Indian Antiquary Vol 60

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications

Page 74

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
gracious farman that would satisfy him." This farman is said to have been taken by Karna accom. panied by all the Sardars to the Mahârânâ, who most reluctantly agreed to accept it, saying: "If this be the desire of all of you, what can I, alone, do ?" (p. 808). Although by this settlement the Maharana's personal honour was not directly compromised, he realized that it spelt surrender and felt it so bitterly that he handed over the administration of the state to Karna and retired to a life of seclusion in his palace. "Thus," as our author expresses it, "approximately 1050 years after Guhila came the ond of the independence of Mewaṛ."
[ MARCH, 1931
respects the most interesting event of his rule was the forcible levy of contributions from his people and the oppression on this account of the Bhâts, of whom some 2,000 are said to have committed suicide, having regard to the prestige possessed by this caste in former times in Râjpûtânâ and western India.
A new chapter in the history of Mewar opens with the rule of Jagatsimha II (1734-51). From his time onwards the power and influence of Mewâr gradually declined. The Marâțhas had become paramount in northern India and completely overawed the puppet emperors of Delhi. Having exacted chauth from the weakling Muḥammad Shah, they soon began to levy contributions in the Rajpûtânâ. states. More than once the Rajpût princes attempted to form a coalition against this danger, but without success, owing to their mutual dissensions. In the quarrel over the Jaipur succession between 1svarisimha and Madhavasimha the Mahârânâ unfortunately called in Holkar; and from that time onwards the story is one continuous record of Maratha invasion, plunder and oppression. The quarrels between the Rajpût states themselves became more frequent, weakening further their power of resistance, till in the time of Mahârânâ Bhimasimha (1778-1828) we find Mewâr and the neighbouring states being laid waste by the armies of Sindhiyâ and Holkar and the Pindârî hordes in turn. There is no respite from this turmoil till the British ultimately assume control. "From the time of Jaitrasimha," writes the Mahâmahopadhyaya, "down to the time of Rajasimha (approximately 450 years) the rajas of Mewar had fought continuously with the Muhammadans, yet the power of Mewar was not exhausted; but in 60 years the Marhatas had caused such ruin that had not the treaty been made with the English government, the whole of Mewar would have been merged in their dominions." When the negociations for this treaty opened, the plight of Mewar was such that "the Rana's treasury was quite empty; such jewels as remained had been sold; the country was like a barren waste; and many of the inhabitants had emigrated" and settled in Malava, Harauti and other provinces." Such were the conditions when Captain James Tod first visited Mewâr in the suite of the British Agent with Daulat Rao Sindhiyâ. It was to this stricken Jand, so full of glorious memories, and its romantic and chivalrous people that he later devoted the best years of his life. Tod was rewarded-and no public servant can receive a higher or more gratify. ing reward-by the deep affection with which his name is still cherished in Rajputana. The author of the Rajputáne kd Itihas will likewise be gratefully remembered in that land and by all students of its history. We thank him for the pleasure enjoyed in reading the first three fascicules of this fine work, and look forward to its successful completion. C. E. A. W. O
Ever since this time, it would appear, Khurram retained feelings of warm friendship towards Karna. Testimony to this friendship is found on pp. 824-25, where we are told that during his rebellion against his father, and after his defeat at Bilochpur, Khurram visited Karna at Udayapur on his way to Mândû, and when leaving exchanged turbans with Karna, who deputed Raja Bhimasimha to accompany and help him. This is the 'Bhim Singh' of whom we find frequent mention in the Muhammadan histories as one of Khurram's most active and capable generals. This friendship with Karna, however, did not persist with his son, Jagatsimha, or his grandson, Rajasimha I, with whom strife occurred in the latter part of Shahjahan's reign over the rebuilding of the fortifications of Chitor. After Aurangzeb's accession the tension became worse. There were several reasons for this, all of which have been clearly set forth by our author on pp. 847-79. Aurangzeb's rancour was aroused by being foiled in his desire to marry Charumati, the beautiful sister of Manasimha of Kisangarh. His religious intolerance towards the Hindus was possibly aggravated by this. At all events about this time he pursued vigorously his suicidal policy of destroying temples and images and of re-imposing and enforcing with the utmost rigour the insulting and detested jizya tax-a policy that undermined the foundations of the Mughal empire, and operated perhaps more than any other cause towards its ultimate disruption. It was the enforcement of the jizya that led to the writing of the remarkable letter addressed to Aurangzeb, which Orme attributed to Jaswantsimha of Jodhpur, and Tod to Rajasimha, and which Sir Jadunath Sarkar thinks was written by Sivaji. MM. G. H. Ojha discusses the authorship of this letter at some length, and for the reasons stated by him, comes to the conclusion that it was written by Rajasimha. In this connexion he points out that Ramasimha may be regarded as being at that time the chief of the Rajpût rajas in attendance at the Mughal court, and 80 referred to in the letter as Hinduon ka mukhiyd.
The next Maharana of special note was Amarasimha II (1698-1710), who is still remembered in Mewar as a great organizer in consequence of his numerous administrative and other regulations. In some Tazuk-i-Jahangir, trans. Rogers and Beveridge, vol. I, p. 274.