Epigraphia Indica Vol 11

Author(s): E Hultzsch
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032565/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XI (1911-12)
NO
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृण
PUBLISHED BY
THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1981

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XI.
1911-12.
अन्नकासिमपाश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110011
1981

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Reprinted 1981
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
1981
Price : Rs. 80
Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area New Delhi-15

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RAI BAHADUR V. VENKAYYA, M.A. Late Epigraphist to the Government of India,
(1908-1912).
Born: 1st July, 1861, at Valaivattur in the North Arcot district (Madras).
Died: 21st November. 1912. at Manıbalam near Madras

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
AS A SUPPLEMENT TO THE "INDIAN ANTIQUARY."
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
EDITED BY
E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.,
GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST; TELLOW OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS; COBB. KEYB. OY TAX BATAVIA SOCIETY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES,
AND OT THE BOTAL BOOITT OF SCIENCES AT GÖTTIXGJX.
Vol. XI. 1911-12.
CALCUTTA:
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.
BOMBAY: EDUCATION BOCIETY'S PRESS. LONDON. LUZAO & Co. and KEGAN PAUL LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRABSOWITZ. TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co.
VIENNA: A. HOLDER & Co. NRW YORK, WESTERMANN & Co.
BERLIN: A. ASHER & Co. CHICAGO: 8. D. PEET.
PARIS: E. LEROUX.

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CONTENTS
276
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetionlly.
PAGE: R. D. BANERJI, M.A.:
No. 28. The Parikud plates of Madyamarājadēra . . . . . PROFESOR H. M. BHADKAMKAN :
No. 17. Navalákli plates of Šilditya I. ; [Gupta-] Saovat 286 . . . . . 174 D. 2. ERANDABEAR, M.A.:
No. 4. The Chahaminis of Marwar . . . . . . . . PANDIT DATA RAV SAHNI, M.A.
No. 3. Sabeth-Mabeth plate of Govindachandia; Vikrama-) Samvat 1186 . . . J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), Ph.D., C.I.E. -
No. 1. An inscription at Dévagēri . . . . . . . . . RET. A. H. FRANCEE, PH.D.
No. 25. The Tibetan alphabet. 26. List of miuister's names found in the Tibetan inscription in front of the Ta-cbao.
Sou-temple (Jo-khang) in Lhasa ; 823 A.D. . . . . . . . 272 RA BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A. -
No. 19. The Sirpur stono inscription of the time of Mahäsivagupta . . . . 184
... 27. Tiwarkbed plates of the Rashtrakūta Nannaraja; Saka 563 PROFESBOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.
No. 2. Palitini plates of Simhaditya; the year 255 . . . . . 16
6. Palitana plates of Dharatēna II ; [Gupta-) Samvat 252. . . . . 80 13. Gobarwa plates of Karpadēva . . . .
139 18. Banswars plates of Bhöjadēva ; (Vikrama-] Sathvat 1076. .
31. Surat plates of Vyaghrasēna; the year 241 . . . . . . . 219 PROFESSOR H. JACOBI, PH.D.
No. 11, Dates of Chola kings . . . . . . . . . . . , 12. Dates of Pandya kings
13. New special tables for the computation of Hindu dates . . . . 158 PROFESSOR S. Konow, PH.D.-- No. 9. Five Valabhi plates . .
. . 104 14. Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta III; Sala Samvat 967 RAO SAHEB H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A.:
No. 36. Malepildu plates of Punyakumāra; the fifth yoar . . . . B. C. MAZUMDAR, B.A., B.L.:No. 8. Three copper-plate records of Sonpur : . . .
. . . 93 V. NATESA AIYAR, B.A. -
No. 34. Märēja palli grant of Sri-Rangarāya II ; Saka 1497. . . . F. E. PARGITER, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.):--
No. 6. Jinkbat inscription of the time of Virasēna . . . . # 7. Two records on the pillar at Kösam , 20. The inscription on the Wardak vase .
181
132

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
287
313
804
DIWAN BATADUR L. D. SWAMI KANNU PILLAI, M.A., B.L., LL.B. -
No. 29. Eight Chola dates . . . . . . . . . J. RAMAYYA, B.A., B.L.:
No. 33. Three inscriptions of the Reddis of Kondavida . . . . . . PANDIT RAM KARNA
No. 31. Dadhimati-mālā inscription of the time of Dhrūhlana ; [Gupta-) Samvat 289
32. Sévādi copper-plates of the Chahamāna Ratnapāla; Vikrama-Samvat 1176 . R. SEWELL, I.C.S., (RETD.) :
No. 23. Dates of Chõla kings. . . . . . . .
» 24. Dates of Pandya kings . . . . . . . . K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A. -
No. 15. Tiruvellarai inscription of Dantivarman . . . . . . .. 30. Mappårköyil inscription of Jatavarman Sundar.Chile.Pana
cription of Jatavarman Sundara-Chola-Pandyadēva. Taw SEIN KO:
No. 10. Burmese inscriptions at Bodh-Gaya . . . . . . . RAI BAHADUR V. VENKATYA, M.A.:
No. 22. Five Bina inscriptions from Gudimallam . . . . . .
.
241 253
.
164
2 292
. 118
.
322
INDEX
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
LIST OF PLATES.
18 24
210
.
.
No. l. Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, M.A. .
to face title page 2. Inscription at Dévageri . .
to face page 6 3. Palitani plates of the Garulaka Simbaditya . 4. Sahētb-Mahētb plate of Govindachandra . 5. Palitānā plates of Dharasēna II. , .
betweon pages 82 & 83 6. Jänkhat Brahmi inscription and Kösam pillar inscriptions
to face page 87 7. Vakratentali grant of Mahābhavagupta Janamējaya . . . between pages 94 & 95 8. Nibinna grant of Mahasivagupta Yayati . . . . .
96 & 97 9. Sõnpur plates of Šutrubhanja . . . . .
•
100 & 101 10. Palitānā plates of Dhruvasēna I.-[Gupta-] Samvat 206
.
108 & 107
110 & 111 12.
.
" C .
» etel 210
, 112 & 113 , 13. plate
(incomplete) . . . . to face page 115 14. Siladitya I. . . . . .
116 15. Burmese inscription at Bödh-Gaya .
.
119 , 16. Goharwa plates of Karnadēva
. . between pages 119 & 143 .. 17. Narasapatain plates of Vajrahasta III., Saka-Samvat 967. Plata I.
• .
130 151 18.
II
to face page 152 19. Turuvellarai incription of Dantivarman . . . .
» 157 20. Navalăkhi plates of Silāditya I.-[Gupta-) Sari vat 286 . . between pages 178 & 179 , 21. Banswara plates of Bhöjadēva.--[Vikram Samvat 1076
.
182 & 183 22. Map showing the situation of places mentioned in the records of the
Sómavam i kings of Katak . . . . . . . . to face page 189 23. Sirpar stone inscription of Mahāśivagupta . . . . . .
190

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PLATES
: .
:
:
No. 24. Inscription on the Wardak vase ; lines 1 and 2 25.
> > > 3 and 4 . . 26. Surat plates of Vyāghrasēna; the year 241
27. Five Bina inscriptions from Gudimallam; Plate I
: to face page
210 211 221 226
228 between pages 270 & 271
II
e Tibetan alphabet. Plate
30.
>
>>
II
.
.
.
.
.
.
, VII. 36. Tiwarkhēd plates of Nanparāja; Saka 553.
to face page 279 37. Parikud plates of Madhyamarājadēva
between pagos 284 & 285 38. Dadhimati-mäta inscription of the time of Dhruhlana: (Gupta-) Samvat
to face page 304 39. Sěvādi plates of Chāhamāna Ratnapala ; V. S. 1176 . . . between pages 310 & 311 40. Phirangipuram pillar inscription of Pedda-Kömati Vema , .
to face page 320 41. Márēdapalli grant of Sri-Rangaraya II; Plate I . . between pages 330 & 331
II .
331 & 335 43. Lion souls and sculptures of about the seventh century A.D..
to face pago 338 44. Malēpāļu plates of Punyakumāra ; the fifth year
between pages 311 9 345 45. Malēpādu stone inscription of Satyaditya
to face page 346

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 4, last line,- for a Hechche reud at Hechche. , 17, line 10 from top,- for Phankaprasravana read Phankapra gravana , 32, line 17 from bottom, --for nI read In. , 41, line 8 from top,--for Nădla read Nādlãi.
, 48, foot-note 1,- for Badāri read Badāri. Page 107, text line 17,- for Dhiņdhaka- read Tthindaka.
, 108, line 14 from bottom , 120, No. 10.-The datos in the Burmese inscription at Bodh-Gaya are said to fall in
January, A.D. 1295, and November, A.D. 1298: that, however, is not correct : the case is as follows.-(1) Tbe first date angwers quite regularly, for the year B.E. 657 expired, to Friday, 16th December, A.D. 1295.-(2) The second date is “irregular": instead of working out for a Sunday as given in the record, for the year B.E. 660 expired, the given lunar day answers to Monday, 13th October, A.D. 1298 ; and for the year B.E. 660 current it answers to Thursday, 24th October, AD. 1297.-See my paper in the Jour. R. As. Soc., 1913, pp. 378-84, where I have treated these two dates fully, and have shown how easily Burmese dates may be calculated by using the means provided by Sir Alfred Irwin in his Burmese and Arakanese Calendars (1909) and his "Elements of the Burmese Calendar from A.D. 638 to 1752" published in the Indian Anti
gudry, vol. 39 (1910), pp. 289-315.-J. F. FLEET. ., 144, text line 31,- for a read awg. .. 172, below Table XIII,- for 177 read 171.
185, line 36 from top-cancel the words " who was the King's commander-in-chief.' ,, 236, line 3 from bottom, - for Konguņivarman read Kongonivarman.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XI.
No. 1.-AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E. This inscription has been mentioned by me in vol. 5 above, p. 172: and I have given a brief statement of the purport of it under No. 29 in my List of Spurious Records in the Ind. Ant., vol. 30 (1901), p. 217. I publish it now for the first time, and give a facsimile of it fron au ink-impression made for me by Mr. Kalyan Sitaram Chitre in 1890, when (if my memory is correct) be was Mamlatdär of the Sampgaum täluka of the Belgaum District.
The inscription is on a stone which was found in a field, Survey No. 85, at Dēvagēri, a village about six miles west-by-south from Karajgi, the head-quarters of the Karajgi täluka, Dharwar District. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 42 (1827) shews the place as Dewgeeree'. The Map of the Dhảrwar Collectorate (1874) shews it as 'Deogeree'. The Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879) presents its name as 'Deogiri'. And the Dharwār volume (1884) of the Bombay Gazetteer treats it as 'Devgiri' (p. 665). In connexion with some early Kadarba copperplate records which were obtained at this village, I originally gave its namo as Dėvagiri', in accordance with those spellings. Subsequently I was given to anderstand that the cultivators call it Dēvagere', and that this should be taken as its real name : and I have sometimes used this form. Since then, however, I have ascertained that a record of A.D. 1075 in the temple of Basavanna at the village itself distinctly gives its name as Dēvamgēri, as also does a record of the period A.D. 1210-47 at the temple of Mårtandadēva at a neighbouring village, Koļūr: also, that the impression of a record of A.D. 1121 in the temple of Basavanpa, while leaving it donbtful whether the original does or does not present the antstāra, again distinctly gives the second component of the name as gēri, and thut yields either Dēvam gēri or Dāvagēri. Furthes, Mr. K. S. Chitre, while writing the name on the impressions sent by him to me as Dėvagiri' in English characters, according to the official spelling, wrote it as Dēvagēri', in the aime place, in the Modi or current Marathi characters. I therefore entertain no doubt that what the cultivators really call the village is, not 'Davagere' (as reported to me), but Dēvagēri, and that this
Ind. Ant., vol. 7, p. 33: and I have used the form Dēogiri' in vol. 5 above, p. 172.
For instance, in my Dynastia of the Kasaran. Districts, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency vol. 1, part 2. p. 285 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
is the form of the name that should be used. At the same time, in justification to a certain extent of the official form of the name, I may state that a record of A.D. 1674 on a pillar in the same temple of Basavanna does distinctly present the name as Dēvagiri, and thus carries back the corrupt form for an appreciable time. The inscription now published does not mention the name Dévangéri in any form, but speaks only of a village called Palarür. This name seems to be another form, by transposition of the name which we have as Paralür (Ind. Ant., vol. 11, p. 70) in the inscription of the time of Kirtivarman II (A.D. 746-47 and 757) at Aļür, about eight miles south-west-by-west from Dēvagēri, and as Bșihat-Paralūrid., vol. 7, p. 35, line 9) in the still earlier copperplate grant, of the third year of Mrigēśavarman, which was discovered at Dēvagēri itself. In any case, the purport of our record distinctly implies that the stone which bears it, and which was found in a field in the lands of Dēvagēri, was set up in the village Palarör, and thus marks Palarūr as being then the name of the place. It may be added that the inscription of A.D. 1075, mentioned above, registers an assignment of tolls, for certain purposes of the god Kankaļēśvara of Dēvamgēri, at Dēvamgēri and Palavür and in the tala,
site or tract', composed of Eleya-Tammuge and two unnamed villages : here we may possibly have still another form of the name Paralir, Palarar: but it is difficult to account for the v in the place of the r; and Palavür may be another village which does not now exist. Any such name as Paralur, Palarür, and Palavür, is not now found in maps, etc. And the position seems to be that Dévagöri was originally a dēvamgöri or dēvapurt, a 'god's ward', of Palarar; that the lands of Palarir and some other villages have been absorbed into the lands of Dēvagëri, which is a somewhat large village, and that consequently the latter name only has survived. The insoription now published places Palarūr, tacitly but plainly, in the Banavāsi twelve-thousand province. So, also, the record of A.D. 1075 iu the same way places Dēvamgēri, with the other villages mentioned in it. in that same province, and, further, in a division of it known as the Basavura one-hundred-and-forty.
At the top of the stone there are soulptures, showing a bull, recumbent to the right (proper left) and apparently intended for the usual Nandi, and below it, plainly not as a family or dynastic emblem bat in connexion with the topic of the record, an elephant, standing to the right (proper left), with a man standing behind it with uplifted arms. The writing covers an area about l' 8" broad in lines 9 to 14 by 3'0' high. The stone on which it is engraved seems to have been even originally of an irregular shape; and it is only at the end of lines 1 to 8, 17, 20, and 21, and at the beginning of lines 18 to 22, that any portions of it have been broken away.
The characters are Kanarese, boldly formed and, generally, well executed. In lines 1 to lõ the size of them ranges from about 1", as in the ya of bahiyan, line 9, to ", as in the ba of bare, line 15; in lines 16 ff. it increases up to (for single letters) 14" in the ba of såsirbar, line 19, and it almost seems that this part of the record may have been written by another hand : the ynü of ay-nura, line 2, is 14"high: the Ini of massyal-niran, line 11, is 2" high : and the chchi of mechchidem, line 16, is 21" high. They are of the general standard of the tenth century A.D. and closely thereabouts. They include both the types of the initial short i, on which detail see p. 7 ff. below the earlier tune of this vowel occurs in irppatt., line 2; the later type is found in idan, line 20: also in vianant the beginning of line 18, where, however, it is mostly broken away. The kh.), b, and I are all of the later types; the guttaral nasal does not occur. No distinction seems to be made between d and d. In chhatra, for chchhattra, line 6, we have the rare fall
Regarding the confusion which bas arisen in the official spelling of various place-names in consequence of mistakes that have been made between fore, kere, 'a tank', and tiri, '& street', see my note on the name Appigere n vol. 6 above, p. 100, note 3.
* Compare the metathesis in maral and malar, aral and alar, and eral and clar: see Sabdamanidarpana, verse 29.

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No. 1.]
AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI.
form of chh, which necessarily can seldom occur except when, as here, it is need instead of chchh.
The language is Kadarese, of the archaic type, in prome. The record was neatly put together by the use of the satisaptami or locative infinitives ene, lines 10, 11, 14, ire, line 14, bare, line 15, and mile, line 15, coupled with the subjunctive or conditional endodo, lines 12, 13, 16. And not unworthy of note, in respect of the nicety of the composition, is the point that, whereas the remainder of the record, appropriately cast in pure Kanarese, naturally presents the words pul, pullu, for 'grass' (lines 11, 14, 15), and ans for elephant' (line 15), into the ruling prince's month there are pat (in accordance with the theory of the Hindi drama, that kings and such people should speak Sanskrit) Sanskrit words, woven however into a Kanarese sentence, which include trina and hastin. Line 7 gives us nevarade, the instrumental singular of a word nocara which seems to be a longer form of nēra, =ner (3), straightness, nronriety. pleasantness'. In line 10-11 we have kudugal as & variant of kudugol. kudagol. kudigol, kudugalu, a kind of sickle', for which forms see Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary under kudu (3). In the first component of the term būdagül, 'an offering of boiled rice to ghosts, lines 12, 17, we have būda, instead of the more usual būta, as a tadbhava-corruption of the Sanskrit bhūta. In arasara and ada, line 12, pulla, line 14, and koyvara, line 15, wo have either & careless omission of the final in (n), or, with equal probability, instances of the accusative in a instead of an (an). Line 8 presents the word bali (3), 'a man who calls or invites' or we may say 'a summoner', in connexion with which the following remarks may be made. In the form bali (with instead of !) we have this same word in an unpablished inscription of A.D. 1052 at Niralgi in the Hangal tāluka, Dharwår, in a passage which runs :Griman-mahamandalesvaram Harikësaridēvar.... Srimad-agrabaram Niriliya mahajanam münürvvarige baļiyan-atti barisi ; "the illustrious Mahamandalesvara Harikësarideva . . . having sent a summoner to the three-hundred Mahajanas of the holy agrahara Nirili, and having caused them to come," etc.: and similar passages oocur in records of A.D. 1074 and 1075 at the same place. And we can now recognize that we have the word basi itself in line 20 of the Ädür inscription (Ind. Ant., vol. 11, p. 70), where, modifying my original rendering, I would translate :-"Tho Gurava Prabhachandra, the sommoner of the Jain templo of Paralür, obtained this grant." It would seem that, in addition to meaning generally any man who calls or invites', the word denoted also a recognized official of some kind, both religious and secular.
In respect of orthography we may note (1) the use of b for v in sambatsura twice in lines 1 to 3; (2) the rise of for 6 throughout; (3) the mistakes of kh for k in sakha, line 1, of d for dh in samadigata, line 4, and of ri for fi in trina, line 9.
The inscription can only be treated as a spurious record, as which it has been entered ander No. 29 in my List of Spurious Records in the Ind. Ant., vol. 30 (1901), p. 217; becanse it
This is the record which I mentioned, from this point of view, in the discussion on "Sanskrit as a spoken langtungo"; see Jour. R. As. Soc., 1904, 486.
Reeve and Sanderson's Dictionary adds the form kudugula. The most familiar term is kudugöl, in its lator form kudugõlu.
1 According, indeed, to Kasiraja's Sabdamanidarpana, verse 134, and Bhattakalanka's Karnaaknabdauunas, Bütrs 231, we might regard some of these as genitives used in the sense of accusatives. But ada at any rate is not genitive. And there can be little doubt that Dr. Kittel's opinion is correct; namely, that the supposition of s use of the genitive for the accusative is unnecessary, and that the accusative in a, frequent enough in the medieval and modern dialecte, existed in also the more ancient colloquial dialect, though it had not been generally accepted by classical writers see his Kannada Grammar, SS 117, 132, 852. Many instances of the accusative in a can be found in my Kanarene ballads : thus, mäta for málanna, Ind. Ant., vol. 14, p. 300, line 3 from the bottom riffa for fiffann - miffann, p. 301, line 1; karava for karavanne, line 8 yöna for yönanaw, line 11. It would, in fact, bo pedantie to use the accusative termination in ordinary speech; except perhape with pronouns.
• Except, of course, for Sanskrit words being aimed at here, there would be no objection to trina.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
purports to have been framed on a date which is utterly incompatible with the period to which its characters refer it. As, however, it states (apart from the date) nothing that is in any way unnatural, suspicious, or irreconcilable with the local history for its true period, we may accept the information given in it as trae. It deals with a thing which it calls būdagal. This term is composed of būdu, a kulwu-form of the Sanskřit bhūta, 'a spirit, goblin, ghost', and the Kanarese kül, küla, boileil rice'; and it denstes 'an offering of boiled rice to the ghosts'. Other names of the offering are bhūtabali and bhūtayajña ; also the word bali by itself, which is explained in Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary as meaning, amongst other things, an offering to demons (especially also Durga or Kali), etc., performed by putting heaps of boiled rice, or by killing sheep, buffaloes, etc., and also men.' As a regular sacrifice, the offering ranked as one of the pañchamahiyajia or five great sacrifices': see, for instance, the Mänavadharmasastra, 3. 70. I have been told, however, that in a more special way the thitabali is offered in connexion with the garbhädāna or ceremony performed to ensure conception. I further learnt from the late Sir James Campbell that the bhūtabali is offered in cases of barrenness, from the point of view that that misfortune is due to the influence of maliciqus spirits. And we thus obtain a clear explanation as to why the record represents the village-maidens as interested in the matter of the būdual. The inscription mentions a certain Mahāsāmantadhipati or great fendal prir.ce named Santivarman, who was governing the Banavāsi twelve-thousand province. It describes him as belonging to the Mātura race, and no baving the hereditary title of "supreme lord of the town Trikundapura", with reference to the place of origin of his family, and as possessing the Nandanavana umbrella, the horse crest, and the mirror banner. It recites that Santivarman came, in the course of a tour, to Palarür, and demanded a supply of grass for bis horses and elephants. For some reason not stated, the right to make the offering of boiled rice to the ghosts was in abeyance; apparently under a sentence of excommunication. Incited by the village-maidens (kodagüsngal, line 11), who said that, if be could get the restriction removed, he might marry as many of them as he might wish, a man named Allagunda cut & supply of glass so much to the satisfaction of Santivarman that the latter offered to grant him a boon. Wherenpon Allagunda asked for, and obtained, the restoration of the right to make the offering to the ghosts. As to whether the villagemaidens kept their promise to him, the record is silent.
The inscription is dated on a Monday conpled with the second tithi of the bright fortnight of Blargasira of the Kalayukta sa moalsra, Saka-samvat 522. This date, however, is obviously not authentic: and all else that need be said about it is as follows. By the mean-sign system, which is the one that applies for that time, Kalayukta began on 29 October, A.D. 600, in Saka-sativat 522 expired, and ended on 25 October, A.D. 601. In that period, the given tithi onded closely about 22 hours 15 minnts after mean sunrise (for Ujjain) on Sunday, 13 November, A.1), 600, and cannot be connerted with the Monday. And from this we see that the case is not one in which the writer of the record obtained a correct date by calculation.
As one means towards determining the real date of the record, we may cite some other notices of the Maçara family, to which the record refers the Jalisin antadhipitti Santivarman. We have ono mention of it in the Sravana-Belgola epitaph of the great Ganga prince Noiarubintaka-Marasiriha (A.D. 963-64 to 974), which describes him as seiving the possessions of the lord of the Vanväsi country, and causing him or those who belong to the Mātūra race to do obeisance to him axty, vol. 5, p. 179). No personal name, however, is mentioned there. Some other notices of the family, of a specific nature, from other records in Mysore, are as follows:
(1) An inscription a Hechche in the Sorab taluka, Shimnga District: Epi. Carn., vol. 8,
I The Udavēodirom plate of Pallavamalla Nondivorman allot a "mirror banner malo of (? put together with) peacock's tail to the Sahara king Udayana : South Ind Insert., vol. 2, p. 372.

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No. 1. )
AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI.
Sb. 476. This record refers itself to the reign of the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III, and is dated in the Vikärin samvatsara, Saka-samvat 861 (expired), with details falling in December, A.D. 939. It tells us that the Mahāsāmantadhipati Mächiga, Māchidēva,-whom it describes as “lord of Trikundapura the best of towns"; born in the Mäțura race; and having the Nandavans umbrella, the horse crest, and the mirror banner,-was then ruling at Herdese : thu sphere of his government is not stated.
(2) An inscription at Otūru in the same täluka: ibid., Sb. 70. This record is not dated : but it refers itself to the same reign, and is therefore to be placed between A.D. 939 and 959. It tells us that the Mahāsāmantādhipati Michiyarasa was then lord of the Banavusi twelvethousand. It describes him just as Machiga, Máchideva, is described in No. 1 above; and he is plainly the same person.
(3) An inscription at Kakkarasi in the same täluka: ibid., Sb. 474. This record refers itself to the same reign, and is dated in the Ananda sa vatsara, Saka-samvat 876 (expired), with details falling in October, A.D. 954. It tells us that the Mahāsa mantadhipati Māchiyarasadescribed in the same terms as in Nos. 1 and 2 above-- was then ruling over "the twelve thousand."
(4) Another inscription at Hechche: ibid., Sb. 479. This record refers itself to the reign of the Rashtrakata king Kakka II, and consequently, thongh not dated, may be referred to closely about A.D. 972. It tells us that the Mahāximinta Santivarman- whom it describes as “lord of Trikundapura the best of towns"; born in the Mäțura race; and having the Nandanavana umbrella, the horse crest, and the mirror banner-was then ruling at Herdese.
(5) Another inscription at Hechche : ibid., Sb. 477. This record refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Ahavamalla-Taila II, and is dated (without full details) in the Khara samvatsara, Saka-samvat 913 (expired), = A.D. 991-92. It tells us that the Mahasāmantadhipati sāntivarman - described otherwise in just the same terms as in No. 4 abovewas then ruling the Belguhe 70, the Edenad 70, the Tandavörn 12, the Godoya 12, the Mugunda 12, the Pulivatti 12, the Kalvatti 7, and the Süntalige 1000.
These other notices of the Māțara family agree with the palæographic evidence in placing the real date of the record in the tenth century A.D. And as a means towards determining its exact date we take the given samvatsara, Kalayukta. In the tenth century, this samvatsara came only once. By the southern lunisolar system, which is applicable for this time to the locality to which the record belongs, it coincided with Saka-sainvat 880 expired. And in this year the given details are correct for Monday, 15 November, A.D. 958, on which day the specified tithi ended at about 17 hours 30 minutes after mean sunrise (for Ujjain). This result satisfies the requirements of the case, both palæographic and historical. And we entertain no doubt that this is the real date on which the record was framed, and that the Santivarman mentioned in it is the Säntivarman of the Hechche inscriptions Nog 4 and 5 above. As to why the writer of the record antedated it by practically six of the sixty-years cycles, we can only conjecture that the ban laid upon the village bad existed for some long time; that it had been disregarded ; and that antedating (made in fact to a preposterous extent) was necessary to legalize acts which had been performed in spite of it.
1 This name, nuch damaged here, is completed from No. 4 below.
1 An inscription at Kelagina-Kiruguņise in the same taluks, ibid., Sh. 501 which refers itself to the same reign, and is dated (without foll details) in the Kalayukta soratrara, Saka-sarvat 881 (current) - A.D. 958959, tells us that a certain Machiga was then governing the Edenad seveuty. He may have been soie junior member of the family, perhaps holding office under Säntivarman. But there is nothing in the record to mark him as such.

Page #17

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
TEXT. 1 Svasti? Sakhal-nfipa-kāl-atita-sambatsara-(sataṁ)2 gal-ay-nūra irppatt-eradaneya Kalayukta-sam]3 batsarada] Mārggasira-suddha-bidiyeyum Sõmavāra[d-and Ju[m] 4 Svasti samadi(dhi)gatapañcbamshásabda-[ma]håsamantadbipati 5 Trikundapura-paramosvara Brahmakshatriya-Maţüra-vams-odbhavam Na6 [nda)navanachhatra-hayalañchanchha)na-darppanadh vaja-virajamanam 7 [SK]ntivarmma. [n]ávarade maryyadey=åge Banavisi-pa[n]n[i]. 8 roh[chhJäsiramanmaļuttam yatha-kramade Palarürge ba[nd] =9 Ipadim barge baliyan=atti emma baya-hasti-sama hakke tri(tri)ņa10 samgrabai bē]kum=ene ollit-agi koyvem-endu pop-agal-Allagunda ka. 11 dugalam-maseyal-niran-ereyim-ene kodagūsuga!=ita pullam koyd12 rasara mechchisi būdagūlam bidisu von=akkum-endod-ada bidi13 sidode nim-enag=b gey vir-endod-inib-em-olage ni mechchidarolam me14 duve-nilu yene pogi palla koyatt-ire araban-[&]neyanner-ildu 15 koyvara nodutta bare Allagundan-aneya palla südolo nile16 y-ideg-arasam mechchidem bēļi-koll-endode 17 bädagülar biļim-endu bidisido in [ll] 18 [1!danalid Varanasivum sisira 19 kuviieyrun bir parvoraman a. 20 [lida) påtakan-akkum idam kidon-init(u)21 [mar päl]isido [m] [ll] Rāmasinga-bhatāra nirisi[dom) 22 [Manga]la (P)
TRANSLATION. Hail! On the socond tithi, and on Monday, of the bright fortnight of Märgasira of the Kalayukta sain vatsara which was the five hundred and twenty-second (year of) the conturios of yours elapsed of the era of the Saka kings :
(Line 4.) Hail! The Mahāsämantādhipati śāntivarman,-who has attained the paschamahāśabda, who is a supreme lord of the town Trikundapura, wbo has been born in the Brahmakshatriya Matura race, who is decorated with the Nandanavana umbrella and the horse crest and the mirror banner,-while governing the Banavāsi twelve thousand with rectitude and according to established customs, came in due course to Palarür, and sent a summoner to the seventy (Mahājanas) to say "A supply of grass is wanted for Our troop of horses and elephants !"
(L. 10.) Thereupon (the cutters) said :-"Right well will we out!", and were going out. Then Allagunda said :-"Pour ye out water to whet (my) sickle!" Thereupon the young maidens said :-" This is the man who will cut grass, and please the king, and cause the offering of boiled rice for the ghosts to be set free." Thereupon he said :-"If I cause that to be set
I From the ink-impressions. Ordinary brackets are used for such corrections and doubtful points as can be conveniently noted in this manner. Square brackets are used to mark syllables, or parts of them, which in the original are illegible or broken away and lost. An asterisk, attached to lettore or marke of punctuation in soare brackets, indicates that those letters or marks of punctuation do not staud in the origiual text.
There are various marks before this word. Bat they seem to be due only to injuries to the stone, and not to include any symbol for the word om.
* Read saka, for faka.
The first syllable of this name is greatly damaged, and cannot be recognized distinctly even on the back of the impressions. There can be no doubt, bowever, that it was sā, for fa.
. That is, "ia the Mâţurs race which is of mixed Brāhmaṇ aad Kshatriya origin." On the term Brahms kahatriya see some researks by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in Ind. diss., 1911, p. 85 &.

Page #18

Inscription at Devageri.
NAA TO ముందు మరుగు తలలు పాలు మకు వందనం అని నవ్వులు -
ట క
gang పులులు ఆ మునులు తరుగు తీయడం
కురు ముందు తలు
he has it the ఆ మధ్య కాలంలో
16
నలుదిరిన
20
22
J. F. FLEET.
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE,
SCALE +25
FROM AN INK-IMPRESSION BY MR. KALYAN SITARAM CHITRE

Page #19


Page #20

No. 1.]
AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI.
free, what will ye do for me?" To which they said :-"Marry just as many of as as thou mayest like !"
(L. 14.) Thereupon he went out. And when, while he was cutting grass, the king, mounted on an elephant, came looking on at the cutters, Allaganda stood up on the very bandle of grass which was for the elephant. Then, behold !, the king said :-"We are pleased : ask a boon!" Thereupon he said :-"Set ye free the offering of boiled rice for the ghosts :" and thus he caused it to be set free.
(L. 18.) He who destroys this shall incur the guilt of destroying Varanasi and a thousand brown cows and a thousand Brahmans! He who protects this is a protector of just so much!
(L. 21.) The worthy Råmasinga set this up. [May it be auspicious (P)]
Note on the Kanarese and Telugu initial short i. The alphabet exbibited in this Dēvagēri inscription is a specimen, belonging to the tenth century A.D., of that which Professor Bübler in his Indische Palaeographie, $ 29, termed the Kanarese and Telugu alphabet. An interesting detail in this particular record is that it presents the two types of the initial short i of this alphabet : we have the earlier type in irppatt-, line 2, and the later type in idar, line 20 : the latter is found also in idans, at the beginning of line 18, but is much damaged there. And we have to consider the circumstances in which this mixture of the two types could occur. I had hoped to rive a sketch, with plates, of the full history of the vowel in question, au
Dans of the initial longi: because, in addition to the interest that attaches to the study itself, the types and forms of there two letters may at any time be found particularly instructive in respect of the proper placing of undated genuine records, and of fixing limits for the fabrication of some of the sparious records. For the present, however, it has been found impracticable to prepare the requisite plates ; chiefly in consequence of a want of published facsimiles for the crucial period when the earlier types were being supplanted by the later ones. I must, therefore, confine my treatment of the matter to the history of the initial short i in the Kanarese and Telugu countries during the transitional period, and limit my remarks to such details as can be mado clear without more than half a dozen illustrations.
The earlier type of the Kanarese and Telugu initial short i has been illustrated by Professor Bühler in his plate VII, line 3, cols. XII, XIII, XV to XVIIT, and plate VIII, line 3, cols. II to V. I give two other illustrations in the margin: A. is drawn from the i of inarruorum, line 20, letter No. 13, in the Sirar inscription of A.D. 866 from A
B the Dhirwar District, Bombay, ante, vol. 7, p. 206, platu: B. is from the i of irugarige, line 5, No. 22, in the Begar inscription of the period ? SP A.D. 908-38 from the Bangalore District, Mysore, ante, vol. 6, p. 48, plate. In this type the character consisted, when fally made, of two parts, with various forms according to certain differences in the details of the two parts. The lower part consisted of two components, which were placed sometimes on the lower line of the writing, sometimes below it. These components. when made with uniformity, were sometimes two small circles, as in B., or two round marks which were not completely closed in a circles, and sometimes two detr, as ia A., which might be either round or of irregular shape. But sometimes, whether owing to caprice or carelessness of the writers, or to indifferent work by the engravers, or to the material breaking away (especially in the case of records on stone) in the hands of the engravers, these details are met with interchanged, and we have a circle accompanied by a dot. And occasionally the components of
Literally,"amongst us who are so many as these, marry all whom thou art pleased with!”
1 German original in the Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, vol. 1, part 11 (1896): English version in Ind. Ant., vol. 33 (1904), appendis.

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8
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
:
the lower part were omitted, and the ends of the upper part were then usually brought down to the lower line of the writing for a published instance of this, from the eastern parts of Southern India, see iti, line 43, No. 17, irrula, line 66, No. 5, and iḍiyuri, the same line, No. 14, in the Kaluchumbarru grant of the period A.D. 945-70, ante, vol. 7, p. 186, plate. In a quite exceptional instance of A.D. 982 from Mysore (see p. 13 below) the lower part consists of three circles, instead of two: this can only be regarded as a freak. The upper part sometimes took the form of a plain smooth arch, as in ittodu, line 2, No. 5, and ittodan, line 3, No. 11, in the inscription of the period A.D. 597-608 outside the Vaishnava cave No. 3 at Badami in the Bijapur District, Bombay, Archeol. Surv. West. India, vol. 1, p. 24, plate; Ind. Ant., vol. 10, p. 59, plate. But usually there was a more or less marked notch or bend down, pointed or curved, in the centre of the top: we have this in its pointed form in the illustrations A. and B. given herewith; and more markedly in iti, line 21, No. 12, in one of the early Kadamba copperplate records, Ind. Ant., vol. 6, p. 96, plate in its curved form, which had the effect of giving a waving shape to the top stroke, we have it in iti, the last line, No. 9, in the Haidarabad plates of A.D. 612, ibid., p. 74, plate. And sometimes this notched form was made so flatly that it resembles rather closely the outspread wings of a hovering bird: see, for instance (though these cases do not come from the particular territories with which we are concerned), Professor Bühler's plate VII, 3, IV, VI, VII, IX, and plate VIII, 3, I. The upper part is usually found single, formed by one continuous sweeping movement: but in some cases it has a disjointed appearance, with a break in the middle, as if it was made by two separate strokes, as in idam, line 9, No. 17, in the Nerur plates of the period A.D. 609-42 from the Sawantwadi State, Bombay, Ind. Ant., vol. 8, p. 44, plate, and in ica, line 42, No. 9, from the end, idam, line 56, No. 9 from the end, and iḍigur, line 82, No. 10 from the end, in the Kadaba plates from the Tumkar District, Mysore, which bear a date in A. D. 812 or 813, Ind. Ant., vol. 12, p. 14, plate: Epi. Carn., vol. 12. Gb. 61, plate: as, however, this feature is only noticed in records on copper, it is evidently to be attributed to the process of engraving, not to the writers. The sides of the upper part were not always of equal length. And sometimes the left side is curled in much more than the right side; as, for instance, in the cases mentioned above from the Haidarabad and Kadaba plates, and, in fact, in the Devageri inscription itself. Sometimes both the sides were well curled in, as in the illustrations A. and B. above, and more markedly in iridu, line 4, No. 1, and ieu, line 5, No. 1, in the Hatti-Mattür inscription of about A.D. 765, ante, vol. 6, p. 162, plate so also in an instance from the eastern parts of Southern India, in iti, line 85, No. 7 from the end, in the Ranastipindi grant of A.D. 1019, ante, vol. 6, p. 357, plate. Occasionally, the right side was continued downwards in a slanting direction to, or towards, between the two components of the lower part one instance of this is found in idam (for imam), line 13, No. 40, in the Mahäkita pillar inscription of A.D. 602, Ind. Ant., vol. 19, p. 18, plate: another is Professor Bühler's plate VII, 3, XVIII, which is from the ity in line 13, No. 11, of the Eastern Chalukya record of A.D. 668, Ind. Ant., vol. 7, p. 186, with plate in vol. 8, p. 320. And sometimes the right side was continued down into the right component of the lower part: this was a transitional form, which will be noticed below.
:
The later type of the Kanarese and Telugu initial short i has been illustrated by Professor Bühler in his plate VIII, line 3, cols. VI, VIII, IX. I give three other illustrations in the margin C. from ittham, line 22, No. 2 from the end, in the (?) Masulipatam plates or Akulamannaṇḍu grant of the period A.D. 934-45 (see p. 15 below): D. is drawn from the i of int initu, in line 46 of the inscription of A.D. 980 at Saundatti in the Belgaum District, Bombay, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. 10, p. 207 (no plate), and it is practically the modern form now used, both in Kanarese and in Telugu: E. is from the i of itu, line 25, No. 4, in the inscription of A.D. 1064 on the Jaṭṭinga-Raměsvara hill in the Chitaldroog District, Mysore, ante, vol. 4, p. 212, plate. In this type the character, when properly and
C
E
D
a

Page #22

No. 1. )
AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI.
customarily formed, did not consist of separate parts, but was made in one unbroken whole by a continuous sweeping movement of the reed or stilus. But, as with the earlier type, the top is occasionally found in a disjointed shape, as a result of the process of engraving : for instance, in itaḥ, line 79, No. 4, in the Chellär plates of A.D. 1143, Ind. Ant., vol. 14, p. 59, plate. And the top part in the instance figured as C. above was evidently made by the writer by two strokes iustead of one continuous movement. The top of the letter in this type is the upper part of the earlier type, in its notched form : but a very exceptional form is occasionally found in records from the eastern side of Southern India, in which the character begins with a curl down towards the left, instead of the curl up to the right: see, for instance, iti, line 102, the last akshara bat one, in the Teki plates of A.D. 1086-87, ante, vol. 6, p. 343, plate. The remainder of it was made by continuing the right side of the top downwards, and then in & loop upwards to the left and turning to the right to meet the down-stroke ; and it was finished off by a projection taken to the right and turned down into a sort of tuil : in some cases, how. ever, this projection to the right is very rudimentary, as, indeed, in the illustration E.; and in others, of the transitional class (see below), it does not appear at all.
The method of the transition from the earlier to the later type can be easily recognized though an intervening link or two may be wanting. The first step was a continuation of the right side of the apper part of the earlier type down to touch the right component of the lower part: I give an instance of this, in the illustration F. in the margin, from an Eastern Chalukya record, the Trandaparu grant, of the period A.D. 844-88 (see p. 15 below). The next step was to form the right component of the lower part, not by an entirely separate movement after raising the reed or stilus, but by an unbroken continuation of the down-stroke: we have an instance of this, with the right lower component formed by a continuation of that movement to the left, in Professor Bühler's plate VIII, 3, II, which is from the i of int-app-āt in line 13, No. 4 from the end, in the Kanarese record of Govinda III of A.D. 804, Ind. Ant., vol. 11, p. 137, plate. It must, however, have become customary, in this continuous formation of the right lower component, to make the movement to the right, instead of the left. The next step probably was to make the entire letter by one continuous stroke, without any lifting of the reed or stilus, in the
G H manner suggested in illustration G. given in the margin, with the two circles of the lower part running into each other. In the cursive movement thus set up, a subsequent step certainly was to make one large loop serve the purpose of the two circles, as in illustration H.: we have instances of this in iy=ūra (for ty-ra), line 12, No. 7, and i (for 1) dammavans, line 16, the last akshara, in the inscription of A.D. 1047-48 at Mindigal in the Kolar District, Mysore, ante, vol. 5, p. 207, plate. It seems to have been then recognized that a confusion was liable to arise between the initial short i and the initial ai of the same alphabet :' and it must have been in order to avoid such
In this record the vowel is found in also iidan (for idan), line 12-18 : but it does not present the same peculiarity there.
The Kanarose and Telugu initial ai is of somewhat rare occurrence, and has not been illustrated by ProfesBor Bühler, who, in fact, gave only one southera ai, plate VII, 6, VII, from aif varyya, line 61, No. 7, in the Alins Valabhi plates of A.D. 766, my Gupta Inscriptions, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. 3, p. 179, plate. Other instances from that part of Southern Indis may be seen in aihik., line 23, No. 37, of plate ii, in the Valabhi record of A.D. 760, Ind. ant., vol. 6, p. 21, plate, and in the same word, line 21, No. 11, in the Rashtrakūta record of A.D. 813 from Torkbodo, ante, vol. 3, p. 56, plate: these two forms are more like those which we have from the Kanarese country.
A Kadarese initial ai of the eleventh century may be seen in ai-golagarh, line 14, No. 4 from the end, in the Mindigal Chola inscription of A.D. 1047-48 from Mysore, ante, vol. 5, p. 207, plate. An earlier form may be seen in ai-gula, line 13, the last akshara but one, in Bapa inscription, alto from Mysore, Ind. Ant., vol. 10, P. 39, plate, Epi. Carn. vol. 10 (Kolár), Sp. 6, with plate a better one) s translations, p. 272.
A Teluga initial ai of about A.D. 900 may be soon in airiviya, line 82, No. 9, in the Eastern Chalukys grant of the period A.D. 888-918, anto, vol. 5, p. 129, plate.
(%

Page #23

10
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
confasion that there was added the projecting tail to the right, which produced the form illustrated in C., D., and E. above.
Professor Bühler's latest instances of the earlier type are as follows. As noted in the preceding paragraph, his plate VIII, 3, II, is an i of A.D. 804, and is really a transitional form. His plate VIII, 3, III, is from the record on the Kadaba plates from Mysore, bearing a date in A.D. 812 or 813 : the vowel is found fourteen times in this record : the instance figured seems to be from iva, line 15, No. 23 (side ii a, line 1), Ind. Ant., vol. 12, p. 14, plate ; Epi. Carn., vol. 12 (Tumkur), Gb. 61, plate. His remaining two illustrations are from the eastern parts of Southern India. The later of them, plate VIII, 3, V, is entered as if it was taken from the copperplate record which gives the date of the coronation of Amma II in A.D. 945, Ind. Ant., vol. 7, p. 15, plates: but that record does not include any initial i ; and the illustration seems to have been supplied from ih-aijatē, line 40, No. 7 (side iii b, last line), in the 'Påganavaram' plates or Diggubapra grant of the period A.D. 934-45, Ind. Ant., vol. 13, p. 214, plate. On the other side, his earliest instance of the later type is plate VIII, 3, VI: it is from the eastern part of Southern India, from the copperplate record which gives the date of the anointment of Rājarāja I in A.D. 1022, and may be of any date from that year up to about A.D. 1083; and it appears to be the i of iti, line 11, No. 5, Ind. Ant., vol. 14, p. 50, plate. There is thus a gap in the history of the Kanarese and Telugu initial short i, of roughly a century, from A.D. 934-45 to 1022-63, to be extended, in fact, as regards the Kanarese country, to even two centuries, in respect of which we have, so far, no information. We have now to see how this gap can be bridged over. It was chiefly due, as far as Professor Bühler was concerned, to a lack of materials in the shape of published facsimiles. The same want still exists to almost the same extent. Bat we can now cite various facsimiles which have been published since his time and I can supplement them by ink-impressions which necessarily were not available to him.
We will consider first such materiala as are available from the Kanarese districts of the Bombay Presidency; taking the matter up from the earliest instance, known to me, after Professor Bühler's latest instance of the earlier type. Here I use only records which are specifically dated ; and, when I cannot refer to a published plate, I cite my details from inkimpressions which were prepared under my direction when I was in the districts in question.
From these parts, we still have the earlier type of the initial short i running through the records of the time of the Rashtrakūta king Amoghavarsha I. We have it in the Nilgund inscription, dated in A.D. 866, from the Gadag taluka, Dharwār; ante, vol. 6, p. 102, plate; ir iti, line 6, No. 17: it occurs also in idan= towards the end of line 28, to which part of the record, however, the plate does not extend. We have it again in the Sirur inscription of the same date, from the Nawalgund täluka, Dharwăr; ante, vol. 7, p. 206, plate; in iti, line 4, No. 6, and ilnürvuorum, line 20, No. 13: the illustration A. on p. 7 above is from the latter instance. Again in an unpublished inscription, dated in A.D. 872 or 874, at Chinchli in the Gadag täluks; in indapayyam and intui, line 4. Again in an unpublished inscription, dated in A.D. 874, at Ron, the head-quarters of the Ron taluka in the same district; in idans, line 10: also in the same word in line 4 of a second record, not dated, below that one. And again in the Nidagundi inscription of A.D. 874-75, or within a year on either side, from the Bankäpar tāluka, Dharwär; ante, vol. 7, p. 213, plate; in idam, line 16, No. 13, in idan-, line 17, No. 12, and in i (for 1) kallar, line 19, No. 8: also in i (for) fānamar in line 25 in the supplementary record at the cop of the stone, not shown in the plate. And for the next reign, that of Kộishọa II, we
I have abstained from quoting a few records which are of doubtful authenticity: and it has of course been useless to quote records which refer themselves to (for instance) the reign of Kanparadeva or Kandaravallabha, withont anything to indicate which king Kpiebna is intended. But I have not found in any of them anything that conficta in any way whatsoever with the facts and resolta which I bring forward.

Page #24

No. 1. ]
AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI,
have it in an anpublished ingsription, dated in A.D. 897-98, at the village Chinchli mentioned above; in its, line 7, and idań, lines 14 and 17.
On the other hand, we have the later type in an unpublished fragmentary inscription of the same reign, of Křisbộa II, dated in A.D. 901-2, at Yeli-Sirar in the Gadag täluka, Dhārwar; in irppatta, line 1: here the precise form is a lop-sided one, very much like that which we have in ity", line 41, No. 12, in the Țēki plates of A.D. 1086-87 from the eastern side of Southern India, ante, vol. 6, p. 339, plate. And the later type is found again in the Nandwädige inscription of the same reign, dated in A.D. 903, from the Hungand taluka, Bijāpār; Ind. Ant., vol. 12, p. 221, with plate in vol. 11, p. 127; in irppatt., line 2, No. 1. These two cases are the earliest instances of the later type that I can cite from either the western or the eastern parts of Southern India : but they are run close by an instance of A.D. 909-10 from the Kolár District, Mysore (see p. 12 below).
The next record takes us back to the earlier type: it is the Hatti-Mattar inscription of the time of Indra III, dated in A.D. 918-17, from the Karaigi taluka, Dharwar; Ind. Ant., vol. 12, p. 224 (no plate): here we have the earlier type, in a thoroughly archaic form, in idam, line 10, and i (for i) stitiyan, line 11. Regarding the second inscription on the same stone, see lower down on this page.
The next records take as on again to the later type. One is the unpublished Kalas inscription of the time of Govinda IV, dated in A.D. 930, from the Bankäpār tāluka, Dharwar, noticed ante, vol. 6, p. 177: here we have the vowel in the later type in idans, line 73. The others are records of the time of Krishna III. Here we have the later type in the unpublished inscription, dated in A.D. 942, at Ron, Dharwar District, noticed in Ind. Ant., vol. 30, p. 262; in i[du], or some such word, in the last line bat one. Again in an unpublished inscription, dated in A.D. 946, at Tappada-Kurahatti in the Nawalgund taluka, Dharwär; in idarke, line 16, in int=i keygam and idan, line 20, and in idans, line 23. And again in the Sorațir inscription of A.D. 951, from the Gadag taluka, Dharwar; Ind. Ant., vol. 12, p. 257 (no plate); in idan, line 20.
On the other hand, the earlier type is presented again in the unpublished Chiñchli inscription of the same reign, dated in A.D. 953, from the Gadag täluka, Dharwar, noticed ante, vol. 6, p. 83; in idarke or ivarke, line 29.
We next have the later type again in the unpublished inscription of A.D. 987, 970, or 971, of the time of Khottiga, at Hire-Handigol in the Gadag talaka, Dhārwar, noticed ante, vol. 6, p. 180; in int=appavam, line 20.
But the earlier type appears again in an unpablished inscription of the same reign, dated in A.D. 969, at Nágávi in the same täluka, noticed ante, vol. 6, p. 180, and Dyn. Kan. Distrs., p. 422, note 3; in ivarke or idarke in the last line but five.
For the time of the last Rashtrakāta king, Kakka II, I cannot cite any instance of the use of this initial vowel. The next available record is one in which we find the two types mixed, just as in the Devagēri inscription. It is the inscription of A.D. 975 from Hebbal, in the Lakshmēshwar subdivision of the Miraj State within the limits of the Dharwar District; ante, vol. 4, p. 351 (no plate): here we have the later type in irppattu, line 35but in int=ły=ayrar-, line 38, we have the earlier type, with the sides of the top brought down to the lower line of the writing, and with omission of the two circles or dots of the lower part of the letter. And we may note that we have the same mixture of types in the undated inscription which lies below the Hatti-Mattár record of A.D. 916-17 (mentioned above) from the Karajgi taluka, Dbarwar ; Ind. Ant., vol. 12, p. 224 (no plate): here we have the later type in int=ivars, line 15, and in
For similar instances from the eastern parts of Southern India, see pp. 15, 16, below.
c2

Page #25

12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
idam, line 17; but in idan-, line 19, we have the earlier type, and again with prolongation of the sides of the top down to the lower line of the writing, together with omission of the two circles or dots of the lower part. It thus now seems that, in spite of a somewhat marked difference in the general appearance of the characters, this second record at Hatti-Mattor cannot be placed as late as I thought when I edited it, but must be referred to not long after A.D. 975.
The two cases mentioned in the preceding paragraph are the latest instances, that I can cite, of the use of the earlier type of the initial i in the Kanarese districts of Bombay. The next available records all show the fally developed later type. The first is the unpublished inscription of the time of the Western Chūlukya king Taila II, dated in A.D. 980, at Sogal in the Parasgad taluka, Belgaum, mentioned in Dyn. Kun. Distrs., p. 428: here we have the vowel in i (for i) dharmmamans, line 2 from the end. The next is the inscription of the same reign, dated six months later in the same year, at Saundatti, the head-quarters of the Parasgad tāluka; Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. 10, p. 204 (no plate): here we have the vowel in int=initu, line 46, illustrated as D. on p. 8 above. The next is the unpublished inscription of the time of Isivabedanga-Satyäśraya, dated in A.D. 1002, at Gadag, the head-quarters of the Gadag tāluka, Dharwar, mentioned in Ind. Ant., vol. 2, p. 297, No. 3 (where the date has been wrongly shown as Saka-sativat 984, instead of 924): here we have the vowel in int=ivarin, line 6 from the end. It seems unnecessary to pursue the matter beyond this point: in every other instance from the Bombay districts, known to me, only the later type is found.
We now take the matter up for Mysore and Coorg ; starting, again, with the earliest instance, known to me, after Professor Bühler's latest instance of the earlier type, and using chiefly records which are specifically dated, but also a few which can be distinctly referred to well-ascertained periods. Here, when I cannot point to published plates, I cite my details from ink-impressions for which I am indebted to Professor Hultzsch and Mr. H. Krishna Sastri.
From these parts, we have the earlier type of the initial short i in an inscription dated in A.D. 878-79 at Baragar in the Tumkör District ; Epi. Carn., vol. 12, Si. 38 (no plate); in int-ă, east face, line 1. Again in the Biļiar inscription, dated in A.D. 888, from Coorg; Ind. Ant., vol. 6, p. 102, No. 2, plate; Epi. Carn., vol. 1, p. 5 (no plate); in idarkke, line 10, No. 14, and line 11, No. 13, and in idans, line 11, No. 18. Again in an inscription of about A.D. 891-92 (see ante, vol. 6, p. 68) at Kyátanahalli in the Mysore District; Epi. Carn., vol. 3, Sr. 147, plate; in idans, line 15, No. 1. Again in an inscriptiou dated in A.D. 904 at Bētamangala in the Kolár District; Epi. Carn., vol. 10, Bp. 1 (no plate); in ippatt., line 3, in ivage (?), line 14, and in idana, line 15: here, in the second instance, the right side of the upper part of the letter is continued down to the right component of the lower part, giving & transitional form mentioned on p. 9 above. Again in an inscription dated in A.D. 907 at Täyalär in the Mysore District; Epi. Carn., vol. 3, Md. 14, with plate; in idan-, line 12, the last akshara but one, in idarkke, line 14, No. 18, and in inibara, line 15, No. 17 : in these three cases the two circles or dots forming the lower part of the letter are absent; but that is probably due to the person who prepared the lithograph (which is not a facsimile), rather than to the writer or the engraver. And again in the Begür inscription of the Ganga prince Ereyappa, of the period about A.D. 908 to 038, from the Bangalore District; ante, vol. 6, p. 48, plate; Epi. Carn., vol. 9, frontispiece; in irugange, line 5, No. 22, in iggaluru, line 8, No. 4, and in inituma[m], line 15, No. 4: the first of these instances is given as illustration B. on p. 7 above.
Iri Mysore and Coorg, I find the later type first in an inscription, dated in A.D. 909-10, at Manigatsu-Gollahalli in the Kõlar District; Epi. Carn., vol. 10, Mb. 229 (no plate): here we have the vowel in ire, line 4, and inpara, line 7, in a form resembling illustration D. on p. 8 above, but not shaped in so slanting a fashion, and made with the looped part smaller in proportion; it resembles more closely, in fact, the instance of A.D. 961-62 mentioned farther on.

Page #26

AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI.
13
No. 1.]
This is the earliest instance but two, known to me, of the occurrence of the later type: the earlier instances are those of A.D. 901-2 and 903 from the Dharwar and Bijapur Districts, Bombay, mentioned on p. 11 above. If this instance came from the north of Mysore, it would be quite intelligible. But it comes from a part where we do not trace the later type again till A.D. 1029-30, and where we find indications of a transitional position even after that time (see p. 14 below). It is therefore peculiar. And we can only regard it as intrusive, and conjecture that the writer of this record was not a local man, but came from some territory where the later type of the vowel was well established. The explanation is perhaps to be found in the fact that the record, which comes from the Bairakur höbli in the north-east quarter of the Mulbagal taluka, near the boundary of the North Arcot District, Madras, is a Bana record: we know that the territory of the Bana princes of this period extended at least well into North Arcot.
We are taken back to the earlier type by the next available record, an inscription of the time of the Rashtrakuta king Govinda IV, dated in A.D. 930-31, at Nandiguḍi in the Chitaldroog District; Epi. Carn., vol. 11, Dg. 119, plate; here we have the vowel in idan=, line 8, No. 9. We have it again in an inscription dated in A.D. 942 at Hemavati in the Anantapur District; Epi. Carn., vol. 12, Si. 28;1 in iriva, line 29, and int-ivar, line 53. And again in an inscription dated in A.D. 944-45 at Bêtamangala in the Kolar District; Epi. Carn., vol. 10, Bp. 2 (no plate); in idan-, line 12: here the components of the lower part of the letter were perhaps omitted.
The next record comes from the northern part of Mysore, and gives us a second instance of the later type; namely, an inscription dated in A.D. 961-62 on the Jaṭṭinga-Rāmēsvara hill in the Chitaldroog District; Epi. Carn., vol. 11, Mk. 27, with plate at texts, p. 142: here we have the vowel in idara, line 5, No. 1.
In the south, however, we have the earlier type again in the epitaph of the Ganga prince Nolambántaka-Marasimha, framed in A.D. 975, at Sravana-Belgola in the Hassan District; ante, vol. 5, p. 178, plate; in ity-, line 50, No. 1, and intu, line 100, No. 1: here, in both cases, both the sides of the upper part of the letter were continued down to the components of the lower part. We have it again in the Peggu-ür inscription dated in A.D. 978, from Coorg; Ind. Ant., vol. 6, p. 102, No. 1, plate; Epi. Carn., vol. 1, p. 7, plate; in idan, line 18, No. 1. And again in the Sravana-Belgola epitaph of the Rashtrakñṭa prince Indra IV, dated in A.D. 982, from the Hassan District; Epi. Carn., vol. 2, p. 53 (no plate); in iriyalk=, north face, line 15, and irade, south face, line 31: here in the first case, the lower component consists quite exceptionally, of three (instead of two) circles.2
I cannot cite any use of the earlier type in Mysore after that date. From about half-way down the western side of the province, we have the fully developed later type in the Chikmagalur inscription, which belongs to the period A.D. 989-1005, from the Kaḍür . District; ante, vol. 8, p. 58 (no plate); Epi. Carn., vol. 6, Cm. 3 (no plate: I cite the form from the photograph from which I edited the record); in innuru (for innuru), line 9, in intivar and i (for i) koḍangeyam, line 12, and in indavurada, line 16. And the next two citable records from the northern parts (beyond which we need not pursue the matter for that locality) present the same type. One is an inscription of the time of the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha II, dated in A.D. 1035, at Belagami in the Shimoga District; Epi. Carn., vol. 7, Sk. 126, plate; see, more clearly, the photograph in Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese Inscriptions, No. 155: here we have the vowel in imti, line 23, No. 5, and in int-i, line 32, No. 4. The other is the inscription
1 A plate is given op. cit., translations, p. 92; hut it shows only the first seventeen lines of the record. In line 14 we have, not indro as given in the published text in Roman characters, but indro, with the long i by mistake for the short vowel, as given in the text in Kanarese characters.
In line 25 of the north face, at the beginning of verse 6, the original seems distinctly to have dhiru, as given in the text in Kanarese characters. At any rate, the word is not iru, as given in the romanized text.

Page #27

14
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
of the time of the Western Chalukya prince Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya, dated in A.D. 1064, on the Jaṭṭinga-Ramesvara hill in the Chitaldroog District; ante, vol. 4, p. 213, plate; Epi. Carn., vol. 11, Mk. 29, with plate at texts, p. 130: here we have the vowel in ivu, line 25, No. 4, and in i (for i) dharmmamane, line 26, No. 3, from the end: the illustration E. on p. 8 above is from the first of these two instances.
The northern parts of Mysore, however, the Shimoga and Chitaldroog Districts, were subjected to progressive influences, first under the Rashtrakuta kings and then under the Western Chalukyas, which did not penetrate much beyond them. In the south, I trace the later type again, for the first time after A.D. 909-10 (p. 12 above), in the Chōla inscription, dated in A.D. 1029-30, at Soladevanahalli in the Bangalore District; Epi. Carn., vol. 9, Nl. 1, with plate at translations, p. 28; in idarkke, line 14, No. 11: here the letter is formed in a very exceptional manner; the end of it is curled over inside the down-stroke on the right, instead of being carried on to that stroke or across it into the usual tail. We perhaps have the later type, fully formed, in the Chōla inscription, dated in A.D. 1032 (see ante, vol. 4, p. 69), at Sattaru in the Mysore District; Epi. Carn., vol. 3, Nj. 164 (no plate): here, in the last line, we seem to have either desey-akhkhanduga, corrected into dese ikhkhanduga, or else dese ikhkhanduga, corrected into desey-akhkhanduga for desey-ikhkhanduga. And we certainly have a form of the later type in the Chola inscription, dated in A.D. 1047-48, at Mindigal in the Kōlär District; ante, vol. 5, p. 207, plate; Epi. Carn., vol. 10, Ct. 30 (no plate); in iy-ura (for iy=ura), line 12, No. 7, and in i (for i) dammauan, line 16, the last akshara: here, in both cases, the form is practically identical with that which I have given as a transitional form in the illustration H. on p. 9 above; the loop of the lower part stops short at the down-stroke on the right, instead of being carried across that stroke and on to form the usual tail. These two instances of A.D. 1029-30 and 1047-48 are suggestive that for an appreciable time after A.D. 982 the letter was still in a transitional stage in the southern and south-eastern parts, and that, when more materials are available, we may find the earlier type still in use there up to about A.D. 1000. Good specimens of the later type in its full form, from the southern part of the province, may be seen in two records, dated in A.D. 1117, from Bēlûr in the Hassan District; Epi. Carn., vol. 5, Bl. 58, plate; in ity=ato, line 2, No. 7 from the end, and in inan-, line 13, No. 57: and ibid., Bl. 71, plate; in ity=ato, line 10, No. 6. But it was, of course, well established everywhere long before that time.
Coming now to sum up the inquiry, we find the position to be as follows. In the Kanarese districts of Bombay, we have the earlier type of the initial short i still in use up to at least A.D. 975. But the later type figures freely along with it from A.D. 901-2. For this part of the country, then, we may consider that the tenth century was a transitional period of usage, when the later type, though well established, had not yet superseded the earlier one, but both of them were accepted on equal terms. And in these circumstances we feel no surprise at finding the two types occasionally used together in one and the same record: in the Devageri inscription, which we refer to A.D. 958; in the Hebbal inscription, which is dated in A.D. 975; and in the undated inscription at Hatti-Mattar. As regards Mysore, with Coorg, we must separate the northern parts from the southern. In the north, the case was probably much the same as in the Bombay districts, though we have not, so far, actually traced the later type there before A.D. 961-62. And, as we find the later type half-way down the western side of the province between A.D. 989 and 1005, we may expect to meet with it anywhere from about A.D. 1000. In the south, however, the change was plainly slower. We have not, indeed, actually traced the use of the earlier type there after A.D. 982. But the later type is found there only once before that time; in an instance of A.D. 909-10 which we can only regard as intrusive. And the records of A.D. 1029-30 and 1017-18 suggest that the commencement of the period of transitional usage in the south hardly be placed

Page #28

No. 1.]
AN INSCRIPTION AT DEVAGERI.
much, if at all, before A.D. 975, and that we may yet meet with instances of the earlier type there running well into the eleventh century.
We turn now to the eastern parts of Southern India, taking the matter up from the records of the Eastern Chalukya kings, in which series, again, we now have available various inscriptions, presenting the vowel in question and covering the period in which we are interested, which were not known to Professor Bübler. There are two records of this series which I have not been able to examine : namely, the Ederu plates or Gontara grant of Amma I, of the period A.D. 918-25, South-Ind. Inscrs., vol. 1, p. 39 (no plate), where we have the vowel twice, in lines 38, 54; and the Nandamapandi grant of Rajaraja I, dated in his thirty-second year, A.D. 105354, ante, vol. 4, p. 303 (no plate): here the vowel occurs twelve times, in lines 10, 55, 72, 75, 80-87. Setting them aside, from an examination, either in the published plates or in inkimpressions, of all the other records of the whole series down to A.D. 1143, I find the position to be as follows:
The record on the (?) Masulipatam plates, the Trandaparu grant, of Vijayaditya IIT, of the period A.D. 844-88, Epi. Ind., vol. 5, p. 123, with plate showing lines 1 to 15 and 26 to 30, contains the vowel twice, in itthams, line 18, and iva, line 35, and presents it in both cases in the earlier type, but in the transitional form with the right side of the upper part continued down to touch the right component of the lower part The published facsimile does not include these two passages. I have given this form, from iva, line 85, as illustration F. on p. 9 above.
The earliest instance of the later type from this part of Southern India is found in the record on the (?) Masulipatam plates, the Akulamandandu grant, of Chalukya-Bhima II, of the period A.D. 934-45, ante, vol. 5, p. 135, with a plate showing lines 1 to 8 and 17 to 25: in this record the vowel occurs only once, in itthams, line 22, the last akshara but one, given as illustration O. on p. 8 above: the upper part of it was plainly formed by two separate strokes instead of one continuous movement. The other records of the same period show the earlier type: the Diggubapro grant on the Paganavaram' plates, Ind. Ant., vol. 13, p. 213, with plates, has it three times, in lines 15 and 40 (see note 1 on this page); the Kodhatalli grant on the Kolavennu plates, South-Ind. Inscrs., vol. 1, p. 44 (no plates), also gives it three times, in indurs, line 19, itham- (for ittham-), line 22, and iti, line 23; and in the instance in line 23 the components of the lower part of the letter were omitted, and the ends of the apper part were brought down to the bottom line of the writings
The records of the next period, the reign of Vijayaditya-Amma II, A.D. 945-70. shew only the earlier type, as follows:4-The Masulipatam plates or Påmbarru grant, ante, vol. 5, p. 140, with a plate showing lines 1 to 8, and 17 to 24: once, in indani., line 25, the last akshara but two. The Elavarra grant, Ind. Ant., vol. 12, p. 91, with plates; five times, in lines
His limiting instances of the two types were taken from this same series of records. His latest instance of the earlier type in that given in his plate VIII, line 3, col. V ; and it seems to be the i of ih ajate, line 40, No. 7 (side iii , last line), in the Paganavaram plates or Diggubartu grant of Chalukya-Bbimo II, of the period A.D. 934-45. Ind. Ant., vol. 13, p. 213, with plates: this record presents the vowel again in ira, line 15, No. 14, and io atipūtam, line 40, the last akshara but four. His earliest instance of the later type is that given in his plato VIII, line 3, col. VI, from the Korumelli grant, Ind. Ast., vol. 14, p. 50, with plates, which gives the date of the anointment of Rajaraja I in A.D. 1022, and may be of any date from that time up to about A.D. 1063: this record presenta the vowel six times, in lines 11, 47, 50, 56, 63, 103: Professor Bäbler's illustration seems to be from it. line 11, No. 5.
? For the slightly earlier instances from Bombay and Mysore, see pp. 11, 12, above. * Compare similar instances in the Kalucbumbarru grant: see p. 16 below.
• Two of them do not present tbe vowel at all: the Padamkaluru grant, on plates now in the Britisb Museum, Ind. Ant., vol. 7, p. 15; and the Tänderu grant on the Vandram plates, sale, vol. 9, p. 138.
Profesor Kjolborn was in doubt as to the type of the letter here: see loo. oit., p. 139, note 4. But I am able to say, from clearer impressions than those which he had, that it is certainly of the earlier type, with damage of the right component of the lower part.

Page #29

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. X1.
39, 48, 51, 54, 55. The Guydugolanu grant, on plates now in the British Museum, Ind. Ant., vol. 13, p. 249, with plates: twice, in lines 20, 22. The Masulipatam plates, South-Ind. Inscrs., vol. 1, p. 47 (no plate): once, in line 34. The Kalachumbarru grant, ante, vol. 7, p. 185, with a plate showing lines 1 to 8, 33 to 50, a d 60 to 69: three times, in iti, line 43, No. 17, irrula, line 66, No. 5, and idiyūri, the same line, No. 14 ; and here, in each case, the components of the lower part of the letter were omitted, and the ends of the upper part were brought down to the bottom line of the writing. And the Maliyapandi grant, ante, vol. 9, p. 50, with plateb: once, in iva, line 23, No. 6.
The next known record is the Raņastipữndi grant of Vimalāditya, ante, vol. 6, p. 351, with plates. This record, which gives the date of the king's avointment in A.D. 1011, and is itself dated in his eighth year, in A.D. 1018, presents the vowel seven times, in lines 55, 66 (twice), 70, 85, 87, 97, and in the earlier type throughout.
This is the latest instance of the use of the earlier type that I can cite from either the eastern or the western parts of Southern India. In the Eastern Chalukya series, the next records are two of the time of Rajaraja I; and the order of them perhaps remains to be determined according to what we may learn from one of them about the use of this vowel. One is the Korumelli grant, Ind. Ant., vol. 14, p. 50, with plates, which gives the date of the king's anointment, in A.D. 1022, and may possibly date from that year itself: it presents the later type of the vowel, six times, in lines 11, 47, 50, 56, 63, 103. The other is the Nandama pūodi grant, ante, vol. 4, p. 393 (no plate), which also mentions the date of the anointment, but is itself dated in the thirty-second year of the reign, A.D. 1053-51; it has the vowel twelve times, in lines 10, 55, 72, 75, 81-87; and, as mentioned on p. !5 above, it remains to be examined in respect of the type which it presents.
No. 2.-PALITANA PLATES OF SIMHADITYA; THE YEAR 255.
BY PROFESBOR E. HOLTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). The existence of these plates was made public by the late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, L.C.S., in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXIX, p. 29, No. I. They belong to the State of Palitani in Kathiả vár and are reported to have been unearthed in the city of Palitānā some forty years ago. When first discovered, they were fastened together with six Maitraka grants by a singlu Valabhi seal and suspended by it from the roof of a small underground chamber adjoining a tank underneath a large stone. I edit the inscription on them from two sets of ink impressions, prepared by Dr. Vogel's clerk and placed at my disposal by Rai Bahadur Venkayya, to whom Mr. W. C. Tudor Owen, I.C.S., Administrator of Palitană, had kindly lent the originals.
These are two copper-plates, measuring, according to Mr. Venkaya, about 94 inches in breadth and varying between 7 and 7 inches in height. Each of the two plates bears on its inner side 14 lines of well-preserved writing. The letters show through on the back of the plates, especially of the second one. There are two ring-holes at the bottom of the first and at the top of the second plate, but no ring or seal is forthcoming.
The alphabet is of an early Southern type and includes the signs of jihtāmuliya (11, 2, 17) and of upadhmaniya (11. 9, 19, 23, 27) and final forms of t (1. 25) and of n (1.4). The date (1.27) is expressed in numerical symbols.
Compare a similar instance in the Kcdhatilli grant on the Kolavennu plates: see p. 15 above. For instances from the west, see pp. 11, 12, 13, above.

Page #30

No. 2.]
PALITANA PLATES OF SIMHADITYA.
17
The roles of sandhi are very carefally observed, with two exceptions (11. 3 f. and 20). The anusidra is represented by before $ (1. 3) and h (1.17), and the vowel şi is replaced by the syllable ri in krita (11. 13, 26) and krishna (1. 21), while the correct forms krita (1.2) etc. are used in all other cases. The final s of vakshas is elided before sthala (1. 17) in accordance with the Varttika on Pāņini, viii, 3, 36, and consonants following r are doubled, with the exception of t in kirts (1.2) and of bh in dvirbhuta (1. 3).
The language of the inscription is Sanakpit prose; two verses of Vyasa are quoted near the end (1l. 21-27).
The inscription records a grant of land, made by the Samanta-Maharaja Simhaditya (1.17) of the Gārulaka family (1.2) This order was issued from a place named Phankaprasravans (1.1). The d inee was a Brahmaps of the Maitrāyaqika school who lived at Eldpadra (1. 20 f). The object of the giant was a field with a pond in the village Darbhachara (1. 21 f). I am unable to identify Phan kaprasravana and Darbhachära. Eläpadra, as Dr. Fleet suggests to me, may be. Velwad' in the Godhra taluka, Panch Mabals.
The date of the grant was the 13th tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Afvayuja in the year 256 (1. 27) of an era which is not specified, but which, as suggested by Mr. Jackson, is probably the Gupta-Valabhi era of A.D. 319. The specified month, then, places the record in A.D 574.
As stated by Mr. Jackson, the Gårulaka family is a hitherto unknown dynasty of fendatory chiefs who may be assumed to have been tributaries (admanta) of the Maitraka kings. The Gårulaka Simhaditys was & contemporary of Dharasena II. of Valabhi. The name Garulaka seems to stand for Ganulaka or Garudaka and suggests that this family claimed descent from Vishqa's bird Garuda. The inscription contains the following pedigree of the donor :
Sendpati Varāhadāsa (I.).
Samanta Maharaja Bhattisura. Samanta Maharaja Vardhadasa (II.).
Samanta-Yaharaja Simhaditya (A.D. 574). Each of these four chiefs is praised in purely conventional terms. The only item of information which may be based on a historical fact, is the statement (1. 11 f.) that Varahadása II. defeated a ruler of Dvāraka (on the west coast of Käthisvár), whose individual name is not recorded.
TEXT.
H
First Plate.
a tanamageurfotaitaftaraaar
i at fer [*]
HTUA2 संपातात्यन्तविजयिना* 3 बहनुक्रमेणाविर्भतो
प्रभूतयमकोयलसाराम्तहातान्वयभुवां गावसकानां दीनानाथाचितार्तार्थिवान्धवजनोपजीव्यमानविभवविस्तरः
1 The angrammatical form pitryon (1. 19) sloo presupposes an erroneou base pitri instead of pitpi. * Prom ink-impressions rapplied by Mr. Venkayya.
Espressed by a symbol. Rood at.
Read dar
. Read fierce

Page #31

18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
4. तरुरिवाचीणफलच्छा यतये कान्तपरोपकारी प्रशस्तलक्ष्यलक्षणः 5 चीणशत्रुरचीणकुशलाशयो युधिष्ठिरवदसाधारणधर्मसेतुः 6 वराहदासस्तस्य सत्मनुई शरथादिनृपसदृशचरितो 7 दानदचदाक्षिस्योत्साहसंपत्रो'
8 धोर स्वकर परिभूतारि तिमिरनिकरो 9 लिनगुणविभूषणस्मामन्तमहाराजभहिशूरस्तदनुज प्रतिदिनमुपचीय10 मानानेकविधधाम्बुप्रवाहोपहतकलिप्रतापः
11 रुधनार्थसुखाधिममोपायपारीण:
12 क्रान्तद्दारकाधिपतिरनेकदेवतायतनसभाप्रपारामावसथविहारकाक्रितयुगधर्मावलम्बी
13 रयिता कलादपि '
14 शरण्यः
1 Read दाच्य° for 'दच.
• Bend "सिंहादिस्य
परापरज्ञः
Bond वातय.
10 Bond
मन्वादिप्रणीतस्मृत्यन्तरसलिलावगाहनविश्वनिजकुलगगनसकलामलेन्दुरम
तानि.
Second Plate.
[VoL XI.
चान्तिमान् श्रीसेनापति
नयविनयदमदया
सततमितरेतरावि
शार्ङ्गपाणिरिव निरङ्कुशपराक्रमा•
श्यामोव्रतविपुल
15 प्रसभमहाहवसमागमावाप्तदिङ्मुखोहीयमानाने कयशाः 16 स्फुटमधुरललितोदारधीर गम्भीर वल्लुप्रसृताभिधानः * 17 वक्षस्थलस्थिरातिशयानुरक्तश्री [:*] सामन्तमहाराजसिङ्घादित्यकुशली' सर्व्वानेव 18 राजपुत्रराजस्थानीयामात्यद्राङ्गिकमहत्तरचाट चारभटहस्त्यश्वारोहादीन'
19 समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वस्तंविदितं यथा मया मातापिचो पुण्याप्यायनायात्म - 20 नयोभयलोकहितसुखावाप्तये ' एलापद्रवास्तव्यब्राह्मणबप्पखामिने
21 मैत्रायणिकस ब्रह्मचारिणे क्रिष्णात्रेयसगोत्राय' दर्भचारग्रामे भोण्डक22 बधिर कुटुम्बी सह वाप्या भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेन ब्रह्मदेयस्थित्याचन्द्राकर्णवचिति23 समकालीन पुत्रपौत्रान्वयभोज्यतया निसृष्टो यतोस्य भुजतो' न केनचि24 दाबाधा कार्खेति । उ [] च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन ॥ षष्टिं
वर्षसहस्रा
25 बि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥\-[१*]
26 यानीह
दारिद्युभयावरेन्द्रेईनानि धमायतनीक्रितानि" [1 *] निम्माल्यवान्त
परमगुरुवत्सलः
प्रतिमा
27 fa तानि को नाम साधु पुनराददीत [२] इति ॥ सं २०० ५० ५ अश्वयुज" शु १० ३ [॥*]
88 खहस्तो मम ॥
11. Bend चाच
2 Read कलावपि कृत. • Read दोन्.
Read .
सामन्तमहाराजवराहदासस्तत्पुत्रः
परमब्रह्मण्य
Read 'प्रश्रिता.
• Read 'पिच'.
• Bend भंनती.

Page #32

10
12
14
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ནཉོནཆ6ཉམན འཛིནནས ྤ།
F;0སྤྱི༢ མ}༢༽༡༡56:930༽) At1931ཉེ12ཀལྤཱ༽ཏོནིན྾༽༽༽ཀླ་མ(28813)
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21j22)་མ3ཞཱ8nen"མམཱལྤ
21/
E. Hultzsch.
Scale 8.5
Palitana plates of the Garulaka Simhaditya. — The year 255.
Gebr. Plettner, Halle a. S.

Page #33

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26
25

Page #34

No. 2.)
PALITANA PLATES OF SIMHADITYA.
TRANSLATION (Line 1.) Om. Hail! From Phankaprasravana. In the succession of the family of the Gārulakas, who subdued all enemies by (their) prosperity which was produced by the performance of eminent doeds; who gained decisive victories in encounters (with their enemies) in many hundreds of battles ; (and) who sprang from a race adorned with the ornaments of high glory and fame, there appeared the glorious Senapati Varahadisa (I.), whose great wealth was being lived upon by the distressed, the helpless, refugees, the sick, suppliants, and kingmen; who invariably benefited others by granting unceasing rewards and shelter, as a tree by affording unceasing fruits and shade; who had noble aims and auspicious marks; who possessed forbearance; who destroyed his enemies; (who was) a receptacle of unceasing prosperity; (and who was) an unparalleled bridge of justice, as (king) Yudhishthira.
(L. 6.) His virtuous son (was) the Samanta-Mahārāja Bhattiśūra, whose conduct resembled that of kings like Dasaratha; who was endowed with prudence, modesty, self-restraint, compassion, liberality, cleverness, politeness, and energy; whose mind was purified by bathing in the water of the contents of the codes of law composed by Manu and others; who was brave (or wise); who, having subdued the multitude of enemies by his own hand (as if he were) dispelling the måss of darkness by his rays, (became) the spotless full-moon on the firmament of his family; (and) who was adorned with spotless virtues.
(L. 9.) His younger brother (was) the Samanta-Mahiraja Varahadisa (IT.), who dispelled the heat of the Kali (age) by the stream of libations at (his) manifold charities which were accumulating every day; who was constantly expert in means for the acquisition of merit, wealth, and pleasure not conflicting with each other; who overcame the lord of Dväraka by unchecked valour, as Särngapani (Kộishọa) possessed unchecked valour and was the lord of Dväraka ; wbo caused to be built many temples of the gods, halls, drinking-fountains, gardens, rest-houses, and (Buddhist) monasteries ( vihara); who, even in the Kali (age), held fast to the virtues of the Krita-yaga; who was excesively devoted to his elders; who assiduously afforded protection to pious men; (and) who knew what is remote and proximate.
(L. 14.) His son, the Sämanta-Mahārāja Simhāditya, who has acquired much fame. which is being sung in (all) the quarters of the horizon, by encountering (his enemies) in fierce great battles; whose epithets sweet, charming, noble, firm, deep, handsome, and modest' are well-known; (and) to whose dark, high, and broad chest the goddess of fortune is firmly and excessively attached, ---being in good health, (thus) commands all people), (vis.) princes (rājaputra), palace-officers (rajasthaniya), ministers, city-officers (drānigika), headmen (mahattara), irregular soldiers," spies, regular soldiers, riders on elephants or horses, etc. :
(L. 19.) “Be it known to you that, in order to increase the spiritual merit of My mother and father, and in order to attain Myself welfare and happiness in both worlds, I have granted to the Brahmana Bappasvamin residing at Elāpadra, who is a student of the Maitriyanika school (and) belongs to the Krishpatreya götra, (the field of ) Bhondaka-Badbira-Kutumbin in the village Darbhachira, together with a pond, according to the maxim of bhumichchhidra, under the
The ablative has to be construed with the verb samajñā payati, 'he commands,' in 1. 19. 1... glory in this life and fame after death. See Bühler, Z. D. M. G. Vol. XXXVII. p. 575.
Compare sabha-prapa-karena in the Nasik inscription No. 10, 1. 3 f. ; above, Vol. VIII. p. 78. • The words arama and a vasathn occur in the same inscription, 1. 2.
This use of aneka is very inelegant. . Compare Dr. Stein's Translation of the Rajatarangini, Vol. I. p. 316, note on verse 601. 7 See Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscr. p. 169, note 6. . [For a different rendering of the word chata, se above, Vol. X. p. 75.- Ed.] • Badhira means 'deal' With bhondaka compare Hindi bhonda, ugly."
D 2

Page #35

20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
roles of gifts to Brühmanas, to last as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, and the earth shall exist, (and) to be enjoyed by (his) sons, grandsons, and further) descendants.
(L. 23.) "Therefore nobody shall cause obstruction to him while he enjoys (this field)." (L. 24.) “And the holy Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas, has spoken." [Here follow two of the customary verses.] (L. 27.) In the year 255, on the 18th (titht) of the bright (fortnight) of Āsvayuja.. (L. 28.) (This is) My own signature.
No. 3.-SAHETH-MAHETH PLATE OF GOVINDACH ANDRA; [VIKRAMA-]
SAMVAT 1156.
Br PANDIT DATA RAX SAHNI, M.A. Dr. Vogel has already announced the discovery of this copper-plate inscription in two articles. One of these appeared in the Pioneer of the 11th May, 1908, under the title of "Śråvasti and its remains" and contains all the salient points in the history of this ancient city, derivable from the Pali texts and the writings of modern explorers. It winds up with the statement that the present inscription conclusively settles the identification of Sabēth and Mahēth on the borders of the Gonda and Babraich districts with the Jētavana and Srivasti, respectively, of Buddhist literature. The connection of the copper-plate with Jetavana and Śråvasti is expressed in the most unmistakable language in the inscription engraved on it, and since the plate has been found carefully deposited in a cell of a large monastery at Sahēth, it was obviously intended for it. Mr. V. A. Smith, however, while referring to the plate in a footnote on page 792 of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for July 1908, has expressed the opinion that the plate may have been brought to Sabēth from the real Sråvasti which he locates somewhere near Balapur in Nepal Tarai, not far from the place where the Rapti leaves the hills.
The evidence in favoar of the identification of Sahēth-Mabeth with Srivasti is set forth by Mr. Marshall in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, and here it is enough to enumerate the main factr. Foremost of these is the remarkable agreement which exists between the topography of the remains at Sahēth-Mahēth and the descriptions of Srivasti recorded by the Chinese pilgrims. We next come to the well-known colossal bodhisattva discovered by General Canningham on this site, which according to the Kushana inscription on its pedestal was set ap at Srivasti. A fragment of its umbrella post (danda) with the same inscription as that on the bodhisattva has recently been brought to light by Dr. Vogel. It is now in the Lacknow Mnseum, but is believed originally to have been unearthed at Sahēth by Dr. Hoey. Then there is the inscribed copper-plate which forms the subject of this paper. And last of all we have the lower half of a life-size statue of a bodhisattva which was discovered by Mr. Mirshall at SahēthMabēth in the year 1908-09. The pedestal of this statue bears an early Kushana inscription which states that it was presented by certain Kshatriya brothers at the Jētavana of Srivasti. In the face of all this evidence it would be strange, indeed, if the identification of Sahoth-Mahēth remained doubtfal, merely becauee the statements of the Chinese pilgrims about the location of Śrávasti are somewhat incorrect.
The plate was discovered by me in a monastery (No. 21, map of Sahētb, Dr. Hoey's Report) on the site of Sahēth in the spring of 1908 when I was assisting Dr. Vogel in his excavations
For 1909, pp. 1066 seg.
· Vide 1. 4. S. B. for 1892, Part I, extra uu taber.

Page #36

No. 3.]
SAHETH-MAHETH PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA.
21
there. This building was partially excavated by Dr. Hoey, and it was here that, on breaking through the pared courtyard, he found the inscribed slab pablished in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII, p. 61 ff. Dr. Hoey also opened out seven out of the twenty-four cells which surround the courtyard in the centre and it was in one of these, namely, the one adjoining the entrance chamber on the south, that the copper-plate under reference was found. It was carefully paoked in an earthen box, 2 feet square and 3 inches high externally, closed with a lid of the same material, the space between the plate and the receptacle being filled with clay. The box was built against the foundation of the northern wall of the cell referred to, just below the floor, well secured to the wall by means of brickwork on all sides.
The plate measures 18" by 14" and is thick. In the centre of the upper part there is a ring-hole " in diameter. The ring was not found, nor the seal which must have sarmounted it. The plate is inscribed on one side only and contains 27 lines of writing in a perfect state of preservation. The characters are Nāgari and the language Sanskrit throughout. In respect of orthography, the following points may be noted. The letter b is denoted by the sigo for v throughout. The doubling of consonants before and after r occurs in lines 4 (twice), 5, 16 (twice), 17, 18 (twice), 19 (twice), 22 (twice), 23, 24 (thrice), and 27. The horizontal top stroke (matra) which elsewhere distinguishes the letters v and l from dh and n, respectively, is, in a few cases, also found in the latter. Omissions of letters are supplied by the insertion of the corresponding signs immediately above or below their original places : cf. ra in Turashku in line 21 and bha in bhadrâsanam in line 23. A rough figure of Garuda is engraved once at the end of the 11th line and again in the last line before the words mangalar maha-frih.
The inscription begins, like all the other epigraphs of the Gahadavāla king Govindachandra that have so far come to light, with nine verses in different metres containing his genealogy, and ends with seven benedictive and imprecatory verses and an eighth which supplies the name of the engraver. The formal portion is contained in the rest of the epigraph and is, as usual, in prose. I have given the full text of the inscription, but omitted from the translation the first nine verses, because they are paraphrased in the prose passage following them, and the next seven which contain the usual admonitions to futare kings. The taxes specifed (line 21) as due to the donees are the bhāgabhögakara, the pravanikara, and the Turushkadanda. The last named tax figures only in the records of three other kings of the Gahadavåla dynasty, namely, the Chandravati plate of Govindachandra's grandfather, Chandradeva ;' the inscription issued by Govindachandra bimself on behalf of bis father Madanapala ;5 and a plate of Vijayachandra and the Yuvaraja Jayachchandra.
In respect of the localities mentioned in the record, it is gratifying to note that some of them can be identified beyond all possibility of doubt. The other places have, in all probability, gone out of existence. One of these latter is Vihāra, the first of the six villages granted. It is said to have been situated in the district of what appears to be Vådd-chaturasiti.? There is a comparatively large village called Bāja Jõt or the Holy Baja, about 2 miles west of Sabēth. I am inclined to think that Vadá may possibly be a mistake for Baja. The next village Pattana is situated about 3 miles sonth-west of Sahēth or about 2 miles south of
* (It is worthy of note that the slab was found " in s stratum wbich indicated that it had been placed in a restored building;" see also the following note.--Ed.]
[The absence of the ring and seal would show that the plate must have bad a history of its own before it came to be deposited at the spot where it has now been discovered.--Ed.]
For an explanation of turushkadanda, see above, Vol. IX, p. 321. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 305, text line 15. Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII, p. 17, text line 21.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 120, text lines 22-23. It is not unlikely that all the six villages granted by the king were situated in the district of Vida. chaturasiti.-E..]

Page #37

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
Katră on the road leading to Khargapur Bazār and is now called Patna. There is a mass of ancient remains near the village and the peasants have discovered a few old wells which they use for the irrigation of their fields. The village of Upalaündā I cannot identify. The fourth village is called Varvahali in the plate. This is presumably now represented by Belaha situated near the village of Patna. The villagers say that it is ancient. The next place is “Ghosādi attached to Mēyi." Ghosādi does not exist; but Méyi is still an important village near Subhägpur on the Gonda-Intiathok road. The last village is "Payāsi belonging to Pothivära." This I identify with a village of the name of Bayäsi which formerly stood 2 kos to north-east of Sabētli-Maboth, but was washed away by the Rapti some years ago. Its site is still known by the name of Bayāsi.
[In line 19 f. the Buddhist ascetic Sākyarakshita is said to have been a native of Utkala, i.e. Orissa, and his disciple Vägišvararakshita belonged to the Choda country. The date of the inscription, vis. Vikrama-Samvat 1186, corresponds to A.D. 1128-9, which falls into the reign of the Chola king Vikrama-Choļa. The Gahadavala kings of Kansuj appear to have been on friendly terms with the Cholas of Tanjorel whose dominions extended into the Northern Circars during the reigns of Kulottunga I. and Vikrama-Chöļa. It is not certain if Vägisvararakshita came from the Tamil country or from the vicinity of Amarivati which was included in the dominions of the Chola king at the time. We know very little of the history of Buddhism in the Tamil country. But there is no doubt that there were adherents of that creed down to the 13th century A.D. in the country round Amarāvati in the Guntur District. Besides, Kumaradēvi, the Baddhist queen of Govindachandra, was the daughter of a chief of Pithi. And Dr. Konow says it is possible to identify Pithi with Pithāpuram in the modern Godavari District of the Madras Presidency. If this be the case, it is no matter for surprise that the two Buddhist ascetics who pleased Govindacbandre were natives of Orissa and the Choda country. Probably they were introduced to the king by his queen Kumaradevi, who probably brought about, either directly or indireotly, the gift recorded in the subjoined inscription. The sentence punar api sāsaniksitya grāmā ime shad api datta "these six villages were given again by a charter" implies that these villages bad originally been granted to the Buddhist vihāra at Jēta vana, but, for some reason or other, resumed subsequently. At Sarnath, queen Kumaradēvi restored the " lord of the turning of the wheel" and erected & vihāra for his accommodation. It is not impossible that the same queen also infused fresh life into the Buddhist establishment at Jētavanu by sending for the two Buddhist ascetics and inducing the king to restore the six villages which once belonged to the vihāra.-Ed.]
1
TEXT. Om svasti! Akunțhötkantha-Vaikuntha-kanthapitha-luthat-karaḥ | Barn rambhaḥ surat-aram bho sa Sriyab śrêyaso-stu vab 11 [l] Asid-Asitady[u]ti-vamsa-játa-kshmäpäla-mala
su divam gatást säkshädVivasván-iva bhüri-dhamni nämna Yagovigraha ity-udarah 11 [2] Tat-auto-bhän-Mahicha[m]dras-chandra-dhama-nibham nija[min] [lo] yên=aparam=aküpåra
[See the Annual Report of the Assistant Archæological Snperintendent, Southern Circle, for 1907-08, paragraphe 58 ff. -Ed.)
? Above, Vol. IX. p. 322. · Expressed by a symbol.

Page #38

No. 3.]
SAHETH-MAHETH PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA.
23
pārė vyäpăritam yasaḥ || [3] Tasy-abhüt-tanayo nay-aika-rasika[h] kranta-dvishan-mandalo vidhvast-oddhata-vairi-yodha-timiraḥ sri-Chandradēto připaḥ yên=ödāratara-pratāpa-samit-āśesha-pra
jõpadravam śrimad-Gīdhipur-adhira[jya]m-asama dor-vvikramēņ=ärjjitam || [4*] Tirthāni Kasi-Kusik-õttarakõsal-Emdrasthāniyakāni paripālayat-adhigamya | hēm=ätmatulyam-a
nisam dadatā dvijābhyo yên=ăökită vasumati satasay=talábhiḥ || [5] Tasyritmajo Madanapāla iti kehitindrachūdamapir=vijayatē [n]ija-götra-chandra) ya(sy=2]bhishēka-kalas-6[lla]sitai) payobhiḥ pră (pra)
kshälitan kali-rajah-patalam dharitryäḥ || [6*] Yasy-āsid=vijaya-prayāņa-samaye yung-achal-ochchais-chalanmadyat-kumbhi-pada-kram-asama-bhara-bhraśyan-mahima[n]dalah chūdáratna-vibhinna-tälu
galita-styan-asrig-ad bhäsitab Soshab pösha-vagäd-iva kshanam-abhüt-krodo nilin-ánanah !! [7] Tasmād=ajāyata Dij-ayata-va(ba)hu-valliva(ba)ddh-ävaruddha-nava-rä[jya)-gajo narendrah samdr-i
mrita-drava-mucha prabhavo gaväm yo Govindachamdra iti chandra iv-ä[m] vu(bu)rāśaḥ || [8*] Na katham-apy=alabhamnta(bhanta) rapakshami[m]= tisfishu dikshu gaján=atha Vajriņaḥ kakubhi va(ba)bhramar-A[bhra]ma-vallabha
prati9 bhatā iva yasya ghatā -gajāb II [98]
So =yam samasta-raja-chakra-samsēvita-charaṇaḥ paramabbattáraka-maharajadhiraja
paramosvara-paramamăbēsvara-nija-bhoj-opärjita-Kanyakuvj(hj)-ādbipa10 tya-Srimach-[Cha]ındradova-pädänudbyāta-paramabhattara[ka]-mahäräjädhiraja-para
měsvara-paramamahokvara-srima[n)-Madanapalade va-på[da]nadhyata
paramabhatļā-raka-mabārājädhirā ja-para11 měsvara-paramamabēsvar-afvapati-gajapati-narapati-räjatrayādbipati-vividha-vidya
vichara-Váchaspatih srimad-GO [vi]ndachandradėvovijayi |
1 The akabara jya looks like dya; one of the strokes necessary to make it jya has been omitted. * Read turigo . This sign of punctuation and all the others in line 12 to 31 are soperfluous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XI.
12 Vada(ja)-chaturafiti-pattalāyām Vihāra Pattaņā | Upalaünda
Vavvahali Mēyi-samva(ba)ddha-Ghosāļi Pöthivara-sam(va](ba)ddha
Pay&si-grāma-nivåsino 13 nikhila-janapadan=upagatan api raja-rajñi-yuvaraja-mantri-purohita-prasti]hårs
Běnápati-bhändågarik-aksha patalika-bhisbag-aaimittik-äntahpurika-duta14 karituragapattanikarasthinagókulidhikaripas-cha purushån=ājñāpayati vo(bo)
dhayaty-adišati cha yathil Viditam=astu bhavatāṁ yath=Öparilikhita
grāmaḥ sa-ja15 la-sthalah sa-loha-lavan-akariḥ sa-matsy-ākaraḥ sa-pallikaraḥ sa-gartt-osba[ra]h
Ba-madhūk-āmra-vana-vātikā-vitapa-triņa-yüti-gochara-paryantāḥ s-orddhv-adhasa
chatur-âghäta-visu16 ddha-sva-simi-psryantábl Samvatsarē shadasity-adhik-aikādasa-satē Āshadhë
ma[e] [85]mavarë Purvvashădhā-nakshatré puronimāyām tithau
ańkato-pi samvat 1186 Ashādha 17 sudi 16 Some ady-dha Sri-Vārāṇasyam Gamgayam [en]ātvă mantra-deva
muni-manuja-bhuta-pitri-gapimgatarppayitvå timi[ra]-patala-pätana-patu-mahasam
*Ushộarochishamm=upasthay-Aa18 shadhipati-bakala-bökharam amabhyarchchya tribhuvana-tråtar-V visadēvasya
pūjām vidhaya prachura-påyasēns havisha havirbhajan hatva mätäpitror=
atmanas-cha punya-yago-bhivriddhayo 8829 kar pa-kusalatä-pūta-karatal-odaka-pürvvam Utkala-děsiye-Saugata-parivräjaka
mahāpaņdita-Sakyarakshita-tachchhishya-Choda-dēsiya-Saagata-parivräjaka
mahāpaudi20 ta-Vagišvararakahitabhyam paritoshitair-asmabhiḥ Srimaj-Jētavana-mahāviba
ra-vastavga-Vu(Bu)ddhabhattāraka-pramukba-param-arya-[6]ākyabhikshu
samghaya vihår-antara-margada21 y paribbög-artham mahata chitta-prasādēn=&chandrårkkaṁ punar-api sasani
kritya grà[m]å imo ghad-api datta matviyatha-diyamana-bhagabhogakare
pravapikara-Ta[ra]shkadayda-pra22 bhriti-sarvvadāyan-ajfia-[era] vaņa-vidhøyi-bhūya dåsyathnoti U Bhavanti cheätra
6[1]okah 1 [1 ] Bhumim yaḥ pratigrihņāti yasacha bhūmin prayachch hati ubhau tau panyakarmmapan niyatau(tar) svarg[ga]gåmi
adibbil, Liroharikes 1100
24
Samkhan [bhajdr-isanam [ch chhetram vár-äsvi vara-vāraṇaḥ 1 bhūmi-dánasya chi[hnx]ni phalam= tat-Paramdars II [11*] Va(ba)hubhir-yvasudhå dattă răjabhiḥ Sagar-ådibhiḥ yasya yasya yads bhumis-tasya
tasya tada (pha]la[] l1 [12] Sarvvincētan bhävinah pårthiv-endran bhiyo bhiyo yacbaté Rama[bhajdrah ! så månyo-yam dharmma-star-noarapan kälö kälë pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ || [13] Shashţi-va
(Either the reading is Pattanya, or there are two vertical strokes after Pattana.-Ed.]
Read api cha. . [I think the reading is ta-parapakaraḥ; ne above Vol. IV. p. 101, text-line 17 and plate.-Ed.] • Read alogs.
Read datta iti.

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Simited
५स्वसिायकान्ता हटवेत मुलाठपीठला व नासरतःमुमतारते रिश्यः यसमा दायासीदृशीतयुतिवराजानलागलमाला । सुदिया तामासाद द्विवस्थाविवर रिसावताया तियरपर दारमान मतोरवाईविरासमान सनियतापारम पते पारगा मारितयरामास्यास्वतस्यानयनायकवादिपताललो विवानाइनदेवियादति मिश्रावदोरवाटपोयनादारतरप्रतापरामितायावत लापरवयीमाविपराधियाधमतमादावि कमला तिता नीबानिकारक रिकातरकारी लगानीयका नपरिपालयताविरमादमावतुताना नियांदरताहीनाकारताडि नोदमुमतीशनरावलोसिमानाम्याम मदरपीवर निदिलाउन मालनिवास पानदेवव्या लषद कतीरा चतित पयतिःप्रा ततितकतर उत्पन्न निकायस्याछियपयाण समासतुहार लहिरवतोद्यात टिपदकमासमर सरपमहीमदत्तवातिविसिवान गतिच्या नाम गुल्झामित शष पतरादिवालमा दाउनिली नानना तस्माजावतान नापतवारच निवडावलपराध गासे कस्ता । मतददमुवापरुनागदी येयादिद्दतिल रंगाचशमानकवम्तसन्नरल मानसपुदिन्छ महानववाहिताविकृतिवमसमवनस्पति
कदारवयस्यायटोमा नसोधसमनराजतक परतावंतनगएपस्मत हारकमहाराजाविलीन परमेस्वरपरममा परनिको पार्जित कल्पनाविप 101 लची मददवपासानुशनगरमकदासमहाराहार-सत्र परमखरंपरममावलीममस्तपातादेवपालानुयानफ्रममा रकमहाराजावरानपर
अवरपरममाहेररावपनिगमपवितरपतिमतियाविपनिविविवविद्याविवारवादमानियामानानन्दवदवासिलिया । वाझवतररातिपत्रमाया विहारा पैटणा (उपलाया। पवरली । मेया संवरचा मा ।।। परिवार मवई पोसियामनिवासिनी निखिल उनमानुपगतान विराटचाली युवराजमविपनास्तिपापीहीर मे नापतिमात्यागोरिकादपस लिकतिषामित्रिकानःपरिकन करितगपत्र पस्करस्ठान या तावकारियापुरुषाना कापयतिवोदय त्यादितिव्यता विदिनमरुतायोपनितिनियामाता
लासलाद नवरतनान्स मव्याक रासपाली वयानगीसमबूकामवनवाटिकाविट्पन्नपनिगेवर पर्यना सो विसरावट तिर । 16वासीमापर्यनास्ति तसतशी यातककादश शनि यापाठे मासेमामवारेपूर्वी घाटान वेतनमायानिहीतात्पावताराबाद।
मुदियेमाअोट यीदास स्वागग्गयामा वामवादनमनिमनुताक्टरलोनीयवानिमिवपटलबाटतपमहसमुन्नारातिर्षमुपहाटी। 18 पदपतिशक्तपदसामा विश्वनधान नामोदय यापूढानिसयपारपायसेनहविषादविरह, वामा तालिवा-रामनवपुण्यागोलिटवार 118
वराल ताप्नवर लादकपर्वमी उकलादशी पतिगत परिवारदमहापातशादायक्षमताछषावाडादसोयरातपरिशतकमहापणि 20 नदारीपवरवा नात्यापनिता वितररमोतियीमहे लवतमा विसरदाना नारक प्रमुरवपूर माघखाम नितु संप्यायविहारावरमयी। 20
यावरिलागाईमहताक्षरप्रसादनात रापनसपितामनी कायामा रमेषट्रा पदनाम द्यायवादीयमानसागसागका प्रवलिक स्वरमा मानपखादा याताभार वर्गविषयी तवयिविनिास्वविवानासानातिमय प्रतिभानियावसामिप्रयदाता रातातिापुण्य कम्झी हगोनियांनी मरंगाना
(रिसदनीयावरवासभियानस्यविज्ञानिकन मन न्युरधावहातिव मसाबा रातातिसम्साहितिदायरामायदात मिनस्य, 24 मतदाएँ ताराखोलनाजावितपादिखट्रात-(या भयाटाता जरामा सामान्यायमसेतुमागामालकालपालवीया वादगार बन 124
सर सानिमाविसनिमिद गवानाच नाचतानावनत के वास्तता बदनापरवाचायो हरतवमुंद मनात तितायी कृमि नवा। 26Ltd-बहभावि(वीनारविन मानव पायभायातमा वमधुराविषयाएकायमचायतलविंटुसमानराणावामीनासापरमरेशमतीकोना 126
मददन रमाइपानरा निरवाना नाम स्त्रादिया कायय:पायुविनावावाग महाग्राम
Saheth-Maheth Plate of Govindachandra.—[Vikrama-] Samvat II86.
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITHO.
V. VENKAYYA
SCALE + 45.

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Page #42

No. 3.]
25 rsha-sahasrapi svar[ge] vasati bbümidaḥ |
achchhättä ch-anumanta cha tany-ova narakē vaset || [14] Sva-dattam para-dattam va yo harěta vasumdharam | sa vishṭhāyām krimir-bhūtvä
26
SAHETH-MAHETH PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA.
pi[tribhi]b saha majjavi(ti) || [15*]
Vat-abhra-vibhramam=idam vasudh-adhipatyam= apata-matra-madhura [vi]shay-öpabhögaḥ | pr[a]na [s]-trin-agra-jala-vimdu-sama narāṇāṁ dbarmmaḥ sakhā param-aho paraloka-yane | [16*] 27 Śrimad-Govindachamdrasya bhüpatēr=ajñay-alikhat 1 tamram-etat-Suradityaḥ kayasthaḥ sarvva-sastra-vit || [17] 2 Mamgalam maha-érib ||
||
25
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 9 to 22.)
That victorious and glorious king, the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Paramamaheśvara Govindachandradeva,-whose feet are honoured by the entire circle of kings; who is (another) Vachaspati in investigating the various sciences; who is the lord of the three kings, vis. the aśvapati (lord of horses), the gajapati (lord of elephants) and the narapati (lord of men); who meditates on the feet of the illustrious P. M. P. P. Madanapaladēva, who (in his turn) meditated on the feet of the illustrious P. M. P. P. Chandradeva, who acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja by (the strength of) his own arms,- orders, informs and commands all the people assembled, residing in the villages of Vihara in the district (?) of Vada-chaturasiti, of Pattana, Upalaüṇḍa, Vavvahali, Ghösäḍi attached to Meyi and of Payasi attached to Pōṭhivars, as well as the kings, queens, heirs-apparent, ministers, priests, door-keepers, generals, treasurers, record-keepers, physicians, astrologers, chamberlains, messengers, and officers charged with the care of elephants, horses, towns, mines (?) sthānas and gōkulas in the following manner :
"Be it known to you, that, having been gratified by the Saugata-parivrājaka, the mahapandita Sakyarakshita, (a resident) of the Utkala country, and his disciple, the Saugataparivrajaka, the mahapanḍita Vägisvararakshita, (a resident) of the Choda country, I have to-day,-on a Monday, the purnima tithi of the month of Ashadha, (the moon being) in the Pürväshäḍhä nakshatra in the year comprising eleven hundred increased by eighty-six, also in figures Samvat 1188, Ashadha sudi 15, Monday, after bathing in the Ganges, at the holy Väräṇasi; propitiating the sacred texts, divinities, sages, men, beings and the group of deceased ancestors; adoring the sun, whose lustre can dispel heaps of darkness; worshipping the moon-orested (Siva); worshipping Vasudeva, the protector of the three worlds; and after offering to (the god of) fire an oblation rich in milk-rice, bestowed again by a charter for the enhancement of the merit and fame of my parents and of myself, by (pouring) from the palm of my hand water sanctified by the gōkarna and the kusa
1 [The sign of avagraha is inserted in the original between the aksharas ya and li.-Ed.]
2 [Each of these vertical strokes is preceded by a symbol which looks like the letter found in this inscription. -Ed.J
See Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 10, note 55.
I do not understand the force of the word "again" (punarapi) here. This would seem to signify that the king was only renewing an older grant of his.

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26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
grass, with a great satisfaction of the heart, for enjoyment in the manner of other convents for (as long as) the moon and the sun (endure), the six villages named above, together with water and dry land, mines of iron and salt, repositories (i.e. ponds) of fish, pallikaras, pits and deserts up to and including gardens of madhuka and mango (trees), parks, bushes, grass and pasture lands up to their proper limits clearly defined by their four boundaries, with the elevations and depressions, upon the most respectable community (samgha) of Buddhist friars (Sakyabhikshu) of whom Buddhabhaṭṭaraka is the chief, residing in the great convent of the Holy Jētavana. Bearing (this) in mind, and being ready to listen to (our) commands you should (continue to) give (to the donees) the bhagabhögakara, the pravanikara, the Turushkadanda and all the other sources of income that are due."
[Lines 22-26 contain seven imprecatory and benedictory verses.]
(L. 27.) Under the orders of the glorious king Govindachandra, this grant was written by the Kayastha Suraditya, who is proficient in all sastras. Good luck (and) great prosperity!
No. 4.-THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA.
In his paper on "The Chahamänas of Naddula" the late Professor Kielhorn has edited the Sundhä hill inscription of Chachigadeva which helps to determine the order of succession and the relationship of the various princes, whose inscriptions had been published, but whose connection with one another had long remained unknown. We are now aware that they were all of the Chahamana dynasty. But there were several families of the Chahamanas that reigned in Rajputana. It was, therefore, necessary to distinguish the line that ruled over Marwar from other branches ruling elsewhere. And Professor Kielhorn chose to group them together under the title "the Chahamanas of Naddula." But some of these Chahamanas reigned at Naddüla (Naḍol), and some at Jabalipura (Jalor). Strictly speaking, they should, therefore, have been called "the Chahamanas of Naddüla and Jabalipura." The descendants of the former are called Naḍōlias, and of the latter Sõnagaras. Again, at Sanchor, inscriptions are found of a Chahamana prince who seems to be neither a Naḍolia nor a Sonagară, but rather a Sanchōra, another subdivision of the Chohans. Under such circumstances, it is best to designate these Chohans as "the Chahamänas of Marwar."
The subjoined inscriptions were discovered during the two tours undertaken by me in 1907-08 and 1908-09 in the southern and south-eastern parts of Marwar, and this paper is really a supplement to that of Professor Kielhorn, without which it would not have been possible to make my article interesting.
I AND II.-SĀDAȚI AND NADOL INSCRIPTIONS OF JOJALADĒVA ; [VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1147.3
The first of these inscriptions was found at Sadaḍi, and the second at Nadol, both in the Dēsāri District, Godvad Division, Jodhpur State. The former is engraved on a pillar in the temple of Jagesvara, but as all the materials of this temple are said to have been brought from rains elsewhere, it is clear that the inscription did not originally belong to Sadaḍi. It contains
1 See Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 10, note 57.
Above, Vol. IX. p. 70.
[For short notices of these two records see above, Vol. IX. p. 158 f.-Ed.]

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No. 4.]
11 lines of writing, which cover a space of 81" broad by 61" high. The second inscription is incised on a pillar in the temple of Sōmesvara, and bears 13 lines of writing which cover a space of 81" broad by 91" high. The letters of the first are deeply cat, and, excepting two or three aksharas at the beginning of lines 8-10, the record is well preserved. The second is weather-worn and has not yielded satisfactory impressions. The whole of it, however, is intact. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and both the inscriptions are in prose. In respect of orthography, it is sufficient to state that the letters b and v are both denoted by the sign for v. Of words unknown or rarely employed, we may note the following: (1) yātrā, (2) satka, (3) vadaharaka, (4) sulapala, and (5) pramadakula. Yatra is a festival which is held on different days for different gods.1 The word is frequently met with in the Bhinmal inscriptions. Satka of course means "belonging to," and, though foreign to classical Sanskrit literature, is found in later inscriptions and in Jaina literature. Vadaharaka, I think, is the Sanskritised form of the Marwari word baḍerō, meaning "an old man." The word sulapāla, which occurs only in No. II, is given in Monier-Williams' Dictionary to mean "the keeper of a brothel or frequenter of brothels," but the sense intended here seems to be that of "associates of courtezans, who accompany them on musical instruments while singing or dancing." Pramadikula means obviously a host of courtezans, and is used in this sense also in the Bhinmal inscriptions.
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
The contents of both the inscriptions are most identical. They are dated on Wednesday, the second of the bright half of Vaisakha in the [Vikrama-] year 1147 and refer themselves to the reign of Jōjaladeva, who, in No. I, is styled Maharaja and, in No. II, Mahārājādhirāja. They lay down the order of the king with regard to the management of festivals in connection with all the gods, such as Lakshmanasvamin and others. The order is that when the festival of any particular god commences, the courtezans attached to the temples of the other gods must also put on their ornaments and best garments and attend with their sulapalas to celebrate it by instrumental music, dancing, singing, and so forth. Jojaladēva goes even to the extent of conjuring his descendants and other princes to keep the festivals of all the gods. going in this manner, and warns them by adding that he, who, at the time of a festival, attempts to abolish this practice, be he an ascetic, an old person, or a learned man, should be prevented from doing so by the reigning ruler. The inscription ends with a curse on those princes who will not maintain this practice.
27
In the temple of Jagesvara at Sadadi, where No. I was engraved on a pillar, other inscriptions also are found, but incised on another pillar of exactly the same style. From them it is clear that the temple of Lakshmanasvamin was at Naḍala, i.e. Nadol. Again, in order that the festival of one god may be celebrated by courtezans attached to other temples, all the temples must be in one and the same town, i.e. in Naḍōl. The name of the god Lakshmanasvamin suggests that he was so called after Lakshmana, the founder of the Marwär branch of the Chōhāns.
I.
TEXT.3
1 ' संवत् १९४० वैशाखमुदि २ बुधवासरे महा
-2 राजश्रीजोजलदेवेन श्रीलक्ष्मणस्वामिप्रभृति
3 समस्तदेवानां यात्राकालव्यवहारो लेखितः ।
4 यत्र दिने यच देवे यात्रा भवति तथापरसमस्तदे
[This word has become jatra, jātre or sättirai in the Dravidian languages of the South-Ed.] From the original stone. Expressed by a symbol.
1
• Read बुध

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20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XL.
6 वानां सत्कप्रमदाकुलैः सर्वैः साकल्पैः सुवस्त्रैविद्याव6 शिश्चागत्य वाद्यवृत्यगानादिविधि[न] यात्रा कर्तव्याऽग्रे 7 च सर्वकालमस्मइंशजैरन्यैर्वा भाविभूमिपालैरित्थं 8 [सर्व देवेषु यात्रा कारयितव्या यात्राकाले तपस्वी वड
- - -'विद्यावान्वाऽपरोपि यो भंगोपायं कुरुते तस्य
- -[निग्रहः करणीयः । य[व] राजाऽनेन' क्रमेण यात्रा 11 न कारयिष्यति तस्य गर्दभोऽन्तरे ॥
II.
TEXT. 1ों संवत् ११४७ वैशाखशदि २ वुधवास2 रे महाराजाधिराजश्रीजीजलदेवः सम3 स्तदेवानां योखणखामिप्रभृतीनां यात्राव्य. 4 वहारं लेखयति यथा ॥ यत्र घने यत्र [वै] 5 यात्रा भवति तत्र समस्तदेवानां सत्कप्रमदाकु6 लैराकल्पसंयुक्तीः सुवस्त्रविद्यावनिश्च सशूल7 पालैरागत्य नित्यं वाद्यनृत्य[गीत]दिविधिना यात्रा 8 करणीया । अग्रे च सर्वकालमस्मइंशजैरन्यैर्वा भा. 9 विभूमिपालैरित्थिं] सर्वदेवेषु यात्रा' कारयितव्या । 10 यात्राकाले तपस्वी वडहरको विद्यावान्वाऽपरो11 पि यो भंगोपायं कुरुते तस्य राजा निग्रह कर12 णीयः । यच राजाऽनेन क्रमेण सव्वदेवेषु यात्रा 13 न कारयिष्यति तस्य गहभोऽन्तर ॥॥
III. --SEVÄDI STONE INSCRIPTION OF AŚVARAJA;
[VIKRAMA-JSAMVAT 1167. This inscription is incised on the lintel of the door of a subsidiary shrine in the front corridor of the temple of Mahavira at Sēvādi, a village about 5 miles to the south-east of Bäli, the principal town of the district of the same name, Godvád Division. It contains 3 lines, and the writing covers a space of 36' broad by 2' high. The inscription is, on the whole,
I Restore वडहरकी.
Supply राजा. The akshara , in entered below the line and in different from the other w's in the inscription. • From the original stone.
Expressed by a symbol.
• Read No. There is a broak in the middle of the vertical line wbiob denotes tho of tra. • Bend free

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No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
well preserved. The characters are Nägari. The sign for d is worthy of noto (e.g. in Padrãda, Chbēchhadiya, and so forth), and occars in the Nadol copper-plate inscription of Kirtipäla. Some of the letters are partially engraved. To take an instance, the left upper stroke of ma in Padrädd-grāmē in l. 2 is missing, and the letter looks like na. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole record is in prose except the concluding benedictory verse. In respect of orthography, it is sufficient to note that the sign for v denotes both v and b. As regards lexicography, the following words may be noticed : jagati and maha-sihaniya in l. 1, and java and haraka in 1. 2. Jagati is found in many inscriptions in the sense of "the grounds." It corresponds, in my opinion, to the Hindi word jagah or jagya and the Marathi word jaga. Sähaniya most probably corresponds to the dëst word sahani, meaning "master of stables." The same word oocurs as a title of two Para måra Rajputs in an inscription incised on a jamb of the hall door of the Nilakantha-Mabädēva temple at Nápå. Java and hiraka are also found in another inscription in the same temple at Săvădi. They occur as haraka and java in No. XV below. Both are used in connection with an arahata (araghafta), i.e. # well with a wheel attached thereto for drawing water. From this it appears that java or java must be taken in the sense of yava, barley-oorn. Haraka seems to be the same as the Marathi word hara, a large basket of a particular form and of loose texture, often used in measuring corn. This receives confirmation from No. XV.
The inscription is dated on the first of the bright half of Chaitra of the (Vikrama) year 1187, when Asvarāja was the Maharajadhiraja and Katukarāja the yuvarāja or heir-apparent. It then records a grant by Uppalarāka, son of Uttimarāja and grandson of Püavi, the Great Master of Stables (maha-sahaniya), together with his family, the names of some of whose members are specified. The gift was made for the daily worship of Sri-Dharmanāthadēva in the temple of Samipați, and what was granted was barley.corn equal to one hāraka from everyone of the wells (arahata) belonging to the villages of Padrādā, Medranchi, Chhochhadiya and Maddadi.
Of the localities mentioned, Samipāți is doubtless Sēvādi, which is also pronounced as Servādi. And Dharmanāthadēva must be unquestionably the divinity installed in the cell, above the door of which the inscription is engraved. Chhechhadiya again must be Chh ohhli, about 4 miles to the north of Sévådi. The rest are unidentifiable.
TEXT. 1 प्रों' ०॥ सं ११६७ चैत्र सु १ महाराजाधिराजश्रीअश्वराजराज्ये । ओ
कटकराजयुवरा[ज्ये 1] समीपाटीयचैत्ये जगतौ श्री[धर्मनाथदेवस" नित्यgarmi () Artelefoagufaruta[a] 'TATAGTU sercraña (1) AHMZ wiara (uo)
1 Above, Vol. I. p. 277, note 18. From the original stone. Expressed by a symbol. • Read ostacoa.
• Read अगत्या. [On the impressions which Mr. Bhandarkar hoe kindly sent me for reference, the reading intended is , though the subscript y is not properly formed. Other instances of such careless engraving are noticed by Mr. Bhandarkar himself. There is a dot which may be taken for an anusvārs, but it is not quite pronounced and may be due to accident.--Ed.]
* [The g of gît looks like 3.-Ed.) As most of the inscriptions here published do not aim at giving grammatically correct 3anskrit text, the places, where no attempt at observing the rules of sandhi is made, will be passed over, and only violations thereof will be noticed.
• [These two strokes look like or in the impression. -Ed.]

Page #47

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
2 fato Haititufe gati (1) Giera[a] (1) []arará
(1) par fout ESTATĀ (n) []TEŻ TEŻ afa [z]a: Erce: (1) Tal : afy sof[u]ofa (1) #Tea ] 1918
UTWGHT[=] 3 DAC (1) fagrafu[w]fa (1) TEET []orut: HET Hfavifa il fa
मत्वा प्रतिपालनीयं ॥ यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं । agfiragut [ulat trafat: arcfefa: P a n
IV.-SEVĀDI STONE INSCRIPTION OF KATUKARAJA;
[VIKRAMA.) SAVAT 1172. The inscription is incised on the lintel of the door of another cell in the front corridor of the temple of Mahāvira at Sēvādi. It is highly weather-worn and cannot consequently be easily deciphered. It was again beda ubed with redlead, when I was there, I do not know for what purpose. An estampage taken of it with my own hands has, however, enabled me to read almost the whole of it with certainty. It consists of 8 lines, and covers a space of 2 11 broad by 45" high. The characters are Nāgari. The sign for b occurs in the inscription, e.g. in vibudha-pats in l. 1, bal-adhipa) in l. 4, and so forth. The language is Sanskřit, and, excepting the opening Om and the date at the end, the whole of the inscription is in verse. The verses are numbered and are 15 in all. One solecism occurs in Sriy-adhard in 1. 2. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the occasional use of the letter v both for o and b, and (2) the substitution of forn in conjunct consonants, e.g. in punya-vismstah, 1.3, vitirnnam, 1. 6, and so forth. As regards lexicography, attention may be drawn to the word khattaka occurring in l. 7. I came across the same word in an inscription in a shrine of the Jaina temple at Pali, the principal town of the district of the same name, Jodhpur State. This word occurs also in the Abū inscriptions, e.g. it is need in l. 40 of Inscription No. I. (above, Vol. VIII. p. 213), where the meaning of 'niche ' appears to be all but certain. This sense fits here exactly. In line 3 again, is the word bhukti, which does not here simply denote a territorial division as elsewhere, but rather a province or a group of villages enjoyed as jāgir. Lastly, the curious expression Māghe Tryamva(ba)ka-sampraptau in l. 6 Walso deserves to be noticed in this connection. It literally means "in Mägha on the arrival of Tryambaka (Siva)," and I am all but certain that it denotes what is popularly known as the Siva-rätri, the 14th of the dark half of Magha.
The inscription opens with an invocation of Santinatha, the sixteenth Tirthamkara Verse 2 gives the name of Anahila, and his son named Jimda is mentioned in the verse following as proficient in polity and as belonging to the Chāhamāna dynasty. His son was Asvarāja, and the son of the latter was Katukarāja (vv. 4-5). In verse 6 we are told that in his bhukti, i.e. the province enjoyed by him, was the town named. Samipați (Soviļi), and at this place there was a temple of Viranātha (Mahavira), bearing comparison with paradise. From verbe 7 onwards we are introduced to a different line of descent. In this verse we are informed that there was one Yaśödēva, leader of the army (bal-ādhipa), of pure soul, and foremost in the
Read go.
* Read A * Supply here some such word as 60%. * Read 78°; the lines are here reversed.
[See also above, Vol. VIII. p. 200, and the note on p. 200 in the Additions and corrections' to that volume.

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No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
31
assemblies of kings and mahajanas (banias). The next verse says that he, of equable mind, was never tagging in conferring favours on the relatives, friends, and virtuous people of the Shandēraka gachchha. His son was Bāhada, who was well known amongst the learned like Viśvakarmi (verse 9), and the son of Bihada was Thallaka, who was devoted to the Jaina religion and was an object of the king's favoar (verse 10). To Thallaka an annual benefaction of eight drammas was made by Katukaraja on the Sivs-ratriday in the month of Magha (vv. 11-12). Verse 13 expresses a wish for the continuance of the gift so long as the sun and the moon last, made for the worship of Santinātha in the khattaka of Yasodēva. In the next verse we are told that the image of Santinātha in the temple of Jing in Samipați was caused to be made by his grandfather. The last is an imprecatory verse, threatening with punishment those who would resume the grant. The inscription ends with the mere date Samvat 1172, corresponding to A.D. 1115.
It will be seen from the above account that the grantor was Katukarāja, son of Asvarāja. But he does not appear to have been a ruler at the time. For in none of the verges is he spoken of as king, and in verse 6 we are informed, as we have seen, that Samipati (Sevadi) was in his bhukti. Here neither the word rajya which would have snited the metre, nor any other term synonymous with it is used. This shows that even in A.D. 1115, the date of the inscription, he was a yurarāja enjoying some villages as jāgir.
Shamderaka-sad-gachchha is no doubt the same as the Samdēraka gachchha of the Nadol plates of Alhapadēva dated V.E. 1218, and the Sandēra or Shandëraka gachchha of the Mount Abd inscriptions. Sapdera or Shanderaka is to be identified with the present Sinderav, 10 miles north-west of Bali, the principal town of the district of the same name, Godvād Division. The name ocorre also in an inscription in the temple of Mahavira at that place (below No. XVI). It is one of the many instances in which the Jaina gachchhas are called after the names of places in Marwar.
TEXT.1 1 ओं० ॥ खजन्मनि जनताया जाता परतोषकारिणी शांतिः । विबधपति
विनुतचरणः स शांतिनामा जिनो जयति १ आसीदुग्रप्रतापाद्यः
श्रीमदणहिलभूपतिः । 2 येन प्रचंडदोईडपराक्रम[जि]ता मही र तत्पुत्र: चाहमानानामन्वये
नीतिसद्द(ह) । जिंदराजाभिधो राजा सत्यसौ(शौर्यसमाश्रयः ॥३ तत्त[न]ज
स्ततो जातः प्रतापाक्रांतभूतल: [*] अ[]राजः श्रियाधारो' [भू]3 [प]तिर्भूभृतां वरः ॥४ तत: कटुकराजेति त[त्पु]त्रो धरणीतले । जन्ने स त्याग
सौभाग्यविख्यात: पुन्यविस्मितः ॥५ तडको पत्तनं र[म्यं] शमीपाटीति
नाम[क] । तत्रास्ति वीरनाथस्य चैत्यं वर्गसमोपमं ॥ 4 इतथासीत् वि[शु]डात्मा यशोदेवो बलाधिपः । राज्ञां महाजनस्यापि सभायाम
ग्रणोस्थितः ॥७ थोडेरकसहच्छे बंधूनां सुह[दां] सतां । नित्योपकुर्वता येन न श्रांतं "समचेतसा ॥
From an estampage. Expressed also by a symbol. [On the impressions the reading seems to be यखन्अनि instead of स्वजन्मनि.-Ed.] - Read पुचवा.
• Read श्याधारी; but it will not suit the metre. . Read gero. [On the impressions the first akahara of the word fafua: looks more like fa than fr. -Ed. • Read तातो.
[On the impression the first akshara of this word seems to be.--El.]

Page #49

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. xI.
। तत्सुतो बाहडो जातो नराधिपजन[प्रिय]: । विश्वकर्मेव सर्वत्र प्रसिहो
विदुषां मतः ॥ तत्पुत्रः [प्रथितो लोके जैनधर्मपरायणः । उत्पनः
[५] नको' राजः प्रमादगुणमंदिरं ॥ 6 १० दयादाक्षिन्यगांभीर्यबुद्दिचियानसंयुतः । श्रीमत्क[]कराजेन तस्य दान'
[कतं] शुभं ॥११ माघे त्र्यंवकसंप्राप्तौ विती' प्रतिवर्षकं । द्रम्माष्टकं
प्रमाणेन थमका7 य प्रमोदतः ॥१२ पूजा[य] शांतिनाथस्य यशोदेवस्य ख[स]के । प्रवईयत
चंद्रार्क यावदादानमु[ज्वलं ॥१३ पितामह [न] तस्येदं शमोपाव्यां जिनालये ।
कारितं शांतिना8 यस्य बिंबं जनमनोहरं ॥१४ धर्माण लिप्यते राजा पृथ्वों भुनक्ति यो
यदा । ब्रह्महत्यासहश्रेण पातकेन विलोपय[न] ॥१५ संवत् ११७२
V.-BALI STONE INSCRIPTION OF AŚVÄKA;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1200. This inscription was found at Bali. It is engraved on one of the lintels resting on the pillars of the sabha-mandapa of the temple of Bölā alias Bahuguņa-mata. It contains 6 lines of writing, which cover & space of 7" broad by 2' 21" high. Excepting the greater portion of line 1 and a few letters. in line 5, it is well preserved. The charaoters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole of the record is in prose, excepting one verse in II. 4-5. nI respect of orthography, the only point that deserves to be noted is the doubling of a consonant in conjunction with a preceding . As regards lexicography, attention may be drawn to the word grāsa in l. 2, which corresponds to the modern girās, signifying the landed possessions of a member of one of the ruling tribes. In lines 3 and 4 occur some abbreviations such as bhoo, puo, va', and so forth. I do not know what their full forms are.
The inscription opens with the date, of which all the details are lost, except the (Vikrama-) year 1200. It refers itself to the victorious and blessed reign of the Mahārājā. dhiraja Sri-Jayasihadēva, of course, of the Chaulukya dynasty and speaks of the Mahārāja Sri-Agvāka as “subsisting on his lotus-like feet," i.e. as his feudatory. At that time the village of Valahi was being enjoyed as giras by the queen Sri-Tihuņaka. It then records s grant of four drammas by BopaņaV&-sthabhana, son of Palha, in connection with the festival of the goddess Bahughripa. Further details of the grant are given but are not quite clear, but it appears to have been laid down that at the time of the horse-fair (lit. selling: of horses) one dramma was to be given to the goddess, two drammas to the sangha-pati Galapalyadiya, son of Chohadi, and resident at the village of Thambhila, one dramma to Valhaņa and Garavăța, sons of Mohaņa, one dramma each to the machine-wells, such as
1 Read उत्पन्नस्थाकी. Read 'दाचिय. [On the impressions the reading a तस्यादानं.-Ed.]
• Read च्यंबक. • Read वितीपर्ण
[The akshara in brackets looks like T.-Ed.] .. Read and महण

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No. 4.]
TIE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
those named Sitka, Bhariyi, Bohada, Mahiys, and so forth, one dramma to the bhandari Bata, and so on. The record was written by one Kulachandra.
The feudatory chieftain Ăśvāka referred to herein is doubtless identical with the Asvarājs of the two previous inscriptions. Valahi must be the modern Bali, and the goddess Bahughriņa the same as Bahuguņa or Bola-mātā, in whose temple the inscription is engraved.
TEXT. 1 संवत् । [१२].. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [समस्त] राजा
वलीविराजितमहाराजाधिराजवीज[य]१ सोहवेदकल्याणविजयराज्ये तत्या[द]पनोपजोवि[नि महाराजश्रीपाश्वाके । एवं . काले प्रवर्तमाने राजीथीतिहुणकग्रासाभुज्यमानवा ल] होग्रा[मस्य सत्कयो
बहु[-] 3 णद] (द)वी यात्रा]निवि(मि)त्तं भी० पाल्हासुत भो० बोपणवस्थभनेन वालही प्रति
प्रदत्तं ट्रां ४ तथा घोडाविक्रए ट्रां १ [त]था च थांभिल[ग्राम
वास्तव्यसंघपतिचोहडिपुत्रगलपल्यादिया[] 4 प्रति प्रदत्तं द्रां २ [पू. मोहणमुतवाल्ह[ण]गार(वा]टं प्रति ट्रां १ सीत्कभरिया
बोहडामहियाप्रभृति परहात्ति प्रदत्त द्रां १ भां. बूटा प्रत्ति दो १
व. उदकपीहया. मा० ते. पली १ प्रदत्त ॥ यस्य यस्य 5 [य*]दा भूमि तस्य तस्य तदा फलं । यस्तु एतं लोपयंति' तस्य ब्रह
त्यादयः ॥१. श्रीकुलचंद्रेण लिखितं । सइयणा पा. रा. कातियस
. . .. . लाही प्रति द्रां १ भरठपा6 दणा. उ । भौसै ४ धाधरणप्रति द्रां ।
VI.-SEVĀDI STONE INSCRIPTION OF KAȚUDBVA;
[SIMHA-]SAMVAT 31. This inscription also was found at Sēvāļi, near a house in front of the Jaina temple of Mahavira. It is what is called there & surabhi stone, i.e. a stone which is surmounted with
From the original stone. Read 'सौपदवी.
On the estampage which Mr. Bhandarkar bo sent me, the reading wif instead of Tot is also possible.-Ed.]
• The akahara of fays is not on the line. There is a letter or symbol above the line which Mr. Bhandarkar takes tor क, and this is how hegeta विपक.-Rd.]
Read IT ufa; w the text was never intended to be grammatically correct, sach inaccuracies will not be corrected unless it is abaolutely necessary to do so. • Read भूमिस्तख.
Read एतमीप. . Read ; the metre of these lines is violated.
(On the estampage the reading seems to be Il CIR -Ed.)

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34
[Vol. XI.
the sculpture of a cow and her calf and with the sun and the moon on each side. The inscription is mutilated in several places, and the letters have become very much worn out. The inscription is of no importance except for what is contained in the first three lines, about the reading of which there remains no doubt. They give the date Sar 31 Bhadas [va]ds [su]di 11, and state that Kaṭudēva was at that time Mahārājādhiraja and reigning at Naḍula (Nadol) _and_that Samipati was being enjoyed by his son) Jayatasiha, the Ywvarāja, or heir apparent This Katudēva is the same as the Katukaraja of Nos. III and IV, above, and, as we know that he was the Yuvaraja from V.E. 1167 to 1172, the only era, to which we can refer the year 31, the date of this inscription, is that started by the Chaulukya sovereign SiddharājaJayasimha, commonly known as Simha-Samvat. It then becomes equivalent to V.E. 1200 or A.D. 1143. That the province of Godvād was included in the dominions of SiddharājaJayasimha is proved by the preceding inscription. It is, therefore, not at all improbable that the year 31 of our record belongs to the Simha era.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TEXT.1
1 सं २१ मादद' []दि ११ येह श्रीन[डू]ले । [[हा]राजाधिराजश्रीकटु देवविजयी [यी] त
3
2
3
- -
- [ज] यतसी युवराज भुज्यमानसमीपाट्या' श्रीम - रा []]: समस्तमुद्राव्यापारान् परिप[[थयन् ] । 5 [श्री] से [आ] भटसमस्तमहाजनप्रभृती [न् ] []
4
6
।
- [a]ार: सिंधुराज 7 [[]]ति च पूर्वधमासन 8 [ति] सूप सर्व्वप्रमाण श्या - हलखेटलनिषे [धः ] एत- प्रतिपालयंति [स] भात्मानं पुष्थेन लिप्यते ज 10 कोपि लोप [य] स्यति स वह्महत्यापापेन
9
ते । मंगलं
11 महाश्री ॥
―――
-
-
तस्मिन् काले प्रव[र्त] माने
-
यतु घाणक प्र
VII.—NĀDLAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF RĀYAPĀLA; [VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1189.
This inscription was found in a Jaina temple at Naḍlai, 8 miles to the north-west of. Destri, the principal town of the district of the same name, Godväḍ Division. The temple is now dedicated to Adinatha, but there can be no doubt, as will be seen from other inscriptions, that it was originally dedicated to Mahavira. The inscription in question is engraved on a lintel standing on two pillars in the sabha-mandapa. The lines of the inscription run parallel to one another but not to the edges of the lintel, and the tops of some of the concluding letters in the first line have been cut off, necessarily being outside the upper edge of the lintel. This points to the conclusion that the sabha-mandapa was rebuilt some time after the date of
• Read भाद्रपद.
● Rend महा
1 From the original stone. • Restore तत्सुत..
"
Read "पाट्यां
● Bead परिपंथयन; fnrther grammatical inaccuracies are better left uncorrected.

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No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
the inscription, and that the lintel on which it is incised is no longer preserved in its original form.
The record contains 6 lines of writing which cover a space of l' 53" broad by 41 high. The surface of the stone does not appear to have been dressed before engraving the inscription, and the letters also do not seem to have been carefully incised. The characters are Nagari. Of these y is written as if it were p, as is often seen in Sanskrit manuscripte. Next, the form of the letter & in Naduladägikā, 1. 2, is worthy of note and is exactly like that noted in No. III. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose, ercepting & verse at the end, which, however, offends against the metre. In respect of orthography, it deserves to be noticed first that there is but one b in the inscription and it is denoted by the sign for u, in vrahama(hma), l. 5, and secondly, that the final consonant is represented by the addition of the suffis as, 6.g. yad by yadu in 1. 5. The same orthographic peculiarity I have noticed in the later copper-plate inscriptions of the Gubilot princes, which are found in Godvad. As regards lexicography, the words pala and palikā employed in l. 3 doubtless denote some kind of liquid measure. Details of it bave been set forth in Bertini, Indica, Vol. I. p. 164. Attention may also be drawn to the abbreviated forms herein employed, bhan, 1 3, and não and vi', 1. 4. Bhan, of course, stands for bhaidāri, the name of a well-known subdivision of the Osvals, and rao for răuta, which is supposed to be a corruption of rajaputra, and is the same as the modern rāvat, one of the designations borno by Rājput jāgirdārs. I do not know the full form of vi. In 1. 3 is used the word ghanaka, which corresponds to ghani and signifies an oil-mill. It is frequently met with in inscriptions.
The inscription is dated the 5th of the bright half of Maghs in the (Vikrams] year 1189, and speaks of a grant made by Rudrapala and Amritapala, sons of the Mahäräjidhiraja Bagapals of the Chabam na dynasty, in conjunction with their queen-mother Manaladēvi. The gift was of two palikis out of those dae to the royal family from each oil-machine (ghanaka) and was made for the (Jaina) saints in and outside Nadaladägiks (Nadal). The witnesses to this religious benefaction were the villagers (graminaka) Ttimata, a ranta, Siriya
, PÕBari a bania, and Laksmana, headed, by Nagasiva, a bhandāri. They apparently formed the pancha of the village.
TEXT.1 1 मो० ॥ संवत् १९८८ माघसुदि पंचम्यां श्रीचापमानान्वय()बीमहाराजा.
FOTO [TUT]w(1)2 re got uren ENT] (1) mat ATM CIUTAT [7]7
Ten [ae][ET]forait3 of (N) Fat Troritat [u]agretva[A]wa ufundi(l) 97[*] efa
wafa HER I He info 4 eura (1) To FHAZT fere faftur aforro utif (1)
सकाण एते सा ।
1 From the original stone. • Read yet.
* Expressed by a symbol • Bad प्रदान
. Rond ec. • Read अधिक.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
5 खिं' कत्ला दत्तं [1] लोपकस्य यदु पापं गोहत्यासहस्रेण । ब्रहमहत्या
ha ( ata 6 urâa ferara arroll o
VIII.--NĀPLĀI STONE INSCRIPTION OF RÄYAPÄLA;
(VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 1195. This inscription also was found at Nadlãi, but in the temple of Nēminátha, locally known as Jadvāji, situated on a small hill to the south-east of the village. It is engraved on a pillar, and is, on the whole, well preserved. It consists of 26 lines of writing, and covers & space of 91" broad by l' 11" high. The characters are Nagari, The language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the only point that calls for notice is the use of matu for mat(d) in matudattan, 1. 22. Of unknown or rare words bhoktāri, l. 9, $ēka, 1. 11, and ābhāvya, 1. 12, may be noticed. For the first I can suggest no meaning. Sēka is perhaps the same as the Sanskrit sikya meaning " a kind of loop or swing made of rope and suspended from either end of a pole or yoke to receive a load (also applied to the load so carried)." The word ābhāvya has, in my opinion, the sense of "income, proceeds," and occurs in no less than three different compounds in a Mangrol inscription of V.E. 1202. It is also employed as a component of another compound in Bhinmal inscriptions Nos. XII and XV.. Perhaps another word may also be noticed, vis. rauta, which occurs in Il. 8 and 21. It is evidently a corruption of Rājaputra and is the same as Rajput, but is here used to denote apparently a jāgirdār.
The inscription opens with obeisance to the Omniscient, who is here Nēminātha. It then gives the date, vis. Tuesday, the 15th of the dark half of Asving in the (Vikrama] year 1195, and refers to the rule of the Mahārājādhiraja Rāyapaladēva over NadūladĀgikā (Nădlãi). It then states that for lamp, incense, offering, flowers, worship and so forth of Sri. Nēminātha, the thakkura Rajadēva, son of the rāuta Uaharana of the Gabila family, granted for his spiritual merit one-twentieth part of the income (ābhāvya) derived from the loads on bullocks going on their way or coming to Nadlái. Then a request is made to future rulers for the preservation of the grant; and Pamsila is given as the name of the individual who wrote the record. Then comes the sign-manual of Rajadēva, who is here called a răuta, which is followed by the name of the witness Grügi, son of the astrologer Düdüpa. The last three lines are not intelligible to me.
TEXT.
1 alt TA r I Falle 2. 44. greste af M. 3
[]et[fr] mut nyt 4 Tafutia TUCOT aga i fag
Rend parufu. Read 47910.
Read and 'aaa • This whole verse is corrupt. It also occurs at the end of some of the following inscriptions. Perhaps it may be restored as follows:- Tietot ar
16 47 48 full Bharnagar Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, pp. 158-9. • Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. pt. I. pp. 480 and 485. 7 From the original stoue. # Expressed by a symbol.
- Read चासोज'.

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5 यी' राज्यं कुर्वतीत्येतस्मिन् काले श्री. 6 मदुर्जिततीर्थ' श्री[ने]मिनाथदेव7 स्य दीपधूपनैवेद्य]पुष्यपूजाद्यर्थे गू3 हिलान्वयः (0) राउ• ऊधरणसूनु9 ना भोकारि(?)ठ. राजदेवेन स्वपु10 ण्यार्थे स्वीयादानमध्यात्' मानें [ग]11 च्छतानामागतानां वृषभाना शेके[५] 12 यदाभाव्यं भवति तन्मध्यात् वि[श]13 तिमो भाग: चंद्रा यावत् देवस्य 14 प्रदत्तः । प्रस्मइंशोयनान्येन वा 15 केनापि परिपंथना न करणीया ॥ 16 अम्मदत्तं न केनापि लोप[नो]यं ॥ 17 स्वहस्ते परहस्ते वा य: कोपि लोप18 यिथंति । तस्याहं करे लग्नो 19 न लोप्यं] मम शासनमिदं" [i] लि. 20 [पां]सिलेन • स्वहस्तोयं साभि21 ज्ञानपूर्वकं राउ० रा[ज]देवे-- 22 न मतदतः ॥ अचाई साचिणा] 23 ज्योतिषिक[दूदूपासूनुना गूगि24 न[1]: । तथा पला. [प]ाला. । पृथिं 25 वा १ मांगुलि] ॥ देपसा । रा 26 पसा ॥ मंगलं महा[श्री.] ॥
Ix.-NADOL STONE INSCRIPTION OF RAYAPALA%;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1198. This inscription was discovered at Nadol, about 10 miles north-west of Désűrl, and is incised on a pillar in the temple of Sõmēsvara. A transcript of the first 3 lines has boen given by the late Professor Kielhorn, above Vol. IX. p. 159. The record contains 39 lines of writing, which cover a space of 9° broad by 2' 3* high. The letters are so weather-worn that even a satisfactory estampage is not possible, but with a little care and patience the whole of the
1 Read विजयि. - Read 'दृतितीवं.
Beed . • The sandhi bu here been disregarded. Such omimions will not be further noticed. • Read गच्छतामागताना.
• The letter is engraved between lines 10 and 11. Road विंशतितमी. • Read चन्दाकों.
• Rend . • Bend विथति.
11. The word is superfnous and not needed for the metro. - Read मया दत्तः
Probably and was intended. Read forart.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
inscription can be read with certainty on the original stone. The characters are Nagari, The language is Sanskrit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose. Some of the solecisms that occur in the record are nirgamatë, 1. 20, nirgamantanin, 1. 15, and nirgamd payantānā n, l. 19. In respect of orthography, it is sufficient to note (1) that t is correctly) doubled in conjunction with a preceding rin pravarttamane, 1.3, (2) that the dental , is frequently substituted for the palatal $, (3) that the sign for v is used also for b, and (4) that there is a curious tendency exhibited here of ending proper names with # or . The desi words employed are (1) vādā or vädaü, västs and padi (11. 4-8) which still in Mårwar have the sense of wards or localities in a town; (2) pēta, a belly, (3) avasara, 1. 24, i.e. Osrā or deri, ante-chamber or porch (above, Vol. I. p. 165), and (4) chaukadíka, 1. 13, of uncertain meaning, but apparently signifying a panchayat. The unusual words used in the inscription are (1) kārpaţika, l. 12, & pilgrim or caravan of pilgrims, (2) dautarika, doorkeepers of kings, known as dudidars in Rajputana, and (3) kāyavrata, l. 21, which doubtless has the same sense as that of the word tragă or chāndi, i.e. a kind of privation and self-immolation so commonly practised once in Rajpatana and Gajarāt by Brāhmaṇas and Bhāts to force the kings to relent and grant their wishes. Two curious expressions occurring in the record also deserve to be noticed. The first is pētans prishtim vd darśayati, 11. 20-21, and the second va(ba)le-pi granthir-n-đsti, l. 23, both of which are desi idioms unknown to Sanskțit literature. The former consists of two separate expressions: (1) patariu daríayati - lit. "shows his belly" but really "anks for means of livelihood," and (2) prishfiri darśayati - lit."shows his back," i... "flies away and thus shirks bis responsibility." The second exactly corresponds to the Hindi phrase even now in ase, in Rājputana at any rate, vis, bal par bhi gămth nahi, which is employed for absolving a man from all blaine.
The inscription opens with the date, vis. Sunday, the 8th of the dark half of Srivana in the (Vikrama) year 1198, and refers itself to the blessed and victorious reign of the Maharajadhiraja Šri-Röyapaladēva. It then makes mention of sixteen Brāhmaṇas of the town of Dhilopa, residing in eight different wards. Virigu and Prabhakara belonged to Mērivada, Assuon and Mahadu to Dipávada, Dou and Ghahadi to Durdanaviru, Muhamkaru and Divákarn to Bhangravida ü, Dovážchu and Dbaraü to Pipalavida, Narayana and Mshäichs to Ari bilavādā, Asigu and Asspalu to Khaikhannalāvada, and Devamga and Amvigu to Bburdavada. Headed by all these Brihmapas, two from each of the eight wards of Dhalopa and with Dēväichs as the mediator, the whole people of the town tendered a document written (i.e. signed) with their own hands. It contains & solemn promise on their part to find out, in sccordance with the custom of the country, by means of the chankadiki or panchayat system, whatever is lost by, or snatched away from, the bhala, bhaftaputra, daudrika, kārpatika, Vaniijāraka, and others on their way. If it was, however, lost at their own place, i.e. at any particular ward in Dhalopa, the responsible individuals thereof already named were to find it out in person. Money, weapons, watchmen, and so forth were supplied by the Maharaja Sri-Rāyapāla to them for tracing things lost, and so there was no need of assigning the duties of a watch man to any one amongst them. A declaration was also made to the effect that, if any Brahmana amongst them, when being asked by chiefs (ränaka), to find out some lost property, refused to do so, asked for means of subsistence or fied away, or, if apprehended, had recourse to kayarrata or self-immolation, he would die like a car, donkey, or chandala, and the chiefs (rāņaka), such as Rayapala and others, would in no wise be open to blame. Then is given a list of the names of the individuals who bore witness to the document. They are as follow: (1) Katuka and the Brahmana Sájanu come from, i.e., representing the bhattaraka Ila (residing) in the avasara (Osri) of the temple belonging to Sri-Jayasimhadēva, (2) the bhattāraka Varanasiü of (the tomple of) Anahilēśvara, (3) the bhatfaraka Mabēśvarasiū of (the temple of) Jēndrarajēsvara, (4) the bhattāraka Jñinasiū of the temple of) Anupam

Page #56

No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
39
vēsvara, (5) the bhattaraka Ifanű attached (pratibaddha) to the bhatjāraka Bhopā of (the temple of) Přithvipālēsvara, (6) the bhaffäraka Muktidēü of (the ten:ple of) Jõjalēśvera (7) the bhaftäraka Vinyaks and Säntisiū of the temple of) Tripurusha, (8) the bhaffäraka Maladēü of the temple of) Asalēsvara, (9) the bhattāraka Tatpurusha of (the temple of) Padmalēsvara, (10) the bhaffaraka Kadard of the temple of) [Tripälajkēśvara, (11) the bhattaraka Brahmaraki of the temple of) Asapalēsvara, (12) the aboti Sågåhäri belonging to Dvāravati and of the temple of) Prithvipalēsvara, (13) the aboți Jagadbaru belonging to Dvåravati and of the temple of) Asalāávara, (14) the abori Sri-Vachhu belonging to Dvāravati and of the temple of) Tripurusha, (15) the whole class of bankers (mahajana), such as Dévadhara and others, belonging to Anahillepara, and (16) the whole class of bankers such e Seth Jasadhavala Katakavala, and so forth. Then in 11. 37-39 we are informed that the record was written, i.e. drawn up, I think, by the thakura Pēthada, son of Vädiga, a Gauda Kiyastha, with the consent of the people of Dhalopa. At the end is a line, stating that the record is approved by all the people of Dhalopa.
Of the places mentioned, Dhalopa is obviously the village of that name, about 4 miles to the south-south-west of Nádol. Anahillapura is, of course, Anhilvädā near the modern Patņa, in the Kadi Division, Baroda State. Dväravati is doubtless Dvārkä on the western coast of Kathiảvad. Of the casto names mentioned, bhata is the same as bhåt or bards. Bhatta-putra is most likely intended for Bárhot, the higher class of professional panegyrists. Dauvärika is probably not a caste-name, and signifies here what are known as dudidars in Rajputanå. Vaniijāraka is Vanjäris, whose hereditary calling is that of carrying grains on pack-bullocks. The name occurs under the form of vapajāraka in No. XI. below and vanijyaraka in a copper-plate grant of Tribhuvanapaladēva. Aboțis are an inferior class of Brahmaņas, who are generally temple servants, and are still chiefly found in Dvärkä. Of the names of the bhaffärakas of temples, many end in sid (Siva), two in dëü (dēva), and only one in räsi. I bave elsewhere said that of the four well-known sects of the followers of Siva, those whose names ended in Śiva were Saivas, and those whose names ended in rāfi wero Lasalita Pasapatas. But to what sect the ascetics who bore the honorific suffix dēü (dēva) bulongod. is sot clear. Again. the gods, to whose temples the bhaffarakas were attached, were, it will be seen named after the kings. The god Jayasimhadēva was donbtless called after the Chaulukya sovereign Jayasimha; Anahilēsvars after Anahills, great-grandson of Lakshmana, the founder of the Chahamana family of Mårwår; Jendrarjeśvara after Jēndrarija or Jinduraja, son of Anahilla; Prithvi. pålēśvara and Jojalēśvara, after the first and second sons of Jêndrarāja ; and Asalēsvara, who is the same as Asa pälēśvara of 1.32, after Asvapāla, elder brother of Anahilla Anupamvēģvera, Padmalēgvars and [TripalA]kesvars must similarly have been named, but priuces of these names have not yet been traced in inscriptions.
TEXT. 1 पों' संवत् ११८८ श्रावणवदि ८ रवावधेह म2 r[urfa]Tropitarraraga: rifacy3 राज्ये एवं काले प्रवत्तमाने श्रीधालोप4 wa safaret fago afry AHTO I ST[UT]5 वाडा भासदेउ महडू । दुंडणवासु देउ घाडि । भां
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 210. • Expressed by symbol.
The loop of the letter is not entire.
. From the original stone. • Read देवकत्याप. • The reading #83 is siso possible

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
8 गूरवाडउ मुहंकर दिवाकर । पीपलवाडा देवार[] 7 धारउ । पाविलवाडा नारायण महारच । खरखबला8 वाडा पासिगु भासपालु । भुंडवाडा देवंगु भांविगु । एवं 9 पाडि ८ सत्कविप्रजन १५ पादौ कृत्वा समस्तलो. 10 को मध्यकदेवारचसहित: स्वहस्ताक्षरपत्रं प्र11 यच्छति यथा ॥ मार्गे गछमानभाट[भ]पुषदी12 वारिककार्पटिकवणिज्जारकादिसमस्तलोक13 स्य च सत्कं गतमपहतं च देशाचारेण चौकडि14 काप्रवाहणास्माभिः निर्गमनीयं । तथा स्वस्थाने 15 गतं वांगेनापि निर्गमनोयं । एतत निगमंतानां' महा*]. 16 'राजाश्रीरायपालेनास्माकं रक्षाकारा[स]ry द्रव्य]का17 दिकं मुक्तं नास्माकं मध्ये रक्षाकारो मोक्तव्यः ॥ एतद18 स्माभिः स्वयमपि लोहमयमंगीकृतं निर्गमनीयं च ॥ 19 पनया' विधिना राणकानां निर्गमापयंतानां 'अस्माकं मध्या20 त् यः' कोपि ब्रामणो' [न] निर्गमते' पेटं पृष्टिं वा दर्शय21 ति एमाणस्तु कायव्रतं कृत्वा मयते च स च सोपि 22 खानगईभचांडालो" भूत्वा मृयते" । राजाश्रीरायपालादी23 नां राणकानां वालेपि" अंधिर्नास्ति न च दू[ष]णं किमप्य24 स्तोति । पत्र साक्षि. श्रीजयसिंहदेवीयदेवरहावसरी. 25 यभधारकईलासकसमायातकटुकविप्र०साजणु । त28 या "श्रीपणहिलेश्वरीभहारकवरुणसिउ । श्रीजेन्द्रराजे27 वरीयभारकमहेखरसिउ" । पणुपम्वेवरीयभट्टारक-" 28 शानसिउ । "पृथीपाल[व]रीयभधारकभीपाप्रतिवमटार[क]-" 29 ईशानू । जोजलेश्वरीयभष्टारकमुक्तिदेउ । त्रिपुरुषीयभ30 हारकविनायकमांतिसिउ । पासलेश्वरीयभारकमूलदेउ । 31 श्रीपालेश्वरीयभट्टारकतत्पुरुष । [त्रिपालाकेश्वरीय[भधार32 ककेदार । भासपाल[व]रीयभट्टारकत्र[]रासि ॥ पृथ्वीपाले1 Road गच्छहाट. - Read 'माभिनिगम.
• Read एतनिर्गमयता. • Rend 'राज'. • Read पनेन.
• Read निर्गमयतामाकं. - Read अध्याय: • Read ब्राप्रपी.
• Road निर्गमयति. - Read मियते. ॥ Read वान.
- Rend बियते. - Read रानी . M Read बालेऽपि.
Read रीय " Read वरीय and महेश्वर - Read रोय.
Read 'परोय.. - Read "प्रतिषा.
• Read .

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No. 4.]
33 वरीयार [व] तीमत्क अवोटी मागाहारि' । 'आसलेश्वरीहारव34 तीसत्कचवोटीजगधर । चिपुरुषीयदारवतीसको
35 टोयोव' । श्रोषणणिपुरीय – देवधरादिसमस्त महा
।
36 जनं । तथा कटकवालये असभवतादिसमस्तमहाजन [य] (च) 37 श्रीधालोपोथलोकस्य संमतेन लिखितं श्रीगोडा
वा[दि]गस्तेन जनाधि
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
38 वकायस्थ ठकुरपेथडेन'
39 कं प्रमाणमिति । समस्तश्रीधालोपीयलोकस्य मते'
X.-NADLAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF RAYAPALA; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1200.
-
4 paila 1 payali.
5 payali 1 maṇī.
This inscription was found in the temple of Adinatha at Näḍlai, and is engraved on a lintel just opposito to that on which No. VII is incised. It contains 5 lines of writing which cover a space of 1' 9" broad by 41" high. The letters were filled with plaster when I first saw the inscription. The plaster had afterwards to be scraped off for enabling us to read the inscription. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and the record is in prose excepting the verse at the end, the last pada of which sets the metre at naught. As regards orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the use of jatu for yad and (2) the use of the dental for the palatal sibilant. In line 3 occur the curious words vala and pli, of which the first appears to be incorrectly used for pala and the second apparently an abbre viated form of palika. In line 2 the word päilä is used, which seems to signify a certain kind of weight. The same word occurs in the same sense in No. XI. In the Sunak grant of the Chaulukya king Karpadeva, we have the following: pailam 12 vahamti(ti) hala 4 iti halachatushtaya-bhumi. Here also the word has apparently the same meaning. Local inquiries in Göḍvāḍ have given me the following table:
1 Bead.
• Read 'गौड़ान्वर्य'.
From the original stone.
1
Vol. IX. p. 159.-Ed.]
41
4 mānī=1 sēi. 2 sei=1 man.
Another word that may be noted is vimsopaka, which not infrequently occurs in other inscriptions also. It is doubtless a coin, which is equivalent in value to th of the rupee that was then current.
The inscription opens with the date, viz. Thursday, the 5th of the bright half of Jeshṭa (Jyaishtha) in the [Vikrama] year 1200, when the Mahārājādhiraja Sri-Rayapaladeva was reigning. It then records that the rauta Rajadeva, who had come on the occasion of the rathayatra, i.e. the car festival, made, for the sake of his mother, in the presence of the bankers (mahajanas), villagers and the people of the province, a religions benefaction consisting of one vimsopaka coin from the value of the pailas accrning to him and two palikas from the palas of oil due to him from every ghanaka or oil mill.
TEXT.8
1 ओं ॥ संव[त् ।] १२०० जेष्ट " [स]दि ५ गुरौ श्रीमहाराजाधिराज श्रीरायपालदेवराज्ये
- हास
• Read 'मोटो'
Read
:
• Read वरीय° and बोटी • Read मतं. [The number of lines in the impression is 6.-Ed.] [For a Nädöl inscrip ion of the same king, dated in the same year, see above, Expressed by a symbol. 10 Read 8°.

