These are the three-fold bases of the Jesuit Mission. The organization of the Mission. The history of South Indian Christianity after the practical retirement of De Nobilis can be traced from two standpoints,-from the standpoint of organisation and from the standpoint of method. As regards organisation, what we have to remember is that, by 1660, Christianity had extended throughout the regions now covered by the five vicariates of Madura, Pondicheri, Coimbatore, Mysore and Madras. A distinct group of priests and fathers worked in each sphere, and carried on the work which the great Jesuit priest had planned and begun. Each father had the oversight of a certain extent of territory called a Residence. Between Trichinopoly and Mysore there were the two Residences, of Pasur52 in the north and Satyamangalam in the West. "Tanjore was of course an important Residence. To the North of it lay the Residence of Kallayi, "a villages 20 miles South West of Ginji and nearly 100 miles North of Tanjore." Between Tanjore and Madura there was the Residence of Nandavanam, an area of 60 miles east and west, and 12 miles 52 It extended 87 miles in one direction and 126 in another. Satyamangalam was 25 miles either way, and included 130 villages with 23 churches. Owing to frequent invasions of the Mysoreans these Residences declined between 1660 to 1670. 53 This included Vellore and Trinomali. See S. Arcot Manual, 389-90. The chief Fathers of the mission were Martine (d, 1656); P. Erandi (1670); Andre Freire, (1676) in whose time it was divided into two districts. It was at Tattuvancheri that D. Britto afterwards resided.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 broad. The Residences were not permanent. The wars of the age, the quarrels with the Hindu temple authorities, who not unoften owned the Residences, and other difficulties, led to frequent changes. Each Residence was divided into at least two districts. Satyamatgalam, for instance, had two, one of which was healthy, and the other, which included Palghat, so unhealthy that sometimes 2,000 or 3,000 people died of diseases in one season. Similarly the Residence of Kallayi contained the two districts of Koranupatti and Tattuvanjeri. Each district was further sub-divided into provinces-Pasur, for instance, into seven (Salem and Omalur among them). The smallest unit was the village. Each village supported its own church, and all the villages of a given area united in the support of the central church, The Rise of two types of missionaries. The Sanyasins and Pandarams, With regard to the method, the most important point to be remembered is the establishment of two classes of missionaries. We have already seen how De Nobilis established a mission exclusively among Brahmans and princes and endeavoured to convert them to the religion of Christ, and how he was not quite successful. His scheme of Brahman Christians failed, but his endeavours did not end in nothing. He had at least impressed the superior authorities that, if Christianity was to make a tangible progress in the land, it must be, outwardly at least, an ally and not the enemy of the caste system. The high caste Christians must be kept separate from low caste Christians, for & promiscuous union of both with the consequent annihilation of the country's social system meant the stoppage of Christianity itself. The logical result of this was that the missionaries for Brahmans had to be kept separate from those for the Pariahs. Thus it was that, after De Nobilis' advent, two classes of missionaries were appointed. They might, and indeed did, belong to the same mission, but outwardly they were independent of each other. Those who worked among the Brahmans and the higher classes were called Sanyasins and the others Pandarams. The Sanyasins had, of course, to live the lives of ascetics. They should employ Brahman servants alone and eat only vegetarian diet. They had necessarily to acquire high linguistic and literary attainments. They could not mix with the Paravans or with the Pandaram missionaries. Sometimes, it is true, the exigencies of service and the opportunities of success made a Sanyasi baptise or work among Paravas; but this had to be done stealthily, during night. The least suspicion of such a circumstance would have resulted in a storm of discontent, a tremendous outburst against the so-called Sanyasin, and the premature collapse of Christian progress among the higher circles. The Pandarams who had non-Brahman servants and worked among the low castes and out castes, also dressed like the Hindus and lived ascetic lives. But the environments in which they worked blackened their name in the eyes of the people, who called them by the contemptuous name of Parangis.' Their different spheres and methods of work. The Pandarams, 48 a rule, were Portuguese, while the Sanyasins belonged to other nationalities. Ever active and industrious, the Pandarams would not live for more than two months in a place, but would travel on foot in the burning heat, and without shelter at night. They indeed commanded less regard than the Sangasins from the people and

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JANUARY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 25 their conversions also were less numerous. Yet they had greater advantages and, as servants of God, they were ideal men. Foreigners in birth, language and race, these missionaries identified themselves with the depressed classes of a coloured race, and worked day and night, amidst a hundred difficulties, for their betterment and their elevation. It should be remembered that the ordinary conditions of Indian life, poor as they were, must have been hard for them. Coming from cold and temperate regions, belonging as a rule to aristocratic families, they worked in India under cirournstances which, though common in Indian eyes, were to them extremely adverse and incongenial. Many of them could not bear the withering climate and the burning atmosphere. Most of them had to live in thatched huts not fit for men, in mere cabins of earth, which had no windows, and which were so narrow and denlike that there was no space even for free movement. Ants and serpents, scorpions and words, rats which nimbled their feet, and bats " which carried away the wick of your lamp even when lighted, "----were their companions. Their bed was on the bare ground or a plain mat, a tiger skin or a plank. Their food consisted of a handful of rice cooked in water," seasoned with a decoction of pepper, sometimes with bitter herbs," vegetables, milk and ghee. The Pandarams took meat by stealth, and fish openly, but the Sanyasins had to refrain from both. Their journeys which were very frequent on account of patients and confessions, were dangerous owing to the post of robbers at night, and the difficulty of walking on sands, "that burn like coals" during the day. In the rainy season, when canals and rivers became torrents and when the mud of the road was mixed with thorns and pebbles, walking was a hard business, swimming a matter of necessity, and utensils consequently a great burden. To add to these, there were the dangers of wild beasts owing to the abundance of forests in those days. But physical difficulties were not the only difficulties. There was, to add to them, the difficulty of persecution and popular scorn. "The people," says De Costa in a language of bitted discontent, " are the vilest race one can imagine. The Government is only tyranny, and there is nothing but disorder and confusion." Even when these difficulties were overoome, and men were brought into the pale of Christianity, there was no permanent satisfaction as there was no permanent security of the new proselytes from backsliding The banishment and torture of Christians had a deterrent effect, and the work of months was often at one stroke, undone in a moment. In 1843 for instance, on the occasion of De Costa's visit to Satyamangalam, a hundred high caste Christians in a body went back to their old religion. Such were the arrangements made for coping with the increased task of proselytism on the retirement of De Nobilis from Madura, and such were the difficulties which the missionaries had to surmount. But the missionaries were not the men to be daunted by obstacles or discouraged by adverse causes. Both the Sanyasins and Pandarams were men of high mental calibre and wondrous bodily energy, and carried on their work with such firmness of purpose that it was crowned with not a little success. At Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Madura, Satyamangalam and every important Christian centre, the heroic labours of a Martin and an Alvarez, a De Costa and a Proenza, performed wonders. A few events in each of these important centres of Christianity, may be recorded before we pass on to the circumstances of Tirumal Naik's death,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 - The career of Martinz, De Nobilis' successor. We have already been that Do Nobilis and his companions represented the Sanyasing in Madura. From the time of his retirement about 1645, there were regularly at Madura "a Brahman father and two Pandapam fathers, beside # father in the church of the Paravans." The most important of these, sideed, the head of the whole Madura Mission after De Nobilis, was the celebrated father Martinz This illustrious missionery bad commenced his career of glory as early as 1625. For a space of 25 years he devoted himself, in the North-western parts of the kingdom, to the work of proselytism, and in 1650 succeeded De Nobilis as the Superior at Madura. Far greater as a man and as a saint than De Nobilis, Martinz gucceeded in captivating the hearts of men. His predecessor had excited their admiration, had appealed to their thought, Martinz appealed to their heart. The one attached importance to knowledge, the other to the sentiment; and as both are nennssary to successful proselytism, Martinz can be declared to be the logical supplement of De Nobilis. He was as capable of an ascetic lite as the other. He had, in faot, greater sincerity, groater humility in his long career of 20 years; he went to prison about nall & dozen times, was tortured on mure occasions. Yever was he free from the perseoutions of the Brahmans, the Yogins and the Pandarams; but never did this valiant man of God complain or condemn. Oppressed and tortured, he fought for the soul of his opponents. Condemned and scorned by men, he laboured for them. No better example have we in the world's history of such endurance of tyranny for the sake of what is considered to be truth. Onoe, in July 1640, while he was about to baptise & Brahman of Madura, he was arrested by the brother-in-law and first favourite of Tirumala Naik, and sworn enemy of the Christians, beaten, and then dropped into the Kaveri. It was after this that he underwent imprisonment. Once he took refuge in the Ginger country and established a branch of the mission there. Once in Satyamu galam ne received so many blows that his swollen and livid face was unrecognisable." He was also thrice exiled with ignominy, twice from Trichinopoly. On one of these occasions, he was driven out with a necklacu of leaves ard pebbles, when even children were cruel to him and made blood flow. Once he was nearly burned to death in his presbytery by Yogis. In this manner lived and dind the great man in August 1656. He was then 63 years old, and had served his society for 31 years. Like De Nobilis he was a great scholar and left many Tamil writings. As Chandler says, "De Nobilis had planted and Martinz watered. As between the two the Christians respected and venerated De Nobilis; they had confidenoe and love for Martinz." The Trichinopoly Fathers, Do Costa and Alvarez. At Crichinopoly and its neighbourhood, affairs were hardly better. Here the two fathers, who most distinguished themselves, were De Costa, the father of the Pandaram missionaries, and Alvarez & native of Negapatam. Born of rich and honourable parents Alvarez underwent a religious education in Jaffnapataw, and joined the Society of Jesus in 1630. A true servant of God in every respect, he was particularly noted for the work of charity to which he consecrated hanself. The Jesuit letters record how, in his charitable missions, he was frequently put to finannial pressure, from which he was, it is said, relieved by God himself, who, in return for his prayer, showered gold on him Both these

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JANUARY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 27 labuared chiefly among the Parishs. The indeed brought converts from the Chetty, the Vaduga and other communities, but they were primarily the uplifters of the depressed classes. They did not only give them the consolations of their religion, but also bettered their worldly position. They saved them from death by starvation. In a terrible famine, for instance, which broke out in Trichinopoly in 1646 and 1647 and which swept away thousands of people, Alvarez "treated patients who came from great distances, sometimes 24 miles." Suoh acts of humanity and sympathy could not but bring their recompense. Many men of position deserted their religion and joined the new one, and bequeathed their fortunes to it, and Alvarez utilized these in building two churches for high castes, in Trichinopoly, and in the vicinity of the great stronghold of Hinduism. -Srirangam. The erention of the latter church caused a great alarm among the Hindus. A number of soldiers geized the missionary and brought him before the Trichinopoly governor, whe ordered him and his followers to be kept in irons till a heavy ransom was paid; and they were liberated only when it was clear that they were too poor to pay. The governor, however was so indignant that he sent Alvarez out of his territory, and esized his property. But De Costa who had been all this time working at Tanjore, proceeded to Madura to appeal to the Naik in person, and in an interview which he got after 15 days waiting, obtained the Naik's order for the restoration of everything to the Christians SECTION VIII. The death of Tirumal Nalk. Tirumal Naik died, if we are to believe tradition, * violent death. It is said, that in the later days of his life, he displayed such undue sentiment of reverence towards Christians that a feeling grew that the king's partiality to Christianity might end in his ultimately professing it; and many a desperate man prepared himself to avert the catastrophe. A party of oonspirators, headed by the temple priest, Kula Sekhara Bhatta, resolved to murder the monarch, justifying their outrage as a 00cessary sacrifice at the altar of their gods. A dark vault under the pagoda of Minakshi, in the most interior part of it, was selected for the scene of the crime. The traitors then enticed Tirumal into the fatal chamber by reporting that the goddess preserved there a secret treasure, and had intimated to them in a vision that it could be discovered by the king alone in person. The greedy credulity of Tirumal Naik did not suspect the designs of his advisers, and he therefore found himself helpless in the dungeon, where the cruelty of his enemies left him to the slow death by starvation. The inquiries of the surprised, but superstitious, populace were satisfied and silenced by the authoritative statement of the temple priest that the king, while engaged in the worship of his goddess, was absorbed by her into her personality, in recognition of his immense devotion and magnificient liberality in the cause of religion. To a people steeped in superstition and not unacquainted with miracles, the report of the priest could hardly have seemed wanting in veracity It seemed but natural to them that a prince, so devoted, 80 pious, and so charitable, should receive . special mark of divine favour, and get an easy and miraculous entry into heaven. It was, in their view, virtue reaping its reward, and labour itt tit return.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1917 There is however another version as to the manner of Tirumal Naik's death. It ascribes his alleged tragic and, not to religious policy of soeptical tendency, but to & vile and injudicious love adventure. It is said that the king was in terms of guilty intimaoy with the wife of a priest, and on one occasion, while he was returning in the dark from his stolen visit, he fell into a well in the garden. The priest, in his desire to save his. reputation, resolved on the orime of murder. He promptly filled the well with mud and matter, and crushed the monarch to death. The discussion of Stones of his death. These and similar stories are believed by some to show that Tirumal Naik did not perhaps die in his bed, but the conflicting versions make a definite pronouncement as to the real manner of his death impossible. The story that he was & martyr to Christianity, and a victim of priestly villainy, is hardly credible. If it had been a fact, the hawkish eyes of the Jesuit missionaries, ready to find fault where there was none and to magnify & mole into a mountain, would hardly have overlooked it. They would in that case, not only oondemn the priesthood before the tribunal of public opinion, but would have written to their masters in Europe, dwelling on the danger which even powerful kings of the stamp of Tirumal Naik had to meet, in case they entertained ideas of heresy and apostaoy. On the other hand, the Jesuit letters of the day clearly state that Tirumal died as he had lived, - "an impenitent sinner." Tirumal Naik was, it is true, a friend of the Christians, but this was not because of his preference to Christianity, but because of that enlightened policy of religious toleration which he inherited from his ancestors. Himself a bigoted Saiva, he never believed that a regard for one's own beliefs was genuine only if accompanied by active injury to those who held different beliefs. His superiority to religious prejudice is evidenced by his friendly attitude to the Muhammadans as much as to the Christians. The latter were, it is true, not only permitted to enjoy the free exercise of their religion, but encouraged in their proselytising work. When Robert De Nobilis converted many of the turbulent Kallas from barbarism to Christianity and predatory life to honest livelihood, Tirumal appreciated the work and gave large areas of land to the converts for cultivation. Nevertheless, in spite of such liberality, we can positively assert that Tirumal had no Christian tendencies whatever. His death came eight years after the departure of Robert de Nobilis from Madura, and where a Nobilis had failed to persuade, others could soarooly have succeeded. The theory of priestly villainy and Christian martyrdom is thus a pure myth, not history; a creation of the imagination, not a substantial fact. It is based on a wrong notion of the fundamental basis of Hindu polity. The beliefs, interests, institutions, advisers, subjects, and queens of Tirumal Naik, in fact, everybody and everything around him would have been a standing obstacle to his conversion. To give up his religion would be, for a Hindu king, to give up his crown, so inalienable was, as it still is, the bond between royalty and religion, between the State and the Church. (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. CORRUPTIONS OF ENGLISH IN THE hadel hay, the Marathi soldiers corruption of INDIAN VERNACULARS. "shoulder arms, copied from the methods of "HAPELKAPTI" is commonly used in Marathi pronunciation adopted by British non-commisNowspapers to convey the idea of smartness. sionbd officers. This puzzling expression is a derivative from E. WILBERTOBCE-BELL

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FEBRUARY, 1917) THE DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN PRAKRIT 33 THE DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN PRAKRIT. BY K. AMRITA ROW, M. A.; MADRAS. DR. CALDWELL, while discussing in his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Langu ages (vide p. 56. III Ed.) the question of the Dravidian Element in the vernacular languages of Northern India, says "If the non-Sanskritic element contained in the Northern vocabularies had been Dravidian, we might also expect to find in their vocabularies a few primary Dravidian roots, such as the words for head, foot, eye, etc., but I have not been able to discover any reliable analogy in words belonging to this class." He further says "though the matter has been very much discussed in Muir's Sanskrit Texte Vol. II and in Beames's Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India, few, if any, traces of distinctively Dravidian elements are discernible in the North Indian Vernaculars." Beames, on the other hand, in his Comparative Grammar (pp. 9-10 *3) says "the Aryans were in possession of a copious language before they came into India; they would therefore not be likely to borrow words of an ordinary, usual description, such as names for their clothing, weapons and utensils, or for their cattle and tools, or for the parts of their bodies, or for the various relations in which they stood to each other. The words they would be likely to borrow would be names for the new plants, animals, and natural objects which they had not seen in their former abodes, and even this necessity would be reduced by the tendency inherent in all races to invent descriptive names for new objects." With regard to the non-Sanskritic element in the Northern Languages, the theory of Mr. Beames seems to me to be more accurate than that of Dr. Caldwell, I cannot understand why Dr. Caldwell should expect to find in the Northern vocabularies a few Dravidian roots, such as those for head, foot, eye, etc. The occurrence of such words would depend upon the degree of contact between the Aryans and the Dravidians. At the present time, we find in South Canara people speaking Konkari, an Aryan dialect, and living amidst people speaking the Dravidian languages, Canarese and Tulu. Though they have been living there for a very long time, the only foreign words which are now to be found in the Konkani vacabulary are words of the type mentioned by Mr. Beames. But the Dravidian words borrowed by the Prakrits, which will be given below, tell a different ta'o. We find that the Aryans speaking the Prakrits have borrowed from the Dravidians even words for the various relations in which the Aryans stood to each other, besides words for parts of the body. Though they had several words of their own for the various animals, they borrowed words for them from the Dravidians. Thus, we find 4 words for parrot, karo (Dr), kanaille, kunto, vdyado; five words for pig, kirah (Dr), kidi (Dr), bhundo, thulaghono, bhundiro; six words for tiger, pakkasavad, karada, arialli, rattacchi, pulli (Dr), khaccholla ; four words for snake, kikkindi, sarahad, payalao, pavo (Dr). It is unnecessary to multiply instances. With regard to deli words in Prakrit, the only source of information we have at our command is Hemachandra's Desinamamala. Though Hemachandra himself mentions the names of other authors such as Padaliptacharya, Gopala, Devaraja, etc., tlo works of these authors have not come down to us. 1 Abbreviations : P. Prakrit; S. Sanskrit ; Dr. Dravidian ; Pors. Persian ; Pehl, Pehlavi.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1917 Hemachandra says, in the introductory verses of his Desinamamala, that in his work will be given such words as are not explained in, his Grammar, are not to be found in lexicons and do not owe their origin to the power called gunilakshana (i. e., which are not used in a metaphorical sense). He further says that numerous forms have been used in the various provincial dialects, and that the term desi has been used to denote only those words which have been used from times immemorial in Prakrit. While several provincialisms given in Desinamamala can be traced back to Dravidian origin, some go back to Persian. Cf. P. angutthalam, ring,' Pers, angushtari, Pehl. angust, Zend. angusta. For the change of st to th, cf. S. hasta, 'hand,' P. hattha. 2. P. dattharo, handkerchief,' Pers. dastar, a napkin, towel.' (For change of medial a to a cff. S. prastava, P. patthava) 3. P. bandho, a servant,' New Pers. bandah, a servant,' Pehl, bandak, Old Pers. banda ka. 4. P. parakkam, a river,' Pers. parak, 'name of a river. For the use of proper nouns as common cp. P. gondam, a forest,' P. gandivam, a bow.' Punjabi ganesh 'a due' paid to Hindu shrine. 5 P. bokkad, a goat,' is evidently the Prakrit form of S. varkara, young animal,' which is evidently to be traced back through Persian to Arabic bagar ox, bull,' Hebrew, baqar, young animal.' (For change of medial a to o cf. S. padma, lotus,' P. pomm7, and for change of r to d cf. S. bhera. P. bheda.) 6. P. jayana, saddle,' cf. Pers. zin, Pehl. zin, Zend, zaini. 4 We learn from Mr. Vincent A. Smith's Early History of India that the Pahlavas settled in Western India as the lords of a conquered native population about the second century, A. D. and that the author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, (5 century A. D.) found the valley of the Lower Indus under the rule of the Parthian chiefs. After the battle of Nahavend in 641 A. D. in which the last Persian dynasty was overthrown by the Arabs, a large number of Zoroastrians from Persia came and settled in India. Muhammad Kasim, a great general was deputed by the Caliph of Baghdad to conquer India about 711 A. D., and the Arabs ruled in India until they were turned out of Sind by the Rajputs. During the time of Muhammad of Ghazni (A. D. 997-1030), famous in Indian History for his twelve expeditions, one of his vazirs, being more a man of business than learning, introduced the practice of writing all public papers in Persian. Elphinstone in his History of India says that it is owing to this circumstance that although India was never directly conquered by Persia, the language of business and of writing in general, is all taken from the latter country. Hence we need not be surprised if we should find Persian words in Prakrit, since we find Persian and Arabic words in the Dravidian languages, on account of Muhammadan rule in Southern India. Hemachandr, is therefore perfectly justified in supposing that provincialisms borrowed from Persian have been in use 'from times immemorial'. The following are a few of the desi words in Hemachandra's Desinamamala, of which I attempt to give the Dravidian affinities. In deciding whether a word is Dravidian or not I have followed in general the same principles as those followed by Dr. Kittel and Dr. Caldwell (vide Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, Preface p. XIV-XVI). Nouns of Relationship. Of the seven nouns of relationship borrowed by the Prakrits five are distinctly Dravidian. 1. P. appo, father' is found in almost all the Dravidian dialects. 2. P. amma, wva, mother.' Amma is found in all the Dravidian dialects except Tulu. In Canarese avva, avve, means 'a mother or grandmother.' In Telugu avva means a grandmother.' 3. P. akka, sister,' in Sanskrit, mother.' In the Dravidian dialects akka means ' sister, as in Prakrit. 4. P. atta, 'father's sister.' cf. Dr. 'atta father's sister,' 5. P. mami, mother-in-law.' cf. Dr. mami 'mother in law.' 6. P. bhavo, 'elder

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FEBRUARY, 1917) THE DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN PRAKRIT 35 sister's husband.' cf. Can. bhava, S. bhama. 7. P. vahu ni, elder brother's wife. This iy probably derived from the Sanskritised form, vadhuni, cf. Tel, vadine. (For the change of medial i to u cf. Tam. masir, hair,' P. masuri. Parts of the body :-1. P. bondi 'form, face, body.' cf. Tam. Tel. bondi. 2. P. pottam, belly.' cf. Tel. po!ta., Can. potte. 3. P. khaddam, beard' cf. Tel. gaddamu Can. gadda, Tam, kaffai. 4. P. masuri, beard ' cf. Tam. mahir. For chunge of medial i to u. cf. Tel. vadine, P. vahuni. 5. P. pund ho, hollow, hollow of the loins.' cf. Tam. pundai 'female organ of generation.' 6. P. mado, neck,' cf. Tel. meda. (for change of medial e to a cf. Tel. reddi, P. raddhi: see below). 7. P. kandala, cheek.' cf. Can. Tel. Tam, kanna (vide Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, (Pref.) p. 17.) Personal nouns. 1. P. raddhi, Chief, head'ef. Can. Tel. reddi, 'the title of agriculturists.' 2. P. sethi (S. sresthin the headman of a village. cf. Can., Tel. cetti., Tulu. setti. 3. P. talaro, a village watchman.' Dr. Pischel derives it from talavara, talavaranam, glove of an archer' (cf. S. skandhavara, P. khandhara.of. Tam, taleyari (from taleyayi iru 'to be at the head.'), Tel. talari, Can. taleyari. 4. P. poo, boy' (S. pota, young one of an animal'). cf. Can. potu, 'a he-goat.' Tel. pntu, 'young one of an animal'. 5. P. padiajjha parli ajjha). For padi cf. Tel. badi, ' a school.' (For change of b to p. cf. Tel. balli, Skt. palli, a lizard'). 6. P. pad ujuvai, (paduju vai fem. term. corr. to S, vati), a young girl. of. Tel. padusu, a young girl. (For change of c toj of. . pijaci, P. pisaji). 7. P. sula, a courtezan,' cf. Can. alle. 8. P. Zla, ella, & poor man,' of. Tam. illan, 'a poor man, Tam. illai, Can. illa, there is not. 8. P. kurulo, a man with curly hair.' cf. Tel. kurulu, Can. kurul, Tam. suru!, to twist, curl.' 9. P. kurudio, unkind, clever man.' cf. Tam. kurudan. Can. kuruda, 'blind man.' (change of meaning can be easily explained). 10. P. martho, * lazy man.' cf. Can., Tel. maddi,' stupid, dull, awkward person.' Names of Animals. 1. P. pulli, 'tiger.' cf. Dr. puli. 2. P. pava, snake.' cf. Can. pavu. Tel. pamu, Tam. pambu. 3. P. karada, 'tiger' of. Tam., Can, karadi, 'a bear.' 4. P. manguso muggaso, 'ichneumon.' cf. Tel. mungisa, Can, mungisi. 5. P. kira, '& parrot. cf. Can. kiru, to cry,' Dr. kiti. 6. P. kirah, kidi, ' a pig.' cf. Dr. kiru, 'to scrape, scratch.' Miscellaneous. l. P. cicci, fire.' cf: Tel. ciccu, Can. kiccu. 2. P. nesaro, sun,' cf. Can. nesar, Tam. ayir. 3. P. jhadi, torrent of rain.' of. Tel. jadi, Can. jadi 4. P. adddo, looking glass.' of. Tel. addamu. 5. P. pasindi, 'gold.' of. Tel. pasidi. 6. P. vairam, diamond, Tam, vairam 7. P. pendam,' anklet.'of. Tel, pendaramu, an anklet.' 8. P. chana, chani, cow-dung. In the sense of cloth, P. chana Skt. chadana. In the sense of cow-dung from S. chagana (Can. sagani), of. Tam, odni. 9. P. uro. village.' Cf. Tel. uru, Tam. ur, Heb. ar, 'a city,' Assyrian, uru. 10. P. madiam, ' a house.' cf. Tam. madam, a house." 11. P. ummaro, 'threshold,'of. T. ummarapadi. 12. P. kassa, kachcharo, 'mud.' of. Tel. kasavu, Can. kasa, kasavu, kasara, 'rubbish.' (For change of 8 to ch. cf. S. sira 'voin,' P. chihrd). 13. P. jhendua, ball.' cf. Can. cendu. 14. P. moggara, a bud' is evidently derived from Tel. mogada, a bud. (For change of a tor, cf. S. ghidasa, P. siraha). The doubling of medial g is due to confusion with Tel. mogga. cf. Can. mogge. moggu, a bud' Tam, moggu. 15. P. u id, 'black gram.' Cf. Tam, ulundu, Can, uddu. (for change of medial u to i cf. S. purusa, P. pulisa.) 16. P. tuppi, a leathern bottle for oil . cf. Can. and Tam, tuppa. 17. P. kalla toddy, cf. Tel. kallu, Can. kallu, Tam, kal. 18. P. karam, pungent, through P. kharam from S. ksara. The deaspirization of initial is probably due to Dravidian influence, cf. Dr. kara. 19. P. muddi..kissing. Cf. Dr. muddu. 20.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1917 - P. attai, boils : cf. Dr. ad, to cook, past part. atta. 21. P. ghufaidrinks.' cf. Tel. gutu (ku) a gulp,' Brahui gut, 'throat.' 22. P. rampai, ramphai, 'cuts.' cf. Tel. rampamu, a saw.' 23. P. kavi 'blue colour.' Cf. Dr. kavi, red ochre.' Since the above words are considered by Hemachandra to be provincialismis which were in use from times immemorial, we may say that those words were borrowed long before his time. It is not, however, possible to say at what periods the different words were borrowed, as the materials I have collected till now are too scanty. Of course, there can be no doubt that the Aryans at one time lived in very close contact and freely mixed with the Dravidians, as is evident from the words mentioned above. This intermingling of people speaking Dravidian and Aryan vernaculars has occurred even in more recent times. Several Dravidian families have gone and settled permanently in Benares, the Bombay Presidency and even Kashmir, and intermarried with people speaking the Aryan vernaculars. We may therefore, expect to find a few Dravidian words in the languages of Northern India on account of this immigration. It may, after all, be that the Dravidian languages spoken by these people have not had any effect upon the Aryan vernaculars, just as the Maratha language spoken in Tanjore and other parts of Southern India by settlers from the Maratha country and the Gujarati (Patnuli dialect and that by the Marwaris) have had no influence on the Dravidian languages. THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued front p. 28.) If the theory of apostacy and murder is incredible, that of love intrigue is equally so. To believe that a king who had, in his harem, more than 200 wives, 54 the picked beauties of his kingdom, and who was already far in the decline of life, being more than 65 years old at the time of the alleged intrigue, was engaged in it, and underwent a vile and miserable death in the backyard of a poor man's house, alone and in the dark, demands an absurd amount of credulity as well as the sacrifice of commonsense. All that we can say is that Tirumal Naik must have died such a sudden death as to give rise to surprise and suspicion on the part of the populace and the concoction of plausible theories on the part of his servants. The early life of the Naik ruler had not been adorned by temperance, and a sudden indisposition probably proved fatal. NOTE. Wheeler (History Vol. IV. Part II, pp. 576-581) gives some curious information concerning Tirumal Ntik. He says that Tirumal Naik came to the throne on Feb. 9, 1626. The very next day after his coronation, Tirumal received the Tanjore ambassador and agreed to give Vallam in exchange for Trichinopoly, 50 if Vijaya Ranganatha would give his sister Parva i to him in marriage. Wheeler then gives a description of the royal marriage, which was exactly the same as that at the present day. Three days after this marriage. Aryanatha died. His funeral was performed with great splendour, and the 54 The Jesuit letters say that he had 200 wives and the most distinguishod of these committed sati on his death. See Madura Gatr., p. 48. This is abeurd, for we have already seen that Vallam was exchanged for Trichinopoly in the time of the first Visvanatha. 68 This is also abeurd. Aryanatha really died in 1600, 23 years before Tirumal's accession,

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FEBRUARY, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 37 ministerial ring was given by the Naik to his favourite, Vidiappa, and the ring of the commander-in-chief to his other favourite, Ramappaiya. Wheeler points out that the Naik's army numbered 4,000 horsemen and 60,000 footmen under 72 polygars. The cavalry was placed outside the fort, and the infantry on tho 72 ramparts. The annual revenue of the State was 44 lakhs of chakrams, i. e., 88 lakhs of rupees. About one tenth of these went to Brahmans, PS 60,000 for servants' salaries, PS40,000 for charities and palace expenses, EUR 20,000 for the Naik's daily charities, and the remaining PS 680,000 were stored up in the treasury, thereby giving much scope for Mussalman plunder; or to speak in terms of chakrams, 4 lakhs for Brahmans and their temples, 3 lakhs for salaries of servants, one lakh for daily charities, and the remaining 34 were hoarded up. Wheeler then goes on to state that Tirumal married the daughters of his uncles, who had been passed over for the sake of the Tanjore princess. For his war with the Setupati, his numerous marriages, etc., see ante. Wheeler concludes by pointing out that Tirumal was adored as a God by his subjects. He never refused a boon. No suppliant ever left his presence with discontent in his face. His troops were well disciplined, his generals brave and experienced, and himself so fortunate that he gained as many victories as he fought battles. CHAPTER VII. The Advent of the Marathas. SECTION I. Muttu Ala-kadri 1659. THE denth of Tirumal Naik was the sign of internal factions and disputed succession. Immediately after the performance of the funeral of the great king, his son Muttu Alakadri, or Muttu Virappa 57 as he was also called, was elevated to the throne by a council of the lords, courtiers and the ministers. The succession of the new monarch, however, was disputed by the able Kumara Muttu, the younger brother of the late king, who was, as we have already seen, engaged in his victorious campaign in Mysore at the time of his brother's death. Immediately after he received the intelligence of his nephew's election, he abandoned the contest with Mysore and returned at the head of his exultant army to win the crown by the sword, Kumara Muttu had the strong support of his a:'my, but Virappa had the command of the treasury and the support of the most influential grandees of the court. The war between the rival claimants, it appeared therefore, would be prolonged and obstinate ; but at this stage the timidity or self-sacrifice of Kumara Muttu saved the kingdom from the evils and bardships of a civil war. In return for the independent rule of Sivakasi and the surrounding districts, he gave up his claim to the throne of his ancestors. The reasons which led to this extraordinary act are uncertain. The author of the Madura District Manual believes that it was probably drie to the prudence of Kumara Muttu or to the unwillingness 57 The divergency of opinion among the chronicles in regard to Virappa's date is very great. According to the Pand, Ohron., which is perhaps the right authority, he ruled only three months from the Panguni of Vilambi (1659 A.D.) to the Vaikasi of Vikari. The Hist, of the Carnat. Kinga and Supp. MS. and the Telugu record of the Carnat. Dynas, on the other hand, attribute to him 10 yours from Subbakpit to Virddhikrit (S 1484-1494, i.e.,) 1562-1572 A.D. One of the Mirtanjiya MSS. (O. H. MSS. II. 119) says that he sanamed office on the 5th Mabi, ViJambi (S. 1580) and ruled till the end of Vyk Asi in Vikari, i, e., 4 months.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1917 of his wearied army to fight with his formidable opponents. The theory of strong Court opposition seems to have much truth in it, for we are told that even Ranganna Naik,58 so just in his behaviour and so loyal in his conduct, was for Muttu Virappa, and went on an embassy from him to his rival, then encamped in the village of Dharmavaran, to dissuade him from war, and from the Madura throne in return for the sovereignty over the district of Sivakasi. Either policy or foar then prompted Kumara to support with resignation the loss of his crown and accept a province in preference to a more extensive but doubtful kingdom. Before he surrendered his right and his army, however, he took care that his son Kumara Rangappa Naik was installed and anointed as the second in power, so that the claim of his line to the crown might not die with him. At Sivakasi he distinguished himself by his salutary works. He built the town, erected a large temple, which he dedicated to a lingam he had brought from Nanjanakudi, established a number of companion images ordered embroidered vestments for their adornment, constructed a car, and arranged for regular festivals. He is further said to have excavated many reservoirs and established many agraharams. He ruled there for some time and died. (Record of the Carna. Goors., O. H. MSS. II, p. 184.) As for the new king, he seems to have been not wanting in capacity and character, A Telugu chronicle indeed eulogises him as a ruler of splendour and equity, a builder of temples and villages, a charitable man and a gallant soldier, and though the eulogy may be a general formula rather than a tribute to truth, yet Muttu Virappa seems to have been neither wanting in energy nor in high aims. The great object of his policy was to undo the political vandalism of his father, to remove the Musalman yoke, and to revive the former glory of independence. With this commendable, if unattainable goal, he strengthened the fortifications of Trichinopoly, and proposed to the Naik of Tanjore the formation of an alliance, both offensive and defensive, against Musalman domination. The proposal of Virappa was a wise one, but it received no favourable support from the Tanjore Naik who fcered that it would invite war and bring disester. After all, he did not gain by this selfish and timid attitude, for, in the opening months of 1659, a Muhammadan army appeared on the scene, and finding itself unable to seize Trichinopoly, owing to the caution of Muttu Virappa, turned its arms, with that unscrupulousness which blinded it from friends and foes alike, against Tanjore. The latter was not unprepared to sustain & siege. It was defended by an almost impregnable fortress, a fine equipment of artillery and a considerable collection of provisions ; but all these sources of strength and means of success could be of no avail where cowardice and treason reigned supreme. The Tanjore general was a coward, and a slight wound was enough to make him lose heart and give up the defence and flee, with his master, to the neighbouring fortress of Vallam. The result was the Muhammadan army was able to take possession of the city and then reduce the rest of the kingdom. Nothing remained to complete the disintegration of the kingdom but the capture of Vallam, and the king and the victorious Islamites now proceeded to that task. The fortress of Vallam was one of the strongest and most strategic in the country. Its defence bardly required much military skill, and the Tanjore king had no reason to fear 68 See Taylor's O, H. MSS. II, p. 177 (The history by Ranganna Naik.) Ranganna ruled his pdlayam for 50 years.

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39 FEBRUARY, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA disaster so long as he had the necessary men and provisions; but he was the slave of fear and the tool of cowards. He therefore abandoned the defence of the place and left for the neighbouring woods, where pursuit was difficult and life was safe. The conquest of Tanjore was immediately followed by the invasion of Madura; and the whole country from the-banks of Kaveri to the latitude of Madura became subject to the depredations of the Musalmans The unfortunate people once again had to experience the hardships of war, while their king was secure in his luxurious palace at Trichinopoly. As usual, the Musalman in victory did not display moderation or wisdom. It seemed to be more a crusade against civilization in general than the conquest of a kingdom. The avarice of the soldiers seized every opportunity of plunder and their brutality every chance of oppression. Never did Madura or Tanjore experience, in all their gloomy careers, a calamity so dire and so disastrous as on this occasion; but never at the same time did Providence mete out a punishment to the authors of the misery so rapid and so effective as the one on this time. The excesses and atrocities of the victors recoiled on themselves. The horrors of famine overspread the land. Thousands died of hunger, and thousands left the kingdom in search of better, safer and more fortunate climes. Those who survived the famine or resisted the temptation to emigrate fell victims to epidemics. In this combination of ills the Muhammadan army suffered most. Want of food thinned its ranks daily, and desertion became a common-place occurrence. The corpses of starved men and the carcases of dead horses lined the roadside in disorderly mixture and filled the fields. The atmosphere became surcharged with the poison of putrid matter and the stench of decaying bodies. Diseases and pestilence broke out and added their dire work to the activity of famine. The difference between conquerors and conquered disappeared in the common suffering, and both united in cries of misery and prayers of urgency for the help of Providence For a few weeks the Muhammadan generals endeavoured to overcome the calamity, but in vain. They found their position absolutely untenable and longed to return to their homes. But before doing so they wished, if possible, to intimidate the King of Madura and extort an indemnity from him. With this intention they advanced to Trichinopoly and laid siege to it. They were not successful. In the first place they met with a stout and determined defence from Muttu Virappa and his general Lingama Naik, a man of great capacity and greater ambition, of whom we shall hear much in the next reign. Secondly, the horrors of famine and virulence of pestilence followed them, and thirdly, the depredations of the Kallas, probably the subjects of the Setupati, insulted them by harassing and daring attacks upon their camps. The consequence was the Muhammadans entered into negotiations for peace. Virappa could, with greater tact, have refused attention to their overtures, and found a means to annihilate them; but he exaggerated their strength and underrated his own, and thought that he was making a good bargain by purchasing their evacuation of the country. His only consolation was that the drain from his coffers was comparatively moderate. So ended the dream of Muttu Virappa to restore the glory of his realm to its former independence. His failure in the war is attributed by some writers on the authority of the Jesuits to his character. From the moment of his accession, they say, he gained the notoriety of a drunkard and a debauches. Entirely oblivious of the duties of his office, 59 E. g.; Wheeler and Nelson. Taylor takes the view of the Chronicles that he was very probably a wise and peaceable prince and that his reign was not marked by incilents, (0. H. MSS. II, p. 184).

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1917 he employed his hours in the gratification of the senses, in the exclusive pursuit of pleasure, which told fatally on his constitution. The son of Tirumal Naik died, according to this view, an inglorious, unhonoured, and unlamented death, after a short but eventful rule of three months. The chronicles, however, do not give this dark picture of the Jesuits. SECTION II. Chokkanatha Naik 1659-1682. On the death of Muttu Alakadri, his son Chokkanatha, a youth of sixteen, came to the throne. The young ruler promised to achieve greatnoss both in the field and in the darbar. A keen soldier and enterprising adventurer, he had, for the first object of his ambition, the restoration of the independence of Madura. The character of Chokkanatha. His arms were at first attended with success, but in the latter part of his reign, tho degeneracy of his own character, the treason of his ministers, and the interference of the Marathas and Mysoreans in the State, resulted in the collapse of his policy and the practical extinction of his kingdom. Beginning then under auspicious circumstances, his reign ended, contrary to the sanguine expectations of his people, in misery and gloominees. The impartiality of the historian must declare that the period of his government, in fact, is & more horrible record of domestic plots and foreign invasions, of popular misery and hard. ships, than any other period of equal duration in Naik history. More active than wise, & According to the Pand. Chron., the year of his accession was 1660 A. D. (Vikari Ani). He ruled, it says, for 24 years till 1684 (Dundumi Ani). But the Supp. MS. and Carna. Dynas. say that he reigned from 1672 (ParitApi) to 1688 (Prabhava). Wheeler gives him the date 1662-1685. Epigraphical references to ChokkanAtha are somewhat meagre, and they do not illustrate very clearly the period of his rule. They, however, shew that he ruled till at least 1678, the year when the usurpation or elevation of his brother Muttu AakAdri took place. That Chokkanatha came to the throne in 1659 is clear from an inscription in the Jayantisvara Temple at Trichinopoly. (Parabhava, Ani 27, Saturday, Trayodasi) wherein Chokkanatha is said to havo settled a dispute between five castes in regard to their para. phernalia. Sewell mentions six of his inscriptions from 1661 to 1667, and one of his brother dated 1678. The first of these is at Nonmeni, five milos cast of gattur (Ramnad Dt.) on a stone in front of the Ananta-Raja Templo, and records the gift of a tank for Chokkalinga's merit in S. 1583. A similar record, dated 8. 1887, is on & stone north of the Perumal temple in the same place. (Sowell's Antiquities. I, 305). A copper plate grant of 1662 (which is in Telugu and which is, Sewell says, in the Trichin, Dt. Court) records a gift of land by Chokkanatha to a Srirangam priest. This plato is also interesting for the fact that it records that Brl Ranga Raya was then reigning at "Ghanagiri." (Id. II, 7). An inson. of 1663 found at Tiruchchengde (Salom Dt.) says that " Vijaya Ranga Chokkalinga Naiken of Madura built the gopura." It is doubtful whether this refers to Chokkanaths or any other prince of the royal family. (Id. I, 203). A Telugu copper plate of 1665, written in Tamil grantha characters, records a gift of land to some Brahmins at Kaniyur, 10 miles S. W. of Udumalpet. (1d. II, 27). This grant also mentions eri Ranga Deva Maha Raya, of Chandragiri. A similar copper-plate grant of 1667 mentions & similar grant at Kumaralingam, 10 miles S. E. of Udumalpet. This also mentions Chokkanatha's acknowledging the allegiance of Sri Ranga Reye. In regard to this, Mr. Sewell remarks: "This is the first grant that I have seen where the Telugu language is rendered in grantha characters." (Antiquities, II, 28). The record of Muttu Lingappa is a copper-plate (Dt. Court, Madura) in Telugu, dated 1678 A. D. (Kalayukti). It bestows the village of Krishn puram on a Brahman. The grantor is desctibed as "Muddu Alugari Nayudu, grandson of Vi vanatha Nayani Tirumala Nayudu, And son Muddu Virappa Nayudu," He also recognizes the suzerainty of Sri Virapratapa Sri Ranga Rava Mahadeva Raya (who ou to the throne, as Sewell says, in 1665). See Antiquities, II, 4.

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FEBRUARY, 1917) THIE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 41 Chokkanatha always had beforo him projects of a visionary nature, undertakings, which neither his capacity nor his resource was adequate to meet. He lacked that calmness that quick understanding of facts, that intellectual nimbleness and resource, which is necessary for a successful politician. To this incapacity he added an extraordinary amount of self. pride, which detected insult where there was none. The result was, he left his kingdom at his death, in a most unhappy and dilapidated condition, a prey to rival powers and contending parties, and a home of bloodshed and anarchy. His war with the Muhammadans. The tendency of Chokkanatha to act on impulse and ignorance is seen in his very first act. Immediately after his assumption of the royal robes, he proclaimed a war with Bijapur, with a view to drive that power from its stronghold of Jinji, to restore the Naiks of that kingdom, and to revive the greatness of the Karnataka raj. It is highly probable that, in his precipitate move, Chokkanatha disregarded the cautious advice of his ministers. At any rate, there is evidence to show that, soon after Dala vai Linganua Naik proceded with his 40,000 cavalry to the frontier against Sagosi, the Muhammadan general of Jinji, a plot of a formidable nature, in which the ministers themselves played a prominent part, took place. The origin of the conspiracy lay either in the spirit of independence which the king displayed, or in his youth, which inspired the ambition of unscrupulous men. The leaders of disaffection were the Pradhani and the Rayasam, the former il Brahman. Under the name of guardians, they deprived the young chief of his power and freedoin and banished or imprisoned all those whoge loyalty was a sourco of danger to their power. Nor did they display wisdom in their administration. They exercised authority with the cruelty of tyrants and the greedinoss of upstarts. Allying themselves with the Dalavai Linganna, a man who, in his ambition and avarice, sold the interests of his country to the Muhammadan and was conducting a sham campaign, they organised a formidable triumvirate with the object of removing Chokkanatha and raising his younger brother to the throne in his place. The prospect of success was very near at hand, when an accident betrayed the nefarious plot and brought its authors to justice and ruin. The fidelity of a palace lady apprised the young king of the real state of things. He at once entered into secret communications with his friends in exile, and, with their help, eventually contrived to surprise and seize the traitors in the palace. The Rayasam was immediately put to death, but the caste of the more heinous criminal obtained for him the comparatively mild punishment in the loss of his eyes. The other accomplice Linganna Naik, however, was still at liberty. With a reckless disregard of his country and cr@ed, he joined hands with those whom he was sent to conquer, and marched against his master. Thus it was that a host ile Muhammadan army, of 12,000 foot and 7,000 horse, commanded by Sagosi and guided by the NAik general, assenbled at the foot of the Trichinopoly fortifications. The place was at once invested and every attempt was made to take it. To the arbitration of the sword was added the temptation of bribery, and the camp of Chokkanatha once again became a scene of treasonable activity. A kinsman of the old minister, who was in the king's service, took advantage of this opportunity to entertain designs of revenge, and sell his conscience and good name. The ability of the besiegers and the play of treason 61 These details are not found in any of the indigenous chronicle. Mr. Nelson has taken these from Joguit sources, and my account of the reign is based on his.

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42 TPE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1917 in the Naik camp would have achieved the fall of Trichinopoly, but the vigilance of Chokkan itha saved him. He discovered the plot, removed the conspirator, and promptly overhauled the ministerial staff. A tide of success seems to have followed this reorganisation. The Muhammadans abandoned their attempt, and retreated to Tanjore, and numbers of their soldiery were attracted by the martial vigour and quick resource of Chokkanatha to crowd umder his standard, and the Madura army swelled from its original strength of 50,000 men to 70,000. Success killed prudence, and Chokkanitha 'resolved to try the chance in his fortunes to a logical extremity and pursue his retreating adversaries. His object was now threefold, to drive the Muhammadans in disgrace back to their homes, to chastise the conduct of his Dalavai, and to get reparation from Tanjore for its alliance with the enemies of Madura. In the flush of victory, Chokkanatha was able to accomplish his aims. He inflicted a defeat on Sagosi and compelled him to return to Jinji. He fell on Tanjore and forced the submission of its chief; and he won over the unscrupulous Dalavai, not however by conquest, but by matrimony, by raising his daughter to the dignity of his queen. Curious Portents of disaster. Such was the formidable treason which threatened Chokkanatha's crown at the outset of his career, and from which he extricated himself with such pluck and courage. Though not twenty, he had behaved like a hero in the midst of a hurricane of enmity. If his reign began with a domestic trouble, it also began with a triumph over Jinji and Tanjore. Chokkanatha had therefore every reason to look with self-complacency on his work ; but he was not destined to enjoy his satisfaction long. Providence destined him to a career of incessant trouble and grief, of defeat and disaster. Nature itself, we are told, gave warnings of the coming woes and ills to which his State and people were to be subjected. Children were born, we are informed, with complete sets of teeth. Wild animals boldly roamed in plains and invaded cities; thousands of healthy people died sudden and mysterious deaths, while an equal number fell in famines. Swarms of insects darkened and poisoned the air, and epidemics of a ferocious nature raged with violence and swept off thousands. These unnatural events and extraordinary scenes threw the people into a panic of fear and anxiety, and raised forebodings of coming disaster and distress. Nor did it take long to come, though it did not take a shape as unusual as the events which foreshadowed it. It came in the form of another Musalman invasion. The Muhammadan retaliation. In the beginning of 1664, the Muhammadans once again burst into South India. It is difficult to say to, what this invasion was due but it can hardly be doubted that it was due to their desire to wipe out the shame of their late humiliation. The invaders this time were led by the commander-in-chief of Bijapur, Vanamian. In his sudden push for the Naik capital, Vanamien might have been successfully opposed by the king of Tanjore, but i he latter preferred the traditional policy of submission and even assistance. At Trichinopoly, however, the Bijapur general met with an opposition far stronger than that he had anticipated. The artillery of Chokkanatha proved more than equal to the equipment 62 Proenza says that soino time after Tirumal Naik's death Madura was so much desert:d that wild animale boldly came there. Perhaps it refers to this period. The Dutch, it may be mentioned here, ook advantage of the popular misery to decoy hundreds of men and women selling them as slaves. That he l'ortuguese and Dutch dealt largely in slaves is emply proved by Manucci in his Storia do Mogor.

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BRUARY. 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 43 of the besiegers, and vanamian realised that he could not easily capture the city. He therefore resolved to change his strategy, to attack the people and lay waste the kingdom, in short to strike at the king through his people. He therefore abandoned the siege of Trichinopoly, and diverted his forces into the heart of the kingdom. The strength of the Muhammadan soldiers and of Muhammadan fanaticism was let loose on a mild and innocent populace, and there began, in consequence, a period of horrible massacre, rare even in Musalman warfare. The soldiers of Bijapur looked with satisfaction on the burning flames of villages and farmhouses. They seized men and forcibly circumcised them, tossed children on sword points and violated all rules of civilized war, Desperation goaded even cowardice to acts of heroism, and the people of many a village set fire to their homes and preferred death in the general conflagration to capture and torture by the Muhammadan soldiery. The atrocities of the Muhammadan army, however, had one good effect. They induced the king to endeavour for a conclusion of peace. At first he led a life of indolent security within the fort of his capital, too weak or too indifferent to remove the calamities of his subjects, but the widespread horror of suffering compelled the abandonment of his inaction and the resort to an understanding with the adversaries. He promptly agreed to pay a considerable sum as indemnity for the present and tribute for the future; and the Muhammadans turned their back on the ruined kingdom, encumbered with spoils and enriched with booty of priceless value. His punitive expeditions against Tanjore and Ramnad. In the tumultuous condition of South India in the 17th century, the slightest provocation was enough to inflame an internecine war. Chokkanatha's indignation was roused by the assistance which Tanjore had rendered to the invaders and by the indifference with which Tirumalai Setupati63 had regarded his recent humiliation. He therefore meditated, immediately after the departure of the Muhammadans, an invasion of Tanjore and the chastisement of Ramnad. Himself taking the field in person, he promptly marched to the fortress of Vallam and took it by surprise. Here his conquests stopped. It seems that Chokkanatha's object was not territorial conquest, but the simple punishment of his brother chief. His expedition was more a punitive demonstration than a serious war. He therefore abandoned the contest after the seizure of Vallam, and marched into Ramnad. He first occupied the Marava forts of Tirupattur, Pudukkotta, Mana Madurai and Kalayar Koil, and desired to subdue the Setupati by a single but effective victory. But it was not the plan of the cautious Marava to come to a definite engagement. He adopted guerilla tactics, retreated into the inaccessible woods of his Jaghir, and harassed his Suzerain's forces by daring sallies and surprire attacks. Chokkanatha was, in consequence, tired of the war. He had moreover to perform certain religious ceremonies in his capital. He therefore left the conduct of the war to his lieutenants, and went to Trichinopoly. The officers were incompetent, and the Setupati was able to boldly emerge from the forest, resume the offensive, and inflict severe reverses on the royal foroes, Chokkanatha had consequently to withdraw his troops, except those which garrisoned the places taken already. Tirumalai was the chief of the Maravas till 1670. Inscriptions 394 and 398 of 1906, which record gifts for his merit at the Satyagirinatha temple at Tirumayyam, are dated 1669 and are therefore practically his last. He seems to have performed the Hiranyagarbha sacrifice and therefore had the title of Hiranyagarbhayaji. See Mad. Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 89. 64 See Madura Manual. Raja Ram Rao's Ramnad Manual does not mention this war.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1917 His disastrous war with Mysore. Besides the Tanjore and Ramnad campaigns, Chokkanatha seems to have been engaged in the first decade of his rule in a war with Mysore. Wilks says that it was due to "Chuckapa's" desire for the entire conquest of Mysore; but "the events of the war reversed his expectations, and left the districts of Erroor (Erode) and Darapoor (Dharapuram) as fixed conquests in the possession of Deo Raj, after he had urged his success to the extent of levying large contributions on Trichinopoly, and other places of importance." Wilks attributes this disaster to 1667 A. D. He also points out that in this year"Waumeloor" was taken by the Mysoreans from Gaute Moodelair (i. e., Ghetti Mudali). In other words, if we are to believe Wilks, Chokkanatha lost the extensive province of Coimbatore and Salem. (Wilks, I, 37). Wheeler describes an even greater disaster. He says that, immediately after Chokkanatha's accession, the Mysoreans came as far as Madura, and invested that city, and took it; but that Chokkanatha subsequently laid siege to the city and reduced the Mysoreans to such a condition that they had to live on monkeys and asses and agreed, in return for the allowance to return to their country, to surrender the city. It is not improbable that this event took place in the Mysorean invasion of 1667.65 Wilks however does not mention it. (Wheeler is not correct in his chronology. He places this event subsequent to the later Tanjore war of 1674. It is evident he confounds the 1st Tanjore war of Chokkanatha with his campaign of 1674). A decade of peace. The Tanjore, Mysore and Ramnad campaigns disclose the decay of the Madura kingdom, and incapacity of Chokkanatha. The defeat of his arms and the dimingtion of his prestige which followed the Ramnad invasion, however, seem to have taught him wisdom-to prefer the duties of peaceful administration to the doubtful laurels of war. The next ten years of his sovereignty, in consequence, are years of profound tranquillity and commendable repose. There is nothing to record in this period, except the permanent transfer of the seat of government from Madura to Trichinopoly. In the recent days of trouble it was the fortifications of the latter city that had saved Chokkanatha from ruin, and he therefore was desirous of making it his permanent residence. There was no harm, on the contrary there was perhaps a decided advantage, in this arrangement; but with extraordinary folly, Chokkanatha gave orders for the demolition of the beautiful palace of Tirumal Naik at Madura, in order that the materials might be utilized for the construction of a similar building at Trichinopoly. Immediately after the fatal order, the work of demolition began; "and every day saw trains of waggons bear away handsome beams, curiously carved monoliths, magnificent pillars of black marble, in a word, verything that was most excellent and admirable in an edifice which at that timo was perhaps one of the finest in all Asia. And this barbarity was unblugbingly perpetrated in order that materials might be procured for the erection of a common-place building which was never admired, about which history is altogether silen; and at the cost of the people which had been ruined by long oontinued wars, and utterly beggared by the unremitting exactions of its ministers"7 (Nelson p. 190). cs Insen. 181 of 1910 dated 1669-70 (Saumya) recording a grant to the temple of Kumarasvami at Satyamangalam should have been immediately after this inva am should have been immediately after this invasion. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 92. Chokkanatha perhaps began to show his over-religious temperament in this period. At any rate we have a few inscriptions to show his religious activity at this time. Inson. 640 of 1906 dated 1668 A.D.. (the Tamil year Kilaka 18 wrong) says that he made gifta of land to the Tiruchchangu tample. Insen, 664 of the same year records that in S. 1585 Subhanu (1663) be built the Gopurs of the Ardhanarisvara temple as well as the temple of Kasi Visvesvara, at Tiruchchengodu. e Wheeler gives & singular reason for this transfer of the capital. Chokkanatha, while staying in Madura after his victory over the Mysoreans, saw one day a cobra on his bed olothes, and be felt it necessary to leave Madure itself.

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FEBRUARY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA Ramned affairs. It was during this interlude of ponce, moreover, that some important events took place in the history of Ramnad. The famous Tirumalai Setupati diedos in 1670, after a long and beneficent reign of 30 years. On his death, his adopted son, Raja Surya, the real son of the Setupati's half-brother Adinarayana Teve, ascended the throne. His reign was eventless except in regard to the history of the Ramesvaram temple. He seems to have been an intriguer who schemed with Tanjore against his Suzerain. He was consequently seized by Dalavai Venkata Krishoaiya, a man of whom we shall hear presently, and taken to Trichinopoly, where, after a prisoner's life for some time, he was put to death. As he left no issue, the Maravas chose as his successor, according to one account, one Atma Tevan, a distant relation of the deceased chief, to the gadi ;70 and when Atma was snatched away by death within a few months of his elevation, they met once again, and chose as their leader, # scion of the royal family named Raghunatha, surnamed, in consequence of his age, the Kilavan (old man). According to a second account, after the death of Surya Tevar without issue, the Marava chiefs could not come to a definite understanding in regard to a suocessor, and so the country was, for a time, without a Setupati. Two men, "Attana and after him Chandrappa Servaikaran, managed the affairs of the kingdom. Finally Reghunatha Te var Kilavan, illegitimato son of the last Setupathi was installed." Wilson" says simply that Chokkanatha, after putting Surya Teva to death, assisted his cousin Kilavan to become Setupati. The accession of Kilavan Setupati was highly beneficial to Ramnad. An able and efficient administrator, a fine soldier and statesman, Kilavan combined ability with experience, and tact with firmness. During the 3573 years of his rule (1673-1708), in consequence, Ramnad was really a power in the land, practically independent of Madura itgelf. One of his first and characteristic acts was to put to death the men who, by their schemes, had brought about his elevation ; for he argued that the punishment of intrigue was more pressing than the claims of gratitude and that intriguers with him against others were not unlikely, under changed circumstances, to intrigue with others against himself. He then removed the capital from Pogalur to Ramnad and fortified the latter. The fort" was built in the shape of a square, each side being about half a mile in extent, with the main gate to the east, facing the entrance to the king's palace. The fortifications consisted of a single wall, twenty seven feet high and five thick, surrounded by a deep ditoh, now filled with rubbish. The wall was further strengthened with 32 bastions built at equal distances and loopholed, but without any ramparts. To the West of the palace was dug a spacious reservoir to collect the rain water as a provision against the droughts of the summer months, Among the people this tank is known as Mugava Urani, the tank where the face was washed, a name which arose with the rise of legend that Rama washed his face here on his way to Setu." 68 This is doubtful, as we have an inscription of Tirumalai, datod 1673 at Hanumantagudi record ing gifts of lands to a Musalman. See Antiquities, I, 298. * Sowell's Antiquities, IT, 230, based on the Ramnad Manual. The date of this is uncertain; some attributo Sarya's death to his helping Vijaya Raghava, i. 6., they say that it took place after the Tanjore war. TO Calouta Review 1878, p. 463. 11 RAmnad Manual ; Sewell's Antiquities, II, p. 230. 72 J. R. A. S. III. 13 The dates are not quite certain. Two inscriptions of Tiruvadanai, datod 1679, mention gifta by "Hiranyagarbha Setupati." Was this person identical with Kilayan? 71 Calcutta Review, 1878, p. 453. J. R. A. S. III, 165-8.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1917 The Origin of the Pudukkottai State. One of the most important acts of Kila van Setupati was the creation of the modern Tondamen Raj of Pudukkotta. It has been already mentioned how the area covered by the modern Pudukkotta State was, till the end of the 16th century, under the occupation of various chiefs. The Western parts were the possessions of tho Manapparai and Marungapuri Polygars, the Southern under the Setupati, the North-eastern under Tanjore Naiks ; and the centre, under the hereditary dynasty of the Pallava Rayas, Tondamang as they were called. These Pallava Rayas must have, as their name signifies, been somehow connected with the ancient Pallavas of Tondamandalam. The late Rao Bahadur Venkaya believed that,75 immediately after their subjugation by the Cholas, the ancient Pallavas entered the service of their conquerors. The Karunakara76 Tondamen who, according to the Kalingatupparani, led Kulottuuga Chola's forces against Kalinga and who was the lord of Vandai (Vandalur, Chingleput Dt.) was a Pallava. There were, again, Pallava vassa ls under Vikrama Chola.In the war of the Pandyan succession of the 12th century, the Tondaman played a very important part as the ally of Kulasekhara, one of the claimants. From the account of this war, as given in the Mahavam sa, it appears that the Tondaman dominions could not have been far from the Pandyan country; that, in fact, they were most probably in the region of Tirumangalam78 and Srivilliputtur. In a later Tanjore inscription, the name Tondaman is applied to a local chief named Samanta Narayana, who gave the village of Karundattangudi, the suburb of Tanjore, to Brahmans. Thus the name Tondaman actually travelled from the Pallava into the Chola country. There is therefore every reason to suppose that the Tondamin of Pudukkotta, who bears the title Pallava Raya, is descended from the Pallavas of Kanchi.79 Whether this was so or not, the Tondamans were a minor dynasty, in Kulattar, a placo not far from Pudukkotta, till the time of Kilavan, when the first step for forming, out of his and his neighbour's territories a powerful and aggressive feudatory state was taken. It seems that the Pallava Raya, who ruled at the little territory around Pudukkotta and who was the last of his stocks" attempted to throw off his allegiance to Ramnad and to place himself under the protection of Tanjore ; and that the latter in consequence was removed by the Setupati. The latter then placed on the th one one Raghunatha Toqdamin, a local chief, whose sister, Katteri, he had married. Raghunatha was & capablo man, and he at once took steps to extend his little estate at the expense of his neighbours, till at last he became the head of an extensive State, with resources which enabled his descendants to thwart Ramnad itself, and Tanjore, and above all, Madura. 75 See Arch. Suro. Ind. 1906, pp. 241-3. 78 For a detailed study of the poem, see Ind. Ant. XIX (1890), 329.40. TT See Vikrama Cholan Ula. For a very able analysis of this from two MSS. of the Tanjore palace library by the late Mr. V. Kanakasabai Pillai, see Ind. Ant. XXII (1893), pp. 141-8. 18 Venkaya bases that surmise on the fact that a place called Mangalam is frequently mentioned 79 Venkaya believes that the Pallaves were Kurumbas (like the Vijayanagar kings later on) of whom the Tamil Kurubas and Canarono Karabas are representatives. From the facts that the term Pallava is used identically with Vellala in some inscriptions that the Telugu Reddia and agriculturista called themselves Pallaves and that Pallava Rays is one of the 30 gotras of the Tamil VollAlas Mr. Venkaya gurmiges that there must have been some connection between the Pallaves and the cultivating custo in the Tamil as well as the Telugu oountry. We suppose that some of them must have settled down as cultivators after their politioal decline. Bee Arch. Suru. Ind. 1908, p. 243.

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FEBRUARY, 1917) MISCELLANEA 47 Such is the account of the origin of the modern state of the Tondaman as given by M. Nelson. According to this, the Toqdamgns are a very modern dynasty, who came to prominence only in the latter part of the 16th century. The palace records and the indigenous chronicles, however, claim a very ancient origin to the dynasty. They assert that the first of the line, "the founder of the family, was one Tirumalai Tondaiman," who emigrated from Tirupati or Tirumalai in Tondamanlalam, and settled in Ambukkovil (22 miles east-north-east of Pudukko tai), seventeen generations before the middle of the 17th century. A Telugu poem, apparently composed about 1760, refers to one Avadai Raghunatha Tondaman, the 18th in descent from Tirumalai, as having distinguished himself by oapturing an elephant in one of the hunting expeditions of Sri Ranga Raya of Vijayanagar (about 1638-78), and as having been rewarded with the title of Raya and several other distinctions. The fact that he obtained this title from the Vijayanagara king is also mentioned in a Pulukkot ai grant as early as 1709. The same chief is state 1 in the memorandum of 1819, already mentioned, to have conquered the Pallava Rayas in 1639, with the permission of the Vijayanaga a king, and to have laid the foundations of the present Pudukkotai State. His son served the Naik king of Tanjore for a short time; but in the end left his patron and annexed to his dominiony several of the Tanjore villages. The sam: Ton laman is said to have given his sister to the Kilavan," the notorious Satupati of Ramnad, and to have received, about 1675, as a gift from the Setupati, the country of Pudukko tai, which his father represented in the palace memorandum to have conquered in 1640." The edito: of the Trichinopoly Gazetteer believes that the second version, i.e., traditional account given above,"is inadequately supported by contemporary evidence and is in many ways improbable," and he therefore thinks that Nelson's theory is the correct one. It seems to me, however, that there is no inconsistency between the two theories. It is quite possible that, while the Pallava Rayas were ruling at Pudukkotrai, there was a contemporary local line of chiefs at Ambukkovil. Most probably the two lines of chiefs were constant rivals, till at last he who was ruling at Ambukkovil in the middle of the 17th century, conquered his contemporary at Pudukkottai ant got himself confirmed in his n3w asquisition by Kilavan Setupati, as he was his brother-in-law. As regards the title Tondaman, it had been assumed by both the dynasties, and is now continued to be worn by the surviving one. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. SURGEON GABRIEL BOUGHTON. | article would seem to anit. H, has coasulted IN & paper entitled 4 Jahanar" and published certain sources which he has either particularly in the Journal of the Panjab Historical Society noticed by name, or omitted to do so, as the Vol. II. No. 2 (1914), the author has controvert- context would show. As an Editor of a history for ed the assertion that Surgeon Gabriel Boughton the B. I. Edition, now in course of publication and did not take part in the treatment and recovery of an employe of the Bengal Asiatic Society, be Jahanara Begam, daughter of Emperor Shah Jahan. must have read the paper on Surgeon Boughton The learned author has noticed the "Boughton and the privileges to the English traders published Legend" at greater length than the scope of the in 1912 in the Society's Journal, and Mr. William

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43 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1917 Foster's two learned Monographs in this Journal for writers that none but Hakime, or Yunani physici. 1911 and 1912 on the former, of which the paper in ans, took any part in prescribing those medicines the Asiatic Society's Journal was based. that were taken internally; but Physicians and lay men of other nationalities took part in the treatWhat the author's main contention is, is summed ment of the external sores. It is also a fact, that up in this one sentence "that Boughton must have these latter treatments were of no benefit to the Jeft Surat many months (could it not be many days or hours ?) earlier than the 3rd January 1645." august patient, but only the ointments given by Again "It is quite in the fitness of things that Asalat two unknown persons-Arif and Hemun. Every one Khan should have sent for a capable European Sur. of the physicians and quacks whose medicines were found to be efficacious were rewarded and mention. geon from Surat." ed in the Persian Histories of the time. But those Without going through the various facts and whose medicines did no good to the Princess, were arguments advanced by William Foster in this Jour. not mentioned. If Dr. Boughton was so quick ag nal and by myself in the Journal of the Asiatic to arrive at Agra or Delhi in time, he too like Society of Bengalore " the Boughton Legend," may others was not mentioned because his treatment I at once bring to the notice of the writer of the like that of others was of no benefit to the Princess. article, Mr. Yazdani, that Gabriel Boughton went Either he took no part in the treatment or took with Asalat Khan, "who had long importuned us" part without being successful in curing the sores. President and Council at Surat), not to Agra, but In either case Boughton, and, through him, the to Central Asia.-- to Balucke (Balkh) as a body English Company, could not get any concessions physician of that minister, as Mr. Foster has proved Boughtor got no concesions, nor even a khelat. in his subsequent second article published in this Journal for 1913. It is a fact noted by Persian ABDUL WALI. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. Custome for the Honble. Company to allow his horge meat [food), which hath for som) yeares been 1. The Broker's Horae Allowance. omitted, that we would againe allow the same, 6 Auqust 1662, Consultation in Surat. Our which wee finding to be a former Custome apBroker Chout Tooquer (Chiwat Thakur) made it proved of. (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 2.) his Request That whereas it hath been a Constant R. C. Temple. BOOK NOTICE THE NOTION OF KINGSHIP IN THE SUKRANITI.' original text of the Sukraniti inaccurate : By R, G, PRADHAN, B.A., LL.B., NASIK. in l. 168 it is rendered as independent of Niti We have received a reprint of this article, from while the real meaning is, 'not d pandent on the author, who published it in the February No. himself, i. e., giving due consideration to good of the Modern Review, 1916. The author has been advice and the pracepts of Niti' T E : at some pains to prove that the conception of in l. 170 should have been translate 1 As 'served royalty in ancient India, as discernible from the or attended by qualified persons' and not a Sukraniti and other works on political science, respected by meritorious persons.' The lines was far more advanced than the notions prevalent 189-90 have been completely misunderstood. in medieval Europe, and was a close approximation The original verse Exf Figar u ar-ar to the theory of constitutional monarchy, which na mntrinnH| sathA'vinItA dAbAdA tuSTAH putrAzyo'pi c|| has supplanted the old ideas in modern timas. is translated as "Sovereignty in a kingdom We think the attempt hay for the most part been is deprived of its beauty, if there is the king only, but successful, as the writer has put forth his subject there are no ministers, well disciplined kinsmen and with moderation and careful thought; though we restrained offerings.' It is not easy to see how such think he has misunderstood some words and a simple verse was so grossly misinterpreted. We phrases as they ooour in Sanskrit. For instance, would translate the ver89 as follows: the popular maxim nA viSNuH pRthivIpatIH is | A king whose ministers are not ratrained, whose understood by the writer as 'no king but is the kinsfolk are unruly and whose sons, &c. are wicked is representative of the god Vishnu', perhaps, wrongly (soon) deprived of the splendour of his sovereignty. construing nAviSNu : 8 na aviSNuH but the | In other respects we find the conclusions ar. correct way in which it is popularly understood is rived at by Mr. Pradhan regarding political A co which makes the whole phrase thought among the ancient Hindus, to be quite squivalent to The King (lord of the earth) is the god legitimate and justifiable, and would heartily Vishnu (in the form of a man.' In fact, this is wish him to continue his researches with the same Another expression embodying the same idea as in sober spirit in this untrodden field of enquiry, a 'TOTT :' Bhagavadgtla, 10, 27. In he has shown in this ar icle. some placer, we find the translation from the K. N. D.

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Plate Frontispiece MAHABALIPUR Indian Antiquary GENERAL VIEW OF THE TOWN FROM THE ROYAGOPURAM WEST To face p. 49.

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MARCH, 1917) THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR. THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR. BY PROFESSOR 8. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR AVL., M. A. ; MADRAS UNIVERSITY. MAHABALIPOR, popularly known Mavalivaram, is a village about 20 miles east-south east of Chingleput and lies in a narrow strip of land between the Buckingham Canal and the Sea. It is now a small hamlet with but a few houses, though it has in it a Vaishoava temple of some importance and considerable antiquity. Excepting an old light-house and the bungalow of the Zamindar of Nallattor there is nothing to indicate that the place is of any consequence at present. It is nevertheless a place of very great importance to the Archaeologist, since the monuments left there are regarded as at the very foundation of Dravidian civilization on its architectural side. The monuments in this particular locality fall into three classes: (1) Monolithic rock-cut shrines.. (2) Excavation in the shape of caves of various kinds, (3) Structural buildings-such as tem pies. If we do not know all we wish about the antiquities of Mamallapuram', says Fergusson, it is not because attempts have not been made to supply the information. Situated on an open beach, within 32 miles of Madras, it has been more visited and oftener described than any other place in India. The first volume of the Asiatic Researches (1788) contained an exhaustive paper on them by Wm. Chambers. This was followed in the fifth (1798) by another by Mr. Goldingham. In the second volume of the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society (1830) there appeared what was then considered A most successful attempt to decipher the inscriptions there, by Dr. Guy Babington, accompanied by views of most of the sculptures. Before this however, in 1816, Colonel Colin Mackenzie had employed his staff to make detailed drawings of all the sculptures and architectural details, and he left a collection of about forty drawings, which are now in manuscript in the India Office. Like all such collections, without descriptive text, they are nearly useless for scientific purposes. The Madras Journal in 1844, contained a guide to the place by Lieutenant J. Braddock, with notes by the Rev. G. W. Mahon, the Rev. W. Taylor, and Sir Walter Elliot; and almost every Journal of every traveller in these parts contains some hint regarding them, or some attempt to describe and explain their peculiarities or beauties. With the exception of the Mackenzie Ms. the most of these were collected in & volume in 1869 by a Lieutenant Carr, and published at the expense of the Madras Government, but, unfortunately, as too often happens, the editor selected had no general knowledge of the subject, nor had he apparently much local familiarity with the place. His work in consequence added nothing to our previous stores'. Since then, however, & great deal more attention has been bestowed upon the place, by archaeological and other experts in those branches of study to which in partieular each turned his head or hand. Fergusson has embodied his architectural views in two monumental works of his: The Cave Temples of India and his Hand-book on Indian and Eastern Architecture, which has received the approval of, and revision by, James Burgess. Mr. Roa has brought out a book on Pallava architecture, on behalf of the Government History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, I. 328 (New Edn.). Note. This paper embodies the subject matter of two special University lectures delivered before the University of Madras in November, 1916. It gives me the greatest pleasure to acknowledge, in this oonnection, my obligations to Mr. A. H. Longhurst, Superintendent of Archaeology, Madras Cirole, for his ready' kindness in allowing me thouse of his photographio negatives and photographs, both for illustrating the lectures and the paper as it appears now.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1917 of Madras. The Madras Epigraphists, Dr. Hultzch and his successors, have done their part in deciphering and interpreting the inscriptions. Others have been equally busy. There is a handy and very useful guide book recently published by Mr. Coombes of the Education Department, better known by his connection with the Chingloput Reformatory. Last of all, there is the work of the Frenchman, Professor of Pondicherry, Jouveau-Dubreuil, whose recent work on South Indian Architecture and Iconography has perforce to allot considerable space to this locality. With such an array of expository effort extending over a whole century and more, it would be rash indeed to attempt any further exposition of the subject which, at best, could result only in adding 'another hue unto the rainbow.' It turns out happily that it is not so, because so far no one has succeeded in expounding what actually this signifies in South Indian History. Even in respect of some of the details that have already been examined by archaeological specialists there has not been the co-ordination of evidence leading to conclusions for historical purposes. This it is proposed to attempt, with just the necessary amount of examination of various archaeological details for coordination with a view to the historical significance of the antiquities of Mahabalipuram. The modern name of the village is Mavalivaram, or the Sanskritized Mahabalipuram, the city of Mahabali, the great emperor of the Asuras, who, legend has it, was too good and too powerful to be suffered by the gods gladly. The god Vishnu in his dwarf incarnation outwitted him. Praying for a gift of three feet of earth, he measured the nether and the other world in two, and demanded room for the third foot promised. Great Bali prayed that his humble head give the room demanded. When the foot of the Great One was placed upon it Bali sank under the earth, where he is said to reign supreme monarch of the world below. The unwary visitor to the shore-temple in the village is occasionally informed that the recumbent figure in the seaward chamber of the smaller shrine of the shore-temple is Bali on his couch. There is a panel of Trivikrama in the Varahavatara cave and beyond this there is nothing particularly to associate this place with the demon-emperor Bali. This form of the name, perhaps, became familiar in connection with the dynasty which was known in the interior of this region as the Mahabalis (Mavalis popularly) or Banas, with their capital at Tiruvallam in the North Arcot District, and with their territory taking in portions of Mysore also. So far as our knowledge of this dynasty goes at present, they seem to have flourished in the period intervening between the death of the last great Pallava king Nandivarman and the rise of the first great Chola king Parantaka. There is a reference to a Mahabali ruler, who was the father-in-law of the reigning Chola king kill in the Manimekhalar2. This work has to be referred to a period anterior to the Pallavas, as even the late Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya3 allots the great Chola Karikala to the sixth century A. D., the period of interregnum between the great Pallava Dyuasty, and the dynasty that preceded it. 2 nettiyoonnn kurrlluuruvaaki nimirntut nnnttiyirr pttiyai yttkki yvnnnnnnaall niirirr peyt muurivaar cilai maavli mrumaannn ciirkelllu tirumkll ciirtti yennnnnnun tiruttku teevi, Marimekhalai. Canto XIX. 11, 51-55. 3 A. S. R. 1906-7. p. 224. nota 1.

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MARCH, 1917) THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR In the days, however, of the great Pallava dynasty, the place was known as Mamalia puram, generally taken to mean the city of Mahamalla (Mamalla), the Pallava NarasimhaVarman I. Tirumangai Alvar refers to the city invariably as Mallai and has often the adjunct Kadal (See) before Mallai. In one verse he refers to the Pallava king Paramesvara Varman as Mallaiyarkon't the king of the people of Mallai', or of the people "Mallar'. The latter meaning is taken to find support in the expression Mahamallakulam in lines 24 & 25 of the copper plate grant of the Chaulukya Vikramaditya: I; but the expression Mahamallakulam need not refer to & people, and probably refers to the family of Mahamalla, the Pallava king Narasimhavarman of Kanchi. The title Mahamalla was the title assumed by the Pallava king Narasimha varman I. It is this Pallava king that sent out two naval expeditions to help his friend Manavarma of Ceylon, who ruled the island from A. D. 691 to 726.7 Of the first invasion we have, in the chronicle, Manavarma then took ship and crossed over the sea (with his Army) and having made a fast voyage, landed at Lanka with his forces, and began to subdue the country (around)' The following passage contains a more detailed reference to the second. And Narasimha thus thought within himself : "This my friend, who seeketh most resolutely after fame, hath spent now many years of his life in my service that so he might get back his kingdom. And lo! he will soon have grown old, How then can I now reign (in comfort) and see him (thus miserable)? Assuredly I shall this time restore to him his kingdom by sending my army thither. Else what advantageth my life to me?" Thereupon the king collected his army together, and having equipped it well gave Manavarma all things he desired to have, and himself accompanied the army to the sea-coast, where a mighty array of ships of burden, gaily ornamented, has been prepared for them. And when the king reached the harbour he gave orders to all his officers that they should embark and accompany Manavarma; but they all showed unwillingness to do so (without their king). 'And Narasimha, having pondered well over the matter, resolved on this stratagem. Keeping himself so that his army might not see him, he gave over to Manavarma all his retinue and insignia of royalty together with the ornaments with which he adorned his person, and sent him (secretly) on board the ship, bidding him take the royal drum, the Kotta, with him, and sound it from the deck of the vessel, And Manavarma did as he was directed; and the soldiers thinking that it was the king (who was sounding the call), embarked leaving him alone on the land. Then Mana began his voyage with the army and all the material of war, which, with the ships in which they were borne, was like unto a city floating down the sea. And in due time he reached the port and disembarked with the army.' In regard to these transactions the following details have to be noted. Manavarma came to India some time after the accession to the throne of Hattadatha II (A. D. 664). He lived for sometime alone, and then brought his wife over and she had by him four sons (say ten or twelve years). Then took place the war between Narasimha and the Vallabha (who must be Pulakesin or Pulikesin II). This war and the destruction of Vallabha's capital Vatapi are ascribed to the year A. D. 642 by Dr. Fleet. Then took place the first expedition to Ceylon in aid of Manavarma. It pro ved a * Periya Tirumosi, 2nd Ten, 9th Decad. Stanzs 1. Ante. Vol. VI., pp. 75-78. 6 A. S. R. 1906-7, p. 228 and refs. in note 5. Mahavamsa, Turbour and Wijosimha, Ch. XLVII.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAROH, 1917 failure and Manavarma returned and waited till four kings had ruled in Ceylon. In other words he had to bide his time during the rest of the reign of Hattadhata II and the reigns of his successors till, in A. D. 891, he was able to reinstall himself on the throne in Anuradhapura. He ruled afterwards for thirty-five years. Assuming that he came to India a young man, about 65 years of active life seem possible ; but there is a discrepancy of about 35 years between the Ceylonese and Indian chronology. Let that pass. The synchronism is near enough, notwithstanding this discrepancy, to justify this assumption that Manavarma and Narasith ha-Varman I. Mahamalla were contemporaries. What was the port of embarkation of this grand Armada? Narasimha ha's capital was at Kanchi, and Narasimha's name or title figures prominently in several of the structures in Mahabalipuram, considered the oldest according to architectural standards. The natural inference then would seem to be that this Mahabalipuram as it is now called, was the chief port of the Pallavas, and that, since the Pallava ruler, Mahamalla Narasimha attempted to enhance its importance by building these structures, it came to be known then Mamallapuram. This conclusion finds support in the following passage in the life of Hiuen Tsiang. The city of Kanchipura is situated on the mouth (bay) of the Southern Sea of India, looking towards the kingdom of Simhala, distant from it three days' voyage.' The city 8 of Kanchipura here referred to can be no other than the port of Kanchipura,' in all likelihood Mahabalipur. This probability is enhanced by what follows regarding the arrival of the two Buddhist Divines, Bodhimoghesvara and Abhayadamshtra, because of a revolution in Ceylon. They are said to have just arrived at the city, and this could only be in the port and not at the capital 40 miles inland. The corresponding passage in Watter's Yuwan Chwang Vol. II. p. 227, is Kanchipura is the sea port of South India for Ceylon, the voyage to which takes three days, Compare with this the following description of Talabayanam by Tirumangai Alver:Oh my foolish mind, circumambulate in reverence those who have the strength of mind to go round the holy Talasayanam, which is Kalalmallai, in the harbour of which, ride at anchor, vessels bent to the point of breaking laden as they are with wealth, rich as one's wishes, trunked big elephants and the nine gems in heaps.' There still remains the form of the name Mallai, distinguished often as Kadalmallai, the Mallai close to the sea.' This is the name invariably used by Tirumangal Alvar, who lived one generation later than Narasimba. Even Bhatatta var, whose native place it was, refers to it as Mallai. This must have been an anterior name therefore, and the distinction 'Kadalmallai'raises the presumption that there was another Mallai, and possibly a people called Mallar, referred to by Tirumangai Ajvar in the designation of Paramosvaravarman, Pallavan Mallaiyarkon' (the king of Mallar.) The first plate represents what is usually known as the Pancha Pandava Ratha. This name seems to have arisen at a time when the significance of the 'rathas' had long 8 Beal's Hiuen Tsiang, p. 139. 9 pulnnnkoll nitikkuvaiyoottu pulllaikkaimmaakllirrrrinnnmum clngkoll nvmnnikkuvaiyum cumntengkum caannnrrocintu klngklliyngkum mllaikkttnnn mllaittl cynnnm vlngkoll mnnnttaarvrai vlngkollllennn mttnenycee.

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Plate 1 Surft MAHABALIPUR PANCHA PANDAVA RATHA: GENERAL VIEW Indian Antiquary To face p. 52.

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Plate II Mudrus Arch. Dept. MAHABALIPUR ARJUNA'S PENANCE: GENERAL VIEW Indian Antiquary 33 To face p. 53.

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Plate III Madras Arch. Dept. MAHABALIPUR ARJUNA'S PENANCE: THE CHASE The Boar Indian Antiquary To face p. 53.

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MAROK, 1917) THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR 53 been forgotten and the story of the Mahabharata was in great vogue. The origin seems simple enough of the five structures one differs from the rest the smallest with a peculiar roofing--a roofing that seems formed on the pattern of a small hut with the roof overlaid with paddy grass as village houses and huts often are. Of the four other structures three are quite similar in form. The whole five struck the popular imagination as houses built for the five brothers, the twins counting as one, as is often the case in the original Mahabharata. Hence the name must have appeared peculiarly appropriate, having regard to the magnificient bas-relief which goes by the name of Arjuna's Penance. The illustration exhibits the structural differences between the so-called Dharmaraja and the Bhimaratha clearly. The Dharmaraja, Arjuna and Nakula-Sahadeva Rathas are of one pattern--the conical; the Bhima Ratha is of a different pattern---the apsidal; while the Draupadi Ratha is of the conical pattern likewise, but exhibits the roof smooth showing even the details of the over-lying paddy grass. The difference between the other three and the Bhima Ratha is one of structure-the structure of the originals of which these are but obvious copies. The originals are no other than village houses, which are of the same two patterns all along the coast. The roofing material is almost universally plaited cocoanut fronds overlaid in more substantial dwellings by dried paddy grass. Such a structure necessitates certain structnral features in the roof, which in the copies develop into ornaments. The tale of their origin is disclosed often by the names that stone masons and others engaged in architecture make use of. Inscriptions on them make it clear that these were intended to enshrine gods and goddesses. The work was begun under Narasimh bavarman, Pallavamalla, was continued under Paramosvaravarman I. and Narasimhavarman II, Rajasimha, and had not been quite completed even under Nandivarman Pallavamalla, the last great Pallava : in all & period of about a century. The Dharmaraja Ratha has inscriptions of all these except the last, while the Ganeba Ratha and the caves of Saluvanguppan contain inscriptions of Atiranachanda taken to be a surname of Nandivarman while it might possibly be one of Rajasimha himself. Plates II & III represent the bas-relief which goes by the name of Arjuna's Penance. The sculptor has made use of a whole piece of rock with a hollow right in the middle, perhaps caused by the erosion of running water. The first gives the general view of the whole. The striking feature of the whole scene depicted appears to be the water course towards which every figure represented seems to move. As is always the case in Hindu temple building, one will see a small shrine on the left side of the cascade containing a standing figure. Just outside the shrine an old looking man is found seated to one side in the attitude of one performing japa (repeating prayers). Almost in a line with this, but above is seen another figure of an old man standing on the left leg, the right somewhat raised and bent, and both his hands held above his head in an attitude of god-compelling penance. In front of this old man is seen the majestic figure of a god, standing in an attitude of granting the prayer, with four hands, two of them holding weapons and the other two in the poses known as abhaya (no fear) for the left, and as varada (giving boons) for the right. The dwarf figures about and close to the personage deserve to be noted, as they are characteristic of Siva: the dwarf figures being representations of various ganas.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAJCH. 1917 What this bas-relief represents has been agitating the minds of archaeologists very much. Their doubts that this does not represent Arjuna's Penance has shown itself in protean forms. Fergusson has it in his Cave Temples of India (P. 1556): "It was popularly known as Arjuna's Penance from the figure of a Sannya si standing on one leg, and holding his arms over his head, which is generally assumed to represent that hero of the Mahabharata, but without more authority than that which applies his name with that of his brothers and sister 10 to the Ratha above described." "In the centre on a projecting ledge, between the two great masses of rock, once stood the statue of the great Na garaja, who was the principal personage for whose honour this great bas-relief was designed." This opinion is apparently shared by Burgess who collaborated with him in the publication of his standard work, the Cave Temples of India. These doubts, however, are thus summarised by a recent archaeologist in the following words "Concerning the latter bas-relief, it is well to recollect that we cannot any more call it Arjuna's Penance.'" The merit of having given a satisfactory explanation of this scene goes to Mr. Victor Goloubew? who has proved (Journal Asiatique, 11th series, Vol. IV. July August 1914) - 1. That the principal object in the scene is the vertical crevice in the rock, for it is towards it that all the personages are turned ; 2. That the presence of nagas in the crevice proves the presence of water. In that case all is clear. During the Pallava epoch the rain water flowed through the crevice. This cascade then represented the Ganges descending to the earth from the heights of Kailasa. On the rock Siva is seen giving an ear to the prayers of Bhagiratha. Thus the personage who has so long been mistaken for Arjuna is no other than Bhagiratha, and this grand sight must be called not Arjuna's Penance', but Bhagiratha's Penance '. 11 This authority, who is no other than my friend Prof. Jouveau-Dubreuil of Pondicherry, whose methodical work in this branch of Archaeology has my sincere admiration, refuses to accept the popular designation of the relief and recognises that it represents Bhagiratha's Penance. The bas-relief has to be carefully examined alongside of the story of Arjuna's Penance in the Mahabharata to accept or reject the popular name. The new suggestion has to be equally critically examined to establish a superior appropriateness. We shall prove by such an examination that the now prevalent name is the correct one, and the one suggested is hardly appropriate ; and, as a consequence no further suggestion of a name is called for. The story of Arjuna's Penance, as described in the Kairata sarga of tue Mahabharata, is briefly as follows : Arjuna, wbile in exile with his brothers and their wife Draupadi, was advised, as a measure of necessary preparation for the war then almost certain, to go to the Himalayas, . 1 htain from him tha Paunata, the 10 This was no sister but the common wife of the five brothers. 11 Prof. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil's Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, page 66. * This was no sister but the common wife of the five brothers. 11 Prof. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil's Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, page 66.

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MARCH, 1917] worth. For the purposes of this test Siva assumed the form of a hunter and went in pursuit of a boar, the form assumed by one of his attendants. The boar, as was intended dashed into the sequestered glade of the forest where Arjuna was rapt in contemplation in the course of his penance. The inrush of such an unwelcome intruder created such a disturbance about him that he opened his eyes and saw the wild boar. The instinct of the Kshatriya got the better of him; he took up his bow and with a single arrow, shot from it, transfixed him as he thought. Simultaneously with his action the hunter who came in the trail of his game, shot also and the dead beast shewed the marks of both arrows. The huntsman and the hermit both claimed the honour of the chase and the possession of the quarry. The opposing claims ended in a combat in which they fought hand to hand. Finding in the course of it the weapon that Arjuna cherished the most proved of no avail, and feeling his own strength ebbing away in the combat, Arjuna bethought him of what he had forgotten. His Kshatriya blood was up and he had forgotten, for the nonce, Siva. During the respite given for gaining breath, he placed a mud image of Siva and placed on its head a bunch of wild flowers which he had at hand. He was surprised to find the bunch on the head of his antagonist. Finding at once that he was fighting hand to hand with no other than God Siva he threw himself, into the attitude of a penitent who was determined to wipe out the guilt of this sacrilege by the severest penance he had yet done. Then Siva shewed himself to him in his usual form to assure Arjuna that he was pleased with the valour he shewed in the combat, which he had brought on on purpose to test him. Siva then asked him to state the boon that he would have. Arjuna, of course, demanded the gift of the Parupata, which God Siva gave with pleasure and benignity.12 THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR 55 The whole of this story is exhibited in three tableaux in the bas-relief. The sculptor has chosen the characteristic incidents in the story (1) the lower part exhibits Arjuna in penance, (2) the second exhibits the chase, the boar galloping away ahead while the other animals are quiescent in the relief, (3) the third is where Siva appears before Arjuna and bestows upon him the boon demanded by the penitent as a result of the penance. The three taken together make it clear that the relief is a representation on the surface of the rock of Arjuna's Penance. The trend of the various other beings towards the middle is not because of the watercourse there, but because of the chief character, Siva, being there. The watercourse is merely incidental and cannot be held to represent the coming of the Ganges (Gangavatarana). The story of the coming of the Gaiga, so far as it relates to this particular, requires that Ganga should be shown as descending upon the matted coiffure of Siva, getting lost there almost, issuing therefrom in a small stream by means of a loosened lock. The aspect of Siva in the relief has nothing in it to indicate this. There is much other evidence on the point, but it is other than archaeological. The archaeological features of the bas-relief leave little doubt that it was of the period of Narasimhavarman I, Pallavamalla, contemporary of the two Tevaram hymners, Appar and Sambandar. Both of these mention the incident who 8 Was 13 Cantos, 42 & 43 Book I, Kumbhakonam Edition,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1917 of giving the Pasupata to Arjuna as one of the more prominent acts of beneficence by Sival. The inscriptions on the Rathas and the caves make it absolutely clear that Narasim havarman laboured to make them Siva shrines and make a Faiva centre of the place, Inscriptions Nos. 17 & 18 on the Dharmaraja Ratha make it clear that it was intended to be called 'Atyantakama Pallavesvara.'14 The same name occurs in the so-called Ganesa Ratha and in the Ramanuja Mapapam. This Atyantakama was no other than Paramesvaravarman, the grandson of Narasimhavarman I. and father of Narasimhavarman II, Rajasinia ha. The larger number of buildings in rock therefore began to be excavated by Narasimhavarman I, and reached their completion if they ever reached it at all under Narasimha II, Rajasiniha, Saiva sovereigns in a Saiva age. These naturally made the bas-relief represent one of the most popular of Siva's acts of beneficence to humanity which both the Tevaram hymners refer to very often in the course of their works. This is the more natural seeing that the other bas-relief has reference to one of Krishna's achievements, the holding up of the hill, Govardhana, to protect the cowherds and cattle from a shower of stones. We shall revert to this later ; but must mention here that this place finds no mention in the T'evaram as a place holy to Siva, though these hymners refer to Tirukalukkunpam; nor is the place included among those peculiarly sacred to Siva now. It seems to be then beyond the possibility of doubt that this bas-relief represents Arjuna's Penance, not as an incident in the Mahabhrata but as a representation of one of Siva's many acts of beneficence to humanity, perhaps because it is so depicted in the hymns of the Tevaram. This interpretation finds unlooked for support in the archaeological remains of a few pillars recently unearthed at Chandimau in the Behar District of the Patna Division. These are sculptures that exhibit the same incident and the monument belongs, according to Mr. R. D. Banerjee, to the 5th or the 6th Century A. D. as the inscriptions found on the pillars are of the Gupta characters.15 Another point in regard to this bas-relief is whether it is the work of foreigners. That foreign workmen from other parts of India and outside did do work in this part of the country on occasions, is in evidence in the Tamil classics.16 Jewellers from Magadha, 13 ooriyl pllaa vuruvmtaaki yonnttirrlvee ttnnn turuvtu konnttu, kaarikai kaannttnnnny cynnn tnnnnnnaik krrut tvrr kllittuttnnn kaatl cey perumaannn. tiruvengkuru. 3. ' (cmpntr) paattknyceer melltti nrrpaavai yaallum niiyum pooyppaart tnnntu plttaik kaannpaannn veettnnnaay vilvaangki yeyttaalloo. tiruvaaruurt tiruttaannttkm, 3. - (appr) 14 Epigraphia Indica, X. p. 8. 15 A. S. R. For 1911-12 p. 162-et, 90q. 14 mktvinnnai nyrummraattttk kmmrum mvttik kollrum yvnnnttc cruny tnnttmilll vinnnainyr tmmottu kuuttic konntti nnnitiyrrrriy knnkvr ceyvinnnaip pvlltti rllkaarr pnnnmnnip pootikai, Manimdkhalai'XIX 107-110. yvnnnt tccrum mvntik kollru mktttup pirrntmnni vinnnaikkaa rrum "............ pcumponnn vinnnainyrung kooclt tiynnnrr ooviyt tolllilrum vtt naattttu vnnnnk kmmrum, Perungadai, Unjaikkandam, passagesquoted under above in Pundit Saminatha Aiyar's edition of Mamimdkhalal.

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MARCH. 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 57 smiths from Maharatta, blacksmiths from Avanti (Malva), carpenters from Yavana, laboured with the artisans of the Tamil land. Admitting this possible co-operation, it requires more to prove borrowing either the inspiration or the execution. None of the details of these works seem foreign either to the locality or to the prevalent notions of indigenous art. The suspected 'Cornucopia ' held in the hand by one of the figures at the bottom of the central water-course is none other than & sling containing the sacrificial platter of wood which one of the disciples has washed and put together to carry home to the hermitage, while his companion carries on his shoulder a vessel of water. (To be continued.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 47.) However it might have been, the rise of the Tondamans was an important event in the history of Madura, Tanjore and Ramnad. From the time when Raghunatha Toucaman established himself at Pudukkottai, there was a new state which, led by able men and acute leaders, played a large part as a buffer-State in the wars and fortunes of the three powers which surrounded it. Nominally subordinate to Ramnad, it adjusted its policy to the exigencies of the moment, and utterly indifferent to the principle of constancy or loyalty, carried on its own tauk of self-expansion. The Tondaman, as we shall see later on, did not hesitate to act against Ramnad if his interests dictated such a course. Similarly, he did not hesitate to fight with Madura, the suzerain of his immediate suzerain. Towards Tanjore the Tondamen was, as a rule, an enemy; but even here enmity or friendship depended on the expediency of the moment. The result of these moves and countermotes, of these alliances and onmities, was that Pudukkottai was able, in the long run, to survive both the kingdoms of Tanjoro and Madura ani, in a sense, the estate of Ramna !, as the last of these became, thanks to its instigation, a partitioned and therefore comparatively powerless estate. In the year 1674 the interval of peace ended, and Chokkanatha again entered into a series of wars which, though at first attended with startling success, eventually turned out highly disastrous to the kingdom. The first of these, which was destined to mark a revolution in the history of South India, was with Tanjore. It not only led to the sudden extinction of the Naik dynasty of that kingdom, but to the advent of the Marathan, just then rising to power and prominence, into the South. The Maratha occupation of Tanjore led in its turn to important effects. The Tanjore colony was the work of the younger son of Shahji, and was followed by a civil war between him and his elder brother. The struggle between the brothers was complicated by the entrance on the scene of their common enemy, Mysore, then under the officient and powerful rule of Chika Dava Raj. The ambition and avarice of the contending parties extended their field of operations into the region between the Ka veri and the Vaigai. The kingdum of Madura became, in consequence, a vast theatre of war. The position of Chokkanatha was & most unfortunate and miserable one; for while the Marathas and Mysoreans were struggling with one another, they were equally interested in despoiling his power and annexing his kingdom, so that in a few years his authority was reduced to tota

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1917 & shadow and his extensive dominion to the single city of Trichinopoly. And when to this foreign conquest, he had to meet the contumacy of the greatest of his vassals, the Setupati, who raised an independent standard at a time when his master was most in need of his obedience and help, the cup of Chokkanatha's grief became too full, and he passed away, leaving his kingdom in possession of contending foreigners, and his subjects the victims of war and military occupation. The Tanjore war affords & fine example, so common in Indian History, of history merging into romance. The cause of the war was, as in many other cases in India, a woman. The king of Tanjore, the pious Achyuta Vijaya Raghava, had a daughter, whose beauty of person and of mind, had gained wide renown and a crowd of suitors. Chokkanatha was an aspirant for her hand, and in 1674 despatched an embussy with presents and proposals of marriage. But no sooner did the Madura messengers state the object of their visit than the monarch of Tanjore flew into a passion and declared that the proposal was an insult. With undisguised contempt and denunciatory abuse, heso pronounced his brother chief to be unfit81 to be his son-in-law, and dismissed the messengers with insult, When Chokkanat ha heard of the indignity he resolved on immediate war, and ordered the Dalavai Veikata Krishia Naik, 82 and the treasurer Chinna Thambi Mudali, to set the Madura army in motion. Venkata Krishna was an able general. His skill had gained, from his master and his contemporaries, the flattering titles of Sugriva's crown and Savyasachin. He promptly obeyed his master's mandate, and was in a few days in the confines of the Tanjore kingdom, where the first engagement between the two powers took place. The contest was sanguinary, and "blood ran like water in the channels for irrigation." The Trichinopolitans gained the victory, and were able to push their way into Tanjore. When within a few miles of the capital, they came into collision, for a second time, with an army despached by Vijaya Raghava. Many interesting and singular facts are narrated in connection with this battle, which give us an excellent idea of the warfare of those days. The Telugu chronicle, Record of the Affairs of the Carnatic Gover - Vijaya Raghava would have, according to one version, consented for the marriage ; but he was deterred from doing so by an evil counsellor, the Dalavai Rangappa Naik, who had his own motive for thus acting. Ho wished to marry the princess to his son, Ranganatha, and to divort the crown through her, to his own family. With this view, we are told, he had already secured the imprisonment of the right heit, Mannaru Naidu by acousing him before the king of an abandoned life. In dissuading his master from listening to Chokkanatha's proposal, he proceeded in a cautious and effective manner by provoking by enormous personal vanity of his master. He pointed out how Tirumal Naik had stabbed his betrothed Tanjoro princess, for her playful remark that his buildings were like the drainage works of her father, and how such a brutal family was hardly worthy of a marriage alliance. He is also said to have bribed Govinda Dikshita, Vijaya Ragava's minister, to tell the king that he, & Vaishnava, could not properly form an alliance with the Saivite line of Madurs. There are many improbabilities in this version, how. ever: First, there is no evidence whatever to prove that Tirumal stabbed Tanjore princess, though there is evidence of such a marriage. (See Wheeler's Hist. Vol. IV, pt. II, p. 677) where Wheelor describes the wedding ceremonies). Secondly, Govinda Dikshita was evidently not Vijaya Raghava's minister. Thirdly, even if Govinda had lived he would not have belittled his own deity Siva, B1 Manucci, Storia do Magor III, p. 103-5. As usual Menuoci is very inaccurate and unreliable, His version of the Tanjore prince" (he gives neither the name of Chokkanatha nor of Vijaya Raghava) is most disparaging, and differs entirely from other sooounte. See Noto p. 16. * According to Manucci he proceeded in person,

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MARCH, 1017] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA nors describes in detail the means adopted by the different parties to secure the defeat of the other. It says that Vijaya Raghava supplemented the martial valour of his army with the magic skill of his guru. Alarmed at the continuous defeat of his men, he asked his preceptor, Soma Chandra Svami, to perform such incantations as could completely disable the enemy. Chokkanatha, we are told, retaliated. His guru, Balapriya, was more than a match for Soma Chandra, and by his counter-incantations, did not only make the Tanjorean devices harmless, but prepared the way for the desertion of the Tanjore troops at the nick of time. Lakhs and lakhs of pumpkins, we are informed, were made the subjects of incantations, 83 and cast into the Kaveri, so that those who drank of the waters impregnated with them, were sure to desert for the Trichinopoly ranks. In the midst of the war of magic, the two armies joined battle. The Tanjoreans, once again, suffered defeat and retreated into their own fort. 59 Venkata Krishna pursued the retreating forces and was soon in the vicinity of Tanjore. From his camp he sent word to Vijaya Raghava offering his withdrawal in case he consented to the marriage. A haughty challenge to arms was the answer. The Dalavai thereupon gave orders for the assault. The Tanjore fort was well guarded by 20,000 musketeers and a powerful army, but the besiegers were undaunted. They mounted their cannon on raised earth-works and discharged against the fort some tens of thousands of cannon shot. The defending troops were not able to sustain the infliction, and hundreds deserted their ranks, and joined the standards of Trichinopoly. The gates of the fort were then demolished, the ditches filled up with vast quantities of fascines; and then the place was taken by storm, some ascending the breaches made by the cannon shot, and some going in by the gates. Immediately after his entrance into the city, Venkata Krishna sent a second message of friendship and warning to the Tanjore monarch. The latter was, we are told, all this while engaged in the worship of his god. Entirely oblivious of the fatal events going on outside his city, he wasted his time in meditation and prayer from which no amount of 83 The Record of the Carn. Gours. Many similar examples of resort to magic in assistance to the sword can be cited from Indian History. Tippoo, for instance, in spite of his bigotry, organized a japan for securing victory against the English. It was performed for four periods of 12 daya each. Scores of Brahmans abstained from salt and condiments promoting digestion and took simple milk and rice during this period. Thus prepared, a detachment of the corps frequently relieved, stood in a rank up to their chests in water, beating it incessantly with their hands and bawling out their mantras or incantations. This is also done during a time of drought in the state of Mysore. The same thing was done in the campaign which resulted into the two retreats of Lord Cornwallis from Seringapatam, and the Brahmans attributed his failure to their mantras. The mantras, however failed to save the capital from General Harris ; and this was ascribed by the Brahmans, not to the inefficiency of the mantras themselves, but to some mistakes in the mysteries and to the fact that some of the Brahmans had tasted of salt. Muhammad Ali once spent PS5,000, through one Achena Pandit, on a jebbam at the temple of Pakshijirta, S. of Madras, in order to kill Lord Pigot, and it, we are told, succeeded; and a similar incantation, after several failures, killed Haidar Ali. The mantra for killing particular persons was generally uttered after suspending a cobra by the tail from the roof of an apartment, and proper incense being burned on a fire immediately below. This is the celebrated saro yagam. Wilks gives the story of Haji who claimed one lakh of rupees from Umdatu'l-umra for killing, his usurping younger brother Amiru'l-umra. See Wilks Mysore, I. pp. 445-446. In Malabar especially, magic was largely used for political purposes. See the Mantravadoms of Malabar by V. Nagamaiya in Christ. Coll. Maga.; Vol X pp. 82-92 and 158-166. 84 The detailed consideration of the artillery and weapons of war is made in chapter XI

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1917 bad tidings could disturb him. It is not improbable that the brain of the old king was deranged, and that his obstinate orthodoxy was but the product of lunacy. But if he was mad, there was a method in his madness. For, when Venkata Krishna's second message came to him, he sent the firm and coherent reply that even the loss of his crown would not change his resolution. The consequence was, the troops of Trichinopoly soon surrounded the palace. They stood exultant at the gates, when Vijaya Raghava finished his devotions, and thought of the war which his vanity had courted and his folly ignored. From the moment of his awakening, he acted like a desperate man who expected certain ruin. He ordered the walls of the mahal to be mined and provided with gun-powder, so that in the case of his death, which he expected, the ladies of the harem could be blown up, avoiding thereby the possible insults of a conquering foe. He then set free85 his son Mannarappa Naidu, who had been in prison as a punishment for a reckless and irregular life, and at his request, permitted him to take a leading part in the ensuing contest. Surrounded by five faithful servants and the wrecked remnants of his once powerful but unfaithful army, Vijaya Raghava then emerged from the palace, and entered into a hand to hand fight with his antagonists. The enthusiasm he displayed in the battle-field, the acts of heroism of which he was the author therein, are the only good features of his character and conduct during the last days of his career. Though aged and worn out he was more than eighty at this time-he had the bearing of a young and daring soldier. The shrivelling and overhanging eyebrows of the old man, we are informed, were fastened tightly by golden wires! The feeble and bending waist was adorned by valuable robes, glittering with studded gems. Both his hands held two long and shining swords86. Thus, he went into the thick of the battle, and performed feats of valour. But the attempt of the Tanjoreans was a forlorn hope. The Trichinopolitans were over-whelmingly superior in numbers, in strength, and in the confidence of complete success. Vijaya Raghava therefore called his son and his servant, Agra Raja, to proceed to the palace and communicate to the Zenana the news of his coming defeat and death. When the fatal message reached them, the queens and other women, who had, with drawn swords, awaited the signal killed themselves by mutual swordthrusts; and the work of destruction was made complete by the blowing up of the apartment where they had lived the last moments of their ill-fated lives. Not long after, Vijaya Raghava and his son fell in battle,87 and amidst the spoils of victory which Chokkanatha's Dalavai brought to Trichinopoly, the things which gave superior gratifications to him were the heads and robes of the ill-fated monarch and his gallant son. Other versions of the war. Such is the account of the Tanjore War given by the Tanjavur Raja Charitra; but there are some other versions of it which, though not equally authoritative and accurate may be noticed here. The first of these is given by the historian Wheeler. He is wrong both in regard to the date and the causes of the war, for he attributes it to the very day of Chokkanatha's accession and to an alleged dispute between the peoples of Tanjore and 85 The Record of the Carn. Gours. attributes this to the intercession of Dalavai Rangappa. It says that the prince had been imprisoned in a fit of anger by his father. It does not say anything of Ranga's designs. The Tanjavur Raja Charitra gives more or less the same version. See Tanj. Man. and Taylor's Catal. III, p. 177. 36 The Record of the Carn, Gours. 87 When about to be killed he preferred to die by the sword and not cannon. See Tanjavur Raja Char, Rai's Catal. III, 177.

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MARCH, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 61 Trichinopoly in regard to a water-course. He88 says, however, that immediately after this dispute, Chokkanatha sent an embassy to "Vijia Ragunanda" of Tanjore, a man highly advanced in age, requesting the bestowal of his grand-daughter in marriage to him. But the latter dismissed the embassy with scorn on the ground that Chokkanatha's mother was "of mean extraction." On hearing this, the indignant ruler of the southern kingdom promptly assembled his army, and marched against Tanjore, but was utterly defeated by the grandson of the Tanjore king. Chokkanatha became so full of despair that he resorted to a curious device to inflame the pride and rouse the heroism of his soldiers. He enlisted 100 women warriors in his army and posted them in the rear so that his retreating soldiers might meet them and their taunts. Unable to brook the shame, the men of Madura fought with all their valour, entered, Tanjore, and burnt the palace, with the king, his wives, his daughters and grand-daughters. Niccolao Manucci is equally inaccurate and, vague. He gives neither the name of Chokkanatha nor of Vijaya Raghava. "The Prince of Tanjore," he says, "had a daughter of rare beauty. Inflamed by reports about her the Prince of Madura asked her in marriage, saying they two united, would be able to resist the armies of the whole world. The Prince of Tanjore was much offended at this embassy, and replied that his daughter could not be given to him, seeing his great inferiority in blood and rank. He should remember how humble his forefathers were (referring to the Emperor Ram Raja having raised his ancestors from a lowly condition). He must not entertain such lofty ideas. Thrown into a great rage by this answer, the king of Madura gathered all his forces and "started in person to devastate the lands of Tanjore. The latter also made ready his whole army, and sent his general in advance to impede the progress of the Madara ruler. But such was the sagacity and astuteness of that prince that he brought the Tanjore general over to his side with all his troops. When the Tanjore Prince heard of his general's treason, he was greatly concerned, took the field himself with a strong army, and awaited the arrival of the Madura prince. In a few days the two forces were in sight of each other. But the Tanjore leaders, already tampered with by the Madura Prince or the traitorous general, gradually deserted their prince and sovereign :89 by daybreak he found himself entirely abandoned, and was forced to retire into the city." He then tried to collect the people to defend the place, but through the great confusion that existed, could not succeed; and in desperation he loaded his cannon with all his great store of precious stones, and scattered them over the country. When this had been done, he went to his magnificent palace, where, shutting up 700 wives that he had, together with his daughter and all his wealth, he blew them up by a powder-mine, reserving only his most cherished wife, who was anxious to die in his company." Manucci says that he liberated at this time 15,300 mistresses, picked from the most lovely women in his kingdom,-a number he Sea his Ind. Hisl., IV., pt. 2. p. 581-2. 89 Later on, Manucci attributes the treason to the behaviour of the king who had seized the wives and daughters of the noblemen to be his mistresses (Manuc. III, p. 105) But this representation of Vijaya Raghava is entirely against the traditional account of him as a saint. Manucci is positively wrong when he says that it was this "Prince of Tanjore " who gavo permission to Robert de Nobilis to build churches and preach Christianity.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1017. chose inimitation of Krishna, the Lord of the Gopis ! Meanwhile, "the enemy, came and attacked the city. In order not to be made prisoner and be disgraced, the king decided to die bravely. He came out with 3 sons and 18 horsemen, his relations, bearing on his horse's hindquarters his beloved queen, She, at the approach of the enemy's mighty force, felt afraid, and spoke tender words to her husband, saying that as evil chance was so great a tyrant as to rob her of further delight in his society, she prayed to him to end her life with his own hand, so that she might not fall into the enemy's power." The king could not, in spite of her repeated supplications, steel himself to such cruelty. "Still, the arguments of the afflicted and determined princess were so strong that, finding the enemy already close upon them, he was forced at length to yield to her entreaties. Seizing his sword, he cut off her head, and, his blade all bare and crimson, galloped into the enemy's ranks, followed by his companions, and in a brief space ended his life." It is unnecessary to enter into a criticism of these fa bles. It is enough if it is understood that all agree that the Naik Dynasty of Tanjore ended on this occasion, and that with it, a highly romantic but tragical chapter of South Indian History. The annals of the world hardly furnish a finer example of a provocation so trivial and a result so disastrous and far reaching. Chokkanatha himself must have been surprised at the turn the events had taken. When he ordered the invasion of Tanjore, he would hardly have hoped for a result so victorious to his arms, so disastrous to his rival, and so momentous in the history of South India. Wars without number had disturbed the peace and maintained the mutual hostility of the sister kingdoms; but never had any of them been attended with a consequence as startling as this. The lessons of past history, in short, proved unreliable, and the satisfaction of Chokkanatha at the success of his arms and the acquisition of a dependency must have been mingled with a regret for the fate of a worthy, though misguided, monarch and the sudden termination of a dynasty in the midst of a prosperous and hopeful career. The effect of the catastrophe is felt even to-day. Any stranger who visits the palace at Tanjore can see a ruined and shattered tower at northern-western corner, and will feel a shudder at the sight, when he knows that that is the remnant of the ancient Naik Zenana. If it had a mouth of its own, it could tell a tale which, though it concerns an eccentric king, is yet a tale which does not belong to one particular man or country, but for all the world that can feel and pity. The ignorant and superstitious servant who guides the visitor through the rambling building of the palace, points to the lonely and gloomy tower, and speaks with a suppressed voice and solemn face, of the grue. some tragedy enacted therein 200 years back. The place is haunted, says he, and none dare approach it lest a contagion of the gloom that surrounds it should seize them. Alagiri's delection. The Kingdom of Tanjore was now a dependency, an outlying province, of Madura, and Chokkanatha lost no time in arranging for a settled and satisfactory government of it: but unfortunately the arrangement he made was not such as to strengthen his hold on the conquered kingdom. He dug the grave of his own authority by appointing as viceroy a foster-brother of his, Alagiri Naidu by name, a man of upgrateful nature and unscrupulous conduct, who like a true upstart, assumed airs and proved a tyrant. A few months after his exaltation to his high office, Alagiri addressed a letter to his suzerain in terms of equality and in the spirit of an independent chief. He at the same

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MARCH, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 63 time ceased the remission of the surplus revenues :90 and when Chokkanatha remonstrated and warned, he pleaded with a hypocritical ignorance of the change of circumstances, that he only adopted the precedent of the old Tanjore monarchs. The indignation of Chokkanatha at once ordered the punishment of the traitor; but the Dala vai and the other ministers met in council, and after some deliberation regarding the course to be pursued, came to the conclusion that, as Alagiri's position was far stronger than that of Vijaya Rahgava, it would be more advisable to be cautious and conciliatory. They therefore counselled their master to suppress his indignation and postpone the punitive expedition, till " the devices of Sama, Dana and Bheda were tried," and found futile. If Alagiri Naik escaped the chastisement of his master, he did not escape from the fruits of his own behaviour. He seems to have been a tactless and imprudent ruler, entirely unable to conciliate the conquered. His avarice seized the estates of great men, and his arbitrary temper dismissed several men of eminence from their offices. A man who suffered much in this regime was the celebrated Verkanna, the Rayasam, of the last Naik king. Endowed by nature with an extraordinary amount of ability, tact and per. severance, Veikanna entertained the bold design of subverting the new dynasty and restoring that of his master. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. BANABHATTA'S GURU. Bana's own ancestor at is described as being In the Kadambart verse 4 of the introduction worshipped by the Guptas. It ie thus clear that tho commentator HT adetaar: T runs " 4174 alone is right when he saya mera TrH'. Farfal." Hitherto at: was taken by most or as roads was then the guru of Banabhatta and was scholars as the 6th case dual of 6: meaning prosumably the spiritual guide of the great Mau. Vishnu and Sive. This explanation ie obviously kharis. It is also probable that it was Bana's erroneous, for Bana has already saluted both Vishpu teacher on poetry, for he is perhaps to be identified and Siva in us. 2-3. Besides, it 18 most w ay with a poet of the same name, who has been quoted that *moans a dual-god with only two feet in several anthologies and whose antiquity is onsur. between them. According to afat the word has ed by the fact that the verse AhUtopi sahAyaiH found a meaning Siva; but the fact of being "worship- under his name in two of the anthologies, is quoted ped by the Maukharis and their feudatories" is in the Dhvanyaloka (p. 38). 1 TH in his com. conclusive against the word signifying any non-ment on the verse says 'arrecadaria human being, whoso greatness booomes only cir. TETIT' showing that the vero wae ETRT' showing that the verse was quoted oven cumscribed by such an epithet. Moreover the line carlier in an unknown work of TETT, who lived an d : Faiq has an exact parallel in Circa 800 A. D. the line Th Tafe : of verso 10, where D. C. BHATTACHARYA. 90 Reo. of the Carn. Gours, and Tanj. Raj. Charit. 1 Vide Peterson's Introduction to Subhashitavali under Bhakchu. Altogether 4 verses are there collected, to which we should add another from Saktimuktavali beginning with TW 979TarAmar Bhandarker's Sixth Report, App.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 2. Interpreter as Shipping Clerk. 26 August 1662, Consultation in Surat. A Proposition was made by the President [Matthew Andrews] in the Behalfe of Ranchore Metta [Ranch Mehta), a person Employed on the Marine for freighting of shipps, and receiving in the Money, being very useful also in the lading and unlading of Goods, and Writing our Persian BOOK HISTORY OF AURANGZIB, Vol. III. By Professor JADU NATH SARKAR, M. A. Published by M. C. Sarkar and Sons, 75-1-1, Harrison Road, Calcutta, 1916. [MARCH, 1917 NOTICE. "With every generous instinct of the soul crushed out of them, with intellectual culture merely adding a keen edge to their sense of humiliation, the Hindus could not be expected to produce the ut. most of which they were capable; their lot was to be hewers of wood and drawers of water to their masters, to bring grist to the fiscal mill, to develop a low cunning and flattery as the only means of saving what they could of the fruits of their own THE third volume of Professor Sarkar's History of Aurangzib deals with the first half (1658-81) of that monarch's reign. Among the new sources of labour information utilised for this volume (beside those quoted at the end of volume II) the most impor. The barrenness tant are:-Mir'at-i-Ahmadi (History of Gujrat), of the Hindu intellect and the meanness of spirit of Muhammad A'zam's Tarikh-i-Kashmir, Salimu'llah's the Hindu upper classes are the greatest condemTawarikh-i-Bangala, Muhammad Salih's Bahar.i. Sakhun, Izad Bakhsh Rasa's Riyadu-l. Widad, Nigar this is harsh judgment, especially when one renations of Muhammadan rule in India". Surely Namah-i-Munshi, Chandar Bhan's Chhar Chaman.i. Brahman, Chatar Man's Chhar Gulshan, Dawabit-i'Alamgiri, and Dastiru-l'Amal. members the liberal policy of Akbar, and of Jahangir and Shahjahan. Again, when Professor Sarkar undertakes to pronounce against the tenets of Islam, a task for which he is by no means competent, he places himself at the point of ridicule. "It is not necessary" he says, "that he (Muslim) should tame his own passions or mortify his flesh; it is not necessary for him to grow a rich growth of spirituality. He has to slay a certain class of his fellow beings or plunder their lands and wealth and this act in itself would raise his soul to heaven". It is very evident here that Professor Sarkar has just arrived at 'fresh fields and pastures new'. An author who knows his limi tations no better than that cannot expect to receive serious attention from his readers. There are several mistakes in spelling Arabic and Persian tarms, e. g. Jizva has been spelt Jaziya, etc. G YAZDANI. The author has succeeded in gathering an epochmaking collection of material for his subject, and he has taken great pains to collate the evidence of writers of different creeds and nationalities; but the result in some cases is disappointing and, speaking critically, there is a lack of balanced judgment and correct historical perspective in the work. So far as the narration of undisputed facts is concerned Professor Sarkar may be followed implicitly: but in his discussions of subtle questions of state policy and religious dogma it is clear that he does not weigh the various aspects of the problem, and so the picture of events, as we get it in the book, is distorted. For instance, when speaking of Aurangzeb's bigotry, Professor Sarkar freely condemns the policy of the previous rulers also. He says: Letters, whose great care and diligence, with his Constant Attendance on the Companys Affaires for these 3 yeares past being well knowne to this Council, The President mooved, that hee might have a salary of 300 Mamoodoes [mahmudis Rs. 150] Yearly allowed him, to commence from the 1st of September 1659, which was joyntly Concluded. (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 2) R. C. T.

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Mar 11 NAHUBALIPUR Indian Antiquary THE BOAR.IXCARNATION VARAHAVATARA ht MAHABAT.irt India Antiquary THE DWARFINCARNATION- MANAVATARA o face 7. 65.

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APRIL, 1917) TR ANTIQCITIES OF MAHABALIPCR THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR. BY PROFESSOR S. KRISHSASWAMIL AYANGAR AVL, MA; MADRAS UNIVERSITY (Continued from p. 57.) DLATE IV gives a view of the stele representing the bour incarnation (vurahavatara) of Vishnu. This is in a cave a little to the south of the Ganesa Ratha. The relief exhibits the man-boar according to the Vaikanasa Againa. Of the three kinds of boar-form, this is what is called the Adivaraha type. This must be exhibited with four hands, two of them carrying the conch an't the disc; the colour grass-green, left foot planted upon the hooled head of the king of serpents (sesha). The figure of Bhuvaraha should have, accorling to the Vaikanasayamu, the face of a boar in association with the body of a man. It has four arms, two of which holil the sankha and chakru as usual. Tie right ley should be slightly bent and be madle to rest upon the jewelled hool of the mythical serpent Adisesha, who must be sculptured as in company with his wife. Of the remaining two hands, the left hand should be sho.vn as supporting the legs of Bhamideri, seated on the god's bent right leg, with her own legs hanging down, while the right hand has to be thrown round the waist o: the same god less. The boar face of the god should be slightly tilted up so as to make the muzzle approach the bosom of the goldess as though he is engaged in smelling her.! The colour of the image of Varaha-Vishnu is represented by the darkness of the twilight The associated figure of Bhumidevi should have her hands in the anjali attitude. She should be decked with flowers and dressed in clothes and should be aclorned with all suitable ornam nts. Her complexion has to be black. Her face should be slightly lifted up and turned towards her lord, and should be expressive of shyness and joy. The top of her head should reach the chest of the figure of Variha, and her image should be made in accordance with the prichatala measure. Such is the description given in the Vaikhanasagama. (Mr. T... Gopinatha Rao's Hindu Iconography, p. 132-3). The Ttvikrama panel in the same cave.-Tne image of Trvikrama may be sculptured it is said, in three different ways, namely, with the left foot raised up to the level of the (1) right knee, or (2) to the navel, or (3) the forehead. These three varieties are obviously intended to represent Tyvikrama as striding over the earth, the mid-world and the heaven-world respectively; anl are all exemplified'in sculptures also. The image of Trvikrama, with the left foot lifted up only to the level of the right knee is, however, rarely met with among available pieces of sculpture. The rule is that Tpvikrama images should be worked out in accordance with the ullamadasa-tala measure, and their total height should be 124 angulas. Trvikrama should have either four or eight hands. If there be only four arms, one of the rigit hands should be made to hold the sankha and one of the left hands the chakra; or it may even be that the left hand carries the chakra and the right hand the sankhu. The other right hand should be held up with the palm upwards and the other left hand stretched out parallel to the uplifted leg: or this right hand may be in the abhaya or the varada pose. On the other hand, if Trvikrama is sculptured with eight arms, five of the hands should carry the sankha, chakra, gada, sarngr (bow) and hala (plough), the other three being kept as in the previous instance. The 17 This attitude of amorous dalliae is sometimes describe.l, of course absurdly enouzla, as playing the baby at the breast.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1917 -ight leg of Trvikrama is to be firmly planted upon the earth; and the left should be used in taking the stride of world-measure. The colour of the image is to be dark as that of the rain-cloud; it should be clothed in red garments and decorated with all ornaments. Behind it there should be sculptured the tree called kalpaka, and Indra should be shown holding over Tsvikrama's head an umbrella. On either side Varuna and Vayu should be made to wave chamaras; and over them on the right and the left there should be the figures of Surya and Chandra respectively. Near these again there should be seen Sanyasa, Saraka, Sanatkumara. Brabma should be made to take told of the uplifted foot of the Trvikrama with one of his hands and wash it with water flowing from a kamandalu held in the other hand, and the water flowing down from the washed foot of Trvikrama should be shown as being of a snow-white colour. Siva should be sculptured with his hands in the anjali pose and as sitting somewhere in space above the height of the nuvel of Tevikrama. Near the leg upon which Trvikrama stands, there should be the figure of Namuchi, a rakshasa, in the attitude of bowing in reverence to the great god Trvikrama. On the left Garuda should be shewn as taking hold of Sukra, the guru of the rakshasas, with a view to belabour him for obstructing Bali in giving the gift asked for by the Brahmanical boy Vamana; on the right Vamana himself should be made to stand with an umbrella in his hand and ready to receive the promised grant of three feet of space. Near him and opposite to him Bali should be shown as standing golden in hue and adorned with ornaments and carrying in his hands a golden vessel to indicate that he is ready to pour the water ceremonially in proof of his gift. Behind the emperor Bali there should be his queen. Above the head of Tivikrama the figure of J&m bavan should be shown as sounding the drum, called bheri in Sanskrit, so as to exhibit the joy of the celestial beings at their coming delivery from the rule of the asura emperor Bali. So says, the Vaikhanas agama. (Op.cit., pp. 164-7) Plate V represents a huge panel, about eight feet by six feet in size, carved on the north wall of the rock-cut shrine situated to the south of what is called Ganesa Ratha at Mahabalipuram. In this group of images the central figure is that of Tyvikrama. It has eight hands; three of the right hands carry the chakra, the gada, and the khadga, and the remaining right hand is held up with the palm turned upside, as required by the Vaikhanacagama. Three of the left hands carry the sankha, the kesaka, and dhanus. and the fourth left hand is stretched out parallel to the uplifted leg. This leg itsel is raised up to the level of the forehead. Near the foot of the leg stretched out to measure the heaven-world, Brahma is shown as seated on a padmasana and as offering with one of his right hands puja to that foot. His image is given four hands and is maule to wear the jata makuta and karna-kundalas. In the corresponding position to the right of Trvikrama we see Siva also seated on a padmasana. His image also has four arme, one of which is held in the pose of praise. It is also adorned with the jata-makuta and kun lalas. Immediately below Siva is Surya, the sun-god, with a halo. The way in which the legs of this god and also of Chandra, the moon-god, are worked out, suggests that they are both residing up in the heavenly world without any terrestrial support. This sun-god has only a pair of hands, both of which he holds stretched out in the act of Draising Trvikrama. Chandra is soulptured below the shield of Trvikrama, with a halo round the head, and is also shown to be in the attitude of praising Tyvikrama. In the space between the head of Trvikrama and Brahma there may be noticed a peculiar figure turned towards Brahma. It has the face of a boar and is made to carry what is

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MAHABALIPUR Plate VI Indian Antiquary KRISHNA MANTAPA: GOVARDHANA KRISHNA To face p. 67.

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APRIL, 1917) THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR 67 evidently a drum. This figure is obviously that of old Jambavan, sounding the drum in joy due to the victory of the Devas over the Danavas. At the foot of Trvikrama sits Namuchi to the right; and the other three figures, that are to be seen, are perhaps representations of Bali and some other prominent asuras. There is one other figure shown as if cutting somersaults in the air, and carrying something like a staff in the right hand. It is not possible to say whom this figure is intended to represent. The Brahmania. purana states that when Vamana grew to be gigantic in size, and became Trvikrama, some of the Danavas were hurled up into the air as if by a hurricane. This figure is perhaps one of the Danavas so tossed up. This piece of sculpture belongs to the seventh century, that is, to the palmy days of Pallava supremacy in Conjeevaram. (Op. cit., pp. 170-2). These two, as also several others of the figures of gods and goddesses in the locality, conform to the norms of Iconography as laid down in the Vaikanasa agama and shew marked differences of features from representations of the same icons in other localities and of other ages. This has to be noted carefully, as no conclusion in point of chronology can be drawn from these without regard to the school of architecture or sculpture. Govardhana Krishna:-Plate VI represents Krishna as carrying the hill Govardhana to protect the cowherd settlement of Gokulam where he was being brought up. When the annual feast intended for Indra, the Vedic god of rain, came round for celebration, Krishna accepted the offerings intended for Indra, and he in anger, rained stone and other destructive material upon the acrilegeous village. Thereupon Krishna performed this feat to save the villagers from the harm and exhibit to the wondering world that what was offered to Krishna is as good as offered to all the gods. Architecturally this piece of workmanship is rather crude in comparison with that of Arjuna's penanco; but it seems none the less to belong to the same school of art. If it be so, this may be the first work of an artist or the first work of the school the work of which, in an advanced stage of its skill, is exhibited in the other bas-relief. Behind the Krishya in this relief, one will notice in the original a young shepherd boy playing upon the flute. This is sufficiently far away to indicate that it represents another of the many aspects of Krishna's life and refutes the theory that Venugopala (young Krishia playing on the flute) is not found represented before the 13th century AD. One stanza of Tirumangai Alvar of the 20 devoted to this place seems specifically to refer to this relief.18 Mahishasuramardhani:-The goddess Durga should have ten hands according to the Silparatna, which describes her further as having three eyes; she should wear on her head a jata-makuta and in it there should be the chandra-kald or the digit of the moon. The colour of her body should be like that of the atasi flower, and the eyes should resemble the nilotpalu or the blue lily; she should have high breasts and a thin waist and there should be three bends in her body (of the trbhanga variety). In her right hands she should carry the triala, khadga, saktyayudha, chakra, and a stringed bow; and in the left hands the pdia, ankuda, ketaka, poraku, and a bell. At her feet should lie a buffalo with its head cut off and with blood gushing from its neck. From within this neck should be visible the half-emerged teal asura bound down by the naga-paja of the Devi. The asura should be made to carry a sword and & shield, although the Devi has already plunged her trula into his neck and he is bleeding profusely. He should have a terrific look with knitted eye-brows. The right leg of the Devi should be placed on the back of her lion and her left leg should touch the buffalo-body of Mahishasura. 15 Periya Tirumali, II. V. 4.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1917 The Vishnudharmottara, as quoted in the Vachaspatya, describes Mahishasuramardhani under the name of Chandika thus :-This Devi has the complexion of gold and is a very handsome youthful woman in a. angry mood, sitting on the back of a lion. She has twenty hands; the right ones carry, respectively, the sula, khadga, sankha, chakra, bana, sakti, vajra, abhaya, damaru, and an umbrella; while the left ones are seen to hold the naga-pasa, khetaka, parasu, ankusa, dhanus, ghanta, dhvajagada, a mirror and the mudgara. The buffalo-part of the asura is lying decapitated with the real asura proceeding out from the neck. His eyes, hair and brows are red and he vomits blood from his mouth. The lion of the Devi mauls him, and the Devi herself thrusts the trula into his neck. The asura, who is bound down by the naga-paia, carries a sword and a shield. 19 The peculiar feature of the Mahishasuramardhani here depicted is that the panel exhibits her as pressing back her enemy Andhakasura in war. At this stage she has a benign aspect and shows nothing of the ferocity in combination with beauty which is usually associated with this aspect of the Goddess Durga. (See Plate VII.) The Shore Temple:-General view, Plate IX. This temple in general view shows a double vimana, both parts shaped exactly alike, but of proportions that seem intended to serve the purpose of shutting off the smaller from view on one side. The shoreward tower is the smaller and seems the older. It has a hole in the middle of the pedestal stone to hold a stone image or linga. An image has since been recovered which is of the Sarvatobhadra 20 type. There is within the shrine a representation of Siva as Somaskanda 21 in the central panel. Beginning at the south end of this little shrine and at the back of it looking towards the sea is what now looks a comparatively dark chamber, holding a large-sized image of Vishnu au couchant. (See plate VIII.) Then comes the seaward shrine just covering this in front, and of proportions to shut off altogether from view on the seaside both the 'Vishnu and Siva temples above described. This contains a huge lingam, with sixteen fluted faces. These three in Chola times were known as Jalasayana or Kshatriyasimha Pallaveevaram, Pallikondan and Rajasimha Pallave varam, respectively, notwithstanding the statements of the epigraphists to the contrary. The significance of this will follow : The Atirapachandesvara Cave in Saluvanguppam: plate X. This Atiranachanda was taken to be Nadivarman, the last great Pallava. It looks, on palaeographical grounds, to be a surname of Narasimha varman II, Rajasimha. Vishnu in the lying posture as the Sthala-sayanamurti: plate VIII. This is a recumbent image of Vishnu with only two hands; about a fourth of the body should be somewhat raised, and the remaining three-fourths should be lying flat upon the serpent bed. The right hand should be placed near the pillow, so as to touch the kirita; the other hand, bent at the elbow, should be held in the kataka pose. Or, this left hand may be made to be parallel to the body, so as sometimes to touch the thigh. The right leg has to be stretched out, while the left should be slightly bent. The image itself should be adorned with various ornaments. The eyes must be somewhat opened. The colour of the image should be a mixture of black and yellow. By the side of this recumbent figure there should be Bhrgu and Markandeya, and near the feet, the demons Madhu and Kaitabha, while on the lotus 19 T. A. G. Iconography, p. 357, et seq. 20 A column with four faces, each face with a head of Siva, the top is surmounted by a head also, 21 Siva in the company of his consort Uma and their son Skandha (Subrahmanya).

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Plate No. VII Matras Arch. Dept. Plate No. VIII Madrus Arch. Dept. MAHABALIPUR # VARAHAVATARA CAVE DURGA ATTACKING MAHISASURA MAHABALIPUR ANOTHER PANEL-VARAHA CAVE NARAYANA-STHALASAYANA Indian Antiquary Indian Antiquary To face p. 68.

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Plate IX MAHABALIPUR Indian Antiquary Madras Arch. Dept. THE SHORE TEMPLE ( VIEW FROM NORTH-EAST) To face p. 68.

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APRIL, 1917] THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR 69 issuing from the navel there should be Brahma. On the back wall of the shrine and above the level of the image of Vishnu should be sculptured the images of the Ayudha-purushas, of Garuda, of Vishvaksena, and of the Sapta-rishis, all standing with their hands in the anjali pose. On the south wall should be shown Brahma, and on the north wall Siva,-both in the sitting posture. Such a group constitutes the uttam class of Yogaiayanamurti. If the figures of the Saptarishis and Vishvaksena are absent, the group belongs to the madhyama class; if the Pajakamunis and Madhu and Kaitabha are also absent, it is conceived to belong to the adhama class.'22 In regard to this Yogasayanamarti in the Shore Temple, some of these features adjunct to such a representation are wanting. The omission is explained away by the tradition that the God was there himself alone and had to exhibit himself to Rishi Pundarika in the Yogasayana. Therefore the usual adjuncts are wanting. Of course the tradition is kept up in the modern temple, where the name of the goddess is Bhudevi (the Earth). This tradition and the name of the godless indicate some connection between the locality and the Varahavatara of Vishnu. No definite statement of such a connection has so far come to my notice. The Shore Temple is a feature of the antiquities of Mahabalipuram which has been a puzzle in Archaeology. Being structural, it has been taken for granted that it must have been a late structure, at least later than the rock-cut ones. But material is now available to set these doubts at rest, although more definite light would certainly be welcome. Before proceeding to an explanation, the following facts require to be noticed. The original structures seem to have been the smaller shrine and the Vishau chamber behind it with very probably an apsidal vimanam surmounting the Vishnu shrine. As we have it at present, this last is covered in front by the larger shrine facing the sea. (See Plate XI.) The Chola inscriptions found in Mahabalipuram published in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 63-69, go to prove the existence of three shrines (1) Jalasayana or Kshatriyasimha Pallaveivaram; (2) Palligon laruliyadeva and (3) Rajasimha Pallavesvaram. According to these inscriptions Mamallapuram belonged to Amur Nadu of Amarkottam. No. 40 of the South Indian Inscriptions uses the nam3 Pudukkulaiyan Ekadhiran, 23 Fifty as an alternative name for Amur Nau. Amur, a village near, gives the name both to the larger and the smaller divisions. Reverting to the names given, in these epigraphs, to the shrines we have no doubt about the Palligondaraliyadeva. This oan refer only to the god on his couch (Vishu). The names are not quite as clear in respect of the two others. Jalasayana-Pallaveevara can have no direct. significance, as there is nothing to connect This name can only mean the Jalasayanam (sleeping on the primeval waters) with Siva. Pallavesvara of the place Jalajayanam, which must have been an anterior name necessarily. This would apply more appropriately to the smaller temple looking shoreward than to the seaward-looking bigger shrine. Even so there is an error in the name, which was according to the almost contemporary authority of Tirumingai Alvar, Talasayanam (Sthalasayanam) and not Jalasayanam. The mere proximity to the sea cannot give a shrine this name, and the Siva shrine close to the sea has nothing of sayanam (couch) in it, containing as it does only a sixteen-sided prismatic lingam. The Sea-ward Temple seems built with the design to shut off the Vishnu Temple, which Tirumangal Alvar describes as a Vishnu temple where Vishnu is in the company of 2: T. A. G., Iconography, pp. 90, &c. 23 This name or title which means the unparallelled hero of the new umbrella' seems intended to designate Nan divarman Pallavamalla. The first word seems to contain a hint that the throne was to him a new acquisition and not one coming in hereditary descent. Tae Kasakudi plates of this Nandivarman call the village under gift by the new nams Ekathiramangalam which was probably in honour of the sovereiga regasnt. If this interrelation is oorrect, it is clear that Nandivarman restored the te.nple to the status quo ants. (S. Ind. Ins. II. iii. p. 359.)

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1917 Siva, whose proper place is the crematorium.'94 The Talasayanam must have got modified into Jalasayanam by an error and assumed the alternative Kshatriyasimha Pallavesvaram, if Kshatriyasimha made benefactions to the temple by extending and improving it.25 Rajasimha Pallavesvaram must be the sea-ward-looking temple, which is obviously of later construction from its own position. The prismatic linga is quite characteristic of Rajasimha's buildings, as a comparative study of Pallava monuments seems to indicate.26 Rajasimha is further descrit ed 'a very pious prince, the illustricus Atyantaksma, the chief of the Pallavas, who crushed the multitude of his foes by his power (or spear), whose great statesmanship was well known, and who had got rid of all impurity (by walking) in the path of the Saiva doctrine."27 In his zeal for extension for the Siva sbrine he might have consciously thrown the Vishyu shrine into the shade and might even have destroyed parts of it, as that must have faced the sea from the disposition of the image now, both in the shore-temple and in the more modern temple in the town. The tradition is living yet that this latter was built to house the god, left homeless by the pious vandalism possibly of the Pallava sovereign, it may even be, by his own successor Nandivar man who was a Vaishnava and in whose time Tirumangal Alvar probably lived. Mamallapuram is not mentioned as a Saiva holy place by either Sambandar or Appar, who have made hymns upon Tirukkajukku nram; nor even by Sundara marti, as far as I am at present able to make out. It is not mentioned among the recognised Saiva centres of worship even now. Tirumangai Ajvar celebrates it separately in two pieces of ten stanzas each, and makes other references besides. Another of these Alvars, believed to be much anterior to him in time and born in the town itself, refers to the temple. We have already referred to the primitive character of the bas-relief in the Krishanmantapam. It seems, therefore, that before Narasimhavarman I took it upon himself to beautify the place with the various rock-cut temples and other works of art, it must have been a place of Vaishnava worship in some manner connected with one of the oldest Vaishyava temples in Kanchi. In one of his verses, Tirumangal Alvar refers to the god at Mallai, as he who was abed in Kachchi.'? This may be explained away in a general sense, but the reference seems to be specific, and there is some similarity in regard to the traditions of both. The shrine in Kanchi referred to is that of Yadoktakari or Vehka, the only temple referred to in the Perumbanatruppadai. This poem by Rudran Kannan has for its object the celebration of the liberality of Tondaman 24 pinnngkllil kaatttnnnull nttmaattu pinynyknnnoottu 'innngku tirucckkrt temperumaannnaark kittm vicumpil knnngklli yngkummllaik kttnnnmllait tlcynnnm vnnngku mnnnttaarvrai vnnngkennn nnnn mttnenycee. (Periya Tirumoli. II. vii, 9.) 13 Para 9, Epigraphiet's Report for 1913. 26 C. RAjasimha-Pallaveevara, the Kaildsanatha temple at Kanchi, 9 Teah&m vamse prastat Ranarasika purdrmmardhana d (a)gradandat (u) Subrahmanyah kumaro Guha iva Pramadlavaradatta janma Baktikpunnari varggo viditabahunaya's Baiva siddhanta marge Sriman Atyantakamah kehatasakalamalo dhurddharah Pallavanam (8.1.1., Vol. I., No. 24, verse 5). 28 kccik kittntvnnnuurk kttnnn mllait tlcynnnm.

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APRIL, 1917) THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABA LIPUR 71 I landirayan of Kanchi, and refers to a time certainly anterior to that of Simhavish nu, the founder of the great Pallava dynasty, and may go back to the 2nd century A. D. It must be remembered that this Simhavishnu himself was a Vaishnava, according to the Udayendiram plates of Nandivarman I., Pallavamalla, 2' while Rajasimha is described in the same document as a devout worshipper of Siva (Paramamahesvara). A Vishnu temple in the locality seems quite possible, either of sufficient nearness or remoteness in point of time. Was the place of sufficient importance to deserve this honour before the age of the great Pallavas, specifically before the date of Narasimhavarman I, Mahamalla, whose name stuck on to the place even long after the fall of the dynasty. It is in point to notice here that it is not only the works of the Alvars that call the place Mallai, uniformly the same designation is given to it in the work Nandikkalambakam, a Tamil work celebrating the exploits of Nandivarman, Victor at Tellau. The age of this monarch is not yet definitely fixed, but he came later, perhaps much later, than Nandivarman Pallavamalla. How far back the name Mallai goes we have not the means of deciding, but a coin of Theodosius has been discovered of date A. D. 371-395, which would indicate, although the evidence must be regarded as yet slender, that the place was a port of some importance commercially.30 A recent articles in the Christian College Magazine attempts to arrange the genealogy of the Pallavas of Kanchi and takes it to eight generations before Simhavishnu, the father of Mahendra, the monarch who excavated most of the caves of Southern India. If we can take the time occupied by these at about two centuries, this will take us to about A. D. 400 from the known dates of Narasimha I. There are three other names to be accommodated perhaps, before we come to Vishnugopa of Kanchi, who suffered defeat at the hands of the Indian Napolean' Samudraguptaabout A. D. 350. One of these very early Pallavas, Simhavarman, is said, in the Amaravati Pillar Inscription now in the Madras Museum, to have gone up to the Himalayas to imprint his lanchana' on its face, as symbolical of his universal sovereignty 3! This is in obvious imitation of the crowned kings of the Tamil land, the Chera, Chola and the Pandya.. We have to look for the particular Pandya, Chola and Chera much anterior to his time-whatever that time be. This would, under all legitimate canons of criticism, bring us to the earlier oenturies of the Christian era and the geographical data of the classical writers ought to give us the clue. We have already noted that the Chinese traveller Hiuen Thsang refers both to the capital and the port as if they both had eithez the sam, name, or as though they could be regarded as the capital and its port, so intimately connected with each other 88 to be confounded by even an eminently intelligent foreigner such as the enlightened Master of the Laws' was. Ptolemy, the geographer, writing in the middle of the 2nd century A. D. refers to a port, as well as an interior city, named Malange.33 The Periplus, written about 80 A. D., refers to three ports and marts north of the Kavery; Camara, 25 Simhavishnu-the grandfather of Narsimhavarman I, was a devout Vaishnave. (Udayendiram Plates, 8. 1. 1., Vol. II, Pt. iii, p. 370) Bhaktyarad hita Vishnuh Simhavish qull.' 30 J. R. A. S. 1904, pp. 609 and 636. 31 Vol. for 1913-14, pp. 239-374, by Mr, K. V. Subrahmanya Iyer, Assistant Epigraphist, 32 S. Ind. Ins., Vol. I., p. 27, 11. 33-34, 93 Ante, Vol. XIII, pp. 333 and 368.

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72 THE INDIAX ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1917 Poduka and Malanga." Without going into the details of this geography here we may take Malanga the port to be the Mahabalipuram that is at present. The description of Mavilangai we find in the Siru panaruppadai would answer to this very well, as well as in Hiuen Thsang's time, when it was the port of embarkation for Ceylon. The interior35 Malange was, according to Ptolemey, the capital of Bassarnagos, which, on the analogy of Sorenagos of the same writer, must be the capital of the land of a people Basser, which is a Greek modification of Vegar or Vettu var, who constituted, if not the sole, at least an ntegral part of the population. This possibility requires to be worked up more fully. It must be noted in this connection, however, that there is a place containing a Pallava care temple near Tindivanam called, even now, Kilmavilangai (i. e., East or Lower Mavilangai). Another Malingi (Kan. for Mavilangai) in Mysore is called in the 11th century A. D. IJainatfu Mavilangai.su These adjuncts to the two names imply the existence of other places of the name in the neighbourhood or about the same region. As far as I am able to make out at present there is no authority for taking Mavilangai to mean a country as Mr. Kanakasabhai has taken it 37:--the passage of the Sirupanaruppadai not lending itself to that interpretation. If then the capital and the port bore the same name, there is some reason for the careful Chinese traveller calling the two places by the same name, though different from this one, but well-known in his days. In fact, it is stated that to Oymana tu Nalliyakkodan, the hero of the Sirupanarruppazai, belonged the region comprising the cities and fortresses of Amur, Velur, Eyilpa tinam, Mavilangai, Kidangil, &c., but Kanchi in the same region does not find mention as such. His time, I take it, is intermecliate to those of Tondaman Ilandirayan of Kanchi, and the Vishnugopa of Kanchi defeated by the famous Samudragupta. This would take us to the vexed question of the origin of the Pallayas, and whether they were an indigenous dynasty or a dynasty of foreigners. The study of their monuments at Mahabalipuram inakes it quite clear that their civilization at any rate, must have been Brahmanic ; their architecture shews clear traces of its indigenous origin. These would support the contention of the Vishnu Purana, 38 that the Pallavas were a race of Kshattriyas, who fell from their high estate by giving up the Vaidic duties enjoined upon them, meaning perhaps that they had become Buddhists. When they come into view in South India, they seem bent upon making amends for their past remissness by an extraordinary amount of zeal for Hinduism. It would seem reasonable to infer that they had as little to do with the Pahlavas or Parthians, as their contemporaries the Chalukyas had to do with the Seleukians of Asia. Having come so far, it would seem pertinent to ask the question whether these Pallaras, who present themselves to us through the antiquities of Mahabalipuram, are the same as those known in the locality from the earliest times, or whether these were new-comers That these powerful Pallavas of the dynasty of Narasimhavarman were Aryans in culture must now seem clear. There is one particular motive in the buildings of these that strike one as a remarkable feature, and that is the lion-base for the pillars. This, with the maned lion upon their coins, seems to indicate unmistakably that these were the feudatories of the Andhras, who advanced southwards from across the Krishna River, both in the lower and 34 W. Schoff's Periplus, p. 46, Section 60. $Pattuppattu I S. yer's Edition. * Epig. Carnataca. Mysore Pt. I.T. X. 34 and 35. sf The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, >> Bk, III. Ch. iii. Wilson's Translation. Original blokas (15-21).

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APRIL, 1917] THE ANTIQUITIES OF MAHABALIPUR 73 upper part of its course. There seems, therefore, some reason to distinguish between these Pallavas and the Pallavas or Kurumbars of the coins which have for their characteristic device a standing bull. On this subject the following remarks of Professor Rapson seem apposite. "In the same region lived the Kurumbars, a people of considerable importance before the 7th century A. D. Between the coins of these toples no accurate discrimination has yet been made. The coins of this region fall into two classes: (i) Those which in style bear some resemblance to the coins of the Andhras (e. g., E. CSI. Pl II, 55-58, called Kurumbar; and perhaps also id. I, 31-38 called Pallava or Kurumbar), and may therefore possibly belong to the same period (2nd and 3rd centuries A. D.). The occurrence of the ship as a reverse type testifies to the foreign trade for which the Pallavas were famous. (2) The other class is of gold and silver and undoubtedly later; but here again there seems to be no evidence from which to determine the exact date. These coins all bear the Pallava emblem, the maned lion, together with Canarese or Sanskrit inscription.38 That the Kurumbars were different from the Pallavas, and that the Pallavas were northerners, seems to find an echo in Tamil literature. There are two or three poems, which are ascribed to different authors, who must be alloted, on very substantial evidence, to the first century, or a little later, of the Christian era. Among them a certain chief by name Nannan had for his territory the region called, in Tamil literature, Palinadu 39 round about the region of Cannanore now. One of the hill forts belonging to that chief was called Elil Malai (a hill about 18 miles north of Cananore now). That hill-fort had fallen into the possession of the northerners, as the Tamils called them (Vadukar), and the territory was recovered by a certain Chola King, by name Ilanjetchenni, victor at Seruppali or Iali over these northerners (Vadukar). 10 The same incident is referred to in connection with the same king in Puram 378. That is for the west coast. In regard to the east, the Tamil chief Kari, ruler of Malai Nadu round about Tirukkovilur in the South Arcot District, is said similarly to have beaten back an Aryan force which laid siege to his hill fort of Mullur. 41 These references in classical Tamil literature make it quite clear, that at the commencement of the Christian era, there was a general forward movement of the northerners (Aryans or Vadukar,) into South India which was resisted with all their power by the Tamilians a 10 the whole width of the peninsula. The boast, therefore, of the Pandian ruler, who figure prominently in the Silappadhikaram, that he defeated an Aryan army, and the various northern achievements of Senguttuvan seem founded on a basis of fact. The native Kurumbars, therefore, who must have figured in this general opposition, must have been gradual! overcome by the invaders and their territory occupied completely by the Pallavas, who figured prominently in South Indian history at least from the commencement of the 4th century A. D. This would satisfactorily account for the hiatus between the Tamilian rulers of Kanchi, generally known as Tondaiman, and the later rulers of the same region, usually known by the Sanskrit name Pallava, though this is but a translation of the word Tondaiman. 38 Indian Coins by E. J. Rapson, Plate V. 16 and p. 37. 39 This is also called in Tamil Konkanam (Konkan). 40 Akam 375 or 374 in the Ms. copy in the Govt. MSS. Library at Madras. Narrinai 170.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA [APRIL, 1917 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., LT.; MADRAS. (Continued from p. 83.) Alls tyranny and Venkappah's rebellion. He came to learn that, at the time when the zenana of Vijaya Raghava was about to be destroyed, the queen had handed over a child of 4 years, the only remnant of the family, to a faithful nurse, so that it at least might survive the catastrophe; and that that child, Sengamala Das by name, was growing up in safe obecurity under the tender care of his foster-mother and of & poor merchant of Negapatam. He therefore proceeded thither, and after a few years' sojourn with the prince, took him, when he reached the age of twelve, to sikandar Shah (1659-86), the reigning Sultan of Bijapur and the nominal suzerain of South India. He placed before him the pathetic story of Sengamala Das, and described we may be certain, in highly coloured and pursuasive language, to what station he had been born, and to what station the vicissitudes of time and the ambition of the Madura Naiks had reduced him. The astute Brahmin then pleaded for the Sultan's help, promising in return a faithful allegiance on his part. Sikandar was, on his part, readily willing to undertake an expedition, which promised a firmer hold on the South Indian kingdoms. He could not, however, directly take the field, as he had enough trouble with the Mughals.; and therefore ordered Ekoji, the second son of his minister Shahji, then in his province of Bangalore, to march with 1200 oavalry and 1000 infantry to the south, and place Sengamala Das on the throne of his ancestors. The First Maratha Invasion in favour of Bengamala Das. Thus it was that a Maratha army was, for the first time in Indian History, on 178 way to the banks of the Koveri. The necessity of safety and the prudence of statesmanship demanded the relinquishment by Chokka natha of petty jealousy, and a cordial co-operation with his Vassal. An ample facility for suoh a behaviour was afforded, at this time, by a repentant and submissive letter from Alagiri Naik, But ChokkanAtha's small mind could not see that the help rendered to Alagiri was self-help ; that, whatever might be the internal affairs of the kingdom, it ought to present a united front to foreign enemies. Left to his own resources, Alagiri met Ekoji at Aiyampet, & village about ten miles from Tanjore and at present a railway station, and in the battle which ensured he sustained such a disastrous defeat that he had not the presence of mind to even defend his capital. He fled to Mysore, and Ekoji seated Suigamala Das on the throne. The restored monarch paid generous donations to his benefactors. Besides paying the revenues of the Taluks of It was now a Dutch possession. It was the earliest Portuguese settlement on the Coromandel oonst and taken from them by the Dutch in 1660, i.e., immediately after Chokkanatha's accossion. Nelson does not mention the story of the Negapatam merchant, oto. 12 This is the version given in the Tany. Raj. Chari. It is evident that it implies that the advent of the Marathas took place 12 years after the Madura conquest. Mr. Venkaasmi Rao, the author of the Tanjore Manual, says that ChokkanAtha's conquest must have taken place in 1862 and the Maraths cocupation in 1674 Duperron puts it at 1674-5 and Burnell agrees with him. (Bee 8. Ind. Palao. P. 56 and Antiquities, II, p 193.) That Ekoji came south after 1670 is clear from the fact that in 1669 (Saumya) he was at Bangalore and made a grant of land for the god Mallikarjuna of Mallapura-Mye Arch. Rep. 1909, p. 26. According to Nelson Venkaji had to wait for a year before he was able to take advantage of the unfortunate rupture between Alagiri and Chokka, in 1875.

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APRIL, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 75 Kumbaconam, Papanasam and Mannarguli, to meet the expenses of the Bijapur army, he gave a reward of 15 lakhs of pagodas o to Ekoji and an equal amount to his followers. Ekoji's usurpation. Unfortunately for Sengamala Das, he had to do at the outset of his reign an act which undid the position he had attained with so muoh difficulty. A dispute arose as to who should be his minister. Venkanna claimed the dignity as a reward for his past service, but the foster-mother of the prince urged the claims of the merchant who had been a second father to him. Sengamala Das, much indebted to both, preferred the latter, and so invested him with the dignity and robes of the Dalavai. Veikanna was indignant, and with characteristic vindictiveness of temper, vowed to cut down the tree which he himself had reared. He proceeded to the Maratha camp at Kumbakonam, and commenced to sow treason in the honest mind of Ekoji.05 Why could not Ekoji, the brother of the illustrious Sivaji, imitate his brother, depose Sengamala Das, seize the crown and at the same time cease to pay tribute to his Muhammadan suzerain ? Why could he not thus obtain two victories at one stroke? The one was a weak stripling, already grown, like his father, too religious and unworldly to present a stout opposition. The other was an infidel who lived hundreds of miles off and whose enmity was an honour to the Bhonsle family. When the circumstances were so favourable, when providence had smoothed the way to power and to greatness, would it not be folly, would it not be cowardice, to kick the fortune that came voluntarily in his way? Ekoji struggled with his conscience, and resisted the dictates of self-interest for a space of six months. But some time in 1675, the Sultan died, and all fear from above vanished. He therefore succumbed to the counsels of Venkanga, promptly marched to Tanjore, and seized the crown. The unfortunate son of Vijaya Raghava had already abandoned the throne on which he had mounted only a few months back and had gone for refuge to the Polygar of Ariyalur. With the help of the Setupati he then tried to win back his crown by force of arms, but failed 0 and lived the rest of his life in obsourity. 94 From the money and jewels which his father had buried and which his foster-mother now secured. 95 According to Wilks, the views of ambition which Vonkanpa placed before Ekoji had not been entirely abront from the latter's mind. He points out that the very object of Ekoji's expedition was "& conquest on his own account, but under the ostensible authority of the Government of Vijayapoor." After the dofoat of Madura, continues Wilks, Ekoji demanded an extravagant war indemnity from Tanjore, quarrelled with its king on that account, accused him of treachery and seized the kingdom. See Wilks I, 49. * The story is that he took refuge with the Topdaman of Pudukkottai, and lived there. He had later on the satisfaction to see his grand-daughters by his son (Vijaya Mannaru Naidu) married to the king of Ceylon and his grandson Vijaya Raghavulu adopted by that king, as he wa childless. Soo Tanj-Raj. Chari. for details. The Singaladvipakatha also mentions these marriages. After the fall of the dynasty the Madura dynasty, besides others, gave some grants for the maintenance of the unfortunate family. At the time when the Tanjavurvaru Charitram was written, a member was living at Jawabukeivaram, See Tanjore Manual, p. 768.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1917 Ekoji's raid into the Madura kingdom. The Maratha conquest of Tanjore was followed by the Maratha invasion of Madura. To the ambition of Ekoji the acquisition of a tract of territory was an incentive to further acquisition. The spoils of Tanjore inspired therefore a longing for the spoils of Trichinopoly. Great as the mutual enmity of the Naiks had been, they had belonged to the same nationality, and had some sympathy towards each other. They had been, moreover, equally strong and equally weak, and none could thoroughly beat the other. Very different was the case with the Marathas. The occupation of Tanjore was in their eyes, a step to the occupation of the other parts of South India. It is not surprising, therefore, that immediately after the pacification of Tanjore, Ekoji marched against Trichinopoly. The vigilance of Chokka natha, however, frustrated his attempt. He therefore diverted his forces on the people." The ravages of the Marathas were not less destructive than the hostilities exercised by the Muhammadans. Without making the least endeavour to varnish their proceedings with the colour of fairness or moderation, they stained every moment of their invasion by acts of cruelty and rapine, which made the atrocity of the Muhammadans mildness itself. The masses were harassed by a repetition of claims, plunders and inroads. The sword of destruction was unsheathed on the peaceful villagers, and all limit was transcended in the demand of the surrender of their riches. The Mysore conquest of the North-west. T..e irruption of the Marathas was, however, only one of the causes which afflicted the kingdom of Madura at this time. Early in 1676 an army98 of Mysoreans descended, on a sudden, from their mountains and seized at one blow the whole province of Satyamangalam. The soul of this movement was king Chikka Deva00 (1672-1704), the successor of Deva Raja, a king of singular valour and ambition. Inspired by him, we are told, his general, Arasumalai, promptly accomplished his purpose, and carrying everything before him, reached Madura itself and captured it. We do not know whether this was the fact, but there is no question that the whole kingdom between the frontier passes leading to Mysore and Coimbatore was now under the occupation of the Mysoreans, 100 as an inscription at Davalagiri (near Satyama: galam) dated 1676 (Nala) testifies. The Mysoreans, we are told, followed up their success with an attack on their Maratha rivals on the one hand and the city of Trichinopoly, the only remnant of Chokkanatha's kingdom, on the other. An inscription of Chikka Deva', dated 1674, distinctly claims that he vanquished "Sambhu, Kutapa Sahu-Basava of Ikkere, Ekoji, Dadoji, Jaitaji and Jasavant." 97 Nolson's Madur. Man. 98 Wilks does not refer to this in detail. The date he gives also seems to be very late. See his Mysore. I. p. 58. That Chikka Deva began his southward movement even earlier seems to be demon. strated by the fact that his Dalavai Kumara Raya built an aniout at Belur, 10 miles south of Hosur, in 1673. Soe Antiquities, I., 194. 99 For the circumstances of Chikka Deva's accession, his dealings with the Ellandur Pandit, hi early reforms in the administration, his conversion to Vaishnavism at the instance of Tirumalaiyangar see Wilks I, 53-56. 100 Insens. 201 and 209 of 1909. Vide Madr. Ep. Rep. 1910, p. 116. Seo Mys. Ep. Rep. 1915, p. 57,

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APRIL, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA The advent of Sivaji. And as if these troubles were not enough, Providence sent into the ruined kingdom a third scourge. In 1677 the great Maratha Sivaji, whose career the Suitans of Bijapur and the Great Mughal had in vain tried to check, marched to the Southern Carnatic. Ostensibly he came to acquire from his brother Ekoji half of the Tanjore jaghir and of his father's property. In reality, his object was to bring the Carnatic under the Maratha supremacy in place of Bijapur sovereignty. With characteristic duplicity, he came as the ally and servant of Golkonda, saying t..at the benefit of his conquests would go to that State. Like a dexterous falcon he fell cn the disunited inters of the Carnatic and swept them off. He first seized the important fortress of Gingit, the headquarters of the Bijapur Viceroyalty, by treachery, and conquered the whole country down to the Coleroon. Organising this into a Maratha province with Gingi as capital, he took steps to exact the allegiance of the southern kingdoms. It is difficult to describe clearly the movements of Sivaji after this. The authorities are so contradictory and confusing. The version of Duff is this. Sivaji's object was to make his brother, Ekoji, acknowledge his supremacy and pay half of his revenues. Ekoji, as shrewd and greedy as his brother, had anticipated this, and approached Chokkanstha with an offer of alliance, both offensive and defensive. The ruler of Trichinopoly agreed, and the alliance was concluded. But, at this stage, we are told, the skilful diplomacys of Sivaji broke the league. He sent his agent Raghunatha Narayan to Trichinopcly, and persuaded Chokkanatha, by arguments, of the nature of which we are unaware and unable to ascertain, to withdraw from his recent agreement. Disappointed and sulky, Ekoji had now no other alternative than to agree to an interview with his brother for discussing the questions of dispute. The interview took place on the northern banks of the Coleroon. "Sivajee received him kindly, but failed, in spite of his earnest representations, to persuade him to his views." He "at first thought of making him a prisoner, and compelling him to give up half of Tanjore, of the jaghir districts, and of the money and jewels"; but on further consideration felt that such an act was inconsistent with his own character as a brother and a prince. He therefore permitted him to turn to Tanjore. Sivaji however did not keep quiet. He frequently pressed his brother with his demands. He at the same time took by force his jaghir districts in Mysore. Venkaji was still obstinate. Leaving therefore his half-brother Santaji to look after his conquests and to subdue Ekoji by arms, Sivaji returned to the Maharashtra, * Duft's Mahratas, I. * For the alarm which the advent of Sivaji caused among the English in Maclras, see Wheeler's Early Rec. Brit. Ind. p. 73; his History, IV, p. 371. Wilks I, p. 51. For the real objects of Sivaji, see Grant Duff and Wilks ; Ferishta's Deccan II, p. 31. 4 S. Arcot. Gazr., p. 350: Duff, I, p. 278; Wilks I, p. 51.; Soott, 'II, 31. * Thus there came into existence "the Moghul Carnatio" in place of the old Golkonda Carnatio, and the Maratha Carnatic in p'aco of Bijapur's. The Marathas, however, encroached into the Mughal Carnatic, and the feudatories there were as much interested in conciliating the Marathas as the Mughals. The attitude and policy of the English illustrates this best. See Wheelor's Early Rec. p. 98. 5 Duff, I, p. 277. The Boudela officer, it is curious, does not mention this. He says that Sivaji met his brother. Angojoo' at Gingi, and not on the banks of the Coleroon as Duff says. It was from Gingi that Ekoji fled to Tanjore. See Scott's Dekkan II, p. 32. * Ibid., of the Bondela officer's account given above.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 917 where the pressure of Mughal ravages required his presence. Immediately after his return, Ekoji attacked Santaji, only to be repulsed. This aggression brought forth a long letter of rebuke from Sivaji, which reconciled Venkaji to the payment of tribute in return for the restoration of the jaghir districts, The account of Wilks? is slightly different. He agrees with Duff in regard to the alliance between Chokkanatha and Ekoji and its breach by the embassy of Raghunatha Narayan, but differs in the representation of affairs at the interview between the two brothers. Sivaji, he says, was so inimical that Ekoji spied danger and imprisonment, and 80 escaped during night to Tanjore and recommenced hostilities. Sivaji soon left for the north, and his general Santaji, who was left behind, eventually succeeded in inflicting such a crushing defeat on Ekoji that, early in 1878, he concluded peace. Chokkanttha and Ekoji. Both the authorities thus agree in attributing the pacific attitude of Ekoji in 1678 to purely Maratha affairs. But Nelson8 gives a different version, which clearly attributes it to the activities of Chokkanatha Nelson does not mention the Tanjore-Madura alliance, which had preceded the interview between Sivaji and Ekoji. He is unaware of the part played by Madura then. His account of the relations between the Maratha brothers is also different. He says that the obstinacy of Ekoji so much exasperated his brother during their interview that he actually seized him and put him in prison; that the latter escaped by swimming across the Coleroon, and reached his kingdom; that the floods of the Coleroon prevented Sivaji from the pursuit of his brother, and that he therefore left the command of his troops and the charge of the newly conquered province in the hands of his brother Santaji, and proceeded home, leaving a chain of military posts all along the line of the road through Mysore. The floods subsiding, he continues, santaji crossed the river and meeting the forces of Ekoji on the route to Tanjore, gained, with his superior strategy, a viotory which laid the Southern Maratha capital open to his advance. It seems that at this stage, Chokkanatha Naik approached Santaji with the offer of tribute, money and men, in onse he was placed in possession of Tanjore. It was a very clever move, and if attended with success, would have restored the political condition of the South to what it was before the ill-fated defection of Alagiri Naidu and the ominous restoration of the unfortunate Sengamala Das. But in his eagerness for diplomacy he forgot the character of Ekoji. The shrewd Maratha saw that affairs were taking a serious turn, and so prudently submitted, early in 1678, to his brother's general. He never forgot the capacity or inclination of Chokkanatha to do mischief. To ambition he now added the feeling of revenge, and from this time unwerd always carried on raids. into the kingdom of Madura, or rather the city of Trichinopoly. The men of Mysore, Tanjore and Ginji were jealous of one another, and carried on a contest among themselves; but they combined in the humiliation and subjugation of Chokkanatha. (To be continued.) T See his Mysore, I, 50-54. & Madur, Man. 195 f. * Madur. Man., p. 199; Wilks, I. p. 53. The Bondela Jour, does not mention this.

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APRIL, 1917) NOTES AND QUERIES 79 NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 3. A new verison of Hobson Jobson Jacey Booey - Joioey Boioy. 21 December 1689. Consultation in Masulipat. am. The Glovornour of this towne Manhmd: Alley Beague (Mahmad Alt Beg) haveing oooasion for 4 Care spiritta and two Chooson for his master (be. ing Jacoy boooy time when they drinko muo sherbott) and for him selle two bales Sugar, nont to the Factory for same, The Counoell therefore thinke it Convenient, and order that he be progent- od with the same being requesito to obligo him with such things at this season of the yoar, that our business may not meet with any inturruption and that in case an Interloper should come in he may not have any pretence to favour him or his businesse. (Factory Records, Marlipatam, Vol. 4.) Nole. The copy of this Consultation now at Madras has Joioey boioy," but that at the India Offio has the spelling "Jacey boooy." Ei her gives us a new form for this much tortured expression. R.C.T. BOOK NOTICE. KALIDASA'S MECHADUTA OR THE CLOUD-MISSEN-it will be greatly in dom and with this law of road. GER (as embodied in the Parfudbhyudaya) withers. The more is tho pity that sufficient attention the Commentary of Mallin the litoral English has not been paid to typographical matters; for, translation, variant readings, oritical notas, this example of inacouraoy in minor details not by appendixon and introduction, determining the date a veteran is likely to be unconsciously copied by of Kalidasa from latest antiquarian recoaroties, the inexperienced young soholar in whose hands edited by KASHINATE BAPU PATKAE, B.A. Beoond the book falls. No doubt the press comes in for Edition, Poona, 1916. ita legitimnto share of reproof; but it must be The Parsvdbhyudaya is too well-known to Sans- understood that the responsibility of checking krit scholars to need an introduction. An edition instances of such negligence "lies entirely with the of KAlidda's Moghadata based on this metrioal Author. biography of Paravanatha by Jinasnacharya is At p. vii, the subject matter of the introduction undoubtedly a very valuable contribution to Indo. is indicated by a head-lino to be "the date of logy. Kalidas." This is indeed a very modest descrip. The first edition of Prof. Pathak's book, which tion of the contents of the introduction which treats appeared in 1894, was characterised by rather of a groat many things besides ; 80 much so, that indiscriminate or misuse of discritoal marks the reader experiences soms diffioulty in threading in the transliteration of Indian words in the preface his way through the maze of (more or los interest. and notes acompanying the toxt. The present edi. ing) digressions. The cannonade of diatribe runtion marks a slight improvement in this roapeot. ning through the analysis of the critical acumen' Even in this edition, however, the number of the of Dr. Hultzsch (pp. xvii-xix) is distinctly one of "errata" (printed at the bottom of p. vi) has been the low interesting digressions, and might have considerably underestimated by the author, and the been with advantage omitted in its entirety. little booklet would have proved much better road. The remarks bearing on the date of Kalidasa ing for a thorough revision of the spelling, which in have been reprinted with slight alterations from many instance is quite unconventional. From the the author's article on the subject entitled "Kaliliteral translation and the elaborate exegetical and dasa and the Hunas of the Oxus Valley" (Ind. Ant. oxplanatory apparatus accompanying the reprint 1912, p. 268), where an attempt is made to synof the Sanskrit text, it is evident that the edition chronise the composition of the Raghuvani fa with is intended chiefly for the use of school boys and the advent of the Ephthalites in the Oxus Valley. junior college students: and there is no doubt that To quote Prof. Pathak's own words (p. I of the

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( APRIL, 1617 book under review): "KAlidasa must have writ. same people on the banks of the Oxus and defeatten his versus about the HAnas shortly after 460, ed them there, would have been incomprehensible the date of the establishment of the Hana empiro to Kalidaa's contemporaries. The reference is, in the Oxus Basin, but before their first defeat in any case, too vague to admit of exact chronolo(A. D. 450-455), when they were still in the Oxus gical computations like those which Prof. Pathak Velloy and considered the most inivncible Warriors attempts. of their ayo"; and all this, because it was on the The determination of the date of Kalidasa is, as banks of the Oxus (Vankshu) that Raghu during remarked above, only one of the questiona doalt the course of his digvijaya is represented by Kili. with in the introduction. Another topio discussed desa (anachronistically, adds Prof. Pathak) to have there is the value of Vallabha's Commentary on encountored the Hona hordes. It is no doubt pog. the Meghadata in settling the question the spu. si blo to argue in this way, but the conclusion of rious verses. The verdict of Prof. Pathak is not the Professor is by no means inevitable. The favourable to the commentator. Dr. Hultrach, it Honas are evidently introduced as a type of people would appear, misguided by the opinion of the who had impreased the minds of Indians as formid. Pandits Durgaprasad and Parab regarding the age able foes on the battlefield; and Prof. Pathak is of Vallabha, identifies him with Kaiyata's grandperfootly right in implying that thu Ephthalitos father of that name and assigna him therefore to belong to a category different from that of the the first half of the tenth century (see Hultsach's classical enemies of the conquering hero, such as edition of the Meghadila, Preface, p. ix). Prof. the kings of the Chola, Pandye, Kalinga and other Pathak would rather place him two centuries later, kingdoms. But this estimation of their fighting and the reasons adduced by him in support of his qualities was hardly possible to be formed, unless the Indians of Kalidasa's time had known the opinion are worthy of careful consideration. If it turn out that the Professor's surmise of the age nomadic hordes nearer at hand then from the remote of Vallabhadeva is correct, this circumstance would Oxus Valley. To the same conclusion points the detract considerably from the value to which the use of the phrase kapolapdf anadesi by Kalidasa, in the same work (oanto 4, verse 88), which discloses commentary might otherwise be entitled on grounds close intimacy with the customs and manners of its supposed antiquity. In any event, Prof. peculiar to the White Huns. It would be, therefore, Pathak attaches far too much importance to this fact; for it must be remembered that even the equally legitimate to assign Kalidasa to an opoch author of the Paradbhyudaya is separated by at of Indian history following shortly on the expulsion least two centuries from the time of Kalidt of the Hans hordes from the confines of India proper. This would be a time when the picture of period which is long enough in India to engender. their ferocious barbarity was still vividly present interpolations. Each work represents the version to the minds of the poet's contemporaries, and looally ourront at the particular opoch to which the commentator belongs. And neither in one 0940 reference to the rout of the Honas would have the seclusion of the Kalmir Valley, nor in the other, immediately and strikingly appealed to the imagina. tion of the readers. Thus, even under these cir the proximity to the poet by admitting Prof. Pathak's estimation to be correct three centuries, cumstances there would be nothing incongruous in is a sufficient guarantee of the entire purity of the the fact of the poet making Ragbu encounter the retreating Hapas in their epic 'home of the Vank. reepootive texte. shu Valley. The upshot of this antinomian argu In reprinting the text of Mallinatha's commenCentation seems to be to exclude the possibility of tary Prof. Pathak has introduced an innovation. referring Kalidasa to the period in which the Eph- Ho has expunged the remarks of the commentthaliter oocupied the position of Paramount sove. tor regarding the spuriousness of certain vorses, reigns within the limits of India. For, on the procedure which, being misleading, is not comcontrary supposition, with the Hopas actually hold. mondablo. ing their own in the Panjab and parts of Central India, the statement that Raghu fought with these V. B. SUKTHAMAR

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MAY, 1017) CASTES IN INDIA CASTES IN INDIA. Their mechanism, genesis and development.1 BY BHIMRAO R. AMBEDKAR, M.A. MANY of us, I dare say, have witnessed local, national, or international expositions of material objects that make up the sum total of human civilization. But few can entertain the idea of there being such a thing as an exposition of human institutions. Exhibition of human institutions is a strange idea; some might call it the wildest of ideas. But as students of Ethnology I hope you will not be hard on this innovation, for it is not 80, and to you at least it should not be strange. You all have visited, I believe, some historio place like the ruins of Pompeii, and listened with curiosity to the history of the remains as it flowed from the glib tongue of the guide. In my opinion a student of Ethnology, in one sense at least, is much like the guide. Like his' prototype, he holds up (perhaps with more seriousness and desire of selfinstruction) the social institutions to view, with all the objectiveness humanly possible, and inquires into their origin and function. Most of our fellow students in this Seminar, which concerns itself with Primitive versus Modern Society, have ably acquitted themselves along these lines by giving lucid expositions of the various institutions, modern or primitive, in which they are interested. It is my turn now, this evening, to entertain you, as best I can, with a paper on "Castes in India : their mechanism, genesis and development." I nood hardly remind you of the complexity of the subjeot I intend to handle. Subtler minds and abler pons than mine have been brought to the task of unravelling the mysteries of Caste; but unfortunately it still remains in the domain of the "unexplained," not to say of the "un-understood." I am quite alive to the complex intricacies of a hoary institution like Caste, but I am not so pessimistio as to relegate it to the region of the unknowable, for I believe it can be known. The caste problem is a vast one, both theoretically and practically. Practically, it is an institution that portends tremendous consequences. It is a local problem, but one capable of much wider mischief, for as long as caste in India does exist, Hindus will hardly intermarry or have any social intercourse with outsiders; and if Hindus migrate to other regions on earth, Indian caste would become a world problem." Theoretically, it has defied a great many scholars who have taken upon themselves, as a labour of love, to dig into its origin. Such being the case, I cannot treat the problem in its entirety. Time, space and acumen, I am afraid, would all fail me, if I attempted to do otherwise than limit myself to a phase of it, namely, the genesis, mechanism and spread of the caste system. I will strictly observe this rule, and will dwell on extraneous matters only when it is necessary to clarify or support a point in my thesis. To proceed with the subject. According to well-known ethnologists, the population of India is a mixture of Aryans, Dravidians, Mongolians and Scythians. All these stocks of people came into India from various directions and with various cultures, centuries ago, when they were in a tribal state. They all in turn elbowed their entry into the country by fighting with their predecessors, and after a stomachful of it settled down as peaceful neighbours. Through constant contact and mutual intercourse they evolved a common * A paper road before the Anthropology Seminar 9th May 1916) of Dr. A. A. Goldonweiser, Colambia University, New York. 2 Ketkar, Caste, p. 4.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1917 culture that superseded their distinctive cultures. It may be granted that there has not been a thorough amalgamation of the various stocks that make up the peoples of India, and to a traveller from within the boundaries of India the East presents a marked contrast in physique and even in colour to the West, as does the South to the North. But amalgamation can never be the sole criterion of homogeneity as predicated of any people. Ethnically all peoples are heterogeneous. It is the unity of culture that is the basis of homiogeneity. Taking this for granted, I venture to say that there is no country that can rival the Indian Peninsula with respect to the unity of its culture. It has not only a geographic unity, but it has over and above all a deeper and a much more fundamental unity-the indubitable cultural unity that covers the land from end to end. But it is because of this homogeneity that Caste beoomes a problem 80 difficult to be explained. If the Hindu Society were a mere federation of mutually exclusive units, the matter would be simple enough. But Caste is a parcelling of an already homogeneous unit, and the explanation of the genesis of Caste is the explanation of this process of parcelling. Before launching into our field of enquiry, it is better to advise ourselves regarding the nature of a caste. I will therefore draw upon a few of the best students of caste for their definitions of it. (1) M. Senart, a French authority, defines a caste as" a close corporation, in theory at any rato rigorously hereditary equipped with a certain traditional and independent organisation, including & chief and a council, meeting on occasion in assemblies of more or less plenary authority and joining together at certain festivals: bound together by common occupations, which pelate more partioularly to marriage and to food and to questions of ceremonial pollution, and ruling its members by the exercise of jurisdiction, the extent of which varies, but which succeeds in making the authority of the community more felt by the sanction of certain penalties and, above all, by final irrevocable exclusion from the group." (2) Mr. Nesfield defines & caste as "a class of the community which disowns any connection with any other class and can neither intermarry nor eat nor drink with any but persons of their own community." (3) According to Sir H. Risloy, "& caiste may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name which usually denotes or is associated with specific occupation, claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine, professing to follow the same professional callings and are regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community." (4) Dr. Ketkar defines caste as "a social group having two characteristics (1) membership is confined to those who are born of members and includes all persons so born; (2) the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group." To review these definitions is of great importance for our purpose. It will be noticed that taken individually the definitions of three of the writers include too much or too little: none is complete or correct by itself and all have missed the central point in the mechanism of the Caste system. Their mistake lies in trying to define caste as an isolated unit by itself, and not as a group within, and with definite relations to, the system of caste as a whole. Yet collectively all of them are complementary to one another, each one emphasising what has been obscured in the other. By way of criticism, therefore, I will take only those points common to all Castes in each of the above definitions which are regarded as peculiarities of Caste and evaluate them as such.

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MAY, 1917] CASTES IN INDIA 83 To start with M. Senart. He draws attention to the "idea of pollution" as a characteristic of Caste. With regard to this point it may be safely said that it is by no means a peculiarity of Caste as such. It usually originates in priestly ceremonialism and is a particular case of the general belief in purity. Consequently its necessary connection with Caste may be completely denied without damaging the working of Caste. The "idea of pollution" has been attached to the institution of Caste, only because the Caste that enjoys the highest rank is the priestly Caste: while we know that priest and purity are old associates. We may therefore conclude that the "idea of pollution" is a characteristic of Caste only in so far as Caste has a religious flavour. Mr. Nesfield in his way dwells on the absence of messing with those outside the Caste as one of its characteristics. In spite of the newness of the point we must say that Mr. Nesfield has mistaken the effect for the cause. Caste, being a self-enclosed unit naturally limits social intercourse, including messing etc., to members within it. Consequently this absence of messing with outsiders is not due to positive prohibition, but is a natural result of Caste, i. e., exclusiveness. No doubt this absence of messing, originally due to exclusiveness, acquired the prohibitory character of a religious injunction, but it may be regarded as a later growth. Sir H. Risley, makes no new point deserving of special attention. We now pass on to the definition of Dr. Ketkar, who has done much for the elucidation of the subject. Not only is he a native, but he has also brought a critical acumen and an open mind to bear on his study of Caste. His definition merits consideration, for he has defined Caste in its relation to a system of Castes, and has concentrated his attention only on those characteristics which are absolutely necessary for the existence of a Caste within a system, rightly excluding all others as being secondary or derivative in character. With respect to his definition it must, however, be said that in it there is a slight confusion of thought, lucid and clear as otherwise it is. He speaks of Prohibition of Intermarriage and Membership by Autogeny as the two characteristics of Caste. I submit that these are but two aspects of one and the same thing, and not two different things as Dr. Ketkar supposes them to be. If you prohibit inter-marriage the result is that you limit membership to those born within the group. Thus the two are the obverse and the reverse sides of the same medal. This critical evaluation of the various characteristics of Caste leaves no doubt that prohibition, or rather the absence of intermarriage-endogamy, to be concise--is the only one that can be called the essence of Caste when rightly understood. But some may deny this on abstract anthropological grounds, for there exist endogamous groups without giving rise to the problem of Caste. In a general way this may be true, as endogamous societies, culturally different, making their abode in localities more or less removed, and having little to do with each other, are a physical reality. The negroes and the whites and the various tribal groups that go by the name of American Indians in the United States may be cited as more or less appropriate illustrations in support of this view. But we must not confuse matters, for in India the situation is different. As pointed out before, the peoples of India form a homogeneous whole. The various races of India occupying definite territories have more or less fused into one another and do possess a cultural unity, which is the only criterion of a homogeneous population. Given this homogeneity as a basis, Caste becomes a problem altogether new in character and wholly absent in the situation constituted by the mere propinquity of endogamous social or tribal

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1917 groups. Caste in India means an artificial chopping off of the population into fixed and definite units, each one prevented from fusing into another through the custom of endogamy. Thus the conclusion is inevitable that endogamy is the only characteristic that is peculiar to Caste, and if we succeed in showing how endogamy is maintained, we shall practically have proved the genesis and also the mechanism of Caste. It may not be quite easy for you to anticipate why I regard endogamy as a key to the mystery of the Caste system. Not to strain your imagination too much, I will proceed to give you my reasons for it. It may not also be out of place to emphasize at this moment that no civilized society of to-day presents more survivals of primitive times than does the Indian society. Its religion is essentially primitive and its tribal code, in spite of the advance of time and civilization, operates in all its pristine vigour even to-day. One of these primitive survivals, to which I wish particularly to draw your attention, is the custom of exogamy. The prevalence of exogamy in the primitive world is a fact too well known to need any explanation. With the growth of history, however, exogamy has lost its efficacy and, excepting the nearest blood-king, there is usually no social bar restricting the field of marriage. But regarding the peoples of India the law of exogamy is a positive injunction even to-day. Indian society still savours of the clan system, even though there are no clans : and this can be easily seen from the law of matrimony which centres round the principle of exogamy, for it is not that sapindas (blood-kins) cannot marry, but a marriage even between sagotras (of the same class) is regarded as a sacrilege. Nothing is therefore more important for you to remember than the fact that endogamy is foreign to the people of India. The various gotras of India are and have been exogamous : so are the other groups with totemic organization. It is no exaggeration to say that with thd people of India exogamy is a creed and none dare infringe it, so much so that, in spite of the endogamy of the Castes within them, exogamy is strictly observed and that there are more rigorous penalties for violating exogamy than there are for violating endogamy. You will, therefore, readily see that with exogamy as the rule there could be no Castes, for exogamy means fusion. But we have Castes; consequently in the final analysis creation of Castes, so far as India is concerned, means the super. position of endogamy on exogamy. However, in an originally exogamous population an easy working out of endogamy (which is equivalent to the creation of Caste) is a grave problem, and it is in the consideration of the means utilized for the preservation of endogamy against exogamy that we may hope to find the solution of our problem. Thus the superposition of endogamy on exogamy means the creation of Caste. But this is not an easy affair. Let us take an imaginary group that desires to make itself into a Caste and analyse what means it will have to adopt to make itself endogamous. If a group desires to make itself endogamous a formal injunction against intermarriage with outside groups will be of no avail, especially if prior to the introduction of endogamy, exogamy had been the rule in all matrimonial relations. Again, there is a tendency in all groups lying in close contact with one another to assimilate and amalgamate, and thus consolidate into a homogenous society. If this tendency is to be strongly counteracted in the interest of Caste formation, it is absolutely necessary to circumscribe a circle outside which people should not contract marriages. Nevertheless, this encircling to prevent marriages from without creates problems from within which are not very easy of solution. Roughly speaking, in a normal group the

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May, 1917) CASTES IN INDIA 85 two sexes are more or less evenly distributed, and generally speaking there is an equality between those of the same age. The equality is, however, never quite realized in actual societies. At the same time to the group that is desirous of making itself into a caste the maintenance of equality between the sexes becomes the ultimate goal, for without it ondogamy can no longer subsist. In other words, if endogamy is to be preserved conjugal rights from within have to be provided for, otherwise members of the group will be driven out of the circle to take care of themselves in any way they can. But in order that the conjugal rights be provided for from within, it is absolutely necessary to maintain a numerical equality between the marriageable units of the two sexes within the group desirous of making itself into a Caste. It is only through the maintenance of such an equality that the necessary endogamy of the group can be kept intact, and a very large disparity is sure to break it. The problem of Caste, then, ultimately resolves itself into one of repairing the disparity between the marriageable units of the two sexes within it. Left to nature, the much needed parity between the units can be realized only when a couple dies simultaneously. But this is a rare contingency. The husband may die before the wife and create a surplus woman, who must be disposed of, else through intermarriage she will violate the endogamy of the group. In like manner the husband may survive his wife and be a surplus man, whom the group, while it may sympathise with him for the sad bereavement, has to dispose of, else he will marry outside the Caste and will break the endogamy. Thus both the surplus man and the surplus woman constitute a menace to the Caste if not taken care ot, for not finding suitable partners inside their prescribed circle (and left to themselves they cannot find any, for if the matter be not regulated there can only be just enough pairs to go round) very likely they will transgress the boundary, marry outside and import offspring that is foreign to the Caste. Let us see what our imaginary group is likely to do with this surplus man and surplus woman. We will first take up the case of the surplus woman. She can be disposed of in two different ways so as to preserve the endogamy of the Caste. First: burn her on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband and get rid of her. This. however, is rather an impracticable way of solving the problem of sex disparity. In some cases it may work, in others it may not. Consequently every surplus woman cannot thus be disposed of, because it is an easy solution but a hard realization. And so the surplus woman ( = widow), if not disposed of, remains in the group : but in her very existence lies a double danger. She may marry outside the Caste and violate endogamy, or she may marry within the Caste and through competition encroach upon the chances of marriage that must be reserved for the potential brides in the Caste. She is therefore a menace in any case, and something must be done to her if she cannot be burned along with her deceased husband. The second remedy is to enforce widowhood on her for the rest of her life. So far as the objective results are concerned, burning is a better solution than enforcing widowhood. Burning the widow eliminates all the three evils that a surplus woman is fraught with. Being dead and gone she creates no problem of remarriage either inside or outside the Caste. But compulsory widowhood is superior to burning because it is more practicable. Besides being comparatively humane it also guards against the evils of remarriage as does burning: but it fails to guard the morals of the group. No doubt under compulsory widowhood the woman remains, and just because she is deprived of her natural right of being a legitimate wife in future, the incentive to immoral conduct is increased. But

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1917 this is by no means an insuperable difficulty. She can be degraded to a condition in which she is no longer a source of allurement. The problem of surplus man ( widower) is much more important and much more difficult than that of the surplus woman in a group that desires to make itself into a Caste. From time immemorial man as compared with woman has had the upper hand. He is a dominant figure in every group and of the two sexes has greater prestige. With this traditional superiority of man over woman his wishes have always been consulted. Woman, on the other hand, has been an easy prey to all kinds of iniquitous injunctions, religious, social or economic. But man as a maker of injunctions is most often above them all. Such being the case, you cannot accord the same kind of treatment to a surplus man as you can to a surplus woman in a Caste. The project of burning him with his deceased wife is hazardous in two ways: first of all it cannot be done, simply because he is a man. Secondly, if done, a sturdy soul is lost to the Caste. There remain then only two solutions which can conveniently dispose of him. I say conveniently, because he is an asset to the group. Important as he is to the group, endogamy is still more important, and the solution must assure both these ends. Under these circumstances he may be forced, or I should say induced, after the manner of the widow, to remain a widower for the rest of his life. This solution is not altogether difficult, for without any compulsion some are so disposed as to enjoy self-imposed celibacy, or even to take a further step of their own accord and renounce the world and its joys. But, given human nature as it is, this solution can hardly be expected to be realized. On the other hand, as is very likely to be the case, if the surplus man remains in the group as an active participator in group activities, he is a danger to the morals of the group. Looked at from a different point of view celibacy, though easy in cases where it succeeds, is not so advantageous. even then to the material prospects of the Caste. If he observes genuine celibacy and renounces tho world, he would not be a menace to the preservation of Caste endogamy or Caste morals as he undoubtedly would be if he remained a secular person. But as an ascetic celibate he is as good as burned, so far as the material well-being of his Caste is concerned. A Caster in order that it may be large enough to afford a vigorous communal life, must be maintained at a certain numerical strength. But to hope for this and to proclaim celibacy is the same as trying to cure atrophy by bleeding. Imposing celibacy on the surplus man in the group, therefore, fails both theoretically and practically. It is in the interest of the Caste to keep him as a grahastha (one who raises a family), to use a Sanskrit technical term. But the problem is to provide him with a wife from within the Caste. At the outset this is not possible, for the ruling ratio in a caste has to be one man to one woman and none can have two chances of marriage, for in a Caste thoroughly self-enclosed there are always just enough marriageable women to go round for the marriageable men. Under these circumstances the surplug man can be provided with a wife only by recruiting & bride from the ranks of those not yet marriageable in order to tie him down to the group. This is certainly the best of the possible solutions in the case of the surplus man. By this, he is kept within the Caste. By this means numerical depletion through constant outflow is guarded against, and by this endogamy and morals are preserved. It will now be seen that the four means by which numerical disparity between the two sexes is conveniently maintained are: (1) Burning the widow with her deceased

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MAY, 1917) CASTES IN INDIA 87 husband; (2) Compulsory widowhood a milder form of burning ; (3) Imposing celibacy on the widower; (4) Wedding him to a girl not yet marriageable. Though, as I said above, burning the widow and imposing celibacy on the widower are of doubtful service to the group in its endeavour to preserve its endoga my, all of them operate as means. But means, as forces, when liberated or set in motion create an end. What then is the end that these means create? They create and perpetuate endogamy, while caste and endogamy, according to our analysis of the various definitions of caste, are one and the same thing. Thus the existence of these means is identical with caste and caste involves these means. This, in my opinion, is the general mechanism of a caste in a system of castes. Let us now turn from these high generalities to the castes in Hindu society and inquire into their mechanism. I need hardly promise that there are a great many pitfalls in the path of those who try to unfold the past, and caste in India to be sure is a very ancient institution. This is especially true where there exist no authentic or written records, or where the people, like the Hindus, are so constituted that to them writing history is a folly. for the world is an illusion. But institutions do live, though for a long time they may remain unrecorded and as often as not customs and morals are like fossils that tell their. own history. If this is true, our task will be amply rewarded if wo scrutinize the solution the Hindus arrived at to meet the problems of the surplus man and surplus woman. Complex though it be in its general working the Hindu Society, even to & superficial observer, presents three singular uxorial customs, namely (i) Sati or the burning of the widow on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband. (ii) Enforced widowhood by which a widow is not allowed to remarry. (ii) Girl marriage. In addition, one also notes a great hankering after sannyasa (renunciation) on the part of the widower, but this may in some cases be due purely to psychic disposition. So far as I know, no scientific explanation of the origin of these customs is forthcoming even to-day. We have plenty of philosophy to tell us why these customs were honoured, but nothing to tell us the causes of their origin and existence. Sati has been honoured (Cf. A. K. Coomaraswamy, Sati: a Defence of the Eastern Woman in the British Sociological Review, Vol. VI. 1913) because it is a "proof of the perfect unity of body and soul" between husband and wife and of" devotion beyond the grave;" because it embodied the ideal of wifehood, which is well expressed by Uma when she said "Devotion to her Lord is woman's honour, it is her eternal heaven: and O Maheshvara," she adds with a most touching human cry, "I desire not paradise itself if thou art not satisfied with me!" Why compulsory widowhood is honoured I know not, nor have I yet met with any one who sang in praise of it, though there are a great many who adhere to it. The eulogy in honour of girl marriage is reported by Dr. Ketkar to be as follows: "A really faithful man or woman ought not to feel affection for a woman or a man other than the one with whom he or she is united. Such purity is compulsory not only after marriage, but even before marriage, for that is the only correct ideal of chastity. No maiden could be considered pure if she feels love for a man other than the one to whom she might be married. As she does not know to whom she is going to be married, she must not feel affection for any man at all before marriage. If she does so, it is a sin. So it is better for a girl to know whom she has to love, before any sexual consciousness has been awakened in her."3 Hence girl marriage. * History of Caste in India, 1909, pp. 32-33.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1917 This high-flown and ingenious sophistry indicates why these institutions were honoured, but does not tell us why they were practised. My own interpretation is that they were honoured because they were practised. Any one slightly acquainted with rise of individualism in the 18th century will appreciate my remark. At all times, it is the movement that is most important; and the philosophies grow around it long afterwards to justify it and give it a moral support. In like manner I urge that the very fact that these customs were so highly eulogized proves that they needed eulogy for their prevalence. Regarding the question as to why they arose, I submit that they were needed to create the structure of caste and the philosophies in honour of them were intended to popularize them, or to gild the pill, as we might say, for they must have been so abominable and shocking to the moral sense of the unsophisticated that they needed a great deal of sweetening. These customs are essentially of the nature of means, though they are represented as ideals. But this should not blind us from understanding the results that flow from them. One might safely say that idealization of reans is necessary and in this particular case was perhaps motivated to endow them with greater efficacy. Calling a means an end does no harm, except that it disguises its real character; but it does not deprive it of its real nature, that of a means. You may pass a law that all cats are dogs, just as you can call a means an end. But you can no more change the nature of means thereby than you can turn cats into dogs, consequently I am justified in holding that, whether regarded as ends or as means, Sati, enforced widowhood and girl marriage are customs that were primarily intended to solve the problem of the surplus man and surplus woman in a caste and to maintain its endogamy. Strict endogamy could not be preserved without these customs, while caste without endo gamy is a fake. Having explained the mechanism of the creation and preservation of Caste in India. the further question as to its genesis naturally arises. The question of origin is always an annoying question and in the study of Caste it is sadly neglected : some have connived At it. while others have dodged it. Some are puzzled as to whether there could be such a thing as the origin of caste and suggest that "if we cannot control our fondness for the word 'origin', we should better use the plural form, viz., 'origins of caste'." As for myself I do not feel puzzled by the Origin of Caste in India, for, as I have established before, endogamy is the only characteristic of Caste and when I say origin of caste I mean the origin of the mechanism for endogamy. The atomistic conception of individuals in a Society so greatly popularised-I was about to say vulgarized-in political orations is the greatest humbug. To say that individuals make up society is trivial ; society is always composed of classes. It may be an exaggeration to assert the theory of class-conflict, but the existence of definite classes in a society is a fact. Their basis may differ. They may be economic or intellectual or social, but an individual in a society is always & member of a class. This is a universal fact and early Hindu society could not have been an exception to this rule, and, as a matter of fact, we know it was not. If we bear this generalization in mind, our study of the genesis of caste would be very much facilitated, for we have only to determine what was the class that first made itself into a caste, for class and caste, so to say, are next door neighbours, and it is only a span that separates the two. A caste is an enclosed elass. The study of the origin of caste must furnish us with an answer to the question-what is the class that raised this "enclosure" around itself ! The question

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MAY, 1917) CASTES IN INDIA may seem too inquisitorial, but it is pertinent, and an answer to this will serve us to elucidate the mystery of the growth and development of castes all over India. Unfortunately & direct answer to this question is not within my power. I can answer it only indirectly. I said just above that the customs in question were current in the Hindu society. To be true to facts it is necessary to qualify the statement, as it connotes universality of their prevalence. These customs in all their strictness are obtainable only in one caste, namely the Brahmans, who occupy the highest place in the social hierarchy of the Hindu society; and as their prevalence in Non-Brahman castes is derivative their observance is neither strict nor complete This important fact can serve as a basis of an important observation. If the prevalence of these customs in the non-Brahman Castes is derivative, as can be shown very easily, then it needs no argument to prove what class is the father of the institution of caste. Why the Brahman class should have enclosed itself into a caste is a different question, which may be left as an employment for another occasion. But the strict observance of these customs and the social superiority arrogated by the priestly class in all ancient civilizations are sufficient to prove that they were the originators of this "unnatural institution" founded and maintained through these unnatural means. I now come to the third part of my paper regarding the question of the growth and spread of the caste system all over India. The question I have to answer is: How did the institution of caste spread among the rest of the non-Brahman population of the country? The question of the 'spread of the castes all over India has suffered a worse fate than the question of genesis. And the main cause, as it seems to me, is that the two questions of spread and of origin are not separated. This is because of the common belief among scholars that the caste system has either been imposed upon the docile population of India by a law-giver as a divine dispensation, or that it has grown according to some law of social growth peculiar to the Indian people. I first propose to handle the law-giver of India Every country has its law. giver, who arises as an incarnation (avatar) in times of emergency to set right a sinning humarity and give it the laws of justice and morality. Manu, the law-giver of India, if he did exist, was certainly an audacious person. If the story that he gave the law of caste be credited, then Manu must have been a dare-devil fellow and the humanity that accepted his dispensation must be a humanity quite different from the one we are acquainted with. It is unimaginable that the law of caste was given. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that Manu could not have outlived his law, for what is that class that can submit to be degraded to the status of brutes by the pen of a man, and suffer him to raise another class to the pinnacle? Unless he was a tyrant who held all the population in subjection it cannot be imagined that he could have been allowed to dispense his patronage in this grossly unjust manner, as may be easily seen by a mere glance at his" Institute." I may seem hard on Manu, but I am sure my force is not strong enough to kill his ghost. Ho lives, like a disembodied spirit and is appealed to, and I am afraid will yet live long. One thing I want to impress upon you is that Manu did not give the law of Caste and that he could not do so. Caste existed long before Manu. He was an upholder of it and therefore philosophised about it, but certainly he did not and could not ordain the present order of Hindu Society. His work ended with the codification of existing caste rules and the preaching of Caste Dharma. The spread and growth of the Caste syetem is too

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1917 gigantic a task to be achieved by the power or cunning of an individual or of a class. Similar in argument is the theory that the Brahmans created the caste. After what I have said regarding Manu, I need hardly say anything more, except to point out that it is incorrect in thought and malicious in intent. The Brahmans may have been guilty of many things, and I dare say they are, but the imposing of the caste system on the non-Brahman population was beyond their mettle. They may have helped the process by their glib philosophy, but they certainly could not have pushed their scheme beyond their own confines. To fashion society after one's own pattern! How glorious! How hard! One can take pleasure and eulogize its furtherance, but cannot further it very far. The vehemence of my attack may seem to be unnecessary: but I can assure you that it is not uncalled for. There is a strong belief in the mind of orthodox Hindus that the Hindu Society was somehow moulded into the frame work of the Caste System, and that it is an organization consciously created by the Shastras. Not only does this belief exist, but it is being justified on the ground that it cannot but be good, because it is ordained by the Shastras and the Shastras cannot be wrong. I have urged so much on the adverse side of this attitude, not because the religious sanctity is grounded on scientific basis, nor to help those reformers who are preaching against it. Preaching did not make the caste system, neither will it unmake it. My aim is to show the falsity of the attitude that has exalted religious sanction to the position of a scientific explanation. Thus the great man theory does not help us very far in solving the spread of castes in India. Western scholars, probably not much given to hero-worship, have attempted other explanations. The nuclei, round which have "formed" the various castes in India, are, according to them:-(1) occupation; (2) survivals of tribal organizations, etc.; (3) the rise of new belief; (4) cross-breeding and (5) migration. The question may be asked whether these nuclei do not exist in other societies and whether they are peculiar to India. If they are not peculiar to India, but are common to the world, why is it that they did not "form" caste on other parts of this planet? Is it because those parts are holier than the land of the Vedas, or that the professors are mistaken? I am afraid that the latter is the truth. Inspite of the high theoretic value claimed by the several authors for their respe- tive theories, based on one or other of the above nuclei, one regrets to say that on close examination they are nothing nore than filling illustrations-what Matthew Arnold means by "the grand name without the grand thing in it." Such are the various theories of caste advanced by Sir Denzil Ibbetson, Mr. Nesfield, M. Senart and Sir H. Risley. To criticise them in a lump would be to say that they are a disguised form of the Petitio Principi of formal logic. To illustrate: Mr. Nesfield says that "function and function only . . was the foundation upon which the whole system of castes in India was built up." But he may rightly be reminded that he does not very much advance our thought by making the above statement, which practically amounts to saying that castes in India are functional or occupational, which is a very poor discovery! We have yet to know from Mr. Nesfield why is it that an occupational group turned into an occupational caste? I would very cheerfully have undertaken the task of dwelling on the *

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MAY, 1917) CASTES IN INDIA theories of other ethnologists, had it not been for the fact that Mr. Nesfield's is a typical one. Without stopping to criticize those theories that explain the caste system as a natural phenomenon occurring in obedience to the law of disintegration, as explained by Herbert Spencer in his formula of evolution, or as natural as "the structural differentiation within an organism"--to employ the phraseology of orthodox apologists-,or as an early attempt to test the laws of eugenics--as all belonging to the same class of fallacy which regards the casto system as inevitable, or as being consciously imposed in anticipation of these laws on a helpless and humble population, I will now lay before you my own view on the subject. We shall be well advised to recall at the outset that the Hindu society, in common with other societies, was composed of classes and the earliest known are the (1) Brahmans or the priestly class : (2) the Kshatriya, or the military class : (3) the Vaisya, or the merchant class: and (4) the Sudra, or the artisan and menial class. Particular attention has to be paid to the fact that this was essentially a class system, in which individuals, when qualified, could change their class, and therefore classes did change their personnel. At some time in the history of the Hindus, the priestly class socially detached itself from the rest of the body of people and through a closed-door poiicy became a caste by itself. The other classes being subject to the law of social division of labour underwent differentiation, some into large, others into very minute groups. The Vaisya and Sudra classes were the original inchoate plasm, which formed the sources of the numerous castes of to-day. As the military occupation does not very easily lend itself to very minute sub-division, the Kshatriya class could have differentiated into soldiers and administrators. This sub-division of a society is quite natural. But the unnatural thing about these sub-divisions is that they have lost the open door character of the class system and have become self-enclosed units called castes. The question is, were they compelled to close their doors and become endogamous, or did they close them of their own accord ? I gubmit that there is a double line of answer: Some closed the door: others found it closed against them. The one is a psychological interpretation and the other is mechanistic, but they are complementary and both are necessary to explain the phenomena of casteformation in its entirety. I will first take up the psychological interpretation. The question we have to answer in this connection is: Why did these sub-divisions or classes, if you please, industrial, religious or otherwise, become self-enclosed or endogamous ? My answer is because the Brahmans were 80. Endogamy, or the closed-door system, was a fashion in the Hindu Society, and as it had originated from the Brahman caste it was whole-heartedly imitated by all the non-Brahman sub-divisions or classes, who, in their turn, became endogamous castes. It is "the infection of imitation" that caught all these sub-divisions on their onward march of differentiation and has turned them into castes. The propensity to imitate is a deepseated one in the human mind and need not be deemed an inadequate explanation for the formation of the various castes in India. It is so deep-seated that Walter Bagehot argues that "we must not think of .. imitation as voluntary, or even conscious. On the contrary it has its seat mainly in very obscure parts of the mind, whose potions, so far from being consciously produced, are hardly felt to exist ; so far from being conceived beforehand, are not even felt at the time. The main seat of the imitative part of our nature is our belief, and the causes predisposing us to believe this or disinclining us to believe that are among the obscurest parts of our nature. But as to the imitative natur

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1917 of credulity there can be no doubt." This propensity to imitate has been made the subject of a scientific study by Gabriel Tarde, who lays down three laws of imitation. One of his three laws is that imitation flows from the higher to the lower or, to quote his own words, "Given the opportunity, a nobility will always and everywhere imitate its leaders, its kings or sovereigns, and the people likewise, given the opportunity, its nobility."5 Another of Tarde's laws of imitation is: that the extent or intensity of imitation varies inversely in proportion to distance, or in his own words "the thing that is most imitated is the most superior one of those that are nearest. In fact, the influence of the model's example is efficacious inversely to its distance as well as directly to its superiority. Distance is understood here in its sociological meaning. However distant in space a stranger may be, he is close by, from this point of view, if we have numerous and daily relations with him and if we have every facility to satisfy our desire to imitate him. This law of the imitation of the nearest, of the least distant, explains the gri. and consecutive character of the spread of an example that has been set by the higher social ranks." In order to prove my thesis-which really needs no proof-that some castes were formed by imitation, the best way, it seems to me, is to find out whether or not the vital conditions for the formation of castes by imitation exist in the Hindu Society. The conditions for imitation, according to this standard authority are: (1) That the source of imitation must enjoy prestige in the group and (2) that there must be "numerous and daily relations" among members of a group. That these conditions were present in India there is little reason to doubt. The Brahman is a semi-god and very nearly a demi-god. He sets up a mode and moulds the rest. His prestige is unquestionable and is the fountain-head of bliss and good. Can such a being, idolised by Scriptures and venerated by the priestridden multitude, fail to project his personality on the suppliant humanity? Why, if the story be true, he is believed to be the very end of creation. Such a creature is worthy of more than mere imitation, but at least of imitation; and if he lives in an endogamous enclosure, should not the rest follow his example? Frail humanity! Be it embodied in a grave philosopher or a frivolous housemaid, it succumbs. It cannot be otherwise. Imitation is easy and invention is difficult. Yet another way of demonstrating the play of imitation in the formation of castes is to understand the attitude of non-Brahman classes towards those customs which supported the structure of caste in its nascent days until, in the course of history, it became embedded in the Hindu mind and hangs there to this day without any supportfor now it needs no prop but belief-like a weed on the surface of a pond. In a way, but only in a way, the status of a caste in the Hindu Society varies directly with the extent of the observance of the customs of sati, enforced widowhood, and girl marriage. But observance of these customs varies directly with the distance (I am using the word in the Tardian sense) that separates the caste. Those castes that are nearest to the Brahmans have imitated all the three customs and insist on the strict observance thereof. Those that are less near have imitated enforced widowhood and girl marriage; others, a little further off, have only girl marriage, and those furthest off have imitated only the belief in the caste principle. This imperfect imitation, I dare say, is due partly to what Tarde calls "distance" and partly to the barbarous character of these customs. This 4 Physics and Politics 1915, p. 60. 5 Laws of Imitation, Tr. by E. C. Parsons, 2nd ed. p. 217. Ibid. p. 224.

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MAY, 1917) CASTES IN INDIA 93 phenomenon is a complete illustration of Tarde's law and leaves no doubt that the whole process of caste-formation in India is a process of imitation of the higher by the lower. At this juncture I will turn back to support a former conclusiou of mine, which might have appeared to you as too sudden or unsupported. I said that the Brahman class first raised the structure of caste by the help of those three customs in question. My reason for that conclusion was that their existence in other classes was derivative. After what I have said regarding the role of imitation in the spread of these customs among the non-Brahman castes, as means or as ideals, though the imitators have not been aware of it, they exist among them as derivatives; and, if they are derived, there must have been prevalent one original caste that was high enough to have served as a pattern for the rest. But in a theocratic society, who could be the pattern but the servant of God? This completes the story of those that were weak enough to close their doors. Let us now see how others were closed in as a result of being closed out. This I call the mechanistic process of the formation of caste. It is mechanistic because it is inevitable. That this line of approach, as well as the psychological one, to the explanation of the subject has escaped my predecessors is entirely due to the fact that they have conceived Caste as a unit by itself and not as one within a System of Caste. The result of this oversight or lack of sight has been very detrimental to the proper understanding of the subject matter and therefore its correct explanation. I will proceed to offer my own explanation by making one remark which I will urge you to bear constantly in mind. It is this: that casto in the singular number is an unreality. Castes exist only in the plural number. There is no such thing as a caste: there are always castes. To illustrate my meaning: while making themselves into a caste, the Brahmans, by virtue of this, created a nonBrahman oaste; or, to express it in my own way, while closing themselves in they closed others out. I will clear my point by taking another illustration. Take India as a whole with its various communities designated by the various creeds to which they owe allegiance, to wit, the Hindus, Muhammadans, Jews, Christians and Parsis. Now, barring the Hindus, the rest within themselves are non-caste communities. But with respect to each other they are castes. Again, if the first four enclose themselves, the Parsis are directly closed out, but are indirectly closed in. Symbolically, if group A, wants to be ondogamous, group B. has to be so by sheer force of circumstances. Now apply the same logic to the Hindu society and you have another explanation of the "fissiparous" character of caste, as a consequence of the virtue of self-duplication that is inherent in it. Any innovation that seriously antagonises the ethical, religious and social code of the Caste is not likely to be tolerated by the Caste, and the recalcitrant members of a Caste are in danger of being thrown out of the Caste, and left to their own fate without having the alternative of being admitted into or absorbed by other Castes.' Caste rules are inexorable and they do not wait to make nice distinctions between kinds of offence. Innovation may be of any kind, but all kinds will suffer the same penalty. A novel way of thinking will create a new Caste for the old ones will not tolerate it. The noxious thinker respectfully called Guru (Prophet) suffers the same fate as the sinners in illegitimate love. The former creates a caste of the nature of a religious sect and the latter a type of mixed caste. Castes have no mercy for a sinner who has the courage to violate the code. The penalty is excommunication and the result is a new caste. It is not peculiar Hindu psychology that induces the excommunicated to form themselves into a caste: far from it. On the contrary, very often they have been quite

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1917 willing to be humble members of some caste (higher by preference) if they could be admitted within its fold. But castos are enclosed units and it is their conspiracy with clear conscience that compels the excommunicated to make themselves into a caste. The logic of this obdurate circumstance is merciless, and it is in obedience to its force that some unfortunate groups find themselves enclosed, because others in enolosing, themselves have closed them out, with the result that new groups (formed on any basis obnoxious to the caste rules) by & mechanical law are constantly being converted into castes to a bewildering multiplicity. Thus is told the second tale in the process of Caste formation in India. Now to summarise the main points of my thesis. In my opinion there have been several mistakes committed by the students of Caste, which have misled them in their investigations. European students of Caste have unduly emphasised i ho role of colour in the caste-system. Themselves impregnated by colour prejudices, they very readily imagined it to be the chief factor in the Caste problem. But nothing can be farther from the truth, and Dr. Ketkar is correct when he insists that "All the princes whether they belonged to the so-called Aryan race, or the so-called Dravidian race, were Aryas. Whether & tribe or a family was racially Aryan or Dravidian was a question which never troubled the people of India, until foreign scholars came in and began to draw the line. The colour of the skin had long ceased to be a matter of importance."7 Again, they have mistaken mere descriptions for explanation and fought over them as though they were theories of origin. There are occupational, religious, etc. castes, it is true, but it is by no means an explanation of the origin of Caste. We have yet to find out why occupational groups are castes; but this question has never even been raised. Lastly they have taken Caste very lightly as though a breath had made it. On the contrary, Caste, as I have explained it, is almost impossible to be sustained: for the difficulties that it involves are tremendous. It is true that Caste rests on belief, but before belief comes to be the foundation of an institution, the institution itself needs to be perpetuated and fortified. My study of the Caste problem involves four main points: (1) That in spite of the composite make-up of the Hindu population, there is a deep cultural unity. (2) That Caste is & parcelling into bits of a larger cultural unit. (3) That there was one Caste to start with. (4) That classes have become Castes through imitation and excommuni. cation. Peculiar interest attaches to the problem of Caste in India to-day, as persistent attempts are being made to do away with this unnatural institution. Such attempts at reform, however, have aroused a great deal of controversy regarding its origin, as to whether it is due to the conscious command of a Supreme Authority, or is an unconscious growth in the life of a human society under peculiar circumstances. Those who hold the latter view will, I hope, find some food for thought in the standpoint adopted in this paper. Apart from its practical importance the subject of Caste is an all absorbing problem and the interest aroused in me regarding its theoretic foundations has moved me to put before you some of the conclusions, which seem to me well founded, and the grounds upon which they may be supported. I am not, however, 80 presumptuous as to think them in any way final, or anything more than a contribution to a discussion of the subject. It seems to me that the car has been shunted on wrong lines, and the primary object of the paper is to indicate what I regard to be the right path of investigation, with a view to arrive at a serviceable truth. We must, however, guard against approaching the subject with a bias. History of Caste p. 82.

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MAY, 1917] Sentiment must be outlawed from the domain of science and things should be judged from an objective standpoint. For myself I shall find as much pleasure in a positive destruction of my own idealogy, as in a rational disagreement on a topic, which, notwithstanding many learned disquisitions is likely to remain controversial for ever. To conclude, while I am ambitious to advance a.Theory of Caste, if it can be shown to be untenable I shall be equally willing to give it up. SOME REMARKS SUPPLEMENTING THE MANUSMRITI 95 SOME REMARKS SUPPLEMENTING "THE MANUSMRITI IN THE LIGHT OF SOME RECENTLY PUBLISHED TEXTS"1. BY HIRALAL AMRITLAL SHAH, Esq., BOMBAY. In the Mahabharata, (Bombay University ed. 1914), Dronap VII. 1 (p. 283), Dronacharya speaks of his qualifications as a general before the Kauravas gathered together to elect a generalissimo in the place of Bhishma. He tells us: 'vedaM SaDaGga vedAhamarthavidyAM ca mAnavIm trayambakamayeSvastraM za(bha) strANi vividhAni ca // " "I know the Vedas with their six branches (of sciences), the Arthavidya of Manu, the science of discharging the arrows presided over by Siva, and various other sastras (weapons)." This passage of the Mahabharata may help us in concluding that there must be, or, at least, have been, a great book on politics and military affairs composed by Manu. It may form an independent treatise, or it may form a large section in the Manavadharmasastra. In the Arthasdstra of Kautilya (Mysore, Bibliotheca Sanskrita No. 37), we find in its latter portion, consisting of about two hundred pages, Chanakya's thoughts on, and the rules worked out for, military purposes. When we compare the portion of the Arthasdstra of Kautilya with what is said in the Manusmriti, ch. VII, we discover a vast difference between the two. The Manusmriti enunciates only general principles of warfare. We cannot think that the study of these verses of the seventh chapter will ever qualify a man for the command of a big army, or entitle him to boast of his proficiency in military matters. Hence, we think, that the "Manave Arthavidya" must be on a scale similar to that of the Arthasastra of Kautilya and, that Manusmriti VII is an abridgment of the rules therein. Perhaps some may take the term "sruffaria" in other senses than we have taken it. It might be translated as the "Arthavidya of human beings." There is no particular reason to prefer this translation, because Drogacharya has not spoken of any science or vidya belonging to some other (say, heavenly) beings. Believing then that the Arthasdstra of Manu is referred to by Dronacharya, we would point out here one or two confirmations of this conclusion. Some of the quotations, standing against the name of the followers of Manu ("fa ") in the Arthasastra of Kautilya, cannot be traced to the present Manusmriti. May it not be that they are to be found in the Dharmaidstra (or perhaps in the Dharmasutras) of Manu which yet lies somewhere hidden away unprinted? Narada and Brihaspati claim allegiance to Manu. They differ much from the Manusmriti. Hence it may be that the source of some of their rules may prove to be the Dharmasastra of Manu, which may include also the Arthavidya, proudly mentioned by Dronacharya before the Kaurava warriors. Ante, Vol. XLV., pp. 112-115; 125-129.

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96 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1917 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA, BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 78.) The usurpation of Rustam Khan. In the midst of all this danger and distress, Chokkanatha behaved like a fool and a weakling. He employed his time in the reading of the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and other sacred books. He ignored the duties and responsibilities of royalty and became for all intents and purposes, a recluse. Either his recklessness and incapacity or the discontent10 of his ministers led to the entrusting of the administration in the hands of his brother Muttu Alakadri. Alakadri, however, was an incompetent man. He had at the same time a fatal proneness to the company of doubtful persons and dangerous favourites. He raised to power and prominence a Muhammadan, Rustam Khan'l by name, who had entered his service under vircumstances of dire poverty. Entrusting all the affairs of admi. nistration in his hands, Muttu Alakadri, like his brother, spent his time in culpable indolence or active oppression; and Rustam paid his master's generosity with treachery. A sudden access to power, instead of gratifying his desires, increased his ambition, and aimed at the mastery and possession of the kingdom. He first strengthened himself by inviting and engaging a number of Muhammadans, on whose faith he could thoroughly rely, in the service of the State. The fort of Trichinopoly came in this way to be guarded by his men. He then boldly demanded the withdrawal of his benefactor from his kingdom or his death. The timidity of Muttu Alakadri yielded to the Musalman's threat, and he became an exile at Negapatam. Rustam Khan then confined the king within the palace, treated him with indignity, and for two years exercised the full duties of royalty,-not sparing even the honour of the harem ladies, many of whom preferred death to shame. The downfall of Rustam. Thus it was that, while Trichinopoly was at the mercy of exultant foreigners at its gates, its internal condition was most miserable and deplorable. The king was a prisoner, his brother an exile, and the city the property of Rustam Khan. At a moment when union and efficiency was needed, it was distracted and weakened by internal broils and jealousies. Affairs would have become still worse, but for the loyalty of the Dalavai. Govindappaiya, the Polygars, and Kilavan Setupati. The Dalavai organised a strong Hindu party for the restoration of the king. The means he adopted were ingenious. He sent a secret message to Chinna Kadir Naik, the chief of Kannivadi,12 and the Setupati 10 The Telugu Mackenzie MS. Record of the affairs of Carn. Gours., says that Chokkanatha directed his brother to manage affairs, himself being employed in religious pursuits. Nelson, however, says that the deplorable weakness of Chokkanatha led to the discontent of the ministers, his deposition, and the entrusting of the administration in the hands of Muttu Alakadri. The one version thus makes Alakadri the friend of his brother, while the other his rival and opponent. For an inscription of Muttu Alakadri see ante. Unfortunately it sheds no light on the relation between the brothers, but from the fact that, it does not mention Chokkanatha, while it mentions Sri Ranga Raya as his suzerain, it can perhaps be inferred that he was a rebel and not regent. 11 According to the Hist. of the Oamn. Dyn., which does not mention the name of Alakadri at all. it was Chokkanatha that raised him to position and wealth. 12 See the genealogy of Appaiya Naik of Kanniv&di.

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MAY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA asking them to come to Trichinopoly. On their arrival" he related the condition of the king and the cause of thoir summons, and proposed that next day they should come at the head of a well-armed section of their troops to the revenue office with a view to seizing the person of the obnoxious Muhammadan. The next day the chiefs and their retinue appeared at the gates of the office. Rustam Khan's suspicion was aroused, and he inquired into the reasons of the unusual procedure. GSvinda ppaiya, however, answered that they were coming, in accordance with procedents, for the settlement of the revenues, but in secret gave the sig for attack, Two thousan l musket-shots, then, assailed the Muhammadan and his men, and put an end to their existence before they could hardly recover from their gurprise. T.10 Din ligul Polygar carried the welcome news to the king, but he refused to come out, unless ho saw with his own oyes the head of the traitor. "Chinna Kadir replied that it was not possible to bring it, as Rustam's body could not be distinguished from those of his compaions; but the king persisted in his desire, asserting that the discovery was easy enough from a mark in the adventurer's ear. The body was then discovered and the head being placed bofore Chok karat.a, he emerged from the palace and once again assumed the charge of affairs. His first act was to recall his brother from Negapatam. The Mysorean and Maratha incursions. But the rolio of Chokkanatha from domestic enemies did not give him relief from his foreign enemies. The Marathas and the Mysoreans had by this time overthrown the whole of the Malura king lom. They nov, in 16X2, encompassed Trichinopoly. Chokkanatha trid to adopt a wise policy of diplomacy and intrigue, to foment their disunion and cause third struction. With this view he entered into negotiations with the lieutenant of Santoji agains: Mysore. It was, as the immediate result showed, a wise act. The Maratha general encountered tho forces of Kumara Raya, defeated them with great slaughter, ca tured Kumara Raya himself, and conquered the whole kingdom, except Madura. Even Madura he would have taken but for the assistance which the Mara vas rendered to the other party. 13 Choklanat.. a rejoiced at Lis ally's success; he expected that, in return for his alliance and assistance, he would get back his possessions. But he was mistaken. The Maratha's selfishness blinded him to the obligation of treaty, and instead of restoring the kingdom to Chokkanatha, he seized it himself. The military occupation of the Marathas was a disaster to the pooplo of the unfortunate kingdom. The death of Chokkanatha. It was a blow from which Chokkanatha never recovered. The cup of his grief was now full. Friendless and powerless, shut up at Trichinopoly, he became a prey to despair and melancholy. Even the Setupati, who had rescued him from the obnoxious Rustam, became a passive traitor. He, indeed, did not openly join the Marathas and Mysoreans against his master. Nevertheless, he was present in the seat of war, and while freely collecting booty, did not raise his finger on behalf of his suzerain. It is not improbable 3 Nelson gives a different account. He says that the Mysoreans under Kumara Raya were then begieging Trichinopoly: that Rustam made a sally and attacked him, but was defeated; and that when he was returning to the city with a few followers, Chokkanatha's friends (Setupati, etc.) fell upon them and cut them down to a man. 14 The Maravas were the enemies of both the combatants and would have gladly taken the city for themselves; but as it was, they had, in consequence of their inabilty to take it, to join that party which was likely to prove the most amenable neighbour to them; and they thought Mysore was compara. tively the better,

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1917 that in the low state to which Chokkanatha's fortunes had been reduced, the Setupati saw the practical extinction of the Madura kingdom, and felt the restoration of its ancient yreatness to be a forlorn hope, and therefore thought of his own security, and assumed an air of is difference. It is also possible that his non-interference was the consequence of his inability, for between 1678 and 1685 his country was ruined by a dreadful famine, which made many people leave the dead on the banks of rivers,16 In any case Chokkanatha lost the support of his most resourceful vassal at the most critical inoment. The kingdom, he now realised, was beyond recovery, and the sense of its loss was so hoon as to break his heart and end his days in a few weeks. The cause of the failure. Such was the tragic conclusion of the reign of Chokkanatha. An impartial examination of his reign shews that his failure was essentially the result of his character. Unfortunate in coming to the throne at a very young age, and unfortunate in his servants and ministers, Chokkanatha was, indeed, to a large extent a fate's failure; but he had for his greatest enemy, himself. His vanity and pride involved him in wars, which wisdom would have avoided. All bis misfortunes can be traced to the illfated Tanjore invasion, and that was caused by his quickness to take offence, his oversensitiveness to an old man's words. Chokkanatha was, further, a creature of moods. To-day he would act with commendablo vigour, to-morrow he would lead a life of culpable indolence. Essentially a weak man, he was not fit for an age of storm and stress. The wild Maratha was carrying everything before him and even strong kings trembled at his name. The greedy Mysorean was not far behind in search of prey and profit. Within the kingdom itself there was, thanks to an inefficient central government, restlessness and sedition among its vassals. And yet at such a time, Chokkana tha forsook politics for religion and the sword for the altar. No wonder he became the tool of his own destruction, and the destruction of his kingdom. NOTES ON THE TANJORE-MADURA AFFAIRS BETWEEN 1675 AND 1680. Wilson's version of the events between 1675 and 1680, based most probably on one of the MSS., which is unfortunately not available, is very different from that which has been given above, and is plainly inaccurate. He says that Sengamala Das, the Tanjore prince, escaped from Trichinopoly with the aid of Rustam Khan "who had been a favourite of Chokkanatha and who commanded the garrison under the orders of Mudala Rudra Nayak (Alakadri Naik), the brother of Chokkanatha, an extravagant and indolent prince who lavished on his personal gratification the sums destined for the pay of the troope." The army had become discontented, and Rustam took advantage of this to become the master of Trichinopoly. It was now that Sengamala Das was allowed to escape. He proceeded to Jingi and asked its king, Ekoji, to advance against Madura. The latter soon came near Srirangam. At the same time the Raja of Mysore encroached in the west. Chokkanatha's position was thus very precarious. His kingdom was attacked on one side by Ekoji and on the other by Mysore, the latter being so powerful 16 Chandler.

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MAY, 1917] . THE HISTORY OF THE NAK KINGDJ 07 MADURA 99 as to capture Madura itself and occupy it for three years. The internal government was a chaos owing to Rustam Khan. Unable to maintain the shadow of his power, Chokkanatha tried negotiations in despair. He first succeeded in purchasing the return of the Mysoreans by surrendering Erode and Dharapuram to them. He then, with Kilavan Setupati's help, dispersed the troops of Sengamala Das, and re-occupied Tanjore. He finally recovered Trichinopoly from Rustam Khan, who lost his life in the defence. The Raja of Jingi retreated to his dominions, and Chokkanatha was thus able to be in the tranquil possession of the patrimonial possessions. But he was soon destined to lose his acquisition of Tanjore. For the fugitive prince, Sengamala Das, had recourse to Ekoji, who was then at Bangalore under the nominal authority of Bijapur. Ho readily agreed to undertake his restoration. The confederates marched to Tanjore and expelled the Madura forces. But Ekoji usurpad the throne, and forth with entered into a confederacy with his late enemy Chokkanatha against Sivaji. All this took place between 1675 and 1680. The Bhosalaprata pam, says Wilson, gives a different account. It says that the Prince of Trichinopoly applied to Shahji for assistance against Vijaya Raghava of Tanjore, that Shahji helped him in the overthrow of Vijaya Raghava and the capture of Tanjore; and that he then expelled his ally and seized the kingdom. He left it then under his son Ekoji. SECTION III. THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY IN THIS REIGN. A word may be said about the progress of Christianity in this reign. The organization of the dioceses and the activities of the Pandaram and Sanyasi missionaries, had very percep:ible effect, and brought thousands of people into the Christian fold. By 1677, for instance, the Naik capital itself had as many as 2000 Christians. It is said that, about 1650, the Christians were, according to the Governor of Trichinopoly, "everywhere and could not be counted." In 1676 Father Frere wrote that the Christians of Tanjore were numerous enough to emigrate to Ceylon and Malacca. In Tanjore the Pariah Christians had the full control of the royal elephants and horses, and were so far advanced as to organize a strike and compel the authorities to treat them better. Christianity17 flourished even more in Madura and boasted of recruits from all olasses of the population,-Brahmans, weavers of rank and wealth, salt merchants, and blacksmiths, the Pariahs, Pallans, Paravas and mendicants of all castes. This enormous increase in the Christian population naturally gave rise to persecution in various places. The historian will always note the commendable spirit of toleration which distinguished Hindu kings in general ; but it was not always the case. There were not lacking, even in the most liberal age, chiefs and officers that resorted to persecution. In Trichinopoly, for instance, the governor, the chief civil authority of the province, was a determined opponent and persecutor of the Christians, and countenanced an important official under him, the chief of the customs, a Valaiyan by caste, to lead with impunity an anti-Christian crusade. The animosity of this officer, however, was due as much to economic as to religious reasons. He imagined that the Christians were exceedingly rich, and incited some of his own relations, who had been living in poverty in the neighbourhood of the Church at Trichinopoly, to plunder it. Proenza, the missionary Pandaram then in charge, got a warning of the impending attack and escaped to Kandalur. The raiders found 17 Manucci, writing about 1700, says that there were more than 100 churches under the Jesuit mission," and the Christians were increasing in number. Storia do Mogor III, 106.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1917 nothing to gratify their avarice. When Proenza subsequently returned, they accused him of soroery and of having caused a Valaiyan to be possessed, and the governor ordered his arrest. The persecution and trial of Proenza, Proenza once again made his escape, but not to a place outside Trichinopoly. He went to the Naik commander of the army, a man of broad mind and kindly nature, whose friendly attitude to the Christian religion was well known. The general, an uncle of the king at Madura and therefore a person of great influence in the Court and council, gave refuge to Proenza, and at his instigation induced the governor to order a public trial, so that the preacher could prove his innocence to the world. It was a plausible request, and the governor appointed judges. These however were his tools and decided that the accuration of the Valaiyans was right. The general however refused to recognize the sham trial and sent men to his nephew to inform him of the event. The governor also sent his decision. The Da a vai-Pradhani at Madura thereupon ordered a retrial of the case, and at the same time expressed a desire to see a record of the evidence. The result was, that the evidence of the Valaiyan was found to be of no value and Proenza was acquitted. Other missionaries of the period. The Christians had many similar annoyances; but opposition gave them strength and increased their numbers. In all this they had to thank their leaders, Aroclini and Proenza in Trichinopoly, Stephen and De Silva in Madura, De Costa and Alwarez in Tanjore, Frere and others in the East Coast. Alwarez, who died in June 1664, after 21 years of glorious service, was a fit successor of De Nobilis and Martins. Proenza, an Italian of Lombardy, was an equally great man. Historically he occupies a more conspicuous place, as it was around him the court intrigues in Trichinopoly were very active. Indifferent to personal violence and physical suffering he used to make long excursions north of Trichinopoly for the sake of the Pariahs, the special objects of his solicitude, in one of which excursions he died of sheer exhaustion. Between 1670 and 1680 the work of the mission declined in the Western region in Satyamangalam, while it increased in activity in the Coromandel coast from Jingi to Ramnad. The progress in the northern part of the region, in the basin of the Coleroon, was due to the untiring labours of Father Frere, and in the southern part to the labours of the singularly remarkable saint and sage, who came to Madura as the head of the mission. This was the celebrated John de Britto, a sage, who as a preacher and servant of God, was perhaps greater, certainly purer, than Da Nobilis himself. Jean de Britto. Jean de Britto was born at Lisbon of illustrious parents in March 1647. His father Don Pereyra was a favourite of the Duke of Braganza, later on king, then governor of Rio de Janeiro. His mother Donra Beatrix, was a highborn woman of a lively intellect and religious bent of mind. De Britto shewed the spirit of a saint and a martyr even in his youth, when he was under the instruction of the Jesuits. So serious and solemn be was in his studies that his companions called him a martyr, little dreaming that the aristocratic child was after all destined to die thousands of miles away amidst a sturdy and higoted race, for the sake of Christ and the Cross. In December 1662, De Britto bocame, in spite of the dissuasions of the Infanta whose companion and playmate he was and of the queen-regent, a member of the society of Jesus; and after eleven years of

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MAY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 101 close study and serious preparation, chose South India, the scene of the labours of his cherished hero, Xavier, for his own scene of labours. In 1673 he came to Goa and from there, after the completion of his theological studies, attached himself to the Madura Mission, From the moment of De Britto's entrance into Madura he began to experience the trials and pangs of a martyr. Rarely indeed has it fallen to the lot of any other missionary in India such a lot as befell him. Before his advent the city of Madura alone had been a centre of Christian activity. The neighbouring villages had been free from it. The advent of De Britto ruffled, in the eyes of his adversaries, this tranquillity of the religious atmosphere and gave rise to a period of storm and excitement. The priests and leaders of Hinduism regarded his intrusion with alarm and set aflame the torch of persecution. The footsteps of the missionary began to be dogged more by his opponents than by his followers, and the voice of his sermon was drowned by the lamentations of his disciples and the exultant cries of his persecutors. On one occasion, while he was at a village near Madura, he was assailed, put in chains, and tortured. Twice the ominous aye was brought, and the calm bearing, the uncomplaining resignation of the pious victim alone unnerved the arm and overcame the zeal of the executioner. De Britto's object, however, was not to work in the vicinity of Madura. He longed to carry the light of his faith to the land of the Maravas, where, he understood, the religion of Christ had not been preached for a long time. The reception accorded to him here was, if possible, more cruel. The Maravas, fierce in valour and fiercer in prejudice, differed indeed in many respects from the orthodox Hindus, but they were Hindus all the same. Fondly attached to their cree 1, they regarded with hatred those who dared to revile the god who, in their legendary history, had blessed their land and given it his name. Their glory, their tradition, their very life was bound up with the law of Rama. They were Rama's men, his chosen people,-their great pride was in declaring and cherishing the belief in it. To such a race, the preachings of the new missionary were singularly obnoxious. To see Rama denounced and dethroned, to hear his divinity questioned and his greatness belittled was, in their eyes, not only a wanton insult on their nation, but a crime the enormity of which they could not sufficiently condemn. It is not surprising therefore that De Britto had every opportunity of becoming a martyr. The leader of the anti-Christian movement was a Marava general, one of the most influmtial men in the land. Endowed more with religious zeal than martial valour, this pious soldier followed De Britto in all his movements, and subjected him, through his agents, to a crowd of troubles and difficulties. In the vicinity of Sivaganga, whither De Britto had gone, he was seized and taken to the presence of the Setupati. On the way, he was treated with a singular cruelty. Fettered and tortured he was kept bound, for the space of two days, bound to the stumps of trees. Cords were attached to his frame and he was frequently dipped into a tank. Brought before the important shrine of Kalayar Koil, he was suspended to a tree by cords fastened to his feet and hands so that he could look with repentance on the god whose name had had reviled. He was confined in a dark dungeon for eleven days and given meagre food. Suffering, however, gave a new strength and a new enthusiasm to Da Britto. The great object of his life was, as has been already mentioned, to get the name of a martyr, to die for the sake of the Cross. The ultimate goal of his ambition was to be ranked with the saints and martyrs of early and medieval Christianity. He

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1917 therefore provoked persecution and excited fanaticism. It is not surprising that when subsequently he was taken to a Siva temple north of Kalayar Koil and asked to invoke the name of Siva, he refused, and was kicked and struck by the Hindu general. It was further resolved by his persecutors to deprive him of one of his hands and feet and then to impale. But the resolution was not carried out, though the followers of the missionary were mutilated by the loss of one foot, one hand, the ears, nose and tongue, and sent back to the homes which they had deserted. De Britto was then flogged and cast on an uneven rock and trampled by a number of men so that his body, pierced through and through, was in a welter of blood. These oppressions over, the missionary was taken to the Setupati's capital and confined first in a stable and thon in a cell for twenty days. At the end of this period he was brought to the presence of the Setupati, and the latter after hearing the accusations against him and perhaps also his tale of woe, set him at liberty forbidding him, however, on pain of death, to continue his tirade against idolworship and polygamy. The divine patience of De Britto gained the admiration of the Father Provincial. Embracing the noble martyr with heart-felt affection, he pronounced his resolve to send him to the mother-country to select, in person, a number of men who could accompany him and share his trials. Early in 1688 De Britto, in consequence, left India and reached Lisbon at the end of the year. Honoured by prince and peasant, in the Court and in the country, the pious man of God, clad in Indian costume, was deservedly the picturesque cynosure of the pious section of his countrymen. People high and low, rich and poor, flocked to see the man, who had been born among princes of the proudest nation and who had chosen to suffer for the dark millions of a distant land; who might have graced the richest chambers of a palace, but who had prefered the cell of an Indian hut; who might have enjoyed every luxury, but who had chosen a life of abstinence entirely innocent of wine; who might have abone as a statesman or diplomatist figuring in the Courts of Europe, but who had chosen to be a wandering mendicant, to be flogged by Indian fanatics and persecuted by Indian princes. De Britto soon returned to the scene of his labours and redoubled them among the people; and his industry was rewarded with a great conquest. One Tadia Tevan, a near relation of the Setupati and a man whose chance of ascending the gadi itself was not too remote, sacrificed all his chances for the sake of conviction and embraced the Christian religion. He met, however, a great obstacle in his fifth wife, a relative of the Setupati, who, unlike her three elder co-wives, refused to sacrifice her wifehood for the money he offered,- for the acceptance of Christianity made it necessary for Tanda Tevan to become a monogamist. The highborn lady engaged the most orthodox to dissuade her husband and tried, but in vain, every means. She then carried her grievance to the Setupati. The Marava world had been shocked by the invasion of the palace itself by the alien creed ; and Kilavan telt himself bound to move with public opinion and pacify publio agitation, by taking steps against the missionary. Orders were given to burn the church and arrest the preachers. De Britto was arrested and taken in fetters to the Setupati's capital. Compelled to run behind the horses, while the escorts held the chains, whipped

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MAY, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 103 and jeered at, the saint was taken to the Setupati, and he, in response to the advice of his advisers, resolved to put an end to his life. Unwilling to shed the blood himself or afraid of the rebellion of Tadia Tevan's men, he sent the father to a brother of his, Udaya Tevan, then evidently a local chief on the Pamban. The latter, a lame man, asked the missionary to cure him of his lameness by his magic-for, all this time the universal impression was that he was a magician and deluder of men's minds-and on his pleading inability, it was taken for unwillingness, and he was taken to the scaffold, erected in a plain and seen by all men, tied to a post, and cut to pieces, after the severance of the head from the body. Even the right of burial was denied and the corpse was left to be devoured by birds and beasts. De Britto18 had gained his great object-martyrdom. It was in 1693, (February). Such is the life and career of De Britto.19 The historian cannot but have a deep affection for his personality. A more inspiring, ennobling, sincere or profound martyr never came to India. Compared with that of De Nobilis, it will be readily noticed that his moral influence was greater, his character more tender and sympathetic. There was much hypocrisy and more self-contradiction in De Nobilis; but De Britto was all sincerity, a personification of uniform and shining virtues. De Nobilis might have been more aston shingly equipped for the work of controversy, he might have even a longer number of the accredited prophetic gifts; but while his genius and his intellectual powers can be readily recognized, it is certain that he is at a distance from De Britto in the beauty of character and the sincerity of God's servant. In a sketch of the activities of the Madura Mission; one thing should always be remembered,--namely that the Madura missionaries, in the enthusiasm of their propaganda, forgot the spirit of their own gospel and persecuted the other Christians who, like them, wanted to elevate the heathen. A remarkable example of the narrow sectarianism of the Jesuits is clear in a case of Christian converts at Uttamapalayam in 1680. One of these Christians" went to the Syrian Christians in the mountains of Travancore, and represented to their bishop that in Uttamapalayam, at the foot of the mountains on the Madura side, there were several Brahman converts who had not accepted baptisement at the hands of the Jesuits, because they regarded them as Parangis. He was asked to come and baptize them, and with them a great prince of that region. The bishop sent an Italian Carmelite, and he went in his European dress to the church at Uttamapalayam. The catechist there begged him to avoid lowcaste neophytes, and because he refused to do that, withdrew with the whole congregation, and there shut him out of the church. The Carmelite's guide abandoned him and the Hindus would not help him, so that the poor man, forsaken in a strange country, disappeared, and probably perished. The Madura priests approved of the catechist's action.20 " 18 O. H. MSS.. II, 223. 19 The life of Constantius Beschi is important more for its literary than its religious work. I have therefore dealt with it in Chap. XI. 20 Chandler Madura Mission.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CHAPTER VIII. Ranga Krishna Muttu Virappa, (1682-1689). [MAY, 1917 On the death of Chokkanatha, his son, Ranga Krishna Muttu Virappa, a youth of sixteen, came to the throne. Never did a ruler ever inherit a throne under such gloomy circumstances or had to meet, at the outset of his career, a situation so doubtful and so dangerous. The incompetence and indiscretion of Chokkanatha had reduced the kingdom to the narrow confines of a single city. The rest of his extensive dominions was either under the actual occupation of foreigners, or a prey to rival adventurers. The people experienced a serics of miseries unrivalled in the past and unimaginable in the future. The evils of anarchy and military occupation manifested themselves to the fullest extent, and filled the realm with sorrow and misery. In the name of the rival powers, robbers and adventurers, whose meat and drink was plunder, and whose turbulence and cruelty defied the discipline of authority and the sentiment of humanity, roamed throughout the land, occupied the forts of the realm, thronged the high roads, and out-stripped one another and the soldiers in the work of destruction. A bold, strong and determined man and saviour was the cry of the moment. A soldier ani tur-seeing statesman was the need of the hour, a person who combined the vigour of the sword with the sympathy of a people's king. Therein lay the one hope of Madura, the one chance of recovery or rebirth. Another Visvana tha or Aryanatha, in other words, was an imperative necessity. Ranga Krishna's character and adventures. Fortunately the new king22 was, though young in age, old in wisdom and mature in counsels. He had the activity of habit and the keenness of intellect, characteristic of a soldier-statesman. In his character, enthusiasm was coupled in harmonious combination with discretion, and excellent qualities of the head with those of the heart. Excepting Visvanatha I, he was the most amiable and picturesque of the Naik dynasty. His charming personality roused the admiration of his courtiers, the loyalty of his servants, and the affection of his subjects. He was gaiety itself. He loved fun and adventure. He loved to surprise men by his unexpected visits in unexpected places, in unexpected garbs. One According to the Pand. Chron. he ruled from Rudhirotkari (1683) Adi 17th, to Pramodhuta (1691) i. e. for 8 years. According to Suj ple. MS., from Vibhava to Bhava (i. e., 1688-1695); the Carna. Gours. also says, from Vibhava to Bhava. The Telugu Carn. Dyn. says he ruled from Bahudhanya (1698 A. D.) to Vijaya (1767 A. D). 1le correct date is about 1682-1689, and is proved by epigraphy. The epigraplical evidences in rogard to this reign however are very meagre. In his Antiquities. tewell ment ons only one inscription, at Arumbavur, 14 miles N. W. of Parambalur in Trichinopoly district. It says that in 1686 Raiga Krishna repaired a sluice there. (Antiquities, 1, p. 263). An inscription of 657 A. D. (Hevilambi) says that Ranga Krishna gave some lands in the villages of Tirumalasam dram and Pudukkujam in the Tinnevelly District to a Brahman. In connection with this inscription Sewell remarks "that the date and cyclic year correspond, but the sovereign mentioned as the donor commenced his reign at Madura in A. D. 1682, and reigned seven years." He therefore believes that the grant might possibly have been given before he became the ruling king. If this were the case, Rauga Krishna would have been more than 25 years old at his accession; but the chronicles say that he was only 16 then. It is thus impossible to reconcile the date of t is inscription with that of the chronicles. (For the inscription see Antiquities, II, p. 7.) According to Wheeler, he was sixteen when he ascended the throne and his mother, Mangammal, acted as Regent. Wheeler notes that he was a skilful horseman and had a memory that could repeat the whole Bhagavatam by heart. He also notes his love for Brahmans, his visit to foreign Courts in disguise, and the dignified way in which he behaved towards the Mughal's slipper.

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MAY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 105 evening, for instance, he rode, as was always the case with him, alone and unattended to Tanjore, and entering the fort at night, borrowed from a merchant in the bazaar street a pagoda on the deposit of his ring, and used it for his expenses. After a spare diet of milk and butter, he put on the guise and dress of a common sepoy, and entered the king's palace in the dark. Going to the audience hall, he heard with his own ears the discussion of the affairs of the kingdom between the king and his ministers. On his departure,23 we are told, he wrote on the door leading from the throne-hall to the private apartments the fact of his arrival and his attendance during the discussion of state affairs. The next morning he left for Trichinopoly, promising to redeem the ring soon after. Immediately after his return, he called for the Tanjore ambassador, spoke to him of his adventure, and asked him to write to his master, requesting the redeeming of the ring and advising him to maintain a more vigilant guard in the palace. A similar story illustrative of Ranga Krishoa's heroism and bravery is not out of place here. The Polygar of Ariyalar had in his possession four things of priceless value, a beautiful21 camel, an elephant, a sword and a horse. The predecessors of Ranga Krishna had expressed a desire for these things, but owing to the unwillingness of the Polygar and their own judicious moderation, which scorned the application of force, they had not obtained them. Ranga Krishna now resolved to get possession of them by some means. With that spirit of daring enterprise which formed the chief feature of his character, he rode alone to Ariyalar, bidding his Sirdars and troops follow at a distance. Forcing his way into the town, he reached the palace, and seating himself on the verandah outside, sent word, through the servants, of his arrival. The Polygar, a Nayanar, who was then engaged in his toilet operations, was taken by surprise and seized with apprehension. A visit of his suzerain, so unusual and so sudden, so simple and so unoeremonious, foreboded, in his eyes, some disaster or disgrace. He therefore hastily finished his work and, accompanied by his children, hurried to present himself before his sovereign, and placed, at his feet, as a mark of homage, a dish full of gems and jewels. In an attitude of humble and respectful loyalty, the Polygar then asked his master for the object of his oondescension; and when Rauga Krishna mentioned it, he expressed a tactful regret that he put himself to such trouble for such a paltry purpose ; that a single line in writing would have suffioed. The Polygar therefore readily surrendered the objects of his master's desire, an act in which he was, no doubt, actuated by a feeling of fear at the reported approach of an army. The elephant, however, was then subject to a fit and too furious to be approached by anyone. But the bold daring of the Madura monarch, undertook, in the face of loyal protests, the task which none of his servants could dare. With his fine and fleet horse, a noble breed of white, he approached the elephant, and by a series of skilful manoeuvres succeeded in enticing it to Trichinopoly, where the rest of the work of subjugation was undertaken by skilful mahouts. The king had, however, to pay dearly for his new acquisition; for his noble steed, the instrument of his gain, dropped down dead, owing to exhaustion and overwork, the moment he alighted from it. (To be continued.) 23 Compare the story about Kanthirava Narasa Raj of Mysore (1639-55) who once went incognito to Trichinopoly and slow in a duel the champion of that Court. Wilks' Mysore, I, p. 30. The camol was called Rama Lakshmapa, the sword Chinna Rama Bana, the elephant Rana Virabhadra, and the horse Muttu Kucehu. The names remind the similar ones prevalent among the Mughals. See, for examplo, Manucoi's Storia do Mogor. M. J. Wodehouse compares Rai & Krishna to the chivalrous James V of Scotland See Ante, Vol. VIL. Pp. 22-26.

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106 INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1917 NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS, many more of the same sort, the house being soe 4. Englishmen's Furniture and its Coat in 1682 bare since the removall of the late Chief [i.&, John 14. August 1682. Consultation in Masulipatam. Field who had been transferred to Madapollar in July 1682) that some of the roomos therein havo There being a great want of Household stuff for not above 4 old Chaires in it, much to the Discred. this Factory, especially of Chaires, Tables and one or two Coutohes, and Mr. Field haveing belonging it of our honoblo, Masters. (Faclory Records, Mas. to him one doren of Chaires and a Coutoh made of ulipalam, vol. 4). Teake wood, it is ordered they be bought for the Note.-The value of the rupee in Madras at this period was about two shillings and four pence and Companyes Account, the Chaires at 2 rupees each of the pagoda about eight shillings so that the and the Coutch 23 pagodas, which he affirmes to chairs fetched about five shillings a piece and the bee the true cost of them, and that Mr. Field is couch twelve shillings. desired to furnish us from Madapollam with as ! R.C.T. BOOK NOTICE. AN ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT EXISTING SYSTEMS noticed at all. In order to make my meaning OF SANSKRIT GRAMMAR, being the Vishwanath clearer I shall give just one instance. It would Narayan Mandalik Gold Medal prize-essay for have been, for example, interesting to know the 1909. By SHRIPAD KRISHNA BELVALKAR, M.A., views of the author with regard to the problem of Ph.D., pp. viii, 148. Poona, 1915. the Dhatupatha. The well-known American In. In this little work the author seeks to provide dologue, W. D. Whitney, alleged that the majority a brief resume of the total output in the shape of of roots contained in the Dhalupdfha appended Indian literature bearing on Sanskrit Grammar to our editions of Panini's Ashiddhydyt is a purely from the earliest times upto the end of the eight. fictitious product of the imagination of Indian eenth century. This is a long period : and within Grammarians, who for some unknown reason took a the scope of 148 pages of the octavo volume Dr. perverse delight in multiplying their number almost Belvalkar may be said to have achieved a great ad infinitum. This is at best a very unsatisfactory doal. The "Chronological Conspectus" which is a explanation of the undeniable fact that a very synohronistic table, showing at a glance the relative large fraction of the roots of this list is not met positions in point of time of the various gramma with again in the extant Sanskrit literature. rians, as well as a very exhaustive and carefully Paragraph 38 of Dr. Belvalkar's book, which deals prepared Index, enhance the value of the work. with the Dhalupafha contains, however, no referThe book divides itself into short chapters dovot ence to the question; nor do I find from the od to the individual schools, in each of which an at Index any indication that it has been dealt with elsewhere. tempt is made to put together the available historical information about the founder of the school, The earliest history of Indian Grammar, like that characterise briefly the nature of the work and then of other Indian sciences, is for us shrouded in the follow the subsequent development through the impenetrable veil of antiquity. And Dr. Belvalkar maze of the out-growth of exegetical literature. does well perhaps not to lose himself in vague Dr. Belvalkar does not claim any originality for speculations as to the origin of the science (regard. the views expressed in the book. The work is ing which there is bound to be a great divergence of a compact little summary-rich in bibliography- opinion) but to restrict himself mainly to the of the labours of previous workers in the field, and historical opoch. In the latter period the author serves the extremely useful purpose of collecting distinguishes twelve distinct schools, each of which together in a very handy form the widely soatter. has been the focus of further independent developod material bearing on the subject. It should be ment. The first grammarian on the list is natur indispensable to any one who intends writing a ally Panini. A somewhat detailed treatment is more comprehensive work, discussing in extenso alloted to this school, which takes up nearly one the many controversial points which are either third of the whole volume. But even the short only touched upon lightly by Dr. Belvalkar or no | notices of the loss known schools, such as the

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Max, 1917) BOOK NOTICE 107 Kramadievara, Saupadma, Sarasvata, etc., are well of the first one. Was Sakatayana the author of come, inasmuch as they contain information glean the Amoghavritti 1 of the reasons adduced by ed from sources which are not within easy reach Prot. Pathak in support of his view, which deserve of every one. serious consideration, there are two; firstly, a conIn the portion dealing with Panini and his school clusion to be drawn from certain statements of we read at p. 29: "Katyayana's work, the varti. Yaloshavarman the author of the Chintamani, in kes, are meant to correct, modify, or supplement combination with the fact that the Amoghavritti the rules of Panini wherever they were or had be. and the Chintamani contain many demonstrable come partially or totally inapplicable," and fur. phrases and sentences which are either identical ther on, p. 33 : "his [ecil. Pataljali's) chief sim with, or differ but very little from, each other; swas to vindicate Panini against the often unmeri. condly, an explioit statement of Chidananda Kavi tod attaoks of Katyayana." It would appear from (ca. A. D. 1700) to the effect that Balatayana was this that Dr. Belvalkar has overlooked & small the author of the Amoghavritti. The first point brochure of Kielhorn's entitled "Katydyana and requires further elucidation. In v. 4 of the introPatanjali : to their mutual relation each other and to ductory stanza of the Chintamani, Yakshavar. man tells us that his commentary is morely an Panini, " (Bombay, 1876), written with the abridgment of another very extensive commentexpress purpose of combating this generally accepted but orroneous view and of demonstrating ary. His words may be interpreted to mean that that many of Katyayana's edrttikas are meant the author of the latter work was sakafAyana him self. In fact, this is the view I expressed in my merely to explain the full scope of the adfras dissertation on the Sakatayans grammar (submitof the Ashtadhyayf: while on the other hand, that Patanjali is not such a blind hero: ted to the University of Berlin early in 1914), which was already in press a long time before the appear. worshipper as one is apt to imagine, but that the charge of captious criticism may often be laid at ance of this article of Prof. Pathak. But since his door as well. hearing the opinion of so experienced a scholar, like Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, that my interpretaThe paragraphs dealing with Chandra and tion (and incidentally that of Prof. Pathak too) Bakalyana take notice of a great deal of material though grammatically possible, was not in conso. soattered through various antiquarian journals, nance with Sanskrit idiom, I have given up my forIndian as well as Continental. Some of the state. mer view and hold now that the couplet in questi. ments about the Jaina bakatAyana call forth oom on is onpable of an interpretation different from ment. Dr. Belvalkar accepta unreservedly the one I gave to it. However, if Prof. Pathak theory propounded by Prof. Pathak in some. adheres to the view that the verse in question must what longthy article entitled " Jain Sakatayana, bo interpreted in the way in which he doos, it contemporary with Amoghavarsha I" (ante, would be diffoult to dislodge him from his stand. Vol. 43, p. 206 ff.), containing copious quotations point. But ovon granting that the Professor's ex. from all kinds of works, which speaks for the planation is correct, his identification of the author erudition of the author but leaves the mind of of the Amoghavritti with Bakatayana is by no the reader in unutterable confusion as to the means oortain. For in substantiating this, Prof. issues involved and the solutions proposed. In this artiolo Prof. Pathak elaborates the theory Pathak relies mainly upon the identity of a large that the Jaina bakatAyana wroto both the text portion of the text of the Chintamani and the Amoand the commentary of the Amoghauri Jhaoritdi, and attaches a totally wrong value to which was composed in the reign of Amoghavarsha I. this siroumstance. It is evident that, depending between Baka 736 and 789. This statement involv merely on the similarity of the two commentaries, two independent issues: (1) that Sakatayana it would be unsafe to conolude that the " extensive was the author of the Amoghavritti apd (2) commentary" abridged by Yakshavarman must the Amoghavritti was written in the reign of have been the Amoghavritti and can be no other Amoghavarsha L The second of these proposi. The Jainas are such ardent copyists and have at all tions I shall leave aside for future consideration and times exhibited such an utter lack of originality, restriot myself for the present to an examination that it would novor do to lose sight of - in their case

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108 INDIAN ANTIQUARY not the remote, but the very near-possibility of their both having copied from a common source. The Jaina grammarians especially vie with each other in carrying this tendency to a nauseating degree. In evidence I need only point out that not merely the Amoghavritti and the Chintamani, but along with them also the Ripasiddhi of Dayapala and the Prakriyasamgraha of Abhayachandra Suri, have in common not only short pieces of commentary on individual sutras, but contain even lengthy portions of the text which are little more than exact reproductions of each other. . Under these circumstances it is evident that it would be fatal to conclude arbitrarily that any one out of the above-mentioned works was a copy of any other chosen at random. This may be said to be the negative side of the question. But a fact which speaks positively against this theory is supplied by Prof. Pathak himself on the very first page of the article in question. There the author of the Amoghavritti, after commenting on the Mangala stanza at the beginning of the Sakatayana satras, adds by way of ntroducing the praty@hara-sutras the following: evam krita-mangala raksha-vidhanah paripurnam alpagrantham lagh-Cpayam sabdanusasanam sastramidam maha-framana-samghadhipatir bhagavan Acharyah sakatayanah prarabhate. The author of the commentary thus refers to Sakatayana with the words The revered Master (Grammarian) Sakata yana! This, I think, is the strongest positive argument in favour of rejecting the identification of Sakatayana with the author of the Amoghavritti. I am well aware that Indian authors are in the habit of referring to themselves in their own works in the third person. A well. known instance is that of Vishnugupta, the author of the Arthasastra, subscribing his opinions with the words: Kautilyah iti. But it will have to be admitted that there is a world of difference be tween the emphatic personal note struck by the words iti Kautilya!, added at the end of an epigrammatic saying, and the boastful self-praise conveyed by the bhagvan-acharyah Sakalayanah attributed to Sakatayana. I hold that it will not be possible to find within the range of the whole of the Sanskrit literature a parallel for the alleged instance of an author referring to himself as the "revered master," or with like words. [MAY, 1917 The second point brought forth as evidence by Prof. Pathak, viz., the explicit statement of Chida nanda Kavi to the effect that Sakatayana is the author of the Amoghavritti has at first sight the appearance of being more reliable. But it must be remembered that although Chidananda Kavi is nearer to our grammarian than we by something like two centuries, nevertheless, he was sepa rated by a period of nine centuries from the pro. bable date of Sakatayana, and is likely to have been informed as to who the real author of the Amoghavritti was, not any better than we at the present day. Until, therefore, some fresh and unequivo cal evidence is brought to bear on the question, the authorship of this commentary will, in my opi nion, continue to be an unsolved problem. To turn to other matters. At p. 69 we read: "He [scil. Kielhorn] inclined to the view that it was some modern Jain writer, who has presented his own grammatical labours under the auspicies of a revered name, carefully trying to follow the views attributed to him in ancient works and possibly having for its basis some of the teachings of the earlier Sakatayana." Dr. Belvalkar seems to have confounded the opinions of Kielhorn and Burnell. It was the latter (and not Kielhorn) who looked upon the Sakatayanatabdanulasana as an enlarged edition by a Jaina of a grammar of the pre-Paninean Saka. tayans, and maintained that it would be possible to reconstruct the original grammar by discriminat. ing between what is old and what is new in it. Kielhorn, however, was in no doubt, at least when his article in this journal (1887, pp. 24 ff.) appeared, as to the real state of things, viz., that the work is an out and out modern compilation. Be that as it may, there can be no question about the name Sakatayana being a pseudonym adopted by some mcdern compiler; for, the principle on which the name is formed, viz., by the addition of the suffix -dyana to the strengthened form of the protonym, had long fallen into disuse at the time when the Jaina must have lived. Names such as Badarayana, Katyayana, Saka Ayana, etc., belong to quite a different epoch of the history of Indian names. V. S. SUKTHANKAB.

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JUNE, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 109 A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1913-16. BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.L.E., D.Sc., D.LITT. (A paper read at the Meeting of the Royal Geographical Society on 5th June 1916, and reprinted by permission from the Society's Journal.) Abundant as were the results brought back from the journey which during the years 1906-08 had carried me through the whole length of Eastern Turkestan and portions of westernmost China and Tibet, they could not keep my eyes long from turning towards plans of another Central Asian expedition. It was not the mere call of the desert "-strongly as I have felt it at times-but the combined fascination of geographical problems and interesting archaeological tasks, which drew me back to the regions where ruined sites long ago abandoned to the desert have preserved for us relics of an ancient civilization developed under the joint influences of Buddhist India, China, and the Hellenized Near East. I well remembered the openings for fruitful exploratory work which, on my previous travels, disproportion between the available time and the vast extent of the ground had obliged me to pass by, and I was anxious to secure these chances afresh while I could still hope to retain the health and vigour needed successfully to face the inevitable difficulties and hardships. The arrangement of the large collection of antiques which I had brought to the British Museum from my former expedition, and the multifarious efforts which I had to organize and direct for their elucidation, helped by the staff of assistants and numerous expert collaborators, kept me busy in England until the very end of 1911. Work on the big publication which was to record the scientific results of that journey still continued to claim most of my time after I had returned to duty in the Archaeological Survey of India, on the familiar ground of the North-West Frontier and Kashmir. That heavy task was not yet completed when in the autumn of 1912 a variety of considerations induced me to submit. to the Indian Government my formal proposals for the long-planned expedition, by which I wished to resume my geographical and archaeological explorations in Central Asia. Among these considerations regard for the favourable political conditions then actually prevailing in respect of the regions to be visited played an important part. In this connection I have reason to remember gratefully the shrewd advice by which two kind friends, Sir Henry McMahon, then Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, and Sir George Macartney, H. B. M.'s Consul-General at Kashgar, helped to decide me for an early start. The kind interest shown by H. E. Lord Hardinge, then Viceroy of India, in my past labours and in my new plans had from the first been a most encouraging augury. My gratitude for this help will be life-long. With it accorded the generous support which the Government of India in the Education Department, then under the enlightened direction of Sir Harcourt Butler, extended to my proposals. This included the payment in three successive years of a total grant of PS3000 to cover the cost of the intended explorations, the Indian Government reserving to themselves in return an exclusive claim to whatever archaeological proceeds" my expedition might yield. It was understood that the new Museum of Indian Art and Ethnography planned at Delhi would be the first to benefit by prospective "finds." 66 For the geographical tasks which formed a large and essential part of my programme, the ready assistance secured from the Indian Survey Department was of the utmost value. To Colonel Sir Sidney Burrard, Surveyor-General of India, I owed already a heavy debt of gratitude for the very effective help he had rendered towards securing and publishing

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1917 the survey results brought back from my former journeys. He now kindly agreed to depute with me my experienced old travel companion, Rai Bahadur Lal Singh, Sub-Assistant Superintendent of the Survey of India, and to make available also the services of a second surveyor of his department, Muhammad Yakub Khan, along with all necessary equipment and a grant to cover their travelling expenses. Thus the wide extension of our proposed fresh topographical labours was assured from the outset. For my geographical work I found also an asset of the greatest value in the moral support which the Royal Geographical Society generously extended to me, besides granting the loan of some surveying instruments. During the weary months of preparation, with all their strain of work and anxiety, and afterwards in whatever solitudes of mountains and deserts my travels took me to, I never ceased to derive true encouragement from the generous recognition which the Society had accorded to my former efforts to serve the aims of geographical science. Nor can I omit to record here my deep sense of gratitude for the unfailing sympathy and friendly interest with which in their ever-welcome letters Dr. Keltie and Mr. Hinks, the Society's Secretaries helped to cheer and guide me. After a Kashmir winter and spring passed over incessant work on Serindia, the detailed report on the scientific results of my second journey, there arrived by the middle of May the Secretary of State's eagerly awaited sanction for my expedition. Relying on the kind consideration which my plans had so often received before at the India Office, I had ventured to anticipate, as far as I safely could, a favourable decision, and the lists of orders, etc., for the multifarious equipment needed were ready. Yet it cost no small effort to assure the completion of all the varied preparations within the short available time, considering how far away I was from bases of supply and friends who could help me. A careful survey of all the climatic and topographical factors determining the programme of my movements had convinced me that I could not safely delay my start across the mountains northwards beyond the very beginning of August. So the weeks which remained to me in the peaceful seclusion of my beloved Kashmir mountain camp, Mohand Marg, 11,000 feet above the sea, saw me hard at work from sunrise till evening. By July 23 I moved down from its Alpine coolness to the summer heat of the Kashmir Valley in order to complete our final mobilization at Srinagar in the spacious quarters which the kindness of my old friend, Mr. W. Talbot, had conveniently placed at my disposal for those last busy days in civilization. There I had the satisfaction to find Rai Bahadur Lal Singh, my trusted old companion, duly arrived with all the surveying equipment, which included this time two 6-inch theodolites, a Zeiss levelling set, a Reeves telescopic alidade and two mercurial mountain barometers, besides an ample supply of aneroids, hypsometers, plane-tables, prismatic compasses, etc. With him had come the second surveyor, a young Pathan of good birth, with manners to match, and that excellent Dogra Rajput, Mian Jasvant Singh, who had accompanied every survey party taken by me to Central Asia. In spite of advancing years he had agreed to act once more as the Rai Sahib's cook, and to face all the familiar hardships of wintry deserts and wind-swept high mountains. At Srinagar I was joined also by two other Indian assistants, who, though new to Central Asian travel, proved both excellent selections for their respective spheres of work. In Naik Shams Din, a corporal of the First (King George's Own) Sappers and Miners, whom Colonel Tylden-Pattenson, commanding that distinguished corps, had chosen for me after careful testing, I found a very useful and capable "handy man" for all work requiring technical skill. A Panjabi Muhammadan

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JUNE, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 111 of Kashmiri descent, he proved in every way a worthy successor to Naik Ram Singh, whose devoted help on my second journey I owed to the same regiment, and whose tragic end I have recorded in Desert Cathay. The other assistant, Mian Afrazgul Khan, & Patlan of the saintly Kaka-khel clan, and a Sepoy from the Khyber Rifles, was my own choice, and experience soon showed how much reason I had to be pleased with it. Originally a schoolmaster on the Peshawar border, with a sound vernacular education, he had soon after his enlistment in that famous Frontier Vilitia Corps been noticed for his topographical sense and superior intelligence. After a year's training in the Military Surveyors' Class at Roorkee, where he greatly distinguished himself, he was permitted by Sir George Roos-Keppel, Chief Commissioner, N.-W. Frontier Province, and Honorary Colonel of the Regiment, to join me as temporary draftsman and surveyor in connection with the excavations I was carrying on in the spring, 1912, as Superintendent of the Frontier Circle, Archeological Survey. There I was soon impressed by his marked and varied ability, and when in addition I became aware of his energy and genuine love of adventure I did not hesitate to engage him as an assistant surveyor for the journey. Our small party was completed by two Indian servants; one of them, Yusuf, a man of somewhat sporting " instincts, was to act as my cook, and the other Pir Bakhsh, a worthy elderly person from the mountains north of Kashmir, as his substitute in case of illness or some temporary outbreak of bad temper. The experience of previous journeys had warned me as to the necessity of this double string, and I owe it probably to its restraining influence that I was able to retain the services of both men in spite of all trials and bring them back to their homes in the end safely and in a state of contentment. Ever since the plan of my journey was first formed I had been exercised in my mind by the difficulty of finding a practicable route which would take me across the great mountain barriers northward to the border of Chinese Turkestan on the Pamirs, and which was still new to me. By the initial portions of my previous journeys I had exhausted the only apparent alternatives of the Chitral and Hunza valleys leading to practicable crossings of the main Hindukush range. Even the devious route over the Karakorum passes I had seen on my return journey of 1908. But fortune seemed to favour me at the start, unexpectedly to open for me the eagerly desired new approach to my goal. For long years I had wished to explore the important valleys of Darel and Tangir which descend to the Indus from the north some distance below Chilas. Darel (Ta-li-lo) is prominently mentioned in the accounts of old Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, partly because there passed through it a route which some of them followed on their descent from the uppermost Oxus to the Indus and the sacred sites of the Indian north-west frontier, and partly by reason of a famous Buddhist sanctuary it once contained. No Europeans had ever been able to visit these territories, as the disturbed political conditions of the local tribal communities, coupled with their fanatical spirit, effectively closed access to them. But in recent years Raja Pakhtun Wali, of the Kushwaqt family, once ruling Yasin and Mastuj, had, after an adventurous career, succeeded in founding and gradually extending a chiefship of his own among these small Dard republics. The desire of consolidating his rule and securing support for his children's eventual succession had led him a short time before to seek friendly relations with the Gilgit political Agency. When I learned of the opportunity chance thus offering I decided to use it for a new route to the Pamirs. The matter needed diplomatic handling. But finally the effective help given by my kind friend the Hon. Mr. Stuart Fraser, Resident in Kashmir, with the assent of the Indian Foreign Department, secured

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1917 for me the chief's permission to visit his territories. The conditions he thought fit to attach to it were obviously meant to safeguard his political interests and incidentally also my safety among his newly won subjects. On 31 July 1913 I started from Srinagar, and proceeding by boat down the Jhelam, reached next day the little port of Bandipur on the Wular Lake. From there the bulk of our baggage was sent ahead with the second surveyor by the Gilgit military road to await us in Hunza. I myself with Lal Singh and Afrazgul left Kashmir through the side valley of the Lolab and struck north-westwards for the route which leads through the deep-cut gorges of the Kishanganga and its tributaries to the snowy passes of Barai and Fasat and then down to Chilas on the Indus. Bad weather pursued us from the time we entered the mountains, and already on the first eight days the tracks followed proved in many places impracticable for laden animals. But it seemed appropriate Alpine training for the ground ahead, and there was an antiquarian interest to compensate me for the fatigues encountered ; for various topographical considerations indicate that it was by this direct route to the Indus and thence to Gilgit that the Chinese received those annual supplies from Kashmir which alone, according to an interesting historical document preserved in the Annals of the T'ang dynasty, enabled them about the middle of the eighth century A.D. to maintain for some years imperial garrisons in Gilgit and Yasin. They thus prevented the junction between their great adversaries who then threatened Chinese hold on Turkestan-the Arabs in the west and the Tibetans in the south. It was, of course, the human beast of burden which alone made the use of such a route possible, and we have historical evidence to show how abundant its supply was in ancient Kashmir. By August 10 we had descended from the snowy range which culminates eastwards in the huge ice-clad pyramid of Nanga-parbat (26,620 feet above the sea) to Chilas on the Indus, the last British post towards the independent territory of Dard tribes, known as the Indus Kohistan. The Pax Britannica, brought some twenty years before to what was once the most turbulent and fanatical of these petty hill republics, had worked curious changes in the position of the caltivated areas, etc., which without definite records a future antiquarian or geographer would find most difficult to interpret correctly. The heat of the summer is great in the deep-cut rock defiles of the Indus, and the banks forbiddingly barren. So I was glad when our descent in the Indus gorge next day could be effected on a skin raft, which the tossing current of the mighty river carried down at the rate of some 14 miles an hour. Though the snowy weather prevailing on the high ranges had caused the river to fall to some 24 feet below highwater level, yet the flood volume was still large enough to allow us to sweep. down securely over what at other times is a succession of impassable rock ledges and repids. At the mouth of the Hodur stream we left the Indus behind and entered ground which offered ample scope for exploring work. Passing up the unsurveyed valley northward we found plentiful ruins of small fortified villages clearly dating back to pre-Muhammadan times and a great deal of abandoned cultivation terraces for which the supply of irrigation water now available would manifestly no longer suffice. Pushing up to the Unutai Pass we crossed the range which overlooks the Khanbari River and there reached the eastern border of Pakhtun Wali's latest conquests. As we descended westwards through the Datsoi Nullah by a track almost impassable for load carrying men we were met by Pakhtun Wali's capable nephew, Mehtarjao Shah Alim, with a large and well-armed escort. It had been stipulated beforehand that not a single man from the territory under control of the British Agency of Gilgit was to accompany us. The careful watch kept over us from the start by Pakhtun Wali's select men at arms, wherever we moved or halted, seemed to afford adequate

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JUNE, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 113 protection from any fanatical attempt on the part of less trustworthy elements among his new subjects who might have liked to embroil him by an attack upon us. But I confess that it also at first caused me serious misgivings as to the freedom which might be left to us for useful topographical work. It was quite as much regard for such work, as the wish to avoid the excessive summer heat of the Indus gorges, which had caused me to ask that we might be taken to Darel by th: mountains at the heads of the Khanbari and Dudishal Valleys instead of the usual route, which leads through the former. It proved a difficult line of progress, even with such hardy porters for our baggage as Shah Alim had brought from the main Darel Valley. But its advantages for surveying operations were grea G. and fortunately I soon found that we were left full freedom to use them. The great spurs descending from the Indus-Gilgit watershed northward had to be crossed by a succession of high passes, between 13,000 and 14,000 feet, and these furnished exc. llent plane-table stations. The extensive views there obtained towards the great snowy ranges across the Indus and westwards on the headwaters of the Swat River permitted our positions to be fixed with accuracy from previously triangulated peaks. At the expense of much hard climbing we secured equally favourable conditions further on, and a protracted spell of fine weather made it easy to rse them. R. B. Lal Singh, in spite of his fifty-one years, an age which In.lians usually are apt to count as advanced, showed that he had lost none of his old zeal and vigour. Through his devoted exertions a fortnight's hard travel sufficed to map some 1200 square miles, on the scale of 2 miles to the inch, on ground which had never been surveyed or even seen by European eyes. It was a pleasant surprise to find our tasks soon facilitated by the excellent relations we were able to establish with Mehtarjao Shah Alim and the band of Pakhtun Wali's trusted supporters who formed our ever-watchful guard. They were a strangely mixed crow, of distinctly shady antecedents, but all "handy" and pleasant to deal with. Most of these alert fellows were outlaws from Swat, Chitral, and the independeat Dard republics on the Indus, who, with hands already blood-stained, had joined Pakhtun Wali's fortunes at one time or other of his adventurous career. Their burley fair-haired commander Shahid, whose look of jovial ruffian curiously contrasted with his name, meaning "martyr," had from the beginning played a prominent part in all the mixed feuds and intrigues by which their capable chief had raised himself from the position of a hapless refugee in Tangir to that of absolute master of that once turbulent valley. The means and methods by which Pakhtun Wali, in true Condottiere fashion, had subsequently extended his sway over the neighbouring hill republics of Darel and Sazin, had been equally unscrupulous, and recalled times long gone by elsewhere. His was the most recent kingdom carved out in the Hindukush, a region probably less touched by historical changes than any other in the noi ih-west of India, and to glean first-hand information about the process employed was for me a very instructive and fascinating occupation. Nor did quick-witted Shah Alim and his band of intelligent henchmen fail me when it came to collecting exact data about local resources, population, etc., or raising or managing needful transport. Fully miliar with the ground, as their employment had made them, they yet kept a mental detachment from the local interests, regard for which would have induced reticence among more settled subjects. The Khanbari River was found to drain an unexpectedly large mountain area, and in all the valleys splendid forests of pines and firs, quite untouched by the axe, were found to clothe the higher slopes. In the wider portions below old cultivation terraces, now abandoned, could be traced for miles. Judging from the size of the trees, the forest which has overrun them in most places dates back for centuries. There is an abundant supply of water for

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1917 irrigation from snow beds and springs, and re-occupation of these fertile lands is retarded only by the great scantiness of population. Before Pakhtun Wali's conquest the Darelis had contented themselves with using the extensive grazing-grounds at the very head of the valleys, and only since the advent of more peaceful conditions has the slow immigration of Gujar settlers cominenced. Whatever the cause of the original abandonment of these valleys may have been, it soon became obvious that they, like Darel and Tangir, enjoyed climatic conditions far more favourable in the matter of adequate rainfall than those prevailing higher up on the Indus or elsewhere between the Indus and the Hindukush. This abundant moisture may well be due to some feature in the orography of the Indus Valley, permitting the monsoon rains to advance here far beyond the line where their effect is stopped elsewhere by the high mountain chains southward. The contrast with those denuded barren mountains to the north and east, which I remembered so well from my previous routes through Gilgit and Chitral, became even more striking as we descended from the Ishkobar Pass (circ. 13,650 feet) to the head of the main Darel valley. When encamped there at Nyachut, on rich Alpine meadowland and surrounded by mountain sides which magnificent forests of deodars and firs clothed for thousands of feet in height, I felt as if transported to the Sind or some other big side valley of Kashmir. Unfortunately there was little chance left to enjoy the delights of this glorious Alpine scenery while being constantly attacked by swarms of the particularly fierce mosquitoes which infest all Darel and Tangir. We met them first when approaching the Khanbari watershed from the east, and the trouble they gave steadily increased as we progressed. Even high up in the mountains we suffered severely from this plague which is apt to cause bad sores, as my surveyors and myself soon found by experience. There was little consolation in the fact that the local people suffer almost as much from the infliction, as their pock-covered skin showed, and that during the winter those tormentors descend to seek warmer quarters by the Indus. I often wondered whether their presence would not be an adequate defence of Darel against any permanent invasion by people concerned for their comfort. When I moved down to the vicinity of Manikyal, the northern of the two extant walled townships of Darel, there revealed itself strikingly the remarkable openness of the main valley and the great extent of arable land on the wide plateaus flanking the middle course of the Darel River. The sight of this fertile area, all easy to irrigate, revealed at a glance the importance which Darel must have possessed in ancient times, and which with an adequate population and under a firm rule it could attain once more. But much of the land had passed out of cultivation long ago, and the great number of ruined sites gave striking confirmation of the observation. The survey of these ruins, all known as kots," forts," kept me busy for several days, and showed that most of them were remains of fortified settlements dating back to pre-Muhammadan times. Rapid excavation near one of them, Bojo-kot, brought to light unmistakable relics of a Buddhist burial ground in the shape of cinerary urns, metal ornaments, etc. These ruins always occupy naturally strong rocky ridges bearing elaborately built terraces, and by their position and constructive features curiously recalled to my mind the extensive ruined settlements of the Buddhist period with which my explorations in the Swat Valley and on the Peshawar border had rendered me familiar. Archaological evidence thus seemed to bear out the tradition preserved in the Chinese pilgrims' records as to the early historical connection between the ruling families of Darel and Swat. All antiquarian observations pointed to the territory having been occupied in Buddhist times by a much denser population than the present and one possessed of far greater material resources. Yet even now Darel contains a number of large crowded villages, some, like

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JUNE, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 115 Manikyal and Samagial, well deserving to be called towns. Again and again I was struck by lingering traces of an inherited civilisation a good deal more developed than that to be fonnd now in the neighbouring hill tracts. Thus the alignment of the irrigation canals and the carefully preserved solid stonework of the terraces and embankments over which they are carried showed unusual skill. Another very significant feature was the abundance in houses, mosques and graves of fine wood-carving, retaining decorative motifs which are directly derived from Graeco-Buddhist art as known to us from the ancient relievos of Gandhara, and which occur frequently also in the ornamental wood carvings excavated by me at sandburied old sites of Chinese Turkestan. The racial type of the Darelis as far as I could judge without anthropometric observations, for the collection of which there was no time, seemed to me unmistakably akin to that of the other Darri tribes which occupy the adjoining mountain territories. This close relationship is also borne out by their Shina dialect. But there was something in the often refined features of the men and their less heavily built frame, which vaguely suggested inheritance from generations weakened by a decadent civilization and a long period of internal disorder. They struck me distinctly as a race possessing the instincts of quasi-town-bred tolk and needing a strong ruler. On the evening of August 16 I was received by Raja Pakhtun Wali in full state at the castle of Gumarekot, which he waw building in the centre of his recently annexed territory and as a stronghold to safeguard its possession against possible risings. The steep ridge which rises above it is occupied by the ruins of the large fort of Raji-kot, marking the ancient capital of Darel. It was a very interesting experience to meet the man who, after a career as chequered as befitted the son of Mir Wali, Hayward's murderer, had succeeded in building up a new kingdom for himself, the last, perhaps, which India has seen raised on the old adventurous lines. His human environment, in which Darelis are still kept much in the background, and the methods by which he maintains his rule seemed to call up times long gone by. There was much to claim my interest in what I heard from the shrewd and energetic Khushwagt chief that evening, and during the long visit he paid me next morning with his two young sons; but this is not the place to record it. He had spared no care nor trouble to facilitate my safe journey through his territory and to make it as profitable as the limitations of my time permitted. I shall always look back with gratitude to the friendly welcome acoorded, and with genuine interest and sympathy to the ruler. It was a special satisfaction to me that on my way down Darel I was able to identify at Phoguch the site of an ancient Buddhist sanctuary which the Chinese pilgrims specially mention on account of its miracle-working colossal image of Maitreya Buddha in wood. The tomb of Shahakhel Baba, a Muhammadan Saint renowned for his miraculous powers and attracting pilgrims from many distant parts of the Hindukush region as well as Swat and the Indus Valley, attests here the continuity of local worship. Lower down we passed interesting ruins of castles once closing access to Darel. Then we ascended westwards by a precipitous track, difficult for load-carrying men, to the rugged high spur which divides Darel from Tangir. On reaching its top we were rewarded for a trying climb over bare rock slopes by the grand vistas which opened before us. Owing to its isolation the Shardai Pags commands wide views of Darel, Tangir, the Indus Valley, and the ranges beyond, and proved a truly ideal survey station. To the west there showed clearly the gap between precipitous snow-capped spurs,

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116 THE INDIAN ARTIQUARY [JUNE, 1917 where the Indus makes its sharp bend to the south. Access to this famous defile, where the bed of the mighty river is reported to contract into an exceedingly narrow rift, is closed by independent tribal territory. Even from afar European eyes saw it now for the first time. How I wished that a Pakhtun Wali's expansionist policy might open the route some day for exploring those Indus gorges, where the old Chinese pilgrims made their way south by the dreaded rock galleries " of the hanging chains."! The descent to the Tangir River over cliffs and vast slopes of rock debris was a trying experience ; but the valley itself proved remarkably open and fertile. Fruit trees and vines were more plentiful than in Darel, and the mosquitoes a little less fierce. The population is scattered in clusters of hamlets, and showed a manly bearing. Of those fortified villages, in which the Darel people seem to have always sought shelter since early times, I could trace no ruins here. I had a very pleasant reception at Jaglot, where Paktun Wali had established his original stronghold, and where his family ordinarily resides. The original modest structure which he occupied as a refuge from Chitral had witnessed a memorable siege by the powerful Gabarkhel tribesmen who hold the upper portion of Tangir, and who then vainly tried to rid themselves of their ambitious exile-guest. Their defeat marked the first stage in Pakhtun Wali's rise to power. The old animosities seemed to be still smouldering here, and as we moved up the valley, our ever-watchful escort took special care to safeguard us from any attempt of Pakhtun Wali's old foes, or the fanatical talib-ilms," or religious students, gathered in numbers round a famous Mullah at the mosque of Kami. In the great forest belt at the head of the Satil branch of the valley hundreds of Patnans from Upper Swat and the independent tracts lower down the Indus were engaged in cutting the magnificent timber, an important source of revenue to Raja Pakhtun Wali. The timber is made to float down the Indus under arrangements with Kakakhel traders, who owing to the sanctity enjoyed by their clan, are able to exploit this business in tracts otherwise far too risky. Here we were joined by Mian Shahzada, the uncle of Afrazgul, my Kakakhel surveyor, who for years had been in charge of these operations, and whose opportune intercession had helped to overcome the Raja's original scruples about our passage. Shahzada had charged himself with the responsibility of keeping all fanatical characters in these woodcutters' camps out of mischief, and by his effective help amply earned the recommendation I could give him to the district authorities of his far-off home on the Peshawar border. All arrangements worked smoothly to the end, and when on August 21 we safely reached the Sheobat Pass, over 14,000 feet in height, on the range which forms the watershed between the Indus and the Gilgit river drainage, it was with regret that I left behind Pakhtun Wali's fascinating doininion, from which we had just "lifted the Purdah." I was sorry to bid farewell to our hardy escort of outlaws, after meeting the large posse of respectable Gilgit levies which had waited on the other side of the pass to take charge of us. It was amusing to watch the ill-disguised expression of distrust with which the latter viewed our quondam protectors, some of them well ismembered, no doubt, from their old raids and similar exploits. The ample and richly deserved rewards I gave to Pakhtun Wali's men however, sufficed to efface any unpleasant reciprocal feelings. In order to reach the big Yasin Valley through which our northward route was to lead we had firat to gain the Gups post on the Gilgit River. The mountains to the south of the

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JUNE 1917 A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 117 latter have not yet been adequately surveyed. So it was scarcely surprising that the unexplored pass above Gafarbodo, which I chose as a short cut, proved nearly impossibie for our load-carrying men. It took fully eight hours' scrambling over huge masses of rock debris left behind by ancient glaciers, the worst I ever encountered in this region, to reach the pass at an elevation of close on 16,000 feet. Then I pushed up rapidly in the open and relatively fertile valiey of Yasir.. It leads due north, flanked by mighty spurs which descend from the glacier-crowned main Hindukush range, and has always been an important route, as it forms the nearest connection between Oxus and Indug. I found myself thus on ground claiming distinct historical interest, ali there was a good deal even in things of the present to attest the strong Central Asian influence to which it has been subject since early times. In addition to much fine old wood. carving in dwellings and mosques, I was able to trace a ruined Stupa with relics of Buddhist times and the remains of several old forts, which tradition significantly enough connects with early Chinese invasions.. It was owing to an early and historically well attested Chinese conquest of these valleya from the uppermost Oxus, that I felt a special interest in the glacier pass of the Darkot by which we crossed on August 29 to the headwaters of the Yarkhun or Mastuj River. It had been the scene of that remarkable exploit by which a Chinese force, despatched in A.D. 749 from Kashgar against the Tibetans, had effected its entry into Yasin and Gilgit. Already in May, 1916, on my way up from Chitral, I had been able to ascertain how closely the topographical featuces of the Derkot Pase agreed with the exact account which the Chinese Annals of the T'ang dynasty have preserved for us of General Kao Hsien-chih's famous expedition. I had then succeeded in reaching the top of the pass, 15,400 feet above the sea, from the Mastuj side ; but no examination of the southern approach, which also figures in that account, had been possible. In view of the very serious natural obstacles presented by the glaciers of the Darkot, Kao Hsien-chih's passage doserves to rank us & great military achievement, like his successful march across the whole width of the Pamirs, with a relatively large Chinese army, which proceded it, and to which I shall have occasion to refer further on. So it was & particularly gratifying find, when I discovered an old Tibetan inscription scratched into a large boulder on the track where it ascends by the side of a steep moraino flanking the southern glacier of the Darkot. It is very probable that it is a relic of that short-lived Tibetan advance on the uppermost Oxus which the T'ang Annals record towards the close of the second quarter of the eighth century, and which Kao Hsien-chih's adventurous expedition successfully stopped. On the top of the Darkot I was met by Captain H. F. D. Stirling, of the 57th (Wilde's) Rifles, then bommanding the Chitral Scouts, with fresh transport from the Mastui side. Thus the descent over the big and much-crevassed northern glacier could be effected without undue risk to men or baggage. I have special reason to feel grateful for the most effective arrangements made by Captain Stirling as I pushed on eastwards after crossing the Darkot. Our sasiest route to the Chinese border would have led over the Baroghil saddle to Sarhad on the Oxus and thence across the Afghan Pamirs along the line I had followed in 1906. But apart from the fact that its use would have required the sperial permission of H.M. the

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1917 King of Afghanistan, 1 was anxious to see new ground, and was therefore glad to move now by a parallel but far more difficult route by which westernmost Hunzo could be gained from the headwaters of the Yarkhun and Karambar (or Ashkuman) Rivers. This route allowed me to sight the Showarshur branch of the Darkot Glacier, now completely closed by an impassable ice-fall, and to examine more closely the interesting instance of bifurcation by which the glacier above the Karambar saddle discharges its drainage partly towards the Yarkhun or Chitral River and partly into the lake forming the head of the Kararnbar River. On its south side the route skirts an almost unexplored region of high ice-clad peaks and big glaciers, and the snouts, which the latter have pushed across the gorge of the Karambar River, togethor with the huca old moraines encountered in the main valley lower down, constituted serious obstacles. They made all the more welcome the friendly help given by Captain Stirling, who, as an expert mountaineer, took pleasure in accompany. ing me on those four days of hard marching and climbing. Beyond the Ashkuman River we were met by fresh porters, collected from the settle ment of hardy Wakhi immigrants lower down that much-confined valley. The ascent made with them on September 2 to the Chillinji Pass (circ. 17,400 feet high) proved a diffionit task. The snowy weather prevailing all through August had rendered the very stoep snow slopes to be climbed still more trying and had added greatly to avalanche risks. The pass nad not been traversed by any one for a long number of years, and only one old man sent with us had ever been across. So it was a great relief, when, after eight hours' toil, we safely reached the col, nearly 5,000 feet above camp. It offered a grand view over the ex tensive glaciers which meet at the head of the Chapursan Valley, but the icy gale sweeping it made even a short rest difficult. Fortunately the great glacier below us proved less trying. owing to the fresh snow which had adequately covered up most of the crevasses, and after a descent of five hours more we found a dry spot by its side where we could bivouac in safety under the shelter of a moraine. Some of our coolies did not turn up till next morning, but they had wisely kept moving all through the bitterly cold night. Their safe arrival caused me great relief and so also did the assurance that my feet, in spite of the loss of toes and the impaired circulation which resulted from my frost-bite accident at the close of the former journey, could stand well thirteen hours' struggle over snow and ice. The snout of the Chil linji Glacier was not passed until after a descent of another 4 miles in the morning, and a short distance beyond I had the satisfaction to find fresh transport from Hunza awaiting us. The arrangements made weeks ahead through my old acquaintance Humayun Beg, the Wazir of Hunza, had not failed me. After this experience our progress through Hunza seemed easy. The Chapursan Valley, in spite of the huge moraines which the glaciers south have pushed down into it, contains more stretches of level ground than probably all the rest of Hunza. It was hence a feature of special interest to note the extensive areas of old cultivation which we passed on the 25 miles' march between Baba-ghundi and Spandrinj. Neither want of water for irrigation nor present climatic conditions at this elevation from circ. 11,000 to 10,300 feet seem to furnish an adequate explanation for their abandonment. Re-occupation is recent and proceeding slowly. (To be continued.)

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JUNE, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 119 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 105.) But Rarga Krishna was not merely a man of enterprise who would ride into an enemy's country to seek information or obtain amusement; he was a ruler of great sympathy and solicitude for the welfare of his subjects. He delighted to roam incognito in his realli, to mix with the humble and lowly, to talk to them, to understand their feelings and to appreciate their merits. If he could subdue an elephant which none else could he could also visit humble places and see humble men, and learn things for himself, leurn where virtue or misery had its abode, where injustice prevailed and where disloyalty throve. No occupation was, in his eyes, too low for the investigation of truth. True he was not without defects. He shared the weakness of his dynasty in his love of pomp, his fondness for show, and in his permitting his lieutenants to spend state money on processions and celebrations, but this was a single blot in his brilliant and beautiful character. His easy accessibility, his desire to learn things in person, his sympathy with the people, and at the same time, his weakness for showy pageantry, are evident from his Tinnevelly adventure. Hearing from some men of Tinnevelly that the son of their viceroy, Tiruvengala Nathaiya,25 wasted every night 500 pagodas of Sirkar money in costly processions of * more than royal state," he set out, as was always the case with him, alone on his horse towards Tinnevelly to ascertain the fact. The Telugu chronicle, from which the account of this episode is taken, narrates in detail an interview which the king had with a humble, low-caste woman who was carrying a rude and frugal fare for her son, a labourer working in the distant fields. The exhausted monarch condescended to take butter-milk from the woman and noted her name for future favours. Resuming his journey, he reached one of those splendid reception-booths, which had been constructed all along the road for his sake. The warders, however, hardly saw in the solitary horseman their sovereign. In their eyes royalty was always surrounded by magnificence. To think of a king without his host of attendants and flatterers, his paraphernalia and splendour, was to them an impossible feat. Simplicity was a virtue which their rude and unsophisticated mind could with difficulty associate with royalty. They had not the imagination for such a conception, for their experience had always been to the contrary. It is not surprising, therefore, that when the solitary horseman boldly entered the pavilion and tied up his horse, and sat there, he received a mandate from the warders to leave the place at once. Their monarch was coming, and the pavilion was not an inn in which every wayfarer could lay him down and rest. Raiga Ktishna, whose passion for such interesting situations kept them in ignorance of his personality, proposed that, after resting a little, he would proceed. He was about to be subjected to further indignity, when the army reached the place and, on seeing him, prostrated themselves and performed homage. The warders at once found out the position of their antagonist and the seriousness of their mistake, and expected a summary sentence of death; but the nobility of Ranga Krishna dispelled their fears, extolled their sense of duty, and rewarded their merit with the hereditary enjoyment of certain lands! On reaching Tinnevelly, the chronicle continues, the king commanded the viceroy's son to organize a procession as usual, assuring him that it was his curiosity, not the desire to > Even now near Tinnevelly, about 2 or 3 miles off, is a village named Tiruvengada Nathapuram, which was probably the residence of the viceroy.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1917 punish, that prompted him to issue the command; and when the latter carried it out with more than usual splendour, the king expressed his joy, declared it a worthy source of prestige, and authorised the prodigal to celebrate it everyday. The royal sanction was accompanied by a substantial grant for the purpose from the treasury. It was a conclusion unworthy of Ranga Krishna, but his sin was a common sin of his line and of his time, and he could not overcome it. All this would furnish a worthy theme for romance, but the true romance of Rauga Krishna's life lay in his din estic life. Alone among the Naik kings, he could control his passions. Temperance was a virtue of which his dynasty was entirely ignorant, but he shone in it. In a time when kings were not satisfied with scores of wives and hundreds of mistresses, he set a worthy example of virtue and of moderation by the constancy of his attachment to a single lady, a lady who was worthy of his love and found it impossible to live after his death. Raiga Krishna's harem, in consequence, was not, as that of the other kings of his line, a seat of loose life or a source of scandal. His private life resembled that of a common man, and was characterised by real conjugal love and domestic bliss. The palace was, in his day, a temple of peace, not a breeding ground of jealousies, a home of affection and not of bestial pleasure. With him the safety and welfare of his people was not a secondary consideration of the usual type. They lived for themselves first, and then, if it all, for the people ; but he lived for the people and for them alone. His recovery of the lost territories. Such was the character of the new king and it is not surprising that from the very moment of his accession things began to change for the better. His own vigorous personality would have been sufficient to alleviate the misery of his kingdom, but other circumstances intervened, which enormousiy lightened his task and ensured his success. The monarch of Mysore was attacked nearer at home by Sambajia, and in self-defence had to withdraw his legions from Madura. Ekoji was, in consequence of his own tyranny, troubled by a discontented populace; and his weak frontiers, moreover, were pierced by daring bands of Maravas and Kallas, who now entered the field with the hope of sharing in the tumults and plunders of the day. Ekoji thought it prudent, therefore, to with draw from the kingdom of Madura. As for the formidable Sambaji, he was involved in wars with the Mughal Ein pire on the one hand, and with the Portuguese on the other, and so could not pursue his father's conquests in the Carnatic. The Setupati, again, had his own domestic troubles, for an ambitious Dalawai of his set the standard of rebellion, and taxed the resources of his master. All these events, together with the tactful statesmanship of Ranga Krishna, relieved Madura from her recent ills. Within three years of his accession, Ranga Krishna found himself the master of the whole of the extensive dominions of his ancestors, and the danger of the extinction, which bad threatened the Kingdom of Visvanatha Naik, was now warded off. Half a century more was to pass before it was to share the fate of its predecessors, and when it fell then, it fell for ever. The kingdom was now safe, and Raiga Krishna consecrated the first moments or peace to the strengthening of his power and the restoration of the country's prosperity. A firm and determined ruler, he made his influence felt throughout his dominions. His remarkable 26 Wille, I 50-80. Wilks is wrong in regard to the dates. Kumara Raya, howover, it is said, left his son Dndda Deva to continue the siege, but he evidently had soon to give it up.

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JUNE, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 121 industry secured a personal acquaintance with the most minute affairs of the kingdom. His watchful eye was everywhere, and he was ever on his feet. Restless and enthusiastic, he would proceed hundreds of miles to hear a single complaint or chastise a petty chief. The divided provinces, in consequence, became united ; and the Polygars of the most distant provinces dreaded his displeasure, and paid a ready and willing homage. At Tinnevelly, whither he went, as we have already seen, to inquire into the alleged financial abuses of the viceroy, he received the respect and the tribute of all the Polygars of the province. Even the king of Travancore, who was apprised of the king's stay at Tinnevelly, hastened to enlist his good will by despatching a tribute of elephants (twelve in number) and horses, of treasure and ornaments. The historian cannot but admire the personal merit of this extraordinary king who, though so young in age, was so eminently successful in securing the allegiance of chiefs who, only a few months back, had regarded their suzerain as a nonentity and themselves as kings. His justice. in administration 27 Ranga Krishna was not less successful. His administration was based on the principle of equity and reason. He was, like the rest of his dynasty, & friend, admirer and servant of the Brahmans, He loved to praise them and to be praised by them. He listened to their counsels, and built agraharams and temples, choultries and tanks. He led an orthodox life, paid frequent visits to temples, and bestowed with a lavish hand the traditional charities of money, cows and lands on bis advisers. Nevertheless, he never allowed the claims of justice to be overruled by his partiality. In the court he was superior to race consideration or caste privilege. Once in a dispute between the Brahmans and the Christians in regard to a piece of land, which the former had illegally seized for a religious purpose, the king ordered that the idols should be thrown into the river rather than that justice be violated under his regime. A prince with such noble views could hardly have secured the affections and obtained the blessings of the Brahmans at first; but the latter knew how to appreciate real merit. Moreover they succeeded, as we have already seen, in gaining his generous donations in other respects. They knew that if the king was severe, he was severe for the sake of justice; and they therefore took his rebukes in the proper spirit, and tactfully strengthened their own position by praising the spotless equity of his rule. THE MOGH UL CONQUEST OF THE DAKHAN. After the pacification of the kingdom, Ranga Krishia placed his foreign policy on a stronger basis. His reign synchronised with momentous events in the Deccan. The Puritan Emperor Aurangzeb was engaged in a deadly struggle with the Hindu Marathas on the one hand, and the weak and half-Hinduised Sultans of Bijapur and Golcondah on the other, and by the year 1688 had conquered and annexed the latter kingdoms. With the extinction of Bijapur the Carnatic became the property of the Mughal Empire. The suzerain of the Ndiks of Tanjore and Madura was thenceforth not the Sultan of Bijapur nor the Maratha, but the Emperor of Delhi, and the latter lost no time in establishing the imperial power on a secure basis. For two years after the extinction of the twin kingdoms of the Deccan, Aurangzeb could not proceed against the South, as he was engaged in war with Sambaji. It was only after 1689, when Sambaji was 1 An insoription of Arumbavor, 14 miles from Perambalar in the Trichinopoly District, says that ho made grants for the repair of a sluice in 1686 A, D. (Antiquities, II, p. 263).

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1917 captured and slain, and when owing to the flight of Raja Ram to Ginji, the war with the Marathas was extended to the South, that the emperor thought seriously of the completion of his conquests in the South. Ranga Krishna's position, in consequence, was, during the last two years of his rule, a dangerous one. He had to keep strict vigilance against possible imperial vandalism. He had to see that his kingdom did not share the fate of the kingdoms of Bijapur and Golcondah. He had to be singularly vigilant in the northwest frontier, for in 1687 the Mysore king, Chikka Deva Raj, purchased the District of Bangalore from Ekoji (who thus confined himself solely to Tanjore), for three lakhs ; and when Kasim Khan, the Mughul general, seized it before the entry of the Mysore troops, he conciliated the emperor, and concluded, in return for the payment of allegiance, an agreement by which he got Bangalore, as well as a tacit permission to extend his territories in a direction that would not interfere with the Mughul operations. The friendship of the emperor assured, Chicka Deva was ready to encroach into Madura territory. In 1688 and 168928 we find him invading the Kongu province, conquering the greater part of Baramahal, including Dharmapuri and Kaveripatnam, pushing his conquest into the Talaghat and annexing Omalur, Paramatti and Attur-Anantagiri. This region had been previously conquered by Dodda Deva in 1667, but evidently recovered by Madura or by the local chiefs and Polygars. Hence the necessity of Chikka Deva to subdue it. We have no authority which enables us to say what Ranga Krishna did at this crisis. Probably, he yielded for the time and died before taking any steps to recover the lost districts. The incident of the Mughal's slipper. But if Ranga Krishna could not take any steps against Mysore, he was able enough to defy the power of the haughty Musalman. A curious and highly interesting episode is narrated in the Telugu chronicle in illustration of his dignified attitude towards Muhammadan claims. It was the Padshah's custom in those days, it says, to send one of his slippers in great eclat with and in the midst of proper guards and solemn paraphernalia, as a mandate for the performance of homage and the payment of tribute by the feudatories of the Empire. The slipper was placed in a rich and magnificent howdah of an elephant, and defended by an army of 12,000 cavalry and 40,000 infantry, under the command of two Nawabs. All the honours were paid to the royal slipper which were paid to the king himself. It was fanned by two chowries, and attended by banners and umbrellas, flutes and drums, and other insignia. When the procession reached the boundary of a State, the king of that State was bound to welcome it at the head of his troops, pay homage, and abase his ensigns before it. The king was then bound to take the imperial representative and its defenders to the capital, to resign his throne for a moment to it, and to give as a mark of his loyalty, obeisance and tribute, besides presents to the guardians of the worthy imperial representative! This custom, a capital example of the pride and slavery of kings, had not, however, extended, owing to distance, to "the Pandya kingdom"; but in the reign of Ranga Krishna, the imperial slipper, with all its insignia, came to the frontiers of the Madura kingdom at Uttattur, and despatched the inayithu nama, the news of its arrival, to the king. When the young and proud king of Trichinopoly heard the purport of the message and the claim for homage on his part, his indignation knew no bounds. He dismissed 2 Wilks I, 92; Salem Manual I, 53-4.

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 123 the chobdars, the messengers, from the imperial camp, with presents; and calling his Dalavai and other ministers, asked them to meet the Nawabs and tell them that he was too unwell to meet them at Samayavaram. At the same time he revealed to them his desire to humble the Padshah's pride, and instruoted them to conduct the farman and the Nawabs, by device and by pursuasion, to the capital. The mainist succeeded in carrying out the king's orders, but at the expense of truth and of the invaders' good-will. At every stage of their journey, the latter asked why the king had not yet come, and were told that he was too unwell. In this way the slipper and the sirdars were enticed into Trichinopoly, to the very gates of the palace, the army of course being stationed outside the fort. When they reached the palace, the indignant Musalmans, who thought it a disgrace to wait there, took the slipper in a palanquin and proceeded to the audience-hall. Mean-while Ranga Krishna had prepared himself for this crisis. He invested himself with all paraphernalia and sat on the throne in the midst of an admiring and loyal audience. When the Nawabs came there, and saw the king's haughty attitude, they were seized with indignation. Pushing those who stood before them, they approached the throne and offered the slipper into the king's hands! The latter flew into bi indignant rage, and in words of thunder, ordered the imperial messengers to place it on the floor. They naturally hesitated, but soon came to think discretion to be the better part of valour, and the orders from the throne might be followed by whips in case of disobedience. Rauga Krishoa then thrust one of his feet into the slipper, and loudly asked how it was that their Padshah had not the common sense to send the other! The agents, as might be expected, answered with all the vivacity of anger, accusing Ranga Krishna of treason, and threatening chastisement in the near future. But loyal enthusiasm on their part was hardly serviceable in the Trichinopoly court. Beaten almost to death, they went outside the fort, and incited their army to attack the fortifications. But a large force of Trichinopoly infantry and 45,000 cavalry were more than a match for the invaders, who were cut up piece-meal. Never did the Padshah send again & similar message to his vassals! Its meaning. A tale so singular and interesting has naturally given rise to a good deal of controversy. It will be evident, from what has been said, that, if the slipper was sent at all, it should have been sent by Aurangzeb. The Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda could not have done it, for the simple reason that at this time they were themselves & prey to Mughal greed, and by 1687 had ceased to exist. If any sovereign had despatched the slipper, therefore, it must have been their conqueror, the Puritan son of Shah Jahan. Could that have been the case ? Was Aurangzeb, the embodiment of craft and cunning, the impersonation of statecraft, the author of such a tactless expedition? It taxes our credulity. The Musalman chronicles are completely silent about it. These, however, it may be argued, were partial, and carefully avoided a subject which was detrimental to their own reputation or interests. But what about Manucci, that great traveller, who was an eye-witness of these campaigns, and took a passionate delight in recording anecdotes like this? Why is he silent about an affair which, if it had happened, must have happened under his very nose? But a grasp of all the circum stances of the period does not make it improbable. Mr. Taylor believes it. He does not think the tale to be silly rodomontade. He sees in it a true expression and exemplification of Aurangzeb's egotism, of his desire to extend the boundaries of the

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE. 1917 empire to the southernmost limits of India, of that spirit of supercilious contempt with which he regarded the feudatory princes, calling them petty chiefs and zemindars. The expedition of Zulfikar Khan in the reign of Mangammal was probably a punitive20 xpedition. Ranga Krishna's death. In the midst of such a glorious career, the young king of Madura was struck down by small-pox, then, as now, a virulent curse to India. It was the greatest misfortune which could befall the unfortunate kingdom. If Ranga Ktishna had continued to live, he would in all probability have postponed the subjugation of his kingdom by the Mughals; and though his mother, Mangammal, carried on the affairs of state with a remarkable capacity for fifteen years after his death, she could hardly fill his place. The 18th century was not an age for the rule of women in India. It was too unsettled, too much under influence of upstart powers and adventurous leaders, to allow the mild sceptre of a woman. Mangammal was one among a million women. She was wise, generous and clever; yet even she failed to secure the independence of her state from Mughal domination, and underwent & tragic death. The death of Ranga Krishna was followed by one of the most romantic and tragic episodes of which Madura history is so full. It has been already mentioned that Raiga Krishna had but one queen, to whom he was passionately attached and whose attachment to him was equally passionate. On his death Muttammal expressed a strong resolve to imitate the heroines of antiquity and become sati. The people, however, looked on this attitude with mingled feelings of horror and admiration. Muttammal was then in au interesting state, and the birth of a successor to Raiga Krishna was expected. (To be continued.) 29 See Christian College Magazine, Vol. XII, pp. 276-77 for a discussion of the probability of this event by J. D. B. Gribble. "The foregoing account is from a Hindu source, and there is nothing in any of the Mahomedan histories which in any way confirms it. It is probably exaggerated, especially As regards the number of Mahomedan army who were put to fight. It shows however that previous to this incident which ocourred before the end of the 17th century, the custom of sending the slipper had been for eome years in force, since the Trichinopoly Sirdars were aoquainted with it, and that the emperor's over-rule was recognized, as the first impulse of the Sirdars was to show respect to the slipper, it is clear that for some time previously the Emperor's rule was recognized as far south as Trichinopoly. In the account of the transactions of the latter years of Aurongazeb's reign, translated by Scott from the narrative of a Bondela officer, we are told that in 1693 Zulficar Khan, the Emperor's great general, ...... marched 60 coss from Gingi into the territories of Trichinopoly and Tanjore, and collected considerable contributions from the zemindars. The slipper embassy was probably subsequent to this expedition, and it was only 8 or 6 years later, when Aurangazeb's whole attention was taken with the Mahrattas, that so flagrant an insult could have been committed. Without therefore relying on the exact accuracy of the incident ap here given, it proves that after the fall of Golkonda the emperor's armies overran the whole of the territories of that State and of Bijapur, and exercised a certain amount of control over the hitherto independent kingdom of Trichinopoly." Gribble is wrong in saying that the incident referred to is subsequent to Zulfikar Khan's expedition. For, if so, the incident must have taken place after 1693, while Ranga Kuishna Muttu Virappa died in 1689. It seems to me therefore that Zulfikar Khan's invasion was subsequent to, if not the immediate outcome of, Ranga Krishna's treatment of the slipper. As regards Gribble's argument that the readiness of the Sirdars to pay allegiance to the slipper proves previous imperial supremacy, it seems to me that the inference does not necessarily follow from the fact, as the pirdars might have learnt it from heareay rather than from their own experience, in the past. M. J. Walhouse believes, it may be added here, from the very minute and circumstantial nature of the story that it " wears much the appearance of truth." (ante, Vol. VII, p. 26.).

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JUNE, 1917) A HARAHA STONE-INSCRIPTION 125 A HARAHA STONE-INSCRIPTION BY NANIGOPAL MAJUMDAR, ESQR., CALCUTTA. IN December 1915, Mr. R. D. Banerji, of the Archeological Survey of India, made uver to me two excellent inked estampages of a Maukhari inscription which had not been published before. These were procured from Pandit Hirananda Sastri, then Curator of the Lucknow Provincial Museum, who discovered the inscription at a place, called Haraha, in the District of Barabanki, in the United Provinces. Raja Raghuraja Singh Bahadur, in whose territory the inscription was discovered, has made a gift of it to the Lucknow Museum, where it is now in situ. The inscription is incised on a slab of stone. The size of the inscription is 2-21" long and 1'-4" broad. It consists of 22 lines. Excepting the engraver's name at the end of the inscription, it is entirely in verse. The language is Sanskrit and represents a highly artificial and complex style of composition. The incision is nicely executed and no letters have peeled off. They belong to the northern class of the later Gupta alphabets, such as were prevalent in the fifth and sixth centuries A. D. They are akin to and may be grouped with those of the Man lasore inscription of Yasodharman, dated A. D. 5324. The object of the inscription is to record the reconstruction of a dilapidated temple of Siva by Saryavarman, son of TAanavarman, the reigning king of the Maukhari dynasty. Before the discovery of this inscription, five other records of the Maukhari dynasty were already known : (1) Two of king Anantavarman, incised on the Nagarjunt Hill-Caves.5 (2) A third inscription of king Anantavarman, incised above the door-way of a cave on the Barabar Hill. (3) The Jaunpur inscription of king Ibvaravarman.7 (4) A Copper-seal inscription of king Sarvavarman, discovered at Asirgadh, in the Nimar District, in the Central Provinces.8 The above inscriptions are all undated; so scholars were forced to rely mainly upon palmographical grounds, in order to assign them to a particular period of Indian history. The great importance of the Haraha inscription lies in its being dated. The date is expressed in a chronogram which runs thus : Ekadakatirikteshu shatou satitavidvishi Sateshu saradam patyau bhuvah Srisana-varmani.--v. 21. The above verse gives the year 611 (600 +11) of a particular era, the name of which is not mentioned. But there is little doubt that it must be assigned to the Vikrama eta, which makes it equivalent to A. D. 554. The reasons in support of this, are simple. King Madhavagupta, we know from the Aphsad inscription, was a contemporary of king Harshadeva, or Harshavardhana, who reigned approximately from A. D. 606 to 647. So Madhavagupta must have lived in the first half of the seventh century A. D. The Maukhari king isanavarman to whose reign this inscription belongs, was a contemporary 1 When I was ongaged in deciphering the inscription, a reading together with an impression of the same appeared in a Hindi monthly, called the Sarasvati.-1322 B. 8., pp. 80-86. 2 Annual Report of the Lucknow Provincial Museum, for the year ending 31st March, 1915. p. 3. s Ibid. for the year ending 31st March, 1916. p. 3 (Appendix D, P. 8) 4 Floot's Gupta Inscrs., pl. XXII. Ibid. pp. 223-26 ; 226-28. Ibid. pp. 221-23. 7 Ibid. pp. 228-30. 8.Ibid. pp. 219-21. * Floet's Gupta Insors., pp. 203-4.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JONE, 1917 of king Kumaragupta,10 the great-grandfather of Madhavagupta, as the Aphsad inscription represents him to have fought with the former. So it stands to reason that the date of fsanavarman must be placed earlier than the first half of the seventh century. Now, in order to get a date that would be earlier than the first half of the seventh century, we are constrained to refer the year 611 to the Vikrama era. No other era can give us a date slightly earlier than the time of Harshavardhana. Our conclusion is also not opposed to the palaeographical considerations. In the Annual Report of the Lucknow Museum, 11 it was suggested that, "Taking atirikta (se the verse quoted above) in the sense of superfluous, the other possible meaning will be 589." Now, according to Mr. Burn, some coins of Sarvavarman, son and successor of Isana varman, bear the date A. D. 553 12. If we accept this, we have to reject the year 611 ( A. D. 554 ), which our inscription gives for Ibanavarman; for unless we do so, the dates of the son and father overlap each other, which is contrary to the natural course of things. If we reject the year 611, we have got to acrept the only other possible' date, which is 589 Vikrama era, i. e. A. D. 532. But before we do so, it is in portant for us to know for certain, whether the coins of Sarvavarman actually give us a date and whether that date is equal to the Christian .year 553. Through the kindness of Mr. R. D. Banerji, I had occasion to examine the hoard of Maukhari coins (discovered in the Fyzabad district)13 now deposited in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. I am sorry to say that the date-marks on the coins of Sarvavarman (as well as of other Maukhari kings) have totally disappeared and as such it is impossible to say at which particular date those coins were issued. So it is better not to infer anything from them and hazard a doubtful reading that may or may not be correct. I may also add that Mr. Banerji is also of the same opinion, and I am sure that will be the opinion of all who examine the coins with any care. I therefore feel inclined to reject the date given by Mr. Burn for Sarvavarman's coins, and accept the year 611 as the only possible date at which the inscription belonging to the reign of fsanavarman might have been incised, 14 The Asirgadh seal gives a genealogy of the Maukhari princes down to Sarvavarman.15 The present inscription adds one more name to the Maukhari list. This is Saryavarman, another son of Islinavarman. But it omits the name of Sarvavarman. The inscription opens with two laudatory verses in honour of the god Siva. Then follows the usual genealogy beginning with Harivarman, the first king of the dynasty (v.4). From him was born Adityavarman. He was a pious man, and frequently performed sacrifices (vs. 6-7). Tavaravarman was his son (vs. 8-10). From him was born Isans varman, who was, as it were, the beaming moon in the firmament of subordinato kings (rajanrajakamandalamvaraiasiv. 11). The 13th bloka, which gives a description of the conquests of Isa navarman, is very important. It runs as follows Jitvandhradhipatin sahasraga nita-tredhaksharatvarpanam Vyavalganniyutatieamkhyaturagan bhandva rane Sulikam Kritud chayatimochitasthalabhuvo Gaudan samudrdirayaNadhydsish!a natakshitisachara ah sha sanam yo jiti 10 Ibid. p. 203. 11 For the year ending 31st March, 1915, p. 3, foot-note. 12 J. R. A. S. 1906, pp. 848-49. 13 Ibid. "Be ore examining the colos I was of opinion that the chronogram yields the year 589--VangiyaSahitya Parishat-Patrikd, 1323 B. &., p. 289. But now I give it up. 15 F. G.I., p220.

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JUNE, 1917) A HARAHA STONE-INSCRIPTION 127 From the above it follows that IsAnavarman defeated in battle the king of the Andhras, and the Salikas and the Gaudas who were all compelled to accept his sovervignty. When he was ruling the earth, his son Sar yavarman was born. One day when the prince was out a-hunting, he lighted upon an old temple of Siva, which he caused to be reconstructed (v. 20). The building was finished in the rainy season of the year 600 exceeded by 11, when fallna varman was the lord of the earth (v. 22). The post of the inscription is Ravikam ti, son of Kumarasamti, an inhabitant of Garggarakata (v. 33). The name of the engraver then follows. It was incised by Mihiravarman. The most interesting point of the foregoing summary is sanavarman's victory over the Andhra king, the Salikas and the Gaudas. The old Andhra empire had now perished; so it is not quite certain what is signified hero by the mention of an Andhra king. Who the Salikas were, is also not known. According to Fleet, they are identifiable with the Molikas, mentioned in the Brihat-suh hita (XIV, 48, 23). Fleet places them in the northwestern frontier, 10 The tribe or country mulaka, mentioned in the Nasik cave-inscription of Balasri, 17 mother of the Andhra king Sri Satakarni Gotamiputra, is identified with Malika by Prof. Rapson, 18 In former times the letters Sa and Ma were often interchangeable. So it might be that the Sulika stands here for the Malika or Mulaka. The defeat of the Andhras is also mentioned in a mutilated inscription19 of the Maukhari king Isvaravarman, father of 16anavarman. The portion in which the name of the man who defeated them was mentioned, is broken. But it is probable that the allusion is to their defeat by the armies of king Isvaravarman. This is clear from the Harkha inscription. It is apparent from the verse quoted above that toanavarman's glorious undertakings preceded his sitting on his father's throne i. e. they took place when his father was still ruling. This creates a strong presumption in favour of what is stated above, that probably the defeat of the Andhra king, mentioned in the mutilated Jaunpur inscription, is to be assigned to the reign of Isvaravarman. It is interesting to note that the name Gaula occurs for the first time in the new inscription from Haraha. We do not as yet know what local dynasty was ruling in Bengal in the sixth century A. D. But the conquest of the province by the Maukharis undoubtedly signalises the extinction of Gupta rule in Bengal. I think, it is necessary here to point out that the discovery of this dated inscription of the Maukharis settles the chronology of the several undated Maukhari inscriptions hitherto discovered. The Jaunpur inscription, as it belongs to the reign of Isvaravarman, father of tanavarman, must be put earlier than the year A. D. 554 the only known date at which feinavarman was ruling. It may be safely placed in the last quarter of the fifth or the first quarter of the sixth contury. For the three other undated inscriptions which are on the Barabar and Nagarjuni Hills an unusually late period is suggested by Mr. C.V. Vaidya.20 According to him the Maukhari princes mentioned in them are to be assigned to a date later than that of Harsha. But the letters of the inscriptions of Anantavarman are older in form even than those of the Harah a inscription. The tripartite ya which is a characteristic of the Kushan and the Early Gupta alphabets, 21 is used promiscuously along with its later developed form, in the Haraha inscription. But in the inscriptions of Anantavarman only the tripartite form of ya is to be met with. This is a clear indication that they are of considerably oarlier date. 26 Ante., 1893, p. 186. 17 Epi. Ind., VIII. pp. 60, 62. 18 Catalogue of Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, p. XXXI. 13.Vindhyadreh pratirandhramandhra patinsankiparen ialam'-Fleet's Gupta Inscrs., p. 230. 9 Jour. Bomb. A8. Soc., Vol. XXIV, pp. 244-5. 21 Buhler's Indian Palmography (English Translation), p. 48, c. f, Buhler's Talel, IV, Vols. XI-XII and XII, 32.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1917 JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET. BY L. D. BARNETT. INDIAN STUDENTS have suffered a grievous loss by the death of Dr. J. F. Fleet, C.I.E., which took place on the 21st February last. He had been for some time past in enfeebled health, suffering especially from an affection of the lungs; but he maintained his interest in his favourite studies until a few weeks before his death. His departure is deeply mourned by all who have known him; and the sorrow of his friends in England will be equally shared by those in the Presidency of Bombay, for it was there that he spunt most of the thirty years of his duty as an official of the Indian Civil Service, happy years of vigorous youth and manhood spent in faithful work for the welfare of the Indian people and for the advancement of the studies in which he was the acknowledged master. Often in his later years he used to speak with tenderness and admiration of his old friends. the Kanarese peasantry, and recall the days that he had spent among them, listening after office hours to their tales and recording their ballads. A capable and wise administrator, as well as a profound and successful investigator of scientific truth, he leaves behind him a record of work supremely well done. John Faithfull Fleet, the son of John George Fleet, of Chiswick, and his wife Esther Faithfull, was born in 1847, and educated in London at the Merchant Taylor's Sohool. In 1865 he was appointed to the Indian Civil Service, and in preparation for his work in India studied at University College, London, among other things learning Sanskrit from Theodor Goldstucker. He arrived in Bombay in 1867, and entered the Revenue and Executive Branch of the Service. His official career may be briefly summarised. He became successively Assistant Collector and Magistrate, Educational Inspector for the Southern Division (1872), Assistant Political Agent in Kolhapur and the Southern Maratha Country (1875). Epigraphist to the Government of India (1883), Junior Collector, Magistrate, and Political Agent at Sholapur (1886), Senior Collector (1889), Commissioner of the Southern and Central Divisions (1891-1892), and Commissioner of Customs (1893) : he retired in 1897. With his official work his scientific and literary studies went hand in hand. He applied himself at once to the investigation of the epigraphic records of the Bombay Presidency, and speedily proved himself to be possessed of all the qualities needful for this work. His mind was vigorous, exact, and acute, his judgment sober and judicious; he had a deep and accurate knowledge of the Sanskrit and Kanarese languages and literatures, and of astronomy and epigraphy; and he handled details with consummate mastery. His early papers in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society already showed these qualities, and marked him as a coming leader of epigraphio and historical studies. From its foundation in 1872 onwards he took a keen interest in the Indian Antiquary; he was its joint editor with Sir Richard Carneo Temple from volume XIV to volume XX, and many of his most valuable papers appeared in it. He published for the India Office in 1878 his "Pali.. Sanskrit anaoua. Canarese Inscriptions," a useful and scholarly collection, which however was eclipsed in 1888 by his Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors," forming volume III of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, & splendid piece of work from every point of view, which by establishing the epoch of the Gupta dynasty in A. D. 319-320 laid the key-stone of Indian chronology. Another very valuable work was his "Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts in the Bombay Presidency," which was published in 1895 as volume I, Part I, of the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency; in this he put together in orderly arrangement the vast amount of data collected by him from epigraphic and literary sources which bear on the history of those ancient kingdoms. After his return to England he devoted himself with characteristic energy to his favourite studies. He became in 1907

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JUNE, 1917) JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET AND THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 129 Honorary Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, which in 1912 awarded him its Gold Medal; and he published numerous papers and notes in the Journal of the Society, besides occasional contributions to the Epigraphia Indica and other publications. That the sciences of Indian chronology and epigraphy now stand on firm scientific bases is mainly due to him; and it is a noble monument to his life's work. JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET AND THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY BY RICHARD U. TEMPLE. I have always looked on my old friend, John Faithfull Fleet, as one of the chief founders of our present knowledge of ancient and mediaeval Indian history, and as I was intimately connected for some years with his work in this Journal I should not be doing justice to his memory if I failed to draw attention to the extent to which we are indebted to hig invaluable researches for what we can say we know accurately on the subject. Any kind of study that would throw light on the history of India was of absorbing interest to him whether it related to epigraphy, chronology, historical geography, philology or literature and whenever he handled any special point he did it with a thoroughness and a painstaking accuracy that from the first commanded my respect and admiration. This Journal, now in its 47th year, was founded, amid many gloomy prognostications as to its prospects on the part of Indian scholars, in 1872, by Dr. James Burgess, who also has recently passed away. Fleet was connected with it from its very first year and my own connection began in 1879. Soon afterwards, in 1883 I began to help him with the reproduction of his epigraphical plates. In 1884 the state of Dr. Burgess' eyesight obliged him to contemplate giving up his editorship and it was taken on by Fleet and myself in 1885. For the next seven years we conducted it jointly, Fleet being for that period its principal contributor. In 1892 he also gave up the editorship and since that date it has fallen to me to carry it on, sometimes alone and sometimes with coadjutors. But though Fleet was not again associated with me as an editor, he never ceased to take an active interest in the Journal and contributed to its pages in his own valuable way from time to time, his very last article being by & curious coincidence an obituary notice of our old mutual friend, Dr. James Burgess. Before going into the details of Fleet's connection with the Indian Antiquary, I cannot do better than transcribe here a note he left behind him on two points in his work which gave him the greatest satisfaction, especially as it shows wherein he thought it would prore of most value in the future. "There are two things in connection with my work, which have always given me great gratification. "One is that it was I who led my friend, the late Professor Kielhorn, to take a share in working on the inscriptions of India. As we all know, his great speciality was the study of Sanskrit grammar, with the help of the oral tradition accessible only by residence in India, to supplement the written books: and he devoted himself almost entirely to that as long as he remained in India. But I had aroused his interest in the inscriptions, by occasionally consulting him on difficult points of interpretation. That led him to recognize the great importance of them, as regulating, by the details and dates which they furnish, everything about the ancient history of the country that we can learn from tradition, literature, coins, art, architecture or any other source. "From soon after his retirement in 1881 he applied himself largely to epigraphic work; with the result that he gave us, not only critical and valuable editions of many inscriptional texts, but also lists, with abstracts of contents, of all the published inscriptions of Northern and Southern India from about A. D. 400 onwards. And in doing that, he did quite as much as any one has done towards placing the science of Indian epigraphy on a sound basis.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1917 * The other matter is in connection with my settlement of the initial year of the Gupta era. As I have made clear in my introduction to the volume of the Gupta inscriptions, I could not have determined this point without the help of the late Mr. Shankar Balkishan Dikshit. It rested on the exact determination of the equivalents of the dates given in some of the inscriptions. At that time we could only calculate Hindu dates approximately, with results which might or might not be correct, and so could not give any certainty. I was then in charge of the Sholapur district and was in camp at Barsi towards the end of 1886. << Mr. Dikshit, who was then an Assistant Master in the English school at that town. came to my tents and made himself known to me. Ho had seen one or another of my articles on the matter in question which had excited his interest: and he came to me because he was able to take the matter to its conclusion. I soon found that that was the case. He was well versed in astronomy, both Hindu and European, and was in fact, a joint worker with other people in the making of almanacs. And he mado the calculations, some of thom very laborious, which enabled me to prove that the first Gupta King began to reign in A. D. 320. The matter, moreover, did not end there. At my request, Mr. Dikshit published an explanation of the process by which we could calculate the exact Christian date of any given Hindu lunar date by means of tables which had been published by Professor Kero Lakshman Chhatre, & well known mathematician and astronomer. "This aroused general interest in this line of research, and led to the publication of other processes and tables by Professor Jacobi and by Mr. Dikshit himself in collaboration with Mr. Sewell, by means of which we can now deal satisfactorily with Hindu dates of all kinds, no matter how complicated the details of them may be. "I have not much more to say. If life were long enough, I should like to re-edit up to date almost everything that I have published. In all the lines of research in which I have worked, our progress was for a long time very tentative: indeed, in some respects it still is so. In such circumstances, it is impossible to avoid making mistakes: and I have written much that I should like to correct, and some things which I should like to cancel altogether. However, I doubt if I shall ever see my way to doing much in that directi new points of urgent interest arise so constantly that it is difficult to go back on past ground, except in the way of incidental and sometimos quito tacit correction. I can only express the hope that writers who may wish to quoto me will look to my later writings in preference to the earlier ones." One of the interesting things that command our attention from & survey of Fleet's contributions to this Journal is that it discloses the history of Indian epigraphical research almost from its commencement as a systematic study. The very first note he contributed relates to the clearing of inscriptions covered with paint and oil after the Indian fashion. so that they may be properly read and reproduced. In the same first volume Fleet published a Canarese inscription with a translation and lithographod text. In 1873 he had a note on Sanskrit and Canarese Inscriptions, foreshadowing the great work that he performed in subsequent years. In 1874 occurs the first of a long series of philological notes: it was on the Sanskrit name for the ring finger, anamika. In 1875 he had an article on an old Canarese Inscription without a plate, but it was in this year that he commenced his splendid series of Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions critically edited, together with disquisitions on the dates, pedigrees and facts disclosed. These papers were accompanied by printed texts and illustrated by reproductions of the originals by William Griggs (who has now too passed away) from Fleet's facsimiles, or from facsimiles made under his superintendence, with extraordinary care and accuracy. In this year he began with 8 of these inscriptions and carried on the series till

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JUNE, 1917) JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET AND THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 131 1891, by which time he had given 196 of them to the world of Oriental scholarship. From 1875 till 1892 he took a large share in the contributions to the Indian Antiquary, making it the chief journal dealing with Indian epigraphy. In 1876 Fleet commenced a long series of critical notes and contributions on writings directly purporting to relate to Indian History with an article on the Chronicle of Toragal, which was followed by a criticism of Dr. Rice's Western Chalukhya Grants of Kirttivarman in 1879, & subject to which he returned in 1881. It was in 1879 also that we saw the beginnings of his long and all important studies in Indian Chronology in most interesting notes on the use of the term sa invat for a year," controverting older ideas thereon: on the Chalukhya Vikrama Varsha (era): and on the dating of inscriptions in the years of the King's reign in South India, this last being a long disquisition. In 1881 he began to record notes on newly found inscriptions on stone and copper-plates. Later on he induced owners of the latter to place them in his hands for decipherment and publication. In 1883 he began to give to the world the results of his researches in two important directions-firstly, the study of Indian Eras, commencing with an article of moment at the time on "the Nomenclature of the Priacipal Hindu Eras, especially the Saka and Vikrama", and secondly, notes on local historical geography, a subject he considerably developed later on. Philological observations relating to the meaning of technical terms used in inscriptions also claimed his constant attention at this time. He further produced in this year an historical disquisition on the Ganga Dynasty in Southern India, then but little known. In the volume for 1884 was made public a great service to Indian epigraphy and history. At much expense and labour, and as the result of exceptional skill and patience, faithful facsimiles of the Pillar Edicts of Asoka at Delhi and Allahabad had been taken by Fleet and those working under his superintendence. These were repro luced in the Indian Antiquary with the accurasy that always distinguished the work of Griggs and transcripts of them were given by B'ihler in the Devanagari character, settling the question of the actual text for good and all. From this year Dr. Burgess ceased to be Editor and this Journal passed into the hands of Fleet and myself with the volume for 1885. Fleet was now its principal contributor, carrying on vigorously his Sanskrit and Canarese Inscriptions and his notes on geography, chronology, history and philology, with occasional articles on palaeography and epigraphy. He also commenced in this year his long series of notes and articles on coin legends, as illustrating statements in inscriptions and literature, with those of the Guptas, and on Canarese Ballads, text, translation and music. In the seven years 1885-1891 he filled the Journal with article after article and note after pote on the above subjects, by way of direct contributions or of criticism of the work of contemporary writers. Any kind of information which could throw light on the story of ancient-India at once claimed his earnest attention and he read and expounded it out of the fullness of his own knowledge thereon. He thus produced in 1886 his first speculations on the Epochs of Indian Eras, commenting on the Gupta Era, on the Saka Era in 1888, and on the Gupta-Valabhi Era in 1891. In 1887 he began his Caloulations of Hindu Dates, carrying them on at times till 1891 and producing altogether 48 of them. In this matter he did not confine himself to the doings of peoples and kings, for in that year he enquired into the dates of Sankara. charya and the poet Rajasekhara. In 1888 he printed an article, of great importance for the time, on the Summary of Results for the Epoch and Origin of the Gupta Era-results achieved by the combination of the work of skilled Indian epigraphists and European

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1917 astronomers, involving prolonged and immense labour. The year 1889 found Fleet engaged in another line of epigraphic study of much consequence in its way to historical research :the critical examination of ancient forgeries of grants. Of these he produced in time a considerable number, with reasons for his opinions on them. The seals of royal grantors in epigraphical documents and the pedigrees disclosed by inscriptions, seals, coins and literary works were necessarily constantly in his mind, and in 1890 he published what was at that date an important note on the Ehitari Seal of Kumaragupta II. and the Gupta Pedigree. After the volume for 1891 had been issued Fleet ceased his connection with the Indian Antiquary as a Joint Editor, and it fell to myself to continue the Journal, but it will be seen that I have been able to record above sufficient to show that his efforts had made it by that time the principal exponent of Oriental research in private hands, and beyond doubt the chief vehicle for the publication of Indian epigraphical studies. Although Fleet continued to help the periodical in his own line of study, the character it had acquired as essentially an historical and epigraphical publication had perforce to change by reason of his retirement from a share in its conduct and also for the reason that the Government of India had begun to take the direction of study of epigraphy into its own hands. At great risk and cost to its proprietors, Fleet and myself, the Indian Antiquary had trained and maintained for years, under Fleet's direction, a private staff for the purpose of discovering, collecting (a very delicate matter), and reproducing in facsimile, epigraphic records of all sorts. It was this fact that made much of what we were able to publish available to scholars and others interested in Indian historical research. When, however, the Government stepped into the field, fresh documents and evidence naturally went into the hands of its own servants through the agency of local officials instructed to collect and forward them to certain Government offices. An official Journal was started in 1891 for the purpose of publishing them-the Epigraphia Indica, and in time the private staff of the Indian Antiquary had to be broken up. However, after some negotiation, the Indian Antiquary became in 1894-5, through its Supplement, now the Epigraphia Indica, the official channel for the publication of the Government's collections under the editorship of Government officers, and has remained such ever since. Although Fleet's contributions after 1891 related to his favourite subject (including epigraphy, chronology and philology), ancient Indian topography and historical geography formed the chief part of them, and between 1892 and 1910 he produced a great series of articles and notes on ancient place names and the identification of their sites. He also wrote for me obituary notices of three mutual friends of long standing-Shankar Balkishan Dikshit, who died in 1898 while yet a young man, and Sir James Macnabb Campbell in 1903, and finally, just before his own death he published this year an account of the oldest of them all, Dr. James Burgess, the founder of the Indian Antiquary. I do not like to say much more. It is natural to find, after 33 years of close association, in my capacity of editor-proprietor of this Journal, with many scholars and writers of mark on Indian subjects, that the great majority have passed away or have ceased to be able to contribute largely, and that the work must now be handed on to a younger band of men devoted to the same class of studies. It may be a mistaken judgment, out of old friendship and association, but I have always regarded Fleet as in the forefront of the pioneers who have shown the way to the rising generation of scholars desiring an accurate knowledge of the ancient and medieval history of the Indian Empire. I can only hope that the generation yet unborn, which will be able to pronounce a detached and well proportioned judgment on all of us, will be of the same opinion.

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JUNE, 1917) MISCELLANEA 133 MISCELLANEA. NOTES ON SIND. Songades == Songal, the name of a Makin north of Karachi. The Position of Mt. Eiros. The accompanying maps fully bear out the It is often considered that the task of identifying doscriptions in Arrian. ne stations along Alexander's route bordons 80 Then the first harbour after Rerhi, the large nearly on the impossible that more conjecture will and commodious Alexander's Haven. is Ghizri do for the purpose of argument. For instance, Crook, the mouth of the river Malir. It was Mr. V. A. Smith is quite willing to assume that protected by an island which has now become Hyderabad corresponds with the position of Patala, "tied." The subsoil water around the lower curse though he does not believe it. It will be some of the Malir River is very brackish, 39 son water thing gained therefore if we can fix some points. porcolates through this sandy soil. The bay Alexander's gront difficulty in leaving India was sheltored by the island of Domai must be Karachi to arrange for water supply across Karachi Taluka Harbour lying under the leo of Manora, and water and Baluchistan, i.e., the barani limestone area would be obtained by sending fatigue partios inland north-west of the Indus delta. Similarly to dig in the bod of the Lyari. Nearchus with the fleet had to take overy precau. tion, and one may be very sure and the authorities Those identifications appear to be exact. Now are clear-that from his base in Krokala was 120 stadia-following the windings the dolta Alexander explored the route to the west very of the coast" from the mouth of the rivor. This carefully before setting out. distance (fourteen milos) corresponds almost Now where is water available in the Karachi exactly with that of the Khudi "croek", a creek Taluka? In the River Habb, the western frontior of | which is in reality a huge lagoon. Now the Khudi Sind, in the bed of the Lyari (by excavation), in creek is the soa-ward ond of the abandoned Khanthe bod of the Malir (by excavacion) and at wah, & canal which was once a bod of the Indus Rerhi from springs at the foot of the cliff. In the Again Alexander know of two mouths of the Indus, neighbourt.ood of Rerhi is of which the "right" one was too treacherous for a fissare specially use by his floot. It follows then that the sacred to crocodilo and still known as Waghodar, the crocodilo's Khanwah was the "left" branch and the Khudi doorway. Of the antiquity of the cult of the crocodile in the delta estuary, the lake in which bathing resulted in of the Indus there can be no doubt, nor can "Sind sores." there be any doubt of the fact that Kukala roally One can only conclude then that the Gharo means the "erocodilo's place for the name is not Greek was the "right" arm, that Bhambhor was given as a local name. the island of Killoutis and that Patala was some Now the identificatio.us proposed are these where near Gajo, where the Khanwah and Gharo Eiroy - Rerhi. channels bifurosted. Krokala = WAglodar. G. E. L. CARTER. BOOK-NOTICES AITIH SIKA RASA SAMGRAKA. BY VIJAYA DHAR- the periods and personages to whom they refer MA SORI. Fasciculi I and II, (1916-17): pp. 96 and which place they are to be given in the classi. and 74 resp. Bhawnagar, Saraswati Press. (In fication of the materials for the mediaval history Gujarati). of India. The Series which the distinguished Jain Acharya That the Editor himself wishes to consider this Vijaya Dharma Sari is inaugurating with the two legendary literature chiefly from an historical point fasciculi mentioned above for tho publication of of viow, is borne out not only by the titlo given Jain rasas possessing some historical value, is cer- to the Series, but also by the introduction to the tain to be welcome to different classes of readers first fasciculus, and still more by the erudite notes the student of Jain religion and literaturo, the given in illustration of names of persons and places student of Old Gujarati, and the student of the occurring in the texts. These notes, teeming 88 medieval history of Gujarat and Rajputana. The they do with references to historical works and in. Serios promises to throw a now and considerable scriptions-often inedited, discovered by the Editor light on a very important section of tho vernacular in the course of his vihdras through Rajputana or literature of the Jains in Western India, which Gujarat- and supplying as they do names and has been so imperfectly known to this day, and in datos in an accurate form, constitute, perhaps, the particular to help to establish what real value most useful and gonial part of the work. Each these rasas bevo in connection with the history of fasciculus is divided into three parts: the first

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134 INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1917 containing an abridged prose translation of the was born at Jaura, in Mowar, and the mention of particular rasas, illustrated by the nctes mentioned this place, which is now in ruins, gives the Editor above, the second containing the poetical texts, and an opportunity for inserting an erudite note on the third containing lists of obsolete or difficult the remains, which he has explored. words occurring in the texts, with renderings in 4. Bhima Oopdi. Composed by a pupil of Kirti modern Gujaratt. The edition of the texts dous Sagara sari in Sanat 1742. A eulogy of Bhime not claim to be critical, it is merely a faithful copy Saha, a pious Poravala of Agapura (near Dagars of the manuscripts, but as these are for the most pura), with special reference to a pilgrimage which part accurate, the absence of philological criticism he, in the function of sanghapati, made in is not much folt. The language of the rasas is Dhulevajt (Kesariyajt). Old Gujarati, and the works contained in the first 5. Khema Hardiya nd Rasa. Composed by two fascicui, with which we are concorded, were Laksmi Ratna in Samvat 1741. A legend of a composed between Samvat 1589 and 1741. setha, Khemd of Harald, who relieved the popula Of course, it could not reasonably be expected tion of Capanera during a terrible famine under the that all the works which form the subject of the reign of Muhammad Begard. Series should be equally important from the his- 6. Raya Candra Sari Guru Baramdaa. A small torical point of viow. The fact that the rasas poem in the form of a dialogue between Raya selected for publicution are defined as aitihasika Candra--the protagonist of the Rosa Ratna Rasa in the title given to the Series, does not mean any- mentioned above and his sister, who by deferibthing except that the personages describ@d or mening to him the different beauties and pleasures tioned in them are historical. But the particulars obtaining in the twelve months of the year, tries to given of the life of those personages are not always dissuade him from his intention to take the dik d. 80. In most cases the account is fantastical and The second fasciculus is all dedicated to a single fuil of supernatural facts, miracles, etc., which may work, called the Yaiobhadradi Rdsa, composed by be believed by the devout Jain, but are mere rub-Lavanya Samayn in Samoat 1589. In the introbich to the critio. The rdsas contained in the first duction to the work (pp. 4-16), the Editor gives & fasciculus are six, and they deal with the subjects short biographical account of this Jain poet, who following: was born at Ahmadabad in Samvat 1621, and of 1. Kocara Vyavahari Rasa. Composed by his productions, which are all poetical works and Guna Vinaya in Samval 1687. It contains a legend not less than 30 in number. He was, of course, & concerning Kocars, & Viso Poravars of Salakhang-monk, and his lay name, previous to his initiation pura (near Anahilapura Patana), who became lord was Lahd Raja. A valuable work of Lavanya of twelve villages and proclaimed the amari (pro Samays-the Vimala Prabandha-had already hibision of killing any animal) throughout this been brought to light by Mani Lala Bakora Bhat territory. The legend appears to be altogether of Surat (Sanwat 1970). The present work falls fantast,cal, but a Dobalaharo Sajana St of Kham- into three parts, or khandas, of which the two first bhata, who has a principal part in the legend, and contain the life of Khimargi and Balibhadra, two other Dosalahards of Delhi, who had in their ser- disciples of Yacobhadra Suri, and the third the life of vice a bard (yacaka) De Paja, are historical persons Yagobhadra Sari himself. Cougidering that Lavanya ages, as shown by the Editor in a noto. Samaya wrote over 500 years after the time 2. Rasa Ratna Rasa, Composed by Jaya in which his protagonists lived-Yakobhadra died Candra Gani in Samvat 1654. It contains a biogra- Samoat 1029-, it is no wonder if his account is phical account of Raya Candra Sari, his predecessor inaccurate and altogether fantastical. In this Samara Cendra, and Samara Candra's predecessor respect the work has no value whatever, historiPariva Candra. The last mentioned Achary - cally. But there are many other rdgas in existence, who was the founder of a separate goocha-died in which, when brought to light, will be found to Samvat 1612, whilst Raya Candra took the dikoa better justify the title of aitihdeika which Vijaya in Sapat 1626. The fact that the rdea is almost Dharma Suri has given to his Rdes Sangraha. contemporary with the personages it describes, We know that the third fasciculus is already makes it particularly reliable and gives the account in the press, and let us express the hope that the & character of authenticity. learned Jain Acharya may continue the publication 3. Sumati Sadhu Sari Vipihald. By Lavanya through many more fasciculi, and soon enable us Samaya (Samual-century 1500). A short biography to have a deeper and sufficient insight into this of Ratna Sokhara Suri's pupil Sumati Sadhu 80ri, interesting motion of the Jain literaturo. who lived in Samat 1494-1561. Sumati Sadh L. P. TERITORI.

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JUNE, 1917) BOOK NOTICES 135 K VYAMIMNS O RIJAEKHARA, edited by Interesting also is the classification of poets un. Mr. C. D. DALAL, M.A. and R. ANANTAKRISHNA DALAL M.A. and R. ANANTA KRISHNA der ten heads :-KavyavidyAenataka (novice in the SHASTRY, Baroda, 1916. Price Rs. 2. art of poetry). Hridayakavi (one who keeps his poems concealed in his own heart), Anyapadel (& Oriental scholars will ever remain grateful to tho shy poet publishing his poems under a pecudonym), Government of His Highness the Maharaja Gaek! Mahakavi, Kavirja, AVesike (inspired), etc. (pp. wad of Baroda for the publication of this new 19-20). It gives & sidelight on king and their series-Gaek wad's Oriental Series--the first volume patronage to arts and scienceg. A king should of which is the work under review. The editors have discharged their duty creditably have a special chamber for testing literary compo the edition sitions. . . . . . In its) middle there should being & critical one and the introduction and be an altar ... Here the king should take notes valuable. his seat. On its northern side should be seated The author is identical with the Rijasekhara Sanskrit poets and behind them Vaidikas, logiwhose name is famous for his dramas, Karparamai. cians, Pauranikas, Smirtas, physicians, astrolojari, Balarama yana, &c. He calls himself Yayava. garg and such others; on the eastern side the riya (born in the Yayavara family) and very often Prakrita poets, and behind them actors, dancers, introduces it at the end of a digsussion on a topic singers, musicians, bards and such others; on the asili Yayavariya l'or' nsti Yayivariyal.' This style wastern side the [Apabhrausa) poets and behind in a work of known authorship and of known date them painters, jewel settors. and such is a tangible refutation of the theory that the stris others; and on the southern side Paischs poets and in which phrases like ity aha Badar Ayanah, ili Bo. behind them... ropedancers jugglers, wrest. dhayanal, ili Valeydyanah, neti Kautilyah, &c., occur lers and professional soldiers. . . A king should should not be logically ascribed to those acharyas. hold assemblies for the examination of the works The work under review is a treatise on alank ira. of poets. He should patronize poots, bscomo the But it is not a guide for the proper appreciation of Sabhipsti (president) fike the ancient kings, V&su deva, Satavahans, Sudraks and Sahasanka, and ravay.garasani figures of spash of classical Sanskrit postry. It is rather & handbook for the guidance honour and give donations to tho posts, whose works stand the test. Assemblies of learned mon of the posts themselves. Hence it mentions the (Brahmwabhis) should b held in big cities for fora, fauns, etc. to be described in connection with the diffrent seasons and countries. Thus examining postical and scientific works; and the Buscassful should be convayed in a special chariot and should be crowned with a fillet. Such aszemwith an eccount of the colours of the peopls of blies for examining in poetry were held in Ujjayini. diff arent parts of India-a subject which is to b Kalidass, Mentha, Amara, Rapa, Sara, Bhiravi, compared to the statorants in the Bharatan tya. Harichandra and Chandragupta were examined bastra (J. 4. S. B. 1909, pp. 359-60). It discusses here. Pataliputra was the centre for examinations the question of plagiarism and how far it may be allowed and sum it up thus : in sciences. It was after passing from here that Upavarsha, Varsha, Panini, Pingala, Vyadi, Vara. nAstyacauraH kavijano nAstyacauro vaNigjanaH ! ruchi, and Patanjali got fame as istrakaras. sa nandati vinA vAcyaM yo jAnAti nigRhitam / / Novel also is Rijasekhara's idea of the Kavya. purusha and his bride Sahityavidyd vadha. It mentions the local peculiarities of Sanskrit Apart from these and other original matters (e. g. and Prakrit pronunciation. The question of the divine origin of poetics ; promulgation of poetics; use of the various dialecte as the vehicle of poetry has its position in literature &c.) the work is also inbeen solved thus :- TT ( UTETETOH teresting for its charming style. Though aphorismEn 1, Trna alg: 1 79TTIT: I like and terse, its prose is vigorous, exceedingly Get A A (p. 6). Now what is this misram charming and pleasing to the ears. a) raresented as the breast of the embodi. Little did our author dream, when he inserted ment of poetry? Is it not a mixed language like in his work (p. 27) the Gaths of the Buddhists or Senart's "Mixed "khyAtA narAdhipatayaH kavisaMzrayeNa Sanskrit" of Inscriptions? In connection with rAjAzrayeNa ca gatAH kavayaH prasiddhim / the bearing of the various branches of learning to poetry. it classifies Arthasastra, N&tyasastra and rAjJA samo'sti na kaveH paramopakArI Kamasutra, under one head-Rajasiddhanta (p. 37). rAjJo na cAsti kavinA snshHshaayH||" The systems of philosophy have been classified that he will find a paramopakari in the person of thus : H. H. the Maharaja Gaek wad who will ever bo Pramgnika, praised by all lovers of Sanskrit literature for this act of literary patronage. SURENDRANATH MAJUMDAR SASTRI. Mimarisi Anvikshiki or Tarka ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLOGICAL Purva- Uttara- Purva Uttara DEPARTMENT, FOR THE YEAR 1916, BANGALORE. Mimkilli Mimemji | By RAO BAHADUR R. NARASIMHACHAR, M.A. It is gratifying to note that the Archaologioal Arhat Bhadanta Lokayata Sankhya Nyaya Vaiboshika Department of the Mysore Government has main tained its best traditions by its manifold activities (See p. 4 and pp. 36-7] during the period under review. The Report which

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1917 gives a brief but illuminating summary of its two sovereigns have been declared to be spurions works does great credit to the Department as well by competent authorities (Ep. Ind. Vol. VII, as to the Government to whose unstinted patro- Appendix p. 20 ff.). As regards the present inscrip. nage it owes its existence and steady progress. tion of Konkanivarma, the author of the Report tells us that barring a few orthographical errors, The structures and the records whose accounts there does not appear to bo any cloar indication are published for the first time in the Report of the record being spurious' (p. 44). He is, under review, are many in number and of great however, more definite about the inscription of importance to the students of Indian History. It is 8 Durvinita and styles it as a genuine record of about impossible to give a full account of them; but wel 500. A.D. on the strength of its language, orthomay refer to # few specimens in order to give grapy and paleography. an idea of the importence of the new finds. The other inscriptions discovered during the Two temples at Turuvekere, described and illus period under review belong to the Nolambas, the trated in pp. 1-2, and the Chennakebava temple of Chalukyas, the Cholas, tho Bilhares of Karad, the Tandaga (p. 4, pl. V.) are good models of structures Rattas of Saundatti, the Hoysales and the Vijay. Ratt of the Hoysala style, a peculiarity of the last nagar dynasties. Of these, the long inscription of being that every architectural member and piece about 80 lines, found at Belgaum district and composing the structure bears in inscription giving recorded in the reign of the Bildhara Chief Vijaya. its position, direction, etc. in the building.' A small ditya, is of considerable importance. It is a fine neat temple at Jambitige (p. 9) built in 1783, is specimen of Konnada verse and probably furnishes remarkable for its sculptures, and we are told that a later date for Vijayaditya than has hither to been every inch of space is carved with figures, etc., on known. the outer walls and inner walls, too, of the Sukhandsi (vestibule). By far the most remarkable Many of the sancds discovered at Sringeri math, discoveries of the year, were, however, made at are of considerable interest and importance from Sringeri, one of the four places where the great an historical and cocial joint of view. Several BankardohArva established mathaor monasteries of thein recognise the full powers of the Suami to The historical account of the math, occupied by order enquiries into the conduct of the disciples and the disciples of BankarAcharya down to the present to punish the delir quents; others are addressed to day by regular succession of Sumia is a local officers telling them that the Markos. class ir teresting as it is instructive. We are told that of Sudras, should be warned against adopting the there are three families which receive special customs and observances cf the Brahmanas, that honours even now at the Sringeri matha, because the Devar gas should not be permitted to wear the their progenitors helped Shyana in the composition sacred thread and that no interest higher than 12 of the commentaries on the Vedas. (p. 12). The P. c. per annum should be allowed to be c'emanded. most remarkable of the more than forty temples In conclusien, reference must be made to the at Sringeri is the artistically executed Vidya. discovry of a series of very interesting correspon. Sankara temple described and illustrated in pp. 12 dence between the authorities of Sringeri math and ff, and plates I, VI, VII and VIII. The and Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan. They throw & templo was probably erected in the 14th century, flood of light on the relation subsisting between but its plan is unique, it being apsidal at both the these Mehcmeden rulers and their Hindu subjects. ends. The formation of its town is peculiar, and Special importance attaches to the letters of Tipu its outer walls have, from the bottom, friezes of (1) Sultan ina: much as they seem to disprove, or in any horses, (2) elephants, (3) lions, (4) puranic scenes, case modify the too generally accepted hypothes is eto, and (6) dwarfs, with a few cainels Lere end of his bigotry in religious matters and want of tothere in the first friezo. Above the frieze of dwarfs i leration towards the Hindu religion, Altogether 29 comes a row of large figures, about 104 in rumber, letters of Tipu have been liscovered at bringeri, of a variety of deities including those of Kalki, and in every one of them, lapu gives expression to Parasurama, Garuda, Hanumin and Vyisa. (?) the high regard in which he holds the Stami of the It is very accurately observed in the Report that math and entreats him to pray for the welfare of the temple as far as it goes is a veritable museum himself and his kingdom and to send him his of sculptures for the study of Hindu iconography. ! blessings. We also learn from these letter, that The Sculptured monolithic pillars, with lions and when the sumi informed Tipu how the Marathas riders must be looked upon as remarkable produci raided Eringeri, killed and wounded many Brahtions. On the whole it may be said without any manas and other people pulled out the goddess hesitation, that Myrore Arel reological Department strade and carried of everything found in the has laid the students of Indian art and iconography Math, end noked for Government help in the under a debt of gratitude by bringing this temple to shape of money and things to enable him to rethe notice of the public and it may be confidently consecrate the image of the goddess, the Sultan expected that a monograph on the temple will replied thus shortly be published in order to give a full and "People who have sinned against such a holy adequate Eccount of this artistic treasure. place are sure to suffer the consequences of their We need not dwell longer upon the rich dis inisdeeds at ro distant date in this Kali ago in accoveries made at Bpingeri, including, besides the cordance with the verse, temples, 50 new inscriptions, 200 canads, 150 coins and a large number of palmleaf manuscripts. Hasadbhih kriyatd karma rudadbhinanubhdyate, Some of the temples found at other places are also people do evil deeds smiling, but will suffer the remarkable and add to our knowledge in various consequences weeping." The Sultan at the same ways. timo enclosed an order to the Asaf of Nagar As regards the records, discovered during the directing him to give on behalf of Government 200 year, the most ancient are the two sets of copper. rahati in cash and 200 rahali worth of grain for the plates, one of Konkanivarma or Avinits and one consecration of the goddess Sarada and to supply of his son Durvinita. Almost all the earlier in. other articles, if desired, for money. (p. 74.) Acriptions of this dynasty including those of the R. C. MAJUMDAR.

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JULY, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 137 A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1913-16. BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.LE., D.SO., D.LITT. (Continued from p. 118.) BY Y September 5 we had reached the head of the main Hunza Valley over the Kermin or Rich Pass. Crossing two days later the border of Chinese Turkestan on the Mintaka Pass (15,430 feet) I found myself restored to ground familiar from my two former journeys. But how easy the previously followed routes seemed by comparison with our recent tracks ! Since leaving the Kashmir Valley we had crossed altogether fifteen passes, between 10,000 and 17,400 feet in height. The total marching distance covered during these five weeks was over 500 miles, and of this nearly four-fifths had needs to be done on foot. Rapid as was my descent down the Taghdumbash Valley to Tashkurghan, I could use it for fresh surveys of antiquarian interest. It must suffice here to mention an ancient canal of large size, famous in local lore but abandoned for long centuries, which had once brought fertility to extensive areas along the right river-bank, now almost wholly desert. We could trace its remains, in places remarkably well preserved, for a distance of over 40 miles, from Dafdar to below Toghlan-shahr. There, opposite to Tash-kurghan, still as in ancient times the chief place of Sarikol, I found also ruins of Buddhist shrines which had previously escaped me. On leaving Sarikol for Kashgar I followed for a couple of days the main caravan route through the mountains. I was here on the track of Hsuan-tsang, the great Chinese Buddhist pilgrim whom ever since my first journey I claim as my patron saint. So it was a special satisfaction when on crossing the high plateau of the Chichiklik Maidan, already under fresh snow, I found conclusive evidence that a badly decayed enclosure, now worshipped as a sacred site by Muhammadans and used as a burial-place for unfortunate wayfarers, represents, as I had previously conjectured, the remains of an ancient hospice which Hstiantsang described as a place connected with a sacred Buddhist legend. Beyond this our routes divided. Lal Singh moved off by rapid marches in order to reach, vid Yarkand and Khotan, that portion of the main Kun-lun range along which I was anxious to have our triangulation of 1906 extended as far as possible eastwards. My heavy baggage was despatched to Kashgar by the usual route via Ighizyar under Afrazgul and Shams Din. I myself set out due north with the second surveyor in order to reach the same goal by a new route, across the Merki Pass and down the valley of the Kara-tash or Beshkan River which receives most of the eastern drainage of the great glacier-clad range of Muztaghata. Owing to special difficulties this important valley had never been explored in its whole length. In the spring and summer the narrow gorges of the Karatash River are rendered quite impassable by the big floods of the melting glaciers. By the time these floods subside in the autumn, beavy snow on the Merki Pass equally closes the route to traffic. In the spring of 1906 I had sent my late surveyor, plucky Rai Ram Singh, to descend the valley, but his attempt was completely baffled. Chance showed more favour to me now. An exceptional succession of early snowfalls had stopped the melting of the glacier ice just in time to allow of my passage while the Merki Pass (14,500 feet), though deep under snow, could still be traversed with laden yaks. But even thus the descent through the river gorge for two long marches proved a very difficult and in places risky business. The constant crossings of the river tossing between sheer rock walls could not have been safely effected without opportunely secured Kirghiz camels, and none but such hardy local camels accustomed to

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 the ground could have nogotiated the boulder-strewn narrow tracks leading elsewhere along the foot of these precipices. By September 19 we had safely emerged from the last of these gloomy defiles, and two days later a 40 miles' ride through fertile plains carried me back to Kashgar. There I had the great joy of being received once again, after seven years' absence, by my old and everhelpful friend, Sir George Macartney, under the hospitable roof of Chini-bagh, now much enlarged and rebuilt as befitted its new dignity as a British Consulate-General. The two busy weeks passed in those familiar cheerful surroundings would certainly not have sufficed for all the heavy work which the organization of my caravan demanded, had not the watchful care and often proved provision of my kind host aided me in every direction. In due course there arrived twelve fine camels from Keriya, accustomed to desert work and selected by Hassan Akhun, my experienced old camel factotum, who was now about to embark on the third of our long expeditions into the sea of sand." Other faithful old Turki followers, too, were glad to take their place again in my caravan. I had been delighted to see again at Kashgar my devoted Chinese secretary and friend, Chiangsgu-yeh, who had proved so valuable on my second journey. Since then he had been rewarded by being appointed Chinese Munshi at the Consulate-General. But notwithstanding this comfortable berth, I think he would have been glad to rejoin me had not his increasing years and a serious affection of his ears warned me against accepting the sacrifice and risks which such & step would have involved for my old companion. Li-seu-yeh, the shrivelled-up weakly young man whom Chiang provided for the post of camp-literatus, turned out to be a poor substitute, as I had apprehended from the first. But there was no other choice at Kashgar. Wholly absorbed in the task of treating his ailments, real and imaginary, with overy Chinese quack medicine he could lay hold of, and as taciturn and inert as a mummy, Li was useless for the manifold scholarly and practical labours in which Chiang had engaged with such cheery energy. But anyhow he managed to indite my Chinese opistles, and he did not play me false in my dealings with Chinese officials. For this negative virtue I had reason to feel specially grateful. The revolution of 1911 had greatly changed many aspects of Chinese officialdom even in this distant province, and scarcely for the better. A series of assassinations of Mandarins and petty outbreaks fomented by unscrupulous office-seekers had during 1912 seriously disturbed the peace of the "New Dominion," though they were confined to the numerically weak Chinese element, and left the mass of the people, respectable Turki Muhammadans, in their characteristic unconcern. It had been due largely to the wise counsels and moderating influence of Sir George Macartney, who for many years past has enjoyed wide and richly deserved respect among all classes, that the province had escaped complete anarchy. Under the influence of a somewhat stronger regime at headquarters things had become more settled before the time of my return. But it was difficult not to realize that the so-called revolutionary movement in Hsin-chiang had in various respects adversely affected the general type of officials in power. Some of the best qualities of the old local Mandarin world, including regard for scholarly aims and labours, had manifestly been discarded, while the beneficial effect hoped for from " Western learning" and republican methode was still conspicuous by its absence. There was only too much justification for Sir George Macartney's shrewd warning that I could not safely reckon upon finding always the same favourable disposition at Chinese Yamens, which had facilitated my explorations so much during previous journeys.

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JULY, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 139 After a stay which reunion with the kindest of friends, Sir George and Lady Macartney, and the glorious autumn season had combined to render most pleasant, I left the Kashgar Consulate-General on October 9 for my first winter's work in the desert. Its main goal was the region around the dried-up Lop-nor, in the extreme east of the Tarim Basin, and the whole length of the Taklamakan, that great sea of drift-sand over 600 miles in a straight line, separated me from it. A variety of considerations obliged me to revisit Khotan, and once there I was bound to proceed by the only possible route which skirts the southern edge of the Taklamakan. Much of the ground to be traversed there was already familiar to me from my previous expeditions, and for this reason I was all the more eager to use whatever chance of new routes the limits of time left me on my way to Khotan. This induced me to move first due east to the oasis of Maral-bashi along the foot of the steep and barren mountain chain which forms here the southernmost rampart of the Tienshan. It had in its main part remained so far unsurveyed, but reports, previously collected, seemed to indicate that an old route, now but vaguely remembered in local lore, had during earlier periods of Chinese domination skirted the foot of that chain and been in use for traffic instead of the present high "road," recte caravan track, leading much further south along the actual course of the Kashgar River. The accurate survey now effected confirmed that tradition and proved the existence of a series of small ruined sites echeloned along a line of some 160 miles and dating from pre-Muhammadan times. The ground occupied by them on the gentle desert glacis of the hill chain is now wholly without water. There were also other physical observations of interest to be gathered, clearly pointing to desiocation within historical times, and not explainable by the fact that the winding bed and inundation marshes of the Kashgar River were found to have at one period, perhaps relatively recent, approached that desert glacis in places more closely than they do at present. We had met with serious trouble about water, no drinkable supply having been found on three Successive marches. This served as a suitable preparation for difficulties to be faced on our desert travel ahead. By October 18 we were glad to reach the fields and fruit-gardens of Maral-bashi. The survey of some badly injured Buddhist ruins in the vicinity and of the curious canal system by which the oasis obtains the major portion of its by no means abundant irrigation from the Kashgardarya here approaching its end, ocoupied me for a few days. But in the main my short stay was taken up with careful preparations for the attempt I planned to make my way to the desert hills of the Mazar-tagh on the lower Khotan River by a short cut through the Taklamakan. I knew well the formidable obstacles and the risks presented by the wide intervening belt of absolutely waterless drift-sand desert. But by sending all baggage, except an absolutely necessary minimum, to Khotan by the caravan route vid Yarkand; by reducing in the same way my camp to a few indispensable followers, and keeping most of our fine camels for the transport of water in my six galvanized iron tanks and the very numerous goatskins I had brought from India, I could hope safely to overcome the difficulty about water. The advent of the cold season would help onr brave camels to face a long fast from grazing and water. Apart from the attraction presented by the short cut and the fascination of such a desert cruise, there was an important geographical task to justify the enterprise. Our surveys of 1908 had shown reason for the belief that the Mazar-tagh hills, thed traced for some 20 miles into the Taklamakan, belonged in geological structure to an ancient range which started at an angle from the outermost Tien-shan near Mara-bashi and once extended across the

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 Taklamakan in a south-easterly direction. The way in which the bold island-like hills to the east of Maral-bashi have been carved out and isolated by the manifest action of wind-driven sand prolonged through endless ages left little doubt as to how the continuity of that assumed ancient hill range had been broken up. But only actual survey of the ground could supply definite proof. On October 25 I left Maral-bashi with six hired camels, all I could secure, to act as & "supporting party "to lighten the loads of our own on the initial stages of the desert journey, and three days later we reached the last of those sand-scoured hills in the desert southeastwards, known as Chok-tagh. From a lake near it, which inundations from the Yarkand River feed, but which we found brackish at its end, Hedin had started in May 1896 on that bold journey through the sandy wastes eastward which ended with the destruction of his caravan and his own narrow escape. Steering & south-easterly course we forced our way for three trying marches into the sea of dunes. Closely packed and steep from the start, they grew steadily higher and invariably rose in a line running diagonally across our intended direction. By the second day all trace of vegetation, dead or living, was left behind, and an endless succession of mighty ridges, with not a patch of evel sand between them, faced us. The ridges to be climbed soon reached 200-300 feet in height, and progress became painfully slow with the heavily laden camels. Careful levels taken along our track showed an aggregate ascent of some 400 feet over a single mile's distance, with corresponding descents even more trying to the camels. It was by far the most forbidding ground I had ever encountered in the Taklamakan. By the evening of the third day the hired camels of the "supporting party " had either broken down completely or showed serious signs of exhaustion. Next morning I ascended the highest dune near our camp, and carefully scanning the horizon saw nothing but the game expanse of formidable sand ridges like huge waves of an angry ocean suddenly arrested in movement. There was a strange allurement in this vista suggesting nature in the contortions of death. But hard as it seemed to resist the syren voices of the desert which called me onwards, I felt forced to turn northward. Though we men might have struggled through, I should probably have had to incur the needless sacrifice of some of our brave camels which were to be the mainstay of our transport for the winter's explorations, besides the loss of indispensable equipment. It was as well that I took that hard decision in time ; for by the third day after there sprung up a violent 'Buran' which, by its bitter cold, proved most trying even where fuel was abundant, and if met with amidst the high sand ridges would have brought us to a stand-still and caused serious suffering and risks. Sorry as I was to give up the effort two interesting discoveries had already rewarded it. Again and again we had come between the high dunes upon patches covered with minute but easily recognizable fragments of rock flakes of the wind-eroded hill range once extending right through to the Khotan River. Elsewhere, fully 30 miles from the nearest traceable bed of the Yarkand River, a small belt of eroded ground displayed on its surface abundant remains of the Stone Age, proving occupation by a Palaeolithic settlement of what is now absolutely lifeless desert. Xeolithic arrow-heads turned up on similar ground nearer to Chok-tagh. After crossing the Yarkand River behind that hill chain we fortunately secured ponies from a grazing-ground, and were thus enabled to push on rapidly through hitherto unsurveyed tracts of riverine jungle, largely dead, to where, near Gorachol, the last dried-up offshoots of the Kashgardarya bed lose thenuselves. Thence, with fresh animals, we gained

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JULY, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 141 the delta of the Khotan River by a route not previously surveyed. It showed me the great change which, since my passage of 1908, had taken place in the river's terminal course. A series of rapid marches by the Khotandarya, then completely dry, carried me back to the end of the Mazar-tagh range I had first visited in 1908. There I found the transport and labourers ordered ahead from Khotan duly awaiting me, and was able by resumed spadework to secure interesting archeological results at the ruined fort. Besides additional written records of Tibetan times there came to light remains of a Buddhist shrine, immediately below the alleged Muhammadans saints' tombs, from which the desolate desert hill derives its present designation. Thus the continuity of local worship, so important & feature in the history of Asiatic religious beliefs, received another striking illustration. On November 21 I regained my old haunts at Khotan town, and was cheered by a warm welcome from my old local friends. A brief halt necessitated by manifold practical arrangements was used also to gather such antiques as my old friend the Indian Aksakal Badru'ddin Khan, now rewarded by the title of Khan Sahib for his help in the past, and others had collected for me from Yotkan, the site of the ancient Khotan capital, and from the desert sites which Khotan "treasure-seekers" are in the habit of annually searching. On November 28, I left the familiar base of my former expeditions to resume the long journey eastwards. There was still a marching distance of close on 700 miles separating me from Lop-nor, and it was essential for the work planned in that desert region that I should reach it in time while the winter cold lasted and allowed water to be transported in the convenient form of ice. But rapid as my progress had to be I could not forego such convenient opportunities for archeological work as familiar sites near my route still held out. Thus we recovered some interesting fresco remains from the ruin of a Buldhist shrine which had come to light since my last visit in the area of tamarisk-covered cones of sand north of Domoko, near which Hsian-tsang's Pi-mo (Marco Polo's Pein) must be located. From the Niya oasis, which was reached on December 9, I revisited the fascinating sand-buried settlement in the dosert northward below the pilgrimage place of Imam-Jafar-Sadik. Abandoned to the desert since the third century A.D., it had yielded plenty of important relics and records in the course of my former explorations. But owing to the deceptive nature of the dunecovered ground and other reasons, it had not been possible to exhaust it completely. It did not disappoint me now either. By & cloge search of previously unexplored ground to the south-west of the main portion of the ancient oasis we discovered more ruined dwellings of the same early period hidden among the high tamarisk-covered sand-cones. The employment of a large number of diggers rendered rapid clearing possible, also in the case of certain structures which before had seemed too deeply buried in the sand for complete exploration. Thus, apart from furniture, household implements, etc., we recovered a further collection of Kharoshthi documents on wood, written in the Indian language and Hoript which had prevailed in official and Buddhist ecclesiastical use from Khotan to Lop-nor during the first centuries of our era. It was a particularly curious discovery when, not far from the still traceable dry riverbed, we came upon the remains of a large and remarkably well-preserved orchard, where the carefully arranged rows of various fruit trees and the trellis-carried vines, though dead for many centuries, could be examined in almost uncanny clearness. It was not surprising to find there also the rafters of a foot-bridge, once spanning the river, still stretched out across its dry bed. It had meant a week's constant work under high pressure, and it

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 was only by the light of bonfires that the final excavation of the large structure was finished, which in 1901 we had called the Yamen. It was a curious chance that just its last room, which then had baffled us by its deep sand proved to contain those "waste papers," i.e., wooden records, of the office, we had before vainly hoped for. It seemed like a farewell gift of the ancient site which I had somehow come to look upon as my own particular estate, and I found it hard to tear myself away from it. No appropriate return was possible to the dead. But at least I could do something for those living who were nearest. My renewed visit to this ground had allowed me also to make observations of direct geographical interest concerning changes in the terminal oourse of the dying Niya River, eto. Among these I had noticed the instructive fact that cultivation at the tiny colony of Tulkuch-kol, established at the very end of the present river. course, below Imam-Jafar-Sadik's Ziarat, had recently been abandoned, not from want of water, as the usual theory might have suggested, but, on the contrary, owing to a succession of ample summer floods which carried away the canal-head, and with which the locally available labour could not cope. My resumed excavations had brought a large posse of ablebodied labourers to the spot. So when I had come back with them from the ruins and was leaving, they were set to work to raise a new barrage across the deep-cut flood-bed, and thus secure water for the little canal, a couple of days' work. As I deposited the small sum needed for their wages with the Mazar Shaikhs, the task was carried through with a will. From the end of the Niya River I led my caravan through unexplored desert, with high sand ridges in places, and more of salt encrusted and often boggy ground, to the Endere River. Thence we had to follow the old caravan track to Charchan, which we reached by December 28. It was bitterly cold in the desert, with minimum temperatures down to 50deg (Fahr.) below freezing-point. But there was compensation in the exceptionally clear weather, which allowed us to sight day after day the grand snow-clad rampart of the main Kun-lun range far away to the south. At most seasons it remains quite invisible from the caravan track connecting Charchan with Niya and Keriya. In 1906 numerous peaks on it had been triangulated by Rai Ram Singh, and with their help we could now map our route to Charchan and onwards, far more acourately than had been previously possible. At Charchan I found the oasis distinctly increased since my last visit, and was able to pick up nine additional hired camels badly needed for the work ahead in the Lop region. But the news received about events which were said to have occurred at Charkhlik, its chief inhabited place, was by no means welcome. A band of Chinese "revolutionaries," recte gamblers and adventurers, had a short time before started for that place from Charcban, and was reported to have attacked and captured the district magistrate of Charkhlik, besides committing other outrages en route. The Chinese sub-divisional officer of Charchan had been helpless to prevent the outbreak, and was evidently sitting on the fenoe. He considerately provided me with two introductions for Charkhlik, one to the unfortunate Amban, assuming that by any means he had regained freedom and authority, and the other for the leading spirit of the "revolutionaries," whom he shrewdly guessed to have been installed in office instead of him. We left Charohan on New Year's Eve, 1914, and did the desert journey to the western border of the Lop district by seven long marches, mainly through the jungle belt on the left bank of the Charchan-darya, which was a route new to me. Splendidly clear weather favour. ed us, and so did the severe cold, which had covered the river and its marshes with strong ice. We did not meet with a single wayfarer, which struck me as strange at the time. On

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JULY, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 143 approaching the jungle belt of Vash-shahri, an outlying little colony of Lop, we found the route guarded by a large party of armed Muhammadans, who at first mistook us for a fresh batch of "revolutionaries" (many of the Chinese had taken to masquerading in queer European olothos). But Roze Bog, the headman of Vash-shahri and an old acquaintance, soon recognized me. From him I learned the queer story how the little band of "gamblers" from Charchan had captured the hapless Amban, all the local Muhammadans first deserting him, and then looking on with placid indifference when some days later their magistrate was cruelly put to death by the bandits, after having been forced to disclose the place where his official moneys were hidden. The leader of the band had set himself up as Amban ad interim, and was duly obeyed by the local chiefs, Roze Beg himself included. Fortunately his regime proved shortlived, and there was no need of my introduction to him either; for within a week a small detachment of Tungan Government troops had arrived from faraway Kara-shahr in the north, under & capable young officer. Stealthily introduced at night into the oasis by the same adaptable Begs, they found little difficulty in surprising the " revolutionaries," most of whom were killed in their sleep, and the rest captured. So tranquillity once more ruled at Charkhlik, and Roze Beg was now engaged in laying an ambush for more "gamblers" expected to come from Charchan, in ignorance of the turn their affairs had taken. In this loyal task he duly succeeded within a day of my passage. On January 8 I arrived at Charkhlik. It was from this modest little oasis, the only settlement of any importance in the Lop region, representing Marco Polo's " City of Lop," that I had to raise the whole of the supplies, labour, and extra camels needed by our several parties for the explorations I had carefully planned during the next three months in the desert between Lop-nor and Tun-huang. I knew well the difficulties which would attend this task even under ordinary conditions. But now I found them greatly increased by the preceding local upheaval and all its consequences. The irruption of the "revolutionaries" and its subsequent repression by the Tungan troops, who had "by mistake" killed even the few Chinese subordinates of the legitimate Amban, had left no Chinese civil authority whatever, and in its absence no effective help could be hoped for from the easy-going Lopliks and their indolent Begg. The trouble about adequate supplies and transport became all the more serious as the passage of relatively large bodies of Tungan troops sent to operate against the numerous "revolutionary" elements which were known to lurk among the Chinese garrisons of Keriya and Khotan, threatened completely to exhaust the slender resources of Charkhlik. The six days' stay I was obliged to make at Charkhlik in order to secure at least a portion of my requirements through the help of a few old Lop friends, was thus an anxious time for me. I greatly chafed at the delay, little realizing at the time what a boon in disguise the revolutionary disturbance had been for me. Fortunately I was able to use my stay also for some profitable archaeological labour. While executions of captured rebels, requisitions for the troops marching on towards Keriya, etc., kept the little oasis in unwonted animation, I managed to search two small sites near by on the river bui beyond the southern edge of cultivation, which previously had escaped me. From ruined Buddhist shrines there I recovered remains of Sanskrit manuscripts on birch-bark, palm-leaf, and silk, fragmentary but of special interest as suggesting import from India by the direct route which still leads from Charkhlik across the Tibetan plateaus to the south. On the last day of my stay I had the great satisfaction of seeing R. B. Lal Singh safely rejoin me after fully four months of separation. After leaving me in September in the mountains of the Muztagh-ata range he had pushed on and started triangulation of the main

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 - - Kun-lun range from near Kapa by the middle of October. The work carried on at great elevations and on ground devoid of all resources implied very considerable hardships. But my indefatigable old travel companion faced them with his often proved zoal and succeeded in extending his system of triangles, based on Ram Singh's work of 1906, eastward for over five degrees of longitude before excessive cold and heavy snowfall obliged him to stop it in the mountains. Thus a net with numerous carefully fixed stations and exactly observed angles: to many high peaks had been carried well beyond the actual Lop-nor marshes and linked up at the other end with the Indian Trigonometrical Survey. Not satisfied with this achievement, Lal Singh had then continued survey work with the plane-table towards Tun-huang, taking special care to obtain many height observations by merourial barometer, eto., along his route through those inhospitable snow-covered mountains. After reaching Nan-hu he had struck through the desert north and returned by the track leading along the southern shore of the ancient dried-up salt sea of Lop. The difficulties of this track, the only one through the Lop desert, which now, as in Marco Polo's time, is practicable for caravans, were illustrated by the fact that Lal Singh's party found no ice yet formed at the most brackish of the springs along it, and consequently suffered much from the want of drinkable water. By 15 January 1914 I left Charkhlik for Miran, two marches off to the east, where in 1907 I had made important discoveries among ruins which mark the site of the earliest capital of the Kingdom of Shan-shan or Loulan," corresponding to the present Lop region. Apart from abundant records found in a fort of the libetan period I had brought to light in two ruined Buddhist shrines of far earlier date wall paintings of great artistio interest, strikingly reflecting the influence of the Graeco-Buddhist art of Gandharva and some almost Hellenistic in character. Owing to the shortness of the time then available for a task presenting exceptional technical difficulties, we had in 1907 been able to remove the frescoes from only one of these temples, that remarkable series forming the "angel" dado which was exhibited in 1914 in the new galleries of the British Museum together with other selections from my former collections. Of the paintings adorning the walls of the other shrine only specimens could then be safely taken away, and the subsequent attempt made to save the rest was frustrated by tho tragic fate which struck my old assistant Naik Ram Singh with blindness at this very place. 1 had special reason to regret this when on my renewed visit I found that a portion of the fresco frieze, representing an interesting Buddhist legend, had been broken out by a later visitor in a clumsy fashion which must have spelt serious injury if not loss. But the very interesting frescoed dado with its cycle of youthful figures, representing the varied joys of life, set between graceful garland-carrying putti, had fortunately escaped under the cover of sand with which the interior had been filled in as a precautionary measure, and this we now were able to remove intact with all needful care. It proved a delicate task, which greatly taxed the trained skill of Naik Shams Din, my "handy man," and under the icy blasts to which we were almost continually exposed the work was. particularly trying. I used the fortnight's stay necessitated by these labours also for a careful search of the adjoining desert belt north, where hidden away amidst tamarisk-covered sand cones we discovered shattered ruins of two more Buddhist temples of somewhat later date, and secured from them stucco sculptures and other relics of interest. (To be continued.)