Page #59

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
2 AV Uuttama () To Taeaa () (1) 15 TAVA [F
Areaya] Fiat 3 Tante 34: I mearmara [a]AWITI Aafafati ufaralezi (1)
F:(i) (u)4 16a() ato i ur i wafufafati fatuate
ufer24787 (1) I TE ()5 mai avÀTA[**aaa" gislearurat q* TE" OTO (1)
an araa fara : [1]5 XI.-NADLĀI STONE INSCRIPTION OF RAYAPĂLADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1202. The inscription is engraved on the same lintel as No. X. It contains 5 lines of writing, covering a space of l' 8" broad by 44 high. The characters are Nāgari. The language is Sansksit, and, excepting the usual imprecatory verse at the end, the whole of the record is in prose. As regards orthography, the only points that call for notice are that a consonant following is doubled, and that in l. 5 jatu is used instead of yat. Of rare and unusual words herein employed and not previously noticed, desi occurs in l. 3, and kiradaüd and gada in 1. 4. The last is used in the sense of "cart." and kirādaü is, I am told, the same as kiridard or kirānā, employed to denote substances, such as gum, dry ginger, black pepper, coriander, and so forth. The meaning of the word dēsi is not quite certain. It seems tempting to take it in the sense of a guild, in which it occurs in the Pehévá inscription of the imperial Pratihåra Bhojadēvs I. (above, Vol. I. p. 187, 1. 8) and the Harsha inscription of the Chahamins Vigrabaraja (above, Vol. II. p. 124, 1. 38). And this meaning suits here excellently. The same word ooours in another inscription found in the same temple as this, and apparently in the same sense. Another expression that requires to be noted is la(la)ga-mana, the meaning of which seems to be the measare or proportion (mana) of cells (lāga)."
The inscription opens with the date, vis. Friday, the 5th of the dark half of Asõja (Asvina) in the [Vikrama) year 1902, when Rayapāladēva was the Maharajadhiraja and the rauta Rajadēva was the thakura of Naduladagikā (Nadlái). The object of the inscription is to record that the Vaņajārakas (Vanjäris) of Abhinavapuri, Badāri and Nadlãi having assembled together into a guild (defi), Rajadēva granted, for the sake of the pious and the ascetics in the temple of Mahavira, rupees two for each twenty pailās loaded on bullocks and rupee one for each cart filled with commodities, coming under the class of kirānas.
Badári is probably Borli, 8 miles north of Nadlái, Abhinavapuri is anknown to me.
1 Read समये.
. I am not quite certain of this reading. Read ofwato. . Read 999
. Read Arco • Read Opret
* Read .
• Read धर्मस्थ. . Read fine . [The space between 0 and aferano is too big for the numeral slone-Ed.] 10 Read TETÊ. 11 Read on .
2 Probably 'Farut was intended. u Read 4 .
14 The letters 4 and #: are not needed for the metre. 15 [There are two more aksharas in this line and another line below the 5th which may be transcribed a follows:
(1.5 afa(1.6) 7
(1)a: fa fa [v] men at [e]u: () mai ac]fra[UI . ---Ed.]

Page #60

No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
TEXT.1 i sit saa ppop agafe (1) Taxicrafatarina
Orerea ca atara) i 2 itagusifaranuari (1) Te tahaenit 4[*]htaa(l) []arrattach(i)
arya3 otafa[@] () f agita(l)actat() [@]y [H]HTTGTTAY()
देसी मिलित्वा' वृ. 4 [a]-[x]ftar (1) arte uraretha (1) age ate ufa(i)*7 ? PUEST()
गाडं प्रति रू १ वण5 ata [u]ufe UST aume a[a]'' ardi []Tautā "W
area() (1) fata :
XII.-KIRADU STONE INSCRIPTION OF ALHAŅADEVA;
(VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1209. This inscription was found in a Saiva temple standing amidst the ruins of Kiráda near Hathmi, about 16 miles north-north-west of Badmer, the principal town of the Malláni District, Jodhpur State. A transcript and translation of it have already been published in the Bhavnagar Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, p. 172 ff. But this, like almost all the inscriptions in this book, is edited in a slovenly manner, and I, therefore, make no excuse for re-editing it bere.
The inscription consists of 21 lines, covering a space of 1' 55" broad by l' 2" high, The middle portion of the stone as far as line 17 has peeled off. Nothing of importance, bow. ever, seems to have been destroyed, and the purport of the inscription is clear enough. The characters are Nāgari. The language is Sanskpit, and the whole of the record is in prose. As regarda orthography, it is sufficient to note (1) that a consonant following ris doubled and (2) that the sign for v is employed also for b, except once in labdha in 1. 2. In 1. 13 occurs the word amāri-rūdhi, which, though known to Jaide scriptures, is foreign to Sansksit literature. It means “the edict of the non-slaughter of animals)."
The record opens with the date, viz. Saturday, the 14th of the dark half of Mägha in the [Vikrama) year 1209, when Kuma(mărapăla was the paramount sovereign and Mabādēva was doing all the business of the seal, relating to the drawing up of documents, eto. Lines 4-6 speak of his feudatory, the Mahiraja Sri-Alenadēva, who obtained Kirātakupa, Lätarhada and giv.through his i.e. Kumarapala's) favour. Then we are told that Alapadeva, on the aforesaid date, which was the Sivarītri day, thinking the granting of security to animals to be the highest gift, issued injunctions, for the increase of his spiritual merit and fame, to the mahajanas, tambulikas, and other subjects, forbidding the slaughter of living beings on the
From the original stone.
Expressed by a symbol. From here onwarda many grammatical inaccuracies occur, which need not all be corrected. • Read पचव्येषु.
erat fafeag would bare been expected. .Read .
Read TATA.
. Read . Read . 10 Read ya.
u Rend a nd 'प्रतेन. The verse obviously violates the metre.
G
2

Page #61

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
8th, 11th and 14th days of both the fortnights of every month in the three towns named above and threatening with capital panishment those who killed or caused others to kill living beings. The Brāhmaga priests, ministers and others were also ordered to respect this edict of nonslaughter. And amongst these, he who commits the sin of taking life, should, it is stated, be fined five drammas, but if the sinner be one attached to the king, he should be fined one dramma only. Then comes the sign-manual of the personage who issued the edict, who is here called Mahārāja Sri-Albanadēva, followed by the approval of the great princes (maha-rajaputra) Këlhuņa and Gajasim ha. The edict was written by the thakkura Khēlāditya, minister for peace and war. Then we are informed, in a postscript, that this gift of safety to animals was caused to be proclaimed, with the permission of the king, by Pütiga and Sāliga, sons of Subhamkara, of the Porvād caste and residents of Nadulapura (Nádol). The inscription ends with the information that it was engraved by the sūtradhāra Bhāila. Pätigu and Såliga are no doubt the same individuals that had & similar edict promulgated through Girijādēvi, queen of Punapāksbadēva, a feudatory of Rayapāla and ruling over the province of Ratnapura, the southernmost district of Marwär.
It is worthy of note that the edict in question is to be made applicable to two distinct classes with varying degrees of rigour. The class to which it is to be applied with the greatest rigour is, of course, that of the merchants (mahājanas) and betel-sellers (tānbülikas), who doubtless must have, then as now, been Jainas and consequently supposed to be the greatest respecters of animal life. The class, with reference to which the rigour is relaxed, is that of the ministers and priests. Of the first of these we cannot be certain whether they were recruited froin the Brahmana caste. Bat the priests unquestionably can be no other than Brahmanas, and when they are asked to respect animal life, it is plain that some Brahmaņas of Marwar at any rate were then in the habit of eating flesh, which is now looked upon with abhorrence by them-due no doubt to the influence of Jainism which has been predominant in Rajputāna for the last six centuries, if not longer.
Next, the edict was to be in force at the three places, vis. Kirățakāpa, Lâțarhada, and Śiva, the towns which Albanadeva secured through the favour of Kumarapala. Kiratakupa is undoubtedly Kirādu, where the present inscription was found. It is mentioned twice in another inscription, in the same temple, dated V.E. 1235, and pertaining to the reign of the Chaulukya sovereiga, Bhimadeva. Lāțarbada must doubtless be the same as Lāțahrada, occurring in Bhinmal Inscriptions Nos. XI and XII, and Ratahrada in the Sandha bill inscription of Chácbigadēva. Professor Kielhorn, when he edited the last inscription, was unable to identify it. But, as suggested to me by Munshi Devi Prasad of Jodhpur, it must be identified with Räddhadā, which was the original name of the district round about Nagar-Gudhā in the Mallāņi province, Marwår. The third place is Sivå.-The full form of the name is unfortunately not preserved, but I have no doubt that it must have been some name corresponding to the modern Sheo, & town of antiquity and even now of some importance, and the head. quarters of a district of the same name.
TEXT. 1 t* Fa[CU] PPoc Haaf 88 0 [a] . . .
. . . . . . Fronfacroru2 WERDfaat (ETZAGAATU .
....farmialu]TTI
Bhavnagar Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, p. 206. From the original stone. • Expressed by a symbol.
. Read OUT

Page #62

No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
3 भपालश्रीमत्कुमरपालदेवकल्याणविजय' . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . पश्रीमहादेवे [श्री]4 श्रीकरणादौ समस्तमुद्राव्यापारान् परि[4] . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . [प्रभुप्रसादावा5 श्रीकिराटकूपलाटईदशिवा . . . . . . . . . . . . .
• . . . . . राजश्रीपालण. 6 देव: शिवरात्रिचतुर्दश्यां शुचिर्द . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . [पुण्ययशोऽभि7 वृद्धये प्राणिनामभयप्रदानं म. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [हा]जनतालि8 कसमसप्रकृतीन् संवोध्य' अभय . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . [स] मासे उभ9 योः पक्षयोः अष्टमीएकादशीचतुई [शी] . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . दत्तं अतोऽनंत. 10 रं एतासु तिथिषु नगरत्रयेपि जी[व] . . . . . . .
. . . . . . [जा'] च व्यतिक्रम्य जी11 वानां वध कारयति करोति वा स व्यापा" . . . . . .
. . . . . . प्राचंद्रार्क याव12 त् केनापि न लोपनीयं । अपरं पुरोहिता [प्रमा]" . . . . .
__. . . . . . सर्वैरपरैश्च ए18 षा अमारिरूढिः प्रमाणीकार्या । [य: को] . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . कालेन क्षीयते । 14 फलं । एषस्याभयदानस्य क्षय . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . स्य प्रदत्ताऽभ16 यदक्षिणा न तु विप्रसहनेभ्यो . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . कोपि पापिष्ठतरी जी
I Supply 'राज्ये after विजय. • Supply महादानं मला.. - Read संबीय. • Read मासे. U Read अमाल्या:
. Restore परिपन्थयति.
• Restore महाराब. - Read ताम्बूखि.
• Rad समतप्रकतो. • Supply °दानमासनं प्रदत्तं atter चमबी. 10 Read वर्ष.
" Bend व्यापादनीयः. W Read एतस्था

Page #63

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
16 ववधं कुरुते तदा स पंचद्रम्मेदंडनीयः] . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . [द?] माहराजिकस्यैको 17 द्रम्मोस्ति ।' स्वहस्तोयं महारा[जश्रीपाल्हणदेवस्य] ॥ श्री महा
राजपुत्रीकल्हण18 देवमतमेतत् ॥+ महाराजपुत्रगजसिंहस्य [म]तं ॥ सांधिविग्रहिक ठ.
खेलादित्येन लि19 खितमिदं । 'श्रीनदूलपुरवासिप्राक्वाटवंशप्रभूतसु(यु)भंकराभिधानश्रावकः
तपुची चि20 तितलधर्मतया' विख्यातो पूवि(ति)गशालिगौ [ ] ताभ्यामतीवक[प]पिराभ्यां
प्राणिनामभयप्रदानथा21 शन विज्ञप्य' कारापितमिति' । । उत्कीर्ण सूत्र० भाइलेन ।
XIII.-SĀNDERAV STONE INSCRIPTION OF KELHAŅADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1221. This inscription was found at Bapdérav, about 10 miles north-west of Bali. It is engraved on a lintel in the sabha-mandapa of the temple of Mahavira.
The record contains 4 lines of writing, which covers & space of 3' 11" broad by 31" high. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sansksit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose. As regards lexicography, kalyanika or kalyanaka occurs in ll.land 3, and yugaindhari and haēla in 11. 2 and 4, and talarabhaoya in 1. 2. Kalyānika is a term peculiar to Jaina theology. Kalyānikas are the auspicious days, five in number, on which took place (1) the chyavana (conception), (2).janma (birth), (8) diksha (initiation), (4) kévalajitana (enlightenment), and (5) niredna (inal beatitude) of each of the Tirthankaras. The expression occurs in No. II of the Mount Abü inscriptions edited by Dr. Lüders ;' and on the door jambs of the subsidiary oells in the temple of Tēja pala at Délvāda, the pafcha-kalyanikas are specified of all the Tirthamkaras, to whom they are dedicated. The meaning of yugandhari and of haēla is unknown to me. Bat I surmise that haēla here stands for hala and that yugandhart is the name of a specific kind of corn known asjvar. The sense of the remaining word, vis, talarabhavya, is also not oertain. The expression no doubt occurs in a Mangrol inscription published in the Bhavnagar Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, p. 158, where it is translated by the revenue of Talara" which hardly helps us. The same inscription is published in Bhavnagar Prachina-Södhasangraha, Bhaga I. p. 5 ff. It is translated in Gujarati on p. 9 by khubaki jakatani-paja, i.e. the income or revenue from tolls. In the English rendering of it in the same volume, it is stated that talara is the same as the modern talodard. The same
1 Rend 'भीर्दछ * This is followed by the mark of a spear. Read more.
• Read चितितली. • Read शासन.
Resd विचाप्य.
- Read कारित. . (There are some symbols engraved between the two double strokes; but they are not quite clear.-Ed.) . Above, Vol. VIII. p. 206.

Page #64

No. 4.]
THE OHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
word occurs as talara or taläraksha in the Chirwa inscription edited by M. Geiger in the Vienna Or. Jour., 1907, pp. 143 ff. The authority of Hēmachandra and Trivikrama is quoted there to show that it is equivalent in meaning to puridhyakshaḥ or nagararakshakaḥ. This would correspond to the office of a kotwal or city magistrate. But tala is often used in inscriptions to mean the "suburbs of a town." A talira would thus be to the suburbs what a kotwal is to a city.
The inscription is dated on Friday, the 2nd of the dark half of Maghs in the [Vikrama] year 1221, and refers itself to the reign of Sri-Kelhanadēya. It states that Analadēvi, queenmother of Kelhaņadēva granted one häēla (i.e. as much land as could be tilled by a single plough in one day) of yugandhari or juār corn from the king's personal property (bhöga), to the god Mahavira, mūlanayaka, the primeval leader, of the Shamdēraka-gachchha, to celebrate the kalyānika corresponding to the 13th of the dark half of Chaitra. One dramma was also given from the revenge of talāra by the Rashtrakūtas. Pātã and Kēlhana and their brother's son Úttamasiha, Sūdraga, Kolhapa, Ahada, Āsala, Apatiga and others with reference to the same kalyānaka. Similarly one haëla of yugamdhari was also granted by the rathakaras or cartbuilders, Dhanapala, Surapala, Jopala, Sigada, Amiyapāla, Jisahada, Delbana, and so forth, all residing at Shandėraka, in connection with the kalyanaka falling on the 13th of the bright balf of Chaitra.
Analadevi, mentioned in this inscription as the queen-mother of Këlhapadēva must undonbtedly be the same as Annalladayi spoken of in the Nádol plates as the consort of Alhapa, father of Kēlhapa. In this last inscription, she is represented to have been the daughter of Sahula of the Rashtrauda family. Rashtranda is obviously the same as Råshtrakūta, and the Rashtrakåtas, Patü, Kelhana, and so forth, referred to in our inscription, must, therefore, be taken to be her relatives on her father's side.
TEXT. 1 ओं' ॥ संवत् १२२१ माघवदि २ शुक्र प्रवेश श्रीकल्हणदेवविजयरा[च्चे] ।
तस्य मातृरात्रीश्रीमान[ल] देव्या' श्रीषंडेरकीयमूलनायकत्रीमहावीरदेवाय
[@]yafe i rafa[ff]* toiter 2 Axta(1) gruaf: Fica C#[:*] 4@#: 1 me qeurgaavat [T)
तुजऊत्तमसीहसूद्रगकाल्हणपाहडपासलपणतिगादिभिः सखाराभाव्यवस(१)गट3 सत्कात्(1) पस्मिन्नेव कल्याणके टू १ प्रदत्त: १ तथा श्रीषंडेरकवास्तव्य
रथकारधणपालसूरपालजीपालसिगडापमियपालसिहदेल्हणादिभिः [चेच
सुदि १३ कल्याणके 4 quuf: [erre] [ ]- XIV.-NÅDLĀI STONE INSCRIPTION OF KELHAŅA;
[VIKRAMA-]SAVAT 1228. The subjoined inscription was found dear the temple of Mahadēva, about one mile southWest of Nādai. The shrine of it is really a natural cave, and this is the reason why it is also
1 Above, Vol. IX.p 68 ft. and Ind. . Vol. XL. p 144.
From the original stone. • Expressed by a symbol.
The letter la of Analais engraved above the line. • Supply :

Page #65

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
called dhamgar-ka-mandar, i.e.asubterranean temple. It originally had a sabhi-mandapa, which is now well-nigh destroyed. And the stone, on which the inscription is engraved, appears to have been a lintel somewhere in the sabha-mandapa.
As I received news of this inscription just as I was on the point of leaving Nağlai, I was not able to take any impressions of it nor to take its measurements. It contains 3 lines of writing. The characters are Nagari. The record is in prose. The language is partly Sanskrit and partly vernacular. One curious thing in this connection is that svasts is twice used like Sri, as an honorifio prefix to the names of places. Thus the forms Svasti-Sonāpā° and SvastiNadals are employed instead of Sri-Sonapa° and Sri-Nadile. As regards orthography, it may be noted that (1) Kuivarao is used for Kumira' in l. 1, (2) itakā for ishtakā, and (3) the date 1228 in 1. 1 is written half in ciphers and half in letters. With reference to rare or unusual words, the following may be noticed : (1) akshasama, (2) lāpaniya, (3) damā, and (4) chahūtā. pana, the meaning of none of which is known to me.
The inscription opens with the date viz. Monday the 13th of Mārgaśirsha in the rvikrama] year 1228,during the victorious reign of the Chaulukya sovereign Kumarapala, when Kölhana was ruler of Nadulys, and Rani Lakhamana of Vöripadyaka, and Anasiha was the thikur of Sõnāņā. It then states that the mandapa, akshasāma, and damā of the temple of Bhivada vara were constructed by Pāhiņi, son of the sūtradhara Mabadia and his wife Jasadēvi. They consisted of stones and bricks, and their construction cost 330 drammas. He Was helped in this religious work by the sūtradhära Mahidarā and Indaraka.
Of the localities herein mentioned, Nadalya and Sonapa are, of course, Nadol and Sonāņā. Voripadyaka is probably to be identified with Borli, about 8 miles north of Nadlal.1
TEXT. 1 ओं' संवत १२ पठा(1)वीसा वरषे मागसिर सुदि १३ सोमे श्रोभिव
डेश्वरदेवस्य । १ श्रीकुंवरपालदेवविजयराज्ये । श्रीनाडूस्यपुरात्(1) श्रो
केल्हण:राजे वोरिपद्यके (1) राणा2 लखमण(1)राजे । स्वस्तिसोनाणाग्रामे(।) ठा अणसीहुस्य । स्वस्तिनाडूले
सूत्रमहडूप (।) भार्या जसदेवि(।)सुतपाहिणी मंडपः करापनीयः' ।
पक्षसामलापनीयः डमा कर्तव्या पाषाणइटकायां घटित: चहटापने द्र ३३० लागे । धर्मसखा इत° सूत्र महिदरा तथा इंदराको घटितं कार्य । - - - कापाडोय ।
1 (On p. 42 above, Börli has been identified with Badari.-Ed.] * From the original stone.
- Expressed by saymbol. A. the inscription does not sim at giving a grammatically correct Sanskrit text, it is not desirable to correct all inaccuracies. • Read कलह पराये. • Read 'राज्य.
7 Read कारपोयः • Probably a was intended.

Page #66

No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
Xv.-LĀLRÄI STONE INSCRIPTION OF KELHAŅADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1233. This inscription was found amidst the scattered ruins of a Jains temple at Lalrãi, 5 miles south-east of Bali. It contains 18 lines of writing, covering & space of 10%" broad by 1' 21" high. Up to line 8, the inscription is intact, and of the two lines following only a letter or two are gone. But of 11. 11-18, the whole of the proper right half is destroyed. The characters are Nagari. The letter is here throughont denoted by the curious sign which has been noted above, and which contains a loop on the left side. The whole of the record ap to line 16 appears to have been in prose, and the last two lines, occupied by a well-known imprecatory verse. The language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, it is worthy of note that a consonant following ris doubled, and that the sign for v is used both for v and b. As regards lexicography, the word urahiri and the expression Gujara[tri]-hāra[ka] occurring in l. 8, and java, in l. 9, may be noticed. Urahari appears to me to be the name of an araghafa or & well with a wheel to raise water up. In fact, in Godvad I found many such wells given strange names. Gujara(tri), I think, is the same as Gurjaratra. Hāraka, as suggested above in No. III, denotes a certain kind of measure, and java, of cours3, stands for yava or barley corn.
The record is dated Thursday, the 13th of the dark half of Jyaishtha in the [Vikrama] year 1233, and refers itself to the reign of the Mahārājādhiraja Sri-Kelhanadēva, ruling at Nadula. It then tells us that the rājaputra Lakhanapälbs and the rajaputra Abhayapāla, proprietors (bhoktri) of Sināņava, and sons of Kirtipala, doubtless younger brother of Kelhana and donor of the Nádol plates (above, Vol. IX. p. 68 ff.) made a grant conjointly with the queen Mahibaladēvi in the presence of the village paficha (paficha-kula) for celebrating the festival of the god Santinātha. The grant consisted of barley corn measuring one haraka as used in (the country of) Gujaratri, from the araghata or machine-well called Urabaril and belonging to the village of Bhadiyauva. The names of those who were witnesses to this benefaction are lost.
As regards the localities mentioned in this record, Sinänava, which is also called Sarnapaks in No. XVI, is doubtless Sõnāņi, mentioned in the last opigraph. Bhadiyuva also ooours in No. XVI, and is to be identified with Bava (Barwa), 5 miles south-west of Lalrdi. Samipati, which ocours in 1. 13, has been shown to be Sēvādi. Gjaratri is mentioned also in No. XVI, and is the same as Gurjaratra of the Daulatpură charter of the imperial Pratibåra Bhojadova I., which comprised the modern districts of Parbatear, Marot and Didwipa. Nadula is, of course, Nadol.
o
[*]
TEXT. i learn PPBB (@safe pe 2 vo []aç@ Asicianfattorit(11)8 Gorteatro Tiara: sailff)(w)4 rueag []' fan itarcrorg(11)5 [S]AUCT[=]Trg WHEUTE' T
1 [Perbapa the field or fields irrigated by the machine-well had to supply the barley corn required for tho festival.-Ed.) * From inked impressioni.
* Expressed by a symbol. • Read वर्चमाने.
. Read Ogł:. . Read of
+ Rnd 'पार्थः

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50
6 श्रीगोमहिलदेविसहितः श्रीशांति7 नाथदेवयाचानिमित्तं भडियाडव[च] - 8 रघटउरहारिमध्यात् गूजर[तु] हार
9 . १ जवा ग्रामपंचकुलसमक्षि' एतत्
10
दानं
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
•
•
•
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA :
कृतं
तं पुण्याय [["] साचिं पत्र वास्त
[]
•
1 संवत् १२३३ वैशाख सुदि ३ (१)
2 'संगणकभोक्ता
राजपुत्राखण
1 Read बलदेवो'.
• Supply महा before दानं. Read भीकारी.
•
Read हारक.
.
XVI. - LALRAI STONE INSCRIPTION OF LAKHANAPALA AND ABHA YAPALA; [VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1233.
This inscription was, like No. XV, found amidst the ruins of a Jains temple at Lalrai. It consists of 13 lines of writing, covering a space of 83" broad by 113" high. The characters are Nagari. From the word tathā in 1. 10 onwards, all the lines appear to have been afterwards added and are engraved in smaller characters. The peculiar form of the letter d noticed above also occurs here. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose. As regards orthography, it may be noted that sha is used for kha three times (11. 1, 2 and 6). In respect of lexicography, the following words deserve to be noticed: (1) sira in 11. 5-6 and 12, which seems to have been used in the sense of, not a plough,' but a ploughman or cultivator' and (2) se° in 1. 7 which stands for sei, a kind of weight mentioned in my remarks on No. X.
• Read साची.
सी० [देव] [] •
समीपाटी
The record is dated on the 3rd of the bright half of Vaisakha in the [Vikrama] year 1283, and speaks of the princes ( rājaputra) Lakhapapala and Abhayapala as the proprietors (bhaktyi) of Sathnānaka (of. No. XV). It then states that Bhivada, Asadhara, and other cultivators granted for their spiritual merit, four seas of barley-corn from (the field called) Khadisira to the god Samtinatha in connection with the festival of the Gujaras. The postscript (11. 10-13) records that āsadhara, Sirsiya and other cultivators granted for the spiritual merit of Vilha, one haroths (hāraka ?) of barley-corn from the machine - well of Bhadiyaus (Badva).
TEXT. 6
[Vol. XI.
पाजून आम
[स] मक्षं आदानं मितस्य २ त हत्यापातकेन लि॥ [ ११ ]
• Rad 'समचं.
• From iuked impressions.

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No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
51
3 पालराजपुचअभयपाल' तस्मि4 न् राज्ये वर्तमाने चा० भीवडा प5 डिदेह[व]सी सू० आसधर समस्त6 सीरसहिते खाडिसीरजवमध्या7 त् जवा' से ४ गूजरीजावानिमित्तं 8 [श्री] शांतिनाथदेवस्य दत्ता' पुण्यायु [1*]. 9 यः कोपि लुप्यते' स पापोन छिद्य10 ते ॥ मं[ग]ल' भवतु ॥ तथा भडियाउन11 अ[रहट्टे आसधरसीरोइयसम[स्त]12 सीरण जवा" इ[रो]थु १ गूजरतृयात्रहि" 13 वील्ह[स्य] पुण्यार्थ ॥१
XVII.-SANDERAV STONE INSCRIPTION OF KELHANADEVA:
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1236. This inscription, like No. XIII, was found at Sandarav, and is incised on a pillar in the sabhāmandapa of the temple of Mahavira. The record contains 10 lines of writing, which covers a space of 1' 3" broad by 8" high. The first 4 lines are well preserved and can be easily read, the remainder being too weather-worn to be deciphered with perfect confidence. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sansksit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose. As regards orthography, the only point that requires notice is the doubling of a consonant following ant. As regards lexicography, attention may be drawn to the words draela, 1.8, and sird, 1.9. The latter occurs also in the Mount Abu inscription No. II (above, Vol. VIII. p. 220, 1.9), where the sense of 'care, supervision' has been assigned to it by Prof. Ltiders.18
The first line of the inscription is an independent record in itself, and speaks of a column having been presented by Ralhi and Palhā, sons of Thantha, in memory of their mother. The second line contains the date, Wednesday, the end of the dark half of Karttika in the [Vikrama] year 1288, and the inscription refers itself to the reign of the Mahārājadhiraja Śri-Këlhanadēva of Nadula. Then we are told that his own house was placed by Ralhaka, son of Thimtha, together with his brother Pålhi and his sons Sodha, Subhankara and others at the disposal of Sri-Paravanatha, the god of Shainderaka (Sanderav) in the bhukti or personal property of the queen Jālhanadēvi. Four drāēlas were to be given to the god annually by people residing in Rålhå's house: Lines 9-10 are apparently connected with line 1 and inform us that the pillar was restored for the spiritual benefit of Dhāramati on Saturday, the 19th of the bright half of Jyaistha in the [Vikrama] year 1288. Dharamati is called matri and was probably the mother of Rälhå and Palhi.
1 Rend °पाली. - Read पासधरैः
• Read सहित • Read न(य)वा:• Read दत्ता:
• Read पुलाव 7 Read लीपयति. " Read पापेन,
• Rend मंगलं. 10 Read भवतु.
1 Read न(य)वा:11 I do not understand for what ref is intended. Does it stand for UTVIU ? U[See also above, Vol. VIII. p.205, notes.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. XI.
TEXT.I 1 ॥ [थां]थासुतराल्हापाल्हा[भ्यां] मातृप[द] श्रीनिमित्ते] [स्तं]भको प्रदतः 2 [संवत् १२३६ काति] कवदि [२] बुधे अधेि]ह श्रीनडूले महारा[जा ]धिराजश्री. 3 केल्हणदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये प्रवर्त्तमाने [राज्ञी] श्रीजाल्हणदेवि4 भुको' 'श्रीष डेर]कदेवश्रीपार्श्वनाथप्रतापतः थांथासुतराल्हाके[न] भा(भ्रातृ6 पाल्हापुत्रसोढासुभकररा[म]देवधरणि[यवोहीषवईमान लक्ष्मी6 धरसहजिगस[ह]देव[सहियग] छा (?)[स]सांधारणहरिचंद्रवरदेवादि7 भिः युतेन म-- परमश्रेयोर्थे विदितनिजग्र[६] प्रदतः ॥ राल्हाश(स)8 [क]मानुषे वसद्भिः वर्ष प्रति द्राएला ४ प्रदेया' [*] श्रेषजनानां वस9 तां साधुभिः गोष्टिके:10 सारा कार्या ॥ संवत् १२६६ वर्षे ये10 "[ष्ट]सुदि १३ शनी सो[य]" मातृधारमति" पुन: स्तंभको उधृति]" [1"]
XVIII.-JĀLOR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1239. This inscription was found at Jalor, the principal town of the district of the same name, Jodhpur State. It is incised on two lintels, one above the other and standing upon pillars near the north end of the principal cloister of an old mosque, now used as a topkhāna. The mosque is evidently constructed of materials supplied by demolishing old temples, and these two lintels appear to have been brought from an old Jaina shrine, as will be seen from the contents. Portions of these lintels have been cut off on their proper right in order to suit their new surroundings. The inscription on the upper lintel consists of 3 lines, and covers a space of 8' 21" broad by 4' high, while the lower one is composed of 4 lines, and extends over & space of 8' 5" broad by 5" high. But though the inscriptions are thus engraved on two different stones, they really form one record. The portion extant is in a perfect state of preservation. The letters are here and there filled with mortar, but that does not prevent any one deciphering the record. The characters are Nagari. The letter sh is incised at least twice instead of kh, as in later Rajputans inscriptions. The sign for b occurs, and differs from v only by a minute dot in the loop of the latter. The language is Sanskrit, and the record is partly in prose and partly in verse. The verses are nambered, and are seven in all. In respect of orthography, the only point that calls for notice is the doubling of t in conjanction with a preceding . As regards
there is a small
1 From the original stone. Rend संभक:
Bad प्रदत:• Read at. The skaars ū may also be read . Between the aksharas and circle.
'[The reading may also be पंडेक.-Ed.] • Those six letten are donbtful. [Parhaps परायणार्थे 1m moant-Rd.] 1 Read प्रदत्तं. • Read सरकमानुषैः
• Read प्रदेया:• Read गोष्ठिकः
" Read क्य . " [The reading here may be सीढामात.-Ed.] u Some saob word n has probably to be supplied after Ourchfa. " Read स्तंभक उदृतः

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No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
lexicography, attention may be drawn to the word (1) krama, 1. 1, which is used in the rather rare sense of "a foot," and (2) taskara, 1.2, which seems to have been employed in the sense of “ banditti" or " unsettled tribes."
The record opens with an invocation (v. 1) to Nabheya, ie. Rishabhanatha, the first Tirtham kara. It then refers itself in prose to the reign of the Maharaja Samarasimhadēva, son of the Mahārāja Kirtipäladēve. The latter, we are told, was a son of the Mahārāja Ālhana, who belonged to the lineage of the Maharaja Anahila, “ the moon in the sky (i.e. the family) of Chāhumāna." It further speaks of the Rajput (rajaputra) Jõjala as rajya-chintaka, i.e. apparently a person looking after the administration of the kingdom. . By the way we are informed that he held in scorn the multitude of the unsettled tribes (taskara) of the wholo district of Pilvahika. Then follow two verses, the first of which bestows conventional praise on Samarasimha and the second states that Jojala was his maternal uncle. Pilvähika is probably Pilvā in the Parbatsar District of the Jodhpar State on the frontiers of the Kishangadh State, and the taskaras are perhaps the Bāvris, who still abound there. Then follows a prose passage (11. 4-5) which says that this mandapa,' referring, of course, to the mandapa where the inscription was originally engraved and whioh had been dedicated to the first Tirtham kars, as appears from the invocatory and also the last verse, was caused to be made by the devout Srävaka Seth Yaśovira, son of Seth Yasodēva, of the Srimāla family. He had been joined in this work by all the members of the goshthi and apparently also by his brothers Yasoraja and Jagadhara. Yasovira is spoken of as waiting upon Purnabhadrastri, pupil of Chamdrasuri, the foremost of the Chamdragachchha. The date of the erection of the manda pa was Thursday, the 5th of the bright half of Vaisakha of the [Vikrama] year 1988. Three verses (4-6) are afterwards incised in praise of the mandapa, and verse 7 expresses & wish for its permanence. Then we are told that the inscription was a composition of Purnabhadrasuri, and the record closes with benediction in favour of the samgha or Jaina community.
TEXT.1 1 . . . [1] - - "त्रैलोक्यलक्ष्मीविपुलकुलग्यहं धर्मवृक्षालवाल(1) श्रीमबा
भयनाथक्रमकमलयुगं मंगलं वस्तनोतु । मन्ये मंगल्यमालाप्रणतभवभूता सिदिसौधप्रवेशे यस्य स्कंधप्रदेश विलसति गवलण्यामला कुंतलाली १ श्रीचाहुमानकुलांबरमृगांकश्रीमहाराजभणहिलान्वयोगवश्रीमहाराजथाल्हणसुत . . . . . . . . र्यावलीदुर्ललितदलितरिपुबलश्रीमहाराजकीर्तिपालदेवदयानंदिनंदनमहाराजश्रीसमरसिंहदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये तत्पादपद्मोपजीविनि निजप्रौढिमातिरेकतिरस्कृतसकलपीवाहिकामंडलत[स्क]रव्यतिकरे(।)
राज्यचिंतके जोजलराजपुत्र इत्येवं काले प्रवर्त्तमान [*] 3 . . . . . . [f]रपुकुलकमलेंदु: पुस्थलावण्यपात्रं नयविनयनिधानं
धाम सौंदर्यलक्ष्म्याः । धरणितरुणनारीलोचनानंदकारी जयति समरसिंह मापतिः सिंहवृत्तिः ॥२ तथा ॥ पौत्पत्तिकीप्रमुखबुधिचतुष्टयन निर्शीतभूपभवनीचितकार्यत्ति: । यमातुल: समभवत् किल जोजलाही
1 From the original stone.
, Restore साचालोक्य
- Read पुष रत्येवं.

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54
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
4 - - खंडितदुरंतविपक्षलक्षः ॥३ श्रीचंद्रगच्छ मुखमंडनसुविहितयतिति
लकसुगुरुयोश्रीचंद्रसूरिचरणनलिनयुगलदुर्ललितराजहंसश्रीपूर्णभद्रसूरिचरणकमलपरिचरणचतुरमधुकरेण समस्तगोष्ठिकसमुदायसमन्वितेन श्रीश्रीमालवंशविभूषणथे
ष्ठियशोदेवसुतेन सदाज्ञाकारिनिज, -'तृयशोराजजगधरविधीयमाननिखिलमनोरथेन 'वेष्टियशोवीरपरमश्रावकेण सं.
वत् १२३८ वैशाखसुदि ५ गुरौ सकलत्रिलोकीतलाभोगभ्रमणपरिश्रां[त]कमलाविलासिनोविश्वामविलासमंदिरं अयं मंडपो निर्मापितः ॥ तथा हि॥
नानादेशसमागतैनवनवैः स्त्रीपुंसवगैर्मु[]र्यस्यै6 -
पावलोकनपरे! तृप्तिरासाद्यते । स्मारं स्मारमथो यदीयरचनावैचिच्चविस्फूर्जितं तैः स्वस्थानगतैरपि प्रतिदिनं सोत्कंठमावर्ण्यते ॥४ वि[व]भरावरवधतिलकं किमेतल्लीलारविंदमथ किं दुहितः पयोधेः । दत्तं सुरैरमृत
कुंडमिदं किमत्र यस्यावलोकनविधौ विविधा विकल्पाः ॥५ ग पूरेण पातालं 7 . . . [५] महीतलं । तुंगत्वेन नभो येन व्यान भुवनत्रयं ॥६ किं च ॥
स्फूर्जयोमसरः समीनमकरं कन्यालिकुंभा[कुलं भेषाढ्यं सकुलीरसिंहमिथुनं प्रोद्यदृषालंकृतं । ताराकैरवमिंदुधामसलिलं सद्राजहंसास्पदं यावत्तावदिहादिनाथभवने नंद्यादसौ मंडपः ॥७ कतिरियं श्रीपूर्णभद्रसूरीणां ॥ भद्रमस्तु श्रीसंघाय ॥
XIX. - JĀLOR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1242. The inscription is incised on a lintel in the second storey over the mihrab of the mosque referred to in No. XVIII. It consists of 6 lines of writing, and covers a space of 2 85" broad by 5" high. The characters are Nāgari. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose. In respect of orthography, it is sufficient to notice (1) that the sign for v is used both for v and b, and (2) that n is doubled in conjunction with a preceding r.
The record contains four different statements, but all pertaining to one and the same temple. The first part speaks of a certain temple as having been built and consigned in the [Vikrama] year 1221 to the care of Dëvācharya for the dissemination of the true Jaing law (sad-vidhi). The tomple was known as Kuvara-vihāra and contained the principal image (mala-bimba) of Pārsvanātha. The temple, we are told, had been constructed by the Mahirajadhiraja Chaullakya Kumārapāla, the devout worshipper of the Arhats (param-arhata), the lord of the Gurjara country, after being enlightened by prabhu Hēmasuri, upon the fort of Kāmchanggiri belonging to Jabalipura, i.e.Jalor. It will thus be seen that it was called Kuvara-vihara after the Solanki king Komarapala who built it. The second part says that it was rebuilt in V.E. 1242 by the bhandari Yasovira, son of the bhandari Pasū, in accordance with the orders of the Mahārāja Samarasimhadēva, the ornament of the Chabamāna family and lord of "this
1 Some such word as dee might be sapplied here.
Read ofzo.
Restore भात. • Restore विस्तारण

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No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
country," i.e. apparently southern Marwar. The third part informs us that on the 11th of tho bright half of Jyaistha in the [Vikrama] year 1258, the work of installation was done, according to the behests of the royal family, by Pūrņadēvācharya, pupil of Dēvāchārya, in tho case of the tūrana, etc. of (the image of) the god Pārsvanatha and also of the boisting of tho flag on the golden leg-staff on the original spire. The fourth or last part states that in V.E. 1268, on the day of the lamps festival (dip-öt sara), the ceremony of placing a golden cupola on the newly made central hall, intended for dramatic performances was carried out by Rarechamdrācharya, pupil of Pārnadēvasūri.
TEXT. 1 'ओं ॥ संवत् १२२१ श्रीजावालिपुरीयकांचर्ना [ग] रिगढस्योपरि प्रभुश्रीमरिण
वोधितगूर्जरधराधीश्वरपरमाईतचौलक्य (1) 2 महाराजाधिराजश्री[कुमारपालदेवकारिते श्रीपार्श्वनाथसत्कमूल]विवसहितश्रीकु
वरविहाराभिधान जैनचैत्ये(1) सहिधिप्रव[]नाय वृहदच्छीयवा3 दींद्रश्रीदेवाचार्याणां पक्षे 'आचंद्रार्क समर्पिते ॥ सं० १२४२ वर्षे एतद्देसा(शा)धिप
चाहमानकुलतिलकमहाराजश्रीसमरसिंहदेवादेशेन भां० पासूपुत्र भां० ययो4 वीरेण स[मु]इते । श्रीमद्राजकुलादेशेन श्रोदेचार्यशिष्यैः श्रीपूरर्णदेवाचार्य:(0)
सं० १२५६ वर्षे ज्येष्ठसु० ११ श्रीपार्श्वनाथदेवे तोरणादीनां प्रतिछा
कार्ये कृते । मूलशिख5 रे व कनकमयध्वजादंडस्य ध्वजारोपणप्रतिष्ठायां कतायां ॥ सं० १२६८ वर्षे
दीपोत्सवदिने अभिनवनिष्पंत्रप्रेक्षामध्यमंडपे श्रीपूरणदेवसूरिशिष्यैः श्रोरांम। 6 चंद्राचार्य संवर्णमयकलसारोपणप्रतिष्ठा कता ॥ सभा भवतु ॥ छ ।
XX.-BHINMĀL STONE INSCRIPTION OF UDAYASIMITADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1306. This inscription was found in the walled enclosure of the temple of Nilakantha-Mahadeva, about a mile from the city of Bhinmal, in the Jaswantpuri District of the Jodlpur State. 15 seems to have escaped the notice of the late Sir James Campbell when he visited the place, and has not, so far as I know, yet been published. It contains 25 lines of writing, which covers a space of l' 4" broad by 1' 9' high. The inscription is somewhat weather-worn, and its proper right side is a little mutilated. Nothing of importance, however, seems to have been lost, and, with the help of the other Bhinmal inscriptions which have been published, nearly the whole of the record can be read with certainty. The characters are Nāgari. It is worthy of note that in lines 12 and 19 occurs the fraction, and in l. 16 the fraction, which are both denoted, according to the rēkha system, the first by two and the second by one vertical stroke. Of these, the fraction occurs along with an integer, whereas the fraction stands by itself, and hence the two strokes denoting : nro preceded by a zers, represented by a small circle. Excepting the
From the original stone. . Read जाबालि.
• Read हद्ग. - Read देवाचा. * II Read 'राम'.
Expressed by a symbol. 1 Red 'प्रधीधित.
Read "fiao. 1 The sandhi is omitted here such omissions need not be further noticed. 9 Read च.
10 Read निष्पन्न n kend °चायें: मुकरणमयकलशा.. uRead शुभं.

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[VOL. XI.
verse in lines 1-3, the record is in prose. The language is Sanskrit, interspersed with solecisms and provincialisms. With regard to orthography, it is sufficient to say that a consonant is but occasionally doubled in conjunction with a preceding r and that in 1. 17 dimvasa is ased instead of divasa. As regards lexicography, the following words may be noticed : (1) godhūma pakua, 1. 11, which seems, I think, to mean a crop of wheat ready for being reaped ; (2) muga in 11. 11 and 19, obviously the well-known mūng palse; (3) chosha, i.e. chokhā, 11. 11 and 19, a dafi word meaning rice'; (4) vyāsa, 11. 12 and 22, a Brahmapa, who recites the Puranas in public ; (5) nirvāpa, 11. 12 and 19, a dole; and (6) anga-bhoga, unguents to be applied to the body immediately after bathing. Again, abbreviated forms of some words are used. Thus, dra stands for dramma, ka for kalasa, ma for mānī, på for pāyala or payali, and së for sēi. For the table of weights still observed in Godvád, see my remarks on No. X. Kalaba is of course & measure of capacity.
The inscription opens with obeisance to Sūrys, and then follows a verse in praise of the some deity. The date is afterwards given, which is the 14th of the dark half of Āgvina in the [Vikrama) year 1806. The Maharajadhiraja Šri-Udayasimhadēva was the king and the pañcha consisting of the mahanta Gajasimha and others appointed by him was exercising local authority at Srimala (Bhinmal). The object of the inscription is to record two benefactions. One was made by two brothers, the name of the first of whom is gone but that of the second is Mahanasiha. They were both sons of the thakura Udayasiba, and were Mathura Kiyasthas by caste. Forty dramma coins were deposited in the treasury of the god Jagatsvāmin, which was the name of the Sürya divinity of Bhinmal, as is proved by other inscriptions and the Srimilapurdna. Out of it were to be defrayed the expenses of the divasa-bali and so forth on the 14th of the dark half during the yātra festival of Asvins. As regards the fixed allowance of provisions for the bali, there was to be wheat 2 szi, and boiled ghee 8 kalafus. For naivedya or offering to the god, mūng pulse 1 mänī, rice (chokha) 2 payalis, and ghee kalasa were to be taken. The vyasa and the abofi were to be given each a dole of 1 dramma. For the angabhöga or application of unguente, aloe-wood, camphor and saffron were to be used each worth 2 drammas. Flowers were to be bought worth 2 drammas, and betel-leaves and betel nut each worth 1 dramma. As regards the bevy of courtezans, each was to be paid 1 dramma. All this arrangement was to be carried out every year.
The second benefaction was made on the same day for his spiritual merit by one Tathaka, who doposited 15 drammas in the treasury of the god Jagatsvåmin. Out of it, the expenses of the bali on the 5th of the dark half of Magha were to be borne. The allowance fixed for the bali was : wheat 14 sēl and boiled ghee (?) kalasa. The naivedya was to consist of mūng pulse 3 payali, rice 2 pāyali, and ghee kalasa. The dole for the abotti was 1 dramma. As to the a ingabhöga or unguents, the ingredients were to be each worth 1 dramma. Tho vyasas. aboţtis, saths, and members of the goshthi are then conjured to look after this arrangement. The prasasti was written by Dhruva Nagula, son of Bāhada. This Nägula is no doubt the same as Nagvala, father of Dēdaka, who wrote some of the other published Bhinmal inscriptions.
TEXT. 1 . ... TH: [Ejuf[u] | Jeigur yu[z][fa2 yet*]Thaifu | Fasafi frau: gruf[a] 3 urat fa*][fu:] : l a polla alaf 8 ya 4 [ nt*]ata HETETUTTopan[az]ufurah
1 From the original stone. * Read .
2 The Laghu Jätaka of Varahamihira commences with this verke.

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THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
57
6 [णविजयराज्ये तबियुक्तमहं० [गजसीहप्रभृतिपंचकुलप्र. 6 [तिपत्ती*] माथुरान्वय कायस्थजातीयठकुरउदयसीहपुत्र] 7 - - - सीह [तथा] भा(ना)तु. महणसीहाभ्यां [श्री]भान[वे] योह 8 - - [ज*][ग]त्स्वामिदेवीयभांडागार [क्षेपित] द्र४. चत्वारिंश]9 - - [] अश्विने याचियां 'अश्विनवदि १४ दिने दिवसब10 [लि*]- -मालयो देवेन स्वकीयभांडागारात् कारापनी(कारणी)या [*] ब11 [लिनि*]बंधे गोधूम शेर पक्के वृत क८ नैवेद्ये मुग मा१ [च] - 12 [षां*] पार घृत क०॥ तथा व्यासनिर्वाप १ प्रबोटीनिर्वाप १ तथा []ग13 भोगे अगरुकर्पूर[कुंकुमप्रत्यं दू२ तथा 'पुफप्रत्यं द्र १ तथा पत्र14 पुगप्रत्यं द्र १ तथा प्रमदाकुलपत्यं द्र १ एतत् स[व] प्रतिवर्ष []16 वेन कारापनीयं । तथा दिने तथाकेन श्रीजगखामिदेवीय16 भांडागारे आत्मन []यार्थ' क्षेपित द्र १५ पंचादश द्रमा' । [म]17 [हा]मासे माधवदि ५ दिने दिम्बसबली' देवेन स्वकीयभा[डा*]18 गारात् कारापनीया" । बलिनिबंधे गोधूम से १। पक्के घृत क. 19 []वद्ये। मुग पा ३ चोषां पार घृत क. ॥ तथा अबोहोनिर्वाप १ [*] 20 [था] अंगभोगप्रत्यं दूर एतत् सर्व्व हौ बली [पाल ए]कासत्क21 - भांडागारात् देवेन वर्ष वर्ष प्रति पाचंद्रार्ककालं याव[त्का]22 [स]पनीयं । व्यासप्रबोटीवेष्टिगोष्टिकतथासमस्तप्रमदा[कु*]-" 23 ल]न वर्तापनीयं । वरिपंथा केनापि न करणीया । लिखि[तं"] 24 16- बाहडसुत. ध्रुव० नागुलन हीनाक्षरमधिकाक्ष[] 25 [*]म्वाणमिति । XXI.-SĀNCHOR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SAMANTASIMHA;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1345. The stone on which the subjoined insoription is engraved was found at sānchor, the principal town of the district of the same name in the Jodhpur State. It was lying loose in the prison-room attached to the local kachëri.
The inscription contains 16 lines of writing, which cover & space of 101" broad by 1', 21" high. Though a few letters are weather-worn, and some are here and there mutilated,
I Read कारणोयं. • Read पिता:
1. Read पाश्विने.
2 Read पुष्प . • Read भास्मन:
Rend श्रेयीर्थ. - Read ट्रम्मा:
[What is preserved of the first letter of this line looks like य.-Ed.] . Read feqafe. [I think the reading is feare'.-Bd.) n Read नैवेद्य.
Rend कारणीयं, " Read वर्तनीयं. [The reading may also be च दापनीयं.- Ed.] " Read प्रमाण
10 Read कारणीयः. W Read शेष्ठिगीष्ठिक. 15 Supply ya

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58
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
nearly the whole of the inscription can be read with certainty. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and the record is in prose. As regards orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the doubling of a consonant following an r, and (2) the use of the form samvata for samanta. As to lexicography, the following words may be noticed: (1) sthitaka in 11. 5, 7, 8 and 11, and (2) selahatha or selahasta together with their abbreviated forms in 11. 10, 12, 13 and 15. The first word seems to have been used in the sense of "a grant in perpetuity," and occurs in other inscriptions also, e.g. the Cintra prasasti of Sarangadeva,1 verses 53, 60, 61 and 66. The meaning of selahasta is not certain. And I know of only two records, ris. the Bhinmal inscriptions Nos. XII and XV where the word occurs. In the first of these, line 12 has Srikaraniya-pañchakula-selahatha-Dabhinarapalam cha. Here it is worthy of note that selahatha occupies a position between pañchakula, i.e. the modern pañcha and Dabhinarapala, i.e. a king of the Dabhi race. And it seems tempting, therefore, to suppose that selahasta was an officer of high rank, higher at any rate than the village érikarana, which was held by one of the pañchakula. Again, the expression selahath-abhavya occurs in both the Bhinmal inscriptions just referred to. It must be taken to mean "the income collected by a selahatha." Probably he was connected with the revenue department. Some of the abbreviations are worth noticing. Thus in 1. 8 we have Visa dra, which, I think, stands for Visalapriya-dramma, a kind of coin, mentioned in Bhinmal Inscription No. XVI, 11. 23-24. Again, in 1. 12 ka is used in connection with muga, i.e. Phaseolus mungo. Here ka cannot be taken to denote karsha, as 1 karshas of muga would be a ridiculously small quantity, but kalasa which had till lately been employed for measuring corn.
The inscription commences by specifying the date, viz. Monday, the 14th of the bright half of Karttika in the [Vikrama] year 1345. The Mahäräjakula Samvatasimhadeva was the king, and at the holy place (mahasthana) of Satyapura (Sanchor), the pañcha, consisting of the mahanta Hira and others appointed by him, was exercising local authority. The epigraph then records a grant in perpetuity of 8 Visalapriya drammas by the Meharass Prabha, Padama and Asapala. All the Maharas are requested to see to the continuance of this grant. According to this endowment, 1 kalasas of muga were to be given annually, and the selahasta was requested to look after this matter. The selahasta is also desired to supervise personally the yatra festival of the god Vaesvara. Then follow, in token of approval, the sign-manuals of at least four Meharas, of whom three were the donors named above and the fourth was the selahasta Patala.
TEXT.4
1 र्षी संवत् १३४५ वर्षे कार्त्तिकयदि १४ सोने
2 अद्येह श्रीसत्यपुरमहास्थ [[न] महा [रा] जकुल
3 श्रीसाम्वतसिंह देवकल्याणविजयराज्ये तत्रि
4 युक्त [म] हं० हीराप्रतिपंचकुलप्रतिपत्ती [1] एवं
काले प्रवर्तमाने f[]तकचचराणि प्रयच्छति [य]
6 था । मे० प्र[भ]ा मे० पदम मे० []सपाले [न] ( ) .
7 घांगुरहाहुलकस्य वर्ष प्रति स्थितके
-
Above. Vol. I. p. 280 ff.
History of Gujarat in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. pt. I., pp. 490 and 495. For the tribe Mehara or Mer, see Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 360.
From the original stone.
Expressed by a symbol,
The meaning of this is not apparent to me.

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No. 4. J
9
०
8 [त] बीस० तकं वर्षानुवर्षे मेहरे' पालनीयं 10 लोपनीयं ॥ अन्यत' यः [कोपि 11 'बा[न] भवि [["] सांप्रतं सेल 12 त वर्ष प्रति सुग क | सेलर [स्ते] न १॥ 18 सेलहस्तेन उपविश्य देवश्रीवास्ख ( श्व) रे यात्रा 14 पनीया ॥ अस्य विधि' मे० प्र[भ]ाम [तं] 15 मे० आसपालमतं ॥ सेल० पातलमतं 16 जातं मे चापडतं ।
०
८ अष्ट [द्रमा][: *] स्थितके कृता । एतत् [स्थि] - । केनापि न
से ] ल [ हाथा ] " अस्य
•
सीधुराजेन स्थित [३] पालनीयः ।
का [ रा ]
।
1 Read कृता:
• Read अन्यतो.
7 Road छतो.
10 From the original stone.
·
मे० पदमम [तं ।]
XXII. - JUNĀ STONE INSCRIPTION OF SĀMANTASIMHADEVA; [VIKRAMA] SAMVAT 1352.
This inscription was found at Juna or Junā Bāḍmēr, as the full name goes, in the Mallāņi District, Jodhpur State, about 12 miles south-west of Baḍměr, the principal town. It is engraved on a pillar in the porch of a dilapidated Jaina temple and contains 10 lines of writing which cover a space of 111" broad by 7" high. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose, excepting the benedictory verse at the end. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the employment of the sign of v for both v and b, and ( 2 ) the use of the number 2 after Sri in 1. 3 to mark the repetition. As regards rare or unusual words, those that deserve to be noted are paila and Bhimapriya vi(m)sopaka in 1. 7. Päila and vinsopaka have been already explained. Bhimapriya appears to have been the name of a kind of vimsopaka coin. Attention may also be drawn to the word lāga in 1. 8, which means a cess, as previously explained (No. XI above. )
The record opens with the date, the 4th of the bright half of Vaisakha in the [Vikrama] year 1352. On the aforesaid day, during the victorious reign of the Maharajakula Sri-Samantasimhadeva, the mahamta Chirasela, Velaula, the bhamḍāri Migala, and others appointed by the king to draw up documents, made a religious grant at Bahaḍamēru to the gods Vighnamardana-Kshetrapala and Chaumḍaraja, in the temple of Adinatha. The grant consisted of a päilä from every incoming or outgoing caravan exceeding ten camels and twenty bullocks In default of this payment in kind, ten Bhimapriya vimsopakas were to be charged. The grant was to be distributed equally between the two gods. In 1. 8 is recorded the approval of this cess (lāga) by the mahājanas or local bankers.
59
Bahaḍamēru is, of course, Baḍmēr, not the place now known by that name which is comparatively a modern city, but Jună Baḍmēr, the old Bäḍmer where the inscription was found.
TEXT.10
1 ॥ संवत् १२५२ वैशाखमुदि ४ श्रीबाडमेरो" महारा औ"
2 [r] कुलश्रीसामंत सिंह देवकल्याणविजयराज्ये तत्रियु
2 Rend वर्षानुवर्ष
• Road से हाथोऽस्य.
• Rend कारणौया.
11
Expressed apparently by two symbols.
Read
:
• Read स्थानके भविष्यति.
• Read विधि:.
22 Read बाइड'.
I 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI
3 [क] श्रीरकरणे [मं०] चीरासेलवेलाउल भां. f[मग[लप्रभृतयो 4 धर्माक्षराणि प्रयच्छति' यथा । श्रीआदिनाथ]मध्ये संति5 ठमानश्रीवि[नमर्दनक्षेत्रपालवीचउंडराजदेवयोः] 6 'उभयमाग्रीयसमायातसार्थउष्ट्र १. वृष २० उभयादपि ऊई 7 सार्थ प्रति योर्देवयोः पाइला [*] पक्षे [भीम]प्रिय दशविणोपक [१०] 8 अझैन* ग्रहीतव्याः । असी लागो महाजनेन मनित ॥ यथो [*] 9 "वहुभि[वै]सुधा युक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भू. 10 मी तस्य' तस्य तदा फलं ॥१॥ छ ॥
XXIII.-JĀLOR STONE INSCRIPTION OF SAMANTASIMHADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 1353. The inscription is engraved on a pillar in the topkhānā at Jälör in the main or western cloister near the south end. It consists of 27 lines of writing, and covers a space of 4" broad by 1' 8" high. The characters are Nāgari. The sign for sh is used to denote kh. The language is Sanskpit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose. As regards orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the occasional use of o for b and (2) the doubling ofm in conjunction with a preceding r in Suvarnna-girau, 1. 3. In respect of lexicography, attention may be drawn to the expression nifra-nikshēpa-hatta, in 11. 22-23, the meaning of which is uncertain, and to the word bhataka, in 1. 24, which seems to have been used in the sense of bhādā or rent. The following sense of the phrase nifră-nikshēpa-hatta may, however, be suggested as probable. Haffa is, of course, a bazar. Nisra is probably the same as misār, which, in Märwår at any rate, seems to mean an export in contradistinction with pasār which signifies an import. The expression might, therefore, mean a place in, or a portion of, the bazar for storing goods to be exported.
The record opens with the date, viz. Monday, the 5th of the dark half of Vaisakhs of the [Vikrama] year 1358. It then speaks of the Mahārājakula Sama(n) tasimha as reigning at Suvarnagiri and Kanhadadēva as “subsisting on his lotus-like feet and bearing the burden of administration (rajya-dhurā)."10 Suvarnagiri is the same as Kalichanagiri of No. XIX., and is the name of the hill on which the fort of Jalor stands. Känhadadēva, as we shall see further on, was a son of Samantasimha. The object of the inscription is to state that a certain Narapati made, for the spiritual welfare of his wife Nāyakadēvi, the grant of a bazar building or warehouse for storing goods to be exported. Out of the rent accruing therefrom was to be offered the panchami-bali every year in the temple of the god Pārsvanatha by the members of the goshthi. Narapati, in making this donation, had been joined by the members of his family and 1 Read प्रयच्छन्ति. - Read मागौंय.
* Read . • Read पचिन.
[On the impression the reading seems to be tet-Ed.] • Read मानित:. - Read बहु
• Read भुक्ता. • Read भूमिस्तस्य.
10 This shows that Kanhadadova was the yuvaraja or heir-apparent and had been given an actual share in the administration of the kingdom. This is quite clear from a short inscription found at Chöhtan, 80 miles south-west of Badměr, the transcript of which is as follows:
1ों सं १५५ वर्षे फागुण 2 [व] दि ११ [भ]ोष महाराज3 कुख[बी] साम्वतसिंघदैव4 राजमौकानार्दवराज्य

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No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
61
by a certain Gunadhara, who is called a saighapati and was a resident of Suvarnagiri itself A list of the members of his family is also given, as well as a genealogy of them. The father of Narapati was the söni Mahanasiha, who was a son of the thakura Jasa, who again was a son of the thakura Ambada. Mahapasiba had two wives, named Målhani and Tihupa. From the first he had the sons Ratanasiha, Ņakhi, Malhapa and Gajasiha, who are called sonis and from the second, Narapati, Jayata and Vijayapāla, who are also called sõnis. Narapati had two wives named Niyakadēvi and Jalhapadēvi. His sons from the former only are mentioned, vis. Lakhamidhara, Bhuvapapāla, and Suhadapala. This and the mention of the spiritual benefit (śrēyas) of Nayakadēvi as the object of the record perhaps show that, at the time of the donation, the latter was dead and the second wife had but recently been married and that he had no children from her. Of the members of his family, Narapati thus appears to have been joined, in making the gift, by bis second wife and bis sons from the first wife.
It is worthy of note that Narapati himself, his brothers and his father are called sānis. Soni cannot possibly mean a goldsmith here, as both the grandfather and the great-grandfather of Narapati are styled thakura. Now, Soni is a well-known clan amongst the three Bania classes of Mārwsr, viz. Osvāl, Sarāvgi, and M&hēsari. The last may be left out of account, because they are not Jainas. Saravgis, though they are Jainas, are, however, not found in the southern parts of Marwăr. Narapati and others were consequently, in all likelihood, Osval Sonie. Of the Mahdsarl Sonis it is stated that their nakh or original tribe was Sonigara. What is true of the Mahesari Sonis is, in all probability, true of other Sonis also. It is a well-known fact that many Rajput tribes, for avoiding Muhammadan oppression and so forth, became Jainas, and merged themselves into the Banis classes. Sonigari appears to be the name of one of such tribes. It is the name of a celebrated clan of the Chohans, and is commonly but correctly derived from Bongar, i.e. Suvarnagiri, the hill of the Jalor fort itself. Narapati's inscription was doubtless engraved in some temple on this fort, though the pillar, on which it is incised, seems to have been taken away to serve as material for the construction of the mosque, now called topkhánā, in the city of Jalor. When Narapati, his father, and brothers are called Sonis, what is meant is that they were Osvāl Sõnis, but that they were perhaps originally Sonigaris, and that amongst them Mahanasiha first became a Jaina, as he is called a Soni and his father and grandfather, thakuras.
TEXT.1 1 d oll [d]ara 8842 [ma] 2 [nl]Cafe [HA] - 3 varefoot 'gor RET4 राजकुलश्रीसामतसिंह B olufiorica
6 meurtustafa () 7 (T]#1117364118 [aliha - 9 व वास्तव्यसंघपतिगुणध. 10 169 targyar1 From the original stone.
· Expressed by a symbol. • The sandhi in hore omitted ; such omissions need not be further noticed. • Bend amia.
. Read fuper
. Read agr.

Page #79

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
11 जसपु[व]सोनीमहणसोह12 भार्यामाल्हणिपुत्र[सोनी]रत13 न[सि]हणाखोमाल्हणगजसीह14 तिहुणापुत्र सोनीनरपतिज15 यताविजयपाल[न]रपतिभा16 र्यानायकदेवि'पुत्रलखमीध17 रभुवणपाल[स]हडपालहि18 तीय[भ]र्याजाल्हणदेवि(वी) इ. 19 त्यादिकटवसहितेन] भा20 र्यानायकदेवि[थेयोर्थे । 21 देवश्रीपार्श्वनाथचैत्ये पंच22 मोबलिनिमित्त निवा[निक्षे23 प[हदृमेकं नरपतिना दत्त 24 तत् भाटकेन देवश्रीपाव]25 नायगोष्टिके: प्रतिव]षः 26 आचांद्रार्क पंचमीवलिः' 27 कार्या" ॥ [शुभं] भव[तु] । छ[1]
XXIV.-KOT-SOLANKIYA INSCRIPTION OF VANAVIRA%3B
(VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 1394. This inscription was found at Kot-solankiya, about 15 miles north-east of Desturl. It is engraved on a pillar of a Jaina temple now in ruins. I edit the inscription from two excellent estampages, kindly supplied to me by Munshi Devi Prasad, Munsiff of Jodhpur.
The record contains 8 lines of writing, which cover a space of 11" broad by 53" high. The characters are Nägari. The language is Sansksit, and the whole of the record is in prose except one verse in 11. 7-8 at the end. In respect of orthography, the only point that deserves to be noted is the doubling of a consonant in conjunction with a preceding r, in a-chandrarkkan, 1.6.
The inscription is dated Friday, the 13th of the bright half of Chaitra in the [Vikrama] year 1394 elapsed, and refers itself to the reign of the Mahārajadhiraja Sri-Vanaviradēvs. It then states that at Āsalapura, the rāuta Mülarāja, of the family of the rāuta Mālhana, grandson of the rauta Sōma and son of the riuta Bambi and his wife Jākhaladevi, granted, for the spiritual merit of his parents, Dhikuyaü together with a vādi or orchard, on the occasion, of hoisting the flag of the temple of Pārsvanāthadēva, in the presence of the rāuta Balá, Lumbha and Nimva.
- Read 'देवी. • Read निमित्त. - Read गोष्ठिक: and वर्ष
Read कार्य:
- Read कुटुंब
Read 76. • Read पाचन्द्रार्क.
- Read देवी. • Read नाटकेन. • Road बलि:

Page #80

No. 4.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF MARWAR.
Dhikuyaü seems to be the name of a machine-woll. Asalapura ocenrs also in another inscription at Kot-Soladkiya, and appears to have been the old name of that place.
TEXT. " औं' स्वस्ति श्रीनृपविक्रमकालातोलसंवत' [३]८४ वर्षे चे] वशुदि १३
शुक्र 2 श्रीवासलपुरे(1) महाराजाधिराजश्रीवणवीरदेवराज्ये [*] राउत3 माल्हणान्वये राउतसोमपुत्रराउतबांबीभार्याजाखलदेवि4 पुत्रेण राउतमूलराजेन [श्री]पार्श्वनाथदेवस्य ध्वजारोपणसमये 5 राउतबालाराउतहा[या] कुमरलूभानीवासमक्षं मातृपित्रोः पु6 ण्यार्थ ढिकुयउ वा[डीसहित: प्रदत्त: । आद्रा यावदियं व्य7 वस्था प्रमाणा' ॥ बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । य8 स्य यस्य यदा भूमी(1) तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥१ शुभं भवतु ॥ थीः ॥
XXV.--NĀRLÄI STONE INSCRIPTION OF RANAVIRADVA;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1443. This inscription was found at Nadlai, and is, like No. VIII., engraved on a pillar in the temple of Nēminātha called Jadvaji, situated on a hillock to the south-east of the village. It contains 16 lines of writing, which cover & space of 8" broad by 1' 3" high. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskpit, and the whole of the inscription is in prose. It is worthy of note that each line begins with two vertical strokes. In respect of orthography, it is sofficient to note that consonants following rare, as a rule, doubled, and that the final d is twice represented as if it were da, Srimada°, 1.7, for Srimad and jagada, J. 15. for agad.
The record commencos by specifying the date, which is Friday, the 14th of the dark balf of Kärttika in the (Vikrama) year 1443 elapsed. It speaks of the Raja Ranaviradēva, son of the Maharajadhiraja Vanavira of the Chahamāna lineage as then reigning. It then records the rebuilding of the structure (prāsāda) of Sri-Némisvara, the ornament of the Yadu race. by Vinayachandrastiri, the occupant of the patta or pontifical seat (i.e. the successor) of Dharmachandragiri. The latter, we are told, belonged to the line of Manatuigasāri, the sun in the sky of the Bțihadgachchba.
TEXT.10 1 भो ॥ स्वस्ति श्रीनृपविक्रमसम2 यातीत सं [१]४४३ वर्षे कार्ति3 कवदि १४ शुक्रे श्रीनलाई.
1 From estampages kindly supplied by Munshi Devi Triusnriol Jodhpur. ? Above the commencement of this line, the first eight syllables there are eigravel. - Expressed by a symbol.
• Read 'संवत.
___nel मातापिचो. • Read चंद्राक. 1 Read प्रमाणं.
SRead भूमिमास्य. • In both of these cases as well as in the case of the of eat (1.16) the impression seeing to show stroke at the bottom of the letter which may be meant for the virama.-El.]
10 From the original stone. 11 Expressed by two symbols.
&

Page #81

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
4 नगरे चाहुमानान्वयमहा6 राजाधिराजश्रीवणवीरदे6 वसुतराजश्री[रणवीरदेववि7 जयराज्ये 'प[वस्थ] स्वच्छश्रीमद8 वृहा[छ]नभस्तलदिनकरो9 पमश्रीमानतुंगसूरिवंशोड[व]-' 10 श्रीधर्मचंद्रसूरिपट्टलक्ष्मीत्र11 वणोउत्पलायमानः' श्रीविन12 यचंद्रसूरिभिरल्पगुणमाणि'13 क्वरत्नाकरस्य यदुवंशशृंगा14 रहारस्य श्रीनमीश्वरस्य निरा16 वतजगदविषादः प्रासाद स16 मुद्दधे पाचंद्रार्क नंदतात श्री॥
XXVI. AND XXVII.-SANCHOR STONE. INSCRIPTIONS OF PRATĀPASIMHA ;
[VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1444. These inscriptions are engraved on two pillars, which now form part of the stables attached to the kachéri at sānohor. Doubtless they originally belonged, as will be seen in the sequel, to an ancient temple, not a trace of which now remains. The first record contains 30 lines of writing which cover a space of 101" broad by 1'97' high, and the second 17 lines of writing which cover & space of 10' broad by l''high. The latter is in good preservation, but the former has about the middle of it a few letters here and there mutilated. The two together really form one reoord. This is evident from the fact that the last verse which occurs at the end of the first part is numbered 3, and the verse with which the second part opens is marked 4, instead of l as it would have been if the latter had really been intended to be a separate record. We shall, therefore, speak of the whole as one inscription. The characters are Nagari, The language is Sanskrit. Excepting the initial words om namah Sivaya, the insoription is in verse up to 1. 32, and the rest in prose. As regards orthography, it is sufficient to note that a consonant is bat twice doubled in conjunction with a preceding , and that y is substituted for i once in Yyeshta(tha),1. 33. In respect of lexicography, the following words may be noticed : (1) grāsa, 1. 10, and (2) paila, 1. 11. Grasa here seems to be used in the sense of "gift," and not in its usual sense noted above in my remarks on No. V. Paila has already been explained (above No.x).
The inscription opens with obeisance to the god Siva, and then, curiously enough, is cited a verse which forms the well-known benedictory stanza of Kalidasa's Sakuntala. This is followed by a verse (2) which invokes the protection of Nilakantha for the then reigning Chahamana prince Pratapasithhe, and of Parvati for his queen Kamalladēvi, daughter of Subhata. In the
1 Read अचव and श्रीमाई. - Read श्रीमत्तुंग', [The necessity for this correction is not apparent.-Ed.] - Read अवधीत्पलाय. • Read रनल्प.
• Read जगहिषादः• Read प्रासादः. I Rend समुहले.
• Read नंदतात. • There seem to be two more indistinct akaharas at the end of the line.-Ed.]

Page #82

No. 5.]
Natyōṭaka belonging to the [Bamvū]vānaka district (sthali), and in the west of the field of Daraka in the village Ekalika, and in the north of the field of Aditya; 120 padavartas, and the Nimba pond (vapi) containing3 32 padavartas, in the east of the road on the north-western boundary (of Natyōṭaka); 130 pädävartas, held by Goksha, on both banks of the (river) Vatsa-vahaka' and within the upper part of the Khandabhēdaka tank (taṭaka) on the southwestern boundary of De[va]rakshitapataka belonging to the Nimbakupa district (sthali); 100 pādāvartas, held by Dharmika, on the northern boundary of the village Chitrakasthalya belonging to the Kadambapadra district (sthali); and the Avatara pond (vapi), held by Ködhaka, on the eastern boundary of the ground of Kadambapadra ;
PALITANA PLATES OF DHARASENA II.
(L. 29.) "this (land), with the udranga, with the uparikara, with the vata-bhūta-dhanyahiranyādēya, with (the right to) eventual forced labour, not to be meddled with by any royal officers, according to the maxim of bhumichchhidra, to the two Brahmanas Rogha and Syena of the Vajasaneya-Madhyandina (school) and of the Kausika götra, for the performance of the rites of the five great sacrifices, (viz.) bali, charu, vaiśvadeva, agnihotra, and atithi, to last as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the rivers, and the earth shall exist, to be enjoyed by (his) sons, grandsons, and (further) descendants, with libations of water, as a brahmadēya."
81
Then there follow the usual admonitions, and two verses of Vyasa.
The last line runs :"(This is) the signature of Myself, the Maharaja Sri-Dharasena. (This edict was) written by the sandhivigrahadhikrita Skandabhața. The du[taka] (was) Chirbira. The year 252, the 15th (tithi) of the dark (fortnight) of Vaisakha."
The date has to be referred to the Gupta-Valabhi era of A.D. 319, and the specified month places the record in A.D. 571. The dutaka, Chirbira, is mentioned in five other grants of Dharasena II. The writer, Skandabhata, served both Dharasena II.8 and his father and predecessor Guhasena. I am unable to identify the geographical names mentioned in the grant.
TEXT.10 First Plate.
स्वस्त" [1] वलभीत[: *] प्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां "मैत्रकाणां मतुलवलसपनमण्डल [T]भोग सं (स) सक्तसंग्रह [[*] रशतलब्धप्रता
2 [:*] [प्र] तापोपनतदानम [1*] नाज्जैवोपार्ज्जिता[नु* ] रागोनुरक्तमौलभृतमित्रश्रीणी
बलावात (1) राज्यची [:]"
परममाहेश्वरः
1 []" स्वस्त "
[]
1 The gerundive präpya (spelt prapiya or prapiya in this grant) is synonymous with antargata; it occurs again in 11. 26 and 28. Compare above, Vol. III. p. 323, note 2.
2 The same term is found in other Valsbhi grants. See Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 212, text line 23; Vol. VI. p. 13, text 1. 5; Vol. XIV. p. 330, text 1. 23; Vol. XV. p. 187 f.; Bhavnagar Inser. p. 37, text 1. 6.
For parisara,' extent or area of a pond,' see Gupta Inser. p. 166, text 1. 25; above, Vol. IV. p. 80, text
1. 55; Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 239, text 1. 6; Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII. p. 299, text 1. 20 f.
For pratyaya, 'holding,' see Gupta Inser. p. 170, note 5; above, Vol. IV. p. 80, text 11. 55 and 61; Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 205, text 1. 16, and Vol. XIV. p. 330, text 11. 23-25; Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII. p. 299, text 11. 17 and 19.
• Compare Piñchhakupika-vaha, above, Vol. IV. p. 80, text 11. 55 and 59.
• For svatala see Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 15, text 1. 11; Vol. IX. p. 239, text 1.4; Vol. XIV. p. 330, text 1. 25; Vol. XV. p. 187, note 9.
1 Gupta Inser. p. 167; Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 70; Vol. VIII. p. 303; Vol. XV. p. 188; Bhavnagar Inser.
p. 37.
Gupta Inser. p. 167; Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 12; Vol. VII. pp. 70 and 73; Vol. VIII. p. 303; Vol. XV. p. 188; Bhavnagar Inser. p. 37.
Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 175, and Vol. V. p. 207. 10 From ink-impressions supplied by Mr. Venkayya. 12 Read af. Read मैत्रकायाम.
11 Expressed by a symbol. 14 Bead
.

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82
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
3 श्रीसेनापतिभटार्थस्तस्य सुतस्तव्यादरजोरुणावनतपवित्रिक्रितशिरा[:*] शिरावनत
शत्रुचूडामणिप्रभाविकु -
4 रितपदन्खपन्तिदिधितिदीनानाथ क्रिपणजनोपजीव्यमानविभव[ : *] पर[म *]माहेश्वरः श्रीसेनापतिधरसेनस्वस्यानु
5 जस्त[त्*]पादाभिप्रणामप्रस्ततस्ततर विमलमौलिमणि (1) न्वादिप्रणीतविधिविधानधप्र धर्मराज यिव वि[हि]तविन
6 यव्यवस्थापहतरखिलभुवनमण्डलाभगेकखामिना' परमस्वामिना स्वयमुपहितराज्याभिषकमहा' विश्राणनाव
7 पूतराजश्री [: * ] परममाहेश्वर महाराजश्री द्रोणसिङ्घ [: *] सिङ्घ इव तस्यानुज [: *] खभुजबलपराक्रमेण परगनघ
8 टानीकानामकविजयि" शरणेषिणां " शरणमवबोडा शास्त्रार्थतत्वाना" कल्पतररिव" सुह[त्*]प्रणयिना" यथाभि
9 लषितकामफलोपभोगद[:*] परमभागवत [: *] श्रीमहाराज ध्रुवसेनस्तस्यानुजस्तचरणार[वि]न्दप्रणतिप्रविधता - 10
10 शेषकल्मषः सुविशुद्ध खचरितोदकञ्चालित (1) सकलकलिकलंक: प्रसभ निर्जितारातिपक्षप्रथितमहिमां" पर
11 मादित्यभक्त [: * ]
य[:*]® शैशवा[त्*] प्रभृत" खङ्गद्दितिय-"
समदपरगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशित स्वत्वनिकष:" तत्प्रभाव (1) प्रणताराति
सकलस्मृितिप्रणितमार्मासम्यत्परिपालनप्रजा हृदय
12 बाहरेव
चूड[r]रत्नप्रभासंस
18 कसव्यपादनखरश्मिसंहति [: "]
श्रीमहाराजधरपडस्तस्य [1*] मजस्तत्पाद (1) सपरिव्यावाप्तपुष्योद
र[ष्व]नादन्वर्थराजशब्दो" []
14 पकान्तिस्थिर्य्यगाम्भिर्य्य (1) बुद्धिसम्प[ि: *] स्मरशश[T*]ङ्घ[1*]र्द्रिराजोदधित्रिदशगुरु
धनेशान (1) तिशयान [: *]" शरणगताभय
15 प्रदानपरतया तृणवदपास्त [1*]शेषस्व कार्य्यफल [ : *] प्र [ r* ] थेन []*]धिकाप्रदा
नानन्दितविद्दत्लु [त्*] प्रणयिद
• Read पूर्व.
• Read वरो.
13 Bead.
Rond सेनापति'.
• Beed पादनख पक्रिदीधितिदौनानाथकपण
15 Bead at.
18 Read सप
n Bond 'सव
• Read 'पविचोकत
Rend पद्धति' and 'लाभोगेक
10 Road सिंह: सिंह.
Read तत्त्वानां
18 Read "विधीता'.
10 Rond प्रकृति,
23 Bend 'स्मृतिप्रीत' and 'सम्यकपरि
24 Rend 'ममाद्रि'.
Read स्थेय्यगामीयं.
25 The द of उपबद° was corrected by the engraver from व.
* Bead शिरी' and 'बिच्छु
• Read प्रशस्ततर.
• Bend "भिषेक',
11 Read 'नामेकविजयी.
14 Read तदरिय
Bend मा.
20 Bead 'हितोय',

Page #84

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Page #85

20
22
24
26
28
30
32
34
36
ii.
ਰਾਜ ਦੇ 60 23ਮਾਣ ਬਾਰੇ ਪਰਤੇ ਸਨਮਾਨਤ ਹਹੁ ਅੰਤਰਜੀ ਦਾ ਹੈ । ਚਾਰ ਇਕ ਰਾਹ ਹਉ ਧਰਤ ਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਭਾਗ ) ਦਸਮ
ਨਵਾ
ਹੈ।
AQT OF 127ZY VAIDYGJUTTE 8 ans ਕਰਕ ਕਲਰ ੬੯੫ ਏਨਏ ਰਾਜਾ ਹਰ ਇਕ ਪਈ ਸੀ ਤਾਂ ਕਈ ਵਾਰ ਕ ਹੈ। ਵਖਤੋ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਪ& ayun ka; ਹਾਊਸ ਦੇ ਦਰ ਹਰ ਹਨ। ਗਰਮ ਹੋਣ ਪ... ਸੜਕ, ਬਈ ਵੱਡ¬ਣਾ ਕੇ ਜਾਂਦਾ. ਫਰਮਾਇਸ਼ Azadey ErE %a4.50 ਨੀ ਰੰਗ ਮਹਾਰਇਆਏ ਏਅਰ ਹੋਏ ਨ੪੨੬ਕਰਣ ਪ ਕਣਾ ਦਾ ਹਾਲ ਤੇ ਬਲ ਦਾGS ਘਰ ਨਾ ¤ da nl g j 7 ਤਾਂ ਜਾਨ ਲਈ ਪਹਿਚਾਣ ਅਤੇ ਖੋਜ ਕੇਸ ਜਾਂ ਰਾਤਾ ਨੂੰ ਤਕਣਕ ਦਾ ਨtown ੧੯ ਪੰਨੇ ਗਏ ਆਰ 7.?GA ਬUri - ਸਪਜ ਇਸ ਨੇ ਸੁਲ ਫਸ ਏਕਤਾ ਦੀ ਭਾਲ ਲਈ ਚੰਗ ਬਾਣਾ, ਹਾਰਨ ਲੲੀ ਹੀ ਹਨ 22 ਫਰਾਈਡ ਰਿਕਲਦੇ ਸਾਰ ਗੁਜੇ ਪਈ ਜਾ ਰਹ
ਇਸੁ ਬਜਾਏ ਵੈਸਟ ਕ ਸਰਜਨ Aarega
n
ม
ਸ
ਪ
ਜੋ ਮਾਰਤਸਾਬਜ ੇ ਦੇ ਇਹ ਗਰੰਗ ਰਾਣਾ ਗੜ ਤੇਰੀ ਹਰ ਮਰਦੀ ੧੦ ਬਰਕ - ਵਾਰ ਪੀਣ ਵਾGTA
LAG=220& F
From ink-impressions supplied by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya.

Page #86

No. 5.]
16 [*]
पादचारिव'
श्रीमह[T*]राजगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पा
17 दन[ख]मयूखसंन्त[1]ननिवितवाइविजलोघविचालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रणविशतसहस्रो
18 व्य(:)भोगसम्प[द*][रू]पलोभा[दि]वाश्रीत[:*] सरसम[1*]भिगामिके गुणे सहजशक्तिशीचाविशेषविमापिताखिलधनु[र्द्धर][:*]
PALITANA PLATES OF DHARASENA II.
पजी
222
Second Plate.
19 प्रथम[न]रपतिस[मतिसृ]ष्ट[T] नांमनुपालयता धर्मदायाना [म* पकर्त्ता प्रजोपघ [*]तकारिणां (न) सु[प]-"
सकलभूवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोद[: *] ' परममाहेशर[:*]"
20 नवानं[]] दरिशयिता" श्रीसरखत्योरेकाधिवासस्य संहतारातिपचालक्ष्मिपरिक्षोभदचविक्रम[: *]" क्रमो[प]
श्रीमहाराजधरसेन (॥) कुशली
21 संप्र[T]प्तविमलपार्थिवश्री [: * ] परममाहेश्वर[:*] सर्व्वानेवायुक्तक विनियुक्तकद्रांगिक
महन्तरचाटभटध्रुवाधिकरणिकदाण्डपामकचोरोवरणिकराजस्थानीयकुमारामात्यादी
( नां) नन्यांच" य [ था ]
23 सबमानका [न् *]" समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु व[:*] संविदित" यथा मया म[] *]तापित्रुपुष्याम्यायना [या*]त्मनसेहिक[1] सुचिकफ-16
1. Bead चाय.
• Read "संताननिहं चमावीकालोध
Bend "शिक्षा" and "विमापिता
10 Band दर्शयिवा..
14 Read 'संबध्यमान'.
20 Rond स्थल प्राप्ये.
1 Road चेचाशीत्तरत:"Bead i.
as Bond 'कूपस्थलीमाप्ये.
50 Rond चिंशदधिकं
83
24 [r] वाप्तये ॥ [ बंदू] वानकस्थलिप्र[ r*]पीये" नाव्योटकग्रामे पुर्वोत्तरसिधि" तथा एकलिकग्रामे च [द]ारकसत्कक्षेत्राद
25 परत [: *] [च]रिपादावर्त्तशतं प्रशीत्यधिक " तथा भादित्यक्षेत्राचोतरत[:*] ॥ तथा (द) परोतरसीत्रि" पथा" पूर्व्वत [: *] पादावर्त्तयत"
26 विशधिक" दात्रिशपादावर्त्तपरिसरा" निम्बवापी [*] तथा निम्बकुपस्थलिप्र[T*]पीये" दे[व* ] रचितपाटके भवरदक्षणसीनि"
27 वसव कस्योभय तटेषु" खण्डभेदकतटाकाचोदर च पादावर्त्तयतं त्रिशधिक” गोच
प्रत्ययं [1"] तथा
कदम्बप
* Read 'भुवन'.
• Road 'वाश्रित:
8 Bend 'नामनुपालयिता. Read परिभीम'.
24 Road सं.
17 Road पूर्वोत्तरसीबि. 30 Read.
* Road विंशत्यधिक.
Bond अपरचिक
• Read श्वरः
• Rend कैर्गुप
• Read 'कारियामुप Read पात्रिक'.
24 Read "मिट'. 18 Bond शतमशीत्यधिकं. Bead पथः.
24 Bond हाथपादा. Rond वटबी:
1 2

Page #87

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XI.
28 द्रस्थलिप्रापिये चित्रकस्थस्यग्रामे उत्तरसीनि पादावर्तशतं धार्मिकप्रत्ययं
[1] तथा कदम्बपद्रस्वतले पूर्वसीम्नि कोधकप्रत्यया [अवतर]29 वापी [*] एत[*] सोद्रङ्गं सोपरिकर सव[*]तभूतधान्यहि[र*]ण्यादेयं
सोत्पद्यम[*]नवेष्टिकं समस्तराजकिय[*]न[*]महस्तप्रक्षेपणियं भूमि
छिद्रन्याये[न] 30 (न) वाजसनेयमाध्यन्दिनकौशिकसगोत्र[*]ह्मणरोघश्येनाभ्यां बलिचस्वैश्वदेवा.
___ग्निहोत्रातिथिपञ्चमहायानिकानं[*] 31 क्रियाणां समुत्मपणार्थमाचन्द्राणि[व]सिरिक्षितिस्थितिसमकालिन पुत्रपौत्रा
न्वयभोग्यं उ[द*] कातिस[D]ण ब. 32 अदेयं निस्रिष्ट [*] यतोस्थोचितया ब्रह्मदेयस्थित्या भूजत[:"]
क्रिषत[:*] कर्षिपयत[:] प्रदिश(आय)तो वा न कैबित् ] प्रति
षेधे वर्तित[व्य]33 मागामिभत्रिपतिभियावहशजैरनित्यानैश्वर्यान्यस्थिर म[*]नुष्यं सामा.
न्यच्च भुमिदानफलमवगछद्भिरयमस्मदायीनुमन्तव्य[:*] 34 परिपालयतव्यश्च [*] यश्चैनमाछिन्द्य[T]दाछिद्यम[*] नं()" वानुमोदेत
स पञ्चभिमहापातक[:*]" सोपपातक[:*] सयुक्ता[*] स्यादित्युक्ता"
च भगवता वैदव्या35 सेन व्य[*]से[न ॥*] षष्टिवरिषसहस्राणि खर्गे तिष्ठति भुमिद[:"1"]
पाछेत चानुमन्त[*] च तान्येव नरेके वस[*] । [१] बहु
भिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिा:*] सगरादिभिः ।*] यस्य यस्य यदा भु36 मि[तस्य तस्य तदा [फ] लमिति ॥ [२] वहस्ती मम महाराज
[श्री]धरसेनस्य ॥ लिखितं सन्धिविग्रहाधिक्रितस्कन्दभटेन" । " चिबिर[:*] ॥ स २.. ५. २ वैश[*]ख ब १. ५ [ ]
1 Read खलीप्राप्ये. . Read कर.
• Read राजकीया' and प्रक्षेपशौर्य. • Read भूमिछिद्र.
Read af fra for andre. Read farge. 7 Read जतः कषतः कर्षयतः. Read नृपतिभिवामशरनित्यायभाव्य स्थिर • Read भूमि,'ग,and 'बाहायी. 10 Read °पालयित.
u Read 'माच्छिम्यादावि - Read °भिर्महा. " Bend संयुक्त:
# Read . WRnd वेद. " Read वर्ष
H Bead भूमि " Read चाच्छेचा. - Read नरव.
Read भूमिस्तस्य. " Read °धिवती.
* This is no abbroviation of a compare Gupta Insor. p. 187, note 8; Ind. Ant. Vol. VII, p. 70, text lino18, and Vol. VIII. p. 303, note 123 BhasnagarINor. p.37, texti.18.

Page #88

No. 6.]
JANKHAT INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF VIRASENA.
85
POSTSCRIPT.
I avail myself of this opportunity for correcting certain mistakes which I have committed in two former articles on Valabhi grants.
1. In Vol. III. p. 323, 1. 11, read: "Hariyanaka, which belongs to Akshasaraka, (a subdivision) of the Hastavapraharani." On prapiya (for prapya) see now above, p. 81, note 1.
2. When reading with me the Nogawa plates (Vol. VIII. No. 20), Mr. T. K. Laddu justly observed that uchyamana cannot mean 'said,' but means 'being said, about to be mentioned." Consequently, the expressions uchyamana-bhuktau and uchyamana-vishaye (Vol. VIII. p. 189) are intended for Navagramaka-bhuktau and Chandraputraka-vishaye. Likewise, on p. 193, text lines 38 f. and 40, uchyamana-chaturvvidya-sāmānya stands for Navagramaka-chaturvvidyasamanya; and on p. 198, text line 43, the same term represents Chandraputraka-chaturvvidyasamanya. In the Index to Vol. VIII. the two districts Navagrāmaka-bhukti and Chandraputraka-vishaya have to be entered accordingly.
No. 6. JANKHAT INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF VIRASENA.
BY F. E. PARGITER, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.)
This inscription was found by Mr. R. Burn in the village of Jankhat in the Tirwa tahsil of the Farukhabad District, United Provinces, and he gave a brief notice of it in the Jour. R. As. Soc., 1900, p. 553. It is engraved on the back of a carved stone, which was among the collection of carved stones called the Gawan devi or "village gods." Mr. Marshall sent Dr. Fleet an ink-impression and an estampage of it, together with a photograph of the collection of village gods, which shows the stone amid a quantity of carved stones and fragments of all kinds; and at Dr. Fleet's request I have edited the record. The front of the stone appears to present in bold relief the head and open mouth of some animal.
Above the inscription are three emblems occupying a triangular space 24" high and 3" wide. The middle and highest emblem represents a tree, and on each side is that of a "chaitya."-The inscription occupies a space 7" high and 41" wide, and is arranged in seven lines: there seem to be some traces of an eighth line, but the tops of the letters do not always maintain a level. The letters are in good preservation except at the beginning of the lines. The first letter is partially obliterated in each of the first four lines. The last three lines have suffered most, for the first letter in each has disappeared, the final letter is blurred, and most unfortunately the middle letters have gone entirely. From the appearance of this middle portion of the lower half of the inscription Mr. Burn inferred that it had been used to sharpen chisels on. This defacement extends also into the fourth line where one or two letters have been obliterated. The only lines therefore that are fairly complete are the first three.-The characters are Brahmi, well made and clearly cut, most of which are about " high. I will consider their form when discussing the age of the inscription: here I need only say that they include the numeral symbols for 3, 4 and 10, and that the short superscript i is made to do duty for the long vowel.-The language may be either mixed dialect or Prakrit; perhaps rather the latter. We have the genitive singular in sa twice, and the genitive plural in nam. The genitive plural gishmanam is peculiar; we should expect the genitive singular. The same genitive plural, however, is found in the form gimhana in inscriptions at Nasik, above, Vol. VIII, p. 60, line 1, and p. 73, line 12; and we have also hēma (m)tana, p. 94, line 1, where, again, we should expect the genitive singular. These genitives were perhaps devised on the analogy of the quite correct vasana varshāṇām, ibid., p. 73, line 12. 1 I have to thank him for various corrections and emendations.

Page #89

86
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
The inscription has suffered so much damage that we can form no opinion as to what its purport was after the opening part of it. Its interest lies in the point that it is a lithio record of a king, the Svāmin Virasēna, who may be identified with practical certainty with a king Virasons of whom we have coins. Professor Rapson has described and figured one of the coins in the Jour. R. As. Soc., 1900, p. 115, and notes there certain symbols on it which have some general resemblance (but nothing specific except the tree) with the symbols on this stone. And Mr. V. Smith has described fourteen of them, and figured two, in his Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Caloutta, p. 197, and conjectures there (p. 191 f.) from the provenance of them that Virasēna was a king in the Gangetic Doab about A.D. 300.
The record is dated in the thirteenth regnal year of Virasena,' and on the eighth day in the fourth fortnight of the hot season. As no year of an era is given and the date of Virasina is not known, we can only fix on palæographic grounds the period to which the record may be referred ; and the following remarks are offered towards elucidating this point. The letters that occur clearly are k, 9, t, u, P, M, y, r, u, sh and s, and they may be compared with the Brühmi forms in Tables II and III in Bühler's Indische Palæographie. The facts to be ascertained must be, not what are the earliest records with which letters found in this inscription tally, for particular forms, such for instance as those of k and , persisted with little or no modification for several centuries, but rather what was the period when any later or new forms found in this inscription came into use. The forms of certain of these letters, namely, m, y, v, and sh do not occur in Table II and are first found in Table III; hence these letters deserve most notice and attention may be confined to Table III. The form of m resembles most those in columns VI and VIII of that table; that of y those in columns I, II, IX and XIII: that of those in columns I and VIII; and that of sh the form in column XIV. The forms of v and v are therefore found in inscriptions varying in date from the 1st contury B.C. to the 2nd centary A.D.; that of m in the let and 2nd centuries A.D.; and that of sh not until the second century A.D. The most significant therefore of these letters is sh, and its form shows that the inscription cannot be earlier than the 2nd century A.D. There are two other features which point to a somewhat later period. First, the mark for the long vowel a, in the letters portrayed in Table III, is formed by a short horizontal bar drawn to the right from the head of a consonant, but here the bar always shows a slight curve upwards tendency that became more pronounood in one form of this vowel in the later Gupta alphabet. Secondly, the heads of the letters in this inscription are slightly, yet quite distinctly, wedge-shaped, and this feature also became well developed in the Gupta alphabet. It would therefore appear that this record should be assigned to a time later than the second century, that is, to the 3rd century A.D.. and very possibly to the latter part of it; and this agrees with Mr. V. Smith's conjecture regarding Virasēna's age, mentioned above.
TEXT.
1 Svamisa$ Virasēnass 2 samvatsare 10 3 gishmi3 nam päkshē 4 divasė
1 Mr. Burn read the year rightly, as 18, in his account mentioned above. Mr. V. Smith read it m 113. but the character before that for 10 is clearly rē, the last syllable of rarhateari.
This principle, however, must be applied with caution: Any particular record may easily give the first avail. able instances of types found in it, and so may carry them back to earlier times than had been previously established for them.-J. F.F.]
Read vamisa. There is a dot above the roa, which looks like an asusvara, bat may be only a flaw in the stone.
• Read pakaki. • There is a dot above the se, which looks like an audara, but may be only a flaw in the stone.

Page #90


Page #91

Jankhat Brahmi inscription and Kosam pillar inscriptions.
Kosam pillar inscription.-A.
Jankhat inscription of Virasena.
समित्वमा
मरद
SCALE ONE-EIGHTH.
HEAL MERA
Kosam pillar inscription.-B. PRESS
नालयमागनरेंकसानो
HAVy
गुफापनपनसातार
वमा मिजासतजा
मलसुनाई तिचषपढीले
भागसानी
सहदरा नो ।
-
HE
-SEX
नाके पुत्र ४
वसन्त
SCALE ONE-HALF.
नाम सुनार मनामत
SCALE ONE-SIXTH.
J. F. FLEET.
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITHO.
FROM INK IMPRESSIONS RECEIVED FROM MR. MARSHALL AND DR. KONOW.

Page #92

No. 7.]
TWO RECORDS ON THE PILLAR AT KOSAM.
4.1
5
6
7
..
mi mě
ya
vi
epra [sa]
[y]ikā [vā]
tata
n[ā]ya ni[ma]
87
TRANSLATION.
In the year 10 (and) 3 of Svämin Virasēna, in the fortnight 4 of the hot season, on the day 8...
No. 7.-TWO RECORDS ON THE PILLAR AT KOSAM.
BY F. E. PARGITER; M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.)
The two following inscriptions were noticed by General Sir A. Cunningham in his description of the pillar at Kosam in his Archeological Survey of India, Vol. I, p. 310. Inkimpressions of them were sent me by Dr. Fleet which he received from Dr. Konow, and at his request I have written this paper on them.
A.-A verse of the 7th or 8th century, A.D.
This is described by General Cunningham thus:-"The next inscription in point of time consists of six lines in characters of the 6th or 7th century. As this record is placed on the lower part of the shaft, from 3 to 4 feet beneath the present ground level, and as the lines are perpendicular to the sides of the shaft, I infer that at the time when it was inscribed, the pillar was still standing upright in its original position, and that the surrounding buildings were still in perfect order. This inference is fully borne out by Hwen Theang's account, etc."
It is written in the Gupta character of the latter part of the 7th century. The letters are large and somewhat irregularly formed, varying from 1 to 14 inches in height. The language is Sanskrit, and the composition is a verse in the upendravajra metre written in four lines with the author's name added in the fifth and sixth lines. But the engraver has marred the appearance of the verse by the manner in which he has inscribed it. The first line contains the first pada of the verse, but in consequence of his making the first 8 aksharas of the second line somewhat small and close he got into it not only the second pada but also the first 3 aksharas of the third pada. The third line then contains the remainder of the third pada and the first 3 aksharas of the fourth pada; and the fourth line, receiving only the remaining 8 aksharas of that pada, looks not only incomplete but also erroneous in beginning with the word cha. Consequently also the metre appears faulty and the meaning is obscured. When properly adjusted the padas read aright and the metre is correct. The end of the second line is ornamented with a peculiar scroll, in which the symbol for the vowel in the final ti has been continued in a line which bends around beneath the letter t, ascends on its right and finishes in a righthanded curve further to the right. The incorrect structure of the lines suggests an explanation of this scroll. The portion of the soroll along the right side of the letter t is an upright line. The first half of the verse ends with su-dhiryam, but the engraver, thinking that it ended with
1 This akshara, judging from what remains of it and from the space which it occupies, would seem to be a double consonant, of which kh, ch or v is the second member. It may perhaps be sua or svå.
The fourth fortnight of the hot season would be the last fortnight of it, if we should reckon six seasons in the year, and would be (for the time of our record) about the first half of June: with the year of three seasons this fortnight would be about the first half of April.

Page #93

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
the second line, pat the usual bar there, and the mistake was rectified by turning the bar into a meaninglese scroll, continuing its lower portion backward beneath the t into the vowel i and its apper portion forward in the curve to the right. There was not sufficient room to insert the single bar after su-dhiryan, but the double bar at the close of the verse occurs correctly at the end of the fourth line
The letters are of the Gupta character and resemble most closely those of the Aphead inscription of about A.D. 675, portrayed by Bühler in his . Indische Palæographie, Table IV, cole. XVIII and XIX (especially the former), with a tendency in some cases towards the shapes in the Multät inscription of A.D. 708-9, and of the Dighwa-Dubauli inscription of A.D. 761-2, cols. XX and XXI in that Table, such as the dh (1.2). At the same time some of the letters have the earlier forms found in the Kshäum inscription of A.D. 459, col. V in that Table, such as i and bh (1. 1), - (1. 3), 6 (11. 4 and 5) and k (1. 6), though k also appears in its form in col. XVIII in the fourth line. Then has a peculiar shape, an upright line with a horizontal bar attached to its left side, as in punati (1.2), and Indra (1. 4), thus approximating to its modern form. The inscription may therefore be assigned to the end of the 7th or the beginning of the 8th century, A.D.
Cunningham inferred from Hiuen Teang's account of this spot that this pillar was standing erect at that traveller's visit there during the early part of the 7th century in Harsha's reign, and the manner in which he says this verse is engraved (quoted above) shows that the pillar was also erect when it was engraved, which appears to have been at the end of that century or the beginning of the 8th century. He says the pillar is a Buddhist structure, and the earliest inscription which it bears is an incomplete record which he ascribes to the 4th or 5th century, Buddhism must have retained its possession of this spot during Harsha's reign, for Mr. V. Smith says " Harsha himself distributed his devotions among the three deities of the family, Siva, the Sun and Buddha ; .... But, in his later years, the Buddhist doctrines held the chief place in his affections; and the eloquence of the Chinese Master of the Law induced him to prefer the advanced teaching of the Mahayana sect to the more primitive Hinayana doctrine of the Sammitiys school with which he had been familiar previously." The question arises whether this verse half a century or more later is a Buddhist or brāhmaṇical inscription. I am not sure whether the reference to Indra's world could be a Buddhist beatitude. It seems more like a brähmapic benediction, and this is supported by the facts that the verse is in Sanskrit and that the author's name is Sankha-dova, which might be a synonym for Vishpu. If then this verse be a brähmapical inscription, may we infer that it marks the time when Brühmaņiem oasted Buddhism from this spot?
TEXT. 1 Om Ya [ikshat]ē stambham-idam sa-tungan 2 (grah-årucan) påti Daras=su-dbirmar panati 3 gottram sa vimukta-papaḥ prayati 4 ch-satsayam-Indra-lokar Il
Sakha-deVasya kritih
14. 8. 1. Vol. I. pp. 309-10.
Early History of India, p. 291. * Expressed by a symbol.
• These two words and the following na are so much blurred that they are far from clear, but what remains of the letters viewed according to the requirements of the metre suggests the reading given.
• Rend dhiryan.
• The first of these two p's differs considerably from the normal shape, but there can be no doubt that it is badly formed.

Page #94

No. 7.]
TWO RECORDS ON THE PILLAR AT KOSAM.
TRANSLATION. The man, who fixes his look on this very tall pillar, preserves great fortitude when the planets are adverse : 1 delivered from sin, he purifies his kindred and proceeds without doubt to Indra's world.
The composition of Sankha-deva.
B.-An inscription of A.D. 1565. This is described as two inscriptions by General Sir A. Cunningham in the following word "This [that is, a brief record of Akbar's time] is followed by a short record of a sont, or goldsmith, in three lines, below which is a long inscription dated in Samvat 1621, or A.D. 1564, in"the early part of Akbar's reign, detailing the genealogy of a whole family of goldsmiths. It is in this inscription that the name Kosambipura occurs, the founder of the family, named Anand Ram Dås, having died at Kosam." He thus pronounced the first three lines of this record to be one inscription and the remainder a separate inscription, but they appear to me to be one, for the following reasons. First, the style of the writing is exactly the same throughout. Secondly, the space between Sri-Gamesah in line 1 and Sambat 1621 in line 4 is merely the size of a single row of letters and is just about the interval that would ordinarily be left between the invocation to a deity and the body of the composition. The remainder of line 1 and lines 2 and 3 have been inserted by curving the writing upwards to the right so as to widen out the space to the right between lines 1 and 4: thus there is just rooma for the word mukha between banän in line 1 and samaai in line 4, and as lines 1 and 2 carve away upwards, room is found to insert dēv Bhairav beneath darpan səninha and above the end of line 4. The whole inscription looks as if it had been written at first thus-Sri-Ganesah as the heading and then Sambat 1621, etc., to the end ; and as if the words bānān to dēv Bhairav had been added afterwards, the writing being curved upwards so as to make room for these latter words in the manner described above. Thirdly, if lines 1-3 constituted a separate inscription, there was no reason to curve the writing, whether it were written before or after lines 4-18; becav F written before, there would have been a clear space and the inscription would natur e been written compactly in two or three straight lines conformably to its invocation, and if written afterwards, it would have been placed higher or there is sufficient unused space above) and then written straight similarly. Fourth lines 1-3 constituted a separate composition, it contains no personal name but merely refers vaguely to the "city goldsmiths"; whereas, if the whole is one inscription, the addition in lines 1-3 would be & natural after-thought as a preface to the subsequent names and in order to record & prayer to Bhairava on behalf of them collectively. No argument can be based on the fact that the prayer to Bhairava follows the invocation to Gaņēśa, because the invocation and the prayer are in one and the same inscription according to either theory. Lastly, the inscription seems, when read as a whole, to give a better sense than when treated as two separate compositions-a point referred to more particularly at the end of this article.
The inscription is written in characters, well-made and about inch high, which (that is, such of them as occur) have a close resemblance to ordinary Nagari. The chief puzzle occurs in the letter sh, which, if read as such, produces meaningless words. The key to explain this difficulty lies in the fact that in the modern vernacular of Upper India this letter, when no initial and uncompounded, is very commonly pronounced kh ; thus, purush, 'a man', appears as purukh, rishi, a rishi', as rikhi and rikh, tushār, 'mist, frost', as tukhār, and so on. This modification of the letter sh appears to have been so generally established, that the character
1 This is a possible Sanskrit expression, though certainly peculiar. It is not, however, stranger than various compound words found in the Kavya literature, and the author was limited in his choice of words by the metre. ? A. S. I. Vol. I. pp. 310-11.
N

Page #95

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
for it is used here oniformly to express kh. The proper character for kh seems to be that, which is used only once, namoiy, in the word Lakhimi (=Lakshmi) in line 7, and which approximates to the form of kh in Bengali. Everywhere else kh is expressed by the character for sh; and this is done whether kh represents an original sh as in the word purukh (1.9), or whether it is a genuine kh as in the words mukha (1.2) and likhatē (1. 5), or whether it represents an original ksh as in the words Lakhimanu (1. 5), khēma (1. 8), and Lakhimi (1. 17). When this peculiarity is observed, the inscription becomes intelligible.
The inscription is in the vernacular. No distinction is made between the sibilants é and s, and both are written as s, thus, Mahēša appears as Mahesa (1.11) and Kausāmbi as Kausambi
(1. 7), and Sri-Ganëśaḥ as Sri-Ganēsah (1.1). Similarly sh when compounded is written s, as in Baisnav for Baishnava (1. 6, and 15-18). Nor is any distinction made between cerebral and dental nasals (with one exception), thus, darpana appears as darpan (1.2), kripana as krapan (1. 8) and Baishnava as Baisnav. The one exception occurs in the invocation Sri. Ganesah, and the scribe's knowledge was so faulty that, though he has written the right, he has turned the $ twice into 8. It seems possible further that he did not distinguish between the other cerebral and dental letters, for Chamanda (1.13) looks as if obtained from Chāmunda.
The character for v appears in its ordinary Nagari form and also with a dot beneath it. The latter form occurs only at the end of words, as in dēv Bhairav (1.3) and Baisnav (11. 6, and 15-18). In words ending in va, the v in the present vernaculare drops its inherent a and is commonly pronounced with a vowel sound like w or o, thus, dēva becomes dēw or deo. The dotted form therefore appears to represent v (with that sound), and the undotted form no doubt represents b, as seems clear from its use in the name Kausa mbi (1. 7), the ancient form of which is always Kausambi in Sanskrit writings, and also in the word banān (1.1), which is obviously & verb corresponding to the existing verb bana-na (Hindi) and bānā-itë (Bengali), 'to make, fabricate,' and in which the initial b is so well established that no form with an initial v ever appears, so far as I am aware. In a similar way final ya drops its inherent a, and the y is then often pronounced as ē, and this no doubt explains why the character for é appears instead of y in samaai (1. 4).
As the language is the vernacular and the vernaculars have generally dropped the a inherent in the last consonant (if uncompounded) of a word, the presumption is that the words bere must be read without the final a, and this is corroborated by the words bānān (1.1) and darsan (1.2) which, as discussed later, cannot have a final a. The nominative is the same in the plural as in the singular, as in sõni (1.1) and purukh (1.9); and the plural base for the oblique cases is formed by adding nha to the singular base, as in sõninha (1.2) and somewhat similarly in the pronoun tēnha (1. 9). The accusative-dative is formed with the suffix kau (1.2) and the genitive with kē (1. 9, 15). The kē appears to undergo no modification, for it is the same with the nominative plural purukh (1. 9) and the apparently nominative singular put (1. 15). Samaai (1. 4; probably for samaye) appears to be the locative singular of samay or samaē. Banān (1.1) apparently = Hindi banien, the 3rd person plural of the aorist tense. This verbal base appears with a in Bengali būnd-ite. The second darpan in line 2 should, it seems to me, be darsān, that is, darsān, because there must be a verb in this sentence and the second darpan is meaningless ; and darsān is so much like darpan, that the engraver might easily have confused the two by oversight and so have written darpan twice. Darśan would = Hindi darśaen, the 3rd person plural of the imperative, used honorifically for the singular. This causal verbal base appears in Hindi darsa.nd and Bengali darsa-itë. Likhite (1.5) seemingly=Hindi likhtë, the plural of the tense likhta, which though called by some a conditional is very often ased as a present tense. The pronoun ya (1.1)=Hindi yah, and pachhile (1.9)=Hindi pichhla.
1 Compare Mr. Bhandarkar's remarks on pp. 50, 52 and 60 ahove. -Ed.]
It canuot be the character for ksh, because Sanskrit kok is modified into kā uniformly in this inscription. * According to the method of transliteration generally adopted in Hindi grammars.

Page #96

No. 7.]
TWO RECORDS ON THE PILLAR AT KOSAM.
The words sõnara (1. 5) and soni (1. 1, 10-15) deserve notice as they appear to be distinguished. Though the signatories are mentioned collectively as sõnis (1.1), yet those who sign as sõnis are definitely stated to be the purukh, 'men,' that is workmen, of Lakshman sonara and of four other persons to whose names no description is added. Sõnara therefore seems to be a higher term than söni, and if soni designates the workman, sõnara must obviously mean the master or employer; so that, if the former is translated 'goldsmith,' the latter should be rendered 'master goldsmith.' Sõniya in Hindi means one who separates gold from ashes, etc., in the mint, but there appears to be no word in Hiudi corresponding to sõnara, unless it be sonar or sunar, the ordinary term for a goldsmith.
As regards the personal names, the inscription shows that much the same custom obtained in the sixteenth century as prev tils now in using names shortly, familiarly or colloquially. The vowel u was often substituted for a final a, thus we find Lakhimanu (1. 5), Naligu (1. 10), Ratanu (1. 14) and Anadu (1. 16, 18). Lakhimaru would be the colloquial form of Lakhiman, that is, Lakshmana; and Ratann of some name beginning with Ratna, such as Ratnadatta or Ratnachandra. Anadu may be short for Annada, and the full name might be Annada-das or Annada-prasad. Birti (1. 6) is probably short for some name beginning with britti, that is, vritti. Laghu (1. 8) may=Raghu, the letters and l being frequently interchanged in the colloquial; and the full name might be Raghu-nath. Chamanda (1. 13) seems to point to some name like Chamunda-das, and Chandila (1. 15) to Chundrésa or Chandirēša. Dhanë (1. 15) is no doubt short for Dhanēsa or Dhanēsvara; and Karam (1. 16) may be abbreviated from Karam Chand (=Karma-chandra). I cannot resolve Höril (1.12) or Manā (1. 17), nor Naligu or its variants (1. 10); but Hörila-simha is given as & dame in Monier-Williams' Dictionary.
As regards the date of this record, Dr. Fleet observes as follows:-" It is not capable of actual verification, because the inscription does not include the weekday or some other detail necessary to that end. But, with the year taken as the expired year and the month as the pürnimänta month,-in both respects in accordance with the practice which prevailed generally at that time in the locality to which the record belongs - the equivalent of the given details, (Vikrama)-satvat 1621, Chaitra vadi 5, is 20 February A.D. 1565."
It appears from this examination that the purport of the inscription differs from Sir A. Cunningham's surmise. It shews that five leading goldsmiths with thirteen of their employés pat no this address to Gaņēśa and Siva-Bhairava for favour to the goldsmiths of Kansambi town. Only three of the leading goldsmiths belonged to that town, and two were strangers apparently. The fact that these two are named first suggests that they were men of more importance than the three residents, and perhaps they were gold-merchants rather than goldsmiths. One of these two was a Vaishnava and so were four of the employés, yet they also joined in this invocation to Gadēša and Siva-Bhairava. Sarely no ordinary occasion would have caused all these men, that is, the whole local guild of goldsmiths, to join in recording such an inscription on this pillar. At that time, early in 1565, several of Akbar's chief nobles and commanders had revolted against him, hostilities were still going on, and the whole country from Delhi to Allahabad must have been in a lawless condition. Kausā mbi was presumably a town of no great size or strength then, and its goldsmiths ag men of some wealth must have been in danger of extortion or pillage at the bands of the soldiery. In such circumstances was it not natural that they should invoke Ganēsa as the god of wisdom, and pray that Siva-Bhairava, the terrible god of destruction, would display to them a face calm and bright as a mirror ?
Lastly, it is particularly worthy of notice that this record mentions Kogam as Kausarbi. that is, Kausämbi, at a period long before the time when archæologists began to identify the place with the Kansambi, Kosambi, of the Sanskrit and Buddhist books.
This practice seems to have been prevalent in Bajputans already in the 12th century A.D.; see Mr. Bhandarkar's remarks on p. 38 above.-Ed.)

Page #97

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
TEXT. 1 Sri-Gaņēsaḥ Banán ya nagarik sõni mukha-darpan darpan söninha kau
dēv Bhairav 4 Sambat 1621 samaai nim Chaitra-badi: 5 panchamit likhitó Lakbimana sðnară 6 Baiisnav Ananda-sat Birti 7 Kausambi-puri Lakhimi-däs tatha
Khēma-krapanS Laghubbãi tenha ko parukh pachhilē Naligno Boni Mahesa-das0 Bðni Horil soni Chamanda soni Ratanu sonill Chamdile Boni kē put .4 Dhané Baisnav Anadu Räm-dás
Karam Baisnav Lakhimi-dās
Mani Baisnav Basanta-Ram
Apadu Baisney
TRANSLATION. Sri Gaņēka! The town goldsmiths make this. May the god Bhairava show a mirror-like face to the goldsmiths!
Samvat 1621, at the time by names the fifth day of the dark fortnight of the month) Chaitra, write - Lakshman the master goldsmith, the Vaishpava Birti son of Ananda, Lakshmi-dãs of the town of Kausambi, (and) of the same town the brothers Khēma-ksipan (and) Laghu. 16
Their men (write) afterwards --Naligu the goldsmith, Mahasa-das the goldsmith, Horil tho goldsmith, Chamanda the goldsmith, Ratana the goldsmith, the son of the goldsmith Chamdile, Anadu Räm-dås, Lakshmi-dås, Basanta-Ram, (and) four othero), Dhano Vaishnava, Karam Vaishpava, Mana Vaishpava, Anadu Vaishqava.
Rend probably darske (for darfax); see remarks on the grammar. • Bendramay probably.
. That is, Sanskrit radi. Read panchami. Or perhaps Lakhimou.
. Read Baiende.
* Read Ananda • That is, kripan.
• Or Nanigu or Naliyw or Naniyu. 30 Read odas. 1 Bead soni.
The last letter looks something like man, but the extra marks may be due to injury. 1 Dr. Fleet has drawn my attention to the constant occurrence of the expression “Samvat - warsha" in inscriptions, which is calculated to suggest that samaai is a synonym for rarthi and should be applieil to the preceding " Sambat 1621". Such a rendering however presents two difficulties to my mind; first, it would entail treating nam ma mere expletive, whereas the insertion of a mere expletive in this laconic inscription (for the preceding words, banan to bhairne, were put in afterwards) would be strange ; and secondly samaya is not ordi. marily ao equivalent of rartha, vernacular boras, (which might well have been used here), but would apply quite correctly to a day, the panchami.
# Kawambi-puri is an adjective formed from Kausambi-pur.
15 Tatha seems to refer to the adjective Kaucambi-puri; otherwise there appears to be no reason for its inser tion in 1. 7. It applies obviously to both Kliēmakripan and Laghu, and so the word bhai is probably plural agree ing with both, though the meaning would be the same if we translate "Khemskripan (and) Laghu (his) brother."

Page #98

No. 8.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE RECORDS OF SONPUR.
No. 8.-THREE COPPER-PLATE RECORDS OF SONPUR. BY B. C. MAZUMDAR, B.A., B.L., M.R.A.S., SAMBALPUR.
The three copper-plate charters which I now publish were all found in the Feudatory State of Sonpur, attached to the district of Sambalpur. It was in the year 1898 that I deciphered them, as well as another charter which was found at Satalma (called Satallama in the inscription) in the same district. Mr. Slocock, the then Deputy Commissioner of Sambalpur, who gave me the Satalma charter to get deciphered, took it back from me with the transliteration and translation of its text, aud forwarded it to the Museum at Nagpur.1
93
In the sequel I shall have to refer to the Satalma plates as well as the copper-plate charters of the Sōmavamsi kings of Katak which have been edited by Dr. Fleet. For convenience of reference, the subjoined three inscriptions will be denoted by the letters A, B and C, respectively; the Satalma plates by S; and the records published by Dr. Fleet by F 1, F 2, F3, F4, F 5 and F 6.
As regards orthography, there are two points to be noticed before I proceed to deal with the individual inscriptions. The vowel ri was pronounced as ri and not as ru, as it is now done, by the inhabitants of Sambalpur and Orissa; see, e.g. pravrita for pravṛitta (C, 1. 15), risaya for rishayaḥ (C, 1. 25). A few similar cases have also been noticed in the Satalma3 grant and in the Kudopali plates. Trikalinga occurs for Trikalinga (A, I. 4; F 1, 1. 3) and Risikesa for Hrishikesa (F1, 1. 15). There was only one letter current to denote both and b. Owing to the fact that b is the pronunciation for both of them in Bengal and Orissa, it cannot be said that is used wrongly for b, or vice versa.
A.-Vakratentali charter of Mahabhavagupta I.
These are three plates (of four sides), of which the first and last are written on the inner sides only. They are narrower at the margins than in the middle. The height varies from 41" to 4" and the breadth from 8" to 9". The plates are strung together on a nearly circular ring, 3" in diameter and " thick, which is passed through circular holes cut on the left margin of each plate at a distance of about 1" from the edge. The ends of the ring are secured into the lower portion of a lump of copper which bulges out on either side along the ring for a space of 1". In addition to this, a copper pin appears to have been driven through the lump of copper. In the upper portion of this lump is a deep impression, nearly circular, about 2" in diameter. Here is the figure of a goddess in relief, squatting apparently on a lotus, flar ked on each side by an elephant with its trunk uplifted. The elephant on the left side is not quite distinct. Close to it is a much defaced legend. I have read it tentatively as Sri-Janmējayadeva [rajasya ?]. Considering that the legends on most of the seals of this family are illegible and have not been deciphered, this reading must be looked upon as a mere conjecture.
The plates belong to the time of the Paramabhaṭṭaraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramesvara Sri-Mahabhavaguptarajadēva, who meditated on the feet of the P. M. P. Śrī-Sivaguptadeva. The king is described as the most devout worshipper of Siva (paramamahēsvara), the forehead ornament of the lunar race and the lord of Trikalinga. The grant was issued from the camp of victory pitched at Suvarnapura. In line 36, the date is given as the third year of the victorious reign of the P. M. P. Sri-Janamējayadeva. This is the earliest known record of Mahabhavagupta I. as well as of the Somavamsi kings of Katak, as no inscriptions of his father
1 These have been published by Prof. Hultzsch; above, Vol. VIII, pp. 138-43. Above, Vol. III, pp. 323-59. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 139.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 256.

Page #99

94
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
Mahasivagupta I. have been so far discovered. It records the gift of the village of Vakratentali belonging to the Lupattarā-Khanda to the bhattaputra Jātarūpa, who was a resident of Mēraņdā and an immigrant from Radhāpharlvallikandara. He belonged to the Kanndinyagotra and the Chhandoga-charana. His pravaras were Maiträvaruna and Vašishtha. Koi Ghosha, the writer of these plates, is identical with that of F1, dated in the 6th year of Mahabhavagupta I., and the engraver, Samgrāma, son of Rayana Ojjhā, is the same as that of S, which belongs to the 8th year of the reign of the same king
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti u Suvarnnapura-samåväsita[bo] Srimato vijaya-skandhåvarit para2 mabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramēśvara-Sri-Sivaguptadova-påd-anudhya3 ta-paramamahēśvara-paramabhattaraka-mahārājādhiraja-paramāśvara-So4 ma-kula-tilaka-Tri(tri)kalingadhipati-Śri-Mahabhavaguptarājadēvaḥ kusali 5 Lupattarā-Khandiya Vakrat[e]ntali-grāmē brāhmanan sampūjya tat-pra6 tinivasi-kutumbinas-tad-[v]ishayiya-yathä-kälädhyasinaḥ samābarts-sa7 nnidhārtridhātri)-dāņdapásika-piệuna-vētrik-āvarodhajana-rajavallabhädin-anyatscha
cha8 ta-bhata-jätiyan samājñāpayati [] Vidita[m=a*]stu bhavatāṁ yath=ismābhir=ayar
gra9 maḥ sa-nidhiḥ s-opanidhiḥ sarvva-badha-vivarjjitaḥ sa-gartösharaḥ s-amra
Second Plate; First Side. 10 madhukab sa-jalasthalaḥ sarvv-Oparikar-ádána-sahitaḥ pratinishiddha-châta11 bhata-pravēsas=[cha]tuḥl=simä-paryantah Kauņdinya-gotriya M[ai]tråvarana-Väsi12 shtha-pravariya Chchhandogar-charaņāya Radh phamvallikandara-vinirgataya
Meranda-vặ13 stavyiya bhattaputra-Jatarupa-namnē bhattaputra-Srivachohha-su(sd)navo saliladhara14 pura saram=i-chandra-tarak-arkka-kshiti-samakal-Opabhogarthar måtå-pitro15 reitmanas-cha punya-yago-bhivsiddhayo vifumati-samkrantyam támra-säsan - 16 n-akarikritys pratipadita ity-avagatya samuchita-bhoga-bhågakara-hirany-i. 17 dikam-upanayadbhir-bhavadbhiḥ sukhana prativastavyam=iti [1] Bhavibhis-cha
bhupatibhirudda18 ttir-iyam-asmadiya dharmma-gaura väd=88mad-ata(nu)rodhách=cha svadattiraiveanupala
niya [11] 19 Tathich-oktam dharmma-såstrē [*] Bahubhir-yvasudbi datta rajabhiḥ Sagar
adibhiḥ [l*] yasya ya
Second Plate; Second Side. 20 sya yadā bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala [ll"] Má bhūd=aphala-sanka vah
paradattrēti 21 párthivaḥ [lo] sva-dânāt=phalam=in[äntya]m para-datt-anupalano [ilo] Sashthim
varsha-sahasråņi
1 The akshara pha is almost the same as ya in 11. 18, 80 and 33. * See above, Vol. IV, p. 256.
Above, Vol. III, p. 844. From the original plates.
Expressed by a symbol 6 Read thashfin.
* Above, Vol. VIII, p. 143. 7 The akshara tw looks like tta.

Page #100

2
गागान (य মদ। (জারে এ জয় গাগের যু म কম | SAT कुल (लकटक (लगाम देकर गुना उदयःकुणाला लय/5037 ला लावल • वास व साक्याययथाका लाग (सवः सम राया करत नय
द
य की य अनीसा सारायचा गजर, गुरूरून यथायमा स्था মঃজঃसोय৫: सहवान पयाज सादवाःखान
10
12
9
गवतः सजल मूलः खलक यवनः सा महल 818) सीमा वायग्रा
क यादव वि
(विनय
मत कति
जता एक 511थमाखा बाल पलायन शा "वा. काश्यपादित गुज
16
14
ata.
18
Vakratentali grant of Mahabhavagupta I. Janamejaya.
य
V. VENKAYYA.
হোন ((बुध
सा
दिन
पनि नि सिग रामदीयवादाकाल की शा याचे काय दुख हासुत देव पाऊस:
नायिका स
SCALE 75
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD, PHOTO-LITHO.
FROM IMPRESSIONS PREPARED BY MR. KRISHNA SASTRI.
6
8
10
12
14
16
18

Page #101

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(((Page #102

No. 8.]
22 svarge mōdati bhumidaḥ [1] akshēptā ch-anumanta cha tany-ēva narakē vaset [II] Agner-apa
23 tyam prathamam suvarnņam bhür-Vvaishnavi Su (Su)rya-sutas-cha gavaḥ [1] yah kanchanam gañ-cha mahin-cha
24 dadyad-dattas-trayas-tēna bhavanti lōkāḥ [*] Asphōṭayanti pitaraḥ prava25 lgayanti pitämahāḥ [1] bhūmidätä kulē jātaḥ sa nas-trātā bhavishyati [1] 26 Bhumim yaḥ pratigrihna (hņā)ti yas-cha bhumim prayachchhati [1] ubhau tan papya-karmapan niya
27 tam svarga-gaminau [*] Taḍāgānāṁ sahasrāņi vājapēya-satani cha [1] gavām köți-prada
28 nëna bhumi-hartta na śuddhyati [*] Haratē harayate yas-tu manda-buddhistamovṛitaḥ [*] sa baddho
29 Varunaiḥ pāśais-tiryag-yonim cha gachchhati [*] Sva-dattam para-dattām vā yo hared1-vasu
THREE COPPER-PLATE RECORDS OF SONPUR.
95
Third Plate.
30 ndharam [*] sa vishṭhāyām krimir-bhūtva pachyate pitṛibhi[h] saha [*] Adityō Varupo Vishnur=Bba(Bra)
31 hmi Sam Hutasanah [] Salapapia-ta bhagavaḥ abhi(abhi)sandanti(nandanti)
bhumida[m] Sa (sa)manyō=
32 yam dharmma-sētur nṛipānāṁ
kāla (lē) kāla (le) palaniyo bhavadbhiḥ [*]
sarvvän-ētān-bhāvino bhupati
33 ndra[n] bhūyo bhuyo yachate Ramachandraḥ [*] Iti kamala-dalambu-bindu
lolam (am) śriyam-a
34 nachintya manushya-jivitamcha [1] sakalam-idam-u[dā"]hritañ-cha
[1] likhi
38 tam=idam sasanam
Ghōsha
badhva na
hi pu
35 rushaiḥ parakirttayo vilopyāḥ [*] Paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirā
36 ja-paramesvara-Śrī-Janamējayadevasya vijayarajyē samvatsare tritiyē Śrā37 vaṇa-masa3-sitapaksha-pañchamyam
yatr-ankato Samvat 3 Sravana sudi 5
mahās[a]ndhivigraha-pratibaddha-kayastha-Koi-Ghoshēņa Valla1
39 sutēna Samȧgrāmēnas u[t]kritam sasa [na"]m-iti: Rayana-Ojjha-sutēna [*] Manga [lam] maha-sriḥ ||
B.-Nibinna charter of Mahasivagupta.
These are three plates (of four sides) of which the first and last are engraved on the inner sides only. They measure about 81" to 8" in breadth and about 54" in height. The engraving is so deep that the empty side of the first and third plates show traces of the working of the chisel. They are strung on a circular ring which is passed through round holes (about" in diameter) cut on the left margin of each plate about 1" from the edge. The ring is 4" in diameter and about " thick. The ends of the ring are secured into the lower portion of a lump of copper, which bulges out on either side along the ring to a space of 13". The upper portion of the lump of copper is fashioned into a circular seal 1" in diameter. On the seal is cut in relief a squatting figure. Nothing more than this is clear on the seal.
1 Read harěta.
2 Is it by mistake that bhagavaḥ has been engraved for bhagavan? May it be that the form bhagava current in Pali and Prakrit was then used in the vernacular too ?
Read Sangramēņa.
Read -māsē. Read Vallabha- (?) • In the Nagpur Museum plates he is called Rayaṇā-Ojjhā.

Page #103

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
.
The plates are dated during the reign of the Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramēsvara Sri-Mahāśivaguptarājadēva, who meditated on the feet of the P.M.P. Mahābhavaguptarājadēva. The king is described as the most devout worshipper of Siva (parama māhēsvara), the forehead ornament of the lunar race and the lord of Trikalinga. The grant was issued from Vinitapura. In lines 45-46 the date is given as the 15th year of the victorious reign of the P.M.P. Srimad-Yayātirājadēva. F. 5, which belongs to the same reign, but is 6 years earlier, was also issued from Vinitapura on the bank of the river Mahānadi.
The plates record the gift of the village of Nibiņdā (1. 5) or Nibinnā (1. 17) in the Kösala country to the Dikshita Puņdarikasarman, who was a resident of the village of Maramendā in the Kosala country and an immigrant from Bhataparoli. The donee was the son of Närāyaṇa-sarman and grandson of Uhlāsa-sarman. He belonged to the Bhäradvajagotra, had the pravaras Angirasa, Bārhaspatya and Bharadvaja. The writer of the grant was the Mahakshapatalaka Sri-Uchchhava-Nāga, son of Allava-Näga, who was known to the Mahāsandhivigrahika Ränaka Sri-Chārudatta, and the engraver was Tthakura Panaka.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om Svasti [l1*] Sri[ma]to Vini(ni)tapurāt-Paparabhattaraka-mahārajadhiraja par 2 ramēśvara Mā(Ma)hābhavaguptarājadēva-pádánadhyât(ta)-paramamahēśvara-para3 mabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramēśvara-Soma-kula-tilaka-Trika4 lingädhipati-Sri-Mahāśivaguptarājādēvah kusali Kõsala-de5 sa(sa)-pratibaddba-Ganutapāța-mandalē ch=Ottara-palliya-Nibiņdā-grāmē 6 brä[hma]pan samp[a]jya [ta]d-vishayiyan yathäkälädhyasinaḥ sama7 hartsi)-samnidhåtri-yuktadhikärika-dandapåsika-châta-bhata-pisu(su). 8 na vostri]k-āvarodhajana-rāņaka-rajaputra-räjñi-rajaval[la] - 9 bhabhädin sarvin raja-pädopaji(ji)vinaḥ samájñapayati [1] Viditam-astu 10 bhava*]tam yath-6[m]abhir-aya[m*] grāmaḥ sa nidhiḥ -opanidhih sa
dasā (sā)paràdhah 11 sarvabädhä-vivarjitah sa[r]voparikarädana-sahista]-chatuh-si(si)mi-DA12 [r]yantah s-amra-madhukaḥ sa-gartosa (sha)raḥ sa-jalasthalaḥ pratinishiddha-châta13 bhata-pravēšaḥ Bhäradva(dvä)ja-sagotraya! Angirasa-Bärhaspatya-Bhara14 dvaja-pravariya Uhläsa-sarmmaṇaḥ pautrāya | Na(Na)rāyaṇa-sa[rmma]
Second Plate ; First Side. 15 na[h] putriya | Bhata[pa]rolio-vini(ni)rggata(ta)ya Kosaliya-7Maramënda-feril. 16 mönia)-våstavyảya Sri-Pundarika-sarmmaņë dikshitaya | Ganudapäti17 mandalö Uttara-pallikäy. Nibinna-grāmaḥ (saliladhara*]pura[s] saram=i-chandra
tara18 k-[r]kka-kshiti-samako(ka)l-opabhoga[r]tha[m] mata-pitror=ätmanas-cha pana
(punya)19 yas(80) vriddhayē tāmbralo tämra-si (63)sanen=åkariksitya pratipadita ity-ava
1 Above, Vol. III, p. 351.
From the original plates. Expressed by a symbol • Read Parama
» This is what I read. It occurs also in line 16. No such name is retained for any village or pargans in the Sonpur State. Ghanțăpåra in the neighbourhood is however suggested.
• Where this Bhataparoli is could not be ascertained. 1 The prefix mara perbapo distinguishes the village from other places bearing the name Mendo. Read Pundarika-farmani.
In line 5 the name is spelt Nibinda. 10 Cancel this word.

Page #104

Nibinna grant of Mahasivagupta Yayati.
vt lt({{(fici a s/sPage #105

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ছই! প্রায় সমুদ[[ড়ান্ত ৪০ হট"
সমমানেইযেখাঞ্জাঘ ১৪ বুদ্রাছাম্বাহোছনাখন্ধে। as a Iাম্মাহি[
যযযুলো[ে as | | :][হাদ ,8:[া! 400} (Citীনীহের ২১ (হে
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42
facci,sakes » ইনফ
চৈত্বীয়েষকী +++ঘটেমমাছের মোম *
মোবঘোঠিযে[মি ৭০ (চুভেযস্থ।
বাবুযবোফ্রে[[[e স্থা। মেঘের হোছানো সময় 44 75\ ১া মুখময়সীমার ৭৪ | বাংলফসুবানেমমমূহ ১০ নীডপাহাম্রধাৰণলীয়
মেমে।।নহানীঘজীবের sa বেছি সুধিয়ে যাবে, ছােবলে ১০ ||

Page #106

No. 8.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE RECORDS OF SONPUR.
.
20 gamya sam[n]chita-bhoga-bhăgakara-hirany-a (a)di-pratyayam-upanayadbhir-bhava21 dbhiḥ sukhôns prativă (g]tavyam-iti [I] Bhåvibhis-cha bhapatibhir-ddanti(tti)r=i22 yam=as[ma]diya dha[r]ma-g[aujravåd-asmad=anurodhäch=[cha) va-dattir(dattir)-ivs
idupa(PA)23 [lliniyal | Tatha [ch=0*]kta[m] dha[r]mma-sä(63)stro [1] Bahubhi[r]-vasudbā
dattá (1) rājabhiḥ Sage24 r-ådibhiḥ yasya yas[ya) yndá bhtmistasya tasya tada phalam || Má bht25 taphala-saka vaḥ paradatt=ēti parthivaḥ sva-danat=phalamanantyan 26 para-datt-anu pålano | Sa(sha)shthi(shți)-varsha-sahasrani svarggo modati bhumi-(1) 27 dah kshi (ksho)ptä сh-anumantācha dvåv=etau Daraka-grå (ga)minan 1
Agnēr-apatya[m] 28 pra[tha]ma[m*) savarņņa[] bhar(bhūr)-V&(Vaishnavi Su(sa)rya-Butas-cha gāvaḥ yaḥ kañchana[] gañacha
Second Plate; Second Side. 29 mahin-cha dadya[t] (l) dattās=[tra]y&s=tēns bhavanti lokē (kah) | $Aspo(äspho) tayanti
pitara[ho] 30 pravalga(ya)nti pitamahaḥ | bhami-data kule jätaḥ 88 nag-tra(s)[t]A 31 bhavishyati Bhumi[mo] yaḥ pratigrih[o]ati yas-cha bhubht)mi[in']
prayachchhati ubh[an] 32 tau punya-karmmiņau niyatau(tam) svarga-gåminau Tadiganä[mo] sabasre 33 ņa vājapēja-sa (sa)tani(tēna) cha [1] gavā[oo] koti-pradáněna bhtmi-hartta na su(su)dhya34 til Haratë hårayatē y&g=t[u] manda-buddhis-tamo-vsitaḥ subaddho Vårupai[bo] 35 påsai(šai)satiryagönsi(gyönim) 80 gachohhati | Suvarppam=ēka[mo] gam-ēkä[m]
bhimi(me)36 r=apy=arddham-angula[m"] [lo] haram(n)=na[ra]kam=āyāti (1) pavad=āhuta-sa[**]
plava) 1 37 Sva-[da]ttä[m] pasära(para)-dattām=vå yo Sharad-vas[]ndharaḥ sa vishthåyå [m]
ksimi38 [r]=bbastvä] pitfibbis-saha pachyatě | Adityo Varano Visbna (shņu) [r-Brahmå"]
Somo Hutasa(sa)naḥ Su(sa)lapāņis-cha bhagavä[-a®]bhina[nda®]nti bhimidaḥ(dam)
Sámányor 40 ya[m] dharmma-sēto [ro]-npipāņi[n] kala kala pålaniyo bhavadbhiḥ [lo] sar[vá] - 41 D=ētāna(n) bhävinaḥ pårthivēndrāna(o) bh[t]yo [bhayo®] yachata Råmabhadraḥ 16
Third Plate. 42 Iti kamala-dal-ambu-binda (ndu)-lola [m] śri(tri)yam-anuchintya] manushya-jivi43 tañ=cha bakalam-idam=udahşiriñ-cha buddha na hi purushai[bo] para-kirta yo
vilopya iti Paramamahēsvara-para[ma]bhatáraka-maharajadhiri
ja-paramosvara-Soma-kula-tilaka-Trikalingadhipati-srimad-Yaya46 t[i]rajadēvasya pådanapravarddhamana-vijayarajyo pafohadasa(ga)mē 47 samvatsarő | Marggasi (Margasira)-māsē (1) su(gu)klapakshð trayodas(8)yan-tithau
Samva
44
45
1 Read Opalaniya.
* Read Shud-aphala-fanka. The akshara is different from the other initial as which oedur in this inscription. It resembles the letter da. • Read --Blüta-tamplacan.
Read harita carundharai. • After the mark of punctuation, there is a symbol which may be the vowel ierned by the engraver himself, As it is written at the beginning of the next line.
* Read wadaksitaacha buddhra..

Page #107

98
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
48 t 15 Margga sudi 13 [1] Likhi[ta]m-idam sa (sa)sana [m] mahasandhi49 vigrahika-rapaka-Sri-1Charudattasy-Avagatēna mahākshapa
50 ta[la]ka Sri-Uchchhava-Nagen-Allava-Naga-suten-e(o)tkirppa [m] Tṭhakura-Pana51 ken-ēti | Sampado jalaja-parppa-jalabha | jivitta marana-santa
62
-Jatham) banga-bha()ktir-achiriya vilokyab (?) kiritays ripatibi[r]= nri(nna)
53 lopyǎ iti |
[VOL. XI
C. The charter of Satrubhanja.
These are three copper-plates (four sides), the first and last of which bear writing on the inner sides only. The third plate is a little smaller than the other two. The height and breadth of the plates vary the former being smaller about the middle than at the margins and the latter being greater in the middle than at the margins. The first two plates measure 8" in breadth in the middle and about 73" at the margin. Their height varies from 43" in the middle to 5" at the margin. The third plate varies in height from 4" to 4" and 7" to 7" in breadth. The plates are strung together on a circular ring 3" in diameter though a hole cut on the left margin of each plate at a distance of about " from the edge. Between the margin and the proper ring-hole is a second smaller hole on the third plate, the object of which is not apparent. The ends of the ring are secured at the bottom of an oval seal whose major and minor diameters are 2" and 11" respectively. Across the seal is engraved in relief the legend Bri-Satrubha[ja]-dfeasga in the alphabet employed in the inscription. Above the legend is a crescent enclosing within its are a round dot which is perhaps intended to represent the Sun. Below the legend is a recumbent bull facing the proper right. A small portion of the seal is broken to the proper right of the ball.
The inscription belongs to the reign of king Satrubhañ jadeva (1. 10) or Bhañjabhupati (1. 14), who is described as belonging to the Bhañja race (1. 16 f.) and to the Anḍaja-vamsa (1. 16). He was apparently the ruler of Ubhaya-Khiñjali-maṇḍala (1. 17). In line 4 reference is made to many kings (named) Silabhañjadeva. In their family was king Satrubhañjadeva. He granted Milupadi-Khandakshetra in the district of Röyara-vishaya. The donee was the bhataputra Krishna, son of Akhandala and grandson of Mahodadhi. He was an immigrant from Alapa-grama, belonged to the Kasyapa-götra and was a student of the Samaveda. He is said to have had three rishis for his pravara, but their names are not given. The whole inscription is so full of,mistakes that it is hardly possible to correct them. Even the imprecatory verses are not correctly quoted. There is no doubt that the record was composed by some ignoraut person, and I cannot altogether suppress my suspicion about the genuineness of the grant.
Four other inscriptions of the Bhanja family are known, three from Orissa and the fourth from Gumsur in the Ganjam District. One of them, which has been published by the late Professor Kielhorn,3 furnishes the following pedigree:
Rapabbañjadera
Digbhajadeva
Sabbah jadva
Maharaja Vidyadharabhalijadora
Dharmakalasa (parama-mahêévara).
1 [The reading intended is probably -Dhäradatta and what looks like the u of ru may be due to a mistake of the engraver.-Ed.]
Siläbbañjapati is the name of a village in the Odra country; see above Vol. III. p. 354. Above, Vol. IX. p. 978

Page #108

No. 8.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE RECORDS OF SONPUR.
One of the Bāmanghāti plates is dated in Samvat 288 and during the reign of Ranabhañja, son of Digbhañja and grandson of Kottabhañja of the Bhanja family, while the other belongs to the time of Rājabhañja, son of Ranabhanja, and grandson of Kottabhañja of the Bhañja family. In the Gumsúr plates, the donor is Nētribhanja, son of Ranabhañja and grandson of Satrubhañja. The following tentative genealogy may be derived from these four records :
Kottabhañja Digbhañja (alias Satrubhanja ?).
Rapabhañja
Rajabhañja
Digbhañja
Nētsibhañja
(Kalyānakalasa) siläbhańjadēva Mahārāja Vidyadharabhañja.
Dharmakalasa The subjoined grant is dated during the reign of Satrubhañja, bat I doubt if it has to be assigned to the first king on the foregoing tentative genealogy. I would rather assign it to some successor of Vidyadharabhañja on the above table. The emblems on the seal may be taken to show that Satrabhanja was a Saiva. But in line 16 of the text he is described as a fervent devotee of the god Vishnu (parama-vaishnava). The modern representatives of the Bhañja family are the rulers of the native state of Mörbhanj in Orissa, which probably owes its name to a king named Mayarabhañja. The indirect reference to this king in the present grant in the epithet andaja-varéa-prabhava is to my mind satisfactory evidence of the donor Satrubhañja having lived at a comparatively later period. In the two Bamanghati plates mention is made of Virabhadra, the founder of the Bhañja family, who is said to have been born in the great tapovana at Kötyäsrama by breaking open a pea-hen's egg.*
TEXT.5
First Plate. i Om Svasti [11] Sarghāra-kila-hutabhug-vikarāla-ghora-sambhränta-bi[m]kara-ksi2 tanta bhinal gahanandhakara-barastra-gabanādapatra tadabhairavam Hara-va3 puh bhavataḥ prapātub Il Durvåraḥ vårana-pratipaksha Lakshi-hata-grahans saddha 4 Sri-Silabhanja-dēva-naraddhipatayo bahavo babhäva bhüri-bahasra-sankhả töshåm ku5 1[0] sakala-bha talapāla 8-mauli-mälärchita-pada-ghțishu khadga-dhära-hate6 na npipati-Sri-Silābha[m*]jaděva prakata-paurusha-rasmi-chakra-ni
1 No. 655 of the late Prof. Kielhorn's Northern list.
? The queer wording of the inscription makes it doubtful if Digbhanja was mere surname of Kottabhalja or if Digbhañja denoted distinct king. In any case the identification of Satrubhusja and Digbhanja with Kottabbañijs is purely tentative.
* No. 656 of the same list.
+ The Bhafijas of Maurbhanja as well as of Ganjam have the peacock (mayūra) as something like a totem. The Bhaja-rijns all say that they had their origin in peacock.
From the original plates. The text is hopelessly corrupt and I have made no attempt to correct the pumerous mistakes.
• Expressed also by a symbol at the beginning of tho line. 7 silabhañjadēva was apparently the father of the donor. From la of sakala up to på of "pāla, there is an erasure in the original.
0 2

Page #109

100
EPIGRAPHIA INDICÁ.
(VOL. XI.
7 ta nisirdánitärihșidayopi ptå npipatayaḥ || Gambhiryėna payonidhi sthi 8 ratvēna prithivyä valēnānila + savitājaņanos - chimåsamamah tapaso Vri9 haspate(ti)-samah a msava jaga damskritya taja dattavakaso vijarija. . 10 na Śri-Satrubha[m]jadēva itatuladdhiḥ tasmătatējasaiḥ bhuvanan-danya madamana
mi11 lita sambaddhata npipacha(kra] chatarangabala kshobha-chalita-ddharamandala ||
Gaja-tara12 ga-khura-nidárana-rana-prasara dadvaladvali vitāna chhachhana janyagaņa
Second Plate ; First Side. 13 skaddha (?)-vėdikā sēmvarayatah pariņata-jaya-Lakshi-saminam. dita-pairaja14 napadaḥ Srimad Bha[**]ja-bhüpati pari pa(?)ti pura nânyaḥ saradamala dhavala
kara 15 jasa-patala-ddhavalita-digavadano anavarata-pravrita sammana dånadita16 sakala-jano Andaja-vamsa-prabhaval parama-Vaishộava mata-pitsi-pādānudhyāta Bhamjā 17 mala-kula-tilakab Ubhaya-Khiñjali-mandala-bhavishyad-raja-rajanāks? 18 sri ta[ra] nga-kumā [ra]-mára-mānya mahă-sămata brāhmaṇa praddhảna s19 nyas-cha dapdapäsi-châta-bhāța-vallabha-jätins || yathårahami20 nayati boddhayati samādisayati ch=anyat || Sivam=asmakar viditam-a21 sta bhavatam Röyarā-vishaya-pratibaddha-Milupādi-khaņdakshētra-chatuh.
simā(sima)-pa22 ryanta-nidhi-schopanidhi-sabitam akshaya-tritiya-yugādi-dine Garngäsardhyi10 23 måtā-pitro åtmanah punma-virddhayē salila-ddhåra-purasarēna vidhini 24 vidhi viddhảnēna saviddhēyah | Távra-säsana pratipăditoyah | yava-vēds
dadya !
Second Plate ; Second Side. 25 rtha-vachanēnaḥ Käsyapa-gotráya triyårigaya-pravaria Säma-vödadlaya26 yi Alūpa-grāmall.vinirggataḥ bhataputra Krishņē Akhandala-suta-Mahöda27 dhi-naptro18 | Tathi ch-oktam dharma-sastrësh[chhả ?]la-[kri]shthån-mahim
sabijāsasya mē29 dini yava surya-kritam lokam tava-gvargamahiyats ll Asph[o]tayati pi29 taraḥ pravalganti pitā mahá bhiimi-dätä-kulë jätá sa më träta bhaishyati 30 Bahubhir-vasudhå datam rājāna Sagarādibhi yasya yasya yada bhumi 31 tasya tasya tada (pha]la | Má párthiva kadachitas brahmasa ma
1 The syllables prithioya sre engraved over an erasure. - This cross is incised below the line between the aksharas la and sa.
The akshara ja seems to have been erased by the engraver himself. • There is a visarga after the skshara nan.
This letter looks also like rdhri. • Andaia mess' born of an egg (anda)' of peacock,
The shares from hija of kMijali ap to ma of the second mara in the next line are engraved over an eraure. The aksbara fri at the beginning of the next line has perhaps to be cancelled.
It is not easy to ascertain to whom the epithet mahasāmata applies, as the construction to extremely faulty.
The grant was made on the akshaya-tritiya day which falls on Vsifikhs-sakIs-tpitiya. Yugadi-dinė may moon on Friday on which the Kaliyuga commenced.' [See also Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 179, under Vaisakha śuklapakshs. -Ed.]
1) By Gangasandhi is perhaps meant the confluence of the Mabinadi and the Tel. 11 The village Alipa could not be identified. 13 Krisba, son of Akhandala and grandson of Mahodalhi, is the donee. 11 The akabara då of krachit is engraved over an er aggre. * Land enjoyed by a brahmans a rent-free is now called bral mollars, not brahmara as it is here.

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Sonpur plates of Satrubhanja.
- स्तुस्ति रत.ज्वार कालड़ रूशिक चालल्यानतरूक कह का हाकुलिन हिमालकममातुमजलारपनर महरा
दत पाठ सुरुमपलहिपाल (कहरहार शाहरलाल र दकसारवल्यावहारात तटसम्नलिषाक लखकल राजालमाल मालारिटवारपाराना
ककृपलाला रडारकावासमकान हम स्तरों क साटिस्यापपुलपत्यानस्यलप्रयाकलास्त रमपविशाल ठाठ सतहटानमा मातममरता
हालतममारतडजकमक्य नायताकारतालगाडा ० कारुर दे०१ तलास लगाव रस्त रुग्ननगमरमालम० ललतमस्तपरकर उरडरलका रूरल करना मलाशय किलपना सरलरल हिला केक काट्याला
iia.
सूरदरासाय पसल दरलतमाम रहात लपरः मरद आलिमकामा तपरमलेक्ठल क 14 लस्तपतलहरल तरिहरका कतिपदिलाकरावास्ति सकपकाउछापरूठप्समठठमलापतृपारानाहरू
मल कुललितक: रुयलिमरतहतविपी राइपका काका 187- माससमोरमा कामहारता माझलपसाया 18
यायपालिका रूदल रहा लिलाय घारहमा २० कयलवारयलितमारियलिकाताडावमावा कठिरलम २०
तुरुल्लागायमादिषयप्रतिवरमलुपाडिव कशावर उ तिमाप १ ये कलिवस्तापविस्ताहियलायनिलिययुगारिसका जगात(वा २०
माला पाया मम एमदिरयताललनमा मत पर बिका 24 ट्रावास के कत(ठरय ठाडा सम्पूलपायलायसवालकर 24
V. VENKAYYA.
SCALE-8.
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITHO.
FROM IMPRESSIONS PREPARED BY MR. KRISHNA SASTRI.

Page #111

110.
बलकाका पारशियलमायसामहराक्षा वशालाक्शामलकापुटकूपश्यात् एलस्तुहमहार (एघासातवमा स्तएकालकष्ठाको हिरास्ताददाताम (लियालसुरकूताला केटाहतुशमहियाठामा महायतव
पपतामहा सुभिरालोकल डालास्तम्भहातारालि १० रू स्तुपयतया एकतमाररूपश्यनायरारजि००
रखा गलराटलामाबदकरा ललन दस्तुन उसार(पटयाएवमरुपडायरलाहावा या दिवश बमा कठिपउनादसमका कि काहानसपुर चकत यधारमलतकशासलिलविसमस्त ठरतातखा कारुमिरन 34 लिरुभिरालादापसरवाल महालावरीया काल .30 करुमिकताकलापंचाल्दिालान किया बिमार
2:34
36
रुजकूरूयाळंखारता तसा प्रयकलिरुनियापानमालय 38 कुखुमश्यकटिंगरपुश कमोहियानगशामिलहरहर 38
यल्यसूमरवस्तुमाठठ तकृत्याला मला पाउनालयमा लिएडायलासुरलापरवाला याहपठिठवनाश तक चला 0
डाल पूलामकातिपरुिपरालाहरभकमा मक सुमिपमालाहा गम्भकया त्या
राउतला तहलकान पारसमलाका मारपाक कि मुरता -
लामा पराक्रमाची सनातन
नाम

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No. 8.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE RECORDS OF SONPUR.
101
32 nasid-api ānēsha dhamabheshajya atata hala hala-visham || Avisha[m] vi33 shamitāhuḥ brahmasvam visha a[ch]yată visam=ēkäkipo hamnti brahmasa putra
paitrikan 34 yaths gan bharatë vachhaksharini kshiramustě ova datvå sabasräkaha bhitmi bhara35 ti bhumidah || Vajapöyê-sahasrāņi aśvamēdha-satäni cha Il gavā[mo] koti-prada36 nāna bhimihartă na fudhyati Il yathā bijāni lohanti pukirņņini mahitala1
Third Plate. 37 Bva bhumi-kțita-danam sayol easyē prayachhati [lo] bhumi yaḥ pratigribnäti ya38 chhchba bhumi prayach hati ubhai tai punya-karmi niyatai svarga-gaminai (II*]
Harantē båra89 yatë yaseta ma[m]da-budhisatami-vsitaḥ sa batdhå Varanauh påsyegztiryayo40 nishu jäyēts || Sva-datam para-datām vå yo harēti vasu[m]dhara || sa kapila41 Sataghnanám=ènāsi pratipad yato || Hiramnyamēka gå. 42 m-eka[m] bhumir apy-ardham-agula || haranto naraka ya[m]ti yava43 d-thuta-samplavah || Siva[na]gana Pāņdis-sutēnë llâchhinta 44 mähárājaki mudrētiḥ II
In order to localise and identify the places mentioned in the foregoing three grants and other allied inscriptions we must try and ascertain how and where the originals were found. A and B as well as Swere discovered by cultivators while ploughing fields in the villages granted by the charters. As regards Milupadi Khandakshētra of C, Milupadi or Milupandi inay be the name of a plot of land. Al fields in the district of Sambalpur as well as in the feudatory states attached to it bear local names; and if Khandakshetra denoted merely a stray piece of land. no identification of it is possible. But Khandakshētra may also be the name of a village ; for in F 1, line 13, we actually find the word as the name of a village. The resident of that village is said to have come from Odayaśpinga, which I identify with Odšinga in the native state of Atmallik. Röyara being on the borders of Sonpur State (C, line 21), not far off either from Patna or Ātmallik, there might have been a village of the name Khandakshetra in the locality where the record was unearthed.
It must be noted that the states of Rerhak hol, Atmallik, Bodh and Pätná lie to the north. north-east, east and south, respectively, of the Sonpur State which they adjoin. Of the geographical names mentioned in F 1, the river Ongā (now called Ong) flows througb the states of Patoa and Sonpur. The Zamindari of Barpali (district Sambalpur) in which the village Batallami, the modern Satalmã of S is situated, is also within a few miles from the river Ong flowing past Salēbhată. Bakëbira and Loisingā (Vakavedda and Lēissingā of Fl) are also close to Salēbhată Police Station.
Nuptar, Nupursinga and Banktentuli (Lupattara Khandiya Vakratentali grāmē, line 5. A) are in the neighbourhood of the place where A was obtained. As Suvarnapura (A, line 1) is certainly the Sanskpitised form of Sonpur, so also is Rādhāphamvallikandara (A, line 12).
1 The akahara ni and hita are engraved over an erasore.
1 The form asy-sarye, etc. indicating abundance of crops, shows that the dislect then in use was similar to Bengali, for this is now used only in Bengal as an idiomatic form.
• Road Sivanagēna. The akshara na of raga is corrected apparently from ga. • The word used bere for engraving 'must be some Défi term then current.
What is intended is probably Sivanågona Pandi-sutēna läschhitam, and maharajaki mudrati seems to mean maharajasya mudrayēti. On the word labohhita see the late Professor Kielbcrn's remarks, above, Vol. IX. p. 274.-E1.)
The forin mahārāja-ki is Hindi pure and simple. The use of this form is worth noting.

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102
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
a very high sounding form of Rerhakhol. The word 'kandara' means 'khol' both in Uriya and vulgar Bengali
Murasima (F 1, line 1 and 8, line 2) appears to be Mursing which is in the Jarasingă Zamindari of the Patna State. The situation of Satalma, Bakëbiri and Loisingi led me frst to make this identification. My impression is confirmed by the fact that it is customary with the Zamindar of Jarasinga to be ceremoniously installed every year on the Dasara day (10th day from the full moon of the month of Asvin) by going to Mursing, which is at present quite an insignificant village.
There is no doubt that when A was issued, the donor was present at Sonpur. The word vijaya kapaka in line 1 of the Patni copper-plate grant (F. 1), like vijaya-skandhävāra (A, line 1), occurring as it does after the name of the place where the king was residing, can never mean & town. "From Murasima (or from Suvarnapura, as the case may be) where the king with his victorious soldiers was encamped " should be the meaning of the first line of the text of both F 1 and A.
It is very probable that a town was being built at Chaudwår, on the bank of the Mahånadi, opposite Katak, either by Janamējaya or his son Yayati; but it was never finished. Dr. Fleet has very rightly remarked above, Vol III, 324) that the town Kaçak is of later origin than Chaudwār. If this be the case, how could the place attain any celebrity already in the time of Janamējaya ? It may be that the town Katak owes its name to the fact of its being built on a camping ground. As the king must have encamped in many different places, it is impossible that the name Kataka had at such an early period as the reign of Janamöjaya, become the proper name of the locality to which it is now applied. Dr. Fleet saw clearly what the word meant, but was only misled by the name of the town where the plates edited by him were preserved. Since it is clear that the Sonpur charters were issued from Sonpur, there is no reason to suppose that the charters relating to Bakēbiră (F 1) and Satalma (S) - not far from one another - were not issued from some place in Pātņi during the military expedition of the grantor.
I am inclined to think that the town Vinitapura, whence Mahagivagupta issued B granting the village of Nibinnā, is no other than Binikā in the Sonpur State. The villages Nibinda and Meņdā (now a police station) are in the Biniká subdivision. From the source of the river to the Bay of Bengal there is no other town on the bank of the Mahanadi which bears such & name. Considering that even villages very often retain their old names, it is not likely that a town of such importance has lost its name altogether. For this reason I think Vinitapura is the Sanskritisod form of the non-Aryan name Binika.
It is a pity that the original find-spot of F 5 cannot now be known. How the charter relating to a village in the Kösala country was carried to the Government record room at Katak, was not at all inquired into by Babu Rangalal Banerji when he first edited it in 1877. I can easily imagine how the charters granted in favour of the chief minister of the king (F2, F3 and F 4) were carried by him and left behind.
I must, by the way, mention one fact here, regarding the names of those villages mentioned in the plates edited by Dr. Fleet, which I have failed to identify, because the locality where they were discovered could not be traced. Randa, Menda, Marda, Lenda, Tulunda, Kulupda, Bulenda, Balanda, and such other names many villages in the district of Sambalpur bear. Raqda, Tulèndi, Aläpdali, eto. of the plates bear the provincial peouliarities of the names of villages in the district of Sambalpur.
The district of Sambalpur and the Uriya-speaking feudatory states attached to it, were included in the Chattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces till October 1905, for administrative
Above, Vol. III. p.841.