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JULY, 1917] IDENTIFICATION OF KALKI 145 THE HISTORICAL POSITION OF KALKI AND HIS IDENTIFICATION WITH YASODHARMAN. BY K, P. JAYASWAL, M.A. (Oxon.), BARAT. LAW; PATNA. 1 FELS HISTORICAL POSITION. In 1913, while examining the Puranic Chronicles, I felt sure, looking at the methods of the Purdnas, that Kalki, like any other name of the Puranic Chronicles, was a historical personage. I gave expression to this view in that year.2 Theses of this paper. Now, in the light of further study of the Puranic data, I am in a position to say (1) that the historical position of Kalki can be proved and (2) that his identification can probably be established. I should, however, like to make it clear at the start that the first thesis is independent of the second, and the success or failure of the second does not affect the first. Puranas place Kalki in the end of Post-Andhra Period. The Puranas, after closing the Andhra Chronicles, give details of foreign dynasties, and after characterising their oppressive rule, state that (a) all these Mlechcbhas having been struck by Kalki would be scattered (V.), or that (b) they were destroyed by Kalki (M.)3 He is thus mentioned as the last name in the list of dynasties and dynasts. After the above detail the Puranas describe the bad condition of the people in the closing period of Kali. Then follows the Puranio summing-up of their historical chronology, ending in 498 A. D. (which I have discussed elsewhere). It is thus apparent that the Puranas clearly indicate that Kahl flourished in the end of their chronological period, called by them the post-Andhra period' ending in 498 A.D. Kalkin mentioned like any other Historical Person in the Chronicles. Kalki is the last person mentioned in their historical chronicles. Like any other historical figure of the Future Kings' of the Kali Age, he is also put in the future tense. In the Chronicles he is not deified: he is mentioned as an ordinary person. Puranas employ past tense for Kalki. We have not, however, to depend on the general system of the Puranic Chronicles for our conclusion. The Pura nas clearly say that he did flourish. The Vayu in the description of the avataras says that Kalki, Vishnu-Yasas by name, of the family of Parasara, "although an ordinary man was born (T) of a portion of the Deity." "He flourished ( T i n Kaliyuga."7 The Matsya says 'the Buddha was born as the ninth (avatara). Kalkin," VishnuYagasa," 8 the leader of the Parasaras, will be the tenth' incarnation at the close of Kali. Ante, Vol. XIII, p. 265, n. 6. The data indicated there for Kalki can no longer be maintained in view of the results of my recent studies. ? afirmar qaratge : 1 37-390. Saltar a: * 272 27. 4 M., 272 30--27. * See my paper on Chronologioal Summary in the Puranic Chroniclos, J. B. 0. R. 8., 1917. 6 U o afer STE I Vdyu, 36, 111; a: are atayat saran 1 Matoya, 47, 256 Vdyu 36, 104111, * Against Vishu. Yasa of V. and Br. The Bhagavata improves on this mistake of the Matsya and laakes Kalki, a son of Vishnu-Yasas! on. 47. 247-6

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 (Then follows a description of his conqueste). "Time having passed that king (or god, deva) disappeared" (47-255). The referenoes in the past tense prove that the writers of the Puranic data knew these details as facts of the past, although in accordance with the system of the Puranas they sought to desoribe the event by future verbs.10 It would be absurd to suppose that all the details of the conquest, birth-place and family of Kalks given in the Puranas are mere figments of imagination. We accept the historical position of Ajatasatru, Udayin, Chandragupta, Chanakya, etc., when their actions and details in the Puranas are put in the future tense. There is no reason why we should not accept that of Kalki also, and especially so when all the earlier Puranas clearly employ past tense about him, though only oocasionally. His claim to be an historical personage is, therefore, stronger than that of others. Kalki and Kali. The data about Kalki are comparatively late ; they appear for the first time in the Puranas which are works posterior to 498 A.D. 11 The Yuga-Purana of the Garga-Samhita, which ends Kali with the Yavanas (cir. 188 B.C.), 12 does not mention Kalki. In the Puranic Chronicles, after mentioning the rise of Kalki and the end of the foreign houses, 13 a description of the condition of the people at the close of Kali (Sandhya-period) is given in almost the same terms as in the Yuga-Purana, 14 New history up to the post-Andhra period was interposed and the two data were mixed up and read together when the details of Kalki in the Incarnation Chapter were prepared, and he was placed in the end of Kali, while according to the old chronology of the Puranas he ought to have been placed in the Ktita Yuga. This dating in the end of Kali might be due to the confusion suggested above or to a belief that the con quests of Kalki brought about a new era. Kali according to the old calculation of the Puranas ended in 188 B.C.15 But as the 3rd, 4th and 5th centuries were very bad times, owing to political conditions, Kali was supposed to be still running. Kalki's rise gave new hopes. But the hoped for good days were not permanent. After Kalki (aatsgata heat the Puranas record again bad days16 and Kali was regarded as continuing and an indefinite period of duration was given to it. It is evident that the position once taken up by the Puranas as to the age of Kalki with reference to Kali was soon given up. The chapter dealing with the Chronicles places him at the end of the post-Andhra rulers, and makes him the very last historical person of the Puranic record. And as it gives 498 A.D. as the last date for the post-Andhra period and 512-612 A.D. 17 as the century ending that period, Kalki's rise has to be dated about 498/512 A.D. Confirmation of Puranic data of Kalki by Jain data. Since writing the above a new datum has been kindly brought to my notice by my friend Mr. Nagendranatha Vasu, which confirms beyond the shadow of a doubt 10 For explanation of the Future Kings of the Puranas see my separate paper on the Btihadrathas to be published shortly in J. B.O.R.S. 11 Tho reference in M. Bk, is avowedly borrowed from the Vayu. 12 See my paper on Chronological Summary (J. B.O.R.S., 1917). 13 Matsya, 272. 20-27; 27-32. The Vdyu interposes as a footnote a number of minor and local dynasties and dynasts between these foreign houses and Kalki. This is apparently later, as the local dynasties are unknown to the Matsya. 11 I havo published this chapter in my Brahmin Empire. >> Soe my paper on the Chronological Summary. 16 Vayu, Ch. 36, v. 117; Brahmanda, Ch. 73, V. 118. 11 See Chronological Summary.

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JULY, 1917) IDENTIFICATION OF KALKI 147 my reading of the Puranic data with regard to the historical position and date of Kalki. The Jaina Society called the Bharatiya Jaina-Siddhanata Prakasini Samstha published last December (1916) & Hindi translation of the Jaina Hari-Vamsa Purana at Mr. Vasu's Visvakosha Press, Caloutta. The author of this Purana, Jinasena-suri, a Digambara of the Punnaga-gana or Sangha, 18 and the pupil of Kirti-sena, dates his work in the year 705 of the Saka era, 10 while king Indrayudha was ruling in the North, Sri Vallabha in the South, Vatsaraja at Avanti and the victorious Vira-Varaha in the Sarya-mandala. The mention of these contemporary kings leaves no doubt as to the correctness of the date 705 Saka as found in the MS.20 The work therefore is of the definite date of 783-784 A.D. Jinasena, in his work, gives a chronology since the death of the Maha-vira on the authority of Jaina chronologists (Kalavidbhir-udahritam). This chronology covers details for 990 years. The last king in the chronology is Ajitanjaya of Indrapura (Indore ?) and the one before him is King Kalki (Kalki-raja). The years for Kalki and Ajitanjaya are not given, but King Kalki is placed after dynastic totals which aggregate to 990 years.21 But in another place, abont 50 verses later, Jinasena says (60. 552-53) that Kalki flourished 1000 years after the Maha-vira and that he was a terrible persecutor of the Jain religion. According to the Kalki-Purana one of Kalki's chief missions was to suppress Jainism. Thus the identity of the Puranic and the Jaina Kalki is established. And he, according to the Jaina chronologists of the 8th century of the Christian era, lived 1000 years after the Maha-vira.21 Jinasena's date for Kalki agrees with Puranas. Now Jinasena's date of the Maha-vira's Nirvana differs a little from that given by the Pattavalis. He places it 605 years before the Saka king, or 605 years before the Saka 18 He is not tho same as Jiaa sena the author of the Adi Purana, for the latter belonged to the SenaSangh. This has been pointed out by Pandit Nathuram.Seo Mr. Vasu's Introduction, p. 8. 19 OTRZET una trh H I Cretesruare TUTTfit org | 66:53. Introduction by Mr. Vasu, p. 8. 20 Introduction to the translation of the Hari-Vam sa by Mr. Vasu, p. 11. 21 Ch. 60. 488-93. effiua Gastro loke'vanti sutorAjA prajAnAM prtipaalkH|| SaSThivarSANi tadrAgyaM tato vijayabhUbhujAm / zataM ca paJca pazcAzat varSANi tadudIritam / / TRITT 960171 3 ufuzna 11 zinu puSpamitrANAM psstthirvsvmimitryoH|| ayari TT 8(1)() : 1 catvAriMzasato hAsyAM catvAriMzacchatavyam // TATUET FA Tari TTT ekavizaMca varSANi kAlavidviruvAhatam / / vicatvAriMzadevAtaH kalkirAjasya rAjatA / tato'jitazvabo rAjA svaadiNdrpurmNsthitH|| My friend Babu Nanigopal Majumdar draws my attention to wr. Pathak's quotetion, ante, Vol. XV. p.141. There we find the reading muruNDAnAM instead of puruDhAMnA, bhAvANasya for bhAvANasvad ekarSiza for you. The latter thus gives details for 1000 years.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 era, that is, in 527 B.0,22 as against 545 B.c.23 of the Pattavalis. Jinasena therefore places the rise of Kalki (527 B.C.,-1000 years) c. 473 A.D. As the Puranas give him a period of 25 years for his career of conquest,2 the end of his conquests and therefore of the ruling houses he extirpated, is to be dated, on the basis of the Jain datum, in (473 A.D. + 25) 498 A. D., which is exactly the date we get from the Puranis. It is most extraordinary that both the orthodox and the heterodox chronologiste marked the conquests of Kalki as the terminus of their chronologies.25 Jinasena's date for Kalki to be presumed as correct. I may point out that Jinasena was removed from Kalki only as much as we are from Akbar and Rasa Pratap. The event (498 A.D.) was only 286 years old in his time (784 A.D.). Therefore there is every presumption of correctness in favour of Jinasena's date for Kalki. The Jains of his time had reasons to remember him and his date, as the Rajputs of Mewar of to-day have reasons to remember the date of Akbar. For they vall him the greatest persecutor of their religion since the time of the Mahavira. Belief about Kalki's futurity. The Kalki-Purana, 26 in describing the life of Kalki, uses the past tense. The present Hindu belief that Kalki is yet to come, is a recent development. Jayadeva (12th century) in his Gita-Govinda treated him as one already come and gone, like all the other avataras: TYR -Tert. So does also the Bengali poet Chaydi Dasa in the 14th century. Pandit Basanta Ranjan Ray Vidvad-vallabha of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad gives me a quotation from an old manuscript of Ktishna-Karttana by Chandi Dasa, in which he praises Krishna for having assumed Kalki's incarnation. The belief about the futurity of Kalki in Northern India seems to have been a growth later than the 14th century. In Orissa the belief appears for the first time; in the inscription of Maha-Siva- Gupta (Ep. Ind. xi. 191) which is placed about the 9th century A.c. it is to be found for the first time. Decline of Gupta power and Kalki's date. The chronology given by Jinasena has one more noticeable feature. It places the Guptas immediately before Kalki with a gap of 42 years : Jarra igarren maifu af 4 11 dvicatvAriMzadevAtaH kalkirAjastha rAjatA / "(The rule) of the Guptas is said by chronologists to be for 231 years; 42 years after this is the reign of King Kalki." So the Jaina chronology regards the Gupta power in Western India (the Jaina chronology is a chronology of Western India, of and about A anti) as having come to an end after 431 A.D. The blank represented by the 42 years is the period 22 The difference is due to the fact the period of 470 years, from the Nirvana up to Vikrama, which is regarded by the Palfdualis is coming down only to the birth of Vikrama which is 18 years before the beginning of the Vikrama era or Vikrama's coronation (58 B.C.), bas been taken by Jinasena as covering the whole period up to 58 B.C. He has missed the 18 years of pre-coronation years of Vikrame. Hence ho gets 521 B.c. instead of 545. The 546 B.C. reckoning is confirmed by the chronology cited by Jinasena himself. In the Paff dvali chronology from the Nirvana down to the coronation of Vikrama (58 B.c.) or the end of the Nahavana Gardabhin-Saks period plus 18 years (Vikrama's pre-coronation years), we get 488 years; and in Jinasena's, from the Nirudna to the end of the Gardabhin. Nabavina period, 487 yoars. (See App. A.) So in fact there is no difference between the two. The present Digambara Jains follow the date given by Jinasena. 23 (Ante, Vol. xx, p. 317; ante, Vol. II, p. 363 ; J.B. O.R.S. 1.35,36). 21 See infra. V&yu, 36.113. 25 Since this paper went to the press, Mr. Pathak's article on Gupta Era has appeared in the Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume (p. 195). He notices Gunabhadra's date of Kalkirja as follows: b. 473 A.C. coronation 503 A.O., d. 643 A.O. Gunabhadra flourished later than Jinasena. He seeks to bring dowh Kalki's dato by 30 years. The date given by Jinasena was according to his information really the date of Kalki's birth and not coronation. 26 Venkatesvara Press, Bombay, 1906. 21 Mr. Pathak's reading. Ante, Vol. XV, p. 141-2.

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JULY, 1917) IDENTIFICATION OF KALKI 149 of the vicissitudes of the Gupta empire during the reign of Kumaragupta I. Thus to mark the decline of the Gupta power 42 years before Kalki's date agreos with known facts of the Gupta history.28 The blank would include the period of recovery under Skandagupta. II IDENTIFICATION OF KALKI, (Puranic data about Kalki.) The Puranic data on Kalki or Kalki may be summarised as follows: 1. Kalki's proper name was Vishyu-Yaxas.29 2. He was born at village Sambhala 30 (Sakambhari, Rajputana). 3. He was born an ordinary man, he was the son of the village-leader, a Brahman of the Parasara line. The father is called the wise Devasena by the Brahman la 31 He had a YAjnvalkya as his Purohita. 4. He was a handsome man, of fair complexion.32 5. He was a military hero; he made conquests riding a horse called Devadatta, sword in hand, and in armour 33 6. He, with a large army of the four arms, made a conquest almost of the whole of India :34 the Northern Countries, the Madhyadesas, the Vindhyan countries, the Aparantas, the Deccan, the Dravidas allied with the Singhalese, the Gandharas, the Paradas, the Palhavas, the Yavanas, the Sakas, the Tusharas (Tubaras, Br.), the Barbaras (Sabaras, Br.). the Pulindas, the Daradas (Baradas, Br.) the Khasas (Vasas, Br.), the Lampakas, the Andha kas, the Rudras (Pandras, Br.) and the Kiratas. These and the Vpishalas were defeated by the Master" (Kalki), and he established his empire.35 The above detailed conquests are given in the chapter on the Avataras. In the historical chapter, however, 8 dynasties are given after the Andhras and the last of these are the Hanas. There they are said to have been extirpated or struck by Kalki. Hence it is implied that Kalki suppressed the Hunas also. 7. His conquest was not merely political, but also religious. The powerful hero destroyed the Mlechchhas who paraded as kings36 and he destroyed the irreligious and haters of the dharma.37 He was surrounded by a large " Brahman army who had taken up arms."'38 When the Hindu religion had nearly submerged, he arose and by destroying completely the whole of the Mlechchhas and Dasyus he rescued it.99 The popular character 28 The knowledge of the Jaina chronologists about the end of the Gupta period was fairly accurate. But when they give 231 yours to the Guptas, they are apparently dating their beginning a century too early. They are there obviously including in it some diy gion of chronology like the Saka-Satrap. 21 fafcurar a : qatti V. 38-103. Br. 73-104. 30 Bhag. 12.2.18, Vishnu, 4.24.26. 31 Ibid, Br. 73-110. S' U T H .V. 36.111. 33 Bhag. 12.2.19. Bhavishya, III. 261: ustry V I ** V. 38-106-108. 36 7 1 147 Toft. v. 36109. 3 96 : Bhaj. 12-2-20. utsAdayitvA prAyazastAnadhArmikAn M. 47.252. AZTU * & ifra: v.38.103. 38 Teiarguranca T T : V. 36.108 M. 47-219. 39 Bhag. 12. 2. HA TI TUT I (12) Truong (13) x (UTA WH (16) eto., up to (22).

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1917 of his movement is testified by the remark that the object of his undertaking was to do good to the people, 40 although the undertaking entailed a cruel procedure.11 8. He along with his following enacted the last act of his life-drama (nishcha) and died between the Ganges and the Jumna 12 9 His career of conquest covered 25 years." IDENTIFICATION. Now who was this great hero ?-He was a patriotic and religious Napoleon of India in the late 5th and the early 6th century A.D. No character seems to have left a dee per mark on the latter period of the Purinas than he. We know his name: Vishnu-Yabas; we know his place of origin and rise-Rajputana; we are reasonably sure of his date--the end of the 5th century A.D.; we know his conquests--from the Dravidian South up to the Northern regions, from the Western Ocean up to the Khasa country (Assam), including the subjugation of the Huns. In view of these data, we can propose with some confidence the identification of VishnuYabas with Vishnu-(Vardhana)-Yaias (Dharman) of Malva. Name. Vardhana' is a title generally imperial, e. g., Harsha-Vardhana, Aboka-Vardhana. l'ishnu of Vishnu-vardhana and Yasas of Yaio-dharman have been joined together. Both these might have been assumed after conquests, as they imply great prowess and possibly a religious significance. Kalkf was probably the original name. The titla of Vishnu-Vardhana 'was assumed certainly later than that of Yaiodharman. In inscriptions on the Mandasore columns of victory which were engraved after all the conquests, have only Yasodharman. But the inscription of the year 589 of the . Malava era has also Vishnu-Vardhana, 15 Religious aspect of the Career. Vishnu Yasodharman claims to have rescued the land from irreligious and wicked kings of the present Yuga' who had transgressed the path. He also claims to have undertaken his task for the good of the people (lokopakaravrata)*6 and that he did not associate with the rulers of that Yugatt and brought about the time of Manu, Bharata, Alarka and Mandhatri. In his lifetime his history was regarded 1 sacred, as dostroyer of sins'18 and himself as home of dharma." His Brahman Viceroy is also described to have brought about the Krita Age in the kingdom. 50 These claims tally with the Puranio description of the religious aspect of Vishnu-Yakas' career. The claims ooupled with the assumption of the style Vishnu and the overwhelming military glory would warrant the Puranas in regarding him as 'an emanation of a portion of god Vishnu.' rafareta V. 36-103. Tora (Bhag.) 11 per farer af to **UT V. 36.114. dai N PITE: ara Bhag. 12.2.22. V. 38-116 paJcaviMzati vaisamA / viniman sarvabhUtAni mAnuSAneva sarvazaH / V. 36.113. Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, 146. * Ibid. 163. * Fleet, p. 146 (line 2 of the column insaription). 1 Ibid, line 3. after line 8. 19 Year Para Ibid. 5 Fleet, pe 15, line 17 of the Mandasor Siovo Inscription.

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JULY, 1917 ] IDENTIFICATION OF KALKI 151 The Conquests. The conquests also tally: the conquests from the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra) river to the Mahendra mountain and from the Himalayas near the Ganges to the Western Ocean, of Vishgu-Yasodharman, agree with the conquests of Kalki as detailed above. Both have the subjugation of the Hunas to their credit. The Date. The dates in both cases also agree. Vishnu-Yasodharman defeated Mihirakula who would come after Toramana and Tora mana's date is shortly after Budhagupta, 484-85 A.D (F. GI. p. 159). Mihirakula was defeated by Yasodharman in Kashmir (see App. B). The defeat of Mihirakula would be at least 15 years after 484 A.D., as his father's (Toramana's) time is about 484. Thus or shortly after 499 A.D. the defeat of Mihirakula could be possible. It is definite from the Mandasor Inscription of 533-34 A.D. that the victory was attained some years before 533 A.D. When the undated column inscription was engraved, the conqueror had not assumed the lofty title of Vishnu-Vardhana as in the latter. The latter bears evidence of a peaceful administration which had already lasted for sometime, as the victory is said to have ended Kali by his good government. The undated inscription mentions Mihirakula's defeat. Therefore the date of Mihirakula's defeat in Kashmir would be more than a few years before 533 A.D.51 Lineage. Vishnu-Yasodharman is declared in the inscriptions to have had no lineage. Likewise Vishnu-Yasas is the son of an ordinary man. Both are said to have built empires.63 The points of identity are so striking that the conclusion seems to be nearly irresistible that Vishnu-Yasas is no other than Vishnu-Yasodharman. Value of the reclamation of Vishnu-Yasas' history. The identification, if correct, explains and confirms the inscriptions of Vishnu-Yasodharman. But the establishment of the historical existence of Kalki, apart from the question of his identification, reclaims a lost chapter of Indian History, which is as important as that on Chandragupta Maurya, Pushyamitra or Sankaracharya. The social and religious effects on Hindu Society produced by the movement of Kalki must be admitted to have been tremendous, in view of the joint testimony of the Jaina and Brahmanic records. APPENDIX A. The Two Jalna Chronologies. The old Gathas given in the Jaina documents54 give 470 years from the death of the Maha-vira to the end of Saka and the birth of Vikrama, and 488 years down to the coronation of Vikralua (or 58 B.C.). The reckoning given by the Digambara author Jinasen a gives a somewhat different order of chronology. But a comparison between the two show's that although the two are based on independent traditions, they come to the same conclusion as to the length of time. 51 If we accept the date given by Gunabhadra, Kalki's career would fall between 503-543 A.C. 52 No ancestry is given in the inscriptions. Notice "ery arteriar," etc., in the column inscription and the proud expression HOT: (lines 5-6) in the stone inscription "who is his own lineage." 53 The above inscriptions say that he wasumed the title of Samra!, Rajadhiraja and Parame suara. 54 Ante, Vol. II, p. 363; ante, Vol. XX, p. 347; also in the Svetambara books Titha-guliya.Payanna and Tirthoddhara: Prakirna (oited by Vasu in his Hindi Visvakosha, II, 350.)

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [July, 1917 (The Patt dvali Chronology.) . (Jainasena's Chronology.) Palaka, 60 years, Palaka, 60 years. The Nandas (the first of whom, as I have Vijaya (the conquering kings,) 155 years. shown, conquered Avantis.), 155 years. The Mauryas, 108 years. The Purudhas or Murundag66 ruled over the whole of the country' for 40 years. Pushyamitra, 30 years. Pushyamitra, 30 years. Balamitra and Bhanumitra, 60 years. Vasumitra and Agnimitra, 57 60 years. Nahavana, 40 years. Rasabha Kings, (Gardabhilas) 100 years. Gardabhila, 13 years; Saka 4 yrs. Pre-coronation years of Vikrama 18 yrs. The Naravahas (Naravahanam) 42 years. total .. 488 TL total. 487 The period given by Jinasena's chronology to the Mauryas (Purudhas') is too short, 40 as against 108 years of the Prakrita Gathas. The latter place the end of the Maurya rule in Western India (326 B.C.-108) about 218 B.C. or 18 years after Asoka, which is likely. But the former would date it before the reign of Asoka, which would be absurd. This difference of (108-40) 68 years has been adjusted by giving to the Gardabhin-Nahavina period (100 +42) 142 years as against the 75 (40+13+4+18) years of the NahavanaVikrama period of the Gathas (142-74-68). In the Jinasena chronology the Saka rule of 4 years is included in the Gardabhin period. Possibly both were considered as belonging to the same stock. The Purdnas. however, like the Gathds, treat them separately. The most noticeable feature of the Jinasena chronology is that it places Nahavana (=Nahapana) in 100 B.0.-58 B.C. as against 133 B.C.-93 B.C. of the Gathas.68 APPENDIX B. Defeat of Mihirakula. About Mihirakula's defeat there are two sources of information. Yuan Chwang saya that the king Baladitya (the Gupta king) defeated him and set him free on the recommendation of his own mother, to let him retire to Kashmir. In the inscription of Mandasor on the victory columns Yasodharman is related to have defeated and humbled Mihirakula. On the basis of these two data Mr. Vincent Smith comes to a conclusion that there was a confederacy of the Central Indian Rajas" and Baladitya for the deliverance of their country from the oppressive rule of the Huns. The supposed confederacy has no evidence whatsoever behind it; it is a mere creation of imagination. Having created this imaginary confederacy Mr. Smith calls the description of the conquests of Yasodharman boasts," because Hiuan Tsang gives the sole credit for the victory over the Huns to Baladitya, King of Magadba.' The conclusion is vitiated by the creation of a confederacy while in fact there was none. Dr. Hoernle points out the mistake and gives sound reasons to accept the inscription as the best possible and thoroughly trustworthy evidence (J.R.A.S. 1909, 92-95).49 But Dr. Hoernle rejects the Chinese datum about the victory of Baladitya over Mihirakula as a mere romance. Dr. Hoernle seems to think that the victory of one excludes that 55 J. B.O.R.S. 1,107. 56 A corruption of Mayuras or Mauryas. T o tefter denotes their imperial rule, 57 To be read as agnimitra and vasumitra in view of the Malaviklagnimitra and the Purdnas. 58 J. B. 0. R. S. 1,102. Tho mistakon viow has been porsisted in. See V. Smith, Warly History, New ed., pp. 318.20.

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JULY, 1917] IDENTIFICATION OF KALKI of the other.60 The point however clears up when we notice the fact that the two data refer to two victories in two distinct places. The Chinese pilgrim describes that Mihirakula invaded Magadha and under that pressure the populace and the king exerted themselves and defeated the invader, after which he was allowed to retire to Kashmir. The inscription, on the other hand, indicates that Mihirakula paid respect "to the two feet" of Yasodharman in the Himalayas (Kashmir).01 The two data relate to two events, and not to one and the same. Possibly Mihirakula had already annexed Kashmir before he invaded Magadha and it is also possible that he retained his sway up to Gwalior after his Magadhan defeat.62 The Mandasor Inscription refers to the past achievements of the Huns over the Guptas. Hence it seems likely that Yasodharman's claim of making the Himalayas easy of access refers to a period later than Mihirakula's defeat by Baladitya. The Mandasor Inscription treats the subjugation of Mihirakula as an act separate from his digvijaya, whose route is broadly given. The Puranas also do not enumerate the Huns in the list of Kalki's conquests (digvijaya). The defeat of Mihirakula could very well be beyond the digvijaya period, that is, beyond 498 A.D. APPENDIX C. Summary of results and the Kalki Chronology. +31-478 A.D.-End of the Gupta power in Western India. 473 or 508 A.D.-Kalki's rule begins. Circ. 485-Toramana. 498 or 528 A.D.-Kalki's conquests of the Mlechchhas and others (digvijaya) completed. 498-99 A.D.-The Siddhanta year of the astronomers63 (Aryabhata, b. 476 A.D. at ataliputra). 153 498-533-Mihirakula's defeat after 498 A.D. Peaceful reign of Kalki (at least down to 533 A.D., possibly longer). Columns of victory erected at Mandasor. Assumption of the style of Vishnu-Vardhana. Possibly Kalki regarded as having brought about Krita Age. Old age of Kalki, about 80 in 533. Inscription of 533-34 A.D. at Mandasor. Circ. 543 A.D. (?)-Death of Kalki. Puranas not continued further. Kali regarded as yet running. 784 A.D.-Jinasena writes about Kalki. 60 J.R.A.S., 1909 98. 61 Mihirakula's defeat is described in verse 6 which also says that the claim of affording a 'fortress' defence was also taken away from the Himalaya. (GI, p. 146). 62 It ought to be noticed that the tract from Gwalior to Kashmir is outside the limit of Yasodhar. man's conquests defined in verse preceding the defeat of Mihirakula: from the Brahmaputra to Mahen. dra (on the east) and from the Himalayas near the Ganges to the Western Ocean (not from E to W and N. to 8., as summarised by Fleet, 145-46). This shows that the digvijaya, as completed, excluded Mihirakula's dominions, and also that the expedition against Mihirakula was undertaken last. 63 Their selection of the year 499 A.D. might have been due to some astronomical observation, and the political and astronomical landmarks might have coincided. But as it was not uniformly adhered to by the astronomers, the selection was more likely due to the importance of political events. It is possible that both political and astronomical events might have contributed to the selection both by the astronomers and the Puranas.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 THE KADAMBA PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION OF MALAVALLI. BY DR. A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D.; BANGALORE. THIS is published by Mr. Rice in Vol. VII of his Epigraphia Carnatica as No. 264 of Shikarpur Taluq ; for literature connected with it see under No. 1196 of Luders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions which forms the appendix to Vol. X of the Epigraphia Indica. I here wish to point out that this inscription has been wrongly understood and translated so as to yield the meaning that Sivakhadavamman was a king of the Kadambas and that he made the grant recorded in the inscription. This is wrong as can be seen by a reference to the original text (P. 252, VII, Epigraphia Carnatica; p. 326 of the Kanarese text in the same volume) which reads as follows: Vaijayanti-dhamma-maharajadhiraje patikata-sapjjhayi-chachcha-paro Kadambanami raja Siva[khada]vammad Minavya-sagdtina Hariti-puttina Vaijayanti-patina puvvadattitti sotvena parityakthena manasu pisa matulaya bitiyam dattam. "The king of the Kadambas, Dharma-Maharajadhiraja of Vaijayanti, who studies the requital (of good and evil) as his sacred text-having heard that [they] were formerly granted by Siva [khada]vamman, of the Manavya-gotra, a Haritiputra and lord of Vaijayanti-there were granted, a second time, with composed mind to the maternal uncle of... pi... The language of the inscription is not very grammatical; the nominative Kadambanam raja is not connected with any verb; the neuter singular dattam has for subject, or is connected with, the masculine plural puvvochita ggama; and similarly we have ete gama dianam. In spite of these and other irregularities, there can be no doubt, it seems to me, as to which word the instrumental singular Siva[khada]vammana goes with. It should, naturally, be taken with the following instrumental singulars Manavya-sagottena Haritipuena Vaijayanti-patina and not with the preceding nominative singulars ending with Kadambanam ruja. Nor can we say that, in spite of the nominative case, the words ending with Kadambanam raju should be taken as qualifying epithets of the instrumental Sivakhadavammana; for, in this case, this latter word would be qualified by Vaijayantidhamma-maharajadhiraje [ for ... rajena] and also by Vaijayanti-patina, of which one would clearly be superfluous. The only correct way therefore is to keep the nominative singulars apart from the instrumental singulars and to translate the passage as I have done above. This passage was originally translated by Mr. Rice as follows (op. cit; p. 142 of Translations) : "By the Dharma-Maharajadhiraja of Vaijayanti, versed in the views he has adopted on the sacred writings, raja of the Kadambas, Siva [skanda]varmma, of the Manavyagotra, a Haritiputra, master of Vaijayanti...."1 This translation of Mr. Rice was the original source for the mistaken statement that Sivakhada vamman was a king of the Kadambas; this statement has passed by the notice of Dr. Fleet (J. R. A. S., 1905, p. 304) and Prof. Rapson (Catalogue of Coins of the Andhra Dynasty; p. LIII), who have touched upon this inscription and has even found a place in Dr. Luders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions referred to above and in the index thereof. What has gone above must thus have made it clear that Sivakhadavamman was not a king of the Kadambas and that he was not the donor of the grant recorded in this inscription; on the contrary, the inscription, as I make it out, distinctly states that he was 1 For an improved translation, which, however, still repeats the mistake about Sivakhadavamman being a king of the Kadambas, see footnote 3 on p. 23 in Mr. Rice's Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions.

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JULY, 1917) THE KADAMBA PRAKRIT INSCRIPTION OF MALAVALLI 155 the donor of the former grant' (puvva-dalti) referred to therein. Now, the inscription No. 269 of Shikarpur Taluq (No. 1195 of Luders' List) which is engraved on the same pillar as, and immediately precedes, this inscription, records the grant of the village Sahalatavi to Kondamana of the Kaundinya-gitra, the anneator of the donee in No. 264. The village Sahala avi too is no doubt the same as the village Sa hala which was one of the thirteen villages granted by No. 264. Nevertheless, the former grant' of No. 264 oan not refer to the grant recorded in No. 263; for, No. 263 states that the grant is made by Vinhukadda-chutukulananda Satakanni, of the Manavya-gatra, a son of Hariti and lord (rajan) of Vaijayanti-pura, and that the subject of the grant is but one village Sahalatavi; while No. 264 numes the donor of the former grant' referred to therein as Sivakhada vamman and by employing the words biliyam dattam... puvvochita ggama says that the subjeot of that grant were the thirteon villages-Sahala, Somapatti, Konginagaram, etc., named therein. We must therefore 2 assume that at some time between the making of the grants recorded in Nos. 263 and 264, Sivakhadavamman made a grant to Kongamana himself or to his descendant of the twelve villages Somapatti, Konginagaram, eto, in addition to the village of Sahala which having been already granted to Kondamana by Vinhukadda-chutukulananda Satakannt was in the donee's possession and enjoyment. These villages in course of time must have passed out of the possession of the descendants of Kondama pa and the king of the Kadambas, hearing of this, granted the same again to them, This Sivakhada vamma must have been a Satakaroi; for not only did he supplement the grant made by Vinhukadda-chutukulananda Satakanni, as we saw above; but he is also styled like the latter, a Manavya-sagotra, Haritaputra and lord of Vaijayanti. In all probability, he is the same as the prince Sivakhada-Naga-siri whose name occurs in conjunction with that of Vinhukadda-ehutukulananda sa takanni, in & Banavdse inscription, No. 1186 of Luders' List. (See also the index of personal names attached to that List.) It is thus clear that Sivakhadavamman was not a king of the Kadambas ; this name therefore must be deleted from the list of Kadamba kings. A point worthy of note is that the unnamed king of the Kadambas already appears here with their characteristic biruda-*pratikrita-svadhydya-charcha-para (in its Prakrit form); he is not however styled a Manavya-sagotra and Haritiputra as the later Kadamba kings are. It is also interesting to find that this inscription (i.e. Sk. 264) quotes the following Prakrit stanza, which has not so far been recognised as such Uktam khand ho Visvakammd Bahmam dejjam (read Bahma-dejjam) se Kadambesu ridhamate Visasattu chatu-vejjam siddhitam nigama-viditam cha. Il This stanza being a quotation must have been composed before the time of the inscription (C. A. D. 250). It is therefore not unlikely that the Kadam bas had acquired a renown for giving brahma-deydni long before the time of the inscription. The verse is also interesting as furnishing a specimen of the inscriptional Prakrit which was employed for verse about 230 A. D. * 2 Otherwise, if one wants to maintain, as Mr. Rice seems to do (p. 6. of Introduction to Vol. VII, Epigraphia Carnatica) that the former grant' referred to in No. 264 is that recorded in No. 263, one will have to assert that the composer or engraver of the formor ingeription has made a mistake a regards the name of the donor and as regards the number of villages granted. In view of the fact that No. 263 was there before the eyes of the composer and engraver, it seems most unlikely that such a mistake could be made. Mr. Rice's view seems to me therefore to be mogu improbablo. 3 Kondamina and his descendants seem to have been prieste officiating at the temple at Mattaparti; and the villages granted seem to have been intended mainly for the maintenance of the temple. 4 The occurrence of this biruda which is characteristio of the Kadambas only, 48 well as the ex mention by the inscription of Kadambdnam rdja prove conclusively-il proof were needed that this is a Kadamba ingcription. Dr. Fleet's doubts on this point (loc. cit., p. 304 footnote) should therefore bo considered to be baselees. 5 See for example Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. V, BI. 248: Vol. VII. Bk. 29: Vol. IV, No. 18, etc.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1917 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T.; MADRAS. (Continued from p. 124.) The Romance and Sath of his Queen. The accomplishment of Muttammal's object, therefore, would mean not merely her self-sacrifice, but the murder of an infant. A strong objection, therefore, arose against the queen's resolution, and this was focussed and strengthened by the able queen dowager, Mangammal, a woman of remarkable individuality and character, who, as we shall see presently, left an indelible influence in the history of Madura. It is not improbable that Mangammal's endeavour against the sati of her daughter-in-law was inspired by a feeling of jealousy at her superior reputation ; but the real fact seems to have been her sincere horror at the death of the only heir expected, and her real solicitude for the welfare of the kingdom. But Muttammma! was obstinate; and at length a compromise was arrived at, by which she was to be permitted to ascend the pyre after giving birth to her child. The child that was born under such singular circumstances was christened Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha. On the fourth day of his entrance into the world, his mother who had more affection to her dead lord than her living child, and who had performed large charities in order to expiate the crime of delay in her sati, found that no preparation was made for her departure. She therefore took a large draft of rose water, thereby inviting a severe cold, which, owing to her delicate health, soon put an end, as she wanted, to her life. So ended the tender romance of her short wedded days. CHAPTER IX. THE MUGHAL SUPREMACY. Vijaya Ranga Chokkanstha (1689-1781.) SECTION I. Regeney of Mangammal.30 Vijaya Ranga Chokkana tha was scarcely three months old, when he was proclaimed king. The actual administration of the realm naturally devolved on his guardian and grandmother Mangammal. The Queen Regent was one of the most remarkable women, who have distinguished themselves in Indian History and cut an undying figure in the rock of fame by the individuality of their character and the greatness of their achievements. No sovereign of the Madura line, except Visvanatha I and Tirumal Naik, has gained such a lasting remembrance in the memory of mankind. The kindly disposition and charitable deeds of Maigammal, in fact, so much engaged the affections and gratified the hearts of the people that, even today, almost every choultry, every road, every tank and temple in the Districts of Madura and Tinnevelly, is attributed to her liberality. The range of her charities, says an enterprising chronicle, extended from Kasi to Comorin and the sphere of her reputation from the heaven to the earth. An exceedingly interesting, The events of the regenoy of Maugammai are not well known owing to the loss of Jesuit letters from 1887 to 1699. The account given here is based only on indigenous chronicles. As Mangamma! was a maro regent, inscriptions during her regency are sometimes in the name of her grandson, 6.9., the Tiruppudaimarudur grant of 1695.

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JULY, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 157 if imaginative,31 story is current ir. regard to Mangammal, which at once gives an adequate idea of the remarkable affection she commanded among her contemporaries, not only at Madura but abroad. It is a story illustrative of the generosity of the Queen-Regent and the parsimony of a contemporary king of Mysore. A few months before Mangammal's32 death the Mysore monarch, a miser, had died and gone to hell, while his crown was inherited by a more miserly son. About the same time, a Vangia merchant of Mysore died and was carried by the a,ents of the god Yama, but on reaching the city of death they were told that a wrong man 'ad been brought by them. The Vangian was therefore about to be taken back to the arth, when the royal sufferer, who was undergoing the tortures of hell, recognised him as a former subject and took advantage of his return to the world of life to send a message to his son, the then king! The penitent and fallen chief said that, waile he was ruling Mysore, he had amassed an abundance of wealth, but instead of spending it on behalf of the people he had buried it. No thought of charity or benevolence had ever entered into his mind and the result was his terrible fate. On the other hand, Queen Maigammal of Madura had done innumerable acts of benevolence, and the beings of heaven were erecting triumphal arches to receive her and honour her. The repentant chief therefore asked the merchant to proceed to his son, take the buried treasure out, and expend33 it in charities, so that he might be emancipated from the trials of hell. The Vannian, the story continues, did so, and a lesson was learnt by all future kings. The general events during her regency. Such was the golden opinion that Mangamma inspired in her own days. What Tirumal Naik did in regard to architecture, she did in regard to roads and choultries. The one was famous for his architectural monuments, the other for her philanthropic labours. The one appealed to the artistic instinct in man, the other to his heart. The former again dazzled men by his splendour, the latter won them by her generosity. And yet Mangamma]'s claim to greatness consisted not merely in her generous nature or her benevolent virtues. Endowed with many masculine virtues, she proved a politician of no mean talents. For a space of seventeen years3 she conducted the affairs of State in such excellent spirit that her regency became, if not a model of good government, at least strong enough to secure order within the state and victory abroad. She had a certain vigour and independence of character which ensured the security of her reign and the discomfiture of her enemies. The circumstances under which she found herself in power were more gloomy 31 The Telugu Record of the Carnatic Governors from Tirumal Ndik onward. 32 Mangammal died in 1705 and Chikka Deva in 1704. The latter is thus clearly the person referred to. 33 The story, of course, is a myth and has been invented by a fertile imagination to contrast the liberality of Mangammal with the parsimony of the contemporary Mysore ruler, Chikka Devs Raja, (1672-1704) who, in spite of his victories, introduced a number of vexatious taxes, and never broke his fast every day till he deposited two bags of pagodas in the treasury out of the revenues. See Wilks. Mysore, I, 63; Rice I, 306 to 369. 34 1689-1705. The Hist, Carna, Govrs, attributes her reign to S. 1617-1635, i. e., A.D. 1685:1713, from Yuva to Nandana. The Pand. Chron. says that she was regent from Raudri for 12 years. It does not specify particularly the date. The Supple. MS. agrees with the Hist. of Carna. Gours., which assigns 19 years from Pramoduta to Vikrama. Kali Kavi Rayan's chronicle, with its usual vagueness, attributes 8 5 years to her regency and further says that she was the sister of Vijaya Ranga! The Telugu chronicle says that she ruled from 1707-1725. This is wrong. Epigraphy shows that she came to power before -1690. (Sewell's Antiquities II, 85.)

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY { JULY, 1917 than encouraging. We have already seen how, during the reign of her husband Chokkanatha, the affairs of Madura had, thanks to the attacks of the Marathas, the Mysoreans and the Maravas, drifted into confusion and anarchy, and how the king, in despair of emancipating himself and his kingdom from the foul designs and intriguing cliques of his adversaries, died of a broken heart. We have also seen how his young and gallant son, Ranga Krishua Muttu Virappa, endeavoured to retrieve the losses sustained by his father, to restore and re-establish a settled government, and to extend the name and extent of Madura to what they were in the time of Tirumal N&ik. But before he could fully accomplish his task the hand of death, we have already seen, snatched him away during his 22nd year. The real work of consolidation, therefore, devolved on Maugammal. And she proved not unequal to the task. Her remarkable vigour made her regency, when compared with that of her predecessors, one of tranquillity and progress. During the period of 15 years during which she swayed the destinies of Madura, she waged, as we shall see further on, four wars--the first with Travanoore, the second with Tanjore, the third with Mysore and the fourth with the Maravas; and from these she either came out successful or at least with the satisfaction that the interests of Madura did not suffer. The Mughal Invasion. True her regency was clouded by a misfortune in the form of Mughal invasion for the first time into South India and the consequent necessity on her part to pay the penalty of a suppliant kingdom. But this was due to the exigencies of the times, not to her incapacity. Any other ruler in her place would have had the same fate. Moreover the domination of the Mughal did not introduce any new feature in South Indian History. It was a mere case of change of masters. The Sultan of Bijapur had been for the previous thirty years the suzerain, and in his place there came the Maratha, and now there was the Mughal Emperor. Madura was equally subordinate to all of them. To box to the majesty of the Empire and to purchase the immunity of the kingdom from war was therefore a service rather than disservice. Any other course would have meant disaster. The very victories which Mangammal gained later on were due to this timely recognition of imperial supremacy. A legend about Mangammal. Such were the general features of the reign of Mangammal. As has been already mentioned, the first thing that strikes the historian who reviews her regency is the intense solicitude she felt for the welfare of the people, which began to display itself immediately after her assumption of the reins of government. A strange story, and not an improbable one, ascribes her liberality to an alleged act of indiscretion on her part. On one occasion. when she was in a forgetful mood, she put betels into her mouth with her left hand. 35 An extremely orthodox woman, Mangammal regarded this as a serious breach of the moral code, and summoning the orthodox men, who thronged the throne in those days, she narrated her error and asked by what means she could repair it; and her soft and credulous disposition listened with earnestness to their proposal that she should, in order to purify herself, undertake on a large scale the construction of public works! The consequence was a period of busy and philanthropic activity 38 Vide Hial. Oarna, Gours, and the Telugu Carna. Lords which is more detailed. A typioal charity of Magammal is described in the Telugu grant of Balakrishpa Mabadanapura wherein she gave a whole agrahdram to Brahmans in 1700. (Antiquities, II, 4.). And to a certain Subbayya Bhagavata for a fooding institute in 1701 (Ep. Rep., 1911, p. 16); etc.

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JULY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 159 hardly equalled by the reign of any other sovereign of the Naik dynasty except Tirumal Naik. Roads and avenues, choultries and water bouths, verples and tanks, rose without38 number; and a loving and wonder-struck people echoed the praises of one who, though a woman, asserted her claim to high eminence in history. Imagination came in course of time to triumph at the expense of honest admiration and an admiring posterity attributed to her a chain of roads87 and choultries from the distant Kasi to the Cape,-a pardonable exaggeration which had its basis in the fact that in addition to her works of charity in her own kingdom, Mangammal built a choultry for the pilgrims in the sacred city of Hinduism. Her toleration, Though the ruling passion of Mangamma! was a sincere attachment to the gods of Hinduism, and though in her religious policy she was entirely directed by the arts of orthodox flattery, yet the great queen was not so bigoted or narrow-minded as to persecute those who embraced other religions. She had an elightened understanding of the value of religious toleration, and endeavoured to be impartial in her treatment of the different religions. In 1692, for instance, she permitted her ward and grandson to make an endowment to a Muhammadan for the maintenance of a mosque (Antiquities, II, p. 7). Again when she heard that Father Mello of the Jesuit Society was seized and imprisoned by the Setupati, her in-lignation was awakened and she insisted, with success, on his immediate release. On another occasion, 38 the Jesuit missionary, Father Bouchet, who had heard of the liberal idcas of the Queen-Regent, paid a visit to her, and though he was not favoured with a personal interview, he received the solemn assurance that the Christians would be free from the mischief of fanatics and the ravages of thieves. The missionary was treated with the respect and the courtesy due to his position and person, and even honoured with a procession which escorted him, with much eclat, to his station. In 1701, again, she sanctioned a grant of lands near Trichinopoly for a Musalman dargah at Penukonda for an alleged successful prophecy in the Tanjore affair.39 The Mughal Advent 1693. In her foreign policy Mangammal was, as has already been mentioned, both cautious and as a rule successful. With a calm mind, which saw clearly the possibilities and impossibilities of her arms, she guided the State in such a way as to obtain the maximum of gain with the minimum of sacrifice. This aspect of her polioy is olear in her ready subjugation to the superior might of the Mughal Empire. In the year 1693, a formidable army under 16 The Telugu Chron. says that she built choultries at the distance of every kdtam (10 miles), dug tanks, and orooted water-booths at the distance of every five ndzikas (7 miles), and wells, with brick work and stone steps, at the distance of every nalika (11 miles). All these being completed, it says she built a bandsome choultry at Kabi. 37 Madura Garr., p. 54. Taylor thinks that Maugammal's charity might be due to her repentance for some amorous escapade. See his O. H. MSS. II. 38 Taylor's O. H. MSS. II, p. 227. It is said that the missionary saw the Dalavai, Narasappaiya evidently, and not the Queen. Narass was a very orthodox man and had dismissed certain bombardiers out of service on discovering them to be" Farangis," i. e., European Christians. Ho however gave a warm reception to the Father, and took the presents the latter brought to the Queen and induced her to be generous as usual. The presents were a two-feet terrestrial globe, and nine-inch glass globe, magnifying and burning glasses mirrors, etc. 39 See Mair. Ep. Rep., 1911, p. 90. Mr. Krishna Sastri believes that the Tanjore affair here men. tioned was probably the alliance with it against Mysore. The inscription mentions a Vira Voukata Deva as suzerain, and Mr. Krishna Sastri, instead of seeing that it is a formal affair, makes the mistake of reconciling this with Venkata II of the Chandragiri dynasty !!

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1917 the command of the celebrated Zulfikar Khan, the general who was entrusted with the task of capturing Jinji and its illustrious Maratha occupant, Raja Ram, the brother and successor of Sambaji, burst as a sort of diversion into the south, with a view to collect the tribute of the various tributary kingdoms. Till 1650 the South Indian powers had acknowledged the supremacy of the Deccan Sultans. The Marathas then obtained by their sword the right of collecting the tributes. With their head-quarters at Jinji, they succeeded, for the space of a generation, in extorting the allegiance of the South Indian powers; but in 1688, the ambition of Aurangzeb, which had not only extinguished the Pathan kingdoms of Bijapur and Golkonda, but compelled the Maratha ruler Paja Ram to flee from his native country and take refuge at Jinji, desired to bring the various powers of South India directly under the Empire. It was with this intention that Zulfikar Khan, who was besieging "the Eastern Troy" from 1690 onward, carried his army in 1693 further south. As might be expected, his march was a triumphal progress. The Maratha ruler of Tanjore, Shahji, readily obeyed and paid tribute. The turn of Madura then came. Maigammal knew that the opposition against the Mughal arms would be suicidal; that far from procuring her independence it would mean ruin. Further north, even the powerful Chikka Deva had conciliated the Mughals. Nearer, Tanjore had just submitted. Both traditions and present circumstance, therefore, both self-interest and precedent, told Mangamma! that she must yield. She therefore readily acknowledged the Empire and paid the tribute of a suppliant vassal. It is not known, however, how much she had to pay. Indeed Mangammal did not only make the best of a trying situation, but positively made it a source of service and advantage to her. She seems to have utilized the arbitration and the resources of the Empire against Tanjore, whose encroachments into her territory did not cease. The Bundela Journal says that, in 1897, Zulfikar Khan led a second expedition into the South, and that "when he arrived near Tanjore, the Zemindar of Trichinopoly sent a considerable offering, with requests of assistance to recover several places which the Raja of Tanjore had taken from him". Zulfikar Khan complied with the request, and obliged Tanjore to restore them.40 Her wise polley towards the Mughal Empire. That she wisely endeavoured to acknowledge the imperial guzerainty and availed herself of it when attacked by enemies is clear not only from the incidents already descriped but from an event which took place in 1702. Niccolas Manucci'l tells us that, on April 20, 1702, she sent a letter to the Deputy Nawab of the Carnatio, Da'ad Khan, just then besieging the English in Madras, requesting him "to undertake in person to assist her in the war 40 Scott II. p. 03. "The Raja of Triohinopoly was an infant, and the power of the Stato vested in his mother, a woman of great abilities who conducted affairs with masculine courage. It is not im. probable that an invasion of the South by a certain "Mulla" in 1696 referred to in the Tanjore Gaer. p. 42, refers vo this expedition. Zulfikar Khan led a similar excursion in 1700. Ibid, p. 96, 41 See Storia do Mogor, Vol. IIL p. 411. # For Da'ad Khan's dealings with the English, Menucoi'e part therein, and other details, see Madras in Olden 7\mes, Vol. I, p. 375-406 - Storia do Mogor, III, 384.414. DA'Ad Khan completed the work of Zulfikar Khan in the conquest of the Carnatio. In 1702 he captured Vellore, the last remaining possession of Raja Ram in the south, See Storia do Mogor, III, p. 421. and 486-7, Manucci gives a doseription of the Vellore fort, ita ditoh with its enormous crocodiles, and the practice of the people in throwing themselves into the ditch as a sacrifice for their sins, or sacrificing buffaloes, cows and goats. Da'ad Khan throw the thieves of Vellore into the ditch as a thank-offering for his suc008. For an account of Vellore under the Muhammadan chiefs, so Taylor's Rest. MSS. IL. It contains some very curious and interesting facts, but is not germane to our purpos

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JULY, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 161 she was obliged to wage against the Prince of Aurapaliam (Udayer-palayam), another tributary of the Moghul. This man had already seized some of her towns. The lettor stated with much exaggeration the iniquity of the Rajah's proceedings, and was fitted with humble words and prayers intended to influence the general to come to her aid. With it came some very fine presents to be sent on to Aurangzeb, Sunt for Da'ud Khan and some for the diwan. They consisted in a number of valuable trinkets and precious stones for the king, 20,000 rupees in silver coin for the general, and 10,000 for the diwan- metal with more virtues in the eyes of these gentry than the most polished orations or the most loquacious tongues". Manucci proceeds to say that, most probably on account of the siege of Madras, Da'ad Khan wrote to her regretting his inability to respond to her prayer, but sent her a few troops. The earnest endeavour on the part of Mangammal to keep in good terms with the Empire at any cost is clear in another incident which took place at the end of 1702. Da'ad Khan had driven the Marathas completely from the Carnatic by that time, and Aurangzeb wrote to him "to force payment from the Rajah of Tanjore, the Queen of Trichinopoly, and some other neighbouring princes, of the tribute they had hitherto paid to the Mahrattas." These sums were to be in addition to the tribute previously collected by him from these princes. In his order the emperor set forth his reasons for making such a demand. Of these, the principal was that he had disbursed enormous sums in the conquest of the Marathas and in rescuing these kingdoms from & state of never-ending pillage. It was matter of justice, therefore, that they should bear & cost of the imperial war with the Marathas. In conformity with these orders, Da'ud Khan demanded an enhanced tribute from Tanjore and Trichinopoly, besides a contribution of 300 and 100 elephants respectively to the Empire, to replace those that had been lost during the war. Both the rulers pleaded poverty in vain. But they knew that the Mughal's object was, as Manucci says, to dispoil them and " to booome the master of all their territories and their treasures." They had therefore to purchase their safety by furnishing to the Mughal General "not the number of elephants he claimed, but as many as could be found in their states and belonging to their subjects."48 After all, the Mughal did not give them efficient protection. For in May 1704,4 the Marathas who, by this time, were penetrating into every corner of the Mughal Empire, raided the Carnatic, conquered the fortress of Serava once the capital of Carnatic Bijapur and now an imperial possession, once again; entered the country adjoining the territories of the kingdom of Trichinopoly and "realised a very large sum as tribute;" and then proceeding to Tanjore, sealed an alliance between the Maharashtra and the colony by the celebration of the marriage of the Tanjore ptincess with the son of Ramachandra Pant, the great statesman in whose hands the administration of the Maratha affairs had been entrusted by Queen Tera Bai. The Mysore invasion of the Kongu Province. It seems that, immediately after her submission to the Empire, Mangamma! had to defend her kingdom against & formidable invasion of the Mysoreans. It is to the great credit of the Mysore king, Chikka Deva Raya, that while the other kingdoms of South India were 'tottering down, he was able to bring about an expansion of his kingdom. With rare diplomatic genius he persuaded the Mughals, who had seized Bijapur and organized its dependent possessions in 13 Storia do Mogor, III, p. 423-4. Ibid, P. 503.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1917 the Carnatic into the new Mughal province of Sera45, to sell Bangalore and its neighbourhood, which they had just seized from King Shahji of Tanjore, to himself for three lakhs of rupees. Assiduously cultivating an alliance with Aurangzeb, Chikka Deva proceeded to extend his territories in directions that would not interfere with the Mughal activi. ties. He deprived, for instance, Bednore of many of its districts. Above all, he invaded the possession of Mangammal, and carried devastation into the disputed areas of Salem and Coimbatore. Almost all the Polygars. of Kongu Nad yielded, 40 and agreed to pay the peshkash in future to Srirangapatuam instead of Madura. Not contented, the Mysoreans under Dalavai Kumara Raya were soon at Trichinopoly itself. The Naik capital was besieged, and Kumara Raya vowed that he would never return to Srirangapatnam without capturing the city. The Dalavai, however, had more enthusiasm than success. An irruption of the Marathas into Mysore in the North necessitated the despatch of a large part of his army to Srirangapatnam; and as a result of this, he had (apparently) to abandon the siege and return to Mysore. It is not improbable that Narassappaiya, the Dalavai of Mangammal, took advantage of the diminution of the Mysore army to take the offensive and compel its retreat, thereby recovering much, if not all, of the lost territory. The War with Travancore. The war with Mysore was followed in 1698 by a war with Travancore.7 The Rajas of Travancore had, ever since its subjugation by the Vijayanagar Emperor Achyuta Raya, saluted the Madura flag and paid tribute. But during the troublous times of Chokkanatha, the then ruler Ravi Varma availed himself of the exhaustion of Madura to violate the faith of the previous engagements and withhold the tribute. In the time of Ranga Krinshna there was a reaction, but once again, on the death of that monarch, the king of Travancore became disaffected and imperious. This attitude kindled the anger of the queen-regent. She immediately set military operations on foot, and in 1697, despatched a punitive expedition into the Western kingdom. After a laborious march, the Naik army reached, by way of the rocky defile north of the cape, the town of Korkulam, identified by Nelson with Quilon, whither the forces of Travancore had already marched with a view to check the enemy. When the two armies lay opposite to each other, the Raja of Travancore proposed that, in case his adversary co-operated with him in the overthrow of some of his ministers who had opposed his authority and insulted his dignity, he would surrender the place and agree to pay tribute. The Vadugas agreed; the obnoxious ministers were either taken and executed or exiled, and it remained for the Travancore ruler to fulfil his promise. He ceded the town, but he had evidently resolved on treachery from the very beginning. As soon as the forces of Madura occupied the town and felt themselves secure, they were suddenly attacked before they had time to gather, and were almost cut down to a man. A few fortunate men escaped to carry the tale of disaster. The revengeful spirit of Mangammal was at once aroused to a pitch of fury. Mustering all her resources she organized a new and more powerful expedition under the command of the ablest general, Narasappaiya. The course of the war is uncertain, but we know that Narasa succeeded in avenging the recent disgrace, ravaged Travancore, See Appendix The Coimbatore Palayams, for details. 45 Rice, I, p. 387-8. Wilks. 1 47 From 1661 to 1677 the Travancore king was one Adityavarma. He and his relatives were murdered in 1677 and his niece Umayama Rani became regent. Her administration witnessed disaster in a Muhammadan raid, the raider establishing himself in Trivandrum itself. He was however driven out eventually by the General Keralavarma. The regent's son Ravivarma attained age in 1684 and was then crowned. He ruled till 1718 and it was in his time that Mangammal invaded the realm. See Antiquities, II, 239.

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JULY, 1917). THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 163 and besides gaining enormous spoils, compelled the Raja to pay the arrears of tribute and guarantee its future payment. The spoils of the war included some fine cannon, which were taken by the Dalavai and planted in the bastions" of Madura and Trichinopoly, 18 The later Mr. Nelson instituted inquiries about them, but he was unable to definitely ascertain their fate.! War with Tanjore, 1700-1. After the conclusion of peace with Ravi Varma, Mangammal was compelled to declare war against King Shahji of Tanjore. With true Maratha ambition, he had been gradually encroaching into the Madura territory, and annexed a number of villages along the banks of the Kaveri. He had also instituted frequent raids into the Madura kingdom for the sake of spoils. The vigilance of the Tondaman and the martial valour of the Se tupati baffled many a time the Tanjorean invaders; but Mangammal could not brook the continuance of such a state of things. She therefore ordered Narasappaiya, As soon as he returned from his Travancore expedition, to take steps against Tanjore, Narasappaiya was at first on the defensive. Either the exhaustion of his army or the requirements of economy dissuaded him from an extensive programme and offensive enterprise. He therefore simply stationed his forces on the Southern banks of the river, with & view of checking the detached irruptions of the Tanjore cavalry. The agility and activity of the latter proved more than equal to the slowly moving army of the Vaugas. The depredations into Madura continued, and Narasa had to take firm and immediate steps to chastise the insolence of the Maratha. Not caring to engage the foes before him, he took the route direct to Tanjore. By slow and cautious march he soon found himself in the vicinity of the Maratha capital. Sudden floods of the tributaries of the Kaveri prevented an effective opposition on the part of the Tanjore general, and the army that oame to meet the invaders was practically exterminated. There was at once a panic in the city. The king was alarmed and the people were in despair. Shahji felt that the disaster must be due to the inactivity and treachery of his minister, Vanoji Pandit. Rightly or wrongly he held him to be the author of the trouble and threatened him with instant death, if the enemy were still suffered to progress. Vanoji Pandit vowed to sacrifice his life, if he did not make the enemy abandon the march and return to Trichinopoly in the course of a week. The shrewd minister depended for success, not on a new muster of forces or a new organization of the army, but on the enemy's love of money. In his view every person in the Madura kingdom had a price, and he resolved to coax Mangammal and her Dalavai by heaps of coins to conclude peace. But the necessary sum was not forthcoming. The treasury was empty and the king unsympathetic. But to the desperate situation of the minister, the ways and means were not wanting. Poor people were compelled to part with their meagre hoards, and merchants were menaced to disgorge their profits. Everybody in the pay of Mangamma! was then made richer. The queen herself was satisfied by a big war indemnity. Her ministers were equally gratified, and above all, the father of Narasappaiya, a person whose love of money amounted to a passion, had full satisfaction! The result was that the Madura army was in a week on its way to Trichinopoly. The life of Vanoji Pandit, as well as the kingdom of Tanjore, was safe. (To be continued.) 18 For an account of Trichinopoly and its fort in 1719 by Father Bouchet, see Moore's Trichinopoly Manual, 130-131. He points out that the fort was the finest between Cape Comorin and Golkonda, that it was impregnable in the eyes of the people, and that its double wall, with its 60 towers, had 130 pieces of cannon mounted on it. The population, he says, was 300,000. 9 He was the same as the Sri Vanaji Panditar, an inscription of whom, dated 1686-7, is found at Pattukkottai fort, saying that he conquered all Setupati territory as far as the Pambanar. (Tanj. Gaar., p. 43.) We cannot say how far the Madura scoounts are credible.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1917 MISCELLANEA. THE MAHIMNASTAVA AND ITS AUTHOR An earlier quotation is to be found in Sarvananda's This colobrated hymn is ascribed generally, Tikedsarvasva (Triv. Sans. Series, Part I, p. 17), though not unanimously, to Pushpadanta, a king of which was written soon after 1169 A.D. But a clear solution of both age and authorship is perhape the Gandharvas. This is on the face of it a legend, to be found in the following passage of ataca's figment of a clever brain who evidently moant ** *, (Kavyamdia Ed., Part II, p. 255) to express his great veneration for the poem by written in A. D. 959. Associating with a'lord of celestial musicians' and adding a few spurious verses to that effect at the "anyathAbhUtasyAptatAyAm-pAstAMtavAnyadapi tAvadatulyaond. A solitary commentator, Dechyamatya, how- 4fc664 I rene av ever, brings it back from heaven and preserves a Tarrar ras h egar: Career Il fat groft tradition of its having been written by the | yantA hAtadhRtiragendro dhanuratho rathAGge candrAkI rathacaraNapANiH celebrated Kumarilabhatta (Descriptive Cat. of zara iti / didhajhoste koyaM sipuratRNamADambaravidhividheyaH Gout, Oriental Library, Mysore, No. 11120.) As krIDannyo na khalu paratantrAH prabhudhiyaH / / iti ca pAhila-bhASito ite probable age, Aufrecht (Oxf. Cat. p. 131) Il" " f" is verse 18 of the hymn, could not trace ita verses earlier than the time of ujjvaladatte, who quotes the line gataM rohitAM riramAya and as there is nothing to show that it was a later interpolation, the whole hymn must have Sacar ager under 1.. 48 and 99. This is of little been written by one Grahila. value, for a commentary itself by Vopadeva Bhan. darkar's sixth Rep. No. 433) carries us further back. D. C. BHATTACHARYYA, M.A. BOOK NOTICE. Intercourse between India and the Western World from the earliest times to the fall of Rome. By H. G. RAWLINSON, M.A., I. E. S. Cambridge ; at the University Press, 1916. THE book has been very much praised on all hands, and, I think, rightly so. And it is a matter of great gurprise to find a Professor of English writ. ing such a well-informing and interesting book on such a difficult antiquarian subject. There can be no doubt that it supplies a long-felt want and that it will be very widely read both by Europeans and Indians, specially as it is written in a popular style. The book can certainly, on the whole, be safely recommended for general perusal. The author has ovidently taken great pains to make himaclf acquainted with almost all that has been written on tho subject by various scholars and antiquarians and has as a rule, wisely used his power of discrimination where there a divergence of opinion among the experts. The book, in short, is all that a most intelligent and painstaking layman can put together. The book, however, is not entirely without faults. and if they are era-licated in the second edition. the necessity for which we have no doubt will be felt before long, it will leave nothing to be desired. Here I shall refer only to these points to which attention has not already been drawn in its reviews elsewhere. On p. 85, the author saya :. Perhaps the latest reference to them (Yavanas) occurs in the inscription of the Andhra queen Balasri, A.D. 144; who boasts that she rooted the "Sakas, Yavanas, and Pahlavas" out of the Doocan for ever,' and mentions in a footnote that this inscription is at Karls. Here he has fallen into three blunders. In the first place, the name of the queen is not Balari but Balaari. Secondly, the person who tooted out there foreigners is not this queen, but her son Gautamiputra Batakarni. And, thirdly, the inscription is not in & cave at Karla but at Nasik. The diacritical marks sometimes are not properly tiged. Thus for Tagara (p. 19) we should have Tagara, for Anuradhapur (p. 162) Anuradhapur, for Paduka (p. 168) Paduka, and for patika (p. 87) Patika. The expression the rape of Sita in the Ramdyana,' (p. 141) does not beepeak the author's close icquaintance with Valmiki's work or even its rate translations. The word 'ung urmountable' .. pricu on p. 169 must be a misprint for in. muntable.' Y. R. GUPTE.

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AUGUST, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 165 A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1913-16. BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E., D.LITT. (Continued from p. 144.) SIMU IMULTANEOUSLY I had to push on preparations for the explorations which were to take our several parties into the waterless desert, north and north-east of the extant Lopnor. It was some help that the small colony of Lopliks, formerly living at Abdal, whom a slow impulse is gradually turning from semi-nomadic fishermen and hunters into somewhat casual agriculturists, had since 1908 transferred their homesteads to the patches of land now again irrigated from the stream of Miran. But apart from their exceedingly scanty resources and the struggle with their evasive cunning, I had another source of worry to face during those anxious days. Within a week of my arrival at Miran, I received a letter from Sir George Macartney bringing serious news. From the headquarters of the provincial Government at Urumchi an edict had issued ordering the district authorities to prevent all surveying work on our part, and in case of any attempt to continue our explorations to arrest and send us under escort to Kashgar "for punishment under treaty." There is neither room nor reed here to discuss the probable motives of this intended obstruction, or the alleged regulations by the General staff of the Chinese Republic quoted in explanation. I knew that the intercession of our Minister at Peking had been immediately invoked from Kashgar by my ever-watchful friend and protector. But that help could make itself felt only after months. In the meantime I should have to contend, if not with an attempt at forcible interference, yet with Chinese passive obstruction easy enough to apply in my circumstances and particularly dangerous to my plans. Soon there arrived a copy of the edict from the officious Amban at Kara-shahr, whom I had previously asked for a Mongol interpreter. I could gauge the force of the import and language when I saw the sallow face of my poor shrivelled Chinese secretary turning a livid grey as he read through the document and explained it. Evening after evening as I came back from the day's work at the ruins I looked anxiously among my indolent Lopliks for the first signs of the feared passive resistance to my plans which would have so well suited their natural bent. But fortunately the expected prohibition from Charkhlik never came. As I found out later, I owed this lucky escape to the opportune "revolutionary" outbreak. It had disposed of the original district magistrate before he could take any action. His rebel successor, who had taken charge of the Yamen and found the orders there, had more urgent and profitable business to attend to before he was killed himself. And subsequently the military commandants, in strict observance of Chinese official convention, had carefully abstained from looking into civil affairs, and kept the Yamen papers sealed up until the new Amban had arrived from Urumchi and taken charge of the seal of office. But what a relief it was when I had safely collected all I needed and could set out for the waterless desert where I should know myself completely protected from any risk of human interference! Great as were the difficulties and risks from lifeless nature to be faced there, I was buoyed up by the assurance of freedom for the timely execution of my plans. On January 23 I had started Lal Singh northward by the Tarim to Tikenlik, where he was to pick up the seven strong camels I had asked Abdu'r-Rahim, the hardy hunter from Singer and our old guide in the Kuruk-tagh, to provide. Thence he was to carry out an exact survey of the ancient river-bed and its branches by which the waters of Konchedarya

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1917 once reached the area, now wholly desiccated desert, south of the Kuruk-tagh foothills, where Hedin in 1900 had first discovered the ruins of the "Lou-lan" site. The latter was to be our rendezvous. Surveyor Muhammad Yakub Khan, some days later, was sent off with five camels by the desert track to Tun-huang in order to carry a series of exact levelling operations from the eastern end of the great salt-encrusted basin which marks the ancient dried-up Lop Sea, towards the termination of the Su-lo Ho drainage. 166 My own tasks included the excavation of any ruins which the intended exploration of the dried-up delta of the "Kuruk-darya" and the search for the ancient Chinese route once leading eastwards from Lou-lan might reveal. In order to assure adequate time for the latter rather hazardous task and for the survey of the unexplored north and east portions of the great salt-encrusted sea-bed, which, there was reason to assume, that ancient route must have passed through or skirted, it was essential to effect excavations rapidly, and therefore to take along as many labourers as I could possibly manage to keep supplied with water, recte ice. What with big loads of ice sufficient to assure minimum allowances of water for thirty-five people for at least one month, with food supplies of one month for all and of an additional month for my own people, and what with the indispensable outfit of furs, felts, etc., to afford protection in the wintry desert exposed to icy gales, the thirty camels I had succeeded in raising, including our own, were by no means too many. It goes without saying that everybody had to walk, and that the labourers had to help by the carriage of light loads. It was a great relief when, on February 1, I had safely started this big column for the desert north-eastward. Next day we took up our water-supply in the shape of big blocks of ice packed in bags from a terminal lagoon of the Tarim. Thence four marches brought us to my immediate goal, a large ruined fort which had first been sighted by Tokhta Akhun, my faithful old Loplik follower, apparently in 1910, when he returned from the Lou-lan site after guiding there Mr. Tachibana, the young Japanese explorer. By clearing the substantial dwellings within, we recovered plentiful relics in the shape of architectural wood-carvings, implements, coins, etc., these proved occupation to have ceased here about the same period, early in the fourth century A.D., as at the "Lou-lan" site. Wind-erosion had deeply scoured the ground outside, but had not succeeded in more than breaching in places the very solid enclosing rampart built of alternate layers of brushwood fascines and stamped clay, after the fashion of the ancient Chinese Limes. A well-marked dry river-course near the fort was easily traced by the rows of fallen dead trees once lining the banks, and the direction clearly proved it to have been a southern branch of the ancient Kuruk-darya ("the dry river "), which once had carried water to the Lou-lan site. By following up this river-course we came upon a second and smaller fort, and a reconnaissance north of it soon led to the discovery of the scattered remains of an extensive settlement. The dwellings, built of timber and wattle after the fashion of those at the Niya site, had suffered greatly through the erosive action of wind-driven sand. Yet, where consolidated refuse heaps had helped to protect the original floors, we found ancient records on wood and paper in Kharoshthi and another Indian script, as well as in Chinese and Early Sogdian, besides very interesting and well-preserved remains of furniture, personal equipment, fabrics, and the like. There could be no doubt that this settlement, too, had been occupied down to the beginning of the fourth century A.D., and by people sharing the same well-developed civilization due to the mixture of Indian, Chinese, and Western influences which my finds of 1906 at the Lou-lan site had illustrated.

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AUGUST, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 167 The exact antiquarian evidence here obtained has its special value, because it enables us to date a variety of physical features which I could observe in the immediate vicinity of the ruined settlement. They throw fresh light on the hydrography and early occupation of this part of the Lop-nor region during historical times and those immediately preceding them. For the latter the abundant finds of stone implements, such as Neolithio arrowheads and jade oelte, which were picked up from the eroded surface of the ground near these ruins afforded a very useful guide. The fact that these finds of stone implements continued over most of the wind eroded ground up to the Lou-lan site had a significant bearing on the so-called "Lop-nor problem," the discussion of which has long been carried on without an adequate basis of surveys. It was similarly important that on the two long marches which brought us there we met & succession of ancient river-beds all lined by rows of dead Toghrak (wild-poplar) trees, and clearly recognizable by their direction as having branched off from the "Dry River" skirting the foot of the Kuruk-tagh. It was plainly a considerable delta, not a large terminal lake, which had existed here during the historical times accessible to antiquarian evidence, and our new surveys have shown how far it extended south and south-west. Finds of Chinese Han coins and of small metal and pottery fragments of undoubtedly the same historical period mingled freely with those of the Stone Age, just on the ground where (according to a recent theory) we ought to have been crossing the position assumed for the Lop-nor of the epooh when Lou-lan was oooupied. It was long after nightfall on February 10 that we struggled through to the old Chinese station marked by the chief ruins of the Lou-lan site. It was very trying ground we had to cross all day, out up by wind erosion into an unending succession of narrow and steep olay terraces all running east-north-east to west-south-west, the direction of the prevailing wind, and very difficult for the camels to pass. From our base camp at the foot of the familiar Stupa ruin I pushed out reconnaissances into the unknown desert to the east and north-east, while keeping my diggers at work on deeper deposits of refuse, etc., which had escaped attention during the stress of our previous visit. Among the numerous finds of ancient documents on wood and paper which rewarded this clearing, I may specially mention one, unfortunately fragmentary, which shows a script as yet unrepresented among all our former collections. The rest were in Chinese, Kharoshthi, and the Iranian language known since my finds of 1906-07 as Early Sogdian. Quite as interesting to me were the series of close observations I was able to make on ground immediately adjoining the ruins, as to the levels at which the process of denudation and wind-erosion had been arrested from time to time by a temporary return of moisture and desert vegetation affording protection to the soil. These clearly showed that the process, striking as its effects everywhere are, had been neither constant nor uniform during the sixteen hundred years which have passed since the abandonment of the station. Hence & mere line of levelling carried across areas which wind-erosion has affected in such different ways, could not, in the absence of dateable marks in the shape of structural or other remains, be expected to yield reliable outlines of the hydrographic configuration of the ground at earlier periode. But the chance for more exciting work came when I could follow up what the reconnaissance surveys, carried out particularly by Afrazgul Khan, my young Pathan surveyor, with great zeal and intelligence, had revealed towards the north-east. There on ground wholly untouched by human feet for so many centuries, I had hoped to find ruins near what

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163 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1917 I conjectured to have been the line of the earliest Chinese route leading into the Tarim Basin from Tun-huang and the extreme west of China proper. A succession of important discoveries soon confirmed that hope. On the top of a large clay terrace or mesha, rising steeply some 35 feet above the eroded ground-level, I came upon most interesting remains of an ancient burial-ground. On the sides of the mound graves had been partially exposed and destroyed by wind-erosion undercutting the banks and causing them to fall. But the top of the mesha had been safe from this destructive agent, and there we found a series of large grave pits which yielded a rich antiquarian haul in quite bewildering confusion. Mixed up with human bones and fragments of coffins there emerged here in abundance household implements of all sorts, objects of personal use such as decorated bronze mirrors, wooden models of arms, Chinese records on paper and wood, and, above all, a wonderful variety of fabrics which delighted my eye. Among them were beautifully coloured silks, pieces of rich brocade and embroidery, fragments of fine pile carpets by the side of coarse fabrics in wool and felts. It soon became evident that these remnants of garments of all sorts had been used for wrapping up bodies, perhaps partially embalmed. I could not have wished for a more representative exhibition of that ancient Chinese silk trade which we know to have been a chief factor in opening up this earliest route for China's direct intercourse with Central Asia and the distant West, and which had passed along here for centuries. A variety of very interesting problems as to the origin of designs, etc., usually attributed to Persian art of the Sassanian period, had been raised by the fine decorated silk fabrics I had discovered on my former journey in the walled-up cave temple of the "Thousand Buddhas" near Tun-huang. Here a mass of far older and dateable materials was coming to light to help to solve those problems. I soon realized, from various indications, that the contents of these pits must have been collected, before the final abandonment of the Chinese military station of Lou-lan, from older graves which wind-erosion or some similar cause had exposed or was threatening. Consequently the relics, here saved in obedience to a pious custom still prevalent among the Chinese, could safely be assigned to that period of the rule of the Han dynasty, which followed the first expansion of Chinese trade and power into Central Asia about the close of the second century B.C. There was no time then to examine the wealth of beautiful designs and colours making a feast for my eyes. But I felt that in this utter desolation of the wind-eroded olay desert, where nature was wholly dead and even the very soil was being reduced, as it were, to the condition of a skeleton, there had opened up a new and fascinating chapter in the history of textile art. It will take years to read it in full clearness. My satisfaction was equally great when, after a long and fatiguing tramp from our base, I found myself by nightfall at a large walled enclosure near to where one of the dry river-beds passing the Lou-lan site seemed to merge in the hard salt expanse of an ancient terminal marsh. We had struck the fortified castrum which, as close examination soon showed, had served as a point d'appui for Chinese missions and troops where they first reached Lou-lan territory after having crossed the salt-encrusted dry lake-bed and skirted its absolutely barren north shores. Its walls, built with regular alternate layers of clay and carefully secured reed fascines, and remarkably well preserved after two thousand years' exposure, showed constructive features in closest agreement with those observed in the westernmost extension of the ancient Chinese border wall, which I had discovered and explored in 1907 in the desert of Tun-huang.

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August. 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 169 There could be no doubt that the fort dated, like the Tun-huang Limes itself, from the first military advance of the Chinese into the Tarim Basin, about 104 B.C., and that it represented, as it were, the bridge-head of the desert route by which that advance was made possible. I had become so familiar with that ancient Limes and the technical skill displayed in its construction that I could not help rejoicing at the way in which this work from the hands of the same old Chinese engineers had withstood the attacks of that most formidable enemy in this region, wind-erosion. The walls of reed fascines had nowhere been seriously breached, while inside the circumvallation the force of the wind has worked terrible havoc, scouring out big hollows down to 20 feet and more below the ground-level and reducing a large central structure to a bare clay terrace strewn with scattered debris of timber. Under the shelter of the north wall, however, refuse heaps had survived, and these yielded Chinese records on wood and paper. Beyond this fortified Chinese station other remains were traced. Of these it must suffice to mention a small ruined fort which occupied a commanding position on the narrow top of a precipitous clay ridge fully 100 feet high. It had evidently served as a stronghold and look-out post for some chief of the indigenous population of Lou-lan. Of the type, habits, and civilization of the Lou-lan people, as the Chinese found them on the first opening of the route through the desert, the Han Annals have preserved some curious notes. The accuracy of these was illustrated in a most striking fashion by the examination of the graves covering the other end of the clay ridge. Here we found the bodies of men and women, probably members of the old chief's family, in a truly wonderful state of preservation, due, no doubt, to the absolute dryness of the climate and the safe elevation of their resting-places. The peaked felt caps of the men decorated with big feathers and other trophies of the chase, the arrow-shafts by their side, the simple but strong woollen garments fastened with pins of hard wood, the neatly woven small baskets holding the food for the dead, etc., all indicated a race of semi-nomadic hunters and herdsmen, just as the Chinese describe them. It was a strange sensation to look down on figures which but for the parched skin seemed like those of men asleep and to feel brought face to face with people who inhabited, and no doubt liked, this dreary Lop-nor region in the first centuries A.D. The features of the heads closely recalled the homo alpinus type, which, judging from my anthropometric records, worked up by Mr. T. A. Joyce, still supplies the prevalent element in the racial constitution of the indigenous population of Chinese Turkestan and is seen in its purest form in the Iranianspeaking tribes near the Pamirs. The general appearance of these Lou-lan people seemed curiously to accord with the significant juxtaposition in which small bronze objects of Chinese origin were picked up on the slope below the little fort together with stone implements, There were indications elsewhere, too, suggesting that the interval separating the latest Neolithic period in Lou-lan from the advent of the Chinese may not have been a very long one. Apart from their direct interest, the discoveries here briefly indicated had a special importance by furnishing me with a safe starting-point and some guidance for the difficult taak still before us, that of tracing the line of that famous ancient route through the forbidding desert eastwards. But it was impossible to set out for it at once. Incessant toil in the waterless desert with constant exposure to its icy winds had exhausted our Loplik labourers, hardy plants as they were and pleased with the rewards I gave them. When the last digging at the outlying ruins to the north-east had been done, I had to take them haak

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1917 to our Lou-lan base camp, whence they could return in safety under Ibrahim Beg's guidance to the world of the living. The season's initial sand-storm which had broken with full fury on the preceding night and which the Lopliks attributed to the wrath of the dead we had disturbed, made this march exceptionally trying, apart from the risks of straying, which the semi-darkness involved for the men. To my great relief I found Lal Singh safely arrived after accomplishing his survey tasks in the west on a cirouit of some 400 miles. He had been duly joined by that plucky hunter, Abdu'r-Rahim, who with his life-long desert experience and his magnificent camels brought fresh strength for our column. It may serve to illustrate the stamina of his animals, bred and reared in the Kuruk-tagh, that the baby camel to which one of them gave birth at the Lou-lan site subsequently traversed with us all those waterless wastes of salt and gravel unharmed and almost throughout on its own legs. Together we moved then north to the Kuruk-tagh in order to secure for our hard-tried camels a few days' rest with water and grazing at the salt springs of Altmish-bulak. The new route followed on the three days' march allowed me to examine moze burial-grounds on the gravel glacis which overlooks the ancient riverine belt, now dried up and eroded by the wind. Their remains proved very helpful for explaining my previous finds east of the Lou-lan site. But even more welcome was the four days' halt at Altmish-bulak. Its springs, saline as they are, gave our brave camels their first chance of a real drink after three weeks, and on the reed beds around them they could gather fresh strength for the hard task still before them. After the dead world we had toiled in, this little patch of vegetation seemed delightful, too, to us humans. After replenishing our ice supply and taking a carefully arranged store of fuel, we started on February 24 for our respective tasks. The one allotted to Lal Singh was to survey the unknown north-east shores of the great salt encrusted' basin, which represents the fullest extension of the dried-up ancient Lop-nor, and the barren hill ranges of the Kuruk-tagh overlooking them. I myself accompanied by Afrazgul and Shams Din proposed to search for the ancient Chinese route where it left the edge of the once inhabited Lou-lan area, and to trace it over whatever ground it might have crossed right through to where it was likely to have diverged from the line still followed by the desert track, which leads from Tun-huang along the southern shore of the great dried-up Lop Sea towards Miran. It was a fascinating task after my own taste, combining geographical and historical interest, but one attended also by serious difficulties and risks. From what I knew of the general character of the ground before us, it was certain that we could not hope for water, nor over most of it for fuel to melt our ice with, before striking the Fun-huang caravan track, a matter of some ten days' hard marching judging from the approximately calculated distance. There was a limit to the endurance of our brave camels, and with the heavy loads of ice, fuel, and provisions which had to be carried for the sake of safety, I could not expect the animals, already hard tried by the preceding week's work in absolute desert, to remain fit for more than ten to twelve days. It was impossible to foresee what physical obstacles might be met and might delay us beyond the calculated measure of time in this wilderness devoid of all resources and now more barren, perhaps, than any similarly large area of this globe. And there remained the problem how to hit the line of the ancient route and to track it through on ground which long before the dawn of historical times had ceased to otter any chance for human occupation. For a careful search of any relics left behind by the ancient traffic, which had passed through what the Chinese Annals vaguely

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August, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 171 describe as the terrible "desert of the White Dragon Mounds," there would be no time. Much, if not most, had to be left to good fortune-and, combined with what hints I could deduce from previous archaeological and topographical observations. Fortune served me better than I had ventured to hope. Physical diffioulties soon presented themselves as we made our way south through and Across a perfect maze of steep clay terraces, all eroded by the same east-north-east wind which had sculptured the usual yardangs of Lou-lan, but of far greater height. Having thus regained the vicinity of the terminal point d'appui above mentioned of the ancient route, I soon found confirmation for my previously formed conjecture that the initial bearing of the route lay to the north-east. It was marked by the almost completely eroded remains of an outlying indigenous camping-place and of an ancient watch-tower of the type familiar to me from the Tun-huang Limes, which I opportunely discovered on towering terraces at the very edge of ancient vegetation. We had reachod here the extreme eastern limit of the Area to which the waters of the Kuruk-darya had once carried life. Beyond there were no ruins to guide us. The desert eastwards was already in ancient times as devoid of plant or animal life of any sort as it now is. As we left behind the withered and bleached fragments of the last dead tamarisk trunk lying on the salt soil, I felt that we had passed from the land of the dead into ground that never knew life-except on the route to be tracked. As we steered onwards by the compass across absolutely barren wastes of clayey shir, detritus or hard salt crust, chanoe helped us in a way which at times seemed almost uncanny. Again and again finds of early Chinese copper coins, small metal objects, stone ornaments and the like gave assurance that we were still near the ancient track by which Chinese political missions, troops and traders had toiled for four centuries through this lifeless wilderness. It is impossible to record here exact details of all such finds. But I may at least briefly mention two thrilling incidents which by their nature helped greatly to raise the spirits of my men and filled them with superstitious confidence in some spirits' safe guidance. At the time they made me to feel as if I were living through in reality experiences dimly remembered from some of Jules Verne's fascinating stories I had read as a small boy. Thus, on the third day of our march, when the last traces of ancient desert vegetatior had long remained behind, we suddenly found the ancient track plainly marked for about 30 yards by over two hundred Chinese copper coins strewing the dismal ground of saltencrusted clay. They lay in a well-defined line running north-east to south-west, just as if some kindly spirit among those patient old Chinese wayfarers, who had faced this awful route with its hardships and perils, had wished to assure us that the bearing Iwas steering by was the right one. In reality they must have got loose from the string which tied them and gradually dropped out unobserved through an opening in their bag or case. The coins were all of the Han type, and seemed as if fresh from some mint. Some 50 yards further on in the game direction we came upon a similar scattered heap of bronze arrow-heads, all mani. festly unused and looking as if newly issued from some arsenal of Han times. Their shape and weight exactly agreed with the ancient Han ammunition I had picked up so often along the Limes of Tun-huang, which was garrisoned during the first oantury before and after Christ. The way in which the coins and arrow-heads had been allowed to remain on the ground suggested that they had dropped from some convoy of stores in Han times which was moving at night-time and probably a little off the main track but still in the right direction. Next day's long march brought another discovery equally stirring and useful. We had followed our north-easterly course across easy ground of bare clay and mica detritus

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST. 1917 when it approached at a slant a forbidding belt of salt-coated erosion terraces clearly of the type to which the Chinese of Han times had applied the graphic designation of "White Dragon Mounds." I knew it foreboded the close vicinity of that ancient sea-bed encrusted with hard crumpled salt which I was anxious to steer clear of as long as possible, on account of the terrible surface it would present for our poor camels' feet. They were sore already and the painful process of "re-soling " had to be resorted to night after night. I was just preparing to climb the prominent mesha which had served as our guiding point and to use it as a look-out, when we found on its slopes Chinese coins, soon followed by quite a collection of metal objects, including bronze ornaments and a well-preserved dagger and bridle in iron. Evidently the terrace had served as a regular halting-place, and a careful inspection of the ground ahead suggested that it had been used for this purpose, because at its foot was the first piece of ground level and tolerably clear of salt which travellers would strike after passing through the forbidding maze of "White Dragon Mounds" and the dried-up sea-bottom beyond. I had to decide whether I was to strike across the latter now or to skirt the ancient seashore by continuing the north-east course, which threatened to take us further and further away from where we hoped to find water. It might have meant a detour of days, and the interpretation I put on our lucky find encouraged me to avoid this by heading straight for the dead salt sea. That evening we had reached its shore-line, and the crossing effected next day proved how wise the change of direction had been. The march across thu petrified sea, with its hard salt crust crumpled up into knife-like small pressure ridges, was a most trying experience for camels and us men alike. But when this weary tramp of 20 miles, more fatiguing than any I ever had in the desert, had safely brought us to the first spot of soft salt in front of the opposite line of salt-covered erosion terraces, and we could halt for a night's rest, I had good reason to feel glad for my choice and grateful for the find which had prompted it. As the following marches proved, we had crossed the forbidding sea of hard crumpled salt at the very point where it was narrowest, and had thus escaped a night's halt on ground where neither beast nor man could have found a spot to rest in comfort. It was, no doubt, this advantage which had determined those old Chinese pioneers in the choice of this line for their route. Helped by finds of coins and the like, we continued to track the route over ground still absolutely barren, until we reached, three days later, the last offshoot of the low desert range which overlooks from the north the extreme eastern extension of the ancient dried-up sea-bed. Then, as we skirted its shore-line under steep cliffs looking exactly like those of a sea still in being I had the satisfaction of finding the ancient track in places still plainly marked in the salt-encrusted ground. It was a strange sensation when my eyes first caught the straight line of the ancient road, where it cuts for nearly 2 miles across a small bay of the petrified sea. It showed a uniform width of some 20 feet, and was worn down to a depth of about 1 foot in the surface of hard salt cakes, as a result of the passage for centuries of transport animals, and probably carts too. There was ocular evidence here of the magnitude of the traffic which had once moved through these barren solitudes. But how those patient old Chinese organizers of transport had maintained it over some 150 miles of ground without water, fuel, or grazing still remains somewhat of a problem. ! To be continued.)

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August, 1917) OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE 173 OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE, BY P. V. KANE, M.A., LL.M.; BOMBAY. The Chronology of Alamkara Literature, Part II. (Continued from Vol. XL., p. 288.) The history of Alankara literature falls under two sections. One section should show how, from small beginnings, a complete theory of Poetics (including the figures of speech) was evolved. In this section we saw how at the outset there were only a few well-recognized ala nkaras and how in course of time subtle distinctions were made between one alankara and another. It has been said, with a good deal of truth, that the Indian mind revels in subtle distinctions, divisions and classifications. This branch of Sanskrit Literature is as good an example of this tendency as any other. Sometimes even the most trivial circumstance has been thought sufficient to create a separate figure. In the second section, upon which we now propose to enter, we shall try to establish, as far as the materials at our disposal enable us, the chronology of the most prominent writers on the Alainkara-Sastra. The first question that naturally arises is : What is the most ancient work on the Alain kdra-Sastra! In reply to this question, the Agnipurara is put forward as the original of all later doctrines on the subject. We shall therefore examine the claims of the Agnipurana to be regarded as the most ancient work on the Alankara-Sastra. The Agnipurana. Some commentators of the Kavyaprakiisa say that Bharata, in order to introduce through the medium of sweet poetry the tender minds of princes to more profound studies, composed concise Karikas, the materials for which he drew from the Agnipurana. We think that this respect paid to the Agnipurana is due to a misconception on the part of these writers and that the Agnipurana is not entitled to the honour of being looked upon as the most ancient work on the Alain kara-Sastra. The Agnipurana is a hotch-potch, an encyclopaedia of heterogeneous materials, something like 'Enquire within upon everything.' It is impossible to attempt to give even a brief summary of the contents of the eleven thousand verses of the Agnipurana (in the Bibliotheca Indica series). The curious reader must refer to tho preface of Dr. Rajendralal Mitra. We shall give here a brief analysis of that part (chapters 336-346) which deals with figures of speech and other kindred matters. In chapter 336, after defining Kavya and dividing it first into Sanskrit and Prakrit and then into gadya, padya and misra (as done by Dandin), the subdivisions of gadya (five in number) and of padya are defined. In chapter 337 natakas and some topics Connected therewith are spoken of. In chapter 338 the rasas and bhavas are treated of. In 339, the four ritis (Vaidarbhi, Gaudi, Lati and Panchall) are described. In chapter 340, some points connected with acting are discussed. Chapter 341 speaks of gesticulation, rasas and nine ala i kdras of sabda. Chapter 342 deals with such figures of sabda as anuprasa, yamaka and such intricate arrangements of "Mabesvara, ir his Kavyapraksadarsa, says: Sukumaran rajakumdran svadu-kavya-pravrillid vira yahane Sdstrantare pravartayitum -- Agnipurandd-uddhritya Kavya-ras-dovdda-kodranam = Alamkarasdstranie kari kabhi! Sann kshipya Bharatamunih pranftavan. The Krish nanandini, a commont on the Sahityakaumads of Vidyabhoshapa, says: Kavyarasi ovddandya Vahni-puranadi-driah fari adhitya-prakriya Bharata! sam kahiptabhih karikabhir-nibabandha.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1917 letters as gomutrikabandha, sarvatobhadra, &c. Chapter 343 dilates upon the figures of xense and 344 on tho figuros of both word and sense. In chapter 345, seven gunas of Poetry are spoken of, and in chapter 346 the blemishes of Poetry are dealt with. The evidence for arriving at the conclusion that the Agnipurana is not the most original work on Alankara literature is both internal and external. The internal evidence may be stated as follows: I. We have some indications in the Agnipurina itself showing that it was not Bharata who copied from it, but rather the reverse. The Agnipurana says that the riti styled Bharati was so called because it was first promulgated by Bharata. In the Na!yasastra of Bharata we are told that the four vrittis Bharati, Sattvati, Kaibiki and Arabhati were received by Bharata from Brahma and that Bharati Vritti was named after the Bharatas. From the above it is clear that the Agnipurana knew that Bharata was the originator of the Natyasdstra (or at least of the Vittis that form a very integral part of it) and that perhaps it had before it the very words of Bharata quoted by us above. Another noteworthy fact in this connection is that Bharata nowhere ailudes to the Agnipurana in the extant Natyakastra, although he shows an acquaintance with works of the Purana class. 4 II. The very nature of the contents of the Agnipurana precludes the idea that it is an ancient and original work. Even a cursory examination reveals the fact that the Agnipurana is a professed conglomeration of heterogeneous material borrowed from many sources, especially in that part of it which deals with the various branches of Sanskrit literature. On the other hand the Natyasastra appears to be a very original work. Bharata speaks of only four figures of speech, while the Agnipurara mentions a large number. If Bharata had the Agnipuraya before him or if he had known more than four well-recognized figures of speech, he would have given a full exposition of them and would not have been held back by considerations of irrelevancy and prolixity. He defines and illustrates about a hundred different metres, which have as much connection with the dramatic art as figures of speech. III. We shall later on adduce evidence to show that the Natyasastra of Bharata must be at all events earlier than A.D. 500. From an examination of the contents of the Agnipurana, it follows that it was put together later than A.D. 700 or even A.D. 1000. Our reasons are (a) The Agnipurana refers to the seven Kandas of the Ramayana, the Harivariaa, to Pingala, Palakapya, Salihotra, Dhanvantari and Susruta. It gives a short summary of the Bhagvaldgita in chapter 380, in which halves of verses occurring in different chapters of the Gita have been combined in one verse. One of the most significant facts for our purposes is that the Agnipurana borrows from the Amarakosa in chapters 359-366. Almost all the verses are directly taken from the Amarakofa or are formed by taking half verses from the Kosa and then piecing them together. If Amara borrowed at all he would do so 2 Bharatena pranftatvad-Bharati rtiruchyate.-Agnipurdna 339.6. 3 Maya Iduya-kriya heton prakshipid drwin-djfayd.-Natyasdatra 20-23 ; again at 20-26 we read Sva-namadheyair-bharatai prayukta ad Bharati ndma bhavel.tu vrittih it Anyepi des& ebhyo ye Purdae samprakirtitah teshus prayujyate hy-esh praprittis-to-Audr Magadh.--Na!ya. 13-35. Kavyasy-aite hy-alankdrdf-chutedrah pari-krtitah-Natya. 16-4, 6 Agni 380.12 is the same as Ou VI. 40 and VII. 14. Na af kalydnabrit kafohid durgatim lata gachchhati I Dair hy-esha gunamayf mama mdyd duratyayd 11

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175 AUGUST, 1917] OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE from works similar to his own, as he himself acknowledges in the words samahrity-anyatantrani, &c. It cannot be supposed that for a few of his vargas he fell back on the Agnipurana and not on other Kosas. The Agnipurana, on the other hand, in its desire to include some account of every branch of Sanskrit literature would naturally draw upon the most famous Kosa in its day, as it has drawn upon the Gita, the Siksha and other works. Therefore we may safely conclude that this portion of the Agnipurana is taken from the Amarakosa. Unfortunately scholars are not at one as to the date of Amarasimha. Max Muller arrived at the conclusion that Amara flourished about the beginning of the 6th century A.D. Prof. MacDonell (History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 433) thinks it not improbable that the Amarakosa was written about A.D. 500. Dr. Hoernle fixes the date between A.D. 625. and A. D. 940. (JRAS of Great Britain for 1906, p. 940) on the strength of the fact that Amara's meaning of the word Amsa is based upon the meaning of the word as given by Vagbhata. Taking even the earliest date assigned to Amara, viz., 5th century A. D., we can at once assert that the Agnipurana must be later than the Amarakosa by some centuries. A period of two centuries would be absolutely necessary for Amara's work to come into general circulation and to be so highly esteemed as to be quoted by even orthodox writers. The Agnipurana would not have gone out of its way to borrow from an unorthodox writer like Amara, if the latter's fame had not become world-wide in its day. Hence there is no objection in placing the Agnipurana later than the 7th century A.D. (b) The Agnipurana and the Natyasastra of Bharata have a number of verses in common with very slight variations that may have been due to the errors of scribes. We have said above that taking into consideration the nature of the two works, the greatest probability lies in the theory that the Agnipurana copied from the Natyasdstra. Some of the striking common passages are:-Natya VI. 39 and Agni 338. 7-8; Natya VI, 36 and Agni 338. 12; Natya 20. 28-29 and Agni 337. 11-12; Natya 16.60-62 and Agni 342. 15-16. (c) The definitions given by the Agnipurana of Sahokti, Rupaka, Utpreksha, Viseshokti, Vibhavana, Apahnuti and Samadhi (Agni 343, 23; 343. 24-25; 343. 26-27; 343. 27-28; 344. 18; 344. 13, respectively) are almost the same as those of Dandin (K. D. II. 351; II. 66; II. 221; II. 323; II. 199; II. 304; I. 93.) Besides these, there are a number of verses and phrases which occur both in the Agnipurana and the Kavyadarsa; e.g., Padyam chatushpadi tachcha vrittam jatir-iti tridha.-Agni, 336. 21 and K. D. I. 11 Sa vidya naus-titirshund Gambhiram kavya-sagaram.-Agni. 336. 23 and K. D. I. 12 Nagara nava-sailartuchandrarkaerama-padapaih Udyanasalilakridamadhupanaratotsavaih Agni. 336. 29 and K. D. I. 16; Itihasa-kathodbhutam-itarad-va rasasrayam.-Agni. 336, 25 and K. D. I. 15. Dan lin almost everywhere gives his own examples and definitions. He mentions the Brihatkatha and the Setukavya, but nowhere alludes to the Agnipurana. It is highly improbable that a writer like Dandin should go a-begging to the Agnipurana for stray verses and half-verses; while it is quite in keeping with the character of the Agnipurana to borrow from Dandin. We shall discuss in detail the date of Dandin later on. He seems to have flourished about the 6th century A, D. If we admit that the Agnipurana borrows from him, the former must be placed a century or two later than the 6th century A. D. (d) The definitions of Rupaka, Akshepa, Aprastutaprasansa, Paryaykta and Samasokti are almost the same in Bhamaha's work and the Agnipurana (Bhamaha II. 21 and Agni 343. 22; Bhamaha II. 58 and Agni 344. 15; Bhamaha III. 29 and Agni 344. 16; Bhamaha III. 8 and Agni 344. 18; Bhamaha II. 69 and Agni 344. 17 respectively)

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY i AUGUST, 1917 Bhimaha expressly says at the end of the 2nd Parichchheda that he gives his own examples only. Hence we must suppose that the Agnipurana borrows from Bhamaha. Bhamaha belongs to the 7th century A. D. The Agnipurdna must therefore be later than A. D. 700. (e) The most remarkable fact however is that there are a number of verses in Bhoja's Sarasvatikanthabharam which are also found in the Agnipurana. We shall quote only a few out of many such verses. Dhvanir-varndh pada vakyam-ity-etad viimayain matam (Agni. 336. 1 and S. K. Ist verse); ye vyutpattyadina sabdam-alawikartu m-iha keshamah (Agni. 341. 18 and 8. K. II. 2); Uktipratyuktimad vakyain vdkova kyai dvidhaiva tat (Agni. 342. 32 and 8. K. p. 293). Karnikayari likhed-ekann dve dve dikshu vidikshu chal pravesanirgamau dikshu kuryad-ashia-chchhadesmbuje.-(Agni. 342. 46 and 8. K. p. 259). Besides these we may compare Agni. 341. 21 and 26 with 8. K. pp. 154 and 167 (s. K. Anyaktinam-anukritis-chhdyd sapiha shadvidha &o., and S. K. --Sabhiprayasya vdkye yad vachaso vinivesanam mudrai tam mut-pradayi-tvat kavyamudravida viduh respectively), and Agni, 342. 10-11 with S. K. p. 224 (Karnati Kauntali Kaufki Kausikans Banavasikd). It is possible that both Bhoja and the Agnipurana may have drawn upon a common source. Bhoja quotes & very large number of verses without acknowledgments from Dandin and other writers. So we cannot dogmatically say that the Agnipurana borrowed from him. Still we think that it is not beyond the bounds of possibility to say that the Agnipura na copies Bhoja's work. Thus the internal evidence is against the theory that Bharata based his work on the Agnipurana The external evidence points in the same direction. It is as follows: The Agnipurana is not referred to by any ancient rhetorician. Leaving aside Dandin and Bhamaha, Anandavardhana and his voluminous commentator Abhinavagupta do not refer to it. Mammata quotes the Vishnupurana, but nowhere the Agnipurana. The first writer of note that distinctly mentions the Agnipurdna is Visvanatha, author of the Sahityadarpana (14th century A. D.). As regards the Natyasastra of Bharata, the case is quite different. Every author of note from Anandavardhana, Pratiharenduraja, Abhinavagupta down to Jagannatha quotes the dicta of Bharata with respect and even Dandin and Bhamaha seem to refer to him as we shall see later on. The conclusion that naturally follows is that the ancient writers on Alankara had no knowledge of the existence of the Agnipurana or at least that part of it which deals with the Alankara-Sastra. The great authority to which they all looked up with reverence was the Natyasastra. Honce the claims put forward by later commentators on behalf of the Agnipura na to be regarded as the original work on the Alaikara-Sastra are not at all justified. Here a question may naturally be asked :-how was it that the Agnipurana came to be looked upon as the most ancient work on the Alasikara-Sastra? The following appears to us to be the proper reply. There is no doubt that the origin and development of the Alankdra-Gastra was due to such writers as Bharata, Bhamaha and Dandin. In the revival of Brahmanism that followed the decline of Buddhism, most of the extant Puranas took their present shape and in course of time rose in popular esteem. As they were associated with the name of Vyasa, a halo of antiquity and sanctity was cast round them. The later commentators of works on Alashkara, whose reverence for the Puranas for surpassed their respect for such writers & Dandin and Bhamaha naturally thought that the Puranas were very ancient and that they could not possibly have borrowed * Swayah kritair.eus nidarsangir.iyah mayd prakpipla khalu udgalamkritih

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AUGUST, 1917) OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE 177 from such secular writers as Dandin. We hope that the foregoing discussion has established that the Agni purana is not the original work on the Alankarasastra, that it is later than A. D. 700 and that it is indebted to the writings of Bharata, Dandin, Bhamaha and possibly Bhoja. The Natyabastra of Bharata. Bharata has a claim to be spoken of here for a twofold reason; firstly because he gives an elaborate account of the rasas which are of the essence of Kavya and secondly because his work contains the earliest extant treatment of figures of speech. Before proceeding further, it would not be out of place if we make a few remarks upon the Sanskrit drama in general. The origin of the Sanskrit drama, as that of many other branches of Sanskrit literature, is lost in the mists of antiquity. As far as our knowledge goes, the earliest and clearest reference to the dramatic art occurs in Panini,8 who mentions Silalin and Krisasva as authors of Natasutras. An objection might be raised by sceptical critics that the two sutras are spurious additions made later on. But it is not a sound one. Patanjali the author of the Mahabhashya takes these sutras for granted and speaks of actors that had studied the nafasutra of Silalin.. As Panini speaks of natasutras, it follows as a matter of course that a number of dramas must have been composed prior to the natasutras. It cannot be said that the rules on the dramatic art were first laid down and that then dramas were composed in consonance with them. The canons of dramaturgy can be laid down only when a number of dramatic works already exist. Thus a very great dramatic activity appears to have preceded Panini. There is a great divergence of opinion among scholars about the date of Panini. Most scholars concede that Panini did not at all events flourish later than 300 B. C. There are some who would place Paoini in the 7th or 8th century before Christ. We make bold to avow our adherence to this latter view. The dramatic works on which the natasutras referred to by Panini were based must therefore have been composed some centuries earlier than 300 B. C. at the latest. Nothing beyond their bare names is known of the natasutras of SilAlin and Ktisaeva, nor of the dramatic works on which they must have been founded. In the times of Patanjali (140 B. C.) dramatic representations appear to have been mucb in vogue. Patanjali alludes in a number of places to actors and dramatic performances. In one place Patanjali tells us that in his day the killing of the demon Kamsa and the humiliation of Bali were represented on the stage.10 In another place he talks of the wives of actors appearing on the stage and declaring themselves as belonging to him who accosts thom. 11 Although the drama thus flourished in the centuries preceding the Christian era, the Sanskrit drama appears to have had a struggle for existence. Considering the exuberant growth of almost every branch of Sanskrit literature, the number of Sanskrit dramas that have come down to us appears very small indoed. A large number 8 Mark the following sutras Paratarya-sildlibhyam bhikkhu-natasidrayoh and Karmanda-krisasvadini. (Panini IV. 3, 110-111.) * Soe Mahabhdolya, Vol. II, p. 286. Parasaring bhikshavah sailalind nalan. 10 Iha tu kat han varlandna-kalatt Kansan ghatayali Bali bandhayati-iti chirahate kanse chirabaddhe cha Balau | Aldpi yukta katham ye idvad-ete sobhanika ndma ete pratyaksham kansan ghatayanti pratyakshanh cha Balim bandhayanti.iti Mahabhdahya (Kielhorn), Vol. II, p. 38. On the word $obhaniki, Kaiyyata romarks (he roads Saubhika) Saubhikl iti keaneddy-anula rindm natanam vydkhyanopd-dhyayah kanaanuldri natah samijikaih kansabuddhya grihilah kans8 bhashye sivakshitah | u Natanda striyd rangam gata yo yah prichchhati kasya yayan ka sya ydyari-iti tam tam tava savity-dhur. I Mahabhd shya, Vol. III, p. 7.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1917 of Sanskrit dramas are mentioned by the Daiarupakavaloka and by the Sahityadarpana, many of which are known to us only by their names. The dramas that survive are only a few of the masterpieces which people cared to preserve. It seems that time proved too much even for dramatists of the highest order of merit. In this connection may be noted the case of Bhasa, who kindled the admiration of even Kalidasa12 and won the encomiums of a great writer like Bana. 13 None of his dramatic works (Bana, it should be observed, uses the plural Natakaih') was extant till a few years ago and what remained of the dramatic genius of Bhasa was a few verses quoted as his in anthologies.14 Scholars are divided in opinion as to the authorship of the dramas recently published by Mr. Ganapatisastri as Bhasa's. This is not the place to enter into that question. Among the extant works on the dramatic art, the Natyasastra of Bharata, the Dasaru paka of Dhananjaya and the Sahityadar para of Visvanatha are the most widely known and most often quoted. Of these three, the work of Bharata is by far the most ancient and highly honoured. The complete work has been issued by the enterprising proprietor of the Nirnayasagara Press, Bombay. It is beyond the scope of the present article to enter upon a minute and oritioal examination of the text of the work. Still, we cannot help saying that a critioal edition of the Natyasastra, embodying the results of a patient investigation into all the works on poetics and dramaturgy that quote Bharata and into the numerous commentaries on the extant dramas, is a great desideratum. The printed Natyajdstra has 37 chapters and contains about 5000 verses (mostly in the slika metre) interspersed with a few passages in prose here and there. The author Bharata appears to be a semi-divine person having access even to the gods. The work is said to be the fifth Veda 15 and to have been received by Bharata from Brahma. The work is of an encyclopaedic character. It is not possible to give a summary of the work here. The chapters that most interest us from our present point of view are the sixth and seventh which treat of rasas and bhavas respectively and the 16th. In the latter, after speaking of 26 points in connection with poetry, the author defines and illustrates four figures of speech, Upama, Rupaka, Dipaka and Yamaka. All the examples are his own. Then the ten blemishes of Kavya and the ten Gunas of it such as slesha (the names are the same as those in the Kavyadarsa 1. 41) are defined. The chapter winds up with a statement as to what particular metres or letters (hrasva, dirgha, pluta, &c.) should be employed in connection with the several rasas. The date of the Natyabastra. At the outset it is necessary to remove a possible misunderstanding about the date of Bharata. It may be plausibly urged that, as Bharata is not mentioned by Panini, the former is later than the latter. It must, however, be borne in mind that Panini was not 12 Prathita yatasari Bhasa-kavi-saumilla-kavi-misradina i prabandha n-atikramya katharis wartaminakaveh Kali da sasya kriyayam parishads bahumanah | Malavikagnimitra 1. 13 Satradhara kritdrambhair ndja kair bahubhumikaiki Supaldkair yas) lebhe Bhdad devalulairI.-Introduction to Harshacharita. 11 A similar but far more remarkable fate overtook & grammatical work, the Sathgraha of Vyadi. It existed in the days of Patanjali, who alludes to it as an authority. Sangrahe prodha nyena etat parikshita.-Mahabhashya, Vol. I, p. 6. But in the days of the Vakyapadiya (about A. D. 500), the Sailgraha had consed to exist. Prayena sankahepa-ruchin-alpavidyd parigrahan Sam prdpya taiydkatanan sangrahe & stam-updgate.- Vakya pa diya II. 484. 15 See Natyasdatra I. 15. Natyakhyari patichamam vedat setihdsart karmy-aham.

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AUGUST, 1917 ] OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE 179 writing a history of Sanskrit literature. If he mentions any word, he does so simply because he regards it as noteworthy from the grammarian's point of view. The tendency to jump from the mere non-mention of a writer by another to chronological conclusions about them has been a frequent and fruitful source of error. We wish to enter our protest against this tendency. The mere circumstance that Bharata is not referred to as a writer on dramaturgy by Panini is not at all sufficient to place Bharata later than Panini. We must adduce independent and positive evidence to prove the posteriority of Bharata to Panini. We do not mean to say, however, that the extant Natyasastra is as old as the Sutrakaras mentioned by Panini. There are certain indications in the Natya sastra itself that point to an opposite conclusion. It often quotes verses in the Arya metre with the remark Atra Sutranubaddhe Arye bhavatah (on this point there are two Aryas composed in conformity with a Sutra). This we interpret to mean that the extant Naty astra was preceded by works on dramaturgy which were themselves based upon older sutra writings. We shall now pass on to the consideration of the evidence establishing the date of the Natyasastra. 1. The Dasaripaka of Dhananjaya is a well-known treatise on dramaturgy. The author tells us that he composed the work at the court of Munja. This Munja is most probably the same as the uncle of the Paramara king, Bhoja. If this be so, the Dasarupaka must have been composed before A. D. 1000. Dhana jaya says at the beginning of his work that Brahma took the essence of the Vedas and composed the Nalyasdstra and that Bharata gave a performance in accordance with it.10 This makes it clear that the author of the Daiarupaka was quite familiar with the traditional origin of the Natyasastra as contained in the latter17 and that he looked upon Bharata as a semi-divine sage belonging to those far-off times when men had free access to the gods. Hence it follows that Bharata's work must have been written (not necessarily in the form in which we have it now) a number of centuries before A. D. 1000. 2. Abhinavagupta, author of the Lochana, a comment on the Dhvanyaloka, calls Bharata a very ancient sage and says that Yamaka and Upama were regarded by him as figures of word and sense respectively.18 Yamaka and Upama are treated of in the 16th chapter of the extant Natyasastra. Raghavabhatta, the learned author of a commentary entitled Arthadyotanika on the Sakuntala, quotes at every step Bharata's dicta and oftentimes names the very chapters in which the verses occur. A careful examination of his commentary would yield very valuable material for settling the text of the Natyasastra. He tells us19 that Abhinavagupta composed a commentary called Abhinavabharati on the Natyaidstra of Bharata. It should be noted that Abhinavagupta does not speak of Dandin (6th century) or Bhamaha (A. D. 700) as chirantana or as a muni. A 26 Uddhrity-oddhitya saran yamakhila-nigaman-natyavedam Virinchis-chakre yasya prayeganis munir-api Bharatas-tangavah Nilakanthah 17 See Natyalastra I. 1-4 and 11-16. 18 Chirantanair-hi Bharatamuniprabhritibhir Yamakopame sabdarthalamkaratven-eshte.-Dhvanya. lokalochana, p. G 19 P. 6 (Nirnayasagara, 3rd edition.) Idah padyam Abhinavaguptapadacharyair-Bharatat kayam. Abhinavabharatyan vyakhyalam. The verse referred to is Sutradharah pathen-nandim (Natyasdstra V. 98). On p. 20 of the above edition, Raghavabhatta quotes a long passage rom the Natyasastra, 16th chapter and remarks Abhinavabharatyam Bharatatikayam- Abhinava guptacharyair mahatapraban dhena bhinnataya sthapitani.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY August, 1917 large number of centuries must have intervened between Bharata and Abhinavagupta to make the latter look upon the former with so much reverence. Abhina vagupta wrote his Kramastotra in A. D. 991 and his Brihatpratyabhijnavimarshini in A. D. 1015. 3. Rudrabha ta wrote a work called Sringaratilaka in which he says, Bherata and others have spoken about rasas in connection with dramaturgy; I shall treat of them as far as my light goes in connection with poetry.' 20 In the 6th chapter of the extant Natyasastra there is an elaborate disquisition on the rasas. Quotations are taken from Rudrabha ta by Bhoja, Mammaa and others. If Rudrabhatta be identical with Rudrata the author of Kavyalahkaru, then the Srisgaratilaka was composed earlier than A. D. 900. Pratibarenduraja (A. D. 925) and Abhinavagupta (A. D. 960-1020) take a number of verses from Rudrata. Hence it follows that before A. D. 900 there existed a work going under the name of Bharata which contained a full exposition of the rasas. 4. Anandavardhana, author of Dhvanyaloka, a standard work on Sahitya, often refers to Bharata's works. In one place he says that the Vittis Kaifiki, &c., are wellknown from the works of Bharata 21 In another place he remarks that the author of the Venisa hara, out of a slavish adherence to Bharata's rules, exhibits in his drama an anga called vila sa of the pratimukhasandhi, though it is unfavourable to the development of the rasa intended 22 Anandavardhana flourished under Avantivarman of Kashmir" (A. D. 855-883). Before him the Venisaihara was composed and the author of the latter, according to Anandavardhana, regarded Bharata as a paramount authority in the domain of dramaturgy. Ananda vardhana thus shows us that Bharata's work contained in his day (and for the matter of that, even before the Venisa shara) a treatment of the vandhis and their aigas. The aiga called vilasa is referred to in the Nalyaiastra (19-71) 5. Mammata quotes in his Kavyaprakasa as from Bharata the words Vibhavanubhavavyabhich arisa nyogarl rasanish patlih.24 These words occur in the extant Natyasastra in the 6th chapter p. 62. Mama a quotes the different views of Lollata, Sankuka, Bhattanayaka and Abhinavaguptapada on the above sutra of Bharata. We saw above that Abhinavagupta was living in A. D. 1015. He strongly criticizes Bhattanayaka in his commentary on the Dhvanyaloka (see pp. 19, 21, 33, 63, &c.). His criticisms leave an impression on the mind that Bhattanayaka's memory was quite fresh in Abhinavagupta's day. The Rijataranginias tells us that there was a learuud Brahman named Nayaka at the court of Sankaravarman, who was the son of Avantivarman and came to the throne in A. D. 883. From this it seems probable that Nayaka flourished about A. D. 900. The Rijataraiigini tolls us that Sankuka wrote a poem called Bhuvanabhyudaya and lived in the reign of Ajitapida who died in A. D. 813.26 Thus Sankuka flourished about A. D. 800. We thus see that Sankuka, Nayaka and Abhinavagupta are arranged in chronological 20 Prayo Natyam prati prokti Bharatadyai rasasthitih | Yathamati mayapy-esha kdvyari prati nigadyate.-Singara I. 5. 21 Yadi vd vrittimiin Brarataprasidthdrain Kaisikyadinam Dhwany dla ka, p. 163. These Villis are referred to in the Natyasastra (VI. 25.). >> Yatha Venfsaithare vildsakhyasya pruimuchasarlidhyangasya prakritarasanibandhandnanugunamapi ...Bharatamatanusaranamatrechchhaya ghatanam. -Dhvanyaloka, p. 160. 23 Muktakana! Simsvimi Kavir- Anandavardhanah | Pratham Ratnakaras-chagat samrajye S vanti. varmanah | Pijatarangini V. 34. 24 See p. 84 of the Kdvya prakasa (ed. Vamanacharya). 25 Dvijas-tayor-Nayakakhyo Gauri-Sarikara-sadmanah | Chaturvidyah kritas-tena Vagdeut-kulamandiram.-Rajatarangini. V. 163. Kavir-budhamanassindhu-bdian kah Sankukabhidhah | Yam-uddisy-karot kavya i Bhuvanabhyudayabhidham | Raja. IV. 705.

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August, 1917) OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE 181 order by Mammata. It would not be quite wrong to suppose that Bhatta Lollata whose views are put first by Mammata was also the first known commentator of the Na grasastra in Mammata's day. We shall not be wrong in assigning Lollata to about A. D. 700. Thus from the 8th century downwards we have a succession of commentators on the Natyasastra. It naturally follows that the work must have been composed long before the 8th century. 6. Damodaragupta, in his Kultanimata, in a number of places refers to Bharata as a writer on dancing and speaks of the Natyasdstra as composed by Brahma 27 Damodaragupta was a minister under Jay&pida28 (A. D. 745-776). 7. Magha says in one place like dramatic works the acts of which contain poetry composed by a poet familiar with Bharata'.29 As Magha is quoted by Ananclavardhana (9th century) and by Va mana 30 (about A. D. 800), he cannot be placed later than A. D. 750. Before this date dramas existed, which according to Magha, followed Bharata's rules on dramaturgy. So a long time before A. D. 750 a Natyasastra by Bharata was in existence. 8. Bhamaha (first half of 8th century) seems to refer to Bharata's Natyasastra in a number of places. In one place he says, "Nataka, &c., have been treated of at length by others.'31 In another place he remarks: Others enumerate only five figures of speech, viz., Anuprasa with Yamaka, Rupaka, Dipaka and Upama.'39 It should be noted that of all extant works on the Alarkara-Sastra, it is the Natyaedstra alone that speaks of such a small number of figures of speech. It is true that Bharata speaks of only four and oinits Anuprasa. But all the other figures are the same and Anuprasa may be supposed to have been omitted by Bharata on account of its close similarity to Yamaka. In another place Bhamaha criticizes those who divide Upama into three varieties, Prasarhsa, Ninda and Sadriya." Bharata speaks of five varieties of Upamu, viz., the above three and two more Kalpitd and kinchit-sadis.34 9. Bhavabhuti in his Uttararamacharita refers to Bharata as the writer of a sutra work on Tauryatrika, i. e., Natya,35 Bhavabhati, it is well-known, was patronized by Yaso. varman and flourisbed, according to Dr. Bhandarkar, at the end of the 7th century (Preface to Malatimadhava, p. x). Mr. V. A. Smith gives A. D. 728 as the date of the accession of Yasovarman (JRAS of Great Britain for 1908, p. 793). He looks upon Bharata as a contemporary of Valiniki, the first poet who received his poetic fire from Brahmi himself, 27 Brahmokta-Natyasastre gite murajddivadlane chaina | Abihbhavati Narada din prdvinyaria Bhattu. putrasya.-Kuttanimatam vorse 75; Bharata. Visakhila-Dantila vrikahdyurveda-chitrasnlresh 4 | Vorge 123 ; see also verse 81 in which Kohala is associated with Bharata. 23 Sa Damodaraguptakhyal Kuttanimata-kariram Kavim Kavi Balir.iva dhuryan dhisachivan vyadhal.-Raja. IV. 496. - Bharataj ia kavi pranila-kavya.grathilanka iva nataka prapafichi.-Sisuplavadha, 20. 44. 30 The verse Trasakulas paripatan parito niketan, &c., quoted by Dk vanydlaka, p. 114, is Sisupalavadha V. 26 and the verge Ubhau yadi vyomni, &o.. quoted by Vamana under Ati ayokti (IV. 3. 10) is Sisupalavadha III. 8. 3. Nata kavi Dvipadi Samya Rasa ka-Skandha kddi yat 1 Uklam tad-ubhineyart am uklidnyais-tasya vistarah | Bhamaha, I. 24. 32 Anuprasah sayamaki Rapakah Dipakupame Iti odcham-alikdrah paislaivanya iruddh iidsBhamaha, II. 4. 33 Yaduktais triprakaratvam tasydh kaischin-mahatmabhih | Ninda-prasanissa-sacifisyubhedad-atrdikidhiyale.-Bhamaha, II. 27. 34 Nafyasdstra, 16. 48. 35 Utararimi uh act. Ta cha puhastu-likhitaris munir bhagavdn tyas jad-Dhuratus ya munes. tatryatri kasutrakarasya.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1917 10. Bana gives a list of the arts and sciences in which prince Chandrapida attained proficiency. At the head of the list figures the Natyasastra of Bharata.36 A very long period of time must have intervened between the the composition of Bharata's work and Bana before the latter could look upon the study of the former as a sine qua non in the education of a prince. 11. Dandin in his Kavyadarsa refers to a work on dramaturgy in the words Nataka and others are treated of at length elsewhere, '37 In another place he says that what are called sa idhyanga (Gigas of the five sandhis) and Vrittyanga in another sastra (agama) are looked upon by us as alankaras,38 The five samdhis and their angas are spoken of in the 19th chapter of the extant Natyasastra and the Vrittis in the 20th chapter. In the present state of our knowledge we must conclude that the work referred to by Dandin is none else but the Natyasdstra of Bharata. We shall see later on that Dadin flourished about the 6th century A. D. 12. Kalidasa has a very pointed reference to Bharata in the Vikramorvasiya. The Lord of gods, together with the guardians of the worlds, has a mind to see that performance containing the eight rasas, which has been entrusted to you (the Apsarases) by the sage Bharata and which will be rendered with fine acting.deg39 There are three points here that deserve special attention; firstly, Bharata is spoken of as a Nalyacharya ; secondly, it is said that the business of a drama is to evolve the eight rasas; and thirdly, the Apec rases are said to be the actors who help Bharata to bring a play on the stage. All these three are found in the extant Natya sastra. In it also, Bharata is said to be the Natyacharya of the gods, the rasas are said to be eight, 40 and the Apsarases are said to have helped Bharata. 41 It is noteworthy that to Kalidasa also Bharata is a semi-divine sage. Bharata must have been placed by tradition a number of centuries before Kalidasa in the latter's lay. It seems to us not unlikely that Kalidasa had before him some work of Bharata. The date of Kalidasa is yet far from being settled. He is certainly much earlier than the Aihole inscription (A, D, 634) in which he is highly praised along with Bharavi. He is also earlier than A. D. 472, the date of the Mandasor Inscription 12 the author of which shows his great familiarity with Kalidasa. If Kalidasa is thus earlier than the 5th century A. D., Bharata must be older still by a number of centuries. 13. Every ancient writer from Bhatti ( somewhere between A. D. 500---650), Danin (6th century), Bhamaha (A. D. 750), to Vamana and Udbhata (latter half of 8th century) mentions more than thirty figures of speech. It is Bharata who speaks of only four figures. We have said above that Bharata would not have scrupled to give a more elaborate treatment and a larger number of figures if he had known them. For this reason also, he must be placed a number of centuries before Bhatti and Daudin. 35 Bharatdipraniteshu nyityafdstreahu,-Kadambari, p. 75 (od. Dr. Peterson). 37 Misrani Natakadini tesham-anyatra vistara) | Kdoyadarsa 1. 31. 38 Yachcha saridhyanga-vrittyanga-lakshanddy.Agamantare | Vyavarnitam-idan choshtam-alankara. tayaiva nal.-Kdvyadarsa II. 367. 39 Munina Bharatena yal prayogo bharat lahu-ashfarasusrayo niyuktah lalit abhinayara tam-adya bharta martuar drashtumanah solokapala || Ist act. 0 See Nayasaitra, VI. 15. 41 Apsarobhir-idari sirdhan kridaniyaika hetukam | Ashishthitati maya svarge sudlina Noradena cha | Natyasastra 37. 19. ? Seo Dr. Fleet's Corpus Inscriptimum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 79 ff.

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AUGUST, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 183 In the foregoing discussion, we hope we have advanced cogent arguments for Asserting that the Natyzoastra of Bharata was composed not later than the 5th century A. D. If it be conceded that Kalidasa had in mind the work of Bharata, then the latter must have been composed at the beginning of the Christian era, if not earlier. We do not mean to asseru that the Nalya iastra as composed by Bharata has come down to us intact. We are quito prepared to admit that interpolations may have been inserted from time to time. What we contend for is that the main outlines of the work were just the same about the 7th century as they are now. We have seen that comparatively ancient writers like Anandavardhana, Rudrata and Abhinavagupta refer to particular portions of the Natya sastra. We sue that Abhinavagupta regarded Bharata as a very ancient sage and that according to him Bharata spoke of the two figures, Yamaka and Upama It has been our endeavour to establish that the Natyajlstra of Bharata is at all events older than A. D. 500. There is no other extant work on the Alanlarasastra that can be placed before A. D. 500. We may therefore provisionally regard that the Natyaedsira of Bharata contains the oldest extant treatment of Alankaras. THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T.,; MADRAS. (Continued from p. 163.) So ended the Tanjore war; and the two powers became not only tacit observers of peace, but positive allies, offensive and defensive. In the enthusiasm of their new alliance, they even prepared for war with a third power. The Raja of Mysore had just constructed a dam across the Kaveri and caused thereby untold hardship to the people of the Tanjore and Trichinopoly kingdoms. Cultivation had to be suspended, and the grim prospect of famine loomed large in the horizon. The two powers therefore at once resolved to send a joint expedition against Mysore. But fortunately at this crisis, Providence intervened and averted the war. A timely flood50 of the river swept away the Mysore dam and furnished the parchod kingdoms with water, copious enough for irrigation. The Successful revolt of the Setupati. 1702. The last military undertaking of Mangamma! (1702) was against the turbulent Marava .chieftain, Raghunatha Setupati, 51 whose policy of persecution we have already seen. The arms of Madura were not attended with the accustomed success in this war. The loosely combined mercenaries of the Naik army could hardly prevail against people who, owing to their community of race, language, religion and interests, had a strong sentiment of national solidarity. The war in consequence resulted, in spite of the assistance which Tanjore rendered on this occasion, in a serious diminution of the prestige of Madura. The great general, Narasappaiya himself, fell in battle, and the confederates were driven in disgrace into their kingdom. Tanjore suffered more. The brunt of the war fell specially on the South and Eastern districts of that kingdom which were devastated with fire and sword by the exultant Maravas. 50 Soo E. G. Buchanan, I, p. 427, where he describes a dam built by "Cavery Cada Raya, one of the family of Chika Dava Raja of Mysore" at Naringapetta. It is, of course, not at all certain that this dam is the intended one. 51 In 1700, one Dalav&i Sebupati repaired the Siva temple at Tirumokar, 6 miles north of Madura. Ho wm evidently a general of Raghunatha and then in friendly terms with the Central Governmont. 30. Antiquities, I, p. 295. The war pregumably took place after this.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1917 The tragio and mysterious death of Mangamma. It is an irony of fate that a ruler, who did so much for her country and was so popular with her subjects, ended her life, if we are to believe tradition (no M88, mention it), under circumstances of a most tragical character. In the year 1706, Vijaya Raiga Chokkanatha attained his majority, and had to be invested with the royal power; but Mangamma! was unwilling to part with it. A historian, whose views are of a most unreliable nature, says that the queen was in guilty intimacy with a singer, that the Prince Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha flogged him; that the queen kept him in consequence in prison for three years; that he, however, successfully intrigued with the officers of the army, effected his escape by means of a rope ladder, proceeded to the temple, and crowned himself; and that though Maigammal feigned satisfaction and pretended to welcome the new regime, the prince put her in prison, where she remained. till her death, for 40 days.62 The imperious voice of tradition imputes to her a guilty motive, inspired by her friendship and alleged love for her minister Achchaya. An enquiry into the conditions of the time, however, would seem to warrant the supposition that she was actuated by honest intentions in refusing to entrust Vijaya Ranga with the burdens and responsibilities of royalty. As we shall see later on, Vijaya Ranga acquitted himself, during his reign of 27 years, so badly that he became notorious as a foolish, unjust and feeble spendthrift. Maigamma! and her minister seem to have formed a true estimate of his character and abilities, and honestly felt that it would be better for the kingdom if Vijaya Ranga assumed the reins of government after some more experience in statecraft. The queen's hesitation was thus, in all probability, due to her regard for the people ; but her attitude was mistaken for ambition, and her confidence in her minister declared by the voice of scandal to be an unrighteous and criminal intimacy. A strong and formidable party arose, in consequence, against them and did not hesitate to stain their hands with her blood. Inspired more by brute force than by gratitude, they seized her by treacherous means and condemned her to a prisoner's life in her own palace, the building which is now occupied by the Taluk and other offices. There she had to expiate her alleged treason and greed by a cruel and ignominious death. She was slowly starved, her distress being enhanced by the frequent placing of food outside her prison at such a distance that she cculd see and smell it, but not reach it. To be practically within life's necessity and yet brutally debarred from its touch and enjoyment, was a tantalising penalty hardly deserved by a true philanthropist and benefactor of mankind. Such was the fate of the celebrated queen whose guilt was, to judge from the entire circumstances of the case, most probably a simple act of indiscretion. That she was tactless may be conceded; but her treason or ambition is yet to be proved. There are no sufficient evidences to prove that her conduct was such as to provoke universal discontent or popular indignation. The author of the Madura Gazetteer evidently believes in the truth of the stories of her guilty love. A "slight confirmation of the tradition," he says, "is derived 52 One account says that Mangammal wag queen till 1712. Muthiah's account on which Wilson bases his, says that when the prince was 13 years old, the Dalavai Kasturi Ronga organized a revolt, put the queen in prison, and seized the reins of government. Mangammd soon died in the prison (JR A S III, 234) The latest inscription in her name is dated 1706 (8. 1628, Vyaya) "during the reign of Venkacadeva Raya at Ghanagiri," Antiquities, II, p. 17). Inscription 494 of 1907, dated S. 1828 (Tirana), recording the construction of a shrine by a Brahman in her regenoy, at Uyyakkondan channel, is of course earlier.

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August, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 185 from the facts that in the little chapel built by Mangammal on the west side of the 'golden lily tank' in the Madura temple is a statue of a young man who is declared to be her minister and paramour, and that in a picture on the ceiling of the chapel is a portrait of the same person opposite to one of the queen, who (be it noted) is dressed, not as an orthodox Hindu widow should be, but in jewels and finery appropriate only to a married woman."53 The confirmation afforded by these is slight indeed. The appearance o the minister by the side of the queen is no proof of unlawful intimacy, nor is there anything uncommon in a royal lady, though a widow, adorning her person. Public appearance necessarily demanded a decency in keeping with her station. The true cause and excuse of Mangammal's death, therefore, is, and is ever likely to be, a mystery. And she has lived, and will live, in history. Throughout the wide kingdom of Madura the great queen has left her undying monuments. Her roads and avenues have afforded happiness to travellers and her choultries shelter and food to pilgrims without number for the past two centuries. Distant corners, unfrequented regions, have celebrated her name and cherished her memory. Even to-day the lone and solitary wanderer whom the love of antiquity draws to the western parts of the Tinnevelly district, so far from the seat of the noble queen's government, will notice the most illiterate man blessing the name of the great good woman who made that winding road at the sight of the hills, that planted those tall majestic trees and that built those welcome bowers which give shade and water to his exhausted and sun-struck person. Even to-day he will find her choultries and rest-houses as at SolavandanB4 and at Madura playing their parts of service, though under different management and under different ideals of charity and benevolence. Even to-day he will find her the theme of simple anecdotes and amiable remembrance in holy places of pilgrimage. At Palni,58 for instance, the very steps by which she once went to the temple are remembered and have been perpetuated by an anecdote. It is said that while she was going up the flight of steps leading to the Dandayudhapani shrine, "she came upon a young man who, perceiving her, retreated in confusion. She called out graciously to him 'Irunkol !' or 'Pray wait!' and he and his sons' sons thereafter always took this word as their name." But while posterity has revered and loved her memory the actual place where she underwent her tragic end is in ruins. On the site which her palace once occupied has now been built the central market of Madura50; and of her residence and its environments nothing now remains but the small Mariamman's shrine near the southern entrance to the market, the compound wall at the northern side, and a few huge, well polished black-stone pillars similar to those in Tirumal Nayak's Palace, in the north-eastern corner. The artistic exoellence of the edifices is proved by the excellent patterns of the still existing perforated stucco windows and the well-carved wooden doorways in the west, which have defied time. And with regards to her foul murderers the story runs that, owing to her curse, their descendants, nay the very caste to which they belonged, have sunk in obscurity and been unable to rise to any position of trust or dignity in the State. 53 Madura Gazr., p. 56: 54 See Madura Gazr., p. 157-8 and 291, for the history of these shoultries. 55 Ibid, p. 305. 56 Arch. Rep., 1910-11, pp. 16-17. Moore in his Trichinopoly Manual, however, points out that & small room near the large hall in the Nawab's palace, called Mangammal's Hall, is generally pointed out as the place of her death. 57 Oral tradition.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1917 Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha. SECTION II. Personal Rule (1706-1731.) The death of Mangammal paved5s the way for the actual exercise of sovereign power by Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha. The character of this monarch is simply and easily described. Throughout his long reign of 26 years (for he ruled till 1731), he shewed himself, by his conduct, an exceedingly pious and god-fearing man. In fact he led the life of a saint, of a pilgrim, rather than that of a king. His mind was always occupied in the efficient observance of religious ritual and the speedy propagation of the religious spirit. Caring solely for the applause of the clergy by whom he was surrounded, he spent every moment of his life and every penny of his revenues in indulging their desires and furthering their interests. A Telugu chronicle observes that it was his custom to set out every two years, on an extensive religious tour, throughout his kingdom. He would in the course of the tour, visit the shrines of Srirangam, Jambukesvaram, Madura, Tinnevelly, Alvar Tirunagiri, Sri Vaikuntham, etc. On these occasions the pious monarch would expend, with a reckless extravagance, immense sums for the increased offerings and anointings of the images. The priests of many a rich temple who understood the real character of the king practised deception and found means to fill their already full coffers. They would set aside the silken robes and the costly ornaments00 of the shrine and substitute in their place plain white clothes and other semblances of poverty. The plates and charters of previous royal endowments would be carefully hidden, and a small number of faintly flickering lights would be kept burning at the altar. The king on seeing these miserable provisions invariably bestowed, without the least enquiry into the past history or the present resources of the shrine, numerous vestments and monetary gifts of the value of 2,000 or 3,000 madais, amounting to 1,000 or 1,500 star pagodas. In this manner every tour of the king absorbed lakhs of rupees of the revenue. The extravagance of donations was repeated during every tour; for the king, with an extraordinary pride and singular notion of charities, deprecated all inquiry into past gifts on the ground that such an enquiry would destroy the spiritual fruits of the gifts themselves. To those men of business and of sense 58 Nelson points out that there are no Jesuit letters to illustrate this reign. We have to depend solely on Chronicles and the meagre and secondary evidence of English historians. 59 An inscription of his, dated 1710, is in the eastern Gopura of Madura. Further epigraphs in his name dated 1716, 1724, 1727, 1729, and 1731 are given by Sewell. Two of these are grants to Durga and Siva temples; but the deeds are always engraved with Vaishnava figures. A curious fact to be noticed is that an alleged suzerain Raya is always given. Inscription 697 of 1909 records a grant of is in 1728 (Ep. Rep., 1909, p. 59). 60 For an interesting account of a few of the jewels given by Vijaya Ranga to the Srirangam temple, see Ind. Ant. I, p. 131. His are some of the oldest jewels possessed by the temple,-neckaces, gold and silver vessels, etc. [from the Athenaeum, Jan. 17, 1872].

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AUGUST, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 137 who represented the necessity of enquiry, he would reply that things once given to a deity ought not to be inquired after. "If a garment be given to a man," he argued, "and it be afterwards said, we gave it, the merit of the act is nullified; and in the case of a god," the king continued, "it would be a sordid sin." Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha was, in fact, Brahman's king. He always liked to have them around him, to listen to their counsels and teachings, to serve them and worship them. No money was vias uuu, he sincerely believed, when spent on their behalf. They were his very limbs, the breath of his life. Enviable ws was the position of the Brahmans under the Naik regime, it was never so enviable as in the lays of their favourite, Vijaya Ranga. Official oppression and corruption. The result of this subordination of the king to the clergy was, as might be expected, a horough disorganization and dislocation of the state. The conversion of the palace into a place of prayer, of the king into a saint, and of the state into an agency for religious propaganda, naturally brought the affairs of the kingdom into a state of extreme misery. The king's indifference to the duties and responsibilities of royalty made his officials tyrants and oppressors, and exact as much as possible from the helpless people.61 The voice of distress and the tumult of discontent filled the kingdom. Nelson describes how in 1709, four years after the king's accession, there was, in consequence of the cruelty and injustice of the Dalav&i Kasturi Ranga, a serious riot at Madura. An insoription (No. 6 of 1915) belonging to the Temple of Madura clearly bears out this statement and gives a clue as to the condition of the country. It states that the king's officers levied certain taxes on the people of the four villages of Samanattam, Sikkalai, Pangankulam and Sengulam which they had hitherto enjoyed as sarvamanya, for their service as the bearers of the image of Chokkanatha during festivals. "Being unable to bear the hardship, they made up their mind to go in a body to commit suicide, one of them actually got upon the gopura, fell down and died. On this the people of the place assembled in the temple to guard its four gates. The officer in charge of the fort, the maniyam of the place, the samprati, the day-watchmen (dinasari klarar )) and others met together and summoned the assembled people and the bearers of the god and declared that the four villages enjoyed 62 by the latter were, as usual, sarvamanya, free of all taxes." Mr. Krish masastri remarks that this is not surprising as from 1710 to 1720 the country suffered from the miseries of a widespread famine. The inscription clearly states that the Dalavdi at this time was Kastari Rangaiya and the Pradhani Venkata Krishqaiya.. 61 See Nelson: Madu Man. 62 Madr. Ep. Rep. 1915, p. 116. Even in this time the king was very generous in his endowments to Brahmans. In 1708-9 ho registors a gift of villagers to the SankarlohArya matha at Jambukeavaram for the feeding of Brahmans. Ibid. In 1721 he gave a grant to one Narada Pantulu, evidently a doctor who was to offer prayers to Dhanvantari, Madr. Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 15. In 1708-9, Vijaya Ranga silso gave a grant to Vyasaraya mafha of Sosale by which "whatever dues wore paid in the Madura kingdom to the temple at Chokkanathapura were to be paid to the matha also.." Mya Ep Rep. 1915, p. .55..

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Avaust, 1917 Nelson proceeds to say that the King woke up from bis dream and dismissed his minister ; but the new minister Naravappaiya was, we are told, hardly better than his predecessor. His boundless avarice speculated the sum to be distributed as pay among the army, and thereby gave rise to a mutiny of a serious and threatening nature. With greater tact than Kasturi Ranga, Naravappaiya hoodwinked the king, and represented the case in such #light that the latter believed in the honesty of his minister and the unreasonableness of his soldiers. Instead of wisely removing the cause of discontent and conciliating the army, the king listened to the counsels of the Dalavai and called the Setupati for help. The Setupati of the time, Kilavan, as he was called, readily responded to his suzerain's call, but instead of joining him in the chastisement of the mutineers be advised him to grant the arrears of pay and win back their loyalty by a wise policy of justice. The king apparently saw his own folly and the villainy of his minister. He immediately paid the pay of the discontented men, and the mutiny ended. We do not know whether the Dalav&i was dismissed or not; but from the fact that we meet with a new name, that of Venkataraghavacharya, in his place, we have to infer that he must have been dismissed. As for Venkataraghavacharya, who, to judge from his name, was evidently a Sri Vaishoava Brahman, we have no direct evidence to prove that he was worse than his predecessors. But one remarkable incident which the Telugu Record of the Carnatic Governors gives about him, shews that he was not probably free from their weakness. He had, it is said, accumulated ready money to the value of a lakh of pagodas and jewels of immense worth. As he grew old and felt the band of death he expressed, no doubt with the idea of preventing the annexation of his immense acquisition by the Crown, a desire to see the king. The latter condescended to honour his servant. On his arrival at his habitation he found himself seated on a jewelled throne and honoured with all honours. 300 trays, moreover, full of pagodas and mohars, of rupees and fanams, 300 more of gems and golden jewels, and 400 of costly attire, were placed by the minister at the feet of his master. It is difficult to read the motive of Venkata Raghava in bequeathing this enormous wealth to the king. Perhaps he felt that the inheritance of such enormous riches by his heirs would surprise the ignorance and excite the jealous avarice of royalty, thereby causing their transfer to the royal coffers. To make the king Acquainted with the extent of his resources and to justify his vanity by a bequeathal of a portion of it to him, was perhaps a device to ensure his son's inheritance of the rest. Or it is possible that the Dalavai felt a remorse, and thought of satisfying his conscience by sacrificing & portion to the State. Whatever the fact was, whether the Dalavai's motive was one of vanity or remorse, or of policy or foresight, the result was a triumph which he could hardly have expected. For, as soon as the king's eyes fell on these presents, he exclaimed in the name of God that it was a sin to look at the valuables of a Brahman, much more so to take possession of them! Looking hard at the Dalavai, he then added that, in case he had beef inspired in his conduct by the apprehension of future insecurity, he was labouring under & mistake. Not satisfied with the assurance, the reckless monarch presented the Dalavai with 30,000 pagodas, directing that part of it should go to his comforts and the rest to the performance of charities. Only

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189 AUGUST, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA one thing remained for the king,-the removal of the sin he had committed by looking on a Brahman's property; and that was done by the liberal distribution of cows, lands and food to the needy and the indigent!! Vijaya Ranga and Kandy. Such was the reckless folly and culpable extravagance of Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha. For the sake of his gods and his Brahmans he sacrificed his State and his subjects. Conservative as the Naiks were in their social policy, none was so conservative as Vijaya Ranga. This is exemplified in his relation with the contemporary king of Kandi. The Sinhalese monarches, Kumara Singh Maha Rajah, was unmarried owing to the lack of girls in his family. He therefore sent, at the instance of his officers and subjects, an embassy to Trichinopoly to solicit an alliance with the Naik family. With costly garments and ornaments, the Ceylon messengers reached the Naik Capital, and in an interview with Vijaya Raiga, expressed the object of their embassy. But no sooner did the son of Ranga Krishna hear of this than he expressed his abhorrence of the proposal. He asked the strangers whether their master was of his own caste, and whether there had been any intermarriage in the past, and on being replied in the negative, dismissed them without ceremony, commanding the Chobdars to take them forthwith outside the fort. The king also issued an order that none of his relatives or castemen should give a daughter of his house to the Sinhalese monarch. The king's order however was honoured more by breach than by observance; for an ambitious member of the caste, more anxious to have a royal grandson than to preserve the caste rule or to obey the royal mandate, treated secretly with the messengers, and in return for gifts of many huns and robes, accompanied them stealthily to Kandy and celebrated his daughter in marriage with the king. The State at Vijaya Ranga's death. The result of this unsatisfactory state of things was that when the king died in 1731 the state was in a dangerous situation. The treasury was empty, the vassals turbulent, and Vijaya Rauga was childless. The Mysore occupation of the northern parts of the kingdom moreover had become permanent. An inscription of 1714, for instance, 5 says that the townsmen, tribesmen, religious schools and Vedic divisions of a town in Attur sold a piece of land to a Brahman, and that they recognized in it "Shrimad Rajadhiraja Raja Parameshvara Rajamartanda Prauda Pratapa," the conqueror of kings, "the unrivalled Krist na Raja Udayar," whose standard "bore the image of the earth-goddess with the boar," as their sovereign. 3 See Account of the Singhalese Kings, Appendix. According to Muthiah, he died in 1734; to Orme, in 1736. The real date is 1731. 65 Salem Manual, II, p. 86.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1917 SECTION III. The Setupati affairs. The weakness of Vijaya Ranga is best illustrated in the Ramnad affairs. His inability to control the army at home necessarily weakened his hold on the Polygars, and many of them shewed signs of defection and independence. Kilavan66 Setupati was the first and foremost to do it. We have already seen how he based his rule on popular welfare and military efficiency, and how besides changing the seat of government to Ramnad, he ruled his state well. A tremendous storm.--1709. In 1709 Ramnand suffered from not only a famine but one of the most destructive cyclones recorded in the history of India. Beginning in the early morning of December 18, it raged, with constant violence, till noon7; and after a temporary lull which lasted for four hours, broke out again with tremendous vigour, and lasted throughout night. The storm was accompanied by a violent rain, the torrent of which flooded the land. The next day the sun rose on one of the tragic scenes of history. The embankments of tanks already, owing to the monsoons, full to the brim gave away, and their waters, joined to those from above, converted the kingdom into & vast lake, interspersed here and there with procarious lands. Cattle and goats, dogs and men, struggled in the floods, and their caroages and corpses floated in grim and hideous company. Raninad became an extensive field of death, a scene of borrifying tragedy in which thousands, old and young, men and women, found a simultaneous watery grave. Trees of strong build and gigantic growth measured the ground, and the corn fields were covered and destroyed by a thick layer of sand and earth, the removal of which was an expense intolerable to the ruined peasants. Tanks and wells were fouled and poisoned and the stench of corpses filled the atmosphere and bred disease. The after-effects of the cyclone were even more destructive. For a space of four years the kingdom became subject to an acute and all-penetrating famine. Many people died of starvation, and many more left Ramnad for ever, and sought shelter in Tanjore and Madura. (To be continued.) "So Madura Manual and O. H. MSS. He performed the Hiranyagarbha sacrifico. For his granta in 1707 and 1712 to the Vyasarkys mafha at Sosale (thrugh his agent at Rame varam) see Mys. Ep. Rop. 1915, p. 68. The inboription enumerates Au the titles of the setupati. Such storms were very frequent. It was a tremendous storm of 1480 that broke Adam's Bridgo. Soo Ferguson's Gold, Gems and Pearls, in Ceylon and 8. India, p. 300. See slao Col. Love's Vestiga of Madras for similar storms in 1640, 1662, 1668, 1674, 1679, 1887, 1717, etc.. Nelson points out from the Jesuit authorities that it was due not to mis-government but to the failure of monsoons. Prioos rose 32 times. E.g.. eight Ramnad marakdle of rice usually coating ono fanam cost in 1713, 32 fanams. See Madura Man. p. 242.

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AUGUST, 1917) MISCELLANEA 191 MISCELLANEA, MAGHA AND HIS PATRONS. gf f or and thus lends a strong support to In the colophon to his Sisupdlavadham Magha Dr. Kielhorn, who similarly rejected Mallinathas montions his grandfather Suprabhadeva as having glossary (JRAS, 1908, p. 499). The word for been the minister of a certain king, whose name has itself oocurs in an introductory verse of the Kasika, naturally been made & sport of in various MSS. and Haradatta and Jinendra in their comments giving us any number of variants. An insoription thereon have preserved to us the names of no less from Vasantagadh dated 682 V. S., (A.D. 625) hae than four earlier uritti karas, viz., Kuni, Challi, Bhatti brought to light the name of a king coinciding with and Nallora (Bengal MS. reads GOT; Kifikavipaono of the variants, Varmaldta, and most of our ranapanjikd, pp. 1-2). It is evident that along with scholars have proposed a happy identity of the two these earlier vrittis there were also earlier nydeas, kings, giving A. D. 650-700 as a fairly approximate which led both Banabhatta and MAgha to form date for Magha. The only thing that stands in their respective conceits. the way is the well-known verse of Magha's poem (II. 112) But beyond being called upon to settle the date of Magha, the discovery of this new inscription has anUtsUtrapadanyAsA savAttiH sanibandhanA / not it seems been pushed to its proper conclusions. zabdavidyeva no bhAti rAjanItirapaspazA / / It seems to be generally forgotten that the whore the words of and Fore, according to t alone preserved what now appears to MallinAtha, convey a covert allusion to the Kasika be the correct form of the king's name as the and its commentary Nydsa (by Jinendrabuddhi). and it is but fair to take the author at his word Jayaditya, one of tho authors of the Kasika died, when he further says that he was king of AP, according to I-tsing, in A. D. 661, and the Nydea, capital of the Gurjars Kingdom. (Nim. 3. ED. which is not mentioned in the elaborate account of pp. 196-7). It appears therefore that Tera is I-teing, was evidently not yet written in A. D. 695, the earliest king of the great Gurjara Kingdom of when I-tsing left India. Magha cannot therefore Bhinmal, whose name has yet been brought to be placed earlier than the middle of the 8th century, light. Brahmarupta the great astronomer wie making the proposed identification of Varmalata styles himself "Bhillamalla kacharya" wrote his rather impossible. The learned editor of the in- work in A. D. 628 under king Vyaghramukha of the soription, following his collaborabor Dr. Konow, has Srichapa dynasty, who according to V. Smith indood sought to reconcile the two conflicting evi. (JRAS, 1907, p. 923 sqq.) was presumably a king donces by making Magha, with soms stretch, & con- of Bhinmal. VyAghramukha must then have been temporary of Jinendra, and placing both early in the immediate successor of Varmalata, the date the 8th century. (Ep. Indica, Vol. IX, p. 190). A. D. 628 marking the olosing period of the latter's But perhape Mallinatha's interpretation should reign. It is therefore difficult to push Magha's date better be rojooted in face of the palpablo epigra: beyond A. D. 700 in view of his alleged reference to phio evidence. For even though we may admit Jinendranydea. For Hiuen Triang, who visited Mallinatha's comment in Magha's passage, a differ. Bhinmal about A. D. 641-2, described the reigning ont meaning have certainly to be sought for the king as a young man of only wenty. He is a Vi. words and Far as they coour in a strik. dently the immediate sussor of Vy&ghramukha ingly similar passage of Bana's Harfacharita, and may therefore be looked upon as the oontom. which may not unlikely have been the original porary and patron of our poet, the grandson of from which Magha drew : Varmalata's minister, as shown below Tawy ar Tetere 99594-arer Varmalata Minister Suprabhadev. KT carc i (Nim. S. Ed. p. 96). Here we have (oirca 600-826) ovidence of earlier vrittis and earlier nydeas in the Vyaghramukha Dattaka domain of Sanskrit grammar. The ancient com (628-640) mentator Bankara, without referring to partioular works, explains gret: TT ..... zet (born circa 620, 60, 640) Magha According to kaiyaTa Kupi preceded the bhASyakAra" bhASyakArastu kuNidarzanamazidhivat" (kaiyaTa on I i. 75). A Chulli kabhat'auritti (1) according to Aufrecht (ZDM 28, p. 113) is quoted in a Ms. of rAyamukuTa's comm. on Amara and may refer to Onalli. A nilUravRtti is found quoted in zrIpatidatta' o fTE: the passage which seems to embody a good chronology is here given in full'bhASAyAmapi carkarItamicchanti uhi bhASye bhASAyAmapi yahI lagasti nirguravRttI (v.1. niluravRttI)coktaM bhASAyAM yaDo lugastIti lugadhikAra yahI vahulamiti cAndra ca pazyate kAzikAvAmapichadonuvRttiriha neTatyuktaM .....bhAgavRttikArastu vobhavItyeva na chAndasamiti manyate // vRtti on carkararItAbhyAsasya (sandhiprakaraNaM ), nirlara is here placed between the 112 and AMTIA Perhaps in point of time,

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ACGUST, 1917 A Now it is a significant fact that all the three well believe in the existence of a Bhojado va, Pram. worke- , TATO and are of Malava, reigning round about Chitor in A.D. 665 and his patronage of Magha can no longer be u that give us accounts of the poet Magha myth in point of chronology. take him a protege of that literary magnet of the 1th century A.D., King Bhoja of Dhard. The Bhojadeva and his son Mana are described in the inscription as kings of Malave. This can well I may be dismissed as a roost reckless be elucidated by a reference to the travels of piece of patchwork but the other two works are Hiuen Tsiang. Hiuen Tsiang turned South-East Trever so wantonly fanciful. Both of them agree from the Gurjara Kingdom and Caice to Ujjayini. in anaking Magha a native of Srimela and the To the North-East of Ujjayini lie the small king. Taft, while recording genuine history in dom Chi-chi.to (Chitore 1) and to the North of Suprabhadeva having been a minister of Varmalita armalita Chitor again lie Maheavarapura. All these three of Bhinmal, almost in the same breath asociates kingdoms are described as having been reigned Mlagha (the grandson of Suprabhadeva) with Bhoja: over by kings of the "Brahmin Caste" (meaning a f a re atte: 1 ANT evidently non-Budhist) and inhabited by like AFTA weer : fra : || ( wiferent peoplos. It is apparent that the great kingdom y : v. 15, p. 197.) Moreover the following of Malava in its Eastern portier-the Western verso is quoted in the portion, the Ma-lo-pa of Hiuen under the Triang, already joint authorship of Bhojadeva and Magha : annexed according to Smith to the kingdom of Valabhi-then comprised a group of these three revatIvadanocchiSTa paripUtapuTe dRzau / not very powerful kingdoms reigned over by vahan halImadakSI vaHpAnagoSThaya punaatuvH|| different branches of the same race, the Pramara. Bhojadeva the elder evidently ruled over the king. bhaujadevamAyayoH W dom of Chitor, where his son's reign ended. Mahes. (I. 48. 4, p. 62, Bibl. Indica Ed.) varapura may also have been named afterMahevara, It is therefore not unlikely that the Association of one of the illustrious kings of the early Pramara Maghs with Bhojadeva has some truth behind it, race mentioned in the above inscription. It is also And now that the date of Magha has been fairly important that in Hiuen Tsiang's time the reigning ottled we should seriously consider the question of king of Chitor "encouraged men of merit and the existence of more than one Bhojadeva in the learned scholars of other lands collected here in history of Western India. Col. Tod in his Rajasthan, numbers"(Watter's Yuan Cheung, Vol. II, p. 261). stated on the strength of a Jaina Chronogrammatic It is possible that the king whom Hiuen Tsiang saw Catalogue (obtained from the temple of Nadole), was either Bhojadeva himself, if we allow him a that there were three Bhojas, all belonging to the long reign, or his father, and this allusion to his Pramara race of MAlava, reigning respectively in magnanimity is significant as showing that Bhoja. A. D. 576, 885 and 1042. The last Bhojadeva is deva the elder was also a great a patron of learn. very well known and Col. Tod corroborated the ing as his famous descendant and namesake of the existence of the second Bhojadeva of A. D. 665 by 11th century. Evidently the respective literary the Manwarowar inscription (found near Chitor) of traditions about each came in course of time to be the Pramara king Mana, son of Bhoja of MAlava confused and went to create an ideal, A sort of dated 770 V. S. (A. D. 714) (Vide Rajasthan, VoL Magnus Bhoja, the very prototype of the legendary I, p. 92, note and pp. 799-8C1 : ins. No. III). Vikramaditya, round whom all sorts of literary This inscription, to which Col. Tod justly attached stories gathered. By this existence of an earlier HO much importance, has it seems been entirely Bhojadeva it is possible to olear many of the apmissed by all later scholars and does not find place parently absurd synchronisms, such as that of Bana in Kielhorn'. List. It is not known if the inscrip and Mavura with Bhoja. tion can now be traced after such a length of time. But relying on Col. Tod's account of it we can D. C. BHATTACHARYA, M.A. NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. agreement. The Governour of this towne pretend 5. Proceedings for a Lease in 1682. he hath much befreinded us in the makeing up of this business and that the owner of the ground 12. October 1682. Consultation in Masulipatam. hath spent more then he receives in the procure. Mauhmud Edgdee (Mahmud HAji), a Persian who ment of orders from Court to have a Right and hath geverall years laid Claime to a peece of ground Justice dode him here, therefore clesires us to Con. in the midle of this Factory and given our prede- sider him and give him some small Tachareife Colours and selves Continuall trouble aboute (tashrt, complimentary present that he may goe keeping it, the business now being brought to an &way Contented, which to oblige the Governour, agreement for pagode : 157, he signing a lease for Counoell have thought fitt to present the aforesaid said ground to the Honoble. Company for ninety Mauhmud Edgdee' with 3 yards Broadcloth rosenine years before the Codgee &ca. officers (gazl and water and beetle [betel) which was gratefully other officers), and severall other eminent Persiana received by him. (Factory Records, Masulipatam, who have sett their hands and seales to the said vol. 4). leaso, in witness thereof tis therefore ordered the 167 pagod : be Imediatly paid him according to R.C.T.

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SEPTEMBER, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 193 A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1913-16. BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.L.E., D.LIT.. (Continued from p. 172.) IT was a great relief when by the ninth day from Altmish-bulak we came upon the first scanty scrub and reeds growing on sandy soil by he shore of the ancient dried-up sea. Next day a 'long march to the south-east brought us 'sely across the wide, salt-enerusted expanse, here showing patches of actual salt bog to the lonely caravan track towards Tun-huang. There at the well o. Kum-kuduk I had the great satisfaction of finding bravo Lal Singh just arrived after carrying out an interesting survey of the worth-easterii shores of the dried-up sea-bed, and the straggling low ranges whick abut upon them. One day later our successfully arranged concentration was completed by the arrival of our heavy baggage from Miran. Letting it move on towards Tun-huang by the caravan track we turned once more north across the end of the dried-up Lop Sea, and continued to explore the ground close to the foot of the Kuruk-tagh where the ancient route had passed. Further to the north-east the desert area near the present terminal basin of the Su-Jo Ho River, with its dried-up depressions and mazes of lacustrine Meshas, offered opporturities for geographically interesting now surveys. There I picked up Surveyor Muhammad Yakub Khan, who had carried a carefully observed line of levels all the way up from the southern shore of the ancient dry sea. Coupled with other observations, its result has confirmed my belief that the water of the Su-lo Ho at a peroid relatively recent in a geological sense had drained into the Lopnor Basin. We found them still percolating, in the same direction, the sandy soil at the foot of the Kuruk-tagh within a few feet from the surface. Evidence that this drainage had been more considerable during historical times was furnished by the remains we traced of & canal, which appears to have been constructed for the purpose of carrying water along a portion of the ancient Chinese route where it approached the eastern end of the dried-up salt sea. Leaving the surveyors behind for supplementary tasks, I reached by Maroh 16 the westernmost point of that fortified ancient Chinese border line which I had first discovered and successfully explored in 1907. It was & cheering experience for me during the next few days to revisit the ruined watch-stations of the "Great Wall " in this desolate gravel waste and clear up on the spot antiquarian questions raised by the ancient records they had yielded. I felt quite at home here, as I followed again the tracks still clearly visible for long distances which the tramp of the patrols marching along the wall for centuries had worn into the soil. The fact that in places I could quite distinctly recognize my own footprints of seven years before, and those of my little dog, was the best illustration how long this bare gravel surface might retain traons of regular tracks, even if trodden about the time of Christ. From Lake Khara-nor onwards I then completed my detailed exploration of the Tun-huang Limes by searching all the ruined watch-towers along the portion of the line where circumstances had in 1907 obliged me to leave a gap in my survey. These : nall watch-stations usually occupied the top of high erosion terraces, and their ruing and refuse heaps were thus well protected from damp. So our search was rewarded by plentiful finds of Chinese records on wood, ourious artioles of equipmeat and other interesting relics going back to Han times.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1917 Before the close of March, 1914, I had regained my old haunts of Tun-huang, and after a very brief halt to allow men and animals to recover from our trying winter campaign I started for the explorations planned eastwards. They were to take me mainly into the deserts which fringe on the south and east the great barren hill region usually designated as the Peishan Gobi. The distances were great and short the remaining season during which that waterless ground could be visited before the great summer heat set in. But even thus I could not forego a renewed visit to the famous cave temples of the "Thousand Buddhas" south-east of Tun-huang. There in 1907, I had been fortunate enough to secure such abundant antiquarian and artistic spoil from the walled-up temple cella, in which a whole library of Buda hist and other manuscripts and hundreds of fine paintings on silk had been hidden away early in the eleventh century, together with a multitude of other relics. I could not expect to make such a haul now. For when a year after my own visit, Professor Pelliot, on a mission from the French Government, had with his expert knowledge of Chinese, searched the hoard and carried off a considerable selection of its remaining manuscripts, the attention of the authorities at Peking had been attracted to the old library, and its transfer to the capital was decreed. Of the careless and in reality destructive way in which the order had been carried out, I found evidence in the many scattered rolls of ChineseBuddhist texts, undoubtedly derived from this source, which were offered to me for purchase at a number of towns both in Turkestan and Kansu. So it was satisfactory to find that somehow a considerable quantity of Chinese manuscripts from the walled-up cella still remained behind at the "Thousand Buddhas," and that my old priestly friend, Wang Taoshi, was prepared to part with them in regard for a proper compensation for his pious ostablishment. He showed me with genuine pride the good use to which he had put the sum previously received from me, by building some gaudy new shrines and comfortable pilgrims' quarters. It was also reassuring to see that his personal relations with the pious people of Tun-haung and their official guardians had evidently in no way suffered by our former little transaction. The only regret which it had left behind in the quaint little monk was that he had not been shrewd enough to accept the offer made by me in 1907 for the whole hoard, and had thus failed to save it from dispersion, and to secure its full value for his shrine. Our reunion was throughout very cordial, and when we parted again my collection had received an appreciable addition of cases with old manuscripts and other relics in evidence of Wang Tao-shi's good will, and his appreciation of my ever-faithful attachment to the memory of holy Hsuan-tsang. My immediate task, and one cherished ever since 1907, was to trace the line of the ancient Chinese Limes as far as possible to eastward, and to explore whatever ruins might have survived along it. After striking across a difficult belt of salt marshes, which nearly embogged my camels, I came again upon the ancient border wall half-way between Tunhuang and An-hsi. From there we succeeded in exploring its line for close on 250 miles eastwards. For almost the whole of this distance the wall, with its watch-towers and small military posts, had been built across what already in ancient times was absolute desert ground. The resulting immunity from human interference had contributed greatly to the preservation of the remains for fully two thousand years; but the remarkable method of construction employed was an even more important factor. The most destructive of natural forces in this region has always been slow-grinding but relentless wind-erosion. The wall or agger, built of carefully secured fascines of reeds, brushwood, or tamarisk branches, whichever

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SEPTEMBER, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 195 of these materials were available in the immediate vicinity, was specially adapted to with stand it. Even where the watch-towers, once massively built in sun-dried bricks or stamped clay, had been under-cut by erosion at the base and been subsequently reduced to shapeless low mounds, difficult to recognize from a distance, the direction of the wall still clearly revealed itself, as it stretched away in a characteristic straight line across wastes of gravel or drift-sand. The remains proved to have suffered most along that stretch of ground where the Limes, after crossing the Su-lo Ho to its right bank east of An-hsi, ran close to the deep-cut riverbed, and in a due easterly direction. On the bare riverine loess crossed here by the wall the erosive force of the prevailing north-east winds, blowing down with great violence from the gravel plateaus of the Pei-shan, could fully assert itself. But even where all structural features had been completely effaced it was easy for us with the experience gained elsewhere accurately to determine the position of the posts once guarding the border, from the fragments of pottery, coins, metal objects, and other hard debris which could be picked up at these points from the wind-worn surface. It was quite an exciting chase to search for these indications, and my Indian assistants and Turki followers had by now become expert in the game. Where the Su-lo Ho valley bends sharply southward the line of the Limes was found to turn to the north-east, and to approach closer and closer to the foot of the Pei-shan. The ground crossed by it had remained so far unsurveyed, and the difficulties of our search were much increased by the distances which separated the long-forgotten border from the nearest water. Fortunately the days had now grown longer, and I was able to take out my little detachment of diggers mounted on the big hardy donkeys which abound at the oases of this region. Ample finds of ancient Chinese records on wood, articles of furniture, fragments of arms and implements rewarded the rapid search of the ruined watch-stations. That all these had been left behind by the Chinese troops, who during the first century before and after Christ had guarded this most dismal of frontiers, was made clear on the spot by conclusive archaeological evidence. The finds of records still await expert examination by M. Chavannes, my learned Sinologue collaborator at Paris. They may be expected to furnish an important addition to the collection of early Chinese records resulting from my former explorations, which he had published in 1913. Interesting light was thrown on the climatic conditions prevailing here from early times by the fact that here too the inscribed slips of wood, the "waste paper," to use an anachronism, thrown out of ancient office-rooms, were found often in refuse layers covered by a few inches only of gravel or debris. Their preservation in such conditions presupposes a remarkable dryness of the climate for the last two thousand years. Apart from this and the uniform barrenness, there was considerable variety in the natural features of the ground traversed by this eastern portion of the Limes. Thus all the more opportunity presented itself of observing the remarkable skill and topographical sense with which those old Chinese engineers of Han times had adapted their defensive border-line to different local conditions. That they were prepared for great and sustained efforts demanding real powers of organisation in the face of formidable natural obstacles was clearly demonstrated when, some 30 miles to the north-east of the little oasis of Ying-p'an ("the garrison ") we found the Limes boldly carried into and through what since ancient times must have been a big area of drift-sand. Where not completely buried by high dunes, the wall built with

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1917 tamarisk fascines, and of the usual thickness of 8 to 9 feet, still rose to close on 15 feet. Special difficulties must have been encountered in assuring water and supplies for the men guarding this section. In order to safeguard what evidently was an important line of communication and supplies leading to it, a chain of small fortified stations had been cor.structed to the south independently of the wall, but at the same period. It ran in the direction of the big oasis of Su-chou, an important Chinese base ever since Han times, and to this I turned when early in May it became necessary to make preparations for our next move northward. I had planned to follow the united course of the rivers of Su-chou and Kan-chou down into southernmost Mongolia, and to explore the ruins which the reports of Russian travellers had led me to expect along it and in its terminal delta. I was specially attracted to this ground by its geographical character, which suggested close resemblance to that of the Lopnor region, and by the interest attaching to its earliest historical past. For we know that this region of the Etsin-gol, as the river is called by the Mongols, had been included in the wide dominion held by those earliest nomadic masters of Kansu, the "Creat Yueh-chih," the later Indo-Scythians, and the Huns, whose successive migrations westwards were destined to affect so cleeply the history of Central Asia as well as of India and the West. The effective intercession of H.M.'s Minister at Peking had secured for me a very friendly reception by the Chinese administration of the Kansu Province. The Tao-tai of Su-chou agreed to provide me with a recommendation to the chief of the Torgut Mongols who now graze in the Etsin-gol delta, and on May 10 I was able to set out northward. The track) followed down the river of Su-chou allowed me to approach once more the area where we had previously lost the line of the ancient frontier amidst high dunes. Pushing a reconnaissance into the stony desert north-west of the Chinta oasis, I came upon remains of the Limes where it emerged on less impracticable ground near the south-eastern extremity of the Pei-shan. Thence we tracked it right through to the north of the Mao-mei oasis, the last Chinese settlement. There Lal Singh rejoined me after having followed a hitherto unsurveyed route along the river of Kan-chou, where it breaks in a picturesque gorge through the westernmost hill range of the Ala-shan. In the valley of the Etsin-gol, nature, by affording water and grazing, has ever provided an easy route for raids and invasions from the Mongolian steppes into the line of the westernmost Kansu oases, which itself constitutes the great natural highway connecting China with the Tarim Basin and innermost Central Asia. Ruined forts of imposing size and evident antiquity were found to guard the point where this route of invasion cuts through the ancient border-line drawn by the Chinese, when they first occupied those oases in the reign of the great Han Emperor Wu-ti. One fort built with clay walls of exceptional strength looked an exact counterpart of the ancient frontier post of the " Jade Gate," famous in Chinese historical records, and previously identified by me on the Tun-huang Limes. We found evidence that the fortified border-line after crossing the Etsin-gol, north of Mao-mei, had continued through the desert eastwards. But when we came back in June from the Etsin delta the summer heat had become too great to permit of further search on this waterless ground. We found even in May our long marches trying as we moved down by the sandy bed of the Etsin-gol, nearly a mile wide in places, but absolutely dry at that time. Only at rare intervals could water be obtained from wells dug in deep hollows below the banks. Some 90 miles below Mao-mei the river passes through a low rocky spur thrown out from

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 197 che eastermost Pei-shan, and spreads out in a delta, which extends for over 110 miles to the north, terminating in a line of brackish lakes and marshes. The conditions brought about here by a succession of low-water seasons furnished a striking illustration of the appearance which the ancient Lou-lan delta we had oxplored in the winter inay have presented before its final desiccation. Where river-beds lined by narrow belts of riverine jungle had been left dry for long years, we found many of the wild poplars already dead or dying. The wide stretches of ground separating the several beds showed but scanty scrub, or else were absolutely bare. No wonder that we heard sad complaints in the scattered camps of the two hundred odd Mongol families, which are established in the Etsin-gol delta, about the increasing difficulties caused by inadequate grazing. Their chief, whom I visited on May 25 in his modest encampment, proved a well-meaning but wenk individual, and his subjects as indolent as they were "much given to deceit," to use an expression of my Chinese patron saint. It was no easy matter to secure an adequate number of labourers for my intended excavations, and still more difficult to keep them at work, in spite of very generous pay. Advantages of geographical position must at all times have invested this extensive riverine tract, limited as are its resources, with considerable importance for those, whether armed host or traders, who would make the long journey from the heart of Mongolia in the north to the Kangu Onses. It had been the same with the ancient Lou-lan delte, without which the Chinese could not have opened up the earliest and most direct route for the expansion of their trade and political influence into Central Asia. The analogy thus presented could not fail to impress me even further when I proceeded to examine the ruins of Khara-khoto, the "Black Town" which Colonel Kozloff, the distinguished Russian explorer, had been the first European to visit during his expedition of 1908-09. There remained no doubt for me then that it was identical with Marco Polo's "City of Etzina." Of this we are told in the great Venetian traveller's narrative that it lay a twelve days' ride from the city of Kan-chou, "towards the north on the verge of the desert; it belongs to the Province of Tangut." All travellers bound for Kara-koram, the old capital of the Mongols, had here to lay in victuals for forty days in order to cross the great "desert which extends forty days' journey to the north, and on which you meet with no habitation nor baiting place." The position thus indicated was found to correspond exactly to that of Khara-khoto, and the identification was completely borne out by the antiquarian evidence brought to light. It soon showed me that though the town may have suffered considerably, as local tradition asserts, when Chingiz Khan with his Mongol army first invaded and conquered Kansu from this side about 1226 A.D., yet it continued to be inhabited down to Marco Polo's time, and partially at least for more than a century later. This was probably the case even longer with the agricultural settlument for which it had served as a local centre, and of which we traced extensive remains in the desert to the east and northeast. But the town itself must have seen its most flourishing times under Tangut or Hsi-hsia rule from the beginning of the eleventh century down to the Mongol conquest. It was from this period, when Tibetan influence from the south seems to have made itself strongly felt throughout Kansu, that most of the Buddhist shrines and memorial Stupas dated, which filled a great portion of the ruined town and were conspicuous also outsicle it. In one of the latter Colonel Kozloff had made his notable find of Buddhist texts and paintings.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEITEMBER, 1917 But a systematic search of this and other ruins soon showed that the archaeological riches of the site were by no means exhausted. By a careful clearing of the debris which covered the bases of Stupas and the interior of temple cellas we brought to light abundant remains of Buddhist manuscripts and block prints, both in Tibetan and the as yet very imperfectly known old Tangut language, as well as plenty of interesting relievos in stucco or terra-cotta and frescoes. The very extensive refuse heaps of the town yielded up a large number of miscellaneous records on paper in the Chinese, Tangut, and Uigur scripts, together with many remains of fine glazed pottery, and of household utensils.' Finds of Hsi-hsia coins, ornaments in stone and metal, etc., were also abundant, particularly on wind-eroded ground. There was much to support the belief that the final abandonment of the settlement was brought about by difficulties of irrigation. The dry river-bed which passes Kharakhoto lies some 7 miles to the east of the nearest branch still reached by the summer floods. The old canals we traced, leading to the abandoned farms eastwards, are removed considerably further. It was not possible to determine by conclusive evidence whether this failure of irrigation had been the result of desiccation in the Etsin-gol delta or been caused by some change in the river-course at canal-head, with which the settlement was for some reason unable to cope. But there seemed to me good reason to believe that the watersupply now reaching the delta during a few summer months would no longer suffice to assure adequate irrigation for the once cultivated area. Even at the Mao-mei oasis, over 150 miles higher up the river, and with conditions of ground far more favourable for the maintenance of a system of canals, serious trouble had been experienced for years past in securing a sufficient discharge early enough in the season, and much of the once cultivated area seemed to have been recently abandoned. With the rapidly increasing heat, work at the desert sites' had become very trying both for the men and our camels, upon which we depended for the transport of water. With the completion of our task at Khara-khoto, and of the surveys which had meanwhile taken Lal Singh to the terminal lake-basins of the Etsin-gol, I was glad to let the hard-worked camels depart for their much-needed summer holiday in the Kongurche hills north-eastward and to start myself with Lal Singh south to the foot of the Nan-shan. The new route, which we were able to follow for part of the journey, took us through hitherto unexplored portions of the desert hills to the east and north of the river of Kan-chou. But owing to the heat and the scarcity of spring it implied serious fatigues, and it was a relief when Kan-chou was safely reached before the close of June. A short but refreshing halt in that large and pleasant oasis was devoted to the arrangements needed for the new surveys I had planned in the Central Nan-shan. Their object was to extend the mapping, which in 1907 we had effected in the high mountains near the sources of the Su-lo Ho and Su-chou River, hy accurate surveys of the high ranges further east. containing the headwaters of the river of Kan chou. In conjunction with our labours in the Etsin-gol region, they were intended to complete the mapping of that large north-western portion of Kansu which, inasmuch as it sends all its waters into drainageless basins, may well be claimed in respect of its hydrography and general physical conditions as belonging to Central Asia rather than to China. Knowing the reluctance of the local Chinese to venture far into those mountains, I was prepared for the difficulties experienced at the outset in securing transport. But a fortunate chance brought just then an old Chinese friend to the military command of Kan-chou in the person of worthy General Tsai, whose kindness I remembered so well from my visits to Su-chou in 1907, and his opportune help enabled us to set out for the mountains by the first week of July.

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199 SEPTEMBER, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA The route followed during the first marches acquainted me with a series of old Buddhist cave temples at Ma-ti-ssu, containing sculptures of Sung times, and with other interesting Buddhist remains in the pretty little town of Nan-kou-cheng at the foot of the mountains. The visit did not pass without profit for my collection of antiques, and also helped to make me realize that we were now near a dividing line of distinct geographical interest. For while to the west cultivation, whether in the plain or along the foot of the mountains, requires irrigation, we now came upon loess slopes and big alluvial fans which rainfall alone suffices to make fertile. Our approach to the watershed of the Pacific Ocean was appropriately foreshadowed by this marked change in climate conditions. Following the route which leads towards Hsi-ning and ascending through the picturesque gorge and the pass of O-po, we reached the broad valley where the easternmost feeders of the river of Kan-chou gather at an elevation of over 11,000 feet. Thence we were making our way westwards over high alpine grazing grounds frequented in the summer by Tangut herdsmen and horse breeders, when I met with a serious riding accident which might well have put an end for ever to all my travelling. My Badakhshi stallion reared suddenly, and over-balancing himself fell backwards upon me, with the result that the muscles of my left thigh were severely injured. For over two weeks I was unable to leave my camp bed or to use the clutches we improvised. But fortunately the arrangements already made allowed me to let Lal Singh proceed for the topographical tasks I had planned. He carried them through with all his wonted devotion and energy, and no time was lost in our programme. Nearly three weeks had passed when, with my leg still feeling the strain severely, I managed to get myself carried down in a litter to Kan-chou. During a ten days' halt there I experienced much kindness from Father Van Eecke and other Belgian missionaries, and received the first confused news of the great European conflagration. Then I set out by the third week of August for the long-planned journey through the Pei-shan Gobi. It was to take me back to Turkestan for the work of the autumn and winter. Eight long marches brought me to Mao-mei by a new route skirting the hills on the right bank of the river of Kan-chou, and allowed me to view the remains of the late mediaeval "Great Wall" which runs on to and ends near Su-chou. The complete decay into which it has fallen for considerable distances, notwithstanding its relatively recent origin, helped me to appreciate all the more the time-resisting solidity which the methods of construction employed by the engineers of Han times had assured to their Limes wall. I reached Mao-mei exhausted by the effort which it had cost me to do this journey on horseback, because of the severe strain to my leg. But I found there my brave camels safely arrived and was cheered by Lal Singh rejoining me. By exceptional efforts my indefatigable old travel companion had succeeded in extending our Nan-shan surveys eastwards over an area quite as large as that mapped in 1907. On 2 September 1914 we commenced the journey which was to carry us right across the great desert area occupied by the ranges of the Pei-shan, where its width is greatest, in the direction from south-east to north-west. The routes wa followed for close on 500 miles had never been surveyed, and I knew that only at one point, the cross-roads of Ming-shui, could we expect to touch ground the position of which was known relative to the routes previously visited by Russian travellers. Wherever possible we moved in two parties and by different routes, in order to increase the extent of the area mapped. For this purpose I had secured at Mao-mei the only two guides available, both Chinese. But

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1917 their local knowledge, even when combined, proved very inadequate, and after less than half of the journey it gave out altogether. We were thus obliged to trust largely to the guidance of the faint caravan tracks traceable and to what information we opportunely obtained at the single small Mongol camp encountered. The scarcity of wells and of grazing implied serious riske in this mode of progress and made it an anxious time for me, especially as I had found the strain of riding too painful and was obliged to direct our moves from an improvised pony litter. It was reassuring when, after passing the well of Ming-shui, the great snowy mass of the Karlik-tagh came into view, far away to the north-west, and served to direct us in the rough. But great difficulties still awaited us in the last barren hill range through which we had to make our way, owing to want of water and the very confused and, in places, rugged configuration of its valleys. It proved an easternmost extension of the T'ien-shan system. When we had safely emerged from it through narrow tortuous gorges, which ever threatened to stop our camels far away from water or grazing, it was a real relief to look down on the open Dzungarian slopes and sight some 15 miles away a tiny spot of dark trees. It was the little village of Bai, for which I had wished to make all the time, and after nearly four weeks of continuous travel it was no small satisfaction to have safely reached it without the loss of a single animal. There was reward for our troubles in the extensive plane-table surveys, supported here as all through our journeys by astronomically observed latitudes and by many careful height observations with mercurial barometer and clinometer. They will throw fresh light, I hope, on the morphology of the Pei-shan ranges. A rapid journey subsequently carried me during October along the north foot of the eastern portion of the T'ien-shan range, already bearing its first winter snow, to Barkul and Guchen (Ku-ch'eng-tzu). The ground crossed here, topographically better kaown, had a special interest for me, as it helped to acquaint me with the peculiar physical conditions of a region, through which many of the great historical migrations westwards, like those of the Yueh-chih or Indo-Scythians, Huns, and Turks, must have passed. These valleys and plateaus of Dzungaria, favoured by a climate less dry and possessed of abundant grazing. grounds, have often played an important part in the history of Eastern Turkestan. They have again and again afforded a temporary home to nomadic tribes. They could never have maintained their flocks and heards in the arid planes of the Tarim Basin, but they were always able from across the T'ien-shan to carry out their raids into it and exact tribute from its flourishing oases. I could observe a curious if faint reflex of those great tribal movements in the numerous camps of Muhammadan Kazaks, fine men of Turkish speech and descent, whom the Mongols had driven south under Chinese protection, since they secured the "independence" of Outer Mongolia. After leaving Guchen I survoyed, near Jimasa, the remains, extensive but badly decayed, marking the site of an ancient capital of this region, which under the names of Chinman and Pei-ting often figures in the Chinese Annals from Han to T'ang times. Its connection with the Turfan oases to the south had been a very close one from an early historical period, and as Turfan was to be my base for the winter's labours I was very glad to march there by the most direct route, hitherto unsurveyed. It led me across the Bogdo-ula range, & rugged portion of the T'ien-shan rising to numerous snowy peaks, by a pass close on 12,000 feet and once again confirmed the accuracy of the early Chinese itineraries in which this route is described.

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SEPTEMBER, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 201 The first week of November 1914 found the four parties into which my expedition had divided, since September safely reunited at Kara-khoja, an important ancient oasis in the centre of the Turfan depression. A combination of geographical and archaeological reasons had made me fix upon Turfan as the base and chief ground for our labours of the ensuing winter. It was certainly the natural and most convenient starting-place for the series of tours I was anxious to organize for the exploration of unknown or as yet inadequately surveyed portions of the Kuruk-tagh and Lop deserts to the south. I myself, ever since my brief visit of 1907, had felt drawn back to Turfan by the hope that its abundant ruins of Buddhist times were not yet completely exhausted, even though, easily accessible as they are, within or quite close to oases, they had received much attention from successive archaeological expeditions, Russian, German, and Japanese. Finally, geographical and antiquarian interests united in prompting me to make an accurate large-scale survey of the Turfan Basin; for, apart from its containing in its terminal salt lake what probably is one of the deepest depressions below sea-level of our globe, there is the important fact that, within close topographical limits, and hence in a concentrated form, as it were, it exhibits all those characteristic physical features, which make its great neighbour and counterpart, the Tarim Basin, so instructive both to the geographer and historical student. This detailed survey of the Turfan depression, on the large scale of one mile to an inch and with clinometrically observed contours, was taken in hand by Surveyor Muhammad Yakub, almost as soon as he had joined me after a difficult desert crossing from the terminal drainage basin of Hami or Kumul. A few days later I could send off R. B. Lal Singh, pining as always for fresh hard work, to the Kuruk-tagh. The rapidly increasing cold, felt even here close to sea-level, gave hope by then that he would be able to overcome the difficulties arising in those truly " Dry Mountains" from the want of drinkable water, by the use of ice formed on salt springs-or of snow if such happened to fall. With my remaining two Indian assistants I had already started the archaeological labours that were to keep us busy for the next three and a half months. The ruined town, known as Idikut-shahri, which was their first scene and adjoins Kara-khoja, has long ago been identified as the site of Kao-chang (or Khocho in early Turki), the Turfan capital during T'ang rule (seventh to eighth century A.D.) and the subsequent Uigur period. Massive walls o stamped clay enclose here an area, nearly a mile square, containing the ruins of very numerous structures, built of sun-dried bricks or clay. Most of them were Buddhist shrines and several of imposing dimensions. For generations past these debris-filled ruins have been quarried by the cultivators of the adjoining villages in search of manuring earth for their fields, and many of the smaller structures had been levelled to gain more ground for cultivation. Since the excavations made here between 1902-06 by Professors Grunwedel and Von Lecoq, of the Berlin Ethnographic Museum, the villagers had extended their destructive operations in the hope of securing manuscript remains and antiques as valuable byproducts for sale to Europeans. Of such finds I was able to acquire a fair number. But it was more satisfactory to find that in some ruins deeper debris strata had escaped exploita tion. Their systematic clearing was rewarded by a variety of small but interesting remains, such as fresco pieces, fragments of paintings on paper and cloth, stucco relievos, illustrating Buddhist art at Turfan. Manuscript fragments in the Uigur, Tibetan, Chinese, and Manichaean scripts were also recovered. The discovery of a hoard of well-preserved metal objects, including decorated bronze mirrors, ornaments, etc., offered special interest, as the large number of coins found with it permits the date of its deposit in Sung tires to be fixed with approximate accuracy. Simultaneously with these clearings I had an exact plan of the whole site prepared.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1917 After rapid visits to smaller sites in the eastern portion of the Turfan Basin I turned, towards the close of November, to the ruins in the picturesque gorge of Toyuk. There numerous rock-cut caves, once occupied by Buddhist priests, honeycomb precipitous cliffs rising above the small stream that waters a flourishing little oasis, famous for its grapes. Where the slopes are less steep, narrow terraces have been built, bearing small Buddhist shrines, now in ruins. At the most conspicuous of these the second German expedition had made important manuscript finds. Stimulated by these in their monkey-like emulation, native searchers for antiques had subsequently wrought terrible havoc among ruins which had before remained more or less untouched. Lower down, however, we succeeded in tracing remains of shrines which had been protected by heavy covering masses of debris, and the employment of large numbers of diggers to clear them was easy. After the difficulties to which my previous work at desert sites far away from habitations and water had accustomed me, conditions of work in the Turfan district seemed, in fact, quite "suburban," as it were. In the end we recovered at Toyuk a considerable quantity of fine frescoes and stucco relievo pieces. Fragments of Chinese and Uigur texts were numerous. From Toyuk I proceeded by the middle of December to an important Buddhist site below the village of Murtuk, It occupies a conglomerate terrace on the steep west bank of the stream watering the Kara-khoja oasis, where it breaks in a narrow wild gorge through the barren hill range overlooking the main Turfan depression. The extensive series of ruined shrines, partly cut into the rock, had been decorated with frescoes representing scenes of Buddhist legend and worship in a great variety of subject and style. In richness and artistic merit they surpassed any similar remains in the Turfan region, and recalled the pictorial wealth of the "Thousand Buddhas" caves near Tun-huang. In 1906, Professor Grunwedel, with his intimate knowledge of Buddhist iconography and art, had carefully studied these big wall paintings, and a considerable selection of fresco panels was then Temoved to Berlin. For long centuries the frescoes had been liable to suffer casual injury at the hands of iconoclast Muhammadan visitors. During recent years they had been exposed to even greater damage from natives, who, in vandal fashion, cut out small pieces for sale to Europeans. The risk of further destruction in the near future was only too obvious and careful systematic removal presented the only means of saving as much as possible of these fine remains of Buddhist art. Fortunately, I could utilize for this long and difficult task the trained skill and manual experience of Naik Shams Din. Working with devoted energy, and valiantly helped by Afrazgul, he successfully accomplished it in the course of six weeks. Carefully drawn plans had been prepared for their guidance. Meanwhile I was able to pay a rapid visit to Urumchi, the provincial headquarters, where I had the great satisfaction of seeing again my old Mandarin friend, learned Pau Ta-jen, then holding high office as Financial Commissioner of the New Dominion.' As on my former journeys he did his best to help me in my scientific aims. Early in January 1915, work had progressed sufficiently to allow me to apply myself to the clearing of smaller Buddhist ruins near Murtuk, and then to a task which proved as fruitful as it was to me novel and in some ways unpleasant. Below the debouchure of the gorge which brings down the streams of Murtuk and Sengim, and above the large village of Astana adjoining Kara-khoja from the west, there extends over the gravel-covered waste & vaxt ancient burial-ground. It is marked by small mounds covered with stones and by low lines of embanked gravel which enclose these mounds to furm scattered groupe. The mounds

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 203 indicate the position of tomb chambers which are cut into the underlying hard layer of fine conglomerate or sandstone. A narrow rock-cut passage, originally filled in again, led deep down to the entrance of each tomb, which itself was closed with a wall. Most of these tombs appear to have been searched for valuables during the last Muhammadan rebellion, and probably also earlier. But drift-sand had completely closed up the passages of approach, and only during the last few years had the tombs attracted attention from local antiquehunters. Their operations had not proceeded far, and gave anyhow useful assurance as to the absence of any local prejudices. Willing labour could be secured in plenty, and inade easy the opening of very numerous tombs in rapid succession. The systematic search of each has conclusively demonstrated that the cemetery dates from the early Tang period, and mainly the seventh century A.D. Then Kao-chang, the present Turfan, was an important administrative centre and garrison of the Chinese after their reconquest of Eastern Turkestan. Exact dates, names of persons, and other details are furnished by the Chinese inscriptions on bricks, which were found intact near the approaches of many tombe. Their decipherment by my distinguished Sinologue collaborator, M. Chavannes, is likely to clear up the question as to whether the tombs were occupied exclusively by Chinese or contained also dead from among the indigenous population. Without a detailed examination and comparison of all these finds and observations, which may not be possible for some time, it would be premature to interpret the interesting burial customs revealed by these tombs; nor can I find space here to discuss them and their variations. The dryness of the Turfan climate accounts for the remarkable state of preservation in which most of the bodies and the objects deposited with them were found. The latter comprised a great variety of articles of food, dress, personal use and the like, which the dead were supposed to need. Among them I may mention pastry of nany shapes, showing familiar Indian ornamental motifs ; boxes with ladies' toilet outfits; arms, etc. Whether of actual size, or reproduced in miniature, these objects, together witht he painted stucco figurines representing attendants, richly caparisoned horses, household animals, etc., acquaint us with many aspects of the daily life led in Turfan at that period. I cannot pause to give details. It must suffice to record that the archaeological spoil has been as varied as it was abundant. But I may at least briefly refer to finds strikingly illustrating the position which Turfan and probably other oases of Chinese Turkestan occupied at that period, as places of trade exchange between Western Asia and China. Thus we found Byzantine gold pieces regularly placed, much in the fashion of the classical obolus, in the mouth of the dead, and Sassanian silver coins over their eyes. The custom of wrapping up the bodies in torn pieces of manifold garments has provided us with a rich collection of fine silk materials. Among these there is a curious abundance of brocades and other decorated fabrics showing designs which are usually associated with Persian work of Sassanian times. Paintings on silk, too, were found, meant to decorate the dwellings of the dead, and a quantity of manuscript records, mainly Chinese.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Interesting and fruitful as this search was, I felt a strong longing for a chance of resuming exploratory tasks in the open air of the desert. But my leg had not yet recovered from the accident in the summer, and could not face long tramps such as a return to the wastes of the Lop Desert would have necessitated. So I had to be content with what satisfaction Lal Singh's safe return towards the close of January from his expedition into the Dry Mountains' brought me. In the face of great physical difficulties and risks he had accomplished important survey work. After reaching Singer, the only permanent homestead in that vast area of barren plateaus and hills, he had started triangulation; and in accordance with my instructions carried it south-east to the vicinity of the Lou-lan ruins in the wind-eroded desert. His patient wait there for a week, amidst icy gales and with temperatures falling well below zero Fahrenheit, was rewarded when the dust-laden atmosphere cleared at last and allowed him to connect his triangles with previously fixed' high peaks of the snowy K'un-lun range from 150 miles south. Thus it became possible later on to realize my hope of getting the Indian triangulation system extended by this link to the Tien-shan range in the north. [SEPTEMBER, 1917 With Abdur Rahim, the experienced hunter of wild camels from Singer, whose help had proved so valuable to us a year before, Lal Singh had then pushed into the unexplored and absolutely sterile region to the north-east of Altmish-bulak. His fuel supply had given out for several days, and he had to brave the severe cold of the nights without a fire before he decided to turn again westwards from beyond 91deg long. He then picked up an old desert track once used by hunters of wild camels from Hami, before certain salt springs had dried up, and followed it down to the salt marsh that forms the deepest part of the Turfan Basin. There he took numerous observations with the mercurial barometer which, I hope, will make it possible to determine its depression below sea-level with greater accuracy. In spite of all he had gone through, Lal Singh allowed himself but a brief rest at our base, and by the first week of February set out afresh for the Kuruk-tagh. The packing of our plentiful "archaeological proceeds" from Turfan had cost great efforts. But at last, on February 6, I could start my big convoy of antiques, making up fifty camel-loads, under Ibrahim Beg's care for its two months' journey to Kashgar. On the same day, I sent off Afrazgul Khan to the Lop Desert for a supplementary survey of the Lou-lan region and the dried-up ancient sea-bed to the east and south. I myself proceeded to Yar-khoto for a detailed survey of this curious site, where a maze of ruin dwellings and shrines, carved out of the loess soil of an isolated and naturally strong plateau, represents the remains of the earlier Turfan capital during Han times. Some days more were taken up by arrangements for the completion of the large-scale map of the Turfan depression in six sheets and by the collection of supplementary data bearing on its extant irrigation resources. Their comparison with those which must be assumed to have existed in Buddhist times is made particularly instructive by the fact that now the greater portion of the culti vated area is irrigated from karezes or springs tapped by underground canals, a system which is known to have been introduced into Turfan only during the eighteenth century. My last days at Turfan were made somewhat anxious by a renewed attempt at Chinese obstruction, now directed against my archaeological activity. Fortunately this time, too, I was on the point of starting into desert parts where no interference with my plans was practicable, and the safe transit of my antique collection, about which I had reason to feel apprehensive, was secured by the prompt steps my old friend, Sir Ceorge Macartney, took to parry the stroke from Provincial headquarters. (To be continued.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) RELIGION IN SIND 205 RELIGION IN SIND. BY G. E. L. CARTER, I.C.S., HYDERABAD. The fact that a religion has no literature whatever is no reason why an attempt at elucidating its in ysteries should not be undertaken. In Sind religion in a large measure takes the place which caste does elsewhere in India, and local cults are the nuclei around which society becomes concrete. Such cults are of all ages, from that of the Sun as the first giver of heat to that of the Blessed Virgin Mary, which seems to be a relic of Portuguese missionary enterprise. The essentially Sindhi cults, however, are based on the two principles of a male fertilising element in the River and a female reproductive element in "Nature" or vegetation, as an examination of a number will show. Let us begin with the cult of Shekh Tabir, as recorded in the Tuhfatul-kiram, an unpublished history of Sind, dated A, D. 1768 "Jahejo is well known for the dargah of Shekh Tahir, who is called Uderolal by Hindus. Intoxicated with the wine of Divinity he spent the early part of his life in roaming through a desert. One day when he was holding something to eat in his hand a camel suddenly appeared on the scene. Observing the camel with his inward spiritual eye he addressecl it thus : Oh God, since thou hast appeared before me in this form, deign to share my food with me. The camel, however, would not stop and the Shekh persistecl in following it, until at last the Shekh attaineil fame and spiritual greatness. The fact is the Sheikh had been blessed with a wonderful vision. Many pilgrims and visitors go to his shrine. On appointed days the shrine is also visiteul by a large number of betrothed and married females from far and near." So was one Musalman version of a cult peculiarly Hindu. The cult of the river Indus, Darya-panth, is indeed so peculiarly Hindu that that only Sinhi Lohanas are it votaries. The cult, so far as I have ascertained, is one of pure ritual and that of the simplest. Regular monthly ceremonies and occasional annual ones complete the tale.. Its chief features are the perpetual burning of lights on an altar in an otherwise empty Holy of Holies, and the ceremonial worship of the river at evening time on the days of the new and full moon. On those days, the lamps are tended, trimmed and cleaned anal ceremonial oblations are offererl. The formal address to the Deity is "Lahar bahar ja sain meharbani de-Master of the waves, grant a favour." In various parts of Sind the cult of the River has become slightly localised. Just as the Deity at "Uderolal " has been converteil for the benefit of Mussalmans to Sheikh Ta bir, so at Sukkur Zinda Pir-the living God-has become Khwaja Khizr and near Tatta, Shah Jhando, the saviour ferryman. At Bohara, on the Bagher canal, the Deity is addressed as Wiinan Jianti Har Vasso. Here on the morning of 10th Bado the Darya-panthis make boats of straw and set them afloat on the river. The boats contain small country lamps, inade of the clough of wheat flour in which ghi is burnt as oil, and also small plates of dough containing rice and curds. Uderolal, Lal Wadero, the Holy Chieftain, is the incarnation of the River God. His vehicle' is the pulla. In times of stress Uderolal emerges from the River, au armed and gallant knight, to rescue his people from oppression.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1917 Two fragments of lore may illustrate the popular attitude to the cult The pulla is never found north of Sukkur. It comes up the river only to do homage at Khwaja Khizr's shrine and, having done so, it returns to the sea, always with its face towards the shrine. It is never found with its head down stream. Again, when the River erodes its banks, it is said that Khwaja Khizr is sending earth (fertility, wealth) to his brother Ilias (Elijah), who lives in a desert, and that these two with Nabi, Isa (Jesus), who lives in the firmament above the earth, constitute one Trinity. (This is a Baloch distorted version of the cult.) Two points in connection with the history of the cult must be remembered.. (a) Muhammadanism on two occasions made serious attempts at proselytising Hinduism: one on the occasion of the Arab conquest of Sind (eighth century) and one in the thirteenth century under the influence of the Multani Revival. The two best examples are the modification of the Raja Gopichand cult in the first period and the desecration of the Saiva altar at Sehwan in the second (b) A fragment of pottery discovered by the writer at Mirpur Khas bears paintings of a fish (?) pulla. The place, where it was found, is that of the fourth century Stupa which stood on the bank of an old river (Dhoro Purano). Now let us turn to the cult of the crocodile, wagho the wild beast. It is not an uncommon thing to find a close connection between a pir and crocodiles, so close in fact that the local Musalmans resent any attempt at shooting the protected beasts-though every effort may be made to extirpate those not protected. The classic case is, of course, that of Mangho Pir-Magar' Pir-just outside Karachi; but there are others. In some places, even where there is now no crocodile, tradition keeps alive the story by dubbing the locality waghodar, the crocodile's door or lair. There is the one near Rerhi, one at Amirpir, north of Tatta, and one, fourteen miles east of Hyderabad on the Dhoro Phital, an abandoned river bed. It cannot be pretended for one moment that respect for the crocodile is Musalman; such zoolatry finds no place in Islam. One must look for its origin locally. One reads for instance in Burnes (Bokhara, p. 46) that "the Sailors of Sinde are Mahommedans. They are very superstitious; the sight of a crocodile below Hyderabad is an evil omen, which would never be forgotten:" and also that along different lengths of the river propitiatory offerings had to be made to avert malignant influences. Now one finds among the sacrificial symbols in use in the Lar an occasional brass makara head. Now, when one turns to consider Vegetation cults, one finds a close association in several aspects with femininiy. Midway between Tatta and Mirpur Sakro is a tomb, the central place of the cult of Pir Jhareon-jhareon being in fact a feminine plural word meaning trees. While it is customary at various burial places to hold on fixed days in the month commemorative services at which all present partake of a kind of Agape, to which all have contributed something, the common meal being divided in charity among those present, it is regarded as a ridiculous custom-i. e., by outsiders-that those present at Pir Jhareon's festival should eat such a stupid kind of food as they do Here the Agape consists of a dish made of grain of all kinds-jawari, bajri, barley, rice, pulses,-steeped in milk. Not only do Hindus respect the Pir, but, regardless of caste, partake of the

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) RELIGION IN SIND 207 common dish at the monthly festival. Now the Pir's khalifa is a woman of the Hingora Clan. Of course there is a story that Pir Jhareon's real name was Sultan Hussalu and that he is a Hussaini Sayyid who came here direct from Mecca, where he had earned his name by performing menial work at the Holy Places--as if his name should be Pir of Dusters. The Multani proselytising influence can be discovered in the alleged date of his death, A. H. 666. An independent form of the cult of Pir Jhareon survives in Ghorabari Taluka just outside the boundaries of the modern Deh Jhareon. The shrine or place' of Mai Pir is situated near the R. Richhal. In form it is a coppice enclosed by a low bank of earth about 100 yards in circumference, within which bounds no man is allowed to set foot. Even the Khalifa must send his wife in, if he wishes any work to be done inside ; for the Mai Sahib was a virgin and a man's coming would defile her place. The shrine itself is a rude hut from the roof of which a score of cattle bells hang. Two stone chiraghs and the inevitable flag complete the furniture. Rice is the only food divided in charity and portions from the common dish are scattered about for jackals and other wild animals to partake of. As at Pir Jhareon's place, the monthly festival is held on the first Monday of each month. The emblematic tree is dead and fallen. It was formerly inside the bank of earth, and to solve the problem of eliminating dead wood without removing it (for as will be seen below it is sacrosanct) the bank was "repaired" and rebuilt so that the fallen trunk may lie outside the enclosed holy spot. At Bohara " Bibi Syed's Tomb" is just such another place, though there the cult has been merged with the Ashura rites a feast of tabernacles, celebrated at Muharram time. Here there is no tomb, no monthly festival. A tree, dead but standing, is enclosed by a low bank of earth, within which no one is allowed. Among Hindus in Sind two festivals call for notice in this connection. On the 12th of Srawan Sudi the women of a house sow in a pot seven kinds of grain-whence Sata no, the name of the festival. After seven days the seedlings are plucked up and thrown into the river for luok. It must be remembered that at this season the Indus is in full flood, irrigating the whole countryside. Three days later occurs a strange ceremony, obviously a revolt against the eternal prayers for children and wealth. At evening time Hindu boys and girls repair to the fields and throw grain and mud images of bullocks among the crops reciting this verse : knw wh chtrhyw dy 'bsy kty mnhnjy msy mn ny ktn This is usually understood to mean :-" Crow, climb a tree and yawn ; let my aunt (masi) we we, not mo"-doriving , les from bas to weave. This however, makes nonsense and the word should be derived from s, which is now only used with

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1917 reference to "heat" in dogs. There is still, however, the difficulty of the invocation to the crow. Cutting right across all other customs is the world-wide ono of respect for holy trees. It is no uncommon thing for a man to tie a rag to a kabbar jhar tree as a token of invocation, or for women to tie wisps or bundles of hair. Tomb of holy men are usually located under the kabbar jhar, the 'jhar,' though a grave will sanctify even a tamarisk. Again no such tree, nor, in fact, any tree on holy ground may be cut. Even on abandoned village sites the position of the mosque, where nothing of the village remains will be brought into remembrance by the preservation of a tree or shrub on its site. Such a tree is taboo ; indefinable trouble will overtake the rash person who cuts it down. Not even fallen dead wood in sacred groves may be removed; when it falls, there it lies. Cn Ashura day Mohanos gaudily decorate their favourite kabbar jlar shrub throughout the Lar. Or. Brahui custom may be referred to as throwing light cn local customs. "On the new moon of the seventh month seven kinds of grain-to wit, barley, wheat, Indian corn, peas, millet, pulse and juari-are boiled together uncrushed in a large cauldron. Seven kirds of grain there must surely te in all. Small dishes of this pottage are sent out to the kinsfolk. The dishes are never sent away empty; each comes back with some trifle for the looked for babe." (Life History of Brahui, by D. Bray, p. 7). Now, how did this interconnected mass of custom arise, if, and there is no disagreement on the subject, the makara was the vehicle' of Varuna, who was first a sky-god and then a water-god. My reasoning is thus. Stone-age man, the dwarf who lived in the Kohistan, and annually moved in the cold weather to the rich grass plains of the Indus--as he still does-was terrified by the swamp and jungle of the lowlands, and above all by the crocodile, whom he elevated to the rank of a malevolent deity who must be propitiated. The generally beneficent floods of the Indus facilitated among the Aryans the evolution of the River-god from Varuna, but the makara cult could not be simultaneously evolved because of the pre-existing and inferior cult of the doinonic crocodile. The required << vehicle was found in the pulla, whose peculiar habits rendered it a specially appropriate companion for the incarnate Uderolal. The crocodilo continued to typify the demonic force of the Indus in anger, in excessive flood, when it changes its course and in a season alters entirely the face of the country. Closely associated with these floods are the rich crops of grass and grain of the Indus flood plain. Without the strength of the river there is no sweetness of vegetation. Thus one may associate a male principle of the River and a female one in vegetation, Shah Jhando and the chaste virgine, the Satyun of Tatta, Uderolal and Mai Sahib, the coquettings of the Satano festival. This seems to represent the course of early religion in Sind. Buddhism did not affect it--for the fish adorns the pottery of Mirpur Khas. Saivism passed it by, for the Gupta cult of Siva is still localised at Sehwan, Muhammadanism modified it for its own proselytes, but could not obliterate it, for there is, indeed, in Sind only one problem-what will the River be like next year, good or bad, divine or lemonic ? (To be continued.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 209 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, MA, L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 190.) Kilavan Setu pati's death. At this crisis, the great man, who had guided the destinies of Ramnad with such conspicuous ability for the space of 25 years, passed away. It seems that to the calamities of flood and famine were added the calamities of war during his last years ; for we hear of a war which he had to wage, for reasons as yet unknown, with Tanjore. As usual, he secured victory for his arms. But the combination of ills which afflicted his country soon told on the octogena - rian, and hastened his death. Noble and generous, tactful and wise, Kilavan was the only man who could have freed the kingdom from its miseries. His sympathy and liberality would have revived the drooping spirit of his ryots, and his martial skill would have kept the king dom safe from the encroachments of neighbouring powers. But it was not so to be. He clied, leaving the kingdom not only amidst the visitations of famine and pestilence, but bequeathing to it a legacy of trouble in the form of a succession dispute. Forty-seven of his wives followed him to the other world through the funeral pyre, and the scene of the tragedy is even now visible in the vicinity of Ramnad. Accession and administration of Vijaya Raghunatha. At the point of death Kilavan Setupati appointed his illegitimate son, Bhavani Sai.. kara Tevan, as his successor. But no sooner was the body of the great chief cremated than the Maravas set aside his choice and chose an adopted son (in reality the son-in-law) of the deceased, Vijaya Raghunathaco by name, as the Setupati. Vijaya Raghunatha (1709-23) was an able soldier and abler statesman. He was perhaps the most versatile of the Setupatis.10 In a time when the Palayams were, as a rule, tottering down, he laid the foundations of the permanence of his State by his wise reform of the revenue administration. In place of financial chaos he introduced an orderly system, and in place of exaction, a definiteness of demanu. The kingdom was divided into eight revenue districts, and the villages which composed each were provided with able accountants of the Vellala caste from Madura, and made to maintain regular accounts. This salutary measure created an era of comparative contentment among the people, which seems to have been the secret of the immense resources and the numerous buildings and charities for which Vijaya Raghunatha became famous. The chronicles narrate with eloquence the grandeur of his palace, the size of his establishments, and the liberality of his charities. Endowed with a religious turn of mind, he took a personal interest in the extension of the Ramesvaram temple. A staunch devotee of Ramanatha, he did not allow a single day to pass without a visit to the shrine. In spite of a pressure of business he would leave Ramnad every day some time before sunset, and arrive at Rameavaram in time for evening devotions. A watchful staff kept in readiness horses at intervals on the road leading from the Capital to Tonitturai, and an efficient boat service to convey the royal 69 He was the Muttu Vijaya Raghunatha Setupati Katta Tevar of the inscriptions. A copper-plate grant of his dated 3. 1635 (Vijaya) records the gift of houses and lands at Attiyuttu to 14 Brahmana families. Vijaya Raghunatha is said there to have performed the Hiranyagarbha sacrifice. Madr. Ep. Rep., 1911, P. 15. TO See Antiquities II, 231 based on Raja Rama Rao's Munual.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1917 devotee across the Pamban. Festivals in honour of his favourite god never tired him. On one occasion he vowed that the revenue of one whole season's pearl fishery should be devoted to the adorning of the image. Almost every year saw the grant of extensive lands and estates to the temple. The orthodoxy of Raghunatha secured from his suzerain Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha the image of Durga, for whose reception he built a temple at Ramnad, which attracted thousands of pilgrims. An idol of the Brahmans, Raghunatha had a veneration for Vedic rites and ceremonials, thereby reviving the ancient days of Hinduism. His persecution of Christians. It is not surprising that, under the regime of such an orthodox ruler, there came into existence a period of vehement opposition to the proselytising labours71 of the Christian fathers. During the last years of Kilavan, the missionaries of Christ had enjoyed not only perfect freedom of worship, but a felicitous opportunity for active proselytism. Hundreds of people had forsaken the religion of the gods and of their ancestors. The spread of Christianity alarmed the orthodox, and their agitation converted Vijaya Raghunatha from a passive spectator into a zealous persecutor. The prospects of the religion of Christ became gloomy, but the timely support of a prominent member of the royal family saved it from ruin. The Setupati had an elder brother, Vaduha Natha, who felt in the doctrines of Christianity greater chances of salvation than in the worship of the Hindu gods. So zealous was he in his belief that he gave up ail his prospects and ambitions, and became a Christian. The position and the character of the illustrious convert was a tower of strength to the Father, and though their recent period of prosperity did not return, yet the future was not absotutely dark and clouded. The rebellion of Bhava: i and Tondaman. * Great as Vijaya Raghunatha was as a man of God, he was equally great as a soldier. His martial activity was a matter of necessity; for the repose of his rule was constantly disturbed by the intrigues of his rival, Bhavani Salikara, a man whose unusually sanguine temperament scoffed at failures and persevered in his aim of acquiring the crown. The Setupati in self-defence divided his kingdom into 72 military divisions, placing each under a feudal chief who paid service instead of tribute. He established a chain of forts throughout the realm, -at Rajasir gamangalam, Orur, Arantaigi, Tirupattur, Kamerdy and Pamban. He organized an artillery service, his two guns, Rama and Lakshmana, being a terror to his adversaries and an inspiration to his own soldiers. An Army so zealously maintained could not but bring success to the setupati arms, and from Tiruvalur in the North to the District of Tinnevelly in the South he reigned supreme. However, in 1720, Bhavani obtained the assistance of the Tondaman and the Maratha king of Tanjore once again attempted the recovery of his crown. The combined armies of Pudukkottai and Tanjore soon encamped at Arantangi. The Setupati promptly marched against them, and defeated them, but when he was about to return an epidemic of a virulent nature broke out in the camp. The dread visitant struck down a large number of men and then seized the royal family. Eight children and eight wives of the Setupati succumbed to it, and soon the Setupati himself became a victim. At the point of death he was taken to Ramnad, only to breathe his last there. 11 Nelson and Chandler.

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 211 The death and character of Vijaya Raghunatha. The death of Vijaya Raghunatha wasi2 a great calamity to Ramnad. A good and able ruler, he had endeared himself to his people. No doubt there were defects in his character. For instance he was, like most of the chiefs of his day, a votary of pleasure. His harem contained the large number of 360 women and 100 children, though, strangely enough, none of the latter survived him to inherit his throne. His epicurean nature is also seen in the construction of the Ramalinga Vilasa, a long and elaborately worked hall, adorned by scenes of Marava warfare and of Koishwa's life, at the expense of a Musalman Sayad, Kadir Marakkayar. In addition to the unduly excessive pursuit of pleasure, Vijaya Raghunatha had been characterised by an extraordinary vanity and love of praise. A curious story illustrates the zeal with which he looked on those who surpassed him in renown. His beneficence to Rameavaram had the effect of attracting an enormous number of pilgrims and, in their wake, the wealthy merchants of Malabar, Cochin and Benares. To assist these Raghunatha appointed the husband of his two daughters as the commandant of the Pamban fort. He was expressly ordered to help the pilgrims in their passage over the channel, then across the sinds of the island, to Dhanushkoti. The commandant was a man of wisdom and practical g@nius. He levied a small boat-duty on all those who went from the mainland to the island, and used the proceeds in the construction of a stone road across the sands. With tactless imprudence, the author of this monument called it after his own name. The small mind of Vijaya Raghunatha could not endure this. Believing that his honour was scorned, he ordered the decapitation of his son-in-law ! The prayers and remonstrances of his daughters did not move his stony heart, and they preferred death to widowhood by ascending the funeral pyre of their lord. The memory of the noble husband and the nobler princesses is even to-day preserved by the Akkal and Thangachchi ma dams, reared on their ashes, in the weary road from Pamban to Rameavaram ; and the service which the choultries render to the exhausted pilgrims has been, ever since their tragic death, the best index of their lord's minds. War of Succession between Bhavani Sankara and Tanda Tavan. The death of Vijaya Raghunatha was immediately followed by a dispute in succession. At the point of death he had nominated Tan'a Tevan, a great grandson of Kilavan's father, as his successor. But the confusion caused by Vijaya Raghupatha's death was availed of by Bhavani Sankara Tevan to once again aim at the crown of which he had been deprived. His struggle against Raghunatha had been a struggle of selfish ambition against popular support, of illegitimacy against legitimacy, and thad ended in failure. Now, as against Tanda Tevan, Bhavani was under no comparative disadvantage. The former had as remote a claim to the throne as himself. It seems that popular sympathy also turned at this time in his favour. At the same time he gained a new resource and a friend by his politic marriage with a niece of the chief mistress of Vijaya Raghunatha. The consequence was, he was able enough to effect a coup d'etat, to deprive Tanda Tevan of his short tenure of power, and assume the title of Setupati, a title which had been bestowed upon him by Kilavan Setupati nearly a decade back. But Tanda Tevan had tasted power, and would not give up what he considered his birthright. Driven out of Ramnat, he proceeded to Madura, and pursuaded Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha to take up his cause. At the same time he gained over the Toqdaman, lately the 72 Antiquities, II, 230-1

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1917 ally and the dupe of Bhavani Sarkara-for the latter had not ceded to him certain villages. he had promised for his assistance-by promising him to cede the village of Kilanilai and the important fortress of Tirumaiyam. The confederate army then came near Arantangi, and here for a second time the possession of the Ramnad crown was contested. The allies had the advantage of numbers and of strength, and Bhavani Sankara was defeated and had to flee for his life to the Tanjore court. Here he pleaded, with success, his cause before the Maratha, and gained his alliance by promising to surrender, as its price, the whole of the Ramnad kingdom to the north of the Pamban river. Three months after this treaty, a formidable Maratha army was at the foot of the fortifications of Ramnad. Tanda Tevan had taken due precautions. He had once again applied for and obtained the help of Madura and Pudukkottai. In the war which followed the valour and conduct of the Tanjore general, Ananda Rao Peishwa, obtained two signal victories. In the first he vanquished the Madura men and prevented their junction with their confederates; in the second, he vanquished the Tondaman and captured two of his sons. The latter thereupon concluded peace, and withdrew from the contest. The victorious general then laid siege to Ramnad, and before long entered it. Bhavani Sajkara thus triumphed. The pride of conquest was, according to one version, not blended with the spirit of moderation, and Bhavani Sankara incurred the odium of posterity by putting his rival to death. Bhava ni's success and misrule. So ended the long struggle of Bhavani Sarkara for the Marava crown. He had twice got it and lost it, but now, after the seizure and death of Tanda Tevan, his triumph was complete. For nine years he governed the kingdom in peace. but at the end of that period ill-luck and imprudence resulted not only in the loss of his crown, but the dismemberment of his kingdom. Bhavani's name was very unpopular among his vassals and Polygars. His cession of a large part of Ramnad to Tanjore caused discontent. The exercise of a little tact would have silenced opposition and overcome zealousy ; but Bhava ni was wanting in that indispensable virtue. The feudatories therefore rose against him. Their leader was one Sasivarna Periya Udaya Tevan, a Hercules in valour, who was the Polygar of Vellikottai, one of the eight divisions of Vijaya Raghunatha. He was indeed connected by marriage with the Setupati, but the tie of blood had been irrevocably snapped by oppression on the one hand and hatred on the other. The rising however was premature: Sasivarna was defeated, deprived of his estate, and compelled to seek safety abroad. He went to the Court of Tanjore, and there made friends with Katta Tevan, the Polygar of Arantangi, and the uncle of the unfortunate Tanda Tevan who had, after the tragic death of nephew, sought his refuge in the Tanjore kingdony. The two chiefs then planned together for the overthrow of their common enemy. "Then first work was to induce, by extravagant promises, the Tanjore king to give them help. The story goes that the Tanjore king was unwilling to overthrow a man whose greatness had been his own work, but that he was compelled to do so by a word which he accidently uttered. Either the desire to get rid of his guest's pressure or the joviality of a drinking bout made him promise assistance to Sasivarna in case he entered the cage of a fierce tiger. To the Marava Hercules, however, the fight with a tiger was a pastime. Entering the cage, he fought with the tiger and killed it. Unable to withdraw from his word, the surprised king of Tanjore placed a large army at the disposal of Sasivarna and Kattaya. His ambition, however, ha 1 taken care to obtain from them the promise of the lands to the North of the Pamban in case of success.

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SEPTEMBER, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 213 His Tragic End. The plan of the confederates was a well-devised one. The two chieftains bound themselves by a mutual agreement that, after the recovery of Ramnad from their adversary, the kingdom south of the Pamban was to be divided into five divisions, and that three of them were to go to Katta Tevan and the other two to Sasivarna. The Tanjore general Ananda Rao Peshwa, 73 was immediately after the fulfilment of his task to receive the territory north of the Pamban. These arrangements completed, a Tanjore army soon found itself in 1729 within the territory of Ramnad. Bhavani Sankara had not been unprepared. He marched to meet the allies, but in the battle at Orur he was signally defeated and taken prisoner, and taken to Tanjore in irons. The Partition of Ramnad. With the tragic end of Bhavani Sankara, the history of a united Ramnad ends. Henceforward it became divided into two estates, one of which continued under the old name of Ramnad and the other under that of Sivaganga. The head of the former continued to be styled the Setupati. The chiefs of the post-partition period were obscure chieftains as compared with the predecessor of Bhavani Sankara, whose valour had defied, often with success, the armies of Tanjore, of Madura and Pudukkottai. With the loss of union power was lost, and the Setupati, once a rival to Tanjore and a terror to Pudukkottai, was from this time a Zemindar of minor status and worn out prestige. In fact, Ramnad became less powerful than its child, Sivaganga; for the latter, though smaller in size, was more fertile by nature, and with the advance of time the sterility of the bigger province was not overcome, while the fertility of the smaller was improved. It is thus a strange coincidence that Ramnad, as a united power, was a power only so long as Madura was a united power under the Naiks. For, within a decade of the partition of Ramnad, the dynasty in Madura was, as we shall see presently, to fall, and both were to come under dominance of the Nawab of Arcot. CHAPTER X. Queen Minakshi (1731-1737) 74 and the Extinction of the Naik Raj. On the death of Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha, the Puritan, his queen Minakshi, a figure around whose name and career a good deal of pathetic and melancholy interest has gathered, assumed the duties of government. Wilks 75 says, on what authority I have not been able to discover, that Minakshi was the surviver of his three wives (the two others having committed sati)-an arrangement, he says, due to the dying king's communication to his confidential minister that his eldest queen should succeed him to the government. 7 He was the minister of the Tanjore kings, from 1686 to 1736,-the Anandarayamakhin of literary fame. An inscription of Kottur (463 of 1912), of year Subhakrit says that he gave a grant to the local temple. Madr. Ep. Rep.. 1913, p. 130. 7 The date of her accession is, as usual, different in different chronicles. According to the Carna. Gours, she came in S. 1644, Virodhikrit (1732); to the Pand. Chron. in Virodhikrit Maki: but according to the Telugu Chron., in 1669. The last is of course wrong. Calicavi Rayan's Account gives Mangammal in place of Minakshi and attributes 5 years. This is, of course, wrong. For epigraphical evidence we have a grant (in Telugu) of land for a charity in Trichinopoly in 1732 (K. 4833, Pramadicha) and another at Samayavaram in 1733. In both Viravenkatadeva of Ghanagiri is said to be suzerain. 75 Wilks I. p. 155. Wilks' account of the circumstances of the Muhammadan advent is very meagre and dismissed in a page. It is necessarily very deficient and inadequate.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1917 - An ambitious, high-spirited, but shortsighted woman, Minakshi was destined to be the last of her line. Her reign or rather, according to some, her regency, was clouded by discord and misfortunt, and eventually witnessed the disastrous interference of foreigners and the consequent extinction of the Naik dynasty itself. Languid and irresolute by nature, she was not fit to govern a kingdom at a time when all its turbulent and anarchical elements were peculiarly active and had to be suppressed with a stern hand. Her repose was constantly invaded by sedition among her nobles and her weakness could not prevail against the strength, the unscrupulousness, and the disloyalty of her enemies. She had not that firmness, that principle of independence, that unconscious power of enforcing authority, which is necessary for a strong and efficient rule, and it seems that while Minakshi was bereft of these statesmanlike virtues, she had the weakness of a woman in full. She seems to have acted always on the impulses of the moment and created many enemies to herself, and thus courted failure. Her Failure and its Causes. And yet the failure of Minakshi must be attributed not merely to her personal weakness. The times in which she lived were singularly unsafe for a female ruler. The middle of eighteenth century was a period of confusion and anarchy throughout India, when kingdoms were made and unmade almost daily, when the resources of the country were exhausted in frequent internecine wars, when people knew no peace, and when there was no security of person and property. Every where there were unscrupulous adventurers who desired to carve out principalities of their own, and tried all means, fair or foul, to gain their object. The masters of one day found themselves the very next day the servants of their servants, who usurped their power and their crown. All idea of justice, of bonesty and of loyalty, was at a discount during this dark period, and revolutions in consequence were the order of the day. The wild Maratha was sniffing the air of S. India in search of prey. And Madura did not escape from this wave of anarchism and disorder. A strong and acute statesmanship, with the powerful support of an efficient army, alone could keep the turbulence and revolutionary tendencies of the time in check; ard such in a combination of political wisdom and martial vigour Minakshi was sadly lacking. She moreover inherited, as we have already mentioned, a weakened and dilapidated kingdom. It was Minakshi's misfortune that, at a time of unrest and revolution, she was involved in a succession dispute and a civil war. If she had been endowed with the many masculine virtues which distinguished her female predecessor Mangammal, she might have done something to strengthen the government and relieve the kingdom from the evils with which it was afflicted. But she was wanting in prudence, in vigour, and almost every other quality which can obtain for one ascendency over others. The Adoption of Vijaya Kumara, The first act of Minakshi after her assumption of power was, 76 according to some, the adoption, and according to others, the desire, but a vain desire, for the adoption, of a son and heir. Her choice fell on Vijaya Kumara Naiau, a boy who belonged to the younger line of the royal family. Vijaya Kumara was in fact the great-grandson of that Kumara Muttu, who, immediately after the death of his elder brother Tirumal Naik, claimed the 76 As will be seen from the Appendix I. some MSS. speak as though the adoption was complete and others as not, thereby recognising Bangaru Tirumala Wilson takes the former view, JRAS, III. See Nelson also.

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 215 throne, but resigned it in return for the governorship of Sivakasi and its dependent possessions. In spite of his resignation of the claims to the throne, Kumara Muttu had seen, just before his retirement, his son Kumara Rangappa Naik installed as the second in power to Muttu Alakadri. Rangappa held this position evidently throughout the reign of Muttu Virappa, and when the latter was succeeded by his son Chokkanatha Naik, the son of the former, Kumara Tirumalai Naik, succeeded as his second in power. Similarly, when the son and successor of Chokkanatha, Raiga Krishwa Muttu Virappa, was governing the realm, the son of Tirumalai Naik, Bangaru Tirumalai Naik by name, inherited the position and dignity of the second in power. It was on the son of this Bangaru Tirumala that Minakshi fixed her choice. Bangaru Tirumala's Opposition. We now come to the consideration of an important constitutional question on the solution of which the whole character of the future Naik history must be pronounced to depend. Did Minakshi adopt Vijaya Kumara or did she not? On the answer to this question lies the justification or condemnation of her conduct in the events which followed. Accor. ing to one i chronicle which, though unreliable as a rule in its chronology, is in this afrair, direct and pronounced, she did not, as she had no right. It says that the real claimant, and therefore the legitimate successor after Vijaya Raiga, was his second in power, Bangaru Tirumala Naik. Bangaru, as we have already seen, had been the second in power to Ranga Krishna Muttu Virappa and, we may presume, to Vijaya Raiga Chokkanatha also. He had in other words exercised power for nearly half a century. During the latter period of his yervice, we can be sure, he had entertained the idea of succeeding Vijaya Ranga to the throne. The seizure of power by Minakshi must have been a sorious blow to his long cherished ambition, a disappointment of long hopes and anxious expectations. With a natural vehemence he maintained that he was the legitimate successor to the throne, that Minakshi, being a woman and childless, had no claim whatever. When the latter, therefore, asked him to give his son as her heir, he refused on the ground that he himself was the king, that his son would get it in the natural course of events. With this ho assumed the functions of royalty, and putting up in a new palace, gained the support of a large number of courtiers: The kingdom was actually under the Government of Bangaru Tirumala, but the treasury, the palace, and the royal jewels were under Minakshi and he. brothers. The Discussion of the Respective Claims. The other version, that of the Telugu chronicle, History of the Carnatic Lords, an authority generally reliable but in this respect very short, confused, inconsistent, and obscure, says "that after the decease of Raja Vijaya Raiga, Baigaru Tirumala was the suitable person to succeed to the crown, but that his son Vijaya Kumara Muttu Tirumalai Naikar was adopted and installed by being anointerl vihen four years old by Minakshi Immal, the crowned queen of Vijaya Raiga Chokkanatha." According to this, then, Vijaya Kumara wos the crowned king and Minakshi was his guardian and regent. Kali Kavi Rayan's account as well as Pan lya Raja Purana Charitrais does not mention Baigaru Tirumala at all. While the indigenous histories are thus divergent in their views, the modern historians are not less so. Mr. TaylorTo believes that, after the death of Vijaya Raiga, "the succession 77 Hist. of the Carna. Cours. 78 See appendix I. for details of the various ss. 190, H MSS.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTIBER, 1917 was sufficiently clear, for the younger brother had before succeeded to the throne on the demise of the elder brother without offspring. The case of the illustrious Tirumalai Naicker himself was an adequate precedent. Hence much blame seems to have rested with the dowager queen Minakshi Amma!, who probab'y was urged on by her brother Venkata Perumal Naicker ; being also herself perhaps ambitious of initating the conduct and participating in the fame of Mangammal though under clearly different circumstances." Tho. interference of the Musalmans and the extinction of the dynasty which followed were thus, in the opinion of Mr. Taylor, the outcome of Minakshi's ambition. The late Mr. Nelson, on the other hand, was a warm supporter of Minakshi's rights. In his view, she was the rightful heir to the throne of her husband, while Bangaru was an ambitious and intriguing rebel, whose disaffection was the cause of the Muhammadan interference and the ruin of the kingdom. Mr. Nelsons bases his views on three grounds---first that the junior branch of the royal family had no right to the throne in as much as Kumara Muttu had given up his rights after Tirumala Naik ; secondly, that the position of Chinna Durai, or second in power, was not constitutionally a claim to the crown, as the previous history of - the dynasty shewed, provided there was a claimant whose claims received a wide and can. did recognition ; thirdly, that the claims of Vijaya Kumara were indisputable, and his adopticn was accepted by all except Bangaru's party. Mr. Nelson contends that the wide acceptance of Vijaya Kumara's position is unmistakably proved by the agreement of "the other MSS.", by the award of a larger pension to the boy than to the father when they were in the Nawab's Court, and by a unanimity among all writers in speaking of the son's greater position. These arguments, however, cannot go unchallenged. In the first place, Mr. Nelson is wrong in his statement that Kuraara Muttu had, by his voluntary resignation of the crown, for ever sacrificed the prospects of his descendants. On the other hand, as we have already seen, he had the caution to see his son appointed as second in power beforo his retirement, and this caution he exercised, we may well believe, as a safeguard of future hopes and expectations of the transfer of the crown to his branch in case the elder line became extinct. Secondly, Nelson is right in saying that the mere enjoyment of power as Chinna Durai did not give a claim to throne; but it did constitute a claim, as Taylor has pointed out, when the reigning king died without issue. Thirdly, Nelson is quite incorrect when he speaks of the unaniinity of the chronicles and of public opinion in speaking of Vijaya Kumara as the crowned king. On the other hand, one of the MSS. distinctly says that he was not crowned; that the majority of the people were on the side of Bangaru Tirumala, and that the actual government of the kingdom was in the hands of the latter. Lastly, Mr. Nelson ignores some MSS. when he says that the boy received a higher pension than the father in the Nawab's Court; the Telugu chronicle gives exactly the opposite version. Nevertheless, though every ground assumed by Mr. Nelson is against fact, yet it cannot be distinctly stated that the people were wanting in their allegiance to Minakshi. Bangaru s Success. However it might be, whether Minakshi was the regent of a crowned king or whether Baigaru Tirumala was the king, the result was the same. The State was distracted by party quarrels and hastened in consequence towards ruin. The palace and the treasure 1 80 Madura Manunl. Wilson also is in favour of Minakshi. See J.R. 4. S. III. 81 Appendix I., Sect. 1. (Carna. Govre.)

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SEPTEMBER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA $17 were in the hands of Minakshi, while the court and the kingdom were in the hands of Barigaru. The leading men in the queen's party were her brothers, Veikata Naik and Perumal Naik: while Bangaru had for his supporter the crafty Veikata Raghavacharya whose story we have already given. It is highly probable that the support of the greatest military officer in the State was the most determining factor in the formation of the two parties; for his example woull have been imitated by many officers of rank and influence. The balance of power was in consequence upset : and by losing the support of the army the queen became so weak that, though she remained in the palace. her enemies were able to seize the administration and the revenues. * The Muhammadan Interference; its different Versions. It was at this crisis that foreigners intervened and, taking advantage of the domestic differences that weakened Madura. brought about the extinction of both the parties and of the kingdom itself. In the year 1734. i.e., two years after the accession of Minakshi, Dost Ali, the Nawab of the Carnatics?, the representative of the Mughal Empire and the suzerain over the Southern kingcloms, despatched his son Nafdar Ali and his son-in-law Chanda Sahib on a campaign to the south. The cause of the expedition is stated clifferently by different authorities. The Hist. of the Carnu. Clourn. which is a partisan history in favour of Bangaru Tirumala. attributes it to Minakshi. When matters were so situated, it says. "Minakshi Amma! wrote to Chanda Sahil) for assistance. Bangaru Tirumalai Naicker, hearing of her proceeding. wrote to Nawab Safder Ali Khan. The Nawab Safder Ali Khan and Chanda Sahib. in consequence. came at the head of 10.000 cavalry, and encamped outside the fort of Trichinopoly." The Telugu chronicle is comparatively obscure, and simply says that while the parties were struggling with each other at Trichinopoly, "the Subah of Arcot. named Safder Ali Khan, came to Trichinopoly," and having ordered thirty lakhs of rupees, returned to Arcot. The European writers are the best informed on the subject, and in consequence most reliable. The great historian Orme attributes the invasion to the ambition of the Nawab of Arcot, the suppression and annexation of the southern kingdoms. "The kingdoms of Trichinopoly and Tanjore," he Bays" although tributary to the Moghul. were each of them governed by its own prince or Raja, and the care of levying tributes of these countries, was intrusted to the Nawabs of Arcot who wore sometimes obliged to send an army to facilitate the collection of them. The death of the king of Trichinopoly in 1736 83 was followed by disputes between the queen and a prince of the royal blood, which produced a confusion in the government sufficient to give the Nawab of Arcot hopes of subjecting the kingdom to his authority. He there. fore determined to send an army under the command of his son Safdar Ali and the Dewan Chanda Sahib to seize an opportunity which might offer of getting possession of the city of 89 The nephew and the successor of Sa'adat Ali Khan, who died in 1732, i. e., the very yerr of Vijaya Ranga's death. As Wilks says, the Muhammadans would have intervened in 1732 in Trichinopoly owing. to the dispute in succession, but for the death of Sa'adat Ali and the arrangement of the succession in Arcot,-An Arrangement which ignored and displeased the Nizam, and which, therefore, afterwards. gave rise to trouble. Vide Wilks, I, p. 155. 83 This is wrong, the correct date being 1731.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1917 "Trichinopoly; but to prevent suspicions, the collection of the tribute was given out as the only intention of the expedition, and the army was ordered to move leisurely down to the sea coast before they proceeded to the south ; accordingly they came to Madras, where they remained84 some days, and then went to Pondicheri, where they stayed a longer time; during which Chanda Sahib laid the first foundation of his connections with the French Government in that city: from hence they marched' to Trichinopoly." The Jesuit missionaries, as shewn by Nelson, ascribe an even more barefaced ambition to the Nawab. They say that he was really desirous of creating a principality at the expense of his tributary kingdoms for his son, and that with this view he sent an army on a sort of roving commission against Tanjore, Trichinopoly and Travancore. The imperial army first stormed and captured Tanjores and placed it under Bode Sahib, the brother of Chanda Sahib. It then marched south, towards the regions of the Vaigai and Tambraparti, attacked Travancore, laid waste the West coast and at length reached Trichinopoly. Wilks gives a different version. He says that Brigaru Tirumala and Venkataraghavacharya made themselves, - with the concealed aid, of the Mahratta Raja of Tanjore," so formidable that Minakshi " was driven to the desperate resource of soliciting the aid of the Nawab of Arcot. An army under the command of Safder Ali, the eldest son and heir-apparent of the Nawab, with Chanda Sahib as his Civil Dewan and military second in command, moved over the province, ostensibly for the ordinary purpose of enforcing the collections of the revenue, and approached Trichinopoly to afford the promised87 aid." Safdar Ali's Decision against Minakshi. All these authorities thus, while differing in details, agree, in that Trichiropoly was the ultimate goal of the imperialists. The arrival of the Muhammadans struck terror into the hearts of both the parties there. The most prudent policy would have been to ignore for the time all domestic quarrels and engage the common foe with one mind and interest. But the shortsighted ambition of both the parties stood in the way of united action and patriotio defence. We do not know who was the first88 to call in the Musalman help. "The Hist. of the Carna. Gours, ascribes the crime to Minakshi ; but Mr. Nelson, contrary to its evidence, attributes the initiative to Bangaru Tirumala. With an inordinate haste to claim the favour of early submission, he says, he sent a deputation to Safdar Ali proposing that, in case the latter seized Minakshi, kept her in captivity, and handed over the kingdom to himself, he would satisfy the greedy appetite of the Musalmans by paying 30 lakhs of rupees. Safdar Ali agreed, and would have fulfilled his agreement but for the timely precaution which Minakshi in her instinct of self-preservation had taken. With a numerous and faithful band of followers, she awaited, in the citadel of Trichinopoly, the attack of the Muhammadans with calm determination. Safdar did not think it possible, or $5 Ibid. 84 Madu. Manual. 86 it must have been under the rule of Tukoji, the 3rd son of Venkoji, the founder of the dynasty. For details see Tanjore Manual; Tanjore Gatr., pp. 44.40. 87 Wilks, I; p. 155. 88 The Madura chronicles generally speak as though Safdar Ali and Chanda Sahib came from Arcot purposely to decide the dispute bztween Minakshi and Bangkru. This is not lectirate; for we have already seen that they had other motives and attractions.

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SEPTEMBER 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 219 perhaps advisable, to force his way through such an obstacle. He was convinced either of the futility of his valour or, what was more probable, of the expedienoy of diplomacy in place of force. He therefore changed his tactics, assumed ingeniously the role of an Arbitrator, and called on the two parties to submit their disputes to his decision. After a full enquiry into the justice of the claims of the respective parties, he decided that the fort and the kingdom belonged as of right to Bangaru ; that as Minakshi was childless, she and her brothers had no claim to the administration; that being the dowager-queen, she must be given all those attentions which had been given in the time of Vijaya Raiga Chokkanatha; that her brother and other followers should be similarly treated; that the jewels, etc., and the money which formed her own property should be hers; and, as for the rest, the palace, the treasury, elephants, horses, etc., these should be handed over to Baugaru Tirumala. Safdar Ali Khan further settled the tribute at 30 lakhs of rupees, and fixed the time of payment: all of which he got in writing from 89 Baigaru." Minakshi's Alliance with Chanda Sahib. It was a decision, in Mr. Taylor's opinion,90 highly equitable though not disinterested. But to Minakshi, its justice or impartiality would hardly have appealed. She accordingly, we may be sure, hesitated or refused to acknowledge and bow to it; and Safdar Ali, seeing that the condition of affairg01 was not likely to be easily settled, left the enforcement of his decision to his brother-in-law, Chanda Sahib, and withdrew to his capital. The partisans of Minakshi then approached Chanda Sahib and proposed that, if he left Trichino poly in her hands and resognised her to be the lawful ruler, they would pay him, what he demanded, a crore of rupees. Not satisfied with the words of the Muhammadan general, they insisted with caution that he should take the oath of alliance and fidelity with the Koran in his hands on the banks of the sacred Kaveri. Chanda Sahib, with ready and characteristic unscrupulouses, resolved to resort to an act of deceit, and realise his object of seizing Trichinopoly for himself. He therefore readily agreed to take the oath, but at the nick of time placed skilfully and stealthily, if we are to believe Col. Wilks, a brick, hidden under splendid and glittering coverings, in place of the holy Koran, and with a face of solemn honesty and sincere loyalty, swore in the presence of Perumal Naidu, in the Dalavai Mantapa, absolute and unswerving support to the queen':02 cause. The simple and incredulous mind of Minakshi was immensely satisfied with this proof, and she at once threw open the gates of the city to her ally. She little dreamed that what she considered to be the irrevocable words of an honest man were sham demonstrations of affected loyalty. (To be continued.) 80 His of the Carna. Govrs. Wilsou also mentions the same thing, but he does not speak about Safdar Ali's tactios. He simply says that he decided in Bangaru's favour. 900. H. MSS. II. 91 Wilson's account of the whole affair is superficial. 12 The Hint of the Carna. Govrs, says that he simply took the oath to that effect. The Telugu Carna. Dynas, says that he took it with the Koran. Wilks says that it was not really the Koran, but brick. (Wilks, I., p. 155).

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER 1917 MISCELLANEA. KALIDASA AND KIMANDAKA. others and according to which hunting should be The date of Kamanda ka has not yet been esta practised by a Prince; and he also mentions in blished. But it may be shown that he lived before this connection the advantages which, they say, Kalidasa, inasmuch as the latter seems to have are the direct results of hunting. Now these advan. utilised the foriner's work Nitishra. The 35th stoka tages are the same as those selected by Kalidasa. of the 4th canto of the Raghuraikam runs thus: Kamandaka, who is no ad inirer of hunting, con. Anawrand namuddhartuz-law 11 windhurayad demns it, saying that it is the source of many iva evils, and as such ought not to be indulged in by Atmia sanh rakgitah Nuhma ihrittim-igrilyn varit kings for their own benefit. Now Mr. Kane con. usim. cludes from this, that Kemandaka here criticises Compare the above with the following quotation the view of Kalidasa. "The advantages of huntfrom Kamandakiya: ing selected by Kaman takiya Niisdra," he says, Sandkrinto bularule kiiksh -bhasini " are almost the same as those pointed out by friyar Kalidlasa. It seems, therefore, that Kamandaki Srayeta vaitaniy villinbhujangi kulichagu. criticises the views of Kalidasa." But it should From the above it is evident, that Kalidasa be noticed that almost all the advantages of huntborrowed from Kamundakly the passage relatinging that are set forth in the Vilindra are also to to the policy to be adopted by a wee maler, if he be found in the Art hasastru. In the Purusha. is confronted with a stronger foe. Now Kaiman a stronger foe. Now Kim Yunawwarm Kautilya says: daktya is based upon Kautilya's Arthagistra, in "Mriyayi yine to eyiya mahilesh ma-pitta-medawhich also this policy is described.? But the xredaniia' chale sthire cha kdye lakshaparichayak language Kau il ya used to express it is quite differkopisthane hitexu cha mpigando chittajnanamanity. ent from that used by Kamandaks. In the place ryan cheli." Arthasistra, 327. of the former's vetasudharmaliset there is grayela Kamandaka, whose work is an epitome of the waitasi vritlim in Kimandakiya. These two pay. Arthasusira writes: nages, though expressing the same view'; differ Jita ramalvar vyayamah ama-meda-kapha-kshayah greatly in phraseology. There is, on the other hand, (halasthireshu Inkshayesu banasiddhiranutlama. only a slight difference between the expression Vli sara, 216. used by Kamandaka and that used by Kalidasa. Thus it is clear, that there is no reason to Therefore, it stands to reason, that Kalidasa believe that Kamandaka ever criticises Kalidasa, borrowed from Kamandaka and that he must he when we find that almost all the merits of hunt. placed after KAmandaks. ing mentioned by Kamandaka and also by Kali. I may here take the opportunity to refer to the dasa had already been described by Kautilya in note contributed by Mr. P. V. Kane to this jour- his Awhasastra. We cannot infer, therefore, that nal, in which he tried to show that Kamandaka is | Kamandaka is posterior to Kalidisa. On the other posterior to Kalidasa. In two sloks + Kalidasa hand, because in describing the defeat of the Suhmas, mentions certain advantages of hunting. But Kalidasa quotes the very language of Nitishra, we Kamandaka's view of hunting is one of pessimism. are justified in placing him after Kamandaka. He quotes favourable view which is held by NANIGOPAL MAJUMDAR. NOTES AXD QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. all weyes behaved himu selfe to us Civilly and re. spectfully, and the better to Continue his Friend 6. A present to an official. ship, now in a time of great business Comeing on, 13 November 1682. Consultation at Masulipa. the Councell thinke itt and order he be presented tam. The Carkans of this Towne or Sub Ciovernour Towne or sub Governour with the 3 yards of Broadcloth. (Factory Records, wanting 3 yards of Broadcloth for A Pallenkeene! Masulipatam, vol. 4). Pingerree, (panjar, pinyi, piniri, framework, Note. In the copy of Masulipatam Consultations skeleton), sent to the Factory to buy it, but he be | at Madras the official is given as the "Corkans" ing an officer that doth petty Justice, and some Carcoon, karkhun, karkun, clerk, registrar, in times our people upon severall small differences ferior revenue officer. are forced to apply themselves to him, who has R. C, T. * Edited by T. Ganapati BABtri, Tri mindrum Sanskrit Series, 148. 2 Arthasastra of Kautilya, Edited by R. Shama Nastri (1909), 390. 1 Ante, Vol. XL. 236. Sakuntala, Act II, V.5: Raghw a , IX, 19 5 Nilisira, XV, 25, 26.

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Indian Antiquary, vol. 46 (1917). To face p. 1. JAMES BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D. REPRODUCED, WITH PERMISSION, FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN 1005 BY MAULL & FOX, 197 PICCADILLY, LONDON W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL.

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OCTOBER, 1917] THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1913-16. BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.LE., D.LITT. 221 (Continued from p. 204.) ON N February 16, I left Turfan for the Kuruk-tagh, and having secured from Singer Abdur Rahim's youngest brother as guide, examined several localities in the mountains westwards, such as Po-ch'eng-tzu and Shindi, where traces of earlier occupation were reported. The succession of remarkably rugged ranges and deeply eroded valleys, through which we had to thread our way, contrasted strikingly with the appearance of worn-down uplands presented by most of the Kuruk-tagh eastwards. I was able to map here a considerable extent of ground which had remained unsurveyed. Apart from another brother of Abdur Rahim, who was grazing his flocks of sheep in the gorge of Shindi, and a solitary Turki, who was taking supplies to a spot where a few Chinamen were said to dig for lead, we met no one. The absence of springs or wells precludes the regular use of what scanty grazing is to be found in the higher valleys. Yet in the Han Annals this westernmost portion of the Kuruk-tagh is referred to as a sporadically inhabited region under a separate chief. Over absolutely barren gravel wastes I then made my way south-eastwards to the salt spring of Yardang-bulak, recte Dolan-achchik, at the extreme foot of the Kuruk-tagh, where wild camels were encountered in plenty. Taking my ice-supply from there, I proceeded by the second week of March into the waterless desert south, and mapped there the dried-up ancient river-bed, which once had carried the water of the Konche-darya to the Lou-lan sites, over the last portion of its course left unsurveyed last year. The season of sand-storms had now set in, and their icy blasts made our work here very trying. It was under these conditions, fitly recalling the previous year's experience at the Lou-lan cemeteries, that I explored two ancient burial-grounds of small size, which were found on clay terraces rising above the wind-eroded plain. The finds closely agreed with those which the graves, searched on the fortified mesha in the extreme north-east of Lou-lan, had yielded. There could be no doubt that the people buried here had belonged to the autochthonous population of hunters and herdsmen living along the 'Dry River' until the tract became finally desiccated in the fourth century A.D. The objects in these graves and the clothes of the dead strikingly illustrated how wide apart in civilization and modes of daily life these semi-nomadic Lou-lan people were from the Chinese frequenting the ancient high-road which passed by the dried-up river. I had been eagerly looking out along the foot of the Kuruk-tagh for traces of Afrazgul, who was overdue, and had taken the precaution to leave messages for him under cairns. So it was a great relief when, the day after my return to Yardang-bulak, he safely rejoined me with his three plucky Turki companions, including doughty Hassan Akhun, my camel factotum, and Abdul Malik, a fourth hardy brother from Singer. Considering the truly forbidding nature of the ground hey had to traverse, and the length of the strain put on our brave camels, I had reason to feel anxious about the safety of the party. Now I was cheered by the completeness with which Afrazgul had carried through the programme I had laid down for him. Having gained Altmish-bulak by the most direct route and taken his supply of ice there, he had explored certain ancient remains in the extreme north-east of the once watered Lou-lan area, for the examination of which I had been unable to spare time on lastyear's march.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 . He then struck out for the point where the ancient Chinese route had entered the saltencrusted bed of the dried-up sea, and thence traced its shore-line to the south-west, until he reached, as Chainut-kol, the northern edge of the area, where the spring floods of the Tarim finally spread themselves out, to undergo rapid evaporation in lagoons and marshes. He arrived, as I had intended, just in time before the usual inundation could interfere with his progress. After a few days' rest, with water and grazing for the camels, he turned into the wind-eroded desert north, and traced more remains of the ancient settlement discovered a year before along the southernmost branch of the 'Dry River.' Finally, after crossing an area of formidable high dunes, he gained the foot of the outermost Kuruk-tagh. From this exceptionally difficult exploration, which had kept the party from contact with any human being for a month and a half, Afrazgul brought back, besides interesting archaeological finds, an accurate plane-table survey and detailed diary records. It is impossible here to discuss the results. But, when considered with those which the previous year's surveys had yielded, they will, I feel confident, help to show the so-called Lop-nor problem in a new light. We subsequently moved west to the point known as Ying-p'an, where the ancient bed of the Kuruk-darya is crossed by the Turfan-Lop track. I made use of a short halt there for exploring the interesting remains of a ruined fort and small temple site, found some miles beyond at the de bouchure of the dried-up stream of Shindi, and first noticed by Colonel Kozloff and Dr. Hedin. The finds we made here of fragmentary Kharoshthi records on wood and of Han coins were important as proving that the ruins belonged to a fortified station occupied during the early centuries of our era when the ancient Chinese high-road coming from Lou-lan passed here. The station was meant to guard an important point of the route where it must have been joined by the road leading up from Charchan and Charkhlik. That it held a Chinese garrison became evident from the remains we found on clearing some wellpreserved tombs in a scattered cemetery near by. There was definite evidence showing that the site abandoned for many centuries had been reoccupied for a while during Muhammadan and relatively recent times. Now the water needed for irrigation is wholly wanting. Proceeding from Ying-p'an I first surveyed in the desert westwards the ancient bell, still marked by its rows of dead fallen trees, in which the waters of the Konche-darya had once passed into the 'Dry River' of Lou-lan. My subsequent journey to Korla, by a route leading through the desert north-westwards, and first followed by Dr. Hedin in 1896, enablecl me to explore the remains of an ancient line of watch-stations extending for over 100 miles along the foot of the Kuruk-tagh. These watch-towers, some of them remarkably massive and well preserved, showed the same characteristic features of construction with which my explorations along the ancient Chinese Limes of Kansu had made me so familiar. There can be little doubt, I think, that these towers date back to approximately the time (circ. 100 B.c.) when the Emperor Wu-ti had the route leading from Tun-huang towards Lou-lan protected by his wall and line of watch-stations. From the great height and intervening distances of the towers, as well as from other indications, it may be safely inferred that they were primarily intended for the communication of fire signals, such as are frequently mentioned in the early Chinese records I recovered from the Tun-huang Limes. The need for such signalling arrangements must have been specially felt here, as it was mainly from the directions of Kara-shahr and Korla that the Hun raids must have proceeded, which we know from the Annals to have more than once threatened the Chinese hold upon Lou-lan and the security of their route to the Tarim Basin. With the gradual exten

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OSOBER, 1917) THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 223 sion of Chinese political influence north of the Tien-shan these conditions must have changad, and subsequently the abandonment of the Lou-lan routs, and the deziccation of the region it led through, must have greatly reduced the importanca of this ancient ling of communication along the Konche-darya. Yet the line marked by the towers appears to have continued in use as a high-road down to T'ang times, as was shown by the finds of coins, torn documents on paper, etc., we made on clearing the refuse heaps near them. My visit to the quasi-peripatetic modern colony of Kara-kum on the upper Konchedarya gave me opportunities for curious observations about irrigation conditions and Chinese aulinistrative methods ; but I cannot pause to describe them. At the large and flourishing oasis of Korla, higher up the river, I had soon the satisfaction of seeing, by the beginning of April, our four surveying parties safely reunited. Lal Singh had succeeded in carrying his triangulation from Singer through the western Kuruk-tagh to the snow-covered peaks north of Korla. His dogged perseverence had triumphed over exceptional difficulties, both from the very broken nature of the ground and the adverse atmospheric conditions, which a succession of the violent duststorms usual at this season had created. The reward was the successful linking I had aimed at, of the T'ien-shan range with the system of the Trigonometrical Survey of India. From Korla we set out on April 6 in three separate parties for the long journey to Kashgar. Lal Singh's task was to keep close to the Tien-shan and to survey as much of the main range as the early season and the available tim would permit. Muhammad Yakub moved south ross the Konche and Inchike Rivers to the Tarim, with instructions to survey its present main channel to the vicinity of Yarkand. I sent most of our brave camels with him in order to let them b@nefit by the abundant grazing in the riverine after all the privations they hal gone through. My own antiquarian tasks obliged me to keep in the main to the long ling of oases, which fringes the south foot of the Tien-shan and through which the chief caravan route of the Tarim basin still passes, just as it has always done since ancient times. Well known as this high-road is over which lay most of my journey to Kashgar, some 900 miles in length, the opportunities it gave for interesting observations, both on the historical geography and the present physical and economic conditions of this northern fringe of oases, were abundant. But here a brief reference to the result of my work round Kucha must suffice. Three busy weeks spent within and around this historically important oasis enabled me, with Afrazgul's help, to survey both its actually cultivated area and that which, by the evidence of the numerous ancient sites found scattered in the scrubby desert to the east, south, and west, must have formed part of it. This survey, which archaeological finds of interest at a number of ruined sites usefully supplemented, has given me strong grounds for assuming that the area occupied in Buddhist times demanded for its cultivation irrigation resources greatly in excess of those at present available, of which I secured careful estimates. It seems to me clearly established that the discharge of the two rivers feeding the canals of Kucha has diminished considerably since Tung times. But the antiquarian evidence at present obtainable does not allow us definitely to answer the questions as to what extent this obvious "desiccation " was the direct cause for the abandonment of once irrigated areas, and at what particular periods it proceeded. Here I may also mention in passing that remains of the ancient Han route, in the shape of massive watch-towers, could be traced as far as Kucha, and that their position clearly indicated that the old caravan route had followed the same line as the present one.

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12+ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 After visiting a number of interesting Buddhist ruins in the district of Bai, I travelled tu Aksu, whero Lal Singh's and my own routes opportunely allowed a brief meeting. He had manage to carry his plane-table survey at three points up to the snow-covered watershed of the Tienshan, including the glacier pass below the high massif of Khan-tangri. Help! secured from the obliging Tao-tai of Aksu subsequently enabled him to follow a new route on his way to Kashgar, between hitherto unexplored outer ranges of Kelpin. Regard for rent tasks obliged me to move in rapid marches to Kashgar, which was reached on 31 May 1915. There at my familiar base I was received with the kindest hospitality by Colonel (now Brigadier-General) Sir Percy Sykes, who bad temporarily replaced Sir George Macartney as H.B.M.'s Consul-General. Though a shooting trip to the Pamirs suon deprived me of the congenial company of this distinguished soldier-statesman and traveller, I continued to benefit greatly by all the help and comfort which the arrangements made by him assured to me during my five weeks' stay at Chini-bagh. The safe re packing of my collection of antiques, filling 182 heavy cases, for its long journey across the Kara-Koram to Kashmir, and a host of other practical tasks kept me hard at work all through that hot month of June. In the midst of it I felt greatly cheered by receiving the final permission of the Imperial Russian Government for my long-planned journey across the Pamirs and the mountain north of the Oxus, which the kind offices of H.E. Sir George Buchanan, H.B.M.'s Ambassador at Petrograd, at the instance of the Government of Incin in the Foreig: Department, had secured. Considering how long I had wishes to see this extreme cast of ancient Iran, and that part of the "Roof of the World" under which it shelters, I could not feel too grateful to the Imperial Russian Government for having showing this readiness to give me access to ground, which for the most part had never before been visited by any British traveller. Its diplomatic representative at Kashgar, ConsulGeneral Prince Mestchersky, lost no chance of facilitating the arrangements for my journey by kiiul recommendations to the Russian authorities across the border. But throughout it was a great comfort to feel, during that time of preparation, and still more on actual travel, how much of that kind help and attention I directly owed to Lord Hardinge, and the alliance of the British and Russian Empires he had done so much to render possible. By 6 July 1915 I was able to leave Kashgar for the mountains westwards, after having completed all arrangements for the passage of my eighty heavy camel-loads of antiques to India. But the suudmer floods in the Kun-lun valleys, due to the melting glaciers, woull not allow the valuable convoy to be started at once towards the Kara-koram passes. So R. B. Lal Singh, to whose care I had to entrust it, had set out in the meanwhile to complete our topographical labours in Turkestan by a careful survey of the high snowy mountains, which continue the Muztagh-ata range to the headwaters of the Kashgar River. Before he rejoined mo for manifold final instructions I could enjoy a week of delightful seclusion for na uch urgent writing work, on a small fir-clad alp above the Kirghiz camp of Bostan-arche. Lower down in the valley my brave hardy camels had enjoyed weeks of happy Frazing in coolness badly needed after all their long travel and trials. When the time on me for my start, I confess I felt the final separation from them almost as much as the temporary one from my devoted Lal Singh. Of my other assistants, I kept by me only young Afrazgul, whom I knew to be ever useful, even where survey work or digging could not be done. The rest were to accompany my collection to India,

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OCTOBER, 1917) THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 225 It was with a delightful sense of freedom that on July 19 I started from my mountain camp for the high Ulugh-art Pass and the Pamirs beyond. For across them the road lay now open for me to those mountain regions north of the Oxus, which by reason of their varied geographical interest and their ethnic and historical associations have had a special fascination for me ever since my youth. On the following day I crossed the steep Ulugh-art Pass, about 16,200 feet above sea level, flanked by a magnificent glacier some 10 miles long. There I felt duly impressed with the fact that I had passed the great meridional mountaiti barrier, the ancient Imaos, which divided Ptolemy's "Inner" and " Outer Scythia," as in truth it does now Iran and Cathay. The same night, after a 33 miles' walk and ride I reach. ed the camp of Sir Percy Sykes returning from the Pamirs, and next clay enjoyed a time of happy reunion with him and his sister, that well-known traveller and writer, Miss Ella Sykes. Five days of rapid travel then carried me over the northernmost Chinese Pamirs and up the gorge of the westernmost headwaters of the Kashgar River, until I struck the Russian military road to the Pamirs on the Kizil-art Pass where it crosses the Trans-Alai range. At the little rest-house of Por-dobe, which I reached that evening on my descent from the pass, I soon received most encouraging proof of the generous and truly kind way in which the Russian political authorities were prepared to facilitate my travels. There I had the good fortune to meet Colonel I. D. Yagello, who holds military and political charge of the Pamir Division, including now also Wakhan, Shughnan, and Roshan; he was then just pans. ing on a rapid visit to Tashkend I could not have hoped even on our side of the Hindu kush border for arrangements more complete or effective than those which proved to have been made on my behalf by this distinguished officer. It was for me a great additiona! pleasure to find in him an Oriental scholar deeply interested in the geography and ethnography of the Oxus regions, and anxious to aid whatever investigations could throw fresh light on their past. It was mainly through Colonel Yagello's unfailing aid that I succeeded in covering so much interesting ground, far more than my.original programme had included, within the available time and without a single day's loss. I shall always look back with sincere gratitude to his friendly interest and all the generous help which he and his assistants, officers at the several Russian Pamir posts, gave ine. One of the chief objects which I had in view, when planning this extension of my journey across the Pamirs and the Russian territories on the Oxus, was to study there questions of historical geography, in the way which experience elsewhere in the East had taught me to be the best, i.e., on the spot. Hence it was a special satisfaction to me that at the very start I was able to march down the whole length of the big Alai Valley, a distance of over 70 miles. In the topographical configuration, climatic conditions, and local resources of this great Alpine basin I could trace additional indications supporting the belief that through this wide natural throughfare, skirting the northern of the Pamirs from east tu west, passed the route which the ancient silk traders from China followed down to the Middle Oxus, as outlined by that much-discussed record of classical geography where Marinus of Tyre describes the progress in the opposite direction of the agents of " Maos the Macedonian" from Bactria to the great silk mart in " the country of the Seres" or China. Similar obserrations make it appear to me very probable that the famous "Stone Tower" mentioned in that record must be located at or near Daraut-kurgban, a small Kirghiz village and now a

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 * Russian frontier customs post, where the route up the main Kara-tegin Valley emerges upon the Alai. It is the only direct one between Bactria and Eastern Turkestan which is practicable throughout for laden camels. From Daraut-kurghan, where our supplies could conveniently be replenished, I turned south to strike across the succession of high snowy ranges which separate the headwaters of the Muk-su and the rivers of Roshan and Shughnan from the upperinost Oxus. It was the only route, apart from the well-known one leading across the Kizil-art and past Lake Kara-kul, by which I could cross the Russian Pamirs and their western buttresses from north to south, and this accounted for my choosing it. But it proved a distinctly difficult route to follow, even with such exceptionally hardy animals as Colonel Yagello's orders secured for me from the rare Kirghiz camps encountered. There was, however, abundant reward in the mass of interesting geographical observations to be gathered, and in the splendid views which it offered into a region of permanent snow and ice, little explored and in parts still unsurveyed. As far as the Tanimaz River, a large tributary of the Bartang or Murghab River, our route led past a grand glacier-clad range, vaguely designated as Sel-tagh or Muz-tagh, an still awaiting exact survey, which forms, as it were, the north-western buttress of the Pamirs. Rarely have my eyes in the Himalaya, Hindukush, or Kun-lun beheld a sight more impressive than the huge glacier-furrowed wall of the Muz-tagh, as it rose before me with magnificent abruptness above the wide torrent beds of tho Muk-su, after I had cro339d the Tars-agar, our first pass from the Alai. Its boldly serrated crest-line seemed to rise well above 20,000 feet, and individual ice-peaks may reach a considerably greater height. No approximately exact elevations seem so far to have been determined with the theodolite or clinometer for this and some other prominent ranges towering above the western portio:1 of the Pamirs, and neither Afrazgul nor myself could help feeling again and again regret at the obvious considerations which precluded our attempting survey work however modest in scope. Subsequently it was a real satisfaction to come across evidence of the systematic triangulation work which the Topographical Service of Russian Turkestan has been extending over the Pamirs for some years past, and to learn that it was steadily being continued in spite of the war. Our direct route past the Sel-tagh would have led up the valley by which the Zulum-art and Takhta-koram passes, giving access to the Kara-kul and Tanimaz drainage areas, are approached. But the floods fed by the huge Sel-darra Glacier completely close this route from spring-time till the late autumn, just as they render the track lower down the Muk-su quite impracticable for the greater part of the year.' So we were obliged to make our way first over the glacier pass, circ. 15,100 feet high, at the hood of the Kayindi Gorge. The latter proved to be completely blocked in places by ancient moraines and offered very difficult going. Here, as elsewhere, in the high mountains west of the Pamirs, evidence could be noted of glaciation having considerably receded during recent times. Beyond the Kayindi the ground assumed a much easier Pamir-like character, and after crossing the Takhta-koram Pass, circ. 14,600 feet, we reached on August 8 the first encamp 1 This Muk-su Gorge is in places, aven during winter, too difficult for laden animals. To find it Actually marked in & recent cartographical raprezentation as traversed by the ancient silk trade route seemed an iilustration of th risks which b33et the work o the historical geographer, when it has to be done solely in the study.

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227 OCTOBER, 1917] THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA ment of Kirghiz grazing in the open valleys to the south-west of the Great Kara-kul. Having obtained there fresh transport from imposing old Kokan Beg, the Ming-bashi of the northern Pamirs, and having started my anthropometric work, I moved down the Tanimaz Valley to its junction with that of the Murghab or Bartang River. Here at the picturesque hamlet of Saunab, the Tashkurghan of the Kirghiz, I reached the first Iranian-speaking settlement of hill Tajiks or Ghalchas, all fine-looking men. Their ethnic type of pure Homo Alpinus, their old-world customs, preserved by alpine isolation, and the survival of much that seems ancient in domestic architecture, decorative motifs, etc., interested me greatly and amply justified a day's halt, which allowed me to secure anthropological measurements and arrange for the load-carrying men we needed. The only route open to us for reaching the southern Pamirs led up by the Bartang River, and progress in its narrow gorges proved exceptionally trying owing to the results of the great earthquake of 18 February 1911, which had transformed the surface of this mountain region in a striking fashion. Already on the lower Tanimaz we had come upon huge masses of rock debris which had been thrown down from the slopes of the flanking spurs and now spread for miles across the open valley bottom. Here in the defiles of the Bartang the huge landslides attending that memorable earthquake had choked up in many places the whole river passage and practically destroyed what tracks there ever existed along or above it. The big river once rivalling in volume the main feeder of the Oxus, the Ab-i-Panja, had here ceased altogether to flow. Strings of deep alpine tarns, with colours of exquisite beauty, had replaced it here and there and helped to increase the difficulties of progress. It took three days' hard scrambling along steep spurs, almost impassable for load-carrying men, and over vast slopes of rock debris spread out in wildest confusion, to get beyond the point near the mouth of the Shedau side valley where the fall of a whole mountain has completely blocked the river, and converted the so-called "Sarez Pamir" into a fine alpine lake over 15 miles long now and still spreading up the valley." Enormous masses of rock and detritus had been shaken down from the range on the north and had been pushed by the impetus of the landslip up the steep spur flanking the Shedau debouchure. They had thus formed a huge barrage, which even now seemed to rise more than 1200 feet above the level of the new Sarez Lake, and is likely to dam it up for years, if not for centuries. It cost another day's stiff, and in places risky, scramble before we succeeded in getting the baggage safely across the few miles of precipitous rock slopes and dangerous debris-shoots above the Yerkht inlet. Fortunately the men collected from the uppermost hamlets of the Roshan Valley proved all excellent cragsmen and quite expert in building rafaks, or galleries of brushwood and stones, along otherwise impassable precipices. Opportunely succoured by Kirghiz ponies, which had been sent from the Alichur Pamir to meet us, we crossed the Langar Pass, close on 15,000 feet above the sea, by August 20. It gave us easy access to the Yeshil-kol Lake, where I found myself on ground of varied geographical interest. I can mention only two points here and those in all briefness. On the one hand, with the experience gained at the newly formed big lake fresh before me, it In an important paper (Comptes rendus de l' Academie des Sciences, clx. pp. 810 sqq., Paris, 1915), reference to which I owe to Mr. E. Heawood's kindness, Prince B. Galitzine has shown strong reasons for the belief that the Sarez landslide was not the consequence but the cause of the earthquake of 18 February 1911, which was registered at many distant seismological stations. This earthquake is declared to present an exceptionally interesting case where the epicentre can be proved to coincide with the hypocentre itself.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1917 was easy to recognize those topographical features which clearly point to the Yeshil-kol having derived its existence from a similar cataclysm at some earlier period. To the eyes of the non-geologist the formation of the Buruman ridge, which closes the western end of the lake, seemed to bear a close resemblance to the newly formed barrage which has created the Sarez Lake. Of glacier action, which might have produced the same result, I could see to trace on either side of the Yeshil-kol exit. On the other hand, what I observed on my way up the open Alichur Pamir, and subsequently in the Shughnan Valley below it, bore clear evidence to the advantages which the route leading through them had offered for Chinese expansion to the Upper Oxus and Badakhshan, ever since Kao Hsien-chih's memorable Pamir and Hindukush campaign of A.D. 747. Having crossed the Bash-gumbaz, our fourth pass over 15,000 feet since leaving the Alai. I descended to the glittering big expanse of Lake Victoria or Zor-kol, where the Great Pamir branch of the Oxus rises, and the Pamir borders of Russia and Afghanistan meet. Ever since my youth I had longed to see this, the truly "Great" Pamir and its fine lake, famous in early local legends, and the "Great Dragon Lake" of the old Chinese pilgrims. As I looked across its deep blue waters to where in the east they seemed to fade away on the horizon, I thought it quite worthy to figure in early tradition as the legendary central lake from which the four greatest rivers of Asia were supposed to take their rise. It was a delightful sensation to find myself on ground closely associated with the memories of those great travellers, Hsuan-tsang, the saintly Chinese pilgrim-geographer, Marco Polo, and Captain Wood, the first modern explorer of the Pamir region. The day of halt. August 27, spent by the sunny lake-shore, undisturbed by any sign of human activity, was most enjoyable, in spite of the bitterly cold wind sweeping across the big alpine basin, circ. 13,400 feet above sea level. It allowed me to gather local information, which once more confirmed in a striking fashion the accuracy of the Chinese historical records. In describing Kao Hsein-chih's expedition across the Hindukush, the Tang Annals siecially mention the concentration of the Chinese forces by three routes from east, west, and north, upon Sarhad, the point on the Ab-i-Panja branch of the Oxus, which gives direct access to the Baroghil and Darkot Passes. The routes from the east and west, i.e., down and up the Ab-i-Panja Valley, were clear beyond all doubt. But of the northern route no indication could be traced in maps or books, and the existence of a pass, vaguely mentioned in native intelligence reports as possibly leading to Sarhad, across the high snowy range south of the Great Pamir, had been denied by members of the British Boundary Commission of 1895 who visited this region. It was hence a pleasant surprise when inquiries from two much-travelled Kirghiz among our party elicited definite and independent evidence as to an old track still used by Tajik herdsmen, which leads from Sarhad across the range to the glacier-filled head of the Shor-jilga Valley, clearly visible from Lake Victoria, and thence down to the western shore of the latter. All I could observe through my glasses, and what I had seen in 1906 from the other side of the mountain range, seemed to plead for the accuracy of the Kirghiz' information. My only regret was the impossibility of testing it on the spot. This, alas, would have necessitated my trespassing on His Afghan Majesty's territory. How often did I later on, too, look wistfully across the boundary drawn by the River Oxus with the fond wish that I might yet be allowed to pass through the gate of favour" into those fascinating valleys and mountains on the Afghan side of the border, which I was now able to skirt for hundreds of miles

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OCTOBER, 1917] THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 229 Three rapid marches down the Great Pamir River then carried me to Languar-kisht, where we reached the main Oxus Valley, and the highest of the villages on the Russian side of the river. Here, too, everything was done by the Commandant of the Russian frontier post and the local Wakhi headmen to facilitate my journey. My subsequent journey down the Oxus was attended by an abundant harvest of observations bearing on the historical topography, archaeology, and ethnography of Wakhan, which in early times had formed an important thoroughfare between Bactria, India, and the Central-Asian territories controlled by China. But it would cost too much time and space if I attempted here to give any details. It must suffice to mention that the exact survey of a series of ruined strongholds, some of them very considerable extent, acquainted me with numerous features of distinct archaeological interest in their plans, the construction and decoration of their bastioned walls, etc. The natural protection offered by unscaleable rock faces of spurs and ravines was always cleverly utilized in these defences. But some idea of the labour, which even thus their construction must have cost, can be formed from the fact that at one of these strongholds, known as Zemr-i-Atish-parast, the successive lines of walls, with their bastions and turrets solidly built in rough stone or in sun-dried brick, ascend the slopes of a precipitous spur rising to an elevation of close on 1000 feet, and have an extent of more than 3 miles. It is certain that these hill fastnesses date back to pre-Muhammadan times and to a period when this portion of the Oxus Valley contained a population far denser than at present and enjoying a higher degree of material civilization. Their attribution by the present Wakhi people to the "Siahposh Kafirs" merely gives expression to a vague traditional recollection that they date back to times before the advent of Islam, the Siahposh" of Kafiristan south of the Hindukush never having reached the stage of civilization which these ruins presuppose. Some architectural details seemed to suggest a period roughly corresponding to late Indo-Scythian or early Sassanian domination, during which our scanty records from Chinese sources indicate that Wakhan enjoyed a state of relative affluence and importance. All along the big valley of Wakhan there opened glorious vistas to the south, where towering above narrow side valleys, and quite near, appeared magnificent ice-clad peaks of the Hindukush main range, looking just as early Chinese pilgrims describe them, like peaks of jade. I realized now what an appropriate invention the "popular etymology" was, which in Muhammadan times has connected the old and much-discussed name of Bolor, vaguely used for the Hindukush region, with the Persian billaur, meaning crystal. The effect was much heightened by the unexpectedly verdant appearance which the cultivated portion of Wakhan still presented at that season, in spite of the elevation from $,000 to over 10,000 feet above sea level, and doubly welcome after the bleak Pamirs. It was pleasant to note abundant evidence of how much the resources of the Wakhis on the Russian side of the valley had increased, both in respect of cattle and sheep and of land brought under cultivation, since annexation under the settlement arrived at by the Anglo-Russian Pamir Boundary Commission had removed all trouble from Kirghiz raids and Afghan exactions. For all these reasons I felt glad that plentiful antiquarian and anthropometric work kept me busy in Wakhan during the first half of September. To this was added a philological task when, on entering that portion of the valley which adjoins the great northward end of the Oxus and is known as the tract of Ishkashim, I could collect linguistic specimens of the hitherto unrecorded Ishkashmi, one of the so-called Pamir dialects which form an

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 important branch among the modern representatives of the Eastern Iranian language group. At the pretty little Russian post of Xu, which faces the main settlement of Ishkashmi, I enjoyed the kind hospitality of Captain Tumanovich, its commandant, and benefited much by his local knowledge and help. Then I passed down the Oxus through the very confined portion of the valley known as Garan, which until the recent construction of a bridle-path with Russian help was ground very difficult of access, even on foot, and visited Colonel Yagello's headquarters at Kharuk. It iies at the fertile debouchure of the Shughnan valleys, where the cart road now crossing the Pamirs erds, and proved a very pleasant spot, boasting of fine fruit gardens, and to my surprise, even of electric light. The relative abundance of fertile arable land, and the facility of communication both with the Pamirs and the rich grazing uplands of Badakhshan, have always given to the valleys of Shughnan a certain historical importance. They figure often in Chinese and early Muhammadan accounts of the Middle Oxus region. So I was glad to visit in succession the two main valleys of Shakh-darra and Ghund. Considering that the Shughni people have always been noted for their fondness for roaming abroad, in the old days as raiders, and are now as pedlars and servants to be found in all towns from Kabul to Farghana, it was interesting to observe how much of old-world inheritance in ethnic type, local customs, domestic architecture, and implements has survived among them. From Shitam in the Ghund Valley I crossed by a distinctly difficult glacier pass, over 16,000 feet high, into Roshan. From the watershed, overlooking large and badly crevassed glaciers both to north and south, I enjoyed & glorious vista over the rolling uplands of Badakhshan, 8 region towards which my eyes have been turned for many years, and to which access still remains closed. The narrow, deep-cut gorges in which the Roshan River has out its way through towering mountain masses, wildly serrated above and very steep at their foot, proved a line of progress even more toublesome than the glacier across which we had reached them. A two days' climbing and scrambling past precipices by narrow rock ledge and frail galleries (awrinz), as bad as any I ever saw in the Hindukush, was relieved in places by the use of skin-rafts, where the absence of dangerous cataracts allowed their employment. Guided by dexterous swimmers, they made me glide down over the tossing river, forgetful of all fatigue, in scenery of impressive grandeur, amidst rock-walls which ever seemed to close in upon us. But it was a real relief when the last rock gate was passed, and we emerged once znore in the less-confined valley of the Oxus. Roshan, just as it is the least accessible of all the side valleys of the Oxus, seems also u have preserved the Homo Alpinus type of the Chalchas in its greatest purity. The men, clean of limb and made wiry by constant movement over such impossible tracks, all showed clear-cut features, and often faces of almost classical regularity. The hamlets nestling at the mouth of the ravines were often half hidden amidst splendid orchards. The dwellings invariably showed plans and internal arrangements which were obviously derived from high antiquity, so many of the features being familiar to me from the architecture traced at early siles of Turkestan and the Indian North-West. Alpine seclusion seemed to have preserved here a small corner of the world scarcely touched by the change of ages, and I wondered whether some Bactrian Greek on a visit to Roshan would have seen much that was different from what these simple well-built dwellings show now. After a busy delightful day's halt at Kala-Wamar, in the garden of the ruined castle of the Shughnan chiefs, I crossed the glacier pass of Adude and made my way into the Yazghulam and Vanj valleys of Darwaz, where the territory of the Amir of Bokhara was entered.

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OCTOBER, 1917] A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 231 Here, too, the recommendation of the Imperial Russian political representative, Consul Belaieff, had assured me all possible attention and help. As I travelled up the Vanaj Valley, and subsequently through the mountain tract known as Wakhia-bala, I could no: observe the gradual change in the physical appearance, houses, ways of living, etc., of the people, bearing testimony to the historically attested conquest of Turki tribes and the influence exercised by the civilization of the Turkestan plains. But we were still high up in the mountains, and had a trying task when on October 3 we crossed the Sitargh Pass, circ. 14,600 feet high, with its big and badly crevassed glacier, after the first winter snow had fallen, and just in time before it became closed to traffic. Finally, we gained by the Gardan-i-kaftar Pase, also under fresh snow, the main valley of Kara-tegin. Here on the banks of the Kizil-su River, coming from the Alai, I found myself once more on the line of the ancient silk-trade route connecting China with Bactria. A marked change in the climatic conditions was brought home to me by the fact that the fertile slopes on the hillsides are being cultivated without the need of irrigation. Kara-tegin, as its modern name attests, had been long occupied by a Turki-speaking population. It was interesting to note here how the Kirghiz settlers, who represent probably the last wave of this Turkish invasion in what was originally Iranian ground, are now being slowly ousted again from the land by a steady reflux of Tajik immigrants. From Kara-tegin, where I had interesting opportunities for getting to know the traditional administrative methods of Bokhara, a succession of rapid marches carried me westwards through the open and remarkably fertile valleys which the rivers of Kafirnihan and Surkhan drain. It seemed hard to forego a visit south to the Oxus, where it passes nearest to my old goal of Balkh or Bactra. But time was getting short for the remaining portion of my programme. So I took the nearest route to the confines of ancient Sogdiana northwestwards by the difficult track through the mountains which connects Hissar and Regak with the rich plains about Shahr-i-sabz. Finally, or October 22, I arrived at Samarkand and the Russian Central-Asian railway. Since the start from my camp in the Kashgar Mountains my journey had lasted just over three months, and within these we had covered on foot and on horseback an aggregate distance of close on 1700 miles. A new and distant field of work lay ahead for me on Persian soil. So only a few days could be spared for renewed visits to the great monuments of Muhammadan art and Mughal power at Samarkand. It was the same at Bokhara, where I could personally thank M. Shulga, then officiating as the Imperial Russian representative, as well as the Diwan-begi, the head of H. H. the Amir of Bokhara's administration, for all the kind help and hospitality I had received in the State. So much survives, in that fascinating great city, of old-world CentralAsian life and of its own historical past that my three days' stay seemed a sadly brief time. Then the Trans-Caspian railway carried me to Askhabad, the great Russian cantonment on the Persian border, and crossing this I reached Meshed by November 4 after a four days' hard drive. There, at the old capital of Khorasan, Colonel T. W. Haig, H. B. M.'s Consul-General for Khorasan, and a distinguished Oriental scholar, offered me the kindest welcome and the chance of a much-needed short rest. Under the hospitable roof of the Consulate and within its fine large garden I felt as if brought back to some English country house. Constant toil at much delayed official accounts kept me busy and, alas, left little time for glimpses of the interesting city outside. Seistan was my goal for the winter's work, and considering its great distance and the uncertain state of political affairs in Persia, I had much reason to feel grateful for the kind help and shrewd advice by which Colonel Haig facilitated my rapid onward journey.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 On November 11 I left Meshed for Seistan. In order to reach it I had chose a route which, keeping off the main roads, gave opportunities for useful supplementary survey work and offered the further advantage of being the most direct. It first took us by littlefrequented tracks through hills held by Hazara and Baluch tribal settlements to Rui-Khaf. Thence we travelled south in an almost straight line parallel to the Perso-Afghan border, where it passes through a nearly unbroken succession of desert depressions and of equally barren hill ranges. Near a few of the little oases we passed, as at Mujnabad, Tabbas, and Duruh, I was able to examine remains of sites abandoned since early Muhammadan times. At Bandan we struck the high-road, and two days later, on December 1, reached Nasratabad, the Seistan "capital." The excellent Persian mules hired at Meshed had allowed us to cover the total distance of over 500 miles in nineteen marches. With the assistance of Afrazgul Khan a careful plane-table survey on the scale of 4 miles to 1 inch was carried over the whole ground. The disturbed conditions of Persia due to the War made themselves felt also on the Khorasan border, ever a happy raiding-ground for enterprising neighbours. But owing, perhaps, to the rapidity of our movements and the unfrequented route chosen, the journey passed off without any awkward encounters. Once safely arrived in Seistan I received a very kind and hospitable welcome from Major F. B. Prideaux, H.B.M.'s Consul in Seistan, and could quickly set to work with all the advantages which his most effective help and prolonged local experience assured me. Ever since my student days I had felt drawn to Seistan by special interests connected with its geography and historical past. It had been more than chance that my very first paper, published as long ago as 1885, dealt with the ancient river names of this Iranian border-land. My present visit to Seistan, long deferred as it was, could for various reasons be only a kind of reconnaissance. Yet even thus I might hope among its numerous ruined sites to discover remains of the early periods when ancient Sacastana, "the land of the Sacas or Scythians," served as an outpost of Iran and the Hellenistic Near East towards Buddhist India. A strong additional reason was provided by my explorations in the Tarim Basin; for the striking analogy presented by various physical features of the terminal basin of the Helmand River was likely to throw light on more than one geographical question connected with the dried-up Lop Sea and the ancient Lou-lan delta. It is a great satisfaction to me that in both directions my hopes have been fully justified by the results of my Seistan work. But it is only the most prominent that I can find space to record here in brief outlines. At the very start my archaeological search was rewarded by an important discovery. It was made on the isolated rocky hill of the Koh-i-Khwaja, which rises as a conspicuous landmark above the central portion of the Hamuns or terminal marshes of the Helmand. The extensive and wellknown ruins situated on its eastern slope proved to be the remains of a large Buddhist sanctuary, the first ever traced on Iranian soil. Hidden behind later masonry, there came to light remarkable fresco remains, dating back undoubtedly to the Sassanian period. Wall paintings, of a distinctly Hellenistic style and probably older, were found on the wall of a gallery below the high terrace bearing the main shrine. Protected in a similar way from the ravages of man and atmospheric moisture they had unfortunately suffered much from white ants. The importance of theso pictorial relics, which I managed to remove safely in spite of various difficulties, is great. They illustrate for the first time in situ the Iranian link of the chain which, long surmised by conjecture, connects the Graeco-Buddhis art of the extreme north-west of India with the Buddhist art of Central Asia and the Far East. This connection was reflectd with equal clearness by the architectural features of the ruins, which were also of great interest. (To be continued.)

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OCTOBER, 1917) SOME INTERESTING PARALLELS 233 SOME INTERESTING PARALLELS. BY HIRALAL AMRATLAL SHAH, B.A. To begin with the use of the number forty', in the Vedic and non-Vedic literature. (I) RigoII, 12, 11, informs us that "Indra found out in the forlieth autumn, Sambara abiding in the hills": "yaH zambaraM parvateSu zivantaM fiat " There is no convincing explanation why it should be the fortieth (autumn) and nothing more or less than that. Mr. Tilak's! bypothesis is well known and is considered to be highly ingenious. But as far as we know, it is not commonly accepted to be the right and final explanation. He construes the hymn differently, taking it to mean the fortieth day of the autumn and not the fortieth Autumn (=year). We now transcribe passages where this number is used. First of all, we refer to the dramas of Shakespeare edited by Mr. Verity and also to his notes on the passages we select therefrom. In Hamlet, we read :"Hamlet : 'I lov'd Ophelia : forty thousand brothers Could not, with all their quantity Of love, make up my sum...' (V, 1, 262, ff.) "forly: cf. sonnet' 2 (Shakespeare's). When forty winters shall beseige thy brow', Corialanus,' III, 1, 243 - I could beat forty of them', and the Merry Wives of Windsor,-1, 1, 205-6, I had rather than forty shillings I had my books of songs and sonnets here'; " Other numbers, e.g., 3 and 13, have become significant through some ancient belief or historical event; and perhaps 40 gained some mysterious import through the scriptures. Thus the wanderings of the Israelites lasted forty years, the fast of our Lord forty days, likewise the fast of Elijah (1, Kings, XIX, 8) and the stay of Moses on the mount. (Exod., XXIV, 18)." Mr. Verity adds here that the "Elizabethans use forty to imply indefinitely large number." However, he changes his opinion & year later, commenting on a passage we are just giving, that forty is used constantly by Elizabethans apparently as a significant number, where no precise reckoning was needed." . This is a note on the lines in the Midsummer Night's Dream, II, 1, 175-6, (Puck_ I'll put a girdle round about the earth In forty minutes.' We now dispense with Shakespeare and turn to the European history. From Macaulay, we learn that in feudal times, forty days made up the period, for which, men were bound to serve in a war. The most interesting parallels, according to us, lie in the wanderings of the Israelites for forty years and in the line of the Sonnet, "forty winters shall beseige thy brow." We can do no more than direct the attention of scholars to these instances. We shall now pass on to other cases where resemblance in thoughts and words is interesting. 1 The Arctic Home in the Vedas, pp. 279 ft. [Forty is a common conventional number in ancient Jewish tradition and has been supposed to have originated in "forty years as the conventional life of a generation.-Ed.]

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 About Dawn. " Wartawe3" " 3 : e feraituffagriga : !14" "acchA vo devImuSasaM vibhAtI # THAT ITR 115" "uSo vAna vAjini pracetAH stomaM juSasva gRNato maghona |" -Rigo III, 61. cf. with : "Thou in the moon's bright chariot proud and gay, * Thou Scythian-like dost round thy lands above The sun's gilt tent for ever move And still as thou in pomp dost go The shining pageant of the world attend thy show, When Goddess, liftest up thy waken'd head Out of the morning's purple bed, Thy quire of birds about thee play And all the joyful world salutes the rising day." . -Abraham Cowley: Hymn to Light. ('The moon's bright chariot 'corresponds to 'FTYT' but according to Sayanacharya, the word ' means 'golden' and not moon'. The phrase tez g: is to be found in the line. The sun's gilt tent for ever move'; here, Sayana takes ' n' to mean the sun.' ] About Sunrise. (III) " G: FYRITvAdAtrI vAsastanute simasmai | 2" - Rigo I, 115, 4. cf. with Spencer's Faerie Queen, I, 12, 2 and I, 2, 1 ff : "Scarcely had Phoebus in the glooming east Yet harnessed his fiery-footed teeme." "And cheerful chanticleer with his note shrill Had warned or se that Phoebus' fiery car, In haste was climbing up the Eastern hill, * Full envious that night so long his room did fill." [Eastern hill' is the well-known f'il (IV) "Hafa TNIL 18". "Trafft after -Rigo I, 115, 1-2. Translation of the Passages. "O Dawn, ... on thy golden car; awaken the sweet notes of the birds." (Peterson.) 4-Dawn, before all the world thou riacat up, the banner of immortality." (Peterson.) According to Sayana, "proclaimer of the (immortal) Sun." 5" Come, bring to the shining Dawn your offering and bow down before her." (Peterson.) 6 "O Dawn, rich in blessing, wise and bountiful, accept the song of thy worshipper." (Peterson.) 1.... "For, when he yoked his horses from their stall, Night was spreading her garment over all." (Peterson.) When he (Sun) draws away (from this world) his horses (rays), the Night covers everything with darkness. (SayanA.) [This passage is understood in different ways by different scholars. We cannot say how far the parallel can help us to clear the meaning.) 3 (The sun follows the divine and shining Dawn,) as a wooor follows his mistress." (Peterson.) 9 "Surya (Sun) has flod maven, earth and the mid-sky." (Peterson.)

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OCTOBER, 1917) SOME INTERESTING PARALLELS 235 cf. with Faerie Queen, 1, 5, 2: "And Phoebus, fresh as bridegroom to his mate Came dancing forth, shaking his dewy hair And hurled his glistening beam through gloomy air." (V) "FATAU rouhaT 10" -Rigo III, 61, 3. cf. with "The welkin way most beaten plaine" -Faerie Queen I, 4, 9. Miscellaneous. (VI) "TOTT Part 444-28TH F31:11 "- Raghu VIII, 5. cf. with " He saw in Mahomet, with his old life-worn eyes a century old, the lost Abdallah come back again, all that was left of Abdallah."--(Carlyle's Heroes.--Hero as a Prophet) There is some difference between the above two passages. The subjects (praja) do not get old. Hence in the Raghu, we do not expect to find the old life-worn eyes'; nor do we find all that was left of .....' because the departure of Raghu was quiet and peaceful leaving behind him nothing which would indicate hard times. (VII) "Tesla gr: geti ya TMENT 2:1 cInAMzukamiva ketoH prativAsaM nIyamAnasya || 12" Kako I, 29. cf. with T. Moore's "The Journey Onwards" : " As slow our ship her foamy track Against the wind was cleaving, Her trembling pennant still look'd back To that dear isle 'twas leaving. So loth we part from all we love, From all the links that bind us ; So turn our hearts, as on we rove, To those we have left behind us!" ["grama tara " may hint that the flag belongs to a ship and not to a chariot.] The following sentence is taken from the Uttarabhaga of Kadambari:(VIII) "T: AYA HFerarar TATT FA FAT ferat fra GTC 13" cf. with G. Wither's " The Mistress of Philarele": " When her ivory teeth she buries Twixt her two enticing cherries, If you look again the whiles She doth part those lips in smiles, 'Tis as when a flash of light Breaks from heaven to glad the night." (IX) "vaM jIvitaM svamasi me hadayaM dvitIyaM 1 2tg !!" -Uttararamacharitam, III, 26 cf. with R. Herrick's "To Anthea" "Thou art my life, my love, my heart, The very eyes of me, And hast command of every part To live and die for thee." 10 - Moving to the old goal." (Peterson.) "Treading the old (usual) path." (Sayana.) 11 " The subjects looked upon him their sovereiga lord as Raghu himself returned to youth." 12 "The body moves forward, the dull mind runs back like the flag of the staff carried against the wind." 13 "Gradually, the moonlight added beauty to the face of the Night on which a faint smile lurked on account of the appearance of the moon (her lover)" 14 - Thou art my life, my second heart; Thou art moon light to my eyes, the nectar to my limbs."

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 Let us again return to the Faerie Queen (II, 13) : "No tree whose braunches did not bravely spring; No braunch whereon a fine bird did not sitt; No bird but did her shrill notes sweetly sing; No song but did containe a lovely ditt. Trees, braunches, birds and songs, were framed fitt For to allure frajle mind to carelesse ease." These lines remind us the first verse of the Sukarambhdaamvada "mArge mAge mUtanaM cUtakhaNDam khaNDe khaNDe kokilAnAM viraavH| rAve rAva mAninI mAnabhaGgaH *: : | 15" (XI) "kamapyartha ciraM dhyAvA va prsphuritaadhraaH| bASpastambhitakaNDasvAdanunavava vanaM gatAH|| 16" -Pratima of Bhasa, II, 17. This way Rama, Sita and Lakshamana went to forest according to Bhasa. It is quite different in Ramayana, wherein we read a long farewell message. Whether Bhasa or some one else be the author of the dramas published by Mr. Ganapati SAstri, the skill of the dramatist is quite evident. He has heightened to an extraordinary pitch the pathos of the situation by dropping the message altogether, and thus making it an indication of intense grief. In Ramayana, the farewell message was meant to show the feelings of grief; but by a stroke (we should consider it to be of the pen of a genius ) it has been dropped, in spite of Ramayana, simply to express the grief. That Rama went away without leaving a message behind him is sufficient to drive mad his affectionate father. We have come across many cases where Bhasa puts aside older authorities, or historical facts. Here is one of them where he does so with great success and rare effect. We cite a parallel to the above verse of Bhasa: "Neither could say farewell, but through their eyes Grief interrupted speech with tears' supplies." -T. Carew's "A Pastoral Dialogue :" last lines. The following lines are perfectly oriental in sentiment, although we read them in the Faerie Queen, I, 12, 36-7(XII) "And to the knight his daughter dear he tied With sacred rites and vows for ever to abide." " His own two hands the holy knott did knitt That none but death for ever can divide; His own two hands, for such a turne most fit, The houseling fire did kindle and provide, And holy water thereon sprinkled wide; ..." "The houseling fire", we consider, is more connected with India and the Indian life than with any other race on the earth. Even in the drama of Shakespeare we read "For in the temple, by and by, with us These couples shall eternally be knit." --- A Midsummer Night's Dream, IV, 1, 185-6. Here the parallels come to an end, We hope their significance will not be lost upon the reader. 15On the road there are olusters of mangoe-trees and every such cluster resounds with the cooings of cuckoon; Every note of cuckoo makes the proud lady give up her prido: and with that, spring up (in her heart) the five-arrowed god." * "For a long timy they thought: and (then ) quivered their lids to utter something; but toare prevented their speech; hence, without uttering a word, they went away to forest."

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OCTOBER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 237 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 219.) Chanda's entry into Triehi and his aims. An evil day it was for Madura and its queen when Chanda Sahib made his entry into the Trichinopoly fort. It did not take long for Minakshi to find out that her friend was really her master, soon an enemy. For the love of power, she had sacrificed the unity of the State and invited the foreigners, and she now found that, in spite of her sacrifice, she was far from exercising power. Greedy and ambitious, Chanda Sahib could not check his interested diligence or voracious appetite. His soaring ambition longed for the time when the queen would be no more in his way, and when he could openly rule as the undisputed master of the region from the Kaveri to the Cape. True, he did not at first sy behave as to divulge the desire of his heart. He had the wisdom to proceed with saution, to use the name of Minakshi in all his actions and proceedings, so as to divert suspicion and invite confidence. An analysis of Chanda Sahib's motive in this period of his life shows that he had three things in view. He wished first to overthrow Baigaru Tirumala in the name of Minakshi, so that the Madura kingdom would once again be a strong and united power and free from rebellion and treason. Secondly, the consolidation of Madura achieved, he hoped to depose Minakshi and place himself, in the capacity of the Nawab's lieutenant, on the throne of Trichinopoly. When this was done, he evidently ho ved, as the last step of his ambition, to turn traitor to his master and declare himself an independent king. The first of these he expected to accomplish by acting in the name of Minakshi and by using the Nawab's countenance, the second by the Nawab's countenance alone, and the third, after his elevation, by his own unaidod resources. Chanda Sahib was, in other words, actuated by a secret motive in every step and a secret understanding against everybody. To use Minakshi as the means of Bangaru Tirumala's destruction, then to use the Nawab's name against Minakshi, and then to use his new powers against his master, were the methods which his ambition inspired and planned. No better instance have we in history of a clever schemer who combined the victims and the agents of his ambition in such a skilful manner. The means of his elevation to-day were, according to his plan, to be the victims of his tyranny tomorrow. Self was the only God whom Chanda Sahib knew, and it is not surprising that he proved to be the evil genius of the Naik kingdom. His tacit allowance of the partition of the kingdom. In accordance with his plan Chanda Sahib seems to have, 03 as Mr. Nelson says, first advised Minakshi to sacrifice the life of her rival Baugaru, so that ostensibly there could be no scope for the progress of any rebellion in his name, but really that he himself might have a free hand in the administration of the kingdom. It seems that Minakshi displayer on this occasion, & rare generosity, and refused to do so. Ill-treated as she had been by her adopted child's father she apparently forgot or ignored the past, and refused to injure him in any way. Indeed, she did not only protect him by a noble act of oblivion, but evidently came to an understanding with him, by which, in a reasonable spirit of modera 95 Nelson no doubt based his account on the Telugu ch onicle.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 tion, she agreed to partition the kingdom into two divisions, by which she was to live at Trichinopoly and get the revenues of the North as far as Dindigul, while Baigaru was to have his headquarters at Madura and rule the rest of the kingdom. The extent of Minakshi's conciliatio can be imagined from the fact that she placed even her adopted son and ward under the protection of Bangaru Tirumala. It is not difficult to perceive in this extraordinary agreement that Minakshi was inspired not only by the desire not to stain the fair reputation of her name, but by her probable repentance of the past, and by her generous recognition that, after all, Bangaru was, next to her, the sole claimant to the throne, and that any harm or violation done to his person might result in the final ruin of the kingdom. It shews the triumph of reason over prejudice, of her wiedom over her selfishnes. Chanda Sahib did indeed, for his own reasons, urge her to give up her generous behaviour and conciliatory policy, but neither her helpless state of dependence, nor the colour of plausible soundness which Chanda Sahib lent to his arguments, could deter her from resisting the unfortunate solicitation of the Musalman. And Chanda Sahib himself perhaps parceived that, in the then circumstances, the exercise of power in a portion of the kingdom by Bangaru wa3, after all, a service or rather than disservice to him; for the removal of Bangaru by death would necessarily betray his own designs and reveal his ambitions to the Nawab. On the other hand, the existence of Bangaru would, wbile strengthening his control over Minakshi, give him a security from the Nawab's displeasure, a security all the more necessary for the maturity and success of his plans, Chanda Sahib therefore thought it better, in the long run, to acquiesce in the arrangements of Minakshi and the partition of the kingdom. The intriguing temperament and the tortuous policy of Chanda Sahib however could not keep him quiet for a long time. He resolved at any cost, to overthrow Bangaru Tirumala. but he had not enough resources. Nor would the queen listen to him." In 1735 therefore he returned to Arcot, with the idea of returning to Trichinopoly with reinforcements. It is not improbable that, during his sojourn at Arcot, he convinced the Nawab of the necessity of getting rid of the Naik chieftain and that the Nawab, unable to look beyond his nose, consented. However it was, when Chanda Sahib returned to Trichinopoly in 1736 at the head of a large force, Queen Minakshi, alarmed by fear or ignorance of his real motive, admitted him. The historian Orme suggests on the ground of a vague tradition that Minakshi hat by this time fallen in love with the Musalman and that this intoxication clouded her understanding, compromised her dignity and made her a willing tool, if not an abject slave of the adventurer. . His adoption of war-like policy and attack on Bangaru Tirumala in Madura. However it might have been, the first act of Chanda Sahib after his return to Trichinopoly was to despatok, in her name, an army against Baigaru Tirumala and his royal son. According to the Telugu chronicle he himself set out against Bangaru," beat the troops stationed in the Dindigul district, took possession of it, and proceeded as far as Ammaya-palayam. The Telugu Rec. Carna. Govrs. "She retained for her own expenses and charities the revenues of the distriots on the KAveri banks, and gave Tinnevelly, Madura, Dindigul with Ramnad, Sivaganige and other palayamo to Bangaru." Her share was much smaller than Bangaru's, or rather his son's. Wilson, on the other hand, seems to think that Baigaru's going to Madura was the result not of an agreemont but of a desire to escape from the clutches of Chanda Sahib and the Rani. JRAS., III, 95 Wilson, on the other hand, seems to think that Chanda acted during all this time, with the queens approval and not in spite of her.

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OCTOBER, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 239 Meanwhile Baigaru had ordered his Dalavai, Mutu Vengu Aiyar and Venka Krishna Naik, the son of Minakshi Naik, to oppose him, accompanied by 2,000 cavalry, and by Appaiya Naik, Bodhi Naik, Irchaka Naik and other Polygars. In the battle which ensued Veikata Krishna fell, covered with eighteen wounds. The Dalavai, seated on a howdah, discharged arrows on his foes all round, scattering 300 men and allowing none to approach. By turning the howdah elephant to turn on every side like a whirlwind, he slew a great many soldiers and wounded many more. At the same time, the enemy, by means of arrows and musket-bullets, pierced Veigu Aiyar's body like a sieve, covering it with many wounds. He nevertheless relaxed not, and fought like Abhimanyu with the army of Duryodhana. He did not even pause to draw out the arrows that had struck him, but when his stock of arrows were expended, he drew out those which were in his body; and discharged them, thereby slaying several of his foes. But at length from the number of his wounds he became exhausted and expired. His troops were cut to pieces. A few however, though wounded, took his body to Madura. Soon afterwards, Bangaru heard that Chanda Sahib was advancing to Madura and, as he was destitute of forces, quitted that place, together with the prince and the royal appurtenances for Sivaganga." The Carna. Govrs<< gives a slightly different version. It says that Chanda Sahib did not personally go against Bangaru, but despatched the Dalavai and Pradhani Govindaiya and Ravapaiya "at the head of 8,000 cavalry and some infantry against Dindigul. They captured it, and were about to march on Madura, when Bangaru Tirumala Naikar sent his Dalava i Muttu Veigu Aiyar with a few men and 2,000 horse, to await the enemy at Ammaiyanayakanur Palayam and give battle. In the battle which consequently followed the heavy odds of the Trichinopoly army gained the day, and the howdah of Muttu Veigu Aiyar was surrounded. From his seat he discharged all his arrows and killed many of the enemy's horse, but was eventually slain. The victorious army then marched on Madura. Bangaru Tirumala had no army to support him. So he left Madura and came to Sivaganga, the estate of Udaya Tevar." Bangaru's Exile. At this important crisis of his life Bangaru had the consolation, the my consolation, of the loyalty of some of his Polygars. When he fled from Madura96 for safety, he was welcomed by the Setupati Katta Tevar and the Sivaganga Chief Sabiva Tevar. They met him with golden and silver flowers, paid him homage, and escorting him in pomp to their estate, placed at his disposal a number of villages for his maintenance, and also supplied everything needed. The village of Vellaikkuruchchi formed the residence of the father and the royal son, and from there they were, we can hardly doubt, reminded every day of their fallen condition, all the more by the faith of their loyal feudatories. 96 A remarkable instance of the absurd adherence to mere political terminology, which has no mean. ing whatever, is clear from an inscription in the name of Bangaru Tirumala, dated A.D. 1733. The Vijayanagar Empire had long been extinct, the Musalmane and Marathas had come and ruled, and the NAiks themselves had acted independently or in accordance with the dictates of the Musalmana, Yet this insoription discovered in the Kalastisvara temple of Uttama palayam says that he was the servant of Sri Ranga Raya of Vijayanagar,-Mahamandalesvara, Rajadhiraja, Rajaparamesvara, Rajamartanda, Rajagambhira, the conqueror of all countries, the giver of no country, the death to the triad of kings, the scatterer of Uriya forces, the humiliator of the Uriya pride, the scatterer of the Musalman foroes, the humiliator of the Musalman pride, the king of kings who collected tribute from all kingdoms, the lord of horses, the lord of elephants, the lord of men, the Nevakotinarayana, the Rayya of Anagundi See Taylor's Rest Mack. MSS., II, p. 276-8.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1917 Chanda Sahib's betrayal of Minakshi. After the flight of Bangaru and Vijaya Kumara, Madura lay open to the forces of Chanda Sahib. RAvanaiya and Govindaiya cccupied it promptly, and after securing it continued their march southward as far as Tinnevelly. The Polygars yielded and took the oath of allegiance to the queen. But it was not for long that that queen was to rule. With the conquest of Madura and Tinnevelly, with the full acquisition of the kingdom, and with the flight and exile of the king and the regent, the necessity on the part of Chanda Sahib to assume a sham loyalty to Minakshi was gone. He could now openly throw off his disguise, and make his outward behaviour consistent with his secret desire. Chanda Sahib therefore confined the queen in her palace and openly flouted her authority. He assumed a supercilious air and a dictatorial tone, placed the defence of the fort in the hands of his own men, segured the treasury, seized the administration, and ordered the relations and followers of Minakshi to leave the fort. It must have been a shock and a surprise to them and to the people, but all defence, all hesitation, was useless. The villain had taken every precaution to back up his commands, and resistance would mean nothing but suicide. Her Suicide. The result was that Minakshi was a prisoner in her palace, her mon in exile and her emancipation beyond hope. The only man who was likely to present an effective check to her oppressor was an exile. Did Bangaru Tirumala know her actual condition? Or, did he believe that the army which Chanda Sahib had recently sent against him was an army in reality sent by Minakshi ! We have no materials from which we can pronounce an opinion on these questions. It is highly probable that Bangaru Tirumala was ignorant of the tyranny to which Minakshi was subjected at Trichinopoly; that he might have even believed, from his recent disaster, that Chanda Sahib. and Minakshi were on cordially amicable terms. He was, in other words, ignorant of the miserable situation of his rival, the ambitions of Chanda Sahib, and the consequent feeling of friendship which Minakshi must have in her heart entertained for him. However it might have been, he did not stir a finger, after his flight to Sivaganga, to recover his kingdom. Either his ignorance of the actual state of things at Trichinopoly, or his incapacity with the resources he then had, to go to war, made him harmless. It is not improbable that the counsels of his supporters looked on an attempt to recover the kingdom by force would end in failure. Consequently, with the lapse of days, the position of Minakshi became intolerable. Every day the Musalman was getting haughtier and she was treated with humiliation and insult. Every accident betrayed the impotence of her party and the turbulent temper of her guards, and it was not long before she realised that the conspiracy formed in her very palace-prison was too formidable to be quelled. The courtiers, who were loyal to her, were either exiles or powerless men, who had no access to her on account of the Mussalman soldiers stationed in the gateways and galleries, the Vestibule and portico of the prison, and some were prepared, thanks to bribery and persuasion, to take part in Chanda Sahib's designs. Life became a burden under these circumstances. The loss of crown and freedom, the pressure of remorse and the poignanoy of grief, prepared her for removal from this world, and the last Hindu sovereign of Trichinopoly died broken-hearted by her own hand. Such was the ignominious fate of the last Naik ruler of Madura and Trichinopoly. She had been on the throne only for a space of five years, and the penalty she had to pay for her short-sighted opposition to her cousin, with whom she might have come to an under

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OCTODER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 241 standing of an amicable nature, in the very beginning of her reign, was her life, and the extinction of her kingdom. The Musalman was now firmly seated at Trichinopoly and Madura. The most powerful remnant of old Vijayanagar, the dynasty which had survived the vicissitudes and political revolutions of two centuries after the downfall of Vijayanagar, was now no more. The institution of Visvanatha Naik and Aryanatha Mudaliar became extinct; and if the Polygars of Madura still assumed the title of Polygars, few traces can be discovered of their political subordination. Chanda Sahlb's March against Bangaru. The ambition of Chanda Sahib impelled him, after the acquisition of the kingdom, to prompt and decisive action. In accordance with his preconceived design, he resolved to employ his new resources in the renunciation of his allegiance to his relation and suzerain. At the same time, he wanted to be tactful enough not to rashly provoke him against himself. Tempering his ardour by this consideration, he kept on friendly terms with his master for a year. In the meantime, he devoted himself to the consolidation of his new kingdom. He repaired and strengthened the fortifications of Trichinopoly, and appointed his two brothers as governors of the stronghold of Dindigul and Madura. He then embraced the resolution of marching against the Polygars of Ramnad and Sivaganga who, as we have already seen, had given refuge to Bangaru Tirumala and Vijaya Kumara. Vijaya Kumara was still the titular Karta, and so long as he lived, and commanded the allegiance of the Polygars, the Muhammadan would be, in the eyes of the people, a usurper, Chanda Sahib, therefore, proceeded to remove the obstacle. Bangaru's Alliance with Tanjore, and Failure. Bangaru Tirumala was alarmed. He saw that the heart of Chanda Sahib was set on his ruin, that the chiefs who had given him refuge could not, owing to their limited resources, aid him any further. He sought for allies ; found one, a companion in trouble, who was prepared to sympathise with him and to co-operate withd him in undertaking means to overthrow the haughty Musalman. That companion in trouble was the contemporary King of Tanjore, Sayaji. Sayaji R7 had ascended the Tanjore throne in 1738 as successor to queen Sujana Bai, the wife of his elder brother. Immediately after his accession, Sayaji found himself in an exceedingly difficult and embarrassing position. An impostor named Savai Shahji or Siddoji, who pretended to be the son of Sayaji's elder brother and therefore the legitimate heir to the throne, disputed his right and set up a formidable standard of rebellion. The progress of this treason in fact was so startling that Sayaji found himself, with a tragic suddenness, a deserted chief and had to seek refuge by flight. Proceeding to Chidambaram he asked for the assistance of the French at Pondicheri, in return for the cession of Karaikal, which they had been long desirous of obtaining. Dumas, the French Governor, agreed, and was about to occupy Karaikal and send an army to assist Sayaji, when the latter, who had in the meanwhile been engaging other means than force, succeeded by dint of bribes and promises to the nobility of Tanjore, in effecting a coup d'elat and recovering his crown, cancelled his treaty with the French. Governor Dumas was highly indignant at this turn of events, but he had no other alternative than to acquiesce in it. At this crisis, Chanda Sahib invaded the Tanjore dominions in the name of the Nawab to collect tribute, and he made an alliance with the French by which he was to 97 See Tanj. Gazr., 44-5.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1917 compel Sayaji to surrender Karaikal to them, a measure which he thought he could take, as the Nawab was the suzerain. The place was then forcibly taken and Sayaji was compelled to agree to his treaty and ratify it in a formal agreement (Feb. 1739). He at the same time was compelled to pay enormous booty to Chanda Sahib. Bangaru Tirumala calls in the Marathas. It is not surprising that Sayaji was, like Bangaru Tirumala, embittered in his feeling against Chanda Sahib and ardently longed for his overthrow. Both the chiefs put their heads together and embraced the resolution of calling the Maratha Peshwa to their assistance. The Peshwa 98 of the time, the celebrated Baji Rao I., was not the man to let slip an opportunity which promised so much for Maratha expansion. He, therefore, eagerly seized the proposal of the ex-chief. With characteristic astuteness he suppressed domestic disunion for the sake of common ambition, and persuaded even his rival, Raghoji Bhonsle, to take part in an expedition into South India, ostensibly to take the cause of Baigaru, in reality to extend the sovereignty of the Maharashtra to the furthest corner of India. Raghoji Bhonsle and his colleague Fateh Singh were soon on the march to the south. The troops of Dost 'Ali vanished before them, and the Hindu powers, headed by Tanjore, hastened to renounce the Musalmano yoke and rally round the invaders. The coast being thus not only clear but inviting, Raghoji Bhonsle was soon at the foot of the Trichinopoly fortifications. The place was promptly invested, and after a few months blockade, was induced to capitulate. The acquisition of Trichinopoly was followed by the acquisition of Madura; for its Governor, Bade Sahib, the brother of Chanda Sahib, had already met, in an engagement with the Marathas, in the vicinity of Trichinopoly, with defeat and death. The Maratha Occupation of Trichinopoly. The Maratha conquest and occupation of Trich inopoly and Madura had naturally the effect of reviving the fortunes of Bangaru Tirumala and his royal ward. One of the Chronicles100 describes how Fateh Singh summoned, after his victory, the regent and the crown prince to Trichinopoly; how in an interview with them, he dwelt on the great trouble he had * Hist. of the Carna. Dynas. Duff does not mention this. 99 Duff points out that Safdar Ali, being defeated, bought off the Marathas, and also entered into a secret compact by which Raghoji was to crush Chanda Sahib in Trichinopoly, in return for the cession of that place. "No bait could be more allowing to the Marathas than Trichinopoly, and the troops only retired 250 miles towards Maharashtra to prepare for the promised conquest and lull suspicion of an attack" (pp. 2-3). Raghoji then returned to Poona to prevent the accession of Balaji Baji Rao to the Pealwaic dignity. Ho failed, and then returned to attack Trichinopoly, accompanied by Sripat Rao Pratinidhi and Fateh Singh Bhonsle. "In regard to the subsequent operations of the Marathas in the Carnatie, very little illustrative of what has been so ably recorded has fallen within my observation in the Maratha country. It appears, however, that the Tanjore State, though then agitated by factions, entered into a friendly correspondence with their countrymen, but whether to avert attack or to afford assis. tance is not mentioned." Trichinopoly surrendered, 26th Mar, 1741. It will be seen from this that Duff was ignorant of the fact that the Marathas attacked Trichinopoly not only to fulfil the promise of Safdar Ali, but ostensibly to restore the Madura dynasty-According to the Madura MSS., more. over, Tanjoro was distinctly for assistance, .. 100 Hial of the Cama, Dynas. Here it closely agrees with Duff. See II, p. 5. The Mys, Gazr, says that the Marathas, when they took Trichinopoly, "took Chanda captive to Satara, and disregarding the claims of Bangfru Tirumala," appointed Murari Rao as the governor of the conquered kingdom This, it will be seen, is not supported by the chronicles.

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OCTOBER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 243 taken to restore their kingdom to them; and how he clemanded, as the price of his service, a war indemnity of 30 lakhs of rupees and a regular payment of the old annual tribute of three lakhs. Baugaru Tirumala, we are further told, replied to these demands, that, in consequence of Chanda Sahib's appropriations of all the ready money and jewels of the crown, he was unable to pay the thirty lakhs in a lump sum, and that he agreed to pay it in three yearly instaiments of ten lakhs. The Maratha chief agreed and, after taking a written agreement to that effect from Vijaya Kumara, deputed the task of reinstating him to his gallant lieutenant, Murari Rao, and then left for his distant home, with Chanda Sahib as his prisoner. Murari Rao, the chronicle continues, discharged his duties with sympathy and with justice. He brought the whole country into order and, "giving it over to Baigaru," himself stayed in Trichinopoly to ensure proper cultivation and collection of revenue. Another chronicle, differing slightly from this version, says with greater probability, that after the capture of Trichinopoly, Fateh Singh" placed Murari Rayar in charge of the fort instructing him to send for and call Bangaru Tirumalai Naicker hither, to crown him and give the country over to him; appointing an acknowledgment for the crown of 30 lakhs of Rupees, to be paid to Murari Rayar"; that Murari Rao, in consequence, wrote to Udaya Tevar to bring Bangaru with him, when the Nizam invaded the Trichinopoly dominions and put an end to the Maratha power there. According to this authority then, no interview took place between the Maratha general or his ropresentative and the Naik chief; nor was the latter restored to power; for, before that task was accomplished, the Maratha had to surrender Trichinopoly to the Nizam and return to the Maharashtra. A third manuscript gives some more details than the other two, though it is silent in regard to the actual treatment accorded to Baugaru Tirumala. It says that Fateh Singh (whom it wrongly calls a Mysore chief) slow Barle Khan, dispersed the Muhammadans, captured Trichinopoly, and placed Murari Rao as the chief of that fort, ordering that the Siva and Vishnu temples should be conducted according to custom. Fateh Singh then returned to the north. "Murari Rayar," continues the record, "was a just chief. Ho despatched Appachi Ravar with 20,000 cavalry (to Madura)"; and the latter took immediate steps to rostore the gods of that place. He recompensed the Setupati for his services and expenses and, on Saturday, the 17th of Avani, Dunmuki, two hours after sunset, brought the images to their own temple at Madura. Appachi, it is further said, caused all the villages and lands endowed by the Karnata kings to be restored. The Nizam's Conquest and promised Naik Restoration. From this it is clear that the relations between the Marathas and the Naiks are not certain. We cannot definitely say whether Vijaya Kumara was restored and invested with full power of sovereignty or not. But the question is, after all, not important; for, as has been already mentioned, the Maratha occupation of the South barely lasted two years. In the early months of 1743, the Nizam, whose natural desire was to drive the Marathas from the assertion of supremacy over a kingdom which was tributary to his Subah of Arcot, marched at the head of 10,000 cavalry and encamped at the foot of the Trichinopoly walls. In the engagements which ensued, Murari Rao was defeated and compelled to leave the Carnatic. The Record of Carna. Govrs. says that, when Murari Rao was unable to prevail over the formidable forces of his adversary, he entered into negotia 1 In January 1742, Safdar Ali had been murdered by his brother-in-law and there was general con fusion in Mughal territory, S. of the Krishna ; and the Nizam took advantage of this opportunity to establish his power there (Duff).

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 tion with him and explained that he had been entrusted with the task of reinstating Raja Muttu Tirumalai Naik, and that, as His Highness was come in person, he was relieved of his task. He, therefore, gave up the fort to the Nizam and went to Poona." Asaf Jah immediately took possession of the fort and despatched, we are told, messengers to Bangaru Tirumala, summoning him and the king to meet him. The interview took place at Trichino poly. The Nizam was gracious enough to acknowledge the sovereign power of Vijaya Kumara, but imposod, as a condition of his restoration, the payment of 30 lakhs promised to the Marathas and the payment of the tribute of three lakhs every year. A written agreement bearing the signature of the boy-king was prepared to this effect; and the Nizam then returned by way of Arcot to Hyderabad in accordance with this arrangement. The Nizam's Treachery. ff the Nizam had left Vijaya Kumara to rule as of old at Trichinopoly, his motive can be pronounced to be sincere, but there are ample reasons for believing from his subsequent conduct that his sympathy with the Naik chief was a pretence, and the document he got from hin a sham. For, the same manuscript tells us that when the Nizam proceeded to Arcot; he took Bangaru and Tirumala with him practically as prisoners, though he assured them that they were to be his friends and guests. "Subsequent to their arrival at Arcot, Safdar Ali Khan died and, as his children were young, the Nizam gave it in charge of Alivardi Khan till the children' of Safdar could be competent to manage the affairs of Government. He also charged him to conduct the Karna akaprince, Vijaya Kumara, to Trichinopoly and reinstate him on his ancestral throne, and receive and remit the tribute due from him. Giving these instructions to Alivardi Khan in the presence of Baigaru Tirumala and further directing him to return (to the North) when these affairs were adjusted, the Nizam iturned to his own dominions." But no sooner was the back of his master turned on hin than Alivardi Khan became an indifferent agent of his. He had been apparently, at least, ordered to instal the Naik king promptly, but either a secret understanding with his master, or his own unwillingness to part with the extensive and beautiful region from Trichinopoly to Cape Comerin, made him a tardy executor of his superior's command. Baigaru Tirumala did not see that he was a dupe and a plaything in the hands of his Musalman allies, and with characteristic simplicity, he asked Alivardi Khan to basten his favour, but the latter gave a plausible reply that he would devote himself to his service after the country was reduced to order. At the same time he allotted to the royal exiles the daily stipends of 100 pagodas and Rs. 100 respectively till their return with himself to their capital. As for Bangaru, he seems to have believed entirely in the sincerity of his Muhammadan friend. So ardent a believer in it was he, that he spared no efforts to help him in the restoration of order in the discontented province of Arcot. When the people of Veikatagiri and Kalahasti, for instance, defied the power of Anwaru'd-din and defeated, with great slaughter, his armies, Bangaru Tirumala it was, we are informed, that * This was in August 1742. The fact is, as grant Duff says, Murari Rao had never been loyal to his own countrynen. He was guided solely by his interests, and he would fight on behalf of Europeans and Mughals if he could gain advantage. The Nizam recognised him as Chief of Gooty, and he in return gave up Trichinopoly and went away. : This is wrong. He had been mordered in 1742 and Nizam's invasion was caused by that. 4 Anwaru'd din was appointed for Carnatic payinghat and Hidayat Muhyu'd din Khan (Muzaffar Jang) for the Carnatic Proper, with Adoni as jagir and Bijapur for headquartere (Duff).

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OCTOBER, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 245 saved the Nawab and turned disaster into success. The ranks of Anwaru'd-din's army became sorely thinned. His howdah fell into the enemy's hands. Never did the Nawab sustain so serious a disgrace in the hands of such petty chiefs. Baigaru Tirumala saw this and argued that the disgrace of the Nawab, inasmuch as the refractory chiefs were his subordinate Polygars, was his own disgrace. He, therafore, took a leading part in the campaign and ultimately succeeded in shattering the Polygar levies. Anwaru'd-din's Murder of Bangaru Tirumala. The hope of the Baigaru Tirumala to secure, by means of his services, the gratitude and the favour of Anwaru'd-din Khan was, however, not destined to be realised. As we have already seen, Anwaru'd-din had his own designs on the Naik Kingdom and the sanction he gave for pensions to Bargiru and his crowned son was evidently intended to be a final disposal of the question. The little lingering doubt he may have had was shattered by the heroism which Bangaru displayed on his own behalf in the affair of Kalahasti. The Nawab admired his valour, but with the feeling of admiration was combined the feeling of fear. He felt that the restoration of such a man would hardly conduce to the strength of his own position. He, therefore, issued secret orders to his men to remove the regent for ever from his path of ambition. And the murder was perpetrated in a singularly mean manner. In the late war, Baugaru had received two wounds of a deadly nature and the Nawab, with a pretended solicitude, sent his own men to dress his wounds and administer medicine. The physicians were then instructed to mix poison with the medicine, so that the patient died within an hour of his taking it. Vijaya Kumara's Flight to Sivaganga. Thus perished the only man who could, if any man at all could have done so, secured the revival of the Naik power. There is something pathetic, something melancholy, about the figure of this ill-fated prince. Born of a younger line and excluded from the throne by # combination of circumstances, he fought without success for the exercise of his power; and when he at lergth got it by the moderation or the death of his rival, he and the king and kingdom, whose destinies were in his guidance, became the victims of a formidable foreign power. Even in the court of the Nawab he did not lose faith either in the fortunes of himself and his royal son or the honesty of the Nawab, and in that faith he was so firm that he himself took part in the settlement of his country, forgetting or little thinking that, by his loyal assistance, he was only rousing jealousy in the heart of Anwaru 'd-din and thus digging his own grave. Never in the annals of Indian history do we find such simplicity and trust repaid by ingratitude and treachery. As for the nominal king of the Naik dominions, Vijaya Kumara, he was in a peculiarly hard and embarrassing position. Deprived of his crown and kingdom, of his father and guardian, himself a boy of inexperience, he was in the midst of enemies, the very destroyers of his power and father. Life was no longer safe at the Nawab's

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1917 court. Every day the events transpiring therein proved it. For some time after the murder of Baigaru, a young son of Safdar Ali, whose guardian Anwaru'd-din was, was also Assassinatel at the instance of the latter, by a band of Pathans who, under pretence of Asking for arrears of pay, raised an altercation, and stabbed the young prince. The only possible claimant of the Nawabship was Chanda Sahib, the son-in-law of Safdar, and he was rotting in the dungeons of Satara Anwaru'd-din, therefore, became the undisputed Nawab of Arcot. His next measure would be, it was feared, the removal of Vijaya Kumara also from the scene. The relations of the Naik chief were alarmed and advised immediate flight. Thus it was that, on a dark night. when the Nawab and his men hardly knew what was happening, Vijaya Kumara left Arcot with his retinue, and came in hot haste to Sivaganga. He could not go to either Trichinopoly or Madura, for these places had been already occupied by the Nawab's own men, and to go thither "would be to go straight into the jaws of death." The chiefs oi Ramnad and Sivaga iga played at this crisis a very noble and honourable part. Frequent sources of trouble as they had been in the time of peace and of Naik magnificence, they now proved themselves, by their loyalty and support, to be true friends. They welcomed the unfortunate refugee from Muhammadan treachery and behaved towards him as if he was still the undisputed sovereign of his ancestral dominions. They paid him homage, congratulated him on his escape from the scene of danger, and expressed the hope that, with the advent of some legitimate king in the future, his claims would be recognised and his kingdom restored. With great kindness, they urged him to stay till that time in their own estates, and arranged for his comfort and convenience. The practical end of the Naik Dynasty. With the flight of Vijaya Kumara to Sivaganga we may date the extinction of the last hopes of the revival of of the Naik dynasty. The Naik dominions were now not under a king tributary to the Nawab, but under the direct rule of that functionary. The legions that garrisoned the Naik capitals no longer uttered the names of Bangaru or Vijaya Kumara, but openly acknowledged the Nawab as their master. The real king was an exile depending for his safety and support on the precarious loyalty and generosity of his own vassals. From Madras to Cape Comorin, in other words, the whole country, excepting the subordinate kingdoms of Tanjore, Travancore and Cochin, was under the administration of the Nawab. Arcot was henceforth the capital. Trichinopoly and Madura (to which Tinnevelly continued to be attached) were henceforth provincial capitals, the headquarter of the Viceroys appointed by the Nawab. The Polygars had henceforth to wait not on the Telugu descendants of the veterans of Visvanatha Naik, but on the agents and representative of the Muhammadan rule at Arcot. It was at this juncture that Chanda Sahib effected, thanks to his friendship with Dupleix, his liberation from Satara, and immediately after his emancipation, came to the Carnatio, and set up his claim to the Nawabship. The campaigns which followed, the

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OCTOBER, 1917) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 247 simultaneous succession dispute in Hyderabad between Nazir Jang and Muzaffar Jang, and Other events are, it is well known, of the greatest moment in Indian history, and they made the English and the French play for the first time an important and conspicuous part in the political affairs of South India. The exiled Naik and Chanda Sahib. When Chanda Sahib, with the assistance of the French, overthrew and slew Anwaru'd. din in the battlefield of Ambur and proclaimed himself the Nawab of the Carnatic in his place, the Naik capital, within the walls of which Muhammad Ali, the son of Anwar u'd-din took refuge, became the most important place of contest in South India, the bone of contention between the rival claimants to the Nawabship of the Carnatic. Such a circum stance could hardly advance the claims of the phantom monarch, who lived in obscurity in Ramnad and declared that Trichinopoly was his. The declaration of Chanda Sahib of his mastery over the Carnatic was followed by two events: first his attempt to reduce the provinces of Madura and Tinnevelly which Muhammad Ali, with the assistance of his English allies, had been cautious enough to secure immediately after his flight to Trichinopoly, and secondly to undertake the siege of Trichinopoly. The dominions of the Ndik kings, in fact, became the chief scene of war, Trichinopoly being, owing to its situation and its direct rule by Muhammad Ali, the heart of the contest, and Macura and Tinnevelly the scene of serious fights and engagements. The general of Chanda Sahib who conquered the Southern provinces was an able adventurer named Alam Khan. Endowed with tact and discretion, with the power of leadership and the knack of managing men, Alam gained over the soldiers of Muhammad Ali at Madura by his personal address, and the tenants by his promise, in Chanda Sahib's name, to free them from the arrears of rent due by them to the State. The superior ability and the remarkable personal influence of Alam Khan were of the utmost service to his master; for his possession of Madura meant to Muhammad Ali the loss of more than one-half of his dominions. It moreover severed the communication between the Trichinopoly and Tinnevelly country, and made Chanda Sahib's power as secure in the region of the Tambapurni as in that of the Vaigai. It is not surprising that, under these circumstances, Muhammad Ali endea voured his best to reconquer Madura. In 1751 he lespatched Captain Cope for this purpose; but that general was defeated and compelled to retreat back to Trichinopoly. The French, the Nizam, and Chanda Sahib were exultant and hoped every moment to reduce the place and completo the ruin of Muhammad Ali, The latter had not remained idle. He called in the aid of the English to counter-balance the French, the Marathas under Murari Rao who were more than equal to the Nizam, and the Mysoreans, who hoped in the ruin of Chanda Sahib for territorial acquisitsion. Vigorous fighting went on around Trichinopoly and in the provinces, and the fate of South India trembled in the balance. (To be continued.) 5 Madura was brought under fuhammad Ali by an army of 2,500 horse and 3,000 peons (assisted by A detachment of 30 Europeans under Iones) under the command of Abdu'r-Rahim, Muhammad Ali's brother.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ TOBER. 1917 NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. be togather, yett in respect to his father we now 7. Administrative rulo to prevent favouritism. dispence with it, not doubting Mr. Stables will be 28 February 1689. Letler fron. Elihu Yale and any ways partiall to his son or spare him from Council al Fort St. George to John Stables and Council such business as the Honble. Companys service at Vizaga patam. We send you also some more may requier him.-Records of Fort St. Georye. assistance, vist. John Oneel, Henery Croke, Thomas Letters from Fort St. Georye. 1689, p. 13. Ntables, and tho tis not comon for Relations to R.C.T. BOOK NOTICE. ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE IN MYSORE. The and the other two which are opposite to each Kerava Temple at Somanathpur, by RAO BAHA- other, facing north and south respectively. They DUR R. NARASIMEACHAK, Director of Archeologi. are surmounted by three elegantly carved towers, cal Researches in Mysore. which are identical in design and execution. The two towers are attached to the Nararainga or the RAO BAHADUR Narasimhachar has undertaken to Middle Hall which is again attached to the Mukher issue about half a dozen short monographs, with Mandapa or Front Hall." On both sides of the suitable illustrations on the notable buildings of the entrance, around the Front Hall there runs * Hoysala and Dravidian styles. The present mo. jagati or railed parapet covered with sculptured nograph on the well known Kesava Temple is the freezes of Puranic scenes. Each kafu, bach of the first of the series. It contains 11 pages of de three members of the temple, consists of # Garbha scription in quarto, 7 pages of introduction, some yriha or adytum und & vukhanisi or vestibule. The 15 illustrations and # Devanagari transliteration. chief kua opposite the entrance, contained the in 4 pages, of the Sanskrit inscriptions at the image of Kesays which is no more to be found Temple and at Harihar. The printing of the text there. The height of each tower or kata is not and the illustrations has beun very neatly executed given by Mr. Narasimhachar. Fergusson guessed by the Mysore Government Press at Bangalore. it to be 30 ft., in Worki's Through Tow> We notice with satisfaction that "It is under and Jungle it is given us about 32 ft. contemplation to prepare and publish a monograph The illustration of the two towers which Mr. on Hoysala" architecture in Mysore. A synthetie Narasimhachar gives fully bears out the praise view surveying the entire subject matter will be that: "Not # square inch of the surface is without more useful than booklets on individual buildings decoration. These towers captivate the inind by The latter, however, are not without value. their profusion of detail and perfection of outline Mr. Narasimhachar proposes to change the i and there is no suggestion of superfluity in the end designation style " Chalukyan," popularised by less concourse of figures and designs. To construct Fergusson, and to call it Hoysala style, for the a building of less than 35 feet in height, load it style attained its fullest development in the domin. from bottom to top with carving and produce the ions of the monarchs of the Hoysala dynasty, and effect not only of beauty and perfect symmetry, but also because the name Chalukyan is undoubtedly also of impressiveness, shows supreme talent on a inisnomer, so far as Mysore is concerned, seeing the part of the architects." (Workman). that all the buildings of this style in Mysore were Grandeur has been produced by an artistic erected during the rule of the Hoysalas." The 1 grouping of materials, which in reality are not grand proposal of the learned Director seems to be one or too small to produce an architectural effect.' which ought to be accepted. The structures are not grund, but the ensemble is Mr. Narasimhachar has got some 60 artistic grand. In this lies the greatness of the arehitect buildings of the Hoysala style (c. 1047-1286 A.D.) of the Kesava Temple. Mr. Narasimhachar, how. and some 12 buildings of the style called the ever, has not himself discussed this aspect. Put Dravidian (c. 800-1600 A.D.) in his official juris- sibly he is reserving it for his greater work on the diction. He has thus got sufficient y large mate. Hoysala buildings. rials to build up and present a synthetic picture The illustrations of images and inner details(which of Hoysala art are accessible only to a Hindu writer) bring us in The Kesava temple was built according to its incloser touch with the temple. Many of the images scription in 1268 A.D. by Somanatha, danda-ndyaka | are signed by the artists. The image of Venu under king Narasimha III (1254-1291.) It is situ. Gopala is the most elegant of the illustrated speciated near the left bank of the Kiveri, some 20 mens. The exquisite ceilings would furnish fine miles east of Beringepatam. It 18 trika chala or modele for modern buildings a three-peaked (or as Mr. Narasimhachar calls it a three-celled) building. "the main cell facing east K. P. J.

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NOVEMBER, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 249 A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1913-16. BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E., D.Sc., D.LITT. (Continued from p. 232.) TN the desert south of the present cultivated area we found interesting remains of far earlier times. My search here was greatly facilitated by the excellent topographical surveys on a large scale, which had been effected under the direction of Mr. G. P. Tate, of the Survey of India, in connection with Sir Henry McMahon's Seistan Mission of 1902-05, and which proved very helpful also in other parts. On this desert ground, which an abandoned old branch of the Helmand had once watered, excessive wind-erosion, acting on alluvial clay had produced conditions exactly corresponding to those I had found in the dried-up delta north of Lop-nor. Since moisture and vegetation had deserted this soil, the scouring effect of the sand driven by the north wind that blows over Seistan, with more or less violence but almost constantly during four months of spring and summer, had lowered the level of the ground to varying depths, down to 20 feet or more, below the original level, except where the surface had been protected by hard debris of some kind. The erosion terraces, thus left rising islandlike above the bare plain, were always found thickly covered with prehistoric remains. They consisted of potsherds, often decorated in colours, and stone implements inainly of the Neolithic period, but in places included also relics of the Bronze Age. It was easy to pick up here an abundant archaeological harvest literally on the surface. It was a very interesting and quite unexpected discovery, when in the same area I came upon the remains of a close line of ancient watch-stations, stretching right across the desert from the southernmost Hamun in the direction of the true terminal basin of the Helmand, the marsh and lake-bed of the aud-i-Zirreh. It was a fascinating task to trace this Seistan Limes, and the experience gained during my explorations along the ancient Chinese borderline once protecting the extreme north-west of Kansu helped me greatly. The fortified frontier posts, solidly built with bricks of great size on a uniform plan, and, as it were, to "specification," were found always to occupy erosion terraces retaining prehistoric pottery debris. Chosen, no doubt, for the sake of increased command of ground and wider outlook, these elevated positions had helped also to save the ruins from complete destruction by the erosive force of wind and sand. The watch-stations were found at distances from half to about i} miles apart. The position of sectional headquarters could also be identified by additional structures, etc. Seistan, in spite of its dreary arid look, does not enjoy a climate quite sufficiently" desiccated >> for archaeological purposes, as it still receives a fairly regular rainfall of circ. 2 inches per annum. So the refuse heaps at these stations, which might have furnished us with interesting dateablo records, were found to have decayed into mere odorous layers of earth. But a variety of archaeological finds and observations pointed to centuries ngar the commencement of our era, as the time when this ancient border-line was established. Its object was clearly to protect the cultivated portion of the Helmand delt & against raids of nomadic tribes in the south, corresponding in character and habits, if not in race too, to the present Baluch and Brahui tribes to be found there. I cannot indicate here in detail the curious points of analogy presented to the ancient Chinese frontier line of Kansu constructed circ. 100 B.C. against Hun raids from Turkestan. But I may hint at least at an interesting question which suggests itself in view of the geographical position. Would one be justified in regarding this fortified desert border of Seistan as a link between that ancient "Chinese

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 Wall" in the desert and the Limes lines by which Imperial Rome guarded its marches in Syria and elsewhere in the Near East against barbarjan inroads? Only from future researches can we hope for a safe answer. From these desert surveys I returned to the inhabited portion of Persian Seistan by the beginning of January, 1916, and was kept busy during a few weeks with the examination of the numerous ruins surviving there. Almost all proved of mediaeval Muhammadan origin or even more recent, a fact which the physical conditions of the present Helmand delta easily account for. At two sites, however, which their high level has protected from the effects of irrigation of periodic inundation, I discovered definite archaeological evidence of ancient occupation. At the large ruined stronghold known as Shahristan, occupying a high alluvial terrace, this included pottery fragments inscribed in early Aramaic characters. I should have much liked to visit the Afghan portion of Seistan, to the north of the Helmand, where Sir Henry McMahon's Mission and earlier travellers had found a large number of ruins still awaiting expert examination. Permission for such a visit could, however, not be secured, and I did not feel altogether surprised at it. So, after collecting useful anthropometric materials which help to illustrate the curious mixture of rac s in the population of Seistan, I returned to the desert south and supplemented my survey of the ancient Limes by some rapid excavations. They disclosed interesting details as to the construction and internal arrangements of those ruined watch-stations and the life once led there. Thence I set out by the beginning of last February for the return journey to India, whither most of my archaeological finds from Seistan, filling twelve cases, had already preceded me. I travelled by the Seistan-Nushki trade route, which the zeal of Captain (now Colonel) F. Webb Ware, of the Indian Political Department, had first pioneered through the desert some twenty years ago. Well known as the route is, this desert journey of close on 500 miles through the wastes of Baluchistan had for me a special interest. I could not have wished for a better modern illustration of the conditions once prevailing on that ancient route through the Lop desert, which the Chinese had opened about 110 B.C. for the expansion of their trade and political influence westwards, and which two years before I succeeded in tracking through those waterless wastes after sixteen centuries of abandonment. It is true that wells of tolerably good water at most of the stages, comfortable resthouses at all, and good camel grazing to be found at half a dozen points, made progress along this modern desert track seem child's play compared with what we had gone through. Even in ancient times the physical difficulties successfully overcome by those early Chinese pioneers must have been vastly greater than those which the route to Seistan ever presented in the days before its improvements. And yet the latter, by the political reasons which have necessitated its opening, by its purpose, by the character of the traffic I found moving along it, provided a most striking analogy, and neither as a geographer nor as a historical student could I fail to appreciate its significance. By February 21 I reached Nushki, whence the railway carried me to Delhi. During my week's stay at the Indian capital I received fresh proof of the kind personal interest with which His Excellency the Viceroy, Lord Hardinge, had from the start followed and encouraged my enterprise. There, too, I was able to meet again some of my oldest friends in India, to whom I had never appealed in vain for such Official support as they could give to my scientific labours. A subsequent brief visit to Dehra Dun, the Survey of India headquarters, enabled me to arrange for the suitable publications of the topographical results brought back from this journey, in an atlas of maps. At the same time I secured the admission of

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NOVEMBER, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 251 Afrazgul Khan to the Survey Department's service under conditions which open up to this capable young assistant the amply deserved prospects of a good career. When I subsequently paid a brief visit to Sir Michael O'Dwyer, the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, at Lahore, I had the great satisfaction of learning from this kind old friend that the splendid services which R. B. Lal Singh had rendered to Government for a lifetime were to be recognized by a grant of land on one of the new Punjab canals. It meant the realization of my devoted old travel companion's most cherished hope, and a reward such as I had always wished to secure for him. Finally, after the middle of March I reached Srinagar, in Kashmir, my favourite base, from which my expedition had been begun in July, 1913. It had lasted close on two years and eight months, and the aggregate of the distances covered by my marches amounted to nearly 11,000 miles. At Srinagar the 182 cases of my collection of antiquities from Turkestan had safely arrived by October, and there the greatest part of the work demanded by its arrangement and detailed examination will have to be done with the expert help of my old friend and collaborator, Mr. F. H. Andrews, now Director of the Technical Institute and Industrial Art School of the Kashmir State. The elucidation of the antiquities brought to light by the thousand, and in such great variety of place, time, and character, will involve heavy and manifold labours, and for them and the proper decipherment of the abundant manuscript remains, recovered in about & dozen of different scripts and languages, the help of quite a staff of expert scholars will be needed. The Government of India, though intending that the whole of my collection shall ultimately be deposited in the new museum planned at Delhi, fully realized that this exper: help can for the most part be secured only in this country and in France, where after my former expedition, too, I had found the most helpful and important of my collaborators. So I was given permission temporarily to bring here whatever materials stood in need of specialist examination and research, and to come myself to England for a time to make all necessary arrangements in person. But after all the efforts and toils it has cost to recover those relics of past ages from their safe resting-places in the dosert it would have obviously been unwise to expose a great and valuable portion of them to the grave risks to be faced at present on a long sea voyage round the shores of Europe. So I decided to transfer myself only across the seas, and to use a short rest in England for preparing a preliminary record of the results achieved and for organizing well in advanco the work of my future collaborators. After the greatest struggle which the history of mankind has known had lasted two years, I returned to England fully prepared for considerable changes, and I found such, some sad, some reassuring and hopeful. But no change has affected the kind interest shown in my scientific efforts by old friends within the Royal Geographical Society and outside, and the encouragement derived from this boon I shall ever remeinber with gratitude. Before the paper the President of the Royal Geographical Society said : Our business this evening is to welcome Sirurel Stein, one of our most distinguished Asiatic travellers, on his return from his third journey to the heart of Asia. He needs no introduction here We have heard him more than once in this hall, and we know how much he has done, not only as a geographer, as a cartographer, as a surveyor, but also as an archaeologist. We know that his travels have led him to one of the most interesting regions on the Earth's surface, where from tirhes long before the beginning of our era the trade to and from Europe and the Nearer East crossed the Chinese frontier. Sir Aurel Stein has got so much to tell us that I am sure the best thing I can is to ask him at once to begin his discourse.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 The Secretary of State for India, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, said: When I came here to-night as the guest of one of your members, and even when on entering this building you expressed a desire that I should say a few words in the course of the evening, I did not quite understand the position of prominence which you intended to allocate to me, and I am afraid that I am wholly unfitted for it. I am not a fellow of your Society and I am afraid if any geographical knowledge, let alone any geographical exploration, is necessary to qualify for that position, I shall never attain to it. . My recollections of geography are of a painful study which, laboriously acquired, was inevitably quickly forgotten; a study of maps of which most were already too full, and which it is the business of your Society to crowd with still more details. You and perhaps the auidence will feel that these confessions hardly indicate my fitness for my present position; but at least I am trying to improve. I had the pleasure of welcoming Sir Aurel Stein at the India Office, in virtue of the position I hold there, and though I learned very little from him in the brief and very modest account which he gave me of his travels, it was at any rate sufficient to make me feel the importance of the work which he had done, and the immense interests of the results which he had achieved. I think I may fairly say-for I had nothing to do with his travels at any stage-that he was fortunate in the collaboration of the representatives of two Governments. He had the good will of the Government of India, and, as we are glad to recognize, he enjoyed equally the good will of the Russian authorities. By their aid, and above all by his own indomitable perseverance, his courage, his endurance, and his enthusiasm, he has achieved results which are of interest to all of us, which are of importance to the Governments of India and of Russia, and which, I venture to add, will serve to confirm the high reputation which he has won among explorers. I am not fitted to initiate a discussion of the kind you have invited. I am glad to pay my tribute-and to pay my tribute as Secretary of State for India-to what Sir Aurel Stein has done ; but for a learned discussion of his work you must turn to other and greater authorities. The President: Mr. Austen Chamberlain has alluded to one of the happiest points in the explorations of Sir Aurel Stein--that they constitute a new link in the friendship between the two great Empires that share the larger part of Asia, England and Russia. We are happy in having here to-night the distinguished Russian officer General Baron Kaulbars. I do not know if he would be kind enough to say a few words to us. (General Baron Kaulbars bowed his acknowledgements.) Sir Hercules Read (British Museum): I am personally very glad to say a few words in order to bear my small testimony to the extraordinary qualities that my old friend Sir Aurel Stein has brought to bear upon the varied aspects of the journey that he has just described to us. I know nobody among all the explorers whom I have met, who has greater capacity for carrying on archaeological and geographical work under conditions that we all can imagine. after having seen that beautiful series of slides he has put before us. In the intervals of extremely tedious marches he has devoted himself to archeological research in temperatures and climates which are very trying, and, as in former years, he has brought home a collection of antiquarian remains which have opened up fresh fields to archeologists in these islands. For this we who perforce remain at home are most grateful, and not only to Sir Aurel Stein but in a very great degree to the authorities at the India Office. The atmosphere at this meeting is naturally a geographical one, and I feel that the importation of archaeological questions is somewhat of an intrusion; but I can speak only about my own business. Sir Aurel Stein has given us from time to time a resume of his geographical discoveries, using

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NOVEMBER, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 253 archaeology, if I may say so, as a series of signposts; and very useful he has found it, as he has confessed. But when one considers that he begins with the Palaeolithic period; which you may put back to any remote date, and comes up to something like the seventh or eighth century, and that we have withal not one single piece of these antiquarian remains before us, it is somewhat hopeless to discuss the archaeological questions at present. When these remains come to Europe to be studied they will be distributed amongst a number of distinguished scholars, and will then go back to the Central Indian Museum which is to be established at Delhi. That, I am sure, is a very proper place for them. I have myself taken considerable interest in the Museum, and have gladly given advice on certain administrative points regarding it, but a difficulty I find as an archaeologist, domiciled in England and incapable of leaving it for more than a few months, is that there will be no opportunity for European students ever to consult these antiquities, except for those fortunate ones who are able to go anywhere at any time and for as long as they please. Sir Aurel Stein's first antiquarian results were divided between the Government of India and the British Museum. There is no difficulty therefore to some extent in still seeing in England the type of object that was discovered on the first expedition. With regard to the later expeditions the case is different, and I think presents a difficulty for the people living in the British Islands of judging the culture that belongs to Central Asia, to these ancient civilizations, dating from a century or two before our era to several centuries afterwards. Beyond the small collections to be found in Paris, nowhere in Europe will any of these remains be seen. It seems to me a pity that these objects of extraordinary interest, covering almost all periods of human activity and human industry, are not to be represented at all in these islands. I think that some measures should be taken by which adequate representations of these very interesting historical and religious remains should find their place somewhere within reach of the ordinary British citizen. Sir Francis Younghusband : As a traveller in both Chinese Turkestan and also on the Pamirs I can testify to the splendid exploit of our lecturer this evening. I know well the hardships he must have gone through and the indomitable courage which actuated him in carrying out these explorations. Since the time of the great Russian, General Prjevalsky, there has been no traveller in Central Asia who has shown so great a persistence over such a large number of years, and such courage and determination in carrying out his explorations, or has brought back such fruitful results, as Sir Aurel Stein. I wish to congratulate him most sincerely on his magnificent achievement. Sir Henry Trotter : Some years ago I had the pleasure on the occasion of Sir Aurel Stein's last lecture before the Society of congratulating him on the success of his work, and I laid particular stress upon the magnetic influence by which he seemed to attract such very different persons as the Trustees of the British Museum, the Viceroy of India, the personnel with whom he worked, and last but not least the Taotai of the Temple of the Thousand Buddhas. It is gratifying to note that he has by no means lost that magnetic power, as is proved by the record of his journey, the splendid work of his surveyor Lal Singh, and the excellent reception of the lecturer by the Russian and other authorities with whom he canne in contact. I should have liked to have made some remarks on a good many points (see noto following the discussion), but the lateness of the hour prevents me from doing so. I will only take up your time with one. I was in Central Asia forty-three years ago and know many parts of the ground described by Sir Aurel. The point to which I wish to refer is the great problein as to the principal source of the Oxus. River. Lord Curzon a good many years ago gave in this hall an account of his travels in the Pamirs, and of his discovery in the mountains of Kanjud of a glacier from which flowed a river that, as he maintained, was the principal source of the Oxus. As a result of my own

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1917 previous observations I (in common with some Russian geographers) looked upon the Little Pamir Lake, also fed by glaciers, as the principal source. From the lake a river, the Aksu, flows eastward, then north, and then north-west as the Murghabi, and later on as the Bartang River, which joins the Panjah branch of the Oxus a few miles above Kila Wamar, where the river makes a great branch to the west. Lord Curzon maintained that his (i.e., the Panjah) branch was the more considerable of the two. I adduced the testimony of an Indian native surveyor, who had visited the spot and clearly proved that the Bartang River at the time he visited it had a much greater flow of water than the Panjah; but Lord Curzon produced the testimony of a reliable European witness to prove that when he visited it, at another season of the year, the Panjah branch contained much more water than the Bartang. Both statements were probably true; but for my part I stuck to my theory. I regret that the lecturer has told us this evening that the Bartang River has now been completely blocked up from the effects of an earthquake, that a large lake has been formed, and that it is unlikely that any water will flow down the Bartang into the Oxus for many years to come. So at last I must confess myself vanquished. Colonel C. E. Yate: I am delighted to add any words I can to congratulate Sir Aurel Stein on his return. We have all watched the news that has been received from him from time to time with the greatest interest, and are delighted to see him back here again. We are looking forward to seeing the results of his finds displayed here as soon as the roads are safe. As to what has just been said regarding the final disposition of the treasures I too think that a certain amount should remain in this country, and all should not be taken back to India. It seems to me a fair thing to leave some part at any rate for show in this country. I cannot see any reason why all should be taken back to Delhi, as I understand from Sir Hercules Read, is the present intention. I congratulate Sir Aurel Stein most heartily on his journey, and we all join in thanking him for the paper he has given us. Dr. Barnett: I well remenaber seven years ago when this Society met to hear Sir Aurel Stein's report of his second expedition and expressed appreciation of his work. It was felt that Sir Aurel Stein had added not only great areas to the Trigonometrical Survey, but even greater realms to knowledge. Further study has confirmed that view, because we have found in result that his second journey was rich to an almost inconceivable degree. His archeological discoveries throw enormous light on the ancient history of that important region which he has covered, and his literary documents have opened up new areas of literature. Similarly, his ethnological studies have been fruitful. Now Sir Aurel Stein, with his usual habit of eclipsing himself, has returned from a third expedition that has exceeded his former one's in importance, inasmuch as he has nearly doubled the net archaeological proceeds of the last. From the second journey he came home with 96 cases; now he has 182, after having traversed nearly 11,000 miles. I have no doubt that, in the same way as his previous journey was epoch-making in many ways, so the results of this journey will be equally epoch-making, and I feel sure that this Society in honouring him is doing honour to itself. The President : At this what Dr. Mill would call" fraudulently late hour of the evening " I will not keep you longer, but I am sure you will wish me to say a few words of most hearty thanks to Sir Aurel Stein for the very brilliant and exhaustive account he has given us of his labours in these barren and difficult regions of Central Asia-labours that are doublesided in a way I think few travellers' have been. The manner in which he first rushes over a series of glacier passes--and so many of them that I believe they would have given even the Alpine Club a surfeit-and then turns to explore buried cities and study the civilization of two thousand years ago is almost unique. We owe, I hold, special gratitude to travellers who go to the very ugly places of the Earth. It is a great temptation to most of us to go only to the beautiful places. When we see those pictures of interminable sand dunes and rocky hummocks torn asunder and laid bare by the most cruel winds, we feel that the man

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NOVEMBER, 1917) A THIRD JOURNEY OF EXPLORATION IN CENTRAL ASIA 255 who for the sake of geographical knowledge and archaeology would linger among them deserves a double meed of thanks. The results are extremely interesting, because we find that these desert-places once maintained a great population. This fact opens up many subjects of inquiry, historical, meteorological, changes of climate, migrations of peoples. We also find this charm in these particular trade-routes, that they were the old trade-routes between Greeks and Romans and the farthest East. Sir Aurel Stein tells me that in those days the trade caravans must have gone, not over the easiest routes but over hundreds of miles of desert, in order to avoid the marauding tribes who were living where there was some possibility of human beings living happily. We have followed, perhaps with some difficulty owing to its very complexity and richness, the account of his labours put forward by Sir Aurel Stein. We shall all read it with the deepest interest when published in the Geographical Journal, and we may hope that it will not be published without specimens of the appropriate illustrations which we have admired to-night. The perseverance with which Sir Aurel Stein photographed as he went along is, even in these days of photography, deserving of the highest praise. I will say no more, but offer to him the very hearty thanks of this meeting and all geographers in this country and the rest of Europeexcept perhaps in Berlin, where they may grudge him some of his Buddhist frescoes I am sure his reputation over Europe as one of the greatest travellers of modern times is now firmly established. Three times we have seen him here and each time he comes back with a richer harvest than he did the time before. Additional Note by Sir Henry Trotter. I at one time took considerable interest in the geography of the Oxus below Kila Wamar In the spring of 1874, when leaving Wakhan to return to India, I despatched the Munshi Abdul's Subhan (an employe of the Survey of India, to follow the course of the river from Kila Panjah to Roshan and Shighnan. The account of his journey was published in the R. G. S. Journal, vol. 48, pp. 210-217. He followed the course of the river for 60 miles from Kila Panjah to Ishkashim, where turning northwards he followed the Oxus for nearly 100 miles further, passing successively through the districts of Gharan, Shighnan, and Roshan countries which had hitherto only been known to us by name. He could not penetrate beyond Kila Wamar, the chief town of Roshan; but curiously enough another employe of the Survey, "The Havildar," who had been dispatched by the late General Walker irom India in 1873 on an independent exploration, went from Kabul to Faizabad, the capital of Badakhshan, and thence started on a tour which, combined with the Munshi's exploration to Kila Wamar, entirely altered the map of that hitherto little-known portion of Central Asia. He visited the towns of Kolab, Khawaling, Sagri Dasht, Kila Khum (the capital of Darwaz), Kila Wanj, and Yaz-Ghulam. At Kila Khum the Havildar struck the Oxus (still called the Panjah), and his road for 40 miles lay on the right bank of the river-never previously mapped or, as far as I know, visited by any explorer. At Yaz-Ghulam, the eastern frontier village of Darwaz, he was unfortunately turned back-just as he had got within a long day's march of the Munshi's farthest point at Kila Wamar. The Havildar, who was ignorant of what the Munshi had done only a few weeks previously to his own arrival at Yaz-Ghulam, was most anxious to complete his own work. In order to do so he went back by Kolab to Ishkashim, and endeavoured to make a survey down the river to Yaz-Ghulam; but he was again stopped, this time at the southern frontier of Shighnan, and was prevented from carrying out his intentions. Thus there was a gap between the explorations of the Havildar and the Munshi, the existence of which was much regretted; fortunately the missing link was a short one-some 20 miles as the crow flies. A Russian scientific mission visited these parts ten years later, in 1883 ; but the map then compiled differs greatly from their latest published map of 1910, which again differs from an intermediate map published in 1900, I fancy that accurato surveys of these little-known countries have still to be made.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 JOB CHARNOCK-HIS PARENTAGE AND WILL. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Br. ALTHOUGH much has been written concerning the Founder of Calcutta, his origin has hitherto been wrapped in obscurity. It has now been my good fortune to clear up this point. While annotating a series of 17th century letters, written in India and now appearing in Notes and Queries, the occurrence in the collection of a letter from Charnock induced me to try to establish his parentage. Sir George Forrest in his article on Job Charnockgave an abstract of his will. Among the legacies was one to "the poor of the parish of Cree Church, London." This led me to believe that by birth he was a citizen of London, and a search among the wills proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury resulted in the discovery of his father, Richard Charnock. The will of Richard Charnock3 is an interesting document and I therefore give it in full. "In the Name of God Amen the second day of Aprill Anno Domini one Thousand Six Hundred Sixty Three And in the Fifteenth year of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the Second by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the Faith &c. I Richard Charnocke of the parish of St. Mary Woollchurch London Yeoman being in good health of Body and of perfect mind and memory (praysed be God therefore) But considering the Frailty and uncertainty of this present life Doe therefore make and ordaine this my present Testament (conteyning therein my last will) in manner and forme following (That is to say) "First and principally I recommend my soule to Almighty God my maker and Creator hopeing and stedfastly beleiveing through his grace and the alone meritts of Jesus Christ iny blessed Saviour and Redeemer to receive full and Free pardon and forgivenes of all my sinnes and life everlasting "My body I Committ to the Earth To be buried in the parish Church of St. Katherine Creechurch London And my will is That not above the summe of Eight pounds shall be spent upon the Charge of my funerall And I will that all such debts and duties as I shall truly owe to any person or persons att the tyme of my decease shall be well and truly paid within as short a tyme after my decease as may be conveniently " And as touching That worldly meanes and estate That it hath pleased Almighty God of his meroy and goodness to bestow upon me (my debts by me oweing and my funerall Charges thereout first paid or deducted) I doe give devise bequeath and dispose thereof in manner and forme following (That is to say) - "First I give and bequeath unto my sonne Stephen Charnocke All that my messuage Tenement or Inne with the appurtenances comonly called or knowne by the name or signe of the Bell scytuate lying and being in Markett Streete in the County of Bedford And all the land now thereunto belonging and therewith used All which premisses are now in the tenure of George Sayers or his assignes To have and to hold the same unto my said sonne Stephen Charnock and his assignes for the terme of his naturall life And the Reversion of the said Messuage and Land with the appurtenances expectant after the decease of my said sonne Stephen Cha. Jocke I doe give and devise unto the Parson and Church wardens of the Parish of Pennerton in the County of Lancaster And to their successors and assignes for over upon Trust and confidence that out of the Rents thereof The said Parson 1 Correspondence of Richard Edwards, 1669-78 (N. & Q. from Jan., 1917). ? Blackword'. Magazine, June, 1902, pp. 771-782. S Wills, P.C.C., 58 Hyde. * Pen wortham, a parish in the hundred of Leyland, Lancaster, two miles 8. W. of Preston.

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NOVEMBER, 1917] JOB CHARNOCK-HIS PARENTAGE AND WILL 257 and Churchwardens and their Successors shall yearly and every yeare forever place out to Apprentice in London Two poore Boyes borne in Hutton in the said parish of pennerton, or within some other village or place in the same parish "Item I give and bequeath unto my said sonne Stephen Charnocke the summe of Twenty pounds of lawfull money of England And a Trunke with Barres Corded upp with such Lynnen and other things as are or shall be therein att the tyme of my decease " Item I give and bequeath unto my sonne Job Charnocke the summe of six hundred pounds of lawfull money of England " Item I give to my brother William Marsh the summe of Twenty pounds of lawfull money of England And to my sister Mary Marsh his wife the summe of Forty shillings of like money And to each of their Foure Children now at home with them the summe of Forty shillings a peece of like money " Item I give unto Samuell Waters Grocer in Candleweeke Street e London the summe of Tenn shillings of like money to buy him a Ring " Item I give unto Mr Thomas Bateman Merchant sometymes servant to Mr Michaell Markeland the summe of Six pounds of lawfull money of England And unto James Hall Woollen draper in Candleweeke streete aforesaid the like summe of Six pounds of like money " The Rest and residue of all and singuler my goods Chattells ready moneyes Plate Leases debts and other things whatsoever to me belonging and not before in these presents given and bequeathed I give and bequeath unto my suid Two Sonnes Stephen Charnocke and Job Charnocke to be equally devided between them which said Stephen Charnocke and Job Charnocke my sonnes I Doe make ordeine and appoint the full executors of this my present Testament and Last will "And I Doe make nominate and appoint my said brother William Marsh and the said Thomas Bateman and James Hall the Executors of this my will in Trust for the benefitt of my said sonnes in case my said sonnes shall be out of England att the tyme of my decease And my will and mind is That if my said sonne Job Charnocke shall happen to depart this life before his returne to England Then the Six hundred pounds to him above herein bequeathed shall be disposed of and accrew as followeth (That is to say) ono Hundred pounds thereof shall accrue and come to the Five Children of my said brother William Marsh in equall shares and proportions And the other Five hundred pounds residue thereof shall come and accrue to my said sonne Stephen Charnock " And my will and mind is That my Executors in Trust in the absence of my sonnes shall have power to put forth any moneyes of myne att Interest for the benefitt of my sonnes The bonds for which moneyes Soe to be put out shall be taken in the names of my said Executors in Trust and in the Conditions of the same the moneyes shall be expressed to be for the use of my said sonnes And then and in such case if any losse doe happen to my Estate my Executors shall not be therewith Chargeable And I doe hereby revoke all former wills by me made And doe declare This my present Testament to be my very last will and none other In witnes whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and sea le the day and yeare First above written. "The marke of the said Richard Charnocke 5 A township in Pen wortham containing a free grammar school. * Candlowiok Street, at the east end of "Great Eastcheape," now known as Cannon Street.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 "Signed sealed Published and declared and delivered by the said Richard Charnocke the Testator as and for his last will and Testament in the presence of John Alsope S orivener William Braxton and John Bargeman his Servants." Probate was granted to Stephen Charnocke on the 2nd June 1665, power being reserved to issue the same to Job, the other executor, on his return to England. The Charnocks were a Lancashire family. They are said to have assumed the local name of their dwelling places in Leyland Hundred in that county, and to have given them the distinguishing epithets of Charnock Richard, Heath Charnock and Charnock Gogard. These are all mentioned in the 13th century and the villages of Charnock Richard and Charnock Heath are still so called. The legacy of Richard Charnock to Penwortham and Hutton indicates that he had cause to be specially interested in those parishes, one of which may have been his birthplace. Unfortunately, the early registers of Penwortham, which might have cleared up this point, were destroyed by fire in 1857. A branch of the Charnock family settled in London and another in Hullcott, Bedfordshire, both in the 16th century, and Richard Charnock, as & London citizen and the owner of property in Bedford, may possibly have been connected with both branches; but no actual proof is forthcoming. As regards the relationship between Richard and Job Charnock there can be no reasonable doubt. No record has been found of any other Job Charnock at this period aud the fact that Richard Charnock's younger son was out of England when the will was drawn up goes far to establish his identity with the famous Anglo-Indian. There is, moreover, the additional proof of Job's bequest to the poor of the district in which Richard Charnock resided. The identification of Richard Charnock's elder son Stephen presents rather more difficulty. There is a great temptation to connect him with Stephen Charnock, puritan divine and chaplain to Henry Cromwell (a son of the Protector), and there are several reasons in favour of this theory. The divine was born in the parish of St. Katharine Cree in 1628, where Job also appears to have been born some two or three years later. Subsequently, Richard Charnock probably removed to the parish of St. Mary Woolchurch where he died. At any rate, the divine's father was also a Richard Charnock. The absence in the will of any allusion to Stephen's profession may be accounted for in two ways. First, the chaplain had fallen into ill odcur after the Protector's death and he remained in obscurity in London for fifteen years with no regular charge. Secondly, Richard Charnock was probably a Royalist and High Churchman and consequently would have little sympathy with his son's puritanical views. The main obstacle to the identification of the divine with the brother of Job Charnock lies in the statement in Wood's Athena (ed. Bliss, III, 1234-6) that Stephen's father, Richard Charnock, was "an attorney or solicitor," However, I have searched in vain for any record of a Richard Charnock, solicitor at this period. I have also discovered but one will of a Stephen Charnocks and this was proved in 1680, the date given as that of the death of the divine, I am therefore inclined to think that the Athence must be in error and that Richard Charnock, yeoman, was the father of both Henry Cromwell's chaplain and the founder of Calcutta. 1 The church of St. Mary Woolchurch was not rebuilt after the great fire of 1606. Its sita was roughly that of the present Mansion House. #Wille, P. O., 92 Bath. . See the article on Stephen Charnock in the Dictionary of National Biography.

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NOVEMBER, 1917) JOB CHARNOCK-HIS PARENTAGE AND WILL 259 It now only remains to quote the will of Job Charnock who spent at least 37 years of his life in India and ended his days there on the 10th January, 1693. The will was dated from the infant settlement of Chuttanuttee (Satanati), afterwards to become famous as Calcutta. So far as I am aware, no complete copy of the document has been printed and I therefore give it in full. 10 In the name of God Amen. "I Job Charnock at present Agent for Affaires of the Right honoble. English East India Company in Bengall being indisposed in body but perfect and sound in mind and memory doe make and ordaine this to be my last Will and Testament (Vizt.) "Imprimis I bequeath my soul to Almighty God who gave it and my body to be decently buryed at the discretion of my Overseers and for what estate it hath pleased Almighty God to bless me withall I doe here by will and bequeath it as followeth. " Secondly I will and bequeath that all debts or claimes lawfully made on me be discharged by my Overseers. Thirdly I give and bequeath to my beloved Friend Daniel Sheldon11 Esquire Seventy pounds Sterling as a Legacy to buy him a Ring. "Fourthly I give and bequeath to the honble. Nathaniel ] Higginson12 as a Legacy to buy him a Ring four hundred Rupees. Sixthly I give and bequeath to Mr. John Hill13 as a Legacy to buy him a Ring two hundred Rupees and that likewise he be paid out of my parte of the permission Trade Commission one hundred Rupees more in all three hundred Rupees. "Seventhly I give and bequeath to Mr. Francis Ellis14 as a Legacy to buy him a Ring one hundred and fifty Rupees. "Eighthly I doe hereby ordaine and appointed [sic] the honble. Nathaniel Higginson President of Madras and Mr. John Beard 15 of Councill in Bengall to be overseers16 of this my will. "Ninthly I give and bequeath to the poore of the Parish of Cree Church London the Summe of fifty pounds Sterling. "Tenthly I give and bequeath to Budlydasse [ Badli DAs) one hundred Rupees and the meanest sort of my sonns Cloathes lately deceased, "Eleventhly I give and bequeath to the Doctor now attending me fifty Rupees. "Twelfthly I give and bequeath to my Servants Gunnyshams [Ghansyam ) and Dallub Dalab ) each twenty Rupees. << Thirteenthly I give and bequeath after the payment of the abovementioned debts Legacies that all my whole Estate in India and elsewhere be equally given and distributed to my three daughters Mary Elizabeth and Katherine only with this reservation that as an addition to my daughter Marys portion there shall be paid her out of my daughter Elizabeths ) and Katherines two thirds Six hundred pounds Sterling. "Fourteenthly I will and desire my Overseers beforementioned that my three daughters be sent with a convenient handsome equipage for England and recommended to the Care of my well beloved friend Daniell Sheliton [sic] Esqr, in London and that their Estates 30 Wills, P.C. C., 91 Irby. 11 Chief at Kasimbazar, 1658-1665. He returned to England in 1866. 13 Governor of Fort St. George, Madras, 1692-98. 13 Captain John Hill, " Secretary and Captain of the Soldiers." See Yule, Hedges' Diary. II. 92. # Then Second of Council at Hagli. He died at Fort St. George in 1704. Governor of Bengal, 1701-1710. 16 Executors in Bengal.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 be invested in goods proper for Europe and sent as by the Right honoble. Companies Permission on as many and such shipps as my Overseers shall think convenient. "Fifteenthly I hereby acquitt Mr. Charles Pate from his debt to me of Fifty Pagodas lent him at the Fort.17 "Lastly I will and ordaine the honoble. Daniell Sheldon and my eldest daughter Mary Charnock to be Executors of this my last will and Testament revoaking and disanulling all former or other Will or Wills that have beene made in witness whereof I have hereunto putt my hand and seale this ninth day of January one thousand Six hundred and ninety twn [ 1692/3 ]. JOB CHARNOCK Signd and Sealed in the presence of Jonathan White Francis Houghton John Hill," Probate was granted on the 12th June, 1695, to Robert Dorrell, attorney to Mary Charnock, Daniel Sheldon renouncing. Job Charnock's behest with regard to his daughters' return to England was disregarded. - The three girls, children of his native wife, remained in India and married there. Mary became the first wife of Charles Eyre, Charnock's successor as Agent in Bengal. She died on the 19th February, 1697. Elizabeth married William Bowridge, a junior merchant in the Company's service. He died in April, 1724 and his widow survived in Calcutta until August, 1753. Ma y Charnock, Job's youngest daughter, married Jonathan White, also a servant of the Company. He became Second of Council and died in Calcutta on the 3rd January, 1704, three years after the death of his young wife. It is interesting to trace thefate of Job Charnock's bequest to the poor of his native parish. A vestry minute of St. Katharine Cree of the 28th August, 1695, records the gift of ** Mr. Job Charnock, late of the East Indies, merchant, of 501. to the poor of this parish," and further states that it was ordered at that vestry, that " in consideration of the said 501. the poor should have distributed amongst them 31. yearly, for ever, by two equal payments, upon the 5th November and 5th February." At a subsequent vestry, held on the 1st February, 1699, it was ordered that "the 501. given to the parish for the use of the poor by Mr. Job Charnock, and the 1001. given for the like use by Mr. John Jackson should be settled on the house belonging to the parish, situate in Fenchurch-street, and the said house was thereby charged with the repayment thereof, with five per cent. interest, such interest being 71. 103., to be yearly paid for the use of the poor. 18 In 1860, the house, No. 91, Fenchurch-street, was let on lease to John Moore for a term of 21 years from Christmas, 1849, at the rent of PS42 per annun, and Charnock's PS2 10-0 interest was carried to the bread account for the distribution of twenty 2-lb. loaves to 20 persons every Sunday. For the later history of the bequest I am indebted to Mr. Henry Bowyear, Chief Charity Commissioner, who informs me that "The house, No. 91, Fenchurch-street, was taken under the provisions of Michael Angelo Taylor's Act (57 Geo. III. o. XXIX) and the purchase money was paid into Court and was represented by a sum of PS 1,949-10-8 Consols. By the statement prepared under the City of London Parochial Charities Act, 1883, for the Parish of St. Katharine Cree, this sum is scheduled as the endowment of the three Charities of Richard Lingham, Job Charnock and John Jackson, and by the operation of that Act and the Central Scheme made thereunder, on the 23rd February, 1891, it was merged in the Central Fund of the City Parochial Foundation." 17 Fort St. George, Madras, 18 Reports made to the Charity Commissioners, Accounts and Paper. (H. of C. Vols. 71 and 334 of 1904).

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NOVEMBER, 1917) THE DATE OF KANISHKA 261 THE DATE OF KANISHKA. BY RAMESH CHANDRA MAJUMDAR, M.A., CALCUTTA. THE most characteristic feature of all the recent discussion about the date of Kanishka is the tacit admission of the scholars that the initial year of his reign must be either 58 B.C. or A.D. 78. Both the theories are, however, beset with serious difficulties that have been quite clearly brought forth in the discussion held in the hall of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. I propose, therefore, to offer my own views about the matter, which are substantially different from those mentioned above. Two classes of evidence alone throw direct light on the question of Kanishka: the Chinese historical texts, and Indian coins and inscriptions. I believe that if they are interpreted without any bias, they agree in placing Kanishka in the first half of the third century A.D. I propose to show how the evidence of Chinese history directly leads to this inference, which is again supported by the Indian evidence when interpreted without any pre-existing bias. Chinese Evidence: Two Chinese historical texts throw important light upon the history of the Indo-Kushans. These are the "Heou Han Chou" or the "History of the Later Han Dynasty" and the "Wei-lio " The former covers the period between A. D. 25 and 220 and was composed by Fan-Ye who died in A.D. 445. The latter was composed by Yu Houan between A.D. 239 and 265, and the events mentioned in it come down to the period of Emperor Ming (A. D. 227-239).3 Fan-Ye gives the following accounts of the Kushan conquest of India : "In old days the Yue-chi were vanquished by the Hioungnu. They then went to Tahia and divided the kingdom among five gabgous,' viz. those of Hieou-mi, Chouang-ii, Kouei-chouang, Hitouen and Tou-mi. More than hundred years after that, the Yabgou of Kouei-chouang (Kushan) named K'ieou-tsieou-kio (Kozoulo, Kadphises) attacked and vanquished the four other 'Yabgous 'and called himself king; the name of his kingdom was Kushan. He invaded Ngan-si (Parthia) and took possession of the territory of Kaofu (Kabul) He also overcame Pouta and Kipin (Kasmir ?) and became completely master of these kingdoms. K'ieou-tsieou-kio died at the age of inore than eighty. His son Yen-Kaotchen (Demo-Kadphises) sacceeded him as king. In his turn he conquered India and established there a Chief' for governing it. From this time the Yue-chi became extremely powerful. All the other countries designate them Kushan after their king, but the Han retain the old name and call them Ta-Yue-che." In the course of his description of India Fan-Ye adds the following > "At this time all these Indian kingdoms were subject to the Yue-chi. The Yue-chi had killed their king and installed a Chief'to administer the government."! Now if we altogether banish from our mind all preconceived theories regarding the Kushan Chronology the meaning of the passages quoted above offers no difficulty. As FanYe dates past events by referring them to distinct chronological periods (apparently the Chinese equivalent of our method of dating in the years of an era) it appears plainly, from the 1 JRAS., 1913, pp. 627-650, 910-1042. ? These were propounded at first in a thesis submitted to the Calcutta University in October, 1912. 3 My accounts of these books are based on the French translations that appeared in Toung Pao, 1907, (p. 163 ff), and 1905, (p. 519 ff.) T'oung Pao, 1907, p. 193-4.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1917 use of the phrase "at this time", that at the close of the period with which Fan-Ye is dealing (.e. about A. D. 220) the different kingdoms of India were subject to the Yue-chi king, who had installed a 'Chief' to govern the country. Fan-Ye is quite explicit on this point as the last quotation will show. It will be observed that the separate accounts which Fan-Ye gives of the Yue-chi and the Kabul kingdom are quite consistent with this. The last thing he records of the Yue-chi is their conquest of India under Wema-Kadphises and the consequent increase in their power, and the last thing mentioned of Kabul is also the Yue-chi conquest of the country. There can hardly remain any doubt that the picture of the Yuechi which he has preserved is true of the period with which his history closes. This plain interpretation is, however, fatal to all the theories that have hitherto been entertained regarding the chronology of the Kushans. It has been therefore confidently asserted that the above accounts were all taken from Pan-Young, and it has been implied that the significant words "at this time" were taken verbatim from Pan Young's report, and that therefore the historical accounts of the Yue-chi and India were only true of the period when Pan Yong wrote, viz., about A.D. 125. This explanation, originally propounded by M. Chavannes, has been improved upon by Mr. Kennedy, and it is therefore necessary to consider in detail the basis upon which it is founded. M. Chavannes in the introduction to his Translation of the 118th chapter of Fan-Ye's work ' refers to a passage, where the author says that he took all his facts' from Pan Yong's report, and argues that the whole account of the western countries, as given by Fan-Ye, was based upon that report. It is quite clear, however, that, either the French translation is faulty or there is something wrong in the copy, for all the facts' that Fan-Ye describes could not possibly have been based upon Pan Yong's report, inasmuch as just before this statement, Fan-Ye mentions incidents which took place in A.D. 132, 134, 152 and 153 and were therefore posterior to Pan Yong's report. As a matter of fact, in regard to almost all the countries, of which he gives historical account, he narrates events which were posterior to the time of Pan Yong and could not therefore have been described in the latter's report. These facts, of course, did not escape the notice of the French savant, but he seeks to explain away their importance by the following observations: "It is true that as regards Khoten, Kashgar or Tourfan, Fan-Ye mentions some events which took place between A.D. 150-170. This does not, however, weaken the importance which must be attributed to the Text of Pan Yong in this chapter. In reality it is this text itself which constitutes the whole account of the western countries. Only, in regard to countries which were nearer to China, and with which she had continued her intercourse for a longer time, the historian adds some facts which were posterior to the report of Pan Yong." Against this view it must be observed in the first place that it is not only as regards Khoten, Kashgar or Tourfan that Fan-Ye mentions events which were posterior to Pan Yong, but also as regards India, Kiumi (pp. 170-171), Ta-tsin (Syria) and incidentally of Parthia (p. 185).7 The view cannot, therefore, be maintained that the only additions that the historian made to Pan Yong's report were with regard to countries nearer to China. As he gives additional acoounts of India, Parthia and Syria he had certainly not to depend upon the * TYcung Pao, 1907, p. 188. 6 Toung Pao, 1907, p. 150. The pages refer to T'oung Pao, 1907.

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NOVEM32R, 1917) THE DATE OF KANISHKA 263 report of Pan Yong alone in his account of the Yue-chi country and Kabul kingdom which lay in an intermediate position between China and those countries. But all possible doubts on this point are removed, so far at least as India is concerned, by the express statement of Fan-Ye, that he had access to later authorities than Pan Yong's report. In the dissertations which end the chapter, Fan-Ye remarks that very meagre accounts of Buddhism are given in the geographical treatises on India of the Han period and then observes as follows: "Changkien merely writes the country is mostly warm and the inhabitants ride on the elephants when fighting. As to Pan Yong, although he has stated that the people adore Buddha, and that they neither kill nor attack, still he does not convey any information regarding the perfect style and the excellent doctrine (of the Sacred Books), and the merit these possess of guiding the people and making them comprehend (the truth). For me here is what I have heard spoken on the subject by others at a subsequent period." 8 Fan-Ye thus positively asserts that he had utilised other sources of information regarding India, besides Pan Yong's report, and that these belonged to a period subsequent to it. No doubt it was from these sources that he learnt the events which he records to have happened subsequent to Pan Yong's time. Besides it has been elsewhere clearly shown by Chavannes himself that Fan-Ye's work was based upon previous works, not less than ten in number and all posterior to Pan Yong's time.9 There is thus no reason to suppose that the events mentioned by Fan-Ye had all taken place before Pan Yong's report. As regards the phrase "at this time", on which Chavannes remarks "Apparently, at the time when Pan Yong wrote", the case is still more clear. As Fan-Ye drew upon sources of information, both anterior10 and posterior to Pan Yong's time, there is no reason why that phrase should refer to it. Besides, Fan-Ye was not reproducing the report of Pan Yong, he was writing an independent account of India : and even if it were wholly based on that report, he could not borrow any such expression ; because any man possessed with a grain of common sense (and Fan-Ye has clearly proved that he had a fair share of it) could not have been blind to the fact that such expressions, if they were meant to refer to Pan Yong's time, would be entirely misleading in a work which professes to record the historical events down to A.D. 220. It would indeed be a most astounding thing if a writer, usually so precise about dates, would so far forget himself as to 8 "Tehangkion s'est borne a ecrire" Ce pays est le plus souvent chaud et humide ; les habitants montent sur les elephants pour combattre. "Quant a Pan Young quoiquil ait expone que ces Rens adorent le Buddha et qu'ils ne tuent ni n'attaquent, cependant il no nous a rien transmis sur le style parfait et sur la doctrine excellente (des livres sainta) xur lo merite qdont ooux-ci do guider les hommes et de leur faire comprendre la verite). "Pour moi voici ce que jai entendu dire a ceux qui, plus tard, on parle de ce sujet." Toung Pao, 1907, p. 218. An old Chinese authority has furnished us with a list of historical treatises which were written before Fan-Yo's time and to which evidently Fan Y. had nocens, for we are told that Fan-Yo "rassembla et completa tous cos auteurs." The extract has been tranelated by Chavannes in Toung Pao, 1906, Pp. 211-214. * It is quite evident that Fan-Ye had access to Changkion's report. Ses the first sentence of the quotation in footnoto 8. Chavannes remarks on obeervations attributed therein to Obangkion : " These two montonces are found almost word for word in the 98 th Chapter of Bumachion's history which is based on the report of Tchangkien." Toung Pao, 1907, p. 218, F. N. 2.