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No. 8.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE RECORDS OF SONPUR.
103
convenience due to their geographical situation. It is perfectly clear that this tract of country was also once included within Kosala-dësa or Dakshiņa Kösala of which Ratanpur (in the district of Bilaspur) was the capital, but did not form any part of Odra or Orissa. For, in the first place, Nibinna in Sonpur (B, lines 4, 5, 15 and 16) and Satallamá (modern Satalma) in Sambalpur (S, line 9) are described as villages in Kosala-dēša. Secondly, the Brāhmaṇa who came from Orissa to be settled in the district of Sambalpur, could not have been called a man of Odra-dēša (S, lines 16 and 17) if the district were part of Orissa. It is worthy of note that even now, when anybody goes to Pori on pilgrimage, either from Sambalpor or from the feudatory states, he says he is going to Orissa. In popular language, Orissa does not include Sambalpur and its feudatory states.
The grantors of the charters F 1 to F 6, A, B, and S, called themselves lords of Kösaladēša? as well as of Trikalinga. It is worthy of note that the Kēsari kings are counted in Orissa from Yayāti and not from his father Janamējaya. There is another Janamējaya in the list of kings, but he was a remote successor of Yayati..Merely because no epigraphic record of Janamējaya has been obtained, it cannot be argued that it is Janamējaya Mahabhavagupta I., who has been wrongly shown on the list. This is at least certain that the Orissa record does not know anything of Sivagupta who is the first king of this line.
. Since all the copper-plate grants of Mahābhavagupta I. relate to villages in Kósala-deśas (including Sambalpur of course) it must be presumed that, to begin with, the Somavamsi kings became powerful in Kobala-dēša only; and that it was only subsequently that they extended their influence into Orissa. Sādhāraṇa, who was the chief minister of Mahābhavagupta I., was granted villages for his enjoyment in Kosala-dēśá (F 2 to F 4). He could not have managed them if he had been living far away from those villages; nor would the king select such distant villages for bis minister who was his favourite.
Whether the Guptas who were lords of Kõsala and Orissa were connected with the family of Sivagupta, son of Harshagupta of the Rūjim, Sirpur and Ratanpur records is a question which awaits solution. That the Hinduised Sabara king Udayana belonged to, or rather claimed descent from, the lunar race, like the Somavamsi kings, and that the successors of Udayana from Tivara downwards assumed the title Gupta, and were all Saivas, have been fully established. From the inscription of Bhavadēva published by Professor Kielhorn (J.R. A. S. 1905, pp. 617-629) it may be inferred that different branches of the same family reigned simultaneously at different places. The assumption by Bhavadeva of the title Kēsarin has also to be noted. Dr. Fleet did not accept the suggestion of Sir Alexander Cunningbam, not because there was any chronological difficulty in identifying the father of Janamējaya with Sivagapta of the Räjim plates, but because he considered it not possible on paleographic grounds.
The characters of the Sambalpur and Oriss& plates differ very much from those of the Rajim and Ratanpar records ; but the cause of this difference may be the following. King Janamējaya and his successors had many Bengali Kayasthas for their court officers. We get the names Kailasa Ghosba, father of Vallabha Ghosha (S), Koi Ghosha,6 son of Vallabha
1 [Satallama was in Kasalodā.vishayapot in Kösala-doss -Ed.]
In F 1, A and S, there is nothing to connect the donors with Kösala; but in F 2 to F 6 and B the donative villages are said to be in the Kösala country.--Ed.]
(See the preceding note.--Ed.] • Above, Vol. III, p. 338. •[The text of this inseription has कायस्थ पासवेन के (वि)लासमतेन.-Ed.] • Kõi Ghosha seems to be a contraction of Kailass Ghosha.

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104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
Ghosha (A and F 1), Malla Datta, son of Dhåra Dattal (F1, F2, F3, F4, and 8) in the employment of Janamējaya; the names Charu Datta, Uchchhava Någa and Allava Någas under king Yayati (B) and the names Singa Dattat and Mangala Datta under Bhimaratha (F 6). None but Bengali kåyasthas bear Datta, Ghosha, Någa, etc., as surnames. The Uriya Karans (who may be called kayasthas) never used such surnames. The words Datta, Ghosha, etc., as inseparable parts of the names of men, were in use in other parts of Northern India, and such names could be borne by persons of any and every caste. But as these words are surnames here of Kayasthas, there can be no doubt that the kings had Bengali officers under them when they acquired territories in the forest tract of Sambalpur.
The writers and engravers used the alphabet which was current amongst them. Mr. Thomas remarked long ago that these letters resemble mostly, and are identical in some cases with, the modern Bengali alphabet. The letters kra, riga, ficha, tu, and pha are striking exam. ples. But it must also be borne in mind that some letters represent the modern Uriya forms of them only. If we compare the alphabet of the epigraphic records of the Pala and the Sēna kings of Bengal, we can clearly see how the modern forms of Bengali and Uriya letters were evolved. These characters were also in use in the district of Ganjam, but they were slightly modified by southern influence (e.g. above, Vol. III., plate facing p. 222). Inscriptions written purely by Uriya scribes also bear the forms of these letters with the provincial peculiarities of Bengali letters (C). I cannot deal with the historical significance of it here.
The cumulative effect of the forgoing facts is certainly on the side of the suggestion of Sir Alexander Cunningham that the Guptas who were Kõgalēndras and Trikalingādhipatis must have sprung from the Hinduised Sabara family of Udayana.
[The identification proposed by Mr. Mazumdar of Vinitapura with Biniks in the Sonpar State has been arrived at independently by Rai Bahadur Hira Lal in his article on the Sirpar Stone Inscription of Mahābiva Gupta which, though received prior to this paper, has been unavoidably delayed for want of proper impressions of the inscription.-Ed.)
No. 9.-FIVE VALABHI PLATES.
BY PROTESBOR STEN KONow, Ps.D.; CHRISTIANIA. In the Indian Antiquary has been published an "Account of a collection of copper-plates belonging to the Palitană State. By the late A. M. T. Jackson, I.C.S." The collection consists of twelve plates, which were found some forty years ago. They were strung together on a copper wire, about f' thick, and suspended by it from the roof of a small underground chamber adjoining & tank in Palitana. Two of these plates form a grant by the Samanta Maharaja Simhaditya, the remaining ten make up four complete and two incomplete Valabhi grants. The twelve plates have been kindly lent to Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, the Government Epigraphist for India, who has been good enough to send me impressions of eight of them, prepared at his request in Dr. Vogel's office.
Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya describes the wire on which the plates had been strung as being about 8' in length. Its two extremities are secured into an oval seal measuring 270" by 14".
[There is no evidence in the inscriptions to show that this man wa a kayantha. On the other hand, he is enlled a rapaka in F 2 and 8.-Ed.)
(See note 1 on page 98 above. -Ed.]
Chåru Datta is called a rapaka, while the other two are not spoken of as kayasthas-Ed.) . There is nothing in the inscription to show that Singa Datta, who beld the office of sandhinigrahin, WM bayartha.--Ed.] • Vol. XXXIX. pp. 129 t.
See above, PP. 16 and 80.

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No. 9.]
FIVE VALABHI PLATES.
105
The seat bears in relief, on a countersunk surface, a recumbent ball, facing the proper right, with a pretty large hump, and below it the legend Sri-Bhatakkah. The bull and the legend are separated by two horizontal lines, of which the upper one is not quite distinct.
The eight plates contain three complete and two incomplete Valabhi grants. The three complete ones and one of the two incomplete ones belong to the Mahasamanta Maharaja Dhruvasēna I. One of them is dated (Valabhi- ] Sarvat 206, two (Valabhi-] Samvat 210, while the incomplete one does not contain a date. The same is the case with the remaining plate, which forms the beginning of a grant issued by Siladitya I. Dharmaditya.
I. PALITĀNĀ PLATES OF DHRUVASĒNA I.; [VALABHI-) SAMVAT 206.
These are two plates, each written on one side only. According to Rai Bahadar V. Venkayya, " the working of the engraver's tool shows itself almost completely on the back of both plates." The length of the plates is 91" and the height 64"-7." The size of the individual letters is about * The plates are, to judge from the impressions, in a very good state of preservation. The first plate contains 14 and the second 16 lines of well executed writing.
The characters are the same as in other old Valabhi plates. They comprise the signs for initial i in Israra-, 1.16, and for dh in Dhindaka-, 1. 17. There are two signs of interpunctuation, vis. a single dot in 1. 18 and a double dot or visarga in 'vaseh instead of vasēt, 1. 27; -Dhruvasēnasyah, i.e. Dhruva sēnasya II, 1. 29. The numerical symbols for 200, 6, and 5 occur in l. 30.
With regard to orthography, we may note that the name of the first ancestor of the Maitrakas occurs in the form Bhațakka, as in all the older plates. The form Bhatarka is a later attempt at Sanskritizing the name, and there is no reason for preferring it, at least so long as we do not know whether the name is Indian or not. The o in -phalopa., 1. 12. looks almost like an i. The dropping of a final t in karis-chi, 1. 23; vasēh, i.e. vasēt, 1. 27, and the writing of s instead of sh in sodasa., 1. 17, are probably Prākļitisms; compare also -Dronasihah siha. 1. 10. Note further the use of an si instead of an in before & in chattarinsad., 1. 16, and chatvāriniad, l. 18, and the doubling of surds, nasals and liquids after an r; thus, -parjjit, l. 3; -manirmmanv., -dharmma Dharmma., 1. 7; -arttha-, 1.11; padavartta-, 11. 16, 17, 18; parvuottara., 1. 18, etc.; but -arka-, 1. 20; and finally, the spelling jy in Jarabhujyi-, 1. 19. The writing jy instead of j recurs in Jyavalar in l. 16 of the plates of Samvat 210, Srivana su. 15, which will be published below. It is comparable with the common modern spelling jy in order to denote the pure palatal and not the sound ds in Marathi districts. This spelling is therefore of interest for the chronology of the change of j to ds in Marathi. Professor Jacobil hasuggested to call the language usually designated Jaina Måhåråshtri, the language of Jaina commentators and poets, Saurashtri. He draws attention to the old Jaina tradition that the ultimate redaction of the Jaina books was made in Valabhi in the year 980 after the Nirvana of Mahavira. It would therefore seem probable that Jains Maharashtri represents the dialect of Valabhi about 500 A.D. Jains MAhåråshtri is closely related to Mahåråshtri, the parent of modern Marathi, and not to Saurasēni, from which Gajarāti is mainly derived. There are also other featares which point to the conclusion that the language of Kathyawar and Gujarat generally has not always been of the same kind as at the present day, but more like the dialects from which Marathi is derived, and it is therefore possible to compare the spelling jy in Valabhi plates and in modern Marathi with each other, though Marathi is not now spoken in the districts where these plates were issued. The writing rajasrih 1.3, where the published grants of Dhruvasēna bave rajyafrih, is perhaps also comparable, the modern change of j to da not taking place in the word rajā.
! The Kalpasitra of Bhadrabahw, Leipzig, 1879, pp. 15. 18.
Piscbel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Spraches, para, 20. See Dr. Grierson, Linguistic Survey, Vol. IX. Part II. pp. 826 1.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
The writing is on the whole fairly correct. There are, however, some places in which the engraver has misread his draft. Thus we find a instead of a in chatvarinśad-, 1. 16; vapi, 1. 17; -charibhyam, 1. 19; samanyam, 1. 24; a for i in -vachchhurita-, 1. 5; a for a in -prasasta-, 1. 7; -paddhatir, 1. 8; -mahattara-, 1. 14; arnnava-, 1. 21; a for è in -modat, instead of -modēta, 1. 25; i for a in ivabōddha, 1. 11; i for i in -maulimanir-, 1. 7; g for i in -vanga-, 1. 23; t for g in -bhotyam, 1. 21; t for n in numattavyaḥ, 1. 25; t for v in -arjjat-, 1. 2; d for p'in -datakaiḥ, 1. 25; dhru for hri in sudhrut-, 1. 12; n for v in -jinyamana-, 1. 6; -nyavastha-, 1. 8,
P for b in -apadha, 1. 23; p for y in apam-, 1. 25; ru for ka in abhishēru, 1. 9; and so forth. Note also the absence of samdhi in -didhitiḥ din-, 1. 5; srishṭaḥ yato, 1. 22, etc., and the confusion of the dual and the plural in Vyasagitau slokā bhavanti, 1. 26.
The plates contain a grant issued from Valabhi by the Mahasamanta, the Maharaja Dhruvasēna bestowing several plots of land in the villages Madkaṇa, Tapasiya and Tinishaka, in the Hasta vapraharani (district), on the Chhandōgas Kumarasarman and Jarabhajin, of the Sandilya götra, residents of Sankaravaṭaka. Hastavapraharani is well known from other Valabhi inscriptions. It corresponds to the modern Hathab, 6 miles south of Gogha in the Bhavnagar State, The lower classes pronounce this name Hathap, and this form is probably the correct one. It can be regularly derived from Hastakapra, but hardly from Hastakarapra or Hastavapra. These forms look like learned Sanskrit versions of an older Hatthaappa and are hardly genuine. Astakapra of the Periplus points to an original Hastakapra. The names of the three villages in the district are not elsewhere known. The grant was issued from Valabhi, the present Walà, situated in 21° 52′ N. and 71° 57′ E. I cannot identify Sankaravāṭaka, where the two donees were residing. The dutaka was the pratihara Mammaka, who appears in the same capacity in the two grants of Dhruvasõna of Samvat 207.3 The writer was the same Kikkaka, who wrote the remaining edicts of Dhruvasena. The date of the grant was the 5th tithi of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada of the (Valabhi) year 206, corresponding to A.D. 525-26. It is the earliest known grant of Dhruvasena.
TEXT. First Plate.
1 Om svasti [*] Valabhitaḥ prasabha-prapat-amitrāṇā[m] Maitrakāṇām-atula-balasapatna
2 mandal-ábhoga-samsakta-samprahara sata-labdha-pratāpaḥ
pratap-opanata-dana-man
árjjat (v)-ópå
3 rjjit-anuragō-nurakta-maula-bhrita-mitra-śrēņi-bal-āvāpta-rājaśrīḥ para [ma] māhēsvaraḥ 4 sēnapati-Sri-Bhaṭakkah tasya sutas-tat-pada-rajo-run-avanata-pavitrikrita-siras-siro-va5 nata-iatra-chudamani-prabha-va(vi)chchhurita-pada-zakha-pankti-didliti
danatha-jantasy-anujas-tat-pad
paramamaheśvaras-sēnā pati-Dharasēnaḥ
ōpaji
6 n(v)yamana-vibhavaḥ
abbipra
1 Compare the (spurious ?) plate of Drönasimha of Samvat 183 (Journ. Bom. Asiat. Soc. Vol. XX. pp. 1 ff.); the Ganesgad plates of Dhruvasena I. of Samvat 207 (above, Vol. III. pp. 318 ff.); the Bhavnagar plates of Dhruvasena I. of Samvat 207 (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 204 ff.); the Walá plates of Dharasena II. of Samvat 269 (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 10 ff.); and the Bhavnagar plate of Dharasena IV. of Samvat 326 (Ind. Ant. Vol. I. p. 45); see Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 314; Vol VII. p. 53 f.; Vol. VIII. p. 141; Vol. XIII. p. 358; Colonel Watson's Statistical Account of Bhavnagar, p. 106, and above, Vol. III. p. 319.
2 Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 54.
Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 206 and above, Vol. III. p. 323.
See Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 105; Vol. V. p. 206; Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VII. p. 300; above, Vol. III. p. 323, and below Nos. II. and III.
Expressed by a symbol.
Read perhaps, with the published plates of Dhruvasena, rajyaśrīḥ.

Page #118

SCALE.9.
V. VENKAYYA.
W. GRIGGS & SONS. LTD., PHOTO-LITHO.
vase :4LBEFALTA FISAJOCHEN A CIJE
OF DISA 1335 TESTETISTERS
Samvat 206.
l'alitana plates of Dhruvasena I.--[Gupta
SUKA!?-? DEMI LOOP Pobra DS? BLES clo, Cai CRESS BAR SQM
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Page #119

2894 ಸಂಗ್ರ'5503 . ಶಶಿಕಲಿ , 1979 1983ರುಬ ತರ » ಈA2877 TAಣಿಸಿತು
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Page #120

No. 9.]
FIVE VALABHI PLATES.
107
7 måma-prasa (sa)eta-vimala-maali(li) mapir=Mmanv-ådi-pranita-vidhi vidhäna-dharmmi
Dharmmarája 8 iva vihita-vinaya-nya(vys) vastha-paddha(ddha)tir-akhila-bhuvana-mandal-abhoga-svåmina
parama9 svåmini svayam-apahita-rajy-abhishēral-mahi-visranan-ivapūta-råjaśriḥ para mama10 heśvaro mabäräja-Dronasi[m*]haḥ si[m*]ha iva tasy=ānujas=sva-bhaja-balēna para
gaja11 ghat-nikinim-ēkavijayi saran-aishiņa[m] saranam=i(&)vaboddba sästr-arttha-ta[t]två
nä[m] kalpa12 tarur-iva gudhrut(hrit)-prapayinär yathábhilashita-phal-Opabhogadab paramabhågavatah 13 paramabhattya(ta)raka-pad-ånadbyto mahasimanta-maharaja-Dhruvasõnaḥ kusali 14 sary vanava
evin-ayaktaka-viniyuktaka-drå[m]gika-mabattara(ra)-chäța-bhatadhruvadhikaranika
Second Plate. 15 dändapāśik-adin=anyā [m]g=cha [a]thi-san badhyamānākānadh[i]yaty-astu va(vo)
viditam yatha 16 Hastavapr-Kharaṇyām Madkaņā-grāmē kutambi-Isvara-pratyaya-pădåvartta-lata
chatvāringada-adhikar 17 *godaśa-pădåvartta-parisară ve(vā)pi cha tatha Tapasiya-gramo Dhiņdaka-pratyaya
pådává(va)rtta-ratam 18 Schatvāriàśad-adhikar tatha STinishaka-grāmě půrve-ottara-simni padávartta satar
saba văpya Sankaravātaka-vk19 stavya-brāhmaṇa-Kumāraśarm ma-[Ja]rabhajyibhyä[min] Śāņļilya-sagotrābhyam Chhando
gasabrahmacharibhya(bhyam mayå må20 tã-pitroh pany-apyayaniy=ātmanaś=ch-aihik-amushmika-yathābhilashita-phal-āvāpti,
nimittam=i-chandr-ark(s)21 aroņava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-sthiti-samakālinam putra-pantr-ånvaya-bhotyam bali
tharu-vaigvaděv-adyanam kri22 yaņām Tsamutsarpyap-årttham-udak-ātisarggēņa brahmadayo nisçishtaḥ yato-nayor
uchitaya brahmadiya23 sthitya bhumjatoh krishatoh pradiśator=rvi na kais-chist*] svalp-äpy=&pādha
käryy-ismad-vangajair-agami-bhadra24 npipatibhis ch=anityiny=aišvaryyany=asthira[m] manushya[m] säma(mā)nyam
cha bhumi-dana-phalam=avagachchhadbhiḥ 25 10apam-asmad-dayo=numattavyaḥ1 [ll] yas-ch=ãohchhindyād-achchhidyamanam ve
inumödät=sal pañchabhir-mmahadatakaiḥ18 26 Bopapā takais-sa[m]yuktas-syåd=apich-ātra Vyasa-gitau 4flokā bhavanti [ll]
Shashți-varsha-sahasråņi svarggo 27 mðdati bhūmidaḥ [lj achchhəttä сh=anuman[t]á cha tång=ěva Darakė vasēņ46
7 Bahubhir=vyasudhi bhukta räjabhi[ho] 28 Sagar-idibhiḥ [1] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam . (11)
Svabasto mama maha
1 Bead-sheka. * Read chatvārimfad• Read - Chögyan. • Bend -abadha. 11 Read mantanya. U Bead flökau bharata
? Read mänakasaanudarfayatys, * Read ehodata..
• Perhaps tath-Atinishaba.. 1 Read orarppas. . Read -tarfan.
10 Bead ayans. 13 Read mödöta sa.
1 Bead mahapalakain. 15 Read varēt.
P 2

Page #121

108
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
[11*]
Datakaḥ
pratihära-Mammakah
29 samanta-maharaja-Dhruvasēnasya(h)
[ll*] Likhitar Kikkakēna [ll*] 30 Sam 200 8 Bhadrapada su 5.
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) O. Hail! From Valabhi. (In the lineage) of the Maitrakas, who forcibly prostrated their enemies, (was born) the general, the glorious Bhatakka, who obtained splendoor in hundreds of battles fought within the circuit of the territories of adversaries of unequalled strength; who gained devotion by gifts, honours and straightforwardness towards those whom he had prostrated by his splendour; who obtained the glory of royalty by the strength of the array of devoted hereditary servants and friends; the devout worshipper of Mahesvara.
(Line 4.) His son (was) the general Dharasēna, whose head was parified, bent before and reddened by the dust of his feet; the shining line of the nails of whose feet was inlaid with the lastre of the crest jewels of his foes when they bent with their heads (before him) ; whose wealth was being lived upon by poor and helpless people; the devout worshipper of Maheśvara.
(Line 6.) His younger brother (was) the Mahārāja Drönasimha, whose spotless crestjewel became auspicious by bowing down to his brother's) feet; whose nature (manifested itself in the performance of the regulations laid down by Manu and others; who like Dharmaraja (1.e. Yudhishthira) fixed the path of the laws of good conduct; whose anointment to the kingdom was performed by the paramount sovereign in person, the lord of the circuit of the territories of the whole earth, and whose royal glory was purified by his great liberality; the devout worshipper of Mahēšvara.
(Line 10.) His younger brother, who like a lion defeated singlehanded, by the strength of his own arm, the array of the troops of the elephants of (his) enemies; who was the refuge of those who sought for refuge; who grasped the real purport of the meaning of the Sāstras ; who, like the kalpa-tree, granted the enjoyment of rewards according to the wishes of (his) friends and favourites; the devout worshipper of Bhagavat; who meditates on the feet of the paramount lord; the Mahasamanta, the Maharaja Dhruvasēna, being in good health, issues the following order to all his ayuktakas, viniyuktakas, officers of the watch-stations, mahattaras, district officers, soldiers, dhruvadhikaranikas, dāndapāfikas, and others according as they are concerned :
(Line 15.) Be it known to you that I have given as a brahmadaya, with libations of water, in the Hastavapra- āharani, in the village Madkaņā, hundred and forty pīdīvartas helonging to the householder Isvara and an irrigation-well with an area of sixteen pīdāvartas; further in the Tāpasiya village, hundred and forty padīvartas, the holding of Dhiņdaka; further on the north-eastern border of Tinishaka village hundred padavartas, together with an irrigation-well, to (two) inhabitants of Sankaravāțaka, (viz.) the brāhmaṇas Kumarasarman and Jarabhajyi, of the Sandilya gotra, students of the Chhandoga school, for the increase of the religious merit of My mother and father and in order to obtain for Myself in this world and the other such rewards as I wish. to last for the same time as the moon, sun, ocean, earth, the rivers and mountains, to be enjoyed by the succession of their sons and sons' sons, for the performance of the rites of bali, charu, and vaišvadēva and others. Therefore, not even & slight obstruction should be made by anyone to these two while they are enjoying it in accordance with the proper conditions of a brahmadiya, cultivating it or assigning it to others). And this Our gift should be assented to by those born in Our lineage and by future pious kings, bearing in mind that power is perishable, that the life of man is uncertain, and that the reward of a gift of land is common. And he who confiscates it or assents to its being confiscated, incurs the gailt of the five great sing together with the minor sins,

Page #122

No. 9.]
FIVE VALABHI PLATES.
109
(Line 26.) There are also two verses sung by Vyass about this. The giver of land rejoices in heaven for sixty thousand years; bat he who confiscates or approves of confiscation) dwells in hell the same number of years.
The earth has been enjoyed by many kings beginning with Sagara; whosoever at any time possesses the earth, to bim belongs, at that time, the reward.
(Line 28.) The sign-manual of Me the Mahasimanta, the Mahiraja Dhruvasēna. The messenger is the pratihira Mammaka. Written by Kikkaka.
The year 200 (and) 6; (the month) Bhadrapada ; the bright (fortnight); the 5th (tithi).
II.-PALITĀNĀ PLATES OF DHRUVASĒNA I.; [VALABHI-) SAMVAT 210.
These plates are described as follows by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya," Two plates without ring or seal. Each of them has, however, two ring holes. The ring hole of the left-hand corner of the bottom of the first plate is not complete, a small piece of its lower margin being broken just below the ring hole. Each plate is written only on one side. The working of the engraver's tool shows itself in a few places on the back of both plates. The length of the plates varies from 101" to 101" and the height from 6% to 67%." The height of individual letters is about ". Each plate contains 14 lines of well executed writing in a very good state of preservation.
The alphabet is of the same kind as in the plates described above. The visarga is apparently used as a sign of interpunctuation in bhavantih, i.e. bhavanti || 1. 23. The numerical symbols for 200, 10 and 5 occur in 1l. 27 f.
The orthography is similar to that of the foregoing grant. Forms such as kais-chi, 1. 21, siha, l. 9, and -anumati, 1. 23, look like Praksitisms. The forms Jyavala- for the common Javala-, 1. 16, and -räja-, which perhaps stands for räjya, I. 3, have been discussed above. Surds, liquids and nasals are doubled after r; thus, -drijavöparijit-, 1. 2; -dharmma, 1. 7. A gurd has been doubled before y in -īnuddhyato, l. 12; -8ambaddhyāmana-, 1. 14. The engraver has not been careful to avoid miswritings. Thus the anusvāra has often been left out, and in 11. 9, 23 and 25, whole syllables are missing. An a is very often wrongly written instead of an a; thus, pratap-opanata-dana-man-, 1. 2; -nurago, 1. 2; and other instances iv 11. 3, 5, 7, 13, 14, 19, 20, 22, 25, 26, 27; a is written instead of i in =ayam, i.e. riyama, 1. 23; i is used for i in väpi, 1. 18; i for i in -mani-, l. 4; -manir, 1. 7; viditan, 1. 15; è for i in-numodētan, 1. 21; u for u in bhumi-, 1. 22; g for f in -vigrānan-, 1. 9;n for ^ in Maitrakandm., 1. 1, and so forth. Writings such as -didhitih din., 1.5, on the other hand, are not mistakes of the writer, but this instance of wrong samdhi belongs to the original draft and recurs in most of the grants of Dhruvasëns. The redundant bhavanti, 1. 23, is perhaps also due to carelessness in the original draft.
The grant was issued from Valabhi by the Mahasamanta, the Maharaja Dhruvasēna, in order to confirm the Brahmana Vishạnsarman, of the Jåväla gotra, a student of the Vajina něya (bakha) and a resident of Simhapura, in the possession of some land in the Hastavapra-dharani, pis, the karada field cultivated by the Brāhmaṇa Visakha, on the south-western border of the Bhallara village, and the Amrilikā tank; and further 50 pdddvartas on the northern border of the Vasukiya village, to be entered from Akshasaraka. I am unable to identify the villages Bhallara and Vasukiya. Vasukiya is said to be Akshasaraka prdvēsya. This corresponds to the Akshasaraka-prapiya in the Gaņošgad plates of Samvat 207, which Professor Holtzsch
Above, Vol. III. p. 323.

Page #123

110
[VOL. XI.
translates "which belongs to the Akshasarakaprapa," comparing the expression Vaṭasthalikaprayiya- in 1. 5 of the copper-plate grant of Guhasena of Samvat 248,1 instead of which we should perhaps read Vaṭapallikaprapiya-. It seems certain that prapiya is synonymous with prāvēśya, which also occurs in the Khariar plates' of Mahasudeva. Prāvēśya may, of course, be a fiscal term. It is, however, not likely that it means anything else than what it does in the common phrase achata-bhața-prāvēśya. Prapiya must then be a Prakrit form of prapya. I would accordingly translate Akshasaraka-prāvēśya "which is entered from Akshasaraka," i.e. borders on Akshasaraka. I cannot locate Akshasaraka. The last part of the word is probably saraka, lake, pond. Of the remaining geographical names mentioned in the plates, Valabhi and Hastavapraharani have been referred to above. The name Amrilika probably means "abounding in mangoes." Simhapura, where the donee resided, also occurs in the plates of Dharasõna IV. of Samvat 326 published in the Bombay Journal, Vol. X, p. 77 ff. It is the present Sihor, situated in 21° 43' N. and 72° E.
The dutaka was the pratihara Mammaka, and the writer Kikkaka, as in the preceding grant. The grant is dated on the 15th (tithi) of the bright fortnight of Sravana in the (Valabhi) year 210, corresponding to A.D. 529.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
1 Om svasti [*] Valabhitaḥ prasabha-praṇat-amitrānāṁ Maitrakānām-atulabala-sapatna-mapḍalabhōga
vibhavaḥ
vimala
2 sasakta adiprahårs-data-labdha-pratapah
oparijiana(r)go-nurakta
3 m[aulabhrita-mitra-srēņi-bal-ava (va)pta-rājasriḥ
TEXT.
First Plate.
Bhaṭakkaḥ
4 tasya sutas-tat-pada-rajo-run-avanata-pavitrikrita-siras-siro-vanata-satru-chudamani(pi)
5 prabha-vichchhurita-pada-nakha-parkti-didhitiḥ
yathabhilashita-phal-opa
mahārāja-Dhruva
mahattara
6 paramamahësvaras-sēnāpati-Dharasenas-tasy-änojas-tat-pad-abhipraṇāma-prasasta
7 maulimapir(pir)-Mmanv-adi-pranita-vidhi-vidha (dha) na-dharmmā Dharmmarāja iva vihita-vinaya-vy [a] vastha-pa
8 ddhatir akhila-bhuvana-manḍalabhoga-svaminā parama-svaminā svayam-upahitarajyabhisheka
9 maha-vigra (śra)pan-apñta7-rajasriḥ paramamahöśvaro mahārāja-Drōnasimhas-si[m]ha
iva
10 tasy-Annjas-era-bhuj balina para-gaja-ghaṭ-ânīkân (th)mékavijayi arap-ship[*] saraṇa
11 m-avaboddha
suhrit-prapayinām
12 bhogadah paramabh[8]gavataḥ paramabhatyā (ṭṭā)raka-pid-innddhyāts mahāsāmanta
13 senaḥ
sastr-ärttha-tattvānāṁm
kusali s[a]rvvän=ēva
prata(t)p-panata-dāra-ma(mà)n-irjav
paramamahēsvaras-sēna (nā) pati-Sri
di(di)n-anatha-jan-ōpajivyama (mā) na
svän=ayuktaka-viniyuktaka-cha (cha) ṭa-bhata-drangika
14 dhruvadhikarapika-daṇḍapäsik-adin-anyams-cha yatha-sambaddhyamanaka (ka)n=anudarsa
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 206 f. (No. 467 of the late Prof. Kielhorn's Northern List).
2 See above, Vol. IX. p. 172, text-line 4. [See above, p. 81 and note 1.-Ed.] Rend "kānāms. Perhaps rajyafriḥ.
kalpatarur-iva
Expressed by a symbol.
7 Read -avaputa..

Page #124

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SCALE 8.
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITHO.
10
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Palitana plates of Dhruvasena I.-[Gupta-] Samvat 210.

Page #125

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Page #126

No. 9.]
FIVE VALABHI PLATES.
Second Plate.
22 paripanthana
15 yaty-astu vo vidi(di) tam yatha Simhapura-vastavya-brāhmaṇa-Vishnusarmmane 16 Jyavala-sagötraya Vajisaneya-sabrahmacharine Hastavapr-aharaṇya[m] Bhallaradvadaśa17 gram-aparadakshina-simni brāhmaṇa-Visakha-prabhuk taka-karada-kshetram
111
pādā
18 vartta-parisar=Amrilikā vipi(pl) tath=Akshasaraka-prāvesya-Vasukiya-grāmōttara19 simn[i] pādā varttaḥ pamchāśad-bhukta-bhujyamānakāḥ ētan-mayā māta(tā) pitroḥ
puny-ā
20 pyayanayatmanad-ch-aihik-amushmika-yathābhilashita-phal-a(1-8)väpti-nimitta[th]
pürvvāchara
21 sthity-anumode(di)tam yato-sya bhumjataḥ krishataḥ karshayataḥ pradisato
na kaiś-chi[t*]
vā
käryy-asmad-vamsajair-ag[a]mi-bhadra-nṛipatibhis-cha sama (ma)nyam
bhu (bhu)mi-dana-phalam-ava
23 gachchhadbhir-ayam-asmad-anumatil mantavya [*] bhavanti ch-atra Vyasagitāḥ sloka bhavanti (h)
24 Bahubhir-vvasudha bhukta rajabhis-Sagar dibbiḥ [*] yasya yasya yada bhumis= tasya tasya tadă
25 phalam [*]
Shashṭhim varsha-sahasrani
svargge modati bhumidaḥ [*] achchhetta (tta) ch-anumanta (ta) cha ta(ta)ny-e[va"] natake vase [*] 26 Svadatta [m] paradattăm và yo harêta vasundharam [1] gavā [m] satasahasrasya
hantuḥ pra (pra)pnoti kilbisham [11*]
27 Svahasto mama maha (ha) samanta-maha (ha) raja-Dhruvasenasya [*] Datakaḥ pratihāra-Mammakaḥ [*] Likhitam Kikkakēna [*] Sam 200 10 28 Śrāvana su 10 5
TRANSLATION.
[Lines 1-14 are practically identical with the beginning of the plates of Sam. 206].
(Line 15.) Be it known to you that for the inhabitant of Simhapura, (viz.) the Brabmana Vishnusarman, of the Javala götra, a student of the Vajisaneya (sakha), the following (property), vis. in the Hastavapra-aharani, in the Bhallara village, on the south-western border, the karada? field (formerly) enjoyed by the Brahmana Visakba, (and) the irrigation well Amrilika extending over twelve pādāvartas; further on the northern frontier of the Vasukiya village, which can be entered from (ie. which borders on) Akshasaraka, fifty pidavartas, which have formerly been and are still being enjoyed (by the donee), has been confirmed by Me, in accordance with the settled rules of former usage, in order to increase the religious merit of My mother and father, and in order to obtain for Myself such rewards here and in the other world as I may wish. Therefore obstruction should not be made by any one to him while he enjoys it, cultivates it, causes it to be cultivated or assigns it (to others). This Our confirmation should be confirmed by those born in Our lineage and by future pious kings, bearing in mind that the reward of a gift of land is common.
1 Read siyam asmad-anumatir anumantavya.
? Karada perhaps means 'tribute paying.' It is of course possible to read prabhukta-kakarada..
(Line 23.) There are also verses sung by Vyasa about this. The earth has been enjoyed, etc. The giver of land, etc. He who rescinds grants of land made by himself or others, incurs the guilt of the killer of hundred thousand cows.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
(Line 27.) The sign-manual of Me the Mahisimanta, the Maharaja Dhruvasena. The messenger is the pratihara Mammaka. Written by Kikkaka. The year 200 and 10; (the month) Sravana; the bright (fortnight); the fifteenth (tithi).
III.-PALITĀNĀ PLATES OF DHRUVASĒNA I.; [VALABHI-] SAṀVAT 210.
These are two plates which have been described as follows by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya,"Each of them has two ring-holes. Each plate is written only on one side. The working of the engraver's tool shows itself in a few places on the back. The length of the plates is about 101"; the height varies from 63" to 7"."
The plates are in a good state of preservation. The first contains 15 and the second 12 lines of well executed writing. The average height of individual letters is ".
The characters are of the same kind as in the plates dealt with above. They comprise the signs for an initial au in Aupasvasti-, 1. 17; for a final t in trimsat, 1. 17 and ve(va) set, 1. 24; for a final m in =ānujñātam, 1. 19. The curious shape of the visarga in krishataḥ, 1. 20; -gitāḥ, 1. 22; -adibhiḥ, 1. 23; -vasihanaḥ, 1. 25, is probably due to the engraver's misunderstanding bis draft. Note also the signs of -e- in -kām-eka-, 1. 11, and of lo in 1. 12. A sign of interpunctuation occurs in 1. 25. The numerical symbols for 200, 10 and 5 are found in 1. 27.
With regard to orthography the remarks made about the preceding grants also hold good here. The wrong samdhi in bhumjato krish-, 1. 20, may be a Prakritism. The same is perhaps the case with Drönasihams-siha iva, 1. 10. Consonants are doubled after r in the usual way; thus, -ärjjavöpärjjita-, 1. 2 f.; -dharmma Dharmma-, 1. 8; maryyadaya, 1. 20, etc. The doubling of a surd before y in -anuddhyātō, 1. 13, sambaddhyamana, 1. 15, is also in accordance with the practice in similar grants. There are several instances of careless writing; thus we find a for a in danaman-, 1. 2; vapi, 1. 16; brahmana-, 1. 17; -apyāyanaya, 1. 18; tā (sa)manyam, 1. 22; anumanta, 1. 24; -dayam, 1. 25; a for a in cha, 1. 24; krishṇāhāyō, 1. 25; u for u in bhumi-, 1. 25; ri for ri in triméat, 1. 17; è for a in veset, 1. 24; for ai in saraneshiniin, 1. 11; chch for ch in chch-anu-, 1. 24; chhy for ndhy in Vichhyaṭavishv, 1. 25; perhaps j for jya in -raja-, 1. 3; ñcha for sva in añchayuja, 1. 27; ta for ga in atami-, 1. 21; t for tt in -tatvanām, 1. 11; achchhētā, 1. 24; ta for să in tamanyam, 1. 22; p for y in mapapi, 1. 18.; de for mu in -aihikādēshmika-, 1. 19; n for n in maitrakānām, 1. 1, fort in nany-eva, 1. 24, and for v in anumantany-, 1. 22 p for y in pato, 1. 20; 8 for sh in suska-, 1. 25. L. 21 contains a series of mistakes in chavity any-aiśvaryyany-esthira mōnuryya tamanyam. Note also the superfluous anusvāra in sihams, 1. 10; suhrimt-, 1. 12; the superfluous na in 1. 21; the redundant ha in vasthanah, 1. 25; the omission of na in -ānīkā [nā"]m-, 1. 11; the omission of a visarga in rajabhi, 1. 23, and the form Kikakka instead of Kikkakēnu, 1. 26. In 1. 5, on the other hand, we find the correct samdhi -didhitir-ddin-, while the other grants of Dhruvasena have -didhitiḥ din-.
The grant was issued from Valabhi by the Mahasamanta, the Maharaja Dhruvasena to the Brahmana Skanda of the Aupasvasti gōtra, a student of the Vajisaneya sakha, a resident of Akrōlaka village, who was therewith confirmed in the possession of an irrigation well (vapi) and a field of thirty padavurtas, on the northern border of the village. I am not able to identify this village. The messenger was Rudradhara, who is not elsewhere known, and the writer, as in the preceding grants, Kikkaks. The grant is dated on the fifth (tithi) of the dark (?) fortnight of Asvayuja, in the (Valabhi) year 210, corresponding to A.D. 529. The syllable denoting the fortnight has been miswritten, and it is possible that it should be restored as fu and not as ba. The mistake is due to the final syllable of the preceding word being wrongly repeated.

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W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITHO.
V. VENKAYYA.
SCALE - 8.

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No. 9.]
FIVE VALABAI PLATES.
113
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Oml svasti [11*] Valabhitaḥ prasabha-prapat-amitrāņā[m] Maitrakānām(ņām)
atala-bala-sapatna-ma2 pdal-ābhoga-samsakta-sa[m]prahāra-sata-labdha-pratāpaḥ pratāp-opanata-dāna-ma(mā)n.
árjja3 v-Opärijit-anuragðun urakta-maulabhțita-mitra-śrēņi-bal-äväpta-rajasrih paramama4 hēšvaras-sēnäpati-Sri-Bhatakkas-tasya satas-tach-cbarana-rajo-run-ivanata-pavitrikrita5 sirah firð-vanata-batru-chdämani-prabhā-vichobhurita-pada-Dakha-parkti-didhitir-ddin
ani6 tha-jan-Opajivyamana-vibhavah paramamähēsvarag=sönápati-Dharasēnas tasy=&puja7 gætat-pad-Abhipranama-praśasta-vimala-maulimaņir-Mmany-adi-prapita-vid hi-vidhana8 dharmm. Dharmmarāja iva vihita-vinaya-vyavasth[á]-paddhatir-akhila-bhuvana-mandal
abhoga9 svaminā paramasvämina svayam=upabita-räjy-abhishēka-mahåvigränan-ävapūta-rā10 ja[6]rih paramamähöśvaro maharaja-Dronasiham(simha) si[m]ha iva tasyminujaga
svabhaja-balē. 11 na para-gaja-ghat-ānikā[nā®]m=ēkavijayi saraņē(ņai)shiņām saraṇam-avaboddha
śāstr-ārt[th]a-ta[t*]tvā12 nám kalpatarur=iva subți(i)t-pranayinām yathābhilashita-phal-opabhogadaḥ
parama13 bhi gayatah paramabhattaraka-păd-anuddhyāto mahäsämanta-mahārāja-Dhruvasēnaḥ 14 kusali barvvăn=ēva Bvăn-ayuktaka-viniyuktaka-châta-bhata-matattara-dräögika
dhruva15 dhikaraṇika-dāņdapāśik-adin-anyāṁs-cha yathi-sambaddhyamánakan-anudarsa
Second Plate. 16 yaty-astu vo viditam yath-Akrõlaka-grāma uttara-s[i]mni dvādasa-pădä(r)vartta
parisară va(va)pi(pi) 17 kshetra-padáva[r]ttās-cha tři(tri)msat tatr=aiva våstavya-bra(bra)bmaņa-Skandāya
A upasvasti-sagotrāya Vajisanėya18 sabrahmachariņē yad=ētat=[pū]rvvabhukta-bhajyamāpakan tan=mapă(y=a)pi
mātā pitroḥ puny-āpyåyana(na)ya 19 átmanaś=ch-aihik-ādē(mu)shmika-yathābhilashita-phal-äväpti-nimittam pūrvv-achara
sthity=inujñātam 20 pa(ya)to=sya pūrvva-bhukti-maryyādayı bhumjatā(tah) krishata[h]'karshayataḥ
pradiçató Vå na kõna-vi(chi) t-svalp=ăpy=ă21 b[a]dha vichāraṇā vā (na) käryy=xsmad-vamsajair=āta(gā)mi-bhadra pripatibhis-cha
-vityäny-aišvaryyany=ēsthira mönuryya 22 tå (sä)ma(ma)pyar cha bhůmidāna-phalam=avagachchbadbhir-iyam=asmad-anumatir
anumantanya(vy=a)pi ch=ätra Vya sa-gitaḥ 23 blokā bhavanti [ll*] Bahabhir=vvasndhá bhukta rajabhi[h*) Sagar-ādibhiḥ[lo]
yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya tasya tada
Expressed by a symbol. Perhaps -rajyafrih.
The engraver has misread his draft and misshaped the visarga. * Read ch-anityānyraifuaryyany=aathiranh enwahy .
The engraver hos misread his draft and misshaped the stearga.

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114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. 21.
24 phalar (ll*) Shasbți-varsha-sahasrapi svarggě modati bhūmid[a]h [*] achchhe[t]ta
(ch) ch=anamanta(nta) cha(cha) niny(tâny) -ěva Darakë vë(va) Bēt [ll] 25 Vichhy(Vindhy)-ātavishy=atoyāsu guska(sushka)-kotara-väsibana[b](väsinah) [1]
krishộiha(ba)yo hi jayanto bhu(bbit)mi-da(da)yam baranti yo Il 26 Svahasto mama mabasamanta-mahárāja-Dhruvasēnasya [ll] Ditako Rudrad haraḥ
[11] Likhitam Kikakka(Kikkakēna) 27 Ban 900 10 [cha]@svt)yuja ja(ba?) 5.
TRANSLATION. [Lines 1-15 are practically identical with the beginning of the plates of Sam. 206.]
(Line 16.) Be it known to you that, in order to increase the religious merit of My mother and father and to obtain for Myself in this world and the other such rewards as I may wish, I have, in accordance with the settled rules of former usage, confirmed the enjoyment of) an irrigation-well with an area of twelve pädāvartas and thirty pădāvartas arable land on the northern border of Akrolaks village which had formerly been and are still being enjoyed (by the donee) for the benefit of the resident of that same place, (viz.) the Brahmaņa Skanda, of the Aupaavasti gotra, a student of the Vajisaneya (sākhi). Therefore not even a slight obstruction or dispute must be made by anybody to him while he enjoys (this land), cultivates it, causes it to be cultivated, or assigns it (to others) in accordance with the conditions under which he enjoyed (it) previously. This Our confirmation (of the old grant) should be confirmed by those born in Oar lineage and by future pious kings, bearing in mind that power is perishable, that the life of man is uncertain, and that the reward of a gift of land is common.
(Line 22.) There are also verses sung by Vyasa about this, -The earth has been enjoyed, etc. The giver of land, etc. Those who rescind a grant of land are ruborn as black serpents living in the dry hollows of trees in the waterless forests of the Vindhyas.
(Line 26.) The sign manual of Me the Mahāsamanta, the Maharaja Dhruvasēna. The messenger is Rudradhara. Written by Kikkaka. The year 200 (and) 10; (the month) Agva[yuja]; the dark (?) (fortnight); the 5th (tithi).
IV.-PALITĀNA PLATE OF DHRUVASĒNA I. This plate has been described as follows by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya," One plate only of the inscription is preserved. It is written on one side and has two ring-holes at the bottom.
The working of the engraver's tool shows itself almost completely at the back. There is also a square hole in the left-hand top corner of the plate, bored into the symbol representing the syllable on. Length of plate varies from 11' to 11t"; height varies from 1 to 6."
The plate contains 13 lines of well executed writing. The average height of individual letters is "
The characters are similar to those used in the other plates. They comprise the sign of the Mihvamaliya in-Dhruvasënah-kusali, 1. 12. There are three different forms of the medial long -- I'wo of them occur in didhitih din-, 1. 5, and the third in -pranita., 1. 6. Note also the form of -- in nām=ēka-, 1. 9, which is likewise used in the corresponding passage of the grant
With regard to orthography, we may note the usual donbling of consonants after r; thus, -ārttha-, 1. 10; sarvuāns, 1. 12. On the other band, we have a single dh before y in -Anudhyāto, 1. 11 ; -ganbadhya-, 1. 13, as in the grant of Samvat 206. The absence of sandhi in -didhitih din-, 1.5, is in accordance with the common practice in Dhruvasena's grants. In 1.4 we find-rung

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Page #133

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V. VENKAYYA.
TEL: ADaa Rek
120 288: 2 వారాలకి Ee Peణత
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W. GRIGGS & SONS LTD., PHOTO-LITHO
Palitana plate of Dhruvasena I. (incomplete).

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No. 9.]
FIVE VALABHI PLATES.
115
nata- instead of run-dvanata., and the syllables nima-pra have been omitted in 1. 6. In l. 7 we find viphita- for vihita-. On the whole the engraver has done his work carefully.
The grant was issned from Valabhi by the Mahāsīmanta, the Mahārāja Dhruvasēns, but only the formal portion is preserved.
TEXT.
1 Om svasti (11) Valabhītaḥ prasabha-prasat-amitra(tra)ņām Maitrakāņām=atula-bala
sapatna-mandal-abhoga2 samsakta- sampra hara-sata-labdha-pratapah pratāp-opanata-dana-man-árjjav-opārjjit
anurāgo=nurakta-maula3 bhrita-mitra-śrēại-bal-äväpta-rājyasrih paramamahēśvaraḥ śri-sènäpati- Bhatakkas-tasya
sutas-tat-pada4 rajo-run-anata(run-ivanata)-pavitr[i]krita-siraḥ sirð-vanata-satru-chūdāmaņi-prabhā
vichchhurita-pada-nakha-pankti5 didhitih din-ânātha-jan-Opajivyamana-vibhavah Paramamahēśvaras- sēnápati- Dharasēnah 6 tasy- anajas- tat-pad-abhipra[på ma-pra®]śasta-vimala-mauli-maņir-Mmanv-adi-praņita-vidhi
vidhāna-dharmmå Dharmma7 răja iva vi[ph]ita-vinaya-vyavastha-paddhatir-akhila-bhuvana-maņdal-ābhoga-svāming
parama8 svāmina svayam-apahita-rajy-abhishēka-mahāviśrāṇan-āvapūta -rājasrih paramami
bēśvarah 9 mahārāja-Drāṇasim has=siṁha iva tasy-ánujaḥ svabhuja-balona para-gaja-ghat
änikānām=ēka10 vijayi saran-aishiņām saranam-avaboddhá sâstr-arttha-ta[t"]tvånām kalpatarur-iva
subfit-prapayinām 11 yathābhilashita-phal-Opabhogadaḥ paramabhagavataḥ paramabhattaraka-pad
ånadhyāto 12 måhäräja-Dhruvasēnak-kusali sarvvån=ēva svān-iyuktaka-mahattara-dramgika
châta-bhats13 dhravasthanadhikaraņa-daņdapāfik-adin=anyams-cha yathi-sambadhya
V.-PALITĀNĀ PLATE OF SILĀDITYA I. DHARMĀDITYA; VALABHI
SAMVAT 286]. Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya has favoured me with the following description of this plate, "One plate only of the inscription is preserved. It has two ring-holes at the bottom, but neither the ring nor the seal which it might have borne is forthcoming. A small piece of the plate is broken at the left top corner, damaging a portion of the symbol for on. Likewise & small piece is missing at the beginning of 1. 10, where, however, no letter has been 'damaged. The plate is engraved only on one side. The working of the engraver's tool shows itself almost completely at the back. Length of plate varies from 111 to 114". Height about 81."
The plate contains 18 lines of well executed writing. The average height of individual letters is ".
The characters agree with those used in the grants of Silāditya I.
With regard to orthography, we may note the use of ri for vi in tridafa-, 1.7; of ri for ri in trina-, 1. 7; the writing of igh for mh in -samghatis-, 1. 5 and in samghat., 1. 13; the use of
Expressed by a symbol.
22

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
for in -ansa-, 1. 15; the donbling of consonants after r and before y in -ārijavõpārijit-, 1. 2; Bhatarkkad, 1. 3; sthairyya-dhairyya-gāmbhiryya-, l. 6; -anuddhyātass, 1. 14, and so on. There are a few mistakes, such as 7 for a in-pētha-, 1. 18; t for tt in-satua., 1.4; for i in -ājvala-, 1. 18; p for pr in -pabhāva-, 1.4; & superfluous anusvāra in -rāmja-, 1.3, and so on. The first n in santāna-, 1. 9, has been misshaped and looks almost like a v. Note also the absence of samdhi in -sabdah rupa-, 1. 6.
The plate contains only the formal portion of the grant and breaks off in the description of Siladitya I. Dharmaditya, but it is absolutely certain that Mr. Jackson was right in assuming that the grant was issued by him. The absence of sandhi in -sabdah rupa-, 1. 6; the word -dhairyya- in -sthairyya-dhairyya-gāmbhiryya-, 1. 6; and the word -bala- in -akhila-baladhamurddharah, 1.11, occur in all the grants of Silāditya but not in other Valabhi grants. It is also possible to state definitely that the plate belongs to a grant issued before Valabhi-Samvat 290, because the spellings -sanghatis-, 1.5; -tridasaguru., 1. 7, and sanghat-, l. 13, which also occur in the Walā plates of Valabhi-Samvat 286, are not found in the Dhank plates of ValabhiSamvat 290. The last words of our plate are -ojvalatari-kit-arttha-, and by comparing other Valabhi grants we find that the second plate must have begun -sukha-sampad-upasēcā.. Now these are the first words of the fragmentary second Walā plate of Silāditya I. Dharmaditya, dated Sam. 200 80 6 Vaisakha-va(?) 6, which has been published by Dr. Bhandarkar. The length of that plate is, according to the editor, 12" and the height 81". The size therefore also agrees with that of our plate, and there cannot be any doubt that the two plates belong together, 80 that the whole grant is now before us. To judge from Dr. Bhandarkar's edition the second plate is not well preserved. I asked Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya to be good enough to try to get hold of it so that it could be republished together with the first plate. His endeavours to do so have not, however, been successful, and I therefore edit the beginning alone.
TEXT. 1 Om svasti [119] Valabhitaḥ prasabha-prapat-amitriņām Maitrakāņām
atula-bala-sampanna-mandal-abhöga-samsakta-praha2 ra-sata-labdha-pratāpåt=pratāp-opanata-dana-man-árjjav-Opārjjit-anuragad-anurakta
maulabhțita-śrēņi-bal-s3 vapta-rājya-sriyah paramamāhēśvara-Sri-Bhatārkkād=avyavaobchhinna-ra (m)ja
vamsan-mātā-pitri-charaṇ-äravinda-prağati-pravidhaut-āśesha-kalma4 shah saisavät-prabhsiti khadga-dritiya-bahar-eva samada-para-gaja-ghat-asphotana
prakaśita-sa[t*]tva-nikashas-tat-p[r*]abha5 va-prapat-arāti-chudáratna-prabha-samsakta-pada-riakha-rasmi-samgha(ha)tig=sakala
smriti-pranita-mārgga-samyak-paripälana6 praja-hșidaya-ramjan-anvarttha-rāja-sabdah rupa-kanti-sthairyya-dhairy ya-gämbhiryya
buddhi-sampadbhiḥ smara-śaśãök-idriraj-o7 dadhi-tri(tri)dasaguru-dhanēsān=atiśayānasasaran-agat-abhaya-pradáva-parataya tri
(tri) a[va]d-apăst-āśēsha-svakäryya8 phala[] prärtthan-adhik-arttha-pradan-anandita-vidvat-suhșit-pranayi-bridayah
pädachår-iva Bakala-bhavana-mandal-abho9 54-pramodab paramamahēśvaraḥ śri-Guhasēnas-tasya sutas-tat-pada-Dakha
Dayakha-sa[ntalna-vispita-Jähnavi-jal-au10 gha-prakshälit-kšēsha-kalmashaḥ praņayi-fata-sahasr-opajivyamaga-sampad=ropa-lobbād -
iv=āśrites=Barabhasam-abhi11 gåmikair=gg.nais-sahaja-sakti-siksha-vibēsha-vismāpit-akhila-bala-dhanarddbaraḥ
prathama-na. apati-samatisfishtina
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. I. p. 44
* Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 9.]
FIVE VALABHI PLATES.
117
12 mhnupälayitā d harmmadāyānām= a päkarttā praj-opaghāta-kāriņām-opaplavánăm
darśayitá sri-sarasvatyor-ek-ā13 dhivåsasya samgha(ha)t-árāti-paksha-lakshmi-paribhoga-daksha-vikramo vikram
opasamprapta-vimala-partthivasrih paramamahe14 svaraḥ Sri-Dharasēnas-tasya satas-tat-pad-anuddhyātas-sakala-jagad-anandan
atyadbhuta-gana-samudaya-sthagita-samagra-dinma15 pļalas-samara-sata-vijaya-sobhá-sanātha-mandalagra-dyuti-bhāsuratar-änsa-pith-odūdha
guru-manoratha-mahābharah 16 sarvva-vidya-parāvara-vibhāg-adhigama-vimala-matir-api sarrvatas-subhashita-lavēn=äpi
sukh-opapādaniya-pari17 tosha[h*) samagra-lok-āgadha-gimbhiryga-hșidayo -pi sucharit-ātisaya-suvyakta
parama-kalyana-svabhavaḥ khili-bha18 ta-kritayuga-nțipati-pe(pa)tha-visodhan-adhigat-odagra-kirttiraddharmm-anuparodh -o [io]
jvala-tari-krit-arttha..
TRANSLATION
(Line 1.) Öm. Hail! From Valabhi. (In the lineage) of the Maitrakas, who had by force prostrated (their) enemies, from the devout worshipper of Mahēśvara, the illustrious Bhatarkka, who had acquired splendour in hundreds of battles connected with the circuit of the territories that he had obtained by means of his unequalled strength; who had gained the devotion of those whom he had prostrated by his splendour through his gifts, honours and straightfor. wardness; who obtained the glory of royalty by the strength of the array of devoted hereditary servants (was descended), the royal lineage being uninterrupted, the devout worshipper of Mahēšvara, the glorious Guhasēna, whose sins were all washed away by the prostrations at the lotus feet of his mother and father; to whom (his) sword was indeed a second arm from (his) childhood; and who brightened the touchstone of his strength by splitting open the temples of the ratting elephants of his foes ; the collection of the rays of the nails of whose feet was combined with the lastre of the crest jewels of his foes who were prostrated by the power of that (strength); wbo rendered (his) title of king appropriate by pleasing the minds of (hie) subjects by thoroughly observing the conduct laid down in all the smritis; who in beauty, loveliness, stability, firmness, profundity, wisdom and wealth surpassed (respectively) Cupid, the moon, the king of mountains, the ocean, the preceptor of the gods (Bțihaspati) and Dhanēsa; who, through being intent apon granting safety to those who came for protection, threw away all the results of his deeds as if they were straw; who gladdened the hearts of learned people, friends and favourites by giving (them) riches in excess of their demands; and who was, as it were, the personified happiness of the vast circle of the whole world;
(Line 9.) his son (was) the devout worshipper of Mahēsvara, the glorious Dharasēna, whose sins were all washed away by the flood of the waters of the Ganges which flowed from the cluster of rys of the nails of the feet of his father), whose wealth was being lived upon by hundreds of thousands of favourites; who was impetuously resorted to by attractive qualities as if from a desire for his beauty; who astonished the archers of all armies by his innate ability and excellent training; who was the preserver of religions grants bestowed by former kings; wbo was a remover of calamities that might oppress (his) subjects; who showed (the world) Sri and Sarasvati living together; whose prowess was skilful in enjoying the Fortune of the compact ranks of his foes; and who by his prowess obtained spotless royal splendour;
(Line 14.) his son [the devout worshipper of Mahēgvars, the glorious Siladitya), who meditates on his father's) foot; who covers the whole horizon by the rise of his wonderful virtues that gladden the whole world ; who supports the great burden of weighty desires on the pedestal of his shoulders (which have got their) splendour increased by the lustre of his sward that is

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118
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
possessed of the brilliancy of victory in hundreds of battles; who though his intellect is pure by mastering the higher and lower divisions of all sciences, is always easily gratified by even a trifle of wit; who, though his heart possesses a profundity that is anfathomable by the whole world, well manifests his noble disposition in abundance of good condact; who has achieved exalted fame by purifying the path of the kings of the Kpitayaga which had become abandoned ; [whose second name of Dharmāditya arose from his enjoying riches, happiness, and] wealth which have been made more resplendent by (his) non-obstructing the law.
No. 10.-BURMESE INSCRIPTION AT BODH-GAYA.
By Taw Sein Ko. Translations of this inscription have already been published at pages 208-210 of Rajendralala Mitra's Buddha Gaya, and at page 76 of Cunningham's Mahābodhi. There is some controversy as to the correct reading of the dates. The initial date is undoubtedly 657, which corresponds to 1295 A.D., and the final date 660, which is equivalent to 1298 A.D. During the period indicated by these two dates, the Burmese empire of Pagan was in the throes of a Chinese invasion. In 1284, Pagan had been occupied by the Chinese. In 1298 A.D., Kyawzwa, the titular king, had been dethroned by three Shan brothers, who bore divided rule at the new ospitals of Myinzaing, Metkaya, and Pinlê in the Kyauksè district. Two years later, the Chinese again invaded Myinzaing. In these circumstances, the only inference is that the last repairs to the Mahabodhi Temple alluded to in the inscription were carried out under the auspices of a king of Arakan.
There is, however, some diffioulty in the identification of the personages mentioned in the inscription. Mahathera Pinthagugyi cannot be identifed with certainty. Pinthagugyi or the "great Pinthagu " is a title, designation, or sobriquet, rather than a personal name, and is derived from the Pali word pansukülika," one who obtains the materials for his clothing from a dustheap or a cemetery." Such a title was usually conferred on a Buddhist monk of exceptional sanctity and austerity, who had secured the esteem and admiration of the laity. There was such a celebrated Buddhist monk at Pagan during the reign of Narapatisithu (1167-1204 A.D.).
Thadomin sounds like an Arakanese title of a king or prince. It does not occur in the chronological lists appended to Phayro's History of Burma,
King Sinbyuthakin is called in the inscription Sinbyuthikhin Tra Mingyi. The first part means "the Lord of the White Elephant," and the second "Dhammaraja." Here, again, the expression is a common regal title and not a personal name.
Siridhammar jaguru is the title of a learned monk. All royal preceptors are called "Dhammarājagaru," or the "King's guru."
Sirikassapa and Varavāsi are ordinary names of Buddhist monks.
A great deal of interest centres round the designation "Pyu-ta-thein-min", which appears as " Pu-ta thin min” in lives 9-10 of the inscription below. I am inclined to identify this personage with the "King Sinbyuthikhin" mentioned in the same inscription, and both with Meng-di, No. 9 of the “Dynasty of the City Loung-Kyet" at page 301 of Phayre's History of Burma. This king reigned from 1279 to 1885, and is described as a "son of Mengbbi-lu". There are two " Meng-bhi-lus," namely, No. 7 of the same dynasty, who reigned from 1272 to 1276 A.D., and No. 12 of the "dynasty of Ping-tsa City," who ruled from 1075 to 1078 A.D. (page 299, ibid). The latter king was driven out from his kingdom by & turper, and his son and heir, Mengre Baya, sought refage at the Court of Kyanzitthe, king of Pagan. Mengre Baya died leaving a son called Letyämengnan. This Arakanese prince

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Page #141

DA (
Soy
மும்ப்பு
spmusinத்விக் குதன் பிப்ஜதிதிHேE N வைபட்சிமயூனி ாefne Aமித்ர இஎழுதியன் பாபதிக்கmச்ச்சிவீய்பூர் புரி tw yetm nxmu maumபசுuēyங்களவரியை rmaiagaoபசிருப்பீABnsion ப்பியதிபுங்க பின்AN பிெயைப்ாயில் யைபபவிவுப்புபனுதர் பவுளைo.uugல்
C)
Burmese inscription at Bodh-Gaya.
ரண நில்பூக்க களி H554 maygoதிசியபுனல் bultomframes fumm று.
+1)
og fm mog ég ḍ A о (NKDO VEYA DEB Sue Con 4r
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யாற்தய்பதம்uram ஜெய் பெளவா Ror(Maaப்பிŪMe Scபு ைபைமு களவதிப் திவ்த்தம்செய்யவau≈ டிெய mmymulDograficopac
V. VENKAYYA.
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W. GRIGGS & SONS LTD, PHOTO-LITHO.
FROM IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. LONGHURST.
8
12
14
16
18

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No. 10.]
was restored to his ancestral throne by Alaungsithu, Kyanzittha's grandson and successor, in 1103 A.D., with the aid of 100,000 Pyus and 100,000 Talaings. Hence the fortunate prince is known in history as "Pyu-ta-thein-min," or "Lord of the 100,000 Pyus" (vide page 40, ibid). It is most probable that Meng-di, during whose reign the inscription was set up at Bodh-Gaya, was a descendant of Letyämengnan and was also called a "Pyu-ta-thein-min."
BURMESE INSCRIPTION AT BODH-GAYA.
On the same page, Phayre says: "Alaungsithu caused the Buddhist temple at Gaya to be repaired." I am inclined to think that, on that occasion, the King of Pagan deputed the Mahathera Pinthagugyi to superintend the work, and that he required his protege, Letyämengnan, to render the necessary assistance in this work of merit. It would then appear that the "Thadomin " mentioned in the inscription was a descendant of Letyämengnan, the Prince, who first bore the title of " Pyu-ta-thein-min" or "Lord of the 100,000 Pyus."
It is quite possible that one of the conditions of Letyamengnan's restoration to the Arakanese throne was that, for the accumulation of merit of Alaungsithu, his suzerain and benefactor, he and his descendants were to render material assistance in the repair and maintenance of the temple at Bodh-Gaya. Viewed in this light, the chronology of the inscription and the raison d'être of the proceedings recorded therein become clear, reasonable, and logical.
TEXT.
thathanā 218 lunlie-pyithaw aklahnaik sambuteik
1 Purhathikhin asoyathaw Si
2 ridhammasoka myithaw Mingyi seti shatthanng 4 danng aphaw hnaik
3 sumtaw phonpieră Payatha i-tango akha liemyin pyet
4 rwe myinthaw thikhin Pinthakugyi tayauk. Thopyiy tachet py
5 etkheraga Thadomin pyu-i. Thopyi(y) tachet pyetkhedōn
6 raga Sinbyuthikhin Tra Mingyi mimi kosa sira siridhamma
7 rajakurugo siytaw mulatthaw akhahnaik pa-la
8 t thaw tabetha Sirikassapasa thi lok antha utsa hilyet
9 malok radat raga Varavasi thikhin therago sum kham siyraga Pu
119
10 tathin min hu-i lok siykamu thikhin nge ko myatkyi The(ra) ko
11 akhwin puraga Sakarac 657 khu pyatholazan 10 rak thaukkyaniy pyndôn-i
16 sao-i. Akhakhaptheir hlin thinbôkwut mapyat tisinthaw
17 kraang mrie kyun nwado ko le way ruy hlukbe. I nga pyu
kyungo
12 Sakarac 660 Tazaungmonlazan 8 rak tahninganu ni(y) hlu-sathaw
13 takhunkuka takhunpyadoko le pusao-i. Thinbôk thaung simi
14 thaungdo akyein myaswa hlin pusao-i. Thathami hu hmat rwe thungè 2
15 yauk shwepan ngwepan khwet paso swèthaw padetha le pu
18 thaw kaunghmuga Nippan pyitsi athauk apin phyitchin tha
19 te. Yat (meik) ti purhathikhin letthet hlin rahandāsu lothate.
TRANSLATION.
1 When 218 years of the era of the Religion of the Lord Buddha had passed away, Siridhammāsoka, the Ruler of Jambudipa,
2 built 84,000 chaityas, one of which was situated on the site,
3 where the Buddha took a meal (of rice porridge offered by Sujata before attaining Enlightenment). This shrine, owing to the effluxion of time, fell into rain,
4 and was repaired by the Mahathera Pinthagugyi. Subsequently, 5 it was repaired by Thadomin. It again fell into disrepair,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
6 and King Sinbyuthikhin deputed the Royal Preceptor,
7 Siridhammarajaguru, to undertake the work of repair.
8 Sirikassapa, the disciple of the Preceptor, had sufficient funds,
9 but could not take the work in hand (owing, probably, to the absence of skilled artisans)
10 He, therefore, sent Varavasi, a junior Thera,
11 to King Pyutathin Min, who complied with the solicitation for assistance.
12 The work of repair was begun on Friday, the 10th, waxing of Pyatho 657 B.E. (January 1295 A.D.),
13 and was completed on Sunday, the 8th, waxing of Tazaungmon 660 B.E. (November 1298 A.D.)
14 The following offerings were dedicated to the shrine: flags and streamers, 1,000 bowls of rice and 1,000 lamps (for several times), 2 boys in the place of the donor's own children,
15 and gold and silver flowers and cloth hung on bamboo framework.
16 In order to provide for the daily offering of rice at the shrine, at all times, 17 land, slaves, and cattle were purchased and likewise dedicated. May this 18 meritorious deed of mine lead me on to Nirvana!
19 May I become a disciple of Metteyya, the coming Buddha!
No. 11.-DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
BY PROFESSOR H. JACOBI, BONN.
I have received from the Government Epigraphist, Mr. Venkayya, a large number of dates for examination, of which I here publish 32 dates of Chola kings. In accepting this task I may be permitted to give expression to my admiration of the work done by my predecessor, the late Professor Kielhorn. Without the results he had worked out with inexhaustible patience, I probably should not have succeeded in verifying many of the dates which are now published.
The dates have been calculated with the help of my General Tables published in Volume I, p. 448 of this journal. The time of the end of tithis and nakshatras is given in ghatikās only, when the result at issue would not be influenced by a few ghatikās, more or less. In those cases, however, where a higher degree of accuracy is wanted, I have made use of the new special tables which I am going to publish in Part iv. of this volume. These tables yield the result within a few palas according to the Arya, Sarya, and Brahma-Siddhantas, and the Siddhanta-Siromani.
The date No. 198 reduces the time previously found for the commencement of the reign of Rajadhiraja II. to the period from the 7th to the 30th March 1163 A.D. The remaining dates confirm the results previously found.
A.-PARAKESARIVARMAN RAJENDRA-CHOĻA I.
191.-In the Vedapurisvara temple at Tirukkalittaṭṭai.1
[VOL. XI.
1 Svasti sri [1] Tiru-manni (manni) valara
20
21 [8]ntra-Bajaderakku yanda ephodivadu
24
25 yarru Budag-kilamai perra Tirukketṭai-nägu.
ko-Pparaksaripa[u]mar-ga Sri-R[A]
... ivväṭṭai Magara-n[a
1 No. 292 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.

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Yo. 11.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
121
"In the ninth year of the reign) of king Parakēsarivarman alias the glorious RājēndreCholadēva,- on the day of the auspicious (nakshatra) Jyēshthä, which corresponded to a Wednesday of the month of Makara in this year."
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 8th February 1021, which was the Sth tithi of the second fortnight of Makara. The nakshatra was Jyështhi which ended, according to the equal space system, about 18 ghatikās after mean sunrise.
B.-VIKRAMA-CHOLA. 102.-In the Siddhanāthasvāmin temple at Tirunaraiyür.1 1 [S]vasti sri [ll*]Pumādu puņara . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . ko=Pparakësaripatmaräna Tribhuvanacha. 4 kavattigas gri-Vikrama-Choladēvarkku yandu 2 irandu vadu Midhuna-näyarru
[p]pā[r]vva- [pa]kshatta [dv]ådasiyum Ti[n]gat-kilamaiyum perra [Vi]śāgattu nal.
“In the 2nd-second-year of the reign) of king Parakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Cbēļadēva,- on the day of Visakhā, which corresponded to a Monday and to the twelfth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
This date is intrinsically wrong. Monday, the 23rd June 1119 A.D. corresponded to the 14th tithi of the bright fortnight of Mithuna (Ashādha) and the nakshatra was Mūla.
193.-In the Siddhanāthasvāmin temple at Tirunaraiyür. 1 Pumādu puņara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . ko=Pparakësaripatmar=ana Tribhuvanachakravarttiga! 3 sri-Vikrama-Choladēvarkku [y]āvdu mūgrāvadu Midu[ga*]-nayarra pâ[r]vva
pakshattu shash[th]iyum Velli-kki[lam]aiyum perra Põratta näļ.
In the third year of the reign) of king Parakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Chēļadēva, - on the day of Pūrva-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Friday, and to the sixth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
The date corresponds to Friday, the 4th June 1120 A.D., being the 6th tithi of the bright fortnight of Mithuna (Ashādha), the nakshatra being Purva-Phalguni, which had begun about 12 ghatikās before mean sunrise and was current for the greater part of the day.
194.-In the Siddhanāthasvāmin temple at Tirunaraiyür. 1 6 Sri-Vikrama-Soladēvarkku yāṇdu 3 minrāvadu Miduna-näyarra [p]u[r]v[va]
pakshattu ashtamiyum Viyala-kkilamai ya]m perra Uttirattu (ná!).
“In the 3rd-third-year of the reign) of the glorious Vikrama-Choļadēva, - on the day of Uttara-Phalgunī, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the eighth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
1 No. 170 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • The space between fri and pu was perhaps intended for a punctuation. * Read chakravarttigal. • No. 164 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. 5 No. 171 of the same collection for 1908. . This inscription 18 engraved in continuation of No. 170 of 1908 (from the middle of line 17 of the latter).
в

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
This date is apparently wrong. It belongs to the same year and month as the preceding one and may be expected to fall on the day previous, if we take the week-day to be given correotly, and on the following day if we assume the nakshatra to be right; but these items are Friday and Parva-Phalgani in the preceding date and Thursday and UttaraPhalguni in this.
195.-In the Siddhanāthasvāmin temple at Tirunasaiyür. 1 Svasti eri ||- Pamådu puộara . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 ... .. ... .. ko="Pparakësari[ var]mar=ns Tribhu[va]nach
[cha]krava4 Srttigall sri-Vijkra(ma-soladēva]rkkut yağdu 12 a[va]da Rishabha-[nä]yax[ru]
Ppürova-pakshattu shashthiyum Viya[la)-kilakkilamaiyum pe[x]5 ra Ma[gatta nä]}.
"In the 12th year of the reign) of king Parakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious [Vikrama-Choļadēva),- on the day of Magha], which corresponded to a Thursday and to the sixth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 15th May 1130 A.D., which was the 6th tithi of the bright fortnight of Rishabha (Jyaishtha) aod was coupled with the nakshatra Magha. The 6th tithi ended abont 41 ghafikās after mean sonrise, and the nakshatra Maghả commenced about 10 ghafikas after it according to the equal space system.
C.-PARAKESARIVARMAN RÄJARAJA II.
196.-In the Siddhanāthasvămin temple at Tiruparaiyür. 1 Svast[i] śr[i] [11*] Puyal väytta ............. . 3 . . . .. . ... .. ko=Ppara kësariparmar-ina Raja[r]ajadevarku
yåpdu 5 ávada nå! Vrischika-nāyaptu=P[p]ūrvva-(pa]kshattu tsitiyaiyum
Sani-kkilamaiyum perra Uttiradat4 [tu na?].
"In the time (nā!) of the 6th year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias Rajarajadēva,-on the day of Uttarăshādha, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vộischika."
The date seems to correspond to Friday, the 24th November 1150 A.D., which was the third tithi of the bright fortnight of Vrischiks (Mårgasirsba). The day was coupled with the nakshatra Uttarisbädba, which commenced aboat 19 ghatikās before mean sunrise of that day, while the third tithi ended about 44 ghatikās after it. We must therefore assume that in the inscription, Saturday is wrongly given instead of Friday,
No. 167 of the Madrus Epigraphical collection for 1908. • The letter ad of kesari is written on an ermure.
The syllable at the beginning of the line is corrected from ra. • The five syllables ma föladēra are writtes on an erasure. . Cancel the first two letters bila, • No. 165 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.

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No. 11.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
123
107.-In the Aiyaņār temple at Tiruppațçür. 1 Svasti sri [ll] Pů maruviga tira-mädam .. ... . 4 ... ....ko-Pparakësaripatmar=āna Tiribu vanachobak karavattiga! Sr[i]
Rajarajadóvar ku ylandı 7 åvadu Isbaba-niyatra - 5 para-pakshattu dvadasiyum Viyala-kkilamaiyum perra Aśvati-nal.
"In the 7th year of the reign) of king Parakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious RĀjar&jadēva,- on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the twolfth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date intended in this inscription is Thursday, the 21st May 1168 A.D. It is, however, not the 12th, but the 11th tithi of the dark fortnight of the month Rishabba (Jyaishtha); it was coupled with the nakshatra Asyini, which ended about 11 ghafikas after mean sunrise. The 12th tithi ended about mean sunrise of Friday at Lanka, according to the Arya-Siddhanta, 22 palas after it, according to the Sărya-Siddhanta 7 palas before it, and according to the BrahmaSiddhanta 52 palas before it. But as we have to reckon with true sunrise, which occurred on that day, say at Conjeeveram, 1 ghatika 49 palas before mean sunrise at Lanks, the end of the 12th tithi fell after true sunrise of Friday, which day therefore was called the 12th tithi. The 12th (lunar) tithi was however coupled with the nakshatra Asvini, which ended in it, though the day in which it ended was called the 11th tithi.
D.-TRIBHUVANACHAKRAVARTIN RĀJĀDHIRĀJA II.
198.-In the Siddhanāthasvāmin temple at Tirunaraiyur. 1 Svasti sri [62] Kadal-s[al]nda pår=ölun- . . . . 8 Tribhuvanachobak karavattiga! Sri-Rajäta(dhi)rajadėvarkku yandu Aråvadu
Mina-näy&rcu pūryva-pakshattu shashthiyam Viyala-kka(kki)lamaiyam perra Uroša i-pa!.
"In the sixth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rájādh[i]rājadēva,- on the day of Bohiņi, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the sixth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
This date corresponds to Thursday, the 8th March 1160 A.D. On this day, the 6th tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Mina (Chaitra) ended about 38 ghafikās after mean sunrise and the nakshatra Rohiņi about 36 ghatikās after mean sunrise (according to the equal-space system). The present inscription brings the accession to the throne of Rajadhiraja II. between 7th and 30th March 1163.
E.-KULOTTUNGA-CHOĻA III.
199.-In the Siddhanthasvāmin temple at Tirunaraiyur. 1..::[k]karavatt[i]ge[t fri-Ku]lottunga-soladova[t]ku yä[odu]" 2 vada
Kum2 [ba-näyarra'] irabatton[ra]n-[diyadi]yum perra apara-[pa]kshattu pra[da]
mai]yum Badan3 .... (pi) radamaiyum? perra [Pa]rattu nå!.
1 No. 597 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. * No. 172 of the same collection for 1908. • The syllable la seems to be entered below the line. • No. 166 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. 5 Between du and the figure 2 there is some space in which traces of a letter or a gure are seen. • The flourish added to the figure 8 may also be taken to represent the syllables ondu.
The tithi seems to have been repeated by mistake.

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“In the 2nd year of the reign) of the emperor [of the three worlds], the glorious Kulõttunga-Chöļadēva, on the day of Pūrva-Phalguni, which corresponded to the first tithi
. . to a Wednesday, to the first tithi of the second fortnight and to the twenty-first solar day [of the month of Kumbha].”
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 13th February 1180 A.D., which was the 21st day of the solar month Kumbha. The case is similar to that in No. 197 ; but here the first tiths of the dark fortnight of Kumbha was an expunged tithi, wherefore the day was to be called the 15th tithi of the bright fortnight. According to the Arya-Siddhanta, the 15th tithi of the bright fortnight of Kumbha (Phalguna) ended 5 ghatikas 9 palas after mean sunrise at Lanka, and the lst tithi of the dark fortnight 5 palas after mean sunrise of the next day (Thursday); but as the sun rose in Conjeeveram on that day 8 palas later, the end of the tithi was brought over to the preceding day, and was, therefore, expunged. Bat this first tithi of the dark fortnight of Kumbha was coupled with Parva-Phalgani which ended on Wednesday about 34 ghatikās after mean sunrise.
200.-In the Siddhanāthasvāmin temple at Tirunaraiyur.1 1 Svasti śri [ll] Tiribavanachchakkaravatt[i]ga! [śri]-Kulottunga-soladėvasku
yandı 2 vadu Mina-Då[ya]rru põrva-paksbattu piradamaiyam Vi[y]álakkilamaiyam perra [U]ttirattádi-na!
In the 2nd year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulõttunga-Choladēva, - on the day of Uttara-Bhadrapada, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 28th February 1180 A.D. On that day ended the 1st tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Mina (Chaitra) and the nakshatra Uttara Bhadrapada, both about 19 ghatikis after mean sunrise at Lanka.
201.--In the Siddhanāthasvāmin temple at Tirunasaiyur. 1 Svasti sri [1] Pu(pu)-maruviya Tisaimngatton ..... ko-Pparake
fósriparmar-åna Tiribavanachchakkaravattiga! “si-Viraråjëndhra (dra)dévarku yapdu [5]ójávadu Kumbs-[n]áyarra para-pakksbatta navamiyum Velli
kkilamai perra Malattu nä].
"In the [5]th year (of the reign) of king Parakēsarivarman alias the emporor of the three worlds, the glorious Virarājēndradēva, - on the day of Mala, which corresponded to a Friday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha.'
The date corresponds to Friday, the 18th February 1183 A.D., on which the 9th tithi of the dark fortnight of Kumbha (Chaitra) ended about 38 ghafikas and the nakshatra Müla about 36 ghafikis after mean sunrise at Lanka.
I No. 175 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. ? The flourish added to the figure 2 may also be taken to represent the syllables vadu. : No. 176 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • Read Sris.
. Read .pakshattu. • No. 178 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908, Read Irāfakafari

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DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
4 mar=āna
[Ti*]ribuvanachchakkara [ va]ttiga!
śr[i]-Virarajendra-Śoladevarkku yaṇḍu ārā valda na Simha-nayarru apara-pakshattu navamiyum Sani-kkilamaiyum perra [Mri]ga
[1]rsha[tta
]).
"In the time (na?) of the sixth year (of the reign) of king 'Rajakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Virarajendra-Chōladēva, on the day of Mrigasirsha, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha."
125
I take the date to correspond to Saturday, the 10th September 1183 A.D. For, on this day the nakshatra Mrigasirsha began at about 4 ghatikās after mean sunrise at Lanka. The day, however, was not the 9th, but the 7th tithi of the dark fortnight of Simha (Bhadrapada), that tithi having ended about 16 ghațikās after mean sunrise. The result shows that the word navamiyum of the original date should be altered to saptamiyum (or perhaps into ashṭamiyum, if that tithi was intended with which the given nakshatra mainly coincided, or in which it ended, as was the case in Nos. 197 and 199).
203.-In the Viļināthasvamin temple at Tiruvilimilalai.
1 [Svasti ér[D] Tribava achchakka[va]ttiga! ]-Kulo[t]tu[4]ga-[8]ladi [va]rku y[a]nḍu ēlā
2 vada Magara-na [ya]rru pū [rvva]-pak [shat]tu satudasi[y]u Viyala-kkila [mai]yum perza Paparpaatti-[]).
"In the seventh year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chōladēva,-on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
The date intended seems to be Wednesday, the 16th January 1185. For, on that day the 14th tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Makara (Magha) ended about 45 ghatikās after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra Punarvasu ended about 14 ghatikas after mean sunrise. The week-day however was Wednesday, and not Thursday, as given in the original date, apparently by a mistake.
204. In the Viļināthasvamin temple at Tiruvilimilalai.+
1 Svasti ér[1] [*] [Payal và][y]tta valla] [pera]ga [*] Tribavanachchakkaravatt[i]gal Maduraiyam Pa[n]diyan mudittalai[y]u-good-arulips Kulotta-[8]aladóvar[k]ku Lykuda padigagavadu
2 K[u]mba-nayarru pūrvva-pakshattu [pañja]miyum Velli-kkilamai [y]um Irrati-nal.
1 Kulottunga III. bears the surname Parakesarivarman in his other inscriptions.
2 No. 386 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
No. 418 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
Between ga and tri there is some space which may have contained a sign of punctuation
śi
"In the sixteenth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chōladēva, who was pleased to take Madurai and the crowned head of the Pandya, on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Friday and to the [fifth tithi] of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
Read chakravarttigal.
perra
The date corresponds to Friday, the 28th January 1194 A.D., the 5th tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Kumbha ending about 54 ghatikās after mean sunrise of that day, and the nakshatra Revati ending about 15 ghatikās after mean sunrise. As the tithi might be an

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
expunged one, I calculated the beginning of 5th tithi for true sunrise at Conjeevoram according to the Arya-Siddhanta; it began nearly a ghafika before sunrise of Friday, which day accordingly was the 5th tithi.
205.-In the vilināthasvāmin temple at Tiruvilimiļalai, 1 Svast[i] &r[i] [II] P[a]ya[l: va] [y]ttu [valam] . . . .
. . Madurai kop [du] Pan[diya] muditta [1]ai[y]an-gopd -aru![ina] Sr[i] -Kulottu[n]ga -Boladóvarku yaşda padingla
[vajda Ka[x]2 kadaga -NÄYAITU apara -pakshattu asturttesiya]mo Tingal-kilamai per[ra] Papa
[r]pa[]ttu nå! "In the seventeenth year of the reign) of the glorious Kulottunga-Chöladëve, who. having taken Madurai, was pleased also to take the crowned head of the Papdya, on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fourteenth (or fourth) tithi of the second fortaight of the month of Ka[r]kataka."
The tithi in this date must be the 14th; for the 4th tithi of the dark fortnight of Tala (and Vrischika) only can be coupled with Panarvasu. The 14th of Karkataka however cannot also be coupled with that nakshatra ; but the 14th of Mithuna. If we calculate for the 14th of the dark fortnight of Mithuna which corresponded to the 8th July, 1195 A.D., the nakshatra is indeed Panarvasa, bat we find the week-day to be a Saturday instead of a Monday. Indeed the week-day would be incorrect on any possiblo assumption.
F.-RĀJARĀJA III.
208. - In the Aiyanar temple at Tiruppațţür. 1 [Sva]sti srl [ll] Tiribu va[nachchak]karavattiga! sri-Rajaraja2 dēvarkku yandu 4 vada Dhand-nsyarra pärvva-pakshat3 tu da [sa] miyam Sevva-kkilamaiyum perra Révati-ta(na)!
"In the 4th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious BAjaräjadöva,--on the day of Rēvati, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the teath tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
This date is also a donbtful one. The tithi given in the inscription corresponds to the 18th December 1219 A.D., but it is a Wednesday and is coupled with the nakshatra Bharani and Krittika. The preceding day was a Tuesday, but it was the 9th tithi and was coupled with Asvini and Bharani. If we assume the month to have been Vrischika instead of Dhanus (for there are instances of such mistakes in these inscriptions, see above, vol. IX, p. 220. note 12, and p. 221, note 4), we find that Tuesday, the 19th November 1219 A.D., was the 11th tithi of the bright fortnight of Vpischika, not the tenth tithi as stated in the inscription : but this tenth (lunar) tithi was coupled with the nakshatra Rēvati, the one ending 13 ghatikas before mean sunrise, the other beginning 40 ghatikās before it; cf. No. 202
207.- In the Aiyaņār temple at Tiruppatřür. 1 Svasti eri | Tiriobuvanachchakkaravattiga! fri-Rajarajadēvarku yaņdu 7 avada
Ishs[ba]-niyarru apara-paksbattu tri(tri)tiyaiyun-Dingat-kkilamaiyum per[ra] Mo[la]tti=pa!.
1 No. 416 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. ? It is not imposible that the reading is faduttiyum, 1.e. the fourth fitm. • No. 696 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • The s-symbol attached to do is at the end of 1. 1. 5 No. 596 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.

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No. 11.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
"In the 7th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva, on the day of Mula, which corresponded to a Monday and to the third tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
I take the date to correspond to Monday, the 30th March 1222 A.D., though the nakshatra of that day was not Mula, but Uttarashaḍba and Śravapa. The third tithi of the dark fortnight of the month Rishabha (Jyaishtha) ended, according to the Arya and Sürya Siddhantas, 1 ghatika 44 palas, and 46 palas, respectively, after mean sunrise, and something more after true sunrise; while the 4th tithi ended on the next day. According to the Brahma-Siddhanta, however, Sunday was the third tithi and Monday was an adhika or repeated tithi. The result is practically the same as was found by the two other Siddhantas.
208. In the Mantrapurisvara temple at Kōvilür.1
1 1L Svasti śri [*]
2 Tiribuvanach [cha]
3 kkaravattigal éri
4 Rajarajadēvarkku y[a]
5 [p]ḍu 7 avadi[n] ediram=[a]6 ṇḍu Kumba-nayarru [p]ü
7 rvva-paksbattu tritiyaiyu[m]
8 Tingal-kkilamai[y]u[m] 9 Ira Śodi-nā).
pe
127
"In the year opposite the 7th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva, on the day of Sväti, which corresponded to a Monday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
ניון
The date corresponds almost certainly to Monday, the 20th February 1223 A.D. But the original date contains two errors: (1) it was not the first' fortnight, because in it the nakshatra Svati is impossible; (2) it was not the 3rd but the 4th tithi. For, on calculating the above date, we find that the 20th February corresponded to the 4th tithi of the dark fortnight of Kumbha (Phalguta), and that almost the whole day coincided with the nakshatra Svāti.
209. In the Vilināthasvamin temple at Tiruvilimilalai.3
Tribuvaṇachchakkaravattiga!
[-Irijarkjadevakku
1 Svasti
śri
[1] [v]da Kumbha-ns[a]zra apara-[pa]kshatta kadaliyam Sagi-[k]kilamaiyam
perra
2 Milattu nål.
yaṇḍu
"In the [1]1th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadova, on the day of Müla, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
1 No. 215 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
2 The name Rajaraja is denoted by two abbreviations.
No. 400 of the Mauras Epigraphical collection for 1908. 4 The date may also be read as 21.
This date is the same as that in No. 214 below and will be dealt with in that place. It deserves to be remarked that, in this inscription just as in No. 214, the month Kumbh has been erroneously quoted instead of Makara.

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128
1
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
210. In the Mantrapuriśvara temple at Kōvilür.1
2Svasti śri [U*] T[i][i]buvanachchakkaravatt[i]ga[ 61]-Rasarāśadevarku yāṇḍu [11] Ishava-nayar[ru] pü[r]va-pakkattu saptam [i]yum Nayarru-kk [i]lamaiyam perra Magattu nāļ.
(In) the [11]th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarājadēva, on the day of Magha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
If we take the year to be the 11th, neither the week-day nor the nakshatra comes out right. But if we calculate for the 21st year, both items come out right. The date corresponds to Sunday, the 3rd May 1237 A.D. The 7th tithi of the bright fortnight of Rishabha (Jyaishtha) ended about 9 ghatikus after mean sunrise of the 3rd May, and the nakshatra Magha covered nearly that whole day.
1 S[vasti
211-In the Viļināthasvamin temple at Tiruvilimilalai.
ri
[] Tinibarapachcha[k]karavattigal fri-Rajarajadavarkku (du Dhanu-nayarru pārvva-pakshattu dasamiyum T[i]oga-kk[i]Jamai
11 ȧ[va]du
yu[m] 2 perra Irevati-[n]al.
"In the 11th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarajadēva, on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Monday and to the tenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
[VOL. XI.
The date as given in the inscription would correspond to Thursday, the 31st December 1226 A.D., which was coupled with Krittika. This result is wrong in all details. If we calculate Monday, the 29th December of the same year, the nakshatra comes out right, but it is the 7th tithi. Now, assuming that the month Dhanus has erroneously been quoted for Makara, the original date would correspond to Monday, the 30th November 1226 A.D. This is apparently the right date. On that day, the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Makara ended about 37 ghatikas after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra Revati ended about 18 ghatikas after mean sunrise..
212.-In the Mantrapuriśvara temple at Kōvilür.6 Svasti śri [*] Tiribuvanachchakkara
1
2 vatt[i]gal śri-Iräsarāśadēvarkku y[a]
3 ṇḍda irubadavadu Magara-nāyaṛru pū
4 rvva-pakkattu saptamiyum Tingal-kki[la]
5 maiyum pperra Aśvati-nal.
"In the twentieth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva, on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Monday and to the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
The calculation of the original date yields Wednesday, the 16th January 1236 A.D., which day was coupled with the nakshatra Asvini; but as the week-day is wrong, we must reject this
1 No. 198 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
2 Two unintelligible symbols are engraved at the beginning of the line before the akshara sua.
The figures in brackets may also be read as 21.
4 Read Rishabha..
No. 409 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
No. 195 of the same collection for 1908.
1 Read yandu.
Read perra.

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129
date. Assuming a mistake in the month, vis. Makara for Dhanus, we get Tuesday, the 18th December, which corresponds to the given tithi (ending 9 ghatikās after mean sunrise), but the nakshatra was Rėvati (beginning 13 ghafikās after mean sunrise). If we calculate for the following year, the 21st instead of the 20th, the date comes out right in all details. It corresponds to Monday, the 5th January 1237 A.D. On that day, the 7th tithi of the month Makara ended 14 ghatikās after, and the nakshatra Asvini began 13 ghatikas before mean gunrise. This is probably the equivalent of the date, though it is rather surprising that the number of the regnal year should have been erroneously quoted.
213.-In the Vilināthasvāmin temple at Tiruviļimilalai. 1 Svasti eri:- T[i]rubu[va]nachoha (cha)kravartti[gal sri-R]ājarajadēvarku [y]andu
20 ira[bad][va]du Rishabha-[n]Xyar[ru] par[vva]-pakshattu dasa[m]i[y]um
[V]e[lli]2-kkilamai yum pjer[ra] Uttsira]ttu (nal). "In the 20th-twentieth-year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarājadēva, - on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a [Friday] and to the tenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date probably corresponds to Friday, the 18th May 1238 A.D. On that day, the 9th tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Rishabha (Jyaishtha) ended 12 ghatikis, and the nakshatra Uttara-Phalguni 14 ghatikās after mean sunrise at Lanka. It appears therefore that, in the original date, the tenth tithi has been erroneously quoted instead of the ninth. Calculating Mēsha instead of Rishabha, we find that the 10th tithi of the bright fortnight ended on Thursday, the 17th April 1236 A.D., 40 ghatikās after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra Uttara-Phalguni began only 50 ghagikis after mean sunrise. If this date be the right equivalent, we have to assume that the month as well as the week-day are erroneously quoted in the original.
214.-In the Vilināthasvāmin temple at Tiruvili milalai. 1 Svast[i] br[i] [11] Tir[i]bavanachaka(va]ttigaléri-Irājaïrājadēva[r]ku yandu
21 vadu Kumba)-n[@]yangu apara-pakshattu ēk[s]dasamiyum Sap[i]-kkilam[aiyu]m
perra Mülatta 2 nă!.
"In the 21st year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rējarājadēva, - on the day of Müla, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the seleventh] tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date corresponds to Saturday, the 24th January 1987 A.D. But the month Kumbha has erroneous been quoted instead of Makara. For, it is impossible that in Kumbha (Phalguna) te Ilth tithi of the dark fortnight should coincide with Mula ; and besides, in that year Phalgunaytedi 11 was a Monday (or possibly a Sunday, for the end of the tithi fell very near gunrise), but certainly not a Saturday. But on the day stated above, the 11th tithi of the dark fortnight of Makara ended about 18 ghafikar after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra Māla ended about 27 ghafikas after it.
No. 407 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. · The space between and kki is just enough for bolli and not for fevray (Tuesday).
No. 410 of the Madras Epigraphioal collection for 1908. • Read chakravartio.
Rend - Rajarajao, • The syllable mi is written below the line. The tithi intended may have been either akadafi or dafami. But No. 209 above, which is identically the same date, gives ikadati,

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[VOL. XI.
215.-In the Mantrapuriśvara temple at Kovilür. 1 [S]vasti sri [11] Tr[i]bhuvanachchakrava(tti]ga! sri-[R]ājari[ja]2 a[ē]varkk[u] yandu [2]6 Kvadin-edirā[m=i3 ndu Kangi-na]ya[1]?u=[p]pūrvva-(pakshattu ashta]emi4 [y]um Tingal-kilamaiyum [p]erra Anilattu na!.
“In the year opposite the [2]@th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadëva, - on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to a Monday and to the eighth tithi (or the fifth tithi) of the first fortnight of the month of [Kanya)."
The date as given in the inscription admits of four cases : (1) 16th year, 5th tithi ; the equivalent is Tuesday, the 2nd September 1231 A.D.; the nakshatra Anuradha began 34 ghatikas after mean sunrise ; (2) 26th year, 5th tithi : Wednesday, the 11th September 1241 A.D.; Anuradha ended 47 ghatikās after mean sunrise. Assuming the eighth tithi to be given, the week-days will be (3) Friday and (4) Saturday for the 16th and 26th year respectively, and the nakshatra will also be wrong. If we compute the same four cases for Simha instead of Kanya, we get a Monday only for case 1, vis. Monday, the 4th August 1231 A.D., but the nakshatra is Chitra and Sväti. If we compute for Tulă instead of Kanya, case No. 4 gives a Monday, vis. 14th October 1241 ; but then the nakshatra would be Sravana and Sravishtha. Therefore the date of this inscription seems not to admit of verification.
216.-On some detached stones in a grovo at Tirukkaravāśal.3 1 Svasti sri [ll] Tiribuvagachchak[karava]tt[i]ga! śr[i]. Rajarajadērarkku yalodu
28 ivadu Karkkadaga-näyarru pärvva-pakshat[t]u satuttes[i]yum Buday
k[i]lamaiyum per[ra*] Utt[i]rattu n.[!].
“In the 28th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarājadēva, - on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
The original date erroneously quotes the 14th tithi instead of the 4th ; for, Sråvana (Karkataka) sudi 14 cannot coincide with Uttara-Phalguni, but sudi 4 may coincide with it. The corrected date corresponds to Wednesday, the 22nd July 1243 A.D. On that day the 4th tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Karkataka ended 36 ghafikas after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra Uttara-Phalguni ended 24 ghafikas after mean sunrise.
217.-In the Mantrapurisvara temple at Kövilür. 1 Svasti sri [ll] T[i]r[i]bu vaqachchakkaravattiga! si Räsarå fadēvar[t]ku
yandu 31 ávadu Mesha-nayarru ...... .'[pajami[y]um Tingal
kiļamaiyam [P]erra [A]gilatta nå].
"In the 31st year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva, on the day of Anuradhã, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fifth tithe .. .. . of the month of Mēsha."
The 5th tithi of both fortnights in Mēsha did not fall, in the year of the inscription (1247 A.D.), on a Monday; and the nakshatra Anuradha cannot be coupled with the 5th tithi of
1 No 182 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. * The reading may also be pañjamiyum. * No 454 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • The word Rajaraja is expressed by two abbreviations. . No. 199 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • In the original it cannot be made out whether apara. or perva.pakala was eagraved.

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131
either fortnight in Mēsha. The tithi is therefore wrong. Now, calculating for the week-day and the nakshatra given in the inscription, I find that on Monday, the 22nd April 1247 A.D., the nakshatra Anuradha commenced 4 ghatikās after mean sunrise. The first tithi of the dark fortnight ended 34 ghafikās after mean sunrise. If this day is the one intended in the inscription, the word 'pañjamiyum' is a mistake for pradamaiyum.'
G.-RĀJĒNDRA-CHOĻA III.
218.-In the Mantrapuriśvara temple at Kõvilür. 1 1- Svasti sri (lI*] Tiribava achchakkaravatt[i]ga[! sri]-Irāśēndi[ra]-Soladēvarkku
yandu pa[t]tā(va]dinned[i]ra[m-a]ądu Kapgi-ni2 yarru a[pa]ra-paksbattu shashthiy[u]m Tingal-k[i]la[m]aiya[m] perra Rosaņi-nal.
“In the year opposite the [tenth] year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājēndra-Choladeva,- on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Monday and to the sixth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kanya."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 11th September 1250 A.D.; bowover the month Kanyi has erroneously been quoted instead of Simha. On the day in question, the 6th tithi of the dark fortnight of the month of Simha (being the 15th solar Kanya) ended 51 ghatikas, and the nakshatra Rohiņi 45 ghatikās after mean sunrise at Lanka.
219.-In the Mantrapuriśvara temple at Kõvilār. 1 [S]vast[i] [Sri] [11*] [Tiribavana]chchakkaravatt[i]ga! śr[i]-Irāsēnd[i]ra-Soladēvarkku
yavdu pa]din-ělávadu 1-3 2 fishabha- niyarra pälvva-pa[k]shasattu* tri(tri) tiyaiyam Nayarru-kkilu[m]aiyum
perra Pusat[tu*] na!.
“In the seventeenth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, tho glorious Rājēndra-Choladēva,-- on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 21st May 1262 A.D., if we assume that the third tithi hgg erroneously been quoted instead of the second. For, on that day, the 2nd tithi of the bright fortnight of Rishabha (Jyaishtha) Onded about 42 ghatikās after, and the nakshatra Pushya commencod about 40 ghafikds after inoan sunrise at Lanka.
220.-In the Mantrapuriśvara temple at Kovilür.6. 1 o Svasti éri [ll*] Tiribuva achcha[kka*]ra (vatti*]ga! sri- Rā[j]ē[adra)- Šoladēvark[u
yan]du 2 17 vada Tula-nāyatru ptrvva-pakshattu chata[rddasiy]um Velli-kkila[m]aiyum 3 petra Asvati-nál.
* In the 17th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the giorious RĀ jēndra]- Chõladēva,- on the day of Aśvini, which corresponded to a Friday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Tuli."
No. 208 of the Madras Epigrapbical collection for 1908. * No. 213 of the same collection for 1908. * Cancel the letter i. • Read -pakshattu. • Them of kilamai is entered below the line. • No. 223 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
82

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The date corresponds to Friday, the 27th October 1202 A.D. The nakshatra Asvini ended about 36 ghatikās after sunrise, and the 14th tithi of the bright fortnight of Tula (Karttika) ended according to the Sarya-Siddhanta 58 ghafikās, and according to the Brahma-Siddhånta 52 ghafikas after true sunrise at Conjeeveram. As the same tithi was current at sunrise according to both these Siddhantas, it was no expunged tithi. But it was an expunged tithi according to the Arya-Siddhanta.
221.- In the Vilināthasvāmin temple at Tiruvilimiļalai.) 1 Svast[i] gri [ll] [Tiribavanach]chakkaravat]t[i]ga!6r[i]-PRåjëndra - [Soladēvar]kku
ya[ndu) [8]vadas (Kumba]-*näyarru (pårv va-pa]kshattu (pa]ñcha[miyu]m
Budap-k[i]lamai yum] pera Utt[i]rāda[ttu nä!).
"In the 1[8]th year of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rájēndra-Choladēva,- op (the day of] Uttarăshādhi, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the (first] fortnight of the month of [Kumbha)."
In the month Kumbha, the nakshatra Uttarishadhá can occur only between the 8th and 11th tithi of the dark fortnight, in the month Talá between the 5th and 8th tithi of the bright fortnight. We must therefore read Tula in the inscription. The details of the date would be right if we assume that the fifth tithi has erroneously been quoted instead of the sixth. For, on Wednesday, the 10th October 1283, the 6th tithi of the bright fortnight of Tuli ended about 10 ghafikas, and the nakahatra Uttarishad bå about 20 ghafilis after mean sunrise at Lanka.
222.-In the Mantrapurisvara temple at Kovilür. 1 [Sva]st[i] r[i] [11] [Tribhuvagalohchakkara[vat]tiga! [$ri)-R[$j]endira
[6]a[la]a[7]varkku yaņda [22] a[vada] Kumba-naya [xxu] [para)-paksbatta
sha[shthi]yum Tin [gat]- k[ila]mai 2 p[e]rra Sodi-na!.7
"In the [22]nd year of the roign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājēndra-Choladēva,-- on the day of Svāti, which corresponded to a Monday and to the sixth tithi of the [second] fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
I cannot verify this date satisfactorily. The tithi or the nakshatra must be wrong; for, the sixth tithi cannot coincide with the nakshatra Sväti. The nearest approach to the given date is in the twentieth year, Monday, the 14th February 1267 A.D., on which day the nakshatra Svati commenced about sanrise; bat it was the 4th tithi of the dark fortnight of Kumbha, which ended abont 18 ghafikas after mean sunrise.
No. 12.-DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
BY PROFESSOR H. JACOBI, PA.D., Boxx. V. Venkayya, M.A., Rai Bahadur, has sent me for examination the text and English translation of 17 Påpdya dates, of which I herewith publish 15. In some cases my results
1 No. 412 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908,
The syllable rá is denoted by an abbreviation. The word padw is expressed by flourish added to the figure 8.
• Between the letters ba and nd there is a symbol which may represent either or the a-siga. The name of the month is not quite clear. It may also be rend [Talk).
No. 216 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • There is some unaccountable space between the aksharu ku and mof Kumbs. 1 The length of ná is inserted below the line

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No. 12.]
are not satisfactory; still I thought it advisable to state what they are since they may be useful either for further consideration of historical questions involved by the inscriptions or for deciding the uselessness of the dates as being altogether wrong.
Nos. 90-94 enable us to fix the commencement of Jaṭavarman Vira-Pandya's reign, which has approximately been placed in 1310 A.D. by Mr. Krishna Sastri (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1908-09, Part II, § 27). Four of these inscriptions quote, besides the details usually given in them, the corresponding solar day; thereby, as stated by Prof. Kielhorn (above, Vol. VI. p. 301), we can find the precise equivalent, though the year is not stated in any era, the regnal year only being given. For, as a given solar day may be coupled with any of the thirty tithis and of the seven week-days, a given combination of these three items will, on the average, occur only once in 7x 30=210 years, and the chance will be still rarer if the nakshatra is mentioned, as is usually the case. In No. 89 the tithi is not given, but the combination of the remaining three items is such as will recur only once in about 150 years.
In order to solve the problems to which such dates give occasion, I have developed my tables (above, Vol. I) in detail for several centuries, and with their help the task became an easy one. These developed Tables will be published in book form in the Encyclopædia for IndoAryan Research. I shall there explain the method of solving the problem in question.
I now proceed to discuss the results of my examination of the dates in Nos. 90-94. They may be summarised as follows:
Jaṭavarman Vira-Pandya (September 29, December 1, A.D. 1295).
No. 90. 6th year: 28th September 1302.
No. 91. 22nd year: 3rd May 1318.
No. 92. 44th year: 2nd December 1339.
No. 93. 43 (Cor. 46)th year: 2nd August 1339.
No. 94. 46th year: 16th June 1342.
Nos. 90-92 show that the king must have commenced to reign between the 29th September and the 1st December 1295. With this date for the commencement of the reign No. 94 agrees if we read the regnal year as 46, as we may, since the second figure of 4[9] put in brackets in the transcript, may also be read 6 as stated in the note. In No. 93, the regnal year cannot be 46, since No. 92 is dated in the same year of our era. The date, 2nd August, shows that the 46th has wrongly been given instead of the 43rd.
year
According to No. 89 Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulasekhara seems to have begun reigning in 1379-80 A.D. I should, however, not place too much reliance on this result, before it has been corroborated by more inscriptions of the same king. For, if in our inscription the wrong nakshatra had been quoted, as is rather frequently the case in these records, the calculated equivalent would of course be also intrinsically wrong.
No. 84 fixes the beginning of the reign of a Tribhuvanachakravartin Sundara-Pāṇḍya in A.D. 1237-38.
MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I. (A.D. 1216-35). 81.-In the Tiruttalisvara temple at Tirupputtür.1 16 Svast[i] śri [... ..éri-ko-Mārupa [n]mar-apa Tiribu [va]nachchakkravattigal Souda valangiy-aruliya ri-Sundara-Paedi
2 yadevaku yanda 20 vadun(din) edirim-kodu [Ka]opi-nyagru apara-[pakabat][u] Viya[la]-kkilamaiyu[m] shashṭhiyum perra Püsattu pāļ.
1 No. 129 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.

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"In the year opposite the 20th yoar (of the reign) of the glorious king Maraverman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, who was pleased to distribute the Chola country, on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to the sixth tithi and a Thursday of the second fortnight of the month of Kanya."
The date seems to correspond to Thursday, the 18th September 1238 A.D. That day was Āśrina badi 2 as required, the second tithi ending about 36 ghatikas after mean sonrise at Lanka. But the day was coupled with the nakshatras Asvini and Bharani, and not, as quoted in the inscription, with Pushya. It is impossible, on any supposition, that Asvina badi 2 should be coupled with Pushya; the nakshatra will always be one between Abvini and Mrigasiras, and never beyond the latter.
JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PĀNDYA I. (R)
(A.D. 1251 to 1261). 82.- In the Visināthasvāmin temple at Tiruviļimiļalai.! 1 Kor Chadapane(n)mar Tiniribavugach[cha]ttaravattigal Sundara-Pandiyadēvarkku
duodu 2 (vadu] iranid]āvadu Danu-năyarra apara-pasakshat(ta cha]tur*]dasi
yum Nayarr[u-kkila]mmail2 yum perra Āyiliyatta na(na)!.
"In the 2nd-second-year of the reign) of king Jaţăvarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, Sundara-Pandyadēva,- on the day of Aslēsha, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fourteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
In this date, the wrong fortnight is cited; for, in the month of Dhanus or Pausla, Aslesha cannot be coupled with badi 14, but only with sudi 14. However, the week-day does not come out right in either fortnight, if we assume the king to have been Jaţăvarman SundaraPandya II. For, in K.Y. 4378 (=1276 ff. A.D.) Paasha was expunged, and both sudi 14 and badi 14 falling in the solar month of Pausha were not Sundays. The same holds good with Paasha sadi 14 and badi 14 of the preceding year. Assuming the king to have been the first of this name, the week-day comes out right for K.Y. 4354 Pausha sudi 14 corresponding to Sunday, the 4th January 1254. But the nakshatras coupled with that day were Punarvasu and Pushya; OD the next day occurred Aslesha.
.
JAȚĀVARMAN SUNDARA-PĀNDYA.
83.-In the Viļinathasvāmin temple at Tiruviļimiļalai.7 1 Svast[i] $r[i] [11] KO=Chchaqapanmar Tr[i]bhuvanachchakravatt[iga! sri].
Sundara-Pāŋ]dya-deva[rkku yàodu] ettáva[aja Dhanu-dāyatru pärvva-pakshattu
ashtami (yu]m Velli-[k]k[i]lamaiyam perra Re2 vati-na!.
"In the eighth year of the reign) of king Jaţavarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious (Sundara-Pandyadēva),- on the day of Rēvati, which corresponded to a priuk All the Myinti svitaphiuchi coletuluius about the month of Thenne"
1 No. 395 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. 2 Read Tribhuranachakrararttigal. ! A symbol resembling the figure 4 is engraved before fu. Perhaps it stands for fri. * Readi yandu.
Read pakshattu. * No. 411 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
. Read Okkilomar.

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I have calculated the date for both Jatavarman Sandara Pandya I and II. ; in both cases, the result is not satisfactory. I give them here. In 1258 A.D. Pausha was an expunged month; if we assume that sudi 8, falling in solar Pausha, was intended, we find that it ended 4 ghatikās after mean sunrise at Lankä on Thursday, the 5th December, and the nakshatra Rēvati began only 15 ghatikās after sunrise. Therefore, the date would be right, if the eighth tithi had been wrongly quoted instead of the ninth.- Now assuming the king to be the second of his name, the date would fall in 1292 A.D. The calculation proves that on Friday, the 19th December 1292 A.D., the 9th tithi ended a few ghalikis before the end of the day according to all Siddhāntas, and the 8th tithi ended on Thursday. But as the nakshatra Revati ended about 5 ghalikās before sunrise of Friday, it could not have been coupled with that day.
TRIBHUVANACHAKRAVARTIN SUNDARA-PĀNDYA (A.D. 1237-88 to ?).
84.-In the Tiruttaļiśvara temple at Tirupputtur.! 1 III o Svasti śri [ll*) .. ...... . Tribhuva[na]chchakravattiga!
sri-Sandara-Pandiyadēvarku yandu 2 ndāvad[u] Dhanu-nayarru 11 ndi[ya]d[i]
yum pūrvva-pakshattu daśamiyum 2 Bndhan-kilamai ya]m [p]erra Aśvati-nāļ.
“In the 2nd year of the reign) of the emperor of the throe worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadēva, on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Wednosday, to the tenth tithi of the first fortnight and to the 11th solar day of the month of Dhanus."
Between 1200 and 1500 A. D. there is but one day which fulfils all requirements of the date of our inscription, vis. 4340 Kaliyuga, Pausha sudi 10, which corresponds to Wednesday, the 7th December 1939 A.D. On that day, at mean sunrise at Lanka, the 10th tithi of the first fortnight of the month Dhanus (Pausha) was running, and ended abont 42 ghatikās afterwards, and the nakshatra Aśvini had began 7 ghatikas before mean sunrise at Lanka and ended about 49 ghatikās after it. Accordingly, this king began to reign in 1237-38 A.D.
JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PĀNDY A II. (?)
(A.D. 1275-76 to 1290). 85.--In the Vilināthasvāmin temple at Tiruvilimilalai.? 1 Svasti (sri 1l] K[0]r-Chadai panjmar T[i]ru[b]avanachchakka (ravajtt[ign! sr[i
Sulodara-P[andilyade(va]rku yao(do 9]vadu Tula näyar[r]u [apura"-pal:shattu
saptamiyum [N]ayarra-kkila2 maiyum per[ra P]āsattu nä!
“In the [9]th year of the reign) of king Jaţāvarman (alias) the emporor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva,- on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the seventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Tulā."
The week-day does not come out right for the 9th year of either Jatā varman SundaraPåndya I. or II. I have calculated the years 1259, 60, 61 and 1283, 84, 85 A.D.
1 No. 130 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. * No. 414 of the same collection for 1908. • The punctuation after fri is not distinct; the existing traces de to point to the reading On.

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JAȚĀVARMAN SUNDARA-PĀŅDYA II.
(A.D. 1275-78 to 1290).
86.-In the Mantrapurisvara temple at Kovilür. 1 Svasti [śrīj? [ll"] Ko-Ch[cha]dapanmar=āņa Tiribu(va]nachchakkarava. 2 ttiga[ Su]n[dara)-Pandiyadēvarkku yandu 14 vada Sim 3 ha-näyarru pūrvva-paksbatta trit[ra]gaiyum Budap-kilamaiyum 4 perra Attattu nā).
"In the 14th year (of the reign) of king Jaţāvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, - on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simha."
The date of this inscription is K.Y. 4391, Bhådrapada sudi 3 =Wednesday, the 9th August 1290 A.D. For, on that day the 3rd tithi of the first fortnight of Bhadrapada (Simha) ended about 46 ghatikās after mean sunrise at Lanka and the nakshatra Hasta began about 9 ghaţikās after mean sunrise.
KOŅĒRIMĒLKOŅDĀN JAȚĀVARMAN SUNDARA-PĀNDYA.
87.-In the Nilakanthēsvara temple at Vedal.. 1 [Sva*]sti sri [ll] Konėrimõlkondan kor=Chadapanmar Tirabu vaṇachchakkaravattiga!
śri-Sundara-Pandiyadēvarku yanda padi{n-mu]právadiņ=edir mu(mu)privada Kaskadaga-nāyasru pūrvva-pakshattu saptam[iy]um Budan-kilamaiyum perra
Attattu näļ.
"In the third (year) opposite the thirteenth year of the reign) of Köņērimēlkondan king Jatavarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious SundaraPandyadēva, on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the seventh title of the first fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
[Professor Jacobi has not recorded the results of his calculation of this date.-Ed.]
MĀRAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I. (A.D. 1268-1308).
88.-In the Sundararāja-Perumāļ temple at Pon-Amarāvati. 16 [Śri] Svatt[i](sti)
. . . . -Māra[ps][nma® ]r=āņa (apa) Ti[ri*]bavanachchakkaravatt[i]gall=emmaņdalamun=gond-araliya
Kulasega2 radēvarku pāņdu 18 vada Simba-nayasrı [pa]rvva-pakshattu pañchamiyum
Tinggal-kilamaiy[u]m perra Utt[i]rädattu näl.
"In the 18th year (of the reign) of king Māra[varman) alias the emperor of the three worlds, Kulasekharadēva, who was pleased to take every country,-on the day of Uttarashādha, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simha."
The date of the inscription seems to correspond to Monday, the 6th August 1295 A.D., on which day the 5th tithi of the month of Simha (Bhadrapada) ended, about 52 ghatikas
1 No. 214 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. * The punctuation after the syllable friis indistinct. * Read tritiyas". * No. 69 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
No, 21 of the same collection for 1909.
. Read Tingal

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after moan sunrise at Lanka. Bat the nakshatra was Chitrå. It may be remarked that the nakshatra Uttarishādhå can never be coupled with Bhadrapada sudi 5, as required by the inscription.
TRIBHUVANACHAKRAVARTIN KULASEKHARA (A.D. 1979-80 to P).
89.-In the Tiruttaļisvara temple at Tirupputtur.1 1 [S]vasti [Sri] [11] [T]ribhavanachchakravattiga! Sri-Kulasekharade[varkne
y]ându 4 vadin=edi[ra]m=&[ndu Kar]kadaga-[nä]yarrəirubattelan-tiyadi Sapi-k2 [k]i[lam]aiyum perra Rosaņi-nāļ.
"In the year opposite the 4th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadēva,- on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to a Saturday (and) to the twenty-seventh solar day of the month of Karkataka."
The only day between 1200 and 1500, which I found to correspond to the date of the ingeription, would be Saturday, the 30th July 1889 A.D.; it was the 27th solar Karkataka, (Śrāvana badi 10) and the nakshatra was Rohiņi. This king therefore would appear to have commenced reigning 1379-80 A.D.
In the years 1262 A.D., 23rd July, and 1475, 25th July, the 27th solar Karkataka fell on a Saturday and the nakshatra was the next after Rohiņi, viz. Mpigasiras; we need therefore take no account of these years.
[The alphabet in which the inscription is engraved shows that it must be older than A.D. 1200.-Ed.) JATAVARMAN TRIBHUVANACHAKRAVARTIN VIRA-PĀNDYA (A.D. 1286-1842 P).
90.-In the vilināthasvāmin temple at Tiruvilimilalai. 1 Svast[i] sri :- Kor-Chadapanmar Tirubuvanachohakkaravattiga! fri-Vira
Papdiyadovapko ya da 6 vadu drivada 2 [K]opi-näyarru parava-pa[k]shattu shatti(shthi)gum Volli-kliflamai]yum per
Malattu na!.
"In the 8th-sixth-year (of the reign) of king Jaţăvarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pāņdyadēve,- on the day of Mols, which corresponded to a Friday and to the sixth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kany."
The date of this inscription corresponds to Friday, the 28th September 1809 A.D. On that day, the 6th tithi of the first fortnight of Asvina (Kanys) 4403 Kaliyuga ended 6 ghafikde after mean sunrise at Lanks and the nakshatra Mola was running till about 15 ghatikas atter mean sunrise.
01.-In the Tiruttaļīśvara temple at Tirupputtar. i fri-kd-Chohadaipapmar-ips Tribhuvanachohakravatti[ga]! fri-Vira-[P]Andiyadavarku
yår[da] 22[vada ]shabe-nå[y]rta [4]todiyam? pa[romapa]bahatta (dvi]tiyaiyam perra Ro[hi]ņi-n[&!).
1 No. 101 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1808 * No. 401 of the mme collection. . In the syllable ko, the i of the origa is corrected from tri. • Vadu is expressed by a flourish added to the figure 6. • No. 128 of the Madru Epigraphical collection for 1908. • Vadw is sloo expressed by rymbol.
The word tai is expressed by a symbol.

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"In the 22nd year of the reign of the glorious king Jațāvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pāņdyadēva, on the day of Böhiņi, which corresponded to the second tithi of the first fortnight and to the oth solar day of the month of Rishabha."
I take this date to correspond to Sunday he 3rd May 1318 A.D. This day was actually the 8th solar Rishabha (Jyaishtha), not the 4th as found in the transcript of the inscription; the 2nd tithi of the first fortnight of Jyaishtha (Rishabha) ended about 13 ghatikas after mean sunrise at Lanks, but the nakshatra Rohiņi had ended about 26 ghafikas before sunrise. It would therefore appear that the nakshatra quoted was that current at the beginning of the tithi, though it had ended before the day which is called after that tithi.
92.-In the Tiruttaļisvara temple at Tirupputtur. 1 Svast[i] Sri [118] Ko-Chchadaivan(mar-āņa] Tr[i]bhuvanachobakravatt[i]ga! sri
Virk-Pandiyadevarku yaoda 44 vada Dhant-nāyarra 2 5 tèdiy[um]' pūrvva-pakahattu prathamaiyum Brihaspati-viramum perra Mülatta
nål
"In the 44th year (of the reign) of king Jaţăvarmen alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pandyadēva, on the day of Müla, which corresponded to a Thursday, to the first tithi of the first fortnight and to the 5th solar day of the month of Dhanus."
This date corresponds to Thursday, the 2nd December 1339 A.D., on which day the first tithi of the first fortnight of Pausha (Dhanus) ended 32 ghatikās after mean sunrise at Lanka, and the nakshatra Müla was current at sunrise and ended about 41 ghatikās after it.
98.-In the Tiruttaļisvara temple at Tirupputtür. 1 Svasti 6[r]i [ll] Ko-Chchadaipanmar=āņa Tr[i]bhuvanachchakravattiga! sri-Vira
Pandiyadevarka yanda 46 vadu Karkadaga-näyarpa 14 tõdi]" 2 pūrvva-pakshutta [pa]ájamiyum Somaváramum perra Uttirattu nä).
"In the 46th year of the reign) of king Jațavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pāņdyadēva, - on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight (and) to the 14th solar day of the month of Karkataka."
This date apparently corresponds to Monday, the 2nd August 1339 A.D. On that day, the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of Srivada (Karkataka) ended about 15 ghatikas after mean sunrise at Lanks, and the nakshatra Uttara-Phalguni was current at sunrise, and ended abont 6 ghatikās after it. However, the calculated date was actually the 15th solar Karkataka, and not the 14th as stated in the inscription.
94.- In the Tiruttaļisvara temple at Tirupputtür. 1 [6] Svasti sri [ll] Ko-Chchadaipapmar-apa Tr[i]bhu vaqachchakravatt[i]ga!
śr[i]-Vira-P[a]odiyadēvarkku yåpdu 4[9]" vadu Mithunanäyarru 21 tõdim? puruva-pakkattu tavadesiyam Aditya-v[*]rama[m] p[e]rra
Anilatta nå!.
I No. 122 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. - The word todi is expressed by a symbol
No. 119 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • The word tädi is expressed by a symbol.
No. 120 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908. • The figure in bracketa may also be read 6.
Tödi ia denoted by a symbol; tidim stands for tädiyum.

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GOHARWA PLATES OF KARNADEVA.
No. 18.]
"In the 4[9]th year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Paṇḍyadēva, on the day of Anuradha, which corresponded to a Sunday, to the twelfth tithi of the first fortnight and to the 21st solar day of the month of Mithuna."
139
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 16th June 1842 A.D. On that day, at mean sunrise at Lanka, the 12th tithi of the first fortnight of Ashadha (Mithuna) and the nakshatra Anuradha were current, the former ending about 24 ghaṭikas, and the latter 45 ghaṭikäs after mean sunrise at Lanka. And the day actually was the 21st solar Mithuna.
JATAVARMAN VIKRAMA-PANDYA.
95.-In the Tiruttalisvara temple at Tirupputtur.1
16 Svasti śr[i] [*] Ko-Chchadai panmar-ana Tr[i]bhuvanachchakravatt[i]gal éri-Vikrama-Pandiyadevarku yanda 8[vadi]n edir 14 avadu Dhanu-ravi selläninra Subhakiri-varusham 2 Sak-abdam 1344 měl pürvva-pakshattu tritigaiyum Buda-varamum perra Tiruvonatta
19 tědi
3 năļ.
"In the 14th (year) opposite the 8th year (of the reign) of king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Pandyadeva, in the (cyclio) year Subhakrit, which was current after the (expiry of the) Saka year 1844, on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight (and) the 19th solar day (when) the Sun (was in) Dhanus.".
This date apparently corresponds to Wednesday, 18th December 1422 A.D., the corresponding Jovian year of southern reckoning being Subhakrit. But the third tithi has wrongly been quoted for the second. For, on the calculated day which was the 19th solar Dhanus, the 2nd tithi of the first fortnight of Pausha (Dhanus) was current at sunrise at Lanka and so was the nakshatra Śravana. The third tithi began about 5 ghatikas after mean sunrise at Lanka, and the nakshatra Śravana ended about 52 ghatikas after sunrise. It would therefore appear that the current tithi has been quoted instead of the one which ended on that day.
No. 13.-GOHARWA PLATES OF KARNADEVA.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE).
These plates were found, whilst ploughing, in a field in an old fort at Goharwa, a village in the Manjhanpur tahsil of the Allahabad District. The finder was a Kewat. He states that his plough turned up the plates and broke the ring which fastened them together. The find was rescued from him by one Ramnath, a zamindar of Mawai Kalan, and produced first before the Collector, and then, by the Collector's directions, before Mr. E. A. H. Blunt, C.S., Sub-Divisional Officer, Karwi, Banda district, who sent the plates to Rai Bahadur Veukayya. I edit the inscription from two sets of ink-impressions received from Mr. Venkayya.
No. 124 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1908.
The syllables vadi are expressed by a flourish added to the figure 8. Bead Subhakrid.
The word tädi is expressed by a symbol.
These are two copper plates, resembling ordinary trays, which fit one into the other and form a compact box, with corresponding ring holes at the bottom of the first and at the top of the second plate. They were originally held together by a ring, in such a way that the
T2

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140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
inscription was inside. The box measures nearly 154 inches in length and about 11inches in breadth. The second plate, which fits into the box, is a little smaller than the first. The depth of the margin of each plate is about inch. When Mr. Venkayya examined the plates, the seal had no ring and was detached from the plates. It is bell-shaped and has an almost circular surface which measures 3 inches in diameter. The upper portion of the seal bears, in relief, a seated figure of the goddess Lakshmi, facing the front and attended by two elephants pouring water over her. At the bottom is a bull couchant, facing the proper right, between two indistinct symbols (drums?). Across the centre is engraved the name of the king who issued the plates :
श्रीमत्करणदेवः ।
Thanks to the peculiar arrangement by which the inscription was protected from damage the writing is on the whole well preserved. The language of the inscription is Sansksit, prose (11. 1, 33-44, 49) and verse (II. 1-83, 45-49). The metre is irremediably wrong in two places (11. 9, 20).
The alphabet is an early type of Nagari: is nowhere distinguished from a. U is often writion like U, and like a. The three letters 4, 4, and are very similar in shape. If at the end of a line no spare place was left for the next akshara, the engraver has filled up the line by a vertical dash. The end of a section is marked by the symbols in three cases (11. 33, 35, 44).
As regards orthography, the vowel ri is expressed by ra in grahi (1.5) and takes the place of the syllable ri in tribhuvana (1.4). Instead of the vowel si a u is employed in kupta (1. 28). The palatal sibilant occurs instead of dental s in sruta (1. 26), and 3 for $ in eight instances (Chrisam and asā, 1. 15; sunda, 1. 23; asvapati, 1. 34; sakhine and sarmmanē, l. 40; sukla, 1. 41; vanşe, 1. 48). The anusvāra is replaced by n in yaśānsi (1. 32), kh by sh in mayūsha (1. 3),
by in grihnati (1. 46), ph by p in putkara (11. 15, 24), and y by j in iyaja (1. 33). Other vulgar forms are tamora for tāmra (1. 32), edmura for sämra (1. 89), sirmay for sima (1. 39), Kodamra-pattalāyan for Kausāmba-pattalayan (1. 37), and utkirnpitam for utkirnnam (1. 49).
In the proge portion of the inscription, the rules of sandhi are not always observed, and even in the metrical portion, the sandhi is neglected in chayaih tasmat (1. 18). Two cases of wrong sandhi are 'vandyo Chadındrao (1. 11) and chaturdframēkao (1. 30). Final.t is often written in the Hindi way without the virama, and after such a t the sandhi is neglected in Thadarat (1. 26), TA #1 (1.30), and havet (1. 42).
The inscription opens with 30 verses praising the (Kalachuri) king Karnadēvs and his ancestors. Three of these verses (1, 12, 18) are found also in the Benares plates of the same king, and the two first in the Rewah plate of Vijayadeva. After an invocation of Brahman (verse 1) and Brähmi (v. 2), the genealogy starts from the Moon, from whom was produoed Budha, the progenitor of Paruravas (v. 3). Among the kings of the race of the Moon was Bharata (v.4). The panegyrist next mentions the thousand-armed Haihaya emperor (Arjuna) who captared the demon Råvapa (v. 5 f.). The first historical person is Lakshmanarajadēva, who defented the kings of Vangala, Pandya, Lata, Gurjara, and Kasmira (v. 8). His son was the moon among the kings of Chādi,' Yuvarajadēvs (v. 10), who became a supreme ruler
1 In Captain Wilford's description of the seal of the Benares plates of Karnadēva, the goddon is erroneously called Parvati; see above, Vol. II. p. 297.
• Compare Tamil firmai and förvai for md and ripa. Above, Vol. II. p. 806 ft., verres 1; 16, 26.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. p. 228.

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No. 13.]
(Paramesvara, v. 12). His son was Kōkalla (v. 13), whose son, again, was Gangeyadeva, the conqueror of the kings of Kira, Aiga, Kuntala, and Utkala (v. 17). His son was Karna (vv. 19, 30), king of Chedi (vv. 25, 29). It will be observed that the panegyrical portion of the inscription contains nothing of historical interest besides the bare names of a few Kalachuri kings who are already known to us from other sources.
GOHARWA PLATES OF KARNADEVA.
The prose portion of the inscription (1. 33 ff.) records a grant of land made by "this Paramabhaṭṭaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara, the devout worshipper of Mahēsvara (Śiva), the lord of Trikalinga, the glorious Karṇadēva, who meditated at the feet of the P. M. P., the glorious Vamadēva, the glorious Karṇadeva who has acquired by his own arm the sovereignty of the triad of kings, (viz.) of the Aśvapati, the Gajapati, and the Narapati,-being in good health (and residing) at the camp of victory pitched at the holy Karna-tirtha."
Among the officers to whom the king's order was addressed, the following are specified: mahādēvī, mahārājaputra, mahamantrin, mahāsardhirigrahika, mahamatya, mahādharmadhikaranika, mahāpratihāra, mahakshapaṭalika, makabhāṇḍāgārika, mahāsāmanta, mahāpramattavara, and mahāśvasadhanika (11. 35-37).
The object granted was the village Chandapaha in Kosamba-pattala (1.. 37). The donee was "the Brahmana Pandita-sri-Säntisarman, son of Avasathika-Malhu, grandson of Upādhyāya-Silu, (residing at) Vidabhi, of the Kaunḍinya-gotra, with the three pravaras Angirasa, Ambarisha, and Yauvanāśva, (and) studying the Vajasaneya-sakhā" (1. 39 f.).
141
The date of the grant was "during the administration (vyavaharana) renowned by the glorious Karna, in the seventh year, in the month Karttika, on the Kärttiki full moon tithi of the bright fortnight, on Thursday" (1. 41 f.). These details answer quite regularly to Thursday, 5th November, A.D. 1047: see Dr. Fleet's remarks, p. 146 below.
Before making the grant, the king had "bathed in the Ganga at the holy Argha-tirtha and worshipped the divine lord Siva" (1.42).
Ll. 45-49 contain six of the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses. At the end we are informed that "this (edict) was written by Karanika-sri-Sarvananda and engraved by Vidyananda" (1.49).
Among the geographical names mentioned in the grant, I cannot localise any besides Kosamba-pattala, which is a valgar form of Kausamba-pattala, 'the district of Kansambi.' The same term occurs as Kosamba-pattala in a grant of Jayachchandra of Kanauj, and the Karra inscription of Yasaḥpälat refers to a village in the Kausamba-maṇḍala, the province of Kausambi.' Manjhanpur, the headquarters of the tahsil in which the Gobarwa plates were found, lies west of Allahabad. The same remark applies to Kosam, which used to be identified, without hesitation, with the ancient city of Kausambi. Mr. V. A. Smith has proposed to locate Kansambi further south, near Bharhut; while Major Vost would place it at Gärgi. But the finding of the present record at Goharwa in the Manjhanpur tahsil is another item of evidence showing that the country west-north-west of Allahabad between the Ganga and Yamuna rivers must have formed part of the province of Kausambi. Regarding Goharwa Mr. Blunt states that there are several temples, Jaina and others, inside the fort in which the plates were found. I would suggest that this site might be carefully examined by one of the officers of the Archeological Department.
1 Compare Professor Kielborn's remarks above, Vol. II. p. 298 f. I.e., apparently, 'during the reign of king Karna.'
Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, Vol. II. p. 246, J. R. A. S. 1898, p. 511.
Id. 1904, p. 262.
Ind. Ant, Vol, XVIII. p. 137,

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142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA:
[VoL. XI.
TEXT.
First Plate; Second Side. 1 मो' स्वस्ति ॥ भी ब्रहाणे नमः ॥ यापकं नित्यं शिवं पर[म]
कारणं । [भ]विग्राह्यं परं 'द्योतिस्तस्मै सइंहाणे नमः ॥ [१] . हे
उदयक्षेत्रे वनीमिव रोपयन्ति - यां मुनयः ॥ मोक्षमहाफलजननी वाघी' सू[]ापि सा जयति ॥ [२]
क्षीरोदधेरपरिमयसुधानिधानमाविर्वभूव' भवभूषणमिन्दुरेषः । 8 अस्मादजायत बुधः स किल क्षितीशमाद्य पुरूरवसमाप तनूजरत्नं । [२]
इति महति सुधामयूषवंशे नृपतिरजायत मौक्तिकायमान: ॥ 4 पलभत भरतम चक्रवर्ती "तुभुवनभूषणभूयमेकमेव ॥ [४] अदितो
दितकुले' जगतीपतीनामीशः कमादजनि हयचक्रवर्ती [1] य5 स्य प्रचण्डभुजएंजरमध्यवर्ती काराग्रहे धृत इव प्रसभं दमास्यः ॥ [*]
वैरिध्वान्तभिदः सहस्रकरता" भूपालचूडामणेर्यस्मादमुतवाहुव6 वविधरो नक्तंचरग्रामणी हिलोलासितवाहुदण्डविहित)श्रीकंठशैलोतिः प्राग्वि
क्रान्तममून्यत" स्वयमपि स्वमिन्द्रजालोपमं ॥ [*] यज्ञाग्नि7 धर्मः परितोषितेन्द्रास्तस्मादभूवन्बहवो नरेन्द्राः । राज्ये न येषां विरराम
टिपिचनारीनयनान्वुवाई: ॥ [७] वालभानिपुणः परि. 8 भूतपा[ग]ी लाटेशलुण्डनपटुर्जितगुर्जरेन्द्रः । काश्मीरवीरमकटाश्चितपादपीठ
स्तेषु क्रसादजनि लक्ष्मणराजदेव: ॥ ["] पासीबहि9 जयप्रयाणजनितव्यायामस्वेदोदयोन्मन्ननसैनिकगाचसिंदूरशिरःसिंदूरपूरो[रुणः" ।
"त्वचंतातुराताडितमहाक्षोणी[भ]10 दोनिधिः पूषों वैरिकठोरकंचदलनास्वसिंचवपूरैरिव ॥ [*] साहित्य
विवायसनाभुजङ्गो नि:शेषवाचीधरणाय शेषः । ततः स 11 बजे जगदेकवंद्यो" चेदीन्द्रचन्द्रो युवराजदेवः ॥ [...] बौवनेन तनी यस्ख
प्रतापनारिमासु । कुलाद्रिकुचेष्वरिभि[स्त्रि]भिस्तुत्वं पदं (0)
From ink-impressions received from Mr. Venkayya.
* Expressed by a symbol. • Read 784.
• The Benares plates (above, Vol. II. p. 806, verse 1) read wifq. • Read सब्रह्मणे. • Read ब्रामी.
- Read भव. • Rend बुधः• Read °मायं.
10 Read 'मयूख n Rend चिभुवन - Read पचीदिती.
- Read गुर * Resd करती. " Read 'बाहुबन्धी
- Read tीपोशासितमाए. 1 Read "ममन्चत.
s Read बहवी. " " Bad नान्नुवाई • Read क्रमा. 11 Instend of # of State to tho metre requires a sbort syllable, read fraafeyr. - Read वा .
" Read perhapa पठीरकंठदखनात्य:सिंधुपूररिक. » Read बलमा
*Read ?
__Rand aमर्दवादीदी . - Band मूस.

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No. 13.]
GOHARWA PLATES OF KARNADEVA.
143
12 दधे ॥ [११*] भूभारक्षमक' श्रुतिप्रणयिनीमालव्यमानसन (1) कुर्वाण:
समरपि नाकपथगानागच्छतो विदिषां' । विख्यातां भुवि भूरिमार्गर्ग13 मनामुच्चैदधदाहिनी यः साक्षात्परमेश्वरः समभवत्वम्या शिवाराधनात् ॥
[१२] दिक्वर्यन्तनिखानयूपनिचयः' भापालचूडामणस्त14 स्माद[तविक्रमः क्रमवशाकोकमनामाभवत् । चक्र यहिजयप्रयाणपणवः स्वर्गा
नास[*]मारम्भे मङ्गलसूर्यकार्यमहितक्षोणीप15 तीनां भृसं ॥ [१३] प्रासाजय समदसिंधुरगंधरोषाधस्योद्यदायतकराः
ककुभां करीन्द्राः[*] पूत्कारमार्त्तमिव खेचरनायकस्य चक्रुः 16 कपोलमधुपध्वनिभिनिराशाः ॥ [१४] यस्मिन्मुखैकप्रभवे प्रजानां तेजोनिवौं'
चेतसि वर्तमाने । त[त्वे]'' परस्मिविव योगभाजां निता. 17 समन्तस्तमसा प्रलीना" ॥ [१५] पाक्रामदूई" ब्रह्माण्डसंघटस्फुटितं यमः ।
मन्ये यस्येन्दुनक्षत्रताराद्याकारतां गतं ॥ .[१६] कारापंजरवडकी. 18 रनृपतिर्दीप्तोङ्गालक्ष्मीचयः" तस्मात्कुन्तलमाभकिरसिको गाङ्गेयदेवोभवत" । येना
कारि करीन्द्रकुम्बदलनव्यापारसारात्मना 19 निर्जित्योत्कलमवधिसीनि जयस्तम्भः स्वकीयो भुजः । [१७] अगुणनेति
लोलेति ख्यातं यदिह दुर्यशः । "समास्तदधुना धोतं दिव्यमादाय 20 तहपुः । [१८] पतिमनोरथमर्थिजने धनं दिशति यत्तम कल्पतरुस्तकः ।
रिपुयशाकुसुदाकरभास्करः सुतमसूत स कर्णनराधि- - 21 पम् ॥ [१८] पाक्रान्तदृप्तसामन्तप्रतापप्रसरादिव । चरणी रणशौखस्य
सोष्माणौ यस्य रजतुः । [२०] स्कुरयां वचचक्राभ्यामेक[व्य]जिन ह. 22 स्तयोः । वभार" यः श्रियं सा[१]ादिन्दोपेन्द्रविजुभिनी" ॥ [२१] "सूर्योड.
तधराभारदिकुंजरकराय[तौ] । पानद्या भुजी यस्य हेलोवतवसु23 श्वरौ । [२२] त्याग[व्य]सनिनो यस्य विपुलं शंखयोईयं । निधानं विधिना
मन्ये हिगुणीकृतमर्पितं ॥ [२३] उहण्डमुण्डागविमि[सि]ते1 The Benares plates (above, Vol. II. p. 807, verse 16) rond rक. . Rnd 'भाबमान.
Read विरिष:
• Rad मामांग. • Read 'खास • Read भू.
Read चाचा. • Rend पृरकार. • Read "निधी.
10 Bead a. - Read प्रलीना. - Read दूर्ष प्रचार
- Read 'ब. - Read यसखा.
15 Read M47. " Rend °मबिसौमनि or "भबिसौखि वि.
14 Read GERI". Instead of of 19€ the metre requires a short syllable.
- Read 'बुमदा. - Read बभार. n Boad fभयो.
1 Read मूर्ती - Read चामरता.
* Bend देखोवृत

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
'
24 न' पूत्कारचू[पर्णी]क्तशीकरण । मुक्तातपत्रायितमम्बराई यस्य प्रयाणे पृतनागजानाम् ॥ [२४] नाहं नाथ विपक्षगोत्रवस.
Second Plate ; First Side. 25 तिर्न [त्य]क्तपूर्वस्थितिर्यस्याख्यातुमितीव चेदिर्दिनपतक्रिक्रमाक्रामत[:]. ॥
प्रान्त (:)बान्तवरूथिनीकरिकरास्फाला26 बहलोलासितकझोलावलिाहुदण्डमुदधिश्चक्रंद' सान्द्रस्वनैः । [२५] यत्कुन्त
प्रोतशत्रु(:) श्रुतरुधिरसुरापानमत्तप्रकृत्यतवेता27 लोत्तालतालारवभरितककु[पच]क्रपर्या(य)न्तसोम्नि । अन्योन्यालक्षवाचा समिति
सुरभसं' दत्तहस्तादिसंज्ञाव्यापारणामराणां वररम28 णविधिः कुप्तमासीमुहर्त ॥ [२६] आनन्दमन्दसुमनस्मुमनोवकीरण (:)संग्राम
रणभुवि भूमिभृतां पुरस्तात । वीरस्य वीरचरितं नवे कवं. 29 धेमीहठग्रहकठोरभुजस्य यस्य ॥ [२७] नीतेषु प्रमदावियोगविधिना
प्रागुमचारिव्रत" साई वन्धुतया गृहस्थपदवीं का[]ग्रहस्थापनात [1] वा30 नप्रस्थपदं बनायवयात भैक्षाच तिक्षोः स्थिति: (0) येनैवं चतरा
श्रमेकगुकता स्पष्टाक्वता" शत्रुषु ॥ [२८] यस्यार्थिव्रजवांछिताधिकफल31 प्रात्यै निसन्यभूः" प्राकप्रत्यग्धरणीधरान्तरस्थपरत स्फुरदोषणाः । एते निर्मि
तमाः [पु]रा परिमिते बनाके पस्मिन कथ' सम्मा[स्य]32 न्ति यथान्सि' चेदिदिनपतराकुलोभूचिरं । [२८] किं तस्य कपर्ण[]पते.
बत वर्णयामो यस्य द्विजातिजनशासनताम्वृपः । उत्कीर्यमाणनिवि38 डायरचक्रवालवाचालितैर्वधिरभावमियाज विश्वं ॥ [३०] छ ॥ स पष-"
परमभधारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरचोवामदेवपादानु-(1) 34 ध्यात(परमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपर[म]माहेश्वरचिकलिङ्गाधिपतिथीमत्का
पर्णदेव निजभुजोपार्जितास्वपतिगजप-26 35 तिनरपतिराजत्रयाधिपतिः" श्रीमकरणदेव: कुशली (॥ छ ॥) जयस्कन्धावार
श्रीमत्कपर्णतीर्थाधिवासिते महादेवी महाराजपुत्रो महाम
1 Rand पायविनि:स्तन फूत्कार. ' Read भन्नरावे.
- Read चैदिनुपतईिकचक्र • Rad लोडसवारीचावसिवाई Read Ogar and . • Read लक्ष्य 1 Road सरमसं. • Rand पासौ.
• Read 'सात. WRead नवती.
1 Read प्राग्ग्राम
- Read बन्धु - Read शाद. " Rend भिषी: स्थिति
- Read नवं. " Rend मैकगुरता पटीनता. Road निशम्यात्ममूः प्रा.
- Read °धरान्तररसापारात् - Read एतन्
- Read परिमिकं ब्रह्मासमभिकर्ष. n Rend यासि पैदिकपीरियाकुची. ताम्न looks like ताम्व; read ताब. • Rend धिरयावमिवाय. " Read एष.
• Rend देवी.. . » Rend 'वामपवि. 7 Read 'पत्य.
- Read °वार.

Page #168

No. 13.]
GOHARWA PLATES OF KARNADEVA.
145
36 न्त्री महासान्धिविग्रहिको महामात्यो महाधर्माधिकरणिको महाप्रतीहारी
महाक्षपटलिको महाभाण्डागारिको महासामन्ती महाप्र-(1) 37 मत्तवारी महाश्वसाधनिकः एतानन्यांच[*] कीर्तितान यथास्थाननियुक्तराजपुरु
पान्यथाप्रतिस्थान कोशम्बपत्तलायं' (1) चन्दपहाग्रामनि38 वासिनो निखिलजनपदान्यथाह मानयति बोधयति समाजापयति [*]
विदितमस्तु भवतां यथा ग्रामोयमस्माभिवतुराघाटविशुद्धः सजल39 स्थलः साम्वमधूक[:*] सगौषरः सलोहलवणाकरः खसीर्मापर्यन्त[*]'
सवनतुणयूतिगोचरपर्यन्तः (1) विदमी कौण्डिन्यगोत्रायाङ्गिरसाम्ब- (0) 40 रीषयौवनास्पत्रि(:) प्रवराय वाजसनेयसाखिने उपाध्यायसीलपौत्राय आवसथिक.
माल्हपुत्राय पंडितश्रीशान्तिसम्मणे ब्राह्मणाय 41 ग्रामोयं एतेषां पर्व"कत्वा श्रीमत्कएर्णप्रकाश व्यवहरणे सप्तमसंवत्सर
कार्तिके मासि 1 सुक्लपक्षकार्तिकीपौर्णमास्यां तिथौ गुरुदि42 ने एवं संवत्सरमासपक्षतिथिवारानुक्रमेणाद्यह श्रीमतअर्घतीर्थे। गंगायां सात्वा
भगवन्तं शिवभट्टारक समभ्यय॑ मातापित्रोरा43 त्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये चंद्राकक्षितिपर्यन्तं शासनत्वेन प्रदत्त इति मत्वा
यथादीयमानभागभोगहिरण्यादिसमस्तराजप्र-(1) 44. त्यादायाः एतस्याज्ञाश्रवणविधेयीभूय दातव्या: । तदपचिकीर्षया न केनापि
(न)' गन्तव्यमिति ॥ छ ॥ भवन्ति चात्र पुण्यश्लोकाः । 45 सर्वानेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवन्द्वान भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः [1]
सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुर्नुपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः । [३१] व 46 हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजति:" सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य
तदा फलं ॥ [२२*] भूमिं यः प्रतिग्रहाति यश्च भूमि प्रयछति' 47 उभौ तौ पुण्यक्रर्माणी नियतं स्वर्गगातिनौ ॥ [३३*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि
__ स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः । आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके व-(1) मेत ॥ [३४] अस्मिन्वंसे हिजन्नोपि यश्चान्यो नृपतिर्भवेत । तस्यापि करलग्नो शासनं न व्यतिक्रमेत ॥ [३५] सुवर्णमेकं गामेकां भमेरप्ये
1 Read °तान्. + Read बोध - Read °सौमा. 9 Read शाखिने W Read शत. - Read बहुमि. - Read प्रयच्छति. - Read वसेत्. - Read भत्.
. Read पुरुषा' and 'स्थानं. • Rend समाज्ञा • Read °साम्ब. n Rend शर्मयों ब्रा. " Read श्रीमदघ 1 Read राजमि:20 Read 'कर्मागी. - Read 'बंश.
. Read कौशाम्बपत्तलाया. • Read साम • Read यौवनाच. - Read एवं. - Read °वेन्द्रान. - Read 'एकाति. 1 Read गामिनी. 24 Read 9.

Page #169

146
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
॥ [₹६*] लिखितं चेद करणिकाश्पोसम्बनिन्देन । उत्कीति च विद्यानन्देन ॥ मङ्गलं महाश्री ॥
49 कम्मलं । हरवरकमाप्रीति यावदात
REMARKS BY DR. FLEET ON THE DATE OF THE RECORD PUBLISHED ABOVE.
The record is dated "in the administration (vyavaharana) renowned by the glorious Karna," in the seventh year, and on the full-moon tithi, coupled with a Thursday, of the month Kārttika. Karṇadeva's predecessor was his father Gangeyadeva, who was reigning, we know, in A.D. 1030, and for whom we have perhaps also a date in A.D. 1037-38.5 For Karpadeva as king we have the date Phalguna vadi 9, answering to 18 January, A.D. 1042. On that day he made a grant, having bathed in the river Vēņi on Phalguna vadi 2 on an occasion which the record mentions as samvatsare sraddhe (read śraddhe) of his father Gangeyadeva. The editor emended the text here into samvatsara-śraddhe, and interpreted the phrase as meaning "at the annual funeral ceremony" in honour of his father Gängeyadeva. The emendation hardly seems necessary. However, in any case, the text appears to indicate distinctly, not some indefinite anniversary of the death of Gangeyadeva, but the first anniversary of his death; and it is at any rate fully capable of being understood in this sense. Accordingly, Gangêyadēva died on Phalguna vadi 2, 22 January, A.D. 1041.7 The month Karttika in A.D. 1041 was, therefore, in the first year of Karnadeva. The month Karttika in his seventh year came in A.D. 1047. In this year the given tithi was connected quite regularly with a Thursday: it ended at about 11 hours 45 minutes after mean sunrise (for Ujjain), that is, at about 5.45 P.M., on Thursday, 5 November; and, being current at sunrise, it gave its number to that same day. And this date, Thursday, 5 November, A.D: 1047, seems clearly to be the date of the record.
The result stated above is in agreement with the points, that this record gives the full titles of paramount sovereignty to Karpadeva in lines 33-4, and that it does not contain anything to suggest that Gängeyadeva was living when it was drawn up. The following remarks, however, may be added, in case it might be thought that the use of the term vyavaharana, 'transaction of business, management, administration,' instead of rajya or vijaya-rajya, implies that Karpadēva was reigning as the representative of his father, the latter being still alive. As we have seen, Gängeyadeva was dead by 22 January, A.D. 1041. Before that, the nearest occasions on which the full-moon tithi of Karttika can be connected with a Thursday are as follows:-In A.D. 1026 it began at about 21 hours 5 minutes after mean sunrise on Thursday, 27 October: but the lateness of the time (3 hours 5 minutes after midnight) precludes the possibility that the tithi should have been cited with that day. In A.D. 1023 it ended at about 11 hours 35 minutes after mean sunrise, that is, at about 5.35 P.M., on Thursday, 31 October, and consequently, being current at sunrise, gave its number to the day: but this is altogether too early a date for Karpadava to have been associated with his father in the administration for already six years; especially in view of the points, that for Karpadeva's son and successor Yasaḥkarpa the earliest known date is in A.D. 1120, and that for Yasahkarna's son and successor Gayakarpa we have dates in A.D. 1151 and 1155-56.
1 Read
.
* Read.
Alberūni tells us this: India, trans. Sachau, Vol. I. p. 202.
Kielhorn's. List of Northern Inscriptions, above, Vol. V. Appendix, No. 406.
* Rend सरकोणं.
Ibid., No. 407: edited above, Vol. II. p. 305.
1 Or on 23 December, A.D. 1040, Magha vadi 2, if this tithi is preferred in consequence of what the editor pointed out in connexion with the weekday being not correct for Phalguna vadi 2 in A.D. 1043, and being correct for Magha vadi 2, 12 December, A.D. 1041. But it seems probable that the mistake lies in the weekday (or else in the tithi), rather than in the month.
-

Page #170

No. 14.)
NARASAPATAM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III.
147
No. 14.-NARASAPATAM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III. ;
SAKA-SAMVAT 967.
BY PROFESSOR Sten Konow, Pa.D.; CHRISTIANIA. The grant inscribed on these plates was first brought to light by Mr. Appa Rao, and a short note on it appeared on page 111 of Mr. Krishna Sastri's Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1908-1909. I now edit it from ink-impressions supplied by Rai Babadur V. Venkayya, who has kindly sent me the following description of the plates :
"These are five copper-plates with slightly raised rims, of which the first bears writing only on the inner side. They measure roughly 73" in length and fluctuate between 31 and 31" in breadth. The plates are held together by a circular ring, which measures 44" in diameter and is nearly 1" thick. The edges of the ring are secured in the bottom of an oval seal, which measures roughly 2" and 21" in its diameters. The seal is surmounted by a high recumbent bull with various emblems sround it, which Mr. Appa Rao says represent a conch, an elephantgoad, a trifüla, a battle-axe, a crescent, a mace, & rope, and a drum. The plates with seal and ring weigh 295 tolas. The plates were received from the Narasapatam tālaka of the Vizagapatam district ".
The inscription consists of 74 lines and is in a fair state of preservation,
The alphabet is the same kind of NÄgari as in Vajrahasta's Nadagăm plates of Saka-Samvat 979,1 and in his Madras Museum plates of Saka 984. The i in conjuncts such as ñch and fij is placed after the consonant. The compound nj, which occurs in 1. 69, is not used in any of the other known plates of Vajrahasta. It will be seen that the form of the j of this compound is slightly changed. There is almost no difference between da (1. 55) and da (1.51); between tu (cf. 1. 25) and tta (cf. 1. 26); between lu (cf. 1. 23) and rnn (cf. 1. 22). The ansvara is usually denoted by a circle after the consonant. At the end of line 3 and before the sign of interpunotion in l. 52, a virama is added anderneath. The sign of the virama is also found in-nivahan, 1. 17; samabhunak, 1. 27. It has been omitted in -avdāna, l. 21; purassarana- . . janapadana, 1. 51; yavata, 1. 56; -ddityata, 1. 58; gaurdvāta, l. 64 f. In savdana, 1. 21, and janapadana, 1. 51, the bottom of the letter has been somewhat lengthened. There are several superfluous signs of interpunction in the grant itself, 11. 53 ff. The numerical figures 967 occur in l. 73.
In 11. 7 and 50 some syllables and words are written in Telugu letters.
With regard to orthography we may note forms like -prakshyalita- instead of -prakshalita-, 1. 4; nairityē instead of nairrityē, l. 67, and the use of v instead of b; compare -favda., 1. 9 f. ; -lavdha-, 1. 12; -valāts, 1. 16; ravilāna, 1. 21; ravdakan-, 1.,27; -luvdha-,1. 23; Vaidumu, 11. 36,58 : -Avda-, 11. 89, 79; -ivjayoh, I. 48 ; -vähira-, 1. 53. The olass nasal and not the anusvära is regularly written before surds. Before k and p we also find the antsvāra ; thus, fasanka-. 1.7; -alamkarishno, 1. 14; but = Aniyarika., 1. 26; pasika., 1. 46; Tampavd., 11. 52 f., 71; but
alimpanti, 1. 46. Before kh, gh and chh there are no instances of the class nasal, but the anusvira is used in all cases; thus, -sankha-, 1. 9; -8amghaffa, . 11; -saighe, 1. 39; lamchana, 1.e. lafohhana, 1. 10. In all other nasal compounds, the class nasal is used.
The consonants k,, t, dh, m, y, and v are doubled in all the instances where they coonr after an r; thus, -arkka-, 1. 56; -karnna-, 1. 8; -kirttēl, 1. 36; sarddha, 1. 53; dharmma-, l. 64; mryya-, 1. 40; saruva-, ll. 18, 54. Ag after sometimes remains single and is sometimes doubled ; thus, margëna, 1. 42; -vinirgata., 1. 58; but nripatir=Ggarg., 1. 26; -varg[ga], 1. 42. The other consonants which are used aftor in these plates, vis. j, th and bh, are never doubled.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 188 ft.
. Above, Vol. IX. p. 94
U2

Page #171

148
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XI.
Compare -wirjit-, 1.33; -varjitah, 1. 55; -arthibhyah, 1. 24; parthivaih, 1. 27; manör-bhagavato, 1. 8; -tir-bhuwan, 1.30; krimir-bhatvā, 1. 71. Between m andra , i.e. a b, is inserted in tāmura., 1. 61. There are besides, several other mistakes which may be due either to the writer or to the engraver. Thus we find a for a in-prakshyalita-, 1.4; Gang, 11. 13, 26, 44; samriddhimans, 1.30; -giyaman., 1. 36; -chatta-, 1. 55; a for i in-kita, 1. 39; a for u in ācharitan, 1. 41; for a in ānu., 1. 48; gaurāvāta, 1. 64 f.; à for o in-kul-attamasya, 1. 44 ; i for i or ai in isänyő, 1. 69 ; i for i in sāśanika., 1. 71 f.;a for u in -sūdārāya, 1. 61; u for 7 in =ēkūna-, 1.34; j for ij in -ujvala., 11. 10,30; -va[jo - ljuto, 1. 22; tt for in chatta-bhatta-, 1. 55;t for tt in -chchhatra., 1. 10; -ātunga-, 1. 12; t for d in-samutbhavāyāss, 1. 37; d for t in praśchyödan., 1. 23; y for yy in nyāyena, 1. 41; $ for sin asinē, 1. 48; -fim-, 1. 54; $ūnu, 1. 59; simano, 1. 65; & for in vimsati, 1. 34; -māhēsvara-, 1. 49; -pravéső, 1. 55; -yaső-, 1.57; kāsyapa-, 1.57; säsani-, 1. 61; vamsa-, 1. 68; -sila, 11. 68, 70; isanyē, 1.69; säfanika., instead of sasanika., 1. 71 f. ; $ for sh in -visayasya, 1. 65, and so forth. Mistakes such as së for tea in prasadā sēm-(-dāt=sam-), 11. 8 f., the numerous instances wbere an anusvāra (cf. 11. 27, 39, 42, 53, 56, 72, 74) or a visarga (cf. 11. 21, 28, 51, 54) has been omitted; the omission of jo in tasy=ānu [jo], 1. 21; of r in -karishmo[r"], 1. 14 : sünu [], 1. 58; of sin sama[s], 1.21; of sa in dā[sa*]nams, 1. 73, and the many mistakes in 1. 62, are probably due to the engraver, while the long omissions in 11. 34 and 65 just as well can be due to the writer of the draft.
There are several instances of wrong or irregular sandhi: compare -dattamura, 1. 70: -nirahan sris, 1. 17; -gajānn-arthibhyah, I. 24; sah sri-, 1. 25; prasiddhah chatuh., 1. 54; -ādityata Rapadēvyah jatah, 1. 58 ; -pārvvan-ta-, 1. 61 f.
In 1. 51 several dots indicate a correction. The engraver probably had to copy & corrected draft, and has reproduced it as he found it. The original reading of the passage was probably samastāmātyapramukhajanapadāne as in the Nadagam and Madras Museum plates, or perhaps, sämantamatyapramukhajanapadan=; see the footnote to the passage.
The language is Sansksit, but the construction in 1l. 58 ff. is very loose and shows that the composer of the grant was not very well versed in the sacred tongue. With the exception of one imprecatory stanza, the body of the grant is written in prose. The introduction contains the same twelve verses as the Nadagăm and Madras Museum plates, with only one slight variation in verse 2, where our grant has mahipatiḥ while the other two read =vanipatih. In the grant itself we find the curious expression blūmichhidrapidhānanyayên=1 instead of the common bhūmichchhidranyāyēna, 1. 55. The epithet paranārisu(suduraya used of one of the donees in 1. 60 f., is also curious.
The grant was issued from Dantipura by the devout worshipper of Mahēśvara, the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Vajra hasta (III), the overlord of the three Kalingas, and bestows some land on Irugana [alias] sri-Mänāditya Chotta and Vira-Bhüriśrava. The name of the former was perhaps not Mänāditya Chotta bat Aditya Chotta, though this reading would imply a serious grammatical slip in 1. 60. He was the son of Mānāditya or Aditya Chotta, the son of Chotta Vädayaraja and Rupadēri of the Vaidumba family, to which Vajrahasta's mother Vinayamahadevi likewise belonged. The donee Iragana Månaditya Chotta was consequently a relative of the king.
The land granted comprised the Gõrasatta district with, i.e. including thirty-five villages outside Tampavā. Its boundaries are given in 11. 65 ff. : to the east Vistirnasila, to the southeast a banyan tree sacred to Gaņēéa (Vinayaka-vata); to the south a hill with the temple of Tanku-Bhattărika, probably some form of Durga ; to the south-west the Andhārāvēņi hill; to the west Kāñchasilā on the Vamsadhārā; to the north-west Amrapathara; to the north
1 Bhumichhidr-apirang. and bhumicho hitr-ápidhana. occur in the two grants of Dandimahidėvi published by the late Prof. Kielhorn (above, Vol. VI., P. 139, text line 31 and p. 142, text line 29), who has corrected them into bhumichchhidr-abhidhana. .