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 reproduce an expression from Pan Yong's report which could not but mean an entirely different thing to the readers of his own work. Now such a strange phenomenon can be accepted as true only if adequate proofs are forthcoming ; but what are the proofs? Fan-Ye, no doubt, says that the facts he describes had been related by Pan Yong in his report. But this applies to India as well as to all other countries of the West described by him, and as we have seen that all the facts he describes about them could not be taken from that report, inasmuch as many of them are posterior to it, we cannot suppose that his Indian account was brought down only to the period when Pan Yong wrote. Further Fan-Ye merely says that "all these facts were related by Pan Yong", but he nowhere says that he gives extracts from Pan Yong's report, so as to warn the reader that all personal references to time should be taken to apply to the period of Pan Yong alone. When Fan-Ye describes events of Pan Yong's time, and in which Pan Yong himself played a part, he does not use the first person nor indicate the time by any such expressions as "at the present day," "at this time," "Now," "last year," or "so many years ago," &c., which must have been used in Pan Yong's report, but he indicates the time as a later author would naturally do, even when his facts are all taken from Pan Yong's report, by referring them to distinct chronological periods. The position with regard to the question under discussion may therefore be described as follows: Fan-Ye in the course of his description of India says, "At this time, all these kingdoms were subject to the Yue-chi." It has been contended that the phrase "at this time' apparently refers to the time of Pan Yong. The contention rests on two grounds (1) Fan-Ye tells us that he borrowed his facts from Pan Yong's report. (2) He expressly indicates (or actually tells us, as Mr. Kennedy would have us believe) that some of his sentences are borrowed from Pan Yong (borrowed verbatim' according to Mr. Kennedy). (See JRAS., 1912, p. 678, F. N. 2.) Against this view it has been clearly demonstrated that (1) Fan-Ye did not take all his facts from Pan Yong; he did not even confine himself to the period when Pan Yong wrote, but noticed events which happened posterior to it. (2) The phrase at this time' if quoted verbatim from Pan Yong's report would mean an entirely different thing in Fan-Ye's work, and it would be absurd to suppose that Fan-Ye could have remained ignorant of it. Fan-Ye has proved himself too critical to be capable of quoting in such an absurd way. Strong and definite proofs are therefore needed to induce us to believe that he actually did any such thing and such proofs are entirely wanting. There is no clar indication that any sentence was borrowed from Pan Yong in the sense that it was reproduoed word for word. The conclusion is therefore obvious that the phrase "at this time should be taken, in its normal sense, to refer to the closing years of the period with which Fan-Ye dealt. ie. sometime about A.D. 220. Any forced construction of it would be inadmissible as there are no circumstances warranting the same. The results obtained by the plain and natural interpretation of Fan-Ye's history are fully corroborated by Yu Houan, the author of the Wei-lio. In describing the

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NOVEMBER, 1917 ] THE DATE OF KANISHKA 265 three routes that lead from China to western countries, he mentions, in connection with the southern route, that it passes along the kingdoms of Kipin (Kashmir ?), Ta-hia (Bactria), Kao-fu (Kabul) and T'ien-tchou (India) all of which are subordinate to the Yue-chi.11 There cannot be the slightest doubt that this state of things was true of the period with which Wei-lio concluded. This has been recognised by the French translator of the work, M. Ed. Chavannes, who remarks on the above passage: "So at the middle of the third century of our era, the power of the Kushan kings was at its height."12 It is evident that the conquests of the Yue-chi, as described by Fan-Ye, entirely agree with the above account. Both the works speak of Kao-fu, Kipin and T'ien-tchou being conquered by the Yue-chi. But this agreement is brought out more fully in connection with another kingdom, called Tong-li by Fan-Ye and Kiu-li, Li-wei-t'o or P'ei-li-wang by Yu-Houan.13 That both the authors mean the same country is placed beyond all doubt by the almost identical descriptions which they give. Thus both place the country at a little more than 3000 li to the South-east of T'ienchu, and both name Cha-Ki' as the capital of the country. Indeed no doubt has been entertained on this point.14 Now Fan-Ye says in regard to this country that "the Yue-chi attacked this kingdom and made themselves masters of it."15 Yu Houan tells us about the people of the same country, "Now the Yue-chi have conquered them and imposed taxes upon them."16 4 The two works thus speak in the same strain about the Yue-chi and the facts they relate about them perfectly agree with each other. Now one of these works describes the events which took place about the year 239, and about this no doubt has hitherto been entertained. The other work also covers the period down to A.D. 220 and naturally enough the accounts in the two works perfectly agree. And yet we are asked to suppose that this latter work describes events which took place 100 years earlier. If proof were needed, that Fan-Ye really recorded events down to the year A.D. 220 as he professes to have done, the Wei-lio furnishes it, and even scepticism itself can no longer refuse to believe that the natural interpretation of Fan-Ye is the true one. But even the Wei-lio has not been spared the hands of critics who are determined to make the Chinese texts fit in with preconceived theories of their own. According to Mr. Kennedy. the Yue-chi, referred to in the Wei-lio, mean the later Kushans.17 But what are these later Kushans of whom so much has been made by him? The only definite evidence of their existence is furnished by a number of coins, mostly debased imitations of the early coins of Kanishka and Vasudeva and mechanically repeating these illustrious names. Of the earlier class of these coins the greater number were found in the Punjab, and only a few gold coins have been discovered in stupas in the Kabul valley; while the coins of the later class "La route du sud, en allant vers l'ouest, passe par... (Cachemire), le royaume de Ta-hia (Bactriane) le royaume de Kao-fu (Kabul, le Inde) qui tous dependent des Ta-Yue-tche." Toung Pao, 1905, pp. 535, 539-9. "Ainsi, au milieu du troisieme siecle de notre ere, la puissance des rois Kouchans etait a son apagee." T'oung Pao, 1905, p. 539, F. N. 1. 15 For Fan-Ye's account, see T'oung Pao, 1917, pp. 194-195. For that in Wei-lio, see Toung Pao, 1905, p. 551. Thus in a footnote to Fan-Ye's account of Tong-li, Ed. Chavannes remarks: "In the Wei-lio the kingdom is called Kiu-li, or Li Wei-to or pei-li-Wang." Toung Pao, 194, F. N. 5. 15 "Les Ta-Yue-tehe attaquerent ce royaume et se l'asservi:ent." (Op. cit.) 16 Maintenant des Yue-tche les ont asservis et leur ont impose' des taxes." (Or. cit) 17 JRAS., 1913, pp. 1054-1064. * le royaume de Kipin royaume de T'ienchou

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 are confined to the Northern Punjab alone.18 The style of these coins does not also favour the supposition that they were issued by a line of powerful rulers. The available evidences therefore seem to indicate that the so-called later Kushans were a line of weak rulers, who at first held sway over Kabul and the Punjab, but whose territory was afterwards confined to the Northern Punjab alone. Now the empire of the Yue-chi, as described in Wei-lio, extended from Bactria to the East Indies, and according to Mr. Kennedy it even included the kingdom of Magadha. Does Mr. Kennedy seriously ask us to believe that this description is applicable to the later Kushans? There is not a particle of evidence to show that these held either Bactrie 19 or any Indian territory to the east of the Punjab. If they really held sway over such a vast extent of territory, it is almost incredible that definite evidences should not be forthcoming to establish the fact, and that their coins should indicate such de basement, when compared with those of the great Kanishka line. Mr. Kennedy has referred to some other evidences in support of his theory of a Later Kushan kingdom, but they do not deserve serious criticism. The description of the Yue-chi as found in Wei-lio, is only applicable to the great line of Kushan Emperors in India, beginning from Wema Kadphises and ending with Vasudeva. This, as we have seen a bove, is in entire agreement with the account of Fan-Ye, which when plainly interpreted refers to the Indian conquests of Wema-Kadphises shortly before A.D. 220. The joint testimony of these two writers cannot be lightly ignored and we are therefore bound to hold that the Yue-chi had established their supremacy in India in the beginning of the third century A.D., and that their power was at its height by the middle of it. We next turn to the Indian evidence. It is held by almost all the scholars, with the 'exception of Dr. Fleet and the supporters of his theory, that the Northern Satraps and Gondophares prececlecl the Kushan Emperors, and that among the latter, the Kadphises group preceded Kanishka. I accept this view and refer the reader, for reasons, to the printed report of the debate held in the Hall of the Royal Asiatic Society. (JRAS., 1913, pp. 627 ff.. 911 ff.) Now we have a series of epigraphic dates for these rulers which may be arranged as follows:So lasa .. .. .. .. . 72 Patika .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 78 Gondophares .. .. .. .. .. .. 103 Kushan Kings (without any proper name) .. 113, 122, 13620 Kanishka, Vasishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva .. .. 3-99 It is quite evident that the dates 3 to 99 cannot refer to the same era as the others. The inscriptions, which refer to Kushan rulers, without any name, should naturally be placed before those of Kanishka, for we know from the Chinese writers that the early Kushan 15 Numismatic Chronicle. 1893, pp. 116, 121; also Rapson's Indian Coins, $ 74, pp. 18, 19. 19 The so-called Seytho-Sassanian coins are regarded by Drouin as the coins of Kushans themBelves, while, according to Cunninghan, they were issued by the Sassanians. In any case their date is limited to 300-450 A. D., and they do not therefore belong to the period contemplated in the Wei-lio. (Rapson's Indian Coins, $ 75, p. 19). 20 Kuldarra JRAS., 1903, p. 41), Panjtar (ASR., p. 61, pl. xvi) and Taxila (JRAS., 1914, P. 975 ff.) Inscriptions.

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NOVEMBER, 1917) THE DATE OF KANISHKA 267 Emperors did not personally govern India, but a Viceroy ruled there in their name. We have a series of coins (the coins of the so-called Nameless kings) which are in some respects parallel to these inscriptions and have been referred, on independent grounds, to the period of Wema Kadphises.21 These coins and inscriptions may therefore be referred to the period of interval between the first Kushan conquest of India and the assumption of the Indian Government by the Kushan Emperors themselves. It is legitimate, on numismatic and palaeographic grounds, to take all these dates ranging from 72 to 136 as belonging to one era.22 Kanishka, according to this view, would have to be placed after the year 136 of that era, and a great advance may thus be made in the solution of the Kanishka problem, if we can fix the initial point of the era. Dr. Fleet has emphasised the principle that we should, whenever practicable, avoid the assumption of an era, for the existence of which there is no actual evidence at all.23 Dr. Oldenberg made a similar remark in connection with the Gupta era. "The fundamental mistake," said Dr. Oldenberg, "which bas vitiated several of the most detailed disquisitions about the Gupta chronology, consists in their touching only incidentally upon the direct and very clear ancient tradition, which we possess regarding the Gupta era, instead of placing distinctly this tradition in the foreground and of systematically discussing the question whether any serious objection can be opposed to it. We shall try to proceed in this way so clearly prescribed by the nature of the question." 24 These principles, applied to the question at hand, limit our choice in the first instance. to the two well-known eras which commenced in 58 B. C. and A.D. 78. On general grounds, the era of A.D. 78 must be preferred to that of 58 B.C., in interpreting the dates of these foreign rulers. In the first place, tradition attributes the inauguration of the first to the accession of a Saka ruler, while it assigns an indigenous origin to the second. Secondly the Western Satraps, ho undoubtedly used the era of A.D., 78 indicate close connection with the north-western parts of India by the Kharoshi letters on their coins, 25 and all the rulers we have to deal with belong to that quarter. Interpreted by the Saka Era', the dates of the various rulers will be as follows - Sodasa .. A.D. 150 Patika .. A.D. 156 Gondophares A.D. 181 Kushan Kings (before Kanishka) A.D. 191 to 214 Kanishka .. .. Some time after A.D. 214 21 JRAS., 1913, p. 661. 2 Sir John Marshall has disputed the validity of the generally accepted belief that the date of the Taxila copperplate of Patika and the year 72 of Sodasa refer to one and the same era, (JRAS., 1914, pp. 985-86). His arguments, I am afraid, are not quite convincing to me. The inconsistency which he has pointed out may be removed either in the way suggested by Dr. Fleet (JRAS., 1907, pp. 1034-36), or by supposing that the number of small inscriptions which cover the entire face of the Mathura Lion pillar capital were written at different times by different individuals. Both the styles of writing as well as the subject matter support this hypothesis (See M. Barth's remarks in ante, 1908, p. 245). It must also be remembered that the inscription of Satrap sodass need not necessarily be referred to a period earlier than that of Mahakshatrapa Bodisa for though, as a general rule, the transition is from the state of Kshatrapa to that of a Mahakshatrapa, tho roverse casn is not unknown: cf. e.g., the case of Rudrasimha I. His coins show him to be a MahAkshatrapa in the years 103, 106, 109 and 110 and a simple Kshatrapa in the years 110 and 112. Rapaon's Andhra Coins, &c., pp. 87-91). 23 JRAS., 1905, p. 231. 24 Ante, Vol. X, p. 217. 25 Rapson's Andhra Coins, p. CIV.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 The results may appear to be too startling for serious consideration ; but, when calmly considered, they are found to be opposed to nothing but vague prejudices inherited from earlier writers, who had to form their conclusions on very insufficient grounds. The Northern Satraps have usually been referred to very early times, but there are no positive data to determine their dates, and their chronological position has been fixed solely with reference to that of the Greeks and the Kushans. As the date of the Kushans is the matter of dispute, it would be begging the question to rely upon it, and the Greek chronology is far from being settled as yet. It must never be forgotten that numismatic and palaeographic evidences can only supply relative dates and never an absolute one (unless of course the coins are dated in a known era, which however is not the case in the present instance). When specific dates are given to a king on numismatic and palaeographic evidences, they are simply conjectured on the basis of the dates of other king, or of kings with relation to whom his chronological position has been established by means of coins and inscriptions. Everything therefore depends upon the latter, and the specific dates of the former, arrived at by numismatic and palaeographic evidences, possess no more value than may be attached to it. We should therefore distinguish the numismatic and palaeographic facts from the theories based upon them. The establishment of these facts requires a great deal of technical skill and observation, and they should not be slightly treated, when their accuracy is established by the joint testimony of a number of experts in these branches. The chronological theories established on the basis of these facts do not stand however on the same footing. They are based on some assumptions with regard to historical events, and must stand or fall with them. As regards the Northern Satraps, early dates were assigned to them on the basis of the assumed date for the extinction of the Greek rule in India. This was first taken to be 120 B. C. and next shifted to a period 100 years later, but even this did not Nest on secure grounds. Already a still later date has been proposed and generally accepted, and more shifting will probably take place in future. While therefore we should accept in general the priority of the Greek sovereigns, we are unable to rely much upon any specific date assigned to the Northern Satraps. The proposed date for the Northern Satraps is not therefore prima facie an impossible one. There seems to be a consensus of opinion among the scholars as regards the date of Gondophares, but the unanimity is more apparent than real. By a curious coincidence they have come to maintain the same point, though their views are based on diametrically opposite principles. Thus Dr. Fleet arrives at the date by referring the year 103 of the Takht-i-Bahai inscription to the Vikrama Samvat of 58 B.C., which he considers to be the hiztoric era of Northern India being founded by the great emperor Kanishka. Dr. Thomas, Mr. V. A. Smith and Mr. Rapson, who all deny any association between Kanishka and Vikrama Samvat, and do not even recognise the possibility of the Vikrama Samvat having ever been used in those regions at so early a period, arrive at the same conclusion on numismatic and palaeographic evidences, which place Gondophares a little before Kanishka, whom they refer to about A.D. 78. The position with regard to Gondophares is briefly this: A Christian tradition associates him with the apostle St. Thomas and thus refers him to the middle of the first century A.D. It is generally admitted, however, that the tradition by itself is unworthy of serious belief.

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NOVEMBER, 1917] THE DATE OF KANISHKA 269 Thus Mr. V. A. Smith says: "The whole story is pure mythology, and the geography is as inythical as the tale itself ...... After much consideration I am now of opinion that the story of the personal ministration and the martyrdom of St. Thomas in the realms of Gondophares and Mazdai should not be accepted." 26 Dr. Fleet also expresses a similar but a more moderate opinion as follows: "Now in the Christian tradition there are details which tend to prevent us from placing implicit reliance upon it. And as regards its external bearings, it would hardly suffice, standing alone, to allow us to introduce into the early history, as a proved fact, the existence, at some time between about A.D. 33 and 69 of two kings of India, or of parts thereof, whose names should be found in the Gudnaphar, Gundaphar, Goundaphoros or Gundaforus, and the Mazdai, Misdaios or Mes deus of the tradition. 27 Mr. Burkitt who has made a special study of the subject is also of opinion that " That the stories in the Acts of St. Thomas have little or no historical basis is indeed almost self-evident." The tradition about Gondophares therefore cannot be accepted as an historical fact, unless it is corroborrated by independent evidence. Reliable independent evidence however there is none, and scholars do not even agree as to the bearing of the numismatic and palaeographic facts with regard to the question. Dr. Fleet and Mr. R. D. Banerji do not hesitate to place Kanishka before Gondophares, while Dr. Buhler, Dr. Thomas, Mr. V. A. Smith, Mr. Rapson and others would reverse the position. I am inclined to accept the latter view, and hold it as an established fact, on numismatic and palaeographic grounds, that Kanishka flourished later than Gondophares. But the specific date proposed for Gondophares on this ground possesses little value, as the date of Kanishka itself is open to dispute and forms the subject-matter of the present discussion. There is thus no good ground for the assumption that Gondophares flourished in the middle of the first century A.D. The above discussions make it quite clear that no serious objection can be opposed to the results obtained by referring the dates under consideration to the era of A. D. 78. The Chinese evidence is thus corroborrated by the results deduced from Indian inscriptions regarding the date of Kushan sovereignty. We have seen that, by referring the Indian inscriptions to the well-known era beginning in A.D. 78, the date of the Indo-Parthian king Gondophares falls in A.D. 181 and that of the Kadphises kings between A.D. 191 and 214. The Chinese evidence also shows that Kozoulo-Kadphises defeated the Parthians and conquered Kabul, and that his son conquered India, shortly before A.D. 220. This perfect agreement between two such different sources of information shows that we are on the right track. It follows from what has been said before that Kanishka must be placed after A.D. 214. The silence of Fan-Ye regarding Kanishka seems to carry this limit to about A.D. 220. We must therefore look for the initial point of the Kanishka era very near this date, for he cannot well be very far removed from Wema-Kadphises. As I have said before, we should, whenever practicable, avoid the assumption of a brand new era for the existence of which there is no actual evidence at all. Our choice must therefore fall upon a known era which commences close to A.D., 220 if there be any. Such an era is to be found in the so-called " Traikataka, Kalachuri or Chedi era," the initial point of which falls in A.D. 248-249, and assuming our main arguments to be correct, there can be scarcely any hesitation in looking upon Kanishka as the inaugurator of the era. 26 Early History of India, 3rd Edition, pp. 233-234. RAS., 1905, p. 227.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 The origin of this era is shrouded in mystery. The earliest instance where its use can be definitely established is afforded by an inscription of the Traikutaka king Dahrasena dated in the year 207. From this time onwards the era was mostly prevalent in the Gurjara country and Konkan without any definite name, being simply referred to as 'Samvatsara' In one instance it is referred to as "Tr-ai)ketakana(.) prawanddhamana-rajya-sa() vvatsara-sata-dvaye pancha-chatvari(ni)sad-uttare," which seems to show that it was mostly in use in the Traikutaka kingdom. It is not until the year 893 of the era that a definite name, viz., Kalachuri Samvatsara, was given to it. In all these there is nothing inconsistent with the assumption that the era was founded by Kanishka and made current in Gurjara and Konkan by dynasties of feudatory kings. An analogous instance is afforded by the Gupta era, which was prevalent in western parts of India long after it had ceased to be current in its home provinces, and even came to be known as the Valabhi Samvat. A close study of the coins of the Western Satraps seems to show that the influence of the Kushan Emperors had made itself felt in this quarter. The following remarks of Rapson, who has made a special study of the subject, show the gradual process of decline in the power of the Western Satraps. "Already in this reign (of Vijayasena) appear the first symptoms of a decline about the year 167 or 168 (A. D. 245-246); and from this time onwards until the end of the dynasty it is possible to observe in the coinage a process of continuous degradation, varied occasionally by short-lived attempts to restore a higher standard." (Rapson's Andhra Coins, p. 137). "In any case there must have been a long interval in which there was no Mahaksatrapa The first part of this interval is taken up with the reigns of two Kshatrapas, Rudrasimha II, 227-23 (5-9) [A. D. 305-31 (3-7)] and Yasedaman II, 239-254 [A.D. 317-332 1: during the latter part, 254-270 (A.D. 332-348) the coins of this dynasty cease altogether." "All the evidence afforded by coins or the absence of coins during this period, the failure of the direct line and the substitution of another family, the cessation first of the Maheksatrapas and afterwards of both Mahaksatrapas and Ksatrapas seems to indicate troublous times. The probability is that the dominions of the Western Ksatrapas were subject to some foreign invasion ; but the nature of this disturbing cause is at present altogether doubtful." (Ibid, p. 142.) It will be observed that my theory about the Kushan chronology fully explains the process of continuous degradation noticed by Rapson. The first symptoms of decline appear shortly after the Kuslans had established their supremacy in India. The dynasty is shorn of power during Huvishka's time, altogether ceases to exist as a ruling power during the rule of Vasudeva, and revives some of its power and influence only after the death of this prince and the consequent downfall of the Kushan power. It is quite permissible to hold, therefore, that a rival dynasty was established in Gujarat to hold in check the power of the Western Kshatrapas, and this ultimately became instrumental in preserving the era of the Kushans long after it had become extinct in the province of its origin. Another circumstance corroborrates the theory that Kanishka flourished about A.D. 249. We have a Mathura Inscription dated in the year 299 whose letters resemble those of the Sarnath Inscription of Kanishka, and which must therefore be placed, on palaeographic grounds, close to the period of Kanishka. It is admitted by all that this date cannot be referred to the era used by Kanishka or the Northern Satraps. Those who place Kanishka in A.D. 78 are thus compelled to refer it to a second unknown era (the first unknown era being that to which they refer the dates of Sodasa and Gondophares).

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NOVEMBER, 1917) THE DATE OF KANISHKA 271 According to my theory all difficulties are removed by referring it to the Vikrama Samvat which places it about ten years earlier than the Sarnath Inscription, and seven years earlier than the inauguration of the Kushan era. This latter fact probably explains the use of Vikrama Samyat in Mathura. The Saka power had been extinguished and the new dynasty of the Kushans had not yet established an era. Under such circumstances one who is conversant with Vikrama Samyat may use that era in Mathura. This seerns to me to be the most satisfactory solution of the difficulty, for it must be remembered that the era was current for about 300 years and can hardly be explained by the theory of a local origin without any definite proof. The position may thus be summed up as follows: The natural interpretation of the Indian and Chinese evidences place Kanishka after A.D. 220, and as there is a well-known Indian era running from A.D. 248-9 we can hardly be mistaken in looking upon Kanishka as its inaugurator. This proposition is fully supported by the history of the Western Satraps and the inscription of Mathura dated in the year 299. I shall now proceed to show that the theory I have put forward is in perfect agreement with the known facts of palaeography and numismatics. Palaeography: According to my theory the Kushan period is brought quite close to that period of the Guptas, of which we possess epigraphical record. This is fully in agreement with paleographic facts. Dr. Buhler, after an exhaustive analysis of the peculiarities of the Kushan inscriptions, makes the following remarks : "All these peculiarities, as well as the advanced forms of the meclial vowels, of a in ra, of u in ku and in stu, and of o in to, reappear constantly in the northern alphabets of the next period, those of the Gupta inscriptions and of the Bower MS., or are precursors of the forms of those documents. The literary alphabets used in Mathura during the first two centuries A.D. very likely were identical with or closely similar to the later ones, and the admixture of older forms, observable in the inscriptions of the Kushan period may be due purely to an imitation of older votive inscriptions." Thus Dr. Buhler fully noticed the remarkable similarity of the letters of the Kushan and Gupta periods. But as he was not prepared for its logical consequence he had to maintain the identity of alphabets separated by more than two centuries. The theory, I have advanced, shows that the alphabets of the two periods were similar for the very natural reason that one of them closely followed upon the other. Numismatics: My theory offers a more satisfactory explanation of the close connection between the coins of the Kushans and the Guptas than any that has yet been proposed. Dr. Oldenberg, while placing Kanishka in A.D. 78 made the very apposite remark that, "It is one of the earliest known and best established facts within the sphere of Indian numismatics that this [Kushan Coinage] is the place from which the very important coinage of the Gupta dynasty branches off."28 He further added, " that the vacant period between Vasudeva and the Guptas is already [by placing Kanishka in A.D. 78) perhaps greater than might be expected. "29 Mr. V. A. Smith practically agrees to this, when he says: "The close relationship in weights, types, and palaeography between the coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty (A.D. 320-480) and those of the Kushan kings, Kanishka, Huvishka, and Vasudeva, is obvious and has always been recognised. Jo + Ante, Vol. X, p. 217. 29 Ibid, p. 216. 30 JR.AS. 1903, p. 35.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 247.) Such was the position in the year 1752. The nominal king of the country, the exiled Naik, was a refuge in the Ramnand estate. His kingdom was an object of contest between the powers of South India. It would be exceedingly interesting to ascertain the nature of the feelings which each of the contending parties felt towards the ex-king. One thing is certain, however: he was not such a forgotten figure in the politics of the day as we have to infer from the great English historian of the period. The descendant of Tirumala Naik did not indeed actually exercise power. But his name had a charm to the Hindu population and was received with applause and with loyalty by many of the Polygars. Vijaya Kumara could not therefore be ignored by the parties of the war. Intrigues and counterintrigues must have passed between him and them, but the details of these we unfortunately do not possess. With regard to the Policy of Chanda Sahib, or at least his lieutenant Alam Khan, however, we have got ample material to pronounce a judgment. Chanda Sahib had behaved, as has been already mentioned, like a determined opponent of Vijaya Kumara. It was his want of sympathy, in fact, that made Bangiru Tirumala apply to the Mahrattas for help in 1741. But it seems that, after his conquest of the Carnatic, Chanda Sahib apparently changed his attitude towards the ex-king of Madura. He seeins to have no longer regarded him as an adversary to be removed at any cost from the field. Either a wise policy of conciliation or a hypocritical pretence, for the time, of friendship, induced him to negotiate with Vijaya Kumara and recognize his birthright as the king of the cis-Kaveri region. Perhaps he feared that Muhammad Ali might befriend him and thereby strengthen his cause. Perhaps he thought that he would strengthen his own cause by respecting the loyal sentiments of the Hindus and recognizing their titular inonarch. Whatever the reason was, his lieutenant Alam Khan tried his best for the restoration of Vijaya Kumara to Madura. He himself could not do it in person, for the state of affairs at Trichinopoly called his immediate presence, there to stand by his master. When departing to the scene of war, however, he ordered his own son-in-law and representative, Muda Miyan, whom he appointed the Viceroy of Madura and Tinnevelly, to immediately restore the Carnatic prince to his birthright. "From the time of our ancestors," he said, " we have been the servants of the Trichinopoly Raj. The same is the case with me now. The Karnataka Monarch is now in the Marava country. Call him thence, crown him, and seek from him a jagir for your service." The Naik restoration. With this order, Alam Khan proceeded to Trichinopoly to join his master. There unfortunately, he fell a victim to a skirmish against Lawrence and Clive. His orders were, if we are to trust the chronicle, scrupulously carried out by Muda Miyan. Proceeding Orme does not mention all this. He simply says that Alam Khan in 1752 left Madura under the management of three Pathan officers, Muhammad Barki (Myana), Muhammad Mainach (Muda Miyan), and Nabi Khan (Katak), while proceeding to Trichinopoly.

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NOVEMBER, 1917] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 273 to Ramnad, he had an interview with the Setupati's padhani, (velian, servaikaran), a man of absolute loyalty and honest bravery, and expressed the purpose of his visit. The Marava Minister was transported with joy at the turn of his master's fortune. He immediately took Muda Miyan to Srirangam where, Dorasami Tandavaraya Pillai heartily joined them. All the three officers then went to Vellai Kuruchchi, and congratuianng Vijaya Kumara on his change of fortune, escorted him in pomp to his capital. Then in accordance with the custom of his ancestors, he received, from the hands of Goddess Minakshi, the sceptre, and the symbols of sovereignty in Aigirasa Margali. Mounted on an elephant, seated on a howdah, he was taken in procession around the city, and to the great joy of the people, crowned with pomp. Almost all the Polygars graced the occasion with their presence, and hastened to perform homage. They prostrated themselves before him as if before a divirity, and showered on him gold and silver flowers. Muhammad All's final overthrow of it. Vijaya Kumara enjoyed his kingdom only for the space of two years according to one account and six months to another. Even during this short period he seems to have been merely a nominal king. The Mohammadan officers of Chanda Sahib, Myana, Muda Miyan and Nabi Khan, either remained in the Madura fort or jagirs near, and made no hesitation in ignoring the power of the restored monarch and treating him as their tool. But so long as Chanda Sahib was alive, they at least nominally obeyed the Naik king. But late in 1752 Chanda Sahih was captured and killed, and the Carnatic became the undisputed possession of Muhammad Ali. A man of a mean and unscrupulous temperament, Muhammad Ali at once took steps to remove Vijaya Kumara. With a bribe of a lakh of rupees, he pursuaded a Muhammadan saint, Asafu'ddin Sahib by name, to proceed to Madura and give Muhammad Miyan, the son-in-law of Myana, a written document in which he mentioned that he would offer a jagir of the value of a lakh of rupees and a cash of Rs. 50,000 in case he treacherously seized the person of the king. Myana was consulted in the matter by his son-in-law, and was mean enough to readily yield to it. The project, however, was looked upon with disfavour by Hussain Khan, a brother of Myana. He expressed in a bitter invective his contempt and abhorrence for the author of such a crime, rebuked his brother for his treachery towards a master whose salt he and his ancestors had eaten, and pointed out how his treason, which deserved death, was detestable in the eyes of both God and man, while it would bring eternal shame on the whole family of which he was the head, But the obstinacy of Myana, seconded by the passions and interests of his colleagues, Muda Miyan and Nabi, ignored the advice of his brother. Hussain saw that it was hopeless to reform his brother or to prevent the conspiracy. He therefore secured an audience with the king and, after making known to him the evil machinations of the Nawab's emissaries and the treachery of his own servants, pursuaded him, for the sake of his life, to leave Madura, for the present, to a more seoure locality. The fears of Vijaya Kumara were alarmed by the view of the least danger. A coward of a despicable character, he held life more precious than 'honour and yielded a ready consent to the proposal of his Musalman friend. The village of Vellai Kuruchchi in the Sivaganga Zamindary became, thanks to the constancy of the Setupatis, once again the place of exile. It was soon however exchanged, in accordance with the advice of the same chief, to a place, more remote from T The 1st is Cam. Lards and the 2nd the last Mish MS. The latter distinctly says that he was restored in Angirasa Margali and that he ruled in the Kamataka fashion down to Se'mukha.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1917 Madura, and therefore more secure, from the Nawab's designs. The generous loyalty of the Setupati built for him a palace at Dharbha-Sayanam, the place of his new exile, endowed the village of Virasoren in his name, and furnished him with the expenses of his household and his maintenance. Muhammad Ali was now the master of Madura and Tinnevelly. His first work after the assumption of Government was to endeavour to complete the ruin of his rival. Umad Aleam Khan, the son of the Nawab, was despatched to reduce the Ramnad and Sivaganga palayams and to bring the king as a captive, The Karta in exile. Umad was soon near Ramnad, and when he was about to take it, he sent men to search the surrounding country and discover the whereabouts of Vijaya Kumara. The agents of the latter at Ramnad acquainted him with the fact, and he instantly resolved to leave the place. Horses and camels, elephants and palanquins for the ladies, were at once set in motion, and that very night Vijaya Kumara went westward to the Palayam of Tirumalai Gandama Naik. The latter with a rare and commendable loyalty, met the fallen and flying king at the boundary of his estate, and prostrating himself at his feet, performed homage and presented gold and silver flowers. He declared that his estate, as well as his life and services, were at his disposal. He built for him a residence, and left for his sole maintenance the village of Tegambati." Besides, he supplied him with all the expenses of his household, and himself paid homage twice every day, waiting in respectfulattendance for more than an hour. This intercourse of respectful duty he steadily continued. Glimpses of the Naik family in later times. With the final fall of the Vijaya Kumara, now a helpless exile, the history of the Naiks of Madora closes. They did not entirely die from the current politics of the age ; for as we shall see presently, the Polygars looked 10 to the Royal exile as their right chief and even, as late as 1757, tried, by concluding an alliance with Mysore, to bring about his return. No doubt, by this alliance it was resolved to restore the fallen monarch. Mahfuz Khan ( who was then a rebel against Muhammad Ali's authority ) was to be given a suitable establishment in Mysore, and Mysore was to have the Dindigul province. The alliance, however, was shattered by the military genius of Yusuf Khan. In 1777 Minakshi Naik, an agent of Vijaya Kumara, waited on Lord Pigot in Madras and obtained his sympathy and promise to consider the past history of his master and his clains. But before he could do anything he was himself, as every student of Madras history knows, a victim of party squabbles and a prey of his adversaries. Vijaya Kumara therefore continue:l to live in Gandama Naikanur till his death on Mirgali 23, Hevitambl (1777)-more than forty years after the death of the unfortunate Minakshi. His son Raja Visvanatha Naik succeeded to his claims and was even formally anointed and waited upon by the Polygars of Gandama Naikanur, Bodi-Naikanur, Irchaka Naikanur, Elumalai, etc., and was paid formal homage, presents and offerings. Next year these faithful chiefs celebrated the marriage of their phantom chief. He remained there for six years and subsequently settled with his people once again at Vellai Kuruchchi. The rule of the East India Company was now firmly established, and the son of Visvanatha Naik, Vijaya Kumara, Visvanatha Bangaru Tirumala, whose poverty was acute in consequence of the resumption of the two villages granted of old by Ramnad and Bodi-Na ikanur, en:leavoured, as late as 1820, to obtain pecuniary assistance from Government. He and * Hiut. Carna. Gours. * Caldwell's T'innepelly. 10 A Mist. MS. (May, 1820) says that Bettikkuru-hchi in the Bodhinayakhan Zamindari was also given him, See O. H. MSS., II, 260,

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NOVEMBER, 1917] MISCELLENEA-NOTES AND QUERIES his family lived at Vellai Kuruchchi and their children were there until quite recently.11 "It is said that they still kept up the old form of having recited, on the first day of Chittrai in each year, a long account of their pedigree and the boundaries of the great kingdom of which their forebears were rulers." (Madura Gazr., p. 60). These titles alone, recognized by a few obscure men, remained their possession out of the large Empire their ancestors once ruled. (Concluded.) MISCELLANEA. BANDHU BERITYA OF THE MUDRA RAKSHASA. THE explanation given by the Tikakara, of the phrase: in the bharata-vakya to the Mudra-Rakshasa (ref. :) is not satisfactory. The honorific Brimat excludes the meaning offered by Dhundhiraja. Bhrityd would be hardly called Srimantah. I would take it as "He whose bhritya (servant) is Sriman Bandhu." Who was this Bandhu, who was important enough to be mentioned in the bharuta-vakya to denote the greatness of Chandragupta II ?? In the next reign we find Bandhuvarman, son of Visvavarman of Malawa, as a governor (or vassal) of the Gupta emperor at Mandasor (Dasapura).3 But in the time of Chandragupta, Bandhuvarman's father must have been ruling over Malawa, as he was ruling even after him in 423 A.D. (Gangadhar inscription of branding. 28 April 1689. Letter from Elihu Yale and Council at Fort St. George to the Honble. Rhede; Commissary General for the Rt. Honble. Netherlands East India Company. The 9 English prisners your Honr. was pleased to send us from Pollicat were lately tryed by a Court Martiall, one of whome being pardon'd accused the rest confessing their several robberyes and Pyracyes; when upon examination, some being Court found more culpable then others, the Condemned the most notorious Criminall to be 1 275 | 480 M. E.). It appears that neither Visva-varman nor his ancestors at Pokarana acknowledged the suzerainty of the Guptas.5 - NOTES AND NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS. 8. Punishments for Piracy-hanging, whipping, It seems that Bandhuvarman, son of the sturdy Visva-varman had come away to the court of Chandragupta II, most probably against the wishes of his father. The event would have caused some sensation at Patali-putra, for the Pokarana sove. reigns claimed to be great monarchs, Chandra having conquered up to Baktria only a generation before. Bandhu's acceptance of service or offer of alle unce would have promised the certainty of the allegiance of the great monarchy of the Varmans to the Imperial Throne in the near future. The event would have very well appeared to Visakhadatta worthy of being associated with the name of his. Emperor to indicate his great prestige. K. I. JAYASWAL. QUERIES. hanged aboard ship at the yard arme, another to be whipt at the severall Europe shipps in the road, and aftere to be branded with a hott Iron in the forehed, and the remaining 6 to be likewise stigmatized in their foreheds with a P, which centances were accordingly executed, and all banisht the Countery. God grant their sad examples may terrefye others from the like horred crimes. This I thought necessary to acquaint your honr. with, since some of their wicked crew remain stil in your Custodye. Records of Fort St. George. Letters from Fort St. George, 1689 PP. 21-22. R. C. T. Buchanan, while on his way from Dodora Balapura to Sira, met at a particular place a renter of some villages "named Trimula Nayaka, from whom I received the intelligence which I consider as the most accurate that I procured during my whole journey." He says that he was a descendant of the Madura Rajas and that his ancestor was "a brother of the then reigning prince who, in a dispute, was savage enough to threaten the life of so near a relation." See Vol. I, p. 252. : 2 Ante,. 1913, p. 265. 5 Haraprasad Shastri, Ante, 1913. : | Dhundhiraja, Telang's Mudra-Rakshasa, p. 318. 3 Fleet, Gupta Inscrs., p. 82. 4 Ibid., 74.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1917 BOOK NOTICE. VIJNAPTI-TRIVENI, A JAINA EPISTLE. chandra of the Somavamia. The names of the capi. THE Jain community of the Hindu people is tal and fortress are now combined in our presentshowing laudable activity in bringing to light pieces day Kota Kangla. The old fortress has been of their hidden literature, which are ag valuable as unfortunately destroyed within living memory, by the dreadful earthquake of 1905. any other ancie it literature of the country. The Jaina- Atmananda-Sabha of Bhavnagar has The time of Jinabhadra is fully ascertained. undertaken to publish on historical series (Itihasa. He is well-known for having built many Jain tem. mald) and the Vijnapti-crivent is its first number. ples and for having established a number of Jain The work is edited in Hindi, which the Jain com- libraries in Western India, one of which survives in munity has adopted as its common language. The the present library of Vadipura-Parsvanatha at text, however, is given in the original Sanskrit. Patana, where the MS. of the Vinapti-triveri has The introduction in Hindi covers 96 pages contain- been discovered. The present number of the ing valuable information, and the text covers 70 volumes in the Patan library is about 750. They are pages of octavo print. written on paper-leaves of generally one size and The Vinapli-triveni is # Sanskrit epistle dated also generally in letters of one and the same type. Magha Sudi 8, 1484 V. S. and the text is edited from This was done in the age when the Jain Acharyas the original MS. of the author. That manuscript is had old manuscripts on palm leaves transferred to at present in the Jain library of Vadipura-Para- paper. Jinabhadra took a leading part in that natha at Patan in North Gujarat. It has been movement. From the existing manuscripts of the brought to light and edited with care by Muni Jina. Patan Library it appears that Jinabhadra carried Vijayaji, pupil of Maharaja Pravartaka Muni Sri. on this mission of manuscript-making from 1475 KAnti-Vijayaji. V. S. to 1515 V. S. This epistle is one of the many literary epistles The epistle is useful for tracing the route from called Vinaptis written by medieval Tains to Western India to the Punjab in the 15th century: their spiritual lenders on the last day of the Par. end the place names on that route may be consulted yushan a week. On that day the Jains are sup. for the purposes of comparison and identification. posed to forgive others and ask for others' forgive. The document, like the majority of the Jain records ness. The week falls in Bhadra (Vadi 12th to Sudi of the Middle Ages, is reliable for dates and other 4th) or in Bravana according to local reckoningsmaterial data. A great contribution of the epistle After the week the Jains write letters between to the history of Kangra is that it settles the date themselves and also to their charyas asking for of King Narendrachandra whose coins we possos. forgiveness. Some of the letters written on the No date with certaintry could yet be given to him; occasion in the Middle Ages used to be profusely Mr. V. Smith tentatively placed him about 1465-- illustrated with pictures of well-known buildings, 80 A.C. (Coins in the Indian Museum, p. 278 ). 6. 9., palaces, temples, mosques and various scenes, Now we know on contemporary evidence of the from still-life to acrobatics. One such letter covers epistle that he was reigning in 1427 A. c. and also a roll of nearly 60 feet ! Generally letters written by the fact that he was a Jain. This definite dato Munis' to their Acharyas are so many attempts brings order at least on one point into the chaos of at artificial Sanskrit poetry. The Indu-data and the Kaugra chronology. There are some further Cheto-data are such epistles written in imitation informations of historical value. The kingdom of of the Meghadata. Our present epistle, however, is Kashmir extended upto HariyaTha in those days. more sedato and contains more valuable materials. which also marked off the boundaries of JAlandhara, The author Jayasagara-Upadhyaya addressed Madhya-desa and Jangala-desa (Kuru-Jangala ). this epistle from Malik-vahana in Sindh to Sri-Jina Apparently to the east of Hariyana (modern Hari. bhadra Sari, Acharya of the Kharatara Gachchha yana) lay the Madh ya desa. Near Hariyana on at Anahilapurapatana in Gujarat. It describes & the Bias the pilgrims witnessed an engagement journey to Kangra. The description is divided into between the troops of "Sakander, King of Turushthree sections. The journey was undertaken bykas" and those of " Yaboratha, lord of Shoshara." a number of merchants at the invitation of Jaya It seems that the Epistle's sapdda-laksha is our sagara, and the sangha on its way was protected * Sewalik'. We are highly indebted to Muni by armed retainers. The object of the journey Vijayaji for bringing this unique kind of composi. was the worship of a Jain deity in the hill fortress tion to the notice of scholars and for writing of Kangadaka (modern Kangra), situated by the valuable preface to it. capital called Nagara-kotta, which in those days was held by an independent Hindu King, Narendra K. P.J.

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DECEMBER, 1917) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 277 AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BT, Introductory Remarks. wo and a half years ago my attention was drawn to a MS, account of a survey of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1787 by Captain Alexander Kyd.1 In his description of Car Nicobar, Kyd refers as follows to a settlement made under the auspices of Austria in 1778 - <Page #292
278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 until 1768, when he was deported to England, he was repeatedly quarrelling with the Bengal Council on account of his private trade, by which he had accumulated a large fortune. On his return to England, Bolts issued a pamphlet' recording the "oppressions" he had ** suffered in Bengal." He then appealed to the Court of Directors, who, instead of espousing his case, instituted a law-suit against him. The legal costs of the suit and the publication (in 1772-1775) of a work, in which he attacked the administration of the Company, nearly ruined him. The book (in 3 4to vols.) was entitled Consideracions on Indian Affairs, particularly respecting the present state of Bengal and its Dependencies. By William Bolts, merchant and alderman or Judge of the Hon. the Mayor's Court of Calcutta. The antagonisin that Bolts hud roused among the authorities in Bengal found vent in their letters after his departure. In January 1770 the Council at Fort William wrote that they imagined the sending home of Mr. Bolts woull meet with the Directors' approbation " by reason of the just idea you entertain" of his dangerous and intriguing spirit." They also enlarged on the extent of his illicit trade and the "little regard" he "pays either to the commands of his Superiors or to publick faith": The Directors also received voluminous appeals from the attorneys appointed by Bolts, complaining of the obstacles they met with in collecting his debts. Finding himself worsted in his struggle with the Court of Directors, Bolts proceeded to utilize his knowledge of Indian affairs for the benefit of another European power. He approached Count Belgiogoso, the Ambassador in London of Maria Theresa, Empress of Austria, with proposals for inaugurating a direct trade between the Austrian Empire and Persia, the East Indies, China and Africa. The proposals were favourably received, and in 1775 Bolts was stummoned to Vienna to tifold his plans. There he was made an Austrian subject, was invested by the Empress with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and was granted a charter, dated 5th June 1775, for the foundation of commercial company. In the course of his proceedings, Bolts formed establishments on the S. W. Coast of Africa (Delagoa Bay), on the Malabar and Coromandel Coasts, and in the Nicobar Islands. These, however, were only of temporary duration, since the Company became bank rupt in 1781. Bolts returned to Europe and immediately proceeded to set on foot another trading scheme for Austrian enterprise in India under the name of the Triestine Society. One ship sailed at the end of 1783, but the undertaking was launched at an inopportune time and in 1785 the Coinpany declared itself insolvent, Bolts afterwards proceeded to Paris and eventually died there in great poverty in 1808. There are notices of this 18th century company promoter in the Biographie Universelle and in the Dictionary of National Biography, and allusions to his Indian venture in the New Imperial Gazetteer of India (II. 466 and XIX. 64). The fullest account, however, that has yet been written in English of this remarkable personage is to be found in a paper entitled Extract from the Voyage of the Austrian Frigate "Novara": The Nicobar Islands in the Bau of Bengal, which is printed in Selections from the Records of the Government of India, Home Department, No. LXXVII (Calcutta, 1870, pp. 193-207). : Oppressione suffered in Bengal by Mr. William Bolta, dec., from the East India Company's represen. tatives. London, 1769. 3 Bengal Letters Received, IX, 180-181.

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DECEMBER, 1917) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 279 In his History of the Mahratlas (II. 345), Grant Duff pays the following tribute to the ability of the emissary of Austria : "Mr Bolts, originally in the Company's service in Bengal, who was in Poona at the same time [1777] as an avowed agent of the house of Austria, received no such civilities [as those aocorded to the adventurer, St. Lubin, French ambassador). Nana Furnuwees [Nani Farawis) probably perceived that St. Lubin was a fitter tool ; and Mr Bolts, who was early dismissed, might have viewed that circumstanoe as complimentary to his charac ter." The Company's instructions to their three Presidencies of Bengal, Madras. and Bombay, to obstruct the Austrian enterprise. Letter, dated London, 24 December, 1776.4 We are informed from unquestionable authority that an enterprize of trade is in agitation by Mr William Bolts (formerly in our Service in Bengal ) under Imperial Colours, and the protection of the Queen of Hungary, in a large ship, late the Earl of Lincoln, now named the Joseph and Theresa, which towards the end of June last imported at Leghorn from Lisbon, where besides considerable quantities of goods before shipped, ordnance, ammunition and all kinds of military stores to a great amount were received on board, with a very valuable proportion of merchandize, consisting principally of copper, iron and steel brought thither by two Danish and Dutch ship[ ] from Trieste, and as the Florentine Gazette, published by authority, avows "belonging to & Company erected in Germany to carry on commerce between Trieste and the Coast of Coromandel, where the House of Austria means to establish a new Factory." We are also given to understand that a number of Austrian soldiers, Lutherans, were to be embarked at Leghorn on board the said ship, which left that port the 25th of September last with her consort, an English brigantine, laden with provisions for the voyage, and that both were from the Canary Islands to continue their course to the Coast of Choromandel. It remains for us by the present opportunity in the strongest manner to recommend to your serious and speedy consideration either separately or conjunctively with our other presidencies, to pursue the most effectual means that can be fully justified to counteract and defeat the same, observing at the same time that this commerce is not contrary to any Treaty at present subsisting. It will be particularly necessary to counteract this scheme in the beginning, because if the adventurers meet with but indifferent success in this first essay, it may discourage them from future attempts If their design to settle shall prove to be in the neighbourhood of your presidency, we particularly rely on your weight and efforts with the Country (Native ) Powers to render their scheme-abortive. We further especially recommend the stopping all commercial and other intercourse of our covenant servants and all under our protection with the persons who conduct this expedition or are concerned therein, and to prevent the latter from being furnished by any persons subject to your authority with money, goods, stores, or any other assistance conducive to the execution of their plan, and in case of the breach of any orders issued in this behalf, it is left with you to show & resentment adequate to the nature of the offence. Bengal Despatche, VIII. 271-274. The same instructions were sent to Madras and Bombay early in 1777.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 As there are sufficient reasons to conclude several British subjects are employed in the expedition, who are, by the laws of this kingdom now in force, liable to be arrested and brought to Great Britain if found in the East Indies without our licence, we direct that you put such laws into force. You will receive from us or our agents, by every opportunity in the course of the season, what further intelligence shall offer on this object, that such measures may be taken as shall appear oxpedient in consequence thereof. Note on the Company's Instructions. The allusions to the Florentine Gazette in the foregoing letter are inportant for the history of the proceedings of William Bolts, as indicating the bona fides of his claim to be a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Austrian forces and to his having gone to the East as the representative of the Austrian Empire. The Gazetta di Firenze was established in 1768, and was continued as the Notizie del Mondo (1768-1774) and as the Gazetta Universale from 1775 to 1811, when it reverted to its original title. There are several references in it in 1776 to Bolts and his ship. Some of these evidently reached the Court of Directors of the East India Company in London and caused them to take the action mentioned in their letter of instructions to their subordinates in India. I give the extracts from the Italian newspaper here translated in full. They consist of a series of items of news from correspondents. Gazetta Universale, 29 June, 1776 (p. 413). Italy, Leghorn (Livorno ) 26 Juno: On Tuesday evening there anchored in the road the Josepk and Theresa (Ciuseppe e Teresa) from London, Lisbon and Cadiz, under the [ Austrian ] Imperial flag, commanded by Captain William Bolts. The said ship is of 900 tons, is armed with 32 guns and has a crew of 60 men. It is to sail to the Coast of Coromandel for the purpose of securing to His Majesty the Emperor the re-entry into possession of those factories which the House of Austria had there as far back as the time of the Emperor Charles VI. of glorious memory. It will depart under the escort of the Royal Tuscan Frigate of War, Etruria, which is now ready to sail. 13 July, 1776 (p. 444 ). Leghorn, 9 July: On Wednesday of last week, at the palace of His Excellency the Commandant-General and Governor of this city, at the invitation of the high officials of State and in the name of His Majesty the Emperor Joseph, Mr. William Bolts, now Captain of the Austrian ship Joseph and Theresa, destined for Coromandel, was declared a Lieutenant-Colonel before the Austrian soldiers, who were present and are to serve in the said ship. Afterwards the oath of fidelity was administered to them by the aforementioned officials in the usual military form. On the Thursday following he (Lieut. Col. Bolts ) was received int hat rank on board his ship with a salute of artillery, and afterwards was entertained at a sumptuous dinner given in his honour by His Excellency in the presence of the nobility and persons of rank. 20 July, 1776 (p. 461 ). Leghorn, 17 July: The Imperial Austrian ship destined for Coromandel began last Thursday to take in cargo of various sorts (which had been transported here from Trieste) and also arms and ammunition of war. Permission has been granted for her equipment in this port with sailors, pilots and other officials, and already many have signed on for service in the same.

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DECEMBER, 1917] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 3 September, 1776 (p. 566). Leghorn, 30 August: The Company of marines embarked this morning about half past seven on board the Royal Tuscan Frigate of War, Etruria, which has left this harbour with all speed, whence it has now passed into the road to set sail for a short cruise of a few days against the fleet of Barbary pirates who are said to infest these scas. The Imperial ship of war and merchantman, Joseph and Theresa, is completing her preparations for her departure for Coromandel. She will start immediately after the return of the Royal Tuscan Frigate, which is intended to escort her as far as the Canary Islands. Leghorn, 18 December: Joseph and Theresa, in order has just arrived. 281 21 December. 1776 (p. 815). The English brigantine, which is to go with the Austrian ship, to carry a part of the provisions and to be serviceable to her. 24 December, 1776 (p. 821). Leghorn, 20 December: The English merchant brigantine, which sailed with the Imperial Austrian ship, Joseph and Theresa, with a cargo of various provisions, returned here on Wednesday evening in 49 days from the Island of Madeira, whence her captain was sent back after having transferied a part of her cargo on board the same [Austrian ship ]. The remainder has been brought back to the merchants Otto Francke (Ottofrank) and Co. of Hamburg, as [it would have been ] a hindrance to the business as a whole. The said English captain reported that he had left the abovementioned ship at another island of the Canaries beyond Madeira, waiting for a favourable wind, and that both the Commandant and the crew were in the enjoyment of perfect health. 28 December, 1776 (p. 830). Leghorn, 25 December: The Royal Tuscan Frigate of War, Etruria, which has remained disarmed in this harbour since her return from the last voyage made beyond the Straits [of Gibraltar ], where she accompained the Imperial Austrian ship, Joseph and Theresa, to which allusion has formerly so frequently been mad, has been sent into wet dock. I Steps taken in Bombay. Bombay Diary 16 July 1777. Signed a Letter to the Governor General and Council [of Fort William]. in which We advised them of our having received Intelligence by a Vessel from Delagoa that a Ship under Austrian Colours and with a very rich Cargo had Arrived there and had been run ashore in endeavouring to bring her into the River. That Mr Bolts, formerly on the Bengal Establishment, was principal Owner and Commander of her, under a Commission from the Empress, and had taken in his Cargo at Leghorn and Trieste; that his Associate, Mr Ryan arrived here on the abovementioned Country [ coasting] Vessel, and proceeds on the Hastings prow [should be Snow] to Bengal. Consultation at Bombay Castle, 20 August 1777.7 Reperused the Honble. Company's Commands dated the 21st February. We have already transmitted to the Governor General and Council all the Information 5 Bombay Public Consultations (1777), XLIV. 287. Francis Ryan, one of Bolts' partners. 7 Bombay Public Consultations (1777), XLIV, 322.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 we have gained of the Austrian ship mentioned in the 30th and the following Paragraphs, Copies of which must now he sent to ... the President and Council at Madras, as it appears thereby that the Ship's Destination was for the Coromandel Coast, tho' by what we have heard it seems doubtful whether she can be got off from the Bar of Delagoa River, where she ran aground. Letter from the President and Council at Bombay to the President and Council at Fort St. George, dated 28 August 1777.8 We enclose an extract from the Honble. Company's commands, dated the 20th February last, and a copy of the paper therein refer'd to. The Ship Joseph and Theresa arrived at Delagoa in the month of April last and ran ashore in endeavouring to get into the river, It seems doubtful whether she will be got off, but we think it proper to acquaint you that Mr Ryan, the person mention'd in the extract, arrived here some time agoe in a Country Vessell from Dalagoa and took passage from hence in the Hastings Snow for your Coast, which Vessell has been forced into Damauno by stress of weather and we suppose will not be able to proceed on her voyage for some time. Letter from the Council at Surat to the Governor and Council of Bombay, dated 7 September 1777.10 Honble. Sir and Sirs, We dispatch this by express Pattamars (pathmar, courier ) to your Honor &ca. purposely to advise you of the arrival of an Imperial Austrian Ship, the Joseph and Theresa, commanded by Mr William Bolts, Lieutenant Colonel in her Imperial Majesty's Service, last from Delagoa, after a passage of six weeks, which anchored at the Bar the Sth instant in the Evening. Lieutenant Colonel Bolts arrived at the French Gardens yesterday Evening, and addressed a letter to the Chief" [Monsieur Anquetil de Briencourt), Copy of which is now enclosed, with the reply thereto, which we hope will meet your approval (not traced ). Having duly considered the Commands of the Honble. the Court of Directors with respect to this ship, we have desired the Nabob [Nawab, the Governor ] to take effectual Care that the inhabitants in this City, under his protection, have not any commercial or other intercourse with these adventurers, and the Chief will take every Justifiable measure to prevent those under our protection and the powers about this place, and by the influence of the Nabob, the foreign nations resident bere, from having any connexion with them. In the 35th Paragraph of the commands aforementioned, the Honble, the Court of Directors have been pleased to order that if any Subjects of England are on board that Vessel, they shall be arrested and sent to England by the first opportunity. But should any land here, from the situation of this Government and the neutrality of this Port, we are led to think that this would be esteemed an unjustifiable Act, And therefore beg leave to be favored with your sentiments thereon. You will be pleased to remark the particular Claims made by Lieutenant Colonel Bolte in his letter to the Chief, and with respect to which we request your full and explicit orders. We do not yet know what Cargo she has on board, but shall fully advise you of any particulars that inay come to our knowledge respecting this vessel. 9 Bombay Lettera Sent, (1777) LVI. 107-108. Daman, old Portuguese settlement on the Gujarat Coast. 1deg Letters Received at Bombay, (1777), XLIII.

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DEORMBER, 1917] AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 283 Extract from a consultation at Bombay Castle, 16 September 1777.11 The Austrian Ship Joseph and Theresa, mentioned by the Honble. Company in their Commands, dated the 21st of February last, having unexpectedly arrived at Surat Bar, The President William Hornby) still continuing much indisposed, desired Mr Carnao to summon this Meeting to deliberate what Measures to pursue on the Occasion. The Surat Advices received yesterday were then read, together with the Honble. Companys Commands respecting the Ship, which being taken into consideration, the following Resolutions were Unanimously Agreed to. We much approve of the Conduct the Chief has hitherto observed with respeot to this Ship, and of the Answer He returned to the Application made by Mr Bolts, [not traced] and He must be directed to continue to pursue every justifiable Method to prevent all commercial and other Intercourse with every person whatever belonging to, or concerned in this Ship, and for that purpose He must likewise make use of the Nabobs Influence. The Chief and Council must also be instructed to raise every difficulty they legally can to obstruct Mr Bolts from making an Investment of Cotton, or any other kind of goods at Surat, and in this point also to apply for the Nabobs Assistance. Neither Mr Bolts or any of the Persons concerned in this Expedition mitst be perinitted to have any intercourse with the Nabob, or any of the Officers of Government. As the Honble. Company have pronounced that by the Laws of England now in force We have a right to seize all British Subjects who may be found in the East Indies without their Permission, the Chief and Council must be directed to take every consistent Opportu. nity for putting such Laws into Execution, but to prevent all Mistakes it must be observed to them that We are assured Mr Bolts himself is not a British Subject. We are inclined to believe that when the Ships Company are apprized of the handsome Bounty Money we give to Recruits, many of them will enter voluntarily, and the Chief and Council inust do their utmost to prepare a List of the Ships Crew as well as the Account they have promised of the Cargo. With respost to the Requisitions made by Mr Bolts of Refreshments for the Sick, and Assistance for the Vessell, Humanity will not permit of our absolutely refusing them. The Chief and Council must not therefora deny them such aid in these Pointa as may be indispensibly requisite. Should the Chief and Council be at a L233 on any other Points, they must refer to the Orders We have given respecting Swedish and other Foreign Ships which have at different times resorted to Surat. Advice must be sent to all the Subordinate Settlements of the arrival of this Ship at Surat, with the most strict directions to prevent by every legal Method any Investments being provided for her within their Jurisdiction, and to carry the Company's Orders reepooting her strictly into Execution. . However much We may wish to show all possible respect to a Commission from so illustrious a Personage as the Empress Queen, We cannot, consistent with the Duty We owe to our Employers and their Orders, shew any distinction to Mr Bolts, who, after having been in their Service, has engaged in Commerce so repugnant to their Interest, and whose former Conduct at Beagal occasioned his being arrested and sent to England by an Act of that Government. A1 Bombay Public Consultanons, (1777), XLIV. 234-236.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1917 Letter from the President and Council of Bombay to the Chief and factors at Broach, dated 18 September 1777.12 Enclosed is an extract from the Honble. Company's commands dated the 21st February to which you will pay strict obedience. The Austrian Ship therein mentioned having actually arrived at Surat, you are hereby enjoined upon no account to permit of any commercial or other intercourse being carried on with the persons concerned in that ship by any persons whatever under your jurisdiction, and to prevent by every legal method any investment of cotton or any other goods being provided for her in any of the districts subject to your management. In short, you are, as far as in you lies, to carry the Companys orders respecting her strictly into execution. Letter from the Council at Surat to the Governor and Council at Bombay, dated 27 September 1777.13 We dispatch this chiefly to advise you the Imperial Ship left the Bar some days ago for Gogo 14 Mr Bolts from the impediments he found here, not having been able to transact any business here, we imagine induced him to take this Step. His Cargo consists of Iron, Copper, Steel, Cochineal, Saffron, a large quantity of Ordnance, warlike Stores, some Jewelry and other Articles, amounting to about five (5) Lace of Rupees, but the former are the principal. The Chief, on his departure, took every measure in his power to prevent Mr Bolts meeting with any Success, thro' his influence with the Nabob, getting him to write suitable Letters to the Rajahs of Bownagur Bhaunagar in Kathiawar ] and Gogo, and by advices the Chief has just received, we find Mr Bolts has not hitherto been able to transact any business there. At the time this Ship was at the Bar, the weather would not permit our Gallivat la laying in the road, but we shall do what We possible (sic) can to communicate to the Ships Company the gratuity allowed to Recruits, to induce them to enter into the Company's Service. The other orders you have been pleased to give regarding this Ship will be duly attended to. Letter from the Council at Broach to the President and Council at Bombay, dated 4 October 1777.16 We have taken every Precaution to prevent any Subjects of this Government having any Commercial Intercourse with the Austrian Ship mentioned in your commands of the 11th Ultimo, and shall use our Endeavours to carry the Honble. Company's Orders into Execution. That Vessel has left Surat and is now at Bownagur, the Rajah of which place. it is reported, for the Consideration of 20,000 Rupees, has given free Liberty for the Persons concerned in her, both of Import and Export Trade, without further Duties of any kind. This, We think our Duty to notice to you, altho' We have not sufficient Grounds to mention it as a Certainty. Letter from the President and Council of Bombay to the Residents at Broach, Tellicherry and Anjengo, dated 11 October 1777. 17 Our Honble. Masters shp, Rochford, Northington, Hawke, arrived here from England the 12th 13th and 15th August, and enclos'd is an extract of their Commands received by 12 Bombay Letters Sent, (1777) LVI. 116. 13 Letters Received at Bombay, (1777), XLIII. # Gogh, old seaport on the Kathiwar Coast, near Bhaunagar. 15 Large rowing boat (Port. yaleola), derivation uncertain, connected with "galley". 16 Letters Received at Bombay, (1777), XLIII. 321. IT Bombay Letters Sent, (1777), LVI, 124, 126-127.

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DECEMBER, 1917) AUSTRIA'S COMMERCIAL VENTURE IN INDIA 285 those Ships, to which you will pay the most strict attention, and particularly to that respecting the Austrian Ship, the Joseph and Theresa, wbich has since arrived at Surat Bar. You will therefore not only avoid all commercial and other intercourse with these adventurers, but use all your influence and every other legal method to prevent any purchases being made at your Settlement or in the Neighbourhood of any article of investment for that Ship. Letter from the Council at Surat to the Governor and Council of Bombay, dated 17 October 1777.18 The Chief is informed that Mr Bolts has not yet been able to sell any part of his cargoe, the Rajah of Bownagur having absolutely forbid the merchants under his protection trading with him, but that he has landed at Gogo Musters ( samples ]'in hopes of disposing of it, and has sent to the Pundit10 of Amadavad, offering him a present of 25,000 Rs. annually in lieu of customs, provided he will permit him to establish a factory and carry on a trada there. Captain Lofthouse, when he went to the northward, got four men from his vessel, and we hear that Mr Bolts has purchased a small snow from the Portugueze, which they had bought here and sent over to Gogo. Consultation at Bombay Castle, 29 October 1777.20 The President lays before Us Extract of a Letter from the Commander of an English Vessel at Delagoa to his Owners, by which we find Mr Bolts asserts a right to the Sovereignty of that Country by virtue of a Grant from the African King, and has in consequence thereof pulled down the English Colours by force and a house erected by the Captain for the purpose of carrying on his Trade. This Conduct We think excludes Mr Bolts from any right to the least Consideration from this Government and must be duly noticed to the Honble. Company. Enclosures. 1. Extract of a letter from Captain John Cahill at De lagoa to his Owners, dated 18 July 1777. This Letter goes by the Europe Ship that arrived here in March last, belonging to the Empress of Germany (Austria) and commanded by Mr. William Bolts, who is a Lieutenant Colonel in the Imperial Service. He has taken possession of Delagoa since his Arrival for her Imperial Majesty; he has left ten people here and many of his Guns. Ono Mr Ryan, who came out on this Ship, is gone Passenger with Captain Burton to Bombay with an intent of freighting two Vessels for this place next Season. I hope you will cross him as much as possible, if you intend carrying on this Trade. The enclosed is a Copy of a Letter from Mr Bolts to me after he made a Treaty with the Coffree [Kafiri, Kaffir, Caffre, native African] King named Copellat for some Ground, desiring I would haul down an English Jack, which I hoisted on shore of a Sunday on a House that I built. I would not comply with his request, as my Colours were hoisted before his. When he found me positive, he ordered his people to pull the House down and likewise the Colours. 18 Letters Received at Bombay, (1777), XLIII, 336. 29 Pandit, usually shortened to Pant, Martha title, here applied to the Maratha Governor of Ahmadabad. 20 Pombay Public Consultations (1777), XLIV. 464, 478.477. Al called in tho correspondence (infra) Mohaar Capell.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1917 2. Letter from Mr Bolts to Captain Cahill. Sir By virtue of special Powers from my Sovereign, Her Imperial Majesty the Empress Queen of Hungary, &c., &o., I have concluded a Treaty with the Rajah Copell, by which. he gives up to Her Majesty for over the Sovereignty of this River Timbe [Tembi], alias Mafumo, together with all the land within a certain district on the Western side thereof. I therefore hope that you will not take it amiss that I request you, Captain Cahill, will not in future order any Colours to be hoisted on her Majesty's Territory, where none but the Imperial Colours will be permitted. In the mean time, any Ground you may want to build Houses or Banksalls22 on for your conveniency, will be very readily allowed, subject always to Her Majesty's Sovereignty. On board the Guiseppe and Teresa, 4th May 1777. (signed) WILLIAM BOLTS Bombay Diary 16 November 1777.23 Received by the Sloop Leopold a Letter from Mr. Bolts dated at Gogo, the 31st Ultimo. wherein he complained of the conduct of the Conimander of an English vessel at Delagoa and of the treatment he met with at Surat, and put to Us two Queries to which he requested our Answers. - Consultation at Bombay Castle, 18 November 1777.24 Read the Letter received the 16th Instant from Mr William Bolte noe infra), to which a Reply must be given to the following purport by the Secretary. That We cannot in Justice decide upon the Affair at Delagoa until we have called upon Captain Cahill and heard his Account of the matter. Toat We cannot consider mere Strangers in India as entitled to the same privilege and attention in our ports as the Nations who have had Establishments and traded in the Country for upwards of a century and a half by vertue of Royal Grants and Phirmaunds (farman). That the Company, by Phirmaunds from the Mogul (Mughal Emperor] are Governors of his Castle and fleet at Surat, and as his Allies, must certainly be affected by any Acts offensive to his Government. Mr Bolts must be further acquainted that, circumstanced as he has been with our Honble. Employers, He must be sensible he can expect no further Countenance or Attention from Us than what the Laws of Hospitality indispensibly require. Bombay Diary, 19th November 1777.25 The Secretary, by Order, signed a Letter to Mr Bolts exactly agreeable to the Preceding Consultation. (To be continued.) * * Warehouses, wharves; derivation uncertain, probably bankisala, through Malay bangsal. Bombay Public Consultations (1777), XLIV, 489. 21 Ibid, 494. Ibid, 501.

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DECEMBER, 1917) NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA 297 NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA. BY K. B. PATHAK. I propose, in this paper, to determine the starting point of the Gupta era with the help of Jaina authors who preceded Alberuni, without relying in any way on the conflicting statements made by that celebrated Muhammadan writer, both as regards the origin and the epoch of the era so well known to the students of Indian epigraphy. I hope to be able to elucidate the problem, which has given rise to so much controversy, with greater precision and accuracy than have attended the efforts of those scholars, who have already discussed this interesting chronological question. There are four important passages in Jaina literature. Of their value as contributions to the study of Indian history it is impossible to speak too highly. The first passage is the one in which Jinasena says that he wrote in Saka 705. This has elicited an interesting discussion and taxed to the utmost the ingenuity and learning of scholars in their attempts to identify the contemporary reigning sovereigns mentioned therein. The second, third and fourth passages are prophetio, in which futuro events are announced. Some of these events are historical, though they are mixed up with many legendary details. In the second passage ? we are told by Jinasena that the Guptas reigned 231 years and were succeeded by Kalkiraja, who reigned 42 years, and that his successor was Ajitanjaya. The third passage is the one in which Jinasena's pupil Gunabhadra says that Kalkiraja was the father and predecessor of Ajitanjaya, that he was a great tyrant who oppressed the world and persecuted the Jaina community of Nirgranthas, and that he reigned 40 years and died at the age of 70. As regards the date of Kalkiraja, we learn from Gunabhadra that the tyrant was born when one thousand years of the Dussa makala, commencing from the Nirvana of Mahavira, had elapsed, and when there occurred the union of a savivatsara with Magha-naksatra, that is to say, when there occurred a Magha-samvatsara. The fourth passage, which is an illuminating commentary on the second and third passages, is found in the Trilokasdra, in which Nemichandra reproduces some of these details of the story of Kalkiraja, and adds that the Saka king was born when six hundred and five years and five months had passed by from the Nirvana of Mahavira, and that king Kalkiraja was born when three hundred and ninety-four years and seven months had gone by from the rise of the Saka king, that is, when three hundred and ninety-four Saka years and seven months had elapsed. If we add 605 years and 6 months to 394 years and 7 months--we get 1000 years, the interval of time, according to Gunabhadra and Nemichandra, between the Nirvana of Mahavira and the birth of Kalkiraja. The most interesting and important point, which is worth noticing here, is the fact that the date of Kalkiraja, who immediately succeeded the Guptas, is given in terms of the Saka era ; he was born when 394 Saka years and 7 months had gone by, and when, according to Gunabhadra, there occurred a Maghasamvatsara. Before discussing the historical inferences which these facts suggest, we should know the dates of the three Jaina authors on whose statements we place our reliance. Jinasena wrote in Saka 705. He must have died about Saka 760, the latest date which can be assigned 1 Ants, volxv, p. 143. 2 Ibid. * Given at the end of this paper. Also gives at the end of this paper.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1917 to his unfinished work, the Adipura ; and his pupil Gunabhadra must have completed his Uttara pard, a only a few years later,5 He was far advanced in years, when after finishing the remaining chapters of the Idipurana, he undertook to write his own portion of the Mahapurana. And the use of the past tense rera with reference to Gunabhadra in the concluding prajasti?, written in the time of his pupil Lokasena, clearly indicates that the former had long been gathered to his fathers by Saka 820 (A.D. 898). It is obvious, therefore, that he wrote shortly after Saka 760, in the latter half of the ninth century. As regards the date of the Triloka sara, we know that its author Nemichandra enjoyed the patronage of Chamundaraja (A.D. 778). This statement is confirmed by Nemichandra himself who, in the concluding prasasti of his Gomatasara, Karmakanda, ninth chapter, thus praises Chamundaraja jamhi guNA visabhA gaNaharadevAdi dhipa tANaM / so ajiyaseNaNAho jasa gurU jabara so raauu| [vRttiH] gaNadharadevAdInAM RddhiprAptAnAM guNA yasminvizrAMtAH so'nitasenanAtho yasya vrataguruH sa rAjA sarvotkarSeNa vartatAm / sidhaMnudayata gayaNi malavaraNa micNdkrkliyaa| guNaravaNabhUSaNaMbuhi maivelA bharau bhuvanayalaM ! [vRtti: ] siddhAMtodayAcale uditanirmakabaranemicaMdrakiraNairvardhitA guNaratnabhUSaNAMbudhezcAmuMDarAyasamudrasya ... mativelA bhuvanatalaM pUrayatu athavA bhuvane atizayena prasaratu / In his Purana completed in Saka 700 Chamunaraja tells us that he was the disciple of Ajitasena and had the title of Gunaratnabhusana. From Sravana Belgola inscriptions, we learn that Chamundaraja was the minister of king Rachamalladeva, an ornament of the Ganga dynasty, which was uplifted by the sage Simhanandin. This was the Ganga king Rachamalla IV who was reigning in A.D. 977.10 These facts are also alluded to in the Sanskrit commentary on the Gomalasara, which opens thus zrImavapratihataprabhAvasthAdvAdazAsanagRhAbhyaMtaranivAsisiMhAthamAnasiMhanaMdinaMditagaMgavaMzalalAmarAjasarvajJAcakagaNanAmadheyabhAgadheya zrImadrAja(ca)malla devamahIvallabhamahAmAtyapadavirAjamAnaraNaraMgamAlAsahAyaparAkramagaNarababhaSaNasamyaktvaravanilayAdivividhaguNanAmasamAsAditakImikAMsazrImaccAmuMDarAyaprabhAvatIrNakacasvA. riMzatpadanAmasatvaprakapaNadvAreNAzeSavineyajananikuraMbasaMbodhanArtha zrImannemicaMdrasaiddhAMta cakravartI .......... iSTaviziSTamevatAvizeSaM nmskroti| s See my paper entitled Bhartihari and Kumarile', Journal B.B.R.4.8., Vol. XVIII, p. 213. * Coinpare Uttarapuriya, chapter 37 jinasemAnugAyAsmai purANakavaye nmH| . guNabhadrabhadantAya lokasenArthitAMpraye // : Compare pratyakSIkRtalakSyalakSaNavidhivizvopavidyAntarAt siddhaaNtaadhyvsaanyaanjnitpraaglbhyvRddheddhdhiiH| nAnAnUnanayapramANanipuNAMgaNyairguNabhUSitaH ziSyaH zrIguNabhadrasUriranayorAsIjagadizrutaH // * Nagar Inscrip. 46, Epi. Car. Vol. VIII trilokasArapramukha / prabandhAna ] [viracya sarvAn ] bhuvi nemicndrH| vibhAti saiddhAntikasArvabhauma caamunnddgvaacitpaadpnH|| Mr Rice's Sranana Belgola Inscriptions, Introd., p. 34. * Mr. Rice's Myrore and coory, p. 47.

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DECEMBER, 1917] NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA 289 The Kannada poet Ranna, who adorned the court of the Chalukya king Tailapa II, who was born in A.D. 949 and wrote his Gadayuddha in A.D. 982, had Ajitasena for his t-acher and Chamundaraja for his patron 11 These facts lead to the conclusion that Nemichandra lived in the latter half of the tenth century. It is thus clear that Jinasena, Gunabhadra and Nemichandra preceded Alberuni, who wrote in the first half of the eleventh century. In order to enable Sanskrit scholars to realise the importance of the facts which Jaina literature holds in store for them, I must repeat here the exact words of Jinasena (Harivansa, chapter 60) guptAnAM ca tadayam / / ekatriMzaca varSANi kAlaviniruvAhatam / / 4870 vicatvAriMzadevAsaH kalkirAjasya rAjatA / sato'jitaMjavo rAjA svAdindrapurasaMsthitaH / / 488 / / varSANAM SaTzAtI tvaktvA paMcAmAM mAsapaMcakam | mukti gate mahAvIre zakarAjastato'bhavat / / 552 // Gunabhadra says that when one thousand years of the Duxramakala, commencing from the Nirvana of Mahavira, had elapsed Kalkiraja was born. Jinasena says that the Sakaraja was born when 605 years and 5 months had passed by from the Nirvana of Mahavira. If we subtract 605 years and 5 months from one thousand years, the remainder is 394 years and 7 months. It is thus.clear that, according to Jinasena and Gunabhadra, Kalkiraja was born when 394 years and 7 months had passed by from the birth of the Saka king. Nemichandra says exactly the same thing, when he tells us that, after the lapse of 605 years and 5months from the Nirvana of Mahavira, the Saka king was born, and that, after the lapse of 394 years and 7 months from the birth of the saka king, Kalkiraja was born. Gupabhadra adds that when 394 years of the Saka era and 7 months more had passed by, there occurredaMAgha-samvatsara camurmukhAvhayaH kalkI rAjoijinabhUtalaH / utpatsyate madhAsaMvatsarayogasamAgame / / This is a prophecy put into the month of Gautama-Ganadhara, who says "There shall be born the king Kalkin, named Chaturmukha, the oppressor of the world, on the occurrence of the union of a sasivatsara with the Magha-nakyatra." When a sariwatsara becomes maghAnakSatrayukta, it is named mAghasaMvatsara after the nakatra, the word maghA taking the termination for according to the sutra of the Jainendra V yakarana gurudayAt bhAd yuktobdaH (iii 2.5.) guruhaspatiH sasyodayo yasmin nakSatra sahAcinI mRdaH bhAsamAdayukta ityetasminnarthe yathAvihitaM tyo bhavati yo muktoH sa tabdaH sthAna | gurudayena puSveNa yuktodaH pauSaH sNvtsrH| phAlgunaM varSema | zabdArNava- caMdrikA. Gunanandin thus explains the Jainendra sutragururtRhaspatirudeti yasmin nakSa savAcino bhAsamarthAt bukta svetasminnarthe yathAvihitaM tyo bhavati bo'sau yuktaH sa cevanaH saMvatsaraH sthAt / ityaN / erityakham (iv. 4. 160) teSa pauSa bhe (iv. 4. 137)12.. iti bakham / pauSaH saMhasaraH pauSaM varSam / evaM-phAlgunaH saMvatsaraH phAlgunaM varSam | Jainendraprakriya, part ii, p. 162, Benares ed. 11 Karpdf aka-kavi.charita, p. 54. ucralso basveti ca Panini vi, 4, 148, and tiSyaSaSyabornakSatrANi, Vartika on Pagini,vi. 4. 149.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Hemachandra, who owes his explanation to Sakatayana, says uditagurorbhAdyutende (ii 2.5.) afedt gegenkling i wwe werfenendturvary geksid mariner mens safe aqu tify: were: car | gebufenger yo ve de vey | vogelfiefengesage wege saMvatsaraH | uditaguroriti kim | uditazanaizvareNa puSyeNa yuktaM varSamityatra na bhavati / bhAditi kim / uditaguruNaH pUrvatreNa yuktaM varSam | abda iti kim / mAse divase vA na bhavati / From the Jaina grammatical sutras and commentaries cited above it is obvious that Gunabhadra's expression are means "on the occurrence (R) of the union ( yoga ) of maghA [nakSatra ] and a saMvatsara; that is to say, maghAbhiryuktaH saMvatsaraH mAgha:. The word mAgha, in the sense of a Magha-samvatsara, is formed from T, which takes the instrumental case, by the suffix ; the r of ur, being elided, is replaced by of the suffix s, while wr, the first vowel in r, undergoes. We have thus the expression . This is the teaching of Pujyapada, Sakatayana, Hemacandra and Gunanandin. [DECEMBER, 1917 The occurrence of a Magha-samvatsara in purely literary records, apart from early inscriptions and astronomical works, is of unique interest; and its supreme importance from a chronological point of view we shall now proceed to show. We have seen that 394 Saka years and 7 months had elapsed at the birth of Kalkiraja. The seven months completed belong to the current Saka year 395. The first day of the eighth month, Karttika sukla 1, was the day on which Kalkiraja was born, since a Saka year commences with Chaitra sukla 1. The year that is actually mentioned by the Jaina writers is the expired Saka year 394. Let us convert this into an expired Vikrama year by the addition of 135 according to the rule sa evaM paMcAmikubhiryuktaH syAdvikramasya hi / devAyA uttare tIre saMvanAmnetivizrutaH || 2 || Jyotigasara. The result is13 the Vikra:na year (394 + 135) 529 expired. This expired Vikrama year is identical with the expired Malava year 529, given as the second and later date in the Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta I and his feudatory Bandhuvarman and is expressed 14 in the following words vatsarazateSu paMcasu viMzaM:ya (vidhAvya) dhikeSu navasu cAnyeSu / yAteSvabhirambatapasvamAsa zudvitIyAyAM // Vikrama Samvat 529 expired, Phalguna sukla 2 Hence it is clear that the Malava era is the same as the Vikrama era of 57. B.C. In order to elucidate the point further, the expired Saka year 394 may be first converted into the corresponding Christian year by adding 78 thus-394+78-472 A.D.; and then this Christian year 472 can be converted into the Malava year 529 by adding 57; thus, 472+57=529, 472-529-57, or 394+78-529-57=A.D. 472. It is thus evident that the Malava era is the era of 57 B.C., which is known to us as the Vikrama Samvat. 13 paMcAmi = 135; bhabhi = 3, ku = 1. aMkAnAM vAmato gatiH / 14 Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 83; ante, vol. XV, p. 198

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DECEMBER, 1917] NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA 291 The first year in the same inscription, which is 36 years earlier, is the Vikrama year 493 expired, Pausa sukla 13 mAlavAnAM gaNasthitvA yAte shtctussttye| binavatyadhikedAnAM ri(ka)sau seNyaghanasvane // sahasvamAkhAkasya prazastaDi tryodshe| . If we subtract 135 from Vikrama year 493 expired, we get Saka 358 expired. It is there fore evident that Kumaragupta I, with his feudatory Bandhuvarman, was reigning in Saka 358 expired, exactly 36 years before the birth of Kalkiraja in Saka 394 expired. The year Saka 394 expired is a Magha-samvatsara. I give below four Saka years with correspond ing cyclio years beginning with this Magba-samvatsara of Saka 394 expired, according to the rulels of Varahamihira Saka 394 expired Magha-samvatsara , 395 Phalguna-samvatsara 396 Chaitra-samvatsara 397 Vaisakha-samvatsara The date given in the Khoh grant of Parivrajaka Maharaja Hastin is Gupta-samvat 156, which is specified 16 as a Maha-Vaisakha-samvatsara SaTpaMcAzottare'vazate guptanRparAjyabhuko mahAvaizAkhasaMvatsare kArtikamAsazuklapakSatIyAyAm / The four Saka years with corresponding cyclic and Gupta years are exhibited in the following table; that the Gupta years are expired will be proved further on Saka 394 expired = Magha-sanyatsara = Gupta 153 expired. , 395 = Phalguna = 154 >> 396 = Chaitra , = 155 , 397 = Vaisakha = 156 , It will be evident from the foregoing table that Gupta years can be converted into equivalent Saka years by the addition of 241, in as much as each of the four equations stated above gives us a difference of 241. Kumaragupta I, with his feudatory Bandhuvarman, was thus reigning in Saka 358, corresponding to Gupta-samvat 11717 and to Vikrama year 493-- Saka 358=Gupta-samvat 117=Malava or Vikrama 493. And Kalkiraja was born 36 years later in Saka 394, corresponding to Gupta-samvat 153 and to Vikrama year 529- Saka 394 Gupta samvat 153= Malava or Vikrama 529. It is worth noting that the birth of Kalkiraja took place only 5 years later than the latest date recorded for Skandagupta-Gupta-samvat 18 148, equivalent to Saka 389,--and only one year earlier than the date19 of his son, Kumaragupta II,-Gupta-samvat 154, equivalent to Saka 395. varSazate gumAnAM sacatuHpaMcAzatattare bhUmim / zAsati kumAraguma mAse jyeSThe dvitIyAyAm / / 15 Dr. Floet's Gupta Inscriptions, Appendix III, p. 161. 16 Gupta Inscriptions, p. 95. 17 Bharadi inscription, A. S. Progr. Rep. N. C. 1907-8, p. 39. Valabhi is only another name of the Gupta ora, see p. 295. 18 v. Smith's Early History of India, 3rd ed., p. 327. 19 Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent, Hindu and Buddhist Monuments, Northern Circle, 1915, p. 6.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 395 >> 154 531 That the Gupta year mentioned in this inscription, as well as the one mentioned in the Khoh grant of Maharaja Hastin, referred to above is to be taken as expired is evident from the following inscription of Budhagupta, 20 Gupta-samvat 157 expired guptAnAM samatikAMte sptpNcaashduttre| zate samAnAM pRthivIM badhaguse prazAsati // The general conclusion is that all the Gupta years including those given in the above table must be taken as expired. This point can be further cleared up by a comparison of the five corresponding years of the Vikrama, Saka and Gupta eras exhibited in the following table Malava or Vikrama. Saka, Gupta. 529 expired 394 expired 153 530 , 396 155 532 397 156 533 expired 398 expired 157 expired. The Gupta year 157 is specified as an expired year in the inscription of Budhagupta which has been quoted above. The difference between the expired Saka year 398 and the expired Gupta year 157 is 241. The difference between the Saka year 394 and the Gupta year 153 is also 241. The Saka year 394 is known to be expired; therefore the Gupta year 153 must be taken as expired. The conclusion that forces itself upon us is that all the Gupta years mentioned in inscriptions are expired years and can be converted into corresponding expired Saka years by the addition of 241. We have here established five uniform equations between expired Gupta and expired Saka years, with a difference of 241 in each case. The last equation is most important. Expired } 157398 U ) Expired Gupta year Saka year. This date of Budhagupta inscribed on two Buddha images is thus expressed 31_"When the year one hundred and fifty-seven of the Guptas had expired, on the 7th day of the month Vaisakha whilo Budhagupta is ruling the earth." The 7th of Vaisakha belongs to the current Gupta year 158 corresponding to the current Saka year 399 Current 168-309 Current Gupta year Saka year. Thus the difference between current Gupta and current Saka years is also 241, the same as the difference between expired Gupta and expired Saka years. Now the Sarnath date of Budhagupta, expired Gupta year 157, is only 8 years earlier than the date of the same Gupta king given22 in the Eran pillar inscription zane paMcaSaSTayadhika varSANAM bhUpatI ca budhagupte / TEHET[] et accufte II The date is " in the year 165, on the 12th day of the bright half of Aradha, on Thurdsay." We are now in a position to explain this date thusExpired S 165=406 Expired Gupta year Saka year. 20 Ibid, p 7. 11 Ibid, p. 7. 2 Gupta Inscriptions, p. 80..

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DECEMBIR, 1917] NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA 293 Current l 166=407 Saka year. "The 12th day of the bright half of Ashadha and Thursday" belong to the current Gupta year 166 corresponding to the current Saka year 407 Current Gupta year Here we cannot take the expired Gupta year 165 as current and make it correspond with the current Saka year 407 as, in that case, the difference between 165 and 407 would be 242, instead of 241 as required by the statements of the Jaina authorities and the Sarnath inscription of Budhagupta thus Expired ya) 165=(b) 4067 ) 165--(b) 406 Expired Gupta year Saka year. Current Current Gupta year year (c)) 186=(a) 40% Saka year. A second reason for not making the Gupta year 165 correspond with the Saka year 407 is that from our established equation Expired 1 157398 Expired Gupta year Saka year, it is evident that the Gupta year 165 is 8 years later than the Gupta year 157, while the Saka year 407 is 9 years later than the corresponding Saka year 398. A careful consideration of these facts leads to the conclusion that expired or current Gupta years can be converted into corresponding expired or current Saka years by adding 241. The date in the pillar inscription of Budhagupta has been the subject of calculation and controversy for more than half a century. Many scholars have attempted to interpret this date by the statements of Alberuni, which were admitted on all hands to be conflicting. It may therefore be interesting to point out how many statements of this celebrated Muhammadan writer can now be accepted as correct. He says 23 that the era of Ballaba is subsequent to that of Saka by 241 years. The era of the Guptas also commences the year 241 of the era of Saka. Then he mentions the year 1088 of the era of Vikramaditya, the year 953 of the era of Saka, the year 712 of the era of Ballaba and of that of the Guptas, as equivalent years. These statements are reliable, as they are in agreement with our equation thus Malava or Vikrama Saka Gupta (a) 529 = 394 = 153 (6) 1088 = 953 = 712 559 559 559 The difference between Malata 529 and Saka 394 is 135; that between Vikrama 1088 and Saka 953 is also 135; the difference between Saka 394 and Gupta 153 is 241 ; and that between Saka 953 and Gupta-Valabhi 712 is also 241 ; the difference between the Malava year 529 and the Gupta year 153 is 376; and the difference between the Vikrama 1088 and the Gupta-Valabhi year 712 is also 376. It is also interesting to note that from the year of the birth of Kalkiraja in Saka 394 or Gupta year 153, when the Gupta empire was still enduring, to the year A.D. 1031-32 to which Alberuni refers as his gauge-year) 559 years had elapsed.24 So that his equation (b) is as accurate as if it had been formed by adding 559 to each of the equivalent years of the three eras in our own equation (a). 23 Gupta Inscriptions, Intro., p. 23 f. 21 Ante, vol. xvii, p. 213, n. 1.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 An interesting peculiarity of the years of the Malava era deserves to be notiood here. The second date in the Mandagor inscription of Kumaragupta I and Bandhuvarman is the Malava year 529 expired, Phalguna sukla 2. The equivalent Saka year is 394 expired. Deduct 394 from our present Saka year 1839 in Western India. The result is 1445. Add 1445 to 529%; the result is 1974. This will be our MAlava or Vikrama year on Phalguna fukla 2 next (April 14,1918) in Western India. This is true according to our almanac. Let us now turn to the Mandasor inseription25 of Yasodharman, where the expired MAlava year 589 with the season of Vasanta is thus mentioned paJcasa zateSu zarada bAtebvekAnanavatisAhateSu / mAlavagaNasthitivazArakAlajJAnAba likhiteSu // yasminkAle kalamRgirAM kokilAnAM pralApA mindantIva smaradharanibhAH proSitAnAM manAMsi | bhRGgAlInAM dhvaniranurataM nAramandraya basmisAdhUtavyaM dhamuriva nadacchUyate pusspketoH|| priyatamakupitAnAM rAmabanbaddharAgaM kisalayamiva mugdhaM mAnasaM mAninInAM / upanayati nabhasvAnmAnabhAva basmi kusumasamayamAse tatra nirmApitobam // Here the date is the qsamta. ie and vaizAkha of the expired MAlava year 589, kusumasamaya or puSpasamaya being synonymous with vasanta (AmaraI,3.18). To-day is akSayatRtIyA, i.. vaizAkha zurU of the Saka year 1839 (April 24, 1917) in Western India. The expirer! Malava year 589 is 60 years later than the expired Malava year 529. Add 60 to the expired Saka 394. The result is the expired Saka 464 corresponding to Milava 589. Now deduct 454 from our present Saka year 1839; the remainder is 1385. Add 589 to 1385 and we get Malava year 1974 corresponding to our present Saka year on akSayavatIyA. But our Vikrama-samvat today is 1973 because it is a frantf and will be found to be identical with the Malava year 1974 on our next Phalguna sukla 2, as has been shown above. This may be illustrated by the following diagram Expired Malava Expired Saka Expired Malaya Expired Saka 529 394 529 = 394 phAlguna zu.2 __ + 60 years Saka Malava 589 vasaMta +1385 years + 1445 years Malava 1974 MAlava Vikramat samvat s Saks 1839 bhakSakRtIbAra 19720 parsa 1974126 phAlyAnaJSaka expired zu.2. 1839 " Vikrama: samvat Gupta Inscriptions, p. 184. 26 The Northern and southern Vikrama 1974 and 1973 as well m Baka 1839 are expired years. D. Flot's view that expired; Bake years are used owing to the adoption of the Baka era by astronomer is thus untenable.

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DECEMBER, 1917) NEW LIGHT ON THE GUPTA ERA AND MIHIRAKULA 295 The conclusion that is forced upon us is that the years of the Malava era in the times of the Guptas and the Hanas were Chaitradi Vikrama years. This will enable us to refute the opinion of Dr. Kielhorn27 who, while admitting that the Vikrama era was called Malava, says: "The Vikrama era was Karttikadi from the beginning, and it is probable that the change which has gradually taken place in the direction of a more general use of the Caitradi year was owing to the increasing growth and influence of the Kaka era." This erroneous view is also shared by Dr. Fleet 28 who says: "It can hardly be doubted that the original scheme of the Vikrama years is the one commencing with the first day of the bright half of Karttika (October-November)." The fact that the years of the Malava era are Chaitradi is most important. It will enable us not only to establish the absolute identity of the Gupta era with the Valabhi era, but also to ascertain the exact difference between the years of the Gupta era and of the Malaya era on the one hand, and those of the Saka era on the other. The date of Col. Tod's Vera - wal 20 insoription is Vikrama-samvat 1320 and Valabhi-samvat 945, Apagha vadi 13 Ravi. From Diwan Bahadur Pillai's Indian Chronology, Table 2, p. 92, we learn that Aadha radi Ravivera falls in Saka 1186 corresponding to Caitradi Vikrama 1321, and is Sunday, 25th May 1264, according to the Christian era. The Vikrama year 1320 mentioned in this inscription as equivalent to Valabhi samvat 945 is thus southern and Karttikadi; therefore the corresponding Chaitradi Vikrama year or Malava year is 1321. We thus get the following equation Saka Malava Valabhi (a) 1186 = 1321 = 945 By deducting 792 from the above we get the nexi equationSaka Malava Valabhi (6) 394 = 529 = 153 By deducting 36 from (b) we get the following equationSaka Malava Valabhi (e) 358 = 493 = "117 We know that Kumaragupta I was reigning in Gupta-samvat 117, which is thus identical with the Valabhi year 117. The last equation also proves that the exact difference between the Gupta and Saka years is 241 ; while that between the Malava and Gupta years is 376. Here our argument is based on Col. Tod's Vera wal inscription. This argument is easier to understand than that which is founded on the Magha-samvatsara of Saka 394 expired, and which presupposes a knowledge of the grammatical sutras of Pajyapada and Sakatayana. The conclusion arrived at by these two independent lines of argument is the same, namely, that the difference between Gupta and Saka years is 241. We have also demonstrated that the difference between current Gupta years and current Saka years is 241.' Thus Expired Gupta 157 -- 398 Saka expired. Current Gupta 158 = 399 Saka current. 21 Agte, vol. xx, p. 328 ff. 28 Gupta Inscriptions, Intro. p. 66 f., n. 2. 23 Gupta Inscriptions, Intro. p. 85. 30 A. S. Progr. Rep. N. G. 1907-08, p. 39; Ep. Ind., vol. x, r. 70.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 It is of importanoe to note that in converting a Gupta-Valabhi year into its Saka equivalent, it is not necessary to know beforehand whether the Gupta-Valabhi year is expired or current. If the resulting Saka is expired, the Gupta-Valabbi year must be expired. On the other hand, if the Saka year is current, the corresponding Gupta-Valabhi year must also be current. These observations can be illustrated by the Kaira grant of Valabhi-samvat 330 and by the Vera wal inscription of Valabh-samvat 927. The date. in the Kaira grant is thus expressed 31. Sam. 300 30 dvi-Margasira su. 2. Here the Valabhi year 330 can be converted into Saka 571 by adding 241. The exact date is s hared E. On referring to Hindu Tables we find that the intercalary Margasirsa actually falls in Saka 571. This Saka year is therefore current and equivalent to Valabhi 330. Our equation is thus Current Valabhi 330=571 Saka current. The date of the Verawal inscription of Valabhi-samvat 927 is thus expressed 32... Srimad-Valabhi samvat 927 Phalguna Su. 2 Sau (56) me. By adding 241 to 927 we get the following equation Valabhi 927=1168 Saka. By astronomical calculations the late Mr. S. B. Dikshit arrived at Saka 1167 expired as the equivalent year. Therefore the current Saka year is 1168, which corresponds to current Valabhi 927. Our equation therefore is-- Current Valabhi 927=1168 Saka current. These two records dated in current Valabhi years are most important and interestingas they amply refute the erroneous theory of Dr. Fleet that the running difference between current Gupta-Valabhi years and current Saka years is 242. Nor can we accept as correct his opinion that the two Vikrama years 706 and 1303 are southern and the nominal equivalents of the current Valabhi years 330 and 927 respectively. For, on a comparison with the following equations Saka Malava Gupta-Valabhi 394 529 = 153 571 1168 1303 927 It is obvious that these Vikrama years are Malava or Caitradi and the real equivalents of the two Valabhi years, and do not differ from southern Vikrama years, because they are coupled with the months of Margakirsa and Phalguna in these inscriptions. On the other hand the year 386, which is the date in the Nepal inscription of Manadeva, is expired, because it can be converted into expired Saka 627 by adding 241, and does not correspond to current Saka 628, as maintained by Dr. Fleet. 33 Alberuni's first statement that Gupta or Valabhi years can be converted into Saka years by adding 241 was perfectly accurate. But it was invalidated by a second statement which he made to the effect that the Gupta era dated from the extermination of the Guptas. This led many scholars to discredit his statements entirely. (To be continued.) 706 330 31 Gupta Inscriptions, Intro. p. 93. 3 Ibid, p. 95 ff. Gupta Inscriptions, Intro. p. 91.

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DECEMBER, 1917] Sanskrit. Enfants: THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GUJARATI. BY N. B. DIVATIA, B.A.; BANDRA. IN an appendix to his article on the "Proposed Bardic and Historical Survey of Rajputana "1 Dr. Tessitori has done me the honor of mentioning my theory on the subject mentioned at the head of this article, and very courteously advanced certain reasons for disagreeing with me. My theory is that the vocalic groups, and a pass through an intermediate step-aya and aba ( eventually ay and ay ) - before assuming the wide sounds sf and af. Dr. Tessitori holds that this intermediate step does not play any part, and that the sand sounds undergo a process of contraction through suppression of the hiatus, the only intermediate step thereafter being that of the dipthongal forms and st. His reasons for differing from me are put under three heads. I shall deal with each one serially : (1) There are no instances of - of O. W. Rajasthani having changed to The examples quoted by me--vayara from bahara, vayarAgI from baharAgI and payasAra from paisAra are disposed of by Dr. Tessitori by stating (a) that O. W. Rajasthani MSS. often write for; and (b) that and rf are tatsamas 2 (meaning thereby Prakrit words used unchanged in O. W. Raj.), and that the in them may be a corruption of Sanskrit instead of a modification of O. W. Raj. STE. My answer to this is as under: In the first place I take my stand on the broad basis of the general principle that, when unaccented, medial and are respectively changed to and during their transit into Gujarati. This will include cases of such and preceded by as well as by other Vowels. I therefore do not see why the issue should be confined to the and of and 3. Necessarily, instances under this restricted class will be fewer. But if instances can be shown to prove the operation of this change over a wider field, that very fact should strengthen the case of bhai and bhaDa passing into aba and ava. The following, then, are some instances to prove this general principle : Praky, or Apabbr. baira craft upaviSTakaH ey paaM (Desya) paisAra vaharu vairAgI ubaDDau-bahau O. W. Raj. or Gujarati. kIyala 297 pava pathasAra vayara Fracroft 4733 1 JBAS. N. S. XII, 1916. 2 The liberty taken with the recognized nomenclature in extending the meaning of tatsama to Prakrit words that have undergone no change in transit from Prakrit to O. W. Raj. may at first sight strike one as a little bold. But this is another instance of Dr. Tessitori's happy choice of names, (the first one being the name O. W. Rajasthani); for it accounts, in a single suggestive word, for the use of pure Prakrit words in later old Gujarati works, just as we should and do use Sanskrit tatsamas in our present-day Gujarati ; thus explaining the apparent anamoly of older Prakrit words appearing side by side with words of later evolution in the old Gujarati works I speak of. 3 For a further restriction see Appendix A.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBEn, 1917 Sanskrit. Prakr. or Apabhr. o. W. Raj. or Gujarati. praviSTakaH pahau-pAThau pabau devakulaM deulaM, deulu devaLa (Guj.) adhunA bhANA-hauNA havAM (hamAM) (Guj.) bbAkulakaH bAulau bAvarI (mhAvarI)(Guj.) bAulI (Desya) bAvalI bhAyuSyaka bhAUkha-bhAukharDa bhAvakhaM (Guj.) mAvakA mAuDI mAvaDI (Guj.) mAtaraH mAurau mAvage (Guj.) (possible Apabhr.) pAdukA pAuDI pAvaDI (Guj.) gaurI gaurI gavarI (Guj.-at the end of ___proper names, e.g., caMdAgavarI, &c.) desAura dezAvara mevara (Guj.-the fetlocks of a horse, "nevara bhathaDAyache") nAthakakaH nAhula u-nAulau nAvalI (Guj. (The practice of sometimes writing a forerur in Marathi may be noted as throwing an incidental light on this process.) The principle of anti-samprasdrama operates over a larger sphere, for, not confined to medial and 3, it even affects final and in cases like the following: - _Prakrit. Apabhr., or 0. W. Raj. Gujarati. thAi thAba meuru jAba (pAdaH) (ghAtaH) (tataH) khAba pAva Hindi ghAva " pAbho-pAu ghAbhI-ghAu tau , tava vayara, patharAgI and pabasAra are cited by Dr. Tessitori himself. I also find vayara in Vimala Prabandha (V. S. 1368), Khanda v, st. 23. Gautrema Rasa (V.S. 1412), st. 17; viyarI (vayarI-vairI) inatranslation of Bhuranadipa (T.S. 1537) Gujarala said Patra, March, 1910, p. 115, which haa also at p. 116, and for at p. 112: Tart in the Gautama Rasa, st. 35; 457 in Sanghapati Samarasinha Rasa (V. S. 1471): also in Vaildid Panchavisi, Prose, (about V. S. 1629), P. 88, TEZ at p. 100, babaiThau atp. 104; pavadA at p. 1361 pabaThau in Gautama Raon, st.93 gavarI in Sudayavateavira charitre (about the beginning of the 16th century of the Vikrama era); givarI in Karparamanjart chaupai (C. S. 1605; also in Janardana's Ushaharana (V. S. 1548), V. 10, 1 ; also it in the song of Jasavanta Sonigaro" (V. 8. 1670 or thereafter): extrnet given by Dr. Tessitori in his article under notice. p. 83: sAura in Kanhadade-Prabandha (V. S. 1512). IV, 12; also in Vinala-prabandha, I,698 and in Vaidla panchavisi (poem, V. S. 1619), p. 3, st. 24, also p. 62, st. 646. Dr. Tessitori cites (Notes SS 57 13Tdashurn (bhAUrakhaM)an occurring in Avachori to Dasaraikatikdsatra, VIII, 34. The shortening of the 1 As a next step is not unusual.

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DECEMBER, 1917] THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O 299 from from Further, saki, tui, fagi from Paki, fagi, fari; 4, 124, F4 from far, f ; and similar instances (govyaMdo for goviMdI and bhyAlI for milI) point to a still wider field of operation of the anti-samprasdrana process; and it also manifests itself in the final preceded by consonants, as in AMkhya from bhakkhi - akSi gAMva tot - af: vAstha Tut - f: gauraya from gavarI - gaurI jAtya from prat - Fa: and the like. The list of words given above will show that the change of 7 to is not confined to TTT, tercraft and TETT, but extends over a larger, though necessarily limited, field. All I intended was to indicate the tendency, and leave other cases of wide e and o to be explained by that process, whether actual change to w in their case wasf ound or not in writing, by a reasonable inference of its operation. To take (b) in the first objection first : I do not think ter and Terraft can be found in any Prakrit grammar or work. These always recognize 98 and 93, 93 and 977 (as evolutes of MT and 973) having come into use at a very late stage even in O. W. Rajasthani. One would rather say that and Trust are tatsamas and ter and facroft are tadbhavas. Again, to say that spa (and 9) may in these cases be a corruption of Sansktit (and t) is hardly supported by Praksit grammar. Hemachandra notes the change of tto TT and we (as also that of spt to st, 3 and 977 ), but he nowhere speaks of 2 ( and 977 ) as evolutes of (and st), nor are they found in Prakrit works, so far as I know. True, Dr. Tessitori has simply advanced a conjecture; but such a conjecture has hardly any basis, either in the grammatical or literary works in Prakrit; nor are there any grounds for going behind Hemachandra and reading into his sutras any such phonetic tendency, as may fairly be permitted by critical canons. Now, as regards (a),--it is essential to know specifically the conditions under which O. W. Rajasthani manuscripts write u for (and, as Dr. Tessitori states further on, for 3 ): Is it in the case of initial, medial or final or 3? Is it when they are accented or unaccented ? or, is this substitution of (and a ) for ( and ) dependent, like the spelling with a w or a vin Sam Weller's name, on the taste and inclination of the writer ? Again, are those * I find t in a poem of Padmanabha copied in V. 8. 1715 (80e Gujardia-Saia-Patra, XII, May, article by Mr. Chhaganlal V. Ravala); and trout in Vaitdla-panchavio (poem), p. 178; Fent in Bhalana's Kadambari, purvabhaga, p. 81, 1. 16; p. 83, 1. 13; and p. 102, 1. 20. This substitution of for is not to be mistaken as 4 vagary of the scribes. Even now in Gujarat ladies of the old generation amongst Vadanagara Nagaras and residents of Karnali in Baroda State have this tendency to substitute for in pronouncing words of this kind, c. 9., for fem, myarI for mirI (marI), and the like. 6 The genesis of farmer (anti-samprasdrana) may be this: when the -3 find themselves in a subordinate position they seek, as it were, some support for self-proservation, and an adventitious steps in to furnish such support, resulting in the usual sandhi process + = and 3+1=. Panini's rule, a operates here; this rule is practically the opposite of TTTT: FET ; the change of 4 to being called "YATT (samprasdrana), that of to T may well be terred gregar (prati-samprasarana) or anti-samprasirana.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1917 vowels and semi-vowels interchangeable in writing like and and and ? In the absence of this detailed information, I shall assume that this tendency of writing 2, for 6.3 must have been noticed in occasional ? cases which Dr. Tessitori has not been able to reduce to any rule; and I shall proceed to point out instances where I discover some method in the madness of the scribe. Thus, I find written almost invariably in Bhalaqa's Kadambari 8 (about V. S. 1550), while a is written only in rare cases for , and where is intended to be sounded, and not . E Page 1, line 12. Here the word rhymes with ar and this at once shows that a is intended and not . Whereas wrx at Page 1, line 14. Here is lengthened in reading and therefore cannot be changed into 4. yra Page 83, line 3. Where it rhymes with ta, and therefore intends a a sound. WE Page 83, line 5. ThelAya Ditto. STIK Page 77, line 5. fr Page 85, line 2, also line 23) hira Ditto Jim Here even and are written with an . w Page 164, line 14, where it rhymes with 4. T4 Page 165, line 8, rhyming with it. TK Ditto line 14. y Ditto line 20 " Fifte 999 UTE REI" where is short and yet it is not even altered to : here was a suitable occasion for the play of the scribe's tendency to write for STTE Page 165, line 21. Here is lengthened. ( The year of copy of the manuscript is V. S. 1872.) I take up Gautama Rasa (V. S. 1412) and find the following: Port, st. 8; af, st. 5; 49, st. 6; 53, st. 7; T T (? 457), st. 9; rafs st. 11; wa, st. 14, 18, 20, eto. ; Wetet, st. 17; C st. 17; puerit, st. 38; STATE, st. 43; 90 st. 44. (The work concludes thus caudaha saba bArotara parisihi khaMbhanayari siripAsapasAhi () gobamagaNahara kevala divasihiM Ta afTE TYT TC ). Madhavdnala Katha (V. S. 1574, copied V. S. 1693 ) shows : y (not ara ), v. 190, rr (not TTT), v. 203. Ushaharana by Janardana (V. S. 1648 ) shows T ET (for refer ). TEOT; TEE; ; Trott; OTT; ETTG 4 (for wr). Vimala prabandha (V. S. 1568 ) has EU; p. 37, st. 24; , p. 147, st. 25; fat (Hindi ), p. 146, st. 23 x (for 2), P. 90, st. 10, 11; (for ac ), p. 200, st. 86. 1 I use this word because Dr. Tessitori speaks of a tendenoy only. & Mr. K. H. Dhruva's edition.

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DECEMBER, 1917] THE WIDE SOUND OF E ANDO 301 Glancing through the selected specimens from 0. W. Rajasthani texts given as an Appendix to Dr. Tessitori's Notes on the Grammar of the O. W. Rajasthani (pp. 100-106). I find and written throughout as x and and not as 2 and ; e.g., 747 (at three places), 273, ATTAT, w ar, TSE, IT, fe, TAT, 73, all this in contrast to groft (at five places at p. 103, and at one place at p. 105), only in one place we see TETTE (p. 104), STOK (p. 100), stras (p. 103), T (p. 104), where evilently the represents itself and not (The in niat at p. 101, line 7, is of a different kind; it stands for 7 in 1975, passive form, Prakrits , Sanskrit fiya; and is therefore not to be counted in this connection.) This much about the 0. W. Rajasthani MSS. As regards old Maravaai, the specimen given by Dr. Tessitori from the "Song of Jasavanta Sonigaro" has MET where that would have surely been expected. I need not multiply instances. But the above instances will be enough to show that, instead of possessing a tendency to write - for (-3, the works disclose a well-established practice of writing and 3, and only in particular cases and conditions did they write a and for and these conditions being nothing but the fact of actual phonetio change into and . The very fact that only in certain words such as TC, patri and the like the is emphasized would show that the anti-samprasarana process had already commenced in their case, and if baiThau is seen side by side with bayaThata, paiThaTa, it is only because the process was in a stage of beginning and not quite settled down; for changes in a language cannot proceed on regular lines of uniform march; some forms will linger, some progress, go backwards and forwards, till a final settled state is reached. Whatever may be the case, the isolated instances of a cannot be set down as the result of a tendency to write for p in the face of so many instances of words with written in them. In his " Notes," $4, (5) Dr. Tessitori refers to the writing of 2 for , in a particular MS. (F. 722), and infers that it is a mere writing peculiarity of the MS. The instances contain **, ZH and the like. These are exactly the representatives of the pronunciation in Gujarati at present (alternatively with an, etc.). If so, why could it not have been the case of actual change then ? 9 VaitAla-panchavisi (V. S. 1629) gives a luxuriant crop of and rarely, very rarely, (as only in Cases like 8 (p. 136), L (p. 100), T TT (p. 104), TT (p. 104), r a (p. 88); which are all explained above). It has also 3 (p. 174) and 5 (p. 173), which fact is also explained above. Only in two cases we find abnormal ya:-jAyasa for jAhArI (p. 132) and jAyachA for jAAchA (p. 111). These two isolated instances in the midst of an extremely large number of instances of cannot prove a tendency to write for . We have to remember that we are to detect & general current out of a Lewildering variety of manifestations resulting partly from (a) the habit of scribes tampering with genuine forms, and partly from (b) the fact that word: Assume different changes even during the same period. An instance of the former condition is seen in Bhalapa's Kadambari where, instead of the expected (which is written only in mare exceptions) we find the TS and of type almost invari. ably. We need not wonder at it when we remember that the oldest oopy belongs to the last quarter of the 17th century of the Vikrama era, wherein this type was prominent and extensively used, although it began earlier. Take only one instance : kezavAlI citravI dIsichi pramANa (P. 56, 1. 16.) Here Afefe gives a great metrical deficiency, whereas fters would fill the metrical measuro properly. er at p. 6.1.19, is a rare exception, but it betrays the seribe who evidently forgot to turn it into it .

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 (2) Dr. Tessitori's second reason is That O. W. Rajasthani changes to y3 invariably and it is not admissible that having begun its existence with such a change, it should retrace its steps and go back from w to wy again. My answer is as under : Considering the comparatively limited number of cases of sumprusd rana, is it safe, I would ask, to state that O. W. Rajasthani reduces every HT of the Aprabhramsa to ! Assuming, however, that this process is a strong fcature of the Old Western Rajasthani, does it necessarily follow that the we cannot revert to Wa? Such reversion is not unknown in linguistic development. For instance, the double ! ( ) of Apabhra mia derived from the in Sanskrit, goes back to in O. W. Rajasthani and its offspring languages, as in ws (Sans.), gouf (Apabhr.), GITT (O. W. Raj.), org (Guj.) and words of that type. Similarly an initial single of Apabhramsa, derived from the dental n in Sanskrit, goes back to the dental in 0. W. Raj. and derived languages; e.g., f (Sanskr.), 4 (Apabhr.), afo (O. W. Raj.), 7 (Guj). Take the very case of 7; Sanskrit , Prakrit -TT came to be crystallized into **7 in Apabhramsa. (This is the real progress, although Hemachandra has found it convenient for the purposes of his plan to call a ready-made adeia of fru. See Siddha-Hemachandra, VIII. iv. 367). This 47 has reverted to 19 (by samprasarara) in O. W. Rajasthani, as Dr. Tessitori points out. (See also Mugdhavabodha Auktika-V. S. 1450 - which has fou in nine different places at p. 3, 4, 5, 7, against four of 59 at p. 2, 7, 8.) This has again passed through a reflux, and we find 47 in Vimala-prabandha (V. S. 1568), p. 9, st. 25, also in Vaitala-panchavisi-Poem (V. S. 1619), p. 39, side by side with 14 or y also. If this be regarded as a retention of the Apabhramsa tatsama () in the 16th and 17th century literature, the same cannot be said of the 47 found frequently in still later literature and in popular duhas as in kavaNa khaTakAye kamADa maDhI cha rANakadevanI. The correct explanation must be found in a process of reversion which, in this case, exhibits the anti-samprasarana process. If more instances of reversion and greeTERT combined were wanted, I would cite caret (derived from desAvara-deza+apara) reverting to dezAvara in Gujarati (the sa is changed to za by the proximity of and is not to be mistaken as a sign of tatsama for the y is absent where we have )and (from which really is the result of samprasdrara of the ring from I, a potential contraction of 3) reverting to (r) Guj.); and T (from Sanskrit IT)--see Vimala-prabandha, p. 146, st. 23-reverting to it in Hindi. Of course, the in 30 I have taken both these types from Dr. Tessitori's " Notes", $ 41 and $ 23. I have taken the you type with cortain reservation; for, so far as I can ascertain, the double of Sanskrit is not seen to change into the cerebral T either in Prakrit or Apabhramba; Hemachandra does not show it. But Sanskrit doable # appears as 09 (cerebral) in later Prakrit, e. g., THT (from The ). Prdkrita Paingala (Calc. Edition), p. 356, 1. 3, p. 380, 1. 4; 409T ( Sans. #T), p. 36, 1.4; also you ), y ( 2), and the like may be constructive instances in point, * first turning into w. Only in one case I find Hemachandra giving up for a constructed T: feqoft (from ait: see Si-He, VIII, ii. 79. However, - , 9- T (Guj.), and 79-rare-ri (Guj.), 17- it-17 (Guj.), 77-74-(Guj.), -afft (Guj.), ***T-TT-TT (said spocially of a horse's place in the stable), si- s i (9)- a (Guj.), would be good instances of reversion.

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DECEMBER, 1917] THE WIDE SOUND OF E AND O 303 these three instances is preceded by for and not by t; none the less they instance reversion and prati-samprasara na together. The fact is that, as in the case of other changes, 12 this change of 3 back to 13 is found side by side with a different process undergone by the same double vowel. Thus, while it gave it on the one hand, it also gave on the other; 794 gave 774 (the parent of fra) on the one hand, while it gave a (the parent of Ta ) on the other, and so forth. How or why this double operation came into play will be explained further on below. (3) To come to Dr. Tessitori's third and last ground. It is this (a) and sit, derived from 1 and 3, are found in all the earliest manuscripts of both Gujarati and Maravadi; (6) When 43-373 began to be written as t-sht, it was because they were pronounced as diphthongs, and only afterwards they were reduced to long wide vowels Ti.e., f and ); (c) If ai-au had really passed into aba-bhava, manuscripts would have written them as 372-37 instead of writing them, as they do, as it, especially as they show a tendency to write - for 3-3. I should like to make my position clear before taking up each of these three sub-heads. But it will be convenient to touch one point under (a) just now, viz., the state of things in earliest Gujarati Manuscripts. So far as I have been able to ascertain, -ir, as evolutes of 37-38, are not seen in Gujarati Manuscripts of any period. Dr. Tessitori puts the rise of Gujarati as a separate offshoot of O. W. Rajasthani somewhere about the beginning of the seventeenth century of the Christian era 1! (i.e. from V. S. 1656 downward). Manu 11 It may be contended that after all this from a direct, and a Sanskrit tatmama. But a careful consideration of the probabilities based on the place of these words in the language as words of such frequent currency as can only be acquired by tadbhava formations, will go against such contention. Besides, gas is only a potential step. In some cases the co-existence of apparently different stages of formation can be accounted for; e. 9.. ahotarama buddhaDI rAvaNa taNa kpaali| ekUbuddhi na sAMpaDI laMkA bhaMjaNa kAli // (Munja Rdsd, quoted from in Sastri Vra jalal's Gujarati Bhashano Itihasa, p. 44.) Here the 45 in T is due to a final termination, while the in s and is is the result of the absence of that termination. Similarly TT er in Bhuwanadipa bhashantara (Gujarat-Saia-Patra, March, 1910, p. 112.) This would be good in the case of nouns and adjectives. In the case of verbs the and cannot De so explained, and inust be regarded as forins different in nature. 13 I must note that anti-samprasdran (or YTTETETT) does not mean that the which undergo that process have in all cases been derived by samprasierant. They may have been evolved differently as well ; e.g., Af - -.(72754-27 -40; afe - - (09) (5) -- TUT( Tar *T; - H -- ( )-AT; gaurI - Tae - TT (Tu)-fra; -- T* - 9 (79 ) ; et cetera. All that is meant is a process which is the opposite of samprasarana. (In fact, where is affected by samprasarana, there is no prati-sampreadrans, the 73 remains in hiatus or contracts into a narrow , or forms the diphthong ti e.ge or 3*, qiqrat, (from TT). * V de Dr. Tessitori's" Notes", p. 5 of the Introduction.

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1917 scripts subsequent to this date (V. S. 1656) showing ts for 97-97 in Gujarati will really come as a surprise to many. I may be wrong and my research is, no doubt, limited in extent in this respect. I should really be glad, therefore, to see such instances in Gujarati manuscripts. May it be that Dr. Tessitori has come across such cases in Gujarati manuscripts written by scribes who were under Maravadi influence ? Again, Dr. Tessitori himself regards the contraction of r-*3 into - as one of the characteristics marking the exis. tence of Gujarati as independent from the 0. W. Rajasthani, and puts it at the head of the list.13 If s, is it likely that any early Gujarati manuscript will show it as the evolutes of H-573 ? However, we need not wander into the realm of conjecture as to probabilities, when it may be possible for Dr. Tessitori to show concrete instances. Till then I must regards as evolutes of 373-97 to be foreign to Gujarati in any of its stages development. To come to the clearing up of my position now :-I do not mean to suggest that saava (as developments of A-3) were actually written, except in rare cases like vayara, bayaThau and the like ; all I contend is that they were potential developments, as precedent conditions requisite for the production of the wide sound (-i) which comes on the final v being lost through want of accent, thus giving 99-HT as the causativ - principle of the Lroad sound. 16 Dr. Tessitori will not be averse to accepting this principle of potential (levelopment, for he has to take his ne through a potential stage, though not found in actual writing. (See p. 77 of his article on "Bardic Survey ", the article under notice.) There are several such potential intermediate changes, which I class under CAT (i.e., transitional utaargas, or rules marking operations during transitional steps). I may cite only one instance: As a reverse process to the change of to Siddha. Hem, VIII. ii. 57), I find a change of to 57, only as a possible middle step, in the formation of sta (Guj.) from AT* (Sanskrit), through f a -*** Thus, this change of ai-au to bhaya-ava (then ay-bhav) is only a possible phonetic process as a transitional step, and when instances in actual writing, like, T2, Taraft, etc., do happen to come up, I take them as clear indications of the tendency in support of my theory. Even if there were no such actual instances in support, I should still adhere to the anti-samprasarana theory, as I find in it a potential principle supplying a clear working hypothesis. (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACT RY RECORDS. thereof. Certainly they had noe Roguard to their 9. Goode not up to sample. [Musters) or Masters and tho you and your Mer chants may plead the troubles and impediments of 30 August 1689. Letter from Elih 14 Yale and the Countery and Scarcity of goods which may Council at Fort St. George to John Nicks and serve for an excuse for their delays; yett it can be Council al Conimere. The Long Cloth you last no excuse for the badness of the goods, nothing can sent us proves soe very Cource, ill washt, and packt, necessitate that, for if they reach not muster that tis unfitt to be sent home. To Satisfy you (Sample), reject them, for 'tis much better to therein we have sent for your review and Perusall take nothing then that which is good for nothing. Six balos by Sloop Flacuna) and expect your Mer Pray, if you Valluo your reputations or employs, be chants will make a proportionable abatement guilty of no such faults for the future, and Remedy thereon, or we must returne the rest upon them, this as well as this as well as you can. Records of Fort St. Our mony being much better then Such trash, and George. Letters from Port St. George, 1689, p. 41. we doe much blame the dimoited [clic 1 a form of doitel = senseless) or Corrupt Sorters and recevers R.C.T. 15 Vide Dr. Tessitori's " Notes". p. 6. of the Introduction. af Vide my Note on Gujarati Pronunciation, ante, Vol. XLIV, p. 18, footnote 3, and the portion to which it is a note.

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INDEX. F. G. stands for the Supplement, Folklore of Gujarat, pp. 124-160. Sup. stands for the Supplement, Alphabetical Guide to the Singhalese Folklore from Ballad Sources, pp. 117-120. .. 148 Abdul Malik, servant to Sir A. Stein .. .. 221 agraharams, established by Kumara Mutta .. 38 Abdul Subhan, Munshi, Surveyor, and the Ahmadabad, Amadavad, and Austria's com Oxus riv. .. . . . . . . . 255 mercial venture in the Eighteenth Century, Abdu'r Rahim, hunter, with Sir A. Stein, 165, 285 & n. 170, 204, 221 Ahmadabad, The Muhammadan Arohitecture abhaya, pose .. .. .. .. .. 53 of, by the late Dr. J. Burgose .. Abhayadarshtra, Buddhist divine .. .. 52 Aihole inscrip., and Kalidasa .. .. 182 Abhinavagupta, author of the L6chana, Aitihasika Rasa Sam graha, book-notice .. 133 quotes Bharata, etc... ..176, 179, 180, 183 Ajitanjaya, succeeded Kalkiraja .. .. 287 Abhta Devi, (see s.v. in Index to 1916), Ajitapida, k., date .. .. .. .. 180 and Visnu .. .. .. .. Sup. 117 Ajitasena, preceptor of Chamundaraja. 288, f. Ab-i-Panja, riv., main feeder of the Oxus .. 227, f. Akbar, and the Raiputs of Mewar .. abuse, and the Holi festival .. F.G. 156--158 Akik, sacred stone .. .. .. F.G. 146 Account, An, of the Different Existing Sys- Akkal malan, Memorial in Ramna! .. .. 211 tems of Sanskrit Grammar, book-notice, Aksakal Badruddin Khan, friend to Sir 106-108 A. Stein.. .. .. .. .. .. 141 Achchaya, minister to Mangammal .. .. 184 Aksu, riv., 224, and the Oxus .. . .. 254 Achyuta Raya, Vijayanagar Emp, subdued Alagiri Naidu, appointed viceroy of Tanjore, Travancore' .. .. .. .. .. 162 (by Chokkanatha) .. .. 62, f. ; 74, 78 Achyuta Vijaya Raghava, of Tanjore, and Alai Valley, in C. Asis .. .. .. 225, f. Chokkapatha, 58 and n.; 61 and n. ; 74, f. 99 Alakadri, see Muttu AlikAdri .. .. .. 96 Adagho Badagho, or Mariyun ceremony. F.G. 154 | Alamkara Literature, Outlines of the History Adam's Bridge, broken (1480) .. .. 190 n of, Part II (contd from Vol. XL, p. 288), Adipurdna, a work by Jinasena .. .. 288 173-183 Adibeeha, serpent, and Mahabalipuram anti. Alam Khan, lieut, to Chanda Sahib.. 247, 272 & n. quities . .. .. .. .. .. 65 Alberunt, and the Gupta Era .. 287, 289, 293 Adityavarma, k. of Travancore . 162 n. Alexander, the Great, in India, route used by.. 133 Adityavarman, Maukhari k. .. .. .. 126 Alichur Pamir, mts., and Sir Aurel Stein, 227 f.; Administrative rule to prevent favouritism, 231 Notes from Old Factory Records, No. 7 .. 248 Alivardi Khan .. . .. .. .. 244 Admiral Watson, E. I. Co.'s ship .. .. 11 Alphabetical Guide to Singhalese Folklore Affleck, Capt. of the Panther, and the cyclone from Ballad Sources (contd. from Vol. XLV). at Pondicherry (1761).. 12-16 n.; 19, 21 n. Sup. 117-120 Afrazgul Khan, Surveyor, with Sir A. Stein, Altmish bulak, salt-springs near Kuruk-tagh, 116, 137, 167, 170, 202, 204, 221-224, 170, 193, 204, 221 226, 232 ; services recognised .. .. 951 Alvarez, Father, R. C. Missionary in S. India, Africa, (Delagos Bay), and Austris, in the 25, f.; 100 Eighteenth Century .. .. .. 278; 285 Amadevad, Ahmadabad .. .. .. 285 Agape .. .. .. .. . .. 206 Amara, and the Agnipurana, 174, date .. 175 agger, great wall, in C. Asia .. .. .. 194 Amaraksta, the, and the Agnipurdna .. .. 174 Agiaris, Parsi temples .. .. F.G. 149 Amaravati Pillar inscrip. .. .. .. 71 Agnimitra, date .. .. .. .. 162 & n. Ambukkovil, and the Tonqamans .. Agnipurdna, the, said to be the most ancient Ambur, battle .. .. . . . . . . 247 work on the Alam dra-Sastra, 173 and n.; America, ship, and the eyelone in Pondicherry, internal evidence against the theory, 174, (1761) .. .. .. 8, 9, 11-15, 17, f. ; 20, f. f. ; external .. .. .. .. .. 176' Amiru'l-umra, prince, killed by magic.. ..59 n

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305 INDEX . .. 249 Amoghavritti, the, the Chintamani, and faka. tayana .. .. .. .. .. 107, 1. amuleta, and evil spirits .. F.G. 125, f. A nagundi .. .. .. .. .. 239 n. anamika, (Sansk.), ring finger .. .. .. 130 Ananda Rao Peishwa .. .. .. .. 212 Anandavardhana, quotes Bharata, 176, 180; and Magha, etc. .. .. .. 181, 183 Anantavarman, Maukhkari k., inscrips. of. 125, 127 Anantivarman, k. of Kashmir .. 180 ancestors, as snakes .. .. .. F.G. 143 Andaman and Nicobar Islands, (in 1787) .. 277 Andhakasura, enemy of Durga .. .. .. 68 Andhras, defeated .. .. .. .. 126 a igas, of the five samdhis, called sandhya nga. 182 Angirasa MArgali, and Vijaya Minakshi .. 273 animals, Prakrit names of, 35; names derived from, etc. .. .. .. F.G. 144, f.; 150 Anjengo, port, and the storm (of 1761), 10; and Austria's 18th century trade with .. 284 Annals, Chinese, and C. Asia .. .. 112, 169, f.; 200, 221, 223, 228 Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department for 1916, Bangalore, booknotice 135, f. Ant-hill, worshipped .. .. .. F.G. 139 Antiquary, The Indian, and the late Dr. J. Burgess, 1, 3. 131, f.; and the late Dr. J. F. Fleet .. ... .. .. .. 129-132 Antiquities of Kathiawad, etc., and the late Dr. J. Burgess .. .. .. .. .. 2, 3 Antiquities of Mahabalipur .. 49-57, 65-73 anuprasa, figure of speech .. 173; 181 & n. Anuradhapura . .. Anwaru'd-din, and the Carnatic, 244 and, n.; his murder of Bangura Naik, etc., 245, f.; defeat by Chanda Sahib .. .. .. 247 Apabhramsa, see Prikrit .. .. .. 297 Aph-sa inscrip... .. Appaiya Naik, of Kannivali .. .. Appar, Tevaram hymner, contemporary of Narasimhavarman I .. .. .. .. 55 Apsarasis, actors, who helped Bharata .. 82 Aquitain, Acquitaine, ship, in the storm at Pondicherry, (1761) .. .. .. 11-18 Arab, conquest of Sind .. .. .. .. 206 Arabs overthrow the last Persian dyn. rule in India, 34; rivals to Chinese in Turkestan .. 112 Aramaio characters on pottery .. .. .. .250 Arantangi, battlefield in Ramna .. 210, 212 Arcclini, R. C. Missionary in Trichinopoly .. 100 archeological finds in C. Asia .. .. . 249, f. Archaeological Survey of India, eto., and the late Dr. J. Burgess, 1 and n. .. .. ..2- Architeoture, Muhammadan, in Gujarat, 3, of Ahmedabad, by the late Dr. J. Burgess .. 4,187 Architecture and Sculpture in Mysore, book. notice Aroot, battle of, 5; and Ramnad, 213, 218; and Madura, 217 and n., 243; and Chanda Sahib, 238; and Trichinopoly, etc... 244, 246 Areca-sickle, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916), and Visvakarma .. .. .. .. Sup. 118 Areocapang, 13; see Ariankuppam .. .. 6n. Arif, unknown person, prescribed for Jahanara Begam .. .. .. .. .. .. 48 Arioncopang, Ariankuppam, near Pondicherry, and thecyclone (1761) .. 6& n., 9, 14, 16, 18 Ariyalur, dist., and Ranga Krishna Muttu Virappa .. .. .. . 105 &n. Arjuna's Penance, a bas-relief in Mahabalipur, 53; or Bhagiratha's Penance .. .. 54-56, 67 Arrow, (see 8. v. in Index to 1916), and Vi vakarma .. .. .. .. Sup. 118 arrow-heads, Neolithic, in C. Asia, 140, 167, 171 Art, Buddhist, in India, by the late Dr. J. Burgess .. .. Art, Buddhist, in C. Asia, 201, f.; textile, romains in C. Asia, 188; Graeco-Buddhist, remains in C. Asia, 116; of Gandhara, etc., 144, 232; dramatio, first mentioned by Panini . 177 Arthad yotanika, a work by Raghavabhatta .. 179 Arthasastra, of Kautilya, another work of the same name, 95; of Vishnugupta, 108; of Kautilya .. .. .. .. 220 &n. Arumba vur, Trichinopoly dist., inscrip. of Raiga Krishna Mutta Virappa .. 104 n. ; 121 n. Aryanatha, death of, 36 & n., 104; Mudaliar.. 241 Aryany, and Dravidians, their langs., 33, 36, 81, 94; and Varuna .. .. .. .. 208 Aryas, all princes so called .. .. .. 94 Asaf Jah, Nawab, and Bangaru Tirumala .. 244 Asafu'ddin Sahib, Muhammadan saint, plotted against Vijaya Kumara .. .. .. 273 Asalat Khan, and Surgeon G. Broughton .. 48 ascetics, or Sanyasins, in S. India .. .. 24 Ashura rites, in Sind cult .. .. 207, f. Asia, Central, A Third Journey of Exploration in, 1913-1914, by Sir Aurel Stein .. 109, ff. 137, ff.; 165, ff.; 193, ff. ; 221, ff. ; 249, f. Asia, W., and China, ancient trade .. . 203 Asirgadh, Nimer dist., Maukhari inscrip, find 125, f. Askhabad, Russian cantonment near Persia .. 231 Asoka's Pillar Edicts and Dr. J. Fleet .. .. 131 ana, C. Asia, burial ground remains .. 202 astrologer, the, and ploughing, etc... F.G. 163, 164 Ata Magula, (see 8.1. in Index to 1916), and Vi vakarma .. .. .. .. Sup 119 Atiranachanda, possibly a surname of Nandi. varman, inscripe, of 53; (Pallava) or Naragimhavarman II . .. NO 960

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INDEX 307 ::::: DE. Atma, Raja of Ramnad.. .. 45 Banas, dynasty, the Mahabalis (Mavalis) of Attiyattu, vil., in insorip. 209 n. Tiruvallam .. .. .. .. 50 Atyantakama, a name of Parame vara Bandhu-Bhritya, of the Mukra-Rakshasa . 273 varman .. .. .. .. .. 56, 70 Bangalore, and Chikka Deva .. Bangalore. and Chika Dave .. 122; 162 Aurangabad, and Bidar, Antiquities, by the Bangaru Tirumala and q. Minakshi, oto., 214 late Dr. J. Burgess .. .. & n.-219 & n. ; 237-241; and the Aurangzeb, and the Dakhan, etc., 121; and the Marathas .. .. .. 242-246, 272 Mughal's Slipper, 123; and the Mahrattos, Bangle, (800 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Vippu, 124 n.; and S. India, 160 ; and Mangammal, Sup. 117 161; and Chikka Deva of Mysore .. .. 162 Banksalls, warehouses .. . .. 286 & A. Aurangzib, History of, book-notice .. ... 64 Banyan, Vad tree and Shiva .. .. F.G. 136 .. .. Aurapaliam, Udayarpalayam .. 161 Barabar hills, Maukhari inscrip. .. 125, 127 Austria's Commercial Venture in India in the Barkal, tn. .. .. .. .. .. 200 Eighteenth Century .. .. .. 277-286 Baroda, Maharani, and ant worship.. F.G. 139 autogeny, membership of Caste by ..... 83 Barozhil Saddle, near Chinese border .. .. 117 Avanti, Malva .. .. .. .. .. 57 Bartang, or Murghab riv., 226, f. ; and Oxus Avinita, or Konkanivarma, K... .. riv., blocked .. .. .. .. .. 254 Bash-gumbaz, pass in Pamirs .. .. awrinz, mountain galleries in the Pamirs .. 228 Baames, author of Comparative Grammar of the Ayudha-purushas Modern Aryan Languages of India .. .. 33 Beard, Mr. J., friend to Job Charnock .. 259 Bednoro, attacked by Chikka Deva .. .. 162 Balaieff, Russian Consul in Bokhara .. .. Belgaum and Kaladgi dists., and the late Baba-ghundi, in Hunza, remains of cultiva Dr. J. Burgess .. .. .. .. .. tion . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Belgiogoso, Count, Austrian Ambassador in Babario, a spirit.. .. F.G. 134, f. London, his dealings with William Bolts .. 278 Bactria, and China, silk trade route, 225, f. ; Belgola, inscrips., and the Gangas .. 288 & n. 231; or Tahia, 265 and n., 266; and the Benares, and Wm. Bolts . . . . . . 277 Pokarana kings .. .. .. .. 275 Bengal, 8, 9; and the Maukharis, 127; and Job Badakhshun, Pamir uplands, and the Charnock, etc., 259 & n.; and Austris's Chinese .. .. .. .. 228, 230 commercial venture in the Eighteenth Babuchariji, goddess, and the cock . F.G. 151 Century .. .. .. .. .. 277-286 Bai, vil., in C. Asia .. .. .. 200, 224 Beschi, Constantius, R.C. Missionary.. 103 n. Baird, Sir Wm., Capt. of the Salisbury .. 15 betrothed, the, death of .. .. .. F.G. 138 Baji Rao I., Peshwa, and Bangaru Tirumala .. 242 Bhagats, devotees, and snake bites .. F.G. 142 Bajo-kot, in Darel, Buddhist burial ground Bhagiratha's Penance, or Arjuna's, bas-relief 64 remains . . . . . . . . 114 Bhagvaldgita, the, and the Agnipurana .. 174 Baladitya, Gupta .. .. .. 152, f. Bhalana, author of the Kadambart ..300, 301 n. Balakrishna Mabadanapura, Telugu grant of Bhamaha, and the Agnipurana, 175--177; date, angamma} .. .. .. .. 158 n. 179; and Bharata, etc. .. .. 181, f. Balamitra, dato of .. .. .. .. 152 Bhambhor, isl., Killoutis .. .. .. 133 Balasri, Andhra, 4., in scrips. of .. 127. 164 Bharata and the Agnipurina, etc., 173 & n.Balder, and the Sambelu, F.G. 147; and the 176; and figures of speech, 177, 182; and plough .. .. .. .. .. ;F.G. 148 Panini, 178, f. ; on dramaturgy .. 180, f. Balevian, ceremony .. .. .. F.G. 148 Bharavi, praised in the Aiholi inscrip. .. 182 ali, demon omp., Mahabali, 50, 66, 67; in Bhasa, dramatist, works attributed to him .. 17 early Sanskrit drama .. .. .. 177 & n. Bhattanayaka .. .. .. .. .. 180 Balkh, Baluoke, and Surgeon G. Broughton .. 48 Bhatti, date, and figures of speech . 182; 191 Ballaba, and Baka eras .. .. .. .. 293 Bhaunagar, Bownagur and Austria's venture Bambas, (100 8. v. in Index to 1916) and to trade with India (Eighteenth Century), Mahasammats (300 8.0. in Index to 284 & n.; 285 1916) .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 117 BbavAni Sankara, Tevan, illegitimato son of Bapa, and the works of Bhasa, 178; and the Kilavan Setupati, deposed, eto. ..209-213 NAtyafastra of Bharata, 182, and Magha.. 191 bhavas, and Bharata .. .. 173, 178, 182 Banabhatta's Guru .. .. .. . 63. bhari, Sanskrit, drum .. .. .. .. 66

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303 INDEX Bhinmal, kings of . . ..191 Bhisma .. .. .. 95 Bhoja, and the Agni purana, etc., 176, 179; and Rudrabhatta .. .. .. .. 180 Bhojadova, (three of the name,) Pramara of MAlava, and the poet Magha Bhrgu .. .. .. .. .. .. 68 Bhudevi, the Earth . .. Bhumidevi, figure in Mah@balipur .. .. 65 Bhatattalvar, and Mallai bhuts, ghosts .. .. .. .. F.G. 132, f. Bhuvandbhyudaya, poem by Sankuka.. 180 BhQvardha, figure in MahAbalipur . .. 65 Bibi Syed, cult in Sind .. .. .. .. 207 Bidar and Aurangabad, and the late Dr. J. Burgess .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 Bijapur, and Chokkanatha, at war, 41-43; and Aurangzeb . 121-124 n., 158, 160, f. billaur, (Persian) crystal, and Bolar .. .. 229 birch bark MSS., found in Charkhlik .. .. 143 birds' cries, as omens .. .. .. F.G. 127 birth, and animal names .. .. F.G. 144 bites, of snakes .. .. .. F.G. 141-143 blockade, etc., of Pondicherry, (1761).. 5, 7, 17 blood sacrifice . .. . .. F.G. 147 Bode Sahib, gov. of Tanjore .. .. .. 218 Bodhimeghesvara, Buddhist divine .. .. 52 Bohara, in Sind, River cult, 205; and cult of Bibi Syed .. .. .. .. .. 207 Bokhara, and Sir Aurel Stein .. .. Bol Choth, a feast day .. .. .. F.G. 150 Bolor, (and Billaur) in Hindukush .. .. 229 Bolte, Wen. (Willem), E. I. Co.'s servant, and Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century, 277; death, 278 and n.; 279; 282--286 Bombay, 9; and Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century, 277, 279 and n.; 281 and n.-286 Boetan-arche, Kirghiz camp .. .. .. 224 Bouchet, Jesuit Father, aided by Mangammal, 159; and Trichinopoly .. .. 163 n. bow, sarnga .. .. .. .. . 65 Bowridge, married Eliz. Charnock . .. 260 boys, and puberty .. .. .. F.G. 160 Brahma, g., 66, 68; and the Natyasdatra, 174, 178, 1. ; 181 and n.; and the nim tree, F.G. 137; and the goose, F.G. 145; and the donkey .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 150 Brahman, converts and Parangis, 103 ; army, of Kalki, 149; viceroy, 160 ; caste, meaning non-Buddhist, 192; and the pipal tree, F.G. 136, f. ; and snakes .. .. .. F.G. 140 Brahmana, customs, and the Markas .. .. 136 Brahmanas, killed, etc., at Sringeri, 136 ; and Ranghunatha .. .. .. .. 209 n. Brahmanism, its revival, and the Puranas .. 176 Brahmans and Robt. de Nobilis, 24; and Mar. tinz, 26; and magic in war, 59 n.; and caste, 89--93; and Ranga Krishna, 104 n. ; 121; under Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha, 187 and n.189; and Vijaya Ranghunatha, 210 ; and omens, F.G. 127; 129; and death, F.G: 130, 1. food from which they abstain, F.G. 145; and fire .. .. .. F.G. 149 Brahui, custom in Sind.. .. .. .. 208 branding, punishment for piracy .. .. 275 Brereton, Capt. of the Falmouth, and the cyclone at Pondicherry (1761) .. 13-15 brides, and Kshetrapal .. .. F.G. 138 ; 143 Briencourt, M. Anquetil, French chief of Surat, and Wm. Bolta.. .. .. .. .. 282 Brihadrathas .. .. .. .. 146 n. Brihaspati, and Manu .. . .. 95 Brihatpratyabhijnavimarshini, a work by Abhi. navagupta .. .. .. .. .. 18 Britto, Father D., Jesuit Missionary in S. India, 23 n. ; history of .. .. 100-103 Broach, and Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. .. 284 brocades, etc., in tombs, in Astana .. .. 203 Broker's horse allowance, Old Factory Recorde, 48 bronchitis, cure for .. .. .. F.G. 137 Bronze Age, finds by Sir A. Stein .. .. 2 49 broom, a totem .. .. .. .. F.G. 149 Broughton, Surgeon Gabriel .. .. 47, f. Buchanan, Sir G., and Sir A. Stein .. .. 224 Buddha, ninth avatara, 146, 263 n.; and Vi vakarma .. .. .. .. Sup. 118 Buddhism and the Puranas, 176; and Buddha, in India... .. .. .. .. 263 & n. Buddhist Art in India, by the late Dr. J. Burgess .. . .. .. . .. Buddhist Cave Temples and Their Inscriptions, A Report on, by the late Dr. J. Burgess .. Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayya. peta, by the late Dr. J. Burgess .. . Buddhist, ruins and remains in C. Asia, 114-- 117, 137, 159, 141, 143, f., 197--199, 201, f.; MSS.; Temple of the Thousand Buddhas, 168, 194, 202, 253 ; times, etc., 223, f.; art, Greco, in India .. .. .. 232; 255 Budha, Mercury .. .. .. .. F.G. 146 Budhagupta, date .. .. ..151; 292, f. buildings, temples, etc., of Mahabalipur .. 49 Burgess, the late James .. .. 1-4, 49, 129, 131 burial grounds, Buddhist, etc.; remains of, in C. Asia, 114, 168, 170, 202; or cemetery, 203, 221 burning, of widows, 85--87; sati, 92 ; ground, and evil spirits .. .. F.G. 126 Byzantine gold pieces, in Astana tombs 203

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INDEX 309 boat, ete. " Cadiz, and Wm. Bolts .. .. .. .. 280 Chandi Daba, Bengali poet (Fourteenth Cen. Cahil, Capt., E. I. Co.'s servant, and Wnu. tury) and Kalki .. .. 148 Bolts .. .. .. .. .. 288, f. Chandika, or Mahishasura Mardhani.. .. Caitradi, Chaitnadi or Malara years .. 295, f. Chandimau, inscrips. Caloutta, founded by Job Chamock, 256 ; or Chandler, on de Nobilis, 23; and Martinz .. 26 Chuttanuttee, Sutanati, 259; and Wm. Chandra, Moon g. .. .. .. .. 66 Bolts .. .. .. .. .. .. 277 Chandragupta II ; and Bandhu .. .. .. 275 Caldwell, Dr., and the non-Sanskrit element change, of sex .. .. .. .. F.G. 123 in Prakrit . .. . .. ..33, f. Changkien, Chinese historian .. .. 263 & n. canal, remains of, in Taghdumbash Valley .. 137 Charchan .. .. .. 222 Canary Ils., and Austria's commercial ven. charity, of Mangamma! .. .. 158 n., 169 & n. ture in the Eighteenth Century .. 279, 281 Charkhlik, city of Lop. (Marco Polo) finds Candleweeke, Candlewick St., now Cannon in .. .. 142-144; 222 Street .. .. .. .. .. 257 & n. Charnock, Job, his parentage and will.. 256. ff. Cannon St., old Candleweeke St. ... 257 & n. Charnock, R., father of Job Charnock ' .. 266 carkana, corkans, etc.s registrar .. .. 220 Charnock, Step., son of Job Charnock, 257; Carnatic, the, and Sivaji, etc., 77 and n.; and chaplain to Henry Cromwell .. .. 258 Sambaji, 120; Mughal conquest, 121, 160 n. chastity, ideal .. .. .. .. .. 87 -162, and 246, 1., 272 Chaulukya, Vikramaditya I; copper-plate caste, and Christianity in 8. India, 24; in Sind, grant of 205, f. ; and dakana .. .. .. F.G. 162 Chavannes, M., and Kushan history .. 262, 263 n. Castes in India, their mechanism, genesis and Chedi, Kalachuri, or Traika Aka, era .. .. 269 development .. .. .. .. 81-95 che lingues, cholingo, (Arab shalandi) cargo castrum, fortified, in C. Asia .. .. .. 168 catamarrans, boats .. .. .. .. 20 Chenji, Gingee .. .. .. .. .. 17n. Cathay and Iran.. .. .. .. .. 225 Chetty. caste, and Christianity . .. 27 cattle, their spirit guardians, F.G. 134, f. ; Chi-chi.to. (Chitor ?) co., mentioned by Huien and small-pox, etc., F.G. 154 ; and the Holi Tsiang .. .. .. .. .. .. 192 festival .. .. .. .. . F.G. 169 Chickiklik Maidan, Kash gar, site of an ancient Cave Temples, Buddhist, etc., by the late hospice .. .. .. .. .. .. 137 Dr. J. Burgess, 2; of India, by the late Dr. Chika, Chikka Deva, Raja of Mysore, 67; cap J. Burgess and J. Fergusson .. .. 3; 49 tured Satyamangalam, 76 and n.; and Ekoji, Cave-temples of the Thousand Buddhas 194; 202 122 ; death, 157 and n.; and the Mughale, cazernes, barracks .. .. .. .. 17 160; attacked Mangammal 160 ff.; his . .. celibacy, and caste ....86, f. Kavery dam .. . . . 183 n. cemetery, cemeteries, ancient, remains in child bed and exorcists, F.G. 142; and dakans, C. Asia. see burial grounds. .. .. 203, 221, f. F.G. 152 Central Asia, see Third Journey of Explora. childless persons, and the pipal tree, F.G. 137, 139 tion in .. .. .. .. .. 109, ff. children, prayers for, 209, and evil spirits, children, pray Central Indian Museum, to be in Delhi .. 263 F.G.135; for the childless, F.G. 137, 139; ceremonies, and customs, Hindu, for Christ. and the demoness Dhunda, and Holi, ian use, 22; of death, eto., F.G. 130, 147; F.G. 155-157; 159 and agriculture .. .. F.G. 163 China, and Sir A. Stein, 109; and W. Asia, Ceylon, 15; and de Nobilis, 22; and Nara trade with, 203 ; or Seres, 226; and Austria's simha .. .. .. .. .. 51, f. commercial venture in the Eighteenth Chainut-kol, near Tarim.. .. .. .. 222 Century .. .. .. .. .. .. 278 ChaitrAdi (Vikrama) years, 295; or Caitradi.. 296 Chinese, ancient, of Loulan, 221; in Upper Chalukyan, see Hoysala .. .. .. 248 Oxus Valley, 228 ; and Kushans, in India, Chamundaraja, called Gunaratnabhsana, 266, 269, 271, Buddhist pilgrims, in Darel, minister of the Ganga Rachamalla, and 111; conquest of Yasin, 117 ; trade, etc., in C. Asia, 168, f., 193--197, 200 ; script, etc., patron of Nemichandra, 288 ; and of Rama.. 289 finds of, 186, 198, 202, f. ; Limes, eto., 166, Chanakya, and war .. .. .. .. 95 f., 170--172, 200 ; M88., records, in Astana Chanda Sahib, and Minakahi, eto., 217-219; tombe, 203; frontier, in Kangu, eto, 249, and Bangkru, etc., 237-243; at Satara, 251 ; historical texts, as evidence on date of eto., 246, 1. ; and Vijaya Kumara .. 272, f. 1. Kanishka .. .. .. 281, 265

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310 INDEX .. 196 Chingiz Khan, and Kansu .. 197 Cochin .. .. Chini-bagh .. .. 224 cock, the, and Bahucharaji .. .. F.G. 151 Chin-man, Pei-ting, ancient cap., in E. Tur. Cocoanut, (800 8.v. in Index to 1916), and kestan .. .. .. .. .. .. 200 Vispu .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 117 Chinna Durai, second in command. .. 216 Cocoanut, and human sacrifice .. .. F.G. 146 Chinna Kadir Naik, and Chokkanatha 98, f. Coimbatore, R.C. vicariate, 23 ; and Chokka . Chinnu Rima Bana, the sword of the polygar natha, 44 ; and Chikka Deva.. .. 162 & n. of Ariyalur .. .. .. 105 n. Coin, of Theodosius, ard the age of Mallai .. 71 Chint'a, Oasis .. .. .. .. Chintamani, The, and the Amoghavritti 107, f. coins, SAh and Gupta, 2; Mau khari, 126; found in Spingeri, 136; Han, etc., found by Sir A. chirantana, title .. .. .. .. 179, f. Christianity, in S. Indis, after de Nobilis, 23 ; Stein, 166, f. , 171-173, 195, 198, 201; with the dead, 203, 223, Indian, and Kanishka, and the death of Tirumal Naik, 28; its 261, 265--267 and n., 270, f. ; of Narendragrowth in the reign of Chokkanatha, 98 and A., 100 chandra. .. .. .. .. .. .. 276 Christians, and Christianity in 8. India, 22- Collins, capt. of the Newcastle, and the cyclone 25; 27; and Ranga Krishna, 121; Parangis, at Pondicherry (1761) .. .. 13-15 and Mangamma, 159 n.; persecuted by columns, of victory, 152; in Mandasore, erect. Ranghanatha .. .. .. .. .. 210 ed by Kalki .. i .. .. .. 153 chithis, pieces of paper, and the evil eye, F.G. 126 Colvill, capt. of the Sunderland . 13-16 Chitor (1) and Chi-chi-to .. .. .. 192 Compagnie des Indes, French prize-ship at chobdars, messengers .. .. .. .. 123 Pondicherry (1761) .. .. .. .. 9 ChokkanAtha, Naik (1669-1682), character commercial venture, Austria's, q.. .. .. 277 etc., 40; at war with Muhammadans, 41, f.; Conjeeveram, Pallava cap. .. .. .. 67 and Tanjore and Ramna4, 43, 45; and conquest, (Muhammadan) of Tanjore, 39, 78, Mysore, 44, 98, f. ; origin of the Puduk 121; conqueats of Kalkl, 149, 151; (Arab) of kottai State, 46, f., 57, 58 and n.; and Alagiri Sind, 206; Turki, in Bokhara, 231 ; of Naik, 74 and n.; and Ekoji, ato., 76--78; Madura, 243 ; Kushan, of India . 261, 267 death of, 97, 104; and Mutta Alakadri, Coote, Sir Eyre, and the blockade of Pondi98, f.; and Ravi Varma 162, and Vijaya cherry, 5; and the cyclone ..68, 11, f., 21, f. RanghanAtha .. .. .. .. .. 210 Cope, capt., assisted Muhammad Ali .. .. 247 Chokkanatha, ancestor of V. Chokkanatha .. 158 Copell, Mohaar Capell, African King, and Wm. Chokkanathapura, temple at .. .. 187 n. Bolts .. .. .. .. 285 & n., 286 Chok-tagh, desert .. .. .. .. 140 copper-plato grants, montion Chokkan Atha, Chola inscrips., Mahabalipar .. .. .. 69 40 n.; of Konkanivarma, etc., 136; one, by Cho)as, and the Pallavas Muttu Vijaya Raghnatha.. .. 209 n. choulines, etc., erected by Mangamma}, 156, 1. copper-seal, inscrip., Maukhari .. .. 125 159 and n.; 185 oorkana, carkana, etc., revenue officer .. 220 Chronicle, Telugu, and Vijaya Ranga Chokka Cornish, Rear Admiral Sir S., and the storm at Datha . .. . .. .. Pondicherry (1761) .. 5,7 & n., 8-12, 15, 18 .. 156 Chronology of Modem India, by the late Dr. Cornwallis, Lord, defeat attributed to magic, 59 a. J. Burgess .. .. .. .. Chronology, of Alarkara Literature .. 173-183 Coromandel coast, 18; and Christianity, 100; Chronology, Kushan .. .. .. 261. f. and Austria's commercial venture .. 278-282 Chronologies, Jaina, etc., and Kalki .. 148-153 coronation ceremony .. .. .. F.G. 147 Chudda, & spirit .. .. .. .. F.G. 135 corpse, as omen, F.G. 127 and n., 130, f. ; coreChudela .. . . . . F.G. 152 monies for, F.G. 133; and the Pipal tree, Challi, a Vrittikdra . .. .. 191 and n. F.G., 136; and Maravo tree, F.G. 137; and Church and State, Hindu .. .. 28 dukans .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 152 Chuttanuttee, (Satanati) Calcutta .. .. 259 corruption, official, under Vijaya Chokkanatha. 187 circles, as amulets .. .. .. F.G. 126 Corruptions of English, in the Indian Verna. clerk, shipping, as interpreter .. .. . 64 culars---Hadelhappi .. .. .. .. 28 clothes, now, omens .. .. .. F.G. 129 Costa, de, Josuit missionary in Tanjore 26-27 Cobra, (800 8.v. in Index to 1916,) and Visnu, cow, sacred .. .. .. .. F.G. 145 Sup. 117; and Yamadati, and Yalodara, Sup. 120cow dung, as omon .. .. FG. 126-130

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Creechurch, St. Katherine, London, burialplace of the Charnocks 256, 258-260 Crocodile, Waghodar, cult in Indus Valley, 133; 206-208 INDEX crops, spirit guardians of, F.G. 135; ceremonies, etc. crows, and rishis Cudalore.. F.G. 153; 155 F.G. 151 6, 17 F.G. 153 133, 205, f. cultures, cultural unity, and the Indian cultivators and ceremonies cult, crocodile, in Sind.. people 81, f.; 94 Curtain, (see s.v. in Index to 1916,) and Visnu, Sup. 117; and Yama.. Sup. 120 253, f. Curzon, Lord, and the source of the Oxus. Customs, (see Ceremonies,) Hindu, and Christianity, 22; uxorial .. Cyclone, at Pondicherry, on New Year's Day, 1761, original papers relating to .. Cyclone and storms in Ramnad (1709) .. 87 Da'ad Khan, Deputy Nawab of the Carnatic, (under Mangamma) and the English in Madura, etc. 160 & n., 161 Dabhoi, in Gujarat, the antiquities of, by the late Dr. Burgess Dadamo, guardian spirit of crops Dadh Bandhavi, ceremony .. 5, ff. 190 3 F.G. 134 F.G. 155 F.G. 135 F.G. 152 121; or Dakana, spirit Dakans, two kinds 160 Dakhan, Moghul conquest of, Deccan Dalavais, Kasturi Ranga, 187; two others.. 188 dam, on the Kauvery 183 & n. and Daman, Damaun, Portuguese Settlement, Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century Damanas, amulets.. Damodaragupta, author of the Kuttanimata, refers to Bharata Dandayudhapani, Shrine, Palni, and Mangammal Dandin, and Alamkara literature, 173, 175; and the Agniparana, and Bharata, etc. 176, 178; date, 179;. and figures of speech.. 185 Dandu-monara, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Wooden Peacock.. Sup. 119 Daniel, Capt. of the Newcastle.. Darant-kurghan, Kirghiz vil., probable site 13, 12 of the Stone Tower 225, f. Dard, Republic, of Raja Pakhtun Wali, 111-113; tribes 182 & n. F.G. 125 181 185 ..115 311 Darel, Ta-li-lo, valley, and Sir A. Stein.. 111, f. Darelis, and Raja Pukhtun Wali, 114; immigrations, 114; and other Dard tribes. 115 Darkot Passes, and the Chinese Annals, 117; glacier bifurcation Dasharath, k., married a Nag. Dasyus, destroyed by Kalki Date of Kanishka .. 118 .. 205 -- 273 Darya-panth, Indus cult Dasapura, Mandasor Dasara pakavaloka, a work by Dhananjaya, mentions early dramas 178, f. F.G. 143 149 .. 76 234 & 1. F.G. 128-130 203 261-271 dates, of Kalki, 151, 153; of Panini, 177; of the Natya sastra 178-180 n., 183. Davalagiri, inscrip. dawn, parallels about days, lucky and unlucky dead, objects buried with death, of de Nobilis, 23; of Tirumal Naik, theories as to cause, 27, i., 36; of Kalki, date, 153; mysterious, of Mangammal, 184 and n. 186; of Vijaya Ranga 189 and n., 210, f. of Kilavan Setupati, 209; and the moon, etc. F.G. 127; 130-133 Decean, Sultans, and S. India, 160; or Dakhan. 121 Dechyamatya, commentator, and the Mahim 164 nastava.. De Costa, R. C. Missionary in S. India. 25-27; 100 definitions, of Caste .. 82 deformities, and the Pipal tree F.G. 138 deities, and animals F.G. 145 Delagoa Bay, and Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century Delhi, and the Carnatic, 121; and the Central Indian Museum 251, 253 de Nobilis, R. C. missionary in Madura, retirement and death, etc., 22-25; and Tiruma! Naik, etc. 28, 100 100 .. 149 136 F.G. 136 6 & n. De Silva, R. C. missionary in Madura Devadatta, naine of Kalki's horse Devangas, and the sacred thread Dev Divali, festival Devikotta, Deve Cotah, Maratha Fort.. development of Castes, see Castes in India...81 devis, goddess, and the male buffalo.. F.G. 145 dhaga, an amulet Dhananjaya, author of the Sahityadarpana, and early drama, 178; date... 179 Dhanyaloka, a work by Anandavardhana.. 180. Dharapuram, (Darapoor,) lost by Chokka. ... F.G. 125 natha Dharina, caste 44 89 F.G. 142 206 Dehdas, a sect, and snake hites Dhoro Puram, riv. in Sind .. Duleti, Dhul Padavo, day after the Holi. F. G. 157 283

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312 digvijaya, and Kalki 153 & n. Dikshit, he late Mr. Shankar Belkishan, and Dhunda, demoness, and the Holi.. F.G. 155, f. East India Company, and Austria's CommerDhvanyalka, a work by Ananjavardhana 179-181n. cial Venture in the Eighteenth Century. 277-280, 283 East India Company and Visvanatha Naik East Indies, and the Yue-chi Kingdom Eiros, Mt., the position of, suggested identi. fication with Rerhi the Gupta dat 130, 132 dipaka, figure of speech, in the Natyasastra, of Bharata 274 .. 266 disease, of cattle .. 133 disha-shul, pains Ekoji, son of Shahji, and Singamala Das, 74 and n.,-78; and Chokkanatha, etc. 98, f.; 120, 122 elephant worship F.G. 150 Elephanta, remains and the late Dr. J. Burgess 1, f. Elijah, Ilias 206 9 Elizabeth, the ship, in the Cyclone of (1781). Ellis, Mr. Francis, friend of Mr. Job Charnock, 259 & n. 83-88; 91, f. 252 Yaga-sam.on divine snakes Dodda Deva, conquered Kongu, etc. Dolan-achchik, salt springs in Kuruktag Domoko, Buddhist remains near 178, 181 F.G. 154 F.G. 129 F.G. 156 Divali festival and Govardhan Divi-kuduru (see s.. in Index to 1916) and Sup. 119 F.G. 139 122 ..221 141 Sup. 118 F.G. 125 Doro, of Mahadev, ceremony F.G. 154 Dost Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic, 217; and the Marathas Dondra, has an image of Visnu Doras, threads, as amulets Draupadi, and the Arjuna Penance Dravidien Element in Prakrit. Dravidian, architecture Dravidians, in India Dronacharya ** drama, the Sanskrit dramaturgy, works on, 179; and Bharata, etc. 180-182 INDEX .. sacred earthquake, in Sarez (1911) 260 177, f. 54 33-36 248 81; 94 95 .. .. 297-304 E & O, the Wide Sound of, with Special Reference to Gujarati.. Earl of Lincoln, ship, the Joseph and Theresa. 279 Earth, or Bhudevi, 69; or Prithvi, F.G. 146; F.G. 149 227 & n. endogamy, and Caste in India.. England and Russia English, corruptions of, in the Indian Vernaculars English, the, and Tippoo, 59 n.; and Sivaji, 77 n. ; in Madras, and Da'ud Khan, 160 and n.; first appear in Indian politics.. Englishmen's furniture and its cost in 1682, from Old Factory Records Epigraphia Indica, commenced by the late Dr. J. Burgess Ephthalites, in the Oxus Valley 28 Drum, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Visvakarma Sup. 118 Dry Mountains, Kuruktagh, 201, 204; river, region, 221; settlement and remains near.. 222 Duke, the ship, (country vessel), and the cyclone 241 in Pondicherry (1761).. 6-9, 11, 15, 18, 21, 22 Duke of Acquitaine, ship, and the Cyclone in Pondicherry (1761) 6-9, 12-18, 20, 21 Dumas, French Governor of Pondicherry Dupleix, and Chanda Sahib .. Durga, in Mahabalipur Antiquities, 67, f.; image, gifted to Vijaya Ranganatha Durvimita, newly discovered copper-plate by. 136 Dutch, and the Cyclone in Pondicherry (1761), 197 210 12 and n., 13, 15; and slaves in Madura ..42 n. Dzungaria, plateau ..200 Etzina, c. (Marco Polo) and Khara-khoto 246 European History, and the number forty 233 evil eye, and amulets, F.G. 125, f.; and dakans, etc. F.G. 152, 154 evil spirits, protection from, F.G. 125, f., 132; or bhuts, list of, F.G. 134; and childbed, F.G. 135; and trees, F.G. 137; and snake bites, F.G. 142; propitiation of, F.G. 146; and silence, etc. excavations, of Mahabalipur excommunication, and Caste in India exogamy, and caste in India F.G. 155 49 exorcist ..93, f. 84 ..F.G. 154, f. Exploration in C. Asia, A Third Journey of, by Sir A. Stein, 109-118, 137-144, 165172, 193-204, 121-132 extinction, of the Naik Raj 218 247 .. 106 3 79, F. Eran pillar inscrips. 292 ..23 n. .. 131 Erandi, Jesuit Missionary in S. India Eras, Indian, and the late Dr. J. Fleet Eras, the Gupta, 148 n.; Chedi, etc., 269, f.; Malava, etc. 290-295 Erode, (Erroor) place lost by Chokkanatha.. Etruria, frigate, and Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century... 280, f. Etsin gol, riv., the united Su-chow and Kanchow 196-198 44

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INDEX 313 @ye, evil, and amulets, F.G. 152, f.; human dakans, F.G. 152; and protection from .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 154 Eyre, Ch., E. I. Co's. Agent in Bengal, mar. riod Job Charnock's daughter .. .. 260 frescoes, ancient, remains of, found by Sir A. Stein.. .. 144, 198, 201, 1., 232, 256 cu Dor, festival .. Ful Dol, festival .. . .. .. .. F.G. 188 furniture, Englishmen's, its cost in 1682, from Old Factory Records .. .. .. .. 106 Factory, Austrian, on Choromandel Const, (see Austria's Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century), 279; alleged earlier factories .. 280 Factory Records, Old, Notes from, 48, 79, 106, 192, 220, 248, 276, 304 Falmouth, ship, and the Cyclone in Pondi cherry (1761) ..6, 8, 9, 11-16, 17, 18, 20, 21 famine, in Ramnad .. .. .. 190 Fan-ye, composer of the Heou Han Chou, 261-264 Far East, the, and Graeco-Buddhist archi tecture .. .. .. .. .. 232 farman, phirmands .. . .. .. 286 favouritism in administration, rule to prevent it, from Old Factory Records .. .. 248 female principle, the, (Nature or vegetation), in Sindhi culte .. .. . faetus, the, burial of .. .. .. F.G. 131 Fetishism and Totemism .. F.G. 144-148 Field, J., Chief at Masulipatam .. .. 106 figures of speech, and Alankara literature, 173, f.; 177, 182 fire, "houseling," 236; in marriage ceremony, F.G. 138, 143; a deity, F.G. 149; the Holi, F.G. 155-159 fish, (1) pulla .. ... .. 206,208 Fleet, John Faithfull, 128; and the Indian Antiquary, 129--132; on the Kushanas .. 266 flesh, abstinence from .. .. F.G. 145 Florentine Gazette, The, and Wm. Bolts .. 279, f. foreigners, workmen in India, 56; interfere in Medura .. .. .. . .. .. 217 fort, forts, Marava, occupied by Chokkan&tha, 43; or kots, ruins of, etc., discovered by Sir A. Stein, 114, 117, 141; (castrum) 168, f.; 196, 222; built by V. Raghunatha .. .. 210 Fort St. George, letters, etc., to, and from, 7-12, 22; and Nath, Higginson, and F. Ellis, 259 n., 260 and n. .. .. .. 304 Fort William, achooner .. .. .. .. 11 forty, the number, in Vedic and non-Vedio literature .. .. .. .. 233 & n. Friere, Father Andre, Jesuit Missionary in 8. India, 23 n.; or Frere .. .. ..99, f. French, the, in Pondicherry, (1701), 5, 241: (and Portuguese), 22, f.; and Chanda Sahib, 218; first appear in S. Indian politics .. 247 Gabarkhel, tribe, and Raja Pukhtun Wali Gaddyuddha, a work by Ranna.. .. gadya, subdivisions of .. .. .. Gafarbodo, near Gilgit .. .. ..' gallivats, rowing boats .. . .. .. 284 Gandharahas, Graeco-Buddhist art remains .. 116 Gandharva, and Graeco-Buddhist art .. .. 144 Ganesa Ratha, in Mahabalipur antiquities, 63, 56, 65, f. Ganges, riv., in the Mahabalipur antiquities, 54, f; water .. .. .. ..F.G. 130, f. Ganpati, g., and animals, F.G. 145, 150; and molasses, F.G. 163; and crops .. F.G. 155 garce, measure of capacity .. .. .. Gardabhila, date .. .. .. .. Gardabhilas, or Rasabha kinge.. .. Gardan-i-Raftar, Pass .. .. . Garuda .. .. . Geuda, name, first use of Gaudas, defeated by Isanavarman .. .. 127 Gautama-Ganadhare, and the date of Kalki raja .. .. .. .. .. .. 289. Gautamiputra Satakarni, Andhra k., his conquests .. .. .. .. .. 164 Gantrad Vral, vow ... . .. F.G. 150 genesis, of Castes, ses Castes in India. 81, ff. Geography, of India, and 8. Asia, Ptolemy's, and the late Dr. J. Burgeo .. . .. 2 geraiyds, or Holids, boys celebrating the Hou, F.G. 158 Ghalchas, or Tajiks .. .. .. .. 227 Gharo creek, Indus Mouth .. .. .. 133 Ghetti Mudalis, Gaute Moodelair, and Mysore, 44 ghosts, and the Khijado tree, etc., F.G. 186, 14 and dakans .. .. .. .. F.G. 162 ghugari, Holi grain .. .. .. F.G. 159 Ghund, in Pamir Valley.. .. .. .. 230 Gilgit, ancient seat of a Chinese imperial gar. rigon .. .. .. .. 112, 114, 117 Gingy, Gingee, (Chenji), fort in S. Arcot, and the English, 17; or Gingee, and the R.C. Missionary Martinz, 26; seized by Sivaji ... 77 Ginikanda Kadavaras, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Yogi Gurus .. .. Sup. 120 Giri, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Yakma Giri, Sup. 120

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314 INDEX ins girl marriage, and casto .. .. 86-88, 92 Guptas, and Huns, 153 ; and the Varmans, eto.. goddesses, and ths male buffalo, etc... F.G. 145 275, 295 go , sask 9, F.G. 139; animals sacred to, F.G. 145 | Guru, Banabbatta's, 9.0. .. .. .. 53 Gozo, on Kathiawar Coast, and Austria's Guru, Jupiter, and the horse .. .. F.G. 145 comm reial venture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. .. .. .. 285, f. Glkulam, foster father of Krishna .. .. 67 Golooadah, 23; conquered by Aurangzeb, 121 124 n., 160 Hadelhappi, Marathi hadel hap, corruption of Goado haras, data of, 266, and St. Thom 13, "shoulder arms" .. .. .. .. 2 268; or Ganaphar .. .. .. 269, f. Hakimy, prescribed for internal medicines.. 18 gowe, and Sarasvati .. .. .. F.G. 151 Haider Ali, killed by magic, 59 n.; and the Gopichand, Raja, cult in Sind .. .. .. 203 Spingeri Math .. .. .. .. .. 136 Gorachol, and Sir A. Stein .. .. .. 139 Haig, Col., Consul General at Khorasan .. 231 Govardhana, Govardhan, hill, and Krishna, hair, shaving .. . .. .. F.G. 131 56; and Dindli .. .. .. F.G. 156 hala, plough .. .. .. .. .. 65 Govardhana Krishna .. .. .. .. 67 Haldane, Capt., of the America .. 13-15 Govindappaiya, Dalavdi to Choklanatha 96, f. Han, dynasty, coins and relios, in C. Asia, 167, Graeco-Buddhist art, romains in Darel Valley, f., 171, 193, 195, f., 199, f., 204, 222, f. ; eto: .. .. .. .. 115; 144; 232 annals .. .. .. .. .. 169, 221 Grafton, ship, and thu cyclone in Pondicherry, Handbook on Indian and Eastern Architec. (1761) .. .. .. .. 6, 9, 10, 15-17 turo (Fergusson) and Mahabalipur .. Grahila, writer .. .. .. .. .. 164 hanging. punishment for piracy, from Old Grahastha, Sk, one who raisos a family .. 86 Factory Records .. .. .. .. 275 Grammar, Sanskrit, different oxisting systems. 106 Hanuman, g., and amulets, F.G. 125, f. ; and grant, grants, Telugu, of Balakrishna Msha Tulsidas .. .. .. F.G. 134, 154 dAnapura, 158 n.; by Vijaya Ranga Chok Haraha Stone Inscription .. .. 125-127 kanatha, eto. .. .. . 187 n.; 190 n. Hardinge, Lord, and Sir A. Stein .. 224. 250 Grantha characters, first example in Telugu .. 40 n. Harihar, Sanskrit inscrip. in . . .. 246 gravos, remains of, in Loulan, etc. 163, f. ; 221 1. Harivarman, first Maukhari k. .. .. 126 Great Dragon Lake, (Chinese) Victoria .. 228 Hari-Vam sa, the .. .. .. .. 147 & n. Great Wall of China, remains .. 193, f.; 199 Harsacharita, & work perhaps used by Magha. 191 Griggs, the late Wm., and Indian inscrips. 130, 1. Harshadeva, Harshavardhana, k. .. 125, f. Grunwedel, Prof. ; ani Tarfan, eto... 201, f. harvest, spirit guardians of .. . F.G. 134 guardian, shakes .. .. .. F.G. 140, 143 Hassan Akhun, camel man, with Sir A. Stein, Guchin, Ku-ch'ong-tzu .. .. .. .. 200 138, 221 Gudnaphar, Gondophores .. .. .. 269 Hastings Snoto, ship, and Austria's commercial Gujar settlers, immigrations of .. .. 114 venture in the Eighteenth Century .. 281, f. Gujarat, and Totems .. .. .. F.G. 144 Hat Adiya, (868 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Visnu, Gujarati, see E&O .. 297, ft. Sup. 117; and Vibvakarma .. .. Sup. 119 Gumarekot, castle, Darel, residence of Raja Hagadhata II, k. of Ceylon, date . ..51, f. Pukhtun Wali .. .. .. .. .. 115 Hawke, E. I. Co's. ship .. .. .. .. 284 Gunabhadra, and the date of Kalkirja, 148 n., Hayward, Mr., murdered .. .. .. 116 151 D., 287, f. ; quoted .. .. ..290 Hedin, Sven, and E. Turkestan, eto., 140, 166, 222 Gunananandin, quoted .. .. .. 289, f. Helmand, delta .. .. .. .. 249, f. Gunas, of Kavya, and Bharata .. .. .. 178 Hemachandra, author of the Defindmamala, 33, Gupis, post, on Gilgit riv. .. .. .. 116 1., 36; quoted .. .. .. .. 290, 299 Gupta Era and Mihirakula, Now Light on 287- Hemun, unidentified person, prescribed for 296 Jahanara Begam .. .. .. .. 48 Gupta, coins, 2 ; rule, in Bengal, 127; ora, and Hou Han Chou, the, History of the later Han the late Dr. J. F. Fleet, 128, 130; insorip., dynasty, and Kanishka .. .. 261 coinage, eto., 270, t; or Valabht era, 291 & n., Hermoino, French prize-ship, and the Cyclone 292, t., 295; power, decline of, and the date at Pondicherry (1761) .. .. .. 9 of Kalkt, eto., 248 & n., 249 & 1., Oult, of Howit, Sir Wm., Commander of the Dwo d'Aosiva, in Sehwan .. .. 208' quantaine quaitaine .. .. .. .. 13-16

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INDEX 315 Hain-chiang, effects of his revolution in Kash .. 138 Hsuang-tsiang, route used by, 137, 141; on Baladitya, 152 ; and Ma-lo-pa, 192; and the Temple of the Thousand Buddhas, 194 ; and Victoria lake, C. Asia .. .. .. .. 228 Hugli, tn., and F. Ellis .. .. .. 259 n. human, beings and nage, F.G. 143 ; sacrifices, F.G. 146, f.; dakan. .. .. .. F.G. 152 Humayun Beg. Wazir of Hunza, and Sir A. Stein .. .. .. .. .. .. 118 Hunas, 79, f.; and Kalki, 149; or Huns, 150 ; and Vishnu-Yasodharman, 151; and the Malava era .. .. .. .. .. 295 Huns, or Hunas, 150; and Guptas, etc., 152, f.; and Kansu, 196; migrations of, 200 ; their raids in C. Asia .. .. .. 222, 2+9 Hunza, Valley and Sir A. Stein.. .. .. 137 husbands, of dakan. .. .. .. F.G. 152 Hutton, in Penwortham, Lanos., and Job Charnock ... .. .. 257, 259 Huvishka, k., date 268, 270 ; coing .. .. 271 Hyderabad, and Patala, 133; disputed succes. sion in .. .. .. .. .. .. 247 laydrophobia, and the Vachhado .. F.G. 150 Higginson, Hon. Nath., friend to Job Charnook. 259 Hill, Mr. Goo., friend to Job Charnock, 259 & n., 260 Himalayas, and Yasodharman .. .. 153 & n. Hindu Astronomy, Notes on, by the late Dr. J. Burgess .. Hindu, State and Church, 28; Society, and Castes, 87-93; Kings, and Christianity, 99; Dates (by Dr. S. B. Dikshit) and Dr. J. F. Floot, 130, f. ; gubjects, and Mahomedan rulers, 64, 136; beliefs, and Kalki.. ..148, f. ; 151 Hinduism, and de Britto, 101--103; and Muhammadanism, in Sind, 206; and Vijaya Ranghunatha .. .. .. .. .. 210 Hindukush, and the campaign of Kao Hsien chik .. .. .. .. .. .. 228 Hindus, and de Nobilis, 22, 24; and Muham. madan rule in India, 64, 136; and Pir cults in Sind, etc., 206, f.; and Musalmans, in Madura, 242; and the Tulsi plant, etc., F.G. 138; animals, eto., sacred to them, F.G. 145, 150; and the metges, F.G. 148 n.; and fire worship .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 149 Hiriania ksha, demon, and the Holi festival, .. F.G. 156, f. Hiranyagarbha sacrifice, and Muttu Vijaya Raghunatha .. .. .. .. 209 n. Historical Position of Kalki and His Identif. cation with Yasodharman .. .. 145-153 History of the Naik Kingdom of Madura (contd. from Vol. XLV, p. 204), 22--28, 35-47, 57-63, 74-78, 96-105, 119-124, 158 163, 183-190, 209-219, 237-249, 272-275 History of Aurangzib, book-notice .. .. 64 History of the later Han Dynasty, or the Heou Han Chou, and Kanishka .. .. .. 261 history, European, and the number forty .. 233 Hiuon Tsiang, on Kanohipuran, 52; and the namo Mallai .. .. .. .. .. 71, f. Hobson-Jobson, (from Old Factory Records), Jacoy-Bocey-Joroey Boicy .. .. 79 Holi fire, F.G. 154 ; holiday, origin, F.G. 155-157 Holila, and the Holi festival .. ..F.G. 155, 1. holy trees, 208 .. .. .. .. F.G. 136 Holy of Holies, in Indus cult .. .. .. 205 homogeneity, of the Indian people .. 82-85 horse broker's allowance, from Old Factory Records .. .. .. .. .. .. 48 hogpioe, remains of, in Chickiklik .. .. 137 Houghton, Franois, witness to Job Charnock's Ibrahim Bog, with Sir A. Stein .. 170 ; 204 identification of Kalki with Yasod harman .. 145 -153 Idikut-shahri, ruined tn. in Turlan, identified with Kao-chang .. . .. .. 201 Ilias, (Elijah) and Sind .. .. .. .. 206 Imam Jafar-Sadik, Saint, Zidrat near Niya Oasis .. .. .. . . 141, f. " Imaos, mt., in C. Asia .. .. .. .. 224 imitation, and the Caste system . 91, 1.: 94 immortality, and Takshak N&g.. .. .. 140 import, from India to C. Asia, signs of .. 143 inayithu nama, news of arrival (of the Mughal's slipper) .. .. .. .. .. .. 122 India, work of the late Dr. J. Burgess in, 1-4; 128, 1., 131 and R.C. Misgionaries, 26; 101103 ; and k. Manavarma, 61, 58; and Caste, 81-95; and Kalki, 148, 1., 151 ; great cycle of, 190; and I'tsing, 191 ; and the Hune, eto. 196; and Graeco-Buddhist art, 232; and the "housoling" fire, 236; and Job Charnock, 259, 1.; and the Yue-chi, etc., 261-267; and Greek rule, 268; Bad St. Thomas and k. Kozoulo-Kadphises, 269, f.; and Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Con. tury, 277-286; 8., invaded by the Muhammadans, 34, 42, f. 168, 160, 1 and the 260 Hoyala, style of architecture in temples, 136; formerly Chalukyan .. .. .. .. 248 Hai-hgis rule, in Kharakhoto, 197; ooing .. 198

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316 INDEX Inscriptions, Tables for the Computation of Hindu Dates in, by Prof. Jacobi .. .. 3 intellect, and the parrot .. .. .. F.G. 155 Intercourse between India and the Western World, from Earliest Times to the Fall of Rome, Book-notice .. .. .. .. 164 interest, lawful rate .. .. .. .. 126intermarriago, marriage, and casto .. 82, 1. interpreter as shipping clerk, from Old Factory Records .. .. invasion, of Tanjore, first Maratha, 74 ; of 8. India, by the Mughale, 168 ; of Kongu, by Mysoroans .. .. .. .. .. 161 Iran .. . . .. .. 224, f. Trunkol, family name, and a legend of Man. gammal .. .. .. .. .. .. 185 Isa, Jesus, in Sind River cult .. River Cult" .. .. 208 IAAnavarman, Maukhari k., inscrip. of, 125; date, 126; and the Andhra .. .. .. 127 Ish kashmi, dialect of the Ishkashim tract .. 229, f. Ishkashim, tract, near Oxus rtver .. 229, f.; 255 Islamites and Tanjore .. .. .. .. 38 Tavaravarman, Msukhari k., inscrip. of 125-127 Marathas, 57, 74, 76, 214, 242; and the R. C. Missionary de Britto, 101-103 ; first appearance of English and French in politics of, 247; W., and the Pahlavas, and Zoroas. trians, 34 ; literature of, 133; and Gupta power .. .. .. .. .. 148, 153 Indian Antiquary, The, and the lato Dr. J. Burgess, 1-3, 131, f. ; and the late Dr. J. F. Fleet .. .. .. .. .. 129-132 Indian, vernaculars, corruptions of English in, 28; Eras, and the late Dr. J. F. Fleet, 130 f.; ornamental motifs in tombs in Astana, 203; evidence of the Yue-chi, etc., 266; history, and Jaina literature .. 287 .. .. .. 287 Indo-Kushans in Chinese history history . . .. 261 .261 Indo-Scythians and Kansu, 196; or Yuleh-cbih, 200; or sarly Sassanian, architecture and the Pamira .. .. .. .. .. 229 Indra, g. in Mahabalipur sculpture, 66. .; and the elephant .. .. .. F.G. 146, 150 Indrajit, married a Nag .. .. .. F.G. 143 Indus, Valley, Lower, ruled by Parthian chiefs, 34 ; and the timber trade, 116; water supply, and the crocodile cult, 133; river, or Darya. panth, cult of, 205, 207; and Stone Age man, and the Aryans .. .. .. .. 208 Innes, Commander, and Muhammad Ali .247 n. insanity, and tree marriage . . F.G. 138 Inscription, A Harah & Stone .. .. 125-127 Inscription, Kadamba Prakrit of Malavalli. 154, f. Inscription, Inscriptions, in the Jayantisvara temple, mentions Chokkanatha, others, 40 n.; of Chokkanatha, 44 n. ; of Tirumalai, 45 n. ; of Atiranachanda, 53, 56 ; Chola, in Mahabali. pur, 69; Amaravati Pillar, 71; Canarese, and Sanskrit, on Pallava coins, 73 ; at Dava. lagiri, 76; of AlakAdri 96 n.; of Ranga Krishwa Muttu Virappa, 104 n.; Tibetan, in Darkot, 117; of Ranga Krishna, in Arum. bavur, 121 n.; of Maukhari dyn., 125 ; Nasik cave, etc., 127, Indian, and the lato Dr. J. F. Fleet, 128-132; and the late Professor Kielhorn, 129; newly discovered at Spingeri, etc., 136; Manda sor, 150--152, 182, 192, 294 ; of Mangammal, 156 n., 169 n., 184 n.; of Vanaji Pantitar, at Pattukkottai, 163 n. ; ) of the Andhra q. Balari, 164; Kushan, 269, 271 ; of Vijaya Ranga Chokkantha, 186 n., 187 & n., 189; of Kilavan Setupati, 190 n. from Vasantagadh, 191 ; Chinese, in Kaochang cemetery, 203 ; of Muttu Vijaya, 209. of Kottor, 213 n.; of Bangaru Tirumala, 239 D.; Sanskrit, in Somanathpur, 248; and Kanish. ka, 261; Kuldarra, Taxila, eto., 266 & n.271 ; of Budhagupta .. .. 292 & n.-296 Chronicles, two Jacoy Bocey, Jpicey-Boicy, a new version of Hobson-Jobson .. .. .. .. 79 Jade Gato, Chinese, in Tunhuang Limes .. 196 Jaffnapatam, visited by de Nobilis, 22; and Alvarez .. .. .. .. .. .. 26 Jagannatha, quoted Bharata .. .. .. 176 Jagannathji, 8., and the Nim tree .. F.G. 137 Jaglot, in Tangir, home of Raju Pukhtun Wali .. .. .. .. .. .. 116 Jahanara Begam, and Surgeon G. Broughton. 47 Jahejo, tn., and Shekh Tahir .. .. .. -205 Jain, data, and the Puranic date of Kalki, eto. 146, f. ; and the Guptas, 148, 149 n.; 287; * * .. .. 151 Jaina Sakatayana .. Jains, in W. India, literature of, 133, f.; ascetics, and hair .. .. .. F.G. 132 Jakhara, guardian spirit of crops, etc... F.G. 134 Jal, evil spirit, and Vikram .. .. F.G. 134 Jalandhar, demon, and Krishna .. .G. 186 Jalasayana tn., or Kshatriyasimha Pallaves. varam, shrine, Mahabalipr . 68, f. Jalasayanam, tn., Talasayanam .. .. 69 J&mbayam, figure, in Mahabalipor sculpture, 66, f. Jambuvant, bear.. .. .. .. F.G. 161 Jambuktavaram, matha, and Vijaya Raiga Chokkan&tha .. .. .. 187 n. Jamea V. of Scotland .. .. .. 105 n. ... 107

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jangero, an amulet japa, attitude of prayer.. Jaunpur, Maukhari inscrip. at.. Jayadeva, and Kalki Jayaditya, author of the Kasika Jayantesvara temple, inscrip. mentions Chok 40 n. kanatha.. INDEX F.G. 125 53 125, 127 148 191 Jesuit, Mission, Madura, founded by de Nobilis, 23; 99 n.; records and the death of Tirumal Naik, 28, 36 n. ; and Muttu Virappa, 39, f.; and Chokkanatha, 41 n. ; and other Christians in Madura, 103; letters, and the regency of Mangammal, etc., 156 n., 159, 186, ..190 n.; 218 n.; and Ramnad famine, etc. .. 206 .. 233 .. 206 .. 276 Jesus, Isa.. Jewish tradition, and the number forty Jharcon, see Pir Jinabhadra, date of Jinasena-suri, author of the Hari. Vamsa Purana, 147 and n., 148 and n., 151; and Kalki, 152, f.; and the Saka Era 287, 289 Jingi, and Chokkanatha, 41, f., 98, f.; or Gingi, 122; headquarters of the Marathas... Jodia, fort, and snakes... Joseph and Theresa, late Earl of Lincoln, ship, see Austria's Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century 160 F.G. 139 277, ff. Journey of Exploration, in C. Asia, A Third, by Sir A. Stein, 109, ff., 137, ff., 165, ff., 193, ff., 221, ff., 249, ff. Jouvean Dubreuil, Prof., and the Mahabalipur Antiquities . 50, 54 & n. Jumna water F.G. 130 Jupiter, planet, Garu F.G. 145 .. .. .. Kabbar jhar, holy tree in Sind .. 208 Kabul, Kaofu, and Kadphises, etc., 261 and n. 263, 265, 269 Kachchi, Kanchi.. 70 Kachh Antiquities, and the late Dr. J. Burgess. 2 Kadamba Prakrit Inscription of Malavalli.. 154, f. Kadambari, a work by Bhalana, and the wide sound of E and O ...300, 301 n. Kadphises, group of Kushan emperors.. 266, 269 Kadphises, Kozoulo, k., K'ieou-tsieou-kio.. 261 Kag-rashids, expound the utterances of crows, F.G. 127 296 ..68, f. ..116 269 2 Kaira grant, date Kaitabha, demon Kakakhel, sacred clan in Indus Valley Kalachuri, Traikutaka Chedi era Kaladgi district, and the late Dr. J. Burgess.. Sup. 119 244, f. Kala gedi-natum, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Water-pot Dance Kalahasti, battle.. Kalayar Koil, Marava fort, and Chokkanatha, 43; Shrine, and de Britto .. 101, f. Kalbhairav, g., and amulets, F.G. 125; and the dog, etc. F.G. 150, 155 Kali Age, and Kalki ..145, f.: 151 Kalidasa, his Meghadota, 79, f.; refers to Bharata, 178, 182, f.; and Kamandaka .. 220 Kali Paraj, aboriginal tribes of Gujarat, and animals' names F.G. 144 Kalki, figure of, 136; his historical position, and identification with Yasodharman 145, ff. Kalkiraja, succeeded the Guptas, date, 287; or Kalkin.. . 289, f.; 293 Kallas, tribe, converts under de Nobilis, 28; and the Muhammadans, etc. 39, 120 Kallayi, S. India, a Jesuit Mission Residence. 23, f. kalpita, figure of speech, and Bharata Kamandaka, and Kalidasa Kami mosque, in Tangir 181 .. 220 116 Kamsa, demon, and early Sanskrit drama. 177 & n. Kanakasabhai, Mr., and Mavilangai 72 Kanchi, Kanchipura, Pallava cap., tn., and seaport, 52; or Kachchi ... Kanchon, riv. Kanda, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Visnu, Sup. 117 Kandy, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916), and Vispu. Sup. 118 Kandy, and Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha .. 189 Kangappa Naik, Dalavai, and Achyuta Vijaya Raghava ..58 n., 60 n. .. 276 1 ** Kangra, ancient Kangadaka Kanheri caves, and the late Dr. J. Burgess Kanishka, date of 317 Kara-tegin, val., in C. Asia Karecal, Karikal.. Karezes, springs in E. Turkestan 70 198, f. 261-271 .. 253 Kanjud glacier, and the Oxus riv. Kansu, find of Chinese Buddhist texts, 194; home of the Yue-chi, etc., 196; and Chingiz Khan, etc., 197, f.; Limes Kanthirava Narasa Raj of Mysore 222, 249 .05 n. Kao-unang (Khocho), cap. of Turfan.. 201, 203 Kaotu, Kabul 261, 265 & n Kao-Haen-chih, Chinese general, his campaign in the Pamirs, etc. Karachi, and Mangha Pir Karaikal, (Karikal ?) and the French.. Kara-khoja, oasis near Turfan.. Kara-koram, old Mongol cap. Kara-kul, 1. Kara-kum, colony in C. Asia Kara-shahr 117, 228 208 ..241 201, f. .197, f.; 224 226, f. 223 165 .. 231 17 204 ..