Page #172

No. 14.7
NARASAPATAM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III.
149
Madhupapali; to the north-east Tālajarasilā. I cannot localise any of these names with the exception of the river Vamsadhāra, which flows through the Ganjam and Vizagapatam districts. On it is a village which in the Indian Atlas is called Varanasy, situated in 18° 51' N. and 83056" E.. and which I would identify with the Vārāṇasi-kataka mentioned in the Pari plates of Narasimhadēva IV. Another locality mentioned in Ganga plates, the Varahavartani," I would look for in the course (vartani) of the Varähanadi, which rises in the Golkonda hills to the north of Narasapatam and flows into the Bay of Bengal at Vätāda.
The date of our grant is the saka year 967, on the ninth day of the (solar) month Mina, on a Monday. It is consequently the oldest known grant of Vajrahasta III.
The writers of the grant, the sandhivigrahin Dhavala, who is described as the grant writer (Sasanika kuyastha) of Tampavă, and the karaki Mēņtāju, are not elsewhere known.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti (11) Srimatám akhila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vi2 naya-daya-dana-dakshiyya-satya-sauchs-sauryya-dhairyy-x3 di-gu[0]-ratna-pavitrāņāmAtröya-götränām 4 vimala-vichår- [ch]a[ra]-punya-salila-pra[kshyali]ta5 Kali-kala-kalmasha-mashiņām maha-Mahendr-acha6 la-sikhara-pratishthitasya sa(chara]chara-guroh sakala7 bhuvana-(nirmmāņ-aika)-sn (sū) tradhārasya sasámka-chuchu)da-6
Second Plate; First Side. 8 maņër=bhagavato Gokarņnasvaminaḥ prasada9 semasădit-aikaśamkha-bhēri-pancha-mahāśa10 vda(bda)-dhavalachchhatra-hēmachämara-varavșishabhalámchana-samnjva11 la-samasta-så mrajya-mahimnam-aneka-samara-sangha12 tta-samupalavdha(dha)-vijaya-lakshmi-samalingit-Otunga-20 13 bhuja-danda-manditānāın Trikalinga-mabibhajar 11 Gangānām=anva14 yam-alamkarishmo[1] Vishnor=ival2 vikram-åkrånta-[dha]rā-mandalasya Guņa15 mahārņņava-mahārajasya putraḥ || 13P[ū]rvvam bhüpatibhir=vvibhajya va
bhuja
Second Plate ; Second Side. 16 sudha ya pañchabhiḥ pañchadhá bhukta bh[ū]riparåk ramo
va(ba)låt-ta17 m-oka ēva svayam kiksitya vijitya Satru-nivahanl4 Sri-Vaj[ra]ha18 [sta]s-chatuschastvā]rimsatam=atyudāra-charitaḥ sarvväm=arakshit-sa19 mäh | [1] Tasya tanayo Gundama-rājäl5 varsha-trayam-apa20 layata mabin ll tadanujah Kāmārnnavadevah 16 pañchatri
1 Journ. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LXIV, Part I, pp. 136 ff. ; 151 ff. ? Above, Vol. III, p. 127, note 5; Vol. IV, p. 185, note 5; Vol. IX, p. 95. Expressed by a symbol. • Read -prakshalita.. $ This line, with the exception of the syllables rmma, nai, and fafanka, is written in Telugu characters. • Read prasādātsam-.
Read -chchhattra..
Read -lasochhana-samujrala-. • The ta of -samasta-has been engraved over the pa of -samupalavdha., 1. 12. 10 Read -ottunga.
1 Read Gangānams. 13 There is a superfluous anu svåra over the akshara ri of oriva.-Ed.] Metre : Särdülavikridite. Read -wivahair.
15 Read -rájö. 16 Close to the upper circle of the visarga there is another circle whose significance is not clear,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
21 xhbatam-avdana! Tasy=&nu? Vinayadityarh) samá [s]atisrah 22 # 8Tatah Kámáropavi jAto jagati-kalpabhürohah [P] yo-rajad=räjita28 shchhayo Vajrahasto mahipatiḥ* || [2] Prasahyodan-mada-gandha
lavdha(bdha)-madhu24 pa-vyklidha-gapdán=gajánno- arthibhyaḥ
Third Plate ; First Side. 25 samadat-sahasram-atuld yasetyaginám-agrariḥ [lo] sah sri26 mån-Aniyankabhima-nfipatir=7Ggang-äpvay-ottamakaḥ pa27 ñchiatri[ro] satam-avda(bda)kän=samabhunak prithivim stataḥ pärthi28 vaih 11 [3] Tad-agrasünn[bo] Suraraja-sūnunä samaḥ sama29 stäm samit-äri-mandalah [1") sma påti Kämärņņava-bhûpa30 t[i]r=[bh] var samriddh[i]man10-ar[ddha]samām ilgamujvalah 11 [4] 18Tad-anu
tad-and31 janmi ohittajanm-opamino gunanidhir anayadyo Gundam-i32 khyo mabisaḥ sakalam=idam-ara
Third Plate; Second Side. 33 kshat-tri[mi] varshă[mi] dhätrim(tri)-valayam-alaghu-tējo-nirjit-ärāti34 chakraḥ 11 [5] 18Tato [dvai]mătura[s-tasya®] Madhukāmārņņavo nripa[h 1
avati sm=ivanim-täm-avdano] ēkūnavimsatin !! [6] 15Atha V&35 jahasta-nripatër-ag[r]a-sutäd=akhila-gapi-jan-ågraṇyah [l*] Kämärņnavät-kav-i36 ndra-p[r]agiyaman16-āvadāta-subha-kirttöh I(II) [78] 17Sriya iya Vaidumv
(mb)-ánya37 ya-payah-payonidhi-18gamutbhavayas-cha (l"] yah samajani Vine38 ya mahadēvyāḥ sri-Vajrahasta iti tanayaḥ 11 [8] 19Viyad-situ-nidhi39 sa[ro]khyām gāti Sak-ávda(bda)-samgho Dinaksita20 Vrishabhs-sthe
Rohiņi-bhe su40 lagnē [lo] Dhanushi cha sita-paksha Sūryyaváró tritiya-yuji sakala-dhari41 trim rakshitur yo=bhishiktaḥ || [9] 21Nyayēna yatra Bamamacharitam tri-va
Fourth Plate; First Side. 42 rg[ga][*] mārgēņa rakshati ma[him] mahita-pratāpē | nirvyâdhayas-cha 43 niraghas-cha nirapadas=oha sasvat-praja bhuvi bhavanti vibhuti44 matyaḥ || [10*] 23 Vyapto Ganga-kul-attamasya yasasă dik-chakraval[e] sasi-pra45 dyot-amalinëna Fa[sya bho]vana-prahlada-sampadina [lo] saindu46 [raires]tisandra-panka-patalaiḥ kumbhasthali-pattakoshy-älimpa
1 Read -abdan.
* Read, with the Nadagam and Madras Museum plates, tasyai nujo. Metre: slöka ; read -taj-jätö. • The Nadagām and Madras Museum plates read anipatih.
Metre : Bårdülavikridita; rend prachyotan. Read -gajāns. # Cancel the visarga.
* Read Ggänge. 8 Read prithvi, to suit the metro. Metre : Varbastha. 10 Read samriddhimans.
11 Read samujjoalah. 1 Metre: Málini.
13 Metre : šlõka.
14 Read ēkosa. Difatig. 15 Metre: Giti; read Vajrao, * Read -pragiyamās.
17 Metre: Giti. 18 Read -samudha..
19 Metre: Malini.
30 Read -lopiti. 1 Metre: Vasantatilaks; read nyaygēna.
33 Read charitud. * Metro: Śürdülavikridita; read Ganga-kul-Otta-.

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Narasapatam Plates of Vajrahasta III. -Saka Samvat 967.
बुधा का লকেfল
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দাাশললযস
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V. VENKAYYA.
TIRONTE
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No. 14.]
NARASAPATAM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III.
151
47 [nti] punaḥ panas-cha (haritäm=A[dhora]ņā tåraņăn 11 [110]. Anurage48 na gupind ya[sya va]ksho-mukh-ávja(hja)yohl Pacino Sri-Sarasvatyäv=
Sanaku49 lo vi[r]ājataḥ 11 [128] Sa dēvaḥ 11 Dantipurāt-parama- māhēsvara
paramabha50 Starako mahärājādhiraja-Trikaling-adhipati-Srimad-Vajrahasta
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 51 dēva[h*] kusali mash-a]matya-purassarina(n) Būmanta-pramukha-janapadana(n) 52 răja-pad-Opajivinah samahüys eamājñápayati viditam-astu bhavata[m] | Tam53 pavä-gråma-vähira-(Ipañchatrinnsta gråmona Barddha[rn] Görasatta
visha54 y=yarh prasiddhaḥ chatuh-sim-ávachchhinna[ho] sajala-sthalaḥ sarvva
pa(pi)55 da-vivarjitaḥ (1) Pachatta-bhattā-prav[o]so bhumi-chhidra-pidhāna-nya56 yên=ichandr-arkka-kshiti-sama-kala10 yivata mātā-pitror-A[tmanaḥ pa57 nya-yagoll-vriddhaya (1) Minamāsa-(i)navam[ēj Sõmavara 18 Käbyapa-gotraya 58 Pettakallu-vinirgata-Chotta-Vadayaraja tasya sündl4 Vaidumvidityata 59 Rūpadėvyah jätah 16gri-Mànāditya-Chottaḥ asya sünd 16
Fifth Plate; First Side. 60 Iragana-sci-Mäniditya-Chottaya Vira-Bhürlsraviya cha para61 närisūdürðya17 (1) saty-adhishthita-chētase II udaka-pürvvan=tärnvrabiBA-18 68 ni-kritys pattaka-p[r]adatto=smábhir-atosabhidhəyibhūyastusra-19 63 vanakaraiḥ kshētrakarais-cha samuchita-bhāga-bhogădikan samapana 64 tavyar yathäkāla-bhävibhiḥ svapati dänamidam Manuno dharmma-gar65 rāvāta21 11 Görasatta-visayasyal simano likhyantë Il pürvvatah 66 Vistirnnasila || ignėye parvvata-samipē Vinayaka-vataḥ II 67 dakshino Tanku-Bhattarika-[si]ma-parvvataḥ nairity043 Andhar vēņi. 68 parvvatah | paschi[m]ë 94Vamsadhārā-tatė Kañchas[e]la%6 II våyavyo A
1 Metre: ślsks.
? Read asine.
8. Read -anuküla or anulülye. • Read mahefvara..
The Aksharas ttarako maharaja sre in Telugu characters. • It looks as if the engraver has placed two dots under hà in maha-, three under ssg in purassarana, one before and one after så in sämanta and three under i in-jirinah. The ma of maha seems to have been cancelled. I take the three dots under purasarana and rajapädöpajivinah to signify that these words should be cancelled. The two dots under hå perbape correspond with the two dots, before and after så, and indicate that ha- should be replaced by samanta. We would then arrive at the reading såmantāmātyapramukhajanapadan=samahiya. The Nadagam and Madras Museum Plates read samastāmatyapramukhajanapadāns samahuya, which may also be the reading intended. Read-bahira-pancha-trimfata.
8 Read prasiddhafuchatuh-sin. Read achäfabhafapravēfo.
10 Read -kälam yaran-. 11 Read -yafo.
12 Tbei of mē, the è of pravéso in line 58 and the è of chakravale in line 44 look like i; also the 7 of Mēnfõju in line 78 f. 18 Read Kafyapar.
Read inur.Vaidumbadityads. 16. Cancel the larga. 15 In spite of fri-Mänadityachottaya, (1.60) which begins a verse in the bloka metre, we should perhaps read Ariman- Aditya-Chottan. 16 Read senata.
17 Read -suduraya.
18 Read tämrafara. 19 Read -ato-rya vidhayi-bhūya samasta-pravanikarai). [It is not impossible that .bhdynāja frata nakarain was meant ; see above, Vol. IX. p. 173, text I. 101.-H. K. S.]
20 Read -bhāvibhir-bhüpatibhira. Read .gaurarät-paripälaniyam iti: 32 Kead -tishayasya simānā.
Read airfitye.
24 Read Vanra' 2 Road -fila.

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152
69 m[r]āpātharaḥ 70 sila2 ||
sa vi
71 shay
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
grāma-sāśa-+
72 nika-kayastha-sri-sandhivigrahi-Dhavalēna likhita [m*]
73 sa [sa*]nam-idam | Sakāvda(bda) 987 || iti kärnki-Me
74
jun-api likhita[m]
Fifth Plate; Second Side.
uttare Madhupapāliḥ || (1) isanyel TalañjaraSvadattam paradattivi harot-kaśchid-vasundharam
[1*]
krimir-bhūtvā pitribhiḥ saha pachyate II Tampava
TRANSLATION.
(Line 1.) Öm! Hail. The son of the Maharaja Guṇamaharṇava, who by his prowess conquered the circle of the earth, as (the god) Vishnu by his strides, wishing to adorn the lineage of the glorious G[a]ngas, the lords of the three Kalingas, who were purified by gems (in the shape) of virtues praised over the whole earth, such as prudence, good breeding, generosity, charity, courtesy, truthfulness, purity, valour and firmness; who were of the Atreya götra; who washed off the stains of the impurities of the Kali age by the holy water of (their) taintless thoughts and deeds; the grandeur of whose universal sovereignty was resplendent by the unique conch-shell, the drum, the five mahasabdas, the white parasol, the golden chowrie, and the excellent bull crest which they had obtained by the favour of the blessed Gokarṇasvāmin, who resides on the summit of the lofty Mahendra mountain, the lord of what moves and what cannot move, the sole architect in the creation of all the worlds, whose crest jewel is the moon; who were adorned by lofty staff-like arms which were embraced by the goddess of victory won in the scuffles of many battles,
[VOL. XI.
(Verse 1.) The glorious Vajrahasta [I], of exalted conduct, protected the entire (earth) for forty-four years, after he, the very valiant one, had, himself single-handed by the prowess of his arm, conquered the hosts of his foes and united the earth, which had formerly been divided and enjoyed in five parts by five kings.
(L. 19.) His son king Gundama [I.] protected the earth for three years; his younger brother Kāmārṇavadēva [I.] for thirty-five years; his younger brother Vinayaditya for three years.
(V. 2.) Thereafter king Vajrahasta [II.] who was born of Kämärṇava [I], and who shone like a wishing tree on earth, with radiant lustre,
(V. 3.) the incomparable head of liberal men, who gave to mendicants a thousand elephants, whose temples were sucked by bees attracted by the smell of the rut flowing (from them), he who was praised by kings, the glorious king Aniyankabhima, the ornament of the family of the G[a]ngas, enjoyed the earth for thirty-five years.
(V. 4.) His eldest son, who was like the son of the king of gods, king Kamarṇava [II.] protected the whole earth for half a year, prosperous and resplendent, after he had conquered the circle of (his) foes.
1 Read aitänyē.
(V. 5.) After him his younger brother who was comparable to the mind-born (Cupid), a blameless treasure of virtues, the king named Gunḍama [II], protected this whole circle of the earth for three years, after he had vanquished the host of (his) enemies with (his) mighty splen
dour.
Read -dattam vā.
(V. 6.) Then his brother from a different mother, king Madhu-Kamarṇava, [protected this earth for nineteen years].
Read -filä.
Read -fasanika-.

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Narasapatam Plates of Vajrahasta III.--Saka-Samvat 967.
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NARASAPATAM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III.
No. 14.]
(V. 7-8.) Then the son, named the glorious Vajrahasta [III.], born from Kämärṇava [II], the foremost of all virtuous men, the eldest son of king Vajrahasta [II.], whose pure and shining fame was praised by the chiefs of poets, and from Vinayamahadevi, who had sprung from the family of the Vaidumbas, as Śri from the milk-ocean,
153
(V. 9.) he who was anointed to protect the whole earth when the aggregate of Saka years reached the number of the sky (0), the seasons (6) and the treasures (9), while the sun was standing in Taurus, under the Rohini nakshatra, in the auspicious lagna of Dhanus, in the bright fortnight, on a Sunday, combined with the third (tithi);
(V. 10.) whose subjects are always enjoying wealth without ailments, sins and misfortunes, while (he), whose prowess is praised, protects the earth on the right path in order to get the three objects of life accomplished simultaneously;
(V. 11.) while the circle of the (eight) quarters is being filled with the fame, spotless as the light of the moon and procuring joy to the earth, of him (who was) the best of the G[a]nga family, the mahouts of the quarters over and over again anoint (their) elephants on the surface of (their) frontal globes with masses of thick red-lead paste;
(V. 12.) through love of which virtuous man Sri and Sarasvati, sitting in (his) bosom and lotus-like mouth (respectively), shine in concord,
(L. 49.) he, the king, the devout worshipper of Mahësvara, the Paramabhaṭṭaraka Maharajadhiraja, the lord of the three Kalingas, the glorious king Vajrahasta, being in good health, issues the (following) order from Dantipura, having called together the people headed by the feudatories, preceded by the high ministers, who live at the king's feet,
(L. 52.) Be it known to you (that), for the increase of the religious merit and fame of (Our) mother and father and of Ourself, the well known Gōrasatta district (vishaya) with (ita) thirty-five villages outside (bahira) Tampava village, circumscribed by the four boundaries, inoluding water and land, free from all molestation, not to be entered by district officers (chatas) and bhatas, has been granted by Us, with libations of water, by means of a charter, after having made (it) into a copper-plate grant, according to the maxim of the covering of a hole in the ground (bhumi-chhidrapidhana-nyaya) to last as long as the moon, the sun, and the earth, on the ninth day of the month Mina, on a Monday, to Iragana śri-Manaditya Chotta, of the Kasyapa götra, the son of sri-Mänäditya Chotta, the son of Chotta Vadayaraja, who came from Pettakallu, born of Rupadevi, the sun of the Vaidumba family, and to Vira-Bhüriśrava (Bhariéravas), who keeps far off from the wives of others, whose mind is set on truthfulness. Therefore, being obedient to him, the proper bhagabhoga and other (income) should be brought to him, together with the pravanikara and the kshetrakara. Future kings [should preserve] this (my) gift, from reverence for the law of Manu, from time to time.
(L. 65.) The boundaries of the Gōrasatta district (vishaya) are (here) written: to the east Vistirnasila; to the south-east the Vinayaka-vaṭa (tree) near the hills; to the south the border hill of Tanku-Bhaṭṭārikā; to the south-west the Andhārāvēņi hill; to the west Kañchasila, on the bank of the Vamsadhara; to the north-west Amrapathara; to the north Madhupapali ; to the north-east Talañjarašila. [Here follows one of the customary verses].
(L. 72.) This charter was written by the illustrious sandhivigrahin Dhavala, the grantwriter (fasunika-kayastha) of Tampava village. The Saka year 967. Thus also written by the karaki Mentōju.
1 [It is difficult to reconcile the fact that Büpadevi, a lady, is called the Sun' of the Valamus family, Perhaps Vaidumbaditya is to be taken as a proper name.-H. K. S.]
I

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
[VOL. XI.
No. 15.- TIRUVELLARAI INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN.
By K. V. SUBRAHNANYA AITAR, B.A., OOTACAMUND: The subjoined inscription is engraved on some of the stones forming the margin of the well on the southern side of the Puņdarikāksha-Perumal temple at Tiruvellarai. This village is at a distance of 12 miles to the north of Trichinopoly and has several interesting ancient monuments. Among them may be mentioned (1) the rock-cut Siva temple of Jambu. nāthal called in its inscriptions the Tiruviņaikkal-Perumāņadiga!, with an inscribed boulder in front ;(2) the Vishnu temple of Pandarikāksha-Peruma! with another rock-cut cave on the southern side of its first prākara; and (3) the well on which the subjoined inscription is engravod. Besides the above, there are the ruins of another Siva temple in that part of the village where the Pallava well is situated. A big linga and a large sized Nandi are still to be seen in a field not far from the well.
The stones bearing the record under notice are not in proper order, but as none of them is missing, it bas been possible to piece them together and make out the inscription completely. It is in an excellent state of preservation, having been engraved after the stones had been dressed for the purpose. The engraver seems to have taken great care as the record is almost free from any mistakes. The letters are cut deeply and the inscription is written in two sections of two lines each. The language of the record is Tamil prose and verse with an admixture of Sanskrit words and phrases written in Grantha characters.
"The following peculiarities of the alphabet deserve notice. The vertical line to the right of ra in sva reaches the full height of the top letter sa. The secondary i is written from the right to the left and touches the consonant on the right side only. The secondary ā is denoted by & short vertical stroke added to the right of the letter so as to touch it by a small horizontal line at the top. The length of the vowel a and the of the combined consonant vu are as distinctly marked as in the modern characters. Va presents an early type. The bottom portion of du is drawn out into a flourish as sometimes to completely cover the letter that precedes it. All the ya's occurring in this inscription have a big loop at the beginning. The é symbol
No. 541 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905.
+ The inscriptions on the outer walls of this temple which may be considered not so cld as the cave itself, belong to the time of Rājakēnarivarman, Parantaka I. and Rajöndrs-Chola I. (Nos. 512 to 514 of 1905). The cave consists of a cell cut into the rock with two vicbes on either side. Of the two to the right, the first contains an image of Vishnu, while the second enshrines the god Gaņēs. In the two niches on the left side are put in stone images of a later date. The front part of the cave may be described as verandah with four pillars cut out of the same rock.
As many as 16 inscriptions have been copied from this boulder (Nos. 516 to 630 of 1905). They range in date from the time of a Pallava king whose inscription is partially built in by modern platform raised in front of the shrine of the goddess, to those of the early Chola sovereigos Rájakesarivarman, Parakesarivarman, Parintaka I. and Vikrama-Cböla. The texts of 13 of these records bave been printed by the late Pandit Natess Sastri (Ind. Asil. Vol. XXXIV, pp. 265 f.).
• Ten inscriptions of the Epigraphical collection for 1905 (Nos. 681 to 640) are from this cave, the kings represented being Nandivarman, Rajakesarivarman, Parakesarivarman, Rijardja 1., and Parakossrivarman who took the lead of the Pandya.' One of the inscriptions (No. 534 of 1906) dated in the 8th year of Parakesarivarmou is interesting as it refers to gifts male by the queen of Udaiyar-Apaimērruijinar (e. the king who died on an elephant's back) to the god Sri Krislina and liis consort Rukmini of the big temple at Tiruvellarai. At present tbere is no shrine in the Pandarikáksha-Perumal temple dedicated to Sri Krishna but there is an image of that god found on the outer gopura, right of entrance. We cannot be certain if this is the image referred to.
Noa. 541 and 542 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion for 1905 are engraved on stones forming the margin of this well.

Page #182

No. 15.)
TIRUVELLARAI INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN.
155
touches the consonant that follows it. One graphic peculiarity of the record is that the loops of and are fully developed and the consonant rai resembles to a great extent the letter ņa. The pulli (or virdma) is invariably marked by a slightly curved line cut on the top of the letters. It is wrongly marked on pe in perusginaru (1. 2, section 1) and on me in vaimminey (end of 1.2, section 2). The Sanskrit words and letters that occur in the inscriptiou are : svasts and fri at the beginning of the record, Bhäradvaja-götra, Dantivarmnu aud Pallant tilatakulörbhava in line 1; ratshi of ratshippar in line 2 and śri at the commencement of the Tamil verse in section 2, line 1.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of the well called Märppiduguperunginaru by one Kamban-Araiyan, the younger brother of a certain Visaiyanallūlān of Ālambakkam. The work was commenced in the 4th year of Dantiverman, who belonged to the Pallavatilata (tilaka) family which is said to have sprung from the Bhäradvāja-gotra, and completed in his 5th year. The capacity of the well accounts for the time taken in its construction. There are four entrances leading into the well and they are so constructed as to give it the shape of the svastika symbol ! The Tamil verse in section 2 is written in the Asiriyaviruttam metre, each line containing six feet (sir). It declares that no object in this world is permanent, that life is sure to decay, and that, therefore, if one commands wealth, he mast, after taking what is required for his maintenance, utilise the remainder in doing works of charity.
An inscription dated in the 8th year (=A.D. 1262-3) of the Hoysala king ViraRāmanāthadēva found on the margin of the same well records that a merchant (viniyan) repaired it as it had suffered considerable damage from flouds and other causes. The same record refers to the well as having been built by a merchant. In the 13th century A.D. the builder of the well was believed to have been a private individual and not a chief, as the title Araiyan appended to his name would lead one to believe. It is also interesting to learn that repairs were executed to it in A.D. 1262. It was perhaps then that the inscribed stones got out of order.
The proper names that occur in this record are of special interest. Alambākkam may be identified with the village of the same name situated at a distance of 12 miles from Lälgadi on the road to Ariyalür. Dantivarmamangalam and Madhurantaka-chaturvēdimangalam were its other names in ancient times, and it was situated in Poygai-nadu which was & Aubdivision of Rajëndrasingavalanadu.Tiruvellarai is said to have been a village in Vadavalinādu, a district of Räjäsraya-vaļanādu. The members of the village assembly of Tiruvellarai are referred to in two records of the Chola king Räjarija I. found in the Rajarājēśvara
From each of the entrances, a flight of steps leads to the interior of the well. Midway between the entrance and the bottom of the well, on what may be described as the portal, is a piece of sculpture which was, in all probability, carved at the time when the well was constructed and hence synchronous with it. There are thus four groups of sculptures in all, on the four sides. The principal figures on the northern side are Siva and Parvati seated on pedestal with attendant deities, flanked on either side by & nandi. A number of female figures, probably the saptamatris, are found on the southern side. With an attendant deity on the right side, the god Yoga-Narasimha is Bured on the eastern side in a sitting posture with loga folded and crossed and with something like a cloth passing round them. This group is flanked on the left by a lion while to the right is a yali. I am not able to identify the images on the western side. Here are the figures of warrior arted with a sword, a horsu sud a few other images,
No. 542 of the Epigraphical collection for 1905 and Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-08, p. 63, pars
grapb 4
In spite of this belief it is not impossible that the builder Kambap-Arsiyaŋ was a chief who belonged to the Mattaraiyan family.
• Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1909-10, Part II., paragraphe 14 and 25.
South-Ind. Incora. Vol. II. Part III. p. 388.
x 2

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156
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
temple at Tanjore and were required to supply two brahmacharins as temple-servants and two other persons as watchmen to that temple.
The well Mårppidugu-perungiņafu should have been named either after the reigning king or a local chief under him. That it was not called after the builder is evident from the fact that he bore a different name. Nor do we know that Dantivarman had the surname Märppidugu. It may be pointed out here that there was in ancient times a family of kings called Muttaraiyan ruling over a portion of the Tanjore and Trichinopoly districts and a part at least of the Padukkottai State. Some of the members of this family had for their surnames Perumbiduga, Vidēlviduga, etc. Sendalai, one of the places where their inscriptions have been found, is not far off from Ālambakkam whence the builder of the Tiruvellarai well hails. It may further be noticed that at Alambakkam, there was, according to its inscriptions a big tank called Mārppidug-ēri. It is just possible that both the Märppidug-ēri of Alambakkam and the Märppiduga-perungipasu of Tiruvellarai came into existence at the same time and were named after the same person who, to judge from the similarity of the name, might have been a member of the Muttaraiyan family and a feudatory of the Pallava king Dantivarman of our record.
From the Tamil work Nilayiraprabandham, it appears that the Vishņu temple at Tiruvellarai was in existence from an early period, as the Vaishnavs saints Periyālvār and Tirumangai-Ā!vār composed hymns in its praise. The latter saint mentions the village not less than four times in his compositions and there is not much doubt that one of these references, viz. Vellaraiyul kallara imēli has to be taken to denote the rock-cut cave in the PandarikákshaPerumal temple. From the fact that Tirumangai-Alvár mentions in his hymn on Paramēśvaraviņnagar some of the battles where the Pallava king Nandivarman Pallavamalls gained victories over the Påndya s:vereign and refers to another Pallava king Vayiramēgan, it has been surmised that the Alvar was a contemporary of the latter and lived in the period immediately following the reign of the former whose achievements were fresh in the saint's mind.5 Tirumangai-Alvårt has thus been assigned to the 3rd quarter of the 8th century A.D. Accordingly, the cave in the Pundarikáksha-Perumal temple probably came into existence before that time. One of the earliest inscriptions in the cave belongs to the time of a Pallava tilaka king Nandivarman. This record mentions a certain Visaiyanallalan, who is perhaps the same as that Visaiyanallőlan whose younger brother was Kamban-Araiyan, the builder of the weil at Tiruvellarai. If this be the case, it may be concluded that Nandivarman was perhaps the predecessor of Dantivarman. At any rate he could not be far removed in point of time from the other.
1 lbid pp. 326 and 338.
Inscriptions of this family bave been found at Sendalai and Tiruchchatturai in the Tanjore District where there was a village called Videlvidugu-chaturvēdimangalam. Tirumaiyam and Malaikköyil in the Pudakkottai State also contain their records. The cave at Nárttamalai was excavated by the son of Vidolvidugu-Muttarsiyan. A weight called Videloidugu-kal was in use at Uyyakkondan-Tirumalai near Trichinopoly.
From some of these stanzas, it appears that the god in the Vishņu temple was in a standing posture in ancient times also.
• Minnaiy-iru-fudarai Vellaraiyul-kallaraimēl occurs in the Periyatirumoli of Tirumangai-Alvar.
Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 293-4.
• One other king referred to by this wint is the ancient Chöļa Ko-Chehengonpin who is mentioned both in the large Leyden and the Tiruvalangadu plates. Tamil literature speaks of this sovereign na baving fought with the Cbēra Kanaikkal Irumborni whom he eventually took prisoner and confined in a place called Kudaviyil. köttam (Purum 74). The poet Poygaiyar celebrates the valour of this king in his Kalavalinärpadu. Puran 48 and 49 contain stanzas composed by the same author in honour of another Chóra king Ko-Kködni-inārban who, if not identical with Kapaikkal-Irumborai, inust have been a near relation of his and a contemporary of the Chola Ko-Chebengannan. It is worthy of note that the Periyapuranam refers to the extensive building operations of this ancient Chola king. The Saiva saint Tirunānasambandar alludes to the construction of the temple at Tiruvaigapmidak köyil and other places by the same king.

Page #184

No. 15.)
TIRUVELLARAI INSCRIPTION OF DANTIVARMAN.
157
King Dantivarman of the subjoined record is stated to have been born in the Pallavatilaka family which had sprung from the Bhåradvāja-gotra. In editing the Triplicane inscription of Dantivarma-Mahārāja, Mr. Venkayya remarked that he was perhaps the immediate successor of Nandivarman Pallavamalla and added in a note that his successors probably spoke of themselves as belonging to the "family of the Pallavatilaka." And Pallavatilaka is a shortened form of Pallavakulatilaka which was actually borne as a title by Dantivarma-Mahārāja of the Triplicane inscription. Nandivarman Pallavamalla was a usurper as we know from the Kasakudi plates. Subsequent kings (there are at least two known so far) claiming descent in the Pallava line, trace their ancestry apparently to Dantivarman of the Triplicane inscription as evidenced by the epithet Pallavatilaka-kulodbhava prefixed to their names. The application of this epithet to the king of the present record necessitates our distinguishing him from Dantivarma-Mahäräja, "the ornament of the Pallava race." That such a distinction has to be made is also evident from the fact that this is not the only inscription which introduces this family. Not less than five records have, so far, been found where members belonging to the Pallavatilaka family are mentioned, and it is therefore difficult to suppose that all the writers did not intend any difference between the terms Pallavakula and Pallavatilakakula.
From the Tiruvalangadu grant of Rajendra-Chola I., we know that Āditya I, father of Parāntaka I. (A.D. 907-947) fought with the Ganga-Pallava Aparājita. This king may be supposed to be the son of Nripatungavikramavarman and his successor. In two records of the 18th and 22nd years of Nfipatunga, Adigal-Kamban-MārambĀvai, queen of Nandivarman of the Palla vatilaka family makes grants and there is a much damaged inscription in the Airavatēsvara temple at Niyamam apparently dated during the reign of a Chola king also registering a grant made by the same queen. From these facts it may be concluded that, of the two kings of the Pallavatilaka family hitherto known, Nandivarman was either a contemporary of the Ganga-Pallava Nřipatungavikramavarman or lived prior to his time by a few years. As Dantivarman of the subjoined inscription has been shown to be closer in point of time to this Nandivarman, he may be assigned roughly to the beginning of the 9th century A.D.
TEXT.
First Section. 1 Svasti sri [1] Bhāradvāja-gotrattin vali-ttopriya Pallave-tilata5-kulörbhavan
Dantivarmmarku yandu nangåvad=eduttukkondu [ain ]davada murravittap
Alamb[@]kka-Visaiyanallülān 2 tambi Kamban Araiyan Tiruveļļasai-Ttepnūr=pperuă-ginaru [l*) Idan piyar
Märppidugu-spe]runginar-enbadu - Idu ratshipparo ivv=tr-Müväiratt.ba olunurruvarum -
Second Section. i śri [118] Kaņdār kāņāv=ulagattir=kādalseydu villādēg? paņdēy? Paraman
padaitta nå! párttu nipru naiyyådėy? 2 tandārg mũppu vand-unnai-ttalara-chcheydu nillämupp=uņdēll'=uņņu mikkadu
ulagamm-ariya [v]aimminēy?
1 Above, Vol. VIII. p. 292.
Nos. 16 of 1899, 300 and 309 of 1901 and 587 and 541 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. 1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, p. 66, paragraph 10. Ibid. for 1898-9. p. 7, paragraph 18 > Tilata is a tadbhava of the Sanskrit tilaka.
Read rakshi,
Read Mürayi. "In these four instances tbe final y seems to have been inserted to represent the full sound produced in proDOUDcing the words.
# Tandu is a variaut of the Sanskpit danda. • The doubling of the consonant liss mistake. The first of them has to be deleted.

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158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
TRANSLATION.
First Section. Hail! Prosperity! In the fourth year (of the reign) of Dantivarman who was born in the Pallavatilaka family which had sprung from the Bhāradvāja-gotra, Kambar Araiyan, the younger brother of Visaiyaaallujän of Alambakkam, commenced (to build) the big well at Tennürl in Tiruvellarai and completed (it) in the fifth (year of the same reign). Mārppidugu-perungiñaru is the name of this (well). The three-thousand and seren hundred of this village shall protect this charity).
Second Section. Prosperity ! Without being (passionately) attached to this world where men seen (today) are not seen (tomorrow); without giving (yourself) up to despair looking for the (final) day appointed by the Creator; and before your (limbs) become weak at the appearance of old age with its (appenduge of a) stick; if you have (wealth) maintain yourself) and devote (what remains to charity) so that (all) the world may know (it).
No. 16.-NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES.
BY HERMANN JACOBI, PH.D.,
Sanskrit Professor at Donn, Germany. The new Special Tables which I publish now are intended to supplement the General Tables in the same way as the old Special Tablos do, which were published in Vol. I. above, p. 450 ff.. i.e. they are intended to test, according to one of the principal siddhāntas named at the head of the several Tables, the approximate result calculated previously by the General Tables. To these new Tables the remark in $4, p. 403 1. c. applies also. "The General Table is to be used first; and only when by that table the end of the tithi falls very near the beginning of the day, and the week day comes out in error by one day only, need the Special Tables for the several sillhlintas be tried to see if one of them will furnish the desired rosult."
The plan on which the new Tables have been constructed is the same as in the General Tables, as far as their object, the highest possible degree of accuracy, will allow. Therefore the new Tables (1) refer throughout to mean sunrise at Lankā, not, as the old Special Tables do, to the beginning of the Solar year; (2) they furnish the quantities on which the tithi depends, in decimals of the circle and not in degrees, minutes and seconds as is the case in the old Tables. Those innovations ronder the working of the new Tables very easy and almost mechanical.
The Special Tables differ from the General Tables in two points ; (1) They contain three columns headed, b, c instead of the two in the General Tables headed "Tithi' and '('s anomaly. a denotes mean distance of Sun and Moon, expressed in five decimals of the circle. By Tables XVIII, XIV, XV can be converted into tithis, yhatikas, and palas; b denotes the mean anomaly of the moon in four decimals of the circle; and c the mean anomaly of the Sun, also in
1 The southern part of Tiruvellarai was probably called Tennur in ancient times,
The signatory in ore of the inscriptions of Rájarija I (A.D. 985-1013) found at Mimallapuram in the Chingleput District is a certain Tiruvadiga Manikanthan, a native of Tiru ve!
C arai. He calls himself as one of the 3,700 of that village (South Ind. Insors. Vol. I, p. 65). This seems to indicate that at an early period there was a body of 3,700 persons at Tiruvellarai to whom later members traced their descent. Reference to another such body of men is found in the expression Tillai-mi vayiravar.

Page #186

No. 16.] NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES.159
four decimals. (2) To the sum of a (mean distance of Sun and Moon) two corrections (equations) must be applied, while in the General Tables only one equation is needed. The arguments of these equations are the sums of b and c, respectively, and they are to be looked out in the tables of equations under the several siddhantas. In order to calculate the value of the equation for an argument not entered in the table, but lying between two table values, a column headed ▲ 10 has been inserted in the middle of these tables, which gives the increase or decrease of the equation for a difference of ten in the argument.
I now proceed to illustrate the working of the new Tables by a few examples.
First example.-Let it be proposed to verify the date: Kali-Yuga 4198, Chaitra su. di. 2 ravau, according to the Surya-Siddhanta. We first calculate the date according to the General Tables, and write down the calculation in the proper form (see above, Vol. I. p. 410).
4100 K.Y. 98 years
4198 K.Y. (5) 9.57 15th sol. Chaitra (4) 22.52
41st century 98 years
15th sol. Chaitra
(1) 5.58 111 (4) 399 59
4 ghatikās 226 32 palas
30
(2) 2-09 eq. 763=0
256
2.09
Result: On the Monday (2) in question, the third tithi was running; it commerced on the preceding day (Sunday), about 5 ghatikas before mean sunrise. Now in order to calculate the result according to the Surya-Siddhanta, proceed as follows. Look out K. Y. 4100 or 1st century K. Y. in table I, 98 years in table II, and 15th Chaitra in table XIII (which is the same for all Siddhantas) and sum up the quantities in the several columns (rejecting integers); thus
w
(1)
(4)
(4)
24
170
593
3
27
763
a
18563
13299
75053
6915
2660
7353
K. Y. 4198, 15 Chaitra (2) Now find the equation for b 2660 from table III, vis. 5, and the equation for c=33 from table IV, viz. 3; then add these equations to a, viz. 6915+5+3=6923. Table XVIII gives 6667-su. di. 2; the difference from a just found, 6923-6667-256; this is according to tables XIV and XV equal to 4 ghatikis (a=226) and 32 palas (a=30). Therefore, according to the Sürya-Siddhanta, the 2nd tithi ended 4 ghatikas 34 palas before mean sunrise. This result is very nearly right, and we may in most cases rest satisfied with it. If the highest degree of accuracy be required we subtract the increase of a b c for 4 ghafikas 2 palas from tables XIV and XV to the result found before; riz. from 6915 22
2
2
Ind. =20:43 Ind. su. di. 2=22:43
b
6157
571
5932
6915 2660 - 256 27
6659
2633
7863
9990
9500
C
7353 2
7351

Page #187

160
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
Equation for b=2633 is 4 ; equation c for 7351 is 3; the sum of both equations=7 added to 6659 makes 6666, which falls short of 6667 by 1. Therefore the end of the tithi occurred one pala after the moment calculated or 4 ghatikās 31 palas before mean sunrise at Lanka.
Second example.-Computing the date K. Y. 4276 Bhädrapada su, di 13 ravau, our calcu. lation by the General Tables stands thus (I. c. p. 411) :
4200 K. Y. (1) 2.19 699 Ind. = 26-54 76 years (5) 1.27 454 Ind. sn. di. 13= 9.54
(6) (2)
3.46 883
153 661
3rd Asvina
(1) =
12:29 0-08
814
eq. 814
(1) 12:32=Sunday, su. di. 13. Let it now be required to calonlate the end of the 13th tithi according to the Arya-Sid. dhänta. By the General Tables we find that this moment occurred about 40 ghatikās (=0-68 tithi, table IV) after mean sunrise at Lanka. The Tables for Arya-Siddhänta farnish the following data :4200 K. Y. (1) 7236 1988
7848 76 years (5) 4208
4555
9 3 Ābvina
28266 6615
4271
2128
40 ghafikas
39710 2257
3158 242
18
41967
3400
2146
equation b for 3400 is 215, equation for 2146 is 1178; their sum 1393 added to a 41967= 43360. The difference from 43333, the value of 13th tithi, is a 27= 25 palas, by which the end of the tithi ooonrred before the moment calculated. The exact time is therefore 39 ghatikās 35 palas after mean sunrise at Lanka.
Possible error.--As in the tables fractions are neglected or counted as 1, according as they are less or larger than , the absolute error in every quantity may amount to +0:5. Usually the plus and the minus of the different figures will compensate for each other, but in extreme Cases the neglected fractions may sum up to 2.5 or £35, according as 5 or 7 a's are summed up. This error, in time, would be 2, 7 and 8, 7 palas, or 1 minute 5 seconds and I m. 29 B., respectively.

Page #188

No. 16.] NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES.161
cent.
co co co co 8
30
31
32
33
34
40 41 42 43 4
35
1
36 1
37
1
38
39
44
45
49
2 2 2 2 2
50
"8
1
1
1
1
1
0
0
46 0
47 0
48
0
0
6
0
8
46261
34960
23659
12348
1057
86370
75068
63767
52466
41165
SURYA-SIDDHANTA.
TABLE I-For centuries (of the Kali Yuga).
1
2028
7891
3754
9616
5479
979
6842
2705
8568
4431
7854
7857
7861
7864
7868
69972 9246
58671
5109
47370
36069
24768
10080
7843
7847
7850
7853
7857
29864
294
7860
18563
6157
7863
7262
2020
7867
92574 7520 7842
81273
3383 7846
7849
7853
972
7856
6835
7859
2698 7863
8198 7838
sol. corr.
gh. p.
+1 10
6 18
༑ ༈ བ ༈
-13 46
-21 13
-28 41
+23 52
+16 24
+8 56
+ 1 29
- 5 59
-13 27
-20 54
-28 22
+24 10
+16 43
+9 15
+1 47
5 40
-13 8
-20 36
+31 57
For Sürya-Siddhanta with bija the last two figures of b must be augmented by: 42 in 4500 K. Y.
43 4600
43 4700
44 4800
45 4900
46 5000
33
33
""
39
""
12
93
22
""
"
33
For mean Distance - add 2006 to a.
For mean Longitude of the Sun add to c:
2145 between 3000 and 3300 2146 3400 4400 2147 4500 5000
For true Longitude of the Sun add 2206 to c, and subtract tenth part of equation c.
Y

Page #189

162
EPIGRAPHIX INDICA.
(VOL. XL.
TABLE II.-Sürya-Siddhānta : Years of the century.
o
corr.
year
$0
corr.
0
gh. p. - 3 44 +11 47
15
+31
+27
8
+ 2
- 1 38 +13 54 +29
LOOOOR
+ +
+ +
9984
+35
+ 6 +21 50
- 0 +16 +31 -12 + 2 34 +18 6 +33 --10 + 4 +20
5
8
.
6 0
+23 -20
1
+
9988
+26
1 +22
-16
OOO O OOOOOOOOR
-22 - 6 + 8
10 39 53
84475
+
36006 2464 9993 72013 4928 9986 11406 7756 47412 220 9999 83419 | 2684 9992 19426 5148 9985 588187976 94825 440 9998 30831 2904 9991 66838 5368
6231 8196 42237 660 9997 782443124 9990 176375951 10 53643 8416 89650 880 9996 25657 3344 9989 1 65049 6171
1056 8636 2 1 37062 1100 9995 73069 3564 12462 6391 48468 8856
1320 9994 20482 3784 9987 598746611 95881 9076 318871540 | 9993
4004 9986 7287 6831 43293 9296 9999 79300 1760 9992 153074224 9985 546997051 907069516 9998 26712 1980 9991 627194444 9984
2112 7271 38118 9736 741252200 9990 10132 46649983 49524
7491 85531 9956 9996 31537 2420 9989 60930 5247 10 96937 7711 32943 176 9995 68950 | 2640 9988 83435467
+
443497931 80356 395 9995 16362 2860 9987 55755 5687 91762 8151 27768 616 9994 63775 30809987
3168 | 5907 391748371
0 75181 836 9993 11187 3300 9986 505806127 86587 8591 9999 22593 1056 9992 586003520 9985 979936347 5 33999 88119998 70006 1276 9991
6012 3740 9984 45405 6567 814121 9031 9997 17418 1496 9990 568114323
10 928186787 28824 9251 9996 64831 1716
4224 4543 40230 7007 762379471 9995 12243 1936 516364763 87643 1 7227 23649 9691 9994 59656 2156 9987 990494983 35055 7447 71062 9911 9993
7068 2376 9986 46461 5203 82468 7667 9999 18474 | 131 9992 54481 2596 9985 93874 5423 298807887 9998 65887 351 9991
1893 2816 9984 412865643 77293 8107 9997 13299 571 9990 49306 3036 9983
9989
+
+
+ +
+ +
e
+
+ + +
+
6
+++
OOO OOO
+
+
-10
9997
+
+
+36
+32
4
i
5
1 + +
+
+ 9 41 +25 -1916
+ + +

Page #190

1.2
argument: 6
1375
TABLE III-Surya-Siddhanta.
Equation b.
equation.
!!⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
argument: 6
5000 5104 5208
5313
5417
5521
5625 6729 5833 5938
argument: c
1042
1146
1250
1354
1458
1562
1667
1771
1875
1979
2083
2187
2292
2396 2500
TABLE IV.-Surya-Siddhanta.
Equation c.
equation.
975
1006
1034
1061
1086
1108
1129
1147
1163
1174
1188
1197 1203
1206 1208
Δ 10. equation.
∞∞∞∞∞ do do do do 2222
R & NE
2:11
2.01
1.54
233
202
147
NO.
argument: c
No. 16.] NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES.163

Page #191

164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
ARYA-SIDDHĀNTA. TABLE V.-Centuries of Kali-Yuga.
A.--Original Arya-Siddhānta.
cent.
to
sol.
corr.
76166
6718
7826
2580
7830
+
63891 52615
8442
41340
4304
7834 7837 7841
30064
TT
166
19789
6028
7845
-24
35
7513
1890
7848
-32 30
B.-The same with Lalla's corrections.
cent.
0
sol.
corr.
For mean Distance 1987 to a.
(-o
add
11
76166
7826
+
6718 2596
1
63844
7830
+ 7
5
For mean Longitude of the Sun add 2167 to c.
For true Longitude of the Sun add 2227 to c and subtract tenth part of equation c.
8475
7834
52523 41201
4353
7837
29880
232
7841
-16 40
18558
6110
7844
I
7236
1988
7848
92528
7504
7824
+
81206
3383
7828
+11 + 3
69884
9261
7832
58563
5140
7835
47241
1018
7840
35919
6896
24597
2775
7843 7847 7823
9890
8291

Page #192

No. 16.] NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES.165
TABLE VI.-Arya-Siddhanta: Years of the Century.
year
C12345678 CERES 2 2 1788 $99599
24
28
30
42
46
៩
10
0
1 36006 2464
2 72013 4 11405
4928 7756 220
5 47412
5
6
a
2
3
b
6
83418 2685 9992 0 19424 5149 9985
2 58817 7977
5
94823 441 9998
3 4 30830 2906 9991 66836 5370 9984 6228 8197
5
0
4
1 42235 662 9997
2 78241 3126
9990
4 17634
5953
0
1
4 37058 1103
5 73064 3567
12457 6395
48464 8859
2 84470 1324
3 20476 3788 5 59869 6615
6 95875 9080
0 31882 1544
1
67888 4009
6
1
3 7281 6836
4 43287 9301
53640 8418
3
89646 882 9996
25653 3347 | 9989
65045 6174
1052 8639
C
5 79293 1765
gh. R
0
9993 +15 31 9986 +31 2
6
0 38110 9742
7
9999 9992
15300 4229 9985
54692 7057
47
48 4 68940 2647
49
6 8333 5475
+35 12
9 16 +6 15 +21 46 10-22 43
sol. corr.
0 44339 80345 16312
1
2
61-13 26 53 4 55744 9999 +2 5
54
5
9
2
2 90699 9521 9999 + 3
3 26705 1986 9991
4 62711 4450 9984
2104 7277 5
9998
1
60921 5254
2 96927 7719
3 32934 183 9996
9989 9
1
74117 2206
9990 +20 50
2
10123 4671 9983 +36 21
4 49516 7498 4-8 8
5
85522 9962
9997 +7 24
6
21528 2427 9990
+22 55
10 3
-
year
+17 36 55 +33 7 -11 21 +4 10 +19 41
7 11 + 8 20
6
30
+23 51 -20 37 - 5 9995 +10 25 9988 +25 56 818 33 1 3 1 9994 +12 9987 +28 1 75 716 28 0 - 0 56 +14 35 +30 6 -14 23 + 1 9 +16 40 +32 11 6-12 18 13
9993 9986
+18 45
+34 16
-10 13
+5 19
៖ទង៖គ ន្ថឌនង៩ ខæតត និង® ផផផ ផង ®®ទ ន8 គឺ៖គឺជា Fឩនយម
51
+9 28 +25
52
60
6
0
2
3
59 4
63
71
72
78
79
83
94
-21 33 95 6
3 96
8
97
10
0 98
-19 29 99
5
0
1
2
3
5
6
0
1
3
4
5
0
1
2
5
6
0
1
મ
40
7939
404 2868
1
2
5695
91751 8160
27757 624
63763
3156
39162
75169
5
6
3089
5916
8380
845
11175
3309
50568 6136
86574
8601
22580
1065
58587 3530
3 64816 1727
4208 4555
40215 7019
76221 9484
12227 1948
81397 9042
17404
56796 4334
92803 6799
28809 9263
3
51620 4775
4 87626 7240 5 23633 9704 6 59639 2169
1 99032 4996
97979
6357
5 9998 69992 1286 9991
33986 8822
5998 3751
45391 6578
9984 4 9997 1507 9990
。
с
4 93855 5437
29861 7902 65868
gh. p.
2
58 9995 +11 34 9988 +27 5 8-17 24 1 1 53 9994 +13 39 9987 +29.10
715 19 0 + 0 12 9993 +15 44 +31 15 -13 14 + 2 17
9986
6 9999
9992 9985
+17 49 +30 20
2 35038 7460 0
3 71044
9925 2389
4 7051
6
46443 5217 6 0 82450 7681 9999
-11 9 +4 12 +19 54 +35 25 - 9 4 +6 27 +21 59 10 -22 30 3 6 59 9996 + 8 32 +24 4 -20 25 54
- 4 +10 37 +26 9 8-18 20 1 2 49 9994 +12 42 9987 +28 14
7
16 15
9989 9 2 9995 9988
9993 9986
sol. corr.
18456 145
9992 54462 2610 9985
6 9998
366 9991
-
- 0 44
+14 47 +30 19 -14 10
+1 21
+16 52 +32 24
-12 5 + 3 26 +18 57
0 1874 2830 9984 +34 29 2 41267 5658 5 -10 0 3 77273 8122 9997 +5 31 4 13280 587 9990 +21 2 49286 3051 9983 +36 34
5

Page #193

TABLE VII.- Aryd-Siddhānta :
Equation b.
TABLE VIII.- Arya-Siddhanta :
Equation c.
166
argument: 6.
equation
A 10
equation
argument: 6
argument : c.
equation
A 10
equation
argument :c
104 208 313
3-74
5000 4896 4792 4687 4583
597 636
1390 1299 1208 1118 1029
8.74 8.74 864 8-54
1390 1481 1572 1662 1751
0 9896 9792 9687 9583
5000 5104 5208 5313 5417
3-74
104 208 313 417
5000 4896 4792 4687 4583
597 558 519 481 442
9896 9792 9687 9583
3-64 3.64
5000 5104 5208 5313 5417
417
713
752
8-35
3:55
4479
521
23
521 625 729 833 938
4375 4271 4167 4062
942 857 774 69+ 626
8.16 7.97 7.68 7.59
1838 1923 2006 2086 2164
9479 9375 9271 9167 9062
5521 5625 5729 5833 5938
729
4479 4375 4271 4167 4062
789 825 861 895 929
3:46 3:46 3:26 3:26
405 369 333 299 265
9479 9375 9271 9167 9062
5521 5625 5729 5833 5938
833 938
7.10
2.98
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
3958 3854
3958
234
1042 1146 1250 1354 1458
3834
3750
542 472 405 313 285
6-72 6.43 5.95 5:57
2238 2308 2375 2437 2495
8958 8854 8750 8646 8542
6042 6146 6250 6354 6458
1042 1146 1250 1354 1458
960 990 1019 1046 1071
3750 3646 3542
2.88 2.78 2:59 2:40
8958 8854 8750 8646 8542
204 175 148 123
3646 3542
6042 6146 6250 6354 6458
5.09
2:11
3438
3438
1562 1667 1771 1875 1979
3333 3229
232 184 152 104
2-02
461 4 03 3.64 3.07
2548 2596 2638 2676 2708
8438 8333 8229 8125 8021
6562 6667 6771 6875 6979
1562 1667 1771 1875 1979
3125 3021
3333 3229 3125 3021
1093 1114 1132 1149 1162
1.73 1.63 1.25
8438 8333 8229 8125 8021
6562 6667 6771 6875 6979
72
2.69
0-96
2083 2187
2292
2917 2813 2708 2604 2500
2.02 1:44 0.77 0:19
2734 2755 2770 2778 2780
7917 7813 7708 7604 7500
7083 7187 7292 7396 7500
2083 2187 2292 2396 2500
2917 2813 2708 2604 2500
1174 1192 1189 1193 1194
0977 0.66
2396
7917 7813 7708 7604 7500
7083 7187 7292 7396 7500
0-38
2500
0.10
(VOL. XI.

Page #194

No. 16.] NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES. 167
BRAHMA-SIDDHANTA AND SIDDHĀNTA-SIROMAŅI.
TABLE IX-Centuries of Kali-Yuga.
A.-BRAHMA-SIDDHÄNTA.
cent.
sol. corr.
2581
7857
+
8469
7861
+ 3
+
7866
!
63840 52564 41287 30010 18734
7458 92795
4358 247
7870
!
6135
7874
2024
7878
-24 -3344 +16 53
7550
7855
B.-SIDDHÃNTA-SIROMAŅI.
cent.
sol. corr.
7263
1995
7849
92595
7520
7823
add 1999
For mean Distance (-
to a.
+16 53 +7 31
81114
7828
70033
9296
7832
For mean Longitude of the Sun ada
to c: 2164 before 4100 K. Y. and 2165 after 4100 K. Y.
58752
5184
7836
-11 14
1072
7839
47471 36190
6960
7841
-29
-20 37 ) For true Longitude of the Sun add
2224 to c and subtract tenth part
of equation c. -39 22 +11 16
24909
2848
7846
10241
8373
7822
Nork. The beginning of the Bolar month according to the Elrahmar Biddhanta and the diadhota-Sirūmai is emplior
uy one day than according to the other siddhana

Page #195

168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
TABLE X.-Brahma-Siddhanta and Siddhānta-Siromani ; Years of the Century.
NOTE. --The Table is correct for Siddhanta-Siromaņi; for Brahma-Siddhanta the table value of a must be augmented: by 1 after the year 7, by 2 after 22, by 3 after 37, by 4 after 51, by 5 after 65, by 6 after 80, by 7 after 94.
year.
60
sol. corr.
year
sol. corr.
gh. P:
gh.
p.
0
1 ++
NOSOTO
9992
+++
+
9986
+
-11 + 4
+19 +35 - 9
++
6
+
6
+21 -22 - 7
+++
+23
9
-20
ORA COMO O CICONONOORA COMO EN CO ROBOTWNO
14
3
36006 2465 9993 72013 4929 9986 114067756 47413 221 9999 83420 2685 19427 5150 9985 58820 7977 5 94827 442 9998 308332906 9991 668405371 9984
62338198 42240 663 9997 78247 3127 9990 17640 5955 10 536468419 3 89653 884 9996 25660 33489989 650536176
1060 8640 370661105 9995 730733569 9988 12466 6397 48473 8861 84480 1326 9994 20487 37909987 598806618 95886 9082 0 31893 15479993 6790040119986
7293 68396 43300 9303 | 9999 79306 1768 | 9992 15313! 4232 9985 5470670605 9071395249998 26720 1989 9991 62726 44539984
21197281 38126 97459997 741332210 | 9990 101404674 9983 49533 7502 3 85540 9966 9996 215462431 9989 60939 5258 96946 7723 32953 187 9995 68960 26529988 8353 5479
8
11 + +
40359 7944 80366 408 9994 16373 2873 9987 55766 5700 91773 8165 27779 629 9993 63786 3094
3179 5921 | 39186 8386 75193 850 9993 11199 3315 9985 50593 6142 86599 8607 9999 228061071 9992 58613 3536 9984 980066363 5 3401388289998 + 3 7001912929991+ 18 55
602637579983 +34 25 454176584
-10 4 814269049 9997 + 5 26 17433 1513
+ 20 57 56826 4341
10 -23 828326805 28839 9270
19996 + 7 648461734 9989 +22
42394562 40246 7026 762539491 12260 1955 9988
+25 516524783
-19 876597247 23666 9712 9994 +11 59673 2176 9987 +27 990665004
-17 35072 7468
- 1 710799933 9993 +13
7086 2397 9986 +29 46489 5225
-15 82486 7689 9999 + 0 18492 1154 9992 54499 2618 9985 +31 93892 5446
-13 29899 7910 9998 + 2 65906 375 9991 +17
1912 | 2839 9984 +33 41306 5667
-11 77312 8131 9997 + 4 6 13319 596 9990 +19 37 49826 3060 9983 +35
9
-21
-
6
9995
+
+ +
9
-
4
+ + +
+ + +
+ + +
+15
5
+ +
10
+ +

Page #196

TABLE XI.-Brahma-Siddhanta and Siddhinta-Siromani.
EQUATION b.
argument: b.
5000 1395
1304
4896
4792
4067
9083
4479
4375
4271
4167
4062
3958
3854
equation.
3542
1212
1122
1033
946
861
772
697
619
287
2420
Δ 10 quation. argument: b.
∞ ∞ ∞ ∞
నేసే తేనే
8'35
38
8.25
7.97
7.78
7.59
7.01
6.91
2244
6.43
2316
5.95 2383
5:57
2445
2503
5.09
35
2:49
2ĤÖÖ
1395
1486
1578
1668
1757
248
1843
1929
2012
2093
2171
2556
2604
2647
2690
2717
2743 2764
TABLE XII.-Brahma-Siddhanta and Siddhanta-Siromani.
EQUATION C.
argument: c.
1042
1458
1562
1667
1771
1979
3958 3854
3750
3646
3542
equation. A 10
972
1031
1058
1083
3438 1108
3333
1127
3229
1146 1162
1176
6
တာကတ
3883
8 8 2222
1.53
equation.
21520
argument: c.
No. 16.] NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES. 169

Page #197

170
TABLE XIII. For the months and days.
CHAITRA OF PRECEDING YEAR.
JYASTHA
VATSAKHA
BEIDRAPADA
ASHADIA
ÁBAVANA
6c day wa Boday abc day to a
b
day
c
8342
9096 9124 9.51
99793 3179 6566
1412 1775 2138
5002
con
8155 11541 14928 18314 21700 25087 38473 31859
13388
2501 2864 3227 3589
363 726
4114 4477 4840 5203
9261 9288
28497
si
35246
5929
2177
25294
36632 42018
COBOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
4315 4678 5041 5404 5767
13608 46994
6292 6654 7017
2903
poco
OOO OOO O OOO OOOO ere
45405 48791
40429
5380
88251 8024 91638 6387 95024 8750 98410 9112 1797 9475 5183 9838 85691 11956 564 15342 927 18728 1291 221151653 25501 2016 28887 3379 32274 2742 35660 3105 39046 3467 424333830 45819 4193 49205 4556 52591 4919 55978 5282 59364 5045 62750 6008 66137 6371 69523 6734 72904 7097 76296 7460 79682 7822 83068 8185 864558548
57158
2
OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
89841 8911 19918010 94817 162 93227 9274
1 982031
525 96614 9637
1590887 4976 1250 8362 1613
11749 1976 1089
15135 2339 1452
18521 2702 1815
21907 8065
3428 2540
28650 3791
32066 4134 3266
35453 4517 3629
38830 4879 3992
42225 5242 40636 4355
45612 5605 44022
48998 5968 5081
52384 6931 5414
55771 6694 5807
59157 7057 6170
62543 7420 6533
65930 7788
69316 8146 67726 7258
727028509 71113 7621
70069 8872 74499 7984
79475 9284 77885 8347
82861 9597 81272 8710
86248 9900 84658
89634 323 88044
93020 686 91431 9799
1049
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
too CRCROMOTOOOOOOOOOOOO
OPORCA BOHOOOR GOOOOOOOOOOOO
ER OOOO OO OOO OOOOOOOOO
4718
03 13131
16517 19904 28290 5364 3422 26676 5727 3450 30068 6090 3477 33449 6453 36835 6816
7179 3559 7542 3586
79053614 508808268 3641 537678631 3669
8994 60589 9357 63926
9719
82 70698 445 74085 808 77471 1171 80857 1534 84244 1897 87630 2260 91016 94403 97789 1175 3711 4562 4074 4079 7948 4437 4107 113344800 4134 14720 5163 4161
67312
47408
50795
60747
6130 47201 6493 50588 6836 53974 7219 57360 7582
7914
8307 67519 8670 70905 9033 74292 9396 77678 9759 81064 122 84451 | 485 87837 848 91223 94610 1574 97996 1937 13822299 4769 2662
64138
33
6895
2023 2986
284 647 1009 1372 1735 2098 2461 2824 3187
8349
89427 92813 96199 99586
CORSOGOR
er CO HOOO
1211
9808 9836 9563 9890
2972 6358
9073
9436
90406
9745
(VOL. XI.

Page #198

Table XIII. For the months and days.
10 PAUSTA.
11 MAGHA.
KIRTTIKA.
ASVINA.
MÄRGAŚIBA.
PHALGUNA.
a Today 10a0c day
ooday w
6
Jday waolo
day 10 ao
5038
0
4
22876
26262
12
24672 28059 31445
96018268 99638295 326 8323
HON
0 1 lil
Hoa
3092
29618
CU
33035
31831
28266 31653 35038
00 Out
OOO OOR
5120 5174
23083 6776 26469 7189 29855 7502 33242 7865 86628 8228 40014 8591 43401 8954 46787 9317
9680
43 56946 406
6147
OOO enco
38218
9277 9640
3 366 729
689 1052 1415 1778
41604
22668 26055 29441 32827 36214 39600 42986 46373 49759
8350 8376 8405 8432
20
13193
44990
36421 39807 46580 49966
38425 41811
5202
8753 9116 9479 9842 204 567 930 1293 1656 2019
48377
FOOD OCD
1092
45197
51768 58585
OR
48584 51970
19143
8429 8792 9155 9518 9881
56789
53352 60125
55356
60332
59918
56532 63304
58748
63719
63511
55149 61922 65308 68694 72081 75467 78853
2382
1455 1818 2181 2543 2906 3269 3632 3995 4358
No. 16.) NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES.171
OO OOO
62129
OOO OO
244 687
65515
67105 70191 73878
en OOO OUR COOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
2745 3108 3471 8834
68902
70284 73670 77057 80443
OOO
106 21079 8713
i 0 24465 9076 2 1 27851 9439
31238 9802 34624 165 38010 528 41397
891
44783 1253 6872
481691616 6899
51556 1979 6927
549122343 6954
58328 2705 4 61715 3068
65101 3431 68487 3794 71874 4157 75260 4520 78646 4883 82033 5246 85419 5608
5971 92192 6334 95578 6697 98964 7060
2850 7423 5737 7786 8131 9123 8149 12509 85128186
15896 8875 8213 019282 9238 8241
8624 8651 8679 8706
970
29 29 OOONO DO
RAHS 485 Xas
1333 1696
77264
1494 1857 2220 2583 2946 3309 3672 4035 4898
82240
72288 75674 79061 82447 85833
66691 70077 73468 76849 80236 83622 87008 90395 93781
85626
83629
4721 5084
2497
89013 92399
87216
3442
E8805
5285
4922 5648
90602 93988
DOHOO er
5810
02
CORO ONO 0000 00
3147
92604
4761
97375
97167
4318 4681 5044 5407 5770 6133 6496 6859 7222 7585 7948 8311 8673 9036 9399 9762 125
6173
80650 84036 87423 90809 95195 97582
968 4354 7741 11127 14513 17900 21286
ரே
99878
GO
95785 99171 2558 5944 9330 6737 12717 7100
7463 4 194897826
COROC en
Oreo
95992
2765 6151 4962 9537 5325 12924 5688 163106051 19696 6414
O en DOO
7624
761 6536 4147 6898 7534 7261 10920 14306 17692 8350
554 3940 7326 10713 14099 17485 20874
16103
6575 6938 7301
5
292
9035 9062

Page #199

172
TABLE XIII, (Continued from p. 177.) -
13 CHATTRA,
TABLE XIV.-For Ghaţikas.
TABLE XV.-For Palas.
sh |
-
|
||
|
|
| b le
pala | allpala | alb
31033
1514 |
1750 1806 1862 1913 1975
4578
2303
35
365
9032
Te
008
224
20
201
22.57
36 242
3456012345E01 2845e o12356012
56280 75053
2014
370 248
6BB%别犹丝织品 明治四郎n m崛明山昭明山
254 260
2427 540
81825
4260 488 | BOBO
851| 9117
914 4419 1577 37805 1940 41198 47964 510 3001
4735 374 58131 al17 61507 480 9391 BAB- 48819418
5206 948 71666 5569 1473
5932 9500 784530 6295 9527
GB58 7020 958 | 7384 616 77461987
8102 9664 98757 8472 2143 8635 9719 5530 0198 9747 8916 9561 18302 0024 9801
15680 | 28719629 813119075 | 509856 9142 46111013 9883
VAISAKHA OY POLLOWING YEAB. 05 5848 | 1375,9911 1|| 3924178 1998 0 2620 2101 | 36007 | 9164 9093
33383 | 2627
55
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
00000 11ill 11111 22222 23232 33333
江昭昭昭昭四强如组织纪约绍幻组织动乱说说述的矿物
888334444444444555555555566666
212
99
268 276
2700
911986
903 959 1016 1072 118 1185 142 193 1354 1411 1467 1524 1580 187
95371
9692
2878 295
9774
emp=1 3036
314 331 527 333
3094
昭明
IX 10A]

Page #200

No. 16.] NEW SPECIAL TABLES FOR THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES. 173
TABLE XVI.-For converting Decimals of the circle into Degrees, Minutes and Seconds.
1st Decim.
0.1
0.2
1234 BU700 3 R8
O
70
36
72
0.3 108 0.4 144 0.5 180 0-05 18
0.6
216 0.06 21 36 0.7 252 0.07 25 12 0.8 288 0-08 28 48 0.9 0.09 32 24
324
90
200
300
2nd Decim.
Degrees.
0.01 3 36 0.02 7 12 0-03 10 48 0.04. 14 24
TABLE XVII. For converting Degrees, Minutes and Seconds
into Decimals of the circle.
0.00277-8 0.00555.6 0-00833-3
0.01111-1
0.16666-7 0.19444-4
0.22222-2
0.25000-0
100 0-27777-8
0.01388.9 0.01666.7 0.01944-4
0-02222-2 8 0.02500.0
1284 667 88
"
0.55555 6 0.83333.3
0.02777-8 10 0.05555-6 20 0-08333.3 30 0.11111.1 0.13888.9
40 50
5
3rd Decimal.
0.001 0.002 0.003 0.004
0.005
0.006
0.007 0.008 0.009
Minutes.
0 21 36 0 43 12 1 4 48 1 26 24 1 48 2 9 36 2 31 12
...
2 52 48 3 14 24
0.00004-6 0.00009-3 0.00013·9 0.00018·5
1984 56
0.00023.1 0.00027.8 0.00032.4 7 0.00037-0 8 9 0.00041.7 9
3
0.00046.3 10 0.00092.6 20 0.00138'9 30 0.00185.2 40 0.00231.5 50
4th Decimal.
Seconds.
0.0001 2 10 0.0002 4 19 0.0003 6 29 0.0004 8 38 0.0005 10 48 0.0006 12 58 0.0007 15 7 0.0008 17 17 0.0009 19 26
0.00000.1 0.00000-2
0.00000-2
0.00000·3
0-00000-4 0-00000-4 0-00000-5 0.00000 6 0.00000-7
0-00000-8
0.00001-5 0 00002-3 0.00003-1 0.00003.8
Tithi.
TABLE XVIII.-Tithi Table.
(Argument A= a corrected by eq. b and eq. c.)
18274
3
56789
10
CH234
"
11
12
13
14
15
5th Decimal.
0.00001 0 13 0.00002 0 26 0.00003 0 39 0.00004 0 52 0.00005 1 5 0.00006 1 18 0.00007 1 31 0.00008 1 44 0.00009 1 57
Bright
fort
night.
A
0 3333
6667
10000
13333
33333
36667
40000
43333
46667
Dark
fort
night.
16667 66667
20000
70000
23333 73333
26667
76667
30000
80000
50000
A
50000 53333
56667
60000
63333
83333
86667
90000
93333
96667
00000

Page #201

174
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
.
No. 17.-NAVALAKHI PLATES OF SILADITYA I.-[GUPTA-] SAJVAT 286.
BY PROFESSOR H. M. BHADEABIKAR. I edit the following plates from two impressions kindly sent to me by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Archeological Superintendent, Western Circle. The two impressions together leave no doubt as to the correct reading of the original, with the exception of two names at the beginning of the second plate. In the case of these two names, the original itself seems to be damaged.
The plates were first found in 1904-5 at Navalākhi, near Shahapur, a village about 8 or 10 miles from Junagadh, and are now preserved in the Bahadur Museum, Junagadh. They are two in number, each inscribed on one side only. The edges are fashioned into rims on the four margins. The plates appear to have been held together by thick rings passing through two holes at the bottom of the first plate and at the top of the second. The holes are nearly " in diameter, and seem to have been bored before the grant itself was inscribed. The asual seal must have been attached to one of these copper rings, but as it is not forthcoming, I presume it has been lost. The plates measure about 10.S" by 9". The first bears 2] lines and the second 16. The average size of the letters is abont 10"
The suhjoined inscription is comparatively free from mistakes and differs in this respect from other records of the same dynasty, e.g. the Rajkot Museum plates of the same reign dated in Gupta-Samvat 290, published by Dr. Bühlerl (referred to in the sequel for the sake of brevity as the grant of 290'). The characters belong to the western variety of the southern alphabets. As regards pulæography, it is enough to note that the aksbaras ph and dh are hardly distinguished (e.g. kāryya-phalah, l. 7, and pithodūdha, l. 14). The language is Sanskrit prose with the exception of three imprecatory verses at the end. The rules of sandhi are followed in many places but neglected in others. As regards orthography, the following points may be noted :
The letter gh is used instend of h in samghatis (1. 6), and samghatāräti (1. 11). The guttural is used instead of the anusvära in chatvārinkatē (1.25) according to the practice of the Yajurvēdi Brāhmaṇas in their Vedic recitations; and the dental n takes its place in bhāsurataransa (for tarāṁsa) as is the practice with the Gujaratis of the present day. The final m of a word is changed only once into the nasal of the class to which the following letter belongs in süminyaii-cha (1. 30), while in other cases it is generally changed into an anusvāra. The letters tri in otsidasaguruo (1.6), and tri in trinavado (1.7) are both wrong and should be corrected by a reciprocal interchange. Consonants conjunct with the rēpha are generally doubled (according to Pānini VIII, 4. 46) except in the case of sibilants, e.g. darśayită (1.11), and varsha (1. 33). When the letter dh is conjunct with ya, the unaspirated d is also prefixed, o.g. pādanuddhyāta (11. 12-13), in sambaddhyamīnakan (1. 18), and in osviddhyāyao (11. 19-20). The double nna is written as nona in Ochandrärkärnnavao (1. 28). The sign of jihvāmūliya, which, in form, is just the letter m, is written conjunct with kh in I. 16, and k in 1. 17, and to the group so formed the vowel signs of ; in the first case, and of u in the second are added in the way usual with other conjunct letters. These are the only two occasions for this sign in the whole of this inscription, but while there are about half a dozen cases where the upadhmāniya symbol may be expected, it is written only twice in conjunction with in mātapitro punyapyayanaya, 1. 19, and sidhuhpunarādadita, 1. 33. This sign is like the letter chh. Final is denoted by the usual sign for the syllable ta with a slight stroke at the top slanting to the right.
Ind. Ant., Vol. IX. p. 237, et seq.

Page #202

No. 17.]
NAVALAKHI PLATES OF SILADITYA I.
175
This inscription is one of the Paramamāhēsvara sri-śiaditya I. alias Dharmāditya, the son of sri-Dharasēna, and grandson of sri-Guhasēna who belonged to the royal family founded by Bhatārkka. It is dated in the year 286 (A.D. 605) on the 8th day of the dark half of Ashādha. The date furnishes the numerical symbols for 200, 80, 6, and 8. The preamble of this grant, including the description of each one of the kings, is, as is quite natural, exactly the same as that of the grant of 290, referred to above. A comparison of the copper-plate records of the family shows that Silāditya I. was the first king who omitted the Dames of the kings intervening between Bhatarkka, the founder, and Guhasēna, the grandfather of the present donor, a practice which was subsequently adopted in all the later grants of this 'family.
The subjoined inscription records the gift of a village called Bhöndānaka, situated within the provincial limits of Vatanagara. I am not certain whether this Vatanagara is the same as Vadnagar in the Baroda State, or is the Vatapadra which Dr. Bühler took to be the modern Vadodrá or Baroda. In any case, the village cannot be identified. The gift was made to forty-four Brāhmaṇas who had emigrated from Samgapuri, which is believed to be the sam: as the present Shahāpür near Junagadh. The cause of the immigration is not recorded. Probably they were induced to settle in this place by the present gift.
The names of the Brāhmauas are curious. Some look like surnames or family names while others are clearly the names of particular individuals. The name Boppabvāmi may show that he was very likely a Tailanga Brāhmaṇa. Some are Prākṣit forms of Sanskrit names, e.j. Khanda-Skanda, Sina-Sinha, Nattaka-Nartaka, Gorusarmma-Gõpasarmmā, as also Bhatti which seems to be derived from Bhartri. The last name is familiar as the one borne also by the author of the Bhatti-kāvya. It is probable that the names Bappataka, Nāvuvaka, Khokkhaka, Gimjaka, and Goggaka are also similar in origin, though I am unable to suggest the precise derivation. Other names are pure Sanskrit. Vatsa is götra or family name of several Brahmanas even at present. The names Dröna, Bhatti, Aditya, Bhadra, Bappataka and Gopa appear to belong to more persons than one among the donees of the present grant, and hence the individual of the same name subsequently mentioned is distinguished from the first named person, by prefixing dvi, tri as may be required. The prefixes mean, I believe, the second and the third.
The following officials are mentioned in the grant : (a) Ayuktaka. This word appears to be very old being found in Påņini 11. 3, 40, where
it signifies a person appointed to some small work of a special character, and from the nature of the example given in the Kaumudi to illustrate the rule, it seems probable that these may be Brühmanas employed for religious or charitable purposes, such as the pūjāris or the worshippers at temples, etc., or the asritas, i.e. the learned men patronised by the king for holy merit.
[The text follows more closely the Walā plates of Siladitya I. dated in Gupta-Sarhvat 286.-Ed.]
The fact that the grant of 290 records the names of several villages ending in anaka, gives greater probability to the second alternative. The fame, however, of Vanager as an early residence of Brahmansa is yet preserved in the name of the local caste of Brahmanas, and hence ono fools inclined to the first supposition. I cannot decide the matter for want of more accurate information.
. Compare the name of Bopadēvs, the granimgrisn.
* It is not unlikely that they are derived from the names of the villages to which their families originally belonged. The name Guhilabhati (1. 20) may be traced to Gohilwad-pranta of Kathiawad.
This leads to the inference that these may be family names. It is worthy of remark that among these names we recognise two of the modern ones of the Kökanastha families, vit. Bapat and Bbånu. These are now met with only amongst the so-called Dakshini Brahmanas and I believe are not to be found amongst the original residents of Gujarat or Kathiawad at present. [In luter inscriptions, e.g., the Mudbåtá plates (inbove, Vol. IX, p.1106), the abbreviations dei and tri stand for dritēda and trivēda.--H. K. S.]

Page #203

176
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
(6) Viniyuktaka. This may be the officer in charge of the village as palil (the headman),
kulakarni (the clerk of the village) or some such village officer. (©) Drārigika.-The word dranga means 'a town,' and drārgika may denote & town
officer or merely an inhabitant of it. (a) Maha'tara.--This is often used to signify men of special respectability in a place,
such as the heads of particular communities. It is also possible that this may form one word with the p evious one and the two together may then mean the
respectable inhabitants of the town.' (@) Chata.-Monier Williams' Dictionary raises the query whether this should properly
be chāra (a spy). As, however, the word occurs in this form in almost all the grants of this family, this explanation is not tenable. Dr. Bühler renders it by 'fortune-teller' (Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 106, note) though he is not certain of it. Yajňavalkya speaks of chaças along with thieves, etc., as men who are likely to be injurious to the public. In Msichchhakatikā, Act V, the friend of the hero remarks in Präksit that "even dogs won't go to a place where the chățas, courte8ans, etc. reside" (Bombay Sanskrit series, Vol. I, p. 223, line 63). The similarity in sound with chatu, 'flattery' which this word presents is so close as to lead one to translate the word by 'flatterer'; and the word may in that case denote the attendants of the king who are very likely to misuse their position by being harmful to others. Or they may be the servants whose duty is to sing the praises of the king and his forefathers. [For other explanations of the term chata,
see above, Vol. IX, p. 284, note 10, and p. 296.-Ed.] (1) Bhata means & soldier.' Perhaps the word is connected with Bhata-the herald
attendant on a king, whose duty is to sing his praises. (9) Kumārāmätyas is rendered by Dr. Bühler as the princes and ministers' (Ind. Ant.,
Vol. IV, p. 175). As, however, the word rajasthaniya occurs before the expression under consideration, I believe it should be rendered as one word by the princes, the noble lords of Rajasthana.' Dr. Bühler, however, translates the epithet as representing royalty. The princes of the royal blood are even now given the epithet of kumara, and I believe in old times they formed a council of the nobles, and were consulted by the raling chiefs on points of imperial importance. [For a different explanation of the word kumärämatya, 800 above, Vol. X,
p. 50, note 2.-Ed.] The requirements of a formal dasana include also an accurate description of the granted land, which should be declared as given free of all dues for ever. The subjoined attributes of the word grāma, should accordingly be interpreted as supplying these requirements: sõdrangah. --The word udranga is given in the Petersburg Dictionary as a synonym of
dranga (a town) and hence this adjective of grāma may be rendered by together
with the hamlets.' sõparikarah. -Possibly means 'together with its appurtenances' as timber, trees, etc.
standing on the land. Drs. Bühler and Fleet, however, suggest that all these attributes signify different sorts of land and other revenue. In that case, this adjective mny mean together with municipal taxes levied on tradesmen, etc. for the management of the town' in accordance with Manu VII, 137. It appears to
1 चाटतस्करवृत्तमहासाहसिकादिभिः ।
41919T: 1 dags fastea: Yaj. Sm. 1. 334-5. • यत्किंचिदपि वर्षस्य दापयरकरसंज्ञितम् । T atra T 97477

Page #204

No. 17.]
NAVALAKHI PLATES OF SILADITYA I.
177
me, however, that all such dues accruing from the village are mentioned by the adjective sadhanyahiranyad@yah. Hence it seems preferable to take the first three
adjectives as referring to the description of the gift. savātabhūtapratyāyah-Several grants read opratyayah instead of pratyāyah. The mean
ing of both seems to be nearly the same. The compound word may be translated by as determined by wind and other marks of the limits of a place. I am toid that this word is actually used in the Narmadamahatmya to signify the extent of the region on either bank as belonging to the Narmada, where the distinctive breeze from the river is recognised. The boundary marks are, broadly speaking. described by Nárada, quoted in many other smțitis, as fivefold : viz. (1) huge trees or mountains; (2) rivers or tanks, (3) underground signs, (4) artificial marks made by men, and (5) by the order of the king. It is, I believe, to all these that this adjective refers. See, however, Dr. Bühler's note on the word (Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 106). He understands the word as referring to certain dues from the Fillage. Dr. Fleet also, in his Gupta Inscriptions, p. 170, note 9, appears to
agree with Dr. Bühler. sadhanyahiranyādēyah is clearly together with the revenues in grain and gold.' sadašāparādhah— with the right to the fines for the ten offences,' see Gupta Inscriptis,
p. 189, note 4. sot padyamānarishtih.-rishti yields vētha in Marāthi. The adjective means with
the right to forced labour as occasion for it occurs' as prescribed by Manu VII,
138.
ahastaprakshēpaniyah. - This word is equivalent to the Marathi idiom häta ghālane (lit.
to put one's hand in a matter). The phrase, therefore, should be rendered 'not
to be meddled with' by any of the royal officers. bhimichchhidranyayēna.-'according to the principle of a hole in the earth. This
popular maxim is variously explained by Dr. Bhandarkar (Ind. Ant. Vol. I. p. 46) and by Dr. Bühler (ibid. Vol. IV. p. 106, note). In the uncertainty thus caused I may propose a third explanation. The word. usually occurs after pūrvapratta-dēvabrahmad@yavarjitaḥ, though sometimes without it, and is to be connected grammatically with nisrishtah that follows. It appears from this that both these words signify the reservations from the gift. The previous attribute having reserved the gifts to temples or Brāhmaṇas previously made, this word seems to reserve the right of the grantor to the mineral resources and treasnretrove, etc. The right of the king to these is always urged against a gift unless it is expressly transferred. The word, therefore, may reserve this right in favour of
the royal donor in spite of the gift of the land. The word dataka (1. 34) is translated by some as 'messenger.' Seeing, however, that in several cases, princes of the royal blood are styled in this manner, I believe this must be a res. pousible officer who had to attest such fasanas as required by the Smritis. In Manu VII, 63-5 The data is spoken of as a chief minister in special confidence with the king. His counsel was always sought on matters of utmost importance like peace and war. The word, therefore, should
ध्वजिनौ मत्स्यिनी चैव नधानी भयवर्जिता।
राजशासननीता च सीमा पञ्चविधा स्मृता । 1 161fafa atefon:
एकैकं कारयेत्कर्म मासि मासि महीपतिः । • See Anandarimayaņs, Särakanda III, 264. यह म्यां वर्तते वित्तं तनृपस्य न संशयः ।

Page #205

178
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. XI.
by translated with Dr. Bhandarkar as the minister, the executive officer. In this sense the word may perhaps be derived from fedla, a joint officer.
The word divirapati seems to signify the head-clerk or at the most the chief secretary of the king. According to the Smritis, a sāsana had to be in the handwriting of the clerk whose business was to draft the important orders of peace and war; so it must be such an officer who is spoken of as divirapati.
___TEXT.
First Plate. 1ों स्वस्ति 'वलमीतः प्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां मैत्रकाणामतुलबल संपत्रमण्ड
लाभोगसंसक्त प्रहारशतलब्धप्रतापा[]2 तापोपनतदानमानार्जवोपार्जितानुरागादनुरक्तमौलभृत[थेणीबलावाप्तराज्यश्रियः प
रममाहेश्वरथी3 भटार्कादव्यवच्छिवराजवंशामातापिचरणारविन्दप्रणतिप्रविधौताशेषकल्मषः शैश
__ वाअभृति खड्गदितीयबा4 हुरेव समदपरगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशितसत्व"निकषस्तत्प्रभावप्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभास
सक्तपादनखरश्मिB संघतिस्मकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्गसम्यक्परिपालनप्रजाहृदयरंजनान्वर्थराजशब्द:
कान्तिस्थैर्यधैर्य गाs भीर्यबडिसंपद्धिः स्मरणशङ्कादिराजोदधि"तुदशगुरुधनेशानतिशयानशरणागता
भयप्रदान परतया 7 "त्रिणवदपास्ताशेषस्वकार्यफल" प्रार्थनाधिकार्थप्रदानानन्दितविद्वत्सुहप्रणयि"हृदयः
पादचारीव सकलभुवन
Soo also Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, page 100, note 3.
It is interesting to note that this word divira presents a close similarity to the word dabira, and is possibly Sanskritised form of the latter. Dabira, I learn, is an Arabic word meaning ina ager' or 'secretary.' It was the official name of one of the eight ministers of Shivaji and is equivalent to the title sumanta of Sanskrit origin. Tuis officer was very much the same as a "foreign secretary” and had charge of all the records concerning treaties. ute. with foreign powers.
* Expressed by a symbol. . For th. position, etc. of this city, see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 165, and note.
For Maitrakas see Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 361, note.
"For sampanna here and in later grants; the earlier reading is sapatna, on which see Dr. Haltzsch's interesting remarks in Vol. III, P. 319, ahove.
* For praharao here and in later grants; the earlier ones of the same family read samprahara'.
• Read °सत्त्व • Read °संहति.
The word dhairyya does not occur in this compound in any of the Valabbi grants except the present one the grant of 290, and that of Dbarasēna II.(Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 71). In its absence the word adriraja in the following compound means Himalaya, but when the word occurs, the phrase adriraja has to be split into two to correspond to the two qualities athairyya and dairyya. In that case adri may mean any mountain as a type of steadiness (sthairyya) and raja may perhaps denote Dharmaraja as a type of courage (dhairyya), as suggested by his uame Yudhishthira. 10 Read °शशा. ॥ Read °चिदशगुरु.
- Read तावद. u Read 4 . The reading phala is also found in other grants.
- Read "मुहत्यचयि. 1 Padachár-iva means personified as it were'; cf. WRERT we were fordec ; Uttarardmacharita, VI.10.

Page #206

SCALE 75.
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH.
V. VENKAYYA
Navalakhi Plates of Siladitya I.--[Gupta-] Samvat 286.
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Page #207

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ནོ སྔ བ , ༢ *མརོ༔ བསྨིནཀག ༢༧》 རིནཙེཀ་ ནུ{8 J༧སྤྱིt
བཀ8)
9 2 ) ༄༅t%22%༠ ༡༩ ཉJu མs 49ནསྐྱ• 25) Jལེt,༢23371:z-Naཡོད) རྣT°༽རེ ༡18
23:4ི་མ་སྤྱི་བj_21 19 )་༢༢༢_ tcི་ ་ མནེ ༡༤ ) དraཉིན8 32 འu༣ཚེ(རྒྱུག་རྟེ རྟེgg Rs. ན་ 3 ༼ར ་་༩ ཉོ ༧༩༣༧ ཀྱམ།
q*13 | ལྟཙི ན ན དང བ y:ཀྱི ། > ལ༠ཉ1 ༣་༢༧༽ ། ༼ འ .. ༢ ༢༩ 3 བྱ JA༔ ལུ་ ༽ནོ ༢)ཉི ཏི(༡) རྟར ༡༧༣ རྒྱ༢ ? ན ་
32
34
36
36
ཀoཏ༢༧༧༥༩ ་མ )
FROM IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. D. R. BHANDARKAR.

Page #208

No. 17.]
NAVALAKHI PLATES OF SILADITYA I.
179
य
8 मण्डलाभोगप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादनखमयूखसन्तान
विसृतजाइ[वी]जलौघप्र9 क्षालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्यमानसम्पद्रूपलोभादिवाचितस्मरभसमा
भिगामिकैर्गणः 10 सहजशक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापिताखिलबलधनुईरः प्रथमनरपतिसमतिसृष्टानामनुपाल.
यिता धर्मदा11 यानामपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणामुपानवानां दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवा
सस्य संघतारातिपक्ष12 लक्ष्मीपरि]भोगदक्षविक्रमो विक्रमोपसंप्राप्तविमलपार्थिवधिः' परममाहेश्वरः श्रीध
रसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पदानु13 यातस्मकलजगदानन्दनात्यद्भुतगुणसमुदयस्थगितसमादिमण्डलम्समरसतविजययो
भासनाथमण्डला14 प्रद्युतिभासुरतरन्सपिठो दूढगुरुमनोरथमहाभारस्सर्वविद्यापरावरविभागाधिगमविम
लमतिरपि सब15 तस्मुभाषितलवेनापि मुखोपपादनीयपरितोषस्ममग्रलोकागाधगाम्भीर्यदयोपि
सुचरितातिशयसुव्य16 क्तपरमकल्याणस्वभाव-खिलीभूतकृतयुगनृपतिपथविशोधनाधिगतोदग्रकीर्तिमानुप
रोधोज्वल तरीकता17 Mसुखसंपदुपसेवानिरूढधर्मादित्यहितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीशीलादित्य कु.
शली सर्वानवायुक्त18 कविनियुक्त कद्राङ्गिकमहत्तरचाटभटकुमारामात्यादीनन्यांश्च यथाभिसंबद्ध्यमानका.
समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वः 19 संविदितं यथा मया मातापित्रो पुण्याप्यायनाय संगपुरीविनिर्मातनाना
गोत्रचरणतपस्व20 यायोपतब्राह्मणद्रोण-'इब्रवसु-वत्स-षष्ठि-गुहिला-भट्टिसूर्य-दिवभट्टि21 लद्रक-आदित्यवसु-हिद्रोण-विद्रोण-कुमारशर्मा-भहि-त्रादित्यरवि.
Second Plate. 22 [गणक] [क]क'-गोपाब्यक-खन्द-धर्म-भट्र-आदित्य-हिमादित्य-बप्पटक-मतश-10 23 ममा-ईश्वर-बोप्यखामि-द्विबप्पटक-गोप-दाम-हिभद्र-खोक्वक-केशव
1 Abhigamikah guna, 'inviting virtuous qualities' ; see Gupta Inser. p. 169, noto 2. • Read संहताराति.
- Read पार्थिवत्री:.
Read 'भासुरतरांसपीठो • Read 'वस
• Read °स्वाध्यायोपेत.
Read न्द्रवस (२). • I am not able to make out the name. It may be Ganaka, or Gagarkka (s mistake for Ganarkka). But the letter after pa is more probably tna, in which case it may be Ganana (mistake for Ganaratna).
. I am not sure wbother I bave read the name correctly, nor can I make out anything of it. • Read मावशी .

Page #209

180
[VOL. XI
24 गोवशी अग्निशा दिगोपनाव [क] कुमारभद्र-सीह नहक गिंजक गोक-संगम [-]
ब्राह्मणेभ्यः बटनगर स्थल्यन्तर्गतभोण्डानक
25 द्दिभट्टि - भानु एवं चतुश्चत्वारिशते
ग्रामोद्र
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
26 मोपरिकर वातभूतमव्यायाचान्यहिरखादेयादमापराधस्मोत्पद्यम[]]नविष्टिस
व्र[1]
27 जकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पूर्वप्रत्तदेवब्रह्मदेयवर्णितः भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाच28 न्द्रार्कार्नव क्षितिसरित्पर्व्वतसमकालीनः
धर्मदायो
20 निसृष्टः यतः प[ष] भुंजतां [a]षतां कर्षयतां प्रदिशतां वा न व्या सेधे वर्त्तितव्यमागामिभद्र
30 नृपतिभिरप्यस्म [इं] यजेरन्येन
अनित्यान्धेयरिं मानुष्यं सामान्यश्ञ्च
भूमिदानफलम
31 वगच्छद्भिरयमस्मद्दायोनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयितव्यश्चेति ॥ ' बहुभिर्व्वसुधा भुक्ता राज
33 प्रायतनोकतानि [1] पुनराददीत ॥ [ष]
भाग
32 रादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥ 'यानीह दारिद्युभयावन्नानि -
निर्भुखमाख्यप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम सा वर्षस
भूमिदः [1*] आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव
34 हस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदेत
पुत्रपौत्रान्वयभोग्य उदकातिसमय
नरके वसेत् ॥ दूतकश्चा
35 च भहादित्ययथा [] लिखितं सन्धिविग्रहाधिकृतदिवोरपतिवचभरिना'
36 सं २०० ८० ६ आषाढ ब ८ ॥01
37
G
More properly चत्वारिंशते.
2 Read fafe or fafea, according to several other grants.
• Read °र्णव ं.
स्वहस्तो मम ॥
118
This verse is introduced in the grant of 290 by the words aktam cha bhagavata Vedavyāsēna Vyāsēna. The metre is Upajati made up of Upendravajra and Indravajra.
For mōdēta many other grants read mōdati, but we have got vasatí instead in the Smriti passages where it
occurs.
The original clearly reads the name as Vatrabhattina, which does not make any sense. The grant of 290 reads Chandrabhatțină instead which perhaps is the proper spelling of the uame. It should be noted, however, thst Dr. Bhandarkar's plate (Ind. Ant, Vol. I. p. 17) also appears to read the name as Vatrabhatti which the Doctor reads as Vashabhata, as it does not look quite clear at the place.
® [The symbol here corresponds to the symbol at the beginning and may be read ho. H. K.S.]

Page #210

No. 18.1
BANSWARA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA.
181
No. 18. ---BANSWARA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA; [VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1076.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Althongh the approximate period of the reign of the Paramāra king Bhöjadēva of Daarā is settled from references in contemporary literature, the only inscription of his time which had been discovered so far was the Ujjain copper-plate grant of Sunday, 24th December, A.D. 1021.2 The copper-plate inscription now published is dated about two year's earlier, vis. in the (Vikrama] year 1076, on the 5th tithi of the bright fortnight of Mägha (1. 31). The date of the grant was the anniversary of the conquest of Konkaņa (1. 10). It follows from this that Bhojadeva had undertaken an expedition into the Konkaņ either in Samvat 1075 or in one of the years preceding it.
The subjoined transcript is based on an ink-impression prepared by Pandit Gaurishankar H. Ojba, Superintendent, Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, and transmitted to me by Rai Bahadar V. Venkayya. I have received no description of the original, which was found in the possession of the widow of a thathērā (copper-smith) living at Banswara. But as the impression shows two ring-holes at the bottom of the first side and at the top of the second side, it may be preE' ned that the inscription is engraved on two copper-plates which are held together by two rings and measure 137 inches in breadth and 97 inches in height. The inscribed side of the second plate bears at its bottom in a rectangular border (before lines 28 to 32) & flying figure of Garuda, facing the proper left and carrying a snake in his left arm.
The alphabet is Nagari of the same type as in the Ujjaia plates. The avagraha is used, improperly, for marking the elision of a short a after a long ā in 11. 10 and 22. The consonant
is expressed by a throughout. Once u is wrongly replaced by, and by u in four cases. The gerund बुडा is twice spelt वुध्वा.'
The document is drawn up in Sanskrit prose mixed with verses which are nine in number. Excepting the different date and the particulars of the donee and the object granted, the new grant is practically identical with the Ujjain plates. A short abstract of it will therefore be sufficient for all purposes.
After two verses invoking the god Śiva (Vyomakësa, v. 1, or Smarärate, v. 2), Bhoja. dēva, successor of Sindhurajadēva, successor of Vāk patirājadēva, successor of Siyakadēva informs all royal officers coming to Vaţapadraka included in the Ghāghradora district (bhoga) of the Sthali province (mandala) and the Brāhmaṇas and other inhabitants, that, at the anniversary of the conquest of Konkaņa, having bathed and worshipped Siva (Bhavānipati, 1. 10), he granted 100 nivartanas (in words and figures, 1. 16) of land in the above-mentioned village (riz. Vatapadraka) to the Brāhmaṇa Bhāïla, son of Vámana, of the Vasishtha götra and the Vaji-Madhyamdina sākha, whose ancestors had emigrated from Chhinchha city (sthāna, 1. 18).
1 See Bühler's remarks in Vol. I. pp. 230-233, above.
» Published, with Euglish translation, by N. J. Kirtane, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 53 ff. The date was calculated by Kielhorn, id. Vol. XIX. p. 361, No. 169.
* This fact is very suggestive. If the copper-smith had not died, and if Mr. Ojha had not rescued the copper-plates from his widow, they would have shared the fate of many of their fellows, vis, the conversion into copper Vessels.
• See the lithograph, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 53 and 54 Instead of "fa formare (12 f. of plate ii) we may have to read fafara (11) See note 3 on p. 183.
. See notes 6 and 9 on p. 182, and 2 and 5 on p. 188. See notes 6 and 11 on p. 183. 8 Cf. Chimcha-kahētra, above, Vol. IV. p. 207, text line 29.

Page #211

182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
Line 31 contains the date : Samvat 1076 Magha su di 5. A facsimile of the royal signature: “this (is) the own hand of Sri-Bhojadeva" is affixed at the end of either plate (II. 15 and 32).
The date does not include any details which admit of actual verification. But Dr. Fleet tells me that, with the year 1076 taken as expired, as in the Ujjain record, the details which are given take us to 3rd January, A.D. 1020. The localities named in the grant cannot he identified, because there is no clue as to the exact neighbourhood in which we are to look for them, and because enough of them are not mentioned.
TEXT.
First Plate; Second Side. 1 नों' [*] जयति व्योमकेशौसी' यः सर्गाय विभर्ति तां । ऐंदवीं
शिरसा लेखां न. 2 गद्दीजांकुराकृतिः ॥ [१] तन्वंतु वः स्मरारात: कल्याणमनिशं जटाः ॥ क3 ल्पांतसमयोहामतडिहलयपिंगला: ॥ [२] परमभट्टारकमहारा4 जाधिरानपरमेश्वरश्री[भी]यकदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकम5 हाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीवाक्वतिराजदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभ. 6 द्वारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरथीसिंधुराजदेवपादानुध्यात7 परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेव: कुशली ॥ 8 स्थलीमंडले घाघ्रदोरभोगांतःपातिवटपद्रके शमुपगतान्ममस्तराजप9 'रुषान्त्राणोत्तरान्प्रतिनिवासिजनपदादींश्च समादिशत्यसु व: संविदितं ॥ 10 यथाऽस्माभिः कोंकणविजयपर्वणि श्रात्वा' चराचरगुरुं भगवन्तं भवानीपति 11 समभ्यय॑ सं[स]रस्या[स]रतां दृष्ट्वा । वाताविभ्रममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमापातमा12 नमधरो विषयोपभोगः । प्राणास्तुणागजलविदुसमा नरा (1) धर्मः सखा 13 परमही परलोकयाने ॥ [३] भ्रमत्संसारचक्रामधाराधारामिमां श्रियं ।
प्राप्य ये न 11 ददस्तेषां पश्चात्तापः परं फलं ॥ [४*] इति जगतो विनश्वरं खंरूपमा
कलय्योपरि 15 स्वहस्तोयं श्रीभोजदेवस्य [*]
Second Plate; First Side. 16 लिखितग्रामात" भूनिवर्तनशतकं नि १०० स्वसोमातृणगोचरयूतिपर्यतं
हिरण्या- (1)
• Read जगद्वौजा.
1 From the ink-impression.
? Expressed by a symbol, • Read कैशीसौ.
• Read बिभति. • Read समुप.
• Read कषान्ना.
_r Read. 'शायजलबिंदु 9 Read सावा. 11 This linc is continued on the next plate (1. 16).
• Read °त्यस्तु.
- Read °ग्रामाद.

Page #212

i. b.
E. Hultzsch.
Scale two-thirds.
यति यो मोसो साय: सर्मायविसति तोपिर दी जिससालयबाट राही ठीक से तिगत उदः पाराशातः कल्याणमनि शंइटार या समया हामत रिहलय पिंगला परमर तारकम दामा डदिरा परमार जी गायकर यारानु धातपरमर हारकम हाराजाबराजयरामशरबतराकारदयारानुयान परमस्. हारदमदार दादरायरामशरथ सिंधुराकार यारानुयात परमरहारदमहाराहाविराउ परमेश्वर करसमुशलीम सलीमउलवायला लागानध्यातवटपरकशमुखरातारामसरामपुर का लागोरायतन दा सऊन ययायासमा रशयनुसः संविदा यस्मा शिलाकयुपवाया वासरासरशुरुरुरावनसवानीपत समता सिसा रसासारनाह दातार दम्मामर सुक्षलियतमा यातमा मयुरादिषटोपहायाः। पास राऊलासुसमानराणामसिया । परमदायरलो क्यान इमाससावरकारसनामरामि माशियोखोयाय र देवापशातायः पररल॥ तिकराता निशष नयमोकलगायतका
Banswara plates of Bhojadeva. – [Vikrama-Samvat 1076.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.

Page #213

ii. a.
18
20
-
22
ल शिरा तय मानस नि तेन जाते हैं कि सीमा शिव विपी दिया। रायसामसमासाहाग सापारिक रसचोदायसमेत नाममा लायसन सुतायत ही पसाला वारा वाडिमा रिनशाणायक्षपाट्या हा मानविन मतपः डाय माता पिता रामनरायुरायासास्टिवलयालमा हत्याकाल व हि तिसमकालयात तार टासाशाशने नारक पदतिया स्तिमि तिमताल निवासिनपाटर्यवादीयमानहायतासकर हिरव्या रकमाठाजवाति विये
तास ईमोसन्यनतारा मितिरासामा घालत पुष्पलश्रमशाइर पिता विमोल सिम पर तिवमायायायुमनुमत पालनीया उतराव
हंगुला मीरा सरावारि सियसयररयदराज मनस्रानानायला टानीदर तनि पुरानगराना निर्षियशसरा शानियाला वातिपतिमाल निको नाममात हुन पनि याकुलममुरारमराहा राराजरानाम महानागारना याला काय हमाललहुररसूलायादान परलपरराज पारपोल
नगराने मनःपाताल मायामालायाततरामरा मामा मामास पागकासकालगानीयोस्वागतकम लाला लजालालायिती जनजाति चासतलाम राम रनल सागरिका पर कानाच्या ताणानामा मापदयात्रा
28
itamzn
From an ink - impression supplied by Pandit Gaurishankar H. Ojha.

Page #214

No. 18.]
BANSWARA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA.
183
17 दायसमेतं सभागभोग सोपरिकर सादायसमेतं 'व्राह्मणभाइलाय वामन18 सुताय वशिष्ठसगोत्राय वाजिमाध्यंदिनशाखायैकप्रवराय च्छिंच्छास्थानविनिग्गे
तपूर्व1) जाय मातापित्रीरात्मनश्च पुण्ययसोभिये' अदृष्टफलमंगीकृत्य चंद्राकारण20 वक्षितिसमकालं यावत्परया भक्त्या शाशनेनोदकपूर्व प्रतिपादितमिति
मत्वा त21 त्रिवासिजनपदैर्यथादीयमानभागभोगकरहिरण्यादिकमाजाश्रवणविधेये22 मत्वा सर्वमस्मै समुपनेतव्यमिति ॥ सामान्यं चैतत्पुण्यफलं 'वुध्वाऽस्मदंशजै
रन्यै28 रपि भाविभोक्तभिरस्मत्प्रदत्तधर्मादायोयमनुमंतव्यः' पालनीयश्च ॥ उक्त
24 हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य
तस्य तदा फलं ॥ [५*] 25 यानीह दत्तानि परा नरट्रैनानि धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि । निर्माल्यवांतिप्र
तिमानि 26 तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत ॥ [*] अस्मत्कुलक्रममुदारमुदाहरद्धि
रन्यैश्च दानमि27 दमभ्यनुमोदनीयं । लक्ष्म्यास्तडित्सलिलवुडुदचंचलाया' दानं फलं परयश:
परिपाल28 मं च ॥ [*] सनितान्भाविनः पार्थिवेंद्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः ॥ 29 सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः ॥ [*]
इति कम30 लदलावुविंदुलोलां श्रियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितं च । सकलमिदमुदा. 31 हृतं च वुध्वा" न हि पुरुषैः परकीर्तयो विलोप्या इति ॥ [*]
संवत् १०७६ माघ शु दि ५ [*] 32 स्वयमाञा । मंगलं महायोः ॥ स्वहस्तोयं श्रीभोजदेवस्य [*]
1 Read ब्रामण. • Read चंद्रा 7 Read धर्मादायी. 10 Read °दखांबुबिंद.
. Read वसिष्ठ. - Read शासने. • Read 4. 11 Read T.
- Read 'यशो. • Read बुद्धा. • Read °बुद्बुद

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
No. 19. THE SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHASIVAGUPTA.1
BY RAI BAHADUR HIRA LAL, B.A., NAGPUR.
Sirpur is a small village on the right bank of the Mahanadi in the Mahasamunda tahsil of the Raipur District in the Central Provinces. It is 37 miles north-east of Raipur and 15 miles from Årang. Sirpur was once the capital of Maha-Kōsala and was then known as Sripura, as given in the stone inscriptions found there, and also in the copper plates found in Rajim and Baloda. The ruins in and around the village indicate that it was once a great city and there are scores of temple sites, the identification of which is now rendered impossible by the removal of the idols they contained to a place near a brick temple, which is the only one now standing as it was originally built. It is popularly known as the Lakshmana temple.' Writing of the bricks with which it is built, Mr. Cousens who visited it in 1904 remarked that they were of a finer make than any he had till then seen, either ancient or modern. They are moulded and carved with considerable artistic skill. About a third of the temple tower was gone, while the mandapa had totally collapsed and was a heap of ruins when it was taken under Government conservation. It was while removing the debris of this mandapa that the subjoined inscription was found and removed to the Raipur Museum where it is at present deposited. Sir A. Cunningham visited Sirpur in 1881-82 and noticed all the inscriptions he found there, remarking that one of them must belong to this temple. He was right in supposing that the temple must have had some inscription but it had not come to light then and it was about 2 years ago that it was accidentally discovered.
It is perhaps the biggest inscription yet found in Sirpur. It is engraved on a thick reddish stone, which is not exactly rectangular, the breadth of the upper corner being 3' 8" and that of the lower 3' 9", while the height at the right side is 2' 33" and at the left 2' 1". The writing covers a space 3' 8" by 2' 1". There are altogether 26 lines of writing, but some parts of the stone coming in contact with others have peeled off, and portions of lines 3, 4, 5, 6 at the left hand top corner and the last 4 lines have been partially damaged. The characters are Nagari, beautifully engraved, their average height being ". They belong to the Northern class of alphabets of about the 8th or 9th century A.D. The most noticeable peculiarities are the antiquated forms of the letters i, na, sa, dha, tha, bha and ja. The matra of a is represented by a top stroke, and é by a small stroke prefixed to the letter. The sign of u is added in the middle of the letter ra as usual, but when made long it is bent upwards as in gurupacharane in line 7 and -rupaih in line 12. In the case of the short ru in Purushottama in line 1, the bend is upwards instead of downwards, but this is probably a mistake as other short rus have it in the usual way downwards. The signs for and a when joined to a class letter appear to be identical: compare puñja in line 1 and mandanam in line 12. Forms of final m occur in 11. 4, 11, 12, 13 and 14 and of and n in 11. 6 and 16 respectively. The language is excellent Sanskrit, highly rhetorical, containing 42 verses in various metres.
The record consists of two parts, viz. a eulogy in 23 verses and rules for the temple management from line 16 to the end. The inscription begins with an invocation to Purushottama, which is in prose. The first three verses are devoted to the praise of the Nrisimha or man-lion incarnation of Vishnu. King Mahasivagupta, his mother and two ancestors
[This paper was partially prepared for the Press by Dr. Sten Konow when he was Government Epigraphist in 1908 and by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri when he officiated in that post for two months, from 17th July to 17th September 1911.-Ed.]
2 [On this name and its denotation, see Cunningham's Reports, Vol. XVII. p. 68 f. -Ed.] Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII. p. 179, and Cunningham's Reports, Vol. XVII. p. 25 ff. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 291. Above, Vol. VII. p. 102. Progress Report of the Archeological Survey of Western India for the year 1904, p. 20. 7 That is calculating from the date this article was given for publication in 1908. [ Final n occurs in line 6 also.-Ed.]

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THE SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION.
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(father and grandfather), are next mentioned. The historical information which is here furnished is that, in the lunar race, there was a hero whose name is illegible (v.4). His son was Harshagupta (v.9). From him was born Mahāśivagupta (v. 12) who was also known as Bālārjuna owing to his proficiency in the use of arms (v. 13). He apparently had a younger brother named Raņakësarin (v. 12). We are then informed that his mother, named Vāsaţā (v. 15). was the daughter of Suryavarma, king of Magadha (v. 16). She became a widow (v. 17) and caused to be constructed a temple of Hari (v. 20), the same to which this inscription was affixed. She and her acts are praised in seven verses (vv. 17 to 23).
The writer of this eulogy who calls himself prasastikārah kavih was Chintaturanka Isana (v. 24), who in the second part proceeds to lay down the regulations for the management of the temple as follows:- Five villages, viz. Todaņkana, Madhuvēdha, Nālīpadra, Kurapadra, and Vāņapadra, were given (v. 25) for the maintenance of the temple to which apparently a sattra or an almshouse was attached. The villages were divided into four shares, three of which (subdivided into three separate parts) were to be reserved for the maintenance of the almshouse, repairs to the templeand for the support of the servants attached to the sanctuary (v. 26). The fourth share was divided into fifteen parts, of which twelve were to be enjoyed by a corre. sponding number of Brāhmaṇas fully conversant with the Vēdas, each of the three Vēdas (Rik, Yajus and Saman) having four experts. The remaining three parts were to be enjoyed by & sacrificial priest and two others who were Bbāgavatas. The names of these fifteen persons are duly recorded and it is enjoined that their descendants should inherit the gift if properly qualified for it, otherwise the grant should go to some other relatives by their own selection and not by order of the king (vv. 27 to 34). An additional village named Vargullaka is stated to have been given separately to the god himself, for meeting the expenses of offerings to him (v. 36). The engraver was a certain Arya Gonna (v. 35), the same who wrote the slab built flat into the pavement of the new work outside the court wall of the Gandhèsvara temple at Sirpur.
Like other inscriptions of Sirpur this is also andated, and therefore its age can only be determined from its characters, which, as stated before, belong to the 8th or 9th century A.D. Mahasivagupta who is mentioned in almost all the inscriptions so far found in Sirpur, seems to have been a temple-builder, or at least he encouraged others to build them. Apparently he was & Saiva, although his mother was a Vaishnava and so was his father who is described in verse 20 as upăsitachyutah, i.e. by whom Vishņu was worshipped. From an inscription in the temple of Gandhēśvara (correctly Gandhervēśvara as given in an inscription affixed to the parapet there) we know fire ancestors of Mabāsivagupta, so that our inscription gives no additional information about the family, as it only takes us back to his grandfather. But verse 6 leads as to the important inference that Mahāśivagupta's grandfather [Chandragupta] had an elder brother who was the king's commander in chief. This elder brother cannot I suppose be any other than the Tivaradēva of the Räjim and Balodā plates. He was the son of Nannadēva, Chandragupta's father. Tivaradėva's inscriptions were issued from Sripura and he is described as being the supreme lord of Kõsala'. He had apparently no issue and his brother probably encodeded him. A second historical fact to be gleaned from our inscription is the discovery of one additional name in the line of Varmā kings of Magadba, vis. Süryavarmā who must have flourished about the 8th century A.D. He apparently belonged to the Western Magadha dynasty. He must have been a contemporary of Chandragupta, to whose son Harghagupta he gave his daughter in marriage.
Attention may be called to the name Ranakosarin (in verse 12) who would appear to have been a younger brother of Mahāśivagupta, although the word has been used in a double sense. Dr. Kielhorn has drawn attention to this name with a view to show that names
[The name intended seems to be Ifans alias Chintäturs.-H. K. 8.)
[That these three parts were to be no disposed of, is implied. It is not clearly expressed in the text of the inscription. -Ed.)
• Program Report of the Archmological Survey of Western India, 1904, D. 50. Ind. Ant. VOL. XVIII. p. 179. Fleet'. Gupta Inforiptions, p. 296. Above, Vol. IV. p. 367.
2 B

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
ending in Kosarin were not foreign to this family as a curious coincidence between the Sirpar kings and the Orissa Kösari family. The second name of Bhavadēva who, Dr. Kielhorn says, was a cousin of Indrabala's son Nannadeva, the father of both Tivaradöva and Chandragupta, was also Rapakësarin, but we meet it in the direct line here. In spite of the overwhelming palæographic evidence which tends to disprove any connection between the Sirpur dynasty and that of the Somavamsi kings of Katak (or more correctly of Vinitapura or Yayātinagara), in both of which a Sivagupta occurs, it seems possible that General Cunningham may still prove to have been right in linking them together, although the dates assigned to them by him are all wrong. The kings of Sirpur appear to have been ousted by the kings of Sarabhapura, which place has not been identified as yet. The inscriptions of the latter have been found in the country round about and in close vicinity of Sirpar, vis, at Arang, Raipur, Khariar and Sarangarh which enclose Sirpur from all directions, north, south, east and west. I have already identified several of the villages mentioned in them (see above, Vol. IX. p. 283) and their position shows that a very large portion of the present Chhattisgarh Division came under their sway. Probably they could not conquer the whole of Maha-Kösala which extended from the confines of Berär to the boundary of the Katak District. The Sirpur dynasty having been driven further east settled in some place on the bank of the Mahinadi. They still continued to rule at least a part of Kosala. That seems to be the reason why they continued to call themselves. Lord of Kosala' unwilling to show a reduced front. They had probably lost the western portion of Mahs-Kosala for ever, and that seems to be the reason why most of the villages granted by them are situated in the Sambalpur District and the adjoining feudatory states of Patna and Sonpur.6 The Sirpur dynasty probably regained its former power but could not regain the lost kingdom, es although the Sarabhapura kings seem to have fallen as quickly as they rose, they were succeeded by another rising power, the Haihayas of Tummāņa, who eclipsed the chiefs of the whole of Chhattisgarh and extended their dominions still farther.
Dr. Fleet assigns the characters of the records of the Sõmavamsi kings of Katak to the eleventh century and says that even if a somewhat earlier period than what has been arrived at, shonld be hereafter established for Sivagupta and his successors of the Katak line, the palæographic changes in so many details appear more than can possibly be covered by the lapse of a single generation. His conclusion is that the kings mentioned in these inscriptions are to be placed somewhere between A.D. 1000 and 1100. Since the characters of the Sirpur inscriptions are believed to belong to about the 9th century, it would appear that Dr. Fleet would place an interval of a little more than 100 years to account for the palæographic difficulties. This is a period which may easily be covered by three generations, and on examining the genealogical table made out from the records of the Somavamsi kings as given by Dr. Fleet, it seems to me that a link of two generations is at present missing, which further discoveries might bring to light.
1 J. 2. 4. S. 1905, p. 622.
Above, Vol. III. p. 333 . The date assigned by Prof. Kielhorn to Sivagupta Balärjuns on the 'amalgamated Sirpur and Katak Gupta dynasty is about the beginning of the 9th century, while the Katak king Mahabhavagupta II. and his three predecessors belong to about the 11th century (above Vol. IV. p. 257). If these two approximate dates are correct, then we would have two kings, viz. a doubtful Mahabhavagupta and Mahāśivagupta, of whom no records have so far been found, for about two centuries.-Ed.]
Mahasudeva of Sarabbapura has been assigned by Mr. Hiralal to about the 8th century (above, Vol. IX. 283). And Tivaradova, Prof. Kielhorn has assigned without hesitation to the middle of the 8th century. If these two approximate dates are correct, the usurpation by the Sarabhapura kings would have taken place at a time when the Sirpur kings must have been powerful.-Ed.)
It may perhaps have been a new name imposed on the conquered city of Sripura by the victor from the fabulous animal of that name, who is believed to be a match for a lion, with reference to the claim of the Sirpur dyuasty to be Kesaris (lions).
See tabular statement appended at the end giving the geographical information ascertained by local enquiry or otherwise and map showing the situation of places identified. 1 Above, Vol. III. p. 334.
8 Ibid. p. 333.
. Ibid. p. 323.

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THE SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION.
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There are four kings in this list, but there are only two names, vis. Sivagapta and Bhavagupta. Three of them have a second name which may have been their birth-names or titles. The Sivagupta of our inscription had also a second name, i.e. Bälärjuna. This Bälärjuna Sivagupta may possibly be the grandfather of the titleless Sivagupta of the Katak inscriptions. By the way it may be noted that his granduncle Tivaradeva who was king was also called Mahāśiva as stated in the Balodā and Räjim plates. I suppose that the title of Harshagupta must have been Mahabhavagupta, and any further discoveries giving both the names would, I venture to think, confirm this surmise. So we can trace back the official title of Mabāśiva up to Tivarvadēva at least and he was possibly great-great-granduncle of the first Sivagapta of the Somavansi records. According to this view the genealogical tree of the amalgamated Sirpur and Katak Gupta dynasty would be as under :
Udayanas
Indrabala
Name not preserved
Nannadēva
Išānadeva
db
) (3
(
Names of (1), (2) (3)
not preserved
Bhavadēva, Ranakēsarin Chintădurga
or
Mahasiva Tivaradeva
Chandragupta Harshagupta
Ranakesarin
Mahāśivagupta-Bälärjuna
Mahābhavagupta ? Mahāśivagupta or Sivagupta
(the first of Katak list) Mahâbhavagupta - Janamējaya
Mahāśivagupta - Yayāti Mahābhavagupta - Bhimaratha
These were probably oflicidl names, assumed on installation as king, as is still done in some of the state towards Orissa; for instance, the Raja of Bámra is either & Südhaladóvs or s Tribhuvanadēvs. The present chief whose name was Satchidananda when he was yuraraja, is Tribhuvanadēva, and so was his grandfather, and his grandson will bear the same name.
* See above, Vol. VII. p. 103, and Gupta Inscriptions, p. 296.
# For sources of information for this genealogy, see Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII. p. 179, J. R. A. S. 1905, p. 621, Consen's Progress Report of the Archological Survey of Western India for 1904, p. 54, and above, Vol. III. P. 327.. Note that Mahāśiva Tivaradova's regal uncle and his possible predecessor at least in one part of Maha Bola was a Bhavadeva, Chintädurga or Ranskësarin. Whether the name Bhavadórs was merely fortuitous or otherwise, I leave the reader to consider.
• From the extracts given by Prof. Kielborn (above. Vol. IV. p. 257) it appears that Bhavadeva was the fourth son of Udayana and not the fourth grandson represented in the genealogical table. But on further examination of the inscription, Prof. Kielborn has stated that " Bhavadova Ranakarin was the fourth son of Indrahala's younger brother whose name has not been preserved;" (J. R. A. S. for 1907, p. 621 f. -Ed.] Above, Vol. VIII. p. 140.
2 B 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
The Sirpur inscriptions show that Bålärjuna Mahasivagupta must have been in # fairly prosperous state and so it was probably his son, a possible Mahabhavagupta, who was ousted from his ancestral capital. If we do not find any of his records, there is nothing to wonder at. A person in calamity driven out of his home would hardly think of bestowing grants or revel in perpetuating his name when his own position was so shaky, and his descendants would hardly be inclined to mention one who was in such a plight, it being better to omit than to record his tale of defeats. For the matter of that, they might also have omitted his son Sivagupta's name as he also does not seem to have been in a much better position, but he was the direct ascendant of his renowned son, and it is possible that he might have prepared the way to the conquest of Trikalinga of which all his successors are called adhipati, though no such title attaches to his name in any of the inscriptions. It appears that it was Janamējaya Mahabha vagupta (I) who retrieved the good name of his dynasty by conquering the Trikalinga country. So far as is known, he was the first in his line to take the title of Trikalingādhipati, though it was disputed by the Haihaya kings of Chēdi, as we find the title used by the Kalachuri Karnadēva of Tripuri in his Benares plate of 1042 A.D. and by other members of the same family up to 1174 A.D. Bat they were apparently raiders with superior power, the real rulers of Trikalinga being the Somavamsis. There is little donbt that these two houses came in contact with each other as in one of the Patná plates (marked H) the donor claims a victory over Chödi.
With regard to geographical names, the country of Magadha whence the temple builder was brought in marriage is well known. The other places mentioned are 6 villages given to the temple and its accessories. Of these, I think Karapadra is the same as Kulapadar, 15 miles south-east of Sirpur, and Vargullaka is apparently Gullū, about 10 miles south-west of Sirpur and 5 from Arang. Todankaņa may be Turēngā near Kulapadar. About 4 miles from Turong, there is a village named Madhuban which may be identical with Madhuvēdha of the inscription. As regards the remaining two, Nalipadra and Vanapadra, I could not find any villages answering to their names. Våņapadra must have been quite close to Sirpur, as it is stated to be on the spot'.
An endeavour has been made in the appended statement to identify places mentioned in other records of these kings, and it may not be out of place here to discuss the unsettled question of the capital of these kings. In the records of the Somavamšīs the phrase Srimato vijaya-Kafakat' occurs which has been interpreted to mean from the victorious Kataka', the capital, in preference to its simple meaning from the victorious camp'. That the latter is the real meaning clearly appears from the copper plates of Mahabhavagupta Janamējays belonging to the Sird year of his reign (the oldest of all so far found). in which the word skandhāvarāt has been used instead of the usual katakat. It will be observed from other inscriptions that whenever kataka is used, the name of the camp (a separate place-name) is invariably given, but this is not the case when the charters purport to be issued from Yay tinagara or Vinitapura, which Dr. Fleet considers to be fanciful names of Kataka itself. It has been assumed that Kataka was the capital of these kings, but I am
1 Another reason why his name is omitted may be found in the fact that all the records of this dynasty give only the name of the donor and his father in the ordinary business-like way, and since his son Sivagupts for reasons stated further on in the text probably never made a grant, it seems very doubtful whether we would ever get a direct proof of bis existence.
Above, Vol. II. p. 298.
These plates were found some 13 years ago at Sonpur, the capital of the state of the same name. They were shown to me when I visited that place about 13 years ago (1.. 1896) and I took a copy of the inscription. [They have been published by Mr. Mazumdar (above, pp. 99 f.). -Ed.)
4. There is only one exception found in the Patna plates marked H in which Vinitapura and Kataks are both mentioned; but Mr. Laskar hoe noted that this record is full of mistakes and gross inaccuracies. See J. 4. 8. B. 1905, Vol. I. p. 6.

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No. 19.]
THE SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION.
189
unable to share this view. The question has already been discussed by other scholars, and the identification of Yayatinagara with the modern Jajpur has been suggested, but Dr. Fleet has pointed out that this suggestion is untenable as the inscriptions distinctly imply that Yayātinagara was on the Mahanadi, whereas Jájpar is only on the Vaitarani, about 50 miles away from the former river.
The name Yayatinagara was apparently imposed upon Vinitapara during the reign of Yayati otherwise known as Mahasivagupta. It is noteworthy that prior to his time the name Yayatinagara does not occur in any inscriptions. In fact he himself used the older Dame Vinītapara in the records of the 8th and 9th years of his reign, which fact shows that till then the idea of naming the town after himself had not occurred to him. It was probably somewhere between the 15th and 24th year of his reign that the town changed its name. Since then the official name seems to have become Yayatinagara, and we have in all four inscriptions mentioning it, two of which belong to the 24th and 28th years of his own reign, and two to the 3rd and 13th year of his son's. This name apparently continued to be used as long as Vinitapura was the capital, at least in official circles, but as is well known the original name usually sticks 80 persistently in the popular mind that it is difficult to eradicate it. Many a monarch has endeavoured to change the names of big cities after his own, but the old name has usually asserted the ground, and I suppose the same happened with Vinitapura, which name can now be traced in the corrupted form Binka. This is a small town in the Sonpur State, 16 miles north of the present capital of that state. It fulfils all the conditions appertaining to Vinitapura. It is on the bank of the Mahanadi, and the river scenery there is as beautiful as described in the inscriptions. From Sirpur it is about 100 miles as the crow flies and about 180 by river- quite a safe distance to which the ousted family might have removed itself. The two places are so situated that if one fled straight to the east he would meet Binkā as the first place on the Mahanadi, as between these two places the river flows in a ourse. Binká, moreover, is central to all the camps from which the kings issued their charters. Of the 13 so far discovered, 5 were issued from the capital itself, 3 from a pleasure garden, which must have been somewhere in the big groves still to be seen on the outskirts of Binka, 3 were issued from Mūrasīma or the present Mursingā in the Patná state, about 11 miles from Binka, one from Sonpur, and one from Vämaņdāpāti* or Bämrå, 60 miles to the north-east, but this last was issued by a feudatory from his own headquarters, and he has mentioned his overlord's capital as Yayātinagara. The villages granted 80 far as they have been identified are situated close to and round about Binkä as a glance on the accompanying map will show. The existence of a village named Rajpali (meaning royal hamlet) within a mile of the present Bink, town is significant. There are also remains of a fort close by and a gbåt embankment on the Mahanadi.
See above, Vol. VIII. p. 189 (where Professor Hultzsch prefers to take kataka iu the sense of a camp') and J. 4. 8. B., 1905, Vol. I., PP. 2 and 3.
. Above, Vol. III. p. 356.
1 My idea is that when Bālärjuna's successor was driven out from Sirpur he fled straight off to the east and settled at & spot where he first met the sacred Mahanadi whose waters had sanctified generations of his ancestors. To this obscure place he in his dejection gave the appropriate name of Vinitapura or the town of the humbled.' I feel this is rather fanciful, as at this distance of time it is difficult to read the motives which actuated the founder to name the town in that way, and all that can be said is, that the explanation is plausible.
• It may be noted that Bāmrā is still called Bāmaņda by the Oriya people of Sambalpur.
It is remarkable that there are amongst the donees Brabmaņa immigrants from Madhyadõsa and even distant Srávasti in Oudh. Their advent to this remote place may easily be explained by the fact that Binkä lay, as it does now, on the high road to Jagannath Puri, one of the four drāmas or the most sacred places of India, which Hindus from all corners of the country visited as they still continue to do. Some of these learned Pandits of the celebrated district of Srävasti might have been induced to settle there, either by solicitations of the king or by necessity owing to the difficulty of crossing long distances for want of good communications, accentuated by the dangers of the road which was infested by robbers of all description.

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190
1 श्रीं नमः
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA..
पुरुषोत्तमाय ॥
अन्योन्यप्रान्तरान्तर्विचलदुरुमरुत्पुज्ञ्जगुञ्जारवोग्रै
रङ्गव्ययेदचयखकिरण शिखाखष्टदं ट्राकरालेः । क्रामन्वः पातु पञ्चानन इ[व] चरणश्चक्रिणः खे घनौघान्विध्वस्य ध्व [T]
2 न्तधाम्नः करिण इव किरन्मौक्तिकाभानि भानि ॥' [१* ] लब्धो निर्भेत्तुमेभिर्न रिपुरिति रसाहतयथुर्नखेषु चासात्तचोड रन्ध्रीदर हरदरीमेव लीनं विलोक्य । हासोल्लासावहेलं तदितरकरजाग्रेण निर्भिद्य [सद्यः कोशा ] 'चिक्षेप तज्जं मलमिव
13
TEXT.1
3 दनुजं यः सोव्यावृसि ॥[२] वदिव] [6]चा शा[ङ्ख्या दंडा] सजिव्हमिवासिना ज्वलदिव दधच्चक्रेणास्यं गदां मुकुटीमिव । ग्रसितुमसुरासंभूयैव वितान्तकविभ्रम दुरितमिति [वेदीयं विशी]
[२] [पासीच्शी]व भुवनाद्भुतभूतभूति".
4 रुद्भूतभूतपति [ भक्तिसम] प्रभाव: । चन्द्रान्वयेकति [ल ] [ खलु चन्द्रगुप्तरा ] जास्थया पृथुगुणः प्रथितः पृथिव्याम् ॥" [४ *] गरीयान्भारोयं दुरधिगमिदं व पुरतो न मे प्रठ: कवि च समधुरः
प्रष्ठः
कश्चन सखा । इ गणशः स्वशक्त्या
5 निर्ऋटिं
u''[५*] दुर्धयं[कोर्]परं[दो] रणदारुणेषु" सोरायुधः स व कंसनिषूदनस्य राजाधिकारधवल सवली बभूव यस्याग्रतोप्यनुचरथरती रथेषु "[4] कुरहितमस्तका [६*] नति [ग] दिव्याहारसुन्धात्मनो वन्यस्तद्ानधः तकरा
6 न्मातङ्गकान्मारयन् । श्वेव खापदराट् न यस्य नृपतेः शोयें जगामोपमां हन्तुः कोशपराक्रमान्वयनयस्फीतत्विषां विद्विषां ॥" [७] तस्याभूदवनिभृताअधीश्वरस्य प्रख्याती जगति सुती यथा हिमाद्रेः । रत्नानां वसतियः [ख]भावतुः [I]
रखडतोरुप [जी] मैनाको गिरिरिव रखण्डितोरुप[क्षो]
1 From the original stone.
* This stroke is corrected from a visarga.
* [The reading here intended appears to be वेषीयं.Ed.]
• Metre Haripi.
-
2 Expressed by a symbol.
Metre : Sragdhara.
• Read चोट or 'बी' [On the impression the reading seems to be क्रोड. H. K. S. J
• Read क्रोधा.
• Read सिंह: Metre: Sragdhara.
10. The akshara स of भूत looks as if it had been corrected from ति.
[Vol. XI.
12 Metre : Sikharipi.
11 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
Mr. Krishna Sastri suggests the reading afcarry which gives better sense and is adopted in the
translation.
1 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
16 Probably, नथच. [On the impression the reading sppears to be नतिमद - H. K. S. J
10 Metre: Sārdūlavikridita
17 Metre: Praharshini.

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7 स्थानं चिरादुचितमेतदभून्ममेति लक्ष्मीः प्रसूतिसमये यमुवाह हर्षम् । तेना
वृतः सततमेव शुचामगम्यः श्रीहर्षगुप्त इति नाम ततो [य ऊहे] [*] संसक्ताः सकलोपभोगविषये धर्माध्वनि प्र(प्रा)ध्वराः सहोष्टीषु निरन्तराः
परबलध्वन्मे प्यवन्ध्याः सदा । [अक्षुण्णा:] सततं [गुरू]पचरणे 8 यान्ति स्म विस्मापिनो यस्यानकसुखक्रियासु युगपत्संभाविनी वासराः ॥ [१०]
क्षण्णा भित्तिरनेकधा विघटिता: सर्वेप्यमी [सन्धयो वीथ्यतान्यपि विक्षतानि परितः शुष्कोस्थिव(ब)न्धक्रमः । चित्रं प्रच्युतमामुखादपि कथं किं
वोक्षितेनामुना यस्येति द्विषतां कुनाटकमिव विष्टं पुरं 9 प्रेक्षकैः ॥ [११] तस्मादजायत महाशिवगुप्तराजो धर्मावतार इति निर्वि.
तथं प्रतीतः । भीमेन यः सुत इव प्रथमः पृथायाः पृथ्वी जिगाय रणकेसरिणानुजेन ॥[१२] भावी हन्त पितामहादपि महानाचर्यमप्योजसा जेष्यत्येष रणे बलेन भविता तत्कोस्य वैकर्तनः । अस्वाभ्य]स्तिष
यं समस्त10 जयिनं मत्वेति बालार्जुनं खे देहेपि नहुः स्पृहामरिगणाः प्रागव
सम्पत्तिषु ॥[१३] य: प्रद्देषवतां वधाय विक्कतीरास्थाय मा[य]ामयोः कृष्णो [योव]तरबभूदिह स खल्वव्याजलूनहिषः । नासोदेव समो हरिर्धवलतामात्यन्तिकी बिभतो यस्याकल्कमतेर्न चापि भविता कल्की]
भविष्यन्पुन: ॥[१४*] 11 तस्योरजन्यजयिनो जननी जनानामीशस्य शैलत[न]येव मयूरिकेतोः ।
विस्मापनी विबुधलोकधियां बभूव श्रीवासटेति नरसि[त]नो: सटेव ॥" [१५] निष्यले मगधाधिपत्यमहतां जातः कुले वर्मणां पुण्याभिः
कृतिभि: कृती क्वतमन:कम्प: सुधाभो[जिनाम् । 12 यामासाद्य सुतां हिमाचल इव श्रीसूर्यवर्मा नृपः प्राप प्राक्परमेश्वर
श्वशुरतागर्वानिखवं पदम् ॥"[१६*] गतेपि पत्यो दिव[मेक रूपैः सदोपवासव्रतकर्शितैरपि । न मुक्तमेवावयवैर्य दीयैः स्वभावलीलामयमात्ममण्डनम
॥"[१७] या वर्णाश्रमिणां त्रयीव शरणं राज्यस्य नीति[य]था 13 प्रज्ञेव प्रविवेचनी सदसतोस्तष्णावतां श्रीः स्वयम् । उत्खाताखिलकल्मषप्रसरया
किञ्चिच्चलम्ती स्थिते: सन्धानाय या सखीव पृथिवी भूयः कृतं स्मारिता ॥"
1 Metre: Vasantatilaka. • Metre: Sārdūlavikridita. * Metre: Sárdūlavikridita. . Metre: Vasautatilaka. 12 Metre: Sārdūlavikridita.
- Read बंसे.
• Metre : Sürdülavikridita. Metre: Vasantatilaka.
Read . Read नरसिंह मजमूनों त्वचि स्त्री स्थान चिवल्ये विरल वी-इति मेदिनी. 10 Metre : Sürdülavikriļita. Metre: Upajati.

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192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
[१८] दमयन्त्या [घ'पि] पुरा यः स्थलं प्राप्य गर्वितः । स
क[लि:] स्वेपि समये हतमान: कतो यया ॥[१९] तया निजः 14 प्रेत्य पतियथाविधे वसत्यसौ नित्यमपासिताच्यतः । प्रकाशितं तादशमव
कारितं विभोरिदं धाम हरे: सनातनम् ॥[२०] दिव्यादेः सकलस्य जन्तुनिवहस्योच्चावचैः कर्मणां वैचिच्यादयमद्भतो बहुविधावस्थैर्वपुःपञ्जर: ॥
[यः*] प्रासाद[ह]छलेन क15 थितः संसार एव स्फुटं पश्यन्तस्तदिमं मनः कुरुत भो पापेषु मा
भूमिपा: ॥[२१] क्षणमधः क्षणमुत्पतितेनेभः पवनलोल[त]या [ध्वज]पनवैः ।।) हरणपालनयोचिते गती कथयति स्वयमेष महोभुजां
[२२] तट एव भवाम्बुधस्तरीतुं निहि16 तो धर्ममयः प्रवो महान् । परिपालयितव्य एष भूपैरवदोो हि निमज्ज
यत्यधः [२३] इति व: प्रशस्तिकारः कविः स चिन्तातुराङ्क ईशानः । यत्यालनार्थमर्थयति पार्थिवास्तां स्थिति श्रृणुत ॥[२४] तोडकण
म[५]17 [वेढौ] नालीपद्रश्च कुरपद्रश्च [*] स्थानेत्र वाणपद्रश्च पञ्च दत्ता इमे ग्रामाः
॥[२५*] एषां भागास्त्रयः सत्रे खण्डस्फुटितसंस्कृतौ । पादमूलपरीवारपोषणे च विधाकता: ॥"[२६] यस्तु [चतुर्थो भागः स पञ्चदश
धाक्क18 तो विभागेन ॥ तत्र हादश विप्राः प्रतिवेदं प्रतिचतुष्कन ॥"[२७]
ब्रह्मत्रिविक्रमोर्कच विष्णुदेवस्तथापरः ॥ तथा महिरदेवश्च चत्वारो बहचोत्तमाः ॥[२८] एवं कपर्दोपाध्यायो भास्करो मधुसूदन: ॥ वेद.
गर्भश्च चत्वा19 रो यजुर्वेदस्य पारगाः ॥[२८] तथा भास्करदेवश्च स्थिरोपाध्याय एव
च ॥ त्रैलोक्यमो मोउड चत्वारः सामपारगाः ॥"[३०] भाव्यं तत्पुत्रपौत्रैश्च साग्निहोत्रैः षडङ्गिभिः ॥ द्यत[वेश्याद्यनासक्तरपिट्टाकैरसेवकः
॥ [३१] य[स्तु] 20 नवंविधो “स[१] यशापुत्रो विपत्स्यते ॥ तयोरङ्ग प्रवेश्योन्यः पूर्वोक्तगुण.
वान्दिजः ॥ [३२] स चैषामेव सम्बन्धी सविद्यत्वे वयोधिक' [*] [On the impression the reading seems to be sfq.-H. K: 8.]' Metre : Anushtubh.
Metre : Varnsasthavila. (On the impression the resding seems to be instead of 7.-H. K. S.] Metre: Sárdulavikridita.
• Metre: Drutavilambits. 1Metre: Vaitaliya. • Metre: Arya. • Read °पट:
10 Metre: Ārya. n Metre: Anushtubh. 19 Metre: Arys.
1 Metre: Anushtabh. # [On the impression the reading appears to be wrat.-H.-K. S.]

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एभिरेव च साम्मत्याबवेश्यो न नृपा[]या(तु) [३३*] ततो वास
वनन्दोति [विप्रः 21 पुण्याह] वाचकः ॥ हौ च भागवती नाना वामनः श्रीधरस्तथा ॥
[२४] एते पञ्चदशाङ्गा विवर्जिता दानविक्रियाधानः ॥ सर्वेपि [च] सनोज्या: (1) लेख कश्चार्यगोण इति इति [३५] यस्तल ए[व]
ग्रामो वर्गलकसंजित: स []22 वस्य [0] बलिरुनिवेद्यसत्रो[प]करणहेतोः पृथग्दत्तः । ॥ [३६] पत्र च ___ साधिष्ठानः सपादमूलैश्च सव्वकार्याणि ॥ सम्भूय विप्रमुख्यैः करणीयायै
कमत्येन ॥[३७*] स्थितिरियं चितिपाः परिपात्यतां चलत 23 'मेष कृतोपक्वति[क]मः ॥ [न]नु भविथति का पुनरु[त्तरा] गतिरहो
भवतामपि को[त्ति]षु ॥[३८] [ग]जवानं जातं [खलु] चरणकुहाल
नमिदं स्वयं पुण्योस्थानं यदिह परकीर्तिक्षतिकृतां ॥ . 24 'मदक्लाम्यत्तन्वीनयनतरलान्वीक्ष्य विभवानत: श्रेयः शुई व्रतम[नुचर]कीर
[नु]दिरं ॥"[२९"] भवाविध[]प्रवक[ग]]धारो बभूव देव्याः कुलगीन
शाली ॥ केदारनामा स [२]दं समग्र25 मकारयत्पुण्यमहानिधानं [॥"४. *] श्री शिवगुप्तो राजा हित्वा त्रैलोक्य --
- - - - - - - - - - त्येन प्रादा गोणा[]भाय ।"[४१"] भागमिहकं स्था[न]" गुणवद्दि"जभोज्यमुत्तमगु
[णाय] । 26 शाखव्याख्याविदुषे विदुषे ["शास्त्रेषु वेदेषु] ॥"[४२*]
1 Metre: Anushțubh. [The letter, read resembles a floral device which was perhaps inserted to indicate that the main part of the grant ended here.-H. K. S.]
[On the impression this word looks like gera-Ed.).
[The metre requires this syllable to be long; perhaps we have to read U T .-H. K. S.] [On the impression the reading appears to be लेखकथाच.-Bd.]
xfa is repeated a second time by mistake. It must be cancelled. Metre : Aryal. OMetretArya
• सै looks like मै. Metre: Dratavilambita. "EOn the impression the reading is पुण्णीत्यानं.-H. K. s.] . [On the impression the reading seems to be TRAIN-H. K. S.] 20 [On the impression the reading seems to be Ty 3 cafet-H. K. S.] 1 Metre: Bikhariņi. 11 Metre: Upajäti.
u Metre: Arya. (On the impression the reading seems to be मादाग्गीखाय्यभट्टाय.-Ed.].
"[On the impression the reading seems to be स्थाने.-Ed.]. " [Bond गुणवद्दिन -H. K. S.] ** [On the impression the letter looks like --Ed.) 11 Metre: Arya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om! Salutation to Parushottama (Vishpu).
(Verse 1.) Let the discus-holder's (Nrisimha's) foot protect you-the foot whose sharp claws emitted a sound like that of gufijā berries (shaken) by the gust of strong winds passing through the long spaces between each other, and (looked) terrific (more so) with the jaws shining with the flame of rays (emanating) from the nails, when they being lifted up, tore through the mass of dark clouds in the sky and revealed the stars with pearly brilliance, like a lion who, having overcome that storehouse of darkness,--the elephant, jumps about scattering brilliant pearls (torn from his temples).
(V. 2.) Let that Nrisimha protect you, who looking with eagerness at (his own) nails, for the enemy (Hiranyakabipu) who had not been secured for being torn with these claws), happened to see him hiding through fear in the cavern-like cavity in the interior of the deep hollow of those (nails). With & laugh (at his foolishness in taking shelter in the place where he could be easily crushed out), joy (at finding him out) and contempt at the miserable creature) he split the demon at once with the point of the other claw and threw him away with wrath like dirt that had collected there.
(V. 3.): As if bearing the jaws like a beautiful conch and the tongue like & sword, with the face borning like the discus (and) with the eye-brows (as if carrying the mace, this form of Vishnu born for devouring, like sing, the demons, presented the appearance of the god of death
(V. 4.) There was the unequalled crest-jewel of the lunar race, whose wealth was wonderful on earth, just as the origin of the moon was miraculous and whose dignity was commensurate with his devotion to the lord of goblins (Siva). He was indeed of manifold virtues, (and) famous on the earth by the name of [Chandraguptaraja.)
(V. 5.) This task is very difficult, this path before (me) insurmountable. I have no guide nor (have I) any friend (who can share the burden (with me). I accomplish this singlehanded . . . . . . . . . . .
(V. 6.) Even his elder brother shining with regal power, became his follower in battles and (through him) mighty, like him whose weapon is the plough (Balarama); who likewise followed the killer of Kamsa (Kfishņa) in tearing up the mighty elephants of his unassailable enemy.
(V. 7.) In bravory, a lion killing the elephants with(swelling) frontal globes, -- rendered dull by the cries (due to excessive rut-with fodder placed in their mouths, or the trunks hanging down, is like a dog and cannot stand comparison with the king destroying (his) enemies blooming with the prosperity of their treasures, prowess, race and statesmanship.
1 There seems to be a reference bere not to Nrisimba but to the Trivikrama-deatar of the god Vishņu. H. K. S.)
The poet here seems to show that the terrific face of Nțisimba bore the symbols of Vishņu u also of Yama. The jaws being white bones were like the conch, the tongue like the sword which is also one of the weapons of Vishnu, the round face, the discus and eye-brows the mace. Yama's attributes are projecting jaws, long tongue, red bot face and a club.
[Perhaps Adhikaradhavala was a name or surname of bis elder brother.-H. K. S.]
. [As the reading in the text is clearly darsnēsh (not daranēshu as Mr. Hiralal seems to take it) the compound ending with that word is evidently an attribute of the word rumëshu.--Ed.) [The passage ATACRITETCETYCHT T URUTV:
admits of two meaning, one applicable to the subdued kinge and the other to elephants. - H. K. S.]

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(V.8.) Of him, the lord of the rulers of the earth, was burn a son famous in the world (who was a very treasure of jewels, (who had) a large number of undivided allies and (who was) high in character, (thus) resembling the high Mainaka hill which is the offspring of the lord of mountains, vis, the Himadri (mountain), has extensive wings which are unclipped and is a mine of jewels.
(V. 9.) At the time of his birth, the goddess of wealth was transported with joy saying It is a long time since I found such a suitable place for myself.' Ever filled with joy (harsha) and verily inaccessible to grief he accordingly bore the name sri Harshagupta.
(V. 10.) His precious days passed in enjoying all the sensuous objects, (they were) indefatigably applied in the path of virtue, and unceasingly spent) in good assemblies; they never went fruitless (when employed) in the destruction of hostile power and were uninterruptedly devoted in the service of the elders. Thus they always caused wonder in the performance of) many pleasing duties simultaneously.
(V. 11.) His enemies' town is hated by the spectators as the walls are crushed to powder, all the joints are separated in various ways, the limbs of the streets are also torn aeunder, and on all sides there is an exhibition of dry bones. (They exclaim) 'what is to be seen here? How has the variegated appearance even of the entrance of the town) disappeared ?' Thus (saying) (the spectators) hate it like a bad drama destitute of interest even in the prologue, with torn curtains (bhitti), disjointed incidents, broken dialogues and dry plot.
(V. 12.) From him was born king Mahāśivagupta truly renowned as an incarnation of virtue (dharmāvatāra)? who conquered the earth with (his) younger brother Raņakēsarin as did Pritha's first son (Yudhishthira) with the aid of his younger brother Bhima who was like a lion in battle.
(V. 13.) Indeed! greater than even his grandfather (as he is) he would beat even his teacher in battle with his prowess and strength; who would therefore be his vanquisher (karttana)? The crowd of enemies considering him Bālārjuna, (to be) an all-conqueror amongst practisers of arms, gave up the hope even for their lives (as they had done) already for their wealth (like the foes of Arjuna (i.e. the sons of Dhritarăshtra) who first gave up their hope for wealth when they found that young Arjuna promised to excel Bhishma and surpass Dröna in prowess. What was Karna before him in the practice of weapons !]
(V. 14.) He who took deceptive forms for destroying the enemies, who was born black (Krishna) on this earth) and who again becomes in the future also sinful (Kalki)- that Hari (Vishņu) could not really stand comparison with him who kills his enemies without practising any deception, who bears the utmost whiteness and who has no sinful motives.
(V. 15.) Of that lord of men, the conqueror in fierce battles, the illustrious Vasată was the mother, like the very mane (sața) of the man-lion form (of Vishạn) bewildering the winds (even) of wise men and of the gods), just like the mother of him who rides the peacock (Karttikėya), the daughter of the mountain (viz. Pārvati).
(V. 16.) Born in the unblemished family of the Varmans great on account of their) supremacy over Magadha, the illustrious (and) pious king Suryavarma who had caused trembling in the hearts of the gods by his virtuous acts, having got this daughter, obtained the very proud honour of being the father-in-law of the great lord (Paramētvara) of the East. like Himachala (who obtained before a similar honour by marrying his daughter Parvati to the great god paramēsvara), Siva).
1 [Dharmávatāra may have been a binda of the king.-H.K, S.]
Perhaps the king had the surname Atyantadhavala.-H. K. 8.]
It is worthy of note that the Sarabhapura kings Mahājayaraja and Mabisodöva granted villages in the Eastern country (Purva-rashtra); Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 192, 195, 197 and 199.-Ed.).
2 02

Page #227

196
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
(V. 17.) Even after (her) lord went to heaven, in spite of her always observing fasts and austerities, which cause leanness of the body), her unaltered limbs retained their natural charming grace.
(V. 18.) She, like the Vedas, was the shelter to the people belor ging to the four carnas (castes) and asramas! (or) like Policy to a kingdom, like Wisdom (herself) in deciding between truth and falsehood, (and) the goddess of Wealth herself to the greedy. The spread of all sins was checked by her and the earth that was about to abandon her fidelity (by wooing, so to speak, the Kali age) was again reminded by her, as a friend, of the krita (age) for the sake of reunion (as a lady's maid reminds her mistress of (her husband's) acts to bring about a union (between them) when somewhat disturbed.]
(V. 19.) By whom Kali during his own regime (i.e. the Kali age) was dishonoured, that Kali who boasted of having access even to Damayanti' in olden times.
(V. 20.) By her this eternal abode of the lord Hari was caused to be made, to show exactly the abode Vaikuntha) where her deceased lord lived worshipping daily the imperish - able (Vishnu in the heavens).
(V. 21.) Oh kings ! do not turn your minds to sins, seeing what has been clearly described of this wonderful world (samsāra) under the guise of the temple (i.e.) the diversity of acts of all creatures high and low- with cage-like bodies (passing through various stages of existence-from the celestial beings (downwards).
(V. 22.) This itself tolls the kings the appropriate fate of destruction and protection .(of charity) by (the waving of) its flags (tossed) by the unsteady wind, in one moment going down, and in another rising up towards the sky,
(V. 23.) On the very bank of (this) ocean of the world, the great boat of dharma has been placed to cross it. This must be protected by kings. Neglected (it) would sink down.
(V. 24.) O (future) kings! (Now) listen to the perpetuation which the poet Chintaturānka Isana, author of the prasasti, submits to you for the protection of it (i.e. the charity).
(V. 25.) Todankana, Madhuvēdha, Nalipadra, Kurapadra and in this place (sthāna) Vanapadra,- these five villages are given.
(V. 263.) Of these villages) three shares have been divided in three ways for the maintenance of the almshouse, the repair of breaks and cracks in the temple) and the support of the servants of tho sanctuary (one share being allotted for each of the purposes).
(V. 27.) The fourth share has been divided into fifteen parts. These are (for) twelve Brahmaņas, four for each Vēda.
(V. 28.) Brahma-Trivikrama, Arks and another Vishņudēva, as well as Mahiradēva (are) the four best learned in the Rigveda.
1 The Sadras cannot study the Vedas and have no áframas.
Damayanti pretended that she would remarry, thinking that hearing this news, her husband Nala would come forwant and disclose himself, and although her intention was most noble, she nevertheless committed sin by
heininumboly wisli, and Kali thus secured a victory over this exemplary chaste lady, who was free from sit by ick, thought or speech. The 19th verse alludes to this occurrence, and I am indebted to Pandit Hirananda
.... Officiating Principal of the Oriental College, Lahore, for pointing it out to me and for his kindness in going over the manuscript.
I am indebted to Mr. Krishna Sastri for pointing out that cafea has a technical sense here. ICE he thinks means the sanctuary', both of which I have adopted in the translation.

Page #228

No. 19.]
THE SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION.
197
(V. 29.) Similarly, Kapardopadhyāya, Bhāskara, Madhusudana and Vēdagarbna (are) the four fully conversant with the Yajurvēda.
(V. 30.) Again, Bhaskaradēva, Sthiropādhyāya, Trailokyahamsa and Mõuddha (are) the four accomplished in the Samaveda.
(V. 31.) Their sons and grandsons (who succeed them) should be such as offer sacrifice to fire and know the six supplements of the Vēdas, who are not addicted to gambling, prostitutes and such other bad associations), who have their mouths cleau (apittaka) and wbo are not servants.
(V. 32.) If one does not answer to this description, (he should be abandonod); also one who dies sonless, in their places must be appointed other Brāhmaṇas possessing the foregoing qualifications.
(V. 33.) He should be their relative, advanced in ago while being learned. He should be appointed by their consent alone and not by order of the king.
(V. 34.) Further, there are the Brühmaņa Vāsavanandin who at sacrifices declares holidays and the two Bhagavatas by namo Vāmana and Sridhara.
(V. 35.) These fifteen parts, (the alienation of which is) probibited by gift, sale and mortgage, must all be (thus) enjoyed by virtuous men. The writer of this is Ārya-Gonna.
(V. 36.) The village which is on a low level and is known as Vargullaka is separately given as a supplementary contribution) for the maintenance of the almshouse, for bali, charu and nivēdya to the god.
(V. 37.) All the transactions should be performed unanimously by the principal Erāltmapas (resident there), and the worshippers (padamula) meeting together.
(V. 38.) Oh kings ! protect this organization. Let this arrangement of mutual obligation continne (for ever). Alas! what indeed, will be the future of your fame!
(V. 39.) The establishment of the places of) punya (i.e. almshouses, cc.) by those who destroy the (deeds of) glory of others is just like an elephant-bath (throwing dust on one's own head) or an axe for (cutting one's) feet. Therefore, seeing that riches are as ficklo as the cyes of an intoxicated woman, it is better to follow the path of virtue and . . . . . . . 3
(V. 40.) He who was distinguished for the nobility of his character and family and whose name was Kēdara, became the helmsman of the boat of virtue in the ocean of existence for the queen and got this great receptacle of religious merit built completely.
(V. 41.) The illastrious king Sivagupta . . . . . . . . . . the three worlds, gave to Goņārya-Bhatta . . . . .
(V. 42.) One part of this (gift) which is to be enjoyed by a virtuous Draumaņa is reservod for one who is well read in the Sastras and (their) commentaries, as well as the Vēdas and is of excellent character.
[Punyaha-vachaka (as Mr. Hiralal has read) is a priest who officiates in all auspicious ceremonius ini proclaims by certain mantras a happy day to the ceremony and its performer.-H. K. S.]
? [Tala era may be more appropriately translated close at hand'.-H. K. S.]
[Following the note 10 on page 193 above, I translate :-O men! keep therefore (your) virtue, which is lovely as milk, unsullied'.-H. K. S.]