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318 arikal, Karecal, French settlement, 17 & n.; (or Karaikal ?).. Karlik-tag range.. Kartik Swami, and the peacock.. Kashgar, 223-225; or Tourfan Kashmir, and human beasts of burden, 112; and Mihirakula's defeat by Yasodharman, etc., 151-153, 261, 265 and n.; extent of.. 276 Kasi, choultry built by Mangammal 159 n. Kasimbazar, and Dan Sheldon .. 259 n Kasim Khan, Mughal general, under Aur. angzeb Kasturi Ranga, Dalavai under Vijaya Ranga Chokkanathat 187, f Kathiawad Antiquities, and the late Dr. J. Burgess .. Katta Tevan, polygar Katyayana, and Panini.. Kauravas.. 2 212, f. 107 F.G. 136 Kautilya, author of the Arthasastra.95, 108, 220 Kavya, treated by Bharata Kavyadarsa, a work by Dandin 173, 177, f. 182 180 Kavyalankara, a work by Pudrata Kavyamimariad, a work by Rajasekhara, booknotice .. .. .. .. INDEX 241 200 F.G. 145 262 .. .. ** 122 Kavyaprakasa, a work by Mammata Kazaka, Muhammadans, near T'ienshan Kempenfelt, capt. of the Norfolk, and the cyclone in Pondicherry (1761) 14-16; commander of the Royal George 17 & n., 19 Kennedy, Mr., and the Kushans 262, 265 Kermin, or Rich, Pass, in Hunza valley 137 248 Kesava temple, Somanathpur. Khara-khoja 202 Khara-khoto," Black town," and Etzina.. 197 Khara-nor, 1. 193 Kharuk, settlement in the Pamirs Khijado, Shami, sacred tree Kharosht hi-documents on wood, found in C. Asia.. 151, f., 222 230 F.G. 136 201 Khocho, Kao-chang.. Khoh, grant of Parivrajaka Maharaja Hastin 291, f. Khorasan 231 Khotan and Sir A. Stein.. 139,141,153,262 Khushwaqt, chiefs, and Raja Pukhtan Wali.. 115 Khwaja Khizr, or Zinda Pir 205, f. Kielhorn, the late Professor, and Indian in scriptions 135 .. 180 200 129 261 K'ieou taieou-kio, Kadphises 102, 188, 190; death, etc. ... Kila Wamar, cap. of Roshan Killi, Chola k., and the Mahabali kings Killoutis, isl., Bhambhor Kilavan (old Man), Setupati; or, Raghunatha, 45 and n. 47, 96-99; & de Britto, etc., 209-211 254, f. 50 .. 133 133 .. kings, as patrons of arts and science.. Kinnara Raja, and the Marathas, etc... 97 & n. Kipin, Kasmir (?) and Kadphises, 261; route from 265 & n. 225-229, 231 26214, f., 18 181, n. 227 Kirghiz, tribe Kiumi, co., mentioned by Fan-Ye Knight, R., capt. of the Liverpool Kohala, and Bharata.. Kohan Beg, Mingbashi of N. Pamirs Koh-i-Khwaja, Seistan disu., has Buddhist remains.. .. 232 .. 208 F.G. 146 221-223 Kohistan, and Stone Age man.. Kolu, cocoanut Konchi-darya, riv. in C. Asia .. Konjamana, donee in inscrip., Shikapur Taluq, 155 & n. Kongu, etc., invaded by Chikka Deva of Mysore.. .. 122, 161, f. Konkanivarma or Avinita, newly discovered copper-plate of Koran, the, and Chanda Sahib Korkulam (Quilon) and Travancore Korla, oasis 136 219 & n. 162 222, f. Kota-halu, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Sup. 119 women 114 213 n. ..261 kots, forts, ruined, in Darel Kottur, inscrip. of Ananda Rao Peshwa Kouei-Chouang, Kushan Kozoulo, Kadphises, K'ieou-tsieou-kio, Kushan, k... Kozoulo-Kadphises, k. and Kabul Koztoff, Col. and Sir A. Stein.. Kramastotra, a work by Abhinavagupta Krisagva, dramatic author, referred to by Panini .. 177 Krishna, g. and Govardhana, 56; his wives, 62: and Kalki's incarnation, 148; and the demon Jalandar, F.G. 136; trees sacred to, F.G. 137; and bear worship F.G. 151 70 40 n. Krishnamantapam Krishnapuram, vil. grant of Krishna Raja Udayar, of Mysore, and Madura. 189 Krishna Ranga Krita Age, and Kalki 119 150, 153 Krokala, meaning, place of the Crocodile, suggested identity with Waghador Kshatriya, class .. Kshatriyasimha Pallavegvaram, or Jalasayana shrine Kshetrapal, guardian spirit of the fields, etc., F.G. 134; and insanity, etc., F.G. 138; and marriage, F.G. 143; and crops F.G. 153 Ku-ch'eng-tzu, Guchin .. Kucha, and Sir A. Stein Kui-li, Tongli, co. 68-70 200 223 265 & n. 261 269 197, 222 180 133 91

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INDEX 319 . Kula Bekhara Bhatta, priest, and the murder Lanox, ship, and the cyclone at Pondicherry, of Tirumal Naik .. .. .. .. 21 (1761) .. .. .. .. .. 15, 17 Kuldarra inscrip... .. .. .. 266 n. letton, of Tipu Sultan to the Spingeri Math, lottery, of Kumaragupta, k., 126; I., 149, 290--292, 295: 136 : Josuit, and the history of Madura, 156 II., date .. .. .. .. .. 291 n., 166 n. Kumara Muttu, brother of Tirumal Naik, 37, Limos, ancient Chinese, in C. Asia, 166, 169, 214216 171, 193-198, 199, 222, 249, f. Kumaralingam, near Udamalpet, oopper-plate Limes (808 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Viva. grant at .. .. .. .. .. 40 n. karma .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 118 Kumara Rangappa Naik, and Muttu Vtrappe Lingama Naik, general to Muttu Virappa .. 39 etc. . . . . . . . .. . . . 38, 216. liquor, abatenance from.. .. .. F.G. 145 Kumara Raya and Madura, 120 n.; and Trichi. Lisbon, birth place of de Britto, 100, 102; and nopoly .. .. .. .. .. .. 162 Austria's commercial venture in the EightKumara Singh Maharajah, of Kandy, and eenth Century .. .. .. ..277, 279, 1. Vijaya Ranga Chokkan&ths .. .. .. 189 Li-seu-yeh, Chinese seoretary to Sir A. Stein. 138 Kumara Tirumalai Naik .. .. .. 215 Literature, Vedic and Non-Vodio and the Kumarilabhatta, and the Mahimnastava .. 164 number forty, 33; Alarkara .. .. Q.0. 173 Kum-kuduk, well .. . .. 193 Little Pamir, laku, and the source of the Oxus. 254 kundalide, indecent songs at holi festival, F.G. 168 Liverpool, frigate, and the cyclone at Pondi. Kuni, a Vrittikara .. . .. .. .. 191 cherry, (1761) .. .. .. 9-15, 18, 21 Kuruk-darya, riv. .. .. .. .. 222 Lachana, the, by Abhinavagupta .. .. 179 Kurukshetra, battle .. .. .. F.G. 136 Lofthouse, Capt., and Austria's commercial Kuruk.tagh and Sir A. Stein, camels from, 170, venture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. 285 103, 201, 221-223 Lokasena, Jaina author, date .. .. .. 288 Kurumbas, and Pallaves.. . .. 46 n., 73 Lollata, Bhatta Lollata, and Bharata .. .. 180 Kushan, Kouei-chouang, conquest of India, longcloth, mentioned in Old Factory Notes .. 304 261, 270 ; or Yue-chi, 265; coing, dates, eto, Lop, region, ancient Shan-Shan or Loulan, 266 and n. 268 ; ingcrips. .. .. .. 271 also salt sea, 144, 193, 232, desert, 201, 204, Kuffanimata, a work by Damddaragupta, 181 & n. 249, f. Lop-nor, lake, 139, 141, 144, 165, 167, 169, 170, 196, 222 Lord Mansfield, ship, and the cyclone at Lahd Raja, lay name of LAvanya Samaya .. 134 Pondicherry, (1761) .. .. .. .. 10 Lakshmana, k. .. .. .. .. .. 210 Loulan, or Shan-Shan kingdom, 144, and the Lakshmi, and the Tulsi .. .. .. F.G. 136 Han. Annals, and burial finds, 169-171 : Lally, Count de, and the Siege of Pondicherry, delta, 197, 232 ; ruins near, oto., 204, 221; 6,4.; 11, f.; 22 Chinese route .. .. .. .. .. 222 Lal Singh, Surveyor, with Sir A. Stein, 110, lucky, numbers, days, etc. .. F.G. 128 112, f., 137, 143, f., 165, 170, 193, 196, 198, f., 201, 204, 223 ; Rai Bahadur, in recog. nition of services .. . . 251, 253 Lad Wadero, or Uderolal, incarnation of the Macartney, Sir G., Consul General in Kashgar, river god .. .. .. . and Sir A. Stein .. 138, f.: 165, 204, 224 Langar Pass .. .. .. .. .. 227 Machhu, goddess, and amulets, F.G. 125, and Lanquar kisht, on the Great Pamir river .. 229 the goat .. .. .. F.G. 131 Lar, tn., and the Makara symbol .. .. 208 m.idams, in Ramna4 .. .. .. .. 211 Laurence, General Stringer .. .. Madhavagupta, k., date.. .. .. .. 125 Lavanya samaya, Jaina monk (Lahd Raja), Madhu, demon .. .. .. . 68, f. author of the Vimala Prabandha .. .. 134 Madras, 11, 18 and n.; R.C. vicariate, 23 ; and loase in 1682, proceedings for, from Old Fac. DA'Ad Khaa, 160 and n., 161 ; and Nath. tory Records .. .. .. .. .. 192 Higginson, 259 and n.; and Austria's Lecoq, Prof., and Tarfan.. .. .. .. 201 Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth legend, of Mangamma), 158; of the Tulsi, F.G. 138 Century .. .. .. .. 277, 279 & n. Loghom, tn., and Austria's commercial ven Madura, Naik Kingdom, History of, 9.0... 22, ff. ture in the Eighteenth Century . 279-281 Mata, the Macedonian, his agents in C. Asia.. 225 .. 205 21 n.

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320 INDEX . .. .. 287 Magadha, and Mihirakule, 152, f. ; and the Yue chi . . . . . . 286 Magar or Mangho Pir .. . .. .. 206 Magha, and Bharata, 181: Magha and his patrons .. .. .. .. .. 191, f. magic, used in war, 59 and n.; and change of sex, F.G. 125; and amulets .. .. F.G. 126 Mahabali, emp. of the Asuras. and Mahabali. pur .. .. .. .. .. .. 50 Maha-bali, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Visnu, Sup. 117 Mahabalipur, the antiquities of.. 49, ff., 65, ff. Mahabalig, (Mavalis) or Banas .. .. .. 50 Mahabharata, the, 53 ; and Arjuna's Penance, 54, f.; 95 Mahamalla (Mamalla). Narasimha varman, I., Palleva k. .. .. .. .. 51, f; 71 Maharani of Baroda, and ant worship.. F.G. 139 Maharashtra, and S. India .. 242 & n., 243 Maha-sammata (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Bamba, Sup. 117; and Viss'akarma.. Sup. 118 Mah-Siva-Gupta, in inscrip., and Kalki . 148 Mahatmas, and change of sex .. .. F.G. 123 Mahavira, Nirvang of, and the birth of Kalki. raja * * * * Mahendra k., excavated S. Indian caves .. 71 Salesvara, Pramara k., and Mahesvarapura.. 192 Mahimnastava, the, and its author .. .. Mahishasura mardhani, in Mahabalipur antiqui. ties, 67; or Chaplika .. .. .. .. 68 Mahomedan, army, 124 n. ; rulers, and Hindu subjects.. .. .. .. .. .. 136 Mahomodana, Musalmans .. .. F.G. 145 Mahrattas, and Aurangzeb, 124 n.; and Bangaru Tirumala .. .. .. .. .. 272. Mai Sahib and the Pir Jharcon cult in Sind .. .. .. .. .. 207, f. Maitraya Buddha, image in Darel .. .. 115 Makara, symbol, 206; vehicle of Varuna .. 208 Malabar coast, and Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. 278 Malange, 71; Malanga and Mahabalipuram .. 72 MAlava, co., and Huang Tsang, 192; era, Vik. rama Samvat .. .. .. 290, 292, 294, f. Malavelli, Kadamba Prakrit inscrip. of.. 164, f. Male, element, the river, in Sindhi cults .. 205, 208 Mallai, Mahabalipur, 51; and Kadalmallai, two towns of the name .. .. .. 82; 71 Mallar, possibly a people so called .. .. 52 Mallikarjuna, g. of Mallapura .. .. .. 74 Ma-lu-pa, or W. Malava .. .. .. 192 Matsara Raja (see 8.v. in Index to 1916), see Visva kard .. .. .. . Sup. 118 . .. 57 164 Mamado, Mamo, guardian spirit of harvest, etc. . . . . . . . . . . F.G. 134 Mamallapuram, probably Mahamalla .. ..51, f. Mahabalipuram .. .. . .. ... ..69, f. Mammata, quoted by Rudrabhatta, quoted Bharata, 180; has no reference to the Agnipurana .. .. .. .. .. 176 Man, lako, and the goose .. .. F.G. 151 Mana, Pramara k., and the Mansarowar inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. .. 192 Mana Madurai, Marava fort, and Chokkanatha. 43 Manavarma, k. of Ceylon, and Narasimha varman I .. .. .. . .. .. 51, f. Manavi Arthavidya, the, and Manusmriti VII. 9 Mandassor, Columns of Victory, erected by Kalki, date, 153; inscrips. of Yasodharman, 150-163, 182, 294 ; of Kumaragupta I, etc., 290 and n., 291, 293; tn., Dasapura .. 275 Mangal, Mars .. .. .. .. F.G. 145 Mangammil, q. mother of Ranga Krishna Muttu Virappa, 104 n., 124 ; her regency, 156-163, 183; mysterious death, 184, 213 n., 214, 216 Mangho or Magar, Pir, cult in Karachi 206 Mangra Devi, (500 8.0. in Index to 1916) and . .. .. Sup. 117 Manid har, "holder of jewel," applied to enakes .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 143 Minikpala, (nee 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Vis vakarma .. .. .. .. Sup. 118 Manikyal, walled town in Darel .. 114, f. Manimekhalai, the, quoted, and the Mahabalis, 60 Mannaru Naidu, son of Vijaya Raghava of Tanjore .. .. .. .. 58 n., 60 Mangarowar, (near Chitor) inscrip. of Mana .. 192 Mantapa, Dalavai.. .. .. .. .. 219 Manu, and caste, eto. ... .. .. 89, 95 Manuoci, N. and Naik history, 58 n., 161 and n.; and Christianity under Chokkanatha, 99 n.; and Mangammal, 160 and n.; and the English in Madura, etc... .. .. .. .. 161 M88., palm-loaf, discovered in Spingeri, 136; on birch bark, etc., in Charkhlik, 163; Buddhist, in the temple of the Thousand - Buddhas, 194; in Khara khoto, 198; Turfan, etc., 201, 202; in Astana tombs .. .. .. 203 Manusmriti, the, in the light of some recently published texts, some remarks supplement ing it .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 Mao-mei, Ondis in C. Asia .. .. 196, 198, f. Maral-bashi, oasis in E. Turkestan .. 139, 1. MArangana, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Minikpala, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Manikpala, (see Visnu .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 117

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INDEX 321 Maratha, invasion of Tanjore, 57, 74 and n. 77 and n., 78; incursions into Madura, 97, f.; power, in S. India, 158, 160, 214; the, and Mangamma!, 163; and Bhavani Sankara .. 212 Marathas, (Maratos) and the French, 12; their advent into Madura, 37; and Chokkanatha Ndik, 40, 158 ; and Tanjore, 57, 162 ; Hindus, and Aurangzeb, 121, f. ; raided Sringeri, 138; and the Mughal Empire, etc., 181, 214; and Vijayanagar, 239 n.; occupied Trichinopoly, 242 and n.; and Vijaya Kumara, etc., 243-- 245; and Muhammad Ali .. .. .. 247 Marava, crown won by Bhavani Sankara .. 212 Maravas, and Chokkanatha, 97 and n., 158; and Mangammal, 158, 183 ; and de Britto, 101, f. ; attacked Ekoji, 120 ; and Ramnad, 209, 211 Marco Polo and lake Victoria .. .. .. 228 Mariamman's shrine, Madura, and Mangam. mal's palace .. .. .. .. .. 185 Maria Theresa, of Austria, and Austria's Com. mercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century, 281, 283, 285, f. Marinus of Tyre, on the ancient silk trade route in C. Asia .. .. .. .. .. 225 Mariyun, Adagho Badagho ceremony .. F.G. 164 Markas, a Sindhi clase, and Brahmana customs, 136 Marriage, intermarriage and casto, 82-85; of girls, 86-88, 92; customs, Rajput, and treee, F.G. 138; of nage and human beings, and Kshetrapal, F.G. 143; and the sambelu, F.G. 147, f. ; and the broom . .. F.G. 149 Mare, Mangal .. .. .. ..F.G. 146, f. Martin, R. C. Missionary in 8. Indis. 26, 100 Martinz, Jesuit Missionary in 8. India, 23 n. ; succeeded de Nobilis .. .. .. 26 martyrdom, of de Britto Maruti, monkey 8. .. .. .. F.G. 145 Masala, mussoola, surf boats .. .. ..6, 11 Maulipatam and lease proceedinge (in 1682), 192 ; records .. .. .. .. .. 220 Matalan, (sco a.v. in Index to 1916) and Visva karma .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 119 Matas, natural powers and the Karan tree. F.G. 137 Mathas, established by Sankaracharya, 136 at Jambu kesvaram, etc. .. 187 n., 190 n. Mathura Lion pillar inscripe. .. 264 n., 270, f. Ma-ti-seu, has Buddhist cave temples .. 109 Mactapatti, temple, and the Kadamba grant. 155 n. Maukhari dyn,, inscripe, of, 125 ; coins .. 126 Mauryas, Murundas, date .. .. 162 & n. Mavilangai, and Mahabalipuram .. 72 Mazar-tagh hills, in Taklamakan .. .. 139 Mazdai, Misdaios, k., and St. Thomas .. 269 McCrindle's Translation of Ptolemy's Geography of India and Southern Asia, and the late Dr. J. Burgess .. .. .. 2 McMahon, Sir H., of the Seistan Migeon .. 249 f. Mechanism of Castes, see Castes . .. 81, ff. Medway, the ship and the cyclone at Pondi. cherry (1761) .. .. ..6, 9, 11-15, 20, f. Meghaduta or the Cloud Messenger, of Kalidasa, book-notice .. . .. .. 79, f. Mello, Jesuit mise ionary, and Mangummal .. 159 menses, the, among Hindus .. ..F.G. 148 n. Mercury, Budha .. .. .. .. F.G. 146 Merki Pass, in Kashgar .. .. .. .. 137 Mestchersky, Prince, and General, Russian representative at Kashgar .. .. .. 224 Mian Jasvant Singh, with Sir A. Stein .. 110 Mihirakula, and the Gupta Era, New Light on .. .. .. .. .. 287-296 Mihirakula, defeated, etc. .. 161-153 & n. milk and snakee .. .. .. .. F.G. 139 Milton, Mr., E. L. Co's. servant . .. 9 Minakahi, goddess, temple, scene of murder of Tirumal Naik .. .. .. .. 27, 273, f. Minakshi, Naik q... 213 & n.--210; 237, f., 240 Ming, emperor, date .. .. .. .. 262 Ming-shui, cross roads, in C. Asia, 199; well .. 200 Mintaka Pasa, in O. Turkestan .. .. .. 137 Miran, site of earliest cap. of Shan-shan .. 144 Mirpur Khas, in Sind, pottery fragment from and the River cult .. .. 206, 208 Mirtanjiya M88. and the date of Mattu Vir. appa .. .. .. .. 37 n. Mir Wali, chief, murdered Mr. Hayward .. 115 Misdaios, Mazda .. .. .. .. .. 269 misers, become makes .. .. .. F.G. 140 misma .. .. .. .. .. .. 173 Mimion, Jesuit, in Madura, founded by de Nobilis .. .. .. .. .. .. 23 Missionaries, Christian, in S. India .. 99, f., 158, 210, 218 Mlechchha, and Kalki .. .. 146, 149, 153 Moghu), conquest of the Dakhan, 121 ; or Mu. ghul, 122; or Mogul, emperor .. .. 286 Moghuls, Mughals .. .. .. .. 217 moharo, mohors, stones from snake's head, F.G. 141, 143 Mongol, conquest of Khara-Khoto, 197; camp. 199 Mongolians .. .. .. .. .. 81 Mongols and the Kazaks .. .. .. 200 monolithic rook-cut shrines of Mahabalipur .. 49 moon, now, festival of, 208; an omen, F.G. 127; and deer.. .. .. F.G. 145 Moree, E. I. Co's servant .. .. .. 11 mosquitoes, in Darel and Tangir valloys. 114, 116 Mt. Eiros, position of, sketch .. .. 133 . .. .. 103

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322 INDEX Mudela Rudra Nayak, Alakadri Naik, and Sengamala D&s .. .. .. .. .. 98 Muda Miyan and Vijaya Kumara .. 272, f. Mughal, Mughals, and Marathas in the Carna tie, 77 and n. 78.; emperor, and Sambaji, 120 ; or Moghul, conquest of the Dakkan, 121, f.; Mughal's slipper, in :ident of, 122, f. ; suprem. soy in Madura, 158, 159, f. ; and 8. India, 217, 219; and Samarkand, 231; or Mogul, emperor, and the E. L. Co. .. .. .. 286 Muhammad of Ghazni, in India .. .. 34 Muhammad Ali, and magic, 69 n.; and Chanda Sahib, 247 and n.; and Vijaya Kumara, eto. .. .. .. .. 272-274 Muhammad KAsim, and India .. .. .. 34 Muhammad Yakub Khan, with Sir A. Stein, 110, 166, 193, 201, 223 Muhammadan, Architecture in Gujarat, etc., and the late Dr. J. Burgess, 3, f.; rule, in 8. India, 34; over Hindus, 64, 138; attacks on Tanjore, 38, f.; claims, and Rauga Krishpa, 122 ; saints, their tomba, near ancient Buddhist shrines in Gorachol, 141, mosque, endowed by Mangammal, 159; chiefs, and Vellore, 160 n. ; raid, into Travancore, 162 n.; advent, into Madura, 213 n., interference in, 216, 217 and n.; remains, in C. Asia, 222, art, in Samarkand, or Musalman, in Trichinopoly 241, 246 Muhammadanism, and Hinduism in Sind..206, 208 Muhammadans, tolerated, by Tirumal Naik, 28; and Cbokkanatha, 41-43, 96, f; and Marathas .. .. .. .. .. 243 Muharram, the, and the Bebi Syed cult .. 207 Muk-su, gorge, in C. Asis .. .. 228 & n. Melaka, tribe or co., identified with Malika .. 127 Malikar, aos 8Qlikas .. .. .. .. 127 Mul Kadavara, (800 s.v. in Index to 1916) and Visnu .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 117 Multani Revival in sind.. 1.. .. .. 206, 207 Muni.. .. .. .. .. .. 179, f. Munja, Paramara k. .. .. .. 179, f. Murari Roo, Maratha governor of Trichino poly, 242-244 and n.; and Muhammad Ali. 247 Murghab, or Bartang, riv., 228 ; and Oxus source, blooked .. .. .. .. 227, 254 Murtuk, Buddhist ruins near .. .. 202 Marundas, Purudha, corruption of Mauryas. 182 & n. Musalman, domination, and Mutta Virapps, etc., 38, 1., invasion, of Madura, 42, f., inter ference in, 216, 238142; daryal, grant made to, 169; Version, of Hindu culo, 205 and Trichinopoly, 244; as oman . F.G. 128 . Musalman, and the Maravo tro, F.G. 137; and the pig, ato. Museum, C. Indian, and Delhi .. .. .. 253 Muttammal, q. to Range Krishna, and Sati " .. .. 124, 168 Muttu Ala-kAdri, Muttu Virappa, 37, f., 40 & n., 216 Muttu Kuchu, the horse of the Polygar of Ariyalor .. . 105 n. Muttu Litigappa, name in copper-plate grant. .. .. .. .. .. .. 40 n. Muttu Tirumalai Naik and the Marathas .. 244 Muttu Vijaya Raghunatha, 209 n.; or Vijaya Raghunatha, 2.0. .. .. .. .. 209 Muttu Virappa, or Muttu Alakadri, q.v. .. 37 Muzaffar Jang, and Nazir Jang .. .. 247 Muztagh ata, mt., range, 224; or Sel tagh .. 226 Mylapore, and do Nobilis, 22 ; and the Portu guese .. .. .. .. .. .. 226 Mysore, a Roman Catholic vicariato, 23; and Chokkanatha, 44 and n., 97 and n., 98, 158; under Chika Deva Raj, 57, 76; and Madura, 76, 189; attacked by Sambaji, 120 and Aurangzeb, etc., 122 ; &nd Mangamma], 158; and the Kongu Province, 161, and Trichinopoly, 183, and Vijaya Kumara, 273 ; and the Polygars . . . . . . .. .. 274 Mysoro, Archaeological Department, Annual Report for 1916, book-notice .. .. 135 Mysoreang, and Chok kanatha, etc., 40, 97 & n., 76 ; and Muhammad Ali .. .. .. 247 Nadivarman (for Nandivarman ?), last Pallava k., and Atiranachanda . .. .. 88 Nag temples .. .. .. .. F.G. 139 Nagaraja, in the Arjuna bas-relief . .. 64 NajArjun Hill Caves, inscrips. ... .. 125, 127 Nag-magas, beggar sect .. .. F.G. 140 Nag.Nath, a snake .. .. .. F.G. 139 Nag-panchami, snake day .. .F.G. 138 f. Nags, in Patal . .. .. .. F.G. 143 Naha vana (=Nahapana), date .. .. .. 162 Nahavend, battle .. Naik Kingdom of Madura, History of (contd. from Vol. XLV, p. 204), 22-28, 38--47, 57-63, 74-78, 96--105, 119-124, 156-163, 183--190, 209219, 237-247, 978-376 Nallara, a Vrittikara .. .. .. .. 191 NA-mal Kumars, (ne 9.v. in Index to 1918) and Virnu .. .. .. Sup. 117 namos, derived from animals and planta. F.G. 144 Namuchi, a nakahana .. .. .. 66, 67 Nani Famawls, or Furnuwees, and Wm. Bolta .. .. .. .. - 979

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Nanda, dynasty, date Nandavanam, a Roman Catholic residence in 8. India .. INDEX .. 152 23 Nandivarman, last Pallava k., 50; N. Pallavamalla, possibly surnamed Atiranachanda, and the Arjuna Rathas, etc., 53; (see Nadivarman, 68) and Pudukkudaiyan Ekadhiram, 69 and n., 70; victor at Tellaru, 71; I... 71 Nanga Parbat, mt. in C. Asia .. 112 Nan-kou-chen, in C. Asia, has Buddhist remains 199 Nan-shan.. 198, f. 95 Narada, and Manu Narasappaiya, Dalavai under Mangammal, and the Christians, 159 n.; and Mysore, etc., 162, f.; death of.. Narasimhavarman I, Mahamalla, Pallava k., (in the Mahabalipur Antiquities) and Ceylon, etc. 51-53, 55, 1., 70, f. Narasimha varman II, Rajasimha (in the Mahabalipar Antiquities), 55, f.; perhaps sur. named Atiranachanda.. 68 152 Naravahas (Nare vahanam), date Narvappaiya, Dalavai to V. R. Chokkanatha. 188 Narendrachandra, date.. 276 Nasik os ve inscrip. Nasratabad, Seistan cap. natakas 127 232 173 Nature, or vegetation, female element in Sindhi cults 183 ...205 182 Natyaoharya, applied to Bharata Natyasdetra, a work by Bharata, and the Agnipurana, 174, f.; and the ancient rhetoricians, 176; note on, 177; date, 178, f.; and Bhatta Lollata, etc., 181, f.; the oldest work on Alamkaras .. 183 Nava-guna-iantiya, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) .. Sup. 117 Nawab, of the Carnatic, and Madura, 217, 218 & n. Nayaka, Brahman at the Court of Sankaravarman, date ... and Visnu Nazir Jang, and Mazaffar Jang 180 ..247 .. 133 Nearohus.. Negapatam, and the cyclone in Pondicherry, (1761). 7, 15, 18; first Portuguese settlement on Coromandel Coast, 74 and n.; and Muttu Alakadri Nemichandra, Jaina author, date Nenmeni, near Sattar, has inscrips. of Chokkanatha 40 n. Neolithic finds, in C. Asia (by Sir A. Stein), 140, 167, 169, 249 Newcastle, ship, and the cyclone in Pondicherry, (1761) 6, 8, 9, 11-18, 20, f. New Light on the Gupta Era and Mihirakula 287-296 96, 1. 188, f. New moon, festival, in Sind Ngan-si, Parthia.. Nicks, John, E. I. Co.'s servant, letter to Nicobar Islands, and Austria's Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century .. Nim, leaves, and snake bites, F.G. 142; 323 208 .. 261 .. 394 Numismatics, and the date of Kanishka Nut, Russian post in the Pamirs Nyachut, pass nydsas, used by Bana 277, f. tree, F.G. 144 .. 287 Nirgranthas, Jaina sect, and Kalkiraja Nirvana, of Mahavira, and the birth of Kalkiraja nisht hd, of Kalki.. Niya, oasis, 141; riv. 287, 280 150 142 Nizam, the, and Madura, etc. 243 & n.; 244 Nobilis, Robt. de, founder of Jesuit Mission in Madura, retirement and last days.. 22, 61 n. Norfolk, the ship, and the cyclone at Pondicherry (1761) 6, 9-12, 14 & n., 15, 18 n., 19, 21 Northington, E. I. Co.'s ship, and Austria's Commercial Venture in the 18th Century 284 Notes from Old Factory Records, 48, 64, 79, 106, 192, 220, 248, 275, 304 Notes on Sind, I. The position of Mt. Eiros.. 133 Notion of Kingship, the, in the Sukhaniti, book-notice nouns, in the Prakrits Novara, frigate, in Austria's commercial venture in the Eighteenth Century numbers, lucky, etc. 48 34, f. .. 278 F.G. 128 271 ..230 .. 114 191 O & E, the Wide Sound of, with Special Reference to Gujarati.. 297-304 Oddisa, (see a.v. in Index to 1916), and Visnu, Sup. 117 Oemo-Kadphises, Yen-Kao-Tohen, son of Kadphises 261 official, an, present to, in Old Factory Records. 220 offspring, for the childless F.G. 139 48 Old Factory Records, see Notes from.. Omalur, R. C. Missionary settlement in 8. India 24 F.G. 126-128 omens O-po, pass.. ..199 oppression, official, under V. Chokkanatha.. 187 Original Papers Relating to the Cyclone at Pondicherry on New Year's day in 1781. 5 ff. Orissa, and Kalkf.. .. 148 Orme, R., and the cyclone at Pondicherry in 1761 5, 6 n.. 12 & n., 13 & n., 16

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324 Orur, battlefield 7 & n. Oulgaret, one of the four communes of Pondicherry Outlines of the History of Alamkara literature, Part II (contd. from Vol. XL, p. 288), 173, ff. Oxus, valley, early Tibetan invasion of, etc., 117; river, 224-226, 228-231; problem of its source, by Lord Curzon and Sir H. Trotter.. 253-255 .. .. padya, sub-divisions of.. Pahlavas, settle in W. India Pakhtun Wali, Raja, and the Dard Republics, .. INDEX 213 .. 173 34 111-116 271 Paleography, and the date of Kanishka Paleolithic settlement in Chok-tagh, traces of Palaka, date of Palanga, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Ya-Raju, Sup. 120 Palayams, of Ramnad, and V. Raghunatha 209 Palghat, R. C. Missionary district in 8. India. 24 Pallava, Rayas, Tondamans, their rise, 46; rule, in Conjeevaram.. Pallavamalla, Narasimhavarman I Pallavas, of Tondamandalam, and the Pallava Rayas, etc., 46; their origin, 72; or Kurumbas Pallicate, Pulicat.. Pallikondan, shrine, Mahabalipur karma Palm (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and VisvaSup. 119 136, 143 185 palm-leaf MSS., finds in C, Asia Palni, and Mangammal.. paintings, in Temple of the Thousand Buddhas 194. Pamir, Little, lake, and the source of the Oxus. 254 Pamirs, and Sir A. Stein, 224-226, 228, f.; and the source of the Oxus 253, f. Panan Devi (see e. v. in Index to 1916) and Sup. 117 52 6 Visnu Pancha Pandava Ratha, of Mahabalipur pandal, thatched shed .. Pandarams, R. C. Missionaries to the low castes in S. India, 24-26 99 Pandavas, the, and the Khijado tree F.G. 136 Papini, 106; and Katyayana, 107; first referred to dramatic art, 177; and Bharata.. 178, f. Panjab, and the Oxus riv., 255; and the Kushans.. Pan-Young, or Yong and the Heou Han Chou, 262, 263 & n., 264 233-236 Parallels, Some Interesting 140 152 67 53 73 14 68, f. Paramesvaravarman, or Mallaiyarkon, Pallava k. and the antiquities of Mahabalipur, 51; k. of Mallar, 52; (I) 53; called Atyantakama. 56 Parangis, applied to Missionaries 24, 103 Parantaka, first Chola k... Parisara, family name of Kalki Paravans, and Christianity Pariahs, and Christianity, etc... Paris, has archaeological remains from C. Asia, 253; and Wm. Bolts 50 145, 149 24, 26 27, 99, f. Parker, Capt., of the Grafton Paro, curative stone, F.G. 146; or Ratvano Paro, Suleimani Paro.. F.G. 147 F.G. 151 parrot, the, and intellect.. Parsis, and the cow, F.G. 145; and fire.. F.G. 149 Parthia, Ngan-si, and Kadphises 261, f. Parthians, rule Lower Indus Valley, etc... 34; 269 Parvati, g. and the lion.. F. G. 145 Parvati, sister of Ranganatha, and wife of Tirumal Naik Pasupata, Biva's weapon.. 266 .. .. 36 54-56 Pasur, R. C. residence in 8. India 23, f. Patal, Nether World, and the Nage F.G. 143 Patala, and Hyderabad.. .. 133 Pataliputra, a science centre 135 Patanjali, and Papini, 107; and the drama.. 178 n. Pate, Ch., and Job Charnock .. .. 260 pathmar, pattamars, runner 9; 282 Patika, date 266, 267 & n. Pattavali Chronology, Jaina 152 Pattini, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Visva. karma, Sup. 118; and Ya-Raju Sup, 120 Pattukkottai, fort, inscrip. at .. 163 n. P'au Ta-jen, Mandarin, in Urumchi .. 202 pearl fisheries, of Ramnad Pedro, c., in Ceylon .. 210 9 Pein (of Marco Polo) or Pi-mo.. .. 141 Pei-shan Gobi, region, and Sir A. Stein, 194197, 199, f. Pei-ting, or Chin-man, ancient cap. in Mongolia region Pelliot, Prof., and Temple of the Thousand Buddhas .. 194 Pennerton, and Penwortham .. 256 & n., 257 Penwortham Pennerton, Jarish in Leyland, Lancaster, mentioned in J. Charnock's will, 256 & n., 257 & n., 258 Perahara (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Yama. Simha-Bandara Sup. 120 persecution, of Christians, in 8. Jndia, 99; of Proenza, 100; by V. Ranghunatha.. .. 210 Persia, 34; 232; and Austria in the Eighteenth Century.. .. 278 Persian, dynasty, overthrown, language, in India, 34; designs in Astana tombs.. .. 203 .. : : : : .. 278 6, 15 200

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INDEX 325 . 207 philanthropy, of Man gammal.. 157, f. phirmainds, farman .. .. 288 Phoguel, site of ancient Buddhist sanctuary .. 115 Physioramany, ship, and the oyclono at Pondi cherry (1761) .. .. .. .. .. 22 Pigot, Geo., and the eyolone at Pondicherry, (1761) .. .. .. .. .. 8, 10, 11, 22 Pigot, Lord, killed by magic .. .. 59 n. Pilgrims, Chinese Buddhist, and Darel .. 111 Pillar edicte, of Asoka, and the late Dr. J.J. Fleet .. .. .. .. .. 131 Pi-mo, (of Hsuan-tsang) or Pein .. .. 141 Pipal, holy tree .. .. .. F.G. 136-138 piracy, punishments for.. . .. .. 275 Pir Jhareon, cult in Sind, 206 ; or Sultan Husain, Mai Pir .. pishachas, female evil spirits .. .. F.G. 132 plants, names derived from, F.G. 144 ; and animals, F.G. 145; and stones, F.G. 146; and marriage .. .. .. .. F.G. 148 plough, hala, 65; sacred . .. F.G. 148 Po-ch'eng-tzu, and Sir A. Stein .. .. .. 221 Pocock, Admiral, and the cylone at Pondi. cherry (1761) .. .. .. .. 14, 19 poetios, origin, etc., 135; theory of, etc. .. 173 Poetry, 135; in Alamkira literature, 173, f.; 178, 180 poete, classification of .. .. . . .. . . . . 173 Pogalur, former cap. of R&mnad .. .. 45 Polygars, and Chokkanatha, 96, f., 190; under Ranga Krishna, 121; and Vijaya Kumara, 172--174; and Bhavani Bankara, 212, 239 -241; of Trichinopoly, and the Muham. madans .. .. .. .. .. .. 245 Pondicherry, Original papers relating to the Cyclone at (in 1761), 5-22; R. C. Vicari. ate, 23; French settlement .. .. 24, 217 Poona, and Wm, Bolte .. .. .. .. 279 Por-dobo, rest house in Russian Pamirs .. 225 Porto Novo, in S. Arcot. . . . . 6&n. Portuguese, and French, in Pondicherry, 22; and the Pandarams, 24; and slaves, in Madura, 42 and n.; and Sambaji, 120; Missions in Sind' .. .. .. .. .. .. 205 pottery, painted, fragment, at Mirpur Khas, 206, 208; finds in C. Asia .. .. 249, f. Pouta, co., and Kadphises .. . .. 261 Prahlad, and the Holi festival .. ..F.G. 165, f. Prakik rita-ruadhyaya-charchd-pdra, a biruda of the Kadamba kings .. .. .. .. 155 Prakrit, the Dravidian element in it.. 33--36 Prakrit, Kadamba, inscription of Malavalli. 154, f. Prakpit, or Apabhramca, and Gujarati, 297--299, 302 n. prana-poka, death wail .. .. .. F.G. 133 PrathArendurkja, writer, quotes Bharata, 176; and Rudrata . .. prayers, for children, etc. .. .. .. 207 Prayoga, ceremony, and change of sex .. F.G. 125 pregnancy, F.G. 131 ; and fire-worship.. F.G. 145 prehistorie finds in C. Asia .. .. .. 249 present, to an official, from Old Factory Recorda .. .. .. .. .. .. 220 Predeaux, Maj... .. prieste, Hindu, and de Nobilis .. .. .. Prjevalsky, Russian General .. .. 253 Proenza, R. C. Missionary in 8. India .. 25, 99, f. Protetor, ship, and the cyclone at Pondicherry, (1761) .. .. ..6, 8, 9, 11, 16--18, 20, 21 Ptolemy's Geography, translated by the late Dr. Burgess, 2; and Malange (Mallai ) .. 71 puberty, and the pipal tree, F.G. 138, 159; and boys .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 160 Pudukkosta, Markva fort, and ChokkanAtha, 43; State, origin of, 46, f. ; and Raghunatha, 67, 210 ; and RamnaC/ .. .. .. ..212, f. Pulakobin, Palikesin II, Vallabha, at war with Narasitha .. .. .. .. .. 51 Puliont, Palliacate, Dutch settlement.. 12, 14 pulla, fish, vehicle of Uderolal, in Sind. 205, f. 208 punishments, for piracy .. .. .. 276 Purdyas, the, and Kalki, 145-160, 162, 163 and n.; take their present form .. .. 176 Pushpadanta, Gandharva k., reputed author of the Mahimnaslava .. .. .. .. 164 Pushyamitra, date .. .. .. .. 162 pishdchas, female evil Queensborough, ship, and the Cyclono at Pondi. cherry (1761) 6, 8, 9, 11-13, 16 and n.-18, 20, 21 Quilon, Korkulam .. .. .. .. 162 Rachamallo IV, Ganga k. .. .. .. 288 rafaka, galleries on precipices .. .. .. 227 rag, offerings, to trees .. .. .. .. 208. Raghavabhatta, author of the commentary on the Arthadydlanika .. .. .. 179 & nRaghoji Bhonsle, and Baji Rao I, eto... 242 & n. Raghunatha, Kelavin of Ramnat, 45;rine of 57; and Madura .. ..183, 209 n. raids, by Huns, in C. Asia .. .. 222 rain .. .. .. .. F.G. 147 rainbow, and the mohor .. .. .. F.G. 143 rainfall, ceremony .. F.G. 154 Rajaekhara (Rajasekhara f) .. .. 136

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326 INDEX Raja Gopichand, cult in Sind .. .. .. 206 Ravivarma, of Travancore, and Magammal, Raja, Pakhtun Wali, .. .. .. .. 111 162 n., 163 Raja Ram, and Aurangzeb, 128 ; and Zalfikar Raymond, M., of Pondicherry .. .. ..6, 12 Khan .. .. .. .. ... 160 & n. rebellion, of Bhavani Sankars and Topdaman.. 210 Rajakekhara, poot, date of, by the late Dr. rebirth .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 131 Fleet, 131; dramatist .. .. .. 135 records, from C. Asis, found by Sir A. Stein, Rajasimha Narasimhavarman II, k. in the Chinese, 144, 168, f.,193, 196, 198, 203, 222; - Mahabalipur antiquities, possibly Atirana Kharoshthi .. .. .. 166, f. 222 chanda .. .. .. .. 53, 56, 68 Recorde, Old Factory, Notes from, 48, 64, 79, Rajasimha Pallavdivaram, k., shrine at Maha. 106, 192, 220, 248, 276, 304 balipar .. .. .. .. .. 68-71 Regency of Mangamma! .. .. 158-163 Rajasthani, Old Western, or Gujarati, q.. .. 297 relationship. Prakrit nouns of .. .. .. 34 Rajputand, home of Kalkt .. .. 149, f. Religion, in Sind.. .. .. .. 206, ff. Rajputs, and Arabs in Sind, 34; of Mewar, and remains, in C. Asia, finds by Sir A. Stein, of Akbar, 148; a marriage ceremony of.. F.G. 138 burial grounds, etc., 168, f.; of settlement, Raji, site of capital, ancient Darel .. .. 115 222; Buddhist, etc. .. .. 144, 232, 249, 253 Rakusu, (s.v. in Index to 1916) and Vinpu, Sup. 117 remedies, for snake bites .. .. F.G. 141 Ram, 8., and death .. . F.G. 130 & n. Republion, the Dard, and Raja Pakhtun Wali, Rama, 8., and the Maravas .. .. .. 101 111-113 Rama, (8.v. in Index to 1910) and Vippu, Sup. 117 Rerhi, and Eiros, suggested identification of .. 133 Rama; and V. Raghun&tha .. .. .. 210 Residences, R. O., five, in S. India .. 23 & n., 24 Rams, and Prahlad .. .. ..F.G. 155, f. Revenge, the ship, and the cyclone at PondiRamachandra Pant, Maratha statesman .. 161 cherry (1761) .. .. .. .. 8, 11, 18 Rama Lakshmana, & camel belonging to the revenue, Naik .. .. . . . . 37 Polyger of Ariyalur .. .. .. 105 n. Revival, Multani, in Sind .. R&maliiga Vildsa, hall built by V. Raghu- rhetoricians, ancient, and the Agnipurda .. 176 natha .. .. .. .. .. .. 211 rheumatic, and the Paro stone .. .. F.G. 146 Ramanatha, g., and V. Raghunatha .. 209, 211 Rich, or Kermin, Pass .. .. .. .. 137 Ramappaiya, minister under Tirumal Naik .. 37 rishis, and crows .. .. .. Ramesvaram temple, in Ramna!, and Surya . Ritia, four .. .. .. .. .. .. 173 Raja, 45; and V. Raghunatha .. .. 209 Ritta, (100 9.v. in Index to 1916) and YamaRamnad, and Chokkanatha, 43, f., 190 ; under duti .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 120 Kilavan Setupati, 45, f., 190, 209; and Pu. River, or male element, in Sindhi culte, 205--208 dukkotta, 46; and the Topdamans, 57; Rochford, ship, and Austria's Commercial Vencyclone (of 1709), 190 ; death of V. Raghu ture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. .. 284 nAtha, in 210, f. ; War of succession in, etc., rock-cut shrines, MahAbalipr .. .. .. 49 211-213 ; Polygars of, and Chanda Sahib, Rock-cut Temples of Elephanta, by the late Dr. 241 ; and Vijaya Kumara, 248, f., 272, f.; J. Burg068 .. .. .. .. .. 1 and Muhammad Ali .. .. .. .. 274 Roman Limes .. .. .. .. .. 250 Ram Raja, brother of Sambaji .. .. 160 Rose-water, (sees, o. in Index to 1916) and Ram Singh, Naik, curveyor, with Sir A. Stein..144 Villu .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 117 Rana Virabhadra, elephant of the Polygar of Roshan, Pamir Valley .. .. 226, 1., 230, 255 Ariyalur .. .. .. .. 105 n. routes, ancient, in C. Asia, 168-171, 193, 200, Ranga Krishna (Muttu Virappe (1682--1889) 223, 225, 226 and n., 228, 231, 250, 266, 265 & n. son of Chokkanatha, 104 and n., character, Royal George, the.. .. .. .. .. 17n. etc., 119-121; and the Mughal's slipper, 122, Rudrabhatta and Rudrata .. .. .. 180 f.; death of, 124 and n., 158; and Travancore 162 Rudran Kannan, poet .. .. .. Rangappa Naik and Kumara Muttu.. 38 & n. Rudrata and Rudrabhatta, possible identity Ranga Raya, Sri, in inscrip! ..40 n.; 98 n. ; 239 n. of, 180; and the Natyas aatra.. .. .. 183 Ranns, Kannada poet, pupil of Ajitasena .. 289 ruins, in C. Asin, Buddhist shrines, etc., 137, Rasabha, kings, Gardabhilas, date .. .. 162 139, 201, f. 223, f., 232, 260 ; of forts, etc., raas, 173 : treated by Bharata, 177, L.; and 114, 196, 222, 224, 229 Rudrabhatta . .. .. .. .. 180 Rukattans (no s.v. in Index to 1916) and " artawa, disease .. .. .. .. F. G. 1471 Viavakarma .. .. .. .. Sup. 118

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INDEX 327 Rapaka, in tbe Nayakastra, etc. .. .. 178, 181 Russol, Mr, O., and the cyclone at Pondicherry (in 1761) .. .. .. .. .. 22 Russia, (Govt. of) and Sir A. Stein, 224, f; and England. .. .. .. .. .. 252 Rustam Khan, favourite of Alakadri, usurpa tion of .. .. .. .. .. 96, 98, f. Ryan, Francis, partner of Wm. Bolte, 281 & n.. 282, 285 sambhala, sahambhari in Rajputana, birth place of Kalkt.. .. .. .. Sandhis, and Dandin .. .. 180, 182 Sandhyanga .. .. .. .. .. 18 Sangraha, lost grammatical work by Vyali. 178 n. Samudragupta, the Indian Napoleon .. 71, samoat, & year .. .. .. .. 131 sanada, at Spingeri .. .. .. 136 Sanatkumara, g... .. 66 Sanctuary, ancient Buddhist, in Darel . .. 115 Sandwich, ship, and the cyclone at Pondicherry (1761) .. .. .. .. .. 8 10 Sankaracharya, date, and the late Dr. Fleet, 131 ; and Spingeri, 136; matha, at Jambukes. varam and V. R. Chokkan atha .. 187&n Sankaravarman, patron of Nayaka .. .. 150 Sankuka and Bharata .. .. .. .. 180 sannyana, renunciation .. .. .. .. 87 Sanskrit, Grammar, 106, ff.; and Alankara literature, 173-176; drama, etc., 177-179; and O. W. Rajasthani or Guparati, 279, f., 301, f., 304 Sanyasa .. .. .. .. .. .66 Sanyasins, ascetics, R. C. missionaries to the high Castes in 8. India .. .. .. 24, ff.; 99 Sanyasia, ascetics .. .. .. F.G. 132 Sapta-rishis . .. . .. .. 89 Sarada, goddess, and Sringeri .. .. .. 136 Sarasvati, and the peacock, F.G. 145; and the goose .. .. .. .. . F.G. 151 Sarasvatikanthabharana, a work by Bhoja .. 176 Sarez Pamir .. .. 227 & n., 228 Sarnath inscrip. .. .. .. 270, 1., 292, f. sarja, bow .. saro yagam, magic mantra Baruamanya=free of taxes . . . . . 187 Sarvananda, author of the Tikasarvasva .. 164 Sarvatabhadra, type of image .. .. .. 68 Sarvarvarman, Mankhari k., inscrip. and coins of .. .. .. .. .. .. 125, f. Sasivama Periya Udaya Tevan, Polygar of Velikkottai, revolt of .. i 212 1. Sassanian, (early) or Indo-Scythian, architec ture, 229, 232 ; coins .. 203, 266 & n., 267 Satakarpi Gotamiputra, Sri, Andhra R. .. 127 Satano, fostival in Sind .. .. .. 207, .f Satara, imprisonment of Chanda Sahib in, 242 n. 246 Satarsingo, spirit .. .. .. .. F.G. 135 Sathia, figure .. .. .. .. F.G. 153 Sati, uxorial custom, 87, 1., 92 ; of Muttammal, 124, 156 ; of V. R. Chokkan&tha's wives .. 213 Satrape, Northern, eto., 226-268; coins of. 270, f. Satrunjaya, Temples, and the late Dr, Burgess. 1, 2 Sa'adat Ali Khan, death of . .. 217n. . .. .. .. .. 173 Sacastana, land of Sacas, or Soythians .. 232 sacrifices, human, eto. .. .. .. F.G. 146, f. Sadran, Sadras, (Seven Pagodae) Dutoh sot. . tlement, Chingloput Dist. .. .. 10 & n. Safdar Ali, and Trichinopoly, sto., 217--219 and n.; and the Marathas, 242 n., 248 and n., 244 and n., 246 Sagosi, Muhammadan gen. of Jingi .. .. 41, f. Sahala, Sahalatavi, vil in Kadamba, has an ins. of Mahavalli .. .. .. .. 155 Sahityadarpana, a work by VisvanAtha, mon. tions early dramas .. .. .. .. 178 St. George, Fort, and the cyclone at Pondi cherry (1761), 7-12, 22, 259 n., 260 ; and Austria's Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. .. .. 282 St. Lubin, French Ambassador at Poona .. 279 St. Mary Woollohuroh, London parish, birth. place of Richard Charnock .. 266, 268 & n. Saiva, faith, and Tirumal Naik, 28; altar, at .. .. 206 saivism and Sind .. .. .. .. 206, 208 Snka, Era, 267; reference by Jinasena, 287; dates, 292--295 Sakambhari, Sambhala .. .. .. .. 149 Saharaja, date .. .. .. .. .. 289 Sakatyana .. .. .. ..107, f., 290 Salem, R. e. missionary settlement, 24; and Chekkanatha, 44 ; and Chikka Deve . 162 Salisbury, ship, and the cyclone at Pondi. cherry (1761) .. .. .. .. 9, 15, 17 salt-petre, an import to Pondicherry .. .. 10 Samagial, vil, in Darel.. .. .. .. 115 Samanattam, village .. .. .. .. 187 Samarkand .. .. .. .. .. 231 Sambaji, and the Mughal empire .. 120, f. 160 Sambandar, Tavaram hymner, contemporary of Narasimhavarman I. .. .. .. 55 Sambelu, sacred article ..... F.G. 147, f. th

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328 INDEX Saturn, Shani F.G. 146 Satyamangalam, R. C. residence in S. India, 23 and n.-26; taken by Mysore Saunab, Kirghiz hamlet 76 227 241 FG. 137 241, f. Sayaji, k. of Tanjore, and the French.. Scripts, various, finds in C. Asia, by Sir A. Stein 198, 201 144, 199 coins, Sassanian, q.v.. secrecy, and mystic lore sculptures, stucco, from C. Asia Scythians, and India, 81; or Sacas, 232; 203, 266 & n.; 267 F.G. 155 206, 208 f.; and Sir ..249, f., 260 226 Sehwan, in Sind, Saiva altar in Seistan, and Sir A. Stein, 231, H. McMahon Savai, Shahji, or Siddoji, Tanjore imposter Savitri, and the Banyan tree Sel-tagh, Maztagh, mts, in Pamirs Sengamala Das, son of V. Raghava, 74; and Chokkanatha.. 98, f. 187 Sengulam, tax-free village sense, figures of.. Sera, Mughal prov. in the Carnatic Serava, ancient cap. of Bijapur 174, 179 162 161 Seres, China, and silk t ade .. 225 Seringapatam, and magic in war ..59 n. erpent, and tree worship .F.G. 136, ff. settlements, ancient, remains of, in C. Asia 140, 166, f., 198, 222. Setupati, the, 58, 120; Raghunatha, revolt of, 183, and n.; affairs under V. R. Chokkanatha, "Kilavan" 188, 190, 209; still Chief of Ramnad .. 213 10 D. .. Seven Pagodas, tn., Sadras Seven Seas (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Vispu :. Sup. 118 5 Seven Years' War and Pondicherry sexes, numerical equality, and Caste, 85, f.; change of F.G. 125 Shahakhel Baba, Mohammadan Saint, and Darel 115 Shah Alim Mehtarjao, of Dard, with Sir A. Stein 112, f. Shah Jhando, the Saviour Ferryman, in Sindhi 205, 208 / Cult Shahji, and Tanjore 57, 99, 160, 162, f. Shahristan, ruins in Persian Seistan .. 250. Shahzada Mian, with Sir A. Stein ..116 233, 236 230 12 F.G. 146 Shakespeare, and the number forty'.. Shakh-darra, Pamir Valley shalandi, (Arab.) chelingues, row-boats Shaligram, stone, and Vishnu Shamag Padakamanu, form of devotion.. F.G. 155 F.G. 136 Shami, Khijado tree Shams Din, Naik, with Sir A. Stein. 137, 144, 170, 202 F.G. 14 Shani, Saturn Shan-shan or Loulan, the present Lop region.. 144 Shardai Pass, near Darel 115 90 Shastras, the, and Caste system Shatchandi, or prayoga of Rudra, sex-changing F.G. 125 ceremony shaving ..F.G. 131, f. Shekh Tabir, Uderolal, Hindu cult in Sind.. 205 Sheldon, Dan., friend of Job Charnock, 259 Sheobat Pass Shili Salem, row.. Shindi, gorge and n., 260 116 F.G. 154 221, f. F.G. 145 Shitala, goddess, and the ass Shiva, and trees, F.G. 136, f.; and snakes, F.G. 139, f.; and Ganpati, etc., F.G. 145; and Dhunda.. F.G. 155 Shore temple, Mahabalipur 68, f. Shraddha, ceremony F.G. 130-133 shrines, in Mahabalipur, 49; ruins in C. Asia, 144; or sanctuary, 232; in Madura 186 Shukra, Venus, and the Sun F.G. 145 Shulga, M., Russian representative in Samarkand Salposh Kafirs, and the Oxus Valley Siddhraj Jaysing, k, of Gujarat Siddoji, Savai Shahji, q.v. siege, of Pondicherry, 9, 10; of Trichinopoly, 39; of Madras sieves, sacred Sikandar Shah, Sultan of Bijapur Sikkalai, tax-free village Siksha, the, and the Agnipurana Silalin, dramatic author ... .. 231 .. 229 F.G. 134 241 161 F.G. 147 74 .. 187 .. 175 silence, in mystic lore .. 172 F.G. 155 silk, Mas. finds, by Sir A. Stein, in C. Asia, 143; traders, in Pamirs 225, 226 n., 231 .. 288 71 & n. .. Simhanandin, sage. Simhavishnu, founded the Pallava dyn. Sind, and the Arabs, 34; Notes on, 133; Religion in 205, ff. F.G. 145 sins, and cow's urine gita, (see s.v. in Index to 1916) and Wooden Peacock Sup. 119 F.G. 148 231 Sita, and the plough Sitargh Pass Siva, and the Mahabalipur antiquities, 54-56 and n., 66, 70; as Somaskanda. 68 & n., 69, f. Sivaganga, a division of Ramnad, 213; refuge of Bangaru, 239-241; and of Vijaya Kumara 245, f. Sivaji and the Carnatic, 76; and Ekoji 99 Sivakasi, and Kumara Mutho .. 37, 1., 215 Siva khadavarman, k., in the Kadamba Prakrit inscrip. of Malavalli 154, f.

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INDEX 329 .. 185 . . 133 Skanda, Subrahmanya .. 68 n. Sthalaba yanam, Talakayanam, and Jalunya Skandagupta, 149; date .. .. . 291 nam * * * .. 69 skin diseases, cures .. . .. F.G. 146 Stone Age, remains, in C. Asia. 140. 167, 249 : slaves, in adura 42 n. Man, and the crocodile, 208; Tower, site of. 223 Slipper, the Mughal's .. .. .. .. 129 Stone Inscription, a Haraha .. . 125, ff. Small-pox, goddess of .. ..F.G. 145, 150, 151 stones, the moharo, F.C. 141, 143: worshipped. Smith, R., Briga lier-General, on the cyclono .. F.G. 146, if at Pondicherry (1761) .. 212 n. storms, cyclones, in India , ff. .. .. 190 & n. Snake, (serpont) and tree worship, F.G. 136: stucco, sculptures, from temple ruins in C. by Hindus, E.G. 137, f. ; temples, list of Asia .. .. .. .. .. 144, 201 F.G. 139, ff...bitos, F.G. 141. 143: guar. Stupa, ruins, in C. Asia. 117. 187. 197. 1. 265; dians'.. . . . . . . F.G. 143 containing pottery fragment, in Sind .. 206 Kovasa, Satrap, dan .. ..266, 267 & 1., 270 Stupas, Buddhist, of Amaravati And Jaygay. Sogdian script, find. .. .. .. 167, f. yapeta in Krishna District, by the late Dr. Sogdiana .. .. .. . . . . . 231 Burgess .. .. .. Slavandin, has choultrios, etc., built by Subrahmanya, Skandha .. .. .. 68 Margammal .. .. Su-chou, oasis, and river .. .. 196, 198, f. Somanathapur, Kosava templo .. . 248 Sudarkana, (ne 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Somaskanda, Siva Visnu .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 117 Somerset, Capt. of the Weymouth Sudra class . . . . . 91 Songades and Songal, suggested identifica Suhmas, defeat of .. .. .. .. 220 tion .. .. .. .. suicide, of q. Minakshi, 240 : and dakans. F.C. 152 Sosale, matha, 187 n.; and V. R. Chok ka Sujana Bai, q. of Tanjore .. .. .. 241 natha, and Kilavan Setupati .. 190 n. Sukhaniti, the, the notion of kingship in .. 46 soul, the .. .. .. .. F.G. 131, 133 Sukkur, in Sind, and the cult of Kliwaja Sound, the wide, of E and 0, with special Khizr .. .. .. .. .. 205, f. reference to Gujarati .. .. .. 997, ff. Sukra, guru, of the rakshanas .. .. .. 66 South Indian Architecture and Iconography, by Salikar, defeated by Isravarman, and the Moli. Prof. Jouvean-Dubreuil kas .. .. .. .. .. .. 127 South Sea Castle, ship, and the cyclone at Su-lo Ho, riv. .. .. .. 193, 195, 198 Pondicherry (1761) .. .. Sultan Hussain, or Pir Jhareon .. .. 207 speech, figure of, and Alapi kara literature, Sultans of the Deccan, and S. India .. .. 160 173, f., 177--179, 181, f. Sumitra, Nag, wife of Dasharath . F.G. 143 spirits, evil, protection from, etc., F.G. 125, f. ; Sun, cult, in Sind, 205 ; and the horse.. F.G. 145 ceremonies for, F.G. 130-132; bhuts, F.G. Sundaramurti .. .. .. .. .. 70 133; list of, as guardians, etc., F.G., 134; Sung, (dynasty) and Turfan .. .. .. 201 and the childless, F.G. 135; and trece, F.G., sunrise, parallels about .. .. .. 234 & n. 136, f.; and snake bites, F.G. 142; and Supremacy, Mughal, in Madura . 166,ff. silence .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 155 Surakano, an amulet .. . .. F.G. 125 Srimela, birthplace of Magha .. .. .. 192 Surat, and Austria's Commercial Venture in Sringaratilaka, a work by Rudrabhatta .. 180 the Eighteenth Century .. .. 283-286 Srinagar, and Sir A. Stein .. .. .. 151 Surgeon, Gabriel Boughton . .. 47, 4. 8pin geri, matha and Sankaracharya, discoveries Suropuro, guardian spirit of harvest .. F.G. 134 at, and Tipu Sulian .. .. .. .. 136 surveys, of the Oxus .. .. .. .. 255 Srirangam, and Christianity, 27; and Ekoji, 98; Surya, Raja of Ramn&d .. .. .. 46 & n. 156 and n.; and V. R. Chokkankthe. 186 & n. Surya, hun .. .. .. .. ..66, 234 & n. Srirangapatnam and Kongu .. .. .. 162 Suryavarman, Maukhari prince, in inscrip. 125-127 Sri Ranga Raya, in inscrip. .40 n., 96 n., 239 n. satanati, Chuttanutee, Calcutta . .. 259 srivilliputtur, and the Tonlaman landa .. 46 Sutherland, the ship, at Pondicherry Stables, J., E. I. Co.'s servant .. .. .. 248 (1761) .. .. .. 8, 8, 9, 11-18, 20, f. State and Church, Hindu .. .. .. 28 Swat, and Darel .. .. .. .. .. 114 Stevenn, C., Admiral, and the cyclono at Sykes, Sir P., and Sir A. Stein.. .. 224, f. Pondicherry (1791)..6-7 & n., 9-12, 14-16, 21 | 8yrin, and Rome, 250 ; Tatain . .. 262 Stephen, R. C. misionary in Madura .. .. 100 Syrian Christianity of Travancore .. .. 103 .. 50

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330 INDEX Tabir, Shekh, q.v. .. .. .. .. 205 taboo, in Sind, tree .. .. .. .. 208 Tables for the Computation of Hindu Daten in Inscriptions, by the late Dr. Burgess .. 3 Tachibana, Mr., Japanose explorer .. . 166 Tadia Tevan, high caste convert and de Britto .. 102, f. Taghdumbash valley .. .. .. .. 137 Tahanci, (sce s.v. in Index to 1916), and Wod. dinge .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 119 Tahia, Bactria, and the Yue-chi .. 255, 261 Tailapa II, Chalukya k., Patron of Ranna .. 289 Tajils, Ghalohas .. .. .. 127, f., 231 Takht-i-Bahai inscription .. .. .. 268 Taklamakan, desert .. 139, f. Talasayanam, Kadalmallai, 52; (Sthalasayanam) Jatasayanam .. .. 69, f. Talib-ilms, religious students .. .. .. 116 Ta-li-lo, Darel valley .. .. .. .. 111 Tanda Tevan, and Bhavini saukara .. 211, f. T'ang, dyn., and the Darkot pass, 117; and S. Tarkestan, etc., 200, f., 203. 223; annals. 228 Tangir valley and Sir A, Stein, 112, f. ; mog. quitoes in .. .. .. .. .. 114, 116 Tangut, rulo, eto, in Khara-Khoto .. 197, f. Tanjore, R. C. residence, 23, 26, 27; and Madu. ra, 37-39, 98, 99, 183, 248 ; and Chokkanatha, 42--44 ; and RAmned, 45 and n., 190, f., : 212, f.; and Pudukkotta, 46; history, 58-62, 98, and the Tondamin, etc., 57; first Maratha invasion of, 75, 77; and Christianity, 99; and R. K. M. Virappa, 105; and the Mughals, 121, f., 124 n., 160, f, 217, f., 246; and Mangammal, 157-160, 163, 183; and Kilavan Setupati, etc., 209, f.; and Bangaru .. .. .. .. 241, f., 246 Taotai, of the Temple of the Thousand Bud. dhan (Wang Tao-shi? 191) and Sir A. Stein, 263 Tara Bai, q. of Maharashtra .. .. 161 Tarim, basin. .. .. 169, 201, f., 222, 232 Tartar, sloop, and the cyclone at Pondicherry (1761) .. .. .. .. .. .. 9, 11 Tash-Kurghan, in Sarikol .. .. .. 137 latea mas, Prakrit words, in O. W. Rajas. thani .. .. .. .. 297 & n., 303 n. Ta-tsin, Syria .. .. .. .. .. 262 Tatta, oult in Sind .. .. .. 205, 208 Tattuvancheri, in 8. India, and de Britto ..23 n. Taxila inscrip. .. .. .. 266 n., 287 n. Ta-Yue-che, or Yue-chi .. .. .. .. 261 Tegara, tn., Tiyaga Drug ... .. .. 17 Tollicherry, and Austris's Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. .. 284 Tombi, Timbi, African riv., and Wm. Bolts .. 286 Temples of Satrunjaya, by the late Dr. J. Burgess .. .. .. .. .. 1 Temples, grants to, by Chokkanatha, 14 n., 87 n. ; see Mahabalipur, 49-57, 65-73; in Spingeri, 136 ; of snake gods, F. G. 139; cave temples, in Ma-ti-seu, 199; of the Thousand Buddhas .. .. .. 168, 194, 202, 203 Tha'igachchi, madan, in Ramnaa .. .. 211 The Manusmriti, some remarks supplementing it, in the light of some recently discovered texte .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 Theodosius, coin of .. .. .." .. 71 Third Journey of Exploration in Central Asia, 1913--1916, by Sir A. Stein, 109--118, 137-144, 165--172, 193--204, 221--232, 249-258 Thousand Buddhas, Temple of, 168, 194, 202, 253 Thomas, St., and Gondophares .. .. 268, f. Thread, the sacred .. .. F.G. 131 Thunia, a bhut . .. F.G. 134 Tibet .. .. .. .. .. .. 109 Tibetan, and Chinese, rivalry, in E. Turkestan, 117;times, in Gorachol, records of, 141, influ enco, in Kansu .. .. .. .. 197, f. Tideman, Capt., and the cyolono in Pondi cherry (1761) .. .. .. .. .. 8 T'ien-tchou, India .. T'ien-shan, mts. .. .. .. 200, 204 , 233, n. Tiger, the ship, and the Cyclone at Pondi cherry, 9, 11, 15:or Tyger .. .. .. 17 timber trade on the Indus . .. .. 116 Tinker, J. B., Capt., of the Medway, and the cyclone at Pondicherry (1761) .. 13-15, 20 Tinnevelly and Ranga Krishna, 119 and n., 121 ; and Mangammal, 185; and Chanda Sahib, 240, 246, t.; and Muhammad Ali ..274, f. Tippoo, and the use of magio in war, 59 n.; Tipu Sultan, and the Sringeri Math .. 136 Tiruchchengode, Salem Dist., bas a Chokkana. tha inscrip. .. .. .. .. ..40 4. Tirukalukkunsam, place referred to by Teva. ram hymners .. .. .. .. 56, 70 Tirumaiyam, fort .. .. .. .. 212 Tirumalai, Setupati, Marava Chief, inscrip. of, etc., 43 and n.; death of .. 45 & n., 47 Tirumala Nayaka, descendant of the Madura Rajas .. .. .. .. .. 276 n. Tirumal Naik, death, etc., 25 f.; theories regarding cause, etc., 27, f., 36, 1., 40, 42 n.; and Mysore, 44, 185; story of, 58 n.; ana architecture, etc. .. .. 156-159, 274 Tirumangai Alvar, and Talakayanam Millai, 52, 67, 69, f.

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Tirumangalam, and the Tondaman lands Tirumokur, N. of Madura, Siva temple at. Tirupattur, fort, and Chokkanatha Tiruppadaimarudur, grant, other inscrips, by Mangamma! 46 183 n. 43 Tiruvallam, N. Arcot dist., Bana cap. Tiruvengada Nathaiya, viceroy of Tinnevelly, .. INDEX 156 n. 50 119 & n. 17. .. 166 Tiyaga Drug, Tegara, fort in S. Arcot.. Tokhta Akhun, with Sir A. Stein toleration, of Christianity, by Tirumal Naik, 28; by Hindu kings, 99; religious, of Tipu Sultan, 130; of Mangammal.. tombs, tomb chambers, of C. Asia, holy, in Sind Tondaman, the, and V. Ranghunatha.. 210-212 71, 73 Tondamen Ilandirayan, subject of a poem Tondamans, or Pallava Rayas, 46, f., 159 see 103 203, 222; 207, f. 57; Tamalian rulers of Kanchi .. Tong-li, Kiu-li, co., and the Kushans.. Topitturai, in Ramnad.. 73 265 209 Toramapa, date 151, 153 Torch, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Visnu. Sup. 117 Totemism; and Fetishism F.G. 144-148 Tourfan, Kashgar 262 Tovil, (see e.v. in Index to 1916) and Visnu. Sup. 117 .. 202 Toyuk, ruins trade, see Austria's Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century .. .. 277 ... 168 269 F.G. 144 trade, routes, old, 255; see also routes traditions, of Krishna, F.G. 137; of Vishnu. F.G. 140 Traikitaka, Kalachuri or Chedi era Travancore, and Christianity, 103; and Ranga Krishna, 121; and Mangammal, 158; and Achyuta Raya, 162; and the Mughals, etc., 218, 246 treasure, and snake guards F.G. 140, f. treaty, between Bayaji and the French .. 241, f. tree, trees, holy, 208; haunted, F.G. 134; and serpent worship, F.G. 136, ff.; names derived from.. Trichinopoly, R. C. Mission at, 25, f.; and Vallam, exchanged, 36 and n.; fortified, 38; and cannon, 163 n.; temple, inscription, 40 n.; and Chokkanatha, 41, f., 58; cap. of Madura, 44; and Tanjore, 59, 60, 163; and Ekoji, 76-78; and Rustam Khan, 96, 99; and Sengamala Das, 98; and the Mughal's Slipper, 122-124 and n.; and the Mughals, 39, 213 n., 217 and n.-219; and Aurangzeb, 161; and Mysore, 162, 183; and Mangamma], 185; and Kondi, 189; and Chanda Sahib, 137-141, 147, 272 and n.; and the Marathas, 244; and Anwaru'ddin 246 331 Trieste, and Austria's Commercial Venture in 279-281 the Eighteenth Century. Triestine Society, and Austria's Commercial Venture in the Eighteenth Century.. Trilokastra, a work by Nemchandra.. Trincomalee, Trincomalay, and the cyclone (of 1761), 5, 9, 15, 17; Trinonomal 18 Trivandrum, raided 162 n. Trivikrama, g. in Mahabalipur 50, 65-67 Trotter, Sir Henry, and the source of the Oxus, 253, 255 Troy," the Eastern" . 160 .. 198 218 n. Tsai, Chinese Gen., and Sir A. Stein Tukoji, son of Venkoji .. Tulkuch-kol, small colony near Niya Oasis.. 142 Tulsi, plant, and Lakshmi F.G. 136. Tulsidas, and Hanuman F.G. 134 Tumanovich, Capt., (Russian), and Sir A. Stein. 236 Tan-huang, and Sir A. Stein, 166, 168-171, 222; Limes, 193, f., 196 Turfan, and Sir A. Stein, 200-204; or Kaohang, Chinese garrison, 203, 201, f. or Tourfan.. 262 Turkestan, finds, etc., by Sir A. Stein, 109, 111, 115, 137, 200, 203, 249, 251 Turki influence, in Vanaj valley 231 Umayama Rani, of Travancore Umdatu'l Umra, used magic in war 277, f. ..288 Udayar-palayam, Aura-paliam, and Mangam. mal Udaya Tevar, 239; and Bangaru Tirumal Udbhata, date, etc. 161 .. 243 .. 182 Uderolal, Shekh Tahir, Lal Wadero, the River God, and the pulla 205, 208 Ujjayini, and assemblies of poets, 135; and Hiuen Tsiang.. 192 Ujjvaladatta, quoted the Mahimnastava ..164 Uigur, script, 198: rule, in Turfan, 201; in Toyuk Ulugh-art pass Uma, goddess 202 225 .68 n. 162 n. ..59 n. Unity, of culture, and castes ..82, 94 Upama, figure of speech, 178, 179 and n., 181, 183 urine, of cows, sacred F.G. .45 239 n. 165, 202 96 Uriyas, and Sri Raga Raya Urumchi and Sir A. Stein usurpation, of Rustum Khan Uttamapalayam, Christian settlement, in Madura, and Jesuit intolerance, 103; inscrip. of Bangaru Tirumala ... 239 n. Uttarapurana, a work by Gunabhadra.. 288 & n.

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332 INDEX .. 238 Uttattur, Madura frontier, and the Mughal's Vegetai on, or Nature, m.ale element in slipper .. .. .. .. 122 Sindhi Cults .. . .. 206, f., 208 uxorial customs, and custe .. .. .. 87 Vehka, Yadektakari .. .. .. .. 70 Uyyakkonan, inscrip. at . .. 184 n. Vel'ala, ard Pallave, identity of, 46 n.; account. ant caste .. .. .. .. .. 209 Vellore, fort, and Zulfikar Khan . 160 n. Vachhado, 8., and hydrophobia ... F.G. 130 Vewica whara, a work following Eharata's rules. 180 Vad, Banyan tree, and Shiva .. .. F.G. 136 Venkaji, and Sivaji .. .. .. 77, 78 Valuga, caste, and Christianity, 27; and Tra. Venkanna, Rayasam of Tanjore, and Alagiri vancore, 122, and Tanjore .. .. .. 163 Naidu, 63, 74; and fergamala Das .. 75 & 1. Vuduha Natha, brother of V. Raghunatha, Veikata Krishta, zen., under Chokkanatha, 58--80 convert to Christianity .. .. .. 210 Veikata Krishosiya, Delavai, and Sorja Raja Vagbhata, and Amira .. .. .. .. 175 of Ramn Ad .. .. .. .. .. 15 Vagheshvari Mata, and the tiger ... F.G. 150 Venkataragha vach Arya, possibly Dulavai aisya elas .. .. .. .. .. 91 under V. R. Chokkanatha, 188; and Bar garu, Vaital, evil spirit, and k. Vikram .. F.G. 136 217; and Ramnad .. .. .. .. 218 Valabhi, or Gupta, ere.. .. 291 n., 295 Venture, sco Austria's .. .. .. .. 277 Valalu, (see 8. v. in Index to 1916), and Fisva Verug palo, young Kishta playing the flute .. 67 karma, 8 p. 114: and Yngi Gurus. Sup. 120 Venue, Shukra . Valama Valami, expression, in Holi proces. erAwal inscrip., Col. Tod's . .. 295, f. .. .. Vernaculais, Indian, corruptions of English in. 28 .. .. .. F.G. 158 Vallabha, dyn. .. .. .. .. .. 51 Victoria or Zor-kol, Great Dragon, 1. in the Vallam, and Trichinopoly, exchanged, 36 and Pamirs .. .. Vidi (see 6.v. in Index to 1916) and Visvan., 38; and Chokkanatha .. .. .43 Valli Amma (508 8. v. in Index to 1916) and karma .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 119 Vidiappa, minister to Tirumal Naik .. . 37 Visnui .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 117 Valmiki, and Bharata .. .. .. .. 181 Vienna, and Austria's Commercial Venturo is Vamana, and Magha, 181 and n.; date, etc... 182 the Eighteenth Century .. .. .. 278 Vamana, Brahmanical boy . . 66, 67 Vijaya, date .. .. .. .. .. 152 Vanaji Panditar, Brf, Vanoji Pandit, minister Vijaya ( see 8.v. in Index to 1916) and Visnu to Shahji .. .. .. .. 163 & n Sup. 117 Van Eecke, Belgian missionary in Kanchou .. 199 Vijayaditya, sildhara chief, date .. .. 136 Vanamian, Bijapur gen. . Vijaya Kumara and Chanda Sahib, 240, f. . 42, 43 * Vardhana, title .. .. .. 150 272-274 ; and Anwaru'd-din .. .. 246 Valhavatars, cave, in Mahabalipur .. 50, 69 Vijaya Kumara Muttu Tirumal and the MarsVardha Vishiu .. .. thas .. .. .. .. .. 213-245 .. Varmalta, variant of a king's name .. Vijaya Kumara, Naidu, and q. Minakshi.. 211-216 Varmans, and the Guptas .. .. ..295 Vijayanagar .. ... 229 n., 239 11., 241 Varuna, 8., 86; ayd the Makara symbol .. 208 Vijaya Raghava, Achyuta, and Chokkanatha, Vas, (see .v. in Index to 1916) and' Visva! 58-60; or Vijia Ragunanda, 61; and Chris. karma .. .. .. .. tianity, 61 n.; fall of .. .. .. 7+ f., 99 .. Sup. 119 Vasantagadh, Inscrip. from . .. 191 Vijaya Raghunaths, (Mutta V. R., Sehupati, Varishtha, Holi, and the demonese Dhundha." Katta Tevar) of Ramnad, accension, etc., F.G. 165, 1. 209 & n.-211 Audova, k.coins of, 266, 271, date. 266, 270 Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha (1689-1731) hisVasuki Nag, sind Shiva, etc. .. ..F.G. 139, 1.! tory of, 166 and n., 184 ; personal rule, etc.. Vasumitra, date .. .. .. .. 152 & n. 186, f.; death of, 189, 1., 213--215, 217 n., Vat&pi, Vallabha cep. .. .. .. .. 51 219 ; and Tanda Tevan .. .. .. 211 Vat Savitri Vrat, vow .. .. .. F.G. 138 Vijfiapti-Trivenf, a Jaina Epistle, book-notice 276 Vays, &. .. .. .. .. .. 66 Vikram, k., and evil spirits .. .. F. G. 134 Voda, the fifth, name applied to the Natyasas. Vikrama, ara, 148 n., 151, 294 and 0.-290, tra of Bharata .. .. .. .. .. 179 301 n.-304; or Samvat, and Kanishka, Vedio and non-Vodir literature, and the oto., 268, 271; or MAlava era, 290--292, 296 number forty .. .. . .. .. 233 Vikramaditya .. .. .. .. 192, 293 .: 65 .. 191

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INDEX 333 . .. 205 Vikramorvasiya, a work by Kalidasa .. .. 182 Waho, crocodile .. .. .. .. .. 206 villages, in Kadamba grants.. .. 155 & n. Waghodar,"crocodile's place" and Krokala.. 133 Vine (see s.v. in Index to 1916), and Vis- Wakhan, important in ancient times, and Sir vakarma .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 119 A. Stein, 229; and Sir H. Trotter .. .. 255 Vinhukadila-chuukulananda Satakarni, perhaps Wall, the Great, of China, 193--196, 222; prince Sivakhada Naga-siri .. .. .. 155 and the Roman Limes.. .. .. .250 Virappa, Muttu Virappa .. .. 37&n WAman Jianti Har Vasso, the river god, in Virspratapa, Sri, or Sri Ranga Raya Mahadeva, Sindhi cult .. . ** * name in a grant .. .. .. ..40n. Wandiwash, battle .. Viravenkatadeva .. .. . .. 213 n. Wang Tao-shi, priest of Temple of the Thousand Virgin Mary, and Sindhi cults .. .. .. 205 Buddhas .. .. .. .. .. 194 Vishnu, g., and Mahabalipur, 50, 65, 68, 69; and war, and magic, 59 n.; Wars, waged by Man Kalki, 150; and the Vad tree, F.G. 136; and gamma!, 158, 161, f.; of succession, in the eagle, etc. .. .. .. F.G. 146, f. Ramnad .. .. .. .. .. 211 Vi shnu Vardhana, Yasodharman, names iden. Ware, Col. F. Webb, and the Seistan-Nushki tified with Kalki .. .. .. 150, 153 route .. .. .. .. .. .. 250 Vishu-Yakas, name identified with Kalki, 145 Watch-stations, remains of, in C. Asia, 193-- and n., 149, f. 195, 222, f., 249 Vish vaksna .. .. .. 69 Water-pot Dance, Sup. 119; and Kala-gediVippu (see 8.v. in Index to 1916), and Kanda, natum, (soe 8.v. in Index to 1916). Mahabali, Maha-sammata, Mangra Dovi, Weddings, Sup. 119; and Tabanci (see 8.v. in Manikpala, Mul Kadavara, Mal Kumara, Index to 1916). Oddissa, Panan Devi, Rose-water, Sudariana, Wei-lio, the, and Kanishka, etc., 261, 264, 265 Torch, Valli Amma, Vijaya Abhuta Devi, & n., 266 & n. Bangie, Cobra, Cocoanut, Curtain, Hat Adiya, Wema Kadphises, and India, 262; coins, etc., Navaguna-Antiya, Rakusu, Rama, Tovil, 266, 267 Vijaya, Seven Seas (see s.v. in Index to 1916). Weymouth, the ship, and the cyclone at PondiVisvakarma (Viskam), architect of the gods, cherry (1761) .. .. .. 7, 9, 10, 15, 17 Sup. 118; and Areca-sickle, Arrow, Ata Wheeler, historian, and Naik history, 36, 37, Magula, Buddha, Drums, Limes, Maha-sam 39 n., 40 D mata, Mal-sara Raja, Manikpala, Matalan, whipping, punishment for piracy . .. 275 Palm, Pattini, Rukottana, Valula, Vas, Vine, white, mourning .. .. Vidi, Hat Aliya (see 8.v. in Index to 1916). .. .. F.G. 133 White, J., in Job Charnock's will . .. 260 Viskam, and Visvakarma .. .. Sup. 118 White Dragon Mounds, desert in C. Asia 171, f. Vii vanatha, first author of note, to refer to the Agnipurana, etc. .. .. .. 176, 178 widowhood, compulsory, and custo. 85, 87, 88, 02 Visvanatha I, 104, 156 ; Naik. 120, 241, 246 widows, customs of, 185 .. ..F.G. 131, f. Viyanboyi, spirit .. .. .. .. Sup. 119 William, Fort, and Austria's Commercial VenVopadeva, his commentary on the Mahimnas ture in the Eighteenth Century .. 277 n., 281 tava .. .. .. .. .. .. 164 Wilson, historian, and Madura .. .. .. 98 vow, vows, and bronchitis, children, eto, F.G. witchcraft .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 152 137; the Nagpanchami, etc., F.G. 139, 1.; wives, death of .. .. . . F.G. 138 women's, F.G. 150, 154; Holiday, etc. women, and war, 58; a warriors, 61; and casto, F.G. 156, 158 85-87: festival, in Sind, 207; vows of, E.G. Vrinda, wifo of Jalandhar, F.G. 138 ; and the 138, 1.; and datlan possession .. .. F.G. 152 .. .. of, and .. .. .. F.G. 138 Women, Sup. 119; purifloniou urithis .. .. .. .. .. 182, 191 Kota-halu (100 8.. in Index to 1910). .. Vrittyanga, and Dandin .. .. 228 .. Wood, Capt., and Pamir region.. .. .. 182 Vyadi, author of the lost grammatical work wood carving, from C. Asia .. 115, 117, 166 Samgraha .. .. .. .. 178 n. Wooden Peacock, (Dandu-monara), Sup. 119; Vyaghramukha, Srlohape k., presumably of and Sita (800 s.v. in Index to 1916). Bhicmal .. .. .. .. .. 191 word, and sense, figures of .. .. .. 174 Vytas .. .. .. .. .. .. 176 worship, of serpents and trees, F.G. 135, 137, Vasardya matha of Sosale, and V. R. Ohok ff.; and totems, F.G. 144; of animals. F.G. 150, f. kandba, 1878.; and Kilavan Setupati .199 n. 1 Wu-ti, Han omp., and C. Asia.. 106, 222

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384 Xavier, St. Francis, and India Yadoktakari or Vehka, shrine in Kanchi Yaga-saman, a Brahman, Sup. 119; and DiviKaduru (see s.v. in Index to 1916). INDEX ... 101 70 Yagello, Col., Russian, in the Pamirs.. 225, f., 230 Yaggal Vadi, a spirit Sup. 119 Sup. 120 Sup. 120 Yakas Yak-pidavila ritual Yaksa-giri, (Yak Giri), exorcist ritual, Sup. 120; and Giri (see s.v. in Index to 1916). Yaksa Rakusu, d., Sup. 120; Rakusu (se 8,v. in Index to 1916). Yale, Elihu, E. I. Co.'s servant.. 248, 275, 304 Yama, Hindu regent of Hell, Sup. 120; and Hin, Curtain (see 8.v. in Index to 1918). Yama-duti (1) female d., Sup. 120 and Cobra, (see 8.v. in Index to 1916); (2) female d., Sup. 120; and Ritta, (see s.v. in Index to 1916). yamaka, figure of speech.. 173, 178, 179, 181, 183 Yama Riri, g. Sup. 120 Yama-simha Bandara, d., Sup. 120; and Perahara (see s.v. in Index to 1916). Ya Raju (1) k. of Kannuran-pura, Sup. 120; and Pattini (see 8.v. in Index to 1916; (2) and Palanga, see 8. v. in Index to 1916). Yardang-bulak, salt spring near Kuruk-tagh yardange 221 171 1 Yar-khoto, site of early cap. of Turfan .. 204 Yasin valley, and the Chinese, etc. 116, f. Yasodara, goddess, Sup. 120; and Cobra (see s.v. in Index to 1916). Yasoverman, patron of Bhavabhuti Yen-kao-tchen, Oemo-Kadphises Yeshil-kol, 1. in the Pamirs Yasodharman, and Kalki, q.v., 145-183; and Mihirakula 152, 153 & n. 181 .. 261 227, 1. Ying-p'an, garrison oasis, near Lop-nor. 195, 222 Yogasayanamurti, group of figures 69 Yogi Gurus, Sup. 120; and Ginikanda Kacavaras, and Valalu (see 8.v. in Index to 1916). Yogins, and Martinz, R. C. Missionary .. 26 Yogis, and change of sex F.G. 125 York, the ship and the cyclone at Pondicherry, (1761) .. .. 7, 9, 10, 12, 15 Yotkan, site of ancient cap. of Khotan .. 141 Yuan Chwang, Hinan Tsang, and Mihirakula.. 152 Yudapoti, a mother of Devol Deviyo.. Sup. 120 Yueh-chih, (the Great), early inhabitants of Kansu, 196; or Indo-Scythians, migration routes, 200; Ta Yue-chi or Kushans, 161, f., 264, 265 and n.; empire Yu-Houan, composer of the Wei-lio..261, 264, f. Yunani physicians 266 48 amr-i-Alish-parast, ruined fort in Great Pamir. 229 Zinda Pir, Khwaja Khizr, in Sindhi cult .. 205 Zodiac, (Dolos Ras), Sup 120; and Indragurulu, Planets, Set-santiya (see 8.v. in Index to 1916). Zor-kol, or Victoria I. ... .. 228 Zulfikar Khan, Mughal general, in S. India, 124 & n., 160 &

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT NATURE POWERS CHAPTER I DESIDES the higher-grade deities, whose D worship is enjoined and treated of in the Slastras and Puranas, numerous other minor deities, none of whom however find a place in the Scriptures, are worshipped Hy the lower classes. The principle underlying the whole fabric of the worship of these minor deities, who for the most part are the spirits of dead ancestors or herocs, has more in it of fear for their power of harming than of Inve for their divine nature. All untoward occurrences in domestic affairs, all bodily ailments and unusual natural phenomena, inexplicable to the simple mind of the villager are attributed to the malignant action of these nameless and numerous spirits, hovering over and haunting the habitations of men, The latent dread of receiving injuries from these evil spirits results in the worship by the low. class people of a number of deras and matas, as they are called. The poor villager, sur ounded on all sides by hosts of hovering spirits, ready to take offence, or even to possess him, on the smallest pretext, requires some tangible protector to save him from such malign influences. He sets up and enshrines the spirit that he believes to have been beneficent to him, and so deserving of worship, and makes vows in its honour, often becoming himself the officiating priest. Each such deity has its own particular thanak (sthana) or locality. Thus there is hardly a village which has not a particular deity of its own. But in addition to this deity, others in far off villages are generally held in high esteem. There are a number of ways in which these lower-class deities can be installed. Their images are made either of wood, stone, or metal.' No temples or shrincs are erected in their honour. An ordinary way of representing them is by drawing a trident, (triskul, a weapon peculiar to god Shiva) in red lead and oil on an upright slab of stone on a public road, on any dead wall, on the confines of a village, or a mountain side, or a hill top, in an underground cellar, or on the bank of a stream. Some people paint tridents in their own houses. The trishul, or trident, may also be made of wood, in which case its three points are plastered with redlead and oil and covered with a thin coating of tin. Sometimes carved wooden images in human shape, daubed over with red-lead and oil, are placed in a small wooden chariot or in a recess about a foot square. In soine shrines two brooms or whisks of peacock's feathers are placed on either side of the image. A slight difficulty overcome or a. disease remedied by a row in honour of any of these deities offers the occasion for an installation, and in all future emergencies of the same kind similar vows are observed. A mata installed to protect a fortress or a street is called a Gadheri Mata, and the worshippers of a fortress, or street, mother are known as Pothias. At the time of installation flags are hoisted near the dedicated places, A troop of dancers with jingling anklets recite holy verses, while the bhura, exorcistpriest, performs the ceremonies. Generally installations are frequent during the 1 Khan Bahadur Fazlullah and Mr. K, D, Desai. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gobelwad. ? Mr. K. P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhank. * Mr. N. D. Vora. Schoolmaster, Rajpan, - 3r, M. D. Vyas, Shastri, Bhagavadur.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Navaratra* holidays when, if no human- The days for special worship are the shaped image is set up, a trishul at least is Navaratra holidays, the second day of the drawn in red-lead and oil. Some of these bright half of Ashadh, the ninth month of the evil deities require, at the time of their in- Hindu Calendar, 5 Divasa or the fifteenth day stallation, the balidan (sacrifice or oblation) of the dark half of Ashadh, and Kali-chauof a goat or a he-buffalo. Also, when a spirit dasor the fourteenth day of the dark half of is to be exorcised, the symbol of the familiar Ashvin, the last month ; besides other extraspirit of the exorcist is set up and invoked ordinary occasions when a spirit has to be by him. After the installation, no syste- cxorcised out of a sick persen. matic form of worship is followed in con- The Navaratra days are said to be the most nection with them. Regular forms are auspicious days for devi-worship. People prescribed for the real gods of the Puranas. believing in the power of the matas observe But upon these the low-caste people are not fast on these days. Most of them at least authorised to attend. fast on the eighth day of the Navaratra Still, in practice there are two forms of known as Mata-ashtami, taking only a light worship : ordinary or samanya-puja and meal which consists of roots, as a rule, special or vishesha-puja, Ordinary wonship especially the suran (Amorphophallus campa is performed by bathing the deity-which cannulatus), and of dates and milk. On the be done by sprinkling a few drops of Navaratra days red-lead and oil are applied water over it-burning a ghi, or an oil, to the images of the devis, and a number of Jamp before it, and by offering a cocoanut oblations, such as loaves, cooked rice, lapsit, and a pice or half-anna piece. The vadant and baklag are offered. The utmost last is taken away by the bhuva, or priest, ceremonial cleanliness is observed in the prewho returns generally half or three-quar- paration of these viands. The corn is sifted, ters of the cocoanut as a prasad of the god. cleaned, ground or pounded, cooked, treated There are no particular days prescribed with frankincense, offered to the gods and for such worship, but Sundays and Tuesdays lastly partaken of before sunset, and all these would seem to be the most favoured, operations must be performed on the same On such days, offerings are made for the day: for the offerings must not see lampt'ulfilment of a vow recorded in order to light. 10 Girls are not allowed to partake avoid a badha, or impending evil. In the of these offerings. All ceremonies should observance of this vow the devotee abstains be conducted with much earnestness and from certain things, such as ghi, butter, reverence; otherwise the offerings will fail to milk, rice, juvar, betelnut till the period of prove acceptable to the matas or devis.10 the vow expires. When a vow is thus dis- On Mata-ashtami and Kali-chaudas devocharged, the devotee offers flowers, garlands, tees sometimes offer rams, goats or buffaloes incense, food or drink according to the terms as victims to the devis or devas in addition of his vow. The dhupa, i.e., burning incense to the usual offerings of lapsi, vadan and of gugal (balsamodendron) is one of the bakla,10 The night of Kali-chaudas is commonest methods of worship. believed to be so favourable for the efficacious The first nine days of Ashvin, the last month of the Gujarat Hindu Calendar, known otherwise as Matani dahada-mata's days. The influence of the matas is very strong in these days. 1 Mr. K, D. Desai. * Mr. M. D. Vayas, Shastri, Bhayavadur. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad, Mr. K, D. Desai. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara, . Mr. B. K, Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. 7 Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. Mr. K. D. Desai. + Lapsi is corrse wheat flour fried in ghi and sweetened with molasses or sugar. Vadan-bean flour-generally of gram or peas-is allowed to remain in water with spices until the paste acquires a sufficeint degree of consistence, when it is rolled into small biscuit-sized balls and fried in oil, Baklu are small round flat cakes of dry boiled beans. * Mr N, D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. 10 Mr.N. M. Dave, Schoolmas.er. Sanki

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT recitation (sadhana) of certain mantras, mysterious incantations possessing sway over spirits, that bhuvas (exorcists) leave the village and sit up performing certain rites in cemeteries, on burning-ghats, and in other equally suitable places where spirits are supposed to congregate." On Divasa, the last day of Ashadh, the ninth month, low-caste people bathe their gods with water and milk, besmear them with red-lead and oil, and make offerings of cocoanuts, lapsi, bakla of adad (Phansolens radiatus) or kansar. Particular offerings are believed to be favoured by particular deities : for instance, khichdo (rice and pulse boiled together) and oil, or tavo (flat unleavened loaves) are favoured by the goddess Meldi, boiled rice by Shikotar and lapsi by the goddess Gatrad.2 On these holidays, as well as on the second day of the bright half of Ashadh the devotees hoist flags in honour of the spirits, and play on certain musical instruments producing discordant sounds. Mean. while bhuvas, believed to be interpreters of the wills of evil spirits, undergo self-torture, with the firm conviction that the spirits have entered their persons. Sometimes they lash themselves with iron chains or cotton braided scourges. At times a uhu va places a pan-full of sweet oil over a fire till it boils. He then fries cakes in it, and takes them out with his unprotected hands, sprinkling the boiling oil over his hair. He further dips thick cotton wicks into the oil, lights them and puts them into his mouth and throws red-hot bullets into his mouth, seemingly without any injury." This process secures the confidence of the sevakas or followers, and is very often used by bhuvas when exorcising spirits from persons whose confidence the bhuvas wish to gain. A bowl-full of water is then passed round the head of the ailing person (or animal) to be charmed, and the contents are swallowed by the exorcist to show that he has swallowed in the water all the ills the flesh of the patient is heir to. In the cure of certain diseases by exorcis. ing the process known as utar is sometimes gone through. An utar is sacrificial offering of the nature of a scapegoat, and consists of a black earthen vessel, open and broad at the top, and containing lapsi, vadan, bakla, a yard of atlas (dark-red silk fabric), one rupee and four annas in cash, pieces of charcoal, red-lead, sorro (or surmo-lead ore used as eye-powder), an iron-nail and three cocoanuts. Very often a trident is drawn in red-lead and oil on the outer sides of the black carthen vessel. The bhuva carries the utar in his hands with a drawn sword in a procession, to the noise of the jingling of the anklets of his companions, the beating of drums and the rattling of cym. bals. After placing the utar in the cemetery the procession returns with tumultuous shouts of joy and much jingling of anklets. Sometimes bhuvas are summoned for two or three nights preceding the day of the utar ceremony, and a ceremony known as Danklan-beswan or the installation of the danklai is performed. (A danklat is a special spirit instrument in the shape of a small kettle-drum producing, when beaten by a stick, a most discordant, and, by long association, a melancholy, gruesome and ghastly sound-K, B. Fazlullah). Many sects have special deities of their own, attended upon by a bhuva of the same order. The bhuva holds a high position in the society of his caste-fellows. He believes himself to be possessed by the devi or mata whose attendant he is, and declares, Mr. N. M. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sanka. * Kansar is course wheat flour cooked in three times as much water and sweetened with molasses or sugar and taken with ghi.-B. L, Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. * The Deputy Educatioaal Inspector, Gohelwad. Mr. G, K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sultanpore. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. * Mr. N..D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. " Mr. Girjashankar Karunashankar, Schoolmaster, Songadh. A dankla is otherwise known by the * Mr. Jagannath Hirji, Schoolmaster, Cbok. name of dag-dudioon

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY while possessed by her, the will of the mata, establishments worship this goddess and replying for her to such questions as niay be observe vows in her honour, put to him. The devis are supposed to (6) Todalia-She has neither an idol nor appear in specially favoured bhuvas and to a temple set up in her honour, but is repreendow them with prophetic powers. sented by a heap of stones lying on the The following is a list of some of the inferior village boundary-Padal or Jampa. All marlocal deities of Gujarat and Kathiawar :- riage processions, before entering the village (1) Suro-puro.-This is generally the spirit (Sanka) or passing by the heap, pay homage of some brave ancestor who died a heroic to this deity and offer a cocoanut, failure to death, and is worshipped by his descendants do which is believed to arouse her wrath, as a family-god at his birthplace as well She does not command daily adoration, but as at the scene of his death, where a pillar on occasions the attendant, who is a Chum(palio) is erected to his memory. valia Koli, and who appropriates all the (2) Vachhro, otherwise known by the presents to this deity, burns frankincense of name of Dada (sire).-This is said to have gugal (balsamodendron) and lights a lamp been a Rajput, killed in rescuing the cow- before her. 10 herds of some Charans, who invoked his aid, (7) Buttaya also is represented by a heap from a party of free-booters. Ho is con- of stones on a hillock in the vicinity of sidered to be the family-god of the Ahirs of Sanka. Her worshipper is a Talabdia Koli. Solanki descent, and is the sole village-deity A long season of drought leads to her in Okha and Baradi Districts. Other propitiation by feasting Brahmans, for places dedicated to this god are Padana, which purpose four pounds of corn are Aniala, Taluka Mengani, Khajurdi, Khta- taken in her name from each threshing floor sari and Anida.' He is represented by a in the village.10 stone horse, and Charans perform priestly (8) Surdhan.-This seems to have been duties in front of him. Submission to, and some brave Kshatriya warrior who died on a vows in honour of, this god, are believed to battlefield. A temple is erected to his mecure rabid-dog-bites. nory, containing an image of Shiva. The (3) Sarmalio commands worship in Gondal, attending priest is an Atit.10 Khokhari and many other places. Newly- (9) Ghogho.--This is a cobra-god wor. married couples of many castes loosen the shipped in the village of Bikhijada having knots tied in their marriage-scarves as a & Bajana (tumbler) for his attending mark of respect for himn.* Persons bitten priest 10 by a snake wear round their neck piece (10) Pir.-This is a Musalman saint, in of thread dedicated to this god, whose honour no tomb is erected, the special (4) Shitala is a goddess known for the site alone being worshipped by a devotee, 10 cure of small-pox.--Persons attacked by this (11) Raneki is represented by a heap of disease observe rows in her honour. Kalavad stones, and is attended upon by chamars and Syadla are places dedicated to her. I (tanners). Her favourite resort is near the (5) Ganagor -Virgins who are anxious, Dhedvada (1.e., a quarter inhabited by to secure suitable husbands and comfortable sweepers). A childless Girasia is said to Mr. Jethabhai Mangaldas, Schoolmaster, Gondal. Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrasa. 3 M. D, K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhank.. * Mr. H. R. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Khirasara. Mr. L. G. Travadi, Schoolmaster, Upleta: Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhank. Mr. H. R. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Kbirasara. * Mr.L. G, Travadi, Schoolmaster, Upleta, * Mr. D, K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhank * Two pieces of cloth, a shoulder cloth and a scarf are cast over the bridegroom and the bride, and they are tied together by a knot. It is the unloosening of this tie which is bere referred to.-Mr. K. D. Desai. 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Schcolmaster, Sanka,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT have observed a vow in her honour for a son, and a son being born to him, he dedi- cated certain lands to her ; but they are no longer in the possession of the attendants, (12) Hanuman.-On a mound of earth there is an old worn-out image of this god. People sometimes light a lamp there, offer cocoanuts and plaster the image with red. lead and oil. A sadhu of the Maragi sect, a Koli by birth, acts as pujari, (13) Shakta (or shakti).This is a Girasia goddess attended upon by a Chumvalia Koli. On the Navaratra days, as well as on the following day, Girasias worship this goddess, and if necessary observe vows in her name. (14) Harsidh.-Gandhavi in Barda and Ujjain are the places dedicated to this goddess. There is a tradition connected with her that her image stood in a place of worship facing the sea on Mount Koyalo in Gandhavi. She was believed to sink or swallow all the vessels that sailed by. A Bania named Jagadusa, knowing this, pro pitiated her by the performance of religious austerities. On being asked what boon he wanted from her, he requested her to descend from her mountain-seat. She agreed on the Bania promising to offer a living victim for every footstep she took in descending. Thus he sacrificed one victim after another until the number of victims he had brought was exhausted. He then first offered his four or five children, then his wife and lastly himself. In reward for his selfdevotion the goddess faced towards Miani and no mishaps are believed to take place in the village, (15) Hinglaj.-This goddess has a place of worship a hundred and fifty miles from Karachi in Sind, to which her devotees and believers make pilgrimage.? In the village of Jasdan, in Kathiawar, there is an ancient shrine of Kalu-Pir in whose memory there are two sepulchres covered with costly fabrics, and a large flag floats over the building. Both Hindus and Musalmans believe* in this saint, and offer cocoanuts, sweatmeats and money to his soul. A part of the offering being passed through the smoke of frankincense, burning in a brazier near the saint's grave in the shrine, the rest is returned to the offerer. Every morning and evening a big kettledrum is beaten in the Pir's honour, Other minor deities are Shikotar, believed by sailors to be able to protect them from the dangers of the deep;* Charmathvati, the goddess of the Rabaris ;5 Macho, the god of the shepherds ;5 Meldi, in whom Vaghries (bird-catchers) believe;& Pithad, the favourite god of Dheds ;? Dhavdi, who is worshipped by a hajam (barber); Khodiar;deg Gela, Dadamo, Kshetrapal," Chavad, 10 Mongal, 10 Avad, 10 Palan, 1. Vir Mr. N. M. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sanka. Mr. D, K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank, The tendency to fraternise as much in belief as in nationality is a notable feature of Indian life. The saying goes - Hindu Musalman ek Ram biji Rehman. The Hindu and Musalman are not far apart: one is the follower of Ram, the other of Rehman (the most compassionate-a Kuranic name of Allah). Again says another proverb: The Hindu and Musalman are as closely connected as the breast and the skirt of a garment (Hindu ne Musalman moli di man jo vehevar). The Hindu pays homage to the Pir, the Muslim repays the compliment by holding some of his Hindu brother's lower class deities, such as Vaital and Kali and Amba, in awe. The Hindu worships and breaks cocoanuts before the Moharram taasias--the Musalman responds by showing a sneaking sort of a regard for the Holi, whom he believes to have been a daughter of the patriarch Abraham. This reciprocal good fellowship in time of political agitation, like those of the Indian Mutiny, results in the " chapati", or unleavened bread loaf, being considered a symbol to be honoured both by Muslim and Hindu , and in more recent times, as during the plague troubles in Allahabad and Cawnpore, shows itself in the Muslim garlanding the Hindu on a holiday, and the Hindus setting up sherbat-stalls for Musalmans on an Id day.-Khan Bahadur Fazlullah. * Mr. J. N. Patel, Schoolmaster, Jasdan, * Mr. Jargannath Hirji, Schoolmaster, Chok. * Mr. Nandhal Kalidas, Scooolmaster, Chhatrasa, . Mr. O, A. Mehta, Schoolmaster, Lakhapadar Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Moti Marad, * Mr. J. D. Khandhar, Sayala. . Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, 10 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Vaital, 1 Jalio, Gadio, 1 Paino, Parolio, 1 Sevalio, Andhario,1 Fuliol Bheraro', Ragantio, Chod.? Gatrad, Mainmai and Verai," There are frequent additions to the number, as any new disease or unusual and untoward incident may bring a new spirit into existence. The installation of such duities is not a costly concern,' and thus there is no serious check on their recognition, The sun, the beneficent night-dispelling, light-bestowing great luminary, is believed to be the visible manifestation of the Almighty God," and inspires the human mind with a feeling of grateful reterence which finds expression in titles like Sirita, Life-Producer, the nourisher and generator of all lite and activity He is the chief rain-sender?; there is a coup. let used in Gujarat illustrative of this belief. It runs: "Oblations are cast into the Fire : the smoke carries the prayers to the sun; the Dirine Luminary, propitiated, responds in sending down gentle showers." "The sacred smoke, rising from the sacrificial offerings, ascends through the ethereal regions to the Sun. He transforms it into the rain-giving clouds, the rains .-oduce food, and food pro- duces the powers of generation and multipli cation and plenty. Thus, the sun, as the propagator of animal life, is believed to be the highest deity.7" It is pretty generally believed that rows in honour of the sun are highly efficacious in curing eye-diseases and strengthening the eyesight. Mr. Damodar Karsonji Pandya quotes from the Bhagvadgita the saying of Krishna; prabhAsmi zazisUryayoH "I am the very light of the sun and the moon. Being the embodiment or the fountain of light, the sun imparts his lustre either to the bodies or to the eyes of his devotees. It is said that a Rajput woman of Gomata in Gondal and a Brehman of Rajkot were cured of white leprosy by vows in honour of the sun. Similar vows are made to this day for the cure of the same disease, Persons in Kathiawar suffering from oph thalmic disorders, venereal affections, leucoderma and white leprosy are known to observe vows in honour of the sun. The Parmar Rajputs believe in the efficacy of vows in honour of the sun deity of Mandavraj, in curing hydrophobia. 10 Women believe that a vow or a vrat made to the sun is the sure means of attaining their desires. Chiefly their vows are made with the object of securing a son. On the fulfilment of this desire, in gratitude to the Great Luminary, the child is often called nfter him, and given such a name as SurajRam, Bhanu-Shankar, Ravi Shankar, AditRam 11 Many cradles are received as presents at the temple of Mandarraj, indicating that the barren worn who had made vows to the deity have been satisfied in their desire for a son, the vows being fulfilled by the present of such toy-cradles to the sun. In the case of rich donors, these cradles are made of precious metal, 12 At Mandvara, in the Muli District of Kathiawar, the Parmar Rajputs, as well as the KAthis, bow to the image of the sun, on their marriage-day, in company with their newly-married brides. 12 After the birth of Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gobelwad. Mr. G. K, Dave, Sultanpore. Mr. K. D. Desai. - Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhaak. 6 Mr. K. D. Desai. 1 Mr. M. D. Vyas, Schoolciaster, Bhayavadur, * Cf. Allaho nur-us-samawatiwal ard, mathalo nurihi-ka miskatin biha nusbuh---Koran. Allah ! He is the light of the Heavens and the Earth. The likeness of His Light being similar to a lamp in a glass. Fazlullah Latfullah. N Mr. Jethabai Mangaldas, Schoolmaster, Gondal; and Damodar Karsonji, Schoolmaster. Dhbank. * Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. 11 Mr. N. D, Vora, Rajpara, 1 Mr. X. M. Dave, Sanka.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT a son to a Rajputani, the hair on the boy's The following are some of the standard head is shaved for the first time in the pre- books on sun-worship: sence of the Mandavraj deity, and a suit of (1) Aditya-hridaya-literally, the Heart rich clothes is presented to the image by the of the Sun. It treats of the glory of the sun maternal uncle of the child, and the mode of worshipping him. The sun is at the observer of all (2) Brihadaranyakopanishad and Manduthings and nothing can escape his notice.? His eye is believed to possess the lustre of | la-Brahmans-portions of Yajur-veda recithe three Vedic lores, vis., Rigveda, Yajur ted by Vedic Brahmans with a view to veda and Samaveda, and is therefore known tender symbolic as well as mental prayers to by the name of it. The attestation of the sun. docuinent in his name as Surya-Narayana (3) Bibhrad--the fourth chapter of the Sakshi is believed to be ample security for Rudri. the sincerity and good faith of the parties." (4) A passage in Brahman-a portion of Oaths in the name of the sun are considered the Vedas, beginning with the words Prie so binding that persons swearing in his name Thou art self-existent-is entirely devoted to are held to be pledged to the strictest truth. Sun-worship." Virgin girls observe a vrat, or vow, called (5) Surya-Purana-A treatise relating a the 'tili-urat' in the sun's honour, for number of stories in glorification of the sun. attaining Mul a -eternal exemption (6) Surya-kavacha, 10 from widowhood. In making this urat, or (7) Surya-gita. vow, the votary, having bathed and worshipped the sun, sprinkles wet red-lac drops (8) Surya-Sahasranama-4 list of one thousand names of Surya. 11 before him. According to Forbes's Rasmala, the sun It is customary among Hindus to cleanse revealed to the Kathis the plan of regaining their teeth every morning with a wooden their lost kingdom, and thus commanded stick, known as datant and then to offer their devout worship and reverence. The salutations to the sun in the form of a verse temple named Suraj-deval, near Than, was which means:"Oh God, the datans are torn set up by the Kathis in recognition of this asunder and the sins disappear. Oh the favour. In it both the visible resplendent penetrator of the innermost parts, forgive us disc of the sun and his image are adored. our sins. Do good unto the benevolent and People whose horoscopes declare them to unto our neighbours," . This prayer is comhave been born under the Surya.dasha, or solar mon in the mouths of the vulgar laity. 12 influence, have from time to time to observe Better educated people recite # shloka, vows prescribed by Hindu astrology, which runs: "Bow unto Savitri, the sun, the Cultivators are said to observe vows in observer of this world and its quarters, the honour of the sun for the safety of their eye of the universe, the inspirer of all cattle. energy, the holder of a three-fold person * A similar custom is observed in Gujarat. Unfortunate parents, who have lost many children, vow to grow the hair of their little children, if such are preserved to them, observing all the time a votive abstinence from a particular dish or betelnut or the like. When the children are 3 or 5 or 7 years old, the vow is fulfilled by taking them to a sacred place, like the temple of Ranchhodji at Dakor, to have their hair cut for the first time. This vow is known as bibari in Southern Gujarat.-K. D. Desai... 1 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. Mr. Jethabhai Mangaldas, Gondal. Mr. K. D. Desai. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. . Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot, Mr. G. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Sultaspora. * Mrs. Raju Ramjee Kanjoo, 2nd Assistant, Girls' School, Gondal. >> Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. 10 Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. 11 Mr. Girijasbankar Karmeashankar, Schoolmaster, Songadh, The Hindus nse the tender sprigs of the Nim or Babul trees for tooth-brushes. After they have done duty as brushes they are cloven into two and the tenderest part is used as a tongue-scraper.-Khan Bahadur Fazlullah, 11 Mr. N. M Dave, Sanka,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ality (being an embodiment of the fornis of the sun, is performed as a part of the the three gols of the Hindu Trinity, sandhya. Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshvar)-the Of the days of the week, Ravivar, or Suncmbodiment of the three Vedas, the giver day is the most suitable for Sun worship of happiness and the abode of God, Persons wishing to secure wealth, goodAfter his toilet a high-caste Hindu should health and a happy progeny, especially take a bath and offer morning prayers and people suffering from disorders caused by arghyas to the sun." The Trikala.Sandhya heat and from diseases of the eyes, barren is enjoined by the Shastras on every women, and men anxious for victory on the Brahman, i.e., every Brahman should perform battlefield, weekly observe vows in honour of the Sandhya thrice during the day: in the the sun, and the day on which the vow is to morning, at mid-day and in the evening. be kept is Sunday, 11 It is left to the deThe Sandhya is the prayer a Brahman offers, votee to fix the number of Sundays on which sitting in divine meditation, when he offers he will observe the urat, and he may choose three arghyas to the sun and recites the to observe all the Sundays of the year. 12 Gayatri mantra 108 times, On sucht days the devotees undergo ceremoThe arghya is an offering of water in a nial purifications by nieans of baths and the spoon half filled with harley seeds, sesamum putting on of clean garments, occupy a seeds, sandal ointment, rice, and white reserved clean seat, light a ghi-lamp and reflowers. In offering the arghya the right cite the Aditya-hridaya-patha, which is the foot is folded below the left, the spoon is prescribed mantra for Sun worship.13 Then lifted to the forehead and is emptied to follows the Nyasa, (ZA) in the recitation wards the sun after reciting the Gayatri of which the devotee has to make certain mantra. If water is not available for gestures (or to perform physical ceremooffering the arghyas, sand may serve the nials). First the tips of all the four fingers purpose. But the sun must not be deprived are made to touch the thumb as is done of his arghyas." in counting. Then the tips of the fingers are The Gayatri is the most sacred mantra in made to touch the palm of the other hand, honour of the sun, containing, as it does, Then one hand is laid over the other. Then the highest laudations of him." A Brah the fingers are made to touch the heart, the man ought to recite this mantra 324 times head, the eyes, and the hair in regular order. every day. Otherwise he incurs a sin as The right hand is then put round the lead great as the slaughter of a cow. Acoord and made to smite the left.13 An ashtadala ingly & Rudrakshmala, or a rosary of 108 or eight-cornered figure is drawn in gulal, Rudraksh beads, is used in connecting the number of Gayatris recited. It is exclusively the right of the twice-born to recite the Gayatri. None else is authorised to recite or even to hear a word of it. Neither females nor Shudras ought to catch an echo of even a single syllable of the Gayatri mantra A ceremony, called Suryopasthan, in which a man has to stand facing the sun with his hands stretched upwards at an angle towards 1 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. 1 The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gobelwad. * Mr. K. D. Desai. Mr. Jethalal Anupram, Schoolmaster, Aman. * The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. Mr. K. D. Desai. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, Mr. K. D. Desai. * Mr. M. D. Vyas, Shastri, Bhayavadur. 16 Mr.K. P. Joshi, Limbdi, and L. D. Mehta, Mota Devalia. 11 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, and Mr. B, K, Dave, Kotda-Sangani. " Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani. 13 Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrasa

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT (red powder) and frankincense, red oint (6) In Chaitra, people should break ment and red flowers are offered to the sun, their fasts with a little ghi and molasses. Durva grass is also commonly used in the (7) In Vaishakha, the only satisfaction process of Sun worship.2 allowed to those observing the vrat is to lick Sometimes a hexangular figure is drawn their own palms three times. (8) In Jyeshtha, the fast is observed simply on three anjalis or palmfuls of pure water. (9) In Ashadha, three chillies may be eaten. (10) In Shravana, only cow-urine and molasses are tasted, (11) In Bhadrapada, cow-dung and sugar are partaken of. (12) In Ashvina, the application of chandan (sandal wood) either in the form of an ointment or of powder. Only a few very pious and enthusiastic instead of the ashtadal, a copper disc is devotees observe all Sundays in the above placed over it and the sun is worshipped by manner. In average cases, the devotee Panchopchar or the five-fold ceremonials 3 allows himself rice, ghi, sugar, milk, i.e. Of all ceremonials a namaskar is especially white food, the restriction being only as to dear to the sun. It is said : colour, namaskArapiyo bhAnurjaladhArApriyaH shivH| People observing vows in honour of the T i facutaten rafaa: 11 surt'take food only once during the day, and A namaskar or bow is dear to the sun; a that too in bajas or dishes made of khakhara stream of water (pouring water in a small (or palash) leaves. This is considered one stream over Shiva's idol) is dear to Shiva : of the conditions of worship. there being benevolence to Vishnu and a good dinner to some mysterious relation between Surya and a Brahman, the khakhara. - In observing vows in the sun's honour on If the Pushya Nakshatra happens to fall Sundays, the following special foods are on a Sunday, the worship of the sun on prescribed in particular months : that day is believed to be most efficacious in (1) In Kartika, the first month, the fulfilling the desires of the devotees. devotee is to take only three leaves of the Of the days of the month, the seventh day Tulsi or the holy basil plant, of both the bright and the dark halves of each (2) In Margashirsha, the devotee may months and thc Amirasya day, i.e. the only lick a few pieces of candied sugar, last day of a Hindu calendar month, are (3) In Pausha, the devotee may chew set apart for Sun-worship. The ceremonies three stalks of green darbha grass. of the worship are the same as those on (4) In Magha, a few seeds of sesamum Sundays. In fact, in almost all the obserand sugar mixed together may be swallowed. vances in connection with the sun the same (5) In Phalguna, a consecrated draught ceremonials are to be gone through. Very of curds and sugar may be drunk. often + Brahman recites the patha direct 1 Mr. K.P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi. Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh. * Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. * Mr. Girijashankar Karunashankar, Schoolmaster, Songaib. * Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Schoolmaster, Chhatrasa, * The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gobelwad. * Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadavah. * Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. 9 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ing his hosts or hostesses to perform certain ceremonial gestures. On the last of the number of days which the devotee has decided to observe, the vrat is celebrated and Brahmans are feasted. This celebration of the vrat is known as vratujavavun,1 The special occasions for Sun-worship are the Sankranti days and the solar eclipses. In each year there are twelve Sankranti days on which the sun moves from one sign of the zodiac to another. Sun-worship is performed on all these Sankrantis, but Makara-Sankranti, which falls on the 12th oi 13th of January, is considered the most im. porrant,2 The uttarayana-parvan falls on this day, i. e., the sun now crosses to his north ern course from his southern, and the time of that Parvan is considered so holy that a person dying then directly attains salvation,3 On this day, many Hindus go on a pilgrim. age to holy places, offer prayers and sacrifices to the sun, and give alms to Brahmans in the shape of sesamum. seeds, gold, garments and cows.4 Much secret, as well as open, charity is dispensed grass and cotton-seeds are given to cows, and lapsi* and loaves to dogs. Sweet balls of sesamum seeds and molasses are eaten as a prasad and given to Brahmans, and dainties such as lapsi are partaken of by Hindu households, in company with a Brahman or two, who are given dakshina after the meals," 5 On solar eclipse days, most of the Hindu. sects bathe and offer prayers to God. During the eclipse the sun is believed to be combating with the demon Rahu, prayers being offered for the sun's success. When the sun has freed himself from the grasp of the demon and sheds his full lustre on the earth, the people take ceremonial baths, offer prayers to God with a concentrated mind, and well-to-do people give in alms as much as they can afford of all kinds of grain'. The Chaturmas-vrat, very common in Kathiawar, is a favourite one with Hindus. The devotee. in performing this vrat, ab stains from food on those days during the mon. soons on which, owing to cloudy weather, the sun is not visible. Even if the sun is concealed by the clouds for days together, the devout votary keeps fasting till he sees the deity agains. Barren women, women whose children die, and especially those who lose their male children, women whose husbands suffer from diseases caused by heat, lepers, and persons suffering from ophthalmic ailments observe the vow of the sun in the following manner. The vows are kept on Sundaysand Amavasya days, and the number of such days is determined by the devotee in accordance with the behests of a learned Brahman, The woman observes a fast on such days, bathes herself at noon when the sun reaches the zenith, and dresses herself in clean garments. Facing the sun, she dips twelve red karan flowers in red or white sandal ointment and recites the twelve names of Surya as she presents one flower after another to the sun with a bow.t On each day of the vrat, she takes food only once, in the shape of lapsi, in bajas of khakhara or palash leaves; white food in the form of rice, or rice cooked in milk is sometimes allowed. She keeps a ghi-lamp burning day and night, offers frankincense, and sleeps at night on a bed made on the floor 10 People who are declared by the Brahmans to be under the evil influence (dasha) of Surya, observe vows in the sun's honour and go through the prescribed rites on Sundays Such persons take special kinds of food and engage the services of priests to recite Mr. K. D. Desai, Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Songadh. Mr. Ranchhodji Becher Pandya, Shastri, Jelpur, Sanskrit Pathashala * Wheat flour fried in ghi with molasses. Mr, K. D. Desai, Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. 3 Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Moti-Murad, Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. Mr. K. D. Desai. The names are: 1 Aditya, 2 Divakar, 3 Bhaakar, 4 Prabhakar, 5 Sahasranshu, 6 Trilochan, 7 Hari tashva, 8 Vibhavasu, 9 Divakrit, 10 Divadarshatmaka. 11 Trimurti, 12 Surya. Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 11 holy texts in honour of the sun. If all goes to cause the destruction of sin. The subject well on Sunday, Brahmans, Sadhus and has been dwelt on at length in the Dharmaother pious persons are entertained at a feast. sindhu-grantha, Vrataraja, and ShodashopaThis feast is known as vrat.ujavapun. Some chara among the Dharma-Shastras of the persons have the sun's image (an ashtadal) Hindus, engraved on a copper or a golden plate for The object round which turns are taken daily or weekly worship. 1 is either the image of a god, such as of On the twelfth day after the delivery of a Ganpati, Mahadev or Vishnu$ or the portrait child, the sun is worshipped and the homa of a guru, or his footmarks engraved or sacrifice is performed. ? impressed upon some substance, or the agniIf at a wedding the sun happens to be in kunda (the fire-pit), or the holy cow, or an unfavourable position according to the some sacred tree or plant, such as the Vad bridegroom's horoscope, an image of the sun (banyan tree), the Pipal (ficus religiosa)." is drawn on gold-leaf and given away in the Shami (prosopis spicegera), the Amba charity. Charity in any other form is also (mango tree), the Asopalava tree (Polycommon on such an occasion. ? althea longi folia),12 or the Tulsi (sweet A Nagar bride performs sun-worship for basil) plant. the seven days preceding her wedding. It is said to have been a custom of the In Hindu funeral ceremonies three arghyas Brahmans in ancient times to complete their are offered to the sun, and the following daily rites before sunrise every morning, mantra is chanbed + : and then to take turns round temples and bhAdityo bhAskarIbhAnU raviH sUbo divaakrH| holy objects. The practice is much less ghaNnAma smarenitvaM mahApAsakramAzanam / / commou now than formerly.1.3 Still, visitors It means-one should ever recite the six to a temple or an idol, usually are careful to names of the Sun, Aditya, Bhaskar, Bhanu, go round it a few times at least (generally Ravi, Surya, Divakar, which destroy sin. five or seven). The usual procedure at such The sun is also worshipped on the thirteenth a time is to strike gongs or ring bells after day after the death of a person, when argh yas the turns, to cast a glance at the shiklar are offered, and two eartlren pots, contain or the pinnacle of the temple, and then to ing a handful of raw Nhichell-rice and khichedi---rice and return, 14 pulse--and covered with yellow pieces of | Women observing the chaturmas-rrat, or the cotton are placed outside the house. This monsoon vow, lasting from the eleventh day of ceremony is called gadaso bharvo. the bright half of Ashadh (the ninth month) Rajahs of the so'lar race always worship to the eleventh day of the bright half of Karthe rising sun. They also keep a golden tik (the first month) first worship the object, image of the sun in their palaces, and engage round which they wish to take turns, with learned Brahmans to recite verses in his panchamrit (a mixture of milk, curds, sugar, honour. On Sundays they take only one ghi and honey). The number of turns pay meal and that of simple rice (for white food be either 5, 7, 21 or 108. At each turn is most acceptable to the sun). 5 they keep entwining a fine cotton thread Circumambulations round images and other and place a pendaor bantasat or a betelholy objects are considered meritorious and leaf or an almond, a cocoanut, a fig or some 1 Mr. G. K. Dave, Sultanpur. Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Ganod. 3 Giriinshankar Karunashankar. Schoolmaster Sangadh. Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Ganod, * Mr. Chhaganlal Motiram, Wala Taluka. Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur, Sanskrit School * Mrs. Raju Ramjee Kanjee, Girls' School, Ganod. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhbank. . Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School. 10 Mr. J. D. Khandhar, Sayala. 11 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhapk. 12 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. 13 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoclmaster, Dhhank. " Mr. X. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. * Milk and sugar ball. A sugar cake,

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12 THE INDIAX ARTIQLARE other fruit before the image or the object walked round. These offerings are elaimed by the priest who superintends the ceremony. When a sacred tree is circum- ambulated, water is poured out at the foot of the tree at each turn, During the month of Shravan (the tenth month) and during the Purushottama (or the intercalatory) month, men and women observe a number of vows, in respect of which, every morning and evening, they take turns round holy images and objects, People observing the chaturmas-urat (or monsoon yow), called Tulsi-vivaha marriage of Tulsi), worship that plant and take turns round it on every eleventh day of both the bright and the dark halves of each of the monsoon months. The gautrat-vrat (gaur cow) necessitates perambulations round a cow, and the VatSavitri-vrat round the Vad or banyan tree. The banyan tree is also circuniambulated on the Kapilashashthi day (the sixth day of the bright half of Margashirsba, the second month) and on the Amavasya 'or the last day of Bhadrapada (the eleventh month). Women who are anxious to prolong the lives of their husbands take turns round the Tulsi plant or the banyan tree. At each turn they wind a fine cotton thread. At the end of the last turn, they throw red lac and rice over the tree and place a betelnut and a pice or a holf-anna piece before it,5 The Shastras authorise four pradakshinas (or perambulations) for Vishnu,' three for the goddesses, and a half (or one and a half) for Shiva," But the usual number of pradakshinas is either 5, 7, 21 or 108. In taking turns round the image of Vishnu, one must take care to keep one's right side towards the image, while in the case of Shiva, one must not cross the jala. dhari* or the small passage for corducting water poured over the Shiva-linga. Sometimes in pradakshinas the votary repeats the name of the deity round which the turns are taken while the priest recites. the names of the gods in Shlokas. Some times the following varse is repeated. pApI pApakarmApApAsmA paapsNbhvH| pAhi mAM puNDarIkAkSa sarvapApaharo bhk|| bAni kAnica pApAni janmAMtarakRtAni c| sAni tAni vinazyantu pradakSiNaparapare / / I am sinful, the doer of sin, a sinful soul and am born of sin. O lotus-eyed One! protect me and take away all sins from me. Whatever sins I may have committed now as well as in my former births, may every one of them perish at each footstep of my pradakshina' The recitation and the turns are supposed to free the soul from the phera of lakhchoryasit. Alms are given many times to the poor after pradakshinas, 10 The reason why pradakshinds are taken during the day is that they have to be taken in the presence of the sun, the great everlasting witness of all human actions, 11 HIJ 1 Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara. ? The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gobelwad. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, Mr. P. L. Mehta, Schoolmaster, Luvaria. 5 Mr. Jeram Vasaram, Schoolmaster, Jodia. * Mr. M. H. Raval, Ganod. + Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Ganod. * See figure above. A shows Shiva's image: the arrow-bead, the jaladhari which a person is not to cross, He is to return from the point B in his first round and from the point C in his balf turn. Thus B C remains uncrossed. The circle round A shows the Khal, place wherein god Shiva is installed.-K. D. Desai. . Mr. G. K, Dave, Sultanpore. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. Hindus believe that a soul has to go through a lac and eighty-four thousand transmigrations before it: attains final emancipation. The cycle of 1,84,000 births is called the phera of lakh-choryasi.-K, D. Desai. 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sank. 11 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dbhanks.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT As all seeds and vegetation receive their nourishment from solar and lunar rays, the latter are believed in the same way to help embryonic development, The heat of the sun causes the trees and plants to give forth new sprouts, and therefore he is called 'Savita' or Producer.2 Solar and lunar rays are also believed to facilitate and expedite delivery. 3 The medical science of the Hindus declares the Amavasya (newmoon day) and Purnima (full-moon day) days-on both of which days the influence of the sun and the moon is most powerful to be so critical for child-bearing women as to cause, at times, premature delivery. Hence, before delivery, women are made to take turns in the sunlight and also in moonlight, in order to invigorate the faetus, thus securing that their delivery may be easy. [The assistance rendered by solar rays in facilitating the delivery is said to impart a hot temperament to the child so born, and that by the lunar rays & cool one.]' After delivery, a woman sho`uld glance at the sun with her hands clasped, and should offer rice and red flowers to him. Sitting in the sun after delivery is considered beneficial to women enfeebled by the effort". It is a cure for the paleness due to exhaustion and infuses new vigour, The Bhils believe that the exposure of a new-born child to the sun confers upon the child immunity from injury by cold and heat, 10 Thu practice of making recently delivered women sit in the sun does not seem to be widespread, nor does it prevail in Kathiawar, In Kathiawar, on the contrary, women are kept secluded from sunlight in a dark room at the time of child-birth, and are warmed by artificial means, 11 On the other hand, it is customary in many places to bring a woman into the sunlight after a certain period has elapsed since her delivery. The duration of this period varies from four days to a month and a quarter. Sometimes a woman is not allowed to see sunlight after child-birth until she presents the child to the sun with certain ceremonios, either on the fourth or the sixth day from the date of her delivery. 12 A ceremony called the Shashthi-Karma is performed on the sixth day after the birth of a child, and the Namkaran ceremony-the ceremony of giving a name-on the twelfth day. The mother of the child is sometimes not allowed to see the sun before the completion of these ceremonies. 13 Occasionally, on the eleventh day after child-birth, the mother is made to take a bath in the sun, 14 Exactly a month and a quarter from the date of delivery a woman is taken to a neighbouring stream to offer prayers to the sun and to fetch water thence in an earthen vessel. This ceremony is known as Zarmazaryan 15 Seven small betel-nuts are used in the ceremony. They are carried by the mother, and distributed by her to barred women, who believe that, by eating the nuts from her hand, they are likely to conceive 10 1 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhbank, * Mr. Jetbalal Anupram, Schoolmaster, Ainan. * Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School - Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dbbank. * Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Moti-Murid . Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, 10 Mr. D. K, Shah, Schoolmaster, Charadwa. 11 Mr. K. P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi, 19 Mr. Nandal Kalidas, Schrootmaster, Chhatras 15 Mr. Chbagan lal Motiram, Schoolmaster, Wala Talu. "The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohalwad 15 Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani, and the Schoolmaster, Movaiyam. * Mr. K. D. Desai.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The figure Swastika (literally auspicious), drawn as shown below, is an auspicious In difficult labour cases, chakrapa water is sometimes given to women. The cha- krava is a figure of seven cross lines drawn on a bell-metal dish, over which the finest white dust has been spread. This figure is shown to the woman in labour : water is then poured into the dish and offered her to drink. The figure is said to be a representation of chitrangad. It is also believed to be connected with a story in the Mahabharata. Subhadra, the sister of god Krishna and the wife of Arjuna, one of the five Pandavas, conceived a demon, an enemy of Krishna, The demon would not leave the womb of Subhadra even twelve months after the date of her conception, and began to harass the mother, Krishna, the incarnation of god, knowing of the demon's presence and the cause of his delay, took pity on the afflicted condition of his sister and read chakrava, (Chakravyuha) a book consisting of seven chapters and explaining the method of conquering a labyrinthine fort with seven cross-lined forts. Krishna completed six chapters, and promised to teach the demon the seventh, provided he came out. The demon ceased troubling Subhadra and emerged from the womb. He was called Abhimanyo. Krishna never read the seventh chapter for then Abhimanyu would have been invincible and able to take his life. This ignorance of the seventh chapter cost Abbimanyu his life on the field of Kurukshetra in conquering the seven cross-lined laby- rinthine forts. As the art of conquering a labyrinthine fort when taught to a demon in the womb facilitated the delivery of Subhadra, a belief spread that drinking in the figure of the seven cross-lined labyrinthine fort would facilitate the delivery of all women who had difficulties in child-birth, sign, and is believed to be a mark of good luck and a source of blessings. It is one of the sixteen line-marks on the sole of the lotus-like feet of the god Ishwar, the Creator of the Universe. The fame of the good effects of the Swastika figure is said to have been first diffused throughoub society by Narad-Muni, as instructed by the god Brahma, Various conjectures have been made concerning the origin of this figure. The following explanation is found in a work named Siddhantsar, The Eternal Sat or Essence, that has neither beginning nor end nor any maker, exhibits all he religious principles in a chakra or & wheel-form. This round shape has no circumference ; but any point in it is a centre ; which being specified, the explanation of the whole universe in a circle is easy. Thus the figure indicates the creation of the universe from Sat or Essence. The centre with the circumference is the womb, the place of creation of the universe. The centre then expanding into a line, the diameter thus formed represents the male principle, linga-rap, that is the producer, through the medium of activity in the great wo'mb or maha-yoni. When the line assumes the form of a cross, it explains the creation of the universe by an unprecedented combination of the two distinct natures, animate and inanimate. The circumference being Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwa. Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School. * Mr. K. D. Desai, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank, * Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 15 removed, the remaining cross represents the | originally drawn in the form of a cross (+). creation of the world. The Swastika, or Some persons therefore suppose that the Sathia, as it is sometimes called, in its winged Swastika may be nothing more than the letter form (e) suggests the possession of crea- 5 (ka), written in the old style and standtive powers by the opposite natures, animate ing for the word kalyan or welfare." and inanimate. Though the Swastika is widely regarded Another theory is that an image of the 19 the symbol of the sun, some people as eight-leaved lotus, springing from the navelcribe the figure to different deities, vis., to of Vishnu, one of the Hindu Trinity, was Agni," to Ganpati, to Laxmi, to Shiva.s formerly drawn on auspicious occasions as besides the sun. It is also said to represent a sign of good luck. The exact imitation Swasti, the daughter of Brahma, who reof the original being difficult, the latter ceived the boon from her father of being assumed a variety of forms, one of which is worshipped on all auspicious occasions, the Swastika, Most persons, however, regard the Swastika Some people see an image of the god as the symbol of the sun. It is said that Ganpati in the figure. That god being the particular figures are prescribed as suitable master and protector of all auspicious cere! for the installation of particular deities : monies has to be invoked on all such occa- & triangle for one, a square for another, a sions. The incapacity of the devotees to pentagon for a third, and the Swastika for draw, a faithful picture of Ganpati gave the sun, 10 The Swastika is worshipped in rise to a number of forms which came to be the Ratnagiri district, and regarded as the known by the name of Swastika, 3 symbol as well as the seat of the Sun-god." There are more ways than one of drawing The people of the Thana district believe the Swastika, as shown below, but the the Swastika to be the central point of the helmet of the sun, and a vow, called the Swastika-vrat, is observed by women in its honour, The woman draws a figure of the Swastika and worships it daily during the Chaturmas (the four months of the rainy season), at the expiration of which she presents a Brahman with a golden o'r silver plate with the Swastika drawn upon it. 12 . A number of other ideas are prevalent about the significance of the Swastika, Some persons believe that it indicates the four directions ;13 some think that it represents the four margas-courses or ob jects of human desires-vis., (1) Dharma, original form was of the shape of a religion ; (2) Artha, wealth ; (3) Kam, cross. The first consonant of the Gajarati love ; (4) Moksha, salvation 14 Some alphabet, ka, now drawn thus }, was also again take it to be an image of the ladder 1 Mr. N. J. Bhatt, Schoolmaster, Moti-Murad. : Mr. H. R. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Khirasari. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhbank, 1 Mr. D. K, Shah, Charadwa. * Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwa. 11 The Schoolmaster, Pendhur, Ratnagiri. 15 Mr. Jethabhai Mangaldas, Schoolmaster, Gondal * Mr. K. P. Joshi, Schoolmaster, Limbdi. * Mr. Girijasbankar Karunashankar, Schoolmaster, Songadh, * Mr. H.R. Pandya, Khirasari. & The Schoolmaster, Chank, Kolaba 10 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. 11 The Schoolmaster, Anjar. Mr. Girijasbankar Karunashankar, Schoolmaster. Songa dh,

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY leading to the heavens. Others suppose it the names of those who are not eligible. to be a representation of the terrestrial globe, These latter are the yajamans or patrons of and the four piles of corn placed in the the inviting Brahman, who is himself their figure, as shown below (p. 16) represent pujya, i, e., deserving to be worshipped by the four mountains, Udayachala, Astachal, them. A bindu or dot, in place of the Meru and Mandarachala. The Swastika Swastika, is considered inauspicious, 10 is also believed to be the foundation-stone The Swastika is used in calculating the of the universe, The Swastika is much in favour with the number of days taken in pilgrimage by gods as & seat or couch, and as soon as it one's relations, one figure being painted on is drawn it is immediately occupied by some the wall each day from the date of separadeity. It is customary therefore to draw tion. 10 the Swastika on most auspicious and festive It is said that the Swastika when drawn occasions, such as marriage and thread on a wall is the representation of Jogmaya. ceremonies, the first pregnancy ceremonies Jogmiya is & Natural Power, bringing and the Divali holidays,5 In the Konkan about the union of two separated beings'l. the Swastika is always drawn on the Antar The Jains paint the Swastika in the way pat, or the piece of cloth which is held between noted below and explain the figure in the bride and the bridegroom at the time of a Hindu wedding. And at the time of the Punyaha-wachan,a ceremony which precedes a Hindu wedding, the figure is drawn in rice and is worshipped. Throughout the Chaturmas some persons paint the auspicious Swastikas, either on their thresholds or at their doors, every morning." On the sixth day from the date of a child's birth, a piece of cloch is marked with a Swastika in red lac, the cloth is stretched on a bedstead and the child is placed upon it. An account of this ceremony is to be found in the treatises Jayantishastra, Jatakarma, and Janakalaya. the following manner-The four projecBefore joining the village-school, little tors indicate four kinds of souls: viz., (1) boys are made to worship Saraswati, the Manushya or human, (2) Tiryach or of goddess of learning, after having installed lower animals. (3) Deva or divine, (4) her on a Swastika, in order that the acquisi- Naraki or hellish. The three circular marks tion of learning may be facilitated." denote the three Ratnas or jewels, vis.. (1) A Brahman host, inviting a party of Jnan or knowledge, (2) Darshana or faith, brother-Brahmans to dinner, marks the figure (3) Charita or good conduct; and the semione (1) against the names of those who are circular curve, at the top of the three circles, eligible for dakshina, and a Swastika against indicates salvation 12 1 Mr. L. D. Mehta, Mota Devalia. * The Schoolmaster, Agashi and Arnali, * Mr. Girijashankar Karunashankar, Songadh. + Mr. D. K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhhank, Mr. M. H. Raval, Vanod. 11 Mr. Girijasbankar Karunashankar, Songadh. * The Schoolmaster, Ganod. * Mr. T. D. Khandhar, Schoolmaster, Sayala. * The Schoolmaster, Mith-bio, Ratnagiri. * Mr. Jethalal Anupram, Schoolmaster. A man. 10 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank, * Mr. K. D. Desai

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 17 Every Jain devotee, while visiting the moon, will be obtained in abundance if they images of his gods, draws a Sathia (Swastika) look at a silver piece immediately after seeing before them and places a valuable object over the moon. Moon worship on this day is also it. The sign is held so sacred that a Jain supposed to guarantee the safety of persons woman has it embroidered on the reticule at sea. In the south, milk and sugar is offered or kothali in which she carries rice to holy to the moon after the usual worship, and places. * learned Brahmans are invited to partake of I am the very light of the sun and the it. What remains after satisfying the moon,'observes Lord Krishna in his dialogue Brahmans is divided among the community." with Arjuna", and the moon also receives On this day, those who keep cattle do not divine honours like the sun. Moon-worship churn whey nor curd milk nor sell it, but secures wealth, augments progeny, and consume the whole supply in feasts to betters the condition of milch-cattle. The friends and neighbours. The Ahirs and suitable days for such worship are the Rabaris especially, are very particular about second and the fourth days of the bright the usc of milk in feasts only: for they half of every month (Dwitiya or Bij and believe that their cattle are thereby Chaturthi or Choth, respectively) and preserved in good condition. every full-moon day (Purnima or The fourth day of the dark half of every Punema). On either of these days the month is the day for the observance of the devotees of Chandra (the moon) fast for chaturthi-vrat (or choth-vrat). This vrat is the whole of the day and take their food observed in honour of the god Ganpati and only after the moon has risen and after by men only. The devotees fast on this they have seen and worshipped her. Some day, bathe at night after seeing the moon, dainty dish such as kansart, or plantains light a ghi lamp, and offer prayers to the and purist, is specially cooked for the moon. They also recite a path containing occasion. verses in honour of Ganpati, and, after A sight of the moon on the second day of worshipping that god, take their food conthe bright half of cvery month is considered sisting of some specially prepared dish. auspicious. After seeing the moon on this This vrat is said to fulfil the dreams of the day some people also look at silver and gold coins for luck, The belief in the value of The day for the chaturthi-vrat in the this practice is so strong that, immediately month of Bhadrapad (the 11th month of the after seeing the moon, people refrain from Gujarati Hindus) is the fourth day of the beholding any other object. Their idea is bright half instead of the fourth day of that silver, which looks as bright as the the dark halfil, and on this day (Ganesh 1 Mr. Girijashankar Karunashankar, Songadh. *The Swastika is found at Pompeii and in the Greek 'key' pattern. It is also found on Persian and Assyrian coins and in the Catacombs at Rome. It is to be seen on the tomb of the Duke of Clarence, who was drowned in a butt of Malmsey wine, at Tewkesbury, and occurs in Winchester Cathedral, where it is described as the fyle-foot.-R, E. E. Mr, D, K. Pandya, Schoolmaster, Dhbank. Compare a similar idea in the Kuran in the chapter An Nur (the Lights): "Allah is the Light of the Heavens and the Earth. The semblance of his light is the nyche wherein there is a light."-K. B. Fazlullah, * Mr. J. A. Jani, Schoolmaster, Aman. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Schoolmaster, Rajpara ; and Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani. Kansir is coarse wheat flour sweetened with molasses and cooked in water until the whole quantity cf. water is absorbed and taken with ghi. Puris are cakes of fine wheat flour, fried in ghi. * Mi. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. * Mr. K, D, Desai. + Mr, D, K. Pandya, Dhhank, * The Schoolmaster, Rajpara. . Mr. K. P. Joahi, Limbdi. 10 Mr. K, P. Joshi, Limbdi, and B, K, Dave, Kotda-Sangapi, 11 Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh,

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Chaturthi") the moon is not worshipped. The very sight of her is regarded as ominous, and is purposely avoided. The story is that once upon a time the gods went out for a rida in their respective conveyances. It so happened that the god Ganpati fell off his usual charger, the rat, and this awkward mishap drew a smile from Chandra (the moon). Ganpati, not relishing the joke, became angry and cursed Chandra saying that no mortal would care to see his faca on that day (which happened to be the fourth day of the bright half of Bhadrapad). If any one happens to see the moon even unwittingly on this day, he may expect trouble very soon. There is one way, however, out of the difficulty, and that is to throw stones on the houses of neighbours. When the neighbours utter abuse in return, the abuse atones for the sin of having looked at the moon on the forbidden night. The day is therefore called in Gujarat) Dagad-choth, i, e., the Choth of stones,3 On the fourth day of the dark half of Phalgun (the 5th month of Gujarati Hindus) some villagers fast for the whole of the day and remain standing from sunset till the moon rises. They break their fast after seeing the moon. The day is, therefore, called ubki (i.e., standing) choth. Virgins sometimes observe a vow on PoshiPunema or the full-moon day of Pausha (the 3rd month of the Gujarati Hindus). On this day a virgin prepares her evening meal with her own hands on the upper terrace of her house. She then bores a hole through the centre of a loaf, and observes the moon through it, repeating while doing so a verset which means : 0 Poshi-Punemadi, khichadi (rice and pulse mixed together) is cooked on the terrace, and the sister of the brother takes her meal. The meal usually consists either of rice and milk or of rice cooked in milk and sweetened with sugar, or of kansar. She has to ask the permission of her brother or brothers before she may take her food, and if the brother refuses his permission, she has to fast for the whole of the day. The whole ceremony is believed to prolong the lives of her brothers and her future husband. The moon is also worshipped at the time of griha. shanti, i, e., the ceremonies performed before inhabiting a newly-built house. If the moon is unfavourable to a man born under a particular constellation, on account of his occupying either the 6th, the 8th or the 12th square in a kundalit (see below) 8 prayers are offered to the moon; and if the occasion is a marriage, a bell-metal dish, full of rice, is presented to Brahmans. All observers of the Chaturthi-urat worship the god Ganpati on this day, and offer him one thousand trifoliate sprouts of durva (cynodon dactylon). The dish specially prepared for the occasion is Golang. ladu-sweet-balls of wheat flour fried in ybi andmixed with molasses.-Mr. N. M. Dave, Sinka. 1 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad, * Mr. K. D. Desai. The Schoolmaster, Vanod, The original isPoshi Poshi Punemadi, Agashe randhi khichadi, jame bhaini benadi. * The Schoolmaster, Kotda-Sangani and The Schoolmaster, Jodia. * Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit School, Mr. L. D. Mebta, Schoolmaster, Mota Devalia. A Kundali is an astrological diagram of the position of planets at any particular time. The numbers in the diagram change their positions according to the position of planets at any giver time.-Mr. D. Desai. * Mr. Chhaganlal Motira, Wala Taluka,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT The appearance of the moon and the position of the horns of her crescent at particular times are carefully watched as omens of future events. Cultivators believe that if the moon is visible on the second day of the bright half of Ashadh (the 9th month of Gujarati Hindus), the sesamum crops of that season will be abundant; but if the moon be hidden from sight on that day, the weather will be cloudy during the whole of Ashadh, and will prove unfavourable to ve getable growth. If the moon appears reddish on a Bij day (or the second day of the bright half of a month), and if the northern horn of the crescent be high up, prices in the market are believed to rise; if, on the other hand, it is low, it prognosticates a fall in prices. If the two horns are on a level, current prices will continue,1 Similarly, the northern horn of the crescent, if it is high up on the Bij day of Ashadh, augurs abundant rainfall; if it is low, it foreshadows a season of drought.2 If the moon presents a greenish aspect on the full-moon day of Ashadh, excessive rains may be expected in a few days; if on that day she rises quite clear and reddish, there is very little hope of good rains; if she is partly covered by clouds when she rises and then gets clear of the clouds, and then again disappears in the clouds in three ghadis, three pohors, or three days, rain is sure to fall.3 If on the 5th day of the bright half of Chaitra, the moon appears to the west of the Rohini constellation, the prices of cotton are believed to rise; if to the east, they are said to fall; and if in the same line, the current rates are believed to be likely to continue;4 The Bij (2nd day) and the ninth day of Ashadh (the 9th month of the Gujaratis and the 4th month of the Hindus of the Deccan) falling on a Sunday is a combination that, foretells excessive heat. If they 19 fall on Wednesday, intense cold is said to be the result. Their occurring on a Tuesday, threatens absence of rains, and on a Monday, a Thursday or a Friday, foreshadows excessive rainfall.5 1 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. One ghadi is equal to 24 minutes and one pohor Mr. M. P. Shab, Schoolmaster, Zinzuwada. Mr. M. P. Shah, Schoolmaster, Zinzuwada, 7 The Schoolmasters of Dhhank, Rajpara and Limbdi. Thunder on Jeth-Sud-Bij, or the second day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, is a bad omen and threatens famine, The spots on the moon have given rise to numerous beliefs, mythological as well as fanciful. One of them is that they are the result of a curse, pronounced by the sage Gautama on Chandra. Indra, the god of rain, was infatuated with the charms of Ahalya, the wife of Gautams, and with the help of Chandra laid a cunning plot to gain his ignoble object. Accordingly, one night, Chandra set earlier than usual and Indra assumed the form of a cock and crowed at midnight in order to deceive Gautama into the belief that it was dawn, and therefore his time for going to the Ganges to perform his religious services. The trick was successful, and the holy sage being thus got rid of, Indra assumed the form of Gautama himself and approached Ahalya, who was surprised to see her husband (as she thought) so quickly returned. The wily god allayed her suspicions by explaining that it was not yet time for the morning ceremonies, and thus enjoyed the favours due to her husband. Gautama, in the meanwhile, finding the water of the Ganges cool and placid, and discovering that it was not yet dawn, returned to his hermitage. On reaching home he detected the treachery of Indra, who tried to escape in the disguise of a tom cat. The exasperated sage then cursed Indra, Chandra and his wife Indra to have a thousand sores on his person, Ahalya to turn into a stone, and Chandra to have a stain on his fair face.7 Another mythological story is that Daksha Prajapati, the son of Brahma, gave all his 2 The Schoolmaster, Khandbar. (prahara) lasts for three hours. Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka, Mr. N. M, Dave, Sinki

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY twenty-seven daughters in marriage to with a goat tethered near her. If the Chandra, who was inspired with love for one droppings of the goat were to fall on earth, of them only named Rohini, the most departed souls would return to the earth. beautiful of them all. The slighted twenty- It is said that a child and a tree are six sisters complained to their father, never seen to grow except during the night. Daksha, of Chandra's preference for Rohini. Such growth is therefore held to be due to Daksha in anger cursed Chandra to bc lunar rays, 19 As all trees, plants, etc.. attacked by consumption (which is supposed thrive owing to the influence of the moon, to be the reason of the waning of the moon) the moon-god is called the lord of herbs. and his face to be marred by a stain. 1 The moon is also a reservoir of nectar and is The curse of Gautama and the curse of called Sudhakar, i, e., one having nectaDaksha are also supposed to be reasons of rine rays, 11 As the lord of herbs, the moonthe waxing and the waning of the moon, god is supposed to have the power of remov Another belief regarding the moon-spots ing all diseases that are curable by drugs, is that when the head of Ganapati was and of restoring men to health,12 severed by Shiva's trident, it flew off and Persons suffering from white leprosy, fell into the chariot of the moon. The black leprosy, consumption and discases of spots are either the head itself or are due the eyes are believed to be cured by the to .drops of blood fallen from the flying observance of the Bij and Punema vows, 13 severed head 3 Consumption in its incipient and latter stages The spots are also said to be explained by is also said to be cured by exposure to the the fact of the image of god Krishna or rays of the moon.14 Constant glimpses of Vishnu* residing in the heart of the moon the moon add to the lustre of the eyes, 13 who, as a devotee of Vishnu, holds his image On the Sharad-Punema, or the 15th day of dear to his heart." the bright half of Ashvin (the last month of The moon is often called mriganka (lit. the Gujaratis and the 7th month of the deer-marked) and mriga-lanchliana (lit Deccani Hindus), tailors pass a thread deer-stained); and a further explanation of through their needles in the belief that they the spots in this connection is that the moon- will thereby gain keener eyesight.16 god took into his lap a strayed deer, out A cotton-wick is exposed to the moon on of compassion, and thus his lap became Sharad-Punema, and is afterwards lighted in stained, Jains believe that in the nether oil poured over the image of Hanaman, The parts of the moon's viman or vehicle, there soot, which is thus produced, if used on the is an image of a deer whose shadow is seen Kali-chaudas day--the fourteenth day of the in the spots. dark half of Ashvin-is said to possess much Some persons declare the spots to be a efficacy in strengthening the eyesight and shami tree (prosopis spicigera). The also in preserving the eyes from any disease belief of the masses in Gujarat is said to be during the ensuing year.17 that the spot on the moon's disc is the seat Sweetened milk or water is exposed to of an old woman who sits spinning her wheel moonlight during the whole of the night of 1 The Schoolmaster, Rajpara, The Schoolmaster, Dadvi. The Schoolmaster, Lilapur. Throughout the Hindu Scriptures, Visbnu and his incarnations are described as being of Shyama. varna or dark complexion. -Mr. K. D, Desai. The Schoolmaster, Dadvi. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Halar. Mr. K. P, Josbi, Limbdi. + The Schoolmaster, Lilapur. Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. Mr. M. P. Shah, Zinzuwada. 10 The Mistress of Rajkot Civil Station Girls' School. 11 Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. * Rao Saheb Shelke and the Shastri of Bhayavadur. 13 The Schoolmaster, Rajpara. * The Schoolmaster, Dhhank, He refers to the books Vrataraj and Pathyapathya on this point, 15 The Deputy Educational Inspector, Halar, and the Schoolmaster of Cbauk, Kolaba. ** The Schoolmaster, Jodia. 11 The Schoolmaster, Kolki.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT Sharad-punema (the full-moon day of Ashvin) | the son of Sinhika, fearing lest the whole in order to absorb the nectarine rays of the moon, and is drunk next morning. Drinking in the rays of the moon in this manner is believed to cure diseases caused by heat as well as eye-diseases, and it similarly strengthens the eyesight and improves the complexion, Sugar-candy thus exposed and preserved in an air-tight jar is partaken of in small quantities every morning to gain strength and to improve the complexion, The absorption of the lunar rays through the open mouth or eyes is also believed to be of great effect in achieving these objects. of the nectar might be exhausted before the turn of the demons came, took the shape of a god and placed himself amongst them between Chandra (the moon) and Surya (thesun). The nectar was served to him in turn, but on Chandra and Surya detecting the trick, the demon's head was cut off by Vishnu's discus, the sudarshana-chakra Rahu however did not die: for he had tasted the nectar, which had reached his throat. The head and trunk lived and became immortal, the former being named Rahu, and the latter Ketu. Both swore revenge on Chandra and Surya. At times, therefore, they pounce upon Chandra and Surya with the intention of devouring them. In the fight that ensues, Chandra and Surya are successful only after a long contest, with the assistance of the gods, and by the merit of the prayers that men offer1. Once upon a time the gods and demons, by their united efforts, churned the occan and obtained therefrom fourteen ratnas or precious things. These were distributed among them. Lakshmi, the kaustubha jewel, the Sharnga bow and the conch-shell fell to the share of Vishnu, and the poison, Halahal visha, was disposed of to Shiva. Only two things remained, sudha, or nectar, and sura or liquor. To both gods and demons the nectar was the most important of all the prizes. A hard contest ensuing between them for the possession of it. the demons, by force, snatched the bowl of nectar from the gods. In this disaster to the gods, Vishnu came to their help in the form of Mohini-a most fascinating woman-and proposed to the demons that the distribution of the immortalising fluid should be entrusted to her. On their consent, Vishnu or Mohini, made the gods and the demons sit in opposite rows and began first to serve the nectar to the gods. The demon Rahu, The reason of the eclipse is either that Chandra and Surya bleed in the fight with Rahu and their forms get blackened; or that the demon Rahu comes between the two luminaries and this earth, and thus causes an eclipse; or because Rahu obstructs the sun and the moon in their daily course, and this intervention causes an eclipse; or because Rahu swallows the sun and the moon, but his throat being open, they escape, their short disappearance causing an eclipse. Besides the mythological story, there is a belief in Gujarat that a bhangi (scavenger or sweeper), creditor of the sun and the moon, goes to recover his debts due from them, and that his shadow falling against either of them causes an eclipse." 1 The Schoolmasters of Rajpara, Limbdi, and Ibhrampur. 2 Mr. K. D. Desai. The following Sanskrit verse mentions all of them: 3 The Shastri of Jetpur, Pathashala, 21 lakSmI : kaustubhapArijAtakasurA dhanvaMtarizcandramA / gAvaH kAmaduhaH surezvaragajo rambhAdidevAGganAH // azvaH saptamukho viSaM haridhanuH zaMkho'mRtaM cAMbudheH / ratnAnIha caturdaza pratidinaM kurvantu vo maMgalam // 1 // Rao Saheb P. B. Joshi, The Schoolmasters of Jodia, Dhhank, Songadh, Rajpara, and Limbdi. The Schoolmaster of Khirasara. 7 Mr. Laxmichand Hemji, Vasawad, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. 8 Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh.. Mr, K. P. Joshi, Limbdi.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A third explanation of the eclipse is that the sun and the moon revolve round the Meru mountain, and the shadow of the mountain falling upon either of them causes an eclipse,1 It is believed amongst Hindus that eclipses occur when too much sin accumulates in this world. Most Hindus regard an eclipse as ominous, and consider the eclipse period to be unholy and inauspicious. The contact of the demon Rahu with the rays of the sun and the moon pollutes everything on earth. Great precautions therefore become necessary to avoid pollution. A period of three pohors (prakars) in the case of the moon, and of four in the case of the sun, before the actual commencement of an eclipse, is known as vedha, i, e., the time when the luminaries are already under the influence of the demon. During this period and during the time of an eclipse people observe a strict fast. Anyone taking food within the prohibited period is considered sutaki or ceremonially impure, as if a death had happened in his family. An exception is, however, made in the case of children, pregnant women and suckling mothers who cannot bear the privation of a strict fast. From the beginning of an eclipse to its end, everything in the house is believed to be polluted, if touched,1 As the sun and the moon are believed to be in trouble during an eclipse, people offer prayers to God from the beginning of the vedha for their release. It is the custom to visit some holy place on an eclipse-day, to take a bath there, and to read holy passages from the Shastras. Some people, especially Brahmans, sit devoutly on river-banks and offer prayers to the sun. Much secret as well as open charity is given at the time of an eclipse. But the receivers 1 Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. 3 Mr. Laxmichand Hemji, Vasawad. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, The Schoolmasters of Jodia and Songadh. Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. 10 Mr. K. D. Desai. 13 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, of charity during the actual period of an eclipse are the lowest classes only, such as bhangis, mahars and mangs. When an eclipse is at its full, these people go about the streets giving vent to such cries as apo dan chhute chand (give alms for the relief of the moon !).5 Among the gifts such people receive are cotton clothes, cash, grain such as sesamum seeds, udad, pulses, and salt." The gift of a pair of shoes is much recommended. Sometimes a figure of the eclipsed sun or moon is drawn in juari seeds and given away to a bhangis Although the period of an eclipse is considered inauspicious, it is valued by those who profess the black art. All mantras, incantations, and prayogas, applications or experiments, which ordinarily require a long time to take effect, produce the wished for result without delay if performed during the process of an eclipse." If a man's wife is pregnant, he may not smoke during the period of an eclipse lest his child become deformed, 10 Ploughing a farm on a lunar-eclipse day is supposed to cause the birth of chandra-children, i, e., children afflicted by the moon. 10 After an eclipse Hindus bathe, perform ablution ceremonies and dress themselves in clean garments. The houses are cleansed by cowdunging the floors, vessels are rubbed and cleansed, and clothes are washed, in order to get rid of the pollution caused by the eclipse11. Unwashed clothes of cotton, wool, silk or jute, according to popular belief, do not become polluted.11 The placing of darbha grass on things which are otherwise liable to pollution is also sufficient to keep them unpolluted.12 Brahmans cannot accept anything during the impious time of an eclipse, but after it 2 Mr K. D. Desai. A pohor or prahar is equal to three hours, Mr. Khan Babadur Fazlullah. 7 Mr. K. D. Desai. Mr. G. K Bhatt, Songadh. 11 The Schoolmaster of Jodia.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 23 is over, alms are freely given to them in the bodies sectns to be that they are the souls of shape of such costly articles as fine clothes, virtuous and saintly persons, translated to gold, cattle and the like, the heavens for their good deeds and endow. After an eclipse Hindus may not breaked with a lustre proportionate to their their fast till they have again seen the full merits. And this idea is illustrated in the disc of the released sun or the moon. It traditions that are current about some of the sometimes happens that the sun or the moon stars. The seven bright stars of the consets gherayala (while still eclipsed), and stellation Saptarski (or the Great Bear) people have then to fast for the whole of are said to be the seven sages, Kashyapa, the night or the day after, until the sun or Atri, Bharadwaj, Vishwamitra, Gautama, the moon is again fully visible. Jamadagni and Vasishtha, who had mastered There is a shloka in the Jyotish Shastra several parts of the Vedas, and were consito the effect that Rahu would surely devour dered specialists in the branches studied by Chandra if the nakshatra, or constellation cach, and were invested with divine houours of the second day of the dark half of a in reward for their proficiency. Another preceding month, were to recur on the story relates how a certain hunter and his Purnima (full-moon day) of the succeeding family, who had unconsciously achieved month. Similarly, in solar eclipses, a great religious merit, were installed as the siinilar catastrophe would occur if the constellation Saptarshi* (or the Great Bear), constellation of the second day of the bright A hunter, it is narrated in the Shivaratri. half of a month were to recur on the mahatmya, was arrested for debt on a Amavasya (the last day) of that month.3 Shivratrit day, and while in jail heard by The year in which many eclipses occur is chance the words 'Shiva, Shiva' repeated by believed to prove a bad year for epidemic some devotees. Without understanding their diseases. meaning, he also began to repeat the same The Jains do not believe in the Hindu words, even after he was released in the theory of grahana (or the eclipse)." Musal- evening. He had received no food during mans do not perform the special cere- the day, and had thus observed a compulsory monies beyond the recital of special prayers; fast. In order to obtain food for himself and even these are held to be supercro- and his family, h: stationed himself gatory. behind a Belt tree, hoping to shoot a deer With the exception that some people be- or some other animal that might come to lieve that the stars are the abodes of the quench its thirst at a neighbouring tank. gods, 7 the popular belief about the heavenly While adjusting an arrow to his bowstring, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. ? Mr. K. D. De ai. * Mr D.K. Shah, Charadwab. Mr. T. D. Khandhar. Sayala. * The Schoolmaster, Jodia. & Khan Bahadur Fazlullab. 1 Mr. M.M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa, and Mr M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * Mr. Motichand Vasanji Dosbi, Kaluwad. . I believe the name of the constellation is wrongly given : it ought to be Mriga. One of the stars in this group, known as 'Sirius', in Western astronomy, is often called Vyadha (i e., the hunter). --Mr. K. T. Gupta The Mrig constellation is also said to represent the goddess Saraswati, who had assumed the form of a gazelle in order to escape the amorous grasp of Brahma, her father. While the deer in the Mrig constellation is Saraswati, the Ardra constellation is Mahadev who had followed to chastise Brahms, who also is seen as the Brahma constellation. - Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. + The thirteenth day of both the bright and dark halves of a month, sacred to the worship of gol Shira The three-leaf-clusters of this tree are loved by the god Shiva il put upon his image.-Mr. K. D. Desai.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY he plucked some leaves out of the thick foli- position in the heavens at the time of his age of the tree and threw them down. The birth. A kundali, i, e., a figure like the one leaves, however, chanced to fall on a Shivalinga which happened to stand below, and secured for him the merit' of having worshipped god Shiva with Bel-leaves on Shivratri day. He was also all the while repeating the god's name and had undergone a fast. The result was that not only were his past sins forgiven, but he was placed with his family in heaven, 1 Similarly, Dhruva, the son of king Uttanapad, attained divine favour by unflagging devotion, and was given a constant place in the heavens as the immovable pole-star.2 a on According to Hindu astrology, there are nine grahas or planets, twelve rashist or the signs of the zodiac and twenty-seven nakshatrast or constellations. Books astrology explain the distinct forms of the nakshatras. For instance, the Ashvini constellation consists of two stars and presents the appearance of a horse. It ascends the zenith at midnight on the purnima (the 15th day of the bright half) of Ashvin (the first month of the Gujarati Hindus). The constellation of Mrig consists of seven stars, four like the legs of a sofa and three others under them in a line. All these twentyseven groups of stars reach the zenith at midnight on particular days in particular months; and the months of the Hindu calendar are named after them.3 All planets influence the life of a person, one way or the other, according to their 3 5 2 w 12 10 8 9 shown here, is drawn by astrologers to illustrate the respective positions of the planets. The twelve squares of the diagram and the positions of the planets in different represent the twelve signs of the zodiac, squares influence persons in different ways. Ravi (the Sun), Budha (Mercury) and Shukra (Venus) occupy one rashi for one month; Chandra (the Moon) occupies a rashi for 135 ghadis, i, e., two days and a quarter; Mangal (Mars) for one month and a half; Guru (Jupiter) for thirteen months; Shani (Saturn) for two years and a half, and Rahu for a year and a half. This is their normal and ordinary motion. But if they take an abnormal course and move either too fast or too slow, they finish their revolution through a rashi within a shorter or a longer period. If the planet Guru (Jupiter) occupies either the 1st, 3rd, 4th, 6th, 8th, 10th, or 12th, square of a kundali, it is said to bring about rupture with friends, pecuniary wants, and an increase in the number of enemies". 1 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. 2 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. * The nine grahas are. Ravi (the Sun), Chandra (the Moon), Mangal (Mars), Budha (Mercury), Guru (Jupiter), Shukra (Venus), Shani (Saturn), and Rahu and Ketu. +The names of the twelve rashis are:-1 Mesha (Aries), 2 Vrishabha (Taurus), 3 Mithun (Gemini), 4 Karka (Cancer), 5 Sinha (Leo), 6 Kanya (Virgo), 7 Tula (Libra), 8 Vrishchika (Scorpio), 9 Dhanu (Sagittarius), 10 Makara (Capricornus) 11 Kumbha (Aquarius), 12 Mina (Pisces). The following are the twenty-seven nakshatras:-1 Ashvini, 2 Bharani, 3 Kritika 4 Rohini, 5 Mrig, 6 Ardra, 7 Punarvasu, 8 Pushya, 9 Ashlesha, 10 Magha, 11 Purva-phalguni, 12 Uttara-phalguni, 13 Hasta, 14 Chitra, 15 Swati, 16 Vishakha, 17 Anuradha, 18 Jyeshtha, 19 Mul, 20 Purvashadha, 21 Uttarashadha, 22 Shravana, 23 Dhanishtha, 24 Shatataraka, 25 Parvabhadrapada, 26 Uttarabhadrapada, and 27 Revati, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, Mr. Motechand Vasanji Doshi, Kalawad P One ghadi 24 minutes. The Schoolmaster, Dadvi.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 25 If Shani (Saturn) occupies the 1st, 2nd, loger; and on the last Tuesday, when purna. 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, or the 12th square huti# is offered, Brahmans are feasted and in a man's kundali, it causes despondency of dakshina is given to them. A piece of red mind, family quarrels, imminent injuries cloth and some corn are used in the installafrom foes, and pecuniary wants. tion of the planet; these and the golden The presence of Mangal (Mars) in the engraving are carried away by the priest, 3rd, the 6th, or the 11th square is auspi- Similarly, in propitiating Rabu and Ketu cious, 1 the same ceremonies are gone through : only, Of the nine planets, Budha, Guru, and instead of wheat, mag (Phasolens mungo) is Chandra are benevolent, Mangal and Ravi eaten by the devotee. In the same way are neither benevolent nor baneful; and Shani (Saturn) is said to favour the diet of Shani, Rahu, and Ketu are downright malev. adad (or lentils): Guru (Jupiter) inclines to olent. Each planet has a story connected chana (or gram), while Shukra (Venus) with it concerning its benevolence or malev- favours chola (dolichos sinensis).3 olence, and showing also the way to secure Certain forms or figures, called mandals, its propitiation. For instance, the malev. are favoured by particular grahas, and are olence of Shani drove King Vikrama to drawn in their honour in worshipping them, unknown countries, and subjected bim to Different things, too, are given in charity in grave calamities. On the advice of a wise honour of different planets, man, however, he observed the Saturday- All the nine grahas and the twenty-seven vows and thus overcame his difficultes, nakshatras are worshipped on the occasion When a planet is unfavourable to a of the Griha Shanti ceremony, which is perperson, it has to be propitiated by vows, and formed before occupying a newly erected the person who is under its evil influence building. often lays upon himself the obligation of It is considered inauspicious to hold a abstaining from particular articles of food marriage ceremony while Shukra (Venus) is or from wearing certain articles of clothing invisible. In such a case, however, the cerefor a certain number of days. Particular mony may be performed after setting up and days of the week are set apart as appro- worshipping a small golden image of the priate for the worship of particular planets, | planet. and, on such days, the person keeping the of the stars, the constellation of saptarshi vow observes a fast and worships the planet is perhaps the one most often worshipped, through the medium of a Brahman," For Its worship forms a part of the ceremonies instance, urats or vows are observed on Tues-performed on the occasion of investing boys days in honour of Mangal (Mars), when an with the sacred thread? and also of the cereimage of the planet, engraved on a golden monies of marriage. The worship of the dish, is worshipped, and the person observing saptarshi on marriage occasions is believed the vow takes food consisting of wheat only, to be an attestation of the marriage, and to and that too, only once during the day. This secure the benign care of the saptarshi for mode of fasting is followed for a number of the couple. The form of worship is someconsecutive Tuesdays prescribed by an astro- times as follows: a red and white piece of 1 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. ? N. M. Dave, Sanka. M. H. Raval, Vanod. * Hirji Monji, Ganod. .N.D. Vora, Rajpara. * Gangaram Tribhowandas, Lilapur. "D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. * 1. e., a handful of rice, ghi, cocoanuts, and some other objects are cast into the fire as an offering.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY cloth is stretched on the ground, bearing an image of the saptarshi over it; wheat and rice are scattered over the cloth, a ghi-lamp is lighted, and red lac and flowers are offered to the image. Another form of worship is to mark seven red-lac-dots on a patla or a wooden stool, and to place seven pice and seven betel-nuts thereon, After worshipping the seven pice, the bridal pair are made to take four turns round the stool, touching the stool with their great toes at every turn. A proverb runs to the effect that, whatever may happen to the couple, still the seven pice of sat pati (i. e., the ceremony described) are secure. A third process is to form seven small piles of kamod,* on each of which, successively, the bride places her right foot while the bridegroom removes each pile one by one.3 The fifth day of the bright half of Bhadrapad (the eleventh month of the Gujarati Hindus) is observed as a day of worship in honour of the saptarshi group. People observe a fast on that day. Brahmans set up seven chats+ in honour of the seven sages, adding an eighth in honour of Arundhati, the wife of Vasishtha, and worship them by shodashopachar (i. e. sixteen-fold ceremonial). The worship is said to secure felicity for departed souls. The saptarshi are also annually worshipped by Brahmans on cocoanut-day (the 15th day of the bright half of Shravan) on the occasion of changing their sacred threads, Hindu seamen also worship the constellation on the same day." In the performance of the Nil-parvan ceremony, which is held to propitiate the spirits of departed ancestors, and which requires a 1 K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. The Schoolmaster of Khirasara. calf and a heifer to be married, an entertainment being simultaneously given to one hundred and eight Brahmans, and on the occasion of Vastu or the ceremonies performed before or at the time of occupying a newlybuilt house, burnt offerings and worship are offered to the saptarshi, Every Brahman must offer arghyast to, and worship, the agastya constellation, in a hut of darbhas and kasada,SS within seven days from the date of its appearance. Failure to make this offering brings pollution on him for seven months, and disqualifies him from performing any of the rites or ceremonies prescribed by the Shastras. Married couples are made to look at the Pole star immediately after the Hymenal knot is tied by the priest, in the hope that they may be as long-lived or as inflexible or unmoved by the ups and downs of life," The twelfth day after the death of a person, known as Tara-baras (or the startwelfth) is kept as the day of star-worship by the relatives of the deceased, when one member of the family observes a fast on that day in honour of the deceased, and takes food only after worshipping the stars at night. It is customary on this day to give up the use of bronze vessels and to give them away in charity." Just as persons carrying or accompanying a corpse to the cemetery are considered sutaki (under ceremonial impurity), so those who witness this rite are also considered unclean: but they are purified by a sight of the stars. Young girls watching the starry sky at night recite a verse which means, "I worshipped the star-spangled firmament first and 2 R. B. Pandya, Jetpur Sanskrit Pathashala. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, and N. M. Dave, Sanka. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani, Kalyanji Bhaishankar, Kolki, and R. B. Pandya, Jetpur, G. K. Bhatt, Songadh, A superior kind of rice. Twisted braids of darbha grass. Arghya is an offering of water in a spoon filled with barley seeds, sesamum seeds, sandal ointment, rice, and flowers, Two varieties of sacred grass, used in thatching roofs.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 27 then my lover Abhla dabhla Kankuna as it appears at particular hours and in dabhla* - "Ye stars! blind the prowling particular directions. If a rainbow appears thief and seize him if he tries to steal away, in the cast a speedy rainfall is expected ; if and your blessings on my lord confer !" on the other hand it is seen in the west, rain. The Rohini and Krilika constellations, fall is apprehended to be distant. Some popularly known as Gadli, are supposed to people, however, believe the contrary, i.e., indicate the rise and fall in the cotton- they regard the appearance of a rainbow market. in the west as an indication of good rains, The dimmest star of the saptarshi group and in the east as a sign of scarce rainfall. 10 foretells the death of a person within six Perhaps both ideas are reconciled by a third months from the date on which it becomes belief according to which the appearance of invisible to him. Again, if a man cannot a rainbow in a direction facing the sun, perceive the saptarshi or the galaxy in the indicates the proximity of rain. 11 sky, it is considered such a bad omen that If a rainbow is seen at sunset or sunrise his end is believed to be near at hand. just before the commencement of rain the The rainbow is believed to be the bow of fall of rain will be excessive; but if it Indrat, the god of rains, and is therefore appears after rainfall, the rain will procalled Indra-dhanushya.' We see it when bably cease, 12 According to some persons Indra draws his bow to release the rains the appearance of a rainbow in the morning from the rakshasas (demons);5 or, when portends a drought." There is, however, a successful in bringing down rain, Indra popular saying to the effect that were the manifests his glory by drawing a bow; or kachbi, i, e., the rainbow, to be seen at sunwhen in the struggle for supremacy between rise in the west, it foretells great floods Sumner and the rainy season, Indra draws before nightfall." his bow to defeat Summer.7 The sight of a rainbow is sometimes reIt is also believed that when Ramachan. garded as a bad omen. Some believe that it dra, the hero of the Ramayana, adjusted an shortens a man's life and brings misfortunes arrow to the bow of Shiva, to compete for to him. Others believe that it is cala mithe hand of Sita in the swayamvara (or tous to a man's relations by marriage, espemaiden's-choice marriage) celebrated by her, cially to the mother-in-law, who is sure to lose the bow was split into three pieces, which her power of hearing.16 People sometimes ever since present themselves as rainbows inclash earthen vessels against one another to the sky. avert the evils which are to be feared from The rainbow is popularly regarded as an a rainbow." It is also said that the sight of indication of good or bad rainfall according the whole of the rainbow is a good omen: * Odhowji Avichal, Lakhapadar. ? Talakshi Dharamsi, Khandbar. The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gohelwad. * Hirji Monji, Ganod. L. D. Mehta, Mota Devalia. * Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. N. M. Dave, Sanka. * The Schoolmaster of Palanvar. D. K. Pandya, Dbhank. 10 K, P. Joshi, Limbdi. 11 The Scboolmaster of Luvaria, 11 Mr. Kalyanji Bhaishankar, Kolki. 13 The Schoolmaster of Khandbar. 14 Mr. R. B. Pandya, Jetpur. 15 Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * Meaningless terms. Indra has full sway over the twelve megbas (or clouds), of which Shamagbana is the greatest. Indra directs them to pour down waters in whatever regions he likes. At the time of the deluge be lets loose all the twelve meghas under the lead of Shamagbana and thus brings about the destruction of this world.-N, D. Vora, Rajpara.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY but the sight of a part, however large, is celestial regions is held in great respect by inauspicious, the gods and purifies the heavenly bodies, According to the Puranas, the milky way just as the earthly Ganges washes away the or akash-ganga is the celestial river Ganga worst sins of mortals, wbich was brought down by Bhagirath to Some people, however, believe the milky the earth.2 King Sagar once performed an way to be the track by which the holy ashwa-medha sacrifice, when, according to Ganges descended from heaven to earth. 'custom, he let loose a horse, and sent his Another belief is that the God Vishnu, at sixty thousand sons with it. Indra, jealous the time of his Vaman (or Dwarf) incarnaof the growing power of Sagar, stole the tion, touched the ina i, e., the Egg) in his horse and concealed it in the hermitage of third footstep and thus caused a flow of Kapila, when the sage was deeply absorbed waters, which is known as akash-ganga. in religious meditation. The sixty thousand Some suppose the milky way to be a ladder sons of Sagar followed it to this asylum, leading to the heavens, Astrologers call where they taunted and insulted the sage, it Vatsa, a fictitious creature with numerous believing him to be the thief. Kapila, who horns, mouths, and tails. According to was ignorant of the theft, opened his long- another belief, the milky way consists of two closed cyes in anger, emitting sparks of rekhas-lines--one of sin and the other of flame from them, and destroyed the sons good and meritorious actions. The length of Sagar together with the whole of of one line compared to the other betokens their army. Bhagirath, the grandson of the predominance of good or evil as the Sagar, propitiated the sage, and on his advice case may be. The milky way is also suppractiscd religious austerities in honour of posed to be the track left by the rath or car Shiva for the purpose of bringing down the of Ramachandra, 10 River Ganga from heaven. Through the Akash-ganga or the milky way is said to kindness of God Shiva, Bhagirath was at last consist of one crore and eighty lacs of successful in bringing the celestial river stars,11 If a man cannot perceive the milky down to this world, and with the water of way in the sky, his end is believed to be near the river he revived the sons of Sagar. The at hand.13 River Ganga (i, e., the Ganges) in this world. The Musalmans declare the milky way is therefore also known by the name of Bha- to be the track formed by the footstep girathi. It is this heavenly river which of the horse of the Prophet Muhammad, we see as the milky way. Like the sacred on the occasion of his night-journey to Ganges on the earth, the river Ganga in the Heaven? Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwah, * Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, and B, K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani. Mr. Vallabh Ramji, Mendarda. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. * Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. * Mr. Jethalal Anupram, Aman, 1 Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, * Mr. N, M. Dave. Sanka. 9 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank, 10 Mr. K. B. Fazlullah. 11 Mr. G. K. Bhall, Songadh. 12 Mr. Hirji Monji, Ganod, * When a king desired to be Chakravarti-Sovereiga of all India-be used to perform a horse-sacrifice, and a horse was let loose with a copper-plate fastened to its head with the name of the king engraved upon the plate, . The horse moved in front followed by the king's army. Those who were not willing to acknowledge the suzerainty of the king challenged his army by seizing the horse. Such a horse-sacrifice, if successfully completed, threatens the power of Indra, wbo is therefore said to be very jealous and to create obstacles to the performance of such sacrifices-K, D. Desai.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 29 The occasion for earth-worship most fre- constructor who happens to be under the quently arises when anything is to be built influence of Sinha (Leo), Kanya (Virgo) and upon its surface. At the time of setting the Tula (Libra) : in the north-east corner, if manek-stambha, or the first pillar of a mar- under the influence of Vrishchika (Scorpio), riage-bower or a bower for a thread-cerc- Dhanu (Sagittarius) and Makar (Capricormony, before commencing the construction of nus): in the south-east corner if under the wells, reservoirs, and tanks and in laying sway of Kumbha (Aquarius), Min (Pisces) and the foundation-stone of a house, a temple, or Mesha (Aries): in the south-west corner in a sacrificial pit, or of a street, a fortress, a the case of Urishabh (Taurus), Mithun city, or a village, or of any constructive (Gemini) and Kark (Cancer). After the work raised upon or made under the ground, worship of the earth-mother, sugar or molascertain ceremonies, called khat-muhurt or ses is distributed among neighbours, bystanIchat-puja, are performed. The earth-mother ders and relatives, in token of the auspiciousis then worshipped in the manner prescribed ness of the occasion. An image of Ganpati in the Shastras, to propitiate her against is worshipped in a copper-dish, this is buried interruptions in the completion of the work underground, and a brick is laid on it when undertaken. The owner or the person inter- starting the work of construction. In ested in the new construction pours a little setting up the manek-stambha on marriage water on the earth where the foundation-pit occasions, a small earthen bowl is filled with is to be dug, sprinkles red lac and gulal milk, curds, turmeric, durva-sproutst and (red powder), places a betel-nut and a few mag seeds (phasoleus mungo), and buried in precious coins, and digs out the first clod of the ground after being sprinkled over with earth himself. Some of the things offered red lac and rice. to the earth at the time of kkat-puja are The ceremonies appertaining to khat. panchamrit, betel nuts, betel-leaves, pancha-muhurt are treated of at length in a book ratna (or the five kinds of precious things, called Dharma-sindhu.7 They are believed namely, gold, silver, copper, coral, and to secure durability of construction. pearls), a bowl and green garments. Under On the Dasarat day or the 10th day of the influence of particular rashis (signs of the bright half of Ashvin (the last month), the zodiac), particular corners of the build- Rajas go out in state with their ministers ing under construction are required to be and subjects to worship the earth-mother and dug in the khat-muhurt ceremonies. For the holy shami tree (prosopis spicegera). A instance, a little digging in the north-west wetted plot of ground is first dug over with corner is believed to be favourable to the pikes, javala (tender wheat plants) and 1 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. * Mr. N. M, Dave, Sanka. * Mr. Talakshi Dharashi, Sayala. . The Schcolmaster of Dadvi. . Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. 1 The Schoolmaster of Gondal Taluka * A mixture of milk, curds, ghi, honey and sugar. + Durva is a kind of sacred grass. 1 On the Dasara holiday, which is also known as Vijayadashmi, Hindus take special dishes, dress them. selves in their best garments and go out of towns and villages to worship the earth-mother and the holy shami, with javala stalks, a few of which are inserted in the folds of their head-dress as auspicious tokens. In towns and big cities a procession is formed, conducted by some city magnate or a native chief riding an elephant. They go in stateto the place of worship, and after the completion of the worship a goat or a he buffalo preferably the latter, is killed, and a salvo of three to seven or more cannon is fired. People then return home and prostrate themselves before their elders, and receive from them a handful of candied sugar, a betel-nut and leaf, with blessings for long-life and prosperity. Such blessings are considered likely to prove effective. - K, D. Desai.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY shami leaves are then mixed with the muddy earth, and small balls of the mixture are made. A pice and betel-nut are placed in each ball, and they are presented to the worshipper as a mark of good luck. Travellers carry such balls with them on their journeys for luck. Kings carry the same to obtain success on the battle-field. The Pandavas had such balls with them on the field of Kurukshetra when they obtained a victory over the Kauravas, 1 The balls are also used as pastana,* The javala in the balls are taken out and allowed to grow in an earthen vessel filled with clay and manure till they reach a span in heigth, when they are taken up and used.2 Earth-worship is performed before burying treasure underground, and also when a marriage procession, at the time of returning, reaches the limits of the bridegroom's village.3 In some places, virgins worship the plot of ground on which the Holi is lighted, for about ten or twelve days after the Holi holiday.* Another occasion for earth-worship is the third day of the bright half of Chaitra (the sixth month), on which day Vishnu saved the earth in his Varaha (or Boar) incarnation, when it was being carried to the nether regions by the demon Shankhasur.5 On the eighth day of the bright half of Magh and also of Ashvin (the fourth and the last month respectively), naivedya (an oblation of food) is offered to the earth-mother, and is then used as her prasad (gift). No cooked food is allowed to fall on the ground on this day: even the leavings after meals are given away to cows, When any ceremony is to be performed on the earth's surface, as much of the spot as is required for the ceremony is cleansed by watering it and plastering it with cow-dung. A betel-nut and a pice are then placed on it as the Chada or rent of the spot." On those occasions when dakshina is given to Brahmans outside the village limits, worship of the earth-mother is performed by pouring milk on the ground, and by placing seven betel-nuts and seven single copperpieces thereon.8 Some ambititious Brahmans dig earth from near the roots of a banyan tree after offering prayer to the earth, and out of it, make an image of Parthishwar-Lord of the Earth- hoping thereby to obtain wealth. The same ceremony, if observed near the roots of a pipal tree (ficus religiosa), is believed to confer wealth and male issue.2 When Vishnu killed the demons Madhu and Kaitabha, the earth was strewn with their flesh and marrow (meda). Therefore the earth is called medeni, and for the same reason is unclean, and no holy objects are allowed to touch it. Another explanation is that the earth was rendered unclean because blood was shed on its surface in the combat of the demon Vritrasur with the god Indra.10 The things polluted by a contact with the earth are either objects which are to be 2 Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, Mr. Talakshi Dharashi, Sayala. 1 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Ganod, Mr. B. K, Dave. Kotda-Sangani. * Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa, and the Schoolmaster of Jasdan. "The Schoolmaster of Patanvav. Mr. Laxmichand Hemji, Vasavad, * Some Hindus, when intending to go on a journey, consult an astrologer as to the muhurt or auspi cious hour for setting out. If they do not happen to leave their place at the prescribed moment, they put a pastana some of the articles to be carried by them in their journey-such as a suit of clothes or a box, in a peighbour's house as a token of their having set out at the stated time.-K. D. Desai, The Schoolmaster of Sultanpur. 10 Mr. Madhowji Tulsiram, Movaiya.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 31 dedicated to gods, such as sandal-wood oint- ment, panchamrit, the leaves of the bel tree (Aegle marmelos), tulsi leaves (leaves of the holy or sweet basil plant), betel-leaves and flowers ;t or objects which are sacred because of their having been dedicated to the gods, including tirtha? or water used in bathing the images of godst; or things which are by nature so holy that it is impro. per to place there on the bare earth; for instance, images of deities, water of the sacred Ganges or the Jumna,' any holy writ, a conch-shell and even gold," Cooked food also deserves respect, as it supports the lives of men, and it is sinful in a Hindu to let it lie on the bare ground. Any irregular conduct in this respect arouses the wrath of the Annadeva (or the food, deity). It is, however, maintained by some that the reason why certain things, such as materials of worship, are not allowed to touch the carth, is that the earth itself being a deity, such things would be dedicated to this deity by a contact with the earth and would thus become incapable of any further use, as things that are dedicated to one deity cannot again be offered to another.? During the course of the recitation of mantras (holy hymns) in honour of Vishnu and Mahadeva; on the occasion of offering prayers to the grahas (planets) for their propitiation : and on occasions like Vishnu. yaga, Maharudra, Shatachandi, Gayatri. purushavachana and Brahmana-varuna the devotee or the sacrificer and the priest sleep on darbha grass or on clean woollen blankets, spread on the bare ground. 1 Other occasions for sleeping on the floor are the days of the observance of certain vrata or vows, such as, the Divasa or the 15th day of the dark half of Ashadh (the ninth month ), the Jamnashtami or the 8th day of the dark half of Shravana (the tenth month), the days of Goatrad, a vrat lasting from the 11th day to the 15th day of the bright half of Bhadrapad, Mahashivaratri or the 14th day of the dark half of Magh, the Ekadashi day or the 11th day of both the bright and dark halves of a month, the Navaratra days or the first nine days Aghvin, eclipse days, and the day of Jagran or the 15th day of the bright half of Ashadh, besides, sometimes, the whole of the months of Shravana and the Purushottam or intercalary month; and the chaturmas, i.e., the four months of the rainy season.8 A Brahman in his brahmacharya (or the period of his life which, according to the shastras, should be devoted to the acquirement of learning, and which commences from the date of his being invested with the sacred thread and terminates at the age of twenty-three) and a widow are not allowed by the shastras to sleep elsewhere than on beds made on the ground. Women, while in menstruation, sleep on the floor for four days.2 Some women, when they are separated from their husbands, also sleep in this fashion.8 A dying person, two or three minutes before his death, is placed on the ground, which Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. * The Schoolmaster of Lilapar. * Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. Mr. K. D. Desai, * The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * The Schoolmaster of Gondal Taluka. * Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * A mixture of milk, curds, ghi, honey, and sugar. + Such objects are taken in a plate and thrown over a tulsi (or sweet basil) plant.--K, D. Desai. 1 Sacrifices in honour of Vishnu, Mabadev and the goddess Chandi, respectively.-K. D. Desai. SA form of devotion requiring the recitation of the Gayatri-mantra a hundred thousand times with certain symbolic ceren.onies.-K. D. Desai: The appointment of duly authorised Brahmans to perform religious Ceremonies.-K. D. Desai.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY is first purified with cow-dung-plaster.1 Another belief is that during the rainy For ten days after a death, the members of season, Indra plays gedi-dandat, and the the deceased's household and his relatives strokes given to the gedi in the course of the sleep on beds spread on the bare ground.2 game, produce what we call thunder ;" or If the demise be very affecting, the nearest that the clouds are god's footballs, and relatives sleep on the floor for periods which thunder is produced by his foot striking may extend to three months, six months, or them, while at play during the rainy season. even for a year, and sometimes the penance Some believe thunder to be due to the loud lasts for their whole lives. sounds produced by various musical instruIt is customary, among some sects, not to ments which are played upon on the occasion allow the sathara-i, e., the spot lately occu- of the marriage-ceremony of Indra. Accordpied by & corpse in the house to be suna or ing to others, thunder is produced by the unoccupied for a single night. Someone must cannon of Indra ; or, as some again say, by sleep on the spot for twelve consecutive days the trumpetings of Airavat, the elephant of from the date of demise,3 Indras; or, we hear thunder when Indra Pilgrims,* after pilgrimage, abandon sen- draws his bow and adjusts an arrow to the sual pleasures, take their meals only once bow-string, in order to bring about the fall every day, and sleep on the floor. It is cus- of rain. tomary to sleep always on the ground while A further belief attributes thunder to the in holy places. Devotees, ascetics, sadhus, very rapid pace of the chariot of Bhag. and their disciples sleep on the ground. 2 wan.10 Some people, however, say that it is The God Indra has twelva meghas or produced when Bhima (one of the five clouds under his control, and he directs cach Pandavas) wields his prodigious club or of them to pour out their waters wherever he bludgeon.11 In the opinion of others, Vidyut likes. When in the least irritated in the exe- or Tanyatun, the offspring of Lamba, the cution of his orders, Indra's voice is heard daughter of Daksha, and the wife of Dhar. in this world in thunder-claps which rise to maraj thunders in the rainy season,19 It is a terrible pitch if the deity becomes down- also suggested that the god of rains shakes right angry. Thunder is also said to be the heavens and thus produces thunder, the loud laughter of Indra when in a happy The shastras, it is said, declare that thunder mood. is caused by the sounds of the dundubhi-or 1 Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * Mr. D, K. Pandya, Dhhank. * Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, * Mr. L. I. Joshi, Surela. . Mr. K. P. Joshi, Limbdi. * Mr, N, D. Vora, Rajpara, or of Bhagwan, according to Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. . Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, * The Shastri of Jetpur, Pathashala. 10 The Schoolmaster of Paolauvav. 31 Mr. G, K, Dave, Sultanpur. 12 The Schoolmaster of Rajkot Girls' School. Intending pilgrims sometimes impose such self-denials upon themselves, vowing abnegation from particular articles of food or wear till they have performed their pilgrimage. Some renounce the use of ghi, some of milk, others of betel-leaf or nut, others swear not to wear a turban or a dupatta till they are given the merit of a pilgrimage.-Khan Bahadur Fazlullah. + This game, much resembling the English boys' game of Tip cat, is also known as gilli.danda, The gedi or gilli is a small piece of wood, two or three inches in length, an inch or less in diameter and sometimes tapering at both ends. The danda is a small round stick, of the same thickness and a foot or more in length, by which the gedi is played. There are two sides to the game as in cricket, though not composed of a definite number of players. There are a number of ways in which the game can be played.-K. D. Desai.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT kettledrums-beaten by the gods in delight at the sight of rain. There is also a popular belief in the Surat district that an old hag causes thunder either when she grinds corn or when she rolls stones in the clouds,2 The prevalent belief about lightning seems to be that it is the girl whom Kansa tried to dash against a stone, but who escaped and went up to the sky. Kansa, the tyrant king of Mathura, was informed by a heavenly voice, by way of prophecy, that a son would be born to his sister who would cause his destruction. Kansa thereupon confined his sister Devaki and her husband Vasudeva in prison, loaded them with fetters, and kept the strictest watch over them. He took from Devaki, and slew, every child of hers as soon as it was born. In this way he disposed of her first six children. On the seventh occasion, however, on which Devaki gave birth to a son named Krishna, a girl was born at the same hour to Nanda in Mathura; and Vasudeva secretly interchanged the two children in spite of the vigilance of Kansa, When Kansa knew of his sister having been delivered, he seized the infant girl and tried to dash her against a stone. The little one immediately flew away to the skies, where she still dwells in the form of Vijli or lightning.3 The shastras describe l'ijli as the distinctive weapon of Indra, just as pashupalaka is peculiar to Shiva and the Gandiva bow to Arjuna.* Other beliefs about lightning are that Vijli is the sister of Megharaja, the god of rains, and appears to announce his approach:5 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. 1 The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 12 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. 14 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. that Vijli is a goddess who rests upon winds, fire, and rains : that Vijli is but the thunderbolt of Indra: that lightnings are the flashes of the bright weapon of Indra:8 that lightning is the lustre of the fireworks and the lamps lighted by the gods in honour of the nuptials of Indra: that lightning is produced by the sparks caused by the friction of the gedi and the danda of Indra when the god plays the game 10 Vijli is also known as Saudamini, i, e., one residing on Mount Sudama,11 The occurence of thunder and the appearance of lightning on particular days and in particular directions are regarded as signs of the abundance or scarcity of rain during the season. 1 Mr. H. M. Bhatt, Ganod. The Schoolmasters of Dhhank, Sanka, Limbdi, and Sultanpur. Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. The Schoolmaster of Charadwa. Thunder during the Rohini nakshatra is a bad omen: it foreshadows either a famine, 12 or a Boterun, i, e., complete cessation of rains for seventy-two days after the thunder-claps are heard. According to another view, if the Rohini nakshatra lasts for a fortnight and if the sky is clear during the period and yet lightning and thunder occur, a Boterun will be the consequence; but if lightning and thunder were to accompany the clouds in the same nakshatra, heavy and plentiful rains may be confidently expected, 13 Lightning without clouds in the same nak shatra is believed to be the cause of what is popularly called Rohini-dazi, i.e., the burning heat of Rohini.14 Some persons expect a Boterun after kadakas or crashing thunder. Others apprehend a famine if they hear thunder on the second day of the bright half of Jyeshtha (the eighth month).8 2 Mr. K. D. Desai. 33 The Schoolmaster of Lilapur. The Schoolmaster of Surela. Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, 11 The Schoolmaster of Gondal. 13 Mr. B. K. Dave, Kotda-Sangani. * i, e., the period for which the Rohini nakshatra lasts.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Thunder or lightning in the Hasta* nakshatra foretells good harvests and a prosperous year. Thunder in the same nakshatra is believed to muzzle the jaws of serpents and other noxious creatures, and to achieve this object, also, o samelu (or a log of wood) is struck against a mobhara (or a hollow stone used for threshing corn). If thunder is not heard during this nakshatra, mosquitoes and other insects and vermin are believed to be likely to multiply.3 If thunder is heard during the Ardra nakshatra, the rainfall will be delayed for a month." Lightning is commonly seen on the second and the fifth day of the bright half of Ashadh, and is considered a sign of good rainfall, while its absence indicates a probable scarcity of rain. Its appearance on the fifth day of Ashadh is believed by some to foretell an early fall of rain. Since the rainfall, and therefore the state of the crops during the ensuing year, are suggested by lightning on this day, corn-dealers settle a rise or fall in the price of corn according as lightning is or is not seen on that occasion, & Long-continued thunder shows that the rainfall is distant. Similarly, continued flashes of lightning intimate danger to the lives and property of people. Sudden thunder portends an immediate cessation of rain,1 Thunder or lightning out of season threatens calamity to the country." Vijli or lightning is said to be fettered on the fifth day of the bright half of Ashadh(or, as some say, on the second day of Shravan)2-after which date no apprehensions of its destructive powers need be enter. tained. Till then, however, it is free and is likely to injure those personst who have not cut or shaved their hair from their birth,10 The occurence of lightning is believed to cause the delivery and sometimes even the death of pregnant women 11 1 Mr. D. K. andya, Tank. 3 Mr. B. K Dave, da-Sangani. The Schm er f Dadvi. Talakshi, baras i, Sayala. Mr. M. M. Ran, Rajkot. 11 The Schoolma er of Charadwa. * Any period marked by the occurrence of lightning is considered inauspicious,12 The Puranas speak of fourteen worldsthe seven swargas (celestial regions) and the seven patals (nether regions). Underneath the seventh patalSS lies Shesha (the divine cobra) who supports all the fourteen worlds on one of his one thousand hoods, On account of the heavy burden, the serpent-god sometimes gets tired, and tries to change his position. The result of the movement is an Thunder in the east predicts a speedy fall of rain. If flashes lightning are seen in the north-east or the north, rain will fall within three days Lightning in the south-earth-quake. According to another version, east or the south oretel's extreme heat." an earthquake occurs when Shesha changes. 2 Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. The Schoolmaster of Luvaria. The Schoolmaster of Songadh. Mr. L. H. Jadow, Vasawad. 10 Mr. G. K. Dave, Sultanpur. 12 Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. Hasta rakshatra generally commences at the end of Bhadrapad or the beginning of Ashvin and lasts a fortnight. The rains during this period, which are required for the rabi crops, are so much esteemed that each drop of them is said to be worth a drop of ght. People store the hathio-varshad or the rain water of Hasta in reservoirs for drinking purposes, believing it to be very pure and digestive.-K. D. Desai. + Among the Hindus it is customary for those whose children do not live to keep their children unshaved for a certain number of years, after which the children are taken to a holy place and shaved there for the first time. The temple of Ranchhodji at Dakor is a favourite place for such ceremonies.-K. D. Desai. The seven neor worlds are Atal, Vital, Sutal, Talatal, Mahatal, Rasatal, and Patal, SS In an oce, as some say-D. K. Pandya, Dhhank.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 35 his posture in sleep, or is the result of a outbreak of fire, a revolution, or a great hair falling from the body of Shesha." Some war. The phenomenon is, therefore, repeople say that ordinarily Shesha does not garded with great fear; and when it oecurs, feel the weight of the fourteen worlds on his people endeavour to avoid the contingent head : he bears the load as if it were only evils by such meritorious acts as the giving a single sesamum seed. But when too much of alms, and generally by leading a virtuous sin accumulates in any of the regions, the life.10 burden becomes unbearable for him : he The most popular of the holy rivers are begins to shake under it, and an earthquake the Ganges, the Jumna (or Jaumna), the occurs, Narbada, the Saraswati (near Sidhpur), the Some believe that there is a tortoise under Kaveri, the Godavari, the Gandaki, the the divine cobra who supports the world - Sarayu, the Damodara, the Sindhu (or Indus) others go further, and add a frog below the the Mahanad, the Gomati (near Dwarka), tortoise :5 and it is said that the slightest the Brahmaputra, the Sabarmati, the Ghels motion on the part of either the tortoise or (near Gaddheda), the Tungabhadra, the the cobra is the cause of an earthquake. Suvarnabhadra, the Bhadrashita, the Jumbu Another belief is that earthquakes occur vati, the Phalaku (or Phalgu), the Kanshiki, whenever there is tyranny or injustice on the the Tamraparni, the Sita and the Alakapart of a king, or whenever immorality nanda. Any point where three rivers meet is spreads in society, because the earth is also a sacred place. Most of the holy rivers unable to bear the sin, and trembles at the are the subject of many traditions, and sight of it. books have been written to celebrate their According to a different opinion, the merits, earth is supported by the Pothia or the The Ganges, the Jumna, and the Godavari favourite bull of Shiva on one of his horns. are said to be the holiest of all rivers.9 An earthquake is caused whenever he trans- There are a number of beliefs about the fers the earth from one horn to another in origin of the Ganges. One of them is that order to relieve the former from the constant the Ganges is the stream caused by King pressure of the burden, Bali washing the feet of Vaman (the Dwarf There is also a belief that deities of some incarnation of Vishnu).11 Another story strange species reside in the nether regions, relates that the god Brahma was exhausted and the earth is shaken whenever these be. by overwork at the time of the marriage of ings fight among themselves, Shiva and Parrati. The gods, therefore, According to the Varaea-sanhita, an earth- created water from their own lustres, and gave quake is always the precursor of some it to Brahma in a gourd, to be used in a unprecedented calamity. The prevalent similar contingency. When Vishnu in his belief in the popular mind seems to be that Vaman avatar (or Dwarf incarnation) bestrode an earthquake is the result of immorality the heavens with a single step, Brahma washand sin, and further that it forebodes some ed his toe in the water from this gourd. A dire calamity, such as famine, pestilence, an stream was thus created called Swarga-ganga 1 Mr. Jethalal Devji, Bantwa. * Mr. G. K. Bhatt, Songadh. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, and Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gohelwad. * Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, . Mr. K. P. Josi, Limbdi, and Mr. Raju Ramjee kaujee Pathak Girls' School, Goodal. Mr J. K. Upaddhyaya, Patanvao, Mr. Raju Ramjee Kanjee Pathak, Gondal. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhbank 16 Mr. K, D. Desai. 11 Mr. M. M. Rana Rajkot.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY and brought down to the earth by Bhagirath, woman is dressed as Una, the wife of the grandson of Sagar. When the Ganges Shiva, and Brahmans are entertained fell from the heavens, it was supported and at & feast, dakshina being given to held fast by God Shiva in his jata or matted them, hair. It was released by his loosening the The water of the Ganges, as well as that hair, and in its course, inundated the sacri- of the Jumna, is believed to be so pure that it ficial ground of King Jahnu. The latter cannot be affected by microbes, even if kept being angry, drank up its waters. On the for years in the house. This quality is entreaties of Bhagirath, he released the believed to be a manifestation of its divine stream by tearing off his thigh.* The river naturc. It is further called patit-pavan (lit. then flowed to the spot where the sixty | purifier of the fallen), and exculpates the thousand sons of Sagar were burnt to ashes; sinful from their sins, either by a single and it is said by some that one of the draught or by bathing in it.3 Gangajal is sixty thousand was saved at the end of kept in most Hindu families, a draught of it each year up to the year 1955 of the Samyat taken by a dying person being believed to era (corresponding to A. D. 1899), by the secure moksha or eternal salvation for the end of which period all the sixty thousand soul. had attained salvation. From the earth A vow is observed by women, in honour of the Ganges went to the nether regions. the Ganges, for the first ten days of the Thus Aowing in the heavens, on the earth month of Dyeshtha. On these days they and in the Patal, the Ganges is called rist early in the morning and bathe in the Tripathaga (ie., flowing in three courses). holy waters of the Ganges. In its divine form, the Ganges is the Sometimes ghi lamps are placed upon the wife of Shiva. Owing to the course of waters of the Ganges or the Jumna, and Brahma, she was born in human form in this vessels of metal, pice, and cocoanuts are world and was married to Shantanu, by cast into the stream. At such a time, when whom she became the mother of Bhishma, many people are standing on the banks the heroic uncle of the Kauravas and the offering prayers with folded hands, or Pandavas, 1 engaged in the arati,t the river presents a It is customary among Hindu pilgrims, very picturesque scene, the numerous lights when they visit Kashi (Benares) to take with being reflected in the water. them copper-vessels filled with Gangajal, The Jamuna or Yamuna is the daughter (water of the Ganges) and to worship the of the Sun, and the sister of Yama, the god Ganga wher, they reach their homes after of Death. The banks of the Jumna are the pilgrimage. A figure is drawn in seven well known as the scene of the amorous different kinds of corn: the bowl is placed sports of God Krishna,? The story of the on it: abil gutal (red powder), frankincense, defeat of the demon Kahya Naga who was and naivedya (an oblation of food) are ejected from the Jumna by Krishna is welloffered : a ghi lamp is lighted : a Brahman known. Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * The Schoolmaster of Lilapur. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. * The Schoolmaster of Kolki. * The Schoolmaster of Upleta. The Schoolmaster of Kolki and the Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. *The river is, therefore, regarded as his daughter, and is called Jahnavi The waving of lights to and fro before an object of worship.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 37 It is said that those who have bathed in image of Shiva, and that fragments of the the Jumna or have once tasted its water, stony bow of Shiva are to be found in its need not be afraid of Yama, the god of bed. The stones in the bed of this river Death. It is considered meritorious among have the same sanctity as the images of god the Hindus to bathe the image of God Shiva Shiva. Shaligram stones, which are worin water from the holy Jumna or the Ganges shipped as the images of Vishnu, are found or the Godavari. There is a popular shloka in this river. It is an act of high merit in honour of the Jumna which runs :" Vic- among Hindus to take a pradakshina round tory to thee! Oh Yamuna, flowing through the Narbada, i, e., to travel along the banks of the Madhu-vana (the Madhu woods), the the river, inhabited as the region is by many bearer of shining waters, the companion of Sadhus and other holy persons? AshvatJalinavi, the daughter of Sindhu, the orna- thama, the immortal son of Drona, is believment of the enemy of Madhu (viz., Krishna), ed to reside on the banks of this river and the appeaser of Madhava, the dispeller of to pay occasional visits to the Bhils in the the danger of Gokul, the destroyer of the neighbourhood.7 The Shukla-tirtha, situatsins of the world, the giver of intellect, the ed on the Narbada, is visited by numerous scene of the amorous sports of Keshava. pilgrims, and a fair is held there on every Victory to thee! O remover of difficulties, sixtieth year.7 purify me,"3 The sage Kapila instructed his mother The banks of the Godavari are known as Devahuti with divine knowledge on the the site of the hermitage of Gautama. When banks of the Saraswati. Since then, the the planet Brihaspati (Jupiter) enters the river is held sacred and funeral ceremoniesSinha-rashi (the constellation Leo)* the holy Shraddhas-are performed on its banks in Ganges goes to the Godavari, and remains honour of departed female ancestors. there for one year. During that year, all Similarly Shraddhas in honour of male the gods are believed to bathe in this river, ancestors are performed at the confluence of Thousands of pilgrims visit Nasik to offer the Ganges, the Jumna, and the Saraswati at prayers to the Godavari, and after bathing Allahabadts in the river, give alms to Brahmans. Simi- Of the Gandaki it is said that it contains larly, on the Kapilashashti day, on which as many shankars (images of Shiva) as there six jogs or conjunctive incidents occur simul- are sankars (stones). The shaligram stone taneously, the virtue of all tirthas or holy is found in this river also. The Sarayu is places is believed to be concentrated in the sacred as the scene of the childish sports of Godavari at Nasik, Ramachandra, the hero of the Ramayana, The mere sight of the Narbada has the On the banks of the Phalaku or Phalgu, same effect as a bath in the Ganges or the Ramachandra performed Shraddha ceremoJumna. It is said that the Narbada is the nies in honour of his father Dasharath,5 Mr. B. K. Dave, Schoolmaster Kotda-Sangani. * The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * Mr. D.K. Pandya, Schoolmaster Dhbank. * The Schoolmaster of Upleta. 5 The Schoolmaster of Luvaria. * Mr. L. D. Mehta, Mota Devalia * Mr K. D. Desai * The Schoolmaster of Jodia. * This happens every twelfth year. The year of Sinhastha i. e. the year when Brihaspati stands in the Sinha-rashi, is the only one in which marriages among the Kadva Kunbis take place; and for this reason the smallest children in the community, sometimes even those who are in the womb, are married in this year. - Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. The Saraswati is believed to be present, but invisible at this spot.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A bath in the waters of a holy river washes off the sins of the bather. It is also meritorious to repeat the names of the several holy rivers.2 The performance of Shraddha ceremonies on the banks of a holy river secures the felicity of deceased ancestors in heaven,1 At the time of performing Shraddhas at a holy place, Hindus shave their moustaches, bathe in the sacred waters, and then go through the necessary ceremonies, in the course of which pindas are offered to the Pitars (spirits of dead ancestors). Brahmans are feasted after the ceremonies, and dakshina is given to them." Tarpan or an offering of water with flowers, ointment, red lac, cocoanuts, and betel, is frequently made to the river on the banks of which the ceremonies are performed. The bones of a deceased person, left unburnt after cremation of the body, are gathered together and thrown into holy rivers such as the Ganges, the Jumna, and the Godavari, for the purification of his soul.5 When heavy floods threaten a village or a city with serious injury, the king or the headman should go in procession to propitiate the river with flowers, cocoanuts, and other offerings in order that the floods may subside. A story is related of the occurrence of heavy floods in a village in the Jatalpur Taluka, when a certain lady placed an earthen vessel (ordinarily used for curdling milk), containing a ghi lamp, afloat on the floods, whereupon the waters were at once seen to reccdc.7 Besides the holy rivers, there are numerous kunds or sacred pools which are regarded with equal reverence, and in which a bath has the same efficacy for destroying sin. Similarly, they are equally suitable places for the performance of Shraddha ceremonies. These kunds are the subject of numerous beliefs, and each of them has a certain. mahatmya or peculiar merit of its own. Six miles to the east of Dwarka, near the seacoast, there is a kund called Pind-tarak, where many persons go to perform the Shraddha and the Narayan-bali ceremonies. They first bathe in the kund: then, with its water, they prepare pindas, and place them in a metal dish: red lac is applied to the pindas, and a piece of cotton thread wound round them; the metal dish being then dipped in the kund, when the pindas, instead of sinking, are said to remain floating on the water. The process is believed to earn a good status for the spirits of departed ancestors in heaven, It is further said that physical ailments brought on by the avagatidegradation or fallen coudition-of ancestors in the other world, are remedied by the performance of Shraddha on this kund.s The Damodar kund is situated near Junagadh. It is said that if the bones of a deceased person which remain unburnt after his cremation are dipped in this kund, the soul of that person obtains moksha (or final emancipation).1 There is a vav or reservoir on Mount Girnar, known as Rasakupika-vav. It is believed that the body of a person bathing in it becomes as hard as marble, and that if a piece of stone or iron is dipped in the vav, it is instantly transformed into gold. But the vav is only visible to saints and sages who are gifted with a supernatural vision. Kashipuri (Benares) contains a vav called Gyan-vav, in which there is an image of Vishweshwar (the Lord of the universe, ie., Shiva). A bath in the water from this vav is believed to confer upon a person the gift of divine knowledge.1 1 Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. The Schoolmasters of Dhhank, Vanod, and Kolki, 5 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. Mr. K. D. Desai. Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, and the Headmistress of Gondal Girls' School. Mr. D. K. Shah, Charadwah, Mr. M. R. Raval. The Schoolmaster of Limbdi Taluka, Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT In the village of Chunval, a few miles to Persons anxious to attain heaven, bathe in the north of Viramgam, there is a kund the Mrigi kund on Mount Girnar; and a bath known as Loteshwar, near which stands a in the Revati kund, which is in the same pipal tree. Persons possessed by ghosts or place, confers male issue on the bather.5 devils, are freed from possession by pouring There is also a kund of the shape of an water at the foot of the tree and taking elephant's footprint Pagahein on Mount turns round it, remaining silent the while. Girnar. It never empties and is held most A bath in the Man-sarovar near Bahu- sacred by pilgrims. People bathe in the charaji is said to cause the wishes of the Gomati kund near Dwarka and take a little bather to be fulfilled. There is a local of the earth from its bed, for the purificatradition that a Rajput woman was turned tiont of their souls. In the village of into a male Rajput of the Solanki class by a Babara, Babhruvahan, the son of Arjun, is bath in its waters, 1 said to have constructed several kunds, all of There is a kund called Zilaka near Zinzu- which are believed to be holy. wada with a temple of Naleshwar Mahadev The Lasundra kund near Lasundra in the near it. The kund is said to have been built Kaira Districts and the Tulsi-shyama kund at the time of King Nala. It is believed on Mount Girnar contain hot waters. locally that every year, on the 15th day of There is also a hot kund called Devki-unai, the bright half of Bhadrapad, the holy about thirty miles to the south of Surat. Ganges visits the kund by an underground There the waters remain hot throughout route. A great fair is held there on that the whole of the year, except on the day, when people bathe in the kund and give fifteenth day of the bright half of Chaitra. alms to the poor. There is also another On this day, the waters cool, and people kund close by, known as Bholava, where the can bathe in the kund. Many pilgrims visit river Saraswati is believed to have halted and the place on this occasion, to offer money, manifested herself on her way to the sea. cocoanuts, and red lac to the unai mata, There is a kund in Baladana near Vadh. whose temple stands near the kund. It is wan, dedicated to Hol, the favourite mata! said that King Rama built this leund while of the Charans. In this kund, black or red performing a local sacrifice, and brought gagar bediuus-pieces of cotton thread-are water up from the patal ( nether regions ) sometimes scen floating in the water. They by shooting an arrow into the earth.10 appear only for a moment, and sink if any Other holy kunds are: the Bhim kund, the one endeavours to seize them. The appear- Gomukhi-ganga, and the Kamandalu lund ance of black pieces forebodes famine: but on Mount Girnar near the temple of Bhimthe red ones foretell prosperity." nath Mahadeo; the Radha kund, the Lalita In Bhadakon near Chuda there is a kund kund, and the Krishna-sarovar in Dwarka; called Garigavo. The place is celebrated as the Rama sarovar, the Sita kund and the the spot of the hermitage of the sage Bhrigu Devki-unai kund in Ayodhya (Oudb); 11 and and a fair is held there annually on the last the Suraj kund12 and the Hanumandharal day of Bhadrapad. kund on Mount Girnar. 1 The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 3 Mr. M. S. Shah, ZinzuwAda. * The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala, 7 The Schoolmaster of Khirasari, . Mr. Jairam Vasaram, Jodia, 11 Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. 13 The Schooimaster of Gondal Taluka. ? Mr. M H. Raval, Vanod. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanki, & Mr. L. D. Metha, Mota Devalia. * The Schoolmaster of Lewaria. 10 Mr. K. D. Desai. 12 The Schoolmaster of Moti Murad, * See P. 42.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Waterfalls are not very familiar to the Persons who are possessed in this manner, people of Gujarat. There is a belief, how can be freed by bhuvas,t who give them a ever, that barren couples obtain issue if they magic thread to wear." bathe in a waterfall, and offer a cocoanut, There is a var called Nilkanth vav near If a river source issues from an opening, Movaiya, in which a pinjari (a female cottonin the shape of a go-mukh (cow's-mouth), carder ) is said to have been drowned, and the stream is called dhodh, and is consider to have been turned into a ghost, in which ed as sacred as the holy Ganges. A bath form she occasionally presents herself to the in such a dhodh has the same efficacy for he same efficacy for people, absolving persons from their sins, Another ghost haunts an old var, called When a person dies an accidental death Madha, in Vadhwan and drowns one human and before the fulfilment of his worldly being every third year as a victim. But a desires, his soul receives avagati (ie., passes into a degraded or fallen condition), and it male spirit named Kshetrapal resides in the is not released from this state till Shraddhas kotha ( or entrance ) of the vav, and saves have been duly performed in its name, and those who fall near the entrance. A person the objects of its desire dedicated to it with is, however, sure to be drowned if he falls in proper ritual. The same fate befals those any other part of the vav.? A ghost also souls which do not receive the funeral pindas resides in the vao at Hampar near Dhrangawith the proper obsequies. Such fallen souls dhra and terrifies the people at times, become ghosts and goblins, and are to be The goddess Rainadevi resides in wate found where water is, i, encar a well, and is worshipped by virgins on the fifteenth tank, or a river. 3 day of the bright half of Ashadh, when they Those who meet death by drowning become grow javalat (tender wheat-plants) in an goblins, residing near the scene of their earthen vessel and present them to her, death, and are a source of danger to all who remaining awake for the whole of the night approach the water; for instance, in Monapuri and Sasai, there are two ghunas (inysterious to sing songs in her honour. Darya-Pir, the patron of Luvanas (merwatery pits) haunted by bhuts (ghosts) which take the lives of one or two buffaloes chants) and Kbarvas (sailors), resides in the every year. Matast and Shankhinis also sea ; and vows are observed in his honour by haunt wells, springs, and tanks and either these people on the second day of the bright drown, or enter the persons of, those who go half of every month, when they pass a little near their resorts, water through his sieve. 1 The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala, Mr. K. D. Desai. * D, K. Pandya, Dhbank; the Shastri of Jetpur Pashasbala and the Schoolmaster of Limbdi Taluka. . Mr. L. D. Mebta, Devalia. $ The Schoolmaster of Limbdi Taluka and the Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala. * The Schoolmaster of Movaiya. I N. M. Dave, Sinki. * The Schoolmaster of Kolki. * There are several species of bhnts and prets-ghosts and goblins--thus, for instance, Jalachar, i.e., those who live in water ; Agrichar, i. e., those found in fire: Bhuchar, i. c., those hovering on the earth; Gaganachar, i. e., those moving in ethereal regions, Manushyachar, i. e., those moving among men ; Khagachar or those moving among birds, and Pashuchar. i. e., those living among beasts. N. D. Vora, Rajpara. # Vide page 1.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 41 It is well known that a drowning person two feet long, is then spread on the spot, clings fast to anyone who tries to save him, and a pound and a quarter of wheat, a and endangers the lives of both himself and cocoanut, betels, dntes and copper coin are bis saviour. It is also believed by some placed on it. A copper bowl containing some people that the messengers of Varuna (the silver or gold coins and filled with water, is lord of all waters) seize those persons who also placed wer; the mouth of the bowl is bathe in a river earlier than the usual hour in covered with the leaves of the Ashoka tree the morning; and the act of saving a drowning (Jinesia Asoka) and a cocoanut is placed person thus deprives Varuna of his victim, over the leaves. After this, the priest recites and brings down the wrath of that deity. sacred hymns and asks his host to perform Sometimes, for the sake of moksha, a the khatt ceremonies. Among favourite person takes samadhi (i, e., drowns himself offerings to Ganpati and the earth in the with a religious motive) in a holy river, such course of worship and in the performance of as the Ganges or the Jumna. In such a case the khat ceremonies are: curds, milk, honey, the relatives and other persons refrain from molasses, cocoanuts, dhana (a kind of spices), interference and do not try to rescue the leaves of Ragarvel (a kind of creeper) and person, red lac. The expert who is called to choose When a well is to be dug, an expert is first a proper site for the well offers frankcalled to select a likely spot on which to dig. incense and a cocoanut to the spot, and A Brahman is then consulted as to the lights a lamp thereon. After the khat auspicious hour on which the work of digging ceremonies are over, the host distributes should be commenced. For this purpose, sugar or prolasses among the by-standers, and Tuesdays and those days on which the offers a sum of money to the expert, who earth sleeps are to be avoided. The earth usually refuses it, asking the host to spend is supposed to be asleep on the following it in charity. Those who accept money give six days in every month, namely: the 1st, the away a part of it in alms to the poor, 7th, the 9th, the 10th, the 14th and the 24th Sometimes, to secure the unobstructed days following a sankranti (i.e., the day on completion of the work, the god Ganpati and which the sun crosses from one constellation the goddess Jaladevi are installed and wor. to another). Excluding these days, a date shipped daily, till water appears in the is generally fixed on which the Chandra-praha well. Some people, however, install the (or the planet moon) is favourable to the goddess Jaladevi after the appearance of constructor of the well. water, when a stone is taken out from the On the appointed day, the expert, the bottom of the well and is plastered with red constructor of the well, the Brahman priest, lead to represent the goddess and is cere. and the labourers go to the place where the moniously worshipped. When the construcwell is to be dug, and an image of the god tion of the well is complete, tastu, i. e., the Ganpati--the protector of all auspicious ceremony in vogue after the completion of a ceremonies--is first installed on the spot and new building or jalotsava (the water-festival) worshipped with panchamrit:* A green is celebrated, Brahmans being entertained coloured piece of atlas (silk cloth), about at a feast, with dakshina given.7 IN. D. Vera, Rajpara. 9 The Schoolmasters of Vanod and Kolki. * D, K. Pandya, Dbhank. * H. M. Bhatt, Ganod. * The Schoolmasters of Dhbank and Patanviv. * The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * The Shoolmasters of Ganod and Dadvi. * A mixture of milk, curds, gbi, honey and sugar. Vide page 29. Rich persons use silver or golden spades and hoes when turning up the first clod of earth.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The water of the Krukalas well in the Narayan-sarovar in Catchy, Ravanrhad in the island of Shankhodwar is believed to cure Himalayas, and Ramarhad. The following fever and diseases caused by morbid heat. popular myth is related about Man-sarovar. A draught of the water of the Gomuk higanga Two kings once agreed that the two near Girnar, makes one proof against an children that should first be born to them attack of cholera, should marry each other. But it hapThe water of a gosara well (i. e., a well pened that both the kings had daughters. which is polluted on account of a person One of them, however, concealed the fact, and being drowned in it) cures children of gave out that the child born to him was a bronchitis and cough.2* son. So that when the children attained a There is a well near Ramdorana, of which marriagable age, they were married to each the water is effective against cough, and other according to the agreement. the water of the Bhamario well near But the wife found out the secret when Vasawad possesses the same virtue. she went to stay with her supposed husband, The water of the Mrigi kund near and disclosed it to her parents, who invited Junagadh remedies leprosy. the counterfeit son-in-law to their house with The Pipliwell near Zalawad and the the object of ascertaining the truth. The Detroja-vav near Kolki are well-known for alleged son, however, suspected the design the stimulative effect of their waters on the and fled, with a mare and a bitch. On digestion." arriving near Man-sarovar, the animals went If a dark stone is found in the course of into the lake in order to refresh themselves, digging a well, the water of that well is when there was an immediate transformation ; believed to have medicinal properties, and the bitch and the mare came out a dog The birth of a child under the mul nak- and a horse. On observing this miracle, their shatra endangers the life of its father : but mistress followed their example and was also the misfortune is averted if the child and its turned into & male. The story is still parents bathe in water drawn from one sung by girls in a garabi (song) during hundred and eight wells. Such water, the Navaratra holidays. if swallowed, is said to cure sanipat or There is a belief that the ancient golden delirium.7 city of Dwarka, the capital of god In the island of Shial there is a vav called Krishna, still exists in the sea, although it is Than-vav, where mothers, who cannot suckle invisible to the eyes of mortals. A story their children for want of milk, wash their is told of a man named Pipo Bhagat who, bodices. When they afterwards wear these once perceiving a golden bowl floating in the bodices, these are believed to be able to cause sea, plunged into the water and saw the the due secretion of milk. golden palaces of Dwarka and god Krishna The most famous of the sacred lakes are resting therein. It is said that he returned Pampat, Bindut. Pushkar and Sambhar | with the tide and related his experience to near Ajmere, Man-sarovar near Bahucharaji, several people,10 1 B. K. Dave, Kotda, Sangani, * The schoolmasters of Limbdi and Chhatrasa, * The Schoolmaster of Upleta * The schoolmaster of Mota Devalia. * The Schoolmaster of Kolki, . D. K. Pandya, Dhhank, + The Schoolmaster of Patinvav. * G. K. Bhatt, Songadh. * Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. 10 The Shastri of Jetpar, Pathashala. * It is a common practice to bring a small circular piesa of an eartben vessel from the neighbourhood of such a well and to hang it by a piece of string round the neck of a child to cure it of hadakhi-udharas or strong cough.-K. D. Desai. + Pampa is described in the Ramayana as being situated in the Dandaka forest, i. 6., in the Deccan, and seems to be the modern Hampi In Bellary district. 1 Perha ps the one in Sidrapur-K. T. G.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT Similarly, the golden Lanka of Ravan is end burnt by the queen of Nandraj and the still believed to exist under the sea, ruled treasure still lies hidden in the waters of the over by Bibhishan, the brother of Ravan, and sea. visible only to the eyes of saints and holy | It is narrated in the fourth chapter of persons. It is a common belief that the Bhagvat-paran that the ten thousand sons nether regions are inhabited by a species of Prachetas used to residen palvor built of semi-divine beings, half men and half under water, serpents, called Nags, who possess magnifi- Mountains are held to be sacred in a cent palaces under the water. The story variety of circumstances; thus some are of Kaliya Nag, who resided at the bottom of valued for possessing medicinal druge: some the Jumna and was driven from that place are revered as the birthplaces of the gods, by Krishna, is well known. There are & or as the residences of saints : some for posnumber of mythological traditions in the sessing many tirthas (holy spots) : some bePurunas of kings and princes having visited cause they were visited by Rama or the these palaces in watery regions, and of their Pandavas : some serve as guardians of the having brought back beautiful Nagakanyas four quarters : and some contain the sources (daughters of Nags) therefrom. For of holy rivers. instance, Arjuna married a Nagakanya Both the important ranges of the Presinamed Ulupi when he was living in exile dency, the Sahyadri and the Satpuda, are with his brothers. He also stayed for some subjects of veneration in the popular mind. time with the Nags. The Himalayas, the Vindhya Mountains, and Ghosts and demons sometimes inhabit the Nilgiris command special respect. Other palaces under the water. Deep waters, sacred mountains are Girnar and Shetrunja unfrequented by men, are the favourite in Kathiawar, Mount Abu, Pavagad, near resorts of such beings, Baroda, Brahmagiri Arasur, Tryambak near The god Varuna resides in the waters, Nasik, Koyalo, Govardhan near Mathura, and is said to have once carried off Nand Revatachal near Dwarka, and Hinglaj in (the adoptive father of Krishna) to his Sind. watery abode, for having bathed in the It is said that in ancient times there Jumna before dawn, were deep miry ditches where Girnar and Kalindi, the daughter of the king of the Abu stand at present. One day a cow Kalingas, practised religious austerities in a belonging to the sage Vasishtha fell into palace under the waters of the Jumna with one of them and was found by Kacha, the object of securing a suitable husband. the son of Brihaspati, after a long search, Krishna, on being informed of this by When the incident was brought to the Arjuna, went to the place and married her, notice of Vasishtha, he requested Meru (a There is a story in the Puranas that a mythical mountain) to send his two sons king, named Nandraj, used to bury his Girnar and Abu to occupy and fill the treasures in the sea with the assistance of a ditches. Girnar required sixty-eight tirthas mani (jewel) which furnished a safe passage to accompany him; and the boon was granted through the water. The mani was in the by the gods. 1 The Schoolmasters of Dadvi and Kolki. ?D. K. Pandya, Dhbank. H. M. Bhatt, Ganod. + The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 6 Jairam Vasaram, Jodia. * The Schoolmaster of Khirasara, + N. M. Dave. Sankad * The Deputy Educational Inspector of Halar. * The Schoolmasters of Dhhank, Moti Parabadi, and Luvaria.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Girnar is one of the seven great mountains could not disobey the order of his lord, and which once possessed wings.1* It is also he had accordingly to drop the Govardhan known as the place where the sage Dattat- mountain near Mathura. In order to fulfil raya performed religious austerities. The Hanuman's promise, however, Vishnu held place is so holy that any person dying with the mountain over his head for seven days, in a radius of twelve gaust from it is believed at the time of his Krishna incarnation, to attain moksha. A visit to the temples on It is said that the inbabitants of the disGirnar absolves one from all sins; and taking tricts round Govardhan formerly revered and a turn round Girnar and Shetrunja is said adored Indra, But Krishna condemned this to bring good fortune, Bhagwan manifests custom, and introduced the worship of himself to those who ascend the Bhaira Govardhan, Indra was exasperated at this vajaya summit on Girnar. There is a rock conduct, and poured tremendous rains on on this mountain of which it is said that Gokul in order to drown Krishna and his those who cast themselves from it directly followers. But Krishna held up the Govarattain beaven, dhan mountain on his little finger and Pavagad is known for the temple of sheltered all his people under its cover. Mahakali Mata. It is said that King Patai The mountain was supported in this manner once propitiated her by austerities, and on for seven days, by the end of which the being desired to deinand a boon, asked the rains subsided and Indra confessed himself goddess to accompany him to his palace. vanquished. Even now Vaishnavas form The goddess was highly incensed at this re- an image of Govardhan out of mud and quest, and promptly destroyed him. worship it on the Janmashtami day (ie., Hanuman, the monkey-god, once promised the eighth day of the dark half of to take the Mountain Govardhan to peet Shravan). Rama. It is well known how the monkey The Oshama Hill near Patanvar (in the allies of Rama constructed a bridge of rocks jurisdiction of Gondal) is noted for the across the sea to Lanka, and how Hanuman beautiful temples of Tapakeshwar, Mahadev supplied the requisite material by fetching and Matari Mata. It is said that Bhimat huge mountains. Whilst engaged on this the second of the five Pandavas, first met work, he was one day carrying the Govar- the giantess Hidimba,, on this hill. The dban mountain to the site of the bridge, charcoal-like stones which are dug out in when Rama issued an order that all monkeys numbers from this hill are believed by the who were fetching mountains should deposit people to have been blackened by the blood of their burdens at the spot where they stood the giant Hidimb, the brother of Hidimba at the woment of the order. Hanunan who was killed by Bhima. 1 The Schoolmaster of Chhatrasa. The Schoolmaster of Lilapur. The Shastri of Jetpur, Pathashala * The Schoolmaster of Kolki. * The Schoolmaster of Lilapur. * The Schoolmasters of Kotda-Sangani, Vanod, and Luvaria. + The Schoolmaster of Ganod. The Schoolmaster of Patanya * All mountains once possessed wings and caused much havoc when they flew about. So Indra clipped their wings with his thunderbolt and they are lying motionless since.-K. D. Desai. + Three-fourths of a gauone mile. After the conflagration of Lakshabhuvan, the Pandavas escaped to the Hidimba Forest. There one day, in his excursions, Bhima came across the giantess Hidimba sitting on a see-saw. On her offering to marry him if he succeeded in swinging her see-saw, he is said to have swung it so high in the skies that sne could even see the stars during daytime.-K. L'. Desai.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 45 Mount Shetrunja (or Shatrunjaya) pos- there today. Owing to the excessive cold, Sesses numerous Jain shrines and attracts the place is extremely difficult to reach thousands of pilgrims every year, The Pilgrims carry burning heartbs with them hearts of all pilgrims are believed to be to protect themselves against cold. Besides, purified from the moment they come within it is necessary to cross the Pathar-nadi (or six miles of the mountain stony river), of which the water, if touched, Mount Abu possesses the temple of Amba turns one into stone. The method of crossMata where Krishna's hair was clipped for ing this river is to suspend sikans or slings the first time, Tryambak is known for the above its water and to swing arom one sling temple of Tryambakeshwar and the source to another. of the holy Godavari,3 About Revatachal, A hill called Swargarohan is believed to be it is said that the mountain was golden in twenty miles to the north of Badrikedarnath ancient times. In the Vindhya Mountains and is said to lead to heaven. In ancient is situated the famous temple of Omkar | times the Pandavas had repaired to this place Mandhata." The hermitage of Kakbhushundi in order to do penance for the sin of having in the Nilgiris was visited by Rims when he killed their kinsmen in the Great War. But listened to the religious stories read out by when they tried to ascend to heaven by the that sage. The sage Agastya also is said to Swargarohan Hill, only Yudhishthir and his have resided in these mountains, faithful dog were able to reach their goal: The temple of Hinglaj stands on a hill the rest were frozen in the snow.? which is situated at a distance of eighteen Mount Kailasa, the abode of Shiva, is supdays' journey by road from Karachi. The posed to be situated in the northern part of Mata is ministered to by a Musalman and the Himalayas. The mountain is described the place is mostly visited by Atita, Bapas, as always covered with verdure and full of Khatris, Ckhipas, Mochis, and other low- beautiful gardens and of palaces made of caste Hindus. On occasions the doors of the jewels, with roads paved with golden dust temple spontaneously open, and after the and #phatika-mani (crystal stone). It is devotees have visited the Mata, they again said that Ravan, the king of Lanka, once shot in the same mysterious manner." uprooted this mountain and held it on the As the abode of Shiva and as containing palm of his hand, in order to display his the sources of the holiest of rivors, the Hima- prowess. The demon Bhasmasur, who was layas are the most sacred of all mountains, enamoured of the goddess Parvati, is said to and possess many holy places of pilgrimage, have performed the same feat in order to such as Badrinarayan, Kedarnath, Hardwar, frighten Shiva,3 etc. Badrinarayan is the favourite resort of Another mythical mountain is Meru, which those who have relinquished the world and is supposed to occupy the centre of the who only wish to meditate on the Divine earth. The sun, the moon, and all the Being. The sages Nara and Narayan are planets revolve round this mountain, and it said to have peformed religious austerities in therefore plays an important part in the this place, and eighty-eight thousand rishis causation of day and night. For night falls (sages) are believed to be similarly occupied on one side of the earth when the sun goes The Shastri of Jetpur, Pathashala. * The Schoolmaster of Lilapur, The Schoolmaster of Ganod, R. B. Dave. * The Schoolmaster of Jodia. * The Schoolmaster of Lavaria. 7 M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * The earth is believed to be that like a dish and to consist of syven large islands, which are compared to the seven petals of a lotus.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY to the other side of Meru; and the day begins The changes in the seasons are attributed when the sun einerges from that side of the by some to Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesha mountain. Meru is sixty-eight thousand (Shiva), the gods of the Hindu Trinity. yojans* in height and penetrates the earth Brahma sends down the rains and produces to the depth of sixteen thousand yojans. corn, grass, etc., Vishnu protects and Its eastern side appears white, the southern nourishes the harvests in winter, and Shiva is yellow, the western is black, and the north- causes the heat of the summer." There is ern red. The mountain is also believed to also a belief that these three gods go down consist of gold and gems. The Ganges, in in turns to the patal (nether regions) and her fall from the heavens, is said to have stay there for four months. Vishnu desdescended first on the top of this mountain cends on the eleventh day of the bright half and then to have flowed in four streams in of Ashadh, and on that day the rainy season four directions. The southern stream is begins. When Vishnu comes up and Shiva known as the Ganges; the northern, in takes his place, people experience the cold of Tartary, is called Bhadrasoma ; the eastern winter : but as this god always keeps a is the same as the Sita ; and the western is dhanit burning near him, the waters under named Chax or the Oxus. The top of this the surface of the earth, such as those in the inountain is believed to be inhabited by gods, wells, remain hot during this period. Such gandharvas (celestial musicians) and rishis waters are cooled when Shiva returns and (sages). 1 According to the Yoga-vasishtha, Brahma goes down to the patal : but the there is a kalpa-vrikshat on the Lalmani return of Shiva causes summer on the summit of Meru, where a rishi named Bhu- earth. shundkak is engaged in devotional prayers According to another belief, the sequence since time immemorial, The Puranas of the seasons is controlled by the sun-god.8 declare that Vaivaswat Manu, the first man, There are six ritus or seasons; and the resided near Meru, and that his descendants changes in the ritus depend upon the position migrated to Ayodhya to found there a of the sun in the twelve rashis or signs of kingdom which was afterwards ruled over by the Zodiac. Each ritu lasts for a period of Rama, 1 two months, during which time the sun travels It is believed by some people that moun through two rashis, Vasant-ritu is the period tain-tops are inhabited by a class of recluses, which the sun takes to pass through the Min called Aghori-bavas, who devour human (Pisces) and Mesha (Aries) rashis. Grishmabeings. The Kalika hill near Girnar is ritu corresponds to the time during which believed to be frequented by Joganis (female the sun passes through Vrishabha (Taurus) harpies) who take the lives of visitors to the and Mithun (Gemini). During Varsha-ritu hill, and it is said that none who visits the the sun moves through the signs Karka place is ever known to return. Persons (Cancer) and Sinha (Leo), and during who visit the temple of Kalikamata on Mount Sharad ritu through Kanya (Virgo) and Girnar always lose one of their party, who Tula (Libra). Hemant-ritu is the time falls a victim to the goddess." which the sun takes to travel through 1 M. M. Rana, Rajkot. The Schoolmaster of Limbdi. * The Schoolmasters of Dhbank and Sinki, The Schoolmaster of Mendarda. * The Shastri of Jetpur, Pathishali. + A magic tree, supposed to grant all desires. : D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. * The Schoolmaster of Upleta. * The Schoolmaster of Zinzuwadi. * The Schoolmasters of Dhhank and Gondal Taluka. One yojan=eight miles. * Fire used for the purposes of smoking.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT Vrishchika (Scorpio) and Dhanu (Sagit recited, and prayers are offered before a tarius). Shishir-ritu occurs when the sun sacrificial fire. This ceremony, called Par. stands in the Makar (Capricornus) and janya-shanti, is said to have been perforined Kumbha (Aquarius) rashis1 within recent years in Bombay, and to have Indra (the god of rain), Varuna (the lord been successful in bringing rain, of all waters). Vayu (the god of wind), It is also said that rainfall can be caused Agni (the god of fire), and the moon-god by singing a song or a sacred hymn to the are also believed by some to have power over malar tune. There is a tradition that the the seasons. well-known saint Narsinha Mehta once sang The belief is as old as the Vedas that this tune on the occasion of the celebration demons sometimes obstruct the fall of rain, of the first pregnancy of his daughter, and and confine the waters of the clouds. It is the performance was immediately followed Indra who fights with them and breaks by a shower of rain. Rain, which is brought through their castles by means of his thunder- down in this manner, can be put a stop to by bolt, sending down showers of rain for the singing to a different tune, benefit of his worshippers. So, whenever Low-caste women have recourse to the there is an unusual drought, people still in- following expedient to bring rain. Five or voke the aid of this god, and celebrate six of them place a quantity of muddy earth festival in his honour, called Ujjani or on a wooden stool, which is carried by one Indramahotsava. Homas" are performed to of them. The lump of mud is covered with propitiate the god, and Brahmans are enter- leaves of the Gidotan or Tindotan creeper, tained at a feast. Sometimes the festival and is called mehulo or meghalo. The is celebrated outside the village, where whole party then sing songs, and visit every people go in large parties to dine together. house in the village. A bowl of water is The usual dish on such an occasion is poured over the mekulo and the women receive Meghladu or sweet balls of wheat-flour fried some corn for their trouble, in ghi, Some believe that when the worship of the Another favourite ceremony supposed to village-gods is neglected and when the people cause rain to fall is the submersion of the grow corrupt, ill-treat the saints and are image of Shiva in water, by blocking up the given to the killing of cows and Brahmans, khal or passage in the Shiva-linga by which Yama, the God of Death, directs his colwater poured over the image usually runs leagues, Indra and Varuna, to threaten the off. This ceremony is known as Jala.jatra. world with a drought. The rainfall returns Rudrabhasheka, or the ceremony of pouring only when the people revert to righteous water in a constant stream over the image ways, and after Indra and Varuna have of Shiva for eleven consecutive days and been conciliated by offerings. nights, is sometimes performed with the same The lower classes of the people believe a object. 3 prolonged cessation of rain to be due to the Sometimes the assistance of Shringhi rishi wrath of local minor deities, aroused by the is invoked to bring about a fall of rain. neglect of their worship. In such a conThe rishi is installed in water, mantras are tingency, therefore, they prepare vaklant of K. D. Desai. *N, D. Vora, kajpara. # D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. * The Schoolmaster of Ganod. * The Schoolmaster of Upleta. * The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gohelwad and K. D. Desai. * Offering oblations to gods by throwing ghi into the consecrated fire. + A flat round loaf, about two to four iaches in diam stre, prepared from the four of adad.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY adad (lentils), lapsi, tadant and other some places people engage the services of dishes, and offer them to the local gods for magicians to restrain the fall of rain. their propitiation, Farmers sometimes brand the rain by casting To stop an incessant fall of rain, people burning sparks upon it in order to stop an often observe the Aladra vow. The patel or incessant fall. Vows in honour of samudra headman issues a proclamation that on a par- (the occan) are also observed with the same ticular day none should cook, or churn whey, object, or fetch water, or wash clothes, or attend to In the changing circumstances of life, any of the multifarious household duties : women more readily have recourse to relibut that all should pass the day in prayer. gious vows for the fulfilment of their wishes A complete cessation from toil in favour of than men. This fondness of women for earnest devotion to divine powers are the vows has brought into vogue a number of peculiar features of this vow, People do vrats or religious observances which are pot abstain from food: but food must be practised by women only. Gangigor or prepared on the previous day. If the rains Ganugor, Vat-Savitri Molakat, Goutrat, do not cease in spite of this vow, but threaten Alavana or Alunda, Eva-vrat, Tulsi vrat the village with inundation, the headman leads Uma masheshwar-urat, and Surya-vrat are a procession to the confines of the village instances of such vows, The Molakat-erat and makes an offering to the waters, is observed by virgins from the eleventh to In some places a spinning wheel, some- the fifteenth day of the bright half of times specially constructed of human bones, Ashadh.16 The Goutrat-vrat is believed to is turned by a naked person in the reverse secure male progeny, as well as long life to direction to the usual one, with the object the husband. It is observed on the fourth of causing the cessation of immoderate day of the dark half of Shravana on which rainfall. day women fast till the evening, and then A cessation of rains is also believed to be take food after worshipping a cow." The brought about by offering an oblation to the object of the Eva-urat (or Jiva vrat) is to god Kasatia, and by the observance of the secure eternal exemption from widowhood, vow called Kasatia ganth (or tying the knot the day for this vow being the last day of ot' Kasatia). The vow lasts for three weeks, Ashadh. It is then necessary to observe a and those who observe it do not partake of fast till the evening; and the only food anything except rice (or, according to allowed is a preparation of wheat, taken at others, jiran, a kind of spice"). nightfall, Some persons attribute a heavy fall of On the fourth day of the dark half of rain to the wrath of Indra, and offer ceremo- Skravan, women observe & urat called Bol nious prayers to appease that god. In choth. In the morning the woman worships 1 K, D. Desai. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. * The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gobielwad. * D, K. Pandya, Dhhank. * The Shastri of Jetpur, Pathashali and the Schoolmaster of Vanod. * The Schoolmaster of Mota Dewalia According to him, the same vow is also observed to bring about a rainfall. 1 The Schoolmaster of Ganod. * The Schoolmaster of Vanod. * The Shastri of Jetpur Pithashili. 10 The Schoolmaster of Jodia. 11 The Schoolmaster of Zinzuwada. 11 The Schoolmaster of Mendarda. * Coarse wheat flour fried in ghi and sweetened with sugar or molasses. Bean-flour, generally of gram or pons, is allowed to remain in water with spices, until the paste acquires a sufficient degree of consistency, when it is rolled into small biscuit-sized balls and fried in sweet oil.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT a cow and her calf (which must both be of the same colour), applies a little cotton to the horns of the cow, and makes an auspicious mark on the foreheads of both with red lac. She then places an offering of betel and rice before the cow, takes four turns round the pair, and whispers in the ears of the cow the words tarun satya marun vritya (your truth and my devotion). A Brahman then recites the legend of the vrat.* After narrating this story, the Brahman takes the betel and other things placed before the cow. The woman then returns home and takes food for the first time during that day, the meal consisting of loaves of bajra-flour and some preparation of mag (phaselus mungo). Some women take ghi and khir: but any preparation of cow's milk is strictly forbidden. Similarly, there is a prohibition against using things which have been cut by a knife or scissors,1 The worship of the goddess Randal is a favourite vrat with Gujarati women. A bower is erected for the installation of the goddess, and a bajat or a wooden stool is placed therein. A piece of fine cloth is spread on the bajat, and a figure is drawn in seeds of corn. A kalasio or bowl, with a cocoanut on it, is placed over the figure. The cocoanut has two eyes painted on it in black collyrium and a nose in red lac, and is decorated with rich clothes and ornaments to represent the goddess Randal, Ghi lamps are kept constantly burning before the god dess for three consecutive days and nights. An invitation is sent to the neighbouring The Schoolmaster of Jodia. The Schoolmaster of Surel. women, who bring offerings of ghi to the goddess, and dance in a group at night to the accompaniment of melodious garabis (songs). Sometimes, if a child is ill, or some misfortune is apprehended, goranis, ie., a certain number of unmarried girls and unwidowed women, are invited to a feast in honour of Randal. On the Nagapanchami day, i.e., the 5th day of the bright half of Shravan,+ women draw an image of a nag (cobra), and worship it with sprouts of bajra. In some places it is the custom to avoid all food but khichedit on this day. The wad (the banyan tree) is worshipped on the first day of the dark half of Shravan. On that day the woman wears a necklace of fifteen leaves of this tree and prepares a dish called naramuthium. A dora or piece of string is also worn on the person to ward off evil,3 49 Rishi-panchami, Gauri-pujan, Shitalaipujan, Shili-satem are holidays observed only by women. On the Rishi-panchami day only niari rice is allowed to those who observe the rrat.* Besides the observance of vrats, there are other ceremonies, auspicious as well as inauspicious, in which women alone can take part. Only women are concerned with all those ceremonies which are gone through on the birth of a child. On the twelfth day after birth, a name is given to the child by its aunt The ceremony of making an auspicious mark on the throne of a king is performed by an unwidowed woman or an unmarried girl." The Schoolmasters of Vanod and Kolki. The Schoolmaster of Jasdan. 5 Mr. M. M. Rana, Kajkot. The story tells how a woman and her daughter-in-law, intending to observe this vow, killed and cooked a calf by mistake; covered with shame, they locked themselves up in their house, and refused admission to the neighbours, to whom they confessed their crime. On searching for the ren ains of the calf, the neighbours discovered that it had been miraculously restored to life.-K. E. E. + Some observe the Nagapanchami on the fifth day of the bright half of Bhadrapad. A mixture of rice and pulse treated with spices and cooked in water. SS A preparation of nine handfuls of wheat. A kind of rice grown without ploughing. Vide Page 24.

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30 TIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY At the time of a marriage, women make Vishnuyag, Shaktiyag, Ashvamedha, Rajathe auspicious mark on the forehead of the yajna, and Gayatri-purashcharan can only be bridegroomi and carry a laman-divo* to fetch performed by men." ukardi * For nine days preceding the date It is the duty of men only to worship the of marriage the bride and the bridegroom shami tree (prosopis spicegera) on the Dasara are besmeared with pithi or yellow turmeric day, and the Hutashani fire on the day of powder, when auspicious songs are recited | Holis by a party of women invited to witness the Women are not allowed to worship the god ceremony. When the bridegroom reaches the Kartikey, who is said to shun women, and to entrance of the marriage bower, he is wel have pronounced a curse against all who visit comed there by his mother-in-law, who his image. carries him on her hip to his seat in the The fifteenth day of the bright half of marriage booth, Chaitra is the anniversary of the birth of It is necessary to make certain marks on Hanuman, and a vrat called Hanumanthe corpse of a woman, and these marks are jayanti is observed on this day. This made by women only. Similarly, women vrat, as well as the Ganesh-chaturthi-vrat? alone take part in the ceremony of getting a are meant only for men, widow's hair shaved on the ninth day after the ceremonies of Shraddhat and the her husband's death. Balevas ceremonies can be performed by men The Shastras have enjoined the worship of only. The duty of giving agni-sanskarl certain higher-grade deities, and have pres to corpses, i.e., of performing the necessary cribed certain ceremonials for the purpose. rites at a funeral, is also laid on men. But women are not authorised to make use of these ceremonies. The reason is that the People who practise the art of attaining Shastras regard women as inferior to men mastery over spirits and fiends, usually and do not grant them the privileges given to remain naked while they are engaged in the the latter. They are not allowed to learn performance of their mysterious rites. the Vedas nor can the Gayatri-mantra be There are many branches of this black art : taught to them. The result is that women for instance, Maran, Uchchatan 10 Lam. are not qualified to perform the ceremonial ban, Vashikaran, 11 Mohan, 12 Stambhan, 13 worship of such higher-grade deities as etc., and although the meli vidya (sacrileVishnu, Shiva, Durga, Ganpati, and Hanu-l gious art) is not held in respect by highman; similarly the sacrificial rites of class Hindus, it is popular among the lower The Schoolmaster of Ganod. ? Mr. M. M. Rana, Rajkot. The Schoolmaster of Zarami-Zirava. * The Schoolmaster of Kolki and the Head-Mistress of Rajkot Civil Station Girls' School. Mr. K. D. Desai. "The Shastri of Jetpur Pithashala. 7 The Schoolmaster of Surel. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanka. The art of taking the life of a person by means of a magical process called math-maravi. The victim of this process suddenly vomits blood and loses his life, unless the evil influence is counteracted by another sorcerer.-B. K. Dave, Kotda Sangani. 10 Causing a person to leave his business by making him disgusted with it, by means of magical spells. The art of so influencing the conduct of a person as to bring him perfectly under control. 12 Bewildering an enemy by means of magical charms. 13 The suppression of any force or feeling by magical means. * The mother of the bride, accompanied by other women who sing songs on the way, carries an iron lamp to the village boundary, and from that place the party bring earth to erect the altars on which sacrificial fires are burnt. The lamp is called laman-divo and the earth which is brought is called ukardi.-R. D. Desai. + Vide question 10.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 51 classes. There is a belief that knowledyo of The worshippers of the goddess Juksh ni this art dooms & person to hell ; but it also remain naked when they attend upon her. secures to those who master it a position of Persons who practise the art of curing men much importance, and therefore finds many from the effects of serpent-bites by means of followers. The art consists in the know- incantations, have to sit naked under water ledge of certain mysterious incantations, in order to gain efficacy for their mantras, which enable a person to influence the spirits Followers of the Devi-panth, Shakti.panth and to bring about certain results through and Aghori-panth sects remain naked while their agency. Not only has every person when worshipping or offering victims the learning this art, to remain naked, but all gods. Vama-margis worship a nude in. those who make prayogas or experiments in it of the goddess Digambara. afterwards must observe the same precaution. The hook-shaped instrument, known as The night of Kali-chaudas or the 14th day of ganeshio, which is used by thieves in boring the dark half of Ashvin, is considered to be a hole through the walls of a house, is somethe most favourable time for the sadhan or times prepared by a blacksmith and his wife accomplishment of this secret art of remaining on the night of Kali-chaudas, both being naked. On this day, it is the custom of naked at the time. Instruinents prepared in those who exercise the art, to go stripped to this fashion are believed to secure success for A cemetery in the dead of night, and to cook the thief, who scrupulously sets aside the first food in a human skull as an offering to the booty acquired by the help of the ganeshi spirits residing in the neighbourhood. On for the blacksmith as a reward for his the same night, some sorcerers, after strip services. He does not grudge the reward ping themselves, are said to ride round the vil however large the booty may be. la ge on some mysterious conveyance." In making dice according to the directions A practice is noted among low-class people of Ramalashastra, the workers should remain of performing a sadhana before the goddess naked." Jhampadi for the sake of progeny. The i There is a belief that granulations in the man who performs the sadhana, has first to go eyes of a child are cured if the maternal naked to a cemetery on a Sunday night, and uncle fetches naked the beads of the Arani to fetch therefrom the ashes of a corpse, tree, and puts a circlet of them round the At the time of the sadhana, the man takes neck of the child." his seat on a corpse, fills a madaliun or hol If a person uncovers himself on hearing low bracelet with the ashes brought from the the screech of an owl, and then ties and cemetery, and puts it on his arm above the untics seven knots in a piece of sering, reelbows peating the process twenty-one times, the Dhobis, Malis, Valands and other low- piece of string is believed to posses. the caste people remain naked while worshipping virtue of curing Taria Tav or periodical Bhairav.. In the performance of the fever.10 Another remedy for the same anushthan (propitiation) of such deities as ailment is to go to a distance of three miles Kal-Bhairav, Batuk, Mani, Griva, etc., from the village and there to eat food which the devotees keep their persons uncovered. has been cooked in a state of nudity. 1 Mr. K. D. Desai. * Mr. N. M. Dave, Sanki. * Mr. B. K. Dave, Kota Sangani. * Mr. D. K. Pandya, Dhhank. * The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gohelwad. ? The Schoolmaster of Ganod. * The Schoolmaster of Moti Murad. * Mr. N. D. Vora, Rajpara, * The Schoolmasters of Dhbank and Songado. 10 The Schoolmasters of Upleta and Aman.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY In the preparation of Nargudikalpa* or of so many righteous persons who are transGujakalpa*, some drugs have to be procured lated to swarga for their good actions, and by a naked person. are endowed with a lustre proportionate to It is considered meritorious by some per their individual merits. But every moment sons to risc early in the morning and to of enjoyment in swarga diminishes the store bathe naked on the Makar Sankranti day of merit: and those whose whole merit is thus A Brahman boy must be naked at the time exhausted, on receiving their proportionate of the peformance of his thread investiture share of pleasures, must resume their worldly ceremony. After the ceremony, the maternal existence. The Bhagavad-gita says: "Witar uncle of the boy presents garments to him, god m ark " i.e., "they enter the which he thereupon puts on. mortal world when their merit is expended." In Gujarat, for the most part, the people Meteors are believed to be spirits of this seem to be un acquainted with the belief that description who fall from their position as certain stones possess the virtue of influen- stars, to live again on this earth. cing the rain. Some persons however attribute Another explanation of meteors is that this quality to the stones on such sacred they are the sparks produced when the vimans mounts as Girnar, Abu, and Pavagadh." (or vehicles) of celestial people clash against There is a point called Tonk, on mount each other.10 Girnar, of which it is said that rain is certain Meteors are also held to be the agar oi to fall whenever anyone succeeds in climbing charak (.e., excreta) dropped either by a it. There is also a common belief that arasi curious waler-bird,' or by Garud, the favourmarble if heated has influence over rain, ite eagle, and vehicle of Vishnu, 11 or by a It is a common practice to submerge the fabulous bird Anal,12 The latter is said to fly image of Shiva in water with the object of at an immeasurable height from the surface bringing rain. Similarly the image of the of the earth, and to take food only once a goddess Harshadh is sometimes bathed when day.19 It is almost impossible to catch the rain is desired. The bhuva or the bhui, i.e., charak when it falls to earth: but if ever it the male and the female attendants of the can be secured, the application of it to the goddess are at the same time given a bath, and eyes of a blind man will restore his eyesight. an offering or Khirt is made to the goddess. It also furnishes an effective remedy for There are two goals which a pious Hindu leprosy, and gives a golden lustre to the tries to attain by leading a life of purity body of a person suffering from that and virtue, viz., (i) moksha or final emancipa. | disease, 11 tion, merging into the Eternal Spirit, and | Some declare that meteors are stars which (ii) swarga (heaven or paradise) where ineri- fall owing to the curse of Indra, and subsetorious persons enjoy pure pleasures unalloy- quently assume the highest human form on ed by earthly cares. The stars are the spirits earth, Mr. Nandlal Kalidas, Chhatrasa. * The Schoolmaster of Aman, The Deputy Educational Inspector of Halar. * Mr. K. D. Desai. $ The Shastris of Jetpur and Bhayavadar. * The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala. + The Schoolmaster of Chok. * The Schoolmaster of Pitanvay. Mr. K. D. Desai and the Schoolmaster of Dbhank. 10 The Schoolmaster of Jodia, 11 The Schoolmaster of Ganod. 12 The Schoolmasters of Dhhank and Ganod and the Mistress of Rajkot Civil Station Girls' School. * Name of a medicinal preparation. + But the virtue of influencing rain belongs to the Shiva linga and to the idol of Harshadh, not because they are made of any particular kind of stone, but because they represent certain deities. 1 Rice cooked in milk and sweetened with sugar.

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TITE FOLKLORE OF GUJIRAT 53 It is also said that the stors descend to known by the name of Vayu) portend the earth in human form when sins nccumulate breaking out of an epidemic : those from in the celestial world. l'aruna-mandal, are believed to be favourable The influence of meteors on human affairs to human happiness; if they fall from is treated at length in the Varahasanhita. Indra-mandal, they forebode danger to all The phenomenon is popularly regarded as an kings; those from Agui-mandal, threaten evil omen: it is supposed to portend devasta war between nations." tion by fire, an earthquake, a famine, an During the monsoons, rain is believed to epidemnic, danger from thieves, and storms at fall in that direction in which a meteor is sea." The appenrance of a bright shooting seen to shoot." A meteor in the west is star is supposed to foretell the death of some ominous to kings, and if it falls into the sea, great man;' and on beholding one, it is it forebodes eril to the dwellers on earth. customary to repeat the words Ram Rim" The appearance of a comet is believed to several times. A shower of meteors is believed to presage some civil commotion or a portend some dire calamity to the king and change in the ruling dynasties. the nation. It is said that if a heavenly Some persons, lowerer, regard the appear. body is seen, chhogalo, t chhogala kings ance of meteors as Auspicious or baneful, i.e., great and celebrated kings) are in according to the mandal or group of stars, danger of their lives. A comet is also from which they are seen to fall. Meteors believed to threaten all tailed animals with from the layu-mandal, (or the group of stars destruction." 1 The Schoolmaster of Sayala. Perhaps it is the accumulation of sin in this world that brings down the saints of heaven in human form. The earth is unable to bear too much sin and would soon cone to an end if the balance between virtue and sin were not maintained. It is for this purpose that saints are born in this world and add to the store of merit on earth, by preaching righteousness to people and by leading a virtuous life.-K. D. Desai. The Schoolmaster of Ganod, The Schoolmasters of Rajpara, Vasiwad, Upleta, and Khirasara. * The Schoolmasters of Patanvir and Sultanpur. s The Schoolmaster of Sultanpur. The Schoolmaster of Charadwa. The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gohelwad, The Schoolmaster of Jodia. The Schoolmaster of Songadh. It is an act of merit to repeat the name of Rim, the seventh incarnation of Vishnu. As the death oi a righteous person is due to the growth of sin in this world, people utter the name of Ram in order to atone for hat sin. The name is repeated as long as the shooting star is visible. Vaishnavas recite the name of Krisbna.-K. D. Desai. It is also said that the name of Ram or Krishna is repeated, because the falling star enters the Court of God Bhagwin.-The Schoolmaster of Lakhapadar. 1 (1.e.) with a tail. Chhoga is the end of a turban, which is allowed to hang down the back.

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CHAPTER II. HEROIC GODLINGS SEVERAL stories, in addition to the legend, a son named Hanuman. This son had the of the Ramayana, are related of the birth form of a monkey, because, at the time of of the god Hanuman. Dasharatha, king of conception, Anjani happened to behold a Ayodhya, being childless, once performed monkey, named Keshi, on a neighbouring a sacrifice with the hope of thereby obtaining tree. male issue. On the conpletion of the cere- Hanuman is a chiranjiva, ie., one of those mony a heavenly being rose out of the sacri- seven * persons who are to live for ever and ficial fire and presented the king with a are therefore considered to be immortal. celestial preparation, called payas, which he He is represented as possessed of miraculous directed the king to give to his wives if he strength, and his body is vajramaya, ie., desired a son. The king divided the divine adamantine. When Sita was carried off by gift among his three queens ; but the share Ravana, it was le who crossed the sea and of one of them was snatched away by an brought news about her to Rama. When angle. It was dropped into the hands of Ahi and Mahi, two cousins of Ravana, carriAnjani; who was herself childless, and was ed off Rama and Lakshmana by magic and practising austerities for the sake of obtain- decided to offer them as victims to their ing son. On partaking of the payas, favourite goddess Panoti, Hanuman entered Anjani conceived, and the son born to her the temple of Panoti, crushed her under his was nfterwards known as the god Hanuman. feet, and released Rama and Lakshmana. Another story relates how Anjani was one Hence he is known as tle conqueror of Panoti, of those persons who helped Indra in his After the death of Ravana, Hanuman was cvil designs on Ahalya, the wife of Gautama. left to guard the kingdom of Lonki, which She had on that nccount been cursed by was conferred by Rama on Bibhishana, the Gnutama, and threatened with the birth of a brother of Ravann. fatherless child. To prevent the curse from Hanuman is an incarnation of one of the taking effect, Anjani buried herself in the eleven Rudras,t? is a brahmachiri (i.c., one ground as far as ber waist, and began to who has taken the vow of celibacy), a powerobserve religious austerities in the hope of ful and benevolent deity, and a giver of propitiating Shivn. The latter was pleased many blessings. At the same time, he is with her devotion, and sent her a mantra considered to be the master-deity of all through Sarada, who was ordered to deliver bhuts, prets, pishachas, (ghosts, goblins, it in her ear. Vayu, the god of wind, forced fiends), of dakans (witches), shakans, the mantra into her womb, and she conceived chudel, vantri, of the forty-nine virs (male IK. D. Desai, from the answers of various Schoolmasters. 2 The Schoolmaster of Vasavad. The following couplet mentions all of them : avasthAmA baliyAMsohamUmAMca vibhiissnnH| *T: TAN # f fifra: 11 A group of gods supposed to be inferior manifestations of Shiva, who is said to be the head of the group.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 55 tiends), of the fifty-two vetals, of yakshas means - Bow to the young Hanuman, the and yaksluinis and of all evil spirits in tormentor of ghata, the guardian of water, general, who nre believed to obey his the iron safe, the lock of vajra, the son of commands.1 Vows are observed in honour the gods and the demons. Take your seat of Hanuman if a persoa is possessed by a the receptacle of Mahadev, O stubborn god, bhat or a pret, or if he is scared by a jhapat O Nail of adamant.' After the repedition of (sudden encounter) with a devil, or if he the mantra, four nails are driven into the happens to step inadvertently within the four corners of the seat of the votary, and kundalar of an utar, Persons who are pos- it is believed that the sadhana is thus sessed by evil spirits are exorcised by the rendered sure of success." bhuvas by reciting the sancira mantra in The god Hanuman is sometimes worshiphonour of Hanuman.? ped when a serious epidemie is to be warded Kali-Chaudas, ie, the 17th day of dark off. The usual mode of propitiating him in half of Aslint is considered to be the most such cases, and also in exorcising spirits, is favourable day for practising the black art; to pour red lead and oil over his image, to and the god Hanuman is accordingly wor- make an offering of udad seeds (Phaseolus shipped with much ceremony by bh'u vas on radiatus) and molasses, and to invest the that day.1 intage with a wreath of one hundred and All bhuts, prets and spirits are thus eight flowers of ankadat or of as many believed to obey the cornmands of the god leaves or berries of the same plant. Hanuman. In the course of a sadhana (i, e. The influence of the god is believed to be the process of procuring the fulfilment of so powerful in some places that it is said certain desires through the favour and by that a bhut or a pishacha is at once exorcithe agency of spirits) the latter are con- sed from the body of a person who observes jured in the name of Hanuinan, so that the certain ceremonies there. In some places sadhana may not prove inefficacious. For the mere sight of the image of the god has this purpose the Hanuman raksha mantra is the same effect, and it is beliered that repeated one hundred and eight times before ghosts shriek and Ay from the bodies of the image of the god, the devotee remaining possessed persons, if these visit the images of standing all the time. A lamp of clarified Hanuman. In Kodolia, about half a mile to butter is also lighted, and frankincense is the west of Lilapur in Gujarat, there is a burnt. The mantra runs as follows:- Om temple of Hanuman where persons suffering namo Hanuman bala ghatapidam, panika from fever go on a Saturday, and take a meal rakhavala, lohaki kothadi, bajarka tala, before 2 p. m. at which time the god goes deva-danava-kumar, nikal Hanuman isan, out to graze his cows. This proceeding is Mahadev basan, Hanuman hathela, bajarka, believed to work a cure in cases of fever khila.' It is neither pure Sanskrit, nor and is called anagak. A mere glance at Gujarati, nor Hindustani, but roughly it the temple of Hanuman at Khandia and The Schoolmaster of Rajpara. 2 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * The Schoolmaster of Limbdi Taluka. * The Deputy Educational Inspector, Prant Hilar. * The Schoolmaster of Lilapar, Kundalan is the circle formed round the wtar by a bhuva, after he has placed the war in a cemetery or over a crossway.-The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. This is the day to learn such arts as that of math, chot, miran, eta, i.e., the art of doing bodily injuries by means of magic even to persons who are at a distant place. The process is gone through in a cemetery at the dead of night.-The Schoolmaster of Rajpara. I A poisonous plant, the leaves of which are used in fomenting in cases of palpitation and of stomach troubles.--The Deputy Educational Inspector, Prant Halar.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Saranghur, or of that image which is known lappen to hear him are transformed into as 'Bhid.bhanjan,' is sufficient to drive out hijadas (eunuchs)." evil spirits from the bodies of possessed Oil which has been poured over the image persons. The same virtue is attributed to of Hanuman and caught in a vessel is called the images of Hanuman at Bhurakhin, near naman. It is sometimes carried in a ratki Lathioad at Sariam, near Dhrangadhrn, a small metal cup) and is burnt to produce in Jhalavar," Kathinwar." antjan (i, e., soot used as collyrium). This There are certain peculiar conjunctious of anjan is believed to improve the eyesight, planets, which if they appear in a person's and to protect a person from the influence horoscope, always bring him misfortunes of evil spirits. There is a saying in In such circunstances, the person is said to Gujnrati that Koli.chaudasno anjyo, ane koine be under the influence of panoti.* Such na jay ganjio'. i. e., a person using anjan on influence Insts for a period varying from one Kalichaudas day ennnot be foiled by anyone. year to seven years and a half. When of the days of the week, Saturday is the the planet Shani (Saturn) enters the 1st, most suitable for the worship of Hanuman. 11th, or the 12th rishi in relation to n per- Of all offerings, that of red lend and oil is son, the latter is said to be affected by the most acceptable to him. When Hanusadasati-panoti, i.e., panoti extending over man was carrying the Drona mountain to soven years and a half. The panoti the battlefield before Lanka, he was woundenters the life of such a person with feeted in the leg by an arrow from Bharata, either of gold, silver, copper or iron : and in the brother of Rama. The wound was most cases the result is disastrous. If the healed by the application of red lead and panoti affects the head of a person, he loses oil, and hence his predilection for these his wits; if it affects the heart, it takes things. It is also said that after the away his wealth ; when it affects the feet,. it death of Ravana and at the time of the brings bodily ailments. In order to counter coronntion of Bibhishana, Rama distributed act the evil effects of panoti, people prizes to all his monkey followers, when worship Hanuman as tlie god who crushed nothing was left for Hanuman except red the malignant goddess Panoti under bis feet. lead nnd oil. On Saturday's red lead ond oil, adad, molas- Mostly Inkada flowers are used in worses are offered to the image of the god, shipping Hanuman, but sometimes Karan Frankincense is burnt, a lamp is liglited, flowers also are niade to serve the purpose. ? and a wreath of ankada flowers is sometimes The favourite dishes of Hanuman are dedicated. A fast is observed on such maliddat, chuiramat and radan.se The usual days; and sometimes the services of n nairedya is malidda of Sarapati, i.e.. of Brahman are engaged to recite verscs in wheat weighing about six pounds and a honour of the god." quarter and radani There is a belief that Hanuman cries out Bhima the second of the Pandavas was once in twelve years, and those men who begotten from Kunti by Vayu, the god of The Schoolmaster of Songadh. * The Schoolmaster of Ganod, * The Schoolmaster of Jodia, The Schoolmaster of Sanka. 5 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * K. 1). Desai. + The Schoolmaster of Rajpara. * The ponoti cannot affect anybody who has an elder male relative living. i. e., it influences only the eldest male member of a family.-K. D. Desai. 1 A sweet preparation of wheat flour fried in ghi. Sweet balls of wheat flour fried and afterwards soaked in ghi. $ Small biscuit-sized cakes of pulse flour treated with spices and fried in oil-K. D. Desai

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 57 wind, and hence was called Vayusuta. From ant). On Bhima's request a further boon his childhood he was possessed of miraculous was granted to him that he should in strength, and had a voracious appetite. future be able to digest as much as he could Every day he consumed 12 kalashis* (or 192 eat without suffering discomfort. Hence maunds ) of corn, and as much oil as is the proverb: Bhima kkave shakuni aghe. yielded by 13 ghanis.* He also required a It is said that Bhima once played at maund and a quarter of betelnuts after each narateri (lit. nine and thirteen), i.e., he dinner. These habits bad procured him the Aung into the sky nine elephants with his name of Vrikodara, i.e., wolf-bellied. He right hand and thirteen with his left. The played a very important part in the Great corpses of these animals were afterwards War, and on the last day of the battle smash- brought down to earth by Shukamuni to ed the thigh of Duryodhana with his ponder. expiate king Janmejaya's sin of Brahmahatya ous mace. In his early days he killed several (Brahman-slaughter).? demons including Baka and Hidimba. In his whole life-time Bhima is said to Bhima never took food without first wor- have fasted only on one day, which happened shipping Mahadev. On one occasion no to be the eleventh day of tbe bright half of temple of Shiva could be found within easy Jyeshtha and is now called Bhima-agiaras. distance, and in a rage, Bhima turned his On this day people who desire to be cured bowl cpside down and set it up as Mahadev of dyspepsia obserye a strict fast, taking Such was the first installation of Bhimanath neither food nor water, and pass their hands Mahadev revered to this day by all Hindus. over their bellies repeating the name of Once upon a time Bhima obstructed the Bhima and also offer cocoanuts to his image. stream of a river by laying himself across it, On the night of Bhima-agiaras, persons who when the river rose to the banks and sub are anxious to obtain health, wealth and merged a teniple of Shiva near by. Shiva victory over their enemies, bathe the image thereupon assumed the form of a lion and of Bhima in water and panchamritt and pretended to chase Parvati in the guise of a worship it according to the prescribed cerecow. Bhima, in his true Kshatriya spirit, monies. instantly rose from the water in order to In some places there are vavs (or tanks) save the cow from the lion. But the latter called Bhima-vavs which are said to have vave Bhima a blow on the shoulder with one been formed by the strokes of Bhima, of his paws, and instantly transformed him. I when plavin when playing gilli-danda. self into a sage. After Bhima had fruit. There are huge images of Bhima on Mount lessly searched for the lion for a long time, Palitani. There are many places in differhe was informed by the sage that it was he, ent parts of India which possess such images Shiva, who had assumed the form of a lion in and which are believed to have been visited order to rouse him from his position across the by the Pandavas during their exile from river. Shiva then favoured him with a boon Hastinapur. The Pandavas never attained that the half of his body which had received the status of gods and there is no systematic the blow would be turned into vajra (adam- form of worship for them. IK. D. Desai. The Schoolmaster of Aman. * The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala, * The Schoolmaster of Rajpara. 6 The Schoolmaster of Kolki. * The Schoolmaster of Ganod, * A ghani is that quantity of oil seeds which is put in at one time to be crushed in an oil mill. A mixture of milk, honeycurds, sugar and ghi.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Bhishma, the uncle of the Kauravas and the Pandavas, was an incarnation of one of the Ashtavasus and was the son of king Shantanu by Ganga. The stories about Bhishma are chiefly derived from the Mahablarat, and need not be repeated here. He is not regarded as a god and does not receive systematic worship.1 A fast is observed on the eighth day of Magh, the anniversary of the death of Bhishma. A dora (a knotted piece of string) tied in the name of Bhishma is believed to cure fever. The Yantra (a mystical formula or diagram) of Bhishma is sometimes drawn on a piece of paper, water is poured over it, and the water is offered to women in labour to drink, as likely to expedite delivery. Bhishma-worship is supposed to facilitate the observance of the Brahmacharya-vrat (the vow of celibacy) and to bestow heroism and learning, Bhishma is credited with having composed the well-known poem, Bhishmastavaraj, which recites the glory of Krishna and shows the way to attain salvation, There is a large temple of Ganpati near the eastern gates of Dhhank. It is said that this Ganpati informed a goldsmith, by appearing in a dream, that he was buried in a particular spot, and promised that a son would be born to him if he raised a temple in honour of the god. The goldsmith satisfied the wishes of the god and was soon relieved from the repeated taunt of the vansiapana (ie., the barrenness of his wife)." The following tradition is connected with a place, about a mile from Dhhank, called Dhhank-ni Fui, Dhhank was in ancient times a great city and was known as Preh Patant. Once a bava (recluse), named 1 Mr. K. D. Desai. The Schoolmaster of Rajpara. The Schoolmaster of Dhhank. Dhundhalimal, came to reside with his chela (disciple) in a cave on a neighbouring hill. Every day the chela went about the city. begging alms for himself and his guru; but nobody except a poor kumbharan (a potterwoman) ever gave him anything. So the chela was obliged to cut and sell fuel in order to obtain means of subsistence, although he did not mention this fact to his guru, One day the guru noticed the growing baldness of his disciple and on being questioned about it, the latter had to admit his difficulties in earning a livelihood. The next day the bava decided to test the charity of the neighbourhood, and went on a begging round in person. He moved about the city from door to door, crying aloud ulek ulek, but nobody except the kumbhar woman offered him so much as a handful of flour. He then addressed the latter thus:-"Girl, this city is sinful and will shortly meet with destruction. Fly, therefore, instantly with your family and never turn your face towards the city in your flight". Having thus warned the only righteous person in the city, the bava returned to his cave where, after reciting an incantation in high exasperation, he pronounced a terrible curse for the destruction of the city 'Let Patan be buried and let mayat be reduced to mati (dust). A whirlwind at once arose and destroyed the whole city. The kumbharan had already fled with her children; but she unfortunately happened to look back in her flight, in spite of the warning, and she and her children were all turned into stones. In this form she can be seen even to-day, with two of her children on her shoulders and leading the other two. The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala. The Schoolmaster of Charadwa. * The Vasus are a class of deities, eight in number, and are often collectively called Ashtavasus. t Vide Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. VIII, page 414. Maya, in philosophy, means the illusion, by virtue of which, one considers the unreal universe as existent and distinct from the supreme spirit. Here it means the effect of maya, the unreal splendour of the world, in fact phenomena opposed to the noumenon.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJAR.IT 59 To the south of the same village on the shrine. There is a large gathering of people banks of a small lake are situated the at the place every bij day. temples of Hinglaj Mata and Kamdev Maha- Husen-pir was a native of Kadi anda dev. If there is a prospect of a drought in Saiyed by birth. In his youth, with his any year, the people of the village make father's permissio'n, he decided to remain an offering of lapsi to the former deity in unmarried, and took to travelling. In the order to bring about a fall of rain. About course of his wanderings he halted for a two miles from Dhhank there is a temple of week on the spot where his shrine stands at Vikani, in whose honour vows are observed present, and was so charmed with the place, for the cure of fractured bones of men and that he asked the owner of it, a Rabari, animals. Brahmans are feasted at the Almora by name, for permission to reside temple of Hanuman at Timbo, four miles there always. The Pir was accompanied by away from Dhhank. At a distance of about two followers of the Mujavar fakir sect. two khetarvas (fields) there is the shrine of The present Mujavar attendants at the shrine Ashabi-pir where Mussalmans feast fakirs are descended from them ar are descended from them, and stand in the and other co-religionists of theirs. 12th or the 15th degree of descent.2 Besides the above there are the temples of One vening (it was the 5th day of the Shankar Tapakeshwar Mahadev and Man- dark half of Bhadrapad) the Pir accompanied geshwar Mahadev near the hill mentioned by his two followers went to the Bhadar to in the paragraph above and the temples of offer the evening prayers. After the prayers Pipaleshwar Mahadev and Ramchandraji, to were over, he told his followers that a flood the south of Dhhank. There are also temples was soon coming in the river, and asked both erected in honour of suttees known as of them to leave him and return with their Nomalmata, Hulmata, etc, 1 horses. One of them left the place as directThe river Vinu meets the Bhadar, at a ed: but the other placed his head on the place two miles to the east of Ganod, and Pir's lap and was drowned along with his the Moja also joins the Bhadar a little further master in the flood, which came down as if to the east. Hence the spot is called Traveni in obedience to the Pir's words. Before dy(a confluence of three rivers ) and is re- ing the Pir granted a boon to the Mujavars garded as holy. The beautiful temple of that their line of descent would never fail for Baraneshwar Mahadev is situated here. Vows want of their heirs, and that their leirs for feasting a certain number of Brahmans, would always be his attendants. are observed in honour of this deity. The same night the Pir informed the The celebrated shrine of Husen-pir is Khojas of Keshod and Kutiana that his corpse situated in the vicinity of Ganod, and is and that of his Vujavar follower lay much revered by the Khoja community, who unburied at a particular spot. The Khojas, hold a fair there on every 110-sud-bij, i.e. accompanied by the Rabari Almors, visited the second day of the bright half of Ashrin. the place in the morning and made ready to The fair lasts for seven or eight days, when carry the corpses to Junagadh, They found Khojas from Bombay and even Zanzibar to their astonishment that the corpses could visit the place. A large building, the Khoja- not be removed. Almora then recollected the khana, is set apart to the west of the shrine request of the Pir, and told the Khojas of for the sabha ( or meeting ). The largest his favourite place. The corpses were then fair was held in samvat 1940 (1884 A.D.), carried to their present place of rest, and all when H. H, the Agashah paid a visit to the efforts of the Khojas, to proceed further 1 The Schoolmaster of Dhhank. 2 The Schoolmaster of Gacod.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY proved unavailing. At that time there was a village called Keralun about a mile from the present site of Ganod. It is, however, uninhabited and in ruins and its site is now known as the timbo of Keralun. The Khojas erected a shrine over the place where the Pir was buried, and the tombs of his relatives were afterwards erected in the vicinity. Vows observed in honour of the Pir having proved fruitful in many cases, the Pir's fame spreads wider every day. The Gondal Durbar has granted a wadi (a piece of land) for the maintenance of the Mujavar family, who also receive the things that are offered to the Pir. The Khojas consider it a merit to dedicate a portion of their earnings to this Pir. People of all castes from Ganod offer one kori* at the time of the marriage of a girl at their house. The knots of the marriage-scarves of newlywedded couples are untied here, and the ceremony of shaving children for the first time is also performed in the presence of the Pir. The usual offering to the Pir consists of churamu and kansar some people, however, offer a goat or a ram and call it ponechednariel.1 1 The Schoolmaster of Ganod. The Schoolmaster of Kolki. There is a hollow log of wood on the boundary of Lath, a sub-village of Gondal and a mile to the South of Ganod. Long ago a fakir, while accompanying a band of outlaws barvatias, was killed in a scuffle and was buried here. A babul tree grew over his tomb, and came to be known afterwards as Lakkad Pir (the wooden Pir). The tree after a time withered till its stem was reduced to a small log with a hole in the centre. People observe vows in honour of this Pir for the cure of cough and bronchitis in children. After recovery, the children are made to pass through this bakan or hole and an offering of kansar is made to the Pir. It is not only the Musalmans who observe vows in the Pir's honour: Hindus also have the same strong faith in him.1 Nearly twelve miles from Vanod lies the temple of Bechra Mata, who is the patron goddess of the Pavaiya sect. A male buffalo is offered to her as a victim on the 15th day of the bright half of every month. Near the temple there is the holy kund of Mansarovar, the legend about which has already been related in these notest The village of Dadvi possesses the shrine of Mangalsha Pir. Friday is the day for special worship of the Pir, when dainties and cocoanuts are offered, and a flag is hoisted. Frankincense is burnt every evening. There is also a temple of Machho, the goddess of the Bharvads, who offer her lapsi and cocoanuts on every bij day. They also light a ghi lamp and lop off the ears of a goat or a ram, and offer the blood to the goddess.2 In Kolki a bava of the Bharvad caste named Hado Bhagat is said to have set up the images of all the gods in a certain temple. : It is believed that he possessed miraculous powers. His decendants do not sell goats to Kasais (butchers3). There is a temple of Khodiar Mata in Chok. The goddess is worshipped by Atits, who offer her lapsi on every Dasara day. There is also a temple of Hanuman, where the Khakhis bring an offering to the god every Saturday.1 In the village of Mota Devalia are the temples of Bholanath, Mahadev and Pipaleshwar Mahadev. Both the deities are worshipped by Atits, who perform the ceremony with the usual materials of frankincense, a ghi-lamp, cooked food, and who also blow a conch. It is said about Pipaleshwar Mahadev that none can stay at night in the temple. Once a Brahman, who insisted on passing the night there, was hurled to a 2 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. The Schoolmaster of Chok. See p. 42 Supra. * Kori may mean either a new garment or an unused earthen jar.

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TITE FOLKLORE ON GUJARAT distance of two fields. There is also a river Vansal. The Bral:macharis of the temple of Swami-Narayan and three temples Swami-Narayan sect hold a fair there and of Thakorji where the ceremony or worship offer prayers to Hanuman on the 15th dar is performed cvery morning and evening in of the dark half of Bbadrapad." the usual way with frankincense, a ghi lamp, Every marriage procession on its way to and arati. The shrine of Nila-Pir on the and from the place of marriage has to offer village boundary is revered alike by Hindus a new earthen jar to such field-deities as and Musalmans. Dadmokhodiar, Lalo, Hardas, etc. Failure to In the vicinity of Chhatrasa, there is a do so arouses the wrath of these deities and temple of Kislordas Hanuman. On Kalibrings disasters to the married couple. The Chaudas day the people of the village offer only form of worship in use for these deities churamu and vadan to the god. The shrine is to apply red lend and oil to their images of Gcbalashu Pir is situated two miles away Seven kinds of corn, vis. adad (phaseolus from Chhatrasa, on the boundary line between radiatus), mag (phaseolus mungo), kalathi, tlint village and Kalana. Sweet-balls, or math, chana (gram), wheat and juvari are sometimes only molasses, are offered to this Pir mixed and cooked together and the preparaon the fulfilment of rows observed in his tion which is called khichdi is offered name. Near the village gates lies the shrine to the deities at sunset. If the deities of Daudshah, of whom it is said that he are not propitiated in this manner, they are deprives thieves of their eye-sight, if they believed to do harm to the people of the village. try to enter Chhatrasa, In the Vishnumandir, annakut* is offered to Vishnu by the On a hill nenr the village of Patanvay attendant priest, on the first day of the bright there is a temple of Mataji, where a chi half of Kartik. lamp is kept constantly burning at the cost of the Gondal Durbar. In Patanyny itself A temple of Klodiar Mata surrounded by there is a slirine of Alabi Pir altended Pandari creepers is to be seen on the way upon by n fakir. At the approach of the from Mojidad to Sanka. The Thakor of monsoons, all the villages offer lapsi to Limbdi uscd to kill a goat before the goddess Mataji and churamn to the Pir. during the Navaratra holidays; but an In Paj, near Saltanpur there is a shrine offering of lapsi is now substituted for of Gebansha Pir surrounded by a number of the go'nt. There is another temple of the babloul trees; and it is said that if a person same goddess on the way to Zabala where were to cut any of the trees, he would meet she is worshipped by the Bladkava Durbar. with denth or at least fall ill. There is a The attendants at both places are Atits, and cobra deity, called Khetalo, near Sultanpur the usual offering consists of lapsi and kehirt whose gors (attendant priests) are Nagmaga At a place near the boundary-line between Brahmans. It is believed that this deitu Mojidad and Ayarda, Swarsi-Narayan Bhag- confers once on each generation of the gors, wan and Sahajanand Swami are said to have as much wealth as would suffice for the lifebathed in the company of Hanuman in the time of all men of that generation. 1 The Schoolmaster of Mota Devalia. 2 The Schoolmaster of Chhatrasa. * The Schoolmaster of Mojidad. + The Shastri of Jetpur. Pathashali. The Schoolmaster of Patanvav. The Schoolmaster of Sultanpur. * An offering of all sorts of dainties and vegetables, + Milk and rice boiled together and sweetened with sugar. 11. e. persons who have taken the vow of celibacy.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUIRY There is a temple of Hadmatio Hanuinan of all beholders, the animal at once got up. about half a mile to the west of Luvaria. A Prithwi Raj got rid of his leprosy by the Kanbi of the Dhani tribe once, while pursued favour of Rajbai, who granted him an by robbers, took shelter behind the image of additional boon that she would come to help Hanuman, and vowed that he and his descen- him on another occasion if he remembered dants would discharge priestly duties towards her and sought ler assistance. Rajbai then. the god if he escaped safely out of the directed him to visit Dwarka. Long after, difficulty. The god protected him in his king Prithwi Raj, when he was at his own danger, and his descendants are now the place, remembered her in a moment of recognised attendants at the temple.? distress, and she went there (in spirit) after The village of Aman possesses the holy giving instructions to her relatives not to tomb of Davalshah Pir. This Pir lived in dispose of her body, as she would return the 15th century and was a native of Ahmed soon. But the relatives did not understand nbad. He had come to serve in the Amaranher, and before she had returned from thina, when he was killed in a battle. A Prithwi Raja's place, her body was disposed tomb was built orer his body, and he soon of according to the usual manner. For this, one to be regarded as a Pir, His name Rajbai cursed her relatives that one of their became famous when a blind Bharvad descendants in each degree would turn out a regained his eye-sight through his favour. lunatic. In her memory a pillar was raised The Pir also gave a son to a Bania from and an image set up, both of wlrich are Ahmedabad who visits the tomb every year worshipped every morning and evening. in a black suit. Once a Miana killed a cow Milk, sugar and cakes are offered to her and took rot'uge at the shrine of this Pir: every morning in a thil or dish, and milk but the shrine spontaneously caught fire and and sugar every evening. There is n festihe was burnt with it. The present building val in honour of Rajbai during the Navaratra was erected by the Bania, and the ladies of holidays." the Jamsaheb's court have supplied silver! The temple of Swami-Narayan at Charadwa gutes and copper rilings to it. The Jamsaheb contains the images of Shrikrishna, Baldev also presents kinkhab coverings for the tomb Radha, Rama, Lakshman and Sita, The every year. On the night of the Cras (or ceremony of arali is performed before the the fair held in the Pir's honour) snndalwood images five times every day. The first is is burnt before the Pir, called mangalirati or the auspicious irati Charadwa is well-known for the temple of and is performed early in the morning. The Rajeshwari Mata. King Prithwi Raj Cho- second is Shangar (Shringar) arati, when han suffered from white leprosy and was night garments are taken off the images and onee going to Dwarka, with the hope that new ones are put on for the day. The third, residence in the holy city would cure lum of Rajbliog arati, takes place at the time when his disease. On the way, oac of his best dainties and cooked food are offered to the bullocks suddenly fell. The animal was al- gods. The Sandhya arati follows the offermost given up for dend when a young woman ing of milk, sugar and cakes to the gods in named Rajbai, daughter of Udi Charan, the evening. The last, Pidhan arati, is happened to pass by while carrying water in performed at night, when night garments are earthen pots, Rajbai touched the bullock substituted for the rich dresses of the day. with one of her toes, and to the astonishment There are five occasions during the year : The Schoolmaster of Luvaria : The Schoolmaster of Aman. The Schoolmaster of Charadwa.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT when a fair is held at this placc : (1) the the qucen of the reigning prince of Patan Annakut fair on the first day of Kartik; could not be delivered of a child even though (2) Vasantapanchami fair, on the fifth day two years had passed since the time of con. of the bright half of Magh; (3) Iutashani ception. Once while on tour the queen's or Holi fair, on the 15th day of the bright party encamped near the nehado of Zunza half of Phalgun; (4) Ramanavami fair, on Bharvad. The latter, when he learnt of the the 9th day of the bright half of Chaitra, queen's misfortune, said that the co-wives of (5) Jamnashtami fair on the 8th day of the queen had bewitched her by tlte kaman the dark half of Shravan. art, i. e., by passing an earthen pot round her To the north of Charadwa there is a field and by burying the pot underground with a goddess, named Motisari Meldi Mata, in live frog hanging with its head downwards whose honour persons who are afflicted by in it. He added that the queen would not diseases take a vow of presenting a tava (a be delivered unless the frog was brought cake fried in oil in a pan.). There is also a out by some stratagem. He asked the queen serpent-god named Charmaria who receives and her followers to stay there for some time, an offering of lapsi on every Aso-sud-bij, and sent word to Patan with a messenger i e., the second day of the bright half of that the queen was delivered of a son. The Ashvin, 1 co-wives of the queen, dismayed at the unex. Besides these there are four temples of pected news and at the futility of the kaman Shiva, one of Shaktimata, one of Hanumanji art, went to look at the buried frog, which and two Mahomedan Pirs in the village.1 instantly jumped out and at the same moIn Limbdi Taluka, there is a temple of ment the pregnant queen gave birth to a Kaliki Mata, in whose honour vows are son. As the child was brought to birth by the observed by persons suffering from physical instructions of a Siddha-purusha (a magician), or mental afflictions. The attendant at the it was named Siddharaj. The town of Zin. place is a Brahman, and the worshippers of zuwada was built in memory of Zunza Bharthe Mata visit her temple on a Sunday or a vad, and a temple of Rajbai Mata was erect. Tuesday and offer sweetmeats or lapsi. On ed in honour of the queen. A large lake the eighth day of Ashvin a havan is made named Sensasar was also constructed in (i, e., offerings are burnt) before the god memory of Sensa, the brother of Zunza. dess.? Soon afterwards people began to observe Vows in honour of Khodiar Mata are effi-vows in honour of Rajbai Mata. The devocacious in the prevention of such epidemics tecs of the goddess visit her temple every as cholera. The Khiyado Mamo quells evil evening. All newly-married couples in the spirits, bhuts and prets. The Khodo Mamo village offer salutations to the Mata accomcures such diseases as cough and bronchitis. panied by hired musicians and a party of In the temple of Ramnath, a brahmabhoj-a women who sing on the way to the shrine. A feast to Brahmans-is given on the last day virgin walks in front of the party with an of Shravan. earthen pot and & cocoanut on her head. Near the western gates of Zinzuwada is After the salutations, sweetmeats to the seen the celebrated shrine of Rajbai Mata. amount vowed for are distributed among all In old times Zinzuwada was only the nehado those who are present. Sometimes a woman of a Bharvad called Zanza. At that time who has observed vows for the sake of a son, 1 The Schoolmaster of Charadwa. 3 The Schoolmaster of Zinzowada. * The Schoolmaster of Limbdi Taluka. * Nehado is the residence of Bharvids or shepherds,

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64 TILE INDIIY1NTIQUIRY pugue, etc. presents a silver umbrella to the goddess, of The princess happened to look back at Ganpati the value of one rupee and a quarter or fivo on the ridge of Sumaria near Keshia, three rupees and a quarter, on the birth of a son to miles to the east of Jodia. So Ganpati would her, Burnt offerings and lapsi are presented not leave Simaria, and was installed there to the goddess to protect the town from such as Sumaria Ganesh. The same happened misfortunes as cholera, plague, etc. 1 to Ratneshwar near Badanpur; to KanakThere is a well-known place called nath, at a place midway between Kanakpuri Vacbbda-solanki about eight miles from Zin- (the modern Kunad) and Badanpur; and to zuwada, Once a Rajput boy, aged sixteen, Hanuman, near Kunad. In the same manwas going round the marriage-altar at the ner, Nagnath was installed near the Balamblia time of his wedding, in the village of Kuar, gate of Jodia. The old town of Kanakpuri when he heard a piteous cry from a distressed was buried by an earth-quake, and the cowherd, whose cow's were being carried away image Kunadia Hanuman was found among by freebooters. The boy inimediately ran to its ruins. rescue the cows; but he was killed in the The attendants of Sumaria Ganesh are encounter. A temple was built on that spot | Atits. A fair is held there on the 4th day in his lionour. There is a small kund near of Vaishakhi, when thousands of Dheds flock the temple, the water in which is believed to the place. The usual offering to the god never to dry up and to possess the quality of consists of sweet balls. Kanaknath is attendcuring hydrophobia. ed upon by Atit Bavas who share among Goradia Hanuman lies three miles from themselves whatever is offered to the god, Zinzuwada, and there is a tradition that there Shaivas hold a fair here on the 8th day of is # trensure hidden near by. Many vows the dark half of Shravan, ara observed in honour of Disma Hanuman, The devotees of Kunadia Hanuman observe whose place is at a distance of two miles anagh '(vulgarly called anagodha) at his from Zinzuwada, place on Saturdays. They cook their food The holy kund of Zilanand is one mile there and make offerings to the god before from Zinzuwada. It is a custom of the ncigli partaking of it, fasting afterwards for the bourhood to throw the bones of deceased day. The anagh is observed in the month persons into this kund, and a fair is held of Margashirsha. The attendants of this annually at the place on the last day of god are Khakhi Bavas. Bhadrapad. The Bhotavo kund is one mile One mile to the north-west of Jodin, distant from Zilanand kund: the bottom of towards the sea, there is a stone image of : this kund presents a bluish appearance, and horse set up on a pedestal, known as Raval the water always remains hot. It is said Pir. A heroic Girisia of the Dil sect, that there are sulphur mincs below. named Raval, was once shipwrecked while on A princess of Marwar used to worship five an expedition from Cuteh, and is said to leave gods : Sumaria Ganesh, Kanaknath, Ratnesh-landed at the spot wliere Ravai Pir stands war Mahadev, Nagnath and Hanuman; and at present. He received a hearty reception she had taken a yow never to take food before at the hands of the then ruling prince of she had worshipped all of them. The gods Jodia (who was a Khavus) and was installed followed lier everywhere in all her tours, but in the Durbar as Nana Raval Pir. they had made onc condition, that they would On the second day of the bright half stop if she looked behind at them on the way.of Ashadh (which is the new year's day 1 The Schoolmaster of Zinzuwada + The Schoolmaster of Jodia.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 65 according to the Halari year) Hindus offer that he would find half a rupee every mornlapsi to Raval Pir as also on cach Monday in ing in the temple until he saw and partook the month of Bhadrapad. On occasions of of the new harvest. In the month of Shrapopular distress, such as the breaking out of van, he happened to partake of some new cholera or when the rains stop for seeds and the coin could not be found as days together, the bhuwas at the place, who usual after this, although the new harves are Dal Rajputs, receive the pedi (a small was not quite ready till three months after heap of lapsi) on behalf of the Pir, and wards. At the entreaties of the bhuna, howbeing possessed, declare the will of the Pir ever, the Mata again told him in a dream as to when rain may be expected or when that he would find a silver anklet, weighing an epidemic will be warded off. Persons 60 tolas, on the bhogava (village boundary) who are anxious for the success of their un- of the village of Shiyani. A number of rows dertakings observe vows in lionour of the Pir are observed in honour of this goddess with which may cost them anything from a single various motives, pice to twenty-five rupees. At the shrine of The Shakta Mata in the western part of Nana Raval Pir, luge kettledrums are beaten the same village prevents the Joganis or and the ceremony of arati is performed erery female fiends from spreading contagious morning and evening. diseases. The present site of Lilapur was formerly The Surdhans near the gates of Lilapur uninhabited, and the village stood nearly one represent t'wo heroes who were killed in an mile off. Once the goddess Bhavani directed encounter with freebooters in the Samvat the patel of the village in a dream to reside year 1836 (1780 A, D.). The knots of the on the present site, and promised him that he marriage-scarves of the descendants of the would be always happy and that none of his Surdhans are untied before them, and any of descendants for seven generations would die their female descendants visiting the images of cholera. In testimony of the reality of without a veil on their faces, are subjected the dream a box of red lac, a cocoanut, a reel to serious calamities, of red thread-called nadasadi and chunadi About ten years ago Unad Bhagat and -were found under the patel's pillow. The Jiva Bhagat of Paliad were one day walking village was then removed to its present site. together, when Unad Bhagat collected seven The descendants of the patel are called stones and placing them one over the other, Yadoda. The Mata chose to take a Bharvad said to Jiva Bhagat that he was constructing to be her attendant. On the 15th day of the a palio, i, e., a tomb for Jiva. Immediately bright half of Shravan offerings are burnt Jiva died, and Unad had to carry out what before the Mata, when the attendant bhura ras merely meant in jest. Some rooms are has to offer sweetmeats worth five rupees. built at the expense of the Jasdan Durbar, Every Bharvad family spends a rupec and a and a pujari daily offers worship to Jiva qrirler every third year in honour of the Bhagat. A fair is also held in his honour Mata. on the second day of Bhadrapad, During the famine of the year 1895 About two miles from Jasdan in the village Samvat era (= 1839 A. .) the bhura Wilsof Bakhalvad there is a temple of Avad thinking of leaving the Nata in order to Mata. The latter represents the queen of escape from starvation, when the goddess one of the rulers of Jasdan. On every appeared in a dream to him, and told him Vijaya-dashami, i.e., the 10th day of the 1 The Schoolmaster of Goh. The Skoolmaster of Lilapur. The Schoolmaster of Jasdan.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY briglat half of Ashrin, the prince of Jasdan married couples of high class Hindus untie goes to visit the image in a procession, offers the knots of their marriage-scarves before lapsi to Avad Mata, and then a feast is cele this deity. In the Durbirgadh there are brated. Formerly it was the custom to kill tombs of seven ghoris with whose assistance buffalo before the goddess on this day: the first king of Gondal is said to have won but only lapsi is now offered instead. It is his crown. There is also a family goddess of usual to take some wine also on this the Bhadeja Rajputs in Gondal known as occasion, 1 Ashipuri, a vow in whose honour is believed On the Chitalia hill, two miles from to fulfil all desires, Jasdan, there is a temple of Shitala, the god- There is a female spirit named Meldi in dess of small-pox, where children who have Moraiya who is worshipped by bhuras on the lately recovered from that disease are taken 14th day of the dark half of Aslivin. On to offer salutations to the goddess. Silver that day they heat oil in an iron pan and images of human eye, milk, sugar, curds, take out cakes from the burning oil with ungrapes, cocoanuts, a sheet of blank paper, protected hands. A goat and a cock are also and a number of other things are presented sacrificed on this occasion, and the meat is to the goddess on such an occasion. Some partaken of in order to win the favour of the persons vow to visit the goddess with a burn goddess." ing hearth on their heads. Such vows are There is a beda tree near Movaiya about discharged on a satem, i.e., the 7th day of which the following story is told. Long ago the bright or the dark half of a month. On there was a kanbi (farmer) in Movaiya who Shili Satem, the 7th day of the dark half of used to sce a boy moving in front of him with Shravan, there is a large gathering of people an uncovered head whenever he was ploughat the place. ing his field. One day the kanbi lopped off The village-gods of Upleta are Kaleshwar, the hair from the boy's head who followed Pragateshwar. Somnath, Nilkanth, Dadmo him to his home, entreating him to return the and Khetalio, Pragateshwar is said to have lock of hair. The kanbi lowerer did not emerged from the carth of his own accord leed him, and concealed the lock of hair in a and is therefore called Swayambhu (self. jar containing gram. The boy then served existent). The same is said about Nilkanth the kanbi as a field-boy, when one day he and Somnath also. The temple of Dadmo was asked by his master to take gram out of lies a little away from Upleta. Persons the jar for sowing. The boy, who was a suffering from cough observe vows in his bhut, found his lock of hair there, and when lionour and partake of parched gram. There once he had obtained it, he took a very is a devi near Pragateshwar before whom a heavy load of gram to the kanbi and bade sacrifice is performed on the 9th day of him good-bye. But before the boy had fled the bright half of Ashvin, and cakes, bread, with his lock of lair, the kanbi begged of khichdi and khir are offered. him a boon that a beda tree should grow in In Gondal there is a temple of Gondalio his field, where rows could be observed in Nag and one of Nagnath Mahadev. Pure honour of the bhut. milk is the usual offering made to both the The villagers in Sayala accompanied by deities. Gondalio Nag is installed in Dur-several bhuvas and by musicians who beat the bargadh and is white in appearance. Newly dhols and the danklan go outside the village 1 The Schoolmaster of Jasdan. 2 The Schoolmaster of Upleta, 3 The Schoolmaster of Gondal Taluka and the Head Mistress of girls' school, Gondal. 4 The Schoolmaster of Movaiya.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARIT 67 to visit the temple of Khodiar Mata on the of their residence, and produces a desire to 15th day of the bright half of Shravan. move to a safer home. Very often on such The bhuvas wind a piece of cotton-thread occasions the bhunas or exorcists are possessround the village, and sometimes pour out ed by the Devis, or Matas, and declare the will milk or water in the same place in order to of the gods regarding a new settlement. sveure its safety from any cpidemic. On Sometimes a change of home is recommended the same occasion four divers, who are gene- tot he villagers in a dream : sometimes it rally healthy young athletes, are presented heavenly voice is said to direct the change, with an earth:n pot each and are made to in addressing one of the villagers." stand in the village-tank till the water An astrologer has first to be consulted as to reaches to their necks. They are asked to the auspicious date on which the boundaries dire simultaneously in the water at a signal of the new settlement should be marked out. from the headman of the village, and to get Three or four days before the delimitation, out immediately. Each of them is named learned Brahmans are sent to purify the after one of the four months of the rainy chosen site by the recitation of sacred season and the amount of water in the pot of mantras. On the appointed day the headman cach is supposed to indicate the amount of of the village leads a procession to the site, rain which would fall in the respective and performs the ceremony of installing the months of the next year. After leaving the village gods. It is said that, at the time of water the divers break the pots on the spot, founding a new settlement, it is necessary to and the fragments are taken away by the install and worship the panch-deva or the people, to be kept in their jars of corn, in five deities, namely, Hanuman, Ganpati, the belief that they will bring prosperity Mahidev, Vishnu and Devi. Hanuman is in the ensuing season. The four divers are installed at the village-gates, and is propithen made to run a race on the maidan, and tiated with an offering of churmu and vadan. he who wins the race gets a small plough The images of Ganpati and Vishnu are set aud a cocoanut as a prize. The winner is up in a central place in the village, temples called halino-jit yo, and it is believed that he being built for them in due course. Mahadev will be successful in all his undertakings. is generally installed on the village-boundary. On the same day the bhuvas place a small and has a temple built for him afterwards. four-wheeled chariot of the Mati outside the Devi may be set up anywhere: her installavillage, and it is believed that the chariot tion is not permanent nor does she receive enrries off the plaguc, cholera and similar systematic worship. But more generally diseases with it. Such ceremonies are per- only Ganpati, Hanuman and Mata are formed in most of the villages on the Balev installed on this occasion.5 Occasionally holiday (i. e., the Narel-Purnima day, or other deities, such as the Earth, Shesh Xag,* the 15th day of the bright half of Shri the Navagrah (the nine planets), the pole. van).1 star and Kshetrapil are also worshipped. The foundation of a new settlement is The village-gates are fixed after the cerecarried out in various ways. A series of un-mony of installation, and a torar- string of usual accidents befalling the residents of n asopalav leaves (Jonesia asoka) with a cocoavillage makes them doubtful of the security nut in the centre-is fastened across them The Schoolmaster of Sayala, ? K. D. Desai. 3 The Schoolmaster of Khirasara. * The Schoolmaster of Chhatrase. 5 The Schoolmasters of Jodia and Khirasara. 6 The Schoolmaster of Rajpara * The celebratel serpent of one thousand heads who supports all the worlds.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY near the top. Here the ceremony of khat. named after the particular incident which muhurt* is performed and afterwards the drove the people to seek their new home. headman, accompanied by a Brahman, who A failure of the harvest is in most cases recites mantras, either winds a cotton-thread due to the irregularity of the rains. It is besmeared with red lac round the village or therefore ascribed to the displeasure of pours a stream of milk dharavadi along the Indra, the god of rain, and Varuna, the god village boundaries. The headman has fur- of water. The mode of propitiating these ther to perform the homa at the gates of the gods has already been described, village, when a company of Bralnans recite Sometimes a cessation of rains is attribuholy passages in honour of Hanuman and ted to the wrath of the village-gods, whereMata. At the time of the completion of the upon the festival of Ujani is celebrated in homa, when the uhuti (an oblation of ghi) order to appease them. One day, preferably is thrown on the fire, all persons present offer a Sunday, all the inhabitants go outside the cocoanuts to the sacrificial fire. village, and rich viands are cooked to be ofIn some places it is usual to worship the fered to the village-gods. At the same time, newly chosen site itself, and then to drive the headman perfornis a homa sacrifice and into the ground a wooden peg besmeared the dainties are partaken of after the villagers with red lac, called the khili (peg) of Shesh have thrown cocoanuts into the sacrificial fire. Nag, which is first ceremoniously worshipped In similar circumstances people sometimes with red lac, sandal-ointment and rice." seek the protection of the gods Annadeva, . After these ceremonies, the villagers are Annapurna, and Kriya Bhaudai. Six dok dast at liberty to build their own houses within the or six pice are collected from every house new settlement. When the houses are com in the village to make what is called a plete and ready for habitation, it is necessary chhakadi, and the whole amount is then besto perform the ceremony known as vastun towed in charity in the name of the above(or graha-shanti) for the propitiation of the named deities, nine planets. Both the day of installing the Rain during the Ashlesha and Magha nakgods and the day of vastun ceremony, are shatrast is destructive to the crops, and is a observed as festivals, at which Brahmans are sign of the wrath of Indra, who should be feasted, and lapsi, churmu and kansur are appeased with sacrificial offerings. offered to the gods. Diseases among cattle are believed to be The new settlement may be named after brought on by the wrath of minor deities the deity whosc advice brought about the such as Shitala Mahakalio or the sixty-four more or after the leadman. It is sometimes Joganis.10 $ The bhuvas, when they are 1 The Schoolmasters of Chhatrasa and Rajpara. 2 The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala. 3 The Schoolmasters of Khirasara, Jetpur and Rajpara. The Schoolmasters of Chhatrasa and Jetpur 5 The Schoolmaster of Jodia. 6 K. D. Desai. 7 The Schoolmaster of Chhatrasa. 8 The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashala. 9 The Schoolmaster of Kotda-sangani. 10 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi. * Vide Chapter I., P. 29. + 100 dokdas=1 rupee. The time taken by the sun to move through the constellations Ashlesha and Marha, which is approxi. mately the month of August. $ Generally the same ideas prevail regarding diseases of cattle as in the case of human ailments. Dokas or magical threads and slips of paper are often used in cases of fever. In epidemics like cholera pollution is believed to be at the root of the evil, Bhangis are engaged to prepare images of corn to keep off the disease, and they forfeit their horrsteads and property if the epidemic is not checked thereby. The Schoolmaster of Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. (These images represent evil spirits presiding over particular diseases. Certain oblations are offered to these evil spirits, and after the recital of certain incantations they are either burnt or buried.)

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 69 possessed, declare to the people which par- tied round the neck of the diseased animal. ticular deity is exasperated, whereupon that fastened over the gates through which the deity is conciliated either by offering dain- cattle pass, or suspended over the street by ties or a goat or a ram, or by the observance which the cattle go out to graze, 5 The jantra of Ujani. A dharavadia stream of milk- is as follows: is poured on to the ground adjoining the village side, and torans of asopalav leaves Shrisakha Dhanurdhari Gajidhanat Krishna sakha. (Jonesia asoka) are fastened on the doors of the offended deity's temple. It is also Dhananjaya Lalanlarkha Kapidhwaj. Jayahari. customary to place baklan and vadan at Gudakesh a spot where three rouds meet in order to Pitabhava # Narsinh Parth. propitiate the evil spirits, who frequent such Sometimes the paper on which the jantra places. i is written is placed in a hollow bamboo stick Smail-pox is supposed to be the result of which is then fastened over the gates the displeasure of the goddess Shitala. In all The jantru is believed to have the power to cases of small-pox the victim is left to suffer, cure the disease. the only remedy being the observation of Muva-keshibi causes saliva to flow contivows in honour of the angry goddess. nuously from the mouths of animals. A Different things are dedicated to the goddess gagarbediun (a piece of leather thong or a according as the disease affects one part of the picce of black wood, on which magic spells body or another; and they are usually offered have been cast) is suspended over the village on a Sunday or a Tucsday. The usual offer gates or is tied to the neck of the animal, ing consists of kulera,* a tav (a sheet of in the case of this disease occurring ? paper), fried juvari, fried gram, and other In such diseases as kharava, sunaku, motu. articles varying according to the symptoms.3 dukh (lit, the great malady), valo, pel-tod, To ward off this disease the women of the Bandhai-javan, a jantra is tied by a piece village sometimes prepare cakes, ganthias,f of indigo-coloured cloth or by a piece of etc., on the sixth day of a month, the thread of the same colour, round the neck preparations being partaken of on the next of the animal, and is also fastened over the day, when no fresh food is to be cooked. village-gates. A tora is prepared of the Kharava affects the hoofs of cattle, in ears of juvari corn with a cocoanut in the which it produces irritation; it is generally centre, and after magical incantations have due to worms in the hoofs. A jantra (a been pronounced over it, is suspended over mystical arrangement of words) of the twelve the village-gabes. All animals passing under names of Mahavir (the great warrior, i.e. the toran are believed to be proof against Arjun) is written on a piece of paper, and the disease, 1 The Schoolmaster of Dadvi, 2 The Schoolmaster of Mota-Devalia. The Schoolmaster of Dhank. The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 5 The Schoolmaster of Dhank. * The Schoolmaster of Ganod. 7 The Schoolmaster of Kolki. * Small round cakes of wheat flour sweetened with molasses and fried in ghi. + A preparation of fine gram flour treated with spices, which alter baing made into a thick paste, is passed through a sieve into boiling oll. Shrisakha, Gajidbank and Pitabhavi are most probably corruptions of Shrishasakbi, Gandivadbanvi and Prithabhava respectively; Lalanlar bi perhaps of Lama Darakbya. $ A disease which causes severe pain in the stomach of the affected animal A disease which stiffens the limbs of animals and renders them incapable of any movement.

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70 TIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY But if this is not successful in checking of the cattle in order to increase their the course of the disease, it is usual to swallow earnings." the chelans" of Mungi Mata ( the Duinb The god Kul-bhairav was brought into Mother). For this purpose the bluvas of existence by the fury of god Shiva, when the Mata, who are Bharvads, are invited to he, being extremely angry with Brahma, the stalls of the affected cattle, where they cut off the fifth head of the latter. Kalrecite magic incantations amidst tumultu- bhairav is the leader of all bhuts (ghosts) ous shouts and yells. After this they are fed and dakans (witches), and resides at Kashni with rice, ghi and sugar, this latter process (Benares) by the order of Shiva. His being called 'swallowing the chelans of the favourite haunt is a cemetery. His image is Mata.'1 always represented as fierce and ugly. In event of this process being of no avail It is said that this god once entered the in restraining the disease, the headman of mouth of Gorakhnath and performed relithe village in the company of his wife per- gious austerities in that strange abode. forms a homa sacrifice in the places dedicated Although Gorakhnath was nearly suffocated, to the Matas, and offers an ahuti-a sacrifi- lie could only persuade Kal-bhairav to come cial oblation-when all the villagers dedicate out by extolling his glory and by conferring cocoanuts to the sacrificial fire.? on him the leadership of all bhuts and Sometimes the wrath of the god Gorakh- the guardianship of the Kotvalu fortress at dev is supposed to be responsible for cattle- Kashi, diseases. A bunch of the leaves of a poison- Kal-blairav does not command worship on ous medicinal plant ankdo is passed seven any auspicious occasion. On the other hand, times over the body of the ailing animal with he is much revered by persons who practise the prayer May Gorakhdev be pleased,' the black art. On Kali-chaudas day his devoAd a cocoanut is dedicated to the god, tees worship him in a cemetery, offer an Another method of checking cattle-discase oblation of baklan, and recite magic incantais to bury the corpse of an animal which tions till late at night. has died thereof near the village-gates. The offerings favoured by Kal-bhairav are It is believed that this puts a stop to any khir.t cakes of wheat flour, sugar and further deaths among cattle from the same vadan. 19 The sacrifice of a live animal is disease. also acceptable,10 The offering after presentWhen such a disease as shili (small-pox), ation to the god, are given to black dogs. sakharado, or kharava prevails largely among Pregnant women in order to secure a safe cattle, a belief gains ground that the Dheds delivery sometimes vow to abstain from ghi (who flay the dead cattle and sell their till they have offered an oblation to Kal-bhaihides) have poisoned the drinking water rav. 11 The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 1 The Schoolmaster of Kolki. 3 The Shastri of Jetpur Pathashali. * The Schoolmaster of Ganod. 5 The Schoolmaster of Ganod. 6 The Schoolmaster of Moti Murad. * The Schoolmaster of Chhatrasa, 8 The Schoolmaster of Jodia and Dodiala, 9 The Schoolmaster of Aman. 10 The Schoolmaster of Patanvav. 11 The Shastri of Jetpur Pitbasbali. * The word chela in ordinary language means a pancake (udalo) of wheat or gram, sweet or salt, and it is a favourite oblation to Mata. So the word chelan may have come to be used for any oblation to Mata and the expression swallowing the chelanc may mean partaking of the oblation or offering of the Mati. Milk and rice boiled together and sweetened with sugar, # Vide page 48.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 71 The following lines are often repeated in worshipped with red lead, red flowers, milk, honour of this godl: curds, honey, etc. The image of the god is bhuktimuktidAyakaM prazastacAhAvayaham / besmeared with red lead and ghi, and the bhakavAsalaM sthitaM samastalokavimaham || remnant of this ointment is applied to the niSkaNamanojJahemakiMkiNIlasaskaTim / / doors and windows of the house, Sweet kAzikApurAdhinAtha kAlabhairavaM bhaje // 1 // balls of wheat flour fried in ghi and sweet(I worship Kal-bhairav, the giver of food ened with molasses are first dedicated to and of salvation, of auspicious and comely Ganpati and are afterwards partaken of as appearance, who is kind to his devotees.) the god's gift. Ganpati or Ganesh; about whose origin the 1 The people of Maherashtra observe Gantraditional legends prevail, is represented pati choth on the 4th day of the bright half with four hands, in one of which he holds a of Bhadrapad, when an earthen image of kamandalu (a gourd), in the second a ludu Ganpati is made and worshipped with twenty (or a sweet-ball), in the third a parashu kinds of leaves, (or an axe), and in the fourth a jap-mall It is a custom among the Vaishnavas to (or a rosary). He is sometimes called Dun- draw an image of Ganpati in those vessels dalo (lit., big-bellied) because of his having which are to be used for cooking food at the a protuberant belly. He puts on a yellow time of performing the obsequies of a garment and rides a mouse. His brother is deceased Vaishnava, Kartik-swami who rides a peacock. His The Matrikas are sixteen in number, and favourite dish consists of ladus or sweet-balls are worshipped on such auspicious occasions of wheat-flour fried in ghi and sweetened as a yajna (ie, a sacrifice), a wedding, or with molnsses. Siddhi and Buddhi are the the ceremony known as vastu.? Their intwo wives of Ganpati. Before their marriage ostallation consists in painting the following their father Visiwarupa had made a promise marks with red lac on the back walls of a that he would bestow the hands of both on house. whomsoever circumambulated the whole Earth within one day. Ganpati reasoned that a cow and a mother are equal in merit to the Earth and by passing round the former, he got the hands of both. Ganpati is said to be the fastest writer of all, so that the sage Vyasa secured his services as a scribe, at the instance of Brahma, in writing the Mahabharat, When Ravan bad conquered all the gods and The marks are besmeared with molasses, made them serve in his household, Ganpati and a little ghi and a piece of some precious had to become a cowherd and to look after metal is affixed to them. At the time of cows and geats. a marriage, fourteen are worshipped in the On Vaishakh sud choth, known as Ganpati house, one outside the village limits, and one choth, i, e., the fourth day of the bright near the front door of the house where the half of Vaishakli, Ganpati is ceremoniously wedding is celebrated, 1 The Schoolmaster of Dabink. 3 The Schoolmaster of Kolki. $ The Schoolmaster of Dahank. 7 The Schoolmaster of Aman. The Schoolmaster of Aman. The Schoolmaster of Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. The Schoolmaster of Dbank. * The Schoolmaster of Jasdan. * The Schoolmaster of Dhbank.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The Matrikas or Matis are worshipped is placed over the bowl. It is then dressed during the Navaratra holidays also. On this in elegant female attire, and a ghi lamp is occasion small morias or earthen bowls with kept constantly burning near it. This coma hole in the centre of ench, are plastered pletes the sthapan or installation of Randal with khadi (red or green earth) and kaya; Mata, Women bow down before this reand young girls carry them on their heads presentation of the Mata, and sing melowith burning lamps from door to door. At dious tunes in its presence. On the morning each house tliey receive oil for the lamp and of the following day, the image is carried a handful of corn. On the last day, i.e., on to the temple of the village Mata, the cocosthe ninth day, all the bowls are placed on nut is deposited there, and the garments are the special site dedicated to the Matas. brought home. The cocoanut is subsquently The songs, which are also nccompanied by taken by the Brahman attendant of the Mata. dancing, are called garabi or garaba.1 On the day of the installation it is customThe Matrikas are also supposed to be the ary to invite five goranis (married women grahas or planets which influence the life of whose husbands are living) to a feast of a child in the womb, and their worship is khir and cakes. On the next day, when the believed to bring about an casy delivery." Mata is sent away, three virgins are enter. There is also a family goddess of the name tained with rice, sugar and milk.5 of Matrika. In worshipping her, seven round In some communities a custom prevails of spots are painted on a wall with red lae, and "inviting the lotas of the Matas" on the ghi is poured over them in such a manner occasion of the first pregnancy of a woman, as to form five small relas (streams). A On the day on which the lotas are to be inmixture of molasses and ghi is then applied vited, the pregnant woman takes a bath early to these spots with a picce of adachh (red in the morning, and calls upon thirteen goracotton yarn). By this process the devoteenis, whom she invites to dinner by marking secures the motlierly regard of the goddess, their forchends with red lnc. A Brahman One of the deities which preside orer is called to set up the Matas, whose installachild-birth is Randal Mata or Ranna Devi, tion takes place in the same manner as that who is said to be the wife of the Sun. In of Randal. The piece of cloth spread on order to secure an easy delivery, pregnant the wooden stool is required to be green. women take a vow that they will invite one or When the goranis sit down to the dinner, more lotas (bowls) of this Mata. The pro- the pregnant woman washes their right toes cess of "inviting the lotas" is as follow : with milk and swallows that milk as charan. The tufts round the shell of a cocoanut amrit (lit. the nectar of the feet). The are pulled out, the nut is besmeared with gora ris are required to taste a morsel of chalk, and marks representing two eyes and some preparation of milk before they begin a nose are painted on it. (Or the nut is so their meal. At night, a company of women placed that the two spots on its surface dance in a circle round tlie Matas, singing represent eyes, and the pointed tuft of fibres songs. Next morning a bhuva is called, who between them serves the purpose of a nose). declares the will of the Matas. On receir. A bowl is placed on a piece of cloth stret- ing a satisfnctory reply from the bhura, the ched on a wooden stool, and the cocoanut party disperses." The Schoolmaster of Zinzuwada. * The Schoolmaster of Sanka. 5 Tlie Schoolmaster of Anandpur. Also known as surusaris. * The Schoolmaster of Ganod. The Schoulmaster of Sanka * K. D. Desai.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT The goddesses Bahuchardji (or Bechraji) cure of certain diseases, and the groves and Ambaji are sometimes worshipped for which they haunt are frequently visited by the sake of safety during childbirth. The afflicted persons. These deities are installed ceremony of Nandi-Shraddha which was in those places where they hare manifested performed when Rama was born is some- their powers, times gone through at the birth of a There is a belief that if unmarried persons child, 1 touch sindur or red lead, a cobra deity of The deities of the forest reside in groves the forest, Kshetrapal, takes them in mar of trees or near the Piludi tree, to which riage. But the danger can be arerted by their devotees must go in order to fulfil their vowing to dedicate khichadi, red lead, a vows. These deities do not receive any | dokado and some fruit to this god at the formal worship. But they are noted for the time of marriage. The School Master of Jodia. The School Master of Kolki. 3 Mr. K. D. Desai. * The School Master of Kolki. A ball of molasses and sesamum soods mixed together.

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CHAPTER III. DISEASE DEITIES. Such diseases as cholera and small-pox are believed to be brought on by the wrath of the Matas or Devis caused by neglecting to offer the usual oblations. In order to propitiate them, Brahmans are engaged to recite the Chandipath and to offer havans (sacrificial offerings). Very often the festival known as ujani is observed, in which all the villagers go outside the village to take their meals, and return home in the evening after witnessing the ahuti (the offering of cocoanuts to the sacrificial fire).* Another belief personifies the diseases as malin or evil spirits who are fond of human prey. To ward them off, a dhara-vadi, or stream of milk, is poured out in the village or a magic thread is passed round. The chariot of the Mata is driven through the village with the same object.1 There is a popular tradition that in ancient times cholera was subjugated by king Vikrama, and was buried underground, Once upon a time the British excavated the place in the belief that treasure was concealed there, and thus cholera was released. After many soldiers had fallen victims, the disease deity was at last propitiated by an oblation, and was handed over to the Bhangis (or scavengers).2 1 The School Master of Luvaria, 3 The School Master of Kotda-Sangani, This association of the Bhangis with cholera is present in most of the beliefs current about the disease. There is a story that once upon a time a number of students had put up in a house by which a Bhangi was in the habit of passing frequently. He daily used to hear the students reciting the sacred texts and this produced in his mind the desire to become a Sanskrit scholar. For this purpose, having concealed his low birth, he went to Benares and by diligent study, soon became a pandit. He even married a girl of high caste. But his imposture being at last discovered, he burnt himself to death, and his ashes gave rise to the disease known as cholera,3 At the present day, if the epidemic breaks out, the Bhangis are often suspected in some way or other of having brought it about. It is said that they make statues of the flour of adad (phascolus radiatus) and after piercing them with needles and pins, either throw them into the wells which are daily used by the villagers or bury them in a spot over which the people frequently pass. The whole affair is managed very secretly and at the dead of night. The slightest rumour of such proceedings causes a tumult in the village, and the Bhangis are then in danger of being severely handled by the enraged villagers. 2 The School Master of Jodia. 4 The School Masters of Jodia, Dadvi. and Songadh, * Vide Question 19. + A small wooden car five or six inches long is covered over with a piece of cotton cloth and the wooden image of a Mata-Khodiar or Kalka-besmeared with red lead is placed upon it. the Mata is then passed through the village on the shoulders of a low-caste person, to door and afterwards places the image at the gates of the neighbouring village. by the people of that village to the next village and so on till it reaches the sea.-Mr. K. D. Desai, This rath or chariot of who begs corn from door From thence it is removed Sometimes the statues of adad flour are besmeared with red lead and afterwards are boiled in dirty water. The whole of this preparation is then thrown into wells, the waters of which are used for drinking in the village. The Schoolmaster of Songadh,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 75 Another inethod by which the Bhangis are to send forth cholera when her oblations are supposed to bring about cholera is to sprink- stopped, and her favour is regained by le the blood of a black cow on the image renewing the offer of these oblations. Someof Hanuman. The god is deeply offended times the Navachandi sacrifice is performed at the insult, and in consequence spreads at the principal village-gates, and the chancholera in the neighbourhood. For this rea- dipath is recited at the other gates. A son, offerings are burnt before Hanuman in number of Brahmans and virgins are also order to stop an epidemic of cholera, feasted, and presented with garments. A Bhangis are also supposed by some to magic cotton thread is passed round the vilaccomplish the same result by the help of lage and a dhara-vadi, or stream of milk, is malin or evil deities who are first gratified poured out. The bhuvds go round the vilby the offering of victims. One of such lage playing upon the harsh unpleasant dank. deities is Ramdepir, to whom bali-dan (offer- lan. A goat is then taken to the temple of ing of a victim) is made by the people, the Mata, and the bhuvas, after cutting out through the medium of Bhangis, for the | its tongue, dip their hands in its blood and prevention of cholera. strike them against the doors of the temple. An outbreak of cholera offers a good The goat is then killed and similar bloodopportunity to the Bhangis, who extort dain- marks are made upon every door in the vilties and small sums of money froin the peo- lage as well as on the village-gates, where ple. Persons attacked by cholera often seek an iron nail is driven into the ground with the services of a Bhangi and promise him an incantation, A lime is then cut, and an liberal gifts if they are cured. The latter oblation is offered to the Mata. Such a progenerally treats his patients by tying a magic- cess is believed to stop the progress of the al thread round their elbows, 3 epidemic. It is said that the Bhangis have to present Other deities connected in popular belief an offering to their malin or evil goddess with cholera are the goddesses Visuchika? every third year, and that, in so doing, they and Chandika.8 Visuchika is conciliated by kill a black animal before the goddess. burnt offerings : the recitation of the chandiThey then place an iron pan full of sesamum path wins the favour of Chandika. There is oil on the fire, and suspend the body of the also a giantess named Karkata who is supanimal above it. It is believed that as posed to be responsible for cholera. She is many human beings will fall victims to said to have spring from the sweat on the cholera as the number of the drops of blood forehead of Brahma and to reside in the that fall from the body of the animal into chandra mandal (or lunar sphere). the iron pan.. One of the remedies adopted to stop an Another deity whose wrath is supposed to epidemic of cholera is to propitiate Shiva be responsible for the breaking out of cholera by the performance of Rudrayag, Mahais Mahamari Devi. The worshippers of rudra, Shatachandi, Homahavan and by this goddess are Bhangis. She is believed bestowing gifts on Brahmans and other holy 1 The School Master of Dadvi. 2 The School Master of Chhatrasa. The School Master of Jodia. 4 The School Master of Mendarda. 5 The School Master of Movaiya, The School Master of Vanod. 1 The School Masters of Devalia and Vasavad, $ The Shastri of Jetpur Pathshala. 9 The School Master of Charadwa, * These are different sacrifices, the first two in honour of Shiva, the third in honour of the goddess Cbandi.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY men, Sometimes vows are observed with worships the image after the bath. The the same object in honour of a minor local image is drawn in cowdung with two cotton deity named Lala Hardev." Another me- seeds to represent the eyes. An offering of thod of driving off the disease is to convey kulerat and curds is made to the goddess. it to the body of a goat or a ram, or a he- Five virgins are invited to dinner, and are buffalo, and to drive the animal out of the served with cold food. All the members village, of the household also partake of cold food. Small-pox is believed to be the act of the On the 7th or the 13th day of the bright goddess Shitala Mata, who spreads the dis- half of a month the patient is taken to the case whenever she is desirous of having temple of Shitald Mata, when a cocoanut victims. Thus, in cases of small-pox, the is broken in the presence of the goddess. patient very often receives no medical | Half of the cocoanut is brought home, the treatment, the only remedies adopted being other half being carried away by the Mata's directed towards the propitiation of the attendant. Some people place a new Mata.* A number of vows are taken in the earthen vessel filled with water near the Mata's name, to be fulfilled after the goddess. Silver eyes, which may be worth patient has recovered. Many people accom- anything between half an anna and half a plish their vows before the Shitala Mata rupee, are dedicated to the Mata. at Kalavad in Jamnagar. A vow to visit The first visit to the Mata should take this place after the patient's recovery, and place on a Sunday or a Tuesday. The to abstain from certain things till the day things vowed to the goddess are dedicated on of the visit, is taken by the mother of the this occasion. It is also necessary to go to affected person in case of a severe attack, the goddess again on the next Tuesday or But almost every village contains a temple Thursday after the first visit. This time of Shitala Mata, and those, who cannot go only water and red lac are offered, to Kalavad, row in the name of the local During the course of the disease no lowMata. One of such vows is to go to the caste person and no woman in her monthly temple of the Mata with a burning hearth course is allowed to cast his or her shadow on the head. Such a vow is generally un- on the patient. The women in the house dertaken by the patient's mother. are prohibited from combing their hair, or Ordinarily in a case of small-pox, the churning curdled milk, or indulging in sexpatient is not allowed to bathe till he is ual intercourse. Such acts are believed to completely free from all traces of the dis- cause extreme displeasure to the Mata, ease. A bath is then given on a Sunday, who then causes some limo of the patient to Tuesday, or a Thursday, with water which be affected, Branches of nimb leaves are has been heated by being placed in the sun. suspended over the doors of the house, and An image of Shitala Mata is set up in the also round the patient's bed. The same house near the water room, and the patient leaves are used to fan the patient. . * The School Master of Ganod. 1 The School Master of Dbank. The School Master of Dadvi, The School Master of Jodia. Mr. K. D. Desdi. * The patient is often entirely made over to the Mat, and is again purchased from her at a nominal price of a rupee and quarter. -Mr. K. D. Dendi. + A mixture of the four of bajri, gbt, and molasses.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT When a child suffers from the disease, it is often weighed against dates, which are first dedicated to the goddess, and then distributed amongst the poor. The child is taken to bow down before the goddess after nine or ten days from the date of attack, and the mother of the child offers several things to the Mata, among which are grapes, sugar, a pinch of flour, a small earthen bowl full of water, and a blank sheet of paper.2 Different things are dedicated to the goddess according as the disease affects one part of the body or another. For instance, flour of bajra or juvari is offered in case of bronchitis; silver models of the human eye when the disease affects the eyes; a goras (a black earthen vessel full of curds) in case of morbid heat; a piece of black paper, in high fever, and salt if there is an itching sensation, The Mata is said to live on cold food and to be very fond of things which have a cooling effect such as fruits, sugar, etc. The same things are given to the patient as food. To secure the protection of Shitala Mata for their children, women annually observe the vow of shili satem on the 7th day of the dark half of Shravan. On this day the Mata is said to visit every house and to roll herself on the hearth: No fire is, therefore, lighted in the hearth on this day: for if the Mata comes and is scorched by the fire she is sure to bring misfortune on that household. For this reason, a number of dainties and all the food necessary for the day is prepared on the previous day. On the day of shili satem, juvari seeds are spread on the hearth, and after being sprinkled with red lac, a cowdung bowl containing a plant called vana is placed upon them. The women of the house bathe with cold water and take only one meal during the day. The School Master of Jodia. 3 The Deputy Educational Inspector of Halar. 5 The School Masters of Dhank and Ganod. They further abstain from sewing and embroidering during that day. Sometimes a Brahman is engaged to recite the Shitala shloka from a book called Rudrayamal. 77 The following legend is related of shili satem. A certain woman once forgot to extinguish the fire in her hearth on Rundhan Chhetha (lit, cooking sixth), i, e., the day previous to shili satem. On the next day, the Mata was scorched in the stomach when she came to roll herself on the hearth. In extreme anger the goddess cursed the woman saying that her only son would be burnt to death; and immediately the boy died. In her anguish the unfortunate mother confessed her fault to a friend, who advised her to go to the jungle and entreat the Mata to give back her son. She found the goddess rolling in distress under a babul tree. The woman slowly approached her, and began to comb out the Mata's hair. She then placed her son in the Mata's lap and entreated the goddess to revive the boy. The Mata felt much relieved by the woman's attentions and blessed her saying that her bosom should be as quiet as her own head. Immediately, at these words, the boy revived, to the intense joy of his mother." Women whose relatives have recovered from a dangerous attack of small-pox observe a vow on every satem, i. e., the 7th day of the dark half of every month. They first bathe with cold water and, after offering an oblation of kulera, take their meals only once during the day. This food has to be prepared on the previous day. Shitala Mata is described as riding an ass in a nude state with the half of a supadun (a winnowing fan) for an umbrella and with a swing in one hand, and a broom in the other. But more usually the Mata is represented by a mere trunkless head in The School Master of Sayala. The School Master of Zinzuwada. The School Master of Vanod. 7 The School Master of Ganod.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY stone, besmeared with red lead. This is god Krishna, and it can be cured by the resaid to be the head of Babhrivahan, the son citation of a piece called Ushaharan, from of Bhima" the second of the Pandavas by a the Haritansha. Some persons attribute Nag mother. At the time of the Great War, fever to the wrath of Vishnu, and declare that he was sent by his mother from his resi- it can be avoided by the recitation of Vishnudence in the patal (the regions below this sahasranama. Others believe it to be due world) to assist his father, and as he did to the anger of Shiva, and say that it can be not know the Pandavas, he was asked to cured by pouring a stream of water over the join the weaker side. On coming to the image of Shiva by offering bel leaves (degle earth he first met with Krishna who took a marmelos) to him, and by reciting the Mripromise from him to lop his own head off. tyunjaya mantra in his honour. Others In return, Krishna promised him that he again ascribe it to the displeasure of the would be immortal, invisible and worshipped gods Harit and Har, saying that the heat by all, and the head was set up on the flag of is caused by the wrath of Shiva.? the Pandavas. This head began to trouble The following are some of the remedies the Pandavas after their victory, and adopted in cases of fever: could only be quieted by the promise of (i) The recitation of sacred hymns in Krislina to have him recognised as a deity honour of the gods. with unlimited powers. This head after- ! (ii) The worship of Narsinh. wards came to be known as the controller (iii) Rudrabhishek-pouring a stream of of small-pox. How the head of the male water on the image of Shiva with the reciBabhrivahan came to be identified with tation of verses in his honour. Shitala Mata, it is difficult to explain. (iv) Drawing the jantra of Mrityunjaya There is a tradition that a Kunbi once rc- (lit, Death-conquering, an epithet of Shiva). covered his eyesight, lost in an attack of as shown below. small-pox, by worshipping Shitala Mata, and by rowing not to tie his lock of lunir till his blindness was cured." It is said that the powderlike substance which falls from the scabs of small-pox cures cataract if applied to the eyes. Daksha Prajapati once celebrated a great sacrifice, but did not invite his son-in-law Shiva. The latter was extremely enraged at the insult, and eight sorts of fever were in consequence produced by his breath at that time, According to another story car or fever was created by Shiva in order to assist the demon Banasur in his contest with " Mr. K. D. Desai. 2 The School Master of Jodia. * The School Master of Sanka, The Mistress of Rajkot, Civil Station Girls' School 5 The School Master of Ganod. 6 The Shastri of Jetpur Pathshala. + The School Master of Charadwa. * Babhrivahan was not the son of Bhima, he was the son of Arjun by Chitrangada, a princess of Manipur Names of Vishnu and Shiva respectively. The half-man and balflion incarnation of Vishnu.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 79 (v) Tying a nagic thread round the arm. belief that the Bhangis sometimes prepare On a Sunday or a Tuesday a woollen thread an image out of the flour of adad (phaseolus or a piece of five-coloured silken thread is radiatus) and pierce it with needles, and it is taken to a ba va or a jogi, who mutters a few said that for every hole made in the image mystic words, and makes seven knots in the one human being falls a victim to some thread. The thread is treated with frank- epidemic disease. Such an image is sometimes incense, and then tied round the arm. placed in an earthen vessel and buried underPeriodical fevers are believed to be under ground in a public way so that every passer the control of certain spirits. There is a by treading on the spot where it is buried story connected with almost every sort of may be attacked by some disease. Or it is fever, and it is believed that a person who thrown into the well which is most used by listens to such a story is cured of fever.3 village people, with the object that all The following legend is connected with persons drinking water from the well may ekanterio-intermittent fever occurring on perish by the disease, alternate days. Once a Bania, on his way The Bhangis are also accused of causing to a village, came across a banyan tree where an epidemic by means of boiling the ear of a he unyoked his bullocks and went to a dis- | buffalo and the flesh of an ox together in one tance to seek for water. Ekanterio (the vessel, it being believed that the virulence spirit controlling intermittent fever) resided of the disease varies in proportion to the on this tree, and when the Bania had gone extent to which the boiling proceeds. This sufficiently far he stole from behind the tree process is supposed to cause a discase among and carried away the Bania's carriage to- cattle also. gether with his family. The Bania was much Another belief is that the Bhangis charm surprised to miss them on his return, but he seeds of adad and cloves by repeating magic soon found out the author of the trick, and incantations over them, and afterwards strew pursued Ekanterio. That spirit however them on a highway in order that those who would not listen to the Bania's entreaties to step on them may be attacked by cholera or return his carriage, and the matter was at some similar disease.? One motive suggestlast referred for arbitration to Bochki Bai. ed for such action is that they are thereby The latter decided in favour of the Bania, likely to receive their garments, which would and confined Ekanterio in a bamboo tube, be used for covering the bodies. Also at He was released on the condition that he the outbreak of such an epidemic, clothes, would never attack those persons who listen cocoanuts, ghi, molasses, wheat flour, etc., to this story." are offered by the people to the Bhangis, who There is a flower garden to the west of in return give a dora, a piece of thread, of Jodia where there is a tree called ghelun black wool to be worn by the afflicted (mad) tree. Vows in honour of this tree are persons. believed to be efficacious in curing fever. But apart from such beliefs, the appear It has been already said above that such ance of an epidemic is also attributed to epidemic diseases as cholera or the plague are other causes. There is the usual belief that often supposed to be the result of the sinis- it is caused by the diminution of virtue and ter practices of the Bhangis. There is a the increase of sin among people and the 1 The School Master of Dhank. 3 Mr. K. D. Desai. 5 Mr. K. D. Desai. 1 The Scoool Master of Rajpara. 9 The School Master of Zinzuvada. * The, School Master of Jodia. # The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gobelwad, The School Master of Jasdan. * The School Master of Rajpara.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY consequent wrath of the gods, who are only propitiated by the people again reverting to righteous ways and by the performance of sacrifices in their honour.1 There is also a belief that the sixty-four Joganis, when they are desirous of victims, cause baneful epidemics among mankind, the remedies in such a case being such as offering a goat or a he-buffalo to them, or the observation of an ujani in their honour. The following tale is related regarding an occurrence said to have taken place not long ago in the village of Verad. The headman of the village who was a Rajput by birth but who had lost his caste owing to irregular conduct with a woman, died of fever, and as he was an outcaste his body was buried instead of being cremated. Soon after, a number of persons in the same village happened to die of the same fever and the people conjectured that the late patel's corpse must be lying in its grave with its face downwards chewing the khahan (? perhaps kaphan, i, e. the cloth in which a corpse is wrapped). Many thought that the health of the village would not be restored until the corpse was replaced in the correct position with its face upwards and unless the khapan was taken out of its mouth. But none ventured to do so, being dissuaded by the fear of meeting with a worse fate, But although they did not open the grave yet they arranged for certain vows to be taken in honour of the dead man, and that put a stop to the disease,2 Another story from the same place is that when small-pox once raged furiously in that village, the people of the place celebrated a magnificent feast of dainties prepared of wheat-flour, ghi, molasses, rice and pulse, and afterwards the Dheds of the village lopped off the head of a dead he-buffalo, burying it at the spot where the feast was held. 1 The School Master of Kotda-Sangani. 3 The School Master of Devalia. The School Master of Ganod, The remedies adopted for the abatement of epidemic diseases have already been mentioned above, the most common being the winding of a cotton-thread, the pouring out of dharavadi, i.e., milk, in the village, and the taking of the rath of the Mata in a procession beyond the village boundary, the epidemic being supposed to be expelled in the rath. In the last case, after the rath has been taken to the neighbouring village, a charmed peg is sometimes driven into the ground near the village boundary to prevent the epidemic from crossing back again. Mention has already been made of the deities which protect the cattle and to whose displeasure diseases among cattle are attributed. It is said that such diseases are very common during the vishi of Shiva. A cycle of twenty years is called a vishi, three such cycles making a complete samvatsar of sixty years. Each of such vishis is presided over and named after each of the three gods of the Trinity, Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva. The vishi of Brahma is characterized by protection and creation, that of Vishnu by growth and that of Shiva by destruction, the last often bringing on such calamities as plague, famine and diseases among cattle." The following are some of the remedies practised by the village people in the case of certain cattle-diseases. In the case of such diseases as mova kharava or the like, there is a practice of burying a plough near one's gates, which is afterwards covered with dust gathered from three streets and is worshiped with a branch of a tree, a plate of iron and red lead. This ceremony has to be performed either on a Sunday or a Tuesday, and the man who performs it has to remain naked at the time. For the cure of valo (a disease in which the throat is inflamed), pieces of the stalk of kukad-vel (a kind of creeper) are tied The School Master of Devalia. 4 The School Master of Sanka. 6 The School Master of Dhank.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 81 round the neck or the horns of the diseased guarded for several days, lest some other animal and no other food except ghi and animals dig it up and let lose the buried molasses is allowed to it for two or three epidemic by exposing the carcasses. It is days. A handful of salt is sometimes thrown believed that the contagion of this disease on the back of the animal. Sesamum oil lies in the ears; and the ears of all the sheep is also said to work as a good medicine in in the hera are carefully watched if they the case of the same disease. bleed. Another remedy for the same disease is The twin gods Ashivini Kumar are someto pass a knotted bamboo stick with seven times propitiated by means of an anushthan knots seven times over the back of the ailing (the performance of religious austerities in animal.3 their honour) in order that they may put Ghi is sometimes used as a medicine in a stop to a disease among cattle, the case of small-poz. In the case of It appears that dancing often forms a part shakario or kalo va, the animal is branded of the process of exorcism. Frequently dancin the affected limbs. To one suffering from ing is accompanied by the beating of cymbals & stye in the eye an ointment prepared from and drums and other loud noises. A the horn of a deer is applied, while a mixture mandalu is convened at the house of the person of whey and salt is said to be useful in most who is to be exorcised i. e., & number of eye maladies. The treatment for the swelling bhuvds are invited to attend along with a of the belly is a mixture of molasses, ajamo number of low-caste drummers, and afterwards (ligusticum ajwaen) and sanchal (a kind of the ceremony of utar is gone through; the salt). To cure an animal of khapari (a utar is then taken to a cemetery. disease which affects milch-cattle), the Sometimes the beating of drums and milk of the affected animal is poured on cymbals is alone resorted to for expelling an rafda (a kind of jujube tree). If after evil spirit from the person of a patient. It is delivery, soune part of the embryo remains believed that this process is effectual in proporinside an animal, milk and molasses are given tion to the degree of the intensity of the noise to expedite its removal, created >> The patient is asked to sit facing In the case of kharava the ailing animal the east. The Baval or Vaghri i. e., the is made to move about in hot sand and is drummer, sits in front of him, and not only treated with salt, which is first fried on the beats the drun as loudly as he can, but also fire of Holi. The remedy for the disease sings hymns at the top of his voice in honour known as kumbhava is to give a dose of of his favourite goddess. In the meanwhile, castor oil, sanchal, ajamo and hot water to the bhuva, who is also in attendance, begins to the sick animal and also to tie a magic be possessed, and discloses the fact by convulthread round its neck. 5 sive fits. After a while, the bhuva suddenly A disease called okarinu (i.e., vomitting) stamps his foot furiously on the floor, and, sometimes breaks out among sheep. In this seizing the patient by a lock of his hair, and case the shepherds separate all the affected perhaps even giving him a blow on the back, animals from the herd and remove them to asks in a stern voice" Who art thou ? speak a distance. All the sheop which die of the out at once why thou hast come or else I will disease are buried deep in a pit, which is burn thee to death."* 1 The School Master of Dhank and the Shastri of Jetpur Pathshala * The Shastri of Bhayavadur Pathasbala, 3 The School Master of Zinzuwada. * The Shastris of Jetpur and Bhayavadur, * The School Master of Wala Taluka. * The School Master of Anandpur. The School Master of Kotda-Sangani. 8 The School Master of Zinzuwada. * The School Master of Kotda-Sangani. * All this of course is addressed to the evil spirit which is supposed to have possessed the patient.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The patient will then perhaps reply: 'Don't the patient with either the words 'vachoor you know me? I am charan', or 'I am 'vad havo'. In case the bhuvd says 'vacho' samluadi,'(a female spirit guarding the village and the number of seeds happens to be even, gates) or Vagharant or Purvaj (the spirit what be declared to be the cause of the patient's of a deceased ancestor) Regarding the trouble is believed to be true. So also if reason for possession, the evil spirit will the bhuva says vadhavo and the number of give some such explanation as follows: seeds proves to be odd. But in case the "Once upon a time the patient was taking a number of seeds proves to be odd when the loaf and vegetables which he hid from me, bhuvd says ' vacho', or even, when he say? and therefore I shall leave his person only tadhavo, then his explanation of the cause of with his life." The bhuva will then say the patient's trouble is not credited. "life is precious and not so cheap as you Sometimes Brahmans instead of bhuvas are think. If you want anything else, say so and engaged to exorcise an evil spirit from the leave this person." After a dialogue such as body of a sick person. A bellmetal dish, the above, the bhuud and the spirit come to containing adad (phaseolus radiatus) wheat some compromise, and the bhuva then leads a and jomari, is placed on a copper jar and procession with the utar either to the village struck violently with a stick, called velan, so boundary or to a cemetery. The bhuva then as to produce a loud noise. The patient, who draws a circle on the ground with the point is made to sit in front, begins to tremble and of a sword which he carries, and places the sometimes even to rave. The Brahmans also utar within the circle. He then slightly create a loud noise and in a loud voice ask the cuts the tip of his tongue with the edge of patient who the evil spirit is and what it the sword, and spits blood into a fire lighted wants. The patient will then give out the for the purpose. The smoke of this fire is name of some notorious dakan (witch) or of supposed to carry the offering to the evil spirit. one of his deceased ancestors and will add The utar is then taken away by the drummers, that he desires a certain thing which he was. who share it secretly with the bhuvd. In the used to get while in human form. The evil event of the patient deriving no benefit from spirit is then propitiated by offering the this ceremony, the bhuvd advises the patient's things asked for and is requested to leave the relatives to repeat the process.1 body of the patient. The following ceremony is sometimes The following are other methods of expell performed in order to ascertain whether a ing an evil spirit from the body person is under the influence of an evil spirit Either lobkan i. e, incense powder, or chilor not. A bhuva is invited to the patient's lies or even the excreta of dogs are burnt under house in the company of drummers, and there the nose of the patient, who, overpowered, by he dances for some time amidst the dinthe unpleasant odour, is supposed to give out produced by the beating of the drums and by the pame of the evil spirit and also what the the loud recitation of hymns in honour of his latter wants. favourite goddess. Afterwards a handful of Water is charmed with incantations, and is grain is passed round the head of the patient either dashed against the patient's eyes or is and presented to the bhuva for inspection. I given to him to drink. The bhuta selects a few seeds from the grain If the evil spirit possessing a patient is a and making certain gestures, offers them to purvaj i. e., the spirit of a deceased ancestor, Fominina of Vaghri belonging to the Vagbri caste, The School Master of Sanka. 2 The School Masters of Ganod, Vanod and Kolki. The School Master of Dadvi.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 83 either Naravan-bali Shraddha or Nil-Parvani Shraddha or Tripindi Shraddha is performed in order to propitiate it, and a party of Brahmans is invited to dinner. In case the purvaj is a female, a cocoanut is installed in a gokhalo (a niche) in the wall to represent it, ghi lamps are lighted, and frankincense is burnt every morning before it. On the anniversary of the death of the purvaj & party of goranis (unwidowed women) is invited to dinner. 1 If a woman is believed to be possessed by a dakan, she is made to hold a shoe in her teeth and is taken to the village boundary, where the shoe is dropped, and a circle is drawn round it with water from a bowl carried by the party. The holding of the shoe by the teeth signifies a vow on the part of the dakan never to re-enter the person of the exorcised woman. The following are other occasions for religious dancing, namely during the Nav-ratra holidays (i. e., the festival which commences from the 1st day of the bright half of Ashvin and lasts for nine days); at the time of offering oblations to the village-gods; on the occasion of setting up a pillar in memory of a deceased person, at the time of the Nilotsava* ceremony. At the time when Randal the wife of Surya is installed and worshipped, a party of young women dance in a circle before the goddess to the accompaniment of garabir, The eighth day of the bright half of Ashvin is dedicated to the worship of the Matds and devis (minor goddesses), and on this day, bhuvda have to dance each before his favourite mata. This they have also to do on the 1st day of the bright half of Ashadh. Bhutas are also invited to dance on the Dimasd day. i. e., the last day of Ashadh,3 The bhuva occupies a high place in the esteem of the village people, and commands much respect. In the first place, his position is that of a medium between the gods and goddesses on the one hand and human beings on the other. He is the interpreter of the will of the gods, which he expresses to the public when in a state of trance. Besides he is believed to have power over the evil spirits which are visible to a bhuva though cannot be seen by ordinary eyes. He is the guardian of the village, his duty, being to protect the people from the malignant influence of the evil spirits.5 In the next place, it is also the office of the bhuva to treat the sick. In cases when medicine is unavailing and where the malady is supposed to be the work of some evil spirit, the opinion of the bhuva is sought by the relations of the patient and is given by the test of the scrutiny of grain. When the sick person is found to be under the influence of a spirit, the common mode of exorcising is to take an utar to the cemetery. An image of a human being is prepared out of the flour of adad (phaseolus radialus) and is passed round the body of the sick person. The bhu va then holds the image near his heart and stretches himself on a bier with the image on his bosom. In this condition the bhura is taken to the cemetery, and the evil spirit is believed to be driven by these means out of the patient's body.? The bhuva distributes doras (magic threads) and anklets among the people. Such things are coveted for their efficacy in warding off the influence of evil spirits and are often sought after by people for their cattle as well as for 1 The School Master of Limbdi Taluka. Mr. B. K. Desai. . Nilotsava or Nil-parndoms is a ceremony performed in honour of young man, who has come to an untimely end. The chief part of the ceremony is the performance of the wedding of a bull. calf with a heifer. Sometimes a member of the deceased youth's family is possessed on such an occasion by the spirit of the deceased man and is believed to have then the power of correctly answering questions about future events, etc.-The School Master of Dhank. 3 The School Master of Devalid. The School Masters of Dhank and Kotda Sangani, 5 The School Master of Sanka The School Master of Dadvi. 7 The School Masters of Dadvi and Kalki.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY themselves. The prosperity of the danklanvagadnars (those who beat the drum) depends to a large extent on the success of the bluva's business, and for this reason, the drummers are often very good advocates of the bhuva and take every opportunity of glorifying his powers and merits. The respect which a bhuva commands in this way is sometimes increased by the performance of such tricks as his putting lighted torches into his mouth, placing his hand in boiling oil, and similar performances. But although there may be some bhuvao who profit by imposing upon the credulity of the villagers, there are many bhuvds who do not work with the expectation of any reward, and are only actuated by benevolent motives. Many of them honestly believe that at the time when they are thrown into a state of trance, the matas or deities actually enter their bodies and speak their wishes through them as a medium. In some villages, the office of the bluwvd is hereditary, and lands have been assigned to them in remuneration for their duty. In addition to this religious calling, a bhuva often follows some other profession as that of agriculture, weaving or spinning.8 The bhuva generally belongs to some low caste and may be a Koli, Bharvad Rabari, Vaghri or even a Chamar. The bhuvds are also known as pothids. One good qualification for becoming a bhuva is to possess the habit of throwing one's self into convulsive fits followed by a state of trance, cspecially on hearing the beating of a danklan (drum). At such a time the mata or devi is supposed to possess the person of the bhuva and to speak out her wishes on being questioned. Some bhuvas are regularly possessed by some devi or mata on every Sunday or Tuesday.. A typical bhuva 'nas a braid of hair ort his head, puts one or more iron or copper anklets round his leg or elbow, and makes a niark with red lead on his forehead. A bhuva attending upon the goddess Meldi is generally5 a Vaghri by caste and always wears dirty clothes. A Bharvad bhuva has generally a silver anklet round his waist. A bhuva bas to observe a fast on all the nine days of the Nar-ratras. If a bhuva happens to come across another bhuva in convulsive fits or in a trance, he must need go into fits as well. Generally speaking every bhuvd keeps an image of his favourite mata in or near his own dwelling. Generally he erects a hut for the purpose and hoists a flag upon it. Near the image are placed a number of conch-shells and stones and brooms of peacock feathers. The deity is not systematically worshipped every day but receives adoration every Sunday and Tuesday. Sometimes the bhuvd has a disciple-a sevaka--who does the duty of dashing bell-metal cymbals at the time when the bhuvd throws himself in a trance. When a new bhuta is to be initiated into the profession, he is made to sit before an image of the mata, where he goes into convulsive fits while the danklan vagadnars beat the drums and loudly recite hymns in honour of the deity. Afterwards he is taken to a cemetery accompanied by the drummers and an expert bhuva, where the latter marks out a square on the ground with the edge of a sword. The novice is asked to lie prostrate within the area thus marked out and to get up and lie again, deing the same four times, each time with his head towards each of the four quarters. The bhuta who initiates the novice and who is thenceforth considered to be the guru or preceptor of the latter, ties a rakhadi (a piece of silk thread) round the elbow of the pupil." 1 The School Masters of Kotda-Sangni and Sanka. * The School Master of Zinzuwada. * The School Master of Santa . Mr. K. D. Desdi. The School Master of Jodid. * The School Master of Dadvi. + The School Master of Patanvav.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 85 Every bhuva is required to propitiate his favourite goddess every third year, the cere- mony which is then performed being called Khad-Khadya-besadri. This is performed either during the Nav-ratra holidays or during the bright half of either the month of Magh or Chaitra. All the bhuvas in the village are invited on the occasion, when there is ganja-smoking or bhang-drinking, partly at night. After the supper which follows this party, all the bhuvas gather together and go into convulsive fits till they are almost suffocated. Cocoanuts are then dedicated and cracked before the mata, and the kernel is distributed among those present. The party then break up.1 It is believed by some people that the spirit of a Muhammadan saint, living or dead, dwells in such trees as the Khijado, i. e., Shami (Prosopis spicigera) and Baval, i. e., Babhul (Acacia arabica). It is known by the name of chitharia that is, the ragged Pir. It is a common belief that if a rrother fails to offer a rag or a piece of cloth to such a toly tree wbile passing by it, her children run the risk of falling ill. Women and ignorant people, therefore, make a point of offering rags to such trees whenever they happen to pass by them. According to another belief, travellers, in order to accomplish their journey safely, offer rags to such of the Khijado, Baval or Limdo (Nim) trees as are reputed to be the residences of spirits, if they happen to be on their road. Some believe that both male and female spirits reside in the Khijado, Baval and Kerado trees, and throw rags over them with the object of preventing passers by from cut- ting or removing the trees. Some pile stones round their stems and draw tridents ver them with red lead and oil. If superstitious people come across such trees, they throw pieces of stones on the piles, believing them 1 The School Master of Sanka. The School Master of Davalia. to be holy places, and think that by doing so they attain the merit of building a temple or shrine. A belief runs that this pile should grow larger and larger day by day, and not be diminished. If the base of such a tree is not marked by a pile of stones, rags only are offered ; and if rags are not available, the devotee tears off a piece of his garment, bowever costly it may be, and dedicates it to the tree. Once, & child saw its mother offering a rag to such a tree, and asked her the reason of the offering. The mother replied that her brother, that is the child's maternal uncle, dwelt in the tree. Hence a belief arose that a chithario (ragged) uncle dwells in such trees. Others assert that the chithario pir dwells in such trees, and they propitiate him by offering cocoanuls and burning frankincense before it. There is a Khijado tree near Sultanpur which is believed to be the residence of a demon mamo. This demon is propitiated by the offerings of rags. Some declare that travellers fix rags of worn out clothes to the trees mentioned above in order that they may not be attacked by the evil spirits residing in them. Another belief is that the spirits of deceased ancestors residing in such trees get absolution through this form of devotion. It is also believed that a goddess called chitharia devi resides in such trees, and being pleased with these offerings, blesses childless females with children, and cures persons suffering from itch of their disease. There is a further belief that ragged travellers, by offering pieces of their clothes to the Khijado, Baval or Kerado trees, are blessed in return with good clothes. Some believe that Hanuman, the lord of spirits, resides in certain trees. They call him chithario or ragged Hanuman. All passers by offer rags to the trees inhabited by * The School Master of Kotda Sangani. - The School Master of Ganod.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY him. There is such a tree near the station of Rags are never offered to wells, but it Shiroi. There is a tamarind tree on the road is common to offer them copper coins and from Tamnagar to Khantalia which is believed betelnuts. Sometimes flags are hoisted near to be the residence of chithario Hanuman and holy wells in honour of the water-goddess receives similar offerings. Another tamarind Jaldevki. Travellers hoist flags on certain tree of this description is near Marad and wells and throw copper coins into them in the there is a Khijado tree on the road between course of their journey. The origin of this Kalavad and Vavadi which is similarly offering is said to be in the desire of travellers treated. 1 to prevent people from committing & nuisance It is related by some people that in near wells. deserts trees are rare and the summer heat is Some wells are noted as being the abode of oppressive. To the travellers passing through spirits who have the power of effecting certain such deserts, the only place of rest is in the cures. It is customary to throw a pice in such shadow of a solitary tree that is to be met wells. When a person is bitten by a rabid dog. occasionally. In order that no harm be done le goes to a well inhabited by a vachharo, the to sych trees, some people have given currency spirit who cures hydrophobia, with two earthen to the belief that a spirit called mamo dwells cups filled with milk, with a pice in each, and in such trees and expects the offering of a rag empties the contents into the water. and a pice at the hands of every passer by: It is a belief among Hindus that to give Some are of opinion that the bhuvas, alms in secret confers a great merit on the in order to raise tooney from the credulous donor. Some of the orthodox people, thereby terrifying them, daub a tree within the fore, throw pice into wells, considering it to limits of each village with the form of a be a kind of secret charity. trident, and fix rags to it, stating that it is The belief in the practices adopted for the abode of a mamo or a pir. At times they transferring disease from one person to ask their clients to offer certain things to such another obtains mostly among women, wlio trees, which they appropriate to themselves. have recourse to such practices for curing There is also a belief, that the holy trees their children. that receive offerings of rage froin travellers, 1 One of such practices is to lay & suffering are the abodes of gods or evil spirits, and child in the cradle of a healthy cliild. This are distinguished from other trees of the act it believed to result in transferring the same species by the epithet of chithario. | disease of the ailing child to the healthy child. Some people hoist flags on sucb trees instead Another practice is that the mother of the of offering rags. sickly child should touch the mother of a In some places, the Boradi (jujube), healthy child with the object of transferring Pipal, Vad (banyan) and the sweet basil the disease of her child to the child of the receive offerings of a pice and a betelnut from latter. Some believe that the mere contact of travellers, while the Khijadu and Baval are an ailing child with a healthy child is suffigiven rags.8 cient to transfer the malady of the former to It is stated by some people that the belief the person of the latter. Others maintain in chithario pir has grown during the last that this can be brought about by a mother four hundred years. either by touching the cradle of another 1 The School Master of Limbdi Taluka. * The School Master of Dady * The School Master of Kolki.

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THE FOLKLORE OR GUJARAT 87 - child or by touching the person of ano her woman. There are others, who hold that the disease of a sickly child can be transferred o another child by feeding the latter with che leavings of the former. There is a further belief that a mother can transfer the disease of her suffering child to lue child of another woman by applying the end of her robe to the end of the robe of the latter. In some places, when a child begins to weaken its mother makes an idol of cow or buffalo dung, and keeps it fixed to a wall of the house, ,in the belief that the child will be cured slowly as the idol dries. It is stated that instances are actually known of the recovery or children by this process. These methods of transferring disease are called tuchakas 1. e. mystic methods. As a rule superstitious women practise them on Sundays or Tuesdays, as it is believed, that to be efficacious, they must be practised on tuese days. In addition to the tuchakas above stated the stars, doras, etc., already described, are used for curing diseases. Some diseases are attributed to our possession, Virs are male spirits fifty two in number. The bhuvas or exorcists are believed to bave control over them, and are supposed to be able to detect an illness caused by possession by a vir. In such cases, the bhuvas drive away the evil spirits from the patients by magic incantations, or transfer them to others by waving a certain number of grain seeds round the head of the patient. By another process the bhuvas can confine the evil spirit in a glass bottle, which is buried underground. In order to eradicate a dangerous disease, an utar is frequently offered to a dog, in the belief that by eating the utar the disease is transferred to the dog. In some places, diseases of long standing due to spirit possession are cured by employ- ing a bhuva, (exorcist), who, accompanied by others of his order, goes to the patient's house, makes a bamboo bier, waves an utar round the patient's head, and lays himself on the bier with the utar by his side. The bier is carried to the burning ground by four persons, to the accompaniment of the beatings of drums, followed by the exorcists, who throw baklans (round flat cakes of juvdri flour) into the air as the procession moves on. When the party reach the burning ground, the bier is put down, and the bhuva, shaking violently, offers the utar to a spirit of the place. He then prostrates himself four times with his face turned towards the four directions and drives a nail into the ground at each turn. Next, the bhuva lets loose a goat or a ram, to which cire vir in the body of the patient is supposed to be transferred. It is said that the performsnce of this rite relieves the patient's mind of anxiety regarding the cause of his disease, and be thereafter shows signs of improvement. When a man is suffering from anjani (a sore or mole on the eye-lid) he goes to another person's house and strikes earthen vessels against his door saying "I have shaken the vessels. May the anjani-be with me to-dsy and with you tomorrow". It is also stated thAt such a patient goes to the house of a man who has two wives while the latter is asleep, and taps his door uttering the words "Anjani ghar bhangani aj mane ane kal tane" i. e., "May anjani, the breaker of the house, be to-day with me and tomorrow with thee. This process is believed to transfer the disease from the person of the patient to that of the husband of the two wives. A common method for transferring disease is to wave water round a sick person and give it to another to drink. Similarly, a goblet filled with water is passed toward & patient's head and offered to a bhuva, who drisks off the contents. A belief prevails all over Gujarat that a disease can be passed from one species of 1 The School Master of Zinzuwada.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY animals to another, and various practices are with the disease on his back. The back of adopted to effect this. Generally a bhuvd or the buffalo which is chosen for this purpose exorcist arranges the transfer. The bhuva is marked with a trident in red lead and accompanied by a troupe of dancers and covered with piece of black cloth, on drummers, visits the house of the sick person which are laid a few g.ains of adad and an and, after examining corn seeds danas which iron Dail. Thus decorated, the buffalo 'is kave been waved round the patient's head driven beyond the limits of the village. It on a night preceding a Sunday or Tuesday, is believed that an animal driven in this way deelares that the evil spirit possessing the carries the disease wherever it goes. patient requires a living victim. A cock, Very often, the beast to which a disease is goat or a male buffalo is then brought as a transferred is kept tied to a post all its life, substitute for the patient, is waved round with the belief that y so doing the disease him, the tip of its right ear is cut off, and it remains enchained. Jain teachers confine a is offered to the mala ce goddess, that is, it disease in a bottle and bury it underground. is released to stray as it pleases. These Sonetipes, a disease is passed on to a crow, goats, etc., are called mota's gcate, mata's whose legs are tied to a pillar, thus making cocks, or mata's male buffaloes, and are seen it a life-long prisoner. wandering abort in many villages. Some Once upon a time, when there was an outtimes the goat, etc., is killed before the image break of cholera in a certain village, a baa of the mata and the bhuva dipping the ( rluse) happened to arrive on the scene. palms of his hands into its blood, presses He caught two rams, made them move in a them against the doors of every house in the circle, and left them in the burning gror nd, village. In the case of an outbreak of where they died, the epidemic disappearing epidemic, the victini is set at liberty beyond with their death. Hence a belief gained the limits of the village affected. It 3 ground that an epidemic of chofera can be believed by some people that the animal to expelled by passing it on to two rams or which a disease is conveyed in the above goats. manner, dies of its effects. 1 It is related that, at Gondal, a case of In soiae places the patient is supposed to cholera was cured by & Bhangi (sweeper) be possesstu by a goddess instead of by an by waving a cock round the patient's head, evil spirit. A goat, cock or a male buffalo is A few years ago there lived in Khakhi offered to the goddess in the same way as to Jalia, a village in the vicinity of Kolki, a an evil spirit. Xhakhi (recluse) Damed Narandas, who, when In some villages, when there is an outbreak laid up with fever, passed on the disease to of a serious epidemic, it is customary to his blanket, and after a time drew it back to drive a buffalu beyond the village boundary, his own person. 1 The School Master of Dhank. 1 The Pathashala Shastri, Talpur. 3 The School Mistress of Gondal..