Page #229

Geographical names in the records of the Somavamsi kings of (Katak) Vinilapura, with identifications where ascertained.
Name of country in which the village granted was situated.
Designation of the record and reference to its publication.
1
Place of find.
2
A.-Patna copper-plate Patna State grant of the 6th year of Mahabhavagupta I. Above, Vol. III. p. 341.
Name of place whence issued.
(1) Mürasima Mursinga, in Patna State, about 13 miles southwest of Bolangir, the present capital of Patna State.
Villages granted.
(1) Vakaveḍda probably Bakti, 15 miles north of Bolangir and 4 miles south of the Ongă river.
5
(1) Ongatata-vis haya District on the bank of the Onga river which flows in Patna forming the boundary between it and Sonpur in the north.
Grantee's residence and place from which he emigrated.
(1) Leisringa Loisinga, the head-quarters of a Zamindari of the same name in Patna State, 11 miles north of Bolangir.
=
in the
(2) Khan dakshetraKhandapara? tributary state of the same name touching the south-western boundary of Cuttack district.
(3) Lipatunga probably Lepta (?), 6 miles southeast of Bolangir.
(4) Pampasarsi.
(5) Odayasringa pro bably Udayagiri in Cuttack district, 4 miles from the celebrated Bhuvanesvar.
(6) Konkaledda = probably Koknara in Bora Sambhar Zamindari of Sambalpur district, 4 miles from Narsinghnath.
(7) Kalinga country on the coast of Bay of Bengal. Kalinganagara -Mukhalingam in the Ganjam district.
REMARKS.
7
In all the inscriptions of these kings they are invariably recorded as lords of Trikalinga, which is identified with Telingana and is believed to have included the whole of Orissa.
198
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI

Page #230

B.--Katak copper-plate Chaudwår oppo
graut of the 31st site Cuttack on year of Mahabhava- the other side gupta I.
of the MahiAbove, Vol. III. nadi.
p. 345.
No. 19.)
(2) Arama or Pleasure (2) Randa - Renda in (2) Pová-vishaya-Pow in (8) Turrani. garden.
Patņai State, 6 miles Sonpur State, 19 miles east of Bolangir. south of Binka, 12 miles
north-east of Bolangir (9) Takariand 8 miles north-east possibly the one, 16 of Renda.
iniles north-west of Gya. (3) Alāņdala - Alanda, (3) Košala-dēša-country
3 miles east of Bolan- between Berar and Cutgir.
tack afterwards limited to Chhattisgarh.
C.-Katak copper-plate Chaudwar oppo. Arāma or Pleasure (4) Arkigrimi .
grant of the same site Cuttack. garden, same as year.
No. (2). Above, Vol. III.
p. 345.
. (4) Tulumya-Khada - Turvunā, same as No. (8).
Turum on the Mahanadi, 27 miles south of Sambal
pur. Kösala-dosa same as No. (3). Takári, same as No. (9).
D.-Katak copper-plate Chaudwår oppo. Arama or
grant of the same site Cuttack. garden, year.
No. (2). Above, Vol. III.
p. 315.
Pleasuro(5) Tūlēnda or Trülenda (5) Sandānā vishaya - Turvuna, same as No. (8). Baino as
probably Sonda, 11 miles - Tulendi ?. 6 miles
east of Sunpur. north of Bolangir in Patņi State. Kötala-dosa, same as Takäri, same as No. (9).
No. (3)
THE SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION.
E. - Katak copper-plate Pound among (3) Vinītapura - Binka (6) CLåndagrima
grant of the 9th the official re on the Mahanadi year of Mahasiva- cords at Cut in the Souper State, gupta.
tack.
about 16 miles up. Above, Vol. III.
p. 351
(8) Marada-vislaya (10) Šilābbaīja-pāti. In plates issued
from Vinita
pura or Yayati. (11) Odra-dosa-Orison.
nagara, the
well-known (9) Daksliņa-Kösala, i.e.,
river Mahanadi southern Küsala. |(12) Srivallagrima - which rises in
probally Bilgrama, 20 the Raipur Dis. miles from Ayolbya. trict and falls
into the Bay of Bengal is meu
tioned. (13) Madhya-dela
The country lying between the Himalaya, the Vindhya, Vinasaus in the west and Prayaga iu tlie cast. Takhāra, probably same as No. (9).
199

Page #231

Geographical names in the records of the Somavasi kings of (Ratck) Vinttapura, with identifications where ascertained-contd.
200
Designation of the record and reference
to its publication.
Place of find.
Name of place whence issued
Villages granted.
Name of country
in wbich the village granted Was situated.
Grantee's residence and place from which he
einigrated.
REMARKS.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
F.-Katak copper-plate Believed to have(4) Yayatinagara, ap-|(7) Gaudasiwinilli. . (10) Küla-Sikh a g A (14) Singöd-grams - progrant of the 3rd been found parently another
dyanhai (Khadgiyapha?)- bably Singhar in the year of Mahabhara somewhere close name of Vinitapura
vishaya.
Khariär Žamindari in gupta II. to Cuttack. No. (3)
the extreme south of the Above, Vol. III.
Raipur district. P. 366.
(15) Dévibhöga vishaya
Deobhog in the Bindra Nawagarh Zamindari in the extreine south of Raipur District. Kosala[deśa]-Chhattisgarla. (16) Käsilli. (17) Srävasti-maydala in Oudh, round about the
present Sahet Mahet. . G.-Patna copper Patpa State . Mürasima, same as (8) Päsitala- Pointala, ! (11) Poti ? probably same Loisringi, same as No. (1) plates of the 6th year
No.(1).
2 miles east of No. (2). of Mahabhavagupta
Bolangir.
(18) Kommāpira. J. A. S. B. 1905,
Vol. I. p. 4. H.-Patni copper Patna State Vinitapura, same as (9) Talakajja-Tala (12) Sauüla-Soinnula in (19) Jalajadda - Jalajodo plates of the 8th
No. (3).
gaja, 10 miles south- Patna State, 20 miles near Talagaja, 10 miles year of Mabāśiva.
east of Bolangir. south of Bolangir and south-east of Bolangir. gupta.
22 miles south-west of J. A. S. B. 1906,
(10) Daśānariy anadi. Talgaja.
(20) Madhvila. Vol. I. p. 6.
This is probably now known as Nimuruti Köfala-deśa, same 48 river to the north No. 3. of which is Jalajodo and to its south Talagaja, the distance between the two villages being only 2 miles.
The plates men: tion the Chodi country which lay south of the Jumns and er tended at least up to the Bilaspur District of the Central Provinces; also Dahaņi, probably another name of Dahale, or Jubbulporo 'country.
[VOL. XI.

Page #232

L-Patna copper plates Patna State
of the 24th year of Mahasi vag upta J. A. 8. B. 1905, Vol 1. p. 7.
J.-Patņi copper Patas State
plates of the 28th year of Mahasiva
gupta.
J. A. 8. B. 1905, Vol. I, p. 8.
K.-Kudopali plates of the time of Mahabhavagupta II. Above, Vol. IV. p.
256.
L-Nagpur Museum plates of the 8th year of Mahabhavagupta I. Above, Vol. VIII. p.
188.
M.-Sonpur
Kudopali in Bargarh tahsil of Sambalpur district.
plates of the 3rd year of Mahabhava gupta I. Above, p. 93 ff.
copper Sonpur
Yayatinagara, same as (11) Helsheli or Dělá- (13) Telätata country | (21) Antaradi. dēli.
No. (4).
on the bank of the river Tel, a tributary of Mahanadi rising in Kalahandi and joining it at Sonpur.
Kösala, same as No. (3).
Yayatinagara, same as (12) Luttarumā. No. (4).
(5) Vamanda pați Bämra, a feudatory state in Bengal still called by the Oriyas Bamaṇḍā. Bamragarh (old capital of Bämra) is 60 miles north-east of Binka.
(18) Lõisara, a village of
name in
the same Bargarh tahsil of Sambalpur District, 13 miles south-east of Bargarh and 16 miles south-west of Sambalpur. It is 9 miles south of Saranda and 3 miles south of Kudopali.
Suvarnapura-Sonpur on the Mahanadi, the capital of a feudatory state of the same name in Bengal.
Satlama in Sam-M[ü]rsima, same as (14) Satallama-Satlama, (15) Kasaloda-vishaya balpur district. No. 1.
in Bargarh tahsil of Sambalpur District, 15 miles south of Bargarh and 32 miles south-west of Sambalpur.
Kusarda, 15 miles southwest of Bargarh and 34 miles south-west of Sambalpur. It is 10 miles north-west of Satlamā.
Telätata, same as No. (18). Kōsala, same as No. 3.
(15) Vakratentali- Bantentuli in Sonpur State, 16 miles west of Sonpur town.
is
(14) Gidanda (correctly, Sidanda)-mandala, the same as Saranda in Bargarh tahsil, 11 miles south-west of Sambalpur town.
(16) Lupattara-kha nda, probably the same as No. 3 of column 6.
(22) Lavada-vishaya Lebda P, 48 miles southwest of Bolangir.
Käsili, same as No. (16). Śrāvasti, same as No. (17). Antaradi, same as No. 21. Lāvadā, same as No. 22. Käsili, same as No. 16. Śrävasti, same as No. 17. (23) Hastipads.
(24) Murujunga.
(25) Purushamandapa in Odra-desa (same No. 11).
as
(26) Meranda-Menda, 17 miles west of Sonpur. (27) Radhaphamvallikandara-Rairakhol, a feudatory state contiguous to sonpur, the village Rairakhol being 45 miles from Sonpur.
the
Lenapura is mentioned as inscription writer's resi dence.
No. 19.]
THE SIRPUR STONE INSCRIPTION.
201

Page #233

202
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XI.
No. 20.-THE INSCRIPTION ON THE WARDAK VASE.
BY F. E. PARGITER, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.) The Wardak vase or arn was found by Masson in the topes of Khawat in the district of Wardak in Afghanistan during the years 1834-7. He called the place Kohwät and gave this description of it:-" Thebe topes are situated on the course of the river, which, having its source in the Hazáraját, flows through Loghar into the plain east of Kabul, where it unites with the stream passing through the city. They are distant about 30 miles to the west of Kabul" (Ariana Antiqua, 117). The map of Kabul and its neighbourhood compiled by the Survey Department of India shows the district as "Khawat or Wardak," and as lying from 3+ to 50 miles south-west of Kabul. Khawat therefore and not Kohwat is the correct name of the spot where the vase was found in the Wardak district. Masson's description of the finding of the vase is this :-" There are five or six topes, strictly so called, with numerons tumuli ..... I found that three or four of these stractures had been opened at some unknown period; and before the present Afghan inhabitants had dispossessed the former occupants, Hazáras, about one huudred years since ... In the principal tope an internal cupola was enclosed, or rather had been ..... I directed certain operations to be pursued, even with the opened topes, and pointed out a numbur of tumuli which I wished to be examined, as they were very substantially constructed: the results proved successful, in great measure, and comprised seven vases of metal and steatite, with other and various deposits. One of the brass Vases was surrounded with a Bactro-Pali inscription, of which I did not take a copy, as to have done so I must have cleansed it. I was averse to take this liberty, being aware that the characters being firmly dotted in could by no chanoe be obliterated" (Ariana Antiqua, 117-8).
The inscription was copied and published in a plato, which is numbered X in E. Thomas's Edition of Prinsep's Essays, vol. 1; and E. Thomas there says :-"I have devoted plate X to the exhibition of the inscription on the brass urn discovered in a tope about 30 miles west of Kabul in the district of Wardak. This urn, which in shape and size approximates closely to the ordinary water-vessels in use in India to this day, has originally been thickly gilt, and its surface has in consequence remained so excellently well preserved, that every pancture of the dotted legend may be satisfactorily discriminated ” (ibid, 161-2). He tried to decipher the inscription and published his results there. Mr. E. C. Bayley then took the inquiry up but was not satisfied with his endeavours, and the elucidation was then entrusted to Baba Rajendralala Mitra. He published his rendering of the inscription together with the same plate in J. A. S. B., 1861, p. 337, to which Mr. Bayley added a note (ibid, p. 347). Prof. J. Dowson next undertook the decipherment of this and other records in the Kharoshthi character and published his results together with the same plate in J. R. A. S., 1863, vol. XX, pp. 221-68. His scrutiny left many parts of this inscription still undeciphered, and so the matter rested. Other scholars have given some attention to this inscription lately but were unable to complete the investigation. Dr. Fleet then asked me in November 1910 to undertako the work, and supplied me with excellent ink-impressions. I now publish the results that I have been able to obtain.
This vase is now in the British Museum, and I have inspected it and compared the ink. impressions with the inscription. The vase is 6.9 inches high and 6.6 inches broad at its
1 See for instance M. Senart's rendering of part, Journal Asiat., sér. 8, vol. XV (1890), p. 121; and sér. 9, vol. VII (1896), p. 8: and Prof. Lüders', J. R. A. 8., 1909, p. 661.
I have to thank Dr. F. W. Thom for valuable suggestions and criticisms on my resulta; and for the convenience of scbolars I have meutioned many of them, at his desire, when they differ from my results.

Page #234

No. 20.)
THE INSCRIPTION ON THE WARDAK VASE.
203
widest part. Dr. Read tells me that it bears no traces of ever having been gilt, but that parts of the brass might have presented a brilliant appearance like gold, if they had been protected by remaining in contact with certain earth while buried in the tumulus.
The inscription is in the Kharoshthi script and consists of two portions. The first is written in three lines encircling the shoulder of the vase; and the second consisting of one line is written around the broadest part of the vase below the former and separated from it by three lines, and occupies not quite half the circumference. The first is the main portion and is in letters varying generally from 1 to finch in height. In the fourth line or second portion the letters are about inch longer and correspondingly broad. They are formed of minute dents pricked into the metal, and the dents are so close together that from 8 to 10 are generally contained in inch in the first three lines, and from 7 to 8 in the last line.
The two plates annexed hereto, giving a facsimile of the record, have been prepared under Dr. Fleet's supervision from the ink-impressions which also were made under his direction. The shape of the part of the vase where lines 1 and 2 lie is such that ink-impressions of them cannot be made without introducing a gap at some point or another; the place selected was naturally that where the record begins, and a supplementary ink-impression was made of that part of the record and has been reproduced below the complete lines. It shows how the lines rap right round the vase without any blank space in line 1, and with only a small space at the end of line 2, and gives in their complete forms the final ti of line 1 and the initial i of line 2, which are not perfect in the circular impression. To have reproduced line 3 in one piece would have entailed a somewhat cumbrous folding plate, hence it has been treated in three parts over. lapping each other; thus 3-B repeats the last six syllables of 3 A, and 3 O repeats the last five syllables of 3 B and also shows at its end the bha with which 3 A begins. A fourth piece 3 D has been added to show how this line also practically runs quite round the vase, and contains the last seven and the first eight letters of the line.
The style of the script is that of the Kushana inscriptions portrayed by Bühler in Table I of his Indische Palæographie, cols. I to zii. Further specimens of the script have been published lately, namely, the Taxila plate by Bühler (E. I. iv, 54), the Taxila vase by Prof. Lüders (E. I. viii, 296) and the Mathura Lion.capital by Dr. F. W. Thomas (E. I, ix, 135). Mr. E. Thomas in digonssing this inscription spoke of "the little care that has been taken to mark the nicer shades of diversity of outline which, in many cases, constitute the only essential difference between characters of but little varying form" (Prinsep's Essays, vol. I, p. 162). But it seems to me after a careful and detailed comparison of the letters, that the inscription has been carefully made, the letters are generally well-formed, only a few clerical errors occur, and the distinctions between letters which are similar in shape are generally expressed clearly except as regards two particular letters, y and 6. For instance, t and have the same general shape, and are fairly well distinguished, in that the downward stroke of t is usually of about the same length as the horizontal stroke, while in rit is generally about twice as long; and in only one or two places is the difference neglected. No distinction is made between long and short vowels, and the only special form that need be mentioned is né in muna (1.1).
The exception just referred to occurs in the letters y and s, and these are the only letters that cause real uncertainty. Ordinarily y has a pointed top and f a flat top, but the distinction is very far from being observed here and is indeed more often ignored; especially since sometimes the top has an intermediate roundish form and sometimes the letters are distorted by
1 Characters should primarily be read as what they strictly appear to be, and the resultant words accepted and acrutinized. This is essential in dealing with the endless diversities in the different kinds of Prikrit. To rond characters so as to agree with the commoner forms of the Prikrit words intended seems to be almost certain to obscure Prikrit modifications that may be important critically and linguistically. See p. 208, puto 8.
2 D2

Page #235

204
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
being tilted over to the right. We may confidently read y in iya Khavadamri (1.1), and s in Sakya and sarira (1.1), fava (1. 3 A) and saphatiga (1. 3 B); but in all other instances it is hardly possible to say positively, solely from the shape of the letter, whether it is y or f, and regard must be had to the meaning. This is well illustrated by the word puyae which occurs thrice in 1.2 and once in 1. 3 B. The y has a different shape in each of these places; in the last place it has undoubtedly the form of s, and in all the other places its appearance is far more that of $, than of y. In all these instances then what looks like $ is really y. Hence it is clear we must be prepared for similar confusion in other passages where one or other of these letters is intended, and the decision mast rest mainly, if not entirely, on the sense. Thus we can read without doubt y in Artamisiyasa (1.1) and in padiyamsan (ll. 2 and 3 C); and s in the words kusala (1.2), mahisa (11. 2 and 3 B) and also in padiyaman. There remain some words in which y or $ is combined with a vowel mark or another consonant, and, since y is written sometimes with a flat or rounded top, there would be nothing surprising if its top is made wide in order to find room where the vowel marks i and 7 have to be inserted, so that yi and yā would then look like si and fõ. Accordingly y and not $ appears to be the correct reading in kadalayigra (1.1), paryata (1. 3 A), jalayuga (1. 3 B), and yo adra (1. 3 A); while s is right in fõcha (.2); while what looks like asa msrana (1. 4) is doubtful. These words will be discussed in the Notes infra.
The characters for b and v require some notice. V proper approximates to the character for b, but they are distinguished in that the top line is flat in v and is curved upwards on the left side in b. Thus we have v initial in vagra (thrice, 11. 1, 2) and vihara (11. 1, 4) and medial in bhavagra (1. 3 A) and avashatri (1. 3 C); while b occurs in bhradaba (1.2) and nabagra (1. 3 A); and in conformity therewith it is proper to read b rather than o in paridhabēti (1. 1). Another character is found for what is properly va, which occurs only as a medial and is evidently distinguished from va proper, for it is always small and without the stroke to the left at the bottom. It is used in bharalu always, also in bhagravada (1.1) and parivāra (1. 3 C), and apparently in Khavadamri (1. 1). This difference in shape may denote a difference in value, and this small form may perhaps have had the sound of 20.
No distinction appears to be recognized between the letters n and ạ. A slight difference may be perceived between the character in imēna (1.1) and mulēna (1.2) and that in Hashtuna (1.2) and avashatrigana (1. 3 C); and that constitutes the difference which Bühler has shown in his Table I, cols. x and xi; but his form of n occurs here, not only in words where it should properly appear as in sarvina and Rohana (1. 3 B), but also in words where it is inadmissible as in imēna (1.1), mulēna (1.2) and satvana (1. 3 A). There appears therefore to be no real distinction observed between n and », and this is what Prof. Lüders has noticed in his paper on the Taxila vase (E. I. viii, 297).
A letter that presents some difficulty is that which I read as di in gadigrēna (1.1) and padiyarsan (twice 11. 2, 3 C). It is one and the same in all three places, for its form in the first and second places is identical, and, though it varies somewhat in the third place, yet it occurs there in precisely the same expression agra bhaga padiya msam as in the second, and must be the same in these two places. Hence it must be read the same in all. It is certainly
1 The letter has a tail or stroke to the right at the bottom; in the first two places the stroke is straight line and in the third an upward curve. The difference seems to be intentional, In discussing the r stroke infra (p. 206) I bave pointed out the difference made in it in the two portions into which the inscription must be divided, namely, the straight stroke does not denote & real in the first portion but does so in the second. The first two instances of this letter occur in the first portion, and its tail being made straight there like the unreal could not create a misunderstanding ; but in the third instance, which occurs in the second portion, that straight stroke might have suggested real stroke, and misunderstanding has been avoided by turning the tail into a curve, which has no special significance in the second portion (though it does reapresent a real r in the first portion).

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not ri. M. Senart has taken it as ti and Prof. Lüders as tri, thus they read the word as patiainsač and patriyamsaē respectively; but I do not think it is ti or tri, because the right shoulder of the character is carried upwards for bigher than in all other instances of the letter t, and it differs from the genuine ti found in paridhabëti (1. 1), rajatibaja, natigra, sainbhati (1.2) and saphatiga (1. 3B), and from the tri found in avashatri (1. 30). There is no other letter that it resembles except d and dh, which are figured in Bühler's Table I and in Dr. Thomas's Table IV (E. I. ix, 146). The word is evidently the same as in agrapatia aê on the Mānikyåla stone, ia agrapratyasatāya (E. I., i, 390, no XVIII) and in agrēbhāva-pratyamsatayāstu (E. I., i, 240) as noticed by M. Senart and Prof. Lüders. Since this letter corresponds to the first t in those words, it cannot be dhi and can only be di, which in this Prūksit represents that t as will be explained (p. 208). This then is a modified or new form of .
A character occurs, which must apparently be a final anusvāra, in the word padiyamsan 01. 2. 3 C). M. Senart and Prof. Lüders have read it as ē as noticed above, but ő occurs in bhagrae and puyaē (ll. 2, 3B) and dachhinae (1.3A) and is wholly different from this letter, so that it cannot be ē. Moreover, it is quite different from the è in agrapatiasad on the Manikyāla stone. All the letters in the Kharoshthi script have been figured by Bühler in his Table I and by Dr. Thomas in his Table IV (E. I. ix, 146) except hi. This character is like none of those, nor can it be ni which never occurs as a final in Prākļit. The only other sound for which no separate character has been met with is standing by itself as a final. Anusvåra is generally denoted by a leftward carve added to the bottom of a consonant, as in sain (1.1), sambhati (1.2), antara (1. 3 A) and thrice in l. 4; but, if it should be difficult or inconvenient to add the curve to certain characters, such as ku, bu or ho, final in could only be expressed by some independent sign, so that presumably there must have been some character to denote it in such cases; and it appears to be this character. The construction of the sentence supports this inference. It is not necessary to suppose that the dative is intended after bhavatu here, for the construction with bhavatu is clearly changed afterwards to the nominative, as in agra bhaga bhavatu (1. 3 C), and here the construction is evidently similar. Padiya insan is obviously the nominative to bhavatu which follows it in both places; and, as its termination is not masculine nor feminine, it must be a neuter nominative ending in n (see p. 209). This character can hardly denote & final m, because m does not occur as a final in Prākļit, as far as I know, except in poetry where a short syllable is required or before a vowel, and neither of these conditions exists here; yet it would come practically to the same result if this character be read as final m.
A letter occurs which appears to be a new form of ph. It is discussed in the note on the word saphatiga (1. 3 B), infra, p. 217.
As regards compound letters, we have rt in Artao (1.1), ry in paryata (1. 3 A), fr or ry in asambrana (1. 4), shk in Hövēshkasya (1.2) and sht in Hashtuna (1. 2). Rv occurs plainly in sarva (1. 3 A) and the first sarvina (1. 3 B), and is apparently intended by the similar character without the loop in the second sarcina (1. 3 B). Tv appears to be meant by the t with the upright line added in satvana (1. 3 A); and a new letter which I take to be mbi in tumbimri (1.1) is discussed in the Notes (p. 213).
1 Journ. Asiat., sér. 9, vol. VII (1896), p. 10: J.R. A. S., 1909, p. 661.
This sorms to me a most important feature and constitutes a strong reason why the letter cannot be rend as t: besides which the argumento mentioned in note 3 on p. 208 militate against its being read w t, and this charao ter. It taken as t, would add a fourth form to the three noticed there. Dr. Thomas however would read it at.
• Journ. Aviat., pér. 9, vol. VII, pp. 8-10: J. R. A.S., 1909, p. 661. • See plate in Journ. Asiat., sér. 9; vol. VII, p. 8.
See Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, SS 348, 349.

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The letter y as the second member of a compound letter is well illustrated here, being formed by a rightward hook added to the tail of the first member as in arupyata (1. 3 B). Since the tail is often curved to the left, the addition of the hook gives the appearance of a double carve as in Kamagulya (1.1) and tya in Mityagasya (1. 3 C), or even a triple curve as in Sakya (1.1). This conjoint y-mark is added to another letter which resembles d or n, but the compound can only denote sy in the genitive terinination sya because of its position. It is best formed in masya (1. 1), Hovëshkasya (1.2), Vagra Marēgrasya (1. 2) and Mityagasya (1. 3 C), somewhat variant in Hashtuna Marēgrasya (1.2), and badly shaped in Marēgrasya (1.1).
The mark for r as the second member of a compound letter is a stroke to the right attached to the lowest point of the first member. It occurs often and raises some interesting questions. Dr. Thomas found on the Mathuri Lion-capital that conjunct r is so represented and alco in two other ways, namely, by a similar stroke to the left and by a dot (E.I. ix, 137). The dot is not so used in this inscription. The stroke to the left occurs often, but has no significance ; thus (to cite only a few instances) it is added to an initial a sometimes as in Artamisiyasa (1.1), agra sometimes (11. 2, 3) and arupyata (1. 3 B), to the first ja but not the two others in maharaja rajatiraja (1.2) and to bhs in bharath sometimes but not always (11. 2, 3). These illustrations also shew that it cannot denote the doubling of a letter, nor a distinction between the vowels a and a, nor the vowel u or si. It seems to be a mere flourish in fiuisbing the tails of letters written from right to left.
This stroke to the right occurs chiefly with the letter ga, which represents the suffix ka and is thus a very commoa termination'and a very useful criterion for dividing the words. It occars with t in avashatri (1. 3 C), thrice with d in pudra (1.1), midra (1.2) and adru (1. 3 A), and once with bh in bhradaba (1.2). In all these words, except perhaps the first, this r stroke represents a real r, and it is only in conjunction with g that uncertainty arises.
The letter gooours both with and without this r stroke. The downward line of g ends straight in jalayuga (1. 3 B) and bhaga (twice in l. 3 C), and has the slight leftward flourish in aroga (1. 3 A), saphatiga (1.3 B), avashatrigana and Mityagasya (1. 3 C), and sanghigana (1.4). In all other places the right ward stroke appears, and in discussing it we must divide the inscription into two parts, the first part down to bhavagra (1. 3 A) and the second comprising the remainder. In the first part it hag two shapes; first. & horizontal stroke more or less straight, as in gadigrēna, kadalayigra, Marigra and bhagravada? (1.1), Marēgrasya (II. 1, 2), bhagraē, natigra, sambhatigrana and bhagra (1.2), nabagra and bhavagra (1. 3 A); and secondly, an upward curve which appears always in Vagra (1l. 1, 2) and agra (1. 2 twice). In the first part then the curved form represents a genuine in agra and apparently also in Vagra, and the straight form is used in all the other cases and always incorrectly, for even in Marēgra and Marigra the gra probably does not contain a real r. In the second part, however, the r stroke is never added to g except where there is a real T, as in agra (1. 3 C) and parigraha (1.4), and then it is denoted by the straight horizoutal stroke which is the correct form.
It appears therefore that it was discovered while the record was being inscribed on the vase, that the straight r stroke was being impropərly inserted, and that the fault was corrected after the word bhavagra; hence the difference between the first and second parts. The horizontal form, which is the correct sign, is used with g in the second part, and with all other congonants throughout the inscription, wherever a real conjunct r occurs; but in the first part a distinction was made in the case of g, the horizontal stroke being improperly employed to represent an aurealr, and the curved form being used to denote a real r. This peculiarity was discovered and rectified after the word bhavagra as mentioned. That word ocours in the middle of what Boems to be a poetical quotation (see p. 218). Was it some discussion about the quotation that
See p. 208, note 3. - Compare bhakrarati (A. II, line 12, in E. I. ix, 141) where Dr. Thomas styles ther stroke otiose (p. 142).

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raised the question of orthography ? Thus it might have been noticed that the addition of the unrealr vitiated the metre, as it certainly does in that word. Whatever be the explanation, it is certain that there is a difference in the use of the r-stroke with g in the two portions.
The persistent and incorrect addition of the horizontal r stroke to g throughout the first part cannot however be accidental, but must have some significance; and suggests that it denoted a modification of g. Such a modification could hardly be anything else than to give g the sound of į After I came to this conclusion, I found that Dr. Thomas had pat forward a similar suggestion with regard to the peculiar kr which is employed on the Mathura Lion-capital (E. I. ix, 137). There is however an important difference between this inscription and those on that capital, namely, that there an original g is hardened to k, as in bhakravato (=bhagavato) and nakraraasa (=någarakasa), while here an original k, when not initial and not compounded, is (as will be explained, see below) softened to g. It seems probable therefore that gr in the first part here had the sound of , and that kr on that capital had & sound like It will be convenient to transliterate this diacritical r as an italic.
Similar to the r stroke is a straight stroke to the right, attached to the lowest point of the character for mi. It obviously denotes something different from plain mi, which occurs in Artamisiyasa (1.1), midra (1.2) and Mityagasya (1. 3 C). All the instances in which it appears are singular locative cases, and as the locative singalar in the Prakrits ends in mhi or mmi, we may justly take this character mri as meaning mki. It can hardly denote mmi, becanse this means a doubled m, and letters are never written double in this script. It will however be convenient to transliterate this stroke also as an italic r.
It seems therefore from this examination that the straight r stroke was used as a diacritical sign to denote a modification of the main consonant in certain cases, certainly with g and m here and with k on the Lion-capital, in the way of giving that consonant a rougher, thicker or doubled sound.
The language is a form of Praksit and in discussing its character the phonetic changes may be noticed first, and the inflectional forms afterwards. Vowels remain the same as in Sanskrit except that an is reduced to 7, and si is replaced by a ori. There is no clear instance of the elision of consonants (except a final t once), not even of the semi-vowels y and u which are so liable to suffer in Prāksit, except y of the genitive termination sometimes. Speaking generally the only changes that occur among consonants are, first, & uniform softening of all single tenues or hard consonants of the five classes to their corresponding mediæ or soft consonants; and secondly, the assimilation of the more difficult compound consonants. The changes may be conveniently set out in the form of rules.
Rule 1.-Sanskrit tenues or hard consonants, when not initial and not compounded, are changed to their corresponding medis or soft consonants. This holds good for k, t and p throughout, except t in verbal terminations. Thus a represents an original t-bhagravada =bhagavata (1.1), mada-pidara-mata-pitara and bhradaba=bhrataba (1.2). B represents an original p-paridhabēti=paridhāpēti (1.1) and nabagra=napagra (1. 3 A). And g represents an original k, and thus the common suffix ka appears here as ga* or (with the diacritical r stroke discussed above) as gra--80 natigra=natika and sarbhatigra=sambhatika (1.2), nabagra= ngipaka (1. 3 A), jalayuga=jalāyuka (1. 3 B), and sanghiga=sanghika (1. 4). Whether this corrective applies to the name Marēgra and its variant Marigna is doubtful; yet it does probably because the stroke in them is that of the unreal. One exception occurs, rajatiraja (1.3) in which the original t has been preserved, probably because it is a special royal title.
1 Pischel'. Prakrit Grammar, $ 192.
Ibid. 202.

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This rule applied also to t1, thus padiyamsam-vaṭiyamsam (11. 2, 3 C) for which see rule 6. Only one case of medial ch occurs, namely, socha (1. 2), and there the rule did not hold good if socha Skt. saucha (but see rule 4). The rule probably applied to aspirated tenues, but no instance occurs.
As mentioned above, an original t in verbal terminations remains unchanged; thus we find paridhabēti (1. 1) and bhavatu (11. 2, 3).
Rule 2.-Rule 1 applied also where an original medial t was compounded with r-thus pudra-putra (1. 1), and midra=mitra (1. 2). The akshara in these words is clearly dr and not t or tr, for it has exactly the form of d (as in dachhinae, 1. 3 A) with the 7 stroke, and there is no instance here where an undoubted t approximates to d in shape as it appears to do at times on the Lion-capital. But t combined with any other consonant was not softened, e.g., amtara= antara (1. 3 A), and see note on arupyata (p. 217). The ț in Arṭamisiyasa (1. 1) remains unchanged, but this is a Greek word.
Rule 3.-Consequently in reading this inscription it must be noted that, where a media or soft consonant occurs as a non-initial, it may represent an original media or (since consonants are never written double here) a doubled media, or the corresponding tenuis; thus d can represent original d or dd or t, and similarly g and b. So d=original d in sada (1.3 B), and= original t in mada (1. 2), and b=bb in bhradaba which bhrātabba.
Rule 4-Where a tenuis or hard consonant appears here singly (or combined with r or v) and as a non-initial (except t in verbal terminations), it represents a doubled letter, for otherwise it would have been modified according to rule 1. Thus as regards t, natigra=nattigra= nattika (by rule 1), and sambhatigra sambhattigra sambhattika (1. 2); satva sattva (1. 3 A); and arupyata aripyatta (1.3 B). Socha would follow this rule if we read sochcha a possible Skt. form fauchya, but see rule 1. So also in the case of aspirated tenues; thus, dachhinaë= dachchhinde (1. 3 A), and saphatiga sapphattiga (1. 3 B).
Rule 5.-Conjunct y appears only where respect required the full form of the word, as in the personal names whether in the nominative or in the genitive case, Kamagulya (1. 1), Maregrasya (11. 1, 2), Hōveshkasya (1. 2), and Mityagasya (1.3 C); and in the special term arupyata in a quotation (1. 3 B). Elsewhere it is assimilated, as in Arṭamisiyas(s)a (1. 1), and bhradaba (1. 2) which bhratabba (by rule 3)=Skt. bhratṛivya (vy turning to bb as in kabba and
1 Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, § 198.
* Ibid. §§ 192, 200.
E.I. ix, plate IV at p. 146. Having regard to the forms used there, Dr. Thomas thinks that this letter dr is t, but there appear to me to be grave objections thereto. First, as handwritings varied, each writing must primarily be scrutinized by itself as urged in p. 203, note 1; here the writing is minute, neat and well-formed, so that the presumption is that the differences between characters were made deliberately and have their special significance. Secondly, t proper appears in the words paryata, amtara, and arupyata (11. 3 A and B), as well as in paridhaběti (1. 1), rajatibaja (1. 2) and faphatiga (1. 3 B); and if this character dr is really t also, then t is made in two ways markedly different, and moreover without any reason, as we see especially in the compound words natigra-midra-sambhatigrana, where there was no reason to write the dr in midra different from the t in the two other words, if they are all alike t. Thirdly, if this dr is t, all distinction between t, tr and dr would be obliterated, a conclusion that seems to me highly improbable, considering how important and significant these three letters t, d and rare in the different kinds of Prakrit. Fourthly, Sanskrit t medial and uncompounded is certainly changed to d in this Prikrit as shown under Rule 1, and the same change would be natural when t is compounded with which is only a liquid, so that we should by analogy expect the t in Sanskrit putra and mitra to appear here as d. My readings of the three characters as t (as in the words cited above), tr (as in avashatri, 1. 3 C) and dr (as in pudra, midra and adra) give each character a consistent value throughout, a value which accords fully with definite phonetic changes; whereas, if we read all these characters as t, we should have three different forms for t (with none apparently for tr or dr) and this Prakrit would become chaotic in its modifications. The confusion would be still further increased, if the letter which I read aa d (see p. 204) be treated as a fourth form of t.

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bhabba); or is resolved into iy as in padiyaisain from Skt. pratyamsa; but it remains when combined with r as in paryata (1. 3 A), see rale 6, and also note on asamśrana (p. 218).
Rule 6.-Conjunct r as the second member of an initial consonant is dropped ; thus padiya msam=paliya msain (by rule 1)=Skt. pratyamsa, where the disappearing r has vere. bralised the following t (11. 2, 3 C) and sava=srāva (1. 3 A), except in bhradaba (1, 2) where it has persisted perhaps in consonance with the old Persian bhratar, "brother". In a medial aksbara r is retained, whether as the first member as in sarva and paryata (1. 3 A) and sarcina (1. 3 B); or as the second member, as in agra (II. 2, 3 C) and purigraha (1.4), and see Role 2.
The changes in the consonants then, it will be seen, are not random (if one may use the word) as so often seems to happen in Prakrit, bat follow a consistent plan, so that, if any word be re-adjusted according to these rules, it appears at once as actual Sanskrit or but one step removed therefrom.
In considering the inflectional forms, it will be convenient to cite the words as they wonld appear in their more correct Prākṣit form when re-adjusted according to the foregoing rules, that is, to cite them from the reading in italics (p. 210 f.).
The Prākrit of this inscription has more affinities with Ardha-Māgadhithan with Saurasēni, if we compare the grammatical terminations that occur with those given by Pischel. The dative singular ends in dē, both for the masculine as in bhāgāë (1.2), and for the feminine as in püyāë (11. 2, 3 C) and dachchhinda (1. 3 A); and these are Ardha-Māgadhi forms. The locativo singular ends apparently in mhi for the masculine and neuter, if we read mri=mhi in Kharatamhi and viharamhi (1.1); and it is only in Ardha-Magadhi (as I understand) that the locative sing. ends in msi, from which easily comes the form mhi, that is found in Pali but not in any other Präksit, I believe. The genitive plural ends in ana, as in sambhattikina (1.2), avashattrikana (1. 3 C), etc.; and this termination is found in Ardha-Māgadhi as well as other dialects, but not apparently in Saurasoni.
There are other peculiarities which mark this Prakrit. The nomin. singular masculine of nouns ending in a appears as a and not o, as putra, katālayik. (1. 1), bhāga (1. 3 O) and parigraha (1.4); except in the poetical quotation in l. 3 A, B, where the o form appears in yo and aindajo. The neuter nomin, ends in an as in padiyamsan (11. 2, 3 C) and vihāram (1.4) both which words appear to be considered neuter instead of masculine ; but focha (1.2), which should be peuter, does not support this rule and suggests that the nomin. also er.ded in a : and the accus. ends in a, as in sarira (1.1). The genitive masculine has its ordinary ending sa as in Arțamisiyasa (1. 1), but when used honorifically has its full form sy, as in Marēganya (11. 1, 2), Hovēshkasya (1.2) and Mit yagasya (1. 3 C). From other noun-bases may be noticed the genitive bhagavata Šakyamunė (1.1), which=Skt. bhagaratah Sakyamunēh without the visarga which disappears in Prakrit; and & form ra of the genitive singular of noun-basen ending in ā, that is, Skt. ri, as in mātā-pitara (1. 2), which is discussed in the Notes (p. 215). Among pronouns we find ēsha used as a neuter nomio. (1.4); and from idam, not only the instrumental singular imenat (11. 1, 2), but also probably a new base iya. Among the very few verbs that occur may be noticed bhūyā the apocopated form of Skt. bhūyat (1.2).
The inscription records that in the year 51 and in Huvishka's reign, Kamagulya (or perhaps Kamakulya, by rule 1), son of Vagra Marēga (or perhaps Marēka, by rule 1), interred & relic of
Prakrit Grammar, $$ 363-76.
? I do not find muno mentioned as a genitive by Piachel; it is given in Dr. E. Muller's Pali Gronin mar, p. 70, citing Oldenberg, KZ. Ixv, 318.
Noticed in Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, $426. • This is found in other inscriptions. . See note on iya Khavadamri (p. 212). . Placbel's Prakrit Grammar, SS 469, 464.
2 E

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Buddha at the Vagra-Mariga monastery, and enunciates a series of pious aspirations in favour of the Emperor Huvishka, his own father and relatives, a neighbouring Raja and other persons and all creatures generally. The last line states that the monastery was bestowed on the MahaBanghika soct among the Buddhists.
The dedicator Kamagulya does not say he has founded the monastery, nor does he imply that he dedicates the relic at the time of the foundation, but he simply declares that he places the relic in this vase inside a small vault within the monastery. The natural inference therefore is that his father Vagra Marēga founded the monastery before and named it after bimself, and that Kamagulya afterwards interred the relic within it. The last line does not conflict with this inference, because it seems, both from its purport and also from the larger letters in which it is written, to be a separate declaration, recorded no doubt as a safeguard for the Mahasanghika séct on this sacred vase which would be sure of reverent preservation; and because it may be read in the past tense just as well as in the present, there being no verb.
The father Vagra Marega is styled & mahiếa or local Raja. He bears the name or title Marēga and so does his grandson (Kamagulya's nephew) Hashtuna, but Kamagalya does not use this name for himself, and only says that he has fixed his residence at Khavata, the very place where the monastery was. One is tempted to infer that Marēga is an appellation derived from some town or district, that Vagra had his home there or was ruling there, and that Hashtana was also living there, perhaps as Vagra's heir-apparent (for Hashtuna's fatber is not mentioned and may have been dead). Kamagulya speaks of his grandchildren (son's sons) but not of his son; hence it would seem that his son was dead.
None of the names mentioned, except Rohana who was also a mahisa or neighbouring Rāja, appears definitely to be lodian. Vagra might be read as Vakra (by rule 1), and this name and Kamagulya (or Kamakalya) may have Indian affinities, but Hashtuna seems more like an Iranian name. Moreover Marēga (or Marēka) is not Indian, but suggests Mars, the old name of Merv, or other places of similar name which exist southward of Khawat. It seems probablo that the dedicator and his family were Persian. The only other name mentioned, Mityaga (or perhaps Mityaka, by rule 1), appears almost certainly to be Greek 3
I will now set out the transliteration of the inscription and interlineate with it in italics the more ordinary Pråkpit forms of the words, as they would appear if re-adjusted in the light of the foregoing rales and of the discussion on the diacritical stroke. As I read the inscrip. tion, all the different characters are treated as distinct and each has the same value consistently throughout; and the supposition that there are errors in it is reduced to the smallest limits; in fact, only three words appear to have mistakes, namely rajatibaja (1.2), aviya (1. 3 A) and asambrana (1. 4)—with perhaps avashatri also (1. 3 C).*
TEXT. 1 Sam 20 20 10 1 masya Artamisiyasa stēhi 10 4 1 Imena Sam(vatrarő] 51 masasa Artamisiyasa stēhi 15 Imëna
Kamagulya pudra Vagra-Marēgrasya iya-Khavadamri Kamagulya putra Vagra-Marēgasya iya-Khavatamhi
gadigrēna gaddikēna kadalayigra katalayika
This is clear, whether we read paridhabēti or patit{habēti in l. 1. See notes, p. 214.
It seems hardly possible to derive Hashtuna from hrishta. Dr. Thomas suggests O. P. baya 'god' as the derivation of Bags (or Vagra); and compares Hashtana with Histanes and Bisthands, and Maroga with the termination bara in Sanabares, etc. (J. R. A. S., 1906, p. 214). The r in Vagra is real.
* See Notes, p. 218. • Dr. Thomas would add to this list the words bhradaba, focha, nabagra, paryata, faphatiga and arupyata.

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Inscription on the Wardak vase.
Lines I and 2.
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Inscription on the Wardak vase.
Lines 3 and 4.
30
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نے اے پی ال جی با کیر یک کانال
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W. GRIGGS & SONS LTD., PHOTO-LITHO.
J. F. FLEET.
FULL-SIZE

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Vagra-Marigra-viharamri tumbimri bhagravada Sakya-mune
Sarira Vagra-Mariga-vihāramhi tumbimhi bhagavata Sakya-mune Surira paridhabēti
paridhipēti 2 Iměna kušala-mulona maharaja-rajatibajal-Hövēshkasya agra-bhagraē bhavata Imēna kusala-mulēna mahārāja-rājātirāja-HJvēshkasya agra-bhagāe bhavatu
Mada-pidara me puyao bhavatu Bhradaba me Hashtura-Marēgrasya puyao Māta-pitara me püyaē bhavatu Bhratabba me Hashtuna-Marēyasya püyāë bhavatu Socha mo bhuya Natigra-midra-sambhatigrana puyaē bhavatu bhavatu Socha mēbhūyā Nattika-mitra-sambhattikāna puydē bhavatu Mahisa cha Vagra-Marēgrasya agra-bhagra-padiyamsam
Mahisa cha Vagra-Marēgasya agra-bhaga-pațiya insan 3 * bhavatu Sarya-satvana aroga-dachhinao bhavatu Aviyal-nabagra paryata-sava
bhavatu Sarva-sattvāna aroga-dachchhinde bhavatu Ariya-napaka paryatta-savabhavagra yo ndia-tantara-amda-jo* jalayaga Saphatiga Arupyata sarvina bhāvaka yo addra-antara-anda-jo jalayuka sapphattika arūpyatta sarvina puyao bhavatu Mahisa cha Rohana Isada-sarvipatavashatrigana pūyaē bhavatu Mahisa cha Rohana sada-sdrvīna avashattrikāna BA-parivara cha agra-bhaga-padiya(m)sam bhavatu Mityagasya cha agra-bhaga sa-paritāra cha agra-bhāga-pațiyansam bhavatu Mityagasya cha agra-bhaga bhavatu 1
bharatu 4 Esha viharam asamśrana Mahabaṁghigana parigraha
Esha viharai asamsraya or acharyang Mahasanghikana parigraha
TRANSLATION. In the year 51, on the day 15 [of the first half ?] of the month Artemisios. By means of this vase Vagra Marēga's son Kamagulya, who has fixed his residence in this place Khavata, inters A relic of the Lord Säkya-muni inside a vault within the Vagra Mariga monastery.
By means of this meritorious foundation -may it (the relic) tend to the pre-eminent lot of the great king, the suzerain of king4, Hövēshka! May it tend to the veneration of my parents! May it tend to the veneration of my brother's son Hashtuna Marēga! May there be purity for me! May it tend to the veneration of my grandsons, friends and associates! And may there be a share of a pre-eminent lot for the territorial lord Vagra Marēga ! May it tend to the bestowal of perfect health on all beings! May it tend to the veneration of all these, namely, the saintly king,* him who has obtained the condition of having mastered the doctrine, the creature which is born from moisture, from a womb (?) or from an egg, the creature whose life is in water, the graminivorous animal and the incorporeal soul! And
.
1 The ba is a mistake for ra. • to including the next letter ja is line 3 A. + to + excluding the first letter an and including the letter a of avashatrigana is line 8 B.
to excluding the first letter sa is line 8 C. * The vi is probably a mistake for ri, see p. 216. * This word is very difficult ; see note on it infra. • Or perhaps "the saint, the king" (see p. 216).
22

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way there be a share of a pre-eminent lot for the territorial lord Röhana, all his housebold and his dependants together with his retinue ! And may there be a supreme lot for Mityaga !
This monastery is (or was) a gift to the Mahasanghikas, who are teachers (or who had no habitation ?).
NOTES.
Line 1. Masya may be a clorical error for māsa or māsasya, unless it should be a genitive formed from the old Persian word mah, "month," Prākṣitized. A clerical error at the very beginning certainly seems improbable. Prof. Lüders has suggested that māsasya passed into * mahasya and then into māsya, but such a modification hardly agrees with the general character of this Prākṣit, which is close to Sanskļit as explained above. His view however lends support to my suggestion that the Persian word may have been Prakritized as mā, the final h being dropped as visarga is dropped in Prakrit, and the genitive māsya formed from it. The month may have been designated by a regular term mäh Artamisiya, and this term may have been adopted here in its entirety, and then both words put into the genitive; the termination sya, and not sa, being added to mā, in order to distinguish the word from the common noun mäsa and shew that it is a genitive. The general practice in this inscription is to inflect only the last of two or more words placed in apposition, but in this case both words are certainly in the genitive, unless we suppose mäsya is a clerical error for masa, which is improbable. The general rule then may have been varied in this formal and precise statement of the date.
Artamisiya = the Greek month Artemisios Prākritized, the Greek t being transliterated by the cerebral . At the present time the English t is always so transliterated.
Stēhi, and not stihi, appears to be the actgal reading. I cannot offer any explanation of this puzzling word, and can only throw out a suggestion that, as the Groek month Was sometimes divided into two parts called mēn histamenos and mên phthinon, stēhi might, through the old Persian root sta, " to stand," possibly and perhaps in abbreviation represent histamenos. If this bo possible, the date would be the 15th day of the first half of the month.
Gadigrena.-The difficult letter di in this word has been discussed above (p. 204). Gadigra may = gadika (by rule 1), or yaddika (by rules 1 and 3), or gaška (by rule 1). It andoubtedly refers to this vase. Gadika, or better gaddika, is probably a dialectical form of Sanskrit gadduka, which means "a kind of jar, especially a golden vase"-a term that would have well saited this vase in its pristine brilliance, for when discovered portions of it were so bright as to resemble gold (see p. 203).
Pudra must, it seems to me, agree with Kamagulya and govern Vagra-Marēgrasya, though this construction varias from the ordinary arrangement by which it should follow the word it governs. The ordinary construction, by which pudra would govern Kamagulya, seems to me to lead to serious difficulties. The rendering I have adopted, though not common, is not irregalar, and makes the whole sentence plain.
Iya-Khavadamhi is obviously the locative case of the place to which the following word Kadalayigra refers, and the place therefore is denoted by the expression Iya-Khavada or Iya-Khavata (by rale 1). There can be no doubt that we have here the ancient form
1 J. R. A. S. 1909, p. 666.
Dr. Thomas would prefer to make Vagra-Marēga the donor, though there are serious difficulties in doing sc
This might be read as Iyakkha adamhi, for the fourth letter has some resemblance to a, and the kh would be doubled by rule 4 ; but Iyakkha conveys no meaning, and adamhi as a locative from the pronominal baseadas (see Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, $$ 429, 482) would be out of place.

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of the present name of the place, Khawat, where this vage was found. If this expression be taken as one word, it would be Iyakkhavata (by rule 4), and this is suggestive of the Greek lakkhos, “Bacchus or Dionysos," whose legend was localised in this region as is well known. This view was tempting but appears antenable, because it is highly improbable (as a distinguished Greek scholar has informed me that the oriental Greeks of this region would have had the name lakkhos in pablio vogue, as it only had a real base in Attica and was a literary figment outside. Moreover, no Greek derivation can apparently be suggested except perhaps Takkho + hodos, which is unsuitable. Again Iyakkhavata is hardly an Indian word. The only alternative is to divide it into iya Khavata, and this division gives forth with the modern name Khawat, while iya appears to be a pronoun meaning "this,” or “ here." The pronoun idam developed, or had as an equivalent, a base ia in Prakrit (apart from the feminine nomin. iyam), for the masculine or neuter locative iammi is found and the base ia itself did exist. This ia might well be written iya here, for this inscription has literary qualities, and the neighbouring old Persian word iyam, which is its exact equivalent and is both masculine and feminine, might naturally influence the spelling. Iya Khavatamhi would then mean "in this very Khavata," where the monastery was situated. Or iya might equally well be taken as=Skt. iha, “bere. Either way the meaning is the same. Khavata, or Khivata or Khāvāta as it might be read, does not seem to have any meaning, if considered to be of Indian derivation though avata was a termination used in the names of places, as Värandvata."
Kadalayigra=kritalayika (by rule 1), which is formed from kritalaya, as hșidayika from hridaya, kāyika from kaya, etc. The whole is a more precise adjective than kritalaya, both menning" having fixed one's residence.” It suggests that Kamagulya did not belong to this place originally, but had come to reside here.
Tumbimhi.-The first akshara is clearly tu or thu, and thüpa, thuba or thuva suggests itself, but is inadmissible because the second akshara is not plain p, b or v. No other word begiuning with thu seems possible. The letter must be read then as tu. The second akshara is # new character. At first sight it seems to be based on the character for st; see the previous word stēhi and the fornis of sti and stu in Bühler's Table I (no. 39, v, vi and vii) and Dr. Thomas Tablo IV (E. I. ix, p. 146); but it cannot be sti or stu, because (1) it has a stroke to the left at the bottom more than st has and also the vowel mark i; (2) that stroke cannot denoto w, for u is not so made here and u would be in addition to i; and (3) st could not follow the preceding vowel , and sht alone would be permissible after in this dialect which clearly distinguishes between the three sibilants. The character however is not sht, for sht is found in the name Hashtuna afterwards. Moreover all such renderings are meaningless, and the character cannot denote st at all. In shape it is a b (or v) with a cross-line through its middle and the vowel-mark i, hence presumably it represents bi (or vi) in combination with 60 ne other consonant denoted by the cross-line. If it be so, then, since the language is a Prakṣit, the cross-line can only mean some secondary consonant such as m, y, r or v. It is not y norr, for their forms have been discussed above (p. 206); and v is hardly possible in
1 Piscbel's Prakrit Grammar, $ 429. * See Prüksitn-Paingala (Ed, Biblioth. Indien); references in the Index. . See J. R. A. S. 1909, p. 1089.
• M. BH. i, 142, 5675. It does not make the matter easier if we read Ifakhavata, which is not impossible since there is very little distinction between ya and fa in this inscription (see p. 203). This rendering might be resolved as Ita + kharata or lia + akkharata (by rule 4); but those words yield no satisfactory solution (though akkharata could - akshavata) and do not account for the present name Khawat. Moreover any such solution would weaken the special significance of kadalayigra. . Professor Rapson has pointed out to me that ito occurs with the meaning "here" in the third line on the reverse of figure N. xvi. 2 in Plate CI of Dr. Stein's " Ancient Khotan." If we rent ia here, the expression becomes (la Khavadamhi with precisely the same meaning as iya Kharadumi; but the latter reading is preferable because the letter resembles y rather than

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combination with b, and hardly probable in combination with v, for uv would be a doubled v and letters are not written double here. Only m therefore seems possible, and the character is presumably mbi (or mui). In support of this it may be observed, that m could hardly be expressed by the usual curve for m (see p. 205) added to tu, and could therefore be only indicated by some addition to the letter b (or v) to form the compound mb (or mv). The word therefore is tumbimni (or tumvimbi), the locative case of tumbi (or tumvi). No Indian word seems possible, and the only inference that arises is that tumbi (or tumvi) is a foreign word adopted and Prakritized. Since the cerebralt is used to denote the Greek t, as in
Irfamisiya, tumbi suggests the Greek word tumbion, the diminutive of tumbos, "a sepulchral chamber or vault." Tumbion would become tumbiya in Prākṣit and might be shortened to tumbi in ordinary parlance. Greek influence was strong in this region, and tumbion would be an appropriate word to denote the substantially constructed cavity or cupola in the gamulus in which the vase was found (see p. 201). This rendering is surprising, yet none other seems to me possible from the scrutiny.
Bhagravada Sakya-munē has been discussed above (p. 209).
Paridhabēti=paridhapēti (by rale 1)=Skt. paridhapayati, causal of pari-dha, and means "encloses." The usual term to express the installation of a relic-shrine is patitthāvēti, and this soggests itself as the word intended here. Th and dh are similar and the third akshara might be read either way, but patithabēti (as patitthabēti might appear here by rule 4) does not appear to be intended for three reasons based upon the writing, the grammar and the sense. First, the second akshara is certainly not t but r, for it agrees exactly with the two r's wbich immediately precede in the word Sarira ; secondly, if it were intended, it would presumably appear as padithabēti or perhaps padithabēti (by rules 1 and 4) and di or di could hardly lead to an erroneous ri; and thirdly, this word must be taken with imena gadigröna, in which the relic was enclosed, and paridhābēti suits the context better than patitthābēti.
Line 2. Kufala-milana.-This expression occurs on the Manikyäla stone, and is also a technical Buddhist term. As a technical term-The three Kusalamúlan, "roots of goodness or groundwork of merit" are alobho, adoso, amoho, freedom from covetousness, from anger, and from ignorance ':' but this interpretation is unsuitable here, and the expression here presumably means something different, as Prof. Lüders also apparently holds when dealing with the Mānikyāla stone. It may mean “well-conceived foundation," "virtuous endowment," if kusala be taken as an adjective ; and "root of well-being," "source of meritorious action," if kusala be taken as a noun. Here from its general adaptability it may imply all these meanings with reference to the relic.
Agra bhāga.-Agra means " foremost, pre-eminent," and bhaga "portion, lot, destiny." The word might be read bhagga (by rule 3), which would=Skt. blagya," fortune, lot, destiny." The meaning is the same either way. M. Senart has pointed out that agrabhaga here corresponds to agrēbhava in the inscription of Toramana Shaha of Kura (E.I., i, 240), which has agrēbhāva. pratyamatāyāstus. Agrēbhäva denotes a state or condition, and agrabhaga here must pregumably imply the same, "& pre-eminent lot," and not " a first share." I do not understand
See J. R. A. S. 1909, p. 645.
Soe Childers' Pali Dictionary, s. v. kusalo; and Angut. Nik, vol. I, p. 203. Dr. Thomas takes it to mean work of merit,'' a pious work.'
Prof. Luders explains it as equivalent to the phrase which is found at Mathuri, anena (or imena) deyadharmaparityagena (J. R. A. S. 1909, p. 660). Is not that a parallel rather than an equivalent phrase ?
• See Childers' Pali Dictionary. • Journ. Asiat . $. 9, vol. VII, p. 10. See note to padiyadan infra.

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to what bhāga as a "shure" could refer, whereas a condition is intelligible and natural. He first translated agrabhaga as "prosperity," but afterwards agreed with Bühler to seek in it a direct allusion to the acquisition of bodhi. I would rather suggest that, since the expression appears to denote a condition, it refers to Buddhahood. With the word pratya msa added (see note to padiyansam, infra), "& share of Buddhahood" seems to be as appropriate as "a share of bodhi." The expression can hardly refer to any worldly blussing, because in that case is it not rather witless to utter such a wish on behalf of Huvishka, who enjoyed already the highest position on earth?
Bhavatu is used here with the dative, as agra bhāgae and pãyde. Since the dative implies parpose, intention, aim,' bhavatu with the dative means "may it be for the purpose of," "may it be with an aim towards," that is, "may it tend towards," "may it operate towards."
Mada-pidara=mātā-pitara (by rule 1). This must be the genitive of mita-pitā treated as a singular noun ;and it is so treated in the Taxila plate, where the accus. mata-pitaram occurs (E. I. iv, 55). The genitive must be employed here after payãe as in all the other similar sentences. This appears to be a new form of Prākṣit genitive, and the nearest approach to it is piaraha which is a genitive of pita. Its real formation appears to be this-pitara=pitarah (the visarga disappearing in Prakpit) which would be correctly formed as & genitive from pitar (which is the essential base of pitri), just like girah from gir and charah from char in Sanskrit. The declension of pitri in Sanskřit shows eimilar forms from the base pitar, as pitaran, pitarau, pitarah and pitari.
Püyãe.-- Pūjā means more than “honour" and implies some degree of veneration or reveronce; hence pūyde bhavatu means "may it tend to the veneration."
Bhradaba as the word clearly is and not bhradara. Hashtuna Marēgrasya is in apposition to this word and not to me, for the declarant is Kamagulya aud më refers to him; and the meaning is that Hashtana Marēga is the bhradaba in relation to me, that is, Kamagulya. Me is inserted parenthetically, like cha in mahisa Vagra Marēgrasya (1. 2) and in mahisa Röhana (1. 3 B). Bhradaba cannot well be treated as a mistake for bhradara on the analogy of the preceding mata-pitara and so taken as the genitive of bhrādi, because (1) it is contrary to the general practice to inflect two words in apposition as would happen if we read bhradara Hashtuna-Marēgrasya; and (2) it is unnecessary to suspect any mistake. Indeed one should hesitate to suppose there is an error in spelling, unless the mistake is patent (as in rajatibaja, 1. 2) or the word actually written appears impossible (as in aviya, 1. 3 A, and asambrana, I. 4); and one should presume that what has been written is what was intended, if it has an intelligible
1 Unless we adopt & valuable suggestion by Dr. Thomas. Taking agrabhaga in its literal meaning "chief share," he thinks that it denotes a chief share in the merit resulting from this donation. To my mind the addition of the word pratyaifa makes a difficulty in this rendering.
9 Journ. Asiat., arr. 8, vol. XV, p. 123 ; and abr. 9, vol. VII, p. 10. # Dr. Thomas is inclined to think it may be a genitive plural in ran. • Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, $ 391. • This explanation is supported by the exactly analogous use of the genitives bhagavata(k) Sakyamund():
me. p. 209.
The word bhratara appears in the Taxila plate, and Bühler takes bhratara sarea there as=bhratris sarvan, but Anda the construction irregular, as it occurs in the middle of several genitives. It is really the genitive, exactly analogous to mata-pitara here, and as such accords fully with the other genitives there. That passage would then run thus -sa-putra-darasa (ayw-bala-vardhie) bhratara sarva-(cha)-natiga-[bar]dhavata cha, the first oha being inserted parenthetically (like cha in this inscription, see note on bhradaba) with reference to sarta naliga, and the second cha being in its correct place grammatically but referring specially to carpa)-[bar]dhara. These cha's are used more with regard to the sense than strict grammar. Bhatara also occurs on the Minikyäla stono inscription and is treated as a genitive by Prof. Lüders (J. R. A. 8., 1909, p. 686). Natiga there mast natigra here; see note on it.

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and appropriate meaning. Nor can the word be read as bhrada ba, treating ba as-Skt. va or eva, because (1) Skt. v when single is not changed to b here, and (2) neither word would suit the context but only cha. Bhradaba is therefore one word and bhratabba (by rules 1 and 3), which Skt. bhratṛivya, "nephew ;" and the whole phrase Skt. mad-bhrätṛivya-HashṭunaMarēgasya.
Socha has been discussed above (p. 208).
Bhuya Skt. bhūyat, the final t being dropped in Prakrit.3 This word is well chosen bere to convey a less positive meaning than bhavatu. Where the declarant expresses his desire on behalf of other persons he uses the imperative tense, but here in uttering his desire on his own behalf he modestly uses the precative.
Natigra nattika (by rules 1 and 4)=Skt. naptri+ ka.
Sambhatigra sambhattika (by rules 1 and 4)=Skt. sambhaktri+ka, "sharer, favourer" here no doubt" partisan, associate."
Mahisa mahisa, Skt. mahi+isa. It occurs again in 1. 3 B, and, as the persons named are inferior to the Emperor Huvishka, it evidently means a local Raja. There were apparently two Rajas in this part of the country, Vagra Marega and Rohana.
Padiyamsam. This word occurs again in 1. 3 C. It has been fully discussed above (pp. 204 f., 209, 215), where the similar expressions found elsewhere have been mentioned, agrēbhāva pratyamsatāyāstu, agra-pratyaśataye bhavatu, and bhatara Svarabudhisa agrapatiasae. It patiyamsam, (by rule 1) Skt. pratyamsa "division, share," as M. Senart and Prof. Lüders have pointed out. I would translate agra-bhaga-padiyamsam as a "share in a preeminent lot." It is to be noticed that this phrase is used only with reference to the two local Rājas, Vagra Marega here and Rohana in 1. 3 B, whereas full agra-bhaga is applied to Huvishka and Mityaga.
Line 3.
Aroga may-Skt. a-roga, or stand for ärōgga (by rule 3) and Skt. arogya. The meaning is the same, and the latter is probably preferable because arogya dakshinaye is said to occur on an inscription at Mathura.8
Aviya-nabagra.-Aviya is no doubt a mistake for ariya, for the v is as large as the usual size of r and only the small stroke at the top of r is wanting. These words then=ariya
1 Dr. Thomas however thinks that there must be a mistake, and that the word intended is bhradara, genit. sing. of bhrada, that is bhrātā, brother'; è being wrongly written for r as in rajatibaja.
2 Dr. Thomas suspects that it is really an error for so cha and tat cha. Tat appears as tam in Prakrit (Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, §425).
Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, §§ 459, 464.
This word might also be read as mahiya, because and y are often made alike here (see p. 203), and Dr. Thomas would read it so and take it as = mahyam or mama, referring to the donor; but if so, the two passages seem tautological as regards the donor.
5 Bühler read this as satāyās tu, and translated it "(their) share being a preferential one" (E. I., i, 241); but Prof. Lüders takes it as 'fataya astu, and I agree with him. I would translate it thus, "may it tend to the condition of (their obtaining) a share of a pre-eminent existence."
Which Bübler translated as, "may (the merit of this gift) be by preference for their parents" (E. I., i, 390) but I would suggest that agra is short for and the full phrase agrēbhava or agrabhaga, for agra is a noun and means the "foremost or topmost point"; and that the translation should be, " may it tend to their parents' having the condition of (obtaining) a share in a pre-eminent position."
Which Prof. Lüders translates "for the principal share of (my) brother Evarabuddhi"; but I would suggest it means, "(let it tend) to my brother Svarabuddhi's (having a) share in a pre-eminent position."
Referred to in I. A., vol. 83 (1904), p. 155.
⚫ I have to thank Dr. Thomas for this suggestion. He thinks further that nabagra may be a mistake for saragra and näraka, "beings in hell;" 6 being wrongly written for r as in rajatibaja.

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napaka (by rule 1)=Skt. arya-nripa+ka, "the saintly king." They might be taken separately as "the saint, the king," if it is probable that the dedicator would have invoked a blessing not only on the saintly king, but also on kings generally. If so, the ariya must be distinguished from the śdvaka who is mentioned next.
Paryata-sava-bharagrasparyatto sīva-bhīvaka (by rules 1 and 4)=Skt. paryipta-śrāvan bhava +ka. Sāra which means “hearing" appears to signify "learning, instruction " here and the whole phrase to be a circumlocution for fravaka.
Yo adra aitara anda-jo.-The first letter might be read as $0, but that could only represent Skt. Svas, “ tomorrow," and is meaningless here. The jo at the end clearly answers to yo at the beginning, so that the whole is one long phrase ; and, as no sandhi blends the intervening words as in the following words jalāyuga, saphatiga and arupyata, the intervening words are obviously distinct and must each be read with jo; otherwise they would have had the same termination o instead of ending in a. The whole phrase therefore becomes yo adra-jo antara-jo anda-jo, and as amda-jó clearly means an "egg-horn Creature" and the following word jalāyuga means "a creature that has its life in water," adra-jo and antara-jo must denote other great groups of living creatures. Adra (as the word appears to be, though the second letter is not clear even in the original)= iddra (by rale 3)=Skt. drdra, "moigt"; and this adjective is evidently used substantively here, so that adra-jo means "& creature born from moisture," and= Päli samsöda-jo. Antara=Skt. antara, "the interior," and antara-jo may mean "born from the interior," and=garbha-ja, that is, "mammalian."
Jalayuga=jalāyuka (by rule 1)=Skt. jala + āys + ka, "a creature which has its life in water.” The word might be read as jalāyukā or jala-fuka, which mean "a leech," but such a narrow and unsatisfactory allusion is out of the question.
Saphatiga.-The word looks like casētiga or sašvētiga, or we might read y instead of 6 in either or both places, since these two letters are not well distinguished (see p. 203); but no ench reading gives any sense, because the latter part whether read as ētiga or ettika (as it should be by rules 1 and 4) is an impossible ending, however we attempt to restore the word in Sanskrit. The first letter certainly seems to be f. The second letter however differs markedly from the first and diverges from $ or y, in that its left limb is prolonged anngually downward as in p and ph. I am led therefore to think that it is not for y but is a badly formed por ph, and that the stroke which resembles the vowel mark ő is really the top part of p or ph shifted slightly to the right. Of these two letters ph is preferable, because the right limb has an upward curve which p does not possess and which is not the mark of in pr. As ph it is a new form, yet ph has two different shapes in Bühler's Table I, so that its character was not rigidly settled. Taking the second letter then 48 ph, we obtain a reading which is appropriate. Saphatiga=sapphattika (by rules 1 and 4)=Skt. Sushpatti + ka "en animal feeding on grass." This is no doubt a pretentious word, but it accords with the contiguous words and occurs as will be seen in a poetical quotation.
Arupyata=arüpyatta (by role 4), "incorporeal soul." This may represent Skt. arūpin + ätma, but not aräpya + ātmā, because arūpya does not have the meaning "incorporeal." Pali
1 Dr. Thomas would read paryata as - paryamta.
· Adra might=s possible noun ardrya, "moisture"; but the general character of this Prikrit soms against it. Dr. Thomas would read adra antara as atra antara and as - atrastare, but as regards the character dr, see p. 208, note 3.
Dr. Thomas however would read the word as fa(s) fētiga, that is sarkoidika, equivalent to Pali samsida. ig, from Bkt. eam and spēda; but there is no instance here where an original is turned to Prilgit , or an original d to Prikritt (see rules 1 and 3, pp. 207, 208).
• Saaka-bhuj is in the dictionary. . Dr. Thomas would take this word m-ar pynta.

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has arūpi and aruppa (=Skt. drūpya, formed directly from a-rūpa), both meaning "incorporeal." Arupyata might represent the latter word, if read as ārūpyatta, but arūpyattā seems preferable, because the first syllable is probably short since we have here presamably a sloka quoted.
All these words from ariya to arupyatal have a particularly literary style and rhythm, and here alone occurs the nomin. termination 7. These features suggest that we have a poetical quotation here, in which all the words were in the nomin. singular as shown by the form and the word arūpyatta. If then these words be adjusted according to the rales set out above, and the nomin. forma o be restored, and jā be added to the two words from which it has been omitted, the passage falls into the sloka metre:
.. . ariya-napako paryatta-såva-bhävako Yo addra-jo antara-jo anda-jo [cha) jalayuko
Sapphattiko arūpyatta. Sarvina=Skt. sārvīnām, genitive plural of sārvi, a feminine collective noun formed from sarva, precisely like sāmayri from samagra, and with the same meaning. It is used in the plural, because it applies to each of the preceding terms.
Sada=Skt. sadas, residence, dwelling"; sada-sārvi means "household." It is used in the plural, probably honorifically, with reference to all the houses that composed the residence of the Raja Rohana.
Avashatrigaravashattrika (by rales 1 and 4)=Skt. femin. form avasaktri + ka. But per haps the ri is a mistake for or a reminiscence of the vowel si of the masc. form, and the word iutended would be avasuktsi+ka. Avasaktņi is not actually found in Sanskrit, but would be a legitimate formation from the root ava-sanj (which does occur) and would mean "an adherent." The preposition ava sometimes changes a following s to sh as in avashtambh and avashvan, and, though it does not so modify the root sanj in Sansksit, yet it might do so in Prākrit, especially When there is a closely allied root svani, "to embrace," which would I imagine be modified after ara. Both roots would be alike in Prakrit.
Padiyamsan is discussed above (p. 216). The medial n is not so clear here as in that earlier place.
Mityaga (or perhaps Mityaka by rule 1) seems to be Greek both from its appearance and also from the use of the cerebral !, see Arļamisiya (p. 212); but the only Greek words I can suggest after enquiry are métoikos, which means "a foreign settler" but is hardly a mame, and mētiókhos, in which the kh could hardly be represented by k. It is noteworthy that the dedicator expresses the same wish for full agra-bhāga for Mityaga as for Huvishka.
Line 4. Esha viharan.-Vihāra appears to be treated as a neuter noun, because vihāram is clearly the nomin. case. Esha is used as a neuter in Prakrit,
Asainsrana is a difficult word. The second akshara is like san at the beginning of the inecription, and the third appears to be $ or y compounded with eve; and if the former is sain
1 Dr. Thomas would put a different meaning on the text, thus-"I propose (tentatively) to understand all creatares to be referred to, from aryas to the beings in hell, and all the andajas, etc. in between (atrdntara) including the invisible (arüpa).'"
Can any Pāli scholar identify these verses?
Sārciyam occurs in a Skt. quotation in Pirchel's Prakrit Grammar, & 16. • See Påņini viii, 3, 68-9.
Piachel's Prakrit Grammar, $426. • It differs from the usual forms of acd, in that the left lub is extended unusually downward.

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the only tenable reading for the latter is fra, and the whole word would be asambrana : but this seems impossible, if taken as one word, and if it is divided into asar Srana, we only obtain two difficult words, and initial śr is inadmissible since it drops its r as shewn in fiva (see p. 217). There seems to be a clerical error in the word. Two emendations may be offered. First, it may be a mistake for a-sansraya, "having no asylum or habitation;" the gift of a vihara to Mahasanghikas who had no sanctuary would have been a natural act of piety. Or secondly, as Dr. Thomas suggests, tho san may be a mistake for the somewhat similar letter cha, and then the next letter may be read as rya, so that the word would be acharyana, genitive plural of acharya, “teacher." On the whole this seems preferable, and I have adopted it in the translation.
No: 21.-SURAT PLATES OF VYAGHRASENA; THE YEAR 241.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). In my article on the Pärdi plates of the Traikutaka king Dahrasēnas it was stated that the late lamented Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, I.C.S., had in his hands an unpublished eopper-plate grant of Dahrasēna's son and successor Vyāghrasēna. At my request Rai Bahadur Venkayya obtained the original plates on loan through the Government of Bombay, who wore good enough to permit them to be sent to me for inspection,
As stated by Mr. Jackson, the copper-plates come from Surat. They are two in number, each measuring between 94 and 9 inches in breadth, and about 3 inches in height, and bear writing only on their inner sides. They are comparatively thin and have no raised rims, but the writing on them is in a state of fairly good preservation. A number of letters are filled with verdigris and therefore have not come out on the impressions, though their outlines are quite visible on the original plates. As in the case of the Pärdi plates, there are two ring-holes at the bottom of the inscribed side of the first plate, and two corresponding ones at the top of the second plate. A long copper wire is passed through the two holes on the right, and its ends are twisted round, but not soldered. A second copper wire may have held the plates together on the left, but is now missing. The total weight of the plates and wire is 50 tolas.
The alphabet is of an early southern type. The Jihvāmāliya occurs once (1.1) and the Upadhmaniya five times (11. 4, 5, 6 (twice), and 14). In throe instances (md, 1. 9, and la, 11. 13 and 18) the secondary form ofā is expressed by a hook at the bottom of the preceding eonsonant. The date at the end of the inscription contains the abbreviation san (for sarvat) and the numerical symbols 1, 5, 10, 40, and 200.
The language is Sanskřit prose; but two verses of Vyasa are quoted near the end. The rules of grammar and of sandhi are carefully observed ; only 11. 10-14 contain a few blunders, and 1. 8 two clerical mistakes. Anusvāra is replaced by si in varisa (1. 5) and vanitya (1. 12).
The inscription records a grant of land to a Brahmana by the Maharāja Vyāghrasēna (1.7 f.) of the Traikutaka family (1.1), who issued his order from “the victorions Aniruddhapura” (1.1). This city, which appears to have been the capital of the Traikitaka kings, is mentioned also in the slightly different form "the victorious Aniruddhapari" as the place of residence of the doneo in the Bagumrå plates of Kalachuri-] Samvat 406. Vyighrasana
1 This ry is different from the ry in paryata (1. 8 A) in that the loft limb extends downwards here muel further than in paryata. Whether this difference in accidental or implies a distinction is doubtfal.
* Though, on this interpretation, one would have expected Malasanglika koharyana,
Above, Vol. X. p. 52 . • Journ Bombay Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XXIII. p. 64 Indh. Anh Vol XVIII. p. 870.
23:

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claims to have ruled the A parānta country? (1.2). This statement furnishes an interesting confirmation of two verses of Kalidasa's Raghuvainsa (iv. 58 f.), where the mountain Trikāta, from which the designation of the Traikitaka family most be derived, is placed in the territory of the king of Aparānta. According to the Vaijayanti (ed. Oppert, p. 37, verse 35), which is quoted by Mallinātha on Raghuvara, iv. 53, the chief place of Aparānta senms to have been Sarpāraka, the modern sopara, with which I feel tempted to identify Aniruddhapura, the oapital of the Traikatakas. The object of Vyag brasēna's grant was the hamlet Purohitapallika in the Iksharaki district (ahāra, 1. 8), which I am unable to identify. From the name given to the hamlet we may perhapa infer that the donee, Nigasarman (1. 10), was the king's family priest (prurohita).
The date of the grant was the 15th tithi of the bright fortnight of Karttiks in the year 241 of au unspecified era (1. 18). As we know from coins that Vyaghrabona was the son of Dahrasõna, whose Pärdi plates are dated in [Kalachuri-]Samvat 207, the date of the new inscription must be also referred to the Kalachuri era of A.D. 240, and the specified month places the record in A.D.480 or 491.
The following short pedigree comprises all that we know from coins and inscriptions regarding the Traikutaka kings of Aparanta, residing at Aniruddhapura:
Mahārāja Indradatta.
Mahārāja Dahrasēna (A.D. 456 or 457).
Mahārāja Vyāghrasēna
(A.D. 490 or 491).
TEXT.4
First Plate ; Second Side. 1 स्वस्ति विजयानिरुडपुराचे कूटकान[१] मातापिपादानुख्यातो भगवत्पादकमकरकर
गतक्रमागत2 स्फीतापरान्तादिदेशपतिरपरिमितनृपतिनतचरणकमलस्वभुजपरिपालनप्रता3 पाधिगतप्रचुरद्रविणविवाणनावाप्तसदिग्व्यापिशुक्लयमाशारदरजनिकरकचिरवप4 रनद्यकालीनपुरुषविशेषसदशोदारचरितस्मुचरितनिदर्शनार्थमिव निर्मित प्रतिBहतसामन्तारातिरन्यनरपतिप्रतिविशिष्टस्खवङ्गालङ्कारभूत प्रभूतप्रवीरसाधना6 धिष्ठितदुर्गनगरसागरमागरगम्भीरगिरिगुरुस्थिरप्रकृति प्रकतिजनमनोहर प्राच
F
uii.
I See Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 173, and Prof. Rapaon's Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, etc., * Op. oit. p. ellx and note 8.
See above, Vol. X. p. 62 and notu 6. • From the original copper-pletes.
• Besd °चा.

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7 संत्रितगुरुखजनसाधुसाधारणधनोभिजनसदृश्ययन्त्रणोपरहोतस्पृहणीयश्रीश्श्रीमहा8 राजव्याघ्रसन:
'सर्बानवेक्षरक्याहारान्तर्गतपुरोहितपल्लिकाप्रतिवासिनो.' 9 स्ममाज्ञापयति [*] विदितमस्तु वो यथास्माभिर्मातापिचोरात्मनश्च स्वपुण्याभिवृदये
Second Plate; First Side. 10 भारद्वाजसगोत्रब्राह्मणनागशर्मणे इयं पत्रिका चोरराजापत्थ्यकारिवज अचाटभट11 प्रावेश्या सर्वदित्य विष्टिपरिहीणोपाहारस्थित्यान्वयभोज्या आचन्द्रार्कारणव12 क्षितिस्थितिसमकालीनोतिसृिष्टा ] तदाहश्यराजभिरन्यैश्च विभवानभावानुब
हानायुर्वि18 योगानुगतणांच दीर्धकालानुगुणान्विगणय्य दानच गुणवतामवदातमपदान14 मिति प्रमाणोकत्य शशिकरशचि रुचिरचिराय यशश्चिचीषुभिरियं पन्निकादा
योनुमन्तव्य पा15 लयितव्यच [*] यस्मादुक्तम्भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासन [*] पूर्वदत्तान्दिजा
तिभ्यो यनाद्रक्ष युधि18 ष्ठिर [*] महोम्महिमतां श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपालनं [॥ १ ॥*] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि
स्वर्गे मोदति 17 भूमिदाः ।"] पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेदिति [॥ २ ॥"]
प्रतिपुच्छ्य लिखितं मया महासाधिविन18 हिककर्केण हालाहलदूतकं सं २०० ४० १ कार्तिक शु १० ५ [*]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Hail! From the victorious Aniruddhapura, the glorious Mahardja Vyāghrasēna,- (who belongs to the family) of the Traikūtakas; who meditates on the feet of (his) mother and father, who is a servant of the feet of Bhagavat (Vishpn); who is the lord of Aparanta and other rich countries, annexed or inherited (by him); to whose lotus-feet innumerable kings are bowing; who has obtained bright fame, pervading all directions, by distributing the vast treasures acquired with his own arm by roling (his kingdom) and by conquest; whose body is as brilliant as the autumnal moon; whose conduct is as noble as that of excellent men of former timeswho has been created, as it were, as an example of good condact; who has repelled neighbouring enemies; who is more distinguished than other kings; who has become the ornament of his family; who has occupied forts, cities, and oceans by armies of many great beroes; whose nature is as deep as the ocean and as firm as the chief of mountains (Himalaya); who ravishes the hearts of men by nature; whose wealth is shared
I Read सानदे. • Read 'वर्णम्. Bad कालौनाति
. Read °वासिन.
Read पाया • Read °परिशीणामहार' and °भीज्याचन्द्रा. . Read
• Read °भिरयं

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by scholars, refugoes, elders, relatives, and devotees; (and) who has acquired desirable glory by practising self-restraint in a manner worthy of (his) descent, - commands all residents of Purohitapallika included in the Iksharaki district (ahara) :
(L. 9.) "Be it known to you, that, in order to increase the merit of (Our) mother and fatber and of Ourself, we have granted to the Brahmana Nagasarman of the Bharadvaja gòtra this hamlet (palliki), not to be entered by irregular or regular soldiers, unless in order to arrest) robbers or persons guilty of high-treason, exempt from all taxes and from forced labour, to be enjoyed, under the rules of an agrahara, by (the donee's) descendants, (and) to last as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, and the earth shall exist.
(L. 12.) “ Therefore kings belonging to Our lineage and others, considering that sovereignty is liable to cessation, that life is followed by separation, and that only) virtues are lasting a long time, admitting the principle that gifts to virtuous men are noble achievements, and desirous of accumulating for a long time brilliant fame, as bright as the rays of the moon, must approve and protect this grant of a hamlet.
(L. 15.) “For the holy Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas, has spoken :[Here follow two of the castomary verses.]
(L. 17.) Having enquired (regarding the necessary details of the grant ?), (this edict) was written by me, the great minister for peace and war (mahäsändhivigrahika) Karka, Halahala being the messenger (tūtaka), in the year 241, on the 15th (tithi) of the bright (fortnight) of Kārttika.
No. 22.- FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
BY V. VENRAYYA, M.A., RAI BAHADUR. Gudimallam is a village in the Kalahasti Zamindari of the modern Chittoor District. abont 8 miles from Roniyunta Junction, and 13 miles south-west of Kalahasti town. On a hurried visit to the village which I paid in August 1903, I found important inscriptions; and subseyaintly a member of the Madras epigraphical establishment was deputed to examine the place more leisurely. In all, 26 inscriptions were copied in the Parasuramēśvara temple at the village. They belong to the Pallava king Nandippottaraiyar (No. 229 of 1903); the Ganga-Pallava kings Vijaya-Dantivikramavarman (No. 226 of 1903) and Nripatunga (No. 228 of 1908); the Băņa prince Vijayāditya (Nos. 223 and 224 of 1903); the Choļa kings Parāntaka I. (No: 225 of 1903), Rājakēšarivarman (No. 222 of 1903), Vikram'a-Chola (Nos. 212 and 213 of 1903) and Rajaraja III. (Nos. 204-11, 214, 216-21 and 227 of 1903). The village is called Tiruvirperumbēdu in Silai-nādu, a sub-division of Vengada-kottam in Perumbāņappādi, a district of Jayangonda-Chola-mandalam. In the earlier records (Nos. 226, 223, 225, 229 of 1903) the forbs Tiruvippirambēļu and Tiruvirpirambēdu (Nos. 228 and 224 of 1903) and Tiruvisperumbēdu (No. 222 of 1903) occur. In three of them, the village is mentioned without the district to which it belonged (Nos. 223, 226 and 229 of 1903). In four others Silai-nidu and Vengada-kottam are added. If we accept the form which occurs in the earliest inscription, vis. Tiruvippirambedu, the name may be analysed into Tiruvippiran and päda. Vippiran is apparently a tadbhava of the Sanskrit vipra, 'a brühmaņa. Consequently, the name would signify the sacred tillage of the brahmana.' The temple receives the names- Parafurāmisvarattu-Mahadeva (A. below), Parasuramiśvaragarattu-Perumånadiga! (D. below), Parasiramisvaragarattu-Pirapar (E.
1 My thanks are due to Dr. Pleet who very kindly read two proofs of this article at my request and made a number of valuable suggestions, almost all of which I have adopted.
Nor 204 to 229 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908.

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below), Parasuramisvarattu-Perumanaḍigal (No. 222 of 1903) and Parasiramisvaramuḍaiyar (No. 221 of 1908). Thus the temple is invariably called Parasuramisvara from the time of the earliest inscriptions down to the present day. None of the epigraphs, however, furnishes any clue as to the circumstances which led to the choice of this name.
223
The subjoined inscriptions A. to E.1 are the earliest records of the temple and are selected for publication as they throw some light on the history of a feudatory family, that of the Banas, the members of which appear to have played an important part in Southern India in ancient times: a general note on the history of this family is given on pp. 229 to 240, below. Most of the stones on which these inscriptions are engraved were found lying in the court-yard of the temple. The fact that three of them register gifts to the Parasuramiśvara temple may be taken to show that the stones belonged originally to it: perhaps they became detached from the temple when it was built (or rebuilt) during the reign of the Chola king Vikrama-Chola.
The paleography of these records does not call for any special remarks. Attention may, however, be drawn to the fact that two dots placed one above the other are used as a sign of punctuation in line 10 of A. The initial vowel i is written in line 31 of B. and line 25 of D. exactly as in the Grantha portion of the Käsäkuḍi plates of the Pallava king Nandivarman Pallavamalla, while the more common form of the letter occurs in line 52 of the former record. Less important peculiarities are noticed in the footnotes to the text of each of the records. As regards the language, which is Tamil, the only point that deserves to be noted is the use of the phrase chandradityagatam (11. 32 to 35 of B; and 1. 10 of E.) instead of the more common chandradityaval.
A. records a gift of land for a lamp to burn in the Parasuramisvara temple by a certain Mullirkilar who was one of the members of the committee administering the village of Tiruvippirambēdu. The land granted was purchased by the donor from another member of the same committee. In B. a third member of the same committee granted land for removing silt from the tank called Velleri at Tiruvippirambēdu. Ont of the produce of this land were to be met the charges for digging pits in the tank and depositing the silt on the tank-bund. In C. the stone is mutilated on the right side, so that the writing has suffered on three sides of it. The missing letters on the first side can be restored with some certainty, while on the third side restoration is not possible. The object of the grant is consequently not clear; but it probably registers the gift of a lamp. In D. the Bapa queen Mādēvi-adigal granted 30 kalanju of gold from the interest of which was to be met the expenditure on account of twilight offerings and lamps to the Parasuramisvara temple at Tiruvippirambēḍu. The assembly of Tiruvippirambēdu accepted the endowment and undertook to provide twilight offerings and lamps. E. registers a gift of gold by a native of Viramangalam for a perpetual lamp. The amount consisted of twenty kalañju of gold, and the interest on it was calculated at the rate of four mañjāḍi per year for each kalañju. Out of the interest amounting to 4 kalañju, 180 nali of ghee was to be purchased at the rate of 45 nali for each kalanju. At one uri of ghee per day, 180 nali would be enough for the whole year. The assembly of Tiruvippirambedu took charge of the endowment and agreed to provide the ghee required every day.
1 These five inscriptions have also been published by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao, M.A, in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL. pp. 104-114. It will be seen that there are some differences both in the readings and in the translations. Further, 11. 46 to 58 of B. are altogether omitted by him and 11. 18 to 43 of C. are left out as they are fragmentary.
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-04, p. 24, No. 212 of 1908.
Compare South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. II. p. 111, note 1.
The expression chandradityagati occurs in an inscription of the Chila king Parakesarivarman at Kujumiya. malai (Nc. 350 of 1904).

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The relationship which the members of the committee or commissioners (ganattar) bore to the village assembly is not clear. In other words, their respective jurisdiction is not known. The commissioners are said to be ruling the village. Two other villages besides Tiruvippirambēdu are at present known to have possessed this constitution, vis. Uttiranmērür, the modern Uttaramallur in the Chingleput district and Aimbaņdi, the modern Ammandi near
TiruvaMam in the North Arcot District. These seem to have been pretty large villages. Perhaps the commissioners were expected to represent the interests of the king.
A.-Inscription of the time of Vikramaditya Māvali-Vāņarāya: dated in the 23rd year of
Nandippottaraiyar.
TEXT. 1 Svasti [11] Sri-Nanti(ndi)
13 r Vēppambola2 ppöst*]taraiyark
14 ppal ivr-ur-kļu3 ku yipdu iru
15 Deganattaru! Ku. 4 battu-mügrā
16 Jaippa[1]ūr-Kka5 vadu Vikkirama
17 niyar [A]gpisa[r]mma6 ditte(tta)-Māvali
18 vilaisråva[v]ai7 Vāņarāyar Vadu
19 yil virra kon8 gavaļi-mērku
20 do ivv-ir Perasu9 Prithiviräjyan
21 ra(rā)misvarattu Mahādē. 10 jeys:5 Tiruvi[p]pira
22 varkku tiruvilak11 mbēd-alun-gana
23 ku-ney-ppuram-[a]12 ttära! Mullir-killa)
24 ga kuduttar [lo] 25 ivv-or sabhaiyömmum innilatté ivv-tr-ch[che]kk-n!(!]ya ellám 26 nattaettiruvilakkukkêy våya eņņai koļvadaga=ppaụittom? [11]
TRANSLATION Hail! In the twenty-third year of the reign) of the glorious Nandippottaraiyar,-while Vikramiditya-Māvali-Vanaraya was ruling over the Vadugavali-mērku (province), Mullirkilár, (one) of the members of the committee (gana) administering (the village of) Tiruvi[p]pirambēdu, purchased by a deed of sales (the field called) Vēppambolappal (from) Kaņiyar Agnisarman of Kulaippalür, (one) of the members of the committee administering this village, and gave (it) to (the god) Mahādēva (Siva) of (the temple of) Parasuramiśvars at this village, as an endowment for (supplying) ghee to the sacred lamp3.9 The assembly of this village
1 South-Ind. Insacra. Vol. III. p. 3.
Ibid. p. 113. (Valachcberi in the North Arcot district was another such village se Nos. 302, 308, 312 and 815 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1911.-H. K. S.)
No. 229 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903. As will be seen from the accompanying photolithographie plate, 11. 1 to 24 are engraved on one of the broad sides of the stone and Il. 25-26 on one of the narrow sides.
• The secondary å of på is a separate symbol. • The risarga is used here as a sign of punctuation; compare South-Ind. Ingers. Vol II. p. 111, note 1. • The aksharas hadë are much smaller than the rest of the inseription.
The pulli which is conspicnous by its absence in the whole inscription is marked on the last letter n.
The term vilai-trävanai occurs twice in a similar context in South Ind. Insers. Vol. 111. p. 106, text-line 5.
. With tirweilakku-ney-ppuram compare ambala-ppuram (above, Vol. 111. p. 285, text-line 7), Mandamine puram (South-Ind. Ingera. Vol. IIl. p. 5, text-line 6), pudukku-ppuram (ibid. p. 7, test-line 8) and woooligai. Ppwww (ibid. p. 18, tert-live 6).

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No. 22.]
FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
225
ordered that all the oil-mills (tekku) of this village shall be set up on this land and the oil required exclusively for the sacred lamps shall be procured (from them). B.-Inscription of the time of Vijayaditya-Mahāvali-Vānariya: dated in the 49th year of
Vijaya-Dantivikramavarman.
TEXT.
On one of the broad faces of the stone. 1 [Sva]sti [11*) Śri-ko-Vi- 9jyañ-joyga Ti
17 allai Nandiku2 ssai]ya-Dantivikki- 10 ruvippiramb[8]
18 ndil-[7]na ser[u] 3 [ra]maparumafku y[8]- 11 d=aļon=ganat
19 ivv-or Ve[?]4 ndu nārpatto12 tāru! Kaliyama
20 ļēriykku e5 abadāvadu Vi13 ngilan-gilar
21 richcheruvsåga 6 jaiyāditta-Ma14 Ayyappo[r]
22 vaittên [18] i 7 hāvali-Va[na]15 riyèn enga
23 dir=bhoga[0]= 8 rāyar prithivira16 | Tumbaņēri
24 gonda i-v
On one side of the same. 25 [ve][!]e32 rmmañ-cha
39 latti26 riyi[1] 33 ndrådi
40 nap 1000+ 27 kuli kut3-4 tyagata
41 aśvame28 ti attu35 najel
42 dhanajey29 vadäga 36 vadãy
43 da palap 30 vaitte37 ttu [lo] i
44 peruvi 31 n [1*] is-ddha38 ddharman-je
45 r [1] On another side of the same. 46 id=ali51 tu-ppada
56 o mudi47 ttan 52 vår [lo] i-ddha
57 mēli48 Vårapāśio 53 rmmam rakshi
58 na [ll] 49 alitta
54 ttap 50 p påvat
55 adi e
TRANSLATION. Hail ! In the forty-ninth year of the glorious king Vijaya-Dantivikramaverman,-while Vijayāditya-Mahāvali-Vāņarāys was ruling over the earth,-I, Ayyapporri, the headman (kisar) of Kaliyamangalam, (one) of the members of the committee administering (the village of) Tiruvippirambēļu, gave the field called Nandikundil in (the tank) Tumbaņēri of our
It is also possible that the reading is fékk-ullana (instead of fekk-wllana), in which case the translation would be "all (the crops) for which the fields of this village are (it) shall be raised on this field, and the oil required for the sacred lamps shall be purchased (out of the produce)."
* No. 226 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903.
• This initial vowel i is written m in the Grantha portion of the Kifikudi plates. The more usual form occurs in 11. 87, 46 and 52 below.
• This symbol for one thousand occurs in one of the Nånaghat inscriptions. This line has been read by Mr. Gopinatha Rao usarai, which is probably a printer's mistake for gårai. The reading sarai is unlikely sus the symbol for ai, in other cases where it occurs in the inscription (11. 6, 32 and 80), is not separated from the consonant to which it belongs. Besides the accusative garai would be wrong and would have to be corrected into nag or när.
This side of the stone is damaged, but no letters have suffered on that account.
• The length of på is added to the right of 5 and ge up: compare South-Ind. Insors. Vol. I. p. 114 and Vol. II. p. 200, note 1. 1 The vowel is almost a semicircle with loop at the left ond.
2G

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226
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
į Vol. XI.
(village) to the tank called) Vellēri of this village, as the tank-field (@rich.cheruvu). I gave (it) so that they may dig pits in this Velleri (tank) and deposit (the silt on the buud)(puying the charges) from the proluce (Whöga) of this field).
This charity has to last (as long as the moon and the sun endure. One who maintains this charity shall obtain the merit of having performed one thousand horse-sacrifices. Ono who destroys it shall incur the sin of ruining Väravasi. The feet of one who protects this charity shall be oz my head. C.-Inscription of the time of Vanavidyādhara-Mahabali-Vänarāya : dated in the 24th
year of Nripatunga.
TEXT.
On the first side of the stone. 1 Sva[stji [ll] [Sri*].
9 ra-pratihárikrita 2 Nri[paj[tun*]
10 sri-Mahābali3 gar[ku y][ũn"]
11 kul-otbhava(odbhava), 4 du iruba[ttu-nă*]
12 sri-Vāņavi5 1[&]vadu [st [kaln].
13 jyādhara-Mah[@]6 jagat-tray-abhi").
14 bali-Vana7 vandita-(sul r-asur-).
15 rāyar Vaduga8 dhisu-Paramo sva
On the second ssile of the stone. 16 valiyin merku pr[i] (pri)thiviräjyaň-jeyya -Ttiruvëngada-k17 köttattu-[ChJchilai-nātu-Ttiruvirppirambettu sabhai
On the third side of the stone. 18 . .rkka
30 . . ga i-pparu19 . . . m vi[v]
31. lisada-mutțămė20 . .d[a]va[na]r
32 [pa]du yêttuv[0]21 . Dariyala
33 [m]anom sabh[ai). [la] těya
34 yom [1*] ippa[ru] 23 . pop
adit[t]anur 24 . . ti oru-vi
36 ñ-jandiranu. . ira(o)
37 mm=allala [va]26 . . . [yu]m[m]o
38 m uduvoma. .[nayyu[m]
39 nom i-ppa28. mörum o
40 ro[s]a mattinar[u]. yum . yu
On the fourth side of the stone. 41... ivan uttaman dha[r]mmamáva
mbetta sabheyèm [*] i-ddha. . .ttan pådam en talai mela [ll"]
No. 228 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903. As will be seen from the accompanying photolithographie plate, 11.1 to 15 and 18 to 40 are engraved on the two broad sides of the stone and the rest of the inscriptions on the two narrow sides.
. The secondary à is added to the y at the bottom. • One or more lines of the inscription are completely broken at the top of this side of the stone. • A few akalaras are lost at the beginning of each line on this side of the stone. . Read sabhaiyom.

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No. 22.7
FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
227
. TRANSLATION. Hail! In the twenty-fourth year of the reign of the glorious Nripatungan,--while the illustrious Vāņavidyadhara-Mahābali-Vāņarāya, born in the prosperous race of Mahābali who had been made door-keepers by the lord of gods and demons, Paramēśvara (Siva), who is worshipped in all the three worlds, was ruling the west of Vadugavali, (the members of) the assembly of Tiruvirpirambēļu in Silai-nādu (a subdivision of Tiruvēngada-kottam
[The rest of the inscription is too fragmentary to be translated.]
D.-Inscription of the time of Vijayāditya-Mdhābali-Vāņarāya : dated Saka 820.1
TEXT.
On the first side of the stone. 1 [Svasti sri [l*] Saka
11 [r Vi*]jayāditta-Mahā2 [la*]-jagat-tray-a
12 [ba][li]-Vāņarāyar pri[thi]. 3 [bhiva*]ndita-sur-ásu
13 virá*]jyan-jeyya Sa4 [r-adhi*]śa-Paramēśva
14 [kar] [y]āņdu en5 [ra-pra*]tibărikrita-M8
15 [ņū]rr-irubadāvadu 6 [hā*][ba]li-kul-otbha
16 (Ti*]ruvippirambēt7 [va*](odbhava)-[sri]-Vāņavi
17 [tu*] Paraśurāmisva[ra]ga8 [dyā*][dhajrar Mahādēvi
18 [rat*]tu-pperumāņadi9 [adiga*]!=ăgina Māraka
19 [ga]!ukku sandhya-kālattu 10. [m]madiga| magaņā
On the second side of the stone. 20 (tiro]va[mu]dukkum nandāvilakku onrukkum-aga-kkuļutta sembon 21 mappadin kalañju [1] i-ppon Mādēvi-adiga! pakkal ivv-ur sa22 bb[ai]yon-gondu i-ppopnukku=ppoli-ättäga tiruvamudukku nisadam i
On the third side of the stone.
[One or more lines are mutilated here.] 23 [da]ñ=jelatta
29 [tom®] [sa]bhaiyom [1"] 24 [VO]māņom sa[bh]ai
30 [id=2]or-enrom Ga25 [yo*]m [*] Si-ddha . . . . 31 []gai-idai-Kkuma26 . . . . .
32 [ri-i*]dai-chcheyda . 27 [ko]odu [se]lusttu)
33 [se*]yda påpattu=[p]28 [vada ]ga oțţi-kkuļut
34 [pado*]vārāņār [11*]
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! In the year of the sakas, eight hundred and twenty, when [Viljayāditya-Mehā[ba]li-Vänerāga, son of Mahādēvi-Adigal alias Märaka.. madigal,
No. 223 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903. • The secondary à is added to the right of y.
* If my reading be correct, the old form of i is used here as in the Granths portion of the Kasaku di grant; South-Ind. Insers. Vol. II. plate facing p. 351, text-line 108. • This line is doubtful. Perhaps the reading is
25 . i-ddharmmam patma
26 hēfvarar y=kkaik. The à of ro is a separate symbol instead of being added to the rain modern Tamil; compare South Ind. Insors. Vol. III. p. 90.
262

Page #261

228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
(queen) of the glorious Vāņavidyājdhara, born from the race of Mahabali who had been made door-keepers by the lord of gods and demons, Paramēšvara (Śiva), who is worshipped in all the three worlds, was ruling the earth, - thirty kalaiju of pare gold were given for a perpetual lamp and offerings at twilight to the god (perumānadiga!) of (the temple called) Paraśurāmisvaragaram at Tiruvippirambēdu. We, (the members of) the assembly of this village received this gold from (the queen) Mädēvi-Adiga! ..... every day for offerings as interest for this
gold.
[A portion of the inscription is here lost.] We, (the members of) the assembly shall pay .......... We, (the members of) the assembly agreed and gave [that we shall pay ...... Those who deny this shall be guilty of the sins committed by all sinners between the Ganges and Kumari.
E.-Inscription of the time of Vijayāditya-Vanaraya: dated Saka 827.9
TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [1]*] Sa[kar] yān. 2 du 8[2]7 (avaldu Vi3 jayaditta-Vā[ņa]rāya4 [r) pri(th]uvirajyan-[j]eyya5 Ttiruvēngada-kkoţ[ta]ttu=Chchilai6 nāțţu=Ttiruvirpirambēţtu 7 (sabhaiyo]m [a]dig(ari) Viramanga8 lan-[gi]la[n]-Rāli-pakkal [e øgalar(ūr)=P9 parasi[rāmi]śvaragaratt[u]=ppir[a]gärkku10 ch[cha]ndirădittagata[m] Da[nd]āvilak11 [ka e]rip padar]ku ko[o]da pon 12 [i-p*]pop mudal [i]rabadin kala13 [no]jinall-anduvarai [na]lu manj[á]14 [dioppalisaiyār-pop [n]@x=kalaũji15 når-kalaõjukku närpatt[au]y-nnali16 ppadi narrenbadi-nali n[@]yyal 17 nisadi uriy ney ko[n]du nanda18 vilakku muttămait erip[po]manom [18] 19 muttir-Kangaiy-idai-Kkama[ri]y-idai-chche20 ydår seyda pa(pā)vam pa[du]vomän. 21 m sa[bhaiyo]
m ill
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! In the year of the sakas 8[2]7, while Vijayāditya-Vāņarāya was rnling the earth-we, (the members of) the assembly of Tiruvirpirambēdu in Silai-nidu, (a subdivision of Tiruvēngada-kottam, received gold from the magistrate (adigars) Tali, the headman of Viramangalam, for burning (one) perpetual lamp, as long as the moon and the sun endure, to the god (pirānār) of the temple called) Parasurāmisvaragaram in our village. The interest on this gold--the capital of twenty kalanju-is four kalasju of gold annually, at the rate
1 Another translation of the passage is : "Son of Marska.. madigal, who was the great queen maladiniAdigal) of the glorious Váņavidyadhara."
No. 224 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903.
The akshara fi Gi) is corrected from fu. • Above the akshara fa is a secondary i which seems to have been erased by the engraver himself.

Page #262

FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
No. 22.]
of four mañjādi (for each kalañju). One hundred and eighty nali (may be purchased annually) for (this amount) at the rate of forty-five nali of ghee for (each) kalañju. We shall without obstruction burn a perpetual lamp with one uri of ghee daily. If there be any obstruction, we (the members of) the assembly shall incur the sin committed by sinners between the Ganges and Kumari.
229
Note on the history of the Bana princes.
Of the foregoing records, the inscription A. is dated during the reign of the Pallava king Nandippōttaraiyarl whose feudatory was the Bana chief Vikramaditya-Mavali-Vāṇarāyar. B. belongs to the time of the Ganga-Pallava king Dantivikramavarman, who had Vijayaditya-Mahāvali-Vanaraya for his feudatory, and C. to that of Nripatunga, who probably belonged to the same family, though the characteristic portions of the names of the kings of that line are here missing. The grant recorded in the latter was made while Vapavidyadhara-Mahabali-Vaṇaraya was governing the Vaḍugavali-merku (province). D. and E. are dated in the Saka era and belong to the time of the Bana chief VijayadityaMabali-Vanaraya. The tract of country in which Kalahasti and Guḍimallam are situated belonged to the Pallavas, and it is therefore no matter for surprise that an inscription of that dynasty and two of the Ganga-Pallavas have been found there.
The identity of Nandippottaraiyar of the Guḍimallam inscription A. with Nandivarman Pallavamalla of the Kasākuḍi plates remains doubtful, though not unlikely. As regards Dantivikramavarman, another inscription of his reign dated two years later than his Guḍimallam record has been found at Tiruchchapur near Tirupati ; and we may, for the present, identify him with the first Ganga-Pallava king Dantivarman of the Bahür plates, and Nripatunga with his grandson Nripatunga-Vikramavarman. Earlier inscriptions of the former, ranging from the 10th to the 21st year, have been so far found in the vicinity of Conjeeveram and may be taken to show that his territory was limited. Why the two later inscriptions are found in a different part of the country is a point on which no information is at present forthcoming. His son Nandivikramavarman, too, seems to have been ruling a limited country, to judge from his inscriptions found
1 Mr. Gopinatha Rao identifies Nandippöttaraiyar with Ko-Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman and accordingly concludes that B. is older than A. It will be seen that the photo-lithographs of these two records issued with this paper do not bear out this conclusion. Apart from his wholesale identification of all kings in whose names the word nandi is found as well as of those with danti as part of their names, both of which I consider untenable, even Mr. Gopinatha Rao cannot deny that there were at least two kings with the name Nandivarman, viz. Nandivarman Pallavamalla and Ko-Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman or -Nandivarman. Surely it cannot be contended that Nandivarman Pallavamalla has left no stone inscriptions. And as he is called Nandipõtaraja in the Käsäkuḍi plates, Nandippottaraiyar of A. may for the present be identified with him. This initial mistake of Mr. Gopinatha Rao has led him to other errors in the chronology of the Banas.
The fact that the Saka era is used in them is probably due to the fact that the Ganga-Pallavas had completely collapsed and the overlordship of the Cholas had not yet been recognised in that part of the country. The Banas who had been feudatories of the Ganga-Pallavas had probably not yet made up their minds to transfer their allegiance to the Cholas. Similarly, in a Tiruvallam inscription, we find the Saka date 810 given and no overlord of the Bana chief is mentioned (South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III. p. 95). Other Tamil epigraphs which are dated in the Saka era are Nos. 338 and 356 of 1902 (Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. pp. 136 and 137) and No. 426 of 1903 (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1903-04, paragraph 20). One of the inscriptions of the Chola king Virarajendra I. is dated in the Baka year coupled with the cyclic year (No. 273 of 1904). A record of Parantaka I. found at Gramam in the South Arcot District is dated in the Kaliyuga era and gives the number of days that had actually elapsed on a certain day during the reign of the Chola king (Ep. Ind. Vol. VIII. p. 261). Another of Parakesarivarman UttamaChola found at Tiruvidaimarudur in the Tanjore District is also dated in the Kaliyuga era (Madras Epigraphical Report for 1907-08, paragraph 53).
See the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1906-07, Part II, paragraph 38.
No. 262 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904.
See the Director-General's Annual for 1906-07, Part II, p. 238, note 7.

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230
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vou. Xi.
so far. Nandivarman's son Nripatanga was evidently the most powerful king of the family, as his inscriptions are found both in the ancient Pallava territory and in the Chola country. Iu fact, it Inay bo presumed that the Ganga-Pallavas occupied a comparatively insignificant position during tho reign of the first two kings. This partly accounts for the fact that the descendants of the original Pallavas of Conjeeveram continued until a very late period side by side with the Ganga-Pallavas.
Apart from the Pallavas and the Ganga-Pallaras, the five subjoined records throw considerable light on the history of a feudatory family which played an important part in the ancient history of Southern India. These are the Bānas, who traced their descent to the demon Mahabali.
They claim to be lords of Nandagiri, i.e. Nantidroog in the Chik-Ballāpur tāluka, Kõlār District, Mysore State, and their traditional capital, the place of origin claimed by them, was Parivipura, regarding which plaie see p. 31 below. The iuscriptions of this family have been found in the northern portioa of the North Arcot District and in the Kõlar District of the Mysore State. They seem to have been the gardians of the Pallara and Ganga-Pallava territories in the north and often figure in cattle-rails and similar frontier wars.
The earliest mention of the Banns is in the Tālgund pillar inscription of the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman. Here it is said that Mayīraśarman, the first Kadamba king, who may be assigned roughly to the 5th century A.D., levied tributo from the great Bāna' who was perhaps a Pallava foadatory. We are not told deSnitely where the great Biņa's' dominion lay.
The country ruled over by the Banas is called in thrīt pathuk paschimata kshitih, the land to the west of the Andhra road (or of the country called Andhrapatha),' in Sanskrit in the Udayēndiram grant of Vikramaditya II; Vadugavali-mērku in A. above; Vadugavaliyin mērku in C. above; the Vadugavali twelve-thousand in a Tiruvallam inscription of VijayaNandirikramavarmnu ;? Vadugavali 12,000 and Manne 200 in a record from the vicinity of Panganur in the North Arcot District;S and "the twelve-thousand villages in the AndhraMandala" in the Mudiyanür plates, profossing to be dated in A.D. 338.9 The last mentioned record is spurious, but there scems to be no objection to admit its evidence on the geographical point.
Perumbānappādi, which occurs in later Tamil inscriptions, was apparently another name for the Barn territory. This province seems to have extended from Punganur in the west to Kalahasti in the cast. The river Palär probably formed the southern boundary of the province in ancient tinies.10 None of the foregoing terms make it clear if the Biņa dominions formed part of the Andhra country, or were situated to the west of it, or should be looked for to the west of
road running from the Tamil to the Vaduga, Andhra or Telugu, country. The question is further complicated by the absence of any definite boundaries of the Andhra country that could be
See above, Vol. VIII. p. 293. See the Director-General's Annual for 1906-07, Part II, p. 239 f. Madras Epigraphical Report for 1906-07, paragraph 45.
. Above, Vol. VIII. p. 35. The Brihad. Bana of verse 15 corresponds to the term Perum. Bana of the territorial term Perumba nappadi which appears to denote the Biņa dominions.
From the way in which he is here meutioned it looks as if bis dominions were not very far from Sriparvatam, i.e. Srisailam in the Kurnool District.
6 Above, Vol. 111. p. 76, text-line 21. 1 South-Ind. Inscrs. Yol. III. p. 90.
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1906-07, Part II, paragraph 45.
. Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 175. Dr. Fleet has told me that the real reading is not Andhramandal: dvadasao but Andhramandaladeadafasahasragräma-sampadita, etc., " lord of the seven and a half lakh country sopple. mented by the Andhranandala twelve-tbousand villages."
10 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1906-7, Part II. paragraph 45.

Page #264

No. 22.]
FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
23
easily recognised and identified. On the analogy of the terms Dakshinatha and Uttarāpatha, Andhrapatha, which actually occurs in the Mayidavõlu plates with barakada or Amaravati as its capital (or one of its towns), may be taken to be a synonym of Vudujavali occurring in Tamil inscriptions. In this case, it is not clear why the Banas are said in some of the records to be ruling the western portion of it, and not the whole of it as the others make us believe. Besides, Perambūnappādi, wlich seems to have been another name of the Bana territory, and which has been tentatively located in the northera portion of the modern North Arcot District, could not have formed part of the Andhra country. On the other hand, we have reason to suppose that it was included in Tondai-nadu or-mandalam, also called Dråvida.The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsiang who visited India in the 7th centary A.D. locates Andhra in the modern Godavari and Kistna districts. Varahamihira's location of Andhra in the 6th century A.D. also takes us to the same locality. The tract of country in which the inscriptions of the family have been found, i.e. the northern portion of the North Arcot District and a part of the Kolar District of the Mysore State, would correspond to the Perumbånappadi of Tamil inscriptions, but cannot be in the west of the Andhra country, nor form any part of it, as implied in the term Vadugavali-mērku, Vadugavaliyin mērku and Andhrāt pathah paschimatch. Consequently we have to suppose, at least provisionally, either that there was a road leading to the Andhra country (perhaps from Drávida) or that the country which lay between Andhra and Dravida was called Vadugavali, as the road to the Andhra country lay through it, and it was the country to the West of this road or tho western portion of it that was ruled by the Banas. There is still a third possibility. It may be supposed that the name Vadugarali-mērku or its equivalent was the name correctly applied to the Baņa dominions in very early times. Then they were probably ruling, as Pallava feudatories, a portion of the modern Ceded districts which would be situated to the west of the Andhra country. That this is not altogether a wild conjecture is shown by the fact that the Pallava dominions originally extended into the Ceded districts and that the Baņas were also ruling some frontier province in that part of the country during the time of the Kadamba king Mayūraśarman. With the rise of the Chalukyas of Badami in the 7th century, the Pallavas appear to have been driven out of the Teluga country and it may be supposed that the Baņas were forced into the northern portion of the North Arcot District. This province they continued to call Vadugavali or Vadugavali-mērku, though it was no longer to the west of the Andhra country,
Their traditional capital seems to have been Parivipuri (corrupted into Prapuri), Parivai, Parigipura or Parvipura. This place has not yet been identified. The form Parigipura may be taken to show that it may be identified with Parigi in the Hindupur tiluka of the Anantapur District. This capital is mentioned for the first time in tho Sholinghur rock-inscription of Parantaka I. It may, therefore, be assumed that Parivipura became the chief town of the Banas
Above, Vol. VI. p. 88.
See the Director-General's Annual for 1906-7, Part II. p. 238, note 2. • Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 217 f. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 173.
$ The Western Gangas called themselves lords of Kuvaļālapura though their capital was Talakad. The Telugu-Cbodas claimed to be lords of Uraiyur, though their dominions lay in the Telugu country. Similarly, local families claiming descent in the Pallavs race called themselves lords of Kanchipura and devotees of the goddeus Kämakötyambika (i.e. the Kamakshi temple at Conjeeveram). In the same way, the Banas might have applied the original name of their territory to any district occupied by them in later times. See also pp. 238 and 239 below.
Mr. Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 122.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 221. Here the forma Parivai and Prapuri occur. Pariripuri necurs in the Udayêndi. ram plates of Prithivipati II. (South-Ind. Insers. Vol. II. p. 388) and Parigipura in an inscription of the Bapa chief Aggaparijs (Nellore Inscriptions by Messrs. Butterworth and Venugopaul Chetty, p. 1201) and Parivaipura in No. 86 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1900 (Annual Report for 1906-7, Part II. paragraph 46). The form Paroi is furnished by No. 194 of the same collection for 1899 (
4 ual Report for 1899-1900, paragraph 85).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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after they were reduced to the position of Chola feudatories. Tiravallam in the North Arcot District seems to have borne the other name Vanapuram, and it is not unlikely that it was one of the important towns, if not the capital, of the Båņa territory. Long after the Baņas ceased to be rulers, members of the family claimed to be lords of Parivipura and Nandagiri. The Båna crest was a ball, and their banner bore the emblem of a black-buck, while their drum was called Praisācha. Mahabali, the progenitor of the Bāņas, is said to have been made door-keeper by the lord of gods and demons, Paramēśvara (Siva) worshipped in all the three worlds.
The Udayëndiram grant of Vikramaditya II, furnisbes the following genealogy of the Båņas for eight generations :
Bali.
Bana.
Banadhiraja.
Jayanandivarman, who ruled the land west of the Audhra country
Vijayaditya.
Malladēva alias Jagadēkamalla.
Bånavidyadhara
Prabhumēradēva.
Vikramaditya I.
Vijayaditya II. Pagalvippavarganda.
Vijayaba hu-Vikramaditya II., "dear friend of Kfishuaraja".
South-Ind. Inscrs. Vol. III, p. 89. See e.g. Madras Epigraphical Report for 1899-1900, paragraph 85.
These are mentioned for the first time in the Udayondiram plates of the Ganga-Bāņa king Prithivipati II. (South-Ind. Insors. Vol. II. p. 388, verse 24.)
• The expression sakala-jagat-tray-abhipandita-sur-sur-adhisa-Paramērpara-pratihari-krita-Mahabali. kniõdoharali translated by Mr. Rice, on the strength of some Kanarese tradition, "born of the family of Mahýbali, who had made Paramiśvara, lord of gods and demons worshipped in all the three worlds, (his) door-keeper;" Ep. Carn. Yol. X. p. ii, noto 5.
Above, Vol. III. p. 74 f.
• The title Pugalvippavarganda wu also borne by a brother-in-law of the Chola prince Räjidity, son of Parabtaks I. (above, Vol. VII. p. 134). This Pagalvippavarganda is called Ilidarija (i.6. chief of Virita or Berar) (Madras Epigraphical Report for 1906-7, Part II, paragraph 65). His son Virs-Chola was contemporary of the Chola king Rajaraja I. and made a gift to the Jaina shrine at Picbapandavamalai in the North Aroot District (above Vol. IV. p. 139).

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FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
233
As the last of them, Vikramaditya II., is said to have been the "dear friend of Kộishṇarāja," who is no doubt identical with the Rashtrakūta king Krishna II. (A.D. 883 to 911-12), we may assign him roughly to the beginning of the 10th century A.D. This would carry Jayanandirarman, the earliest known member of the family, to about the end of the 7th century A.D. But the Udayéndiram plates tell us that Jayanandivarman came to the throne after "many" Bāna princes had passed away. The antiquity of the family is carried farther by the Talgunda inscription of Kākusthavarman, which, as I have already noted, reports that Mayūruśarman, the first Kadamba king, levied tribute from the great Bapa." Thus the history of the family is carried back to the 5th century A.D.
According to the Tamil poem Manimegalai, the queen of the Chola king Nedumudikkilli was Sirtti, daughter of a descendant of Māvali. This is apparently a reference to the Bana family. Sirtti was also called Rājamādēvi and she had a son named Udayakumara. The time when the Bana father-in-law of the Chola king flourished, cannot be made out satisfactorily at prosent. But it may be presumed that the former is earlier than Jayanandivarman, the first Baņa king mentioned in the Udayendiram plates.
No authentic records of the earlier kings of the family have come down to us. Of Konganivarman, the progenitor of the Gangas of Kölār, it is said that he was anointed to conquer the Bāņa-mandala. It may be presumed that this statement gives pointed expression to the hostility which generally existed between the Gongas aud Baras in their later history, particularly during the period of supremacy of the Rashtrakūtas of Malkhed who were the suzerain lords of the Western Gangas.
A stone inscription of the Ganga king sri-Madhava-Muttarasa at Tallapalli' which Mr. Rice assigns approximately to A.D. 725,6 refers to his expedition against Mahāvali-Bānarasa and to a battle at Köyāttur, i.e. the modern Laddigam in the Panganur Zamindari. At Kendatti-Madivāla in the Kolár District is a stone inscription of Nitimärga-Kongonivarman (KI. 79) wbich Mr. Rice assigas to about A.D. 890. The Ganga king's feudatory Nolambadhi. rāja of the Pallava family is here said to have ordered a general of his to fight against the Bapa
South-Ind. Ingers., Vol. III. p. 92. ? Above, Vol. VIII. pp. 24 ff.
: He also bore the otber names Killi-Valavan, Marankilli, Vadivārkilli and Venrörkilli and is said to have wedded Näga princess named Pilivaļai. It is believed that he fought a battle on the bank of the river Kiri against the Chēras and Pandyas. The Chola king als overcame the former by besieging. Karavür. It was apparently during his reign that Kavirippumpattinam, the Chla capital, was destroyed by a tidal wave. The king is said to have died at a place called Kulamurram and he was known in later times as "Killivalavan, who died at Kulamurram." In the Tamil anthology known as Puranānāru, there are 18 pieces in his honour composed by ten poets. In the note appended to each of these poems is mentioned this name of the king which does not figure in the body of the poen. Consequently, the assumption that these ten poets were contemporaries of the king is based on tradition current at the time when the notes were added. In the absence of definite information as to the authenticity of the tradition on which the notes are based, it is safer to abstnin from drawing any historical conclusions from them. The anthology in which these 18 poems are included is believed to have been compiled by & port named Perandovanar, who probably flourished in the 8th or 9th century A.D. (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1898-99, paragraph 16). The date A.D. 105-120 for KilliValavan assigned by the late Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai is based on the Singbalese chronicles, whose chronology in far from satisfactory. Without being dogmatic on the point, I would leave the chronology of early Tamil literature an open question until indisputable evidence is available on the point. For a tentative date of the Chola king Karikals, who was the grandfather of Killi-Valavan according to Mr. Kanakasabbai, see the Director-General's Annual for 1906-7, Part II, p. 224, note 1 ; and p. 225, Dote 10.
• South-Ind. Interr., Vol. II. p. 897, verse 13. Ep. Carw. Vol. X. Kõlar, Bp. 13.
En Carn. Vol. X. Introduction, p. vi. The date given for the same record on p. 137 of the Translation is "about 890 A.D."

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[VOL. XI.
king (Banarasa). At Bangavaḍi in the same district is a Bana epigraph which refers to the capture by the Permanaḍigal (i.e. the Western Ganga king), of Mabarajara-nad which belonged to the Bana chief (Mb. 228). That the Gangas and the Banas were also occasionally on friendly terms is shown by the marriage of the Ganga princess Kundavvaiyar, daughter of Prithivipati I., with the Baua king Baṇavidyadhara."
The kings mentioned in the stone inscriptions bear several names, and, consequently, it is often very difficult to identify them with those in the foregoing genealogical table. Though we have reason to suppose that the Bapas were feudatories of the Pallavas, the references to them in Pallava inscriptions are very few. In A. above, Vikramaditya-Mavali-Vanaraya, governing the Vaḍugavali-mērku, figures as a feudatory of the Pallava king Nandippōttaraiyar, who may be identical with Nandivarman Pallavamalla, the last powerful king of the Pallavas. If this be the case, the Bana king Vikramaditya under reference, cannot be identified with Vikramaditya I. of the foregoing table. One of the earlier kings must have borne the surname Vikramaditya; perhaps Baṇavidyadhara, or his predecessor.
After the downfall of the Pallavas of Conjeeveram, their empire seems to have been split up, and we find the Banas playing a very important part in all the frontier wars. The GangaPallava king Narasimha-Vikramavarman, whose initial date has been placed by Dr. Fleet between A.D. 760-70, had a feudatory named Skanda-Baṇadhiraja. At Bangavaḍi in the Mulbagal taluka of the Kolar District is an inscription recording the death of a servant of this king on the occasion of a cattle-raid. Vijaya-Skandasishya-Vikramavarman of the Rayakōṭa plates, who may have been a successor of Narasimha-Vikramavarman, also had a Rapa feudatory.5 Danti-Vikramavarman (B. above) had Vijayaditya-Mahavali-Vanaraya for his feudatory. This Vijayaditya must be earlier than Vijayaditya II., in the foregoing table. Dantivikramavarman's son and successor Nandivikramavarman had Vikramaditya-Mavali-Vanaraya for his feudatory in the 17th year of his reign and an unnamed Mavali-Vanaraya in the 62nd year of his reign. The former has perhaps to be identified with Vikramaditya I., as we have some reason to suppose that Nandivikrama married a daughter of the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I. (814-15 to 877-78).8 This Vikramaditya is probably identical with Bapavidyadhara who married a daughter of the Western Ganga Prithivipati I., another contemporary of the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha 1.9 The Bapa contemporary of Nandivikrama's son Nripatunga was Vaṇavidyadhara-Mahabali-Vanaraya according to C. above. As Professor Hultzsch has tentatively identified the Pirudi-Gangaraiyar, mentioned in the Ambur inscriptions as a feudatory of Nripatunga, with the Ganga Prithivipati I.,10 it may be supposed, at least for the present, that this Vapavidyadhara is identical with the son-in-law of the Ganga king Prithivipati I.
The accompanying table shows at a glance the synchronisms of the Banas, the Pallavas and the Ganga-Pallavas :
Bāņas.
Pallava. Nandippottaraiyar (23rd year).
1. Vikramaditya Mavali-Vanaraya, feudatory of
1 Kl. 235, Bp. 48 and Bp. 86 of the Kölär volume mention a Mahavali Banarasa ruling the Ganga 6,000 province. The first two are assigned by Mr. Rice to about A.D. 890 and the third to about A.D. 770. These inscrip tions may imply a temporary occupation of the Ganga country by the Banas; see Ep. Carn. Vol. X. Introduc tion, p. vi.
South-Ind. Insers. Vol. III. p. 99.
Above, Vol. V. p. 160. The first member of the name Skanda-Bänädhiraja might denote his overlord.
Above, Vol. VII. p. 23: see also Ep. Ibid. Vol. V, p. 52.
8 Above, Vol. IV, p. 181.
Carn. Vol. X. Kōlär, Mb. 228.
South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III. p. 94. South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III. p. 99.
1 Ibid. p. 91.
10 Above, Vol. IV. p. 182.

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No. 22.]
FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
Bāņas.
2. Skanda-Baṇādhiraja
3. Mavali-Vanaraya
feudatory of
do.
do.
4. Karoniri-Baparja
5. Vijayaditya-Mahvali-Vanaraya
6. Vikramaditya (I.) Mavali-Vaparāya do.
7. Mavali-Vanaraya
do.
8. Vanavidyadhara-Mahabali-Vaparaya do. 9. Mahavali-Vaṇaraya, Saka-Samvat 810.2
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
Ganga-Pallavas.
Vijaya-Narasimhavarman. Vijaya-Skandadiahya-Vikramavar
man.
Vijaya-Ivaravarman.1 Vijaya-Dantivikramavarman (49th
year).
Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman (17th
year).
Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman (62nd
year).
Nripatunga (24th year).
235
10. Vijayaditya-Mavali-Vanaraya, son of 8, Saka-Samvat 820, 827, 831.3
11. Vikramaditya (II), contemporary and "dear friend" of Krishnaraja, i.e. the Rashtrakutaking Krishna II. (A.D. 888 and 911-12).
The inscriptions discovered in the Punganur Zamindari of the North Arcot District mention Mahavali-Bapara sa-Vikramaditya-Bauakandarpa-Jayamēru, Mahavali-Vanarasa-Baṇavidyadhara and Mabavali-Vanarasa-Vijayaditya-Virachula nani-Prabhumēru. One of the records of the first of these kings refers to a battle fought at Soremați, where the Bana opposed, on behalf of the Permanaḍi (i.e. the Western Ganga king ?), the Nolamba (king ?) and Rachamalla and Mayindadi. A viragal at Madanapalle in the Cuddapah District refers to a battle at the same place, which probably took place during the reign of the Vaidumba king Ganda-Triņētra. A stone at Bangavaḍi in the Kōlär District refers to an encounter between the same parties. If the Rachamalla in these viragals was a Ganga, he may be identified with the Satyavakya Kongunivarma-Permanaḍi Rajamalla, whose final date is about A.D. 870-71.7 If this identification be correct, the date of the Mahivali-Baparasa of the Pubganür inscriptions. may be taken roughly as the middle of the 9th century A.D.
According to the Gülgänpode epigraphs, Vikramaditya, who has been identified by Dr. Flect and Professor Hultzsch with Vikramaditya I. (No. 6 in the foregoing genealogical table) was also called Jayamēru. It may, therefore, be concluded that the above mentioned MahavaliBanarasa-Vikramaditya-Banakandarpa-Jayamēru is identical with Vikramaditya (No. C in the preceding table of synchronous kings). Perhaps the Mahavali-Vanarasa-Baṇavidyadhara mentioned in another Punganur inscription is also identical with Vikramaditya I. In the two Gülganpode inscriptions, reference is made to a commander named Prabhumēru, who might have been a general called after the father of Vikramaditya I. It is, however, not unlikely that Vijayaditya-Virachūļāmani-Prabhumēru mentioned above is identical with Vijayaditya II., in which case the Prabhumeru of the Gülgänpode records might be the son of Vikramaditya I. This identification receives some support from the fact that, in one of the Gülgänpode tablets, it is said that, by order of Prabhumēru, a hero fought against the Kaduvatți force, while in the Punganur record of Vijayaditya reference is made to a raid on Köyatür, i.e. Laddigam in the Punganur Zamindari, by Kaḍuvațți-Muttarasa.10
As Vikramaditya II. was a friend of Krishnaraja, who has been identified with the Rashtrakuta Krishna II. (A.D. 888 and 911-12), it may be concluded that the Vijayaditya. 1 Above, Vol. VII. p. 25.
2 South-Ind. Insers., Vol. III. p. 95.
No. 543 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1906.
5 No. 295 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905.
6 Above, Vol. VII. p. 23.
Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 39 and Ep. Carn. Vol. X. Kōlar, Sp. 5, 6. South-Ind. Inscrs. Vol. III. p. 99.
10 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1906-7, Part II., paragraph 45.
No. 99 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1899.
Above, Vol. V. P. 153.
2H 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
son of Bapavidyadhara, mentioned in D. and E. above, must be identical witb Vijayāditya II. This identification, if confirmed by future researches, would show that Vikramaditya I. also bore the surname Baņayid yadbara-a fact already sa mised by Dr. Fleet from the Gulgänpode records.
The fact that the two Guļimallam inscriptions of Vijayāditya are dated in the Saka era and that they mention no overlord is significant : the dates are Saka-Samvat 820 and 827 corresponding to A.D. 897-98 and 904-5. We have another date for the same king in an inscription at Mapigatia-Gollarahalli :1 here the Bāņa prince Bejeyitta-Bāņarasa is said to be ruling in Šaka-Samvat 831, corresponding to A.D. 909-10. If this be the case, the Bāņa king Vikram. aditya II. must have assumed the leadersbip of the Baņas towards the close of the reign of the Rashtrakúta king Krishna II. The reasons which must bave led to Vikramaditya's courting the friendship of the Rashtrakūtas may now be examined.
We have already seen that the Gangas and Bāņas were often fighting with one another. At Kendaţti-Madivāļa in the Rolår District is a stone inscription of Nitimārga Konguộivarman which Mr. Rice assigns to about A.D. 890.The Ganga king's feudatory, Nolambadbiraja of the Pallava family, is here said to have ordered a general of his to fight against the Bäņa king (Bāņarasa). Another unnamed Bāņa king is said in a viragal at Bangavāļi in the same district to have opposed a confederacy of the Nolamba king, Rācbamalla, Mayindaļi and Dadiga. At Dharmapuri in the Salem District is a pillar (now removed to the Madras Museum) which recorda a gift by the Pallava king Mahendrādbirāja-Nolamba. The latter claimed to have " destroyed the Mahābali (i.e. Bāņa) family." The inscription is dated in A.D. 892-93. Mabendrädhiraja-Nolamba was the son of Nolambadhirāja by Jāyabbe, the daughter of the Ganga king Rajamalla. As the latter was the grandfather of the Nolamba king Mabēndridhiraja, whose date is A.D. 892, we may identity the Ganga king Rajamalla with the Satya. vákya-Kongupivarma-Permanadi Rajamalla for whom Dr. Fleet gives the date A.D. 840 to 870-71. The Nitimärga-Kongapivarman of the Madivaļa inscription, whose contemporary and feudatory was the Nolamba king Nolambadhiraja, has to be identified with Räjamalla's father Ranavikrama, for whom Dr. Fleet gives the approximate dates A.D.810 to 840. It is just possible that Nolambadhiraja was contemporaneous with both Rajam alla and his father Rapavikrama and fought against the Baņas. We have already seen that the northern portion of the North Arcot District was included in the Baņa dominions. At Vallimalai, which would be almost in the centre of the Båņa territory, we have an inscription of the Ganga king Rājamalla. Of him it is said that, having seen the Vallimalai Lill, he took possession of it and caused a Jaina basti to be made on it. Though it is not stated from whom the Ganga king took possession of the hill, we may suppose that it was wrested from the Baņas. An image of a pupil of the Bana prince's spiritual preceptor is cut in relief on the hill not far from the Ganga inscription. This unfortunately is the only vestige of Baưa rule which is now traceable on the hill. But Mēlpādi, which is only a mile from the hill, is said to have belonged to Perumbāņappādi in the Chola inscriptions found in two Siva temples at the village. It may, therefore, be supposed that the Gangas and Nolambas had joined togethers to fight against the Baņas. The capture of Val?imalai by the Ganga king Rajamalla was effected apparently in the campaiga
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. X. Kõlar, Mb. 229.
Ibid., Kl. 79. In the introduction to the Kolár volume, p. vii, Mr. Rice assigas the Bapa princo mentioned in the inscription to about A.D. 850. . Above, Vol. VII. p. 23.
* Above. Vol. X. p. 56.
Above, Vol. VI. p. 66. Above, Vol. IV. p. 141.
South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III. p. 22, • In the 10th century the relationship between the Gangas and Nolambas seems to have been completely Altered and the Ganga prince Mārasimla II. boasted of having destroyed the Nolambas; above, Vol. V. p. 179.
. The enmity between the Baņas and Nolambas is also indirectly showu by the fact that the Ganga 6,000 district was soiretimes governed by the BADAH nod at other times by the Nolambas; she Kp. Cars. Vol. X., Kõlar, Introduction, PP. vi end vii.

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FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS PROM GUDIMALLAM.
237
against the Baņas. The claim of the Nolamba king Mahendrädbirāja, grandson of the Ganga king Rajamalla, to have destroyed the Mababali family was evidently not an empty boast. Consequently, the Baņas must have been driven to a corner about the time of which we are now speaking
Again, in the Tamil country, the Ganga-Pallavas who had been overlords of the Båņas were evidently tottering at the time. Prior to A.D. 897-98, the date of the earlier Gudimallam inscription (D.), the decisive battle of Tiruppurambiyam must have been fought between the GaðgaPallava Aparajita and the Pandya king Varaguņa. The Cholas nust also have taken the place of the Ganga Pallavas in the tract of country of which we are at present speaking. It Was evidently a time when the Ganga-Pallavas had disappeared from the scene and their place had not been actually taken by the Cholas. Perhaps this was why the two last of the subjoined inscriptions do not mention any overlord, but are dated in the Saka era. This state of things probably continued for some time. For, in Saka-Samvat 831, corresponding to A.D. 903-9, the same Bana prince Vijayāditya II. was ruling, but there is no mention of any over lord in the inscription. Perhaps his son Vikramāditya II. of the Udayêndiram plates repre. sents himself as an independent king for this reason. The political condition of Southern India at the time rendered it necessary for Vikramaditya II. to make friends with some powerful king. As the Bina prince Vijayaditya seems to have ruled until at least A.D. 909, his successor Vikramaditya II. must have assumed the leadership of the Baņas subsequent to that date. In this case, he must have become the friend of Krishṇa II. towards the close of the latter's reign.
Though the Nolamba king Mahendradhiraja claims to have "destroyed" the Båņas, they continued much longer. They appear to have lost their power and influence with the decline of the Ganga-Pallavas. The synchronisms of the Ganga, Båụa and Nolamba dynasties are shown on the accompanying tables :
Sivamára. (A.D. 155-65.)
Sripurasha-Muttarasa.
(A.D. 765-805.)
Śivamára II. (A.D. 805 to 810)
Nitimärga-Konguņivarma
Rapavikrama (About A.D. 810-40.)
Pallavädhiraja
Prithivipati I., contemporary of Amoghavarsha
(A.D. 814-15 to 877-78) and of Nřipatungavikrama.
Satyavákya-Konganivarma
Rajamalla. (4.D. 870-71)
Mårasimha I. Kundavvaiyar Nitimárga Jāyabbe m. to Nolambadhiraja.
m. to Båņavidyadhara, who had by another (?) queen
Märaka .. mmadiga!. Prithivipati II. Vijayaditya (II.)-Mávali-Vanaraya (Saka 820, 827, 831)
Mabendradhiraja-Nolamba, " destroyer of the Bānas"
(A.D. 892). Vikramaditya II., contemporary of Kfishpa II.
(A.D. 888-911-12.) 1 Reference is made in a Båna inseription to an invasion of Kinebi by the Gatga Ring Richamalle. The Bana prince was apparently ruling the Ganga 6,000 district at the time ; 50 Ep. Carn. Vol. X. Kõlar, Bp. 86.
1 Ep. Cars. Vol. X. Kõlar, Introduction, p. vi.
For the Gangas, compare the table given by Dr. Flest, Vol. VI. above, p. 59.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
The subsequent history of this feudatory family is not altogether devoid of interest. How long Vikramaditya II. continued to rule, we have at present no means of ascertaining. Either he or his successor must have been conquered by the Chōla king Parantaka I. in or before A.D. 92122. The latter claims to have uprooted by force two lords of the Baņa kings. We are not, however, told whether he uprooted two Bana kings in succession or simultaneously. Anyhow, he made over the Bana kingdom to his Ganga feudatory Prithivipati II. Hastimalla in or before A.D. 915-16 and called him Sembiyan Mavalivaṇarayan, i.e. " the Mahavalivagaraja (who was a feudatory) of the Chola king." At Yedarur in the Kōlar District of the Mysore State is a stone inscription dated in Saka-Samvat 883 corresponding to A.D. 961 which mentions a Bapa chief named Sambayya as a feudatory of Iriva-Nolamba. Again at Sannamüru in the Podili division of the Nellore District is another stone inscription of the Bapa family. I have read the date tentatively as Saka-Samvat 890 (corresponding to A.D. 968) and the name of the Bapa chief as Aggaparaju. The latter does not mention any overlord and this may be taken to show that he was semi-independent. The date falls into the reign of the Eastern Chalukya king Amma II.6 and is a few years prior to the interregnum in the Vengi country.7 What part, if any, this Bapa king played in the interregnum we have at present no means of ascertaining. We shall not be far wrong if we suppose that the Churaballiraju, who figures in a stone inscription at Konidena (near Narsaraopet in the Guntur District)s was a descendant of Aggaparaju. The inscription of Charaballiraju is dated in Saka-Samvat 1073, corresponding to A.D. 1150-51, which falls into the reign of the Chalukya king Rājarāja II."
In the Tamil districts of the Madras Presidency, the history of the Bapas does not come to an end with their conquest by Parautaka and the transfer of their dominions to their rivals, the Gangas. It has been surmised that the Baņas were originally settled in the Telugu country and that at a later stage in their history they moved into the northern part of the modern North Arcot District but retained the original designation of their territory. After Perumbapappaḍi was transferred to the Gangas, or perhaps at an earlier period in their history, 10 the Banns seem to have moved further south, crossed the river Pålår which seems to have been originally the southern boundary of their territory, and settled on the banks of the river Southern Pennar, calling the new province Vaṇakoppaḍi or Vanagappaḍi. In A.D. 948-9, the Rashtrakuta king
1 South-Ind. Insers. Vol. II. p. 387, verse 9.
2 The Sholinghur rock inscription which refers to this event (above, Vol. IV. p. 225, verse 5) is dated in the 9th year of Parantaka I. corresponding to A.D. 915-6.
3 South-Ind. Insers. Vol. II. p. 389.
Ep. Carn. Vol. X. Introduction, p. viii.
5 Nellore Inscriptions by Messrs. Butterworth and Venugopaul Chetty, p. 1201 ff.
He reigned from A.D. 945 to 970.
7 Above, Vol. VI. p. 349.
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1899-00, paragraph 85. The description of Churaballiraju is as follows: -Sakala-sur-äsur-adhiscara-Paramesvara-pratikarikrita-(Prikrita)-Vafishta-götra-krishna
(krishna)dhraja.
Paisachika-patu-pataha-ghoshana-vrishabha(vrishabha)-la mehchana(lanchhana)-Nandagirinatha Parvi.
puravar-adhisvara-kärmmukha(kärmuka)-Rama-monage-mumkolva-ahita-Dhananjaya-patikitabharaṇa-sahaja.
biyakara-saranagata-vajraprākāra-samaraikamärtta[nda*]-yubhayaraya-kaṭakamu
ne]rva-chelranegal-a gaja
danamalla-kirttigenalla Viraper bba[na]-frimanmahamandalisvara-Churaballiraju.
A later reference to the Banas occurs in the Sanskrit work Prataparudraya sobhushana of Vidyanaths. But this does not throw any light on the history of the family.
10 The name Vanaküvaraiyar occurs already in two inscriptions of the 17th year of the Ganga-Pallava king Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman (above, Vol. VII. p. 139 and No. 302 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1902). Perhaps a small colony of the Bunas moved out of Perumbanappadi soon after the decline of the Pallavas of Conjecreram.
In the time of Rajendra-Chola I, Vanagappadi or Vadagarai. Vanagappadi was called Madurantaka-val. anadu and Kajendra-valanadu during the reign of Kulottunga I; Madras Epigraphical Report for 1906-7, Part II, paragraph 46.

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FIVE BANA INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUDIMALLAM.
239
Krishna IIJ. hnd a Ganga feudatory named Pșithivigangaraiyar, whose wife was the daughter of Vāņakovaraiyar. This may bu taken to show that the province of Vanagappidi had come into existence prior to A.D. 948-9. Krishna III. appears to have made over the province to a Vaidumba feudatory of his, as it figures among the territories administered by the latter. We have, hovover, no reason to suppose that the Būņas were completely driven out of Vanagappadi at the time. The Vänarāja Alaga: aiyan who is mentioned in a Tirumalpuram inscription of Pārthivēndravarman was apparently a member of the family who had settled in the vicinity of Conjeevoram. We have a certain Maravan Narasimhavarman alias RājarājaVāņakovaraiyar, with the usual Baņa titles, as a feudatory of the Chola king Rājarāja I. in an inscription at Jambai in the South Arcot District. The same Bāņa chief built the tank at Nerkunram alius Vayiramoga-chaturvēdimangalam. In an inscription of a Chola king named Karikāla, whose time is at present unknown, reference is made to a certain Vāņakovaraiyar Viraparumar (i.e. Viravarman).
In later times there was a chief named Ponparappiņa Vāņakövaraiyar, a fendatory or officer of Sakalabhuvanachakravartin Peruñjingadēva. He is apparently ideutical with Magadēgan Vāṇakulóttaman and Viramāgadā Rājarājadēvan Ponparappiņān! Magadaipperumal,20 mentioned in certain inscriptions from Tiruvannāmalai in the South Arcut District and Kudumiyamalai in the Pudukkottai Slate. A number of Tamil verses in his praise have been found engraved on stone in the South Arcot District and in the Pudukkottai State. 11 His title Magadeśan or Magadaipperumil is interesting. From Hoysala inscriptions we know that the Hoysala king Narasimha II. uprooted the Makara or Magara kingdom.12 The Tirusoudipuram inscription of the Chola king Rå jarāja III. informs us that Narasimha II. “ uprooted the Mabara kingdom, seized him (i.e. the Mahara chief), his women and treasures and balted at Pachchūr." In editing the inscription Dr. Hultzsch had remarked that the Magara king lom has to be looked for in the Coimbatore or Salem District.13
At Tittagudi on the border between the districts of Trichinopoly and South Arcot has been found an epigraph of Magadēsan Pon parappiņa Vāņakovadaraiyar recording the gift of a
1 Above, Vol. VII. p. 195. This Prithivigangaraiyar, who also bore the surname Lastimalla, was differeut from and later than his namesake who was a contemporary of the Chola king Parantaks I. In a Tirukkõvalur inscriptioa of the Chola king Parakõsarivarman, the queen of Vaņakovaraiyar figures as the donor (ibid. p. 141).
? Madres Epigraphical Report for 1904-5, Part II, paragraph 28.
Ibid. for 1906-7, Part II, paragraph 46.
* No. 86 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1906. This is how he is described in the inscription : Sakala-sur-isura-samadhikatal-gata ?)-rijaiya-fri-manohari-vallabha-maharaja-Maha(ha)bali-kula-tilakayamana- Palungitarirudaiyananda-Nandagri(giri)nātha Parivaipura-paramérara-retchi-chinnāla ngirita ('chiha-alamkrita)-rrishabhalanjanah (laichhanah).
5 No. 84 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1906. # No. 109 of the same collection.
1 In the time of Kulõttunga I., his throne at Mudigondasőlapuram was called Vanidhirajan (Nos. 93, 94, 95 and 96 of 1910). One of bis officers was Vanarajan or Vänarāya (No. 138 of 1896 and No. 312 of 1901), Vikrama. Chola had also an officer named Mababali-Vánaráya (No. 545 of 1904 from Tiruvarur) and another called Virudarajabhaya kara-Vāņakovaraiyan (No. 112 of 1895).
R No. 159 of the Madras Epigraphical co..ection for 1906.
It is doubtful if this chief is identical with Rajarajadėvan Ponparappinan alias Vanakõvaraiyan of Arkalar W A feudatory of Kulottunya III. (N/8.532, 533 and 557 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909). 10 Nos. 507, 543 and 544 of 1902 and Nos. 381, 382, 383 and 383 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1906.
11 The chief's claim to have covered with gold (ponparappina) is obscure. He night have gilt the Tiruvannā. malai temple. It may also be that he reg ilt the Siva temple at Chidambaram.
12 Bombay Guzetteer, Vol. I. Part II, p. 507.
13 Above, Vol. VII. p. 161. Toludagaiyūr, where Solakon, an adherent of the rebel Peruñjioga, was staying is probably identical with Toludur on the Madras-Trichinopoly road, 8 miles from Valikandapuram and 28 miles west-south-west of Vriddhachalam.

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village in Magadai-mandalam. Three other records from the same village show that the district of Magadai should have been close to the village, if it was not actually included in it. It would not be an altogether wild conjecture to suppose that Mahara, Makara and Magara of the Hoysala inscriptions, is identical with the Magadai-maṇḍalam ruled over by the Vanakōvaraiyar Ponparappinan mentioned in the foregoing paragraph. If this identification be true, it would indicate the movement of the Bapas further south as far as the Pudukkottai State. The chief of this province who was evidently a feudatory of the rebel Peruñjinga had to be overcome before the latter could be attacked by the Hoysala generals commissioued to liberate the Chōla king Rajaraja III. from captivity.4
We have traced the movement of the Bapas as far south as the Pudukkoṭṭai State. In still later times they figure as feudatories and officers of the Pandyas in the 13th century A.D. Mr. Sewell mentions two chiefs, one namel Sundara Tōl Mahāvilivāṇādirayar and the other Muttarasa Tirumalai Mahāvilivāṇādirāyar as rulers of Madura in the period A.D. 1451 -1499. We have a few inscriptions of the 16th century which show that the Bapas continued to wield some power and influence. These have been found at Kalaiyarkoyil, Tiruppallani and Devipaṭṭanam in the Madura district. The earliest of the chiefs mentioned in them is MahabaliVäṇadharaya-Nayaka.7 Then came Sundarattōl-Uḍaiyar Mavali-Vaṇādarayar or Sundarattoluḍaiya Mahabali-Vaṇādarayar. He was apparently also known as MavaliVaṇādarayar without any additional designation.10 In two of them he bears the epithet irandakalam eḍutta 'who revived the past,' (i.e. re-established the Pandya kingdom). This may be taken to show that he took some part in the attempt made by the contemporaneous Pandya princes Śrivallabha and Kulasekhara to set up a show of Pandya sovereignty.11
Thus the history of the Banas furnishes another instance of the movement of a tribe from one part of Southern India to another. This aspect of Indian history has already been explained in my article on the Pallavas published in the Director-General's Annual for 1906-7.
1 No. 10 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903. The donee in the Madras Museum plates of the Pandya king Jatilavarman was a native of Sabdali in the province of Magadha. In editing the plates, I assumed (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 74, footnote 91) that this was the well-known province of that name in Northern India. It is, however, not impossible that the former is identical with Magadai-mandalam.
2 Nos. 12, 14 and 15 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903.
It is worthy of note that there is a village named Popparappi in the Kallak urchi taluka of the South Arcot District which may be supposed to have been included in the dominions of the Bana chief Magadesan. It is just possible that the name Ponparappi has to be traced to the Bana chief of whom we are now speaking.
Above, Vol. VII. p. 168.
In the Sir Walter Elliot collection is an impression of Tribhuvanachakravartin Kōnērimaikondan, whose feudatory was Alagändür alias Mahabali-Vanarayar. The king's surname was apparently Avanivendarama which may be that of a Pandya king; Arch. Surv. of Southern India, Vol. IV. p. 185. In the reign of Maravarınan Sundara-Pandya I. (A.D. 1216-35) the throne of the Pandya king at Madura was called Vanadharayan, while Vikrama-Pandya-Vanädarayan was one of the officers of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I. (A.D. 1251-61). Prince Kulasekhara-Mahabali-Vanarayar figures in a record of Jatavarman Vira-Pandyadeva from Sinnamanur in the
Madura District.
Tists of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 223.
7 No. 113 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903.
No. 585 of the same collection for 1902 and No. 109 of 1903.
No. 121 of the same collection for 1903.
10 No. 587 of the same collection for 1902.
11 See the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-9, Part II. paragraph 32, and the same report for 1909-10, Part II. paragraph 38.

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DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
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No. 23.-DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. BY R. SEWELL, I.C.S. (Retd.), M.R.A.S.
RAJARAJA I. 223.-In the Umamahēsvara temple at Kõnērirājapuram. 1 [Sva]sti śr[i] [ll*) Tirumaga[! po]la 4.......... sri-Köv=Irajaraja-Rajakesariparma[rk]k-iy[á]n[du 276
åvadu.. 5 ........i i[y]-a[t]țai [Kar]ka[da]ga-nāsya]ru apara-pakshattu
padi pā] ...m Bu[da]n-kilamai 6 persa P[an]ar[pāśat]ti-[n]ágra.
"In the [2]6th year of the reign) of the glorious king Rājarāja-Rājakõsarivarman,on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the [four]teenth> [tithi] of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka of this year."
The date in this case is, like most others of this early period, worded in a manner a little different from the stereotyped form of later years in South India; so much so that while Mr. Krishna Sastri has stated it as referring to the 14th, or possibly 16th, solar day in Karkataka, I find that it tallies with the 14th tithi of the second fortnight of Ashadha but with the 19th solar day of Karkataka, and, since the word for " 14th ", padi[ma] ...m, occurs in the original between a para-pakshattu and Bu[da]m-kilamai, I presume that it is possible that the number "14" refers rather to the tithi than to the solar day.
In the 26th year of Rajaraja I Räjakësarivarman, the 14th tithi of the second fortnight of Ashādha was current at mean sunrise on Thursday, July 13th A.D. 1010, which was the 19th solar day of Karka. Now the 14th tithi of Ashādha is devoted to one of the Sivaratri festivals, and accordingly this tithi is liable to be joined with the Wednesday rather than with the Thursday, the midnight between the two having been included in it (Kielhorn, Ind. Ant. 1897, pp. 177, 181). This 14th kfisha tithi began 13h. 15m. before mean sunrise on the Thursday and included the midnight in question; while the nakshatra Panarvasu began, according to the equal-space system, 18h. 6m. before that mean sunrise, and considerably earlier than that by the systems of Garga and the Brahma-siddhanta, being current both at midnight on Wednesday and at mean sunrise on Thursday. I think therefore that the day corresponding to the given day was Wednesday, July 12th A.D. 1010. If this is correct the accession of this sovereign must have taken place between Jane 25th and July 12th A.D. 985.
KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA I. 224.--In the Umāmahēsvara temple at Könērirājapuram. 1 Svasti eri [ll] Pugal-mādu viļanga ..... 7 .......... [sri-Rajake8 sariva]nmar-ina Dhiribh vanachchakkaravatt[i]ga[:] fri
I No. 624 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903. The letter m is engraved at the beginning of line 6.
The tithi may also be the sixteenth. • Mr. Krishna Sastri's reason for thinking of the solar day and not of the tithi is that the numbers of lunar tithio are in South India commonly given in Sanskrit and not in Tamil. But neither the 34th nor the 16th solar day of Karks was Wednesday in this year, but Saturday and Monday respectively, and the use of the Tamil numeral is probably & consequence of the high age of the record. No. 647 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. Read Tribhuva..
21

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9 [Kulo]ttu[o]ga-Soladevarkku iyan. 10 du närpatton]badávadu Mesha-näyarru parva11 (pak]shattu Utti]ramum Budan-kilamaiyum [p]e12 [rra] tra[y]odasi-nagru.
“In the forty-ninth year of the reign) of the glorious Räjakēsarivarman, alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Choladēva,- on the day (which was) the thirteenth tithi and which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the day of) [UttaraPhalguni] of the first fortnight of the month of Mēsha.”
The given date corresponds to Wednesday, March 28th A.D. 1119, on which day the 13th bukla tithi of the first fortnight of Chaitra was current at mean sunrise, as also the nakshatra Uttara-Phalguni. This day was the 3rd solar day of Mösha.
Thus the 49th year of Kulottunga-Chola I began on, or later than, 27th March A.D. 1118 and the reign must have begun on, or later than that date in A.D. 1070; so that for this king's accession we now have the period March 27th to October 8th A.D. 1070.
225.-In the Umamahēsvara temple at Könēriräjapuram. 1 Svasti śri [ll"] [Puga! śūlada] ......... 13 .. ..... ...
Ko[v=I]rājakesaka (ri) [va]rmmar=āņa Tr[i]; bhuva[nach]chakkarava[r]ttiga! sri-Kulottunga-Soladevar[ku] yandu
47ävada Dhan[u]-nayarra pūrv va-pakshattu piradamaiyum Tinga! 14 kilamaiyum perra Mülatti-nal.
"In the 47th year of the reign) of king Rājakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chõļadēva,-on the day of Müla which corresponded to a Monday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
To paraphrase the opening passage of Professor Kielhorn's remarks on his Chola date No. 40 (Vol. VI, p. 279), -"a date in the month of Dhanus of the 17th year of the king's reign will be expected to fall near the end of A.D. 1116." Now, as detailed, the given date is incorrect for the 47th regnal year. But it is perfectly correct for the 48th year, viz., towards the end of A.D. 1117. Now Mr. Krishna Sastri iuforms me that the figures 47 are perfectly clear in the original and cannot be read 48. We must therefore assume that the composer of the record made a mistake.
The given date, except for that mistake, corresponds with Monday, November 26th A.D. 1117, which was the 2nd solar day of Dhanus, and on which day at man suoriso the first tithi of the first fortnight of Pausha was current. By the equal-space system the nakshatra current at that mean sunrise was Müla, but by the system of Garga and by the Brahma-siddhanta the current nakshatra was Purva-Ashadha. I conclude that the date is genuine, but that the composer erroneously stated the 47th instead of the 48th regnal year,
1
226.-In the Sāra-Paramēśvara temple at Tiruchchirai. Tr[i]bhvavachchakrava(t)tiga! [sri-Kulottun]ga-Soladēvarku
47 áva[du] Ishaba-[n]āyatra apara-pakshattu da sami[y]um
k[i]lamaiyum porxa Sadaiya[t]ti-nal.
yāņdu Budan
2
1 Read nanru.
? No. 653 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. * No. oxu of the Madrus Epigraphical collection for 1909.
• Read I'rilhuu.

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DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
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"In the 47th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulõttunga-Chāļadēva,-on the day of Satabhishaj which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha." . This date is unreliable. In the 47th year of Kulottunga-Chola I the 10th kfishọa tithi of Vrishabha was current on Tuesday, May 9th A.D. 1116 (not on Wednesday), and on that Tuesday at mean sunrise the nakshatra current was Uttara Bhadrapada ; so that it was not possible for any moment of the Wednesday to be connected either with the nakshatra Satabhishaj or with the 10th kşishņa tithi. Satabhishaj had expired before mean sunrise on the previous Monday. Working for the 48th year of this king I find that in that year the 10th krishna tithi fell on Saturday, the 5th day of Vpishabha, the nakshatra current at mean sunrise being Púrva-Bhadrapada. The corresponding day in European reckoning was April 28th A.D. 1117.
It is incorrect for a possible 47th year of Kulottunga-Chola II, or of Kulottunga-Chola II).
VIKRAMA-CHOLA. 227.-In the Sāra-Paramēśvara temple at Tiruchchirai.1 1 Tribhuvanach ]chakravattiga! Sri-Vi[kki]ra[ma-Soladēva]īku yaņdu 5āvadu
Miduna-[n]āya[rru] apa [ra-pa]kshat[tu] tra2 [yode]siyum Viyala-kk[i]la[maiyum] perra Urošaņi-nāļ.
"In the 5th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Chöļadēva,- on the day of Rõhiņi, which corresponded to a Thursday and to the thirteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
This date is unsatisfactory. Given that the accession day of this sovereign was, as settled by Professor Kielhorn (Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 5), the 29th of June A.D. 1118, the date should correspond to a day in A.D. 1122 or 1123. In A.D. 1122 the 10th day of Mithuna was Sunday, June 4th, and on that day the 13th tithi of the second fortnight of Jyështha and the nakshatra Rohini were current at mean sunrise. The week-day stated in the inscription is, however, Thursday. Consequently I hesitate to accept it. Moreover, that June 4th would be in the king's 4th not 5th year.
For A.D. 1123 both week-day and nakshatra would differ from those stated in the original; the week-day of June 23rd, which was the day on which the 13th śukla tithi in Mithuna was current at mean sunrise, being Saturday, and the then current nakshatra being Mpigasiras.
Nor does the result agree with the given details for the 5th year of the king, on the supposition that his reign began, as originally set forward by Kielhorn, on 18th July A.D. 1108. Hence I can find no exact agreement in any case.
228. In the Māgāļēśvara temple at Tirumāļam. 1 la S[va]sti [śr]i [11*]Pi-mádu panara . . . . . . . . . . 3 Ko=3Pparakësa[r]ipanmar=āna Tri[buva]nachchakravattiga! fri-Vikrama. Soladēvapku ya[ndu]" 1[3]āvadu Ani-masattu Tingat-kkilamai perra
TiruvÖpamum tr[i]tigaiyum=ana nāļ.
* No. 621 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. • No. 97 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910. • The syllable ppa is written as a group.
• The syllable du is perhaps written a group. doadw is denoted also by an incomplete floorish added immediately after the figure 13.
2 1 2

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"In the 1[3]th year of the reign) of king Parakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, tho glorious Vikrama-Choladēva,-on the day which was the third tithi ud (the day) of (the nakshatra) Sravana, which corresponded to & Monday of the month of Ani."
This date is correct in all respects for the 13th year of the reign of Vikrama-Chola as fixed by Professor Kielhorn, who established the day of the king's accession as June 29th A.D. 1118. It corresponds to Monday, June 15th A.D. 1131, the fourteenth year of the reign beginning June 29th of that year and June 15th being still in the thirteenth year. The date proves that the reign could not have begun before June 16th A.D. 1118.
On that Monday, June 15th A.D. 1131, the 3rd tithi of the second fortnight of solar Ani (or Mithuna), was current at mean sunrise, as was also the nakshatra Sravana.
KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA II.
229.-In the Māgālēśvara temple at Tirumāļam.? 1 11 11 6 Svasti eri [ll]Pämannu padumam . . . . . . . . 4 .
. . KövIr[ajakosaripaņmar-ins Tribhuvanachakravarttiga! éri-Kulo]ttunga-Söladóvarku yanda 11 pa [di]n-ongåvadu Danu-nayarsu irandan-diyadiyum Sani-kkilamaiyum perra
[Pā]śatti-[na!). "In the 11th-eleventh-year of the reign) of king Rajakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chöļadēva,-on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the second solar day of the month of Dhanus."
The date regularly corresponds to Saturday, November 27th A.D. 1143, which was the second day of the solar month Dhanus, and on which day at mean sunrise the moon was in the nakshatra Pushya by all systems. This day fell in the eleventh year of Kulottunga Chola II, which began, as at present found by me (Vol. X, p. 138, No. 190), between 26th March and 14th July A. D. 1143, his accession having taken place on some day between those dates in A.D. 1133.
The stated date would be incorrect for the eleventh year of Kulottunga-Chola I, in which year the 2nd Dhanus fell on a Thursday (November 26 A.D. 1080), with Bharani as the nakshatra current at sunrise. And the record cannot belong to the reign of the third king of that name whose title was Parakosarivarman.
PARAKESARIVARMAN VIRARAJENDRA-CHOLA (KULOTTUNGA II.)
330.-In the Kailasanatha temple at Ālambakkam. 1 Svasti sri [ll] Payal väytta valam peruga ... 11 . . . . . . . . . . Ko-Pparakosa12 rispanma)r-ina Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga? 13 sri-[Vi]rarajëndira-[Solad][va]rku ya14 pdu añjäva(du Mē]sha-näyarru pūrvva15 [pa]kshatta *pra[dha]m[iyu] [Sa]ni-kkilamaiyum pe16 18 Aśvati-nal.
1 No. 109 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910.
No. 783 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. • There is, in the original, letter erased between the syllables ra and va. • Read prathamaiyum.