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CHAPTER IV. WORSHIP OF ANCESTORS AND SAINTS. The spirits of a deceased father, grand this fortnight, shraddha is performed in father, great grand father, and of a mother, honour of the deceased on the day correspondgrand mother, and great grand mother, i, e., ing to the day of his death, when Brahmans all the male and female ascendants up to the are feasted. Thus, a person dying on the 5th third degree, receive systematic worship when day of Kartik has his shraddha performed the Shraddha or funeral ceremonies are on the 5th day of the sharadian. On this performed either on the anniversary of the occasion, water is poured at the root of the death of any of them or on the day when the Pipal, tarpan or offerings of water are made. Narayan bali is performed in such holy and pinds or balls of rice are offered to the places as Gaya, Sidadhapur or Prabhas Patan. deceased, The spirits of those who meet heroic deaths Of all the days of the sharadian the 13th, on fields of battle are called Suropuros, and 14th and 15th are considered to be of special piliars are erected in their memory on the importance, spot where they breathed their last. They The death anniversary of a pitriya is called receive only occasional worship.1 samvatsari, valgo samachari or chhamachhari, The purvajas or spirits of deceased ances- when a shraddha is performed and Brahmans tors receive worship on the thirteenth or are feasted. fourteenth day of the dark half of Shravan The pitriyas are also worshipped on auspi(the tenth month of the Gujarat Hindu year), cious occasions such as marriages, by the on the fourteenth of the dark half of Ashvin, performance of a shraddha called nandi, when on the death anniversaries and on days on pinds (balls) of molasses are offered instead which the Shraddhas, tripindis or nil parna- of rice. It is considered an act of merit to vari ceremonies are performed. On these perform shraddha in honour of the pitriyas occasions, the pitriyas (deceased ancestors) are on the banks of a river or tank at midday on represented by twisted braids of the durva the 8th day of the dark half of a month. grass (cynodon dactylon)? From the 13th to the 15th day of the dark Purvajas or ancestral spirits descend to the half of Shravan, after their morning ablutions, level of ghosts when they are strongly orthodox people pour water over the Pipal, attached to worldly objects. Such spirits the Babul, the Ber (Zizyphus jujube) and, often possess the bodies of their descendants. I durva grass, and on those places where cows though the necessary Shraddhas are per- are known to congregate, in the belief that formed for their release. The 13th, 14th and by so doing the thirst of the spirits of the 15th days of the bright half of the months of deceased is quenched. It is also believed Kartik and Chaitra are the special days for that if feasts are given to the relatives of the propitiation of departed spirits by their deceased and to Brahmans the pitriyas are relatives either at home or in holy places, while satisfied. the whole of the dark half of the month of According to some, the Sharddian lasts Bhadarma is devoted to this purpose. During from the full-moon day of the month of * The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 1 The School Master of Dhank. * This period of 15 days is called Sharadian,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Bhadarva to the new-moon day of the same of the bright half of Chaitra and on the month, that is for a period of sixteen days. same days of the dark half of Kartik and The Shraddhas of those who die on the Shravan. On Vaishakh Shud Trij, that is, Punema or full-moon day of a month on the third of the bright half of Vaisakh, are performed on the full-moon day of which is called Akha Trij, women offer to Bhadarva, and the Shraddhas of those who Brahmans two earthen jars filled with water die on the new-moon day amavasia of a month and covered with an earthen cup containing are performed on the amavasia of Bhadarva. a betelnut, a pice and a pan or betel leaf, for The 13th day of the dark half of Bhadarvi the propitiation of the spirits of their deceais called bala terash that is childrens' sed ancestors.3 thirteenth. This day is specially devoted to For the propitiation of a male spirit a the propitiation of the spirits of children. I party of Brahmins is feasted, and for the On the Shraddha days Brahmans and propitiation of a female spirit three unwidowrelatives of the deceased are feasted, and ed married women. oblations called Vash, consisting of rice and Rajputs, Bharvads, Ahirs and Kolis set up sweets, are offered to crows. either a pile of stones or a single stone on On Asho Vad fourteenth, that is, the the boundary of their village in honour of fourteenth of the dark half of Asho, it is those among them who die on battle fields. customary to apply red lead to the pillars These piles or stories are called Palios, On erected in honour of men that die heroic or the Palios are placed engraved images to noble deaths on fields of battle, to break represent the deceased in whose memory the cocoanuts before them, to light lamps fed with Palios are erected. Small pillars are also ghi and to offer cooked food to their spirits.2 raised in the localities where such persoas The spirits of those who die with strong met their death. On the Kali Chandas or attachment to the objects of this world are black fourteenth, that is the fourteenth day said to enter the state known as asur gati or of the dark half of Asho, the Palios are the path of demons. In this condition the daubed with red lead and worshipped with spirit of the deceased possesses the person of offerings of cocoanuts. Women who have bee one of his relatives and torments the family come sati receive worship and offerings on in which he lived. The members of the family, the Hindu new year's day. when worried by his persecutions, engage the Spiritual guides such as Shankaracharya, services of a bhuvd or exorcist, who sets up Vallabacharya, the maharajas or spiritual a wooden image of the tormenting spirit in a heads of the sect called Swaminarayan, Lalo niche in a wall of the house. A lamp fed Bhagat and Talo Bhagat are worshipped by with ghi is lighted daily before this image, their devotees with offerings of food, garments and cash. In this Kali Yuga or iron age, and in times of trouble, a cocoanut is offered men who are really great are rare, and even to it in the belief that the spirit can protect if there be some, they are invisible to the the offerers from injuries. faulty vision of the present day degraded The pitriyas or ancestral spirits are mortals. A few come into contact with such propitiated by pouring water over the Bordi holy men by virtue of the good deeds per (jujube), the Tulsi (sweet basil) the Vad formed by them in their past lives. These (banyan) the Pipal or durva grass (cynodon are said to attain paradise by this satsang dactyton) on the 13th, 14th and 15th days (contact with the righteous). 1 Mr. K. D. Desdi. 2 The School Master of Luvaria. 3 The School Master of Jodid. * The School Master of Lilapur. 5 The School Master of Sanka. * The School Master of Dhank,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 91 Holy men receive personal worship during 1 In the Kadavasan woods, near the village their life-time. After they are dead, their of Daldi, there lives a bava called Bhimputi, relics, such as impressions of their footsteps, who is believed to possess miraculous powers, their photos or busts are worshipped with He surprises visitors by his wonderful feats offerings of sandal paste, flowers, red powder, and commands vows from the afflicted by mitifrankincense, lamps fed with ghi and drati gating their sufferings. Every day, before (swingings of lamps) breakfast, the bava visits seven villages to Every sect of Hindus has a Maharaja or collect sugar and flour, which he throws in spiritual head, and it is considered meritor handfuls over every anthill which he meets ious to entertain and worship him on certain on his way. This act of charity has establishspecial occasions. The Maharaja or Guru is ed him as a saint, and most of his prophecies received with great eclat. His followers are believed to be fulfilled. form a procession and carry him in a palan A Musalman named Muhammad Chhail is quin or a carriage and pair accompanied with held in great respect by the people on account music. At the house of the person who of his great magical powers. He is believed invites him, the floor is covered with rich to be in the good graces of a Pir, who has cloth, over which the Maharaja is led to a endowed him with the power of commanding raised seat specially arranged for the purpose. material objects to come to him from long He is then worshipped by the host with the distances, and of breaking them and making same details as the image of a god. His feet them whole again, are washed by panchamrita (five nectars), Great men of antiquity often command that is a mixture of ghi, milk, honey, sugar worship as gods. A fast is observed by and water, which is sipped by the worshipper Hindus on the 9th day of the bright half of and distributed among the followers of the Chaitra, the birth day of Rama, whose birth Maharaja. Very often the feet of the anniversary is celebrated at noon on that day Maharaja are Washed in water, which is in his temple. On this occasion, all visitors considered as purifying as the panchamrita. to the temple offer a pice or two to his image Great festivity and rejoicings are observed on and receive his Prasad, that is, consecrated this day at the house of the Maharaja's host, food, which consists of a mixture of curdled where crowds of the Maharaja's followers milk and sugar. The birth of Krishna is assemble eager for a sight of him. After celebrated at mid-night on the eighth day of spending about half an hour in the house, the the dark half of Shravan, when people keep Maharaja departs, first receiving valuable awake for the whole of the night. presents from the host. The Jains observe a fast for seven days Spiritual guides who claim the power of from Shravan Vad Baras, that is the 12th working miracles are held in high esteem by day of the dark half of Shravan, to the 5th the people. Some of these guides are said to day of the bright half of Bhadarva, in have control over spiritual beings or to possess honour of Mahavir Swami, one of their their favour. These spirits are supposed spiritual teachers, who is believed to have lo endow them with the power of preparing been born on the 2nd day of the bright half mystic threads, which, when worn round of Bhadarva. This period is known as the the waist, neck or arm, cure various diseases. Pajusan, during which the Jains cause the * The School Master of Ganod. * The School Maste: of Zinzuvada.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY slaughter-houses and fish markets to be The soul is not said to have finally closed and give alms to the poor.1 perished unless it merges into the divine A century ago there lived at Nalkantha self and attains moksha or salvation. The a sage named Bhansab. He met a holy passions and desires of a dying man do not death by deep meditations, and a few days permit his soul ascending beyond a certain after rose up from his grave in his original stage, where he or she remains as a ghost form. This led him to be classed in the until the soul is purged of all his or her category of great men and to command desires and sins by the performance of divine worship. funeral ceremonies, For relieving ancestral Vithal, a sage of the Kathi tribe, is spirits from the low order of bhuts and revered in Paliad. Savo, a devotee at pishachas, shraddhas are performed by their Zanzarka, is worshipped by Dheds. Fehald surviving relatives in such holy places as a Rajput and Tolat his wife, are enshrined Prabhas, Gaya and Pindtarak. These at Anjar, a village in Cutch. Lalo, a Bania ceremonies are known as Narayanbali, devotee of Sindhavar, received divine Nilotsarga and saptaha-parayan (recitation honours in his life-time and his image inof a Sacred book for seven consecutive days).7 Sayala is held in great reverence to this day. Those persons who die with wicked The samadh of Madhvagar, an atit of thoughts still present and their desires not Vastadi, situated in Unchadi a village in the fulfilled, enter the order of evil spirits, from Dhandhuka taluka in Ahmedabad, is an which they are liberated after their desires object of worship. Harikrishna Maharaja, have been satisfied and their wicked thoughts a Brahman saint of Chuda, received divine eliminated. honours at Chuda and the Charotar. 3 BNuts and pishachas-ghosts, male and If the souls of the departed ones are female can be prevented from doing harm condemned to become ghosts, shraddha by recourse to certain processes. For ceremonies performed by their descendants instance, the wife of a Nagar of Gadhada are said to be efficacious in freeing them became a witch after her death and began from their ghostly existence and relegating to torment the second wife of her husband them to some other form of life. by throwing her out of bed whenever she The lives of bhuts and pishachas, male was 'asleep. To prevent this, the husband and female ghosts, are said to extend over a took a vow to perform a shraddha at Sidhpur thousand years. Shraddhas, such as the in the name of the deceased wife, after the samachari i. e., the death anniversary and performance of which the ghostly presence Narayanbali i. e., a shraddha performed in a stopped harassing the new wife of her holy place, emancipate the ghostly spirits husband. from their wretched existence and make them Bluts and piskachas are believed by some eligible for birth in a better form. Some people to be inmortal, because they are believe that at the end of their ghostly supposed to belong to the order of demi-gods. existence (a thousand years) they take birth in | In the Amorkosha--the well-known Sanskrit the animal kingdom in the mortal world. lexicon--they are classed with divinities, such 1 The School Master of Jodia. 3 The School Master of Saok a. 5 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 7 The School Master of Ganod. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Got ilvad, 2 The School Mascer of Lalapur. The School Masters of Kotda Sangani and Dady $ The School Master of Dadvi. & The School Master of Mota Devalia.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 93 as guhyaks, and sidhas. The bhut is defined as a deity that troubles infants and the pishacha as e deity that lives on flesh. Bhuts and pishachas are the ganas or attendants of Shiva, one of the gods of the Hindu Trinity. They are supposed to be upadevas or demi-gods, Preta is the spirit of a person that dies a suddeg or unnatural death with many of his desires unfulfilled. His soul attains erpancipation by the performance of a saptah, that is a recitation of the Bhagvat on seven consecutive days. It is described in the Bhagvat that Dhundhumari the brother of Gokarn, who had become a preta, was released from his preta existence by the performance of . saptah which his brother caused to be made. The Garudpuran mentions that King Babruvahan emancipated a preta by the performance of a shraddha. The mukti or salvation of a preta is in itself its death. This would prove pretas to be mortal.1 The span of life of the bhuts and pretas is very long, but those whose descendants offer them the usual oblations gain their emancipation sooner. There is a kund or spring called Zilanand in the vicinity of Jhinjhuvada, on the banks of which is a temple of Zilakeshwar Mahadev. The performance of the pitri shraddha by the side of this spring is believed to expedite the emancipation of the spirits of the deceased from ghostly life. Every year, on the Bhadarva amavasya, that is, the new moon day of the month Bhadarva, a great fair is held on this spot, when people from long distances visit the place to get their relatives exorcised by the bhuvas or exorcists, It is believed, that though bhuts, prelas and pishachas are immortal, they are scared away by the sound of a European band and of other musical instruments. It is said that all drums and other weird instruments whether European or Indian, have the power of scaring away evil spirits. An evil spirit called Babaro bad entered the person of the uncle of Malder the king of Jhalavad much to the king's annoyance. Maldev offered a stubborn fight to Babaro, who, unable to cope with Malder, promised to extend his kingdom over those villages in which he would hang up bunting in one night. It is said that the present extent of the Jahlwad territories was due to king Malder's enterprise in hanging up bunting over these territories as asked by Babaro.3 Though at the time of a man's death the faculties may hardly be sound, yet the varsand--the impressions-left on his mind by his past actions are in themselves good or bad enough to impress him so as to make his departing spirit assume a new form of life in keeping with them. For instance, a man following a particular profession becomes subject to dreams bearing on that profession. When the impression created by his actions in daily life is so deep as to induce dreams, his mind, even after death, leaves to his departing soul an inclination to be engaged in the subject of his mind's last activities. This is vasana.* It is a popular saying among Hindus that children inherit the nature of their parents. It is for this reason that high caste Hindus do not utter the names of their eldest sons. There is a further belief that the Pitriyas departed from the world with certain desires unfulfilled reappear as descendants of their children to have these desires satisfied. As the saying goes Pita putrena jayate, that is a father is born in the form of the Shastri Bhayavadar Pathshala. The School Master of To di a. 3 The School Master of Jodia. 1 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. * A vasand is the outcome of a person's good or bad actions. It is not the last desire of a man as supposed by some, but the result of his good or bad actions or rather of the workings of his mind during life. It is believed that, if at the moment of death, a man's mind is fit on the strong attachment he feels for his children, he is born as a descendant of his offspring The School Master of Dank.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY son, so the Pitriyas are born as descendants of their children, or according to the Bija trikshanyaya, as a tree springs from its seed, that is, its offerings, so parents take birth as children of their offspring.1 The Pitriyas, whose attachment to their children or family or wealth does not die with them, reappear in the same family as descendants. It is also believed that persons dying with debts unpaid with the consciousness that they must be paid, are reborn in this world for the discharge of their obligations,2 It is not always that the Purvajas reappear in the same family. It is said about the departed spirits, that after undergoing punishment for their sins and enjoying the fruits of their good actions, they come down on earth again as drops of rain, and Forming part of the grain which grows on rain water make their way into the wombs of animals and are thus reborn,3 On account of the community of their feelings, habits and ideas in previous births, members of different families form different groups. The actions performed in this life keep them bound to one another either as recipients of the return of the obligations given in the past or as givers of fresh obligations. The members of a family stand thus to one another in the relation of debtors and creditors. It is for the discharge of these debts and recovery of dues that several individuals are united in a family. This naturally leads to the members of a family taking birth again in the same family for the proper discharge of debts. A virtuous child is declared to have been born to return the debts contracted in its past lives, and a vicious one to recover the dues. When an atit or holy man or a recluse Idies, his body is interred, and a platform rising waist high from the ground, or a 1 The School Master of Ganod. 3 The School Master of Mota Devalia. 5 The School Master of Ganod. small dome-shaped temple, is built over the spot. This is called a samadh. An image of the god Shiva is generally installed in the samadh; but sometimes padukas i. e. the impressions on stone of the footsteps of the deceased, are installed instead. Instances of the latter are the padukas of Dattatraya, Gorakha and Machchendra Nath. Both the Samadh and the image of the god Shiva as well as the padukas installed therein, are worshipped by the people, who, in course of time, give currency to the beliet that the Samadh possesses certain miraculous powers, diseases, blessing barren women with children, etc. Offerings are made to the Samadh by pious persons and festivals or fairs are held in its honour by the inhabitants of the village in which the Samadh is located," stich as curing long-standing Kabars or tombs raised over the graves of Mahomedan saints or Pirs are held in equal reverence both by Mahomedans and Hindus. To these offerings are made, and fairs are held in their honour. Some Samadhs and Kabars noted for miraculous powers are given below. 1. Gorakhnath :-The Samadh of Gorakhnath lies on Mount Girnar. It is said that when the word Salam is shouted by any one standing on the brink of the hollow wherein the Samadh is said to be, the word "Aleka, Aleka, Aleka" is heard in response. 2. Kevaldas :-The Samadh of Kevaldas stands in Susavav. It is told that, on one occasion, when a festival was being celebrated in honour of the Bava Kevaldas, a nimb tree (Azadiarchta Indica) overhanging the Samadh was transformed into a mitho Limbdo (Ailantas excelsa ). 3. The Samadh at Kanga :-In the religious house at Kanga, a village in the Junagadh State, there lived a bava given to The School Master of Dadvi. The School Master of Charadwa. The School Master of Dhank and the School Mistress of Gondal.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 95 religious austerities. It is said that he at the shrine of this Pir with an offering of took Samadh during life. This Samadk is a sweet preparation of ghi, sugar or molasses, said to work miracles, at times. and wheat flour. The Muhammadans distri4. Similarly, a bard in the religious bute cooked rice among the Fakirs about house at Nayanagar called Sharada Matha this shrine. has taken a Samadh during life, and his tradition runs that, once seven eunuchs remains and the structure over them have defied the power of this Pir saying that become an object of worship. they would put no faith in him unless they 5. The Samadh of Lala bhakta :-Lala conceived sons. This they did, and when bhakta was a native of Sayola. He was in terror regarding their approaching famous for his piety, and after his death his confinement, they were told that the children Samadh was deified. It is said in reference would have to be taken out by cutting to this Samadh that a meal of dainty dishes their bodies open. The tombs of these prepared for five or six persons by its side, seven eunuchs and their sons still stand would satisfy the hunger of a company of near the tomb of Devalsha to bear testimony fifty, if one happened to arrive there at the to his glory and miraculous-power. time of serving the meall. 9. The Kabur of Haji Karmani :-Is 6. Datart Pir:-The tomb of this Pir is situated at Dwarkan and is much respected situated on Mount Girnar. Almost all by both Hindus and Muhammadans.? people in Kathiawar and many from Gujarat 10. The tombs of Jesal and Toral : offer vows to this Pir, These are said to be the tombs of a husband This Pir is also known by the name of and wife of the names of Jesal and Toral. Kala Yavan. It is believed that he has They are situated in Anjar, a village in the power of releasing the chain bonds of Cutch. It is said that originally these tombs a person falsely accused with an offenci were at the distance of twenty-seven fcet provided he approaches the Pir in chains. from one another, but now the distance The sanctity of this Pir is so great that between them is only 7 feet. A belief is vows in his honour secure to persons desiring current that the day of judgment will come inale heirs the birth of sons. when these two tombs meet. 7. Asimi Pir :-The tomb of this Pir 11. Haj Pir and Gebansha Pir : The is in Lunar. He is believed to ensure the tombs of these Pirs are at Mendarda. Vows fulfilment of certain vows made by those are offered to the Ha; Pir (Pilgrims saint) with the object of securing a good rainfall who have faith in him." after an unusual drought, also for the 8. Devalshd Pir :-The tomb of this restoration of stolen property. Vows to Pir is sitnated at Amaran abont seven miles the Gebangha Pir are believed to be efficafrom Todia. Many Hindus perform the cious in curing foot discasos of cattle and first hair-cutting ceremony of their children skin diseases of children, * A samadh is taken during life in the following way. A deep pit is dug in the ground. The person who wishes to take a samadh goes into a deep trance by meditation, and then runs yelling and scronming to the pit. while drums are beaten furiously and a loud din is raised, so that none should hear a possible exclamation or cry from the runner. In the midst of this din the runner leaps into the pit and is covered over with salt and earth. An altar is raised over this spot with Shiva's image, which afterwards becomes an object of worship. It is believed that if a word or a cry from the runner is heard while he is taking the leap. the whole village will be destroyed. Mr. K, D. Dosai. 1 The Pathshala Shastri, Bbayavadar. Datar means the great giver' or munificent. The Pir is so called on account of his power of fulfilling the vows of many. 1 The School Master of Dbank. 3 The School Master of Movaiya. * The School Master of Dhank and Moti Parabdi. 5 The School Master of Dadvi. 6 The School Master of Dadvi. The School Master of Dadvi, The School Master of Davalia. 9 The School Master of Mendarda.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 12. Panch or Five Pirs :-The tombs of these Pirs are situated in Dahura, each of them measuring about twenty-seven feet. A miracle is attributed to these tombs in the phenomenon that they can never be accurately measured, each attempt at measurement giving a different result, Women whose sons die in infancy make vows in honour of the Panch Pirs, and take them to their tombs on their attaining a certain age, where they observe fakiri for ten days.1 13. Aulia Pirt :-The tomb of this Pir lies on Mount Girnar. It is believed to possess the miraculous power of stopping the career of galloping horses and bringing them to the ground, and of stupefying the senses of a person who enters the shrine.2 14. Miran Datar:-The celebrated tomb of this Pir is in the village of Unjha near Baroda, where a fair is held every Friday in Shravan, Persons possessed by evil spirits are said to be cured by visiting this tomb and offering an image of a horse stuffed with cotton, and a cocoanut. People from all parts of Gujarat and from distant places suffering from physical infirmities, observe vows in honour of this Pir. Some wear iron wristlets round their wrists in his honour, s 15. Pir Mahabali: The tomb of this Pir is situated at Gotarka near Radhanpur, Every year a fair is held in honour of this tomb, when the chief Pujari of the shrine of Varalu goes there, holding in one hand a bayonet with its point touching his breast, and in the other, a cocoanut. It is said that when the Pujari reaches the third step leading to the entrance of the shrine, the locked doors of the shrine fly open, and the Pujari throws the cocoanut into the shrine. If the shrine gates do not open of themselves on his approach, the Pujari has to stab himself to death then and there." 16. Kalu Pir:-It is said that this Pir leads a procession every night, when monstrous kettle-drums are beaten by his phantom followers. On every Friday this procession goes on its rounds, which cover a large area, Other tombs noted for miraculous powers are those of Gebalsha Pir in Charadwa, of Daria Pir in Morvi, of Hajarat Pir in Baghdad and of Khoja Pir in Ajmere." The followers of the tenets of Swaminnarayan, Vallabhacharya, Kabir, Shankaraand Talo Bhagat look upon these personcharya, Ramanuja, Madhwacharya, Nimbark ages as gods, and worship their images,? Some of the spiritual teachers mentioned above maintained large establishments and made their supremacy hereditary. Their representatives (that is either their heirs or disciples) are looked upon as the embodiments of the same virtues as were concentrated in the founders of the sects. The great teachers are worshipped either in the form of their footprints, their images or their representatives,8 The worship of the following Muhammadan Pirs has been adopted by Hindus :(1) Datar Pir in Junagadh, (2) Datar in Rataiya near Khirasara. (3) Gobalsha Pir:-This Pir is noted for curing boils. A symbol of servitude of the saint. 1 The School Master of Sultanpur. + Aulia and Pir, synonymous terms, the first Arabic, the second Persian. Aulia is the Arabic plural of wali which means a saint. In Hindustani the plural form is used to signify the singular e. g., a single wali or saint is often spoken of as an aulia. The word Pir originally meaning an old man is used in Hindustani in the sense of a saint. Aulia Pir is the Gujarati for a single or many saints. The School Master of Moti Porabdi. 4 The School Master of Surel. The School Master of Charadwa. Mr. K. D. Desal. 3 The School Master of Zinzuwada. 5 The School Master of Jaseluan. 7 The School Master of Dhank.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT (4) Tag Pir or the live saint near Bhayavadar: This Pir is believed to have the power of curing enlargement of the spleen. Persons suffering from this disease go to his shrine and distribute dry dates among children, This is supposed to propitiate him and to effect the cure.1 (5) Miran Datat: The miraculous and curative powers of this Pir are so potent that blind persons are known to have their eye-sight restored and childless persons to have their longings for children satisfied through his favour. Persons possessed by evil spirits are exorcised by merely wearing a ring in his name.2 The shrine of this Pir is situated in the village of Unava in the Gaikwar's territory in North Gujarat. His Highness the late Gaikwar Khanderae has fixed solid silver railings round the shrine of this Pir in gratitude for a cure effected by him, (6) Ramde Pir: This Pir has obtained the epithet of Hindva Pit as he is worshipped mostly by the Hindus. He has worshippers in many places, where shrines are erected in his honour and verses and hymns composed and sung in his praise, He is evidently, as his name suggests, one of the first Khoja missionaries who practised teachings more Hindu than Musalman in order to secure a following among the Hindus. (7) Haji Karmani near Dvarikhan, (8) The Davalsha Pir near Amaran. (9) The Lakad Pir and the Hussein Pir in the vicinity of Ganod (10) Mahabali Dada Pir:-This Pir is to be found close to the village of Varai. Milk offered to him in his shrine in indas (egg-shaped pots) is said to remain fresh for a year. Similarly, the doors of his shrine open of themselves after the lapse of 97 a year. (11) Mangalio Pir:-This Pir is worshipped at Dadvi, (12) Moto Khandorana, Pir-Is worshipped at (13) Hindva Pir:-This is the Pir of the Khojas in Pirana near Ahmedabad. He is so called because he is worshipped by the Hindus also. (14) Bhadiadaro Pir:-Is in the village of Bhadia near Dhorali, (15) Ingarasha Pir and Balamsha Pir. (16) Tamialsha and Kasamsha Pir: The shrines of these Pirs are on the Girnar hill. 4 (17) Ganj Pir:-The shrine of this Pir is near Todia, Vows to offer a quarter of a pound of molasses to this Pir are believed to be efficacious in curing persons of fever and children of their ailments, There is a Pir in the village of Vadhardan near Viramgam. Persons suspected of having committed thefts are conducted a chains before this Pir. It is said that, if the charge be false, the chains break asunder of themselves." Apart from the respect paid to the Pirs mentioned above, the Hindus hold in great reverence the tabuts of the Muhammadans.7 The School Master of Devalia. 3 The School Mistress, Female Training College, Rajkot. 5 The School Master of Todia, The School Masters of Dhank and Vanod. The School Master of Moti Parabadi. 6 The School Master of Lilapur. Mr. K. D. Desai.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY There are various rural methods ir vogue for the cure of barrenness. One of these is for the barren woman to swallow the navel-string of a new-born child. Another is to partake of the preparation called katlan,1 There are two kinds of preparations which go by the name of katlan. One is prepared from seven pieces of dry ginger.2 The other is a mixture of suva,* sunth (dry ginger), gundar (gum arabic), gol (molasses) etc.3 In order to secure the desired effect, the katlan must be eaten seven times every Sunday or Tuesday seated on the cot of a woman in child-b'ed.* The longing for a child is also believed to be satisfied by partaking of the food served to a woman, in confinement, sitting on her bed, either on a Sunday or Tuesday." There is also another preparation which is believed to cause conception. It consists of a mixture of pitpapdo (Glossocardi Boswellia), sugar-cane and butter. In order to be efficacious, it must be taken on seven consecutive days commencing from the fourth day of the monthly menstrual period. Conception is also believed to be favoured by administering the gum of the babul tree dissolved in milk for three days commencing from the third day of the monthly period. Some believe that, in order to be effective, this mixture must be taken standing." In some places, seeds of a vegetable plant called shivalangi are also administered." To secure conception, a bit of coral is also caten, with the face turned towards the sun, 1 The School Master of Dhank 3 The School Master of Uptala. 5 The School Master of Sultanpur. Other preparations taken with the belief that they cause conception are: 8 (1) Harde (Myrobalan) put in kansar (a preparation of wheat flour cooked in water and sweetened with molasses) (2) extract of the fruit called sarangdha, (3) paras pipalo (Thespesia populnea) mixed with clarified butter, SS (4) gum mixed with plantains, (5) juice of the cooked leaves of the Arani (Elacodendren glaucum), (6) powder of Nag kesar (Messua ferrea) put into milk. and (7) the roots of Bhong ringdi (a kind of poisonous plant) mixed with the milk of a cow.10 It is also believed that if a harren woman succeeds in carrying away grains of rice from the folds of the upper garment of a pregnant woman, and eats them cooked in milk, her desire for a child is satisfied.11 In celebrating the Simant or first pregnancy ceremony of a woman, the pregnant. woman is taken for a bath to a dung-hill or to a distance of about thirty yards behind the house. After the bath is over, she returns home walking over sheets of cloth spread on her way. On this occasion her company is coveted by barren women for the purpose of tearing off unseen a piece of her upper garment, as this is believed to bring about conception. It is said that if a woman succeeds in doing this, she conceives, while the victim has a miscarriage.12 Some believe that a slight pressure by a childless woman on the upper garment of a pregnant woman is sufficient to bring about the result mentioned above.13 7 The School Master of Dadvi. 9 The School Mistress of Rajkot, Civil Station Girls' School. 12 The School Master of Dhank and Mr. K. D. Desai. An ingredient used in' The School Master of Chhatrasa. 4 The School Mistress, Girls' School, Gondal. 6 The School Master of Dhank. 8 The School Master of Ganod 10 The School Master of Bhayavadar. 11 The School Master of Sultanpur 13 The School Master of Dadvi. preparing spices,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 99 Others hold that a slight blow on the Others daub their foreheads with the shoulder of a pregnant woman by a childless blood emitted by a woman in menses, woman satisfies the desire of the latter for There are some who pour water in a circle a child, at the village gate on a Sunday or Tuesday, Conception is also said to be effected by and when in period, partake of the powder branding children while at play in the of mindhal wixe? ith lapsi (coarse wheat streets. flour fried in ghi and sweetened with It is believed that this brand, to have molasses or sugar) seated on the threshold of the house, 8 efficacy, must be inflicted on a Sunday or Tuesday. The eration is generally per Many wear round their necks leaves called bhojapatras on which the mystical figure formed in the evening with a red-hot needle. given below is drawn by an exorcist, It is said that the branded child dies while the branding barren woman conceives a child. Offering bread to black dogs is also supposed to be a cure for barrenness. Conception is also favoured by passing under the bier or palanquin holding the corpse of an ascetic or holy man while it is being 4 12 12 carried to the cemetery. Some believe that such an ascetic or saint must be a follower of the Jain faith. Others maintain that the desir 24 24 ed end can be secured only by wearing round the elbows the grains of rice or coins offered Pieces of paper on which the following to the bier of a saint on its way to the jantra is written by an ascetic, woven in a cemetery. string made of five kinds of silk, are also Other methods practised for the cure of worn round the elbows : barrenness are as follows: Swaha aum thin kling snaha. The barren woman cuts off a lock of the About a month and a quarter after the hair of a child-bearing woman and keeps it delivery of a woman, a ceremony called in her custody." sarman sarvan is performed, when the woman Some women collect the dust trodden on by goes to a neighbouring stream or well to a child-bearing woman in an earthen pot and fetch water for the first time after her delieat it every day till it is exhausted, very. Near the stream or well five small Some throw grains of adad (Phaseolus heaps of sand are made and daubed with red mungo) over the bed of a woman in confine- lead. Next, a lamp fed with ghi is lighted, ment. and seven small betelnuts are offered to the 1 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 2 The School Master of Ganod. 3 Mr. K. D. Desai. The School Masters of Kotda Sangani and Chhatrasa. 5 The School Master of Jetpur. * The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohilwad. 1 The School Master of Vapod. The School Masters of Dadvi and Chhatrasa. It is for this reason that barren women are not allowed to approach the bed of a womad in child-bed.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY stream or well A cocoanut is then broken, Some take a bath on the third day of and a part of it is thrown into the water as their period, and stand on the threshold an offering. Next, the woman fills a jar of the house with their hair sprinkled over with the water of the stream or well and with kankotri (red powder) Next, a ghised returns home, taking with her six out of the lamp is offered to the deities, and the devotee seven betelnuts offered to the stream or well. prostrates herself before the lamp. On her way home she is approached by It is also believed that barrenness can be barren women who request to be favoured cured by religious vows, by offering alms in with one of the betelnuts, as it is believed propitiation of malignant planets such as that swallowing such a betelnut causes Mars, and by reciting the jap or incantation conception, called gopal santax to please the deity of Some believe that only the smallest of the that name. seven betelnuts has the power of producing One of the religious vows of this nature this result. Others hold that this betelnot is to observe, fasts on twelve consecutive must be swallowed on the threshold of a Sundays or Tuesdays. On these days the honse. 3 devotee fixes her gate on the sun and offers Eating cocoa-kernel and molasses sitting him worship. after which she takes a meal on the threshold of the house on the fourth prepared in milk without salt or sugar, day of the monthly period is also believed Some hold a recitation of the chandi kapach to be a remedy for the cure of barrennes. a hundred times through Brahmans with Placing a box containing a kori, ( a small sacrificial oblations of clarified butter, sesasilver coin) on a spot where three roads mom seed kamod ( kind of rice ), gugal cross one another is also said to favour (rhododendron )sandalwood and sugarconception, candy. Others have the story of the In some places, black earthen pot | Harivansha recited on seve Harivansha recited on seventeen consecutive containing charcoal and grains of adad days, during which period the devotee (i.e., the (Phaseolus mungo ) is placed on a spot where barren woman ) observes brahmacharya that two roads cross one another, on a Sunday is abstains from sexual enjoyment. This cereor Tuesday. On this day the barren woman mony is believed to exorcise the fiend of has to take her meals without salt. barrenness. 10 Cutting off a lock of a child's hair and Some keep a vow of standing on their legs keeping it in custody is also believed to for the whole day on the fourteenth of the satisfy the longing of a barren woman for a month of Phalgun (the fifth month of the child. This result can also be obtained by Gujarat Hindu year) and of breaking their securing a piece of a garment of a suckling fast after worshipping the sacred Pyre. 11 child. There is another vow called the Punema or Some worship daily & cocoanat and a full-moon day vow, the observance of which betelnut consecrated with incantations, is believed to favour the birth of a son. 12 The School Master of Todia. 3 The School Master of Lavaria. 5 The School Master of Rajpara The School Master of Jhinjhawada * The School Master of Kotda Sangani. u The School Master of Todia. * The School Master of Mota Devalie. The School Master of Chhatrasa * The School Master of Khir sara: * The School Master of Dhank. 10 The School Master of Ganod. 1 The School Master of Ganod

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT Pouring water at the root of, or circumambulating, a pipal or babul tree after a bath without removing the wet clothes, is also believed to cause conception.1 Some observe the vow of entertaining thirteen Brahmans and thirteen virgins to a feast, and of setting up Randal Bantva.2 Women whose children die in infancy give them opprobrious names such as Khacharo (filth), Ghelo (stupid), Natho, Uko, Ukardo, Bodho, Pujo, Adavo, Mongho, Tulhi, Tutho, Kadavi, etc. in the belief that by so doing the life of the children is lengthened." The idea is almost Asiatic in extent. Among Musalmans also such names are given; and even among the Persians and Arabs boys are given such names as Masriequ and Osaid the Stolen and the Black. Sometimes parents arrange that their childern be actually 1 The School Master of Chhatrasa. 3 The School Master of Ganod. 101 stolen; and some next of kin, generally the aunt, is made to commit the kindly felony. She afterwards returns the child for a certain amount in cash or clothes. The custom is as old as the scriptures, there being an allusion in the Koran to how the little Joseph was made to steal some garment of his aunt and was claimed as a forfeit by her. Speaking about Levi, the older brothers of Joseph say to the Egyptian soldiers, "If he hath stolen (the king's goblet) verily the brother of his too did (formerly) steal." Some make a vow of not cutting the hair of their children till they are taken to Ambaji, where their hair is cut for the first time.* Some treat their children as beggars until they attain the age of five years, that is, they are dressed till that age in clothes obtained by begging. Some bore the nose of the child. * The School Master of Khirasara. 4 The School Master of Todia.

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CHAPTER V. WORSHIP OF THE MALEVOLENT DEAD. The beliefs current as to the cause of Dreams occurring in the first quarter of the dreams ore many. One of these is that night are believed to be fulfilled in a year. memory of known facts or incidents heard those in the second quarter of the night in six or seen causes dreams, Dreams are also sup- months, those in the third quarter in three posed to be caused by disorders in the brain, months, and those in the last quarter in one by brooding constantly over a particular month. A dream seen during an hour and occurrence, by anxiety or by the perpetration a half before daybreak bears fruit in ten of sinful acts. Those who are indebted days, while that seen just at day-break is reato the pitris (ancestral spirits) are also lised immediately. said to be troubled by dreams. 2 A hearty Dreams that occur before midnight are meal at night just before going to bed is never fulfilled." also supposed to cause dreams, 3 If a person has a bad dream, he should go There are three conditions of human ex- to sleep at once, and not communicate it to istence, (1) Jagriti that is wakefulness (2) any onc. If he has a good dream, he should Swapna that is dream and (3) Sushupti not sleep on that night after its occurrence, that is sleep. The incidents which impress Early on the following morning he should the mind strongly during wakefulness are communicate it to a preceptor or saint; but reproduced in dreams. Very often thoughts if neither be available, he should repeat it that never occur to our minds strike us in into the ears of a cow. A good dream should dreams. These are ascribed to the impres- never be told to a bad or low-minded person. sions made on the soul during past lives, If a man sleeps after a good dream and has It is said that the interpretation of dreams a bad one, the forner loses its force while goes by contraries. But at times they are the latter gains ascendancy and comes true. fully borne out. A good dream is an in- It is related that Allauddin the bloody once dication of future good, and a bad one of entered the house of a blacksmith when the future evil.5 latter was asleep dreaming that he saw a There are some persons whose dreams are treasure trove after having bathed in a always fulfilled. Dreams dreamt by persons stream and drunk a little water. At the pure of mind and heart seldom turn out false, same time Allauddin saw a small insect come * The School Master of Chhatrasa. $ The School Master of Dadvi. 5 The School Master of Dbank. The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Dhaok. * The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Chhatrasa. # The School Master of Chhatrasa.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 103 out of the blacksmith's nostril, drink water from a neighbouring cistern, and return to the place from whence he came. When the dream was over, the blacksmith woke and communicated it to Allauddin, which enabled the latter to spot the treasure, found by excavating the place where the insect was hidden. The king Nala was questioned in his sleep several times by an individual unknown to him, "May I come now or later ?" Nala re- plied "Come now" thinking that if it was misfortune that put him the question, it would be better to get rid of it soon, so that the latter part of life might be passed happily. The questioner proved to be mis- fortune, and it is related that Nala met many mishaps during his youth. Similarly, a bad dream dreamt by Haris- chandra was followed by a series of calamities, Ravan, the demon king of Lanka or Ceylon, had a dream in the third quarter of the night that Lanka was destroyed, and the destruc- tion of Lanka followed.2 To see or think or experience in dreams the following, as the case may be is considered to be auspicious (1) A cow, (2) a bullock, (3) an elephant, (4) a palace, (5) a mountain, (6) high peak, (7) the droppings of a bird, (8) ointment, (9) weeping, (10) & king, (11) gold, (12) the crossing of the ocean, 13) a lamp. (14) flesh, (15) fruit, (16) a lotus, (17) a flag. (18) the image of one's favourite god, (19) a saint, (20) a Brahman, (21) an ancestral spirit, (22) a white snake biting the right side, (23) a flowering tree, (24) climbing a tree, (25) clinbing the Rayan (Mimusops hexandra), (26) a woman dressed in white, (27) walking over a layer of lead, (28) lifting a goblet filled with wine, (29) a lion, ('0) the goddess of wealth, (31) a garland, (32) driving in a carriage to which an elephant, a lion, a horse or a bullock is yoked, (33) swallowing the dise of the sun or the moon, (34) the hands or feet of a man, (35) worship of a deity, (36) barley, (37) rice, (38) sandal paste, (39) the Lro grass (Cynodon Dactylon). (40) tle moon, (41) the sun, (42) a goblet, (43) an ocean of milk, (44) jewels, (45) smokeless fire, (46) an image of the god Shiva, Brahma or Ganesh or of the goddess Gauri, (47) a celestial vehicle, (48) the heaven, (49) the Kalpavriksha or the magic tree that satisfies all desires, (50) a river in floods (51) fish, (52) curdled milk, (53) going on a pilgrimage, (54) ornaments, (55) crossing a river, (56) enting the flesh of a man's legs or flowers.) To see in a dream (1) a person leading a life of celibacy, (2) a virgin, (3) a green tree, (4) or students returning from school, is also considered to foretell good fotune. Similarly, the sight of an unwidowed woman and the thought of the death of any person, in a dream, is believed to bring good luck. A dream in which one of the following objects is seen is also supposed to be good : 1. An assemblage of Brahmans, (2) a gardener, (3) milk, (4) a prostitute, (5) a shield and sword, (6) a musket, (7) a scimitar, (8) an antelope, (9) an unwidowed woman carrying on her head a jar filled with water, (10) a mongoose, (11) a peacock, (12) a woman carrying a child on her waist, (13) newly-washed dry clothes, (14) a costly fan, (15) a man dressed in white clothes.5 In a book called Harit-sankita the subject of the influence of dreams on human happiness or misery is fully treated. The book says :-If the sun, the moon, the congregation of the stars, a lake filled The School Master of Dbank. * The School Master of Todia. 3 The School Master of Chhatrasa. The School Master of Ganod. 5 The Schol Master of Kolki.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY with clusters of expanded lotuses, or crossing the sea or a river full of water be seen or experienced in a dream by a man, he attains wealth, happiness and prosperity and relief from diseases. "If a cow, a horse, an elephant, a king or a flower called prashasta is seen in a dream by a sickly person, his illness disappears; if by one laid in sick bed, he is cured; if by one confined in a jail, he is released." 1 If a child grinds its teeth and weeps in a dream, it indicates liquidation of pecuniary liabilities. One who sees a man die in a dream is blessed with longevity.2 A bite by a white snake in a dream is an omen of increase of wealth,3 "All black objects except a cow, a horse, a king, an elephant, and fish, seen in a dream, are the precursors of disease and calamity." "One who sees in a dream his body devoured by crows, herons, camels, serpents, boars, eagles, foxes, dogs, wolves, asses, buffaloes, birds moving in the sky, tigers, fishes, alligators or monkeys, experiences in the immediate future a heavy loss or a terrible disease.* The following objects seen, heard or experienced 'in a dream are believed to forebode evil : 1. Cotton, (2) ashes, (3) bones, (4) whey, (5) singing, (6) merriment, (7) laughing, (8) studying, (9) a woman dressed in red, (10) a red mark on the forehead, (11) a gandharva or heavenly bard, (12) a demon, (13) a wizard, (14) a witch, (15) a prickly shrub, (16) a cemetery, (17) a cat, (18) vomiting, (19) darkness, (20) a hide, (21) a woman with a bad reputation, (22) thirst, (23) a contest between two planets, (24) fall of a luminous body, (25) a whirlwind (26) 1 The Shastri, Bbayavadar Pathashala. 3 The School Master of Gondal. 5 The School Master of Chhatrasa. The School Master of Dadvi. vishotak (a disease in which the skin is covered with ulcers) (27) one carrying away one's vehicle, wife, jewels, gold, silver or bellmetal utensils, (28) the breaking of one's own house (29) the drinking of a poisonous liquid." If in a dream one relishes a dish of sweetmeats, plays upon a musical instrument, or sees a widow dressed in the garment of an unwidowed woman, it is believed to prognosticate evil and bring misfortune. Similarly, if in a dream, the sleeper marries or hears the crowing of a crow or the bark of a dog, or an owl speak like a man, it portends misfortune. Seeing an auspicious mark, or bathing in or being besmeared with oil, in a dream, is an indication of one's death in the near future. Going to the south riding a he buffalo, or seeing a widow, brings on misfortune.7 If a man in health comes across a corpse in a dream, he apprehends illness. If a patient does the same, he fears death.8 It is a common belief that the soul can leave the body temporarily. When a man feels thirsty in sleep, his soul is supposed to leave the body to drink water, and if it finds the water pots covered, not to return to the body, which is found dead the next morning.* It is for this reason that most people drink water at the time of going to bed. Shankaracharya was a life long celibate. Once, in a discussion with the wife of Mandan Mishra, she put to him a question on the subject of the pleasures of married life. To answer the question it was necessary to have the experiences of a married life. To The School Master of Todia. 4 The Shastri, Bhayavadar Pathshala. The School Master of Kotda Sangani, The School Master of Gondal. 9 The School Master of Dhank. *The Musalman Haditte has it that spirits cannot open closed doors, uncover covered pots, or even remove a piece of cloth if it is spread over a tray or vessel to save its contents from view.

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TITE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 105 gain these experiences Shankaracharya's There are eighteen kinds of siddhis or, soul left his body and entered the corpse accomplishments, one of which is parakayuof a king just dead, and enjoyed the pleasures pravesh or the power of entering the body of married life for six months in the company of another and returning to one's own body of the queen of the deceased king. It then at will. The soul cannot exist separated returned to his body, which was preserved by from the body. When a person who revives his disciples according to his instructions, after death is asked how he returned to life, and answered the question put to him by the he declares that he has been carried to the wife of Mandan Misbra.1 presence of the god of death by his messenIt is related that the spirit of the daughter gors, being mistaken for another bearing the of a black-smith in Lavaria returned to her same name and living in the same locality. body two hours after her death, after which When such a mistake is detected, the god of she lived for a fortnight. death tells the soul of the man concerned that A similar story is told of a Nagar Brah- his life's span has not yet ended, and sends it man, who lived for some years after the back to the body, which appears to be return of his spirit to his body. dead.5 Often the soul of a man ascends to his About forty years ago, the corpse of a temples, when the man is supposed to be dead Kanbi in Lilapur was carried to the burning although he is alive. In such cases, when ground for cremation, and there his spirit the soal descends, the man is supposed to returned to his body. On being asked where come to life again. he had been, the Kanbi replied that he had It is bolieved by some people that if all been to Dharmaraja, the lord of hell, who the desires of a man are not satisfied at the told him to go back to his body, saying that time of his death, his soul leaves the body to his life's thread had not yet ended. It is satisfy them and subsequently returns to the related that the Kanbi lived for some years corpse, whereupon the body revives. after this incident. A devotee in his meditative trance can send Another instance of the soul departing and forth his soul whithersoever he pleascs.? then returning to the body is that of a Kanbi It is also believed that the soul of man woman in Lilapur, whose soul returned to leaves the body in sleep to enjoy those leave the body after she had been carried to the pleasures which it cannot enjoy in wakefulburning ground. The woman lived for five ness. years after this occurrence. The popular conceptions of the character A Brahman in Limbdi named Vaijnath and functions of the bhut or disembodied had, by the performance of yoga, obtained soul are as follows: the power of sending his spirit out of his A ghost has no recognised form. It may body and recalling it at pleasure. assame the form of a human being, a goat, a The soul of a living being leaves its blaze of fire, a whirl-wind or any other physical tabernacle during sleep and hovers object it pleases. about. It can go to and return from even Some assume terribly gieantio and the heavenly and infernal regions. fearfully uncouth frame, with big fang-like * The School Master of Dhank. 3 The School Master of Lilapur, 5 The School Master of Vapod. * The School Master of Kolki. * The School Master of Lavaria. The School Master of Ganod: The School Master of Dadvi. * The School Master of Mojidad, * The School Master of Dhank.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY teeth, long matted hair and a height that reaches the sky. At times they assume the form of a child and cry heart-breakingly at a concealed corner of a road. Should a passer-by, out of compassion, try to save it, the supposed infant begins to lengthen its legs to show its benefactor its real and supernatural dimensions. Sometimes it transforms itself into a gigantic and terrible being, taking possession of the man if he becomes afraid.1 Some evil spirits manifest themselves as showers of burning charcoal, while some are so forward as to offer their services as guides to strangers from one village to another. Some assume the form of Bhensasur-a demon in the form of a buffalo-said to be a most malignant ghost.2 The throat of a ghost is as narrow as the fine end of a needle, and yet it is believed to require a dozen potfuls of water to quench its thirst. It cannot get pure water, as such water is guarded by the god Varuna. It has. therefore, to quench its thirst with such dirty water as it can get. Similarly, it cannot get clean food, and has to satisfy its hunger on human excretions, the droppings of birds and other animals, urine, and the filth of houses,3 It is generally believed that evil spirits do not cast shadows. All attempts to catch them prove futile, as they vanish in the form of a flame, If it is sought to catch hold of a goat-shaped ghost, the goat swells into such a monstrous size that the spectator gets terrified, whereupon the ghost finds an opportunity of disappearing in a flame. It is believed that ghosts prefer darkness to light and silence to noise. They The School Master of Kolki. 3 The School Master of Ganod. 5 The School Masters of Sanka and Songadh. 7 The School Master of Dhank. The School Master of Vanod. live on the Pipal (Ficus religiosa) or Shami (Prosopis spicigera) trees,5 A ghost presents itself to the vision of a man by blocking its way in the form of a goat or some other animal.6 Ghosts are believed to infest woods, unused wells, cellars and old tanks. They are also found in ruins and cemeteries. As far as possible they keep themselves aloof from mortals; but at times they are visible to human beings, mostly to those destitute of religion and morals. They roam about and terrify people. Sometimes they enter the persons of human beings. Such men either gain in strength, fall sick, or become senseless. The ghosts who possess them make them laugh or work, without being fatigued, with ten times the vigour they originally possessed." Ghosts keep their persons uncovered, feed upon flesh and blood, sleep during the day, and roam about at night.8 Often a large concourse of ghosts meet together and dance, sing and make merry uttering loud and fierce shrieks. A ghost has no back, and has its feet reversed. It keeps away from man, but terrifies him by pelting him with stones from a distance." On the fourteenth day of the dark half of Ashvin (the twelfth month of the Gujarati Hindu year) all ghosts are believed to go about playing pranks with poor mortals and possessing them. 10 The Navaratra holidays is the season when ghosts appear in many places.11 Ghosts enter corpses or possess human beings and speak through them as a medium. Sometimes they assume their original human form, and often torment people with disease. The School Master of Dadvi. The School Master of Bantva. 6 The School Master of Charadva. The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 10 The School Master of Kolki. 11 The School Master of Lilapur,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 107 They present themselves as animals and pass | It is believed that mastery over ghosts can away in a blaze. They hum in the air with be obtained by dint of incantations or out being seen, wrestle with men or carry mantras. Those who subjugate ghosts in this unseen human beings from one place to way have power to command them to do another. Some women are believed to con- ! their behests. But the process by which ceive by intercourse with male ghosts. 1 such powers are procured is believed to be If a man happens to step in the circle beset with dangers, and many lose their lives described by water round the offering given in so doing. to a ghost, viz., utar, he is possessed by the ! There is also a belief that a bhut or ghost ghost. A house haunted by a ghost is the can be brought under control by lopping off scene of great mischief.2 a lock of its hair or top knot and keeping it Ghosts are said to be most mischievous in one's custody. ! during the first part of the night. Their It is said that this lock ought to be kept fury diminishes with the advance of night.3 inside the right thigl by tearing a hole in the Ghosts are inimical to human beings, territ'y rlesh. It is believed that the thigh can be cut them, and sometimes, assuming the form of open by a hair of the ghost without injury.10 a cobra, kill those whom they hated most The ghost so subjugated should never be during life. 4 kept unemployed; otherwise it oppresses its They are pleased with offerings of blood." master. 11 To throw stones at houses and trees and to It is believed that the spirits of deceased set them on fire are their usual pranks. persons become ghosts under the following conditions - The ghost called Jan manifests itself as a 1 If scriptural ceremonies are not pur. giant, its height reaching the sky. If a man formed with the ceremonial offerings of rice comes under its shadow, le is seized by it and balls to the deceased. dashed to pieces on the ground. On the 2 If the deceased dies with a strong contrary, if a man wins its favour, he becomes attachment to worldly objects. prosperous. Hence a proverb has been 3 If the death is unnatural that is, caused current that " seizing another as by a jan" by an accident. meaning " being attacked by a dire missor | All ghosts get absolution by the perfor mance of propitiative ceremonies by their There is a female ghost called Chudel. descendants as prescribed in the scriptures.12 Its back is covered with flesh, its feel are There are various beliefs current as to reversed, it's forni is hollow and its face the state of the soul after death. The handsome like that of a charming woman, Garud puran contains many passages illusIt is said that a woman dying in childbed trating its movements after it leaves the body. becomes a chudel. Her form is a skeleton Says the book :behind with the figure of a pretty woman in "When the soul leaves the body it assumes front. a form as small as a thumb. At this very tune. "* 1' The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Dadvi. 3 The School Master of Kolki. The School Master of Oman, 5 The School Master of Khirasara. 6 The School Master of Rajpara, T The School Master of Dhank. 8 The School Master of Vanod. 9 The School Master of Dadvi. 10 Mr. K. D. Desai. 11 The School Master of Gondal. 12 The School Master of Ganod. The word Jan is the plural of the Arabic jinni. It has remained as a relic of Arab supremacy and occupation of the Kathiawar coast just in the beginning of Islam. during its first conquests-about half a century after the Prophets' death.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY moment it is caught by the servants of Yama while he is crying out ha! ha! looking at its corporal receptacle." And again : "Covering the body of the soul (which suffers intensely ) and strangling it forci- bly, the servants of the god Yama carry it away just as a culprit is carried by a king's soldiers." The verses that follow describe the miseries inflicted upon the poor thumb-shaped soul for the sins committed by him during his lifetime. The sinful soul has to undergo similar miseries in hell. From hell it returns to this world guarded by the servants of Yama, to partake of the rice-balls and other articles of food offered by the sons or other relatives. It is then again taken to hell to suffer more miseries and penalties in expiation of past sins. Then it returns once inore to receive the offerings of rice-balls made at shoraddha ceremonies. If, even after this, any desires remain unfulfilled, it has to continue a wretched existence in the other world.1 In a chapter of the Pretamanjari of the Garud Puran it is stated that the souls of righteous men go to the next world unmolested.2 Some people believe that the departing soul assumes a form like a thumb, and remains in that state until relieved by the performance of shraddha by his heirs. It then enters the other world to enjoy the fruits of its good actions. The Yamapuri or the city of the god of death is 8,600 Yojansa Yojan being equal to four milesto the south of the earth. The lord of this place is Dharmardja. Yama is his servant, whose duty is to carry the soul from one place to another. 8 Others maintain that two states await the soul after death according to whether it has performed righteous or sinful acts during life. The righteous attain to heaven and enter the Parshad Vaikunta of Vishnu. The sinful go to hell or Yamaloka. The sinful souls go to Yamaloka and are made to suffer the miseries of twenty-eight naraks or bells in proportion to the sins perpetrated by them, after which they return to the earth. The following are some of the punishments meted out to wicked souls for their sins, in their next lives : 1 Those who marder Brahmans suffer from consumption, 2 Those who slaughter cows are born as tortoises, 3 Those guilty of female infanticide suffer from white leprosy. 4 One who kills his wife, as well as a woman guilty of causing abortion, becomes a beggar. 5 Those who commit adultery become impotent 6 He who seats himself on the bed or seat of his preceptor is affected by skin diseases. 7 Flesh-eaters get a red body. 8 Thuse who indulge in drink get black teeth. 9 A Brahman partaking of prohibited food suffers from dropsy. 10 One who eats sweets without sharing them with the by-standers suffers from cancer in the throat. 11 One who offers polluted food to departed spirits suffers from black leprosy. 12 One who disobeys and despises his teacher suffers from wind a pasmar. 13 One who does not believe in the shastras suffers from enlargement of the spleen or Bright's disease. 14 A perjurer is born dumb. 1 The Shastri, Bhayavadar, Pathshala 3 The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Dhank. * The D. E. Inspector, Haldr.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 109 15 One who does not serve food equally to all the men,bers at a dining table loses one of his eyes. 16 Those who break off a marriage alliance are punished with thick (negro- like ) lips. 17 Those who steal books lose their eye-sight. 18 He who kicks a Brahman becomes lame. 19 A liar becomes a stammerer. 20 Those who listen to contradictory versions of what is generally believed to be true become deaf. 21 One who poisons another becomes a lunatic. 22 One who stcals precious metals becomes indigent. 23 An incendiary is punished with a bald lead. 24 Meat-sellers meet with misfortunes. 25 One who steals gold has his nails deformed. 26 He who steals food is born a mouse. 27 One stealing corn has to be reborn as a locust. 28 One stealing opium or other poisonous drugs is born a scorpion. 29 One who steals leaves or vegetables is born a peacock. 30 One who enjoys perfumes by stealing them is born a mole. 31 One wlio steals honey becomes an eagle. 32 One who steals flour, rice, etc. is born a monkey.1. The state of the soul after death depends upon a man's good or bad actions in life. The souls of the righteous leave the body without any trouble. The messengers of the god of death present themselves to these souls in the form of saints and carry them to that part of the heaven which is presided over by their favourite deity, by the castern, 1 The Shastri. Pathshala, Bhayavadar, northern, or western gates. They are received there with great respect. Here they enjoy the fruits of their merit, after which they return to this world and are born either in the family of a wealthy virtuous man or in that of a poor Bralman who has attained the knowledge of God. In this new life they accumulate further pierit, in virtue of which they are endowed with a higher spiritual life in the following birth, and so on until they attain final emancipation. After attaining moksha or salvation the soul becomes free from the wheel of birth and rebirth To the souls of the sinful, who leave their bodies with a great struggle, the messengers of the god of death present theinselves in a terrible form. They are carricd to hell by the southera gale, being coastantly lashed on the way. There they are relegated to one of the twenty-eight pits (of hell ) appropriate to their misdeeds, to suffer retribution for their sins. The soul is carried to Dharmaraja after it leaves the body. Thence, with the permission of the god, it returns to this world and halts for thirteen days at the threshold of its house. On the thirteenth day an earthen jar filled with water is emptied on a pipal tree (Ficus religiosa ) after which its connection with this world ceases. Then it returns to the heavenly judge of actions (Dharmaraja ), and is again born in the species prescribed by him. The soul of a strictly spiritual being merges into the divine entity and becomes free from birth and rebirth. Moksha or Mukti, that is final emancipation is of two kinds, sayujja or merging into the divine form and samishya or entering the divine order and living in this state so long as one's merits allow.? Dharmaraja keeps an account of the good and bad actions of all men in his book 2 The School Master of Dhank,

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY called siddhi karan, and dispenses justice attendants of the god Shiva, Gandharvas, according to it. A man guilty of adultery Vaitals. Brahmarakshasas. Kushminds is sentenced to embrace a redhot image of and other demigods. Virtuous women are a woman; one who has slaughtered animals born as goddesses or devis or as apsaras or is devoured by those animals, while those celestial songstresses. Those who have per. who have committed the sin of murdering formed only a few acts of righteousness Brahmans are relegated to hell for ever.1 enter the ranks of Jakhanis, Kinnaris, There are seven rungs to the ladder Matrikas, and the maid servants of the which leads to the next world. The first is goddess Durga. covered with a thick forest. The second The souls of the righteous are carried by bristles with pointed spears. The third is Yamadutas or the messengers of the god of strewn with gokharu (a species of thorns ). death through five cities, by a route passing The fourth has piercing blasts. On the through beautiful gardens; while those of fifth runs the river Vaitarna. The sixth is the sinful are led barefooted over brambles full of red-hot iron. The serenth is covered and pointed spears by roads running through with deep streams.? dense forests hidden in pitchy darkness. After death, the soul has to cross the The latter have also to cross large rivers river Vaitarna (vide the fifth rung above ) and pass through streams filled with blood on its way to the next world. Those who and puss. As they pass, eagles prey upon have given cows' in charity can cross this their bodies and they are bitten by venomous river without difficulty by hoiding the tails snakes. of the cows, wlio present themselves to help The souls of those who have in life per. them. formed good actions pass through the sun Those who have given sloes in eharity and assume divine forms; while those of can tread th:e third step with ease. ordinary beings pass through the moon and The sinful have to walk barefooted on return to this world. ground studded with pointed spears, and to A sinful soul has to go to Yamaloka or embrace red-hot iron pillars. It is with the hell through sixteen cities. On its way it object of avoiding these miseries that people has to cross the river Vaitarna, which condistribute shoes and clothes in charity." sists of blood mixed with puss. He who The sinful expiate their sins by passing has presented a cow to a Brahman can cross through a cycle of 8,400,000 births. * 'They this river with ease. Beyond this river lies have to be born 2,100,000 times in a land which is covered with spikes. Those the class of creatures born of eggs, 2,100,000 who have viven in charity ashtamahadan times in the species of worms produced that is, sesimum seeds, flour, gold, cotton, f'rom sweat, 2,100,000 times from embryonic birth and a similar number of times in the salt, clarified butter, milk and sugarcandy, vegetable kingdom. can walk over this ground without being Those who lack virtue but commit no sins hurt. When the soul has reached Yama or are born in the divine order of a low the god of death, the sun and the moon, grade such as the servants of Kuber, the the ever-living witnesses of human actions. 1 The School Mistress, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. 2 The School Master of Limbdi. 3 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. Like the green grass on the turf I have often grown and regrown. I have visited bodies." Maulana Ilaluddin Rumi. * The School Master of Ganod. 5 The School Master of Vapod. * The School Master of Jetalpur, 770,000

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 111 testify to its virtues and sins, and it is meted this world, again commits suicide, and again out a punishment appropriate to its sins. 1 meets the same fate after death. This is In order that the departed soul may not repeated seven times, after which he has find its way difficult, his heirs make a gift to pass through 8,400,000 species of animals to a Brahman of a bedstead, bedding, a lamp, before again obtaining the human life. corn, a pair of shoes and other articles, on If the suicide be caused by poisoning the thirteenth day after death. This gift is the person, in his next life, becomes a ser. called seraja.2 pent; if by drowning or strangling, he becomes Onc enters the human orderafter passing a ghost. through 8,400,000 species of living beings. Some believe that the souls of persons It is in the human life that one can accumu meeting a violent death enter the order of late merit, and wipe out the influence of such ghosts as Jinni, Mamo, etc. For the r past sins. emancipation shraddhas are performed by Those who meet a sudden or violent death, their descendants. At times these ghosts e. g., by being crushed under a falling house, possess the persons of their nearest relatives, by drowning in a well, by an accidental tall, and through this medium declare their desires. by a snake bite, etc. enter the order of If they express a desire to have a palio or bhuts, pretas, pishachas, etc., and are said to and to pillar erested in their name, one is erected have gone to durgati or to a bad path. ath." on the spot where they breathed their last. But those who die on a field of battle are On this pillar is engraved a figure riding a believed to attain heaven, horse, representing the deceased, which is According to another belief, persons dying besmeared with red lead or ochre. This a violent death have to pass through the representation is worshipped as a deity with same fate, that is, die violently, for the next lofaringe seven lives.5 lamps fed with ghi 10 Their souls are said to be liable to enter The palio is called surdhan, and is worthe asurgati or the order of devils. They are shipped, especially on the death anniversary emancipated from this condition by the per of the deceased. 11 formance by their descendants of the cere- In some castes the surdhans are installed mony called Nil parnavavior of those .. those in the house of the deceased 12 ceremonies prescribed in the Pal Shastra. | There are various beliefs current as to It is also believed that such souls after. the way in which spirits enter and leave entering the order of ghosts oppress and ess and the body. torment their descendants and relatives.7 In the case of suicides, when the crime is According to one belief, when a person proved before the god of death the culprit is gets frightened by the apparition of a ghost hurled into a hell called Maharaurava, where the ghost enters his body through one of the he has to pass a thousand years. After the organs, and makes him senseless and expiry of this period he is born again into violent.13 1 The D. E. Inspector, Halar. * The School Master of Dbank. 3 Mr. K. D. Desai. 4 The School Master of Charadva. . The School Master of Dbaok. & The School Master of Kotda Sangaui. 7 The School Master of Kolki. & The School Mistress, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. 9 The School Master of Bhayavadar. 10 The School Master of Todia 11 The School Master of Songadh. 12 The School Master of Dvealia. 13 The School Master of Dhaok.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY According to another belief, a gbost, as | As soon as it is ascertained that a man is stated above, takes an airy form and enters possessed by an evil spirit, somebody catthe body through any channel through which ches hold of the top-knot of the man air can enter the body. It leaves the body or ties it into a knot. Next he is lashed by the same route.1 with a whip or chain until the ghost in him There is also a belief that evil spirits cries out "Please don't beat me. I shall enter the body of a man through any part leave, the body and shall never return." of the body and under their influence Then the ghost is told that it is a liar, that the person possessed, dances, jumps, foams it said a thousand times that it would leave or sits idle the body and not return, but it did not do There is a further belief that a ghost it. No faith, therefore, would be put in its enters the body through the thumb and gets word. After a haggling dialogue of this kind and on the ghost's confirmation of its out by the ears, 3 offer never to return by some satisfacAccording to some, a ghost makes its way tory oath or assurance, the top-knot is into the body through the anus and its exit unloosed and the ghost disappears.10 by the same route.* A third method is to subject the person Others maintain that it enters the body possessed to the fumes of red chillies or through the nostrils and gets out by the of black wood, or to tie a sacred thread same passage. round his elbow. Some say that it finds an entrance and After one of these processess has been outlet through the skull.c performed to expel the ghost, the victim There are others who are of opinion that gives a dcep yawn, and it is said that the the immaterial form of a ghost can find ghost goes out in the yawn. Next the admission into the body by the right side relieved person is given water to drink, and and egress the same way.? an exorcist is engaged to take measures to It is said that when the body is unclean, prevent the possibility of the ghost's a ghost can enter it through any of the return. 11 organs. In a book entitled Brahman Nighanta To drive away an evil spirit from the Ratnakar is described the method of driving body of a person, a conjuror, Vanjha, Koli away an evil spirit from the body of a man Vaghri, Atit, Fakir or other exorcist is en- by an offering of dhup or frankincense. gaged to set a danklan* and to offer a victim The dhup to be used for this purpose must and frankincense to the evil spirit, which be made of gugal, and it must be offered is supposed to drive the spirit out by the with honey and clarified butter, repeating same route by which it entered the body to the following mantra : Another method of driving away an evil "Amen. Bow to the divine Lord of the spirit from the body is as follows evil spirits, the Lord whose teeth, jaws, and * The School Master of Ganod, 2 The School Master of Patan. Vao. 3 The D. E. Inpector, Gohilwad. 4 The School Master of Luvarin. 5 The School Master of Bantva, * The School Master of Rajpara, The School Master af Valo. 8 The School Master of Ganod, * The School Master of Dbank. + If a lock of the hair of the person possessed by an evil spirit be knotted round and round while ibe exorcist is trying to cast the spirit, it cannot get out.-The School Master of Vanod. Mr. K. D. Desdi. * Srep.3. 11 The School Master of Patan Vao.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 113 mouth are fierce, by whose three eyes the of this etiquette, one sneezes, he excuses himself forehead is ablaze, whose lustre is marked by saying that he is suffering from cold.2 by irresistible anger, who holds a crescent Some people believe that a sneeze in front is inoon on the forehead and matted hair on an indication of a broil on the road, a sneeze the head, whose body is besmeared with on the left side portends loss of money, one ashes; whose neck is adorned by the poison from above is a harbinger of success, one from of the fierce lord of the cobras. Oh! may below foretells danger, while the sneeze of the success attend to thee! Oh! Great one! man W.10 is engaged or is starting on the act The Lord of spirits! manifest thy form, contemplated is believed to be very injurious. dance, dance; move, move; tie with a A sneeze on the right is considered neither chain, tie; terrify by a neigh, terrify; good nor bad." kill, kill by the adamantine wand; cut, cut off by a sharp weapon; tear off, A sneeze in the east causes anxiety, in the tear off by the point of a spear; reduce, south-east foretells happiness, in the south reduce to atons by the bludgeon; remove, speaks of coming loss, and in the soutli-west remove; all the evil spirits Swaha."1 is an indication of good. A sneeze from the There are various superstitious beliefs west or no:th-West is considered good, from entertained by people regarding sneezing. the north injurious, and from the east auspicious.. According to one belief, if a person sneezes Some lines from the sayings of Gorakhraj face to face with another who is about to begin an auspicious act, such as starting on a run to the effect that a sneeze in the cast journey, decking his person with ornaments, causes anxiety, one in the south-east inflicts performing a marriage ceremony, and the like, a soand beating, one 'in the south brings a it portends misfortune to the latter; but a visitor or guest, one in the south-west subjects the person concerned to a taunt, one in the West sneeze on his right or at his back foretells bestows a throne or crown, one in the northgood. A sneeze in front of a person starting West promises sweets or dainties, one in the to perform an auspicious act is supposed to north foretells good, one in the north-east mean that a blow has been struck on his fore brings disappointment, while one's own sneeze head, suggesting that the act should be stopped. is so ominous that one should never start out If, in spite of this warning, the act is on any business after sneezing. commensed, evil consequences are sure to The beliefs enumerated above relate to follow. A sneeze at a man's back confirms the sneezes which occur on certain week days, unobstructed fulfilment of the ac, taken in The sneezes which occur on Sundays have the hand, as it is believed to have patted the man following consequences. on his back or shoulders in token of approval. A sneeze from the east is good, one from the Sneezes on either side, right or left, portend south-east points to delay in the fulfilment of neither good nor evil. one's intended object, one from the south As a rule, sneezes are believed to forebode brings in profit, one from the south-West evil, and it is considered highly unmannerly to results in death, one from the West in happiness, sneeze while one is about to begin an auspicious one from the north-West throws one into the act or start with a good purpose. If, in spite society of good men, one from the north is * The School Master of Bhayavadar. vadar * The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 3 The School Master of Saaka. The School Master of Kolki. 5 The School Master of Chhardva.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY productive of pecuniary gain, and one from rakshasas are called Maharakshasas. In the the north-east of general wellbeing.1 Ramayan and other purans, rakshasas are It is a common belief that if while one is represented as feeding on human flesh. about to commence some act, somebody sneezes A rakshasa is supposed to be sixteen miles once, the act is doomed to fail, and to avoid in height and to roam about for his prey failure it must be postponed. But if the within a circle with a radius of sixteen miles. sneeze is repeated, no harm ensues.1 The Maharakshasas are supposed to have A sneeze by an ailing person is believed to their abode in the seas. It is said that they be a sign of his recovery, and more sneezes by burn or swallow ships sailing thereon. the same person are supposed to indicate his The rakshasas are supposed to complete recovery, even though the symptoms number be not favourable. 60,000,000 and the maharakshosas 20,000 A sneeze by a cow at the commencement of Kubera, a maharakshasa is the lord of the an auspicious act is supposed to be the worst rakshasas, possible omen, and a sneeze by a cat is prover It is said that the rakshasas, maharakshasas bially a portent of failure in any act taken wizards and witches Were visible to the human in hand at the time.2 eye during the tretayuga. With the commenceA yawn is generally believed to be harmless, ment of the present or kaliyuga they have as it does not foretell either good or evil. become invisible. It is stated in the Purans Still as sometimes it results in accidental that during the recitation of the Surya kavach, instantaneous death, the elders of a person Saptsasani or the Narayan kavach, if the when he yawns, exclaim. "Be long-lived ! rakshasas or maharakshasas fall into or Patience! Live long!" and the spiritually approach the limits circumscribed for them, disposed repeat the name of the god of their the recitation proves ineffective. devotion. It is a common belief that there is bitter Lest spirits may make their way into the body enmity between the gods and rakshasas. The of a person through his mouth when he is former follow the path of virtue while the yawning, or lest his soul may pass out of it, latter lead immoral lives devouring Brahmans some people pinch him to stop the yawn while and cows, feeding on flesh, and indulging in others utter the words " Ram" "Ram" to intoxicating drinks. The habitat of the divort his attention. rakshasas is the patal or nether world, Rawan In mythological times. Brahma, one of the being their king. gods of the Hindu Trinity, once left his body | The exploits of some of the rakshasas are for a time. Some people began to molest the described in the Mahabharat, Bhagvat and the body, when he cried out, "Rakho! Rakho!" Ramayan. For instance, the misdeeds of that is "Keep aloof! Keep aloof!" or "Wait! Jarasandh, Ghatotkacha and Hedamba are Wait!". These people came to be called Rakho* described in the Mahabharat; those of Kansa, which in course of time corrupted into Banasur, Pralambasur, Adhasur, Dhenukasur, Rakshasa. The beings who hold sway over Kalanemi, Shankasur and Vritrdsur in the 1 The School Master of Limbdi. 2 The School Master of Jhinjhuwada. 3 The School Master of Vanod. The School Master of Dhank This derivation of the word akshasa is obviously fanciful. Rakshasa is a Sanskrit word and has no connection with the Gujarati word rakho which itself is derived from the Sanskrit root raksha to protect. 5 The School Master of Dhank. * The School Master of Pantva. 1 The School Master of Moti Parabdi. The School Master of Rajpara. * The School Master of Charadva, 10 The School Master of Kotda Sangani.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT Bhagvat; and those of Ravan, Kumbhakarna and Indrajit in the Ramayan.1 A rakshasa named Tripurasur conquered the heavens, the earth and the nether regions, and began to annoy the gods. The god Shiva burnt the rakshasa to ashes.2 The two rakshasas Hiranyaksha and Hiranyakashyapu were originally the gate-keepers of Vishnu, one of the gods of the Hindu trinity. Once they affronted Sanatkumar, the son of Brahma, when they were cursed by Vishnu who decreed that they would be born rakshasas in three successive lives. In these lives they had to play the part of the enemies of gods and men, and were destroyed by Vishnu as such.2 A rakshasa named Jalandhar is stated to have met his death when the chastity of his wife was violated by the god Vishnu in the disguise of her husband.3 Maharakshasas are also known by the name of Brahma rakshasas. A Brahman dying without imparting all his learning to his disciples or with the guilt of the murder of a Brahman or a cow on him is believed to enter the order of Brahma rakshasas after his death. In this state he possesses a body without a head. A Brahma rakshasa is also called Khavis, * In addition to the wizards and witches mentioned above, there are others the names of which are as follows: (1) Dakini, (2) Sakini, (3) Kushmand (4) Zod, (5) Dholio, (6) Pale Marad, (7) Bhuchar, (8) Khechar, (9) Jalaj, (10) Jakharo, (11) Shikotrum, (12) Ashtabharo, (13) Chand Chani, (14) Chorosi Kantini, (15) Jogani, (16) Hathadi, (17) Miyali, (18) Ghanchini, (19) Mochini, (20) Baladi, (21) Molani, (22) Khuntini, (23) Suti, (24) Gavati, (25) Bethi, The School Masters of Khirasara and Pipalana. The School Master of Anandpur. 10 The School Master of Khiras ira. 12 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 1 The School Master of Khirasara. 115 (26) Ubhi, (27) Avi, (28) Chaurar, (29) Madlu Pavanti, (30) Mansa Khavanti, (31) Bhasika, (32) Pratab, (33) Vira, (34) Vavanchara, (35) Chorasi Viru, (36) Nao Narasing, (37) Jaikha, (38) Jutaka, (39) Masida, (40) Gandharavi, (41) Jami, (42) Asmani, (43) Mamikula,5 (44) Zampadi, (45) Meladi (46) Balla C Of the above, the first forty-three together with Chudela or Vantri and Preta are believed by some to be the names of so many Joganis or female evil spirits or witches. The remaining are living Dakans or witches who are believed to cause illness or even death by their evil eye to those on whom they throw a glance. 7 Wizards live upon ordinary food, witches on air, while pretas require nothing to eat for their maintenance. It is said that their backs and shoulders are covered with filth and emit an offensive odour.S It is generally believed that the spirits of such male members of low unclean castes as die a violent death' become Khavis. Some believe that Khavis or Khabith is a Musalman ghost.10 Others hold that he is the lord of all ghosts.11 1 The School Master of Ganod. 3 The School Master of Upleta. The word Khavis comes from the Arabic Khabith from the root verb Khabotha and means one who has become impure or unholy. 5 The School Master of Sultanpur, 7 Mr. K. D. Desai. 9 The School Master of Lilapur. 11 The School Master of Vasavad. 13 The School Master of Chhatrasa, 15 The School Master of Ganod. Khavis has no head His eyes are located in the chest. He is as tall as a cocoa-palm or bamboo. He roams about holding in one hand a weapon and in the other a lump of flesh, Those over whom his shadow falls are said to fall ill.12 His appearance is so terrible that a person who sees him for the first time is frightened to death.13 It is stated that he starts on his excursions after sun-set.14 The attendants of the god Shiva known as Vaitalikas are said to have no heads, 15 They live in cremation grounds, as they have a 2 The School Master of Lewaria. 4 The School Master of Venod.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY burning desire to possess the bodies of of high caste people not emancipated from deceased persons. 1 the trammels of birth and rebirth have their A belief runs that the trunk of the evil abode in the Pipal trce 10 spirit called Suro puro, that is the spirit It is related that once a number of boys, on of ono who meets a heroic death, moves about their return from a tank to which they had like a Khavis.2 gone oa a swimming excursion, passed by a It is a common belief that evil spirits haunt Khijada tree, when one of them suggested to trees, groves, deserted tanks and woods.3 the others to throw stones at the tree, saying Vetal roums orcr burial and cremation that any one not doing so would fall under grounds, as also Bhuchar, Khechar, Kal the displeasure of God. One of the boys Bhairav and a number of other ghosts.* threw a stone at a neighbouring Babul trec The Jimp, Babaro and some other ghosts with the result that on reaching home he fell reside in fortresses and unoccupied houses and ill in a fit of terror. He began to shake and roam about in the burning grounds. Chudela, said "Why did you strike me with a stonc? I Kotda and Brahm. Rikslusa make their had resorted to the Babul tree from the abodes on the tamarind, Shami (Prosopis Khijado and you struck me there. I shall not spicigera), Babul and Kerado trees and indepart until I take your life." Evidently it deep tanks and wells in deserted places was the Khijadio Mamo who had possessed Their favourite haunts are river banks. the boy who spoke the above words; and an It is stated by some people that the Chudel, | exorcist was called who drove him out by the Vantri, Dakan, Jimp, Khavis and other incantation of mantras ; after which the boy ghosts generally haunt cremation grounds, recovered.11 fields where battles have b:en fought, thres- It is believed that a woman who dies an holds of houses and latrines and cross unnatural death becomes a Chudel and roads, troubles her husband, her successor or co-wife, Some declare that ghosts are also to be or her children 12 found in temples in which there are no images There are three classes of Chudels, and in dry wells.7 (1) Poshi, (2) Soshi and (3) Toshi. Those The ghost preta is said to be as tall as a women that have not enjoyed before death cafuel, the passage of its throat being as small the pleasures of this world to their satisas the bore of a needle. It is therefore faction enter the order of Poshi Chudels. believed to be always wandering about in They fondle children and render good service quest of water. to their widower husbands. The evil spirit Jan haunts mountains and Those women that are persecuted beyond forests and Mamo the centres of filth, while endurance by the members of their families V'etal is found in cremation grounds. become Soshi Chudels after death. They Jan, Brahma Rakshasa and Khavis reside dry up the blood of men and prove very in woods, trees, or on mountains, Khijadio troublesome to the members of the family. Mamo lives in the Khijada or Shami tree and Those women who bear a strong attachAmatho Mamo in a grove of trees. Spirits ment to their husbands enter the order of 1 The School Master of Gondal, 3 The School Master of Dbank. 5 The School Master of Vanod. 7 The School Master of Kolki. 9 The School Master of Dbank. 11 The D. E. Inspector, Gohilwad. * The School Master of Baatva. The Schcol Master of Talpur and Luvaria. 6 The School Master of Dadvi. 8 The School Master of Chhatrasa 10 The School Master of Kolki, 12 The School Maste: of Dhank,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 117 Toslai Chudels and bring great pleasure and it is believed that a woman dying in childhappiness to their husbands in this life. 1 bed or menses enters the order of ghosts Most high caste people, on the death of variously known as Chudels, Vantris or their first wives, take an impression of their Taramis. In order that she may not return feet on gold leaves or leaf-like tablets of gold from the cremation ground, mustard seeds are and cause their second wives to wear them strewn along the road behind her bier, for : round their necks. These impresses of feet belief prevails that she can only sticceed are called shok-pagalans or mourning foot- in returning if she can collect all the inustard prints. Among the lower castes, the hands seeds thus strewn on the way to or the feet of the second wives are tattooed In some places, loose cotton wool is thrown in the belief that this prevents the deceased over the bier so as to be scattered all along wife from causing injury to the second wife. the road to the cemetery. It is believed that All female spirits called Pishachas or the Chudel can only return to the house if she Dakans and male spirits called l'irs or Bruts can collect all the cotton scattered behind her oppress their descendants. in one night. This is considered an impossible It is also believed that any male member of task, and no fear is therefore entertained of a family dying with certain of his desires her return after the cotton has been scattered. '1 unfulfilled becomes a Surdhan and oppresses To prevent the return of the Claudel, some the surviving relatives, while a female member people pass underneath the bier the legs of troubles others as Sikoturu or Maradi. the cot on which the woman lay in her confine The spirits of men that fall victims to ment, while others drive in an iron nail at tigers or other wild animals are believed to the end of the street immediately after the enter the ghostly order and wander about corpse has been carried beyond the village until they are relieved from this state by the boundary 12 performance of the prescribed shraddha by In some places, the nail is driven into the some pious surviving relative. These evil threshold of the house. 19 spirits live in forests and eat nothing but Even after the precautions mentioned above flesh. If they do not get flesh to eat they have heen taker, to prevent the return of a eat the flesh of their own bodies. At times Chudet or Vantri, Shraddhas aro performed, they put their relatives to great annoyance and a number of Brahman women feasted on by entering their persons. To pacify them, the twelfth and thirteenth day after death to palios are erected in their name, and their propitiate her as the fear of the mischiet images are set up in the square cavities of done by her is very strong. 13 walls. These images are besmeared with red A Chudel has no shoulders. 14 Any passer by lead and oil by their descendants on the four- coming across her is asked by her to take her teenth day of the dark half of Ashvin. The to his home, and if he agrees, she accompanies relief of such spirits is sought by the perfor- him, passes the night in his company, and inance of a shraddha either at Siddhapur or brings his life to a speedy end. In the village at Gaya.9 of Charadi under the jurisdiction of Dhranga 1 The School Master of Vanod. 3 The School Master of Songadb. 5 The School Master of Jbinjhuwada, The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 9 The School Master of Vanod. 11 Mr. K. D. Desai. 13 Mr. K. D. Desiti. ? The School Master of Jetpur. 4 The School Master of Kotda Sangani, The School Master of Dbank. & The School Master of Rajpara Jo The School Master of Dhank. 13 The School Master of Vapod. 11 The School Master of Limhdi.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUIRY dhrit, i Girasia named Halaji fell into the If the birth time of a child happens to fall clutches of a Chudel who was driven from within the ecliptic period, that is the period his person by the enchantment of a Jati on of nine hours before an eclipse takes place, as condition that he should not go into the eastern well as in the duration of the eclipse, the father part of the vilinge, does not see the child before performing cerIt is believed that it woman can be relieved tain rites, as to do so is supposed to bring from the ghostly order of a Chudel by the misfortune. perforinunce of a slraddha at Siddhapur. If a man has a child in his twentieth yene There is no b:lief that the father has to he does not see the child before he complets take special preenutions at the birth of his it. child except that care is taken to uote the If a child is born at a wrong juncture or exact time of the child's birth for the purpose conjunction of the stars, the father does not of casting its horoscope correctly. An inkstand see it for twenty-seven days. and pen are also placed in tlie lying-in-rooin, Achild born on the fourth, fourteenth or ris it is believed that the crentor writes the tifteenth day of a month is supposed to become Page #467
THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 119 One of the beliefs entertained by Hindus relative or of a member of the lousehold. about the owl is that none should throw a If a miser dies after accumulating vast lump of earth at it, as the owl is believed to treasures, his spirit becomes a ghost or a snake pick up the missile and throw it into a well or and guards his wealth. tank or any sheet of water, with the result that According to another belief, a miser dying it gradually dissolves and disappears, and without an heir becomes a snake to guard his simultancously the body of the person is said treasure. to be consumed. 1 It is believed that such treasures are If perchance an owl utters some note per- accessible to batrisas? (those possessed of ching on the top cross beam of a house on a thirty two accomplishments). Sunday or Tuesday night, the owner of the Those persons that die while ousted from house should pass a dark woollen thread below the houses built by them become ghosts, and the cross beam, to which a nude person should residing in the houses, do not allow any body give a knot at evory screech of the owl. If to live therein, and leave them only when they such a thread be kept in o'ne's anklet, one need are demolished.8 have no fear of ghosts nor can he be seen by Some evil spirits guard treasures in the a dakan or witch. form of drones. If a person in sleep responds to the call of It is related that there is a pond called an owl, he is believed to expire within six Lakhota near Jamvadi in Gondal. It contains months from that date. a treasure guarded by a cobra which tries to If an owl screeches every night for six bite whosoever attempts to remove it. 10 months on one's house or an adjacent tree, a The Janchar, Bhuchar, Jin and some other terror seizes the members of the house that spirits are believed to haunt valleys,11 some sure and certain calamity not short of Some believe that those persons that meet death is imminent.3 their death in valleys become evil spirits and An owl sitting on the house of a person and haunt the valleys, 12 screeching is said to be uttering threats or | Rakhevalio, Andhario, Sevalio, Sulio and forebodings of calamities and misfortunes, and Ragatio are evil spirits that haunt the ruins is believed to foretell the death of some near of magnificent buildings and also valleys, 13 Mr. K. D. Desai. * The School Master of Kolki. 3 The School Master of Zinzuvada. 4 Mr. K. D. Desai. 5 The School Master of Dhank. 6 The School Master of Mavaiya. 1 The School Master of Dhank. 8 The School Master of Vanod. 9 The School Master of Sayala. 10 The School Master of Gondal. 11 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 1. The School Master of Vanod. 13 The School Master of Rajpara.

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CHAPTER VI. THE EVIL EYE AND THE SCARING OF GHOSTS. The superstitious dread of an evil eye is to or near their necks with a black pigment or be seen mostly among ignorant people, especollyrium, as it is believed that the dark colour cially among women. If a boy were to fall is an antidote against the influence of the ill, they say, "Chhotio (the name of the boy) evil eye. was playing in the house wearing a fine dress (2) Some efficacious inscription is engraved and was prattling sweetly, when that wretch on a copper plate, which is suspended round came to the house and her evil eye fell on him" the child's neck. or "The boy was eating a dainty dish when (3) A bead of kachakada is also worn round that devilish woman came up and her evil eye the neck. influenced the boy."2 (4) A tiger's nail or tooth is worn round Persons born on a Sunday or Tuesday are the neck. generally believed to have an evil eye. (5) An iron ring is worn on the finger. The evil eye causes its victim to vomit wlat (6) A lime is worn in the turban or he has eaten in its presence." headdress. If a child weeps all day long, or a person (7) An incantation in the praise of Hanufinds his appetite very weak, the evil is attri- man is written on a piece of paper and put in buted to an evil eye. an anklet which is worn. If milch cattle do not give milk, or if seva ($) A piece of thrond of five kinds of silk (vermicelli) pupad (wafer biscuitst pickles, or cotton spun by a virgin is given seven knots dudhapak (rice cooked in milk and sweetened on the fourteenth day of the dark half of with sugar) or such other eatables are spoilt, A slavin and worn on the person. it is believed that the evil eye is at tle root (9) In order that sweet meats and other of the trouble. eatables such as pa pad (wafer biscuits), It is believed that the following objects are pickles, etc., may not be spoilt by an evil eye, a Jiable to be influenced by an evil eye: lime, an iron nail or a knife is put into them. (1) Persons having fine glossy hair, fiery (10) In order that a cot or cradle may not eyes, exquisite form, refined gait, fine speech be broken by the influence of an evil eye, a or good handwriting, (2) good sportsmen, (3) black woollen thread is tied round it. pickles, (+) pa pad (wafer biscuits), (5) Seva (11) To prevent dudhbak (rice cooked in (vermicelli), (6) all attractive objects. milk and sweetened with sugar) from being If a person falls ill after lie is praised, he spoilt, a piece of charcoal is put into the pot is said to have been a victim of an evil eye.7 l in which it is prepared.8 The precautions taken to evade the influence W hile taking one's meal one should avoid of the evil eye are as follows: the company of an evil-eyed person, but if (1) When children are dressed and decked perchance one happen to be present, a morsel with ornaments, a spot is made on their cheeks of the food should be thrown behind him or * The School Master of Dhank. 3 The School Master of Kolki 5 The School Master of Jetpur. 7 The School Master of Sayala. * Mr. K. D. Dashi. 4 The School Master of Chhatrasa. 6 The School Master of Devalia. $ The School Master of Ganod,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 121 set aside on the ground as an offering to the after it is heat, places it overturned in a evil eye. 1 bell-metal pot and pours over it water mixed If, in spite of the precautions mentioned with cowdung, so that the cup adheres to the above, the influence of the evil eye prevails, pot. This sticking of the cup is called najar the following remedies are adopted to remove chonti gai (the evil eye has stuck fast) and is its effects believed to cure the child." (1) The evil eye is fastened or curbed, as (6) An exorcist is engaged to ware a bowl they say, by one of the processes described filled with water round the head of the patient. in Chapter III above. He then drinks off the water, and the patient (2) A red-hot charcoal is placed on a dinner believes that the disease has been drunk plate and covered with an earthen jar. A with it. bowl filled with water is then passed round the (7) A handful of salt and chillies is head of the patient, emptied over the jar and passed thrice round the head of the patient pluced on it with its mouth touching the jar. and thrown into the fire. If the chillies burn Next, a scythe is placed over the bowl. The without giving out fumes of an unpleasant jar, which is heated with the heat of the burning ndour, the evil eye is believed to be at the root charcoal placed under it produces a hissing of the illness. 7 sound as soon as it is touched by the water (8) A little dust collected from a spot in the bowl, and is said to speak. This where two roads cross one another, or red process is called Ghadulo and is performed lead and oil offered to Hanuman, a red after sunset. chilly, an iron nail and grains of adad (PhaseIn some places, it is a belief that the plate olus mungo) are packed into a piece of white to be used in this process must be of bell- cotton cloth with a black woollen thread, and metal, and that over the fire placed in it tied to the cradle of the suffering child. mustard seeds, chillies and salt must be thrown (9) A side of a loaf of millet flour is baked before it is covered with the earthen jar,3 by being exposed to fire, clarified butter is (3) An utar* or sacrificial offering is taken applied to this side, and a fine cotton thread to the village gate on a Sunday or Tuesday. is passed round the loaf. Next, the loaf is (4) Milk is passed three or seven times waved round the head of the ailing child and round the head of the ailing child, poured into thrown into fire. If the cotton thread is not a black earthen pot, and offered to a black burnt by the fire, an evil eye is believed to be bitch on a Sunday or Tuesday.. the cause of the illness. Sometimes the loaf is offered to a black dog (5) The mother or some other near relative after it has been wared round the child's of the child suffering from the effects of the head. evil eye, puts in a bell-metal cup mustard seed, (10) If the illness be due to the influence salt, chillies and seven stones from the village of the evil eye of a woman, she is called in gate, passes the cup thrice round the child's and asked to pass her hand orer the child's head, puts burning charcoal in the cup, and head. Mr. K. D. Desai * The School Master of Ganod. 3 The School Master of Dhank. . See page 3. * The School Master of Ganod. 5 The School Master of Vanod. 6 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 7 Mr. K. D. Desdi. + This process is generally adopted in cases of milch cattle not giving milk and all other ailments to ascertain the influence of the evil eye. The School Master o! Dadvi. 9 Mr. K. D. Desii.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (11) In order to avoid the effects of the Some people throw a newly-born child on a evil eye, when a child returns home from an dung-hill and take it back, saying that they outside visit, a bowl filled with water is passed found it on the dung-hill, with the belief that thrice round its head and emptied outside the a child of such low origin cannot be snatched house before it crosses the threshold of the away from them by Fate. Such children are house. named Ponjio, Unkardo or Kacharo meaning (12) The grains of Idad, twigs of the 'dung-hill.' Thor (Euphoria nerifolia), salt and dust are some children are named Kloto, Amatho or passed seven times round the head of a person Jutho, all meaning 'false', with the belief that suffering from the effects of an evil eye, on children so named are considered to belong to the threshold of the house, and thrown away.2 gods or Fate and hence cannot be taken away (13) Grains of Adad, twigs of the Thor, i from their parents by the god of denth. sult, an iron nail and charcoal are put into an Some people change their children for unused carthen pot and taken to the village sweets, or offer them to others and purchase boundary with a bowl filled with water. The them back nt a nominal price. Others roll person carrying the pot and bowl should not them in the dust and name them Dhulio or look behind either on his way to, or on his dust. This is believed to ensure a long life return from, the vilinge boundary. The pot to the children." is placed on the village boundary, and water In some places, a relative of the child's on is poured over it seven times from the bowl.3 the mother's side presents it with a necklace (14) A lonf baked on one side, with seven of gold beads shaped like large black ants. grains of Adad, seven grnins of salt and seven When the child attains the age of eight or ten cotton seeds placed over it, is passed seven years this necklace is offered to some god or times round the patient's head and placed on goddess. The child is named Sankalio as it a spot where two roads cross one another. The wears round its neek this sankal or chain, that person carrying the bread should not look is, necklace. behind while carrying it.* It is held by some that children benring Those whose children do not live, or die in contemptuous names are not affected by infancy, or who get children with difficulty, magic, 10 give them opprobrious names, as it is believed Some weigh the child against corn and give that objects so named, being considered of no the name of that corn to the child, e. , value, are left unharmed both by men and by Kodario'. Juvario' The corn is then gods." distributed among beggars, which is supposed Some people believe that children so named to ensure a long life to the child.11 are considered impure by Fate or Destiny, and | Some make.earthen figures of children, call consequently not molested by her," them Ila Ili or Pithad, and carry them through It is believed by some that, as good names the village on the Holi day (the full-moon day attract attention, giving opprobrious names of Falgun), with the belief that by so doing averts the danger of the evil eye.7 they ensure a long life to the children. * Mr. K. D. Desai. ? The School Master of Baatva. 3 The School Master of Aman. The School Master of Sayala. 5 The School Master of Dhank. 6 The School Master of Devalia. * The School Master of Vanod. * Mr. M. M. Rana, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. # The School Master of Sultanpur. 10 The School Master of Moti Khilori, 11 The School Master of Khirasara. -

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It is related that a carpenter's children used to die in infancy, so he named one of his sons Pithad 'and he lived. Siace then, parents Amatho Jutho Kacharo Nathu Punjo Jivo Kalo Ghelo Gafal Valu or Vayali Sawo or Siwo Dungar Ado... Bhabho Malo Velo Nano Khodo Oghad Hakalo Bhukhan Liko Lavo Jino Deso Rano Bavo Rupo The opprobrious and other special spirit-scaring names generally given to boys are as follows:-- NAME. Mor... Popat Jado Bodho THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT : ... . The School Master of Todia. 3 The School Master of Ganod. The School Master of Dadvi MEANING. Useless False Refuse Tied Refuse Live Black Mad Stupid Eccentric Sewed Hill Useless Worthiess Bower Creeper Small Lame Fool whose children do not live name them' Pithad.' Some name their children Jivo' that is 'Live' with the hope that they may live long. Handsome (ironical) Peacock Parrot Fastened2 Gobaro Fakiro Mafatio Nago Bocho Bakor Bow How Limbo Ganglo Bhikhari or Bhikho Vaigrai Amar Sidio Dipo Vagh Colampalo Dung-hill Parasite Small Old Lord (ironical) Jalo Recluse hid Vasto Polio or Polo Kadavo Bero Chindharo Chiko Chuntho Jinthro NAME. Davalo Dendo Dhingo Bodo Rotal Radio ... :: OHORT 123 MEANING. Beggar Worthless Shameless Coward Noise Name of a demon Ditto. Poisonous Stony+ Beggar Recluse Immortal Negro-like Hollow Bitter Deaf Panther Tiger Meddlesome Ragged Ragged Ragged Not loved The croaking of a frog. Fat The School Master of Dhank. + The School Master of Vanod. The School Master of Kolki. Bald-headed Womanish Crying

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY : : : : The contemptuous names given to girls are:- and bathed her into the pond with the result that she was transformed into a boy. The NAME. MEANING king then built a big tank on the spot, which is known by the name of Men.7 Liri In a chapter called Brahmottar Khand of Dhori White the Padma Puran, which describes the glory Zini... Small of a vow called Uma Mahesl, the greatness of Panji Refuse observing fasts on Mondays is described at Kali... Black length. Two Brahman brothers, one dressed Ful .. Light as a as a man and the other as a woman, set out on flower journey. Once they halted in a temple of Nathi the god Shiva, where lived a woman who bad Juthi False observed the fasts on Mondays. She invited Jadi ... ... ... Fat them to dinner, taking them, as they appeared Monghi to be, for a man and a woman. The devotion Jaba of the hostess was so great that the brother Kadvi Bitter dressed as a woman was actually transformed Jivi... Live. into a woman while portaking of the meal Divis served to him, 8 Veju Bhilak, Chichi, Laghu, Mafat! It is related that in ancient times the son (useless), Gheli (mad), Panchi 5, Dedki, Kukadi of a certain sage once disguised himself as a and Zabu. girl with the result that he was actually changIt is said that in ancient times change of sex ed into a girl. He was thereafter called could be effected. Mudralopi and married to the sage Agastya. Tradition relates that all the children of a The warrior Shikhandi who assisted the certain Solanki king died in infancy, except Pandavas in killing Bhishma (who had vowed the last child, a girl. She was dressed in not to raise his arms against a woman) was at male attire and passed for a buy. When the first a girl, and was subsequently transformed pretended boy attained marriageable age, he into a boy by the boon of the gods.10 was betrothed to a princess, When the day There is supposed to be a forest of Paryati fixed for the marriage drew near, the king in a continent called Ilavrit. Any man visiting became anxious and went on an hunting expe- it is at once turned into a woman, 11 it is at once turned i dition to pass the time. On his way back A king named Sudyaman visited this forest from the hunt he became very thirsty, and and was transformed into a woman. It was quenched his thirst with the water of a pond only after appeasing Parvati by a sacrince near which a temple of Bahucharaji stands to that he was restored to his original form 12 this day. His bitch, which was with him. It is believed that in Kamaru Desha or the lenpt into the pond, and on coming out of the land of fairies, children are transformed into water was found to be transformed into a dog. the opposite sex by the spell of the inhabitOn seeing this the king bought his daughter ants, 13 1 The School Master of Dhank. 2 The School Master of Ganod. 3 The School Master of Kolki. * The School Master of Bhayavadar The School Master of Khirisara. 6 The School Master of Sanke * The School Master of Ziozuvida The Scbod Master of Dhink. * The School Master of Uptela. 1. The School Master of Ganad. 11 The School Master of Vapod. 12 The School Master of Bhayavadar. 13 The School Master of Jetpur.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 125 A belief is current that change of sex can be In some places, frankincense of gugal effected by the performance of the Shatchandil (Canarium strictum) or lobun (alibannm) in or the prayoga of Rudra, Bahuchardji, Asha- offered to the amulets before they are worn 10 puri and Mahakali.1 Amulets are also made of tad-patras (palmIt is also believed that change of sex can leaves). They are tied round the arm with an also be effected by the spell of magic.? indigo-coloured cloth.11 There is a further belief that Yogis by their Dords or threads are also worn with the incantations, and Mahatmas by their blessings same object as amulets. They are generally or curses, can effect a change of sex.3 made of five kinds of silk thread, black wool, The following things are considered or red or black cotton thread. The length of efficacious in protecting oneself against evil the dora must be eight feet, one and a quarter spirits: of a cubit or a man's height. 'They must have (1) A sword, (2) iron, (3) a woollen three folds and must be twisted seven or twentyblanket, (4) fire, (5) a coin in the funeral one times. After they are twisted, they are pyre, (6) a nail of a tiger, (7) a blue thread, knotted seven, fourteen or twenty-one times, (8) the red lead offered to the god Hanuman when they become ready for use. An offering (9) a lime consecrated with incantations, of frankincense made of gugal or of loban is (10) five kinds of cotton thread worn round made to a dora before it is worn 12 the elbow,5 (11) blood, (12) corn, (13) frank It is believed by some people, that a chili incense. (14) salt, (15) water, (16) leather, amulet) or dora in order to be effective, must (17) an amulet of iron procured from a well not be touched with water. polluted by the death of some one in its water, The dora of the god Kalbhairav at Benares (18) a garland, the beads of which are made which is made of silk thread with seven twists of the wood of the Ekal ber (Zizyphus jujuba) is tied round the wrist of a patient in the (19) The sacred thread worn by Brahmans, belief that it curcs illness. (20) iron nails extracted from a wheel of a A janjiro (black cotton thread with seven cart used for carrying fuel for cremation, knots) of the god Hanuman is worn round the (21) human blood,8 (22) a costly jewel. arm with the same belief. Amulets are generally used as a precaution Surakano, that is, twisted iron wire, conse against the attack of evil spirits or the influ crated by the worshipper of the goddess ence of an evil eye. They are also used to Machhu, is worn by the Bharvads round the cure diseases. They are made of iron, copper, tin, gold, silver, alloys of precious metals, or elbow or the wrist with the belief that it leather. cures wind. Chithis or pieces of paper on which mystic Those people whose children do not live signs are drawn are put into the amulets and long put silver anklets round their left legs are tied to the forearm with black woollen or in the belief that by so doing their life is silk thread. lengthened. 13 * The School Master of Kotda Sangani. The School Master of Mota Devalia. The D: E. Inspector, Halar. * The School Master of Dbank. 5 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. The School Master of Kolki. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohilwad. * Anklets are made of these nails and worn round the wrist.The School Master of Zinzuwada. # The School Master of Vasvad. * The School Master of Kotda Sangani The School Master of Dhin # The School Master of Gahilwad. + The School Master of Dhank. # The School Master of Todia,

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY An amulet made of a piece of cloth is called who go to the burning ground to propitiate or dhaga. It is either a piece of cloth used subjugate evil spirits, seat themselves in such by a holy man, a piece of cloth containing a circles while reciting mantras.10 mixture of red lead and oil offered to the god After entering the circle, some people recite Hanuman 2 or a piece of cloth in which are the name of Hanuman, Chandi or Bhairav. 11 wrapped up the things put into an amulet.! Some people, after seating theinselves in The dhaga is either worn round the wrist or the circle, make offerings to the evil spirits, suspended from the neck, while reciting mantras, to propitiate them Amulets tied to the horns of pet animals more easily. The Kali chaudas or the foursuch as cows, bullocks, horses, etc., are called teenth day of the dark half of Ashvin is damanas. Sometimes they are also suspended considered a suitable day for propitiating or from the necks of these animals. They are subjugating evil spirits,12 made of the hides of sacred animals and are There are various superstitious beliefs believed to protect the animals against the evil entertained by people regarding omens. eye, evil spirits and magic.. 1. If when leaving the house on a visit or It is believed by some people that one can with some definite object in view, a deer escape injury from an evil spirit by seat- crosses one's path from right to left, it is ing oneself in a circle or square drawn in and considered a bad omen, while crossing from plastered with cowdung," left to right is considered good. On returning Others hold that the circle must be drawn home, this one is read in the reverse way to with the point of a sword.5 that just stated.13 Some maintain that the circle cannot be a 2. When starting on a journey, the brayprotective unless it is drawn with enchanteding of an ass on the right is a good omen and water, milk or sesanium oil. on the left, evil.14 There are others who are of opinion that 3. If on leaving the house, a man meets an the entry of evil spirits into tbe circle can be unwidowed woman or a virgin with a jar filled prevented only by calling upon God not to with water on her head, it is an indication that allow the evil spirits to enter it. the object of the expedition will be acconWhen an evil spirit is expelled from the plished.15 body of a person, it is buried underground, a 4. While starting on a good errand, if one circle of water is made round the spot and an breathes through the left nostril or comes iron nail is driven into the ground, in order across a person carrying a basket of eggs, it is that it may be imprisoned there. a good oinen. If anybody step into such a circle, the evil 1 5. If at the time of leaving for a visit to spirit confined therein takes possession of him, another town or village, the position of the and is thus freed. moon in the circle explaining the position of To prevent this, evil spirits are generally stars with reference to one's birth-day stars, confined in secluded spots, be in the rear or on the left of that position, As the circle drawn by the point of a sword it is a bad omen, but if it be in the front is a protection against an evil spirit, those or on the right it is a good onen. Mr. K. D. Desai. The Pathashala Shastri, Jetpur. 3 The Girl School-Mistress, Gondal. * Mr. K. D. Desai. 5 The School Master of Dhank. 6 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 7 The School Master of Dadvi. The School Master of Todia. The School Master of Dadvt. 30 The Schoal Master of Ganod. 11 The School Master of Chok. 11 The School Master of Zinzuvada. 13 The School Master of Dhank, 1 The School Masters of Dadvi and Dhank. 15 The School Master of Dhank.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 127 The moon in front means fulfilment of | The sight of a king an arme The sight of a king, an armed man, a Dhed, the intended purpose, on the right it confers a Bhangi or a Darji is also considered to be an happiness and prosperity, on the back it auspicious omen. causes death, and on the left, loss of wealth. The sight of boys going to or returning 6. The warbling of the bird bhairav on from school is a good omen. the right while going out and on the left while A labourer carrying a load of fuel on his returning is a good omen, but the opposite is head, a corpse in front, a potter carrying earth bad 1 on his head or on his donkey, a woman carry. 7. A cat or a serpent crossing one's path ing her son, a mian carrying molasses, are all is ominous of evil; but if either passes on the auspicious omens. right, it foretells good.1 A male monkey or a donkey crying on the 8. A jackal howling in the evening prog- right while going out, and on the left while nosticates damage by fire to the town or returning home is considered to be a good village; its howling at midnight predicts omen, robbery, while in the last part of the night it Wine and good speech are alsu considered foretells good. good omens. 9. Kag-rashids (expounders of the utter- The sight of a herdswoman, a dog scratchances of crows) know the good and bad ing its right side, a cuckoo singing on a tree indications of the croakings of crows. or a black sparrow is a good omen." 10. The wailing notes of the bird Favadi | Fuel, hides, grass, vegetables, a smoking forebode evil. fire, sesamum oil, molasses, a barren woman, 11. The throbbing of the right eye or side an enemy, a disorderly inob, a woman without in the case of men and of the left eye or side the auspicious mark on her forehead, a man in the case of women is considered to be a besmeared with oil, a eunuch, mud, wet clothes, good omen, while the contrary is bad, an ascetic, a beggar, are all considered to be 12. If the bird holo sweeps the roof of bad omens, if one sees them while going on one's house continuously for a number of days, business, 10 A calamity is supposed to be imminent for the The sight of dry cow-dung cakes is supinmates of the house. posed to be a bad omen. 11. 13. If a dog barks in front of a man it is The sight of a widow or of a corpse is considered to be a bad omen. bad.12 A Brahunan, a cow, fruits, flowers, milk, Weasels crossing the road, dogs shaking pearls, jewels, a prostitute, an elephant, an their ears, man carrying a black earthen umbrella, meat, fish, a gun, a bayonet, a vessel, a woman with loose hair, a person mirror, a mongoose, a peacock with its plumage carrying clarified butter, a man with gray expanded, girls singing songs, band-players moustaches, a man having no hair on his chest, and a washernian carrying washed clothes are a cat-eyed man, a person carrying flour, a all considered to be good omens, if one comes Brahman without the sacred mark on his foreacross them while going out on business, head are all bad omens 13 * The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Vanod. 3 The School Master of Dbaok. 4 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 5 The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Vanod. 1 The School Master of Dadvi. & The School Master of Bhayavadar, * The School Master of Songadh, 10 The School Master of Dbank, 1 Tb: School Master of Kotda Sangani. 11 The School Master of Ganod. The sight of a corpse is a good omen when one sees it on entering a village where he goes on basiness. 13 The School Master of Vanod.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The sight of the husk of corn, a man with The numbers. 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, and a inedicinal application, or a lunatic, is a bad 21. are believed to be lucky while 3, 4, 8 and omen. 12 are considered unlucky, 10 The question "kian jao chho" that is! A belief exists that if a company of three " Where are you going " is a bad omen. start on a mission, the mission is sure to fail. The mixture of whey, nied and cow-dung. This has given.rise to the proverb" Tran trikat a recluse with matted hair, a nian spitting, a ane maha vikat " that is, "Three persons going cough, and a man with the whole of his head on an errand meet with great difficulties or shaved are bad omens 3 danger,"11 Similarly, the sight of a drunkard, Adad A zero is believed to be inauspicious. or cotton seeds is a bad omen, In monetary transactions or bargains, there A bride stumbling on her entry into the fore, all numbers ending in a zero are avoided, bridegroom's house is said to be a bad omen." If such numbers are unavoidable, the sign A dog scratching its left side with his paws, of is placed before them.. The number. 12 a man riding a he-buffalo or a donkey, two is considered unlucky, to avoid which 114 is Banias, one Musalman, one male goat, one ox. used in its place. 12 five she-buffaloes, sis dogs, three cows, or Some people believe that the numbers 14, seven horses, confronting a man on starting 5, 7, 21, 108 and 1,008 are lucky while 12 is from the house are ominous of evil. unlucky. 18 Some numbers are believed to be auspicious It is a belief that in the sales of cattle and and some inauspicious. There is a book on certain other things if the price is raised by this subject, in which some good or evil is 14, it results in good both to the seller and attributed to each number. One who wants to buyer." know the result of the undertaking in hand it is for this reason that in subscribing to puts his finger on any nun ber in the book, charitable funds people write 401 instead of and the expounder of the science, reading the 400 and so on. But it is preferred to 1 in passage bearing on the number, explains how valuing things: So in all purchases and the undertaking will end.? sales it is added to the actual price of a The numbers, 12, 18, 56 and 58 are consi- thing.15 dered ina uspicious. The numbers 5 and 7 are believed to be An odd number is generally believed to be auspicious, because on starting on a journey inauspicious. It is for this reason that newly from the house one is given five betelmuts as married girls are not sent to their husbands A sign of good omen, while in all auspicious house for the first time in any of the odd ceremonies seven betelnuts are tised." years of their age. They are also not sent certain days of the week are considered back to their parents' house in an odd year lucky while others are considered unlucky of their age for the same reason, It is also believed that certain days are * The School Master of Dadvi. 3 The School Master of Bhayavadar. * The School Master of Todia. The School Master of Dbank. * The School Master of Vapod. 1 Mr. K. D. Desai. 1 The School Master of Limbli. 1 The School Master of Todia. * Mr. K. D. Desai. The School Master of Limbdi. 6 The School Master of Songadh The School Master of Ganod. 10 The School Master of Dadvi. 12 The School Master of Mota Devalia. 14 Mr. K. D. Desai. 16 The School Master of Todia.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 129 auspicious for performing certain acts, while cious for sending a boy to school for the first others are inauspicious for the performance time. of the same acts. Wednesday is considered unfavourable for Monday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday the separation of brothers and sisters, but it is are considered lucky, while Tuesday, Saturday considered a suitable day for their meeting." and Sunday are believed to be unlucky, It is believed that if a man wears new It is a common belief that one should not clothes on Sunday they will be burnt; if on go in certain directions on certain days ; for Tuesday, they will be lost ; if on Wednesday doing so results in what is called disha-shul or Saturday, a quarrel with some one is the or pain caused by directions. result 10 Going to the north on Sunday, to the west It is considered auspicious to go to a on Tuesday, to the north-west on Monday, to Chamar or tanner on Sunday, to a prostitute the south-west on Wednesday, to the south on on Monday, to a Kachhia (vegetable seller) on Thursday, to the south-east on Friday and to Tuesday, to a washerman on Wednesday, to a the east on Saturday is considered ominous of Brahman on Thursday, to a Bania on Friday evil.3 and to a barber on Saturday, 11. According to another belief, Sunday and The beliefs regarding the lucky and unlucky Thursday are inauspicious for going to the days of a month are similar to those of the south-east; Monday and Friday, to the south- tucky and unlucky days of the week. west ; Saturday and Tuesday, to the north- According to some, all the day of the west and Wednesday to the north-east. bright half of a inonth are auspicious for Some people believe that by going to the performing any good act, while the days in west on Monday or Saturday one secures the the dark half are considered favourable for fulfilment of the desired object. perpetrating black deeds 12 Many bold that the favourableness or other- Some believe that the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 6th, 8th, wise of the days for going in particular 10th, 11th, 13th and the full-moon day of a directions varies according to the occasion. occasion. month are auspicious, while the 2nd, 4th, 7th, The auspicious days for sending a girl to 9th and 14th, whether of the bright or dark her husband's house are believed to be half, as well as the new-moon day, are inMonday, Thursday and Friday, Sunday and auspicious. 13 . Tuesday are also considered auspicious for a According to another belief, the 1st, 6th girl to go to her house, but they are con and 11th days of a month are good, the 3rd sidered very unlucky for her to return to her and 8th are dates of success (that is acts parents.7 It is forbidden to eat dalia (baked split commenced on these days are crowned with grain) on Sunday, but it is favoured on success); the 5th, 10th and 15th are purna Friday. tithis, that is, complete days, (meaning that Wednesday is considered to be a lucky day the inoon on these days appears full onefor sowing corn, and making purchases of new third, full two-thirds and coinpletely full); Articles. Thursday is believed to be auspi- while the 2nd, 7th and 12th are auspicious days. * The School Master of Dbank. * Mr. K. D. Desai. 3 The School Master of Sayala. The School Master of Ganod. 5 The School Master of Vanod 6 The School Master of Ganod. 7 The School Master of Kolki. The School Master of Bantva. 9 The School Master of Ziozuvada. 10 The School Master of Todia. I The School Master of Songadh. The Schonl Master of Thank. 13 The School Master of Kotda Sangani.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The 4th, 9th and 14th days of a month are When a man is on the point of death the inauspicious, floor is cowdunged and an offering of sesamum Some hold that if the 1st, 4th, 12th, 14th seeds, Durva grass (cynadon dactylon) and and 30th day of a month fall on a Saturday Java (barley) is made to the deities. Next, they are good; otherwise bad. 2 water of the Ganges or the Jumna is dropped The 1st, 13th or 14th day of either the into the mouth of the dying man and the name bright or dark half of a month, as well as the of Ram is whispered in his ear, as this is full-nwon and new-noon day, are considered believed to turn his consciousness to God and unfavourable to patients, The 2nd, 14th and the last day of a month thus facilitate his way to the owner world, are considered unlucky. Those days on which When a patient is convinced that his case there is a panchak-a grouping of constellations is hopeless, he distributes money or other lasting for five consecutive days are very valuable articles among Brahmans, as this is inauspicious for comniencing auspicious believed to make his way to heaven easy. acts. When life is extinct, the corpse is placed on A belief prevails that any one dying in a the cow-dunged floor and then carried on a panchak draws five companions to heaven, bier to the burning ground with the cries of that is, his death is followed by the death of "Shri Ram", " Rau", " Ram nam sata four others of the same village, 5 hai", or " Jaya Shri Krishna". In the fuel A son born on the full-moon day is believed with which it is burnt is put Tulsi (sweet to turn out brave, but is supposed to forebode basil) Pipal and sandal wood and cocoanuts, cvil to the parents. The bones and ashes are collected and preIf a girl is born on the 2nd, 7th or 12th served, to be thrown into the Damodar kund, day of a month falling on a Tuesday or (pool of water) at Gaya or other holy waters. *Saturday in the dshlesha, Kritika or Shut For three days after death, holy water and bhilla nakshatra, she loses her husband, The Mul nakshatra falling on the 1st day milk is offered to the spirit of the deceased. of a month, Bharani on the 5th, Kritika on On the 10th, 11th and 12th day after death, the 8th, Rohini on the 9th and Ashlesha on the on all the days of every month in the first 10th, has an effect like a volcano. A girl born year corresponding to the day of death, and on on the 1st, 6th or 11th day of a month falling every anniversary of the death, Shraddha is on a Saturday, Tuesday or Sunday in the performed. Shraddha is also performed Kritika or Mrigshar nakshatra is like poison, annually on the day corresponding to the day She is supposed to cause the death of herself, of death in the dark half of the month her husband, or all the members of her father's of Bhadrapad. family.8 The ceremonies mentioned above are believed Some of the Hindu holidays are considered to make the passage of the soul to the other auspicious for performing certain deeds, while inauspicious for perfornying certain others. world easy. For his final emancipation a man The ceremonies described below are per- must renounce all pleasures of the senses and formed to help the spirit to the other world. I all egotism.10 i The School Master of Moti Parabadi. . 2 The School Master of Charadva. 3 The School Masters of Ganod and Vannd. * The School Master of Kolki. 5 Mr. K. D. Desai. & The School Master of Mota Devalia. 7 The School Master of Limbdi. 8 The School Master of Zinzuvada. Mr. K. D. Desai. "The Dame of Ram is alone true" meaning all else except God is illusion. * The School Master of Dhank and Mr. K. D. Desdi.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 131 Giving alms to the poor, holding recitations of the Bhagvat, performing the Vishnu Yag, Gayatri-purashcaran and the Chandrayan urat are also believed to make the passage of the soul to heaven easy.1 In order that the departing spirit may meet with no obstruction on the way, cows, articles of dress, shoes and food are presented to a Brahman for one year after death." Places for offering water to passers by, and houses in which to feed the needy, are also established by well-to-do people with the same object. 3 The gift of sacks for holding corn, of umbrellas, blankets and bedding to travellers, is also believed to smooth the passage of the soul to heaven. The performance of the shraddhas and other ceremonies mentioned above is believed to prevent the return of the spirit to this world. Observing fasts by the survivors of the deceased on the Rishi Panchami (the 5th day of the bright half of Bhadrapad), the Jamashtami (the eighth day of the dark half of Shravan) and the Ram navami (the ninth day of the bright half of Chaitra) is also believed to prevent the return of a spirit from heaven. Some worship the Pipal with the same object.6 Reading the Garud Puran for nine days after death is also believed to be a means of preventing the return of the soul to this world. Some people believe that performing shraddha in sixty-eight holy places secures this end, Daily offerings of rice and water to the departed spirits also prevent them from revisiting this world." The same means which are adopted to help the spirit to the other world and to prevent its return also secure its good-will to the survivors.10 Persons living on the banks of the Ganges do not burn the dead, but throw the corpses into the holy water of the river. 11 If a pregnant woman dies in the eighth month of her pregnancy, the foetus is taken out by cutting open the womb and buried, while the woman is burnt.12 Corpses of persons dying an unnatural death are burnt in a Gondaro (place where the village cows rest) or on the village common, in the belief that by so doing the deceased escapes divine wrath and is freed from rebirth. 13 When a grave is commenced in a certain spot, the corpse must be buried on that spot, even though the ground be rocky or otherwise unsuitable. As far as possible, the corpses of relatives are buried near one another. 13 The occasions on which the hair is shaved are as follows: 1. When a boy attains the age of three years, his head is shaved completely for the first time. 2. At the time of performing Shraddha in holy places, the head, except the top-knot, and the moustaches and face must be shaved, 3. On the ninth day after the death of a man, all his male relatives younger than himself have to shave their heads, except the top-knot, and the moustaches and chin. 4. On the day of investing a boy with the sacred thread his head is shaved before the investiture, 5. Amongst high caste Hindus the heads of widows are shaved on the tenth day after the death of their husbands. 14 1 The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Khirgsara. 5 The School Master of Dhank, 1 Mr. K. D. Desai. * The School Master of Vanod. 11 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 13 The School Master of Chhatrasa. * The School Master of Patanvav. The Scbool Master of Halar. 6 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. * The School Master of Kolki, 10 The School Master of Dhank and Mr. K. D. Dosal 12 The Scbool Master of Ganod. 14 The School Master of Dhank,

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132 THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 6. Gorjis or preceptors of the Atits, The ancestral spirits are also represented Shravaks and Sanyasis have to get their by chats (twisted braids of the Durva grass heads shaved at the time of entering the (Cynodon Dactylon), and to them are offered order. 1 the Suran (Elephant-foot) cooked rice, fried 7. All the male relatives the deceased cakes of the flour of mag (Phaseolus mungo), have to get their heads shaved on the ninth rice cooked in milk, etc.? day after death. It is believed that the departed spirits are 8. Atits and Bavas get the heads of their pleased with offerings of pindas or ricedisciples shaved at the time of admitting balls. them into their order.2 Pindas are also made of wheat flour or 9. The preceptors of the Swami Narayan molasses. Costly dishes, sesamum seeds, sect shave off their moustaches every time honey, curdled milk, clarified butter, and they shave their heads.3 sugarcandy are also offered to the manes. 10. At the time of admitting a Jain to The pindas are generally offered on the the ascetic order of the religion, the hairs of 10th, 11th and 12th day after death and on his lead are pulled out one by one until the the occasion of performing shraddha, 10 head is completely bald.* Rice balls are also offered to crows or 11. On the occasion of a man being re- thrown into water in the belief that by so admitted to his own caste, out of which he offering they reach the spirits of deceased has been expelled for some breach of cats ancestors, 10 rules, be has to shave has head and face by A belief prevails that the messengers of way of prayaschitta or atonement. the god of death eat the flesh of the deceased It is believed that if the head of a widow if pindas are not offered to them. So, in is not shaved on the tenth day after the ancient times, offerings of flesh balls were death of her husband, his soul is not admit- made instead of rice ones, 11 ted to heaven, and the funeral ceremonies It is believed that male and female evil performed in his honour bear no fruit,5 spirits such as bhuts and pishachas manifest The heads of such widows are shaved on themselves as dogs, notably black dogs, the banks of the Godavari or at Benares or at goats, fire, thc whirl-wind, snakes or some other holy place in the neighbourhood.e children 12 The spirits of the dead are represented by They may assume the form of a he-buffalo, balls of rice Hour or cooked rice, and offerings a heifer, a ram, a man, a woman, 13 a lion, a of water, cotton thread, red powder, abir tiger or a cat.16 (white scented powder), red lead, sandal The evil spirit called jan is believed to paste, frankincense, lamps, sesamum seeds and manifest itself as a snake.15 of the leaves of the Tulsi, the tamarind, the The voice of an evil spirit in any of the Agathio or Agathi (Sesbania grandiflora) above forms is heard from a distance, and and the Bhangra, and the flowers and seeds of the Java, are made to them. found to recede 10 1 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. ? Tbe School Master of Ganod. 3 The School Master of Bantva. 1 The School Master of Uptela. 5 The School Master of Ganod. 6 Mr. K. D. Master Desdi. T The School Master of Dbank. 8 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 9 The School Master of Ganod. 10 The School Master of Dadvi, 11 The School Mistress, Girls' school, Civil Station, Rajkot. 19 The School Master of Dbank 13 The School Master of Kotda Sangani, 14 The School Masters of Chhatrasa and Upteia. 15 The School Master of Dadvi. 16 The School Master of Chbatrasa,

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 133 Among Bharvads and Sonis, seven or nine chief mourner, who is joined afterwards by earthen pots are broken in the house of the the other relatives.to deceased on the tenth day after death. The | The prana-poka is believed to open the gates number of the pots varies according to the of heaven for the admission of the soul. 11 individual merits of the deceased. 1 | Some are of opinion that the object of the Among some low castes, an earthen pot is death-wail, which begins with "O mara bhai !!! broken on the village boundary and another that is, "Oh my brother" or "O mara in the burning ground. 2 bap!" that is, "Oh my father!", is that at Some break an earthen pot at the village the moment of death, the soul, by hearing the gate on their way back from the cemetery after sound 'Om' inay ascend to the brahmarandhra the performance of shraddha 3 or the diving seat of the brain and thus attain In some places, the earthen pots placed salvation, 12 on the spot where the corpse is laid in the When the funeral party start with the bier house are broken at the village gate. for the burning ground, the women of the In some low castes two earthen pots are house, accompanied by other women of the placed on the village boundary on the neighbourhood or village, follow them as far twelfth day after death, and broken by as the valage gate, crying and singing funeral children. dirges. There they stop a while and sing Some carry the funeral fire in a black more funeral dirges, keeping time by beating earthen jar as far as the village gate, where their breasts. They then start to return home, the jar is broken and the fire carried in the and, on their way, bathe in a tank or well and hand, by one of the mourners, to the burning again mourn for some time before entering the ground house. The funeral party enter the house According to some, this breaking of an after the women and cry aloud for a few earthen pot is a symbol indicating that the seconds. They also cry when the pyre is set connection of the deceased with this world has on fire. 13 broken or ceased, The mourning of the women continues for Others hold that it indicates the disintegra- thirteen* days after death. They also weep on tion of the constituents of the body into the such holidays as the Holi, the Divali, etc., elements of which it was formed. 8 and on the quarterly, six-monthly and the There are others who are of opinion that first anniversary Shraddha day,14 the messengers of the god of death are satisfied Male relatives of the deceased wear a white with the breaking of an earthen pot after turban as a sign of mourning 15 an offering to them of six rice balls and It is generally believed that bhuts or evil water. spirits prove beneficial to those who succeed When a death takes place in a family, a in securing locks of their hair or subjugate prana-poka or death-wail is raised by the them by incantations or magical rites.16 1 The School Master of Vanod. * The School Master of Dadvi. 3 The School Master of Gunjar. * The School Master of Bhayavadar. 5 The School Master of Ganod. 6 The School Master of Halar. 7 The School Master of Dadvi. & The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 9 The School Mistress, Civil Station Girls' School, Rajkot. 10 The School Master of Dbank. 11 The School Master of Gunjar. 12 The School Mistress of Civil Station Girls' School, Rajkot and the School Master of Todra, Mr. K. D. Desdi. * It is believed that the spirit of the deceased returns to its house for thirteen days after death, Hence the period of mourning is thirteen days.-The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 1 The School Master of Ganod. The School Master of Todia, 36 The School Master of Dhank.

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134 THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT Such spirits generally belong to the class of the Bavan, the Vir, the Babro, Mamo, Vaital, Dadamo and Yaksha. Of these, Mamo, Vir, Vaital and Dadamo prove beneficial through favour, while the rest become the slaves of those who subdue them.1 It is believed that Suro Puro and Dado favour only their blood relations.2 It is related that in building the numerous tanks and temples attributed to Siddhraj Jaysing, a former king of Gujarat, he was assisted by the spirit Babario whom he had brought under his control. A tradition is current that Tulsidas, the celebrated author of the Ramayan in Hindi and a great devotee of Ram, had secured personal visits from the god Hanuman through the favour of a ghost. The king Vikram is said to have received great services from the evil spirits Vaital and Jal.+ his abode (the Khijado tree), these persons. recovered their senses.8 Is is related that a mamo lived on a Khijado tree at the gate of the village Surel. He manifested himself, dressed in white garments, for a period of nearly ten years, Once he frightened several persons out of their senses. It is said that on his being propitiated with an offering of wheaten bread at The Habib-Vad or Habib's banyan tree on the road leading from Mavaiya to Gondal is a favourite haunt of bhuts, who frighten and stupefy persons passing by that road. There is a step-well near Hampar unter the jurisdiction of Dhrangadhra which is the A Girasia and his wife resort of a bhut. arrived here one day at midnight. The Girasia tied h's mare to a tree hard by, and went to the well to fetch water for the mare. On his return he found there a number of mares like his own tied to the trees. He therefore smelt their mouths to recognise which of them was his own, but in the flurry caused by the appearance of so many mares, his waist-cloth got entangled, and while mounting his mare he fell down, which frightened him so much that he exclaimed "I am overtaken (by a ghost)" and died.10 In a book entitled Vaitala Pachisi it is described how a bhut lived on a banyan tree in Ujjain.5 It is related that in the Chhaliachok at Limbdi, no woman has yet succeeded in recit It is related that in Rajkot a bhut called ing a garabi (song) in honour of the goddess. Thunthia lived on a banyan tree." Mahakali to the end, as a ghost which lives on the tamarind tree opposite the chok (square) is averse to its completion. To the east of Kolki there is a tree called Jlaa which is inhabited by a mamo. It is related that the mamo frightens persons passing by the tree. Near the school at Kolki there is a Pipal on which lives a sikotaran who frightens people passing along the road.7 There is a house at Porbandar haunted by a ghost, in which none is able to reside.11 It is believed that only those trees, the wood of which cannot be used for sacrificial purposes, can be haunted by evil spirits. Such trees are the Khijado, the Baval, the Kerado and the tamarind.12 Kshetrapal is believed to be the guardian spirit of fields and Suropuro and Mamado are believed to protect harvest and cattle.18 The School Masters of Vanod and Kotda Sangani. The School Master of Dadvi. The School Master of Kolki. The School Master of Drank. 4 The School Master of Uptela. The School Mistress of Girls' school, Gondal, and the School Master of Dhank The School Master of Kolki The School Master of Mavaiya. The School Master of Limbdi. The School Master of Surel. 10 The School Master of Lilapur. The School Master of Moti Murad. 13 The School Master of Kotda Sangani.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT It is also believed that the spirit jakhara protects crops and cattle,1 Mamo and Dadamo are also believed by some to be the guardian spirits of crops and cattle.2 A belief runs that if a cousin (father's brother's son) becomes a spirit after death, he proves beneficial to the cattle of his rela tives.3 There are various ways of frightening crying children to silence, one of which is to invoke evil spirits. When a child continues to cry for a long time, the mother says, "keep quiet, Baghada has come." "Oh Bau, come and take away 1 The School Master of Jetpur. The School Master of Zinzuwada. The Schoo! Master of Dhank. 135 this child." "Bbaara, come here. Don't carry you away." These exclamations are come, my child is now silent," "May Baghada uttered in such a tone and with such gestures, into silence. that generally the child is at once frightened In addition to the spirits mentioned above Babaro, Chudda, Dakana, Satarsingo and other spirits are also invoked to frighten a weeping child to silence." A Bava or Bairagi, a Fakir, a tiger, a dog, a cat or a rat are all presented to the child as objects of terror, and are called one after another to silence it. 2 The School Master of Rajpara. 4 Mr. K. D. Desai. Mr. K. D. Desai.

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CHAPTER VII. TREE AND SERPENT WORSHIP. Certain trees are considered holy, and they are neither cut nor their wood used as fuel. The Pipal is one of such trees. It is considered to be the incarnation of a Brahman, and to cut it is considered to be as great a sin as murdering a Brahman. It is believed that the family of one who cuts it becomes extinct.1 Some people believe that the spirits of the deceased do not get water to drink in the next world. The water poured at the root of the Pipal on the 13th, 14th and 15th day of the dark half of Kartik and Shravan and on the 14th day of the bright half of Chaitra is believed to reach these spirits and quench their thirst.2 Although to cut the Pipal is supposed to be a great sin, it is believed that if a corpse is burnt with its wood, the soul of the deceased attains salvation.3 The Vad or banyan tree is believed to be a representation of the god Shiva. There is a proverb to the effect that one who cuts this tree is punished with the extirpation of his family. According to another belief, the god Vishnu once slept on this tree. The Tulsi or sweet basil is considered to represent Lakshmi, the wife of Vishnu. It is also related that Krishna wanted to kill the demon Jalandhar, but he could not be killed on account of the merit of the chastity of his wife Vrinda. Krishna, therefore, assumed the form of Jalandhar, violated the chastity of Vrinda, and was thus enabled to kill the demon. Krishna next expressed a desire 1 The School Master of Ganod. 3 Mr. K. D. Desai. 5 The Scbool Master of Moti Parabdi. 7 Mr. K. D. Desai. to marry Vrinda, when she transformed herself into the Tulsi plant. It is considered an act of great religious merit to wed Krishna with the Tulsi, and this marriage is celebrated every year by all Hindus on the 11th day of the bright half of Kartik otherwise called Dev Divali. It is considered a great sin to uproot this plant, though no sin attaches to the plucking of its leaves during the day time. The leaves of the Tulsi are considered holy and are offered to the image of the god Vishnu and are required in all religious ceremo nies." The Khijado or Shami tree is also held sacred. When the Pandavas lost their kingdom in gambling with the Kauravas, the latter promised the former that they would give them back their kingdom if they lived in the forest for twelve years and unknown for one year. After having completed their stay in the forest, the Pandavas remained unknown for one year in the city of Virat. During this year. they concealed their weapons on a Khijado tree. Before taking these weapons, they worshipped the tree. Next took place the great battle of Kurukshetra in which the Pandavas won a splendid victory. This has given rise to the custom of worshipping the tree on the tenth day of the bright half of Ashvin or the Dasara day.8 It is a common belief that a tree haunted by ghosts should not be cut. So the Khijado is not cut, because it is the favourite residence of ghosts," 2 The School Master of Todia. The School Master of Dhank. The School Master of Todia. Mr. K. D. Desai. 9 The School Master of Chhatrasa.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 137 The Kadamb (Anthocephalus caduinba) is in the village of Vadal near Bhiyal in the considered sacred because it is believed that Jumagadh State there is a banyan tree called God Krishna rested under this tree when he Lal Vad said to have sprung from the sticks took cattle to graze. of a Vad (banyan) used as tooth brushes by The Limbdo (Nim tree) is also considered Lal Bava, a preceptor of the Vaishnav school. sacred as it represents the god Brahma.? A silver staff and silver umbrella belonging to Some believe that it represents Jagannathji. | Lil Bava are kept near this tree, which is The Rudraksha is believed to be a represen- visited and worshipped by the followers of the tation of the god Shiva. It is therefore preceptor. 11 considered a sin to cut it. Garlands of Rudra. It is related that in this Lal Vad there is an ksha beads are worn round the neck by the opening through which the virtuous can pass devotees of Shiva. to the other side, but not the sinful.12 The leaves of the Bel (Aegle marmelos) are There are two banyan trees near Anandpur, offered to the god Shiva as they are supposed one of which is called Bhut-vad or the banyan to be liked by him. It is also considered a sin tree of the evil spirits, as it is supposed to be to cut this tree. inhabited by ghosts. The other is called VisalThe Karan (Mimuspos hexandra) is believed vad, because a devotee named Visaman Bhagat to be a representation of Shiva. A grove of lived under this tree,13 the Karan trees is supposed to be inhabited There is a branch of the followers of Kabir by natural powers called Matas and to cut a called Khijada Panth. They worship the Karan is supposed to bring disaster to the Khijada or Shami in their temples 14 cutter,5 The Maravo (Marjoram) is considered sacred There is a belief that the sanctity attached by Musalmans. They dip its leaves into oil to the Pipal tree has been the act of the god and rub them against the face of a corpse, Krishna. This tree is invested with a sacred thread.15 There is a temple of Bhimnath Mahadev According to tradition, Krishna breathed his near Baravala in the shade of an ancient Jal tree. The worshipper at the temple, a wealthy last under a Pipal tree.16 It is related that once blood gushed forth man, once thought of erecting a grand temple over the image, but he was prevented from from a Pipal tree when it was cut. Thencedoing so by the god appearing in his dream forward it came to be regarded as a Brahnian and telling him that he preferred to live under and it is no longer cut.17 the tree,?. There is a Pipal tree in the village of Prachi Under a Jal tree near Dhandhuka there is near Prabhas Patan, vows in whose honour a shrine of Bhimnath Shankar who is known are believed to favour childless persons with as Bhimnath Jalvalo after the tree.8 children, 18 There is a Sakhotia tree near Kutiana, which It is described in the Puranas that Savitri, is supposed to be the abode of a snake deity. the daughter of King Ashupati, lost her Near Rajkot in Kathiawdr there is a tree husband within a year after her marriage. called Gandu or mad, vows in honour of which the death took place under a banyan tree, by are said to cure children of bronchites 10 worshipping which, Savitri succeeded in revi1 The School Master of Todia. The School Master of Zinzuvada. 3 The School Master of Dadvi. 4 The School Master of Vanod. 5 The School Master of Kolki. 6 The School Master of Dadvi, T The School Master of Dhank. # The School Master of Kolki. 9 The School Mastar of Dbank. 10 The School Master of Dhank. 11 The School Master of Bhayvladar. 11 The School Master of Uptela. 13 The School Master of Anandpur. 14 The School Masters of Ganod and Khirasara. 15 The School Master of Dhank 16 The School Master of Kolki. 11 Tbe School Master of Chbatrasa. The School Master of Limbdi.

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138 THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT ving her husband. Since then women perform A belief prevails that an insane maiden is a vow called Vat Savitri Vrat on the 13th, 14th cured of her insanity if married to the field and 15th days of the bright half of Jetha by god Kshetrapal.10 observing a fast and worshipping and circum- If a girl attains puberty before marriage, ambulating the banyan tree. 1 she is married to a Pipal tree. A girl with There is a legend that in' mythological times congenital deformities is also married to a a woman named Vrinda was cursed to be a Pipal tree.11 plant for infidelity to her husband. She It is generally believed that if a betrothed became the Tulsi (sweet basil), which is held girl touches red lead, she is carried away by sacred by Hindus, and worshipped by women? | Kshetrapal.12 On the top of the hill in the village of Jas- The belief that Kshetrapal carries away the dan there are two tall trees called 'mad trees' bride from the marriage altar is so common, As the fruits of these trees resemble the face that a stone representing the god is placed on of a saint, they are considered divine and the marriage altar and touched by the bridal worshipped with offerings of red lead, oil and pair at every turn round the sacrificial fire. 13 cocoanuts.3 If this is not done, disastrous consequences Amongst Rajputs, during the marriage follow, to avert which, that portion of the ceremony, the bride has to walk four times marriage ceremony in which Kshetrapal is proround the sacrificial fire in the company of the pitiated has to be performed a second time 14 bridegroom. Two of these turns are generally Disagreement between husband and wife taken with a wooden blade called Khandu. soon after marriage is attributed to the wrath When a girl loses her betrothed twice in of Kshetrapal. To bring about a reconcilation succession, she is married to a Pipal tree before between them, they are taken to a triangular being betrothed for the third time.5 field and married there to please the god. 16 If the betrothed husband of a girl dies before All Hindus worship the snake. The day the celebration of the marriage, she is married especially devoted to its worship is the fifth to a Pipal or Ankda (a poisonous plant) in the day of the bright half of Shravan, which is belief that the danger of death will fall on the called Nag panchami. In some places Nag tree, and that the next husband of the girl will panchami is observed on the 5th day of the survive. dark half of Shravan. On this day an If a man loses two wives one after the other, image of a snake is made of cowdung or he is married to a Shami tree before he is earth, or its picture is drawn on the wall. married again, and his third marriage is called The image is worshipped as a deity, and the fourth.7 kulera, a mixture of wheat, oat or rice flour, In some places, such a man is married to clarified butter, and sugar or molasses is a Bordi (Zizyphus Jujuba) instead of a offered to it. After worship, the members Shami.8 of the household take their meal and eat In some places, if a man's wives do not live, kulera, cocoanuts and cucumbers. Only one his next wife is married to an Ankdi plant meal is taken on this day by men and before her marriage with him. women, 16 1 The School Master of Limbdi. 3 The School Master of Jasdan. The School Masters of Dhank and Mavaiya. Mr. K, D. Desai. * The School Master of Khirasasa. u The School Master of Vanod. 13 The School Masters of Uptela and Limbdi. 15 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. * The School Master of Ganod. 4 The School Masters of Dhank and Dadvi. 6 The School Master of Ganod. 8 The School Master of Dhank, 10 The School Master of Dbank. 12 The School Master of Chbatrasa. 1/ The School Master of Zinzavada. 16 The Schoolmistress, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 139 The Nag panchami is observed as a vrat or 4. The temple of Vasuki Nag near vow, generally by women. They do not Thangadh. This Nag is supposed to be a take any meal on this day, but live only on servant of the ged Shiva. An old snake kulera. On this day, her Highness the with gray moustaches is said to live in this Maharani of Baroda, mounted on an elephant, temple. He drinks milk at the hands of goes in procession to the woods to worship 1 visitors. Many vows are made in honour of an ant-hill. The pipers who accompany the this snake god. procession blow their pipes, and allured by 5. The temple of Khambhadio Nag at the sound, the snakes come out of their KhAmbhada. holes, when they are worshipped and fed 6. The temple of Nag Mandal at Dadvi. with milk,1 7. The temple of Bhujia Nag at Bhuj. Women do not pound, grind or sift corn 8. The temple of Shimalia Nag near on the Mag panchami day, and all people try Jadeshvar in the neighbourbood of Jetpur. to sce a snake. 9. The temple of Fulia Nag near JopaIt is obligatory in some families to offer nath. & cocoanut to the Nagdev (snake god) on 10. The temple of Malodaro Nag at the Nag panchami day.2 Malod. In some places, the likeness of the snake 11. The temple of Charmalio Nag at is engraved on a stone or copper plate and Chudia, worshipped. In others, it is drawn on a 12. The temple of Chhatrasia Nag in piece of paper which is affixed to the wall.3 Chhatrasa. In many places there are temples dedicated to snake gods. These gods are known 13. The temple of Monapario Nag at by various names. Some of the temples Monpar near Chital, with the names of the gods installed in them 14. The temple of Ashapal at Nanadiya in the Bantva State. are given below 1. The temple of Sarmalio Nag at Arani 15. The temple of Khodial Nagini at Timba near Bikaner. Khokharda in the Junagadh State. 2. The temple of Ragatio Nag midway 16. The temple of Gondalia Nag at between Kanaza and Vanthali in the Junagadh Gondal, State: It is related that there were once divine 3. The temple of Charmalio Nag at snakes in the royal fort of Jodia. When Chokdi near Chuda. Vows of offering sweets a pair (male and female) of these snakes are made to this Nag by persons bitten by were found killed, the heinous act was snakes, who visit the temple, hold the sweets atoned for by the bodies of the anakes being before the image of the god, distribute them buried and a temple erected over the grave. among the visitors, and are in return pre- The male snake of this pair is known as Nag sented with cotton thread which they wear Nath or the Lord of Snakes. round the neck. According to others, Nag Nath was a big This god is also reputed to have the white snake with gray moustaches. He once power of blessing childless persons with waylaid a milkman of the royal household, offspring. The offerings concerned consist forced him to put down the milkpot he was of cradles, which are presented to the god carrying, drank the milk and went away. after the wished-for object has been fulfilled. This snake is believed to be divine, * The School Master of Khirasara, 3 The School Master of Dbank. 2 The School Master of Sanka. * The School Master of Jodia.

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140 THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT The god Shiva is supposed to wear a snake ocean for the recovery of the fourteen jewels round his neck like a garland of flowers. So, from the ocean. in all temples of Shiva, an image of a snake It is a common belief that treasures buried is installed behind the idol of the god with underground are guarded by snakes. his hood spread over the idol.1 Generally a miser dying without an heir In ancient times dead snakes were buried is supposed to be born as a snake after his and temples and altars were erected over their death, to guard his hoarded money. graves. An image of the dead snake was It is believed by some people that on the engraved on the altar.2 establishment of a new dynasty of kings There is a shrine dedicated to Chandalia after a revolution, a snake makes its apNag on the bank of the river Palavo on the pearance to guard the accumulated wealth of road from Mota Devalia to Tramboda. It is the fallen dynasty. visited by a sect of beggars called Nag It is also believed that a rich man dying magas. The Nag-magas beg wealth of the with his mind fixed on his wealth is born as snake god, and it is said, that he bestows it a snake, to guard the wealth.25 on them. They are never seen begging from There is a further belief that one who any body else.3 In the Puranas, the Shesh Nag, the collects money by foul means and does not Takshak Nag, Pundarik, Kali Nag and Kar spend it, is born as a snake in his next life to guard his buried treasure 11 kotak Nag are described as gods. In modern times, Sarmalio, Bhujo and Gadhio are believed There is still another belief that a man to be as powerful as gods, and vows are ob who buries his treasure in a secret place served in their honour.. becomes a snake after death, to guard the Dhananjaya, Pushkar and Vasuki are also treasure 12 The beliefs mentioned above have given considered to be very powerful,5 Takshak is believed to have drunk the rise to the impression that places where big nectar of inmortality. snakes are found are sure to have treasure A tradition is current that god Vishnu trove concealed in them. 18 sleeps on the Shesha Nag in the Milky Ocean. It is believed that the snake guarding the This snake is believed to have a thousand treasure of his previous life does not allow mouths and to support the earth on its hood.7 anybody to remove it, and bites any one who It is described in the Puranas how King attempts to do so.14 Parikshit was bitten by Takshak Nag and If in spite of this, a man succeeds in seizing King Nala by Karkotak Nag. King Nala the treasure by force or by the power of became deformed owing to the bite, but he mantras or incantations, it is believed that he could assume his original form by wearing a leaves no heirs to use it.16 special dress, through the favour of Karkotak. A belief is also current that such guardian Vasuki Nag was wrapped round the Man- snakes allow those persons to take away the dar nountain, which was used as a churning treasures guarded by them if they are des. handle by the gods and deinons to churn the tined to possess them. Female Training 1 The School Master of Ganod. The School Master of Jodia. 3 The School Master of Mota Devalia. * The School Master of Dhank. 5 The School Master of Ganod. 6 The School Master of Vapod. 7 The School Master of Ganod. 8 The Scbool Mistress, Barton 9 The School Master of Dbank. College, Rajkot. 10 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 11 The School Master of Charadva. 12 The School Master of Kbira sara. 13 The School Master of Ganod. 14 The School Master of Vanod. 15 The School Master of Songadh. 16 The School Master of Sonka.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 141 To the south of Kolki there is a site of a Other remedies for the cure of snake bite, deserted village. It is believed to contain are as follows: a buried treasure which is guarded by a The patient is made to wear a cotton snake with white moustaches. This snake is thread in the name of Charmalia Nag, seen roaming about the place. Sharmalin Nag, or Vasangi Nag, and cerIt is related that a Brahman once read in tain observances, as stated above, are promised an old paper that there was a treasure buried under a Shami tree in Deola. He to the snake deity. communicated the information to the Thakor The ends of peacock feathers are pounded of Dhrol who secured the treasure by i and smoked in a chilum (clay pipe) by the excavating the place. The Brabman went patient.5 to worship the spot, but was buried alive. A moharo (stone found in the head of a The Thakor buried the treasure in his castle, snake supposed to be a cure for snake poison) but the Brahman, becoming a snake, guarded is applied to the wound caused by the bite. the treasure and allowed none to touch it. All It absorbs the poison, and on being dipped attempts to dig it up were frustrated by into milk, transfers the poison to the milk. attacks of bees and the appearance of a | Thus it can be used any number of times. snake. There is a Girasia in Lakhtar who is A Kshatriya named Dev Karan, while the believed to cure patients suffering from snake foundation of his house was being dug, poison. As soon as a person is bitten by a found a treasure guarded by a snake. He snake, one of the garments worn by him is killed the snake by pouring boiling oil over taken to the Girasia, who ties it into a knot it and secured the treasure. and this cures the patient. A Kunbi of Malia, while digging a pit for There is a Bava in Rajpara, a village near storing corn, found a large vessel filled Anandpur. He and all the members of his with costly coins guarded by a snake. He family are reputed to be able to cure snakekilled the snake and secured the vessel.2 bites. When a person is bitten by a snake, There are many practices in vogue to he or a friend goes to the Bava's house and render the poisonous bite of a snake ineffec- informs him or any member of his family tive. of the occurrence. The Bava or the person If the man bitten by a snake be bold, he who receives the intimation folds into a cuts off the bitten part. knot a garment of the informant, which he Some have the bitten part branded. afterwards unfolds. As soon as this is done, Those who have no ulcer in the mouth suck the poison, and spit it out. the patient is in great pain, loses his The powder of the fruit of the Nol Vel senses, is seized with convulsions and tells is also administered with water. why the snake bit him. Thereupon the Sometimes emetics and purgative medi- relatives of the patient implore the pardon relatives of the patient cines are given. of the snake, which is granted on condition A mixture of pepper and clarified butter that the patient should give alms to the is also believed to be efficacious, poor, * The School Master of Kolki, 3 The School Master of Todia. 3 The School Master of Dbank. * The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 5 The School Mistress, Barton Female Training The D. E. Inspector, Halar. College, Rajkot. The Scbool Master of Lilapur . The School Master of Anandpur.

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142 THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT In some places, Bhagats or devotees 1 Sometimes the exorcist fans the patient of Mata ji are invited to dinner along with with branches of the Nim tree, reciting a number of exorcists, who are generally mantras, and thereupon the patient becomes Rabaris. After they have assembled at the possessed by the snake and declares the house of the patient, they start out in a cause of his offence. procession headed by one who holds in his Some exorcists present a magic epistle or band a bunch of peacock feathers, to bathe charm asking the snake that bit the patient in a river. On their way to and back from to be present. The snake obeys the call, the river they sing songs in praise of the and appears before the exorcist. The latter goddess to the accompaniment of drums and then asks the snake to suck the poison from other musical instruments. After their re- the wound of the patient, which is done by turn from the river, the whole party are the snake, and the patient is then cuted.* treated to a feast, which is supposed to cure In some places, the exorcist ties up the the patient of the effects of the snake-bite. 1 patient when the snake tells the cause of the Some people believe that snakes, like evil bito. Next the exorcist calls on the snake spirits, can enter the bodies of human to leave the body of the patient, who then beings. Such persons, when possessed, are begins to crawl about like a snake and is supposed to have the power of curing snake cured. bites. On some occasions, the exorcist slaps the Every village hao an exorcioc who is a check of the person who calls him to attend specialist in curing the effects of snake the patient. It is said that the poison disbites. When a person is bitten by a snake appears as soon as the slap is given. the exorcist is at once sent for. He gives Some exorcists take a stick having seven the patient Nim leaves and pepper to chew, joints and break them one by one. As the to determine the extent of the effect of the stick is broken, the patient recovers, his bite. Next he asks one of those present to recovery being complete when the seventh bathe and bring water in an unused earthen jar. He then recites incantations, and joint is broken. sprinkles water from the jar over the body It is believed that the Dhedas are the of the patient. If this does not counteract oldest worshippers of Nags or snakes. When the effects of the poison, he throws red-hot a person is bitten by a snake, he is seated pieces of charcoal at the patient when the near a Dheda, who prays the snake to leave snake speaks through the patient and states the body of the patient. It is said that in that he bit the patient becanse he committed some cases this method proves efficacious in a certain offence, and that he will leave him curing the patient." if certain offerings are made. After he has It is stated that exorcists who know the ceased speaking, the patient begins to shake mantra (incantation) for the cure of snakeand to crawl about like a snake, and is bites must lead a strictly moral life. If they then cured. If the man be doomed to touch a woman in child-bed or during her death, the snake would say, "I have bitten period the mantra loses its power. This can him by the order of the god of death, and be regained through purification, bathing, and I will not leave him without taking his by reciting the mantra while inhaling the life." smoke of burning frankincense. Some .. . The School Master of Dbank. 2 The School Master of Dadvi. 3 The School Master of Dhank. .4 The Schaol Master of Chhatrasa. 6 The D. E. Inspector, Halar. 6 The Scbool Master of Songadh. 7 The School Master of Sanka.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 143 exorcists abstain from certain kinds of is inhabited by Nags or snakes in human vegetables and sweets, e. g., the Mogri (Rat- form. The Nag girls are reputed to be so tailed raddish) Julebi (a kind of sweet) etc. handsome that an extraordinarily beautiful They have also to abstain from articles of a girl is commonly likened to a Nag girl. colour like that of a snake. It is believed that in ancient times interA belief prevails that there is a precious marriages between Nags and human beings stone in the head of the snake. Such stones are were common. called mohors. They are occasionally shown It is a common belief that Kshetrapal, the to the people by snake-charmers, who declare guardian snake of fields, married human that it is very difficult to procure them. brides. So, to propitiate him, his image is It is stated that on dark nights snakas installed on the marriage altar, and the take these mohors out of their head and bride takes three turns round it when walking place theni on prominent spots in order to be round the sacrificial fire with the brideable to move about in the dark by their groom." light. According to the Puranas, king Dasharath It is believed that snakes give these mohors married a Nag girl Sumitra.8 Similarly to those who please them. If one tries to Indrajit, the son of Ravan, the Lord of take a mohor by force, the snake swallows Lanka or Coylon, married a Nag girl." it and dissolves it into water.3 At times snakes are seen in houses. They As stated above, the mohor has the pro- are believed to be the guardians of the perty of absorbing the poison from snake houses, and worshipped with offerings of bites. lamps fed with ghi. After worship, the It is because a snake is believed to hold a members of the family pray to the snake, precious stone in its head that it is called "Oh snake! Thou art our guardian. Pror manidhar, that is, holder of a jowel. tect our health and wealth. We are thy It is believed by some people that the children and live in thy garden."10 mohor shines the most when a rainbow Some people believe that the spirits of appears in the sky. deceased ancestors, on account of the anxiety According to the Puranas the patal or for the welfare of progeny, become snakes nether word is as beautiful as beaven. It and guard the house, 11 * The School Mistress, Barton Femals Training College, Rajkot Mr. K. D. Desdi. The School Master of Vapod. * The School Mistress, Civil Station Girls' School, Rajkot. 11 The School Master of Sayala. * The School Master of Dbank. 3 The School Master of Chhatrasa 5 The School Master of Kolki. The School Master of Kolki. 9 The School Master of Ziazuvada. 10 The School Master of Vanod, and Mr. K.N. Desai.

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CHAPTER VIII. TOTEMISM AND FETISHISM. The worship of totems is not known to The following are instances of names prevail in Gujarat, but the names of persons derived from plants :and clans or families are occasionally derived PLANT OR TREE from animals and plants. NAME FROM WHICH DERIVED. Instances of names derived from animals are given below: 1. Gulab f... Gulab-the rose. 2. Aibo ... Ambo-the mango. ANIMAL FROM NAME. 3. Tolsibai* Tulsi--the sweet basil WHICH DERIVED. 4. Tulsidas Ditto. 5. Kesbarbai Keshar-Saffron. 1. Hathibhai Hathi--an elephant 6. Galalbai* Galal -- Red powder. 2. VAghajibha: Vagh-a tiger. 7. Bili* Bili-Aegle marmelos 3. Nagjibhai Nag-a snake. 8. Dudhi* ... Dudhi-Pumpkin. 4. Popatbhai Popat-a parrot. 9. Lavengi* Laveng-Clove. 5. Morbhai Mor-a peacock. 10. Mulo Mulo-Raddish, 6. Chaklibhat 11. Limbdo Limbdo-The Nim tree. 7. Kido ... Kidi-an ant. Maki-Maize. 12. Mako ... Mankoda-a black ant 8. Mankodia 13. Champo . ChampaMicheli a 9. Tido Ti-a locust.2 ... Champaca." 10. Hansraj Hansa-a goose. Instances of family or clan names derived Vinchi--a female scor11. Vinchi* ... pion. from trees and animals are as follows: 12. Olo ... Olo--a species of NAME. DERIVATION! 13. Ajo Aja--a goat. 1. Untia ... Unt-camel 14. Mena* .. Mena-a species of 2. Gadheda Gadheda-An ass. 3. Dedakia ... Dedako-A frog. 4.. Balada ... Balad-An ox. The Kali Paraj or aboriginal tribes in 5. Godhani ... Godho-A bull. Gujarat give such names as Kagdo (crow) Bhensdadia Bhensa-A buffalo. Kolo (Jackal), Bilddo (cat), Kutro (dog) to Gheta-A sheep. their children according as one or other of les 8. Savaj ... A species of wild these animals is heard to cry at the time animals. 9. Kakadia ... ... Kakadi-cucumber. of birth. bird. bird. 3 7. Ghetiya ... 1 The School Master of Dhank. 2 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 3 The School Master of Kolki. These are female Dames. * The School Master of Halar. 5 The School Master of Dhank. & The School Master of Dadvi. The School Master of Kolki. + Both male and female. 9 The School Master of Dhaak. 9 The School Master of Kotda Sangani.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT. The cow, the she-goat, the horse, the deer, peacock, the Tilad or singing sparrow the goose, the Nag or snake, the cagle, the elephant and the male monkey are believed to be sacred by all Hindus. Of these, the greatest sanctity attaches to the cow. Her urine is sipped for the atonement of sins. The cow is also revered by the Parsis,1 The mouth of the she-goat and the smell of the horse are considered sacred.1 An elephant is considered sacred, because when the head of Ganpati was chopped off Ly Shiva, the head of an elephant was joined to his trunk,2 The peacock is considered sacred on account of its being the conveyance of Sarasvati, the goddess of learning.2 A male monkey is held holy, because it is supposed to represent the monkey god Maruti,2 Some sanctity attaches to the rat also, as it is the conveyance of the god Ganpati. He is called Mama or maternal uncle by the Hindus.3 The Shravaks abstain from the suran. (Elephant foot), potatoes and roots that grow underground, 10 Mahomedans abstain from the suran, because "su" the first letter of the word Suran is also the first letter of their taboo'd animal the pig.11 1 The School Master of Dhank. The School Master of Mota Devalia. The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 7 The School Master of Zinzuvada. The School Master of Patanvav. There are somedeities associated with the worship of animals. These animals, with the deities with whom they are connected, are given below. 1. Pothio or the bull is believed to be the vehicle of god Shiva. In all temples of Shiva its image is installed, facing the image of Shiva in the centre of the temple. 2. Sinha or the lion is believed to be the vehicle of Parvati, the consort of Shiva. The lion is also connected with the demon planet Rahu. The pig is held taboo by the Musalmans. Brahmans, Banias, Bhatias, Kunbis, Sutars and Darjis abstain from flesh and liquor. Some Brahmans and Banias do not eat tadias (frait of the palm tree) as they look the god Vishnu. like human eyes." Some Brahmans abstain from garlic and onions. Some do not eat Kodra (punctured millet).7 3. Hansa the goose is associated with Brahma the creator. 4. Gadhedo the ass is believed to be connected with Shitala, the goddess of small pox. 5. Undar the mouse is the conveyance of Ganpati. 145 6. Mor the peacock is the conveyance of Sarasvati, the goddess of learning. The peacock is also associated with Kartik Swami. 7. Garud the eagle is the conveyance of 8. Pado the male buffalo is the conveyance of Devis or goddesses. 9. Ghodo the horse is the conveyance of the Sun. The horse is also associated with the planet Guru or Jupiter and Shukra or Venus. The masur (Lentil) pulse is not eaten by Brahmans and Banias, because, when cooked, it looks red like blood.8 10. Mrig the deer is supposed to be the The Humbad Banias do not eat whey, milk, conveyance of the Moon as well as of Mangal curdled milk and clarified butter. or Mars. 2 The School Master of Todia. The School Master of Kotda Sangani. The School Master of Vanod. 8 The School Master of Songadh. 10 The School Master of Vala. 11 The School Master of Songadh.

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145 THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 11. Balad the ox is connected with Mars and Shani or Saturn. 12. Hathi th: elephant is supposed to be the conveyance of Indra. It is also connected with Budha or Mercury. 13 The tiger is the conveyance of the goddess Ambaji. The animals mentioned above are worshipped along with deities and planets with whom they are associated! It is generally believed that the earth is supported by a tortoise. So, whenever the goddess earth or Prithvi is worshipped, the tortoise is also worshipped." In the temples of the Matde cocks and hens and in the temple of Kal Bhairav, dogs, are worshipped. 3 For the propitiation of goddesses and evil spirits, male goats, he-buffaloes and cocks are sacrificed. In his first incarnation, the god Vishnu was born as a fish, in the second as an alligator, and in the third as a boar. For this reason the images of these animals are worshipped.5 All the gods, goddesses and spirits mentioned in the preceding pages are represented by idols made of stone, metal or wood. In addition to stone idols of gods there are certain stones which are considered to represent gods and worshipped as such. Some of these stones are described below. All the stones found in the river Narbada are believed to represent the god Shiva and worshipped. There is a kind of stone found in the river Gandaki which is smooth on one side and porous on the other. It is either round or square and about five inches in length. This stone is called Shaligram and is believed to represent the god Vishnu. It is kept in the household gods and worshipped daily. There is another kind of hard, white, porous stone found near Dwarka. It is also worshipped along with the idol of Vishna. . Sometimes tridents are drawn with red lead on stones to represent goddesses. There is a tank near the Pir in Kutiana in which bored stones are found floating on the surface of the water. These stones are considered sacred.? Certain stones are considered sacred on acoount of their supposed curative properties. One of such stones is called Puro. It is believed to be efficacious in curing rheumatism. There is also a kind of red stone which is supposed to core skin diseases. Each of the nine planets is supposed to be in touch with a stone of a particular colour. For instance, the stone in touch with Shani or Saturn is black, and that with Mangal or Mars is red. These stones are bored, and set in rings which are worn by persons suffering - from the influence of these planets. A kind of stone called Akik, found in abundance in Cambay, is considered sacred by the Mahomedan saints, who wear garlands made of beads carved out of these stones 10 In ancient times human sacrifices were ofered on certain occasions. Now-a-days, in place of a human being, a cocoanut or a Kolu (Cucurbita maxima ) is offered. At the time of making the offering the coco'anut is plastered with red lead and other holy applications and covered with a sile cloth. The Kolx is offered by cutting it into two pieces with a stroke of a knife or sword. 11 1 The School Master of Dhank, 2 The School Master of Vanod. 3 The School Master of Vanod. * The School Master of Dadvi. 5 The School Master of Bhatua The School Master of Ganod. The School Master of Devalia. * The School Master of Chhatrisa. * The School Master of Jotpur. 20 The School Master of Zinzuvada The School Master of Kotda Sangani Zintuvada and Gobelwad.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 147 4shvin. Sometimes an image of the flour of Adad Sieves are considered sacred for the follow. 3 sacrificed in place of a human being. ing reasons. This sacrifice 'is generally made on the 1. Because articles of food such a four, zighth or tenth day of the bright half of grain, etc., are sifted through them. 2. Because, on auspicious occasions, when In place of human blood, milk mixed with women go to worship the potter's wheel, the gulal (red powder) and molasses is materials of worship are carried in a sieve. offered, 3. Because the fire used for igniting the In ancient times, when a well was dug, a sacrificial fuel is taken in a sieve, or is human sacrifice was made to it if it did not covered with a sieve while it is being carried yield water, with the belief that this would to the sacrificial altar. bring water into the well. Now-a-days, in 4. Because at the time of performing the stead of this sacrifice, blood from the fourth ceremony when commencing to prepare sweets finger of a man is sprinkled over the spot.3 for a marriage, a sieve is worshipped.10 It is also related that in ancient times, when 5. Because, in some communities like the a king was crowned, a human sacrifice was Bhatids, the bride's mother, when receiving offered. Now-a-days, instead of this sacrifice, the bridegroom in the marriage booth, carries the king's forehead is marked with the blood in a dish a lamp covered with a sieve.11 from the fourth finger of a low caste Hindu The flour collected by Brahmans by begging at the time of the coronation ceremony. from door to door is supposed to be polluted. There are a few stones which are supposed But it is considered purified when it is passed through a sieve 12 to have the power of curing certain diseases. One of such stones is known as Rattano The sambelu is considered so sacred that Paro. It is found at a distance of about two it is not touched with the foot. If a woman miles from Kolki. It is marked with red lie down during day time, she will not touch lines. It is bored and worn round the neck it either with her head or with her foot. One of the reasons why it is considered by persons suffering from ratawa" (a disease sacred is that it was used as a weapon by in which red spots or pimples are seen on the Baldev, the brother of the god Krishna, skin). A sambelu is one of the articles, required There is another stone called Suleimani for performing the reception ceremony on a Paro which is supposed to have the power of bridegroom's entering the marriage pandal.18 curing many diseases, It is believed that a fall of rain is expedited There is a kind of white semi-circular stone by placing a sambelu erect in a dish when which is supposed to cure eye diseases when there is a drought 14 rubbed on the eyes and fever when rubbed Among Shrigaud Brahmans, on the marriage on the body? day, one of the men of the bridegroom's party Sieves for flour and corn, brooms, sambelus wears a wreath made of a sambelu, a broom or corn pounders, and ploughs are regarded and other articles. Some special marks are as sacred also made on bis forehead. Thus adorned, he 1 The School Master of Halar. $ The School Master of Devalia. 5 The School Master of Kolki. T The School Master of Jetpur. 9 The School Master of Dadvi. u The School Master of Todia. 1 The School Master of Dhank. The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 4 The School Master of Todia 6 The School Master of Dhank The School Master of Dhank. 10 The School Master of Aman. 1 The School Master of Lilapar. 14 The School Master of Zinzavada.

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148 THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT goes with the bridegroom's procession and plays jokes with the parents of both the bride and bridegroom. His doing so is supposed to bless the bridal pair with a long life and a large family.1 On the marriage day, after the ceremony of propitiating the nine planets has been performed in the bride's house, in some castes three, and in others one sambelu, is kept near the spot where the planets are worshipped. Next, five unwidowed women of the family hold the sambelus and thrash them five or seven times on the floor repeating the words "On the chest of the ill-wisher of the host." The sambelus are bound together by a thread.2 If a woman has to take part in an auspicious ceremony on the fourth day of her monthly period, she is made to thresh one maund of rice with a sambelu. Her fourth day is then considered as the fifth and she becomes eligible for taking part in the ceremony.8 The plough is considered sacred, because it is the chief implement for cultivating the soil. It is worshipped on the full-moon day of Shravan which is known as a Balev holidad, the worship being called Grahan-pujan. Some people consider the plough sacred because Sita, the consort of Ram, was born of the earth by the touch of a plough. Others hold it sacred as it was used as a weapon by Baldev, the brother of the god Krishna. On account of the sanctity which attaches to the plough, it forms part of the articles, with which a bridegroom is received in the marriage pandal by the bride's mother. It is related that king Janak ploughed the soil on which he had to perform a sacrifice. Hence it has become a practice to purify with a plough the spot on which a sacrifice is to be performed, 1 The School Master of Zinzavada. 3 The School Master of Lilapur. 5 The School Master of Ganod The School Master of Lilapur. In some places, on the Balev day, a number of persons gather together near a pond, and each of them fills an earthen jar with the water of the pond. Next, one of the party is made to stand at a long distance from the others with a small plough in his hands. The others then run a race towards the latter. He who wins the race is presented with molasses and a cocoanut.8 It is customary among Brahmans to perform the worship known as Balevian after the performance of a thread ceremony. In Native States, the prime minister and other State officials and clerks join the ceremony, the principal function of the ceremony being performed by the prime minister. In villages, this function is performed by the headman of the villago. The party go in procession to a neighbouring village or a pond where an earthen image of Ganpati besmeared with red lead is installed on a red cloth two feet square. Near this image are installed the nine planets, represented by nine heaps of corn, on each of which is placed a betelnut. This is called the installation of Balevian. A plough about two feet in length is kept standing near the Balevian with its end buried in the ground. The prime minister or the village headman worships the plough, after which, four Kumbhars or potters wash themselves, and holding four jars on their heads, run a race. Each of the Kumbhars is named after one of the four months of the rainy season. He who wins the race is presented with the plough. The expenses of the ceremony are paid from the State treasury or the village fund." According to a popular saying, a broom should not be kept erect or trampled under foot. This indicates that brooms are held sacred. The School Master of Todia. 4 The School Masters of Dhank and Kotda Sangani. 6 The School Master of Dadvi. 8 The School Master of Zinzuvada. The School Master of Todia. Among Hindus women in menses are considered impure for four days.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJ.IR.IT 149 When a newly-born infant does not cry, The Parsis consider fire so sacred that they do the leaves of a broom are thrown into the not smoke. Neither do they cross fire. In their fire and their smoke is passed over the child. temples called 1giaris a fire of sandaiwood It is said that this makes the child cry. is kept constantly burning. It is considered a Some people consider brooms sacred, great mislap if this fire is extinguished. because they are used in sweeping the ground? Fire is specially worshipped on the Holiday, (that is the earth, which is a goddess ). that is the full-moon day of the month of In some places, children suffering from Falgun. cougi are fanned with a broom. Other special occasions on which it is wor In some castes, a brooin is worshipped on shipped are the thread ceremony, the ceremony the marriage day." of installing a new idol in a temple, the first Many people deny any sanctity to a broom. A belief is common that if a man sees a pregnancy ceremony, and the ceremony per formed at the time of entering a new house.lu broom the first thing after getting up in the morning, he does not pass the day happily.* Fire is also worshipped in Maharudra, Vishnuyag, Gayatripurascharan, Nilotsarga, Some believe that if a broom be kept erect Vastu pujan, Shatachandi, Lakshachandi, and in the house, a quarrel between the husband the sacrifices performed during the Navaratra and wife is sure to follow. There is also a and on the Dasara day.11 belief that if a person thrashes another with a broom, the fortner is liable to suffer from a Fire is considered to be the mouth of God. gland under the arm.5 through which he is supposed to receive all Fire is considered to be a deity by all offerings.12 Hindus. In all sacrifices, fire is first ignited The offerings made to fire generally consist with certain ceremonies of worship. In all of clarified butter, cocoanuts, sesamum seed, the Brahman families, every morning before Java, chips of the wood of the Pipal and the breakfast, a ceremony called Vaiskvadeva is Shami, curdled milk and frankincense.3 perforined, in which fire is worshipped and The fire to be used for sacrifices and cooked rice is offered to it. agnihotras is produced by the friction of two. The Agnihotris keep a constant fire burning pieces of the wood of the Arani, 14 the Pipal, in their houses and worship it thrice a day, the Shami 19 or the bamboo while mantras or morning, noon and evening incantations are being recited by Brahmans.26 1 The School Master of Dhank, 2 The School Master of Kolki. 3 The School Master of Songadh. 4 The School Master of Limbdi. 5 The School Master of Todia. The School Master of Dhank. * The School Masters of Dhank and Vanod. & The School Master of Kalavad and Mr. K. D. Desai. 9 The School Masters of Ganod and Dhank. 10 The School Master of Dadvi. !! The School Masters of Ganod and Kalavad and Mr. K. D. Desai. 12 The School Master of Todia. 13 The School Master of Wala. # The School Masters of Dadvi and Dbank. The School Master of Jetpur. 16 The School Master of Aman,

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CHAPTER IX ANIMAL WORSHIP The following animals are considered sncred At the time of celebrating a coronation sind worshipped by the Hindus. ceremony an elephant is worshipped. There is a tradition that in ancient times the corona1. The cow :is regarded as the holiest of tion waters were poured over the king by a Finimals. She is worshipped on the fourth she-elephant. day of the dark half of Shravan which is 4. The lion The lion is considered known as Bol Choth; and a row is observed sacred because it is believed to be the lord of by women in her honour on the fifteenth day the beasts of the forest and the vehicle of of Bhadarva. It is known as Gautrad Vrat, goddesses. On this day women do not eat whent, milk, 5. The tiger >The tiger is worshipped clarified butter and the whey of a cow. with Vagheshvari Mata as it is believed to be her vehicle. The sanctity which attaches to the cow is 6. The she-buffalo Some sanctity attaches due to the belief that in her body reside to the she-buffalo, as it is believed that a thirty-three crores of gods.2 she-buffalo was given in dowry to a Nag 2. The horse The horse is believed by 1 kanya (snake girl) by her father. some people to be the last incarnation of God. To atone for a great sin a she-buffalo It is also believed to represent Vachhado, the decked with a black wreath, iron, red lead deity who cures hydrophobia.3 and marks made with the flour of adad is Some people believe the horse to be a to be a presented to a Brahman. celestial animal. It is said that in ancient 7. The donkey Is believed to be the times it had wings, traces of which are vehicle of the goddess of small-pox. 10 believed to be still visible in its knees. It is also believed that the god Brahnia ha? Of the fourteen jewels obtained by the formerly five mouths, one of which was like gods and demons by churning the ocean, one that of a donkey 11 was a horse with seven mouths. Hence the 1 8. The dog : The dog is believed to horse is considered divine. have divine vision and to be able to see the The horse is worshipped on the Dasara dny." messengers of the god of death. Some believe that in its next life a dog becomes a 3. The elephant: The elephant is consi man. 12 dered divine because it is the vehicle of | The dog is also believed to be the vehicle of Indra, the lord of gods, and because its lead Kal Bhairav and is worshipped along with his was fixed on the trunk of Ganpati, the son of son of image 13 Parvati and Shiva. It is believed by some Some people offer bread to dogs in the people that vows to offer cocoanuts to an belief that they will bear witness to their lephant are efficacious in curing fever. merits before God.14 1 The School Master of Dhank. 2 The School Master of Kotda Sangani, 3 The School Master of Davalia. The Deputy Educational Inspector, Gohelwad. 5 The School Master of Ganod. 6 The School Master of Chhatrasa. 7 The School Master of Todia. & The School Master of Chhatrasa. 9 The School Master of Moti Marad. 10 The School Master of Chhatrasa. 11 The School Master of Moti Parabdi. 12 The School Master of Chbatrasa. 13 The School Master of Aman. 14 The School Master of Limbdi. See pp. 48-49.

Page #499
THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 151 9. The goat:-is worshipped by the Bhar- (famine), and the third sukal (plenty). Next vads when they worship the goddess Machhu, they are offered to a crow. If the crow takes 10. The cat:-is worshipped in the belief away the kedl, it is believed that the crops in that by so doing a man can win over his the following year will be normal; if it takes opponents. away the dukal a famine is apprehended in 11. The bear:-is considered by some the following year, and if the sukal, it is people to be a holy animal because the god believed that the crops will be plentiful." Krishna married Jambuvanti, the daughter 15. The goose: -is supposed to be the of Jambuvant, the heroic bear who assisted vehicle of the goddess Sarasvati. It is believRama.3 ed that its worship ensures success in any 12. Fish:-are considered sacred because enterprise. If a goose is seen in a dream, it is considered to be a very good omen. they are supposed to carry the food (pindas) A goose is believed to be endowed with the to the man'es offered in water) at the shraddha power of separating milk from water. It is ceremony." supposed to feed on rubies. It is found in 13. Alligators:- are worshipped in a pond lake Man in the Himalayas. at Magar Pir, near Karachi." 16. The cock :-is considered holy as it is 14. The crows:---are worshipped because believed to be the vehicle of the goddess they are supposed to represent rishis.e Bahuchardji.10 Some people believe that crows were for- 17. The hen is worshipped on the last merly rishis. They are supposed to have Sunday of the month of Jeth.11 divine vision, and food offered to them is 18. The parrot :-is worshipped by singers believed to reach deceased ancestors. desiring to improve their voice. It is also A loaf is cut into three parts. One of them worshipped by dull persons desirous of is designated kal (ordinary), the second dukal improving their intellect.12 The School Master of Aman. * The Deputy Educational Inspector of Gobelwad. 4 The School Master of Chhatrasa. The School Master of Kolkl. $ The School Master of Todia, 10 The School Master of Luvaria.it * The School Master of Todia.. 5 The School Master of Dadvi. 7 The School Master of Todia, * The School Master of Chhatrasan 11 The School Master of Aman. 12 The School Master of Todia,

Page #500
CHAPTER X WITCHCRAFT. Dakans are of two kinds, human and offits, loose their hair, and cry out without any the order of ghosts. 1 reason 5 Girls born in the Ashlesha nakshatra on the A ghostly Dakan lives with a man as his bij or second day of a month, in the Kritika wife, brings him dainties and turns the refuse of food into flesh and bones. The man nakshatra on the seventh day of a month and in gradually becomes emaciated and ultimately the Shatabhigha nakshatra on the twelfth day of a month, are believed to be human dakans. dies. They cause the death of their husbands, and It is believed that generally a Dakan kills their evil eye injures all things and indivi a man within six months, The Dakans do not allow calves to suck, duals that come under its influence.2 cattle to give milk, and healthy persons to enjoy Women who die in child-bed, meet an untime sound health. Sometimes they cause cattle to ly death or commit suicide, become Dakans yield blood instead of milk & or Chudels after death.2 A Da kan by virtue of her powers, can ascend Some people believe that women of such low to the sky. She lives upon the flesh of castes as Kolis, Vagbris and Charans become corpses. I Dakans. High caste Dakans are rare.3 A Dakan can assume any form she likes. A ghostly Dakan dresses in fine clothes She appears as a cat, a buffalo, a goat or any and decks her person with ornaments. But other animal. She can swell and shrink her she does not cover her back, which is horrible body at will. Her feet are reversed. 10 to look at. It is so frightful that any one Dakans haunt trees, cemeteries, deserted happening to see it dies of horror. tanks, mines or other desolate places, 11 Ghostly Dakans trouble only women. When They also baunt ruins and places wliere Cour possessed by them, the latter have convulsive roads meet.13 1 The School Master of Dhank. 3 The School Master of Gondal. 5 Mr. K, D, Dessi. "The School Master of Dadvi. The School Master of Ganod. 11 The School Master of Dbank. ? The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Sultanpur. The School Master of Vanod, * The School Master of Moti Khilori. * Mr. K. D. Desai, # The School Master of Ganod,

Page #501
CHAPTER XI GENERAL Various ceremonies are performed by In some localities again, the farmer hold cultivators at the time of ploughing the soil, the plough over the Sathia, touching it with sowing, reaping and harvesting. These cere- the end, eats a morsel of molasses, and bows to monies differ in details in different localities. the Sathia before starting. In all places, an auspicious day for ploughing As a rule, seed is not sown on Saturdays or and sowing is fixed in consultation with an Tuesdays. Wednesday is believed to be the astrologer. On the day when ploughing is to ' most favourable day for this purpose. be commenced, the front courtyard of the house Sowing is commenced from that corner of is cowdunged and an auspicious figure called the field which has been pronounced by the Sathia* is drawn on it with the grains of astrologer to be the best for the operation. juvari Sunday is believed to be the most auspicious A dish called kansar is prepared, and served to day for reaping. While reaping, a part of all members of the family at the morning meal. the crop is offered to the image of Kshetrapal Their foreheads are marked with red powder, and to other village deities. In order to secure and a pice and betelnut are offered to the ' a good harvest, sweets are offered to the village Household gods. Hand-spun cotton threads gods on the eighth or tenth day of the bright marked at intervals with red powder are then half of Ashvin, or on the second day of the tied round the plough and to the horns of bright half of Kari which is called the bullocks which are to be voked to the Ananakuta 10 plough.2 No crop is brought into the house before a Next, the farmer stands waiting at the front part of it has been offered to the local deities, 11 door of his house for good onens, and when! When juice is to be extracted from sugara few are scen, sets out for his field. canes, the mill is first worshipped. In the In some places, the foreheads of the bullocks shed crected for storing the jars of molasses, are daubed with red lead, clarificd butter is an image of Ganpati is installed, and worshipapplied to their horns, and they are fed with ped before placing the jars in the shed. 12 molasses. The first jar of molasses and two bits of In others, a betelnut is placed over, the sugar cane are offered to the local deities 13 Sathia and given to the person who first meets Before reaping cotton, offerings are made the farmer on leaving his house. to the village gods.14 1 The School Master of Chhatrasa, 2 The School Master of Vanod. 3 The School Master of Devalia. 4 The School Master of Kotda Sangani, 5 The School Master of Jetpur. & The School Master of Jetpur. 1 The School Master of Ganod. 8 Mr. K. D. Desai, * The School Master of Jodia. 10 The School Master of Movaiya. 11 The School Masters of Zinzuvada and Devalia 12 The School Master of Luvaria. 13 The School Master of Bhayavadar. 14 The School Master of Kotda Sangani, * See p. 14, supra.

Page #502
164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY When a cow or she-buffalo is about to calve, pounder) is struck seven times against the in packet containing a few pebbles or cowries, main cross beam of the house in the belief the mali (red lead) from the innage of Hanu- i that the sound thus produced destroys man, dust collected from a place where four insects." roads meet, and grains of Adod, are tied to its ! To scare the insects called itidio, vows are Jorns by an indigo-coloured thread, in the observed in honour of the Itidio Pir.10 belief that this protects the animal from the In order that insects and worms may not spoil effects of the evil eye.1 the corn stored in a granary or in earthen jars, To guard cattle against an attack of small- | the ashes of the fire of the Holi or leaves of pox, women observe a vow called Shili Satem the nim tree are mixed with it. on the seventh day of the bright half of To prevent insects from spoiling wheat, Shravana bajari and juvari, mercury and ashes are put To prevent a tiger from attacking cattle, al into them, while it is believed that gram cannot circle of thc flour of charonthi is drawn round be eaten by insects if it is mixed with dust them by an exorcist reciting mantras or incan- from a place where thrce roads meet. 11 tations. If a tiger tries to enter this protected To drive away insects, a ceremony called area its mouth at once becomes swollen." Ilaglo Badagho or Mariyun is performed on In some places, salt heated over the fire of the Divali holiday. It is as follows : the Holi is put into the food given to the cattle One man holds a lighted torch in his hand, in the belief that this protects them from and another an earthen jar, which he beats disease. with a small stick. The two men pass Instead of salt, some people give cattle leaves through every nook and corner of the house of castor-oil plants roasted over the fire of and the cattle-slied crying " Adagho may go, the Holis Badagho may go, that is, "May troubles and In some places, on the Divali holiday, a diseases disappear; may bugs, serpents, mice, torch and a rice pounder are placed in the scorpions, mosquitoes and other insects die cattle shed, and the cattle are made to cross out." Next they proceed, repeating the same them one by one. This process is believed to words, through the streets to the village protect them froin disease. boundary, where the torch, the earthen jar A ceremony called the Doro of Mahadev is and the stick are thrown away, thus ending also performed in the month of Shravan to the ceremony.12 protect cattle against disease.? In order to secure sunshine and favourable Vows in the honour of Ashpal or Nagdev weather, oblations are offered to the local are also observed for the protection of cattle, deities, sacrificial offerings are made and In the Hasta nakshatra during the monsoon, bunting is suspended from the doors of when there is a thunder storm, a sambelu (rice temples 18 1 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. 2 The School Master of Vanod. 3 The School Master of Chok. The School Master of Devalia. 5 The School Master of Chhatrasa. 6 The School Master of Jetpur. + The School Master of Patan Vav. * The School Master of Moti Marad. * The School Master of Kotda Sangani. . 10 The School Master of Patan Vav. 11 The School Master of Sanka. 12 Mr. K. D. Desai. 13 The School Master of Kotda Sangapi.

Page #503
TIIE FOLKLORE. OE.GUJARAT 155 In order to secure a favourable rainfall, jugating such evil spirits as Meldi and grand festival is observed on an auspicious Shikotar and Matas.? day. On this day all agricultural work is 1 When Vaishnavas make vrtcriags to their stopped and megh laddus (sweet balls called gods, the doors of the shrine are closed. megh or cloud) are eaten by the people.1 The initiating ceremonies of the Shakti In some places, for the protection of the Panthis and Margi Panthis are also performed crops, a thread charmed by the incantations of in close secrecy. an exorcist is passed round the hedge of the 1 The Shravaks lave to observe perfect field.2 silence at the time of performing the Shamag For the protection of crops of gram, wheat Padakamanu' (a form of devotion to god) and sugar-cane against injury by rats, a Some people observe a vow of keeping silen ceremony called Dadh Bandhavi is performed, while taking their meals either for life or in which a thread over which incantations during the monsoon. 10 have been repeated by an exorcist is passed There are various legenas current among round the crop, and an image of Ganpati is the people regarding the origin of the Holi installed and worshipped with offerings of holiday. The chief versions are as follows: sweet balls of wheat flour 3 1. In ancient times there lived a demones In some places, the ceremony of Dadh named Dhunda who preyed upon children. Bandhavi is performed somewhat differently. Her misdeeds caused greut misery to the Instead of passing a thread round the field, people, who went to Vasishtha, the precen the exorcist walks round the field repeating of Rama, and implored him to tell them of incantations, holding in his hand a pot con- some remedy for the mischief wrought by the taining fire, over which is placed a pan con- demoness. Vasishtha told them to light it taining Gugal. This ceremony is generally pyre in honour of the goddess Holika, which performed for the protection of sugar.cane le said, would consume the demoness. The crops against the attacks of jackals. It is people accordingly lighted a huge fire, into believed that an animal entering the field which the demoness was driven by boys who after the performance of this ceremony las led her to the spot by abusing her and its dadh (gums) stiffened. troubling her in many ways. She was reduced Silence and secrecy are considered esscutia! to ashes by the fire, and the people were in working mystic lore, for it is a belief that saved. 11 if learnt openly such lore loses its power.S ! 2. A demon named Hiraniaksha hud. The ceremony for obtaining command over sister named Holika and a son named Kal Bhairav is performed in perfect silence Prahlad. Hiraniaksha Lore great cnmity to at midnight on the Kalichaudas, that is the Rama, while Prablad was his devotee. Hirafourteenth day of the dark half of Ashvin.6 nieksha did not like his soul's devotion to Silence and secrecy are also essential in Rama, and told him several times to give it the ceremonies which are performed for sub- up, and eren threatened to take his life. 1 The School Master of Vanod. * The School Master of Dhank. $ The School Master of Ganod. * The School Master of Chhatrasa. 5 The School Master of Kotda Sangani. The School Master of Vanod. 1 The School Master of Dalvi. & The School Master of Devalia. # The School Master of Limbdi. 10 The School Master of Ganod. "The School Masters of Dhank and Ganod.

Page #504
156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY But Prahlad did not swerve an inch from reputation. So he threw himself into the the path of his devotion. At last, being fire and met his death without attering a desperate, Hiraniaksha decided to kill him, word of pain. This has given rise to the and entrusted his sister with the mission. custom of throwing into the Holi fire the Holika raised a big pile of cow-dung cakes, cow-dung image of Govardhan, which is set it on fire, and seated herself on the pile, installed during the Divali holidays 2 taking Prahlad in her lap. But through the On the Holi day sweet dishes are pregrace of Rama, Prahlad escaped uninjured pared and taken with the morning meal. teaches while Holika was reduced to ashes. Some women observe a vow on this day, and 3. A domoness called Dhunda had dine once only in the evening, after worshipobtained a boon from Shiva to the effect ping the Holi fire with an offering of a that she would not meet her death during cocoanut and walking seven times round it.3 any of the three seasons of the year, either In some places, on the day preceding the by day or by night. At the same time she Holi, which is known as Kamala Holi, sweet was warned to beware of injury from stuffed cakes are prepared, and on the Holi children between sunset and nightfall at Punema day vermicelli is eaten. the cominencement of a new season. To The fuel for the Holi fire is generally prevent any possibility of injury from child- collected by boys. At about two in the ren, she began to destroy them by preying afternoon on the Holi day a party of boys upon their bodies. This caused a great panic goes from house to house and receives five to among the people, wlio went to Vasishtha and fifteen cow-dung cakes from each household asked his advice as to low to kill the demon- These cow-dung cakes are bored, and strung ess. He advised them to kill her in the way on strings.5 described in legend No. 1 above, and she was The fuel thus colleeted is heaped at the killed accordingly.1 village boundary or the end of the street. 4. The Govardhan mountain had two All the male residents of the village or street sisters named Holi and Divali. Holi was a meet at the spot, a pit is dug, and carthen woman of bad conduct while Divali's charac-pots filled with wheat, gram and water mixed ter was good. Although unchaste, Holi together are placed in the pit and covered boasted that she was chaste, and once, to with cow dung cakes. Next, the headman of prove her chastity, she threw herself on to a the village or the leading resident of tho big fire. She could not bear the pain caused street worships the pile with the assistance of by the flames, and began to scream aloud, a Brahman priest. After worship, the pile when people beat drums, abused her, and is lighted at the time fixed by an astrologer. raised such a din that her screams became by a low caste Hindu, generally a Bhangi or inaudible. Hence the custom of using Kotwal, as Hindus of good caste consider it a abusive language and reciting abusive verses sin to kindle the Holi fuel. The Bhangi or during the Holi holidays. Govardhan could Kotwal receives a few dates and cocoanut not bear the disgrace attached to his sister's kernel for this service. * The School Mistress, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * Mr. K. D. Deshi. 3 The School Master of Vanod. 4 The School Master of Moti Khiroli 5 The School Masters of Dhank and Sonyadh. * This is generally in the evening or an hour or two after nightfall, 6 The School Masters of Zinzuvada and Moti Marad.

Page #505
THE FOLKLORE OF GUJARAT 157 The offerings thown into the Holi fire have full license during the Holi holidays to Generally consist of fried juvari grain, fried indulge in all sorts of pranks and abuses. gram and cocoanuts. Flowers of mango trees Some make wooden blocks with engravings and tender mango fruits are also thrown of vulgar and indecent words, dip them in into the Holi fire. It is believed that newly coloured water, and press them on the clothes married pairs, by worshipping the Holi fire, of passers-by. are blessed with long life, prosperity, and the Others make naked idols of mud, and place birth of children. After the principal cere- them on the tops of houses. mony is over, they worship it one by one with The day following the Holi is known as the ends of their upper garments tied in a knot Dhul Padavo or Dhuleti. On this day people and walk seven times round the fire with their indulge in the throwing of cow-dung. black hands folded, the husband leading the wife.1 pigments, urine, mud, coloured water and red Infants dressed in gay clothes and decked powder. with garlands of dry dates and bits of cocoanut In some places, on the Dhuleti day, a game kernel are also taken to the Holi fire by their is played with a coconut. The players form parents. The latter worship the Holi Mats themselves into two parties and stand opposite and walk four times round the fire, taking the to one another. Midway between them is placed children in their arms. Next they offer a cocoanut. Each party tries to take away the cocoanuts to the goldess, which are either cocoanut, and prevents the other from so doing thrown into the fire or distributed among by throwing stones and cow-dung cakes. The those present. party which succeeds in taking away the Women whose children die in infancy | cocoanut wins the game.5 observe a vow of remaining standing on the Amongst Dheds, Kolis, Ravals and other low Holiday. When the Holi is lighted they castes & post of the wood of the tamarind tree worship the fire, after which they may sit is planted in the ground and surrounded by down and take their meal. It is believed that women holding whips and cords in their hands. the observance of this vow ensures long life to A party of men run to the women to drive them children. away and take possession of the post. The Although the Holi itself falls on the full-moon women prevent them from doing so by striking day of Falgun the rejoicings connected with it them with all their might with the whips and commence from the first day of that month. cords in their hands. This struggle commences The principal feature of the rejoicings consists at 10 A. M. on the Dhuleti day and continues in indulging in indecent and vulgar songs and till one o'clock in the morning on the following language. Vulgar songs or fage in honour day. At last the men succeed in carrying away of the goddess Holi are also sung. Songs the post, thus ending the game. are composed abusing each caste, and sung, In some places, a man is tied to a bier as if addressing passers-by, by groups of boys who he were a corpse, and carried on the shoulders * The School Misters of Dhank wad Vanod, * The School Master of Todia. $ The School Master of Kolki. * The School Master of Chhatrasa, The School Master of Songadh. * The School Masters of Zinzavada and Todia.

Page #506
158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY of four men to the post of tamarind wood those who try to prevent them from so doing. followed by a party of men and women wailing They also recite coarse songs and play with aloud, to the great merriment of the crowd dirt and mud freely. Parties of them go from assembled near the post to witness the struggle shop to shop and obtain by force dates and d::scribed above.1 fried gram. Sometimes contests are held between two At midnight of the Holi day a bower is parties of boys in singing vulgar songs. The erected in the centre of the village with bits of contest commences by one of the parties singing broken earthen vessels and cocoanut shells. A a song. The other party responds to it by fool, generally a son-in-law of some low caste singing another song, which is generally more Hindu in the village, is induced, by the promise indecent than the song sung first. The of dates and cocoanut kernel, to dress in a coat contest goes on like this, and the party which on which are drawn naked pictures. A garland fails to respond to its rival is said to be of worn-out shoes is tied round his neck and he defeated.1 is mounted on a donkey. He is then called The immoral practices described above are Valam and taken from the bower through the only to be seen among low caste people, and village accompanied with music and crowds of even their women take part in these practices. people, who utter in a loud voice coarse and The women of higher castes wear rich clothes vulgar expressions as the procession moves and ornaments on the Dhuleti day, and sing on. At times they play jokes with the Valam, songs in their houses. At times they throw and give liim blows on the bend with their coloured water and red powder at each fists. other." In some places, this procession is called In big temples a festivity called Ful Dol is Valama Valami and is celebrated on the night observed, in which water coloured with the preceding the Holi. Two poor stupid persons flowers of the Khakhra (Butea frondosa) is are dressed as bride and bridegroom, the latter thrown by the party assembled, and kundalias in a ridiculously grotesque dress. They are or indecent songs are sung in a loud married on the following morning, wlien vulgar voice. 3 songs are sung. The Valam and Valami are In some temples, holy songs are sung at night represented by two naked idols, made of rags, of and prayers are held. At the end, fried juvari, a man and a woman. They are carried through gram and sweets are distributed as the grace the village in a noisy procession and married on of God." an altar of black carthen vessels. They are The boys who take an active part in the Holi then placed erect on two wooden posts side by celebrations are known as geraiyas or holias. I side." For two or three nights before the Holi they In some villages, a large stone is placed in a steal fuel for the Holi fire and beat and abuse spacious compound in the centre of the village, 1 The School Master of Todia. * The School Master of Luvaria. 6 The School Master of Putan Vav. ? The School Mistress, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot 4 The School Master of Todia. 6 The School Masters of Ganod, Vanod and Dhank The School Master of Kolki.

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THE FOLKLORE OF GUJIRAT 159 un bruken earthen vessels are suspended over to some, this can be secured by onting sugar-cane it with cords from the wooden bower erected heated over the fire. Juvari stems licated over We'r the stone. An ass is brought to the spot, the tire are viven to eattle with the summe and a fool decked with a garland of worn-out object. shoes is mounted on it with his face turned Some believe that if salt heated over the Holi towards the tail of the ass. He holds the tail fire is given to eattle it protects them against of the nss in his lands as reins and is carried pidemies." in procession througl the village to be brought Virgins take home i little of the Holi fire back to the bower and married to another fool, and light five cow-cung cakes with it in the dust, ashes and water being freely used in the courtyard of their house. When the cakes are service. 1 burnt, the ashes are removed and the spot is In some localities naked images of a husband puritied with a plaster of cow-dung. Vest, they rw soine auspicious figures on the spot and wife nre set in a cart and taken through the village nccompanied with music, the and worship them for a number of days in the belief that this ensures good health to their crowd singing indecent songs all the way brothers. long. Among Gujarat Hindus no special ceremonies On the Holi holiday children are presented are performed when a girl attains puberty, with harda (garlands of balls made of sugar) except that on the third or fifth day she is bathed by their relatives and the friends of their by an unwidowed woman and dressed in green families. or suff'ron-coloured robes. She is given rice The Holt fire is extinguished by women on in milk, sweetened with sugar, and is presented the morning of the following day. The earthen with a piece of green satin." vessels containing wheat and gram which are In some places, the girl is bathed on the put into the pit of the Holi before the fire is fourth day and given kansar to cat. She then lighted are then taken out. The grain is cooked bows to her mother-in-law and makes her a preby the fire of Holi, and is called Ghugari. It sent of half a rupee. The mother-in-law is distributed among the villagers, the belief blesses her and presents hier with & bodice being that those who eat it are protected against cloth. disease by the goddess of the Holi. After the bath, a mark with red powder is There are many other superstitious beliefs made on her forehead and she is taken to the held by people in connection with the temple of the family deity. Holi. In some places, the red powder mark is made According to one belief, those who expose under the girl's right arm in the belief that themselves to the heat of the Holi fire keep this ensures to her the birth of many good health during the ensuing year. According children.10 1 The School Mistress, Barton Female Training College, Rajkot. * The School Master of Todia, * The School Master of Songadh and Mr. K. D. Desai. * The School Master of Patan Vav. -5 The School Master of Songadh. 6 The School Master of Khirasara * The School Master of Dhank. # The School Master of Vanod. 9 The School Master of Dadvi 10 The School Master of Chok.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY In some localities the girl is bathed on the and the girl is presented with a robe and bodice Baird day, dainty dishes are served her, and she | by her parents-in-law.2 is presented with a cocoanut by cach of her In some castes, a girl is not allowed to cook kinstoik. 1 before she attains puberty." In some castes, when a girl'attains puberty, No ceremonies are perforined when a boy a feast of cooked rice ind niolasses is given to attains puberty, probably because in the case the caste people. In other castes, pieces of of boys the change is not so marked as in the coco:inut kernel are distributed among children, case of girls. . 1 The School Mistress of Barton Female Training College, Rajkct. The School Master of Chhatrasa. 3 The School Master of Uptela.