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"In the fifth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Virarājēndra-Chōladēva,-on the day of Asvini, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Masha."
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
Virarajendra (Kulottunga III) having come to the throne between the 6th and 8th July A.D. 1178 (Vol. IV, p. 266; VIII, p. 264, No. 108) the month of Mosha in his fifth year must fall in A.D. 1183, and the details of the date are perfectly correct for Saturday, March 26th A.D. 1183, which day was the 2nd solar day of Mesha. On that day the 1st tithi of the first fortnight of adhika-Vaisakha was current at mean sunrise, the moon being then in the nakshatra Asvini.
231.-In the Vyaghrapādēśvara temple at Siddhalingamaḍam.1
1 Svasti śri [*]Puyal väyttu
4.
Kō-Pparakösariparmar-ana
T[r]ib[hu] vanachchakkaravattigal śri-Kulottunga-Soladevarkku yanḍu 9vadu Viruchchiga-n[ay]arru
irubat
5 tunalan-diyadiyum pārvva-pakshattu saptamiyum Viyala-kkilamaiyum perra Éadaiyatta nal.
"In the 8th year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chōladeva,-on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Thursday, to the seventh tithi of the first fortnight and to the twenty-fourth solar day of the month of Vrischika."
The date regularly corresponds to Thursday, November 20th A.D. 1188, a day in the 9th year of Kulottunga-Chola III, which was the 24th day of Vrischika, and at whose mean sunrise the 7th tithi of the first fortnight was current, the moon being, by the equal-space system, in Satabhishaj. By the systems of Garga and the Brahina-siddhanta the nakshatra was Purva Bhadrapada, but they do not seem to have been used. By the equal-space system Satabhishaj ended 7h. 52m. after mean sunrise; whereas by Garga that nakshatra had ended 4h. 16m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta 3h. 17m. before that moment.
232.-In the Kailasanatha temple at Alambakkam.3
1 Svasti śri [*]
2 Puyal väyttu.
21
Ko-[Ppa]rake [sari]pa [nma]r-a22 a Tiribava [pachchakkarava [tti]gal Madu 23 milyum a[mu]-Garav[rum Plodi
245
24 yagai mudi-t[ta]laiy [u]m kood-arn
25 liya dr-Kulottungs-Solade[var]ku [7]andu 26
26 [vada Kam[ba]-n[a]ya[rra] parvva-pa[kahattu]
27 agat-[kila]maiyum peris Kartti][][].
1 No. 400 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. vadu is expressed by a flourish added to the figure 9. No. 732 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
m Ti
"In the 26th year (of the reign) of king [Pa]rakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chōladeva who was pleased to take Madurai (Madura), Ilam (Ceylon), Karuvar and the crowned head of the Pandya,-on the day of Krittikā, which corresponded to a Monday and to the [tithi] of the first fortnight of the month of [Kumbha]."
•

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The 26th year of Knlottunga-Chola III began between the 6th and 8th July A.D. 1203, and in that 26th year this date corresponds to Monday, February 9th A.D. 1204. At sunrise on that day, which was the 17th day of Kumbha, the 7th tithi of the first fortnight was current, and the moon was then in Krittika.
233.- In the Umāmahēśvara temple at Könērirājapuram. 1 Svast[i] śr[i]ḥ-Tr[i]bhuvanachchakravatt[i]ga! [Ma]durai[y]um [P]āndi[y]an
[mudi]-tta[laiyan-go]pd-aru![i]. 2 na śri-Kulottunga-Soladēvarku y[á]odu padin-ārāvada Miņa-nā[yar]ru apara
pa[kashat]tu pra[ta]maiyum Budan3 kilamaiyum perra Atta[t"]tu nāļ.
"In the sixteenth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chöļadēva who was pleased to take Madurai (Madura) and the crowned head of the Pandya,-on the day of Hasta which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the first tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina."
This dato regularly corresponds to Wednesday, March 9th A.D. 1194, which was the 15th of Mina and was in the sixteenth year of Knlottunga-Chola III. At mean sunrise on that day the 1st tithi of the second fortnight was current, and the moon was in the nakshatra Hasta.
234.-In the Unnatapuriśvara temple at Melaţūr. 1 [62] Tiribuva[na]chchakkara[va]rttiga! [iri)-Kulottunga-Soladěva[r*]kku yāṇdu
[3]vadu Ishaba-näyarra (padrva-pashshattu3 t[i]*[i]t[iy jaiyum Budap-k[ila]m
Caiyum perra Pu]parpūša[ttu) n[al].
"In the [3]rd year of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulõttunga-Chõladēva,-on the day of Punarvasu which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the third tithi of the first fortaight of the month of Rishabha."
Since this date is so worded as to afford no clue as to which of the three known Kulottungas' reign it belongs, I have tested it for each of those sovereigns; with an unsatisfactory result in the end.
In the third year of the reign of Kulottunga-Chola I the 3rd sukla tithi of Vaisakha in the solar month Vpishabha was current at mean sunrise on Taesday, April 24th, A.D. 1072, and also at mean sunrise on Sunday, May 12th, A.D. 1073; either of which days, according to our present knowledge as to the date of that king's accession, might have fallen in his third year. In the first case the nakshatra current at mean sunrise was either Mrigasiras or Ardrá accord. ing to the authority used, and in the second case was Ardra by all systems.
For the reign of Kulottunga II we also have the choice of two years; and the day mentioned in the record, so far as the tithi is a guide, may have been Friday, May 17th, A.D. 1135 when the nakshatra was Ardra by the equal-space system for 7h. lm. after mean sunrise, but Punarvasu by Garga and the Brahma-siddhanta; or it may have been Wednesday, May 6th A.D. 1136, when the corresponding nakshatra was similar to that in the last case, Årdrá lasting by the equal-space system for 7h. 36m. after mean sunrise.
This latter date, therefore, would exactly tally with the given details if we could assume that the patichangas of that day were calculated, in the matter of the nakshatra, either by the
No. 662 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. * No. 30 of the Matras Epigraphical collection for 1910. . Read -pakahattu.

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system of Garga or that of the Brahma-siddhanta; but at present I think that the weight of evidence shows that the equal-space system was then in use. Though the week-day is correct therefore the nakshatra is not so. And for that reason. I hesitate to accept the date.
For the reign of Kulottunga-Chola III the 3rd Sukla tithi of Jyeshtha corresponded to Monday, May 18th, A.D. 1181, which was the 25th solar day of Vrishabha; on which day at mean sunrise the moon was in Punarvasu by all systems. This therefore would coincide with the given date if we presumed that the week-day had been wrongly stated as Monday instead of Wednesday. The 3rd sukla tithi in question ended at 1h. 41m. after mean sunrise on the Monday, so that it could not be connected with the Tuesday, still less with Wednesday. I am therefore, as before, unable to accept that date as correct.
From the above transliteration it appears that the number of the regnal year "3" is somewhat doubtful. If the number is capable of being certainly ascertained, no doubt the date could be conclusively verified.1
RAJADHIRAJA II (?).
235. In the Kailasanatha temple at Alambakkam.
1 Svasti śri [*] Tiribuvanachchakkara [va]ttiga [! śr]i-Rājādh [ir]ājadē varkku yānḍu papniranda[va]du [8]maha-nayagru apara-pakshattu dala[milyum Tingn[-]ilamaiyum perra Mulattu nāl.
"In the twelfth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajadhirajadēva,-on the day of Mula which corresponded to a Monday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of [Si]mha."
This date is intrinsically wrong. During the month of Simha a tenth tithi of the second fortnight can never be connected with the nakshatra Mala; but a tenth tithi of the first fortnight can be so, and I have therefore tested the date for both these days in the reigns of Rajadhiraja I and II respectively.
Taking the latter first, the date must, for his 12th year, fall in A.D. 1174. In that year, in the month of Simha, the 10th krishna tithi fell on a Friday, and the 10th sakla tithi also on a Friday; the nakshatra in the second case being Mila by all systems. As the week-day is thus altogether wrong I reject this date, although in the second case the nakshatra stood as stated.
For the reign of Rajadhiraja I we have it, as established by Kielhorn, that his twelfth year began between March 15th and December 3rd, A.D. 1029. Hence the month of Simha in that regnal year may have been either in A.D. 1029 or 1030. In the first of these two cases the 10th krishna tithi of Simha fell on a Thursday, the nakshatra being Mrigasiras. This is plainly wrong. The 10th sukla tithi of Simha in A.D. 1029 was current at sunrise on a Thursday, the nakshatra Müla having expired 3h. 36m. before that sunrise. This also does not fit the description.
Now for the second case, viz., the Simha of the year A.D. 1030 (Saka 952). The 10th krishna tithi was current at sunrise of Monday, July 27tb, A.D. 1030, which was the 1st day of Simha; but the nakshatra then current was Rohini. This is altogether wrong. In the same year, A.D. 1030, the 10th śukla tithi was current at sunrise of Tuesday, August 11th, which
1 After examination of the original Mr. Krishna Sastri informs me that it is possible, though not probable, that the regnal year was "2," and not "3." I have consequently calculated the date for the 2nd year of each of these kings, finding it irregular in each case, both week-day and nakshatra being different to the given ones.
No. 728 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. 3 9 The letter Si appears to be a correction; read Simha..

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[Voz, XI.
was the 10th Simba, the then current nakshatra being, by the equal-space system, Mäla. This 10th sukla tithi had beguu 13h. 54m. before mean sunrise on the Tuesday, and had been corrert during that time on the latter part of Monday, August 10th. During the whole of that period of 13h. 54m. on Mouday, Māla had been current. If, therefore, it is assumed that the tithi quoted in the record was the tithi current at the time the action referred to in the inscription was accomplished, and not the tithi current at sunrise, the date may be accepted as genuine and stated as corresponding to Monday, August 10th, A.D. 1030, the second fortnight having been wrongly stated instead of the first. In that case and it is possibly correct--we shall have the period within which this king's accession must have taken place narrowed to the interval between March 15th and August 11th, A.D. 1018.
But I am rather doubtful about this date because the tithi in question was the 10th sukla tithi of Bhadrapada, and according to Albörūni the 10th sukla tithi of Bhadrapada was considered an uplacky day?
RAJARAJA III. 230.-In the Kachchhapēśvara temple at Tirukkachchūr. I Svasti si [1] Tribhuvana[ch]chakkaravattiga! sri-Rājarajadēvarku yāṇdu 14
vadu Dhanu-naya2 ru-pparvva-pakshattu prathamaiyum Uttiradamum perra nal.
“In the 14th year of the roign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarājadēva,-on the day which corresponded to the day of the nakshatra) Uttarāshādhā and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
No week-day being given here we can only be guided by the nakshatra. The date corresponds to Tuesday, December 18th A.D. 1229, which was the 23rd Dhunus, and on which das at mean sunrise the first tithi of the first fortnight of Pausha, and, by all systems, the nakshatra Uttara-Ashādha, were current.
237...-In the Kachchhapēśvara temple at Tirukkachchar.3 1 Svast[i] śr[i] [*] T[iri]buvanachchakkara (va]rtiga! Sr[i]-Irājară [ja]dēvar[k]ku
3[ra vadu+ Magara-näyarrump parva-[pa]kshattu saturttiyum Môlam[u]m perra [N]ayar[ru]-kki[lamali
nal.
"In the Srd (year) (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarājadēra, -on the day (which was a) Sunday, (and) which corresponded to the day of) Mula and to the fourth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara.
This date is irregular in itself, besides being wrong in other respects. On a 4th tithi of the first fortnight in Makara the moon cannot be in the nakshatra Māla. Makara in the 3rd year of Rajaraja III occurred late in A.D. 1218 and early in 1219. The 4th sukla tithi corresponded to Monday, January 21st, A.D. 1219, which was the 27th day of Makara, on which day
1 Mr. Krishna Sastri informa me that it is just possible to read the solar month in the original as "Rislabha," And that the characters show that it could not belong to the reign of Rajadhirija I. I have freshly computed the date: finding that it is irregular for the solar month Vrishabha in the reign of either of the known Rajadhirajas. In no case can either a 10th Sukla or 10th krishna tithi in solar Vpishabha be connected with the nakahara Müla. The week days also do not correspond.
* No. 264 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. : No. 270 of the Madras Epigraphieal collection for 1909. • The usual flourisb for expressing aradu is also written in continuatioa of the figure '3'. » Read chaturthi..

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at mean sunrisotho nakshatra was Uttara Bhadrapada. The day corresponding to Müln in that solar month was Tuesday, January 15, A.D. 1219, which was the 21st day of Makara, and on that day the 12th tithi of the second fortnight was current at mean sunrise.
238.-In the Choļiśvara temple at Turaiyür. Svasti] Sri [ll] Tribhuvanachchakkarasvat]tiga! Sri-Rājarījadēvarkı yandu
3vadu Mini-nayarru apara-pakshattu [@]kådasi yu]m Saņi-kkilamaiyum perra
Sadaiyattu nâ[!].
“In the 3rd year of the roign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarājadēva,-on the day of Satabhishaj, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mina."
This date is also irregular. In the third year of Rajaraja III the month of Ming fell early in A.D. 1219. The eleventh tithi of the second fortnight in that month corresponded to Thursday, March 14th 1219, which was the twentieth day of Mina. On that dny at mean sunrise tho Ilth krishọa tithi and the nakshatra Dhanishtha were current. On Friday, March 15th, at mean sunrise the current tithi was the 12th kşishna and the current nakshatra was Satabhishaj. On Saturday, March 16th, at man sunrise the current tithi was the 14th krishna, the 13th being expunged, and the current nakshatra was Purva-Bhadrapada. So that it is not possible in that year to form at any time a combination, even at any time of a day, of a Satur. day, the Ilth krishnı lithi, and the nakshatra Satabhishaj; nor can we arrive at any solution withont altering two out of three of the elements given in the date as stated. This would be daugerous.
The dato is irregular for the reigns of Rājaraja I or II.
239.-In the Umamahēśvara temple at Könērirajapuram. I Svastfil srilh [1] T[iriba(va)pachchakkaravatt[i]ga! sri-R[a]jarājadēvarkku yanda
irubattunalavadiq ed[i]rūmandu Mēsha-nayarru a[pa]ra-[pakshattu a]shtamiyum
Vell [i]-kkilamaiyum perra T[ir]u[vo]®ņatta pa!.
“In the year opposite the twenty-fourth year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarājadēva,-on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Friday and to the eighth lithi of the second fortuight of the month of Mēsha."
The given date corresponds to Friday, April 5th A.D. 1941, which was the 12th day of Mēslia. On that day at mean sunrise the 8ch křishna tithi was current, and the moon was in Sravana.
240.-In the Muktiśvara temple at Samayavaram. 1 [Svas]ti sri [1] Tirubuvana[ch]chakkaravattiga! Sri-Rasarāsadëvarka yünda
[6]
2 a[va]du [Mė]sha-[na]yarra apara-pakshattu pañchamiyam Badan-gilamai perra
Mála3 [ttu] Dil
"In the L67th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājarājadève-on the day of Mula, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Mēsha."
i No. 701 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. ? No. 661 of the Marras Epigraphical collection for 1909. * The syllable rö seems to be a correction from frara.. • No. 746 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.

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The date is unsatisfactory. From the details given it would seem that the number of the regnal year is not clear. On the supposition that the number of the year is shown by a single akshars I have tested the date for every year of Rājarāja III's reign from the first to the ninth inclusive, and in no case have obtained the desired combination.
The nearest approach was found in the 1st regnal year, Měsha of A.D. 1217, the 4th regnal yonr, Meslin of A.D. 1220, and the 8th regnal year, Mesha of A.D. 1224.
In A.D. 1217 the week-day corresponding to the 5th krishọa tithi was Wednesday, and the day was the 5th day of Mēsba, or March 29th ; but the nakshatra Müla only began, by the equal space system, at lh. 23m. after mean sunrise on that day, though at that moment (meau sunrise) the moon was in Müla by the systems of Garga and by the Brahma-siddhanta. This was in the king's first regnal year.
In A.D. 1220 the 5th kşishņa tithi was current at mean sunrise of Thursday, March 26th which was the 2nd day of Mēsha, having been current for the last 20h. 3m. on the previous Wednesday. According to the equal-space system Jyėshthā was the nakshatra current during all those hours of Wednesday, Mīla only beginning lh. 38m. after mean sunrise on Thursday; though hy the system of Garga Māla was current for the last 11h. 12m. and by the Brahma-siddhanta for the last 16h. 12m.won the Wednesday. So that by these latter authorities Mūla and the 5th kņishņa tithi ran together for a considerable period on Wednesday, March 25th. But I can ascertain no reason why the Wednesday and not the Thursday, at who e sunrise the 5th krishna tithi was current, should have been coupled with that tithi Tl.cre was nothing special, so far as I can gather, in that tithi which would warrant a departure from the usual procedure of naming the day from the tithi current at sunrise. These days in A.D. 1220 were in the king's fourth regnal year.
In A.D. 1224 the 5th krishna tithi fell on Wednesday, April 10th, which was the 17th day of Jlēsba, but the nakshatra current at mean sunrise of that day was Pärva-Ashādha by all systems, Müla having ended on the Tuesday. This was in the eighth regnal year of Rājarāja III.
The date is irregular for his other regnal years from the first to the ninth inclusive. It is also irregular for the 6th year of either Räjaraja I'or II.
RAJANARAYANAN SAMBURAYA. * 241.-In the Kachchhapēsvara temple at Tirukkachchür. 1 S[va]sti sri[ll] Irājanārāyapan Bśarbi(bu)rāyarku yangu 2 13 ávadu Tula-ravi apara-paksbattu dutiyai yu]m Na3 yarru-kilamaiyum per[ra] Kätti[ga]i nal.
"In the 13th yoor of the reign) of Zājanārāyanan Samburaya,-ou the day of Krittika which corresponded to a Sunday and to the second title of the socond fortuight of the month of Tulā."
1 Since the above was in print I have been informed that a clatise in the body of the inscriptio. makes it clear that the 6th rezal year ww intenılel. This being so the date must be held to be irregular.
2 No. 268 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909
Sa is engraved below the line. * The syllable ydw is represented by a flourish added to yā. . The word äradu is represented by a fourish added to the figure 13. Read driliyai.

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Two inscriptions, one at the Ulagalanda-Perumal temple at Käñchi, and the other at the Kailasanatha temple at Sevvallimödu, are dated in the year Vyaya, and expressly state the year as ś. 1268 (A.D. 1346-47) and as being in the 9th year of this king's reign. A third record of the 7th year also exists at Sev vallimēdu. If these are found on examination to contain fuller details of the date it may be possible to gather from them sufficient evidence as to the date of his accession. But so far this can only be fixed as being in s. 1259 or 1260, i.e., on some day between March 26th A.D. 1337, the first solar day of Mesha. Saka 1259, and March 25th A.D. 1339, the last solar day of Mina Saka 1260. Consequently the thirteenth year must lie betwear March A.D. 1349 and March 1851, and the month of Tulå stated in the prosent inscription at Tirukachchir rr!1st correspond either to (about) October A.D. 1349 or the same month in A.D. 1350.
The details of the date are irregular for A.D. 1349, the second tithi of the second fortnight in Tula in that year falling on Tuesday, September 29th, on which day at mean sunrise the moou was iu Bharaṇi. I doubt even if the date can be accepted as regular for A.D. 1350. In that year the second krishọa tithi of Kärttika was current at mean sunrise of Monday, October 18th, that day being the 20th day of Tula, and the moon at its sunrise being in Rohiņi. The tithi had been current for the last 21h, Ilm. of Sunday, October 17th, and up to 3b. 5m. before sunrise on the Monday the moon had been in Brittikä, according to the equal-space system. By the system of Garga the moon had been in Kșittikä up to 15h. 13m., and by the brahmia. siddhan'a up to 15h. 56m. before the Monday sunrise. If therefore the week-day bad been stated as Sunday, the date given would have proved regular as regards the naksluatru but wrong as regards the tithi, which should have been stated as the let kşishna. The 2nd krishna tili and the nakshatra Kșittikä had been together current for some hours on the Sunday, but not on the Monday; and I can ascertain no ceremonial reason why a 2nd krishna in Karttika should be coupled with the day prior to that on whose sanrise it was current.
I have tested the date for several other years about this period but quite without success. It is not correct for A.D. 1351, in which year the given tithi corresponded to Friday, October 6th, which was the 9th Tula and on which day at mean sunrise the moon was in Bharani.
Incidentally I may mention that I find the date quoted by Professor Holtzsch for the 17th year of this king's predecessor, Voprumaņkonda Sambuvariya (South-Indian Inscriptions I, p. 78, No. 52) to be perfectly regular. The date corresponds to May 10th A.D. 1339, and the king's necession is fixed as having taken place between May 11 A.D. 1322 and May 10 1323].
RAJANARAYANAN SAMBUVARAYA
242.-In the Vyaghrapādēsvara temple at Siddhalingamadam. 1 Svast]i (ári] [ll*] Saknlalakachcha (kra] vatt[i] Trūšanārū[ya]ạnn éambuva
rayarku yiyi du 20 avivlat 2 Magara-niyarru parvva-pakshattu Stitigaiyum "Buda[na]m perra Tiruvan[t]tn
nāļ.
"In the 20th year of the reign) of Rajanārāyanan Sambuvarāya the emperor of all the worlds-on the day of Sravana, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the third tithi af the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
No. 396 of the Madras Epigmphical collection for 1909 * Between the #yllnblos fra and rais a letter which is in listinet. ** Cancel the syllable yi. • The word dvadu is represented by a flourish alded to the figure 20.
Read tritiyai . Tbe word Budam is written below the line.

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It is almost certain that the nakshatra or, the tithi quoted in this inscription must be wrong, for by the equal-space system and that of Garga the 3rd śukla tithi in the solar month Makara can never correspond to Sravana, while by the Brahma-siddhanta it could only do so for about 12 minutes at the beginning of the tithi. The moon could, however, be in Śravana on the 1st or 2nd śukla titli of that mouth. In the present case I think that the quoted tithi is correct, since it fell on a Wednesday as stated, but that the nakshatra has been wrongly quoted as Savana when it should have been Dhanishṭhā.
If I am correct in this supposition the given date corresponds to Wednesday, January 2nd A.D. 1359, on which day at mean sunrise the 3rd śukla tithi was current, the day being the 7th civil day of Makara. The current nakshatra at mean sunrise was, however, Dhanishṭhā and not Śravapa. This day being in the 20th regnal year of Rajanarayana Sambuvaraya we have it that his accession occurred on some day between January 3rd A.D. 1339 and January 2nd 1340. As stated above, p. 251, the Käñchi and Sevvallimēḍu inscriptions show that the accession could not have taken place later than the last day of Saka 1260, which was March 25th A.D. 13:39. And consequently, if the present date is accepted, the reign of this king began between January 3rd and March 25th A.D. 1339.
But if so, the last date examined, No. 241, is not regular, for it should have corresponded with a day in September Octuber A.D. 1351, being in the 13th year. And for that year it is incorrect.
.
PERUNJINGADEVA.
243.-In the Vyaghrapādēśvara temple at Siddhalingamaḍam.1
1 Svasti śri [*] Sakalabuvanachakkaravattigal śri-Ko-P[p]eruñjinga-[d]ē
2 varkku yapḍu 19 vad[u] Rishabha-nayar[ru] apara-pakshattu t[r]i
3 tiyaiyum Tingal-kilamaiyum perra Malattu nāļ.
"In the 19th year (of the reign) of the emperor of all the worlds, the glorious king Peruñjingadeva, -on the day of Müla, which corresponded to a Monday and to the third tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
The reign of this king has been previously determined by the late Prof. Kielhorn to have began between 11th February and 30th July A.D. 1243.
The present date is quite regular for the 19th regnal year. It corresponds to Monday, May 8th A.D. 1261, which was the 14th Vrishabha, Saka 1184 expired. On that day at mean sunrise, and thereafter for 13h. 32m., the 3r krishna tithi of Vaisakha was current; the moon being by the equal-s; ace system in Mala at sunrise and for 3h. 40m. after it. By the systems of Garga and the Brahma-siddhanta the nakshatra current at mean sunrise was Pärva-Ashäḍha.
We now therefore know that the accession of Peruñjingadeva took place between May 9th and July 30th A,D. 1243.
1 No 417 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905.

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No. 24].
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
No. 24-DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. BY R. SEweli, I.C.S. (RETD.), M.R.A.S.
MARANJADAIYAN. 98.-In the Jambunāthasvāmin temple at Tiruvellarai. 1 Svasti éri [1] Ko Marañjadaiyarku yandu nal[a]2 vadark-edir onbadaradu Vrischiku-ñairru Ti. 3 ngat-ki(lamai] perra Asvati [muda]laga.
"In the ninth (year) opposite to the fourth year of the roig) of king Mārañjadaiyan. -- from the day of) Asvini which corresponded to a Monday of the month of Vrischika."
The names of two sovereigns bearing the title Marañjadaiyan have been brought to light in the territories at one time subject to the Padyan kings. The carlier was alive in A.D. 770 as is gathered from the Anaimalai inscription; the later is believed to have succeeded to the throne some time in A.D. 862-63 (Ep. Inil., Vol. IX, p. 88). No sufficient details exist for verification of the date given for the former. I have examineil the date of the present record on the supposition that it might refer to that Mārañjadaiyay whose reign is said to have begun in A.D. 862-63.
It appears to belong to his thirteenth year, which would porhaps be tho year A.D. 874-75. The date given is so far regular that on Monday, the 29th day of the solar month Vrischika, tho nakshatra Asvini was current for 3h. 21m. at the end of the day hy all tho three nakshatra sys. tems. This civil day corresponded to Monday, November 22nd A.D. 874. On that day Rövati expired and Asvini began at 20h. 36m. after mean sunrise. Therefore according to the ordinary practice of Southern India the Monday in question would have been coupled with Rēvati and not with Asrini. The lunar day current at the Monday sunrise was the 10th sukla of Marga irsha. The 11th sukla tithi began at 18h. 34m. on that Monday, or 31m. after midnight.
Now I understand that the 10th sukla of Märgaśirsha is considered an unlucky tithi (at least Albērúni says that it is so); but that the 11th is peculiarls auspicious since it is the occasion of the great Vaikuntha, or Mukkoti-ēkārlasī, festival in Southern India, and of the mökshada Ekadasi in other parts. And as this tithi ran for about 5 hours before the end of the civil day, Monday, while the nakshatra Asvini was similarly current for about 3 hours before the end of the day, it seems quite possible that this constituted an occasion justifying a departure from the usual practice and the coupling of the Monday in question with Asvini instead of with Rēvati.
If I am right in this surmise the date may be accepted as genuine, and if so this king's reign began some time between November 23rd, A.D. 861, and November 22nd, 862 ; always supposing that "in the ninth year opposite the fourth year" means in the thirtornth year." Coupling with this the date given in the Aivarmalai record (Bp. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 88), which makes Saka 792 synchronous with the king's eighth year, we have for his accession the period March 22nd to November 22nd A.D. 862. This presupposes that the quoted Saka year 792 was the current year.
I No. 81 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910.
? That the Walköpi-akadafi festival takes place on 11th sukla of Märgarirsha I guther from the late S M Natasa Sustri's Irindu Faarts, Fasts, and Ceremonias, p. 60. Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai (Indias Chronology, p. 50,) plaves it on the 11th sukla of Pausha ; but I believe that this is not the case.

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254
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA.
97.-In the Mundisvaramuḍaiyar temple at Manappadaividu.1
1 Svasti śri [*] Ko Marapanmar-ana Tribhavanachchakravattiga [1] emmandalamun-gond-aruli[ya*] śri-Sundara-Pandiyadovarku yaṇḍu 10vadu Vrischikanāyaṛṛu pūrvva-pakshattu ashṭamiyum perra Rēvati-nā [!].
[VOL. XI.
"In the 10th year (of the reign) of king Maṛavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva, who was pleased to take every country, on the day of Revati, which corresponded to the 8th tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Vrischika."
I have tested this date for the 10th year of the three known Maravarman Sundara-Pandyas, the first of whom began to reign between March 29 and September 4, A.D. 1216, the second between June 15, A.D. 1238, and January 18, 1239, and the third between June 2, A.D. 1531, and June 1, 1532; that is to say I have calculated the tithi and nakshatra mentioned, during the course of the solar month Vrischika, in each of the years A.D. 1225, 1226, 1247, 1248, 1540, 1541. In no case was Revati current at any time during the civil day which might have been connected with the 8th śukla tithi of a lunar month. I must therefore hold this date to be unsatisfactory.
JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA.
98. In the Neḍungalanathasvamin temple at Tiruneḍungalam.3
1 Svasti śri [1]Ko-Chchaḍaipanmar- apa śri-Sundara-P[a]ndiyyadevarkku yaṇḍu
T[i][i]buvanachchakkara vat]tigal
2 manrāvadu Rishabha-nayarru
[yum perra Pusattu nāl.
"In the third year (of the reign) of king Jaṭavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyaḍēva,-on the day of Pushya which corresponded to a Monday and to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
pūrvva-pakshattu ēkādasiyum Tingaṭ-kila[m]ai
This date is also irregular when examined for the third year of any known king of the name declared in the record. Tested for the reigns of the first or second Jaṭavarman SundaraPandya the stated day must fall in either A.D. 1253, 1278, or 1279. In the first case the given tithi fell on a Saturday, in the second on a Wednesday, in the third on a Tuesday; in the first two cases the nakshatra was Hasta and in the third Chitra. On an 11th sakla tithi in Vrishabha the moon cannot be in Pushya.
99. In the Kachchhapesvara temple at Tirukkachchur.* .. [Kor-Saḍai]
1 Svast[i] ári[*] . .
2 bavanachcha[k] karavatti [ga]! śri-Sundara-[P]andi [ya]děvarkku y[an]
3 du 7vadu Mina-nayaṛru pāruva-pakshatta deśamiyam Nayaṛru-[kila]4 maiyum [perra Atta [t]tu nal.
"In the 7th year (of the reign) of king Jaṭa[varman alias] the emperor of the [ three] worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva, -on the day of Hasta which corresponded to a Sunday and to the tenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
1 No. 446 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
No. 680 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
There is some space between Śri and Kō which might have been intended for a punctuation,
No. 303 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. tadu is expressed by a flourish added to the figure 7.

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DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
No. 24].
This date is altogether unsatisfactory. In the 7th year of the reign of Jaṭavarman Sundara-Pandya I the 10th sukla tithi in Mina corresponded to Saturday, March 10th A.D. 1258, the Pushya nakshatra being current at mean sunrise.
For the 7th year of the reign of Jața varman Sundara-Pandya II I have tried all the possible years. In no case is the nakshatra quoted correct for the day corresponding to the 10th sukla tithi in Mina, these being always either Punarvasu, Pushya, or Aslesha, and never Hasta. Only in one year, A.D. 1284, does the 10th sakla tithi correspond to a Sunday, and that was on 27th February of that year; but the nakshatra for that day was Punarvasu.
The record cannot belong to the reign of any possible king of the name coming between Maravarman Kulasekhara I, whose last known date is June 9th A.D. 1309, and the second king of that name, whose reign began in March A.D. 1314; since in all the possible years that I have tried, the nakshatra, on the given day, is either Punarvasu or Pushya. Indeed during the month of Mina the moon cannot be in Hasta on a 10th sukla tithi.
255
100. In the Vighnesvara temple at Tirukkachchür.1
1 Svasti śri [*] Kor-Chadapanmar-ana Tiribhuva Jnachobakkaravattigal emmandala]mun-gond-aruliya sri-Sundara Pandiyadevarkku yaṇḍu
tradiyaiya[m] Viyala-kkila]maiyum perra
Risha
2 bha-nayarṛu pürrva-pakahattu
Pūśattu nā[!].
"In the 8th year (of the reign) of king Jaṭavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Paṇḍyadeva, who was pleased to take every country,- on the day of Pushya which corresponded to a Thursday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Rishabha."
101.-In the Neḍungalanathasvamin temple at Tiruneḍungalam.5
8vadu3
This date is irregular. To correspond with the 8th year of the named king, either the first or the second of the dynasty, the day must fall in either A.D. 1258, 1283, or 1284. In 1258 the 3rd sukla tithi in Vrishabha was current at sunrise of a Tuesday, and the nakshatra was Mrigasiras or Ardra at sunrise. In 1283 the week-day was Saturday, and the nakshatra was Mrigasiras by all systems. In 1284 the week-day was Friday, and the nakshatra at sunrise was Punarvasu by all systems. Part of the 3rd śukla tithi, in this last case, coincided with Thursday; it did so in fact for the last 10 hours of that day; but during that period the nakshatra was Ardra or Punarvasu.
1 [v][0][1]samasta-jagad-ädhärn
5 [Sun]da[ra]-Pa[ndiya] do[va]rku yanḍu pa[i]to [n]ravadu? Makara-nayarru pa[rvva]pakahatta [sha]sh[th]iy[u]m Budhan-kila[m]aiyum
6 perra Urosan [i]-nal.
1 No. 319 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. 2 Read Tribhuvana.. 3 radu is represented by a flourish. No. 677 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. The portion of this line, from ndiya to vadu, is written over an erasure. Read padinonrüvadu.
[Sun]dara-Pandyadeva,
•
"In the eleventh year (of the reign) of -on the day of Rohini which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the sixth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
Read tritiyaiyum.

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256
EPIGRAPHIA IXDICA.
(VOL. XI.
The date is irregular whether for the reign of Jaţăvarman Sundara-Pandya I, or for the second king of that name. The given tithi in Makara corresponded with a Wednesday in A.D. 1261, the 11th year of Jaţăvarman Sundara I, and in January of A.D. 1286 which might possibly have been in the 11th year of Jatávarman Sundara II ; but the corresponding nakshatra ou those Wednesdays was either Pārva or Uttara-Bhadrapada. In January 1287 the 6th sukla tithi in Makara fell on a Tuesday, with the nakshatra Asvini current at mean sunrise, and in January 1288 it fell on a Sunday, with the nakshatra Rēvati current at mean sunrise.
102.-In the Kachchhapēśvara temple at Tirukkachchür. 1 Svasti sri[u*] . . . .
. . . Ko=Ch[cha]da[pa]nmar-iņa Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! śri-[u] dara-Pāņliyadēvapku ya[n]du 13vadu?
pad[i]nminli Jävadu Kum(bhal-nāyarru pārvva-[pa]kshattu panchamiyum Bu2 dan-ki[la]maiy[u]m perra Asvati-na!.
"In the 18th-thirteenth-year of the reign) of king Jaţāvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, on the day of Asvini which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
This date is irregular. For the 13th year of Jaţăvarman Sundara-Pandya I the 5th sukla tithi in Kurabha has Ašvini for nakshatra, but the week-day was Monday. It corresponded to 4 February, A.D. 1264. For the 13th year of Jațăvarman Sundara-Pandya II we may test the date in two ways, according as we accept one or the other of the accession periods fixed by the two groups of inscriptions. If we accept the earlier period, the 5th sukla tithi of Kumbha in the 13th year corresponded to 8 February, A.D. 1289, and at sunrise on that day the nakshatra was Asvini; but the week-day was Sunday. If we accept the later, the quoted day corresponded to 27 January, A.D. 1289; but on that day at sunrise the nakshatra current was Rėvati, and the week-day was Thursday. The fifth sukla tithi was current for 3h. 24m. at the end of Wednesday, but the nakshatra Aśvini did not begin till 13h. 46m. after mean sunrise on the Thursday, so that it could not possibly be connected with the Wednesday previous.
JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I. 103.-In the Kachchha pēśvara temple at Tirukkachchür.3 1 Svast[i] śr[i] [II] . . . . . . . . . . . [Kör-Chadai]panmar-iņa
T[ribuva[nachcha[k] karavattfilga! śr[i]-Sundara-Pfalud[ilyadēvur[k]. 2 ku yandu Salut Miduna-nayatru apara-pakshatt[u] Tingal-kilumaiyum perga
Uttira![t Jadi-na! "In the 8th year of the reign) of king Jaţāvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, - on the day of Uttara-Bhadrapadã which corresponded to a Monday of the second fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
The month of Mithuna in the 8th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I fell in A.D. 1258, in which year the 1st day of that month corresponded to Monday, May 27th, and the oth krishna tithi. The nakshatru current at mean suurise by the systems of Garga and Brahmagupta was Uttara-Bhadrapada, but by the equal-space system Purva-Bhadrapada was
No. 315 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. ? vadu is represented by a flourish. * No. 305 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. • cadw is expressed by a flourish added to the liguro 8.

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No. 24.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
257
then current. Examining Kielhorn's dates Nos. 11 to 18 (Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 306 ff.) I find that in six cases it is impossible to say which system was generally in use in the Chinglepat tract during that reign; bat No. 12 proves that in A.D. 1253, near Trichinopoly, neither the system of Garga nor that of the Brahma-siddhanta was in use, and No. 16 from near Tanjore shows that the latter was not used there in A.D. 1260.
On the morning in question, according to the equal-space system, Uttara-Bhadrapada began 55 m. after mean sunrise; and though this throws a slight doubt on the date I think it may be accepted.
For the reign of the second king of that name the date must fall in A.D. 1283 or 1284 and for those years the quoted nakshatra would be incorrect; though it is correct in all respects for Monday, June 1st, A.D. 1282, which was the 6th day of Mithuna. And if the quoted regnal year had been the 6th instead of the 8th, I should have had no hesitation in accepting it. As the case stands, however, I think that the date is genuine and that it belongs to the reign of Jaţăvarman Sundara-Påndya I.
104.-In the Muktisvara temple at Pürattukköyil. 1 Svast[i] sri [ll*] Ko-Ch[chaddai papma]r=[na Tribhuva)na(chchakkarava). 2 tti[ga! sri]-Sundara-[Påndiya]dēvarka [y]ądu llvada 3 Kapn[i]-nā[y]rru [apara-pa]ksha(tta] · · · · [yum Bada ]p-kila[m]ai4 [yu]m perra Sodi-näļ.
"In the 11th year of the reign) of king Jaţăvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēve, on the day of Sväti which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the ... tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kanya."
The given elements of the date do not correspond to any possible 11th or-supposing a wrong regnal year to have been stated, -10th or 12th year of Jaţăvarman Sundara-Papdya II; nor to any sukla tithi on a Wednesday in Kangå in any of those years, supposing that the fortnight was wrongly recorded.
The day apparently corresponds to Wednesday, August 31st A.D. 1201, which was in the 11th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Påndya I, and on which day at mean sunrise, which was the 3rd day of Kanya, the 4th sukla tithi was corrent, the current nakshatra being, by the equal. space system, Svati. By the other two systems of Garga and the Brahma-siddhanta the nakshatra was Visakhi.
I think that the record is one of the reign of Jaţăvarman Sundara Pandya I, and that the fortnight was wrongly stated. The date does not correspond to any day in the dark fortnight during the given solar month.
1 5
JATAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II. 105.-In the Nedungalanāthasrāmin temple at Tirunedungalam. Svast[i sri] [11*] svast[i] samasta-jagad-adhara . ... . . ..er[i] K[0]=Ch[cha]daipapmar-ins T[i]ribuva pa
chchakkara vattiga! sri-Sundara-Pån.
1 Since the text was in print I am informed that the figure "g" is quite clear in the original.
No. 741 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. * No. 667 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.

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258
EPIGRAPHÍA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
6 (diya)devar[k]ku pandu v adu! | Ma[ka]ra-[D]āyarğu [p]ūrvva-pakshattu
dasamiyum Budan-[k]ilamaiyum perra Ro. 7 saņi)-1ā!.
"In the 8th year of the reign) of the glorious king Jaţăvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pānd yadēva,-on the day of Rõhiņi which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the tenth tithi of the firat fortnight of the month of Makara."
For the 8th year of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I, the 10th sukla tithi in solar Makara fell on a Sanday, at whose sunrise the nakshatra was Kpittika. Neither Rohiņi nor the 10th sukla tithi could be connected with a Wednesday.
For the 8th year of Jațivarman Sandara Pandya II the year may correspond either with A.D. 1282-83, or 1283-84, according to the initial date accepted for the reign. The given date is irregular for both these years. It is, however, perfectly regular for the 9th regnal year of this king, if his accession dated from some day in the year 1276-77; for the given lunar ray falling on the 23rd day of Makara, corresponds regularly to Wednesday, January 17th A.D. 1285, on which day at mean suurise the 10th sukla tithi and the nakshatra Rohiņi were current, Since this date is regular in all its details, I think it should be accepted. But in that case either it clashes with most of the other records of this king as to the initial date of his reign, or the regnal year is wrongly given as the 8th, when it should have been stated as the 9th. A mistake of this kind is frequently made, and I believe it to have been made in this instance,
108.-In the Vyāghrapādēsvara temple at siddhalingamadam. 1 Svasti sri: Ko[x]=Sadaipagmar=āņu Tirabu[va]na[ch]chak[ka]ra[va]ttiga! Sri2 Sandara-Pandiyadevarkku [y]apda 13[vadu] Mina-[naya]kru pū(rvva]-paksha3 ttu Sapi=kkilamaiyum shash[th]iya[m] porta Ro[sa]și-na[1].
In the 13th year of the reign) of king Jatăvarman alias the emperor of the three worlde, the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, on the day of Rõhiņi which corresponded to the sixth tithi and to a Saturday of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
For the reign of Jaţāvarman Sundara-Pāodya I the date is irregular, as the given tithi in bis 18th year fell on a Wednesday, though the nakshatra was Rohini.
Working by the group of inscriptions which fixes the reign of Jatávarman Sundara-Pandya II as beginning in 1276 and, therefore, his 13th year as beginning in 1288, I find the date so far satisfactory that for 4h. Sim. at the end of Saturday, February 26, A.D. 1289, which was the 4th day of Mina, the 6th sukla tithi of Phālguna and the nakshatra Rohiụi were together current. At sunrise on Sunday, both this tithi and nakshatra were current, and by ordinary practice they would have been coupled with Sunday, February 27, and not with Saturday, February 23th. Phālguna sukla 6th began 7h. 8m. after mean suprise on that Saturday.
Working by the earlier accession-date fixed by the other inscription-group the date is irregular.
With the reservation above stated the date corresponds to Saturday, February 28th, A.D. 1989; and this fixes the beginning of the reign as subsequent to February 26th, A.D). 1276.
pads is represented by a flourish. No. 418 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. • The syllables yum are engraved below the line. • The akshara mis engraved below the line. . The akshara is engraved below the line.

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No. 24.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
259
107.-In the Kachchhapēsvara temple at Tirukkachohur.1 1 Svasti eri [1] . .... ...... Ko=Chohadapan na[r]-āņa
Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! sri-Sundara-Paodiyadē (va]rkku yaņdu 1[3]vadakku
edirām-,2 nda Karkadaga-nāyarı apara-pakshattu desamiyum Tingal-kkilamaiyum perra
Kättigai-na!. "In the year opposite to the 1[3]th year of the reign) of king Jaţăvarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadēva, on the day of Ksittikā which corresponded to a Monday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Karkataka."
The date given is incorrect for the 14th year of the reign of Jaţivarman Sandara-Påndya I, but correct for that of the second of that name. It corresponds to Monday, July 3rd, A.D. 1290, which was the 6th day of solar Karkataka, or Karka, and on which day the 10th kļishņa tithi of Jyēshtha was current at sunrise. At sunrise, also, on that day the nakshatra Krittikā wae current according to all the three systems of calculation. According to this the accession-day of Jaţăvarman-Sundara-Pandya II must have been subsequent to July 3rd A.D. 1276. 108.-In the Kachchhapēsvara temple at Tirukkachohur.
. . KO Sadapanmaru apa Tiribuvapachchakkaravattiga! sri-Sandara-Pāņdiyadēvarkku [y]āņda 17vada Siñóa-näyarru pūrvva
pakshatta 2 . miyum Tingal-kilamaiyum perra Uttiradatt nål.
“In the 17th year of the reign) of king Jatávarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva,--on the day of Uttarăshadhā which corresponded to a Monday and to the tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Sinha."
This date is incorrect for the 17th year of the reign of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I. It is, however, correct for the reign of the second king of that name. It corresponds to Monday, August 25th A.D. 1292, which was the 28th Siraha, and on which day at sunrise the llth sukla tithi was current, the nakshatra being Uttara-Ashådhå by all systems. This was in the 17th year of the reign of Jaţävarman Sundara-Pandya II., if his accession took place on or before August 25th, A.D. 1276.
I have given great attention to the question of the date of accession of Jatavarman SundaraPåndya II, because the evidence regarding it has hitberto been in a very unsatisfactory condi. tion; and after concluding my examination of the eleven inscription dates sent to me this year, whicb, with those previously examined by the late Professor Kielhorn and myself, mike a tota! of twenty-six records, I have come to the conclusion that this king ascended the throne on a day between the eth and 25th August A.D. 1978.
A. I differ from the opinion expressed by the late Professor Kielhorn and have modified the donolusions I had previously formed (above, Vol. X, pp. 144 f.) it is necessary to state the cu.se at some length. The difference of opinion alluded to bag reference to records Nos. 23 to 27. Kielhorn considered that the regnal years stated in Nos. 23 and 24 were wrong, and adhered to those given in Nos. 25 and 27. He considered that a wrong tithi had been stated in No. 26, and corrected, rightly as I think, the " 13th " tithi to the 3rd. After this correction the date
1 No. 803 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. 1 No. 808 of tbe Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
2 1 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
agrees with Nos. 23 and 24 as regards the day of the king's accession. Accepting this alteration I think that instead of altering the regnal years given in Nos. 23 and 24, it was those given in Nos. 25 and 27 that required correction. It is only fair to remember that apparently Professor Kielhorn had, at the time that he wrote, very few inscriptions of this king before him.
With these preliminary remarks I proceed to summarize the results for all the records yet examined, from which it will be seen that there is now a strong presumption in favour of the socession-date put forward by me. In the list, "K" stands for Kielhorn, and "S" for Sewell, The inscription dates are published above, in Vols. VI, pp. 310-12, VIII, pp. 278-280, and x, pp. 127-28 as well as in the present article.
No.
Date of inscription A. D.
Regnal year.
Accession later than A. D.
Notes.
Year 6 should be yeur 5. ." 13th tithi" should be
"3rd." Year 15 should be year 14.
Year 10 should be year 9. . Year 11 should be year 12.
"Kayā" should be "Simha."
23 Mon. 1 Aag. 1289 13 1 Aug. 1276. Fri. 5 Aug. 1289
5 Aug. 1276. Mon. 21 July 1281 21 July 1275 Fri. 12 Sept. 1287
12 Sept. 1275 Mon. 15 May 1290 15 15 May 1275 Mon. 23 July 1235 23 July 1275 Wed. 29 Oct. 1287 29 Oct. 1276. Wed. 27 Aug. 1287 . 12 27 Aug. 1275. Mon. 28 Aug. 1290 . 15 28 Aug. 1275. (Doubtful). Mon. 30 Sept. 1286 . 10 30 Sept. 1276. Mon. 20 Feb. 1290.15(P) 20 Feb. 1275 . Wed. 18 Mar. 1293. 17 18 Mar. 1276. Sat. 14 Mar. 1293 . 17 14 Mar. 1276. (Irregulur).
(Irrogular). 99. (Irregular).
(Irregular). (Irregular). (Irregular). (Reign of J. San. P.1.)
Year 10 should be year 11. Year 15 should be year 14.

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No. 24.]
No.
"1
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
Date of inscription A. D. Regnal Accession later than A. D. year.
S 104
(Reign of J. S. P. I.)
105
Wed. 17 Jan. 1285
13
,, 106 Sat. 26 Feb. 1289 ,, 107
Mon. 3 July 1290
14
108 Mon. 25 Aug. 1292 17
"
8
17 Jan. 1277
26 Feb. 1276.
3 July 1276.
25 Aug. 1275.
5 rkku yaṇḍu 2vadu
6 Midhuna-nayarru iru
7 badan-diyadiyum pu
8 rvva-pakshattu trayō9 dasiyum Budhan-kila
10 maiyum per[ra A]
11 pilattu nāļ.
Year 8 should be year 9.
From this statement it will be seen that we have six dates, viz., Nos. 23, 24, 76, 77, 106 and 107 which as they stand, without any alteration, show that the king's accession took place in 1276 A.D. after August the 5th; one, No. 108, which shows that it may have taken place on or before August 25, 1276; and two, which, as they stand show that it took place before August 27th in that year. These are Nos. 54 and 55. Also one, No. 26, which, without alteration of the regnal year, supports that conclusion though a wrong tithi was quoted. Seven others, Nos. 25, 27, 52, 53, 74, 75 and 105, are not inconsistent with it if one year is either added to or deducted from the given regnal year. Nine others are either irregular or belong to the reign of a different king.1
JATAVARMAN KULASEKHARA.
108.-In the Mülasthanesvara temple at Tenkarai, Svasti śr[1]: r18 Ko-Chcha
1
2 daiyavarmmar-apa Tribh[uv"]a
3 nach [cha]kravattigal 6r1.3
4 Kulasekharadeva
Notes.
Referring to my remarks on the accession-date of this king at p. 129 of Vol. X, it will be seen that I now accept K. 26, with Kielhorn's proposed alteration. It was "intrinsically wrong" for the stated tithi, but, with the alteration made, it supports the accession-date which I now believe to be the correct one. With regard to two other dates, Nos. 55 and 75, I was doubtful on account of apparent errors in them; but in view of the light since thrown on the matter they may be accepted with those errors corrected.
261
"In the 2nd year (of the reign) of the glorious king Jatavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,-on the day of Anuradha which corre
No. 185 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910.
A letter kw has been engraved and erased after 4ri; kule is written over an erasure,
1 Since this paper was in print I have seen Professor Jacobi's article above (pp. 132, ff.). His No. 86 (p. 136) confirms my opinion, since it shows that the king could not have begun to reign earlier than 10th August A.D. 1276, 9th August of that year being stil in his 14th year. This still further reduces the doubtful days of his secession, and, being accepted, proves that he ascended the throne on a day between 10th and 25th August A.D. 1276.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.,
(VOL. XI.
sponded to a Wednesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight and to the twentieth solar day of the month of Mithuna."
This date is irregular for any year in the reign of Jațăvarman Kulasekhara I, as well as for any in the reign of Måravarman Kulasekhara II ; nor is it correct for any date between A.D. 1190 and 1350 except in the case of two years. One is in A.D. 1239 and the other is in A.D. 133t. In each case the 13th sukla tithi coincided with the 20th day of solar Mithuna; and in each case the week-day was Wednesday and the nakshatra current at mean sunrise was Antridha; the only exception being that in A.D. 1239, if the calcnlation were made by the Brahmasiddhanta, Anuradha bad expired 20m. before mean sunrise on that day. But this objection Deed not be taken into account, since that nakshatra was probably current at true sunrise.
For the year A.D. 1334 the coincidence is absolute. In tbe first case the given date corresponds to Wednesday, June 15, A.D. 1239; in the second case it corresponds to Wednesday, June 15, A.D. 1834. In the first case the king's reign began after June 15, 1237, and before June 15, 1238; in the second case the reign began after June 15, 1332, and before Jane 15, 1333. Carefal study of the characters and form of the original inscription will donbtless lead to certain determination as to which of these two years is the correct one. If this king's reign should be found to begin between 1332 and 1333 A.D., we shall have the name of a hitherto unknown Pandyan king, coming probably between Märavarman Kulasekhara II and Mäsavarman Parăkrama Pandya, and bearing the title " Jațāvarman" according to custom. And if his reign began between 1237 and 1238 A.D. we shall similarly have a new "Jațăvarman" between Māsavarman Sundara Pandya I and Māravarman Sundara Pandya II, but with a certain overlapping of reigns. In the other case there is no overlapping; and if this should prove correct the king's title will have to be, at least provisionally, stated as “Jaţăvarman Kulasekhara II."
MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA.
110.-In the Malasthanēśvara templo at Tenkarai. 1 Svast[i] eri: .......... sri: Ko Mā[ra]panmar=āna Tribhuvanachcha
kkaravatti2 gale[m] [ma]odalaman=gond-aruļi(ya sri]-Kulasegaradēvar[k]
u yāṇda 23 va[da Malgara3 nāyafru parvva-pakshatta [sapta]m[i]y[um] T[in]gal-kkilamaiyum perra Attatti
Dā!
"In the 23rd year of the reign) of the glorious king Māravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasēkharadēva, who was pleased to take every country-on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Monday and to the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
This date is irregular. In the first place the moon can never be in Hasta on a 7th sukla tithi during the solar month Makara. For the 23rd year of either of the known kings of the name stated, which correspond, for the 7th bukla tithi of Makara, to a day in January A.D. 1291 or Jandary A.D. 1937, the week-day is Monday in the first case, and Friday in the second ; and the corresponding nakshatras are Rēvati in the first case, and Aśvivi in the second. Working for a possible 7th ksishņa tithi, on the supposition that a mistake had been made by the engraver, I find the week. days to have been respectively Tuesday and Friday, with nakshatras Chitrā and Visakh.
characters alone, the earlier
1 I have since been informed that, while it is difficult to decide the point from date is the more probable.
No. 128 of the Malras Epigraphical collection for 1910.

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No. 24.]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
111.-In the Muktiśvara temple at Pürattukköyil.1
1 Svasti śri [1] Ko Marupanmar-ana Tir[i]buvanachchakkaravatt [iga]! śr[i]-Kalasogaradēvarku yanḍu
2 28vadu Kann[i]-nayarru [ama]ra-pakkashattu3 deśamiyum Velli-kkilamaiyam perra
Attattu
3 nå!.
"In the 28th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, on the day of Hasta which corresponded to a Friday and to the tenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kanya."
This date is intrinsically wrong, for on a tenth krishna tithi in solar Kanya the moon cannot be in the nakshatra Hasta. In such a month the day of Hasta must be either the 14th or 15th krishna, or the 1st or 2nd śukla tithi. Moreover the week-day given is incorrect for the tenth krishna tithi in Kanya, both in the 28th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara I (A.D. 1295) and in a possible 28th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara II, which would fall in A.D. 1341.
263
MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
118.-In the Mülasthānēsvara temple at Tenkarai.* éri-Ko Marapanmar-ana Tiribuva
1 || Svasti śri: ..
2 [good-ruliya
[aJebchakkiravattigal [em]mandalamudArt-Kula@garadva[1]ku pava-pakahattu [a]pta[m]iyam (Nayarru-kki[la]maiyum perja
ya[p]ḍu
3 [M]alatta naļ.
14vadu
Kappi-nya[r]
"In the 14th year (of the reign) of the glorious king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, who was pleased to take every country,on the day of Mula, which coresponded to a Sunday and to the seventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kanya."
This date is regular for the 14th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara I, and incorrect for that of M. Kulasekhara II. For the former it corresponds to Sunday, September 21st, A.D. 1281, which was the 24th day of solar Kanya. At mean sunrise on that day the 7th tithi of the first fortnight was current, and the current nakshatra was Mala, by all systems.
For the 14th year of Maravarman Kulasekhara II the given day would oorrespond to September 23rd, A.D. 1327; but that day was Wednesday.
113.-In the Mülasthänesvara temple at Tenkarai." .. śri-Ko [Märjamaa Tribhuva [nachoha]. [4]-Kula[6]garadvar
1 Svasti #r[]= kravatt[i]ga[] em] mapḍalamu[]-good-aru][] [kku yo]du [2]8vadu Vrischika-[nya]
2 apara-pakshattu chatu [r]tthiyum Na[ya]rra-kkilamaiyum perra Pusat[tu] nal.
1 No. 794 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
The va of Sea is not added in the right place.
"In the [2]8th year (of the reign) of the glorious king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, who was pleased to take every country,
Read apara-pakshattu dafamiyum.
No. 124 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910.
No. 126 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910.
The year might also be read as 20. What is taken for 8 would in that case be the first letter a of avadu

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Vrischika."
For the 28th year of the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara I, which began in June A.D. 1295, this date is perfectly regular. It corresponds to Sunday, November 27th, A.D. 1295, on which day, the 30th day of solar Vrischika, the 4th tithi of the second lunar fortnight was current at mean sunrise, the nakshatra then being Pushya by all systems.
It would be incorrect for the 20th year of that king, or for a possible 20th or 28th year of the second king of that name.
MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA II.
114.-In the Muktiśvara temple at Pürattukkōyil.1
1 Sva[s]t[i] śr[i] [*] Ko Mara[pan]ma[r-a]na T[i]rubu [va]nachcha [ka]ravattigal [r]-Kulase[gn]radavarkku y[4][du vads]
2 Magara-nya[r]ru parvva-pakshat(tu pratha]maiyum Sapi-kkila[m]am perta Aviṭṭattu nā!.
"In the [eth] year (of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,-on the day of Dhanishtha which corresponded to a Saturday and to the [first] tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
This date regularly corresponds, for the 6th year of the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara II, to Saturday January 12th, A.D. 1320, which was the 17th day of Makara ; on which day at mean sunrise the 1st sukla tithi was current, the nakshatra being Dhanishtha by all systems. It is incorrect for the 6th year of the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara I.
JATAVARMAN PARAKRAMA-PANDYA.
115.-In the Vikrama-Paṇḍyesvara temple at Solapuram.
1 Svasti śr[1] [] Sakabdam ayirattu-iru-[n]arra-[nar] pattu-nāliņ mēl
Chchadaipa[umar-ga] TribhuvanaJohchakravattigal P[a]ndiyadeva[rku yāṇḍu 8] M[I]-naya[r] pau[r]n[y]ai[yu]m Budan-kilamai[y]um perra Sittirai-u[a]].
éri-K6= éri]-Parakrama28 [tedi]yu[m]
"After the Saka year (one) thousand two hundred and forty-four (had passed)in the year 8 (of the reign) of the glorious king Jaṭavarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Parakrama-Pandyadeva,-on the day of Chitra, which corresponded to a Wednesday, to the full-moon tithi, and to the 28th solar day of the month of Mina."
This date is regular when calculated by the Arya-siddhanta. It corresponds to Wednesday, 23rd March, A.D. 1323, on which day at mean sunrise-the day being the 28th of Mina,the full moon, or 15th śukla tithi, was current; it having begun 15h. 35m. in mean time before, and ending 7h. 52m. after mean sunrise.
The nakshatra, however, is found to have begun, by the equal-space and Garga systems, 1h. 30m. after mean sunrise; though by the Brahma-siddhanta it was current at mean sunrise, having begun 2h. 14m. earlier. I have calculated the date by the Brahma-siddhanta, and find that that authority was not used by the framers of the pañchanga th current use at the
1 No. 742 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. No. 487 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909. The syllables tädi are expressed by a symbol.

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No. 24.]
time; for by it the day of the week, of the solar month and the number of the tithi all work out differently, as also does the nakshatra for mean sunrise of the day so established. It follows that the date was calculated by the Arya-siddhanta; but that (i) either there was a slight error in the calculation of the nakshatra, or (ii) the nakshatra for which calculation was made was the one current at the time of the action recorded in the inscription, which action probably took place between 1h, 30m. and 7h. 52m. after mean sunrise on the same 23rd March. Tho inscription belongs to the reign of a king named Jaṭavarman Parakrama-Pandya whose reign began between 24th March A.D. 1315 and 23rd March 1316.
MARAVARMAN VIKRAMA-PANDYA.
116. In the Vyaghrapādēsvara temple at Siddhalingamaḍam.1
1 [S]vasti śri [*]
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
Ko
[M]Arapatmar-pa
Vikrama-Phod[a]yadavarku yaodu
Tribhavanach[ch]akkaravattigal
265
2 [6]vada [Kanoi)-nkyarra parvva-pakshatta prathamaiyum Nayarru-k[ki]lamalyam perra At[ta][t]tu nal.
"In the [6]th year (of the reign) of king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Paṇḍyadēva, on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kanya."
According to the information supplied to me, doubtless from paleographic deduction, this inscription belongs to a period later than the fifteenth century A.D., and consequently to a king whose date has not yet been established, and with whose name we are not yet familiar. This may well be so, but I find it impossible, the details being given as they are here, to find a date which would correspond with those details, without examining them separately for every year; and this would entail a vast and perhaps unnecessary amount of labour.
Meanwhile I would point out that, if it is permissible to suppose that this Maravarman Vikrama may be identical with the Kōnēriņmaikoṇḍan Vikrama whose reign began (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 228) between 13th January and 27th July, A.D. 1401, the given date very fairly well fits in with his reign. In the 6th year of this king's reign the 15th day of Kanya corresponded to Monday, September 13th, A.D. 1406. On that day at mean sunrise the 1st tithi of the first fortnight was current, as also, by all systems, the nakshatra Hasta. The 1st sukla tithi had begun 11h. 20m. before mean sunrise, that is to say, it had been current for 11h. 20m. on the Sunday (September 12); and during that time the nakshatra Hasta had been current by all systems, it having begun by the equal-space system and that of Garga 17h. 11m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta 20h. 35m, before the Monday sunrise. That Sunday was a particularly sacred day being the Mahalaya-amavasya day, with both sun and moon in Hasta. The moon's nakshatra has been already stated. At the moment when the 1st sukla tithi began on the Sunday the sun's mean longitude was 165° 4' 27", proving him to have been in Hasta.
1
No. 410 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
The length of ra is written in continuation of the letter r.
It may be that the same conditions existed at an altogether later date, and the years can be examined individually if a paleographic study of the original inscription can be undertaken which would confine possibilities within a limit of, say, 50 years.
Read Vikrama-Pandyade-.
[Mr. Krishna Sastri now informs Mr. Sewell that paleographically the inscription more probably belongs to the end of the 18th century. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has accordingly calculated the date as corresponding to Sunday, August 29, A.D. 1288.-S.K.]
2 x

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
[VOL. XI.
MARAVARMAN VIRA-PANDY ADEVA.
117.-In the Vyāghrapādēsvara temple at siddhalingamadam.1 1 Svasti eri [ll] Ko m arapanmar Ntribhuvanachchakkaravattigal srl. Vira
Pandiyadóvarku yandı 15vadu Dhanusu-nayaxru [a]para2 pakshattu ash[ta] m[i]yum Sani-kkilamaiyum perra Attattu nä!.
"In the 15th year (of the reign of king Māravarman, the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pandyadēva, on the day of Hasta, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the eighth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
The date is incorrect for the reign of the only Māravarman Vira-Pandya ag yet known to history, whose 15th year began between 13th March and 28th July, A.D. 1457. In that year the 12th Dhanus corresponded to Friday, December 9th, A.D. 1457, on which day the 8th tithi of the second fortnight was current at mean sunrise. But the week-day was not Saturday, and the given tithi could not be connected with Saturday; while though the nakshatra at mean sunrise was Hasta by the Brahma-siddhanta having began 2h. 26m. earlier, it was UttaraPhalguni by the equal-space system and that of Garga.
In the previous year the given tithi was current at sunrise on a Monday.
The date, however, is perfectly regular for the 15th year of Jatavarman Vira-Pandys which year began between the 11th November A.D. 1266 and the 18th July 1267. In that 15th regnal year the 14th day of Dhanus corresponded to Saturday, December 10th A.D. 1267, and at mean sunrise on that day the 8th tithi of the second fortnight was current, having began 5h. 40m. before mean sunrise. At that sunrise the nakshatra Hasta was current by all systems.
I think, therefore, that the date is correct, but that the record belongs to the reign of Jatavarman Vira, and not of Maravarman Vira-Pandyadēva. A study of the palæography of the record will settle this question, since of course the inscription may belong to the reign of a later sovereign, bearing the name as given, who is not yet known to as historically,
If my identification is considered satisfactory the commencement of the reign of Jaţăvarman Vira-Pandya is fixed as having taken place between December 11th, A.D. 1252, and July 13th, 1253.
No. 25.-THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
BY A. H. FRANCEE.
Tibetan accounts of its origin. AB regards Tibetan historiography in general, there are two distinct schools of it, via. the Central Tibetan and the West Tibetan school. Thus, the records referring to the introduction of the Tibetan alphabet vary to a certain degree, according to the schools of writers.
Central Tibetan records.-The Petersburg Gyal rabs gsalbai melong, Sarat Oh. Das' The Tibeto-Mongolian dictionary, Togbarlowa and the Bodhimör. They all agree on the following pointe : king Sron btsan agampo (c. 600-650 A.D.) sent his minister Thonmi to Hindus tan, Southern Hindustan or Magadha, to learn reading and writing. He received instruction from a certain Li byin (the Lijin of the Mongols) in reading and writing, and formed the Tibetan alphabet after the Lantsha and Vartula characters, Tibetan dBu chan after Lañtsha, and Tibetan dBu med after Vartula. He brought the Tibetan alphabet up to 30 characters,
1 No. 395 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909.
Read Tribhueang.. • Since the above was in print I am assured that the title Maracarman is quite clear in the original.

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No. 25.]
THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
267
by taking 24 from the Indian alphabet, and inventing six new characters himself. For the expression of the Tibetan vowels he added four vowel signs.
The West Tibetan school states that king Broń btgan sgampo sent his minister Thonmi and 16 follow students to Kashmir, to learn the characters. They learnt the characters from the Brahman Li byin, and pandit Senge taught them the language (Sanskrit). Bringing them into agreement with the Tibetan language, they formed 24 g Sal byed and 6 Rins, altogether 30 characters. (The following sentence is probably a later addition): Besides, they made them to agree with the Nagara characters of Kashmir and brought them into shape.
Looking at these two, the West Tibetan record strikes me as being the more original of the two. In the first place, the country from which the alphabet was brought to Tibet, is given here as being Kashmir. This is more in accordance with the result of Dr. Vogel's examination of the alphabet. Then, the passage about the forming of the Tibetan alphabet after the Indian Lanteha and Vartula characters, which is altogether doubtful, is omitted here. The West Tibetan account makes mention of the Indian Nägari alphabet, it is true, but this passage looks like a later interpolation.
European statements.-The Central Tibetan account, which makes the Tadian Lantsha and Vartula characters the parents of the Tibetan alphabet, was accepted by a number of European and Indian writers on this subject. Thus, Jäschke in his Tibetan grammar, p. 1, Bays that the Tibetan script was adapted from the Lañtsba form of Indian characters. Grünwedel, in his Mythology says, that the Tibetan script was formed after the Indian characters of those times, the so-called Vartula ; and Sarat Ch. Das, in his article. The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet' (J. A. S. B., Vol. LVII, p. 41) speaks of the letters which Sambhota had introduced from Magadha, and which he had shaped partly after the form of some of the Wartu characters of Magadha'.
As we now know, the Tibetan characters were directly derived from Indian Gupta. And this fact was already recognised by Csoma de Körös, the Neator of Tibetan studies. He says on p. 204 of his grammar: "The Tibetan alphabet itself, as has been noticed in other places. is stated to have been formed from the Dovanagari prevalent in Central India in tbe seventh century. On comparing the forms of its letters with those of various ancient Sanskrit inscrip tions, particularly that at tiaya, translated by Mr. (now Sir Charles) Wilkins, and that on the column at Allabalad, translated by Capt. Trover and Dr. Mill, & striking similitude will be observed." When Csoma wrote this, the term of Gupta had not yet been coined for that particular kind of script. Otherwise he would bave used the term.
The dext student of Tibetan, who told me the same thing, was Dr. F. W. Thomas of the India Office Library. In his opinion, this fact was so apparent and firmly established, that he did not think it necessary to write a line about it. And in his letter of the 7th June, 1906, he sent me a list of Gupta characters from Indore, of the year 465 A.D., which agree very closely with the Tibetan characters.
The same view has been expressed more recently by Col. Waddell, in his article on ancient Tibetan inscriptions from Lhasa (J. R. A. S., 1910).
With regard to the date of the introduction of the Tibetan alphabet, and the place of its provenenoo, Dr. Vogel has favoured me with the following note -
Relation of Tibetan to Indian scripts. “Besides the ordinary Tibetan character, the lamas have the so-called Lantsha which is enclusively used for Sanskrit formulas. The local tradition of Central Tibet) holde, that the
2 x 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
Lantsha is the older of the two, and that from it the ordinary Tibetan alphabet has been derived. This has been repeated by European writers, but in view of paleographical evidence there cannot be the slightest doubt that the tradition has reversed the real facts.
" The ordinary Tibetan character is the more ancient of the two, and the Lantsha originated several centuries later. Both were derived from Indian scripts, but quite independently of each other. The time of their origin can be approximately fixed, by & comparison with the characters used in Indian Sanskrit inscriptions.
The Tibetan alphabet is based on the Indian script, which had developed from the Western Gupta and which used to be designated by the name of Kuţila. Bühler has rejected this appellation and has proposed to call it 'acute-angled' (spitz-winklig). The Tibetan has retained the characteristics of this script ; acute angles at the lower ends, small wedges at the tops, and in general a very ornamental and elegant appearance. As regards the date, when it was introduced into Tibet, the following points may be noted:
"Initial a is indicated by the sign for initial a with a curve attached to the bottom of the vertical, and not by a stroke to the right as in Nagari. The stroke came into general use in India from about 900 A.D. [Let me note that this curve is a subjoined small 'a (No. 23 of the Tibetan alphabet). But another ancient form of a is found in inscriptions near Khalatse. There the syllable om is written like that .-F.].
The ia has the ancient type of the Gupta period (with central bar to the right) which was preserved in India till about 700 A.D. [The Sārada bas kept this form throughout].
"The ta closely agrees with the corresponding Särada letter in that the left half of the ourvo has disappeared. But see some forms of the 8th century.-F.]
"The da has no wedge at the lower end, as is found in India from about 700 A.D.
"In pa the vertical is not prolonged beneath, as happens in India from about 700. Neither is this the case in Sáradă.
4 The pha has retained its Gupta type, which existed in India till about 700 A.D. It differs considerably from the Särada pha.
u The ba resembles Särada va. The vertical, as in pa is not prolonged beneath. [But see on case from the 8th century. .]
"The ma has a loop, but the vertical is not prolonged beneath. It is therefore different from the Sarada letter, but closely resembles the Indian ma of abont 700 A.D.
"The ya is of special importance, as it has the tripartite shape, which in India became changed into the bipartite form in the seventh century. [The most ancient Ladakhi ye dharma formula from Khalatae which Dr. Vogel believes to date from c, 600 A.D., exhibits already the bipartite form of ya.F.] The Sarada has the bipartite type.
"In la we observe the same as in pa and ba: the vertical is not prolonged beneath, as happened in India after 700 A.D. The absence of these prolongations is the more remarkable, as the Tibetan is fond of long down-strokes.
Indische Palæographie, p. 49.

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:
THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
269
"Our conclusion is, that the Tibetan is derived from the Northern Indian script, which was used in the 7th century. It is not based on the Sāradā, but has certain points of similarity with this script, which suggest that both were derived from the same Northern Indian character."
My own view is, that the Tibetan alphabet was quietly worked out in the ancient monasterios of Turkistan, the Tibetan Li yul and that Sron btsan sgampo's minister Thonmi reaped the fruit of such learning. My roasons are the following: The script used for Sanskrit in Turkistan, the so-called Central Asian Brāhmi, is another descendant of Indian Gupta, and closely related to the Tibetan script. Similar characters were used also in Ladakh for Sanskrit formulas between 600 and 800 A.D. These characters were probably the parent of the so-called Brutsha (Bruzha, Dard) form of writing. The Turkistan monasteries were the very places where any new kind of script might have been invented, as is shown by a number of new languages which were first reduced to writing in Tarkistan. Then, the man who taught Thonmi in Kashmir, is called Li byin which name doubtless means,
Blessing of the land Li' (blessing of Khotan). This name may be compared with such names as Khri bdun yul byin, Blessing of the land Khri bdun.' Thus, the man who taught Thonmi may have been a native of Tarkistan. We have a single testimony of history for the early use of Indian characters in Western Tibet, in the Chinese Sui shu, where it is stated, that such characters were used in the Empire of the Eastern Women' (Guge), etc. The Tibetan alphabet, though probably invented earlier, may have followed the development of the North Indian alphabets, until it remained stationary from the 7th or 8th century.
Regarding the language for which the alphabet was invented, I am of opinion, that it certainly was the classical Tibetan. But we must not believe that classical Tibetan was generally spoken in the 7th century. From passages occurring in a good number of documents excavated by Str Aurel Stein in the deserts of Turkistan, we know for certain that the Tibetan dialects were then already developed to an advanced degree. It is very improbable that the prefixes should have been pronounced in full in those days. There is a possibility that Tibet was in possession of an archaic sacred language from time immemorial, that it was this language which was first reduced to writing, and that this already sacred language was accepted as the language of Buddhism. In this connection the following note from Dr. Barnett's article Tibetan MSS., in the Stein collection' (J. R. A. 8., 1903, p. 112) will be of interest. “It was probably in the reign of Khri Sron lde btsan, if not later, that the larger part of the Northern Canon, including the Sālistamba Sätra, was translated into Tibetan. If this be so, it is singular, that a nation, which according to tradition had been hitherto buried in barbarism, should within a century and a half have accepted a new faith, assimilated its doctrines in the most scholastic form of Mahāyāna, and concurrently developed a culture and a political organi. sation, which made it a formidable rival to the older homes of civilisation on its north-westeru frontier. Probably tradition has exaggerated the facts; it may be that Buddhism was fairly well known in Tibet before the seventh century, and Sron batean sgampo was only its Constantine. A new page of history is opening before us."
The Tibetans themselves distinguish between two types of characters in their alphabet. One type was taken directly from the Indian alphabet, whilst the other was invented by Thonmi Sambhota, or his forerunners. The first type is called gal byed (consonants), and the second.
Compare A. H. Franke, The similarity of the Tibetan to the Kashgar-Brahmi Alphabet. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, pp. 43 ff. [The correspondence between Contral Asian Gupta and Tibetan is not so great that it is necessary to assume that they have been developed in the same locality. They have both been developed from the same source, and that explains the similarity-S. K.]
Plate III, . of Sarat Ch. Das' article. The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet, J. 4. 8. B., Vol. LVII, p. 41.

Page #303

270
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI,
Ring. The order of the Tibetan alphabet is of Indian origin. But it is strange to observe, that the group of g Sal byed was divided into two parts, by inserting the Ring between them. The Tibetan alphabet was arranged as follows:
r9t (17 ts
25 r . inid
(24 y
18
tsh
26
1
gSal byed
gSal byed
Rins
gSal byd
chh
13 p | 14 ph
15 b 18 ñ
( 16 m As we see, there are seven Rins, instead of six. Regarding tho gSal byed, Dr. Vogel's note will soffice. Let me add a few words about the Rins. The sibilants ts, tsh, and ds are distinguished from the signs for the ordinary palatals by an additional stroke.-The Tibetan w is a combination of land b. We may say it is a b with a prefixed l. Also b with other prefixes may become a w; thus, the West Tibetan pronunciation of the word dban, power, is wan.-The Tibetan & was derived directly from the most ancient form of the Tibetans, by omitting the stroke on the left side of the s.-The letter is simply an inverted .-'The Tibetan character for 'a may have been developed from the Indian g. 'A as initial is in many dialects pronounced like gh. But as a prefix it generally has a nasal sound. Before the noone of the Tibetan g was properly developed, the characters for g and 'a may have looked much the same. To distingaish then, 'a was furnished for a time with an additional stroke. Compare the accompanying tables.1
It is strange that a, the first letter of the Indian alphabet, should be found at the end of the Tibetan alphabet. I am rather inclined to believe that it was a later development. In many ancient documents, the Tibetan a looks almost exactly like a ya, and there are a number of words in which an original ya has been dropped, or been turned into a vowel-bearer a. Thus, yuri becomes 'ani; yid becomes id; yor becomes 'on, etc. But in its later development the letter a became decidedly similar to the a of the Takari fcript, for which reason it was derived from it by General Cunningham. As has been noticed, old forms of the a in Ladakh are furnished with a hook at the lower left hand corner.
Lantsha and Vartula. Dr. Vogel has favoured me with the following note on Lañtsha: “As regards the Lanthsa, it is based on the Indian script of the tenth century. A charactoristio of this script, to which Bühler bas drawn attention, are the small tails, slanting to the right from the ends of the verticals. These are most prominent in the Någari of the 10th century. Notice also the long straight topstrokes found in Nagari. Notice especially the letters gha, ja, ya (bipartite), ra (with loop). See plates in Sarat Ch. Das' Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet,' J. A. 8. B., Vol. LVII, and Hodgson's plates in Asiat. Res., Vol. XVI (1828).
There are several incomplete tables of Tibetan alphabets from the eighth or ninth century among the documents of the Stein collection. There, the arrangement of the characters is in the following respect different from the present day arrangement. The letter 6 (often pronounced t) is not placed between ph and m, as shown abore, but between land . Thas it has the place of the o in the Sanskrit alphabet. In the same tables the letter 100 appears as a ba with a superadded 'a. This ancient alpuabut consists of 29 lettors only.

Page #304

THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
PLATE I.
BEES COLLECTIONara, OTH CHATURY.
C. 1000-1200-A.D.
13TH, 10TH CENTURY
AND ATEL
Modern.
dbuchan
med
Atik's time dbg chinn
Kyelang document.
dbu
Ala inseriptions.
med
dbuchen
६ ६ ६)
66
فين الدد
११
FRE
ska
क
+
sky.4
khs
JOR/ AA
Re
eve
khi
A
khu
ooloose
khe
kho
F6E EUROPEE RL6E728 DE 56552/65 कारता
khya
khrs
-
org
। ६
و لها ولو فلمولو ف
و و
999
و وو او او
६
को
15)
فاحنا لان و
र
و و و و وه
rgya
91)
Bga
sgru
༨༨
བ པ
A. H. Francke, fecit.
Scale-Seven-tenths.
S.I.O., Calcutta.
Rad. No.45s F.. 12-1.-
08.

Page #305


Page #306

chho
chhe
chhu
chhi
chha
lcha cho
A. H. Francke, ferit.
dbu
BT
che han har en kan man har
o lo groso e la gare e
i s
clan
Qp
دی ماه
COLLECTION STX, DTH CENTURY.
و یا بر
Scale-Seven-tenths.
ایک
ان کی ہی
اور
33
يا* * "
و
ه ه
ه وه
ر
THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
) )
علی ر (
)
ما
م و
ا
h 55
( ها
|
8 8 د
7
* m یا
ته 8
و ہو
dbuchu Atik's time. C 1000 -1200 A.D,
Kyelang
dbered document. Incription
Ald
de
AND AFTER. | 10TH, 16TH CryTURY
chan
ها
و به دبی
8. I. 0., Calcutta.
TF T / T m2 یا 2 دا ها ی ی ی ی اینا یا 9 9 0
دم وا م م م ئه وه ها - اه فى ہو وو 9
PLATE II.
دی جا
Modern.
قصة ماء و رحرالر
جر درعرانو او
اصل بي 1 أي
ص ملے کہ

Page #307


Page #308


Page #309


Page #310

THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
PLATE IV.
STEIN COLLECTION BTK, TK CENTURY.
d,
-120 AD.
18TH, 1GTR CERRURY
AND AFTRL
Molurn.
dba
chan
dba.
med
Atiba's time dbuchan
Kyelang Ald document. inscriptions
med
dbu
clan
Pya
spa
spya
༤༡༤g# །
spra
ག ་
དེ། 9
pha
བ རྨD two y?x }v
phi
1 ༔ ཙེ ཨེ བྱཱ ཙེ ( ༡ 《
ཤུ སུ ་ ་
དུ/s =s
phu
phe
}
pho
phya
phra
。 ༦༠
>y JA 》 82 E༡A &
。。 བ ༦ ཝ ༡༠༠ ༠ ༦ 5 。
。。/G>>。
=7༦༠ བཏབ བ0)གག7 ཊ ག ༣༠) ༦༨༨<
sba
sbya
ma
) ག °7 ཀཱ ཙ – ཚོ༼༦༢ ལ 7
༧ ཚེ༣༩ ༦ག་
mi
. 2 BR 2༽ ༄༅,
/ ༧༡ ༧
e Pe =༤
rma
S
sma
༤༥༧
ཤུ ཙ ༩) 57
smya
tsa
Y
A. H. Francke, fecit.
Scale-Seven-tenths.
.10., calout

Page #311


Page #312

THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
PLATE V.
STEIN COLLECTION 9TH, Wrn Corver,
C. 1000 -1200 A.D.
18TT. 16TIT CENTURY
AND AFTER.
Molemn.
Atle's time.
dba
c han
dba
med
. yelang Hocument.
dbu
chen
inscriptions.
med
dbu
chan
dba
جا می
دي او له
2
1
*
16) 6* * * هر 1
tsha tshi
5
8 و
tshu
تو پورو پور) هو " و
دعوا و ہد
tehe
یو
8
taho
*
(
ر
ر ر
rdza
wa
6 R ( 877R & 2m gm mIR كله بل بدا لا لا ليه 16
@ @
@ @ TGT
ه وه
فرق قاق
وه هاله له و ده و ام احلا بدا ابد ابد
كه
ܩ
ܚܐ ܐܢܐ ܚܢ)
سا سا س)
A. H. Francke, fecit.
Scale-Seven-tenths.
8. 1.0., Calcutta.

Page #313


Page #314

THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
PLATE VI.
Prem COLLECTIor orm, Om CERTUAT.
16TH, 10TH CENSURY
AXD AYTEL
C. 1000-1900 A.D.
decat Igalang
Modena.
dbe
acriptions
___dba
aba
chan
chan 6
CUC
८८ 14 ele =) 2 3 sxs)
3
- - = + % x 3 :
g 2 2 Mr_
i
. RX = = ,4 -
5
't 2212 222(2 222_- 19
&
L र 1
46 Me 3635513KGK_HKK HERE
2
EL/KE DEVala el 2/2 awa NIGransJENE 15/02 200
2 e2_)
2017
464404
LAHAWAH
|HUN NAH
८
20
) 4)
मस्त
बार
A. H. Francke, fecit.
Boale-Seven-tentha.
8.I.O.,Calcuttar

Page #315


Page #316

THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
PLATE VII.
STEIN COLLECTION 8TH, 9TH CENTURY.
c. 1000-1200 A.D.
15TR, 18TH CENRURY
AND AFTER.
Modern.
dbu
elan
dbu
med
Atika's time dbuchan
Kyelang dovuinent.
don
inscriptions
med
dbu
chian
Eva
& Eng & I W S SC Ses el elle se sluhol
co loro ss s
Nasal
abbreviations
rdorje & thamschad 3,5 brgyad
ye ses Na semschan
&
cerebrals
A
sha
a roncare
A. H. Francke, fecit.
Scale--Seven-tenths.
S. I. O., Calcutta.

Page #317


Page #318

No. 25.]
THE TIBETAN ALPHABET.
271
Our conclusion is, that the Lafitsha was introduced into Tibet about 1000 A.D., and in this instance not from Northern, but from Eastern India. It should be remembered, that in the hill districts of Northern India, and probably in the plains of the Panjab also, Sarada was used, and not Nägari. The Indian alphabet was adopted wholesale and practically unchanged, probably because it was intended to be used for Sanskrit exclusively.
This explains how the Tibetan tradition came to reverse the real facts. The Lañtsha used exclusively for the sacred language, was considered as the holy script, and consequently the belief arose that it was the original character from which the ordinary Tibetan alphabet was derived. The Vartala is only a variety of Lañteha."
Although the Tibetan script has almost remained stationary since the eighth century, it has andergone a few slight changes, which help us roughly to date ancient documents and inscriptions. The following are the chief characteristics :
(1) The Stein MSS. from Turkistan, and stone monuments from Lhasa, of the 8th or 9th century. The jhas only two parallel horizontal strokes to the right of the vertical stroke. The t in many cases looks as if the left half of the curve had not yet entirely disappeared. The sbape of the th in many cases reminds us strongly of the old Brābmi or Gupta form. The 6 is almost invariably of triangular shape. In one case the right vertical stroke of the b is prolonged below the line. The letter 'a in many cases is furnished on the top with a short additional stroke. The $ in many cases shows the structure of the é distinctly. In & the connecting line between the two vertical lines mostly proceeds from the lower end or the middle of the left vertical line. The h mostly has a horizontal position like the h of Contral Asian Brāhmi.
Vowel signs.--The i vowel sign is very often inverted, and, apparently in the older documente, joined to its consonant base. All the other vowel signs are joined to their consonant bases. The o vowel sign prefers the left upper end of the consonant, with the exception of ch, tsh, kh, and y, where it is joined to the middle, and I, where it is joined to the right upper end. The u vowel sign is joined to the right lower end of the consonant. The e vowel sign is joined to the middle of the upper line of the consonant, with the exception of s, m, and p, where it is joined to the left upper end, and I, where it is occasionally joined to the right upper end. It is often of the shape of a whip.
Other characteristic marks.-(a) The soffixed a (called drag) is used rather frequently : (b) sa bjoined y appearg regularly below m when the latter is followed by i or e; (c) the articles pho and pha instead of po and pa are found occasionally, and also chhini instead of chin in the supine, chhi instead of chi as interrogative pronoun; (d) the vowels e and o are occasionally followed by a lengthening 'a; (e) there are a good number of cases, where the final consonant of a syllable is written below the first consonant; (f) the euphonic laws are somewhat different from those of the present day; (g) aspirated consonants suffer a gid, or b prefix to be placed before them (gchhig, one, etc).
(2) Documents of the 11th and 12th centuries, from Lahoul and Spiti.-The bis of quadrangular form, and all the consonants have their present beautiful shape.
Vowel signs.-The i vowel sign is no longer inverted (with the exception of a few cases in Bu med), nor is it joined to its consonant base. The o vowel sign shows a tendency to be joinert to the right upper end of its consonant base, but occasionally changes about, especially in the case of 8. In p and m it is still joined to the left upper end. The e vowel sign is joined to the left upper end of the consonant base in the case of s, m, and p (probably). In most other cases it shows a tendency to being joined to the right upper end. The u vowel sign is always joined to the right lower end of its consonant base. In dBu med, the # yowel bigo alone is joined to its Consonant base.

Page #319

272
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
Other characteristic marks.-(a) The drag is still occasionally found; (b) the m is mostly furnished with a subjoined y, when placed before i and e; (c) the articles pho and pha, the supine in chhin, and the pronoun chhi bave disappeared; (d) the vowels e and o are still occasionally followed by a lengthening 'a; (e) the final consonant of a syllable is no longer written below the first consonant; (f) aspirated consonants do not any more suffer a g, d, or b prefix to be placed before them; (g) abbreviations of words appear; (h) inverted dental letters are used to express Sanskrit cerebrals. (A few have already been used in the eighth or ninth century.)
Sarat Ch. Das attributes the work of increasing the Tibetan alphabet from 30 to 50 characters to Santa Rakshita of the 8th century; paleographical evidence may be adduced to prove this. A few inverted dental letters occur in the documents of the Stein collection. Dr. Vogel makes the following note on these new characters: "Another point is noteworthy. There are several letters which the Tibetan has not directly borrowed from India, but which are due to a secondary development in Tibet itself. They are the following; (a) Initials ri, ri, li, and li derived from the signs for r and I with vowel marks. The long vowels have the 'a attached beneath; (b) Mediæ aspirate gha, jha, dha and bha formed of the signs for ga, ja, da, and bu with addition of subscribed ha; (c) cerebrals ta, tha, da, and a formed by reversing the signs for the dentals ta, tha, da, and na; (d) cerebral sibilant sha formed by reversing the sign for the palatal sibilant fa."
(3) Stone inscriptions of the 15th and 16th century from Spiti, etc.-All the characters have their present form.
Vowel signs. With the exception of the i vowel sign, the vowel signs are stiH joined to their consonant bases. The o vowel sign prefers the right upper end of the consonant base. This is particularly evident in the case of p, m, 1, and s. The same may be said of the e vowel sign.
Other characteristic marks.-The drag, they between m and i or e, and all the other characteristics of the ancient orthography have disappeared. I believe that with Buston's edition of the great encyclopædias (1310 A.D.) the last remnants of the ancient orthography disappeared. I do not believe that there are any complete copies extant of the encyclopædias which exhibit the ancient orthography. According to Sarat Ch. Das, it was Tsonkhapa (c. 1400 A.D.) who introduced the new orthography.
(4) Modern Tibetan Vowel signs.-In dBu chan, none of the vowel signs is necessarily joined to its consonant base. In dBu med, only the u vowel sign may be joined to it. But the Vowel signs are often found joined to their consonant bases, as was the case formerly.
No. 26.-LIST OF MINISTERS' NAMES FOUND IN THE TIBETAN INSCRIPTION IN FRONT OF THE TA-CHAO-SSU-TEMPLE (JO-KHANG) IN LHASA, 822 A.D. BY A. H. FRANCKE, PH.D.
On p. 89 of Vol. X of the Epigraphia Indica I pablished my reading of the text and a translation of the Tibetan part of the Tibeto-Chinese stone-inscription in front of the Ta-chaoseu Temple (Jo-Khang) in Lhasa. My reading of the Tibetan text was based on a rubbing of the inscription reproduced in Bushell's article "The Early History of Tibet". My article treated only of the principal part of the inscription and did not take into account the list of names of Tibetan ministers which was inscribed on the same stone monument. That list is found reproduced on a second plate appended to Bushell's article. This reproduction is also
1 J. B. 4. S., Vol. XII, 1880, pp. 535 ff.

Page #320

No. 26.) TIBETAN INSCRIPTION OF THE TA-CHAO-SSU-TEMPLE IN LHASA. 273
based on a rabbing stated to have been obtained at Peking in 1869, which was said then, from the condition of the paper, to date at least from the last century.
When I had just written my first article on the Ta-chao-osu inscription, Professor Waddell's first article on "Ancient Historical Edicts" came into my hands. At first, I did not feel sure whether it would be right to publish my translation in these circumstances; but As Professor Waddell did not announce a translation of the Mu-tsung inscription in his preface, but only expressed some doubts regarding it, which I did not share, I sent my translation to the press. Since then, I have been in the pleasant position of cataloguer of Sir Aurel Stein's Tibetan manuscripts from Turkistan, and my work on these documents has suddenly given new interest to the list of ministers' names, found on the north side of the stone. I dis. covered that most of the names of ministers carved on the Lhasa stone monument, occur also in Sir Aurel Stein's documents, and this remark does not only hold true of the Mu-toung edict of 822 A.D., but also of the earlier Potala inscription of 730 A.D. The names of the ministers
Je-blas and sTag-sgra, found in that edict, also occur repeatedly among Sir Aurel Stein's excavated documents. Thus, the name sTag-sgra is found in Nos. MI, xliv, 7, and 2, 95; and the name rJe-blas in Nos. MI, xiv, 108, and xiv, 65, of the Stein collection. The names Khri-bter and sTag-bter of the Potala inscription of 764 A.D. are found in M. I. xvi, 3.
The ministers' names of the Mu-tsung edict are found in twenty short inscriptions in various states of preservation, which are separated from one another by Chinese inscriptions. The following article does not deal with the latter.
No. 1, Text: Bod-chhen-poi-blon
Translation: Titles, names, and clan-names dum-gyi . . . . . . . 'adzinbai-gtogs
of the ministers of great Tibet who thabs-dao-inyin-rus.
have seized the [agreement) and ....
others. NOTEs: Rue is probably the same as rus-pa, bone, clan, dum I cannot explain ; 'adein-ba instead of 'adsinpa is often found in ancient documenta.
No. 2. Text: Bod-chhen-poi-chhab-srid-ky-blon-po-chhen- Translation: Titles, names, and clans of
........ la-gtoge-pai-thabs-dan-myio. the great ministers of the governrus.
ment of great Tibet, attached to ........ and others.
No. 3. Text: ............ kna-conompo .. khi-chhen-po-la-gtoge-te. Translation : ......... belonging to the
B 5 ......... sa-la-dba-sin-ohhab-srid.
great (heaven?), seizing the govern'adzin
ment, and reigning on earth, ..... ......... dpal-chhen-po ......
........ great glory .........
No. 4. Text: ........ gs(i)-go-chhog-gi ....... Translation : ........ of the highest(P)
..
Nors: chhog may stand for mehhog, best.
Text: blon-chhen-po-blon-l .......
No. 5. Translation: The great minister, minister
L .......
1J, R. 4. 8., 1809, p. 928,
22

Page #321

274
EPIGRAPHTA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
No. 6.
Translation : crowd of ministers?).
Text: (blon-dmag).
Text: (blón-rgyal)
No. 7. Translation: (royal minister ?)
(or: minister and king?).
No, 8. Indistinct.
No. 9. Text: chhab-brid .....
Translation : government ...... Khod-ne-stan.
Khod-ne-stań. The name Khod-me-star has not yet been found in the Stein collection.
No. 10. Text: chhab-srid-kyi-blon-po-chhen-po
Translation: The great minister of the gov. Lan-khri-bier
ernment, ancle Khri-bzer-lhe lha-mthon.
mthon. NOTRs : The word tant uncle, in connection with names of ministers is repeatedly found among the Stein relics. It may be compared to the title agw, uncle," of the heroes of the Kesar Saga. The naine Khri bzer is probably the personal name, and I Ha-mthon (god-seer) may be clan-name.
The name Khri-bter is found in the following documents of the Stein collection : M. Tagh.aV, 0015; alV, 00122; bi, 0092; MI, i, 28; xvi, 1, 8; xxviii, 0016, etc.
The name Ha-mt hon has been found only once, vis. in M. Tagh, a1, 0012.
No. 11. Text: chhab-erid-kyi-blon-po-chben-po- Translation: The great minister of the blon-rgyal-bzan
government, minister rGyal-bzan'adus-(r)kań.
'adus-(r)kan. Nors: Hero again, as in all the following Cages, I take the first name as the personal name, and the second as the clan-name.
The name Gyal-bras ocours in MI, xiv, 108g, and xiv, 0016 of the Stein relics. The name 'a Durkan has not yet been found.
No. 12. Text: Bod-ohhon-poi-blonpo...... l-gji- Translation: Titles, names, and clan
thaba-dan
names of the ............ ministers myi-rus
of great Tibet.
No. 13. Teart: Nah-blon-mchhims-tab-rgyal.
Translation: The perfect minister of bser-khod-ne
Inner Affairs, uncle Gyal-bkerbrtean.
khod-ne-brtsen. Norma molhime is probably connected with 'acklinpa, to be fall, perfect.
The name ryal-ober occur in the following documents of the Stein collection : M. Tagh, IV, 00122 L. 0009: LI, 0095; LI, 00104; MI, XXX, 001; xlil,009. In No. M. Tagh, bi, 0096, we find the name Gval. berlaga-brtean.
The name Khod-w has not yet been discovered in the Btain collection.

Page #322

No. 26.) TIBETAN INSCRIPTION OF THE TA-CHAO-SSU-TEMPLE IN LHASA. 275
No. 14. Text: Phyi-blon-bki-la-gtogs-pa
Translation: The minister of Chog-ro, wbo chog-ro
is under the command of the minister blon-btsan-bier-lba-gon
of Outer Affairs, bТsan-béer-lha
gon. NOTES: Chogoro is the well known name of a province.
The namo Tiran-kor is found in the following of Sir Aprel Stein relics : M Tngh, II, 0067, MI,xxvii, 19.The name 1 Ha-gon occurs in MI, xiv, 68 in the following connections: 'Onar-lha-gon and a Bas ........ lhagor.
No. 15. Text: ....... mchhims-tan-brtan
Translation: The perfect ........., uncle. bíer-stag
brTan-beer-stag-(teab). tsab(tsan?). NOTES: The name br Tan-bter has not yet been found in the Stein's relics.
a No. 16. Text: m Nan-pon(Kha-ba-soi-slog.
Translation: The lord of curses (magician) gi-bla-'abal)-blon
the superior of Kha-ba-soi-(slogP), Klu bzan.myes-rma.
minister Klu-bzan-myes-rma. NOTES: Pon, instead of dpon, master; several syllables between Khab and 'abal are indistinct. Kha-ba-so are mentioned as officials in the account of g Nya-khri-btran-po in the La-doaga-rgyal-rabi.
For the name Klu-bran see No. 17. A name similar to myes-rma is found in No. MI, xxiv, 0034 of Sir Aurel Stein's relics, in the name Lan-khrug.sme-rma. Let me add that several ancient names contain the syllable myes as well as oma as one of their parts in the Stein collection.
No. 17. Text: Kai-phr(i)n-blon- ....... n-ka- Translation :. The minister who announblon-stag-bier-(hab?)
ces the orders, ... ... minister Tag. (nyen).
bíer-(hab-nyenP). NOTE!: The name Tag-bkor is found in the following of the Stein documents : MI xxvii, 19; xxviii, 5; xxviii, 0088, 0041 , xlii, 2; xvi, 8.-In No. MI. xvi, 19, the name Tag-ber-lagu-kon is found.
No. 18. Text: Tsis-ba-chhen-po- ....... blon
Translation: The great accountanty stag
.......... minister sTag grigs. gzigs. NOTES : Tsis-ba, instead of ordinary rTris.pa. The name Tag-gsiga has not yet been found in the Stein relics.
No. le. Text : Phyi-blon ....... tap-kla-bzad. Translation: The minister of Outer Affairs
...... uncle Klu-baan, NOTES: The name Klu-bzan is found in the following of the Stein documenta: M. Tagh, IL, 0078; MI, xxvii, 19.
No. 20. Text: Zal-che-ba-chhen-po-zal
Translation: The great judge, the minister blon-rgyal .......
of judgment, rGyal ...... Noris : che-ba instead of ordinary chhe-pa. Unfortunately, the name of the minister has not been preserved in full; there are many names, beginning with rgyal, occurring in the Stein relics.
GENERAL NOTR: Let me add that in the ancient documents of Sir Aurel Stein's collection, we generally find only the perponal names of the ancient mipisters, preceded by their titles. It is only in rhrer cases that we and the personal names and clan-names coin bined. My explanation of this fact would be that in all those cases, where the personal name alone is given, we may be sure that the document deals with the famous minister, whose personal name and clan-name are both found on the Mu-tsung monument. But there were certain officials, whose personal names were in agreement with those of one or other of the famous ministers, but whose clan-Dame differed from theirs. It is only in such case, as I believe, that the documents of the Stein collection give both names, 80 as, pot to leave any doubt with regard to the identity of the person in question.
In conclusion let me my that up to this I have examined more than six hundred of Sir Aarel Stein's relics..
2x2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vou. XI.
No. 27.-TIWARKHED PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA; SAKA 553.
BY RAI BAHADUR HIMLAL, B.A. Tiwarkhod is a small village on the south bank of the Ambhora-nadi, in the Multāi tahsil of the Betül District in the Central Provinces. It is 14 miles south of the Multāl town which is 29 miles south-east of Badnür, the head-quarters of Betul District. The village has no ancient remains except a mud fort built as a protection from the Pipdari free-booters during the declining period of the Nagpur Bhonslā rulers. This gashi, as it is called, is now dug up in several places, and the site occupied by the villagers. Within its premises Nandgiri Gosain, a resident of Tiwarkhod, built a new house about 40 years ago. While digging for the foundations he came upon a set of copper-plates, but not knowing what they were, he stowed them away in his lumber room, where they continned to ed y the same obscurity as they had done underground, until Mr. Balwant Singh, Sub-Inspector of Police, Multai Station house, visited the village in the beginning of the year 1910, when Bapú Gosain (son of Nandgiri now dead) observing that the plates contained some curious writing presented them to him for decipherment. Mr. Balwant Singh treated the plates with Ditric acid to remove the accretions of centuries and then kindly forwarded them to me. It is & somewhat curious coincidence that the Multai plates referring to the same line of kings were also found in the custody of a Gosain.
Our plates are two in number, each measuring ot" x 3". They are substantial, being 1" thick. Each plate is inscribed on one side only, the inscribed surface giving an appearance of a depression owing to the edges having been made slightly thicker. The writing is in an excellent state of preservation except that the left top corner of the first plate and the left bottom corner of the second one are a little bit corroded; still the lettering is pretty clear. The ring which was uncut when it reached my hands has a seal on a flattened out surface. It is oval in shape and bears the stamp of a figure which is now indistinguishable, but the legend fri-Yuddhisura underneath, is fairly distinct. The record contains 16 lines, each plate bearing 8 lines. Under the eighth line the word svahastēna is inscribed, but this word occurs in its proper place in line 11. On the margin of the second plate there appear to be 3 figures and 2 letters (probably after-additions) engraved one under the other, which I read as 553 shara, meaning apparently the year 553.'
The characters of the record belong to the northern class of alphabets. The engraving is well done throughout. The average size of letters is about " The orthographical peculiarities worth notice are :-(1) the doubling of the letter with a rēpha on, as in vistirnne (1. 1 f.); but this is not uniform as in -Durgaraja (1. 2) ga has not been doubled ; (2) the two different ways in which the vowel sign of ē has been expressed as in Rāshtrakūļānvayê (1. 1 f.) of which the ē of ye is formed by attaching the sign to the letter instead of superscribing it as in grāmē (1.9); (3) the letter t has been doubled before r in sagottrāya (1. 6) and puttraya (1. 7) and dh before y in Mäddhyandina., 1.7; (4) the sign of a attached to the letters j and t is represented by an upward stroke, instead of a downward one, as in jā of Durgarāja (1. 2) and in tā of Mundibhattāya (1. 7); (5) 6 is not distinguished from v as in-trahmanya (1. 5). Final form of t occurs in line 2.
The language is Sanskrit, but the record seems to have been composed by a clerk who did not properly remember the slökas in praise of the dynasty mentioned in the plates. He therefore introduced prose, maintaining the sense, if not the original wording which, if correctly pat in, would have tarued the first 6 lines into verse. At present, they are a mixture of verse and prose.
1 See Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVIII. p. 230, et seq. * This word seems to have some connection with the Hindi word sala year,' unless it is a mistake for Saka.
[As will be seen from the accompanying photo.-lithograph the first two figures look very much like the English numeral 5. Shara is probably meant for Shāks.-Y. V.]

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No. 27.1 TIWARKHED PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA.
277
Commencing with vistirnne in line 1 to Durgarajā(jo) nipah in line 2 there is the first half of a Sardulavikridita verse, the other half of which may be completed from the Multāi plates, where it is given in full. Again in line 4 f. we find & quarter of the same kind of verse beginning with danárdrikrita and ending with dvipēndrayitan. In line 6 we again ind a quarter of a Vasantatilaka verse beginning with fri-Nannaraja and ending with .chand[r]ah. All the rest is prose except a benedictive quotation in line 12. It is again the first half of a verse incorrectly quoted, other words of similar meaning having been inserted for words forgotten, thereby affecting the metre. It appears to me that the record being a business matter, no great attention was paid to formal portions which were copied from memory in the office of the recordkeeper, wherewith synonymous words were sometimes substituted for the original ones without any consideration for metre.
The inscription refers itself to the Rashtrakūta dynasty of which four kings are mentioned. It records a grant of land in the villages Tivērēkhēta and Ghuikhētā situated on the south bank of the Amvëviaraka-nadi, to one Mundibhatta, son of Svāmibhatia, & Madhyandina Brāhmaṇa of the Bharadvaja-gotra, by king Nannarājas (Nandaraja P). The grant was made on two cocasions, ris, on the Mabākārttiki day and on a solar-eclipse, the latter at the Kapilā-tirtha. Apparently the Raja went to bathe there and made the gift, as did his two principal officers, Govinda in charge of religious affairs and Narasimgha (Narasimha) the minister for peace and war, who gave away 17 nivartanas (of land) of Karañjamalaya ou the enetern bank of the Sarasavähala and the Darbhavābalā. The charter was afterwards issued from Achalapura and is dated in the Saka year 553 increased by eight months, i.e. in' the month of Kārttika as specifed in the text. Tre date corresponds to October 831 A.D.
It does not, however, appear that there was a solar eclipse in the month of Kärttika. M Gokul Prasad Iswardās (now Tahsildar of Hoshangabad) informs me that there was a solar eclipse in the expired Saka year 553 on the amāvāsyā of Magha (27th January, 632 A.V.) i.e. after our charter was given away. But the solar eclipse referred to must have occurred prior to the date of the issue of the charter. In the Saka year 553 current, there were two eclipses, a total one in the month of Sravana on the 13th August 630 A.D. and an annular one in the month of Māgha on 7th February 631 A.D. The total eclipse having occurred at night was not visible, but the annular one was, as it occurred 17 minutes after sunrise. The former took place on a Monday and the latter on a Thursday. Thus while a grant made on su amārāsyå falling on Monday (sõmavati) coupled with a total eclipse would be more meritorious than that made on a Thursday with an annular eclipse, it is possible that the visibility of the latter may have counterbalanced other considerations and invested it with greater importance. So the greater likelihood is that the giant was made on the 7th February 631 A.D. And this date falls much nearer the date of the issue of the charter than the other.
With regard to the history of the Rashtrakūta dynasty, this record does not throw any additional light on what is known from the Multái plates. It gives the same information (in rather a vague form on account of its defective composition as the Multai record, mentioning Durgarāja as the original ancestor, whose son was Govindarāja, from whom was born Svāmikarājs, whose son was Nannarāja (Nandaraja), whose second name Yuddhasura occurs on the seal. Oar charter is, however, very important from one point of view. In the Multai plates no less than five villages are mentioned, vis, the village granted with four others which bounded it on its
I See Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVIII, p. 234.
The text is so full of mistakes tbat the exact sense of the original is not apparent in several cases. For instance the part played by Samragana (if it has to be taken as a proper namo) in line 9, is obscure. No attempt is therefore made to correct the text.-V.V.]
In the Multii plates the name of the king is Nandarāja. The name Nanna in the Rashtrakata family is also known from later times. A grant of Sankaragana, the son of Nanna, the son of Kakkarája, dated Saks 715, has been published above, Vol. IX, pp. 193 ff.

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[VOL. XI.
four sides. None of these has been as yet identified. Dr. Fleet writing in 1889 remarked : Mr. Ommanney reported that neither have the villages mentioned any resemblance in name to any in the Multai District nor could he discover any at all like them at Hoshangabad or Jabalpur. It is therefore not even certain that the grant really belongs to the locality in which the holders of it havo resided for so long a time. All that can be said on this point is that the characters show that it belongs to some part of Central India, or of the Central Provinces. On 30th July 1909 Dr. Fleet wrote to me, It would be a valuable bit of work if you can locate this record. It is important to decide by identification of places, what locality it does belong to, because it has a bearing on three leading matters :-(a) the origin of that branch of the Rashtrakūtas which bad the Garuda crest; (b) the northern or southern use of the Saka era; (c) the origin of that partionlar type of Nagari. It is almost impossible that all these 5 villages should have ceased to exist. But though some years ago I closely examined many sheets of the Indian Atlas I could not locate them. All the probabilities are that this record belongs to the south of the Narbadā. I have practically satisfied myself that the places do not exist in Gujarat and Kbändesh.' Although it has not been possible for me to locate with anything like certainty the villages of the Multál plates, our present charter has come to light as if to solve the difficulty which antiquarians have felt for the last twenty years or for the matter of that for three quarters of a century calculating from the date of the first discovery of the Multai plates. The fact of the Rashtraküta domination on the Multai plateau is now once for all fully established inasmuch as our plates were found in the very village where Nannarāja granted lands to Mandibhatta. Tivērēkhēta of the inscription is undoubtedly the present Tiwarkhod and the Amvēviaraka-nadi the Am. bhora-nadi on whose south bank the present village is still situated. As noted above, the engraver has made no difference between b and 0. The real name of the river appears to have heen Ambëviara, ka being a pedantic addition to make it sound like Sanskrit. According to the record Ghaikhēta should also be somewhere near the Ambhörä-nadi, but it is untraceable now. There is one Ghiikhēd, about 40 miles south of Tiwarkhed in the Chándar täluk of the Amraoti District of Berår, but I do not find the river running to it. About 55 miles from Tiwarkhod lies the town of Ellichpur (commonly pronounced Elachpur or Alachpar) which I take to be the corrupted form of Achalapura from whence our charter purports to have been issued.' Ellichpur is a well known historical place and was the headquarters of a district until 1905. The transposition of letters cha and la in Achalapura to Alachapura is of the same category which changed the old name of Bonaros from Vānārasi to Varanasi. Even at the present day we often hear Lakhnau pronounced as Nakhlau and matlab as matbal. In the Nirvana-kända of a Prakrit work of the Jains there is mention of Achalapura as follows:
Achchalapuravaraniyadē isānaibhaya-Mēdhigirisiharē
ahutthayakodio nivodnagaya namo tēsim. On the summit of Mēdhigiri near the good town of Achchalapura towards north-east of it) three and a half crores (of saints) obtained salvation. I bow down to them.'
This Modhigiri or Mondhagiri is now better known as Muktagiri, & hillock on which several Jain temples are constructed, which contain idols dated in the 14th century A.D. It is only
1 Indian antiquary, Vol. XVIII, pp. 280-281.
· Chammak, the old Charminka, which was granted by Vakitaka king is only 6 miles from Ellichpur : seo Gupta inscriptions, p. 236.
In the Nirvana-kands, a mano cript preserved in the Deccan College Library at Poons, the name of Benares appears as Vanarasi, whereas latterly elsewhere we have it as Varanasi.
A modern recorded example of similar transposition may be seen in Mr. R. Hughes Buller's Census Report el Baluchistan for 1901 where on p. 99 he says: "The Mengals, Bizaajor and Zabris, the three largest of the Brahui tribes are termed Jadgal or Jagdal."
See Retul Dutrict Qazetteer (1907), p. 249.

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Page #327

Tiwarkhed Plates of the Rashtrakuta Nannaraja ; Saka 553.
JALA
परिसले शनिवार वा राशि AVMविदयभार गावापारया
मीठासह मानहानिमाया दFिINNART
बटार वाहपतनवाचादर हरिबहारिहानपीचरस कम सावधाहसकस यकसारासाला मालिवहामिल पुलाया सल्टालिनी बिजारमिMD सासमार कार्की
FA मामले का मुकाम
__1015/
0AMECE (गापराम | CRIहीबस दस उप विचार, उकवर या सख धूम्स व कारतालिसीमहि सूसुभास
हतारमा या ८ ला विहिकाला टारर या MES पुल रसव व वा विरक्तिल
SIR रसरका लकमलरममा 1665 सटायर व चालत असुहासात
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH.
v. VENKAYYA.
FULL-SIZE.

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No. 27.]
TIWARKHED PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA NANNARAJA.
279
6 miles north-east of Ellichpar and is classed as a Siddha-kshētra by the Jaidas. It is visited by the pilgrims of that community from all parts of India. In the Srëņika-Purânal of the Jainas the name of the town again appears without transposition of letters. These references not only prove the identity but indicate that Ellichpur was an important place in olden days and that the Rashtrakūtas had made it the head-quarters of a province if not their capital which in believed to have been at Mālkhed further south. The old name Achalapura was apparently given to Ellichpar with a certain meaning, as the latter is situated just at the foot of the Satpura Hills (achala). With regard to other places mentioned in the inscription, the Sarasavāhali and Darbhavāhald appear to have been streamlets which I have been unable to identify. It is not clear what Karañjamalaya was. It may have been a village, in which case it may be identified with one of the numerous Käranjas in Berăr. If it was a forest of karañja or kanji trees (Pongamia glabra) or a field having karaftja trees, it would now be very difficult to identify with certainty even if we came upon a forest or field having these trees.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 0 [11) Svasty-Acha[la]pur[a]d-[ll*] Vist[i]ropë sthiti-pålan-apt-yasasi eri
Răshtrakü2 t-ānvagė ramyê kshira-niddhā(dha)v=iv=endur-abhavat eri-Durgarājā(jo) pripah
tasyavätta-3 3 tmaja[ho] Sri-Govindarája) mäsi tasy-åtmajaḥ atman(n)y=ahita-lakt[i]
sampana-pre4 kriti-mandala-sri-Svāmikarāja[s-ta]sya tanayo dânărdrikrita-påpa (pi)ná pratidi5 nam ona dvipondrayitam parama-vra(bra)hmanya[h*) präpta-pañoha
mahāśa6 v(b)da[ho] sri-Nannaraja iti sarvva-Darēndra-chand[ro]aḥ Bhärad väja-sagottrå7 ya Maddhyandina-Svāmibhata -pattraya Muydibhattaya Tivõrökhota 8 Amvēviaraka-[na]di-dakshiņa-tate pañchasa Māhakārttikir (svahastena)
Second Plate. 9 éri-Samragaņēna Mapdibhattasya Ghuikbēta 10-gråmë A[mvēj10 vis[ra]ka-nadi-dakshiņě tato pañchålla adityöparāgē 11 Kapila-ti[rthēj svahasta (stē)na pratipaditam [ll] Uktañ-cha Veda-Vya12 sena [ll] Shashta samvachchbarall-sahasråņi svargě tishta bhtmidāls 13 Sarasavāhalā-pūrvvé tatė Karañjamalaya Darbhavi. 14 halā-pārvva-tatë dasa-nivarttanani ddharmmakasal Govi.
1[śrénikāpuräna is the name of a work by Subhachandra preserved in the Deccan College Library at Poona. -V. V.) * Expressed by a symbol.
* Read tasy-aid-a-. • Read asit.
5 Bead -sa panna. • Bead-bhatta..
Probroly Mahakárttikyam. The word svahastena has been added under the line and probably applies to the correction whiloh is made at the end of this line. The syllables mahakárttiki are entered over an erasure.
Probably Sankaragamena. 10 Op the impronion and on the plate the reading seems to be khäfkao-V.V.) 11 Read shashtina varsha'.
Bead tishthati bhumida. ** Read dharmakafa or dharmaikula.

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[Vol. XI.
. 15 nda-mahaeand hivigraha-Narasimgha-sahita || Saka-käln-samvachchha(tea)ra
16 satosha pa[m]cha[su"] [tra]ya[bo]-panchasa-varshadhikesho ashtamasabhyatikoahu.
TRANSLATION. Om! Hail! From Achalapura. In the widely spread (and) pleasing glorious Rashtrakita lineage, which has acquired reputation by the preservation of stability there was (born) aking, the illustrious Durgarāja, just as in the (broad and charming) ocean of milk (was produced the moon). His own son was the illustrious Govindarāja. His son was the illustrious Svāmikaraja, possessed of a host of subjects acquired by self-centred prowess. His son, who resembles the lord of elephants in having his hand moistened (with the water poured) at donations (dina) while the elephant has the trunk wet with the ratty juice (dana), (is) called the illustrious Nannaraja, who is most kind to the Brāhmaṇas, who has attained the five great Sounds and who is the moon amongst all the kings.
To Mundibbatta, son of Svāmibbatta, of the Bhāradvájs-gotra (and) the Madhyandina(Sakha), fifty (nivartanast of land) in Tivērēkbēta (village) on the south bank of the Amvëviaraka river (were given) through the illustrious Sam[ka]ragana on the Mabäkärttiki (day). To the same) Mundibhatta were given by our own band at the Kapild-tirtha, fifty (wivartanas of land) in the Ghoikhëța village on the south bank of the Amvëviaraka river, on (the occasion of) a solar eclipse.
And it has been said by (Vyåsa) the arranger of the Vedas :-The giver of land dwells in heaven for sixty thousand years.
Ten nivartanas (of land) on the east bank of Sārasaväbalá (and) on the east bank of Darbhav hala of Karanjamalaya (were given) (perhaps to the same donee) jointly by the Superintendent of religions affairs (dharmakasa) Govinda and the Great Minister for peace and war (mahasandhivigrahin) Narasimha.
In five centuries of years increased by fifty-three years (and) also increased by eight months of the Saka era.
Read - Narasimha.. * Read -sakitan.
Read masabhyadhikaks. • I am indebted to Mr. Venkayya for drawing my attention to the puu on the word dana in this sentence.
• Nivartana island-messure which the dictionaries give equivalent to 20 rods. The word occurs in a commentary on flöka 21, chapter 140 of the Santiparvan in the Mahabharata ya kinafah fatan Winartando Bhamë) karshati tēna vahtiripena rajakiyam api nivartanadafakar karshanigan eriyavad nakahaniyan cha. From enquiries which I personally made in Berar, I came across some old men both of the literate and the illiterate class who told me that in their younger day, about 50 years ago, a land measure called stand equal to 9 bighae was in use, and that 18 nelands made chahut which is still in use and is equal to 120 biglas. In Berar • bigha is 3,670 sq. yde. Anetand would, therefore, be equal to 2,670 x 9 or 24,080 sq yds, a little less thaa 5 acres or 20 roda which contain 34,200 sq. yds. Taken with reference to a chahur of 120 bighas a metana would be eqnal to Di Mighas or 24,648 sq. yde., 6.6. slightly in excess of 6 acres. In popular caloulations such complex fractions as are often neglected and it seems to me that the real value of notana was somewhere midway between 9 and 9 bighas and this would be 5 acres or 20 rods. I therefore feel no hesitation in holding that notana is a corruption of the old mirarland. In the annade in possession of the Berar jagirdars welana occurs as a land measure. That the use of the netand measure was much prevalent in the Deccan may be inferred from the Godval plates of Vikramaditya I of A.D. 674 (about the same period our grant); above, Vol. X, Pp. 102 to 106.

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No. 28.]
THE PARIKUD PLATES OF MADHYAMARAJADEVA.
281
No. 28.-THE PARIKUD PLATES OF MADHYAMARAJADEVA:
BY R. D. BANERJI, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA.
The plates bearing the subjoined inscription were sent in 1906 to the late Dr. Theodor Bloch, then Superintendent, Archaeological Sarvey, Eastern Circle, by Mr. J. R. Blackwood, I.C.S., Magistrate of the Puri District of Bengal. They were handed over to me by Dr. Bloch in 1908 for decipherment. I finished my article early in 1909 and gave the paper to Dr. Bloch ; but he fell ill after looking through the transcript of the first plate and never recovered sufficiently so as to be able to finish it. The plates were not presented to the Indian Museum and consequently there is no record of them in that office. I had only heard from Dr. Bloch that they had come from Parikud in the Puri District. When I was touring in that district for collecting specimens for the Indian Museum, in September 1910, I learnt from Mr. J. Clarke, I.C.S., the then Magistrate, that the plates belonged to the Raja of Parikud, who had no intention of presenting them to the Maseum. The plates will, accordingly, be sent back to the Rāja after publication. I am obliged to Mr. Clarke for the following information about the plates. The name of the present owner is Sri-Gaurachandra-Mānasinha Harichandana Mardarāja Bhramaravara Rāya, Kāja Bahādur of Pārikud. The Rāja is not able to trace which of his ancestors first secured the plates and from what source they were received, por is he able to state the locality in which they were discovered. The plates used to hu preserved in his record room. Mr. Clarke kindly procured for me the genealogical tree of the Pārikud family, but I find that none of the kings mentioned in the subjoined inscription could be traced in the copy sent to me, though I heard from Mr. Clarke that the Rājas of Pārikud claim to have been descended from the kings mentioned in the copper-plate record.
The inscription is incised on three thin plates of copper, measuring 74" x 41 and hold together by a circular ring of the same metal whose diameter is roughly 3" To this ring was affixed a seal of some other metal, presumably brass (?), of which, however, there remains only a mutilated part and the solid base in which the edges of the ring are fixed. The last of the plates is broken in the right upper corner, while the first shows a slit from the ring-hole to the edge, as in the case of the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman. This record which has been engraved on the second side of the first plate, and on both sides of the other two plates has already appeared in the Vangiya-Sahitya Parishad-Patrika. It refers itself to the reign of Madhyamarājadēva of the Sailodbhava family who ruled in the Köngöda-mandala. The language of the grant is very incorrect Sanskrit and the record has been very carelessly incieed. Donbling of consonants has been avoided, and almost invariably letters are loft out at the ends of words. There is one incorrectly spelt word in the inscription, which is quite unintelligible to me. It is visrake in 1. 49.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village in the Katakabhukti. vishaya to twelve Brāhmanas, vis. Silasvāmi, Govardhanagvāmi, Vandhusvāmi, Kavadisvami Nārāyanagvāmi, Madhavasvāmi, Bharanisvāmi, Durgagvāmi, Aditynetimi, Rudras svimi and Sukhasvāmi.
1 [It may be noted that these plates were sent to the office of the Assistant Archeological Superin fur Epigraphy, Southern Circle, in 1906 by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar while the latter was the acting Archeological Surveyor of the Bengal Circle. The plates were returned to Mr. Bhandarkar with a set of ink-impressious for publication in the Epigraphia Indica (vide Report on Epigraphy for 1905-6, Appendix A, No. 8). The accompanying photo-lithographic plate is prepared from the impressions supplied by the Assistant Archeological Superintendent's office (Madras). V. V.) * Above, Volume III, p. 41 f.
Volume XVI, p. 193.
20

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
The inscription supplies the new word timmira which is not found in published copperplates, in the phrase dradasa-timmira-pramana, 1. 44. Perhaps " timira " is the correct spelling. The new verses of the inscription, which are not found in the Buguḍa plates, contain nothing of importance. I could only infer from them that the kingdom of Madhyamaraja contained all sorts of hermits (vv. 12 and 13). There is no mention of the doings of the king. We may gather, however, that he was a man of great strength (v. 17), a capable archer comparable to the son of Pritha (i.e. Arjuna) (v. 16) and an ardent devotee of Siva (vv. 14 and 15). The inscription is dated twice: 1st, in the regnal year twenty-six: shaḍ-vinsatimē vijaya-varddhamana-rajye (1. 45) and again at the end, in an era which has not been specified. The letters on the third plate have suffered very much from corrosion and the numerals of the date have become very indistinct. I find on prolonged examination that the numerals are 80, 8, but Messrs. Venkayya and Krishna Sastri to whom the paper was first submitted are of opinion that nothing whatever can be discovered. If my reading of the date be correct, I would refer it to the Harsha era, though no instance of the use of this era has so far been found in Orissa. If my views be correct, the date of the grant would be 88+606-694 A.D.
Up to this date three inscriptions of the Sailödbhava dynasty of the Kōngōda-mandala bave been published:-The Buguḍa plates of Madhavavarman; (2) the Ganjam plates of the time of Sasankaraja, and (3) the Khurda plates of Madhavarāja.5
The first part of the inscription on the Parikud plates is in verse, like that of the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, and the first nine verses of both are identical. The tenth verse of the Buguḍa grant is not to be found in this record and the eleventh verse of that record appears as the tenth of the Pärikud inscription. The Buguḍa grant furnishes the genealogy of the family from Rapabhita to Sainyabhita, while the Parikud grant carries the genealogy two generations further.
The following tables show the genealogy according to the Buguḍa and Parikud grants :
Pärikud plates. Sailödbhava (in his family)
1 Rapabhita
Buguda plates. Sailedbhava (in his family) Rapabhita 1 Sainyabhita I. (in his family)
Yasobhita
I
Madhavavarman Sainyabhita II.
Sainyabhita I. (in his family) T Yasobhita I.
I Sainyabhita II. Yasobbita II. 1
Madhyamarja.
1 [From the accompanying photo-lithographic plate it will be clear that the date is here very badly damaged. What is seen is a circle which may denote 20. It is, just possible that the regnal year of the king is simply repeated in numerical symbols preceded probably by the word samvatsare.-V. V.]
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff.
J. 4. 8. B., Vol. LXXIII, Pt. I, 1904, pp. 282 .
It may have been imported from Northern India as was the Gupta era in the case of the date of the Ganjam plates of the time of Sasanka; above Vol. VI, p. 148. [Palæography is hardly in favour of this early date. Professor Kielhorn thought that the Buguda plates, which are earlier, may belong to the 10th century; see above, Vol. VII, p. 102.-S. K.]
Above, Vol. III, pp. 41 ff. and Vol. VII, pp. 100 ff. and plate.

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No. 28.]
THE PARIKI'D PLATES OF MADHYAMARAJADEVA.
288
The Khurda and Ganjam plates mention three generations only:Khurda plates.
Ganjam plates. Sainyabhita
Mādhavarēja.
Yasobhita
Yasobbita
Madhavarāja
Madhavarāja II.
(619-20 A.D.)
Both of these plates, like the Baguda and Pārikud grants, were issued from the Kongodamandala and the similarity in names as well as the name Sainyabhita found on the seals of the Baguda, Ganjam and Khurds grants leads one to believe that Midhava was the sumame of both Yasobhita's father and son. But the characters of the Ganjam and Khurda grants are much older than those of the Buguda and Pārikud plates. It may be that the former were written in the current alphabet of North Eastern India while in the latter the alphabet prevalent in the Northern Circars, was used. If the four grants be held to belong to the same country, then it may be affirmed with some degree of certainty that the Sainyabhita of the Khurda grant is the same as the Sainyabhita I of the Buguda and Pārikud grants. As Yasobhita is a common factor, we have to admit that Sainyabhita II. is the same person as Madhavarija of the Kharda and Ganjam plates.
It is not certain whether Yasobhita II. and Madhyamarāja are different persons. When the late Professor Kielhorn published the Buguda grant for the first time, he was of opinion that Madhavavarman was a son of Sainyabbita II. Dr. Holtzsch, in his paper on the Ganjam grant of the time of Saśän kadova, pointed out that Sainyabhita was probably a surname of Mädbavayarman, and this view was subsequently also adopted by Professor Kielhorn. A similar case ocours in this inscription also. In the metrical portion of this inscription, there is nothing to show that there was any relationship whatsoever between Yasobhita II. and Madhya. marajadēva. In ordinary cironmstances and on the analogy of the Bagada inscription, it may be assumed that Madhyamarája is a biruda of Yabobhita II, but there is one small pbrase, the import of which, though very weak, yet may prove that king Madhyamaraja wag & son of Yasobhita II. This is the phrase in the 27th line :-Madhyamarājadova-guna-dhrid-rajyan pituh praptavān. The word pituh may refer to Yasobhita II.
The inscription records the grant of a village in the Katakabhukti vishaya. As the king addresses the officers of the Köngöda.mandala, it is apparent that the village was situated in that district. The identity of Köngöds with Kong-u-t'o is, perhaps, well known. Very little can be added to Dr. Kielhorn's remarks about the characters of these insoriptions in his note on the Bugada plates. The king Madhyamarája had performed the väjapoya and afvamëdha sacrifices (11. 38-39). He was a devout worshipper of Siva and the fact that he performed the afvamëdha sacrifice shows that he olaimed the rank of supreme monarch (chakravartin).
1 fit is difficult to follow Mr. Banerji when he says that the alphabet of the Ganjam and Khurda plates to much older than that of the Bugada and Pärikud plates and at the same time beserta they may be local varieties current simultaneously.-V. V.) Above, VOL. III, p. 48. Above, Vol. VI, p. 144.
. Above, Vd. VII, p. 100. Aboy, Vol. VI, p. 186. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 101.
202

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264
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti (11"] Indõreddhauta-mpināla-tantubhir=iva slishțāḥ karai[ho] komalai[ræ
vo](reba)ddh-ahor="ranai][ho] sphurat-pha2 ni-mannir-digdha-prabhā[s]o-nsabhish] [18] Pārvvatyā[s] sa-kacha-graha-vyatikara
vy[á]vri[t*]ta-vaba)ndha-slatha Gang-ambha[ho]-pluti8 bhi[n]na-bhasma-kaņikā[h*] Sambhor-jatā[ho] põntu va[h] [1] [19] Srimane
n[cho]chair-nabbastó gurur-Achala-patē[h*] kshobhaj[i]d=ya[h] 4 kshamaya gambhirambhiya-rāśēr=atha divasakarā[]=bhāsvad-alokakāri [1] hlādi
[sa]rvvasya ch=i[ndos]-tri5 bhuvana-bhavana-prorakas-ch=āpi vāyo rājā sa Sthana(ņu)mu(martti[ro]-jayati
Kali-mala-kshālano Mā[dha]6 vēndrash] [1] [2] Praosuremmahēbha-kara-pivara-chăru-vă(bā)hu[h] krishn.
isma-samchaya-vibheda-visāla-vaksh[āh] [19] rāji[va]. 7 k[3] mala-dal-ayata-lochananta[h*] khyāta[h*] Kalinga-janatāsu Pulindasēna[ho]
[3] Ton=o[t*]tham 8 guņin-āpi sa[t*]t-ya-mahată nyashtan (n=ēshtam) bhū(bhu)vo mma(ma)pdalam
sakto yaḥ paripälanāya jagata[h*] ko nā9 masa syâd-iti pratyádish[t]a-vibh-ūtsa vēna bhagavin-iridhita[]=śāśvatam
1 sta[ch]-chi[t]t-anuguņam 10 v[i]dhitsur=adisā (sa)d=vāñchhā[m] Svayambharapi [4*) Sa sila-[sa] (sa)kal
odbhöditën=āpg=nlökya dh[i]ma11 tata) parikalpita-sad-vansai-prabhū[6]7=Sailodbhava[h*] krita[h*] | [5*]
Sailodbhavasya kulaj[o] Raņa12 bhita ābid=ya(yo)[n=ā]sakrist"] [kri]tabhiya[mm] dvishad-anganānām
[19] jyots[n]ā-[pra]vo(bo)dha-sama
Second Plate ; First Side. 13 yo sva-dhiy=fai]va sårdham=ākampito nayana-pa[k]shma-ja [1]&shu chandra[ho]
[116] Tasy-Cā] bhavad=v[i]va(bu)dhapā [la]-samas[ya su]. 14 [nu][ho] Sri-Sainyabhita iti bhîmipatir=ggariya[n] [1] yam prāpya [nai)
ka-sata-nāga-ghatā-viglia[tt]a-laddha(bdha)-pras[]da15 vijayam m umudo dharittri(tri) [117 Tasy -āpi Branso-tha yatha[rtha
nāmā] jātă (to) Yaśobhita iti kshiti(ti) sa[ho][io] yệna praru
From the original plates and from a set of impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist. [The text was revised by Mr. Krishna Sastri when he was officiating as Government Epigraphist for two months in 1911. - V.V.)
- Expressed by a symbol. * Read
sdhe.prabhison fubkih. • Read gambhiro-me liya-vedra, Amihiyarafi as & synonym for ambhörāfi, is peculiar. The Bugada plates use the word töyarasi.
* Read yra infurs. . This mark of punctuation is superfluous. Read fifratase as in the Bugnda plates.
Read -rama). A superfluous mark of punctuation is inserted after the syllable , # nad cafes,

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Parikud Plates of Madhyamarajadeva.
TAITATरदराराका
METASE12159 रचना ER 2 सदर
सी गुरेमरूद बरा करता
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सार, राजारामाचीवन म
NEWS 20 हावा याचा परिवार २६ नर । दरवाजा नारी
रसार सचिन सावरच 10 लागि जर सरकार . जमीन पर असर 4 मा .
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नवरयाका (A)
राकेश राष्ट्र शासन ANS 2017
मानाचार करीत पर एसडा 200र
दाय वनइनपर 26 2017बाटामा गायक
11b
30
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28 चारपानाव
N'TT८/राजाचक रस ग वटा रस सो जा 3-000 का नुरान शहरालारानुन
यिक रुरला TIMER एक बार इस
मानसालासरीश MA5 सा है टेमरि पराशरासह लावले की जान 34 100 पर
रुकवाला AT राय15 हराएकजान्नजरात जर 127TY
राह का RTET SClini कटा
क्ष रबहानहरदा बटर
जय-वारा सरकाशलहान ASTRATI
ONरादा
40 RESE दवार वाहनधारला TATISTIC ELELIA
N E 42
36
PORTS
V. VENKAYYA.
SCALE •6
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH.

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46
48
50
52
54
56
58
29301430
46
48
50
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Page #336

THE PARIKUD PLATES OF MADHYAMARAJADEVA.
No. 28.]
16 dho-pi subhais-charittrair-mrishta [h] kalamka [h] Kalidarppapasya [8] Jatotha tasya tanaya [s]-sukriti (ti) samasta-simanti (nti)
17 ni-nayana-ahat pada-pandarika[b] [*] śri-Sainyabhita
iti bhumi (mi)-patir=
mmahebha-kumbha-sta (stha)li-dalana-d[u]
18 rllali(i)-aidhars[b], [19] Kalayair-bhata-dhätri(tri)-patibhir-upachit-Anni(ne)kapap-ava [t]arai[r]=ni(ni) ta(ta) yesa (sha)m ka [th-a]pi pra19 layam-abhimatā ki[r]tti-s(p)lair-ajaira(srn) [d] prabhṛitibhir-amara lambhitas-[tr]i(tri) ptim-u20 rvvi(rv)[m-nddri]pt-äräti-pakaba-kabaya-kriti-patană Tasy-otkhat-Akhil-Kre[r]-mmarad-iva a
21 vanau(?) bhasvad-ushka-tējā1 si(su)ro māni Yasobhita-devas-tanija [h] | matangan-yo-ti (ti)tu22 gi[n]-va(ba)ba [la]-madamnchaé-chiru-vaktra-prachandab karshaty a[]vina punar-api tapati ya[a]-nata[s]
va(ba)dva(ddhva) pragalbba[b] [11]
23 Ke chid-vahnya (nya)-mrigēna sarddham=achi (cha ?)rams-tas-ta sthiti (ti) li(li)laya ko ohi[ch-ch-[0]rddh[*]a-mukhas-sahaara-kirapa-jväl-ā
285
24 vali-prekshana (pa)[h*] [*] Kō chid-vashka (lka)linas-tath-ajina-dhara[ḥ*] ke chirj-joj-ja)ta-dhåriga (p) [n]áná-ru (ra)pa-dharis-tapant yati
25 på divy-aspa[d]-[k]a[n]kshina [h*] [li 12] Ke chit-sela 3-guh-ödareshu [12] Ko dhvali-pai(yi)na[b] anys vyu-phal
28 tā
Jajñala-tair-Avamādha
Srinivāsēna yena | [10]
dayalu[r]=narapati[sha"]
26 mvn(mba)-bhaksha-nirata[b ko] chi[n-nl] (uni)råhärakâ[b] [itha yoga-yugos vihaya vasati dh[y]ayanti divyam padam chittram
27 Madhyamarajadēva-guna-dhrid-rajya[m] pitu[h] prăptava [n] | [13] [13] YasyKhva(hv)nän-mama[d*]yu[*]-aura-bhavana-ga
divya-[t]tv[b]
niyata
Second Plate; Second Side.
nityakalam
pragalbhas | tai[a]-tarddha[m] (u)kri[ta]-gupa-kath-pa-hridya(dy)[b] prakarvva[n] [1] Sambbo[]
Read ittham,
• Read -yujo.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
One would expect hṛidya-sukrita-guna-kath-äläpän,
Read param. The missing syllables may be sasvayum.
[th]
29 sthana-kāri padam-amarajava [h] sasvata [m] santa-rupaṁ lavdh (bdh)-ötsaha[s]-sa vira [h] kshititala-vasati (ti)m nirjjit-ārā
30 ti-paksha[b] [14]
Sthity-upta(tpa) [*]ti-[v]ināša-kirapa-parama -vyahata[m] vyakt-Avyaktam-ananta-sakti niyntah d[e]váci
31 děvō maha[][] tasy-anugrahakari-vikrama-dhanu[*]-choshṭa[m] adbhuta[] ariman atala[*]-§néätkä(Aka)dhavala-kah
1 Read -ushyamsu-tējās.
It would suit the exigencies of metrical purposes if the two syllables baddhva came after afvena; but purport would still be indefinite.
Read chich-chhailar.
jyo
karōty=

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286
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
BA NA
32 [ni] (pt)-yasa[h*)-khyäpitä[m*) [il 15*] ) karpņād=atula[mho) vikrisya (shya)
tara[sä"] chapa-dvayair=lilaya [ [8]sbţābhi[h*] kapa (va)chair-vvivështya 83 phalako(ka)n=ārād=ubhābhyām=api [1*] pāņibhya [mi*]s-chaturaḥ sili(li)mukhai(kha)
mukhai[ho] - - suti(ti)kahņai[r*]=bhțiśaḥ jäto di(di)vya-gati[ho] Pți34 tha-tu-sata-sama[ho] Kongoda-rastna)-kshitó(tan)[|| 16*] Varmmarma)bhyam
sakala[min*] sariram-asakrit=samvyö(vē)shtyo(shtya) lil-invitam pino(nau) 35 dvo(dvau) purush(sbau) nidhaya yagavató skandba-[dvayē] lilaya [lo] sadya[s*]
såta-kripāna-bhäsura-karo dhavaty-236 khi[n]no bhfisa[n] bhopalo Hanuma(to]-para krama iti khyata[h] kshama.
mandalē 1[178] Játēna yēna vapusha sa[4]i37 n=[]va yöna sa[m]varddhitan-kumuda-fa(sha)odam=iv-atma-gottra[ mi"] [1]
sankochitam cha ripu-pankaja-vrindam=ăridható k[O]pēna 38 [90] jayati lavdha(bdha)-jaya-pratāpa[h*]1 [18] Kaţăt? sri-Sailodbhava
kula-tilako maha-makha-Vajapöy-Asva39 madh-[A] vabhřithasnana-nirvvi(rva)rttita-prakhyāta-kirtti-krama[b] parama-maho
svară (ro) mātā-pitsi-pādānudhyāta[*] 40 sri-[Madhyamarājadēva[h*] kusa[li] asnim Kõngoda-mandala fri
siman(tag-mahāsā[ma]nta-mahārāja-ra41 ja(ji)naka-rājaputtr-ä [m] taranga-daņdapānāyak-parika-vishayapati-[ta"]dãyu[k]taka
varttamāna-bhavishyad-v[y]ava42 häriņa[b] sa-kara(ru)oyam vräsbrä)hmaņa-parogidi-9 janapadáñ-cha yath-ārba[ta]
mā[na]gati [bodha]yasti a].
Third Plate ; First Side. 43 jñapayati cha [ll"] viditam=astu bhavatā [m] jñā (Sri ?)-Katakabhukti-visha ya®).
samva(mba)ddha-purvra-[kha]qda ... 44 [mo] dvādaśa-[t]immira-pramāņa[*]=saryya-pida-varjitag=chăța-bhat-apravēšy[a] na
kinchid=anapasragra* )-20 45 hya[ho] shad-vinsatimě samvatsarē vijaya-varddhamana-rajy[e] matá-pitrore
ätmanaś=cha puny-abbi[vși*). 46 [a*]dhayo salila-dhärā-pura[8*)sarėņa(p=ā)-chandr-ärka-kshiti-sama-kālam=asmābhi[r"]=.
Dånå-gotra-pravara
This sign of punctuation is superfluous. Read chapa-drayann. * Read sbhpifani
This corrupt phraseis, perbape, to be corrected into Prithasuta samal Raina-kohiti, as applied to Köngöda, is difficult to explain. Perhaps Kongoda-rid-rakshita was intended.
• Read yugapat,
Read arāts.
• Compare this verse with verse 10 of the Buguda plates, which is omitted in the first part of the mbjoined inscription. Seinyabbita Madhava varman is there compared to the Sun, while here Madhyamarijs is compared to the Moon.
Read Kafakachachhri. # Read -dandanayak.
• Purögādi is pleonastic. Read purðgan-janapadásfacha. Ono would have expected, w in other allied plates, janapadan-angan-oke.
he Perhaps we have to read ta kena chit-parigrähyal.

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No. 29.)
EIGHT CHOLA DATES.
287
47 charaṇāya vrä(brā)hmana-[si]lasvämi-Gova[r]adhanasvāmi-Vandhusvämi-Kavadisvåmi
Narayana48 bvāmi-Madhavasvämi-Bharaņisvämi-Durggasyāmi-Adityasvāmi-Radrasvåmi-sivasvāmi49 S[u]khasväminë vi[bra] kë(P) pratipădita[h*) yato [h]y-asya yatha-kalam
upayujyato na k[o]na schi(chi)d=[vighāta][h*] kara50 niya[ho] Uktan-cha Dharmmaśāstr[@] [ll"] Va(ba)hubhir=v vasudha
data(tt) rajabhi[8*]=Sagar[a]dibhi[*] [10] yasya y asya yada
bhu(bhū)mi[s*]51 tasya tasya tada(da) phalar [ll 19*] Má bha(bhå)d=aphala-Sanká va[h']
para-da[t"]t-oti på[r"][th]ivā [h*] [*] (sva)-danåt=phalam=ānantya[m]
para-dat[t-a] - 52 nupålana(nő) [ll 20*] Sva-da[t]tä [m*] para-da[t]täm-vå yo harēti(ta)
vasundharām [l*] śva-vishthảya[m] krimir-bhubha)två 18 pitibhi[s*]-saha 53 pachyatē [II 21*] Haraté hārayatē bhu(bhū)mi[m] manda-vu(buddhi[s]-tama
vpita[*] [18] & va(ba)ddho Väruņai[h*] păsai( sai) [s*]=ti(ti) [ro]ya [8*]
yonisha(shu) já54 yati(te) [1] [22] Itikamala-dal-amyu(mbu )-vi(bi)ndu-lolamh é ri(Gri)yam
anuchintya mannshya-jivitañ=cha [l*] sakalam-ida[m=]55 da britai-cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi(hi) purushai[ho] para-kirttayo vilopy.[6]
[ll 23*] Vidyud-viläsa-taralām-avagamya sa[mya*]*(8)-loka56 sthitim yasa(sa)si(si) $a(88)kta-manobhir=u[ch]chai[b] [lo] nitya[m] paropakṣiti*]māttra-ratai[r=bhavadbhir"]=dharmm-abhiradhana-parair=anu[modita) -
Third Plate; Second Side. 57 [vyan] [l24*] .......... (likhi]te[th} såndhivigrahika58 . . . . . . . . . . dēvēna [1] Lañchi(ñchhi)tam . . . . . .
59 d’iddhëna || Sa[mvat] .. [88] Karttika-sukla ....
No. 29.-EIGHT CHOLA DATES. BY THE HONOURABLE DIWAN BAHADUR L. D. SWAMIKANNU PILLAT, M.A., B.L., L.L.B.
In his paper on the dates of Chola kings (above, Volume X, pp. 121 ff.) Mr. R. Sewell has shown, by an elaborate calculation of a Tamil date from Nandalar and of five Telugu dates from Båpațla (Nos. 186 to 190) of king Kulóttunga-Choda II., that the accession of Kulottunga-Choda II. (Kulottunga-Chola II. of Tamil inseriptions) must be placed between March 28th and July 14th A.D. 1138. The subjoined eight dates, besides confirming the correctnuss of Mr. Sewell's results, enable us to reduce the limits of the accession of Kulottungn-Chola II. to the period May eth-July 14th A.D. 1188. Also, in the date from the Nandalar Tamil insoription (which I have included among the eight dates now caloulated) the diffioulty felt by
[The reading intended is perhaps vipafckits-V.V.)
See above, Vol. III, p. 45, note 16. . This sign of punctuation is superfluous.

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288
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI
Mr. Sewell about the nakshatra Śravana is explained by a reference to the custom usually followed in fixing the day of the Sivaratri in Southern India. The Sivaratri begins at midnight, when the nakshatra Sravana must be current, and is kept all the following day. The inscription presumably refers to the nakshatra Sravana only in this sense, as it was not current at sunrise on the following day.
KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA (II)
244. In the Vaidyanathasvamin temple at Tirumalavāḍi.1
1 Svasti Śri [*] Pa-maruviya puriyēlum
33
Kōv-Irajakesari
34 patmariga Tribavapachchakkaravattigali-Kalstanga-var
35 yanḍu 2āvadu Danu-nayarru apara-pakshattu navamiyu[m] Ti[n]
36 gat-kilamaiyum perra Attatti-pā].
"In the 2nd year (of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottungs-Chōladēva, on the day of Hasta, which corre sponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortaight of the month of Dhanus."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 10th December A.D. 1134, on which day the nakshatra Hasta ended at 5 ghatik is after mean sunrise, while the 9th tithi of the dark fortnight of the lunar month Märgasira commenced on the same day at 45 ghatikas after mean sunrise. The solar mouth was Dhanus, as recorded in the inscription.
245. In the Karavandisvara temple at Uḍaiyarkōyil.
1 Svast[i] Sr[i] - Pu-ma [unju-padumam
29
30 [Tribava [us]chchakkaravattigs)
31 ndu 4 nal-ävadu
33 Sinna-nayarru apara-paksha [tt]a Tinga [1-ki]lamai[yu]m [sadurtt] iyu[m] perra Irivadi-[n]].
K-I[]jakaripapmaiņa ri-Kujottanga-Boladevakka ya
"In the 4th-fourth-year (of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chōladeva, on the day of Revati, which corresponded to a Monday and to the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 17th August, A.D. 1136, on which day the fourth tithi of the second fortnight of the lunar month Bhadrapada ended at 41 ghatikis after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra Revati ended on the same day shortly after sunrise. The ending moment of the nakshatra in mean Lanka time was just before sunrise on the 17th August, but from the time of the year and for any place in Southern India, it will be seen, from Table XIII of my Indian Chronology that the ending moment of the nakshatra in local time must have been shortly after sunrise, so that the inscription is correct in giving the nakshatra as Revati. The solar month was Simha..
1 No. 85 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895. No. 405 of the same for 1902.

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No. 27
EIGHT CHOLA DATES.
246. In the Saumyanathasvāmin temple at Nandalür.1
1 [Sva]sti śr[i] [ll] Pů-mēvu tirumaga! .......... 2 . .kov=Irr-(Irā)jakësaripa[nmar=āņa] Chakrava[rtti]
ga[!] Sri-Kulottunga-Soladēvarku yandu ett-ivadu .. ...
sri-Kulotto[nga]- Soladēvar[ku] yandu ett-āvada Kumbha-näyarra apara-pakshatta=chchatarddasi yum] Velļi-kkilamaiyu[m]
Tiravě(vo)namum=āņa Śivarättiri-nä!.
"In the eighth year of the reign) of king Rajakēsarivarman alias the emperor the glorious Kulõttunga-Chöļadēva, - on the day of Sivarātri, which was (a day of) Śravana, a Friday, and the fourteenth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Kumbha in the eighth year of the reign) of the glorious Kulöttunga-Chöļadēva."
The date corresponds to Friday, the 7th February, AD. 1141, on which day the 14th tithi of the second fortnight of the lunar month Magha ended at 411 ghatikas after mean Lanka sunrise, while the nakshatra Sravana had ended at 8 ghatikas after midnight between the 6th and 7th February. Now, Sivaratri is celebrated on the day following the midnight (nearest to Mägba amīvāsya) at which the nakshatra Sravana is current. Therefore Sivaratri in the year in question fell on Friday, and it was the solar month of Kumbha, as stated in the inscription.
247.-In tho Tyagarajasvāmin templo at Tiruvarur.
1 Svasti śri [ll*] Pu-mappu-padumam .......... 4 . . . . . . . . kov-Irājakēsaripapmar-ana Tiribusvalnasch lcha
[k]karavattiga! sri-Kulottun [ga]-Soladēsva][*]kku yaņdu 10 avada [Da]ņunäyarru (pā]rva-paksha(ttu] ēkāde(da)śi[yum Tinga]t-kilamaiyum perra A[s]vati-nā!
“In the 10th year of the reign) of king Rājakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulõttunga-Choladēva,- on the day of Asvini, which corregponded to a Monday and to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 30th November, A.D. 1142, on which day the 11th tithi or ēkādasi of the first fortnight of the lunar month Märgasiras ended at 59 ghatikās after mean Lanka sunrise, while the nakshatra Asvini ended on the same day at 41 ghaçikās after mean Lanki sunrise.
It may appear at first sight that a tithi which ended at 59 ghatikas after mean Lanka sunrise may possibly have been carried forward to the next day in local time, but it will be seen from Table XIII of my "Indian Chronology" (p. 157 of the Tables) that in tho year A.D. 1142, on the 251st day of the solar year, which was our day, the difference between mean Lanka time and Tanjore time was only an addition of 4 palas to the former, which would still have placed the ending moment of the tithi within the civil day noted above, i.e. the 30th November. The solar month was Dhanus, as stated in the inscription.
1 No. 572 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1907. * No. 553 of the same collection for 1904.

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[VOL. XI.
248.-In the Karavandisvara temple at Udaiyārköyil. .1 [Svasti sri] [11] [Pü-manga-padumam] ........... 21 .....köv=Irājak[@]sar[i]panmar=ana Tribhuvanachchakkaravatti[ga! sri
Kulottu]óga-Sola[d]e22 vagku yandı 14 ávadu Mēsha-nāya[r]ru pūrvvapakshatta navamiya(yn)[m]
V[i]yala-kkila[mai]ya(ya)[m perra] Ayilaisya]ttin na!. “In the 14th year of the reign) of king Rajakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulõttunga-Choladēva,- on the day of Aslesha, which correspapded to a Thursday and to the ninth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mësha."
The date corresponds to Thursday, 10th April, A.D. 1147, on which day the 9th tithi of the first fortnight of the lanar month Vaisakha commenced at 26 ghatikās after mean Lanka sunrise, while the nakshatra for the whole of that day and for 5 gharikas of the next, was Āślēshi, the nakshatra Pushya having ended shortly before sunrise on the 10th April. The solar month was Mēsha.
249.-In the Kripapurisvara templo at Tiruvennainallür. 5 .
[]nda sri-mey-kkirttiy-udaiya Tribhuvana[ch]chakkaravattiga! sriKulottungn-So [la]dorarku yandı 15 vada [pa]dinaiñj .
. . . shtiyun -Divgal-kilamaiyum perra Bara6 pi-nā!.
"In the 15th-Afteenth-year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, who had this glorious panegyrical poem (in his honoar), the glorious Kulottunga-Chāļadēva,-- on the day of Bharaņi, which corresponded to a Monday and to the sixth tithi. .
Neither the solar nor the lunar month is traceable in the inscription which only refers to a sixth tithi; but it will be observed from Table XI of my " Indian Chronology” that a 6th tithi can concur with the nakshatra Bharani only in the dark fortnight of lunar Sravana or of lanar Bhadrapada. We work for the latter in the year A.D. 1147 and find that the date corresponds to Monday, 18th August, A.D. 1147, on which day the 6th tithi of the dark fortnight ended at 39 ghatikās after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra Bharani ended on the same day at 124 ghafikas after mean sunrise. The solar month was Simha. N.B.-Monday, 9th August A.D. 1137, would haye satisfied the vāra, tithi and nakshatra, but we reject this date, as A.D. 1137 was obviously not the 15th year of our king.
250.-In the Vaidyanathasvāmin temple at Tirumalavadi. 1 !!! Svasti sri [11°] Pa-mappi yaņar . . . . . . . . . . 27 .
kov-I. 23 rājakësari(pa]nmar=ā[na] Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga! sri-Kulottunga-solade
varkku 29 gàodu 15 avadu . ....... .. 32 . . . . . .
ivr-attai Magara-nayar[ru] púryvapakshattu piri[di]pada[mu]m Vigala-kkilamaiy perra Uttiradatti-nál.
1 No. 401 of the Government Epigraphist's collectiou for 1902. * No. 816 of the same collection. Kead padinainjäradu.
Kead shashthiyans. Vis the introduction pi minnaduma, etc. of Tribhuvanachakravartin Kalõttunga-Chöļudova mentioned ia No. 315 of the Government Epigraplist's collection for 1902 (No. 261, below).
No. 83 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895.

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No. 29.]
"In the 15th year (of the reign) of king Rajakēsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chōladēva, on the day of Uttarashaḍha which corresponded to a Thursday, and to the first tithi (pratipada) of the first fortnight of the month of Makara in this year."
2
EIGHT CHOLA DATES.
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 25th December, A.D. 1147, on which day the first tithi of the first fortnight of the lunar month Pausha ended at 291 ghatikās after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra Uttarashaḍha ended at 20 ghatikas after mean sunrise on the same day. The same day was also the first of the solar month Makara.
251.-In the Kripapuriśvara temple at Tiruvennainallur.1
[P]u-mannu-padumam
śri-mey-kki[r]ttiy-uḍaiya Tribhu [va]nachchakkaravatti[ga]! Kulottunga-Solade varkku yandu [1]5 vadu Ishaba-nayarru-ppadinärän-diyediy=ana Nayarru-kkilamai-nāl.
291
"In the [1]5th year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, who had (this) panegyrical poem (in his honour), the glorious Kulottunga-Chōladēva,-on a Sunday which was the sixteenth solar day of the month of Rishabha."
(244) 2nd year: (245) 4th year: (246) 8th year: (247) 10th year: (248) 14th year: (249) 15th year: (250) 15th year: (251) 15th year:
The lunar tithi is not cited, but the week day affords a clue to the date. During the 15 years A.D. 1135 to A.D. 1149 there were only two years in which the 16th day of solar Vrishabha was a Sunday, and they were A.D. 1137 and A.D. 1148. We reject the former date, as it obviously was not the 15th year of our Chola king, and we conclude that the date of the inscription was Sunday, 9th May, A.D. 1148, which was the 16th day of Vrishabha.
Summary.
We can now arrange the eight dates discussed above in chronological order and endeavour to discover therefrom the commencement of the reign of Kulottunga-Chōla II.
Monday, 10th December, A.D. 1134. Monday, 17th August A.D. 1136. Friday, 7th February A.D. 1141. Monday, 30th November A.D. 1142. Thursday, 10th April A.D. 1147. Monday, 18th August A.D. 1147. Thursday, 25th December A.D. 1147. Sunday, 9th May A.D. 1148.
śrī
1 No. 315 of the same collection for 1902.
Dates disclosed by Inscriptions.
We see that the 15th year of the reign must have commenced between the 10th April, A.D. 1147, which fell in the 14th year and the 18th August A.D. 1147 which fell in the 15th year. At the same time the last inscription shows that the regnal year did not change till after 9th May. Therefore regnal years of Kulottunga-Chola II. must have regularly commenced between 9th May and 18th August, rather 9th May and 17th August, if we bear in mind the result of inscription 245; that is, the reign itself commenced between 9th May and 17th August A.D. 1133; the 2nd year of the reign in May, June or July, A.D. 1134, and so on with the 3rd and subsequent years.
2P 2

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[VOL. XI.
No. 30.-MANNARKOYIL INSCRIPTION OF JATAVARMAN
SUNDARA-CHOLA-PANDYADEVA.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A.; OOTACAMUND. The subjoined inscription is engraved on the base of the north wall of the central shrine in the Gopālakṣishņasvāmin temple at Mannārköyil in the Ambasamudram talaka of the Tinnevelly district. With the kind permission of the late Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya I edit it from an inked impression prepared in 1905.
The inscription which is in tolerably good preservation consists of 8 lines of Tamil proge written in the Tamil alphabet of the period to which the record belongs. The letters are well engraved. There are a large number of Sanskrit words and syllables in Grantha characters. Two forms of ya occur, one with a closed loop to the left which occurs only in the beginning of line 1, and the other, which is more common, without this loop. The secondary ā-symbol is, in a few cases, not separated from the consonant to which it is added. In the majority of cases the central loops of the consonants ? and appear fully developed, though there are instances where they are written without the loope. Another peculiarity is that the secondary e-sign is marked on the left top corner instead of on the head of the letters as is generally seen in records of this period. This is especially the case with pi, vi, and li, while in ni the j- sign is sometimes added on to the top of the letter and sometimes by its right side, according to the shape of the letter n which, in this record, is not uniform. The sigas for u and ū in the letters mu and ru are not distinguished. Only in one case a curve has been added to the w in mu in order to denote the length. Except in the letters lai and sai where the first part of the vowel is used to denote the ai-symbol, the secondary ai is invariably marked by two secondary e-signs written side by side as in Grantha. The group nta is always employed whenever the two letters come together. The palatal i is so shaped in some cases that it may at first sight be mistaken for mā. The guttural occurring in purangarai (1. 3), =Tiruvaranga- (1. 6) and Irurgandi- (1. 8) and the syllable ru are peculiarly shaped.
The object of the inscription is to register a sale of land to the Vishnu temple called Rājēndrasola-Viņnagar. Lines 2 and 3 give the boundaries and extent of the various fields that were sold, and line 4 describes the formal transfer of the land to the temple by the assembly of Rajaraja-chaturvēdimangalam. Lines 5 and give the names of some of the niembers of the assembly at whose instance the lands appear to have boen sold. The conveyance was drawn up by the accountant (karanattan) of the village and was attested by several of the persons who ordered the sale (11. 7 and 8). It is interesting to note that most of the members of the assembly were learned men, and this is indicated by the titles bhatta, somayājin and kramavit affixed to their names. Further, it might also be pointed out that these members were not natives of the villago but immigrants from other parts of Southern India, who had settled in the several suburbs (sēri) of the village. A list of these suburbs and villages is given at the end of this paper.
This inscription is a record of one of the Chola-Pandya kings. South-Indian inscriptions point to the existence of at least three Chola princes who bore the title Choa-Pandya. Rajēndra-Chola I. (A.D. 1011-44), after he had subjugated the Pandya country, is said to have appointed his son Chola-Pandya to rule over it. Parakësarivarman Räjëndradēva (A.D. . No. 109 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905. . It is worthy of note that two of the signatures at the end of the inscription are in Sanskrit. Such admixture of Sanskrit words in a Tamil record of this period may be accounted for, to a certain extent, by the revival of learning brought about by the immigration to the Southern country of a large bumber of Brahmapas from the nortb as a result of the conqueste of Rajendra-Chola I., which extended as far as the Ganges.
* Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905, Part II, p. 56, paragraph 25.
Ibidem, 1906, Part II, p. 68, paragraph 17.

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No. 30.] MANNARKOYIL INSCRIPTION OF SUNDARA-CHOLA-PANDYA.
1052-64) is reported to have conferred the title of Sola-Pandiyan1 on his younger brother, the victorious Mummaḍiśōlan. The Chola king Virarajendra (A.D. 1062-70) is also stated to have been pleased to grant the Pandimaṇḍalam "whose crown of jewels is exalted in this world, to his royal son Gangaikonḍasolans along with the title Sola-Pandiyan, the leader of an army of very tall elephants."4 Inscriptions discovered so far reveal the names of two CholaPandya princes, viz. Jaṭavarman Sundara-Chōla-Pandya and Maravarman Vikrama-ChōlaPandya. The former of these is spoken of in a Mannarkoyil record as one of the sons of Rajendra-Chola I.5 and he is, therefore, identical with the first Chola-Pandya ruler. It is perhaps to the same king that we must attribute inscriptions dated during the reign of Jaṭāvarman alias Uḍaiyar Sola-Pandyadeva found at Suchindram and Seviliperi, though the name Sundara does not occur.
293
The title Chola-Pandya given to them seems to have been invented to indicate the double fact that they were members of the Chola family and were made to rule over the Pandya territory. The position held by them was apparently that of a viceroy acting under the orders of the Chola king ruling at Tanjore. The necessity for their appointment arose from the fact that the Pandyas could never be completely subdued. They continued in a state of chronic revolt against the Chola yoke during the whole period of Chola supremacy in Southern India.8
The subjoined record is dated in the 13th year of the reign of king Jaṭivarman SundaraChōla-Pandyadeva. As his accession to the throne has been fixed at A.D. 1020-1 from the fact that his 15th year probably coincided with the 24th of his father, it follows that this iuscription should have been engraved about A.D. 1033-4 which corresponded to his 13th year. A few facts concerning the king's reign deserve mention.10 His latest known date is the 23rd yearll corresponding to A.D. 1043-4, which was the last year of the reign of his father. Sundara. Chola-Pandya's inscriptions have so far been traced in the ancient Pandya and Kerala dominions, i.e. in the modern districts of Madura and Tinnevelly and portions of the Pudukkottai and Travancore States. 12 His Cholapuram13 inscription is dated in the 11th year and registers the gift of a lamp by a certain Sarvalōkāśraya Vishnuvardhana-Mahārāja alias Salukki
1 South-Ind. Insers., Vol. III, Part I, P. 62.
2 The title Mummadisōlan was first borne by Rajaraja I.
Rajendra-Chola I. appears to have first assumed the title Gangaikonḍaśölan after his conquest of the North The city of Gangaikoṇḍacholapuram owes its name to him.
South-Ind. Insers., Vol. III., Part I, p. 36.
No. 112 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905..
Nos. 69 and 70 of the same collection for 1896.
7 No. 408 of the same collection for 1906.
Parantaka 1. is known to have defeated the Pandyas thrice in the field. His grandson Sundara-Chōla claims to have driven the Pandya king into the forest, while Aditya II. (Karikala), even when he was a youth, fought against Vira-Pandya. Uttama-Chola's title Madhurautaka indicates his hostility to the Pandyas and the Tiruvalangadu plates give Amarabhujanga as the name of the Pandya sovereign defeated by Rajaraja I. RajendraChola I., Rajadhiraja and Virarajendra I. claim to have defeated the Pandyas. The Pandyas seem to have asserted their independence aiready during the reign of Kulottunga I. At any rate, we have no reason to suppose that the Chola-Pandya kings continued very long. In fact their rule could not have lasted more than half a century, which was probably occupied by the rule of the few princes known from inscriptions.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905, Part II, paragraph 25.
10 Sundara-Chola-Pandisuram-udaiyar, the ancient name of the ruined Siva temple at Perundurai in the Pudukkottai State suggests that the temple was probably called after the king and built in his time.
1f No. 18 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1894 and No. 438 for 1909.
12 His inscriptions found at the following places roughly indicate the extent of the country ruled by
kim :
Anaimalai, near Madura; Perundurai in the Tirumaiyam taluka of the Pudukkottai State; Mannarköyil, Tiruvälisvaram, Ambasamudram, Virasik bämani, Kalugumalai, Gangaikondan, Seviliperi, Shermadevi, and Adapur in the Tinnevelly district; Cholapuram and Suchindram in the Travancore State. No. 32 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1896.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI. Vijayadittan-Vikki-annan. The terms Salukki and Vishnuvardhana-Mahārāja, occurring in the name of the donor, suggest that he must have been a member of the Eastern Chalukya family.1
According to the Tiruvalangaḍu grant, the Pandyas were first attacked by Rajendra-Chola I., with the result that their king deserted his country from fear. Establishing his son CholaPandya as the protector of the Pandya territory, Rajendra-Chola proceeded westwards, conquered the forces of the Kerala ruler in a fearful battle and returned to his capital leaving that country also in charge of the same prince. That the Chola-Pandya here referred to is none other than Jatavarman Sundara-Chōla-Pandya of our record has already been noticed. It may be pointed out now that while the stone inscriptions of the 5th and 6th years of Rajendra-Chola I. mention his conquest of the Keralas, the invasion of the Pandya country is practically omitted in the historical introduction of all his records. If, as stated in the Tiruvalangāḍu grant, the Chola king conquered the Keralas immediately after he had overcome the Pandyas, the latter event would have taken place before A.D. 1016-7, which corresponds to his 5th year. It would thus appear that Sundara-Chola-Pandya was in charge of the two conquered countries from or prior to A.D. 1016-7, i.e. four years before his accession.3 That he actually ruled over the Keralas is borne out by some of the inscriptions at Mannarkōyil, where mention is made of two of his Chera feudatories named Rajasimha and Rajaraja. In one of his inscriptions, it is stated that the Chera king (Šēramanar) Rājasimha built the Vishnu temple called Rajendrasōla-Vinnagar, i.e. the modern Gopalakrishnasvamin temple at Mannarkōyil. The name of the Chera king conquered by Rajendra-Chola is not given. Nor do we know if it was Rajaraja or Rajasimha.
Among the geographical names that occur in this inscription, Manṇārkōyil does not find a place. It seems to be a shortened form of Mannanarköyil and probably denotes the modern Gopalakrishnasvamin temple. The village in which the temple was situated, was called Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam in ancient times. It was a brahmadēja in Mulli-nāḍu, a district of Mudigonḍaśōla-valanaḍu which was a subdivision of Rājarāja-Päṇḍināḍu. A number of hamlets appear to have been attached to this village in early days. The modern villages of Ambasamudram and Kallaḍaikkurichchi were its southern hamlets, while Päpängulam (Vélárkurichchi) and Alvärkurichchilo (Kädern; text 1. 2) situated at a distance of about 8 miles from Ambasamudram, formed its hamlets on
1 We do not know of any Eastern Chalukya prince with this name at the time. About A.D. 1030 the approximate date of the Cholapuram inscription, the ruler of Vengi was Rajaraja I. (A.D. 1022-1063).
2 It cannot, however, be inferred from this that the Pandyas remained independent even until this date, because earlier inscriptions of Rajendra-Chola I. have been found in the Tinnevelly and Madura districts. The existence of these records in that part of the country might be taken to show that the Pandyas acknowledged the overlordship of the Chola sovereign even before the invasion, conquered as the Pandya country was by Parantska I. and Rajaraja I. It was perhaps the Pandya king's attempt to assert his independence that caused the invasion in the present instance.
Perhaps he was not formally installed in the Viceroyalty but allowed to issue orders in his own name as soon as he was placed in charge of the Pandya territory. This privilege was probably granted some time after he had been actually governing the subjugated province.
Nos. 111, 113 and 114 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905.
No. 112 of the same.
• Mannanär means Vishnu.
7 No. 102 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905. The ancient name of Ambasamudram was Ilangöykkuḍi.
No. 90 of the same collection for 1907.
The Vishnu temple of Ramasvamin at Päpängulam is called in its inscriptions Bagavadi-Vinnagar-Alvår at Vēlārkurichchi, the north-western hamlet of Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam (No. 124 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1907).
10 The Vanniyappar temple at Alvärkurichchi was called in ancient times Tiruvannichchuramuḍaiyår at Kādēru, the north-western hamlet of Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam (No. 121 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1907).

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No. 30.] MANNARKOYIL INSCRIPTION OF SUNDARA-CHOLA-PANDYA.
295
the north-western side. Four other hamlets of Rajaraja-chaturvodimangalam, vis. Pambuņāri, Köņādu, Kadaiyam and Pulakkulam alias Vārimāyiletti are also mentioned in this inscription. Of these, Kadaiyam may be identified with the village of the same name, situated to the west of Ambasamudram. The modern name of Palakkulam is Punakkulam? and it is also in the vicinity of Ambåsamudram. I am not able to identify the two others. The position assigned to Beveral of the hamlets would point to the identification of the brahmadöya of Rajarajachaturvedimangalam with the modern village of Brahmadēśam in the same taluka and it may be noted that the Siva temple of Tiruvāliśvaram and the Vishnu temple of RajendrasolaViņnagar which are stated in their inscriptions to be in Rajarāja-chaturvedimangalam, are quite close to Brahmadēśam. From the boandaries described in the grant portion of the subjoined record it appears that at Mannārkogil there was in ancient times another Vishnu temple called Rājaräja-Viņņagar. This has now disappeared. The district of Malli-nadu mentioned above seems to be different from another of the same name in which Shërmidėvi was situated, because while the first was in the subdivision of Mudigoudasola-vaļinādu the second was in Uttamasala-valanādu. Though the names Uttamasõla and Mudigondasola after which the two subdivisions are named may refer to the same Chola king (perhaps Rajendra-Chola I.), yet, as these divisions occur in the inscriptions of the same period, there is not much doubt as to their representing different local areas. Farther, it may be pointed out that the two subdivisions named above comprised different districts. Thus, for instance, the districts of Nechchura-nădu, Kilkala-kūrramt and Kilvēmba-nāļus were in Mudigondasolavalanadu, while Purattaya-nädų, Näñji-nādu? and Marugal-nidus were in the subdivision of Uttamasola-valanādu. A rough idea of the extent of Mudigondasola-valanadu might be formed from the fact that Tinnevelly, Kalugamalai, Ambasamudram and the villages near them were originally included in it. In Uttamasola-valanādu were situated Cape Comorin, Shërmidëvi, and Cholapuram near Nägerkoil. Rājarāja-Päydinādu was the name applied to the Pandya country after its conquest by the Chola king Rajaraja I.; and it mainly consisted of the districts of Madura and Tinnevelly and a part of the Travancore and Pudukkottai States. Thongh the Pandyas were defeated several times on previous occasions and their dominion acquired by the Cholas by conquest, the name of their country does not appear to have been altered prior to the time of Rajaraja I.
Two rivers are mentioned in this record, vis. Mudigondasolapperāru and Rajarājappērāru. As one of the fields sold to the temple is said to have been situated to the north of the former and south of the latter, the relative position of the two is established beyond question and affords facilities for the identification of both. Porundam, the original name of Mudigondasolappörüra is synonymous with the Tamraparņi, which near Mannarköyil runs parallel to its tributary, the Gațanā, and is to the south of it. Rajarajappërūra is, therefore, identical with the Gatani. In passing, it may also be pointed out that the two rivers join within a milo's distance of Mannārkoyil at a place called Tiruppudaimarudar.
TEXT. i Svasti sri (ll"] Ko-Chohadaiyapanmar-iņa Udaiyir sri-Sunta(nad)ra-Sola
Pandiyadëvarkku yandu padin[mi]prā[va]du fri-Rājarāja-Ppandinittu Mudigondaső[la]-valanättu Mul!i-nātu brahmadēyam Sri-Rājarāja
It may be noted that in the Tinnevelly district there are two kinds of tanks, pomak kolam and kalenrattuk. kulam. The former depends on rain for its supply of water, while the latter is fed by a channel from a river.
► Nos, 193 and 194 of the Maras Epigraphical collection for 1898 and No. 106 of the collection for 1905. * No. 18 of the collection for 1804. • See remarks against No: 416 for 1906. .No. 408 of 1906.
* No. 100 for 1896. 1 No. 34 of 1896.
• No. 32 for 1896. • The ca in migrāvadu is written above the line.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
chcharuppēdima[n]galattu sri-Rājēntra(ndra)sola-Viņ[ņaga]r (pa]ramasvāmigaļukku eri-Rājarāja-chchata[r]vvēd[i]maigalattu mahasabhaiyom virruukkudutta båmiyāvada [ll] Enga! padāgai Pāmbunā[ri] Idaikku[g]ravettikku
mērkum [1] Sri-Rājarāja-Viņnagardēvar dēvada[na]2 ttakkarkkilakkum [] Tan-Porundam-iņa Mudigondaśālappērārrukku
vadakkım [] Sri-Räjarājappērārru[k]kuætterkkum [11] aga ivv=e[l*]laiya! agappa [t]ta iru-pulärupiyohchal nila[n*] ära-véligum mērpadi maluk[ka]da? vasakkāniņra nilan mū-vēliyum po[n]sey malukkādu nila mivaliyam engalur=ppaļāgai Könātu iru-pu ārup[p]āychchal nilan opsēyela māvum ivv=ūr=ppadagai Kadaiyattu-Padaiyāvli Kādērru iru-pa åru päychchal nilan araiyum ivy-dr-ppadägai Pulakkuļam-apa Värimāyiletti eri-puran-garai oru-punilan araiyum i=kku!att-agam pu(pū)-nir-kövai-nilan araiyam [a]ga ira-på arupäychchal nilan @[1]ėmukkaley-irandu-măvum mērpadi malukkādu nilan mi-vēliyum punsey malukkādu nilan mü-veliyam orn-pa nilan araiyum kulattil ni[r]-kovai[nillanaraiyum aga nilap padinile[y]6-mukkalēy-irandu-mävum virrukkaduttom sri-Rājēndrašola-Viņnagar [parama]svämigalukku Sri-Rajarajachobaruppadimangalattu mahasabhaiyom [l] Ippariệu virruakkudatta i-bhūmikku emmil-isaiñja vilais pporul-ellān-gaiyyilēy apa-kkondu iduvē[y]? vilai-olaiya[m] poru[1]-sela olaigamävid-agavum idav-alladı vēru vilai-măvarudi=pporu!-sela olai kättakkadamaiy-ipri vilaikk=858-vifu=p[porul!-ara=kkondu virru vilai-olai-Seydu nirodu atti=kkuduttom Rājēndrasola-Viņpagar paramasvāmigalukku śriRajaraja-chcharuppēdimangalattu mabasabhaiyom [118] I-pparisu virru - kkudukka-ppanichchom sri-Rājarājachohēri-Kkottaiyar.Chchangarap Sivadēvabattachchomāsiyārum
śriMummadisolachchēri Tiruppēr=Ddēradēvēśa-[Nā]rāyaṇanum
ßriArumolid[@]yachchéri-kirāñchi
Mahēśvarakiramavittanamo
sriNittavinodachchēri
Korovi-Kalidāda lobatta[ch]chomāśiyārum Cholēntra(ndra)singachchéri Karāmbirchēttu Sridara battanam
śrtSundarasolachchëri Korovi sri-Mādavachchomāsiyārum s ri-Varavanmādēvichchëri-KkottattaDdovadēvēsan-Sandiranum sri-Uttamasolachchëri-Kkarip
posattu=Pporkku6 mārakiramavittanum Sri-Sembiyanmādēvichchöri-Kkiragar SolaippirānSuppiramapiyabattayam
Śri-Kundavachchēri Nimbai-I[laiyanambibattapum
grl-Pañchavanmādē[vi]chchöri-Kkundür-Ttiruvaranga-Närāyapa-kkiramavittanum sri-Olokamādēvichcheri
IdaiyārrukkudiChchomagakkanum iga i-ppari[gu] paņichcha virru-kkuduttom sriRajendrasola-Vinnagar paramasvāmikalukkull sri-Räjarāja-chatu[r]větiman kalattu 2 mabasabhaiyom [ll*] Ippadi arivēn Kot[tai]yür-Chchangaran sivadēvabatta
Sri
orw.pū and irupů are terms still employed in some parts of the country to mean single-crop and double erop lands.
ni ka sama to be corrected from kw. This word is written below the line in the original • Read ārupay-hchal.
3 The akshara y looks like p in the original. • The y of this word is a correction from p.
1 Here the original reads pe instead of ya. Sömäfi is the abbreviated Tamil form of the Sanskrit somayajin. • kiramavitta stands for the Sanskrit kramavid, one who knows the kramapatha of the Vēdas. 10 Kalidada is the Tamil form of Kafidata.
11 Read parama tramigalukku 12 Read -chaturvadimangalattu.

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NO. 30.) MANNARKOYIL INSCRIPTION OF SUNDARA-CHOLA-PANDYA.
297
chchomafiyen ivai on eluttu [1*] Ippadi ariven Korovi. Kaļidădachchomasiyen ivai en eluttu [*] Ippadi arivön Tirupper Dēvadovēśn-Narayanan eluttu [19] Ippadi ariven Kiräßchi-Mahesvarakkiramavittan eluttu [1] Ippadi arivēn Sridanür-Kkēšavan Senduppirän eluttu [W] Ippadi (ari]vēn Karambich(chęt]tu Sridarabattan eluttu [1] ippadi ariven Korovi sri-Madavachchomāśisylen elutta [1] Ippadi ariven
Nimbai-Ilaiyanımbibattan elutta [*] Ippadi arivën 8 Irungandi-Diëvadēvēsabattan elattu [1*] lppadi ariven Iraguppurattul
Yaññan eluttu [1] Ittham Virasya P[u]trēņa Šāstamatka(ga)lavāsinā [lo] [Nā]rāyaṇona vidita[m] bhakta-bhaktēna Särggiņā? [1] Iti viditam Solaiprån Subramayyênallo Mahasabhaiyar-ppaņikka ivv=olai eludinën ivy=ûr sabhaikkaranattan [Śärri]-Sangaran=āņa Samaiñjaśappiriyaņēn eluttu llos
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity! In the thirteenth year of the reign of) king Jaţăvarman alias Udaiyar sri-Sundara-Choļa-Pandyadēva, the great assembly of Rājarāja-chaturvēdimangalam sold the following land to the Supreme Lord (paramasvā min) of fri-RajēndrasolaViņnagar at fri-Rajaraja-chaturvēdimangalam, a brahmadēya in Muļļi-nādu a district of) Mudigondasöla-valanädu (which was a subdivision) of fri-Rajaraja-Pāņdinādu. (The land lies) to the west of the path called) Idaikkunravetti* (leading to our hamlet (padägai) of Pāmbuņāri, to the east of the dēvadina of the god of śri-Rājarāja-Viņņagar, to the north of (the river) Tan-Porundam alias Mudigondasõlappērārus and to the south of the river called) fri-Rajarajappërāru. The great assembly of fri-Rajaraja-chaturvödimangalam sold to the Supreme Lord of Sri-Rājëndrašola-Viņvagar, six vēli of river-fed double-crop land lying within these boundaries together with three tēli of malukkādu-land of the same (class) which was being brought under cultivation ; three vēli of dry malakkidu-land; one (vēli) and seven mi of river-fed double-crop land in Konādu, a hamlet of our village; 'half (a vēli) of double-crop river-fed land at Kādēļu in Kadaiyattu-Padaiyāvili, a hamlet of this village ; half (a vēli) of single crop land close to the bank of the tank at Pulakkuļam alias Vārimāyiletti, a hamlet of this village ; half a vēli) of crop-yielding marshy land in the bed of this tank ;-in all measuring seven (vēli) three quarters and two ma of river.fed double crop land; three vēli of malakkad u-land of the same class); three vēli of dry malukkadu-land; half (a téli) of single crop land; half (a veli) of marshy land in the tank; together making a total of fourteen and three-fourths (vēli) and two mi. For the land thus given away by sale, this shall be the sale deed and the document evidencing the receipt of the money for our having obtained on hand the entire sub-amount agreed upon by us. Besides this, no other deed evidencing the payment in full of the sale money (vilai-măv-arudi-porul-félav-diai) shall be demanded. We, the members of the great assembly of fri-Räjarája chaturvedimangalam, gave the land with libation of water to the Supreme Lord of Rajendra-sola-Viņpagar, having sold it completely and obtained the entire price and having executed the
1 Read Rasipurattu.
? Read Yajian. Read Sarigina). This is a verse in the Anushțubh metre. Literally this word means a path cut through a bill.
At first sight one would take the expression Tanporundamāna-Mudigondafola-ppäraru to mean Mudigondasölappërára which is ever filled with water', but the real siguificance of the words seems to be that Mudi. goodasölu=pperiru is another name for Tan-Porundam or the cool Porundam. Porundam and Porunai are other names of the river Tamraparpi.
The word vabakkaninra seems to be used in this sense also in No. 326 of the Epigraphical collection for 1908, in the passage i-nnilattukku kaium-kalli Kadum-vetti nilamum-vasakki payir-erré. Here valakki teema to mean cultivating or ploughing in which sense it does not appear to be used at present.

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[VOL. XI.
sale deed. We (the following persons) thus ordered the sale (of the above mentioned land) :Koṭṭaiyar Sangaran-Sivadevabhaṭṭa-sōmāsiyār of śri-Rajarajachcheri; Tirupper Devadēvēsa-Nārāyaṇan of śri-Mummaḍisolachcheri; Kriañji śri-Maheśvara-kramavittan of éri-Arumolidevachcheri; Kōrōvi Kālidādabhaṭṭa-somāsiyār of śri-Nittavinodachcheri ; Karambichchēṭṭu-Śridarabhaṭṭan of of ri-Chandrasingachcheri Kiorovi Madhavasomasiyar of sri-Sundarasolachcheri; Kōṭṭattu-Devadēvēsan-Chandran of śri-Vanavanmādēvichcheri; Karippurattu-Porkumara-kramavittan of sri-Uttamasolachchērī; Kirapar Solaipirin-Subrahmanyabhattan of Sri-Sembiyapmadevichchert; Nimbai Ilaiya nambibhaṭṭan of śri-Kundavachcheri; Kundur Tiruvaranga-Narayana-kramavittan of éri-Panchavaņmādēvichcheri; Iḍaiyarrakkuḍi Somanakkan of éri-Lokamādē vichchēri. We, the members of the great assembly of śri-Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam, thus ordered and sold (the land) to the Supreme Lord of śri-Rajendrasola-Vinnagar. I, Koṭṭaiyur Sangaran-Sivadēvabhaṭṭa-somāsi know this; this is my signature. I, Körövi Kalidada-somasi know this: this is my signature. I know this: the sigature of Tirupper Devadēvēsa-Nārāyaṇan. I know this: the signature of Kiranji Mahesvara-kramavittan. I know this: the signature of Śridanur Kēšavan Senduppiran. I know this: the signature of Karambichcheṭṭu-Sridarabhattan. I know this: the signature of Körövi śri-Madhava-somasi. I know this: the signature of Nimbai Ilaiyanambibhaṭṭan. I know this: the signature of Irungandi-Devadēvēsabhattan. I know this: the signature of Rasipurattu-Yajñan. Thus known by Narayana, son of Vira, who was the devotee of the devotees of Vishnn (and) resident of Sastamangala. Thus known by Solaipp[i]ran Subrahmanya. At the command of the great assembly I, Surri Sangaran alias Samañjasapriyan, the accountant (karanattan) of this village assembly, wrote this document; (this is my) signature.
List of villages and cheris mentioned in the inscription.
Serial Number.
1234567-RE
9
10
11
18
15
Names of villages.
Koṭṭairür Tirupper
Kiranji
Korovi
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Karambichchedu Kottam Karippuram Kiranar
Nimbai
Kundür
Idaiyarrakkuḍi Bridanur Irungandi Rasipuram Sastamangalam
Serial Number.
12B4BGTBOER
3
8
10
11
Names of cheris of Rajaraja-chaturvedi mangalam.1
Rajaraja-cheri Mummadiéola-chĕri Arumolideva-cheri Nittavinoda-chēri Cholendrasinga-cheri Bundarasola-cheri Vanavanmadevi-chēri Uttamasōla-cheri Bembiyapmadevi-cheri Kundavai-chēri Pañjavanmadevi-cheri Lōkamadevischeri
Of these cheris Nos. 1-5 are named after the surnames of Rajaraja I., No. 6 after his father Parantaka II. Sundara Chola, No. 7 after his mother Vanavan-mahadevi, who performed sahagamana on her husband's death, No: 8 after the Chola king Uttama-Chola, son of Gaṇḍaraditya, No. 9 after the mother of Uttama-Chōla, No. 10 after Rajaraja's sister and Nos. 11 and 12 after his queen. In Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 135, I have shown that Cholendrasinha was a surname of Rajaraja.

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No. 31.]
DADHIMATI-MATA INSCRIPTION OF DHRUHLANA.
299
No. 31.—DADHIMATI-MATA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF DHRUHLANA;
[GUPTA-]SAMVAT 289. By PANDIT RAM KARNA; JODHPUR.
This inscription is the oldest of all so far discovered in Märwär. It was found in a very ancient temple, which is dedicated to the goddess Dadhimati, commonly called Dadhamatmātāji, situated in a desert where the boundaries of two villages named Goth and Mānglod meet. These villages are 24 miles north-east of Nāgör, the principal town of the district of the same name, in the Jodhpur State. The rims of the slab are raised one inch high on all sides, and it was discovered lying upside down in one of the corners of the hall of the temple of the goddess.
When the news of this find reached Jodhpur, the stone was brought to the Tawārikh Mehkma or Historical Department of the State, where its contents were first deciphered by me. The stone had been kept there for several years when, on the request of the pañchas of the Dahimã-Brāhmaṇa community of Jodhpur, the Darbār kindly ordered that it should be returned to them with instructions to take proper care of it, it being the most valuable and oldest inscription in the State. The reason why it was made over to them was that all the DähimaBrāhmaṇas recognise Dadhimati as their kula-dēvi or family goddess, and that they congequently urged that the presence of such an inscription rendered the edifice more sacred and important in their eyes and proved the antiquity of the temple of their mataji. The stone is, therefore, now lying in its former position in the sabhā-mandapa of this temple.
The inscription covers a space of writing l' high by 1' 71' broad. The average size of the letters is about ". Considerable skill seems to have been exercised in engraving this inscription, and the rims are raised one inch high, as noted above, presumably with a view to protect the writing from the effects of weather and rain or from other stones coming into contact with the written surface ; but, in spite of this care and foresight, the right half of the sixth line has been rubbed off, apparently with an instrument, by somebody. Otherwise, the inscription is in an almost perfect state of preservation. It contains 13 lines of writing in Sanskrit, which is grammatically faulty and inaccurate in some places, e.g., Avighnanāgah pramukha (1.2), datta dramma-panchasah (1.7.), datah drammasatah and Bappakah Pūrnnamukha-putrēna (1. 10), etc., etc. Besides, there are several minor mistakes of engraving. The text is in prose excepting lines 11 and 12 wherein a verse occurs, which is a quotation from the Devi-Māhatmya, as will be shown subsequently. The date of the inscription is given in the last line. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets; and the letters , 6, 7, 9, jh, h, d, and b, are identical with those of the Mandasör inscription of Rajadhiraja Yasodharman-Vishņuvardhana of M. V. 589. In respect of orthography it may be noticed (1) that in all cases where the word Brāhmaṇa occurs (except in 11. 3 and 12), the sign for v is used for b, though in the case of other words wherein the letter b occurs the sign for b is invariably employed ; (2) the consonant following r has been doubled only once in the word- Pūryna-in 1. 10; (3) the rules of para savarna have been throughout observed with the exception of the word -samnidhya. in l. 1.
Its contents have since been committed in Dovanigari characters to a copper-plate which has been fixed on the left hand of the entrance and in the front wall (facing the deity) of the Sabhimandapa for the reason that if the stone, which is now old enough, be broken, the contents may not be destroyed. A new prasasti has been added, composed by Pandit Ram Karna, and giving the genealogy of the Rathon from Siha and down to the late Mahäräja, Sir Sardar Singh. [The accompanying plate has been prepared from an impression prepared by Pandit Ram Kards himself.Ed.]
Pablished in Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 324 1., and Gupta Inaers., p. 152.

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300
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
The inscription opens with obeisance to the goddess Sarasvati. Then follows a request to dēri Dadhimati by the community (goshthika) of Dadhya-Brähmaņas, headed by Avighnanāga. These Brāhmaṇas used to reside, it appears, in the same teraple and were the worshippers of the devi. A passing reference is also made here to one Sri-Dhrühlāņa, who appears to have been then the ruling prince, but who this chief was and where he ruled we are unable to ascertain. Lines 3 to 10 contain the names and gotras of the donors with their fathers' names and the amount contributed by each, the details whereof are embodied in the subjoined table.
Name of donor.
Name of father
Götra.
Clan.
Amount contributed.
.
. Vachchha!.
Āvo
Avignanaga.
.. Matulya . Yaśapati Majhabiha .
. Mißra. . .
. . .
Langaka . Kataks . Püphaka. Yakshadinna Ganabhata
. . . .
.
,
Vishņudēva . Nimbagana . Dbaniyaks Balāditys Bappaks Sõmánaka . Achilakado (1 ) Suvaka
Dhūlaņa süraka . . Achintita . . Avigahaks Pürphamukhs.
10
•
13
.
.Nimbăditya
14
Line Il contains the verse sarva-mangala-mangalyē sivē sarvārthasādhikë | saranya tryanbaké Gauri Nardyani namo=stu tē, quoted from the Markandeya-Purana, as said above. Then follow (1. 12) the names of the Brahmaņas pambered 12-14 in the above table. The reason why their names are mentioned after this verse and not along with those of their caste fellows specified above, is not quite clear. Probably they contributed their mite after the engraving of the inscription bad commenced. The last line, i.e., the 13th, gives the date which is the 13th of the dark half of Śrävaņa of the year 289 (Gupta, equivalent to VikramaSamvat 665 or 608 A.D.).
It may be noted that the date of this inscription has been expressed in numerical symbols. The numeral 200 has been represented by a sign resembling which is just after the fashion
[Perhaps the same as Patsd..V. V.]
* Its meaning is, a goddess Näräynni, obeisance to thee, who art the source of all blowings, doer of good, accomplisher of desired objects, giver of shelter, endowed with three eyes and Gaari (16. the spouse of the god Mahidēva).

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No. 31.]
DADHIMATI-MATA INSCRIPTION OF DHRUHLANA.
801
so often observed in the Jaina manuscripts (vide Bühler's Table IX). Again, 80 has been expressed by a symbol which differs but little from that given in Bühler's Table. Then follows the sign for 9, which is also in harmony with the Valabhi system. So that 200 80 9 stand for the year 289, which has been given in the symbolical system so often met with in early inscriptions. Then follow the words Srāvana ba apparently for Sravana badi (i.e. the dark half of the month of Sravana), the letter di after ba having been omitted for want of space. The date 13th has, again, been expressed by numerical symbols. 10 has been represented by a sign which is just like that met with in the Vākātaka inscriptions (vide Table No. IX of Bühler, referred to above) and 3 is denoted by three more or less parallel lines (E) which is also after the Gupta fashion. Similarly, the numeral 4 in the last line has also been represented by the symbol (4) which is after the same Gupta or Nēpāl system (vide table quoted above). There is a dot after this symbol in the original stone, but it appears to have been inadvertently engraved by the mason. If the author had meant 40, the sign for 40 and not that for 4 would have been used in its place. From the above, it is quite clear that the date of the inscription is of the Gupta era and not Vikrama or Harsha. Secondly, the formation of the characters resembles that of the Mandasor pillar inscription of king Yasodharman, as already noted, which fact also corroborates the conclusion arrived at above; and thirdly, we know that the Gupta rule, which had extended far and wide over the land, came to its end at about the same period.
It may be inferred from the words asmin dëvyā nivēša of line 3 that the temple of the goddess Dadhimati was in situ when the contribution was raised by the Dadhya-Brāhmaṇas headed by Avighnanāga. Had this subscription been called for erecting the shrine, some such word as kārita would have been used. The temple is therefore a very old one. Additions to the temple were made by a Dāhima Brahmacbāri named Vishnudāsaji in V.S. 1906.9
In the beginning of this inscription there is a mention of Dadhya-Brahmanas. These are now-a-days known as Dāhimā-Brāhmaṇas, and are one of the chha-nyatt (six castest) of Brāhmaṇas of the Pañcba-ganda section. There is no doubt that the Dadhyas of our inscription are the modern Dāhimās, because, first, the whole of the community of the DāhimăBrāhmaṇas recognise this goddess (Dadhimati) as their kula-dēvt or family goddess; secondly, the majority of the population of the villages, adjoining the temple within the limit of 10 to 20 kos, consists of these Brāhmaṇas; thirdly, most of the modern names of the Khampas (clans) of this community are after the names of the villages situated round about the temple, e.g., Gothēchă after Goth, Māngalodyā after Mānglod, Asopā after. Asop, Ināṇyā after Ināņā, Khatoda after Khāțū, Borādā after Borāwār, Didawāṇyā after Didwāņā, etc. The Dāhima-Brāhmaṇas assert that they are descended from the well-known Dadhichi-Rishi and style themselves Dadhichas; while in this inscription they are termed Dadhyas, certainly after the name of the goddess Dadhimati. A reference to No. 2 in the above table would show that the epithet Misra, which is still used by the Dahimās, was common in those days. In the third line there occurs a word ard; but there is no clan amongst the
[A closer approximation to the symbol used in the present inscription occur in Pandit G. H. Ojha's Palaography of India, plate 42, column 9, where it is stated that the symbols in that column are taken from “various records and charters." -V. V.]
* Further repairs to the temple are being executed by the Dähima-mabisabbá, by raising sabscriptions from the whole community of Dabimi Brahmaņas residing in all parts of Indis. Nearly a sum of Rs. 10,000 has already been collected and spent for the parpose.
[Though it seems most natural to read fri-dadhya, I feel little doubt that what the engraver had before him was fri-dérya.-S.K.)
• The names of the six castes who interdine but do not intermarry re-1. Dahimas 2. Parikhs, 8. Gauda, Gujara-gauda, 5. Säravata, and 6. sikhawala (some say Kha dolawala).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
Dahimā-Brāhmaṇas known by this name. It therefore appears that it is perhaps a contracted form of the word āvoti, just as the word brahmana is written in the abbreviated form brähra in line 12. It is also possible that the letter ti of the word ävöţi has been carelessly omitted. The word avöți or āboți means a worshipper; and hence it may be inferred that the Dadhyas were worshippers of the goddess Dadhimati in those days. The office of worshipping this goddess is now held by the Sēvagas (or Bhojakas). It is just possible that the Dadhya-Brāhmaṇas, as they took up some other profession, later on employed a Sévaga for this purpose, whose descendants are up to this day doing the same work. This supposition is farther strengthened by the fact that the Dāhimā-Brāhmaṇas of the village Rol, 10 miles from this temple, even now personally perform the worship of the deity and offer oblations in her honour in the months of Chaitral and Aśvina when fairs are held in and around the temple. In these fairs the inhabitants of the adjoining villages meet together to worship the goddess and offer their cattle for sale.
The most noteworthy information furnished by this inscription is the light it throws on the date of the Märkandeya-Purūna. In line 1l of our inscription is quoted the 9th verse of the 91st chapter of that Purana or the 10th chapter of the Deut-Māhatmya, as the latter begins from the 8lst chapter and ends with the 93rd. From this quotation we can conclusively and convincingly assert that the Devi-Māhātmya was composed before V. S. 665, 1.e. before the 7th century A.D. It would, therefore, be futile if any one were to assign a date, later than the 7th century, to the Dēvi-Māhatmya or the Märkandēya-Purāna. The section Dāvi-Mahātmya is regarded by some scholars as an interpolation, but what can with certainty be contended' is that the Dēvi- Māhātmya is not a production later than the 7th century or thereafter. Rev. K. M. Banerjea writes in the introduction to his edition of the MärkandēyaPurāna as follows:
" We cannot help noticing in this place the dignity imparted to the work under review. It is classed in the same category with the Vedas, and described as an immediate product from Brahma's mouth. Although a Purana, it is not aitributed to Vyāsa, whom other Sāstras consider as the author of all works bearing that title. The Märkandēya Purāna, however, does not acknowledge him as its composer, editor or compiler. It claims equal honour in this respect with the Vēdas themselves."
And he says in the beginning of his preface that "the section called Dövi-Mahatmya was probably an interpolation." A reference to chapter 94, verse 1,5 would show that when recapitulating the past, the speaker (i.6. Mārkandēya-Rishi) says that he has caused him (the addressee, i.e. Kraushtuki-Rishi) to hear the Devt. Māhātmya. This internal evidence alone is sufficient to prove that the Devi-Māhātmya is not an interpolation but forms & part and parcel of the Mārkandēya-Purāna. Besides, if the Devi-Māhātmya were to be removed from it, the
In the months of Chaitra and Asvina falls the Nava-rätra, i.e. the first nine days of the bright half of the months when worship of the godde is eloquently recommended in the Dari-Mahatmya. The Dähima-Mahasabha is contemplating to re-assume the management of the temple which was formerly in their own hands even when the Sovagas were the worshippers. The annual meetings of the sabla have been held in this temple for three consecutive days in every Chaitra-Navaratra, for the last four years, and the Mahasabhi has recently started a school there.
'P. 15 of the Bibl. Ind. Edition, Calcutta, 1862.
* This statement has apparently been made on the suthority of the Bengal manuscripts of the Pariņa that were at Mr. Banerjea's disposal when erliting the work, but the Maithila and other manuscripts of the same Parapa recount in the ordinary way the names of the eighteen Puriņas and their author. • Vide p. 1.
सावर्णिक्षमिष्टं सम्यक प्रीनं मम्वन्तरं वव। वथव देवीमाहात्म्यं महिषासुरवातनम् ॥१॥

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No. 31.]
DADHIMATI-MATA INSCRIPTION OF DHRUALANA.
303
total number of verses attributed to this Parāņa in the commencement would fall short by the number contained in the Mahatmya.
But to return to our inscription. It does not give the names of the clans wherewith the Dadhya-Brābmaņas were then known; and the two names āvo and mahattara, which may be presumed to be clan-names, are not identical with the modern ones. It is therefore evident that the present Khampas, such as Gothécha, etc., must have been introduced only after V. S. 665. There is one gotra mentioned in the inscription, viz. Vachchhe (Vatsa) which is even now found among the Dahimā-Brāhmaṇas. Had their present clans been well known, they would certainly have been mentioned as the epithet "Misra" has been in 1.4.
The record does not contain the name of the person who composed it, nor of the mason who engraved it.
TEXT. 1 औं नमः(1) [स] रखत्यै [*] श्रीदध्या 'दधिमतीसंनिध्यपादानुध्याता[:] श्रीधू
हाणपादानु[पा]2 लिता वाधणा' अविघ्ननागाप्रमुखा देवी दधिमाती विज्ञाययन्ति ॥ अ. 3 मि देव्या [निवेशे गोष्ठिकाप्रथम आवो ब्राह्मण" अविघ्नना ग]:"
ब्राह्मण[लंग4 कपुत्र: वच्छस:गोत्र: तथा "ब्राह्मणमित्र . . . कटक[पुत्र: मा]तुल्य"
पूफकपुत्र: तथा] 5 ब्राह्मणयशपतिः यक्षदिवपुत्र: ए[ते मीष्ठिकै" प्रत्त: द्रम्पसहस्रं शताधिकं । वा6 झणमझ[ही]ह (1) गणभटपु[चे]ण दत्त द्रम्मशतं । . . . . . .
7 ब्राह्मणैर्दत्ते ट्रम्मशतं विंशोतरं । तथा "वाधणविष्णुदेवः दलणपुत्रेण द[स] 8 ट्रम्मपंचायः [*] तथा ब्राह्मणनिम्बगल (1) शूस्कपुत्रेण दत्त द्रम्मशतं []
[तथा वाम
The above should be compared with the able discussion of the age of the Markandēys by Mr. Pargiter, in the introduction to his translation in the Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1904, where he sums up his results on p. 22 as follows, "The Darlmanatmya, the latest part, was certainly complete in the 9th century and very probably in the 6th or 8th century A.D. The third and fifth parte, which constituted the original Parans, were very probably in existence in the third centary, and perhaps even earlier, and the first and second ta were composed between those two periods."--S. K.] ? From the original stone. Expressed by a symbol.
• Read सांनिध्य • Read ब्राध • Read नागप्रमुखा.
1 Read देवों दधिमती. s Read विज्ञापयन्ति. • Rond बिन्दे.
WRead ठिकाप्रथम. 1 Read 'ब्राणोऽवि. - Rend 'नागी ब्रा.
- Read °पुची. M Read वच्चसगीचस्त. 15 Read at
# Read पुत्री. 1 Road मातुख्यः 18 Rend "पुषस.
" Road ब्राण्यापतिर्य. 20 Read पुत्र. n Rend गोष्ठिक:
1 Read प्रदत्तं. - Rend ब्रा Read दत्तं.
* Read ब्रावर्षदेतं. " Read "मोत्तर, 1 Read ब्राहपविधादेवळू.
8 Rend दत्ता. » Besd सत्. • Rend ब्राम
- Read दचं. - Bend ब्राम

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
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No. 32.-SEVADI COPPER-PLATES OF THE CHAHAMANA RATNAPALA;
VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1176. BY PANDIT RAM KARNA, JODHPUR.
These copper-plates were found at Sēvādi, a village in Bali district, Godwār province, Jodhpur State. They were brought to light in a house in this village in consequence of a heavy downpour of rain. The news of the fidd reached the Police Sub-Inspector who forwarded the plates to the Mähkmā Khas, Raj Marwār. They were thence sent to the Historic department (Tawarikh Mehkma) of the State for being deciphered and for impressions being prepared therefrom. One set of impressions has been furnished to the Ajmer Museum at the request of the Curator.19 The original plates are now in charge of the Superintendent of the Tawarikh Mēhkmá.
The plates are three in number, of which the first is inscribed on one side only. The second is written on both sides, and the third bears but three lines of writing on its inner side. The inscription is perhaps incomplete as shown by the isolated and unconnected letter ka at the end. The average breadth of the plates is 9" while the average length is 11". The edges have been slightly raised into rims, and the plates are strung on two almost circular rings, the ends of which are open and bear no siga of any seal. The ends of the rings are so wide apart as to permit the plates passing out of them without any difficulty. Their diameter varies from 2 to 24", and their thickness is slightly over
The inscription consists of sixty lines of writing and is in an almost perfect state of preservation. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. Attention may be drawn to the somewhat rare forms of the letters i and bh, while the archaic formation of
1 Read °747f.
Read . ;
. Read erudit Read दत्तं. Read .
• Read . 1 Read साईम्. Read Perfua.
• Read शरथे. 10 Read whê. 11 I.e. U
Read errait. 1 Read #fa. 14 Read it.
15 Read gati padat IB Rend द्रम्माः " Rend संवत्सर
19 Read afc. w [The accompanying plate has been prepared from impressions sent by Pandit Ram Karna-V.V.]

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SCALE -4
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH.
V. VENKAYYA.
དུ་མ་
Dadhimati-mata inscription of the time of Dhruh[la]na ; [Gupta-]Samvat 289.
1:|:/s zt 25 k/22 12 1912 , a bgan kghzཔGeig/pcggu.e/Y l »
52༦༦༣ : 138 r play/
e p:22)》7sg 23 ག་
#Y
,
༤
:[
༦༣ .
༦
་ ༧

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Page #358

No. 32.]
the labial ph is rather peculiar to this inscription. The language is Sanskrit; and the text is in prose with the exception of thirteen lines at the beginning and seventeen at the end containing 11 and 15 verses (numbered), respectively, although the numbers of the last two are omitted. In respect of orthography the following may be noted: (1) the sign for v is also used for b; (2) there is an indifference about the doubiing of the consonants after r, e.g. -karmāṇau in 1. 52; (3) rules of parasavarna have in some places been violated; (4) and s have been confounded, e.g. -yasaskarāņi (1. 53), -sahaśrāņi (1. 58).
SEVADI COPPER-PLATES OF CHAHAMANA RATNAPALA.
305
The object of the inscription is to record a grant of a village named Gumdakürchcha (the modern Gündoch as we shall see later on) to Brahmanas residing in the same village, by a Chahamana king named Ratnapaladēva, the son of Prithvipāla, in V. S.
1176.
The inscription opens with obeisance to the god Brahman. The introductory verse extols the word svasti. A person came out of the eye of Indra, lord of the east, while looking; and from this person sprang the Chahamana dynasty (v. 2), which is extolled in the succeeding verse (v. 3). The next eight verses unfold the following Chahamāna genealogy. There lived a king named Lakshmana, whose son was Śōhita, who is here called lord (pati) of Dhara. His other name is Sobhita. From him sprang Baliraja, who was succeeded by his paterual unclel Vigrahapala. Vigrahapala's son was Mahendra whose other name is Manindu to whom the Rashtrakuta king Dhavala lent a helping hand against Muñjaraja. Mahendra's son was Anahilladeva, who was blessed with two sons named Balaprasāda and Jesaladeva, whose (latter's) other name is Jendrarajal or Jindaraja. Jēsala's son was Prithvipāla. Then comes the prose portion of the inscription. Prithvipala's son was Ratnapaladēva, who is styled a Maharajadhiraja. He issues the following order after having called together all his ministers, civil and military officers, the headmen as well as the leading persons among his subjects and all the resident Brahmanas of the Saptasata-vishaya (of 700 villages) :
"Be it known to you that, the seat of our Government being in Naḍula (Nāḍōl) and the head-quarters of our armies in the village Nahura, after having bathed and put on two cleaned clothes, setting aside such faults as vehement desire, hatred, jealousy, moral decline, and others of like nature; being in the state of absolute goodness; realising the instability of the world; holding tila (sesamum), unhusked grain (barley), kusa (grass) and water in our right hand; having satisfied gods and pitris with water; remaining true to our duty; comprehending (the fact that) life is more unsteady than the drop of water on the petal of the day-lotus; having worshipped the consort of Parvati (i.e. the god Mahadeva), who is the ruler of both the moveable and the immoveable; having adored Vishnu (who is) the greatest in the world and is skilful in destroying heaps of sins and is able to save from (the pains of) birth, old age and death; having restrained the totality of the senses for a moment; having realised (the fact that) wealth (would) collapse in a moment and such other inconstancies (of the world); having satisfied Brahmanas and other venerable persons by gifts of gold, food, and clothes; favouring (i.e. following) the right path; recalling (mentally) the fear of the next world; accepting the fruit of (actions in both) this and the next world; having seen that the lettering of the charter formerly issued by the Maharaja Jindaraja has disappeared, and (having) & mind to renew the same in its former state; for the increase of our religious merit and fame; and for our well-being in the next world; with a pure mind inspired by great devotion; our sins vanishing far (from us) and we being conscious of self (i.e. being in our right senses), we havc, with libations of water, granted this charter according to the former state of things on Thursday, the 8th of the dark half of the month of Jyeshtha, when 1176 years, reckoned (in the
1 See above, Vol. IX, p. 83.
Above, Vol. X, p. 68.
22

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
name of) Vikramaditya had elapsed, to all the resident Brahmanas of the great Brahmana village named Gumdakürchcha, that has survived in all the four yugas, who delight in the six1 acts of sacrificing, etc., prayer, study of the Vedas, meditation and religious practices, who are well-versed in the sacred lore of Itihasas (epic poems), Puranas (legends), Ramayana, Bharata, in words and sentences, and in (the Smritis of) Yajnavalkya, Katyayana, Bhrigu, Angiras, and Markapḍa; in the six darsanas beginning with the Bhaṭṭa-darśana (Purvamimämsä) and other sciences; who are performers of sacrificial rites prescribed in the Yajurvēda, such as Avasathya (sacred domestic fire), Agnihotra (daily offering to fire), Agnishṭoma (liturgical rite in the Soma sacrifice), Sautramani (rite sacred to Sutraman, i.e. Indra), Pasubandha (animal sacrifice lit. binding of victim to sacrificial post), Chaturmasya (sacrifice to be offered every fourth month) and others; who are competent to break the hard knot of sins; who are well-versed in the Vedas aud the Vedangas; and whose fame is as brilliant, extensive and praiseworthy as that of the full moon. In the beginning of the Kali-age a pious Mahārāja (named) éri-Jajuka who was ruling Kanyakubja, rode a mare, and the land that he could traverse in 4 praharas (or 12 hours), was granted by him, with the pouring out of water, for his welfare in the next world, to a Brahmana named Govinda, by a sasana, the glorious Gumdakürchcha, a brush (kurcha) for manifesting the picture of good conduct, circumscribed by the four boundaries, (11. 16-36). From that time the name Gumdakñrchcha (of the village so) named after the Brahmana Govinda became famous on (this) earth (1. 37). In the Krita-age it was known by the name of Nishaḍha, in Trêta as Triyambaki, in Duapara as Khanitri and in Kali as Gumdakürchcha (1. 38). Its (four) boundaries (are described as follows) :
"To the east (lies) the way (leading) to the village (named) Vērā and passing by (the village) Ghoḍiya, the reservoir (raduha), (locally called Nadi), (the village) Tousāla, and the Siva temple of the village Arachandra.
To the south (are situated) the pond (named) Rajji near the village of Khavada, and the villages Chamgauha, Krikuḍapadra, Gugi and the proximity of the pratāli (main gate) of the village Chadarapadra.
To the west (are to be found) the villages (named) Milua, Akandhāpadra and Goḍāiņi, and three reservoirs of water (raduha-traya).
To the north (passes) the way which leads to Lavana-khēḍa, going from the three
reservoirs of water (raduha-traya) to (the village named) Sumnēvi, thence going round the mountain named Sehatunga and (finally) reaching the village Vera" (11. 39-43).
"These are the four boundaries marked out. Within these limits, future kings, whether of our own family or others, should not demand even a single flower from the śri-lokas (ie. Brahmanas) residing in Gumdakürchcha (i.e. should levy no tax, flower being mentioned as an insignificant article of no practical value) (1. 44)."
Then follow 15 imprecatory verses, after which there stand the first half of a verse and the letter ka which perhaps was the beginning of the second half left out for some reason unknown to us.
We thus see that the inscription refers itself to the Chahamana family of Lakshmana, whose progenitor is, in this inscription, said to have been born out of the eye of the god Indra; while, in other inscriptions of the family it is recorded that, "when the solar and lunar races had come to an end, the holy Vachchha (i.e. Vatsa) brought about the creation of a new race
1 The six acts prescribed for the Brahmanas are sacrificing, conducting sacrifices, studying, teaching, giving and taking.
The six darsanas are Purva-mimamsă of Jaimini, Uttara-mimämsä of Vyasa, Nyaya of Gautama, Vaiseshika of Kanada, Sankhya of Kapila and Yoga of Patanjali.
The four Vedas are, Rik, Fajur, Sama, and Atharvan.
The six Fedängas are, Siksha (orthography or phonetics), Kalpa (rituals or liturgy), Vyakarana (grammar), Nirukta (etymology and lexicography), Chhundah (prosody), and Jyotisha (astronomy).

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No. 32.]
SEVADI COPPER-PLATES OF CHAHAMANA RATNAPALA.
307
of warriors, the Chahumana race." This fact is further corroborated by an inscription where we read that "there was the hero Chāhamāna, & sonrce of joy to the great Rishi Vatsa.' Professor Kielhorn also points out that " according to verse 12 of the Bijoli rock inscription of Somēśvara (No. 154 of his Northern Lis!) Samanta, the first Chāhumana chief, was born in the Vatsa-gõtra at Ahichchhatrapara." The current belief that the four races of Paramāras, Chalukyas, Chāhamānas and Pratihāras sprang from the agni-kunda receives no support from this inscription.
The genealogy unfolded by our inscription, is the same as that given by Prof. Kielhorn in his paper on the Chāhamábas of Naddüla, referred to above, as far as Pșith vipāla, and the name of Ratnapāladēva, the hero of our inscription, is an addition to it. But an inscription recently discovered at Mandor, when archwological excavations were being carried out ander the supervision of Dr. Marshall, reveals the name of two farther generations, viz., Rāyapāla, son of Ratnapăla, and Sahajapāla, son of Rāyapala. Before the discovery of the inscription at Mandor, it was not known whose son Rāyapāla was, though he was known to be a Chāhamana from his eight inscriptions found in the Godwar District. From these latter we further learn that Rayapala had besides Sahajapāla two other sons, viz., Rudrapāla and Amritapāla; while in another inscription of Ratnapāla (published in the Bhavanagar Prākrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions), the name of Ratnapala's son is given as Pūnapāksha, which I am inclined to read as Púrpapala. So the dynastic list would now stand as follows:
LAKSHAMANA
Sobita, lord of Dhārā
Vigrahapala
Mahendra
Baliraja
Anahilladēva
Bilaprasada
Jésaladeva or Jindarija
(1. 26)
Prithvipala
Ratnapaladēva
Rāyapala
Parpa pala
Sahajapala
Rudrapala
Amțitapala
It
1 Ep. Ind. Vol. IX, p. 79.
Ibid., p. 71. + The present inscription does not give us the relation which Vigrahapala bore to his predecessor Baliraje is taken from Kielhorn's Genealogical Table (above, Vol. IX, p. 83). * Called Jendraraja (Jinduraja) in Prof. Kielhorn's Table,
2 2 2

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308
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot. XI.,
In our inscription, Sohita is styled lord of Dhārā. Sohita's time is after V.S. 10391 when Muñja was ruling over Dhara. It is possible that he defeated Muñja and became, for some time, lord of that city or country. This supposition is confirmed by the fact that Sohita's son Balirāja, routed the army of Muñjarāja. The Mahāraja Jindarāja mentioned in line 26 is the same as Jēsaladēva of verse 10 above. We may also note that the grant, the renewal of which is recorded in this inscription, is stated to have been originally made by Mahārāja fri-Jājuka in the beginning of the Kali age.
Of the localities mentioned in our inscription, all of them except 5 have been identified :Gumdakūrchcha-is the modern Gündoch, 5 kos south of Pali (called Mārwär-Páli), the
principal town of the district of the same name and a railway station on the Jodhpur Bikaner Railway. It is a Jāgir village held by Thakur
Gopal Singh, son of Ranjit Singh, of the Udávat olan of Rathore, Vēra-Bēd (now desolate) 1 kos east of Gūndoch. Khavada-Khod, 4 kos south of Gündoch, Gugi-Gögāvās (now deserted). Chadara padra-Chāñchödi, 7 kos south. Milua-Mālola (now uninhabited), 1 kos sonth. Ākandhapadra-Kāndā, 1 kos west of Gündoch, Godaiņi-Gurdāi, 3 kos west. raduha-traya-are the 3 Nádis (or reservoirs of water) called Düli, Bhandläi, and
Ghānēvara, 1 kos (west). Sehatunga-Kaliyotim ka and Badi Bhikara are the names of 2 small hills and a way
leading to Bēd passes between the two. Ghodiys-Bachūji-ro-Gurho, 1 kos east of Gündoch. raduha-is 'the Nadi called Sånvaliyo, 3 kos east. Arachandra-now desolate; but there is still a temple of Siva in the desert, kos south of
Gündoch. Nahara-now called Bāmanān-ro-Noro. It lies in the Jalor District and is situated at a distance of 11 kos to the west of Gündoch.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 t t a TA: I[*] fa a la FACTOR
मान् [*] सर्वाशिष्यमया' स्वस्ति स्वस्तीति परमं 2 0 [*] Pra faaratua: coafeira:10 EstaJET
wat fou: [*] 1 : att
This is the latest date given for Lakshmaņa by Mr. D, R. Bhandarkar; above, table opposite p. 78. 1 Ep. Ind, Vol. IX, p. 71.
• Besides Gündòch proper, he holds the following villages as bis Jägir - Konala, Bachūji-ro-Gurbā, two dhanis (hamlets) near Gündôch, Pratáppuri and Gopalgarh. The annual rental of all these villages is estimated as R7,000 per annum by the State for the purposes of levying State taxes, etc. The majority of the population consists of two different castes of Bribmaņas, vis. Gurjar-Gaudas and Sankhavala. The former claim the village to have teen granted 19 their ancestor named Gangeya (8 corruption of Govinds of our inscription). The kürcha Grus still grows here in abundance fact which leaves not even a shadow of doubt as to its being the same village. . From the original plates, • Expressed by a symbol,
• Read mo. Metre: Anushtubli,
. Read THAT . Bead gear. 10 Read &fegat.
11 Read 794 12 Read ora. # Metre: Indravajr..
# Read .

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No. 32.]
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309
3 'सफल: सपुण्यो लोके प्रसिद्धः सगुणो वभूव । सारोक्तारण्छेदविभेदहीन'
आकारवनुिरतोऽभिषेके ॥३ 4 श्रीलक्षणों 'लब्धवरप्रदानस्तता 'वभूवाखिलराज्ञपल्यः । वृहाभिषिक्तोतिव.
रण" पुष्टसप:ट्रशीवा-12 B स्थिरमंविकायाः ॥४ "तस्यात्मजोरातिचयावमर्दी य[सो]भिराक्रांतसमग्रकाष्ठः ।
नरेन्द्रद्वंदैः16 6 तुतपादपद्मो वभूव" धारापतिशोहिताख्यः ॥५ ततो वभूव राजन्यो वलि
राजो महीपतिः [*] वलिसमा, नदानो यो जितनि:शेषसंगरः ॥ संख्याजिर विग्रहपालसूनुः प्रतापनि:शे.
षितवैरिजा[तः ।*] 8 "सक्रंदनाद्यो वलवा[त्रि]तांतं ततश्च राजा समभून्महेंद्रः ॥७ तस्याभवच्छीम.
णहिलदेवः सु9 तः शसांकीज्वलदानकोतिः । येनाहवे वैरिजनीपि साक्षी[क]तः स्वथैर्यस्य जना
तिग[स्य] ॥८त[स्या]10 त्मजोरातिगण[स्य] हंता वालप्रसादो नृपतिर्बभूव । रणाजिर येन जिताः
पत्ता सुस्थ[क]-" 11 ता शेषजना तिदापैः ॥ तस्यानुजो जेसलदेवभूपो वभूव" पुणा कमनीय
कांति: । जातं मता12 नां परिपूर्णताया: शत(त) स्थिवावरणंतुरंगदानः ॥१. “सनुस्तस्या भवद्राजा
पृथ्वोपाल"
- The letter स is probably a subsequent addition.
- Read बभूव. - Read मारीत्तरकैद. • Read वान
6 Metre : Upajāti. • Read लक्ष्मणी.
Read लन्धवरप्रदानस्तती. • Read बभूवा. • Read राजपूज्य:10 Read 90°. The first akshara appears to be . Perhaps the reading intended is t°.-v.v.] ॥ Read °वरेण.
13 Read पुष्टतपःप्रभावात. U Read मंबिकायाः
" Metre: Upajati. 15 Rend zufw. There is a blank space for at least three letters between 1 and it in the original.-V.V.] - Read वृंदैर्नु त 1 Read बभूव.
18 Metre: Anushțubh. 10 Read बभूव.
20 Read बलि'. 1 Read बलि'. This line offenda against the metre. [Perhaps we have to read वलम.-..] 23 Metre : Upajati. 23 Read °जिरी.
- Read संक्रन्द * Read o. 30 Metre : Upajati.
27 Read to aw Read शशाकोळवल 29 Read °शौर्य
90 Metre : Upajäti. n Read बाल. • Read °बभूव.
- Rend °पना:.. Read स्वस्थौलता:- Read निवापैः. 36 Metre : Upajati.
म Read बभव. - Read पुण्य:9 Read स्थिरा,
#0 Metre : Anushtabb, - Read सूनुस्ट स्याम
- Read पालो.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
18 महाबलः' [*] शूरो रण कती [त्या]गी कक्षाशीचे सदा रतः ॥११
तत्पुत्रो [नि]जकुलांभोजमित्रो म14 हाराजाधिराजश्रोरत्नपालदेवो महीं पालयन स्वीयमहामात्यरहसादिनियोगिनों
महासामत15 "डडनायकदुःसाधसाधनिकठकुरवलाधिप पट्ट[कि]लजनपदादीन' सव्वान "सपशत
विषयात:स्थित16 महास्थानव्राह्मणांश्च वोधयत्यस्तु वः संविदित" यथा । इह श्रीनदूले
निजराज्ये प्रवर्त्तमा17 ने नहुराग्रामस्थिते कटके श्रीविक्रमादित्येत्पादितातीतसम्वत्सरशते[ष्वे] कादश18 सु षटसप्तत्यधिकेषु "ज्येष्ठमासवहुलपक्षा[]मीगुरु]वासरे ॥ अंकतोपि संव19 त् ११७६ ज्येष्ठ वदि ८ गुरौ एवं काले प्रवर्तमान अस्यां संवत्सरमा
सपक्षपूर्वायां तिथौ
Second Plate ; First Side. 20 सानं विधाय धौतपोतिके परिधाय रागद्देषमत्सरकषायादिदोषान् हित्वा
सात्विकभावे" स्थि21 वा संसारस्यासारता विदित्वा तिलाक्षतकुशावुप्रणयिनं दक्षिणकरं कृत्वा देवपि22 तनुदकेन संतप्यं धर्मानुष्ठानमुपसयं नलिनीदलगतजललवतरलतरं 23 जीवितमाकलय्य चराचरगुरुं पार्वतीपतिं संपूज्य जगन्महीयांसं पापपटल
पाटनपटो24 यास (0) जन्मजरामरणरक्षणप्रभविष्णुं विष्णु पूजयित्वा क्षणमकमिंद्रियग्राम जित्वा
__ क्षणिकां लक्ष्मी25 सुपलक्ष्य इत्याद्यनित्यतामवेक्ष्य ब्राह्मणान गुरूंश्च सुवण्णौनवस्त्रदान: संतोष्य
सन्मार्ग सं26 पोस्य परलोकभीरुत्वमाश्चित्य ऐहिकामुभिकं फलमंगीकृत्य "प्राकमहाराजश्री
जिंदराज
1 Read 'बल:• Read 'सामन्त 1 Read °दोन. 10 Read बाघ " Read °विक्रमादित्योत्या. w Rend मानेऽस्यां. - Read "कुशामु 1 Road ब्राह्मणान् W Read बित्वैहिका
• Read यन्. • Read 'दण्ड. * Resd सबान्. 1 Read यीध. 14 Read °बहुल.
1 Read सात्त्विक. 10 Read यांसं. - Read सुवर्णा. * Read प्राङम.
• Read रथहस्त्यादिगियी. • Read बलाधिप. • Read सप्तशतविषयान्तः. - Read संविदितं. Is Read गुरावेवं. 18 Read °सारतां. 11 Read लच्येत्या ** Read 4572.

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10
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ॐ वालनुमानानि समयका सहशिधामा प्रमि संधी नि वयं ॥ पान पुन तिवाड़ी कार्तिः । तामानात यमवगुणिनाधिपव सतीय महलः स पु ल लोक प्रति इस गुण कृत मावि दीन मकान तमनुतोऽति पर *श्रीगोल सदा न सतावता विनाभाविक नितु एस बैरीवा सियम विकाद्या ॥४ तसा मनोमालिन यातयानी सो दिनको समय ताव म कुतपा पक्षात तापविशोसितास्त ती बडबड कोच विज्ञानी में ही पति कलिंस में तयातो त्यात तनिष्कोष संभन यः॥६ संग विद्या पालम पनि लेखि तीन निजी • सकता होलान नलिनन समाजाम मान्म हैं दशानन गुरु गुलसितादव- सु न शर्माको दाल रानता : घना के पिसासीत नः राय साइज सनस ईन्स जरा निगलना मताप्रसाद पति सवीन लाचिना सपनाः सुश्रुतः शेकाभियान सनद व रूपावरूवा कमी कति जना नपरिषतामा शतदिन सरु रुव दोजा प्रवाल, , मुसा व ते पुणे नागी नशीले सदी र तत्पुन डालीसा अनिवा वि ऊना (वासी पान समासादि नियमित हा सातत डण्ड नाम कटे सोसावनिता तलाव पद्धा वाजेन पीता सर्पशत विशे या नः मित सात जना वावयता सुतः संविदितय था। ल निराजन मा ज्यादा मसिनेकर के श्री विवादित नायव तो समस्त काश इसे प्राकमां सबहुल पारखा सरे। जो घिसक बंदि गुरोपका वनमा नाम सर्वसमास
ii a.
Sevadi Plates of Chahamana Ratnapala. - V. S. 1176.
निरागस समान सवा साताव ता समाजावित तिला कुशा झेलन अलिमार वल तुतलापमा नुवान सुप साप नै लिनीयल
यातु
तलवार लतर रातरानी पनि संगसीघास घाघपटल पाटन पट पामा जन्मजुरासर र आपुतिल पर वायेकन प्रयाम वाया माता का नाम नमानेर वा लाना मुवान सदाक्षः सीताजी सुभा पासी (परतावलातच माथिना पाहु का मु वा वह ल मंगा तो वह म साच.डी जर सहा प्रशासन हरा लियानात लोकात या सुनाओं ली सुपुल यांस सुदामा देवी ( वान (नवा (स ने यह ना दिस ग्राम साप विद्यार्थी हा पुरी लगायत युवा काय वाता साद्ध यशु नाहिघड पनिशाना किरताय आवसथा यानुसार किया तर नाप निविडत र कलाम (वसाय वै योग वचन करा शाकविशविचतथा पशु काय सगुणी वादल लोकापुर विसरणरित भूपत कर जुला रूप विना पर्व मनाशीत मटक कलियुगादि दिवस चतुः प्रहर में यावत मानव ★ तापाने रूप सवार बिना भी लवकर्मा देतात या घटना में हमन कुजू पान वा सुकृतिना सा राजा श्री जा एकून परत ये घुसे सशय शासन का प्रकृति गोविंद (तपस्या तो किन सुतिनाम वसुर्भया विखा ने वरुर्व होन विसावतातनिर्यनको दादिक लोटा पूर्व मार हितेश या वाती परियार, खुता उता का आश व समसमीपगमन
नग
12.
V. VENKAYYA.
SCALE 5
2
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH.
24
26
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___40 रतितऽयाम समी पलाजीतर्गतगी कोटयाउपईत मुशिक्षित।
यामतालीसनीनचा परातनो ती लुचचामर जातिवादागी सहकारी ___42टाश। उबरनौलतलरेने वाली नी । गुरुवयात् सुतोवी या मानना है वही
तसंपाता पायाभ यासित नेत वाप.बाप्पारतासाला शेतीमा आवाटतानासन 4. महरात न तोशानावितमिपास के ता(प.गुदलीयोशलतापाचवा सातयातनीसाइरशा44
लाशीलायकोपनपति देवता या स्वालियशासून तवा तिक्ते व दिवसका गलहिला 40रायसाथ सायंदा तिरसना तायाहलाखीपा करतिरोनालगाव हवीतती 40
सालमिनतिरो दाहलतेय ने। ३ सर्व चराभवयाला नी सकुदमानुवाइलाहाबाद 48 तो तलासप्रजाहला । मानिसमा मूलतियांश जाला शसस्तायो। नरमावतिषाला 148
निनिनिदान होगातील सर्व शेतनवा गावा(टप्रसुप्त महामित्रनिशुवात साने तेवर नववधतिविइ सासंशिता बाझो मुहान सोसायासरलतपत सुनि तायवाण
सिमी जन सानो पसारिता। हस्ता हरि ने शातिरानाधमलाहनीयःपनिगृहानिया 62 सापघाति उसातोपुलतमा लोनियानोतियोमा तीनका घातीहरतातिपुरा को 52
सानातिनातिन सासरालानिमाला वनपनिमामिनिकतालमपुरमाया मतदातरन शुसानादन्यतकतम तीरता सातायातुपात ATM54
बोलतोयति च ताटरमा सिंह सालको जन्तावा या हारवाल 66१२ विसावधानोरनहाने तिल ठशालीवि व ता किनिस्तान
सपनामा तिन मन
तलासपूतनाकामानिविदा तानाशीलतानली मायाs2
सशनिवासीमापार रातपत सामावनिराहानिशाना gaa(বিওলীরনগুনিয়া জননেতৃস।
56
y.
iii.
50
सविल डालस निरत बिहारी जानु न नाशुन गत नरवादसत बहिनि हेपाहा वो शरिइयह पतेचारक या निसावध इसस MPition जिलाधिकार में ना लावतो तुलाना

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No. 32.]
SEVADI COPPER-PLATES OF CHAHAMANA RATNAPALA.
911
27 प्रदत्तशासनाक्षराणि भ्रष्टान्यवलोक्य तया स्थित्या जीर्णोद्धारमा खपुण्य
यशोभिवृड्वये चातुगिकमहाबह्मस्थानश्रीगुदकूर्चाहिधाननिवासिने यजनादिषट्कर्मजपखाध्यायध्या
नानुष्ठान29 विधायिने इतिहासपुराणरामायणभारतपदवाक्ययाज्ञवल्क्यकात्यायनभग्वंगिरीमार्के
डेय30 भट्टदर्शनादिषटदर्शनशास्त्र]भिरताय पावसथ्याग्निहोत्राग्निष्टोमसौत्रामणिपशुवंध' 31 चातुर्मास्यादियजुक्रियानिरताय निविडतरकल्मषग्र(ग्रं)थिभिदे [व]दवेदांगविदे (6)
राकाश32 शो(शां) कविशदविस्तृतश्चाध्यश्लोकाय समग्रश्रीव्राह्मणलोकोय' परत्र हिवुड्या"
निजमनःशुद्धया भ. 33 क्तिभरप्रेरितमनोभिप्रणश्यदेनोभिरात्मसंवित्त्या पूर्वस्थित्या शासनमिदमुदकपूर्वमि34 त्यस्माभिः प्रदत्तं ॥ कलियुगादौ तुरग्यारूढेन दिवसचतुःप्रहरमध्ये यावती
भ(भूमिः परिधांता ताव. 35 त्यां कताघाटनैरुपलक्षिता "सराचारचित्रोन्मीलनकूर्चा श्रीगुंदकूर्चा त[स्मै] गोविं
दनाम्न' दिजन्मनो(ने ।) श्रीकन्य36 कनपातना सुकृतिना महाराजश्रीजाजुकं (के)न परत्र श्रेयसे खश्रेयसे शा
सनेनोदकपूर्व प्रदत्ता 37 तदाप्रभृति • तस्य गोविंदविप्रस्य नामांकितं गुंदकूचति' नाम वसुधायां विख्यातं
वभूव ॥ "कते तु 88 निषढा प्रोता चेतायां च त्रियंवको । हापरे च खनित्रीति गुंदकर्चा
कलौ समता (1) अस्या आघाटनानि । पूर्वस्या 39 दशि वेराग्रामवार्तनी घोडिया रदुह तोउसाल भाराचंद्रग्रामशिवभवनसमीपगामिनी ॥
Second Plate; Second Side. 40 दक्षिणतः खवडग्रामसमीपे राज्जीतडागं चांगौहाग्रामः । ककुडपद्रं च । गुगी
ग्रामः । चदर41 पद्ग्रामप्रतोलोसमीपं च । पश्चिमतो मीलुअग्रामं च । प्राकंधापद्र । गोडा.
दणी रदुहब1 Read बुद्या. - Read
• Rend "गुदाभिधान. • Read "भृग्यशिरोमा • Read °दशना.
• Read षड्दर्शनशास्चाभिरवायावी. - Read °बन्ध. • Read यजुःक्रिया
• Read °ब्रापलीकाय. 10 Read frag99. ॥ Read सदाचार'.
- Read भावं. __Read °कुलपतिना. - Read पूर्व
" Read 'कू ति. " Road बभूव. 1 Metre : Anushtubh.
- Read चियंबकी. " Read दिभि.
M Rond °वस्मनी.

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42 य च । उत्तरतो लवणखेडवर्मनी । रदुहत्रयात् सुनेवीग्रामगामिनो
ततो सेहतंगपर्व43 तं मध्ये कृत्वा वैराग्रामग्रामिनी ॥ इने चत्वार आघाटनाः प्रमाणं
अमोपां' आघाटनानां मध्ये प्रा(अ)44 स्मइंशजैरन्यैश्च भावि[भूमिपालैश्च केनापि गुंदकूर्चायां श्रीलोकपाखें वपुष्यं'
न याचनीयं । अस्मदंशे य45 दा क्षोणे यः कोपि नपतिर्भवत्तस्याहं करे लग्न: शासनं न व्यतिक्रमे ॥१
वहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्त्वा राजभि: स46 गरानियस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥२ बोण्याहुरपि दानानि
गाव: पृथ्वों सरस्वती [*] 47 पासप्तम फलमित्येते" दोहवाहनिवेदने ॥३ सर्वेषामेव दानानां एकजन्मानुकं"
फल । हाट कक्षित 48 तिगौरीणां सप्तजन्मुकं फलम् ॥४ यावंति सस्यमूलानि गोरोमाणि च संख्यया [*]
नरस्तावति व[ष]णि स्व49 गर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः ॥५ तडागानां सहश्रेणाव[मे]धशतेन च । गवां कोटिप्रदा ने]न
. भूमिहर्ता न शुध्यति ॥६ 50 सत्यं चैव हुतं चैव यत्किंचिद्दर्मासंचितं । अर्धागलेन सोमायां हरणेन
प्रनस्यति ७ न्यायनोपाजि-24 51 ता भूमी अन्यायेनोपहारिता । हरंतो हारतश्चापि गहनत्यात्मपमं कुलं
॥ भूमी यः प्रतिगङ्गाति य52 स्तु भूमी प्रयच्छति । उभौ तौ पुण्यकर्माणो नियतो स्वर्ग गामिनौ ॥
यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्र: 53 दानानि धर्थियसस्कराणि । निर्माल्यवंत:प्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः
पुनराददैतु ॥१०
• Read गामिनी. • Read मध्येऽस्म. • Read व्यतिक्रमेत्. n Read सगरादिभिः । यस्य. Is Read "निवेदन: 18 Read फलं. 1 Read सहधेश चाव * Rend °भीपातिा . 27 Read प्रघ्नन्त्यामध. 0 Read भूमि. - Read यशस्कराणि.
1 Read 'वयं.
• Read इमे. - Read बहपुष्पं. 10 Read ब . W Read रति. 10 Read दानानामे. " Read जम्मानुग. 2 Read सीमाया. 3 Read भूमिरन्यायेना. B Read भूमिं. 1 Read नियतं. * Read वान्त.
Read तत:.
5 Rend अमीषामा . • Read भवेत् । एतस्या. n Read भुक्ता. - Read फलन्त्येते.
Read नुगं. 20 Read "वन्ति . 23 Read प्रणा श्यति. 2 Read हारयन्तोऽपि 20 Read हाति. - Readनईन्ट्री ss Read राददौत.

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İNSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS OP KONDAVIDU.
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54 पूर्वदत्ता' नरेन्द्रश्च यत्नाद्रक्ष [श]तकतुः [*] 'महीमहिभूता श्रेष्ठा दानाश्रया
नुपालनं ॥११ विंध्याट55 वीवीष्वतीयासु शुष्क कोटरवासिनः। कृष्णसर्या भि' जायंते व्रह्मदायापहारकः ॥ 56 १२ न विषं विष[मित्याहु: ब्रह्मखं बिष" उचाते । विषमेकाकिनं इंति ब्रह्म 67 खं पुत्रपौचिकम् ॥१३
Third Plate.
68 षष्टिवर्षसहयाणि खर्गे वसति भूमिदः । हरणनानुमंताच तस्यैव नरक
वसेत् ॥• रिणह-16 69 र्ता भूमिहर्ता हारीता" हि ते त्रय: । एते च नरकं यांति यावदिंद्रचतर्द60 श ॥ ॥ "रिणहर्ता भूमिहर्ता हावेतो तुलया धृती[*] क"
No. 33:-THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS OF KONDAVIDU:
BY J. RAMATYA, B.A., B.L.
A.
This inscription is engraved on three sides of a stone pillar planted in front of the temple of Virabhadra-svāmin in the village of Phirangipuram in the Sattanapalli täluka of the Guntur District. I first saw and copied it in April 1897. Subsequently, my friend Rao Sahib Krishna Sastri visited the place and took an estampage of the inscription, from which I edit it. The letters are cut deep and the inscription is in an excellent state of preservation.
The Telugu characters and orthography of this inscription are similar to those of the Tottaramfidi platea of Kataya-Vema.s In the present inscription, however, the aspirated forma of b, d and p are distinguished from the unaspirated ones by a stroke resembling the Telugu figure 1 affixed at the right-hand corner of the bottom of the letter. This sign is not found in the case of bha, bhā and bhu, the first and last of which are, however, distinguished from the corresponding unaspirated letters by the presence of the talakattu or top-stroke. Sometimes a consonant is unnecessarily doubled after an anusvāra as in vinodunddu-(1. 103).
A remarkable feature in the orthography of the Telugu portion of the inscription is the use of the sign of the pārnanusvara for denoting ardhanusvāra as in rokkaindu-(1.97 f.), -patt
1 Read दत्ता.
- Read शतक्रती.
- Read मही महीधतां. • Read श्रेष्ठ. The syllable or is written below the line. • Read दानाच्छेयोन
.Omit the first बी. Read हि. B Read ब्रह्म
• Read °हारका:- Read त्याहुब्रह्म
ii Read विवमुच्यते.
12 Read ब्रह्म - Read षष्टिं वर्षसहखाथि. " Read इर्ता चैवानुमन्ता च. 15 Read तान्येव नरकै. - Read ऋणहर्ता. 11 Read तथा हारथिता.
9 Read चयः " Rend °दिन्द्राथ. 20 Read ग.
11 The inscription abruptly stops herts *A station on the Bozwada-Guntakal branch of the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway.
Above, Vol. IV, pp.8182

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yuin Grishna- (102 f.), -anumigran-butri (104 f.), -Nārāyanundu-(105 f.), -puţanbulai bari(123), and vēdin jēva (125 f.). In all these places, metre requires the ardhänustāra only; and this was, no doubt, what was intended to be read. The use of the complete circle which is the sign of the full anusrära to denote the half-anuseara, is common in inscriptions and in old manuscripts and shows that the modern sign of the ardhānusvāra-ie the left half of a circle, had 'not yet come into vogue at the beginning of the 15th century A.D. It shows also that "ardhanusvāra was pārnānusvāra incompletely pronounced,' as the author of the Andhrabhāshūthūshanam puts it, and disproves the view of some of the later grammarians who seem to think that ardhānusvāra was the earlier and purnānusvāra the later form of the sound. It also falsifies the much bolder theory of the late Prof. M. Seshagiri Sastri who held that ardhānusvāra simply denotes the elision of a consonant. In modern Telugu the words pūchi, dichi, and nochi are pronounced only with an ardhānusvāra after the first vowel, bat Nannichoda, in his Kumarasambhavam, used these words as pūñchi, dāñchi ard nõñchi and made them rhyme with enchi, and even now we hear, in the Guntur, Nellore, and the Ceded Districts, rāndu for tādu (he), tūñchu for tūchu (weigb), minda for mida (above), penta for pola (market town) and penda for pēda (dang). In the Roman text of the Telugu portion of the inscriptions, the anusvīra to be elided is printed in italics.
The language of the inscription is partly Sanskrit and partly Telugu and it is throughout in verse. The sixth and seventh verses are also found in the Sringāradipikā, a commentary on the Amarušataka by Kömaţi-Vēma?, and the thirteenth verse is taken, with a slight modification, from the Aladras Museum plates of Vēma. The first verse is devoted to the praise of the boar-incarnation of Vishņu and the second and third to the praise of the Sun and Moon, and Vinayaka. In the next verse, the poet appropriately enlogizes the feet of Vishnu which gave birth to the (Sūdra) caste, which is a veritable ocean of good qualities. In that caste was born king Vēma who was 'a seventh emperor, as it were, and an eleventh incarnation of Vishộu' (v. 5). Vēma ruled for a long time, enjoying what was left of the kingdom after enjoyment by Brāhmaṇs, and constructed the flight of steps from Pātālagarga to the summit of the Srisaila as if to climb up to the abode of Siva (v. 6). He had an elder brother named Mācha, who had three sons, viz., king Reddivota, sri-Komatindra, and king Nāga, who were like dharma, artha, and kama personified (v.7). Ped[*]a-Komați begot a son named Vēma- as great as Karņa in charities- even as the ocean begot the moon (v. 8). Verses 9 and 11 describe the military greatness of Vēma, while vv. 10, 12 and 13 praise his charities which extended from Srisaila to Käsi (Benares), touching on the way Kumārāchala, Panchārāma, Simháchala, Srikürma and Purushottama. The queen of this king was Sāramāmbikā, who, on the second day of the dark fortnight of the month of Phālguna in the year Virõdhi corresponding to the Saka year counted by the moon, Rāmas, Rāmas and the earth (1331), performed the ceremony of pratishthā (completion and dedication to public use of the tank called Santānapayonidhi (vv. 14 and 15). The next three verses contain a hyperbolical description of the tank, and then follow three verses from the Mahabharata on the merit of digging tanks. The last Sanskrit verse tells us that this pare dharmaśāsana was composed by Srinātha who was the Vidyādhikarin of Vēma and a storehouse of learning.
The three Teluga verses that are engraved on the east face of the pillar, are in the Sisa metre, each verse consisting of four long lines in the proper Sisa metre followed by four
1 See his Theory of Ardhanusrāra, Edition of 1892.
See the late Rai Bahadur Venkayya's remarks on the Phirangipuram inscription, in his Report on Epigraphy for 1900, p. 21, paragraph 55.
* Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 98.
That is, as great as any of the six emperors (chatchakravartin) spoken of in the Pariņm.

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INSCRIFTIONS OF THE REDDIS OF KONDAVIDU.
315
short lines in the Tēta-gita metre. The first verse andounces the fact of the completion of the tank and gives us the additional information that the day of the ceremony of pratishi was a Friday and that Suramāmbā was the daughter of king Ganna of Dhānyavāți (Dharapikota). The next two verses contain a hyperbolical 'description of the tank of which it is stated that its waters were as purifying as those of Gangā, Yamuna, and all other sacred rivers, that it was full of water-lilies which blossomed at the touch of the rays of the moon which was the crest of the idol of) Siva established on its bank, that the deafening roar of its waters filled all space, that it was the sporting ground for fish, crabs, and other water animals, and that its waves kissed the sky (v. 24). "How, to such a tank as this, can be likened the ocean which was trodden to dust by the hoofs of the false Boar that was Vishņu, which became dry by the touch of the fire of the arrows of Rāma, that was drank up by sage Agastya, and that was dammed with stones by hosts of monkeys and bears?" (v. 25).
In regard to the date of the inscription, the Honourable Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, the learned author of the "Indian Chronology," kindly informs me that "the tithi ended at 23 ghatikas after mean sanrise on Friday, 21st February, A. D. 1410".
The inscription confirms, but adds little to, what we know already of the history of the Reddis of Kondavidu, which I discussed at length in my paper on the Madras Museum plates of Vēma.
Special interest attaches to this inscription as well as to the two following ones from the fact that they were composed by the great Telugu poet Srinatha.
Vēma, son of Pedda-Komati, bore the titles Samgrāma-Dhanamjaya (vv. 9 and 11) and Viranārāyana (v. 23). He seems to have been both & scholar and a patron of scholars. The Sringāradipika, of which he is the repated author, says that he was well versed in all the branches of knowledge and that his court was the resort of poets among whom was the great Sanskrit poet Vamanabhatta Bāna, the author of the drama Parvatiparinaya and of the poem Vēmabhupaliyam of which Vēma was himself the hero. Srinatha held the position of Vidyadhikarin (Poet Laureate') under Pedda-Komati-Vēma and he seems to have held the same position under his son Rācha-Vēma, as will appear from the next inscription. After the death of Racha-Vēma he seems to have gone to Rajahmundry where he was patronised by Vēma-Reddi and Virabhadra-Reddi. He was a prolifio writer and his poetry is characterised. by originality and vigour of expression. He is the author of the following works :
1. Marudrātcharitramu. 2. Salivāhana-Saptaśati. 3. Spingāranaishadhamı. 4. Bhimakhandamu. 5. Kāśikhandamu. 6. Haravilāsamu. 7. Panditārādhyacharitramu.
8. Vithi-Natakamu. Nos. 3 to 6 have been published. A Vithi-Natakamu purporting to be the work of one Vinukonda Vallabhāmātya has been recently edited by Mr. Mānavalli Rāmakrishna Kavi, M.A.,
1 Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 9 ff.
Vidyadhikarin appears to have been a responsible high place somewhat similar to the President, Board of Escaminers' of the present day. That Srinatha did occupy such a place is evident from what is said of him in the introduction to the Bhimakhandamw, in the Sisa-foot bhashimchinädaou bahudéfa-budhalato vidyaparikshaga. pējalands.-H. K. S.]
# Srinitha's connection with the Reddis probably began in the reiga of Ana-Vôma to whose minister he deđi. osted his Sringaranaishadhamu.
262

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and I agree with the editor in considering that Srinātha, who was Vallabha's contemporary, was the real author of this little poem. The poetry is certainly that of Srinātha.1
In the introduction to his Bhimakhandamu, the poet tells us that he was a Brāhmana of the Pākanāti sect. The Pākanātis are found mostly in the Nellore District and there is a family of them at Sulirupota, whose honsonamo is Srinātham (Srināthuni). These Brāhmaṇs usually call their sect Prānnūti to distinguish it from that of Pākanāti Kāpus or Reddis and interpret that term as meaning the “Eastern Country." This etymology is obviously incorrect. The Telugu term Pākanāda is evidently derived from Tamil Pakkainādu, which is found in several Tamil inscriptions in the Nellore Districts and the word pakkai is the Tamil rendering of the Sanskrit pūga, meaning areca-nut. Pangi, a variation of Pūgi, appears in inscriptions as the name of the country " which extended from the eastern slopes of Srigiri to the eastern sea on both sides of the river Kundi." 4 In my paper on the Madras Museum plates of Vēma, I was unable to explain the signification of this term, but there is no doubt about it now. Tłe Telugu form of pīgi is pöla-. o being nasal- and a sect of the Reddis of the Cudappah District call themselves Pökanāți and not Pakanäţi Reddis.
Śrīnātha was a much travelled man for his times. He tells us, in a stray verse attributed to him, that he visited the courts of the Vijayanagara king Harihara II. and Rāva SarvajñaSingamany of the Velngai family, and that he was patronised by Sāļuva Telungu Rāya. He spent, however, the best part of his life at the courts of the Reddi chiefs of Kondavidu and Rajahmundry and dedicated most of his works either to those chicfs or to their officers. The traditional history of the Volneni family tells us that Lingamanāyudu of that family having killed Vima-Reddi of Rajahmundry in battle and taken his sword called the Nandikantapolarāju, Srinātha was doputol by Vēca's brother Virabhadra to get back the sword and that the poot succeeded in doing so by eulogizing Lingamanayudu in three verses.
B.
This inscription plso belongs to the time of Pedda-Kömaţi-Vēma and is engraved on both sides of uve copper plates. About ten years ago, the plates were sent by the Tahsildar of Guntur to the Collector of the Kistna District in which Guptür was then included, and I edit the inscription from impressions taken by mo at that time. The inscription consists of two
1 Srinūtha is also the reputed author of the ballad Palaüliriracharitramu; but some dispute his authorship and the point requires investigation.
? [The Bitragunta plates of Samgama II (above, Vol. III, p. 27, verse 19) describe Paka-visbaya or Pāka-nadu As district situated on the shore of the Eastern Ocean (i.e. the Bay of Bengal), including within it the town Vikramasinilapura, i.e. the modern Nellore. Pugi or Pungi vishaya, on the other hand, was a part of Paka,
• bank of the river Kundi or Gundlakamina and extending from Srisaila to the Bay of Bengal. Prānuādu Eastern Conntry' as applied to themselves, by the Pakanāti Brāhmaṇas of the Nellore district appears, therefore, to have been the correct etymological interpretation of the term Paka-nadn, though the form Pakkni-tudu of Tamil inscriptions was undoubtedly derived from pingi, pigi or poka, which formed a part of the name of the northern sub-clivision of Paka-nadu and menut an avec not. Consequently it looks as if the larger territorial division Paka-nadu or Paklai-nidu derived its name from the smaller Pungi-visbaya, which was perhaps the earlier and the more ancient.-II, K S
Millor Last by Most's, Butterworth and Venu Gopaul Chetty, Vol. II, p. 873, and Vol. 111, Pp. 1397 and 1401.
• Above, Vol. VIII, p. 10.
In another place it is called Sandikantapötaraju.
• The Telugöfirari-ransacharitram by Vellala Sadasiva Sastrulu and Avadbinamu śēsla Šāstrulu, Madras edition of 1910, pp. 59 and 60. In this book the Reddi king who was killed, is called Anayēma-Reddı. But this is clearly a mistake for Allaya-Vēma-Reddi.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS OF KONDAVIDU.
parts; the first part records the grant by Pedda-Komați-Vêma of the village of Alapäḍu to a Brahman named Visvesvarabhaṭṭa, and the second part records the distribution of the village by the donee, among a n. mber of other Brahmans. The first part consists of twenty Sankrit verses intercepted, after verse 8, by a long Telugu prose passage which describes the boundaries of the village. The first, fourth, fifth and eighth verses are found also in inscription A. We learn from this part of the record that Pedda-Komați-Vēma had & you ager brother named Macha who is known to have been killed i battle by Kumara-Vedagiri-Nayudu of the Velugoti family.
317
The object of the inscription is to record the fact that on the Sivarati day in the month of Magha in the year Nan a corresponding to the Saka year counted by the oceans, Rāmas, and the moon (1354, Pedda Komați-Vēmated the village of Alapadu, situated on the eastern bank of the river Tungabhadra, in the beautiful Velanandu district of the Trilinga-vishaya to Visvesvara-bhaṭṭa who was the great-grandson of Madhava, grandson of Gundaya and son of the great poet Ladhava-bhatia the Yajuḥ-sakha and the Bhärad vājagötra. The enclosing bou ary line of the village is specified in great detail in Telugu prosol after which comes the usual i recatory verse sva-datti Li*]-dvigunam punyam, etc. The last verse tells us that the inscription was composed by Srinatha. The signature at the end consists of the phrase éri-Viranarayanasya, i.e. of the glorious Viranārāyaṇa.
12
The second part of the inscription, which is engraved on both sides of the fourth and fifth plates, states that Visvesvara-bhatta, here stated to be a student of the Yajnh-kha, of (the three Travaras) Angirasa, Barhaspatya ad Bharadvaja, to have been the son c2 Madhavacharya, who was capable (equally) of cursing or conferring boons, and to have been born as a gift of the glorious (God) Nrisimha, divided the village Alapați-Vemavara (i.e. Alapadu renamed Vamavara a ter the donor) given to his by king Pedda-Komați-Vêma, into 60 shares out of which he reserved apparently 15 s res for himself and distributed the remaining 45 shares as shown in the list ppended at the end of this article.
Alapadu is identical with the village of that name in the Tenali taluka of the Guntur District. Tungabhadra was a branch of the Krishna river and branched off from the main river near Bezwada. It has ceased to exist as a river after the construction of the Krishna anicut and its course is marked by main and the Kommamur canals of the Guntur tāluka and the drain which is in continuation of the latter.
The Honourable Swamikannu Pillai has kindiy furnished the following note about the date of the 'nscription:"Saka 1334, Nandana, Śivaratri, i.c. Magha bahula 13 or 14. I understand that Sivaratri is celebrated at midnight when the nakshatra Sravana is current, whether the tithi be the 13th or the 14th. Now the nakshatra Sravana was current at midnight between Monday, 30th, and Tuesday, 31st January, 1413 A.D. which was Nandana, Saka 1334. The 14th tithi ended at 15 ghatikis on Tuesday, 31st January 1413. The nakshatra Sravana ended at 12 ghatikas on Tuesday, 31st January 1413 "3
1 The description as usual includes the mention of a number of "thills distinguished by different trees that grow over or near them and of the villages, Pedapündi-Mandiru (north-east), Tandiparati (south-west), Jatalammapadu and Chundūru.
The same is stated of Madhavabhatta in the first part of the inscription (v. 15). It is also recorded here that Madhavabhaṭṭa had thoroughly accomplished (the repetition of) the mantra (invoking the blessings) of LakshmiNrisimha.
[It will be seen from 1. 29 that there was an eclipse of the sun in connexion with the Śivaratri. Mr. Sewell has kindly informed me that the Sivaratri ended at mean sunrise Wednesday, February 1st. There was an important eclipse of the sun on that morning (Wednesday), conjunction taking place at 3 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.-S. K.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XI.
Other Brāhman donees and their shares.
Serial number.
Names of Donecs.
Götra.
Sakha.
Shares.
Yajus
:
.
.
Do.
.
Rig Yajus Do.
. . .
Do.
Rig
Do.
. .
Do. Yajus
.
Do.
K[ū]ndruri singaya-sishta . . . .Harita Lakshmi-Narasimhabhatta, son of Madhavarya. Bharadvāja His younger brother, Ananta-Narasimhabhatta Addanki Mallubhatta . . . . . Srivatsa Yellaya-Sishţa of Velanāndu . . . . Harita . Kattaigüri Gangadharabhatta . . . . Kaśyapa. Parami Peddi-Śishța . . . . . Jampani Annama-śishța. .
śāndilya Rudraya-bhatta . . .
Kausika. Kāmaya-sishta . . .
Harita Konduri Tippaya-Sishta . .
Sāņdilya . Ātukūri Peddi-sishta . . .
Kausika. His son, Kūnaya-sishta . . . . Do. . His younger brother, Pinnaya-sishta . . Do. . Eraya-Sishta . . . . . . . Do. . Singaya-sishțn, son of Padmanabha . . . Kāśyapa. Gudiyamaļa Krishņaya-sishta . . śrivatsa, Kāmaya-sishta, son of Potaya . .
Do. . Kșishnaya-sishta, son of Põtaya
sāndilya . Chițţibhatta, son of Annaya . . Šāņạilya singaya-sishta, son of Narahari
Do. . Mutta[na].sishta, son of Măraya . . Bhäradväja Kēšava-sishta, son of Narahari. . . . Audhula His younger brother, Devare-bhatta . . . Do. . Sūriya-sishta, son of Aubhala . . . Kaundinya Māru-bhatta, son of Tallaya . . . . Do. . Vallabha-sishta, son of Kēšava .
Do. Lakshmana-bhatta, son of Visvēsvara-bhatta . His younger brother, Nagaya-bhatta . . Kattangüri singanārya. . . . .
Bhärad vāja Gundaya-bhatta . . . . .
Kaśyapa. Peddi-bhatta, son of Potays. . . . . Kauņdinya
Do. Do.
.
.
. .
Yajus Do.
.
.
.
Rig
.
.

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No. 33.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS OF KOXDAVIDU.
319
Serial number.
Names of Donees.
Götra.
śäkba.
Shares.
Yajus
34, 35
Rudra-bhatta-on behalf of his wife A[k]kamām. Kāśyapa.
bika, daughter of the donor Visvēśvara-bhatta The village gods, Hari and Hara Tippaya-sishta, son of Sridhara? . . . Sandilya.
4 2 (one each)
1
Do.
.
TOTAL
This inscription consists of a Telugu verse in the Sisa metre followed by another in the Tėta-gita metre and is engraved on the western side of a hillock called pullaribūdu northeast of Aminābād near Phirangipuram. Like the last two inscriptions, this was also composed by the poet Srinātha. It records that, on the full moon day of the month of Māgha in the year Manmatha corresponding to the Saka year 1337 (expressed in words), king VėmayaRāchavemana' i.e. Rachavēmana, son of Vēmaya, i.e. Pedda-Kömati-Vēma) had a channel called Jaganobbaganda-kāluva dug as a feeder to the tank Santana-vārdhi which his mother Sūrāmba had excavated. This tank is, no doubt, the same as that referred to in the Phirangipuram inscription A. As pointed out in my paper on the Madras Museum plates of Vēma, this inscription shows that Rachavēmana was Pedda-Komaţi-Vēma's son and not his brother.
The Honourable Swamikannu Pillai informs me that the purnima-tithi referred to in the inscription ended at 43 ghafikas after suprise on Tuesday, 14th January, A.D. 1416.
Inscription A.
TEXT.6
West Face. i TV mat IT 2 # fy: Hefacta : sist3 [#]bat: uutuudet fare?
1 It is stated that the share is given to provide Akkamămbika with haridra (i... turmeric powder tied as a toilet only by women with living husbands).
* The list of donces ends with the signature (ural) of the donor Visvēsvarabhatta.
• The inscription gives him the following attributes : -"the gem of plenty (chintamani) in (bostowing) gifts (mentioned by) Hómadri, (the very god) Sankara (šiva) (riding) on the bulls (barwna), vis., the enemy kings, Phalguna (Arjuna) on the battlefield and the paramour of prostitutes, 1.. the proud hostile chiefs." The third attribute was a surname of his father Pedda-Komaţi-Vöma.
• The channel wax avidently so named after Jaganobbeganda, a title of frequent occurrence among the Beddi kings.
. Above, Vol. III, p. 12 f. • From ink-impressions supplied by Mr. Krishna Sastri.
The anumara stands at the beginning of the next line.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
4 भरामुद्दहन् । भारापेत फणा5 विवर्तनवशान्मोदाय यस्या
6 भवन्निर्यता भुजगेंद्रमौळिमणि
7 भिर्नीराजनप्रक्रिया | [ 1 *] तमो हरे
8 तां तव पुष्पवंतौ राकासु
9 पूर्वापरशैलभाजी । रथांगली
10 लामिव दर्शयंती पुरा पुरा
11 रे पृथिवीरथस्य । [2*] मानुषाकार किम्मो
12 रस्तंवेरमवपुर्महः । उन्निद्रय
13 तु भद्राणि रुद्राणी येन सुप्रजा [:] [*] [3*]
14 यन्मौठौ निहितं चिराय निगमैयें
15 यं च यद्योगिभिर्यलक्ष्मीमृदुपा
16 णिपद्मयुगको संवाहनैर्नालितं [*] 17 जाता यत्र वियदी त्रिजगतीसंता18 पनिवापणी' तस्मात्कंरुभिदः पदादु19 दभवद्दर्णो गुणार्णोनिधि: । [4 *] तत्रा20 भवत्सप्तमचक्रवर्ती वेमक्षितीशो जग21 रक्षपाल: । एकादशेति प्रतिभाति शंका 22 येनावताराः परमस्य पुंसः । [5* ] रा 23 ज्यं वेमः स चिरमकरोत्प्राज्यदानैक21 तानो भूमीदेवैर्भुवसुरुभुजो
2 भुक्तशेषामभुङ । श्रीशैलाग्रात्प्रभ20 वति पथि प्राप्तपाताळगंगे सोपानानि
27 " प्रमधपदवीमारुरुक्षुश्चकार । [6* ]
28 माचोणिपतिर्महेंद्रमहिमा
29 वेमक्षितीशाग्रजो रामाद्यैः' सदृशो
30 बभूव सुगुणैस्तस्य त्रयो नंद
31 नाः । 'किर्त्या जाग्रति रेडिडवोतन्नृपति [: *] श्री
32 कोमटीद्रस्ततो नागमापतिरित्युपा
33 तवपुषो 'धर्मार्थकामा इव । [7] असूत
1 Read निर्वा
• The Sringāradipikā has हेमाद्रे:.
12 Read मभुत.
● Road कौय
[Vot. xt.
Read प्रमथ
• Bead धर्मार्थ,

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No. 33.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS OP KONDAVIDO.
34 पुत्रं पदकोमटींद्रो विश्वाणने कर्णम35 सूतपुत्र । वैमाभिधानं सुगु36 णैकधानं पाधोनिधि धमिवौ[ष]37 धीनां । [8*] 'वाटिदुंदुभिभावति' 38 कलयतो निर्धातरावं रिपू39 न् नामानि द्रुतमर्जुनस्य जपतो 40 यस्याजिगांडीविनः । संग्रामोपप41 दानि तानि भवतां रक्षाकते सर्वदा वये-' 42 तामिति बोधयंत्यधिपतीन् धीयं43 विणो मंत्रिणः । [9*] श्रीशैले स्थिरमूल44 तामुपगता वृध्विं कुमाराचले पं. 45 चारामतले प्रतानसुषमा सिंहा
South Face. 46 चलेंद्रे ततः । श्रीकूमें पुरुषोत्त47 मे कुसुमिता यध्धर्मकीर्तोलता 48 काश्यां विश्वपतेः पुरः फलवती नित्यो49 पहारोचितं । [10] अभिमन्युकरग्राधा50 मुत्तरां खापुत्रिकां । नर्तय51 त्याहवे रंगे यः संग्रामधनं52 जयः । [11] प्रश्रांतं गृहराजसौध53 निवसमक्ष्मीकराभ्यंतरक्रीडांभो• 54 रुहतामवंतनटनप्रस्तावविस्ता
55 रितः । वायुः केसरवासनासुर66 "बितो यस्यार्थिचिंतामणेा67 गाचामति दानकेलिजनित स्वेदां58 भसां जालकं । [12*] सप्तसंतानव59 त्यासोद्येन सर्वसहेत्यलं । स्पर्धये60. व धृताः कोा गर्भे लोकाचतुर्दश । [13]
1 Read तानं पाथीनिधिर्नाथ.
Read widto. * The anusvāra stando at the beginning of the next line. • Read वृद्धि
• Read यजमकीर्विवा• Read भिती यस्यार्षि.
The anu svara stands at the beginning of the next line

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL XI.
61 राजस्तस्य महादेवो राजमौळे रि62 वांबिका । रत्नसिंहासनस्यार्धे राज63 ते सूरमाबिका । [14] शाकाब्दे शशि64 रामरामधरणीसंख्ये विरोध्याह्व-' 65 ये वर्षे फालाननाम्नि मासि बह(हु) के 66 पक्षे द्वितीयातिधौ । देवी सा पेदकोम67 टीखरभुव[:*] श्रीवेमपृथ्वीपते[:*] श्रीसं68 तानपयोनिधेः कृतवती सम्यक् प्रति69 ठाविधिं । [15] लीलालीढतरंगशीकरकणं 70 राकाविधी कुणा हेरंबेण 71 मदोष्णशांतिविधये हेलावगा72 ढं मुहुः । राजीवासनरथ्यहं.' 73 सपरिषचंचूपुटीचर्वितस्वलां74 भोजमृणाळिकाकिसलयलेदं य75 दोयं पयः । [16] घोंटाकंठकठोरग76 भकुहळीपाळीमधूळीरसस्रोतःसौ77 रभटीकमानमधुलिडूंकारको78 लाहलैः । वाचालानि वनानि यस्य 79 सविधे सोयं सुधानिर्मलश्रीसंत[1]80 नसमुद्र एष पयसां राशिजय. 81 त्यष्टमः । [17*] वैडूर्यरत्नशकलामल82 वारिपूरे महूं किमत्र भगवान्मध' 83 केटभारिः । अंगोचकार जगतामवन84 कुलेन' पाठीनककृपवराहमहा-' 85• वतारान् । [18*] श्रीमहाभारते ॥ 86 देवा मनुष्याः पितरी गंधर्वो. 87 रगराक्षसाः । स्थावराणि च भूता. 88 नि संश्रयंति जलाशयं । [19*] तटाके य.
1 Read °तिथी.
Do. Read °खच्छा. • Read तस्सी. • Read लेन.
* The anus ära stands at the beginning of the next line. • Read d. • Read म.
- Read मधुकैटभारिः • Resd कृप.

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No. 33.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS OF KONDAVIDU.
323
89 P ET fuafa afcari []90 गपक्षिमनुष्याश्च सोखमेधफलं 91 a 1 (20*] rentzefa foart: gani? 92 fa fathet: 1 af 7: # n t 93 JETZT aftofa [21*] fenfu t94 ut attaya: []ater95 art arat FPS mua [22*] 7 [*]
East Face,
96 00 Śak-abdamulu sahasramu97 nu munnūmta-muppadiy-o
kkandunun-aina bhavya-samkhya- | varalu 99 Virõdhi-samvatsararnbuna Phõlgu. 100 nambuna baha(hu)!a-pakshambu vidiya [1] 101 Sukravārambuna subha-muhů. 102 [r]tambuna þri-Dhanyavāți-par-ādhips103 tiyu.mn Grishnavenna- jala-krida-vind104 durddun=agu Ganna-bhūpälun=anu. 105 mgui-batri | Viranārāyaņun106 du-Vēma-vibhuni dēvi bhüri-sadguņa107 Dikurumba Süramămba | jagama 108 vinutimpa Samtāna-sāgar-akhya-[1] vara109 tataka-pratishth-otsavatb=onarchches | [23] Jāhna110 vi-Yamun-ādi-sakala-pävana-nadi111 vimala-tirdhth-ambhah-pavitritambul sa112 vidha-deśa-sthāyi-Siva-mauli-bal-omda113 kaumudi-sampulla- kairavambu | ba114 hu-maha-parivāha-pathobhara-dhya115 na-ghumaghumáyita-diśā-go116 lakambu jala-săraşi-sēka-samvardhi117 t-anēka-vana-vinit-adhvag-adhva-śramambu [1] 118 balavad-uru-matsya-kachhchhapa-7dhuļi-kulira-[l*] 119 timi-timingila-vikrama-krama-vihāra-[1] 120 taralatara-tumga-bhamga-kadamba-chum[bi]-[*] 121 t-ábhra-vidhi(thi) Samtāng-mahā-payodhi8 || [24*] 122 Kapata-sūkaram=aina Kaitabh-sura-vairi123 khura-putambulan barikshunnam=s. 124 yyel Raghu-kul-odvaha-dhanur-yam
The anusvāra stands at the beginning of the next line.
* Read Krishnavenna. Read =onarche. • Read tirth
Read - samphulla. * Read maha.. There is an indistinct syllable written above the line between the letters mna and ha; it looks like da, du or la. * Read Kachchhapa-dhuli. 8. Read -payodhi.
* Read kshanam,
2 T 2

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324
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XL.
125 tra-muktamul-ains chichchurammula vē 126 indin java darage-lim Gumbha-sambhavus 127 ni hast-ath bho-ruhambunan=āpo128 Banaimbayi hrasam-othde-lim bishi129 namulan=achhchhabhalla-golárgūla-ka 130 pi-yudhamulachetam gattuvadiye | 131 vanadhi yo bhangi sari-vachohun-anamgavachchu.[1] 132 n-a-rasåtala-gambhira-väriy=aguchu-[i*]n-apa133 gat-apayam-aguchu sobh-adhyavasagu134 chu-[*]n-anupamarmbaina Samtana-ranadhitoda [1] [250]
Inscription B.
TEXT.
First Plate; First Side. 1 कल्याणं जगतां तनोतु स विभुः कादंबिनीमेचकः क्रीडाको 2 इतनुः पयोधिपयसो विश्वंभरामुहहन् । भारापेतफ3 णाविवर्तनवशान्मोदाय यस्याभववियना भुजगेंद्रमौळिम4. णिभिर्नीराजनप्रक्रिया [1] लीलाद्यूतजितां कळाधरकळां मौ.
को दृढं कीलितामाहर्त युगमुब्रमय्य भुजयो6 विश्लेषयंत्या मिथः । पार्वत्या: कुचकुंभपार्श्व7 युगळे सप्रेमलोलेक्षणः कालक्षेपणमिदुमोचन8 विधौ कांक्षन् शिवः पातु वः [2*] भवतु भवतां फलात्यै कल्पलता 9 कापि करटिराजमुखी। मधुरसुधारसधारा मधुलव10 ललितेंदुमंजरीमंजुः ।[3] तमो हरेतां तव पुष्पव11 तौ राकासु पूर्वापरशैलभाजौ। रथांगलीलामिव दर्श:
First Plate ; Second Side. 12 यंती पुरा पुरारेः पृधिवीरवस्य । [4*] यन्मौको निहितं चिराय
निगमै 13 यं च यद्योगिभियंज्ञक्ष्मोमदुपाणिपद्मयुगलीसंवाहनेवा14 लितं । जाता यत्र वियवदी विजगतीसंतापनिर्वापणी तस्मात् कंस-15 भिदः पदादुदभवहर्ण गुणार्णानिधिः । [5*] तस्मादभूत् प्रोलयब
The word is a compound of chichcha
1 Mr. Brown gives the form chichchutamme in the sense of rocket. and ammu and means a flery arrow.
Read -achchhabhalla, • Read पृथिवौरवस्य
Read date.
- Read -adhyam.. • Read दरें

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No. 33.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS OF KONDAVIDU.
325
16 मनामा श्रीशैलसोपानविदानशाली । हेमाद्रिकल्पोदितदानदक्षो 17 निस्सीमभूदाननिरूढकीर्तिः । [6*] वेमक्षितोशो वषमेकपादं खं. 18 जप्रचार कलिकालदीषात् । दत्ताग्रहारद्दिजवेदशक्त्या पथि क्र19 मैरसवलितं चकार । [7*] माचक्षोणिपतिर्महेंद्रमहिमा वै. 20 मक्षितीशाग्रजो रामाद्यैः सदशो बभूव मुगुणैस्तस्य च[यो] 21 नंदनाः । की. जाग्रति रेड्डिवोतनृपति[:*] श्रीकोमटींद्रस्ततो 22 नागमापतिरित्युपात्तवपुषो धर्मार्थकामा' इव । [8*] वे. 23 माधिपो माचविभुश्च नंदनौ श्रीकोमटींद्रश्च गुणै
Second Plate; First Side. 24 कसंश्रयौ । भूलोकमकोदरजन्मवांछया भूयोवतीर्णाविव 25 रामलक्ष्मणौ । [9*] 'चूडामणिपाणं दुर्मदपरिपंदिशिखरिदंभो. 26 किः । सर्वनचक्रवर्ती पदकोमटिवेमभूपतिजयति । [10] सोयं वेस 27 [म*]हीपालो भूपालपरमेश्वरः । भूदानवीरमूर्धन्यो [धी]रो28 दात्तगुणोतरः [11] श्रीशाकाब्दे पयोराशिरामरामेंदु29 सम्मिते । नंदने मासि माघाख्ये शिवरायां रविग्रह' [12*] 30 पितुः पितामहो यस्य मह[नी]ययशोनि[धि]: । मा. 31 धवो नाम मेधावी विश्वविद्याविहारभू[:] [13*] पितामहो महा32 विहान यस्य श्रीगुंडयाभिधः । वेदादीनां विशुद्धानां वि33 द्यानां जन्ममंदिरं । [14*] शापानुग्रहदक्षो लक्ष्मोनरसिंहम34 बसंसिद्धः ] सकलकविसार्वभौमो माधवभः पिता यस्य[1] [15*]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 25 श्रीविश्वेश्वरविषे भारद्वाजान्वयावतंसाय । सायविरहि36 ताय ती विद्याविनयान्विताय पुण्याय । [16*] प्रदात्रिलिंग37 विषये वेलनांडो मनोरमे । तुंगभद्रातरंगिण्याः प्रा38 तीरे पर्यवस्थितं । [17] पालणडुरिति ख्यातं ग्राममाचंद्रता39 रकं । साष्टैश्वर्यं अष्टभोगं धारापूर्व धराधिपः [0] [18*] 40 प्रस्य ग्रामस्य सीमाचिहानि देशभाषया लिख्यते [1]
1 Read विधान. I Read धर्मार्थ.
• Read श्रीकोमटौंद्रस्थ. • This verse is found also in the Sringaradi pika. Kead igrut Read दुर्मदपरिपंथि.
• Read गुणीचर. The letters here are somewhat illegible though the reading is almost certain. Read geeft
The rest of this side as well as the whole of plate 3 which are taken up with a description of the boundary line of Alapadu In Telugu prose have not been transcribed. Plates 4 and 6 which contain the names of done, who received the grant from Visvēsvara-bhatta, are also left out.

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326
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Inscription C.
TEXT.
1 Sak-ab[d]amulu sahasrambunu mun[n]ata-muppadi[y-eḍunu]
2 lyopp[u] migula mahaniyam-ains Manmatha-vatsarambuna Ma[kh]a- masa
3 munam bürṇima-dinamuna | Hemadri-dana-chimtamaniy-a
4 riraya-basuva-Samkar[u]ḍ-aji-Phalgunumḍḍu sa-mad-ari-raya-ve
5 sya-bhujamgumḍḍu Vēmaya-Rachavemana-kshmävarumḍḍu dalli
6 Sürambachē samutpamnam-aguchum [1] baragu Samtāna-vā
[VOL. XI.
Read -ḍunun-oppu.
Read Magha-.
Read basara..
7 rdhiki varuva ganga En-o]layu giri-vahinula Jaganobbagamḍa-[*]kā. 8 luva ghatimchen-a-tarakambu ganga ||
| Srinatha-kriti ||
No. 34.-MAREDAPALLI GRANT OF SRI-RANGARAYA II; SAKA 1497.
BY V. NATESA AIYAR, B.A.
The subjoined grant is published from two sets of Sir Walter Elliot's ink-impressions which the late Government Epigraphist for India was kind enough to place at my disposal. It is dated in Saka-Samvat 1407, the cyclic year probably being Yuva, and belongs to the reign of Sri-Rangaraya II, of the third Vijayanagara dynasty. Mr. Sewell is of opinion that this date marks the commencement of Śri-Rangaraya's rule.
Although a number of inscriptions belonging to this dynasty has already appeared in the pages of the Indian Antiquary and the Epigraphia Indica, yet not a single Sanskrit inscription of this particular king has been published in extenso. And what is more, even the chroniclers of these times do not seem to have thought it either necessary or proper to make more than a passing mention of the successors of the renowned Ramaraya on the Vijayanagar throne. This, perhaps, is partly accounted for by the fact that the battle of Talikota of A.D. 1565, in which king Ramaraya fell, sounded, as it were, the death-knell of the dynasty and crippled its power and resources once and for ever. Nevertheless, it can hardly be doubted that such information as can be gleaned from the grants and other documents of the rulers of this
Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 218.
A fragmentary translation of an inscription of this king from Devanahalli in Mysore is published in Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions. See No. 140, p. 252 ff,

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MAREDAPALLI GRANT OF SRI-RANGARAYA II.
327
dynasty who lived during the days of its decline, will be useful in so far at least as they will enable us to determine with tolerable certainty the extent of their dominions and the seats of their government, if not also their relations with their quondam viceroys in distant provinces.
Tarning to the grant itself, it may be observed that the tops of the first, second, fourth, and sixth pages of the impressions are marked by the Telugu numerals 1, 2, 3 and 4. There also appear faint traces of the numeral 5 at the top of the eighth page. This seems to indicate that the grant was originally incised on five plates of which the first and the last were engraved only on the inner, and the intervening three on both sides. Judging from the impressions, the plates can be said to have been in good preservation. They measure 99' x 74" and seem to have had raised rims and a ring passing through the centre of their top.
The alphabet is Nandināgari. The following are some of the orthographical peculiarities and errors - (1) the doubling of y, t, and d after 7 in-turyyo (11. 9 and 13) ; -sauryyēna (1.25); -märttih
(1. 46) ; -kirtti- (1. 61); bharttui (1. 87); and -särddülamarddanah (1. 117);
(2) the doubling of when followed by rin nivasannrajati (1. 81);
(3) the dropping of the visarga before sibilants in -saptamasripati- (1. 11) and svahkāmini
svatanu- (1. 18);
(4) the use of the anusvāra instead of class nasals in narendrah (1. 11); Tatapinnama
(1. 13); haran (1. 14); niranjanāni (1. 34); -bhavainchitah (1. 65); and -mandalika- (11. 102 and 105);
(5) the use of instead of si in dinndgan (1. 58);
(6) the use of instead of I due, perhaps, to vernacular influence in lalita (1. 5).;
-chaļikshma- (1. 10); surabhiļāsugan (1. 21) and -mi(ma)raļa- (1. 55); and lastly,
(7) the use of the symbol for dh to denote th (11. 57 and 58). The words chawrast
(1. 90), samula (1.94), dhatta (1. 107) and ditāpatta, which occur in the Viļāpaka grant!, are also found here.
The inscription opens with obeisance to the god Ganadhipati and consists of eighty-three Sanskrit verses. It closes with the word Sri-Virupaksha in old Kanarese characters. The first three verses invoke respectively the gods Siva, Vishộa and Gaņēša in the manner of the British Museum Plates of Sadasivariya. The following eighteen verses carry the genealogy of the dynasty, partly mythical and partly historical, down to Tiru malarāya's reign and have their exact parallel in verses 3-20 of the Kondyäta grant of Veikata 1.3 Verses 22-29 describe king Tirumalarāya but record no historical facts. With verse 30 begins the description of the donor Sri-Rangaraya II, son of king Tirumala and Vengalamba. In verse 42 he is said to have belonged to the Atrēya-gotra.
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 270.
Ibid. p. 12.
Ind. ant., Vol. XIII, p. 129.
• Identical with these are the verses 24-27, 29, 30 and 82 of the Tumkur Plates of Tirumalaraya (800 Ep. Cars., Vol. XII, PP. 2-3).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
His ancestry is given as follows:
Tätapinnama of the lunar race of kings (1. 13) Somidēva (1. 15) Rāghavadàvarat (1. 16) Éri-Pinnama, the lord of the town of Aravida (1. 16)
Bukks who placed on a firm footing the kingdom of Saļuva(m. Ballāmbika)) Nrisimba (11. 17-18).
Ramaraja I 2 who captured the forts of Avanigiri and Kandanavola (m. Lakkambika) (Kurnool) and put to flight Kasappudaya (11.26-27).
Sri-Rangaraya (I) (v. 15)
(m. Tirumalâmbika)
Râmarāja II. (vv. 17-18)
Tirumalaraya (m. Vengaļāmba) (vv. 20-29)
Venkatādri (v. 19)
Śri-Rangaraya II, the donor (v. 30 ff.) Most of these details are found in the Kûniyûr plates of Venkata II.1 Sri-Rangariya II is reported to have captured several fortresses including the inaccessible Kondavidu and Vinikondapura from his camp at Uddagiri (Udayagiri in Nellore) and to have been residing at Penukonda (v. 31). He married two wives, vie., Tirumaladēvi and Krishnamba (v. 32). He reduced the Chaurasidurga (i.e. eighty-four hill forts, perhaps, in Mahärăshtra). He bore in his heart Särngadhara (i.e., the god Vishņu) (v. 35). Some of his biridas were Manniyan Samula (v. 36), Gandaragūļi and Manyapuli (v. 38). He was highly extolled as the vanquisher of Avahaļurāya and the king of Utkala (vv. 37-8). He was the lord of Āravidu and adopted the surnames Vérgyatribhuvanimalla (1. 102), Urigolasuratrāna (... Sultan of Oraðgal) (1. 103), Ranamukharāmabhadra (1. 104), Kalyāna purādhipa and Ohalikkachakravartin (11. 108-9). As suggested by Dr. Hultzsch the first and the fourth of these birudas were perhaps reminiscences of the Western and Eastern Chalukyas. He calls himself the suzerain of the Rattas and Magadhas (1. 107) Konarāni-kőfala-koriga, and Oddiyariya-diśāpatta (v. 45). With verse 53 commences the grant proper.
The date is expressed as the twelfth tithi (prathamaduādasitithau) of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashadha in the Saka year reckoned by the horses (7), the treasures (9), the Vēdas (4),and the moon (1) (i.e. 1497), the cyclic year being Yuva. This date falls in A.D. 1574 expired.
The grant was made before the god Ramachandra. The donee was Aubhalabhatta who belonged to the Käsyapa-gotra and was a follower of the Katyayana-sutra and the
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. III, pp. 288-9.
This is already known to us from two inscriptions published by Mr. Rice (Ep. Carn. Vol. VII, Sh. 83, and Vol. XII, Ck. 89); see Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 94. • Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 270.
Sewell's Indian Calendar, p. LXXX. . Perhaps, the Ramavimin temple at Penagonda is referred to here. It may be noted in this connection that although the capital of this dynasty had been removed to Penugonds by king Tirumala, the father of the present donor, the name of the guardian deity occurring at the and of the grant is given as Sri-Virupakshs.

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No. 34.]
MAREDAPALLI GRANT OF SRI-RANGARAYA II.
329
Suklayajuh-kha. He was the son of Varadabhatta and grandson of Balöndubhapta (vv. 55-7).
The village granted was Marēdapalli alias Krishnapuram belonging to the Rüyadurgarajya girt round by Hastināvati (i.e. the modern Hampi in the Bellary District), to the Pennavēntha (P-nadu) and to the Bhüdigumma-simal (vv. 58-9). It was to the east of the river Penna (? Northern Pennir) and south of the hill bounding the village of Oholasamudra and near the chemada-bush lying east of Nilădri (lit. blue hill) situated on the outskirts of the village of Korakodru and close to the river Penna. It was to the west of the blue elevated ground bordering on the Giddamaligāns-kshētra and lying to the west of Kummarllapalli, which again was the western boundary of the village of Palukür, west of the tamarind tree adjoining the sandy tract bounding the village of Vēlēti. It was to the north of the stone pillar set up near the sami tree growing on the outskirts of Timmäpura. Of these places, Krishộäpuram may have taken its name from Virakfishộams of the Kåśyapa-götra, at whose instance the grant was made. He was the son of Varabayyappa and lord of Maninagapura and is said to have borne the biruda Sitakaragandārika (vv. 70-3) and to have been the terror of Dhavalanka(na).
The titles Sindhu-Govinda, Sitakaraganda, Davaļarika-Bhima and Maninagapuravaradhisvara are applied to Tirumalaraja of Udayagiri in an inscription of Saka-Samvat 1457, the cyclic year Manmatha, corresponding to A.D. 1535-36.3 In a copper-plate record of Saka-Samvat 1484, the cyclic year Radhirodgărin, corresponding to A.D. 1563-646 the same epithets are given to Krishnapa-Nayaka, son of Baiyappa-Nayaka, of Balam (Belür). Of KrishnapaNayaka (also called Era-Krishọapa-Nayaka) Mr. Rice remarks, that he " is represented in most of the inscriptions as the head of the family, who was enfeoffed by Krishqariya of Vijayanagara. He was the hadapada, or bearer of the king's betel-bag". According to Mr. Rico, Venkatadri-Nayaka, son of Krishnapa-Nayaka, was the head of the Balam family in SakaSanyat 1498, the cyclic year Dhātri, corresponding to A.D. 1576-78. About Mapinågapura Mr. Rice adds, "I have been unable to identify Mapināgapura. It appears to be a place in the Central Provinces."
The composer of the inscription was the son of Sabhāpati and the engraver Ganapayacharya, the son of Virana. These two persons also figure in the same capacities in the Tumkur Plates of Tirumalarāya.?
The grant concludes with the usual imprecatory verses and Sri-Virupaksha in old Kanarese characters at the end.
TEXT.
First Plate.' i ufauca A i Bufurafaiçara2 trai Qatar ITHEOI EIHT Tha (n) [l] 10 fatela3 TER SET UTE a: []hfa 44 W uf4 zu 1(n) [R*] 10764TTIUT METH tayfafacug i 9501 5 writed targafa food" f(n) [2] lpfa coalfa ()
Būdigumms in the name of a village in the Rayadrag täluks of the Bellary District. It s. 29 miles and of Bayadrug.
1 The correct form of this biruda is Davalaska-Bhima u will be seen in the next paragraph. * Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Sr. 95.
ibidem, Vol. V, H. N. & bidem, Vol. V, Part I, p. xxxiii. (bidem, Vol. IV., Ya. 19. Tibidem, Vol. XII, p. 5. • Metro: Anushţubh. Read THEIT. . Read art. 0 Metre: Apashfubla.
Read ofert

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330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XI.
6 सव्येक्षणं हरेः । पालंबनं चकोराणाममरायुप्कर महः (1) [*] "पौत्र7 स्तस्य पुरुरवा बुधसुतस्तस्यायुरस (स्था)त्मज: संजच्ने नहुपी यया8 तिरभवत्तस्माच्च पूरुस्ततः । तदंशे भरतो बभूव मु(न्)पतिस्तत्संत9 तौ शंतनुस्तत्तुर्यो विजयोभिमन्युरुदत्तस्मात्परि(री)क्षित्तत[: ॥५"] 10 'नंदस्तस्याष्टमोभूत्समजनि नव[म]स्तस्य राजश्वळिक्ष्माषत्म11 सप्तम[:] श्रीपतिरुचिरभवदाजपूर्वो नरेंद्रः । तस्यासीहिज्ज[]12 द्रो दशम इह नृपो वीरहेम्माकिरायस्तात्रीयोको मुरारौ क13 तनतिरुदभूत्तस्य मायापरोषः' (n) [*] 'तत्तुर्योजनि तातपिनम14 महीपालो निजालोकनत्रस्तामित्रगणस्ततोजनि हरं दुर्गा15 णि सप्ताहितात् । अङ्केन स सोमिदेवनृपतिस्तस्यैव जज्ञ(ञ) सु16 तो वीरो राघवदेवराडिति तत[:"] श्रीपिबमोभून (व्र)पः । () [*] 'पारवोटि17 ननरीविभोरभूदस्य ब(बु)कधरणीपतिस्मृतः । येन सावन18 सिंहराज्यमप्येधमानमहसा स्थिरीकृतं (1) [*] "स्व:कामिनी' स्वत19 मुकातिभिर[*]क्षिपंती बुक्कावनीपतिलको बुधकल्पशाखी । क20 ल्याणिनी कमलनाभ इवाद्धिकन्या बलांबिकामुदवहहहु21 मान्यशीला (1) [*] "सुतेव कलशांबुधेः सुरभिळाशुगं माधवाल्क22 मारमिव शंकरात्कुलमहीतत: कनाका । जयंतममरप्रभी
Second Plate; First Side. 23 रपि शचीव बुक्काधिपारच्छ्रतं" जगति बल्लमालभत रा24 मराज मुतं (1) [१०] "सहस्रस्मप्तत्या सहितमपि यसिंधुजनुषां 25 सपादस्यानीकं समिति भुजशौर्येण महता । विजित्यादत्ते. 26 स्मादवनिगिरिदुर्ग विभुतया विधूतेंद्रः कासप्युडयमपि 27 विद्राव्य सहसा (1) [११] "कंदनवोलिदुर्गमुरुकंदकद[भ्युदयो बा[हु]ब28 लेन यो बहुतरेण विजित्य हरेः । सब्रिहितस्य तत्र चरणांभु(बु). 29 षु भक्ततया ज्ञातिभिरर्षितं सुधयति सा निशेव्य विषं (1) [१२] "श्री
. Read 'युफर. • Metres Sragdhari - Read 'पुरोशः 10 Read parafarite 1. Metro: Prithvi, " Bend 'पाचुतं. - Read रविं .
Metre: śårdūlavikridita • Read "वचिक्कापस्तत्
• Read हरन्. " Metre::Vasantatilaka.
" Rend °महीमतः 1 Metre : sikharin " Rend. निषिव्य.
• Read नाषी. • Read °तायौकी.
• Metre : Rathoddhata. Bend स्व:कामिनीः ॥ Read "भिकन्या.
" Boad कन्धका.
Metre : Sailasikbi. " Metre: Indrarajri.

Page #386

shrit ( नमाजरानवविवारबाम नवावावलोक्तनानानतमलवातावाराततात मला जावा नातसारा 7'उत्पपानवातमा कलानवतावताना मामला IGI Bामततातरमनाकतालगाम मासी37वासानाविलालगऊमातहानलबजाना सातनामाल'वनवको नाममनाममतावाचा सामनवासस्मानसमजावनतकाला। (तनतत्रत्माबसतानहरातनतानमवतिसाता
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747EANमनरावामारा। म-1767 सवितामामविकार वातागता वातंतलावासालाबामप्पा मातमालासा 32117 (4 समनवहालनातरामाजना
DAKIGarnाया सातसमलनITORREN 342And(03maraनजतातालतारतमालामा का'तलालतानामावताकात
। 36 Ma(T FOREमातताताया
EFRAMHITARIAमतावानाOTEकतनावका 1771-3'Ma(मलनाताका रास्ता
manna7तानानामानातानमलरवास 40 Holोजानततकटकालनालासमा
नातामाना2017मनामधारमा उजाग्रता 42AKEKावकमवताकममातालयात
या 21-1TVामनामात्रामा सका 44 कलमावालाAajामानानालाल
(TIMतानातानमनाना सरतताना 46 वामन
नाकतानाइक वनमाला
Maredapalli grant of Sri-rangaraya II.
H. KRISHNA SASTRI.
SCALE -55
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH.

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107मपीitaसामानानन्तकमा (21mfatiमामामालिन मालमतनामत
माताजासामाउनसमतिनतापमानामत स्वाम(यतिसममनिवितामणरास्तिनामगासनसान टा(तर्गमनपा(प्रविमसिना तिमिवा।
वानर'(मलाउथा(ताजस्मातमारतजस्ताव HaiM(मराकानिदानावितस्माटतन सताउनीकोममसारवावस्मयकनककनारा तावतककातापा'तमनालहनमितातचलना A3'मालाग(acावजदारतमालाथिना सदलसवातिकमतनावमा तारि
ततरामातीवकनारीवततानासनता DRAकरातमागतनावताकातका कतामवियानातलामाकरानमनाउरातसलिला समाधवास'वमानप्कानससनितातापालिका मालाका तानकाजमातरालमात्र(मनाङसाजि ताविता9ाससमतावनितमन्नातावानवान (सामनतात्मा 7:वतानाशात्रसासनविनमान 19रसर्वतावा.( मायामाचकतमिनारजननन मारता IF'नासघातानलशलाजाना तानादलासादायबनवतानाबमाउ SITHCARA(Enनयमानानासिताना तासनमा(tainगायउजारानाध्यता
inta. aaniनका सामानमानसातललकामाः।
नमसन (afa(टतावालकामाटापटाजहानाका asia'मावलकतल सताताबनाहारामपायावत्या तासनत(
adनमसनस्यनारवतानामत 74 (कनकनला54हानताना नानावावरातन
विसमत्पल नागमोगा(तता (नामाकानावकवाना JAAMRIMAaकारावलाहलातामातलमकर ' जवादल'तादेडसनातनतनावतातरवका साततधातरासायवाला'वाचनमनारावा
नावतता105जमारततानानबाजताबा 3जमान3ममा'313(वनकाउ१२१मतादानव लीक
39-वखवाजतनावमगमकता (मला'वताMAMEवमानातिनकनसावना iima (ज मलरतावासमाचार घासमतामकतातभाकान्तवनाशतकनवान मनकवासलातमनतनागारगतम नसता'STIHa44 तानातानलानाला
ममवानीनजनालारागारकालावा Anmनारसमाजासतातामामासानत्मका प्रा(वका'(तमानपकाराना ताकत कवनमनासा (गतागवानारामा'ताजविरामनावीना(3मकवा लालवानास(OFlaकामतलकनाथाशन 92179तन०93नमेमानाककतावावकानातासावा
नगीनामातंत्रमाउमिततवनतमनीमाहाना

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No. 34.]
MAREDAPALLI GRANT OF SRI-RANGARAYA II.
30 रामराजक्षितिपस्य तस्य चिंतामणरवि(र्थि) कदंबकानां । [ल]31 क्ष्मी[रि वांभोरुहलोचनस्य लकांबिकामुष्थ महिष्यलासी32 त (1) [१३*] 'तस्याधिकैस्समभवत्तनयस्तपोभिश्थीरंगराजन33 पतिशशिवशंदी[प:] । आसन् समुल्लसति धामति यस्य चि34 च नेवाणि वैरिसुदशां च [नि रंजनानि (॥) [१४*] "सती तिरुमुला
(मला) बि. 35 का चरितलीलयारुंधतोप्रथामपि तितिक्षया वसुमतो. 36 यशो रूंधतीं । हिमांशुरि[व] रोहिणी हृदयहारिणों सग(हु)णे37 रमोदत सधर्मिणीमयमवा प्य*] वीराग्रणी: (1) [१५] 'रचितनयविचा38 र(र) रामराज च धीरं वरतिरुमलरायं वेंकटाद्रिक्षितीशं [1]
अजनयत स एतानानुपूर्व्या कुमारानिह तिरुमलदेव्याम]40 व राजा महौजाः (1) [१६] [] (स)कलभुवनकंटकानरातीन् समिति नि4] हत्य स रामराजवीरः । भरतमनु भगीरथादिराजप्रथित42 यशाः प्रशशास चक्रमुाः ([१७] वितरणपरिपाटी यस्य वि. 43 द्याधु(ध)रीणां नखरमुखरवीणानादगीतां निशम्य । अनु44 कलमयमावालांब(बु)f [बं*] बापदेशादमरनगरशाखी लज्जा 45 या मज्जतीष (1) [१८] 'व्यराजत श्रीवरवेंकटाद्रिराज: क्षिती लक्ष्म46 णचारुमूर्तिः । ज्याघोषदूरोकतमेघनादः कुर्वन् सुमित्रा
Second Plate ; Second Side. 47 शयहष (ष) पोषं (1) [१८] "त्रिषु श्रीरंगमापरिबृ(वृ) ढकुमा48 रेष्वधिरणं विजित्यारिमापांस्तिरुमलमह[*] रायन49 [पतिः । महा(हौ)जास्सामाज्ये सुमतिरभिषिक्ता(तो) निरुपमे प्रशास्त्य50 वीं सर्वामपि तिसृषु मूर्त्तिष्विष हरिः ।() [२०] 'यशखिनामगं(य)
सरस्य य51 स्य पट्टाभिषेके सति पर्थिवेंदोः । दानांबुपूरैररभिषिचा-10 52 माना देवीपद भूमिरियं दधाति (1) [२१] "यस्यातिप्रौढतेजस्मवि. 53 तरि "षिमतहातभदिन्युदीते कोसिंक्षीरार्णवांतस्फुटतरIMetre: Vasantatilaki. 1 Read धामनि.
* Metre: Přithvi. • Metre: Malini. IMetre : Pushpitagra.
• Metre: Målini. 7 Metre : Upajati. • Metre: Sikhariņi.
• Read पार्थिवेदी: a Read पूरैरभिषिच. # Metre: Sragdhara.
U Rond विमतमान
202

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332
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
5 विकसत्पुंडरीकोपमस्य । श्वेतश्छत्रस्य' मध्ये कनककलशिbb का भासते कर्णिकामा तस्योपांत' मेराळयमिव विचलच्चा66 मरबंदमास्ते (0) [२२] 'भोगित्वे विदितेपि जिह्वगः इति व्याकाधिरा57 जं लसहत्तत्वे जळसंयोति' कमढं दानेपि मंदा इति । दि58 बा(ना)गान् भृशमुन्नती च कढिना इत्योव हित्वा गिरीस्तत्तत्स59 गुणसंपदेकशरे(र)णं भूरेति हर्षेण यं (1) [२३*] 'खैरं संहृतकंटको 60 [थ] सुक्कतोत्कृष्टं विधायाखिलं माकेदारमुदारदानसलिला61 मारम्ममापूयं च । संवर्धा(ा)नघकीर्तिसस्यनिवहं तत्पालिका 62 "विक्रमः श्रीकांतां भुजकायमानशिखरे धत्ते हि यस्तेजसा (1) [२४] "जि63 षणत्वं शुचितां प्रजासु समतावत्तित्वमप्याथितो वृत्ति(त्ति) पुण्यज64 नप्रियामधिगतः ख्यातः प्रचेता इति । प्राप्तस्पर्शनबि(वि)चमाय-13 65 [न]पतिस्मर्वज*]भावांचितः प्रायो यः प्रकटीकरोति भुवने 66 तत्तद्दिगोशांशतां ॥) [२५] "हुत्वा मंत्रपुरःसरं रिपुयशोलाजान् 67 प्रतापानले (1) सपापय्य' पदान' सप्त भुवनेष्वारोप्य मेरुप68 लं । प्रोत: कोत्तिमयों वधू परिणयन् सत्का(त्कौ)तुकोलासिनीं य69 स्मिंहासनमाश्रितो विजयते एण्यं” हिज(जे) द्राशिषः ।(1)[२६] "अश्थां
___Third Plate ; First Side. 70 तविवाणनकीर्तिसाम्यं सुरमा यस्य तु लब्धु (धु) कामाः । 71 तटै (टे) तपस्यं ति बि(वि) यत्तटिन्या: प्रवाळकाषायपटा जटाप्त[*]: 1(0) [२७]
1[क]72 चिथोरंगशेषाचलकनकसभाहोबळाद्रीशमुख्येष्वाहत्या73 वृत्य सर्वेष्वतनुत विधिवभू(जू)यसे श्रेयसे य: । देवस्थानेषु [तो]74 र्थेष्वपि कनकतुलापूरुषादीनि नानादानान्येवोपदानेर75 पि सममखिले (ले)रागमौ(मो)तानि तानि (1) [२८*] "यस्मिन् शासत्येकवोरे 76 धरित्रीमणाक्षीणामेव कायं विलग्ने । टिल्यं तत्कुतळे कर्क[श]77 त्वं तहक्षोन्ने(जे) चापलं तत्कटाक्षे (1) [२८*] अनंतरं तत्तनयः
प्रतोतश्चक[1] - 1 Read अंतवचस्य. . Read मध्ये.
• Read °पांते मराल. • Metre: Sárdülavikridita, - Read जिधाग.
• Read चल्वे. - Read जल. • Read कमठं.
• Read कठिना. • Read इस्यक. - Read विक्रमी .
P Metre : Bardilavikridita - Read विधमी धन, " Read संप्रापय्य.
- Read पदानि. " Read रहन्दि. 44 Metre: Upajati,
W Motre : Sragdhiana * Metret Salini
to Read कौटिस्य,

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No. 34.]
MAREDAPALLI GRANT OF SRI-RANGARAYA II.
333
78 स्ति हस्तापजितद्युतशाखी' । श्रीवेगळांबाचिरपुण्यराशि[:*] श्री79 रंगराय[:*] शितभागधेयः ।(।) [३०] 'उद्दगिरौ स्थित: परिबि(वि)जित्य च 80 दुर्गज(च)यान् दुर्गमकोंडवीडुविनिकोंडपुरप्रमुखान् । भूव81 लयैकरत्नपेनुगोंडपुरे निवसनाजति यः समग्रमकरा82 दिमलांच्छनतः 1(1) [३१*] श्रीधरणोरिव शौरशिशिरकरस्येव रो83 हिणोचित्रे । देव्यौ ते विजयेते [ति*]रुमलदेवी च यस्य कृष्णांबा (1)
[३२*] 'य84 थाविधि महीसुरोत्तमकृताभिषेकोत्सवे यदीयकरवारि85 [६] कनकदृष्टिदे सर्वतः । यशोमयतरंगिणी दशदिगंतरे 86 जभते सतां प्रशमितीभवत्कृपणतोरुदावानल: (1) [२३] धात्रीभा87 रमशेषमपा(प्य)विकलं भत्तुं भुजं व्यातनोदाशादंतिक(कु)लाच88 लेंद्रफणिराडशेस्मरीजासनः । वीरश्रीरमणस्य यस्य प. 89 रथा] विक्रांतिमानेष किं दानांभ: कटकं च नमयं धत्ते सदा 90 भोगितां (1) [३४] वाराशिगांभीर्यविशेषधुय्य(य)चौराशिदुर्गेकवि91 भाकवये: । पराष्टदिग्रायमन:प्रकामभयंकरः शार्ज(ङ्ग)धरा92 तरंगः (1) [३५*] "हतरिपुरनिमेषानोककहो याचकानां होसबि93 रुदरगंडो रायराहत्तमिंड: । महितचरितधन्यी मबिया
Third Plate ; Second Side. 94 मामुलादिप्रकटितबिदु (रु)दश्री: पाटिताराति95 लोक: (1) [३६] "उभयदपितामहो नतानामभयपदार्पण96 सत्परो रिपूणां । अयमवहकुरायमानमही(ही)त्यसि-" 97 लजनैरभिधीयमानधामा (1) [३७] "तांडवितोदयो विरुदम98 न्यरगंडतयोइंडबलोत्कलेंद्रजयपंडितवीरयु99 तः । चंडिमथाखिबाहुबलदंडितवैरिगं(ग)णो गंडरगू100 किमन्यपुलिमान्यमहाबिरुदः (1) [३८] "सारचीररमया" समु101 बसबारवीटिपुरहारनायकः । कुंडलीवरमहाभुज - Rend 'धुशाखी.
Metre : Sailasikha.
• Metre Giti. • Read श्रीधरणी एक • Metre: Prithvi.
• Metro : Birdilavthrngm - Read काचनमयं.
Metre : Upajati,
• Read °वय:. * Metre: Málini. U Read भोकहो.
" Rend 'रात्तर्मिक 1 Metre: Pushpitigri. - Read 'व्यखिलजमे
* Metre : Sila iklis. 4Metres Rathoddhati H Beed सारबोरी,
Read UC.

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334
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot.XI
102 श्रयन्मंडलोकधरणीवराहतां ॥) [३८] 'वेंग्यत्रिभुवनीमल्ल[:*] 103 संख्यक्षितिकलार्जनः । (३) [४०] 'उरिगोल सुरत्राण (गो) हरिगोचर101 मानसः । राज्ञां वरो रणमुखरामभद्र इति श्रुतः ।(1) [४१*] वणि105 तबिरुदो नानावण थोमंडलीकगंड इति । आत्रेयगो106 बजानामग्रसरो भूभुजामुदारयशाः (1) [४२*] "अतिविरुदतुर107 गधट्टो मतिगुरुरारट्टमगधमान्यपदः । शल्यारिनी108 तिशाली कल्याणपुराधिप: कलाचतुरः ।[*][४३*] चामिक्कचक्र109 वी 'माणिकमहाकिरीटमहनीयः । एबिरुदरायरा110 हुतवेश्यकभुजंगबिरुदरमणीयः ।(1) [४४*] कुलकश (ष? कोन111 रानी()[कोटल*] कोंगजयबिरुदभरितथीः । 'रमातरकोरिरो112 डिड[य* रायदिशापट्टबिरुदघोषेण 1(0) [४५*] 'ओषधिपत्यपमा113 यितगंडस्तोषणपू(रू)पजितासमकांड: । भाषगतप्प (प्प) व114 रायरगंडः पोषणनिर्भरभूनवनखंडः ॥) [४६] "राजाधिरा115 जस्तेजस्वी थोराजपरमेश्वरः । मूरुरायरगंडांको मेरु116 लंघियशोभरः (१) [४७*] "परदारेषु विमुखः पररायभयंकरः । 117 शिष्टसंरक्षणपरो दुष्टशार्दूलमईन: ॥). [४८"] "हिंदुरायसुर
Fourth Plate; First Side.
118 [वा]णसिंधुराजगभीरधि: । अरीभगंडभेरुंडो 119 हरिभक्तिसुधानिधिः (1) [४८*] इत्यादि बिरुदैवंदितत्या नि120 त्यमभिष्टत: । जय जीवेति वादिन्य[*] गनितांजलिबं. 121 र्धया (1) [५०*] "कों(कां)भोजभोजकाळिंगकरहाटादिपार्थिवैः । प्र122 तीहारपदं प्राप्तः प्रस्तुतस्तुतिघोषण: (1) [५१] "सीयं श्रीरंग123 राय" क्षितिपतितिलको रत्नसिंहासनस्थः कीर्त्या नीत्या 124 निरस्यगनळनहुषानप्यचन्यामथान्यान् । आ सेतो
Here is a half of an Anushitubh verse; the other half is wanting.
Metre : Anushtubh. * Metre: Gīti.
• Read माणिका • The corresponding passage in the Tumkur plates of Tirumalaraya published in Ep. Carn., Vol. XII. p.2 runs thus:
Kalan kafa.konaräni-kotala.gonga-jaya-biruda-bharita.frin • Read रम्य तरकीर्तिरी . IMetre: Dodhaka.
s Read भूनवखण्ड:
" Metre : Anushtubh. - Read 'गभीरधी:
1 Read °मभिष्टुत:
W Read जनितांजलिबंधया. w Metre : Sradhara.
Read औरंगराय रायचिति BRead प्यवन्या.

Page #392

iva.
iiib.
94 ___सामला कटतवरत्वाबाट तानाता
लाकातडपतामहनतानामनगमराव 96AEESMरामवतलना नमानमात्याला
जनमतमामाता'3ावतारजाविरम 98 मनाउबलोकलाजगनउतवाण
ता(उमललावलउतनाउका लमनामलमाटामताबमासानवाननमजासम वसनानवा(तानाजकाकालावनमतान
जन्म'उलीकामात लागवततचनामल सर((तकलाऊनZEगाललनवतानगावना 104 मानसमाजा'
वामपनामतरततान नबरानानावारिसमाउलाकग'
उताडातलगा। 106 जातामसीतामरानलारामाजरत्तावना
गाटमा मंगामानावरसराताना 108 (तराला कलाmgHI (कलाबननावालयमा
नामा(Maमता(कनारमत नानाबमरमानना 110 न तवतकात (
बनमानाकुलकराकान नानाकी डबलतानमातनकाना। (33 नाग((बीमगडपायरममा।
(17'3जीवजंतासमकाउसाताकतव 114 नाJI' maनुनकप'उसानाजायना
जबालानाजनमेHIZEमानाकाम 116 ला(बल:I919वमाननापतकन
(AAAAAEA सलिमरनतारन'मानस
102
(RAMATER(अनामनाउन 118 MAHARMa(AAN त्याबरतताना तमतमताजजीवतिवारनाानताजालना 126जाकीता जनाजमालिनताटारमानवान 122
तातानातजातनापसालाना
HIAR(तमतलकोताहवतासनताकासानात्मा 124 सावधानलनतमानपावनमामघानानासासत्ता
Pासनानवतसनातनमाबारमानापारवा 126 त्यातला'तारातरजमावानातवास्तावात ना7naचर'3 तऊमातालामखतात
मासिवामानामनामवलारमामाटाघमा रगतिमीसिदिमीनामवसासर्वसमाजात HIFIEIKHAanलकात्यागेनसावत्पातरानी
सामाजिलिनावाहितावितवला सनमविचाबाले लानत सनातानवारिता। 'वामन तालिवतानताजितात्मना मातीतला 134 तदानवियतापवान ततस्वितावमाति
मातमयकामिजारखानाननाअवमतवालवावा 136 KATRIोरासीमानाकामा तायाममात
तरानामासमवासिताकानकामवनसा। 138 Saaमादास्तवमानालामाबाना
(AdAHAसामग्रामसामावलातता तारमा
Maredapalli grant of Sri-rangaraya II.
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH.
H. KRISHNA SASTRI..
SCALE 55

Page #393

106.
166
140ममममसासमा तमसपासातनारलारा
(
3सममा कैलारामसामानवकतारला 142120(तकातादीनकरतानातावववरिखमा
तापलकणमसामानमवपकरपाकम्मतवाल 1441 सामानाबमामा (राजितातापातपा(गडउमाल
JIOतावलहितानातालीततत्तलारमाहाजातात्व 146 मा(तिम्मानसामा तरामावता(तक तलास्तावि
तालवताउमपातायाकालमत्वg 148तनामसमाविमा+39लनामातमममाना माता
सवमात्मवतरसामासातवसमततानामदेवामा 1501 सनसावजला(तसरतामा गमिसापक्रमकतामसतना
वापामाटाकैरवनानामत्वसामताडपीता(तिना 152JIमारावासकाराना मनावकाविलमा
वताकारताकारसपाकलापलतानाजा। 154 | तानस(Ajiia'जासतकनमा कमता(बसरता
तिनमवलाकतामत्यवतजालनमा 156 THR(नानातिननादापालाकशासपालामतमाता
मनपतज(AAHAतापमानामा 158 ताज(alataरवी तवजक न(सानासाना
LIला मातामहतसतसायानाकारताला
160
7(anानटांतवाजमान
सनमातवनरासनातनकरातस्मातिरानस्सा 162 KTI-नागपतरसासनस्तामरासतस्नीकानाकवता
सतबारसनासमता सतानतरजनाबामामालनी 164जलराासनाही- जासामा जाणावा दोहा तालसत्रा
रासतरानमालामारातालाननालनगरानास्व।
वाभातशालना र तनावात्रा 30 ISTपना नवान'1973 त्रातानवतातमालपतवतावर। 1681777त्रा'वाटत नयना(
Aवतसावा PAL'जागतकमावतागनाला कसतमामेवतुलजा 170 जानकानयासा(वजावखानाा सामाननी ममता
Da(a'का लेकालपालनामातवात रसवानवान्ताव 172 नापा(घवाननजानाजीवानामबाडाबानामा
66 20 TV) a com

Page #394

No. 34.].
MAREDAPALLI GRANT OF SRI-RANGARAYA II.
335
125 रा सुमेरोरवनिसुरनुत: खैरमा चोदयातेरा पाश्चा126 त्याचलांतादखिलहृदयमावर्त्य राज्यं प्रशास्ति (1) [५२*] 'श्रीश127 काब्दे हयनिधिवेदेंदुगणिते क्रमाती श्रीमसुवाहये 128 वर्षे मासि चाषाढनामनि (u) [५३*] पक्षे वळक्षे पुण्यायां प्रथम129 हादशीतिथौ । सविधौ रामचंद्रस्य सर्वसंपविधायिनि (1) [५४*] 130 श्रीमत्काश्यपगोत्राय श्रीकात्यायनसूत्रिणे । ख्यातशक्लयजु131 शा[खा]द्यायिने' गुणशालिने (1) [५५*] 'वाहिज़ंभणनि तव (ब)लशा132 सनमंत्रिणे । 'श्रीचाबालेलुभट्टस्य पौचाय प्रियवादिने (1) [५६*] 133 श्रीमहररभट्टाब्धिचिंतारत्नायितात्मने । प्रख्यातीभळ134 भट्टाय पुरोगाय विपश्चितां (1) [५७*] वकिते हस्तिनावत्या वि135 ख्यातिमधिकामितं(ते) । श्रीरायदुर्गराज्ये च "बवेंढ च वि136 श्रुतं ।।) [५८*]वसतिं भूदिगुम्नेश्रीसीमायां च श्रमश्रितं । श्रीमत्पॅन137 नदीतीरावाग्दिशं समुपाश्रितं ।(३) [५८*] "कोरकोदुग्रामवरसी138 मांतरचितस्थिते: । पेंननद्याश्र(च) सविधाबीलादेः पा(प्रा)च्यता139 मितात् ॥) [६० *] ख्यातचोळसमुद्राख्यग्रामसीमांचलस्थितात् । श्री
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 140 मञ्चमडगुल्मस्य समीपस्थितिमे(मी)युषः (1) [११] सुस्थिरादुपळा(ला)दा141 शां दक्षिणां समुपाश्रितं । वेलेटिगा(या)मसीमांतकताथी142 धरांतिकात् (a) [६२*] क्षौरकनीतितिणीमारहादपि च पश्चिमा143 त् । पलुकूर्णामसीमांतात्पश्चिमत्वं पपेदुषः" (1) [६३"] कुम्मनपग्लि144 सीमांतात्पश्चिमायां दिशि स्थितात् । "प्रख्यातथीगिड्डमाकि145 गानिक्षेत्रांचलस्थितात् (0) [६४*]नोलोवतस्थलादम्यादायातं पश्चि146 मां दिशं । थोतिम्मापुरसीमांतशमीक्षांतिकस्थले (1) [41] स्थापि147 "तादपलस्थंभादुत्तरत्वमुपाश्रितं । श्रीकृष्णापुरमित्येव प्र148 तिनामसमाथितं (1) [६६] [मा रेडपजिनामांख्य(क) ग्राममारामशोभि149 तं । "सवमान्यं चतुस्सीमासंयुतं च समंतत: ।(1) [१७] मिधिनिक्षेपपाषाण150 सिहसाय(ध्य)जलानितं । अक्षिण्यागामिसंयुक्तमेकभोग्यं सभूरु
1 Metre of vr. 53-75 : Apushtubh. Read कमात। श्रीमयुवाहये. I Rend °ध्यायिने. • Rend वाग्विजभण.
Perhaps, the rending intended is श्रीमहालेन्दुभहस्य. • The reading intended may be श्रीमहरदभट्टा.
- Read पेचवेंठे. 8 Read भूदिगुम्म.
• Read समाश्रितं. 10 This pada of the Anushtubh verse is irregular.
u Read 'सकती . - Read प्रपेदुष:
15 This pada of the verse is irregular. MBesd संभा. WRead सर्वमान्य
- Read 'भखाधितं.

Page #395

336
EPIGRAPHIA IN DICA.
(VOL. XI
151 ई (1) [६८*] वापीकूपतटाकैश्च कच्छारामैश्च संयुतं । पुत्रपौत्रादिभिर्भो152 ग्यं क्रमादाचंद्रतारक (1) [१८] दाना[ध]मनविक्रीतियोग्यं विनिमयो163 चितं । काश्यपान्वयदीपस्य काश्यपीकल्पमासि(खि)न: (0) [...]
सिंडु (धु)राजग164 भीरस्य सिंधुगोविंदतेजसः । श्रीसितकरगंडांकमहाविरुदयो155 भिन[॥७१] (मे)धवळांकनभीमस्य धनदेवयंशालिनः । मणिनागपुरेश156 स्य मथितारातिभूभुजः (1) [७२.] 'वरबय्याप्बभूपालचिरपुण्यफलात्मनः । 'नी167 रक्वष्णमभूपस्य विज्ञप्तिमनुपालयन् (0) [७३*] परीत: प्रयतैः स्निग्धेः पुरा(रो)158 हितपुरोगमैः । विविधैर्विबुधैश्यौतपथिकैरधिकौगिरा (1) [७४*] श्रीरंगरा159 य[भू]पालो माननीयो मनस्विनां । सहिरण्यपयोधारापूर्वकं दत्तवा[]दा । (1) [७५]
Fifth Plate. 160 तदिदं नयधुर्य्यस्य प्रथितश्रीरंगरायवर्यस्य[*] 161 'शासनमतिवलशासनतरुकरदानस्य गुणनिदा(धा)न[स्य] [॥७६ *] 162 'श्रीरंगरायनृपतेश्शासनस्तामशासनश्लोकान् । कविश[7]163 सनस्वयंभूस्मरसमभाणीसभापतेस्मनुः । (I) [७७*] श्रीरंमरायभू164 पालशासनावोरणात्मजः । [श्रीमगणपयाचार्यो व्यलिखत्ता165 प्रशासनं । (i) [७८*] दानपालनयोर्महा दानाच्छेयोनुरा(पा)लनं । दामात्ख166 गमवाप्नोति पालनादच्यत(च्युतं) पदं । (1) [७८*] स्वदत्ताहि(ट्टि)गुणं पुण्यं परद167 तानुपालनं । परदत्तापहारेण स्वदत्तं निष्फलं भवेत् । () [८०*स्वद168 तां परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधरा । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि वि. 169 टायां जायते क्रिमिः ॥ [८१*]एकैव भगिनी लोके सर्वेषामेव भूभुजा । 170 न भोज्या न कराधा विप्रदत्ता वसुंधरा । (३) [२] "समान्योयं धर्म171 तुर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिस्मनितान्" भावि. 172 न: पार्थिवेंद्रान भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः[*]====
श्रीविरूपाच
- Read वरवय्यप्प
* Perhaps वीरकथम' is meant. * Metre: Gīti.
• Read 'बलशासन . The metre of vv. 78-82 is Anushtabh. • Read वष्टिं वर्ष
"Bend °ठाया. IMetre: Salini.
- Read भवलिः । सर्वा *The characters are old Kanaler
'Read शासनसत्ताब 7 Rend मध्ये. » Bead after

Page #396

No. 35.]
MALEPADU PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA.
337
No. 35-MALEPADU PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA;
THE FIFTH YEAR OF HIS REIGN.
BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A.
Mr. J. Ramayya Pantalu, B.A., B.L., while he was Deputy Collector in charge of the Jammalamadagu Division of the Cuddapah district, in 1904, bronght to the notice of the Madras Epigraphical Department a set of copper plates and a number of stone inscriptions relating to a family of kings whose existence was not known till then. These copper plates and stone records were secured by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, through the kind offices of Mr. Ramayya Pantulu, and a brief account of their contents was given in bis Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1904-5, p. 48, paragraphs 5 and 6. I publish below, with the permission of the Editor, the inscription on the copper plates and also append in a postscript, as a specimen, the text and translation of one of the well-preserved stone epigraphs whose importance will be recognised when it is stated that they are the earliest Telugu records from the Cuddapah district and belong to a dynasty of kings who, though claiming Chola descent, had, nevertheless, their dominion in the Pallava territory.
Regarding the discovery of the plates, Mr. Ramayya Pantulu writes :-“They were given to me by a man of the Sāli caste named Varadappa, who told me that he found the plates while digging foundations for a mutt at Mālēpādu. He preserved the plates in the temple of Emteruman at Vēlpucharla whither he had removed himself and gave them to me when I visited that temple." The plates are three in number, and measure, roughly, 71" by 27". "They are held together by a ring whose ends are secured in an oval-shaped seal which measures about 11 by 1%", and which bears in high relief, a tiger which stands to the proper left, raises the left for-paw, opens the mouth and has a twisted tail." The first and last of the plates are written only on their inner sides and show traces of having had raised rims, which were apparently meant to protect the writing on these plates from coming into contact with the written sides of the middle plate. The circular copper ring which holds the plates together, measures 31 in diameter and is about " thick. The plates with seal and ring weigh 93 tolas. They have been presented to the Madras Museum-again through the kind intervention of Mr. Ramayya Pantulu- and will be deposited there after the final proof of the sabjoined article has been passed for printing.
The seal with the emblem cat on it in bold relief-evidently the crest of the kings to whom the record belongs-deserves special consideration. The posture of the animal, the sharp twist of its tail above the back, and the profuse mane round its neck- all considered together
- make the figure look more like a lion than a tiger, although the possibility of the latter was suggested by Mr. Venkayya when he first discussed the question, from the supposed connection the kings mentioned in the Málēpādu record bore to the Cholas of Tanjore whose crest was the tiger (vērgas). Similar figures are engraved on the top of a broken slab at
1 Some of the stone records which were not either set up in temples or otherwise properly cared for, were removed to the Madras Museum for preservation in the year 1905.
• Madras Epigraphical Report for 1904-5, p. 48.
See the accompanying plate.
• E.. in the historical introductions of Virarājēndra I. the king is stated to have "despatched (the banner of the ferocious tiger into all directions" (8.-I. I, Vol. III, Part I, p. 37), see also, above, Vol. III, p. 125, note 3. Fine specimens of the Chola tiger are depicted on the seal of the large Leyden Grant, the Tiruvalangadu plates and the Madras Museum plates of Uttama-Chols (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, Plate facing p. 104). They are seen slao on the coins of Uttama-Chola and on the Chola pillar on the top of Mabēudragiri in the Ganjam district (No. 396 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1896).
25

Page #397

338
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
Peddamadiyam' and on another at Muddanir, both of which bear records of about the same age as the subjoined inscription and belong, evidently, also to members of the same family. That these figures represent a lion and not a tiger, receives confirmation from an unexpected source. In a record of the 11th century A.D. from the Bastar State, it is stated that & chief named Chandraditya, a feudatory of the Nagavamsi king JagadēkabhashanaMaharaja Dharivarsba, was a descendant of Karikala-Chola of the solar race, belonged to the Kaśyapa-gotra, was the lord of the river Kävēri (Cauvery) and of the historic) town of Oraiyur (Uraiyur in the Trichinopoly district) and bore the lion-crest. As the kings mentioned in the Malēpädu plates will also be seen from the sequel to have possessed almost the same family-titles, and as it is not improbable that Chandräditya of Bastar (whose capital was Ammagima“) may have been a later member connected with some collateral branch of this same family, it may be assumed for the present, that the crest figured on the seal of the Malēpådu plates, is a lion like that of Chandräditya of Bastar. It is curious to note also that Sir Walter Elliot in his Coins of Southern India (Plate II, Nos. 49 to 54) refers to certain specimens which bear on their obverse sides the same figure as the one under discussion and tentatively attributes them to the Pallava kings of Vongi. The monolithio shrine at Siyamangalam which was excavated in the time of the Pallava king Lalitánkura (i.e., Mahendravarman I.) about the beginning of the 7th century A.D., also bears sculptures of two identical lions wbich face one another and are similar in design to the lion depicted on the Muddandr stone (see accompany. ing plate), The seals of Indravarman and Vikramendravarman II.7 of the Vishnukundin family and that of the Uruvapalli plates of the early Pallava king Yuvamahārāja Vishnugopavarman bear similar figures. A small signet of lapis lazuli discovered among the Boddhist ruins of Amaravati has on it the representation of a lion with the open mouth and the raised left foreleg together with the legend Bhūtisa written in early Brühmi characters of the 3rd century B.C.' Ancient coins recently found at Boijanakonda in the Vizagapatam distriot by the Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Madras, bear almost the same crest on their obverse sides.10
The writing on the plates belongs to the Southern class of alphabets and closely resembles that of the Ederu plates of the Eastern Chalukya king Vijayaditya II (A.D. 799 to 843).11 The horizontal top-strokes, often left unfinished in our plates, indicate perhaps an even earlier stage of development. Accordingly, in many cases, we find two points (one on each side of the letter) taking the place of a complete top line. The letter k is distinguished from r by a vertical stem which projecting from the top of the right side of the latter, supports over it the talakattu
1 No. 251 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1905. 2 No. 406 of the same collection for 1904. * No. 231 of the same collection for 1908. • Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-9, p. 112.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 320. • Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-9, p. 110, paragraph 62. * Above, Vol. IV, Plate, facing p. 244.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, Plate, facing p. 50. • Director-General's Archæological Assal for 1905-6., p. 166.
10 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-9, p. 5, paragraph 5. The tiger crest of the Hoysalas figured on the frontispiece of Mr. Rice's Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. V., has also got the twisted tail, the mane, the conventional slender waist, and the face of a lion Sir Walter Elliot interprets similar gures (?) on two Hoysals gold coins (South Indian Coins, p. 152 D, Nos. 90 and 91) as maned lions. In the legend about Sala, the founder of the Hoysalo, the Kanarese word used is puli which distinctly means a tiger'. It is not altogether impossible that a tiger was also represented by the artists of the day, with the mane and other features that were naturally characters istic of a lion. It is stated in the Sukranitisara (IV, iv, 167) that a tiger and a lion have almost the same form, the difference being only in the mane which the latter possesses.
- Above, Vol. V, Plate, facing p. 120.

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Lion seal and sculptures of about the Seventh Century A.D.
A-Seal of Punyakumara plates.
B.-Sculpture on a broken slab at
Peddamudiem.
C.-Sculpture on a slab at Muddanur.
D--Sculpture on the rock-cut temple,
Siyamangalam.
FROM PHOTOGRAPHS BY V. MADHURANAYAKAM PILLAI.
W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL.
V. VENKAYYA.

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or head-line. This stem of k is found to be in continuation of the right side of the letter r in the Edoru plates, whereas here the stem begins a little removed from the right top of r. The use of the Dravidian la (1. 9), ra (1. 20) and la (11. 8, 18 and 19) is also worth recording. As regards orthography it may be remarked that m and v coming after a répha are doubled (11. 5, 6, 7, 11, 16, 19, 21, 22 and 24), except in Pormukharāma (1. 12 f.). The consonants d and t are likewise doubled after r in ll. 17, 22 and 24, and before r in l. 23, the only exceptions being Purushasārdūla and Mardavachitta, in l. 13. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose. An invocatory verse at the beginning and two imprecatory verses at the end are, however, written in the Arya-Giti and Anushtubh metres, respectively.
After an invocation to Siva, the record introduces as to a king Nandivarman of the Kaśyapa-gotra. He was born in the family of Karikāla who was "the celestial) tree mandara on the mountain Mandaral - the race of the Sun, the doer of many eminent deeds such as stopping the overflow over its banks of the waters of the) danghter of Kavēra (i.e. the river Kāvēri), who made his own the dignity of the three kings of the South). Nandivarman had three sons, Simhavishņu, Sundarananda and Dhanamjayavarman. The youngest Dhananjayavarman, on whom devolved the sovereignty in regular succession, had a son " who acquired the title Chõla-Mahārāja, was well versed in grammar and other sciences and was the lord of the Pandya, Chola and Kēraļa (countries).” This was Mahēndravikrama. varman, “who was equal in prowess to (god) Mahendra and possessed many surnames such as the glorious Muditaśilākshara, Navarāma, etc." His son was king Guņamudita and the latter's brother was the prosperous king Punyakumāra. This Punyakumāra, otherwise known as Pörmukharāma, Purushaśārdüla, Mārdavachitta, Madanavilāsa, etc. thus ordered the inhabitants of his own dominion as well as those of Hiranya-rāshtra: "Be it known to you that we, in the current fifth year, of our increasing and victorious reign, on the full-moon day of the month of) Kārttika, have granted free from all molestations and taxes twice twenty-five (i.e. fifty) nivartanas of land measured) by the royal unit, in the southeast quarter of the village named Birapāru (situated) in Hiranya-rāshtra, on the southern bank of the river Suprayoga, to (a certain) Chiruvanahala-Këśavasarman of the Ātrēya-gotra, at the request of (the chief) Kottikuldarāja." The inscription ends with two imprecatorg verses (11. 23 to 27) and a short Sanskrit clause invoking felicity on cows and Brāhmaṇas (1. 27).
Of the foregoing kings, Karikāla who held sway over the three kingdoms of the south and stopped the overflow of freshes in the Cauvery, is identical with the quasi-historical Karikāla-Chöļa of Tamil literature, of whom many stories are related in the poems Puranānūru, Porunārārruppadai, Silappadigaram and Pattinappālai. Karikāla-Chola is claimed by the Chola kings of Tanjore to have been one of their famous ancestors, and to him is attributed the characteristic feat of constructing banks on either side of the river Cauvery and of renewing the town of Káñchi with gold.10 The exact time when this king flourished has not been properly made out. Inscriptions of a family of Telugu chiefs grouped by Mr. Venkayya under the name
1 I.e. an ornament to the family which was as high (noble) as the mountain Mandara. ? Literally one who delighted in stone script (i.6. in inscriptions).' : I.e. & new Rāma.
A Rama in front of battle. It may be noticed that the first component of this title, vis. por is a Dravidian word meaning battle and cannot according to strict rules of Grammar be compounded with non-Dravidian Sanskrit words.
S A tiger among men i.e. the best of men). . One whose heart is tender. 1 Amorous like (the god of) Love (Madana). 8 Mr. Kanakasabhai's Tamils, Ch. V. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, pp. 144 to 149. 10 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1905-6, Part II, paragraph 16.
2 x 2

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Telaga-Chodas, state that an ancestor of these was a certain Karikala "who cansed the banks of (the river) Kávēri to be built by Trilochana and other kings who fixed their glances on (his) lotus feet (i.6. were subordinate to him).” Apparently here also, the reference is to the king Karikäla-Chola mentioned in the Mälēpāļu plates. Karikala's subordinate Trilochana was, in all probability, a Teluga contemporary whose approximate date is possible to deduce from inscriptions. Trilochana, Triņētra, Trinayana and Mukkanţi are synonymous terms and occur frequently in Telugu opigraphs with the suffix Pallava, as the name of a mythical ruler of Pallava origin who held sway over the Telugu country at some period of its early history. The Paarāṇik genealogy of the Eastern Chalukya kings invented as early as the time of Vimaladitya," refers to a Trilochana-Pallava as the ruler of Dakshiņāpaths and a powerful opponent of the Chalukys adventurer Vijayaditya of Ayodhyā. This Trilochana-Pallava is, perhaps, identical with the Trilochr da of the Telugu-Choda inscriptions and with Tripayana-Pallava and Mukkanţi of other Telugu epigraphs. It may the efore be presumed that the three kings Karikala, Vijayaditys and Trilochana-Pallave were almost contemporaneous. From the account given in the Eastern Chalukya copper plates-whatever its historic value may be-it appears as if five generations had intervened between the mythical king Vijayaditya and KubjaVishnuvardhana before the latter came to rule over the Vēngi.dēśa and founded the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. Dr. Fleet has proved that this Kubja-Vishnuvardhana was the younger brother of Palakēsin II.-- the Satyasraya-Vallabhēndra of Eastern Chalukya records - and that he succeeded to the throne as yuvarāja, in or about A.D. 615. Calculating backwards for five generations, we arrive at the conclusion that Vijayāditya of Ayodhyå and, therefore, also Trilo chana- Pallava and Karikala, must have flourished about the end of the fifth century A.D.7 The history of the Pallavas at this period is obscure, and it is not unlikely that Karikala-Chola was supreme at the time and held the Pallava dominions under his sway. The three kings of
Madras Ephigraphical Report for 1900, paragraph 44.
* The actual phrase which precedes the name Karikāls in these inscriptions is : charana-sarõruha-vihita. vilochana-Trilochana-pramukh-akhila-pritheiftara-kärita-Karëri-tira. Some inscriptions substitute the word oihata for vihita. In this case the explanation would perhaps be charana-saröruhëna vihatahetaditaḥ ata doa cilochanan-vinashta-dpifah, tējasa iti yarat, Trilõehana-pramukha yasya sah, .. Trilochana and other lords of earth whose eyes were blurred by (the brilliance of) his (cis. Karikāla's) lotus-feet (on the occasion when they prostrated to him). Karikala is stated to have got thousands of Ceylonese coolies" to work on the embankments of the Kävēri river, bundred miles in length, which he constructed" (Smith's Early History of India, p. 416). Almost all the families of kings and chiefs in the south which trace their origin to the Sun, mention Karikala among their ancestors and describe him as having constructed banks on either side of the river Kävēri. Tha Kikstiyas of Warangal and, in latter times, the Matla chiefs of Cuddapah and the Saļuva chiefs of Kårvētinagar and a number of feudstory families who intermarried with the Vijayanagara kings of the lunar race, mention Karikals in their genealogy. In the Telugu poem Narasad påligame which was dedicated to one of the Toraganți chiefs of the solar race who were related to the kings of the third Vijayanagara dynasty by inter. marriage, it is stated that Karikala planted rows of avenge trees on either bank of the Kävõri in order to hide her who was the queen of the ocean' from public gaze.
* See e.g. above, Vol. VI, p. 277, footnote 2. • Ibid., p. 348 f.
The modern village Peddamudiyam in the Jammalamadagu talaka of the Cuddapah district, is called Trilo, ghanapora in one of its later records. It was, as Mr. Ramayya Pantolu has pointed out to me the ancient Mudivomu-Agrahara where Vishņu vardhana, the son of V.jayaditys of Ayodhyl, was born and brought up. Its name Trilochanapara connects it with the mythical king Trilochana-Pallava who opposed Vijayaditya. The Pallays genealogy so far disclosed, either from copper plates or stone inscriptions, does not mention sny name like Trilochana-Pallava; but the Kidambas of Gos (Dyn. Kas, Distr., p. 660) and the Nolambas of Hémavati (above, Vol. X, p. 68) claim, respectively, Trilochana-Kadamba and Triņayana-Pallava as the founders of thone dynasties.
• Dyn. Kan. Distr., p. 852 and Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, .283.
Arch. Suro. Report for 1905-6, p. 174 f.

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the South whom Karikala is stated to have subdued were, evidently, the Pandya, Chola and Kēralal as specified in l. 9 of the text, in connection with Mahendravikramavarman-a later member of this same family. The inclusion of the Chola among the kings conquered, although it is wrong, is, nevertheless, meant to show that Karikala virtually ruled over the whole of Southern India. The Tamil poem Sila ppadigaram says of him that he was an of Avanti and the overlord of Vajra and Magadha.
Of Nandivarman and bis three sons Simbavishnu, Sundarananda and Dhananjayavarman we do not know much at present. The first two wames bear resemolance to Pallava pames. Sandarananda figures as one of the ancestors of an unidentified Teluga-Choda chief Srikaạtha whose Madras Museum plates have been noticed by Professor Kielhorn in one of the previous volumes of this joarnal. A certain Dhanamjaya Eriga referred to in some epigraphical records from the Maddagiri taluka of the Tumkur district calls himself & Chola ruling the Aļvādi six hundred district. Mr. Rice assigps these records, on palæographical evidence, to about the middle of the 8th century A.D. 'The Cholas of the Tumkur district (round Nidugal and Hēmăvati) may have been of a common stock with the Cholas of Cuddapah, and Dhanamjaya Eriga was either directly or indirectly connected with 'Dhanamjayavarman of the Mālēpādu plates. Again, a stone record at Kalamalla in the Cuddapah district makes mention of a certain D[h]anam jeyundu who was ruling Rēnāņdu. The record is not dated; but to judge from the characters, it may roughly be referred to the same period as the Målēpādu plates. It is, therefore, not unlikely that we have here a direct reference to Dhananjayavarman, the last son of Nandivarman. Mahendravikramavarman who assumed the titles Chola-Mahārāja, Mudita. silākshara and Navarāma, appears to have been so named after Mahöndravikrama, a name or surname of Mabendravarman I.,& the Pallava contemporary of the Western Chalukya king Pulakesin II., in the 7th century A.D.7 After Gunamudita, of whom nothing is stated in the inscription, came Punyakumara Pormukharima to whose reign our grant belongs. Two of the birudas assumed by him, viz. Márdavachitta and Madanavilăsa indicate some apparent affinity to Mattavilāsa and Vichitrachitta, the recognised birudas of Mahendravarman 1.8 This resemblance in the birudas suggests, as will be pointed out below, the possibility of some undefined relationship, political or otherwise, that may have existed between the Cholas of the Cuddapah district and the Pallavas of Kāñchi.
Punyakumira, we are told, addressed his order to the inhabitants of his own dominion and to those of Hiranyarashtra. The latter territorial division, though not actually included in the province governed by Punyakumara, must have been bordering on it and perhaps also subordinate to him. It is not impossible that this was actually the kingdom ruled by Kottikuldarāja,
1 Tamil literature refers to the battle at Vennil where Karikäla defeated the Chers and the Pandys kings" (Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 146). It is not impossible to interpret the word trairajya-sthiti of 1. 4 in the sense of " the position of trairajya". In Western Chalukys copper-plates the Pallava King is often referred to as Trairajya-Pallara or Trairajya-Kaichipati, where trairājya evidently denotes the sovereignty over the whole of Southern India.
Above, Vol. X, pp. 26f.
"Above, Vol. V, p. 123, note. Professor Kielhorn who has compared the palmography of these with that of the Mwalipatam plates of Vijayaditya III. (A.D. 844-888), is of opinion that the Madras Museum plates of Srikantha are also of about the same period. It may be pointed out that an ancient coin of about the 4th or 5th century A.D., discovered at Bojjanakonda, bears on one of its sides the legend Srikanta and on the other the Pallavá symbol of the vase and the lion (Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-9, Part I, paragraph 5).
• Ep. Carn., Vol. XII, Introduction, p. (7). . No. 380 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904.
• 4. S. R. for 1903-4, p. 271, and Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-9, Part IT, paragraph 14. The names Navarāms and Mahendra varman also occur in the platos of Srikantha noticed above.
1 Dyr. Kan. Distr., p. 350. • Madras Epigraphical Report for 1908-9, Part II, paragraph 14.

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at whose request the subjoined grant was made. The river Suprayoga, on whose southern bank the village Birapāļu was situated, is mentioned again in the Uruvupalli plates of the Pallava king Yuvamahīrāja Vishnugopavarman. It is there stated to have formed one of the boundaries of the village of Uruvupalli situated in the district of Munda-rashtra. Kendakūra or Kandukura, another boundary of Uruvupalli, mentioned in the same plates, is suggested by Mr. Venkayya to be identical with the modern Kandukuru, the headquarters of a taluka of that Dame in the Nellore district. And as Manda-rashtra is probably the same as Mandai-nadu mentioned in some of the Nellore Tamil inscriptions, the river Saprayoga has to be looked for somewhere in the Nellore district. Punyakumāra's sway thus appears to have extended beyond Cuddapah, even into Nellore. An inscription at Kalujavvalapādu in the Podili division of the Nellore district refers to a chief of the solar race to which also Punyakumara belonged) and is worded almost in the same style as the stone epigraphs of the family under reference 'The existence of this record may be taken to be a further proof of the influence of the Chola kinge, in the Nellore district, already at this early period. I am unable to identify the village of Birapasu which was situated on the bank of the river Suprayoga.
Before fixing the probable period to which the Mälēpådu plates belong, it may be useful to examine some of the allied lithic records referred to at the beginning of this paper. One from Rāmēšvaram near Prodduţüras and another from Chippili near Madanapalle, have to be assigned on palæographical evidence to Punyakumāra of the Malēpādu plates, though neither of them wbich mentions him refers to the family to which he belonged or the götra in which he was born. The latter is a memorial tablet in the Kanarese language and registers that "while the glorious Punyakomaran (i.e. Punyakumara) was ruling Chirpali (Chippili), Indaraļa rose (in rebellion ?), and in the conflict that ensued, a certain) Parasurāman pierced and fell." The former tells us : 'In the victorious and increasing years of the reign of the lord of the earth (prithivirallabha), the Chola-Mahārāja Põrmukharāma Punyakumāra, in (his) fifth year, queen Vasanta pori-Chõla-Mahadevi presented three hundred (measures of land in the fields of Viripariti to the temple of Vasantiśvara at Tārumunsi-the anati (ājrapti) of the grant being a certain Mārpidugu Rattagudlu." Although one may feel doubtful about the identity of Panyakomarān of the Chippili record, there is little doubt that Pormakbaráma Punyakumara of the Rāmēśvaram pillar inscription is identical with the donor of the Mālēpädu copper plates. The mention in this record of (Panyakumara's?) queen Vasantapösi-Chola-Mahādēvi, of (h:s) officer Märpidugu Rattagudlu and of the villages Viripariti and Taramunţi is apparently of much historical interest. Märpidugu is a name or surname quite familiar to the period to which the inscription belongs and was in use among the ruling Pallava sovereigns and their subordinates.7 Rattagudlu is an honorific title largely used in the epigraphs under reference. Its significance, as indicated by the context, appears to justify our connecting it with the later Sanskrit word räshtrakūta which has been explained in the sense “the headman of a 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 53.
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1904-05, Part II, paragraph 2. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, p. 283 and note.
* Nellore Inscriptions, p. 1179. The occurrence of epithets like raddodiya and raddodlu in connection with the original founders of the temple as stated in this record, is also worthy of note.
- No. 384 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904. No. 299 of the same collection for 1905.
1 Nitmes ending in pidugu were common in Pallava times. Perumbiduga was the name of a channel which was dug from the river Pálar to feed the Paramēśvara tank in the village of Kuram near Conjeeveram, in the time of the Pallava king Paramēśvaravarman I. (South-Ind. Insors., Vol. I, p. 165). Pagappidugu was the surname of king Mahendravarman I. Márpidugu was the epithet either of a Pallava king named Dantivarman or of one of his subordinates, in whose time a well was construeted at Tiruvellarai in the Trichinopoly district. A tank at Alambakkam in the same district was called Márpidugēri. Agraạipidugu oceurs among the names of the ancestors of the Telagu Chola chief Srikantha who perhaps belonged to the same family as Punyakumara. According to the Nandikka lambakam, Vidolvidugu was a surname of the hero of that Tamil poem.

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MALEPADU PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA.
village." The following other forms of raṭṭagudlu are also found in the Chola records of the Cuddapah district: (1) raṭṭedlu, (2) raṭṭaguṭṭu (perhaps the singular form of raṭṭaguḍlu) and (3) raṭṭāḍlu. Further, in some inscriptions, raṭṭagudi is found compounded with the name of a royal family, as Salki-Rattakudi, Chalki-Raṭṭagudi, Gagga-Raṭṭagudi, Vallava-Raṭṭagudi, CholiyaRaṭṭaguṭṭu, and Chola-Rattoḍi. In these forms apparently the first part denotes the dynasty Salki or Chalki (i.e. Chalukya), Gagga (Gaiga), Vallava (Pallava ? or Valiabha-Rashtrakt) and Choliya or Chōla, under whose patronage the dignity (paṭṭam) of raṭṭagudi was held by the individual or individuals who bore them. The familiar phrase rashtrakuṭa-pramukhān= kutumbinah, which occurs in copper plate inscriptions, shows also that the rashtrakutas were kuṭumbins cultivators' (kudi in Tamil) who enjoyed a higher social status than others of their community. The Reddis of the Telugu country according to their own account belong to the Panṭakula the cultivating caste' and command much respect. A class of Reddis in the Nizam's Dominions, is still known by the name Radradḍis which appears to me to be a reminiscence of the older honorific raṭṭoḍi. Thus the Sanskrit rashtrakuṭa and the modern reddi have to be traced to the form raṭṭagudi and its variants which were current in the Cuddapah district in the period of the lithic records under discussion.1
343
Six other stone epigraphs, from the Cuddapah district, begin with a short eulogy of the Chola kings, which is identically the same in all. The ruling chief is introduced by the general appellation Chola-Mahārāja and not by his proper name. Four allied records refer to an unnamed eldest son (prathama-priya-putra) of Vikramaditya Bempanadhiraja, a Vikramaditya-Chōla-Mahārāja and queen Elañchōla-Mahadevi and prince Satyaditunṛu, son of Śaktikomara Vikramaditya (and grandson of) Chōla-Mahārājādhirāja Vikramaditya. These are names not mentioned in the genealogical portion of the Malēpāḍu plates and consequently their relationship to Punyakumara, to whose family they must belong, is not certain. The general appellation Chola-Mahārāja, however, was, according to text line 8, first acquired by Mahendra vikramavarman, the father of Punyakumara. It is not improbable that the Chola-Maharaja mentioned in the six lithic records quoted above, is identical with Mahendra. vikramavarman. The province over which these Chola kings apparently ruled is stated in four records to have been the Renaṇḍu seven thousand. One stone epigraph from Mālēpāḍu (see Postscript, below) adds the district Siddhi one thousand, perhaps the same as the Siddhant country. A later inscription of the 12th century A.D. from Peddamuḍiyam,7 mentions the. Rēnāḍu seventy, which must have formed a sub-division of the Renaṇḍu seven thousand district. Mr. Ramayya Pantulu identifies Renaḍu with "the black-soil country which roughly includes large portions of the modern districts of Cuddapah and Kurnool, along the valley of the Kundéru river."
The period of the record could only be approximately fixed. The lion crest adopted by the Chola kings was, as we have seen, already familiar in the 3rd century B.C. It was a Buddhist symbol used also by the Pallavas of the 3rd and 4th centuries of the Christian era and
For a detailed criticism on the terms raṭṭa and rāshtrakuta see above, Vol. VII, p. 221 f. A similar development of the title Ganda from the earlier gramakūta, gamaüḍa has been maintained by Dr. Fleet, ibidem, p. 183. 2 Nos. 405, 406 and 408 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904; No. 352 of the collection for 1905 and Nos. 466 and 517 of the collection for 1906.
This eulogy runs as follows:- Svasti sri ari-durdhara-vara-bhuj-asi-bhāsura prachanda-pradyotaDinakara-kula-nandana Katyapa-götra Karikal-anvaya-Hail! Prosperity! (Chola-Mahārāja) who is resplendent with an excellent sword in hand which his enemies could not oppose, who gladdens the family of the Sun whose rays are powerful, who belongs to the Kasyapa-götra (and) to the family of Karikala.'
No. 400 of the same collection.
No. 403 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904.
No. 393 of the same collection. The text of this record with translation is published below, in a postscript. 1 No. 350 of the same collection for 1905 (below p. 344, n. 2). Inscriptions of the 16th century A.D. at Peddamudiyam and Dombara-Nandyals refer to the country in which these villages were situated as Kanata-Sima. in the Ghandikōta-rajya.

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[VOL. XI.
by the Vishpakundin family of about the 7th century A.D. Again the adoption by Punyakumara and his ancestors of titles and names which were current among the Pallava kings of the Simhavishạı line, makes it probable that they were either the subordinates of those Pallavas or succeeded them politically in, at least, a portion of their extensive territory. Besides, the existence of a kingdom called Cho-li-ye in the time of the Chinese traveller Hinen Tsiang (640 A.D.) somewhere about the tract of country in which we find these Telugu-Chola records, is conclusive proof that this kingdom existed in the 7th century A.D." Allowing thus a little more than a century to the five ralers from Nandivarman to Punyakumara, the date of the Målēpádu plates may roughly be referred to about the end of the 8th century A.D., which is also the period determined by palæographical evidence.
The connection that existed between these Telaga-Cholas of the Cuddapah district and the Tamil Cholas of Tanjore, both of whom claim Karikala as their ancestor, is not clear. After & more or less independent rule in Rēnāņdu for about a century or two, the Cholas of Cuddapah appear to have dispersed. Some of them became subordinate to the Western Chalukyas who conquered and occapied the northern portion of the Pallava country. A collateral branch appears to have adventured further north to seek service in Chakrakota under the Nagavamsi king [Dhärávarsha) Jagadēkabhäshana-Mahārāja (A.D. 1060-61). In the 12th and 13th centuries there flourished in the Guntur, Nellore, North Arcot, Cuddapah and Chinglepat districts influential kings of the Telugu Chola (now changed into Teluga-Choda) family who owed allegiance to the Kakatiyas of Warangal. The Kakatiyas themselves trace their descent from the sun and count among their mythical ancestors the ancient king Karikala-Chola. In the Anantapur district and the bordering Kanarese country there flourished also a branch of these Cholas. Even as late as the 16th century A.D., Chola chiefs with the traditionary legend of descent from Karikāla and lordship over the ancient town of Uraiyūrs are found serving as viceroys under Vijayanagara rulers.
TEXT.7
First Plate. 1 $Jayati dhțita-chandra-rēkh[o] vi(pal-ā]mala-tärakash] sabh-aloka[h] [1 ]
gagana
2 m=jva suprasanna[h
kula-Manda
Tri]pura-pratima[l*]la-karta-hä[gan]raḥo ||
Dinakara,
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1905, p. 49.
"A Kanarese record (No. 850 of 1905) of the Western Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI. dated in Saks 1046 (-- A.D. 1124-26) mentions the Mahamandalasvara Atyana-Chola maharaja whose eulogy begins with the very same passage as in the earlier Chola records of the Cuddapah district under reference. Pedda. mudiyam, the village from which it comes, is described as "the jewel of villages, the great agrahara Mudivéma, where resided one hundred and fifty pious (Bribmanas) who were well versed in Vedas and Puranas, in penance and in devotion to Narayana and who were the lotus-tank as it were), in which the Maharajadhiraja Vishnuvardhaus and others had their birth." The last adjunct is explained by Mr. Ramayya Paptulu to be a clear reference to the birth of Vishnuvardhans at Mudivému mentioned in the mythological account of the later Eastern Chalukya copper plates
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1909, p. 112. Madras Epigraphical Report for 1900, p. 17 f. . lbid., p. 106, paragraph 44.
• The title lord of Uraiyur (Oreyûr)' assumed by the Telugu Choda chiefs occurs for the first time in the Bastar record of Chandridityadors of the 11th century A.D. Earlier Chola inscriptions from Cuddapah do not speak of Oreyür. From the original plates.
A faint syinbol for Omi is visible at the beginning of the line. • Metre: Arya Giti. Read -kanthago haran. The adjectives which qualify haras 'the necklace (of Sivo), are applicable also to gagana 'the sky' to which the necklace is compared. In the first case the necklace is made up of beads resembling the digit of the moon and of pearls big and bright; it is also auspiciously brilliant and flawless. The sky is the seat of the digit of the moon, full of big and bright stars, full also of good lustre shed by the stars and clear. It may be noted that Chandrahara in Kanarese meas & Decklace of flat moon-like (circular) gold beads.'

Page #406

Malepadu plates of Punyakumara ; the fifth year.
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வட் r gTOT Zq|3 பிரதிசப்த்ரத்தில் ma -+cor உள்44-4 அந்த புகாPage #408

No. 35.]
MALEPADU PLATES OF PUNYAKUMARA.
3 racha [la]-Mandāru (ra)-pådapasya
prasamana-pramukh-ā
Ravers-tanaya-[v]1-6[1]lamghana
4 dy-anak-atisaya-kariņaḥ trairajya-sthitim-atmasat-kritavataḥ Ka5 rikālasy-anvaye Kasyapa-götraḥ abhavat [*]
6 Tasya
Nandivarmma
nāms sipati
[Simha]vishnu[s"]-Sundarana[ndo]
traya[a]-[]avaḥ
Dhanamjayavarmm-ēti [1] To [pu]
7 [tr]n[putry-anubhuta-rajya-driyab [1] Kanlys[0] DhananjayavarmmeSecond Plate; First Side.
8 pab patrah pariprapta-Choja-Maharaja-abdab [Babda-ästr-]9 dy-anaka-paragah Pandya-Chōja-Kérajanäm-adhipatiḥ [1] Trys 10 śri-Muditasilakshara-Navaram-ady-aneka-namadheya
345
11 Mahendra-sama-vikramasya Mahendrayikramayarmmanah putraḥ Gu12 pamudito nama nṛipatir=a[bha]va[t] [1] Tasya priyo bhrātā Pō13 rmukharama-Purushasardüla-Mardavachitta-Madanavilas-ady-ane
14 ka-namadheyaḥ śrima [n-Pu]nyakumarō nama nṛipatir-a
Second Plate; Second Side.
15 [bha]va[t] Asau Hiranya-rashtra-[sa]hita [n-sva]-rashtra-nivāsinas-sa16 rvvän-ittham-ajñāpayati [1] Viditam-aatu vo [=]smabhih pravarddha[ma]17 na-vijaya-rajya-samvatsare pañchamē varttamaně Kartti18 ka-[pau]rpamasyan-tithau Koṭṭikuldaraja-vijñāpanaya
19 Atreya-[go]traya [Chiruvana[hala]-Kesavadarmmane Hira20 pya-rashṭre Supra[yo]ga-nadya dakshina-tire Biraparu-nāma21 gramaḥ [ta]sya gramasya dakshina-putryvasyam disi rajaThird Plate.
22 māněna dva-pañchavimsati-nivarttanol kshetro sarvva23 badha-kara-pariharan-datto | Abbhir-ddattam Sttribhir-bhuktam 24 sadbhis-cha paripălitam [1] stani na nivarttantē pārvva25 raja-kritani cha | Sva-dattam para-dattam va yo 26 harēta vasundharam [1] shashți-varsha-sahasrani vi27 shṭhāyām [jayate] krimiḥ | Svasti go-brahmanabhyaḥ ||I
POSTSCRIPT.
TEXT.
First Face.
1 Svasti śri-Chōla-Ma
2 h[a]räjädhiraja pa
3 rameśvara Vikramādi
4 tya Saktikomara Vi
5 kramadit[y Jula koduk[u6] Kasyapa-g[0]tru
7 [nra] Satyaditunru Siddhi8 [vey]u Bēnāṇḍu-ēlu[vē
1 Read -nivarttanam kshetram.
Read dattais.
Bead tribhirs.
No. 898 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904. The characters are quite similar to those of the Alupa inscriptions of Udiyavara (above, Vol. IX, pp. 15-24), which Prof. Hultzsch assigns to about A. D. 800. it deserves to be noted that the record is written from the bottom upwards like the Amaravati pillar inscription of Simbhavarman (above, Vol. IX, p. 43 and Plate) and one of the sides of the Besväda pillar inscription of Yuddhamalla (Madras Epigraphical Report for 1910, p. 82).
2 Y

Page #409

346
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
9 la] bļuchanpil Koma10 ripara-Rēvaga
[rmma] Kasyapa-go12 [t]ri(tru)ni(i)ki ichchina. . Chirumbūrio utta
sa tu(ta)rpanu disa 15 . ( Juggi-pola-ga(ra)
su da [kshi]na-[disa] ... pāra (ma].
Second Face. 18 ēnu maputra-gå
nu tagiri [ll] Dē(di)ni salpinavåniki
vë-go [!]!ava vê-se22 ravuļa vēvänsuu(a)
u nilpinam punyam
bu [l ]diniki vakrambu 25 vachchuva(V)osa putra-va
dya(dha)-stri-vadya(dha)-[go-va]27 dya(dba)-pañcha-ma[ha28 pā] takañ=chési[na]29 våni loka[m] [ba30 D-u]n[u]vanju
TRANSLATION. Hail! Satyaditunru (Satyaditya) of the Kaśyapa-gotra, son of Saktikomara VikramAditya (and grandson of) the great lord, the glorious Chola-Maharajadhiraja Vikramaditya, while ruling the Siddhi one thousand and the Bēnāņdu seven thousand (districts), gave to Běvasarmma of the Kasyapa-gotra, (a resident) of Komaripara, five marutrus (of land) at Chirurbüru. . . on the north side . . . . . east side. .. .the boundary of the fields of Juggi; (on) the south side . . . . . . . . . . . To him that maintains this (charity), (shall accrue) the merit of establishing a thousand temples, a thongand tanks (and) a thousand villages! He that obstructs this, shall live in the world of him who commits the five great sins (such as the marder of a son, the murder of a woman (and) the murder of a cow!
The vowel sign for is added, though wrongly, to the compound letters.
The anusara which is to be connected with is placed over the letter by which follows it. This peculiar position of the anusoara is often found in the Telugu records of this period. The pronunciation intended may be either Chiramburu or Chirrabůru (the modern Chilamkort near the Kalamalla tailway station). The latter poesibility is supported by the system of spelling generally followed in Prakrit manuscripts where an anusoara placed at the top of any lettor has the effect of doubling the preceding letter. The similar position of the annsvåra in the words puwyashbu and oakrambu (1. 28 .) cannot be explained in the same way.
Rond wilpina The subjoined is only a tentative translation of the inscription. Ita peculiarities of orthography, grammar and idiom require indepeudent study and discussion. I could only bere draw particular attention to the two of new
for dondi, the use of the Dravidian for I, the wrong forms götriniki for gölrwiki (1. 13) and dans for dini (1.19), the addition of the geoetivo suffix to the qualifying adjective instead of to the noun (11. 10 to 12). the use of the expletive suffix ou in s-gullwow (1. 21), the ungrammatical i nruirls for re-ville and the word pad ya for eacha. Again, I am unable to explain the phrase ans marstru-gám tagiri in l. 18 f.
Marutre is evidently the plural of maruts, which again is corruption of the Kanarea waftar, mattars mesure of land.

Page #410

16
14
12
10
8
6
4
First Face.
Malepadu stone inscription of Satyaditya.
Second Face.
FAUC
20
3
30
acto 8940
88inga
28
223822 dsroo
26
Banden 420 jie prodg
D
24
22
20
心
20
542400
158029
2018
18
S
V. VENKAYYA.
ANSIST Dy888
SCALE ONE-SIXTH.
ورد آن
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Page #412

INDEX
PAGE
abhiyya,. . . . . . . 36 Abhayapala, Chähamana prince, 49, 50, 74,
table opp. 78 Abhimanyu, legendary ancestor of Vijayana
gara dy. 330 Abhinavapuri, oi., . . . . . 42 aböţi. . . . . . 99, 56, 302 Achalapura, vi, . . . . 277, 278, 280 Achilakadēvs, brāhman, . , 300, 304 Achintita, bräkman,. . . 300, 304 Addańki Mallubhatts, brāhman,. . 318 Adigal Kambap Masamba vai, queen of Palla
vatilaka Nandi varman. 157 Adigal Mahadēvi, queen of Bana Banavidys
dbara, 227 Aditya, w.,
. . . . . 81 Aditya, brāhman, . . . 175, 179 Aditya I., Chola ky.
157 Aditya II., do.. .
298n. 8 Aditya Chotta, ... . . . . 149, 153 Adityasvamin, bräkman, Aggaparkju, Bane ch, Āghita, vin . .
.68 Agnisarman, ., .
.824 Aguilarman, brahman, Ābada, Rashfrakūta, . Ahadiya, sept of Gēklots, . ahastaprakshēpapiya,. .
• 117 Ahichohhatrapars, i., .
• 307 Ahils, Chahamäng k., 68, 69, tablo opp. 78 Ahladana, 1. a. Alhana, Chāhamana k., . 70 ai, initial in Kanarene and Zulug, . .. . Aimbūpdi, oi,. . . . . 924 Ajayapun, Chaulukya k. . . . 70m. 4.73 Alandhilipadra, vi. . . . 306, 308, 311 Akhandale, m., . . . . . 98 Akkammik, f. . . . . . 819 Akrölaks, vi, . . . 112, 114
PAGE akshasims, . . . . . . . Akshasaraka, di.. . . . 85, 109, 110, 111 Alagamaiyan. Bana k. . . . 239 Alagandár Mahabali Venariyar, do. . 240 n. 5 Alambakkam, vi.. . . . . 155, 158 Alapadors, &. a. Alhanadēva, Chakamana k.,
43, 70 Alandali, ti .. . . . 102, 199 Alapadu, vi.. . . . . . 317, 333 Alapagrima, ai., .
. : 99 Alapāți Vémavara, 4. a. Alapada,. .317 Als-ud-din, Khalji k..
. 77, 78 Alaungsithu, Pagan k.,
. 119 Alhanadēva, s. a. Alanadēva, Chakamana k..
44, 53, 70, 71, table opp. 78, 79 Allagunda, . . . . . . . 4,6 Allava Naga, ... . . . . 96, 99, 104 Altamash, Shams-ud-din, Slape k., . . 75 Alvadi, di. . . . . . .341 Alvärkusichchi, vi. .
. . 294 Amarabhajanga, Pandya k., . 2931. 8 Amarivati, ni.. . . . . . . 231 amirirudhi, . . . . . . 43 Ām bada, 1., . . . . . . 61 Ambasamudram, vi... .
• 294 Ambilavads, ward, . .
. . 38 Amiyapala, n... . . . . . 47 Amma II., E. Chalukya k. . . . 238 Ammagima, oi., . . . . 838 Amoghavarsha I., Rashtrakufa k., 234, 237 Amoghavarsha, sur of Paramāra Våk patirija IL
67 Amripathars, pi.. . . . . 148, 153 Amriliki, tank,. . . . 109, 110, 111 Amritapala, Chahamāna prince, 35, 70,
table opp. 78, 307 Amyoviarake, ri.. . . . 277, 279, 280 An vigu, brahman, . . . . . 38 Anadu, #. . . .
. . 92
180
The figures refee to pagou; safter figurs, to footnotes. The following other abbreviations are needsch. chlaf 60.country; di-distriot, division; do.-disto; dy.-dynasty; B. -Entorn ; f.=female; k. - kog; PMA mo,mountain rerirer: ww. mee te temple : v.-village, tova; M. Western.
2 2

Page #413

848
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
PAGE
PAGE Ansbal, 4. a. Anabilta, Chahamina k, . 79 Asa Rava, 6. a., Āśarija . . . , 79 Apahila, do., . . . . . 30, 63, 68 Asigu, brahman, . . . . 38 Apabilakvark, god, . . . . . . 38, 39
88, 89 Astakapra, s. a. Hastavapra, di.,. . . 106 Apahilla, Chahamdna k, 68, 69,
Asvaka, . a. Ašvarkja, Chāhamana k.. 39, 83, 69 table opp. 78, 306, 307, 809 Asvapala, Chahamäna k. . . 68, table opp. 78 Anahillapura, oi., . . . . 39, 69 asvapati, biruda, . . . . 25, 141 Ābaladevi, s. a. Annaladěvt, queen of Chaha- Agrarija, Chahamana k., 28, 29, 30, 69, mana Albana, 47, 71n.
table opp. 78 Ananda, ..., . . . . . . 92 Ātukari Peddibishta, brahman, . . . 818 Anantanarasitahabhatta, brahman, . . $18 Atyana, Chola ch.,
. .
. . . 344n. 9 Anasiha, ch., . . . . . . 48 Aubhala, brahman,
. .
. . . . 818 Apatiga, Rashtrabüfa, . . . . 47 Aubhalabhatta, do. . . . . 928, 935 Andajavarsa, family, . . . . 98 A vabaluriya, k., . . . 328, 398 Andharavāni, mo.. . . . 148, 163 Avanigiri, fort, . . . . . 328, 890 Andhramandals, di.,.
230 Avapivéndarima, sur. of Kogérimaikonday, 240m. 6 Andhrapatha, co.. . . . 330, 231 avasara, ante chambre, . . . . . 88 Anga, co., . . . . . . 141 Ivasathika,
Ivasathika,
. . .
. . . 141 abgabhögs, unguente, . . . . . 56 Avatara, pond, . . . . . 81 Aniruddhaparı, di., . . 219, 220, 221 Avigahaka, brahman, .
800, 804 Aniyankabhima, sur. Of Ganga Vajrahasta II., 162
Avighnaniga, do., . . , 300, 301, 303 Annaladovi, .. a. Analadevi, quoen of Chaha
Evo, .. a. Aboţi,. . 800, 301, 302, 303 māna Alhaņa, 71, table opp. 78 dvöţi, do.,, . , .
50% Annayn, brahmar, . . . . .818 Āyu, legendary ancestor of Vijayanagara Antaradi, ei, . . . . . 301
dy, 880 Anupamveevann, god. . . . . . 38 iyuktaka,. . . . . . . 176 Apardjita, Ganga-Pallava k., . 167, 237 Ayyapporri, ..
. . . . 225 Aparinta, co., . . . . . 220, 221 Artichandra, vi, . . . , 806, 308, 811 arabata, soll, . . . . . . 29 Āravida, wi. . . . : 828, 380, 333 Badari, oi., . . . . . . 43 ardhinistra, in Tolugu, . . . 313 Bahada, m., . . . . . . 31 Arghatirtha, place, . . . . . 141 Babada, do. . . . . . 66 Arjuna, ancestor of Kalachuris, . 140 Bahadamēru, vi., . . . . . 59 Arks, brdiman . . . . . 196 Bahagupamata, s. a. Bola, . . . . 88 Arbigtims, di, . . . . . . 199 Baiyappa Nayaka, ch., . . . . . 329 Arporais, Chahamdna k., . . . 70, 71 Bals, m., . . . . . . . 63 Arfamily, month, . . . $10, 812 Baladitya, brahman,.
. 300, 303 Aramoradohchörl, suburb, . . . 298 Balam, vi. . . . .
829 Anadda, Brdman, i . . . . Balaprasada, Chahamäng k., 68, 69, Andhart, ., . . .
table opp. 78, 306, 307, 309, 186m. Asala, Kirdtakepach. .
73 Balirjans, sur. of Mahasivagupta, 186, 187, Aml, Rachfra tid,
188, 196 Amlapura, i. . . . . . 68, 68 Beléndubbatta, brahman, , . 829, 836 Amlovi, god, . . . . . . 89 balo 'pi granthir D-lati, . . . . 88 Ampith, ., . .
. . 68 ball, a summoner, . . . . . S Amproban, god, . . . . . 89 Bali, mythical Bapa l., . . 233 Ampule, Wrathon,
. . 88
Ball, .. a. Balinija, Chakamdna k., . 79 Ant. dAls takaa L., 69, Balinija, Chahandna k., 67, tablo opp. 78, table opp, 78
306, 307, 806, 80

Page #414

INDEX.
349
81
236
PAGB
PAGE Ballambiks, queen of Bukka, . . 338, 330 Bhattiludraks, do. . . . . 179 Baly, s. a. Pali, vi.. .
. 73 Bhattistra, Gārulaka ch., . . . 17, 19 Bambi, 7., . . . . . . 62 Bhavadeva, Gupta ch.. . . 103, 186, 187 Batvavanaka, di., .
Bhavagupta, regnal name of Gupta chiefs, 187 Bapa, dy. .
222., 230ff. Bbilima, *. a. Bhillama, Yadava ch., . 73 Bana, Bana L. . . . . . .
Bhillama, Yadava ch., . . 72, 73 Bana, Vamanabbatta, poet,. .
315 Bhima, Chahamăna ch., . . . . 65 Bånadhiraja, Bāna k., . . . . 282 Bhimadēya I., Chaulskya k., . . 68, 69 Rap&dhiraja, Skanda, do. .
234, 235 Bhimadēva II., do. , 72, 73, 74, table opp. 78 Banakandarpa, sur. of Bana kings, . .236 Bhimakhandamu, work by Srindtha,
315 Banamandals, di., .
• 233 bbimapriys, coin, . . . . . 59 Banarasa, title of Bana kings,
233f. Bhimaratha, sur. of Mahabhavagapta II., 104, 187 Banavasi, di., . . . .
. . . 2, 4ff. Bhivada, 7., . . . . . . 50 Bansvidyadhara, Bana k.,. 226ff. 232, 234ff. Bhivadēsvara, god, . . . . . 48 Bappaka, brahman . . 300, 304 Bhoja, Paramara k... . 68, 181, 182, 183 Bappasvāmin, do,
. . 19
bhoktari, . . . . 36 Bappataka, do. . . . . . 175, 170 Bhöndaka Badhira, .,
. 19 Basantarám, m., . . . . . . 92 Bhöndanaka, os., . . . . . 176, 180 Basavara, di. . .
Bhopa, m., . . . Bejeyitta Bāņarasa, Bapa
Bhadigumma, vi. . : Belgabe 70, di.,. .
bhåmioboh hidranglys, . . . . Bempanadbirkja, sur. of Vikramaditya Chola- bhamiobchhidrapidbinanyaya, . .
mahārāja, . . . . . . 343Bhtoana, Karpata ch. . . . . 70 Bengali alphabet. . . . . . 104 Bhandavads, ward, . . . . . 88 Bhadiyaava, vi, . . . . . 49,50 Bbariérave, Vira, h., . . . . 148, 168 Bhadra, brāhman . . . 176, 179 Bhuvanapala, 10., . .
. . 61 Bhaile, do. . . . . . 181, 183 Bhuvanasimha, Guila ch., . . . . 78 Bhail, ..., .
Bbyivadár, .. a Bhimadēra II., Bhallara, oi, .
. 109, 111 Bijjalendra, Karpata ch.. . . Bballila, Rdekfraküfa ch., . . . 711. 2 Biraparu, vi.
. 999, 849, 845 Bhinguravadai, ward, . . . 88 Birti, .. . . . . . . 93
. . 98, 99 Bohada, well, . . . . . . 33 Bhañjabbupati, s. a. Batrabbañjadērs, Orissa
Böle, to.. . . Ch., ... .
. . 98 Bopaña vasthabhans, n., Bhana, brāhman .
180 Boppasyimin, brahmast Bharaņisimin, do.. .
281 boundary marks, . . Bharata, legendary ancestor of Kalachuris, 140 Brahmadova, Gujarat k., . . . . 73 Bharata, do. of Vijayanagara dy,
890
brahmakshatriya, . . Bhilakara, brahman, . .
Brahmaraki, m.,. . Bhaskaradēja, do.. . . . . . 197 Brihadgaohoha, Jaina sopf, . . . . 68 bhata, . . . . . . 176 Brihatparalur, i., . . . . bhaaks, . . .
. 60 br-Tan-bter-stag-taab, minister, . . 876 Bhatákka, Valable oh, 106, 108, 110, 113, 116 Bratahe, alphabot, . . . . 889 Bhataparoli, oi... .
98b-Tan-bsor-lhe-goh, ministar . . .276 Bhatkirke, s. c. Bhapakla, Valabhi ch, 88, būdagül . . . .
106, 117, 176, 178 Baddhartje, Rashrabifa ch., . 71x. Bhattadityayafah, .., . . . . 180 Budha, logondary amoutor of Kalachuris, • 140 bhattapatrn, panogynist, . . . 39 Badha, do. of Vijayanagara dyn · · · 380 Bhatti, brdimar
. 176, 179, 180 | Bakks, Vijayanagara . . . , 280
Bhañja, dy.
.
h
indere, Orissa

Page #415

350
PAGE
Bunbeer. s. a. Vanavira. Chihama na prince, 78 Būţă, m.,
33
chha, used as sign of stop, Chhahama, s. a. Chāhamana, Chhechhaḍiya, vi., Chhinchhästhana, vi.,
269 Chintadurga, Bhavadeva, Gupta ch.,
77
Chintatura Isana, poet,
77
Chirāsēlā, m.,
Chachigade, do.,. Chachigadeva, Chahamana k., 76, 77, table opp. 78
Chadarapadra, vi.,
306, 308, 311
77
Central Asian Brähmi,.
Chacha, s a. Chachigadeva, Chahamana k.,
Chahadade, Chahamana prince Chihamana, dy.,
Chahumana, s. a. Chahamana
Chahunga, do.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Chalukya, dy,
Chalukya, dy.,
Chalukya, Eastern, dy.,
.
•
Chandilē, m.,
Chandra, Chahamana prince, Chandradeva, Gahadavala k., Chandraditya, Naga ch., Chandragachcha, Jaina sept Chandragupta, Gupta ch., Chandraputraka, di.,
Chandrasūri, Jaina,
Charada, m.,
,Chari, m.,.
Charudatta, minister,
chata
chaukadika
.Chaullakya, dy.,.
Chaulakys, dy,.
Chaundaraja, god, Chaurasidurga, fort, Chedi, dy., chemada, bush, Cheta, co.,
.
.
26ff., 305ff.
.
70n. 4 76
.
Chalukya, Western, dy.,.
•
Chamanda, m., Chamgauha, vi.,.
92 306, 311
Chamundaraja, Chähamana k., 76, 77, table opp. 78
199
Chandagrāma, vi., Chandapah, do..
141
Chahuṭapana
Chahuyana, s. a. Chāhamana
Chahvana, do.,
344
Chakrakōta, vi.,. Chalikkachakravartin, sur. of Rangaraya II., 328, 334
Chalikhakshmapa, Karnata ch.,
330
Chalki, s.a. Chalukya, dy.,
343 Chola Maharaja, title of Mahendravikrama
•
328, 339, 343
•
307 238, 294, 340
344 with n. 2
53 Chitrakasthalya, vi.,
65 Chittibhatta, brahman,
48 Choda, s. a. Chola, dy, Chohadi, m.,
Chirbira, m.,
Chirpuli, ei.,
.
•
Chirumburu, vi.,
Chiruvanahala Kesavasarman, m.,.
. 96, 98, 104
176
38
54
32, 48, 68, 69, 72, 73, 74
59 328, 338 140, 141, 188, 200 829 233 n. 8, 294, 341 m. 1
Chohan, s. a. Chahamana, chokha, rice,
varman,.
Chōla Pandya, dy., Cholasamudra, vi.,
92
77
Dabhi, dy.,
23, 25 Dadhicha, Brahman caste,
338 Dadhimati, goddess,
Chōla, dy., 120ff., 222ff., 233, 237, 238, 239,
Cholendrasingachcheri, suburb,
Chotta, Manaditya, m.,
Chotta Vadayaraja, m.,
Chu-li-ye, co.,
Churaballiraju, Bāna ch.,
Dadhya, Brahman caste,
Dadiga, ch.,
Dahan, co.,
Dahima, Brahman caste,
53
.
185, 187, 194
85
53
65 Dahrasena, Traikutaka ch., 80
Dakshinakösala, co.,
Dakshiņāpatha, co.,
•
•
D
[VOL. XI.
damA,
Dama, brāhmaṇ,.
Dantipura, vi.,
Dantivarman, Ganga-Pallava k., Dantivarman, Pallavatila ka k., Dantivarman, Rashtrakuta ch., Dantivarmamangala, vi., Dantivikramavarman, Ganga-Pallava k.,
8. G.
241ff., 287ff., 339, 341ff.
73 29 181, 183 187 185, 196 59 81 . 342 346
339, 345 81 318
22, 25, 340
32
26
56
PAGR
. 140
.
339, 841, 343ff.
292 tf. 329, 335
298
148, 163 148, 153
344
238
.
•
58 301
299, 300, 301, 303
300, 301, 303 . 236 €200 299, 301 220 103, 199 340 48 179 148, 153 220 155ff. 71 s. 8 155
Dantivarman, .222, 225, 229, 234, 235

Page #416

INDEX.
351
329
uyu, Tel
.
.
.
.
.
62
PAGE
Page DArubars, 8. a. Dharăvarsha, Paramāra ch.. 73
Dharadatta, minister, . . . .
98 ... 1 Daraka, m. . . . . . . 81 Dhāradatta, m., . . . . . . 101 Darbhachara, vi, .
. 17, 19 Dhāramati,.,. .
. 51 Darbhavibali, ri., . . . 277, 279, 280
Dharapada, 8. a. Dharapatta, Valabhi k., 80, 83 Dagánariyanadi, ri... . . . . 200 | Dharapadda do.. . . . . . 80 Daśasyandans, sur. of Chahamina Vijada.
Dharapatta, Valabhi k.. . . . . 80 table opp. 78 !
Dharasēna, Valabhi ch.. . 82, 108, 110, 113, 115 -datta, names ending in, . . . . 104
Dharasēna II., Valabhi k., 17, 80, 81, 83, 117, Davalankabhima, sur. of Kțishnapa, .
175, 179 Davalankabhima, sur. of Tirumalarāja,. . Dhäraü, brähman, . . . . . 18 dbu-chan, Tibetan characters, . .
Dhärāvarsha, Paramāra ch., . . 72.70 dbu-med, do. . . . . .
Dhārāvarsha, Jagadēkabhūshana, Näga k., 338, 31. Dedaka, m., . . . . .
50 Dharmaditya, Siladitya I., Valabhi k.,. 116, 118 Dēlādēli, vi.. . .
Dharmachandrasūri, Jaina, . . . . 68 Dēlhana, m., .
Dharmakalasa. sur. of Vidyadharabhañjadēva, 98, 99 dēsi, guild, . .
42 Dharmanathadēva, god, . . . . 29 Dêu, trã lan tin, .
Dharnika, m., . . . . . . 81 Dēvāchărva, m., .
Dhavala, minister, . . . . 149, 153 Dévadēvēšabhatta, m., . .
Dhavala, Rashtrakūta ch., . . 68, 71 n. 2, 305 Dévaiēvēsa Chandra, m., .
· 298 Dhavalanka, ch. . . . . . 329 Dévadēvēsa Nārāyana, m., .
Dhavalänkabhima, sur. of. Viraksishņam 336 Dévadhara, m., . .
Dhikuyaü, well, . Dëragere, Dévagēri, Déragiri, vi., . .
Dhiņdaka (read Tthindaka), m.,. 108 and add Dévagiri, do.. . . . . . . Dhrūblāna, ch., . . . . . 30, 303 Dērāicha, Dēvāichu, brahman, .
Dhruva Nagula, m.
. . . 56 Dēvangu, do., .
38 Dhruvasēna, Valabhi k., 82, 107, 108, 109, 110, Devapala, Mälva k.,. .
112, 113, 114, 115 Décapāla, minister, . .
. 76 Dhölang
Dhulana, brāhman, . . . . 300, 303 Dāvarāja, Paramaira k.,
• 68 Ligbhañja I., 8. a. Satrubhañja, Orissa ch., . 99 Dēvarakshitapātaka, vi,
. . 81 Digbhañjadēva II., Orissa ch, . 93, 99 Dēvarēbhatta, brāhman,
Dipivādā, ward, . . . . . 38 Devda, dy., . , . tablo opp. 78, 79 dipotsava, festival . . . . . 55 Derībhögavishaya, di.. . . .200 Divakara, brāhman, Dēvimähätmya, quoted, . . . 299, 302 divirapati, . . . . . . 178 Dhälöpa, vi.. . . . . . 38, 39 draēla, . . . . . . . 51 dhammarajguru . . . 118, 120 drängika, . . . . . . . 176 Dhammāsöka, k.. . . . 119 Dravida, co., .
. . .331 Dhananjaya Eriga, Choļa ch., • 341 Dröna, brahman,
175, 179 Dhananjayavarman, do., . 389, 341, 345 Drönasirhe, Valabht le.. . 108. 110, 113, 115 Dhananjeyundu, do.. . . . 341 Drönasingha, , a. Drönasión ha . . . 82 Dhanapala, n., . . . . . . 47 Dadapa, m., . . . . . 36 Dhanapala, m.,. .
. . 76 Dandanavasu, ward, . . Dhandhaladēva, Chahamana prince,. . 79 Durgaraja, Rashtrakufa ch., . 377, 290 Dhandhuka, Paramāra k., .
Durgasvimin, brahman, . . Dhanē, , . . . . . . 92 Durlabhadevi, Chāhamāna princess . 69 n. 3 Dhaniyaka, brāhman, . . . , 300, 804 Durlabharaja, Chihamina prince, 68 n. 3 Dhaññakada, vi.. . . . . 281 Durlabhartja, Chaulukya k. . . . 68 Dbanyavati, vi., .
. . 315, 328 dataka. . . . . . . 177 Dhari, vi.. . . . 181, 805, 308, 309 Dvaraks, vi.. . . . . . 17, 19
318
.
.
*
.
.
88

Page #417

352
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
PAGE
PAGE Dviravati, vi... . . . . 39 Gedeya, di. . . . . . . 5 dri, abbreviation of drivoda, . 175 n. 5 Ghagradórabhögs, di., . . . 181, 182
Ghahadi, brākman, . . . . . 98
Ghodiya, vi. . . . 306, 308, 311 Edenad, di.. . . . . . 6
Ghöri, Mahammad, Ghor k. . . . 72 Ein-ool-Moolk Mooltany, Muhammedan ch... 77 Gboradi, oi.,
. . 32, 26 Ēkalika, vin . . . . . 81 -ghosha, names ending in,. . . . 104 Elañoholamabadevi, Chola queen, . 848 Ghaikhēta, vi., . . . , 277, 278, 280 El padra, vi, . . . . . 17, 19 Gidandama dala, .. a. Sidandamandala, di.201 Era-Krishpapa Nayaka, ch., . . .829 Giddamaligini, field, . . . . 329, 335 Erayabishtabrahman,
. 318 Giñjaka, brāhman, . . . . 175, 180 Eriga, Dhanaõjaya, Chāļa ohu, . . . 841 Girijadēvi, queen of Ponapáksha,. . . 44
Godaini, vi.. . . . . 806, 808, 811 gödhamapalva,, .
. . 56 flesh eating in Marwar,
Goggaka, brakman, . . . . 176, 180 fractions, hon denoted, . . . . 66
Goharwa, vi.. . . . . . 189, 141 Göksha, t. . . . . . . 81 Göniryabhatta, 1., . . . . 197 Gops, .,
. 185, 197
Gool Behisht, Muhammedan slave girl, . 77 Gadhipara, s. a. Kadyakabja, oi., . . 29
Gopa, brahman, . . . 175, 179, 180 Gahadavala, dy, .
. 31
Gopadhyaka, do.. . . . . . 179 gajapati, biruda, . . . . 26, 141
Görasatte, din, . . . . 148, 153 Gajasiha, m., . . . . . 61 Gajasimha, mh...
Atrēja, Gajaninha, Chāhamāna prince, 44, 71, table opp. 78
. . 334, 939, 346 . .
Audhula, 32
. Galapalyadiyi, m., .
. . . . 818 Aupasvasti,
. . 343 n. 1
. gimsüda, .
118, 114 . . . Ganabhata, brahman, . . . . 800, 303
Bhāradaj, 98, 165, 16, 168, 99, 77, 818 . .
Harita 829, 836
. . . GanapayBobarya, 7.,. .
. . 318
Javila, . . . . Gaparka, brahman, .
. 109, 111 Gapdaragili, sur. of Rangariya II. 826, 883
Kayapa, 98, 163, 318, 319, 820, 336, 898, Gandatrinētra, Vaidumba k., . . . 335
839, 343 r. 3, 845, 348 Ganga, Estern, dy, . . . 162 Kaundinys, . . . . 94, 141, 818 Gadge, Western dy, . . 288, 288, 239, 843 Kaufika, . . . 81, 818 Gangt, ri. . . . .
141 Krishpatreya. . . . . . 19 Gangaikondabolag, Chola prince, .
298 Sandilya,. .. . 106, 108, 318, 319 Gangmikopdabolan, our of Rajëndra Chola I., 298 x. 8 Brivatsa, . . . , 318 Ganga-Palluva, dy.. . 167, 292, 929f., 284, 287 Vacbcħba, Vatsa,. . 300, 303, 307 Gang@yadava, Kalachuri k., . 141, 146 Vasishtba, . . . . 181, 189 Ganna, Didnyandi k., . 816, 328 Govardhanasvamin, brahman, . . 281 Ganadapata, Ganatapata, di., . . 96 Govalarman, do. . . . 176, 180 Gararita, ... . . . . . . 89 Govinda,
do. . . . 806, 311 Geralakı, dy., . . . . . 17, 19 Govinda, ministor, . . . . 877, 280 Gitar Dar, .. a. Kanhadadáva, Chakamāna Govinda, Räskfrakifaon . . . 71 . 9
prinos . . . . . . . 77 Govindachandra, Gahadavdla k., 31, , 46 gauda, . . . . . 943 .. 1 Govindaraja, Raskralüfa eh., . . 377, 980 Gaada kiyatha, . . . . . 89 grimakata, . . . . 848 .. 1 Gaudasimiņilli, ot.. . . . . . 2001 griss, . . . . . . 83, 84 Gayilarpe, Kalachari k.,
1481 gral-byed, Tibetan lottore,. . 267, 260, 870
götras,
. 179

Page #418

INDEX.
853
.
.
.
.
.
92
38
48
PAGE
PAGB Gudiyamala Krishnayabishta, brdhman, 318 Himadribhava, .. a. Mount Āba, . . . 67 Gugi, #.., . . . 86 Hirs, ., . .
58 Gagi, vi... . . 306, 308, 311 Hiranyarishţrs, co.. .
339 ,341, 346 Gugulinátha, str. of Kanhadadēva, . . 78 Hiuen Triang, Chinese pilgrim, .
• 844 Guhasena, Valabhi k.,. . .83, 117, 175, 179 Horil, m., . . . . . Guhils, dy. . . . . . 38, 70, 73 Hoveshka, . a. Huvishks, Kushana k. 911 Guhilabbatti, bräkmann . 175 #. 4, 179 Hoysale, dy., . . . 156, 239, 240 Gabilot, dy. . .
. 73 n. 6, 74, 78
< Kwhana k., . . 209, 210 Gojaratçi, co., . . . . . 49 gujarijatn, festival, .
50, 51 Ganadhara, ., . . . . . 61 i, short initial, in Kanarese and Telugu, .. Gunamsharnava, E. Gariga k. . . 152 Idaikagravetti, path,. . Guņamudita, Chola ch., . 339, 941, 345 Idaiyarrakkadi, vi., . Gundakürchcha, vi.. 805, 306, 308, 311, 312 Iksbaraki áhána, di, . . . . 220, 239 Gundama, E. Ganga k., . . . . 152 fls, m., . . . Gundama II., do..
. . 152 Iļaiyanambibhatta, mh...
• 898 Gundaya, brahman,.
. 317, 325 Ilam, s. a. Ceylon, .
. . . 843 Gundayabhatta, do. . . . .
Ilangöykkuļi, n., .
. 294 *. 7 Gundlakamma, rii,
• 316 .2 Indaráka, w., . . Gupta, dy.
. . 103, 104 Indarula, ch., .
. . . 849 Gurjara, co. .
. 54, 140 Indrabala, Gupta ch., . : . . 188, 187 Garjara king. . . . . 69, 70, 75, 76 Indradatta, Thabutaka k.,.
. . . 220 Indravasa, brahman, . . . . . 179
Isiva-Nolamba, k., . . . . . 238 hadapada, courtier, .
Irugana, w... . . . . 148, 158 bola .
Irungandi, vi, . .
298 Habaya, dy., . . . . 140, 186
féana, Chintatara, poet, . . . 185, 198 Halabala, in. .
Isanadēvs, Gupta ch.,
187 Hammirs, ch. .
Isanā, ., . . . . . 39 banka, . .
Isvara, brohmar, .
179 Haravilasamu, work by Srindtha,
315
Távara, haridrs,
.,. .
108 . . . . . 318 Ibraravarman, Vijaya, Ganga-Pallava dig 286 Harihara II., Vijayanagara k., Hariyanaka, vin . . . . Harshagupta, Gupta ch. . 109, 186, 187, 195 , sritten instead of jy. . . . . 105 Hashtans, m., . . .
j, soritten instead of y, . . 89, 140 Hashtana Marēga, or Marēgra, do.. . 311 Jabalipura, oi., . . . 26, 64, 71, 74 Hastakapra, di. .
Jagadēkabhushapa Dharyarsha, Naganahi k. Hastaksvapra, do. . . . . . 108
398, 941 Hastamalla, sur. of Prithivipati II. . 238 Sagailėkamalla, sur. of Bana Malladers. 239 Hastavapra, 8. a. Hastakapra, di., 85, 106, 108, 109, Jagadhara, m., .
. 99, 68 110, 111 Jaganob bagandakalava, a channel, . 818, 386 Hastinivati, di, . . . . . 329, 335 jagati, ground,. . . . . 29 Hostipada, di,, . . . . . . 201 Jagatsvamin, god, . . . . . 56 Hathakumara, 7., . . 63 Jaitrasimha, Guhila k., . .
78, 74 Helshēli or Dēlīdēli, vi., 201 Jajaka, mythical king.
808, 811 H&madri, author, ... 826, 326 Jakhaladēvi, f. . . . . . 62 Hēmastri, Juina. . . . . . 64 Jalajadda, di, . . . . . 200 Herdese, co., . . . . . . 5 Jalewar, si . . . . . 76
.
.
85
306

Page #419

354
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
PAGE
PAGI Jalhanadovi, queen of Chakamana Kolhana, 51, Jindaraja, 8. a. Jéaladēva . 68, 305, 307, 808, 310
61, 73, table opp. 78 Jindarāva, do., . Jalwar, di..
. , 75, 77 Jindrapala, do. . . . . . . 68 Jampani Annamasishta, brāhman,
318 Jisahada, m., . . . . . . 47 Janamājaya, Trikalinga k., . , 93, 102, 103, Jõapasit, m., . . . . . . 98
187, 188 Jõjala, Rajaputra, . . . . . 53 Jarabhajin, brahman,. . . 106, 108 Jõjaladēva, Chahamana k.,. . .26, 37, 69, Jass, m., . . . . . . 61
table opp. 78 Jasadēvi, f. . . . . . . 48 Jöjalēévara, god,. .
. 39, 89 Jasadha vala Katakavāla, . . . 99 Jo-kbang, te., .
. . 272ff. Jätaräpa, m., . . . . . . 94 Jopāla, ., . .
. . . 47 Jaţavarman Kulasekhara, Pandya k.. 361 Juggi, vi.. . . . . . 346 Jatavarman Parikram a-Pandya, do.. . 264 jy, written instead of j . . . 106 Jatávarman Sundara-Pandya, do., . , 134, 254.ff. Jaţavarman Bundara-Pandya I., do., 134,
340 n. 6, 256, 257 Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II., do., 136, Kadaiyam, vi... . . . . . 295 136, 257ff. Kadamba, dy.,
, 230, 233, 340 n. 5 Jaţävarman Sundara-Pandya, Köpērimēlkonda, Kadamba padra, di.. . . . . . 81 do., . . .
136 Kadera, vi.,
. . . 294, 297 Jaţāvarman Udaiyar Šola-Pandyaděva, Chola Kaduvatti, Muttarsaa, W. Ganga k.,
835 Pandya ch., . . . . . . 293 Kailasaghosha, m., . . . . . 103 Jatavarman Udaiyar Sundara-Chöla-Pandya, Kakatiya, dy., .'
340 n. 2, 344 do. . . . . . 203, 204, 207 Kakkarája, Rashtrakufa k... . 277 n. 3 Jațävarman Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya k., . 139 Kakusthavarman, Kadamba k., , .930, 233 Jaţāyarman Vira-Padya, do., 133, 187£., Kalachuri, dy, . . . . . 140, 188
240 - 5,266 kalasa, measure, . . . . . 66 java, barley, . . . . . . 29 Kalhana, Rashtrakūta, . . Javalipura, &. a. Jabalipurs, vii, . . 34,76 Kelidadabhatta 36mkéiyar, m., .
258 Jayabbe, queen of Nolambadhiraja, . , 236f. Kalidasa's Sakurtali, quotod, Jayamēra,' sur. of Bana Vikramaditya L. 285 Kalinga, co. . . . . . .198 Jayanandivarmari, Bāna.k., . 992, 283 Kalinganagara, vi.. . Jayangonda-Chola-mandala, di.,. . .222 Kalingas, three, 8: a. Trikalinga, . . . Jayantasimha, Chāhamana k. . table opp. 78 Kaliyamangalam, di., . . . Jayasiha, s. . Jayasithha, Claulwbga'., 82, 69 Kalladaikkusichchi, vi.. . . . Jayasimba, Chaulukya k., . . . 84 kalvarattukkulam, kind of tank, 295 n. 1 Jayanishhadova, god,. .
88, 89 Kalyatti, di.. . . . . . . 6 Jayatā, ... . . . .. . 61 Kalyanakalasa, sar. of Nêtribhañja,
99 Jayatala, s. a. Jaitrasitha, Gwkila k., . 73. Kalyanapuradbipa, sur. of Radgariya II., 328, 334 Jayatasihn, di Jayantiba, Chahamăna lo k aly&pika, certain auspicious days with the
84, 69, 79 Jainas, . . . . . . 48 Jöndraraja, s. a. Joualadaya, Chhamina k. Kamagalya, m., . . . . 209, 210
68, table opp. 78, 806 Kamaladēvi, quoon of Pratapasimha, 85, Jendrartjákvara, god,. . . 88, 99
table opp. 18 Jemaladva, Chahamanak, . table opp. 78, 306, Kamalladēvi, do. . . .
307ff. Kamirnava, E. Ganga ku . . . . 162 Ja, Chakamana prince, , , 78 and table Kimirnava II., do., . . . . 152 Jäta enda, park.. .
USO Kamayaáishta, brahman .
...
318 Jinda, Jinda, *. Ar Jongladeva, Chhamdna ku Jersledere. Cu . 80 Kambay Araiyag, .,
. . 156, 168

Page #420

INDEX.
355
karada,
.
.
.
PAGB
PAGE Kamban Marambivai, Adigal. green of
Katuka, brāhman . . . . 300, 303 Pallavatilaka Nandivarman,. . .157 Katakabhuktivishaya, di, . . 281, 283 Kanakichala, 8. a. Kañchanagiri, mo.. . 74 Kattangiri Gangadharabbatta, brahmar, 318 Kanchanagiri, mo.. . . . . 54, 74 Kattauguri Singapärya, do. . . 318 Kañohasilā, vi.. . . . . 148, 153 Katudēva, *. a. Katakarija, Chakamana k., 34, 69 Kandanavõlu, fort, . . . 328, 330 Kataka, m... . . . . . . 38 Kapdruri Singaya-Sishta, brahmar, . . 318 Katukarāja, Chākamāna k.,. . 29, 30, 31, 69, Kandakür, vi., . . . . . 342
table opp. 78 Kinhadadê, 8. a. Kanhadadēva, son of Samanta Kaubambamandala, di. . . . . 141
simha . . . . . . 77 Kaubambapattala, di... . . . 141 Kanbadadeya, son of Samantasimha, Chaha Kaubambi, vi, . . . . . . 92
mand prince, . . 6, 77, 78 soith table Kavadisv min, brähmar, . . . . 381 Kanhadadēvs, son of Tējasimha, do table opp, 78 Kavēratanay, *. a. Kaveri, ri. . . 339, 345 Kanhaka, m., . .
. . . 65 Kaveri, ri.. . . . . . 338F. Kanir Dev, 8. a. Kanhadadēvs, son of Samanta Kāvirippumpattinam, vi.
233 simha,. . . . . . 77 kāyavrata, . . . . . . 88 Kaniyar Agnibarman, m.,. . . 224 Kēdarı, m. . . . . . 197 Kanyakubja, vi... . . . 25, 306, 311 Kedaru, m.,
, , .
. .
. . . . 89 Kapardopadhyāya, brahmar,
Kolana, son of Ranavira, Chahamāna prince,. 79 Kapilatirtha, place,
Kelhapa, son of Alhana, Chahamana k., ., 44, . . . . . . 109, 111
47, 48, 49, 51, 67, 71, 71 n. 3, 72, 73, Karahäda, vi... . . . . . 77
tablo-opp. 78 Karam, m., .
. 92 Kolbana, Rashtraküfa,
. 47 Karambichchēdu, vi... .
• 298 Kerala, co..
204, 339, 841, 3415 Karao, Rai, s. a. Külhaņa, son of Albana, kere, tank, . . . . 2 n. 1
Chāhamana k., . . . . . 72 kēri, street, . . . . . 2 n. 1 karanattag, . .
. 292 Kēsarin, dy. . Karañjamalaya, vi.. . 277, 279, 280 Kēkava, brāhman, . . . . 179 Karapadra..Di., . . . . . . 188 Kēšava, do. . . . . . . 318 Kari, ri., . . .
288 7.3 Kēšavan Sönduppirin, .,. . Karikala, Chola . . . 283 n. 3, 239, 339ft. Késavasishta, brähman, . . 918 Karikala, Aditya II., Chola k.,
293 n. 8 Kha-ba-co, Tibetan officials, Karippuram, vi.. . . . . . 298 Khadisirs, field, . Karka, minister, . . . . . 929 Khaikhannalaivads, sard, . . . . 38 Karpadēva, Kalachuri k.,, 140, 141, 146, 188 Khands, brahman, . . . . 175, 179 Karpatirtha, place, . 141 Khandabhēdeka, tank, .
81 Karpa Trailökyamalla, Chaulukya k.. 69 Khandakshötra, vi.. . . . . . 198 Karoniri Baparaja, Bāpa k.,
Khandakabētra, Milupadi, et.,
1014 kirpatika, pilgrim, .
. 88 Khanitri, vin . . . . . 308; 311 Karpradhari, din . . . . . 65 khattaka, micha, . . . . . .. '30 Karuvur, vi, . . . . . 233, 245 Kbayada, foi.. . . 806, 308, 311 Kisahrada, vi...
Khayada, viin .
. . 210 Kalalodavishaya, di.,. . . 103.6. 1. 201 Khavata, a. a. Khavada, . .' 210, 219 Kaappudaya, ch.. . . .. . 388, 380 Kháda, vi, . . . . . 74, 78 Kaftlchandamu, work by Srinatha,
315 Khēlidity, minister, . . . . . 44 Kasili, Kasilli, inn . . . 200, 201 Khēmakrapan, s . . . . . 99 Kamins, CO. . . . . . . 140
Khod-ne-stan, minister, . . . . 394 Isa pa, Siri, Buddhist monk, . 118, no Kbokhake, brahman, . . . . 178, 179 Katak, tiny 98, 102, 186parhapsamg, 188Khri-bter-tha-mthob, minister . . 874
JO

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356
Khri-sron-lde-btsan, Tibetan k., Kikkaka, m., Kilkalakürṛam, di.,
Killi-Valavan, Chōla k., Kilvĕmbanaḍu, di.,
Kira, co.,
kirāḍaüā,
Kiranür, vi.,
Klu-bzan-myes-rma, do.,
Ködhaka, m.,
Koi Ghosha, m... Kökalla, Kalachuri k.,
Kōlar, di.,.
Kondakūra, vi.,
Kondaviḍu, vi,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
PAGE 269
.106, 109, 110, 112, 114
Kiraṭakupa, vi.,
298 43, 44, 70, 72, 73 Kirtipäla, son of Alhana, Chahamana k., 49, 53, 71, 72, 73, table opp. 78, 79 Kirtipala, son of Maladēva, Chähamana prince, 78, table opp. 78 Kitapala, s. a. Kirtipala, son of Maladēva, 78 Kitu, s. a. Kirtipāla, son of Alhaṇa, 74, table opp. 78, 79 Kituka, s. a. Kirtipala, son of Maladēva, Klu-bzan, minister,
78
275
275
81
.94, 103, 104 n. 1
141
233
346
314, 320, 325
Konarani-kōtala-konga, biruda of Ranga raya II.,
Kōsala, s. a. Kōsals, Kosaladesa, s. a. Kõsala
295 Kösalasakhangadyanhavishaya, di, 239 n. 3
Kong-u-t'o, co.,
Konkaledḍa, vi.,.
Komaripăra, vi.,.
Kōmatindra, Reddi ch.,
Kōmativēma, s. a. Pedda Kömați Vēma, Reddi ch., author of a commentary on Amaru, Kommapira, vi.,. Kōnādu, vi.,
Konkana, co., Korakodru, vi., Kōrōvi, v.,
Kōsala, co.,
•
•
•
•
314
200
295, 297
•
295
141 42
328, 334 341
•
Konduri Tippayasishța, brahman, . Kōnērimaikondan, Tribhuvanachakravartin, Pandya k.,
Kōnērimelkondan Jatavarman SundaraPandya, do., 186 Konganivarman, progenitor of W. Ganga dy., 233 281ff.
Kōngōdamandala, co.,. Kongonivarman, Nitimärga, W, Ganga k., 233,
236, 237 Kongunivarman Permanadi Rajamalla, do., 235, 236
Kongupivarman Rajamalla, Satyavakya, do..
315, 328, 333
. 318
•
•
181, 182
329, 335 298 .96, 102, 103, 185
Köśambapattala, s. a. Kausambapattala, di, Kottabhanja, Orissa ch.,
Koṭṭaiyür, vi., Kottam, vi,
Krishna, m.,
Krishna II., Rashtrakuta k., Krishna III., do,
PAGE 201
199, 200
200
141
99
298 298
339, 341, 345
[VOL. XI.
Kottikaldaraja, ch., Kötyäérama, place,
99
Kövijaya-Nandivikramavarman, Pallava k., 229 n.1 Köyättür, vi.,
233
Köyatür, s. a. Köyättür, krama, foot, Kranji, vi., Krikudapadra, vi.,
296 58 298 306, 311 98 233, 235 239 68
328, 333
. 329 329, 335
318 940
Krishnadeva, Krishnaraja, Parumdra ch., Krishnamba, queen of Rangaraya II.,
Krishnapa Nayaka, ch.,
Krishnapuram, vi, Krishnayasishta, brahman
Kubjavishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k.,
240 n. 5
262, 263
136, 263 264
.
240 n. 5 Kulasekhara, Maravarman II., do., Kulasekhara, Tribhuvanachakravartin, do., 133, 137 Kulottunga Chola I., Chola k., 241ff., 298 n. 8 Kulottunga Chōla II., do., Kulottunga Chōla 1II., do.,. . 123, 124, 244ff. Kumal-ood-deen, Muhammedan general Kumarabhadra, brahman.
244, 287.
77 . 180 23 176 48
Kumaradevi, queen of Govindachandra kumaramatya,
237 283 Kumarapala, Chahamana k., 198 Kumarapala, Chaulukya k., . Kumaraéarman, brahman Kumaraéarman, do.,
•
.
kudi,
Kulachandra, m.,
Kulaippalur, vi., Kulamurram, vi.,
Kulasekhara, Pandya prince,
Kulasekhara, Jatavarman, Pandya k., Kulasekhara Mahabali Vanarayar, Pandya prince
Kulasekhara, Maravarman, Pandya k., Kulasekhara, Maravarman I., do.,.
•
•
Kumarasirhha, Guhila oh.. Kumara Vadagiri Nayudu, Velugoti eh.,
•
•
842
88 224 2338 240 261
48, 54, 70, 71 106, 108 179 74 .317
1

Page #422

INDEX,
357
268
"...
PAGE
PAGE Kammarllapalli, vi,. . 329, 335 LAvads, vi.. . . . . . . 201 Kunayabishta, brahman, .
. . 318 Lavidavishaya, di., .
. 201 Kandavachchöri, suburb, .
298 Lavanakhēda, vi.. . . . . 306, 312 Kundavvaiyar, queen of Banavidyadhara. 234, 237 Lavanaprasada, Väghala k., . . . 76, 76 Kundi, .. a. Gunglakamma . . 316, 316 1. 2 Lavanyakarna, Chakamāna prince, table opp. 78 Kundür, vi. .
. . . 298
Léiering, vi., . . . . 101, 198 Kuntals, co., . .
. . . 141 Letymenc
Letya mengnan, Burmese k.,. . . 118, 119 Kurapadra, vi., . . . . . 185, 196 Lēnapura, o.,. . . . . 201 Kuţila, alphabet . .
Li-byin, Li-jin, Indian teacher, 266, 267, 269 katumbin ,
Lilādēvi, queen of E. Chalukya Bhimadeva II., Kuvaravibara, te., .
74, table opp. 78 Kyanzittha, Pagan k.,
Lingamaniyudu, Velugoti ch., . . 316 Kyawzwa, do., . .
lion crest,. . . . . . 337
Lipatangs, ti., . . . . . 198 L
Li-yul, co., E. Turkistan,. . . . 269 laga, cess, . . . . . 42, 59 Lõisari, oi., . . . . . . 201 Lagbu, ...,
. 92
Lõiśpingi, 8. . Lèiśpingi, vin Lakhamana, Vöripadyaka ch.,
. 48
Lökamidēvichchëri, suburb, . . . 298 Lakhamidhara, m., . . . . 61 Lambha, .. .. Lūņavarman, Chahamana ch., Lakhana, 6. a. Lakshmana, Chahamāna k. 67, 79
table opp. 78 Lakhanapalha, son of Kirtipala, Chahamana Lambhi, 18., . . . . . . 62 ch., . . , 49, 50, 74, table opp. 78
Lünavarman, Chahamdna ch., . table opp. 78 Lakhimanu, m., . . . . . 92 Landha,.. a. Lantiga, do. . . table opp. 78 Lakhimīdas, m., .
. 92 Laniga, s. 4. Lavanyaprasada, do... table opp. 78 Lakkimbiku, quoon of Ramarija I. of Vijaya Lantiga, do. . . . . table opp. 78 nagara,. .
328, 331 Lapattarakhanda, di. . . . 94, 201 Lakshmana, 1., .
. 35 Lattarumi, oi., . . . . . 201 Lakshmana, Chāhamana k., 67, table opp. 78, 306, 306, 309
M Lakshmana, son of Vijada Dakasyandana, Mabali, .. a. Mahabali, . . . . 329 Chāhamana ch. . . table opp. 78
Machs, Reddi ch., . , 314, 317, 320, 325 Lakshmanabhatta, brahman, . . . 318 Machidēva, Mãohiya, Machiyarasa, Māfüra Lakshmanarijadeva, Kalachuri k.
140 Lakshmapasitha, s. a. Lakshmana, Chahamana Madanabrahmadēva, Chaulukya feudatory, 79, 79
k., . . . . . . . 65, 79 Madanapala, Gahadavalo k., . , 23, 25 Lakshmanasvamin, god. . . . . 27
Madanayilsa, sur. of Panyakumira, 339, 341, 345 Lakshmi, figured on seal, . . 140 Maddadi, si.. . . . . . . 29 Lakshmi, queen of Nagaraja, . 68 .3 Midėvi Adigal, s. 4. Mahadevi Adigal, queen of Lakshmidēvi, queen of ChXhamina Chichiga,
Bano Vipavidyadhara. . . . 223, 228
77, table opp. 78 Madhava, ., . . . . . . . 65 Lakshminarasimhabhatta, brāhman, . 318 Madhava, brahmar . .
817, 825 Lalitabkur, . a. Mahồndravarman L,
Madhavabhatta, do. .
317, 825 Pallava k., 388 Madhavacharya, .. a. Madhavabhatta, do.,
.817 Langaka, do. . . . . . 300, 303 Madhava Mattarasa, W. Ganga ky , 233 Lantaha, alphabet, . . 266, 287, 268, 270f.
968. 267, 268, 270€. Madhavarija, Sailodbhaug ch., . . . 283 lapaniya . .
Madhavárys, brahma . . . 818 Lata, co.,. . . . . . . 140
Madhava Sõmsáiyar, 7.. . . . . 298 Latabrdo, .. .. Ratahrada, vi.. . . . 44 Madhavnsvikmin, brahmar, .
281 Lafarbada, .. a. Latabrda, vi., . . 48, 44. 70 Madhavavarman Suidyabhita, Sailodbhava ob., 282

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XI.
.
.
235
PAGE
PAGE Madhavendra, legendary Sailodbhava ch., 284 Maharashtri, Prākrit
. . 106 Madhukamarnava, E. Ganga k.,. . .162 Mabisanghika, Mahasanghiya, Buddhist Madbupapali, vi.. . . . . 149, 153
sect,
. . 210, 211 Madharantaka, sur. of Uttamachala, 293 n. 8 Mababiva, Tivaradēva, Trikalinga k., 187, 1871. 3 Madhurintakachaturvēdimangals, vi... 165 Mahasivagupta, do.. . . . . 94, 187 Madhusādane, brāhman . . . . 197 Mabaáivngapta Balárjana, do., 186, 186, 187 Madhuvēdha, vi., , . . 185, 188, 196
188, 195 Madhyadeśa, co., .
. 199
Mahasivaguptarăjadeva II., do. . . .98 Madhyamarāja, Sailodbhava ch., 281, 282, 283, 285 Mahasivagupta Yayati, do.,
187, 189 Madkaņi, vi.. . . . . . 106, 108 Mahtsudova, Sarabhapura ch., . 186n. 4 Madurai, vi.. . . . . . 245, 246 Mahattara,. . . . . . 176, 300 Magadaimapdala, di... . . 340 Mahkvali, .. a. Mahabali, sur. of Bapa kings Magadaipperumi). Viramigsdág Rajarijadêran Mahivali Banarasa, Bara k.. . 233, 234.. 1
Ponparappinag, Bāna ch... . . . 239 Mabavali Baparasa Vikramaditya BapakanMagadēéan Popparappinavāņa-kõvadaraiyar, do, 289 darpa Jayamēra, do. . . . . 235 Magadēšan Vaņakulóttaman, do.. . 239 Mahavali Vanarasa Banavidyadhara, do. 286 Magadhe, co., . 185, 188, 196, 328, 341 Mabávali Vanarasa Vijayaditya Vinchulimani Magadha, Western, dy. . . . 185 Prabhumēru, do., . Magara, co., . . . . . 239, 240 Mabivali Vapaniya, do. . . Mahabali, legendary Bāna ancestor, . 227ff. Mabavali Vapariya, Vijayaditya, do. , . Mahabali Vanidariya, Sundarattoladaiya Mahavili Vanadiriya, Muttarasa Tirumalai, do., 240
Bana ch., . . . . . . 240 Mahavili Vanadiriya, Sandaratöl, do.,. . 240 Mababali Vardhariya Nayaka, do. . 240 Mahavira temple at Satyapura, polluted by Mahabali Vaņarkyar, Alagändar, do. 240 *.6 Ala-ud-din, . . . . . . 78 Mababali Vapanlyn, Kulasekhara, Pandya Mahồndrs, Chakamana k., 68, table opp. 78, prince, . . . . . 240 n. 6
306, 307, 309 Mahabali Vanaraya, Vanavidyadhara, Bapa k., 226 Mahendradhiraja Nolamba, Pallava k., 236, 237 Mababali Vapariya, Vijayaditya, do.. . 327 Mahendravarman, Mahendravikrama, do., 938, 341 Mahabhavagapta, Trikalinga k..
188 Mahendravikramavarman, Chola ch., 339, 341, 345 Mahabhavagupta I. Janamējaya, do., 93, 96, Maheáadás, 11.,. . . . . . . 92
103, 187, 188 Mahēsvara Kramavittags 1.,. . 298 Mahabhavagupta II. Bhimaratha, do., 186 . 3, 187 Mahē varasia, il... . . . . . 38 Mahabödbi, té.,. . . . . . 118 Maboth, vi., see Sabēth Mshēth,. . . Mahadeva, minister, .. . . . 43 Mahibaladovi, queen of Chāhandna Kalbans, Mahaderi Adigal, queen of Basa Bapavi:
49, 73, table opp. 78 dyadhara .
Mahichandra, Gähadadala k., . . . 29 Mahada, brāhmar,
Mabidari, ., . . . . . 48 Mahadat, m. .
Mahindu, ..a. Mahendra, Chāhamdna k., 68, 305 Mshicha, brahman
88 Mahipala, 6. a. Devaraja, Paramdra k., Mahkkarttiki, . . . . . 297, 980 Mahirador., briman . . . 196 Mahakosala, co.,. . . . . 184, 188 mahina (mad mahiya), . . . . 210 Mahanadi, ri.,
96, 189, 199 Mahiyl, well . . . . . . 33 Mabanasiha, 7., . . . . . . 66 Mshodadhi, ., . . Mabapasiha, m., . .
. . . 61 Maitraka, dy, 17, 80, 108, 110, 118, 116, 117, 178 Mabaqasimha,.. a. Manavasitha, Mha. Majbahiha, Ordhmer . . . . 300, 303
māna chu . . . table opp. 78,79 Makad, Karparadhänt k., . . . 65 Mahanda Rava, 4. a. Mahendra, Chakamāra, f.., 79 Makara, co. . . . . . 239, 240 Mabant, co., . . . , 239, 240 Maladova, Chahamăno princs, . 78 and table Moharjaranka, di, . . . 234 Malaya, co... . . . . . . 88
227
..
.
.
98

Page #424

INDEX.
359
.
.
61
343
PAGE
PAGE Malhana, 7., . . . . . 61, 62 Marēga, title (P). . . . . 209, 210 Malhanif. . .
Märkandeyapurāņa, age of,, . . 302 Malhū, brāhmaṇ, . . . . . 141 Märpidugu rattagudlu, ., . . Malladatta, ...
. . .04 Märppidugëri, tank, ... .
156 Malladēva Jagadēkamalla, Bāņa k.. . 232 Mārppiduga perungiņasu, well, 155, 156, 158 Mammaks, m.,. . . . 106, 109, 110, 112 Mārabhatta, brahman, . . . . .318 man, . . . . . . . 41 Marudēsa, co.. . . . . . 76 Mani, m., . . . . . . . 92 Marudratcharitramu, poem by Srinatha,. . 315 mānā, . . . . . . 41, 58 Maragalnida, di., .
. 295 Mänaditya Chotta, m., . . . . 148, 163 Mathura kāyastha, . . . . . 56 Manaka Rāva, Chāhamāna k. . . . 79 Matrisarman, brahman, . . . 179 Mánaladevi, queen of Chahamana Rāyapala, 35, 70 Matulya, do., .
. . 300, 303 Manatungasūri, Jaina, . . . . 63 Matūra, family, . . . . . 4, 5, 6 Manavasimba, Chāhamana k., 74, 76. Māvali, a. a. Mababali, legendary Bana ancestor, 288
table opp. 78, 79 Mavali-Vapadariya, Sundarattāl Udaiyar, Bära Mandavyapura, vi.. . . . . . 74 ch., . . . . . . 240 Mangaladatta, m., . . . . . 104 | Mávali-Vanaraya, do., see also Vijayaditya and Maņinigapuravaradhisvars, sur. of Tiruma
Vikramaditya, .
. 234, 235 larāja, . . . . . . 329 Mávali-Vinariya, Sembiyag, sur. of Gaiga Mapināgapuravarādhisvara, sur. of Krishnapa, 329 Prithivipati II. . . . 238 Maşinägapurēko, sur. of Virakrishnama, 328, 336 Mavaņkilli, Chola k., . . . 233 n. 3 Mangañar, name of Vishnu, . . 294 n. 6 Mayindadi, ch., . . . . . 235, 236 Mapņārköyil, vi.. . . . . 293, 294 Mayūrasarman, Kadamba k., . 230, 238 Mange, di. . . . . . . 230 Mēdapata, co., . . . . . . 68 Manniyan Simula, sur. of Rangaraya II., 328, 333 Mēdhigiri, mo.. . . . . . . 278 Manyapuli, do. . . . . 328, 333 Modramcha, vi., . .
. . Maradavishaya, di, . . . , 199 Méhara, tribe, . . . . . . 68 Maraka ..madigal, 8. a. Mahadēvi Adigal, queen Menda, vi.. . . .
of Bañavidyadhara, . . . 227, 237 Mendhagiri, s. a. Mödhigiri, ..., Marambávai, Adigal Kamban, queen of Palla- Meng-bhi-lu, Burmese k.. .
vatilaka Nandivarman, . . . . 167 Meng-di, Buddhist monk,. . . 118, 119 Maramandi, vi., ! . . . 96 Mengre-Baya, Burmesek,. . . 118 Marañjadaiyan, Pandya k..
253 Mentoju, m... . . . . . 149, 168 Marasimha, Ganga k.. :.
887 Mēranda, vi. . . . . . 94, 301 Marasith ba, Noļambintaks, do.,. . . Merivada, ward,.. . . . 88 Maravan Narasimhavarman Rajaraja Vapakoval Metkaya, vi., . . . 118 raiyar, Bana k., . . . . . 239 Māyi, vi,, . . .
22, 25 Majavarman Kulasekhara, Pandya k... 262, 263 ngh, written instead of th,
116, 174 Miravarman Kulabokhara, I., do., 136, 263, 264 Migals, * . . . . . . 59 Maravarman Kulasēkhara II., do., . . 284 Milaohhikara, ., . .
. . 76 Mayavarman Sundara-Pandya, do. 340 n. 5, 254 Milus, .,. . . 808, 848, 311 Moratarman Sundara-Pandys I., do. . 188f. Milapadikhandakshētra, vi,,. . . 98, 101 Miravarman Vikrama-Pandya, do.,
866 Miéra., brahman
. . 800, 803 Móravarman Vikrama-Chola-Pandya, Chola. Mityaga, ty . . . . . . 210 Pandya ch., . . .
. 998 Mohapa, ., .
. . . . . 82 Maravarman Virapāndyadēva, Pandya k., 266 Mókshada ekadasi, fortival, . . . . 988 Maraya, brahman, . . . . .818 Mõuddha, brahman . . . . 197 Mardavachitta, sur. of Panyakumara, 389, 341, 945 Mudigondasõlappëria, ri.,
296, 297 Mendapalli, vi., . . . . 389, 335 Mudigondabófavalanida, ds. . . 294, 296, 297

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[VOL. XI.
.
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1
840
tival, .
.
.
. 278
PAO:
PAGE Muditasilkshara, Pur. of Mahendravikramavar Nagarija, Chanlukya ch., . . . 68 *. 3
man, . . . . . 389, 341, 345 Nagasarman, brahman, . . . 392 Modivemu, vi... i. . 840 n. 6, 344 n. 2 Nagasiva, m. . . . . . . 85 muga . . . . . . . 66 Nagavamsa, dy. . . . . 338, 344 Mugunde, di. . . . . . . 5 Nägayabhatta, brahman, . . . 318 Muhammed Ghöri, Ghör k.,. . . 72 Nágrala, Nagula, m., . . . 56 Mahankara, bräkmay. .
Nahur, vi.. . . . . 305, 308, 810 Mukkapti, .. a. Trilozhns, Pallava ch.,
Nahusha, legendary ancestor of Vijayanagara mukköti ekadasi, .. a. mokshada ēkādasi, fes.
• dy, 390 .
263 Ņakhi, m., . . . . . . 61 Moktagiri, mo. . . .
Naliga, ., . . . . . . 92 Muktidea, ., . .
. . . . . 39 Nalipadra, vi. . .
185, 188, 196 Müladen, tl., . . . . .
. . 89
Namalladevi, queen of Chāhamāna Vijada Mülarije, ch., . . . . .
• 62 Dabssyandans . . table opp. 78 Mullinada, di, . . . . 294, 295, 297 Nanda, Karnata ch., . . . . 330 Mullirkisar, ., . . . . . 223, 224 Nandagiri, hill, . . . . . 230, 231 Mummadiáölan, Chola prince,
nandanavana, Dandavana, umbrella of the Mummadibolachchëri, suburb, . . 298
Mäțūras, 4, 5, 6 Mandainada, Mundarilahtaa, co.,. . . 842 Nandarkja, .. a. Nannaraja, Rashtrakūta ci... 977 Mandibhatta, brahman,
Nandikundil, field, . . . . . 395 Muñjarije, Paramara k., 87, 68, 305, 303 Nandippötaraiyar, 8. a. Nandivarman PallavaMurasima, os.,. . .102, 189, 199, 200, 201, malls, Pallava k., 222, 224, 229, 239, 341, Murujunga, oi., . . . . . 201
844, 945 Mata Nēnsi, chronicler,.. . 74, 77,78 Nandivarman, Chöļa ch., . . . 334, 388 Muttanasishta, bräkman, . . . .816
Nandivarman, Pallavatilaka k., . . 157 Mattaraiyan, family, . .
Nandivarman Pallavamalla, Pallava k.. Muttarasa, Kaduvatti, k., . .
156, 157, 229, 284 Muttarasa, Madhava, Ganga k., . .
Nandivikramavarman, Ganga-Pallava k. Muttarasa, Sriparusha, do.. . .
229, 234, 235 Muttaran Tirumalai Mahavilivihadiriyar, Nanjinadu, di.. . . . . . . 296 Bana ch... . . . .240
. .
Nanna, Rashtrakūta ch., . . 277 . 3
. Myinzaing, vii,. . . . . 118
Nannadēva, Gupta ch., . . 185, 186, 187 Nannaraja, Rashtraküta k., 276, 277, 280
Narabari, brahman,. . . . . 318 Nabheya, 3. a. Rishabbanatba, the first Tsr. narapati, biruda, . . . . 25, 141
thamkara . . . . . . . 53 Narapati, m., . . . . 60, 61 Naddrüla, s-a. Nadala, vi.,. . . . 70 Narrpatisitha. Burmese k., . . . 118 Naddüla, do. . . . . 26, 67, 71, 74 Narasabhūpaliyama, Telugu poem, 840 . 2 Nadol, do.. . . . . . . . 73 Narasimha, minister, . . . 377,280 Nadole, do., . . . . . 78 Narasimha II., Hoysala k., . . . . 239 Nadolia, branch of Chahamănas, 26, 73, 79 Narusith bavarman Rajarija Vapakovaraiyar, Nadūla, vi.,. 34, 49, 51, 66, 70, 73, 805, 810 Maravay, Bāna k., . . . . 239 Naduladagika, vi, . . . 86,70 Narnihha Vikramafarman, Ganga. Pallava le., 234 Nadūladágika, do. . . . 36, 42 Nariyana, brahman, . . . . . * Nadolapurs, . a. Nadūla, vi.. . . . 44 Narayana, m., . . . . . 298 Nadülya, do. . . . . . 48, 71 | Nariyaņadēva, 71. . . . 65 -nägu, names ending in, . . . . 104 Nariyapašarman, M., . . . . . 96 Niga, Reddick... . . . $14, 320, 325 Náriyanasyimin, brakmas . . . . 281 Nagabrada, vi, . . . . . 73 n. Nattaka, do. . . . . . 176, 180
156
N

Page #426

INDEX.
361
PAGE Osval, Bania class, . . . . . 61 Oodya-8a, 8. a. Uda yasitha, Chakamana k., 75
Oodye-s.
PAGE Natyōtaka, vi., .
. . 81 Navagrāmakabhukti, di., .
• 85 Navarima, sur. of Mahendravikramavarman,
339, 341, 315 navaritra, festival, . . . 302 . 1 Návuvaka, brdhman,. . . 175, 180 Niyakadēvi, f. . . . . . 60, 61 Nechchoranäda, di., . . . 295 Nedumudikkilli, Chāla k., .
233 Nehr Dew, s. a. Kanhadadēva, Chahamdna k., 77 Nēmisvara, Yadu ch., . . . . . 68 Nēnsi, Mäta, chronicler, .
74, 77, 78 Nētribhañja Kalyanakalasa, Orima ch., . . 99 Nibindt, vi.. . . . . . . 96 Nibindi, . a. Nibinda, vi... : 96, 102, 103 Nilsdri, mo.. . . . . 329, 335 Nimba, pond, . . . . . . 81 Nimbaditya, brākman . . . . 900, 304 Nimbagana, do, . . . . . 800, 303 Nimbai, vi. . .
298 Nimbalapa, di., . .
81 Nithvi, 7. . . . . . . . . 63 pirvipa, dole, . . . . . . 56 Nishadhi, vi., . . . . . 806, 311 niórs-nikshēpa-hatta . . . . . 80 Nitimärge, W. Ganga prince,
287 Nitimarga Kongonivarman, sur. of W. Gariga
Ranavikrami . . 235, 236, 237 Nittavinodaohohëri, suburb, . . . . 298 nivartana, land measure, . . . 280 n. 4 Nolamba, dy. . . . 236, 236, 340 . 5 Nolamba, Isiva, k., . . . . 238 Nolamba, Mahendradhiraja, Pallava k... 236, 237 Nolambadhiraja, do., . . . 299, 236, 237 Nolambantaka Maraninha, W. Gariga prince. 4 Nripatunga Vikramavarman, Gariga- Pallava
k., 157, 232, 226, 227, 229, 230, 234, 285, 237 Nrisimha, Saluva ch., . . . 928, 830 bí, sritten instead of me,
tead of me,. . 17, 174, 219 ns, woritten instead of tas,. . 116, 140, 174
.
30
P Padama, 7., . . . . . . 58 Padama Si, ., a. Padmasitha, Cadhamana k., 79 padi, ward
. . . . . 38 Padmalēgvars, god, Padmalakyan
. . Padmanabha, brahmar, . Padmasitha, Chakama na k., 73 n. 6, table opp. 78 Padrida, vi, . . . . . . 29 Pahiņi, m.,
. .
. .
. .
. .
. . 48 pails, toeight, . . . . . 41, 59, 64 paisacha, drum, . . . . . . 238 Påkanäda, di... .
. . 816 n. Pakankti, brahman section, . 316, 316 n. Pakanați, Reddi section,
• 316 Pakavishaya, di, . . . . 316 n. 3 Pakkainada, do. . . . . . . 316 pala, measure . . . . . . 96 Palarür, vi.. . . Palavūr, do, . . . . . . . . Palba, ... . . . . . . 82, 61 Pali, vi... . . . . . . 79 paliki, measure. Palitani, vi.. . . .
. 16 Pallava, dy. 222, 289, 293, 284, 286, 838ff. Pallavadhinja, Pallava le., . . . 297 Pallavakulatilaka, biruda . . . . 167 Pallavamalla, sur. of Pallava Nandivarmant
156, 157, 229, 234 Pallavatilaka, family . 155 (-tilata), 157, 158 Palukür, vi.. . . .
. . 320, 335 Pamarija, Nagda ch., . . . . 73 n. 6 Pambaņāri, vi., . . . . 296, 297 Pampisarsi, vi., . .
198 Pamsila, m., . . Panaka, * . . pañobamibali, . . . . . 60 Pandimandala, di.. .
. . . 299 Panditandhyacharitramu, work by Srinatha . 316 Pandya, dy., 132, 140, 233 n. 3, 237, 340, 345,
246, 263ff., 298, 294, 999, 341, 346 Pañjavaşmādēviohchēri, suburb,. . . 298 Papangalam. vi.. . . . . . 294 Parakësarivarman, Chola k. . 154 n. 3 & Parakēnarivarman Kulottunga Chola III.,
do. . . . . . 244, 245 Parakēdarivarman Bajarija II., do, . 1934.
SA
88
96
. . .
Odayaépings, ti,. . Odayaériogl, do. .. Oddiyariya, k., . . Odra, co... . . Odradoss, do. . Ong, ri, . . . Ongatafavishaya, di., .
. . . .
. . . . . . .
. . . . . .
. 101 . 198
198 828, 394 . 103 . 199 101, 198
198

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
PAGE
PAGE Parakdaarivarman Rajēndra Chola I., Chola k., 120 Perumbiduga, sur. in Muttaraiyar family, . 168 Parakösarivarman Rajëndradara, do. . . 292 Peruñjingadēva, Pallava k., . . .259 Parakontivarman Vikrama-Chola, do., . 121f., 244 Peruñjingadēva, Sakalabhuvanachakravartin, Parakesarivarman Virardjēndradēva, 4. a. Ka do. . . . . . . 239, 340 lottunga Chola III, do. . . . 184pétat dargayitum, . . .
. 88 Parikramapindya, Jaţävarman, Pandya k.,. 264 Pethada, m., . . . . . . 99 Paramara, dy. . 66, 68, 74, 76 n. 1,181, 307 Pettakallu, vi... . . . . 153 Pasami Peddigishta, brikman, . . 318 Phankaprasravana, vi.. .
17, 19 Parantaka I., Chola k., 164 n. 3, 3, 157, 222, Pilivalmi, queen of Chõla Nedumudikilli,. 298 n. 3
238, 293 n. 8, 294 n. 2
Pilvähika, . . . . . 68 Parasuriman, ch., . . . . . 342
Pinlē, vi., . . . . . . . 118 Paraburimisvara, god. . . . 223, 224, 328
Pinnama, Karnata ch. of Aravida, 338, 330 Paralar, s. a. Palarûr, vi., .. . .
231 7.
Pinnayabishta, brahman, . . . • 818 Pasigipura, 8. a. Parivipara,. vi., :
Pinthagugyi, Buddhist Thera, Parigipura, do., . .
. 118, 119 Pipalavādā, sard,
of Parikshit, legendary ancestor Vijaya.
. . . . . 28
Pirudi Gangaraiyar, W. Ganga k., nayara dy. . .
. . . . . 330
234 Pithi, oi., . . . 81 n. 3
. .
. pariwara, area,
. . .
. 23
pli, probably written for palika, measure, 41 Pasivai, do. . .
Pokanāti, Reddi section, . Parivipura, vi., . . 286, 281, 232
. .
316 Parivipari, do. . . .
Popparappipán Magadaipperamal, Viramagadan 281.7
Rajarajadēvaş, Bäna ch., Parthivendravarman, k., .
. . . 239
389 rendravarma, K.,
.
. Pârvatiparipaya, play by Bana, . . 816 Popparappiga Vanakovadaraiyar, Magalakan,
do., 281 with n. 7
.
. . Parvipara, s. a. Parivipura, viis
239
Popparapping Vaņakõvaraiyar, do.. . 239 Pasitals, oi., .
. . . 200
Porkumára kramavittan, m., Pasi, .
. . . . . .
. 64
. 298
Pörmukbarāma, sur. of Punyakumara, 889, Putu, .. a. Pratapasitha, Chāhamana k., .
341, 342, 845 Patala, ..,. . .
Porundam, ri..
. Patalagaugl, Krishnd flowing at the foot
. . . . 296, 297 Brilaila hill . . .
Põrvad, caste,. .
. . påtaskha, , a. pudshah, king. .
Porari, n., . . Pato, e a Pratapasimha, Chahamäna k. 79 Pots, di., . . patta, pontifical sea, . . . . . 63 Potaya, brahman, pattam, . . . . . . 843 Pöthivära, di.,, . . . 92, 85 Pattani, oi.. . . . . . 21, 25 Povávishaya, di. . Patu, Rashtrakūta, . . . . . 47
Poygai-nadu, di. . . . . . 166 Patuka, probably s. a. Pratapa, Chahamdna
Prabha, m., . . . . . 58
. 76 Prabhakara, brahman, piyalt, pāyali, measure, .
41, 56
41, 56 Prabhumēru, general, Paykai, vi.. . . . . . . B2, 25
Prabhumera, sur. of Bāna. Vijayaditya Pedda-Kömaţi-Vema, Reddik. . . 3146 II. (), . . . . . . . 236 Peddamadiyam, vi..
. 844 n. 2
Prabhumēradēra, Bana k., . . 232 Peddibbatta, brāhman, . .
Prahladanadēvi, queen of Chahamina UdayaPenta, ri.. . . . . . 329, 836
sitha,. . . . . 76, table opp. 78 Pennavânthanda, ni. . • 929. 386 pramadakula, host of courtezans, . . . 27 Ponukonda, oi.,
. . . . 829, 331
829, 331 Prdunadu, di.. . . . . . 816 r. 2 Periytlvkr, Vaishnava saint, . . 156 Pronati, brahman soction,
316 Purmanadi, W. Ganga k.,. . . 286, 236 prapiya, prapiya, präpya . .81 n. 1, 109, 110 Perumbapappadi, di., 292, 830 with n. 4, 831, Prapari, &. a. Pasivipura, vi, . . 231 n. 7
236, 938 Pratape, Chahamana prince, 76, table opp. 78
320
.
78
•
318

Page #428

Pratapasimha, Chähamana k., 64, 65,
Pratihära, dy., pratishtha, ceremony, pratyaya, holding, Pravara:
Ambarisha,.
Angirasa,
Barhaspatya,
Bharadvaja,
Maiträvaruna,
Vasishtha,
Yauvan áva
právěsya, .
prishtim darśayitum,
Pundarikasarman, ., Pingi, di.,
Punyakumara, Chola ch., Püphaka, brāhmaṇ, Purattayanādu, di.,
Pürṇabhadrasuri, Jaina, Pürṇadêvacharya, do.,
Pärnadevasüri, do.,
Pürpamukha, brahman, Pürpapala, Chahamana k.,
Pürpapala, Paramāra ch., Parohitapallika, vi.,
.
table opp. 78, 79
•
141 96, 141, 317 96, 317 96, 317, 325
.
PAGE
Parüravas, legendary ancestor of Kalachuris, 140 do. of Vijayanagara kings,.. 330 307 Purushamandapa, vi., 314 Purushaéärdüla, sur. of Chola Pugyakumara,
. 201
81 n. 4
.
Prithvipālēsvara, god, . Prōlayavēma, Reddi ch., Püavi, m.,.
Pugalvippavarganda, sur. of Bana" Vijaya
ditya II.,
Pügi, di.,.
Pulakesin II., Chalukya k.,
Pulakkulam, vi.,
Palindasena, Kalinga ch., Pulivatți, di.,
papakkulam, kind of tank,
Pünapaksha, Chakamāna k.,
Prithivigangaraiyar Hastimalla, W. Ganga
feudatory
239
Prithivipati I., s. a. preceding
234, 237 Prithivipati II. Hastamilla, do., 237, 238 Prithvipala, Chahamana k., 69 with n. 1, table opp. 78, 305, 307, 309 39, 69 324 29
INDEX.
.
PAGE
panyahavichaka,
Punyakomarän, s. a. Punyakumara, Chola ch.,
94
94 Qutub-ud-din, Slave k. of Delhi, .
141
109
38
232 with n. 6 316 with n. 2 340 295, 297 284 5 295 n. 1 44, 307 9 316 with n. 2 197 n. 1
.
342, 344
336, 339, 342ff.
300, 303 295
53
55
55
300, 304 307
68
220, 222
Para, legendary ancestor of Vijayanagara dy., 330
Pu-ta-thin-min, s. a. Pyu-ta-thein-min, Bur mese k., . Pütiga, m.,
Pyu-ta-thein-min, Burmese k.,
R
363
339, 345
118 44
118, 119, 120
72, 73
ra, written instead of ri,
Rachamalla, perhaps s. a. W. Ganga Satyavakya Kongunivarman Permanaḍi Rajamalla, Rachavēma, Reddi ch.,
⚫ 140
235ff. 315
•
Rachavemana, Vemaya, s. a. Rachavēma, 319, 326 raddodiya, raddödlu, 342 n. 4. Radhaphamvallikandara, vi, Radraddi, sept of Reddis, Raghavadevarat, Karnata ch., Rajabhanja, Orissa ch., Rajadeva, chiefs, Rajadhara, Chahamana prince, Rajadhiraja I., Chola k., Rajadhiraja II., Tribhuvanachakravartin, do.,
94, 101, 201 343 328, 330 99 36, 41, 42, 70
79 293 n. 8
123, 247
Rajakesarivarman, do., 154n. 2, 3, 4, 22% Rajakesarivarman, sur. of Kulottunga Choladěva II.,
241
.
. 242, 244, 288ff. Rajakesarivarman, sur. of Rajaraja I., Rajakesarivarman Virarajendra Chōladēva, sur. of Kulottunga Chola III.,. Rajamahadevi, sur. of Chola queen Sirtti, Rajamalla, Satyavakya Kongaṇivarman Permanadi, W. Ganga k., . Rajanarayana Sambu varaya, or, Samburaya,
235, 236
125
233
ch.,
Rajaraja, Chera feudatory, a feudatory,
Rajaraja II., E. Chalukya k.,
Rajaraja I., Chola k., 154 n. 4, 239, 241, 293 m. 8, 294 n. 2 122f. 188ff., 222, 239, 240, 248, 249 Rajarajachaturvedimangala, vi., 292, 294, 295,
.
Rajaraja II., do., Rajaraja III., do.,
297, 298 298
Rajarajachchëri, suburb,
250, 251 294 238
32.

Page #429

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
864
[Vol. XI
PAes
.
.
155
66
PAGE Rajarajadērag Pogparappigko Magadaipperu. Ratani, m., . . . . . . 99
ma), Viramagadan, Bana k., . .239 rathayatri, fostival, . . . . . 41 Rajarija-Pandinada, di., . 294, 296, 297 Ratnapala, Chahamana k., 69 n. 1, Rajarsjappēriju, ri., .
295, 297
table opp. 78, 306, 307, 310 Rajarija-VApakovaraiyar, .. a. Mapavay Nara- Ratnapura, di.,. .
. . 14 simhavarman, Bana k., . . . . 239 Ratnapars, vi.,
. . 74, 76 Rajaraja-Vinnagar, to. .
296, 297) Ratnasinha, Guhila ch.. . . . . 78 Rajasinha, Chëra feudatory, . . . 294 Ratta, people, . .
. 328 Raja-rayavalanādu, di.,
155 rattadlu, rattaguļi, rattagudla, rattaguttu, rajasthaniya, official, . . . . 176 rattedla, rattődi, .. a. rashtraküte, title, .842f. Rajendra-Chola I., Parakēnarivarman, Chola k., Ravi, brahman,
120, 164 m. %, 292ff. Rayadurgar js, di.,. . . . 829, 835 Rajendra-Chola III., do. . . . 131ff.
Rayana Ojjhs, 7h., . . . . 94 Rajëndradava, Parakösarivarman, do... 292 Rayapala, Chahamāna k., 35, 36, 38, 41, 42, Rajēndrasingavalanida, di., . .
69, table opp. 78, 307 Rajendraáõla-Viņnagar, te., 292, 294, 295, regnal names, . . . . . 187, 1
297, 298 Reddi, tribe. . . . . 343 Rajji, pond, .
Reddi, dy. of Kondavids, . . . 313ff rajyachintake, official, . . . . . 53
Reddivota, Red dich., . . . $14, 320, 325 Ralha, Ralhaka, m., . . . . . 61
Rēnā du, di., . . 341, 843, 346, 346 Rama, ml., . . . .
Révafarman, ., . . • 846 Ramachandracharya, Jaind, . . . .
66 66
Gyal..., minister, . . . . 375 Ramaraja I., Vijayanagara k, , . 328, 831 Gyal-bzad-'adus-rkan, do., . .
. . 274 Rámarāja II., do.
. 326, 328, 331 - Gyal-bżer-khod-ne-brtsan, do... ... 294 Ramasainya, vi., . . . . 74, 75 ri, soritton instead of ri, 17, 80, 99, 116, 174 Ramdas, ., . . . . . . 92 ri, woritten instead of ri,
93, 116, 140, 174 Ranabhañjadēva, Orissa ch., . . 98, 99 ri, written instead of hri, . . Rapabbita, Sailodbhava ch., . . .282 Rinmul, .. a. Banamalla, ch., . . . 79 Ranadhira, .. a. Raņavira, Chalandnak. . 79
Tids, Tibetan letters, . . . . 267, 970 Ranakēnarin, Gupta ch., . 186, 187, 195
rJe-blas, minister, . . . Rapakosarin, Bharadēva, do. .
187 Bögha, brāhman, . . . . . 81. Ranamalla, ch., . . . . . . 79
Rohape, m., . . . . . 910 Ranamukharămabhadra, sur. of Radgarsja II.,
Röyarivishaya, di. . . . . . 98 328, 334
ra, written instead of ri, . . . . 80 Raparikrama, Nītimärga Kongaņivarman, W. Rüdaladēvi, Chāhamāna princess, 74, table opp. 78 Ganga k. . . . . 236, 237 Rudrabbatta, brahman, . .
319 Ranavira Chāhamāna k., 63, table opp. 78, 79
. . . 112, 114 Randā, vi.,
. . . . 102, 199 Rudrapala, Chahamăna k., 35, 70, table opp. 78, 807 Radgarsya I., Vijayanagara k., 328,
Rudrasvamin, brāhman, . . . . 281 331 (-rāja), 332 Rudrayabhatta, do., .
. 818 Rangaraya II., do., 826, 327, 328, 333, 334, 336 Rūpadēvi, f., . .
. 148, 153 rohţrakūta, title . . . 348 with n. 1 Räpadevi, Chahamdna princess, . 77, table opp. 78 Rashtraküta, dy., 47, 71 n. 2, 68, 233, 234, 238,
276, 278, 305, 343 Rashtratda, a. a. Rashtrakūta, dy. 47, 71 s. omitted before sth. . . . . 17 Rabiparam, vi, . . . . . . 298 Sabars, dy.. . . . . . 108, 104 Ratahrada s. a. Latahrada, vi.. . . 44, 74, 76 Sabhäpati, m.,.
. 330, 336 Ratanasiba, ., . . . . . 61 sadakiparidha,. . . . . : 1 Ratanpar, 6. a. Ratoapura, vi., . 76, 103 nadhanyahirapykdėya. . . .

Page #430

INDEX.
365
•
180
.
880
PAGE
PAGE Badharaya, minister, . . . . Sapņēra, Sanderaka, s. a. Shundëraka, Jaina Sagabari, m., , . .
. 39 sept, .
. . . . 81 Sahajapala, Chahamäna k., 69 n. 1,
Sanga, perhaps s. a. Sangana, Vanthali ch.. 76 table opp. 78, 307
Sangama, brahman,. . . sähaniya,. . . . . . . 29 Sangana, Vanthali ch.. . . . . 76 Sahēth-Mahēth, vi.. . . . . . 20 Sangapuri, oi., . . . . 175, 179 Sahula, Rashtrakūta ch., . . . 47, 71 Sangaran Sivadôvabhatta Sõmasiyar, m., .298 Bailodbhava, family,. . . . 281, 282 Sanghapati . . . . . . 61 Bailödbhava, legendary Sailodbhava ch., 282, 284 Sangrams, m., . . . . . . 94 Sainyabbits, sailõdbhava ch., .
382ff. Sangramadhanaõjaya, sur. of Vēma, . 316, 821 Skjaņu, brāhman, , . . . . 98 Sangrimasinha, Cathamdna k., 66, tablo opp. 78 Bakambhari, vi.. . . . . 67, 68 Sankaragana, Rashtrakata ch., . 277 . 3 Saktikomara Vikramaditya, Chola k., 343, 345, 346 Baokaragana, m.. . . . . . 280 Bakyarakshita, Buddhist ascetic, . . 22, 25 Sankaravitaks, vi.. . . . . 106, 108 Salagardma, 8. a. Baligrāms, sur. of Kanhada- Sankha, ch., . . . . . . 75 dēva, . . . . . . 78 Sankhadava, m.,
88, 89 Salha, Chāhamāna prince, . 66, table opp. 78, 79 Sanskrit, used in Kanarese inscriptions, Saliga, m., . . . . . .: 44 Santalige, di... . Baligrāma, sur. of Kanhadadēva, . . . 78 Santānapayonidhi, tank, . . 314, 329 Salivahanasaptasati, work by Srinatha, . . 315 Santanasigara, do. . .
. .' 823 Salki, . th., Chalukya, dy. . . . . 943 Santanavårdbiki, do., .
. 819, 826 Salo, .. a. Salha, Chāhamāna prince,
79 Bantanu, legendary ancestor of Vijayanagara Salukki-Vijayādittan Vikkiannag, E. Chalu
kya ch., . . . . . . 293 Santisarman, brahman, . . . . 141 Saluva, dy., . . 316, 328, 880, 340 s. 2 Santivarman, Mafüra ch., . . 4,5,6 Salya, ch.. . . . . . . 78 Santisiä, ... . . . . . . 39 Samala, Pratihara,. . . . . 65 Sanals, di., . . lamaõjaapriyag, m., . . . . . 298 Sapada, co., .
. . 830 Samantasimha, Chahamana k., 60, 60, 77, Saptasatarishaya, di. . . . .se
table opp. 78, 307
sr, supervision, . . . . . Saman, . a. Sausara, Surdshtra ch., . 71
Sarabhapura, in . . . Samarapura, vi.. . . . . . 74
Saradavihali, ri.. . . . 277, 279, 280 Samarasimha, Chahamāna k., 53, 54, 74,
Sarvajõa Singamanida Rave, Volugoti oh., . 316
table opp. 78, 79 Barman, brahman . . . . 179 Sambayya, Bana ch., . . . . 288 Sarvalökháraya, sur. of Chalukya, VishņuvarSambbota, Thon-mi, Tibetan teacher, 267, 269 dhana, . . . . . 293 Samburiya, Sambuvardya, sur. of Raja
Sarvånanda, 7.,
. . . . 141 narayana, . . . . 250, 251 saanika käyastha .
. 149 Sambavariya, sur. of Venramapkonda, 261 Sastamangalam, in . .
. . 298 Bamipati, Samipati, vi.. . 29, 30, 34, 49, 69 Satallami, vi.. . . . 101, 103, 201 BarbnAnaka, . a. Sininaya, di. . 60,74 Satrubhañja, Orissa ch., . . . 98, 99 Sarhvatasi, Raval, s. a. Chahamana Saman- Satyaditagra, Chola ch., . . 348, 345, 346
. . . . . . 77 Satyapara, vi.. . . . 68, 65, 74, 75, 78 8&myatasinha, do.. .
58, 77 Satyapura jūti, brahman caste, . . 65 Bamvatasingha, do., .
€0.. 10 Satyakraya Vallabhåndra, .. a. Pulakekin II., . 840 Bamyantanitha, do...
77 Satyavakya Kongapivarman Permanadi Raja. Sanchori, branch of Chahaminas, . . . 79 malla, W. Ganga ky , 236, 236, 287 Sandán vishaya, di, . . . . . 199 savitabhatapratyly, . . . . 177 Sanders, .. a. Shandaraka, ui, . . . 68 Sausars, Surdoktra,chy .
. 71
200

Page #431

866
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
PAGE
267
.
PAGE Bauresēni, Prakrit . . . . . 105 Sirtti Rajamahadēvi, queen of Choļa Sehatanga, mo.. . . 306, 308, 312 Nedumudikkilli, . . . 233 sëi, measure, . . . 41, 50, 56 Sitakaraganda, sur. of Krishnapa,
329 seks, . . . . . 36 Sitakaraganda, sur. of Tirumalaraja, . 329 səlahasta, sila hátba, . . . , 58, 65 Sitakaragandahka, sur. of Virakrishpam, 320, 336 Bembiyagmådēvichcbēri, suburb, . . 298 sitka, well, . . . . . 33 Sembiyan Mávali Vanariya, Sur. of Siva, vi. . . . . 43, 44, 70 W. Ganga Prithivipati II.,
238 Sivagupta, s. a. Mahisivagupta Trikalinga Setga, teacher, . . . . .
k. . . 93, 103, 186, 187, 188, 197 beri, Fuburb, . . . . . . 292
292 Sivamára, W. Ganga k., . .237 Shaheen, Muhammedan warrior, . . 77 sivamara II., do. . . . . . 237 Shams-ud-din Altamish, Slade k., . . 76 Sivaratri, festival,
30, 43, 241, 289, 317 Shan, kings in Burma, . . . . 118 Sivasvamin, brāhman, . . . . 281 Shandoraka, .. a. Sandėra, vi., . , 47, 51 Eiyakadēva, Paramära b.
, 181, 182 Shandėraka, a. a. Sandzraka, Jaina sept. 31, 47 Skanda, brahmar, . .
112, 114 Shashthi, brähnay,, . . , 179 Skanda Bapadbiraj, Bäna k., , . 234, 235 shortnames, . . . . . . 91 Skandabhatta, minister, . Sidandámandala, di..
. 2011 Skandafishya Vikramavarman, Vijaya, Ganga Siddharija Jayasimha, Chaulukya k., founder Pallapa k., . . . . 234, 286
of ora, . . . . . 34 Sobhita, Sobhita, Chahamdna k., 65, 67, Siddhi, di. . . . . 349, 345, 346
table opp. 78, 79, 805 Sigada, m., .
. . 47 Sõbhrama, 8. a. Sõbhita, table opp. 78, 79 Siha, brāhman . .
, 175, 180 sõdhi, w., . . . . . . 61 silabbañjadeva, Orissa ch., . . 98, 99 södraoga,
. . . . 176 Bilabhañjapati, vi. . . . . 199 Sõhi, 1. a. Sobhita, Chalamana k.,
79 Biladitya I. Dharmaditya, Valabki k., . 116 Sõbita, do. . . . 806, 307, 308, 309
117 175, 179 Sohiya, do. . . . . . 67 Silainida, di, . . . . 222, 227 Sõlaippirn Subrahmanya, m.,
298 Bilastimin, brahmar . .
281 Solanki, s. a. Cbaulukya, dy. . . . 64 Bila, do. . . .
. 141 Sole-Plodiyan, *. a. Chole-Pandya, simi, definition of terw,
177 n. 1 Soma, ch.. . . . . . 62 Birinhaditya, Garulaka ch., .
17, 19 Sóminaka, brahman
. 800, 804 Sithana, Yadava k., . . . . 76 Soms , . . . . 298 Sithapura, vi.. . . . 109, 110, 111 Somasitha, Paramára k., . . . 76 Sithha-sahvat, name of ora, . . . 34 Sömavansi, dy. . . . . . 98, 186 Sinhavishņu, Chola ch., . 339, 341, 344, 845 Somidēva, Karnāfa ch., , . 328, 830 Sinknava, 4. a. Samnanaka, vi., . 49,74 Sõnagart, .ch Sönigari, Chokās clan, 26 Sinbyathikhio Tri Mingyi, Burmese k.. 118, 120 Sõnigan, Chohan clan, . 61, 78, table opp. 78, 79 Sindbutgovinda, sur. of Krishpapa, , 329 Sõniņi, pi.. . . . . Sindhugovinda, sur. of Tirumalaraja, 329 sõnari, master goldsmith, . . . 91 Sindhurija k.,
. . , 76, 888 roni, goldsmith, . . . . 61, 91 Sindhurijadáva, Paramāra k., .
sõparikara, . Singa Datta, m., .
104 Soremați, vi. Singayakishta, bräkmax. .
• 318 sötpadyamanavishţi, . Singhapa, 6. a. Simhana, Yadava ky .
spurious record,
. . . . . . 3f. Singogrima, vi.. .
Srivasti, os., . sin, ploughman, .
Srivastimandala, din Biriys. . . . . . . . 35
Bridanter, di.
. . . . 298 Sirõiyu, wi. . . . . . . 80 Bridarabhattan, *. . . . . 290

Page #432

INDEX.
367
pura,
y
.
.
.
.
.
.
184
199
818
PAGE 1
PAGE Sridhar, W.
Sundara-Pandya, Köpërimēlkondan JagavarSridhar, brākmann.
man, Pandya k. . . . . . 186 Sridhar, ving
. 329 Sundara-Pandya, Märavarman, do, 240 n. 5, 256 Brigiri, mo.,
Sandara Pandya, Mkravarman I., do., • 183, 134 Srikaytha, Chida ch., . . 341 with n. 3 Bundara-Pandya, Tribhuvanachakravartin, do. srikarana, oficial, . . . . 58
133, 134 Srimals, vi., .
56, 66, 74, 75 Sundarasölnchchēri, suburb. . . 298 Srimals, family, . . . . . 68 Sundara-Tol Mahavili-Vanadinkyar, Sundarat. Srinatha, poet, 314, 315, 316, 317, 319, 323, 326 töl Mahabali (Mavali) Våņădiriyar, Bāna Bringkrodipiki, commentary on Amaru by
. . . 310 Kömaţi-Vēma, . . . . 814, 315 Suprayoga, ri.,. . 839, 342, 345 Sridgkranaisbadhamu, poem by Srinatha, 315 surabhi-stone. . . . . . 33 Sripatiruchi, biruda of Rajanarēndra 980 Sürachanda, oi., . .
74,76 Sripura, din . . .
Suraditya, m., . . Griparasha Muttarasa, W. Ganga k., 237 Sāraks, brahman
. 300, 303 Srirangariya, see Rabgarsya. : : : Süramimba, queen of Reddi ch. Pedda Kömati Briásila, mo.. . . . 314, 316 n. 2, 320 Vėms, . .
315, 319, 323, 328 Srivachchha, .. . . . . . 94 Baramimbiki, do. . . 314, 329 Brivachhu, 97., . . . . .
Strapala, m., Srivallabha, Pandya prince,
Surtshfra, co. .
. 71 Brivallagrima, vi. .
Strayabishta, bråkman Srob-btsan-sgam-po, Tibetan k., 266, 267, 269 Särp raka, in .
. 220 sTag-bzer-ha-nyen, minister,
Surri Sankaran, m.. .
• 208 Tag-gzigs, do. . . . . . . 275
Suryadinna, brālman,
. 179 Tag-sgra, do..
Suryavarman, Magadha k.,. . . 186, 193 sthali, district . .
Suvska, Irakmay, . . . 300, 304 Sthali, di. . .
Suvarnagiri, s. a. Kanchanagiri, mo., 60, 61 othitaka, perpetual grant,
58 Suvarnapura, vi.. . . . 98, 101, 801 Stbiropadhyaya, brahman
• 197
Svimibhatta, brahmay, . . , 277, 9A0 Bubbathlon, w..,
.
44, 61 Svimikarija, Rashtrakufa,. . . 977, 280 Rubhata, .. a. Sahadasalya, Paramara ch., 64 svatala . . . . . . 61 6 Sadraga, Rashtrakata,
Byena, brahman, . . . . 81 Suhadapkls, ., . . . . 61 Subadasala, Suhadakalya, Paramara ch., 65, table opp. 78
.278ff. Sukhasvimin, brāhmar, . .
281
Takari, Takkara, vi.. . . 199 salepila, . . . . . . 27
• 200 Sumneri, vi.. . . . . . 306, 312 Talsõjarakil, vi. or ma, . . Sandara-Chol Chola k.. . . 293. 8 talerkbhavy , . . Sandara-Chola-Pandīšaram-Udaiyar, te., 293 .. 10 Tali, .,. . . Sandara-Chöln-Pandya, Jatavarman, Chola- Talikota, pi. . .
• 326 Pandya prince, .. . , 293, 294, 297 Tallay, brdhmay, . Sandarananda, Chola ch., . . 839, 341, 845 Tath pavi, ving .
149, 153 Sandaru-Paody Jaţăvarman, Pandya ke. Tandavüra, di,
5 184, 254, 255, 256 Tatkubhattariki, god don,
148, 153 Sundar -Pandya, Jatavarman I., do., 134, Tap-Porandam, ti.. . .
. . 297 240n. 5, 256, 257 Tapasiya, vi. . . . . 106, 108 Sandara Pandya, Jatavarman II, do 136f., Taramunti, oi., . .
849 267, 268, 269 Tatapinnama, Karpda che . . . 828, 830
.
149, 168
228
.
318

Page #433

868
Tathaka, m., Tatpurusha, m., Tējapala, ch.,
Tējasimha, Chahamana k.,
Telatata, co.,
Telanga Raya, Saluva ch..
Tennär, di.,
Thadomin, m.,
Thallaka, Jaina,.
Thambhila, vi.,
Tihună, f.,
Tihunaka, ári, Chahamana queen,
Tihupaka, Chahamāna k..
Timmapura, vi.,.
timmira,
Tinishaka, vi.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
•
.
118, 119 31 . 32 51
Thamtha, m.,
Thon-mi Sambhota, Tibetan teacher, 266, 267, 269
Tibetan alphabet,
.266ff.
tiger crest, of Cholas,.
·
Tirumalāmbika, s. a. Tirumaladevi,
Tirumalaraja, Tirumalaraya, Karnata ch., Tirumangai Alvar, Vaishnava saint,
Tirupper, vi.,
Tirapparambiyam, vi.,
Tiruvälisvara, te.,
Tiruvaranga Narayana Kramsvittan, m., Tiravellarai, vi.,
Tivērēkhěta, vi.,
Todankana, vi.,
337
61
32
table opp. 78 329, 335 282 106, 108 319
•
Tirpayasishta, brahman Tirumaladevi, queen of Rangaraya I., 328, 331, 333 Tirumalai Mahavili Vaṇadirayar, Muttarasa,
Bāna ch.
Topḍaimandalam, Tondainaḍu, di.,
Tousala, vi.,
Traikitaka, dy.,
72 table opp.78
201
316
158
Trailōkyahamsa, brāhmaṇ,
Tralokyamalla, Kara, Chalukya k
·
.
Tiruvengadakottam, di.,
Tiravippirambedu, Tiruvirperambēdu, Tiruvir
pirambēdu, vi.,
Tivara, Kosala ch.,
Trairajya, co.,
tri, abbreviation for trivēda, Tribhuvanachakravartin Konérimaikondan,
Pandya k.,
•
PAGE
.
56 Trikundapura, vi.,
39 Triküta, mo.,
240
328, 331 327. 156 298
. 237
295 298
155, 158
227, 228
•
222, 223, 224, 227, 228 103, 185, 186 n. 4, 187 277, 278, 280
185, 188, 196
•
231
306, 311
219, 220, 221
197 69
341 n. 1, 345 175 n. 5
Tribhuvanamalla, Vikramaditya, VI., W. Chalukya k., Trikalinga, co., 93, 96, 103, 141, 148, 162, 153,
Trilingavishaya, di., Trilochana, Pallava k. Trilochanapura, vi,
"
Trinayana, Trinētra, s. a. Trilochana, Pallava
k.,
Tripalakéévara, god,
Tripurusha, do., .
Trivikrama, brahman,
Triyambaki, vi.,..
188, 198
graphy,. Tthindaka. m.,
Ttimată, ch.
Talenda, s. a. Tralenḍā, vi, Tulum vakhanda, di., .
Traleṇḍā, vi.,
Tson-kha-pa, reformer of Tibetan ortho
Tambaneri, tank,
Tummāņa, vi.,
. 272
. 108 35
102, 199 199 . 225 186 317, 325
Tungabhadra, ri.,
Turkistan, supposed home of Tibetan alphabet, 269
Turushka, s. a. Muhammedan, 65, 68, 71, 72,
tarashkadanda, Turvana, vi,
•
Uddagiri, vi., Udharana, Guhila ch.,
240 n. 5 Udayasiha, thakura,
[VOL. XI.
PAGE 4, 5, 6 220 317, 325 340 with notes 340 m. 4
u,
a, added after final consonant, written instead of li, Ubhayakhinjalimandala, di.. Uchchhavanaga, m., uchyamana, about to be mentioned, Udayagiri, vi.,
Udayakumara, Chola prince, Udayana, general, Udayana, Sabara ch... Udaiyar Sola-Pandyadeva, Jatavarman, ChōlaPandya prince,
• 293 Udaiyar Sundara Chōla-Pandyadeva, do., ⚫ 297 Udayasimha, Chahamana k., 56, 74, 75, 76, table opp. 78 328, 332 36, 70 56
Udi Sah, s. a. Udayasimha, Chahamāna k., . 75 344 n. 2 Uhlasagarman, m.,
•
96 . 179
65
340 with n. 5 39 . 39 196 306, 311 199
U
Ujjhakra, brähmas, Umata, family,
•
73, 75, 76 21, 26 199
.
35, 36, 38, 41, 42
140 98
96, 98, 104
.
85 . 329 . 233 71
103, 104, 187
•

Page #434

INDEX.
369
.
104
PAGE unlucky days :Bhadrapada 10th sukla, .
• 248 Märgadirshs 10th bakla . . 253 Upalaundi, di., . . . . . 22, 25 Uppalarika, m., . . . . . . 29 Urahari, well,. . . . . . 49 Urigolasuratrana, sur, of Rangariya II., 328, 334 Uriya alphabet, evolved, .
. . Uravapalli, vii,. . .
342 Utkala, di., . . .22, 26, 328 Uttama-Chöļa, Chola k., . . 293 n. 8 Uttamasiha, Rashtrakūta, . . . . 47 Uttamasõlachcheri, suburb, . . . . 298 Uttamasõlavalanādu, di., .
205 Uttarapalli, Uttarapalliks, di., Ottimarija, n., . . . . . . 29 Uttiranmērür, vi,. .
95
224
Vachchha, s. a. Vatsa, legendary Chahanana k., 306 vada, ward, . .
. . 38 Vada, di, . . . . . 21, 25 vadaharaka, . . . . . . 27 vidau, S. a. vada, ward,
. 98 Vadavalinida, di.. . . . . . 155 Vidayarāja, Chotta, ., . . 148, 153 Vadiga, m., . .
39 Vadivēkilli, Chola k., . . . . 233 n. 3 Vadrada, Paramāra,. . . . . 65 Vadugavali, Vadugavali Mērka, Vadagavaliyin Mērku, di,
224, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231 Vägbhatamēru, vi. . . . . . 74 Vighēla, dy. . . . . 75, 76 Vägivararakshita, Buddhist ascetic, 22, 25 Vagramarēga, Vagramarēgra, Vagramariga, Vagramarigra, m., . .
209, 210, 211 Vahadasiha, Chahamana k., 76, 77, table opp. 78 Vaidumba, family, , . 148, 159, 235, 239 Vaija, Vaijāka, Vaijalladēva, general,. 70 Vaikuntha, festival, . . . . 253 Vairisalya, Paramāra ch., . Vaitarani, ri., . Vajrahasta I., E. Ganga k.,. . . 152 Vajrahasta II., do.. . . . . 152 Vajrahasta III., do., . . 147, 148, 163 Vakaveddi, vi.. . . . . 101, 198 Vakpatiraja, Chakamāna k., 67, table opp. 78 Vakpatini), Paramāra k., , .67, 181, 182 Vakra, &. a, Vagrain Vagramarēga,
210
PAGE Vakratentali, vi. .
94, 201 vala, Valabhi, di., 80, 81, 106, 108, 109, 110, 112,
113, 115, 117, 178 Valahi, vi. . . . . . 32, 33 Valhana, m., .
. . . 32 Vallabhaghosha, m., . . . . . 103 Vallabhasishta, brahma,
• 318 Vallaghosha, m., . Vallagrima, fri, vi.
. 199 Vallava, dy. . . Vāmadēva, Kalachuri ch... . . 141 Vámana, brāhman, . . . , 181, 183 Vāmana, m., . . . . : 197 Vāmanabbatta, Bana, poet,
. . . 916 Vāmandăpăţi, vi, . . . 189, 201 Vaméadhari, ri., . . . 148, 149, 158 Vaņādariyay, Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya officer,
240 n. 5 Vāņādariyar, Sundarattól Udaiyar, Bāna ch.. 240 Vāṇadharaya, Mahabali, Bāņa ch., , . 840 Vaņadhariyan, designation of Pandya throne,
240 n. 5 Vanagappaļi, di., . . . . 238, 239 vanajaraka, vanijaraka, tribe.
39, 42 Vanakoppādi, di.. . . . . . 23 Vanakõvadaraiyar, 8. a. Baņa k. . .289 Vanakovaraiyar, do. . . . . . 989 Vanapadra, vii,. . . . 186, 188, 196 Vānaparam, vi., . . . . . . 232 Vánarija, Vanarasa, 8. a. Banarasa, 236, 239 Vánardya, do.. . . . . . 221 ff. Vánariyar, Kulakekhara Mababali, Pandya
prince,. . . . . . 240 .. 8 Vanavanmidēvichoberi, suburb,. . . 298 Vannviisi, 8. a. Banavisi, di.
. 4 Vaņavidyadhara Mababali Vanariya, s.a.
Banavidyadhara, Bana l. . . 226ff. Vanavira, Chahamāna k., 62, 63, 78,
table opp. 78, 79 Vandhusvämin, brahmar, . . . . 281 Vangala, co., . . . . . . 140 vapijjárska, 6. a. vapajaraka, tribe,
99 Vanthali, di, . . . . . . 76 Varabayappa, m., . . . , 339, 336 Varadabhatta, brahma, . . . 338, 334 Varaguna, Pandya k., . . Varthadasa I., Garulaka ch., . , 17, 19 Varahad sa II., do. . . . . 17, 19
3B

Page #435

370
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
•
149
PAGE
PAGE Varahavartani, di. .
Venrumapkopda Sambu varaya, ch., . . 251 Varanasi, vi.. . . . . . . 25 Vepvēkilli, # . Chola k. Nedumudikkilli, Várkasikataka, vi.. . . . . .
233r. 3 Varavisi, Buddhist monk,
. 118, 120 Véppambolappal, field,
PPoca, . . . . 224 Vargullaks, ti., . . . . 185, 188, 197 Vērā, vi., . . . , 306, 306, 311, 312 Värimayiletti, vi.. . .
295, 297 Vidabhi, vi.. . . . . . 141 Varman, dy.
. 195 Vidēlvidugo, Muttaraiyan ch.,. . .156 Vartula, alphabet,
. 266, 267, 270 Vidēlvidaguebaturvėdimangalam, ui, 156 n. 2 Varanasiü, m., . .
. . 38 Vidyadharabbaõjadēva Dharmakalaba, Orissa Vasantapöri, queen of Chola Punyakumira, 342 ch., . . . . . . 98, 99 Visati qucon of Harshagupta, . . 185, 195 vidyadhikarin, official, . . . 315 Visavanandin, brākman, . . . 197 Vidyānanda, .. . . . . . 141 Vastapala, minister, . . . . 75,76 Vighnamardana Kshetrapala, god, . . . 69 Vasu, brāhman, . . . . . . 179
Vigrahapala, Chahamana k., 68, vãou, toard, . .
. 38
table opp. 78, 305, 307, 809 Vasukiya, vi... . . . . 109, 111
Vigraharaja, do. . . . . 67, 68, 71 Vatanagarasthali, di., .
175, 180 Vihara, vi.. . . . . . 91, 35 Vatapadraka, vi.. .
181, 182
Vijada Daśasyandana, Chāhamana k., . . 78 Vatapallika, ei., .
110 Vijaisi, .. a. Vijayasinha, do... . . . 79 Vatast balika, miread instead of Vatapallika,. 110 Vijaya, legendary ancestor of Vijayanagara dy, Vatsa, brälman, . . . . 175, 179
330 Vatsa, legendary Chāhamāna k., .
307 Vijnyabaha Vikramaditya II., Bāna k., . 232 Vatsabhatti, ., . . . . . .
Vijayadantivikramavarman, s. a. Ganga Vatsavahaka, ri. .
. . 81 Pallava Dantivarman .
222 Vayvahali, vi... .
Vijayādittan Vikkiannan, Salukki, E. Chalukya Viyada, family . . . . . 76
. . . . 294 Vayajaladeva, 6. a. Voijaka, general, , . 70 Vijayaditya, legendary Chalukya k., 340 toith n. 5 Vayiramēgap, Pallata k.,. . . 156
Vijvyaditya I., Baņa k., . . . 332 Vēdagarbha, brahmar, .
Vijayaditya II., do, . .
222 Velanāņdu, di., . . 317, 318, 825
Vijayaditya Mabali Vånariya, 8. a. Bara k. Vélarkurichohi, vi.. .
Vijayaditya II., . . 294
. . .
. .
.229 Vélkula, m., .
69 Vijayaditya Mahabali Vāņariya, do.. . 297 Vēlēti, vi.. . . . : 329, 335
Vijayaditya Mahävali Vaņarāya, 6. a. Bäna k. Velleri, tank,
223, 226
Vijayāditya I., . , 225, 229, 234, 235 Velngoți, family, . . . . 316, 317
Vijayāditya Māvali Vănariya, s.a. Bāņa k. Vēma I., Roddi ch., . . . 314, 320, 325
Vijayaditya II., . . . , 235, 237 Vēma II., do... . 314, 315, 321, 323, 325
Vijayaditya Pugalvippavarganda, do., 232, 237 Vēmabhupaliya, poem by Vámanabhatta Bana, 316
Vijayaditya Vanaraya, do., . .
228 Vema-Reddi, Reddi prince, . : 316
Vijayaditya Virachūlāmaņi Prabhumēru, Vēmaya, 6. a. Pedda Kömativēma, Reddi ch., 319
Mahávali Vanarasa, do., @) . . 335 Vēmaya Rachavemana, Reddi ch., . 919, 826
Vijaya-Távaravarman, Ganga-Pullava ch., 295 Vengada-Köftam, di., .
222, 227, 228
Vijayanagara, dy., . . . . 316, 328ff. Vongolambo, queen of Tirumalarly, 328, 333
Vijayanandivikramavarman, . a. GangaVengi, co, . . . 288, 338, 340
Pallava Nandivikramavarman, , 236 Vérgyatribhuvanimalla, sur. of Rangariya II.,
Vijayanarasith havarman, 8. a. Ganga.Pailava
Narasimba Vikramstarman . . 235
328, 334 | Vijayapila, m... . . . . . 61 Venkata II, Vijayanagara k., . 327, 328
Vijayasimhhs, Chāhamana k., . table opp. 78 Vebkatadri, do. . . . . 328, 331
Vijayaskandasishya Vikramavarman, GangaVenkatadrinkyaka, ck., .
329 Pallata k.. . . . . 234, 235
197

Page #436

Vikāmasi, s. a. Chahamana, Vikramasinha Vikrama-Chola, Chola k., 121, 122, 154n.3,
.
Vikramaditya
Baṇakandarpa
Jayamēru, Mahavali Banarasa, s. a. Bana k. Vikramaditya I.,.
222, 243, 244 Vikrama-Chola-Pandya, Mara varman, ChōlaPandya ch.,
Vikramaditya I., Bāna k.,
Vikrama varman, Vijayaskandasishya, Ganga
Pallava k.,
Vilha, m., viméopaka, coin,
Vinayachandrasuri, Jaina,
Vinayaditya, E. Ganga k.,
Vinayaka, m.,
Vikramaditya-Bempanadhiraja, Chōla k., Vikramaditya Chōla-Mahārāja, do., Vikramaditya Chōla-Mahārājādhiraja do..
225
343, 345, 346 Vikramaditya Mavali Vanaraya, Bāna k. 224, 225, 229, 234, 235 Vikramaditya Mavali Vaṇaraya, s. a. Bāņa k., Vikramaditya I.,. Vikramaditya, Saktikomara, Chōla k., 343, 345, 346 Vikramaditya II, Vijayabahu, Bana k., 232, 235, 236, 237 Vikramaditya VI. Tribhuvanamalla, W. Chalukya, k.,
"
Vikrama-Pandya, Jaṭavarman, Pandya k... Vikrama-Pandya, Maravarman, do., Vikrama-Pandya-Vanādarayan, Pandya officer
344 n. 2 139 265
240 n. 5
Vikramasimha, Chahamäna k., 65, table opp. 78, 79 Vikramasimhapura, n., 316 n. 2 Vikramavarman, Narasimha, Ganga-Pallava k., 234 Vikramavarman, Nripatunga, do.,
229
Vira, m.,
Virabhadra, Bhanja ch., Virabhadra, Reddi ch., Vira-Bhuriśrava, m.,
.
234 50
41, 59
63
152 39
Vinayakavata, a sacred fig tree,
148, 153 Vinayamahadevi, queen of E. Ganga Kāmār
nava,
Vinikondapura, vi.,
Vinitapura, vi., viniyaktaka,
Vinukonda Vallabbamatya, perhaps s. a. poet
Srinatha,
.
INDEX.
.
PAGE 79
.
293
232
235
313
343
•
148, 153 328, 333
96, 102, 186, 188, 189, 199, 200
176.
•
PAGE
Virachūlāmaņi, sur. of Bana Vijayaditya II., 235
Viradhavala, Vaghela k.
75, 76
Virahēmmāliraya, Karnata ch., Virakrishnama, ch..
330 329, 336 76
Virama, Väghēlā ch.,
Virama, Viramadeva, Chahamana k., 78 with table Viramagadan Rajarajadevan Ponparappinan Magadaipperumal, Bana k.,
.
.
Vira-Pandya, Maravarman. do..
Viraparumar, Vanakōvaraiyar, Bana k., Virarajendra, Chola k.,
Viraramanathadeva, Hoysala k., Virasēna, Svāmin, k., Virasiha, ch.,
Virigu, brähman, Viripariti, vi.,
Yadu, race,
Yadava, dy.,
Yajuan, m.,
Viramangalam, vi.,
Virana, m.,
Viranarayana, sur. of Vêma II., Vira-Pandya, Pandya k.,
Vira-Pandya, Jatavarman, do., 133, 137ff.,
Visvesvarabhatta, brāhmaṇ, Vithinātakamu, play by Srinatha, Vöripadyaka, vi.,
Vyaghrasena, Traikutaka k., vyāsa, reciter, vyavaharana, administration,
•
•
315
298
99 316
Yakshadinna, brahman,
148, 153 Yasahkarpa, Kalachuri k.,
.
Y
Virarajendra Chōladeva, sur. of Kulottunga III.,.
.
•
•
121, 125, 244, 245
155 86, 87
65
38 342 73
155, 156, 158
109, 111
Visadhavaladeva, Chahumana ch.,. Visaiyanallülän, m., Visakha, m., Visala, Vaghela ch., Visalapriya-dramma, coin Vishnudēva, brahmans, Vishnukundin, dy., Vishnusarman, brāhmaṇ,
76 58
196, 300, 303
344 109, 111 344 n. 2
Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k., Vishnuvardhana Mahārāja, Sarvalōkäśraya, do., 293 Vistirnasila, vi, (?) 148, 153
317, 318, 319, 325
315
48
219, 220, 221 56, 65. 146
•
.
240 n. 5, 266
. 266
.
•
.
239 223, 228
329, 336
315, 323
293 n. 8
371
.
239 293
63. 72, 75 298 300, 303 146

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372
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XI.
Раев,
PAGE Yalapati, brahma,. . . . 800, 808 Yayati, sur. b Trikalinga k. Mahasivagupta, Yasõbbita, Sailodbhava ch., 282, 283, 284, 285
96, 102, 103, 104, 189 Yabōdēva, general,
. 80
Yayati, sur. of Trikalinga k., Mahabhavagupta, 187 Yafödér, h., . . . . .
. .
58 Yayatinagara, oi., 186, 188, 189, 200, 201 Yaforija, . .
Yellayaáishta, brāhmas, . . . Yasovira, 9., . . . . . . 63 Yogēsvara, m.,. . . . . . 73 Yasovira, n., . . . . . . 54 Yojaka, Chahamana k., . . . . 69 Yabörigrabs, Gahadavāla k.,
Yuddhisura, sur. of Rashtraküța Nannaraja, ystri, . . . .
276, 277 Yayati legendary ancestor of Vijaynagara y ugandhari, . . . . . . 46 dy. . . . . . . .830 Yavarijaděya, Kalachuri k.,
140

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_